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t-KO-/T\v rfj<; Tovpxoxpoccuxz, Salonica 1983; D. Nalpandis (ed.), Thessaloniki and its monuments, Thessaloniki 1985; S. Vryonis, The Ottoman conquest of Thessaloniki, in A. Bryer and H. Lowry (eds.), Continuity and change in late Byzantine and early Ottoman society, Birmingham-Washington D.C. 1986, 281-321; Delilbasi, Selanik ve Yanya'da Osmanli egemenliginin kurulmasi, in Belleten, cli, no. 199 (April 1987), 75-106; Minna Rozen, Contest and rivalry in the Mediterranean maritime commerce in the first half of the eighteenth century: the Jews of Salonica and the European presence, in REJ, cxlvii (1988), 309-52; M. Kiel, A note on the exact date of construction of the White Tower of Thessaloniki, in idem, Studies on the Ottoman architecture of the Balkans, London 1990, no. VI; idem, Notes on the history of some Turkish monuments in Thessaloniki and their founders, in ibid., no. I; S.J. Shaw, The Jews of the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic, New York 1991 (ample bibl.); Meropi Anastassiadou, Les inventaires apres deces de Salonique a la fin du XIX1 siecle: source pour I'etude d'une societe au seuil de la modernisation, in Turcica, xxv (1993), 97136; Esther Benbassa and A. Rodrigue, Juifs des Balkans, espaces judeo-iberiques, XIVe-XXe siecles, Paris 1993; G. Veinstein (ed.), Salonique, 1850-1918, La "ville des Juifs" et le reveil des Balkans, Paris 1993 (incs. extensive bibl.); Maria Kabala, Eppouoi CJTO TtXotiato too e8&T)vi(jiou ptpocTOu; BtpXioypacpla, in $ynchrona Themata, lii-liii (July-December 1994), 10617; Yildiz Sertel, Annem Sabiha Sertel kimdi neleryazdi, Istanbul 1993, 15-79 (social life of donmes'm Selamk and emigration to Istanbul); Delilbasi, Via Egnatia and Selanik (Thessaloniki) in the sixteenth century, in E. Zachariadou (ed.), Via Egnatia, Rethymon, in press. (SURAIYA FAROQHI) SELANlKI, MUSTAFA EFENDI (d. ca. 1008?/ 1600?), O t t o m a n official and h i s t o r i a n . Almost nothing is known of his early life or family background, or when he was born and died, but he identified himself with Salonica [see SELANIK] and called himself Seldniklu and apparently reached old age. What is known stems almost entirely from his History (see below), in which he details his official appointments, his presence at various military events during the reign of Siileyman KanunT (e.g. during the Szigetvar campaign in Hungary of 1566) and his sue-
SELANIKI — SELIM I cessors and his own views on affairs. Amongst the many official posts which he held were mukata^adji of the Haramayn (till 988/1580); he was a dawdddr; he was secretary of the silahddrs and then of the SipahTs [q.v.] (till 996/1589); in 999/1591 the Grand Vizier Ferhad Pasha appointed him ruzndmedji [q. v. ]; he became muhasebedji of Anatolia (1007/1599); and shortly thereafter he disappears from recorded history. The Ta^nkh-iSeldmki begins with events of 971/1563 and closes with the escape of the Voivode Kasim from custody in Shawwal 1008/May 1600, thus touching on four reigns up to that of Mehemmed III. It is more a diary of events which came to the writer's notice than a formal chronicle, the composition of which he might have intended to do later. It becomes progressively more detailed from the end of Murad Ill's reign (1003/1595). Rather than consulting other histories, Selanlkl seems to have relied on his contacts with the leading men of state and on official documents from the Diwdn-i Humdyun and elsewhere for his information; as well as mentioning the viziers of the time, he mentions also the poet Bakf [q.v.] and the Sheykh ulIsldm Sunc Allah Efendi. Although the History is a prime source for the period, it does not seem to have been widely used or copied (yet over 25 ms. copies of it exist today) until the early 12th/18th century. The treatment of common events in e.g. PecewT, Katib Celebi and Na c ima is quite different, but Solak-zade clearly used it, without making acknowledgement. A feature of Selamki's work is that he not only relates events but also includes criticisms of these events and of what he perceived as the general decline of the Ottoman state; the ups-and-downs of his own official career, with its frequent appointments and dismissals, may have affected his attitude here. The History was partially printed at Istanbul in 1281/1864-5, but no complete, critical edition existed till that of Mehmet Ipsirli, pp. LXXXV + 1,008, Istanbul 1989. Bibliography. Von Hammer, GOR, iii, 750, iv, 168, 181, 185d, 243, 435; Babinger, GOW, 136-7; Ipsirli, Mustafa Selaniki and his History, in Tarih Enstitusil Dergisi, ix (1978), 417-72; L4, art. Selaniki (Bekir Kutiikoglu). (MEHMET IPSIRLI, shortened by the Editors) SELCUK [see A'YA SOLUK]. SELIM I, in official documents Sellmshah, nicknamed Yavuz or the Grim, n i n t h O t t o m a n sultan (reigned from 7 Safar 918/24 April 1512 to 8 Shawwal 926/21 September 1520), conqueror of eastern Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt, and the first Ottoman sultan entitled Khadim al-Haramayn alSharTfayn or Servitor of Mecca and Medina. The struggle for the t h r o n e , 1509-13. To comprehend the circumstances and nature of the fierce struggle for the throne between Bayezld's three sons Korkud, Ahmed and Sellm, we have to keep in mind that Turco-Mongol peoples firmly believed that sovereignty was granted exclusively by God and no human arrangement could determine who is going to be next on the throne. In fact, when the throne became vacant, the prince who was able first to reach the capital city and take control of the treasury had the best chance to be recognised as ruler. So each of the sons of the reigning sultan tried to get the governorship nearest to Istanbul. Although respected as an intellectual versed in Islamic law and the fine arts, Korkud was thought to be less apt for an Ottoman ruler. Described as just and generous in Ottoman sources, Ahmed was at the beginning the most popular of the princes, and the
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many of the great men of state, including the Grand Vizier CA1T and the ^ulemd^, wanted him to succeed. The youngest of the three princes, Selim was born in 875/1470-1 in Amasya from prince Bayezld (Bayezld II) and cAyshe (cADishe), the daughter of the Dhu '1Kadrid ruler cAla° al-Dawla. When the rivalry for the throne began in 1509, Ahmed was governor of Amasya, nearest to Istanbul while Korkud was the governor of the distant sandjak of Antalya and Sellm that of Trebizond, the farthest of all. In 1509 Bayezfd II [q.v.], an ailing old man, was believed incapable of leading the empire's armies against Shah IsmacTl I [q.v.] of Persia, who had become a serious threat to the Ottomans, not only on the eastern frontiers of the empire but also within Anatolia through the activities there of his Turcoman sympathisers. In 1507, the Shah's invasion of the Dhu '1-Kadr [q.v.] principality, during which he passed over the Ottoman lands and enrolled in his army Turcomans who were Ottoman subjects, was considered a daring violation of Ottoman sovereignty. While Bayezfd avoided any open conflict, Sellm from Trebizond took the initiative and in retaliation raided the Shah's territory as far as Bayburd and Erzincan. In Istanbul, this was interpreted as insubordination and caused the first rift between the sultan and his son. While, by his submissive attitude, Prince Ahmed was favoured by the sultan and the Grand Vizier, Sellm became the symbol of an aggressive policy. Selim, however, declared that his concern was not to secure the throne but to save the empire from the havoc in which it had fallen. Openly criticising his father's inactivity, he showed himself as a champion of the warfare against heretics as well as Christians. Already from Trebizond he had organised raids into the neighbouring Georgia. His ghazd activities, used as political propaganda, won him the favour of the Janissaries, the timariot Sipahls and Akindjis [q.v.] in Rumeli. It was the military campaigns that gave opportunity to these military classes to get promotion, more valuable ttmdrs or booty. In reality, for Sellm this was a struggle for survival since his and his son Siileyman's lives would be at stake should one of his brothers become sultan. Since there was little chance for him to reach Istanbul when the throne became vacant, he insisted that his governorship be exchanged for one in Rumeli. In this strategy, his first success was to secure the governorship of Kefe [q.v.] or Caffa for Suleyman (August 1509). When the news reached him that Bayezid was ill and was prepared to abdicate in favour of prince Ahmed, Korkud and Sellm suddenly left their seats, the former moving from Tekke to Manisa and the latter from Trebizond to Caffa. In fact, BayezTd favoured Ahmed as his successor, and openly expressed this at a meeting. From Caffa, Sellm insisted that he be appointed to a sandjak on the Danube, ostensibly to fight against the "unbelievers". When this was denied, he crossed the Danube at the head of about 3,000 men and marched toward Adrianople (March 1511). CA1I Pasha had the sultan declare Sellm a rebel, and BayezTd led an army of 15,000 to Adrianople, ordering at the same time all the Rumelian troops to join him there. At this juncture, one of the khalifes of Shah Ismacfl in Tekke [q.v.], taking advantage of the anarchical conditions in the empire, rose up and with his fanatical Kizflbash [q.v.] followers and others, defeated the imperial troops sent against him (early March 1511). Korkud and Ahmed were held responsible for this critical situation, which strengthened further Selim's position. Under these conditions, BayezTd eventually yielded and agreed to
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give Sehm the governorship of Semendere [q. v.] or Smederovo. The sultan also vowed that "while he was alive he would not allow any of his sons to replace him in the sultanate and said that, at his death, it will be God's decision who would succeed him." Believing that he had pacified Sellm, Bayezid returned to Istanbul (24 August 1511). When Ahmed learned of the agreement between his father and SelTm, he feared that Sellm would become powerful enough to seize the throne, so he himself threatened to rebel in Anatolia. In Rumeli, Sellm, trying to muster under his banner the troops of Rumeli at Eski-Zagra, heard that Bayezid and CA1T had actually decided to invite Ahmed to Istanbul and place him on the throne. But the Grand Vizier then had to cross in haste over to Anatolia, with 4,000 Janissaries (May 1511), in order to suppress Shah-Kulu, who was threatening to capture Bursa. Confident in eliminating Shah-Kulu, the Grand Vizier and Ahmed deliberated how, after victory, they would go to Istanbul and proclaim Ahmed sultan. Informed of this plan, SelTm suddenly turned and occupied Adrianople (Rablc I 917/June 1511) at the head of the Rumelian army of 30,000, acting there as sultan. This was open rebellion, which could not be tolerated, and at the head of an army of 40,000 men and artillery, Bayezid hastened to confront his rebellious son on the battlefield near Qorlu (8 Djumada 1/3 August 1511). Sellm, defeated, joined his son Suleymari at Caffa. Almost at the same time, both CA1I Pasha and Shah-Kulu fell in a bloody combat in central Anatolia. With the death of the Grand Vizier, Ahmed lost his principal supporter for the sultanate. Ahmed now threatened to occupy Bursa with the Anatolian troops and to confront SelTm. The empire was on the brink of a civil war. Ahmed's supporters pressed the sultan to invite him as soon as possible to Istanbul. However, the new Grand Vizier Hersek-oghlu Ahmed [q.v.] did not agree. Angry with Sellm, the old sultan invited Ahmed to Istanbul, to march at the head of the army against Sellm (26 Djumada II 917/21 September 1511). But the Janissaries rebelled in favour of SelTm, and the sultan had to yield, ordering Ahmed to return back to his sand^ak. Now in open rebellion, Ahmed occupied the governorship of Karaman, where the anti-Ottoman Turcoman tribes were promising their support. ProSafawid Turcomans, now under the commander NurC A1T sent by the Shah (March 1512), rebelled in the Tokat area. Under pressure, Bayezid now decided to invite Sellm to Istanbul (March 1512), since he was now considered by all as the only leader to cope with the critical situation. Confident of the support of the Kapi Kulu [q.v.] element of the troops, and of the Rumelian army, Sellm was already on his way from Caffa to Istanbul. In the meantime, encouraged by SelTm's opponents Korkud arrived in Istanbul, hoping to ascend the throne with the support of the Janissaries, although the majority of these last were favouring Sellm (early April 1512). In Istanbul, SelTm was greeted by all dignitaries, including Korkud, on 2 Safar 918/19 April 1512. The old sultan still had no intention to abdicate; but when SelTm arrived at the court with a contingent of Janissaries, BayezTd was compelled to relinquish power. The deposed sultan, on his way to Dimetoka, died at the village of Abalar near Hafsa (25 RabT< I 918/10 June 1512). The cause of his death was reported as suspicious by Menavino and DjennabI, but there is no hint confirming this in Venetian sources (von Hammer, GOR, iv, 86). Now, having received the formal bay^a of the ^ulemd^ and dignitaries and in control of the treasury and the Kapi Kulu troops, SelTm became the only legitimate
ruler of the empire. Ahmed, recognising the reality of SelTm's power, requested from him the governorship of Anatolia and actually began to appoint governors in his own name, ordering the soldiery to rally under his banner, and turning to the rebellious Turcoman tribes in the Tokat-Sivas area and in the Taurus mountains. Passing over to Anatolia at the head of his army, SelTm expelled Ahmed's son cAla0 al-DTn from Bursa (15 Djumada 918/29 July 1512) and moved to Ankara, from where his forces expelled Ahmed and his sons, who then fled to Shah IsmacTl for aid. Now, in order to be able to confront the Shah in a major campaign in the east, SelTm had to eliminate in his rear all possible rivals for the sultanate. Hence he ordered the execution of all of the five sons of his deceased brothers between the ages of 7 and 21 who had taken refuge in Bursa. Next, at the head of 10,000 men, SelTm surprised his brother Korkud in his palace in Manisa, finally capturing and killing him. In the meantime, Ahmed had returned to Amasya, and in the winter of 1512-13, confronted SelTm's army on the plain of Yenisehir (27 Muharram 919/15 April 1513). Ahmed was defeated, captured and strangled. His son c Othrnan shared the same fate, while his other son Murad was with the Shah IsmacTl in Persia preparing to recover his father's patrimony. The campaign against Shah Isma c Tl. Before he marched against IsmacTl, SelTm had first to deal with the Kizilbash in his territory, who had already risen in the eastern provinces, while SelTm was busy against his brother Ahmed. Ahmed's son Murad was ready to invade the area with the Shah's support. SelTm conducted a purge of suspected Kizilbash, and 40,000 suspects were jailed or executed. SelTm also took unusual measures for the period to deprive the Shah of the main cash revenue from the Persian silk trade. In the spring of 1514, he ordered an extensive embargo on all silk traffic from Persia to the Ottoman lands and Europe. Later, he extended the embargo to include the Arab lands, which caused an additional friction with the Mamluks. He declared that any Persian, Arab or Turk found with Persian silk in his possession was subject to having his cargo seized, and in 1518, the sale of raw silk was altogether banned in Ottoman territory. On his way against the Shah, in Erzincan, the Janissaries began to mutter, but SelTm did not hesitate to send to the executioner their mouthpiece, Hemdem Pasha, a governor. Shah IsmacTl was convinced that the Turcoman Kizilbash and the anti-SelTm governors of Anatolia would join him, hence he moved from the pasture lands of Tabriz to confront SelTm at Caldiran [q.v.] in mid-August 1514. The two armies met at the plain there (2 Radjab 920/23 August 1514); in a furious assault with his forty thousand heavy cavalry, the Shah overpowered the cazebs, Ottoman light infantry in the first line, and routed the Rumelian divisions on the left wing of the Ottoman army, then turning, attacked the centre where SelTm was standing with his Janissaries. The stiff resistance of the Janissaries, decimating the Shah's cavalry with salvos of fire, and the war chariots tied with chains forming an impregnable stronghold, determined the outcome of the battle. Wounded by a bullet, the Shah barely escaped capture. His defeat has been attributed to a lack of firearms in his army (the earliest reference to his possession of muskets dates back to the year 1515: TKSA 6320; Tansel 88). After the victory, Selhn's plan was to pass the winter at Karabagh and to resume the campaign against the Shah next spring (for fath-ndmes, see FerTdun, i, 386-9; Ibn Tulun, ii,
SELIM I 47-53). But the insurgent Janissaries forced the sultan to return to Istanbul (for the Shah's embassies to Selim after Caldiran and his attempts to find allies against the Ottomans, see Bacque-Grammont, 73145). On 15 Radjab 920/5 September 1515, Sellm entered Tabriz. After nine days, he left the city, taking with him about one thousand citizens, artists, artisans and rich merchants for Istanbul. On his way back to Amasya, where he spent the winter, Sellm annexed the cities of Bayburd, Erzincan, Karahisar and Canik. One important consequence of the Ottoman victory was the Turkish conquest of all of the Shah's possessions in eastern Asia Minor, from Erzincan southwards to Diyarbakr and northern c lrak. The Kizilbash fortress of Kemah [see KEMAKH], a key stronghold on the crossroads of Erzincan and the Euphrates valley was taken by Sellm on 5 Rablc I 921/19 May 1515. The Shah's Kizilbash Turcoman governors and garrison commanders put up a stiff resistance to the Ottomans, while most of the Sunn! Kurdish beys, who under the Kizilbash domination had lost their hereditary patrimonies, submitted. Through the activities of IdrTs Bidlfsi [
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Kansuh had remained neutral, and Selim was careful on his part not to offend him. But after Caldiran, the Mamluk promised the Shah to attack SelTm from the rear if he attacked the Shah again. Ottoman activities against the Dhu '1-Kadrids made hostilities unavoidable. Before war began, Selim took a series of measures to win over to his side the Arabs and some of the leading amirs, declaring that the Mamluks were a foreign caste of Circassians, dominating and oppressing the great mass of Arab population. In fact, the Aleppo citizens promised to welcome the Ottomans in their city. The Syrian cities had become commercially dependent on the Bursa market, whilst it had become evident that the Mamluks were powerless to protect Arab merchants in their trade with India against the Portuguese, who now were in the Red Sea threatening to capture Mecca and Medina. In 1510 Kansuh himself had appealed to the sultan for aid to build a fleet at Suez, and Ottoman experts and mercenaries [see RUMI] were already in Suez, Djidda and Yemen. Kha-'ir Bey, governor of Aleppo and DjanberdT Ghazalf, governor of Damascus, both established secret relations with the Ottomans, and later, Selfm won over by promises of rewards many other Mamluks with promises of employment in the future Ottoman administration. The Mamluks feared that the Ottomans were going to invade Egypt from the sea. In fact, Ottoman activities for the construction of new warships at arsenals were intensified in 1515. Always declaring that his preparations were aimed at the heretic Shah. Sellm claimed that by allying himself with Ismacll, Kansuh was attempting to impede the Ottoman sultan in his efforts to extirpate heresy in Persia. The fatwd sought by Sellm to legitimise his campaign against this Sunn! Muslim ruler laid emphasis on Mamluk oppression and injustices committed against Muslims. Kansuh countered that the Ottoman sultan was using Christian soldiery in his army against Muslims. Upon Kansuh's formal demand for the evacuation of Dhu '1-Kadrid territory by the Ottomans, war was declared. Selim entered Mamluk territory in Malatya (end of July 1516), and the two armies confronted each other at the plain of Mardj Dabik [q. v. ] 40 km north of Aleppo on 25 Radjab 922/24 August 1516. Here, too, the Ottoman wagenburg tactics with the 300 chained war chariots and their superiority in firearms determined the outcome of the battle. Kansuh was among the dead. Kha°ir Bey surrendered Aleppo and served the Ottomans faithfully, dying as Ottoman governor of Egypt in 1522. Selfm left Aleppo after eighteen days, and reached Damascus on 1 Ramadan 922/28 September 1516, where he spent the winter months. Although his viziers were not in favour of a campaign against Egypt, SelTm was urged on by Kha°ir Bey and other Arab leaders against the newlyelected Mamluk sultan, Tumanbay, and he ordered preparations for the invasion of Egypt. An order was sent to Istanbul for the imperial fleet's departure for Egypt. The crucial problem was how to get the Ottoman army through the Sinai desert to Egypt, and to provide a water supply, 30,000 water bags carried by 15,000 camels were prepared. Declaring his decision to take all Muslim lands under his protection, SelFrn invited Tumanbay to recognise him as his suzerain; this was naturally refused. On their drive to Egypt, the Ottomans won their first victory near Ghazza against the Mamluk forces under Djanberdl (27 Dhu 'l-Kacda 922/21 December 1516). Leading Bedouin chiefs submitted to Selim. To confront the Ottoman army, Tunanbay had prepared a strong line of defence reinforced with artillery and ditches at al-
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Raydaniyya. On 29 Dhu '1-Hidjclja 922/22 January 1517, while his main forces attacked in front, SelTrn surprised the Mamluks by circumventing Tumanbay's fortified encampment. In the first hours of the combat, the vehement attack of the heavy Mamluk cavalry shook the Ottoman lines. But here, too, the outcome of the battle was determined by Ottoman superiority in fire-arms, foiling Mamluk cavalry attacks. The first Ottoman forces entered Cairo on 3 Muharram 923/26 January 1517. Tumanbay and those Circassians who were able to escape resumed lighting in the streets of Cairo, refusing an offer of amdn [q. v.] by SelTm. Tumanbay mustered his troops on the west bank of the Nile, until SelTm decided to cross the Nile and crush resistance. Tumanbay was captured and executed (15 April 1517). The Cairenes recognised Sellm as their legitimate ruler, but only when he believed it was safe did he enter the city (23 Muharram 923/15 February 1517). In the clashes in Cairo and outside the city, the number of Circassians killed or executed was estimated at 50,000 to 60,000 (see fath-ndmes in FerTdun, i, 427-49; Ibn Tulun, ii, 44-7). Following the fall of the Mamluk sultanate, the dependent Arab lands, including the Sharlfs of Mecca and the Yemen, recognised SelTm. SelTm appointed Kha^ir Bey as Ottoman governor of Egypt, who succeeded in reconciling the remaining Mamluks and Arab shaykhs with the Ottoman administration. Before his departure from Cairo on 26 Shacban 923/13 September 1517, SelTm sent by sea to Istanbul 800 Cairenes who were thought "to cause trouble", including the last cAbbasid caliph alMutawakkil and many artisans. During long stays in Damascus and in Aleppo, he busied himself with organising Syria as a typical Ottoman province. He appointed governors and surveyors to register the population and revenues. He appointed DjanberdT governor of al-Sham (5 Safar 924/16 February 1518), and Nasir al-DTn Muhammad Ibn al-Hanash was given a sandjak along with various zA:/acs; his control of Lebanon had been confirmed when SelTm was on his way to fight against Tumanbay, but he later came into conflict with the Ottoman governors, leading to his elimination. SelTm's claim to p r e - e m i n e n c e in the I s l a m i c world. The title of khalifa [see KHILAFAT] was in common use among Muslim rulers when the Ottoman dynasty first emerged. It did not then represent dominion over the umma [q. v.] of all Muslims in the world, as was the case under the c Abbasids. However, the Mamluk sultans, taking under their protection Mecca and Medina and also the cAbbasid caliphs after 1258, claimed a primacy among Muslim rulers. Already after his victory at Mardj Dabik, SelTm began to consider himself as the successor of the Mamluks, and assumed their title of Khadim al-Haramayn al-Sharifayn. The historian Ibn Tulun witnessed this at a Friday khutba in Damascus. SelTm's name was mentioned with the titles of al-Imdm al-^ddil and of Sultan alHaramayn al-Shanfayn. But no contemporary source has confirmed the alleged account that, in a ceremony, al-Mutawakkil officially transferred his caliphal rights to SelTm. In contemporary Arab sources, al-Mutawakkil is always mentioned as alKhalifa, Amir al-Mu^mimn, and SelTm only after him as Malik al-Rum (in 926/1519: Ibn Tulun, ii, 78, 91). According to the tradition and the interpretation of the ^ulemd^, the Mamluk sultan or SelTm himself could not claim to replace al-Mutawakkil because they did not descend from the Prophet's tribe Kuraysh. However,
as successor to the last Mamluk sultan, Sehm claimed primacy in the Islamic world; in a letter to the ShTrwanshah [q. v. ] he claimed that God had charged him to fight against heresy, to bring order to the true laws of Islam and to protect the Pilgrimage routes for Muslims (FerTdun, i, 439-45). At a time when the Portuguese had entered the Red Sea and were threatening possibly to capture Mecca and Medina, the protection of Islam had become a crucial issue for all Muslims and the Arabs in particular. Presenting themselves as the "foremost of ghdzis" SelTm, and his successor Siileyman, claimed to be the protectors of all Muslims in the world. In 1526, the latter used the title wdrith al-khildfa al-kubrd "inheritor of the supreme caliphate". At the time when developments in the east kept him busy, SelTm was careful to maintain peace with Christian nations in the west, in particular with Venice and Hungary. On 17 September 1517 he renewed the Venetian capitulations in Cairo, with the additional stipulation that the Venetian tribute to the Mamluks of 8,000 gold ducats for Cyprus was to be paid thereafter to the Ottoman sultan. SelTm's diplomacy toward Christian nations was altogether successful; but Pope Leo X's increased efforts to organise a European crusade, and the Shah's and Kansuh's diplomatic relations with Western states against the Ottomans, did not in the end result in any hostile activity (K.M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, ii; Bacque-Grammont, 135-45, 168). The outbreak of a new Kizilbash Turcoman rebellion in the Amasya province in the spring of 1519 under a dervish called Djelal, declaring himself Shah WelT and a MahdT [^.z>.], showed that Shah IsmacTl was still the principal threat to the empire. The rebellion was suppressed with difficulty (April 1519). At the time of his accession to the throne, SelTm was advised to make the conquest of the islands of Rhodes and Chios one of his most urgent tasks. In 1519 extraordinary naval preparations, the construction of one hundred galleys, were believed in Venice to be the signal of a campaign against Rhodes (von Hammer, iv, 247-9). But the following year, SelTm died on his way from Istanbul to Edirne near Qorlu on 8 Shawwal 926/21 September 1520. His only son Siileyman [q.v.] succeeded him without difficulty. Well-educated, the author of a collection of poems in Persian, an admirer of MuhyT al-DTn Ibn al-cArabT [
SELIM I — SELIM II 2. C h r o n i c l e s . Hayder Celebi, Ruzname, in Fendun, Munshe^dt, 458-500, is an official journal of Sellm's reign. For the Selim-ndmes of Ishak, Shiikrl, ShTrazT KeshfT, ShlrT, Muhyl, SacdT, SudjudT, DjewrT, Djelal-zade Mustafa, Djelal-zade Salih, c ArifT, Sacd al-Dm, IdrTs Abu '1-Fadl, cAbd alKablr, LahmT, Thanayl, HayatT, and Shuhudl, see §ehabeddin Tekindag, Selimndmaler•, in Tarih Enstitusii Dergisi, i (1970), 197-231, and Ahmet Ugur, The reign of Sultan Selim I in the light of the Selimname literature, Berlin 1985; Ismet Parmaksizoglu, Uskublu hhdk Qelebi ve Selimnamesi, in Tarih Dergisi, iii (1951-52); General: IdrTs BidlTsT, Hasht bihisht, TKS Library 1540; for Ibn Kemal (Kemal Pashazade), Tawdnkh-i' dl-i C0thmdn, defter IX, see Ahmet Ugur, above; HadTdT, Tawankh-i dl-i ^Othmdn, ms. B.L. Or. 12896; Silahshur (?), Fethndme-yi diydr-i c Arab, ed. Tansel, in TV, no. 17, 294-320; no. 18, 430-54; Mustafa CA1I, Kunh al-akhbdr, Suleymaniye Library, EsDad Efendi no. 2162; Sacd al-Dm, Tdaj_ al-tawdnkh, Istanbul 1280, 135-619; Rustem Pasha, Tdnkh, B.N. Paris, suppl. turc 1021; P. Horn, Diwdn-i Yawuz Sultan Salim, Berlin 1908; Hasan Rumlu, Ahsan al-tawarikh, ed. and tr. C.N. Seddon, Baroda 1934; BidllsT, Scheref-ndmeh or histoire des Kourdes, ed. W. Weliaminof-Zernov, St. Petersburg, 2 vols, 1860-2; Djar Allah al-MakkT, alDjewdhir al-hisdn f t mandkib al-Sultdn Suleymdn ibn C 0thmdn, Dar al-MathnawT, no. 360; Ahmad b. Zunbul, Ghazawdt al-Sultdn Salim Khan mac al-Sultdn al-Ghdwn, Cairo 1278, Tkish. tr. Ahmad SuhaylT, Tdnkh-i Misr al-Dj_edid, Istanbul 1142; Ibn lyas, Badd^ al-zuhur fi wafcd')ic al-duhur, ed. Mohamed Mostafa, Cairo 1960; Shams al-Dm Muhammad Ibn Tulun, Mufdkahdt al-khilldn fi hawddith al-zamdn, ed. Muhammad Mustafa, Cairo 1952. 3. E u r o p e a n sources and s t u d i e s . Marino Sanuto, / diarii, vols. xv-xxx, Venice 1880-7; Eugenio Alberi, Le relazioni degli ambasciatori al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto, iii/3, Florence 1855; J. von Hammer, GOR, ii, Pest 1828, 376-541, Tkish. tr. M. c Ata, Dewlet-i ^Othmdniyye tdnkhi, iv, Istanbul 1330, 95-256; Francesco Sansovino, Gl'annali turcheschi, Venice 1573; Qagatay Ulucay, Yavuz Sultan Selim nasil padisah oldu, in TD, vi/9 (1946), 53-90, 117-42, viii/11-12 (1995), 185-200; Marie Therese Speiser, Das SelTmndme des Sa^di b. Abd ul-Mutecdl, Ubersetzung, Zurich 1946; Elke Eberhard, Osmanische Polemik gegen die Safawiden im 16. Jahrhundert nach arabischen Hands chriften, Freiburg i. Breisgau, 1970; Irene Melikoff, Le probleme hzilbash, in Turcica, vi (1975), 49-67; Hanna Sohrweide, Der Sieg der Safaviden in Persien und seine Ruckwirkungen auf die Schiiten Anatoliens in 16 Jahrhundert, in Isl., Ix (1965), 95-223; Faruk Siimer, Safavi devletinin kurulusu ve gelismesinde Anadolu turklerinin rolii, Ankara 1976; Adel Allouche, The origin and development of the Ottoman-Safavid conflict, 906-96211500-1555, Berlin 1983; §ehabeddin Tekindag, Yeni kaynak ve vesikalann isigi altinda Yavuz Sultan Selim 'in Iran seferi, in TD, xiii/22 (1968), 49-78; H. Jansky, Die Eroberung Syriens durch Sultan Selim I, in MOG, ii/3-4 (1926), 173-241; idem, Die Chromk des Ibn Tulun als Geschichtsquelle uber den Feldzug Sultan Selims I. gegen die Mamluken, Vienna 1929; CeliaJ. Kerslake, The correspondence between Selim I and Kdnsuh al-Gawn, in Prilozija Orientalnu Filologiju, xxx (Sarajevo 1980), 219-34; Palmira Brummet, Ottoman seapower and Levantine diplomacy in the age of discovery, New York 1994; Irene Beldiceanu-Steinherr, Le regne de Selim I"', in Turcica, vi, 34-48; Selahattin Tansel, Yavuz Sultan Selim, Ankara 1969; J--L. Bacque-
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Grammont, Les Ottomans, les Safavides et leurs voisms, Istanbul 1987; Halil Inalcik, Ottoman methods of conquest, in SI, iii (1954), 103-29; idem, Bursa and the commerce of the Levant, inJESHO, iii (1960), 131-47; idem, The heyday and decline of the Ottoman Empire, in Cambridge hist, of Islam, Cambridge 1970; idem (ed.), An economic and social history of the Ottoman Empire, Cambridge 1994; 6.L. Barkan, XV. ve XVI. asirlarda Osmanli imparatorlugunda zirai ekonomimn hukuki ve mali esaslan. I. Kanunlar, Istanbul 1943; B. Lewis, A Jewish source on Damascus just after the Ottoman conquest, in BSOS, x (1940), 180-4; C.H. Becker, Barthold's Studien uber Kalif und Sultan, in Isl., vi, 386-412; W. Hinz, Das Steuerwesen Ostanatoliens im 15 und. 16. Jhdt., in ZDMG, c (1950), 177-201. (HALIL INALCIK) SELIM II, the eleventh Ottoman sultan (r. 97482/1566-74), the third son and the fourth of the six children of KanunT Suleyman I and Khurrem Sultan [ q . v v . ] . He was born in Istanbul on 26 Radjab 930/30 May 1524, during the festivities accompanying the marriage of Suleyman's Grand Vizier Ibrahim Pasha [q. v. ]. Together with his elder half-brother Mustafa and his elder brother Mehmed, Selim was one of the three princes in whose honour was held the sunnet dugunu (circumcision feast) of 1530, one of the major dynastic spectacles of Suleyman's reign. He remained in Istanbul until appointed in 1542, at the age of 18, to his first provincial post in Konya as sanajak begi of Karaman. In 951/1544, following his brother Mehmed's death, Sellm was transferred to the latter's more prestigious sanajak of Sarukhan [q. v.} at Manisa, remaining there until his transfer back to Konya in 1558. In 955/1548 Sellm was temporarily assigned to Edirne to guard the European front, whilst Suleyman was on campaign in the east against Safawid Persia. Following the deaths in 960/1553 of Mustafa and another brother Djihangir, Sellm and his younger brother Bayezld were the only surviving sons of Suleyman. On the death of their mother Khurrem in 965/1558, rivalry between Sellm and Bayezid broke out into an open succession struggle. With the aid of troops sent by Suleyman and led by the third vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha [q-v.], Selim defeated Bayezid's provincial forces at the battle of Konya in 966/1559, forcing Bayezld to take refuge in Persia. After lengthy negotiations between Suleyman and Shah Tahmasp I [q. v. ], Bayezld and his sons were assassinated at Suleyman's bidding in 969/1562 (§. Turan, Kanuni'nin oglu sehzade Bayezid vak'asi, Ankara 1961, passim). Now Suleyman's sole heir, Sellm was transferred to the sanajak of Kiitahya, where he remained until Suleyman's death at Szigetvar in 974/September 1566 whilst on campaign in Hungary. The Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha kept Suleyman's death secret for several weeks, enabling SelTm to be safely enthroned in Istanbul after a hurried, secret journey from Kiitahya. SelTm then proceeded to Belgrade to be acclaimed by the army and to escort Suleyman's bier. His reign began in confusion. Initially refusing to pay accession donatives at the level demanded by the Janissaries and household troops, SelTm was forced to do so by rioting on his return from Belgrade to Istanbul. He was also obliged to grant timdrs or other awards to ca. 8,000 provincial troops recruited to his side in the 1559 fight against BayezTd. Thereafter, he took little part in government, retiring to the harem and delegating virtually all responsibility to Sokollu Mehmed Pasha, who remained Grand Vizier throughout his reign. During SelTm's eight-year sultanate, naval activities took precedence over land campaigns, and ac-
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SELIM II — SELIM III
tion in the extreme north and south of the empire replaced the prominence given in Suleyman's reign to east-west, Safawid-Habsburg campaigns. Relations with Persia remained subdued in the wake of the assassination of Bayezid, whilst an eight-year treaty was signed in 1568 with the Austrian Habsburgs, stipulating an annual payment by the latter of 30,000 ducats in respect of those parts of north-west Hungary claimed by the Ottomans and still under Habsburg control. In the eastern Mediterranean, the island of Sakiz [q. v.} (Chios) was captured from the Genoese by the kapudan pasha Piyale Pasha [q.v.] in 1566 (technically while Siileyman was still sultan, but notified to SelTm at the time of his accession), and Kibris (Cyprus) from the Venetians by Lala Mustafa Pasha [q. v. ] in 1570-1, thus increasing the safety of Ottoman sea routes to Egypt. Together with proximate areas on the mainland of Anatolia, Cyprus was formed into a new beglerbegilik (province) and received a large influx of Turkish settlers. In the ensuing naval battle off Inebakht! (Lepanto) the Ottoman fleet was defeated (979/October 1571) by a Papal-Venetian-Spanish fleet commanded by Don Juan of Austria, but was rebuilt rapidly over the winter of 1571-2 and Ottoman naval supremacy in the area restored. In the western Mediterranean, the fortress at Tunis (Khalku '1wacad, or Goletta) was lost to Spain in late 1572, but recaptured by 'Kodja Sinan Pasha [q.v.] in 982/1574 and Tunis and its dependencies formally established as a new beglerbegilik. Elsewhere, an Ottoman fleet was sent from the Red Sea in 1568 at the request of the Muslim ruler of Sumatra to aid him against the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean, but this achieved little. On land, successful military operations were conducted against Arab tribal revolts in the Basra region (1567), and against Zaydi threats to Ottoman control in Yemen, which culminated in the loss of SancaD (1567). During 1568-70, under the command first of Ozdemir-oghlu cOthman Pasha [q.v.] and then of the governor of Egypt, Kodja Sinan Pasha, Yemen was in effect reconquered and set up as a single province, rather than two as previously. The most ambitious project of SelTm's reign, the building of a canal between the rivers Don and Volga (attempted 1569-70), was unsuccessful. It was promoted by Sokollu Mehmed Pasha with the three-fold object of protecting the pilgrimage route from Central Asia, of curtailing the southward advance of Muscovy (which had captured Kazan in 1552 and Astrakhan in 1556), and of establishing the potential to attack Persia from the north. It would also have served to extend Ottoman control over the khans of the Crimea. Adverse weather conditions, unrest amongst the troops involved, and over-extended lines of communication led to the abandonment of the project with only a third of the canal excavated (cf. H. Inalcik, The origin of the Ottoman-Russian rivalry and the Don-Volga canal (1569), in Annales de I'Universite d'Ankara, i [19467], 47-110). SelTm II died aged 50 on 28 Shacban 982/13 December 1574 in Istanbul (the first sultan to die there) following a fall in the palace hammdm, and was succeeded by Murad III (982-1003/1574-95 [ q . v . } ) , his eldest son by his Venetian khdssekiNur Banu [q. v . ] . Five younger sons were executed and buried with him in his tomb in the courtyard of the Aya Sofya mosque. Three daughters were married to prominent viziers in a triple wedding in 1562: Ismikhan to Sokollu Mehmed Pasha, Gewherkhan to Piyale Pasha, and Shah to Hasan Pasha (re-married later to Dal Mahmud Pasha). This network of ddmdd (son-in-law) connec-
tions, and Sehm's reliance upon Nur Banu and his sister Mihrimah, encouraged the growth of the muchmaligned "harem politics" (cf. L.P. Peirce, The imperial harem: women and sovereignty in the Ottoman empire, Oxford 1993, passim). Known to Ottomans as Sari SelTm, "SelTm the Sallow", and to Europeans as "SelTm the Sot" because of his love of wine, SelTm was skilled in archery and particularly fond of hunting, for which he spent much time in Edirne. He was also an accomplished poet, under the makhlas SelTmT (although no diwdn of his survives), and a discriminating patron of, amongst others, the historian Mustafa CA1T, the poet BakT [
SELIM III Gouffier encouraged Sehm to correspond with Louis XVI, letters which demonstrate his powerful antiRussian sentiments and wish for revenge. ChoiseulGouffier supported the sending of Ishak Bey, one of Selim's companions, to France, in an effort to encourage the French link with the Ottoman heirapparent. On 11 Radjab 1203/7 April 1789, at the age of 27, Selfm III was proclaimed Sultan, ascending the throne at one of the most difficult moments in the history of the dynasty, succeeding to an empire at war with both Russia and Austria and riven by internal rebellions. The previous autumn, the Austrians had made deep inroads into Ottoman territory, capturing Khotin [q.v.] on 9 September and routing the Ottoman army at Slatina later that same month. In spite of the evidence of Ottoman military exhaustion, Selfm vigorously supported the war effort, immediately confirming Khodja Yusuf Pasha in his position as Grand Vizier and Commander-in-Chief of the battlefront, glorifying past Ottoman successes, reinstating the accession bonus to the Janissaries [see YENI-CERI], which had lapsed with cAbd al-Harmd I, and generally boasting the morale of his people (Enwerl; Shaw, 32). Khodja Yusuf, the bellicose initiator of the war, had demonstrated some success in maintaining the Ottoman position on the southern shores of the Danube, and in winning the loyalty of his soldiers, in spite of the Ottoman losses. He was opposed by Djeza°irli GhazI Hasan Pasha [q.v.], sole hero of the 1770 Ceshme [q. v.} naval disaster, reformer, critic of the war, and Grand Admiral of the Navy upon SeKm's accession. Selfm replaced the experienced admiral Hasan with his boyhood friend Kiicuk Husayn Pasha, ordering Hasan to command the fortress of Ismacil [q. v. ] in an effort to recapture Ozii [see ozi], placating the advocates for continuing the war, consolidating his own power base, and managing to maintain the services of a valued commander. The new campaign season proved a disaster, however, culminating in the battle of Martineshti on 22 September 1789 against combined Austrian and Russian forces, a total rout for the Ottomans. Thereafter, the Austrians occupied Belgrade [q. v. ] and Bucharest [see BUKRESH], and the Russians Ak Kirman [q.v.] and Bender [q.v.]. An Ottoman treaty with Sweden to distract Russia, which was concluded on 11 July 1789, resulted in little, but an alliance with Prussia dating from 31 January 1790, and the death of Joseph II of Austria in February, led to the conclusion of an OttomanAustrian treaty mediated by Prussia, England and The Netherlands, at Zistowa, on 4 August 1791, but only after Prussia and Austria had settled their differences in the Convention of Reichenbach the previous summer. By the stipulations of the Zistowa treaty, the Ottomans retained the territories in Wallachia [see EFLAK] and Moldavia [see BOGHDAN] which had been occupied by Austria, essentially a recapitulation of the 1739 Treaty of Belgrade, ceding only Old Orsowa as part of a new definition of the Austro-Ottoman border. Hostilities continued with the Russians, with disastrous results for the Ottoman forces, Russia occupying many of the important Danube fortresses, notably Ismacfl, the Ottoman base of operations, after a long struggle on 22 December 1790. After the winter hiatus, the Russians resoundingly beat the Ottoman forces south of the Danube at Macfn in April 1791, the fortress itself capitulating on 9 July. Selfm was illserved by his commanders, especially after the death of the newly-reappointed Grand Vizier Djeza°irli Ghazf Hasan Pasha on the battlefield in March of 1790. His successor, Sherff Hasan Pasha, after allow-
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ing the Russians to overrun Budjak [q. v. ], was executed at Shumla in February, 1791, and replaced once again by Khodja Yusuf Pasha, who could no longer contain the complete breakdown of Ottoman defences. A truce was arranged by mid-summer, and followed by the treaty of Jassy [see YASH], 9 January 1792, recapitulating most of the articles of the 1774 Kuciik Kaynardja [q. v. ] treaty, but establishing the new Ottoman-Russian border at the Dniester and the Kuban rivers and ending conclusively Ottoman claims to the Crimea [see K!R!M]. SelFm faced a demoralised, practically bankrupt and highly decentralised empire, conditions exacerbated by the costly and fruitless campaigns. Rebellions in Arabia, the Balkans and the Caucasus continued while he undertook to reform his administration, pursuing an energetic programme designed and carried through by his advisors. His intentions were clear from the early days of his succession, when he summoned a council of 200 men of state in May 1789 to discuss the condition of the empire. (Djewdet, 2vi, 6-7; Shaw, 73). During the war, SelFm pursued the re-ordering of the Ottoman military machine as best he could, but with little practical results. Immediately following the peace at Jassy, the Grand Vizier was ordered to solicit a number of written reform proposals. By far the most comprehensive was that of Abu Bakr Ratib Efendi, Ambassador to Vienna following the Zistowa peace treaty, whose analysis of Austrian institutions served as a recipe for the Ottoman reform programme, Nizam-i Djedid [q. v. ] or "New Order," the same term used to refer to the new army corps. Addressing military reform meant facing powerful opposition, as the Janissary privileges in the form of pay and rations (esame) were deeply entrenched in all levels of Ottoman society. Significant reform was undertaken after 1793 in the artillery corps, with the introduction of new troops, new schools and training by foreign officers. Selim's energy, however, also extended to the traditional Janissary and Sipahi [q. v. ] corps, instituting discipline, introducing new weaponry, and undertaking to see that they were regularly paid and comfortable in rebuilt barracks in Istanbul, but to no avail. Establishing the Nizdm-i Qiedid army proved more productive, an outgrowth of the irregular Lewend [q. v. ] organisation, with separate barracks, the Lewend Ciftelik, located outside the centre of Istanbul, and training and discipline styled along western lines. Selim felt confident enough to issue regulations concerning the new corps only in 1794, a single regiment of 1,602 officers and men, attached to the old imperial Bostandji corps [q.v.], as its riflemen branch. By 1800, as a result of the threat posed by the Napoleonic invasion of Egypt, a second regiment was installed in the new Sellmiyye barracks in Uskudar, a force drawn largely from the unemployed of the streets of Istanbul, and Turkish peasants from Anatolian villages, whose enlistment was encouraged by high salaries and tax exemptions. By 1801, the force numbered 9,263 men and 27 officers, increasing to three regiments and almost 23,000 by the end of Selim's reign (Shaw, 131-4). During the 1798-1801 confrontations with France in Egypt and against cOthman Paswan-oghlu [see PASWAN-OGHLU] of Vidin [q. v. ], the new troops acquitted themselves with some small successes, hampered always by the refusal of the Janissaries to serve with them. Reform in the navy was more successful, under the direction of Grand Admiral Kuciik Huseyn Pasha, who saw to the construction of new warships and technical schools during the same period. To finance his reorganisation of the military and
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SELIM III — SELIM GIRAY I
navy, Sehm established the Irad-i Djedid, a new attempt at a centralised budget, with revenues from state tax farms set aside for its use. At the same time, vacant, absentee or poorly managed military fiefs of the long disfunctional timdr system were seized and added to the new treasury. While significant revenue was generated, the provincial upheaval such measures induced exacerbated the growing disaffection of local notables, one of the significant causes of Sellm's downfall. The War of the Triple Alliance (1799-1802) pitted the Ottomans against Napoleon, and forced a reluctant Sellm into agreements with Britain and Russia to counter the French invasion of Egypt. During these confrontations, the sultan was forced to rely on the private armies of local notables such as Ahmad Djazzar Pasha [^.^.] in Acre [see C AKKA] and Sidon [see SAYDA], CA1T Pasha of Yanina and cOthman Paswanoghlu, which both extended their power and increased the privations of the countryside, especially in the Balkans. The Treaty of Amiens in 1801, negotiated without an Ottoman presence, so angered the sultan that he signed a separate peace with France on 25 June 1802, restoring that country to all its pre-war privileges and ignoring the question of war indemnities which both Russia and Britain were demanding. Peace, however, meant the renewal of internal revolt, often encouraged by the empire's erstwhile allies, especially the Russians, who had made tremendous gains in the Treaty of Amiens. A serious revolt in Serbia against Janissary and the auxiliary Yamak abuses broke out in 1802, developing rapidly into a revolution under the leadership of Kara George after 1804, and influencing much of the diplomatic manoeuvring of the period. War between France and England broke out again in 1803, and intense diplomatic pressure by the resurrected Anglo-Russian alliance in Istanbul forced Sellm to sever relations with France in 1805. Further French victories over the European allies, however, persuaded Sellm to grant formal recognition to the emperor in 1806, and to declare war on Russia in December after the Tsar ordered the occupation of the Principalities and was continuing to support the Serbian rebellion. Britain sent warships through the Dardanelles [see CANAKKAL C E BOGHAzI] to the capital in February, demanding the expulsion of Sebastiani, French ambassador to the Porte after 1805, and compliance with Russian demands vis-a-vis the Principalities. Sellm's refusal to comply, and his orders to fortify the city and the Straits, let to the British withdrawal to Tenedos [see BOZDJA-ADA], a last moment of victory and accord between the sultan and his people. The British fleet occupied Alexandria in 1807, but found that Muhammad CA1T Pasha [9.0.], governor of Egypt since 1805, had subdued the Mamluks [<7-^.], forcing the British to withdraw. Sellm's failure to create a broad coalition of supporters for his reform agenda, however, finally overwhelmed him. A general call to arms for Nizdm-i Djedid troops in March 1805 had precipitated an open revolt among the Yamaks in the Balkans, beginning the final series of confrontations between the traditional forces and Sellm's reformers. Quelled temporarily by Selim's capitulation to the conservatives, the rebellion moved to Istanbul in May 1807, when another attempt to force new uniforms on the unruly Yamaks stationed on the Bosphorus incited an overt call for Sellm's removal, a conspiracy spearheaded from the palace itself by the Kd^im-makdm [q.v.] Musa Pasha and the Shaykh al-Isldm ^ta3 Allah Efendi. The
Janissaries joined in the revolt, forcing Sehm to abandon the Nizdm-i Djedid programme and sacrifice its architects and partisans to their demands, rather than testing the mettle of the new troops, who were confined to their barracks. SelTm was deposed on 22 Rabic I 1222/29 May 1807 and as he had no children, he was replaced by Mustafa IV [ q . v . ] , eldest son of cAbd alHamTd I. Retiring into the palace, he was executed by Mustafa a year later on 4 Djumada 11/28 July 1808 during the attempt by Mustafa Ba^rakdar Pasha [q. v. ] of Ruscuk and the Grand Vizier Celebi Mustafa Pasha [q.v.] to rescue and restore him to the throne. In the confusion, Mahmud, brother of Mustafa IV, escaped the same fate as SelTm, and was brought out of hiding by Mustafa Bayrakdar as Mahmud II [q. v . ] , proving later to be an apt student of his cousin in the matter of reform. While it is generally conceded that SelTm faltered in the matter of leadership and continuity, changing Grand Viziers ten times in the course of his reign, he inaugurated a process of reform which could no longer be halted if the Empire was to survive. Other initiatives include his appointment of the first permanent Ottoman ambassadors to Europe, to London in 1793 and Berlin, Vienna and Paris in 1795, an avenue for information on European affairs, although diplomacy of the period continued to be conducted largely by the influential foreign presence in Istanbul (Kuran). A notable poet and musician, many of Selim's compositions are still performed. He was a frequent visitor to the Mawlawiyya [q.v.] tekke in Galata [see GHALATA in Suppl.], and friend and patron of Shaykh Ghalib Dede [ q . v . ] , the well-known poet-mystic and partisan of the reform programme of the young sultan. Aside from the new buildings constructed for the Nizdm-i Dj_edid, SelTm completely restored the mosque of Fatih. Bibliography: The Ja^rikh of Wasif as well as those of EnwerT and cAsim Ahmed [q. v. ] form the chief historical sources on SelTm's reign. For general information on the period of SelTm III, see the work of one of his advisors, Mouradgea d'Ohsson, Tableau de I'empire othoman, Paris 17881820. The diary kept by his private secretary, Ahmed Efendi, from 1791-1807, is a unique source by an individual who accompanied SelTm almost everywhere, ///. Selim'in Sirkdtibi Ahmed Efendi tarafindan tutulan ruzndme, Ankara 1993; Abu Bakr Ratib, Sefdret-ndme, ms. Esad Efendi 2235; Baron de Tott, Memoirs of Baron de Tott, London 1785; A. Boppe, La France et "le militaire turc" au XVIII1 siecle, in Femlles d'histoire (1912), 386-402, 490-501; t.H. Uzuncarsih, Selim Ill'un Veliaht iken Fransa Krah Lui XVI He muhaberelen, in Belleten, ii (1938), 191-246; idem, Sadrdzam Halil Hamit Pasa, in TM, v (1935), 213-67; E.Z. Karal, Nizam-i Cedide ddir layihalar, in TV, i (1942), 414-25, ii (1942-43), 104-11, 342-51, 424-32; S.J. Shaw, Between old and new: the Ottoman Empire under Selim HI, 1789-1807, Cambridge 1971 (extensive bibl.); A.I. Bagis, Britain and the struggle for the integrity of the Ottoman Empire: Sir Robert Ainslie's embassy to Istanbul 1776-1794, Istanbul 1984; Kemal Beydilli, 1790 Osmanh-Prusya ittifdh: meydana gelisi, tahlili, tatbiki, Istanbul 1981; G. Gawrych, §eyh Galib and Selim III: Mevlevism and the Nizam-i Cedid, in Internal. Jnal. of Turkish Studies, iv (1987), 91-114; E. Kuran, Avrupa'da Osmanh ikamet elfiliklerinin kurulusu ve ilk elfilerin siyasi fadliyetleri, 1793-1821, Ankara 1968; L4, art. Selim HI (Cevat Eren). (VIRGINIA AKSAN) SELIM GIRAY I, son of Bahadur Giray, four times Khan of the Crimea between 1671 and 1704
SELIM GIRAY I — SELMAN RE'IS (1671-7, 1684-91, 1692-9, 1702-4). In his childhood he lost his father and was committed to the care of Mirzash Agha, of the Ablan family. At the same time, c Adil Giray tried to kill him, but Sellm sought refuge among the Shmn family and escaped being killed. In 1671 he became Khan of the Crimean Tatars. The Tatars living in Poland asked SelTm for protection and help to settle in the Budjak [q. v.] region, i.e. southern Bessarabia. Their request was not granted by the Ottoman authorities and sultan Mehemmed IV called upon SelTm to help in the battle for Kamanica [q. v.} (Kamieniec), as a result of which the Polish army was defeated. Soon SelTm was again summoned to war against Poland, and after a siege, Kamanica and nearby fortresses were conquered by the Muslims. After the fighting, Selim became the mediator in peace negotiations between Poland and the sultan; then he fought against Russia and Poland for possession of the fortress of Cihrin, but after his failure here, the sultan accused him of ineffectualness, and he was deprived of power and deported to the island of Rhodes. In 1684 Selim was again raised to the throne of the Khans of Crimea in Baghce Saray because of the ineffectiveness of Hadjdji Giray II, who had reigned after him. During this time, the Russians approached the Crimean territory and surrounded fortresses situated on the shores of the Sea of Azov and the Black Sea. Selim defeated superior Russian forces, preventing the Russians from entering the Crimea. In 1689 Selim was called upon to help Turkey in the war against Austria, and the Muslim forces won a battle near Skopje. In 1691, after receiving the information that Polish and Russian forces were about to attack, and after being informed of his son's death, Selim abdicated the throne. He then went on the Pilgrimage to Mecca and obtained the honorific title of HddjdjT. The sultan assigned him estates at Silivri. Due to the efforts of the nobles of the Giray dynasty, faced with a rebellion of Tatar troops, in 1692 SelTm was appointed to the throne for the third time. At that time, the war against Russia and Austria started. In 1695 Peter I launched an expedition against the Crimea, and in 1696 the Russians conquered the fortress of Azov. Because of that SelTm could not properly help the sultan in his war against Austria. He was a signatory to the 1699 peace treaty of Karlowitz (Karlovci [see KARLOFCA]) on the Danube. By virtue of this treaty, the Crimea obtained a greater independence, and was relieved of paying tribute to the sultans. In the same year, 1699, SelTm, by now very old, abdicated in his son Dewlet Giray's favour, and the sultan awarded SelTm a pension of 8,000 gold coins per year. Intrigues at the sultan's court and the necessity of pacifying the rebellious Tatars led to Dewlet Giray's dethronement and SelTm was for the fourth time appointed to the throne of the Crimea in 1702, but, after a short reign, died in December 1704 aged 73. Despite his preoccupations with state affairs, he was interested in literature and the sciences, and left behind a precious library. Bibliography: V.D. Smirnov, KrimskoyeKhanstvo pod verkhovenstvom Otomanskoy Portl, St. Petersburg 1887, 585-711; A.W. Fisher, The Crimean Tatars, Stanford, Calif. 1978, 46-50; A. Bennigsen et alii, Le Khanat de Cnmee, Paris 1978, 201, 365, 373; M. Ulkusal, Kmm Turk-Tatar Ian, Istanbul 1980, 69-78. See also GIRAY. _ (A. DUBINSKI) SELMAN RE'IS (d. 923/1527), a T u r k i s h m a r i n e r and naval c o m m a n d e r in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean. Apparently a native of Lesbos [see MIDILLI] and thus a countryman and contemporary of another
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famous seaman, Khayr al-Dm [g.^.], he became active as a corsair in the Central Mediterranean (J.-L. Bacque-Grammont and Anne Kroell, Mamlouks, Ottomans et Portugais en Mer Rouge. L'affaire de Djedda en 1517, Cairo 1988, 76). At an unspecified date (at the latest in 1514) he entered the service of the Mamluk sultan Kansawh al-GhawrT [q. v. ] who was endeavouring to resist the recently-arrived Portuguese in the Indian Ocean. This may have happened in the framework of Ottoman succour to Egypt, welldocumented between 1507 and 1514. This ceased, however, by July 1514, the year in which the Mamluk sultan launched a major campaign to build up the arsenal and fleet in Suez, with Selman Re^Ts as its director and commander of 2,000 lewends or marines (Ibn lyas, Bada^i** al-zuhur fi wakdW al-duhur, ed. M. Mustafa, Cairo 1960, iv, 466-7; Bacque-Grammont, op. cit., 5). Under what seems to have been a joint command of Selman ReDTs and Husayn al-KurdT, this new fleet sailed late in 921/1515 on a campaign launched partly in response to the appeals of Muzaffar Shah II of Gudjarat [#.z>.], and which was thus meant to succeed where the first Mamluk expedition of 914/1508-9 under the same Husayn had failed; instead of combatting the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean, however, the expedition concentrated on building a stronghold on the Red Sea island of Kamaran [q.v.] near the Bab al-Mandab [q.v.] against an expected Portuguese irruption into the Red Sea and on operations in Yemen, culminating in a siege of Aden or cAdan [q. v. ] held by the governor of the ruler of ZabTd (Bacque-Grammont, 8). The siege failed, and Selman Re3Ts withdrew to Djudda [q. v. ] in anticipation of a Portuguese attack on that port. Meanwhile, the Ottoman sultan had conquered Egypt, and immediately after his triumph he summoned Selman to appear before him in Cairo. In a reply dated 25 RabTc I 923/17 April 1517, the Turkish captain pleaded for a delay on the grounds that he could not in good conscience leave the port just as the infidel was going to attack and while the inhabitants were beseeching him to defend them. A marginal note added one day later states that the attack has occurred, Selman has repulsed it, but that it might be renewed and he still cannot leave under these circumstances (S. Tekindag, Siiveys'te Tiirkler ve Selman Reis'in anzasi, in Belgelerle Turk Tarihi Dergisi, ix [1968], 77-80; the same document published by M. Yakub Mugul, in Belgeler, ii/34 [1967], 37-48). The events of the next several months are of crucial importance not only for our understanding of Selman's career, but also for our interpretation of the Ottoman sultan's attitude towards the struggle against the Portuguese and towards the more specific place the defence of Islam's sanctuaries received in Selim's mind. Lopo Suares, the Portuguese viceroy of India, withdrew with his fleet by the end of April 1517, but Selman kissed the sultan's hand only on 10 Shacban 923/28 August 1517 (FerTdun Beg, Munshe^dt, i, 491). He seems at this point to have suffered arrest and imprisonment in Cairo and Damascus. Eventually pardoned, Selman ReDTs returned from Istanbul to Suez, which now was the base of what would become the "Ottoman Indian Ocean Fleet" and of which he may have been the first commander. The fleet accomplished little in the period of his tenure. In 1525, after an undetermined cruise outside the Bab al-Mandab strait, a second attempt was made to seize Aden, but a report that a Portuguese fleet was approaching persuaded the Turks to raise the siege and sail back. These failures may have been due to the low priori-
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ty which the Ottoman government attached to the Suez base and fleet. This policy contradicts Selman's own efforts to alert Istanbul to the challenges from the Portugese and possibilities in the Indian Ocean; his efforts received an eloquent expression in a Idyiha or memorandum dated 10 Shacban 931/2 June 1525 (Topkapi Palace archive, N.E. 6455; see M. Lesure, Un document ottoman sur I 'Inde portugaise et les pays de la Mer Rouge, in Mare luso-indicum, iii [1976], 137-60). Although anonymous, the report's internal evidence strongly argues for Selman's authorship. It is an analysis of the strength of the Ottoman fleet in the Red Sea, a description of the main ports in the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean, and an assessment of Portuguese strength in those waters and of the chances for an Ottoman fleet to oust them from there. In the final year of his life, Selman Re^Ts was charged with the mission to eliminate Mustafa Beg, an insubordinate governor of Yemen; he did so and assumed the administration of the province himself. Shortly afterwards, Khayr al-Dln Beg, an aide who had assisted him in the assignment, gained the local lewends to his side, rebelled in his turn and assassinated Selman ReDTs towards the end of 1527. Selman Reals's career has received conflicting interpretation. Some historians view him as proof of Ottoman intentions to assume a leading role in the defence of the Indian Ocean and the Muslim world whose trade and pilgrims' routes were under assault by the Portuguese (Palmira Brummett, Ottoman seapower and Levantine diplomacy in the Age of Discovery, Albany 1994, 115-21); others draw the opposite conclusion, based on such circumstances as the treatment he received in Cairo despite his merit of saving Djudda—and thus averting a danger to Mecca—from the infidels, and the limited encouragement and means he received after his rehabilitation (BacqueGrammont, 19-20). Bibliography: Given in the article. See also Abu Makhrama, Tdrikh thaghr cAdan, ed. O. Lofgren, Uppsala 1936, i, 21, 23, and ed. and tr. L.O. Schuman, Political history of the Yemen at the beginning of the 16th century, Amsterdam 1961, index s.v. Salman; Fernao Lopes de Castanheda, Historia do descobrimento e conquista da India pelos Portugueses, Lisbon 1833, iv, 11-12; C. Orhonlu, Kizildeniz'de Osmanlilar, in Tarih Dergisi, xvi (1962), 1-24; idem, Osmanli Imparatorlugunun gunej siyaseti: Habes eyaleti, Istanbul 1974, 6-18; S. Ozbaran, Osmanli Imparatorlugu ve Hindistan yolu, in Tarih Dergisi, xxxi (1977), 65-146; R.B. Smith, Ra^Ts Salman and Amir Husain, being the Portuguese text of an unknown account of their expedition from Suez to Aden and the return to Jidda, in 1515 and 1516, found in the Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, Lisbon 1975; G.W.F. Stripling, The Ottoman Turks and the Arabs, 1511-157.4, Urbana 1942, 88-92; M. Yakub Mugul, Kanuni devri, Ankara 1987. (S. SOUCEK) SELWI, the Ottoman Turkish name for the Bulgarian town of Sevlievo, now in the Gabrovo province of Danubian Bulgaria (population in 1985, 26,440). From the 16th century till 1878 it was the centre of the ndhiye, later kddillk, of Hutalic/Selwi in the sandjak of Nigbolu. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the town and its district were predominantly inhabited by Muslims of Turkish, as well as of Bulgarian, origin. The town is situated in a vast plain 200 m/656 feet above sea level on both sides of the little river Rositsa, a tributary of the Yantra. Most of the 33 villages of the kadd* are situated in the hills around the plain. The town is the indirect successor of the mediaeval Bulgarian castle of Hutalic, the ruins of
which were discovered in the 1980s, 9 km/5 miles to the south-east of the present town at the edge of the plain, in the formerly wholly Turkish village of Hisar Beyli (later, Serbeglii, since 1934, Javorets). The Hutalic castle is mentioned in a 13th-century inscription. The ndhiye of Hutalic is first mentioned in the Icmal Defter from 884/1479, having 24 villages with Bulgarian names and Christian inhabitants besides two villages with Turkish names and Muslim inhabitants (Cadirlf and CA1T FakThler). Selwi itself is mentioned for the first time in 922/1516, as a newlyfounded place "not mentioned in the previous register" and having 18 Muslim Turkish households. In the course of the 16th century, this village, due to its central location, became the centre of the district and in the course of the late 17th century developed into a town. In 922/1516 there were, next to the old villages, eight new Muslim villages with Turkish names and in 1579-80 fourteen. At this time, the number of the Muslim population rose from 214 to 838 households, whereas the Christians largely remained stagnant because an important part of the population of the old villages gradually Islamised. In 1751 Selwi was a small town of 301 households, with two mosques and a weekly market. Through further Islamisation, 71% of the district was now Muslim. In the course of the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the town as well as the district slowly lost its predominantly Muslim character, the Christians having markedly large families. In 1845, 52% of the district was Muslim, in 1873 46%, the town then having 2,345 Muslim inhabitants and 3,864 Christians. Selwi had in 1873 ten mosques, a few hammdms and dervish convents and a large and monumental church for the Christian community, rebuilt in 1834 on older foundations, with the support of the local Muslim notables and written permission of Sultan Mahmud II. After Bulgaria became independent, most of the old Turkish colonists, as well as the bulk of the Muslims of local origin, left the villages of Selwi and migrated to Anatolia. Those remaining in the town more than halved in numbers by 1887. According to the census of 1928, only 811 Muslims were still living in the town. After the Second World War, during which time the town saw a rapid development, almost all Muslims left, and their mosques and other buildings were all demolished. The church from 1834 and the Clock Tower, first erected in 1777, remain standing as officially recognised monuments of culture. Only in the large village of Akindjilar (now Petko Slavejkov), until 1878 wholly Turkish, a majority of the population remained Turkish-speaking Muslims, having one small mosque. The same is valid for the village of mixed origin, Rahova (Rahovcite). In Malkoclar (now Burja) and Adiller (Idilevo), some families remain, partly with cAlev! inclinations. Throughout the Ottoman period, the ndhiye/'kadd^ was known by both the names of Selwi and Hutalic. Bibliography: 1. A r c h i v e s and records. 1479: Sofia Nat. Lib. O.A.K. 45/29, published as Turski izvori za Bdlgarskata istorija, II, Sofia 1966; 1516: B.B.O.A. [ = Basbakanhk Osmanli Arsivi] TD 367, MM. 11; 1545: B.B.O.A. TD 416; 1579-80: Ankara T.K.G.M. 58; 1642: B.B.O.A. TD 775; 1751: B.B.O.A. Kepeci 2913; Sdlname-i Wildyet-i Tuna, 1290/1873. 2 . S t u d i e s . Nikola Ganev, Stranitsj ot istojijata na grada Sevlievo, V. Tarnovo 1925; Zeco Cankov, Geografski Recnik na Balgarija, Sofia 1939, 394-6; Nikolaj P. Kovacev, Mestnite nazvanija ot Sevlievsko,
SELWI — SENEGAL Sofia 1961; Chr. Jonkov (ed.), Sevlievo i Sevlievskijat kraj, Sofia 1967; H.J. Kornrumpf, Die Territorialverwaltung im ostlichen Teil der europdischen Turkei, 18641878, Freiburg 1976, 331-2; Arheologiceskiproucvanija v Gabrovski Okrag, in Vekova, no. 3 (1979); M. Kiel, La diffusion de I'Islam dans les campagnes Bulgares a I'epoque Ottomane (XV1-XIX1 siecles). Colonisation et conversion dans le district de Sevlievo, in D. Panzac (ed.), Les Balkans a I'epoque ottomane, Aix-enProvence 199_3, 39-53. (M. KIEL) SEMAC KHANE [see SAMA C ]. SEMEDIREK, SEMADIREK, the Ottoman Turkish name for S a m o t h r a c e , modern Greek Samothraki, a mountainous island of the Thracian Sporades group in the northeastern paft of the Aegean Sea, now part of the Greek Republic and at present included in the nomos or department of Evros. Its area is 178 km2/69 sq. miles, and in 1981 the declining population stood at 2,871. In mediaeval times it was famous for its honey and its goats, and the Latins called it Sanctus Mandrachi. As part of the Thracian and Macedonian themes, Samothrace suffered from Slavonic and Arab raids in early mediaeval times. After ca. 1335 it passed from Byzantine hands to the Genoese Gattilusi house of Lesbos [see MIDILLI]. The Aydin Turkmen beg Umur had raided it in 1330, and the Ottoman onslaught on it began soon after the capture of Constantinople (see E. Malamut, lies de I'empire byzantin, 8e-12e s., Paris 1988, index; T. Gregory, in Oxford dictionary of Byzantium, Oxford 1991; A. Savvides, Notes on medieval Samothrake until the Turkish conquest, forthcoming). The first Ottoman attack, by Mehemmed Fatih's fleet (on 4 June 1456, according to a Byzantine short chronicle), provoked a western counter-attack by a papal fleet under Cardinal Scarampo, but in 1459 the sultan recovered Samothrace, Lemnos (Limni [q. y.]) and Thasos (Tashoz [q.v.]}, and their revenues were amongst those granted by Mehemmed to his fatherin-law, the vanquished Despot of Morea Demetrius Palaeologus [see MORA]. Apart from a brief Venetian occupation, Samothrace and the neighbouring islands passed by the Turco-Venetian treaty of 1479 definitively into Ottoman hands; by 1470, the island had been left with barely 200 inhabitants because of the incessant raiding. The Ottoman period (1479-1912) is insufficiently documented. A Venetian raid is recorded in 1502. Soon afterwards, PirT Re^is [q. v. ] called the island weliler makdmi "abode of saints", perhaps echoing earlier descriptions of it. In 1698 the Venetian admiral Dolfm forced the Ottoman fleet to retreat to the Dardanelles, so that the Italians could gather taxation from the northeastern Aegean islands. In the early stages of the Greek National Revolt (1821), the island was raided by the fleet of Kara CA1I, which slaughtered almost all the male Greek population and enslaved the women and children (see Finlay, History of Greece, i, 192), and only after 1827 did the survivors begin to resettle the island from neighbouring areas. Archaeological excavations were begun on Samothrace in the 19th century by the French and the Austrians, and in 1863 the French consul Champoiseau was allowed by the Ottoman authorities to transport the statue of the Winged Victory to the Louvre. The island was occupied by the Greek navy on 19 October 1912 in the course of the First Balkan War; during World War II it was under Bulgarian occupation from Western Thrace 1941-4. Bibliography: See also Sh. Sami, Kdmus ala^ldm, s.v.; S. Papageorgiu, Samothrake, history of the island, Athens 1982 (in Greek); I.H. Uzuncarsih, Osmanh tarihi, ii5, Ankara 1988, index; D.E.
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Pitcher, An historical geography of the Ottoman empire, Leiden 1972, 84-5 and maps XIV, XVI. (A. SAVVIDES) SENEGAL, the name of a former French colony, an independent republic since 1960. Senegal takes its name from the river which rises in Guinea and discharges into the Atlantic Ocean near Saint-Louis after describing a broad curve, a section of which constitutes the frontier with Mauritania [see MURITANIYA]. The origin of the word "Senegal" is disputed. According to some, the term is said to derive from the name of the Sanhadja (or Zenaga), a Berber people who occupied the northern bank of the lower reaches of the river. The first forms of these names are to be found in the accounts of travellers of the 16th century. Duarte Pacheco Pereira uses the phrase "rio de Qanagua" to denote the river; Zurara, Valentim Fernandes, Ca da Mosto and Diogo Gomes call the Berber people "Azenegues", "Azanaghes" or "Cenegii". Other interpretations find in the name of Sunghana, a town in the river valley mentioned by alBakri in the 5th/11th century, another possible origin. According to a popular etymology, which has no historical basis, Senegal would be derived from the Wolof sunu gaal ("our canoe"). Whatever the case, the name of Senegal, which had long been applied to the region of Saint-Louis alone, was not extended to the whole country until the 19th century. 1. G e o g r a p h y , population and languages. Senegal is the most westerly country of the African continent. It is situated between latitudes 12° and 17° N., and between longitudes 11° and 17° W. Its surface area is 196,722 km2. The most significant elevation, in the extreme south of the country, is less than 500 m in altitude. Anomalies exist in the drawing of frontiers, a legacy of the colonial division. The valley of the Gambia (approximately 300 km in length by 20 km in breadth), formerly colonised by the British, constitutes an enclave which impedes communications between Casamance and the rest of the country. In terms of climate, Senegal is a region of transition between the Sahel [see SAHIL] to the north and the tropical forests to the south, with an Atlantic littoral to the west introducing a maritime dimension. The major part of the centre and the east (Ferlo) is semidesert. Three principal ethnic groups share the land of contemporary Senegal: the Wolof, who constitute between 35% and 38% of the total population, and who principally inhabit the north-west of the country, the Sereer, settled to the south of the former (region of Sine-Saloum), who, with 19% of the population, represent the second largest race of Senegal, and the Fuutanke (pi. Fuutankobe) of Fuuta Tooro (called "Toucouleurs" by the French), a sedentary people inhabiting the central section of the river valley (13% of the total), the product of large-scale racial intermingling, which over the course of its history has adopted the language of the Peul or Fulbe nomads (hence their name of hal-pulaaren, "those who speak pulaar/peu\"). Wolof, Sereer and Hal-Pulaaren are related through language and culture. The final third of the Senegalese population is composed of the Soninke, Maninka/Malinke and other kindred groups (8.5%), historically associated with the mediaeval empires of Ghana and of Mali [q. vv. ] , the Peul or Fulbe (8%), the Joola/Diola of Casamance (7%), the Balantes, Mandjak, Mankagne and Bassari of Casamance and the south-east of the country (2%), and the Lebu of the Cape Verde peninsula (less than 2%). French, the official language of the Republic, is
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known by approximately one-third of the population. Since 1978, the constitution has furthermore recognised six national languages: Joola, Malinke, Pular, Sereer, Soninke and Wolof. Due to its centrality, the number of its speakers, and its historical and political role, Wolof, although little used in the press and in literature, has tended to become, in fact, the principal national language of Senegal. On the other hand, the existence of a public and private network engaged in the teaching of Arabic, and the use of Arabic characters in the transcription of certain national languages, have tended to confer upon Arabic, for religious reasons, the status of a major cultural language, in spite of the relatively small number of those who use it. The total population of Senegal was 7 million in 1988, representing a density of 35.7 inhabitants per km 2 . The capital, Dakar [q. v. in Suppl.j, has a population of over a million. The scale of urbanisation is one of the highest in sub-Saharan Africa: more than a third of the inhabitants. In 1988 the G.N.P. was $510 per head of population, and the overseas debt, in 1989, was $288.25 per head of population. The vast majority of the population is Muslim. There also exists a Catholic minority (about 5%) in the south of the country ("Little Coast"). 2. E c o n o m y . The economy of Senegal, which depends for almost half of its exports on a single agricultural product, the ground-nut, is fragile. Despite efforts towards liberalisation, the Senegalese state remains the principal employer, importer and investor, a fact which increases the risks of corruption and nepotism in the administrative apparatus. The Senegalese economy is, furthermore, deeply dependent on foreign nations for the provision of capital and of technology. For a long time France, the former colonial power, has occupied a dominant position, which is currently shared by the U.S.A. Since independence, the value of ground-nuts on the international market has declined considerably (in competition with the oils of the soy-bean and the coleseed). The ground-nut, which represented 80% of the value of exports until 1967, represented no more than one-half fifteen years later. This collapse is also accounted for by the development of new products for export: phosphates, fresh and preserved fish, cotton. On the other hand, the state has given priority to the extension of rice-producing land. Besides Casamance, the region traditionally associated with this crop, rice has been introduced into the valley of the Senegal river, as a result of major projects sponsored by the (inter-states) "Organisation pour la Mise en Valeur du Senegal" (O.M.V.S.), which, by means of the construction of a dam at Diama (near Saint-Louis), intends to modify the hydraulic disposition of the river and to combat the salination of soils. Although Senegal does not belong among the least prosperous nations of West Africa, its economy shows few signs of growth. The poor quality of its soil and the scarcity of natural resources, in addition to the effects of the condition of international markets in primary materials, constitute this country's principal handicap. The recent devaluation of the C.F.A. franc (January 1994) has rendered still more perceptible the problems of an economy which has yet to extricate itself from the ties of external dependence. 3. H i s t o r y . (1) Earliest historical times. The history of the settlement of Senegal dates back at least to the start of the current era: the presence of tumuli in the valley of the Senegal, impressive ar-
tificial mounds of sea-shells on the coast, numerous megalithic monuments, dating from the first millennium of this era, between Gambia and Ferlo (in particular the stone circles of Sine-Saloum) and metallurgical sites prove the antiquity of human occupation in these regions. In the earliest stages of its history, Senegal was a cul-de-sac, backed by an ocean which, until the 15th century, played no part. Essentially, what constitutes its current territory was outside the zone of domination of the kingdom of Ghana, the first political formation of any size in the region. It was also situated at the furthest limits of the Muslim world of the time. It is precisely from this zone of contact with AraboMuslim trans-Saharan commerce, at the approaches to the valley of the Senegal river, that the first information filters through, beginning in the 9th century A.D. The history as such of Senegal really begins with the description of sub-Saharan itineraries by the Andalusian geographer al-Bakn (writing in 460/1068). Proceeding along the course of the river, he describes successively the towns ofSunghana (or Sanghana), of Takrur and of Silla (or Silll). Situated some 200 km from the estuary of the Senegal river ("six days journey between it and the land of the Godala"), Sunghana is composed of two towns, located on either side of the river. Down-stream, between Sunghana and the Atlantic Ocean, "the inhabited places follow on from one another". This zone corresponds to the lower valley of the river, known historically by the name of Waalo. Up-stream, at a distance which is not given precisely, are located Takrur, then Silla, itself situated at "twenty stages" (more than 600 km) from Ghana. Silla, too, is composed of two towns, separated by the river. The middle valley of the Senegal represents the first centre of Islamisation of the entire region. The king of Takrur, Waar Diaabe (d. 432/1040) was converted, calling on his subjects and on the neighbouring city of Silla to accept the new religion. His son, Labi, supported Yahya b. c Umar in 448/1056 in the first conflicts of the Almoravid movement [see ALMURABITUN]. The king of Silla, for his part, made war on his non-Muslim neighbours, such as those of "Kalanbu" (Galam), another city on the river. From this period onward, the sources of gold, which constituted the principal magnet for AraboBerber merchants, were logged by travellers and geographers. The best gold was then obtained from a site known as Ghiyaru (Gunjuru ?), situated at "eighteen days' journey" (less than 600 km) to the south of Ghana. This is in the major auriferous region of Bam-, buk, which is located on the right bank of the Faleme (a tributary of the Senegal) and is divided today between the modern states of Senegal and Mali. In the following century, according to al-ldrfsl (writing in 549/1154), Takrur, which seems to have gained by the enfeeblement of Ghana, possibly by the Almoravids, exerted its authority as far as the approaches to Bambuk, thus controlling exchanges between the salt of the coast and the gold of the interior. The kingdom of Takrur was subsequently supplanted by other regional political formations, but the toponym survived and was to acquire great significance. In all probability it is the origin of the name "Tucurooes" (Duarte Pacheco Pereira, Valentim Fernandes, in the 16th century), then, in French writing, of "Toucouleurs". On the other hand, until the 19th century, the word Takrur denoted in a loose fashion, throughout the Arab East, the Muslim regions of the extreme west of Western Africa, more
SENEGAL specifically, the lands which are currently Senegal and Mali. (2) A Senegalese political matrix: the Grand Jolof,
Besides the participation of Takrur in the Almoravid movement, the exploits of the Murdbitun had few repercussions in the region of Senegal. On the other hand, their memory has been magnified to the point of representing the birth of the Islamic history of the land. This sense of identification with the Almoravid ajihdd finds its best known expression in the genealogy of the kings of the Jolof, the first great historical Senegalese kingdom. The oral sources, which concentrate on the achievement of the founding hero, claim, in anachronistic fashion, that the first sovereign of the Jolof, Njajaan Njaay, was the son of the Almoravid Abu Bakr b. c Umar, or one of his descendents and successors. But this is a late genealogy, no doubt fabricated after the 12th/18th century by Muslim scholars anxious to validate the Islamic legitimacy of the dynasty, in competition with other traditions according to which the founder was, on the contrary, renowned for his animist powers. The "Grand Jolof" was, between the 13th and 16th centuries, the crucible of new Senegalese political identities, more particular those of the Wolof language. But the reconstruction of the process remains in part conjectural. After the legendary account of the foundation of the kingdom by Njajaan Njaay, the oral sources remain virtually silent regarding the latter's successors, only providing dynastic lists without commentaries. These unclear materials make it impossible to establish a firm chronology. At the most, by means of connections and cross-checking it is legitimate to locate the origins of the kingdom at the earliest towards the end of the 13th century. In the Jolof as in the Waalo, the dynasty claimed descent from Njajaan Njaay: these were in all probability the central territories of the new hegemony. On the other hand, the other dynastic unities, Kajoor (Cayor) and Bawol (Baol) are given distinct, even earlier origins (references to the Soninke of Ghana) and therefore needed to be attached subsequently to the great totality. Similarly, the "Wolofisation" of these two countries was accomplished, after some delay, under the influence of the Grand Jolof. Later still, there took place the integration of the southern kingdoms of Sereer language, of Siin (Sine) and of Saalum (Saloum). The process of extension of the political range of the Jolof was overshadowed by the expansion of the empire of Mali [q.v.]. At its zenith (first half of the 14th century), this empire gained a foothold in the valleys of the Senegal and the Gambia, defeated the sovereign of the Jolof, if the Malinke tradition, and it alone, is to be believed, and radiated, in a fashion difficult to determine, over the rest of the region. Political titulature bears numerous traces of this period of Malinke control. The titles offara (chief) or offar-ba (great chief), which came to be widely used in Wolof hierarchies, are directly borrowed from the Malinke language. Genealogical connections with the dynasty of Mali also appear throughout the Senegambian zone. At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese, the Jolof was at its zenith, its territory extending as far as Ferlo, to the east, and Gambia, to the south, while Takrur continued to exert its power further to the east, from the central valley of the Senegal to Bambuk. At the same time, Mali, in a process of decline, nevertheless maintained its pressure, particularly in the Gambian valley. But the empire of the Jolof was weakly centralised and the subsidiary kingdoms enjoyed considerable
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autonomy, sometimes engaging in dissidence. The sovereign (buurba) directly governed only the province of Jolof as such, an inland region separated from maritime traffic. As a means of surmounting this handicap the Crown Prince (buumi) Jelen, ousted in a war of succession, made his way, in 1488, to Lisbon, converted to Catholicism and having regained his throne, played an active part in the control of imports (horses, iron, weapons, fabrics, leather and glass objects, etc.). The coasts of Senegambia were discovered by the Portuguese around 1445. The Wolof lands represent in this context the first "morsel" of Black Africa explored by the Portuguese. The testimonies of these navigators, superseding the somewhat limited Arab sources, provide considerable new material for the understanding of Senegalese societies in the 15th century. By combining these elements of information with those assembled later, it is possible to trace the essential character of these societies. They are first of all marked by a very strict hierarchisation of social classes: the geer (free men), the neeno (considered inferior, of low "caste", consisting of members of endogamic groups specialising in the practice of certain artisanal occupations, smiths, millers, etc.) and the jaam (slaves and dependents). Power belonged to members of the ruling geer families. In the Senegambian zone, kinship is established both in the maternal and the paternal line; matrilineages are called meen and patrilineages geno. The inheritance of goods and positions exposes, in variable proportions according to dynasties and periods, this double filiation. Thus transmission in the dynasty of the Jolof, from the outset until the end, is predominantly patrilineal. On the other hand, the Waalo, the Kajoor and the Bawol practised a bilineal system from the 16th to the 19th century, and previously, in certain cases, possibly a matrilineal system. In the entourage of these Wolof kings, a lady of the Court (mother, aunt or elder sister), the lingeer, exercises a substantial authority which underlines the role of matrilinearity in these complex systems. The diffusion of Islam in these kingdoms is still very uneven. The Portuguese texts speak of animist practices and evoke the propensity of the Wolof for the abuse of alcohol. They also illustrate the important role played by foreign preachers, the majority of them from neighbouring Zanaga groups (contemporary Mauritania). These are known by the name of bisserin or bixenn (in contemporary Wolof, serin, equivalent of shaykh}. From the early 17th century onwards, the term "marabout" comes into general use and is substituted for the latter. As in the rest of western Sudan in the same period, Islam is the faith of elites and of merchants, an Islam of the court, which does not exclude, on the part of the sovereign, at his subjects' behest, recourse to instruments of legitimacy borrowed from ancestral cults (feasts, dancing, sacrifices etc.). (3) The turning-point of the 16th century: a new political landscape.
The years following 1500 saw a significant turningpoint in the history of the region: the accession to power of a Peul or Fulbe dynasty in neighbouring Takrur, and the autonomy of the subordinate kingdoms, destabilised the unity of the Jolof. The history of the interior of Senegambia is marked, during the second half of the 15th century, by a hostile campaign of great breadth instigated by Peul originating from the border regions of the Sahel, in a double movement, north-south and then south-north. Between 1460 and 1480 the Peul crossed the central
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valley of the Senegal in the direction of the Gambia. Soon afterwards, a Peul state was founded by Tengela in the Fuuta Jaaloo (Fouta Djalon, currently in Guinea [see FUTA DJALLON]), while Peul forces confronted those of Mali. From 1490 onward, Tengela and his son Koli campaigned along the current eastern frontier of Senegal. Tengela was killed in 1512 in a confrontation with troops of the Songhay empire (an empire centred on the loop of the Niger) and Koli (son of) Tengela undertook the occupation of Takrur, where he founded a new dynasty, that of the Deniyanke (pi. Deniyankoobe). The Peul power exerted pressure on the eastern frontier of the Jolof, in particular through the occupation of the Ferlo. The same period witnessed the increasing power of the Kajoor, annexing the peninsula of Cape Verde, a strategic commercial area, between 1482 and 1515, then, between 1530 and 1550, defeating the Jolof in battle (the victory of Danki). The Kajoor seceded, followed by all the other tributary kingdoms. After the dislocation of the Grand Jolof, provisional equilibrium was established between the four Wolof kingdoms (Jolof, Waalo, Kajoor, Bawol) and, more broadly, between the Senegambian states (besides the afore-mentioned, the Fuuta of the Deniyankoobe— formerly Takrur—to the north, and the Siin and the Saalum, to the south). A new disposition offerees was progressively brought into being, marked by the ambitions of the Fuuta, the power of the Kajoor and the economic growth of the Saalum. In the second half of the 16th century, the buurba of the Jolof passed for some time under the protectorate of the Fuuta. The brak of the Waalo followed, after some delay, and in its turn paid tribute to the Fuuta. The Deniyanke dynasty reached its zenith at the beginning of the 17th century under the reign of the satigi Samba Lamu. In confrontation with this regional power, a new hegemony was established under the leadership of Amari Ngoone, the architect of the victory over the Jolof, who united the Bawol and the Kajoor under his authority, but this union collapsed at the end of the 16th century. Henceforward, the Wolof found themselves divided on a lasting basis between the four independent political entities, which were to continue in operation, within virtually stable frontiers, until the colonial conquest, although the memory of their lost unity was not to disappear. For all the Senegambian powers, access to the coast or to the two major rivers of the region, represented a vital asset. European commerce, dictated, in fact, to an increasing extent, not only the trade but also the political and social life of the region. (4) The period of the slave trade. The first Portuguese incursion took place, around 1445, at Arguin, on the coast of what is now Mauritania. From there, the Portuguese proceeded along the courses of the Senegal and the Gambia with the object of reaching the sources of gold, thus diverting the internal commercial routes towards the Atlantic. From this time onwards, the traffic in slaves began to flourish. Senegambia constituted in fact the primary source of slaves embarked directly for Europe by sea and it continued to be the principal exporter throughout the 16th century, until the Gulf of Guinea and Angola took over this role in the following century. At the beginning of the 17th century, the Portuguese commercial monopoly was shattered by the successive arrival of the Dutch, the British and the French. The new powers divided the coast into rival zones of influence. The Dutch established themselves on the island of Gorea in 1621. After temporary Por-
tuguese re-occupations (in 1629 and 1645), they were obliged to cede the territory to the British (1667), then to the French (1677). In 1659, the French built the fortress of Saint-Louis, at the mouth of the Senegal river, and organised an active network covering the whole of the river valley. For their part, the British established themselves, in 1651, at the mouth of the Gambia. This European implantation had profound effects on political and social dispositions. The hunt for slaves led to violence and exacerbated the tensions between Senegalese kingdoms and European traders, and within the Senegalese kingdoms themselves. A social revolution was created, under the flag of Islam, as a reaction against the extortions of the ruling aristocracies. It is known in the European texts of the period as the "war of the marabouts" or "Toubenan movement" (from Arabic tawba "conversion, repentance"). Initially, a djihdd born among Berbers of Mauritania, at the initiative of a religious Utopian and reformer named Nasir al-Dln, as a reaction against the double pressure of Arab Hassan! warriors moving towards the south and of the Europeans installed at the mouth of the Senegal river, erupted in the river valley, where it acquired aspects of supplementary significance. The desire to convert the populace to Islam was combined here with opposition to the European slave trade. Between 1673 and 1677, the djihdd was victorious in the Waalo, in the Fuuta, in the Jolof and in the Kajoor. But this victory was everywhere ephemeral. In Mauritania (where this war was known by the name of Shar Bubba), the men of religion (zwayd) were forced to recognise the supremacy of the warriors. On the Senegalese side, the local dynasties re-established their authority everywhere, with the military and material aid of the French traders of Saint-Louis. This restoration was accompanied by an anti-Islamic reaction on the part of the warrior aristocracies, who delivered the defeated survivors into slavery. In these circumstances, adherence to Islam took on a different meaning: from being the distinguishing sign of an elite in mediaeval Sudanese societies, it became the symbol of an ideology of dissidence and revolt against pagan tyrannies (in particular the power of the ceddo warriors, "slaves of the crown" in the service of the ruling families) and the foreign occupation. "Islam which had hitherto been an Islam of the court, the monopoly of the powerful, was to an increasing extent rejected by this aristocracy, which was to be more or less hostile to it until the time of the colonial conquest" (B. Barry, 1972, 157). In these circumstances of repression, the Muslim communities became pacific and minority enclaves, which periodically attracted to themselves dispossessed and exploited peasants. The 18th century witnessed the consolidation of these tendencies. The development of the cultivation of sugar-cane, cotton and tobacco in America led to an expansion of slave traffic and its geographical extension beyond Senegambia. European demand was henceforward extended to gum, a resin of acacia which was to be found in the Saharo-Sahelian zone of the region. In the Senegalese kingdoms, the exacerbation of competition for access to European products gave the advantage to militarised groups, in particular to the ceddo warlords who imposed their will on the ruling dynasties. In confrontation with the powers of the ceddo, Islamic teaching was seen as a possible response to the general crisis. Within the Senegalese states, the Muslim communities consolidated themselves under the leadership
SENEGAL of influential religious families, who were not averse to invoking occult means to intimidate their adversaries. These Muslim enclaves, linked together by regular contacts and expressions of solidarity, organised themselves, either to snatch an ever more extensive autonomy, or to unleash Islamic revolutions. Their leaders, "graduates" trained in the same schools, in particular the religious centres of Pir and of Kokki in the Kajoor, in direct contact with the Berber zwdya masters, shared the same culture and exchanged information and plans. Since the end of the 17th century, around 1690, the Bundu, a zone situated to the south of the Senegal river in the east of the country, which had attracted numerous Muslims of the Fuuta Tooro fleeing from repression, had been the epicentre of a Muslim revolution led by a Fuutanke scholar by the name of Malik Sii (Sy), who had studied at Pir and was directly inspired by the model of Nasir al-D!n. The Muslim party was thus assured of control of the valley of the Faleme, doubly rich on account of agricultural resources and gold deposits (Bambuk). Like Nasir alDin, Malik took the title of almami (al-imdm) and laid the foundations of a regime which was to evolve in dynastic fashion. The Bundu was a ladder towards the Fuuta Jaaloo, a mountain range recently colonised by the Peul, where other partisans of Nasir al-Dln fleeing repression had also taken refuge. In 1725, a second Islamic revolution erupted in this region of what is now Guinea. In its turn it was to serve as the model for a movement of the same nature which was victorious in 1776 in the Fuuta Tooro and led to the fall of the Deniyanke dynasty. The religious party, known by the name of toorodo (from a Peul root which signifies, according to the hypotheses proposed, "to beg" or "to pray") was led by two former pupils of the schools of Pir and of Kokki, Sulayman Bal and cAbd alKadir, the first almami and amir al-mu^minin of the Fuuta. cAbd al-Kadir opposed the sale of Muslims at Saint-Louis and blocked the communications and the supply-routes of the French fortress. The toorodo party attempted at the same time to extend Islamic power to the neighbouring Wolof kingdoms, but it encountered determined resistance on the part of the sovereign (darnel] of the Kajoor, Amri Ngoone Ndeela, whose forces crushed the Fuutanke army at Bungoy in 1790. The Islamic revolution was brought to a definitive halt. In the Fuuta, the new aristocracy of the Toorodo appropriated land and dominated the country, while the regime of the almami, consumed by internecine rivalry and struggles over succession between families, was in dire need of stability (between 1806 and 1854, 20 candidates came to power on 45 occasions, which, taking account of interregnums, represents an average of less than a year per reign). As in the Bundu and Fuuta Jaaloo, the leaders of the victorious party, trained originally as scholars, progressively yielded power to a new warrior aristocracy which had no direct links with religious studies. However, the Islamic character of the state was reinforced by a network of schools and of kadis, which had the function of diffusing and promoting the shari^a. In the Wolof kingdoms, the Muslim groups maintained their cohesion and, sometimes, emigrated towards more hospitable regions (such as those from the province of Njambur, to the north of the Kajoor, who went into exile in huge numbers in the peninsula of Gape Verde.) (5) The rivalry between the three powers: the warriors, the religious, the French of Saint-Louis.
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At the Congress of Vienna (1814), Britain imposed on the European powers the suppression of the slave trade. Although "illicit commerce" continued for some time, the entire balance of Atlantic trading was comprehensively overturned. The Congress of Vienna also restored to French its warehouses in Senegal, which had been occupied by the British. After lengthy research, the ground-nut was identified by the French as the product providing the best substitute for the slave-trade (the British opting, for their part, for palm-oil). From 1840 onwards, the ground-nut was seen as the miracle crop which could rescue French commerce in Senegal from stagnation. This choice led in its turn to a policy of intervention and more resolute territorial expansion. It was Faidherbe, governor of Senegal between 1854 and 1865, who inaugurated this process of colonial conquest: occupation of the Waalo (1855), construction of new posts in the valley of the Senegal river, political and military interference in the Kajoor, and victorious intervention in the Saalum (1859). These campaigns accentuated the fragility of the Senegalese kingdoms. There was only one force, originating in the east, which could represent an alternative to the French hegemony. It was embodied by a toorodo of the Fuuta, a veteran of the Pilgrimage, endowed with the title of khalifa of the new Tidjaniyya brotherhood, named alHadjdj c Umar al-Futi. The latter, also inspired by the model of the caliphate of Sokoto (northern Nigeria) where he had lived for several years and taken a wife, sought to revive the toorodo tradition of Islamic reform. Establishing himself to the north of the Fuuta Jaaloo, he attracted to his cause thousands of "social juniors" from his native territory, in search of adventure and social advancement, and anxious to escape the crisis of power in the Fuuta Tooro. In 1846, cUmar undertook his first tour of preaching and recruitment in eastern Senegambia and in the Fuuta Tooro. He was faced by the opposition both of the existing hierarchies in the Fuuta and of the French, worried by this new source of instability. c Umar proclaimed the djihdd in 1852. At the end of 1854 he occupied the Bambuk, invaded the Bundu and established himself in the upper valley of the Senegal. In 1857, he instigated a siege of the French fortress of Medine, situated in the upper valley, but was unable to complete it successfully and suffered heavy losses. Henceforward, al-Hadjdj c Umar withdrew from Senegal and directed his efforts against the Bambara animist hegemonies which then dominated the entire western zone of what is now Mali. But he continued to draw the bulk of his forces from the human reservoir of the Fuuta Tooro, thus contributing to the phenomenon offergo (emigration), which had profound effects on the riparian societies. Taking up the legacy of al-Hadjdj c Umar (who died in 1864 and whose empire survived for a further generation on the territory of what is now Mali), some Senegambian leaders, influenced by the c UmarI djihdd or by the toorodo model, revived in their turn a militant and radical programme. In Senegambia, the principal figure was a disciple of al-Hadjdj c Umar by the name of Ma BaJaaxu, who dominated the stage in Senegal from 1861 to 1867. He took the title of almami and founded a state covering the land between the Saalum and the Gambia and extending, for a brief period, as far as the Senegal river. Ma Ba Jaaxu was killed in 1867 while attempting to subdue the Siin, who remained resolutely animist. Some of his companions were to persist in the struggle for Islamic reform and against French expan-
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sionism. These included Lat Joor (Lat Dyor), darnel of the Kajoor, and al-Bun Njay, his nephew, buurba of the Jolof. Other lieutenants of Ma Ba maintained positions of power along the entire length of the Gambia. But the most significant figures in the long term were to be non-combattant marabouts. The change in emphasis was embodied in particular, a little later, by Amadu Bamba, founder of Murldism, whose father, Momar Anta Sali, had been the tutor of Ma Ba's son and an adviser to Lat Joor. Parallel developments took place in the Fuuta. Confronted by a warlord, Abdul Bokar Kan, who, between 1860 and 1890, attempted to re-establish the unity and the independence of the Fuuta and to oppose the large-scale drain of the human resources of the region in the direction of the post-cUmarI empire, other religious figures called for the restoration of toorodo ideals: these were Cerno Brahim, a pupil of the Moorish Zwdya of Trarza, in the eastern Fuuta, and Amadu Seexu, son and disciple of an influential religious personage, closely linked to the school of Kokki, who was proclaimed MahdT in the western Fuuta in 1828 (whence the name of Madiyankoobe "followers of the Mahdl", given to the movement). Cerno Brahim, for his part, was defeated by allies of Abdul Bokar Kan, in the upper valley of the Senegal, in 1869. The same year, at the time of a devastating cholera epidemic, Amadu Seexu followed his father's example in calling for a movement of reform and of purification. The mobilisation offerees, and the tension which ensued, led to a direct confrontation with the French. Amadu Seexu allied himself temporarily with Lat Joor, the former companion of Ma Ba, and pretender to the throne of the Kajoor, and won numerous victories over the French. For his part, Abdul Bokar Kan avoided any direct confrontation with the Madiyankoobe whose leader, powerless to rally the entirety of the Fuuta and being much more respected in Wolof circles, emigrated with all his forces to the Jolof. Having become a threat to the Wolof dynasties, Amadu Seexu found himself progressively isolated. Along with hundreds of his supporters he was killed by a French expeditionary force in a bloody battle in 1875. A final large-scale religious movement was launched, in the upper valley of the Senegal river, by Mamadu Laamin Daraame, a Soninke of the Gajaaga, from a religious family, who had made the Pilgrimage to Mecca and who, having expressed criticisms with regard to the c Uman regime, was temporarily imprisoned by Amadu Seexu (Shaykhu), sovereign of Segou, son and successor of al-Hadjdj c Umar. In 1885 Mamadu Laamin launched a djihdd which united the majority of the heterogenous populations of the Upper River, especially those of the Soninke, Jaxanke, Maninka and Xasonke ethnic groups, in what is now the frontier region between Senegal and Mali. He occupied the Bundu and Upper Gambia, threatening the rearguard of the French troops engaged in the conquest of the c Uman empire. He was finally killed in 1886. Thus Senegambia was, throughout the 19th century, the scene of complex confrontations involving protagonists of three types: the warriors and monarchs, defenders of the traditional order, the religious zealots who, since the end of the 17th century, had pursued a programme of social and political reform based on the Islamic shari^a, and the French who, having started out as ordinary commercial partners paying fees to their African middlemen, were constantly gaining territory and acting like conquerors. On the confrontation between warriors and
religious zealots, both groups being themselves wracked by internal divisions, there was superimposed to an ever-increasing extent that between African and French interests. This situation accounts for the instability of alliances and counter-alliances. Caught between two fires—the French of Saint-Louis and the religious reformers—the monarchs, who were also dependent on their ceddo entourages, made alliances, according to circumstances, with one party or the other. Following the suppression of religious initiatives, in which they collaborated in numerous cases, they hoped to find some common ground with Saint-Louis, but were in their turn eliminated at the end of the century: Lat Joor was killed in battle in 1886, al-Bun Njaay was forced into exile in 1890, and Abdul Bokar, powerless to prevent the occupation of the Fuuta, was killed by Moors acting on behalf of the French in 1891. The last efforts at resistance were those mounted, in the non-Islamised south, by the Joola of LowerCasamance, to the south of the Gambia. The French administration, reduced to a few coastal warehouses, sought to take possession of maritime Casamance with the aim of developing there the production of rubber. But the Joola took advantage of the inaccessibility of their villages and of the localised nature of their power to impede French penetration. From 1885 onward, organised on a village-based structure, they resisted the French with some success, and their movement was to remain active until the First World War. (6) The Colony of Senegal. The conquest of Senegal by France responded to a double objective: strategic, providing a base of departure for the advance on the Sudan (Segou, the cUmari capital on the Niger, fell in 1890), and economic, for the development of the cultivation of the ground-nut, especially in the Kajoor. In 1885, the ground-nut represented 70% of the colony's exports and was poised to become its sole crop. Beyond the various legal constructs, the true founder of the colony of Senegal, reduced to a few isolated trading posts at the time of the French return in 1817, was the governor Faidherbe (1854-1865, with a brief interruption in 1861). At his own initiative, and with the active support of the commercial community of Bordeaux, Faidherbe, who had been trained in the Arab Bureaux in Algeria, directed his efforts towards the interior of the country and the Senegal river. He was diverted from operations nearer the coast by the separation of Goree into a distinct entity belonging to the "Marine". Protected by the Parisian administration, Faidherbe received the necessary funds and reinforcements. He also knew how to cultivate an image of distinction in influential French circles, showing himself receptive to scholars, publicists and journalists. Like Bonaparte in Egypt, Faidherbe surrounded himself with young officers, graduates of military schools. Combining diplomacy with firmness, he encouraged the signing of treaties of protectorate with African chiefs, but he also organised the Senegalese Tirailleurs, an African force in the service of the colonial power, later to enjoy a great fortune. To train an African elite for the role of intermediary between the Senegalese people and the French authorities, he founded for this purpose the "Ecole des Otages" (1855-1871), which was later to become the "Ecole des Fils des Chefs et des Interpretes" (1893). With the annexation of the Waalo (1856), a collection of dispersed trading posts was replaced by a single and continuous tract of occupied territory, the first of its kind for the French in West Africa. On 26 February 1859, the island of Goree and
SENEGAL the southern trading posts were placed under the authority of the governor of Senegal. The Kajoor, the major source of ground-nuts, all the outlets for which were controlled by French commerce, was progressively encircled. A display of force in the Kajoor and the replacement of the darnel (January-May 1861) overcame all resistance. The retreat of al-Hadjdj c Umar (Treaty of Medina, August 1860), removed the threat of djihdd and consolidated the structure. If these impressive achievements are supplemented by the organisational work conducted on the ground (administrative infrastructures, French and FrancoMuslim schools, Muslim tribunals, modernisation of Saint-Louis, foundation of the Bank of Senegal, etc.) it is evident that, without substantial means, Faidherbe had transformed—twenty-five years before the great colonial partition of Africa—a network of trading posts of mediocre importance into a colony of 50,000 km 2 , to which should be added the zone of influence created in the interior by the various treaties of protectorate and by settlements along the river or on the southern coast. Guided by the Algerian experience, Faidherbe conducted a rather Islamophile policy, using Muslim institutions as an arm of the French domination. This period saw the beginnings of a phenomenon which was to persist for several generations, the privileged status enjoyed by representatives of Muslim elites of the region of Saint-Louis and of the river: Shaykh Sidiyya Baba (1862-1926), a Kadirl Moorish dignitary of Trarza, Shaykh Sacad Buh (1850-1917), another Kadirl (and Fadili) Moorish figure, the interpreter Buh al-Mogdad, drawn from the same circles, Amadu Mukhtar Sakho, kadi of Boghe (Fuuta) from 1905 to 1934, and a number of prominent citizens and merchants of Saint-Louis (Hamat Njaay/Ndiaye, etc.). A decree of 16 June 1895 created the "Gouvernement General de 1'Afrique Occidentale Francaise" (A.O.F.), whose titular head, based at Saint-Louis, combined his duties with those of governor of Senegal. A decree of 1902 separated the two functions: the Governor-General took up residence in Dakar, while the Lieutenant-Governor of Senegal remained in Saint-Louis. A decree of 18 October 1904 established the definitive organisation of the A.O.F. and presented Senegal as a colony composed of "territories of direct administration" (the four communes of Saint-Louis, Goree, Rufisque and Dakar, with their suburbs, and the coastal zone traversed by the Dakar-Saint-Louis railway) and the "protectorate lands" of the interior. The "Four Communes" represented an exceptional case in the French colonial system in Africa. A decree of 10 August 1872 had accorded to Saint-Louis and Goree-Dakar the status of fully functional communes. In 1880, this status had been extended to Rufisque, while, in 1887, Goree and Dakar had been separated into two distinct communal entities. Between 1872 and 1887, the Four Communes were endowed with an organisation copied from the French model. The decree of 4 February 1879 created an elected General Council, on the model of the practice followed in the French departments. On the other hand, since 1848 (with an interruption under the Second Empire) the inhabitants of Saint-Louis and of Goree had elected a deputy to the French Chamber of Deputies. This right was extended to nationals of the Four Communes. This example of very close assimilation to the metropolitan regime was not extended further; until the Second World War, it never covered more than 5% of the Senegalese population. The other nationals of the territory were, as in the other
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colonies, "French subjects", subordinated, by a decree of 20 September 1887, to the local colonial regime, by which they could be regularly requisitioned for works in the public interest, while at the same time their right of movement was limited and they were subject to the discretionary power of the administrators. The Four Communes, on account of their privileged status, witnessed the emergence of the first black elites, whose claims, throughout the early years of the century, were directed towards total assimilation. The first land-mark event took place in 1914 with the election, on a huge majority (1,900 votes against 671) of a negro customs official, Blaise Diagne, competing with a candidate of mixed parentage supported by the administration. Blaise Diagne had benefited, especially, from the support of the Murid brotherhood. For the first time a Black African sat in the French Parliament. A law, sponsored by Blaise Diagne and promulgated in 1915, enlarged the constituency of French citizens, stipulating that all the nationals of the Four Communes and their descendants should enjoy citizen status. As a valued representative of the French government, with the title of Commissioner of the Republic and the rank of Governor-General, Blaise Diagne contributed actively to the recruitment of African troops for the battlefields of the First World War. He was convinced at this time that the shedding of blood would accelerate progress towards assimilation. After the war, he became Under-Secretary of State for the colonies, the first African to serve a French government in a ministerial capacity. On his death in 1934, Galandou Diouf was elected deputy and pursued the same programme, of populist oratory and co-operation with France, although with less skill. The founding of the Senegalese Socialist Party in 1935 and its affiliation to the French Socialist Party (S.F.I.O.) in 1938 marked a new phase. The leader of the new party, Lamine Gueye, was defeated by Galandou Diouf in the elections of 1934 and 1936, but he dominated Senegalese political life after the Second World War. Senegal was affected in numerous ways by the global conflict. Pierre Boisson, Governor-General of the A.O.F., remained loyal to the government of Vichy and offered military resistance to an attempted landing by General De Gaulle, supported by British naval forces, at Dakar (13-25 September 1940). After the Allied landing in North Africa, Boisson negotiated an accord with Admiral Darlan and with General Eisenhower (7 December 1942) which brought the A.O.F. back into the war, but not into alliance with Free France (this was not to be achieved until June 1943). (7) Progress towards Independence. After the war, two figures belonging to two different generations, whose rivalry was to dominate the political life of the country over the next ten years, emerged on the public scene: Lamine Gueye, a lawyer of Saint-Louis, a citizen of the Four Communes, and Leopold Sedar Senghor, a Sereer Catholic, a schoolteacher, who had promulgated in 1939, with the Martiniquese Aime Cesaire, the concept of "Negritude". The two men collaborated at first within the S.F.I.O., which established itself as the dominant party in the elections of 1945. Both were elected as deputies to the French National Assembly in 1945 and 1946, Lamine Gueye as representative of the first constituency (the citizens of the Four Communes) and Senghor as representative of the second constituency (that of the "French subjects"). It was a law promoted by Lamine Gueye (7 May 1946) which conferred French
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citizenship on all nationals of the overseas colonies. In 1948, Senghor resigned from the S.F.I.O., which he considered too assimilationist, and founded his own party: the Bloc Democratique Senegalais (B.D.S.). Henceforward, the two organisations were to compete for control of the electorate, actively solliciting the religious leaders (the marabouts), who now enjoyed the status of electoral brokers and were the recipients of all kinds of favours from politicians. In spite of his Catholic allegiance and the attacks levelled at him on account of it, Senghor emerged from this confrontation the victor. Lamine Gueye, as a city-dweller from Saint-Louis, was not at all familiar with rural issues. Intellectual though he was, Senghor paid more attention to the problems of the "bush" and gained the support on this basis of numerous "marabouts" who had a direct interest in agricultural problems. He also manipulated with skill the internal conflicts within the brotherhoods. Thus he supported the head khalifa of the Munds, Falilou M'Backe, against his nephew and rival Cheikh M'Backe, a friend of Lamine Gueye. Taking equal advantage of the blunders of the militant socialists, he won over to his side one of the great historical figures of the Tidjaniyya, Seydou Nourou Tall, grandson of al-Hadjdj c Umar, a man of influence who, from his stronghold in the Fuuta Tooro, had served all the administrations and now put his considerable expertise at Senghor's disposal. Senghor won the elections of 1951, and continued to consolidate his power at subsequent polls. The frame law of June 1956 (the "Defferre Law") established a regime of internal autonomy and gave rise to an autonomous executive and a "Republic of Senegal". Elections intended to put this autonomy into effect took place on 15 March 1957. The party of Senghor (which had become, through the unification of small parties, the "Bloc Populaire Senegalais") secured 78.1 % of the votes, as against 11.1% for the Socialists (limited essentially to Dakar and SaintLouis). Senghor's principal assistant, Mamadou Dia, became Vice-President of the Council of Government (the functions of President being reserved for the French representative, the territorial chief), while Senghor continued to sit in the French National Assembly. The Council of Government was to be established in Dakar, promoted to the status of capital of Senegal, to the detriment of Saint-Louis and the old political class of that city. This victory of Senghorian political strategy was consolidated by the fusion of the Socialist Party and the B.P.S., forming the Union Progressiste Senegalaise (U.P.S.) in April 1958. The year 1958 was dominated by the referendum on the "Communaute", which gave the African electors a choice between independence by stages, within a "Commonwealth" retaining unified defence and foreign policy ("Yes" vote) and immediate independence ("No" vote). The question of the referendum provoked deep internal dissension, within the U.P.S. as well as other organisations. At this time of indecision, the adoption of a public position by the religious establishment, constituted, since the end of 1957, as a "Committee of Islamic Organisation", under the honorary presidency of Seydou Nourou Tall, proved crucial in tipping the balance. These religious dignitaries expressed their support for the action of General De Gaulle on 5 September 1958. This mobilisation of marabouts weighed heavily in the final decision of the policy committee of the U.P.S. which, two weeks later, despite the opposition of a powerful minority, called in its turn for a "Yes" vote. In the end, the "Yes" won by a landslide victory (officially at least) when the referendum took place on 27
September 1958: 870,362 "Yes" votes (97.2% of the votes cast) against 21,904 "No" votes, out of a registered electorate of 1,110,823. After the referendum, Senghor, who was hostile to the "Balkanisation" of Black Africa, differing in this respect from the ruler of the Ivory Coast HouphouetBoigny, attempted to found a West African federation, the Federation of Mali, which came into existence in early January 1959, and succeeded in uniting only two countries, the formerly French territory of Sudan and Senegal. The independence of the Federation of Mali was proclaimed on 20 June 1960, but the experiment came to an end two months later when, on 20 August, the Senegalese government withdrew unilaterally and proclaimed Senegalese independence. The two countries were too different, and their political directions incompatible. On 26 August 1960, the Senegalese National Assembly adopted the Constitution of the independent Republic of Senegal, which was composed in the spirit and, often, in the letter, of the French Constitution of 1958. On 5 September 1960, the electoral college appointed by this Constitution unanimously elected Leopold Sedar Senghor as first President of the Republic of Senegal. In 1962, there was discord between Senghor and his Prime Minister, Mamadou Dia, who favoured an economic policy of a planned and socialist tendency. The trial of strength took place on 17 December and ended with the arrest of Dia the following day, his trial in May 1963 and his sentence to a long period of detention. In the event, the majority of the religious leaders, uneasy at the direction proposed by Dia, expressed public support for Senghor. A new constitution, abolishing the bicephality of the executive and paving the way for the change to a presidential regime, was adopted by referendum on 3 March 1963 (99.4% of the votes cast). The consolidation of power was pursued with the establishment, through the integration of some and the exclusion of others, of the U.P.S. as a "unified", i.e. single party. This aggressive policy of presidentialisation, in a context of economic stagnation, provoked movements of discontent and strikes. On 22 March 1967, supporters of Mamadou Dia attempted to assassinate Senghor as he was leaving the Great Mosque, on the occasion of the feast of Tabaski (^Idal-Kabir). In the face of increasing pressure and tension (labour strikes, 1 May 1968; strikes in schools and universities, 27 May; and call for a general strike by the official trades union leadership, 31 May), a constitutional revision restored in 1970 the functions of Prime Minister and extended the powers of the Assembly. Four days after the referendum which confirmed the revision with 94.9% of the votes cast, on 26 February 1970, Senghor called upon one of the younger senior civil servants, Abdou Diaf, to serve as Prime Minister. A new constitutional revision took place in 1976, restoring, on a distributive basis, the multi-party principle: three parties were authorised, on condition that one was to espouse "liberal democracy", another Marxism-Leninism, and the third "socialist democracy". The U.P.S., claiming the latter label for itself, was admitted to the Socialist International in November 1976 and adopted the name of Parti Socialiste in December. This "democratic awakening" of 1976 was accompanied by a veritable explosion of new titles in the press. This burgeoning of a press catering for political discussion in the French language, which had no equivalent in the rest of Francophone Africa, was to continue throughout the 1980s.
SENEGAL On 31 December 1980, President Senghor took a decision of a kind hitherto unknown in sub-Saharan Africa, resigning from his functions and withdrawing entirely of his own accord from public life. He thus illustrated once again the extent to which he differed from the leaders of other African regimes, among others President Houphouet-Boigny who, encouraged by the results of the "Ivory Coast economic miracle" of the 1970s, was eager to wrest from Senegal its former role as the leading nation of Francophone West Africa. In conformity with the Constitution, Abdou Diouf, in his capacity as Prime Minister, was elected President of the Republic on 1 January 1981. On 24 April 1981, on the recommendation of the new President, a law was introduced, abplishing the limit on the number of parties. On 27 February 1983, Abdou Diouf was elected President with more than 83 % of the votes cast, while the Parti Socialiste obtained some 80% of the votes in the legislative elections. Out of fourteen officially recognised parties, eight participated in the legislative elections and five submitted candidates to the presidential elections: Abdou Diouf (P.S.): 83.5%—one percentage point higher than the vote obtained by Senghor in 1978; Abdoulaye Wade (Parti Democratique Senegalais—right-wing liberal): 14.79%; Mamadou Dia, the former detainee (Mouvement Democratique Populaire—internal autonomy): 1.39%; Oumar Wone (Parti Populaire Senegalais—nationalist): 0.20% and Mahjmout Diop (Parti Africain de 1'Independance—communist): 0.17%. The results were vigorously disputed by all the defeated parties, with allegations of corruption, as had previously happened in 1978. Shortly after his retirement, Leopold Senghor was elected a member of the Academic Franchise (May 1983). As regards the most recent period—which has been marked, internally, by a consolidation of socialist power (in spite of recurrent political crises, in particular with the P.D.S. of Abdoulaye Wade), an extension of freedom of opinion, but also an aggravation of economic and social problems, further accentuated by the devaluation of the C.F.A. franc—the principal events to be noted are the failure of the Senegambian confederation (Senegal + Gambia) which had been proclaimed on 1 February 1982 and was dissolved in September 1989, the gravity of the crisis which for several months pitted Senegal against Mauritania (a frontier incident degenerating into pillage and the murders of nationals of both countries, being resolved with massive mutual repatriations in September 1989), and the emergences of an independence movement in the isolated southern region of the country, the Casamance, whose indigenous populations (Joola and others) showed themselves hostile to agricultural colonisation by Wolof migrants (armed confrontations in September 1989 and September 1990, provisional cease-fire in July 1993). In the course of the 35 years which have followed independence, Senegal deserves credit for having been in the vanguard of democratic evolution in Francophone Black Africa, but the paucity of its natural resources and the circumscription of its territory, since it ceased to be the "centre" of French West Africa, render its position fragile. The laboratory of African democracy (it is one of the few countries of sub-Saharan Africa which has not experienced a coup d'etat or a military regime) Senegal is also, and even more so, a laboratory for the study of contemporary Islamic trends. 4. R e l i g i o u s and i n t e l l e c t u a l life. Islam is both an ancient and a recent phenomenon in Senegal. The first contacts date back to the llth century, with the conversion of the king of Takrur
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(before 1040), then the rise of the Almoravid movement in the second half of this century. But Islamisation was a long-term process which, under the triple influence of Soninke dynasties, inheritors of the empire of Ghana, pioneers of Sahelian commerce and first transmitters of the faith, of institutions originating in the empire of Mali, and of the education conveyed by learned Moorish zwdya hailing from the right bank of the Senegal, henceforward to be the guides of Senegalese Islam, developed very slowly from north to south,. In the 15th century, the Portuguese noted the general presence of religious Muslims (the "bixerins" or ^bisserif} in the entourages of chieftains. But the same authors also report the existence of altars and of animist sacrifices. Adherence to Islam, when it took place, was therefore superimposed upon more ancient cultural and religious traditions, still very much alive. As in the other Sudano-Sahelian formations of the period, Islam was at first a sign of social distinction, valued by the aristocracy, associated as it was with literacy and with trans-Saharan commerce. Islam was thus a superior knowledge reserved for elites. The lower classes, for their part, adhered to ancestral traditions. European observers thus had difficulty establishing a firm distinction between Muslims and non-Muslims. This "Islam of the court", complaisant towards princes and wealthy merchants, which did not disappear entirely, was succeeded, following the "war of the Marabouts" (1673-7), by a militant Islam, more aware of itself and taking advantage of major social issues, in particular, the extension of the Atlantic slave trade, to question the legitimacy of the ruling dynasties and to call for an Islamic revolution, presented as the reign of the law and of justice. After the defeat of the "marabouts", Islam tended to be concentrated in enclaves partially exempt from the direct authority of the sovereigns and attracting pupils and students, pilgrims and travellers, as well as refugees anxious to escape from exploitations practised by those in power. The scholastic centres of Pir and Kokki, in the Kajoor, illustrated this new brand of Islam which laid emphasis on the higher education of students drawn from all the neighbouring regions. This "populist" Islam, nourished periodically by Mahdist aspirations, and committed to the triumph of the shari^a, established a firm tradition, with recurrent manifestations, in the Senegambian regions. The success of the Islamic revolution in the Fuuta Tooro (1776) and the pioneering role then adopted by Peul and Toucouleur scholars, as a new "chosen people" bearing the divine word ("Arabs of Black Africa" as they called themselves), reinforced the hopes of the Muslims of the region, but the Wolof monarchies resisted all attempts at extension of the movement. Only the colonial conquest was to put an end to the repression exercised by the Wolof aristocracies and their ceddo military slaves. It was thus under colonial domination that, through reaction or through accommodation, the Islamic movement was to experience its most rapid progress. It has been stated above to what an extent, in the wake of al-Hadjdj c Umar and under the influence of various local preachers (Ma Ba, Cerno Brahim, Amadu Seexu and Mamadu Laamin Darame), the 19th century was a century of religious effervescence, with competition between different types of claimant to political power: military, religious, and foreign. The French feared, in what they called the "Tidjanl league", a "holy alliance" of all the Muslim forces opposing their penetration. However, not all the
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religious actors were necessarily Tidjani or c Uman. This "djihadist" 19th century also saw an intensification of Muslim pressure on the southern regions of Senegal (Sereer kingdoms of Siin-Saalum/SineSaloum, Joola societies of Casamance), which had remained largely animist. For centuries, the Wolof had been moving towards the south, in search of better irrigated land. In these foreign regions, they willingly united around religious figures. It was in fact in a zone of Wolof colonisation situated to the north of the Gambia (the Badibu, or Rip), that the movement of Ma Ba first flourished. Saloum, caught between French and Islamic threats, fell into a state of total instability and experienced widespread conversion to Islam in the following decades. Finally, it was the other Sereer kingdom, that of Siin, politically stable and far less receptive to Islam, which brought about the downfall of Ma Ba (1867). However, the lieutenants and companions of Ma Ba subsequently continued his policy in their respective districts. Ma Ba had failed to establish a lasting empire, but he had dislocated the existing traditional societies and opened the way for a southern campaign of Islamisation which, on the basis of the occupation of land, has continued into the present day. In the following generation, further to the south, yet another Malinke "marabout" and warrior chieftain, Fode Kaba, appeared on the scene, and between 1877 and 1893 he defeated and forcibly converted the Bainuk and made war against the Joola. When he concluded a peace treaty with the French, in 1893, more than half of the population between Saalum and Casamance, had, as a result of his exploits, embraced the Muslim faith cither voluntarily or under duress. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, another phenomenon, much further to the north, is observable in the border regions between Senegal and Mauritania, which, as noted above, had maintained privileged connections between France and a series of Muslim dignitaries, sc. the emergence of a whole galaxy of scholar-personalities, such as Sire Abbas Soh, Yoro Dyao (1847-1919) and shaykh Musa Kamara (1864-1945), a native of Ganguel (Fuuta), a gifted and prolific writer and historian (the author, in particular, of Zuhur al-basdtin fi ta^rikh al-sawddiri), who contributed in a very active fashion, in French, in Arabic or Peul, to the creation of a Senegalese historiography. But the most characteristic movement of this period was the emergence of the major Senegalese dervish brotherhoods or Sufi orders, which began to establish themselves at this time. By filling in a very visible fashion the political void created by the defeat of the princes and the collapse of the Senegalese states, the orders presented themselves as structures of substitution and of refuge. They were the catalyst for the promotion of a Muslim elite which had long been obstructed and frustrated by the exactions of political authorities. On the other hand, they gave the signal for a radical change of strategy: frontal attack upon the colonial occupier was superseded by an attitude of prudent restraint, where the emphasis was on the peaceful rallying of the faithful around their charismatic leaders. The formation of these new associations was at first a cause of concern to the French power, but a series of negotiations ensued, progressively transforming the brotherhoods into influential elements of the colonial, and later the postcolonial state. The tanka which best illustrates this new trend is the Murldiyya [q.v.] or Murldism. At the end of the previous century, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. HabTb
Allah, better known by the name of Amadu Bamba, whose father Momar Anta Sali, a regular frequenter of the courts of the Wolof princes, was affiliated to the Kadiriyya, broke with the warlike methods of the past and proposed to the faithful a different approach, based on peaceful assembly and prayer. Persecuted at first by the French authorites (deportation to Gabon in 1895-1902, house-arrest in Mauritania, then in northern Senegal, in 1902-12) Amadu made the necessary gestures of conciliation, at a time when certain French specialists in Muslim affairs in Dakar, among them Paul Marty, envisaged the emergence of a "Black Islam", in other words, an Islam impregnated with African practices and cut off from the Arab world, which they hoped would prove more malleable. The Mund system, which became firmly established in the 1920s, with the colonisation of the new territories of the Baol, was partially to fulfil their hopes. Taking on the role of an economic motivator, the Mund confraternity, which preached "sanctification through toil", committed its adherents on a massive scale to the cultivation of the land and the production of ground-nuts. Its sense of hierarchy and discipline and the decisive support thus given to the administration's policy of agricultural development for the purposes of export, made it an indispensable intermediary. Enjoying favours bestowed by the authorities and a broad delegation of powers, it constituted from this time on a veritable state within a state. At the same time, it gave to the Wolof Muslims, grouped in "fitaaras", a spiritual framework which protected them from the "watch of the Whites". With the independence of the country this position was reinforced, and the electoral power of the Munds confirmed. When the exodus from the countryside towards the major cities gathered pace in the 1970s, the order was seen to adapt itself to the social changes, creating urban dahiras "circles" and investing on a large scale in property, in import-export, and in small business ventures. On his death, in 1927, Amadu Bamba had been buried at Touba, the site of his first divine inspirations. Henceforward, Touba became the headquarters of the brotherhood and the focus of a spectacular annual pilgrimage, the "Grand Magal". The doctrine of Muridism is orthodox, although the eccentric manifestations of its team of stewards, the "Bay Fall", the populist nature of the movement and the emotional aspects of certain practices (singing, etc.) have contributed to its unconventional image. With its tenacious proselytism, the tanka has sought, in recent years, to be accepted as the preeminent Senegalese order. However, in spite of its million members, the Muridiyya is outstripped numerically by the Tidjaniyya, which remains the predominant Senegalese confraternity, but does not represent an organism as centralised as that of Murldism. It is appropriate in fact to distinguish between a "developed" and modernist Tidjanism in the large cities, and a rural Tidjanism, marked by the c UmarT heritage, which holds hegemonic positions in the Fuuta. Distinction should also be drawn between two principal "Houses", each representing a share of the body of adherents. The first of these Houses is that of Tivaouane, founded in 1904 by al-Hadjdj Malik Sy (ca. 1855-1922), reformer of the brotherhood, whose intellectual energy contributed significantly to the flowering of the Tidjaniyya under French domination. Coming to terms with colonial constraints in the interests of establishing an associative and pedagogic space tolerated by the administration, al-Hadjdj Malik Sy devoted his efforts in particular to a "grass-
SENEGAL roots Islamisation". He was especially committed to the struggle against what he considered the deviations of Sufism and adopted the stance of a defender of a "Sunn! tasawwuf in the tradition of al-Ghazali. After the First World War, he was joined by Seydou Nourou Tall, grandson of al-Hadjdj c Umar, who pledged him his allegiance and proceeded to develop useful contacts with the authorities. After the death of al-Hadjdj Malik Sy in 1922, the Sy family retained control of Tivaouane, while an annual pilgrimage (the gamu), gave the fraternity an opportunity to advertise the scale of its membership. The Tidjaniyya of Tivaouane has been distinguished, since the colonial period, by the level of its social recruitment: free peasants, senior bureaucrats and officials. The second "House" is that of the Niasse family, at Kaolack. Although without the local network of the Tivaouane branch, the "Niassene" zdwiya of Kaolack has ramifications throughout West Africa and beyond. It was founded by a former disciple of Ma Ba Jaaxu, named Abdoulaye Niasse (ca. 1840-1922). Initially a refugee in the Gambia, before coming to terms with the French and establishing himself at Kaolack in 1910, Abdoulaye Niasse had performed the Pilgrimage at an early stage (1887) and he enjoyed close contacts with the "mother-houses" of the Tidjaniyya (cAyn Madi in Algeria; Fez in Morocco; and the tribe of the Idaw CA1I in Mauritania). In his lifetime, a kind of separation of tasks was operated with al-Hadjdj Malik Sy, with whom excellent relations were maintained. Al-Hadjdj Abdoulaye Niasse exerted the most influence in the Sine-Saloum, where he encouraged the cultivation of the ground-nut, laying more emphasis than did the Murlds on smallholding and free agricultural enterprise. On his death, his younger son Ibrahima Niasse (b. 1902) who showed himself a better religious "entrepreneur" than the elder, Muhammad, the official heir, gave a new impetus to the Kaolack branch, conferring on it an autonomy and a particularism which both distinguished and detached it from Tivaouane. On account of his close links with the North African centres of the order, the Niassene House henceforward claimed primacy: around 1930, Ibrahima Niasse declared himself ghawth al-zamdn ("saviour of the age"), a major title which placed him directly in the line of succession of Ahmad al-Tidjani, the founder, and of alHadjdj cUmar al-Futl. A spiritual vision, accompanied by an emanation of divine grace (fayda), consolidated this claim. At the end of 1936, Ibrahima Niasse performed the Pilgrimage to Mecca. This was the opportunity, on his part, for a new leap forward in his quest for primacy and influence. In Fez, he was recognised by the Moroccan dignitaries of the Way as the khalifa of the Tidjaniyya and, in Mecca, he had his first encounter with the amir of Kano, Abdullah Bayero, who was to become his most fervent supporter. Henceforward, limited in its influence over Senegal by the power of Tivaouane, the zdwiya of Kaolack was to find its most productive area of activity, especially after the Second World War, at Kano and in northern Nigeria, and on the axes leading to these regions. Al-Hadjdj Ibrahima Niasse became a prominent personality, a visitor to heads of state and to international Islamic conferences (he was for a time Vice-President of the World Islamic League), compensating for his relatively limited following in Senegal with a high "media-profile". The death of the master, in 1975, in London, deprived the movement of exceptionally charismatic leadership which has yet to be effectively replaced. The Niassene Tidjaniyya is set apart by a more esoteric doctrine,
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where notions oifayda (emanation of grace) and of tarbiya (initiation through teaching) correspond to different levels in mystical transmission. It functions in such a way as to appear more "occultic" than that of Tivaouane. But a group exists which is still more exclusive and sectarian in nature, that founded in 1936 at MadinaGounass, in the south-east of the country, by a Futanke marabout named Tierno Mamadou Seydou Ba. A kind of "holy enclave" living apart from the world under an austere and rigorous regime, the community of Madina-Gounass, renowned for its absolute probity, in which respect it compared favourably with the lax standards applied by some religious figures, was committed to the agricultural exploitation of the inhospitable valleys of Upper Casamance. But, since the mid-1970s, the "communal ideal" of Madina-Gounass, divided by conflicts between Toucouleur and Peul adherents, has been gradually absorbed by the surrounding Senegalese society. Other Sufi tendencies exist in Senegal, such as the Kadiriyya, but they are of less importance. Mention should be made of a small brotherhood, strongly ethnic in membership and, at the outset, syncretist, that of the Layennes of the Cape Verde peninsula, principally belonging to the Lebu ethnic group. Although it numbers no more than 20,000 to 30,000 adherents, its powerful presence in Dakar ensures its disproportionate visibility. The founder of this order, Limamou Laye (1843-1909) was an illiterate from a fishing village who, unlike the founders of the other groups, left no written legacy. Beginning to preach in 1883, and for a brief time suppressed by the French administration, he claimed to be a Mahdl and a black reincarnation of the Prophet Muhammad (while his son and successor was that of Clsa/Jesus). In spite of its syncretist aspects (iconography celebrates the legend of alliance with a djinn-fish), the new order marks a departure from Lebu traditions (alcohol, dancing, cults of possession, etc.) and manifests the conversion of the majority of the group, men in particular, to Kur^anic monotheism. The later evolution of the movement in an orthodox direction was to confirm this trend. Outside the domain of the brotherhoods, the most significant movement is the Union Culturelle Musulmane, of reformist tendency, which was influential in some parts of West Africa. Founded in Dakar in 1953 by Cheikh Toure (b. 1925), on his return from the Ben Badls Institute of Constantine where he had been studying for a year, the U.C.M. adopted positions of the salafi reformist type [see SALAFIYYA], was discreetly opposed to the brotherhoods, and took a vigorously anti-colonial stance. After independence, the Senegalese branch of the U.C.M. gradually passed under the control of the state, and this resulted in the departure of Cheikh Toure and his colleagues in 1979. The 1970s saw an acceleration of the trend towards the establishment of Islamic associations. The Federation des Associations Islamiques du Senegal (F.A.I.S.), founded in 1977, and the Union pour le Progres Islamique au Senegal, created in 1973, itself a member of the F.A.I.S., both of them closely associated with the state, united a number of them. Also to be found are the "Al-Falah" movement (created in 1956), more entrenched among the commercial classes, close to WahhabI positions, which laid stress upon Arabo-Islamic education; the "Jamaatou Ibadou Arrahman" (founded in 1978 by a companion of Cheikh Toure), composed primarily of intellectuals
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and young graduates of the Francophone school; the "Cercle d'Etudes et de Recherches Islam et Developpement" (C.E.R.I.D.), representing a western-trained intelligentsia; and the Organisation pour 1'Action Islamique, created in 1985 by Cheikh Toure, formerly the reformist leader of the Union Culturelle Musulmane, now expressing more fundamentalist attitudes. Other associations, often called dahiras or ''circles", unite the adherents of confraternities in terms of professions, age-groups or locality; associations of young people and students are especially active. Significant among the latter is the dahira of the Moustarchidines, born at the end of the 1970s in a Tidjanf ambience, which later inspired the development of a militant and activist organisation, at one stage accused of conspiring against the security of the state (1994). These associations have played an important role in the development of the teaching of Arabic, which has proved to be quite popular over the past fifteen or so years. In 1985-6, 16,000 pupils from the public sector attended Arabic classes. During this time, the U.P.I.S. established approximately 1,000 schools, attended by more than 40,000 pupils. In Dakar, the Institut Islamique offers evening courses pursued by members of the intellectual elite, while every year scholarship holders return from the universities of the Near East and contribute to the diffusion of Arabic cultural models: thus between 1978 and 1986, the number of Senegalese teachers of Arabic grew from 32 (for all secondary education) to more than 150 (for the middle level alone). This progress has not since been interrupted. On account of the influence of the Sufi" orders, which have never lost their popular base, political Islam has not made a strong impact in Senegal, despite the existence of militant associations and publications (Etudes Islamiques, founded in 1979; Wai Fadjri and Djamra founded in 1983). A "Hizbullahf" experiment launched by Ahmed Niasse in August 1979 foundered rapidly. But broader Islamising political leanings exist, permeating the brotherhoods and expressing themselves in particular in certain national debates: against the legal reform giving women equal rights in regard to divorce in 1971; against secularism and freemasonry in the 1980s; and in the denunciation of Salman Rushdie in 1989 (with the public support of the head khalifa of the Tidjaniyya alHadjdj Abdoul Aziz Sy). In this land tested by the droughts of the 1970s and the disillusionments and economic stagnation of the 1980s, Islamist utopianism has a deep appeal, and this is reflected by the brotherhoods, which sometimes take over the leadership of the movements as the best means of controlling them. 5. Conclusion. Senegal owes its strong identity to a long past and a singular history. In contact with the French since the 17th century, "headquarters" of French West Africa for two generations, Senegal has retained from these privileged links a substantial Francophone legacy. The ancientness of Islamic culture and the power of the Sufi orders represent another recognisable element, making this country a model for the study of Islamic phenomena to the south of the Sahara. Despite periodic internal crises, Senegal is remarkable both for constitutional stability and for a freedom of discussion and debate which has existed for a longer time than in any other part, of Francophone Africa. The prestige and the influence of this country, which has produced numerous men and women of cultural distinction, are thus considerably greater than would
be expected, on the basis of its demographic and economic resources alone. Bibliography: B. Barry, Le royaume du Waalo, Paris 1972; idem, La Senegambie du XVe au XIXe siecle, Paris 1988; A. Bathily, Les portes de I'or, Paris 1989; L. Behrman, Muslim brotherhoods and politics in Senegal, Cambridge, Mass. 1970; Abbe Boilat, Esquisses senegalaises, Paris 1853, repr. 1984; J. Boulegue, La Senegambie du milieu du XVe siecle au debut du XVHe siecle, University of Paris, third-cycle diss. 1968; idem, Le grand Jolof (XIII^me-XVI^me siecle), Blois 1987; L.G. Colvin, Kayor and its diplomatic relations with Saint-Louis-du-Senegal, 1763-1861, Ph.D. diss. Columbia University 1972; C. Coulon, Le marabout et le prince (Islam et pouvoir au Senegal), Paris 1981; D.B. Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal, Oxford 1971; P.O. Curtin, Precolonial economic change in West Africa: Senegambia in the era of the slave trade, Madison 1975; A.B. Diop, La societe wolof: tradition et changement, Paris 1981; M. Diouf, Le Kajoor au XIXe siecle. Pouvoir ceddo et conquete coloniale, Paris 1990; G. Hesseling, Histoire politique du Senegal, Paris 1985; C.H. Kane, L'Aventure ambigue, Paris 1962; M. Klein, Islam and imperialism in Senegal: Sine-Saloum, 1847-1914, Edinburgh 1986; M. Magassouba, L'islam au Senegal, Paris 1985; P. Marty, Etudes sur I'lslam au Senegal, 2 vols., Paris 1917; R. Mbaye, La pensee et I'action d'El Hadji Malick Sy. Un pole d'attraction entre la shari^a et la tanqa, these d'Etat, University of Paris 1993, 4 vols.; P. Pelissier, Les paysans du Senegal. Les civilisations agratres du Cayor d la Casamance, Saint-Yrieix 1966; V. Monteil, Esquisses senegalaises, Dakar 1966; D. Robinson, Chiefs and clerics. The history of Abdul Bokar Kan and Fuuta Tow, 1853-1891, Oxford 1975; A. Samb, L'islam et I'histoire du Senegal, in Bull. IFAN, B, xxxiii/3 (1971), 461-507 (article with a programme for the promotion of Arabo-Islamic Senegalese identity); Y. Wane, Les Toucouleurs du Fouta Tooro (Senegal). Stratification sociale et structure familiale, Dakar 1969. See also the following articles, appearing in Islam et Societes au Sud du Sahara: C. Gray, The rise of the Niassene Tijaniyya, 1875 to the present (ii, 1988); O. Kane, La confrerie "Tijaniyya Ibrdhimiyya" de Kano et ses liens avec la zdwiya mere de Kaolack (iii, 1989); C. Hames, Shaykh Sa^ad Buh (iv, 1990); P. Mark, L'islam et les masques d'initiation casamancais (iv, 1990); M. Gomez-Perez, Associations islamiques a Dakar, v (1991); T. Ka, al-HdjjMukhtdr Toure (18631918} (vi, 1992); J. Schmitz, S. Bousbina and A. Pondopoulo, A la decouverte de Shaykh Musa Kamara (vii, 1993); D. Robinson, Malik Sy: un intellectuel dans I'ordre colonial au Senegal (vii, 1993); R. Loimeier, Cheikh Toure. Du reformisme d I 'islamisme, un musulman senegalais dans le siecle (viii, 1994). (J.-L. TRIAUD) SENKERE, SANKARA, a village of c l r a k on the lower Euphrates, between al-Samawa and alNasiriyya [q.vv.] (lat. 31° 12' N., long. 45° 52' E.), at present in the liwd* of al-Muthanna. It is famous as the site of Larsa, one of the most important Sumero-Akkadian cities of ancient times. Then it would have been much closer to the waters of the Euphrates than it is now and would have had Ur (40 km/25 miles to the south) and Uruk (20 km/12 miles to the west) as its equally illustrious neighbours. The archaeological importance of the site was noted by members of the British Euphrates Expedition in the early 1830s and in 1854, on the highest points of the tell, Loftus began to excavate building bricks bearing inscriptions of several now famous New
SENKERE — SEYFI Sumerian, Old Babylonian and New Babylonian kings. Up to the recent intervention of the United Nations into c lraki affairs, the site has been regularly excavated. The two largest buildings to have been identified are the "White House" which was the temple of the god Shamash, and the royal palace of Nur-Adad, an Amorite ruler of the 19th century B.C. The early chapters of the Bible refer to the site as Ellarsa, and it is clearly an example of a very important ancient city abandoned after Hellenistic control was imposed on the area and never revived. Bibliography: J.B. Eraser, Travels in Koordistan, London 1840; W. Loftus, Travels and researches in Chaldaea and Susiana, London 1857; Gh'.-F. Jean, Larsa, Paris 1931; A. Parrot, Lesfouilles de Tello et de Senkereh-Larsa: campagne 1932-1933, in Revue d'Assyriologie, xxx (1933), 169-82; F. Kraus, Staatliche Viehhaltung im altbabylonische Lande Larsa, Leiden 1966; Parrot, Lesfouilles de Larsa: deuxieme et troisieme campagnes (1967), in Syria, xlv (1968), 20537; S.D. Walters, Warer for Larsa, New Haven 1970; M. Stol, Studies in Old Babylonian history, Leiden 1982. (M.J.E. RICHARDSON) SENNA [see SANANDADJ]. C SER ASKER [see BAB-I SERCASKERI] . SERVET [see TAHIR BEY]. SETH [see SHITH]. SEVENERS [see SAB C IYYA]. SEYCHELLES, a g r o u p of islands in the Indian Ocean to the north of Madagascar and east of Tanzania and Kenya, successively a French and British colony (1756-1976), and an independent republic since then (Republic of Seychelles, Republique des Seychelles, and Repiblik Sesel in its three languages, English, French and Creole). The population of over 80,000 souls is mainly of African descent (brought there by French and British colonists as slaves), the minority consisting of Indian, Chinese and European elements. The prevailing religion is Roman Catholic, while Muslims form a minute portion of other confessions. The archipelago received its name in 1756 after Moreau de Sechelles, one of Louis XV's ministers. Unlike the Comoros [see KUMR] and Maldives [#. y.], the closest comparable archipelagos, the Seychelles had received little attention from Muslims, and were uninhabited when the Portuguese began to notice them in the first years of the 16th century. It seems, though, that the islands called Zarln in the sailing directions by Sulayman al-MahrT [q.v.], dated 866/1462, were the Seychelles (G. Ferrand, L'Empire Sumatranais de Qrivijaya, Paris 1922, 141-45; see facs. of the ms., B.N. Paris, fonds arabe 2292, published by Ferrand as Instructions nautiques et routiers arabes et portugais des XVe et XVIIe siecles, Paris 1925, fols. 22b, 73b). This suggests that Muslim mariners did occasionally visit these islands situated not far from their routes between eastern Africa and western India; the etymology of the name of the westernmost island, Aldabra, is believed by some to be a distortion of the Arabic word al-Khadra3 ("The Green [Island]"), while Zarln (Pers. zarrin "golden") may go back to the legend of a gold-bearing island in the Indian Ocean ultimately identified with Sumatra (Ferrand, L'Empire, 145). The small Muslim cemetery at Anse Lascar on Silhouette Island reported by P. Vine (see Bibi.) probably dates from recent centuries, but only a closer examination of the tombstones may answer this question. Bibliography: G.R. Tibbetts, Arab navigation in the Indian Ocean before the coming of the Portuguese, Lon-
149
don 1971, 435; P. Vine, Seychelles, London 1992, 11; B. Koechlin, Les Seychelles et I 'Ocean Indien, Paris 1984; J.-M. Filliot, Histoire des Seychelles, Paris 1982. (S. SOUCEK) SEYFI (d. probably after 998/1590), Ottoman historian. Practically nothing is known about SeyfT aside from the fact that he compiled a unique historiogeographical work on the rulers of Asia and China contemporary with Murad III, and the possibility that he may have been a defterddr in the Ottoman bureaucracy. Neither he nor his work is mentioned in the standard Ottoman bio-bibliographical sources. SeyfT's history has been published by J. Matuz, L 'ouvrage de Seyfi Celebi: historien ottoman du XVIe siecle; edition critique, traduction et commentaires, Paris 1966. Its title, added posthumously to the earlier of only two surviving manuscripts, reads: Kitab-i tewdnkh-i pddishdhdn-i wildyet-i Hindu we Khitdy we Kishmir we wildyet-i ^Ad^em we Kashkdr we Kalmak we Cm we sd^ir pddishdhdn-i pishin az ewldd-i Cinghiz Khan we khakdn we faghfur we pddishdhdn-i Hindustan der zamdn-i Sultan Murad ibn Sultan Selim Khan min te^lifat-i defterddr Seyfi Celebi el-merhum fi sene 990 ta^rikhinde ("History of the kings of India, Khitay and Kashmir, of Iran, Kashgar, the Kalmucks, and China, and of earlier kings descended from Cinghiz Khan, and of the Khakan [of the Turks], of the Chinese emperor and the rulers of Hindustan in the time of Sultan Murad b. Sultan Selim Khan, composed by the late defterddr SeyfT Celebi in [or who died in?] the year 990/1582"). This title appears misleading in two respects. First, the date 990/1582 is almost certainly a copyist's error for 998/1590, the date clearly given in the colophon for completion of the work (which contains at least two references to events after 1582), and after which SeyfT must have died (cf. Matuz, op. cit., 13-15, 156-7). Second, the author identifies himself in the text simply as SeyfT, without mention of his profession. The later title gives defterddr SeyfT Celebi", suggesting possible identification with Seyfullah SeyfT Celebi (d. after 1006/1597), defterddr of Anatolia in the 1580s, and author of a Szigetvar-ndme on KanunI Suleyman's 1566 campaign (cf. GOW, 69, n. 1). However, according to c Ashik Celebi (Mesd^ir us-su^ard, ed. G.M. MeredithOwen, London 1971, fols. 164b-165a) and Kinalizade Hasan Celebi (Tezkiretu's-suara, ed. I Kutluk, Ankara 1978, i, 498-500), Seyfullah SeyfT Celebi was an accomplished prose writer. By contrast, SeyfT's history is written in an unpretentious, colloquial style. It seems unlikely that the two authors were the same person, and therefore doubtful that SeyfT was a defterddr. There are no further clues to his profession, except that the makhlas SeyfT would be appropriate for a writer of military origin, and that the linguistic style of the work does not suggest a highly-educated author. SeyfT's "history" is largely a survey of contemporary rulers, arranged geographically. No major written sources are clearly identifiable. The anecdotal style suggests mainly oral informants, probably merchants and travellers; there is no evidence in the text of SeyfT himself having travelled. The work includes much social, economic and ethnographical information, as well as historical detail to corroborate other sources (Matuz, op. cit., 19-37). It was not a source for later Ottoman writers and remained unknown until used by C. Schefer and W. Barthold in the late 19th century (e.g. Barthold, art. Kucum Khan, in EP, V, 314, with reference to Schefer). Bibliography: Given in the text. (CHRISTINE WOODHEAD)
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SEZA3!, Hasan Dede (or Efendi) (10801151/1669-1738), also known as Sheykh Hasan Efendi or Hasan b. CA1I Giilshem, O t t o m a n poet and f o u n d e r of the Seza°iyya tarika, an offshoot of the Gulshaniyya [see GULSHANI, IBRAHIM], a branch of the Khalwatiyya [ q . v . ] . He was born in Morea [see MORA] where his paternal grandfather Kurtbey-zade Hasan was a well-known figure. Tahsin Yazici (L4, art. Sezdty disagrees with Bjorkman (El1, art. Sezd^i) that he was of Greek origin. He was brought up in Morea, his later achievements indicating a good education. In 1097/1685, after the Venetians conquered Morea, he migrated to Istanbul, but leaving the capital he moved on to Edirne, from where Mehemmed IV was attempting to stem Austrian and Venetian attacks on the Ottoman Empire, and entered the Sultan's service in the mukdbele kalemi. Many details about his life and thinking, and of his opinions concerning his contemporaries, emerge from a collection of his letters published, with a six-page biography, under the title Mektubdt-i Sezd^i (Istanbul 1289/1872). Those to whom they were written include family and followers, as well as statesmen and leading figures of the day. Seza°!'s interest in mysticism is shown to have developed from an encounter with a sheykh of the Khalwatiyya aboard the ship going to Istanbul and, in Edirne, he was to become a murid first of Mehmed Sirri at the khdnkdh of Sheykh cAshik Musa (a follower of Ibrahim Giilsheni) and on Mehmed's death, of Mehmed La3l! Fena3! (Shemseddm Sam!, Kdmus ala^ldm, iv, 2562). The latter charged Seza3! with the collection of rents from the khdnkdh's wakf properties, gaining him the lakab of DjabI (rent collector) Dede Efendi. He then became pusj^nishin of the Sheykh Well Dede Efendi khdnkdh, but when Mehmed La3l! Fena3! died in 1112/1700-1 (and his successor in turn died shortly afterwards), Seza3! took his place. The khdnkdh became known as the Seza3! tekke, and on his death he was buried at his own wish close to it in a shop (later converted into a turbe) alongside that of his predecessors. His son Mehmed Sadik succeeded him at the Sheykh Well Dede Efendi khdnkdh. Seza3!'s writing, his letters and poetry in both diwdn and folk style (see Vasfi Mahir Kocatiirk, Tekke siiri antolojisi, Ankara 1968, 400-2), show him as a man of religion first and a poet second. The main tenor of his diwdn is mystical, and although he has been labelled the Ottoman "Hafiz of Shiraz" (Yazici, 549) he is not generally considered very highly, lacking the occasional burst of poetic inspiration as regards mystical thinking or style (loc. cit.). Kocatiirk (Turk edebiyati tarihi, Ankara 1970, 554-5) points to a resemblance between him and both Neslml and Yunus Emre [q. vv. ] in addressing the wider folk masses rather than the upper, intellectual classes, a trait that Seza3! shares also with Niyazi Misn [see L4, art. Niydzi (Abdiilbaki Golpmarh)], by whom he is said to have been given the makhlas Seza3!, and on one of whose ghazals Seza3! wrote a short commentary that was included in the edition of his diwdn printed at Bulak in 1258/1842. Bibliography: This article follows closely that of Tahsin Yazici in L4, where the sources are named. (KATHLEEN BURRILL) SEZA3!, Sam! Pasha-zade (modern Turkish Sami Pasazade Sezai), late O t t o m a n f i c t i o n w r i t e r and essayist (ca. 1859-1936), noted for his synthesis of "art for art's sake" and "art for society's sake" and of romanticism and realism. Son of the statesmanauthor Sam! Pasha, Seza3! was born in Istanbul, tutored in the family mansion and encouraged by visiting prominent writers. He started publishing
journalistic articles when aged 14, learned Arabic, Persian, French and German, and came under the influence of Namik Kemal [q. v. ]. In 1879 he published Shir ("The lion"), a prose tragedy meant more for reading than staging. From 1880 to 1884 he served as Second Secretary at the Ottoman Embassy in London and later in the Foreign Ministry in Istanbul. Seza3!'s principal opus Sergudhesht ("The adventure"), his only novel, came out in 1889. Influenced by Victor Hugo and Alphonse Daudet, it broke new ground with its realism notwithstanding its ornate, maudlin and occasionally poetic style. The tragic story of a slave girl, it is an indictment of slavery and of injustice against women. In 1892 Seza0! published Kuciik sheyler ("Little things"), a collection of eight stories notable for his mastery of the genre and for a new sophistication in psychological analysis. Rumuz ul-edeb ("Symbols of literature"), a compilation of his essays, critical pieces, short stories, recollections and travel notes, came out in 1898. Seza3! fled the Harmdian oppression in 1901 and lived in Paris, working for the Committee for Union and Progress and writing for its periodical Shurd-yl iimmet ("Council of the nation") until 1908 when, with Constitutional government proclaimed, he returned to Istanbul. In 1909 he was appointed Ambassador to Madrid, serving until 1921. His last work lajldl, a threnody for his beloved niece, to which he appended a miscellany of articles, letters, short stories, discourses, etc., appeared in 1923. He died in Istanbul in 1936. Seza3!'s literary work is generally viewed as significant in the transition of Turkish fiction into its realist phase. Bibliography: A. Ferhan Oguzkan, Sami Pasazade Sezai hayati, sanati, eserleri, Istanbul 1954; Zeynep Kerman, Sami Pasazade Sezai, Istanbul 1986. (TALAT SAIT HALMAN) SHAABAN ROBERT (1909-1962) was the f o r e m o s t Swahili poet of his generation, if not of the past three centuries. He also had a profound influence on contemporary Swahili prose writing. He was born at Machui, a village south of Tanga on the Tanzanian coast, the son of a Yao settler from Malawi and a local Digo mother. His only formal education in the western sense was in Dar es Salaam from 1922 to 1926, which enabled him to gain employment as a government clerk. He had also attended Kur3anic schools, and, as truly an autodidact, classes in traditional Swahili poetry, of which he had an encyclopaedic knowledge. A.C. Gibbe (see Bibl.) gives a bibliography of his collected poetry and of his prose works. His preoccupations centre round the Islamic religion and its moral teaching, in a manner that a European critic found comparable to the work of Dante. He is greatly concerned with the teaching of morally upright conduct, of a proper attitude to marriage, of the education of children, and particularly of girls. The Second World War was to him essentially a struggle between the forces of good and evil; he had little or no interest in politics. Bibliography: A.G. Gibbe, Shaaban Robert, Mshairi, Tanzania Publishing House, Dar es Salaam 1980; Kitula G. Kingei, Mwongozo wa Kusadikika-Shaaban Robert, Nairobi 1988, with numerous references to other writers. (G.S.P. FREEMAN-GRENVILLE) SHACB. 1. In p r e - I s l a m i c South A r a b i a this term (spelt s2<:b in the musnad script) denotes a unit of social organisation for which there has grown up among specialists a convention of using the translation "tribe"; but this can be misleading for non-
SHACB specialists. The South Arabian szcb was antithetic on one hand to the term Vr ( = Arabic ^ashd^ir] applied by the South Arabian sedentary communities to the nomad bedouin of central Arabia; and on the other hand, within the South Arabian sedentary culture itself, to the "house" (byt), a family group based on kinship whether real or fictitious. The former of these dichotomies was still current in cAbbasid Arabic usage, when (as exemplified by al-Djahiz in his R. alAtrdk) shucub al-'-Aajam denoted Persian sedentary communities and contrasted with ^ashd^ir al-^Arab, the Central Arabian nomads. The South Arabian s^b was in no way kinship based, but was an artificial functional entity engaged in some common enterprise. The term has a certain fluidity, to the extent that it had no fixed place in an ordered hierarchy of comprehensiveness: in one instance, that of Ma c m [q.v.] it was co-extensive with the kingdom, its subdivisions there being termed D/z/. It seems probable too that in some cases it designated a group based on membership of a profession, or on religion (in the 4th century A.D. the Himyarite Jewish community is called szcb). But by far the commonest application was to a territorially-defined group of agriculturalists, whose functional unity rested on having shared responsibility for the irrigational installations of the specific area. A typical feature of these territorial groups was the possession of a "town" (hgr) as centre for local trade, communal business, and a communal cult. In a few cases, such as Ghayman to the south-east of San*^, town and "tribe" had the same name. Another feature of the s2<~b is that the nisba formation, with terminal -y-n (pi. always of the pattern J*l-n, e.g. Srwh-ynPsrh-n "the Sirwahite(s)") tends to imply "tribal" membership, not membership of a byt. But it has been pointed out that in the 5th-6th centuries A.D. the plural nisba could denote the vassals of an influential family whose actual members were adhwd^ [q.v.~\\ thus 3 3 z «-n are vassals of the Yazan (Yz*n) family [#.*>.], while a family member was Dhu Yazan. (A.F.L. BEESTON) 2. In modern political parlance. Shatb is one of many Arabic terms which, used in modern social and political contexts, acquired new meanings alongside or instead of the old. On the eve of the modern era, however, the term was still devoid of such novel implications, retaining the old meaning of a tribal confederacy, an ethnic group, or a people. When applied to Muslims, sha^b sometimes carried a slightly negative sense, recalling separatist trends from early Islamic periods [see SHU C UBIYYA]. Used with reference to non-Muslims, it was often tinged with the disparagement reserved for unbelievers. A pliant term, comparable to "people" in the broadest sense, sha^b was applicable to groups of different scope and nature, an application it would retain even after assuming more specific connotations. As so often, it was in references to developments in Europe that the notion of "people" first took on a new political sense. In early Arabic accounts of the French Revolution and Napoleonic era, sha^b was used to denote the ruled—as opposed to the rulers— struggling to attain their deserved political rights. Evidently inspired by foreign sources, these reports referred to the shacb "rising in total revolt" against Louis XVI, and to the "French people's will" (irddat sha^b faransd) which subsequently brought Napoleon down (Nikula al-Turk, Mudhakkirdt, ed. Gaston Wiet, Cairo 1950, 2-5, 11-12, 195-6; Haydar al-Shihabi, Lubndn fi cahd al-umard^ al-shihdbiyyin, Beirut 1933, 214-15, 218-19, 320, 430, 602). Such usage became more frequent with the emergence of private Arabic
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newspapers which, reporting international affairs from the late 1850s on, discussed such ideas as "public opinion" (ra^y al-shacb), "people's will" (irddat al-sha*b), and the relationship between the government (hukumd) and the shacb. The modern concept of popular sovereignty was also reflected in the compound wukald^al-shacb "people's representatives" (and maaj_lis wukald^ al-shacb "assembly of people's representatives"), in texts discussing parliamentary life in the West (cf. many examples and references in A. Ayalon, Language and change in the Arab Middle East, Oxford and New York 1987, 49 and n. 22). In the same vein, the Lebanese-Egyptian journalist Adlb Ishak [q.v.] in 1877 defined "republic" as hukumat alshacb bi 'l-sha^b "government of the people by the people", echoing Abraham Lincoln's phrase (alDurar, Alexandria 1886, 49). Being largely irrelevant to Ottoman political realities for much of the 19th century, the idea of popular sovereignty was at first discussed in foreign contexts only. But as the century drew to a close, it began to appear in association with Ottoman and Egyptian politics as well. Thus in 1896 Sallm Sarkls, owner of the Egyptian weekly al-Mushir, proudly defined himself as "one of the shaW, warning the Ottoman sultan, "Woe to him who tries to withstand the sha^b once it unites, makes a decision and sets out to achieve a noble goal" (al-Mushir, Alexandria, 2 May 1896). Mustafa Kamil [9.0.], the eloquent leader of early Egyptian nationalism, stated around the turn of the century that "every shacb has sacred rights in its homeland, which no one can infringe ... the sha^b is the only true power" (Mustafa Kdmil fi 34 rabi^", ed. c All Fahml Kamil, Cairo 1910, 288-91). Such application of the term, recurring with increasing frequency, gradually turned the word into a battle cry in the community's rightful struggle against those seen as encroaching on it, whether the government at home or a foreign force. By the end of World War I, shacb had become a common item in Arabic political vocabulary, particularly that of nationalism, along with (but somewhat less frequent than) umma and watan [q.vv.]. Capable of evoking strong popular emotions, it appeared in names of political parties (hizb al-sha^b]—in Syria (1925, 1947), Iraq (1925, 1946), Egypt (1930) and Lebanon (1945)—as well as of newspapers throughout the Arab countries, implying a claim for public legitimacy by those leading the struggle for national independence and other political battles. In another part of the former Ottoman Empire, the Republic of Turkey, populism (Turkish halkcihk) was adopted as a central principle in the state's official ideology, signifying recognition of the people's sovereignty. Thus it was incorporated in the 1924 Turkish constitution by Mustafa Kemal Atatiirk [9.0.], who had established the "People's Party" (Khalk FlrkasT) the previous year as a vehicle of popular mobilisation. The notion's growing public attraction gave birth to another phenomenon: its abuse by autocratic or aristocratic politicians seeking to benefit from alleged popular support. Egypt's rigid Prime Minister Ismacil Sidkl, who in 1930 founded a party and a paper bearing the name al-Sha^b, offers a conspicuous example of this cynical practice, which continued in later years there and elsewhere. During the first half of the 20th century, reference to "the people" was also made in a different sense, by thinkers advocating socialist and communist ideas. In their teachings, shacb (and its equivalents) signified the common people, the deprived lower classes, rather than the whole community. This was its sense in the
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SHACB — SHABAK
parlance of such leftist organisations as the clrakf Ahalf group of the early 1930s [see HIZB], which labelled its ideology sha^biyya (Majid Khadduri, Independent Iraq, London 1951, 72-4), and the Egyptian Marxist splinter groups calling themselves tahrtr al-sha^b ("people's liberation") and al-tali^a al-sha^biyya li Ytaharrur ("popular vanguard for liberation"), which formed in the following decade (Rif^at al-Sacid, Ta^rikh al-haraka al-shuyu^iyya al-misriyya, Cairo 1987, iii, 196-9, 203 ff.). At that stage, however, the discussion of such notions in Islamic countries was still on the sidelines of public political debate, and the application of "the people" with such meaning was marginal. By mid-century, with the struggle for national independence in most Arab countries won, the focus of political discourse had begun to shift to other issues, primarily sociopolitical reform. New leaders—in Egypt, Syria, clrak, Algeria, Yemen, Sudan, Libya—having seized power, claimed to be acting on the people's behalf in their bid to transform the old, corrupt order. In the revolutionary ideologies which they preached, leftist ideas, hitherto marginal, came to play a major role, and "the people" were given a prominence unprecedented in their societies' tradition. The sha^b was now identified as the common masses, primarily workers and peasants (equally often referred to as djamdhir "masses"), those who previously had been outside the circle of power, and were now hailed as the mainstay of reform. Thus in the Egyptian National Pact (al-mithak al-watani) of 1962, the sha^b was the hero whose wit and resolve accounted for the success of the 1952 revolution and guaranteed its future. Its objectives were social justice, military might and "healthy democratic life"; its enemies were imperialism, tyranny, feudalism and monopolism (al-Djumhuriyya al-cArabiyya alMuttahida, Mashru** al-mithak, 21 mayu 1962, Cairo n.d., 3-6 etpassim). Likewise, in Bacth ideology, which the regimes in Syria and clrak adopted in the 1960s (if in different versions), the sha^b is regarded as the leader of renaissance, combatting domestic and foreign oppression, and striving for socialism and popular democracy (Mfshal cAflak, FT sabil al-ba^th, Beirut 1959, 172-85; Hizb al-Bacth al-cArabf alIshtirakl, al-Manhaaj_ al-marhalT li-thawrat al-thdmin min Adhdrfi 'l-kutr al-^arabi al-Suri, Damascus 1965, esp. 39, 21-9). This is also the sense of the notion in the construct madjlis al-sha^b "People's Assembly", used to designate legislative bodies in the revolutionary regimes of Egypt, Syria, South Yemen and several other places. Two states even incorporated the word, in adjectival form (sha^biyyd), in their official names: "The People's Republic of South Yemen" (1967, renamed as "The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen" in 1970), reflecting its leftist doctrine and pro-Soviet orientation; and "The Arab Libyan People's Socialist Djamahiriyya''' (1976, to which the adjective "the Great" was added in 1986), underscoring the popular nature of its political structure. Leftist ideas also inspired the foundation of many "popular fronts" of political action, fashionable in the late 1960s and the 1970s, namely, groups purporting to advocate social reform along with other, often more important objectives—e.g. "The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine", "The Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman and the Arab Gulf, etc. Sha^b has thus come to imply a variety of concepts. In addition to its use in the broad sense of "people" or "nation", it also means the governed people as opposed to the government and, still more narrowly, the lower classes striving to recover their deserved
political rights. The distinction between these meanings is often blurred, sometimes intentionally so, as in the rhetoric of revolutionary leaders who, appealing to "the shaW, seek at once to speak for the whole nation and to voice concern for the deprived classes' grievances. In the second half of the 20th century, this last phenomenon had become a prominent aspect of the application of sha^b. Bibliography: Given in the text. (A. AYALON) SHABA [see KATANGA]. C C SHA BADHA, SHA WADHA (also with final d for dh) (A.), p r e s t i d i g i t a t i o n , sleight of h a n d , and from it, musha^blwidh, m ag i ci an , t r i c k s t e r . The word is paraphrased by the lexicographers, following al-Layth (b. al-Muzaffar) [q.v.], by khiffat al-yad and ukhadh (pi. of ukhdhd), see al-Azharf, TahdhTb, i, 405. Fihrist, 312, mentions as "the first to perform shacbadha in Islam" a certain cAb!d/cUbayd al-Kayyis who also wrote a Kitdb al-Sha^badha, and another musha^bidh nicknamed "Mill Shaft" (Kutb al-raha), about both of whom unfortunately nothing further seems to be known. According to al-Djawbarl [q. v. in Suppl.], among all the fraudulent practices of the large underclass of crooks and swindlers, the activity of the musha^bidh is distinguished by its innocuousness; his tricks are performed as harmless entertainment. Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima, iii, 126 ff., tr. Rosenthal, iii, 158 ff., uses the term in a more general manner and understands it scientifically as characterising one of three kinds of sorcery [see SIHR]. He explains the underlying process as the transformation, by the power of the imagination, of something imaginary into imagined existence in the world of the senses; for the religious law, it would fall under forbidden sorcery, but since it is not real (and, therefore, presumably incapable of doing actual evil) and something irrelevant that is easily avoided, it was, certainly in the eyes of Ibn Khaldun. not as bad as the other kinds of sorcery (and not really forbidden). The term's etymology has interested philologists ancient and modern. The Arabic lexicographers stress that it is not true Arabic (see Lane, 1559a). The suggested derivation from Aramaic/Syriac sha^bedh "to subdue" is linguistically adequate (both blw and dhld are not inconsistent with this assumption) and conceptually possible ("subduing [c-b-d, form X] devils" is a sorcerer's task, see Fihrist, 309, 1. 2). An Arabisation of Persian shabbdz seems less likely, as does a conflation with the root '•-w-dh; the lexicographers' derivation from a supposed meaning "quickness" and shacwadht "express courier" if anything reverses the actual process. Bibliography: Djawbarl, al-Mukhtdr ft kashf alasrdr, ch. 23, tr. R. Khawam, Le voile arrache, Paris 1979-80, ii, 135-142; the promised scholarly edition by S. Wild has apparently not yet appeared. See further, C.E. Bosworth, The mediaeval Islamic underworld, Leiden 1976, i, 128, ii, 51, 299, 333, with the older literature. (F. ROSENTHAL) SHABAK. a heterodox religious c o m m u n i t y living in several dozen villages east of Mawsil, in a triangle bounded by the Tigris and the Greater Zab. Their numbers were in 1925 estimated at around 10,000; the 1960 clraki census enumerated 15,000, living in 35 villages (Vinogradov 1974: 208). Recent estimates tend to be considerably higher. The Shabak commonly consider themselves as Kurds, but have since the 1970s been subject to concerted efforts at Arabicisation, culminating in the destruction of around 20 Shabak villages in 1988. The
SHABAK — SHABAKHTAN language of their prayers and religious ritual is Turkish. Most Shabak are multilingual, which has given rise to claims that they are really Turcomans or Kurdish speakers or even Arabs; their mother tongue, however, or at least that of most Shabak, is a dialect of the Gurani branch of Iranian languages. Their religion is closely related to that of the Anatolian c Alew!s (Kizilbash); one of their invocations, as given by al-Sarraf, explicitly refers to HadjdjT Bektash and the adepts of Ardabll (ErdebTl erenleri, i.e. the Safawids) as the founders of their spiritual path. Some of the religious poems sung in their ritual meetings are attributed to Shah Ismacil and to the Anatolian cAlewT saint Pir Sultan Abdal. A basic tenet, expressed in several poems and invocations, is the Shabak's belief that Allah, Muhammad and CA1T constitute a trinity, in which CAH appears as the dominant manifestation of the divine. The "sacred book" of the Shabak, known as Kitdb al-Mandkib or Buyuruk (Burukh, in the local pronunciation) and published integrally in al-Sarraf s monograph, consists of two parts. The first part is a question-and-answer dialogue between Shaykh SafT al-Dln and his son Sadr al-Dln on the dddb of the tarika, in which there is no indication of extremist Shici influences; the second part, the buyuruk proper, resembles in content the texts of the same title found among the Anatolian cAlewI communities. It consists of various teachings and instructions associated with the imams CA1I and Dja c far al-Sadik and discusses the relationship between teacher (murebbi) and disciple (tdlib), and the institution of ritual brotherhood (musdhiblik). Their SafawT-Kizilbash affiliation distinguishes the Shabak from neighbouring heterodox communities, the Yezldls [q. v.] to their north and the Sarli [see SARLIYYA] to their southeast. The latter are, like the Kaka°I, a branch of the Ahl-i Hakk [q.v.]', they speak a Gurani dialect very similar to that of the Shabak. Another neighbouring Gurani-speaking community, the Badjwan or Badjalan, are often said to be a section of the Shabak or vice-versa. The Badjwan, however, are tribally organised and led by tribal chieftains, whereas the Shabak are non-tribal peasants, sharecropping on land belonging to urban-based sayyid families who have great moral authority over them due to their descent from the Prophet and CAH. The Shabak intermarry freely with Badjwan, Sarll, Kaka3! and Sh^I Turcomans of the region, resulting in the boundaries between these religious communities becoming fuzzy. The Shabak community is structured by a spiritual hierarchy similar to that of the cAlewis. Each adult person is affiliated with a pir, his spiritual elder. This is a hereditary function, and each family tends to continue its affiliation with a particular pir lineage from generation to generation. All rituals have to be led by a pir. In most of them he has to be assisted by a rehber or guide, and in the major annual celebrations, twelve functionaries have to be present: pir, rehber, lampbearer (hdmil al-djirdgh), broom-bearer (hdmil almiknasd), cup-bearer (sakkd), butcher, four attendants (khddim) and two gate-keepers (bawwdb). The cAlewi communities of Anatolia also knew these twelve functionaries (on iki hizmet), although the names given to each vary. The Shabak pirs are themselves hierarchically ordered, and there is a supreme spiritual authority known as the bdbd. The Shabak have regular ritual meetings in the house of the pir. There are three major annual celebrations, one at New Year's Eve (celebrated in December), another in the night of cdshurd. The third
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is the "night of pardon" (^odhur gedjesi), during which public confessions of guilt are made and conflicts in the community settled. It is these three nightly celebrations, in which both sexes take part, that in the early literature on the Shabak and Sarlis are referred to as the laylat al-kafsha, with the usual accusation of unspeakable abominations (the verb kafasha meaning, in the local Arabic dialect "to grab"). Minorsky's suggestion to derive the name from more innocent Persian kafsh "footwear", has been adopted by several later authors, such as Moosa, who sees the taking off of slippers as the origin of the name. The Shabak themselves do not appear to use the name at all, however. Pilgrimages are another important part of the ritual calender. Two important local shrines, visited at the c id al-fitr and cid al-adhd, are named CA1T Rash ("Black C A1I") and c Abbas. Shabak identify the former with the Imam CA1T Zayn al-cAbidin b. Husayn, the second with Husayn's younger brother c Abbas, who died at Karbala. A different type of ziydra consists of the stoning of the alleged grave of cUbayd Allah b. Ziyad, the Umayyad governor of clrak who was responsible for the drama at Karbala. This takes place throughout the year. Bibliography: Pere Anastase Marie alKarmali's misleading but influential articles in alMashnk, ii (1899) and v (1902) have now been superseded; the only serious work on Shabak beliefs and practices is Ahmad Hamid al-Sarraf, al-Shabak minfirakal-ghuldtfi 'l-^Irdk, Baghdad 1373/1954. M. Moosa, Extremist Shiites: the ghulat sects, Syracuse 1987, is largely based on al-Sarraf and a few less important clraki authors. A useful anthropological study is A. Vinogradov, Ethnicity, cultural discontinuity and power brokers in northern Iraq: the case of the Shabak, in Amer. Ethnologist, i (1974), 207-18. Information on recent events, along with some language samples, is given in M. Leezenberg, The Shabak and the Kakais: dynamics of ethnicity in Iraqi Kurdistan (technical note, Inst. for Language, Logic and Computation, University of Amsterdam, 1994; also to appear in Studia Kurdica, Paris), (M. VAN BRUINESSEN) SHABAKHTAN. the name given in several mediaeval Arabic sources to an area east of presentday Turkish Urfa (Arabic al-Ruha [^.z>.], Prankish Edessa), and north of Harran. We can perhaps identify it with the range of hills known as the Tektek Dag. Shabakhtan apparently comprised a number of strongholds, each with its dependant fief or Carnal. Fiefs (acmdf) of Shabakhtan referred to in the sources include Djumlayn, al-Kuradi, Tall Mawzan and alMuwazzar. References to Shabakhtan, or to strongholds within it, begin with the Crusades. Some or all of Shabakhtan formed part of the short-lived Frankish County of Edessa, but by 538/1144 the area was in the hands of clmad al-Din Zangi. With his death begins a confused story of frequent changes of overlordship, successively the Artukids of Amid (Diyarbakir) and Mardm; several different Ayyubid princes, including al-cAdil, al-Ashraf, al-Afdal and alKamil; briefly, the Kh w arazmians and the Mongols; and then, towards the end of the 7th/13th century, the Artukids again, at which point references cease. Of the known acmdl of Shabakhtan, only Djumlayn, the most frequently mentioned, has so far been located, at the site of Qimdine Kalesi on the eastern side of the Tektek Dag. It consists of a fortified outcrop ringed by a wall overlooking a rock-hewn fosse, and bears traces of several different mediaeval occupations. Bibliography: Ibn cAbd al-Zahir, al-Rawd al-
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zdhir, Riyad 1976, 358; Ibn al-cAdIm, Zubda, Damascus 1968, iii, 152, 154, 259; Anonymous Syriac Chronicle, mJRAS(\933), 280, 288; Ibn al-Athlr, alKdmil, Beirut 1966, xi, 94, xii, 83, 180, 182, 343; al-Ta^rikh al-bdhir, Cairo n.d., 67; Ibn al-clbrl (Bar Hebraeus), Mukhtasar al-duwal, Beirut 1890, 393; Ibn Shaddad, Acldk, i/3, Damascus 1978, 68, i/2, Damascus 1991, 196; Matthew of Edessa, Chronique, Paris 1858, 280; Michael the Syrian, Chronique, Paris 1905, iii, 216; Ibn NazTf, al-Ta'rikh alMansun, Damascus 1981, 18, 19, 39, 159; Ibn Wasil, Mufarridj_, iii, Cairo 1961, 140; D. Morray, QaPat Jumlayn: a fortress of Sabahtdn, in BEO, xlv (1993), 161-82; M. von Oppenheim, Arabische Inschriften, bearbeitet von Max van Berchem, in Beitrdge zur Assyriologie und semitische Sprachwissenschaft, viii/1, Leipzig_1909, 62-3. (D.W. MORRAY) SHACBAN, n a m e of the eighth m o n t h of the Islamic lunar year. In classical hadith it has already its place after Radjab Mudar. In Indian Islam it has the name of Shab-i bardt (see below), the Atchehnese call it Kanduri bu and among the Tigre tribes of Eritrea it is called Maddagen, i.e. who follows upon Radjab. In early Arabia, the month of Shacban (the name may mean "interval") seems to have corresponded, as to its significance, to Ramadan. According to the hadith, Muhammad practised superogatory fasting by preference in Shacban (al-Bukhan, Sawm, bdb 52; Muslim, Siydm, trad. 176; al-Tirmidhl, Sawm, bdb 36). cA:>isha recovered in Shacban the fast days which were left from the foregoing Ramadan (al-TirmidhT, Sawm, bdb 65). In the early Arabian solar year, Shacban as well as Ramadan fell in summer. Probably the weeks preceding the summer-solstice and those following it, had a religious significance which gave rise to propitiatory rites such as fasting. This period had its centre in the middle of Shacban, a day which, up to the present time, has preserved feature of a New Year's day. According to popular belief, in the night preceding the 15th, the tree of life on whose leaves are written the names of the living is shaken. The names written on the leaves which fall down, indicate those who are to die in the coming year. In hadith it is said that in this night God descends to the lowest heaven; from there he calls the mortals in order to grant them forgiveness of sins (al-Tirmidhl, Sunan, bdb 39). Among a number of peoples, the beginning or the end of the year is devoted to the c o m m e m o r a t i o n of the dead. The connection can also be observed in the Muslim world. For this reason Shacban bears the epithet of al-mu^azzam "the venerated". In the IndoMuslim world in the night of the 14th people say prayers for the dead, distribute food among the poor, eat halwa (sweetmeats) and indulge in illuminations and firework. This night is called laylat al-bard^a, which is explained by "night of quittancy", i.e. forgiveness of sins. In Atcheh, this month is likewise devoted to the dead; the tombs are cleansed, religious meals (kanduri [q. v. ]) are given and it is the dead who profit from the merits of these good works. The night of the middle of Shacban bears a particularly sacred character, as is attested by the kanduri?, and the saldts which are called saldt al-hddja or, on account of certain eulogies, saldt altasdbih. During the last days of the month, a market is held in the capital. At Mecca, Radjab, not Shacban, is devoted to the dead. Here, in the night of 14th Shacban, religious exercises are held; in the mosque, circles are formed which under the direction of an imam recite the prayer peculiar to this night.
In Morocco, on the last day of Shacban a festival is celebrated called the Shacbana which resembles a carnival. A description of it is to be found in L. Brunot, La mer dans les traditions et les industries indigenes a Rabat et Sale, Paris 1921, 98-9. Bibliography: E. Littman, Die Ehrennamen und Neubenennungen der isl. Monate, in IsL, viii (1918), 228 ff.; Herklots, Qanoon-i Islam; C. Snouck Hurgronje, The Achehnese, i, 221 ff.; idem, Mekka, ii, 76, 291; AJ. Wensinck, The Arabic New Year, in Verh. Ak. Amst., new ser. xxv, no. 2, 6-7. (AJ. WENSINCK) SHACBAN, the name of two M a m l u k s u l t a n s . 1. AL-MALIK AL-KAMIL, (son of al-Nasir Muhammad b. Kalawun [ q . v . ] ) , who succeeded his full brother, al-Salih Isma c fl, on the latter's death on 4 Rablc II 746/4 August 1345. His accession was brought about by a faction headed by his stepfather, Arghun al-cAla°i, who had been in effect regent for Ismacil. A rival faction led by the vicegerent of Egypt, Almalik, supporting his halfbrother HadjdjT, rapidly lost power, and Arghun became the dominant magnate throughout the reign. His sound political advice to the sultan served as a moderating influence, but was frequently disregarded. Sha c ban's authority deteriorated rapidly from the beginning of 747/April 1346. Almalik and his colleague, Kumarl, were sent to prison in Alexandria, and their property was sequestrated. The death of Yusuf, another son of al-Nasir Muhammad, in Rabi c II/July-August, gave rise to suspicions that the sultan was implicated. The final crisis of the reign resulted from Shacban's determination to make a state visit to the Hidjaz, which led to heavy demands on the peasantry of Egypt for grain, and on the Arabs of Syria for camels, while it would have involved the Mamluk military aristocracy in ruinous expenditure. A conspiracy to overthrow the sultan was hatched by the governor of Damascus, Yalbugha al-YahyawI. When Shacban seized two of his remaining brothers, HadjdjT and Husayn, and placed them under guard (29 Djumada 1/18 September), revolt broke out among the Mamluks of Cairo. The sultan, accompanied by Arghun al^Ala0!, went out to confront them with a small loyal force. His offer to abdicate was rejected, and in the ensuing skirmish Arghun was wounded and captured. Shacban fled, but was captured and put to death (3 Djumada 11/21 September), while HadjdjT had been released and proclaimed sultan two days previously. Bibliography. Notices of some leading personalities of the reign are given by their contemporary al-Safadl; e.g. Shacban, Arghun al-cAla:>T, Almalik (Waft, xvi, 153-5; viii, 355; ix, 372-3, respectively). There are detailed accounts of the reign by the 9th/15th-century chroniclers, Makrlzl, Suluk, ii/3, 680-713; and Ibn TaghrTbirdi, Nudjum, x, 116-41. 2. AL-MALIK AL-ASHRAF, M a m l u k s u l t a n (grandson of al-Nasir Muhammad b. Kalawun [q.v.]), who succeeded his cousin, al-Mansur Muhammad, when the latter was deposed on 15 Shacban 764/30 May 1363. Owing to Sha c ban's youth (he was born in 754/1353-4), a series of high Mamluk amirs held power in the early years of his reign. Yalbugha alc Uman and Taybugha al-Tawfl, originally Mamluks of al-Nasir Hasan [q.v. ], at first shared the regency, until Taybugha was ousted in Djumada II 767/March 1366, when Yalbugha assumed sole power. In the meantime, a Crusading expedition under King Peter I of Cyprus briefly occupied Alexandria (Muharram
SHA C BAN — SHA C BANIYYA 767/October 1365), but withdrew as Yalbugha and the sultan advanced to relieve the city. The regent thereupon set on foot the construction of a war-fleet for, he asserted, a counter-offensive. An appeal from the king of Dongola [q. v. ] for aid against his usurping nephew led to the organisation of an expeditionary force (Rabl*- I 767/December 1365), and action against Arab tribesmen who were ravaging the Aswan frontier-region. In Rablc II 768/December 1366 Shacban, resenting Yalbugha's domination, colluded with the regent's mutinous Mamluks to overthrow him. The sultan did not, however, finally free himself from the control of the Mamluk magnates until 769/1367-8, when the period of his autocratic rule began. There was an ineffectual attack on Tripoli by Peter I in Muharram 769/September 1367, but otherwise the sultanate was in no danger from any foreign power. Sha c ban's quiet reign was disturbed in Muharram 775/June 1373 by a dispute with his stepfather, the atdbak Uldjay al-YusufT, over the inheritance from the sultan's mother, Khawand Baraka, who had died in the previous month. Uldjay was defeated in a brief armed conflict, and drowned as he fled across the Nile. The end of the reign was sudden and disastrous, suggesting long-suppressed covert resentments, perhaps linked with the sultan's greed for wealth and unprecedented grants to his kinsfolk. The hostility had its focus in the Mamluks of the sultan's household. Disregarding advice, and in spite of his recent recovery from a severe illness, he insisted on making a state pilgrimage to the Hidjaz. When he was encamped at the pass of Ayla [ q . v . ] , his Mamluks revolted, demanding fodder and pay. The situation got out of hand, and he fled with a few companions towards Cairo (2 Dhu 'l-Kacda 778/13 March 1377). While they were on their way, Mamluk rebels gained control of the Citadel, and proclaimed Sha c ban's infant son, C AH, as sultan. Al-MakrizI and Ibn Taghribirdi disagree as to whether the two risings were concerted. On reaching Kubbat al-Nasr outside Cairo, Shacban's companions were discovered and killed. He himself was found and strangled two days later (4 Dhu 'l-Ka c da/15 March). His son succeeded him as al-Malik al-Mansur CA1I (778-83/1377-81). Bibliography. Ibn Hadjar al-cAskalani, al-Durar al-kdmina, 2nd edn. Haydarabad 1972-6: notices of Shacban, ii, 342-3 (no. 1936); Taybugha al-Tawil, ii, 395-6 (no. 259); Yalbugha al- c Umari, vi, 208-10 (no. 2565); Khawand Baraka, ii, 6 (no. 1281). Accounts of the reign in Makrlzl, Suluk, iii/1, 83-283; Ibn Taghribirdi, Nuaj_um, xi, 24-147. On Peter I's Crusading exploits, al-Nuwayrl al-Iskandaranl, Kitdb al-Ilmdm, 7 vols., Haydarabad 1968-76; see also O. Weintritt, Formen spdtmittelalterlicher islamischer Geschichtsdarstellung, Beirut 1992; P.W. Edbury, The Crusading policy of King Peter I of Cyprus, 1359-1369, in P.M. Holt, The eastern Mediterranean lands in the period of the Crusades, Warminster 1977, 90-105; idem, The kingdom of Cyprus and the Crusades 1191-1374, Cambridge 1991. (P.M. HOLT) SHACBANIYYA, a mystical brotherhood arising out of the Khalwatiyya [q.v.] at Kastamonu in northern Anatolia towards the middle of the 10th/16th century. Its ptr, Shacban Well, born at Tashkoprii in this same region, was initiated into the Khalwatiyya precepts by the shaykh Khayr al-Dm TokadI of Bolu on his return from a period of study in Istanbul, and died in 976/1568-9 at Kastamonu, where he directed a group of his disciples after spending twelve years at the side of his spiritual master. The main source on the origins of the Shacbaniyya is the work of one of Shacban Well's successors, cOmer Fu D adI (d.
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1046/1636), the Mendkib-i shenf-i Pir-i Khalweti hadret-i Shacban Well. This work on the life and miracles of the founder was printed at Kastamonu in 1294/1877 in a volume also containing the same author's Risale-yi turbe-ndme, which deals with the building of Shacban Well's tomb at the beginning of the llth/17th century. cOmer FuDadI is also said to have written an enlarged version of the Mendkib-ndme, unfortunately lost. Shacban Well himself left behind no works. For almost a century, the new order's network seerns to have remained an Anatolian one. However, in the capital, one of the founder's khalifas, Shaykh Shudja c (d. 996/1588) exercised a great influence, much criticised by the sultan's entourage, over Murad III [^.o.], who had become his disciple. According to a still extant hitdbe of 988/1580, this same Shudja c had the mosque-te^ of Shacban Well at Kastamonu renovated. We know many details about the building of the saint's tomb, completed in 1020/1611, thanks to the work of C6mer FuDadI mentioned above. The order was at various times given fresh impetus by the great shqykhs who were regarded as founders of the branches of the Shacbaniyya, and from the latter half of the 1 lth/17th century enjoyed a vast expansion throughout the Ottoman empire. At an early date, there was CAH cAla> al-Din Karabash Well (b. c Arabgir, 1020/1611, d. on returning from the Pilgrimage in 1097/1686), founder of the Karabashiyya, called al-Atwel "the very tall" on account of his height and Karabash "black head" because of the order's characteristic black cap. Initiated at Kastamonu, he was shaykh at Qankm in central Anatolia, and then, from 1079/1669, at Uskiidar (he also spent some time in exile on Lemnos). Karabash Well left behind numerous works on mysticism. One may note a commentary on Ibn alc ArabI's Fusus al-hikam (the Kdshif-i esrdr al-Fusus); a tarikat-ndme; a treatise on the interpretation of dreams (ta^btr-ndme); a treatise on the 40 days' retreat (Risdleyi usul-i erba^in); and one on the dhikr made by whirling (R. fidjewdz-i dewrdni 'l-sufiyye}. He is said to have had many khalifas who spread the Shacbaniyya in his new form. This last affected not only Anatolia but also Rumelia and the Arab provinces. The networks issuing from the order which took shape in the Arab provinces from the end of the 12th/18th century under the impetus of the spiritual successors of Mustafa Kama! al-Din al-Bakrl, notably the Kamaliyya, Hinfiyya, Dardlriyya and Sammaniyya branches and their ramifications, can be considered as independent of the Shacbanl networks of Anatolia and Rumelia, even if certain of their members preserved the common mystical tradition (see F. de Jong, Mustafa Kamal alDin al-Bakn (1688-1749). Revival and reform of the Khalwatiyya tradition, in N. Levtzion and J.O. Voll (eds.), Eighteenth century renewal and reform in Islam, Syracuse-New York 1987, 117-32). Four other personalities mark the evolution of the Sha c baniyya up to the middle of the 19th century. The first was Muhammad Nasuhl(d. 1130/1718), one of Karabash Well's khalifas. He was shaykh of a tekke built for him by the Grand Vizier Damad Hasan Pasha at Uskiidar in the Doghandjilar quarter, an establishment considered at the close of the Empire as the dsitdne, main centre, of the order in Istanbul. He was also the author of several works, including a Kurgan commentary and a diwdn of poetry. The second was Mustafa CerkeshI (d. 1229/1814), disciple of a shaykh of the region of Safranbolu, who exercised his functions at the little town of Cerkesh, to the south-west of Kastamonu. More than Muhammad
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Nasuhi, he seems to have set his mark on the brotherhood. He lightened the burden of the rules made by Karabash Well, reducing the precepts for members from twenty to three: to be linked with a spiritual master, committing oneself to him totally; to accept from this master pardon (tawba) and initiation (talkin); and to perform dhikr unceasingly. CerkeshI was also the author of an epistle said to have been written at the request of Sultan Mahmud II (R. ft tahkik al-tasawwuf), and he appears moreover in recent works as the second pir of the Shacbaniyya. The third person mentioned as the founder of a branch of the tanka was a khalifa of the preceding person, one Hag^djlKhalrlGeredelT(d. 1247/1831-2 and buried in the village of Gerede, near Bolu). He is said to have been illiterate (ummi) and to have been invited by the sultan to install himself in the capital, where he assumed direction of the tekke of the Zeyrek mosque. The fourth and last person considered as founder of a branch of the Shacbaniyya was Ibrahim Kushadali (d. 1845), khalifa of Beypazarli Shaykh CA1T, a disciple of Mustafa CerkeshI. He had numerous disciples (including some provincial governors and some women) and gave a particular imprint to the order, notably by rejecting residence in a tekke, a mode of life which he considered to be in a state of degeneration (when the tekke which he headed in Istanbul was burnt down in 1833, he refused to rebuild it and settled down in a simple konak). He was certainly influenced by malami doctrine, but equally, he placed the shari^a in the forefront, insisting on the practice of rdbita (liaison of the disciple's heart, in imagination, with that of his shaykh) and on that of khalwa. Under the impulse of these different persons, the Shacbaniyya gradually became that branch of the Khalwatiyya with the most centres in the Ottoman capital. It even exceeded those of the Sunbuliyya [q.v.] in the last decades of the 19th century, with 25 tekkes, of which about ten were on the Asiatic shore, mainly at Uskudar. The tanka likewise spread vigorously in northern Anatolia, in a zone extending from Istanbul to Tokat, above all in the triangles Kastamonu-Bolu-Ankara and Kastamonu-YozgatTokat. In Rumelia, where it had spread strongly since the llth/17th century (Ewliya Celebi mentions its presence in the Bulgarian lands ca. 1650), it had a special spurt of growth in the second half of the 19th century, notably in Bulgaria (at Nevrokop/Goce Delcev and Trnovo), at Iskece/Xanthi in Thrace, at Bitola in Macedonia, and also in BosniaHercegovina, where tekkes were founded from ca. 1865 onwards at Sarajevo, Severin, Bijeljina, Donja Tuzla and Visegrad under the stimulus of the shaykh Muhammad Sayf al-Din Iblizovic. It may be noted that Yackub Khan Kashghari, who was one of the disciples of Muhammad TewfTk Bosnewl, khalifa of Ibrahim Kushadali (as well as being also affiliated to the Nakshbandiyya and Kadiriyya), is said to have contributed to spreading the order in India; but it does not seem to have put down durable roots there. Today, the Shacbaniyya, which has not survived in the Balkans, is represented uniquely in Turkey, where it is the most active branch of the Khalwatiyya. In Istanbul itself, there are at least fifteen mosques where Shacbani dervishes meet for dhikr, generally on Thursday or Sunday evening. For the ceremony, each adept wears a khirka and a fine-textured white turban falling on to the back. The dhikr unfolds in three phases: seated in a circle, in darkness, the dervishes first recite the brotherhood's wird, then the dhikr properly speaking, characterised by repetition of the three formulae La ildh ilia 'lldh, Allah and Hu, and then ending by
standing up in a halka. According to recent publications attesting the activities of the Shacbaniyya in Turkey (see Bibl.}, these belong to the Cerkeshiyya branch and consider Mustafa CerkeshT as their second pir. In Kastamonu there exists a "§a'ban-i Veli Association of Kastamonu" which looks after the ancient centre of the order. This consist of a muchvisited complex, including a mosque which until 1925 served als as a tekke and in which one can still see a series of small cells intended for spiritual retreat, a tiirbe enshrining Shacban Well's tomb and those of his successors, a library, and ablutions fountain, a kitchen, two houses, a cemetery and a spring whose water is sought after for curative purposes. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): Hiiseyin Wassaf, Sefinet ul-ewliyd, vol. iii, ms. Siileymaniye, Yazma bagislar 2308; Sadik Widjdani, Tomdr-i turuk-i ^aliyyeden Khalwetiyye silsilendmesi, Istanbul 1338-41, 62 ff.; Bursall Mehmed Tahir, C0thmdnli mu^ellifleri, Istanbul 1915-25, i, 55, 118-19, 148-9, 151-2, 176-7; H.J. Kissling, Sa'bdn Veil und die Sa^bdniyye, in idem and A. Schmaus (eds.), SertaMonacensia, Leiden 1952, 86-109; t.H. Konyah, Uskudar tarihi, i, Istanbul 1976; Dhakir Shukri Ef., Die Istanbuler Derwisch-Konvente und ihre Scheiche (mecmu^a-i tekdya), ed. M.S. Taysi and K. Kreiser, Freiburg 1980; Y.N. Oztiirk, Muhammed Tevfik Bosnevi, Istanbul 1981; idem, Kusadah Ibrahim Halveti, Istanbul 1982; Abdulkerim Abdiilkadiroglu, Halvetilik'in §a'baniyye kolu. §eyh §a'ban-i Veli ve kiilliyesi, Ankara 1991; M.I. Oguz, Hazret-i §a'ban-i Veli ve Mustafa Qerkesi, Istanbul 1993; E. Ism, Ibrahim EJendi (Kusadah), in Dunden bugune Istanbul ansiklopedisi, Istanbul 1994. On the order in the Rumelian provinces, see Nathalie Clayer, Mystiques, etat et societe. Les Halvetis dans I'aire balkanique de la fin du XVe siecle a nos jours, Leiden 1994, with further references. (NATHALIE CLAYER) SHABANKARA, the name of a Kurdish tribe and of their c o u n t r y in southern Persia during mediaeval Islamic times. Ibn al-Athir spells the name Shawankara, whilst Marco Polo rendered it as Soncara. According to Hamd Allah MustawfT, the Shabankara country was bounded by Fars, Kirman and the Persian Gulf. At present, it falls within the ustdn or province of Fars, and there are still two villages, in the shahrastdns of Djahrum and Bu Shahr respectively, bearing the name Shabankara (Razmara (ed.), Farhang-i djughrdfiyd-yi IrdnzamTn, vii, 139). MustawfT says that the capital was the stronghold of Ig or Idj; other localities of the province, which was divided into six districts, were: Zarkan (near Ig), Istabanan (or Istabanat), Burk, Tarum, Khayra, Nayrlz [q.v.], Kurm, Runlz, Lar [q.v.] and Darabdjird [q.v.]. As for particulars and identifications it suffices to refer to the notes of G. le Strange on his translation of MustawfT's Nuzhat al-kulub, 138, tr. 139; see also P. Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, ii, 92. As for climate, Shabankara was reckoned among the warm countries (garmsir); but it enclosed also regions of a moderate temperature (hawd-i muHadit). The products of Shabankara consisted chiefly in corn, cotton, dates, (dry) grapes and other fruits; at Darabdjird, mineral salt was found. Among the most fertile districts were those of Zarkan and of Burk. The revenues (hukuk-i diwdnT) during the Saldjuk rule amounted to more than 2,000,000 dinars, but at the time MustawfT wrote (740/1340) they only came to 266,100_dinars. The country abounded in strong places, e.g. Ig, Istabanan (destroyed by the Saldjuk Atabeg of Fars CawulT,
SHABANKARA rebuilt later on) and Burk. At the time of MustawfT, the fortifications of Darabdjird were ruinous, but the mountain-pass of Tang-i Ranba, to the east of the town, had a strong castle. In the chapter on the Muzaffarid dynasty, intercalated in the manuscript of Mustawft's Tdnkh-i'guzida, facs. ed. Browne, 665-6, there is also mention of the fortifications of Shabankara, the fertility of that country (''beautiful and cultivated like the garden of Iram"), its mills, bazars, etc. The Shabankara tribe were Kurds; in Ibn alBalkhr's time (early 6th/12th century) there were five subdivisions of them, viz. the Ismacflr, the Ramam, the Karzuwl, the Mascudf and the Shakanf. They were herdsmen, but also intrepid warriors, ,who more than once, in the course of history, became a power to be reckoned with. Their chiefs boasted descent from Ardashlr, the first Sasanid, or even from the legendary king Manucihr. Leaving aside the exploits of the Shabankara in Sasanid times (as e.g. the fact that Yazdadjird III is said to have taken refuge among them at the time of the Muslim invasion), the history of the Shabankara begins at the epoch of the decline of Buyid power. The Ismacflrs were regarded as the most noble in descent; their chiefs are said to descend from Manucihr and to have held in Sasanid times the function of Ispahbads. The first time, so far as we know, this tribe came into collision with a great Muslim power was in the days of the Ghaznawid Mascud b. Mahmud (421-32/1030-41 [q.v.]), whose general Tash Farrash drove them from the environs of Isfahan, so that they were compelled to remove southward. But now they came within the sphere of Buyid influence. The Buyids not suffering their presence, they had to migrate once more, until they settled in the Darabdjird district. Ibn al-Balkhf gives the history of their ruling family at some length. It may be sufficient to state that in the course of the quarrels which arose among the kinsmen one of them, Salk b. Muhammad b. Yahya, called to his aid the mighty Fadluya of the Ramanfs [see FADLAWAYH]; at the time Ibn Balkhi wrote, Salk's son Husuya was the ruler of the IsmacTlTs, but his kinsmen contested his supremacy. The Karzuwl Shabankara, taking advantage of the decline of the power of the Buyids, obtained Kazarun [q.v.], but were driven out of it by Cawulf when he made his expedition in Fars. The Mascudls also came to some power in the days of Fadluya; the Karzuwi chief Abu Sacd had also served under that Ramam ruler. For some time, the Mascudis possessed Ffruzabad and part of Shapur Khura, but they were no match for the Karzuwls, whose chief, Abu Sacd, defeated and put to death Amfruya, the Mascudi prince. When, later on, Cawull ruled Fars, he installed Amfruya's son Vishtasf as ruler of Ffruzabad. The Shakanfs, rapacious mountaineers of the coastland, present no historical interest. They also were subdued by Cawuli. Historically, the most important tribe was the Ramanfs, to whom belonged Fadluya (Ibn al-Athir, x, 48, calls him Fadlun), the mightiest amir of the Shabankara. This man, the son of a certain CAH b. alHasan b. Ayyub, who was the chief of his tribe, rose to the rank of Sipahsalar in the service of the Sahib-i c Adil Muhadhdhib al-Dawla Hibat Allah, the wazir of the Buyid ruler of Fars. Even before this time, the Buyids had been troubled by the Shabankara. The Ta^rikh-i guzida, 432, mentions an insurrection of a certain Ismacfl of Shabankara against clmad alDfn Abu Kalfdjar Marzuban (415-40/1024-48). This prince was succeeded by his eldest son al-Malik al-
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Rahfm Khusraw Firuz [q.v.], who died in 447/1055 and left the throne to his younger brother Fulad Sutun, the royal master of the Sahib-i cAdil. Fulad Sutun put to death this wazir, whereupon Fadluya rose in rebellion. He succeeded in capturing the prince himself and his mother, the Sayyida Khurasuya. Fulad Sutun was confined in a stronghold near Shfraz, where he was murdered in 454/1062; the Sayyida was, by order of Fadluya, suffocated in a bath. The Shabankara chief, now ruler of Fars, soon came into collision with the Saldjuk power. After fighting without success against Kawurd, the brother of Alp Arslan, he submitted to the latter, from whom he received the governorship of Fars. Fadluya afterwards revolted; the stronghold of Khurshah, to which he had betaken himself, was besieged and taken by the great Nizam al-Mulk, and Fa'dluya, after many vicissitudes, captured and executed (464/1071). Such is in substance the account of Ibn al-Balkhf, a younger contemporary. Ibn al-Athlr represents these events somewhat differently (x, 48-9; the Kurd Fadlun, who, according to Ibn al-Athlr, ix, 289, held part of Adharbaydjan and raided the Khazars in 421/1030, cannot, of course, be identified with the Shabankara chief and was, in fact an amir of the local line of the Shaddadids [q. v. ]). With the Fadluya affair is connected without any doubt, the expedition of Alp Arslan to Shabankara of the year 458/1066, mentioned by alRawandf, Rdhat al-sudur, ed. Iqbal, 118. The Shabankara were to be for many years a nuisance to the provinces of Kirman and Fars. In 492/1099, supported by the Saldjuk prince of Kirman, Iran-Shah b. Kawurd, they defeated the Amir Unar, who was wall of Fars for Sultan Berk-yaruk. About this time, the struggles of the Atabeg Cawulf with the Shabankara begin. This commander, Fakhr al-Dfn Cawulf, who died in the year 510/1116 (the Ta^nkh-i guzida wrongly places his death under the rule of Mascud b. Muhammad b. Malik Shah), governed Fars on behalf of the Saldjuk ruler of clrak, Muhammad b. Malik Shah. The Shabankara Amir al-Hasan b. al-Mubariz Khusraw refused to pay homage; thereupon, Cawuli attacked him suddenly. Khusraw had a narrow escape, bejng saved by the help of his brother Fadlu. Now Cawuli subdued Fasa and Djahrum in Fars; he then besieged for some time the stronghold where Khusraw had taken refuge, but perceiving that the siege would be a long and hard one, he came to terms with the Shabankara chief. Later, Khusraw accompanied the Atabeg on his expedition to Kirman, the ruler of which had sheltered the prince of Darabdjird, Ismacll. In this connection, Ibn al-Athfr mentions the fact that Cawuli requested the ruler of Kirman to hand over some Shabankara forces who had taken refuge to him. After these events, the Shabankara seem to have kept quiet during the rule of Muhammad b. Malik Shah, but new troubles arose when, under the following sultan, Mahmud b. Muhammad (511-25/111831), the wazir Nasir b. CA1I al-Dargazml began to illtreat these tribes also. This caused a revolt, during which the Shabankara wrought great damage. For the time up to the Kirman affair, there may be noted the following data. In the service of the Salghurid Atabeg Sunkur [see SALGHURIDS], the Kurd Muhammad Abu Tahir, who afterwards became the first independent sovereign of the Greater Lur dynasty (he died in 555/1160 [see LUR-I BUZURG]), made himself meritorious by a victory over the chiefs (hukkdm) of Shabankara. In 564/1168 the Shabankara sheltered Zangf b. D.kla, who was expelled from Fars by the ruler of Khuzistan. We now enter on the most glorious period of
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SHABANKARA — SHABANKARA3!
Shabankara history, which, however, lasted only a few years. The Shabankara chief Kutb al-Dln Mubariz _and his brother Nizam al-Dm Mahmud, amirs of Tg, availed themselves of the disturbances which arose in Kirman after the extinction of the ruling Saldjuk dynasty of that country. They responded to the call of the wazir Nasih al-Dln, who solicited their aid against the Ghuzz. Contrary to the intention of the wazir, but assisted by the citizens, they occupied, before giving battle to the Ghuzz, the capital Bardaslr and so secured the dominion of Kirman (507/1200-1). The two amirs now defeated the Ghuzz. but the strained relations between these rulers of Ig and the Atabeg of Fars compelled them to return to their realm after having appointed as their nd^ib one of the nobles of Kirman. At this point, the Ghuzz appeared once more to repeat their ravages. One of the Kirman! amirs, Hurmuz Tadj al-Dln Shahanshah, concluded a treaty_with them. Nizam al-Dln marched against him from Ig; in the battle which ensued Hurmuz fell and his Turkish allies were routed. Shortly after, Nizam al-Dm entered Bardasfr again. He made himself, however, by his debauchery and his rapacity odious to such a degree that a plot was laid against him. In the night, the conspirators took him prisoner with his sons (600/1203-4). They intended thereby to compel the commanders of Mubariz's garrisons to surrender. These commanders, however, remained in their strongholds and the latter had to be besieged. Meanwhile, a new actor made his appearance on the political stage, viz. c Adjam Shah b. Malik Dinar, a protege of the Khwarazm-shah cAla° al-Dm Muhammad [ q . v . ] . c Adjam Shah had concluded an alliance with the Ghuzz, who assisted him in his attempts to secure the realm of Kirman. In short, the course of events was as follows. The prisoner Nizam al-Dm was sent to the Salghurid Atabeg of Fars, but if cAdjam Shah expected to remain in the quiet possession of Kirman, he was disillusioned by a polite message from the Atabeg, Sacd b. ZangI, to the effect that Sacd was sending his general c lzz al-Dln Fadlun to accelerate the reduction of the garrisons mentioned above (600/1203-4). The troops of Fars duly arrived and delivered Kirman definitively from the Shabankara. An expedition which Mubariz undertook in revenge had no results except bringing about once more sore devastations. In 658/l_260 the Mongol Hiilegu or Hulagu [q.v.] destroyed Ig and killed the Shabankara amir Muzaffar Muhammad; afterwards, in the year 694/1295, we find Shabankara among the regions which, according to the treaty between Baydu Khan and Ghazan Khan, fell to the lot of Ghazan. For the year 712/1312, mention is made of a revolt of the Shabankara against the authority of the Il-Khanid Oldjeytu. It was repressed by Sharaf al-Dm Muzaffar, who later became the first historically important member of the Muzaffarid dynasty. It was the princes of that house who definitely put an end to the power of the Shabankara. In the year 755 or 756 (1354 or 1355), the last Shabankara ruler, the Malik Ardashir, refused to obey the orders of the Muzaffarid Mubariz al-Dm. The latter sent his son Mahmud with an army to chastise the Kurdish prince. Mahmud subdued the country and obliged Ardashlr to fly. From this time onwards, Shabankara formed a part of the Muzaffarid lands; incidentally, in the year 765/1363-4, we hear of a hakim of Shabankara on behalf of the Muzaffarid princes (Ta^nkh-i guzida, 698). In the later 9th/15th century, Shabankara is mentioned as one of the fiefs of the Ak Koyunlu prince Baysonkor (Dawlat-Shah, Tadhkirat al-shu^ard^, ed. Browne, 351).
The Shabankara tribe produced a historian during the 8th/14th century, Muhammad b. CA1T Shabankara3! [q. v. ], author of a general history which brings considerable near-contemporary and contemporary information on Fars during the Mongol and IlKhanid periods (Maajma^ al-ansdb, ed. Mlrza Hashim Muhaddith, Tehran 1363/1984, 220 ff.). Bibliography: 1. Geographical. Ibn al-Balkhl. Fdrs-ndma, ed. Le Strange and Nicholson, 129 ff.; MustawfT, Nuzha, 138-9, tr. 137-9; Yule-Cordier, The book of Ser Marco Polo3, London 1903, i, 83, 86; Ritter, Erkunde, viii, 760, 762, 765, 825, ix, 140, 214; Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 28892; Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, 92 ff.; Barthold, An historical geography of Iran, Princeton 1984, 161-2. 2. H i s t o r i c a l . Ibn al-Balkh!, 164 ff.; Muhammad b. Ibrahim, T.-i Salajukiydn-i Kirman, ed. Houtsma, 178 ff.; Ibn al-Athir, x, 48-9, 192, 362-4, xi, 229; Ibn Zarkub, ShTrdz-ndma, ed. Karlml, Tehran 1310/1932; MustawfT, Guzida, 432-3, 466, 506, 538, 591, 619-22, 639, 654-5, 663 ff., 698, 786; Rashld al-Dln, ed. and tr. Quatremere, Hist, des Mongols, i, 381, 385, 440-9; Wassaf, Ta^nkh, lith. Bombay 1269/1852-3, 423-5; Shabankara3!, loc. cit.; Natanz!, ed. J. Aubin, Extraits du Muntakhab al-tavarikh-i Mu^ini (anonyme d'Iskandar), Tehran 1957, 2-10; J. von Hammer, Gesch. der Ilchane, i, 6870, 233-4, 237; Sachau, Verzeichnis, 26 no. 65; Zambaur, Manuel, 233; Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran, Leipzig 1939, 146-7; Cl. Cahen, Fadluwayh le Shavdnkdreh, in St Ir, vii (1978), 111-15. _(V.F. BucHNER-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) SHABANKARA3!, Muhammad b. CA1!, Persian poet, l i t t e r a t e u r and h i s t o r i a n , of Kurdish origin (ca. 697-759/ca._ 1298-1358), who wrote during the last decades of the Il-Khanid era. His general history, the Madjma<* al-ansdb fi 'l-tawdnkh, exists in a number ^>f versions. The first redaction, dedicated to the IlKhanid Abu Sac!d's vizier Ghiyath al-D!n Muhammad b. Rash!d al-D!n, was produced in 733/1332-3 but was lost in the destruction of the vizier's house in 736/1336. Shabankara3! completed a second redaction on 22 Djumada I 738/17 December 1337; this is found in the best ms., Istanbul, Yeni Cami 909, and in the rjrinted edition. Yet a third version, dedicated to the Cupanid Pir Husayn and finished in 743/1343, is represented by the Paris ms. Supp. pers. 1278 and by a ms. in Tabriz. An abridgement of this third recension, extant in several mss. (e.g. B.L. Add. 16,696), probably originated at a considerably later date, since none of the mss. is earlier than the 10th/16th century. The Maajma(~ al-ansdb is of importance for its original material on the Ghaznawids, being the sole source to supply the alleged Pand-ndma of Sebiiktegin [ q . v . ] . It is also the first general history to incorporate chapters on the local dynasties of Shabankara3!'s native region of southern Persia, with sections inter alia on the rulers of the Shabankara3! Kurds [see SHABANKARA], the atabegs of Fars, and (most detailed) the princes of Hurmuz [q.v.] and the atabegs of Luristan [see LUR-I BUZURG]. After Shabankara3!'s death, and not later than 783/1381, a certain Ghiyath al-D!n b. CA1! Faryumad! wrote, apparently in Gurgan or Khurasan, a brief dhayl or continuation of the Maajma^ al-ansdb, dealing with the Sarbadars [q.v.} and the local dynasties of Khurasan during the mid-to-late 8th/14th century: this is extant only in the Istanbul ms. Bibliography: Storey, i, 84-5; Storey-Bregel', i, 334-7; Bosworth, Early sources for the history of the first four Ghaznavid sultans (977-1041), in 7Q, vii (1963), 18-20; A.M. Muginov, Istoriceskiy trudMukhammeda
SHABANKARA'I — SHABBATAY SEBI Shabangara^i, in Ucenle Zapiski Instituta Vostokovedeniya, ix (1954), 220-40; J. Aubin (ed.), Extraits du Muntakhab al-tavarikh-i Mucini (anonyme d'lskandar), Tehran 1957, 2-10; idem, Un chroniqueur meconnu, Sabdnkara^i, in Stir., x (1981), 213-24; edn. of the Maajma*- al-ansdb and of Faryumadl's dhayl by Mir Hashim Muhaddith, Tehran 1363/1984. (C.E. BOSWORTH and P. JACKSON) SHABASHIYYA, the n a m e of a sect of e x t r e m e K a r m a t i a n s in the region of Basra and al-Ahsa led by hereditary chiefs, the Banu Shabash shaykhs (the rububiyya was handed down from father to son). Their political activity lasted over a century (about 380 to 480/990-1090) in the Persian Gulf region. (The form Shabbdsiyya should be dropped.) Two of them, in spite of their excommunication by orthodox writers, were viziers to the Buyid governor of Basra: Abu '1-Hasan CA1I b. Fadl (or Hasan) Ibn Shabash (d. 444/1052) and his son SalTl al-Barakat (mentioned in 487/1094 by al-Ghazali). It is remarkable that the Druzes regarded them as followers of their religion, for we have in the Druze canon an epistle of al-Muktana [q.v.] of 428/1037 which is dedicated to them. We know also that in the 9th/15th century there were still links between the Druzes and the islands of the Persian Gulf (cf. Poliak, in REI [1934], 255). Bibliography: Goldziher, Streitschrift des GazdlT gegen die Batinijja-Sekte, Leiden 1916, 57, 62; Sacy, Druzes, ii, 346; Massignon, Hallaj, 339; Macarrl, Risdlat al-Ghufrdn, 168; Yakut, al-Mushtarik, 287; von Kremer, Gesch. der herrschenden Ideen, 124, n. 10. See also KARMATI and its Bibl. (L. MASSIGNON) AL-SHABB AL-ZARIF [see AL-TILIMSANI] . SHABBATAY SEBI, ajewish m y s t i c , pseudoMessiah and the i n s p i r a t i o n for a J u d a e o M u s l i m sect. Born at Izmir in 1035/1626, where his father, originally from the Peloponnese, was a trader, he showed a precocious propensity for the religious sciences, and was dedicated to a rabbinical career. From his adolescence, he devoted his time to the esoteric study of the Kabbalah and led a life of abstinence and solitude. Thanks to his remarkable charisma, he became surrounded by a group of adepts whose extravagant practices ended up by attracting the censure of the rabbinical authorities. He was banished from his native city in ca. 1061/1651, and became a wandering ascetic travelling in turn from Salonica to Istanbul and then from Jerusalem to Cairo. There, during 1663-5, he was the protege of the mystical circle of Raphael Joseph Celebi, head of the Egyptian Jewish community and director of the Ottoman treasury (sarrdf bashT) until the time when, visiting Gaza, he was hailed as the Messiah by Nathan Ashkenazi, who also took himself for the Prophet Elijah. The tireless efforts of this latter person to spread the messianic faith in the form of circular letters and pamphlets provoked a real frenzy in the Jewish world, from Kurdistan to Morocco via Europe. He was denounced to the kddi of the town through the rabbis' opposition in Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1075/June 1665. SebT, mounted on a horse and clad in green, despite Muslim prohibition, made a triumphal entry into Jerusalem after having circumambulated it seven times. From there he returned via Aleppo to his natal city, where he was hailed enthusiastically by the populace. In an eschatological atmosphere of penitence and aseticism, the messianic movement, favoured by socio-religious factors, increased in fervour. Whilst certain rumours related the story of the miraculous conquest of Mecca by the ten
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tribes of Israel, manifestations of "Jewish pride" were cruelly repressed in certain Muslim lands, involving a breaking of the contract ofdhimma, notably in Yemen. Henceforward called by the Hebrew acrostic amirdh, evoking Arabic amir "prince", Sebi, accompanied by his "ministers", set sail in Djumada II 1076/December 1665 for Istanbul where, according to Nathan's predictions, he was to seize the crown of the "Grand Turk" without having to strike a blow. Meanwhile, the Ottoman government, perhaps alerted by the Jewish pseudo-Messiah's own Jewish opponents, decided to put an end to this ferment of activity, considered to be seditious. The fate of the agitator, intercepted on the high seas, was decided by the Grand Vizier Ahmed Koprulii [see KOPRULU], who, unwilling to create a martyr, imprisoned him in the fortress of Gallipoli (Shacban 1076/February 1666). With an aura of prestige for having escaped death, Sebi continued to receive, in prison, delegates from all over. These included Nehemiah Cohen, a Polish Kabbalist, who feigned conversion to Islam in order to gain access to the Grand Vizier, to whom he denounced Sebi as an imposter. Sebi was brought to Edirne and to Sultan Mehemmed IV's diwdn on 16 Rabic I 1077/16 September 1666. Sebi escaped capital punishment by "adopting the turban", on the advice of the apostate Mustafa Hayati-zade, alias Gidcon, the sultan's physician. On his conversion to Islam, he took the name of cAz!z Mehmed Efendi, saw himself receive the honorific title of kapidjj bash! "chief doorkeeper of the palace", and received a royal pension. Had the Turks spared him in order for him to act as a missionary for Islam? If the majority of his followers abandoned him, his apostasy was in fact followed by numerous of his faithful followers, including his wife Sarah, who, after arriving in Gallipoli, took the name of Fatima Kadin. Seeking a theological justification for the paradoxical mystery of his defection—it could allegedly be considered as a deliberate act with an esoteric aim— Sebi's partisans continued to believe in him, adopting for themselves the Hebrew name of ma^aminim "believers". Sebi kept up secret contacts with them and with Nathan of Gaza during his stays in now Edirne and now Istanbul, during which he led a double life, observing the Muslim religion externally whilst practicing certain Jewish rites. He is described as going now to the mosque and now to the synagogue, holding a Kurgan in one hand and a Torah scroll in the other. The Shabbatayan tradition holds that, despite this duplicity, Sebi enjoyed the favour of Mehmed WanI Efendi, the sultan's favourite preacher, who is said to have been assigned to him as his teacher of the precepts of Islam. It seems also that during this period Sebi had contacts with Muslim sectaries like the Bektashls, and perhaps also with the KhalwatI mystic Mehmed NiyazI [q.v.]. According to certain pieces of evidence, he reportedly frequented in Edirne the Bektashi tekke of Khidirlik and took part in dhikr sessions. He was again arrested in Rablc II 1083/August 1672 on charges of licentious conduct, and finally deported in Shawwal 1083/ January 1673 to Ulcindj in the distant province of alBassan (Albania). Despite visits from certain of his followers, apparently disguised as Muslims, Sebi died in solitude on 9 Radjab 1086/17 September 1676 at Ulcindj, where his unmarked tomb is still venerated by the local Muslim population. Coming as it did at a time of eschatological expectation in the Muslim environment, where he was seen as the Dadjdjal [^.y.], Sebi's death stimulated the appearance of Mahdl claimants.
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SHABBATAY SEBI — AL-SHABBI
However, the demise of its founder did not mean the end of his messianic movement. Accepting Nathan's teaching, according to which Sebi had gone into a phase of occultation—one thinks of the Sh^T concept of ghayba—and whilst awaiting his return, several hundreds of his followers embraced Islam en masse in 1095/1683 at Salonica, which henceforth became an active centre for propaganda. Under the direction of Jacob Querido (cAbd Allah Yackub), the brother of Jochebed-cA:>isha, Sebi's last wife, these apostates assumed the shape of a sect known as the donmes [q.v.] (Tk. "convert"). Querido was proclaimed by his sister as Sebi's reincarnation; he preached the pious performance of the Islamic obligations and died at Alexandria or at Bulak in ca. 1102/1690 when returning from the Meccan Pilgrimage. The donmes split into various factions, the most radical of them being headed by cOthman Baba (alias Berukhyah Russo, d. 1721), who also claimed to be a reincarnation of SebT. They borrowed certain practices and also liturgical chants from the BektashI circles whose tekke was in the neighbourhood of their cemetery at Salonica. Whilst practising Islam externally, they considered themselves the "true community of Israel". They observed a messianic form of Judaism based on eighteen precepts, whilst continuing to believe in the return of SebT. By marrying amongst themselves, they maintained themselves as an independent community living in a special quarter until 1912. At the time of the exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey in 1924, the majority of them, estimated at between 10,000 and 15,000 families, left for Istanbul, where their descendants continue to reside. Bibliography: A. Danon, Sabbatai Cevi et les sabbateens de Salonique, in Revue des Ecoles de I'Alliance Israelite, v (1902), 289-323; idem, Etudes sabbatiennes, Paris 1910; I. Molcho, Materialsfor the history of'Shabbatay Sebi and the Donmes in Salonica, in Reshumot, vi (1930) [in Hebr.j; A. Galante, Nouveaux documents sur Sabbaetai Sevi, Istanbul 1935; G. Scholem, Die krypto-judische Sekte der Donme «Sabbatianer» in der Turkei, in Numen, vii (1960), 93-122, Eng. tr. in The Messianic idea in Judaism, London 1971, 142-66; idem, The sprouting of the horn of the Son of David, in Essays... Abba Hillel Silver, New York 1963, 368-86; idem, Sabbatai Sevi, the mystical Messiah, London 1973; idem, art. Doenmeh, in EJ2, vi, cols. 148-52; P. Fenton, The tomb of the Messiah of Ishmael, in Pe^amim, xxv (1985), 13-39 [in Hebr.]; idem, Shabbetay Sebi and his Muslim contemporary Muhammed anNiydzi, in Approaches to Judaism in medieval times, iii (1988), 81-8; idem, A document from the inner circle of the Shabbateans in Adrianople, in Pecamim, xliv (1990), 31-40 [in Hebr.]. (P.B. FENTON) AL-SHABBI, ABU 'L-KASIM b. Muhammad b. Abi '1-Kasim Ibrahim, modern Tunisian poet (1909-34). There exists no legal registration of his birth, but according to information published in his lifetime (alSanusi, 1927, 202) and confirmed in a posthumous letter (Complete works, ii, Correspondence, 269), he was born on 3 Safar 1327/24 February 1909 in the village of al-Shabbiyya, near Tozeur in southern Tunisia, whence his nisba, the eldest of a numerous family. His father, who had studied at al-Azhar 1901-8 and then at the Zaytuna of Tunis, was appointed in 1910 as kadi at Siliana. The family henceforth had various moves, to Gafsa, Gabes, Thala, Madjaz al-Bab, Ra3s al-Djabal and Zaghouan; it led a comfortable life from having as its head an official certain of secure employment under the French Protectorate established in 1881. Abu '1-Kasim did his primary studies entirely in
Arabic, after a straightforward entry to the FrancoArabic school at Gabes, whilst his three younger brothers were to become bilingual; he felt frustration from this lack all his life. In October 1920 he entered the Zaytuna, where he received a traditional education: Arabic language and literature, and Islamic theology. The teaching at the Zaytuna, and his frequenting the nearby libraries, ensured for him a wide literary culture, but one badly assimilated since he lacked direction from a preceptor. It included the classical world, modern Egyptian and Syro-Lebanese literature, as well as European literature through translations, in this latter case given a misleading bias by the dominance of the trio of Goethe, Lamartine and Ossian. The literary cafes, study circles and cultural societies enabled him to form some firm friendships and to give him a consciousness of the problems posed by modern life: trade unionism, educational reform and the emancipation of women. Already, when he was only 14, al-Shabbl composed his first poem alGhazdl al-fdtin (1923). In 1927 al-SanusI published 27 selected poems of his (in al-Adab al-tunisifi 'l-karn alrdbic
\L-SHABBI — SHABBIR HASAN KHAN DJOSH ramal. Thus we have a strophic schema for the seven attested combinations: one foot, rhyme A one foot, rhyme A four feet, rhyme B four feet, rhyme B two feet, rhyme C. The young poet's death, at the age of 25, in a Tunisia where poets had been very few, gave him a romantic halo and a popularity verging on the mythic. This infatuation with him has engendered, for over 60 years, erroneous, contradictory or fantastic biographical statements, and peremptory, verbose or extravagant literary judgements. Whilst he was published as a literary critic at the age of 20, his collected poetry had to await publication 21 years'after his death. Bibliography: 1. W o r k s . Shabbi, al-A^mdl alkdmila, 2 vols., Tunis 1984: i. (a)Aghdm 'l-hayat, 330 pp.; (b) al-Khaydl al-shicri Hnd al-cArab, 140 pp.; ii. (a) al-Dumuc al-hd^ira, 122 pp.; (b) Rasd^il, 316 pp.; (c)Mudhakkirdt, 76 pp.—in fact, an intimate journal going from 1 January to 6 February 1930. 2. S t u d i e s . Abu '1-Kasim b. Kirru, al-Shdbbi, haydtuhu wa-shi'-ruhu, Beirut 1952 (by other works, this author clearly shows himself as the person who knows al-Shabbi best); Poemes de Chabbi, French tr. A. Ghedira, Paris 1959; idem, Chabbi ou le mal de vivre, Tunis 1986; Songs of life. Selection of poems, Eng. tr. Lena Jayyusi and Naomi Shibab Nye, Carthage 1987; Journal, French tr. Mongi Chemli and Mohamed Ben Ismail, Tunis 1988; Camb. hist, of Arabic literature. Modern Arabic literature, ed. M.M. Badawi, Cambridge 1992, 126-30. (A. GHEDIRA) SHABBIR HASAN KHAN DJOSH, m o d e r n U r d u p o e t , born 5 December 1898, died 22 February 1982. He was born in Mallhabad, a town in present-day Uttar Pradesh (formerly United Provinces) in India. His parents gave him the name of Shabbir Ahmad Khan, but subsequently he adopted his existing name of Shabbir Hasan Khan as a token of his Shici sympathies. He descended from a line of poets reaching back to his great-grandfather, Nawwab Fakir Muhammad Khan, who composed poetry under the pen-name Goya. Djosh received his early education at home. About 1914 he went to c Aligafh, where he joined the school attached to the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College. He attended various institutions one after the other, but failed in the end to complete his formal education, in part because of his father's death. Among those whom he mentions by name as his teachers was the famous Urdu novelist MTrza Muhammad Had! Ruswa (d. 1931 [q. v . } } , who taught him Arabic. In 1924 Djosh went to Haydarabad (Deccan) and was appointed in the Translation Bureau of Osmania University, his duty being to supervise the translations of literary works from English into Urdu. Through his poetry he won access to higher social circles, and seemingly enjoyed a pleasure-loving life. He stayed in Haydarabad for some ten years, when he was expelled for reasons which are unclear but probably resulted from official disapproval of his dissolute conduct. Whatever the case may be, he was dismissed and made to leave the state summarily. In January 1936 Djosh started a monthly magazine from Delhi, Kalim. Although the magazine was well received in literary circles, it came up against financial difficulties and ceased in 1939 as an independent publication. Thereupon it became merged with the
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journal Naya adab ("New literature"), and appeared for some time under the title Nayd adab awr Kalim, with Djosh acting as its chief editor. Soon after the outbreak of World War II it published in its AugustSeptember 1939 issue an inflammatory poem by Djosh, entitled East India Company he farzandon he ndm ("To the children of East India Company"), which received wide prominence, but was banned by the government for its strong anti-British content. From 1943 till the beginning of 1948 Djosh was associated with Indian films as a songwriter, most of this time with Shalimar Pictures in Pune (Poona). In 1948 he became the editor of Aaj_ kal ("Now"), a literary magazine published from Delhi under the auspices of India's Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, continuing in that capacity until 1955. Djosh had strongly supported the cause of Indian nationalism. This, together with his outstanding contribution to literature, assured him a privileged place in the new set-up after India became independent in 1947. The Indian government rewarded him with one of its highest honours, the Padam Bhushan. Given all the prestige that he enjoyed in India, it came as a shock when he suddenly migrated to Pakistan towards the end of 1955. From the Indian point of view, his action amounted to a betrayal of trust, the more so because of the strained relations existing between India and Pakistan. According to Djosh's own admission, he made the choice (which he seemed to have regretted afterwards) in anticipation of better economic prospects for himself and his family. In Pakistan he was appointed in 1958 as literary consultant in the Tarakki-yi Urdu Board ("Urdu Development Board"), a Karachi-based, governmentsponsored body, which was entrusted with the task of preparing a comprehensive dictionary of Urdu on the pattern of the Oxford English dictionary. Later, the Board also assumed the work of reissuing standard Urdu writings which had been out of print for a long time. Djosh was connected with the Board until the beginning of 1968, when his contract was not renewed by the military government of President Ayub Khan, supposedly because the poet was reported to have spoken against Pakistan while on a tour to India during the previous year. In 1972 Djosh moved from Karachi to Islamabad where, in 1973, the government of Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto provided him with a job in the Ministry of Education. He continued in this position under President Zia-ul-Haq, but in 1981 his health began to fail and he died in February 1982, being buried in Islamabad. Djosh remained a controversial figure throughout his life. He was outspoken both in his personal dealings as well as in his poetry. His habits were provocative; thus his taste for drinking shocked orthodox sentiments, and he seemed irreverent where religious matters were concerned, yet, at the same time, he displayed deep feelings for the Prophet Muhammad and for CA1T and his son Husayn. Djosh claimed to have begun composing poetry when he was nine years old, eventually using as his pen-name Djosh. He was a prolific writer and has left numerous publications in verse and prose (see Bibl.). His first collection, Ruh-i adab ("The spirit of literature"), which contained his work composed since the age of nine, was published in 1920, and the entire edition quickly sold out. His other poetical works followed in quick succession, and a posthumous volume of his unpublished poems appeared in 1993 under the title Mihrdb u midrdb ("The niche and the plectrum"). He was also a prose-writer with a distinctive style, his best-known book here being his
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SHABBIR HASAN KHAN DJOSH — AL-SHA C BI
autobiography Yadon h barat ("The wedding procession of memories"), which is perhaps one of the most interesting works of modern Urdu literature. Djosh's earliest adventures in poetical composition were represented by theghazal. About 1914 he took up the writing of nazm (thematic poem) at the instance of Mawlawl Wahid al-Dln Sallm (d. 1928), of Panlpat, a follower of the literary reformer, Altaf Husayn Hall (d. 1915 [<7.#.]), and one of the architects of modern Urdu literature. The subjects of most of Djosh's early nazm?, were love and nature. Soon, however, politics also entered his verse, and became ultimately one of his most frequently employed themes. Superficial and devoid of any sustained effect, these inflammatory and topical poems were nevertheless important because they articulated the prevalent political mood of the country, and may be said to have laid the foundation of militant poetry in Urdu. One of the bestknown poems reflecting this tendency, Shikast-i zinddn kd khwdb ("The dream of the breaking down of the prison"), was composed in the 1920s, and reflected the revolutionary fervour of the period against British domination. The predominant note of Djosh's verse is its romanticism. His poetic outlook is largely traditional, and he employs set forms for his compositions. One of his favourite verse forms is the rubd^i, in which his mastery is evidenced by the skilful treatment of varied subjects. He has also revived the traditional marthiya by using it as a medium for conveying a new social and political sensibility. Another significant aspect of his poetry is his protest against religious hypocrisy, social injustice and political expediency, though his command over language often translates itself in his poems into a mere exercise in words, adding little to the development of the thought and its content. Djosh undoubtedly ranks among the foremost Urdu poets of modern times. In fact, he is regarded by his admirers as next only to Ikbal (d. 1938 [q. v.]) in importance. He has left a lasting effect on modern Urdu poetry, and his influence is seen most vividly in the works of such poets as Ihsan Danish (1911-82), Asrar al-Hakk Madjaz (1911-55), Makhdum Muhyl al-Dm (1908-69) and CA1T Sardar Djacfari (b. 1913). Bibliography: 1. Poetical w o r k s . Ruh-i adab, Bombay 1920; Naksh u nigdr, Delhi 1936; Shu^la u shabndm, Delhi 1936; Fikr u nashdt, Delhi 1937; Djunun u hikmat (collection of_rubdcis), Delhi 1937; Harfu hikdyat, Lahore 1938; Aydt u naghmdt, Lahore 1941; cArsh u farsh, Bombay 1944; Rdmish u rang, Bombay 1945; Sunbul u saldsil, Bombay 1947; Sayf u sabu (selection of Djosh's poems made by him), Bombay 1947; Surud u khurosh, Delhi 1952; Samum u sabd, Karachi 1955; Tulu^-i fikr, Karachi 1957; Mudjid u mufakkir, Lucknow n.d.; Ilhdm u afkdr, Karachi 1967; Nudjum u djawdhir, Karachi 1967; Djpsh Malihdbddi ke marthiye, ed. Damir Akhtar Nakwl, Karachi 1980; Mihrdb u midrdb, Lahore 1993. 2. Prose works include Ishdrdt (collection of articles published in Kalirri), Delhi 1942; Yadon kibardt (autobiography), Lucknow 1972; Makdldt-i Djosh, ed. Sahar Ansarl, Karachi 1982. 3. S t u d i e s . These are fairly extensive. Only selected items may be mentioned here: Afkdr (special issue on Djosh), xvii/122 and 123, Karachi 1962; ibid, (special issue on Djosh), xxxviii/148, Karachi 1982; Sdki(special issue on Djosh), lxviii/4, Karachi 1963; Ihtisham Husayn, Djosh Malihdbddi: insdn awr shd^ir, Lucknow 1983; Ihtisham Husayn and Maslh al-Zaman (eds.), Intikhdb-i Djpsh (introd.), Allahabad 1967 (?); Sardar Dja c fan, Tarahki
pasandadab (138-63), Aligarh 1951; Naresh Kumar Shad, Djpsh awr us ki sha^iri, Delhi n.d.; clsmat MallhabadI, Djpsh ki rumdni rubd^iyydn, Lucknow 1976; idem, Rumdni shd^iri men Djpsh ki khidmat, Lucknow 1984; idem, Kitdb-i Djpsh, Lucknow 1991; Fadl-i Imam, Shdcir-i dkhir al-zamdn Djosh Malihdbddi, Delhi 1982; Ma°il MallhabadI, Djpsh awr diydr-i Dakan, Lucknow 1984; Sibghat Allah Baranl (ed.), Hadrat Djpsh Malihdbddi: shakhsiyyat, fann u qfkdr, Karachi 1984; Kazim CAH Khan (ed.), Djpsh shindsi, Lucknow 1986; Zafar Mahmud, Djosh Malihdbddi: shakhsiyyat awr fann, Delhi 1989; Khallk Andjum (ed.), Djpsh Malihdbddi: tankidi djp^iza, Delhi 1992; cAk!l Ahmad, Djpsh kisha^irika tankidi tadjziya, Delhi 1993; Kamar RaDIs (ed.), Djpsh Malihdbddi: khususi mutdla^a, Delhi 1993; cAliya Imam, Shd^ir-i inkildb (Diosh Malihdbddi}, Karachi n.d. (MUNIBUR RAHMAN) AL SHACBI, cAmir b. Sharahll b. cAbd al-Kufi, Abu c Amr, famous early legal expert and t r a n s m i t t e r of hadith [q.v.]. He is said to have been a descendant of a kinglet (Ar. kayl) of Yemen. He was a member of the Shacb clan of the tribe of Hamdan. In isndds [q.v.] he is either referred to as al-Shacbi or (less often) as c Amir (without^ patronymic), but there are no other men called c Amir, at least not in that early slot of isndds, immediately preceding a Companion or the Prophet, with whom he could have been confused. As is the case with many other leading figures of the first two centuries of Islam, the year of his birth is shrouded in mystery. He stated himself that he was born in the year of the battle of Djalula0, but for that battle two years are mentioned: 16/637-8 and 19/640 (cf. P.M. Donner, Early Islamic conquests, 212, while al-Taban, i, 2646, indicates his birth in the year 21/642). His mother is said to have been captured after that battle and to have been allotted to his father as part of the booty. Al-ShacbI is said to have died sometime between 103/721 and 110/728. His age at death may be reconstructed on the basis of other data, which seems to suggest that he was born ca. 40/660, cf. G.H.A. Juynboll, Muslim tradition etc., 20. Al-ShacbI is said to have lived most of his life in Kufa where, with Ibrahim b. Yazld al-NakhacI [see AL-NAKHA C I, IBRAHIM], with whom he often is compared, he was the most influential legal expert of his day. He claims that he met numerous Companions of the Prophet, which entitles him to be classed in the generation of the Successors. Although he is supposed to have spurned the use of ra^y (i.e. one's personal judgement which is not based upon sunna mddiya i.e. precedent, cf. Ibn Sacd, vi, 176), hundreds of his legal opinions (Ar. kawl, pi. akwdl) have survived in several pre-canonical tradition collections, cf. especially the indices of the Musannaf works by cAbd al-Razzak alSancanl (d. 211/827) and Abu Bakr b. Abl Shayba (d. 235/849); see also Concordance, viii, s.n. It is hard to establish which of these individual akwdl are historically ascribable to Shacbl and which are not. But the mere fact that akwdl of Successors have survived at all in such numbers, while traditions with more "sophisticated" isndds, the mawkufdt, mardsil and marfu^dt [see MURSAL and RAF C . 2], were already in the process of being put together, thus making these akwdl redundant, may perhaps be taken as an indication of the overall tenability of their historicity, cf. Juynboll, Some notes on Islam's first fuqaha0 distilled from early hadlt literature, mArabica, xxxix (1992), esp. 299-302. Taken together, they describe him as an all-round fakih who seemed to have been well-versed in every fikh chapter. His advice (fatwa) on juridical and ritual matters was
M.-SHACBI — SHABIB B. SHAYBA allegedly sought by many, and the trends he set in fashion and cosmetics, such as his habit to wear clothes of silk and dye his hair with henna, are extensively dealt with in Ibn Sacd, vi, 176. Furthermore, al-Shacbi's recorded skill in arithmetic, cf. ibid., 173, 1. 3, made him especially expert in the solving of inheritance problems, as is attested in Ibn Abl Shayba's Musannaf and al-Darimi's Sunan, chs. on fard^id. An explanation for Shacb!'s supposedly frequent resorting to ra^y, as set off against his vehement rejection of it on other occasions, may be sought in plain jalousie de metier, we may assume that he barely suffered trespassing on his patch by recently converted mawdli who, with the exception of the Hidjaz, were everywhere in the majority in the Islamic domain. In their desire to find out what their new religion stood for, and, where necessary, to give it substance, they were presumably also engaged in the giving of fatwds and the dissemination of akwdl and hadith. Their mere presence in the mosque where al-Shacbi himself held court may have prompted him to call them by highly derogatory appellatives, such as Sa^dfika (= "penniless merchants"), cf. LA, s.n. On the whole, he seems to have mistrusted mawdli, as may be reflected in a remark attributed to him: after the mawdli have mastered the rules of Arabic grammar, they are surely the first to corrupt them, cf. Ibn cAbd Rabbihi, clkd, ed. Cairo 1948-53, ii, 478; al-Djahiz, Boydn, ii, 69. Mawdli mentioned as the butt of al-Shacbi's vitriol were among others Hammad b. Abl Sulayman, the celebrated teacher of Abu Hanlfa [ q . v . } , Hakam b. c Utayba, Abu Salih Badham, and the self-styled KuPan exegete al-Suddi. Moreover, al-ShacbI figures in the isndd strands of innumerable historical akhbdr the majority of which deal with the early conquest history of clrak as recorded by Sayf b. cUmar [q.v.] and a few other historians. Among these, the disproportionately large number of reports of the awd^il [q. v. ] genre is particularly striking. Appointed kddi by the governor of c lrak Ibn Hubayra [q.v.] (according to al-Tabarl, ii, 1347, in the year 100/718), he is said to have refused to combine his judgeship with nocturnal conversation (Ar. samar) with his employer. Besides, Shacbl is recorded to have composed unusual rhymes (awdbid), as well as high-class poetry. He allegedly boasted that he could recite poetry for a month without having to resort to repeats. The Umayyad caliph cAbd al-Malik, who had sent his children to al-ShacbI to be educated (WakiS Akhbdr al-kuddt, ii, 421-2; al-Djahiz, Baydn, ii, 251) invited him to Damascus to engage in poetic contests with al-Akhtal [q. v. ] , and allegedly gave him and twenty members of his household and children each 2,000 dirhams annually; it is recorded that he also sent him to his brother cAbd al- c Aziz, the then governor of Egypt (cf. AghdnP, xi, 20-6) as well as to the emperor of Byzantium, who is said to have been greatly impressed by al-Shacbi (Ta^nkh Baghdad, xii, 231). As far as Shacbi's use of isndds is concerned, a case could be made for crediting him with an innovative device: in response to the isndd requirement instituted in the course of his life, he was the first man who thought of attributing reports which were in need of an isndd strand back to the Prophet to particularly long-lived informants, thus giving rise to the widely imitated mu^ammar [q.v.] phenomenon. One of the very few Companions in the technical sense of the term whose age at death "qualified" him as a mu^ammar and whose name was inserted in isndd strands back to Muhammad was cAd! b. Hatim [q. v. ] , and more extensively than anybody else, it was al-
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Shacbi who relied heavily on cAdi isnad strands, as c Adi's musnad in the Tuhfat al-ashrdf of al-Mizzi [q.v.] makes abundantly clear (cf. vii, 274-80). But a final analysis of al-Shacbi's role in the proliferation of prophetic hadith is something that still needs to be tackled. All accounts of his life agree that al-Shacbi became deeply involved in politics. Al-Tabarl, ii, 609-13 has preserved his eyewitness account of how al-Mukhtar b. Abl c Ubayd [q.v.] began his rebellion, which alShacbl espoused. Later, he took fright and left for alMada D in or Medina, as it says elsewhere. Here he is said to have met cAbd Allah b. c Umar [ q . v . ] , who allegedly praised al-Shacbi's knowledge of the maghdzT [ q . v . } , which he called greater than his own. His flirtation with Sh^i ideology is supposed to have come to an end because of the Shlcls' if rat or exaggeration in religion, which he abhorred. In Ibn cAbd Rabbihi, ^Ikd, ii, 409, he is depicted as scathingly inveighing against the Rafidls. Eventually, having returned to c lrak, he is also described as having participated with the kurra? [q. v. ] in the insurrection of Ibn al-Ash c ath [q.v.] against al-Hadjdjadj [q.v.] in 80/699. This governor had reportedly always held al-Shacbi in great esteem, so that he had appointed him the ^anf [q. v. ] of his clan and the mankib ( = superintendent) of the Hamdan tribe. After this insurrection was put down, al-ShacbI fled from the governor's revenge to the court of Kutayba b. Muslim [ q . v . ] , where he enjoyed asylum for a time. Later, he allegedly returned to al-Hadjdjadj, apologised for his role in the rebellion and was subsequently pardoned. His confrontation with the governor has given rise to a long range of flowery anecdotes, which receive broad mention in historical as well as adab sources. Bibliography: More or less extensive sections on al-Shacbi are given in Ibn Sacd, vi, 171-8; Baladhuri, Ansdb al-ashrdf, v, index s.n.; Ta^nkh Baghdad, xii, 227-34; DhahabI, Siyar acldm al-nubald^, ed. Arna D ut, iv, 294-319; idem, Tadhkirat al-huffdz, i, 79-88; Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt, ed. I. c Abbas, iii, 12-5; Ibn Manzur, Mukhtasar ta^rikh madinat Dimashk, xi, 249-63; Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, v, 65-9. Abu Nu c aym, Hilyat al-awliyd\ iv, 310-38, contains a long series of traditions most of which are spuriously ascribed to al-ShacbI. He is, furthermore, credited with numerous bon mots and aphorisms which are scattered over early historical and adab works, cf. the indices s.n. of such sources as Fasawi, K. al-Ma^rifa wa 'l-ta^rikh; Djahiz, Baydn and Hayawdn; Ibn Kutayba, c Uyun al-akhbdr; Ibn c Abd Rabbihi, ^Ikd; Isfahan!, Aghdni; Mubarrad, Kdmil; etc. For al-Sha c bi's awd^il reports, see the indices s.n. of Abu Hilal al-cAskarI, K. al-Awd^il, ed. M. al-Misrl and Walid Kassab, Damascus 1975, and Djalal al-Dln al-Suyutl, al-Wasd^il ild musdmarat al-awd^il, ed. Ascad Talas, Baghdad 1950. For his use of mucammarun in his isndds, see WZKM, Ixxxi (1991), 155-75. For his role in hadith, see G.H.A. Juynboll, Muslim tradition. Studies in chronology, provenance and authorship of early hadith, Cambridge 1983, index s.n. (G.H.A. JUYNBOLL) SHABIB B. SHAYBA, Abu Ma c mar al-Minkan al-Tamlml, o r a t o r , n a r r a t o r of akhbdr and a u t h o r o f m a n y m a x i m s preserved in various works of adab literature, was a man of high lineage of the Sacd b. Zayd Manat branch of the Banu Tamim at Basra. Khalid b. Safwan [q. v . ] , the famous orator of the late Umayyad and early cAbbasid periods, also belonged to the same family as Shablb. According to al-Djahiz (al-Baydn wa 'l-tabyin, ed. cAbd al-Salam M. Harun, i, 355), they were cousins, but biographers also note a different lineage (e.g. al-Khatlb, Ta^rikh Baghdad, ix,
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SHABIB B. SHAYBA — SHABIB B. YAZID
274). In any case, they are often mentioned together, and it is noted that their relationship, dictated by the ties of family and profession, was not always friendly (Baydn, i, 340; Aghdni, xx, 404-5). After serving for a short time as head of the shurta at Basra (Waki*, Akhbdr al-kuddt, ii, 60), Shabib went to the new capital Baghdad, where he was admitted at court as companion and litterateur of the caliphs al-Mansur and alMahdl. He is said to have had some influence, and he reports himself that he was regularly invited to meetings with al-Mahdl (Thaclab, Madjdlis, ed. Harun, 413), who held him in esteem for his wise and witty statements. His acquaintance with the inner circles of power made him an authority for some historical akhbdr. After about two decades, he returned to Basra. Ibn al-clmad includes Shabfb among the names of the deceased of the year 162/778-9, but it is more likely that he died some years later, "in the sixties" as al-Dhahabf (Ta^nkh al-Isldm) notes. As a pious man, Shablb included prophetic hadith into his sayings. However, when the specialists of Islamic Tradition developed their criteria of censure, his testimony did not find approval, although his merits in the literary field were aknowledged by Ibn Hibban and others (K. al-Madjruhin, ed. Zayid, i, 363 and Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhib at-tahdhib, xxxiv, 307). These merits are expressed by al-Djahiz in clear terms: in addition to his competent knowledge of style, Shabib was distinguished by the dissemination of his sayings among the literati (Baydn, i, 317-18). The reason for this was, as it is witnessed by the quotations preserved in our sources, his mastery of the short sententious expression. This art was for him the true perfection of speech (Baydn, i, 112). Adab literature preserves examples of his eloquence in the oratory genres of admonition (maw^iza), condolence (ta^ziya) and general ethical topics. His repeated recommendations for the quest of adab are early references to this literary and social concept (e.g. Mad^dlis Thaclab, 257; Ibn cAbd alBarr, Bahdjat al-madjalis, ed. al-KhulI, i, 112; Ta\ikh Baghdd, ix, 276). Besides maxims of his own, older examples of aphorisms and speeches appear in literature on his authority. A considerable number of the texts quoted from Shabib show parallels which testify to a widespread and varied transmission of his sayings. Brockelmann already mentions him as a precursor of adab literature (Suppl. I, 105), and in spite of the fact that Shablb did not compose books—Ibn al-Nadlm only names him among the khutabd^ (Fihrist, ed. Tadjaddud, 139)—this view is confirmed by the materials preserved. Bibliography (in addition to the literature mentioned): MascudT, Murudj_, ed. Pellat, vi (Index), 409-10; W. Werkmeister, Quellenuntersuchungen zum Kitdb al-Vqd al-farid, Berlin 1983, 385-7; Yakut, Irshdd, ed. Margoliouth, iv, 260; DhahabT, Ta^rtkh al-Isldm, ed. Tadmurl, 257-9, years 161-70. For quotations from Shabib, see also al-Zubayr b. Bakkar, Akhbdr al-Muwaffakiyydt, ed. al-cAnT; Ibn Kutayba, cUyun al-akhbdr; Zamakhshari, Rab?* alabrdr, ed. al-Nu c aymi; etc. (S. LEDER) SHABIB B. YAZID b. Nu c aym al-Shaybanl, Kharidjite leader of the early Umayyad period. A tribesman of the Banu Hammam b. Murra b. Dhuhl lineage of the'Shayban, Shabib's father Yazid b. Nu c aym emigrated from al-Kufa to the region of alMawsil, and participated in Salman b. Rabija alBahilT's raids along the northern frontier; during one of these Nu c aym is said to have taken a wife, and the union produced Shablb in Dhu '1-Hidjdja of year 25 (September/October 646) or 26 (September/October 647). Shabib seems to have grown up in al-Mawsil,
perhaps in the town of Satldarna (on this toponym, see J. Markwart, Sudarmenien und die Tigrisquellen, Vienna 1930, 274 ff.). Shabib also served in the army, since he is said to have received a stipend and fought the Kurds, but at some undetermined time his name was dropped from the diwdn; the account preserved in alBaladhurf's Ansdb and credited to al-Haytham b. cAd! says this was by reason of his absence from the muster call. In any case, several sources (al-Baladhun, Ibn Actham and al-Baghdadf) explain Shabfb's rebellion with reference to cAbd al-Malik's refusal to grant (or restore) his stipend. Little specific is said about Shabib's Kharidjite ideas, but his rebellion was certainly one of the most spectacular of the Umayyad period; it caught the fancy of Muslim and Christian historians alike, who portray Shabfb as a fearless guerrilla leader. His fighting men were drawn largely, but not exclusively, from the Banu Shayban. According to Abu Mikhnaf, as preserved in al-Tabarf, in Djumada I 76/September 695, Shabfb succeeded the pious and ascetic Salih b. Musarrih (less frequently, Musarrah), when Salih was killed in battle against al-Harith b. c Umayra alHamdanf at the village of al-Mudabbadj; Salih had earlier rebelled in the region of Dara, and Shabib is counted among his men. However, other sources cast some doubt on Abu Mikhnaf's reconstruction of the events, presenting Salih's rebellion as separate from that of Shabfb's. Be this as it may, according to Sayf, Shabib then led the remnants of Salih's force through al-Mawsil and central c lrak, scoring victories at Khanikfn and al-Nahrawan, and even appearing in al-Kufa with 200 men; he then defeated Za°ida b. Kudama at Rudhbar, and cUthman b. Katan alHarithf near the village of al-Batt, which lay on the southern borders of the province of al-Mawsil, in Dhu '1-Hidjdja 76/March 696. After 3 months of manoeuvring in early 77/mid-696, Shabib eventually took al-Mada-'in, and now with perhaps 600 men, defeated cAttab b. Warka0 al-Riyahf, and threatened al-Kufa. But his luck finally turned when a force of several thousand Syrians under the command of Sufyan b. al-Abrad al-Kalbl routed him near al-Kufa; after an indecisive battle at al-Anbar, he marched through Djukha, Kirman, and moved into al-Ahwaz. There, crossing the Dudjayl before the Syrians, he was drowned sometime near the end of 77/early 697. Other reports put his death in 78/697-8. Despite Shablb's defeat, the Kharidjites of alDjazfra and al-Mawsil continued to draw on the region's restive tribesmen, and the sources record a nearly unbroken succession of rebellions against the Umayyads and early cAbbasids; among these later Kharidjites the sources identify Shablb's son Suhan, who rebelled against the governor Khalid al-Kasn [q.v.] in 119/737. Bibliography: Tabarl, ii, years 76, 77; Baladhun, Ansdb al-ashrdf, ms. Reisulkiittap 598, fols. 43b-50a; Ibn Actham al-Kufi, Kitdb al-Futuh, Haydarabad 1974, vii, 84-92; Yackubl, ii, 328; Ibn Hazm, Djamharat ansdb al-^arab, Cairo 1977, 327; Ibn Kutayba, Ma'drif, Cairo 1960, 410-11; Mubarrad, Kdmil, Leiden 1864, 676-7; Baghdad!, Park bayn al-firak, 89-92; Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt al-a'ydn, Beirut 1977, ii, 454-8; Chronicon anonymum ad A.D. 819 pertinens, CSCO 81 and 109, Louvain 1920, 1937, 14 (Syriac)/9 (Latin); Chronicon anonymum ad annum 1234 pertinens (ed. in the same vols.), 296/231; J. Wellhausen, Die religios-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alien Islam, Gottingen 1901, 42-8, Eng. tr. The religio-political factions in early Islam, Amsterdam 1975, 69-78 (based exclusively on
SHABIB B. YAZID — SHABWA Tabari); A.A. Dixon, The Umayyad caliphate 65861684-705, London 1971, 182-91 (based on Tabari and BaladhurT). (K.V. ZETTERSTEEN-[C.F. ROBINSON]) SHABISTARI [see MAHMUD SHABISTARI]. SHABTUN, an Andalusian/a£fA who was the grandson of a Syrian Arab who had entered the Iberian Peninsula either during the conquest or shortly after and who had left descendants in Cartama, Sidonia and Rayya. Abu cAbd Allah Ziyad b. cAbd al-Rahman b. Ziyad b. cAbd al-Rahman b. Zuhayr al-Lakhmi (d. 204/819) was the first member of the family to devote himself to Cz7m. He was known as Shabtun or Shabatun, a word apparently of Romance origin and a lakab given to other AndalusI scholars. During his rihla to the East, probably begun in 173/789, he studied with Ibn cUyayna and al-Layth b. Sacd among others, although he is especially remembered as Malik b. Anas's pupil. He is in fact credited with having been the first to introduce Malik's fikh into al-Andalus, as before him Andalusians would have followed al-AwzacT's madhhab. According to another version, he was the first to introduce material of haldl wa-hardm. Although he is said to have actually introduced Malik's Muwatta^, this is clearly a later assumption. What he transmitted was his "audition" of Malik's teachings, known as samd** Ziyad. This samdc was incorporated by al-cUtbi in his Mustakhraaja and can be partially found in Ibn Rushd al-Djadd's commentary on the Mustakhraaja entitled K. al-Baydn (see M. Fierro, in Al-Qantara, vi [1985], 576-8). It deserves to be studied as one of the earliest surviving legal transmissions in al-Andalus, especially important for the introduction of Medinan fikh into the Iberian Peninsula. Once back in al-Andalus, he was offered the post of judge which he refused (possibly a topos to stress his asceticism and piety). The same refusal is attributed to Shabtun's most famous pupil, Yahya b. Yahya alLaythi, whose transmission of the Muwatta3 originates directly from Malik (but see now N. Calder, Studies in early Muslim jurisprudence, Oxford 1993, 20-38), except for some chapters of the kitdb al-ictikdf that Yahya b. Yahya transmitted from Shabtun (Shabtun's contribution can be checked in the existing editions of Yahya b. Yahya's riwdya of the Muwatta^. Shabtun is also credited with having been the first to introduce the practice of wearing his cloak inside out during the prayer for rain (al-istiska3}, a practice which was censured as magical. Shabtun was connected by marriage with the AndalusI judge and traditionist Mucawiya b. Salih al-HadrarnT al-HimsI. His descendants became one of the buyutdt al-^ilm of Cordova. As scholars, some of them fulfilled religious offices such as sahib al-saldt, judge and fakih mushdwar. Another branch of the family was connected with Rayya (Malaga), the most important member being the judge c Amir b. Mu c awiya. The last-known member of the family died in 430/1038. The Banu Ziyad Shabtun in fact disappear, at least from public life, with the end of the Umayyad caliphate. These Banu Ziyad are sometimes confused in the sources with a family of judges also known as the Banu Ziyad who were not of Arab origin (on them see Fierro, Tres familias, 115-30). Bibliography: All references can be found in Ma I. Fierro, Tres familias andalusies de epoca omeya apodadas "Banu Ziydd", in Estudios onomdsticobiogrdficos de al-Andalus. V, ed. M. Marin and J. Zanon, Madrid 1992, 89-102, and 102-15 for the rest of the family (for the statements made at 99, see now M. Fierro in Al-Qantara, xiii [1992], 473, n. 34). (MARIBEL FIERRO)
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AL-SHABUSHTI, Abu '1-Hasan CA1T b. Muhammad, l i t t e r a t e u r of the Fatimid period, and librarian and boon-companion to the caliph al-cAziz (365-86/975-96 [q.v.]), died at Fustat in 388/988 or possibly in the succeeding decade. Ibn Khallikan explains the unusual cognomen Shabushti as being a name of DaylamT origin, and not a nisba; an origin in shdh pushti^he who guards the king's back" has been somewhat fancifully suggested. Al-Shabushi's works included a K. al-Yusr bacd al^usr, a Mardtib al-fukahd^, a K. al-Tawktfwa 'l-takhwif, a K. al-Zuhd wa 'l-mawd^iz, and collections of epistles and poetry. All these are lost, and his fame stems from his K. al-Diydrdt "Book of monasteries", extant in a Berlin ms. and now ed., with a good introd., by GurgTs cAwwad, 'Baghdad 1386/1966. This forms part of a minor genre of writing about monasteries, in which the author had been preceeded by the Khalidiyyan' brothers, Abu '1-Faradj al-IsfahanT and al-Sarl al-Raffa3 [ q . v v . ] . It deals with 37 Christian monasteries in c lrak, plus a smaller number of those in al-Djazira, Syria and Egypt, and is of high importance for cultural history, historical geography and literature. There emerges from it that the monasteries were places to which caliphs and other high men of state could retire for recreation, above all, for drinking parties, since the monasteries were leading centres for wine-making [see DAYR]. A considerable amount of poetry is cited, including verses otherwise unknown. Bibliography: 1. Sources. Yakut, Irshdd, vi, 407-8; Ibn Khallikan, no. 445, ed. cAbbas, iii, 31920, tr. de Slane, ii, 262-3. 2. Studies. G. Rothstein, Zu as-Sdbusti's Bericht iiber die Tdhiriden, in Orientalische Studien ... Th. Noldeke gewidmet, Giessen 1906, i, 155-70; E. Sachau, Vom Klosterbuch des Sdbusti, in Abh. Preuss. Akad. Wiss. (1919), 1-43; ZiriklT, AVdm2, v, 143-4; Brockelmann, S I, 411. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SHABWA, the name of the ancient capital of the South Arabian kingdom of Hadramawt [q.v. in Suppl.]. The name of this town appears in classical sources as Sabata (Strabo, Geographica, XVI, 4.2, according to Eratosthenes), Sabatha (Ptolemaios, Geographia, VI, 7.38), Sabbatha (Periplus marts Erythraei, 27) and Sabota (Pliny, Natural history, VI, 155; XII, 52). Ptolemaios calls the town a metropolis, and the Periplus additionally calls it the residence of the king, for whom silverware, horses, statues, and clothing of fine quality are imported. Pliny mentions as the chief place of the Atramitae Sabota a walled town containing sixty temples (ibid., VI, 155), built on a high hill and situated a march of eight days away from the incense-producing region (ibid., XII, 52). That the capital was also the religious and cultic centre of the kingdom seems to be confirmed by epigraphic evidence. Shabwa, the geographical co-ordinates of which are lat. 15° 22' N. and long. 47° 01' E., is located about 700 m/2,300 feet above sea-level at the eastern border of the Ramlat al-SabDatayn on a hill at the mouth of the Wadi c Atf, the lower course of the Wadi clrma. The area was already inhabited during the Stone Age, and in the middle of the second millenium B.C. a settlement existed at the southern part of the later town. Shabwa was situated at the meeting-point of important caravan routes leading from the port of Kana D at the Indian Ocean in the south and from the Djawl and the Wadi Hadramawt in the east to Timnac, the capital of Kataban [ q . v . ] , and Marib [ q . v . ] , the capital of Saba3 [q. v . ] , as well as through the Ramlat al-SabDatayn and the Yemeni Djawf to
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SHABWA — SHADD
Nadjran [q. v. ] in the west and to al-cAbr further to the north. The first epigraphic attestation of Hadramawt is to be found in the Old Sabaic inscription RES 3945, a record of KaribDil Watar, from the 7th century B.C., in which the Hadramite king Yada°il is mentioned as an ally of the Sabaean king. In the 5th century B.C. the first buildings on stone bases were erected in Shabwa and inscriptions in monumental script were set up. The cultural and political heyday of Shabwa was in the period between the 2nd century B.C. and the 1st century A.D. The mention of Shabwa in the epigraphic form shbwt, Shabwat, in Hadramitic inscriptions found outside of the capital (e.g. Khor Rori 1,3, from the ancient town of Samarum at the coast of Zafar; Jamme 892 from Sa D nun, the present-day Hanun in the Kara3 Mountains of Zafar; RES 4912 from al-cUkla, a fortress to the west of Shabwa) give evidence to the importance of the town. The extensive research work carried out by the French Archaeological Mission in the ruins of the ancient town showed that, inside the fortified walls, tower dwellings were the most common architectural type of building in Shabwa. Materials for the construction of the houses were stone slabs, wooden beams and bricks of dry mud. A complex fortress with high foundations, a window-less base, many floors and with a courtyard surrounded by columns, turned out to be the royal castle. Its name shjkr, Shakfr, was already known from Hadramitic and Sabaic inscriptions and from legends of coins, since the royal castle was also the mint of the Hadramite kingdom. Later, parts of the town and the royal castle were rebuilt, and the palace was splendidly decorated with sculptures and ornaments manifesting local traditions as well as Hellenistic influences. During the first decades of the fourth century A.D., the Himyarite kings put an end to the independent kingdom of Hadramawt, and at the beginning of the 5th century the town of Shabwa began to decay. The Arabic geographers of the Middle Ages knew of the ruins of the former metropolis only an insignificant settlement still called Shabwa, a name which has survived until today. Al-Hamdam speaks of a province (mikhldf) Shabwa, the inhabitants of which are the Ashba0 (the supposed descendants of a certain Shaba3, a grandson of Hadramawt; cf. IklTl, ii, ed. M. al-Akwa c , Cairo 1966, 372, 1. 5-373, 1. 1), the Ayzun (i.e. the Yazanids), and also Suda3 and Ruha 3 (Si/a, ed. Miiller, 98, 20). According to the same author, Shabwa is situated between Bayhan and Hadramawt and is a town belonging to the Himyar. One of the two mountains of salt lies in its neighbourhood. When the Himyar waged war on the Madhhidj [ q . v . ] , the people of Shabwa emigrated from their town and settled in the Wad! Hadramawt, where Shibam was allegedly named after them (Si/a, 87, 11. 23-5). The fact that Shabwa is considered as belonging to the Himyar may reflect the situation of late pre-Islamic times when Hadramawt had become part of the Himyarite realm. In another passage, al-Hamdam enumerates Shabwa among the strongholds of Hadramawt (IklTl, viii, ed. al-Akwac, Damascus 1979, 157, 1. 5). Until today, salt of good quality is mined from two mountains to the north of Shabwa, called Milh Mak c a and Milh Khash c a, and from two mountains to the south-west of it, called Milh Kharwa and Hayd al-Milh near c Ayad. Yakut writes that Shabwa is a station on the main road from the WadT Hadramawt to Mecca (Mucdjam, iii, 257, 1. 14), and in another passage he mentions that it is the place
where the grave of the prophet Salih is supposed to be (iv, 184, 11. 17-18). The notice that in Shabwa one sells a load of dates for one dirham (Ibn cAbd alMun c im al-Himyarf, al-Rawd al-miHdr, ed. I. c Abbas, Beirut 1975, 347) indicates that the surroundings of the town must still have been fertile in the Islamic Middle Ages. H. Helfritz was the first European who succeeded in reaching Shabwa during an adventurous journey in 1934. In 1936 H.StJ.B. Philby, coming from the north-west, visited the ancient town, gave a detailed report on the existing ruins and drew a plan of Shabwa. The first small excavation in the ruins of Shabwa was undertaken in 1938 by R.A.B. Hamilton. In December 1974 a French Archaeological Mission under the direction of Jacqueline Pirenne and subsequently of J.-Fr. Breton started excavations at the site of Shabwa which have given a deep insight into the two millennia of the ancient history of this important settlement. The ruins of Shabwa are so extensive that, within the area of the ancient town, there are the three villages of Hadjar, Mathna and May wan, which are inhabited by members of the tribes of the Karab and Al Burayk. In the former People's Democratic Republic of Yemen and in the present Republic of Yemen, Shabwa has given its name to a governorate (muhafaza) which reaches from the Saudi Arabian border to the Indian Ocean and includes an area of 37,910 km 2 . The governorate of Shabwa is divided into four administrative districts (mudiriyydt), and its capital city is c Atak. In the recent past, the region around Shabwa has become economically important because of the exploitation of the oilfields which have been discovered there. Bibliography (in addition to references given in the article): Bakn, Mucajam, ed. Wiistenfeld, i, 352, ii, 522, 799; Nashwan al-Himyarl, Die auf Sildarabien beziiglichen Angaben Naswdn's im Sams al-culum, Leiden-London 1916, ed. c Azfmuddin Ahmad, 53; Yakut, Mu^am, iii, 257, iv, 184; Mardsid al-ittild^, ed. Juynboll, ii, 93-4; H. Helfritz, Geheimnis um Schobua. Unter sudarabischen Beduinen ins Land der Sabder, Berlin 1935; H.StJ.B. Philby, Sheba's daughters, being a record of travel in Southern Arabia, London 1939, 78-123, ch. IV, Shabwa; R.A.B. Hamilton, Six weeks in Shabwa, in Geogr. Jnal., c (1942), 107-23; H. von Wissmann and Maria Hofner, Beitrdge zur historischen Geographie des vorislamischen Sudarabien, Wiesbaden 1953, 106-8; III.6: Shabwat mit seiner Oase; 109-22; and III.7: Zur Geschichte von Shabwat und Hadramaut; W.W. Miiller, Schabwa und Hadramaut, in Jemen-Report, viii (1977), 10-13; J.-Fr. Breton, Shabwa, capitale antique du Hadramaut, mJA, cclxxv (1987), 13-34; Jacqueline Pirenne, Les temoins ecrits de la region de Shabwa et rhistoire(Fouilles de Shabwa. I), Paris 1990; Fouilles de Shabwa. II. Rapportspreliminaires, ed. J.-Fr. Breton, Paris 1992. (W.W. MULLER, shortened by the Editors) SHADD (A.) either the act of g i r d i n g w i t h an ini t i a t i c belt or girdle, as practised by the chivalrous sodalities (the exponents offutuwwa [q. v. ]), the trade guilds (asndf, see below, 2., and SINF), and certain Sufi orders, or the belt or g i r d l e i t s e l f . To the Arabic shadd in its verbal meaning correspond the Turkish expressions sedd kusatmak, kusak kusatmak, and bel baglamak, and the Persian kamar bastan. The origin of the custom has been attributed to the kusti, the sacred girdle of the Zoroastrians, for whom, however, girding on the kustiwas a rite of passage into manhood, not of initiation into a closed society; moreover, the
SHADD symbolism attributed to this girdle—a separation of the noble from the ignoble parts of the body—found no reflection in any of the groups practising shadd (J. Duchesne-Guillemin, La religion de I'Iran ancien, Paris 1962, 114-15). In Islam, the initiatic belt was regarded pimarily as a symbol of steadfastness and submissiveness (Siileyman Uludag, Tasavvuf terimleri sozlugii, Istanbul 1991, 447-8). 1. In f u t u w w a and in S u f i s m . Handbooks of futuwwa assert that the first initiatic belt was that which Adam girded on at the behest of Gabriel as a token of fidelity to his terrestrial mission as divine viceregent (Neset Qagatay, Bir Turk kurumu olan ahilik, 2 Konya 1981, 181). By way of reaffirming this primordial covenant, Gabriel wound a similar belt around the waist of the Prophet Muhammad, and he in turn girded it on CA1T. Next, those of the Companions who came to be regarded as the patrons of various crafts and trades were invested with a shadd, either directly by the Prophet or by CA1T acting under his instructions. As an honorary member of the Prophet's household, Salman al-FarisI [q. v.] is also said to have participated in this activity (Abdiilbaki Golpmarh, IA, art. §edd). No Kur'anic reference could be adduced to vindicate the practice of girding; however, the words of Moses referring to Aaron in XX, 31, ashdud bihi azn ("strengthen my back by means of him") are sometimes cited as alluding to the shadd (F. Taeschner, Zilnfte und Bruderschaften im Islam, Zurich and Munich 1979, 162). Among thefitydn, the girding on of the shadd was accompanied by the recitation of various prayers that always included mention of c All, who was regarded as the fountain head of the tradition; mention of all Twelve Imams was also common, particularly from the 8th/14th century onwards. A further echo of the putative cAlid origins of futuwwa was the practice of associating one end of the belt with Hasan and the other with Husayn; the latter was to be kept longer than the former, as an indication of the primacy of the Husaynid over the Hasanid line of descent (Qagatay, 45-7). At the time of initiation, the belt would be handed to the candidate for futuwwa by a companion (rafik), whose duty it was to assist him in his further progress; and the ceremony of girding would be concluded with the drinking of salted water (shurb), water signifying wisdom and salt, justice (Taeschner, 139). The shadd was usually knotted, rather than being held together by a buckle, and it would be wound around the waist a varying odd number of times. It was usually made of wool, although other materials such as leather, rope and cloth were also acceptable; the only condition was that the shadd should not resemble the zunndr, the distinctive girdle dhimmis were required to wear (Murtada Sarraf, Rasa^il-i Djawanmardan, Tehran and Paris 1973, 77). It is worth noting that despite this stipulation, Jews and Christians were permitted to join the futuwwa brotherhoods, particularly if there was reason to hope they might come to accept Islam, conversion being, in fact, a condition of their proceeding beyond the stage of girding on the belt (Taeschner, 116). The novice girded with a belt was known as mashdud ("girded") or, more fully, mashdud al-wast ("girded of waist"), and counted as a probationary member of the brotherhood; full initiation, referred to as takmil ("completion") and symbolised by the putting of ritual trousers (sirwdll shalwdr) [see SIRWAL], came later. The ceremony of shadd was said to correspond to nikdh, the conclusion of a marriage contract, and that of takmil to the consummation of marriage (Taeschner, 141; Sarraf, 77).
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Similar procedures accompanied the girding on of the initiatic belt in the craft guilds, except that in the accompanying prayers mention would generally be made of a Companion of the Prophet believed to have practised the craft in question. Although Jews and Christians sometimes organised their own guilds, they were also admitted to those established by Muslims; in 19th-century Syria, they would recite the Ten Commandments or the Lord's Prayer respectively as the shadd was bound on (Taeschner, 585). Each guild, especially in Ottoman Turkey, had its own distinctive form of shadd and method of folding and knotting it (Qagatay, 156-7; Golpmarh, 380). The fraternities of brigands known as ^ayydr [q. v. ] which may be designated as a degenerate manifestation of futuwwa also resorted to the girding on of initiatic belts. This is apparent from the advice given in 532/1138 by Abu '1-Karam, the governor of Baghdad, to his nephew, Abu '1-Kasim, that as a precautionary measure he should have himself girded with a belt by Ibn Bakran, an ^ayydr chieftain then threatening the city (Ibn al-Athlr, xi, 24). The custom of shadd was relatively uncommon among Sufts, for whom the major initiatic garment was the cloak or khirka [q.v.]', in fact, an explicit parallel was sometimes drawn between the belt and trousers of thefitydn and the khirka of the mystics (see e.g. Ibn al-DjawzT, Talbis Iblis, Cairo 1340/1922, 241). Nonetheless, certain Sufi orders did use the binding on of a girdle as part of their initiatic rites, undoubtedly as a borrowing from the traditions of futuwwa. It is tempting to suppose that this borrowing first took place under the auspices of Shihab al-Dln Abu Hafs c Umar al-Suhrawardl (d. 632/1234 [q.v.]), for he was simultaneously a Sufi and an initiate of the caliph al-Nasir's courtly futuwwa (the assumption is made by J.S. Trimingham, The Sufi orders in Islam, Oxford 1971, 35). However, al-Suhrawardi's only reference to shadd in his celebrated manual of Sufi practice comes in the context of travelling, where he remarks that binding up the waist (shadd al-wast) before setting out on a journey forms part of the Prophet's sunna (^Awdrif al-macdrif, printed as a supplement to Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, Ihyd^ culum al-din, Beirut n.d., v, 95). The connection between shadd and travelling is confirmed by Ibn Battuta's description of travelling Sufis arriving at the khdnakdhs of Cairo as mashdud al-wast and carrying with them other essential appurtenances of a journey: a staff, a jug for ablutions, and a prayer mat (Rihla, ed. Karam al-Bustanl, Beirut 1384/1964, 38, tr! Gibb, i, 45). Another passage in Ibn Battuta confirms that the girdle generally had a utilitarian not a ritual function in Sufism; he recalls meeting in Hurmuz with a certain shaykh from Anatolia who gave him a belt—here the Persian word kamar is used—that supported the body of the wearer "as if he were leaning against something", and adds that "most Persian dervishes" (akthar fukara^ al-caaj_am) wore such belts (Rihla, 274). The principal Sufi orders using belts or girdles for cultic purposes were the Mewlewis and the Bektashls, a circumstance accounted for by the ubiquity of futuwwa (or of akhilik, its Turkish equivalent) in Anatolia during the period of their genesis in the 8th/14th century. The Mewlewls wore a woollen girdle known as the elifi nemed, so called because with its tapering end when laid out flat it resembled the letter alif. A cord long enough to be twisted around the waist twice was attached to the end of the elifi nemed (Golpmarh, Mevlevi addb ve erkdni, Istanbul 1963, 1617). A second type of woollen girdle, known as the tighbend (literally, "swordbelt"), was worn only
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SHADD
during the Mewlewl dance, in order to hold in place during its initial stages the ample skirt of the garment known as the tennure (ibid., 44). The tighbend held a central place in Bektashl ritual and belief. According to their tradition, the caliph Hisham wished to hang the Imam Muhammad alBakir [q. v. ], but the first time the rope was twisted around his neck he invoked the name of God and was saved, only a knot remaining in the rope. The second and third times the Imam invoked the names of the Prophet and CA1I respectively, giving rise to two further knots. When preparations were being made for a renewed attempt to hang the Imam, one of his followers by the name of Mu D min cAyyar suggested that a rope made from the wool of a freshly slaughtered ram would be more effective, as he then demonstrated by hanging himself in front of the Imam's cell. Duly impressed, the caliphal agents went to hang the Imam using the same rope, but the Imam had peacefully breathed his last at precisely the moment Mu^min c Ayyar had hung himself. The Bektashf tighbend, also fashioned from ram's wool, was intended to be a replica of this rope, and it thus served as a symbol of self-sacrifice and commitment. Its girding on was the second element (after the donning of a skullcap) in the BektashT ceremony of initiation known as ikrdr. The three knots tied into the tighbend symbolised both the names of the Bektashl trinitarian scheme (God, the Prophet and CA1I) and the threefold ethical injunction of Bektashism (restraining the hand from stealing, the tongue from lying and the loins from sexual transgression) (Ahmed Rif-at, Mir^dt ulmakdsid f t def il-mefasid, Istanbul 1293/1876, 268-70; J.K. Birge, The Bektashi order of dervishes, London 1937, 170, 181, 192, 234-5). Other Sufi orders said to have practised the shadd in Ottoman Turkey and—under Turkish influence—the Arab lands, include the Wafa°iyya, Rifa c iyya, Sacdiyya, and Badawiyya (Trimingham, 185, n. 1; Pakahn, iii, 314). In Persia, the girding on of an initiatory belt is recorded for the Khaksar dervishes. The seven folds of the Khaksar girdle (kamar) signified the discarding of seven "instinctual fetters" (band-i nafsdni), i.e. vices, and the fixing in their place of seven "divine fetters" (band-i rahmdni), i.e. virtues. The fact that the Khaksar, like the Bektashls, slaughtered a ram as part of their initiatic ceremonies points to the likelihood of a common source for the practices of both groups (Sayyid Muhammad CA1T Kh w adja al-Dln, Kashkul-i khdksdn, Tabriz 1360 Sh./1981, 69-75; R. Gramlich, Die schiitischen Derwischorden Persiens. Erster Teil, die Affiliationen, inAKM, XXXVI 1, 80, Drifter Teil, Brauchtum und Riten, in AKM, XLV 2, 95-6). It should be noted that the Ottoman practice of having a Sufi shaykh gird a sword-belt on a newlyinstalled sultan, first documented for Murad II (82448/1421-44 and 850-5/1446-51) was a reflection of .shadd as practised both infutuwwa and in Turkish Sufi orders (Qagatay, 45; Mustafa Kara, Din, hayat, sanat afismdan tekkeler ve zaviyeler, Istanbul 1980, 166-8). It may finally be observed that the tradition of shadd may have predisposed certain Turkish Sufis to adopt freemasonry, with its comparable custom of initiatic girdling (Ttu Zarcone, Mystiques, philosophes et franc masons en Islam, Paris 1993, 312). Bibliography: Given in the article. (HAMID ALGAR) 2. In the trade guilds. Under its corporate aspect, the practice of shadd is attested from the 16th to the 19th century in the Arab lands of the Near East; the guilds in the Maghrib did not apparently know this initiation rite.
There have been numerous descriptions of the futuwwa and the shadd ceremony (with divergencies over details) all through the period of the Ottoman empire. The main ones are to be found in the K. alDhakhd^ir (ms. Gotha 903, studied by Goldziher, Thorning and Baer) and in four mss. of the K. alFutuwwa, all closely related to each other and concerning, like the preceding work, Egypt (Gotha ms. 906, used by Thorning, and three B.N. mss., arabe 13757, used by Massignon), whose dates of copying extend between 1653 (Gotha 906) and 1733 (B.N. 1377) and which relate to the situation in the 16th and 17th centuries. These texts give lists of the guild^ and their masters (pir), tracing the history of the sjiadd, received by Muhammad from Djibril, handed on to C AH, and then handed on by CA1T to seventeen masters in the first place, beginning with Salman al-FarisI, who then proceeds to the shadd of other masters (whose number varies in the texts from 50 to 58). The^texts then describe the initiation ceremony. Ewliya Celebi gives information on the guilds and the futuwwa at Istanbul and Cairo. Al-DjabartT mentions a very similar ritual (without mentioning the term shadd}. The ceremony itself is described in detail, in an essentially similar form, by Jomard (Description de I'Egypte) and Lane (Modern Egyptians}, and, for Damascus at the end of the 19th century, by Qpudsl. The ceremony of the shadd took place at the point of reaching the status of master of a craft (mucallim). It is unclear whether there was a shadd ceremony for the .entry of the apprentice into his profession (mentioned by the K. al-Dhakha^ir); it may be that the usage fell into disuse. When the apprentice was considered expert enough in his trade to open a workshop or shop, he was brought to the shaykh of the guild, who examined him and, if he found him qualified, summoned a meeting, through the nakib (his assistant and the master of ceremonies), of the masters of the trade. On a fixed day, those invited gathered together. The nakib brought forward the petitioner to the shaykh who, after reciting the Fdtiha, proceeded to instal him according to a ritual laid down in minute detail. He tied a girdle round the upper part of the neophyte's body, making in it knots, between three and six or seven in number, in the accounts of the various authors, according to the number of important master craftsmen of the trade who were present. Each knot had a symbolic meaning and was untied by the candidate's master, the shaykh and one of his assistants. When the ceremony, punctuated by recitations of the Fdtiha, was over, the young man was considered to be mashdud. The shaykh gave him various pieces of advice. Then a feast (walima) was given, at the expense of the petitioner. There may perhaps have been a similar ceremony for the elevation of someone to the office of shaykh. This ceremony (shadd al-walad) was the corporate usage which lasted longest, but in a more and more restricted number of trades. Lane, in ca. 1830, mentions it for the carpenters, the wood-turners, the barbers, the tailors and the bookbinders. CAH Pasha cites the barbers, the keepers of baths and the shoemakers. It was, in fact, amongst the shoemakers (sarmdtiyyd) (Mahmoud Sedky, La corporation des cordonniers, in Revue Egyptienne [1912]) and the coppersmiths (nahhdsin) (Mohamed Cherkess el-Husseine, Images, Cairo 1947) that the last echoes of it, well into the 20th century, were to be found. The inevitable decline of the trade guilds, because of the modernisation of the Egyptian economy, explains the progressive disappearance of these traditions. The same thing happened in Syria, where the very detailed picture given by E. QpudsT in 1885 of these usages (largely similar to
SHADD — SHADDADIDS those of Cairo) clearly reflects a situation largely outdated. Bibliography: Ewliya Celebi, Narrative of travels..., tr. J. von Hammer, London 1850, ii, 90, and Seyahatnamesi. Misir, Sudan, Habes, Istanbul 1938, 358-86; DjabartI, cAaja>ib al-dthdr, Bulak 1297/1879, ii, 214-16; E.F. Jomard, Description ... de la mile ... du Kaire, in Description de I'Egypte. Etat moderne, Paris 1822, ii/2, 698-9; E.W. Lane, Modern Egyptians, London 1846, 283-4; CAH Pasha Mubarak, al-Khitat al-djadida, Bulak 1306/1888, i, 101; Elia Qpudsl, Notice sur les corporations de Damas, Leiden 1885; I. Goldziher, Abh. zur arabischen Philologie, ii, Leiden 1899; G. Martin, Les bazars du Caire, Cairo 1910, 33-4; H. Thorning, Beitrdge zur Kenntnis..., Berlin 1913; V. Ivanow and L. Massignon, Etudes sur les corporations musulmanes, in REI (1927), M. Gavrilov, Les corps de metiers en Asie Centrale, in REI (1928); Massignon, La Futuwwa, in La Nouvelle Clio (1952); F. Taeschner, Futuwwa, in Schweizerisches Archiv, lii (1956); G. Baer, Egyptian guilds in modern times, Jerusalem 1964; A. Raymond, Artisans et commerfants au Caire, Damascus 1974; Abdul-Karim Rafeq, Craft organization ... in Ottoman Syria, mJAOS, cxi_(1991). (A. RAYMOND) SHADDAD B. CAD, a p e r s o n a g e associated w i t h the l e g e n d a r y t o w n of Iram Dhat al- c lmad, to whom is attributed its foundation. For information on him, see C AD and IRAM. (T. FAHD) SHADDAD B. CAMR b. Hisl b. al-Adjabb ... alKurashi al-Fihri, C o m p a n i o n of the P r o p h e t (sahdbi), as also his son AL-MUSTAWRID, who transmitted on the authority of his father. It is unknown when he was born or when he died. But since his son was also a Companion, he must have been of a certain age in the earliest Islamic period. But contrariwise, there is known a tradition of his from the Islamic period, transmitted by his son from Shaddad and going back to the Prophet Muhammad himself, "I went along to the Prophet's side ... took his hand, and lo, it was softer than silk and colder than snow" (see Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, ii, 141 no. 3855; on the vocalisation of the name Hisl (sic] and of Fihr, see Caskel-Strenziok, Gamharat an-nasab, ii, 324, 246, and Kahhala, Mutyam kabd\l al-^arab, 5 Beirut 1985, i, 271, iii, 929). Bibliography: Given in the article. (R.G. KHOURY) SHADDADIDS or BANU SHADDAD, a m i n o r d y n a s t y of A r r a n and e a s t e r n A r m e n i a which flourished from the 4th/10th to the 6th/12th century (ca. 340-570/ca. 951-1174), with a main line in Gandja and Dwln [q. vv. ] and a junior, subsequent one in Am [q. v.] which persisted long after the end of the main branch under Saldjuk and latterly Ildenizid suzerainty. There seems no reason to doubt the information in the history of the later Ottoman historian Munedjdjim Bashi that the Shaddadids were in origin Kurdish. Their ethnicity was complicated by the fact that they adopted typically DaylamI names like Lashkari and Marzuban and even Armenian ones like Ashot, but such phenomena merely reflect the ethnic diversity of northwestern Persia and eastern Transcaucasia at this time. Around 340/951 the adventurer Muhammad b. Shaddad b. K.r.t.k established himself in Dwln whilst the Musafirid Daylami ruler of Adharbaydjan Marzuban b. Muhammad was pre-occupied with various of his enemies, including Kurdish and other DaylamI rivals, the Arab Hamdanids, the Rus [q.v.} and the Buyids (who eventually captured and imprisoned
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Marzuban) [see MUSAFIRIDS]; but Ibn Shaddad was unable to hold on to Dwln and had to flee into the Armenian kingdom of Vaspurakan. Muhammad's eldest son Lashkarl (d. 368/978-9) in 360/971 seized Gandja and made the Shaddadids an independent power, ending Musafirid influence in Arran and expanding northwards into Shamkur in Transcaucasia and eastwards to Bardha c a [ q . v . ] . After the short reign of Muhammad's second son Marzuban, the third son Fadl (I) began a long reign (375-422/986-1031) and, in general, expanded the Shaddadid territories from his base in Arran. He combatted neighbouring Armenian princes, recovered Dwln from them in ca. 413/1022, and occupied the territories of the Armenicised Hungarian Sevordikc to the west of Shamkur. His campaigns against the Armenian Bagratids of Tashir, who had styled themselves "kings of [Caucasian] Albania", Alvankc, and the Georgians, met with varying fortunes, but in 421/1030, after a successful foray into Georgia, he was intercepted by the Georgian king Liparit and the Armenian one David Anholin of Tashir and his forces disastrously defeated. He had in 418/1027 constructed a fine bridge over the Araxes river [see AL-RASS], possibly in anticipation of an incursion into the Rawwadids' [q.v.] territory of Adharbaydjan. By this time, the whole region was becoming confused and unstable, with strong Byzantine pressure on the Armenian princes and with increasing raids from the Turkmen Oghuz bands, who were eventually to establish Saldjuk suzerainty over Adharbaydjan and Arran; thus the chroniclers record an attack on Shaddadid Gandja by Kutlumush b. Arslan Israel [see SALDJUKIDS. III. 5] in 437/1045-6 or 438/1046-7. CA1I Lashkarl b. Fadl (I) (425-40/1034-49) had a successful and prosperous reign; he was praised by the Persian poet Katran [ q . v . ] , who frequented his court at Gandja, amongst other things for a major victory over the joint forces of the rulers of Armenia and Georgia; but towards the end of his reign, he was besieged in Gandja by the Oghuz, mentioned above, and relief only came from the imminent approach of a Byzantine and Georgian army. LashkarT's brother Abu '1-Aswar Shawur (I) had ruled in Dwln as a vassal of the elder members of the Shaddadid family—in effect as an autonomous prince—since 413/1022, in the face of increasing Greek pressure on the region which culminated in Byzantine operations against Dwln and Am. In 441/1049-50 he took over power in Gandja also, and ruled as the last great independent Shaddadid until 459/1067. Although married to a sister of the Armenian king of Tashir David Anhotin (whence, doubtless, the name Ashut given to his second son), Abu '1-Aswar achieved a great contemporary reputation as a ghdzi against the infidels and he restored the Shaddadid principality to much of its former glory in Arran and Shamkur. But after the_ Saldjuk Toghril Beg had made the Rawwadids of Adharbaydjan his tributaries at Tabriz, the sultan came to Gandja in 446/1054 and Abu '1-Aswar became his vassal also. In the latter part of his reign, he participated in the Turkmen expansion into Armenian and eastern Anatolia, and he further combatted his kinsmen the Yazidi Shirwan-Shahs [q. v. ] in Shirwan to the_ north of Arran and repelled raids by the Alans or As [see ALAN] of the central Caucasus. But in the end, the Saldjuks imposed direct rule over Arran and brought about the end of Shaddadid power there. Abu '1-Aswar's son Fadl (II) was captured by the Georgians, and the Shirwan-Shah Farlburz b. Sallar invaded Arran. When sultan Alp
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Arslan's eunuch commander Sawtigin passed through Arran in 460/1068, the dissensions within the Shaddadid ruling family were apparent to the Saldjuk ruler, and when Sawtigin appeared for a second time in 468/1075, the rule of Fadl (III) b. Fadl (II) was ended and the Shaddadids' territories were annexed to the Great Saldjuk empire. However, the branch installed by the Saldjuks at Am continued for another century or so. Am, the capital of the Armenian Bagratids, had been taken over from them by the Byzantines, but in 456/1064 was conquered by Alp Arslan. Certainly by 464/1072, and probably before then, the Shaddadid Abu Shudja c Manucihr b. Abi '1-Aswar (I) (d. ca. 512/1118?) was governing the city. The history of the Shaddadids of An! is known only sketchily. We no longer have for them an Islamic source comparable to the information on the main line in Gandja found in Mimedjdjim Bashi and going up to 468/1075-6. We do know that Manucihr, with help from his Great Saldjuk suzerains, had to fight off attacks by the Artukid II GhazT of Mardln [see ARTUKIDS] and by the latter's vassals such as KIzil Arslan (sometimes called in the Arabic sources al-Sabuc al-Ahmar "the Red Lion"), of the region to the south of Lake Van; but the Shaddadids seem to have held on to Dwm till 498/1104-5. In the reign of Manucihr's son and successor Abu '1-Aswar Shawur (II), the Georgian king David the Restorer (1089-1125) recaptured Am for the Christians and replaced the Muslim crescent emblem on the Armenian cathedral there by the cross, but it was recovered for the Muslims by Abu '1-Aswar (II)'s son Fadl or Fadlun (III) (d. 524/1130), who also retook Dwm and Gajidja. Nevertheless, the Shaddadid pricipality of Am remained under Georgian overlordship, and few facts are known about the Shaddadid amirs of the middle_decades of the century. After internal unrest within Am itself the Georgians occupied the city in 556/1161, carrying off Fadlun (IV) b. Mahmud b. Manucihr, and shortly afterwards sacked Dwm and Gandja also. It was Eldigiiz or IIdefiiz [q. v.] who regained Am in 559/1164, and the historian of Mayyafarikfn al-FarikT records that its governorship was given by him to a Shaddadid. Shahanshah (b. Mahmud) b. Manucihr; he _ruled there until the Georgians once again conquered Am in 570/1174-5. Thereafter, the Shaddadids fade_from mention, except that a Persian inscription in Am of 595/1198-9 was apparently made by "Sultan b. Mahmud b. Shawur b. Manucihr al-Shaddadi", whom Minorsky identified with the brother of Fadlun (IV), Shahanshah (= Sultan in Arabic). The family thus disappears from history; the Am branch, at least, had been notable for its beneficent rule over both Muslims and Christians of this ethnically and religiously very mixed region, echoing the similar, generally just treatment of the Muslims in their own lands by the Georgian kings. Bibliography: The passages of the anonymous Ta\ikh Bab al-Abwdb preserved in Miinedjcljim Bashi's Ta^rTkh al-Duwal (for the main branch of the Shaddadids) and of Fariki's Ta^nkh Mayydfdrikin (for the Am branch) were translated, with a copious and penetrating commentary, by V. Minorsky in his Studies in Caucasian history, London 1953, 1-10 (survey of earlier literature at 2-3,_genealogical table of the main line at 6 and of the Am branch at 106); see also his A history of Sharvan and Darband, Cambridge 1958. Of both the earlier and subsequent literature, see E.D. Ross, On three Muhammadan dynasties, in Asia Major, ii (1925), 215-19; Ahmad Kasrawl, Shahriydrdn-i gum-ndm, Tehran
1928-30, iii, 264-313; Cl. Cahen, L'Iran du NordOuest face d I'expansion Seldjukide d'apres une source inedite, in Melanges d'orientalisme offerts d Henri Masse, Tehran 1342/1963, 65-71 (information from Sibt Ibn al-DjawzI); Bosworth, The New Islamic dynasties, Edinburgh 1996, no. 73; W. Madelung, in Camb. hist, of Iran, iv, 239-43; Bosworth, mibid., v, 34-5; and for inscriptions at Gandja and Am, Sheila S. Blair, The monumental inscriptions from early Islamic Iran and Transoxania, Leiden 1992, index s.v. Shaddad(i). _ _ (C.E. BOSWORTH) AL-SHADHILI, ABU 'L-HASAN c Au b. cAbd Allah b. cAbd al-Djabbar (ca. 593-656/^z. 1196-1258), one of the great f i g u r e s in the Sufism of the b r o t h e r h o o d s . His teachings launched a tarika which gave birth to numerous, dynamic ramifications. These developed and have constituted a mystical tradition very widespread in North Africa and equally present in the rest of the Islamic world, as far as Indonesia. Al-Shadh ill's life is known to us through the texts compiled by his disciples, often late and in a clearly hagiographical mould. It is thus hard to distinguish the historic personage from what pious legend or the archetype of the wall has brought forward. Yet one can sketch out the course of life of one of the most famous saints of Maghrib! Islam. The most important sources here are the Latd^if al-minan of Ibn cAta° Allah (d. 709/1309; ed. C A.H. Mahmud, Cairo 1974) and the Durrat al-asrdr of Ibn al-Sabbagh (d. 724/1323; Brockelmann, S II, 147, which places his work ca. 751/1350, to be corrected; ed. Tunis 1304/1886). There is also the synthesis of Ibn clyad (sometimes written Ibn cAyyad and even Ibn cAbbad), the Mafdkhir al-^aliyya fi 'l-ma^dthir al-shddhiliyya, Cairo 1355/1937, much later than the previous two sources since it cites al-Suyutf, Zarruk (9th/15th century) and al-Shacrani (10th/16th century). Al-ShadhilT was born in northern Morocco, in the Ghumara country between Ceuta and Tangiers in ca. 583/1187 or ten years later, according to the sources. He claimed descent from the Prophet via al-Hasan. He studied the various religious sciences in Fas, was tempted for some time to follow alchemy, but abandoned it for the mystical way in its proper sense. Seeking instruction from the great masters of his time, and seeking especially to meet the Pole [see KUTB], he left for the East, sc. c lrak, in 615/1218, where he continued his education, notably with the shaykh Abu '1Fath al-Wasiti (d. 632/1234), disciple and khalifa of Ahmad al-RifacI [see RIFA C IYYA]. One master (bacd alawliyd^, according to Durra, 4), nevertheless suggested that he should return to the Maghrib to seek out the Pole of the age. Back in his homeland, Morocco, alShadhill recognised the Pole in the person of the hermit of the Rlf, cAbd al-Salam b. Mashfsh (d. 625/1228 [q.v.]). He stayed with the latter for several years, until cAbd al-Salam suggested that he should travel to IfrTkiya; it is not impossible that al-Shadh ill's departure was motivated by local disturbances, in the course of which cAbd al-Salam was murdered. We do not know exactly why he decided to settle precisely in the village of Shadhila, half-way between Tunis and Kayrawan, nor why he henceforth began to be called by the nisba of al-ShadhilT—which a flash of divine inspiration offered him the interpretation of al-Shddhdh li "the man set apart for My service and My love" (Durra, 10). But his teaching and personal influence speedily acquired a great fame in the land. Numerous miraculous happenings were attributed to him; he is said to have been in touch with al-Khadir. His influence displeased the ^ulamd^ of Kayrawan, who launch-
AL-SHADHILI ed against him a campaign of denigration, accusing him of proclaiming himself a "Fatimid"—an allegation which was possibly not entirely alien to alShadhili's conviction (since, as we have seen, he was of Sharlfian origin) that he was the Pole of his age. He finally decided to leave Ifrikiya when a Pilgrimage caravan was departing. He settled in Egypt, an attractive and welcoming land for Sufis, at Alexandria in 1244 or perhaps only as late as 1252. The success of his teaching and his prestige grew unceasingly, including in the eyes of the c w/araa D , and numerous pupils came to Alexandria from distant parts of the Islamic world to gain a spiritual and ascetic training from him. As a fervent observer of the duties of Islam, Abu '1-Hasan al-ShadhilT made the Pilgrimage as often as he could, and it was in the course of a journey to the Holy Places that in 656/1258 he died at alHumaythira in the Upper Egyptian desert. Al-ShadhilT left behind no writings on doctrinal matters (deliberately thus, according to Latd^if, 37-8). The only writings which we have from him are some letters, litanies and prayers. The essential core of his teachings was transmitted by his pupils (see above, and in Bibl.) in the form of collections of "sayings", words of wisdom and edifying and miraculous anecdotes. In these he develops the themes of a moderate Sufism, attentive to the material life of his disciples and respectful of social cohesion. Basically, it is a question of a strict and unequivocal Sunni spirituality. The putting into practice of the Shari^a is here the indispensable framework of the faith, equally valid for Sufis and for ordinary believers; by the practice of the virtues, the Sufi purifies the mirror of his soul and becomes fit to undertake the mystical pilgrimage. The fakir who is a bad practitioner of these requirements is ip so facto severely blamed. In a more general way, the mystic should keep a deep humility in face of what has been provided by revelation. "If your mystical unveiling (kashf) diverges from the Kurgan and Sunna, hold fast to these last two and take no notice of your unveiling; tell yourself that the truth of the Kur'an and Sunna is guaranteed by God Most High, which is not the case with unveiling inspiration and mystical perceptions" (al-ShacranI, al-Tabakdt al-kubrd, Cairo 1954, ii, 4; see also Durra, 34). Al-Shadhili's counsels on spiritual orientation likewise recall traditional Sufism. Recurrent themes of them are the abandonment of earthly concerns, the struggle against the carnal soul and acceptance of the fate which befalls one. These counsels are not directed at ascetics but at pious believers engaged in the social life; "the Way does not involve monastic life (rahbdniyyd), nor living off barley or flour-siftings; the way involves patience in the accomplishing of the divine commands and the certainty of being wellguided" (al-Sha c rani, op. cit., ii, 6; Durra, 86). Numerous of the master's locutions stress the necessity of a detachment essentially internal and without ostentation (see e.g. Durra, 138), at times displaying maldmati overtones. Begging (Latd^if, 143) and even wearing special clothing are condemned by alShadhill, who moreover himself chose to dress with a certain elegance. He showed himself circumspect in the use of samdc [q.v.] (Durra, 104) and did not take part in sessions which induced trances or spectacular phenomena (walking on fire, piercing the flesh), as with the Rifa c iyya [q. v . ] . The core of his Sufi practice was the constant remembrance of God by means of jaculatory prayers and litanies, plus spiritual firmness in the face of the material trials and hardships of the individual life. The mystical experience towards which al-ShadhilT
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endeavoured to guide his disciples was laid out in a practical way and not an abstractly doctrinal one. Although he himself had been trained in theology, he saw no spiritual value in the speculative and independent exercise of reason (see e.g. Durra, 34, 91), and the hagiographical sources show us al-ShadhilT combatting and converting Mu c tazili disputants (ibid., 23). God is the original source of the conscience, not an object of knowledge; how could He be approached through concrete things, when it is only through Him that these things are known? (Latd^if, 92). Al-Shadhili develops very little the doctrinal consequences of the experience of/and^—unity of existence, identification of the devotee with his Lord—but goes back to the actual spiritual experience itself: "The Sufi sees his own existence as being like dust (habd^) floating in the air—neither as existence nor as annihilation, just as it is in the knowledge of God" (al-Shacrani, Tabakdt, ii, 8; Durra, 90). He recommends to his disciples the greatest possible discretion concerning their spiritual conditions, so as not to become at the same time puffed up with pride in regard to others and uselessly to hurt the susceptibilities of ordinary believers: "If you wish to reach the irreproachable Way, speak like someone who is apart from God, at the same time keeping union with Him present in your secret heart" (al-ShacranI, op. cit., ii, 7; see also Durra, 30). Another aspect of the spiritual teaching of alShadhilT is the number and the important function of prayers (adciya) and litanies (ahzdb) which he left to his disciples. These prayers often relate to specific situations, e.g. spiritual or material distress (cf. Durra, ch. iii; al-Shacram, op. cit., ii, 6, 9). The ahzdb most often recited are the very popular hizb al-bahr (inspired directly by the Prophet, cf. Durra, 51), the h. al-kabir (or hiaj_db shanf), the h. al-barr, the h. al-nur, the h. alfath and the h. al-Shaykh Abi 'I-Hasan. Their texts are given by Ibn al-Sabbagh, Ibn clyad and, more recently, C A.H. Mahmud, al-Madrasa al-shddhiliyya al-haditha wa-imdmuhd Abu 'l-Hasan al-ShddhilT, Cairo 1969). The boundary between the liturgical recitation of a prayer taught by the Pole and the magical usage of these texts is not always easy to trace; certain of these litanies include formulae of a theurgical or talismanic nature, and numerous of the faithful attribute inherent virtues to these texts, independent of whatever understanding of it the one reciting it may have. But al-Shadhili is in any case guiltless regarding all the forms of superstition surrounding the cult of saints, which he condemned as a form of idolatry (al-Shacrani, op. cit., ii, 10). If saints' prayers are answered, it is because they are the theophanic locus of the divine mercy, and not because they themselves have any authority for intercession. In his own lifetime, al-Shadhili already acquired a reputation as a miracle worker; marvellous happenings took place round his tomb and amongst his close disciples, for whom the Master remained, even after his death, the person for whom God answers prayers. A more esoteric teaching of al-Shadhill's concerns the concept of sainthood. It revolved round waldya as a prophetic inheritance (see e.g. al-Shacrani, op. cit., ii, 10; or Durra, 132-3), here again taking up an earlier Sufi doctrine. The fully-accomplished saint reaches the degree of knowledge of the prophets (anbiyd^) and the messengers (rusul), but he is inferior to them on two counts: on the one hand, his knowledge is, in the great majority of cases, less complete than theirs, and on the other, he is not sent to bring a more correct version ofashari^a (Latd^if, 59-60). Al-ShadhilT's teaching was nevertheless perceived by his followers as an actual, living continuation of Muhammad's mission (cf.
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e.g. Durra, 154). The vision of a hierarchy of saints, which is implied here, is fundamental. As we have seen, al-Shadhill was preoccupied since his youth by the meeting with the Pole of the universe. His disciples considered him fairly soon as being himself this kutb (Latd^if, 139), and he personally openly strengthened them in this conviction (ibid., 141, 146, 165; Durra, 13-14, 111). He designated his main disciple Abu 'l-cAbbas al-MursI as his successor in this function, and Shadhill tradition confirms that the kutb would be a member of their brotherhood, until the Judgement Day. This kutbdniyya is here to be understood in the absolute sense (or even, cosmic, cf. ibid., 9, 105-6) and not relative to a specific community; alShadhilf himself enunciated the fifteen remarkable features or charismas which this office of the Pole involves (amongst these are the guarantee of inability to err, and knowledge of the past, present and future; cf. Latd^if, 163, and Durra, 71). But otherwise, it is a delicate task to isolate the original doctrine of alShadhilf regarding the formulations of the Masters of the following generations. Ibn cAta° Allah relates (Latd^if, 163-4) that Abu '1-Hasan received a visit from Sadr al-Dln al-KunawI [q. v. ] at a time when his master Ibn cArabI was still alive. "[Sadr al-Dln] expatiated on a multiplicity of sciences. The Shaykh kept his head bowed until Sadr al-Dfn had finished talking. Then he raised his head and said to him, Tell me who is at this moment the Pole of our age, who is a veracious successor (siddik) and what is his knowledge? Shaykh Sadr al-Dln was silent and gave no reply". P. Nwiya (Ibn ^Atd^ Allah et la naissance de la confrerie shadhilite, Beirut 1972, 26) sees in this tale an affirmation of the pre-eminence of the Shadhili way—proceeding from the direct teaching of and inspired by the Pole—over that represented by Ibn c Arabi. But this opinion is rejected by M. Chodkiewicz (Le sceau des saints, Paris 1986, 173), for whom the function of the Seal, claimed by Ibn cArabI, cannot coincide with that of the Pole—whence alKunawT's silence. Even if al-Shadhill never envisaged the formation of a tonka in the strict sense of the term, his teaching nevertheless marks the evolution of Sufism towards its manifestation in the brotherhoods and in maraboutism. There are several disciples of farreaching influence—the Andalusian Abu 'l-cAbbas alMursi(d. 686/1287) and the Egyptian Ibn cAta° Allah (d. 709/1309) from amongst his immediate successors—who at the same time continued his teaching, codified the ritual of the dhikr, founded khdnakdhs and in turn instructed disciples in the spirit of the school. This moderate form of Sufism corresponded to a profound need in the Muslim society of the age; Shadhili khdnakdhs spread and flourished in Egypt, Ifrlkiya, Morocco, as well as in Syria and the Hidjaz. Numerous branches and sub-branches more or less attached to the Shadhiliyya saw the light in the course of succeeding centuries [see SHADHILIYYA]. As for the master's memory, it is perpetuated by the annual festivals on the very spot of his burial in the eastern desert of Upper Egypt, as well as in Ifnkiya, at Sidi Belhassen (in the outskirts of Tunis), Menzel Bouzelfa (Cape Bon) and on the mount Zaghwan. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): Suyuti, Ta^yid al-hakika al-^aliyya wa-tashyid altanka al-shddhiliyya, Cairo 1934; idem, Husn almuhddara, Cairo 1968; MunawT, al-Kawdkib aldurriyya (unpubl.); the biography of al-Shadhill after the Kawdkib al-zdhira of Ibn Mughayzil is summarised by Haneberg, in Ali Abdulhasan Schadeli, in ZZWG(1853); Ibn al-Mulakkin, Tabakdt al-awliyd\
Beirut 1986; Abu '1-Hasan Kuhin, Tabakdt alshddhiliyya al-kubrd, Cairo 1347/1928. The Eng. tr. of the Durrat al-asrdr by E.H. Douglas, The mystical teachings of al-Shadhili, Albany 1993, who has also summarised this work in his Al-Shadhili, a North African Sufi, according to Ibn al-Sabbagh, in MW, xxxviii (1948), should be noted. Amongst recent works on al-Shadhill are included CA.S. c Ammar, Abu 'l-Hasan al-Shadhili, Cairo 1951; R. Brunschvig, Hafsides, Paris 1947, ii, 322-3; A. Mackeen, The rise of al-Shadhili, inJAOS, xci (1971). (P. LORY) SHADHILIYYA. one of the most i m p o r t a n t c u r r e n t s of S u f i s m , associated with the teaching and spiritual authority of the great Moroccan mystic of the 7th/13th century, Abu '1-Hasan al-Shadhill [q.v.]. This last, originating from northern Morocco, where he benefited from the spiritual teaching of c Abd al-Salam b. Mashfsh [see C ABD AL-SALAM], lived in Ifnkiya and, above all, in Egypt, where his preaching and spiritual precepts enjoyed an immense success [see AL-SHADHILI] . It does not seem that he himself had the idea of founding a structured Sufi brotherhood. But the fervour of his disciples, who considered him as the Pole (kutb) of the universe for his age, and who therefore saw in his words a direct divine inspiration, was transferred to his successor, the AndalusI Abu 'l-cAbbas al-Murs! (d. 686/1287). The latter's authority and spiritual breadth knew how both to maintain the cohesion of the ShadhilT group and to instill into it a lasting dynamic of expansion. Al-Mursi's work was completed by the enthusiastic work of an Egyptian scholar, Tad] al-DTn Ibn cAta:> Allah al-Iskandarf (d. 709/1309 in Cairo; see IBNCATA> ALLAH).Whereas neither his own master nor Abu '1Hasan al-Shadhili left behind any written work, Ibn c Ata° Allah wrote, notably, numerous treatises of a doctrinal nature, as well as collections of prayers, which played a decisive role in the constituting of a genuine Shadhili spirituality (see Brockelmann, II, 143-4, S II, 145-7; A.W. al-Ghunayml al-Taftazanl, Ibn cAtd^ Allah al-Sikandan wa-tasawwufuhu, Cairo 1389/1969, i, 3). His Latd^ifal-minan forms one of the main sources regarding the teachings of the two first masters of the Shadhili school; as for his collection of dicta, the Hikam, it had an immense diffusion all over the Islamic world and attracted several commentaries, notably by Ibn cAbbad of Ronda (8th/14th century), Ahmad Zarruk (9th/15th) and Ibn cAdjTba (12th13th/18th-19thj. See the study and Fr. tr. by P. Nwyia, Ibn ^Ato? Allah et la naissance de la confrerie shadhilite, Beirut 1972; Eng. tr. V. Danner, Ibn Ataillah's Sufi aphorisms, Leiden 1973. We know only imperfectly the formative period of the brotherhood. During the 8th/14th century it spread through Egypt and the Maghrib, where from the 9th/15th century it enjoyed a considerable success. One should stress that it never assumed the form of a centralised order, but early spread out into a multitude of ramifications with very relaxed links, of sub-branches energised by spiritual masters whose strong personality often raised up a specific strain amidst the generality of the Shadhill tradition. Certain of these ramifications had a limited implantation within a determined region, whilst others formed much wider groupings. But in all cases, the flexibility of a tradition presenting itself more as a school of spirituality than as a structured organisation allowed its adaptation to very diverse historical and local contexts. It could thus avoid the rigidity and degeneration which often awaited mystical groups which were overinstitutionalised. The Shadhiliyya was born in an ur-
SHADHILIYYA ban milieu (Alexandria, Cairo, Tunis), and counted within its ranks a good number of well-known intellectuals, such as the great 9th/15th-century polygraph Djalal al-Din al-Suyuti [ q . v . ] . But it also found a ready audience in rural areas, especially in the Maghrib. The affiliation to the order of the ecstatic popular saints of the 10th/16th-century C AH alSanhadji and his pupil cAbd al-Rahman al-Madjdhub is characteristic in this regard (see A.L. de Premare, Sidi ^Abd-er-Rahman el-Mejdub, Paris-Rabat 1985, ch. III). In the Maghrib properly speaking, but equally in the Nile valley, the Shadhiliyya accompanied the development of a Sufism which tolerated—and even encouraged—cults around saints' tombs, in which the efficacy of the baraka of the master counted for more and more. We shall not deal here with the Sufi currents which sometimes attached themselves to the Shadhill spirit in a purely mythical or lateral manner, such as the Badawiyya or Dasukiyya; nor with those which, despite being impregnated with the Shadhill spirit, developed into new and independent orders (the Tidjaniyya and orders derived from the IdrTsiyya). But one should mention, amongst the brotherhoods of the Shadhill tradition which affirmed their personality during that time, that, in Egypt, the Wafa^iyya, founded by the IfrTkiyan Shams al-DTn Muhammad Wafa 3 al-Bakri (d. 760/1359) and his son C AH (d. 807/1404; on him, see al-Shac rani's notice, in Tabakdt, ii, 22-65), enjoyed a solid implantation and an undoubted spiritual and intellectual diffusion. The Hanafiyya were founded by Muhammad al-Hanafi (d. 847/1443), a highly charismatic personality who left a strong mark on his age (cf. CA1I b. cUmar alBattanuni, K. Sirr al-safifi mandkib al-sultdn al-Hanafi, Cairo 1306/1888). In Syria, the Shadhiliyya spread under the impulse of the Moroccan C AH b. Maymun al-Fasi (d. 917/1511) and his disciples, affiliates of the Madyaniyya branch. In the Maghrib, the Shadhill presence was even more widespread. One may mention, in particular, the Zarrukiyya, which arose out of the teaching of Abu 'l-cAbbas Ahmad al-Burnusi, called al-Zarruk (d. 899/1494). This Moroccan scholar had a stay in Egypt, where he became a disciple of the Wafa3! master Ahmad al-Hadraml and probably of another Hanaff one. Then he returned to the Maghrib and travelled in various regions. He left behind an important body of written work (cf., especially, his Kawdcid al-tasawwuf, Damascus 1968) and breathed fresh life into the Shadhill heritage there, raising up a fresh impulse (see A.F. Khushaim, Zarruq the Sufi, Tripoli 1976). Several Maghrib! brotherhoods claimed connections with his teaching: the Darkawiyya (see below), the Rashldiyya and its own branches, the Shaykhiyya, Karzaziyya and Nasiriyya (on these groups, see Depont and Coppolani, Les confreries religieuses musulmanes, Algiers 1884, 457 ff.; G. Drague, Esquisse d'histoire religieuse du Maroc, Paris 1951, 185 ff.). Another dynamic movement of Shadhili inspiration was stimulated by the figure of Abu c Abd Allah Muhammad al-Djazuli, a Sufi master originally from southern Morocco. This last travelled to Fez, then had a long stay in the East (40 years?) and finally returned to Morocco. After a period of hermitlike seclusion, he spread his teachings, which had such popular repercussions that he was persecuted by the political authorities and died—perhaps from poison—in ca. 869/1465, the year of the fall of the Marlnid [q.v.] dynasty [see AL-DJAZULI]. Later, his body was interred at Marrakech, and he became one of the seven patron saints of the city. This
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thaumaturge wall marks the origin of a new form of mass Sufism. Membership was no longer conditional upon personal initiation rites (suhba, talkiri), and did not necessarily take place within a structured brotherhood, but resulted from a simple act of allegiance to a shaykh shown by a rite of transmission of baraka and devotional practice centred round reading a collection of litanies, the Dald^il al-khayrdt. This last became extremely popular, notably because of the miraculous benefits which certain people connected with its recitation. Several later tawd^if attached themselves to the movement of al-Djazuli, including the c Arusiyya, widespread in Ifrlkiya (see Brunschvig, Hqfsides, ii, 341 ff), the Hansaliyya (see Depont and Coppolani, 492 ff; Drague, 163 ff.) or also the clsawiyya. The latter, which owed its name to Muhammad b. clsa al-Mukhtar (d. 931/1524), added to the Shadhili-Djazuli tradition shamanistic practices reminiscent of those of the RifaSyya: initiates were endowed with a totem animal, practised spiritual healings and, in a trance, devoured snakes or pierced their bodies with sword blades (see R. Brunei, Essai sur la confrerie des Aissaouas au Maroc, Paris 1926). Analogous practices are also found in the related Moroccan order of the Hamdushiyya (see V. Crapanzano, The Hamadsha—a study in Moroccan ethnopsychology, Berkeley, etc. 1973). The historic success of the Shadhill Way probably depended on several factors of a historical nature. Within a North Africa engulfed in a permanent economic and political state of crisis, grouping in the bosom of a community based on initiational solidarity had a certain attraction. The political authorites, such as the Marlnids in Morocco or the Hafsids in Ifrlkiya, often actively favoured the creating or expansion of the zawdyd in their territories, and the integration of moderate Sufism in the teaching of the madrasas—or conversely, of fitch in the zawdyd. It is true that these last also at times played the role of centres of dissidence against the central power, as with that of alDila3 in Morocco, which almost succeeded in seizing the sultanate power towards the middle of the llth/17th century (see M. HadjdjI, al-Zdwiya alDild^iyya, Rabat 1384/1964, and AL-DILA^ in Suppl.). Nevertheless, they were more often regarded as centres of social stability by virtue of the allegiance given by complete tribes or villages to the shaykh. They were often organised on a "dynastic" manner of functioning, and to some extent regulated local and tribal particularisms. But the especial success of the Shadhiliyya was due to the factors peculiar to itself. Its strictly orthodox Sunnism and the respect for all exoteric tradition which it professed, its social discreetness (absence of distinctive garb or of spectacular public festivals or of begging), all of these aroused confidence and fervour. Finally, the active role played by the brotherhoods in attempting to resist European encroachments in the Muslim lands—as e.g. that of the Shadhiliyya-Djazuliyya in Morocco in the warfare against the Portuguese in the 9th10th/15th-16th centuries—accelerated the process of cohesiveness of Sufism and the social fabric in the Maghrib. More recently, currents of revival attached to the Shadhill tradition have appeared. This is the case with the Darkawiyya [see DARKAWA]. It goes back to Abu Hamid al-cArabI al-DarkawI (d. 1823), who is to be placed in the Zarruki tradition without there being any new elements added, except for a reforming zeal in combatting the material and spiritual corruption of the surrounding maraboutic Sufism. The great moral (and political) influence which he exercised from his
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zawiya in the region of Fez was prolonged after his death; new branches of the order then came into being, with a remarkable vitality extending right through the 19th century. Thus there was the BuZldiyya, of which Ibn c Adjfba, prolix author and head of an active tonka (d. 1809; q. v. and J.-L. Michon, Le Soufi marocain Ahmad ibn ^Ajiba et son mi^raj, Paris 1973), was a member. One should also mention the Yashrutiyya branch, founded by the Tunisian CAH alYashrutT (d. 1891), which became especially rooted in Syria, Palestine and Jordan; his history is known to us from the compendious Rihla ild 'l-hakk written by the master's daughter, Fatima al-Yashrutiyya (see J. van Ess, Die Yasrutiya, in WI, xvi [1975]). Finally, there is the cAlawiyya, founded in 1914 in the DarkawiyyaBu-Zldiyya tradition by Ahmad b. cAUwa (d. 1934; see IBN C ALIWA). His reforming dynamism and his new presentation of Islamic esotericim—which he spread forth in his journal al-Baldgh al-djazcPiri and in many publications—attracted numerous disciples, including a certain number of Westerners (see M. Lings, A Moslem saint of"the twentieth century, London 1961, Fr. tr. Un saint musulman du 201' siecle, le cheikh Ahmad alc Alawi, Paris 1967). It is not easy to trace the contours of such movements as these, since their attachment to the Shadhill silsila is sometimes very loose and blurred. It often happened that a Master would be brought up in several traditions, and multiplicity of affiliations by the simple attributing of a khirka became a custom more and more widespread over the lapse of centuries. Nasir al-DarcT, founder of the Nasiriyya, had received the double ZarruJkl and DjazulT initiation; Muhammad b. c Arus, who had frequented ShadhilT and KadirT masters, did not claim kinship with any well-defined tanka. At that time, the historic correctness and authenticity of the silsilas was visibly less important than the efficacious presence of a master whose charisma authenticated his mission. This rather diffuse character of the brotherhoods' affiliations is illustrated and analysed for the eastern regions by E. Geoffroy in his Le soufisme en Egypte et en Syrie sous les derniers Mamelouks et les premiers Ottomans: orientations spirituelles et enjeux culturels, Damascus 1995, part 3. The present position of the Shadhiliyya can be delineated as follows. The order is mainly represented in North Africa, where it forms, with the Kadiriyya and the Khalwatiyya the chief living Sufi school. The Shadhill branches remain equally active in Egypt and also in the Sudan. But it would be erroneous to see in the Shadhiliyya an exclusively North African order. Branches of it have in effect spread throughout almost the whole Muslim world, see A. Popovic and G. Veinstein (eds.), Les ordres mystiques dans I'Islam— Cheminements et situation actuelle, Paris 1986, index s.n.: most certainly in Syria and the Arab Near East (see F. de Jong, Les confreries mystiques au Machreq arabe, in Popovic and Veinstein, op. cit.), but also in Turkey and the Balkans, in the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent, in Indonesia and as far as China. How, then may one characterise Shadhili spirituality as it has been formed, propagated and modified in the course of the centuries? First of all, one should note its attachment to orthodoxy and its carefulness not to give any appearance of contravening either the letter or the spirit of the Shari^a; it is only in confident submission to the Law and total obedience to the shaykh that the novice can grasp the nature of his relationship with God. It gives little attention to phenomena of a miraculous appearance (kardmdt), and commends a mystical cult of sobriety (sahw) which is circumspect regarding the states of mystical inebria-
tion. In general, it tolerates the practices of music and dancing (samd*- [q. v. ]), but with a clear display of prudence. The excesses of ceremonies involving conditions of trance amongst the clsawiyya and Hamdushiyya are in any case marginal phenomena, and it is likely that the respective founders of these orders did not play any role in them. The Shadhiliyya advocate an attitude of action of continual gratitude (shukr), and try to avoid an asceticism involving renunciation which might lead to despising part of God's blessings and beauty; the Sufi who sees nothing else but God is spiritually less perfect than the one who sees God in everything (Latd^if al-minan, Cairo 1974, 89-90). In this spirit, al-Shadhill and other great masters after him (CAH Wafa° and Muhammad al-HanafT) deliberately dressed themselves in an elegant fashion. It is not an "intellectual" order, in the sense that a greater accent is placed on practice than on doctrine. This does not mean, as some have written, that the Shadhiliyya have no structured doctrine; the Wafa D iyya branch, in particular, provoked the production of an important corpus of texts which is still poorly explored. The work of Ibn cArabI was moreover spread within the Shadhili milieu as elsewhere within the fabric of Sufism. Indeed, the Shadhiliyya wished to make itself an order accessible to all Muslims, at whatever level of culture they might be, but reading is recommended to those with access to it (see e.g. Ibn clyad or c Ayyad, al-Mafdkhir al-^aliyya fi 'l-ma^dthir al-shddhiliyya, Tunis 1986, 116). However, by far the most used books are the collections of prayers and litanies. For Shadhilf spirituality is seen mainly through readings made out loud and the cantillation of various texts: ahzdb composed by the founding masters (al-Shadhilf and al-MursI), collections like al-Djazuli's Dald^il al-khayrdt and poems in honour of the Prophet (al-BusTrl, author of the celebrated Burda ode, was a ShadhilT). An important part of the popular work al-Mafdkhir al-^aliyya is thus consecrated to dhikr texts. These are those prayers and litanies recited congregationally which best represent Shadhilf mysticism, based on deep immersion in the state of service to God (^ubudiyyd) in humility and on the action of grace. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): 1. Sources. Ibn al-Sabbagh, Durrat al-asrdr, Tunis 1304/1887, Eng. tr. E.H. Douglas, The mystical teachings of al-Shadhili, Albany 1993; Sha c ram, al-Tabakdt al-kubrd, Cairo 1954, ii, 6 ff.; Abu '1-Hasan Kuhin, Tabakdt al-shddhiliyya al-kubrd, Cairo 1347/1926; Ibn al-Mulakkin, Tabakdt alawliyd^, Beirut 1986; SuyutI, Ta^yid al-hakika al^aliyya, Cairo 1353/1934; idem, Husn al-muhddara, Cairo 1968. 2. S t u d i e s . On the order's origins: C A.S. c Ammar, Abu 'l-Hasan al-Shddhili, Cairo 1951; C A.H. Mahmud, al-Madrasa al-shddhiliyya al-haditha wa-imdmuhd Abu 'l-Hasan al-ShddhilT, Cairo 1969; A. Mackeen, The rise of al-ShddhilT, mJAOS, xci (1971); E. Levi-Provencal, Shorfa; A. Mustafa, al-Bind^ alidjtimd^ili 'l-tarika al-shddhiliyya, Alexandria 1982; P. Nwyia, Les Lettres de direction spirituelle d'Ibn cAbbdd de Ronda, Beirut 1958; idem, Ibn ^Abbdd de Ronda (1332-1390), Beirut 1961. For a general view of the order's development, see J.S. Trimingham, The Sufi orders in Islam, Oxford 1971. There are older, but still sometimes useful, pieces of information for the historian in L. Rinn, Marabouts et Khouan, Algiers 1884; E. Michaux-Bellaire, Les confreries religieuses au Maroc, Rabat 1923; E. Westermarck, Ritual and belief in Morocco, London 1926; E.
SHADHILIYYA — SHADIRWAN Dermenghem, Le culte des saints dans I'Islam maghrebm, Paris 1954, repr. 1982. (P. LORY) SHADIABAD [see MANDU]. SHADIRWAN, also shadhirwdn, is an Arabised Persian word which originally meant a precious curtain or drapery suspended on tents of sovereigns and leaders and from balconies of palaces and mansions. But in mediaeval sources it often occurs as an architectural term designating either a wall fountain or its most important element—the inclined and carved marble slab upon which water flows—perhaps in reference to the fabric-like texture of water rippling down the oblique surface (Laila Ibrahim and M.M. Amin, Architectural terms in Mamluk documents, Cairo 1990, 66, 68-9; G. Margais, Salsabil et Sadirwdn, in Etudes d'Orientalisme dedie a la memoire de Levi-Provencal, Paris 1962, ii, 639-48). In this second sense, it usually alternates with salsabil, an Arabic word which appears in the Kur'an (LXXVI, 18) as the name of a particular spring in heaven. In Muslim India, large water chutes, called dbshdrs and made of inclined and carved marble slabs similar to shadirwdns or salsabils, intercepted the flow of water in the long channels that run the entire length of gardens, especially in the Mughal gardens of Kashmir, and provided the transition from one level to the next below [see on this MA?.
12
i-
The origin and first appearance of shadirwan or salsabil in Islamic architecture are not known. Nor is its place of appearance, although there are some indications that it might have been Samarra3 [^.y.], the transient and opulent cAbbasid capital (221-79/83692), where a large number of palaces with gardens, fountains, and pools were constructed. Modern excavations and contemporary panegyric poetry describing these palaces suggest that the monumental water works in Samarra3 anticipated the later and more intimate shadirwan systems (Yasser Tabbaa, Towards an interpretation of the use of water in Islamic courtyards and courtyard gardens, in Journal of Garden History, vii/2 [July-Sept. 1987], 198-9). The earliest datable remains of a shadirwan, a marble slab (1.3 m by .37 m and .14 m thick), carved with a chevron pattern with three fish in low relief at one end, was discovered during the excavation of the Zirid Kalcat Bam Hammad in Algeria, built in the middle of the 5th/llth century (L. Golvin, Recherches archeologiques a la Qalcat des Bani Hammdd, Paris 1965, 122-7, and pis. 43-4). Several shadirwan?, from the 6th/12th century, complete with scalloped or carved salsabils, small basins, and channels emptying in central pools exist in various regions, Palermo in Sicily, al-Fustat in Egypt, and a number of sites in Syria and DjazTra, proving the diffusion of the type over the entire Islamic world. The earliest and best preserved among them is the shadirwan of the La Ziza (cAz!za) Palace at Palermo, built between 1165 and 1175 for William I and William II, Norman kings of Sicily, undoubtedly by Muslim craftsmen. Located in an alcove at the centre of the main hall under a mukarnas [q.v.] vault, it consists of a nozzle in a niche in the wall from which water gushes over a multi-coloured marble salsabil with a chevron deep carving to a channel cut in the paving which flows into two aligned shallow square pools before emptying in a large pool outside (G. Caronia, La Zisa di Palermo: storia e restauro, Rome 1982, 53-6, 64-7, figs. 71-3, 142-3, 164-5). A painting of a shadirwan with a lion head for a spout and a chevron-patterned salsabil emptying in a quadrilobed pool appears among other paintings into the ceiling of the Cappella Palatina in Palermo built by Roger II in the 1140s (R. Ettinghausen, Arab painting, Geneva
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1962, 48). This representation and a number of references to the shadirwan in contemporary Sicilian Arabic eulogistic poetry, addressed both to Norman and Muslim Hammadid patrons, suggest that the type was widespread in palatial architecture all over the Maghrib (Tabbaa, 202). This is further confirmed by the remains of large houses excavated in al-Fustat. The plans of at least two of them (nos. iii and vi), dated to the Fatimid period (4th-5th/10th-llth centuries), exhibit arrangements similar to the Ziza shadirwan. They each have a big basin in the centre of the courtyard connected with a small basin in the middle of a side hall via a shallow channel. The small basin is set under a wall recess with a spout attached to pipes in the wall from which most probably water ran over a no-longerextant salsabil (K.A.C. Creswell, Muslim architecture of Egypt, Oxford 1952, i, 124-6, figs. 58, 61). Whether the salsabil had any mukarnas hood above it is impossible to know. The next example of shadirwan comes from Damascus. In the Madrasa al-Nuriyya (of Nur alDln, 567/1172), in the Iwan [q.v.] facing the entrance and under a mukarnas hood, "water pours from a shadirwan into a pool, which opens into a long channel until it falls into a central pool in the courtyard" (Ibn Djubayr, Rihla, Beirut 1964, 256). It was recently cut off and its channel paved over, but the 1920s plan made by Herzfeld shows a typical shadirwan system (Creswell, ii, 109-10, fig. 56). The appearance of this shadirwan can be considered a novelty, since this is the first time we encounter it outside the realm of residential or palatial architecture. A little later in date is a series of Ayyubid and Artukid palaces built in the citadels of Syria and DjazTra with elaborate water systems consisting of fountains, channels, and pools. At least three of them, the early 7th/13th-century Artukid palace at Diyarbakir, the Ayyubid palace in Aleppo (built between 617/1220 and 658/1260) and the Artukid al-Firdaws palace in Mardln (63658/1239-60), have shadirwdns occupying the centre of an Twan's back wall and flowing via a narrow channel into a large pool in the courtyard (Tabbaa, 208-11, figs. 11-17). In Ayyubid and Mamluk Cairo, shadirwan arrangements became a salient feature in reception halls, known as fcd^as. Several Cairene shadirwan slabs with various patterns engraved on their surfaces are on display at the Islamic Art Museum in Cairo and the Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyya in Kuwait, while few are still in situ. The most notable among them are the two shadirwdns in two opposite Twans of the bimdristdn of Sultan Kalawun (683/1284), which may have belonged to the four-Twan fcdca of the Fatimid Western Palace, or its Ayyubid replacement that was appropriated by Kalawun to build his complex (Creswell, ii, 208-10, pi. 63). Wakf [q.v.] documents furnish a number of descriptions of Mamluk shadirwdns which provide information on their various uses, composition, and terminology (Mona Zakarya, Deux palais du Caire medieval, waqfs et architecture, Marseilles 1983, 148). Thus, for example, we learn that the small receptacle in which water falls before flowing over the shadirwan had an onomatopoeic name, karkai, the channel was called silsal (Ibrahim and Amin, 66). The bimdristdn of al-Mu D ayyad Shaykh (821-3/1418-20) repeated the model of the bimdristdn of Kalawun with two shadirwdns in two opposite rwans (wakf of alMu'ayyad Shaykh, Dar al-WathaDik, no. 938 k, 7, 1. 24-5). Cairene sabils [q.v.] too had shadirwdns from which water collected into small basins (fasdki, pi. of fiskiyyd) (wakf of Amir Khayir Bek, Dar al-Watha:>ik,
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no. 292/244, 5, 1. 5-13). Some shadirwdns had two flanking colonnettes which supported the mukarnas hood above, an arrangement probably inspired by the development of Mamluk mihrdbs which had two or four flanking colonnettes as well (wakf of Sultan Barsbay, Dar al-Kutub, no. 3390, 5, 1. 5-13). Because Cairene kdcas developed into smaller enclosed units with either two Iwans and a space in the middle called durkd^a, or one Twan and a durkdca, or, in the rarest of cases, four Iwans in a cruciform plan around a durkdca, water moving from shadirwdns to collecting pools no longer played a role in linking the interior and exterior spaces. Furthermore, the shrinking of the central space precluded the possibility of having a large pool in its centre which could receive a constant flow of water from a shadirwdn. In fact, it seems that enclosing kdcas ultimately sealed the fate of shadirwdns. Later Mamluk and Ottoman kd^as had central small fountains but no shadirwdns and no connecting channels. Many, however, retain a strong reminder of the missing shadirwdn in the form of a niche in the centre of their Twan's back wall, called sadr, with an ornate hood, and sometimes flanking colonnettes but no water flowing. Bibliography: Given in the text. (NASSER RABBAT) SHADJAR AL-DURR, Walidat KHALIL ALSALIHIYYA, also called Umm Khalfl, the famous sultana of Egypt (ruled 648/1250). Shadjar(at) al-Durr (the oldest sources prefer the former, modern Arab authors the latter), a strongminded Turkish slave, started her career as al-Salih Ayyub's favourite concubine (hence al-Salihiyya). In 637/1239-40, during their imprisonment in al-Karak, she bore him a son, Khalil (hence Umm/Walidat alKhalfl), after which al-Salih freed and married her. The sultan loved his wife, now queen of Egypt, dearly and ranked her next to his commander Fakhr al-Din. When in 647/1249 al-Salih, expecting the French Crusaders' advance, died in al-Mansura, she formed part of the council of three that mastered the crisis. They agreed to conceal his death and entrust rule to one of them, Fakhr al-Din, until al-Salih's son and heir al-Malik al-Mucazzam Turanshah arrived from Hisn Kayfa three months later. It was only after disgruntled Bahrf amirs, perhaps with the threatened widow's consent, had killed the new sultan, that Shadjar al-Durr stepped into the centre stage: AlSalih's amirs and Mamluks appointed her sultana on 30 Muharram 648/4 May 1250 with c lzz al-Din Aybak al-Turkumanf as commander. Though women had exercised power as royal spouses and regents before, her formal recognition as ruler in her own right was unheard-of in the Muslim Near East, the only precedent being the sultanate of Radiyya [q. v. ] of Dihli from 634/1236 to 637/1240. Her claim to legitimacy rested on her status as wife of the late sultan and, what is more, mother of their dead son, as seen in her regnal name Walidat al-Khalll. Her election by Mamluks marks the transition from Ayyubid to Mamluk rule. Their choice of a woman, unusual as it may seem, was considered. Al-Salih himself had recommended her as chief advisor to his son, and she had proven worthy of his trust after his death. The enthronement of their female compatriot may have been facilitated by a less restrictive view of elite women's roles among tribal Turks and a general propensity to hold women in high esteem. Her coin titulature reads "al-Musta c simiyya, al-Salihiyya, Malikat alMuslimln, Walidat al-Malik al-Mansur (i.e. c Khalil)". The loyalty to the Abbasid caliph alMusta c sim herein declared was never rewarded by his
investiture of her. Although late reports about a caliphal letter objecting to a woman's sultanate and a similar pronouncement by a leading jurist are questionable, Shadjar al-Durr's claim to the Ayyubid throne could be and was repudiated by the Syrian Ayyubid al-Nasir Yusuf on several counts, including her sex and slave origin. Loath to lose the Syrian provinces the Bahn Mamluks felt compelled to replace her by a man. Shadjar al-Durr therefore ceded the throne to her as yet undistinguished commander Aybak on 28 Rabl^ II 648/30 July 1250. However, her formal abdication did not put an end to her preeminent part in ruling the country, as is attested by all sources; in fact, she still signed royal decrees as late as 653/1255. Aybak married her either the day after his tentative promotion or sometime after he deposed the child al-Ashraf Musa, of Yemenite Ayyubid descent, in 651/1254, who had replaced him as nominal sultan five days after his installation. Having dealt with the Syrian enemy and internal Bahn opposition, he thought to challenge his wife's position by contracting a marriage with the Zangid princess of Mawsil. Shadjar al-Durr heard of his plans and had him killed on 23 Rablc I 655/10 April 1257. But her attempts to retain influence as kingmaker came to nothing. On 11 Rablc 11/28 April, her naked corpse was found lying outside the Citadel. She was buried in the tomb she had built for herself. The "ddhiyat al-dahr whom no woman rivalled in beauty and no man in determination" (Barhebraeus) had finally lost the struggle for power. Her posthumous career as historical and literary character exemplifies the transformation of fragmentary evidence into ever more readable stories, into history and her story. Bibliography: 1. Sources. See G. Schregle, Die Sultanin von Agypten. Sagarat ad-Durr in der arabischen Geschichtsschreibung und Literatur, Wiesbaden 1961 (excellent exhaustive monograph), to which should be added Cl. Cahen and Ibrahim Chabbouh, Le Testament d'al-Malik as Sdlih Ayyub, in BEt. Or., xxix (1977), 97-114; Cahen, Une source pour I'histoire des Croisades: Us memoires de Sacd al-Din ibn Hamawiya Djuwayni, in idem, Les peuples musulmans dans I'histoire medievale, Damascus 1977, 457-82; Ibn alDawadarT, Kanz al-durar, viii, Cairo 1971; YaficT, Mir^dt al-djandn, Haydarabad 1918-20. 2. S t u d i e s . H.L. Gottschalk, Die dgyptische Sultanin Sagarat ad-Durr in Geschichte und Dichtung, in WZKM, Ixi (1967), 41-61; M. Chapoutot-Remadi, Chajar ad-Durr (?-1257). Esclave, mamluke et sultane d'Egypte, in C.A. Julien, Les Africains, iv, Paris 1977, 101-27; P. Thorau, Sultan Baibars I. von Agypten, Wiesbaden 1987; R. Irwin, The Middle East in the Middle Ages: The Early Mamluk Sultanate 12501382, London 1986; P.M. Holt, The Age of the Crusades: The Near East from the eleventh century to 1517, London 1986; R.S. Humphreys, From Saladin to the Mongols, Albany 1977; U. Haarmann (ed.), Geschichte der arabischen Welt, Munich 1987; Ahmad c Abd ar-Razik, La femme au temps des Mamlouks en Egypte, Cairo 1973. (L. AMMANN) SHADUNA, the Arabic name of one of the kuras or provinces of a l - A n d a l u s . It stems from Latin Asido, a Roman and then Visigothic town also called Madlnat Ibn Sallm in Muslim times, the modern Medina Sidonia. It was bounded on the north by the kuras of Seville and Moron; on the east by that of Algeciras; and on the south and west by the sea. There is no clear information about the kura's capital, since the sources mention at times Jerez (Sharlsh), Medina Sidonia, Arcos or a certain Hadirat Kalsana and Kadis or Djazlrat Kadis. According to contem-
SHADUNA — SHAFACA porary authors, Shaduna was divided into numerous districts, including villages, towns and fortresses (husun). Amongst these last are mentioned in the Dhikr bildd al-Andalus Tota, Arcos, Ibn Sallm, Nablab, Sanlucar, Galyana, al-Kanatir, al-Akwas and Kalcat Ward. Concerning the towns, this work distinguished especially Cadiz and Jerez. Algeciras, a major centre of al-Andalus all through its long history, formed part of this kura at an early period but soon became the chef-lieu of an independent province. According to Ibn Ghalib and al-Himyari, Shaduna was bountifully endowed with the gifts of land and sea, and covered 25 square miles. Ibn al-Shabbat relates that Tarik [q. v. ] disembarked in al-Andalus and marched on the Wad! Lakko, where he confronted the troops of King Roderic. After defeating the Visigothic ruler, the Muslims besieged Madlnat Shaduna. In 125/743, the ajund of Filastln (i.e. Palestine) settled in the province; this is the first reference to Shaduna as a kura. Towards 127/745 the Kays! rebels led by al-Sumayl assembled there against the Kalbls of Abu '1-Djattar. The Madjus [q.v.] or Northmen landed on the coast of Shaduna in 229/844 and occupied the port of Cadiz, although the greater part of their fleet sailed up the Guadalquivir towards Seville. Being highly fertile and productive, as noted above, the district paid tribute of 50,600 dinars in the time of al-Hakam I, and it furthermore furnished almost half the 20,000 cavalry which could be mobilised in cAbd al-Rahman II's time. The sources are sparse about the succeeding period up to the constituting of the taifas. It was at Shaduna that the Banu Djazrun, Berbers who had come over to reinforce al-Mansur's army in the Peninsula, overran a land in the grip of civil warfare. Set apart in the kura of Shaduna, they formed a taifa around the stronghold of Arcos, and their authority was recognised by Jerez and Cadiz. Shaduna had three rulers before being absorbed by the cAbbadid of Seville, alMuctadid: Muhammad b. Djazrun (402-20/1011-29), c Abdun b. Muhammad (420-45/1029-53) and Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Ka^im (445-51/10539). It belonged to the taifa of Seville until the Almoravids took over al-Andalus in 483/1090. In the middle of the 6th/13th century, C AU b. clsa b. Maymun led a rising in Cadiz, as part of the generalised anti-Almoravid movement which split the country into fragments, which are called the "second taifas". From 540/1145 onwards he proclaimed the Almohads, and the territory of the ancient kura remained under the new dynasty's aegis, although soon menaced by the Castilian armies of the Reconquista. Thus ca. 572/1176 Ferdinand II attacked Arcos and Jerez. It was there that the tentative movements for expansion of Ibn Hud were halted, defeated by Castile at Jerez in 627/1230. The Muslims remained in the region, but once Seville fell in 646/1248, they found themselves defenceless. Then Castile seized Cadiz in 660/1262. Two years later came the Mudejar rebellion against Alfonso X, supported from Granada, as a result of which the Castilians decreed the expulsion of the Mudejars from this region, thus subduing the populations of Jerez, Medina Sidonia, Vejer, Sanlucar, Arcos, etc. Shaduna became henceforth the political and military frontier with the Nasrid kingdom of Granada [see NASRIDS]. Bibliography : Razi, tr. Levi-Provencal, La description de I'Espagne d'Ahmad al-Rdzi, in And., xiii (1953), 96-7; c Udhri, Tartf al-akhbdr, ed. alAhwam, Madrid 1965, 117-20; Yakut, Buldan, index; RushatT, Iktibds al-anwdr, ed. E. Molina and J. Bosch, Madrid 1992, 83; Ibn Ghalib, Farhat al-
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anfus, text 294, tr. J. Vallve, Una description de Espana, Barcelona 1975, 382; Himyarl, Rawd, ed. Levi-Provencal, nos. 10, 89, 91, 132, 14, 159; Dhikr bildd al-Andalus, ed. Molina, Madrid 1983, 64-5; Makkari, Nafh al-tib, ed. c Abbas, I, 141, 144, 237, 256, 258, 260, 269, 328, 346, iii, 24, 50; Ibn Bassam, Dhakhira, ed. cAbbas, Beirut 1979, I, 485, iii, 21, iv, 535, v, 145; Ma. J. Viguera, Los reinos de taifasy las invasiones magrebies, Madrid 1992; Vallve, La division territorial de la Espana musulmana, Madrid 1986, 325-6; idem, Nuevas ideas sobre la conquista drabe de Espana. Toponomia y onomdstica, Madrid 1989. (F. ROLDAN-CASTRO) SHAFACA (A.), intercession, mediation. He who makes the intercession is called shdfi^ and shafi^. The word is also used in other than theological language, e.g. in laying a petition before a king (LCA s.v.), in interceding for a debtor (al-Bukhari, Istikrdd, 18). Very little is known of intercession in judicial procedure. In the Hadith it is said: "He who by his intercession puts out of operation one of the hudud Allah is putting himself in opposition to God" (Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, ii, 70, 82; cf. al-Bukhari, Anbiyd\'54/11; Hudud, 12). 1. In official Islam. The word is usually found in the theological sense, particularly in eschatological descriptions; it already occurs in the KuPan in this use. Muhammad became acquainted through Jewish and more particularly Christian influences with the idea of eschatological intercession. In Job xxxiii, 23 ff. (the text is corrupt), the angels are mentioned who intercede for man to release him from death. In Job v, 1, there is reference to the saints (by whom here also angels are probably meant), to whom man turns in his need. Abraham is a mortal saint whom we find interceding in the Old Testament (in the story of Sodom and Gomorrah). In the apocryphal and pseudepigraphical literature, we again find the same classes of beings with the same function: the angels (Test. Adam, ix, 3) and the saints (2. Maccab., xv, 14; AssumptioMosis, xii, 6). In the early Christian literature the same idea repeatedly occurs, but here we have two further classes of beings: the apostles and the martyrs (cf. Cyril of Jerusalem in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, xxxiii, 1115; patriarchs, prophets, apostles, martyrs; cf. xlvi, 850; Ixi, 581). In the Kur'an, intercession occurs mainly in a negative context. The day of judgment is described as a day on which no shafd^a will be accepted (sura II, 48, 254). This is directed against Muhammad's enemies as is evident from X, 18: "they serve not God but what brings them neither ill nor good and they say these are our intercessors with God"; cf. also LXXIV, 48: "the intervention of those who make shafd^a will not avail them". But the possibility of intercession is not absolutely excluded. XXXIX, 44 says: "Say: the intercession belongs to God, etc.". Passages are fairly numerous in which this statement is defined to mean that shafd^a is only possible with God's permission: "Who should intervene with Him, without His permission?" (II, 255, cf. X, 3). Those who receive God's permission for shafd^a are explained as follows: "The shafd^a is only for those who have an cahd with the Merciful" (XIX, 87) and XLIII, 86: "They whom they invoke besides God shall not be able to intercede except those who bear witness to the truth". XXI, 26-8 is remarkable where the power of intercession is evidently credited to the angels: "they say the Merciful has begotten offspring. Nay, they are but His honoured servants who ... and they offer not to intercede save on behalf of whom it pleaseth Him". It appears that
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the angels are meant by the honoured servants. XL, 7 (cf. XLII, 5) is more definite: "Those who bear the throne and surround it sing the praises of their Lord and believe in Him and implore forgiveness for those who believe (saying), Our Lord; who embracest all things in mercy and knowledge; bestow forgiveness on them that repent and follow Thy path and keep them from the pains of Hell". Such utterances paved the way for an unrestricted adoption by Islam of the principle of shafa^a. In the classical Hadith which reflects the development of ideas to about 150 A.H., we already have ample material. Shafa^a is usually mentioned here in eschatological descriptions. But it should be noted that the Prophet, even in his lifetime, is said to have made intercession. c A D isha relates that he often slipped quietly from her side at night to go to the cemetery of BakTc al-Gharkad [q. v. ] to beseech forgiveness of God for the dead (Muslim, Djand^iz, 102; cf. al-TirmidhT, DjancPiz, 59). Similarly, his istighfdr is mentioned in the saldt al-ajand^iz (e.g. Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, iv, 170) and its efficacy explained (ibid., 388). The prayer for the forgiveness of sins then became or remained an integral part of this saldt (e.g. Abu Ishak al-ShirazT, Kitdb al-Tanbih, ed. TJ.W. Juynboll, 48) to which a high degree of importance was attributed. Cf. Muslim, Djand^iz, 58: "If a community of Muslims, a hundred strong, perform the saldt over a Muslim and all pray for his sins to be forgiven him, this prayer will surely be granted"; and Ibn Hanbal, iv, 79, 100, where the number a hundred is reduced to three rows (sufuf). Muhammad's intercession at the day of judgment is described in a tradition which frequently occurs (e.g. al-Bukhan, Tawhid, 19; Muslim, Irndn, 322, 326-9; al-Tirmidhi, Tafsir, sura XVII, 19; Ibn Hanbal, i, 4), the main features of which are as follows. On the day of judgment, God will assemble the believers; in their need they turn to Adam for his intercession. He reminds them, however, that through him sin entered the world and refers them to Nuh. But he also mentions his sins and refers them to Ibrahim. In this way, they appeal in vain to the great apostles of God until clsa finally advises them to appeal to Muhammad for assistance. The latter will gird himself and with God's permission throw himself before Him. Then he will be told "arise and say, intercession is granted thee". God will thereupon name him a definite number to be released and when he has led these into Paradise, he will again throw himself before his Lord and the same stages will again be repeated several times until finally Muhammad says, "O Lord, now there are only left in hell those who, according to the Kur-'an, are to remain there eternally". This tradition is in its different forms the locus classicus for the limitation of the power of intercession to Muhammad to the exclusion of the other apostles. In some traditions it is numbered among the charismata allotted to him (e.g. al-Bukhan, saldt, 56). Muhammad's shafd^a then is recognised by the iajmdc; it is based on XVII, 79: "Perhaps the Lord shall call thee to an honourable place"; and on XCIII, 5: "and thy Lord shall give a reward with which thou shalt be pleased" (al-RazT's commentary _on sura II, 48, 2nd mas^ala; cf. earlier, Muslim, Imdn, 320). Muhammad is said to have been offered the privilege of shafdca by a message from his Lord as a choice; the alternative was the assurance that half of his community would enter paradise. Muhammad, however, preferred the right of intercession, doubtless because he thought he would get a considerable result from it (al-Tirmidhi, Si/at al-Kiydma, 13; Ibn Hanbal, iv, 404).
The traditions describe very vividly how the "people of hell" (ajahannamiyyun) are released from their fearful state. Some have had to suffer comparatively little from the flames; others on the other hand are already in part turned to cinders. They are sprinkled with water from the well of life and they are restored to a healthy condition (e.g. Muslim, Imdn, 320). In another class of traditions it is said that every prophet has a "supplication" (da^wa) and that Muhammad keeps his secret in order to intercede with God for his community on the day _of judgment (cf. e.g. Ibn Hanbal, ii, 313; Muslim, Imdn, 334). In accordance with the Christian conception mentioned above, Islam was not content to make Muhammad the sole conveyor of intercession. At his side, we find angels, prophets, martyrs and even simple believers (al-Bukhan, Tawhid, 24/5; Ibn Hanbal, iii, 94; Abu Dawud, Djihad, 26; al-Tabari, Tafsir on Kur D an, XIX, 87). But it is Muhammad who will be the prime intercessor (Muslim, Imdn, 330, 332; Fadd^il, 3; Abu Dawud, Sunna, 13). For the Shl^a, naturally, the power of intercession after the Prophet falls above all to the Imams (see e.g. MJ. McDermott, The theology of al-Shaikh al-Mufid, Beirut 1978, 254-5). Finally, one should examine the question of those for whom intercession will be efficacious. In classical Tradition, the response in principle which is given there is that shafdca is valid for all those who do not associate anything with God (cf. al-Bukhari, Tawhid, 19; al-Tirmidhi, Si/at al-kiydma, 13), even if they have nevertheless been guilty of grave sins (of which they have not repented). A famous hadith makes the Prophet say, "My intercession will be for the grave sinners of my community (li-ahl al-kabd^ir min ummati)" (Abu Dawud, Sunna, 21; al-Tirmidhf, loc. cit., 11; Ibn Madja, Zuhd, 37). Such is the position of the Sunn! theologians (cf. al-Ashcari, Makdldt, Wiesbaden 1963, 474), including the Hanbalfs (cf. Laoust, La profession defoid'Ibn Batta, Damascus 1958, 100 of tr.). For them, the Prophet's intercession will concern all those believers who, because of their sins, would have merited divine punishment, with God either admitting them to His Paradise immediately or else bringing them forth from Hell at the end of a period of time more or less protracted (see al-Razi, Tafsir on Kurgan, II, 48, beginning of the second mas^ala, ed. Tehran n.d., iii, 56). The Mu c tazila, on the other hand, as well as the Kharidjites, reject this interpretation (see al-Baghdadl, Usul al-dm, Istanbul 1928, 244; Ibn Hazm, Fisal, Cairo 1317-21, iv, 63). For the Mu c tazila, prophetal intercession can only operate in favour of sinners who have already repented (see Mankdim = Ps. cAbd al-Djabbar, Shark al-usul alkhamsa, Cairo 1965, 688, 691); they consider it to be, on God's part, an extra act of favour (fadf) (see alAshcari, Makdldt, 474; Mankdim, op. cit., 691; alRazf, Tafsir, iii, 56). Against the Sunn! position, the Muctazila invoke certain of the Kur'anic verses cited above, notably XL, 18, and XXI, 28 (cf. Mankdim, 689; al-Razi, op. cit., iii, 56). Bibliography (in addition to works cited in the article and older bibl. in El1}: Ibn Khuzayma, Tawhid, Cairo 1968, 241-325; Adjurri, SharPa, Cairo 1950, 331-52; Ibn Furak, Muajarrad makdldt al-AsJfari, Beirut 1987, 167-70; Bakillani, TamhTd, Beirut 1957, 365-77; idem Insdf, Cairo 1963, 16876; Djuwaynl, Irshad, Paris 1938, 222; Abu Ya c la, MuHamad, Beirut 1974, § 375; Abu 'l-Mu c m alNasafT, Tabsira, ii, Damascus 1993, 792-7; L. Gardet, Dieu et la destinee de rhomme, Paris 1967, 31114; E. Riad, Shafa c a dans le Coran, in Onentalia
SHAFACA — AL-SHAFAK Suecana, xxx (1981), 37-62; D. Gimaret, La doctrine d'al-Ash^ari, Paris 1990, 497-500. (A.J. WENSINCK-[D. GIMARET]) 2. In p o p u l a r p i e t y . Although the Throne Verse (sura II, 155) asks, "Who could intercede with Him except by His permission?" many Muslims believed that the Prophet was granted this permission, as XVII, 79 speaks of his "special rank". Another Kur D anic verse that seems to allow intercession was XL, 7, where "those who carry the divine throne" are mentioned as constantly asking divine forgiveness. Thus the belief developed that even pious acts could serve as intercessors: the Kur D an will intercede for those who have studied and recited it devoutly, and this hope is often expressed in prayers written at the end of manuscripts of it. Other religious works could be imagined as interceding, such as the profession of faith; even mosques were thought to be transformed into white camels or boats to carry to Paradise those who had regularly performed their prayers in them, just as Friday might appear as a beautiful youth to intercede for people who had honoured him by attending the Friday worship. It was also believed that martyrs could intercede on behalf of family and friends, and that children who had died in infancy would intercede for their parents to have them brought to Paradise, because otherwise they would feel lonely. But the most important intercessor is Muhammad, and the numerous people in the Muslim world who are called "Muhammad Shaft 0 ' bear witness to this belief, which is based on the legend that at Doomsday, all prophets (including the sinless Jesus) will call out nafsT nafsT "I myself [want to be saved]" while Muhammad calls out ummatTummati"my community, my community [should be saved]". Innumerable folk-songs and also high-flown poetical descriptions tell how he will lead his community to Paradise carrying the green "banner of praise" (liwd^ al-hamd), for his shafdca is meant, it is believed, for the grave sinners of his community. Many prayers contain the request that God may grant His prophet the position of honour in which he can intercede for his community; typical is the prayer in al-DjazulI's Dald^il al-khayrdt, "O God, appoint our lord Muhammad as the most trusted of speakers and the most prevailing of requesters and the first of intercessors and the most favoured of those whose intercession is acceptable ... etc.". There is barely a poet—"heretic, drug addict (bhdngi) or wine-bibber" (as a Sindhi bard sings in the 19th century)—who has not relied upon the Prophet's intercession, and to recite blessings over him was believed to attract his special help. Poetry in which hope for shafdca is expressed is found abundantly in all the languages of the Islamic world, whether one turns to a scholar like Ibn Khaldun in North Africa or to a folk poet in the Khowar language in the Karakorum. The Urdu poet Mir Muhammad Takl Mir (d. 1223/1810 [q.v.]) claims: "Why do you worry, O Mir, thinking of your black book? The person of the Seal of Prophets is a guarantee for your salvation!" and the Mamluk Sultan Kayitbay of Egypt was as convinced of the Prophet's intercession as were poets in Sind, who loved to enumerate dozens of countries over which the Prophet's shafdca stretches (mostly in alliterating groups of names). All of them claimed that their "hand was on his skirt" to implore his help, and some, like the Urdu poet Muhsin KakorawT (d. 1905) expressed the hope that the poetry written in his praise
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might be recited at Doomsday to make the Prophet intercede on his behalf (although the Hadith expressedly emphasises the umma, not an individual, as recipient of intercession.) Even Hindu poets wrote poetry in the hope of the Prophet's intercession, and the believers' fear of the terrible Day of Judgment was more and more tempered by adding the element of hope, represented by the Prophet's loving care for his community. Bibliography: M. Horten, Die religiosen Vorstellungswelt des Volkes im Islam, Halle 1917; Tor Andrae, Die person Muhammads in lehre und glauben seiner gemeinde, Stockholm 1918; Taede Huitema, De voorspraak (shafaca) in den Islam, Leiden 1936; Constance Padwick, Muslim devotions, London 1960; A. Schimmel, And Muhammad is His Messenger, Chapel Hill, N.C. 1985. (ANNEMARIE SCHIMMEL) AL-SHAFAK (A.), morning or evening twilight, the periods between daybreak (al-fadjr or tulu^ al-shafak) and sunrise (tulu^ al-shams) and between sunset (ghurub al-shams) and nightfall (mughib al-shafak). These are of special importance in Islamic ritual because they relate to three of the prayers [see SALAT and MIKAT, i]: the fadjr prayer is to be performed as soon as possible after daybreak and must be completed before sunrise, the maghrib prayer begins as soon as possible after sunset, and the ^ishd^ prayer as soon as possible after nightfall. Al-BTruni [q.v.] gives an excellent description in al-Kdnun al-Mas^udi (Haydarabad 1954-6, ii, 948-50), here summarised. In the morning a long thin column of light appears first, which is more or less inclined to the horizon according to the latitude of the locality. This is called the "false dawn" (al-subh alkddhib or al-fadjr al-kddhib) or, because of its shape, "the tail of the wolf" (dhanab al-sirhdn). Prayer at this time is forbidden. This is followed by the "true dawn" (al-subh al-sddik), first as a faint white light which gradually extends in the form of a crescent along the horizon; it marks the time for the beginning of the faajr prayer. Next comes the "red dawn" (alshafak al-ahmar). The same phenomena occur in the evening but in the reverse order, although "the wolf's tail" is not seen so frequently in the evening. The "wolf's tail" in the morning corresponds in fact to the phenomenon known as the zodiacal light, already mentioned in Kur'an, II, 183. Redhouse (1878 and 1880) has gathered numerous references from Arabic, Persian and Turkish sources. The Shaficls, Malikls and Hanballs are in accord that the disappearance of the red glow (mughib al-shafak al-ahmar) in the evening sky should mark the end of the interval for the maghrib prayer and the beginning of that for the ^ishd^ prayer. Abu Hanlfa, on the other hand, favoured the time of the disappearance of the white glow, and his pupils Abu Yusuf and Muhammad al-Shaybani followed other schools in this question. The various definitions have been collected by Wiedemann and Frank (1926), and al-Bfruni's discussion in his Ifrdd al-makdlfiamr al-zildl has been studied by E.S. Kennedy (1976). Various Muslim astronomers determined the angle of solar depression below the horizon at the times of daybreak and nightfall, which are not identical to each other. The actual values depend on atmospheric conditions and the influence of moonlight as well as on the sharpness of the eyes of the observer. Habash [9.0.], for example, used 18° for both, as did Ibn Yunus [q.v.\. Al-BlrunI [q.v.] suggested both 18° and 17°, and al-Kayinl (ca. 400/1000) based his calculations on 17°. Ibn Mu c adh (see below) mentioned 18° and 19° but used 19° in his calculations. In the corpus of tables for time-keeping used in Cairo from the
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7th/13th to the 13th/19th century, some of which go back to Ibn Yunus, 19° is used for morning and 17° for evening twilight. Nasir al-Din al-Tusi [q. v.] assumed 18° for both phenomena. Al-Marrakushf [q.v.] favoured 20° and 16°, but al-Khalfli (ca. 760/1360), who otherwise relied heavily on him, used 19° and 17° in the corpus of tables that was used in Damascus from the 8th/14th to the 13th/19th century. The duration of twilight (hissat al-shafak) is a function of the solar longitude and terrestrial latitude and hence varies throughout the year as well as from one latitude to another. Its determination is a trivial extension of the general problem of determining time from solar altitude, a problem that was extremely popular amongst Muslim astronomers. The earliest table displaying this interval is due to Habash and is based on an approximate Indian formula for timekeeping (as well as on the parameter 18°); the time is given in seasonal hours and the table serves all latitudes (up to ca. 45°). Later tables, based mainly on exact formulae, are found in the various corpuses of tables used for time-keeping in various localities [see MIKAT. ii]. These corpuses sometimes contain in addition a table of the duration of total darkness (ajawfallayl or md bayn al-shafak wa 'l-fadjf), simply determined by subtracting morning and evening twilight from the time between sunset and sunrise. The 10th/16thcentury Cairene astronomer Muhammad b. Abi '1Khayr al-Husnl prepared a set of tables displaying the duration of morning and evening twilight at the equinoxes and solstices for a series of latitudes. The duration of twilight may also be determined with an astrolabe [see ASTURLAB], whose markings sometimes include a curve representing the solar depression at daybreak/nightfall below the horizon, enabling the user to measure the time taken from that depression to the eastern or western horizon. In the case of the astrolabic quadrant (rub*- al-mukantardt) [see RUB C ], two curves are often included whose distance from the meridian measures the duration of morning and evening twilight throughout the year (the meridian being cleverly substituted for the horizon). To explain the varying phenomena at twilight, it is assumed by Naslr al-Dm al-TusI and Kutb al-Dm alShTrazT [q. v. ] and others that the spherical earth is surrounded by a layer of vapour that contains earthy and watery components, thicker in the lower strata than in the upper ones. Around the veil of vapour is a layer of pure air. The sun's rays cast a shadow of the earth into these layers, the parts outside the shadow reflect the light and appear to shine. The earliest attempt to measure the height of the atmosphere was by the late 5th/llth-century Andalusian kadi Ibn Mu c adh. His work, lost in the original, was published as Liber de crepusculis in 1542 and, falsely associated with Ibn alHaytham [q. v. ] (the correct authorship was first established in Sabra, 1967), it was influential in Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries. Ibn Mu c adh "deserves credit for bringing together diverse views in meteorology and astronomy to form a coherent method for determining the height of the atmosphere" (Goldstein, 1977), even though his result, namely, 50 miles, was not satisfactory. More practical considerations of twilight are found in zidjs [q. v. ] and in works on time-keeping and on instrumentation. Bibliography: J.W. Redhouse, On the natural phenomenon known in the East by the name Sub-hi-kdzib, inJRAS, x (1878), 344-54; idem, Identification of the ' 'False Dawn " of the Muslims with the ' 'Zodiacal Light'' of the Europeans, in ibid., xx (1880), 327-34; L.A. Sedillot, Memoire sur les instruments astronomiques des Arabes, in Memoires presentees ...a I'Academie Royale des
Inscriptions, i (1844) (repr. Frankfurt 1989), 92-4; C. Schoy, Geschichtlich-astronomische Studien uber die Ddmmerung, in Naturwissenschaftliche Wochenschrift, xiv (1915), 209-14, repr. in idem, Beitrdge zur arabischislamischen Mathematik und Astronomic, 2 vols., Frankfurt 1988, i, 89-94; E. Wiedemann, Uber alSubh al-kddib (die falsche Ddmmerung), in Isl., iii (1922), 195, and idem, Erscheinungen bei der Ddmmerung und bei Sonnenfinsternissen nach arabischen Quellen, in Archivfiir Geschichte der Medizin, xv (1923), 43-52, both repr. in idem, Gesammelte Schriften zur arabisch-islamischen Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 3 vols., Frankfurt 1984, ii, 700, 1092-101; idem and J. Frank, Die Gebetszeiten im Islam, in SBPMS Erlangen, Iviii (1926), 1-32, repr. in idem, Aufsdtze zur arabischen Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 2 vols., Hildesheim and New York 1970, ii, 757-88. More recent studies of astronomical aspect of twilight include the following: A.I. Sabra, The authorship of the Liber de crepusculis, in his, Iviii (1967), 77-85; E.S. Kennedy and M.-L. Davidian, Al-Qayinion the duration of dawn and twilight, inJNES, xx (1961), 145-53, repr. in Kennedy et alii, Studies in the Islamic exact sciences, Beirut 1983, 284-92; E.S. Kennedy, The Exhaustive Treatise on Shadows by ... alBirum, 2 vols., Aleppo 1976, esp. i, 210-44, and ii, 132-53, with a summary in idem, Al-Birum on the Muslim times of prayer, in P. Chelkowski (ed.), The scholar and the saint: studies in commemoration of Abu 'lRayhdn al-Birum andjaldl al-Dm al-Rumi, New York 1975, 83-94, repr. m'idemetal., Studies ..., 299-310; D.A. King, Ibn Yunus' Very Useful Tables for reckoning time by the sun, in Archive for History of Exact Science, x (1973), 342-94, esp. 365-8, and idem, Astronomical timekeeping in fourteenth-century Syria, in Procs. of the First International Symposium for the Hist, of Arabic Science, Aleppo, 1976, 2 vols., Aleppo 1978, ii, 75-84, esp. pi. 6, idem, al-Khalili's Auxiliary Tables for solving problems of spherical astronomy, injnal. for the Hist, of Astronomy, iv (1973), 99-110, esp. 102-103, and idem, Astronomical time-keeping in Ottoman Turkey, in M. Dizer(ed.), Procs. of the International Symposium on the Observatories in Islam, Istanbul 1977, 245-69, esp. 249, all repr. in idem, Islamic mathematical astronomy, London 1986, 2Aldershot 1993, nos. IX-XII; B.R. Goldstein, Refraction, twilight, and the height of the atmosphere, in Vistas in Astronomy, xx (1976), 105-7, and idem, Ibn Mucddh's treatise on twilight and the height of the atmosphere, in Archive for Hist, of Exact Science, xvii (1977), 97-118, both repr. in idem, Theory and observation in ancient and medieval astronomy, London 1985, nos. IX-X; F.J. Ragep, Nasir al-Din al- Tusi's memoir on astronomy (al- Tadhkira f i cilm alhayty, 2 vols., New York etc. 1993, i, 294-99, and ii, 485-88. For an illustration of an astrolabe plate marked with curves for twilight (as well as for the times of the zuhr and ^asr prayers) see R.T. Gunther, The astrolabes of the world, 2 vols., Oxford 1932, repr. (in 1 vol.) London 1976, i, 296. For two quadrants bearing markings for twilight, see S. Cluzan et alii (eds.), Syrie, memoire et civilisation, Paris 1993, 438, 442-3. (E. WlEDEMANN-[D.A. KlNC])
SHAFIC B. CALI AL- C ASKALANI, Nasir al-Din, h i s t o r i a n of M a m l u k Egypt (born Dhu '1-Hidjdja 649/February-March 1252, died 24 Shacban 730/ 12 June 1330). The son of a sister of the chancery clerk Ibn cAbd al-Zahir [q.v.], he served as clerk first Baraka Khan b. Baybars, then Kalawun [#.z>.]. His official career ended when he was blinded by an arrow at the battle of Hims (680/1281) [q.v.], although he claimed to have
SHAFIC B. C ALI — AL-SHAFI C I played a significant part in the abrogation of the truce with the Latin kingdom (689/1290). He spent his long retirement as a litterateur and bibliophile. His numerous writings in verse and prose included a biography of Baybars, covertly critical both of the late sultan and of his previous biographer, Ibn c Abd alZahir (Kitdb Husn al-mandkib al-sirriyya al-muntaza^a min al-sira al-Zdhiriyya, ed. c Abd al-cAziz al-Khuwaytir, alRiyad 1396/1976); and also biographies of Kalawun and his two sons, al-Ashraf KhalTl and al-Nasir Muhammad. The first is probably al-Fadl al-ma^thur min sirat al-Malik al-Mansur (Bodleian, ms. Marsh 424), which appears to be a compilation of pieces finally put together ca. 693/1293. Bibliography: The earliest biographical notice of Shafi c was by his personal acquaintance, Safadi, alWdfi bi 'l-wafaydt, xvi, 77-85 (no. 97). Kutubl, Fawdt al-wafaydt, ii, 93-5 (no. 187), gives a somewhat inaccurate abridgement of this. The notice by Ibn Hadjdjar, al-Durar al-kdmina, ii, 234-7 (no. 1922), is partially drawn from SafadT but gives more precise data on his relationship to Ibn cAbd alZahir and his birth- and death-dates. See also P.M. Holt, Some observations on Shdfi^ b. c'-All's biography of Baybars, in JSS, xxix/1 (1984), 123-30; idem, A chancery clerk in medieval Egypt, in Eng. Hist. Review, ci, no. 400 (1986), 671-9; idem, The presentation of Qaldwun by Shdfic b. cAlt, in C.E. Bosworth et alii (eds.), The Islamic world from classical to modern times. Essays in honor of Bernard Lewis, Princeton 1989, 141-501 _ (P.M. HOLT) SHAFICA YAZDI, Danishmand Khan, a high noble in the Mughal E m p i r e . A Persian by birth, he studied both rational and traditional sciences in the country of his birth. He came to India as a merchant and traded at Ahmadnagar. He entered imperial service in 1060/1650 under Shah Djahan and was given the rank of 1,000/100. In 1065/1654-5 he was given the title of Danishmand Khan which suggested the Emperor's high opinion of his intellectual talents (ddnishmand, lit. "scholar, sage") and in 1068/1657-8 he was appointed Mir Bakhshi but he resigned the same year. In 1070/1659-60 Awrangzib, the new Emperor, raised his rank to 4,000/2,000, and in 1076/1665-6 to 5,000/2,500. He was appointed Governor of Dihli, but soon afterwards, in 1078/16678, a central administration minister (Mir Bakhshi). He died in 1081/1670. Danishmand Khan is also known to us from the letters of Francois Bernier who had taken his service in the 1660s. Danishmand Khan showed great interest in European sciences, and had Bernier expound to him the discoveries of Harvey and Pacquet and the philosophy of Gassendi and Descartes. The Italian traveller Manucci shares Bernier's high opinion of Danishmand Khan's wisdom and learning. Bibliography: Muhammad Warith, Bddshdhndma (continuation of Abu '1-Hamid Lahori's Bddshdh-ndma), I.O. ms. Ethe, 329; Muhammad Salih Kanbu, ^Amal-i Sdlih, iii, ed. G. Yazdani, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1923-46; Muhammad Kazim, c Alam gir-ndma, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1865-73; Shah Nawaz Khan, Ma^dthir al-umard3, ii, ed. Molvi Abdur Rahim, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1888; F. Bernier, Travels in the Mughal empire, 1656-68, tr. A. Constable, 2London 1916; N. Manucci, Storia do Mogor, 1656-1712, ii, tr. W. Irvine, London 1907-8; M. Athar Ali, The apparatus of empire. Awards of ranks, offices and titles to the Mughal nobility, 1574-1658, New Delhi 1_985._ (M. ATHAR ALI) AL-SHAFI C I, al-Imam ABU CABD ALLAH c MUHAMMAD B. IDRIS b. al- Abbas b. c Uthman b.
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Shafic b. al-SaDib b. c Ubayd b. cAbd Yazld b. Hashim b. al-Muttalib b. cAbd Manaf b. Kusayy al-Kurashi, the eponym, rather than the founder, of the Shafici school (madhhab) [ q . v . ] . 1. L i f e . The biographers are all agreed in dating the birth of al-ShaficI in 150/767, the year of the death of Abu Hanlfa [ q . v . ] , a tradition, related by al-Aburl (d. 363/974) and often disputed, placing the two events on the very same day. According to the most ancient preserved source (Ibn Abl Hatim al-Razi (d. 327/939), Addb al-Shdfft wa-mandkibuhu, Aleppo n.d., 21-3), al-Shafici was born either at cAskalan, a town on the southern coast of Palestine, or in the Yemen, while most biographers incline rather towards Ghazza, likewise in southern Palestine (also mentioned, less frequently, is Mina near Mecca). His genealogy was one of the most prestigious since, while being a Kurashi, he was a Muttalibi on his father's side, thus a distant relative of the Prophet (al-Muttalib was the brother of Hashim, paternal great-grandfather of Muhammad). His mother was, according to different sources, either of the Yemeni tribe of Azd [ q . v . ] , or a direct descendent from CA1T b. Abl Talib [q. v . } , cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet. This latter hypothesis, disputed by Fakhr al-Din alRazi but retained by al-Subkl (Tabakdt al-Shdfi^iyya alkubrd, Cairo n.d., i, 193-5) merits consideration for the extent to which it could partially account for the attitude of al-ShaficI at the time of his mihna (see below). This genealogy, which has been disputed, is always cited in connection with various hadiths of the Prophet—"The Imams are of Kuraysh", "Learn from the KurashTs and do not seek to teach them anything", etc.—with the evident intention of stressing the fundamental superiority of al-Shafici, and thereby of the school which claims him, over the other Imams. Similarly, it is often considered that al-Shafici was the renewer (mud^addid) of religion (who, according to another hadith, is sent by God "at the beginning of each century") of the 2nd century A.H. At the age of two (or ten according to the source which places his birth in the Yemen), orphaned of his father, al-ShaficI was taken by his mother, who seems to have been totally without means, to Mecca where they had relatives. Living in humble style in the Shicb al-Khayf, the young al-ShaficT seems to have become avidly interested in activities appropriate to his status as a member of the tribal aristocracy: poetry and, in particular, archery. His eloquence and his knowledge of the Arabic language—acquired, it is said (Ibn Farhun, al-Dibddj_al-mudhahhab, Cairo n.d., ii, 157), in the course of prolonged wanderings with Hudhayl [ q . v . ] , a tribe of northern Arabia renowned for the beauty of its speech—have remained highly respected and are said to have been praised by al-Djahiz [q.v.]; a collection of poems (diwdn) attributed to him has also survived (numerous editions in Cairo). Having furthermore become an excellent archer—"hitting the bull's-eye nine (or ten) times out of ten"—he seems to have composed a treatise on archery, an extract from which was to be reproduced in a section of the Kitdb al-Umm (ed. Dar al-Shacb (photomechanical reprod. of the Bulak edition, 1321-5/1902-6), Cairo n.d., iv, 149-55; a (manuscript) K. al-Sabk wa 'l-ramy is attributed to al-ShaficT, cf. F. Sezgin, GAS, i, 490). At a very early age, al-Shafici was torn between the pursuit of these very mundane activities and the "quest for knowledge" (talab al-cilm). According to an anecdote related by the biographers, one day, after al-
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Shafi c i had demonstrated his talents as an archer, one of the spectators, c Amr b. Sawwad, told him that he was a better scholar than an archer (antafi 'l-cilm akbar minkafi 'l-ramy); a compliment which apparently persuaded him to devote himself entirely to study (Ibn Abl Hatim, Addb, 22-3). In Mecca, the principal masters of al-ShaficI were Muslim b. Khalid al-ZandjI (d. 179/795 or 180/796), of whom little is known other than that he was the jurisconsult (mufti) of the city, and Sufyan b. cUyayna (d. 198/813) who was also, later, the master of Ibn Hanbal. At fifteen (or eighteen) years old, al-Shafici is said to have received his master's permission to issue judicial decisions (fatwds) in his own right. At the same time, the reputation of a master of Medina, the Imam Malik b. Anas (95-179/715-95 [q.v.]) was in the ascendant and it was to him that al-Shafici resolved to turn in order to complete his legal education. According to Ibn Abl Hatim al-RazI, while still in Mecca al-Shafi c I obtained a copy of the Muwatta3—the principal work of Malik—and learned it by heart before introducing himself to Malik in ca. 170/786, persistently asking his permission to recite it to him. After initial hesitation, Malik agreed and was very pleasantly surprised by the eloquence of the other, who was to become one of his disciples (Ibn Abl Hatim, Adab, 27-8). Al-Shafi c i remained in Medina as a pupil of Malik until the latter's death, a period of about ten years (Fakhr al-Dln al-RazI, Mandkib al-Imdm al-Shdfici, Cairo 1986, 45). Al-ShaficI was always to consider Malik his supreme master but, being of a resolutely independent spirit, he was later to allow himself an extremely critical K. Ikhtildf Malik wa 'l-Shdfi^i, in fact a refutation of Malik which, in the form in which it has survived, is the work of al-RabIc al-Muradl (d. 270884), an Egyptian disciple of al-ShaficI, a book for which the Malikls, of Egypt especially, were not to forgive him (ed. with the K. al-Umm, vii, 177-249; see in this connection R. Brunschvig, Polemiques medievales autour du rite de Malik, in Etudes d'Islamologie, ii, 65101). In consequence, the Malik! school was to issue a polemical literature aimed directly at al-Shafi c T himself (the K. al-Radd ^ald 'l-Shdfft by Abu Bakr Muhammad b. al-Labbad al-Kayrawanl, d. 333/944, published Tunis 1986), which definitely deserves to be studied to the same degree as the better-known debates between ShaficTs and HanafTs. At Medina, al-ShaficI had other masters including in particular, a disturbing fact for his Sunn! biographers, Ibrahim b. Abl Yahya (d. 184/800 or 191/807) of whom the heresiographers maintain that he was a follower of the Mu c tazila [q. v . } ; but according to Fakhr al-Dm al-RazT (Mandkib, 44), this master is said to have taught him only Law (fikh) and Tradition (hadith) and nothing in relation to theology (usul al-diri). On account of the contradictions presented by the biographers, it becomes difficult to tra£e with precision the life of al-ShaficT after this first fitidjazl episode of his existence. Was he already in c lrak between 177/793 and 179/795, and did he compose there the K. al-Hudjdia (lost), as stated by Fakhr al-Dln al-RazT? In which case, how can he also write that al-Shafi c I remained as a pupil of Malik at Medina until the latter's death, i.e. until 179/795? According to al-Bayhaki (d. 458/1066), al-Shafi c I's first period of residence in c lrak dated from 195/811 to 197/813; which seems improbable since he is reckoned when there to have visited al-Shaybam, who died in 189/805. The following events, widely attested, in the life of al-Shafi c i, may however be accepted as genuine, although they
cannot be dated with precision (all dates given here, with the exception of that of the death of al-ShaficT, are hypothetical). It appears certain that it was shortly after having completed his education that al-ShaficT was summoned to perform some official function at Nadjran (in the north of Yemen) and that it was during this period that he compromised himself by joining the partisans of the Hasanid Yahya b. cAbd Allah (regarding him and the revolt which he led, see H. Laoust, Les schismes dans I'lslam, Paris 1983, 76-7). According to Ibn al-Nadlm (d. 385/995 [q.v.]), al-ShaficI was a fervent Shici (wa-kdna al-Shdfi^i shadidan fi 'l-tashayyu^: Fihrist, Beirut 1978, 295); if this was genuinely the case, it can only be understood in a strictly political sense. This episode, which the biographers call the "test" (mihnd) or the "crisis" (fitna) of al-Shafici, ended, at some point in the decade following 180, with his appearance before the caliph Harun al-Rashld at Rakka. It was through the intervention of the eminent jurist Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybani [q.v.]—a much favoured courtier and himself a former pupil of Malik and of Abu Hanlfa—that al-ShaficI was pardoned, perhaps after a spell in prison, by the caliph (although the other nine co-defendants were executed). According to the hagiographic version of this mihna, al-ShaficT's salvation was entirely his own achievement, obtained by his re-affirmation of loyalty to al-Rashid and by "the strength of his argument" (kuwwat hudjdjatih). Al-ShaficT was not subsequently to occupy any official function, refusing the caliph's offer of the post of judge (kddi) of Yemen. Al-Shafi c T took up a first period of residence (of two years?) in c lrak (either before, or just after his mihnd), during which he furthered his acquaintance with the school of fikh which had developed there, at the initiative of Abu Hanlfa in particular, and which continued to flourish there largely through the efforts of his two disciples Abu Yusuf [q.v.] and al-Shaybani (the text of the disputation (mundzardt) between the latter and al-ShaficT is preserved in the Mandkib of Fakhr al-Dln). Al-Shafi c T was a regular frequenter of the latter's circle and was later to devote a refutation to him, the K. al-Radd ^aid Muhammad b. al-Hasan (K. al-Umm, vii, 277-303). After this first period in c lrak, al-ShaficT returned to Mecca where, moving gradually from the status of disciple to that of master, he stayed for some nine years. Ca. 195/811, he is again found in Baghdad for a period of approximately two years during which he composed the first version of the Risdla (lost) and various texts containing what the ShaficTs call "the ancient (doctrine)" (al-kadim) of al-Shafi c T. In 198/813, probably after another visit to the Hidjaz, he is- once again in Baghdad, but for only a few months. It was during this period, probably in Mecca, that al-Shafi c T met Ibn Hanbal (d. 241/855 [q.v.]), but despite the abundance in the biographies of anecdotes linking the two, it does not seem that they were well acquainted. Little is known of the reasons which induced alShaficT to emigrate and to settle definitively at Fustat in Egypt (according to certain sources he had already spent time there in 188/804). He was probably invited there by the governor al- c Abbas b. cAbd Allah (according to Yakut) but it seems probable that it was in fact the isolation imposed on him, in the Hidjaz, by the predominance of the disciples of Malik and, in Baghdad, by that of the disciples of al-Shaybam, which persuaded him to attempt the foundation of a school elsewhere. At Fustat, he was initially well received, regarded probably as a disciple of Malik, by the major MalikI
AL-SHAFI C I family of the Banu cAbd al-Hakam. Before writing a refutation of al-Shafici and returning to the ranks of the Malikis, Muhammad b. cAbd Allah b. cAbd alHakam (d. 268/881) was one of his most fervent disciples. However, al-Shafici very soon became a target for the criticism of the Egyptian Malikis, who sought without success to have him banished by the authorities. The life of al-Shafici was clearly that of an undesirable. It was however in Egypt—he lectured in the mosque of c Amr—that al-Shafi c T's teaching had its greatest impact; his principal disciples were Egyptians and subsequently Shaficism competed successfully with Malikism for supremacy in Egypt [see SHAFICIYYA] . It was here that al-ShaficT composed the new version of his Risdla (the one which has survived) and the majority of the texts collected in the K. al- Umm. The circumstances of his death, at 54 years old, the last day of Radjab 204/20 January 820, remain uncertain: according to some, he died as a result of a violent assault at the hands of a fanatical Malik! while others speak of sickness. He was buried in the tomb of the Banu cAbd al-Hakam at the foot of the Mukattam Hills. The architectural complex, frequently altered and restored, which surrounds his mausoleum, was erected under the Ayyubids. His tomb is today the object of particular veneration (along with the nearby tombs of the Imam al-Layth and of others, it forms part of a "tour" which takes place on Thursdays), and every year his mawlid, one of Cairo's most important dates, is lavishly celebrated (one aspect of the popular devotion surrounding al-ShaficI is studied in S. cUways, Zdhirat irsdl al-rasd^il ild danh al-Imdm alShdfici, Cairo 1978). Married twice, al-ShaftCI had four children: two sons, Abu c Uthman (who was kadi of Aleppo) and Abu '1-Hasan, and two daughters, Fatima and Zaynab. Reference may be made to SHAFI C IYYA for a list of the principal disciples of al-Shafici. 2. D o c t r i n e . a. Theology (usul al-din, cilm al-kaldm). Over the years, a considerable quantity of ink has been expended in addressing the question of the theological views of al-Shafi c i. In reality, the interest accorded to this question in the post-al-ShaficI period seems to be inversely proportional to the interest in the subject shown by al-Shaft c i himself; the few references to the ahl al-kaldm (an expression which, at the time, denoted the Muctazills) in his work are always linked to issues of a legal and not of a theological nature (J. Schacht, The origins of Muhammadan jurisprudence, Oxford 1950, 258-9). It is therefore appropriate to treat with great caution (1) the various professions of faith attributed to al-ShaficI which give the impression that his thinking was in some ways a prefiguration of Ashcarism (alAsh^ariyya [q. v . ] ) , (the K. al-Fikh al-akbar fi 'l-tawhid, Cairo 1324/1906, is clearly apocryphal and the authenticity of the K. Wasiyyat al-Shdfici, ed. Kern in MSOS, xiii [1910], 141-5, is doubtful), and at other times a prefiguration of Hanbalism (cf. the creed C~akida) attributed to al-Shafi c i in the Tabakdt alHandbila of Ibn Abi Yacla, Beirut n.d., i, 283-4); and (2) the observations related by AshcarT Shaficls, such as Fakhr al-DTn al-Raz! or al-Subki, depicting alShaficT as favouring the exercise of SYrn al-kaldm and those, related by traditionalist Shaftcls, which show him hostile to this discipline (e.g. Ibn AbT Hatim, Addb, 182-9). In this context, the literature as a whole derives largely from retrospective projection, and the debates to which it refers were not to become crucial
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in Islam until after the death of al-Shafici (more precisely, after the mihna [q.v.] revolving round the question of the creation of the Kur'an, which began in 218/833). A recent interpretation of the work of al-ShaftCT, open to objection on the grounds that it, too, borrows from this dubious retrospection on the part of biographers, depicts him as a traditionalist whose primary purpose was to oppose the development of socalled "rationalist" theology (G. Makdisi, in SI, lix [1984], 5-47). b. Usulal-fikh. It was, allegedly, at the request of c Abd al-Rahman b. Mahdi, a traditionist of Basra who died in 198/813, that al-Shaftci composed the Risdla (numerous editions since 1894, of which the best is that of A.M. Shakir, Cairo 1940 with numerous re-issues; Eng. tr. M. Khadduri, repr. Cambridge 1987; partial Fr. tr. Ph. Rancillac, in MIDEO, xi [1972], 127-326) and thus instituted the science of usul al-fikh which was later to be elevated to a privileged position in the classical canon of Islamic scholarship (statements denying to al-ShaftcT the credit for having founded this science should be regarded as strictly polemical). The text which is currently available, in the form of two manuscripts, was very likely composed in Egypt and reflects the final stage in the legal thinking of al-Shaftci, who had composed a substantially different version (al-risdla alkadimd) while resident in c lrak. As a result of the works of I. Goldziher, who had no knowledge of the Risdla (Die Zahiriten. Ihr Lehrsystem und ihre Geschichte, Leipzig 1884, Eng. tr. The Zdhiris, Leiden 1971) and ofj. Schacht (Origins, and An introduction to Islamic law, Oxford 1964, Fr. tr. Introduction au droit musulmane, Paris 1983), the contribution of alShafi c T to Islamic legal thought—which he raised to the status of a science—is customarily regarded as a synthesis between the two major directions hitherto followed in terms of the elaboration offikh, with which he was thoroughly familiar: on the one hand, that of his master Malik and on the other that of Abu Hanifa, as represented by al-Shaybam. In the depth of its inspiration, the Shafician synthesis would nevertheless be more faithful to the spirit of the former and could be placed under the rubric of traditionalism. The fundamental idea around which the entire legal thought of al-ShaficI is developed in the Risdla is that, to every act performed by a believer who is subject to the Law (mukallaf) there corresponds a statute (hukni) belonging to the revealed Law (shari^d). This legal statute is either presented as such in the scriptural sources (the Kur'an and the Sunna), which al-Shaft C I calls "the foundation" (al-asl), or is it possible, by means of analogical reasoning (kiyds [q. v. ]) to infer it from the asl, the latter being the bearer of a latent "rationally deducible content", the ma^kul al-asl? All the efforts of al-Shafi c T—and herein lies his originality in comparison with his predecessors—were subsequently to be applied to defining with precision, establishing critically and ranking in order of priority these different sources (asl and mackul al-asl) and to determining the modalities of their usage. It is no doubt the critical effort characterising Shafi c ian legal thought which explains to a large extent the open hostility or the indifference with which the Risdla was initially received among jukaho? of all persuasions. Furthermore, the simple fact that al-Shaft^T had chosen to write a treatise on this subject entailed a systematisation, a codification and, up to a point, a rationalisation of understanding the Law, the fikh, which were soon to provoke tensions which would not be resolved until much later. The principal attainments of the legal thought of al-
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Shafici consist in (1) the definition of the Sunna [q. v. ], and (2) the systematisation of analogical reasoning. As regards the Sunna, it is appropriate, according to al-Shaficr, to identify it strictly with the sayings (akwdl), the acts (af-dl) and the tacit acquiescence (ikrdr) of the one Prophet as related in solidly established traditions; in other words, it is no longer possible to suppose naively that the various existing local traditions faithfully reflect the practice of the Prophet. The argument, reinforced by a radical critique ofconformism (taklid[q.v.]), was principally directed against Malik and his disciples, who tended to assimilate the practice (Carnal) of Medina to that of the Prophet for the reason, theoretically indefensible, that the Medinans had directly inherited the tradition of the Prophet because he had lived there. As for analogical reasoning, identified with idjtihdd [q. v. ], the function of which is to fill gaps left by the KuPan and the Sunna, al-ShaficI distinguishes between two types: ''analogy by cause" (kiyds almacnd)—the kiyds al-Hlla of the post-Shafician theoreticians—and the less authoritative "analogy by resemblance" (kiyds al-shabah). Common to both of them is the imperative obligation to rely upon a legal proof (dalil shar^i), which may sometimes be difficult for the jurist to trace but of which, through postulating, the existence is certain. The argument, this time, is directed rather against Abu HanTfa and his partisans who were reputed to rely on ra^y and istihsdn [q.v.], i.e. on freer forms of reasoning, less closely tied to the revealed datum. In using such reasoning, al-ShaficT was to claim that man introduces arbitrariness (tahakkum) into the comprehension of the Law and that in so doing he substitutes himself for God and the Prophet (al-Ghazall attributes to him the maxim man istahsanafa-kadshara^a), the only legitimate legislators of the community. It is evident that al-Shafici maintains his distance from Malik, as from Abu Hanlfa and his successor alShaybanl, and that in fact he has placed the two parties side-by-side in formally addressing to them the same message "Return to the proof. Considering his work from this perspective, al-ShaficT was anything but a traditionalist, since he profoundly modified the notion, hitherto predominant among jurists, that the community was still in direct and immediate contact with the Revelation. After the passing of al-ShaficT, on the other hand, the jurists would be obliged to interpret the reception of the revealed Law by referring to a legal theory which became ever more complex. It should be noted that the Risdla remained a dead letter for more than a century and that the science of the usul al-fikh, inherited from al-ShaficT, was not really developed until after the 4th/10th century. But it is not certain, on the other hand, that this means that the importance traditionally accorded to this work is exaggerated (a thesis recently propounded by W.B. Hallaq in IJMES, xxv [1993], 587-605, in reply to N.J. Coulson, A history of Islamic law, Edinburgh 1964, 53-61, Fr. tr. Histoire du droit islamique, Paris 1995, 52-60). In addition to the Risdla, two other texts of alShaficT's legal theory have been preserved, and these have yet to receive the attention that they deserve: the K. Ibtdl al-istihsdn (published with the K. al-Umm, vii, 267-77), and the K. Djimd^ al-cilm (in ibid., 250-62, another ed. by A.M. Shakir, Cairo 1940). c. Fikh. In the absence of any monograph devoted to the practical law elaborated by al-ShaficI, the present writer is obliged to confine himself to indicating the texts which could serve as a basis for such a study (the later Shafici texts of fikh, some of which have been
translated, are the work of the major mudjtahids and do not necessarily reflect the fikh of al-Shafi c f). Great confusion prevails among the biographers in regard to the works of fikh of al-Shafici (see, in this context, the attempt at clarification of the Shafician bibliography by Muhammad Abu Zahra, al-Shdfict, Cairo n.d., 134-49). Just as in the field of legal theory, two distinct periods in the activity of al-ShaficT are to be identified here. The first took place in the Hidjaz and in c lrak and led to the production of a book intitled K. al-Hudjdja, probably a compilation, of which the transmitter reputed to be the most reliable was Abu C A1I al-Hasan al-Zacfaram (d. 260/874), a Baghdad! disciple of al-ShaficI. This work has not survived. The "new (doctrine)" (al-ajadid) was elaborated in Egypt during the last years of al-Shafici's life and is to be found recorded in the monumental K. al-Umm, the edition of which cited above also contains, in vol. vii, numerous other texts of al-ShaficT, some, according to J. Schacht (cf. Origins, 330), dating from the clraki period. In the current state of knowledge it is impossible to determine with certainty whether the Mabsut, mentioned by al-Bayhak! in particular as belonging among the works of al-Shafi c f, is, as seems probable, the same book as the K. al-Umm. Also available is an Ahkdm al-Kur^dn (ed. alKawtharT, 2 vols., n.d.), a treatise dealing with the legal statutes present in the Kur'an which is not the one, now lost, composed by al-ShaficT himself. It is in fact a work of compilation undertaken by the great Shaficl al-Bayhaki (d. 458/1066) on the basis of different texts of al-ShaficT. d. Hadith. A promoter of the introduction of the critique of traditions into the legal sciences (J. Schacht, Introduction, 36), inasmuch as, for him, prophetic traditions are the only means of access to knowledge of the Sunna, al-Shaficf, as a traditionist (muhaddith), is the author of a Musnad and of a K. Ikhtildf al-hddith (ed. with the K. al-Umm, respectively, vi, in the margins, 2-277', and vii, in the margins, 2-414). In this domain, al-ShaficI was the object of numerous criticisms both on the part of the Malikls and, subsequently, of the disciples of Ibn Hanbal. He was reproached in particular for having been an unreliable transmitter (rdwi) (neither al-Bukhari, nor Muslim accepted traditions transmitted by him), for having argued certain points of doctrine on the basis of dubious traditions, while being himself very rigorous on this point, in theory, and for having placed his trust in unacceptable transmitters such as Ibrahim b. Abl Yahya. The Bay an khata^ man akhta^a '-aid 'l-Shdfi'-i "Revelation of the error of those who tax al-ShaficI with error" (Beirut 1986) of al-Bayhakl seeks to exonerate al-ShaficI from these accusations. A list, incomplete, of the ruwdt on whose authority al-ShaficI transmitted hodith and of those who relied upon his authority for transmission in their turn, is supplied by Ibn Farhun (al-Dibdoj_, ii, 157). e. O t h e r s . The biographers make frequent mention of al-Shafi c T's extensive knowledge in the fields of medicine (tibb), of physiognomy (firdsd), also stating that, before turning away from it, he was interested in astrology (al-nudjum). Bibliography (in addition to the works and articles cited in the text): 1. Biography. A. Arabic sources: 1. All Tabakdt works: al-cAbbadi (Tabakdt al-fukahd^ al-shdffayya, Leiden 1964, 6-7), al-ShirazT (Tabakdt al-fukaho?, Beirut n.d., 60-2), etc., include a brief notice concerning al-ShaficI; 2. Among the hagiographies, the ones most often cited, with those of Ibn Abl Hatim and of Fakhr al-DTn al-RazT, are those of al-Bayhakl (Mandkib al-Shdfi^i, Cairo 1970)
AL-SHAFI C I — AL-SHAFI C IYYA and of al-cAskalam (Tawali al-ta^sis bi-ma^ah Ibn Idns, Cairo 1883); 3. Among biographical dictionaries, that of al-Dhahabl (Siyar acldm al-nubald:', Beirut 1981-88, x, 5-99) assembles a mass of information, as does the shorter work of al-NawawI, Tahdhib al-asmo? wa 'l-lughdt, Beirut n.d., i, 44-67; 4. Among modern works, besides that of Muh. Abu Zahra (above), cAbd al-Razik, al-Imdm al-Shdfi^i, Cairo 1945; al-Baghdadi, Mandkib al-Imdm alShdfft, Mecca 1910; M. Mustafa, K. al-Djawhar alnafisfi ta^nkh hay at al-Imdm Ibn Idns, Cairo 1908. B. In western languages: E.F. Bishop, Al-Shdfi^T..., in MW, xix (1929), 156-75; J. Schacht, On Shafts life..., in Stud. or. Pedersen, Copenhagen 1953, 31826; F. Wiistenfeld, Der Imam al-Shdfi^i..., Gottingen 1890-1. Supplementary references in Sezgin, GAS, i, 485-6. 2. D o c t r i n e . M. Arkoun, Le concept de raison islamique, in Pour une critique de la raison islamique, Paris 1984, 64-99 (contemporary reading of the Risdld); J. Burton, The sources of Islamic law, Edinburgh 1990 (study of the Shafician theory of abrogation); N. C alder, Ikhtildf and idjmd^ in Shape's Risdla, in SI, Iviii (1983), 55-81; E. Chaumont, La problematique classique de /'idjtihad..., in SI, Ixxv (1992), 105-39 (theory of idjtihdd in the Risdla and its evolution); idem, Tout chercheur qualifie dit-il juste?, \r\Lacontroverseetsesformes, Paris 1995, 11-27 (Shafi c ian theory of the divergence of opinion in legal matters and its evolution); K.A. Faruki, AlShdffo's agreements..., in SI, x (1971), 129-36; L.I. Graf, Al-Shdfici's Verhandeling..., Leiden 1934; M. Hamidullah, Contribution of ash-Shafi^i..., in Jernal Undang-Undang, ii (1975), 48-58; A. Hasan, AlShafft's role..., in SI, v (1966), 239-73; H. Laoust, Sdfici et le kalam d'apres Rdzi, in Recherches dTslamologie..., Louvain-la-Neuve 1978, 389-401; D.B. Macdonald, The development of Muslim theology..., London 1985; Ph. Rancillac, Des origines du droit musulman a la Risala d'al-Shafi^i, in MIDEO, xiii(1977), 147-69; J. Schacht, Origins (above), currently out of favour, remains a text of reference; A.M. Turki, La logique juridique des origines jusqu'a Shdfft, in SI, Ivii (1983), 31-45; W. Montgomery Watt, The formative period of Islamic thought, Edinburgh 1973, index. (E. CHAUMONT) AL SHAFICIYYA, a legal school (madhhab) of Sunn! Islam whose members claim to follow the teachings of the Imam al-ShaficT (d. 204/820 [q.v.]). Origins (first half of the 3rd/9th century}. The issue of the institution of the ShaficT madhhab remains poorly understood, and it poses a series of problems, fundamental as well as chronological, which are not confined to this school alone, applying in an identical manner to the emergence of other legal schools within the Islamic legal system. In reference to the Shafici school, the fundamental problem is essentially the following: the Imam alShaficl is the author of a radical criticism of judicial conformism (taklid [q.v.]), developed in his celebrated Risdla (ed. Shakir, Cairo 1940; numerous re-editions in Cairo and in Beirut), which sought, on the one hand, to discredit the living local traditions as a source of religious Law, and on the other, to insist that the doctrines of the Imams could no longer be invoked in legal issues without additional proof of the authority attributed to these great masters. Furthermore, the biographers credit al-ShaficI with a series of solemn declarations strictly forbidding others to claim him as a teacher or to make his doctrine, after his death, the object of a new conformism. If reference is to be made to ShaficT thought, the very existence of a school thus
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appears contradictory from the outset. There can be no doubt that this fundamental anomaly at the very heart of the institution of judicial schools was very soon perceived by Muslim jurists, who sought to resolve it in various manners (ranging from the refusal, rare and soon inadmissible, to belong to any school whatsoever, to the most blind acceptance of the undisputed superiority of the Imams, with various intermediate solutions seeking to legitimise the existence of the schools while avoiding the danger of taklid). Unfortunately, this issue has yet to be examined in depth. As a general rule, the question of adherence to one madhhab or to another should be further sub-divided according to the nature of the adherent: whether the case of a scholar-jurist (^dlim), or of one who is secular in religious matters (cdmmt). Every secular person is obliged to refer himself to a recognised scholar (recognition depending on a number of criteria, some of them controversial) of his choice when a question relating to the Shari^a [q.v.] is put to him and it behoves him to act in conformity (kallada) with the opinion which he has sollicited. For him, the only means of access to the knowledge of legal statutes is taklid. Theoretically, the adherence of a secular Muslim to a specific judicial school is thus consequent upon the choice to act in conformity with one scholar rather than with another: he will be called a "Shafici" if he appeals to the authority of a jurist claiming the legacy of Shaficism and the only personal effort which is (sometimes) required of him is to decide upon the relative worth of the Imams and subsequently to choose, in a logical and sincere manner, the school to which he will belong (hence the existence, in each school, of a literature, yet to be studied, directed towards a broad public which is educated, but insufficiently, or not at all, versed in legal matters, which seeks to prove the superiority of such an Imam over such another; thus there is, among the ShaficTs, the unedited Mughit al-khalk f i baydn al-ahakk of alDjuwayni). However, the adherence of a secular person to a madhhab is not necessarily definitive or strict; he may, on the one hand, change his school, and on the other, according to certain authors, he has the right, in a particular matter, to refer in an exceptional fashion to a scholar belonging to a school other than that whose doctrine he normally follows. The question of the chronology of the emergence of the madhhab?,, and in particular of the Shafici one, is likewise imperfectly resolved. According to J. Schacht (Introduction to Islamic law, Oxford 1964, 58), the inception of a school laying claim to al-ShaficI and seeking to propagate his doctrine ("doctrine" is, alongside "way", one of the senses of the word madhhab), is to be credited to the very first generation of disciples of al-Shafici and, more specifically, to alMuzanl(see below), who, in compiling a "summary" (mukhtasar) of the doctrines of al-ShaficT (text edited in the margins of the K. al-Umm of al-Shafici, Cairo n.d., i-vi) would allegedly have laid the foundations of the institutionalisation of this doctrine. This hypothesis is confirmed by the history of judicial science (fikh [q. v. ]) in the Islamic community presented by a ShaficT author of the very first rank, Abu Ishak al-Shlrazi (d. 479/1083 [q.v.]). In his "list of jurists", the latter classifies the first Muslim jurists according to geographical criteria (jurists of Medina, of Mecca, of Yemen, of Syria, of Egypt, etc.). On the other hand, the geographic criterion is not retained for the immediate disciples of the Imams al-Shafici, Abu Hanlfa (d. 150/767 [q.v.]), Ibn Hanbal (d. 241/845 [q.v.]), Malik (d. 179/795 [q. v. ]) and Dawud b. CA1I b. Khalaf
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(d. 270/884 [q.v.]): "Then, subsequently", writes alShTrazi, "in all the lands where Islam was present, the judicial science (fikh) passed into the hands of the disciples of al-Shafici, of Abu Hanifa, of Malik, of Ahmad [b. Hanbal] and of Dawud and was propagated by them in the regions. Imams claiming allegiance to them—to the five above-mentioned Imams—were eager to demonstrate the superiority of their madhhabs and their doctrines (akwdiy (alShTrazI, Tabakdt al-fukahd^, Beirut n.d., 108). It seems, however, quite probable that Ishak al-ShfrazT was proceeding here towards an a posteriori reconstruction and that the birth of the ShaficT madhhab in the sense of a genuine institution is probably later than he indicates (the evolution of the institution of madhhabs definitely deserves more attentive study). It is thus appropriate to locate the birth of these socalled "personal" schools (as opposed to the former schools known as "local") during the first half of the 3rd/9th century. In the current state of knowledge, it is difficult to establish precisely what adherence to a particular school meant to a jurist. Whatever the hypothesis, recent studies (W.M. Watt, in Orientalia Hispanica, i, 1974, 675-8, and W.B. Hallaq, in IJMES, xvi [1984], 3-41) have shown, in opposition to an opinion which is still widely diffused (expressed in its classic form by J. Schacht, Introduction, 69-75), that the birth of the personal schools could not be identified with the "closure of the door of idjtihdd [q. 0.]", which, while it never took on the form of an institution, was a much later phenomenon. Development. A preliminary remark is required before addressing the question of the development of the Shafici school in history; it concerns the modalities of its diffusion in the Muslim world. Two theses are opposed on this point, although in fact it is doubtless more realistic to consider them as complementary. If credence is to be given to the authors of the Tabakdt and, more generally, to ancient and contemporary Muslim authors (with the exception of a few historians), the diffusion of the ShaficT madhhab is to be laid to the exclusive credit of a certain number of eminent personalities who emerged from its ranks and who, principally on account of their pedagogic ability and powers of persuasion (but also of their morality, their spirituality, etc.) drew to themselves an often considerable number of pupils and disciples sometimes coming from distant places. The latter, on completion of their education, returned to their homes where they pursued an academic career and/or occupied official functions in the judiciary, and it was through diffusion of this sort that the ShaficT madhhab developed in different regions of the Ddr al-Isldm. This thesis has an undoubted tendency towards idealisation of the issue, ignoring the fact that education and, more particularly, the magistrature, were not genuinely independent of political power, nor of its crises. It appears difficult, however, with G. Makdisi (The rise of colleges, Edinburgh 1981, 1-9), to subscribe entirely to the theses by C. Snouck Hurgronje and revived by Schacht which tend rather to place the development of the madhhabs under the heading of state policy. Numerous works (see, for example, A.K.S. Lambton, State and government in medieval Islam, Oxford 1981, ch. The Fukaha3 and the holders of power, 242-63) have in fact shown that in Sunn! Islam the relations between the body of scholars, jurists in particular, and the circles of power were not expressed as one voice, so that while it is certain that official policy was capable of influencing the development of judicial schools by favouring sometimes one and sometimes another on the institutional
level, this influence remained limited; it was to some extent a process of identification—more or less efficacious according to the times—with the activity of the jurists of a certain school, without, however, conferring secondary status on others (in relation to the interaction between political regime and judicial scholarship, see K.S. Salibi, The Banujamd^d. A dynasty of Shdfi^ite jurists in the Mamluk period, in SI, ix [1958], 97-109 or idem, art. BAKU DJAMA C A in this Encyclopaedia). The first Shdffts. Although the career of al-Shaficf also included phases in the Hidjaz and in Baghdad, it was principally towards the end of his life, at Fustat in Egypt, that his teaching was most favourably accepted, and that he had the greatest number of disciples, who played a significant role in the diffusion of his doctrine. It is furthermore appropriate to recall that there are two distinct bodies of doctrine in the work of alShaficT: the first, known as "the ancient" (al-kadim) having been developed before his arrival in Egypt (in 198/814, according to al-MakrizT, Khitat, Cairo n.d., ii, 334) and the second, known as "the new" (alajadfd), during his residence at Fustat. Now the Shafi c T madhhab has definitively retained only the "new" Shafi c T doctrine (with considerable modifications over the course of the centuries), in such a way that its diffusion could only be accomplished by these Egyptian disciples. The first clrdki Shdfi^i transmitters of the ancient doctrine. Two direct disciples of al-ShaficT are renowned for having transmitted his earlier doctrine: Abu CA1I alHasan al-Za c farani (d. 260/874; on him, see al-Subki, Tabakdt al-shdfi^iyya al-kubrd ( = T.Sh.K.), Cairo n.d., ii, 114-17) and Abu CA1I al-Husayn al-KarablsI (d. 245/859 or 248/862), see ibid.', ii, 117-26, the former being reckoned the more reliable. A late biographer, Djamal al-Dln al-Asnaw! (d. 772/1370), claimed that he still had in his possession a copy of the book transmitted by al-KarablsI after al-ShaficI (al-AsnawI, Tabakdt al-shdfi^iyya, Beirut 1987, i, 26). According to various authors, including Ibn Kathir (d. 774/1373) (Tabakdt al-fukahd^al-shdfftyyin, Cairo 1994, i, 39), Ibn Hanbal [q.v.] was also an assiduous disciple of alShaficT during the latter's second period in Baghdad in the years following 195/811. The "new" doctrine of al-Shaficf was only introduced into c lrak by Abu '1Kasim c Uthman al-Anmati (d. 288/901) who was the pupil of two Egyptian Shaficls, al-Muzanl and alRabr1 (see below). The first Egyptian ShaficT transmitters of the new doctrine. Three names stand out among the direct disciples of al-ShaficT in Egypt: Abu Ya c kub Yusuf al-BuwaytT (d. 231/846), Abu Ibrahim Ismacll al-Muzam (d. 264/877) and Abu Muhammad al-Rabic al-Muradf (d. 270/883). Of the first, al-ShaficI said that he was "[his] tongue" (lisdni), of the second that he was "the one who made [his] doctrine triumph" (ndsir madhhabi) and of the third that he was "the transmitter of [his] books" (rdwiyat kutubi). Al-Buwayti, a native of Buwayt in Upper Egypt, was, evidently, al-Shafi c T's favourite disciple; it is he whom the latter is said expressly to have appointed his successor. Having contributed significantly to the diffusion of his master's madhhab, al-Buwayti suffered persecution at the time of the so-called "mihna [q.v.] of the Kur D an", was arrested and imprisoned in Baghdad, where he died in detention. He is the author of a "summary of the books of al-ShaficT" (Mukhtasar min kutub al-Shdfi^i), praised by the ShaficT biographers (see al-cAbbadI, Tabakdt al-fukahd^ alshdfi^iyya, Leiden 1964, 8; the work is preserved in
AL-SHAFI C IYYA manuscript form, see F. Sezgin, GAS, i, 491). Historically, the importance of al-Buwayti and of his work seems, however, to be of rather secondary importance (unless Abu Talib al-Makki (d. 386/996) is correct in his assertion, repeated by al-Ghazali in the Ihyd^ ^ulum al-dm, that al-Buwayti was the real author of the K. al-Umm, which is attributed to al-Shafici). Al-Muzani, whose sister also followed the teaching of al-Shafici, is renowned, and sometimes criticised, for having been al-Shafici's most independent disciple. His Mukhtasar, the subject of numerous commentaries (see Sezgin, i, 493), was at the same time considered by some, e.g. al-NawawT(d. 676/1277), as one of the seminal works of reference of the school, and by others, e.g. al-Rafi c i (d. 628/1230), as diverging too often from the teachings of al-ShaficI, to such an extent that the "singularities" (tafarruddt) of his fikh could no longer be counted, according to him, among the doctrines of the school. His "strange points of view and [his] numerous positions which are contrary to the madhhab'" (wa-lahu wudjuh ghanba wa-ikhtiydrdt kathira mukhdlifa li 'l-madhhab: Ibn Kathlr, Tabakdt alfukahd^ al-shdfiHyyin, i, 123) were often refuted by Abu Ishak, al-ShirazI in the Muhadhdhab, another, later, work of reference of the school. As indisputable evidence of the tenuity, or the laxity, which then characterised the links between a disciple and his master, al-Muzanl was also, according to al-AsnawI (Tabakdt al-shdfiHyya, i, 28), the author of a book in which he completely renounced the doctrine of alShaficl and expounded a madhhab of his own. Quite unlike al-Muzanl, al-Rab!c al-Muradi, the "servant of al-ShaficI" (khddim al-Shdfici), owes his reputation to his role as a faithful transmitter of alShafi c i—it was he whom jurists trusted (see Ibn alNadlm, al-Fihrist, Beirut n.d., 297)—rather than as a major jurist; in legal matters, he was reputedly "slow of comprehension" (bati* al-fahm). Al-Rablc alMuradl was in effect the principal transmitter of the "new" doctrine of al-ShaficT and of the books propounding it, i.e. the K. al-Umm and the Risdla (of which one of the two surviving copies may be his own work). Furthermore, he was himself the author of a summary (Mukhtasar) of the doctrines of al-Shafici which did not enjoy the success of that of al-Muzanl (see al-Bayhaki, Mandkib al-Shdfici, Cairo n.d., i, 255). The major Shdficis and the expansion of the madhhab.
As a result of the zeal of the first Egyptian Shafi c is, Egypt, with the exception of the Sacid [q. v. ] which remained Maliki, was the cradle of Shaficism and rapidly became its "fief" (markaz mulk al-shdfi
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and Andalusia, through the intermediary of Maliki scholars who travelled to the East, and were sometimes taught there by Shaficl masters; such was the case of Abu '1-Walid al-Badji (d. 474/1081), whose usul al-fikh are virtually indistinguishable from those of Abu Ishak al-Shirazi, his ShaficT teacher in Baghdad. In the Hidjaz, Mecca and Medina included, the Shaficls were broadly in the majority, while the Yemen was shared between Shaficism and the Zaydiyya; tensions between representatives of the two tendencies have persisted into the present day (for a history of Shaficism in the Yemen, see al-DjacdT (d. 586/1190), Tabakdt fukahd> al-Yaman, Beirut 1981). In c lrak, and more particularly in Baghdad, the role of al-Anmati (see above) seems to have been decisive in the diffusion of the fikh of al-ShaficT: "It was through his inspiration, and in tribute to his memory, that the people of Baghdad set themselves with such zeal to writing the fikh of al-Shafici'' (alShirazi, Tabakdt al-fukahd^, 114). In fact, al-Anmati stands at the head of a line of very eminent jurists who were concerned with theorising and codifying ShaficT usul al-fikh and fikh. His principal disciple was the kadi Abu 'l-cAbbas Ibn Suraydj (d. 306/918 [q.v.]), whose activity was probably even more important for the diffusion of the madhhab. He had a considerable number of disciples who are still renowned: Abu Ishak alMarwazT(d. 340/951), Ibn Abl Hurayra (d. 345/956), al-Kaffal al-Shashl (d. 336/947), etc. It is also in the line of Ibn Suraydj that it is appropriate to locate the works of other important authors, such as Abu Hamid al-Isfarayfnl (d. 406/1015), Abu '1-Tayyib al-fabarl (d. 450/1058 [q.v.]), Abu Ishak al-ShlrazT (d. 476/1083 [#. y.]), etc. The extraordinary development of Shafi c T literature in Baghdad, for as long as this city retained its full importance, should no doubt be attributed to the fact that in the city numerous madhhabs remained well represented, thus creating a climate of competition which was a catalyst for, in the best case, the fine intellectual creativity to which Shaficism and the other schools owed some of their major works and, in the worst case, doctrinal fanaticism (al-tacassub almadhhabi) from which serious violence sometimes resulted. In Khurasan, and more particularly at Nlsabur and at Marw, the Shafi c is were so numerous that they constituted, according to al-Subki, "half of the madhhab" (T.Sh.K., i, 326). It is with the Khurasanian branch of Shafi c ism, as a general rule more speculative than its clraki branch, that are associated the names of Abu Ishak al-Isfaraymi (d. 418/1027), of Abu 'l-MacalI alDjuwaym (d. 478/1085) or indeed of the illustrious Abu Hamid al-Ghazall (d. 505/1111 [q.vv.]). As a result of serious politico-religious disorders, the 6th/12th century saw the demise of the ShaficT presence in Khurasan in favour of the HanafT madhhab, and an exodus of Shafi c i scholars towards the west, especially towards Syria, is observable at this time (seej. Sublet, inArabica, xi/2 [1964], 188^95; for more details regarding the diffusion of the Shaficl madhhab in the rest of the Muslim world, see H. Halm, Die Ausbreitung der sdfi^itischen Rechtsschule..., Wiesbaden 1974; A. Taymur, Nazra tdnkhiyya fi huduth al-madhdhib al-fikhiyya al-arbaca, Beirut 1990, 70-80; M. Abu Zahra, Tdrikh al-madhdhib al-isldmiyya, Cairo n.d., 477-82 and T.Sh.K., i, 324-9; for the geographical distribution of madhhabs in the contemporary period, see L. Massignon, Annuaire du monde musulman, Paris 1955). An author of the 8th/14th century, al-Subki (T.Sh.K., i, 199-202), gives the following list, which cannot be considered canonical on account of the
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theological views of its author, of the Shaficis who, according to him, are the most important in the history of the madhhab, each of them being the «renewer» (mud^addid) of religion, whose coming each century is prophesied by a statement of the Prophet : al-ShaficT, Ibn Suraydj, Abu Hamid al-Isfaraymi, Abu Hamid al-GhazalT, Fakhr al-Dm al-Razi (d. 606/1209) and TakT al-Dm Ibn DakTk al-cld (d. 702/1302). (Regarding the major ShaflcTs, see also M.H. HTtu, al-Idjtihdd wa-tabakdt mudjtahidi al-shdffayya, Beirut 1988 and F. Wiistenfeld, Der Imam el-Schafi^i, seine Schiller und Anhdnger bis zumj. 300 d. H., Gottingen 1890-1). The principal works of reference of the madhhab. 1. Legal t h e o r y (usul al-fikh [q.v.]). Although ShaficTs often took pride in the fact that their Imam, al-ShaficT, was the founder of the science of the usul-alfikh, this science was, in fact, hardly practised at all during the first two centuries of the existence of the madhhab, even if it was not totally neglected (on this point, see W. B. Hallak in IJMES, xxv [1993], 587605). On the other hand, during the 4th/10th century and, subsequently, throughout the classical period, the science of usul al-fikh experienced an extraordinary development. It is only in the last few years that a close interest has been taken in this literature and that it has been published. In regard to the ShaficT usul alfikh, the paucity of works dealing with them demands a very schematic approach. As a general rule, all the ShaficT usulis claim their adherence to the Risdla of alShaficT, but this claim is often very formal; it impinges upon various currents of legal thought. The first is characterised by its very strictly legal nature and its representatives were in fact "pure" jurists; most often, they were renowned also for the quality of the treatises on fikh, as correctly defined, which they composed. This current is principally represented by Abu Ishak al-Shirazi (d. 476/1083) whose books al-Luma^ fi usul al-fikh (numerous editions since Cairo 1326/1907) and Sharh al-Luma^ (ed. C A.M. Turk!, Beirut 1983) served for a long time as models and were the subjects of frequent commentaries (see. M.H. HTtu, al-Imdm al-Shirdzi, Damascus 1980, 209). This current, today once again highly valued, was supplanted by the works of usulis who were definitely ShaficTs, but who were often not jurists but theologians of generally AshcarT allegiance. The classical texts of this current of theologico-legal thought are: al-Burhdn fi usul al-fikh by Imam alHaramayn al-Djuwaym(ed. al-DTb, Cairo 1980) and, by the same, the short and much commentarised Warakdt (numerous editions; French tr. I. Bercher, Tunis 1930), al-Mustasfd min Cz7m al-usul by Abu Hamid al-GhazalT (Beirut n.d., repr. Bulak 13224/1904-6; text partially analysed by H. Laoust, La Politiquede Gazdli, Paris 1970_, 152-82), al-Ihkdm ftusul al-ahkdm by Sayf al-DTn al-Amidl (d. 631/1234) (ed. al-DjamTlT, Beirut 1984; on him, see B.C. Weiss, The search for God's law. Islamic jurisprudence in the writings of Sayfal-Din al-Amidi, Salt Lake City 1992), and in particular al-Mahsulfi cilm usul al-fikh by Fakhr al-DTn alRazT (ed. al-cAlwam, Beirut 1992). In the post-classical period, these texts were tirelessly commentarised and glossed and they served as the basis for numerous "original" texts which in fact are compilations. The best known of the latter is the Djam*- al-ajawdmi*- of Tadj al-Dm al-Subkl (d. 771/1369 [q.v.]) (Cairo 1316/1898) which, accompanied by various later commentaries, principally that of Djalal al-DTn al-Mahall!(d. 864/1459 [q.v.]), served as a basis for the teaching of the science of the usul alfikh among ShaficTs for centuries. These late texts are
mistrusted by contemporary Muslim scholars, who prefer to go directly to the great classical works of a more distant past, reckoned to be more authentic and more prestigious. 2. Law (fikh [q.v.]). In the 7th/13th century, the great ShaficT al-NawawT (d. 676/1277) compiled a list of the works of fikh of those of his predecessors who had exerted the greatest influence in the madhhab; he mentions the Mukhtasar of al-MuzanT, al-Tanbih and al-Muhadhdhab of Abu Ishak al-ShTrazT (respectively: 1. Cairo 1901, Fr. tr. by G.H. Bousquet, Le Livre de I'Admonition, Algiers 1949; and 2. Dar-al-Fikr, n.p., n.d.), al-Wasit and al-Wadjiz by Abu Hamid alGhazalT and the Sharh al-wadjjz of Abu '1-Kasim cAbd al-Karim al-Rafi c T (d. 623/1226) (cf. al-NawawT, Tahdhib al-asmd^ wa 'l-lughdt, Beirut n.d., i, 3). It will be noted that none of the works of al-ShaficT himself feature in this list and, judging by the number of commentaries which they engendered, it is doubtless no exaggeration to say that the Mukhtasar of al-MuzanT had definitively greater importance than the K. alUmm of al-Shafi c T himself in the development of the ShaficT doctrine (concerning the divergence between the fikh of al-ShaficT himself and classical ShaficT/zM, see Schacht, Sur la transmission de la doctrine..., in AIEO Alger, x [1952], 401-19). The works of al-ShTrazT are associated with the c !rakT element of the ShaficT school: al-Tanbih takes its inspiration from the commentary, al-Ta^lik, by Abu Hamid al-IsfarayTm on the Mukhtasar of al-MuzanT, while in al-Muhadhdhab. al-ShTrazT devised his fikh around another commentary on the same Mukhtasar, also intitled al-Ta^lik but the work of his master, the Kddi Abu Tayyib al-Tabari (d. 450/1058). On the other hand, the work of al-GhazalT is associated with the Khurasanian element of the school; al-Wadjjz is a summary of al-Wasit, which is itself a summary of alBasit by the same al-GhazalT, in which he derived inspiration from the Nihdya al-matlab of his master Abu 'l-MacalT al-DjuwaynT. Of a somewhat later date is alTakrib (ed. T. Keijzer, Leiden 1859, Fr. tr. G.H. Bousquet, Abrege de la loi..., in R.Afr. [1935]), another summary of the Nihdya of al-DjuwaynT, by Ahmad b. al-Hasan Abu Shudjac (still living in 500/1106 [q.v.]) which was the object of glosses and commentaries until the 13th/19th century. In the Path al-^aziz f i sharh al-wadfiz, a commentary on al-Wadjiz of al-GhazalT, Abu '1-Kasim al-RaficT (628/1230) is reputed to have made the connection between the two elements of the school and, after him, there is barely any distinction between the two. AlRaficT is also the author of al-Muharrar, likewise inspired by al-Wadjiz, which was to be critically summarised by MuhyT al-DTn al-NawawT in his Minhddj_ altdlibin (much-criticised tr. by L.W.C. van den Berg, Le Guide des zeles croyants, Batavia 1882-4), which was in its turn highly regarded in the madhhab. The same al-NawawT composed two important works based on the Sharh al-wadjiz of al-RaficT, the Rawda al-tdlibin and the Zawo?id al-rawda. Two commentaries on the Minhddj_ al-tdlibin of alNawawT, the Tuhfat al-muhtdd^ by Ibn Hadjar alHaytamT (d. 975/1567) and the Nihdyat al-muhtdaj. by Shams al-DTn al-RamlT (d. 1006/1596), as well as a commentary on al-Takrib of Abu Shudja c , the Path alkarib by al-GhazzT (d. 918/1512) (again, a much criticised tr. by L.W.C. van den Berg, La Revelation de I'Omnipresent, Leiden 1895), constituted works of reference for the teaching of Shaficism in later periods. A gloss (hdshiya) on the last-named text by Ibrahim al-Badjun (d. 1276/1860) has been partially summarised by E. Sachau (Muhammedanisches Recht
AL-SHAFI C IYYA — SHAFSHAWAN nach schafiitischer Lehre, Stuttgart-Berlin 1897; for a more exhaustive bibliography of the school, see alHusayni (d. 1014/1605), Tabakdt al-shdfiHyya, Beirut 1979, Babfidhikr kutub al-madhhab, 245-51). ShdfiHsm, theology and Sufism. Throughout its long history, the Shaficl school generally maintained good relations, in terms of theology (Him al-kaldm [q.v.]), with Ashcarism [q.v.} and, in regard to Sufism, with its reputedly "moderate" tendency. Scholars such as Abu '1-Kasim al-Kushayrl (d. 465/1072 [q.v.]), renowned Khurasanian author of the Risdla ft Him al-tasawwuf, who combined the qualities of ShaficT jurist, of Ash c arT theologian and of Sufi, are plentiful among the ShaficT ranks; Abu Hamid al-Ghazali remains the most eminent representative of this trend, although he is neither the most original nor the most interesting. In regard to Sufism, envisaged as an interior struggle (mudjdhada) towards the comprehension and realisation of the injunctions of the Law addressed to the consciousness of the believer (fikh bdtin al-shari^d), ShaficT legal doctrine has strictly speaking nothing to dispute; the contrary is the case, insofar as, on the one hand, Sufism does not eliminate the importance of fikh as such by seeking to act as a substitute for it, and insofar as, on the other hand, it does not engender practices, "spiritual exercises", which, from the viewpoint of fikh, could be seen as reprehensible. But, as a more general rule and in a more essential manner, the majority of the spiritual and moral virtues—the spirit of scrupulousness (al-warac), asceticism (alzuhd), etc.—which fikh refuses, on principle, to take into consideration in its work of demonstration and application of legal statutes and which have been codified in the framework of Sufism, are highly valued by, in particular, the majority of biographers who do not hesitate, when the occasion arises, to attribute them to such-and-such afakih. Among renowned Sufis who were ShaficTs (or at least, whom Shaficism claims), the most significant names are: al-Harith b. Asad al-Muhasibl (d. 243/857 [q.v.]) whose few biographers state that he was a friend of al-Shafici; Abu '1-Kasim al-Djunayd (d. 297/910 [q.v.]), although al-Kushayri asserts that he adhered rather to the madhhab of Abu Thawr; the shaykh Abu c Abd Allah b. KhafTf (d. 391/1001); etc. The history of relations between Shaficism and Ashcarism [see ASH C ARIYYA] is, however, more problematical and has for a long time been the object of debate in Islamic studies. With regard to theology, it is appropriate first to distinguish between two tendencies among Shaficl jurists. The first—represented by scholars such as Abu Hatim al-Razi (d. 327/939), alBayhaki (d. 458/1066), Ibn al-Salah (d. 643/1245), alDhahabi (d. 748/1348) or indeed Ibn Kathlr (d. 774/939)—was, for various reasons and to differing degrees, hostile to the exercise of this discipline as such. This tendency is often described as "traditionalist", although there is doubt as to whether this adjective is well-chosen. The second tendency was for its part enthusiastically in favour of the development of the Him alkaldm in the Muslim community and it is represented by Shafi c ls—Abu Ishak al-Isfarayml, Ibn Furak (d. 406/1015), al-Djuwaym, Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, alAmidl (d. 631/1233), etc.—who include some of the best Muslim theologians. It is asserted that more than a large majority of the Shaficis favouring the exercise of speculative theology supported Ash c arism (with a few exceptions, including, famously, the KddicAbd alDjabbar (d. 415/1024 [q. v. ]) who was a ShaficT in legal matters and a Mu c tazili in theology). It seems to be
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accepted furthermore, among the majority of Shafici biographers (see, for example, Ibn al-Salah, alNawawi and al-MizzI, Tabakat al-fukahd^ al-shdfiHyya, Beirut 1992, ii, 604-6), that the theologian al-Ashcari (d. 324/935-6 [q.v.]) was himself a Shaficl. It is, however, impossible to state this categorically (see D. Gimaret, La doctrine d'al-Ashcari, Paris 1990, 517-9; on the question of relations between Shaficism and Ash c arism, see, with regard to Abu Ishak al-ShlrazI, C. Gilliot in SI, Ixviii [1988], 170-86, and, in reply to the latter, E. Chaumont in SI, Ixxiv [1991], 168-77, and with regard to al-DjuwaynT, T. Nagel, Die Festung des Glaubens, Munich 1988). It is not, however, appropriate to speak of a special relationship between Shaficism and Ashcarism since, on the one hand, as has been observed, numerous Shaficls were opposed to any speculative theology, and on the other hand, not all Ash c aris were ShaficTs, indeed, far from it. Furthermore, bearing in mind the fact that, over the centuries, Ash c arism tended to be regarded as the supreme theological doctrine of Sunn! Islam—at the expense of Muctazilism and, to a lesser degree, of creeds of the Hanbali type—the presence of a majority of Ashcarls among the Shaficls is hardly surprising (on this point, see T.Sh.K., iii, 377-8, where al-SubkT draws up a contemporary table of the theological allegiances represented in the madhhabs and stresses the fact that, while Ashcarls constitute the majority in all the schools, with the exception of Hanbalism, it is only the MalikTs who are exclusively Ash c arl). It is apparent, therefore, that the question of relations between Shaficism and Ashcarism is subordinate, by comparison with a more general enquiry, not yet undertaken, which would seek to determine the precise nature of the causes capable of explaining why and how Ashcarism was implanted in the Islamic legal system and its institutions with greater ease than other theological doctrines. Bibliography: The majority of important references are indicated in the text. For a more extensive bibl., recourse may be had to the exhaustive and thematically classified compilation given by Schacht in his Introduction to Islamic law, 215-85. See also ASH C ARIYYA, HANABILA, HANAFIYYA, MALIKIYYA,
MU C TAZILA. (E. CHAUMONT) SHAFSHAWAN (dialect, Shawan, usual Fr. rendering Chaouen, Span. Xauen), a town of Morocco in the country of the Ghumara [q. v. ]. The term is said to mean "horn or horns" in Tamazight, referring to the mountain peaks (over 2,000 m/6,500 feet) which surround the town. Situated at an altitude of 600 m/2,000 feet, Shafshawan is rich in springs of water, the best-known being that of Ra D s al-Ma°. Equally situated between Oazzane and Tetuan, with which it has always been in close contact, the town occupies a strategic position 40 km/25 miles from the coast, and in the past played the role of a crossroads for the Djbala region. It was founded in 876/1471-2 on the right bank of the wadi of the same name by Hasan b. Muhammad b. Rash id, a descendant of the Idrisid saint cAbd alSalam Ibn Mashish [q.v.]. It was moved to the right bank by CA1I b. Rashid. It sheltered waves of Moriscos, Muslims and Jews, expelled from alAndalus, and still bears the imprint of this history, seen in the utilisation of space and colours, the architecture, as well as the customs and patronymics attesting this Andalusian grafting. The town's history is linked with that of the founding Banu Rashid, the most famous of whom being Mawlay Ibrahim (895946/1490-1539). The family cultivated matrimonial alliances with the powerful caids of the region;
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Mawlay Ibrahim's sister, Sayyida al-Hurra, married the kd^id of Tetuan al-Mandn and, after becoming a widow, became the wife of the Wattasid sultan Ahmad. She played a leading role in the politics of the region, and Mawlay Ibrahim himself distinguished himself in warfare against the Portuguese of Aslla before succeeding his father as kaPid of Shafshawan. As a splendid and faithful warrior, Sidl Brahim/ Mawlay Ibrahim compelled the admiration of his enemies, who did not cease to heap praises on his great deeds and generosity (Bernardo Rodrigues, Anals de Arzila, ed. D. Lopes, Lisbon 1915-20; R. Ricard, Moulay Ibrahim, caid de Chefchaouen, in Sources inedites de I'histoire du Maroc, Portugal, Paris 1948, iii, 146-57, and the same article in al-And. [1941]). But his family fell victim to the conflicts between the last Wattasids and the Sacdids. After Abu Hassun's capture of Fas in 961/1554, Shafshawan was besieged by the minister Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad cAbd alKadir in the name of the sultan al-Ghalib, and the Band Rashid fled in Safar 969/October 1562 and disappeared from the political scene. Shafshawan played an essential role in the fight against the Portuguese installed at Ceuta, Tangiers and Asfla, and Leo Africanus states that its citizens were "freed from taxes because they serve as cavalrymen and infantrymen in the fight against the Portuguese". The 9th/15th century was its most brilliant one, when it produced several renowned scholars, such as Abu Muhammad cAbd Allah alHabtl (d. 963/1556) and Ibn c Askar, the author of the Dawhat al-ndshir, banished by the Banu Rashid. Once occupied by the Sacdids, the town lost its importance and, henceforth, is hardly ever mentioned. Mawlay IsmacTl built a kasha there. It was in turn held by alRaysunT, al-Khadir Ghaylan and then by the pasha Ahmad al-RifT (d. 1146/1743), and in October 1920 was occupied by Spain. During 1922-6 cAbd al-Krlm made it a base of operations for the war in the Rlf
[?.»•]• The
surrounding region, despite its steep slopes, is fertile and well-watered and produces cereals and fruit (grapes, figs, pomegranates etc.), but the water-mills and the presses which gave the town its fame survive only vestigially. The activity recorded by G. Colin in the earlier decades of this century (El1 art. s.v.) is only a memory, and Shafshawan lives essentially off tourism, with many tourists attracted by the climate and the beauty of its site, and with handicrafts: textiles (drdza), pottery, leatherwork and copper ware. The fortified town has walls pierced by eleven gates. Its clearly individual quarters, its numerous mosques, its kasha and the shrine of Sldl CA1I Ben Rashid, bear witness to a past era now completed, for the town now suffers from its cramped site. It remains a modest place, and its eccentric position and the poverty of the region have not encouraged the growth of population which characterises other urban centres of Morocco. It is thought to have had between 3,000 and 7,000 inhabitants before 1918. In 1953 the census counted 11,500 Muslims, 2,500 Spanish and 15 Jews. The population reached 16,850 in 1969, but did not go beyond 24,000 in 1982. Bibliography: Muhammad al-cArb! Ibn Yusuf al-FasI, Mir^dt al-mahdsin, lith. Fas 1324/1906; Ibn c Askar, Dawhat al-ndshir (trads. Archives Marocains, XIX), Paris 1913; Sources inedites..., Espagne, i, 107 and n. 4; Leo Africanus, ed. Schefer, i, 263, 288; D. Abderrahim Gebbur, Los Ber-Rasched de Chefchauen y su signification en la histona de Marruecos septentrionalj Tetuan 1953; W. Hoenerbach and J. Kolenda, Safsdwen (Xauen). Geschichte und Topographie
einer marokkanischen Stadt, in WI, xiv (1973), xiv (1976) (important bibl. and illustrs.); Kadirl, Nashr al-mathdnT (trads. Archives Marocains, XXI), Rabat 1977, i, 33, 220; G. Ayyache, Les origines de la guerre du Rif, Rabat 1981; cAbd al-Kadir alc Atiyya, al-Haydt al-siydsiyya wa 'l-idjtimd^iyya wa 7fikriyya bi-Shafshdwan wa-ahwdzihd, Mohammadia 1982. _ (HALIMA FERHAT) SHAH "king", and SHAHANSHAH "king of kings", two royal t i t l e s in P e r s i a n . They can be traced back to the Achaemenid kings of ancient Persia, who, from Darius I (521-486 B.C.) onwards, refer to themselves in their inscriptions both as xsdyaBiya "king" (from the root xsay- "to rule", cognate to Sanskrit ksdyati "possess" and Greek xr<xo(JL(Xi "acquire") and as xsdyaOiya xsdyaQiydndm ' ' king of kings''. Even earlier the title '' king of kings'' had been used by the rulers of Assyria and of Urartu (in the Caucasus) and it is not unlikely that the Persians adopted it from the latter (see O.G. von Wesendonk, The title "King of Kings", in Oriental studies in honour of Cursetji Erachji Pavry, London 1933, 488-90). The implication of this title would seem to have been, not that the Achaemenid monarch was the chief king over other sub-kings (there is no evidence that there were any other "kings" within the empire), but rather that he was the king par excellence. We have thus to do with a rhetorical figure which might be called the superlative genitive, as also in the Biblical "vanity of vanities" (habel habdlim). The same two titles, in their Western Middle Iranian forms shah and shdhdn shah, occur in the inscriptions of the Arsacid and Sasanid kings. In inscriptions in the Parthian language these are represented by the Aramaeograms MLK° and MLKYN MLK? respectively; Middle Persian uses the Aramaeogram MLK D (also MRK D and in books occasionally the "phonetic" spelling sh) for the former and the "semi-phonetic" spelling MLK D -n MLK? (and variants) for the latter (for references, see Ph. Gignoux, Glossaire des inscriptions Pehlevies et Parthes, London 1972, 28, 57, and add the new Arsacid inscription discussed by E. Lipiriski in Orientalia Lovaniensia analecta, xlviii [1993], 127-34). The Sasanid inscriptions refer to the emperor consistently as shdhdn shah, and use shah as a title for other members of his family: the emperors appointed their sons as "kings" of the outlying provinces, assigning them the royal titles of the former rulers of those regions (e.g. Kushdn shah "king of the Kushans"), in much the same way that the heir to the English throne bears the title "Prince of Wales". However, in a contemporary Manichaean text (published by W.B. Henning, Mani's last journey, in BSOS, x/4 [1942], 941-53) the Sasanid Wahram I is referred to merely as "the king" (shah). It would thus appear that, although in official protocol the ruler was always shdhdn shah, in everyday speech he could be simply shah. The distinction between the "king of kings" and the subordinate "kings/princes" is mirrored by the title "queen of queens" (Middle Persian bdmbishndn bdmbishn, written MLKT D -n MLKT D ), borne by the monarch's principal wife, to distinguish her from the other queens in the royal household, and similarly further down the hierarchy, with the mowbed i mowbeddn "priest of priests", and so forth. It is not unlikely that Islamic titles like kadi 'l-kuddt continue this Iranian tradition. Neo-Persian shah (also shah) is the usual word for "king" in that language, and is used either by itself or else in conjunction with a personal name. In the latter case it can precede the name (e.g. shah Mahmud), follow it in an iddfa-construction (Mahmud-i shah), or be appended directly to the name and form an accen-
SHAH — SHAH C ABD AL- C AZIM AL-HASANI tual unit with it (Mahmud-shah). The latter usage is the most common and, though found already in early texts (such as Firdawsl's Shdh-nama), is anomalous in Neo-Persian; it seems likely that it is either an isolated relic from Middle Persian or else an imitation of Turkish constructions with titles such as khan. Compounds with shah (as the first or last element) or indeed shah on its own occur quite frequently as proper names of kings, but also of commoners; the given name of the famous Saldjuk ruler Malik Shah, for example, is formed simply by combining the Arabic and Persian words for "king". As a common noun (without a name) shah is widely used in poetry and non-official prose of all periods to designate potentates who, in their official protocol, styled themselves malik, sultan, amir, pddshdh or whatever. It is also used with reference to the kings of pre-Islamic Persia and in works of fiction. Sometimes it is applied to princes (as already in Middle Persian; many references in F. Wolff, Glossar zu Firdosis Schahname, Berlin 1935, 549, 583). In a number of compounds or set phrases shah means "pre-eminent, principal", e.g. in masaj_id-ishah "congregational mosque" (not "king's mosque"), or shdh-rdh "principal road, highway". In the Indian subcontinent, shah is appended to the names of persons claiming descent from the Prophet and has today become a surname. As for the title shdhdn shah, this naturally fell into disuse with the collapse of the Sasanid empire, but it remained in popular memory in its Neo-Persian form shdhanshdh (the vowels in the first and last syllables can be shortened when required by the metre; modern Western Persian has also the vulgar form shdhinshdh). This is an inseparable compound (from which is derived an adjective shdhanshdhi) and in the context of Neo-Persian it can no longer be analysed morphologically, though there has never been any doubt that its meaning is indeed "king of kings". It was adopted as his official title by the Buyid c Adud alDawla (338-72/949-83 [ q . v . ] ) , and continued to be used by his successors on their coins and in court documents, sometimes in conjunction with its Arabic equivalent malik al-muluk, despite the objections raised by religious authorities (for details, see LAKAB and the literature cited there), but after the fall of the Buyids it does not seem to have figured in official protocol until the 20th century, when it was adopted by the selfstyled "Pahlawl" dynasty in Persia. It has, however, always been used quite freely by poets. Thus the Ghaznavid Mascud I, who would hardly have tolerated such a sacrilegious title in his official documents, had evidently no scruples about his court poet ManucihrT addressing him as shahanshdh, shdhanshah-i dunyd, shdh-i malikdn and the like, and similar expressions are used by the panegyrists of the Saldjuks and others after them. Bibliography. Given in the article. (F.C. DE BLOIS) SHAH CABD ALC AZIM AL HASANI, Abu '1 Kasim b. cAbd Allah b.' c AH b. al-Hasan b. Zayd b. al-Hasan b. CA1I b. Abl Talib, ShT c I a s c e t i c and t r a d i t i o n i s t , well-known under the name of I m a m zade (Shah) c A b d a l - c A z i m . He is buried in the principal sanctuary of Rayy [see AL-RAYY]. 1. The holy man. Only sparse biographical data are available on c Abd al-cAzim, who must have been born in Medina before 200/815 and who was a companion of the ninth and tenth Imams, Muhammad al-Djawad al-Takl (d. 220/835) and CA1T al-Hadi al-Nakl (d. 254/868) [see AL- C ASKARI]. When the latter, at the order of caliph alMutawakkil, was forced to go to Samarra3 in 233/848, c Abd al-cAzTm followed him there. He is said to have
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been ordered by al-Naki, apparently under the caliphate of al-Mu c tazz, to go to Persia in exile. He stayed in Tabaristan, and then in Rayy, where he lived in the sikkat al-mawdlT in the quarter of Sarbanan, hidden in the house of a ShicT. He passed his time in prayers, ascetic practices, study and teaching, and visited the tomb of an cAlid which was later reputed to be that of Hamza b. Musa al-Kazim (see below). He died perhaps before al-Naki (towards 250/864?, see Kariman, i, 384 ff.) although, according to some ShrcT sources (Sharif al-Murtada, al-Tusi, see Madelung, quoted in the Bibl.), he also was a companion of the eleventh Imam, Hasan al-cAskarI (d. 260/874 [ q . v . ] ) . In the small ImamI community of Rayy, cAbd alc Azfm occupied an important position as sayyid, companion of the Imams, traditionist and teacher. His works, now lost, were used and quoted until the 5th/llth century: Kitdb Yawm wa-layla (on the daily rituals); Riwdydt *~Abd al-cAzim', Kitdb Khutdb Amir almu^minin (on the sermons of Imam CA1I). His views on the concepts of cadl and tawhid(cL Kariman, i, 386 ff.) were praised by Ibn c Abbad, the Buyid vizier in Rayy. The ImamI traditionist Ibn Babuya/Babawayh [ q . v . ] , who in part continued c Abd al- c Azim's efforts, devoted a now lost biography to him, Akhbdr cAbd alc Azim al-Hasam. 2. The sanctuary. c Abd al-cAzim was buried in a garden under an apple-tree (shaaj_ara tuffdh), opposite the tomb of Hamza b. Musa which was situated outside the walls, to the west of al-Rayy, in the partly Sunn! quarter of Batan (see Kariman, i, 264 f f ) . The garden belonged to a certain c Abd al-Djabbar, probably a Sunn! (see Kariman, i, 388; ii, 316). A Shici is said to have heard in a dream the Prophet telling him that one of his descendants of the sikkat al-mawdlT should be buried there. The tomb was venerated by the Shicis at a very early date. According to the Imam al-Nakl, pilgrimage to there was as meritorious as the one to the tomb of the Imam al-Husayn (Ibn Kuluya, Kdmil al-Ziydrdt, see Madelung; Kariman, i, 386, ii, 51). The sanctuary, mentioned as a mashhad by Ibn c Abbad and known under the name of Mashhad alShaajara, was restored during the Saldjukid period thanks to the patronage of the ShTcI vizier Madjd alDln Barawistani al-Kumml ( c Abd al-Djalil Razi, Kitdb al-Nakd, in Kariman, i, 389, ii, 191, 419). Husam al-Dawla Ardashir (d. 602/1205-6), the Bawandid ruler of Mazandaran, used to send every year 200 dinars to the sanctuary (Ibn Isfandiyar, Tdnkh-i Tabaristan, ed. C A. Ikbal, Tehran 1320, i, 120). The most ancient trace of the mausoleum consists of a coffin of precious wood (aloe, betel, walnut), carrying a Kur'anic inscription, part of which is the dyat al-kursi (surat al-bakara, II, 256). The coffin is a gift of Nadjm al-Dln Muhammad, vizier under the Ilkhan Abu Sacid (d. 737/1335), see Kariman, i, 392. The sanctuary was visited by famous Timurid and Turkmen pilgrims (Karlman, ii, 225 ff.) and then by the Safawids. Under the patronage of Tahmasp I (1524-76), it was restored. An iwdn (aywdn) was constructed in 944/1537. A robust balustrade (muhadjdjar) of boxwood was erected around the coffin in 950/1543-4 (Kariman, i, 390 ff, with reference to a farmdn by Tahmasp I preserved in the sanctuary) in order to protect it against depredations by the pilgrims. When Shah c Abbas I [q. v . ] , about to attack the Ozbegs in 996/1587-8, fell ill, he recovered his health after a pilgrimage to the sanctuary (Karlman, ii, 239). Notwithstanding the interest shown to the sane-
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SHAH CABD AL- C AZIM AL-HASANI — SHAH C ALAM II
tuary by notables or rulers up to the Safawids, it is quite difficult to form a picture of its importance in former days. Since it was called Mashhad or Masdjid al-Shadjara, and its cemetery, according to some sources, Guristan al-Shadjara (Karlman, i, 328 ff.), it must have developed in conjunction with the neighbouring Imamzada [q. v.] dedicated to Hamza b. Musa al-Kazim. The Safawids pretended to descend from this sayyid husayni-musdwi, whose supposed burial place is also located at Turshlz or in a village near Shlraz. It is at this last site, and not at Rayy, that they caused a richly endowed mausoleum to be built (ibid., 395 ff.). Until the beginning of the 19th century, the tombs of cAbd al-cAzIm, of Hamza and other holy men were situated outside the town of Rayy (ibid., 392 ff.). The sanctuary must have included a rather important garden. On his way to Mazandaran, c Abbas II (1643-66) camped there with his suite for nine days in 1070/1659-60 (Muhammad Tahir Wahid Kazwlnl, cAbbds-ndma, ed. Ibrahim Dihgan, Arak 1329, 265 ff.). The administrator of the sanctuary (mutawalli) was designated and appointed by the central government. This practice was continued by Karlm Khan Zand (see J.R. Perry, Karim Khan Zand. A history of Iran, 1747-1779, Chicago 1979, 220) and after that by the Kadjars. Path CA1I Shah [ q . v . ] , who was an assiduous pilgrim of the sanctuary, had it embellished (Karlman, i, 392; Algar, 48). The same was the case with Nasir al-Dln Shah [ q . v . ] , who in 1270/1853-4 had the cupola covered with gold and the Twdn decorated with stalactites consisting of mirrors; the latter initiative was due, at least to a certain extent, to his vizier Mlrza Aka Khan Nun (1851-8) (Karlman, i, 391 ff.; Algar, 159). Like other Sh^I sanctuaries, Shah cAbd al-cAzIm constitutes a place of asylum reputed to be inviolable for persons (or animals), lawbreakers or others, who are menaced by people in power [see BAST; and J. Calmard, art. Bast (sanctuary, asylum), in EIr]. When the neighbouring town of Tehran was promoted to be the capital by Agha Muhammad Khan in 1786, the pilgrimage to the sanctuary and its use for politicoreligious protests, in particular against foreign influence, developed considerably. The project of constructing a railway line between Tehran and the sanctuary made people fear, erroneously, that the extension of the line to Kum would mean the end of this town. The line was indeed constructed and exploited by a Belgian company (8 km between 1888-93) notwithstanding the fact that it was ransacked by a furious crowd in December 1888 (see Algar, 175 ff., 182). Under Nasir al-Dln Shah, the sanctuary formed the most important place of bast, criminals or debtors, as well as political opponents, finding there protection in several degrees (see E.G. Browne, A year among the Persians, London 1893, 174). The most ominous violation of the right of bast occurred in January 1891 when the Muslim reformist Djamal al-Dln AsabadI "alAfghanl" [q.v.] was brutally expelled from the sanctuary (see Calmard, loc. cit.). Nasir al-Dln was murdered in the courtyard of the mausoleum on the eve of his jubilee (fifty lunar years) on 1 May 1896 by Mlrza Rida- KirmanI, a partisan of al-Afghani. During the events of the Constitutional Revolution (1905-11), about 2,000 ^uldmd* (mullas, muajtahids, tulldbs), opposed to the authoritarian measures of the vizier c Ayn al-Dawla and financially supported by shopkeepers of the bazaar and several notables or dignitaries who had passed to the opposition, captured the bast at Shah cAbd al-cAzIm (mid-December 190512 January 1906). The establishment of a ^addlat-khdna
("house of justice") in each province was only one of the seven or eight of their demands which did not entail a demand for a constitution (see Martin, 70-6). In February 1907 Sayyid Akbar Shah, an opponent of the constitution, took refuge in the sanctuary with his partisans. Supported by the governor of Tehran, his initiative had no popular success whatsoever (Martin, 115, 148). On the other hand, the action of the most notorious of the anti-constitutional ^ulamd^, the mudjtahid Shaykh Fadl Allah Nun [ q . v . } , who, probably supported by Muhammad CA1I Shah [ q . v . } , took the bast of the sanctuary with ca. 500 partisans (JuneSeptember 1907), had a durable success among the numerous ImamI ^ulamd^ (see Martin, 121-38), extending even into the current which assured the triumph of the Iranian Islamic Revolution of 1978-9. The pilgrimage to the sanctuary, which forms a whole with neighbouring Imamzadas dedicated to Hamza, Tahir and his son Mutahhar (Karlman, i, 395 ff.), now incorporated with Rayy into the great agglomeration of Tehran, was very much frequented in the 19th century (see H. Masse, Croyances et coutumes persanes, Paris 1938, ii, 403). Although Nadjaf and Karbala [q.v.] have a greater reputation as burial places, many notables, dignitaries, ^ulamd^, members of the Kadjar family, etc., are buried at Shah cAbd alc AzIm. The most renowned royal tomb is that of Nasir al-Dln Shah, situated at the western corner at a place known under the name of Masdjid-i Hulagu. An . imposing mausoleum dedicated to Rida Shah Pahlawl [q. v. ] was erected on the site of the ancient quarter of Batan, south-east of the sanctuary (Karlman, i, 395). It was destroyed during the events of the Islamic Revolution. Bibliography: On the bio-hagiography of cAbd al-cAzIm (ancient and modern works) and the principal data of the history of the sanctuary, see H. Karlman, Ray-i bdstdn, 2 vols., Tehran 13459/1966-70; W. Madelung, art.
SHAH DIHLAWl].
C C
ABD AL-KADIR [see
C
ABD AL-KADIR
SHAH ALAM II (1142-1220/1729-1806, r. 11731202/1759-88, 1203-21/1788-1806), later Mughal e m p e r o r , son of the Mughal Emperor cAlamg!r II. His original name was Mlrza cAbd Allah, the title C A1I Gawhar was conferred in 1168/1754, and that of Shah cAlam in 1170/1756. As a prince, he led an unsuccessful raid into Bihar in Djumada II 1172/February 1759, and claimed the throne in 1173/1759. He was, however, unable to rule from Dihli. Becoming an ally of Shudjac al-Dawla and Mir Kasim [ q . v v . } , he shared in their defeat at Baksar (Buxar) in 1178/1764 at the hands of the British. In 1179/1765 he granted the diwdmof Bengal, Bihar and Orissa to the East India Company, receiving in return Allahabad (as his seat) and an annual pension of 2.6 million rupees. Seeking to return to Dihli, Shah c Alam sought an alliance with the Marathas, and escorted by them rode into his capital Dihli in Ramadan 1185/January 1772- He thereupon lost
SHAH C ALAM II — SHAH BANDAR both Allahabad and his annual pension from the British. Mahadji Sindhia, who was now responsible for the safety of the Emperor, was constantly faced by local malcontents. The Rohilla chief Ghulam Kadir held Dihll in 1202/1788 for two-and-a-half months. He blinded Shah c Alam, but was himself captured and put to death. In 1203/1789 Mahadji Sindhia provided Shah c Alam with a daily cash pension of 300 rupees; later territories were assigned to him yielding on paper nearly 1.7 million a year. In 1217/1803 Dihll fell to the British, who refused to make any treaty arrangements with him allowing him maintenance and control of the Dihll fort along with his titles. Shah c Alam died there in 1220/1806, his long "reign" merely reflecting the utter ruin of the Mughal Empire. Bibliography. Ghulam Husayn, Siyar almuta^akhkhirin, Lucknow 1876; C.U. Aitchison, A collection of treaties, engagements, and sunnuds, related to India and neighbouring countries, i, Calcutta 1876; Sh. Abdur Rashid, Najib ud Daula, his life and times, c AHgafh 1952; Jadu Nath Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, vols. ii, iii, and iv, Calcutta 1964, 1966, 1972_. (M. ATHAR ALI) SHAH-I ARMAN, "king of the Armenians", denoted the T u r c o m a n r u l e r s of Akhlat [q.v.] from 493/1100 to 604/1207. Their role in eastern Anatolian history is difficult to reconstruct from local sources alone but they are mentioned periodically in the wider context of late Saldjuk and Ayyubid affairs. The first Shah-i Arman, Sukman al-Kutbl, took Akhlat in 493/1100 from the Marwanids [q.v.} and seized Mayyafarikln in 502/1108-9 (Ibn al-Athlr, x, 330; Ibn al-Kalanisi, 164; Ibn al-Azrak, 249-50). Within Diyar Bakr, his particular rivals were the Artukids [ q . v . ] . He participated in djihdd against the Franks under Mawdud of Mawsil and died at Balis during the campaign in 506/1112-13 (Ibn al-Athlr, x, 340-1; Atdbegs, 18; Michael the Syrian, 216; Matthew of Edessa, 275-6; Ibn al-Kalanisi, 164-5, 169, 174-5). Before his death, Sukman had extended his territory to include Ardjlsh and Malazgird. Little is known of Sukman's ineffectual successor, his son Ibrahim (ruled 506-21/1112-26). He lost Mayyafarikm to Il-GhazI in 512/1118 (Ibn al-Azrak, 34). After Ibrahim's death, power was soon seized by Inandj Khatun, Sukman's widow, on behalf of her six-year old grandson, Sukman II, whose long reign (522-81/1128-85) represents the high point of Shah-i Arman power (Abu '1-Fida3, 17). The Georgians, profiting from Muslim disunity, were pursuing an expansionist policy towards eastern Anatolia; in 556/1161, they defeated the forces of Sukman II and Saltuk, the ruler of Erzerum (Ibn al-Athlr, xi, 184; Matthew, 361-2). _In 558/1163, however, Sukman joined Eldigiiz of Adharbaydjan in repelling further Georgian aggression (Ibn al-Athlr, xi, 188; Ibn alAzrak, fols. 181b, 183b-184b, 185b; Akhbdr, 158-9). Another Muslim campaign into Georgia was successful in 571/1175 (Ibn al-Azrak, fol. 199b). After Sukman's death in 581/1185 (Ibn al-Athlr, x, 338-9) without male issue, the race for Sukman's lands between Salah al-Dln Ayyubl and the Eldigiizid ruler, Pahlawan, was won by the latter (ibid.; Ibn Shaddad, 84-5; Sibt Ibn al-DjawzI, 383-4, 423; Bar Hebraeus, 318). From 581/1185 the Shah-i Arman state rapidly declined under a series of mamluk commanders— Bektimur, Ak Sunkur, Muhammad and Balaban (Bar Hebraeus, 343, 362-4; Ibn al-Athn% xi, 67, 167-9). Salah al-Dln Ayyubl's brother, al-cAdil, maintained Ayyubid interest in Armenia; Akhlat was taken by his son al-Malik al-Awhad in 604/1207-8. Thus ended the
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Shah-i Arman state (Makln, 18-19; Abu 'l-FidaD, 71; Humphreys, 128-9). Regrettably, little is known of the Shah-i Arman socio-cultural life, but it must have been an interestingly mixed ethnic and religious milieu. Bibliography: 1. S o u r c e s . Ibn al-Azrak alFarikl, T. Mayyafarikm, ed. B.A.L. cAwad, Cairo 1959, 249-50, ed. and tr. Carole Hillenbrand, A Muslim principality in Crusader times, Leiden 1990, 58, 82, 113, 121-2, 130, 134, 144, B.L. ms. Or. 5803, fols. 180a, 181a, 183a-184a, 185b, 199b, 200a; Ibn al-Kalanisi, Dhayl T. Dimashk, ed. Amedroz, 164-5, 169, 174-5; Husayni, Akhbdr al-dawla al-saldjukiyya, ed. Iqbal, 158-9; Ibn Shaddad, al-Nawddir alsultdniyya, in RHC, iii, 84-5; Ibn al-Athlr, Kdmil, x, 264, 319, 330, 340-2, xi, 177, 184-5, 189, 322-3, 335-6, 338-9, xii, 40-1, 67, 167-92; idem, T. alDawla al-atdbakiyya, ed. A. Tulaymat, Cairo 1963, 18, 80; Sibt Ibn al-DjawzI, Mir^dt al-zamdn, Haydarabad 1951, viii/2, 383-4, 423; Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, tr. Budge, 303, 318, 338, 343, 362, 364, 367, 391; Abu 'l-Fida D , Mukhtasar, in RHC, i, 5, 11, 17, 53, 64, 71, 8; Matthew of Edessa, tr. Dulaurier, Paris 1858, 275-6, 318, 3612; Michael the Syrian, tr. Chabot, Paris 1899-1914, 216; al-Makln, Chronique des Ayyoubides, tr. A.M. Edde and F. Micheau, Paris 1994, 18-19. 2. S t u d i e s . Cl. Cahen, Le Diyar Bakr au temps des premiers Urtukides, inJA, ccxxvii (1935), 232, 242, 252, 256, 265-6; V. Minorsky, Studies in Caucasian history, London 1953, 93-5, 99, 146-50; K.M. Luther, The political transformation of the Seljuq sultanate of Iraq and western Iran 1152-1187, diss., Princeton 1964, unpubl., 146-7, 199-200, 232, 236-7; O. Turan, Dogu Anadolu Turk devletleri tarihi, Istanbul 1973, 9-10 and genealogical tree; R.S. Humphreys, From Saladin to the Mongols, Albany 1977, 127-9; M.C. Lyons and D.E.P. Jackson, Saladin. The politics of the holy war, Cambridge 1982, 188-9, 22932; Cahen, La Turquie pre-ottomane, Istanbul-Paris 1988, 22, 50, 79; C.E. Bosworth, The New Islamic dynasties, Edinburgh 1996, no. 92. (CAROLE HILLENBRAND) SHAH BANDAR (p.), literally "harbour, port master". The term was used before the Ottoman period to denote the c h i e f of the m e r c h a n t s , and sometimes the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of f o r e i g n m e r c h a n t c o m m u n i t i e s , at the Indian Ocean ports of India; the form Xabandar is found in the Portuguese chronicles. It appears in Ibn Battuta in regard to the Muslim chief of the merchants (amir al-tudjdjdr) at Calicut [see KALIKAT in Suppl.], "Ibrahim Shah Bandar (the king or chief of the port), originally from Bahrayn" (tr. Gibb and Beckingham, iv, London 1994, 812). See also Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson, a glossary of Anglo-Indian words and phrases2, 816-17 s.v. Shabunder. 1. In the A r a b w o r l d . Here, he was not known in Mamluk times, when there is mentioned the ra^is or kabir al-tudjdjdr. The frequent use of the term in the Thousand and one nights confirms the comparatively late redaction of a certain number of its stories. After the Ottoman conquest, shah bandar is attested in all the Arab countries of the Near East in the sense of provost or overseer of the merchants (notably, at Cairo, Aleppo, Mecca and Baghdad), and likewise at Istanbul, where the expression bazirgan bashi was also used, "merchants of the Black Sea and of the Mediterranean" (also found at Cairo and Aleppo). On the other hand, the term was unknown in the Maghrib; at Tunis, the amm altudjdjdr was an Andalusian, the trade organisation
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SHAH BANDAR
there, it appears, having been formed by these immigrants. We are best informed about the shah bandar in the great centres of Cairo and Aleppo, where there existed an important international trade, which enriched powerful communities of merchants. In Cairo, the shah bandar was at the head of a group of around 500600 merchants who specialised in the large-scale traffic in coffee, spices and textiles. He was a person of considerable status; in official ceremonies, he had precedence over the muhtasib. He was probably appointed by the community, with ultimate control by the authorities. The office was usually for life, and in some cases, was hereditary (cf. the Shara°ibls in the 18th century). The shah bandar seems to have been chosen from amongst the richest tudjdjdr. which is the case for the greater part of the shah bandars whom we know, the best-known being Ahmad al-RuwTcT, IsmacTl Abu Takiyya (d. 1624), Djamal al-Dm alDhahabl (alive in 1630), Dada (d. 1724) and then Kasim al-Shara'ibl (d. 1734), Ahmad b. cAbd alSalam (d. 1791), Mahmud Muharram (d. 1793) and Ahmad al-Mahruki (d. 1804). The shah bandar arbitrated in disputes between merchants and was their intermediary vis-a-vis the authorities. Normally, the community of merchants lay outside the jurisdiction of the muhtasib and even outside that of the Agha of the Janissaries. But the shah bandar's power resided largely in his own, personal prestige; thus the Shara3ibls clearly exercised political influence and had links with the ruling classes. The "house of the chief of the merchants" mentioned on the plan of Cairo in the Description de I'Egypte (VII C arrondissement, 85 I 4) had been the personal residence of cAbd al-Salam and then of al-Mahrukl, but does not appear to have played any "administrative" role. The mahkama or legal tribunal documents which have been studied for Aleppo bring some details on the functions of this dignitary, in all cases analogous to those of his counterpart at Cairo. He apparently had his seat in the khan of the customs officials (gumruk], according to the information of Thevenot (1664). He regulated disputes between the merchants. He gave expert witness in the courts where legal cases involved commercial matters, and represented-the merchants vis-a-vis the administration. The position was held by local notables. Two cases are known where the holder of the office was deprived of it by the authorities at the request of the merchants, on grounds of senility (1645) or incapacity (1689). Alexander Russell (The natural history..., London 1794, i, 323) gives the specific information that he was a member of the Pasha's council (diwdn) ca. 1760. Everything leads us to believe that the importance which the shah bandar Muhammad al-Mahrukl assumed in Cairo during the decade beginning in 1810 (going as far as jurisdiction over the whole body of artisans and merchants in 1813), and his conflict with an especially energetic muhtasib in 1817, was linked to this person's influence with Muhammad CAH, rather than to a growth in the powers of the office. However, Lane, enumerating the councils set up by Muhammad CA1T, mentions a "Court of the Merchants" (diwdn al-tudjdjdr') presided over by the shah bandar (Manners and customs, ch. iv). In reality, the deep changes in the economy and in society in both Egypt and Syria, led in the 19th century to a weakening of the traditional corporative structures, and also of the group of great merchants who had dominated international trade. Although the term itself, and the functions of the shah bandar, are still mentioned for a long time after this in Egypt (CA1I Pasha Mubarak records
a "Muhammad Basha al-Suyuft who is at present shah bandar al-tudjdjdr bi-Misr"}, the institution had lost all importance and was on its way to disappearing, just like the whole of the corporative organisation. Bibliography: Ewliya Celebi, Seydhat-ndme', tr. von Hammer, London 1850, ii, 140; Djabartf, c Aaja>ib al-dthdr, Bulak 1879, iv, 176, 279-80; CA1I Pasha Mubarak, al-Khitat al-djadida, iii, 18, 32, 38; G. Ferrand, Malaka, mJA (1918), 428; idem, L 'element persan, mJA (1924), 238-9; G. Wiet, review in JA (1925), 161-2; idem, Les marchands d'epices, in Cahiers d'Histoire Egyptienne (1955), 130, 146; R. Mantran, Istanbul, Paris 1962, 356, 431-2, 435; G. Baer, Egyptian guilds, Jerusalem 1964, 44-5; A. Raymond, Artisans et commerc.ants, Damascus 1974, ii, 579-82; B. Masters, Mercantilism ... in Aleppo 1600-1750, New York 1988, 57-60; Nelly Hanna, Ismdctl Abu Takiyya, in Les miles dans I'empire ottoman, Paris 1991. (A. RAYMOND) 2. In South-East Asia. This term (modern spelling in South-East Asia, syahbandar] has a long history in the Islamic lands east of India, and refers primarily to the official who directed trade in the maritime cities of Malaysia and Indonesia [q.vv.]. Within this broad definition, three distinct but related uses of the term can be traced. (1) As a member of a "'Royal Council". Taking the royal court of Melaka (ca. 14th-15th centuries) [see MALACCA] as a paradigm, we find a number of named officials with specific functions and duties, such as the Bendahara (treasurer), Temenggong (in charge of public order), Laksamana (commander of warships), etc. The Shah Bandar was intimately involved with trade at the ports (this trade being a royal monopoly), and was part of the inner circle of government, though to what exact extent is not clear. Much depended on his own personality. Some were apparently quite wealthy; it seems that the holder of the office was entitled to a proportion of the duty levied on trade goods, calculated either on place of origin of the goods or on the type of goods concerned. (2) Administration of trade. At the apogee of the Melaka sultanate (late 15th century), the Shah Bandar's rights and obligations were clearly defined. The laws of Melaka (Undang-Undang Melaka, see Bibl.) have various specific references. Thus he is described as the "Father and Mother" of foreign merchants. He generally determined weights and measures. He had his own court for settling commercial disputes by applying elements of the Shari^a, though we have no direct evidence of how this actually functioned. He could order various punishments, up to death, for theft and murder at sea. He was responsible for public order in the ports (hence his title is sometimes translated as "harbourmaster") and for giving succour to and supervising shipwrecked sailors. (3) Controller of trade groups. The entrepot trade in Malaysa and Indonesia involved many different nationalities, and each had its own Shah Bandar (thus for the Cam, the Siamese, the Javanese, the Kling (Indians), the Arabs, etc.). The function of each of these officials was to organise trade and finance within his own community, and between its members and the wider port community. In addition to the above, there are minor references to the office. The term is still used as a general honorific. It appears in Lingga [see RIAU] in the first half of the 19th century. In the Negri Semblan, in Malaysia, it appears as a clan title in the form "Dato Bandar", although there is no trade connection here. Bibliography: W.H. Moreland, The Shahbandar in the eastern seas, mJRAS, N.S. Iii (1920), 517-33;
SHAH BANDAR — SHAH MANSUR SHIRAZI C.C. Brown (ed. and tr.), The Malay annals, Kuala Lumpur 1976; Y.F. Liaw, Undang-Undang Melaka, The Hague 1976; B.W. Andaya, The Indian Saudagar Raja, mjnal. Malay Br. RAS, li (1978), 1336. _ _ (M.B. HOOKER) SHAH DJAHAN (1000-76/1592-1666, r. 103768/1628-57), Mughal e m p e r o r , son of the Emperor Djahangir [q.v.} and his Radjput wife Manmati; his personal name was Khurram, the title of Shah Djahan being granted to him by his father in 1025/1616. His first responsible assignment came with his appointment to the Mewaf campaign in 1022/1614. He was subsequently appointed subaddr of the Deccan in 1025/1616 and again in 1030/1621. In 1031/1622 he procured the murder of his elder brother Khusraw and afterwards rebelled in 1032/1623; driven out of the Deccan, he made his way to Bengal, but was defeated there, too, hence returned to the Deccan, where he submitted to his father (1035/1626). On Djahangir's death in 1036/1627, through the machinations of Asaf Khan, he ascended the throne in 1037/1628 and ordered the execution of his nearest kinsmen as potential rivals—the first instance of such massacres in the Indian Mughal dynasty, and an unhappy precedent for the future. ShahDjahan's approach to nobles who had supported his rivals was, on the other hand, moderate, and he loved to contrast his moderation with the bloodthirstiness of rulers in other Islamic countries. To support his ambitions, Shah Djahan increased the income of his treasury by enlarging the khdlisa (imperial reserved lands). The Djdmaddmi (net revenue annual income) of the empire during his reign was about 9,03,74,20,000 dams (22,59,35,000 rupees); Shah Djahan was probably the richest monarch in the world. Shah Djahan annexed Ahmednagar in 1045/1636, allowing to Bidjapur [q.v.} a portion of it, and standing forth as a protector of Golkoncla, which now paid him annual tribute. In 1047/1638 the Safawid governor of Kandahar handed it over to the Mughals, but the Persians re-captured it in 1058/1649. In 1055/1646 Shah Djahan attacked the Uzbek khanate, and temporarily occupied Balkh and Badakhshan, but finally had to withdraw in 1056/1647. Shah Djahan was a vigorous administrator, and introduced certain important changes (new payschedules, month-ratio system for classification of ajdgirs, etc.); and re-inforced the central authority. He also enjoys a deserved reputation as a builder. The classical product of his interest is the Tadj Mahall [ q . v . ] . On 7 Dhu'l-Ka c da 1040/6 June 1631 Shah Djahan ordered the construction of a mausoleum for his wife Mumtaz Mahall. It was completed in 1053/1643 at the cost of 50 lakhs of rupees. In 1048/1638 he founded the imperial city of Shahdjahanabad at DihlT at the cost of 60 lakhs of rupees. LahorT, the official historian, records that the total expenditure on buildings under Shah Djahan up to the year 1057/1647-8 was rupees 2 crores, 50 lakhs of rupees. Though Shah Djahan began to introduce Islamic observances into Mughal court etiquette, he largely continued the tolerant policy of his two predecessors. He promoted Radjputs to high ranks and patronised Hindi poetry. His eldest son Dara Shukoh [q.v.] translated the Upanisads and wrote a tract (the Madjmcf- al-bahrayn) comparing Sufism with Vedanta. Under the patronage of Shah Djahan, an intellectual movement to bridge the gap between Hinduism and Islam was started and an attempt was made to evolve a common language for both religions.
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He fell ill in Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1067/September 1657, and his four sons Dara Shukoh, Shah Shudja c , Awrangzlb and Murad Bakhsh started making preparations to contest the throne. Awrangzlb emerged victorious, and dethroned and imprisoned_ his father in 1068/1658. In his imprisonment in the Agra fort, he was looked after by his loyal and talented eldest daughter Djahan Ara. He died in 1076/1666, and lies buried by the side of his wife Mumtaz Mahall in the Tadj Mahall. Bibliography: 1. Sources. Djahangir, Tuzuk-i Djahdngiri, ed. Sayyid Ahmad, Ghazipur and c AHgafh 1863-4; ArnTn Kazwlnl, Pddshdh-ndma, B.L. ms. Or. 173, Add. 20734; cAbd al-Hamld LahorT, Pddshdh-ndma, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta 1866-72; Muhammad Warith, Pddshdh-ndma, B.L. ms. Add. 6556, Or. 1675; F. Bernier, Travels in the Mughal Empire, ed. V.A. Smith, London 1916. 2. S t u d i e s . B.P. Saxena, History of Shahjahan of Dihli, Allahabad 1958; M. Athar Ali, Objectives behind the Mughal expedition to Balkh and Badakhshan, 1646-47, in Procs. of the Indian History Congress, Patiala Session, 1967; idem, Mansab and imperial policy under Shahjahan, in Indian Historical Review, iii/1 (July 1976); idem, Towards an interpretation of the Mughal Empire, mJRAS(\978); idem, The apparatus of empire. Awards of ranks, offices and titles to the Mughal nobility (1574-1658), New Delhi 1985; Shireen Moosvi, Expenditure on buildings under Shahjahan. A chapter of imperial financial history, m Procs. of the Indian History Congress, Amritsar Session, 1985. (M. ATHAR ALI) SHAH MALIK B. ALI YABGHU, the Oghuz T u r k i s h [see GHUZZ] r u l e r in the town of Djand [q. v. in Suppl.] on the lower Syr Darya in Transoxania during the second quarter of the llth century A.D. Shah Malik, who is given by Ibn Funduk the kunya of Abu '1-Fawaris and the lakabs of Husam al-Dawla and Nizam al-Milla, was the son and successor of the Oghuz Yabghu, head of a section of that Turkish tribe in rivalry with that one led by the Saldjuk family of chiefs [see SALDJUKIDS. ii]. It was this hostility that made Shah Malik ally with the Ghaznawid Mas c ud b. Mahmud [q.v.] against his kinsmen the Saldjuks, and in 429/1038 the sultan appointed him as his governor over Kh w arazm [q. v. ]. Shah Malik successfully overran Kh w arazm, but with the triumph at Dandankan [q.v. in Suppl.] in Khurasan of Toghril and Caghn Begs, was driven out of Kh w arazm by 435/1043-4. He fled southwards through Persia to Makran and was eventually killed there, his short line being thus extinguished; by the time of his flight from Kh w arazm, Djand had probably already fallen into the hands of the Kipcak [q.v.] Turks. Bibliography: 1. Sources. These comprise mainly Bayhaki's Ta^nkh-i Mas^udi, Ibn Funduk's Ta^nkh-i Bayhak and the Malik-ndma as preserved in Ibn al-Athir and Mlrkh w and. 2. S t u d i e s . Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion, 298 ff.; Cl. Cahen, Le Malik-Nameh et I'histoire des origines Seljukides, in Oriens, ii (1949), 49-55; O. Pritsak, Der Untergang des Reiches des Oguzischen Yabgu, in Fuad Koprulu armagam, Istanbul 1953, 397-410; Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, 238-9, 241; P.B. Golden, in The Cambridge hist, of early Inner Asia, Cambridge 1990, 365-7. _ _ _(C.E. BOSWORTH)
SHAH MANSUR SHIRAZI, finance m i n i s t e r
of the Mughal emperor Akbar (963-1014/1556-1605). Of Indian origin, he held an appointment as mushrif (accountant) of the Royal khushbu-khdna (perfume department), but incurred the hostility of powerful
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SHAH MANSUR SHIRAZI — SHAH RUD
nobles and, dismissed from that post, became diwan (finance superintendent) at Djawnpur. After Khan Zaman's rebellion and death (973/1566) he served as Mun c im Khan's diwdn and then as bakhshi (paymaster of troops). After Mun c im Khan's death (984/1576), he was again in some personal difficulty, but won Akbar's approval and was appointed wazir, sharing the control of finance ministry with Muzaffar Khan and Todar Mall. However, the latter two were soon assigned other duties, and Mansur was mainly responsible for the new system of land revenue collection and payment of cash salaries to nobles according to their ranks or mansabs. In 986/1578 he prepared a new record of estimated revenues (ajamc) based on the preceeding ten years' collections. He was himself raised to 1,000 dhdt, a high rank at the time. But his rigour made him many enemies; and the rebellion of 988/1580 in Djawnpur, Bihar and Bengal was attributed to this cause. In 988/1580, while Akbar marched north-westwards to meet the danger from his foster-brother, Mlrza Muhammad Hakim, ruler of Kabul, Mansur was accused of secret correspondence with him. Since none of the nobles would come forward to stand surety for him, he was executed in 989/1581. Later on, the charge was found to be based on a forgery; but since some very high nobles (Man Singh [q.v. ] and Shahbaz Khan) were involved in it, Akbar seems to have decided to close the case. Bibliography: Abu '1-Fadl cAllamI, Akbar-ndma, Bib. Ind. Calcutta 1837-87, iii; Bayazld Bayat, Tadhkira-yi Humdyun u Akbar, ed. M. Hidayat Husain, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1941; Nizam al-Dln Ahmad, Tabakdt-i Akbari, ed. B. De, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1913, 1927, 1931, 1935; Shaykh Farid Bhakkan, Dhakhirat al-khawdnin, ed. Syed Moinul Haq, Karachi 1961; M. Athar Ali, The apparatus of empire. Awards of ranks, offices and titles to the Mughal nobility, 1574-1658, New Delhi 1985. (M. ATHAR ALI) SHAH MUHAMMAD B. CABD AHMAD, popularly known as Mulla Shah, a distinguished saint of the Kadiri silsila in India (992-1072/15841661). According to Djahan Ara, the name of his father was Mawlana cAbdI, but Mulla Shah refers to him in his mathnawi Risdla-yi nisbat as cAbd Ahmad. Born in 992/1584, in Arkasa, a village of Badakhshan, he lived there for about 21 years. Later he visited Balkh, Kabul and other places in search of a spiritual teacher. He reached Lahore in 1023/1614-15 and felt attracted towards Miyan Mir [q. v. ], remaining in this latter's service for about thirty years. At the direction of his master, he settled in Kashmir and built there a garden house for himself. Dara Shukoh and Djahan Ara also built buildings and fountains there, and the Emperor Shah Djahan visited him. Mulla Shah used to spend his summers in Kashmir and winters in Lahore. He breathed his last in Lahore in 1072/1661, and was buried there in a small mosque at some distance from the mausoleum of Miyan Mir. Mulla Shah's spiritual fame attracted the Mughal prince Dara Shukoh and his sister Djahan Ara to his mystic fold, and both of them wrote their accounts of him (see Bibl.). Mulla Shah was a believer in pantheism. His poetic works, for which he used the nomde-plume of Mulla, particularly his Mathnawiyydt and Rubd^iyydt, are known for their spiritual sensitivity, though they lack poetic elegance. Some of his verses, steeped as they were in pantheistic ideas, provoked orthodox criticism, and Awrangzib summoned him from Kashmir in order to question him about these verses; Dara Shukoh's association with him must have also created suspicion in the new Emperor's
mind but Mulla Shah wrote a congratulatory chronogram on Awrangzlb's accession and thus saved his skin. He wanted to write a commentary on the Kurgan in the light of his mystic ideology, but was unable to proceed beyond the first part. His works have not been published. The following 10 mathnawis, interspersed with prose lines, are found in an excellent India Office ms. (dated 1580), with some autographic remarks: (i) Risdla-yi walwala, (ii) Risdla-yi hdsh, (iii) Risdla-yi ta^nfdt khdnahd wa bdghhd wa mandzil-i Kashmir, (iv) Risdla-yi nisbat, (v) Risdla-yi murshid, (vi) Yusuf u Zulaykhd, (vii) Risdla-yi diwdnd, (viii) Risdla-yi shdhiyd, (ix) Risdla-yi hamd wa nact, (x) Risdla-yi bismilldh. A copy of his Kulliyydt is found in the Bankipore Library (ms. no. 326). Bibliography: Tawakkul Beg Kulall, Nuskha-i ahwdl-i shdhi, B.L. Or. 3203 (the author had lived in the company of Mulla Shah for forty years; French summary; Molla Shah et le spiritualisme oriental, par M.A. de Kremer, in JA, 6C serie, tome xiii [1869], 105-59); Dara Shukoh, Sakinat al-awliyd^, ms. author's personal collection; idem, Saftnat alawliyd^, ed. Tara Chand and Muhammad Rida Djalal NaDinI, Tehran 1965; Djahan Ara Begum, Sdhibiyya, ms. author's personal collection; Muhammad Salih Kanboh, ^Amal-i sdlih, ed. Ghulam Yazdanl, Calcutta 1939, iii, 370-2; Siddlk Hasan, Nigdristdn-i sukhan, Bhopal 1296, 44; Shir CAH LodI, Tadhkirat mir^dt al-khaydl, Bombay 1326, 127; Muhsin Fani, Dabistdn-i madhdhib, Lucknow 1881, 387; Ghulam Sarwar, Khazmat al-asfiyd^, i, Lucknow 1873, 172-4; cAll Kull Daghistanl, Riydd al-shu^aro?, ms. B.L. Add. 16,729; M. Aslam, Farhat al-ndzinn, in Oriental College Magazine, Lahore (May 1928), iv/3, 95-6; Rida Kull Khan, Riydd al-cdrifin, Tehran 1305, 161-2; Khwadja cAbd al-Rashid, Tadhkira-yi shu^ard^-i Panajab, Karachi 1967, 94, 196-202; Amir Hasan cAbidI, Mathnawiyydt-i Mulla Shdh, in Shirdzd, Srinagar (November 1962), 15-33. (K.A. NIZAMI) SHAH-NAWAZ KHAN [see MAHATHIR ALUMARA 3 ].
SHAH NIC_MAT ALLAH [see NICMAT-ALLAHIYYA]. SHAH RUD, a h y d r o n y m and t o p o n y m of Persia. 1. A river o f t h e El b u r z M o u n t a i n s re g i o n o f n o r t h w e s t e r n Persia. It runs from the south-east northwestwards from a source in the mountains west of Tehran and joins the Klzil Uzen [q.v.] at Mandjfl, the combined waters then making up the Safid Rud [0.0.], which flows into the Caspian Sea. The upper reaches of the Shah Rud are known as the Shah Rud-i Talakan, to distinguish it from its right-bank affluent the Shah Rud-i Alamut. This last rises near the Takht-i Sulayman peak and is hemmed in by high mountains; its flanks are dominated by the ruins of a series of Assassin fortresses from mediaeval Islamic times, the most famous of which is Alamut [q.v.]. In the wider, more fertile parts ofthe Shah Rud valleys rice and corn are grown. The Shah Rud is not navigable and is little noted in mediaeval sources. The first notice seems to be that of the 8th century Armenian geography, which describes it as a river of Daylam_rising in the mountains of Talakan (see Marquart, Erdnsahr, 126). In the 19th century, it became known through the travels of W. Monteith (1832) and H. Rawlinson (1838), the first of whom identified ruins ofthe Assassins from the time of Hasan-i Sabbah [q.v.] (see A. Gabriel, Die Erforschung Persiens,' Vienna 1952, 147, 155, 217-18). 2. A d i s t r i c t , mentioned by Hamd Allah Mustawff, Nuzha, 82, tr. 85, as adjoining the districts
SHAH RUD — SHAH RUKH of Talish [q.v.] (the Tawalish) i n t h e n o r t h o f G i l a n ; he states that its people were nominally Shaficls. 3. A t o w n of w e s t e r n K h u r a s a n , lyingjust to the south of Bistam [q.v.] in lat. 36° 25' N. and long. 55° 00' E, altitude 1,360 m/4,460 feet. The town is unmentioned in mediaeval sources, but has become important since the 19th century from its position on the high road from Tehran to Khurasan and now on the railway; there is also a road from it across the Elburz to Astarabad/Gurgan and the Caspian coastlands, which is normally passable all through winter. After the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the town was renamed Imamrud but has now reverted to the old name of Shahrud; it comes within the Simnan province. The population in 1991 was 92,195 (Preliminary results of the 1991 census, Statistical Centre of Iran, Population Division). Bibliography: For older references and the 19th century travellers, see the EP art. Also Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 220-1, 366; Admiralty handbooks. Persia, London H)45, index; Razmara (ed.), Farhang-i djughrdfiyd-yi Irdnzamm, iii, 171-3; Camb. hist, of Iran, i, 42-4. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SHAH RUKH B. TIMUR, f o u r t h son and successor of T i m u r (Tamerlane), was born on 14 RabTc II 779/20 August_1377 of one of Timur's concubines, Taghay Tarkan Agha. In 794/1392 Tlmur appointed him to the new fortress of Shahrukhiyya north of the Jaxartes, and in 799/1397 made him governor of Khurasan, Slstan, and Mazandaran. Shah Rulth was married to two prestigious women, Gawharshad bt. Ghiyath al-Dln Tarkhan and Malikat Agha, the Cinggisid widow of his eldest brother c Umar Shaykh. As governor of Khurasan, Shah Rukh was in a strong position in the struggle after Timur's death on 17 Shacban 807/18 February 1405. He gave limited support to Timur's designated successor, Pir Muhammad b. Djahangir, while allowing other princes to exhaust their resources. In 811/1408, he campaigned against the insubordinate rulers of Slstan, devastating their irrigation systems. After Plr Muhammad died in 809/1407 and dissident amirs deposed his nephew Khalil Sultan in Transoxiana, Shah Rukh entered Samarkand in late 811/Spring 1409 and installed his son Ulugh Beg as governor, retaining Harat as the main capital. In late 815/Spring 1413, his army retook Kh w arazm from the Golden Horde. Southwestern Persia was held by the sons of c Umar Shaykh b. Tlmur, who gave Shah Rukh nominal recognition. In 816/1413 Iskandar b. c Umar Shaykh took the title Sultan and prepared to oppose Shah Rukh. Shah Rukh defeated him at Isfahan on 3 Djumada I 817/21 July 1414. c Umar Shaykh's other sons continued to be troublesome; in the autumn of 818/1415, Shah Rukh attacked them and installed his son Ibrahim Sultan as governor of Fars. In the next two years he undertook campaigns to Kandahar and Kirman, and dismissed the rebellious governor of Andidjan, Ahmad b. c Umar Shaykh. By 821/1418 Shah Rukh had removed his nephews from all major provinces. Kara Yusuf Kara Koyunlu had taken Adharbaydjan, killed Miranshah b. Tlmur and annexed Sultaniyya, Kazwln and Hamadan [see KARA KOYUNLU]. On 11 Shacban 823/21 August 1420, Shah Rukh began a long-projected campaign against him, probably with the encouragement of the Ak Koyunlu (J.E. Woods, The Aqquyunlu: clan, confederation, empire, Chicago 1976, 58; cAbd al-_Husayn Nawa>T (ed.), Asndd wa mukdtabdt-i tdnkhi-yi Iran, Tehran 2536/1977, 179-85) Kara Yusuf died before Shah Rukh arrived.
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Adharbaydjan had not been strongly held by Timur, and Shah Rukh was content with nominal overlordship and the possession of Kazwln and Sultaniyya. After a year pacifying the region he installed CA1T b. Kara c Uthman Ak Koyunlu as governor, and put an amir with an army in Sultaniyya. The rule of Shah Rukh Shah Rukh was quite willing to use violence; he executed both insubordinate followers and religious figures, and wrought deliberate destruction in Slstan and Adharbaydjan. He was at the same time a cautious ruler, who rarely undertook campaigns without provocation and the assurance of military superiority and of local alliances. Most of his reign he spent in Khurasan, going in spring to hunt in Sarakhs and to visit the Mashhad shrine. Many military expeditions were entrusted to his sons and amirs. Ulugh Beg campaigned aggressively against the Moghuls and the Djocids, and Ibrahim Sultan campaigned in Khuzistan and southern Persia. The balance of power in the north shifted after 830/1426-7 when the Uzbeks defeated Ulugh Beg and Muhammad Djuki b. Shah Rukh; after this Ulugh Beg stopped campaigning in person. The Moghuls became aggressive and took Kashghar in 1435, while the Uzbeks under Abu '1Khayr Khan raided Transoxiana for the rest of Shah Rukh's reign. Abu '1-Khayr invaded Kh w arazm in 834/1430-1 and 839/1435; Shah Rukh quartered a winter army in Mazandaran to protect the frontier. In the west, Shah Rukh defended his political claims. On 5 Radjab 832/10 April 1429 he set out against Iskandar b. Kara Yusuf Kara Koyunlu, who had seized Sultaniyya. He defeated Iskandar near Salmas on 18 Dhu '1 Hidjdja 832/18 September 1429, and appointed Iskandar's brother Abu Sacld governor. In spring 838/1435 Shah Rukh set out again against Adharbaydjan, which had fallen to Iskandar. Iskandar fled and local rulers submitted with little resistance. Shah Rukh made Djahanshah b. Kara Yusuf governor of the region; this arrangement lasted until Shah Rukh's death. Shah Rukh exchanged embassies with a large number of powers. He received homage from many neighbouring rulers: the Ak Koyunlu, the DihlT Sultan, the rulers of Hurmuz and, at least at the beginning of his reign, the Ottoman sultans. Shah Rulch's attempts to assert superiority over the Mamluk sultans evoked increasing hostility up to the accession of Cakmak in 842/1438, after which relations were cordial though equal. Until the death of the Yung-lo emperor in 1424, Shah Rukh exchanged frequent embassies with China (a total of 20), and established a rare level of formal equality with the emperor (M. Rossabi, Two Ming envoys to Inner Asia, in T'oung Pao, lxii/1-3, 1-34). Shah Rukh governed by balancing the power of his subordinates, allowing individuals to hold office for long periods. The power of his two most eminent amirs—cAHka Kukeltash and Djalal al-Dln Firuzshah—was kept in check by overlapping responsibilities and the administrative authority of Shah Rukh's son Baysunghur. In his diwdn the two preeminent viziers—Sayyid Fakhr al-DTn Ahmad up to 819/1416-17 and Kh w adja Ghiyath al-Dln Plr Ahmad thereafter—shared authority with partners, and suffered periodic demotions. Shah Rukh initiated the fiscal decentralisation of the Timurid realm by distributing numerous soyurghals, grants of land with tax immunity. The magnificence of provincial courts suggests that not all revenues were forwarded to the centre. Nonetheless, Shah Rukh retained sufficient funds to field a large army and to undertake major
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restoration works in Balkh, Marw and Harat. Provincial governors enjoyed considerable autonomy but required permission for important campaigns. Shah Rukh, moreover, appointed his own amirs to nearby cities, and interfered occasionally in provincial affairs. From 820/1417-18 until near the end of his life, he suffered little insubordination. Shah Rukh was presented as a ruler of exceptional piety, even as a renewer of the Islamic order. In the beginning of his reign he apparently proclaimed the restoration of the Shari^a and abrogation of the yasa (Djalal al-Dln Abu Muhammad al-Kayim, Nasd^ih-i Shdhrukhi, ms. Vienna, Nationalbibliothek Cod. A.F. 112, fols. lb-2b; Hafiz-i Abru, Zubdat al-tawdrikh-i Bdysunghun, ms. Istanbul, Fatih 4371/1, fol. 486b, letter to China). He avoided drinking and twice publicly poured away wine. He was conspicuous in his involvement with religious affairs and his patronage of shrines, but harsh towards ^ulamd^ whose loyalty he questioned and popular religious movements such as the Nurbakhshiyya [q.v.] movement among the Kubrawiyya. On 23 RabTc I 830/22 January 1427, a member of the Hurufiyya [q.v.] sect tried to assassinate Shah Rukh. This led to executions and the exile of the Sufi poet Kasim al-Anwar [#.#.], whom Shah Rukh linked to this event. Shah Rukh did not fully abandon Mongol tradition. Mongol taxes remained in force, as did the Turco-Mongolian yarghu court, and Shah Rukh claimed to punish infringements against Mongol custom. He presented his dynasty as successor to the Il-Khans;_his government was styled "Il-KhanT", and he used Il-Khanid titles earlier applied to Timur's Cinggisid puppet khans, whom he no longer maintained. (Nawa°T, 163, 165, 171, etc.) His major act of literary patronage was the copying and continuation of Rashid al-DTn's works. Shah Rukh's reign initiated an upsurge of Persian and Turkic cultural activity. There was a brief revival of the Uyghur alphabet, and the beginnings of Caghatay Turkic literature. He reconstructed the city walls and bazar of Harat and built a magnificent shrine for cAbd Allah Ansari [q.v.} at Gazurgah. Gawharshad built and endowed a shrine mosque at Mashhad, and a large mosque, madrasa and mausoleum complex outside Harat. Numerous other buildings were endowed by Shah Rukh's amirs. His son Baysunghur [q.v.] was a major patron of book production. Provincial courts also flourished, under Ulugh Beg in Samarkand and Ibrahim Sultan in ShTraz, and under major amirs in Yazd and Kh vv arazm. Near the end of Shah Rukh's life, the death of several sons and amirs upset the balance of power in government. After Baysunghur died in 837/1433, and Amir cAHka in 844/1440, Flruzshah was without equal in army and administration. His subsequent abuses led to an investigation by Shah Rukh, during which Flruzshah died. Further financial scandals followed as well as a number of local rebellions, and increasing dissension within the dynasty. When Shah Rukh became ill in 848/1444-5, disorder broke out, particularly in Khurasan. Gawharshad tried to engineer the succession of her favourite grandson c Ala° al-Dawla b. Baysunghur. These events encouraged Sultan Muhammad b. Baysunghur to rebel; Shah Rukh went against him, and executed several of his ^ulamd^ supporters, but died during the campaign, on 25 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 850/13 March 1447. The ensuing succession struggle ravaged Khurasan and opened western Persia to the Kara Koyunlu. Within fifteen years, Shah Rukh's line had largely
destroyed itself, and Abu Sacid [<7-£.], a descendant of MTranshah, succeeded in taking power. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): 1. S o u r c e s . Sharaf al-Dm CA1I Yazdl, Zafarndma, ed. M. cAbbasI, Tehran 1336/1957; Ahmad b. Djalal al-Dm FasTh Kh w afi, Muajmal-ifasihi, ed. M. Farrukh, Mashhad 1339/1960-1; Dja c far b. Muhammad al-HusaynT, (Dja c farT), Tdnkh-i kabir, ms. St. Petersburg, Public Library, PNS 201, tr. c Abbas Zaryab, Der Bericht uber die Nachfolger Timurs aus dem Ta^rih-i kabir des Gacfari ibn Muhammad alHusaini, diss. Mainz 1960; cAbd al-Razzak Samarkand!, Matlac-i sa^dayn wa maajmac-i bahrayn, ed. M. ShafTc, ii/2-3, Lahore 1949; Ghiyath al-Dln Kh w andamTr, Dastur al-wuzard^, ed. S. NaffsT, Tehran 1317/1938. 2. S t u d i e s . V.V. Bartol'd, Ulugbek i ego vrernya, in Socineniya, ii/2, Moscow 1964, 25-198, Eng. tr. V. and T. Minorsky, Ulugh-Beg, Leiden 1958; A.Z.V. Togan, Bilyuk turk hukumdan §ahruh, in Istanbul Univ. Edebiyat Fakilltesi Turk Dili ve Edebiyati Dergisi, iii/3-4 (1949); I. Aka, Mirza §ahruh zamamnda timurlu imparatorlugu (1411-144T), diss. Ankara 1977; idem, Mirza §ahruh zamamnda (1405-1447) timurlularda imar faaliyetleri, in Belleten, xlviii, nos. 189-90 (1984); H.R. Roemer, The successors of Timur, in Camb. hist. Iran, vi; Maria Subtelny, The Sunni revival under Shah-Rukh and its promoters: a study of the connection between ideology and higher learning in Timurid Iran, in Procs. of the 27th meeting of Haneda Memorial Hall Symposium on Central Asia and Iran, August 30, 1993, 14-23; Shiro Ando, Timuridische Emire nach dem Mu^izz al-ansdb, Berlin 1992; B. O'Kane, Timurid architecture in Khurasan, Costa Mesa, Calif. 1987. (BEATRICE FORBES MANZ) SHAH-i SHUDJAC, Djalal al-Dln Abu '1-Fawaris (d. 786/1384), a p r i n c e of the M u z a f f a r i d [q.v.] d y n a s t y in Persia (for the correct form of his name, see J. Aubin, La fin de I'etat sarbadar du Khorassan, in JA, cclxii [1974], 101-2 n. 32). Born on 22 Djumada II 733/10 March 1333, he was the son of the dynasty's founder, Mubariz al-Dm Muhammad, who gave him Kirman as his appanage in 754/1353 and recognised him as his heir. In the division of the Muzaffarid territories following Mubariz al-DTn's deposition and blinding by his sons in 760/1359, Shah-i Shudja c received Pars and the status of paramount ruler, residing at Shfraz. In his early years Shah-i Shudjac had to check the depredations of the Shul and of Mongol and Turkmen tribes who sought the restoration of the Indjuid [q. v. ] dynasty (Mandhiaj_, fol. 654b). But much of his reign was absorbed in conflict with the rival Djalayirid [q. v. ] dynasty in c lrak and Adharbaydjan, and with his turbulent relatives, of whom his brothers Shah Mahmud and Sultan Ahmad ruled respectively in Isfahan and Kirman and a nephew Shah Yahya in Yazd. An attempt to bolster his authority by accepting, as his father had done, a diploma from the puppet cAbbasid Caliph in Cairo and performing homage to his representative (770/1368-9) does not seem to have brought Shah-i Shudja c any advantage. In 765/1364 he was confronted by a particularly serious threat when Shah Mahmud revolted. Shah-i Shudja c 's army was defeated outside Isfahan and obliged to retreat, whereupon Shah Mahmud summoned to his aid Shah Yahya and the Djalayirid ruler Shaykh Uways, whose daughter he had married, and the allies moved on Shlraz. Shah-i Shudja c was deserted by his brother Sultan Ahmad and himself besieged in Shiraz. In Rablc II 766/December 1364January 1365 (Mandhidi, fol. 657a) he surrendered ShTraz to Shah Mahmud and was allowed to leave for
SHAH-i SHUDJAC — SHAH SULTAN Abarkuh. Here he built up a power-base, taking Kirman from a rebel who had seized possession of it. Together with his nephew Shah Yahya, who had submitted to him once more, and the latter's brother Shah Mansur, he advanced on Shlraz and routed Shah Mahmud's forces. Sultan Ahmad in turn went over to Shah-i Shudjac, and Shah Mahmud abandoned the city in Dhu 'l-Ka c da 767/August 1366. The recovery of his capital, however, did not mean that Shah-i Shudja c enjoyed undisturbed rule. Although in 768/1366-7 Shah Mahmud again acknowledged his overlordship, the two rulers continued to engage in periodic conflict; at one point Shah-i Shudja c 's eldest son Sultan Uways rebelled and took refuge with Shah Mahmud. Following the latter's death on 9 Shawwal 776/13 March 1375, however, Shah-i Shudjac was able to take over Isfahan despite a faction within the city which supported Uways. Shaykh Uways having also died in 776/1375, Shahi Shudjac sought to avenge himself on the Djalayirids. He invaded Adharbaydjan, defeated the Djalayirid army on 6 Djumada I 777/3 October 1375 (Mandhid^, fol. 660a), and occupied Tabriz, Karabagh and Nakhciwan, but was shortly obliged to withdraw. Peace was made with Uways's son and successor, Sultan Husayn, and cemented by the marriage_of Husayn's sister to Shah-i Shudja c 's son Zayn al-cAbid!n, on whom his father now conferred Isfahan. A subsequent campaign against Yazd brought to heel Shah Yahya, who had again rebelled; but the prince's brother Shah Mansur fled to Mazandaran and later to Baghdad. Over the next few years Shah-i Shudja c intervened once more in the upheavals afflicting the Djalayirid principality, where the governor of Sultaniyya, Sarik c Adil, rebelled and Husayn was embroiled with his brothers. Sarik cAdil was obliged to accept Muzaffarid overlordship in 781/1379-80; and when in 784/1382 Husayn was overthrown and killed by his brother Ahmad, Shah-i Shudja c encouraged another dissident Djalayirid commander to occupy Shushtar and Baghdad and to strike coins and make the khutba in his name. Although Ahmad occupied Baghdad and sent the Muzaffarid prince Shah Mansur to seize Shushtar, he was soon confronted with a bid by Sarik cAdil at Sultaniyya to seize the throne on behalf of a third brother, BayazTd, and appealed to Shah-i Shudjac for assistance. In order to attend to Shushtar, Shah-i Shudja c effected a reconciliation between the Djalayirid brothers; but he was unable to make any headway against Shah Mansur, with whom he made peace. Soon after this campaign Shah-i Shudja c died on 22 Shacban 786/9 October 1384. His son Uways had predeceased him, and he was succeeded at Shlraz by his son Zayn al- c Abidm, who proved unable to enforce his authority over his kinsmen. One of Shah-i Shudja c 's last actions had been to write a letter interceding with Tlmur-i Lang on behalf of his family (Kutubl, 104-8), but this did not prevent the conqueror invading the Muzaffarid territories and eventually destroying the dynasty. The chroniclers praise Shah-i Shudja c 's cultural accomplishments (KutubT, 63). Although he himself wrote indifferent verse, he studied grammar and is celebrated as the patron and friend of the famous poet Hafiz [q.v. ], who hails his accession as the dawn of a more liberal era. Yet Shah-i Shudjac was not without his dark side, as attested by his blinding both of his father and, in 785/1383, of his son Sultan ShiblT, whom he suspected, groundlessly, of plotting against him (KutubT, 99-100). Bibliography: The chief primary source is Mahmud KutubT, Ta^nkh-i dl-i Muzaffar, ed. cAbd
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al-Husayn Nawa'T, Tehran 1335 6£./1956, 63-108. For the earlier part of his work, covering the period prior to Shah-i Shudja c 's accession, KutubT abridged MucTn al-DTn YazdT's Mawdhib-i ildht(goes down to 767/1365-6), ed. SacTd NafTsT, Tehran 1326 S/L/1947 (vol. i only, to 754/1353); Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, ms. McLean 198. There is a survey of the reign down to 777/1375-6 in the anonymous Mandhidj_ al-tdlibm, India Office ms. 1660 (Ethe, no. 23), fols. 649-660b. See also MucTn al-DTn NatanzT, Muntakhab al-tawdrikh-i Mu^inT, partial ed. J. Aubin, Tehran 1336 ^./1957, 186-93, and Hafiz-i Abru's history of the Muzaffarids in his Madjmu^a, B.N. Paris, ms. Supp. pers. 2046 (Blochet, no. 2284), fols. 70a-86b. The principal secondary sources are Husayn-kulT Sutuda, Ta^rikhi dl-i Muzaffar, i, Tehran 1346 Sh./l967- H.R. Roemer, in Camb. hist. Iran, vi, 14-16; see also Annemarie Schimmel, in ibid., 934-5. (P. JACKSON) SHAH SULTAN, a name used for several princesses of the Ottoman dynasty, among others for a daughter of BayezTd II (M. Qagatay Ulucay, Padisahlann kadmlan ve kizlan, Ankara 1980, 29) and for a daughter of Mustafa III (ibid., 10), who endowed a mosque and zdwiye complex in Eyiip, Istanbul, still extant today. Here we will deal with two 10th/16th century princesses bearing this name. 1. Shah Sultan, also known as ShahT Sultan or DewletshahT, d a u g h t e r of SelTm I, was married before 929/1523 to LiitfT Pasha, with whom she may have spent some time in Epirus. From this marriage two daughters were born, named Ismikhan and Sefakhan. But by Muharrem 948/May 1541, Shah Sultan's marriage to LutfT Pasha had ended in divorce, after KanunT Siileyman had removed LutfT Pasha from his post as Grand Vizier. A hudjdjet dated 22 Muharrem 948/28 May 1541, witnessed among others by the Chief Architect Mi c mar Sinan, states that the princess renounced her rights to mehr-i mil^edjdiel and support; in return, LutfT Pasha handed over to her several of his Istanbul properties. Shah Sultan did not marry again, devoting herself instead to patronage of the arts and piety. She was a renowned collector of books, nine of which were purchased for the Palace after her death. According to the KhalwetT hagiographer Yusuf Sinan Efendi (d. 989/1581), Shah Sultan and LutfT Pasha at the time of their married life had founded a KhalwetT tekke in the Istanbul region known as Davutpasa (935/1528), and Shah Sultan invited the well-known shaykh Ya c kub Efendi to be its pustnishin (see Hafiz Hiiseyin AywansarayT, Hadikat ul-djewdmi^, Istanbul, 1281/1864-5, i, 132, who claims that Shah Sultan was buried here). However, when the famous KhalwetT Shaykh Merkez Efendi died in 959/1552, Ya c kub Efendi, to the frustration of Shah Sultan, preferred to succeed the latter at the Kodja Mustafa Pasha zdwiye in Istanbul, whereupon the foundress apparently converted the tekke into a school. In addition, Shah Sultan, who belonged to the circle of Merkez Efendi, founded a mosque along with a KhalwetT tekke in the Eyiip area of Bahariye (inscription dated 963/1536-7). This site the foundress chose for her grave, probably due to the proximity of the tomb of Eyiib-i EnsarT. Several of her descendants subsequently were buried in the same place. This foundation had originally been destined for Merkez Efendi himself; but when the latter declined the position, his khalife Gomleksiz Mehmed Efendi (d. 951/1544) was appointed instead. Both the Eyiip and the Davutpasa mosques had
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originally been established as mesdiids. In twofermans dated 962/1555 and 970/1562-3 Kanum Suleyman accorded Shah Sultan permission to upgrade these two foundations into Friday mosques. The Davutpasa mosque today is located in the garden of the Djerrah Pasha hospital; when it was restored in 1953, the original dome was supplanted by a tiled roof. The Eyiip foundation remained in the hands of the KhalwetT-SunbulI dervishes until the tekkes were closed in 1925. After the earthquake of 1180/1766, the complex was restored several times, particularly in the reign of Mahmud II. Shah Sultan's turbe was destroyed in the course of the 1953 restoration. In addition to these two complexes, Shah Sultan had built a mosque and zdwiye near the tomb of her shaykh Merkez Efendi, outside the Istanbul gate of Yeni Kapu. Her continuing interest in the family of Merkez Efendi is documented by the pensions she granted in her wakfiyye both to his daughter and to his granddaughter. All these foundations were to be supported by villages in the vicinity of Dimetoka [0.0.], donated to Shah Sultan by Kanum Suleyman. As Shah Sultan's former husband LutfT Pasha had retired to the region after his deposition, the couple seems to have had a long-standing connection with Dimetoka. In addition, the princess endowed her foundations with extensive urban real estate, partly located in the vicinity of her own palace in the quarter of Hekimcelebi, later known as the Handjerli Sultan Sarayi. Some of Shah Sultan's properties, not assigned to pious foundations, were left to her great-grandson Ahmed Celebi, and she appointed her niece, Kanum's daughter Mihr-i mah, as executor. Shah Sultan must have died some time between 983/1575 and 985/1577; for at the earlier date, Murad III, who had recently acceded to the throne, confirmed the grant of Dimetoka villages originally assigned to Shah Sultan by his grandfather Kanum Suleyman. At the latter date, a Palace account mentions her as deceased. It is difficult to determine whether the Princess Shah Sultan, for whose pilgrimage to Mecca the Diwdn-l humdyun made arrangements in 980/1572-3, is identical with Shah Sultan, the daughter of Sellm I. Pilgrimages by princesses were of political significance, for no Ottoman sultan ever visited Mecca. Shah Sultan's pilgrimage therefore was treated as an occasion to make the presence of the Ottoman dynasty visible. However, it is also possible that these preparations were intended for Shah Sultan, the daughter of Sellm II. But pilgrims often set out for Mecca at an advanced age, and a testament such as the one left by this particular Shah Sultan might be considered a suitable preparation for the pilgrimage. Moreover, as the Shah Sultan discussed here possessed a special reputation for piety, it is probable that she was in fact the prospective pilgrim. Whether she reached Mecca remains unknown. Bibliography: In addition to references in the text, see Aywansarayl, Hadikat, i, 232, 256-7; H J. Kittling, Aus der Geschichte des Chalvetijje-Ordens, in ZDMG, ciii (1953), 265-7; Mehmed Thiireyya, art. Lutfi.Pas_ha, in Siajill-i ^Othmdm, iv, 91; M. Tayyib Gokbilgin, XV ve XVI. asirlarda Edirne ve Pasa livasi vakiflar-mulkler-mukataalar, Istanbul 1952, 498-9; A.D. Alderson, The structure of the Ottoman dynasty, Oxford 1956, Table XXIX, mistakenly recorded as "§ahhuban"; Ulucay, op. cit., 32-3; idem, Harem II, Ankara 1985, 92; Filiz Qagman and Cemal Kafadar, Tanzimat'tan once Selfuk ve Osmanli toplumunda kadmlar, in Qaglarboyu Anadolu'da kadin. Anadolu kadinm 9000 yih, Istanbul 1993, 208-9, 228-
9 (fundamental); Leslie M. Peirce, The Imperial Harem, women and sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire, Oxford 1993, 66, 67, 201-2; Suraiya Faroqhi, Pilgrims and Sultans. The Hajj under the Ottomans, London and New York 1994, 129-30; arts. §ah Sultan Camii (Esra Giizel Erdogan) and §ah Sultan Camii ve tekkesi (Baha Tanman), in Dunden bugilne Istanbul ansiklopedisi, Istanbul 1994, vii, 124-7. 2. Shah Sultan, d a u g h t e r of Selfm II and N u r b a n u S u l t a n , was born in Manisa in 951/1544. In 969/1562 Suleyman I married off three of his granddaughters, an event accompanied by major festivities. Shah Sultan was bestowed upon the Cakirdjibashi Hasan Agha (later Pasha and Vizier). The bridegroom was assigned 15,OOOyZorz to spend on the wedding, while the best man (saghdlc] received 10,000 and the bride 2,000 flori. Apart from these grants to the individuals involved, the Palace spent 25,000 flori on the festivities. According to at least one chronicler, the marriage ended in divorce. After the death of her first husband in 981/1574, the princess married Zal Mahmud Pasha, a special favourite of Suleyman; thereafter, she was sometimes known as the Zal Mahmud Pasha Sultani. A daughter and a son, the latter known as Shehld Kose Khiisraw Pasha, were born of this union. Donating twelve villages granted to her by her father, Shah Sultan, together with her husband, endowed a mosque, medrese and mausoleum in Eyiip, whose architect was Micmar Sinan. According to one source, the mosque and medrese were Zal Mahmud Pasha's foundations, while Shah Sultan contributed a zdwiye. The exact date of construction remains unknown, but since in 987/1579 a muderris was appointed to the medrese, it must have been complete or else close to completion. While both mosque and mausoleum appear in two lists of Sinan's works, the medrese is only mentioned in a single one. During this period, Mi c mar Sinan must have spent most of his energy on Sultan Sellm II's mosque in Edirne. Therefore the medrese, built on two levels linked by a staircase, may well be at least partly the work of another architect. Both Shah Sultan and her spouse died in 988/1580 and were buried in their common mausoleum. Bibliography: Aywansarayl, Hadikat, i, 253 ff.; art. Zal Mahmud Pasha in Sidjill-i C0thmdm, ii, 426; Gokbilgin, op. cit., 502; Alderson, op. cit., Table XXXI; Ulucay, op. cit., 41; Peirce, op. cit., 67; art. Zal Mahmud Pasa Kiilliyesi (Dogan Kuban) in Dunden bugilne Istanbul ansiklopedisi, vii, 542-3. (SURAIYA FAROQHI) SHAH TAHIR AL-HUSAYNI AL-DAKKANI, son of the Imam RadT al-Dm II, the most f a m o u s imam of the Muhammad-Shahl line of post-Alamut [q. v. ] NizarT Ismacilism [0.o.]. He was a theologian, a poet, a stylist, and an accomplished diplomat who gave valuable services to the Nizam-Shahr dynasty of Ahmadnagar in southern India, hence the surname al-Dakkanl because of this affiliation. He was born and brought up in Khund near Kazwln, where his ancestors had settled after the fall of Alamut and had acquired a large following. He was a gifted man and attained a high reputation for his learning and piety. Subsequently, he was invited by the Safawid Shah Ismacfl I [q.v.] to join other scholars at his court; however, Shah Tahir's religious following aroused Shah Ismail's suspicious mind, and only after the intercession of Mlrza Husayn Isfahan! (who was an influential dignitary and might have been a secret convert and a follower of the imam)
SHAH TAHIR — SHAHARA was Shah Tahir allowed to settle down in Kashan, where he became a religious teacher. Soon his influence over the people and his popularity among them aroused the hostility of the local officials and the Twelver ShicT scholars, who maliciously reported to the Shah, accusing Shah Tahir of heretical teaching. Hence, in 926/1520 the Imam was obliged to flee with his family. He first went to Pars and then sailed to India. Ajter landing in Goa he went to the court of IsmacTl cAdil Shah in Bidjapur. Disappointed with his reception, he decided to make a pilgrimage to Mecca and to the Shi^i shrines in clrak before returning to Persia; however, on his way to the seaport he met some high dignitaries of Burhan Nizam Shah, the ruler of Ahmadnagar, and was invited there: In 928/1522 the Imam arrived in the capital of Nizam-Shahl state and soon became the most trusted adviser of the Shah and attained a highly privileged position at his court. The Indian historian Firishta, who has given the most detailed account of his life, relates an interesting story of his miraculous healing of Burhan Nizam Shah's young son, which brought about the latter's conversion from Sunnism to ShTcism. Shortly after his own conversion, Burhan Nizam Shah proclaimed Twelver Shlcism as the official religion of the state. Our sources state that the form of ShTcism propagated by Shah Tahir, himself a NizarT Imam, was Twelver Shi c ism, which may seem strange. However, one must bear in mind that Shah Tahir arid his predecessors were obliged to observe takiyya [q.v.], so that they propagated Nizarl Ismacllism in the guise of Twelver ShTcism and Sufism. This explains why he wrote several commentaries on the theological and jurisprudential works of the well-known Twelver scholars and a commentary on the famous Sufi treatise Gulshan-i rdz. Except for some of his poetry and excerpts of his correspondence, nothing seems to have survived. He died at Ahmadnagar between 952/1545-6, the year mentioned by the contemporary Safawid prince Sam Mirza, and 956/1549, the date recorded by Firishta. His remains were later transferred to Karbala3. Bibliography: For a detailed description of his works and sources, see I. Poonawala, Bio bibliography of Ismd^ili literature, Malibu 1977, 271-5; F. Daftary, The Ismd^Tlis: their history and doctrines, Cambridge 1990, 453-4, 4_71, 487:90. (I. POONAWALA)" SHAH WALI ALLAH [see AL-DIHLAWI, SHAH WALI ALLAH]. SHAH AD A (A.), the verbal noun from shahida, a verb which means successively (1) to be present (somewhere), as opposed to ghdba "be absent"; whence (2) see with one's own eyes, be witness (of an event); whence (3) bear witness (to what one has seen); whence (4), attest, certify s. th. tout court. Shahdda can thus mean in the first place "that which is there", whence "that which can be seen", as in the Kur'anic formula in which God is described as cdlim al-ghayb wa 'l-shahdda '' He who knows what is invisible and visible" (VI, 73; IX, 94, 105; XIII, 9; etc.). Another sense, more commonly used, is that of w i t n e s s ing, the declaration by means of which the witness to an event testifies to the reality of what he has seen (or claims to have seen); this is the sense in Kurgan, II, 282-3 (in regard to a debt), V, 106-8 (in regard to a bequest), XXIV, 4, 6 (concerning adultery), LXV, 2 (at the time of a divorce), and, from this point of departure, in legal language [see SHAHID]. A third usage (not directly Kur'anic but implicit in III, 19, VI, 19 and LXIII, 1) is the religious sense, in which shahdda denotes the Islamic p r o f e s s i o n of f a i t h ,
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the act of declaring "There is no god but God, and Muhammad is the Messenger of God". Sometimes, one speaks in this case of al-shahddatdn1 "the two shahddas" [see TASHAHHUD]. Finally, by extension of this third sense, shahdda can refer to the supreme manner of affirming the Islamic faith, that of the m a r t y r in the cause of Islam [see MASHHAD and SHAHID]. Bibliography: See thefikh books and the Bibl. to SHAHID. _ (D. GIMARET) SHAHANSHAH [see SHAH]. SHAHARA. also commonly Shuhara, the name of a large m o u n t a i n , town and f o r t r e s s in the district (ndhiya) of al-Ahnum in the Yemen, placed by Werdecker (Contribution, 138) at 16° 14' lat. N. and 43° 40' long. E., i.e. approximately 90 km due east of the Red Sea coast and 110 km north, slightly west, of San^3 [9.0.]. Al-Ahnum was originally of Hashid, one of the two divisions of Hamdan. Today, however, the majority of its tribal groups are of Bakll, the other division, and it is counted as Bakll territory. The town itself, known in former times as Mi c attik, is called Shaharat al-RaDs since it is perched right on the summit of the mountain. The fortress is named Shaharat al-FTsh and is situated to the east of the town. A famous and often photographed bridge was built on the instructions of Imam Yahya Hamld alDin in about 1320/1902, and thus the town has spread in an easterly direction since that date. It has three gates through which all traffic entering and leaving the town must pass: Bab al-Nahr, Bab al-Nasr and Bab al-Saraw. It is said (al-Hadjarl, Madjmu^, i, 95) that its d^dmi^ mosque was built in 1029/1620 by Imam al-Kasim b. Muhammad, who had made the town his capital and died and was buried there in 1054/1644, and that the town has seven other mosques. Shahara is firstly linked with the famous preIslamic Tubba c , Ascad al-Kamil. Amir Dhu '1Sharafayn Muhammad b. Dja c far, son of Imam alKasim b. CA1I al-cAyyanI, who died in 478/1085, made the town his headquarters, after which it was often referred to as Shaharat al-Amir. Amir Muhammad is buried in the town. The Turks during their two occupations of the Yemen made repeated assaults on Shahara, but it^was only in 995/1587 that their governor, Mustafa cAsim Pasha, finally succeeded in taking it after a long siege. This proved to be their only conquest of the town, for, although again in 1323/1905 the Turks besieged Shahara, they were unsuccessful. Of this unsuccessful siege and attack, a Yemeni poet wrote "[The Turks] came by night (saraw) against Saraw gate, but in the morning they were slaughtered (nuhiru) at al-Nahr [gate], when victory (al-nasr, the name of the third gate) was something to be hoped for". Shahara was always a centre of learning and produced a number of famous fukaho?, udabd^ and poets. Of the last may be mentioned Zaynab bt. Muhammad al-Shahariyya who died in 1114/1702. Although her poetry was never assembled into a diwdn, it finds a respected place in Yemeni literature; she also wrote some prose. Bibliography: J. Werdecker, A contribution to the geography and cartography of north-west Yemen, in Bull, de la Societe Royale de Geographic d'Egypte, xx (1939), 1-160; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Hadjarl, Madjmu(~ bulddn al-Yaman wa-kabd^ilihd, Sanca:> 1984, i, 95-6; Ibrahim Ahmad al-Makhaft, Mu^djam al-bulddn wa 'l-kabd^il al-Yamaniyya, San^ 1988, 365-6; Ahmad C AH al-WadicI, art. Shahara in Ahmad Djabir c Afif et alii (eds.), al-Mawsu^a al-Yamaniyya, SancaD 1992, 556-7. (G.R. SMITH)
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SHAHARIDJA — AL-SHAHHAM
SHAHARIDJA (much less frequently shahandj_; sing, shahnaji), Arabised form of the Persian shahriglshahrigan, and the name given to some local n o t a b l e s o f c l r a k who survived the coming of Islam well into the medieval period. The role of the Shaharidja in the Sasanid period is vexing, since the evidence is all late and all literary. Al-Mas c udI states that they were part of the nobility of the Sawad [q. v. ] and superior in rank to the dihkdns', meanwhile, al-Ya c kubT glosses the shahnd^ as the ra^is al-kuwar, and this has often been taken to mean that they were imperial appointees with broad responsibilities in provincial administration. However, the material testimony is conspicuously silent when it comes to the Shaharidja (as opposed to the shahrabs), and Gyselen has argued that the Shaharidja of the Sasanid period were representatives of the dihkdns, rather than administrative officials; insofar as the later evidence from northern Mesopotamia sheds any light on the Sasanid period, the Shaharidja should certainly be interpreted as local notables, but how they related to the dihkdns is less clear. The earliest attestation of the Shaharidja in the Islamic sources comes in Abu Mikhnaf s account of the conquest of Taknt (here put in year 16/637), where they join a Byzantine force and local Arab tribes in defence of the town; al-Baladhun also mentions the toponym Tall al-Shaharidja in his account of the conquest of Mawsil, which, if we admit it as authentic, indicates their presence in the north before Islam (for a possible parallel, see Noldeke, Geschichte der Perser und Amber, 446, on Theophylactus Simocatta). Local Nestorian sources of the 9th century portray the Shaharidja as local headmen and wealthy notables, who lived in several towns and villages in the province of Mawsil; according to Thomas of Marga, they levied onerous taxes on the dihkdns. But Thomas also accuses them of holding the aberrant view that "Christ was a mere man" (barndshd shhimd), and it is therefore hard to know how much of his information is polemical. Although an ex eventu prophecy recorded by Thomas suggests that their role in local taxation began to fade at the end of the 2nd Islamic century, they were known in the north as late as Ibn Hawkal's time. The evidence for their presence in c lrak (as opposed to Mawsil) during the Islamic period is so thin and stereotypical that firm conclusions are impossible. Bibliography: BaladhurT, Futuh, 332; Taban, i, 2474-5, tr. Noldeke, op. cit., 446-7; Ya c kubr, Ta^nkh, i, 203; Mas c udl, Mumdj_, § 662, and Pellat's Index, vi, 417; Aghdni, Cairo 1958, xiv, 136; Ibn Hawkal, 217; Thomas of Marga, The Book of Governors, ed. and tr. E.A.W. Budge, London 1893, passim; S.P. Brock, A Syriac life of John of Dailam, in Parole dVnent, x (1981-2), 187/163-4; G. Hoffmann, Auszuge aus syrischen Akten persischer Mdrtyrer, Leipzig 1880, 236 ff.; M. Grignaschi, Quelques specimens de la litterature Sassanide conserves dans les bibliotheques d'Istanbul, inJA, ccliv (1966), 31-4; M. Morony, Iraq after the Muslim conquest, Princeton 1984, 129, 187-90, 204; R. Gyselen, La geographic administrative de Vempire sassanide: les temoignages sigillographiques, Paris 1989, 28. (C.F. ROBINSON) SHAHDANADJ (also shahddnak, shdhddnad^ shdddnak, shardnak) h e m p s e e d . In Greek pharmacology and throughout its Arabic counterpart, it was known as a rather minor simple, useful for drying out fluid in the ear by dripping its oil into it, harmful in that it caused headache and sexual dysfunction when eaten in large quantities, and the like. The word was commonly accepted as the Persian equivalent of Greek cannabis, Ar. kinnab, and hence served as an-
other term for hashish [q. v. ]; this may explain why so many different forms were in use. Bibliography: A. Dietrich, Dioscurides triumphans, ii, 502-3, 598-9. = Abh. d. Akad. d. Wiss. in Gottingen, phil.-hist. Kl., 3. Folge (1988), 172 ff., with full references to the pharmacological works. From the older literature, see I. Loew, Die Flora der Juden, Vienna and Leipzig 1928, repr. Hildesheim 1967, i, 255-63, and, for the hashish aspect, F. Rosenthal, The Herb, Leiden 1971, index, 201a. (F. ROSENTHAL) SHAHDJAHANABAD [see DIHLI]. C AL-SHAHHAM, ABU YA KUB YUSUF b. cAbd Allah b. Ishak, M u c t a z i l l t h e o l o g i a n of the Basran school (3rd/9th century). His exact dates are unknown. His biographers only say that he was the youngest, or among the youngest, of the disciples of Abu '1Hudhayl (d. ? 227/841 [q.v.]), that he died aged 80 and that his death was after 257/871, when he was for a while prisoner of the Zandj, when these last overran Basra. As his name implies, he was a seller of fat, and under al-Wathik held administrative posts in the taxation office or diwdn al-kharddi. According to Ibn alNadlm (cited in Ibn Hadjar, Lisdn, vi, 325), he is said to have even headed this department. According to other sources, he was reportedly simply charged as a "religious figure", and in the general framework of the suppression of abuses, to oversee in this regard the conduct of al-Fadl b. Marwan [ q . v . ] . He was a disciple both of Abu '1-Hudhayl and, it seems, of Mu c ammar [q.v.] (thus according to alKhayyat, Intisdr, ed. Nader, 45, 11. 15-17), and eventually became head of the MuctazilT school in Basra. He was the chief master of Abu cAlf al-Djubba°i [ q . v . ] . A trenchant polemicist, he is said to have written numerous refutations, as well as, notably, a Kurgan commentary (for all biographical details, see c Abd al-Djabbar, Fadl al-iHizal, Tunis 1974, 280-1; alHakim al-Djushaml, Sharh <~uyun al-masd^il, ms. San'-a3, Great Mosque, S'/ra al-kaldm, no. 212, fol. 59a; Ibn al-Murtada, Tabakdt al-muHazila, BeirutWiesbaden 1961, 71-2; and on the episode of the Zandj, c Abd al-Djabbar, Tathbit dald^il al-nubuwwa, Beirut 1966, 341). He is characterised by two main theses: (1) C o n c e r n i n g the science of God, on the question whether God has known things from all eternity (lamyazal cdlima" bi 'l-ashyd^—a question debated at length in al-Ash c arT, Makdldt, Wiesbaden 1963, 158-63—he was amongst those answering affirmatively (see ibid., 162, 11. 8-17). This means that he admitted that, given the fact that the universe is created, "things are things even before they come into existence", in other words, that "what is not yet in existence is a thing" (al-ma^dum shay^), a thesis which the majority of later Mu c tazilTs, Basrans as well as Baghdadls, made their own. A relatively late tradition holds that, within the Mu c tazilT school, al-Shahham was the first to uphold such a principle (see alDuwaym, Shdmil, Alexandria 1969, 124, 11. 6-7; alShahrastam, Nihdya, Oxford 1934, 151, 11. 2-5). In reality, his contemporary and compatriot c Abbad b. Sulayman [q.v.] held the same view (see Makdldt, 158, 11. 16 ff. and 495, 11. 9 ff.). Al-Shahham simply went further, saying that bodies even are bodies before they come into existence, a viewpoint which was later taken up by the Baghdad! al-Khayyat [q.v. ] (in his Park, ed. c Abd al-Hamid, Cairo n.d., 179, 11. 15 ff., al-Baghdadl attributes to al-Khayyat the reasoning that, in Makdldt, 162, 11. 12-16, 504, 11. 16 ff., alAsh c an attributes to al-Shahham). (2) R e g a r d i n g G o d ' s p o w e r , considered in its
AL-SHAHHAM — SHAHID connection with human acts, al-Shahham upheld, against all the other Muctazills (thus in Makdldt, 549, 11. 9-11; but if one believes Ibn Mattawayh, Madjmvt^, Beirut 1965, i, 379, 11. 9-13, Abu '1-Hudhayl and Muhammad b. Shablb are said to have thought the same) that "God has power over what He gives power to mankind" (yakdiru ca/a md akdara ^alayhi ^ibddahu] cf. Makdldt, 199, 1. 7, 549, 1. 12), thus admitting the idea of "one object of power for the two wielders of power" (makdur wdhid li 'l-kddirayn) (cf. Park, 178, 11. 4-6). Although, moreover, like Dirar, al-Nadjdjar [q. vv.] and, later, the Sunn! theologians, al-Shahham apparently distinguished between "to create" (khalakd), which would be proper to God, and "to acquire" (iktasaba), which would be proper to man (cf. Makdldt, 550, 11. 2-3), one should not understand that, for him, as these other theologians thought, it was the very same act at the very same instant which is, at the same time, "created" by God and "acquired" by man. It appears in fact to be a question of an alternative (cf. Park, 178, 11. 7-9): this common possibility is, whether it is God who produces it and it is then an act of God alone, or whether it is man, and in this case it is exclusively an act of man (see Makdldt, 199, 11. 89, 549, 11. 13 ff.; Madjmu^, I, 379, 1L 11-12, 15-16; c Abd al-Dabbar, Mughni, Cairo 1963, viii, 275, 11. 16-18). Bibliography: Given in the article, to which should be added Ash c arl, Makdldt, 277, 11. 3-13, 415, 11. 6-8; cAbd al-Djabbar, Fadl, 256, 11. 1-10; Abu 'l-Mucfn al-NasafT, Tabsira, Damascus 1993, ii, 548,11. 8-10, 724,11 9-11; Ibn Abi 'l-Hadld, Shark Nahdl al-baldgha, Cairo 1959, i, 7, 11. 6-10; J. van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschqft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra_, iv, § 4.1.3. (D. GIMARET) SHAHI (P.), lit. "royal, kingly". In n u m i s m a t i c s , t h e n a m e o f a silver coinage d e n o m i n a tion in Safawid and post-Safawid Persia until inflation gradually drove it out of circulation. The name originated in Persia after TTmur introduced his tangayi nukra in 792/1390 at 5.38 gr, half the weight of the Dihll Sultanate tanga, 10.76 gr. Under Shah Rukh the tanga-yi nukra's weight was reduced to that of the mithkdl, 4.72 gr, and received the popular name shdhrukhi. Between Shah Rukh's death in 853/1449 and the accession of Shah IsmacTl I SafawT in 907/1501 the coinage of Persia underwent a rapid and continuous debasement. Shah Ismacil then stabilised the coinage and issued three main silver denominations during the period of his first coinage standard, 90823/1502-17 weighing one, two and four mithkdls. On the basis that the one mithkal coin weighed the same as the shdhrukhi, Fragner concluded that this was the shdhi valued at 50 dinars, but Rabino and Farahbakhsh assigned the same name and dinar value of the shdhi to the two-mithkal weight denomination. There appears to be no contemporary historical evidence to decide this issue, although the Persian numismatic tradition may be favoured. After a series of steep devaluations in 923, 928, 938 and 945 A.H., all authorities are in agreement that the shdhi of Tahmasb I now weighed a half-mit_hkdl (12 nukhud), about 2.30 gr, and continued to be valued at 50 dinars, with 200 shdhis being equal to one tuman. After periodic devaluations in the reigns preceding that of Karlm Khan Zand (1172-93/1759-79), the shdhi came to weigh a quaner-mithkdl (6 nukhud), about 1.15 gr, and ten were valued at one rupee. Under the late Zands its weight was reduced to 5 nukhud, 0.96 gr, with 12 being equal to one rupee. At this point the silver shdhi appears to have ceased to circulate as a coin in its own right because of its light weight and low value. After the silver shdhi had ceased to be struck,
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the name was applied to a copper coin weighing roughly one mithkdl which was issued by provincial governors rather than the central government mints. Until the reign of Fath CA1I Shah (1212-50/17971834), the double shdhi-was known as the muhammadi and the four shdhi as the cabbdsi; but the first coinage reform of Fath CA1T Shah in 1212/1797 introduced a new set of denominations in which one of his new riydh was valued at 25 shdhis or 1,250 dinars, 8 riydls were worth one tuman, while the smallest circulating coin, the shahi sajid, the white shdhi to distinguish it from the copper, or black shdhi, actually had a real value of 3.125 shdhi?,. When the kirdn standard was introduced in 1241/1825, 10 kirdns were valued at one tuman, one kirdn at 20 shdhis or 1,000 dinars, while the circulating silver coins were issued at the value of one, half, quarter and eighth-kirdn. During the rule of Nasir al-Dm Shah Kadjar (12641313/1848-96 [q. v . ] ) , under the coinage reform law of 1293/1877 all provincial mints were closed and the manufacture of machine-struck coinage was introduced at the central government mint at Tehran. Copper coins were then issued with the value of 200, 100, 50, 25 and 12 dinars, but in the year 1305 the 100-dinar coin was actually named the do shdhi and the 50-dmar one the shdhi. Between 1296/1879 and 1342/1924, the smallest silver coin was the shdhi safid weighing 3.25 nukhud or 0.7 gr. These small coins, while named shdhi, had an actual value of three copper shdhis, and were struck for special distribution at the Nawruz [q.v.] celebrations. Three varieties are known. One bore the Shahs' names and titles on the obverse, and the Persian lion and sun emblem and date on the reverse, and was presumably given as presents to and amongst the secular administration. The second carries the rulers' names and titles as before, with the legend "O Master of the Age! To Thee be Greetings!", referring to the Twelfth Imam, and the third bears the same invocation to the Twelfth Imam with the Persian lion and sun and the date on the reverse. These, presumably, were intended for distribution within the religious community. With the coming of the PahlawTs, the striking of the shdhi safid ceased, and privately struck tokens took its place as Nawruz gifts. In 1309 A.S.H./1930, Rida Shah PahlawT [q.v.} introduced his own riydl standard, valuing the tuman at ten riydh, the riydl at 100 dinars and the shdhi at five dinars. The last appearance of the shdhi denomination in the Persian coinage was in 1314 A.S.H/1935 when the half-riydl (50 dinars) was given the name of 10 shdhis. The final fractional riyal, a 50-dmar coin, which was the last vestige of the shdhi, appeared only once after the proclamation of the Islamic Republic of Iran when it was issued as part of the first republican coinage dated 1358 A.S.H./1979. Elsewhere, there is evidence that the name shdhi as a shortened form of shdhrukhi was colloquially applied to those silver coins influenced by the Persian coinage system which circulated in pre- and early Mughal India, weighing around a half-tanga or one mithkdl. Bibliography: H. Farahbakhsh, Iranian hammered coinage 1500-1879 A.D., Berlin 1975; B. Fragner: Social and internal economic affairs, in Camb. hist. Iran, vi, Cambridge 1986, 556-65; C.L. Krause and C. Mishler, Standard catalog of world coins, ii, lola, Wise. 1991; R.S. Poole, A catalogue of coins of the Shahs of Persia in the British Museum, London 1887; H.L. Rabino di Borgomale, Coins, medals and seals of the shahs of Iran, Hertford 1945; idem, Album of coins, medals and seals of the Shahs of Iran, Oxford 1951. (R.E. DARLEY-DORAN) SHAHID (A., lit. "witness", pi. shuhadd^), a word
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often used in the sense of "martyr". In the Kur'an it is attested in its primary meaning (e.g. II, 282, XXIV, 4) and also occurs as one of the divine names (e.g. V, 117). Muslim scholars maintain that in a number of verses shuhadd^ means "martyrs", as in III, 140 ("So that God may know those who believe and may take shuhadd^ from among you"), IV, 69 ("Whoever obeys God and the messenger—they are with those whom God has blessed, prophets, just men, shuhadd* and the righteous"), XXXIX, 69 and LVII, 19; and they explain in various ways how this meaning derives from the verb shahida (see Lane, s.v.). Goldziher, in contrast, thought that this sense of shuhadd^ was post-KurDanic and reflected the use among Christians of the Greek martys and Syriac sdhdd (Muslim studies, ii, 350-1; cf. Wensinck, The oriental doctrine, 1, 9; SHAHID, in EP [W. Bjorkmanj). What is not in doubt is that the Kur D an refers to the reward for those slain in the way of God (Ji sabil Allah) (II, 154, III, 157, 169, IV, 74, IX, 111, XLVII, 4-6). A large body of traditions describes the bliss awaiting the martyr. All his sins will be forgiven; he will be protected from the torments of the grave; a crown of glory will be placed on his head; he will be married to seventy-two houris and his intercession will be accepted for up to seventy of his relations. When the martyrs behold the delights awaiting them, they will ask to be brought back to life and killed again; but this is one request which even they will be denied. The Kur 3 anic statement that the shuhadd^ are alive (ahyd^) is often (but not always) interpreted literally (see D. Gimaret, Une lecture muHazilite du Coran, Louvain-Paris 1994, 120, 202-3). According to some traditions, the spirits of the martyrs will ascend directly to Paradise, there to reside in the craws of green birds near God's throne. During the Resurrection these spirits will be returned to the martyr's earthly bodies and the martyrs will then be given their abode in Paradise (ddr al-shuhadd7). There are two main types of martyr, the difference between them being marked by the fact that martyrs of the first type have special burial rites while those of the second do not. The first type are shuhadd^ alma^raka, "battlefield martyrs". They are referred to as "martyrs both in this world and the next" (shuhadd^ al-dunyd wa 'l-dkhiri\ meaning that they are treated as martyrs both in this world (in that they undergo the special burial rites) and in the next. The burial rites accorded to battlefield martyrs differ from those accorded to other Muslims in the following ways: (1) Ghusl [q.v.\. There is widespread agreement among Sunn! and non-Sunn! jurists that the martyr's body should not as a rule be washed. This position is based on the precedent of the Prophet's actions at Uhud and elsewhere and on the belief that martyrdom removes the impurity which adheres to a person's body at death. A minority view was held by some early authorities, including Sacfd b. al-Musayyab (d. ca. 94/713), al-Hasan al-Basrl [q.v.] and the Basran c Ubayd Allah b. al-Hasan al-cAnban (d. 168/785). Their view is that the Prophet acted in extraordinary circumstances and that his actions should therefore not serve as a precedent; in addition, they hold that martyrs are subject to the same laws of impurity as others. A special case is the martyr who dies without having performed the ghusl following sexual intercourse. Jurists who hold that his body should be washed include Abu Hanlfa, the Hanbalfs and the Ibadls. These jurists cite the precedent of the Ansarf Hanzala b. Abl c Amir: he was with his wife when called upon to fight at Uhud and was killed before he could per-
form the ghusl; the angels washed his body, and he is therefore known as ghasil al-mald^ika. A further point, allegedly made by Abu Hanffa, is that martyrdom does not cancel an impurity which adhered to a person while he was still alive. Those who say that a martyr of this kind should be treated like any other battlefield martyr by not being washed include Abu Yusuf, alShaybanT and some later Hanafis. Conflicting views on this point are also found among Malikis, Shaficfs, Zaydfs and Imamis. (2) Clothes. The belief that the martyr's bloodstained clothes will constitute proof of his status on the Day of Judgment is the main reason for holding that he should be buried in the garments in which he was killed. But items of clothing which cannot normally serve as shrouds (e.g. headgear, footgear, fur or skin clothes) may not be buried with him; nor should his weapons accompany him to the grave, as this was a Djahill custom. The ShaficTs, MalikTs and Hanbalfs maintain that if the martyr's next of kin (awliyd^) do not wish to bury him in his garments, they may use shrouds instead. (3) P r a y e r . There are conflicting accounts of the Prophet's behaviour at Uhud: according to some he prayed over the martyrs, according to others he did not. Those who hold that the former should serve as a precedent include the Hanafis, Zaydls and Imamis. Opponents of prayers over the martyrs include the ShaficTs and Malikis, as well as many of the older Meccan and Medinan authorities. Ibn Hazm argues that both accounts are equally reliable and that either practice may therefore be followed, while the Hanballs are split over the issue, depending on which of two riwdyas from Ibn Hanbal they choose to follow. One argument (attributed to al-Shaficf) against prayers over the martyrs is that the martyrs are alive, while prayers are held only for the dead. Another argument is based on the notion that the aim of such prayers is to intercede on the dead person's behalf; as the martyr has been cleansed of all sins, he is in no need of such intercession. In contrast, supporters of such prayers claim that no-one can dispense with a request to God for His mercy and forgiveness, and that the martyrs, more than anyone else, deserve to have this request made on their behalf. There is some difference of opinion as to who is included in the category of battlefield martyrs. While it is agreed that they are those who went into battle in order to further God's religion and in anticipation of His reward (ihtisdb), there are some jurists who add that they must have died in a battle against unbelievers, whereas others maintain that their death in battle should have been caused by an act of injustice (zulrri). Again, some jurists insist that these martyrs must have been killed by an enemy soldier, while others do not make this stipulation. All agree that death must be a direct and immediate result of the wounds received, but the interpretation of this rule varies; it is often taken to mean that the warrior must die before he has had a chance either to eat, drink, sleep, receive medical treatment, be moved away, or dictate his last will and testament. The Shaficls stipulate only that he should not have eaten during the time between his injury and his death, and that his death should have occurred either before or shortly after the battle ended. Tradition has recorded the names of numerous battlefield martyrs who died during the Prophet's lifetime; they include members of his immediate family, such as his paternal uncle Hamza b. cAbd alMuttalib (known as sayyid al-shuhadd^) and his cousin Dja c far b. AbT Talib [q.vv. ]. Far greater numbers fell
SHAHID during the conquests which followed the Prophet's death. Most died on land, some at sea; the latter are said to receive the reward of two martyrs who die on land. Many fought with extraordinary bravery against heavy odds and their behaviour is cited as an example of the "wish for martyrdom" (talab alshahdda). Such zeal was also common among various Kharidji groups. The number of martyrs of this kind declined with the end of the first great wave of conquests, although it rose again whenever particular historical circumstances (such as the Crusades) revived calls for djihdd (cf. E. Sivan, L'Islam et la croisade, Paris 1968, 60-2, 110, 134 and passim). At the same time, the increasing importance attached to the defence of the border areas led to the elevation of fallen murdbitun to the rank of martyrs [see RIBAT]. In eschatological times, martyrs will fight on the side of the Mahdi [9.0.], just as the early martyrs fought alongside the Prophet. Battlefield martyrdom has captured the imagination of Muslims throughout the ages. A martyr's death in combat is the apogee of the believer's aspirations; it is the noblest way to depart this life (hence the motif of the old man who rushes forth to battle) and is a guarantee of God's approval and reward. In his willingness to lay down his life for a higher cause the believer overcomes that most basic of instincts, fear of death. Nor is the reaction to his death necessarily one of grief: there are accounts in mediaeval Sunn! sources of mothers who express gratitude at the news of their sons' martyrdom and forbid any mourning over them; and similar reports have appeared in modern times, most spectacularly on the Iranian side during the Iran- c lrak war (1980-8). It is the behaviour of these mothers which is so striking, regardless of whether it reflects their true feelings. The significance of the martyr's death transcends the individual; in the eyes of ordinary Muslims, he endows his entire community with purity and grace, and his immediate family are the object of admiration and support. The second major type of martyr are the "martyrs in the next world only" (shuhadd^ al-dkhira); they are not accorded distinctive burial rites. Among them are the murtaththun, lit. "those who are worn out", i.e. warriors who in other respects qualify as battlefield martyrs, but whose death is not a direct and immediate result of their wounds. The question whether a person is to be regarded as a battlefield martyr or as a martyr only in the next world arose particularly in three cases. The first is that of a warrior accidentally killed by his own weapon; one example is that of c Amir b. al-Akwac (or b. Sinan), whose sword slipped from his hand during the battle of Khaybar [q.v.] and fatally wounded him. The Imamls and some Hanballs maintain that such a warrior is a battlefield martyr; others dispute this. The second case concerns those killed by bughat ("rebels"; cf. Kh. Abou El Fadl, Ahkdm al-bughat: irregular warfare and the law of rebellion in Islam, in Cross, crescent, and sword, ed. J.T. Johnson and J. Kelsay, New York, Westport and London 1990, 149-76). For the Zaydls and Imamls, the bughat are unbelievers, since they rose against a legitimate ruler; hence those who fall while fighting them (such as cAll's supporters in the battles of the Camel, Sifffn and al-Nahrawan) are considered to be battlefield martyrs. Sunn! scholars generally regard the bughat as erring Muslims and treat those who fall while fighting them as the victims of injustice. For some HanbalTs, HanafTs and ShaficTs, this is sufficient grounds for according them the status of battlefield martyrs; while those who hold that such a martyr must have died in a war against unbelievers maintain that victims of the
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bughat are shuhada^ al-akhira. Finally, there are those who die while defending themselves, their families or their property against brigands (lusus) [see LISS] or highway robbers (kuttd** al-turuk). (The assumption appears to be that these brigands and robbers are Muslims rather than unbelievers.) Theirs is a special case, in that their death does not occur on a battlefield. Jurists none the less draw an analogy between such persons and warriors who were killed on the battlefield. According to al-AwzacT [q.v.] and some HanafTs and Hanballs, they are to be regarded as battlefield martyrs; most jurists, however, consider the victims of brigands or highway robbers as martyrs in the next world only. The decrease in the number of battlefield martyrs that followed the early conquests coincided (perhaps not fortuitously) with a large extension of the category of martyrs in the next world only. These further types may conveniently be grouped under three major headings: (1) Persons who die v i o l e n t l y or p r e m a t u r e l y . Martyrs of this type include: (a) Those murdered while in the service of God. Foremost among them are the caliphs c Umar, c Uthman (who is sometimes regarded as a battlefield martyr) and CA1T. The Prophet himself was occasionally described as a shahid, since his death was supposedly precipitated by his tasting a piece of poisoned mutton offered him by Zaynab bt. al-Harith at the time of the Khaybar expedition. (b) Those killed for their beliefs. Pre-Islamic figures include various prophets, most prominently Yahya (John the Baptist) (for whom see e.g. Ibn Abi '1Dunya, Man cdsha ba^d al-mawt, Cairo 1352/1934, 178), and righteous persons such as Habib al-Nadjdjar [^.y.]. During the early years of Muhammad's mission, Sumayya, the mother of c Ammar b. Yasir [q.v.] (who himself fell at Siffm), is said in some reports to have been stabbed to death by Abu Djahl after she had openly embraced Islam; some say that she was the very first martyr in Islam. An example from the time of the mihna [q.v.] is that of Ahmad b. Nasr alKhuza c T, who refused to acknowledge that the Kurgan was created and was beheaded in 231/846 by order of the caliph al-Wathik. Those executed by a ruler for enjoining him to do what is proper and forbidding him from what is reprehensible (al-amr bi }l-macruf wa 'l-nahy ^an al-munkar) are sometimes described as martyrs. Among Sufis, the most renowned martyr is alHalladj [q.v.] (see L. Massignon, The passion of alHalldj: mystic and martyr of Islam, tr. H. Mason, Princeton 1982, i, 560-645). The list of ImamI ShIcT martyrs is particularly long, with many names appearing in the makdtil literature; some became posthumously known as "al-Shahld" (e.g. al-Shahid al-Thanl [q. v.]). The most prominent of these martyrs are the Imams, with Husayn in particular occupying a unique position. He has traditionally been regarded as having sacrificed himself in order to revive the Prophet's religion and save it from destruction; yet he has also been seen (particularly in recent years) as a battlefield martyr to be emulated for his willingness to fight for justice against all odds. The tombs of Husayn and the other Imams are the most important shrines in the ShTci world; many non-ShIcI martyrs also generated a cult, and their burial places became centres of pilgrimage [see MASHHAD]. (c) Those who die through disease or accident. Early collections of Hadith specifically mention victims of the plague (tdcun [q.v.]), of pleurisy or of an abdominal disease (diarrhoea or colic), those who drown, die in a fire or are struck by a falling house or wall, and
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women who die in childbirth; other forms of death were added at a later date. According to al-BadjT [q. v . ] , the elevation of these persons to the rank of martyrs is divine compensation for the painful deaths which they suffer. (d) The "martyrs of love" (shuhada 0 al-hubb) and the "'martyrs who died far from home" (shuhada0 al-ghurba) may also belong here. The former are, according to a Prophetic tradition, those who love, remain chaste, conceal their secret and die (Ibn Dawud, K. al-Zahra [first part], ed. A.R. Nykl in collaboration with I. Tukan, Chicago 1932, 66; see the discussion in J.-C. Vadet, L'esprit courtois en Orient dans les cinq premiers siecles de I'hegire, Paris 1968, 307-16; L.A. Giffen, Theory of profane love among the Arabs, New York and London 1971, 99-115). The latter are those who leave their homes (e.g. in order to preserve their faith in times of persecution) and who die in a foreign land. (2) Persons who die a n a t u r a l d e a t h , either (a) while engaged in a meritorious act such as a pilgrimage, a journey in search of knowledge (fi talab al-^ilm) or a prayer (including a prayer for death on the battlefield); or (b) after leading a virtuous life. In ascetic circles, those who died after spending their lives waging war against their appetitive soul (nafs) were regarded as martyrs in the "greater djihad" [see JDJIHAD]; and according to some Imam! traditions, every believer (i.e. every Imami Shi^I), even if he dies in his own bed, is a shahid who will be treated as if he had been killed fighting alongside the Prophet. Other Imam! traditions declare as martyrs those who in their lifetime practised muddrdt, i.e. who treated others in a friendly manner while concealing their true attitude towards them. It has been suggested that the extension of the term shahid to cover cases of non-violent death was a reaction against what was deemed a fanatical enthusiasm for self-sacrifice (Goldziher, Muslim studies, ii, 352). (3) L i v i n g m a r t y r s . They include those who, having joined the "greater d-jihad", successfully fight their nafs. The Sufi author Abu cAbd al-Rahman alSulaml (d. 412/1021) [q.v.] declares that the battlefield martyr is a shahid only externally (fi 'l-zdhir); the true martyr (fi 'l-hakikd) is he whose nafs has been slain while he continues to live in accordance with the Sufi rules (Mandhidi al-^drifin, ed. E. Kohlberg, inJSAI, i [1979], 30). A number of questions relating to shahdda (particularly of the military kind) were debated in theological circles. For example, a majority of Mu c tazilTs are said to have held that "no one is allowed to wish for martyrdom ... A Muslim is only obliged to wish for fortitude (sabr) to bear the pain of wounds, should he be afflicted with them". The argument put forward was that the Muslim's wish for martyrdom could only be fulfilled by his being killed; and since killing a Muslim is an act of unbelief, it follows that the Muslim would be wishing for such an act to take place. A related question concerns God's attitude to the death of His servants as martyrs. This question was already addressed by the IbadT cAbd Allah b. YazTd (fl. second half of the 2nd/8th century): he argued that since martyrdom could only come about through death at the hands of a sinner, it followed that God wants (ahabba) the sinner to perform the sin which God knows he will perform. In his refutation of this view, the ZaydT Imam Ahmad al-Nasir (d. 322/934) maintained that God does not want sinners to kill believers, nor does He determine that this should happen; only after a Muslim has been killed does God refer to him as a shahid (al-Nasir, K. alNadjat, ed. W. Madelung, Wiesbaden 1405/1985,
127-39). For cAbd al-Djabbar [ q . v . ] , God's wish that martyrdom should occur does not mean that He wishes His servants to die: one may wish for something without wishing for the prerequisites for its attainment. Muctazill exegetes, in line with their belief that God does not command evil, interpret the "permission" (idhn) of Kur'an, III, 166 ("And what happened to you on the day on which the two armies clashed happened with God's permission"), as meaning that God allowed the unbelievers freedom of action (takhliya) by removing any obstacles from their way; it does not mean that God decreed the death of the believers. A genuine battlefield martyr is one whose actions proceed from the right intention (niyya) [ q . v . ] . But people's intentions are only known to God; in this world people are treated according to their apparent state. This means that even those who went into battle for the wrong reasons (for instance, to show off their prowess or to partake of the spoils) or without true belief in their hearts (as in the case of the mundfikun) are nevertheless accorded the burial rites of the battlefield martyr (provided of course that they meet the other necessary conditions). They are known as "martyrs in this world only" (shuhada^ al-dunyd), and will not enjoy the rewards of martyrs in the next world; indeed, some reports say that they will suffer the torments of hell. The right intention is also required of certain kinds of shuhada^ al-dkhira (though not, say, of victims of disease or accident); but there is no specific term to designate the pseudomartyrs among them. Bibliography: [i] HadTth: references to the most important traditions are given in AJ. Wensinck, Handbook, s.v. "Martyr(s)". Further material may be found e.g. in cAbd al-Razzak, al-Musannaf, ed. H. al-AczamI, Beirut 1390-2/1970-2, iii, 540-8, v, 253-87; Ibn AbT Shayba, al-Musannaf, ed. C A. alAfghametal., Karachi 1406/1986-7, iii, 252-4, xii, 287-92; al-Bayhakl, al-Sunan al-kubrd, ed. M. C A.-K. c Ata, Beirut 1414/1994, ix, 274-87; Ibn Shaddad, Dald^il al-ahkdm min ahddith al-rasul calayhi 'l-saldm, ed. M. Shaykhanfand Z. al-Ayyubl, Damascus and Beirut 1413/1992-3, ii, 469-75; SuyutT, Abwab alsa^dda f i asbdb al-shahdda, ed. N. C A.-R. Khalaf, Cairo 1981. [ii] Tafsir: interpretations of the Kur'anic shuhada^as martyrs are to be found in commentaries on the relevant verses, e.g. Tabarl, Djami^ al-baydn, Cairo 1368/1988, iv, 106-7 (to III, 140). [iii] B i o g r a p h i c a l l i t e r a t u r e : Abu '1-Faradj al-IsfahanT, Makdtil al-tdlibiyyin, ed. A. Sakr, Beirut n.d.; Wa c iz KashifT, Rawdat al-shuhadd''', Tehran 1334 ^71955. [iv] Fikh (often in the chapters on djand^iz): • HanafTs: Sarakhsl, Mabsut, Cairo 1324-31, ii, 4956; Kasanf, Badd^ al-sandW fi tartib al-shardW, Cairo 1327/1909, i, 320-5; Halabl, Multaka }l-abhur, ed. W.S. Gh. al-Albanl, Beirut 1409/1989, i, 1668; ShaficTs: Shafi c i, Umm, Cairo 1321-6, i, 236-8; Mawardi, al-Hdwi 'l-kabir, ed. C A.M. Mu c awwad and C A.A. cAbd al-Mawdjud, Beirut 1414/1994, iii, 33-8; AbO Ishak al-ShlrazI, al-Muhadhdhab fifikh alimdm al-Shdfi^i, ed. M. al-Zuhaylf, Damascus and Beirut 1412/1992, i, 441-2; Taki al-Dln al-Subkl, Fatdwd, ii, Cairo 1355, 339-54; Malikls: BadjI, K. al-Muntakd sharh MuwattaDMalik, Cairo 1332, ii, 257, 31; Ibn Rushd, Biddy at al-mudjtahid wa-nihdyat almuktasid, ed. M.S.H. Hallak, Cairo 1994/1415, ii, 10-2, 41-2; Kharashi, Sharh
SHAHID — SHAHID S.M. al-Lahham, Beirut 1412/1992, i, 288-9; Mardawi, al-Insdf fi ma^rifat al-radjih fi 'l-khildf ca/a madhhab al-imdm al-mubadidjal Ahmad ibn Hanbal, ed. M.H. al-Fikl, Cairo 1374-78/1955-58, ii, 498-504, 555; Zahiris: Ibn Hazm, al-Muhalld, Cairo 1347-52, v, 115-16, 138; Ibadis: Muhammad b. Yusuf Atfayyish, Shark Kitdb al-nil wa-shifo? al-^alil, ii, Djudda 1405/1985, 564-9; Zaydls: al-Mu'ayyad bi'llah, Sharh al-Tadjrid fi fikh al-zaydiyya, facs. ed., Sar^a3 1405/1985, i, 233-5; Ibn al-Murtada, al-Bahr alzakhkhdr, Cairo 1368/1949, iii, 93-7, 122-3; Imamis: Tusi, K. al-Khildf, Nadjaf 1376, i, 260-4; Ibn alMutahhar al-HillT, Nihdyat al-ihkdm fi ma^rifat alahkdm, ed. M. al-RadjaDI, Beirut 1406/1986, ii, 2359; al-Shahid al-Tham, Masdlik al-afham (or ifhdm)fi sj^arh shard^ al-isldm, ed. H.M. Al KubaysT alc Amili, Beirut 1414/1993, i, 172-3. For a succinct summary of the Sunn! positions, see DjazTrT, K. alFikh cald 'l-madhdhib al-arba^a, Cairo 1392/1972, i, 527-30; al-Mawsu^a al-fikhiyya, xxvi, Kuwait 1412/1992, 272-8. c [v] Kaldm: Abd al-Djabbar al-Asadabadi, alMughnT fi abwdb al-tawhid wa 'l-^adl, vi/2, ed. G.C. Anawati and I. Madkur, Cairo n.d., 299-302; idem, Tanzih al-Kur^dn '•an al-matd^in, Beirut n.d., 80; Ibn Kayyim al-Djawziyya, K. al-Ruh, Beirut 1412/1992, 56-7, 125-38, 145, 153-9, 244-5. [vi] M o d e r n Imam! w o r k s : Ali Shariati, Martyrdom: arise and bear witness, tr. Ali Asghar Ghassemy [ = CA1I Asghar Kasimi], [Tehran] 1981; Muhammad Husayn Fadl Allah, '•Aid tank Karbald^, [Beirut] 1984; M.K. al-Baghdadi, al-Shahdda: ta^sil laisti^sdl, Beirut 1413/1993. [vii] S t u d i e s : I. Goldziher, Muslim studies, ed. S.M. Stern, ed. and tr. C.R. Barber and S.M. Stern, ii, London 1971, 350-4; A.J. Wensinck, The oriental doctrine of the martyrs, in Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Deel 53, Serie A, no. 6, Amsterdam 1921; P. Peeters, Les traductions orientales du mot Martyr, in Analecta Bollandiana, xxxix (1921), 50-64; R. Eklund, Life between death and resurrection according to Islam, Uppsala 1941; A. Noth, Heiliger Krieg und Heiliger Kampf in Islam und Christentum, Bonn 1966, 25-9; A.J. Arberry, A Sufi martyr. The apologia of^Ain al-Kuddt al-Hamadhdm, London 1969; M.W. Dols, The black death in the Middle East, Princeton 1977, 109, 112-14, 117; M. Ayoub, Redemptive suffering in Islam: a study of the devotional aspects of ^Ashura* in Twelver Shftsm, The Hague 1978; H. Khalid, alShahidfi 'l-isldm, Beirut 1978; J.I. Smith and Y.Y. Haddad, The Islamic understanding of death and resurrection, Albany 1981; M. Abedi and G. Legenhausen (eds.), Jihad and Shahddat: struggle and martyrdom in Islam, Houston 1986; A. Ezzati, The concept of martyrdom in Islam, in Al-Sirdt, xii (1986), 117-23; Y. Richard, L'islam chi'ite: croyances et ideologies, Paris 1991, index, s.v. "martyre"; W.R. Husted, Karbalo? made immediate: the martyr as model in Imdmi Shftsm, inMW, Ixxxiii (1993), 263-78; M.A. Cook, The voice of honest indignation: al-amr bi 'l-ma^ruf wa 'lnahy can al-munkar in Islamic thought and practice (forthcoming). (E. KOHLBERG) SHAHID (A.) "witness". In Islamic law, testimony (shahddd) is the paramount medium of legal evidence (bayyina [q.v.]), the other means being acknowledgement (ikrdr [q.v.]) and the oath (yamin [q.v.}\ Testimony is "a statement in court based on observation, introduced by the words 'I testify (ashhaduy, concerning the rights of others." Giving testimony in court on what one has seen or heard is a collective obligation (fard '-aid 'l-kifdya),
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which becomes an individual one in case someone will loose his right if a specific person does not testify to it. This is based on Kur D an, II, 282, "The witnesses must not refuse whenever they are summoned." However, with regard to hadd [q. v. ] offences, it is better not to give evidence, since the Prophet said to a man who testified to such an offence: "It would have been better for you if you would have covered [the offence] under your cloak." (Abu Dawud, Sunan, Hudud, 7; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, V, 217). In principle, testimony can only be given by a sane, adult, free, male Muslim of good morals (cadl, pi. '•udul [q.v.]). In exceptional cases, the testimonies of women are accepted e.g. with regard to facts of which in general only women are cognisant, such as menstruation, childbirth, virginity and defects of the female sexual organs, or in combination with a male witness (see below). All schools except the HanbalTs agree that slaves cannot bear witness. Nor can nonMuslims. The HanafTs, however, accept their testimony against other non-Muslims. There is some difference of opinion with regard to the question of whether adherents of Islamic sects are accepted as witnesses. The HanafTs take the most inclusive position and allow the testimonies of practically all ahl alkibla. In Twelver ShicT law, only the testimony of Twelver Shlc!s (mu^minun) is admitted. Being cadl (of good morals) is defined as not having committed great sins or persevered in small sins and not displaying unbecoming behaviour, such as playing backgammon, walking around bareheaded, or eating or urinating in public. According to the HanafTs, unbecoming behaviour does not affect the status of being ^adl but may cause the kadi to reject someone's testimony. Before a witness is allowed to testify, the kadi has to establish his good morals by secret and public inquiry (tazkiya, tacdrl). Witnesses must be beyond suspicion of bias. Therefore, one cannot validly testify against one's enemy. Further, testimony in favour of close relatives and, according to most legal schools, one's wife, is not admitted. The various schools differ somewhat as to who must be regarded as close relatives, but all of them include one's ascendants and descendants. Most schools do not admit a witness who would profit from his testimony. For the Twelver Shlcls, this is the only criterion and they allow in principle testimonies in favour of relatives. As a rule, the kadi must find for the plaintiff if the latter can prove his claim by corresponding testimonies given by two male witnesses. In financial matters, the testimony of one man and two women is also admitted as legal evidence. The HanafTs, but not the other schools, allow such evidence also with regard to the status of persons (marriage, divorce, manumission, bequest). All schools except the HanafTs regard the testimony of one male witness corroborated by an oath of the plaintiff also as sufficient evidence in financial matters. In the trial of hadd offences -or of manslaughter or wilful grievous bodily harm where retribution is at stake, only the testimony of male witnesses is admitted. The Malikls, however, exclude here wilful grievous bodily harm and allow in these cases the testimony of one man and two women. For proof of illicit sexual relations, four male witnesses are required (cf. Kur'an, IV, 15, and XXIV, 4). The Twelver ShicTs allow here also the testimonies of three men and two women or even two men and four women, but only if the punishment at stake is flogging, not if it is lapidation [see further, KADHF]. The schools differ with regard to the minimum number of female witnesses testifying to facts usually known only
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to women; the Hanafts and Hanbahs consider one woman sufficient, the Malikfs require two and the Shafi c fs four. An interesting development took place in North Africa during the 16th and 17th centuries, when the practice (Carnal) came into existence of admitting as legal evidence the shahddat al-lqfif, i.e. the testimony of a group of at least twelve men, who need not be ^adl. This practice was justified by necessity (darura] deriving from the absence of cudul, especially in rural communities. If such testimony would not be recognised, it was argued, people would not be able to enforce their rights (Sayyidl cAbd al-cAziz Dja c Tt, al-Tarika almardiyya fi l-idjrd^dt ^ald madhhab al-Mdlikiyya, 2 Tunis n.d!, 171-8). One can only testify to what one has heard or seen. However, with regard to certain facts one can give evidence on the strength of public knowledge, without having witnessed the event or the legal act that is at the basis of it (al-shahdda hi 'l-tasdmu*-). Thus one may give evidence concerning e.g. a person's descent, marital status or death, without actually having been present at the time of his birth, his marriage contract or his decease. If a witness has a legal excuse for not attending the court session, his testimony may be transmitted by two other witnesses (al-shahdda cald Yshahdda), except in cases of hadd offences or retribution. Once a testimony has been given, it can be withdrawn only before a kddi. If this occurs before the end of the proceedings, the kddi cannot give judgement. If withdrawal takes place after the verdict has been pronounced, the sentence remains valid but the witness is liable for half of the damage of the party who had lost the case on the strength of the testimony that was later withdrawn. If the defendant was sentenced to death on the strength of a testimony that was later withdrawn, the witness is liable for bloodmoney (diyd). According to the ShaficTs, he can even be brought to death if he had wilfully borne false witness. Already at a very early period, testimonies of legal acts were recorded in deeds in order to preserve the exact wording of the act. However, since under Islamic law documentary evidence is not admitted, the deed itself does not furnish proof, but, in cases of ligitation, the testimonies given in court by the witnesses who have signed the deed. In order to avoid the danger that such testimonies might be rejected because the witnesses were not W/, professional witnesses, whose caddla had been established by the court, and who were called shdhid cadl (or, briefly, shdhid or W/), were employed for recording important transactions. They first appear in Egypt at the beginning of the 8th century A.D. These witnesses, who had a legal training, were appointed and dismissed by the kadis of the courts where they performed their duties. Their task, however, was more comprehensive than acting as notaries public, for they functioned in general as judicial auxiliaries and occasionally, with the kadi's authorisation, even as judges, and heard minor cases independently. The office of shahdda was often regarded as a training period for future judges. Strictly speaking, the profession of drafting deeds (muwaththik, shuruti) and that of testifying to it could be separated. In practice, however, they were not, and the notary would put his signature under the deed as a witness, together with those of the other witnesses. Although the signatures of two witnesses would technically be sufficient, for greater security many more were placed in the document, sometimes up to 48. Often these testimonies were added years after the original drafting.
Nowadays, with regard to those domains of the law where the Shart^a is applied, most countries have modernised the law of evidence e.g. by admitting documentary evidence. With regard to the testimony of witnesses, however, some of the classical rules are often maintained, such as the rule that the testimony of one witness does not count. In Morocco, the classical system of appointed ^udul still exists. Some of the countries that have recently expanded the application of the Shari^a to fields such as criminal law, have also enacted legislation to reintroduce to some extent the classical rules of evidence (cf. the Sudanese Kdnun al-Ithbdt of 1983 and the Pakistani Kdnun-e-Shahddat of 1984). Bibliography: Ibn Rushd, Biddyat al-mudjtahid, Cairo 1965, ii, 462-6; Shaykh-zade, Maajmac alanhur, Istanbul 1309, ii, 145-73; DasukT, Hdshiya ^ald 'l-Sharh al-Kabir, Cairo n.d., iv, 164-237; BadjurT, Hdshiya cald sharh Ibn Kdsim al-Ghazzi, Cairo n.d., ii, 249-59; KhirakI, Mukhtasar, Damascus 1964, 228-31; Hilll, ShardV al-Isldm fi masd^il al-haldl wa 'l-hardm, Nadjaf 1969, iv, 125-46; E. Tyan, Le notarial et le regime de la preuve par ecrit dans la pratique du droit musulman, Beirut 1945; R. Brunschvig, Le systeme de la preuve en droit musulman, in Etudes d'Islamologie, Paris 1976, ii, 201-19, first publ. in Recueils de la Societe Jean Bodin, xviii (1963), 169-86; M. Grignaschi, La valeur du temoignage des sujets non-musulmans (dhimmi) dans I'Empire Ottoman, in Recueils de la Societe Jean Bodin, xviii (1963), 211-323 (contains at 240-323 texts and French tr. offatwds by Abu 'l-Sucud [q.v. ] on testimony); F. Selle, Prozessrecht des 16. Jahrhunderts im osmanischen Reich, Wiesbaden 1962, 77-103 (trs. of Ottoman fatwds on testimony). (R. PETERS) SHAHID (or perhaps better, Shuhayd) b. alHusayn al-Balkhf al-Warrak al-Mutakallim, Abu '1Hasan, a philosopher and a poet in Persian and A r a b i c , died (according to Yakut, followed by alSafadl) in 315/927. He was a contemporary and close friend of the polymath Abu Zayd al-Balkhi and of the Muctazill theologian Abu '1-Kasim al-Balkhl (see AL-BALKHI; the three BalkhTs were the subject of a joint biography, used by Yakut) and a bitter rival of the famous philosopher Abu Bakr al-Razf [q.v.]; the latter wrote a polemic against ShahTd on the subject of pleasure (alladhdhd) and another on eschatology (al-ma^dd), both now lost. The epitome of al-Sidjistani's Siwdn al-hikma contains a short extract from a work by ShahTd on the "superiority of the pleasures of the soul over those of the body", perhaps the object of al-Razf's attack. ShahTd was a professional scribe and had a reputation as a meticulous copyist. His Arabic poetry, which is quoted by al-Marghfnanl, Yakut and cAwfT, includes two kit^as mocking Ahmad b. AbT RabTca, who was the wazir of the Saffarid c Amr b. al-Layth [q.v.] between 278/891 and 287/900. Yakut tells us that he also satirised Ahmad b. Sahl, the famous governor of Khurasan, and had to flee his anger, but returned to Balkh after Ahmad's execution (i.e. in 307/920). ShahTd is mainly remembered as one of the earliest poets in Persian. His famous contemporary RudakI [q. v. ] wrote an elegy on his death, and he is mentioned with respect by other Persian poets of the 4th/10th to 6th/12th centuries, but afterwards his poems fell into oblivion, apart from the hundred-odd verses preserved by the anthologists and lexicographers. These include an amatory poem of eight lines quoted by Djadjarml, an extract from a kasida which c AwfT says he dedicated to the Samanid Nasr II (301-31/914-43), a poem with alternating Persian and Arabic verses and some couplets from a narrative poem, apparently
SHAHID — AL-SHAHID AL-THANl of romantic content. Not surprisingly, several of the stray verses cited in the dictionaries have a philosophic or gnomic flavour. Bibliography: Fihrist, 299, 301 (= ed. Tadjaddud, 357-8); Abu Sulayman al-Sidjistanf, Muntakhab Siwdn al-Hikma, ed. D.M. Dunlop, The Hague 1979, 127; Blrum, Risdla... f i fihrist kutub Muhammad b. Zakanyd3 al-Rdzi, ed. P. Kraus, Paris 1936, 11, 18; Tha'alibT, Yaffma, iv, 21 (where "Sahl b. al-Hasan" is an error for "Shahfd b. al-Husayn"); idem, Lata'if 'l-ma'arif, ed. al-Abyarl and al-Sayrafi, Cairo 1960, 203, tr. Bosworth, 135; al-Marghmanl, al-Mahdsin Ji 'l-nagm wa }l-nathr, ed. GJ. van Gelder, Istanbul 1987, 77; Muhammad b. c Umar al-Raduyam, Tarajumdn al-baldgjia, ed. A. Ate§, Istanbul 1949, 63, 83, 107 (and editor's notes, 134-9); Yakut, Udabd\ i, 143, 149 (and ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, Beirut 1993, 275, 279-80, 1421-2, the last passage containing the entry on Shahid from a hitherto unpublished mukhtasar); idem, Bulddn, ii, 167-8 (read, twice, Abu <'l-Hasan> Shahfd); eAwfi, Lubdb, ii, 3-5; idem, Qiawdmi' al-hikdydt, iii/1, ed. Kanml, Tehran 1352 5&./1973, 341-2; Shams al-Dln b. Kays al-Razi, alMucdj.amfi ma'dyir ash'dr al-caajam, ed. M.M. Kazwfnl, London 1909, 204; Muhammad b. Badr alDjadjarmi, Mu'nis al-ahrdr ji daka'ik al-ashcdr, ed. S. Tabibr, Tehran 1337-50 sh./1959-71, ii, 952-3; Safadl, al-Wdji, xvi, 197-8 (no. 229); M. Kazwlm's note in his edition of Nizamf 'Arudi Samarkand!, Cahdr makdla, London-Leiden 1910, 127-8 (and those by M. Mucm in his ed. Tehran 1331 sh./1952-3, ta'likdt, at 80-3); P. Kraus, in his ed. of al-RazI's Rasd'ilfalsqfiyya, Cairo 1939, 145-7; G. Lazard, Les premiers poetes persons (IXe-Xe siecles), Tehran-Paris 1964, i, 20-1, 62-9, ii, 23-39 (contains an ed. and tr. of the surviving fragments in Persian). (F.C. DE BLOIS) AL-SHAHID AL-AWWAL [see MUHAMMAD B. MAKKl].
AL-SHAHlD AL-THANl, ZAYN AL-DiN B.
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ti of Istanbul: a study in the development of the Ottoman learned hierarchy, Oxford 1986, 256, n. 177), was so impressed that he offered him a choice of any teaching position in Damascus or Aleppo; the Shahid opted for the Madrasa Nuriyya in Baclabakk. Sultan Sulayman the Magnificent (r. 926-74/1520-66) issued the necessary documents and provided a stipend for him. After a second visit to clrak, the Shahfd took up his new post in 953/1546. He held it for a number of years (five, according to some reports, two according to others). In addition to teaching, he also issued responsa to Shfls and to Sunnls of the four schools, each responsum being in accordance with the petitioner's legal affiliation. His last years were spent in his home town, where his son, the author Djamal al-Dln al-Hasan Sahib al-Macalim, was born (17 Ramadan 959/6 September 1552; he died at the beginning of Muharram 1011/June 1602). This was the first son to survive into adulthood, others having died in their infancy; the Shahfd's MusakJdn al-fifad c inda/fi fakd al-ahibba wa 'l-awldd was written following the death in Radjab 954/August-September 1547 of one of his infant sons. The Shahld's disciples included Husayn b. cAbd al-Samad al-Harithf (d. 984/ 1576), the father of Shaykh Baha'I [see AL-
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AL-SHAHID AL-THANI — SHAHlN, AL
al-Awwal's al-Lumca al-dimashkiyya. Among the themes which the Shahfd elaborated was that of the fully qualified jurist (fakih] as a general representative (na'ib c dmm) of the Hidden Imam and the repository of judicial authority within the Twelver Shi*! community during the Imam's occultation. In line with this position, he insisted on the jurist's right to conduct Friday prayers and to collect and distribute the Imam's shares of zakat and khums. He also argued against blindly following the legal judgments of deceased jurists (cadam d^awdz taklid al-amwdt/al-muajtahid al-mayyit). Bibliography (in addition to the references given in the text): Muhammad b. cAlf b. al-Hasan Ibn al-cUdr al-Djizzfnf, Bughyat al-mund fi 'l-kashf can ahwdl al-shaykh ^ayn al-Din al-Shahid. This biography, which was written by one of the Shahfd's disciples, has not survived, apart from an excerpt which was included by the Shahid's great-grandson_ eAli b. Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Djubacf al-£Amil! (d. 1103/1691-2) in his 'al-Dun al-manthur min al-ma3thur wa-ghayr al-ma3thur, Kumm 1398, ii, 149-98; Mustafa al-Tafrishf, Makd al-ri^dl, Tehran 1318/1900-1, 145; Madjlisf, Bihar al-anwdr, Tehran 1956-74, cviii, 133-72 (where some of the Shahfd's idjdzas are published); cAbd Allah Afandl, Riyad alc ulamd3, Kumm 1401, ii, 365-86; al-Hurr al-'Amili, Amal al-dmil, Nadjaf 1385, i, 85-91 and index; Yusuf al-Bahranf, Lu3lu3at al-Bahrayn, ed. Muhammad Sadik Bahr al-cUlum, Nadjaf 1386/1966, 28-36; Abu'
963/1555 he went as governor of Yemen, and was then in Egypt, but was dismissed from his post as governor in 973/1565 and died shortly afterwards. His habit of carrying with him a peregrine falcon gave him the name of Shahfn, by which the family was subsequently known. For further details, see MUSTAFA PASHA, KARA SHAHlN.
2. His son Rid wan took charge of Ghazza whilst his father was away from it. In 973/1565 he was appointed governor of Yemen, and combatted there the Zaydf Imam, the Isma'flfs and local tribal chiefs. His lack of success in the difficult situation led to his dismissal and imprisonment at Istanbul in 974/1566. He was later pardoned and served as governor at Ghazza.. in Habesh, at Basra and in Diyar Bakr, taking part in the war against Persia in 987/1579. Three years later he became governor of Anatolia, where he died in 993/1585. Amongst public works of his in the province of Damascus are mentioned his reconstruction of fortresses, especially that at Bayt Djibrfh, for the protection of caravans and travellers. 3. His son A h m a d (d. 1015/1606) governed Ghazza for thirty years, and through his connections with the court at Istanbul built up a network of official posts for his family, with his son Suleyman becoming governor in the sanajak of Jerusalem, and his brother in the sanajak of Nabulus. Residing in Damascus, he had a reputation as a maecenas for poets and scholars. 4. On his retirement in 1009/1600, his son M u h a m m a d succeeded him in Ghazza. In 1022-3/ 1613-14 Muhammad took part in an expedition led by the governor of Damascus against the Druze chief Fakhr al-Dfn Macn II [q.v.]. 5. His son Hasan (d. 1054/1644) was likewise governor in Ghazza, and was succeeded by 6. His son Husayn (d. 1071/1660), who had previously been governor of Jerusalem. Ewliya Celebi visited Ghazza in 1059/1649, and describes Husayn as a generous man, himself a writer of poetry and history, who was tolerant towards Samaritans, Jews and Christians of the various Eastern Churches. These latter attitudes may have cast doubts on his loyalty, for in 1073/1662 he was arrested, jailed at Damascus and executed on charge that he had failed in his duties as amir al-haaja^. 7. His brother Musa replaced him, but the sources say little about him, and he appears to have been the last governor of the Al Shahfn. The extant tapu defters do not specify the names of the Al-Shahfn governors, nor do they register their names amongst the 41 timdr holders in Ghazza; on the other hand, the several palaces, mosques, schools and cemetery that belonged to them (some still in use today) are described at some length. Bibliography: 1. Texts. Yahya b. cAlf, Ghdyat al-amdm, ed. S/A.F. eAshur, Cairo 1968; Ahmad al-Khalidf al-Safadf (d. 1034/1624), Ttfnkh al-amir Fakhr al-Din Macnl, 2nd ed. Asad Rustum and Fu'ad al-Bustanf, Beirut 1969; Nadjm al-Dfn Muhammad al-Dimashkf (d. 1061/1651), Lutf al-samar wa-katf al-thamar, ed. Mahmud al-Shaykh, Damascus 1981; Muhibbf, Khuldsat al-athar, Nahrawalf, al-Bark al-yamdni, ed. Hamad al-Djasir, Riyad 1967 (extracts ed. D. Lopes, in Extractos da historia da conquista da Taman per los Othmanos, Lisbon 1892); Mehmed Thiireyya, Siajill-i C0thmdm. 2. Studies. M.A. Meyers, History of the city of Gaza from the earliest times to the present day, New York 1907; T.E. Dowling, Gaza, a city of many battles, New York 1913; cArif al-cArif, Ta3nkh Ghazza, Jerusalem 1943; U. Heyd, Ottoman documents on Palestine 1552-
SHAHIN, AL — SHAHNAMEDJI 1615, a study of the Firman according to the Muhimme Defteri, Oxford 1960; CA.K. Rank, Bildd al-Shdm waMisr min al-fath al-cUthmdnl ild hamlat Napoleon Bonaparte, Damascus 1967; Cengiz Orhonlu, Habe§ eyaleti, Istanbul 1974; W.-D. Hiitteroth and Kamal Abdulfattah, Historical geography of Palestine, Transjordan and southern Syria in the late 16th century, Erlangen 1977; A. Cohen and B. Lewis, Population and revenue in the towns of Palestine in the sixteenth century, Princeton 1978; Ahmad Shalabf al-cAynT, cAwdat al-ishdrdt f i man tawalld Misr al-Kdhira min al-wuzard3 wa 'l-bdshdt, Cairo 1978; Ibrahim Khalll Sakfk, Ghazza cabr al-ta'nkh al-'Uthmdm, Ghazza 1980; Muhammad A. Bakhit, The Ottoman province of Damascus in the sixteenth century, Beirut 1982. (M.A. AL-BAKHIT) SHAHIN DIZH [see SA'IN KAL'A]. SHAHIN, LALA, according to the early Ottoman chronicles, the preceptor or tutor (laid) of the Ottoman sultan Murad I [q.v] and the first to occupy the post of the beglerbegi [q.v.] of Rumelia. Perhaps he can be identified with Shahln b. cAbd Allah who signed a wakf document issued by sultan Orkhan [q.v.] in 1360; or also with the military leader 'laaim who, according to a Greek contemporary chronicle, supported the Lord of Yanina Thomas Prealimbos against the Albanians in 1380. Shahfn crossed from Anatolia to Thrace in the 1360s, probably accompanying Murad when he was still a prince, and fought against the Christians successfully, especially in Bulgaria, where he conquered several fortresses and towns. In 1388 he invaded Bosnia and, according to Neshri [q.v], he died shortly afterwards. Bibliography: F. Babinger, Beitra'ge zur Friihgeschichte der Turkenherrschqft in Rumelien (14.-15. Jahrhundert), Munich 1944; Irene Beldiceanu-Steinherr, Recherches sur les actes des regnes des sultans Osman, Orkhan et Murad /, Societas Academica Dacoromana, Acta Historica VII, Munich 1967; H. Inalcik, The conquest of Edirne (1361), in Archivum Ottomanicum, iii (1971), 185-210; E.A. Zachariadou, Marginalia on the history of Epirus and Albania (1380-1418), in W%KM, Ixxviii (1988), 195-210. (ELIZABETH A. ZACHARIADOU) SHAHIN-I SHlRAZl, 14th-century J u d a e o Persian epic poet, the most brilliant name in Judaeo-Persian original literature. Mawlana ("Our Master") Shahfn ("the Falcon", a name in common use among the Jews of Persia at that time) wrote under one of the Mongol Ilkhans, Abu Sa'fd Bahadur (1316-35 [#.».]). The comparatively numerous extant manuscripts with miniature paintings can be taken as a sign of his popularity. Although influenced by the great epic poets of Persia, Firdawsf and Nizamf, Shahfn was by no means a mere epigone. The metre he used was the hazadj. musaddas makhzuf (~ /~ / w —). Shahln himself never gave titles to his epic works, and only not very informative words like shark ("explanation"), tafsir ("commentary") or (B.L. Or. 4742, fol. 3a, 1. 1) Kitdb az tafsir-i Tordh (in other manuscripts Kitdb-i Shdhm and Ddstdn "Story" occur). The titles chosen by Wilhelm Bacher have been commonly adopted, viz. the Book of Genesis (now mostly Bereshit-ndma), the Book of Moses (now commonly Musd-ndma), the Book ofArdashir, consisting of two parts, Megillat Esther and the story of Shero and Mahzad, and the Book of Ezra. The brief epic King Kishwar, the story of King Kishwar and his seven pieces of advice to his son Bahrain (known in only one manuscript, ENA 396, fols. la-4b, The Jewish Theological Seminary of America in New York) could be by Shahln, but it is doubtful. If it were gen-
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uine, it would be the only purely Persian work by Shahfn devoid of any specific biblical influence. The sources of Shahfn were the biblical books (as for the Pentateuch, almost exclusively the non-legal parts), non-biblical Jewish material (midrash, folktraditions), and Islamic elements. Bibliography: W. Bacher, £wei judisch-persische Dichter, Schahin und Imrani, Budapest 1907; Dorothea Blieske, Sdhin-e Sird&s Ardasir-Buch, diss. Tubingen 1966, unpubl.; J.P. Asmussen, Studies in Judeo-Persan literature, Leiden 1973; Vera Basch Moreen, Miniature paintings in Judeo-Persian manuscripts, Cincinnati 1985. (J.P. ASMUSSEN) SHAHNAMEDJI (or &JEHNAMEPJI) (T.), the term for an Ottoman writer of literary-historical works in a style inspired by the Shdh-ndma of the Persian poet Firdawsf [q.v], i.e. works composed in Persian, in the mathnawi form of rhymed couplets in the mutakdrib metre, describing in fulsome terms the military exploits of the reigning sultan. The first Ottoman compositions in the shehndme genre date from the mid-9th/15th century, as occasional works written for presentation to Mehemmed II (1451-81). An official, salaried post of shehndme^i "writer of shehndmes", was established by Siileyman II (1520-66) in the 1550s as a form of court historiographer. Of its five incumbents, three produced between them at least fifteen known works, largely chronicles of the military and imperial achievements of contemporary Ottoman sultans, particularly Siileyman, Sellm II (1566-74), and Murad III (1574-95). In line with developing literary taste, many of the later works were composed in Ottoman Turkish prose rather than Persian verse. Most of the manuscripts (few of which have been published) were richly illustrated by palace artists with specially commissioned miniature paintings and were intended as objets d'art for the sultan's private collection. The Suleymdn-ndme of the first shehndmed^i, 'Arif (or 'Arifi, d. 969/1561-2), contains 62 miniatures (Esin Atil, Suleymdnndme: the illustrated history of Siileyman the Magnificent, New York 1986). Principal among the works composed by the third shehndme^i, Lokman (in post ca. 1569-96), are: £ubdetu 't-tewdrikh ("Essence of history") (completed 991/1583), a world history in Ottoman prose; the two-volumed Huner-ndme ("Book of accomplishments") (992/1584 and 996/1588), also in Ottoman prose, on Selfm I (1512-20) and Suleyman II respectively; the threevolumed Shdhinshdh-ndme ("Book of the Shah of Shahs") (991/1581-2, 1001/1592, and 1004/1596), in Persian verse, on the reign of Murad III; Kiydfetti 'l-insdniyye fi shemd'il C0thmdniyye ("Description of the features of the Ottoman sultans") (987/1579), essentially an album of portraits of the sultans with accompanying text in Ottoman with physiognomical observations (facsimile text in Kiyqfetu 'l-insdniyye fi §emdili 'l-cOsmdniyye, ed. M. Tay§i, Historical Research Foundation, Istanbul 1987). Lokman's successor Taclrki-zade (in post ca. 15901600) composed a Shemd'il-ndme ("Book of descriptions") (1002/1593) in Ottoman prose on the strengths of the Ottoman dynasty (cf. C. Woodhead, "The present terror of the world?" Contemporary views of the Ottoman empire c. 1600, in History, lxxii/234 [1987], 20-37); and narratives of the Hungarian campaigns of 1593-4 and 1596, in Ottoman prose and verse respectively (for the former, see Woodhead (ed.), Ta'tiki-zdde's §ehndme-i humdyun on the Ottoman campaign into Hungary, 1593/94, Berlin 1983). The post lapsed soon after 1600 for reasons which are unclear but probably related to the changing role of the sultan, which rendered the shehndme style inap-
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propriate. Ad hoc commissions of $hehndme& were made by £Othman II (1618-22) and Murad IV (1623-40), but the permanent position of shehndmeaji was not revived. Bibliography. Further references in C. Woodhead, An experiment in official historiography: the post of §ehnameci in the Ottoman empire, c. 1555-1605, in W^KM, Ixxv (1983), 157-82. (CHRISTINE WOODHEAD) SHAHR (P.) "town". The word goes back to Old Persian xsafa- (cf. Avestan xsaQra-, Sanskrit ksatrd-; all from the same root as New Persian shah [#.#.]), "kingship, royal power", thence "kingdom". The latter meaning is still the usual one for Middle Persian skahr and it survives in the Shdh-ndma, especially in set phrases such as shahr-i Erdn (used metri causa instead of Erdn-shahr "kingdom of the Aryans", the official name of the Sasanid empire), sJiahr-i Turdn, sjiahr-i Yaman, etc. But already in the earliest New Persian texts, the usual meaning, and soon the only meaning, is "town". The depreciation of xsafa-/shahr from "kingdom" to "town" runs parallel to that of daheyu/ deh/dih from "land, country" to "village". But it is also possible that shahr in the sense "town" is merely a curtailment of shahristdn [q.v] The Persian word was borrowed into Turkish as shehir/sehir and figures as the final component of the names of many Turkish towns. Bibliography: See that in SHAHRISTAN. (F.C. DE BLOIS) SHAHRANGlZ (P.) or &JAHRASHUB ("upsetting the town"), a genre of short love poems on young craftsmen, often related to the bazaars of specific towns. 1. In Persian In Persian literature, the genre is usually referred to under the latter name. EJ.W. Gibb's contention that the genre was invented by the Turkish poet Mesfhl [q.v.] of Edirne (HOP, ii, 232), was challenged already by E.G. Browne who, pointing to Persian specimens mentioned by the Safawid anthologist Sam Mfrza [q.v.], concluded that "though they were probably written later than Masihi's Turkish Shahr-angiz on Adrianople, there is nothing to suggest that they were regarded as a novelty or innovation in Persia" (LHP, iv, 237). Since then, many examples of mediaeval Persian poems on craftsmen have come to light, showing that shahrdshub poems can be attributed to early poets like Rudakf, Kisa°f and Labibf [0.w;.]. The genre was very popular during the Saldjuk period, when it was most often used for quatrains (see the examples mentioned by Meier, Mahsafi, 94). The Diwdn of the 11 th-12th century poet Maseud-i Sacd-i Salman [q.v.] contains 93 short poems (mukatta'dt) on the subject, apparently written as a coherent collection although it is not clear whether or not a particular city was envisaged. The formula of the genre consists of three main ingredients, each of which has had a separate existence in the Persian tradition. The first element is the motive of the uproar created in the city; it occurs in one of Sanaa's poems, in which a beloved produces this effect by suddenly appearing to the waiting lovers from the tavern (Diwdn, 89: sjiur dar sjiahr fikand an but-i zunndr-parast). This found an echo in several later ghazah, e.g. by Anwari" (Diwdn, ii, 864: bdz dush an sanam-i bdda-jurusji/shahn az walwala dwurda ba-ajush) and Hafiz (Diwdn, i, no. 3,3: luliydn-i sJimnkdr-i shahrdshub). Secondly, the beloved is specified as a craftsman, an artist (e.g. £AwfT, Lubdb, ii, 318: a nay-zan), an ethnic type (e.g. £Awfi, op. cit., ii, 344: a ghuzz bacca; the beloved is very often referred to as
a turk in Persian poetry) or a member of a religious community (e.g. Mas£ud-i Saed, Diwdn, 636/ii, 915: a tarsd bacca', cf. Hafiz, Diwdn, i, no. 119, 1. 8). Poems of this kind were used to create hagiographical legends, notably in Kamal al-Dfn Gazurgahfs Magjdlis al'ushshdk, e.g. Sana'fs quatrain on a butcher (kassdb; cf. Diwdn, 1146, and J.T.P. de Bruijn, Of piety and poetry, Leiden 1983, 6-7). Thirdly, there were the representations, in a panegyric or a satire, of a group of people belonging to a single court or city. Early specimens of this type are Mas£ud-i Sacd's mathnawi on the court of Lahore (Diwdn, 562-79/ii, 787-817) and Sana°f's Kdr-ndma-yi Balkh (in Mathnawihd-yi Hakim Sand'i, ed. M.T. Mudarris-i Radawl, Tehran 1348 sh./\969, 142-78). As a fully developed genre, the shahrdshub became particularly fashionable in late Tlmurid and early Safawid literature [q.v.]. Mir cAh~ Shir Nawa'I [q.v] made mention of it for the first time in his tadhkira, the Maajdlis al-naja3is, with reference to Sayfi Bukharf (d. 909/1503), who made a collection of shahrangiz poems in ghazal form, entitled Sand3ic al-baddyic (Gulcfn-i Macanl, 26-8). Lisanf of Shfraz was particularly renowned for his quatrains in this genre which together form a city-panegyric of Tabriz, known as Maajma' al-asndfor Shahrdsjiub-i khitta-yi Tabriz (ed. and French tr. Bricteux; ed. Gulcln-i Ma£anf, op. cit., 96-161). The genre was used for satire by Again of Khurasan (d. 932/1525-6), against Harat, and Harfi Isfahan! (d. 971/1563-4) against the province of Grlan (cf. Rypka, 297, 303-4, with further references). In the 11th/17th century Sayyida Nasafi described the craftsmen of Bukhara in this manner (cf. A. Mirzoyev, Sayyido Nasafi i yego mesto v istorii tadzhikskoy-literatun, Stalinabad 1955, 143 ff., 161). Various poetical forms, and even prose, were used for writing sjiahrdsjiub. It was also a favourite subject in the Indian Subcontinent with poets writing in Persian and Urdu (see section 3., below). Bibliography: A. Bricteux, in Melanges de philologie orientals, Liege 1932, 1-56; F. Meier, Die schb'ne Mahsati. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des persischen Vierzeilers, i, Wiesbaden 1963, 94-8; Muhammad DjaTar Mahdjub, Sabk-i Khurdsdm dar shfo-i Jam, Tehran 1345 &/1967, 677-99; A. Gulcfn-i Macanf, Shahrdshub dar shicr-i Jam, Tehran 1346 J&/1967-8, with an anthology; J. Rypka et alii, History of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968; M. Gliinz, Softs Sahrangiz- Ein persisches mainawl u'ber die schonen Berufsleute von Istanbul, in Asiatische Studien/Etudes asiatiques, xl/2 (1986), 133-45; Mas£ud-i Sa£d-i Salman, Diwdn, ed. R. Yasirrn, Tehran 1339 J&./1960, repr. ed. Mihdr Nuriyan, 2 vols., Tehran 1365 ^./1986; Sana'!, Dtwdn2, ed. Mudarris-i Radawf, Tehran 1341 ,$/?./1962; Anwarl, Diwdn, ii, ed. Mudarris-i Radawf, Tehran 1340 &/1961; Hafiz, Diwdn, 2ed. P.N. Khanlarf, Tehran 1362 A/1983. (J.T.P. DE BRUIJN) 2. In Turkish This genre was popular from the early 16th to the early 19th century in Diwdn (classical Ottoman Turkish) poetry, serving mainly to praise a major city and its beauties. In modern Turkish, it is rendered as §ehrengiz. The genre is represented by about fifty major works, of which less than forty are extant. The special place it holds in the Ottoman tradition has led numerous 20th-century Turkish scholars to the erroneous assumption that the shahrangiz existed only in Ottoman Diwdn literature. Usually written in the stanzaic form of the mathnawi (rhyming couplets) and always in carud metres, the SHAHRANGLZ conforms, on the whole, to a special se-
SHAHRANGIZ quence of internal elements, starting with a brief mundajdt (doxological supplication) and/or ncft (encomium of the Prophet), followed by the sabab-i ta'lif (reason for writing), descriptions of the city's natural setting and aspects of its life, general or specific citations of the city's beautiful women or men and sometimes its notables, ending with a khdtima (epilogue) in which the poet offers prayers to God for the protection of the city's beauties and praises his own poetic accomplishments. Most of the major shahrangiz works in Ottoman Turkish take as their subject such principal cities as Istanbul, Bursa, and Edirne. Among other cities featured in this genre are Skopje, Belgrade, Venice, Rize, Yeni§ehir, Sinop, Manisa, etc. The shahrangiz often provides vivid descriptions of urban life as well as information about topographical characteristics of individual cities. Many works in this genre were commissioned by or dedicated and presented to prominent patrons. Their length ranges from 70-odd couplets (Hayretf on Venice) to more than 1,600 couplets (Sa.fi" on Istanbul, composed in Persian) to 3,600 couplets (Dhatf on Adrianople). The first shahrangiz is by Mesihf [q.v], who wrote it ca. 918/1512 about Adrianople. EJ.W. Gibb translated the tide as "city thriller", pointing out that all such works in later periods bore the same title, whence the name of the genre, and credited Mesihl with the invention of the shahrangiz as a literary form. The humorous element in Mesfhfs work, which Gibb singled out for its originality, came to be a recurring feature of most of the subsequent works in this category. Many of them contain either a romantic description of a city's beautiful young men, often cited by name and profession—less frequently, young women were listed—or humorous, sometimes satirical, characterisation. Several shahrangiz (principally Fehfm's work on Istanbul in the 17th century) are explicitly pornographic. Variations of the genre include the sergudhesht-name (tale of adventure), where the poet tells the story of an affair with one beautiful person or stories of four people. Some concentrate on a single profession, as in the Cengi-ndme ("Book of dancers") by Enderunf Fadil (d. 1810), while others, like his ^man-name ("Book of women"), describe women of a wide variety of nations and ethnic groups. A few are essentially versified lists of the names of urban neighbourhoods or musical modes or types of tulips. The best Ottoman shahrangiz, according to von Hammer-Purgstall, was Lamief's [q.v.] work on Bursa written on the occasion of Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent's visit in 928/1522. Although most specimens of the genre are not notable for literary merit, Lami'f's shahrangiz, the first substantive part of which provides vivid descriptions of Bursa, displays poetic virtuosity. Bibliography: Agah Sirn Levend, Tiirk edebiyatinda fehr-engizler ve $ehr-engizlerde Istanbul, Istanbul 1958;
EJ.W. Gibb, HOP, London 1904-7, ii-iv. (TALAT SAIT HALMAN) 3. In Urdu In Urdu literature, the term shahrangiz is used only rarely if at all. The most common designation, also employed in Persian and Turkish, and identical in meaning with shahrangiz, is shahr-dsjiob (Persian: shahrdshub). The tradition of the Urdu shahr-dshob is markedly different from the one found in Persian and Turkish poetry. The type of verse which goes by that name in the other two languages is generally a poem describing the author's attraction for handsome arti-
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san boys in a city. In Urdu, the number of such poems is exceedingly small. It is limited to stray examples seen in the writings of Mfrza Dja'far cAlf Hasrat (d. 1206/1791-2) (see Kulliyydt-i Hasrat, ed. Nur alHasan Hashimf, Lakhnaw 1966, 382-91), Mir Hasan (d. 1201/1786), Mir Muhammad Takl Mir (d. 1225/ 1810 [<7.fl.]), and a few other poets, all of whom seemed to have based their compositions, by way of imitation, upon similar models in Persian. Unlike these examples, the standard shahr-dshob in Urdu is a sociallymotivated poem. Its main purpose is the portrayal of a city in disarray. The picture it paints reflects the breakdown of the established order, the dislocation of the social, economic and moral life of the people, and the topsy-turvy nature of things. One of the major conventions of the shahr-dshob is to name a series of professions and to describe the state of affairs governing the individuals associated with each of them. The shahr-dshobs are determined by the nature of their content, rather than by any separate form, and many of them appear in the works of the poets under titles other than shahr-dshob. They could be found in any of the traditional verse forms employed in Urdu poetry, though it is possible that some forms might have been favoured more than others during a particular period. Characteristic of the genre, at least during its pre1857 phase, is the use of satire and ridicule as weapons of criticism—a feature that makes it difficult sometimes to draw a line between a shahr-dshob and a haajw ("insult poem"). The real beginnings of the shahr-dshob may be traced to the 18th century, marking the decline of Mughal power. Following the death of Awrangzlb in 1707, the Mughal empire collapsed into anarchy and disintegration. In 1739 the Persian monarch Nadir Shah (r. 1736-47 [q.v.]) invaded a weakened Mughal empire, and sacked Dihll, and it was again sacked in 1756 by Ahmad Shah Durrani [q.v.]. From the time of Shah 'Alam II (r. 1759-1806 [q.v.]), the Mughal ruler was merely a figurehead maintained by one or the other power. The poems in which the effects of these developments found direct interpretation received the name of shahr-dshob. Nothing can be said with certainty regarding the earliest shahr-dshob in Urdu. It has been suggested that the first poet who attempted this kind of verse was Mir Muhammad Dja'far, better known as Djacfar Zatalll (d! between 1125-28/1713-16). The latter has earned general notoriety as the author of obscene verses, which has distracted attention from the social aspect of some of his writing. His poems Nawkari "Service", and Dastur al-camal dar ikhtildf-i zamdna-yi nd-hanajdr "A guide to the incompatibility of these rough times", which are cited as shahr-dshobs, represent satirical statements commenting on the hardships of employment and on the distortion of social and moral values. With the successful efforts led by Mirza Muhammad Rafi £ Sawda (d. 1195/1781 [q.v.]), the shahr-dshob acquired increased recognition. His two shahr-dshob?,, one in the form of a kasida and the other entitled Mukhammas dar wirdni-yi Shdhajahdndbdd "A mukhammas on the destruction of Shahdjahanabad", may be regarded as real masterpieces. Both are comparatively lengthy poems, and constitute a unified theme dealing with the devastation of Dihlf, the economic adversities of the people, and the contemporary social and moral decay. Mir Muhammad Takl Mir, who was a contemporary of Sawda, composed several poems which resemble the shahr-dshob. One of these poems is the Mukhammas dar hdl-i Ioshkar "On the condition of the
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army", which describes not only the plight of the soldiery but also points out, with bitterness and sorrow, the pitiable state of the court and nobles. A number of shahr-dshobs are significant because of their historical interest. These include poems by Mfrza Dja'far eAlf Hasrat and Kiyam al-Dfn Ka'im (d. 12087 1793-4), referred to respectively as Mukhammas dar ahwdl-i Dj.ahdndbdd "On the condition of Djahanabad", and Mukhammas. The ilrst of these poems describes the destruction of Dihll and its citizens caused by the invasion of Ahmad Shah Durrani, and the second contains a denunciation of Shah 'Alam II for his role in connection with the battle of Sakartal (1772), in which he, with the support of the Marathas [q.v.], attacked and defeated Dabita Khan, son of Nadjfb al-Dawla [q.v.], and leader of the Rohilla Afghans. Other shahr-dshobs, which have won critical approval, comprise Zuhur al-Dfn Hatim's (d. 1197/1783) Mukhammasi Kalandar Bakhsh Djur'at's (d. 1224/1810) Mukhammas-i tar^f-band, and Wall Muhammad Nazfr Akbarabadf's (d. 1246/1830) work mentioned as Dunydyi dun ke tamdshe "Scenes of the contemptible world". Hatim's poem, described sometimes as the first shahrdshob composed in Urdu (see Djamll Djalibf, Tdnkh-i adab-i Urdu, ii/1, Lahore 1981, 441), presents an account showing the change of fortune suffered by members of various social groups after Nadir Shah's invasion. The shahr-dshobs of Djur'at and Nazfr Akbarabadi are conspicuous for their out-of-the-ordinary imagery with insects, birds and animals serving as metaphors. All three poems share one assumption in common: that those regarded as occupationally "inferior" had risen in status, while those of the upper rank had lost their former position. Most shahr-dshobs composed by Urdu poets have Dihll as their setting, but some of them describe other cities as well. For instance, Nazfr Akbarabadf is the author of a shahr-dshob having Agra for its locale, and Ghulam CA1T Rasikh (d. 1238/1823) has left a mathnaim which is placed in Patna, both poets portraying the destitution of the citizens in their respective towns. The shahr-dshobs discussed so far belong to the period before 1857. The uprising which took place in 1857-8 had a deep impact upon the minds of the poets, whose response to the events found expression in numerous poems dealing mainly with the trials and tribulations suffered by Dihlf during that time. These poems have been called shahr-dshob although they do not subscribe entirely to the classical pattern of the genre followed by earlier poems. One important element which is missing in them is the narrative dealing with different professions—an essential feature of previous shahr-dshobs. In fact, the shahr-dshobs of 1857 are mere elegies mourning the passing away of Mughal Dihll and the end of an era. The poems connected with the fortunes of Dihlf at this time are contained in two collections named Fughdn-i Dihti "The lament of Dihlf", and Inkildb-i Dihll "Revolution of Dihlf", also known as Farydd-i Dihli "The cry of Dihlf". The first-named work was edited by Tafadd al-Husayn Kawkab, and was published in 1280/1863-4; the second, containing poems reproduced from the former work together with some additions, came out in 1932. Included in Fughdn-i Dihll is the famous musaddas by Nawwab Mirza Dagh (d. 1322/1905 [q.v.]) regarding the demise of old Dihlf, a poem full of pathos, which may be regarded as one of the finest pieces composed upon the subject. Bibliography (in addition to references in the text): Na'fm Ahmad (ed.), Shahr-dshob, Delhi 1968 (a comprehensive collection of shahr-dshobs in Urdu. For the text of shahr-dshobs, cited in the article, ref-
erence may be made to this book, except where it is indicated otherwise); idem, Shahr-dshob kd tahkiki mutdlafa, 'Alfgarh 1979; Sayyid cAbd Allah, Shahrdshob ki tdrikh, in Mabdhith, Lahore 1965; Sayyid Mascud Hasan Radawf Adfb, Shahr-dshob: ek sinf-i sukhan, in Nigdrishdt-i Adib, Lucknow 1969; Iqtida Hasan, Later Mugals as represented in Urdu poetry. A study in the light of sahr-asobs from Hdtim, Saudd and Na$r, in AIUON, N.S. ix (1959), 131-53; idem, Later Mugals as represented in Urdu poetry. II. a study of Qa'im's sahr-asob, in ibid., xii (1962-3), 129-52; F. Lehmann, Urdu literature and Mughal decline, in Mahfil, vi/2-3 (1970), 125-31; art. Shahr-dshob, in Urdu dd}ira-yi macdrif-i Isldmiyya, xi, Lahore 1975, 824-6; Shamsur Rahman Faruqi, Jurat's sahr-asob: an afterword, in Annual of Urdu studies, iii (1983), 1116; Shamsur Rahman Faruqi and Frances W. Pritchett, In the presence of the nightingale (= Eng. tr. of Djur'at's shahr-dshob), in ibid., 1-9; eidem, A vile world carnival (— Eng. tr. of Nazfr Akhbarabadf's shahr-dshob, Dunyd-yi dun ke tamdshe), in ibid., iv (1984), 24-35; Frances W. Pritchett, The world upside down: sahr-asob as a genre, in ibid., 37-41; C.M. Nairn, A note on sahr-asob, in ibid., 42; Carla R. Petievich, Poetry of the declining Mughals: the shahr-ashob, in Jnal. of South Asian literature, xxv/1 (1990), 99-110. (MUNIBUR RAHMAN) SHAHRASHUB [see SHAHRANGIZ]. AL-SHAHRASTANI, ABU 'L-FATH MUHAMMAD b. c Abd al-Karfm b. Ahmad, Tadj al-Dfn, thinker and historian of religious and philosophical doctrines, who lived in Persia in the first half of the 6th/12th century. He received other honorific titles such as al-Afdal or al-Imam. Besides a few landmarks, little is known of his life. Al-Shahrastanf (the customary Arabic vocalisation is retained here) was born in the small town of Shahristan, on the northern frontier of Khurasan, not far from Nasa, at the edge of the desert of Kara Kum (currently in the Republic of Turkmenistan) [see SHAHRISTAN (6)]. His contemporary al-Sam'anf is supposed to have written (according to Ibn Khallikan): "I asked him the date of his birth, and he told me: 479/[1086-7]." Other ancient authors give the dates 467 and 469, but the testimony of al-Samcanf seems authoritative. Nothing is known of his family; however, the attribution by Yakut of a kunya to his father (Abu '1-Kasim) and to his grandfather (Abu Bakr) could indicate a privileged background. After what was definitely a very substantial traditional education, he was sent to the prestigious metropolis of Nfshapur. It was there that he embarked on detailed study of the Islamic sciences. His principal masters are known; most of them were in their turn disciples of al-Djuwaynf. In tafnr, and in Ash'arf kaldm, he was the pupil of Abu '1-Kasim Salman b. Nasir al-Ansarf (d. 412/1118), who exerted great influence over him. Hadith was taught him by Abu '1-Hasan 'All b. Ahmad al-Madfnf (d. 494/1100). In Shafi'f fikh, he was trained by the kadi Abu '1-Muzaffar Ahmad b. Muhammad al-KhwafT, a friend of alGhazalf and a judge at Tus (d. 500/1106) and by Abu Nasr cAbd al-Rahfm b. Abi '1-Kasim cAbd alKarfm al-Kushayrf (d. 514/1120, son of the eminent mystic). It may be noted that the date of the death of al-Madfnf is a termnus ad quern for the arrival of al-Shahrastanf at Nfshapur. Impelled no doubt by religious motives, but also by the desire to consolidate his reputation, in 510/1117 he made the Pilgrimage to Mecca. On the return journey, he visited Baghdad. His friend Abu '1-Fath Ascad b. Muhammad al-Mayhanf (d. 523/1129 ac-
AL-SHAHRASTANI cording to Ibn al-Athir, x, 660; but 520 according to Djalal Huma'f, Gha^ali-ndma, Tehran 1318/1939, 308) was then teaching at the Nizamiyya. With Mayham's assistance, al-Shahrastam obtained a post at the Nizamiyya. For three years, and with considerable success, he devoted himself to teaching, preaching, disputation. Around 514/1120 he returned to Persia. The Saldjuk ruler of Khurasan Sandjar had recently taken there, in 511/1118, the full title of sultan. Marw, his capital, was a magnet. Through the good offices of Nasfr al-Dfn Abu '1-Kasim Mahmud b. alMuzaffar al-MarwazI, who was wa&r from 521 to 526/1127-31 (see HumaT, ibid.), al-Shahrastam was appointed nd3ib of the chancellery (diwdn al-rasd'il). He even became a close friend of Sandjar and "his confidant" (sahib sirrihi). However, al-Shahrastanf ultimately returned to his native village. It is not known when, or why. The fact remains that there was a succession of tragic events in the year 548/1153. The sultan was taken prisoner by the Ghuzz [q.v.]. Marw fell six months later, and the Ghuzz advanced on Nlshapur. It was then, according to the testimony of al-SamcanI related by Ibn Khallikan, that alShahrastanf died in his native village "towards the end of Sha'ban 548 [November 1153]". Al-Shahrastanf was responsible for a score of works. See the precise and detailed study by Na'fnf, Sharh-i hdl..., also Danish-pazhuh, Ndma..., vii, 72-80, viii, 61-5. The twelve most important works, beginning with those which can be dated, are: 1. al-Milal wa }l-nihal, which, according to the author, was written in the year 521, i.e. 1127-8 (ed. Badran, i, 630 (cf. 358) = Livre, i, 662 (cf. 503)). There are numerous editions, including two semicritical ones: W. Cureton, 2 vols., London 1842-6; and Muhammad Fath Allah Badran, 2 vols., Cairo 1370-5/1951-5 (Shaykh Badran has published, in small format, without critical apparatus but with a thorough introduction, a second edition, 2 vols., Cairo 1375/1956). At least two Persian translations exist: by Turka-yi Isfahan! (in 843/1440), Tehran 1321/1942, 3rd ed. 1350/1972, and by Mustafa b. Khalikdad (in 1021/1612), Tehran, 2nd ed. 1358/1979. Turkish translation by Nuh b. Mustafa (d. 1070/1660), Cairo 1263/1847, then Istanbul 1279/1862. German translation by Th. Haarbriicker, Religionspartheien und Philosophenschulen, 2 vols., Halle 1850-1, repr. Wiesbaden 1969. French translation with introduction and notes by D. Gimaret, J. Jolivet and G. Monnot, Livre des religions et des sectes, 2 vols., Louvain 1986-93. There are also partial translations. This monumental work aspired to present "the doctrinal opinions of all the world's people", i.e. to reveal the entirety of religions and philosophies, past or present. To what extent it succeeded will be seen at a later stage. 2. Nihdyat al-akddm Ji cilm al-kaldm, later than the Milal which it mentions several times (e.g. 5, 1.10; 377, 1. 17). The title is given at the end of p. 4. The vocalisation of the second word (and not al-ikddm as Guillaume writes; this has already been noted by P. Kraus) clearly results from the parallellism between nihdydt (note the plural) akddm ahl al-kaldm and nihdydt awhdm al-hukamd3 al-ilahiyyln (503-4). English edition and translation by Alfred Guillaume, The Summa Philosophiae..., Oxford 1934; Arabic text alone repr. Baghdad n.d. The edition is mediocre; the "translation" is not always worthy of the name. The book is divided into 20 chapters, each of which examines discussions of one of the "foundations" (kawd'id) of theological science. This classic work
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has been understood as reviewing the attainments of Muslim theology. In fact, it sets out to show its limits. "The furthest steps of the people of kaldm" cannot be exceeded. Should the sum total of theology not be an admission of failure? 3. Mas3ala fI ithbdt al-ajawhar al-fard. A brief monograph on the concept of the atom (al-ajuz3 alladht Id yataajazza3), edited by Guillaume at the end of the Nihdya (505-14). 4. Musdra'at al-faldsifa, ed. Suhayr Muhammad Mukhtar, Cairo 1396/1976. Explicitly posterior to the Milal (14), this little book is dedicated to Madjd al-Dfn Abu '1-Kasim 'All b. Dja'far al-Musawf, chief (nakib) of the ImamI Shff community of Tirmidh. This is a thorough criticism of Avicennan philosophy. It is supposed to comprise seven "questions", but at the end of the fifth (118), the author bemoans the serious troubles of the time and comes to an abrupt end. The circumstances evoked could be the defeat of Sandjar by the Kara Khitay in 536/1141. 5. Mqfdtth al-asrdr wa-masdbih al-abrdr, edited facsimile of the unicum, with introduction and index, 2 vols., Tehran 1409 A.H./1368 A.H.S./1989. The text comprises 434 folios, or 868 pages with 25 lines. It is a Kur'anic commentary. After an autobiographical preface come the 12 chapters of an introduction to the study of the Kur'an, then a complete commentary on the first two suras. The first volume (up to II, 122) of the lost autograph manuscript had been composed between 538 and 540. It is not known whether, as is probable, the author continued beyond Surat al-Bakara. 6. Majlis on the Creation and the Order (al-khalk wa 'l-amr). This remarkable set speech, in Persian (whereas all the other known works of this author are in Arabic) was delivered in Khwarazm; it is not known when. It was edited (in 38 pages) by Na'fnf at the end of his Sharh-i hdl and then in his Du maktub, Tehran 1369/1990.' 7. al-Mandhiaj wa 'l-dydt. Mentioned by Bayhakf. Apparently lost. 8. Kissat Musd wa 'l-Khadir. Mentioned by Bayhaki. Apparently lost. 9. Risdla on the knowledge possessed by the Necessary Being, addressed to Sharaf al-Zaman Abu c Abd Allah Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Ilakf. The latter, a philosopher and physician of renown, died in 536/1141 at the Battle of Katawan, facs. ed. of the unicum in Na'fnf's Du maktub. 10. Risdla to the Kadi 'Umar b. Sahl (or Sahlan?) against Avicenna. Manuscript. 11. Risdla to Muhammad al-Sahlanf. Manuscript. 12. Shark surat Tusuf. Mentioned by Yakut. Manuscript. The contribution of this vast corpus is twofold. In the first place, this author has transmitted and presented to generations of readers a mass of information on previous opinions and doctrines, in numerous domains. First, the doctrines of sects or persuasions internal to Islam. It is with these that the Milal begins, at length, to be completed, in quite another way, by the Nihdya. The overall picture is impressive, although containing inaccuracies. "In terms of the scale of the text, they represent little that is of importance. But they encourage circumspection" (D. Gimaret). Now the detailed survey of philosophers occupies the longest section of the Milal, and great hopes could be placed in it. In fact, it derives principally from two sources: the Siwdn al-hikma and the Am3 al-faldsifa of pseudo-Ammonius. Above all, he projects on to the majority of articles the religious vision of the Muslim thinkers. At a deeper level, and despite appearances,
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al-Shahrastanf is hostile to philosophy. But the Milal has yet another object. Up to and including the present day, this book owes its immense reputation to the treatment of religions external to Islam: Christians and Jews, Mazdaeans and Manichaeans, hermeticist Sabians, disciples of ancient Arab cults and of Hindu sects, etc. Not one of these chapters is of inferior quality. As a carefully crafted whole, they remained, until the 18th century, totally unique. They represent the high point of Muslim histories of religion. Finally, the rediscovery of the Mqfafih al-asrdr should be taken into account. Each verse, before being clarified by the corresponding "mysteries", is initially the object of a commentary which could be described as classical. This tafsir is situated in the very first rank of Kur'anic commentaries, equal and sometimes superior to those of al-Tabarf or al-Razf in terms of precision, breadth, antiquity and variety of sources quoted; lists of the suras in pre-£Uthmanic collections, Saefd b. Djubayr, al-Hasan al-Basri, al-Kalbf, Abu cUbayda, al-FarraJ, al-Zadjdjadj and many others. Al-Shahrastanf does not only expound the thought of others. He has his own, which is immediately apparent in the refutation of Ibn Sfna; he devotes numerous monographs to this purpose, attacking the philosopher from every angle. But the full expression of alShahrastanf's thought is to be sought elsewhere, sc. in the Mqfafih al-asrdr. Usually, in fact, the abovementioned long classical commentary is followed by the unfolding of "mysteries" (asrdr). The author insists on presenting them as received from a tradition, but the manner in which they are set forth bears the distinct mark both of his personal genius and of his deep-rooted conviction. These, scattered amongst consistent passages, written in a compact, sometimes vehement style, permit the reconstruction of a vision of the world. At the summit is God, the One, of Whom we know nothing of the qualities except the ipseity (huwiyya}. The world of the Divine Order is prior to the world of Creation, and traverses it, in seven cycles, passing from the universe of Laws (domain of the inchoative, musta'naf} to that of Resurrection (domain of the concluded, mqfrugh). The divine and eternal letters and names, the origin of everything, set out their manifestations (ma^dhir) according to two parallel lines: verbal allocutions (kalimdt kawliyya], meaning the text of the Scriptures, and active allocutions (kalimdt Jfliyya], meaning the corporeal individuality (ashkhds) of the prophets, the imams and their heirs. This dynamic vision is dominated by two principles: the hierarchy (tarattub) of beings, and the opposition (tadddd) which pits the side of evil against the side of good. This is evidently a Nizari Ismacflf doctrine. AlKhwarazmf and al-Sam£anf, contemporaries of alShahrastanf, had already accused him of Isma'flism. But later, he was generally considered to be a spokesman for Ash'arism. In recent times, Na'fnf has re-opened the debate. Decisive clarification is finally given by the Mafdtih al-asrdr. Al-Shahrastanf fully adheres there to the positions described above, and some more particular points establish beyond doubt that his thought was at that time Isma'flf. He does not confine himself, either to recognising the prerogatives of the Ahl al-Bayt with regard to the Kur'an, or to integrating Isma'flf elements into a Sunn! theology. He propounds a global religious view, which he has received and accepted. Since when? A long time ago. It is not only the Madftis and the Musdra'a which are impregnated with Isma'flfsm, but the Milal and the Nihdya also bear subtle hints of it. Should our author therefore be seen as a secret
but licensed member of the Alamut organisation? Nasir al-Dfn al-Tusf, in a pro-Ismaeflf monograph (Sayr alsuluk, in Maajmuea-yi rasd3il, Tehran 1335/1956, 38), writes that his great-uncle must have been a pupil of the "dd'i }l-ducdt Tadj al-Dfn Shahristana-f". But this tide does not seem to have been employed by the Isma'flfs of Persia (cf. Daftary, 227, 336, 394). The incidental and belated statement of Tusf is thus to be treated with caution. Bibliography: 1. Principal older biographical notices. Bayhakf, Ta'rikh hukamd3 al-hldm (— Tatimmat Siwdn al-hikma), Damascus 1365/1946, 141-4; Yakut, Mu'ajam al-bulddn, Beirut 1376/1957, iii, 377; Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt al-a'ydn, Cairo 1367/1948, iii, 403 ff. (no. 583); Dhahabf, al-flbar, Kuwait 1961-3, iv, 132; Subkf, Tabakdt al-Shdfiiyya al-kubrd, Cairo 1388/1969, vi, 128-30. 2. Studies. M.R. Djalalf Na'fnf, Sharh-i hdl u dthdr-i... Shahrastdm, Tehran 1343/1964; M.T. Danish-pazhuh, Ddci 'l-du'dt Tdaj al-Dln Shahristdna-i, in Ndma-yi Astdn-i Kuds, vii-viii, Mashhad 1346-7/1967-8; W. Madelung, As-Sahrastdms Streitschrift gegen Avicenna und ihre Widerlegung durch Nasir al-Din at-Tusi, in Akten des VII. Kongresses Jur Arabistik und Islamwissenschqft, Gottingen 1974 (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, Dritte Folge, no. 98), 250-9; G. Monnot, analyses of the Majatih al-asrdr in Annuaire de I'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Section des sciences religieuses, Paris, xcii-xcvii (1983-9); idem, Islam et religions, Paris 1986; idem, L'univers religieux d'al-Shahrastdni, in Annuaire ..., ci (1992-3), 198-201; idem, Les controverses theologiques dans I'&uvre de Shahrastani, in La controverse religieuse et ses formes, ed. A. Le Boulluec, Paris 1995, 281-96; M. cAlf Adharshab, al-Shahristdni wa-tafslruhu, in al-Tawhid, no. 26, Beirut 1407/1987, 43-64; J. Jolivet, analyses of al-Musdraca, in Annuaire..., xcvii-c (1988-92); Angelika Hartmann, Ismdcilitische Theologie bei sunnitischen 'Ulamd3 des Mittelalters?, in "Ihr alle aber seid Bruder". Festschrift A. Th. Khoury zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. L. Hagemann and E. Pulsfort, Wiirzburg 1990, 190-206; Farhad Daftary, The Ismdcilis, their history and doctrines, Cambridge 1990; D. Gimaret, art. AL-MILAL WA 'L-NIHAL. (G. MONNOT) AL-SHAHRASTANI, SAYYID MUHAMMAD CA1I alHusaynf, known as HIBAT AL-DiN al-Shahrastanf, clraki Shi*! religious scholar and politician. He was born at Samarra' on 20 May 1884. His pedigree, reaching back to CA1I b. Abr Talib, is given by Khakam (see Bibl. below), 65. The nisba al-Shahrastanl is that of his mother's family and was adopted by Hibat al-Dm's father (Tihram, 1414). Both of his parents descended from families with a long tradition of religious scholarship, with branches in clrak (including the Al Hakim), Persia and elsewhere. Two works by Hibat al-Dfn concerning the history of his family apparently remained unpublished (Tihranf, 1413; Khakam, 78, nos. 39 and 64). After the death there, in 1894, of the famous Mfrza Muhammad Hasan al-Shfrazf, Hibat al-Dln's father left Samarra5 and returned with the family to his native town, Karbala5. Hibat al-Dfn began his religious studies there, but left Karbala' for Nadjaf following the death of his father in 1902. In Nadjaf, he studied with some of the most prominent muajtahids of the time, such as Sayyid Muhammad Kazim alYazdl and Shaykh al-Sharfa al-Isfahanf, and especially with Mulla Muhammad Kazim al-Khurasam [q.v.], known as Akhund. In addition to the traditional fields of study, Hibat al-Dfn soon developed a special interest in the modern natural sciences and in the inter-
AL-SHAHRASTANI — SHAHRAZAD pretation of its recent findings according to some Muslim modernist writers in India and Egypt. The first and most important fruit of his endeavours in this respect was a book on astronomy [see CILM AL-HAY'A] called al-Hafa wa 'l-Isldm. It was published in Baghdad in 1910, went into several re-editions and was translated into some other languages (for the genesis of this book see Husayni, takdlm, 13-14; for a list of translations, ibid., 7). In March 1910, Hibat al-Dm started the publication, in Nadjaf, of a monthly periodical called al-cllm, the first Arabic journal to appear in that town (cAbd al-Razzak al-Hasanf, Ta'rikh alsihdfa al-cirdkiyya, i, 3Sidon 1971, 30). During the short period of its publication (the number of its issues reaching only 21 in total), it became an important platform for the reformist ideas and proposals which were discussed in the circle around Khurasanf. Among these topics was that of nakl al-ajand'iz, i.e. the transfer of corpses to the Shi*! shrine towns and their burial there. This practice was sharply criticised as a bifa by Hibat al-Dfn in al-fllm (on the background of his criticism and on the ensuing controversy over this issue, see Nakash, esp. 192-7). Being ardently in favour of the constitutional movement in Persia [see DUSTUR. iv], he became involved in the factional strife between its supporters and critics in Nadjaf (see Khakanf, 7990; Luizard, 243 ff.). Shortly after Khurasanfs death in December 1911, Hibat al-Dln stopped publication of his journal and, in 1912, set out on a long journey to Syria and Lebanon, Egypt, the Hidjaz (where he performed the pilgrimage to Mecca), Yaman and India. He returned to clrak in 1914. Already before the time when, in November 1914, Turkey entered the First World War, Hibat al-Dln as well as a number of other Shfl c ulamd3 had been approached by Ottoman officials in order to find support for the common, pan-Islamic djihad [q.v.] against the Allies. Hibat al-Dln responded with enthusiasm (Khakani, 69). It is in this connection that he produced, in 1915, a special fatwd [q.v.] concerning the friendship between the Muslims and the Germans (German tr. H. Ritter, in WI, iv [1916], 217-20; for the background, see W. Ende, Iraq in World War I, in R. Peters (ed.), Proceedings of the Ninth Congress of the Union Europeenne des Arabisants et Islamisants, Leiden 1981, 57-71.) After the British had taken Baghdad in March 1917, Hibat al-Dm settled again in Karbala'. He soon became involved in the resistance against the British occupation, which culminated in the revolt of 1920 (for his role there, see, e.g. cAbd al-Razzak al-Hasanf, al-Thawra al-cirdkiyya al-kubrd, 3Sidon 1972, index 302; Luizard, 403 ff!). In September 1921, Hibat al-Dm became Minister of Education in the second cabinet of cAbd al-Rahman al-Nakib. His term of office was marked by serious tensions between him and the Director-General at the Ministry, Sati1 al-Husrf (see the latter's Mudhakkirdft Ji } l-Trdk, i, Beirut 1967,' esp. 147-155, and Heine, 57-65). These tensions, together with a number of other factors, led to his resignation in August 1922 (see cAbd al-Razzak al-Hasam, Ta'rikh al-wizdrdt al-cirdkiyya, 7 Baghdad 1988, 74-115). From 1923 to 1934, Hibat al-Dm served as president of the Djafari Court of Cassation (mahkamat al-tamyl^j, in spite of the fact that soon after his taking over this position he had lost his eyesight. In 1934-5 he was a deputy (for Baghdad) in the Parliament of clrak. After its dissolution, he chose to withdraw to Kazimiyya, where he established, in the early 1940s, the Maktabat al-Dj.awddayn, a rich scholarly library. On a few occasions, Hibat al-Dm later on voiced his opinion in political mat-
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ters. Thus his visit to Persia in 1955, where he was received by many 'ulamd3 and a number of high government officials, was generally seen as an attempt to further strengthen the consolidation process between the Shfi clergy and the Shah after the ousting, in 1953, of the Musaddik government (see Sh. Akhavi, Religion and politics in contemporary Iran., Albany 1980, 75-6). He died in Baghdad on 2 February 1967. Bibliography. 1. In Arabic and Persian: Muhammad Mahdf al-£Alawf al-Sabzawarf, Hibat al-Dln al-Shahrastdnl, Baghdad 1930; Mulla €Alf Waciz-i Khiyabam, Kitdb-i cUlamd-yi mu'dsirin, Tehran 1946, 201-11 (based on Sabzawarf's book); £AlI al-Khakam, Shu'ard3 al-ghari aw al-nad^afyyat, Nadjaf 1956, x, 65-94; Khanbaba Mushar, Mu'allifin-i kutub-i cdpT, iv, Tehran 1963, 282-5; Sayyid Ahmad al-Husaynf, takdlm, in al-Hafa wa 'l-isldm, 3Nadjaf 1965, 3-16; Agha Buzurg al-Tihranl, Tabakdt acldm al-shfa, i/4: Nukabd3 al-bashar Ji 'l-karn al-rdbic cashar, Nadjaf 1968, 1413-18; Dja'far al-KhafflT, Hdkadhd 'arqftuhum, ii, Baghdad 1968, 195-212; Kurkls c Awwad, Mucdj.am al-mu3alliftn al-'irdkiyym, iii, Baghdad 1969, 438-41; Mfrza Muhammad cAlf Mudarris, Rayhdnat al-adab, vi, 2Tabrfz n.d. [1970?], 350-2; Muhsin al-Amm, A'ydn al-shfa, ed. Hasan al-Amm, Beirut 1986, x, 261; Nasir Bakin Bidihindr, Sharh-i hdl wa dthdr-i Ayatullah al-'Ugmd Sayyid Hibat al-Dln Husayni Shahrastdnl, in Mishkdt (Mashhad), no. 31 (1991), 105-18.—More or less incomplete lists of Shahrastanfs writings, including trs. of some of his works into other languages, are to be found in several of the publications mentioned above; see especially 'Awwad, Khakanf (giving numerous titles also of unpublished writings), Tihranl, Mushar and Brdihindl, and further, Hasan al-Amm, in al-clrjan, Iviii (1970), 502-3. 2. In Western languages: P.-J. Luizard, La formation de I'lrak contemporain, Paris 1991; P. Heine, Schuknjur Beduinen-Kinder? %ur Geschichte des Erziehungswesens in modernen Irak, in Al-Rqfidayn. Jahrbuch zu Geschichte und Kultur des modernen Iraq, ii, Wiirzburg 1993, 57-65; Y. Nakash, The Shi'is of Iraq, Princeton 1994. See also references given in the text above. (W. ENDE) SHAHRAZAD, a figure in the Thousand and One Nights. As E. Cosquin has shown, the motif of the wise young woman who tells stories in order to put off, and at length remove a danger, comes from India. The name, confirming Ibn al-Nadlm's statement about the Iranian source of the Nights [see ALF LAYLA WALAYLA], is Persian, derived from cihrdzdd "of noble appearance/origin." In Ibn al-Nadlm's report, Shahrazad is of royal blood; in al-MaseudI's, she is the daughter of a vizier. Of greater interest are the variations at the end of the frame story. In Ibn al-Nadfm, as in the Bulak and Second Calcutta editions of the Nights, Shahrazad becomes a mother, thus securing the goodwill of the king who already admires her mind. In the Breslau edition and in several mss. which date from the period between the 10th/16th and 12th/18th centuries, Shahrazad's last tale is, or includes, a compressed version of the prologue. The king, who sees himself in the story, admits that his deeds of blood had been wicked and sinful. The first and second parts of the prologue to the nIGHTS (the deceived royal husbands, their wanderings and seduction by the ajinnfs prisoner) appeared in Europe early. In a novella by Giovanni Sercambi of Lucca (d. 1424), the $nni has turned into a Sienese burgher carrying his young wife in a box. Ariosto uses the first theme (Orlando Furioso, xxviii). Shahrazad
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SHAHRAZAD — SHAHRAZUR
herself was only introduced to the Western world by Galland, and remains there, in her appearances in literature (as in Gautier, Poe, and many others) and music (as in the violin solos in Rimsky-Korsakov's symphonic suite) a more or less exotic visitor. Her character is central to a large number of modern Arabic plays and novels. Bibliography: E. Cosquin, Etudesfolkloriques, Paris 1922, 265-309; H. and S. Grotzfeld, Die Erzahlungen aus Tausendundeiner Nacht, Darmstadt 1984, 50-68; H. Grotzfeld, Neglected conclusions of the Arabian Nights, in JAL, xvi (1985) 73-87; H. Aboul-Hussein and Ch. Pellat, Cheherazade, personnage litteraire, with bibl. of both Arabic and Western works, Algiers 1981. On the name, see F. Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, Marburg 1895, 163a. (A. HAMORI) SHAHRAZUR, SHAHRIZUR (in Sharaf Khan Bidlfsf's Sharqf-ndma, Shahra-zul), a district in western Kurdistan lying to the west of the Awraman mountain chain, essentially a fertile plain some 58 x 40 km/36 x 25 miles in area, watered by the tributaries of the Tandjaro river, which flows into the Sfrwan and eventually to the Diyala and Tigris. In the wide sense, Shahrazur denoted in Ottoman times the eydlet or province of Kirkuk, a source of considerable confusion in geographical terminology. The district is closely associated with the Ahl-i Hakk [q.v], and the initiates of the sect await the Last Judgment which is to take place on the plain of Shahrazur: "on the threshing floor of Shahrazur (Shahrazulun kharmamnda] all the faithful will receive their due". History. For the epoch of the Assyrians, Billerbeck places at Shahrazur the centre of the Zamua country, inhabited at the time of Assurnasir-pal by the Lullu people. Streck seems to agree with this localisation of Zamua (£4, xv [1900], 284). The Arabs (Abu Dulaf) associated with Shahrazur (more precisely Duzdan) the biblical legends concerning Saul (Talut) and David, which suggests the presence in these districts of strong Jewish colonies. The numerous tumuli in the plain of Shahrazur confirm the testimony—of Theophanes as well as of Abu Dulaf—regarding the number of settlements in this region. The most important town bore the name of Nlm-az-ray (Nfm-rah), i.e. "half-way" between Ctesiphon and the great fire-altar of Shfz [q.v.] (Takht-i Sulayman in Adharbaydjan). Cirikov and Herzfeld (on his map) identify Nfmrah with Gul'anbar, and this corresponds with the indication of Abu Dulaf regarding the proximity of the town to the mountains of Sha'ran and Zalm. The most persistent tradition (Ibn al-Fakfh, 199; Mustawfi, 107) attributes its construction to the Sasanid Kawadh, the son of Peroz (488-531). The ruins of a Sasanid bridge on the Sirwan protected by the fort of Shamfran indicate the line of communications of Nfm-rah with Kasr-i Shfrfn. At this latter point, the route coming from Ctesiphon forked to run towards Hamadan and towards Shahrazur (Ibn Rusta, 164; Idrfsf, ed. Jaubert, 156). On the other hand, according to Rawlinson (JRAS [1868], 296-300), the monument of Pay-kulf on the right bank of the Sirwan not far from the ford of Bankhelan marked a station on the road from Nfm-rah, which the great explorer thought was to be found at Yasfn-tapa to the north-west of the plain of Shahrazur. As the monument dates back to the epoch of the first Sasanids, the road, before the construction of Nfm-rah, might well have followed another direction in the plain. According to Ibn Khurradadhbih (120) the Sasanids, after their accession to the throne, made a pilgrimage on foot to Shfz. The monument of Pay-kulf may mark the road. Finally, the Kurds told Rich
(i, 269) that "the ancient town of Shahrazur" was at Kizkal'a to the south-east of Arbet (cf. Haussknecht's map). Shahrazur, forming part of the diocese of Beth Garmay (Ba-Djarmak) is often mentioned in the history of the Nestorian Church. The Synodicon Orientak (ed. Chabot, Paris 1902, 266) gives the names of its bishops between 554 and 605. During his third Persian campaign, the Emperor Heraclius spent the month of February in 628 in Shahrazur "laying waste the district and towns by fire" (Theophanis Chronographa, ed. de Boor, 325: eiq TOY lux^ovpov; Chronicon Paschak, ed. Dindorf, i, 730: eooq io\) Iiocpaot>pcflv—the two graphics indicate the pronunciation -zur and not -zor). The Arabs had reached Shahrazur even in Sasanid times (Ibn al-Fakfh, 130). The remote situation of Shahrazur frequently attracted rebels and schismatics to it (Kharidjfs, Khurramfs). The district is often mentioned along with Damaghan and Darabad (Kudama, 232), the exact sites of which are unknown. In the time of Abu Dulaf (338/950), there were in Shahrazur 60,000(?) tents of Kurds: Djalali (Rich, i, 280, Ghellali?), Basyan, Hakamf and SulT (Shulf?). The same author counts Shfz (perhaps a misreading, cf. Hoffmann, 251) among the towns of Shahrazur and mentions a little town Duzdan(?) between Nfm-rah and Shfz. The other names of places in the region of Shahrazur were Tiranshah (Ibn al-Athfr), Kina(?) and Daylamastan (Yakut). Between 400 and 434/ 1010-43, scions of the Kurdish dynasty of the Hasanwayhids ruled at Shahrazur. In the 6th/12th century the Turkomans and the Zangid Atabegs held the district. In the time of Yakut, Muzaffar al-Dfn Kokbori, Atabeg of Irbil, had settled himself there. In 623/1226 an earthquake ruined the district. According to al-cUmarf (d. 749/1348), Shahrazur "before its depopulation" was inhabited by Kusa Kurds (Rich, i, 281 notes a few remnants of them in this region; cf. also place-names like Kosa-madfna, Mamenu-Kosa). After the capture of Baghdad by Hulagu, these Kurds migrated to Egypt and Syria and their place was taken by the Hwsna(?) who "are not true Kurds". The reference is perhaps to the mountaineers of Awraman, who still occupy the western slope of the mountains. On the other hand, a Kusa whom A. von Le Coq met in 1901 at Damascus spoke the %az,a dialect which is not a proper Kurdish one. Tfrnur crossed Shahrazur in 803/1411 on his way from Baghdad to Tabrfz (gafar-ndma, ii, 370; az rdh-i Shahrizur wa Kaldghi^)). Shahrazur played an important part in the TurcoPersian wars. According to the Shardf-ndma, the Ardilan family [see SINNA] had been at first settled in Shahrazur. The local history of Sinna even claims that the fort of Zalm was built by Baba Ardilan in 564/1158. Sultan Suleyman I about 944/1537 sent the governor of 'Amadiyya to conquer Shahrazur but although a fortress was built at Gul-canbar, the Ardilan re-established their authority in the region (Sharqf-ndma, 84). Shah £Abbas I dismantled this fortress, but it was restored during the Persian campaign of Khosrew Pasha [q.v.] in 1039/1630. The treaty of 1049/1639 allotted to Turkey the western slope of the Awraman with the fort of Zalm. Changes, however, must have taken place slowly, for Tavernier on his journey in 1644, seems to place the Turco-Persian frontier much further west. The representative of Sulayman Khan. Wall of Ardilan, maintained a garrison in a "large town", the situation of which corresponds to that of Gul-canbar. We may note here that Tavernier seems to mention the town of Altun-
SHAHRAZUR — AL-SHAHRAZURI koprii(?) under the name "Shehrazul". Ardilan being finally removed from Shahrazur, the district was governed by local hereditary chiefs who received their investiture from Istanbul. At the beginning of the 18th century, the governor of 'Irak, Hasan Pasha, was allowed by the Porte to have southern Kurdistan placed under his control. The eydlet of Shahrazur was then formed containing the sanajaks of Kirkuk, Arbil, Koy-sandjak, Kara-colan (Sharabazer), Rawanduz and Harir, the mutesellims of which were appointed from Baghdad (Khiirshid Efendl, 199-262). But soon the Baban chiefs [see SULAYMANIYYA] attained to power, and Shahrazur was placed under them. After the administrative reforms of 1867 and the creation of the wildyet of Mawsil, the name of Shahrazur was given to the sanajak of Kirkuk (the kadds were: Kirkuk, Arbil, Raniya, Rawanduz, Koy and Salahiyya), but to complete the confusion, the plain of Shahrazur proper was included in the sandj.ak of Sulaymaniyya (see Cuinet, La Turquie d'Asie, ii, 764). From the 18th century, a branch of the tribe of Djaf [see SINNA] had been established on Turkish territory. The plain of Shahrazur, as well as many villages in Kirn, Pandjwfn, etc., belonged before the world war to the powerful Djaf chiefs, 'Othrnan Pasha and Mahmud Pasha. This family exercised administrative functions, of which the Porte gradually tried to deprive them. For a considerable time, the effective administration of Shahrazur was in the hands of the widow of 'Othman Pasha, the energetic cAdila Khanum, a native of Sinna. Soane has given an interesting description of her little court at Alabca. After 1920, the district came within the newlyformed Kingdom (after 1958, Republic) of clrak. Today the district is known as the plain of Halabdja, from its main urban and administrative centre, a town which has grown steadily since its repopulation by Djaf Kurds in the 18th century. The plain now includes an extensive irrigation system formed by damming the Tan and Sfrwan rivers. Finally, one should add that the plain has extensive archaeological remains, including tells and ruined fortresses guarding the plain from invasion from the east. Bibliography: Rawlinson, Memoir on the site of the Atropatenian Ecbatana, in JRGS, x (1841), 41-101; Gerland, Die persischen Feldzuge d. Kaisers Heraclius, in Byz. Zeitschr., iii, 1894, 330-70; A. Pernice, L'imperatore Eraclio, Florence 1905, 165. For the Arabic sources, see Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern caliphate, 190-1, and Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, 694-705. For Abu Dulaf s important information, see Minorsky, Abu-Dulaf Mis'ar ibn MuhaMl's travels in Iran (circa A.D. 950), Cairo 1955, tr. 40-3 (with map), comm. 83-4; and for alc Umarf's Masdlik al-absdr, see Quatremere's tr. in Notices et extraits, xiii, Paris 1838. See also Hadjdjf Khalifa, Diihdn-numd, Istanbul 1145, 445 (tr. in Charmoy, Cheref-nameh, i/1, 127, 423); Tavernier, Les six voyages, Paris 1692, i, 197; Rich, Narrative of a residence in Koordistan, London 1836, i, 107, 269, 290-391; Hammer-Purgstall, GOR2, iii (events of 1630); Ritter, Erdkunde, ix, 442-7, 459; F. Jones, Narrative of a journey to the frontier of Turkey and Persia, in Selections from the records of the Bombay Government, N.S. xliii, Calcutta n.d., 204; Cirikov, Putevoi diurnal, St. Petersburg 1875, 438, and passim; Khurshid Efendl, Siydhat-ndma-yi hudud (Russ. tr. 1877): Shahrazur eydleti, 199-262; Hoffmann, Ausziige aus syrischen Akten pers. Mdrtyrer, Leipzig 1880, 354 and passim; E. Soane, In disguise to Mesopotamia and Kurdistan, London 1912, 21926; Admiralty Hand-
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books, Iraq and the Persian Gulf, London 1944, 262-3, 265, 372, 532-3, 541. Cartography: Map by F.Jones; HaussknechtKiepert, Routen im Orient, iii, Kurdistan and Irak; E. Herzfeld, Paikuli, Monument and inscription of the early history of the Sasanian Empire, Berlin 1924, map 1: 200,000. (V. MINORSKY-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) AL-SHAHRAZURI, the nisba of four distinguished dignitaries, great-grandfather, grandf a t h e r , f a t h e r and son, originally from Mawsil and occupying important offices under the Saldjuks, Zangids and Ayyubids. The latest in date of the members of this prestigious line of Shafi'f jukahd3 was Muhyf al-Dfn Abu Hamid Muhammad b. Kamal al-Dm Abi '1-Fadl Muhammad b. cAbd Allah al-Shahrazurf. He was a disciple in fikh at Baghdad of Abu Mansur Ibn al-Razzaz. He entered the service of Nur al-Dm b. Zangl (d. 569/1174 [q.v.]) at Damascus, replacing his father as minister in Safar 555/February-March 1160, and was subsequently kadi of Aleppo and then Mawsil. He achieved fame and influence there, having, like his father, the reputation of being a generous and enlightened maecenas; according to Ibn Khallikan, one day he gave the jukahd3, writers and poets a gift of 10,000 dinars. Whilst acting as chief kadi at Mawsil, it is related, he never imprisoned anyone who had not paid a debt of two dinars or less, preferring, if necessary, to pay the debt himself. His biographers attribute to him a certain number of verses judged competent, and among his poetic descriptions is that of a bat and of abundantly-falling snow, whilst other poems treat such varied themes as friendship, fidelity, etc.; on his father's death, in 572/1176-7, he composed an elegy upon him. The author of makdmdt, Abu 'l-'Ala1 Ahmad b. Abl Bakr al-Razf al-Hanaff (who seems to have lived towards the end of the 6th/12th century), dedicated 30 makdmdt to the chief judge of Mawsil, Muhyf al-Dm al-Shahrazun, who died at Mawsil in Djumada I 586/June 1190 aged 62 (but al-Safadf places his death in Djumada II 584/August 1188). Bibliography: clmad al-Dfn al-Katib al-Isfahanf, Khandat al-kasr, 3rd part, iv-v, Damascus 1955-9; Ibn Khallikan, Cairo 1367/1948, iii, 379, no. 571; Safadf, Wdfi, i, 210-12, no. 138; Ibn al-Tmad, Shadhardt, iv, 287. (A. BEN ABDESSELEM) AL-SHAHRAZURI, SHAMS AL-DIN MUHAMMAD B. MAHMUD, I l l u m i n a t i o n i s t p h i l o s o p h e r of the 7th/13th century. He has suffered by an ironical stroke of fate, in that, although he wrote a substantial work on the biographies of thinkers, sages and scholars of the times preceding his own, his own life is totally unknown. Hence neither his birth nor his death date are known; only a copyist's note indicates that he was still alive in 687/1288 (cf. H. Corbin's introd. to his (Euvres philosophiques et mystiques d'al-Suhrawardi, ii, Tehran-Paris 1976, p. Ixxi). His own written ceuvre was nevertheless considerable. His Nuzhat al-arwdh wa-rawdat al-qfrdh (Ji ta'rikh al-hukamd3 wa 'l-falasifa) gives 122 biographies of philosophers of Antiquity and the Islamic period, of which the notice on Shihab al-Dm Yahya al-Suhrawardl [q.v.] (ed. S.H. Nasr in his Persian introd. to (Euvres philosophiques, ii, 13-30) remains our main source of information on this principal shaykh of the Ishrakls. His Rasd3il al-shad^ara al-ildhiyya, dated 680/1282, are a real encyclopaedia of philosophy and the sciences, in which al-Shahrazurf's own Illuminationist beliefs do not affect at all his objectivity in setting forth the various doctrines concerned (resume and analysis by Husayn Diya'f, Mu'arrifi wa barrasi-yi
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AL-SHAHRAZURI — SHAHRIYAR
nuskha-yi khatti-yi Shaajara-yi ildhiyya ..., in Maajalla-yi Irdnshindsi, ii/1 [1990]). His K. al-Rumuz wa 'l-amthal is a treatise on noetics concerning the modalities of metaphysical knowledge by the Illuminative Way. But paradoxically, al-Shahrazurl seems to have revealed his most inner personal beliefs in his commentaries on the two basic works of al-Suhrawardf, the Hikmat al-ishrdk and the Tahwhdt, commentaries which have done much to reveal the shaykh of the Illuminationists' thought, and which inspired other later commentators such as Kutb al-Dln al-ShlrazI [q.v.] on the first work and Ibn Kammuna [q.v.] on the second—at least, in the opinions of Corbin and Diya'I. AlShahrazun seems to have been totally taken up by al-Suhrawardf s Illuminationist philosophy—possibly as the result of a sudden conversion, in Corbin's conjecture, since there are no references to the shaykh in the K. al-Rumuz, ostensibly the oldest of al-Shahrazuri's works (cf. En Islam iranien, Paris 1971, ii, 347). In his commentary on the Hikmat al-ishrdk, he goes so far as to describe himself as the kayyim "upholder" of the science of that work, thus claiming a hierarchic function in the chain of Illuminationist theosophists which remains somewhat mysterious to us now (ibid., 348). At all events, one should stress the independence of mind of a scholar who proclaimed loudly the necessity of studying the philosophy of Aristotle (and of the Greek sages in general) at a time when the anti-rationalist Ash'arl reaction was gaining ground everywhere. Nevertheless, al-Shahrazun, in his commentaries, stands out as much more than a servile glosser on Aristotle or on al-Suhrawardl; he displays there the work of a true thinker, dialectician and philosopher. Bibliography: Al-Sharazurl's works, despite their great interest for the history of Islamic thought, have only been partially edited so far. There is an ed. of his Nuzjiat al-arwdh by Khurshld Ahmad, Haydarabad Dn. 1976, a Persian tr. by Diva' al-Dm Durrf, as K. Kanz al-hikma, Tehran 1937, and, under its original title, by M.CA. Tabriz!, ed. M.T. Danish-Pazhuh and M. Sarwar Mawla'f, Tehran 1986. His comm. on the Hikmat al-ishrdk also has a critical ed. by Diya'I, Tehran 1993, with a Fr. tr. of the Preface by Corbin in his Le Livre de la Sagesse orientate, Paris 1986, 75 ff. (P. LORY) SHAHRJ SABZ [see KISH]. SHAHRIR [see TA'RIHH). SHAHRISTAN (p.) "province", "provincial capital", "[large] town". The word continues Middle Persian shahrestdn, which has the same meanings, though it is certainly possible that it goes back even further to an unattested Old Persian *xsafa-stdna-. In any case, it is derived from sjiahr [q.v.]—or its ancestor—and -stdna "place" (in compounds); a shahristdn is thus literally a "place of kingship", i.e. the seat of the local representative of royal power (the provincial capital) and then also the region over which that representative exercised his authority (the province itself). The semantic background is similar to that of Aramaic mdmtd/mditta (the source of the Arabic loan-word madtna), etymologically "place of judgment", then both "town" (as the seat of a judge) and "province" (the area under the authority of a judge). There is a little Middle Persian text, put together (at least in its extant form) during the cAbbasid period, listing the shahrestdns of the Sasanid empire with brief remarks, mostly of mythological content, on each one of them (see the edition, with translation and very extensive notes, by J. Markwart, ed. G. Messinna, A catalogue of the provincial capitals ofErdnshahr, Rome 1931). In Islamic Persia, "Shahristan" is frequently used,
in effect as a place name, to distinguish the principal town of a given region from the eponymous province, or else to single out that part of the provincial capital in which the seat of government was located. Among the places mentioned in classical texts that were known alternatively, or even exclusively, by this name one can mention: (1) Sabur (older: Blshabuhr) in Fars is often referred to as Shahristan, whereby al-MukaddasI specifies that it is the provincial capital (kasaba) of Sabur which is known by this name, as opposed to the other towns (muduri) in the vicinity, such as Kazarun. See al-MukaddasI, 30, 424, 432; Yakut, 342. (2) The city of Isfahan (Sipahan) consisted of two parts, Shahristan (also called al-Madfna and Djayy, evidently the seat of the governor) and Djahudhan (Arabicised: al-Yahudiyya, i.e. the old Jewish quarter). See Hudud al-cdlam, 131; al-Istakhrf 198-9; Yakut, 343. (3) The city of Djurdjan (Gurgan) also consisted (according to the Hudud al-cdlam, 133) of two parts, Shahristan and Bakrabad, separated from one another by the river Hirand. See also al-MukaddasI, 30, 354, 357; Ibn al-Faklh, 330. (4) Kath, the new capital of Khwarazm, was, according to al-Mukaddasr (30, 287), also known as Shahristan. (5) Al-Mukaddasf (360) says that Shahristan was the name given to the seat of government in Brw'n (Barwan?), the capital (kasaba) of Daylam. (6) Shahristana (al-MukaddasI, 51), Sharistana (idem, 300-1 n. 1; 320) or Shahristan (Yakut, 343-4) was the name of a town in Khurasan, three days' journey from Nasa, the birth-place of the celebrated alShahrastanl [q.v.]. Yakut says that he was present when it was sacked by the Mongols in 617/1220. Modern Iran is divided into 43 shahristdns, or subprovincial administrative districts. Bibliography: Given in the article. (F.C. DE BLOIS) SHAHRIYAR, SAYYID (or Mir) MUHAMMAD HUSAYN, a modern Persian poet. He was born about 1905 at Tabriz as the son of a lawyer, and belonging to a family of sqyyids in the village of Khushgnab. In his early work he used the pen name Bahdjat, which he later changed to Shahriyar, a name chosen from the Dtwdn of Hafiz, who was his great model as a writer of ghazah. He read medicine at the Dar al-Funun in Tehran, but left his studies unfinished to become a government clerk in Khurasan. After some time he returned to Tehran, where for many years he was employed by the Agricultural Bank, living a sober and secluded life devoted mostly to poetry and mysticism. In the 1950s he married and settled down in Tabriz. Shahriyar died on 18 September 1988 in a Tehran hospital. His literary success came very early; already in 1931 a volume of collected poems was published with introductions by influential men of letters like M.T. Bahar, Pizhman Bakhtiyar and S. Nafisl. His Diwdn was repeatedly reprinted in amplified editions. Shahriyar's work consists of lyrical poetry in various forms as well as a number of larger narrative compositions. Although he was essentially a neoclassical poet, there are frequent references to the modern world both in the choice of subjects and imagery. He was a great master of the traditional literary language, but also wrote in a simple contemporary idiom. Love poetry in the classical ghazal was his most important genre, which he revitalised with fresh psychological nuances and realistic settings, without changing much the formal rules and conventions. During a short period in the 1940s he tried his hand,
SHAHRIYAR — SHAHSEWAN not without success, on modern poetical forms as they were propagated by his friend Nlma Yushldj [q.v], but soon he returned to classical prosody. In spite of his deep involvement in mysticism, he committed himself from time to time to political and social issues. During the PahlawT period, he wrote nationalistic poems, like Takht-i Diamshid, an evocation in a mathnaw of the ancient glory of Persia as symbolised by the ruins of Persepolis (Dtwdn, 626-54). In Kahramanan-i Istalingrdd he sang the praise of the heroes of the Red Army during the Second World War (Diwdn, 528-36). In many poems he expressed a great devotion to the Shfl imams, especially during his later years. Shahriyar also gained renown as a poet in Azeri Turkish by the long poem Heyder Babaya seldm (part I, Tabriz 1953, part II, Tabriz 1966; Persian translation of the first part only, in Diwdn, 655 ff.), which celebrates the countryside of his youth. Bibliography: Kulliyydt-i Diwdn-i Shahriydr6, n.p. n.d.; Sayyid Muhammad-Bakir Burka'I, Suhhanwardn-i ndml-yi mu'dsir, Tehran 1329 sh./\95Q, 13944; Bozorg Alavi, Geschichte und Entwicklung der modernen persischm Literatur, Berlin 1964, 194-6; Ahmet Ate§, §ehriydr ve Haydar Babaya Seldm, Ankara 1964, Nusrat Allah Fathi, Tddi az Shahriyar, Tehran 1341 ^.71964; F. Machalski, La litterature de I'Iran contemporain, ii, Wroclaw-Warszawa-Krakow 1967, 111-19; Muharrem Ergin, Azeri Turkfesi, Istanbul 1971, 21981 (with the text of Heyder Babaya seldm in Azeri Turkish and in the Turkish of Turkey); Sakina Berengian, Azeri and Persian literary works in twentieth century Iranian Azerbaijan., Berlin 1988; Yddbudndma-yi Shahriyar, in Ayanda, xv/6-9 (1368 &/1989), 626-33. (J.T.P. DE BRUIJN) SHAHRIYAR B. AL-HASAN, an Isma'IlI dd'i in Fars and Kirman, who lived during the reign of the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir [q.v]. Nothing is known about his life except the fact that he went to Yemen during the heyday of the Sulayhid [q.v.] dynasty and was subsequently sent by al-Mukarram b. 'All alSulayhl as his envoy to Cairo, where he became acquainted with al-MuJayyad fi '1-Dln al-ShlrazI [q.v.]. An official letter of al-Mustansir (al-Sidj.illdt alMustansiriyya, ed. cAbd al-Muncim Madjid, Cairo 1954, 202; cf. H. Hamdani, The Utters of al-Mustansir bi'lldh, in BSOS, vii (1934), 323-4) to al-Mukarram dated 15 Ramadan 461 /1069, states: "As for your inquiry about Shahriyar b. Hasan, [we have to state that] alMu'ayyad will deal with the matter as he sees fit." He is the author of the following treatises: refutation of those who deny the existence of the spiritual world; about the meaning of the verse of the Kurjan, XLVIII, 1 (composed in reply to a query by al-Sultan 'Amir b. Sulayman al-Zawahl, a powerful dignitary at the Sulayhid court of queen Arwa); and understanding [the meaning of] the prophets' sins. Bibliography: In addition to the works mentioned in the text, see I. Poonawala, Biobibliography of Ismd'iti literature, Malibu, Cal. 1977, 125-6. (I. POONAWALA) SHAHSEWAN (p. and Tkish.), literally, "Friend of the Shah", a designation of certain groups in Persia since Safawid times. The name originated in appeals by the early Safawid Shahs to personal loyalty and religious devotion to the dynasty. In the 20th century it is the name of a number of tribal groups located in various parts of north-western Persia, notably in the region of Mughan [see MUKAN] and Ardabil [q.v], and in the Kharakan and Khamsa districts between Zandjan and Tehran. Most of, if not all the latter groups also came from Mughan, where ancestors of the present Shahsewan tribes were located some time
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between the 16th and the 18th centuries. The tribes of Mughan and Ardabil were formed into a confederacy during the 18th century. Their history since then is fairly well-documented, but their origins remain obscure. The Shahsewan pursued a pastoral nomadic way of life, wintering near sea-level on the Mughan steppe and summering 100 miles or so to the south on the high pastures of the Sawalan and neighbouring ranges, in the districts of Ardabil, Mishkln and Sarab. By the late 20th century, most Shahsewan were settled villagers or townspeople and preserved little of their former tribal organisation or pastoral nomadic culture, but some 5-6,000 households (40,000 people) still lived a nomadic or semi-nomadic life. The Shahsewan el (tribal confederacy) was loosely organised in a series of some 40 tdyjas, "tribes", containing from as few as fifty to several hundred households. Shahsewan nomads formed a minority of the population in this region, though like the settled majority, whom they knew as "Tat" [q.v], they were Shfl Muslims, and spoke AdharbaydjanI Turkish. (i) Origins and history. Although the ancestors of several component tribes were of Kurdish or other origins, Turkic identity and culture were overwhelmingly dominant among the Shahsewan. Many features of their culture and way of life were found among other Turkic groups in Persia and elsewhere, and they can often be traced to the Ghuzz [q.v] tribes of Central Asia which invaded south-western Asia in the llth century A.D. There are three rather different versions of the origin of the Shahsewan tribe or confederacy. The most widely known is that recounted by Sir John Malcolm in his History of Persia (1815): Shah 'Abbas I (1857-1929 [q.v]) formed a special composite tribe of his own under the name of Shahsewan, in order to counteract the turbulence of the rebellious Kizil-Bash [q.v], who had helped his ancestor Shah Isma'Il to found the Safawid dynasty a century earlier. Vladimir Minorsky, in his article Shdh-sewan for El1, noted that "the known facts somewhat complicate Malcolm's story" and that the references in contemporary Safawid chronicles did not amount to evidence that "a single regularly constituted tribe was ever founded by Shah 'Abbas under the name of Shah-sewan." In later readings of Malcolm's account, the Shahsewan appear as a personal corps or militia, a royal guard, and there is some evidence for the existence of a military corps named Shahsewan in the mid-17th century. Recent research has failed to produce any documentation for Malcolm's story of Shah 'Abbas's formation of a tribe, and has shown how it was based on his misreading of the chronicles. Most historians, however, have adopted Malcolm's story, which has thus been assimilated through modern education into Iranian and even current Shahsewan mythology. Among recent writers on the Safawids, only a few acknowledge the doubts that have been expressed about Malcolm's story; some refrain from comment on Shahsewan origins, others, while referring to Minorsky's and sometimes the present writer's previous investigations, nevertheless ignore the conclusions and reproduce the old myth as historical fact. Minorsky drew attention to the writings of a number of Russians who recorded the traditions of the Shahsewan of Mughan with whom they were in contact towards the end of the 19th century. These traditions—which differ from but do not contradict Malcolm's story—vary in detail, but agree that Shahsewan ancestors, led by one Yunsiir Pasha, immigrated from Anatolia; they present the Shahsewan tribes as
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ruled by khans appointed as el-beys (paramount chiefs) descended from Yiinsiir Pasha, and as divided between bey-zdda (nobles) and hdmpa or rdyat (commoners), and they refer to an original royal grant of the pasture lands of Ardabfl and Mughan, and to the contemporary royal appointment of the chiefs. These legends, presumably originating with the nobles, thus legitimate their authority over the commoners, and their control of the pastures, the most important resource for all their nomad followers. The present author heard similar legends in the 1960s from descendants of former el-beys. A third version of Shahsewan origins, commonly articulated in the 20th century among ordinary tribespeople and in writings on them, states that the Shahsewan are "32 tribes" (otuz ifa tayfd), all of equal status, and each with its own independent bey or chief, and makes no mention of nobles or of el-beys. The basis of this story is obscure, but it may refer to the presumed origin of the Shahsewan from among the 16-17th century Kizil-Bash tribes, which in several sources also numbered 32. Contemporary sources record groups and individuals bearing the name Shahsewan, often as a military title in addition to Kizil-Bash tribal names such as Afshar [g.v.] and Shamlu (and Shamlu components such as Beydili, Inallu, Adjirli), in Mughan and Ardabfl in the late 17th century. Other prominent tribes in the region were the Kizil-Bash Takile/Tekeli, and the Kurdish Shakakl [q.v.] and Mughanf/Mughanlu. But there is no evidence of the formation of a unified Shahsewan tribe or confederacy as such until the following century, in the time of Nadir Shah Afshar
M.
In the 1720s, with the rapid fall of the Safawid dynasty to the Afghans at Isfahan, and Ottoman and Russian invasions in north-western Persia, for several crucial years Mughan and Ardabll were at the meeting-point of three empires. Records for those years, the first that mention in any detail the activities of the Shahsewan and other tribes of the region, depict them as loyal frontiersmen, struggling to resist the Ottoman invaders and to defend the Safawid shrine city of Ardabll, especially in the campaigns of 1726 and 1728. Ottoman armies crushed the Shakakf in Mishkln in autumn 1728, and then in early 1729_ cornered the other tribes in Mughan. Leaving the Inallu and Afshar to surrender to the Ottomans, the Shahsewan and Mughanlu crossed the Kur river to Salyan to take refuge with the Russians, under the leadership of £Ali-Kulu Khan Shahsewan, a local landowner. They returned to Persian sovereignty in 1732, when Nadir Afshar recovered the region. Thereafter, he appears to have formed the Shahsewan into a unified and centralised confederacy under Badr Khan, one of his generals in the Khurasan and Turkistan campaigns. Possibly a son of cAlf-Kulu Khan, Badr Khan is linked by 19th-century legends with Yunsur Pasha, and there is strong evidence that Badr Khan's family, the Sari-khanbeyli, were from the Afshars of Urmiya. Former beyzada (noble) tribes such as Kodjabeyli, clsalu, Balabeyli, Mast-'Alfbeyli,
Kharakan, Khamsa and Tarim regions south and south-west of Ardabll. One of Nadir's assassins, Musa Bey Shahsewan, was apparently from the Afshar who settled in Tarim. In the turbulent decades after Nadir's death, Badr Khan's son (or brother?) Nazar 'Alf Khan Shahsewan governed the city and district of Ardabll. Towards the end of the 18th century the Sari-khanbeylf family split, dividing the Shahsewan confederacy into two, associated with the districts of Ardabfl and Mishkfn. Shahsewan khans participated actively in the political rivalries and alliances of the time, with the semi-independent neighbouring khans of Kara Dagh, Kara Bagh, Kubba, Sarab and Gflan, the Afshar, Afghan, Zand and Kadjar tribal rulers of Persia, and agents and forces of the Russian Empire. Under the early Kadjars, two wars with Russia raged across Shahsewan territory and resulted in the Russian conquest of the best part of their winter quarters in Mughan, and considerable movements of tribes southwards. The khans of Ardabll, notably Nadhr cAlf Khan's(?) nephew Faradj Allah Khan and grandson, also called Nadhr 'All Khan, despite deposition from the governorship in 1808, generally supported the Kadjar regime; their cousins and rivals, the khans of Mishkfn, especially cAtaJ Khan and his brother Shukiir Khan, accommodated the Russian invaders. For some decades after the Treaty of Turkmancay (1828), Russia permitted Shahsewan nomads limited access to their former pasturelands in Mughan; but they failed to observe the limitations. The Russians wished to develop their newly-acquired territories, and for this and other more strategic reasons found Shahsewan disorder on the frontier a convenient excuse for bringing moral and political pressure to bear on the Persian government, insisting that they restrain or settle the "lawless" nomads. Persian government policy towards the tribes varied from virtual abdication of authority to predatory punitive expeditions, and an attempt in 1860-1 at wholesale settlement. The mid- 19th century is the first period for which there is any detailed information on Shahsewan tribal society; the main sources are the reports of Russian officials, especially Mughan Frontier Commissioner (from 1869) LA. Ogranovic and the Tabriz ConsulGeneral E. Krebel, though British Consul-General Keith Abbott is also informative. By the time of the Russian conquest of Mughan, most of the Ardabfl tribes, like their khans., were already settled. Despite the settlement of 1860-1 and the famine and bad winters of 1870-2, most of the Mishkm tribes remained nomadic and their el-beys active, especially cAta' Khan's son Fardf Khan (el-bey until 1880) and his son 'Alf-Kulu Khan (until 1903), but they too had settled bases and in their turn lost overall control of the tribes. No longer a unified confederacy with a dynastic central leadership, Shahsewan tribal structure reformed on new principles. Clusters of dependent tribes formed around the new elite of warrior beys of the Kodjabeyli (notably Nur Allah Bey), clsalu, Hadj-khodjalu and Geyikli in Mishkfn, and the Polatlu and Yortci in Ardabfl. A shifting pattern of rivalries and alliances extended into neighbouring regions, involving the powerful beys of the Alarlu of Udjarud (who soon came to be counted as Shahsewan), the Shatranlu (an offshoot of the Shakakf) of Khalkhal, and the Calabfanlu and Hadj-'Alflf of Kara Dagh. The Russian frontier in Mughan was finally closed to the Shahsewan in 1884. Although the winter pasturelands in Persia were redistributed among the tribes, the region of Mughan and Ardabfl and the nomads confined there underwent a drastic social and eco-
SHAHSEWAN nomic upheaval, whose causes were to be found not simply in the closure but also the behaviour of administrative officials. The Shahsewan, numbering over 10,000 families, for nearly four decades were virtually independent of central government. Although some, such as Mughanlu, the largest tribe of all, pursued their pastoral life peacefully as best they could, for most nomads life was dominated by insecurity and the increasing banditry and vendettas by the warriors of the chiefly retinues; the period was known as khdnkhdnlikh or ashrdrlikh, the time of the independent khans or rebels. Russian officials give a detailed and depressing picture of the upheaval, though without appreciating or admitting the degree to which Russian imperialism and 19th-century rivalry with Britain were largely responsible for both the frontier situation and the abuses of the Persian administration. V. Markov, concerned only to justify Russian actions and their benefits to the inhabitants of Russian Mughan, having narrated in detail the events leading up to the closure, does not consider its effects on the Persian side. L.N. Artamonov, however, who visited the region to make a military-geographical study in November 1889, a year after Markov, was shocked at the poverty and oppression of the peasantry and the obvious distress and disorder suffered by the nomads as a result of the closure; his observations were mainly of the Mishkln tribes. In 1903, Col. L.F. Tigranov of the Russian General Staff carried out an investigation of the region and published an informative and perceptive account of the economic and social conditions of the Ardabil province and of the nomad and settled Shahsewan. The detailed reports of Artamonov and Tigranov, although clearly to an extent influenced by political bias, are corroborated by other sources, including accounts recorded by the present writer among elderly Shahsewan in the early 1960s. The Shahsewan tribes reached the heydey of their power and influence in the first decades of the 20th century. They were involved in various important events in this critical period of the Constitutional Revolution [see DUSTUR. iv] and the years leading to the rise of Rida Khan. In spring 1908, border incidents involving Shahsewan tribesmen and Russian frontier guards provided the Russians with a pretext for military intervention in Adharbaydjan on a scale which hastened the fall of the Constitutionalist government in Tehran. During the winter of 1908-9, a few Shahsewan joined the Royalist forces besieging Tabriz. In late 1909, while the new Nationalist government struggled to establish control of the country, most of the Shahsewan beys joined Rahlm Khan Calablanlu of Kara Dagh and Amir cAshayir Shatranlu of Khalkhal in a union of tribes of eastern Adharbaydjan, proclaiming opposition to the Constitution and the intention of marching on Tehran and restoring the deposed Muhammad 'All Shah [q.v.]. They plundered Ardabrl, receiving wide coverage in the European press, but were defeated soon after by Nationalist forces from Tehran under Yeprem Khan. Subsequent Shahsewan harrying of Russian occupying forces at Ardabil led to a major campaign against them in 1912 by 5,000 troops under General Fidarov, who after many reverses succeeded in rounding up most of the tribes and depriving them of half their property. Despite this catastrophe, remembered in the 1960s as bolgi ill, the year of division, Shahsewan warriors continued their guerrilla resistance. During World War One, they were wooed in turn by Russian, Turkish and British forces. Until the restoration of central government authority under Rida Khan
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[q.v.], the Shahsewan beys usually controlled the region, pursuing their local ambitions and rivalries, focused on the city of Ardabil and smaller urban centres, and uniting only to oppose Bolshevik incursions in 1920 and 1921. Prominent among the beys (those of Kara Dagh, Sarab and Khalkhal were now generally talked of as Shahsewan too) were Bahrain Kodjabeyli, Amir Asian clsalu, Djawad Hadj-khodjalu, Hadj Faradj Geyikli, Nadjaf-kulu Alarlu, Amir Arshad Hadj-cAlIli, Nasr Allah Yortci, Amir £Ashayir Shatranlu, and his sister 'Azamat Khanum, leader of the Polatlu. During the winter, and spring of 1922-3, the Shahsewan were among the first of the major tribal groups to be pacified and disarmed by Rida Khan's army. Under the Pahlavls, the tribes were at first integrated within the new nation-state as equal units under recognised and loyal beys', they then suffered economic and social destitution (though less than some other groups in Persia) as a result of the enforced settlement of the 1930s. In the 1940s they resumed pastoral nomadism and revived a loose, decentralised, tribal confederacy, causing trouble to the Soviet occupation forces and the subsequent Democrat regime of 1946. A disastrous winter in 1949 led to the construction of an irrigation scheme in the Mughan steppe; settlement of the nomads remained an axiom of government policy. From 1960 on, a series of measures broke down the tribal organisation, while pastoralism suffered a sharp decline: the beys were dismissed, and the Shah's Land Reform not only deprived many beys of their power base but nationalised the range-lands and opened them to outsiders. Forced to apply for permits for their traditional pastures, and increasingly using trucks in place of camels for their migrations, the pastoralists were drawn into national and wider economic and political structures. More extensive irrigation networks were constructed in Mughan, and the promotion of agro-industry there in the 1970s seemed likely to provide settled bases for most if not all the nomads. The Islamic Revolution of 1978-9 was largely an urban phenomenon, and Shahsewan nomads themselves played little part. Settled tribespeople did participate in events in towns such as Mishkln-Shahr and in strikes at the Agro-Industry Company in Mughan.. and there were a number of Shahsewan "martyrs". A few former beys were killed, others went into exile. The Shahsewan were officially renamed "Elsewan", literally "those who love the people (or tribe)", but they themselves never accepted the new name, and by 1992 it was no longer widely used officially. Pastoral nomadism experienced a modest revival among the Shahsewan, as elsewhere in Persia, such that in the Socio-Economic Census of Nomads of 1986 the Shahsewan nomads numbered nearly 6,000 families, as they had around 1960. At the same time, settlement has continued, following the inexorable spread of various government-supported developments, notably the agro-industrial schemes started in Mughan under the last Shah. In the mid-1990s, with extensive encroachments on Shahsewan pasturelands in both Mughan and the mountains, pastoral nomadism did not seem likely to survive much longer. (ii) Economic and social organisation of the Mughdn Shahsewan.
Apart from their frontier location and history, the Shahsewan differ from other nomadic tribal groups in Persia in various aspects of their culture and social and economic organisation. Most distinctive is their dwelling, the hemispherical, felt-covered dldclgh. In each dldclgh lives a household of, on average, seven to eight people. In the 1960s, groups of three to five
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closely related nomad households co-operated in an obd, a herding unit that camped on its own in the mountain pastures between June and early September, but joined with one or two others to form a winter camp of 10 to 15 households during the period November to April. Two or three such winter camps, linked by agnatic ties between the male household heads as a gobak "navel" or descent group, would form a tira, tribal section. The gobak/tira was usually also a ajdmdhdt (from Ar. dj.amdla) community, which moved and camped as a unit during the autumn migration in October and the spring migration in May, and performed many religious ceremonies jointly. Every group, from herding unit to community, was led by a recognised dk sdkdl, "grey-beard" or elder. The tayja or tribe, comprising from two to over 20 tira sections, was a larger community, members of which felt themselves different in subtle ways from members of other tdyjas, and few contacts, and only one in ten marriages, were made between tdyjas. After the abolition of the beys, the government attempted to deal directly with the tiras and their dk sdkdls; as a result, the "grey-beard" was often a younger man from the wealthiest family in the community, with the skills and resources to deal with the authorities. But the tayja continued to be important, and remained the main element in Shahsewan identity, nomadic or settled. Perhaps the most important feature distinguishing the Shahsewan from other nomadic tribal groups in Persia was their system of grazing rights. Where other nomads operated some version of communal access to grazing, the Shahsewan developed an unusual system whereby individual pastoralists inherited, bought or rented known proportions of the grazing rights to specific pastures, though in practice members of an obd would exploit their rights jointly. This system was invalidated by the nationalisation of the pastures in the 1960s, but still operates clandistinely. Shahsewan nomads traditionally raised flocks of sheep and goats, the former for milk and milk products, wool, and meat, the latter only in small numbers mainly as flock leaders. Camels, donkeys, and horses were used for transport. Most families raised chickens for eggs and meat, and a few kept cows. Every family had several fierce dogs, for guarding the home and the animals against thieves and predators. Bread was their staple food. Some nomads had relatives in villages, with whom they co-operated in a dual economy, sharing or exchanging pastoral for agricultural produce. Most, however, had to sell milk, wool and surplus animals to tradesmen in order to obtain wheat flour and other supplies. Some worked as hired shepherds, paid 5% of the animals they tended for every six-month contract period. Others went to towns and villages seasonally for casual wage-labour. Every camp was visited most days by itinerant pedlars, but householders went on shopping expeditions to town at least twice a year, for example during the migrations. Most purchases were made on credit, against the next season's pastoral produce. The wealthiest nomads raised flocks of sheep commercially, and owned shares in village lands as absentee landlords. Women too had their elders, dk bircak "grey hairs", comparable to male dk sdkdls and consulted privately by them; among the women they exercised their influence in public, at feasts attended by guests from a wide range of communities. At feasts, men and women were segregated. While the men enjoyed music and other entertainment, in the women's tent the dk bircah discussed matters of importance to both men and
women, such as marriage arrangements, disputes, irregular behaviour among community members or broader subjects bearing on economic and political affairs. Opinions were formed and decisions made, which were then spread as the women returned home and told their menfolk and friends. This unusual information network among the women served a most important function for the society as a whole. Shahsewan women produced a variety of colourful and intricate flatwoven rugs, storage bags and blankets, and some knotted pile carpets, but these were all for domestic use, and figured prominently in girls' trousseaux on marriage. After about 1970, however, the international Oriental Carpet trade recognised that a whole category of what had previously been regarded as "Kurdish" or "Caucasian" tribal weavings were in fact the product of Shahsewan nomads. Meanwhile, hard times and escalating prices forced many nomads to dispose of items never intended for sale. Since the Islamic Revolution, however, Shahsewan weavers have increasingly produced for the foreign market, adjusting their styles accordingly. (iii) The Shahsewan of Kharakdn and Khamsa. In the 19th century there were five major Shahsewan groups in these regions: Inallu, Baghdad!, Kurtbeyli, Duwayran and Afshar-Duwayran. These descend from groups moved from Mughan in the 18th century, except for the Baghdad!, who have a separate history: Nadir Shah Afshar brought them from northern £Irak (Kirkuk) to Khurasan, and later they joined Karim Khan Zand in Shiraz before being brought to their present location (Sawa and Kharakan by Agha Muhammad Khan Kadjar). Most of these tribes were settled by 1900; the Inallu and Baghdad! provided important military contingents for the Kadjar army (Tapper, The king's friends, Appendix 2). Bibliography: R. Tapper, Pasture and politics: economics, conflict and ritual among Shahsevan nomads of northwestern Iran, London 1979 (ethnography based on field study in 1960s); idem, The king's friends: a social and political history of the Shahsevan., 1996 (full bibl.); Nancy Tapper, The women's sub-society among the Shahsevan nomads, in Lois Beck and Nikki Keddie (eds.), Women in the Muslim world, Cambridge, Mass. 1978, 374-98; G. Schweizer, Nordost-Azerbaidschan und Shah Sevan-Nomaden, in E. Ehlers, F. Scholz and G. Schweizer, Strukturwandlungen im nomadisch-bduerlichen Lebensraum des Orients, Wiesbaden 1970, 83-148 (geography). Local h i s t o r i e s , valuable particularly for Shahsewan history in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, include: Husayn Bayburd!, Tdnkh-i Arasbdrdn, Tehran 1341/1962; Baba Safari, Ardabll dor gudhargdh-i tdnkh, 3 vols., Tehran 1350-71/197192; Nasir-i Daftar _RawaJi, Khdtirdt wa asndd-i Ndsir-i Dajtar Rawd'i, ed. Iradj Afshar and Bihzad Razzak!, Tehran 1363/1984. Monographs in Persian include cAta.J Allah Hasan!, Tdnkhca-yi il-i Shdhsewdn-i Baghdad!, diss. Islamic Free University, Tehran 1369/1990; Pancahra Shahsewand-Baghdad!, Barrasi-yi masd'il-i iajtimd% iktisddi wa siydsi-yi il-i Shahsewan, Tehran 1370/1991; Mihd! M!zban, Il-i Shahsewan: mawridi mutdla'a tdyfa-yi Geyiklu, tira-yi Hddjl-Imdnlu, diss. Islamic Free University, Tehran 1371/1992; Muhammad Rida Begdil!, Ilsewan-hd (Shdhsewan-hd)-yi Iran, Tehran 'l372/1993. On Shahsewan dwellings, see P. Andrews, Alachikh and kurne: the felt tents of Azerbaijan, in R. Graefe and P. Andrews, Geschichte des Konstruierens, iii (Konzepte SFB 230, Heft 28), Stuttgart 1987, 49-135.
SHAHSEWAN — SHACIR On Shahsewan textiles, see Jenny Housego, Tribal rugs: an introduction to the weaving of the tribes of Iran, London 1978; Siyawosch Azadi and P.Andrews, Majrash, Berlin 1985; Parviz Tanavoli, Shahsavan: Iranian rugs and textiles, New York 1985. (R. TAPPER) SHACIR (A.), barley (Hordeum L., Gramineae family, the Arabic term being applied to several different species), one of the major cereals cultivated throughout the Middle East from earliest times. Mediaeval medical texts classify it among the numerous "grains" (hubub, which, naturally, included wheat but also pulses like lentils and beans) which, in bread preparation, formed an essential part of the diet of all but the most well-off of the population. The semantic association between bread (of whatever substance), sustenance, and life itself is found in several Semitic vocabularies. Even if more widely consumed than the scarcer (and hence more expensive) and less hardy wheat cereal, barley was judged less nourishing than wheat. The term occurs in the Traditions, suggesting its use both in the baking of inexpensive bread as well as in other popular dishes like khatifa, talblna, tharid and sawik [see GHIDHA']. By nature it was said to be moderately cold and dry (in contrast to wheat, which was hot and moist), which made it suitable for persons of hot complexion in summer, or with a fever. Hence medical opinion held that barley bread was also convenient for young persons but not for the elderly. The medical texts describe the benefits of certain barley preparations: flour, or barley water applied to the skin was said to remove blemishes as well as providing protection against leprosy. A preparation of barley and milk (called kishk) was an antidote to fever, and washing the body with it opened the pores, a treatment also for exhaustion and for travellers. Barley water had the properties of a diuretic and emenagogue. Barley saunk was good for fever. These and other preparations are also found in the mediaeval cookbooks as purely food for pleasure. One barley water recipe is designated especially for Ramadan. Barley flour was also the chief ingredient in the famous condiment mum. A recipe for the beverage Jukkac (apparently intended to be alcoholic) employs barley flour, while in another similar preparation it is advised against as being harmful; it was also used in the popular drink aksimd3 and in the condiment of pickled garlic. Finally, a recommended means of preventing bunches of grapes from rotting is to bury them in barley. Bibliography: Ishak b. Sulayman al-lsrajllf, K. al-Aghdhiya, facs. ed.^ Frankfurt 1986, ii, 61-78; Ibn al-Kuff al-Karakl, Diami' al-gharadfi htfz al-sihha wa dafe al-marad, ed. S. Hamarneh, Amman 1989; Kanz al-fawd3id Ji tanwi' al-mawd3id, ed. M. Marin and D. Waines, Bibliotheca Islamica, xl, BeirutStuttgart 1993, index; D. Waines, Cereals, bread and society, mJESHO, xxx/3 (1987), 255-85; idem, Mum: the tale of a condiment, in Al-Qantara, xii/2 (1991), 371-88. (D. WAINES) SHA'IR (A.), poet. 1. In the Arab world A. Pre-Islamic and Umayyad periods B. From the 'Abbasid period to the Nahda [see Suppl.] C. From 1850 to the present day D. In Muslim Spain E. The folk poet in Arab society 2. In Persia 3. In Turkey
4. 5. 6. 7.
In In In In
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Muslim India the western and central Sudan Hausaland Malaysia and Indonesia
1. In the Arab world. A. Pre-lslamic and Umayyad periods. Among those endowed with knowledge and with power in ancient Arabia stands the figure of the shd'ir, whose role is often confused with that of the carrdf (shacara and carafa having the same semantic value: cf. I. Goldziher, Abhandlungen, i, 3 ff.) and of the kdhin [q.v.]. They were credited with the same source of inspiration, the djinns (Goldziher, Die &nnen der Dichter, in ZDMG, xlv [1891], 685 ff). However, the sha'ir was, originally, the repository of magical rather than divinatory knowledge; his speech and his rhythms were directed towards enchantment. Hid^d3 and rithd3, satire and elegy respectively, were the primordial expressions of his magical power (T. Fahd, La divination arabe, 117, where, under n. 4, the principal references are to be found). Like the kdhin, the shdcir "guided the tribe on the ways of booty and of war". Both of them "advised, arbitrated, judged, decided, to the extent that, either their roles were blended with that of the tribal chieftain or they became the latter's advisers, flatterers or instigators" (ibid.). Their functions often coincided with that of the khattb (Goldziher, Der Chatib bei den altern Arabern, in W^KM, vi [1892], 97-102,'summarised in French in Arabica, vii [1960], 16-18). Kdhin and shdeir expressed themselves in sadf and in rad^az fe.w.], a rhythmic style originally used for the enunciation of the oracle of the kdhin and for the chanting of verses of the shdcir at the head of a column of troops setting out for war. The two functions, united at the outset, became progressively differentiated, as their sources of inspiration diversified. Thus raajaz was the basis of secular poetry and sadf remained the mode of expression of the kdhin. This distinction appears clearly in Kur'an, LXIX, 40-3 (cf. LXXXI, 19-25), where the text reads: "This is the word of a respected Prophet and is not that of a poet (shdcir), men of little faith; nor is it that of a soothsayer (kdhin), men of little memory. It is a revelation (tanzil) of the Master of the Universe" (cf. Fahd, op. cit., 156, 64). The functions of the kdhin and the shdcir were frequently assumed by the sayyid [q.v.]. This resulted from the fact that "in the Central Arabia of the 6th century, a sayyid was chosen who, among the members of the tribe, was distinguished by his qualities of elocution, of decision and of persuasion. The desert Arab was determined to defend his liberty and would only be induced to submit to the chief's authority through reasoning and conviction; furthermore, the sayyid was entrusted with no powers of coercion and his prerogatives were limited. His prestige depended on his ability to influence his fellow-tribesmen with wisdom, with prudence, with informed advice, on his connections with the chiefs of neighbouring tribes, on his wealth and generosity" (ibid., 118-19). The first reference to the role of the shd(ir in the tribe is found in the Ecclesiastical history by Sozomenus (vi, 38, 11. 1-9), who was writing between 443 and 450. This author, born in a small village near Gaza, takes up what had previously been written by Rufinus, a contemporary of St. Jerome, who completed the Church history by Eusebius of Caesarea and translated it into Latin after 402, and Socrates, another historian of the Church (Ecc. hist., iv, 36, 11. 1-12). These authors speak of a "queen of the Saracen tribe (Arabs)" (saracenorum gentis regina), called Mawia, who led a stub-
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SHACIR
born war against the Romans on the borders of Palestine and Arabia (vehementi hello Palaestini et Arabi limitis/va.r. limites), defeated them and imposed her conditions on Valens (Emperor 364-78). According to Sozomenus, Mawia, widow of a chieftain killed in battle, played a very important role at the head of her tribe. After repudiating the accords (arcovScu) concluded between her husband and the Romans, which were followed by excessive taxation demands, she set out to raid villages between Palestine and Egypt. Her victories and her courage were celebrated among the Arab tribes with popular songs ((p6a(). These songs were adaptations of poems in rodjaz (see on this subject F. Altheim-R. Stiehl, Die Araber in der alien Welt, iii, Berlin 1966, 101 ff.; Fahd, Mama et Dudfum aw al-Arab wa 3l-Rumdnfi awdkhir al-kam al-rdbf, in Actes du Congres International sur I'histoire de Bildd al-Shdm, 'Amman 1983). The connections which have always linked song and poetry are well known (cf. Blachere, HLA, ii, 357 ff.). It is also well known that poetic talent was widely distributed among both nomadic and sedentary Arabs (ibid., 331 ff.). Poets may be divided into two categories: the poet of the tribe and the poet of the court. i. The poet of the tribe. In a series of concisely written pages (ibid., 238 ff.), R. Blachere has painted a vivid and very detailed portrait of this poet, the heir to a prestigious tradition. He is the quintessence of his tribal group, to which he is viscerally attached, even when he breaks his links with the latter (as in the case of the sa'dtik or outlaws); as the spokesman of this group he participates in the essential manifestations of collective life (festivities, battles, delegations, etc.). His verbal talents sometimes lead him to take on the role of sayyid (as in the case of Ibn £Adjlan among the Nahd, Zuhayr b. Djanab among the Kalb, Muhalhil b. cAdI, cAmr b. Kulthum and Durayd b. al-Simma among the Djusham, Bistam b. Kays among the Shayban, LakTt b. Zurara among the Darim, Malik b. Nuwayra among the Tha'laba, al-Mukhabbal among the Tamfm, cAwf b. 'Atiyya among the Taym, Hatim and Zayd al-Khayl among the Tayyi', cAbbas b. Mirdas among the Sulaym, cAmir b. al-Tufayl among the cAmir b. Sacsaca, £Amr b. Ma£dikarib and cAbd Yaghuth b. Sala'a among the Madhhidj, Uhayha b. al-Djulah among the Aws, Kacb b. al-Ashraf among the Nadir, etc.). Such talents enhance the prestige of the entire group. "The biographical accounts teem with anecdotes where the poet manifests himself by means of his incomparable renown and the unique power of his speech. Such an image could not be an imaginary invention. It must have corresponded to observed facts" (ibid., 338). We have here a being passionately devoted to the cause of his clan; he espouses its conflicts, he attacks its enemies, he replies to invectives (hia^d3) of which it is the object, he praises its past and present glories, he is the repository of its achievements. "Poetry", the caliph cUmar was supposedly told, "is the diwdn (the register, the memory) of the Arabs". Poets and poetesses often contributed to victory, with their presence at the head of armies, and to the comfort of survivors, with praise of the courage and valour displayed by those who had fallen in the course of the battle. His pubHc—it is hard to imagine him without a public—consists of his family and of his tribe, a whole world which "places its hopes in him, urges him on in his contests, praises him when he wins, turns to others when his inadequacies endanger the honour of the group" (ibid., 339). His source of inspiration is found in his public, but this does not prevent him
withdrawing into himself and expressing his own opinions and his disappointments regarding the human condition (for a selection of verses of this type, cf. Fahd, L'homme vu par les poetes preislamiques, in Quademi di Studi Arabi, x [Venice 1992], 3-19). A tribe without a poet of renown was considered inferior (as was the case of the Murad and the Khath'am). It was usually in the context of fairs, generally organised in the vicinity of pilgrimage routes, the most celebrated being 'Ukaz and Dhu '1-Madjaz near Mecca, that poetic competitions were held between tribes or between poets of the same tribe. "These competitions could exert the same attraction as duels: a day was appointed, the participants arrived in their finest garments, mounted on sumptuously appointed beasts; the audience formed a circle round them and, at the conclusion of the contest, congratulated the winner" (Blachere, op. tit., 341). " The foregoing account constitutes the permanent core of the conception which may be held of the poet of the tribe. This core will be found in a more or less explicit fashion throughout the periods of evolution of the function of the poet in Arab society, as the latter glides imperceptibly from nomadism to sedentarisation, by way of a long period of semi-sedentarisation. ii. The poet of the court. Attracted by the glamour of urban or semi-urban society, the nomad poet, without leaving his group and without renouncing its defence, attached himself to a patron whose panegyrist he became, at the risk of losing a part of his liberty and sometimes his life. Becoming peripatetic, he had occasion to transfer his allegiance from one patron to another (as in the cases of al-Mutalammis, al-Nabigha al-Dhubyanf and Hassan b. Thabit). Lakhmids and Ghassanids competed in the collection of poets (as in the case of cAmr b. Kulthum, Tarafa, al-Aesha Maymun, Abu Zubayd b. Harmala b. al-Mundhir, al-Hutay'a, etc.): they demanded of them that they celebrate their achievements and their munificence in long poems. Generous towards those poets whom they considered the best, they could be cruel and despotic towards the others. The poets who frequented their courts brought with them their tribal quarrels; "their fury was fanned there by the game of covetousness, of personal quarrels, of sentimental intrigues, of the vanity peculiar to the genus irritabile poetarurrf (cf. the quarrel of al-Nabigha al-Dhubyanf and al-Munakhkhal, ibid., 299, 346). Poetic circles were formed around Ghassanid and Lakhmid phylarchs at Djillfk in the vicinity of Damascus and at Hira (around eAdf b. Zayd), by means of which Bedouin poetry began a process of evolution in contact with Syro-Mesopotamian civilisation. "At Hfra the personality of the poet was forged in the form in which it was to flourish at Basra or at Kufa when clrak became the intellectual centre of Arabo-Islamic civilisation" (ibid., 347). iii. The poet (of the tribe and of the court) after the advent of Islam. Following the disappearance of the Lakhmids and the Ghassanids, the poet of the court returned to his role as poet of the tribe, confronted by the hostility of nascent Islam towards poetry, considered decadent and a survival of Arab paganism. Dubbed a "djinninspired poet" by his Meccan adversaries (Kur'an, XXI, 5; XXVI, 224-28, XXXVII, 35-36; LII, 29; etc.), Muhammad denounced poets and poetry. As a result of this, the production of poetry declined. However, on arriving in Medina, he was unable to ignore the effective instrument of propaganda constituted by poetry. In the manner of a sayyid, he took
SHA'IR into his service an eminent poet who had been a protege of the Ghassanids and of the Lakhmids, Hassan b. Thabit [q.v.], who became his accredited panegyrist. Other poets rallied around the founder of Islam, seen as a head of state unlike any other in the Arab world (as in the case of Kacb b. Malik, eAbd Allah b. Rawaha, Abu Kays b. al-Aslat, BashFr b. Sa'd); others opposed him at the cost of their lives (as in the case of the Jewish poet of Medina Ka£b b. al-Ashraf and others). Under the first four caliphs, there was a gradual return to the appreciation of poetry, on condition that it upheld a certain ethic (makarim al-akhldk). The poet Suhaym was put to death, under cUmar, on account of his amorous escapades. This was not unaccompanied by a degree of embarrassment, "a sort of bad conscience paving the way for a process of rehabilitation" (ibid., 355). Some went so far as to show the Prophet allowing improvisation and even improvising himself on the radtaz metre (al-Bukharf, ed. Cairo, iv, 51) or reciting a fragment from a pagan poet (ibid., iv, 52). It was in the Umayyad period that the poet was to regain his place in his tribal group and as client of numerous patrons, caliphs, governors and prosperous merchants enriched by the wealth accruing from the tide of conquests. This was the age of prestigious poets such as al-Akhtal, Djarir and al-Farazdak [q.w.]. In accordance with the attachment of the Umayyad princes to Bedouin tradition, the poet returned to his original function as representative of his tribe and champion of its interests. He spoke of its past, of its glories, of its merits, either in eulogistic poems addressed to his patrons, or in contests of fakhr (boasting) or hujid3 (satire) in which he engaged with his rivals. All this was done with the aim of gaining credit for himself or for his tribe in the estimation of the one who was the subject of the eulogy. The poet of the court, in the terms previously described, was superseded by the poet of the tribe, even though his role was essentially played in the court. The vast majority of the poets who achieved eminence in this period were natives of the desert; throughout their careers, they remained in close contact with their tribes, to which they returned after the completion of their tasks in the court and in the presence of their patrons. Al-Akhtal. a Christian of the great tribal confederation of the Taghlib, began with the celebration of local sqyyids in the region of Kufa. His career as "cantor of the Umayyads" started when Yazld I, still the heir presumptive, commissioned him to satirise the Ansar of Medina who claimed to be of "Yemeni" descent; he unleashed a poetical campaign which was to earn him vehement ripostes on the part of cAbd al-Rahman b. Hassan, al-Nueman b. Bashfr and al-Nabigha al-DjacdT. Thus he found himself embroiled in the perpetual dispute between the Arabs of the South (Yemenis) and Arabs of the North (Kaysis), the dispute which was to wreak such damage in all the phases of Arab history. For his part, Djarir also began his career with his tribe (the Tamlm); throughout his life, he remained attached to his ancestral desert, the Yamama, returning to it after brief periods in Basra or in Damascus; he, too, was the spokesman of the Kaysfs against the Yemenis. Al-Farazdak (also of the Tamfm), born like Djarir in the Yamama, began his career as a tribal poet, then served a number of patrons before succeeding in becoming official poet of the court, under the reign of al-Walrd I. It was in Basra that he spent the major part of his life; it was also there that he died.
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Not one of these three poets resided in the caliphal court at Damascus. While politico-religious controversies (Kaysls and Yemenis, Sunms and Shfls) appear in their eulogistic and satirical poems, there is no echo to be found there of the life of the court. The sumptuous palaces of Damascus could not make them forget the desert in which they had been brought up; their poetic art, which is that of the great poets of pre-Islam, bears witness to this. Hence the poet of the Umayyad period remained in the service of his tribe, like his predecessor in the pre-Islamic era. But his audience had changed. Conquests had fragmented the tribes and caused the proliferation of urban centres, colonised by segments of peninsular tribes; it was in these "colonies" that young poets were accepted and helped to make their way in this evolving society. The poet, usually of modest background, sought to exploit his art as a means of acquiring wealth and distinction. On the way he encountered rivals and competitors, and also risked making deadly enemies. Hence the important role of hidj.0,' in this period (in particular between DjarTr and al-Farazdak). There would also be instances where he was caught in a vice between his ancestral group and the central or local power; it was then incumbent on him to attempt to serve the interests of both (for example, al-Farazdak reminding the caliph of the support given him by the TamFm at the time of the suppression of the Yemenis, in revolt at the instigation of Yazld b. al-Muhallab, Blachere, 544 n. 4). There were instances where the poet refused to submit and appealed to his group for assistance; then, following a trivial incident, the issue grew in importance and "fire engulfed the tribe" (for example: a Sulaml poet, insulted by al-Akhtal in the presence of the caliph, left in fury and incited his people to attack the Taghlib, ibid., 544 n. 6). Two factors contributed greatly to the popularity of the poets in the Umayyad period. On the one hand, the large number of patrons emerging from the governmental and military aristocracy, enriched by the acquisition of large estates (as in the case of Djunayd, governor of Sind, eulogised by Djarfr and al-Farazdak); on the other, the return of the same aristocracy to its desert origins and to the chivalrous values of its ancestors. Also, panegyric (madh) and glorification (fakhr) occupied an important place in the poetry of this period. From the point of view of the court, the poet was considered to be "an auxiliary of the central power and a link with the peninsular world, the upheavals in which should not be ignored" (ibid., 546); he was "an element, if not permanent then at least influential", of the court. His talent, initially exploited politically under the Marwanids, was ultimately recognised in artistic terms, from the time of al-Walid I (86-967 705-15 [<7.y.]), himself a poet. For this caliph, the art of versification was not only a recreation; it was also "the instrument of expression of the 'self and the source of intense emotions" (ibid., 548). The governors of provinces (Ziyad, al-Hadjdjadj, Khalid al-Kasn, etc.) also employed poets for their propaganda, keeping them in a state of dependence as a means of avoiding conflict. Those opposed to the Umayyad regime themselves had recourse to the talents of poets (al-Acsha of the Hamdan paid with his life for his attachment to Ibn al-Ashcath); numerous poets supported al-Muhallab as a supporter of the regime; others applauded his son Yazfd when he rebelled against the caliphal authority, but abandoned him immediately after his defeat. The same applied to the secessionist Zubayrids.
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In this way the Umayyad poet, like the poet of the tribe in the pre-Islamic period, served the cause of his tribe and the politics which it espoused. Among the poets of the time, two themes often appear in their diwdns; the quarrel between Kaysfs and Yemenis and the taking of sides in the conflict then in progress between Djarfr and al-Farazdak. The dominant ideology remained the tribal affiliation which linked the two generations, that of pre-Islam and that of the Umayyad period. An exception to this dominant current is constituted by the poetical school of the Hidjaz. The very rigid society which had formed in the urban centres of the region (Mecca, Medina and Ta'if) under the first four caliphs, allowed no place for the poet, still regarded as representing the customs of pre-Islamic times and denounced by the Prophet. But as a result of the wealth which abounded in these cities, on account of the conquests and of the isolation in which they had lived for ten years, following the uprising of eAbd Allah b. al-Zubayr, a perceptible evolution of customs and behavior led towards a sophisticated society in which song and poetry, favoured and cultivated by new patrons, underwent a striking development. Thus the poet was once again in service. But, remote from the centre of power and from tribal quarrels, he devoted himself to renewing an almost forgotten ancestral lyricism. So a type of literal "romanticism" was born, the hero being the poet himself, an amorous poet, deprived of his loved one on account of the rigidity of tribal morals (as in the cases of Kays b. Dharfh, Waddah al-Yaman, Madjnun and Djarml). Thus the poet became a character of romance. A certain degree of female emancipation is evident in this period. Some women enjoyed a social promotion such that they were enabled to maintain literary "salons" and to receive poets (as in the case of 'A'isha, daughter of Talha, grand-daughter of Abu Bakr, the first caliph; Zaynab, daughter of Mu£aykib; Zaynab, daughter of Musa; and most notably, Thurayya, daughter of a wealthy family of Ta'if, and Sukayna, granddaughter of cAlf b. Abl Talib, the fourth caliph). These women exerted considerable influence over the poets who entertained them, in particular, over cUmar b. Abi Rabfa, Kuthayyir and Nusayb. The greatest poet of this period was undoubtedly c Umar b. Abl Rabfa [g.v.], a man of wealth and independence. He made a name for himself with his countless affairs with aristocratic ladies (including Fatima, daughter of the caliph cAbd al-Malik, and Umm Muhammad, daughter of the caliph Marwan). His 'aiwdn abounds with poems recounting his tempestuous loves, inspired by "a violent and mutual passion, coupled with estrangements and reconciliations" (ibid., 631). Singers both male and female borrowed his poems, and storytellers made him a legend in his own lifetime, hence his considerable renown, which eclipsed that of the other poets of his time. He opened up a new direction in courtly poetry, a direction denounced by the moralists of the time (in particular by the Shff circles of Medina) but much appreciated by the new poetical movement which came into being at the end of the Umayyad period. cUmar b. Abf Rabfa is far removed from the poet of the tribe, although retaining a few of the cliches, just as he is far removed from the poet of the court. More than any other poet of the time, he is the poet of the "self". Bibliography: The principal source of material for this article is R. Blachere, Histoire de la litterature arabe des origines a la Jin du XV* suck de J.-C.
(of which all that has appeared is La litterature et la poesie archaique des origines jusque vers 107/725), Paris 1952, 1964 and 1966, 3 vols. in continuous pagination (865 pp.); Arabic tr. Ibrahim al-Kflam, Damascus 1973, repr. 1984, 983 pp. In this writer's opinion, this is the only work which provides a comprehensive and accurate survey of the period in question. It is based on a vast bibliography, taking into account diwdns, anthologies, commentaries and recent studies. It would be inappropriate to list all these here, since they have not been directly consulted. To this magisterial work, which replaces everything that has gone before it, may be added this writer's own La divination arabe, Leiden 1966, repr. Paris 1967, where the poet is observed in his most archaic role. The reader is further referred to the work of Francesco Gabrieli on La poesie religieuse de I'ancien Islam, Paris 1974 (= REI, special edition, no. 8), since the limitations of this article have made it impossible to dwell for long on this period of transition. (T. FAHD) B. From the 'Abbasid period to the Nahda [see Suppl.]. C. From 1850 to the present day. The role of the Arab poet in society during the second half of the 19th century was a natural continuation of the low status of the Arab convivial poet (al-$hdcir al-nadim] [see NAD!M], who composed panegyric poetry to earn his living by entertaining and celebrating his patron's generosity and "noble" character, and used his versification for celebrating his friends and society on their happy and sad occasions. The poet's role continued to be that of a platform orator celebrating, rejoicing, lamenting, inaugurating private and public buildings, criticising political and economic problems in conventional style and metaphors. Even in their panegyric poetry dedicated to the Prophet Muhammad (muwasjisjiahat and mada'ih nabawiyyd] there was no serious attempt at metaphysical or spiritual expression. However, an insight and an eyewitness to the condition of the role of the Arab poet in society is given in detail in the biographies written by cAbd alRahman al-Djabartl [q.v.] in his 'Aajd'ib al-dthdr. In fact, al-Djabartf is a rare example of Muslim scholar who classified the status of the poet in society as more important than that of the rulers, and below the religious scholars ('ulamd3), because of the critical and intellectual role which the poet played in the Arab society. According to al-Djabartl, the poet's role ranges from composing a verse to be engraved upon a seal in a finger-ring up to elegies. Verses and poems were ordered to be engraved on marble and plated with gold upon the vault of a reception room (maajlis) or upon the entrance of the mosques, on the walls of the sleeping room and on tomb stones, with blessings for good omen and the last verse denoting the date of the building and the name of the owner. Al-Djabarti distinguished between the poor poets who earned their living by composing panegyrical poetry and the high-ranking scholars who wrote poetry to honour their friends as well as for social purposes and entertainment. The poorer poets used to attend ceremonies or to visit their generous patrons in their maajlis "near lunch hour" in order to get two presents, "a good lunch and a gift" in cash, sometimes of gold money. They used to recite their panegyrics standing before their patron or would hand him a written copy of their poem after kissing his hand or the edge of his attire, a custom which continued to
SHACIR Ahmad Shawki's time among conventional poets. High-class scholars like Hasan al-c Attar (1766-1835), who later on became the Shaykh of al-Azhar, composed elegies to honour his deceased friends, scholars or rulers, and his poems were recited in the funeral by a special reciter (munshid) after the prayer. In his old age, he composed poetry to honour influential people, "only when necessary, and in order to show dissimulation towards them (ilia bi-kadr al-darura wa-nifak ahl al-casr). However, a poet endowed with the ability of improvisation on subjects of discussion or in praise of his patron, and who was able to answer his patron or his friends in debate by improvised verses, was admired and considered of greater poetic talent. During the 19th century and the first quarter of the 20th century, poets continued to serve as an effective mass medium for the rulers, rich patrons, merchants and religious scholars. Some poets were asked to compose poetry for the purpose of encouraging common people by their praise-poems (mada'iK) to visit the shrines of Muslim saints (wall, pi. awliyd3}. According to al-Djabartf, when al-Sayyid 'All the dull-witted one (ablah), who was believed to be a saint, died on 16 Rabf I 1214/17 September 1799, his brother brought poets and reciters of poetry (Mara3 wa-munshidun) to sing his praise and enumerate his miracles and blessings in order to encourage people to visit his tomb and thereby to offer their donations and offerings to the saint in order to secure the income of the shrine. Both patrons and poets were in need of each other: the patrons for the purpose of prestige and esteem and the poets for the purpose of living and for contacts with the ruling class and social connections. The generous Mamluk amir Murad Bey Muhammad (d. 12157 1801) used to encourage poets to join his maajlis and lavished presents on poets who composed poems in his honour and increased his notability. When he died, poetesses and women singers composed elegies and sang them accompanied by music to lament his death. During revolts against oppressive Ottoman pashas and other officials, poets composed critical poems and versified slogans and taught them to children to chant them in the streets and in front of the rulers' palaces. These conditions continued as late as the beginning of the 1920s. The Greek Orthodox poet and writer MlkhaTl Nu'ayma (1889-1988 [q.v.]), under the influence of his Russian education and Romanticism, criticised in his book al-Ghirbal the role of the poet in the Arab society. He accused contemporary poets of being platform orators and convivial poets who were engaged in the communal and festive life of his society. He unconsciously summarised al-Djabartfs description of the role of the poet in society, saying that they only deal with subjects such as tahdni (congratulations), ikhwdniyydt (exchanging friendly poems), musaajaldt (debates) which were dedicated to other poets, madih (eulogy), ritha3 (elegy) for his patron, gfeazal (erotic poetry), wasf (description) and celebration of a memorable occasion, an official or religious holiday, a public, political or military event, or the inauguration of public and private buildings. Nu'ayma attacked conventional poets, calling them "versifiers and craftsmen who versified every aspect of communal life, such as birth, death, wine-drinking, greeting friends. Thus everything is versified in Arab cultural life, except feelings and thought" (al-Ghirbal, 122). With the renaissance of the Arabic language and culture during the 19th century under the reforms of Muhammad cAlr Pasha [q.v.] in Egypt and the Christian missionary activities in Syria and Lebanon, a class
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of secular officials who were endowed with poetic talents sought to revive the classical Arabic rhetorics, style and themes, and used the method of mu'drada [q.v.] (imitation of classical poems) for this purpose. The semi-independent rulers in North Africa and the Middle East, the courts of such rulers as Amir Bashlr II al-Shihabl (1767-1850) in Lebanon, the Egyptian Khedives from the accession of Isma'fl Pasha (1863-79) onwards, the court of King Faysal I in 'Irak (1921-33), and King cAbd Allah (1921-51) in Jordan, looked for an entourage of poets and men of letters to speak their praise and merits as well as for the purpose of entertainment and social activities. In these courts, the status of al-shdcir al-nadim and/or of the poet laureate (shd'ir al-baldt) gained great esteem and respect with secured income. The duty of such court poets was to compose a poem to greet the ruler on feasts and holidays, birthdays, write poems of farewell when the ruler departed for a journey abroad and another at the reception on his return, greeting guests as well as on other occasions. The new courts were interested in neo-classical poets for their panegyrics in order to raise the rulers' esteem in the eyes of their people. With the development of printing and journalism in the Arab world during the 19th century, poetry played an important role. Panegyric poems to the rulers published on the front page opened the gates of the sovereign's courts to these writers. When Paris al-Shidyak [q.v] heard of the charitable deeds of Ahmad Pasha, the Bey of Tunis, in Marseilles and Paris, he composed a panegyric poem on the Bey; the latter was so impressed with it that he sent a naval vessel to London to bring him and his wife to Tunis. This generous gesture made a great impression on al-Shidyak, who praised the famed generosity of the Arabs in his book al-Sdk cald 'l-sdk fi-md huwa al-Fdrydk, Paris 1855. Al-Shidyak compared the role of the Arab poet in his society to that of European poets. He found that the main difference was that the Arab poets were eulogists who praised their patrons in exchange for their generous presents, and cited the old Arab maxim attributed to the Andalusian poet Abu Muhammad cAbd al-Djalil b. Wahban that "presents open the mouth of the poets [to praise their patrons] (al-luhd tqftahu al-lahd). Subsequently, Faris al-Shidyak converted to Islam, a step influenced also by revenge for the death of his brother who was tortured to death (1829) by the Maronite clergy because of his conversion to Protestantism. Later on, he established his newspaper alDiawd'ib and devoted most of his poems in praise of the Ottoman sultan and his officials. The founder of al-Ahrdm newspaper (Alexandria 1875), Sallm Takla (1849-92), used to publish on the front page congratulatory poems to the Khedives Isma'il and Tawfik on their birthdays and the anniversaries of their ascension to the throne, as did also Ya'kub Sannu' [q.v] in his newspaper Abu Nadddra, in which he published poems in praise of the Sultan and Prince Hallm. Ahmad Shawkl (1868-1932 [q.v.]) is considered the most famous poet laureate in the modern Arab world, and he was proud of his office as a court poet of the Khedive 'Abbas Hilmi II (1892-1914), who bestowed on him the title of Bey (1905). When the British deposed 'Abbas II, Shawkf composed a poem in praise of the Sultan Husayn Kamil (d. 1917) (alShawkiyydt, i, 214-18) and the descendants of the Khedive Isma'fl. For this poem, he was exiled by the British to Spain. He became a member of the Senate in the Egyptian Parliament. In 1927 he achieved the
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dream of every Arab poet and was honoured by a festival (mihraa^dn) of delegations of poets from all the Arab countries, in which he was declared "prince of poets" (amir al-shu'ard3). Less famous poets in the Arab world such as cAbd al-Muhsin al-Kaziml [q.v] received pensions from the awkdf through the intervention of Shaykh Muhammad eAbduh [q.v.], in compensation for his panegyrics. In 'Irak, the poet Ma'ruf al-Rusafi [q.v.], who edited al-Amal (1923), published his poems on the front page as his main articles. In consequence of his poems criticising the King and the government, his newspaper was stopped and he was summoned before the court. In order to earn his living, he composed panegyrical odes to the Prime Minister, cAbd al-Muhsin al-Sa'dun, but after the latter's suicide he lost his patron, and in his old age had to sell cigarettes to earn his living and compose verses to publicise GhazI Cigarettes. He also received a monthly salary of forty dinars from his rich patron Muzhir al-ShawI, an ex-member of the 'Iraki Parliament, and in gratitude al-Rusafi" would send him a panegyric poem as a receipt. Muhammad Mahdl al-Djawahirl (?1900- ) was likewise appointed for a short time (1927-30) as poet laureate at King FaysaPs court. In his successive new_spapers al-Furdt (1930), al-Inkildb (1937), al-Ra'y al-'Amm (1937) and al-Awkdt al-Baghdadiyya (1951), alDjawahirl used to publish his poems on current political events instead of the main articles. When he joined the leftist movement in 'Irak, he criticised the government in his poems. As a result, his newspapers were closed down and he was put in jail. His brother Dja'far joined the demonstrations against the Portsmouth Treaty between 'Irak and Great Britain, and 'Iraki poets used to recite poems during the Wathba of 1948, i.e. the students' revolt in Baghdad. As was the custom of many other nationalist and leftist poets as early as the 'Iraki revolts against the British in 1920, they used to stand on cars or be carried on peoples' shoulders to recite their poems. AlDjawahirl's poems, lamenting the death of his brother who was killed in these demonstrations, were recited with amplifiers from the mosques and attracted a great crowd of mourners. In 1992 al-Djawahirl recited a panegyric poem in front of King Husayn of Jordan, praising him and the Hashimite Royal Family; the poem received great attention in the Arab world and was broadcast several times on Jordanian television (S. Djubran, Sill al-fald, 32-63). The Prince, later King, 'Abd Allah of Jordan used to admit to his court poets of all ranks, who would recite poems after lunch in his praise written in grammatical Arabic as well as in Bedouin and urban dialects (Khayyat, al-Takassub, 95). Even Jewish poets from 'Irak in Israel continued this Arab tradition, and the poets Sallm Sha'shu', Abraham Obadya and others greeted their friends and celebrated Israel's Independence Day with poems. They also recited elegies at the graves of the poets Anwar Sha'ul [q.v] and Dr. Murad Mlkha'Il and on the anniversaries of their deaths. Under the influence of Western thought and poetry, a new generation of Arab poets (from 1850 up to 1920, the year when al-Rabita al-Kalamiyya was established, and later with the establishment of the al-Diwdn group headed by al-'Akkad, al-Mazinl and ShukrI [q.vv], and of the Apollo magazine by Ahmad ZakI Abu Shadl in 1932), began to break completely with the tradition of al-shd'ir al-nadim, seeing poetry as a serious and creative art. They were convinced that poets have a great responsibility towards their nation, country and culture, and can bring a moral, cultural,
national, and spiritual revival to their countries. The young secular generation, especially, the Mahdjarl poets of al-Rabita (1920-31) strove to revive the old function of the poet-prophet by claiming that the poet is not a beggar or a convivial companion, but something greater. Indeed, he is a creative artist, a prophet, a philosopher, a painter, musician and priest, who might have to sacrifice his life for his ideals and principles (see Abu Madl, al-^addwil, n.d., 73; Nu'ayma, al-Ghirbdl, Cairo 1946, 73-4; Djibran, Muhyl al-Dln Rida (ed.), in Baldghat al-cArab, 55). There are no eulogies or elegies in the anthologies of the new generation of poets. Many poets since the 1920s have specialised in such topics as nationalism (kawmiyyd}, patriotism (wataniyya], social affairs, erotic poetry (ghazal), feminine affairs, etc. All the revolutions and grave events in the Arab world, such as the female liberation movement, the events of World War II, the rise and fall of Nazi Germany, the Palestinian Question and the ArabIsraeli conflict, the Algerian uprising against France, the Civil War in Lebanon, the Intifada in the Occupied Territories in Ghazza and the West Bank, all have had their own poets and poetry. Poets such as Ibrahim Tukan of Nabulus and his sister Fadwa Tukan, who started her poetic activities with elegies on her friends and relatives, have defended the Arab Palestinian question (F. Tukan, Rihla, 72, 87-113), whilst leftist poets such as Badr Shakir al-Sayyab, 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Bayatl and Kazim Djawad have recited their poems at demonstrations in defence of their liberal political views. Although nowadays, due to the spread of printed and electronic mass media, the role of the Arab poet has become limited to a more confined audience, famous poets such as Nizar Kabbanl, Mahmud Darwlsh, Samlh al-Kasim, etc., are still able to attract great Arab audiences during their poetry evenings, when they recite their poems concerning political, national and social subjects in many Arab and European capitals. Bibliography: Martin 'Abbud, Muajaddidun wamuajtarrun, Beirut 1961; al-'Akkad, Shu'ard3 Misr wa-bfdtuhumfi 'l-dj.il al-mddi, 'Cairo 1950; J. Brugman, An introduction to the history of modern Arabic literature in Egypt, Leiden 1984; P. Cachia, An overview of modern Arabic literature, Edinburgh 1990; L. Cheikho, al-Adab al-'arabifi 'l-karn al-tdsif 'ashar, Beirut 1908-10; idem, Ta3nkh dddb al-carabiyya fi 'l-rub' al-awwal min al-karn al-'isjinn, Beirut 1926; Y.A. Daghir, Masddir al-dirdsa al-adabiyya, II-IV; Shafik DjabrI, And wa 'l-sh?r, Cairo 1959; Sulayman Djubran, Sill al-fald. Dirdsa ji slrat al-^awdhin wa-shi'rih, Haifa 1994; Shawkl Dayf, Dirdsdt Ji }l-shi'r al-'arabi al-mu'dsir, 2 Cairo 1959; Yusuf 'Izz al-Dln, Ft }l-adab al-'arabi al-hadith, Baghdad 1967; idem, al-Shi'r al-'Iraki al-hadith, Baghdad 1960; S.Kh. Jayyusi, Trends and movements in modern Arabic poetry, Leiden 1977; Nizar Kabbanl, Kissaft ma' al-shicr, Beirut 1973; Kasim al-Khattat et al., Ma'ruf al-Rusdfi shdcir al-arab al-kabir, haydtuh wa-shicruh, Cairo 1971; al-Khayyat, alTakassub bi 'l-shicr, Beirut 1970; Anls Mansur, ft sdlun al-'Akkad kdnat land ayydm, Cairo 1983; S. Moreh, Modern Arabic poetry, Leiden 1976; idem, Studies in modern Arabic prose and poetry, Leiden 1988; Salah 'Abd al-Sabur, al-A'mdl al-kdmila. Akulu lakum 'an: 9. al-shfr, Cairo 1992; Faris al-Shidyak, al-Sdk 'aid 'l-sdk, Paris 1855; Fadwa Tukan, Rihla Qabaliyya rihla sa'ba, sira dhdtiyya, 2'Amman 1985; eadem, ai-Rihla al-as'ab, sira dhdtiyya, 2Nabulus 1995.
(S. MOREH) D. In Muslim Spain. The power of tradition in the Arabo-Muslim world
SHACIR is such that the typology of the Andalusian sha'ir seems to have barely undergone any major transformations, in spite of a quite eventful political and military history. It is interesting to note, furthermore, that this typology follows, except in a few details, its eastern model; whatever may be said regarding this point, the fact is that the Orient, cradle of the Arabic language and of Islam, remained, for this distant province, the supreme cultural and spiritual reference. It may be recalled that the conquest of Spain was undertaken by Arabs, in 92/711, during the reign of the Umayyad caliph al-Walfd I, who ruled from 86/705 to 98/715, and that al-Andalus was administered, until the fall of the Umayyad dynasty in 132/715, by a score of governors who successively headed this country, on behalf of the caliphs of Damascus [see AL-ANDALUS. vi]. According to the sparse information which is available, poet-soldiers participated more or less directly in this expedition. Others, arriving from Syria or elsewhere, subsequently joined them. All played, to varying degrees, a not insignificant political role. By means of their poetic talents, they contributed to the consolidation of the authority of local governors and to the reinforcement of the prestige of the central power in Damascus. After the arrival of the 'Abbasids in the east and the profound political upheavals which ensued, the official Andalusian poets remained faithful to the "Syrian tradition". In fact, very soon after the fall of the Umayyad caliphate, a Marwanid prince, £Abd al-Rahman I, nicknamed al-Dakhil (the Immigrant), secretly arrived in Spain and succeeded in reviving the Umayyad dynasty, having himself proclaimed amir of al-Andalus in 138/756. In order to confirm his authority and restore the grandeur of his escutcheon, he enlisted to his cause a number of propagandists and poets who celebrated the glory of his family and his own in return for favours, money or rank. All his successors adopted the same line of conduct. It is to be noted that the majority of these poets were of Arab origin, in most cases emigrants from Syria who remained closely attached to the traditions of this country. Furthermore, many of them ultimately became absorbed into the Arab aristocracy, the ruling caste of al-Andalus. But, following the start of the amirate of cAbd al-Rahman II (206-38/822-52), Spain was '"Irakised" and gradually broke its links with the "Syrian tradition". The principal proponent of this '"Irakisation" was the eminent 'Iraki poet Ziryab (173-243/789-857 [q.v.]), who arrived in Cordova and introduced into the Iberian Peninsula the fashions of the 'Abbasid court (see E. Levi-Provensal, Civilisation, 69 ff.). Henceforward, Damascus was also replaced by Baghdad as a model. Another phenomenon, perhaps not unrelated to the afore-mentioned '"Irakisation", came into existence at about the same period, at any rate during the 3rd/9th century. After what was in fact a long period of mutual ignorance, the two very different ethnic elements populating Muslim Spain began to come closer together, in a process which gradually culminated in a kind of fusion particularly favourable to the birth of an original literature. These two phenomena had major repercussions regarding the typology of the Andalusian poet who, from the 3rd/9th century onward, freed himself to some extent from the hegemony of the "Syrian tradition" on the one hand, and showed greater awareness of what was fashionable in the 'Abbasid court of Baghdad, or what was developing before his very eyes, in his own country, on the other. Very little information is available regarding the
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Hispano-Muslim poets who lived in the first centuries of Arab domination. One of the first anthologies, the Kitdb al-Hada3ik of Ibn Faradj al-Djayya.nl (d. ca. 366/976) has not survived. That of Abu 'l-Walld alHimyarf (d. ca. 440/1048) contains a selection of texts devoted to gardens and to the springtime, and gives information exclusively regarding floral poetry and the bucolic poets. For the end of the 4th/10th century, and in particular the 5th/11 th century, dearth of material is less of a problem, since there is access to a number of valuable documents and, in particular, two anthologies: Kala'id al-cikyan and Matmah al-anfus by Fath Ibn Khakan (d. 529/1134 [q.v]), and especially al-Dhakhira ft mahdsin ahl al-£$a&ra by Ibn Bassam (d. 542/1147 [q.v.]) (on the value and the importance of these anthologies, see Afif Ben Abdesselem, La vie litteraire dans I'Espagne musulmane sous les Muluk al-Tawd'if^'/Xr siecle), unpubl. thesis, Sorbonne-Paris 1992). The very existence of these Andalusian anthologies proves that during this period, poets were quite numerous. The latter were highly esteemed by Umayyad sovereigns and cAmirid hdajibs, who engaged their services in exchange for all kinds of favours. But after the collapse of the power of the Banu cAmir (ca. 399/1009) and the outbreak of the civil war, the fikna which was to bring fire and bloodshed to the land, the poets were dispossessed, enduring these troubled times without the support of patrons. Some were obliged to leave the capital, Cordova, to seek out patrons elsewhere, and to live a peripatetic life similar to that of the troubadours (see Ibn Bassam, Dhafahira, i/1, 67). "During this turbulent period," writes Ibn al-Khatlb, "the poets of the cAmirids and the [last of the] Umayyads, on whose mouths and whose meeting-places spiders had spun their webs, lived in acute destitution; their natural dispositions were ruined. They were like lonely and famished falcons, forced by extreme necessity to subsist on a diet of grasshoppers" (see Ibn al-Khatfb, A'mdl, 122; H. Peres, La poesie andalouse en arabe classique, 80). But the most favourable period for the Andalusian poets was undoubtedly that of the Muluk al-Tawa'if [q.v.], who succeeded in building on the ruins of the Umayyad caliphate of Cordova principalities, some of which were particularly dynamic and prosperous. In the interests of propaganda and for reasons of prestige, all these sovereigns made it a point of honour to attract to their courts the best artists, writers, and poets in particular. Thus poetry became a highly esteemed product. This extraordinary fascination with the rhyming game was shared—no doubt for the same reasons—by the most varied classes and levels of the population. At the summit of the social scale, were princes, wazirs, senior dignitaries, etc. Marwan alTalfk, a descendant of the caliph cAbd al-Rahman al-Nasir, may be said to have found his true royalty in poetry, after the model of the cAbbasid Ibn alMuctazz, to whom he is often compared (see Ibn alAbbar, Hulla, i, 221). It would be tedious and unnecessary to list here all the Andalusian poet-princes and to analyse their poetical works. Suffice it to say that, in aristocratic circles, the composition of verse was learnt at a very early age. It constituted an essential element of the education of the young aristocrat. Occasional courting of the muses was a popular pastime, practised most often for personal gratification, or in order to conform to a fashion, or to advertise a certain art of living. The poetic themes most often tackled were fakhr [see MUFAKHARA] and descriptions. The most mundane incidents of daily life were recounted in verse. The prince of Seville al-Muetamid
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Ibn 'Abbad [q.v.] whose life was "pure poetry in action" (see E. Garcia Gomez, Poesia, 70), addressed himself in verse to his father al-Mu'tadid, asking for a bay horse or a shield, requesting his permission to go hunting, or begging his forgiveness in the wake of his unsuccessful attempt to seize Malaga (see Kald'id, 21-2; Dhakhira, ii/1, 47-8; Baydn, iii, 275). The circle of the elite (khdssa) was not limited to the prince and to his family; it also included dignitaries of all kinds and members of the middle classes who, having received a similar education, shared the same passion for poetry and the same ideals of culture and refinement as were demonstrated by their masters. Also belonging to this social category were numerous poets who, as scions of prosperous families, were not obliged to market their talent in order to make a living. However, in the interests of maintaining good relations with the prince, such poets would from time to time address verse to him, with the aim of assuring him of their devotion and fidelity. A wealthy aristocrat of Seville, Abu cAmir Ibn Maslama (d. after 441/1049) compiled, for the 'Abbadid king alMu'tadid, Hadikat al-irtiydhfi vuasf hakikat al-rdh, a collection of choice fragments in praise of wine. This collection includes extracts from Andalusian authors, as well as texts composed by Ibn Maslama himself (see Matmah, 203-6; Dhakhira, ii/1, 105-12; Mughrib, i, 96-7; Nqfh, iii, 544-5). It is altogether remarkable that, in the time of the Muluk al-Tawa'if, the number of poets belonging to the lower orders (cdmma) was considerably greater than the number belonging to the upper classes. These multitudinous versifiers were in the majority from the original population of Spain (muwalladuri) and of modest extraction. Most were of peasant origin, which would explain their intense love of nature and their passionate attachment to the land. They practiced the most diverse professions, but teaching was the commonest occupation for them. It was also the least well remunerated. Thus their living circumstances were not enviable. At the same time, they knew that generous patrons were not in short supply and that the profession of poetry could shield them from need and provide them with self-respect—and money. Also, the number of professional poets was never so great, and the career never so popular, as in this period. The multiplicity of princely courts and their constantly-growing need for ceremonies, talents and abilities of all kinds, encouraged the proliferation of rhymers for hire. In this period, poetry was subject, in fact, to the law of the market, which was particularly ebullient, since, to quote an expert judge of Andalusian poetry, E. Garcia Gomez, "an improvisation could be worth a vizierate". To varying degrees, all the Muluk al-TawaJif left behind them a reputation as protectors of literary men and of poets in particular. But in giving aid and protection to the latter, their actions were not altruistic or disinterested. On the contrary, their motivations were very precise. They reckoned that it was in their interest as well as their duty to perpetuate a tradition which appreciated the value of the role of poets in Arabo-Muslim society. Born with Arabic literature, patronage became in effect "a mode to which one must conform or risk falling from high estate" (see R. Blachere, Abou t-Tayyib al-Motanabbi, Paris 1935, 6). Furthermore, it is said that there was established, between the patron and the hired panegyrist, a relationship in which the former enjoyed a net advantage, imposing on the second the choice of language and of themes. Poetry thus became a domain reserved for the aristocracy, the inspirers and consumers of this
culture, in which the role of the creator was considerably reduced (see Yaftma, ii, 285). The objective sought by the above-mentioned prince-patron was probably the political exploitation of the poet, whose role resembled that played today by the press. Following the fall of the Umayyads of Cordova, certain panegyrists attempted to legitimise the claims to the caliphate of the first Muluk al-Tawa'if by inventing an Arab genealogy for them, although it was common knowledge that they were ethnically Berbers. Political circumstances required that the Andalusian poetry of the 5th/llth century should be principally a poetry of the court and that the vast majority of poets should be panegyrists. Despite their impressive number, living in thrall to princes and other powerful individuals brought them mixed fortunes. But without such patronage, they stood little chance of making themselves known and pursuing a successful career. If Ibn Bassam, the author of the Dhakhira, is to be believed, a literary person must always put his talent to the service of a prince or else his works will be disparaged and he will never acquire renown. In this regard, he mentions the case of eAbd al-cAz!z Ibn al-Labbana (the brother of Abu Bakr al-Dam Ibn alLabbana) who, in spite of his erudition and his talent, having refused to use his poetry as a means of gaining a livelihood, or a device for seeking the protection of a king, fell into total obscurity, his poetry not surviving him (see Dhakhira, iii/2, 667; Muc^ib} 93, tr. Fagnan, 126; Ben Abdesselem, ibid,, 356). If an attempt is made to sketch the curriculum vitae of an average Andalusian poet, typically of humble origin, it may be noted that, after more or less thorough studies in his native village and then in a large town, he launches himself upon an errant life, offering compositions in praise of a wealthy bourgeois person, a senior official or a generous prince with the object of obtaining from him gifts in money or in kind. But success is not always assured, and the apprentice-poet must demonstrate modesty and patience if he is to surmount the obstacles liable to be placed in his path. At the outset of his career, Abu Bakr Ibn eAmmar [q.v.], making his way to Silves [see SHILB], addressed some verses to a dignitary of this town, who sent him the princely reward of a small bag of barley (see Dhakhira, ii/1, 369-71; Ben Abdesselem, ibid., 350). The ideal situation for the poet was to be taken into the service of a prince and included in the list of pensioners (cfrwdri) (see al-Dabbf, Bughya, 148; Ibn al-Khatrb, Ihdta, ii, 71). But in order to be placed on this list, it was necessary first to pass successfully a kind of examination. The candidate presented himself at the court, where he was put into the charge of a functionary who had the responsibility of arranging accommodation for the sovereign's guests and for itinerant poets in the precincts of the palace. This accommodation officer, called sahib al-inzdl, did not always have the best of relations with his charges, who tended to be hard to please, even unconventional (see Peres, Poesie andalouse, 72 ff.). Subsequently, the candidate was obliged to wait his turn to be heard by the prince, who usually set aside one day each week for the reception of poets. This day varied from one prince to another. Under the reign of al-Mu£tadid of Seville, it was normally a Monday (see Nafh, iv, 243-4). Historians have supplied detailed accounts of some of these receptions, including that of Ibn Djakh who so impressed al-Muctadid that, having heard him, he allowed no others to mount the rostrum that day. At this time, patrons were both men of power and men of letters. They applied meticulous commentaries
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SHA'IR and criticisms to the compositions of their poets, who were obliged constantly to take account of their literary preferences. Even after his inclusion in the list of pensioners, the official poet was almost always under pressure, since the relationship linking him to his benefactor was in fact that of master and servant. He supplied the echo to the deeds and achievements of the prince, celebrating in particular his political, diplomatic and military exploits. He was at the mercy of the smallest caprice on the part of his patron. At any moment, he might receive the order to compose a piece regarding such-and-such a subject. The poet Abu '1-Walrd al-Nahlf was required to be constantly at the disposal of al-Muctamid, the king of Seville (see Nqfh, iii, 234). On one occasion, the latter summoned Ibn Hamdls, one of his official poets, in the middle of the night, requiring him to complete some verses which he had begun drafting himself (Nqfh, iii, 61617). The majority of patrons enjoyed putting their client-poets to the test in such ways. But the most skilful and the luckiest acolytes found it was to their advantage to show themselves particularly demanding, going so far as to determine in advance the price to be paid for a panegyric. Abu 'All Idrfs Ibn al-Yamanl composed his eulogistic poems to order and at a fee of 100 dinars per composition (see Dhakhira, iii/1, 336-7). These professional poets acknowledged without the slightest scruple that it was "presents which loosened tongues" (Peres, ibid., 36 n. 2, 81). Furthermore, their demands were in their view amply justified, since princes found difficulty in doing without their services. In this regard, *Abd alDjalfl Ibn Wahbun, addressing al-Mu£tamid Ibn c Abbad, said "O you who hold the glory! This would be as a beast astray were it not upheld by poetry" (see Dhakhira, ii/1, 502). When his abilities permitted, the poet of the court was not content with playing the role of a hired flatterer; he could rise to high office and become an ambassador, governor, minister or even chief minister (dhu 'l-wizaratayri). Such was the case with Abu '1-Walfd and Abu Bakr Ibn Zaydun, Abu Bakr Ibn cAmmar, Abu Muhammad Ibn 'Abdun, among others (see Peres, ibid., 84 ff.). Furthermore the word wazir (vizier), which had the meaning of katib (secretary), became, in the 5th/llth century, a synonym of "poet". A good prose-writer was, most often, a poet as well. "Al-Muctamid," says alMarrakushf, "appointed as viziers only men of letters, poets versed in all kinds of expertise, so that he had around him an assembly of minister-poets such as never had been seen before" (see Mucdj.ib, 65, tr. Fagnan, 90). But even if all his hopes were realised, the court poet could not be sure of keeping his acquired privileges indefinitely. Disgrace was just as likely an outcome as was promotion, and the occasions of risk were not lacking. Often, he was the victim of jealousy and treacherous attacks on the part of his colleagues, who baulked at no calumny in their efforts to dislodge him. An example of this would be the intense and prolonged rivalry between the two 'Abbadid ministers Abu 'l-Walld Ibn Zaydun [q.v.] and Abu Bakr Ibn e Ammar (see Dhakhira, ii/1, 429). The Andalusian poets were not only hired panegyrists or shameless mendicants. The majority of them had occasions at some time or other in their lives to act as the spokesmen of their community and as interpreters of public opinion. Certain disasters which entailed collective grief did not leave them indifferent. Events which had a traumatic effect on their compatriots, such as the capture of Barbastro by the Normans in 456/1064, or that of Toledo by Alfonso
VI in 478/1085, inspired them to compose verse suffused with profound emotion. The poem of al-Sharff al-Rundl (9th/15th century) lamenting the fall of the last Muslim metropolises of al-Andalus into the hands of the Christians, was especially influential (see Mustapha Hassen, Recherches sur les poemes inspires par la perte ou la destruction des villes dans la litterature arabe du IIP SIX* stick a la prise de Grenade en 897/1492, unpubl. thesis, Sorbonne-Paris 1977). Relatively reticent and few in number until the end of the era of the Muluk al-Tawa'if, the washshdhun and the zaajajdlun subsequently acquired some eminence in those minor poetic genres, muwashshah and zadial, which they practised successfully until the end of the Arab presence in the Peninsula. It may be noted that the compositions of these popular poets were principally addressed to the general public, unlike the "standard" poetry, conforming to the taste of the elite. Although considerably more numerous than in other countries of the Arabo-Muslim world, Andalusian poetesses were decidedly less numerous in Spain than their male counterparts. In all periods there had been, in the entourage of the prince, educated women who were capable of writing in verse and in prose; but there were never court poetesses playing the role of accredited panegyrists. Women capable of composing verse belonged to several major categories. Some lived in harems, where most existed in servile conditions, bought in exchange for gold, having been instructed by experienced professionals. Others were wives or daughters of princes, such as Ttimad, the favourite legitimate wife of the king of Seville, al-Muctamid Ibn 'Abbad, or Umm al-Kiram, the daughter of alMu'tasim Ibn Sumadih of Almeria. Others displayed great independence and frequented literary societies and salons. Such was the case of Wallada, the daughter of the caliph al-Mustakfi, who, after the death of her father, maintained a salon which attracted the most renowned of writers. In the Najh al-tib, al-Makkarf supplies biographical notes and quotations concerning twenty-five Andalusian poetesses, whose poetry is generally personal and small in quantity: al-Makkan quotes only a hundred or so of their verses (see Nafh, iv, 205-11). At first sight, it would be tempting to believe that the typology of the Andalusian poet is a carbon copy of that of his Syrian, Egyptian or 'Iraki counterpart. There is an impression that there is a single type of standard poet, unaffected by place or time, so striking is the similarity between these different types of poets. However, on closer inspection it becomes clear that beyond a certain undeniable similarity, it is impossible not to recognise the existence of a local colour and a typically Andalusian flavour, creating an integral element of the world of the Hispano-AraboMuslim poet. Bibliography. Besides the works cited in the text of the article, see also R. Blachere, HLA; A. Trabulsi, La critique poetique des Arabes, jusqu'au Ve suck de I'he-
gire (XT' s. de J.C.), Damascus 1956; J.E. Bencheikh, Poetique arabe, Paris
1975.
(A. BEN ABDESSELEM) E. The folk poet in Arab society. Arabic folk poetry and song exhibit a far greater formal diversity than the written tradition of Arabic poetry. In contrast to the strict monorhyme structure of the classical ode, kasida [q.v.], the multi-rhyme strophic muwashshah, and zaajal [q.vv.], or even modern free-verse, local genres of folk poetry and song exhibit a multitude of distinct forms. In addition, the composition, transmission, and performance of these forms
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varies from genre to genre across different regions and even within particular communities; some genres are entirely pre-composed and are typically preserved, transmitted, and performed with little change, while others are improvised in performance with little or no attempt at preservation, and still others may be the combined work of several individuals, being initially composed by one person, set to music by another, and publicly performed by still another. As the terminology and social characteristics attributed to poets, the act of poetry-making, and the performance of poetry, contrast sharply from one area to the next, regional conceptualisations of the figure of the folk poet and his or her role in society are quite diverse. The performances of folk poets are a widespread form of expressive art found in rural and urban areas throughout the modern Arab Middle East. The repertory of these performances is primarily oral, composed in traditional forms, often improvised, and produced in colloquial Arabic rather than literary Arabic or Jusha. Much of Arabic folk poetry exists as song rather than as declaimed or recited verse. Among some social groups such as the BanI Halba of Sudan, for example, poetry exists only as song, is identified directly with singing, and may be additionally associated with dance and/or other forms of coordinated movement such as Sufi dhikr [q.v.]. In contrast, among tribesmen of the Khawlan al-Tiyal region of North Yemen, it is considered undignified for a man to raise his voice in song, and men's poetry is instead recited or chanted, unless presented by professional male performers who sing publicly. Folk poets and poetry have survived in an ambiguous and at times conflicted relationship vis-a-vis the poetic traditions of Arab "high" culture. Part of this ambiguity lies in their intimate association with music, which has held a disputed place in Islamic religious thought since the early centuries of Islam, and part in their connection to colloquial Arabic as a medium of expression, which historically has been denigrated in contrast to literary Arabic. The first known public defence of colloquial poetry as an art form possessing aesthetic merit is that penned by Ibn Khaldun [q.v.] in the 8th/14th century in the final sections of his Mukaddima. Many of these literary and religious tensions have indirectly affected perceptions of the status and function of the folk poet; despite the negative views espoused by both literary figures and religious scholars over the centuries, Arabic folk poetry has survived as a vibrant and rich force in Arab culture. In many communities a significant portion of the adult population is expected to display competence as composers and/or participants in various common genres of folk poetry. Such is the case with the bdla for men in North Yemen tribal areas, the women's ghindwa among the Awlad £Alf Bedouin of Northern Egypt, the samir or samri of the Arabian Gulf, and the hawji and zindana song forms among women in western Algeria, among other examples. General participation in singing genres such as wedding and work songs, which include the composition of spontaneously improvised verses, is widespread in rural areas of Egypt, Palestine, Lebanon, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Yemen and elsewhere. In many cases, these poetic/song genres are specific to one gender or one social group. These communal forms of poetic composition and performance, however, do not usually confer the title or status of "poet" upon participants, but rather are regarded as basic social activities within the community. The concept of sha'ir as a distinct social category
in different traditional communities is delineated by various combinations of social, economic, ethnic, and literary considerations. The term shd'ir may refer to an ordinary individual with a particular talent, a specialised but non-professional social function within the community, a professional artisan of either high or low status, an ethnically marginal and even predatory figure, or the paid performer of a single particular genre. Depending upon the genre and the region, shd'ir may indicate primarily a transmitter of previously composed poetry, a figure who pre-composes set pieces which are then performed by himself or others, or an extemporising performer whose spontaneous creations are rarely preserved except anecdotally. In addition, in almost all rural areas and in lower-class urban settings of the modern Arab Middle East, the literary concept of "poet" exists alongside the concept of the local, traditional folk poet. To label an illiterate older man a sha'ir in village conversation may indicate a proficiency in composing and singing a colloquial, improvised form of folk poetry; to apply the term shd'ir to a young college-educated man from the same community may indicate an entirely different ability to compose written poetry in literary Arabic which is recited but not sung. The distinction drawn between poet (shd'ir), reciter (rdwt), and singer (mughanni or mutrib) in literary histories is often blurred within the domain of folk poetry and song; in many communities, however, this division of labour is maintained in a highly articulated system. Such is the case in North Yemeni tribal poetry of the Khawlan al-Tiyal region. A spectrum of poetic forms exists there ranging from widely-practised genres such as the improvised bdla performed at weddings and other celebrations by most adult males, to the kasida which is pre-composed by an individual poet (kassdd or sjid'ir) and then usually passed on to a doshdn (town crier) or a mulahhin (composer/singer) or sayha (declaimer of tribal poetry) who performs it publicly. In Lebanese colloquial poetry, a poet of z,adj.al [q.v.] verse may be referred to as a zad^d^dl (a composer of zad^al vernacular poetry), a term which implies a lack of ability to spontaneously or extemporaneously compose when contrasted with a kawwdl (a performer or "speaker" of zari^al) or shd'ir. The latter term in modern times has also come to connote a literate composer of written zadj.al Amongst the Sinai and Negev Bedouin, a composer adept at spontaneous improvisation is termed a baddd' rather than a shd'ir. Such contrasting sets of terms gloss gradations of ability, social origin, performance roles and even gender in various regions of the Arab Middle East. In those regions where the function of performer is distinct from that of composer, the public performers of poetry are often accorded far less respect than the original poet and are in many cases from marginal social groups. Alois Musil's brief but now classic description of poets among the Rwala Bedouin in Northern Arabia from the early 20th century presents such a bifurcation in the status of the tribal poet. Musil documents the Rwala's intense love of poetry and poetry-making alongside their belief that a poet cannot be trusted, as expressed in the proverb: kassdd kadhdhdb "a poet is a liar" (Musil, 283). In addition, he notes the general lack of esteem with which Rwala men regarded itinerant or beggar poets, who are deemed predatory social figures often suspected of lying and stealing. In North Yemen, the performing figures of doshdn, mulahhin., or sayha mentioned above, are all granted considerably less status than the composer of a kasida. This respect for the art of poetry-making coupled with widespread distrust
SHATR of those persons who are either paid or seek remuneration for their public performance of that art is found in many communities of the Arab Middle East. However, the opposite situation is also found, even among neighbouring Bedouin tribes; among these groups it is considered honourable to recite poetry, but not to compose it. Among the Balka0 tribes of Jordan, for example, the term shd'ir was traditionally applied to men who sang to the accompaniment of the rabdba (Arabian one-string spike-fiddle) for pay and who composed praise poetry for men of noble lineage or for political patrons of their clan. All men can recite poetry without having their reputation tainted, but to compose poetry implies socially subservient, even slave, status and a lack of political power. The preferred situation is to have others compose poetry about you and your family, poetry which may then be recited by one and all. To compose poetry means that a man is either not powerful enough or noble enough to be the recipient rather than the producer of poems. A social function filled by folk poets in many areas is that of oral historian. A large portion of the poetry of a community may be devoted to the preservation of historical knowledge concerning lineages, conflicts, heroic deeds, and other defining elements of the group's present identity. The folk poet may be considered a poet not primarily for his/her ability to compose new poetry, but rather for the ability to memorise and transmit a body of poetry from the past. As communal identies are in constant flux, a folk poet may serve the key function of maintaining and performing one specific view of history, one local identity, in a market place of competing poetic traditions which document other constructs of the same historical events. Where such historical poetry is widespread, it is almost always linked to prose narratives recounting the events touched upon in the poem; indeed, it is common for the main historical information to be embedded in the accompanying narrative while the poem itself may provide only a rather cliched description of battle or some other common motif. The two parts function as a single discursive unit each lending the other validity. The poem is thus rendered comprehensible and meaningful when performed along with its narrative; the story is given authority and historical substance by the presence of the poem. This view is documented by a statement from the Balka* Bedouin of Jordan: "A story without a poem is a lie" (al-gussa illi ma 'indhd gasida kidhib). The interactive role of poetry and narrative in the functioning of the poet as historian is also documented in the Arabian peninsula and the Sinai and Negev deserts. In many regions, the division between professional and non-professional poets lies not only in the financial realm but also in the musical aspect of the performance. Those genres of poetry which are performed in full singing voice and/or to the accompaniment of instrumental music are nearly always the domain of professional performers. The term shd'ir is often applied within a community to either the musical or non-musical performer, but rarely to both. In areas where genres of poetry, song and/or dance are an integral part of social occasions and celebrations, folk poets at times exist as respected specialised artisans whose status as recognised craftsmen is untainted by the fact that they are professionals who perform for pay. Such is the case with performers of various genres of Palestinian, Lebanese, and Syrian folk poetry common to weddings and other festivities. Performers of the Palestinian ksidih, hidd and karrddi, for example, are virtuoso performers of improvised
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verse who perform as solo singers or in poetic duels pitting one poet's skill against other poets or audience members. Poetic duelling involving two or more poets improvising spontaneous verse is found in many other regions, including Arabia, Lebanon, Palestine and Turkey. Poetry of these genres is thus a discourse which emerges through the figure of poet in competition and contest. These exchanges may take the form of insult matches or be based upon other themes including sharp political and social commentary on local affairs. Non-professional participants at times enter into the competition, but if a regional class of recognised, professional poet-singers exist, they usually dominate the performances. The term shd'ir may refer to an ordinary person who happens to compose poetry or it may gloss a whole complex of social marginality and outsider status. In the example of North Yemen, the composing poet is understood to be an ordinary individual with a particular talent or poetic inspiration (hddjis). He plays a role not only in maintaining tribal honour and identity through the composition of praise poetry but may also play a political role in local dispute resolution, which is conducted in poetry, and occasionally even at the level of national politics. Similarly, in the Lebanese, Syrian and Palestinian traditions, a poet is a gifted individual. In some communities, however, professional poets may be viewed as possessing different social or even ethnic origins. Such is the case of the professional singers of the oral folk epic Sirat Bant Hildl in Egypt, the Slubba of the Arabian peninsula, and to a lesser degree, the slave-poets of Jordanian Bedouin tribes. Egyptian performers of the Sirat Bam Hildl are hereditary professional performers most often from marginal social groups grouped together under the rubric of Gypsies (ghadiar). The epic singers are perceived as both the source of an appreciated art form, the epic itself, and a source of public praise or blame due to their ability to insert social commentary aimed at individuals, groups, or local political situations into their performances. This power is frequently a source of anxiety and tension in small communities and the poet is therefore often accorded great displays of respect in performances, while often denigrated and shunned outside that context. In the Nile Delta region of northern Egypt, almost all epic singers are ethnically from the Halaba or Wilad Halab groups commonly recognised as Gypsies. Since the terms Halaba and ghaajar are considered derogatory, the epic singers and their families are referred to as Mara3 (pi. of shd'ir) whether or not the individual in question is a performing poet and whatever their current occupation; the term carries an almost ethnic significance. Performers of other genres of folk poetry are referred by other terms such as munshid, madddh [q.v], mughannl or simply shaykh [q.v.] to avoid the locally-stigmatised status of the term shd'ir, which has come to mean Gypsy poets who perform on the rabdb [q.v.] (the Egyptian two-string spike-fiddle). The Egyptian munshid and madddh, by contrast, are also folk poets, associated primarily with a religious repertory; neither, however, are commonly referred to as a shd'ir. Although most forms of folk poetry are oral in both composition and transmission, in some forms of folk poetry the boundaries between the written and the oral are not distinct. This is the case of the Egyptian munshidin, who utilise both fragments of classical poetry and improvised sections in colloquial Arabic, as well as performers of the folk mawwdl [q.v] and the religious song-tales, kisas diniyya or kisas al-mashdyikh ("religious stories" or "stories of the shqykhs"), who
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often rely upon literate ghost-writers and written forms of transmission for the content of their partially-improvised performances. Whether or not these are to be treated separately as "popular" rather than purely "folk" poetry, this interactive process is not a purely modern innovation but rather has been going on for centuries. Performers of religious folk poetry transmit a body of traditional lore which greatly shapes the views of many believers in rural and lower-class urban areas about their religion, whether they be Christians or Muslims. Though the repertory itself may at times be referred to as poetry or song, the purveyors of these traditions are rarely if ever referred to as "poets". The use of the female form sha'ira appears to be quite limited. In most folk cultures of the Arab Middle East neither the male nor the female form of the term "poet" are applied to the composition or performance of genres of communal singing or poetrymaking but rather only to individual public performance or composition, and within that realm the term is most often used for the composition of pre-composed rather than improvised genres. (The sha'ir as performer of Lebanese, Palestinian, and Syrian improvised zaajal and (atdba, however, is a notable exception to this rule). Since the majority of women's poetic genres are not public performance genres, the term finds little usage. There is still, however, regrettably little documentation of the terminology used among women for performers of women's poetry. In the classical Arabic literary tradition, sha'ir has most commonly been contrasted to the term rdwi, indicating respectively a poet who actively composed new poetry versus a reciter who primarily performed the work of other poets, alive or dead. Both, however, were expected to be capable of performing a large repertoire of memorised poems; the additional ability to compose was the feature which distinguished the shd'ir. This distinction is still maintained in some communities of the modern Arab world. It is, however, far more common in traditional communities to find shd'ir applied to a specific type of performer distinguished by the financial remuneration given to a performer with professional status, the musical dimension of the performance in the form of either the use of instrumental accompaniment or simply by the use of full singing voice (in contrast to recitation or chanting), or to a specific class of performer marked by a different social origin or status. Despite the overall respect accorded literate poets and both literary and oral poetic traditions, shd'ir in Arab folk society just as often indicates a suspect or ambiguous social figure as it does a respected artist. Bibliography: Lila Abu-Lughod, Veiled sentiments: honor and poetry in a Bedouin society, Cairo 1987; Teirab Ashshareef, Earn Halba classification of poetic genres, in Oral tradition: special issue on Arabic oral traditions, iv/1-2 (1989), 236-53; C. Bailey, Bedouin poetry from Sinai and the Negev, Oxford 1991; S.C. Caton, "Peaks of Yemen I summon": poetry as cultural practice in a North Yemeni tribe, Berkeley 1990; P. Dresch, Tribes, government and history, Oxford 1989; A. Musil, The manners and customs of the Rwala Bedouin, New York 1928; D.F. Reynolds, Heroic poets, poetic heroes: the ethnography of performance in an Arabic oral epic tradition, Ithaca, N.Y. 1995; Dirgham H. Sbait, Poetic and musical structure in the improvised-sung Qasidih of the Palestinian poet-singers, in Al-cArabiyya: Journal of the American Association of Teachers of Arabic, xix/1-2 (1986), 75-108; idem, Palestinian improvised sung poetry: the genres of Hida and Qarradi—performance and transmission, in Oral tradition: special issue on Arabic oral traditions, iv/1-2
(Jan.-May 1989), 213-35; Shryock, History and historiography among the Belqa tribes of Jordan, Berkeley (forthcoming); Susan Slyomovics, The merchant of art: an Egyptian Hilali oral epic poet in performance, Berkeley 1987; Saad Sowayan, Nabati poetry: the oral poetry of Arabia, Berkeley 1985; E.H. Waugh, The Munshidin of Egypt: their world and their song, Columbia, S.C. 1989; Mourad Yelles-Chaouche, Le Hawfi: poesie feminine et tradition orale au Maghreb, Algiers 1990. (D.F. REYNOLDS) 2. In Persia. In pre-Islamic Persia, secular poetry was almost exclusively an oral art. This ancient tradition was carried on by minstrels who were called gosdn during the Parthian period and later, in Middle Persian, huniyagar (New Persian khunydgar). They were performing artists in the first place: storytellers, singers and musicians as well as improvising poets. Their repertoire already included several of the lyrical and epic genres known from Islamic times. However, the virtual absence of a written transmission of poetry, which became the cause of the almost complete loss of preIslamic poetry, determined the type of secular poet known in Persia prior to the coming of the Arabs. As M. Boyce has remarked, the Persian language lacks a proper indigenous term for "poet" as the term was understood in the classical tradition: "Presumably Arabic sdcir was adopted for 'poet' when the conception of separate, literary composition came to develop after the conquest" (The Persian gosdn, 21). When in the course of the 3rd/9th century an Islamic literature in Persian emerged in the eastern parts of the caliphate, the model for this new type of poet was already available. The earliest Persian poets were quite familiar with Arabic poetry, by then a well-established literary tradition based on philological principles. Already Hanzala Badhghlsf, who probably still belonged to the Tahirid period (20559/821-73), left a dtwdn of his poetry (mentioned by Nizamf cArudf, 42), and it cannot be doubted that similar collections were made of the works of other Persian poets living before the 5th/llth century, though none of these have survived. The minstrels did not disappear altogether from the literary scene. As a performing artist, increasingly referred to by rdmishgar or the Aiabic mutrib rather than by any of the pre-Islamic terms, they retained a position of their own within the framework of convivial entertainment. Scenes from Ghaznawid court life in the early 5th/11 th century, as depicted by BayhakI [q.v.], show their presence at various occasions including hunting parties and other outings as well as the usual "pleasure-making and drinking" (nashdt wa shardb). However, a specialisation developed within the literary profession between poets on the one hand and minstrels on the other. In the context of the small courts where Persian poetry was first cultivated, this may not have led immediately to a personal division of roles. Our sources show that Rudakf [q.v.], the most prominent poet of the Samanid period (4th/10th century), still acted as a minstrel; also Farrukhf Sfstanl, who lived in the early 5th/llth century, was an accomplished musician as well as a court poet. A sharp distinction between the two functions was made by Kay Kawus [q.v.] in his Kdbus-ndma, written in 475/1082-3, where they are discussed separately. In his advice to would-be poets (ch. xxxv, 189-92; dor dyin-u rasm-i shd'in) the emphasis is on the technical skills and the knowledge writers of poetry should command. The few remarks added on the proper behaviour in their dealings with a patron of their art picture the poets as participants in social life
SHA'IR on an equal footing with other courtiers. Together with physicians, astrologers and other scholars, one finds poets mentioned among the nadtms [q.v], the personal circle of people with whom a royal patron would spend his leisure time. The Saldjuk sultan Alp Arslan even preferred the company of poets (NizamI c ArudI, 69). To Kay Kawus the profession of the poets was a branch of learning, not a craft like that of the minstrels (op. cit., 157). He strictly limits minstrelsy to the serving role of a performing art and consequently does not allow the performers to mix freely with their audience. The minstrel should also act as the interpreter of the poems written by others and avoid his own compositions in his repertoire (ch. xxxvi, 193-7: dor dyin-u rasm-i khunydgan). Another classic statement of the professional qualities of poets is the second discourse in Nizamf 'Arudf's Cahdr makala (42-86: dar mdhiyyat-i cilm-i shi'r wa saldhiyyat-i shd'ir). In a terse description of the profession, he stresses the social function of poetry as a means to establish a lasting reputation, not only for the poet himself but also for the patron to whom his panegyrics are addressed. The preparation for the profession consists of getting a good education, not merely in prosody and rhetorics, but also generally, "as every branch of knowledge is useful in poetry". The young poet should also strive to become well acquainted with the literary tradition by learning a large quantity of lines from the works of ancient and modern poets by heart. He should further subject himself to the supervision by an accomplished master (ustdd) of the art. The ability to improvise poems (badiha guftoti) was regarded as the poet's greatest asset in social life. Equally interesting are the examples which Nizamf c Arudf gives of incidents and situations characteristic of the profession in a series of anecdotes about the lives of famous poets. They exemplify the effects of poetry on the mind and the acts of a patron, the ways to get entrance to a court and the strategies for gaining a handsome reward, but also the mishaps in the careers of poets. In these early reflections on the ways and conditions of the poet (often referred to by the abstract noun shd'in), it is always understood that he was primarily a professional encomiast. To the anthologist £ Awfi [q.v], the literary scene was occupied by only two protagonists: on one side there were the panegyrists (mddihdn) and on the other the patrons, the "praised ones" (mamduhdn), who "with perishable goods bought themselves lasting remembrance" (Lubdb, i, 7). At least until the 6th/12th century, the courts of local Persian and Turkish rulers provided the normal environment for poets, who could make a living by providing these courts with poetry, both for ceremonial purposes and entertainment. The relationship between poet and patron was therefore one of mutual advantage. The idea that poetry was an important means to enhance reputations gave it a great political value, not only to rulers but to everyone who held a position of influence near the seat of power. The mechanism by which this kind of publicity could work was specifically the mentioning of a patron's name in a panegyric discourse which was most often written in the form of a kasida [q.v.]. The effectiveness of this depended on the survival of such poems and their distribution after they had fulfilled their original function. The artistic reputation of the poet was, therefore, also a matter of great advantage to his patron. Through the copying, collecting and transmission of poems in dlwdns and anthologies, the products of the poet's art could overcome the barriers of time and space.
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To become a court poet one should not only have had the prescribed education and training; it was equally necessary to find the proper way to get introduced. The mediaeval courts, which attracted many aspiring talents, seem to have used the institution of the poet laureate (malik al-shucard3 [q.v.]) for the selection of candidates, but this was only one of the possible approaches to the favour of a royal patron (see, e.g. the anecdote about Mu'izzf's entrance to the court of Sandjar as related by Nizam! cArudi, 65-9). The obligations of the court poet included first of all the presentation of ceremonial poems at a number of fixed occasions like the Persian seasonal festivals Nawruz and Mihragan [q.vv.] and the Islamic cid al-fitr ending the month of fasting, as well as every other event where formal odes were in order: at birth or death, in war or at hunting parties, at the foundation of buildings and of pleasure gardens. In addition to these occasional poems, he also wrote compositions which were meant to entertain the court. They consisted of short lyrics, from which eventually the classical Persian ghazal developed, and narratives in mathnawls [q.v.]. The heroic and romantic stories presented in the latter form exemplified codes of behaviour both to rulers and courtiers. Besides, the poet was expected to provide food for thought through wisdom formulated in poetry. In a gibe at a fellow poet the Samanid poet Shahfd-i Balkhl [q.v] reproached him for not having the necessary wisdom, pleasure and elegant wit (cam) (G. Lazard, Premiers poetes, ii, 31). A poet should therefore be able to handle the entire range of forms and genres which the literary tradition put at his disposal. The rewards he could expect were of an incidental nature and depended very much on the whims of the patrons. Lavish remunerations, mentioned in anecdotes, were usually spontaneous reactions to improvisations and show the great appreciation of verbal virtuosity and sharp wit. The gifts requested by poets in their poems consisted not only of money but also of kind, among which pieces of clothing are conspicuous. A malik al-shucard} [q.v] could hope to receive the more regular income usually attached to an official post (cf. Nizamf
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of a sage whose maxims and epigrams provided spiritual food to patrons and other readers alike. Already Rudakf, who in the 4th/10th century was the first successful court poet in the history of Persian literature, was also a poet of wisdom, representing the type of poet which the tradition used to honour with the epithet hakim. Among his contemporaries were the philosopher-poet Shahfd-i Balkhf and Abu Shakur, who wrote the earliest didactic poem in Persian known to us. During the 6th/12th century, when a display of learning and knowledge of Arabic vocabulary became fashionable in Persian poetry, the type of the poeta doctus appeared more clearly. Anwar! and Khakanf [q.w] were particularly representative of this trend, as was Nizamf [^.r;.] of Gandja who applied it to narrative poetry. Whereas the first two had to resign themselves to the traditional role of a court poet, whether voluntary or not, Nizami seems to have been able to keep a certain distance from the patrons to whom he dedicated his mathnaw poems. The use of Persian poetry for religious purposes is for the first time attested in the Isma£rlf propaganda, to which the philosopher Abu '1-Haytham Gurga.nl, a contemporary of Rudaki's, was attached. Kisa'f [q.v], whose religious denomination remains uncertain, seems to have combined the ways of a court poet with an ascetic orientation of his poetry. In the 5th/llth century the prime example of a poet distancing himself from the conventional framework of the art was Nasir-i Khusraw [q.v.], another follower of the Ismacrliyya. In strong terms he scolded the court poets for their venality and insincerity (cf. S.H. Takfzade, Diwdn, introd., pp. lw-lz). These incriminations of the established ways of shcfiri are the earliest instances of a topos which was further elaborated by many later poets, to begin with, in the early 6th/12th century by Sana'f [q.v.]. The remarkable turn Sana1! made from a probably not very successful career as a court poet to the service of patrons belonging to the religious classes, both preachers and mystics, is the first well-documented case of such a change in practice. Subsequently, dependence on secular patronage was not a matter of course any more in a poet's life, although for centuries to come the courts continued to provide poets with the best opportunities for a professional career. Among the great mystical poets following in Sana'fs footsteps there were many who dispensed with secular patronage altogether, like Farld al-Din cAttar [q.v], whose poems are free from any panegyrical references. In the case of Djalal al-Dfn [q.v] RumT, the community of his pupils took the place of the courtly environment, the expression of a mystical bond with one or the other of his favourite adepts replacing the mamduh's praise in the poems of the secular encomiast. Notwithstanding the considerable impact Sufism had on the further course of Persian poetry, this did not always entail a quite uncompromising attitude with regard to the ways of the world. The local court of Shfraz in the 7th/13th and 8th/14th centuries gave a clear example of a symbiosis of spirituality and courtly panegyrics both in the works of Sacdl and Hafiz [
came to lie outside Persia, particularly at the Indian courts. In the early 19th century, the Kadjar Fath £ Alr Shah brought to life again the practices of ancient court poetry, as they had existed in the days of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna, in his anajuman-i khdkdni, translating thus into forms of social life the neo-classicist style which prevailed in contemporary poetry. A fundamentally new concept of the poet did not emerge before the outbreak of the Constitutional Revolution in Persia during the first decade of the 20th century. Under the impact of this upheaval, poets who had been raised as traditional panegyrists, like Muhammad TakI Bahar [q.v] and Adfb al-Mamalik Amirf [q.v. in Suppl.], almost overnight abandoned the ancient ways of a court poet and took a stand in the political struggle of the day. The new role of the poet in Persian society, as an advocate of the people's rights and a critic of social injustice, entailed a change in the economics of the profession. With the ending of the old autocracy, the mediaeval tradition of patronage, to which the Kadjars had clung till the end of the 19th century, also disappeared and for good. Poets had to rely on other sources of income, among which journalism and the editing of publications were the most important. Magazines and even newspapers provided the means for the propagating of their works. In more recent times, the cassette provided another medium which has made it possible to reach a wide and anonymous public. Even after the rise of the Pahlawf dynasty, when the free expression of political views was curtailed, there was no return to the old ways. Poets found employment in government offices, at the newlyfounded universities or in the modern news media. In their art, they took their models from contemporary Western literature rather than from the classical Persian tradition. As lyricists they used poetry as a means for expression of personal emotions and ideas, whether in only slightly modernised classical forms, or in the new poetry which was introduced by Nlma Yushfdj [q.v]. In numerous manifestos and essays, reflections on the role of the poet, both as an artist and as member of society, can be found. They show that a commitment to social and political causes has remained a generally accepted part of the modern Persian poet's self-image. Although the democratisation of literature is an avowed aim of all modern poets and prose writers, the modernisation of style and idiom which has dominated Persian poetry since the Second World War, has created a serious problem of communication with readers, to whom sophisticated modernisms are difficult to understand. Together with the negative effects of censorship or the alienation caused by living in exile, this tends to isolate the modern Persian poet from his public. Attempts to organise literary artists professionally, such as the First Congress of Iranian Writers held in 1946 or the short-lived Writer's Union of the 1970s, have not led to permanent institutions. Bibliography: Kay Kawus, Kdbus-ndma, ed. by Gh.-H. Yusufi, Tehran 1345 'Sh./\967', Nizaml £ Arudf, Cahdr makdla, ed. M. Kazwfm and M. Mu£In, Tehran 1957; Muhammad £Awfi, Lubdb al-albdb, ed. E.G. Browne, London-Leiden 1903-6; Nasir-i Khusraw, Dlwdn, ed. Sayyid Nasr Allah TakawT, Tehran 1348 Sh. l\ 969; Mary Boyce, The Parthian gosdn and Iranian minstrel tradition, in JRAS (1957), 10-45; J.W. Clinton, The Divan of Manuchihn DdmghdnL A critical study, Minneapolis 1972; J.T.P. de Bruijn, Of piety and poetry, Leiden 1983; idem, Poets and minstrels in early Persian literature, in Transition periods in Iranian history (Studia Iranica, Cahier 5), ed.
SHATR Ph. Gignoux, Paris 1987, 15-23; Julie Scott Meisami, Medieval Persian court poetry, Princeton 1987; eadem, Ghaznavid panegyrics: some political implications, in Iran JBIPS, xxviii (1990), 31-44; Sociology of the Iranian Writer, in Iranian Studies, xviii/2-4 (1985), 131-422 (a collection of essays, ed. M.C. Hillman, with contributions by L.P. Alishan, H. Dabashi, A. KarimiHakkak and others). (J-T.P. DE BRUIJN) 3. In Turkey. Since poetry constituted the principal literary genre in the Turkish experience from its earliest times until the latter part of the 19th century, and still holds a significant place in Turkish culture, the role of the poet in pre-Islamic Central Asia, during the period of nomadic life and migrations into Asia Minor, throughout the Saldjuk era and the Ottoman centuries, was a dynamic, interactive, and influential one. The term sha'ir (spelt §air in modern Turkish) probably came into use no later than the middle of the llth century. Earlier, Central Asian Turks employed several different terms for "poet", e.g. ozen, olun, bakshi (bahsi), and others. Poets who functioned as shamans and performed thaumaturgy were known as shaman or kam (the latter among the Uyghur Turks). In Central Asia, a larger and more precise vocabulary emerged in time, corresponding to minstrel, bard, folk poet, singer of epics, etc. Among the Turks of Asia Minor, sha'ir became established, and continues to be employed, as the generic term meaning "poet", especially in reference to the educated poets in the urban areas. For folk poets, the Central Asian Turkic word ozan still applies; however, the minstrels of the countryside who compose (or often extemporise) their poems as lyrics of songs as they accompany themselves on a simple string instrument are called saz §airi or as^ik [see 'ASHIK; SAZ]. The Ottomans, however, called their city poets shd'ir. The term is still in extensive use, although supporters of the Oztiirkfe ("pure Turkish") movement, dedicated to the cause of ridding the language of words borrowed from Arabic and Persian, employ ozan in lieu of §air. In pre-Islamic settled and nomadic Turkish society, poetry played a focal role in communication and entertainment, and strengthened solidarity and cultural cohesion. Unable to create works of architecture and other genres produced by secure sedentary nations, most Turkic communities concentrated on poetry, music and dance. Given the dominance of the spoken word among them, shamanistic poets enjoyed a special influence. Poetry was an integral part of religious experience and secular ritual; pre-hunt ceremonies (slgir) and post-hunt feasts (sholen) as well as weddings and funeral services (jug) featured poetry. The Book of Dede Korkut [q.v.], generally recognised as the Turkish national epic, with more than a third of it in poetic form in the transcriptions made several centuries after its gradual evolution in the oral tradition, has as its narrator (as well as a principal character) the sagacious religious leader as well as a poet. He stands at the wellspring of the traditional perception in the Turkish countryside of the poet as a revered figure who combines in himself such functions as moral guidance, conveying of communal values, entertainment and education, and heightened verbal communication. Many bards were close to the leadership of the community, and some leaders were poets themselves. The first major written poetic work in Turkish (ca. 1070), a mirror for princes, is the Kutadghu bilig [q.v.] (Eng. tr. R. Dankoff, Wisdom of royal glory) by Yusuf Khass Hadjib, a Karakhanid chancellor-poet. Emphasising the importance of speech ("Human be-
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ings attain happiness through language. But it can also demean man and cause heads to roll. It is on words that man can rise, and acquire power and prestige"), Yusuf advises the prince to pay attention to "poets, wordsmiths, eulogists, and satirists", because "their tongues are sharper than swords ... When they praise a man, his good name spreads, but when they poke fun at him, his reputation is damaged for good." In Anatolian Saldjuk society (late llth century-late 13th century), many of the urban and rural poets were engaged in propagating the values and culture of Islam, to which the Turks were newcomers. In the 13th century, the mystical faith of Mawlana Djalal al-Dln Rum! (1207-73 [q.v.]), who composed the vast majority of his poems in Persian rather than the Turkish more extensively spoken in Anatolia, achieved considerable spiritual authority. His ideas and ideals were to have an enduring impact on a broad spectrum of intellectuals and creative artists in later centuries; and his humanitarian and universalist themes have provided inspiration to an impressive number of poets in the 20th century. Rurm maintained an ambivalent stance toward poetry. Although he employed it as his principal vehicle of expression and occasionally lauded it, there are passages in his work, especially in Fihi ma fihi written in prose, which denigrate it ("God knows I detest poetry. Nothing is worse as far as I am concerned"). This ambivalence parallels the paradoxes revealed in the Kur'an and Hadith in regard to poets. Suras XXVI and XXXVI present poets in a negative light [see SHI'R. 1. A], but the Prophet, who also offered his animadversions, said in a hadith considered sahih, "God has Treasures beneath his Throne, the Keys of which are the Tongues of the Poets." The same ambivalence has been true of the attitudes of the culamd3, many of whom approved of verse as an effective medium for the dissemination of the faith, but remained wary of its non-religious themes and seductive powers. The gulf between doxological verse and mystical poetry, which had started in the Turkish tradition with the Lfiwan of Ahmad Yasawf [q.v.] in the 12th century, was to continue through the Saldjuk and Ottoman periods. Combining these two categories, as well as serving as a wellspring of both Anatolian folk poetry and the burgeoning Ottoman elite poetry, the work of Yunus Emre (ca. 1241-ca. 1321 [q.v]), echoing some of Rumf's themes of mystical humanism, established new prospects for poets to serve as critics of society, religion and government. Many of his verses, kept alive in the oral tradition of the countryside, came to constitute the basis for Turkey's secular humanist literature in the second half of the 20th century, with Yunus Emre hailed as the paragon of the poet dedicated to progressive ideals of social justice and the ecumenical spirit. As a whole, poetry served through the course of Ottoman history both as a cohesive force for continuity and a vehicle of criticism to stimulate change. Although most of the classical poets, as well as the rural minstrels, produced lyrical verses dealing with such universal themes as love, natural beauty, etc., some of them openly or cryptically challenged the authorities or the political system itself. Through panegyrics or by adhering to themes acceptable within the established canon, numerous classical poets were able to lead a calm and comfortable life. Loyalty to the existing order usually brought rewards—and most panegyrists reaped excellent benefits. Diwan poetry, composed by poets close to the court
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and by independent authors who stayed within this tradition of the educated elite's classical verse, often enabled its practitioners to enjoy prestige and influence. As EJ.W. Gibb pointed out in his A history of Ottoman poetry, two-thirds of the sultans wrote poetry. As patrons, they were favourably disposed to rewarding the poetic works presented to them. Siileyman the Magnificent (d. 1566), whose personal diwdn contains nearly 3,000 verses, had a close relationship with numerous poets, especially with Bakl (d. 1600 [q.v.]), who held an esteemed position, referred to as sultan al-shucard3 ("sultan of poets"), comparable to "poet laureate", although no such title existed in the Ottoman system. Various prominent poets occupied important positions: Shaykh al-Islam Yahya (d. 1644), one of the greatest lyric poets of the Diwdn tradition, served for four decades as kadi 'asker and shaykh al-Islam. It is difficult, however, to determine whether Yahya and others rose to high positions thanks to their poetry, or if they qualified for other reasons but also happened to write verse as well. By the same token, no definite determination can be made about the awarding of the honorific title of pasjia to such poet-statesmen as Raghib Pasha (d. 1763) and Diya' Pasha (d. 1880). Among the Ottoman educated elite, composing verses was virtually a sine qua non of being an intellectual. Poetry not only held a privileged place, but often served in ways that are normally in the realm of prose (verse chronicles and histories, internal rhyming in many prose works, even a few dictionaries and text books in verse form, etc.). Occasionally, sultans, princes, grand viziers, commanders and other notables sent or exchanged communications composed in metre and rhyme. Such occasional verse, especially in retrospect, is disqualified as poetry, which, in its proper sense, was written by the shd'ir, a professional poet with a firm commitment to the art and with established credentials as a creative artist. Satire and other types of criticism frequently entailed deprivation and punishment. Poetry could be a matter of life-and-death in many stages of Ottoman history. Because of their unorthodox, heretical or rebellious attitudes expressed in verse, Nesimf (d. 1404 [q.v.]) was flayed alive, and the folk poet Plr Sultan Abdal was hanged (at some point in the 16th century). For satire directed against high-ranking officials, Nefl (d. 1635 [q.v]), the great classical poet, was condemned to death, and was either strangulated or drowned. Due to their poems of protest or criticism, Sheykhf (d. ca. 1431) suffered injustice; clzzet Molla, Namik Kemal [
central authority as well as offering a quasi-secular challenge to Islamic culture. Tekke or dervish convent poetry, abundantly produced by poets linked with the various Anatolian sects, often functioned as an expression for the heterodoxy. Consequently, the instance of rewards, high positions and financial gains notwithstanding, Ottoman poets were, on the whole, outside the religio-political system, often opposed to it, and sometimes in rebellion against it. Especially in the Empire's closing decades, some foremost poets, for example, Namik Kemal (d. 1888) and Tewfik Fikret (d. 1915 [q.v]), played a forceful role in mobilising public opinion against the Ottoman regime. Under the influence of accelerating Europeanisation of Turkish culture, the concept of the poet, held by the Ottoman elite, as virtually divinely-inspired or as possessing spiritual and visionary powers of an extraordinary nature, gave place to the idea that, although an apolitical stance is natural for many lyric poets, it is a respectable mission for politically-conscious poets to give expression to ideological convictions. Tewfik Fikret championed social and governmental reforms, taking a stand against many aspects of Islam, whereas Mehmed cAkif Ersoy (d. 1936 [q.v]) propagated the Islamic faith as a panacea for the decline of the Ottoman state. Diya' (Ziya) Gokalp (d. 1924 [q.v]) and Mehmed Emm Yurdakul (d. 1944 [q.v.]), in their verse written in a simple, colloquial vocabulary, furthered the cause of Turkish nationalism. The strongest voice for revolution based on Marxist-Leninist ideas came from Nazim Hikmet Ran (d. 1963 [q.v]) who also introduced brave new innovations to the formal structure, prosody, and tenor of 20th century Turkish poetry. Proclaiming that he conceived of art as "an active institution in society" and that "the poet is the engineer of the human soul," he assigned to himself and other poets the task of "organising life". As a romantic revolutionary with superlative creative talent, as a result of which he achieved extensive fame not only in Turkey but in scores of other countries as well, Nazim Hikmet was probably the most potent Turkish voice for Communism in the 20th century. For his combative ideological poems, he spent about thirteen years of his life in prison and lived in exile for a dozen years. Following the path opened by Nazim Hikmet, hundreds of modern poets in Turkey, including leftists and non-leftists, produced a huge corpus of verse dedicated to political themes, social ills and evils, peace and justice. Some poets virtually functioned as journalists, frequently commenting on socio-economic problems. By the end of the 20th century, the role of the poet was established as a champion of democratic ideals. Non-political verse, however, continues to flourish as well. Bibliography: EJ.W. Gibb, HOP, i-iv, London 1901-7; Fuad Koprulii, Edebiyat arajttrmalan, Ankara 1966; Poetry and society: the Turkish experience, in The modern Near East: literature and society, ed. C. Max Kortepeter, New York 1971; W.G. Andrews, Poetry's voice, society's song. Ottoman Lyric Poetry, Seattle and London 1985; Victoria Rowe Holbrook, The unreadable shores of love: Turkish modernity and mystic romance, Austin, Texas 1994. (TALAT SAIT HALMAN) 4. In Muslim India. One of the major cultural contributions resulting from the Muslim conquest of India was the origin and development of Persian poetry in the sub-continent. From the ascendancy of Muslim rule in the 13th century till its decline in the 18th century, there was a continuous flow of poets into India from Persia
SHACIR and from the neighbouring regions where the Persian language represented the dominant cultural influence. In the beginning, the number of poets who came to India was comparatively small, but it multiplied sharply after the establishment of the Mughal rule in the 16th century. The Mughal court was famous for its munificence and attracted poets keen to seek their fortune outside their native land. This resulted in the influx of many gifted poets, and the centre of Persian poetry gradually shifted to India. Persian poetry in India was an object of interest and entertainment for the Muslim upper class. The social and political conditions in which it developed made the royal court a focal point towards which the hopes and energies of most poets tended to gravitate. Gaining access to it signified for the poet the highest recognition of his achievements and talents. Muslim rulers, generally speaking, were men of taste and showed their appreciation for literature by surrounding themselves with poets and writers. Thus the historian Abu '1-Fadl gives a list of 51 poets who were in the service of Akbar (r. 963-1014/1556-1605). However, it was not easy to obtain admission to the royal court. The poet Kalfm (d. 1061/1651 [q.v.]), for instance, came to India during Djahangfr's reign (1014-37/1605-27), but had to wait for a long time until he secured entry to the court of Shah Djahan (r. 1037-68/1627-57). Very often the poet needed the help of some influential nobleman for his access to the royal court. It was customary for important noblemen, and even lesser dignitaries, to keep poets and other literary men in their employment. The name of £Abd al-Rahfm Khan-i Khanan (d. 1036/1627), Akbar's principal dignitary, stands out in this connection. His generous patronage benefited a large number of poets and has been praised by every writer. Another source of patronage consisted of the provincial courts, some of whose rulers, such as the cAdil Shahls [q.v.] of Bidjapur (895-1097/1490-1686) and the Nizam Shahis [q.v.] of Ahmadnagar (8951046/1490-1636), were noted for their liberal support of art and letters. The poets were paid a monthly allowance and could receive a robe of honour and a monetary reward for their performance on special occasions. Some poets became recipients of land grants, and some were made holders of military or civil command (mansabddr). Among the poets who came to India, several returned home after their fortunes were made, while others, such as Nazm (d. 1021/1612-13), Talib Amull (d. 1036/1626-7) and Kallm, stayed on till the end, and found their permanent resting place in the soil of their adopted country. There are several instances where a poet was called upon to perform duties unrelated to his vocation. Atishi of Kandahar (d. 973/ 1565-6) was a chronicler in Babur's (r. 932-7/1526-30) service, and later held high offices in the government; Shaykh Gada'f of Dihll (d. 976/1568-9), who was a scholar and poet of Humayun's reign (r. 937-47/ 1530-40 and 962-3/1555-6), occupied the high position of sadr (director of religious affairs [see SADR. 5. In Mughal India]), under Akbar; Faydl (d. 1004/ 1595-6 [q.v.]) was appointed tutor to Akbar's son Daniyal, and led government embassies to_the Deccan rulers; and Djahanglr's court poet Talib Amulr acted initially as the seal-keeper of I c timad al-Dawla (d. 1621), the father-in-law of the emperor and a leading dignitary of the empire. The court poet was supposed to dedicate his art to the service of his patron. In return for the wages received by him, or in the hope of obtaining further rewards, he composed praise poems eulogising his
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benefactor. This promoted the development of the kasida, whose main exponents in India were c Urfi (d.' 999/1590), Talib Amulr, Kudsl (d. 1056/1646), Kalfm and Muhammad Kulf Salfm (d. 1057/1647-8). Some poets were also assigned the task of writing dynastic histories in verse—a tradition that started already with the Dihli Sultanate (1206-1526). Amir Khusraw (d. 725/1325) composed the Tughluk-nama, which sheds light on the latter part of the Khaldjf rule (689-720/1290-1320) and the early period of the Tughluk regime (720-816/1320-1413). Muhammad b. Tughluk's (r. 725-52/1325-51) poet Badr-i (Sac (d. 747/1346) wrote a Shdh-ndma describing the military expeditions of the sultan. Tsamf (b. 711/1311) was the author of a verse account of Muslim India from the Ghaznawids up to the mid-8th/14th century, entitled Futuh al-saldtin "Victories of the sultans", which he completed in 750/1349-50 for 'Ala' al-Dm Abu '1-Muzaffar (d. 759/1358), the first ruler of the Bahmani dynasty of Deccan (748-934/1347-1528). Also from the same period came the history of the Bahmam dynasty named Bahman-ndma, which was started by Adharf, the court poet of Ahmad Shah Bahmanl (r. 822-39/1422-36), and subsequently expanded by Nazm and other poets. To the Mughal period belongs Kallm's Shah Diahdn-ndma., which deals with the Mughal rulers and their Tfmurid ancestry down to the reign of Shah Djahan. Another work dealing with Shah Djahan's reign is the £afar-ndma "Book of victory", by Kudsf, which gives a verse account of the emperor's exploits. A common practice among the court poets was the composing of poems with a chronogram commemorating an event of special importance. By the time of Humayun, the making of chronogram poems became steadily popular. They treated of such events as the births, deaths and weddings of the members of the royal household; imperial coronations; victories in battles; hunting exploits; and launchings of building projects and their completion. An interesting example of this kind of verse is a poem by Sa'fda Guam [q.v.], of which only a fragment has survived. This poem is said to have comprised 134 couplets, of which each hemistich represented a chronogram. It was the duty of the poet to defend and uphold the dignity of his royal patron as and when the need arose. Illustrative of this tendency are two examples, one by Faydl and the other by Kalfm. In the first, Faydl is represented as improvising a poem of two couplets, which eulogised Akbar, and was intended to be a rebuttal of a similar poem written in praise of Shah 'Abbas I of Persia. The second example shows Kallm defending Shah Djahan, who had been reproached by the sultan of Turkey for the audacity of calling himself the "king of the world" when he was only "king of India". "Since Hind (India) and dj.ahdn (world)," wrote Kalrm in his reply, "are equal in their numerical value, the right of the ruler to be called 'king of the world' is well-established" (Hind u d^ahdn zi ru-yi cadad har du cun yakist shah-rd khitdb-i shdh-i d^ahdni mubarhan ast). The highest rank among court poets was held by the malik al-shucara\ an institution established in the Mughal period. The designation of the malik al-shu'ard* was perhaps a title more than anything else, and did not constitute a regular post in the government. However, it involved a number of duties. As a member of the royal train, the malik al-shu'ard* accompanied the ruler wherever he went. He was supposed to attend all the functions, feasts and celebrations at the court, and to present his poem for the occasion. Every new poet sought his favour and good offices
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for gaining entry into the court. He chose the poets who were to recite their verse in the royal presence, as well as those to be rewarded and honoured. His appointment was made by the ruler, and implied an official recognition of the poet's superiority over his colleagues. The tradition of appointing the malik alshifard3 was started by Akbar and survived until Awrangzfb's time (1656-1707), when it was discontinued by the orders of the emperor. During this period, four poets served thus: Ghazall Mashhadl (d. 980/1572-3), followed by Faydl, under Akbar; Talib Amull under Djahangfr; and Kalfm under Shah Djahan. Apart from the court, Sufism was the next most important platform for the poet's activity. After the conquest of northern India by the Muslims, various Sufi orders were established, such as Cishtiyya, Suhrawardiyya, Nakshbandiyya and Kadiriyya [q.vo]. In India, poetry was the chief vehicle through which Sufi ideas were disseminated. The preoccupation of the poet with Sufism went beyond mere intellectual interest; very often poets had a practical involvement with the Sufi way through their affiliation either with a Sufi centre (khdnakdh), or as members of an order, or as disciples of some spiritual director. Amir Khusraw, the most eminent Persian poet of India, though serving under successive sultans, was the favourite disciple of the Cishtf sjiaykh Nizam al-Dm Awliya (d. 723/1323 [q.v]), and so was the poet's contemporary, Hasan Sidjzl Dihlawl (d. 736/1336), who compiled his master's utterances (malfu^dt) under the title Fawd'id al-Ju3ad "Things beneficial to the heart". In the time of Flruz Tughluk (1351-88) flourished the poet Mas'ud Beg (d. probably in 800/1397), a relative of the ruling family, who gave up wealth and fortune to join the Cishtl order under the guidance of his spiritual mentor Shaykh Nasfr al-Dfn Ciragh-i Dihlf (d. 769/1367). The reign of Sikandar Lodl (1489-1517) saw the poet Hamid b. Fadl Allah Djamall (d. 943/1536), who was also a Sufi hagiologist, and is said to have met Djaml in his travels to foreign lands. It is reported that Akbar's poet Faydf courted the company of dervishes and spiritual leaders, and some of the poems he composed suggest his devotion to the Sufi luminary Farld al-Dm Gandj-i Shakar (or Shakar Gandj, d. 664/1265 [q.v.]). In later times, we find Muhammad Sarmad (d. 1071/1660-1 [^.r;.]), a writer of mystical quatrains, who was a distinguished Sufi, and suffered execution on the alleged charge of heterodoxy. In brief, it is safe to assume that the interaction of the poets with Sufism was a fairly widespread phenomenon which made poetry increasingly receptive to Sufi influence. With the decline of the Mughal empire in the 12th/18th century, and the emergence of Urdu as a rival to Persian, the latter lost its place of importance, and was supplanted by Urdu as a medium of literary expression. Already in the llth/17th century, Urdu (known as Dakani) had won acceptance at the courts of Golkonda and Bldjapur, whose rulers were generous in their patronage to men of letters. The identification of the poet with the court continued in the 12th/18th century first under the Mughal kings at Dihlf and subsequently in Lakhnaw under the Nawwabs of Awadh. Together with the court, Sufism continued to play a contributory role in the life of Urdu poets. Among those who were practising Sufis, one may include Wall (d. 1119/1707), Shah Mubarak Abru (d. 1145/1733), Shah Hatim (d. 1197/1783), Mfrza Mazhar Djan-i Djanan (d. 1195/1781), and Mir Dard (d. 1199/1785 [q.v.]). In the 19th century, marthiyas, or elegies on the death of Hasan and Hu-
sayn, and those who died at Karbala1, became a popular subject for the poets at Lakhnaw. The growth of the marthiya in Urdu [see MARTHIYA. 4.] was associated with the influence of Shfism, professed by the Nawwabs of Awadh who patronised this kind of composition. Under them, there appeared a host of marthiya writers, headed by AnTs (d. 1874) and Dablr (d. 1875). The failure of the Indian Revolt of 1857-8 dealt a serious blow to the existing social and political order, and laid the basis for the future emergence of a new Muslim middle class trained in Western thought and motivated by ideas of social justice. It also foreshadowed a change in the direction of Urdu literature, which was to be guided by a fresh alignment of social attitudes. Whereas the poet's material and spiritual concerns were hitherto identified with court patronage and Sufism respectively, he now turned his artistic loyalties to the middle class, which was destined to play a leading part in the evolving situation. This development demanded the involvement of the poet in the affairs of the society at large—a view illustrated vividly in the writings of Altaf Husayn Hall (d. 1915 [^.y.]), who sought to define poetry as an instrument of social reform. The widening scope of the mushd'ira (correctly musha'ara [q.v]) also had its impact upon the poet in bringing him closer to a large segment of the society. These poetic assemblies, which were formerly held in the court or at the house of some nobleman, and were restricted to the elite, now acquired a more democratic character with the participation of the general public. Occasionally, they were sponsored by some social or political organisation, which used the appeal of the musha'ira to advance its own cause. During the early part of the present century, Ikbal (d. 1938 [q.v]) became the most prominent figure to symbolise the new role of the poet in Muslim society. Not only did he express in his poems the aspirations and feelings shared by the majority of Indian Muslims, but he also formulated the concept of India's partition on a religious basis, which eventually materialised in the establishment of Pakistan in 1947. Bibliography: M. Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims., London 1967; Aziz Ahmad, An intellectual history of Islam in India, Edinburgh 1969; Shiblf Nu'manf, Shi'r al-'Aajam, iii, repr. A'zamgafh 1945; Browne, LHP, iv; J. Rypka et alii, History of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968; cAbdul Ghani, Persian language and literature at the Mughal court, i-iii, Allahabad 1929-30; Had! Hasan, Mughal poetry, Haydarabad (Deccan) 1952 (?); M.L. Rahman, Persian literature in India during the time of Jahangir and Shahjahan, Baroda 1970; P.N. Chopra, Life and letters under the Mughals, New Delhi 1976; Nabf HadI, Mughalon ke malik al-shucard, Allahabad 1978; M.Z. Huda, History of Persian literature, in Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, ix (1961); Shu'ayb Aczamf, Fdrsl adab bi-cahd-i Saldtm-i Tughluk, Delhi 1985; Ram Babu Saksena, A history of Urdu literature, repr. Lahore 1975; Muhammad Sadiq, A history of Urdu literature, London 1964; Muhammad Husayn Azad, Ab-i haydt, repr. Lahore 1967; Altaf Husayn Hall, Mukaddama-yi shi'r u shd'iri, ed. Wahid Kurayshf, repr. Lahore 1953. (MUNIBUR RAHMAN) 5. In the western and central Sudan. The poetry of the societies of the western and central Sudan, both that of religious and that of secular inspiration, may be expressed in Western languages but equally in Arabic and Negro African languages. Whilst the first type is the product of the colonial influence, that in African languages and Arabic is attested over several centuries.
SHACIR Introduced into the bilad al-Sudan with Islam, Arabic has served since the 13th century as a language of expression for West African poets. Abu Ishak Ibrahim b. Ya'kub al-Kanemf, one of the first known West African poets using Arabic, was received at Marrakesh by the Almohad sultan Abu Yusuf Ya'kub al-Mansur (r. 580-95/1184-99) and improvised in his presence some verses which did not fail to impress the monarch. Kanem-Borno, which was Islamised very early, produced some poets of considerable fame. As well as the al-Kanerm just mentioned above, the Imam Muhammad b. eAbd al-Rahman al-Barnawf became celebrated by his poem Shurb al-zulal, on the subject of fkh and of a didactic character, written towards the end of the 17th century and the object of a commentary written in Egypt. The surrounding Hausaland became the centre for the diffusion of Islam in the central Sudan after the djihad of cUthman b. Fudf [q.v] (Usuman dan Fodio), not to mention various previous Arabised poets. One might cite Dan Marina, Arabic name Ibn al-Sabbagh (18th century). He was a famous cdlim and the author of numerous works in various disciplines, and acquired the stamp of nobility in poetry with his maz.dj.arat al-fityan, a didactic poem exhorting the pursuit of Islamic knowledge and enumerating the essential bases of the sciences taught in his time (philology, metrics, exegesis, hadith, morphology, syntax, numerology, law, etc.). Timbuctu (in modern Mali) was from mediaeval times onwards reputed for the teaching of Arabic language and the Islamic sciences, which were to enjoy a relatively important diffusion over the last two centuries. The dj.ihdds of the 18th-19th centuries in Futa Djallon [q.v.] and Futa Toro, in Masina and in Hausaland, to cite only these, contributed at the same time to the spreading of Islam and of the Sun" orders, to the diffusion of centres of teaching in the Islamic sciences and to the considerable increase in the number of scholars, various factors which were to contribute to the development of Arabic poetry of Islamic religious inspiration. In order to render the Word of God and the Islamic religious precepts accessible to illiterate populations, the Sudanese (ulamd3 went on to translate and comment upon in their own languages the Kur'an and its exegesis, as well as the Arabo-Islamic classical texts. They produced glosses, but also, like their counterparts in the Arab lands, composed poetry. Without monopolising poetic activity, these culamd3 formed, without any doubt, the greater part of the poets, since it was rare to find a scholar worthy of the name who could not handle the art of producing a kasida. There were likewise numerous poets engaged in didacticism, exhortation, eulogy, the exchange of civilities, and veneration for the Prophet and the leading figures in the turuk. Virtually all the great scholar-poets wrote panegyrics (madh, madih [q.v.]) on Muhammad. Ahmadu Bamba (d. 1927), founder of the Murfdiyya [q.v] confraternity, was the author of thousands of poems of this type, many of them in acrostics of Kur'anic verses. There are also many eulogies with opening sections constructed on the model of the Mu'allakdt, such as the Badf of the Senegalese Madior Malick Cisse (d. 1907), which also recalls to mind the Burda ode of al-Busfri [q.v. in Suppl.]. A substantial part of religious poetry is devoted to the veneration of saints, reflecting Sufi inspiration coming from the Maghrib, in which one of the modalities in the very important cult of saints was certainly
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the composition of poems. Veneration for the founders of the two most popular West African orders, £Abd al-Kadir al-Djflanf [q.v] for the Kadiriyya and Ahmad al-Tidjanl (d. 1815) for the Tidjaniyya, but also for more recent Sufi order leaders such as the Senegalese Ibrahim Niasse (d. 1975), has led to a poetry expressing this veneration, mainly in Arabic but also occasionally in indigenous African languages. If certain poets respect rigorously the rules of Arabic metre, others sacrifice this rigour for didactic considerations. Na^rn, the versifying of an existing prose text, is a current procedure in poetic production. Some poets compose entirely out of their own invention, but many others proceed by extending an earlier, original poem. There are various ways here, the most common being the tarbf, the addition of two hemistichs after each pair of hemistichs of the original poem; the takhmis, the addition of three hemistichs; and finally, the tashfir, the intercalation of two hemistichs between the first two of an existing poem. In West Africa, Hausa and Pular or Fulani dominate in writing in African languages, although there is some religious poetry in other languages, such as in Mandingo, Wolof, Songhay, etc. It is known that even renowned Islamic religious scholars composed secular verse. Hence Muhammad al-Amfn b. Muhammad al-Kanemf, on his return from a military campaign in Bagirmi [q.v] in 1821, expressed his nostalgia for his favourite wife in details recalling amorous poetry, whilst the Senegalese Dhu '1-Nun Ly (d. 1927) in his love poetry sang the praises of the gracious charmers of Saint-Louis in Senegal. With the spread of the Arabic language, a large number of literate herdsmen and peasants are also writing poetry which, unlike that of the scholars, finds its inspiration in the folklore of the land and the pastoral horizons of the Fulbe or Fulani peoples. And if, from the fact of colonisation, more and more African poets are writing in French or English, one still finds in the lands from Senegal to Darfur, traversing the Niger bend, Hausaland and Borno, poets who are writing religious verse, in particular, but sometimes also secular verse, in Arabic or in cAdj.ami. Bibliography: A.D.H. Bivar and M. Hiskett, The Arabic literature of Nigeria to 1804. A provisional account, in BSOAS, xxv (1962), 104-48; Alfa Ibrahim Sow, Note sur les precedes poetiques dans la litterature de Peuls du Fotita-Djallon, in Cahiers d'fitudes AJhcaines, v (1965), 370-87; idem (ed.), Lafemme, la vache, lafoi. Ecriuains et poetes du Fouta-Djallon, Paris 1966, T. Hodgkin, The Islamic literary tradition in Ghana, in I.M. Lewis (ed.), Islam in tropical Africa, London 1966; A. Samb, Essai sur la contribution du Senegal a la litterature d'expression arabe, Dakar 1972; Chr. Seydou (ed.), Sildmdka et Poullori. Recit epique peul raconte par Tinguidji, Paris 1972; Hiskett, A history of Hausa Islamic verse, London 1975; idem, The Community of Grace and its opponents the "Rejectors"; a debate about theology and mysticism in Muslim West Africa, with special reference to its Hausa expression, in African Language Studies, xvii (1980), 99-140; A. Dangambo, Hausa wa'izi versefrom ca. 1800 to ca. 1970. A critical study of form, language and style, diss. SOAS London 1980, unpubl.; A. Gerard, African language literature. An introduction to the literary history of Sub-Saharan Africa, Washington 1981; Shehu Galadanci, Harakat al-lugha al-carabiyya wa-addbiha ft Nay^iriyd, Cairo 1982; Hiskett, The development of Islam in West Africa, London 1984; Gerard, Contexts of African literature, Amsterdam 1990; K.N. Harrow (ed.), Faces of Islam in African literature, London 1991; J.O. Hunwick, The Arabic qasida in West Africa. Forms, themes and contexts, in S. Sperl and Ch. Shackle (eds.),
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SHACIR
Qasida poetry in Islamic Asia & Africa, i, Leiden 1996; Ousmane Kane, Overview of collections of Islamic manuscripts in Senegal, in Al-Furqan Foundation, World survey of Islamic manuscripts, London 1994; Hunwick, The writings of Central Sudanic Africa, Leiden 1995. (OUSMANE KANE) 6. In Hausaland. The Hausa Muslim poet (mat wallafa wakoki or sometimes mai waka] belongs to the wider category of malamai (sing, malam], that is, "Muslim scholar" or "literate person" (< Ar. cdlim}. He, and less frequently she, performs the role of Muslim teacher, moralist and guardian of Islamic social norms. He is likely to specialise in one or more of the categories of Hausa Islamic verse listed in the articles HAUSA iii. and in SHICR, which are associated with certain Islamic institutions and festivals. During the colonial period, the Hausa poets increasingly concerned themselves with the innovations brought in by the Europeans. Thus an anonymous writer of ca. 1920 inveighs against such features of Western life and activity as electric torches, shirt buttons, cabin biscuits and an assortment of other items which aroused his ire. More recently, such poets have written against prostitution and the adoption by Hausa women of European dress styles, which they tend to regard as immoral. It seems probable that this tradition of Islamic puritanism has been influenced by a wider anti-modernist trend consequent on the WahhabI movement beginning in Arabia [see WAHHABIYYA] . Islamic marriage is also a favourite topic [see NIKAH. 6]. Since the introduction of modern, Western-style democratic political parties into Nigeria [q.v.], the Hausa Muslim poets have taken on the role of political propagandists. Thus a poet will claim the Islamic virtues for his own party e.g. the Northern People's Congress (NPC), whilst attributing the betrayal of Islam to the other main Northern Nigerian party of the pre-independence period, the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU). The NEPU poet will riposte with the accusation that the NPC falsifies Islam and that only NEPU deserves the allegiance of Muslims. Such political verse has, however, much diminished in Northern Nigeria since it was banned by the military administration [see NIGERIA]. One interesting development is the emergence since Nigerian independence of women poets. The composing of verse by Hausa Muslim women has a precedent in the work of the 19th century writer Nanan Asma'u, the grand-daughter of £Uthman b. Fudf [q.v], but it was infrequent in subsequent decades. However, the spread of feminism within Islam [see MAR*A] has caused such compositions by women, interpreting women's issues in an Islamic context, to flourish. Bibliography: C.H. Robinson, Specimens of Hausa Literature, Cambridge 1896; M. Hiskett, A history of Hausa verse, London 1975, Jean Boyd, The Caliph's sister: Mana Asma'u 1793-1865, London 1989. (M. HISKETT) 7. In Malaysia and Indonesia. In Malay and modern Indonesian the Arabic loan word syair refers to an extended verse form, which may run to hundreds of stanzas, each of which consists of four lines with the same end rhyme, with every line carrying four stresses and divided by a caesura. The author or creator of this form of verse is referred to as penyair. In pre-modern Malay society the role of the poet was functional, that is, to provide material in a pleasant form, for instruction or for entertainment, or both. Poets had to have specialised knowledge of their topics, because central to their work was the expression
of values or information, not the outpouring of individual emotion for its own sake. The earliest evidence of the use of the form in the Malay world is from the late 16th century, and syair were still being composed up until World War II. The form was popular in all Malay-speaking regions and was both oral and written. The traditional mode of delivery was by singing the verses to set tunes in a way which enhanced the verbal message. Verse was considered easier to compose than prose, easier to memorise and recite, and easier for an audience to follow. The language of verse was closer to colloquial Malay in grammar and syntax, and its units brief and predictable. A comparison of the earliest syair with those written during and after the 19th century suggests that the earlier poets were specialists and professionals, but that as literacy became more widespread so too did composing, and syair became no longer solely the domain of professionals. (a) Pre-19th century. The first poet whose name is known is (Hamzah) Fansurf [q.v.], indicating that he came from Fansur (or Barus, an entrepot on the northwest coast of Sumatra) and who lived in the second half of the 16th century. The syair identified as being composed by Hamzah are poems of worship in the mystical tradition of Ibn al-cArabi", which affirm the unity of the Creator and the Created, and yearn for ultimate union with the Godhead through the seven stages of mystical ascent. Great Sufi poets such as the Persian Djalal al-Dfn Rum! [q.v.], who was undoubtedly read by Hamzah, believed in the doctrine of the Divine Word embodied in the sacred text of Revelation (the Kur'an) and reflected in symbolically conceived and interpreted poetry (see Braginsky, 1993). In the act of creating a poem the poet became a channel through which the energy of the Creator flowed into the poem, and from the poem reached out to and inspired readers or listeners, and through which, in the reverse process, they could ascend the seven stages to unity with Him. The poems of Hamzah are both acts of worship and instructional texts in the Sufi mode. There are reports that syair are still used by members of mystical brotherhoods in Malaysia as chants after the recitation of zikr or dhikr [q.v] in order to regain a sense of reality after intense meditation. Hamzah's poems may also have been used in this way in earlier times. Examples of written Malay before the 19th century are all too rare. One text which has survived is the long Syair Perang Mengkasar, composed in the mid-17th century, by Encik Amin. In 534 verses this syair describes the wars between the Dutch and Makassarese for control of the spice trade in Eastern Indonesia, and indicates that poets were not restricted to religious topics. The background of Encik Amin provides further detail about the poet's function in the pre-modern period. Encik Amin was a professional writer, who served as clerk or secretary to the Sultan of Goa in Sulawesi. His duties included the drafting of treaties, official correspondence, copying of manuscripts and the recording of events of significance for his patron. In his syair which relates Makassarese resistance to Dutch attacks, Encik Amin quotes verses from Hamzah Fansurf's poems, indicating the regard in which they were held even outside their area of composition. If Hamzah and Encik Amin are in any sense representative of pre-modern poets, their works suggest that poems in written form were the result of specialist training, and that literacy set them apart from their peers and provided the basis of their livelihood. It is very likely that non-literate Malays used the syair form when reciting or singing for a variety of
SHA'IR — SHAKAK audiences and purposes. We know, for example, that rhythmical and rhymed verse was sung or chanted by puppetmasters (dalang), shamans, curers, diviners, story-tellers and young men and women during courting rituals, as an essential part of traditional social life. (b) The 19th century and after. In contrast to the earlier period, an impressive number of written syair have survived. During the 19th century it became the form for popular improvisation, although it could still be used for religious topics. There are surviving examples of religious handbooks on prayer, basic duties and obligations, marriage law, the pilgrimage to Mecca, and in the realm of the supernatural, syair on divination and the interpretation of dreams. The greatest number of surviving syair texts are lengthy adventure romances, which were primarily for entertainment but were also didactic. Much of the material in these texts was adapted from Persian, Egyptian, Turkish, or Indian stories. The 19th-century Malay-Bugis court at Riau [q.v.] provides an example of an active literary centre. Prose and poetry was written by both men and women, only a few of whom, for example Raja Ali Haji, were "professional" writers. Raja Ali Haji, a religious scholar and historian, used the syair form only rarely, but his relatives wrote copiously in verse about their travels, local wars, current happenings and romances. These writers were not specialists in the sense of writing for their livelihood, and so did not need patrons. They were literate and leisured, and wrote to entertain as well as to provide material that would bring moral benefit to themselves and their audience. In urban centres, especially where there were printing presses, syair appeared in lithographed and print form, from the late 19th century into the early 20th. There are numerous instances of syair versions of popular prose narratives, the verse forms going into more reprintings than the prose originals. However, as the numbers of secular educated Malays and Indonesians grew, western influenced verse forms gradually replaced the syair as the preferred form for poetry. Although he did not use the syair form, the Sumatran poet Amir Hamzah (1911-46) is one of the few from the early modern period who wrote verse with a religious theme. Inspired both by emotion and religion, his two volumes of verse echo the intensity and depth of the syair of Hamzah Fansurl. In the late 20th century, poetry in this spirit is still being composed by the Javanese poet Emha Ainon Nadjib, and being received with acclaim. Bibliography: C. Skinner, Sja'ir Perang Mengkasar, The Hague 1963; G.L. Koster and H. Maier, Variation within identity in the Syair Ken Tambuhan examined with the help of a computer-made concordance, in Indonesia Circle, xxix (Nov. 1982), 3-17; V. Matheson, Questions arising from a nineteenth century Riau syair, in Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, xvii (1983), 1-60; G.W.J. Drewes and L.F. Brakel, The poems of Hamzah Fansuri, Dordrecht-Cinnaminson 1986; V.I. Braginsky, Universe-Man-Text: the Sufi concept of literature (with special reference to Malay Sufism), in BKI, cxlixl/2 (1993) 201-25; I. Proudfoot and V. Hooker, Malay: strands around the Southeast Asian Seas, in Hie temple of language, ed. A. Kumar, Jakarta 1995. (VIRGINIA MATHESON HOOKER) SHAKAK, a large K u r d i s h t r i b e on the Turkish-Iranian border, in the mountainous districts to the west and northwest of Lake Urumiyya (Somay [q.v.] Bradost, Cahrfk and Kutur). In the 1960s it was estimated that the tribe numbered 4,400 households in Iran alone; smaller numbers are based in Turkey.
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The Shakak are Sunni Muslims and speak the northern (Kurmandjf) dialect of Kurdish. In the literature, the Shakak are frequently confounded with the Shakakl [q.v.] Shikaghf, a Turkish-speaking Shi*! (Kizilbash) tribe of Kurdish origins presently living to the east and northeast of Tabriz. Although presently distinct, the relationship between both tribes appears to consist of more than just the similarity of names. Two sections of the Shakak, the Fanak/Finik and the Butan, bear the names of districts in the Djazira. The Sharafndma of Idrls Bidllsl [q.v] (late 16th century) does not mention Shakak, but it describes the Shakakl as a (Kurdish-speaking) nomadic tribe in the district of Finik in the Djazfra. Ottoman documents of the same period also mention Shakakf in Mardfn and Van provinces. It appears that sections of the Shakakf, Kizilbash by religious affiliation, migrated eastward from the Djazfra to Adharbaydjan, where they became turkicised. On their way east, they passed very close by the districts presently inhabited by the Shakak; conceivably the latter incorporate sections of the Shakaki that settled in their midst and lent them their name. The Shakak consist of a large number of named sections (tira or ta'ifa); lists of these sections, compiled at different times, show great variation, indicating considerable flux in the composition of the tribe. Certain sections were at other times listed as separate tribes. The paramount chieftains of the tribe's known history belonged to one of two chiefly lineages (Pisaka), the 'Abdovf/'Avdo'f and the Kardar. Other important sections in Iran include the Mamadf, Hanare, Atmanf, Iwerf, Fanak, Butan, Mukurf, Shapfran, Gawrik and Nrsa.nl. On Ottoman soil, Sykes lists the said Mukurf and Butan besides three other sections named Shakiftf, Shavalf and Shakak. In the late 19th century, the Mukurf and Shakiftf, each numbering around 1,200 households, provided the Ottoman government with a Hamfdiyye regiment each (Kodaman 1987, 54). So did two other tribes of the same region, the Shamsiki and the Takurf, which were sometimes also considered as sections of the Shakak. The semi-nomadic Shakak of Somay and Bradost dominated a non-tribal, Kurdish-speaking peasant population (named Kirmdndj.) that was three times more numerous than themselves; similar relations probably prevailed on the Ottoman side of the border. The earliest remembered paramount chieftain of the Shakak was Ismail Agha of the cAvd6Jf Pisaka, who flourished in the early 19th century. Under Isma'fPs son cAlf, the Shakak first established themselves in Somay, expelling the Turkish lords who had until then controlled the district. Later, the 'Avdo'I established their headquarters even further north, at Cahrfk. In the first quarter of the 20th century it was Isma'fl Agha's great-grandsons DjaTar and especially Isma'Il, nicknamed Simko, who caused the Shakak to acquire a certain fame or notoriety. Dja'far Agha established his control of the entire tribe by, on the one hand, offering his services to the provincial government and, on the other, carrying out daring raids on the surrounding districts. He was finally captured and publicly hung in Tabriz in 1905. The career of Isma'fl Agha "Simko" owed much to the vicissitudes of the First World War and its aftermath. He was in contact with the Ottomans and Russians as well as the local Christian communities and the Persian authorities, and by keeping equal distance from all he maintained wide room for manoeuvre. In the power vacuum resulting from the withdrawal of Russian and Ottoman troops, Simko brought a large area under his control. In 1918 he murdered the Nestorian patri-
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arch, Mar Shimun, who was perhaps his most serious local rival. (The Nestorians had fled their mountain fastnesses in Hakkarf during the war, and settled in the fertile plain of Urumiyya, with the clear intention to stay there.) During the following years, Simko gradually extended the area under his control, and by early 1922 he de facto governed most of the Kurdish-inhabited parts of Adharbaydjan as well as the (Turkish-inhabited) Urumiyya plain. Although begun as a traditional tribal rebellion, Simko's movement acquired Kurdish nationalist overtones. He was in contact with Kurdish leaders in 'Irak and Turkey, nationalists from other parts of Kurdistan joined him, and he had a Kurdish newspaper published in Sawudj-Bulak (Mahabad [q.w.]). In August 1922 a strengthened Iranian army finally defeated Simko, who fled to £Irak. After a final, unsuccessful, bid to establish himself as a local powerholder in 1926, he was ambushed and killed by Iranian government forces in 1929. Paramount leadership of the Shakak passed to Simko's rival £Amr Agha of the Kardar Pisaka, who had acted as Simko's deputy as long as the latter was in a strong position but had in time transferred his loyalties to the central government. His control of the tribe was less complete than Simko's had been, and some sections, notably the
R. Tapper (ed.). The conflict of tribe and state in Iran and Afghanistan, London 1983. (M.M. VAN BRUINESSEN) SHAKAKI or SHIKACTP, a tribe of Kurdish origin centred on Adharbaydjan. According to Yusuf Diya5 al-Dln, the word shikdki means in Kurdish a beast which has a particular disease of the foot. According to Sharaf al-Dm Bidlfsfs Sharaf-ndma (i, 148), the ShakakT were one of the four warrior tribes ('ashirat) in the ndhiya of Finik of the principality of the Djazlra. According to the Ottoman sal-names, there were Kurdish Shakakf in the ndhiye of Sheykhler in the kadd3 of Killfs in the wildyet of Aleppo (cf. Spiegel, Eran. Altertumskunde, i, 744). The ndhiya Shakak of the Djihdn-numd (between Mukus and Djulamerg) is certainly only a mis-reading for Shatakh. As a result of certain movements, probably in the time of the Turkmen confederation of the Ak Koyunlu [q.v.], we find the Shakakl leading a nomadic life on the Mughan river on the frontier of Transcaucasia [see SHAHSEWAN] . At the beginning of the 19th century, there were 8,000 families on Russian territory. Dupre speaks of 25,000 hearths of ShakakT among the tribes speaking Kurdish. About 1814, J. Morier numbered them at 50,000 grouped along the Tabrlz-Zandjan road in the districts of Hashtarud, Garmarud and Miyana as well as at Ardabfl. The Kadjar prince 'Abbas Mlrza drew from this tribe the main cadres of his infantry drilled in European fashion. According to Morier, the Shakakf spoke Turkish. Shfrwanr puts the summer and winter quarters of the 60,000 families of Shakakl in the region of Tabrfz-Sarab (on the road from Ardabfl) and adds that it is a Kurdish tribe whose language is Turkish, which forms part of the Kizil-bash (min tawdbic-i kizil-basK), which evidently means that the tribe is Shi*!, as is also suggested by its association with the Shahsewan. The importance of the tribe may be judged from the fact that, at the beginning of the 20th century, the Kadjar government recruited four regiments from the Shakakl; we do not know the connections that may exist between the Shakakf and the Kurdish Shakak, but all indications point to their being a Turkicised Kurdish tribe (like the Kurds of Gandja). In the toponymy of the region south of Lake Urmiya [see SAWDJ-BULAK] , we find traces of the passage of the Shakakf (the'village of Kishlak Shikaki at Sulduz). Bibliography: A. Dupre, Voyage en Perse, Paris 1819, ii, 462 (from information given by the interpreter of the French legation, Jouannin); J. Morier, Some account of the llydts, in JRGS vii (1837), 299; Zayn al-cAbidm Shfrwanf, Bustdn al-siydhat, Tehran 1315, 317. (V. MINORSKY) SHAKAR GANDJ [see FARID AL-DIN MAS£UD]. SHAKARKHELDA, a village of the premodern Indian province of Berar [q.v.] situated on an affluent of the Penganga river. Its main claim to fame is that it was the site of the battle in 1137/1724 when Nizam al-Mulk Cm Kilic Khan [q.v.] defeated the deputy governor of Haydarabad Mubariz Khan and thereby established the virtual independence of the Nizams of Haydarabad from the Mughal empire. Nizam al-Mulk changed the village's name to Fathkhelda, and this is now a small town in the Buldana District in Maharashtra State of the Indian Union (lat. 20° 13' N., long. 76° 29'). Bibliography: Imperial gazetteer of India2, xii, 86; and see HAYDARABAD, at III, 320a and map at 321. (ED.)
SHAKAWA (A.) means misfortune or misery; equivalents are shakwa, shakd3 and shakan. The concept is the opposite of sacdda [q.v]. According to Kur'an,
SHAKAWA — SHAKHS XX, 122, he who follows God's "right guidance" (huda) escapes from the situation of unhappiness and "does not become unhappy". Accordingly, in the story of the Fall, Adam's expulsion from Paradise is described as "misfortune", into which he ended up for not having followed God's admonition (XX, 117 ff.). But in the Kur'an the derivations from the root sh-k-w (shakdwa itself is not found) are mainly used eschatologically: the "unhappy one" (shakiyy) will find himself in the fire of Hell, in contrast to the "blissful" (sacid\ who will stay in Paradise (XI, 105/107 ff.). In the hadith, this eschatological usage is taken up in the doctrine of God's predestination; following a prophetic tradition, "the blissful are placed [by God] in a position in which they are able to act as the blissful do, but the unhappy ones can only act as the unhappy do" (Muslim, Sahih, kitdb al-kadar, no. 6). The deterministic usage of shakdwa is also taken up by Islamic theology, where distinction is made between the divine attributes al-kadd3 wa 'l-kadar [q.v.], which determine the contents of the "preserved table" (al-lawh al-mahfuz [q.v.]) on the one hand, and "what is written down" (al-maktub] on the "preserved table" on the other; the latter is a human attribute "in the form of bliss or misfortune" (sacadatm aw shakdwatart] which can be changed into its opposite by the acts of man (see Abu '1-Layth al-Samarkandf, Shark al-fikh al-absat li-Abi Hanifa, ed. H. Daiber, The Islamic concept of belief in the 4th/10th century, Tokyo 1994 [= Studia culturae islamicae], Arabic text, 11. 301 ff., 319 ff.). In his commentary on the Kur'an, the scholar alRaghib al-Isfaham (d. 5th/11th century [q.v.]} connects the concept of shakdwa in analogy with sacdda (cf. Daiber, Griechische Ethik in islamischem Gewande, in Historia philosophiae, ed. B. Mojsisch and O. Pluta, AmsterdamPhiladelphia 1991, 184-5), with the hereafter and with this world, and he divides the "unhappiness of this world" into three kinds: unhappiness of the soul (nafsiyya], unhappiness of the body (badaniyyd) and external (khdrid^iyya] unhappiness (see Mu'ajam mufraddt aljazi al-Kur3dn, ed. Nadlm Mar'ashli, (n.p. 1972, 271, s.v.). To sum up, the term shakdwa is used both in the meaning of a situation in this world and also of the situation in the hereafter, which is determined by God but for which man is responsible through his behaviour. The term does not therefore play a role in the Islamic discussions on theodicy (see E.L. Ormsby, Theodicy in Islamk thought, Princeton 1984). In astrology, the concept of "misfortune" is described by nahs, pi. nuhus. The question is discussed whether unlucky stars (such as Saturn and Mars [see AL-MIRRIKH]) dominate the hour of birth, and whether they are able to exercise their calamitous influence (nuhusa). See Rasd'il Ikhwdn al-Saja3, ed. Ziriklf, iii, Cairo 1928, 341, tr. S. Diwald-Wilzer, Arabische Philosophie und Wissenschaft in der Enzyklopddie Kitab Ihwan as-safa* (Hi), Wiesbaden 1975, 468. See also Abu Ma'sar, The Abbreviation of the Introduction to astrology, ed. and tr. Ch. Burnett, Keji Yamamoto and Michio Yano, Leiden 1994 (= IPTS, XV), index of Arabic terms, s.v. According to Abu Ma'shar, the (evil as well as good) influence of the planets does not exclude chance or freedom (see R. Lemay, Abu Macshar and Latin Aristotelianism in the twelfth century, Beirut 1962, 125 ff.). Bibliography: Given in the article. (H. DAIBER) SHAKHS (A.), lit. "bodily form, shape". The noun form does not occur in the Kur'an, although verbal and adjectival forms of its root, here denoting a different range of meaning, that of staring fixedly (of the eyes), do occur (XIV, 43/42, XXI, 97).
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1. In philosophy. Here, shakhs, pi. asjikhds, is equivalent to the Greek aio^iov meaning an individual, a person. Philosophically, the ashkhds are to be distinguished from adjnds (genera) and anwdc (species), as well as Arabic words which may have connotations of the particular or individual such as khdss and aajzd3. Individuation may be rendered in philosophy by the term tash.akhkhus. The term shakhs and its plural is used not only in Islamic philosophy (e.g. by al-Kindf, al-Farabf, Ibn Sfna, Ibn Rushd) but also in Arabic theological commentary. When Christian theologians like John of Damascus, talking of the Trinity, held that every hypostasis (\)7t6ataa{<;) was an individual (axo^iov), al-Kindr believed that the Greek word i)7ioai(xaei<; was best rendered by the Arabic ashkhds (Wolfson, 321-2). Here then, specifically and theologically, shakhs bore the sense of Trinitarian "Person". More usually, however, in Islamic philosophy the term was a mainly neutral one simply rendering such terms as "individual" (see Booth, 112). It is worth noting that, while the great Neoplatonist Porphyry of Tyre (A.D. 234-oz. 305) in his Eisagoge identified five "voices" or "predicables" (species, genus, difference, property and accident), the Ikhwan al-Safa0 [q.v] added a sixth term, the individual (al-shakhs), to the standard list of five. In this they may have followed al-Kindf, who was the only other Islamic philosopher to espouse a sixfold list. Alternatively, and depending of course on when the Rascfil Ikhwdn al-Saja3 are believed to have been written, it is possible that the Ikhwan were inspired to add and use the term al-shakhs after becoming familiar with al-Khwarazmf's definition of this term (141) as one used "by logicians to designate Zayd and £ Amr and this man and that donkey and horse". Bibliography: 1. Arabic and other primary sources. Farabf, Ta'likdt', Ibn Rushd, Tahdfut alTahdfut; Ibn Sfna, K. al-Shifa3, Ikhwan al-Safa', Rasd'il; Khwarazmi, Majatlh al-culum\ Kindi, Rasd'il al-Kindi al-falsajiyya; P. Morewedge, The Metaphysica of Avicenna (ibn Stnd), Persian Heritage Series no. 13, New York 1973; Porphyry, Porphyrii Isagoge et in Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium, ed. A. Busse, Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca 4, 1, Berlin 1887; F.W. Zimmermann, Al-Farabi's Commentary and Short Treatise on Aristotle's De interpretation, Classical and Medieval Logic Texts III, Oxford 1981. 2. Secondary sources. S.M. Afnan, A philosophical lexicon in Persian and Arabic, Beirut 1969, s.w. shakhs, tashakhkhus; G.N. Atiyeh, Al-Kindl. The philosopher of the Arabs, Rawalpindi 1966; E. Booth, Aristotelian aporetic ontology in Islamic and Christian thinkers, Cambridge 1983; I.R. Netton, Muslim Neoplatonists. An introduction to the thought of The Brethren of Purity (Ikhwdn al-Saja3) London 1982, Edinburgh 1991 (Islamic Surveys 19); H.A. Wolfson, The philosophy of the Kalam, Structure and Growth of Philosophic Systems from Plato to Spinoza IV, Cambridge and London 1976. (I.R. NETTON) 2. In law. The term shakhs is employed in modern law in some Muslim countries such as Egypt, Syria, Libya, and 'Irak, where it would appear to have been coined under the influences of western legal systems. It means either the natural person (shakhs tab?i) or the assumed person (shakhs i'tibdri). The life of a natural person starts with the formation of the embryo, providing it is born alive or even assumed to be alive (takdir0"}. The Hanafis, however, give the living status to a "human" once most of it is born alive. They also assume a personality for the embryo even if its life is taken prior to the birth. Accordingly, the baby is
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SHARKS — SHAKlKAT AL-NU'MAN
treated as having a legal entity that can inherit and be inherited from. Syrian Law, both the civil code (art. 31) and the law of personal status (art. 236/1, 2360/2) have incorporated an opposing legal view to that of Hanafis. It stipulates that an embryo can only be considered a person if separated from his mother's body. The natural personality normally ends by natural death. Legally, it can be ended by a court injunction that assumes a missing person to be dead by estimating his life in comparison to his age when he disappeared. The legal responsibility (dhimma) of a deceased person can remain after his death until all his rights and duties are cleared. Although the concept of shakhsiyya, legal personality, does not exist in Islamic law, at least historically, its meaning was subsumed under the heading of ahliyya or the legal capacity of an individual to be a subject of the law. Ahliyya can be either a right-acquiring capacity (ahliyyat wuajub) or execution capacity (ahliyyat idd}) which involves the ability to contract, to dispose, and therefore also validly to fulfil one's obligations. In Islamic law, the assumed personality (shakhsiyya i'tibdriyyd] seems to have been synthesised during the discussions by the Jukahd3 regarding the capacity of a "person" for obligation (ahliyyat wuajub). Ownership also poses a problem when an endowment or legacy is made to non-living establishments and institutions; does it own that endowment or not? The Hanafis appear to restrict the status of ownership to living persons, although the Shafi'fs and the Malikls grant the right of ownership to assumed persons. Bibliography: J. Schacht, An Introduction to Islamic law, Oxford 1964, 124-6; Wahba al-Zuhayll, al-Fikh al-Isldmi wa-adillatuh, Beirut 1985, iv, 10-12, 119; Husayn Khalaf al-Djuburi, 'Awarid al-ahliyya 'ind alusuliyyin, Umm al-Qura University, Mecca 1988, 103-8. (MAWIL Y. Izzi DIEN) SHAKIB ARSLAN (1869-1946), a Duruz [q.v.] notable from the Shuf region of Lebanon and polemicist. During the first fifty years of his life, he established a reputation as an accomplished Arab poet and journalist and as an Islamic-oriented activist dedicated to the preservation of the Ottoman Empire. In the period between the two World Wars he became an anti-imperial agitator and a relentless spokesman for the cause of Islamic solidarity. His voluminous writings, his well-connected network of associates, and his knack for attracting publicity made him one of the most visible Arab figures of the interwar era. The Arslans were a powerful Duruz family whose members had the right to bear the tide of amir [q.v.]. Educated at Maronite and Ottoman secondary schools, Arslan at first eschewed the family tradition of politics in favour of literature. He published his first volume of poetry at the age of seventeen and continued to engage in literary pursuits for the next several years, earning the honorific title amir al-baydn ("the prince of eloquence") by which he was known for the rest of his life. Eventually, he assumed the role expected of an Arslan amir by serving as kd'immakdm of the Shuf [q.v.] on two different occasions (1902; 1908-11). He was elected to the Ottoman Parliament in 1914 and devoted the war years to defending the Ottoman cause. With the Ottoman defeat and the imposition of the mandate system, Arslan became an exile, barred by British and French authorities from entering the states under their control. Instead of becoming marginalised by his changed circumstances, Arslan emerged as an international figure during the interwar period. His residence in Geneva served as a gathering point for Arab and Muslim activists, and his position as the
unofficial representative of the Syro-Palestinian delegation to the League of Nations afforded him opportunities to present the Arab case to the European community. His influence was expanded through the journal La Nation Arabe (1930-8), that he founded and edited with his Syrian associate, Ihsan al-Djabin. La Nation Arabe attacked all aspects of European imperialism in the Arab world, but devoted special attention to French policies in North Africa and Zionist activities in Palestine. Notwithstanding his Duruz origins, Arslan made his reputation as a staunch defender of Sunn! Islam. He contributed regular articles to Islamic-oriented Egyptian journals such as al-Fath and wrote several books on Islamic subjects. The purpose of his writings was to awaken among Muslims an awareness of their shared Islamic heritage and to summon them to political action against European imperialism in the name of Islamic unity. More than any other figure of the era, Arslan endeavoured to bring together the leaders of the North African and Eastern Arab independence movements. He played an especially important role as political strategist and personal mentor to the group of young Moroccans associated with the Free School movement, and his orchestration of their international Islamic propaganda campaign against the French decree known as the Berber g,ahlr (1930) was one of the most successful interwar Arab protest movements. Arslan's final reputation was diminished by his association with the Axis powers. At the peak of his popularity, he endeavoured to coordinate an ItalianGerman alliance with the Arab world in order to generate leverage against Britain and France. His efforts generated much publicity but few results, and his continued pro-Axis stance during World War II discredited him. His death in Beirut in 1946 attracted little notice. Bibliography. 1. Works by Arslan. Diwdn alamir Shatib Arslan, ed. Rashfd Rida, Cairo 1935; Li-mddhd ta'akhkhar al-muslimun wa-li-mddhd takaddam ghayruhum-', 3Cairo 1939, tr. M.S. Shakoor as Our decline and its causes, repr. Lahore 1962; al-Sayyid Rashid Rida aw ikhd3 arbacin sana, Damascus 1937; Shawki aw sadakat arbacln sana, Cairo 1936; Sira dhdtiyya, Beirut 1969. 2. Studies. Ahmad Sharabasf, Amir al-baydn Shatib Arslan, 2 vols., Cairo 1963; J.P. Halstead, Rebirth of a nation: the origins and rise of Moroccan nationalism, 1912-1944, Cambridge, Mass. 1967; Ch.-A. Julien, L'Afrique du nord en marche: nationalismes musulmans et souverainete fran$aise, 3Paris 1972; W.L. Cleveland, Islam against the West: Shakib Arslan and the campaign for Islamic nationalism, Austin, Texas 1985 (full bibl.) (W.L. CLEVELAND) SHAKlKAT AL-NU£MAN (A.) is the anemone. It flourishes in the lands around the Mediterranean and in Asia Minor. The Anemone coronoria L. or the Anemone hortensis L, Ranunculaceae, qualify as mother plants. Both sjiaklkat (shakd'ik) al-nucmdn and the words shakd'ik and nucmdn taken separately are in general synonymous. Other synonyms are shakir, Persian Idla, Berber tikuk, in Spanish Arabic hababawar < Castilian hamapola < papaver, Greek arghdmuna (= dpye^oMi, the poppy, instead of dvencbvri). So far a satisfactory explanation of the name has not been given. Many scholars have wished to derive dvejicovrj from al-nucmdn, while others prefer the opposite explanation. In clrak the anemone was called khadd al-cadhrd3 "virgin's cheek", which already existed as a by-name of Kufa. The Lakhmid king al-Nucman b. al-Mundhir (II) (r. towards the end of the 5th century A.D.) is said
SHAKlKAT AL-NUCMAN — AL-SHAKIRIYYA to have been so much enraptured by the beauty of the anemone that the flower was called al-nucman after him, while shakika is said to have preserved the name of his mother Shakika. The nifmdn is described as being similar to the poppy (khashkhash}; the difference is said to be recognisable from the fact that the edges of the petals of the nu'man are laciniated (kathir altaktf), while those of the khashkhash are only slightly dentated (kalil al-tashnf). The anemone exists in two kinds: a cultivated one, whose petals are red, white or purple and which spreads out on the ground with long stalks, and a wild one, which is bigger and more solid than the cultivated one, has larger petals and longer tops (ru3us), and is scarlet-coloured. It opens during the day, turns towards the sun and shuts at night. eAbd Allah b. Salih, Ibn al-Baytar's teacher (see Dietrich, Dioscurides triumphant, ii, 159), rightly recognised that anemones cannot belong to the species of the poppy plants (Papaveraceae), the nearest related family. On superficial inspection, the petals of some species of the Ranunculaceae show similarity with those of the Papaveraceae. In medicine, the anemone at present seems hardly to be used any more. In the drug bazaar in Cairo, pulverised petals of the anemone are sold as decoctions against ailments of the eye. According to the Arab authors, the anemone is above all useful against skin diseases, and it dissolves ulcers and supports their ripening. Its juice blackens the pupil, cuts off an incipient cataract, strengthens the eye and sharpens the eyesight. Boiled together with their stalks, anemones further the formation of milk. If a woman inserts the anemone with the help of a woollen tampon (sufa), she increases the flowing of the menstrual blood (i.e. if an abortive effect is aimed at). Ibn Ridwan (in Ibn al-Baytar, Didmif, iii, 65, 25-7) is even of the opinion that seeds of anemones, if taken during several consecutive days, would cure leprosy. On the anemone in Arab poetry, see al-Nuwayn, Mhdya, xi, 281-5, who gives many examples. Bibliography: Ibn al-Djazzar, K. al-I'limad fi } l-adwiya al-mufrada, 9-10, Frankfurt 1985, Ibn Samadjun, Djdmic al-adwiya al-mufrada, Frankfurt, 1992, iv, 240 ff.; Ibn al-Baytar, Qamf, Bulak 1291/ 1874-5, iii, 64, 11. 24-65, 1. 27 (Leclerc no. 1329); Ibn al-Kuff, K. al-cUmda fi 'l-a^irdha, Haydarabad 1356/1937-8, i, 244 f; Tuhfat al-ahbdb, ed. RenaudColin, Paris 1934, no. 441; M.A.H. Ducros, Essai sur le droguier populaire arabe, Cairo 1930, no. 135; A. Dietrich, Dioscurides triumphans, Gottingen 1988, ii, 159, iv, 56, with many source references. (A. DIETRICH) SHAKIR, AHMAD MUHAMMAD (1892-1958), well-known Egyptian scholar and editor of classical Arabic texts dealing with poetry, adab [q.v.] and especially hadith [q.v.]. He received his religious education at al-Azhar [q.v.], whereafter he was appointed kadi in Zagazig. Already during his lifetime Shakir was considered as the foremost hadith expert of his generation. He was particularly famous for his alleged expertise in the relationships between transmitters featuring in isndds [q.v.]. He died just before a stormy controversy on the value of Muslim tradition broke out which was to upset religious circles in Egypt first and then, in later years, to cause ripples also in other countries of the Middle East. Already in the period leading up to this event, in the course of which a certain hadith scholar, Mahmud Abu Rayya, had been airing his intention to publish several most unorthodox ideas on various vital hadith issues, Shakir had occasionally made his strictly orthodox point of view on the matter very clear. For an analysis of this con-
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troversy, see G.H.A. Juynboll, The authenticity of Muslim tradition literature. Discussions in modern Egypt, Leiden 1969, 38-46, and idem, Muslim tradition etc., Cambridge 1983, 190-1, 204-6. Shakir's main editorial enterprise comprised a new edition of the Musnad of Ahmad b. M. b. Hanbal (d. 241/855 [q.v.])} which he did not complete: only some two-fifths of the work were eventually printed, vols. i-xv, Cairo 1946-56, with a posthumously published vol. xix of 1980. For a survey of other texts which Shakir edited, some of them in cooperation with his brother Mahmud or with cAbd al-Salam Muhammad Harun, see Mad^allat maehad al-makhtutdt al-carabiyya, iv/2 (1378/1958), 356-8; al-Zirildi, A'l&m, 4 1979, i, 253. Beside these editions he published a number of assorted monographs on subjects dealing with (often Shafti) jikh and religio-political issues raised by the Salafiyya reform movement [q.v] and the doctrines of Muhammad b. cAbd al-Wahhab [q.v.], several of which contained polemical treatises in which he grappled with fellow-scholars, e.g. al-Sharc wa 'l-lugha, Cairo 1944 (on the undesirability of introducing modern western legislation into Islamic countries and on his disapproval of writing Arabic with the Latin alphabet proposed by cAbd al-cAzfz Fahrm) and Bayni wa-bayna al-shaykh Hdmid al-Fiki, Cairo 1955 (on a putative misconception attributed to Ibn Taymiyya [q.v], the mediaeval scholar who is so revered by the Wahhabiyya). For more polemics between him and al-Sayyid Ahmad Sakr, see Shakir's edition of Ibn Kutayba's K. al-Shfr wa 'l-shu'ard3, 2Cairo 1966, 5-35. He also seems to have fallen out with another Egyptian hadith expert, Muhammad Fu'ad cAbd al-Bakf, at whose contacts with western scholars he looked askance. In his newly initiated edition of al-Qdmi( alsahih of Abu Isa al-Tirmidhf (d. 279/892 [q.v]), Shakir therefore declined to conform with Wensinck's proposed chapter numbering of the canonical collections for the Concordance et indices de la tradition musulmane, which was then in the process of being printed, this much to the chagrin of cAbd al-Bakl, who saw the future utility of that work gravely impaired, cf. vol. iii of al-Tirmidhi, 3-4. For more details on Shakir's life, his criticism of mediaeval and contemporary oriental scholars and westerners, as well as an extensive analysis of his work as a 20th century orthodox Muslim muhaddith, see Juynboll, Ahmad Muhammad Shakir (1892-1958), and his edition of Ibn Hanbal's Musnad, in Isl, xlix (1972), 221-47. Bibliography: Given in the article. (G.H.A. JUYNBOLL) AL-SHAKIRIYYA (A.), a term denoting private militias fighting under the patronage of princes from the ruling dynasty, or commanders belonging to the class of military nobility, during the reign of the Umayyad and cAbbasid dynasties. Classical Arabic lexicography does not provide a satisfactory explanation for tlm term, correctly associating it with the Persian term Cdkir; for a discussion of possible etymologies, see C.E. Bosworth, The History of al-Taban, xxxiii, 179 and n. 506. The institution of the shdkiriyya, from the historical standpoint, probably existed in the Iranian lands of Central Asia during the Sasanid period and into the period after the Islamic conquest. According to Narshakhl, the Shakiriyya in Bukhara were not a field military unit, but rather, a bodyguard at the court of Khatun, the queen of Bukhara in the late 7th century A.D. (Ta'rikh-i Bukhara, ed. M. Ridawf, Tehran n.d. [1939], 46, tr. R.N. Frye, The history of Bukhara, 39). After the Arab invasions of Transoxania, the Arab commanders and governors in the eastern province
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followed in the footsteps of the local princes and established their own units of shdkiriyya, who served as bodyguards, and then combattants. This was the result of growing pressure on the part of the Turgesh toward the end of the 7th century and the first and second decades of the eighth, when the Arabs in Central Asia were compelled to enlist the aid of the shdkiriyya which were under the command of the local nobility. Prominent among the latter were two brothers, Thabit and Hurayth, sons of Kutba. The phenomenon did not remain limited to the eastern provinces; it also spread westward to Trak and Syria, where shdkiriyya units operated as private militias under the command of Arab commanders and princes for the purpose of putting down the insurrections of the Kharidjites [q.v.] alongside the semi-regular army of the Arab mukdtila. The struggle for power and disputes within the dynasty toward the end of the Umayyad period, encouraged and expedited the existence of such private units. Under the 'Abbasids, the institution of the shdkiriyya flourished, thanks to the growing tendency of the caliphs to eliminate their dependency upon Arab tribesmen and to rely more heavily upon the mawdti element. Decisive steps in this direction were taken by al-Ma'mun, and also al-Muctasim, during whose reign the shdkiriyya became a national military institution which, along with other ethnic groups, replaced the classical structure of the Arab tribal fighters. This was expressed in the establishment of a separate office, the diwdn al-shdkiriyya, and the sjidtdriyya troops received monthly salaries which were quite high in comparison with those received by their colleagues, the Turkish troops and the Maghdriba. Because they were subordinate to the caliphs, the shdkiriyya forces were stationed in the capital Baghdad, and later in Samarra. But the establishment of the diwdn al-shdkiriyya did not change the nature of the shdkiriyya as a private militia; military commanders, kuwwdd, of both Arab and non-Arab origin, continued to keep shdkiriyya as their own private militias, as witness the existence of shdkiriyya militias in such cities as Kufa, Medina, Rakka and Malatya, as well as in such provinces as Ahwaz, Fars, Hidjaz and Egypt. In contrast to other militias, Arab sources do not indicate the ethnic identity of the shdkiriyya, a fact which may point to their having belonged to a variety of ethnic groups, seen in traditions which speak of shdkiriyya of Arab origin as well as shdkiriyya from various nations and ethnic groups which lived within the borders of the former Sasanid Persia. Whatever their origin, their loyalty to their patron the caliph was the common denominator which united them; manifestations of this loyalty could be seen after the murder of al-Mutawakkil (247/861) by Turkish commanders, and also in the loyalty toward the deposed caliph al-Mustacm in 252/866 and the shdkiriyya's support of al-Muhtadl in his struggle against the Turkish commanders in 256/869. Bibliography: W. Barthold, Turkestan*, 180; J. Wellhausen, The Arab kingdom and its fall; Djahiz, Mandkib al-Atrdk, in Rasd'il al-Qdhiz, ed. cAbd alSalam Harun, Cairo 1964, i, 30; Mas'udi, Muru^, indices; idem, Tanbih, 361-2; Taban, index; Fayruzabadhr, al-Kdmus al-muhit, 2Cairo 1344, ii, 63; TA, s.v. sh-k-r. (KHALIL 'ATHAMINA) SHARK (A.) "perplexity", " u n c e r t a i n t y " , "doubt" in the philosophical sense (though not the vernacular English sense of "being suspicious, dubious"). In ritual, shakk signifies uncertainty over the effective performance of an act. In epistemology, it is part of an epistemic ranking from yakin (certainty) to
ghalabat al-^ann (likelihood), to zann (presumption), to shakk (uncertainty), to shubha (suspicion). 1. In Islamic legal and religious practice. In the Kur'an there are 15 usages, all in noun form, often in a formulaic combination with murib, e.g. XI, 110; XXXIV, 54. Kur'anic usages taken together suggest that shakk is hesitation in response to a summons (da'wa) (XI, 62; XIV, 9-10). Shakk occurs despite a clear sign (XL, 34) and as a result of difference (ikhtildf). Chastisement would resolve the uncertainty (VIII, 38), which is a kind of lack of seriousness (yal'abund) (XLIV, 9). It is a state opposed to knowing (cilm), and usage suggests a holding back from commitment (imdn) (XXXIV, 21). In the clearest (and perhaps latest) Kur'anic usage (IV, 157), the entire epistemological ranking system is laid out, from errant supposition, to wilful pluralism as a cause of uncertainty: "Those who are errant have no knowledge, no certainty, but at best only supposition; it is said that those who assert that they killed the Messiah Jesus, son of Mary, the Messenger of God, are in error, and those who disagree are uncertain about it (la-Ji shakkm minhu)". In ritual, the term refers to uncertainty whether some condition of a ritual has been properly performed, e.g. when performing a specified number of rakacdt, if one loses track of the number completed, this uncertainty is called shakk. For the Shafi'fs, Malikls and Hanballs, the person who has lost track must begin again from whatever point he is confident he completed. For the Hanafis, one is enjoined to try to recall how many had been done. If, upon reflection, one still cannot recall, then, like the other Sunnls, Hanafis are enjoined to begin at the point of certainty. The Zaydis generally follow the Sunn! madhhab in this (Ibn al-Murtada, ii, 337-9). Imamf Shffs hold that if the uncertainty occurs either during a saldt for which the stipulated number of rakacdt is only two— as with the prayer of the two festivals—or during the first two of a saldt for which four is stipulated, such as the {ishd\ then the entire effort is voided and one must begin again from the beginning. If the uncertainty arises in the second pair of the cishd', only the latter part must be repeated. For all schools, the completion of the ritual renders irrelevant any subsequent doubts about its performance. In epistemology, shakk refers to a state of uncertainty resulting from the equipollence of beliefs or evidence. It is a sub-species of ignorance (al-Tahanawf, 780). In a commonly cited definition, Ibn Furak (d. 406/1015 [q.v.]) says that shakk is the judgment of possibility (tadjwl£) of two matters with no advantage to one over the other (K. al-Hudud, 34j. This definition, however, al-Ghazalf criticises, arguing that, "shakk refers to contradictory beliefs grounded on two [different] motivations to belief (sababayn). Something which has no motivation to belief cannot be affirmed by the soul so that one thereby equipollates the contrary belief and it becomes uncertain. Thus we say: if one is uncertain whether one has prayed three or four [rakacdf\, choose 'three' since the basic principle is 'no additional.' But, if one were asked whether the noon prayer which he performed ten years before was three or four, he cannot verify absolutely that it was four, so he cannot eliminate the possibility that it was three. This judgment of possibility (taajwtz) is not shakk, since he has no motivation that would oblige him to believe it was three. Let us therefore understand the precise meaning of shakk so that it is not conflated with fancy (wahm), or judgment of possibility (tadiwiz) without motivation" (Ihyd\ ii, 99; see also Jabre, Lexique de Ghazdti, 131).
SHARK — SHAKKAZIYYA Al-Tahanawi (Kashshdf, 780-1) is proof, however, that al-Ghazalfs distinction did not completely find favour, since he says, quoting al-Raghib al-Isbahanl (al-Mufraddt, i, 388) "shakk is judging equal two antithetical notions and equipollating them. This may be from the presence of two equivocal signs (amdratayn) ... or from the absence of signs." Al-Nawawf (676/1278 [q.v.]) confirms this understanding, saying, "fukaha3 apply the word shakk in many books ofjikh to wavering (al-taraddud) between two sides, whether they are equal or one is preferred, as one says 'uncertainty about the haditji, or concerning impurity, or one's saldh or one's circumambulation, or intention, or divorce'" (Tahdhib al-asmd3, ii, 166-7; Abu '1-Baka1, Kulliyydt, iii, 63). There is some suggestion that shakk refers to the objective fact of uncertainty and another word, rayb, to the state of perplexity consequent to that fact. Abu l-Baka' says in his Kulliyydt, iii, 63, that "shakk is the cause of rayb ... shakk is the basis (mabda3) of rayb, as knowledge is the basis of certainty"; and al-Nawawf (ibid.) says that shakk is "a wavering of the mind" (tamddud al-dhihri). Bibliography: Ibn Furak, in M.A.S. Abdel Haleem, Early Islamic theological and juristic terminology; Kitdb al-HududJi 'l-usul by Ibn Furak, in BSOAS, liv (1991), 5-41; Abu Ya'la al-Farra' al-Hanball, al-cUdda fi usul al-fikh, ed. Ahmad b. cAlf Sayr al-Mubarakf, Beirut 1980/1400, i, 83; Badjf, K. al-Hududfi 'l-usul, ed. Nazfh Hammad, Beirut and Hims 1392/1973, 29; Ghazalf, Ihyd3, Beirut n.d.; Nawawf, Tahdhib al-asmd3 wa 'l-lughdt, Cairo 1927; al-Raghib alIsbahani, al-Mufraddt fi ghanb al-Kur'dn, ed. Muhammad Ahmad Khalafallah, Cairo 1970, i, 388-9; Djurdjanf, K. al-Ta'nfdt, Leipzig 1845, 134; Ibn alMurtada, al-Bahr al-zakhkhdr al-aj_dmic li-madhdhib 'ulamd* al-amsdr, ed. cAbd Allah b. cAbd al-Kanm al-Djurafi, Beirut 1394/1975, ii, 337-9; Abu '1-Baka', al-KaffawI, al-Kulliyydt, mu'gjam fi 'l-mustalahdt wa 'l-furuk al-lughawiyya, ed. eAdnan Darwfsh and Muhammad al-Misrf, Damascus 1974, iii, 62-3; Tahanawl, Kashshdf istildhdt al-funun, Calcutta 1854, 780-2; Farid Jabre, Essai sur le lexique de Ghazdli. Contribution a I'etude de la terminologie de Ghazdli dans ses principaux ouvrages a Exception du Tahdjut, Beirut 1970, 131; Muhammad Djawar Mughniyya, al-Fikh c ald 'l-madhdhib al-khamsa, Beirut n.d., i, 116-19; Sacdi Abu Djayb, al-Kdmus al-fikhi lughatm wa-istildhm, Damascus 1402/1982, 200-1. (A.K. REINHART) 2. In philosophy. In one of its senses, shakk is an appropriate rendition of the Greek ctTtopicc (defined by Liddell and Scott as "want of means or resource, embarrassment, difficulty, hesitation, perplexity"). However, the Ikhwan al-SafaJ in their Rasd3il considered "doubt" (al-shakk) more starkly as a sickness of the soul while its opposite "certainty" (al-yakin) constituted that soul's health. For al-Djurdjanf, shakk was a hesitation between two antitheses. It is also useful to go behind such snap definitions and examine what "doubt" meant in terms of the development of Islamic philosophy. While no formal school of Islamic sceptics ever established themselves after the manner of a Pyrrho or a Timon, it is clear that monolithic "certainty" was no more to be observed in Islamic philosophy than it was in theology. Fakhr al-Dm al-Razf, indeed, gained a reputation as a doubter and a critic of both philosophers and theologians. Al-Ghazalfs method has been described as one of doubt or scepticism with antecedents both in the reductionist atomism of the Ash'arfs and the thought of such Muctazilfs as al-
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Nazzam and Abu '1-Hudhayl [q.vv.] for whom knowledge began with doubt. As M. Saeed Sheikh puts it, "The most important thing about al-Ghazalf's system of thought is its method which may be described as that of the courage to know and the courage to doubt. The best expression of it is given in his famous autobiographical work, al-Munqidh min al-Daldl." However, the archetypal paradigm of "doubt" in the whole of Islamic philosophy must surely be the eponymous hero of Ibn Tufayl's [q.v.] Hayy b. Tak^dn. The philosopher presents his hero intellectually "naked", free from all presuppositions, free to accept or doubt. Sami S. Hawi puts it in a nutshell: "By removing Hayy from the social situation, Ibn Tufayl had done what Descartes, Hume and Husserl did. He was attempting a hypothetical destruction of and universal doubt in the surrounding world of tradition and early education." Bibliography: Soheil M. Afnan, A philosophical lexicon in Persian and Arabic, Beirut 1969; E. Booth, Aristotelian aporetic ontology in Islamic and Christian thinkers, Cambridge 1983; Djurcljanf, Kitdb al-Tacnfdt, Sami S. Hawi, Islamic naturalism and mysticism: a philosophic study of Ibn Tufayl's Hayy Bin Taq^dn, Leiden 1974; An intermediate Greek-English lexicon, founded upon the 7th edn. of Liddell and Scott's Greek-English lexicon, Oxford 1968; Fakhr al-Dm RazI, Mabdhith alMashrikiyya, Haydarabad 1924, i; M.M. Sharif (ed.), A history of Muslim philosophy, Wiesbaden 1963, i, see esp. ch. XXX "Al-Ghazalf: Metaphysics" by M. Saeed Sheikh, and ch. XXXII "Fakhr al-Din Razf" by Seyyed Hossein Nasr. (I.R. NETTON) SHAKKAZIYYA (A.), the name given to the markings of a universal stereographic proj e c t i o n which underlies a family of astronomical instruments serving all terrestrial latitudes. The standard astrolabe [see ASTURLAB] contains a series of plates for different latitudes. Originally, on Greek astrolabes and the first Islamic astrolabes, these served the seven climates of Antiquity [see IKLIM]. However, already in the 3rd/9th century specific latitudes were selected and sometimes lists of localities served by these would also be engraved on the plates. In al-Andalus in the 5th/11th century two astronomers, Abu Ishak Ibn al-Zarkallu and £Alf b. Khalaf, developed instruments in which these plates for a series of latitudes were replaced by a single plate (sajiha), essentially an astrolabic plate serving the latitude of the equator, but more precisely a stereographic projection of the celestial sphere from the vernal point on to the plane of the solstitial colure. This had the technical advantage that it could be used for any terrestrial latitude. It also had aesthetic advantages: the markings, which consist of two families of orthogonal circles (for, say, meridians and parallels of declination, or for longitudes and latitudes), are symmetrical with respect to both axes (in other words, they are the same in all four quadrants) and they do not crowd together in any place. The safiha zarkalliyya (see below) became known to modern scholarship through the researches of J.M. Millas Vallicrosa. But the meaning and significance of the term shakkdziyya was unknown when Willy Hartner published his masterly study of the theory of the astrolabe in Pope's Survey of Persian art (1939) and the summary thereof in the article ASTURLAB [q.v.]. In the latter he wrote (vol. I, 727a): "Another early variety of al-Zarkalfs astrolabe is the safiha shakdziyya (or shakdriyya], about which we do not possess any accurate information." We now possess a great deal of information about this, but have still not solved some of the basic problems.
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SHAKKAZIYYA
In spite of the research of various scholars over the past two decades, the details of the development of the various universal devices associated with Ibn al-Zarkallu and CA1I b. Khalaf, the relationship between them, as well as the nature of their respective contributions, remain somewhat unclear. What is clear is that Ibn al-Zarkallu wrote treatises on two different universal instruments, both plates, and that CA1I b. Khalaf wrote a treatise on a universal astrolabe. The safiha shakkdziyya bears a set of shakkdziyya markings with a graduated straight line drawn across it at an angle to the equator equal to the obliquity of the ecliptic [see MAYL] to represent the projection of the ecliptic. The circles of longitude for the beginning of each pair of signs are drawn for this second coordinate system. The ensemble can be used, together with a diametral rule attached at the centre, to solve various problems of spherical astronomy, although the solution of the most important of these, the determination of time from celestial altitude, can only be achieved approximately. In other words, the instrument has some limitations. On the back are scales for finding the solar longitude from the day of the solar year and others for finding shadow lengths. The safiha zarkdlliyya consists of two sets of shakkdziyya markings superposed one upon the other, with their axes inclined at an angle equal to the obliquity. This results in a somewhat cluttered ensemble and these markings have but one use: to convert celestial coordinates from the ecliptic to the equatorial system and vice versa. The back of this safiha was marked with a trigonometric grid bearing an orthogonal meridian projection. This allows exact solutions to be found for all of the standard problems of spherical astronomy. There is also a curious small circle offset from the centre (see below). The universal astrolabe consists essentially of a plate with shakkdziyya markings and a rete with the same; the latter can then rotate over the former. The combination can be used to solve any problem of spherical astronomy, since one can consider the two sets of markings as representing a horizon-based or equatorial or ecliptic coordinate grid. 'All b. Khalaf further restricted the shakkdziyya grid on the rete to one-half of the rete, leaving the other free for a celestial mapping of both the northern and southern halves of the ecliptic superposed one upon the other. With this problems relating to the sun and various fixed stars could be solved using the shakkdziyya plate below. The universal astrolabe is no longer an analogue computer like the standard astrolabe. Mainly as a result of the influence of the 13thcentury Libros del saber de astronomia, in which these three instruments were featured, European astronomers learned of the shakkdziyya grid and called it safea or saphea after the Arabic safiha (see Poulle, 1969). It is found on several European astrolabes after the 14th century. The universal astrolabe of 'All b. Khalaf called lamina universal in Old Spanish, was "reinvented" in England in the late 16th century by John Blagrave of Reading. For details of the various treatises on them, as well as their role in the transmission of astronomical knowledge to Europe, the reader is referred to the secondary literature listed below. The utility and aesthetic appeal of the shakkdziyya markings led to their application on a celestial map, contained in a 15th-century manuscript of the Libros del saber. On this the coordinate grid is identical with that of the shakkdziyya plate (Madrid 1992 exhibition catalogue, 229, listed under Puig, 1992 below). On the trigonometric grid on the back of the safiha zarkdlliyya there is a small circle set below the cen-
tre. Only recently has the function of this been understood (Puig, 1989). With remarkable ingenuity of conception the apparently simple device serves to calculate the lunar distance and hence the lunar parallax for any position of the moon on its orbit. The Aleppo astronomer Ibn al-Sarradj also reinvented the universal astrolabe of CA1I b. Khalaf some 250 years before Blagrave. He was clearly aware of at least the single shakkdziyya plate, but he stated that he invented the instrument himself and boldly labelled it al-Sarrddjiyya. There is no (other) known direct evidence of the influence of cAlf b. Khalaf s astrolabe west of the Maghrib. However, Ibn al-Sarradj then went several steps further and developed a second variety, fitted with additional plates and astronomical markings. In short, he produced an instrument that can be used universally in five different ways. An example of this remarkable quintuply-universal astrolabe, made by Ibn al-Sarradj himself in 729/132829, is happily preserved in the Benaki Museum, Athens. It is the most sophisticated astrolabe ever made, and astronomers in Renaissance Europe would have been hard put to understand all of its functions. Fortunately a treatise on the use of this instrument survives, written by the Cairene astronomer cAbd al-£Azfz al-Wafa'I (ca. 850/1450), whose mark of ownership is engraved on the Benaki astrolabe. He complained that Ibn alSarradj failed to provide any instructions on its use, and proceeded to provide these himself, admirably completing the task to the very last detail. Other Mamluk astronomers in the 8th/14th century wrote on the simpler variety of universal astrolabe, which they called al-asturldb al-mughni [fan al-sqfa'ih], "the astrolabe that does not need any plates". They also developed the single and double shakkdziyya quadrant. With the former (see Samso, 1971 and Samso and Catala, 1971) the problem of determining time from celestial altitudes is solvable only approximately. With the latter (see King, 1974) the solution is exact for any latitude. No such Islamic instruments survive; they are known only from texts. A double shakkdziyya quadrant from late-16th-century Louvain, now in the Adler Planetarium, Chicago, shows that Renaissance European instrument-makers, if only the most ingenious, were interested in the same kind of device. Closely related to the shakkdziyya and zarkdlliyya plates, and certainly inspired by their utility, was the more flexible universal plate (al-sqfiha al-ajdmica li-djam? al-curud) of Abu CA1I al-Hasan b. Muhammad b. Baso of Granada (fl. ca. 675/1275). Only recently has it become known how this plate, a common feature on later Andalusian and Maghrib! astrolabes, and occasionally also on Mamluk Syrian and even on one Mughal Lahore astrolabe, functions (see Calvo, 1992 and 1993). The underlying notions reflect an almost incredible skill with the problems of spherical astronomy. Essentially, the plate is used with different arguments (such as terrestrial latitude, solar or stellar declination, and solar or stellar altitudes) entered on different families of circles, and the appropriate operations yield, for example, the time of day or the azimuth of the sun or a given star. A single plate of a similar kind is found on a 15th-century German astrolabe, now in Columbia University, New York City; it proves that European astronomers later approached the same problem in the same way. The development of these universal instruments in al-Andalus in the 5th/llth century testifies to the remarkable abilities of astronomers there at that time. The interest of Muslim astronomers in universal instruments in general is part of their fascination with and
SHAKKAZIYYA — SHAKKl mastery of universal solutions to diverse problems of spherical astronomy (see King, 1987 and 1988). These, attested from the 3rd/9th to the 10th/16th century, represent a particularly sophisticated tradition in Islamic astronomy. Bibliography (arranged chronologically by author): J.M. Millas Vallicrosa, Estudios sobre Azarquiel—El tratado de la azafea, in Archeion, xiv (1932), 392-419; idem, Don Profeit Tibbon-Tmctat de I'assafea d'Azarquiel, Barcelona 1933; idem, Estudios sobre Azarquiel, Madrid and Granada 1943-50, 42555; idem, Un ejemplar de azafea drabe de Azarquiel, in Al-Andalus, ix (1944), 111-19; E. Poulle, Un instrument astronomique dans l}Occident latin—la "saphea", in Studi Medievali, x (1969), 491-510; J. Samso, Una hipotesis sobre cdlculo por aproximacion con el cuadrante sakkazi, in Al-Andalus, xxxvi (1971), 117-26; idem and M.A. Catala, Un instrumento astronomico de raigambre zarqali: el cuadrante sakkdzl de Ibn Tlbugd, in Memorias de la Real Academia de Buenos Letras de Barcelona, xiii (1971), 5-31; idem, Sobre el tratado de la azafea y de la lamina universal: Intervencion de los colaboradores alfonsies, in Al-Qantara: Revista de Estudios Arabes (Madrid), viii (1987), 29-43, repr. in idem, Islamic astronomy in Medieval Spain, Aldershot 1994, no. XV; idem, Las ciencias de los antiguos en AlAndalus, Madrid 1992, 180-99; D.A. King, On the early history of the universal astrolabe in Islamic astronomy and the origin of the term shakkazfya in medieval scientific Arabic, in Jnal. for the Hist, of Arabic Science, iii (1979), 244-57; idem, The astrolabe of cAli alWadd'l and The astronomical instruments of Ibn al-Sarrdj (both previously unpubl.), and idem, An analog computer for solving problems of spherical astronomy: the shakkazfya quadrant of Jamdl al-Dtn al-Mdridim, in Archives Internationales d'Histoire des Sciences, xxiv (1974), 219-42, all repr. in idem, Islamic astronomical instruments, London 1987, nos. VII-X; and idem, Astrolabe quintupkment universel, par Ibn al-Sarrdj, in S. Cluzan et alii (eds.),-Syne, memoire et civilisation, Paris 1993, 391, 434-5. (On universal solutions, see idem, Universal solutions in Islamic astronomy, in J.L. Berggren and B.R. Goldstein (eds.), From ancient omens to statistical mechanics: essays on the exact sciences presented to Asger Aaboe, in Acta Historica Scientiarum Naturalium et Medicinalium (Copenhagen), xxxix (1987), 121-32; idem, Universal solutions to problems of spherical astronomy from Mamluk Egypt and Syria, in F. Kazemi and R.B. McChesney (eds.), A way prepared: essays on Islamic culture in honor of Richard Bayly Winder, New York 1988, 153-84, both repr. in idem, Astronomy in the service of Islam, Aldershot 1993, nos. VI-VII (the plate of Ibn Baso is overlooked in these); R. Puig, Instruments astronomicos universales hispanodrabes, in J. Vernet et alii, Instrumentos astronomicos en la Espana medieval—su influencia en Europa, Santa Cruz de La Palma 1985, 31-6, 90-7; eadem, Concerning the Safiha Shakkaziyya, in ^GAIW, ii (1985), 123-39; eadem, al-Sakkaziyya—Ibn al-Naqqas al-^arqdlluh, Barcelona 1986; eadem, La proyeccion ortogrdfica en el Libro de la acafea alfonsi, in J. Samso et alii (eds.), De asfronomia Alphonsi regis, Barcelona 1987, 125-38; eadem, al-^arqdlluh's graphical method for finding lunar distances, in Centaurus xxxii (1989), 294-309; eadem, Instrumentos universales en al-Andalus, in J. Vernet, J. Samso et al. (eds.), El legado cientifico andalusi, Madrid 1992, 67-73, 228-39; E. Calvo, La Risalat al-safiha al-mustaraka 'ala al-sakkaziyya de Ibn alBannd3 de Marrdkus, in Al-Qantara, x (1989), 21-50; eadem, La lamina universal de cAti b. Khalaf (S. XI) en la version Alfonsi y su evolucion en instrumentos posteriores, in M. Comes et alii (eds.), "Ochava espera" y
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"Astrofisica", Barcelona 1990, 221-38; eadem, Ibn Bdso's universal plate and its influence on European astronomy, in Scientiarum Historia (Brussels), xviii (1992), 6170; eadem, Abu cAli al-Husayn ibn Baso (m. 716/1316)—Risalat al-sajiha al-ydmica li-yamf al-curud, Madrid 1993. ' ' (D.A. KING) SHAKKl, a district in E a s t e r n Transcaucasia. In Armenian it is called Shak'e, in Georgian Shak£a (and Shakikh?); the Arabs write Shakkay = Shak'e (Ibn Khurradadhbih, 123, al-Istakhrf, 183, alBaladhurf, 206), Shakkf (Yakut, iii, 311), Shakkan (Ibn al-Fakfh, 293, al-Baladhun, Futuh, 194), Shakfn (alMas'udf, Murudi, ii, 68-9 = § 500). The usual boundaries of Shakkf were: on the east, the Gok-cay which separates it from Shfrwan [q.v.] proper; on the west, the Alazan (Turk. Kanik?) and its left tributary the Kashka-cay, which separates Shakkf from Georgia (Kakhetia) and the Georgian cantons later occupied by the Daghistanfs (Eli-su, now Zakat c Alf); in the north, the southern slopes of the Caucasus (Salawat Daghi, the passes of which, however, are within the confines of Daghistan); to the south the Kura (Kur). Shakkf is watered by the tributary of the Alazan, Agri-cay ("river running diagonally", i.e. from east to west) and the river Aldjigan (Gflan) and Turiyan, which run towards the Kura. Shakkf consists of three regions, one of high valleys covered with forests and orchards; a central one, a treeless and desert plateau; lastly, a fertile plain declining to the Kura. The variety of the factors that have influenced this remote region is responsible for the remarkable character of its local history, in which we see pass before us in succession, the Albanians (Aghowans), Armenians, Georgians, the people of Daghistan, Persians, Turks and Russians. In ancient time it formed part of Caucasian Albania [see ARRAN], which was a confederation of 26 tribes speaking different languages (Strabo, xi, 4). The remnants of one of these tribes are believed to survive in the Udi, who are still to be found at Shakkf (alBaladhun, 203: Udh). From their name they must have originally come from the region of Uti (Strabo, xi, 7; Ouixioi; Pliny, vi, 13: Otene) lying on the right bank of the Kura (the modern Gandja, Shamkur, Tawus); it at first belonged to Armenia Major but was later occupied by the Albanians (cf. "the Armenian Geography" of the 7th century translated into Russian by Patkanov, 1877, 51). The present language of the Udi is related to the southeastern group of languages of Daghistan (Khinalugh, Budugh, etc.) and has been subjected to very heterogeneous influences, especially Turkish (Marquart, Streifziige, 49). The Albanians were very early converted by the Armenians and, according to the Armenian legend, the church of Gish (now Kfsh) was built by Elishe, a disciple of the Apostle Thaddeus. Among the places mentioned in Albania by Ptolemy, XapdXa and al 'AAfiaviai TcvXai occupying the same position, long. 80°, lat. 47°, must correspond to Kabala and to the passes which above it give access to the valley of Samur (Khacmaz and Kutkashen roads). The ruins of Kabala lie near the confluence of the two branches of the Turiyan cay. "Oum (long. 77° 30', lat. 44° 45') may correspond to the town of Shakkl which has now disappeared (Yanovski places it to the south-west of Nukha, near the village of Shekrlf). The other identification (N(ya = Nfz) has still to be examined carefully. The present chef-lieu Nukha or Nukhf (on the river Kish) is said to have taken its name from a village more to the east (Sultan Nukha near Nfz); its name is only found from the 18th century
1. The shakkaziyya plate illustrated in the Libros del saber (ed. D. Manuel Rico y Sinobas, Madrid 1873).
2. The zarkalliyya plate illustrated in the Libros del saber.
PLATE II
SHAKKAZIYYA
3. The rete of cAli b. Khalaf s universal astrolabe in the Libros del Saber (reproduced from ms. Madrid Biblioteea Nacional L97).
SHAKKAZIYYA
PLATE III
4. The front of the quintuply-universal astrolabe of Ibn al-Sarradj, showing a semi-circle of shakkaziyya markings laid over the shakkdziyya plate. (Courtesy of the Benaki Museum, Athens.)
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SHAKKI
onwards, unless it is connected with lekhni (name of an Albanian canton, according to the Armenian geographers). When the Arabs talk of towns of Arran built by the Sasanids, they probably only refer to the rebuilding of ancient sites; thus Kubad b. Flruz (488-531) is credited with the building of Kabala (Ibn al-Faklh, 288; Yakut, iv, 32) and his son Khusraw Anushirwan (531-79) with Abwab-Shakkan, Kamblzan (Ka|o,p\)OT|VTi, Kcambeccan in Kakhetia) and Abwab al-Dudaniyya (al-Baladhurl, 194). Under the caliph cUthman, Salman b. Rabija, having crossed the Kura, conquered Kabala, but confined himself to concluding a treaty of peace with the chiefs of Shakkan and Kamblzan. Later, al-Djarrah b. eAbd Allah al-Hakaml halted at Shakkl on his return from the Daghistan campaign. We have a certain amount of information on Shakkl in mediaeval Islamic times from an anonymous history of Darband, the Ta'rikh Bab al-Abwdb, known from citations in the late Ottoman historian Miinedjdjim Bashi's [q.v.] Didmic al-duwal (gathered together, with translation and detailed commentary, by Minorsky in his A history of Sharwdn and Darband). From this, it is clear that Arab control in the first centuries was only light. A revolt in 205/820-1 killed the deputy of al-MaJmun's governor. At this time, Arran and Shakkl were controlled by the vigorous Armenian prince Sahl b. Sunbat, who surrendered the fugitive Babak al-Khurraml [q.v.] to al-Muctasim (see al-Taban, iii, 1222-6, tr. Bosworth, The History of al-Taban. xxxiii. Storm and stress along the northern frontiers of the cAbbdsid caliphate, Albany 1991, 76-80; Minorsky, in BSOAS, xv [1953], 505-10). The Christians of Shakkl remained for a long time in the majority. According to al-Mas'udl, loc. cit., the principality of Shakln, adjoining that of Sanarl (Ptolemy, v, 9; Idvapoi, Dzanar in the valley of the river Samur), was inhabited by Christians and Muslims, who worked as merchants and artisans. The king was called Adarnarse b. Humam. The next district on the east was Kabala, "a haunt of robbers and bad characters", the town of which had a Muslim population while the environs were inhabited by Christians. The king (Malik) of Kabala was called 'Anbasa al-A'war (the "one-eyed"). The identity of these is still uncertain. Towards the end of the 7th century, Georgian and Armenian sources mention a mysterious Adarnarse the Blind (Brosset, i/1, 249); in the 9th century, the name of Atrnarse was fairly common in the family of Mihrakan (Albanian princes of Sasanid origin, Brosset, i/2, 480). According to al-MukaddasI, 51, Kabala and Shakkl were only little towns. Shakkf later belonged to the Shfrwanshahs [q.v.], with whom, however, the Georgians disputed its possession. In 1117 King David conquered Gishi (Klsh above Nukha on one of the tributaries of the Agri cay). This little town was the residence of the governor (erist'aw) of Tsukcetc (district to the north-east of Alazan), and of the bishop whose diocese comprised Elisen (Eli-su), Tsuk'et' and Shakikh. Brosset, i/1, 250, thought the latter name identical with Shakkl. In 622/1225 we again have the Shlrwanshah Fariburz complaining to the Khwarazmshah Djalal alDln of the loss of Shakkf and Kabala, which had been taken by the Georgians. Towards 626/1229, Djalal al-Dln established his authority over both towns simultaneously (al-NasawI, ed. Houdas, i, 146, 176). In the time of Tlmur we find Sldl cAlr of the Arlat tribe acting as wdK of the wildyet of Shakkl. (Arlat is the name of one of the four chief tribes of the Ulus of Caghatay.) A punitive expedition sent by Timur
(796/1393) drove him from his office. Although a "good Muslim", he joined the Georgians and perished in a skirmish under the walls of the fortress of Alindjak (near Nakhciwan). About 801/1398, through the intercession of Amir Shaykh Ibrahim of Shlrwan (who had originally been a humble landowner in Shakkr). Sldl Ahmad, son of Sldl £Alr, was re-established as chief of tribe and governor of Shakkl. Ibrahim and Ahmad afterwards acted in concert (Yazdl, Zafar-ndma, Calcutta 1885-9, i, 731, ii, 204, 218, 222). To judge from the dates upon tombstones found by Yanovski in the cemetery of Kabala (890-901/147485), this town must have no longer existed towards the period of the Kara-Koyunlu and Ak-Koyunlu dynasties. At the beginning of the Safawid period, Shakkl was ruled by the hereditary chief Husayn Beg, a scion (according to the Gulistdn-i Irani) of the Shlrwanshah dynasty. Hard pressed by the Georgians, he appealed for help to Shah Isma'Il, but was killed in a battle against Lewan I, king of Kakhetia (1520-74). When Shlrwan was conquered by Shah Tahmasp (in 945/1538), Darwlsh Muhammad, son of Husayn, aided the last Shlrwanshah against the Persians. In 958/1551 Shah Tahmasp, with the help of King Lewan, besieged Klsh and the fort of Gelesin-goresin ("come and see it") near the modern Nukha. Shakkl was then annexed by Persia. When in 984/1578 the Ottoman troops under Lala Mustafa Pasha [q.v] fought a battle at Kanik against the Khans of Gandja, Erlwan and Nakhciwan, King Alexander II of Kakhetia, an ally of the Turks, occupied Shakkl without striking a blow, and it became an Ottoman sanajak. The Turks re-established at Shakkl the son of the former governor Ahmad Khan (Hammer, GO/?2, ii, 484) but an Ottoman governor (Kaytas Pasha) was placed in Aresh. When the Safawids again became masters of Transcaucasia, Shah 'Abbas appointed the Georgian prince Constantin Mlrza (son of Alexander II of Kakhetia) wall of Shlrwan (in 1014/1606). Shahmlr Khan of Shakkl became his faithful vassal. Later, the Safawids removed their protection from the kings of Kakhetia, who were turning towards Moscow, tried to reduce their possessions and towards 1643, Shakkl fell into the power of local maliks and sultans. Under 'Abbas II, Ewliya Celebl visited Shakkl (ii, 286-93). At this time (about 1057/1647), the sultan of Shakkl was under the Khan of Aresh. The town had 3,000 houses although he puts the stronghold of Shakkl in the eydkt of Shlrwan. Ewliya adds that it is considered to belong to Georgia, "because the Georgians had founded it". Ewliya's notes on the tribe of Kaytak whom he met near Mahmudabad (Kabala?) are very curious; these people talked pure Mongol (ii, 291), which has now completely disappeared from these regions. Nadir Shah [q.v] and his troops several times traversed the territory of Shakkl and Kabala (in 1147, 1154). To be able the better to resist him, the local petty chiefs chose as their leader (Athdr-i Daghistan: bashci), the former tax-collector HadjdjI Celebl, son of Kurban. In 1157/1744 Nadir'Shah besieged the fortress of Gelesin-goresin without success. After the death of Nadir (1160/1747), local dynasties arose again throughout the Eastern Caucasus. HadjdjI Celebl consolidated his position and only allowed authority to the sultans of Aresh and Kabala. On two occasions he inflicted defeats on King Irakli of Georgia. This energetic man, whose character is not without chivalrous features, played a considerable part in Transcaucasia (Brosset, Hist, de la Georgie, ii, 2, 131). HadjdjI
SHAKKI — SHAKUNDA Celebf, a grandson, we are assured, of the priest (Kara Kashfsh) of the former church of Kfsh, was a zealous Muslim and converted to Islam forcibly a large number of his Christian subjects. He died in 1172/1759. His descendants (Agha Kishi, Husayn, c Abd al-Kadir), relying alternately on their neighbours in Darband (Fath CA1I Khan) or Karabagh (Ibrahim Khan), expended their energies in intrigues and internal struggles. Finally, on 21 December, 1783, Muhammad Hasan, son of Husayn Khan., established himself at Nukha after having massacred the whole family of c Abd al-Kadir (who had murdered Muhammad Hasan's father). He proved an able administrator. He annexed to Shakkf the cantons of Aresh and Kabala, colonised the open lands and drew up a written canon of laws (dastur al-camal) by which the population were divided into five classes: the begs (3 categories; in all 1,550, of whom 51 were Armenians); the monks; the ma3of (= mu'df), 700 men-at-arms excepted from taxation; the m'iyyat (peasant proprietors); and the ranajbar (peasants). About 1209/1795 Salfm Khan, brother of Muhammad Hasan, seized Shakkf and transferred the seat of government to Gelesin-goresin. Muhammad Hasan, taking refuge with Agha Muhammad Kadjar, was blinded by his orders and ended his days in exile in Russia. In May 1805 Salfm Khan submitted to the Russians and promised to pay tribute, but soon rebelled against his new suzerains. On 10 December 1806, the Russians invested Dja'far Kulf Khan Dumbull, the former governor of Khoy [q.v.], who had been expelled by the Persians, with the governorship of Shakkf. By the treaty of 1813 Persia recognised Russian suzerainty over Shakkf and the other neighbouring khanates. After the death in 1819 of the unpopular Isma'fl Khan, son of Dja'far Kulf, General Yermolov incorporated Shakkf as a separate province in the Russian empire. At this date (1824), the khanate covered 7,600 square miles, contained 200 villages and had a population of 98,500, of whom 80,000 were Adharbaydjan Turks, 15,300 Armenians, 1,500 Udi and 1,000 Jews. After 1846, Shakkf, divided into two districts (uyezd), Nukha and Aresh (capital Ak-dash), was under the Imperial Russian governor of Elizavetpol (Gandja). According to the census of 1896, the district of Nukha (1,600 square miles) had a population of 94,767, of whom 66,000 were Turks, 14,800 Armenians, 7,400 Udi, 4,400 Lezgfs and 1,800 Jews. The town of Nukha had 25,000 inhabitants (81% Turks and 18% Armenians). Among the villages of Nukha may be mentioned the two last refuges of the Udi: Wartashen (majority Jewish; the Udi halfArmenian-Gregorians and Orthodox), and Nfz or Nez (5,000 Udi, Armenian-Gregorians). After the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, the old khanate briefly formed part of the independent Azerbaijan Republic, affiliated to the Transcaucasian Federation, and then, after 1920, came within the Soviet Union and the Azerbaijan S.S.R. Since the break-up of the Soviet Union, it has been part of the independent Azerbaijan Republic. Bibliography: For older works, see the Bibl. to the E71 art. SHEKKI, and add now: V. Minorsky, Caucasica. IV. L Sahl ibn Sunbdt of Shakfa and Arrdn, in BSOAS, xv (1953), 504-14,' with map at 507; idem, Studies in Caucasian history, London 1953, index; idem, A history of Sharvdn and Darband, Cambridge 1958, index. See also ARMINIYA, ARRAN, DAGESTAN, KABK and
SHIRWAN.
(V. MINORSKY-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) SHAKUBIYA, the designation in Arabic of the
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Spanish town of Segovia, an important and ancient centre, now the capital of the province of the same name, situated in Old Castile, 100 km/60 miles to the north-west of Madrid, 998 m/3,300 feet above sea-level, on an isolated rock near one of the last spurs of the Sierra de Guadarrama. This town is famous for its Roman (aqueduct) and Christian (alcazar) remains, and was only under Muslim rule for a short time. It was recaptured in 140/757 by Alfonso I of Astuvias or his son Fruela I at the same time as Zamora, Salamanca and Avila. It was, like those towns, recaptured, but only for a very brief period, by the hdajib al-Mansur Ibn Abf cAmir in the second half of the 4th/10th century. After the capture of Toledo by Alfonso VI in 478/1085, Shakubiya, in a rearguard position facing the Muslims, was "re-peopled" by the Castilians in 1088, although recent Spanish historiography has called into question whether the region had previously been completely depopulated. It then became the seat of a small Muslim community subject to the Christian ruling power as Mudejares [q-v], shown, in the mid15th century, by clsa b. Djabir (Ife de Gebir), author of the Suma de los principals mandamientos y devedamientos de la Ley y funna, the first attempt at Muslim literature in the Spanish language. Bibliography: Ibn al-Athfr, v, 382, tr. E. Fagnan, Annales du Maghreb et de I'Espagne, 104; Ibn Khaldun, Kitab al-'Ibar, ed. Bulak, iv, 122; Makkarf, Analectes, i, 213; Fagnan, Extraits inedits relatifs au Maghreb, Algiers 1924, 120; Tratados de legislacion musulmana, Madrid 1853 (incs., 247-421, the Suma dejos principales mandamientos ...); G. Wiegers, clsd b. Tdbir and the origins ofaljamiado literature, in Al-Qantara, xi (1990), 155-91; A. Barros Garcia, Repoblacion de la Exfremadura castellana y evolucion del poblamiento mediedal segoviano, in Segovia 1088-1988. Congreso de Historia de la Ciudad, Segovia 1991, 17-30; Wiegers, Islamic literature in Spanish and Aljamiado: Tfa of Segovia (fl. 1450), his antecedents and successors, Leiden 1994. (E. LEVI-PROVEN£AL-[J.-P. MOLENAT])
SHAKUNDA, arabicised form ofSecunda, name of a little town opposite Cordova on the left bank of the Guadalquivir. According to al-Makkarf and Ibn Ghalib, it was originally surrounded by a rampart. It was here that a decisive battle was fought in 129/747 between the Ma'addf clan under Yusuf al-Fihrf [q.v] and al-Sumayl b. Hatim [q.v.] and the Yamanf clan commanded by Abu '1-Khattar, who was defeated. Later, at the zenith of the Umayyad caliphate, Secunda became one of the richest suburbs of Cordova and was also called the "southern suburb" (al-rabad al-djanubi). The celebrated Abu '1-Walfd Isma'fl b. Muhammad al-Shakundf [q.v.], the most famous man of letters in al-Andalus in his day, was born in Secunda; he was appointed kadi of Baeza and Lorca by the Almohad sultan Ya'kub al-Mansur and died in 629/1231-2. It was he who wrote the famous epistle (risdla) on the merits of his native country as a companion piece to that which the author Abu Yahya b. al-Mucallim of Tangier had composed on the excellence of North Africa. The text is given almost in full by al-Makkarf in his Najh al-tib. Bibliography: Akhbdr maajmu'a and Ajbar machmud, ed. and tr. E. Lafuente y Alcantara, Madrid 1867, 61 of the Arabic text and 264-5; Ibn al-'Idharf, al-Baydn al-mughrib, ed. Dozy, ii, 37-8, tr. E. Fagnan, ii, 54-5; Ibn al-Athfr, v, 343, 376, partial tr. Fagnan, Annales du Maghreb et de I'Espagne, 88, 96; Makkarf, Nafh al-tib, ed. Leiden, i, 16, 304; R. Dozy, Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, i, 286 ff. (E. LEVI-PROVENSAL)
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AL-SHAKUNDI — SHALAMANKA
AL-SHAKUNDl, ABU 'L-WALID ISMA'IL b. Muhammad (d. at Seville, 629/1231-2), scholar of al-Andalus, originally from the village of Shakunda, which faced Cordova, on the left bank of the Guadalquivir, and who functioned as kadi of Baeza, Lorca and Ubeda. He was at the court of the Almohad al-Mansur, and addressed to him a poem of congratulation on his victory at Alarcos (591/1195). He was a great friend of the father of Ibn Sa£rd alMaghribf [q.v.], who sought out his company and transmitted the sparse biographical information which we possess on him. He is above all known for his Risdla (see below). His works comprise: 1. R. Ji fadl al-Andalus, an epistle on the merits of his land and its superiority over the Maghrib. The text is cited by Ibn Sacld, Mughrib, and by al-Makkarf, Nafh, and there are mss. at Tunis (Ahmadiyya, maajmuc, 4551) and the National Library there (Sadikiyya, 8845, under the title of R. Ji tafdil ban al-Andalus cald ban al-'idwa); at Madrid (Acad. de la Historia, 29); and in the Mingana collection, 1379 (same tide as the preceding). Ed. S. al-Munadjdjid, Fadd'il al-Andalus wa-ahlihd li-Ibn Hazm wa-Ibn Sa'id wa 'l-Shakundl, Beirut 1967. Partial tr. in P. de Gayangos, The hist, of the Mohammedan dynasties in Spain, London 1840-3, i, 32-3, 44-5, 48-9, 52-4, 57-9, 66-9, 72-3, 123-5. Tr. with introd. E. Garcia Gomez, Madrid-Granada 1934 (review by I. Guidi in RSO, xv [1935], 108), repr. in his Andalucia contra Berberia, Barcelona 1976, 44-141. M. al-Habfb, Haddrat al-Andalus min khildl risdlatay Ibn Hazm wa 'l-Shakundi, in Le patrimoine hispano-mauresque, Rabat 1993, 47-88. 2. K. al-Turaf/Turaf al-^urafa3/^araf al-^urajo?', a poetic anthology cited by al-Makkarf and Ibn Sacfd (in Ray at al-mubanizln, 19 citations). 3. and 4. Mandkil al-durar wa-mandbit al-zuhar and al-Mucdjam, according to the very dubious attribution of al-Zirikll. 5. A few verses from his poems preserved by Ibn Sacld. Bibliography. Ibn Sacld, Mugjirib, ed. Dayf, i, 77, 85, 104, 107, 183, 218-19, 316; idem,'Ikhtisdr al-kidh al-mucalld, 138; idem, Rdydt al-mubanizm, ed. and tr. Garcia Gomez, Madrid 1942, repr. 1978, index; Makkarf, jVo/ft, ed. 'Abbas, i, 456, 519, 542, iii, 187, 222, 237; Pons Boigues, Ensayo, 276-80; Brockelmann, S I, 483; Zirikll, A'lam, i, 323-4; Kahhala, Mu'allifin, ii, 291; M. Meouak, Les principaks sources ecrites f/'al-Mugrib ... d'Ibn Sa'id, in Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica, xxiv (1993), 213-23; M. Fierro (ed.), Hist, de los autores y transmisores andalusies (HATA), Madrid, forthcoming, no. 55 (History _section). (MJ. VIGUERA) SHAKURA, a Spanish Arabic place-name corresponding to the Spanish Segura. This last name is now only applied to the river which waters Murcia and Orihuela and flows into the Mediterranean near Guardamar. In the Muslim geographers, this river is usually called the "white river" (al-nahr al-abyad). It rises, like the Guadalquivir, in the range called Djabal Shakura, but on the eastern slope. The mountains to which this name was given are of considerable extent. They were, according to the Arab geographers, covered with forests and had no fewer than 300 towns and villages and 33 strongholds. They corresponded apparently not only to the Sierra de Segura, still called on the maps Sierra de Segura, but also to those called del Yelmo, de las Cuatro Villas, de Castril and de Cazorla. The highest points are the Yelmo de Seguar (1,809 m/6,000 feet) and the Blanquilla (1,830 m/6,100 feet).
Shakura was also the name in the Arab writers of a fairly important town in the district, clustered round a castle reputed to be almost inaccessible. It was here that Ibn 'Arnmar, the vizier of the cAbbadid alMuctamid, came to seek refuge with Ibn Mubarak, lord of the town, who handed him over to his master. At the end of the Almoravid dynasty, Segura was the usual residence of Abu Ishak Ibrahim b. Hemoshko, lieutenant and vassal of the famous king of Murcia, Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad Ibn Mardamsh
[?•»•]•Bibliography. .
Idnsi, Sifat al-Maghrib, ed. Dozy and de Goeje, text, 195-6, tr. 238; Abu '1-Fida, Takwlm al-bulddn, ed. Reinaud and de Slane, Paris 1840, 42-3; Yakut, Mu'djam, index; E. Fagnan, Extraits inedits relatifs au Maghreb, Algiers 1924, 60, 67, 99, 100, 143; cAbd al-Wahid al-Marrakushf, dMu'djib, ed. Dozy, The history of the Almohades, Leiden 1847, 86, 150, 272, tr. Fagnan, Algiers 1893, 104-5, 181, 318; M. Caspar Remiro, Historia de Murcia musulmana, Saragossa 1905, 188. (E. LEVI-PROVENCIAL) SHALAMANKA or SHALAMANTIKA. the modern Salamanca, provincial capital in the autonomous Commune of Castile and Leon and the seat of a famous university since the close of the Middle Ages. We have no information on what happened in the ancient Roman, then Visigothic town and its region at the time of the Muslim conquest of Spain. One may posit the establishment there of Berber groups, as in other parts of the Meseta of the north, who must then have fallen back southwards after 740, leaving the region depopulated, at least substantially so, if not totally. The policy of leaving a desert zone practised by the nucleus of Hispano-Christian resistance in the Asturias must also have contributed to this. Salamantica appears amongst the civitates taken and cleared of their population by Alfonso I (73957); omnes quoque Arabes gladio interficiens, Xpianos autem secum ad patriam ducens, according to the chronicle of Alfonso III. Ibn al-Athfr and Ibn Khaldun confirm the Christians' conquest of Segovia, Salamanca, Zamora and other towns of the north-west of the peninsula in the course of the 8th century, but attribute this not to Alfonso I but rather to his successor Fruela (757-68), a divergence possibly explicable by mention in the Christian texts of a Fruela, brother of Alfonso I, who is not his successor of the same name; the Arabic texts have doubtless mixed the two up. Then there is total silence about Salamanca for a century and a half; a notice in the text of the Cronica Abeldense according to which Ordono II (850-66) is said to have seized Salamanca probably results from a confusion with Talamanca, in the modern province of Madrid. Although we have a series of names of the bishops of the town for the 9th and 10th centuries, we cannot assume a priori that they effectively occupied their see, as in the case of Dulcidius, captured in 308/920 at the battle of Valdejunquera in Navarre and brought in captivity to Cordova. However, for much of the 10th century, it is clear that the town existed and was in Christian hands, with inhabitants and with a Leonese count. After his victory of 327/939 over cAbd al-Rahman III at Simancas and Alhandega in 327/939, Ramiro II (930-51) led an expedition on the banks of the Tormes, and repopulated its deserted towns: et civitates desertas ibidem populavit, amongst which Salamanca figures prominently. In 942 Bermudo Nunez, count of Salamanca, was defeated, with 300 knights, by the Muslims when he attacked the Berber town—whose site remains uncertain—of Saktan, at a
SHALAMANKA — AL-SHALAWBlN place called Fadjdj al-Masadjid, clearly one of the entries to the Middle Marches. In 953, Ordono III, king of Leon, gave to the bishop of his capital the churches of the region of Salamanca built, in Ramiro IFs time, by colonists from Leon: ecclesias in alhauce de Salamantica quantas hediftcaverunt ibidem populatores patris met qui juerunt de Legiones. In 360/971 the envoys of Fernand Flainez, "son of the count of Salamanca", were received at Cordova. In the time of the hadjib al-Mansur, several expeditions were launched at Salamanca by him. In 367/977, the Muslims entered the town and seized its suburbs (arbdd), and 373/983 there was a second attack. In 376/986, al-Mansur conquered (fatahd) the town, as well as Alba (de Tormes), Leon and Zamora. However, no more than in other places, does it seem that a garrison remained there to assure its reintegration in the Islamic sector. Although there is a fleeting mention of Shalamantika in the 5th/llth century author al-Bakrf, one which does not necessarily relate to the author's own time, it is possible that al-Mansur's campaigns led to an abandonment of the town, a "second depopulation", which would explain why the Christians had, at the very end of the 11 th century, to undertake a new repopulating of the town, when the capture of Toledo had repelled towards the south the danger of a Muslim counter-offensive. Whilst the authors speaking of this repopulating (Jimenez de Rada, Lucas de Tuy) give no date, the award in 1102 by Count Raymond of Burgundy to the church of Salamanca, for its restoration, which involved also the repopulation of a quarter of the town, ut populetis ilium., is a useful reference point. The gift involved mills, fisheries and fields of which the Count held seisin (aprendiuimus, accepimus), and has been variously interpreted. Sanchez-Albornoz saw in this presura proof of a preceding depopulation; Barvero and Vigil have retorted that already the existence of these installations and agricultural workings proves the existence of a prior population, which is said precisely to have been expropriated, whilst neglecting the fact that the mills and fisheries were to be constructed (pro facere) and the fields to be ploughed and sown (pro arare et pro seminare}. The Juero of Salamanca attests the presence of Mozarabs [q.v.] in the town after the begining of the l l t h century. But the origin of these "Arabised" Christians cannot be established with certainty, and there are on the question almost as many opinions as scholars: some supposing a local origin, and others an immigration from Andalusia or the adjacent part of Extremadura before the arrival of the Almoravids and then Almohads, or then from the Shark al-Andalus [q.v.] at the time of the fall of the Cid's principality at Valencia, or an arrival from the Mozarab centres of the Leon region, as part of a movement of Christian colonisation. The traces left by the Mozarabs of Salamanca are, moreover, minimal, and not to be compared with their equivalents in Leon or above all in Toledo, amounting only to a few toponyms, often of dubious interpretation, the clearest apparently being Coreses and Cordovilla, evoking a migration from the south, from the nearby Coria and from the more distant Cordova. One theory sees in the Serranos, known as an element in the repopulation of Salamanca, as also of Avila, not Castilians from the sierras around Burgos, Soria and La Rioja, but people from the sierras of the Middle March, who had remained in place. This accords ill with the texts' distinction between them and the Mozarabs. Salamanca was henceforth a town and military base for the Christians, the departure point for expeditions against the remaining part of al-Andalus to the south
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of the Middle March, until the conquest of the modern Spanish Extremadura and the definitive union of Leon and Castile in 1230. Thereafter, the development of the university, laboriously established in the 13th century, plus the consolidation of a nobility, gave Salamanca its constitution lasting till the verge of modern times. The subjugated Muslims (Mudejars [q.v.]} do not figure there any more than in all the northwestern sector of modern Spain, in contrast to the Castilian lands and the modern Extremadura. But Arabic was taught at the University of Salamanca at the beginning of the 16th century. Bibliography. 1. Sources. Ibn Hayyan, Muktabis, v, no. 326, ed. P. Chalmeta et alii, MadridRabat 1979, 485; tr. MJ. Viguera and F. Corriente, Cronica del Califa 'Abderrahman III an-Ndsir..., Saragossa 1981, 364; ed. A.A. al-Hadjdjf, Beirut 1965, 241; tr. E. Garcia Gomez, El Califato de Cordoba en el "Muqtabis" de Ibn Hayydn, Madrid 1967, 76; Ibn cldhan, ed. Colin and Levi-Provencal, ii, 267, tr. Fagnan, ii, 443 cUdhn, Tars? al-akhbdr, ed. al-Ahwam, Madrid 1965, 79-80, tr. J.M. Ruiz Asencio, Campanas de Almazor contra el Reino de Leon, in Anuario de Estudios Medievales, v (1968), 31-64, esp. 58, 62-3; Bakrl, ed. al-Hadjdji, Beirut 1387/1968, 63, tr. Levi-Provengal, La Peninsule Iberique au Moyen Age, appx. 1; Ibn al-Athrr, ed. Beirut, v, 500, tr. Fagnan, Annales du Maghreb et de I'Espagne, Algiers 1898, 104; Ibn Khaldun, clbar, Beirut 1956-9, iv, 265, reproduced by Makkan, in Analectes, i, 213; J. Gil Fernandez et alii (ed., tr., study), Cronicas Asturianas, Oviedo 1985; J. Perez de Urbel and A.G. Ruiz-Zorilla (eds.), Historia Silense, Madrid 1959, 167; J.L. Martin Martin et alii, Documentos de los archivos catedralicio y diocesano de Salamanca (siglos XH-XIII), Salamanca 1977; E. and C. Saez, Coleccion diplomdtica del Archivo de la Catedral de Leon, ii, Leon 1990, no. 260, 4-6. 2. Studies. Dozy, Hist., ed. Levi-Provencal, Leiden 1932, ii, 130, 143, 215; Levi-Provencal, HEM, i, 70, ii, 42, 60, 181, 215; J. Gonzalez, Repoblacion de la "Estremadura" leonesa, in Hispania, iii (1943), 195-273; C. Sanchez-Albornoz, Despoblacion y repoblacion del valle del Duero, Buenos Aires 1966, 344-90; A. Llorente Maldonado, Toponimia drabe, mozdrabe y morisca de la provincia de Salamanca, in Misc. de Estudios Arabes y Hebraicos, Univ. of Granada, xiixiii (1963-4), 89-112; M. Gonzalez Garcia, Salamanca: la repoblacion y la ciudad en la baja Edad Media, Salamanca 1973; M.T. Gaeto Fernandez, Estructura de la poblacion de la Extremadura leonesa ..., Salamanca 1977; A. Barrios Garcia, Toponomdstica y historia. Notas sobre la despoblacion en la zona meridional del Duero, in En la Espana Medieval 2, Madrid 1982, i, 11534; L.M. Villar Garcia, La Extremadura castellanoleonesa ..., Valladolid 1986; J.L. Martin andj. Coca, Fuero de Salamanca, Salamanca 1987; F. Maillo Salgado, Los drabes en la Meseta norte en el periodo emiral y califal, in Las tres culturas en la Corona de Castilla y los Sefardus, 1990, 223-53); Salamancay los Salmantinos en las Juentes drabes, Salamanca 1994; M. Bataillon, L'arabe a Salamanque au temps de la Renaissance, in Hesperis, xxi (1935), 1-17. (J.-P. MOLENAT) AL-SHALAWBlN, ABU cAu
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AL-SHALAWBlN — SHALLA
al-azrak (another version al-abyad al-ashkar), i.e. of a ruddy complexion combined with fairness. He is also known as al-Shalawbm al-kablr to distinguish him from another grammarian, Abu
S I, 541-2; Sezgin, GAS, ix, 62, no. 60. On his transmissions, see Rueaynl (d. 666/1267), Barndmadl, ed. I. Shabbuh, Damascus 1381/1962,83-6, no. 30, and Ibn Abi 'l-Rabf (d. 688/1289), Barndmaaj, ed. CA.CA. al-Ahwam, in RIMA, i (1955), 258-9, 269-70, tr. P. Chalmeta, Le Barnamag d'Ibn Abi l-Rabic, in Arabica, xv (1968), 194-6, 206-7. For other references see M. Fierro, Historia de los autores y transmisores de al-Andalus (HATA), forthcoming. (MARIBEL FIERRO) SHALBATARRA, the modern Salvatierra, a fortress of mediaeval Spanish al-Andalus, in the Sierra Morena, in the territory of the modern commune of Calzada of Calatrava (Ciudad Real province). It was re-conquered in 1198 by a surprise attack of the Knights of the Order of Calatrava, after the Christian defeat of al-Arak/Alarcos in 591/1195, which had brought the loss of the whole of this sector. However, it was regained by the Almohad caliph alNasir in 608/1211, the year before the campaign of al-'Ukab/Las Navas de Tolosa, the organising of which ended up, in large degree, on the Christian side, with the fall of Salvatierra. The nearby fortress of Duenas became, after 1212, Calatrava la Nueva, replacing the earlier seat of the Order, the former Kalcat Rabah, known today as Calatrava la Vieja. Bibliography: Himyan, al-Rawd al-mictdr, ed. and tr. Levi-Provengal, La Peninsule Iberique au Moyen Age, Leiden 1938, no. 97, text 108-10, tr. 132-5, ed. Ihsan cAbbas, 344-5; Ibn cldharf, Baydn, ed. M.I. ai-Kattam et alii, Beirut-Rabat 1985, 260-1, tr. A. Huici Miranda, Collecion de cronicas drabes de la Reconquista, 2. Al-Baydn al-Mugrib ...Los Almohades, i, Tetouan 1953, 261-70; Ibn Abl Zarc, Rawd al-kirtds, tr. idem, 2Valencia 1964, ii, 460-2; R. Jimenez de Rada, De rebus Hispaniae, Book VII, ch. 25, tr. F. Valverde, Historia de los hechos de Espana, Madrid 1989, 304-5; J. Gonzalez, El reino de Castilla en la epoca de Alfonso VIII, Madrid 1960, i, 889-94; M. Corchado Soriano, Estudio historico-economico-juridico del Campo de Calatrava, Ciudad Real 1982-4, esp. i. La Orden de Calatrava y su campo, 1984, 77, and iii. Los pueblos y sus terminos, 1984, 159-73; M. Retuerce Velasco (ed.), Castillos de Castilla-La Mancha, Madrid 1983, 43-4; E. Rodriguez-Picavea, La formacion del feudalismo en la Meseta meridional castellana. Los senorios de la Orden de Caltrava en los sighs XII-XIII, Madrid 1994, 99-100. (J.-P. MOLENAT) SHALLA, current form CHELLA, an ancient town of Morocco, whose ruins are to be found on a height which dominates the Bouragrag river to the north-east of Rabat at some 3 km/2 miles from the sea. The site, its situation, the presence of an abundant and perennial spring, and fertile land, explain the antiquity of habitation there. Archaeological excavations have shown traces of several occupations (Mauretanian, Phoenician, Roman and Islamic), and the site has yielded artifacts going back to the 7th century B.C. Shalla was a Phoenician port between Lixus and Mogador before becoming a Roman town. As the capital of Juba II, the town was given a rampart in the year A.D. 140 and seems to have formed part of the fortified line of the limes before being abandoned in the 4th century. It is difficult to follow its evolution over succeeding centuries. Often confused with Sala [q.v.] or Sale, Shalla figures in the succession of Idns II; elsa b. Idns inherited it before rebelling against the ruler of Fas. Once the Idnsids were eliminated, Shalla became the capital of the Maghrawa Banu Ifran [q.v.], but we know nothing of its role in the warfare against the Barghwata [q.v]. After the foundation of Sale,
SHALLA — SHALTISH Shalla was partially abandoned before being destroyed by the Almoravids. At the end of the 7th/13th century, the Marmids [q.v.] transformed Shalla into a royal necropolis. The princess Umm al-'Azfz, wife of Abu Yusuf Ya'kub and mother of Yusuf, was the first to be buried there in 682/1284, and when he died at Algeciras two years later, Yusuf was brought back there. The first edifice was confined to a simple mosque with the tombs. It was the Marfnid Abu '1-Hasan who undertook vast works there and created the monumental necropolis; the protective wall, with its three gates, was completed in 739/1339. The whole ensemble included funeral chapels, two mosques (one of whose minarets, still surviving, is decorated with polychrome tiles), a madrasa and a library; substantial ahbas were allotted for its upkeep. After he died in the mountains of the Hintata, Abu '1-Hasan was buried at Shalla, where his tomb became an object of a curious popular veneration. He was the last monarch to be buried in the necropolis. Some Sufis installed themselves there, and Sfdl alHadjdj cAbd Allah al-Yaburf founded "a zjawiya inside the necropolis of Shalla to the left, as one enters" (P. Nwyia, Ibn cAbbad de Ronda, Beirut 1956, 58). It was there that Ibn 'Ashfr [q.v.] settled when he arrived in the region. But economic crisis seems to have preceded a political one, and according to Ibn cAbbad, commercial activity at Shalla, which had had two famous fairs each year, was only a memory (al-Rasd'il al-kubrd, lith. Fas 1320). The necropolis was plundered during the anarchy after the end of the Marmids. AlLihyanf seized some works from the library, which he stripped of their precious ornamentation. Its royal ahbas were the subject of a legal consultation, giving some idea of their importance (al-Wansharfsf, Mi'ydr, vii, 18-21). In the 17th century, the Sabbah tribe transformed Shalla into a fortress and used it as a base for plundering the region. It was not till the beginning of the 20th century that excavations were undertaken at Shalla. The Roman town has largely been revealed, and the Marfnid monuments, which partially cover the classical ruins, have been identified. In a remarkable article, H. Basset and E. Levi-Provencal described the necropolis, brought to light its inscriptions and gathered together the legends and accounts of the cults, of varying degrees of orthodoxy, which have grown up around Shalla (Chella, une necropole merinide, in Hesperis (1922), 1-92, 255-316, 385-425). Despite its age, this study has never been surpassed. At the present time, Shalla, with its gardens and its ruins inhabited by storks, has become an important tourist spot. Bibliography (in addition to works cited in the article): M. Boujandar, Shalla wa-atharuhd, Rabat 1344; Leo Africanus, Description de I'Afrique, tr. Epaulard, Paris 1956, i, 166; c Uthman Isma'fl, Ta'rikh Shalla al-isldmiyya, Beirut 1975; J. Boube, Sala (Chella) dans I'empire romain am villes imperiales. 6000 ans d'art an Maroc, Paris-Musees 1990. (HALIMA FERHAT) AL-SHALMAGHANI [see MUHAMMAD B. CALI]. SHALTISH, Saltes, a town of southwestern Spain (lat. 37° 12' N., long, 6° 59' W.), opposite Huelva, in the marshes of the mouths of the Tinto and Odiel rivers. The Island of Saltes is made up of three zones of lands and sands (El Amendral, El Acebuchal and La Cascajera), covered with low vegetation and pine trees, of a quality emphasised by alIdrisi. The highest point (15 m) is on El Acebuchal; El Amendral is no higher than 7 m—at the site of
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the Almohad fortress—despite the man-made accumulations of the Islamic town. Shaltfsh is not mentioned by Ibn Hayyan, alMukaddasf or Ibn Hawkal, although all three mention the nearby hisn of Gibraleon (Djabal al-cUyun) or the neighbouring town of Niebla (Labla); al-RazI no longer mentions the site. However, the place name appears in al-cUdhrf in the story of events during the amir cAbd al-Rahman IPs reign (3rd/9th century), in regard to the campaign of 219/834, during which the Norsemen, after a raid on Seville (Ishbfliya), "swept down ... as far as the Island of Saltes" (Fragmentos, 100, 175). From the end of the 4th/10th century, the position of the island and the site are known from the Arab geographers (J. Vernet, Espana en la geografia de Ibn Sa'id al-Magribi, in Hesperis [1958], 314; al-ldrfsl, Los caminos de al-Andalus en el siglo XII, ed. and tr. J. Abid Mizal, Madrid 1989, 139, 141-2, 145). In the 6th/12th century, al-Idrisf (see E. Molina Lopez, Una descripcion anonima de al-Andalus, ed. and tr. of Dhikr bildd al-Andalus, Madrid 1983, i, 178-216) mentions the island site of the town, but also the existence of a well-used port, a market, a dense urban pattern and an iron-working industry; whereas Yakut and Ibn Sa'fd (early 7th/13th century) mention it only as a small town (Yakut, Bulddn, iii, 359) and an important centre for fishing, where fish was salted before being sent to Seville and other towns of al-Andalus (alMakkan, Analectes, i, 104; Ibn Sa'id, Mughrib, i, 342-3, 346, 357). A little later, al-Himyarl gives us a more detailed picture of the town, its agricultural hinterland and its economic life: the urban area was built up, without any empty space between buildings, but the town, which had an arsenal, lacked any protective wall (al-Rawd al-mictdr, 44, 135-6). Shaltlsh is still mentioned in the 8th-9th/14th-15th centuries. At the opening of the 5th/llth century there was constituted a principality of Saltes-Huelva, which Abu Zayd Muhammad b. Ayyub (399-402/1008-12) governed, followed by his son cAbd al-cAzrz (403-43/101251). When the latter abdicated, his son cAbd al-cAzIz al-Bakrf, the great geographer, who was born at Saltes, was 30 years old [see ABU CUBAYD AL-BAKR!]. In the c Abbadid kingdom of Seville, Saltes was merely an administrative district (M. Alarcon and C.A. Gonzalez Palencia, in Miscelanea arabe, Madrid 1915, 459-60). It was during the Almoravid period that the town saw its most splendid growth, according to al-Idrfsf and al-Himyarf. From 539/1144-5 onwards, Saltes became part of a new geopolitical complex which embraced, as well as Niebla and Huelva, the mudun or husun of Silves, Mertola, Evora and Beja, which became in Almohad times the economic bases for the new power. After a period when Saltes was closely linked with the Portuguese Algarve (6th/12th century and the first half of the succeeding one), there followed a phase of about a century (1151-1257) during which Saltes and Huelva were districts of the province of Niebla (A. Huici Miranda, Historia politica del imperio almohade, Tetuan 1956, i, 240-2). However, Christian pressure increased. The Portuguese took the town in 1179 and captured numerous prisoners. It was partly destroyed, but again became active and prosperous in Almohad times, before being attached to the principality of Niebla towards 655/1257; at the time of the Christian reconquest, it became rapidly depopulated and was never re-occupied. From 1945 to 1970, Saltes was the object of excavations aimed at discovering the site of Tartessos. Little has been published; the oldest ceramic fragments are apparently of Punic type, but most are of "Arab" type, mixed up with some Roman tegulae, the
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latter recalling the fact that, according to Strabo, III. 5. 5, confirmed by al-Himyarf, there was a sanctuary dedicated to Hercules. F. Wattenberg put forward the hypothesis, after several visits there, that Saltes was possibly the mythical Tartessos, and there have been found traces of activity stretching over several hectares. At the northern point of El Almendral, the Islamic town of Shaltlsh shows traces of its last phase of occupation (end of the 6th/12th century and first half of the 7th/13th). A kasaba, of quadrangular plan (70 m by 40 m), with six bastions, including four at the angles, covers 3,500 m2. Excavations made since 1988 confirm al-ldrlsl and al-Himyarf on the urban structure, with streets and alleys—1.30 m to 1.60 m wide and with a sub-orthagonal orientation—marking out the "islands" of houses; this regular urban pattern gives the lie to the "traditional" view of the anarchic structure of the HispanoMuslim town. In the high period, the pottery shows two phases of occupation, one 9th-10th century and the other at the end of the 10th and the beginning of the llth century. Then traces of later building, with the Almohad houses built upon foundations of the older levels, silos, rubbish-filled ditches and workings where earth was extracted for tdbiyas, mark the active period of the llth and 12th centuries. The final stage, Almoravid and Almohad, is well preserved: a symmetrical, almost square plan, 12th and 13th-century houses built round a patio on to which open at least two large rectangular rooms with alcoves, which seem to correspond to an oriental mode of habitation. There is also a tendency towards the specialised use of space (kitchens, storerooms, latrines); brick paving and wells of sweet water and channels for running off surplus, waste dirty water complete the arrangements. Construction materials include, predominantly, earth, used in shuttering on stone bases. The Almohad level shows much re-use of earlier materials and foundations. All over the site there are numerous deposits of metallic slag and ashes showing the existence of metal-working; the workshops were situated slightly to one side (the north-east) of the madma, where the prevailing winds could carry away smoke and sulphurous emissions. The island location of Shaltlsh facilitated the transport of materials and fuel. The Christian conquest of the mid-13th century meant the disappearance of the Muslim population, and texts are henceforth limited to mentioning the kasaba; as for the town, it was not even used for building material. To explain this abandonment, it has been suggested that there might have been an earthquake (L. Torres-Balbas, Ciudades yermas de la Espana musulmana, in Bol. de la Real Academia de la Historia, cxli [1957], 167-8). In the excavations, there has been noted the relative evenness of the terrain which seems, on the contrary, to bear witness to a departure which was neither urgent nor violent. Perhaps one should also take into account, in order to explain this 13th-century decline, the growing and irreversible salinisation of the water in the wells of Shaltfsh . Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): A. Bazzana and P. Cressier, Shaltlsh/Saltes (Huelva). Une ville medievale d'al-Andalus, Collection de la Casa de Velazquez, 25, Madrid 1989; Bazzana, J. Bedia Garcia and J. de Meulemeester, Stialtlsh (Huelva-Espagne). Une ville dans les marais, in Archeologie Islamique, iv (1994), 87-116; A. Kermorvant and M. Ponsich, Prospection geophysique a Saltes (Huelva), in Melanges de la Casa Velazquez, xx (1984), 497-501; V. Lagardere, La Tariqa et la revolte des Mundun en
539 HI 1144 en Andalus, in ROMM, xxxv (1983), 157-70. (A. BAZZANA) SHALTUT, MAHMUD, Egyptian Sunn! religious scholar, rector (shaykh) of al-Azhar [q.v.] from October 1958 until his death on 13 December 1963, an influential author of Islamic reform [see ISLAH. 1.] in the tradition of Muhammad £Abduh [q.v.] and his school of thought. He was born on 23 April 1893 in Minyat Ban! Mansur, a village of Lower Egypt, in the province of Buhayra [q.v.]. In 1906 he was enrolled at the ma'had dint of Alexandria, a religious institute founded in 1903 and affiliated to al-Azhar (for details see Lemke, 34-46). He received his diploma (shahddat al-alimiyya) in 1918, and early in 1919 started teaching at the ma'had dim. In 1927, he was transferred to Cairo in order to lecture at the Higher Division (al-kism al-'dll) of al-Azhar. Having developed some ideas of a reform of alAzhar (including steps to achieve greater independence from the state) as early as 1924, Shaltut fervently supported Shaykh Muhammad Mustafa al-Maraghf and his reform programme when the latter became rector in 1928. After Maraghfs resignation and the appointment of Shaykh Muhammad al-Ahmadl alZawahirl as rector in October 1929, Shaltut was one of those who resisted the new Shaykh al-Azhar and his course of action, which he considered to be more or less reactionary. This led to his dismissal in September 1931. Until 1935, when he was reinstated following Maraghf's second appointment as rector (1935-45), Shaltut worked as a lawyer in the Sharfa courts. Back at al-Azhar, he became Vice-Dean (wakil) of the Kulliyyat al-Shan(a and, in 1939, inspector of the religious institutes (mufattish bi 'l-macahid al-diniyya). In 1937 Shaltut was one of three scholars representing al-Azhar at the Deuxieme Congres International de Droit Compare held at The Hague. The lecture he gave there on civil and criminal liability in Islamic law was well received, not only by many participants of the congress but also in Azhar circles. It paved the way for him to become, in 1941, a member of the Diamd'at kibdr al-culamd3 (see Lemke, 116-20, and Ahmad Fathi BahnasI, Shark wa-ta'tik fald risdlat al-marhum al-imdm al-sfeaykh Shaltut can al-mas3 uliyya al-madaniyya wa 'l-ajind'iyyafi 'l-sharfa al-isldmiyya, Cairo 1407/1987). In 1946, he was elected to the Arabic Language Academy in Cairo (see the obituaries by CA1I eAbd al-Razik and Muhammad Mahdf cAllam in the Academy's journal, Maaj. Maajma' al-Lugha al-cArabiyya, xix [1965], 147-53 and 155-62, respectively). In November 1957, he was appointed by presidential decree to the position of Vice-Rector (wakil), and in October 1958 to that of Shaykh al-Azhar (Zebiri, 12). Soon after taking up office, Shaltut announced his determination to work for a far-reaching reform of al-Azhar. He praised the Reform Law passed by the National Assembly in June 1961 (for an analysis and evaluation of that law, see Lemke, 166-232), but as a result of what he saw as constant interference in Azhar affairs by the government, he became increasingly dissatisfied with its implementation (cAbd alc Azfm, 202 ff.; Zebiri, 28-31). During the last two years of his life, poor health forced him more and more to withdraw from public life. His funeral on 14 December 1963 was attended by huge crowds of mourners. To a considerable extent Shaltut's popularity was due to his outstanding oratorical skills. He is said to have been the first Azhar scholar to use broadcasting regularly for religious sermons and for answering
SHALTUT — AL-SHAM queries (partly printed as Ahddith al-sabah fi 'l-midhydc, with Muhammad Muhammad al-Madanl, i, Cairo 1947, and Tas*aluna, published by the Ministry of National Guidance in its series Mukhtdrdt al-uihdca, 2 Cairo 1958). From among his works especially two are widely used: (1) al-Isldm, cakida wa-shanca, !Cairo 1959, 171991; (2) al-Fatdwd, dirdsa li-mushkildt al-muslim al-mifdsir fi haydtihi al-yawmiyya al-cdmma, !Cairo 1964, 16 1991. In both publications Shaltut amply discussed problems of contemporary Muslim society such as family law (strongly defending the principle of polygamy), birth control, private property etc. (for a commentary on the first work, see the review article by Y. Linant de Bellefonds, in Orient, Paris, no. 19 [1961], 27-42; for details, Zebiri, index). His booklet on ajwdd [q.v.], al-Kitdlfi 'l-isldm, written in 1940 and published in 1948, has been translated into English (R. Peters, Jihad in mediaeval and modern Islam, Leiden 1977, 26-79). Shaltut's Kur'an commentaries, especially his To/sir al-kur'dn al-kanm: al-aajzd3 al-{ashara alula, Cairo 1959, H1988, and its characteristics, are described by Zebiri, 150-80. For further titles of Shaltut's books, see Daghir, 388-9, and Lemke, 2612, who in addition lists articles which appeared in Maajallat al-Azhar or elsewhere (see also Zebiri, 188). Especially among Shfls, Shaltut is well remembered for his zeal to promote a rapprochement between the Muslim schools of law in general and between Sunms and Shrcls in particular, i.e. to overcome misunderstandings, avoid polemics and establish a basis for discussion and cooperation—without, however, merging all the madhdhib into one (Zebiri, 24-6). In this connection, he actively supported the Djamd'at al-Taknb bayn al-Madhdhib al-Isldmiyya, founded in Cairo in 1947, and its institute there, the Ddr al-Taknb. He kept up a correspondence with ShfT religious leaders such as Ayatullah Burudjirdf [q.v. in Suppl.]. In summer 1959 Shaltut issued a.fatwd to the effect that worship according to the doctrine of the Twelver Shl'a was valid and that this school was a recognised madhhab within Islam (for the Arabic text, see, e.g. 'Abd al-cAzim, 188; for translations into other languages, Ende, 312, n. 13). The fatwd—originally an answer cut out from a newspaper interview and distributed by the Ddr alTaknb—was greeted with enthusiasm in the Shi*! world, but also kindled sharp criticism on the part of certain circles of the Salafiyya [q.v.]. Its effect at al-Azhar and elsewhere, however, was soon counteracted by both internal and external opposition as well as by international developments, such as the outbreak of a crisis between Persia and Egypt in summer 1960 (Ende, 314 ff.). For all Muslims striving for a rapprochement, however, Shaltut's fatwd remains a source of inspiration [see further, TAKRIB]. Bibliography: In addition to the titles mentioned in the text, see the following: Maajallat al-Azhar, xxx (1958-9), special issue (eadad mumtdz) on the occasion of Shaltut's appointment as rector, preceding nos. 4-5 (October-November); cAlr £Abd al-'AzIm, Mashyakhdt al-Azhar mundhu inshd'ihd hattd 'l-dn, 2 vols., Cairo 1979, ii, 181-243; Yusuf As'ad Daghir, Masddir al-dirdsd al-adabiyya, iv, Beirut 1983, 387-9; Khayr al-Dfn al-Ziriklr, al-Acldm, 7Beirut 1986, vii, 173. In Western languages: Midhat David Abraham, Mahmud Shaltut (1893-1963), a Muslim reformist. His life, works, and religious thought, diss. Hartford, Conn. 1976; Wolf-Dieter Lemke, Mahmud Saltut (1893-1963) und die Reform der Azhar, Frankfurt a.M.Bern-Cirencester 1980; W. Ende, Die Azhar, Sail} Saltut und die Schia, in XXIV. Deutscher Orientalistentag, Ausgewdhlte Vortrage, ed. W. Diem and Abdoldjavad Falaturi, Stuttgart 1990, 308-18; Kate Zebiri,
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Mahmud Shaltut and Islamic modernism, Oxford 1993. (W. ENDE) AL-SHAM, AL-SHA'M, Syria, etymologically, "the left-hand region", because in ancient Arab usage the speaker in western or central Arabia was considered to face the rising sun and to have Syria on his left and the Arabian peninsula, with Yaman ("the righthand region"), on his right (cf. al-Mascudf, Murudj., iii, 140-1 = § 992; al-Mukaddasf, partial French tr. A. Miquel, La meilleure repartition pour la connaissance des provinces, Damascus 1963, 155-6, both with other, fanciful explanations). In early Islamic usage, the term bildd al-Shdm covered what in early 20th-century diplomatic and political usage became known as "Greater Syria", including the modern political entities of Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Israel and the West Bank of Palestine, in the north spreading into the modern Turkish ils or provinces of Hatay (the former sanajak of Alexandretta [see ISKANDARUN]), Gaziantep [see C AYNTAB] and Diyarbakir [see DIYAR BAKR]. As often happened in the earliest Islamic times (cf. Misr = both Egypt and its capital), al-Sham could also denote the historic administrative capital of the region, Damascus [see DIMASHK]. For the modern component countries of this Greater Syria, see FILASTIN, LUBNAN, AL-URDUNN. The modern Syrian Republic is known as Suriya or Suriya. The geographical section 1. below deals with the region of modern Syria. The historical section 2. necessarily deals with the Greater Syrian region as a whole for the earlier Islamic centuries, when the modern political divisions had little distinctive history as such until the approach of modern times. By then, however, such a region as Lebanon, with its own long-standing separate cultural, religious and political traditions, began to pursue a historical role of its own; this is considered in LUBNAN. 1. Geography. Modern Syria falls naturally into a western, Levantine section bordering on the Mediterranean, characterised by mountain ranges and hills with valleys and depressions between them, and with a maritime climate; and an eastern one, in which these hills and valleys gradually subside into a table-land, steppes and deserts, naturally bounded by the Taurus Mountains to the north, crossed by low ridges of hills and having a more continental climate. In its northeast, it is crossed by the Euphrates [see AL-FURAT] and Khabur [q.v] rivers. The western section contains rivers running into the Mediterranean like the Orontes or al-cAsf [q.v.], the Nahr al-Kabfr, the Nahr al-Sinn and the river of Hims. Inland from the narrow coastal plain are mountain and hill ranges running roughly north-south. In the far north are the Amanus Mountains or Gavur Dag and the Djabal al-Akrad or Kurt Dag, then the Orontes river valley, and then the classical Casius or Djabal al-Akrac ("bald mountain", from its white appearance). To the south of the Nahr al-Kabfr valley is the gently-folded limestone plateau of the Djabal al-Ansariyya (highest point, Nab! Yunus, 1,583 m/ 5,194 feet). To the south of the River of Horns the Djabal cAkkar marks the beginning of the much higher Lebanon Mountains (highest point, al-Karna al-Sawda3, 3,086 m/10,131 feet). To the east of these ranges lies the northernmost section of the depression of the Great Rift Valley of East Africa, the Red Sea, the Dead Sea and its Syrian continuation: in the north, the cAmk depression [see AL-'AMK], with its lake, the classical Islamic Buhayrat Antakiya, modern Amuk Golii; the long valley of the Orontes, forming the Ghab, regulated by the Lake of
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Horns, and south of Hims forming the Bikac [q.v.] or Bekaa between the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon Mountains. Finally, to the east of this series of valleys and depressions lies a further line of hills and mountains: the Djabal al-Zawiya to the east of the Ghab (highest point, Djabal Ayyub, 935 m/3,068 feet), and then south of Hims, the much higher AntiLebanon range, al-Djabal al-Sharkl, culminating at its southernmost tip in Mount Hermon or Djabal alShaykh (2,814 m/9,232 feet). From the eastern slopes of these hills and mountains begin the steppes and deserts, with the great cities of Syria—Aleppo [see HALAB], Hama, Hims [q.vv] and Damascus—lying in the agricultural zone of the foothills and with cultivable lands in their rain shadow. The steppelands run eastwards to the Euphrates banks and beyond, with a purely artificial frontier separating Syria and clrak. There are various low, broken ridges within the northern part of these plains, such as the series of low hills stretching northeastwards from Damascus and ending in the Djabal al-BishrT. Here in this semi-arid steppeland, crops have for long been possible where springs and wells can be found; but extensive dams and irrigations works along the course of the middle Euphrates have made possible a great extension of agriculture there at the present time. South of the ancient desert caravan station of Palmyra [see TADMUR], however, is the true Syrian Desert, the Hamad, where springs are almost unknown and the few wells have only a limited supply of water. To the south of the agriculturally rich Damascus basin (the classical Islamic Ghuta [#.£>•]), there runs from the base of Mount Hermon and the Golan Heights [see AL-DJAWLAN] a basaltic, volcanic zone, with such lava-fields as the Ladja' [q.v], classical Trachonitis, to the south of Damascus; the Safa5 [q.v.] to its south-east; and then, running southwards beyond Salkhad [q.v] into modern Jordanian territory, the Hawran [q.v.], classical Auronitis, or Djabal al-Duruz (highest point, 1,734 m/5,687 feet). Bibliography: G. Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, London 1890, 14 ff.; V. Cuinet, Syrie, Liban et Palestine. Geographic administrative, statistique, descriptive et raisonee, Paris 1896; R. Dussaud, Topographie historique de la Syrie antique et medievale, Paris 1927; Naval Intelligence Division, Admiralty Handbooks, Syria, London 1943, 11 ff.; W.C. Brice, A systematic regional geography. VIII. South-West Asia, London 1966, 200 ff.; W.B. Fisher, The geography of the Middle East7, London 1978, 398; E. Wirth, Syrim: eine geographische Landeskunde, Darmstadt 1971. (C.E. BOSWORTH) 2. History. (a) To 1918. Syria had become a Roman province in 64-63 B.C., when Pompey annexed it after the decline of the Seleucids. It became one of the most important provinces of the Roman empire, as the key to the defence of the empire's Asiatic territories. Administratively, it was divided by Septimius Severus into the two provinces of Syria Coele in the north and Syria Phoenice in the south, but by the early 5th century, various local, hitherto autonomous principalities had been brought under direct rule, and Syria was subdivided into at least five provinces. The land frontiers of Roman and Byzantine Syria were under continuous pressure from formidable military powers of the east, first the Parthians and then, from the 3rd century onwards, the Sasanids [q.v]. Hence the importance of the limes there, an elaborate system of defences in depth, with strongholds connected by a network of roads across the country, running roughly from
Bostra (Bosra [q.v]) in the Hawran northeastwards to the Euphrates, crossing the river at Circesium (the later Islamic Karklsiya [q.v]) and then on to the Singara (Djabal Sindjar [see SINDJAR]). For the manning of this broad defensive zone, the Romans and Byzantines relied on native auxiliaries as well as their own professional troops. These auxiliaries were in a treaty relationship with the empire, hence called foederati or symmachoi, and included various Arab tribesmen who figure in the Islamic accounts of the Arab conquests as the Mustacriba. Tribes represented in their ranks included the Kalb, Ball, Djudham, Lakhm, Taghlib, Tanukh, lyad, etc., many of whom became at least superficially Christian. Especially notable here was the Arab kingdom of Ghassan, of South Arabian origin but from ca. A.D. 500 enthusiastic Monophysite Christians, who promoted and controlled much of the economic and cultural prosperity of the rural and desert fringes of Syria [see GHASSANIDS] . Their florescence was bound up with that of Byzantium, and they went down with the Byzantine cause in the Arab-Islamic conquests period, fighting in the Emperor Heraclius's forces at the Battle of the Yarmuk (see below) under their last king Djabala b. Ayham [q.v], in his last years a fugitive in Byzantium. For the detailed history of the relations between the Arabs of Syria and the Romans and Byzantines, see the works of Irfan Shahid, including his Rome and the Arabs, Washington D.C. 1984; Byzantium and the Arabs in the fourth century, Washington D.C. 1984; Byzantium and the Arabs in the Jifth century, Washington D.C. 1989; Byzantium and the Arabs in the sixth century, i, Washington D.C. 1995. The caravan route up the west coast of Arabia, connecting Mecca with Syria, was familiar to the Prophet Muhammad and the first Muslims. The youthful Muhammad's trading trip with his uncle Abu Talib to Bosra and his alleged meeting with the Christian monk Bahfra, who recognised him as a future prophet, figures in the accounts of the Sira (see, e.g. Ibn Ishak, tr. in W.M. Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford 1953, 36-8, and BAH!RA). It should also be recalled that Jerusalem [see AL-KUDS] was a city of Syria and, as the original kibla of the new faith and traditionally identified with the masajid al-aksa of the Kur'anic isrd3 or night journey [see MI'RADJ], was of great religious significance to Muhammad and the early Muslims. The whole province of Syria was in fact to be famed in subsequent Islamic times for its innumerable mashdhid, holy sites, tombs and places of pilgrimage, identified above all with the Old Testament prophets and patriarchs, a Holy Land par excellence (see the eulogies of al-MukaddasI, tr. Miquel, 117-20, 145-52, 228; the minor genre of the kutub al-ziydrdt, such as the K. al-^jydrdt of 'All b. Abl Bakr al-Harawf [q.v], French tr. Janine Sourdel-Thomine, Damascus 1957, 6-78; and the extensive fadd'il al-Kuds literature [see AL-KUDS. 11.11.]). Hence military probes in the direction of Syria began in the MecUnan period of Muhammad's prophethood, but a large-scale expedition to Mu'ta [q.v], to the east of the later Karak, in 8/629, was decisively defeated by Byzantine defence forces. Hence the definitive onslaught on Syria by the Muslims did not begin until the last months of Abu Bakr's caliphate and the beginning of cUmar's one, after the safety of the Arabian peninsula for Islam had been assured by the suppression of the Ridda [q.v. in Suppl.] outbreaks against the political control of Medina. At the outset, there seem to have been four main Arab leaders operating against Syria, £Amr b. al-cAs [q.v] in southern Palestine, Shurahbll b. Hasana in Jordan,
AL-SHAM Yazfd b. Abl Sufyan in the Balka' [q.v.] to the east of the Jordan, and Abu cUbayda [q.v.] in the Djawlan, and from the information in such sources as Ibn Actham al-Kufi, al-Tabarf and Ibn 'Asakir, it seems that the Muslim forces numbered some 24,000, mainly settled Hidjazfs, from Mecca and Medina, nomads from the Hidjaz and tribesmen from Yemen. The real breakthrough came with the arrival of a fifth group, via Trak, under the Meccan general Khalid b. al-Walfd [q.v.]. The first major battle took place at Adjnadayn [q.v.] between Ramla and Bayt Djibrin in Palestine (Djumada I 13/July 634 or Dhu 'l-Kacda 13/January 635). The defeated forces tried to reform behind the marshes of Baysan. Dislodged, they crossed the Jordan, to be again defeated at Fihl or Fahl [q.v] (Pella). Palestine was definitely lost to the empire. In Muharram 14/March 635, the Arabs took up their position under the walls of Damascus. Abandoned by the Greek garrison, the citizens capitulated in the following Radjab/September. The army collected by Heraclius to raise the siege arrived too late. The Arabs established themselves in Djabiya [q.v]., then retired to entrench themselves behind the Yarmuk, an eastern tributary of the Jordan. Although some of the Armenian troops may have been disaffected, this does not seem to have caused the Emperor problems, and for a long time to come, Armenian troops continued to form an important proportion of the Imperial army. More serious was the flight of some of the Christian Arab troops, as a result of which the imperial forces were completely routed. This battle (Radjab 15/August 636) settled the fate of Syria. The conquest of the north and of the Phoenician coast was simply a route march. Everywhere the towns, abandoned by their garrisons, paid contributions. Nowhere was a serious resistance encountered. This was literally thefath yasir, easy conquest, as al-Baladhurl tactfully calls it. Nevertheless, Jerusalem did not surrender till the end of 16 or beginning of 17/early 638, and Caesarea or Kaysariyya [q.v] after more or less continuous siege of seven years, in 19/640. After the surrender of the last coast towns of Palestine, the conquest could be regarded as complete. The reasons for such a speedy collapse of Byzantine authority in Syria, which had seemed to have recovered after the Persian invasion, were complex. It had, as noted above, been part of the Roman east for some seven centuries, but the impact of Graeco-Roman civilisation had been greatest in the coastal zone, where lay the permanent military and naval garrisons and where the cities had a Roman-Byzantine official class; the rural and desert interior of Syria had remained essentially a Semitic, ethnically and linguistically Aramaic and Arab region, where resistance to Hellenism expressed itself in a strong attachment to the Monophysite theology of the Jacobite Church, hence opposed to the theology of the Imperial Orthodox or Melkite official creed. Byzantine policy in the empire's later years seems to have been—at least in retrospect—faulty. The Emperors Tiberius and Maurice had in the later 6th century undermined the position of their Ghassanid allies, whilst the Sasanid invasion of 613-14, which penetrated as far as Egypt, showed that the Byzantine position in the Levant was far from impregnable. Heraclius may have underestimated the numbers and the bellicosity of the invading Arabs, but the religious fervour of the Muslims—whose faith seemed at the time to be only yet another Christian heresy arising from the east—could not be foreseen. Recently, Walter F. Kaegi has stressed that there was nothing inevitable about the Arab conquests in Syria and the Djazfra. He has suggested that the Byzantine
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defeat was the result, to some extent, of unwise military decisions and the effects of contingent events, but that, above all, Heraclius had not had enough time to repair the financial situation and the frontier defences devastated by the Persians, so that he had serious problems in paying both his professional troops and the Arab auxiliaries, the Mustacriba, on which the empire had traditionally relied for the defence of the limes. See, amongst an extensive literature on the conquests in general, D.R. Hill, The termination of hostilities in the early Arab conquests A.D. 634-656, London 1971; F.McG. Donner, The early Islamic conquests, Princeton 1981, ch. 3; I.M. Lapidus, The Arab conquests and the formation of Islamic society, in G.H.A. Juynboll (ed.), Studies on the first century of Islamic society, Carbondale and Edwardsville, 111. 1982, 49-72; M. Gil, A history of Palestine, 634-1099, Cambridge 1992, ch. 1; Kaegi, Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests, Cambridge 1992. Shortly before the capitulation of Jerusalem, the caliph 'Urnar arrived in Syria, to preside over the congress or "Day of Djabiya" [q.v.]. The question of the organisation of Syria was debated. The year 18/639 was marked by the plague of cAmwas [q.v.]. Abu cUbayda died, and Yazld b. Abf Sufyan, governor of Damascus, perished in the epidemic and was replaced by his brother, Mu'awiya. 'Umar rigorously maintained the political inequality of the conquerors and conquered. The latter, the Ahl al-Kitab [q.v] or Dhimmfs "protected peoples" [see DHIMMA], formed the majority of the population. The privileged race of Arabs, the mukdtila or warriors, was to furnish the framework of a military and salaried aristocracy. Syria was divided into adjnad or military districts: Damascus, Hims, Palestine and al-Urdunn or the province of Jordan. Yazfd I later added the djund of Kinnasnn for the north of Syria. From their military cantonments—the chief of which was Djabiya—the conquerors controlled the country and collected the taxes. Besides the land tax or kharddi [q.v], the Dhimmis paid a personal or poll-tax, the djizya [q.v]. In Syria, as in the other conquered provinces, "organisation was confined to a military occupation for the exploitation of the natives. The Arab government was confined to finance; their chancellery was an audit office" (Wellhausen, Das arabische Reich u. sein Sturz, 20, Eng. tr., The Arab kingdom and its fall, 32). At the beginning of his administration, which under 'Uthrnan extended over all Syria, Mu'awiya realised the necessity of getting the support of the Arab tribes of Syria, politically more developed than the Bedouins of the Arabian peninsula. For his policy and military operations, see MU'AWIYA. 'All, 'Uthman's successor, wanted to dismiss him, but the Syrians took the side of their governor. The encounter between Syrians and Trakis on the battlefield of Siffin [q.v] being indecisive, arbitrators were appointed to decide between the two parties. The conference at Adhruh [q.v] between Macan and Petra did not reach a clear decision, but the outcome was clearly unfavourable for cAlf. Profiting by this diplomatic success, Mu'awiya sent cAmr b. al-cAs, his lieutenant, to conquer Egypt. On 17 Ramadan 40/24 January 661, cAlf fell victim to a Kharidjite dagger, and the field was left clear for his rival. Umayyad Syria. The field was now clear for Mu'awiya to found a dynasty, that of the Umayyads
[?•'He •]•
was acclaimed as caliph at Jerusalem by the troops and amtrs of Syria. By taking up his residence in Damascus, he made it the capital instead of Medina or Kufa. Whether deliberate or not, this step dis-
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AL-SHAM
placed the centre of gravity of the caliphate to the advantage of Syria, and the Islamic capital never returned to the Arabian peninsula. Mu£awiya made the Syrian Arabs, and especially those of the South Arabian or Kalb group, supreme, and under the early Umayyads they held all the principal offices. He twice tried to besiege Constantinople. For a verdict on the policy and character of the sovereign, who was with £ Umar I the real founder and organiser of the caliphate, see MU£AWIYA. He died at Damascus in Radjab 60/April 680, aged 75. His son and successor, Yazld I, had to face a rebellion, which the ability of his father had been able to prevent breaking out. Al-Husayn b. £ AlI_and eAbd Allah b. al-Zubayr [^.zw.], nephew of £Asisha, the prophet's widow, refused to recognise Yazld and took refuge in the inviolable territory of Mecca. Al-Husayn renounced allegiance and left the sanctuary, to fall in the massacre of Karbala5 [0.0.]; in 61/680 Medina quarrelled with Syria, and its inhabitants proclaimed Yazfd deposed. After futile negotiations, recourse was had to arms. Victorious on the day of al-Harra [q.v.], the Syrians marched on Mecca, where Ibn al-Zubayr had declared himself independent. His headquarters were in the great mosque. A scaffolding of wood covered with mattresses protected the Kacba from the Syrian catapults. The carelessness of a Meccan set it on fire (Rabf£ I 64/November 683). The news of the death of YazTd at this point decided the Syrian army to retreat. Yazld was not a worthless sovereign, still less the tyrant depicted by anti-Umayyad, pro-cAbbasid and Shfel annalists. He continued his father's policy. The patron of artists and poets, and himself a poet, he completed the administrative organisation of Syria by creating the djund of Kinnasrln (see above). He perfected the irrigation of the Ghuta of Damascus by digging a canal which was called after him. The Continuatio Byzantino-Arabica calls him jucundissimus et cunctis natiombus regni ejus gratissime habitus ... cum omnibus civiliter vixit. "No caliph," says Wellhausen, "ever had such praise; it comes from the heart." His younger son, the valetudinarian Mu£awiya II [q.v.], had but a transitory reign. He was apparently carried off by the plague which was raging in 684. His brothers were all equally very young. The fact that they were minors compelled the Syrian chiefs of the Kalb to give their support to Marwan b. alHakam [q.v.], first caliph of the Marwanid branch (June 22, 684). The Kaysfs of northern Syria and the Djazfra, having refused to recognise him, were defeated at Mardj Rahit [q.v]. His reign was a continual series of battles. A rapid campaign secured him Egypt. Exhausted with his exertions, the septuagenarian caliph returned to Damascus to die in Ramadan 65/May 685. His eldest son cAbd al-Malik [q.v] succeeded him. He had to retake the eastern provinces and Arabia from the anti-caliph Ibn al-Zubayr, and at the same time repel an invasion of the Mardai'tes or Djaradjima [q.v]. In Jerusalem, we owe him the building of the mosque of al-Aksa [see AL-MASDJID AL-AKSA]. c Abd al-Malik's reign sees a shift to a more centralised form of government and uniformity in its execution, after the Second Civil War had shown the fragility of loyalty to the Umayyads even amongst the tribesmen of Syria and the Djazira, and after there was taking place an acceleration in the numbers of the Syrian population converting to Islam and becoming mawati [see MAWLA] or clients of the ruling class of Arabs. For the first time, something like a standing army of loyal Syrian troops appears during the Marwanid period, additional to the older tribal contingents. At the same time, a certain process of
Arabisation in the state is observable, with the nakl al-diwdn or change from local languages, Greek in the case of Syria, to Arabic as the chief administrative language, although the process was not completed till some decades later [see D!WAN. I]. Similarly, there was the appearance of a specifically Muslim, purely epigraphic form of coinage after earlier reliance, in the case of Syria and Egypt, on the older Byzantine gold coinage pattern [see SIKKA. 2], and a decisive proclamation of the triumph of Islam, seen in the inscriptions of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem [see AL-KUDS. I, and KUBBAT AL-SAKHRA], perhaps as part of the building-up of Jerusalem as a pilgrimage centre at the side of Mecca and Medina. All in all, it now becomes possible to speak of the emergence in Syria of a distinctive Arab-Islamic state rather than what had been, in many respects, a successor-state to Byzantium. His successor in Shawwal 86/October 705, al-Walfd I, brought to the throne an autocratic temperament and a display of religious fervour unknown in his predecessors. He was the great builder of the dynasty. According to the earliest evidence, it seems that the Christians of Damascus had been allowed to retain the splendid Basilica of St. John the Baptist. Al-Walld purchased it from them and turned it into a mosque. In his reign, the Arab empire attained its greatest extent. Al-Walld was singularly successful in his enterprises. His autocratic mood revealed itself in a diminution in tolerance to the conquered peoples. The great administrative offices were definitely taken from the Christians. By his fondness for magnificence, al-Walfd secured undisputed popularity with the Arabs of Syria. He died in Djumada II 96/February 715. His brother, Sulayman b. cAbd al-Malik [q.v.], founder of al-Ramla [q.v] in Palestine, succeeded him. He perished on the way back from the disastrous siege of Constantinople. He was succeeded by his cousin cUmar II b. £Abd al-cAzfz [q.v] who was replaced by the incapable Yazld II. From the time of al-Walld I, the Umayyads had begun to forsake Damascus and to reside more and more on their rural estates [see BADIYA in Suppl.]; although Damascus remained the official capital, it ceased to be the caliph's residence. Hisham, who succeeded Yazld II, did much to revive the prestige of the Syrian caliphate. The conquests, however, had by now slowed down. In France the Arabs suffered the disastrous defeat of Poitiers in Ramadan 114/October 732 [see BALAT ALSHUHADA5]. Hisham allowed the Melkite patriarchs of Antioch to reside in Syria. He was the last successful Umayyad caliph, and was even praised by the following £Abbasids for his knowledge of statecraft, his industriousness as a ruler and his frugality, though his later years, which he passed largely on his desert estate of al-Rusafa near the Euphrates [see AL-RUSAFA. 3], were clouded by succession troubles. He was succeeded in 125/743 by his nephew, Walld II, son of Yazfd II. This prince, an artist and poet, lived contentedly in the desert, where he began the building of the splendid palace of Mshatta [q.v.]. He died at the hands of an assassin before finishing it (126/744). His successor, YazTd III, was the first caliph born of a slave. He died five months later, having designated as his successor his insignificant brother, Ibrahim, who did not succeed in getting himself acknowledged. In the midst of the general anarchy, there came on the scene the energetic governor of Mesopotamia, Marwan b. Muhammad [q.v], grandson of the caliph Marwan I. The victory of £Ayn al-Djarr [q.v] or £ Andjar in the Bikae broke the resistance of his adver-
AL-SHAM saries, the Syrian Yemenis. Becoming caliph in 127/744, Marwan II moved his capital to Harran (Mesopotamia), which brought him nearer to the troubled region of the Djazfra but alienated the Syrians from him. He exhausted himself in putting down such rebellions as those of the Kharidjites. The 'Abbasids were now secretly conspiring against the Umayyad dynasty. Taking advantage of the disaffection in Syria, Abu VAbbas al-Safiah [q.v.] had himself proclaimed caliph at Kufa (132/749). After his defeat on the Great Zab (132/750), Marwan had to evacuate Mesopotamia, and then Syria. Abandoned by the Syrians, he took refuge in Egypt, where he died at Abusfr in Dhu 'l-Kacda 132/June 750. The Umayyads were everywhere pursued and exterminated, their tombs desecrated, and their ashes scattered to the winds. The Syrians tried in vain to regain their lost ground. They raised the "white flag" of the Umayyads in opposition to the "black flag" of the cAbbasids. They found too late that by indifference to the fall of the Umayyads they had thrown away the future and supremacy of Syria. They hoped henceforth for speedy, chiliastic coming of al-Sufyanf [q.v.], a national hero and champion of Syrian liberty. As his name shows, al-Sufyanf, was to be a descendant of Abu Sufyan and the line of Mu'awiya. He was to bring back the golden age and the happy days of the dynasty, the memory of which his name perpetuates. The Umayyad court at Damascus, and the caliphal residences scattered up and down Syria, became lively cultural centres once Arabic literature revived after its period of quiescence during the period of the early Arab conquests [see SHICR. 1 (a)]. The Monophysite Christian al-Akhtal (q.v., and Blachere, HLA, iii, 46674; Salma Jayyusi, in Camb. hist. Arabic lit., i. Arabic literature to the end of the Umayyad period, Cambridge 1983, 396-401), of the tribe from the Rabi'a group of Taghlib [q.v.], was the eulogist of the caliphs from Mu'awiya to al-Walfd I; Djarfr (q.v., and HLA, iii, 484-95; Jayyusi, 401-9) was the proponent of the Kays! cause at Damascus under cAbd al-Malik and al-Walld I: al-Farazdak (q.v., and Jayyusi, loc. cit.) was likewise the champion of Kays and especially of his own tribe of Tamfm, under several rulers from cAbd al-Malik to Hisham. Their poetry also reflected the fierce tribal rivalry of South and North Arabs which at times racked the Syrian countryside and was to contribute to the fall of Umayyad power there. The achievements of Umayyad art and architecture, concentrated in Syria, are described in UMAYYADS. Art and architecture. We also have the first appearance of sectarian currents within the mainstream of the Islam of the time, such as that of the Kadariyya [q.v.], which had representatives in Syria and which came to attract the wrath of Hisham and subsequent caliphs; and Damascus seems to have been a lively centre of Muslim-Christian debate and polemics, even though the correspondence allegedly between cUmar II and the Byzantine Emperor Leo III is presumably the work of a Syrian Muslim rather than of the caliph himself. Agriculture remainded flourishing in spite of the greed of the exchequer. As a result of the war with Byzantium, maritime trade had considerably diminished. On the other hand, the fall of the Persian empire had opened up possibilities in Persia and the east to the Syrians, but they were soon to meet the competition of the commercial cities of clrak, notably Basra. Syrian commerce, so active in the time of Justinian, became dormant under the Arabs. When maritime relations were resumed, it was the western
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peoples who secured the advantage from it, at the time of the Crusades. From the time of the Marwanids, the great towns of inland Syria—Damascus, Hims, etc.—began to be Islamised as a result of the abolition of the military cantonments. The subject races learned Arabic, without, however, abandoning Aramaic or Greek. Decimated by epidemics, famine, civil strife and foreign wars, the Arab population of Syria grew slowly. If we neglect local outbursts of fanaticism, there is no evidence of systematic persecution or proselytising encouraged by the authorities. The latter only exercised pressure on the Christians of Arab race, the Tanukh and Taghlib. The Kalb and other Syrian tribes had adopted Islam soon after the conquest. In spite of their position as second-class citizens, this was a period of marked tranquillity and tolerance for non-Muslims, if we compare it with the troubles that awaited them under the 'Abbasids. For the Arabs, paid and fed by the state, it was a golden age, a continual feast, and their chiefs, growing rich in exploiting the provinces, acquired enormous fortunes. The history of Syria at this time is essentially that of the Umayyad dynasty. Hence see UMAYYADS, and meanwhile, CA.A. cAbd Dixon, The Umayyad caliphate 65-86/684-705, a political study, London 1971; G. Rotter, Die Umayyaden und der zweite Biirgerhieg (680692), Wiesbaden 1982; G.R. Hawting, The fast dynasty of Islam. The Umayyad caliphate A.D. 661-750, London 1986. 'Abbasid and Fatimid Syria. With the fall of the Umayyads, Syria lost its privileged position, and ceased to form the centre of a vast empire. It found itself reduced to the rank of a simple province, and jealously watched on account of its attachment to the old regime. The capital of the caliphate was moved across the Euphrates. Straining under a power, the hostility of which they never ceased to feel, the Syrians found themselves systematically excluded from all share in government affairs, as they continued to be under the Fatimid and succeeding rulers. The caliphs of Baghdad only intervened in Syria to make it feel its position of inferiority by inflicting increased taxation on it. Driven to extremes by the exactions of the caliph's agents, the Christians of Lebanon attempted without success to gain their freedom in 759-60. On the occasion of the Pilgrimage or of the war against the Byzantines, the caliphs al-Mansur, al-Mahdl, Harun al-Rashfd and al-MaJmun passed through Syria. In the midst of the troubles that preceded the accession of al-MaJmun (813-833), the position of the Christians became intolerable and many of them migrated to Cyprus. In the later 2nd/8th century and the early 3rd/9th one, Syria became the centre of power of the family of Salih b. CA1I [q.v.], uncle of the caliphs al-Saffah and al-Mansur, who took over the Umayyad estates there and married the widow of Marwan II. He and his descendants were prominent in the frontier warfare with Byzantium in northern Syria, the region of the 'awasim and thughur [q.vv. and SA'IFA. 1]. Salih's son £Abd al-Malik later brought the support of Syrian troops to the side of al-Amin in the civil warfare with the latter's brother al-MaJmun. The misfortunes of their country, the loss of its autonomy, could not induce Kaysls and Yamanfs to forget their regrettable differences, which ended by weakening the Syrians and dooming to failure their efforts to shake off the cAbbasid yoke. A descendant of Mu'awiya, cAlf b. cAbd Allah al-Sufyanf, raised the "white standard" which had become the symbol of Syrian independence. But to get the support of the
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Kalbls, he alienated the Kaysis (193-7/809-13). Another rising was no more successful. An Arab of obscure antecedents, named Abu Harb of Yamanf origin, called al-Mubarkac "the veiled one" [q.v], proclaimed himself the Sufyanl (see above). The indifference of the Kaysis once again brought about his defeat in the reign of the caliph al-Muctasim (21827/833-47). The caliph al-Mutawakkil (232-47/84761) thought of shifting his capital and living in Damascus. A mutiny in his guard forced him to return to Mesopotamia. His reign was a period of severe trial for the Christians of Syria. From his reign dates, for the most part, the intolerant legislation, which became traditionally but implausibly attributed to c Umar I: the wearing of a special dress, the prohibition of riding on horseback, etc. [see GHIYAR]. Numerous churches were turned into mosques. At this date, there were no longer any Christians of Arab stock in Syria. Under the Umayyads, the Tanukh had resisted all advances of the government. The caliph al-Mahdl (158-69/775-85), however, forced them to convert. In 293/906 an agitator claiming to be the Sufyani was arrested. This was the last attempt at an Umayyad restoration; it failed before the apathy of the demoralised Syrians. A Turkish Mamluk, Ahmad b. Tulun [0.0.], already caliphal governor of Egypt, invaded Syria under pretext of defending it against the Byzantines, and ruled it as an autonomous province. The dynasty which he founded had only an ephemeral existence (254-92/868-905), as had that of the Ikhshldids (323-58/935-69), who repeated the experience of the Tulunids. In the interval, the fringes of Syria and Palestine as far as Damascus and Ramla had been devastated by the Carmathians [see KARMAT!], who left behind them the germ of Ismaclll doctrines. From the time of the Tulunids, the country may politically speaking be considered lost to the 'Abbasids. Their power was only felt there during a few brief periods of restoration. In their turn, the Bedouin tribes wished to take their share in plundering an empire in decay. A Taghlibi clan, the Banu Hamdan [see HAMDANIDS], found themselves entrusted with the reconquest of Syria for the Ikhshldids and checking the Byzantine advance. They installed themselves as masters of the north of the country, without, however, breaking with the c Abbasid caliphate. The most famous of these Hamdanid amirs was Sayf al-Dawla [q.v], who in his court at Aleppo, showed himself an enlightened patron of arts and letters (333-56/945-67). After the fall of the Hamdanids (394/1004), in spite of a brief < Abbasid reaction at Damascus (364-6/975-7). Syria fell into and remained for over a century (366-491/977-1098) in the hands of an cAlid, or more accurately, Isma'IlI, dynasty, that of the Fatimids [q.v]. Having conquered Egypt, the Fatimid armies invaded Syria (358/969), and conquered Palestine and then Damascus, without encountering any particular resistance. In the centre and north it is difficult to say what form the Egyptian conquest took. The direct authority of the Fatimids was enforced so long as their troops occupied the region. After their departure, the local amirs did as they pleased without openly breaking with the suzerain in Cairo. Fatimid rule was only kept up in Syria by continually dismissing the agents to whom it was forced to delegate its authority, thus perpetuating administrative instability. In Palestine it had to reckon with the Djarrahids [q.v.]. These amirs of the tribe of Tayyi1 arrogated to themselves for over a century a regular hegemony over the nomad Syrians. In the reign of al-Hakim (386-
411/996-1021 [q.v]), the Banu '1-Djarrah amused themselves by appointing an anti-caliph, and then sending him back to Mecca, whence they had brought him. In Tyre a humble boatman succeeded for a time in declaring himself independent (387/997). Taking advantage of the anarchy, the Emperor Nicephorus Phocas (963-9) had conquered Northern Syria. His successors, John Tzimisces (969-76) and Basil II (976-1025), easily conquered the valley of the Orontes and the Phoenician coast. Of all these conquests, all that the Byzantines were able to keep for over a century was the "duchy" of Antioch, which included northern Syria, except the amlrate of Aleppo. We have already mentioned the caliph al-Hakim with whom is connected the origin of the Druze [see ALDURUZ]. This prince quarrelled with the Christians and ordered the Basilica of the Resurrection in Jerusalem to be destroyed. Syria gradually detached itself from Egypt. In the midst of the political disorders, the pernicious influence of the Bedouins increased. In 4151024, the Banu Mirdas [q.v.] of the Kaysf tribe of Kilab established themselves in Aleppo, and held it with interruptions till 472/1079. By this time the Saldjuks [q.v] had already gained a footing in Syria. The provinces of Syria fell into their power, Damascus in 467/1075. At Jerusalem a Saldjuk amir, Artuk b. Ekseb, founded a local dynasty (479-80/1086-7). In 477/1084, the Greeks lost Antioch, their last possession in Syria. Syria was now divided into two Saldjuk principalities, that of Aleppo and that of Damascus. Saldjuk amirs more or less independent commanded at Aleppo and Hims, all at war with one another [see SALDJUKIDS. III. 4]. At Tripoli, a humble kadi founded the dynasty of the Banu 'Ammar [q.v]. To the south of this town, the towns on the coast remained in the hands of the Egyptians. Into the midst of this confusion, this piecemeal distribution of territory, came the armies of the Crusaders. The persistent hostility shown by the 'Abbasids to the intellectuals of Syria, the political anarchy, the rule of Turkish adventurers, were all circumstances unfavourable to the progress of literature and learning, but a few poets gathered at the court of the Hamdanids and Mirdasids of Aleppo. The patronage of Sayf al-Dawla encouraged the preparation of the celebrated Kitdb al-Aghdni and supported the poet alMutanabbi [q.v]. Less tolerant than the Umayyads, the authorities began to encourage conversion to Islam. Arabic slowly began to take the place of Aramaic as the spoken and written language of the original inhabitants, who began to speak and write in it. The end of this period coincides with the spread of the madrasas [q.v], which appeared under the stimulus of the Saldjuks, especially in Aleppo and Damascus. The lack of respect into which the c Abbasid caliphate had fallen adversely affected orthodox Islam; this backlash favoured the growth in Syria of sects practising initiation and following the Shfa: the Druze, Isma'llls, Nusayris and Imamls. The exactions of the 'Abbasid and Fatimid agents diminished without, however, destroying the great vitality of the country. In 311/923, a governor of Damascus was sentenced to pay 300,000 dinars to the treasury. The northern fringes of Syria naturally suffered from the effects of the Byzantine-Arab frontier warfare there, and there were additionally the ravages of the Bedouins in northern and central parts of the land, who secured an increased ascendancy in the countryside there after the decline of c Abbasid control and the failure of the Fatimids to establish lasting authority there. The ascendancy of the Kilab in
AL-SHAM Aleppo and northern Syria has been mentioned. The exactions and confiscations of the Hamdanids in northern Syria and the Djazfra are denounced by the traveller Ibn Hawkal, in particular, those of Nasir al-Dawla al-Hasan '(317-58/929-69) as causes of agricultural decline. There were, however, compensatory economic trends. Al-Mukaddasf testifies to the vitality of the Syrian cities and their artisanal activities. Sugar cane cultivation was introduced into Syria in the 3rd-4th/ 9th-10th centuries, and became extensive along the Mediterranean coast and in the Jordan valley, with factories or refineries (matdbikh) springing up there [see SUKKAR], Syria also became one of the most important manufacturing centres of the Middle East for paper, and Nasir-i Khusraw [q.v] described the paper of Tripoli as even better than that of Samarkand, the original centre of the industry in the Islamic world [see KAGHAD]. See in general, Muhsin D. Yusuf, Economic survey of Syria during the tenth and eleventh centuries, Berlin 1985. A demographic factor in the history of Syria in mediaeval times was the incidence of plague outbreaks there, and wabd3 ca^im is mentioned at such times as 469/1076-7, 537/1142-3, 558/1163 and 656-7/1258-9, culminating in the notorious Black Death of the 8th/14th century. See M.W. Dols, The Black Death in the Middle East, Princeton 1977, 32-5, 143 ff. Syria under the Franks. On 21 October 1097, the army of the Crusaders appeared before the walls of Antioch. After a very laborious siege, they entered it on 3 June 1098. Then following the valley of the Orontes through the mountains of the Nusayrfs and along the coast, the Franks, now reduced to 40,000 men, debouched before Jerusalem. The city, which the Fatimids had just retaken from the Artukids, was taken by assault on 15 July 1099, and Godfrey of Bouillon elected head of the new Latin state (10991100). But the first Frankish king of Jerusalem was really his brother and successor, Baldwin I. He conquered the towns on the coast, Arsuf, Caesarea, Acre, Sidon, Beirut and Tripoli (1109-10). This brave leader, the most remarkable of the crusading sovereigns, died during an expedition against Egypt (1118). His successor, Baldwin II du Bourg, captured Tyre in 1124; he failed before Damascus, but the town had to promise to pay tribute. It was towards 1130 that the Latin kingdom attained its greatest extent, stretching from Diyarbakr to the borders of Egypt. In Syria its frontier never crossed the valley of the Upper Orontes nor the crest of the Anti-Lebanon. The great cities of the interior, Aleppo, Hama, Hims, Baclabakk and Damascus, while agreeing to pay tribute, remained independent. The kingdom consisted of a confederation of four feudal states: 1. On the east, the county of Edessa lay along the two banks of the Euphrates. 2. In the north the principality of Antioch included in its protectorate Armenian Cilicia. 3. In the centre the county of Tripoli stretched from the fort of Margat (al-Markab [q.v.]) to the Nahr al-Kalb. 4. Lastly came the royal domains, or kingdom of Jerusalem, strictly speaking. It included all cis-Jordan Palestine and, in Transjordan, the ancient districts of Moab and Edom, which became the seigneury of Crac (Karak [q.v.]) and of Montreal [see SHAWBAK] "in the land of Oultre-Jourdain". For a time it had a dependency, the port of Ayla-'Akaba. To defend these possessions, the Crusaders built strong castles: the Crac des Chevaliers (Hisn al-Akrad [t/.fl.]), Chastel-Blanc (Safitha [q.v.]), Maraclea (Marakiyya), Margat (al-Markab) and, in southern Lebanon, Beaufort (Shakff Arnun). Lastly, in Transjordan, the two massive fortresses of Crac and Montreal.
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After the death of Baldwin II (1131), the decline of the Latin state began; it was hastened by the isolation of the Crusaders and their lack of unity. The Byzantines claimed the rights of a suzerain over the north of the kingdom. The Armenians sought to form a national state for themselves in the region of the Taurus. Instead of coming to an agreement, Franks, Byzantines and Armenians only succeeded in enfeebling one another to the advantage of the Muslims, who were gathered round remarkable leaders like Zangl, Nur al-Dfn and Salah al-Dln [q.w.]. Baldwin III (1144-62) resumed the siege of Damascus (23-8 July 1148), without any more success than his predecessors. Already lord of Aleppo, Nur al-Dfh installed himself in Damascus. Amaury, king of Jerusalem from 1162, formed the bold project of seizing the heritage of the dying dynasty of the Fatimids. He was anticipated by Nur al-Dfn. The latter sent his lieutenant, the Kurd Salah al-Dfn, to Egypt. On the death of the last Fatimid caliph, Salah al-Dm proclaimed himself independent in Egypt, and founded the Ayyubid dynasty [q.v.] there, then seized Damascus from the sons of Nur al-Dfn. On 4 July 1187, at Hattfn or Hittfn [q.v] between Tiberias and Nazareth, the whole Christian army under Guy de Lusignan fell into the hands of Salah al-Dfn. Jerusalem capitulated on 2 October following. Deprived of their defenders, the other cities, except Antioch, Tripoli and Tyre, had to surrender. The preaching of the Third Crusade brought to the camp before Acre, which the Franks had been besieging for two years, Philip Augustus of France and Richard Cceur-de-Lion of England. The town surrendered on 19 July 1191. A truce between the belligerents ceded the coast from Jaffa to Tyre to the Crusaders. In default of Jerusalem, which they had been unable to reconquer, Acre was henceforth the capital of the kingdom. The death of Salah al-Dfn produced dissension among his numerous heirs. The Emperor Frederick II took advantage of the discord to negotiate with al-Malik al-Kamil [q.v], Ayyubid sultan of Egypt, for the cession of Jerusalem and other places of no strategic importance. Threatened by the sons of Salah al-Dfn, who had made an alliance with the Franks, their uncle al-Malik al-Kamil called in the help of the Khwarazmians, who crushed the combined Syrian and Frankish forces near Ghazza (1244) and enabled the Egyptians to occupy Jerusalem, Damascus and Hims. The Seventh Crusade brought St. Louis to Syria after the check to his expedition to Egypt. For four years (1250-4) he was engaged in fortifying the towns of the coast. It was the Mamluk sultans, Baybars, Kalawun and al-Malik al-Ashraf, son of the latter, who dealt the last blow to the Latin kingdom. Acre fell (31 May 1291) after a heroic defence. In the course of the next months, Tyre, Hayfa, Sayda, Beirut and Tartus were taken or evacuated. 'Athlfth [q.v], the imposing fortress between Hayfa and Caesarea, was the last to surrender (14 August 1291). The Frankish colonies in Syria were at an end. The Crusades introduced into Syria the feudal organisation of contemporary Europe. The elective character of the kingship soon gave place to dynastic succession. The king only ruled directly the Palestinian kingdom of Jerusalem. His authority was limited by the privileges of the three orders: the clergy, nobility and bourgeoisie. "He cannot," notes Usama b. Munkidh [q.v], "annul the decisions of the Court of Seigneurs." The authority of the great feudatories within their principalities was circumscribed in the same way. Agricultural serfdom was retained, as had
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been the custom in Syria. The name "poulains" (pullani] was given to the issue of marriages between Franks and natives; the etymology of this word is still obscure. The army was recruited not only from Franks but also from Armenians and Maronites. The Turcopoloi [q.v] were the Muslim auxiliaries. The position of Muslims and Jews recalled that of the Dhimrms in Muslim lands, with this difference that they were not so heavily taxed. According to Ibn Djubayr, his coreligionists did not conceal their satisfaction with Frankish rule. Every principality had its own silver coin. There were also gold ducats, "besants sarracenats", or "sarrasins" with Arabic inscriptions. Commerce, more or less dormant since the Arab conquest, again became active as a result of maritime relations with the west, which were never greater. The principal ports were Acre, Tyre and Tripoli. In the principalities of the north, the terminus for continental trade was La Liche (Ladhikiyya [q.v.]) or Soudin (Suwaydiyya [q.v]), now called Port St. Simeon. We have to go back to the time of the Phoenicians to find a period of so great economic activity. The state of war hampered, but did not put a stop to intellectual activity among the Muslims of Syria. In Damascus, Ibn al-Kalanis! was busy with his history, and Ibn cAsakir finished his monumental encyclopaedia, the Ta3nMi DimasJik, devoted to individuals who had a more or less remote connection with Syria. At the end of his troubled career, the amir of Shayzar, Usama b. Munkidh, produced an autobiography which is very valuable for the study of the relations which existed between Franks and Muslims. Barhebraeus, a Syrian and Mesopotamian, wrote Arabic and Syriac with equal elegance. It was in this last language that the Jacobite cleric wrote a voluminous Chronicle [see IBN AL-CIBRI]. Muslims, Christians and Jews studied medicine with success. Never, except in the Roman period, had there been so much building. The fortresses built by the Crusaders are wonderful specimens of mediaeval military architecture. Among the churches which they built, we mention that of Djubayl, the monumental basilica at Tartus and the graceful cathedral of John the Baptist, now the great mosque of Beirut, with its walls once covered with pictures. Many Crusading lords had adopted Syrian customs (taballadu, in the words of Usama). In the collaboration of Franks and natives was hailed, as by Pope Honorius III, a Nova Francia, the dawn of a new civilisation. The destruction of the Latin kingdom destroyed any hopes based on it. The coming of the Turkish slave dynasty of the Mamluks opened a period of anarchy such as Syria had not yet seen. Mamluk Syria. We have already given a resume of the exploits of the early Mamluk Sultans against the crusader principalities. Fearing a return of the Franks and the warships of the European navy, which ruled the Mediterranean, the Mamluks began to lay waste the towns of the coast, not even excepting the most prosperous, Acre, Tyre and Tripoli; they demolished the citadels at Sidon and Beirut, and Tripoli was rebuilt two miles from the coast. See on Mamluk maritime and naval policy, D. Ayalon, The Mamluks and naval power. A new phase of the struggle between Islam and Christian Europe, in Procs. of the Israel Acad. of Sciences and Humanities, i (1965), 1-12, also in his Studies on the Mamluks of Egypt (1250-1517), Variorum, London 1977, no. VI; BAHRIYYA. II. The navy of the Mamluks. From the administrative point of view, they retained the old Ayyubid appanages and divided Syria into six main districts called mamlaka& or niydbas: Damascus, Aleppo, Hama, Tripoli, Safad and Karak (Trans-
jordania). See for details, M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, La Syne a I'epoque des Mamelouks d'apres les auteurs arabes, Paris 1923. The past history of Damascus assured its nd'ib, or viceroy, not only authority over his Syrian colleagues, but a special prestige of his own. This high official had little difficulty in persuading himself that he had the same rights to the throne as his suzerain in Egypt. To guard against the ambition of the Syrian na'ibs, Cairo took care to change them continually (Salih b. Yahya, Ta'rikh al Buhtur). Never did instability of government and greed of rulers, uncertain of the morrow, attain such proportions. Lebanon continued to enjoy a kind of autonomy. The dissenting Muslims of the Lebanese highlands—Druze and Imamfs—took advantage of the troubles of the Mamluks, occupied with the Franks and Mongols, to proclaim their independence. All the forces of Syria had to be mobilised, and a long and bitter war followed (692-704/12931305), which ended in the complete destruction of the rebels and the devastation of central Lebanon. The Mongol II Khans of Persia were burning to avenge the military defeats which the Mamluks had inflicted upon them. The most energetic of these sovereigns, Ghazan (694-703/1295-1304), in 698/1299 secured the support of the Armenians and Georgians as well as of the Franks of Cyprus, and routed the Mamluks near Hims. The troops occupied Damascus, and advanced up to Ghazza. The Egyptians having again invaded Syria, Ghazan recrossed the Euphrates to meet them, but he was defeated in 502/1303 at Mardj al-Suffar [q.v.] near Damascus. Syria had nothing to gain by the coming of the Burdjis, who in 784/1382 replaced the Bahrl dynasty. They "preserved," Ibn lyas tells us, "the old laws", that is to say the anarchical rule of their predecessors. Sultan Faradj (801-15/1399-1412 [q.v.]) had to begin the reconquest of Syria no less than seven times. The year 1401/803-4 coincided with the invasion of Tfmur [q.v]. After the capture of Aleppo, which they sacked, his hordes appeared before Damascus. The town having agreed to surrender, the Tfmurid forces plundered it methodically. The majority of the able-bodied inhabitants were carried off into slavery, especially artists, architects, workers in steel and glass. They were almost all taken to Samarkand. Fire was then set to the city, to the mosque of the Umayyads and other monuments. Tlmur led back his army and left Syria a prey to epidemics and bands of brigands. Meanwhile, on the plateaux of Anatolia, the power of the Ottomans was gathering. The capture of Constantinople (857/1453) had increased their ambition. Death alone prevented Mehemmed II Fatih from invading Syria. His successors did not cease preparations. Ka'itbay (872-901/1468-96) and Bayezld II [q.v] signed a treaty of peace, but it was only to be a truce. The destruction of Baghdad by Hiilegii and the fall of the 'Abbasid caliphate had shifted the centre of the Muslim world to the west of the Euphrates, and the cultural and religious pre-eminence within the Arab world of Cairo and, to a lesser extent, Damascus, was irrevocably established. Arabic literature entered into one of its most active and quantitatively significant phases during the Mamluk period, although this literary production still needs fuller evaluation (as does that also of Turkish writers within the ethnically Kipcak Turkish Bahri Mamluk society). See MAMLUKS. Bibl, section (i) (b). It is, however, true that it tended to be an age of epitomisers, compilers, authors of handbooks and encyclopaedias. They were interested in collecting knowledge and learning it by heart. Among the encyclopaedists a special place must be given to
AL-SHAM the worthy Shihab al-Dm Ibn Fadl Allah al-cUman, author of the Masdlik al-absdr, a voluminous compilation of a historical, geographical and literary character for the use of officials of the Mamluk chancellery. We may next mention Abu '1-Fida1 [q-v], historian and geographer, and the geographer Shams al-Dm al-Dimashkl (d. 727/1327), markedly inferior to his predecessor al-MukaddasI [q.v.]. The versatile alDhahabl [q.v.] was born in Mesopotamia but lived and died in Damascus (784/1348 or 753/1352). Ibn 'Arabshah (d. 854/1450) was the author of a history of Tlmur. Al-Safadi (d. 764/1363 [q.v.]) compiled a great biographical dictionary, Salih b. Yahya (d. 839/1436), the author of the Ta'rikh Bayrut, has left us, in this work on the Amirs of the Gharb, the best contribution to the history of the Lebanon and a valuable supplement to the annals of the Frankish states. Ibn Taymiyya and his pupil Ibn Kayyim al-Djawziyya [q.vv] were amongst the most original figures of this period. Their writings covered the whole field of Islamic studies. They were eager polemicists and controversialists, concerned with what they viewed as both internal and external threats to Islam; and they are important for transmitting the Hanball legal and political heritage into later times [see HANABILA], when it was subsequently picked up by the 12th/18th century Arabian reformer Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahhab [see IBN CABD AL-WAHHAB] and by various traditionalistinclined elements in North Africa [see SALAFIYYA. 1.], Egypt and Syria [see SALAFIYYA. 2.], and Northern India, loosely but not always entirely accurately called Neo-Wahhabl [see MUDJAHID. 2.]. The departure of the Crusaders marks the end of a period of astonishing economic prosperity. Syrian commerce fell back into stagnation. Little by little, however, necessity forced the resumption of relations with Europe. The decline of Acre, Tyre and Tripoli, ruined by the Mamluks, and the fall (748/1347) of the Little Armenian kingdom of Cilicia [see sis], to which western merchants had first gone, were to the advantage of Beirut. For over a century this town became the principal port of Syria. Near Damascus and opposite Cyprus—the kingdom of the Lusignans and rendezvous of the European shipping—Beirut was every year visited by ships of the Venetians, Genoese, Catalans, Provencals and Rhodians. These various communities had henceforth consuls as their representatives, officially recognised by the Mamluks and receiving a grant or djamakiyya. On the other hand, the Cairo government regarded them as "hostages" (rahina) (Khalll al-Zahirl); it held them responsible not only for those under their jurisdiction, but also for acts of hostility by corsairs. The consuls protected pilgrims and intervened if required on behalf of native Christians. Thus we already have the system of capitulations which was to be developed in succeeding centuries [see IMTIYAZAT]. For trade during this period, see W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au MoyenAge, 2Leipzig 1923, i, 129-426, ii, 23-64; E. Ashtor, A social and economic history of the Near East in the Middle Ages, London 1976, 202 ff., 285 ff.; idem, Levant trade in the later Middle Ages, Princeton 1983, esp. 64-102. For the specific connections of Mamluk Egypt and Syria with the Italian trading cities, see J. Wansbrough, A Mamluk ambassador to Venice in 913/1507, in BSOAS, xxvi (1963), 503-30, idem, Venice and Florence in the Mamluk commercial privileges, in BSOAS, xxviii (1965), 483*523; idem, A Mamluk commercial treaty concluded with the Republic of Florence 894/1489, in S.M. Stern (ed.), Documents from Islamic chanceries, Oxford 1966, 39-79; idem, The safe-conduct in Muslim chancery practice, in BSOAS, xxxiv (1971), 20-35.
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Syria under the Ottomans. With the opening of the 10th/16th century the rule of the Mamluks had begun to break up. Their exactions had exasperated the populace. The Ottoman sultan, Sellm I [q.v], resolved to take advantage of the occasion to invade Syria. Taking the initiative, the Mamluk sultan, Kansuh al-Ghawrl [q.v] mobilised his forces, and marched via Damascus and Aleppo towards Anatolia. The two armies met at Dabik, a day's journey north of Aleppo. The Turkish artillery and the Janissary infantry scattered disorder through the Egyptian ranks. Kansuh disappeared in the disaster of Dabik (25 Radjab 922/24 August 1516 [see MARDJ DABIK]). Aleppo, Damascus and the towns of Syria opened their gates to the conqueror who went on to Egypt and put an end to Mamluk rule. The Turks retained at first the territorial divisions or niyaba. The Mamluk Ghazall, nd'ib of Damascus, had gone over to the Ottoman camp after Dabik. The renegade was in return given the administration of the country except the niyaba of Aleppo, which was reserved for a Turkish Pasha. On the death of Sellm I (926/1520), Ghazall had himself proclaimed sultan under the name of al-Malik al-Ashraf. He was defeated and killed at Kabun at the gates of Damascus (927/1521). Before the end of the 10th/16th century, Syria had become divided into three great pashaltks: 1. Damascus, comprising ten sanajaks or prefectures, the chief of which were Jerusalem, Ghazza, Nabulus, Sayda and Beirut; 2. Tripoli, including the sanajaks of Hims, Hama, Salamiyya and Djabala; 3. Aleppo, including all North Syria, except cAyntab, which was included in the pashallk of Marcash. In the century following, the pashallk of Sayda was created to include Lebanon. In its main outlines, this administrative division lasted till the middle of the 18th century, when the centre of government of Sayda was moved to Acre. The Imperial Diwdn in Istanbul was only interested in Syria in so far as it enabled it to watch Egypt, and to levy upon its resources contributions to the expenses of the palace and for foreign wars. The taxes, which were put up to auction, went to the highest bidder, who became the multazim [see MULTEZIM], According to a Venetian Consular report, the pashallk was worth 80,000 to 100,000 ducats (probably the silver ducat, the Venetian grosso, whence kirsh pi. kurush, or piastre = 5 francs). The Pashas only administered directly the important towns and their immediate neighbourhood. The interior of the country was left to the old feudal lords, whose number and influence had increased since the Mamluks: Bedouin amtrs, Turkomans, Mutawalls, Druze and Nusayrls. The Porte only asked them to pay the tribute, or mm, without worrying if it saw them fighting with its own representatives. Every year the Turkish Pasha, at the head of his artillery and Janissaries, set out to collect the taxes. The force lived on the country and laid it waste if the inhabitants resisted. It is not therefore remarkable that agriculture, the principal resource of Syria, declined, the population diminished, and the country districts emptied in favour of the Lebanon and mountainous districts, where the harassed people could find asylum. The instability of their position increased the rapacity of the Turkish functionaries. Damascus saw 133 Pashas in 180 years. This period saw the rise of Fakhr al-Dln Ma'n [q.v], the champion of Syrian independence (1583-1635), the Mutawall amm, the Banu Harfush, lords of Baclabakk and the Bikac, the Banu Mansur b. Furaykh, Bedouin shaikhs, who carved out for themselves an appanage in Palestine and in the
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region of Nabulus. These feudal lords were fairly wellorganised in spite of their cupidity, and they were able to defend their gains from the arbitrary Turk. By sending round the Cape the traffic of the Middle East, the Portuguese occupation of India adversely affected Syria. The harbour of Beirut remained empty. Tripoli at first, then—thanks to the initiative of Fakhr al-Dln—Sidon attracted European ships, which came for cargoes of silk and cotton. Aleppo, thanks to its location between Mesopotamia, the sea, and the Anatolian provinces whose market it was, and the situation there of a factory of the English Levant Company, remained the principal depot on the direct route to the Persian Gulf and was for three centuries the chief commercial centre of Northern Syria. The decay of the Ottoman administrative system in Syria, with its concomitant rapid turnover of governors in Damascus, had the effect of increasing the power of the Janissary garrison troops of the Ottomans there, and subsequently, by the end of the 17th century, in Aleppo also. The Janissaries came in fact to be divided into two groups, the older-established ones being designated Yerliyya (< Tkish. yerli "local"), whilst new contingents sent out from Istanbul were known by various local corruptions of the Turkish term Kapl Kullan "slaves of the Porte". The governorship of Nasuh Pasha (1708-14) was a turning point in the history of the Ottoman province of Damascus, in that his was the first of a series of longer tenures of office, giving the province a degree of stability which it had previously lacked. A powerful family, the cAzms, then emerged in the 18th century, and extended its quasi-dynastic power from Damascus as far as Tripoli, Sidon and, at times, Aleppo. The rule in Damascus of Ascad al-cAzm (174357) was an unprecedentedly long governorship, later to be remembered by the people as one of justice and peace. After the fall of Ascad in 1757, the power of the e Azms had passed its peak, and the centre of political gravity in Syria shifted westwards to the coastlands, seen in the rise of Zahir al-'Umar al-Zaydanl (Syrian pronunciation of the first name, Dahir). Dahir, a Bedouin shqykh, lord of the land of Safad, extended his authority over Galilee, and settled at Acre, which he fortified and raised from its ruins. He resisted the Porte (1750-75) with assistance lent by the Egyptian Mamluks CA1I Bey and Muhammad Bey Abu '1-Dhahab and a Russian squadron cruising in Syrian waters. Besieged in Acre by the Turks, he died there in 1775. This marked the end of the autonomous state which he had created, but his benevolent rule had brought order and security and had favoured the revival of Acre, which now superseded Sidon as administrative centre of the pashalik or province of that name. It was here that Ahmad al-Djazzar Pasha, a much more despotic and tyrannical figure than his predecessor, became governor after 1775, striving likewise to make it the centre of an autonomous power. He sought to diminish the authority of the revived cAzms in Damascus, and intervened in Mount Lebanon to undermine the power there of Yusuf Shihab and his youthful successor Bashlr II [q.v.]. A new factor supervened, however, with the arrival of Bonaparte in Egypt in 1798, but al-Djazzar, with the aid of a British army under Sir Sidney Smith, withstood a French siege of Acre for three months (March-May 1799). The check proved fatal to French ambitions in the Near East. Al-Djazzar then retained power till his death in 1804 [see AL-DJAZZAR PASHA, in Suppl.]. For the history of Syria during the 18th century, see P.M. Holt, Egypt and the Fertile Crescent 1516-1922,
Ithaca 1966, 102-33. The years after 1804 saw a rise in the power of Bashlr II Shihab, who pursued the aim of making himself an autocratic prince, with a strongly centralised government, like Muhammad CA1I Pasha in Egypt and the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud II [q.w.] in Turkey. His policies, naturally involving higher taxation, were in 1820 to cause a revolt amongst the common people (the first 'dmmiyya), compelling Bashlr to withdraw temporarily to the Hawran. But in general, Bashlr's influence was felt widely in Syria. Even the great Turkish officials sought his intervention. Yusuf, Pasha of Damascus (1807-10), implored his help against a threatened invasion of the Wahhabls. Bashlr presided in Damascus at the installation of Sulayman, Pasha of Acre and successor-designate of Yusuf Pasha. In the middle of the general confusion, however, Muhammad CA1I of Egypt was watching for an opportunity of adding Syria to his governorship of Egypt. cAbd Allah Pasha, who succeeded Sulayman at Acre (1818), undertook to give it him. He refused to allow the extradition of Egyptian felldhm and the repayment of a million piastres. Summoned to contribute towards this sum by the Pasha of Acre, under whom was the Lebanon, the Christians of the Lebanon refused to pay. The rising of the Christians was a new feature in Syrian politics, but it was not to be the only one. Through contact with the Europeans, the Christians were becoming more assertive and enlightened, and they were learning their own strength. Taking as a pretext the refusals of £Abd Allah Pasha, Muhammad C A1T sent his son Ibrahim Pasha [
AL-SHAM the Antioch and Jerusalem Patriarchates. The European powers banded together. An allied fleet shelled Beirut (September 1840). Acre surrendered in November, and Ibrahim Pasha agreed to evacuate Syria, successfully withdrawing his army of 60-80,000 men to Ghazza by January 1841. Ibrahim's collaborator Bashir II Shihab fell from power at this point, being deposed and sent into exile. A period of some twenty years' internal conflict opened in Lebanon, involving inter alias the great Maronite landowners and their increasingly restive peasantry, and a growing tension between the Druze and Maronites who had migrated from Kisrawan in central Lebanon to the Druze areas of southern Lebanon. In 1858-9 there took place the third cammiyya^ a Maronite peasant revolt against the landlords in Kisrawan. From the reign of Mahmud II [q.v], the Porte had inaugurated a policy of administrative centralisation, and decreed the abolition of local autonomies and feudalities. After the departure of the Egyptians, it moved to Beirut, whose importance was steadily increasing, the administrative centres of the ancient pashaliks of Acre and Sidon, in order to prepare for the annexation of Lebanon. With the same object it declared the old line of princes of the Lebanon, the Shihab Amirs, deposed. The only result was to perpetuate anarchy there. The Christians who had fought against the Egyptians claimed to be treated on terms of equality to the Druze. In the southern Lebanon, several had acquired the confiscated lands of the Druze chiefs banished by Ibrahim Pasha. The latter, coming back from exile, demanded a return to the status quo and the restoration of their ancient privileges. In taking their side, Turkey paved the way for new conflicts and sanguinary fighting. The Syrian Muslims showed no less animosity to the Christians, whom Egyptian rule had partly enfranchised. They took no account of the intellectual and material progress made by the Christians, nor of the political equality promised by the rescripts of the sultans as part of the Tan^imdt [q.v] reforms. The khatt-i humayun [q.v.] of Sultan cAbd al-Medjid [q.v.] communicated to the Congress of Paris (1856), and tacitly placed under the guarantee of the Powers, scandalised Muslim opinion, but inspired confidence among the Christians. At Damascus and in the large towns, they took advantage of the occasion to enrich themselves commercially. A secret agitation began to stir up the Druze and Muslims, and waited for the events of 1860 to burst forth. The Druze of the Lebanon, combining with their co-religionists of the WadI '1-Taym and of the Hawran, spread fire and death through the villages of the Maronites, who were at that moment in turmoil in the aftermath of the peasant 'ammiyya of the previous year (see above). The anti-Christian movement reached Damascus, which the Muslims pillaged and then set fire to the prosperous Christian quarter, after massacring its inhabitants. In this city, in the Lebanon, and in Beirut, the Turkish authorities intervened only to disarm the Christians, and their sympathies were clearly with the Muslim and Druze perpetrators of the massacres. Amongst the Muslims, the only effective protector of the Christians in Damascus was the exiled former leader of resistance to the French in Algeria, the Amir eAbd al-Kadir b. Muhyl al-Din alHasanl [q.v.]. Inevitably, there was a reaction from the European powers. France landed troops at Beirut in September 1860, and the Porte sent its Foreign Minister, Fu'ad Pasha to Damascus with draconian powers to suppress disorder. Soon afterwards, an international commission began work in Beirut and then Istanbul; the aim of British and Ottoman diplomacy
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was now to prevent a permanent extension of Napoleon Ill's influence in Syria and Lebanon. The outcome was an Organic Regulation/Reglement organique in 1861, which abolished the dual ka'immakamate of Christians in northern Lebanon and Druze in the south and established an administration for Lebanon under a Christian mutasarrif directly responsible to the sultan. The system gave Lebanon peace for over half-a-century; for the subsequent history of the region, see LUBNAN. In Syria, Fu'ad Pasha shot or hanged a considerable number of guilty soldiers and civilians, and a collective fine of -£ 200,000 was levied on Damascus and another -£ 160,000 on the province at large. After 1864 Syria was divided into two wilayets: Aleppo and Damascus. In 1888 Beirut, the chief port, the centre of the commercial life of Syria, was made a separate wilayet. Syria now gradually began to enter the modern age. The ports of Beirut and Jaffa were improved; the main ports and cities were in the 1860s linked by telegraph with Istanbul and Europe; a postal system was introduced; carriage roads were constructed between Alexandretta and Aleppo, Beirut and Damascus, and Jaffa and Jerusalem. The improvement in communications made possible increased centralisation of the Ottoman administration, with curbs on Bedouin brigandage and increased security. Such measures as these, plus the opening in 1869 of the Suez Canal, contributed to an increase of commercial confidence and activity, although trade was temporarily affected by the American Civil War and the Austro-Prussian and Franco-Prussian Wars. Eventually, too, railways appeared; with the exception of the north Syrian section of the Berlin-Baghdad railway and the Pilgrimage line from Damascus to Medina, financed by the Sultan £Abd al-Hamld II and internal Ottoman contributions [see HIDJAZ RAILWAY], these were largely constructed with French capital. Nevertheless, it was in the post-1860 period that emigration—mainly of Christians—above all from Lebanon, and from Syria, grew, a good proportion of it to the New World (for the Arabic literature of this diaspora, see MAHDJAR). Lebanon and Syria also became the focuses of the Arabic literary revival known as the Nahda [q.v.]. Since the 17th century, the Christians of Syria had had presses for printing works in Arabic and, for the Eastern Churches, for printing religious and liturgical works in both Arabic and Syriac; a bilingual Psalter appeared in 1610 from the press at the monastery of St. Anthony at Kuzhayya in Lebanon, and a Melkite press started up at Aleppo in 1706 [see MATBA'A. B. 2]. In the 19th century organised Protestant Christian missionary work came to Syria, with American Presbyterians working from Beirut and Anglicans from Jerusalem. The Americans organised their converts into the Syrian Evangelical Church, with an Arabic press at Beirut in 1843, and their activity culminated in the foundation in 1866 of the Syrian Protestant College, after 1923 the American University of Beirut. The Jesuits, for their part, set up the Imprimerie Catholique at Beirut in 1853 and founded the Universite de St.-Joseph in 1875. Both Universities were to make distinguished contributions to the revival of Arabic studies and to the training of an Arab intellectual elite throughout the Near East. Towards the end of the century, when Roman Catholic and Protestant missionary efforts amongst the Christians of Syria seemed to be reducing the Orthodox representation there, Russians interested in the Near East and, especially, in Jerusalem, founded in 1882 the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society, which functioned until the Russian Revolution of 1917. Its
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work included the running of village and urban elementary schools in Christian areas and some colleges; the Mahajar writer Mikha'Il Nucayma [q.v] received his first education at the Russian school in his Lebanese home village of Biskinta, eventually going to study in Russia itself. See on this Russian religious and cultural interest in the Near East, D. Hopwood, The Russian presence in Syria and Palestine 1843-1914. Church and politics in the Near East, Oxford 1969. Whereas the missions and schools in Syria and Lebanon aimed at making converts from the indigenous Eastern Christian Churches or at educating them, the Anglican Mission at Jerusalem aimed at converting the Jews of Palestine. The Jews of Syria did not, in fact, experience a national, cultural and educational revival as did the Greeks, Armenians and other indigenous Christian Churches of the Ottoman empire during the 19th century, and lost social and economic ground to these last. The emancipation of the Jews in Western and Central Europe did, however, lead to the appearance of protectors for the Oriental Jewish communities. Thus Sir Moses Montefiore visited Palestine several times, and intervened in 1840 to protect the Jews of Damascus after an accusation of ritual murder; and in 1860 the Alliance Israelite Universelle was formed with the aim of promoting Jewish education, primarily in the Islamic lands. Above all, in connection with the Jews, there begin in the last two decades of the century the rise of Zionism and Zionist immigration into Palestine; and even though there were still only about 85,000 Jews in Palestine by 1914, their presence was to make itself felt. See N.A. Stillman, The Jews of Arab lands in modern times, Philadelphia and New York 1991, 3 ff., 80-91, 231-5. With the conceding of the first Ottoman constitution in 1876 [see DUSTUR. ii], Syria acquired representation in the newly-established assembly in Istanbul. In this first Medjlis-i cUmumi it was represented by nine persons: three Muslim Arabs and one Armenian Christian from the province of Aleppo, two Muslim and two Christian Arabs from the province of Suriyya (the former province of Damascus), and one Muslim Arab from Jerusalem, all of them from leading families of Syria. Midhat Pasha [q.v.] was governor of Syria for some twenty months in 1878-80, and it was at this time that the first faint glimmerings of incipient, proto-nationalist Syrian Arab discontent against Ottoman Turkish rule became discernible, with hopes of some sort of autonomy for the region. A number of anonymous, handwritten placards appeared in the main cities of Syria at the end of Midhat's governorship, asserting some basic Arab rights. Such sentiments can nevertheless only have been those of a tiny minority, but were significant for the beginnings of Arab nationalism there, slow though this was to develop [see KAWMIYYA. 1]. Not long afterwards, such views were temporarily submerged by Muslim Syrian enthusiasm for £Abd al-Hamfd's promotion of PanIslamism [q.v.], a movement in which several Syrians were prominent, such as Shaykh Abu '1-Huda from Aleppo, who promoted the sultan's claim to the universal caliphate, and the sultan's second secretary, Ahmad Tzzat Pasha al-'Abid, who became involved in the project of the Hidjaz Railway. On the other hand, the Syrians cAbd al-Rahman al-Kawakibf [q.v.], from Aleppo, and Muhammad Rashld Rida [q.v], from Tripoli, voiced from the safety of Cairo opposition to cAbd al-Hamld's religio-political claims. The Hamldian censorship covered all literary output, including even the textbooks used in foreign mission schools, and caused a considerable emigration of writers to Egypt and elsewhere.
Agitation for the restoration of the 1876 constitution was of course primarily associated with the "Young Turks" and the Committee of Union and Progress [see ITTIHAD WE TERAKKI DjEMciYYETi], but the Syrian Arabs hoped for equal rights in the empire with the Turks, some degree of administrative decentralisation which would give Syria a hand in its own affairs, and recognition of the Arabic language at the side of Turkish in education and administration. The Young Turk Revolution of 1908 brought about the deposition of cAbd al-Harmd. The reinstated constitution of 1876 and its parliament were greeted in Syria with enthusiasm as the dawn of a new era, and societies were formed there to promote the Arab course within the Ottoman empire, such as the Arab-Ottoman Brotherhood (al-Ikha3). This illusion was of short duration. The Young Turks, whom the Syrians had trusted, were not long in resuming once more the process of turkicising begun by cAbd al-Harmd. With more method and continuity, they declared war against all who were Arab by race or language. They insisted everywhere in Parliament and in the government offices on the employment of Turks only, and removed the Syrians from high offices and important military commands. This provocative policy brought together for the first time Muslims and Christians in Syria. It awakened amongst all the desire to come to an understanding in regard to a common policy, and to take joint action. Their demands were limited to reforms of a decentralising nature. They asked that, in the allotment of public offices, regard should be had to the progress which had been made by Syria, the most civilised province of the Empire, and that in the imposition and spending of taxes regard should be paid to the needs of their country. They thought the time had come to grant it a certain administrative autonomy. It was the obstinacy of the Young Turks in rejecting these moderate demands which opened the door to separatist ideas, and finally convinced the Syrian nationalists (the Muslims amongst whom for long had had a lingering sympathy for the Ottoman sultan, especially after the disasters to the Ottoman-Muslim cause of the loss of Tripolitania to the Italians in 1911 and the loss of almost all the Ottoman Balkan provinces after the Balkan Wars) that their aspirations were unlikely to be fulfilled within the Empire. On 29 October 1914 Turkey entered the First World War on the side of the Central Powers. It began by suppressing the administrative autonomy of Lebanon, and imposing on it a Turkish governor. Djemal Pasha took into his own hands the government of all Syria with discretionary powers. He at once proceeded to hang the principal patriots, whether Syrian Muslim or Christian. Hundreds of others went into exile. Soon afterwards, famine and disease decimated the population, principally of the Lebanon. Energetic but presumptuous, dreaming of the conquest of Egypt, Djemal proceeded unsuccessfully to attack the Suez Canal (February 1915). He now gave more attention to Arab opposition in Syria, arresting and deporting to Anatolia many notables and publicly hanging eleven Muslim leaders in Beirut, until diplomatic pressure from Turkey's ally Germany brought a relenting in what might well have proved a counter-productive policy. Perhaps as a sop to Arab opinion, Djemal in 1915 founded the Salahiyya College in Jerusalem under the Pan-Islamic enthusiast Shaykh c Abd al-cAz!z Shawish. But a second Turkish attack in August 1916 on Egypt failed, and British forces advanced into Ottoman territory as far as Ghazza, but were temporarily checked there. The Ottoman
AL-SHAM forces in Palestine were now placed under the command of the German general Von Falkenhayn, but British forces under Allenby broke through at Beersheba. By November 1917 the British, French and Italian forces of the Allies had become masters of the southern portion of Palestine, and on 11 December, they entered Jerusalem, which the Turks had evacuated. The latter defended themselves for a further nine months on a line extending to the north of Jaffa as far as the Jordan. The decisive action took place on 19 September 1918, on the plain of Sarona near Tulkarm. The forces of Allenby broke the Turkish front. It was a rout. At the end of the month the British forces, without meeting with any resistance, arrived in the neighbourhood of Damascus. The advance was delayed for a few days, in order to allow the Amir Faysal, the son of the Sharif Husayn of Mecca, time to hasten from the remote end of Transjordania and to make on 1 October his entry into Damascus at the head of a body of Bedouins. On 31 October, the Turks signed an armistice. A week later, the last of their soldiers had repassed the Taurus. Bibliography: For the older bibl., see that to Lammens' El1 art. The more recent references for the pre-1800 period have been given in the text; see also M. Kurd 'All, Khitat al-Shdm, Damascus 1925-8. For a regional bibliography, see I.J. Seccombe, Syria, World Bibliographical Series, Oxford, Santa Barbara and Denver 1987. For the 19th and early 20th centuries, see Lammens, La Syne, precis historique, Beirut 1921, ii; W. Miller, The Ottoman empire and its successors 1801-1927, Cambridge 1936; G. Antonius, The Arab awakening, London 1938; F. Charles-Roux, La France et les Chretiens d'Orient, Paris 1939; A.H. Hourani, Syria and Lebanon, a political essay, London 1946; idem, Minorities in the Arab world, London 1947; P.K. Hitti, The history of Syria, London 1951; E. Kedourie, England and the Middle East, London 1956; Z.N. Zeine, Arab-Turkish relations and the emergence of Arab nationalism, Beirut 1958; Hourani, Arabic thought in the liberal age 1798-1939, London 1962; Sylvia G. Haim (ed.), Arab nationalism, an anthology, Berkeley, etc. 1962; C. Issawi, The economic history of the Middle East, Chicago 1966; A.L. Tibawi, American interests in Syria 1800-1901, Oxford 1966; P.M. Holt, Egypt and the Fertile Crescent 15161922, Ithaca 1966; M. Maeoz, Ottoman reform in Syria and Palestine 1840-1861, Oxford 1968; Tibawi, A modern history of Syria, including Lebanon and Palestine, London 1969; M.S. Kalla, The role of foreign trade in the economic development of Syria 1831-1914, diss. AUB 1969; R. Owen, The Middle East in the world economy 1800-1914, London 1981; Issawi, An economic history of the Middle East and North Africa 1800-1914, New York 1982; P.S. Khoury, Urban notables and Arab nationalism. The politics of Damascus 1860-1920, Cambridge 1983; Leila T. Fawaz, Merchants and migrants in nineteenth-century Beirut, Cambridge, Mass. 1983; M.E. Yapp, The making of the modem Near East 1792-1923, London and New York 1987; Y.M. Choueiri, Arab history and the nation state. A study in modern Arab historiography 1820-1980, London 1989, 25-54. (H. LAMMENS-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) (b) From the end of the First World War to the end of the Mandate. The Shanf Husayn's son Faysal [see FAYSAL i] hoped to establish an Arab kingdom in Greater Syria based on Damascus, on the basis of the exchange of correspondence in October 1915 between Husayn and Sir Henry McMahon, the British High Commissioner
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in Egypt, which had defined how far the British were prepared to go in conceding Arab independence. But this had in effect been superseded by the Sykes-Picot Agreement of 16 May 1916, dividing Greater Syria into British and French spheres of influence, with an internationalised Palestine. The publication of the Agreement by the triumphant Bolsheviks in 1917 had not surprisingly caused the Shanf and other Arab leaders to doubt the sincerity of the British government's undertakings, and assurances had also to be given to Husayn concerning the significance of the Balfour Declaration of November 1917. With the end of the War, the whole of Greater Syria was occupied by Allied troops, with British troops throughout the area, a small French force on the Levant coast and the Arab army of the Sharif (now King of the Hidjaz) Husayn in the interior. There were already grounds for conflict between the Arabs and the French government, since the latter regarded the whole of the northern half of Greater Syria as lying within its sphere of influence, as provided for in the Sykes-Picot Agreement, and did not consider itself bound by any British promises to its ally Husayn. It was also influenced by the attitude of the Lebanese Christians, who had no desire to become part of an Arab kingdom under a Muslim monarch from the ruling family in the Hidjaz. Faysal's position in Damascus was affected by the Anglo-French Agreement of September 1919, which provided for the withdrawal of British troops from Greater Syria excluding Palestine. The action of a congress of Syrian notables meeting at Damascus in March 1920 in offering the crown of Syria and Palestine to Faysal was repudiated by Britain and France in favour of a mandate [q.v.] of Britain over southern Greater Syria (i.e. Palestine) and of France over the northern part (i.e. Syria and Lebanon). French forces under General Gouraud marched on Damascus, defeated the Arabs at Maysalun [q.v.] in the Anti-Lebanon and entered Damascus on 25 July 1920. Faysal left for exile and, eventually, a new throne in clrak. The San Remo Conference duly allotted the mandates of Syria and Lebanon to France, confirmed by the League of Nations in July 1922. In the early years of the French mandate, the frontiers of Syria were gradually delimited: those with 'Irak, Palestine and Transjordania by two Anglo-French agreements, but the more contentious northern frontier with Turkey, with its mixed population of Arabs, Turks and Kurds, was not finally settled until 1930, and was to have a substantial modification in 1939 when the so-called Sanjak of Alexandretta [see ISKANDARUN] was ceded to Turkey (see further, below). Under the de facto control of the French High Commissioner Gouraud, Syria was officially proclaimed to be a "federation of Syrian states": the State of Aleppo, with its dependent Sanjak of Alexandretta; the State of Damascus; the "Territory of the cAlawfs", sc. Nusayris [see NUSAYRIYYA], centred on Latakia [see AL-LADHIKIYYA]; and a Druze state in the Djabal alDuruz with its centre at Suwayda (1921-2). But the system never came to life, and from 1 January 1925 there was established a unitary state of Syria, which was, however, to exclude the 'Alawf and Druze territories and Greater Lebanon. Meanwhile, a preliminary census was instituted as a basis for the voting groups of the first general elections (to be conducted by indirect voting) planned by the new High Commissioner General Weygand in 1923. Excluding Greater Lebanon, the census revealed the following picture. The nomads in the district of Aleppo and of Damascus were not included in it. The state of Aleppo,
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including the independent Sanjak of Alexandretta had 604,000 inhabitants. The number was made up as follows: 502,000 Sunms, 30,000 £AlawIs, 52,000 Christians of diverse denominations, 7,000 Jews and 3,000 foreigners. The state of Damascus contained 595,000 inhabitants, of which 447,000 were Sunnls, 8,000 Isma£rlfs, 5,000 £AlawTs, 4,000 Druze, 9,000 Mutawalfs, 67,000 Christians of different denominations, 6,000 Jews and 49,000 foreigners. In the state of the £Alawfs, there were 60,000 Sunnls, 153,000 £ Alawfs, 3,000 Isma£flfs and 42,000 Christians of different denominations, in all 261,000 inhabitants. The state of the Djabal al-Duruz was remarkable for the homogeneity of its population. There were 43,000 Druze against 700 Sunms, and about 7,000 Greek, Catholic or Orthodox Christians. It is not easy to draw up a balance-sheet of the achievements and failures of the French mandatory power. On the positive side, there was the establishment of law and order; improvements in communications and harbour facilities; order was achieved in the public finances, with the budget generally balanced and, after 1933, the burden of the share of the Ottoman Public Debt which had fallen upon the mandated territories was at last paid off so that no public debt remained; some tentative steps towards land reform were made through the introduction of a modern system of land registration and a land survey, although the pattern of actual land ownership changed little and there was a very clear continuity in the high level of political and economic power of the Syrian landowning elite from late Ottoman times to the post-Second World War years. A system of state schools was created from almost nothing; the University of Damascus expanded and the Arab Academy in Damascus acquired a solid reputation throughout the Arab world. An Antiquities Service did sterling work in preserving both the ancient and the Islamic sites and monuments of Syria. In agriculture, there were moves to improve crops and produce, with substantial increases in cotton production and the export of citrus fruits. Irrigation works were undertaken, such as the completion of the first phase in 1938 of the Lake of Horns barrage, although achievements here lagged behind those of Trak in the same period. The world depression of the 1930s reduced Syria's potential as an exporter; there was a slowing-down of Lebanese and Syrian emigration as overseas countries closed their doors to immigrants, and remittances home by existing emigrants decreased sharply. On the debit side, in the early years of the Mandate at least, France ran Syria as a colonial possession, with commercial and financial policies which benefited the mandatory power. French companies, banks and individuals were favoured by the grant of industrial concessions and the provision of subsidies, and the League of Nations' mandatory system requirements of free trade and open competition for the provision of goods and services circumvented, annoying France's European and American trade competitors and frustrating the indigenous population which suffered from the lack of competition. Local Syrian industries were not given adequate protection by the High Commissioner, and French customs policy favoured the import of French goods and furthered the decline of local industry and handicrafts, causing, e.g. unemployment in the towns amongst handloom weavers and silk spinners. The great failure of French rule—one which was probably inevitable, whatever the mandatory power could have done or not done—was to win the approval
of the bulk of the Syrian and Lebanese people. The nationalists, backbone of the movement for independence, were naturally intransigent, resenting what they saw as the encouragement of separatism and what they believed to be French financial dominance through the Banque de Syrie et du Grand Liban. Thus it was widely believed that the French deliberately drained the country of gold which it had possessed in Ottoman times. In 1925-6 there were local risings in northern Syria (under Ibrahim Hananu) and in the Djabal al-Duruz (under Sultan al-Atrash), the latter spreading to the Druze areas of southern Lebanon and the district of Damascus as far as Hims. The mandatory power had to revise the constitutional arrangements for Syria, although martial law, censorship and the special tribunals were not abolished till 1928, when a general amnesty was issued. An indigenous Syrian government, more acceptable to public opinion, after 1928 under the moderate nationalist Shaykh Tadj al-Dln al-Hasam, was installed, with elections for a constituent assembly. The drafting of a constitution began, one on Western lines and with provision (as in Lebanon also) for the representation of minorities and a unicameral legislative assembly. . Because of disagreements between the more moderate majority in the assembly and the more extremist nationalist bloc, al-Kutla al-Wataniyya, under Hananu, a constitution for the State of Syria was finally refused by the High Commissioner Henri Ponsot. It was also hoped to institute a Franco-Syrian Treaty, on the lines of the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty which had terminated the British mandate over clrak, but the negotiations for this were likewise bedevilled by party disputes in the assembly, until in November 1934 the High Commissioner Comte Damien Charles de Martel adjourned the Chamber of Deputies sine die, with provision for rule by decree. As may be inferred from the turbulent politics of the period, there was a proliferation of political parties in Syria in the 1930s; see for these, HIZB. i, at III, 522-3. Not until 1936, when there came to power in France a leftwing coalition, the Popular Front, slightly more favourably disposed to Syrian and Lebanese aspirations than the outgoing government, were FrancoSyrian and Franco-Lebanese Treaties achieved, defining what were to be the relations between France and the local Arab powers after the end of the mandate and, in the meantime, handing over certain administrative functions from the High Commissioner to the Syrian government. The National Bloc achieved an overwhelming majority in the 1936 elections. Soon afterwards, the £AlawT and Druze regions were annexed to the Syrian State. But difficulties grew as Turkish claims to the Sanjak of Alexandretta were increasingly pressed; separatist movements grew (in the Djabal al-Duruz, 1937-9; in the £AlawI region, 1939; and amongst the Kurds of the Djazfra, sc. in northeastern Syria, in 1937). The accession to power in France in 1938 of a less sympathetic government, which now feared for the long-term safety of the minorities in Syria, above all, of the Christians there, led to the failure of the French Parliament to ratify the 1936 Treaty. Within Syria, confidence in the National Bloc had ebbed, and political instability and insecurity in the country at large made it difficult to find a government acceptable to a broad spectrum of Syrian interests. Hence in July 1939 the High Commissioner Gabriel Puaux suspended the constitution and appointed a council of directors to rule by decree under his own guidance; at the same time, the separate administrations of the Druze and £Alawi areas, abolished in 1936, were restored, and a separate
AL-SHAM administration created for the restive Djazira. The outbreak of the Second World War on 3 September 1939 marks the beginning of the last period in which the French could hope to do more than hold their position in Syria. The fulfilment of any of their aims as the mandatory power had to be abandoned for a policy of survival as a weak outpost of a metropolitan power soon to be largely occupied by the German enemy. The surrender of France in June 1940 found the French Army of the Levant obeying the order from Vichy to cease hostilities. The adroit and circumspect Puaux was recalled from Syria because of his tepid attitude towards Vichy policy, and replaced by the respected but defeatist General Henri Dentz, whose tenure of the High Commissionship was to be uniformly unfortunate. Local Syrian nationalists could not but be affected by contemplation of the French debacle; some of the more extreme elements, as in Trak, began openly to look for an Axis victory as German propagandists proclaimed in Syria ostensibly pan-Arab and anti-Zionist policies. Economic hardship, involving food shortages and black market, price rises and unemployment contributed to popular discontent, with a general strike in Damascus and Aleppo and similar disorders in Lebanon in February 1941. A leader of the nationalist movement now emerged in the person of Shukrf al-Kuwwatll. Meanwhile, the attitude of General Dentz, on orders from Vichy, was made clear to the British High Command in Cairo: that France would not regard the appearance of German forces or aeroplanes in Syria, en route as reinforcements for Rashid eAlf alGaylanfs [q.v.] pro-Axis regime in Baghdad, as a hostile act, whereas any British intervention would be opposed by force. No message could have been clearer. Britain reluctantly—because its Middle Eastern military resources were already highly stretched in opposing the Axis forces in North Africa and the eastern Mediterranean—decided to intervene, once it was clear that the French administration in Syria would not promise, as similar administrations in other parts of France's colonial empire had in fact promised, to remain neutral and to maintain a defensive stance (which would have been in accordance with the terms of the Franco-German Armistice). The Free French movement under General Charles de Gaulle had to be accommodated in any military measures, and forces under General Legentilhomme took part in the invasion of Syria which began on 8 June 1941 and was strenuously opposed by General Dentz's troops. Offers of help from the Germans and Italians were distasteful to Dentz and were refused by the Vichy government. He surrendered on 14 July, most of his troops being repatriated to France. General Georges Catroux, de Gaulle's DelegueGeneral in Cairo, had promised in leaflets dropped by air into Syria on 8 June that the mandate would be terminated and that the peoples there would become free and independent. In fact, it was going to be difficult to say when France's mandate ended; General Catroux did not transfer power to the Syrians till early 1944, and the obligations of the mandate could still be invoked by the French in the protracted negotiations leading to the final withdrawal of French troops in 1945-6 (see below). In these years, there were also to be tensions between the more adaptable Catroux and the intransigent de Gaulle, whose mind was closed to the new political and psychological realities of the Arab world, though both were to remain bitterly critical of what they regarded as British perfidy in encouraging Syrian national aspirations in an area regarded as a purely French responsibility. Britain
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was regarded by de Gaulle as hopelessly Arabophile, and the French authorities in Syria fought a longdrawn out, but ultimately unsuccessful, battle to concede the minimum towards independence and to retain for France as many rights and privileges there as possible. Meanwhile, within Syria, there was intense political activity among the parties, in which the Communists (though at this point professedly favourable to the nationalist cause and the war effort) were making their name heard in both Syria and Lebanon. The Druze and cAlawf territories were in February 1942 retransferred to Syrian authority, this time for good. Elections were held in the summer of 1943, entailing the decisive return of the National Bloc to power, and the Assembly elected Shukn al-Kuwwatlr as President of the Republic of Syria (17 August). From December 1943, the French authorities ceased to challenge any constitutional changes which the governments of Syria and Lebanon might make, and in January 1944 the Assembly members took the oath of allegiance to a constitution which ignored all mandatory ties. Even so, disputes between the two sides continued, especially over Catroux's refusal to cede control of the Syrian Legion, the Troupes speciales, recruited largely from the minorities and from rural Sunnf Muslims, and over the continued existence of French regular army garrisons. The despatch of Senegalese troops by de Gaulle to Beirut in May 1945 was regarded as an attempt to reinforce the French military presence, provoking a general strike, and demonstrations and armed clashes as far as Deir al-Zor, and entailing the French shelling and bombing of Damascus with hundreds of casualties. There followed a threat of British military intervention, since Britain was still at war with Japan and the Levant lay across supply lines to the East. Only in the summer did France begin at last to withdraw troops, a process not completed until April 1946. Inevitably, there was now no hope in the foreseeable future of any Franco-Syrian Treaty favourable to France. The Syrian government had announced its adherence to the League of Arab States [see AL-DJAMI'A AL-'ARABIYYA, in Suppl.], formed in March 1945, and nominally declared war on Germany and Japan. But as events were to show in the post-War years, political stability was to elude the new, faction-ridden state. Bibliography: See many of the works listed in the Bibi to (a) above, and also R. O'Zoux, Les etats du Levant sous Mandatjranfais, Paris 1931; I. Lipschits, La politique de la France au Levant, 1939-41, Paris 1941; S.H. Longrigg, Syria and Lebanon under French mandate, London 1958; Tukan Karkut, Tatawwur alharaka al-wataniyya fi Suriyya, 1920-1939, Beirut 1975; P.S. Khoury, Syria and the French mandate. The politics of Arab nationalism 1920-1945, Princeton 1987; M.E. Yapp, The Near East since the First World War, London and New York 1991. (C.E. BOSWORTH) (c) Independent Syria. Syria in its contemporary borders, comprising the central parts of the historic Bilad al-Shdm, was established under the French Mandate [see MANDATES], It gained formal independence in 1943 and full sovereignty in 1946, when the last French soldiers left the country. According to its constitution, independent Syria was a parliamentary democracy. De facto, power was concentrated in the hands of the landlord and merchant class, and, increasingly, of the military establishment. The ruling elite made Syria stumble into the first Arab-Israeli war, and it largely failed to solve the country's domestic political and social problems.
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L-SHAM
From 1949, the country experienced a series of military takeovers and attempted coups. In the mid-1950s, Syria became the focus of a regional conflict concerning the establishment of a Western-oriented military alliance, the Baghdad Pact. Syria's neutralist stance made it subject to strong Western pressures. While failing to push Syria into the Pact, these pressures destabilised the country and contributed to its hasty and ill-prepared unification with Egypt in 1958. When the leadership of the so-established United Arab Republic (UAR) embarked on an outspokenly socialist course in 1961, launching a wave of nationalisations that included some of the largest Syrian establishments, a group of conservative Syrian officers assumed power in Damascus and terminated this first unification experiment in contemporary Arab history. Syria re-emerged as a sovereign state, with the political elite of the 1950s back in power for another year and a half. On 8 March 1963, the ancient regime was overthrown by a group of young military officers with strong Arab nationalist and, in a large part, socialist convictions. The faction connected to the Arab Socialist Bacth Party (hizb al-bcfth al-'arabi al-ishtirdki) soon asserted its power, and the Bacth party became the ruling party in a quasi-single-party system. The "revolution" of 1963, as it was henceforward called, was followed by an unstable period of army-and-party rule. The regime ventured to put the country on what was understood to be an Arab socialist development path, thereby trying to liquidate the economic basis of the old ruling elite which they had already removed from political power. Land reform, initially introduced under the UAR, was considerably speeded up. In 1964 and 1965, after a series of violent clashes between the regime and conservative oppositional forces, a large number of industrial and commercial establishments was nationalised. The radical social policies of the regime and a no less radical rhetoric confronting both the West and the conservative Arab states left it regionally and internationally largely isolated; only relations with the Soviet Union and the other then socialist countries were expanded. At the same time, the political leadership was internally divided into different factions, each having their own basis in the army and the party. Internal frictions broke up along both political and sectarian lines. In February 1966, a radical wing of the party, led by officers of mainly middle class, rural and minority, particularly cAlawT origin, gained the upper hand by military force. Caught in internal struggles, the regime had to face the 1967 war unprepared; Israeli forces were able to occupy the Golan heights [see DJAWLAN] without major resistance. In November 1970, after further years of open conflict within the power elite about internal and foreign policy directions, General Hafiz al-Asad (born 1930), an £AlawI Bacthist who had been Commander of the Air Force since 1964 and Minister of Defence since 1966, assumed power in another coup. In 1971, he was elected President of the Republic in an uncontested popular referendum. By the time of writing, he has been re-elected three times, last in 1991 for another seven-year term of office. Only after Asad's takeover or "corrective movement" (al-haraka al-tashlhiyya as it had since been called) did stable political structures emerge, enabling Syria to develop into a veritable regional power. Thus a parliament (maajlis al-shacb) was established in 1971; and the Progressive National Front (PNF) (al-($abha al-wataniyya al-takaddumiyyd}^ an institutionalised coalition of the Bacth party with a group of tolerated,
smaller parties, was set up in 1972. In 1973 a new constitution was promulgated, largely tailored to suit the personal rule of President Asad, who also occupies the positions of Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, President of the PNF, and SecretaryGeneral of the ruling party. The parliament, elected once every four years, has to share its legislative functions with the President. Aside from the PNF parties, only individual candidates are allowed to stand for election; the Bacth party is guaranteed an absolute majority. Any constitutional amendement needs the approval of the president. The political system is authoritarian; no major policy decision, particularly in the fields of foreign policy and security, can be taken without the President's personal involvement and consent. Under Asad's rule, the socialist orientation of the first Ba£thist regimes, though maintained as a tenet in the rhetoric of the ruling party, has been gradually abandoned. The state was still supposed to lead economic development, but conditions for the private sector have been considerably improved from the early 1970s onwards. Rapid economic growth rather than social reform has become the main objective of development policies. Both the state economic sector and the bureaucracy, as well as the armed forces, have grown at unprecedented speed. The new regime has also re-arranged the foreign policy orientation of the country. Good relations with the socialist bloc were maintained, but the regime sought to improve its relations with the West and with the conservative Arab states and strengthened its ties with Egypt. In October 1973, Egypt and Syria launched a coordinated military attack against Israel. Though not resulting in a military victory, the October War (harb Tishnn]—proving Arab military capabilities and their ability to coordinate military action with economic pressure, namely the imposition of an oil embargo against Israel's international allies—has generally been viewed as a political victory of the Arab States. Syria was able to regain parts of the occupied Golan heights in the course of the US-sponsored troop disengagement negotiations following the war. The combination of internal stability, national success, and economic growth made Asad enjoy a high degree of popularity and legitimacy for several years. Only from the second half of the 1970s did the regime have to face veritable domestic threats. General disenchantment with the regime's regional policies, particularly its open military involvement, from 1976, in the Lebanese civil war [see LUBNAN], the spread of corruption and nepotism, unrestrained behaviour of the security forces, the sectarian composition of the regime's core, and growing social inequalities, all contributed to an increase of tension. Oppositional forces were not able to organise themselves politically and were thus driven into violence. In the years 1979-82 Syria experienced a situation close to civil war. The anti-regime opposition was led by Islamist forces, particularly the Syrian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood (al-I1$hwan al-Muslimun [
AL-SHAM health problems, and the country seemed to face an internal military struggle for his succession. During the later part of the 1980s, the main threat to the regime and its legitimacy came from a deep economic crisis that revealed the flaws of the country's etatist development orientation. A gradual process of economic policy change began, giving form to a more market-oriented economy and reducing the relative weight of the state sector. A major liberalisation of the political system, as some domestic quarters had expected in the course of economic liberalisation, did not occur. Minor changes included the enhancement of the role of parliament and a relaxation of political repression. By the mid-1990s (at the time of writing), the economic situation has improved, both as a result of the reform process and of increased oil production (by 1993, Syria's oil production ranged around 550,000 b/d). President Asad's regime no longer faces any domestic opposition worth mentioning. There has been some uneasiness, both domestically and internationally, concerning the eventual succession process and the prospects of a post-Asad Syria, but the regime itself is stable. Internationally, Syria has managed to cope with the loss of its main ally and arms supplier, the Soviet Union. It has considerably improved its relations with the USA both by participating in the US-led coalition against Trak in 1991 and by joining the US-sponsored Middle East peace process. Syria has also asserted its regional position. Its hegemony over Lebanon has been internationally tacitly accepted, and Syria is generally perceived as the key Arab state to a peaceful settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. By entering into bilateral negotiations with Israel in 1991, Syria clearly stated its preparedness to peace, its main condition for a peace treaty being the full withdrawal of Israel from the occupied Golan heights. Bibliography. E. Wirth, Syrien. Eine geographische Landeskunde, Darmstadt 1971; T. Petran, Syria, London 1972; I. Rabinovich, Syria under the Ba'th 1963-66. The Army-Party symbiosis, Jerusalem 1972; P. Scale, The struggle for Syria: a study of post-war Arabpolitics, 2New Haven and London 1987; idem, Asad of Syria: the struggle for the Middle East, London 1988; M. Seurat, L'Etat de barbarie, Paris 1989; R. Hinnebusch, Authoritarian power and state formation in Bacthist Syria, Boulder 1990; A. Drysdale and Hinnebusch, Syria and the Middle East peace process, New York 1991; V. Perthes, The political economy of Syria under Asad, London 1995. (V. PERTHES) 3. The Arabic dialects of Syria. The Bildd al-Shdm does not constitute, from a linguistic point of view, a genuine unity. The history of the population of the region has been such that nomadic and sedentary dialects are adjacent there or are in contact there, as is demonstrated by reciprocal borrowings of lexical and grammatical elements. Thus in zones of close contact, sedentarisation, rural exodus and urbanisation have given rise at all times to a range of dialectal varieties, and it is not always easy to determine whether it is a case of "sedentarised" Bedouin dialects, or of "Bedouinised" sedentary dialects. Contacts with the major neighbouring dialectal groups (Egyptian, Arabian, Mesopotamian) are, at least on the external fringes of the domain, no less tight. Today, tourism and above all, the spectacular diffusion of radio and television, promote contacts of a different type, the effect of which is tangible. Finally, the region has experienced the presence of languages which, while they have not in general directly affected the majority of the population, have nevertheless, to decidedly differing degrees, exerted an
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influence, on vocabulary at least: Turkish, in particular in the Ottoman period; and European languages, in the era of the Crusades (for a long time also through the specific intermediary of the lingua franca, at least on the shores of the Mediterranean) and more recently (French and English) during and after the colonial or mandatory period. Among others, these elements explain the wide dialectal diversity of the region; but its history and the emergence of the linguistic crucibles constituted by nation-states, and the augmented role of certain major metropolises, also confer on many Shamf dialects, sedentary ones in particular, common elements, an intercomprehensibility which varies from mediocre to excellent, and a specificity in general immediately perceptible to those who speak them, as it is to speakers of dialects belonging to other groups. Since pre-Christian times, and then stimulated by the Muslim conquests, "Arab" populations, admittedly most often linguistically Aramaicised, had been installed in the Fertile Crescent. It was probably from the 7th century onward that this presence became more significant; soon, apparently rapid Arabisation was definitively to establish Arabic as a majority language. Aramaic was to survive, however, in small enclaves, and is still in use today in three villages of the AntiLebanon: Ma'lula, Bakh'a and Djubb 'Adln (Western Neo-Aramaic). If the influence of this substratum has sometimes been exaggerated, it is nevertheless real (see e.g. W. Arnold and P. Behnstedt, Arabisch-Aramaische Sprachbeziehungen im Qalamun (Syrien], Wiesbaden 1993; and see, for present-day Neo-Aramaic in Syria, MA'LULA). The dominant position of Arabic should not obscure the existence of other languages, spoken by diverse communities, in some cases long-established in the region: Kurdish and Armenian in particular, Circassian and Turkish. For the populations concerned (in most cases, when they have preserved their own language, bilingual and even trilingual), the relation between this heteroglossia and the components, religious or ethnic, of their identity, is complex, and its configurations diverse and essentially variable. Finally, the presence of Israeli Hebrew has, over several decades, created an unprecedented situation for the Palestinians "of the interior", many of them being bilingual. Conversely, Sharm emigres have transplanted their dialects, into North and South America in particular, where they have thriven to varying degrees [see ALMAHDJAR]. A particular case is that, currently moribund, of Kormakiti in Cyprus, the last representative of the dialects imported by Maronite communities of Lebanon, in several waves, the most significant dating back to the end of the 12th century. In Turkey, while the majority of the Arabic dialects still spoken belong to the foltu group of Anatolian dialects, some are to be associated with Syrian dialects (Adana, Antioch, Alexandretta). Documentation concerning the dialects of the Bildd al-Shdm in their ancient form is largely defective; it is possible to gain an impression of them through their traces, direct or indirect, in texts in "Middle Arabic" (see the studies of J. Blau, in particular, A grammar of Christian Arabic, based mainly on South Palestinian texts from the first millennium, Louvain 1966), also by means of documents of various kinds: correspondence, archives, etc., written in the same type of linguistic register, phrase-books, Turkish-Arabic for example, accounts of European travellers, manuals written by missionaries, etc. The ancient texts which have survived most often comprise a poetry of dialectal or dialectalising expression, as such composed in a dialec-
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tal koine and in a literary register involving conventions and archaisms. While it is thus difficult to compile a history dialect by dialect, it is nevertheless possible to identify the major trends of their overall evolution (see, for the sedentary dialects, I. Garbell, Remarks on the historical phonology of an East Mediterranean Arabic dialect, in Word, xiv/2-3 (1958), 303-37). Possibly in part as a result of the attraction exerted by the Holy Land, the Sham! dialects are without doubt those for which documentation is most abundant. However, for the speech of some relatively important cities (Latakia, Horns, Tyre, Baalbek, cAlda, Nablus, etc.) and for the majority of the dialects of rural (and of mountainous) areas, it is practically nonexistent. Among the works which have appeared since the composition of the article of H. Fleisch [see CARABIYYA, iii, 2. The Oriental dialects], the following should be noted: for Syria, M. Cowell, A reference grammar of Syrian Arabic based on the dialect of Damascus, Washington B.C. 1964; H. Grotzfeld, Syrisch-arabische Grammatik, Wiesbaden 1965, A. Ambros, Damascus Arabic, Malibu, Calif. 1977; A. Sabuni, Laut- und Formenlehre des arabischen Dialekts von Aleppo, Frankfurt a.M. 1980; B. Lewin, Arabische Texte im Dialekt von Hama, Beirut 1966; idem, Motes on Cabali. The Arabic dialect spoken by the Alawis of "Jebel Ansariyye", Goteborg 1969; for Lebanon, H. Fleisch, Etudes d'arabe dialectal, Beirut 1974; F. Abu-Haidar, A study of the spoken Arabic of Basfdnta, Leiden 1979; M. Jiha, Der arabische Dialekt von Bishmizzm, Beirut 1964; for Palestine and Jordan, H. Blanc, The Arabic dialect of the Negev Bedouins, in Procs. of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, iv/7, Jerusalem 1970; J. Rosenhouse, The Bedouin Arabic dialects. General problems and a close analysis of North Israel Bedouin Dialects, Wiesbaden 1984; H. Palva, Lower Galilean Arabic, Helsinki 1965 (= Studia Orientalia, xxxii); idem, Balgdwi Arabic, 1-3, in Studia Orientalia, xl/1-2 and xliii/1 (1969, 1970-1974); Studies in the Arabic dialect of the semi-nomadic yl-'Affrarma tribe (al-Balqd3 District, Jordan], Goteborg 1976; Narratives and poems from Hesbdn. Arabic texts recorded among the seminomadic dl-'Adjdrma tribe, Goteborg 1978; see also below, Bibl The problems of classification of the dialects of the region are far from being resolved. For the speech of sedentary populations, the division proposed by G. Bergstrasser in his Sprdchatlas von Syrien und Paldstina, in ZDPV, xxxviii (1915), 169-222, amended and supplemented on a number of points by later works, remains largely valid: three parallel bands from north to south (North Syria; Lebanon, Anti-Lebanon; and Palestine, Transjordan, Hawran), with zones of transition of course (such as that of Galilee between the south of Lebanon and the rest of Palestine). J. Cantineau (Remarques sur les parlers de sedentaires SyroLibano-Palestiniens, in BSL, xl [1939], 80-8) also identifies three groups, but different, since he takes as the sole criterion the realisation of the correspondent of kdf, q, J , or k. He has also made the observation that, on the other hand, the dialects are distinguished thus: 1st pers. sing. 3rd pers. masc. sing.
A baktob byaktob
B baktob baktob
Type A is encountered essentially in the central zone, type B elsewhere, to the north (Aleppo) but most of all in Palestine and in Jordan, in urban speech (Jerusalem) but also rural and even Bedouin speech (Negev), if only to the extent that they have borrowed the "sedentary" pre-verbal particle b(i)-. This discriminant has validated to some extent the revived division of Bergstrasser, and the following groupings
are generally accepted (Handbuch, 28 [see Bibl.]): northern Syria, Lebanon/central Syria, Palestine/Jordan. Finally, J. Cantineau has also proposed a distinction between "differential" and "non-differential" dialects; in the first group, a in an unaccented open syllable is better preserved than the correspondents of i and u: byiflahu ("they work") v. byihtbu ("they write") in the first case, but byifilhu like byihtbu in the second (thus in the majority of Lebanese dialects of the centre-north). But no typological feature has, any more than those mentioned above, an absolute discriminant value (especially so since, for each one, dialects can almost always be found which present a mixed system). Thus the diphthongs aw and ay are preserved in numerous Lebanese dialects but also, to the north of the Lebanese border, in a swathe of Syrian territory extending almost as far as Aleppo, or furthermore in a region of Kalamun (Anti-Lebanon); mixed systems are common: diphthongs preserved only in open syllables (for example, Ian "colour" v. lawnu "his colour" in Tripoli, or { anayyi "my eyes" v. faynen "eyes" in z-Zayni, an cAlaw! mountain village); or only in slow utterance (lento forms v. allegro forms: bayt v. bat (Ez-Zreriyye, South Lebanon). Imdla of a is widespread, its manifestations diverse and sometimes quite complex: the two principal types of conditioning—influence of the consonantic environment, and influence of a neighbouring i or i in the word (sometimes present in the past and currently lost)—are not mutually exclusive; only certain morphological categories can be affected (teleb "having asked", tdleb "a student"); the conditioning can also be lexical (leaving borrowings untouched), or prosodic, etc. The two realisations of a, [a], ([e], [I]) and [a], ([6], [u]), usually in complementary distribution, can apparently in some cases be phonologised (3dm "he has risen", 3dm "he has removed"). The short a is also often subject to imdla, in particular in the "feminine" termination -a(t) of nouns (according to the phonetic nature of the last radical consonant in the absolute state, but often without conditioning of this type in the construct state) and of the 3rd pers. fern, sing of the verb in the perfect tense. These two phenomena are very common, the first especially, even in dialects where imdla is otherwise unknown. Interdentals are present in all Bedouin dialects, but also in numerous sedentary, rural and mountain dialects (Palestine and Jordan, South Lebanon, Alawite Mountains). The phenomena of pause (known elsewhere, in particular in Yemen) are widespread. H. Fleisch has studied these in the case of Lebanese dialects, but they are found elsewhere, and their diffusion in ancient times was probably wider still. Their manifestations are diverse and their systems varied, since lengthening and shortening of vowels, diphthongisation (Zahle: la cind zalame cindu x "someone who owed x" v. iza zzalamey "the man came") or reductions of diphthongs, changes of timbre, can be combined; the last syllable is not always the only one modified; in numerous dialects, the alternation between these forms "of pause" and "of context" is essentially a product of the rapidity of utterance (Ez-Zreriyye: middin sharshif w-ca-sh-sharshaf tabaliyye "they (fern.) have spread out a cloth, on which a small table is placed") and such alternation can therefore be dictated by morphology or by syntax: masculine or feminine form, absolute or construct state, etc. fyddim "before" vs. 3 9dddm bmto "before his daughter" (same dialect)). Short vocalic systems are of diverse types, depencling on whether a, i and u are encountered in all positions (numerous Palestinian dialects, etc.) or /i/ and /u/ are partially or generally coalesced (a); this partial
AL-SHAM coalescence can affect /a/ and /i/ (Kfar £Abida) and many mixed systems are attested. All of this has an effect on the radical vocalisation of verbs. For the perfect, one of the most widespread systems has two types: katab, n(i)zil, which can characterise semanticosyntactical categories which are more or less clearly demarcated; but sometimes observed is a tendency towards the generalisation of one of the two types, or towards interchangibility. Examples of a different system are katab, sharib (El-Karak). In the imperfect, the three vocalisations have relative distribution and frequency varying according to dialects; in some, consonantic environment or vocalic harmony have a determinant role (yaf'al, yif'il, yuf'ul). In morphology, the distinction of plural in the 2nd and 3rd persons of the verbal conjugation and of personal pronouns, general in Bedouin speech, is not uncommon in sedentary speech, at least in northern and central zones. The examples, taken here primarily in the domain of phonology, could easily be multiplied and extended to morphology and to syntax. They would all show that a single discriminant—were it considered typically Sham!—is always encountered at different points of the domain (even outside it). It is only by combining typological features (clusters of isoglosses) that it is possible, region by region, to determine relatively coherent, but never absolute classifications. It is thus that Fleisch proposed to classify, on a provisional basis, the Lebanese dialects into four groups (north, centrenorth, centre-south, south), on the basis of some twelve features. For Palestine and Jordan, Palva has provided, on the basis of eleven features, the following classification (A general classification for the Arabic Dialects spoken in Palestine and Transjordan, in Studia Orientalia, Iv [1984], 359-76): urban dialects (bi'ul); rural dialects: (a) Galilee (biqul), (b) central Palestine (bikul), (c) South Palestine, (d) north and central Transjordan and (e) south Transjordan (bigul); and Bedouin dialects: (a) Negev (bigul), (b) Arabia Petraea, (c) Syro-Mesopotamian sheep-rearing tribes and (d) North Arabian (jtigul). The rural dialects (c), (d) and (e) are distinguished among other ways through the realisation of kdf, k alone (e), k and tsh in phonetically conditioned complementary distribution (d: dttsh, pi. dyuk, "cock"), generalised tsh (c). This point also differentiates the Bedouin dialects: k (a and b); k/tsh (c); (d) has an alternation k/ts, and in parallel an alternation g/dg for kdf As regards the Bedouin dialects alone, these being present throughout the region, the situation is also complicated. Schematically, it may be stated that they belong to three groups of dialects: those of the major camel-riding nomads of Arabia (groups A and B in Cantineau's classification, Etudes sur quelques parlers de nomades arabes d'Orient, in AIEO, ii [1936], 1-116, ii [1937], 3-121); those of the Syro-Mesopotamian sheeprearing nomads (Cantineau, group C), related to the gilit dialects of the Mesopotamian group (see 'IRAK, iv (a) Arabic dialects (H. Blanc)); and those of a "NorthWest-Arabian" (sub-)group (Palva, in Festgabe Jur H.R. Singer, Frankfurt 1991, 151-66), at least some of which show characteristics in common with the Bedouin speech of Egypt and of the Maghrib. If these classifications are so problematical, this is most of all the result, as has been stated above, of the constant contacts between dialects, between Bedouin and sedentary speech (cf. the presence in the Negev e.g. of the pre-verb b(i)-, a supremely "sedentary" feature) as within the confines of each of these two groups. To this phenomenon, which has such important implications, two others should be added, also of a
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socio-linguistic nature: - "koineisation". This appears, in particular, under the influence of the prestigious speech of regional or national metropolises, which explains e.g. the constant expansion of the following realisations: ['] of kdf and [z] (or [dj] according to cases) of a^Tm, that of shu "what?", of hallak (and variants) "now", etc. - "classicisation". The influence of the modern literary language applies to vocabulary and, through more or less modified borrowing, to some syntactical structures. Lexical borrowing, by "grafting" new nominal schemes into the dialects, supplies, through the creation of "doublets", a supplementary means of enriching vocabulary, and could lead to a recasting of the system of nominal derivation. In dialects where interdental spirants have coalesced with the corresponding occlusives, these borrowings have determined the integration of a new phoneme (/£/) as well as the creation of doublets of another type (dahab "gold", zahdb "going, departure"; dahr "back", zJahir "apparent"; tar "bull", sawra "revolution", etc.). It is nevertheless possible to give examples of regional features which can, to a certain extent, be considered as characteristic since they are present on a sufficiently large scale, even if some of them are found episodically in other dialectal groupings, or if their presence is not general in the region. It is also possible to regard as characteristic those features which are not encountered (in the current state of knowledge) in any other dialectal group. Pronouns. In the series of personal pronouns, to be noted are forms of the type hnne(n) (3rd pi.), -kon (2nd pi.) and -hon (3rd pi.), explanation of which by means of the Aramaic substratum is not to be ruled out; in that of demonstratives, mention should be made of hayy "this one" (fern.) (and sometimes "this one" (masc.) and/or "that (thing or fact)"), and it will be observed that demonstratives deprived of the *ha- element are very sparsely represented; in that of the interrogatives, (3ish)shu "what" already mentioned; a current form of the reflexive is hdl-. Genitive particle. Tabac (variable or invariable) seems to be peculiar to the region, but is not alone there (g[t, shit, etc.). Pre-verb. The pre-verb (durative, progressive, of concomitance) cam(mdl) has numerous variants (probably of different etymologies): can, man, ma,... (camyvktob "he is writing these days", "he is in the process of writing", etc.). Active participle. In certain dialects an embryonic form of conjugation is found in the three persons of the feminine singular (kamshito "she holds it" [Hawran]; shayvfiiha "you (fern.) have seen her" [Damascus]; 3ana mdsjwttik "I (fern.) have combed your hair" [Dfun, Lebanon]). On the other hand, the form facldn is quite often used, not only for verbs of quality, where it is generally the only one possible, and can in certain cases alternate, either freely or in terms of semantic value, with Ja'el (samcdn-o "I have heard it"). Negation. Alongside the forms ma, ma ... sh(i), also found, although less known elsewhere, are 3a ... shi and 0 ... shi. Among conjunctions, worth mentioning is ta (<*hattd) and its variant tann- + personal pronoun suffix "so that", "in such a way that", "that". Auxiliaries and pseudo-auxiliaries. Typical is ba/idd- + personal pronoun suffix "to wish" (widdin its Bedouin version), also used for the expression of a type of future. Hisin "to be capable, in a position to" is an equivalent of kidir, as is fi- + personal pronoun suffix: ma fina nruh "we cannot go there". Alongside lissa-, known elsewhere, also found is bacd + personal pronoun suffix, "still, always" and other values (Lebanon). Adverbs. Hallak (and numerous variants) "now" is very widespread (it is also found, at the edge of the region, at certain points east of the
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AL-SHAM
Nile Delta), and easily borrowed by Bedouin dialects (from which, conversely, hassdc and hal-hin (same meaning) are borrowed). Also to be noted are (ala bukra and bakfar "early". Vocabulary. This evidently varies in particular, as is to be expected, with the words which are most used. Thus according to the dialect: rama, ligah, lakkah, tarah, zatt, kazwal, hashat, lahash, shalah, hadaf, "cast, throw". Among the words relatively characteristic of the region, it is possible to distinguish those which derive from the Arabic lexical stock but have become specialised, have phonological or morphological peculiarities, or are even canonical creations: sammdn "grocer", miswadda/soddye "bottle", da'lf "sick", Jrdta "small change (money)", fat "to enter", makin "solid", 'iajr "foot, leg", tomm "mouth", dashshar "to leave", faraja "to show", masari "money" (<sing. masriyye, name of a coinage formerly in use in Egypt), etc., from those which derive, more or less directly, from the Aramaic (Syriac) substratum, or from borrowings from Turkish (and from Persian): dafash "to push", danak "to die of cold", zum "sauce, juice, soup", shawb "heat (of the weather)", sus (chick), fash "to float", lakkis "late [adj.]", narbish (and variants) "pipe", 'angjak "hardly", bzrdaye "curtain", buza "ice", sharshaf "cloth", 'asjishi "cook", gal "lock", etc. The evolution of vocabulary often faithfully reflects social and political changes, for example: hzlok- > cwayndt- > nadddrdt "spectacles". Writing dialects; dialectal literature. There is no doubt that dialects have always been written down, as is confirmed by the dialectising or dialectal literary works which are available for study (in Arabic script or in the Syriac script known as karshuni [q.v.] which has long been in use in the Maronite community in particular) and the orthographical norms (still observed today) which have controlled their putting into writing, even though variations are noticed, according to which is the dominant influence: the classical norm and etymology or a closer adherence, deliberate or not, to dialectal linguistic realities. In parallel with its measured and to some extent ornamental utilisation in the codified genres of dialectising poetry such as the muwashshahdt (see, e.g. M. Rahlm, al-Muwashshahdt fi Bildd al-Shdm min nash'atihd hattd nihdyat al-karn al-thdniya cashara, Beirut 1987), the dialectal language is, today as yesterday, the means of expression of an entire literature, "popular" and learned, and, more broadly, of an entire culture, the importance of which is partially disguised by the scant legitimacy accorded to it. Its manifestations are diverse: poetry of various types (zaajal, mu'annd, mawwdl/mawdliyd and its divisions: al-sabca funun, etc.), sometimes ('atdbd) sung (S. Jargy, La poesie populaire chantee au Proche-Orient arabe, Paris-The Hague 1970). The poetry of Bedouin tradition has its own genres, and remains the repository and transmitter of the memory of its society (among recent works reference may be made, besides Palva, Narratives and poems, which has already been mentioned, to C. Bailey, Bedouin poetry from Sinai and the Negev, minor of a culture, Oxford 1991). In sedentary circles, to take just one example, the Lebanese zad^dl has a long and rich history (M.I. Wuhayba, al-%adj.al—ta'rikhuhu, adabuhu wa-a'ldmuhu kadiman wa-haMthan, Harisa 1952; J. Abdel-Nour, Etude sur la poesie dialectale au Liban, Beirut 1957, 21966). Since the beginning of this century, freed from ancient forms and from certain traditional themes which are still practiced elsewhere—including on television—this poetry has taken on a new appearance. It is also a dialectal form of expression which is used for the composition and transmission of tales and proverbs, and today the majority of theatrical pieces and the
dialogues of films and serials on radio and television. The art of the song, very much alive, carries beyond the Bilad al-Sham the dialects of the region, sometimes in the texts of its best poets. Palestinians are carrying this on with militant songs. Until not long ago, dramas of the shadow-theatre with its hero Karakoz (Nusus min hhaydl al-zill, ed. S. Kataya, Damascus 1977; M. Kayyal, Mu'gjam bdbdt masrah alzill, Beirut 1995; see also KHAYAL AL-ZILL), and until more recently still the story-tellers (hakawdfis), transmitters of the marathon tales which are the stras [q.v.] of legendary heroes (Sayf b. Dhi Yazan, cAntar, Banu Hilal, Baybars, etc.) perpetuated, before a generally exclusively male audience, the tradition of a living patrimony. The language of these legendary tales, some of which were partially in verse, could be dialectal or mixed. All these works were put into writing, at least in the form of aides-memoires for the professionals of popular literature, also probably for the gratification of a public which had a particular liking for this kind of material. Today, the cassette and the video-cassette are the perfectly appropriate supports for this literature which is primarily oral and thus presupposes the presence of an audience. Dialectal poetry is published, however, in newspapers and magazines especially in Lebanon, sometimes in specialised journals. Since the 1960s, however, the press has only exceptionally accepted satirical columns in dialectal language, which were hitherto published in reasonable quantities. Literary prose as such in dialectal language has made little impact, in spite of a few isolated attempts in former times (Kissit Finydnus by Shukrf alKhurf, Sao Paolo 1902, repr. Beirut [1929, etc., and 1952, with transcription and French tr. by E. Lator]; and Rasd3il §hmune by Hanna al-Khurf al-Feghalf, published in book-form by the al-Dabbur review) or more recently (Yusuf al-Khal and Murfs cAwwad). Finally, attention should be drawn to the isolated attempt on the part of the Lebanese poet (in classical and dialectal languages) SaTd cAkl (b. Zahle, 1912) to devise a transcription (in Latin characters) of the dialect, in which he published, besides certain of his own diwdns, translations of works of universal literature, including classical Arabic, and a newspaper (see H. Grotzfeld, in Orientalia Suecana, xxii [1973], 37-51). Bibliography. Given in the article. See also Handbuch — W. Fischer and O. Jastrow (eds.), Handbuch der arabischen Dialekte, Wiesbaden 1980; M.H. Bakalla, Arabic linguistics. An introduction and bibliography, London 1983. Numerous articles in the major orientalist reviews and, since 1978, in the %eitschrift fur Arabische Linguistik (Wiesbaden). To the works mentioned dealing with one dialect in particular, the following may be added: for EzZreriyye, J. Aro, in AO (Copenhagen), xxxix (1978), 32-125, xl (1979), 27-71; for El-Karak, H. Palva, in Studia ... H. Blanc dedicata, ed. P. Wexler, Wiesbaden 1989, 225-51; for Gaza, E. Salonen (I. in Studia Orientalia, li/10 (1979) and II. in Acta Acad. Sc. Fenn., B 213, Helsinki 1980); J. Rosenhouse and Y. Katz (eds.), Texts in the dialects of Bedouins in Israel, Univ. of Haifa 1980; P. Behnstedt, Der arabische Dialekt von Soukhne (Syrien), 3 vols. Wiesbaden 1994; a Sprachatlas von Syrien by this same author is forthcoming. For studies of syntax, besides the still useful Syntaxe des parlers actuels du Liban by Mgr. M. Feghali, Paris 1928, and the work of M. Cowell already mentioned (for Syrian Arabic), attention may be drawn to J. Blau, Syntax des paldstinenischen Bauerndialekts von Bir ^et, Walldorf-Hessen 1960, A. Bloch, Die Hypotaxe im Damaszenisch-Arabischen, Wiesbaden 1965, and M. Piamenta, Studies in the
AL-SHAM — SHAMCA syntax of Palestinian Arabic, Jerusalem 1966. The Dictionnaire arabe-jrangais. Dialectes de Syrie, Alep, Damas, Liban, Jerusalem of A. Barthelemy, Paris 1935-69, is supplemented by the very useful Dictionnaire des parlers arabes de Syrie, Liban et Palestine compiled by C. Denizeau, Paris 1960. Bedouin type dialects are still awaiting their dictionaries. Dictionaries or catalogues of words and dialectal expressions are regularly published in the countries of the region, where there is often concern to show that this vocabulary is largely based on sound classical origins. Also published there are collections of proverbs, of anecdotes, diwdns of dialectal poetry, encyclopaedias of popular traditions often rich in information and in dialectal texts: the Mawsu'at Halab al-mukdrana of M. Kh. al-Asadf (Univ. of Aleppo 1981-8), the Mawsu'at al-Julklur alFilastlm of N. Sirhan ( lc Amman 1977-81), the Ma'lama li 'l-turdth al-urdunl of R. Ibn Za'id al-'AzIz! (cAmman 1981-) are excellent examples. For dialectal l i t e r a t u r e , besides the older works by G. Dalman, Paldstinischer Diwdn, Leipzig 1901, and E. Littmann, Neuarabische Volkspoesie, Berlin 1902, reference may be made to J. Lecerf, Litterature dialectale et renaissance arabe moderne, in BEO, ii (1932) and iii (1933), 47-175 (with a Repertoire alphabetique des poetes dialectaux de Syrie [= Syria and Lebanon]); M. c Awwad, al-Antuludjiya al-lubnaniyyi }l-shicr ..., Beirut 1982. A collection of zadjaliyyat of Ibn al-Kilacr (9th/15th century) has been edited by B. alDjumayyil, Beirut 1982. (J. LENTIN) SHAMA (A., pi. shamdt) "naevus, skin blemish, mole". This term seems originally to have denoted the coloured marks on a horse's body, above all, where they are disapproved of (TA, viii, 362 11. 12-13). It is applied to all marks of a colour different from the main body which they mark, and to all black marks on the body or on the ground (ibid., 11. 304). But from what we know at present in our texts, there is no difference between shamdt and khildn (sing, khdl) (the two terms are attested in Akkadian: cf. fydlu, Bezold, Babylonisch-Assyrisches Glossar, Heidelberg 1926, 120, and sdmuti, Labat, Traite accadien de diagnostics et pronostics medicaux, Leiden 1951, 200 1. 7). These two terms denote the natural marks on a man's skin, on the face and the rest of the body, and the accidental marks, abcesses (buthur) or freckles caused by an illness and presaging death (see R. Ji 'l-kaldm 'aid 'l-khildn, ms. Bursa, Hiiseyin Qelebi 882, fols. 61a-62b; Kaddyd Bukrdtfi 'l-buthur, ms. Kopriilii 1601, fols. 245b-248a, used by Ps.-Djahiz, Bab al~cirdfa wa 'l-^ad^r wa 'l-firdsa c ald madhhab al-Furs, ed. K. Inostrancev, Materials in Arabic sources for the history of culture in Sasanid Persia [in Russian], in ^VOIRAO, xviii [1907], text 3-27, Russ. tr. and study 28-120, see 116 ff., in a section called Min kaldm Bukrdt Ji dald'il al-khildn wa 'l-shdmdt). Ibn al-Nadlm, Fihrist, 314), cites a K. al-Khildn and K. al-Shdmdt, written by a Byzantine (Rumi) author called Mfn.s (Mma/os ?). The first title apparently corresponds in Greek to a work called Ilepi arciXcGv, which is said to have treated the subject of beauty spots, and the second one, to a work called Ilepi wv which is said to have dealt with natural marks on the skin. We know nothing of this last, but the first is the tide of one of the two chapters surviving of a treatise attributed to Melampos called Hep! Ticd^cov and Ilepi eXcuwv (see the ed. J.G.Fr. Franz, in Scriptores physiognomoniae veteres, Altenburg 1780, 501-9). If one concedes—as seems very likely—that Mfh.s is a corruption of Melampos, one of the two titles mentioned in the Fihrist must correspond to IlepircaXficovand be
281
translatable as K. al-Ikhtildajd(t) [see ngrriLADj), the exact term for palmomancy. In the Arabic sources, the information on the cilm al-shdmdt wa }l-khlldn which can be found in Fakhr al-Dln al-Razi (see Y. Mourad, La physiognomonie arabe et le Kitab al-firdsa de Fakhr al-Dln al-Rdzt, diss. Paris 1939, 10) and in Ps.-Djahiz (op. cit., 7) is Greek in origin. Two texts, however, show that the Arabs knew this method of divination, which comes within the sphere ofjirdsa [q.v.]. The first is part of the ensemble of miraculous signs announcing the Prophet Muhammad's coming (on these signs, see T. Fahd, La divination arabe, Paris 1987, 81-90). In the course of his first trip to Syria, at the age of 12, the monk Bahfra [q.v.] is said to have recognised in him the signs of prophethood (see Ibn Saed, i/1, 99-100, and also 101, where it is said that, at the time of his second trip, aged 15, another monk named Nestor allegedly recognised in Muhammad the same signs). These signs were physical ones (al-Tabarf, i, 1124) and concerned the eye, the face and above all, the "seal of prophethood" (khdtam al-nubuwwa) like the impression of a cupper's scarifying instrument (athar al-mihdiam), according to Ibn Hisham, Sira, 116) or an "apple" (tuffaha, according to al-Taban, i, 1125). This legendary feature at least confirms the fact that the Arabs knew that the Byzantines practised drawing omens from skin marks. The second seems to show that they practised it themselves. Mu'awiya b. Abf Sufyan [q.v.] married a woman from the Banu Kalb, and he had her examined by his wife Maysun, mother of Yazfd. Maysun discovered a beauty spot below her navel, and she interpreted it as presaging the fact that the head of her husband would fall on to that place. Mu'awiya divorced her; Habfb b. Maslama married her, then divorced her; finally, al-Nucman b. Bashfr [q.v], the later governor of Hims for Marwan b. al-Hakam, married her. When al-Nucman was beheaded for having joined the anti-caliph Ibn al-Zubayr, his head was set down in his wife's lap (Aghdm, xiv, 124). Bibliography (in addition to references in the text): See Fahd, La divination arabe, from which the material for this article has essentially been taken. The art of drawing omens from skin marks (umsatu), black beauty spots or moles (bdlu), red birthmarks (pendu], warts, pimples, marks from jaundice, freckles, scars and even hairs which grew, was well known to the Assyrians and Babylonians (see F.R. Kraus, Die physiognomischen Omina der Babylonier, MVAG 40/2, Leipzig 1935). For the Byzantines, see inter alia the Book of beauty spots attributed to Leo the Wise, in J. Nicolaides, Les livres de divination, Paris 1889, 87-8. (T. FAHD) SHAM'A (A.), candle. As a literary topos, the candle is poetically described in many "ekphrastic" epigrams in Arabic, especially from the later 'Abbasid and post-'Abbasid periods; in pre- and early Arabic poetry the topos appears to be absent. Poems by al-Ma'munf, al-Sarf al-Rafla1 and Kushadjim [q.vv] are among the earliest (see J.C. Biirgel, Die ekphrastischen Epigramme des Abu Tdlib al-Ma'mum, Gottingen 1965, 254; Alma Giese, Wasf bei Kusdgim, Berlin 1981, 156, 263-5). A few other examples are found in al-Shanshfs Shark makdmdt al-Hann (repr. Beirut 1979, ii, 87-8); many later examples were collected by al-Nawadjf [q.v] in the chapter on candles, lanterns, lamps etc. in his Halbat al-kumayt (Cairo 1938, 204-12 on the shamca only; some passages in prose are included). Often the epigrams take the form of a riddle (see P. Smoor, The weeping wax candle, in ^DMG, cxxxviii [1988],
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SHAM'A — SHAMDINAN
292, 299-301). A recurrent topos is the comparison of the candle to a lover, or vice versa: both are pale, thin, burning, shedding tears, being consumed, patiently and silently suffering, "awake" at night; occasionally the candle is likened to a slender girl or a bride, which alludes to the role played by candles at weddings. Several poems on the candle were made by Abu '1-Fadl al-Mlkalr [see MIKALIS], see al-Husrf, %ahr al-dddb, repr. Beirut 1972, 747-8; he may have influenced his contemporary, the Persian poet Manucihri [q.v], who elaborately used the candle topos as the introduction of a well-known panegyric poem (see J.W. Clinton, The divan of Manuchihn Ddmghdm: a critical study, Minneapolis 1972, 31-43; Muhammad Muhammad Yunus, Adab al-shorn'a bayna Manucihrl alDdmghdnl wa-Abi 'l-Fadl al-Mikdli, in Fusul, iii/3 [1983], 128-38). Another topos involving the candle is that of the moth (Ar. fardsha, P. parwdnd] seeking its light and immolating itself in its flame: here the lover is not the candle (which stands for the beloved) but the moth. The image, with a mystic interpretation in which the candle, the Beloved, stands for God/Truth/ Reality, is found in Arabic already in al-Halladj (q.v. see his Kitdb al-Tawdsin, ed. Massignon, Paris 1913, 16-17, in rhyming prose, with "lamp", misbdh, instead of "candle"). Although this topos of bakd3 through fond* [see BAKAJ WA-FANA'] persisted in Arabic (see Muhammad Mansour Abahsain, The supra-symbolic moth in Arabic religious poetry from the late Ottoman period, in JAL, xxiv [1993], 21-7), it proved very popular especially in Persian and Turkish mystical verse (see e.g. Annemarie Schimmel, As through a veil: mystical poetry in Islam, New York 1982, index s.v. "moth & candle"; H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seek, Leiden 1955, index s.v. "Falter", "Kerze"). It was through Persian, it seems, that the topos reached Europe, as e.g. in Goethe's poem "Selige Sehnsucht" (West-ostlicher Divan, ed. H.-J. Weitz, Frankfurt a.M. 1981, 21). The candle appears in a few literary debates [see MUNAZARA] in makdma [q.v.] form; for anonymous texts on wine vs. candle, see W. Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis der arab. Handschr., vii, 554 (nos. 8592-3), Ahmad alHashiml, Dj.awdhir al-adab, Cairo 1319, 183-6.
[q.v.], Katran [q.v], the Mathnawi, ed. Nicholson, book 1, 829; ibid., 2407, and Diwdn-i Shams of Rum! [see DJALAL AL-DIN], etc. The following example is taken from Abu Sallk of Gurgan: In this time there is no idol more beautiful than you, and for you there is no idolator more tenderly loving than your slave. (G. Lazard. Les premiers poetes per sans, Tehran-Paris 1964, French text, i, 61, Persian text, ii, 21). Bibliography. Given in the article. (M. GLUNZ) AL-SHAMARDAL b. Shank al-Yarbu'f, Arab poet of the middle Umayyad period, important for the history of hunting poetry [see TARDIYYA] . His life can be dated only approximately, an elegy on 'Umar b. Yazld al-Usayyidr (killed 109/727-8) being the sole exact reference known so far (poem no. 2, ed. Seidensticker = no. 3, ed. al-Kaysf). His poems show that he was acquainted with several persons who played a minor political role, among them two prefects of police in Basra. As reported in the akhbdr, he also had a personal encounter with the famous poet al-Farazdak (died no later than 112/730 in Basra [q.v]). No dJwdn of his poetry seems to have existed; 41 poems and fragments (about 430 lines) are preserved in various sources. The most important genres are kasidas, mardthi and tardiyydt. The kasidas, five in number, vary in length from 21 to 66 lines. Besides several shorter mardthi, an elegy of 43 lines on his brother Wa,Jil has survived which was held in high esteem by some transmitters of his poetry. The handling of thematic and formulaic conventions in his hunting poems is reminiscent of similar episodes in the fakhr of pre-Islamic kasidas (Imru5 al-Kays, Zuhayr, al-Acsha), but the raajaz metre is a new feature, as is the fact that the poems devote themselves exclusively to the one topic of hunting. The missing link between the pre-Islamic hunting episodes and the raajaz tardiyydt of al-Shamardal and others in later times must be sought in raajaz poems like those of Abu '1-Nadjm al-'ldjll (died before 125/743 [q.v.]) in which a conventional naslb is followed by a hunting episode (cf. E. Wagner, Grundzuge der klassischen arabischen Dwhtung, ii, Darmstadt 1988, 46-55). Bibliography. T. Seidensticker, Die Gedichte des Samardal Ibn Sank, Neuedition, Ubersetzung, Kommentar, Wiesbaden 1983; N.H. al-Kaysi, Shfr al-Shamardal b. Shank al-Tarbu'i, in RIMA, xviii (1972), 263-330, also printed in idem, Shucard3 umawiyyun, ii, Baghdad 1976, 505-60 (unsatisfactory). (T. SEIDENSTICKER) SHAMDINAN, a mountainous district (Tlce) in the present province of Hakkari in southeastern Turkey (previously in the Ottoman wildyet of Van). The name of the district and the district centre (old name: Nawshar) is presently Turkicised as §emdinli. The district is bounded on the north and northwest by the district of Yiiksekova of the same province (comprising the previous districts of Gewar and Oramar), on the south and east by the 'Iraki and Persian borders. Local tradition derives the name of Shamdlnan from that of a certain Shaykh Shams al-Dln, the alleged ancestor of the Kurdish dynasty of the 'Abbasr Begzade, which exercised power in the district until the mid-19th century. Four major Kurdish tribes inhabit the district: the Khumaru (Humaro) in the north, Zarza in the east, Herkf in the west, and Gerdl in the south. Other sections of the last three tribes are settled in isolated pockets in Persian and 'Iraki Kurdistan. Until the First World War, there
283
SHAMDINAN — SHAMIL was also a significant minority of Nestorian Christians living scattered among the Kurds here. In the late 19th century, Cuinet's sources estimated the population of Shamdman at 13,270 Kurds, 2,000 Ottoman Turks, 3,000 Nestorian Christians and 200 Jews; another source, the 1897 salname for Van, gives the figures of 14,547 Muslims and 2,034 non-Muslims. According to the 1990 census, the present population is just over 30,000. In the course of the 19th century, the 'Abbas! Begzade family lost their paramount authority over the tribes to a family of religious leaders, who had settled in the village of Nehrl (present name: Baglar) near the district centre. This family, known as the Sadate Nehrf, claimed descent from eAbd al-Kadir al-Djflam [q-v.] through the latter's son, cAbd al-'AzIz, who lies buried in cAkra, northeast of Mawsil. The family was affiliated with the Kadiriyya tonka, until the sayyids cAbd Allah and Ahmad took initiations in the Nakshbandiyya from Mawlana Khalid and became his khalifa (ca. 1820). Like other Kurdish Nakshbandf shqykhs, the Sadate Nehn increasingly acquired worldly power as well, extending their influence well beyond Shamdman to the Kurdish tribes further south and east. Sayyid Ahmad's grandson, Shaykh cUbayd Allah, in 1880 led a large tribal rebellion, temporarily occupying a vast stretch of Persian territory to the west of Lake Urmiya, and apparently intending to establish an independent Kurdish state. The Ottomans later arrested him and sent him into exile to Mecca. His son, Muhammad Siddfk, soon returned to Nehn and took his father's place as the most influential man of central Kurdistan, successfully outwitting ambitious tribal chieftains as well as rival shaykhs (see Dickson; Nikitine and Soane). Another son, Sayyid cAbd al-Kadir, settled in Istanbul after the Young Turk revolution and became the president of the first Kurdish association there as well as the president of the Shura-yi Dewlet. In 1925, following Shaykh Sacfd's rebellion, the Kemalist authorities hanged him and his son Muhammad. Muhammad Siddfk's son, Sayyid Tana, was more actively involved in Kurdish nationalist and anti-Turkish agitation, at one time cooperating with Simko in Persia and later joining the British in Trak. Relations between the local Muslims and Christians rapidly deteriorated during the First World War, especially following the djihad declaration. In 1916 Russian troops occupied Shamdman, overcoming Kurdish resistance coordinated by Sayyid Taha and his cousins cAbd Allah and Muhammad, sons of Sayyid c Abd al-Kadir. Local Nestorians, recruited and armed by the Russians as advance scouts, took part in the Russian offensive. After the October revolution and the withdrawal of Russian troops, the Nestorians were expelled and fled to Urmiya. Here the British enlisted their services against the final Ottoman eastward offensive and later brought them to northern Trak. Following the Armistice (1918), a contest between the British and the Kemalists for control of the region continued. Sayyid Taha was invited to represent the region in the Kemalists' First National Assembly (1920) but declined, and two years later allied himself with the British authorities in clrak, who made him governor of Rawandiz [q.v.]. The tribes of Shamdman nevertheless remained opposed to the British infidels and deaf to Kurdish nationalist appeals. There was a brief rebellion in June 1925, in response to the execution of Sayyid cAbd al-Kadir; his son £Abd Allah, aided by warriors of the Gerdf tribe, briefly occupied the district centre of Nawshar and killed six Turkish officers. Then he too fled to British-controlled terri-
tory. At the final settlement of the border between 'Irak and Turkey in 1926, Shamdman came to Turkey, and the neighbouring districts of Barzan and Bradost, with which it had always had close relations, to Trak. Bibliography. V. Cuinet, La Turquie dAsie, Paris 1892, ii, 741-5; F.R. Maunsell, Central Kurdistan, in GJ,
xviii
(1901),
121-44; B.
Dickson,
Travels in
Kurdistan, in ibid., xxxv (1910), 357-79; B. Nikitine and E.B. Soane, The tale of Suto and Tato, in BSOS,
iii (1923), 69-106; J. Joseph, The Nestorians and their Muslim neighbours, Princeton 1961; §adilili Vedat, Tiirkiye'de
kurtculuk hareketleri ve isyanlan, i, Ankara
1980, 113-16; M.L Erdost, §emdinli roportaji, Istanbul 1987; M. van Bruinessen, Agha, shaikh and state. The social structures of Kurdistan, London 1992, 224-34,
250-1, 321, 329-31; El1 art. Shamdman (B. Nikitine). (M.M. VAN BRUINESSEN) SHAMI, NIZAM AL-DIN (or Nizam-i Shamf), Persian litterateur and chronicler of the late 8th/14th-early 9th/15th centuries. His nisba (Sham! < Shanbf) suggests that he was born in Shanb-i Ghazanf, a suburb of Tabriz. When on 20 Shawwal 795/29 August 1393 Tfmur-i Lang arrived before Baghdad, Sham! tells us, he was the first of its inhabitants to come and submit to him (£afar-ndma, i, 139). On his way to the Hidjaz not long before the conqueror's attack on Aleppo in 803/1400, Sham! was detained by the authorities in Aleppo, who suspected him of spying on Tfmur's behalf, and was thus an eye-witness of the siege (ibid., i, 227, ii, 160). Brought before Tfmur a second time following the city's capture, he appears to have remained in his entourage. In 804/1401-2 Tlmur ordered him to compose a history of his conquests in a clear, unadorned style which would render it intelligible to all readers and not merely to a select few (ibid., i, 10-11). The work was presented to Tfmur around Shawwal 806/April 1404. The title ^afar-nama is not found in the original recension (Istanbul ms. Nuru Osmaniye 3267) utilised later in the compilations of Hafiz-i Abru [q.v.], but only in a second version dedicated to Trmur's grandson cUmar Bahadur (British Library ms. Add. 23980). Shaml, who after Tfmur's death in 807/1405 had probably entered 'Umar's service, was dead, according to Hafiz-i Abru, by 814/1411-12 (Dhayl, 430). He enjoyed a high reputation among contemporaries for his literary skills: Sharaf al-Dfn cAlf Yazdi, in his own ^afar-nama (ii, 571), calls him one of the most accomplished writers of his age. Bibliography. Storey, i, 278-9; Storey-BregeF, 787-91; ed. of £afar-ndma by Felix Tauer, Histoire des conquetes de Tamerlan intitulee £afarndma par M^dmud-
din Sdmi avec des additions empruntees au ^ubdatu-ttawdrif}-i
Bdysunguri de Hdfiz-i
Abru, Prague 1937-56
(Monografie Archivu Orientalniho 5), ii, introd., pp. XIII-XIX; Hafiz-i Abru, Dhayl-i £afar-ndma, ed. Tauer, Continuation du ^afarndma
de Nig,dmuddin Sdmi,
in ArO, vi (1934), 429-65; Yazdr, ^afar-ndma, ed. M.M. Ilahdad, Calcutta 1885-8. (P. JACKSON) SHAMIL (1212-87/1796-1871), Daghistani l e a d e r of the Muslim resistance to the Russian conquest of the Caucasus from 1250/ 1834 to 1276/1859. Shdmil's biography and his ghazawat
Born in the village (awul) of Gimrah (Gimri) to a family of an Avar freedman, Shamil was named 'All at birth. A sickly child, who was often ill, his original name, according to a local belief, was changed to Shamufl (i.e. Samuel) to "repel" sickness. This was the name Shamil used in letters and official documents. Contemporary sources, however, styled him Shamil.
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SHAMIL
or Shamfl—the name under which he became known in Russia and the West. Already in his youth he overcame his ailments and grew into an exceptionally strong, tall (over six feet) and athletic young man, famed for his fencing skills, bravery, and horsemanship. In addition, he had an acute interest in, and talent for, religious learning. By the age of 20 he had successfully completed an elementary course of Arabic grammar and rhetoric under the guidance of renowned Daghistanf 'ulamd3. He then proceeded to study Kur'anic interpretation, hadith, fikh, and kaldm with his friend and distant relative Ghazf Muhammad (Kazi Magoma), who also introduced him to the Sufi teachings of the Nakshbandiyya-Khalidiyya tarika> which were propagated in Daghistan by Muhammad al-Yaraghl and Sayyid Djamal al-Dm al-GhazT Ghumukf. Unlike the otherwordly-oriented and quietist Djamal al-Dfn, GhazT Muhammad and his younger friend were anxious to enforce sjiar'i norms actively among the mountaineers committed to their tribal customs (edddt). Presenting themselves as religious reformers, they attacked such widespread vices as drunkenness, the use of tobacco, "indecent" intermingling of the sexes, merry pastimes with music and dancing, etc. With the Russian forces inexorably closing in on Daghistan, Ghazf Muhammad, against the express wish of his shaykh Djamal al-Dfh, added to this programme the call for ajihdd [q.v.] against the infidel Russians. When in late 1829 several Avar communities proclaimed him the first imam of Daghistan., Shamil became his trusted lieutenant. In 1832, after three years of fierce fighting, Ghazf Muhammad and his closest followers, known as muridun (Russ. myund\\ were surrounded and slaughtered in their stronghold at Gimrah—an episode in which Shamil was one of only two survivors. Under the second imam, Hamza(t) Bek, Shamil continued to wage a pitiless struggle against the local nobility and their Russian backers. Following Hamza's assassination in 1834 by the vengeful Avar notables, Shamil was unanimously recognised as the third imam of Daghistan by Avar 'ulamd3 and dignitaries at 'Ashilta. In 1834-6, despite the stiff resistance of the local ruling families and the continuing Russian intervention, he managed to establish firm control over most areas of Daghistan. His inordinate military talents were recognised by the Russian commanders, who failed to subdue the territories under his sway and on several occasions had to sue for peace. As a result, his reputation as the successful leader of ajihdd spread far and wide, making him "enemy number one" of the Russian military administration of the Caucasus. Apprehensive of Shamil's growing influence on the warlike tribes of nearby Cecnya, the Russians launched a massive military expedition against his headquarters at Akhulgoh. After a series of bloody engagements en route, the Russian expedition finally besieged Shamil and his men in their mountain fortress. When he refused to surrender after several weeks of fierce fighting, the irate Russians ruthlessly cut his garrison to pieces. Miraculously, Shamil again made an almost incredible escape down the lofty cliffs under the enemy's very nose. Of the two wives with him during the siege, one was killed alongside his best men. Contrary to the Russians' expectations, the imam's spirit was far from broken. Moreover, he found new powerful allies among the Cecens who were disgusted at the continued Russian encroachment on their independence. In a matter of months, Shamil recovered and even expanded his power, whereupon he and his lieutenants delivered several shattering blows to the Russian forces in Cecnya and Avaristan in 1840-2. Exasperated by these
reversals, Tsar Nicholas I ordered an all-out campaign to crush Shamil's resistance in 1844. Organised and led by Prince Vorontsov, a 10,000-strong expedition against Shamil's stronghold at Darghiyya was an almost total disaster. The imam had learned well the lessons of Akhulgoh and changed his strategy accordingly. With his prestige at its peak, Shamil endeavoured to extend his rule to Ghabarta (Kabarda) and to unify all the mountain tribes of the Caucasus against the Russians. His ambitious plans, however, were frustrated by the brilliant strategy of General Freytag, the ineptitude of his lieutenant Nur CA1I, and the resultant failure of the Ghabartians to join his army. More importantly, this campaign demonstrated the vast disparity between Shamil's resources and those of the Russian Empire—a disparity that would eventually lead to his undoing. About the same time, the Russians realised the futility of the "one-blow" strategy they had previously pursued, and resorted to a more methodical, if less offensive strategy, known as "the system of the axe." It consisted in steadily encircling §hamil with a network of defensive lines and military posts aimed at cutting him off from Cecnya, his major source of food supplies and manpower. From 1846 to 1849, the Russians erected fortifications in, and cut roads through, the impenetrable forests of Greater Cecnya. Simultaneously, they "pacified" the population of the fertile Cecen plains, chasing those who refused to submit into the barren mountains. In the meantime, another Russian expeditionary force attempted to eradicate Shamil's strongholds in central Daghistan, a goal for which they paid an enormous price in money, ammunition, and human lives. Their successes, however, proved short-lived. Once the Russian troops had withdrawn, the imam quickly rebuilt his fortifications and invaded southern Daghistan, whose free communities had asked for his assistance against the oppressive Russian rule. In a dramatic reversal of roles, Shamil invested several Russian fortresses, and was poised to achieve complete success if it had not been for the heroic stand of the small Russian garrison of Akhtl (Akhti), which allowed the Russians to regroup and to repel Shamil's levies. On the Cecen front, Shamil established a line of defence and deployed against the Russian troops his cherished regular infantry units built on the model of the Ottoman nizjam-i djedtd [q.v.]. The latter were soundly defeated on 11 March 1851 by Colonel Baryatinskiy, forcing Shamil to revert to guerilla tactics and thereby to relinquish any hope of defeating the Russian army in a pitched battle. Turning his attention to Daghistan, Shamil sent his best military commander and lifelong rival HadjdjI Murad to Russian-controlled Kaytak and Tabasaran in an attempt to rouse their "pacified" populations. This campaign yielded little result, but instead further aggravated the long-standing distrust between the imam and his chief lieutenant. Sentenced to death on Shamil's instance, Hadjdjf Murad defected to the Russians but was soon killed in an attempt to escape back to the mountains, relieving the imam of the onerous necessity to execute one of his commanders. In 1851-3, the hostilities, in which Shamil took part personally, were centred on Cecnya with results generally favourable for the Russians. Throughout 1853, faced with the prospect of war with the Ottomans, the Russians were unable to capitalise on their earlier successes and diverted their attention and main forces to the Ottoman front, giving Shamil a muchneeded respite, which he spent in his fortified headquarters at Vedan (Vedeno). Rumours about an impending Russo-Turkish conflict infused the imam
SHAMIL and his followers with determination to continue their struggle under the leadership of, and with help from, the Ottoman sultan. Shamil sent him several messages assuring him of the mountaineers' support and even promising to effect a junction with the Ottoman troops at Tiflis. Although somewhat offended by the tone of the sultan's replies, who treated the imam as his vassal, Shamil remained committed to the person whom he considered the supreme ruler of all Muslims. Before and during the war, he kept the Russians on their tiptoes by raiding the territories under their control. On 15 July 1854, the imam's forces led by his son Ghazf Muhammad swept in on the Alazan valley and Tsinandali, carrying off a rich booty and many prisoners, among whom were the grand-daughters of the last Kart'lo-Kakhet'i Tsar, George XII, the princesses Tchavtchvadze and Orbeliani. This raid, in which Shamil took no direct part, brought him great notoriety not only in Russia but in the West as well. On the positive side, he was able to exchange the princesses for his elder son Djamal al-Dfn, surrendered to the Russians as a hostage during the desperate defence of Akhulgoh in 1839. In addition, he received a hefty ransom of 40,000 silver roubles. On the other hand, this episode proved to be extremely damaging to his reputation in Europe, where his treatment of the royal captives was perceived by many as an act of "a fanatic and a barbarian with whom it will be difficult for us, and even for the Porte, to entertain any credible or satisfactory relations." Offended by the insulting reprimands he received from the Ottomans and their European allies in the aftermath of this affair, Shamil relinquished any hope of obtaining their support in his struggle against the Russians. The result of the Crimean War, though by no means favourable to Russia, came as a shock to Shamil and his following, for they could now expect no Ottoman help and were left face-to-face with their formidable foe. The Russian command, on the other hand, could now focus its undivided attention on the Caucasus. In the spring of 1857, the Russians led by the newlyappointed viceroy of the Caucasus, Prince Baryatinskiy and several talented generals, started methodically to mop up Shamil's strongholds in Cecnya. As a result, Shamil's power-base was drastically reduced, and the few Cecen warriors still loyal to him had to seek refuge in the mountains. The majority of the warweary Cecens and many Daghistam communities abandoned him and submitted to Russian rule. Amidst the general despondency which overcame even his most committed followers, his pleas for help to the Ottomans, the British and the French were left without reply. With the rapid collapse of the mountaineers' resistance, the imam had no option but to retreat constantly in the face of a relentless Russian advance, abandoning one by one his fortified positions at New Darghiyya and Vedan. He made his last stand on top of Mt. Ghunib surrounded by his family and 400 loyal muridun. In the face of inevitable destruction, he surrendered unconditionally to the Russians on 6 September (25 August Old Style) 1859. In contrast to the earlier leaders of the anti-Russian gjihdd in the Caucasus, e.g., Shaykh Mansur Ushurma and Ghazf Muhammad, Shamil received an unusually lenient treatment by the jubilant Tsar Alexander II and his subjects. With his "misdeeds" against the Russians all but forgotten, he was paraded through Moscow, St. Petersburg and many lesser Russian cities, repeatedly honoured by the Tsar, photographed, painted by artists, introduced to "high society", and praised in numerous books and articles. A "cultural hero" of sorts, he was everywhere greeted by admir-
285
ing crowds and an enthusiastic nobility. For many Russians, still reeling from the Crimean debacle, Shamil became an emblem for military and colonial victory which reaffirmed Russia's status as an enlightened, powerful and successful nation. Shamil, genuinely touched by the attention and hospitality ac-corded to him by his former foes, seems to have accepted his role and even volunteered to swear allegiance to the Tsar. He constantly marvelled at, and praised the technological and cultural achievements of Russian civilisation and wrote letters to his former supporters, urging them to stop their resistance and to recognise Russian sovereignty. Upon completing his triumphant tour of Russia, he was assigned to residence in Kaluga—a town about 120 miles south-west of Moscow. He lived there in a luxurious mansion with his two wives, three surviving sons, four daughters and their families. In 1866, he was permitted to move to Kiev and in 1869 his request to make a pilgrimage to Mecca was finally granted. En route, he visited the Ottoman sultan cAbd al-'Azfz and the Egyptian khidiw Isma'fl, both of whom gave him a cordial reception and showered him with gifts and money. He died and was buried in Medina in Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1287/March 1871. Of his three surviving sons (Djamal al-Dfn died three years after he had returned to his father from Russian captivity), the eldest, Ghazf Muhammad, entered the Ottoman service and fought against the Russians in the Russo-Ottoman war of 1877-8. He died in Mecca in 1903. Shamil's other son, Muhammad Shafi'f, became a major-general in the Russian army and resided in Moscow and later in Kazan. His grandson by his youngest son Muhammad Kamil, named Sa£fd Shamil, took an active part in the struggle for independence of Daghistan from Soviet Russia in the 1920s. Shdmil's state, army and administration The military-theocratic state in which Shamil was the supreme temporal and religious authority was geared to one overriding goal: uniting the mountaineers in their struggle against the "infidel" Russians and their local cohorts. Based on the institutions and precedents established by the first two imams of Avaristan, Ghazf Muhammad and Hamza, the mountaineers' state grew much more complex and efficient under Shamil's able leadership. The dual tide imam and amir al-mu3mimn, which featured in his letters and decrees, accurately reflected his functions as the principal interpreter and enforcer of the shari'a on the one hand, and as the political and military leader on the other. In addition, Shamil was his own legislator. His instructions and ordinances on matters not explicitly covered by the shari'a formed the so-called ni^dm, an administrative and military code similar to, and possibly modelled on, the Ottoman kdnun [q.v.]. Finally, Shamil was also the chief justiciar and administrator of his state. In executing all these political, religious, legislative, administrative and judicial functions, Shamil was assisted by a privy council, a diwdn, established around 1842. Stacked with his closest followers and confidants, the diwdn was convened for emergency consultations, but also relieved him of routine decision-making on matters of minor significance. Executive and judicial power in the areas under Shamil's control rested with his deputies (nd'ibs), whose numbers grew from four in 1840 to about thirty in 1856. The nd*ibs were nominated personally by Shamil and were responsible for law and order, tax collection, and enforcement of verdicts passed by local kuddt. During military campaigns, they served as field commanders and were responsible to Shamil for fielding the required number of warriors and for general readiness for war.
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SHAMIL
The na'ib's status varied according to the military importance of the area under his jurisdiction. In the late 1840s, Shamil introduced the post of mudir, i.e. the senior nd3ib, who, apart from running his own domain, supervised and coordinated the activities of lesser nd3ibs in neighbouring regions. Normally, the na'ib led up to 500 warriors into battle. Both the mudtrs and the ordinary nd3ibs were closely watched by the imam's "secret agents" (muhtasibs), who were answerable directly to Shamil and reported to him on the activities, especially misdeeds, of his lieutenants. The warships were divided into smaller units administered by the nd'ib's subordinates, the dibirs, or ma'zums (Russ. mazun). These officials, in turn, had under their command village elders, elected by their respective communities. To enforce the imam's orders, each nd3ib relied on a standing force of 20 to 50 (or occasionally up to 100) loyal guards called nd3ib murids as opposed to tarika murids, who were considered "men of God" and normally did not participate in fighting. On the level of the maczum, the nd'ib murids were paralleled by the mounted "retainers" (murtazika], supported by their communities. While the executive and administrative powers were vested in the nd3ibs, they were not allowed to interpret the sharfa or dispense shar'i justice. For this they had muftis and kuddt attached to them. In addition, these religious officials, whom the sources generally describe as fulamd3, were responsible for maintaining the mosques, leading the prayers, delivering the Friday sermons, and for implementing the shar'i precepts in their warships. They also provided religious instruction, usually at the mosques, to the young. Being at least partially independent of their nd3ibs, the culamd3 provided a much-needed check on the broad discretionary power given to their temporal counterparts. The core of Shamil's army consisted of the nd3ib murids, the career fighters who had sworn an oath of personal allegiance to the imam and his cause and regarded themselves as his personal disciples. Fearless and loyal, the muridun were, in a sense, "warrior monks" who were always ready for martyrdom "in the path of God" and provided example and leadership for the less organised and often lukewarm local levies. According to different calculations, they numbered 400 to 500 men, of which 120 served as Shamil's personal bodyguards, while the others were assigned to his nd3ibs or sent on special missions. The muridun were supported directly from the treasury of the imam or his deputies. This small elite corps was supplemented by the regular cavalrymen called murtazika. Under Shamil's orders, every ten households in the territory under his control had to furnish one fully-equipped horseman, whose personal needs as well as those of his wife and children were provided for by the other nine families. The muridun and the murtazika constituted the backbone of Shamil's army. The peasant irregulars who joined them during large-scale campaigns were poorly trained, far less reliable and therefore served primarily as auxiliaries. Finally, in imitation of the Ottoman nizdm-i cfredid [q.v.], Shamil attempted to create a modern infantry corps, which, however, proved ineffectual and inferior to its Russian counterpart. In an attempt to achieve logistical independence, Shamil established three gunpowder factories, which produced not only powder but mines, gunshells, and bombs. Shamil's army also manufactured its own cannon, albeit of a rather low quality, to supplement the Russian artillery captured on the battlefield. Shamil's regular troops donned special uniforms and were awarded special marks of distinction for courage. Cowards and deserters, on the other hand, were
obliged to wear "marks of disgrace" until they "erased" them by military feats or loyal service. To sustain this complex administrative and military machinery, Shamil collected from his subjects a zakdt of approximately 5% to 7% in money and kind. In anticipation of a military campaign, an extraordinary tax in kind could be imposed on specific communities to meet the needs of the army on the march. Another source of state income was one-fifth of war booty, sometimes quite substantial, which under the shari'a was set aside for the ruler. All fines, popularly known as bayt al-mdl, along with escheatable or forfeited property went to Shamil's treasury. The same holds true for the income derived from awkdf. The lion's share of the income was spent on the military, on the upkeep of culamd3 and mosques as well as on the support of Muslim emigrants who had fled from territories under Russian control (muhddjirun) and settled in Shamil's shar'i state. Shamil and "Myuridism" The issue of whether or not Shamil's ghazawdt were related to, or motivated by, his Sufi background has not yet found a satisfactory solution. As mentioned, Shamil, like the other imams of Daghistan Ghazi Muhammad and Hamza(t) Bek, sought to establish a theocratic state that would unite the anarchic Caucasian mountaineers against the common enemy, the Russian Empire. Apart from being military leaders and religious reformers, all three imams were also affiliated with the Khalidf branch of the Nakshbandiyya [q.v]. Their initiatic line stretched back to the Kurdish Shaykh Diya' al-Dln Khalid al-Shahrazurl (d. 12437 1827), who, in turn, belonged to the influential Mudjaddidf subdivision of the Nakshbandiyya tarika, founded by the Indian Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindl (d. 1034/1624 [q.v.]). One of Khalid's disciples, Shaykh Ismacfl al-Kurdumfn, propagated his teaching in the Khanate of Shlrwan [q.v.] in the late 1810s. His local deputy Shaykh Khass Muhammad al-Shirwanf introduced the Khalidi tarika into Daghistan, where it found an enthusiastic following. Around 1823, his khalifa [q.v., section III] Muhammad al-Yaraghl (Mulla Magomet) called on Daghistanf Muslims to observe the sunna and the shari'a strictly, to avoid bidca (i.e. the cdddt), to fight against the enemies of Islam, and, if defeated, to emigrate to Islamic lands. All these precepts were in full accord with the central tenets of the Khalidiyya, although it is not clear whether or not Muhammad al-Yaraghf actually called his audience to djihad against the Russians. Plainly, his chief concern was to extirpate the "un-Islamic" customs and beliefs of the mountaineers and to replace them with the shari'a. Paradoxically, it was not the militant Muhammad al-Yaraghl, but his reclusive disciple, Sayyid Djamal al-Dln, who initiated GhazT Muhammad and young Shamil into the Nakshbandiyya-Khalidiyya (Hamza Bek was a disciple of Ghazf Muhammad). Shamil's emphasis on meticulous adherence to the sharfa, his open hostility toward "the cursed Christians and the despicable Persians [i.e. the Shfa of Iran]," his political activism and unswerving loyalty to the Ottoman sultan, seem to be in line with the Khalidi teaching as expounded by its founder and his Turkish followers. Yet, as Sayyid Djamal al-Dln's opposition to ghazawdt and insistence on inward self-perfection well shows, Shamir s interpretation of the Khalidl tenets was not the only possible one. In the early stages of his career, Shamil acted primarily as a religious reformer, first under GhazT Muhammad, then in his own right, intent on making the shari'a the only legal and moral code. His reformist activities inevitably set him on a collision course with the conservative Avar
SHAMIL nobility and, eventually, with the Russians, who, not unlike the contemporary French colonial administrators of Algeria, gave precedence to customary law over the sharfa, deeming it to be more "manageable." Hence the Russians were suspicious of the Daghistanf c ulamd3 and were unwilling to accommodate them, relying instead on the corrupt and discredited nobility. The inflexibility of the Russian colonial officials was further aggravated by the Russian political and economic expansion in the Caucasus, which disrupted the traditional life-style and economy of the region, bringing about dislocation, and concomitant resentment, among the mountaineers. Under these circumstances, the 5^arff-oriented, sober tenets of the Nakshbandiyya-Khalidiyya, combined with the viable institutional structure of tanka Sufism, provided a compelling solution to the mountaineers' problems. Although formally he was neither head of a tanka nor even the supreme Sufi" master of Daghistan (both tides were better applicable to Sayyid Djamal al-Dfn, whose ascendancy in Sufi matters the imam humbly acknowledged), Sha.mil commanded the practically unconditional loyalty of his followers, the most devoted of whom viewed him as their personal murshid [g.v.]. In a sense, Shamil's whole state was an extended tanka, complete with such trappings of a Sufi community as the collective dhikr [q.v.] chanted by his mundun on the move and in battle, the periodical khalwas [q.v.] practiced by the imam and his disciples, the miracles (karamdt [q.v.]) ascribed to him by the followers, the supererogatory prayers (up to 20 times a day, according to some testimonies) he assigned to the mundun, the constant spiritual link (rdbita [q.v.]) which Shamil maintained with his closest disciples, and, finally, his communications with the spirit of the Prophet to solicit the latter's advice. All this, however, is true only of Shamil's retinue in Darghiyya and Vedan. Outside this immediate circle of followers, and for the overwhelming majority of his subjects, Shamil was a venerated, and often fearsome, sovereign and military leader who ruled with an iron fist over a host of diverse and recalcitrant tribal communities, traditionally opposed to any state control. It is in his ability to weld the mountaineers together for a common goal, rather than in his activities as a Sufi master (for which he had little time anyway) that one should look for his major achievement. Therefore, the Russian and Western historians who described Shamil's movement as "myuridism" were to some extent justified in setting it apart from ordinary Sufism. In many respects, his ghazawdt bear striking resemblance to the other contemporary Sufi-based movements, notably the Kadiriyya [q.v] of Algeria and Sudan and the Sanusiyya [q.v] of Cyrenaica. For each of these movements, Sufism provided a handy organisational vehicle, rather than their true motivation, which should be sought elsewhere. Shamil's legacy Already in his lifetime, Shamil became a great media event, which generated a vast corpus of scholarly discourse and Romantic literature. From 1854 to 1859, 38 full-size books (not to mention innumerable articles, poems and news accounts) dealing with Shamil were published in the West alone. In Russia, the volume of writings on Shamil and his movement was, of course, much greater. In line with the fashion of the day, this literature depicted Shamil as a "noble savage" and a typical hero of European Romanticism. As time went on, the public interest in him began to subside, giving way to a more balanced academic evaluation of his personality and of the Caucasian wars as a whole. During the Soviet period, Shamil once again
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became an object of intense study and of heated debate over the nature of his movement. In accordance with the Marxian concept of class struggle, the Soviet historians of the 1920s and 1930s portrayed him as a hero of revolutionary struggle, a fearless fighter against the colonisation of the Caucasus by Tsarist Russia. In the 1950s, however, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union launched a campaign against so-called "bourgeois-nationalism", as a result of which Shamil's role underwent a radical revision. In a remarkable volte-face., Soviet historians condemned him as the leader of a "reactionary and nationalistic movement in the service of English capitalism and the Turkish sultan." They argued that by fighting against the Russians, Shamil became a hindrance to progress, in so far as the incorporation of the "backward" and "feudal" Caucasus into a technologically-advanced Russian Empire was an "objective historical necessity" and the only way to develop its culture and economy. The debate over Shamil's role reached its peak in 1956-7, whereupon it was forcibly suppressed by the official condemnation of the imam as a thoroughgoing reactionary and a religious fanatic. The official viewpoint, however, was not to everyone's liking, and a covert campaign to rehabilitate Shamil, spearheaded by some Daghistanf scholars, continued for several decades. With the advent of perestroika and glasnost in 1986, Shamil's contribution to the history of the Caucasus was again drastically revised. Today, Shamil is totally rehabilitated and is celebrated by most of the Daghistanfs and the Cecens as their greatest national hero. Symbols and slogans associated with the imam's resistance to the Russian domination took on a new life during the Russo-Cecen conflict of 1994-5, when they were appropriated and re-defined by the supporters of President Dzohar (Djawhar) Dudaev. Bibliography: For Shamil's own view of himself and his movement, see A. Runovskiy, ^apiski o Shamile, St. Petersburg 1860, repr. Moscow 1989. His biography, written in Arabic by his son-in-law, was published as Khronika Mukhammeda Takhira al-Karakhi o dagestanskikh voynakh v period Shamila, ed. A.M. Barabanov under the general editorship of I.Yu. Krackovskiy, Moscow and Leningrad 1946 (a Russian translation of this work with the same title was published in Moscow and Leningrad in 1941); cf. Krackovskiy, Izbrannle socineniya, vi, Moscow and Leningrad 1960, 551-622. Many of Shamil's letters and rescripts were edited by A. Runovskiy in Voennly Sbornik (St. Petersburg), ii (1862), 327-86, and in Russkiy Vestnik (St. Petersburg), xii (1862), 642-85. The most comprehensive collection of historical documents related to Shamil and his movement is Dvizenie gortsev severo-vostocnogo Kavkaza v 20-50kh gg. XIX veka: Sbornik dokumentov, Makhackala 1959; cf. also the editions of Shamil's letters and his ni^dm by R. Sharafutdinova in Pis'mennie pamyatniki Vostoka (Moscow), Hi (1970), iv (1971); v (1972), viii (1975). A helpful list of studies on Shamil is M. Gammer, Shamil and the Murid movement, 1830-1859. An attempt at a comprehensive bibliography, in Central Asian Survey (London), x/1-2 (1991), 189-247; see also idem, Shamil in Soviet historiography, in MEJ, xxviii/4 (Oct. 1992), 729-77, and Narodno-osvoboditel'noe dvizenie gortsev Dagestana i Cecni v 20-50kh godakh xix v. Vsesoyuznaya naucnaya Konferentsiya, Makhackala 1989. For Shamil's literary image in 19th-century Russia and the West, see T.M. Barret, The remaking of the Lion of Dagestan, in The Russian Review (Ohio), liii/3 (July 1994), 353-6. For Shamil's predecessors at the head of the antiRussian struggle in the Caucasus, see. A. Bennigsen,
AL-SHAMMAKH B. DIRAR — AL-SHAMMAKHl AL-lFRANl al-Djawalikl, Shark adab al-kdtib, 328, 372). From a thematic point of view, the poetry of al-Shammakh is unconcerned with the tribal aspect; similarly, total silence surrounds his participation in the great conquests of nascent Islam. The poetry of circumstance, the principal concern of pre-Islamic poetry, does not seem to have tempted him unduly. He takes pleasure, on the contrary, in more genuinely artistic composition, in the description of animals, which he pursues to a degree that has seldom been equalled. In the sections relating to camels, whilst comparing his camel to a wild ass, he develops an episode combining description with narration; the wild ass, after a joyous period in which he indulges in amorous frolics, is killed as a result of thirst. He leads his entire herd to the water, where a well-armed hunter waits, accompanied by hunting dogs. Within this context, the poet innovates. According to him, the animal sees himself as endowed with sentiments such as jealousy, the preoccupation of the male responsible for a whole herd and terror in the face of imminent death; the hunter, the dogs and the natural order are presented here in prominent relief (Dtwdn, i, ii, vi, vii, viii, x, xi, xii, xvi, xviii, mulhak, iv, xxiii, xxiv, xxxiv). In this connection, the zd'iyya (Diwdn, 173-202) merits special mention; in this poem of 56 verses, the poet relates the episode of the bow. In a broad expanse of 20 verses, he evokes at length the process of its fabrication and the birth of an emotional correspondence between the craftsman and his work; the Bedouin is attached to his creation and refuses to be parted from it. Tempted by a buyer, he sells his bow, but deep regrets beset him. Such human resonances are rarely attested in the poetry of the period. Ancient critics aware of it (Ibn Kutayba, Shu'ara3, 178; al-Shimshati, al-Anwdr wa-mahdsin alash'dr., Baghdad 1987, 30). Modern scholars speak of it as a masterpiece (Brau, Die Bogen-Qasidah von as-Sammdb, in WK%M, xxxi (1926), 174-95; Mahmud Shakir, Kaws al-Shammakh or al-Kaws al-'adhrd3, in al-Kitdb, xi [1952], 151-78; al-Hadf, 195-201; Yahya al-Djubun, al-Furusiyya fi }l-shicr al-d}dhiU, Baghdad 1384, 169, 184-5). A second aspect of his poetic talent deserves to be stressed. Al-Shammakh seems to have been an excellent composer of radj.az; his Diwdn contains 9 urajuzas (section on arddjiz al-diwdn, 353-422), in some of which he is indebted to Khiyar b. Djaz1, Djundub and al-Djulayh. The poet submits this poetic form to a new treatment, which recalls that reserved for the kastda, with an opening nasib based on the memory and the episode of the savage bull (Ullmann, 27). However, the poetic language of al-Shammakh is discouraging: his language, suffused with archaisms and rare terms was and remains difficult of access (al-Djahiz, Bayan, ed. Harun, iii, 251). As early as the 2nd/8th century, al-Djumahf was stressing the stiffness of his style (kazdzd) and his extremely vigorous language (shaded mutun al-shicr), implying that it was complex. It is for this reason that his poetry is considerably more difficult than that of Labfd (Tabakdt, 132; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, op. cit., 234-5), which is itself extremely complicated. Modern research has been concerned with giving him the status that he deserves; his rehabilitation, instigated by Blachere, seems today to be progressing successfully, and Thomas Bauer considers him one of the best representatives of classical poetry (Bauer, 259, esp. 273). Bibliography: Dtwdn, ed. al-Hadf, Cairo 1977; Sibawayhi, ICttdb, Cairo 1403/1983, index; Djahiz, Baydn, Cairo 1968, i, 281, ii, 251, 277, iii, 68, 73, 80, 93, iv, 34; Ibn Kutayba, Ma'am, index;
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Baladhun, Ansab al-ashraf, ms. Siileymaniyye, fols. 1090a-1091 a (very interesting entry with unpublished verses); Mubarrad, Kdmil, index, esp. 491-4; Abu Hilal al-cAskarf, Sindcatayn, Cairo 1971, index, esp. 134-5, where his art of description is considered a model of the genre; idem, Dtwdn al-macdm, Cairo 1352, index; Anbarf, al-Mudhakkar wa 'l-mif annath, Beirut 1406/1986, index; Kurashf, ^amharat ash'dr al-carab, Damascus 1406/1986, i, 220 (substantial bibliography); Marzubanf, al-Muwashshah, 1385/ 1965, 86, 88, 118-9; Khafadjf, Rayhdnat al-alibbd, Cairo 1386/1967, i, 380, ii, 383; al-Muzaffar al-eAlawf, Nadrat al-ighrid, Damascus 1396/1976, 71, 113, 165, 298; Yakut, Mu'djam al-udabd3, Beirut 1993, 238, 538, 856, 'l608, 1609, 2483; Ibn Manzur, Nithdr al-azhdr, Beirut 1409/1988, 36-7, 55; Safadf, Waft, xvi, Wiesbaden 1402/1982, 177-9; idem, al-Shucur bi 'l-cur, 'Amman 1409/1988, 253-4; Nallino, Litterature, Paris 1950, 76; Blachere, HLA, 271-2; Sezgin, GAS, ii, 239-40; Ullmann, Untersuchungen zur Ragazpoesie, Wiesbaden 1966, 27, 31, 202; T. Bauer, Altarabische Dichtkunst. Fine Untersuchung ihrer Struktur und Entwicklung am Beispiel der Onagerepisode, Wiesbaden 1992, i, 225-8, 259, 273, ii, 223-82; M. 'Abd al-£Azfz al-Kafrawf, Ta'rfkh al-shi'r al-carabi, i, Ft sadr al-Isldm wa-casr Bam Umayya, Cairo 1961, 59-63; Salah al-Dfn al-Hadf, al-Shammakh b. Dirdr alDhubydni haydtuhu wa-shi'ruhu, Cairo 1968 (excellent study in spite of some tedious passages). (A. ARAZI) SHAMMAKHA, Shammakhf, Shammakhiyya, the mediaeval Islamic names for a town in the former region of Shfrwan in eastern Caucasia, from ca. the 4th/10th century capital of the local Yazfdf dynasty of Shirwan Shahs, by whom it was temporarily re-named Yazfdiyya. For its pre-modern role and then for its post-1917 one, first within the Azerbaijan Republic of the former Soviet Union and now in the independent Republic of Azerbaijan, under its present name of Shemakha, see SHIRWAN and SHIRWAN SHAHS. (ED.) AL-SHAMMAKHl AL-IFRANI, the name of two Ibadi [see IBADIYYA] scholars and jurisc o n s u l t s from the Djabal Nafusa [q.v.] in Tripolitania. 1. ABU 'L-CABBAS AHMAD B. AB! 'UTHMAN SAC!D b. £ Abd al-Wahid, especially famed as a biographer, died in Djumada 928/April-May 1522 in one of the villages of the oasis of the Ifren of the Djabal Nafusa, in Tripolitania. Among his pupils was Abu Yahya Zakariyya* b. Ibrahim al-Hawwan. He was the author of the following works: 1. A commentary on the cAktda, a short treatise on theology by Abu Hafs £Umar b. Djamf* al-NafusI; 2. A commentary on his synopsis of the K. al-cAdl wa 'l-insdf on the sources of law by Abu Ya'kub Yusuf b. Ibrahim al-Sadrati; 3. K. al-Siyar, a biographical collection, spiced with anecdotes and a few historical events, of the principal Ibadi personages. A few extracts translated into French have been published by E. Masqueray in his Chronique d'Abou ^akaria, Algiers 1879, 325 ff.; the Arabic text was lithographed at Cairo in 1301/ 1884. Bibliography: A.C. de Motylinski, Bibliographie du Mzab, in Bull, de Correspond, q/hc. (1885), i. ii, 4770; idem, Le Djebel Mfousa, Paris 1899, 90, n. 1; Shammakhf, K. al-Siyar, 562; Abu Ishak Ibrahim al-Yusuf Atfiyash al-Djaza'irf, al-Dicdya ild sabll almu'mimn, Cairo 1342/1923, 28, n. 1; T. Lewicki, Une chronique Ibddite "Kitdb as-Sijar" d'Abu }l-cAbbds Ahmad as-Sammdrj,i, avec quelques remarques sur rorigine et I'histoire de la famille des Sammalyis, in REI, viii (1934),
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AL-SHAMMAKHI AL-IFRANI — SHAMMAR
59-78; Brockelmann; IF, 312, S II, 339; Zirikll, A
the Shammar combined their nomadism with control over an oasis settlement, Ha'il [q.v.]. From there, their chiefs, the Al Rashld [q.v.], expanded into al-KasIm and southern Nadjd. Musil claimed that Rashldl expansion reached the borders of Aleppo, Damascus, Basra, cUman and cAs!r by the end of the last century. However, their power base remained strongest in Djabal Shammar and the Great Nafud, the core of their tribal dira. The Shammar dynasty developed a complex political organisation. The Rashldi amirs, resident in Ha'il, co-existed with the Shammar shaykhs who were drawn from the chiefly families of the tribal sections. The latter participated in the amirs' raids in return for a share of the booty. They attended the maajlis in Ha'il where they regularly received gifts and subsidies from the Rashldi amirs. These subsidies, together with a network of marriages with the oasis amirs ensured interdependence and loyally at least until the beginning of the 20th century. The Shammar dynasty rested on a multi-resource economy. The Shammar pastoral economy was supplemented by control over trade and pilgrimage caravans. Their tribal territory included important trade routes which linked Mesopotamia and the Gulf ports to the holy cities of the Hidjaz. WahhabI fanaticism in the 18th and 19th centuries led to the diversion of trade routes in favour of Hajil, which was then outside their control. Trading and pilgrim caravans were usually accompanied by a caravan leader and a group of armed men who were responsible for its security, and this leader was appointed by the Ha'il amir who expected him to levy a toll from the caravan after keeping a sum for himself. In return for this toll, the Ha'il amirs guaranteed the safety of merchants and pilgrims, especially Shfls from Persia and Trak, regarded as heretics by the WahhabI Sucudl dynasty in southern Nadjd. Taxes levied from these sources ensured a surplus in the hands of the amirs, and Ha'il developed into an important transit station where traders, craftsmen and agriculturalists coexisted and flourished. Its prosperity was maintained as a result of an extended period of peace and security. The amirs were able to raise a "police force", drawn from among their slaves and the sedentary population, mainly the Banu Tamlm of Ha'il, in charge of keeping order in the oasis. Also an army consisting of a mixture of tribal people, mercenaries, sedentary groups and, above all, slaves was often sent to distant areas to pacify any rebellious Bedouin and enforce Rashldi hegemony in other oases and towns. Towards the end of the 19th century, Rashldi expansion led to the collapse of Su'udl domination in al-Riyad, and for a brief period the Rashldls under the banner of Muhammad Ibn Rashld became the undisputed rulers of central Arabia. The Ottoman empire recognised them there and maintained good relations with them through the wall of Basra. They supplied the amirs with irregular subsidies and weapons to cement a fragile alliance which cost the Shammar nothing but a vague recognition of nominal Ottoman suzerainty, manifested in the mentioning of the sultan's name during the Friday prayers in Ha'il. This alliance eventually led to the collapse of their dynasty with the defeat of the Ottoman empire in the First World War. Rashldi supremacy in Arabia began to be eroded with the return of Ibn Su'ud from his exile in Kuwayt in 1902 to recapture his ancestral capital from the Rashldls. Having secured the support of Britain during the First World War, he drove them out of Ha'il in
SHAMMAR — SHAMS 1921, thus putting an end to their leadership and role in Arabian politics. The Rashfdf ruling group was taken hostage to his capital, al-Riyad, where some members of the family are still resident. Ibn Su'ud confiscated their belongings and prohibited them from returning to their land, and through a series of marriages with Rashfdf and Shammarf women, incorporated them into his wide network of affinities. After a series of fierce battles, some Shammar sections refused to become subjects of Ibn Sucud, but fled to Mesopotamia to join their tribal brothers in the north at a time when Britain was establishing a protectorate in 'Irak. The latter, being on good terms with Ibn Sucud, guaranteed that the Shammar remained there without being able to launch a counterattack on him. However, the majority of the Shammar were pacified and reluctantly accepted the loss of their supremacy in Arabia, with some of them adopting Wahhabism and accepting settlement among the hiajar [q.v.] of the Ikhwdn, With the establishment of the Su'udf state, the Shammar lost their tribal autonomy and, above all, their exclusive rights to pasture and water in their traditional tribal dim. In 1925, Ibn Sucud abolished tribal territories, which became the property of the state. Later, in 1968, the Land Redistribution Act allocated special areas to particular tribes and shaykhly lineages within each tribe. These measures widened economic differentiation within groups and altered the nature of available resources. Forced sedentarisation was imposed on the Shammar, with the aim of confining them to special areas where they could be closely controlled and, above all, their independence and 'asabiyya eroded. The history of enmity between the Shammar and the Su'udfs precludes the former from taking advantage of the new economic opportunities created by the state, such as employment in the National Guard, a para-military organisation consisting mainly of tribal peoples, and endowed with the function of protecting the Sucudf royal family. Bibliography: G.A. Wallin, in JRGS, xx (1851), 294-344, and xxiv (1854), 115-307; C. Guarmani, // Neged settentrionale. Itinerario di Gerusalemme a Aneizeh nel Cassim, Jerusalem 1886; Lady Anne Blunt, A pilgrimage to Nejd, London 1881; C. Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta, Cambridge 1888; C. Huber, Voyage dans I'Arabie Centrale, in Bull, de la Societe de Geographie, series 7, vols. v-vii; idem, Journal d'un voyage en Arabie, Paris 1891; E. Nolde, Reise nach Innerarabien Kurdistan und Armenien, Brunswick 1895; J. Euting, Tagbuch einer Reise in Innerarabien, i, Leiden 1896; British Admirality, Handbook of Arabia, London 1920; H.StJ. Philby, The heart of Arabia, London 1922; A. Musil, Northern Negd, New York 1928, M. von Oppenheim, Die Beduinen, i-ii, Leipzig 1939-43, iii, Wiesbaden 1952; R. Montagne, La civilisation du desert, Paris 1947; L. Stein, Die Sammdr-Gerba. Beduinen im Cbergang vom Nomadismus zur Sesshajiigkeit, (East) Berlin 1967; U. Fabietti, // popolo del deserto, Rome 1984; M. AlRasheed, Politics in an Arabian oasis, London 1991. (M. AL-RASHEED) SHAMS (A.), the sun (f.). 1. In Pre-Islamic Arab lore. This was a divinity worshipped in the Semitic world, especially in Assyria-Babylonia (cf. its attributes in K. Tallqvist, Akkadische Gotterepitheta, Helsinki 1938, 453 ff.) and in South Arabia, where the plurals shums (for shumus] given by Yakut (ed. Beirut, iii, 362) for this sanam or idol, 'shms and the dual shmsy (G. Ryckmans, Les noms propres sudsemitiques, Louvain 1934-5, i, 33; A. Jamme, Le pantheon sud-arabe preislamique d'apres les sources epigraphiques, in Museon, Ix [1947], 101 ff.)
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denote the titulary divinities of a certain individual or ethnic group or clan or territory. For Yakut, it was "an idol of the Banu Tamlm; it had a sanctuary and was worshipped by all the sections of the Banu Udd (sc. the grandfather of Tamfm), sc. Dabba, Taym, c Adi, Thawr and cUkl. Its custodians (sddins [q.v.]} were the Banu Aws b. Mukhashin ... It was destroyed by Hind b. Abf Hala and Sufyan b. Usayyid ...". But this idol is not mentioned in Ibn al-Kalbfs Book of Idols, although the TCA, citing the Kdmus, states the contrary, saying "It was an ancient idol mentioned by Ibn al-Kalbf". It is very likely that this deity did not belong in the pantheon of Central Arabia and that mention of it, rare in the sources, is just a contamination from its cult by the South Arabs. This seems especially likely in that the theophoric name c Abd Shams, only known in a section of Kuraysh (TA, iv, 172 11. 32-3), is found in the Tamfm in the syncopated form 'Abshams (ibid., 173 1. 1), which is attested in Sabaean (Ryckmans, op. cit., i, 241). The same applies to the theophoric name 'Abd al-Sharik, known amongst the Djuhayna, which Arab authors render by cAbd al-Shams, giving to al-Sharik, recognised as the name of an idol, the sense of karn al-shams "the rising sun" (al-Tibrfzi, in Hamdsa, 218; Ibn Durayd, cited in TA, vi, 392 11. 26 ff.). Moreover, the Kur'an attributes the cult of the Sun to Saba' (XXVII, 24), whilst it attributes the cult of Venus, the Moon and the Sun to Mesopotamia, the homeland of Abraham (VI, 74, cf. XXXVII, 86). The exhortation, only found occasionally (XLVII, 37), not to worship the Sun and Moon, two signs created by God, is certainly an allusion to these two instances. "For nowhere in Kur'anic polemics is there any emphasis on the stellar cult" (Fahd, Le pantheon de I'Arabie Centrale a la veille de I'hegire, Paris 1968, 151). Theophoric names including the element Shams are numerous amongst the Greek inscriptions of the Hawran (see D. Sourdel, Les cultes du Haurdn a I'epoque romaine, Paris 1952, 53 ff.), showing that the Arabs who had migrated northwards had come under the Hellenistic cult of Helios, which Strabo makes the main deity of the Nabataeans (see his Geographica, ed. C. Muller, 784; Wellhausen, Reste2, 60-1; Sourdel, op. cit., 53 n. 1). For the interpretation of the term al-Ilaha "the goddess" (applied in certain sources to the Sun), mentioned in an elegy pronounced by Amina bt. c Utayba ca. A.D. 621 on her father fallen in battle at the Yawm Khaww, between the Banu Asad and the Yarbuc (TA, ix, 375), cf. Fahd, op. cit., 152-3. Bibliography: This article is essentially based on Fahd, Le pantheon, 150-3. (T. FAHD) 2. In astronomy. In the Aristotelian view accepted by most Muslim astronomers, the sun was a ball-shaped solid body (according to early doctrines made of fire), which moved around the earth in the solar sphere. This sphere was made of crystalline or ether and occupied a central position between the spheres of Venus and Mars [see FALAK]. In the geocentric representation of the heavens, which the Muslim astronomers adopted from Ptolemy [see BATLAMIYUS], the earth is assumed to be fixed in the centre of the universe. The sun moves on the ecliptic in the direction of the zodiacal signs, i.e. from west to east, and its longitude is measured from the vernal point [see MINTAKAT AL-BURUDJ]. The period of return of the sun to the vernal point is the tropical year; the period of return to a fixed star, the sidereal year. The precession of the equinoxes is the difference between the tropical and the sidereal solar motion.
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SHAMS
In order to predict the solar position on the ecliptic, most Muslim astronomers used the Ptolemaic eccentre model or the equivalent simple qpicycle model. These models were adopted by Ptolemy from his predecessor Hipparchus (Rhodes, 2nd century B.C.) and were based on the observed differences in length between the seasons.
of the mean solar anomaly, ancient and mediaeval astronomers usually based their calculations on another linear function of time, namely the mean solar longitude Xm (wasat al-sjiams], defined by Km - am + KA. Using the formulae for the solar equation given above (with a replaced by X - KA and am by A,m - ^), we have A, - X,m - q for all values of X and X,m.
In the eccentre model (see Fig. 1) the sun S moves at a constant speed on the circle ASP, whose radius is taken equal to 60. The centre C of this circle is removed from the earth E by a distance e, the solar eccentricity (ma bayn al-markaz,ayn). The sun reaches its largest distance from the earth at the apogee A (awaj), its smallest distance at the perigee P (hadid). The vernal point is indicated by V\ the longitude of the apogee, angle VEA, by KA. Since the sun moves uniformly on the eccentric circle, the mean solar anomaly am (khassat al-shams), angle ACS, increases linearly as a function of time. In order to determine the non-linear true solar anomaly a, the angle AES between the apogee and the sun as seen from the earth, a correction q, called the solar equation (tcfdll al-shams), must be subtracted from or added to the mean solar anomaly. This correction, equal to angle ESC in Fig. 1, can be calculated as a function of the true anomaly by applying the sine rule to the triangle ESC. In this way we obtain
In the simple epicycle model (see Fig. 2) the sun S moves clockwise on a small circle, called the epicycle (falak al-tadwtr), whose radius r is equal to the eccentricity e of the eccentre model. The centre of the epicycle rotates in the direction of the zodiacal signs on a circle around the earth with radius 60, the deferent (al-falak al-hamil). If the angular velocities of the sun and the epicycle centre are equal to the angular velocity of the sun in the eccentre model, the two models are equivalent. In that case the sun reaches its largest distance from the earth whenever the epicycle centre passes through A, its smallest distance whenever the epicycle centre passes through P. (For more information about the Ptolemaic solar model, see O. Pedersen, A survey of the Almagest, Odense 1974, ch. 5.) In early Islamic astronomical sources we find non-Ptolemaic planetary equations based on Persian and Indian methods (for the transmission of Persian and Indian astronomy to the Islamic world, see CILM AL-HAYSA). For instance, al-Khwarazmf [q.v.] calculated the solar equation according to the so-called "method of declinations":
In order to determine the solar equation as a function of the mean solar anomaly am, we can extend triangle ESC to a right-angled triangle ESX, in which /LSXE = 90° and hence EX = e . sin am and CX = e . cos am. From this we find
or the equivalent
Using these modern formulae we have a = am - q for every value of the mean or true solar anomaly. The true solar longitude X (mawdif al-shams), angle VES, can be obtained by adding the longitude of the apogee to the true anomaly: A, - a + \A. Instead
where
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SHAMS and Hipparchus with their own results. As early as the 3rd/9th century Muslim astronomers improved the method of determining the eccentricity and the longitude of the apogee from the lengths of the seasons by measuring the periods between the midpoints of the seasons (Jusul). The motion of the solar apogee, approximately 1° per 70 years in the direction of the zodiacal signs, had not been recognised by Ptolemy. Many Muslim astronomers made it equal to the precession of the equinoxes. The 5th/11th-century Andalusian astronomer al-Zarkall [q.v.] was the first to discover that the two motions are different; he estimated the sidereal motion of the solar apogee to be 1° per 279 Julian years in the direction of the signs (12"54"' per year; the modern value is 11 "46"') (see GJ. Toomer, The solar theory of a^-^arqdl, in Centaurus, xiv [1969], 306-36). Extensive accounts of solar observations can be found, in particular, in al-Bfruni's work (see al-Kanun al-Mas'udi, Haydarabad 1954-6, ii, 636 ff., and J. All, The determination of the coordinates of cities, Beirut 1967). Parameter values used by Hipparchus/Ptolemy and the authors of various important Islamic astronomical handbooks [see ZIDJ] are presented in Table 1. In order to perform practical computations of the solar longitude in a convenient way, practically all #$s contained the following tables: - A table for the mean solar motion (ajadwal wasat al-shams), which gave the mean motion in various periods depending on the calendar used [see TA'RIKH]: groups of years (al-sinun al-maajmu{a), single years (al-sinun al-mabsuta], months, days, and hours. By adding the mean motion to the given mean solar longitude at a certain fixed point in time, the epoch, the mean longitude \m at any time could be calculated. - A similar table for the determination of the longitude of the solar apogee \A. This table was usually headed harakat al-awaj, or also harakat al-kawdkib al-thdbita (cf. above). The mean anomaly am was
Name Ptolemy Yahya al-Khwaraznri al-Battam Ibn Yunus al-Blrunf al-Zarkali al-Khazim al-TusI Ibn al-Shatir al-Kashi Ulugh Beg
found by subtracting KA from Xm. - A table for the solar equation (ta'dil al-shams) as a function of the mean anomaly. Since no negative numbers were used, the values in the solar equation table had to be subtracted from the mean solar longitude in order to obtain the true solar longitude if the anomaly was smaller than 180°; otherwise, they had to be added. In various Islamic astronomical handbooks the calculation of the solar position using the tables listed above was replaced by tables giving the true solar longitude directly as a function of the date [see TAKWIM]. Some of these ephemerides could be used only during one particular year, others included yearly corrections which made them suitable for long-term use. Examples can be found in the almanac of al-ZarkalT (see J.M. Millas Vallicrosa, Estudios sobre Azarquiel, Madrid/Granada 1943-50, 158-65); in a treatise on astronomical instruments by al-Marrakushr [q.v.]:, (see JJ. Sedillot, Traite des instruments astronomiques des arabes, Paris 1834 (reprint Frankfurt 1984), 134-7); and in an 8th/14th-century Damascene corpus of tables for time-keeping by al-Khalrlf (Paris Bibliotheque Nationale ms. arabe 2558, fols. 8^9^. Only incidental attempts were made by Muslim astronomers to improve or modify the Ptolemaic solar model. Some of these attempts aimed at an explanation of the striking variation in the solar parameters during the centuries, others at a better correspondence with cosmological principles. In the model of al-Zarkall the centre of the eccentric solar orbit moved slowly on a small circle around the average eccentre. As a result the eccentricity varied between 1;51 and Ptolemy's 2;29,30 (expressed sexagesimally; see CILM AL-HISAB). Al-Zarkali ignored the variation of the longitude of the solar apogee also induced by his modification (see Toomer's article referred to above and J. Samso and E. Millas, Ibn al-Bannd3, Ibn Ishdq and Ibn al-^arqdlluh^ solar theory, in Samso, Islamic astronomy in medieval Spain, Aldershot 1994). In the 6th/12th century various Andalusian
Place
Year
Maximum equation
Longitude of the apogee
Alexandria Baghdad Baghdad Raqqa Cairo Ghazna Toledo Marv Maragha Damascus Samarkand Samarkand
140 A.D. 214/829 c. 215/830 266/880 393/1003 422/1031 467/1075 514/1120 660/1262 750/1349 814/1411 851/1447
2;23 1;59, 0 2;14 1;59,10 2; 0,30 1;59, 3 1;52, 43 2; 12,23 2; 0,30 2; 2, 6 2; 0,29 1;55,23
65;30 82;39 77;55* 82; 15 86; 10 85;10,19 85;49 85;52 88;50,34 90;10,10 90;59, 9 90;30, 5
Daily motion of the apogee —* 9;26,50 8;57,37' 8;25;262 8;34,31 2; 7, II**4 8;57,39 8;27,145 9;51,47*6 8;27,145 8;27,145
length of the solar year
365; 14,48 365;14,27,12 365;15,30,23* 365; 14,26 365;14,32,28 365; 14,26,28 365; 15,23,29* 365;14,27,21 365; 14,32,28 365;14,32,31 365; 14,32,28 365;14,33, 8
Table 1: Value of the maximum solar equation (in degrees), the longitude of the solar apogee (in degrees), the daily motion of the apogee (in sexagesimal thirds), and the length of the tropical year (in days), as used by Ptolemy and Muslim astronomers in their tables for the solar motion. All values are given in sexagesimal notation. * Different from the precession of the equinoxes. * Sidereal. 1 Close to 1° in 66 Byzantine years. 2 Equal to 1° in 70'A Persian years. 3 Al-Zarkalf's maximum equation fluctuates between 1° 46' and 2° 23' with a period of 3343 Julian years. 4 Equal to 1° in 279 Julian years. 5 Equal to 1° in 70 Persian years. 6 Close to 1° in 60 Persian years.
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astronomers tried to make the Ptolemaic planetary models conform more closely to the Aristotelian physical principles. In the solar model of al-BitrudjI [q.v.], the pole of the solar orbit moved on a small circle around the pole of the equator. Its motion was uniform with respect to a point slightly removed from that pole, thus accounting for the different lengths of the seasons in a way similar to the Ptolemaic eccentre model (see B.R. Goldstein, Al-Bitruji: On the principles of astronomy, New Haven 1971). In his popular Tadhkirafi cilm al-hay'a, the 7th/13thcentury Persian astronomer Nasfr al-Dln al-Tusf [q.v.] attempted to give a physically more realistic representation of the Ptolemaic planetary models and to find solutions for the purported "difficulties" (ishkdlat) with these models: non-uniform motion and incomplete rotation. Thus he made his models mathematically equivalent to those of Ptolemy, but used solid spheres bounded by two parallel spherical surfaces instead of circles (see FJ. Ragep, Naslr al-Dln al-Tusl's memoir on astronomy, New York 1993, esp. i, 46-53, 144-9). The 8th/14th-century Damascene astronomer Ibn al-Shatir [q.v] made some of the most elaborate modifications to Ptolemy's models. He made the sun rotate on an epicycle, whose centre rotated on a larger epicycle moving uniformly around the earth (see V. Roberts, The solar and lunar theory of Ibn ash-Shdtir. A pre-Copernican Copernical model, in Isis, xlviii [1957], 428-32). The sun played a crucial role in many types of observations and astronomical calculations. In particular, the time of the day and the divisions of the (solar) year were defined on the basis of the solar motion. Although the Islamic religious calendar is a lunar one, solar calendars were used intensively for agricultural and administrative purposes [see TA'RIKH], In folk astronomy, simple arithmetical schemes for the length of the shadow cast by a man were used to determine the approximate time of the day and the prayer times (see D.A. King, A survey of medieval Islamic shadow schemes for simple time-reckoning, in Oriens, xxxii [1990], 191-249); sunrise and sunset at the equinoxes and solstices were used to establish the direction of Mecca [see MAKKA. 4. and MATLA']. In mathematical astronomy, extensive tables of spherical astronomical functions were used to determine the time of the day from the solar altitude and to design sophisticated sundials [see MIKAT. 2. and MIZWALA]. The equation of time (ta'dil al-ayydm bi-laydtihd or ta'dil al-zamari), a correction required to convert the time found from observations of the sun into mean time, was explained and tabulated in most Islamic astronomical handbooks (see ZAMAN and E.S. Kennedy, Two medieval approaches to the equation of time, in Centaurus, xxxi [1988], 1-8). Likewise, we find extensive tables for the prediction for solar and lunar eclipses [see KUSUF] . In connection with such predictions, Muslim astronomers used Ptolemy's method to find the angular diameter of the sun and the solar distance from the earth from observations of eclipses. Like Ptolemy, they found a solar distance around 1,000 earth radii, more than ten times too small (see N.M. Swerdlow, AlBattdnl's determination of the solar distance, in Centaurus, xvii [1973], 97-105). Finally, the solar position on the ecliptic was required to predict the first visibility of the lunar crescent after new moon [see RU'YAT ALHILAL]. In astrology [see NUDJUM (AHKAM AL-)], the sun had a large influence on the well-being of humans, animals, political affairs, etc. The characteristics attached to the sun were listed by al-Blrum (see
R.R. Wright, The book of instruction in the elements of the art of astrology, London 1934, 240-54). The sun was assumed to change the characteristics of the moon and the planets if these were within certain small distances from the sun (ibid., 296-302). The astrological lots [see SAHM] were calculated using the solar position on the ecliptic (ibid., 279-95). Certain astrological periods were defined in terms of the solar year (see D. Pingree, The Thousands of Abu Ma'shar, London 1968, 59-64). Bibliography. Entries with an asterisk were reprinted in E.S. Kennedy et alii, Studies in the Islamic exact sciences, Beirut 1983. For all astronomers mentioned, see also the respective articles in the Dictionary of Scientific Biography, 14 vols. plus 2 suppl. vols., New York 1970-80. On the solar models used by Muslim astronomers, see also O. Neugebauer, Thdbit ben Qurra On the solar year and On the motion of the eighth sphere, in Procs. of the American Philosophical Society, cvi (1962), 264-99; B.R. Goldstein, On the theory of trepidation, in Centaurus, x (1964), 232-47; K.P. Moesgaard, Thdbit ibn Qurra between Ptolemy and Copernicus, in Archive for the History of the Exact Sciences, xii (1974), 199-216; J. Samso, A homocentric solar model by Abu Jafar al-Khd^in, in Journal for the History of Arabic Science (= JHAS), i (1977), 268-75; and W. Hartner, Ptolemy and Ibn Tunus on solar parallax, in Archives Internationales d'histoire des sciences, xxx (1980), 5-26. On the determination of the solar parameters, see W. Hartner and M. Schramm, al-Birum and the theory of the solar apogee, in A.C. Crombie (ed.), Scientific change, London 1961, 206-18; V.M. Petersen and O. Schmidt, The determination of the longitude of the apogee of the orbit of the sun according to Hipparchus and Ptolemy, in Centaurus, xii (1968), 73-96; G.A. Saliba, Solar observations at the Maraghah observatory before 1275: a new set of parameters, in Jnal for the Hist, of Astronomy, xvi (1985), 113-22; idem, The determination of the solar eccentricity and apogee according to Mu'ayyad al-Din al-'Urdi, in fGAIW, ii (1985), 47-67 (both repr. in Saliba, A history of Arabic astronomy, New York 1994). On the calculation of the solar equation and on tables for the calculation of the solar position, see H. Salam and E.S. Kennedy, Solar and lunar tables in early Islamic astronomy, in JAOS, Ixxxvii (1967), 492-97*; Kennedy, A set of medieval tables for quick calculation of solar and lunar ephemerides, in Oriens, xviii-xix (1967), 327-34*; idem, The solar equation in the Zjj of Tahyd b. Abi Mansur, in Y. Maeyama and W.G. Saltzer (eds.), Prismata, Wiesbaden 1977, 183-6*; G.A. Saliba, Computational techniques in a set of late medieval astronomical tables, in JHAS, i (1977), 24-32; D.A. King and Kennedy, Ibn al-Majdl's tables for calculating ephemerides, in JHAS, iv (1980), 48-68 (repr. in King, Islamic mathematical astronomy, London 1986); J. Samso, Al-^arqdl, Alfonso X and Peter of Aragon on the solar equation, in King and Saliba (eds.), From deferent to equant, New York 1987, 467-82; B. van Dalen, A table for the true solar longitude in the Jam? £ij, in A. von Gotstedter (ed.), Ad Radices, Stuttgart 1994, 171-90. On the sun in folk astronomy, see also Ch. Pellat, Le calendrier de Cordoue, Leiden 1961, and D.M. Varisco, Medieval agriculture and Islamic science, Seattle 1994. (B. VAN DALEN) 3. In art. In the first centuries of Islam, the sun was mainly depicted in symbolic forms such as the sun wheel, spiral whorl, swastika, rosette and five- or six-point star. The tentative interpretation of these motifs as
SHAMS — SHAMS AL-DIN MUHAMMAD solar symbols is based on their traditional meaning in the ancient Near East. At this early stage, the most important were the stylised floral devices called shamsa in Kur'an illumination, which marked the head of a sura and the fifth or tenth dya. These decorative forms developed from "tree of life" motifs, which in antiquity were closely associated with sun gods and which reached Islam in Sasanid and Coptic textiles. Beginning in the 12th century A.D., however, the interest of Turkish dynasties in astrological prognostication introduced astral iconography into architecture, metalwork, ceramics and book illustrations. The sun was depicted as a disk surrounded by rays, often with a human face in the centre, or as an enthroned and haloed ruler. Surrounded by an inner circle of the six planets and an outer circle of the twelve zodiac signs, the sun represents the centre of heavenly motion. Alternatively, as one of the revolving planets, it appears mounted on the back of Leo, the sign of its house, or occasionally on Aries, the sign of its exaltation. From 6th/12th-century stone reliefs of a bridge in Djazfrat Ibn eUmar, the sun-lion combination persisted in innumerable examples of minor arts and paintings up to the Shir-Pur (1020/1611) madrasa in Samarkand and to the flag of Pahlavi Iran. As a royal symbol, the sun appears adjoining the sultan's name in 7th/13th Saldjukid coins from Anatolia. It is depicted alone, with a lion, or between two lions. In the same spirit, royal shields of many periods were fashioned with a sun or some solar symbol in the centre, occasionally with the zodiacal signs around, as in a shield of the Mughal sultan Akbar. The sun formed a part of a halo in portraits of the Mughals and was depicted in the centre of their royal canopies. On the yearly pilgrimage to Mecca, other dynasties sent palanquins (mahmal [q.v.]) decorated with solar designs that symbolised their political status. A similar princely iconography underlies the composition of many metal vessels, on which an enthroned ruler replaces the sun in its cosmic setting. In other examples, mainly Mamluk, only the ruler's name remains, with the long letters forming a rayed disk. In architecture, the artistic evolution resulted in the unusual dome of the congregational mosque of Malatya. In the interior of this dome, a whorl of bricks creates, in the summit, a hexagram made up of the name Muhammad. This solar symbol denotes a divine context rather than a princely one, the Muslim version of a cosmic dome, which in Christian monuments would have the Pantocrator in the summit. In religious painting, especially during the 1 Oth/16th century, the sun is sometimes shown reflected in a mirror or in a pool of water, symbolising the reflection of the Divine Light in the heart of the perfect Man— a prophet or a mystic lover. In other paintings, mostly profane, the sun in the upper corner serves mainly as an involved witness to dramatic events. In most instances, however, the image of the sun is confined to cosmological or astrological texts. In its astrological role it figures also in daily objects of talismanic or prophylactic nature, such as amulets, divination bowls, magical shirts and all sorts of jewelry. Bibliography: W. Hartner, Thepseudoplanetaiy nodes of the moon's orbit in Hindu and Islamic iconography, in AI, v (1938), 113-54; E. Baer, The ruler in cosmic setting: a note on medieval Islamic iconography, in Essays in Islamic art and architecture in honor of K. Otto-Dorn, ed. A. Daneshvari, Malibu 1981, 13-19; J.W. Allan, Islamic metalwork. The Nuhad Es-Said Collection, London 1982; R. Milstein, Light, fire and the sun in Islamic painting, in Studies in Islamic history and civilization in
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honour of Professor David Ayalon, ed. M. Sharon, Jerusalem-Leiden 1986, 533-52; A.S. MelikianChirvani, The Iranian sun shield, in BAI, vi (1992), 1-42. (RACHEL MILSTEIN) SHAMS AL-DAWLA, ABU TAHIR b. Fakhr alDawla Hasan, Buy id prince and ruler in Hamadhan [q.v.] 387-412/997-1021. After the death of Fakhr alDawla [q.v.], the amtrs proclaimed as his successor in Rayy his four-year-old son Madjd al-Dawla [q.v] under the guardianship of his mother Sayyida and gave the governorship of Hamadhan and Kirmanshahan to Shams al-Dawla, who was also a minor. When Madjd al-Dawla grew up, he sought to overthrow his mother and with this object made an arrangement with the vizier al-Khatlr Abu cAlf b. cAlf b. al-Kasim in 397/ 1006-7. But when they sought assistance from the Kurdish chief Badr b. Hasanawayh, the latter set out for Rayy with Shams al-Dawla and took Madjd al-Dawla prisoner. The government was then given to Shams al-Dawla, and a coin of his, minted at Rayy in 397/1006-7, is extant (G.C. Miles, The numismatic history of Rayy, New York 1938, 180). But as he was not so pliant as Madjd al-Dawla, the latter was released from his prison after a year and again proclaimed ruler, while Shams al-Dawla returned to Hamadhan. After Badr had been murdered by the soldiers in 405/1014-15, Shams al-Dawla seized a portion of his territory and when the grandson of the dead man, Tahir b. Hilal b. Badr, wished to dispute the possession of it, he was defeated and thrown into prison. His father Hilal b. Badr had already been imprisoned by Sultan al-Dawla [q.v.]', but the latter released him and sent him with an army to regain the lands occupied by Shams al-Dawla. In Dhu 'l-Kacda 405 / April-May 1015, he came upon the enemy but the battle resulted in Hilal's defeat and death. After this victory, Shams al-Dawla seized the town of Rayy; Madjd al-Dawla and his mother took to flight, but when Shams al-Dawla wished to pursue them, his troops mutinied and forced him to return to Hamadhan, whereupon Madjd al-Dawla and his mother returned to Rayy. In 411/1020-1, the Turkish troops rose in Hamadhan; Shams al-Dawla appealed to Abu Dja'far b. Kakawayh, governor of Isfahan, and with his help succeeded in driving the mutinous element out of the town. In 412/1021-2, Shams al-Dawla died and was succeeded by his son Sama* al-Dawla, but within two years (414/1023-4), Hamadhan fell into the hands of the Kakuyids [q.v.]. One of Shams al-Dawla's claims to fame is his connection with the great physician and philosopher Ibn Sma [q.v], who treated the Amir medically at Hamadhan in ca. 406/1015-16 and then became his vizier until Shams al-Dawla's death, when he transferred to the service of the Kakuyid cAla° al-Dawla in Isfahan. 'Bibliography: Ibn al-Athlr, ix, 93, 144, 173-5, 182, 208, 226; Ibn Khaldun, clbar, iv, 466, 469-73; Hamd Allah Mustawfi Kazwmf, Ta'nkh-i Gu&da, ed. Browne, i, 429, 431; Wilken, Gesch. d. Sultane aus d. Geschl. Bujeh nach Mirchond, ch. xii; Weil, Gesch. d. Chalifen, iii, 53, 57;J.G. Covernton, in NC (1909), 220-40; Zambaur, Manuel, 213. (K.V. ZETTERSTEEN*) SHAMS AL-DIN [see AL-DIMASHK!; DJUWAYNI; ILDENIZ; AL-SAYDAWi; SHAMS-I TABRlz(l)].
SHAMS AL-DIN MUHAMMAD, the first postAlamut Nizarf Isma'flf imam. Born in the late 640s/1240s, he was the sole surviving son of Rukn al-Dfn Khurshah [q.v.], the last lord of Alamut. The youthful Shams al-Dfn was taken into hiding during the final months of the Nizarf state, shortly before
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the surrender of Alamut to the Mongols in Dhu 'l-Kacda 654/December 1256. He succeeded to the Nizarl imamate on the death of his father in the late spring of 655/1257. Shams al-Dm reportedly lived his life clandestinely in Adharbaydjan as an embroiderer, whence his nickname of Zarduz. Certain allusions in the still unpublished versified Safar-ndma of Nizarl Kuhistam [q.v], a contemporary Nizarl poet from Blrdjand, indicate that he evidently saw Shams al-Dm, named by him as Shams-i Dm Shah Nlmruz CA1I and Shah Shams, in Adharbaydjan, possibly in Tabriz, in 6797 1280 (see his Diwdn, ed. M. Musafla, Tehran 1371 •Sft./1992, 105, 109; Ch.G. Baiburdi, Zhizn3 i tvorcestvo Nizdii Persidskogo poeta, Moscow 1966, 158, 162). In legendary accounts, and in some oral traditions of the Isma'llls, Shams al-Dfn has been identified with Shams-i Tabriz!, the spiritual guide of Mawlana Djalal al-Dln Ruml [
on dogmatics—not all of which, thanks to al-Ramri, are extant. Of his Arabic works, the most important is Diawhar al-hakd'ik edited by van Nieuwenhuijze, whose dissertation (see BibL) is the basic work for any further study of this author, and includes a representative selection of his work alongside a penetrating analysis of their intellectual structure. The work is in the Ibn 'ArabI tradition. It breathes a spirit of intense religious devotion and presents a wide range of Sufi learning, including what may be the earliest citation of the poetry of Ibn al-Farid (lines 355-6 from al-Td3iyya al-kubrd, see van Nieuwenhuijze ed. 265) in Southeast Asian writing. Its structure is based on al-Tuhfa al-mursala ild ruh al-nabl (ed. Johns, see BibL), an Arabic work by the North Indian author Muhammad b. Fadl Allah al-Burhanpurl (d. 1590 [q.v.]), which summates the complex theosophy of Ibn cArabI in a convenient "portfolio" of seven grades of being. Shams al-Dln played a major role in popularising this "portfolio" in Sumatra, Java and in the Indonesian region generally, one which replaced the more complex theosophical system used by the earlier Achehnese mystic Hamza Fansurl [q.v], whose work shows an affiliation to an Traki-Persian transmission of the Ibn 'ArabI tradition as mediated by al-DjIlI. In the literature, he is frequently referred to as an exponent of a so-called heterodox tradition of pantheistic mysticism, many scholars taking at face-value the partisan denunciation of him and his followers by al-Ranlri, who accused him of teaching the doctrine of wahdat al-wuajud in an absolute sense, without taking into account the concept of the grades of being as understood by adherents of the wahdat al-shuhud doctrine. In view of a deeper understanding of Ibn c Arabi's ideas both in themselves and in the wider context of Islamic thought, terms such as "heterodox" and "pantheistic" no longer have a place in an historical assessment of his learning, teachings and spirituality. Bibliography: G.W.J. Drewes, Mr al-Dtn alRdmri's charge of heresy against Hamzah and Shamsuddin from an international point of view, in C.D. Grijns and S.O. Robson (eds.), Cultural contact and textual interpretation, Verhandelingen van het KITLV, cxv (1986), 54-9; A.H. Johns, The gift addressed to the spirit of the Prophet, Canberra 1965, 128-48; H. Kraemer, NoordSumatraansche invloeden op de Javaansche mystiek, in Diawa, iv (1924), 29-33; C.A.O. van Nieuwenhuijze, Sams al-Dln van Pasai, Leiden 1945; idem, Mir al-Dln al-Rdmri als bestrijder der Wugudiya, in Bijdragen, civ (1948), 337-411; Ph.S. van Ronkel, Rdmn's Maleische geschrift: expose der Religies, in Bijdragen, cii (1943), 461-80; C. Snouck Hurgronje, The Achehnese, Leiden 1906, ii, 12-13; P. Voorhoeve, Van en over Nuruddin ar-Rdnm, in Bijdragen, cvii (1951), 353-68. (A.H. JOHNS) SHAMS AL-DlN-i SIRADJ £AFIF, historian of the Dihll Sultanate in mediaeval Muslim India whose exact dates of birth and death are unknown but who may have been born around 751/1350-1; he certainly flourished during the later 8th/14th century. He stemmed from a family with long traditions of service to the ruling dynasty of sultans. His father and uncle held the office of oversight of the royal kar-khdnas or stores and workshops during the reign of Flruz Shah Tughluk (752-90/1351-88 [q.v]), and in his youth, Shams al-Dln accompanied the sultan on hunting trips. His fame arises from his history, the Ta'rikh-i Flruz Shdhi, composed at a time when there was quite a florescence of historical writing within the Sultanate, seen in Diya' al-Dln Baranl's [q.v] history
SHAMS AL-DlN-i SIRADJ £AFlF — SHAMS-I KAYS of the same name, which covers the first six years of the sultan's reign, whilst Mawlana cAbd al-'Azfz of Dihli is reported to have composed a further history with the same name. There is also the anonymous, florid and eulogistic Sirat-i Firuz Shdhi, written in 772/1370-1 (see Storey, i, 509), which reads like an official history. The sultan himself had his achievements inscribed on stone and affixed to the walls of the Friday Mosque of his new capital Ffruzabad. Shams al-Dfn cAfif undertook the task of writing separate volumes on the Tughlukids from Ghiyath al-Dfn Tughluk Shah to Muhammad b. Flriiz Shah, recounting their virtues or mandkib [q.v]. Only that volume on Firuz Shah is extant, perhaps originally entitled Mandkib-i Firuz Shdhi, and must have been written, from an internal reference, after Timur's invasion of the Sultanate in 801/1398, perhaps when the historian had returned to Dihll after Nasir al-Dfn Mahmud Shah, Ffruz Shah's last descendant, had re-occupied the capital at the beginning of the 15th century A.D. It has five sections (kism), each divided into eighteen chapters (mukaddima) of unequal length. The last three chapters of the fifth kism seem to have been lost, since they do not appear in any extant ms. Writing as he apparently did when the capital Dihlf had been devastated and the Tughlukid Sultanate was dissolving, Shams al-Dfn cAfff expresses in his book a clear nostalgia for the glories of the Sultanate. He praises Ffruz Shah as the special recipient of divine grace in terms which echo the style of the eulogy of Sufi" saints in the tadhkira literature. He also provides much useful information on social and economic life of the time. The foundation of new cities, like Ffruzabad, and the construction of canals, water reservoirs and the encouragement of agriculture are recorded. From his own background, he was especially interested in taxation and financial topics and their interlocking with agricultural policy, and he did not fail to mention abuses which had crept into administration and army affairs. His aim seems, in fact, to have been to portray the sultan as a saintly ruler, conformable to the demands of the literary genre of Sufi hagiography, and his reign as a golden age. Bibliography: The surviving part of < Afffs history was edited in the Bibl. Indica series, Calcutta 1888-91; tr. of extracts in Elliott and Dowson, History of India, iii, 269-373. See also Riazul Islam, The age of Firuz Shah, in Medieval India Quarterly, Aligarh, i/1 (1950), 25-41, on Mawlana cAbd alc Aziz's work; P. Hardy, Historians of medieval India, studies in Indo-Muslim historical writing, London 1960, 40-55; Storey, i, 509_-12. (I.H. SIDDIQUI) SHAMS AL-MA'ALI [see KABUS B. WUSHMAGIR B. ZIYAR], SHAMS-I FAKHRl [see FAHJR!]. SHAMS-I KAYS, the familiar form of the name of Shams al-Dfn Muhammad b. Kays Razf, author of the oldest Persian work on poetics, alMu'ajamfi ma'dyir ashcdr al-'aajam, which covers the full range of traditional literary scholarship. Facts about his life are only to be found in his own statements, mostly in the introduction to his sole surviving work (Mu'ajam, 2-24). His native town was Rayy, where he must have been born around the beginning of the last quarter of the 12th century. For many years he lived in Transoxania, Khwarazm and Khurasan. He relates an incident situated in Bukhara and dated 601/1204-5 (Mutant, 456). In 614/1217-18 he was living at Marw, where he wrote the first draft of his textbook in Arabic. When in the same year the Khwarazm Shah cAla' al-Dfn Muhammad (596-617/ 1200-20) marched to the west against the caliph al-
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Nasir [q.v], he joined the sultan's retinue. In 617/1220, during a battle with the Mongols near the fortress of Farzfn (between Isfahan and Hamadan), he lost all his books, but was able to retrieve some parts of the manuscript of his textbook from the local peasants. About 623/1226, he took refuge in Shfraz with Sa'd b. Zangf, the Salghurid Atabeg of Fars (599-628/120231), who admitted him to his court as a companion (mukarrab). He retained this position under Sa'd's successor Abu Bakr (628-58/1231-60). In these secure surroundings, he was able to resume the writing of his work on poetics, which had been frustrated by his constant travels and the turbulent events of the Mongol invasion. The version which he now produced was an extensive Arabic work on Arabic and Persian poetry together. However, the literati (zurafd3) and poets of Shfraz did not approve of his approach because they considered a critical discussion of Persian poetry in Arabic not very useful. Giving in to this, Shams-i Kays then dealt with the two poetical traditions separately, each in its own language. Of these two books, only the Persian one has survived. The Mu'ajam (sometimes erroneously vocalised Mucaa^ajam) consists of two parts and a khdtima. The first part contains the oldest treatment of Persian metrics still extant. The ten fundamental patterns current in Persian poetry are arranged in four circles in accordance with the system of carud [q.v.] as it had been established by al-Khaffl (89 ff.; cf. Elwell-Sutton, 77-9). Remarkable, moreover, is the discussion of the metre of the rubd'i [q.v.], which Shams-i Kays regarded as a Persian invention, tentatively attributed to Rudakf [q.v.]; it is treated as a derivative of the hazaaj pattern. The more miscellaneous contents of the second part include, first, the theory of rhyme ('ihn-i kdfiyat), which entails a discussion of Persian grammar as far as it is concerned with the definition of rhyming letters (204 ff., huruf-i kdfiyaty, attention is also given to the use of radzf and wdajib, respectively the repetition of a word after or before the rhyming letter in each line, which are special features of Persian poetry (25861). This is followed by a chapter on the embellishment of poetry (328 ff., mahdsin-i shicr), a list of rhetorical figures in the tradition of the textbooks of bad? [q.v]. In this section, the influence of Rashfd al-Dfn [q.v] Watwat is evident, but a number of Shams's figures do not appear earlier in Persian textbooks; some can be traced back to Kudama b. Djacfar [q.v] (cf. S.A. Bonebakker, The Kitdb Naqd al-sicr, Leiden 1956, Introd. 59). The treatment of poetical genres (aajnds-i shicr), which concludes this part, pays only scant attention to specifically Persian features. The khdtima is devoted to the practice of poetry (shd'iri) and plagiarism (sarikdt-i shfr). The prescription for the composition of a poem at the beginning of this appendix is a translation from Ibn Tabataba's clydr al-shicr (ed. Cairo 1956, 4 ff.). Shams-i Kays saw his work in the first place as a tool for literary criticism providing measures (macdyir) for the distinction between good and bad poetry (3, bar nakd-i nik va bad-i kaldm-i manzum) to prose writers and poets alike. In his view, poetical technique was a creation of the Arabs, and Persian poets were merely following their example (69). Nevertheless, the Mu'djam stands out as the most important contribution to Persian literary theory, both on account of its wide scope and the quality of its discussion of detail. Among the poets dealt with, by far the most often cited is Anwarf [q.v], who flourished in the first half of the 6th/12th century. Although the book never achieved the popularity of Rashfd al-Dfn Watwat's textbook,
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its influence can be found with a number of later writers on literary theory, and a few abridgements were made (see the Introd. by Mudarris-i Radawi, pp. xviii-xx). Bibliography. The first critical edition of the Mu'djam was published by Mirza Muhammad Kazwlnl, London 1909 (CMS, x), with an English introd. by E.G. Browne; revised ed. Muhammad Mudarris-i Radawi, Tehran 1314 5/Z./1935-6, 2 Tehran 1338 si/1959 (referred to in this article). See further the introd. to the editions; Storey, Persian literature, iii/1, 179; L.P. Elwell-Sutton, The Persian metres, Cambridge 1976; J.W. Clinton, Esthetics by implication: what metaphors of craft tell us about the "unity" of the Persian qasida, in Edebiyat, iv (1974), 73-96; idem, Sams-i Qays on the nature of poetry, in Studia Arabica et Islamica. Festschrift for Ihsan 'Abbas, ed. W. al-Qadi, Beirut 1981, 75-82 (with a partial tr. of the khdtimd); GJ. van Gelder, Beyond the line, Leiden 1982, 142-4; cAbd al-Husayn Zarrmkub, Nakd-i adabt\ Tehran 1362 ^.71983, i, 247-9 and passim; W. Smyth, Early Persian works on poetics and their relationship to similar studies in Arabic, in St.Ir., xviii (1989), 27-53. _ _ (J.T.P. DE BRUIJN) SHAMS-I TABRIZ(I), the name given to a rather enigmatic dervish who deeply influenced and transformed Djalal al-Dln Rum! [q.v.], and whose real name was, according to Djaml, Nafahdt al-uns, ed. Nassau Lees, 535, Shams al-Dln Muhammad b. 'All b. Malik-dad-i Tabriz!. His prose writings, Makdldt, as well as the notes by Rumfs elder son Sultan Walad [q.v.], reveal him as a man of overwhelming spiritual power. He must have been in his forties or fifties when he reached Konya on 26 Djumada II 642/23 October 1244, but next to nothing about his spiritual pedigree is known. He writes that he was a disciple of Abu Bakr Sallabaf, a basket maker, which may point to a relation with the Jutuwwa [q.v] (thus Golpmarli). A Kubrawl silsila is sometimes mentioned, and the frequent, very positive use of the term kalandar in Rumi's poetry might indicate that Shams was close to the kalandars. In his search for someone to understand him, Shams wandered through the world, always staying in caravansarays, not in religious establishments. In Trak he met Awhad al-Dln-i Kirmanl, whose claim to see the reflection of the moon in a lake when looking at unbearded youths, incited him to the well-known remark, "If you haven't got a boil on your neck, why don't you look at the sky?" For some time, Shams stayed in Syria, where he met Ibn 'Arabl [q.v], whom he did not like, as he "did not follow the Sharfa" although he found "something useful" in him. But his later comparison of Ibn c Arabl with Rum! reveals his feeling; Ibn c Arabl was, for him, a "pebble, Djalal al-Dln, a pearl". For some time, Shams was a teacher in Erzerum; but nowhere could he find someone who could bear his company, for his sharp tongue did not spare anyone, and he was quick in punishing students (although he never accepted a mund). Finally, he was guided by dreams to Konya, where he met Rumi, who "understood him". Djalal al-Dln left his teaching to spend weeks in solitude with Shams (who did not, however, believe in the necessity of the forty days' seclusion). Sensing the increasing enmity of the people of Konya, Shams left secretly on 21 Shawwal 643/15 February 1246, and in longing for him Rum! turned poet, touched like a flute by the friend's breath. Shams was finally found in Damascus, and brought back by Sultan Walad, who describes the reunion of his father with Shams, when "nobody knew who was the lover and who the beloved" (1 Muharram 645/8 May 1247).
For some months he stayed in Rumi's house, married to a girl from the household, who died a few days before he disappeared (5 Sha'ban 645/5 December 1247). Most likely he was murdered with the connivance of Rumfs younger son; his body was thrown into a nearby well besides which the makdm-i Shams was later built. Rum! probably sensed what had happened, yet did not believe in the death of the "eternally radiant Sun" and went to Syria to search for him until he realised that Shams lived in him; and he signed his poetry with his name. His later friends, Salah al-Dln Zarkiib and Husam al-Dln Celebi were nothing but "reflections" of "the Sun". His nact-i shanf shows the close connection between Shams and the Prophet, from whom he claimed to have received "the cloak of companionship". His love for the Prophet to the exclusion of all learned books, and his aversion from philosophy, is echoed in Rumfs poetry. Shams claimed to have reached the highest possible rank, that of the third degree of the beloved ones, c ma shuk, or "the kutb of the beloved ones", and Rumfs descriptions of Shams are sometimes close to his "deification". Claims have been made that Shams was an Isma'ill, all the more as a mausoleum of Shams-i Tabriz! is found in Multan. This (Indian) Shams was a contemporary of the Suhraward! master Baha1 al-Dln Zakariyya (d. 1267), and the miracles ascribed to him are as outspoken and as scaring displays of tremendous power as those of Mawlana Rumi's Shams; however, it is likely that the MultanI Shams may be identical with an Isma'IlI pir (cf. SHAMS AL-DIN MUHAMMAD). But whoever Shams-i Tabriz may have been (and that he was a real person is proven by his enormous derwish hat in the museum in Konya), the world owes to his inspiration the collection of the most fiery mystical love lyrics, the Diwdn-i Shams-i Tabriz by Rumi, and without his influence Rumfs Mathnawi would not have been composed either, for he was the inspiring power behind every word that Rumi wrote. Bibliography: 1. Texts. Kulliyydt-i Shams-i Tabriz, Lucknow 1302/1885; ed. Badlc al-Zaman Furuzanfar, 10 vols., Tehran 1336-45/1957-66; other editions, see Rypka, 787; R.A. Nicholson (ed. and tr.), Selected poems from the Diwdn-i-Shams-i-Tabriz, Cambridge 1898; Makdldt, ed. M.A. Muwahhid, Tehran 1990. 2. Studies. Browne, LHP, ii, 516-19; Golpmarli, Mevldna Celaladdin, Istanbul 1951; Rypka et alii, Hist, of Iranian literature, 240; F. Meier, %wei Abhandlungen u'ber die Naqsbandiyya, Istanbul-Stuttgart 1994; El1 art. Tibnzi (R.A. Nicholson). (ANNEMARIE SCHIMMEL) SHAMSA, a jewel used by the 'Abbasid and Fatimid [q.vv] caliphs as one of the insignia of kingship. According to the description of the Fatimid shamsa, given by Ibn Zulak (quoted by al-MakrlzI, Ittfdz al-hunafd3, i, 140-2), it was not a sunshade, as has been guessed (de Goeje, in al-Tabarl, Glossarium, p. cccxvi), but a kind of suspended crown, made out of gold or silver, studded with pearls and precious stones, and hoisted up by the aid of a chain. The shamsa, therefore, is not to be confounded with the mizalla [q.v] or sunshade which belonged also to the royal insignia. The model of the shamsa was probably the crown suspended above the head of the Sasanid king (al-Tabarl, i, 946). It served for the 'Abbasid caliphs as a symbol of legitimate rule (al-Tabarl, iii, 1553-4) and represented the authority of the absent caliph during the Pilgrimage to Mecca, where it was suspended in front of the Kacba during the he
SHAMSA — SHAMSIYYA ceremonies. The 'Abbasid shamsa was endowed by the caliph al-Mutawakkil (232-47/847-61) and studded with precious stones by al-Mu£tadid (279-89/892-902); in 311/924 it was taken by force by the Carmathian leader Abu Tahir al-Djannabf (al-Azrakf, Akhbdr Makka, ed. Wiistenfeld, 156; cAnb al-Kurtubr, 16-17, 119). The Egyptian one was made by order of the regent Kafur for the young Ikhshfdid prince Unudjur (33449/946-61). After the Fatimid conquest it was replaced by a greater one on the order of the general Djawhar for the caliph al-Mucizz; this new shamsa was for the first time hoisted above the great hall (iwari) of the palace of Cairo at the day of 'Arafa in Dhu '1-Hidjdja, 362/973 (al-Makrizi, loc. cit.). Djawhar's shamsa was carried away during the plunder of the Fatimid treasure houses in 461/1068, together with a yet unfinished new one. On this occasion we learn that Djawhar's shamsa was made out of 30,000 mithkah (132.42 kg) of gold, 20,000 dirhams (61.6 kg) of silver and 3,600 precious stones (al-Makrfzf, op. cit., ii, 294). Bibliography: H. Halm, Al-Shamsa. Hdngekronen als Herrschaftszeichen der Abbasiden und Fatimiden, in Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica, forthcoming. (H. HALM) SHAMSIYYA, a mystical brotherhood derived from the Khalwatiyya [q.v.], which came into existence and developed in the Ottoman Empire from the end of the 10th/16th century. Its founding saint, Abu '1-Thana1 Shams al-Din Ahmad b. Abi '1-Barakat Muhammad b. 'Arif Hasan al-Zrll al-Siwasf—more commonly known as Kara Ahmad Shams al-Dfn Sfwasf—was born in the small town of Zile, in eastern Anatolia, in 926/1520, and was initiated by two Khalwatf shqykhs practising in this region: the shaykh Muslih al-Din of Djum'a Pazari, and then the shaykh eAbd al-Madjrd Shirwam (d. 972/ 1565) of Tokat. At the request of Hasan Pasha, wall of Sivas, he undertook the supervision of a zdwiya, constructed at the latter's instigation in the precincts of a mosque in the town of Sivas. He taught there until the end of his life, which took place in 1006/ 1597, and he was buried in the vicinity of his zdwiya. Three elements were influential in the inception of the mystical way on which Kara Ahmad Shams al-Din left his distinguishing mark: the significant literary corpus of this individual; the number and the widespread diffusion of his khalifas:, and his participation in the campaign of Eger in Hungary. A number of works are in fact attributed to him, in verse and in prose, in Turkish and in Arabic, of which the most important are entitled: Kitdb al-Hiydd min sawb alghamdm al-fayydd, Mewlid, Mendkib-i cahdr ydr-i gu&n, Manazjl al-'dnpn, Gulshan-dbdd, ^ubdat al-asrdr ji sharh mukhtasar al-Mandr, Siiley man-name, 'Ibret-ndme, etc. (a number of these were published in Turkey from the end of the 19th century; cf. A. Golpmark, I A, art. §emsiye). Under the makhlas of Shamsf, he also left many poems and songs of a mystical inspiration. As for his khalifas, there were some thirty of them, who spread his teachings in eastern and central Anatolia— especially in the towns of Zile, Sivas, Merzifon, Turhal, Samsun, Divrigi, Kir§ehir, Ankara and Kayseri—but also in Cyprus, in Istanbul and in Cairo. As to his participation in the campaign of Eger in 1596 (in the company of several of his disciples), this marked the establishment of contact between the nucleus of the nascent brotherhood and the Ottoman authorities. In fact, the sultan Mehemmed III invited Shams al-Dm to take up residence in the capital, as a reward for his support in the victorious campaign; but the shaykh declined the invitation on account of his advanced age. The Ottoman sovereign extended the same offer,
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some years later, to his nephew and successor cAbd al-MadjId SfwasI (d. 1049/1639-40), and the latter accepted it. The centre of the network of the Shamsiyya was then shifted to Istanbul, where the brotherhood tended partially to supplant other branches of the Khalwatiyya. It was this grouping which henceforward enjoyed the goodwill of the sultan and of senior functionaries of the Empire, and occupied, throughout the first half of the llth/17th century, the centre of the religious stage. In fact, Khalwati-Shamsf shqykhs were in numerous cases appointed to serve as preachers (wd'iz), particularly in the most prestigious mosques. cAbd al-MadjId Sfwasf and his disciples were the leading protagonists in the struggle against the heterodoxy of the Hamzawf shqykhs, whom they denounced publicly. They also acted as spokesmen for the Sufi's in the bitter conflict between the latter and the Kddizddeli, representatives of the conservative and fundamentalist tendency led by Mehmed Kadfzade (d. 1635). This preponderance of the successors of Kara Ahmad Shams al-Dm in the Ottoman capital— particularly in the scholarly circles from which the majority of them emerged—favoured the expansion of the network of the Shamsiyya. This was consolidated in Anatolia (on the eastern side, the cradle of the brotherhood, but also on the western side—Ala§ehir, Manisa, Mytilene and Chios—as well as in central Anatolia (especially at Konya and Safranbolu), and in the Middle East (Damascus, Cyprus, Jerusalem, Cairo and Mecca). But it also extended into the provinces of Thrace and Macedonia (especially in the eastern region—in particular, in Gelibolu, Gulmucine/ Komotine, Havsa, Edirne, Yambol, Filibe/Plovdiv, Lofca/Lovec, Varna, Silistre/Silistra, Dobric/Tolbuhin and Kefe—as well as in Buda and the Hungarian frontier zones) and as far as the Crimea. In Istanbul itself, the establishments directed by shqykhs of the Shamsiyya flourished, in particular during the period of the nephew and successor of cAbd al-Madjfd Sfwasf, c Abd al-Ahad Nun Sfwasi (d. 1061/1651), who contributed so energetically to the progress of this branch of the Khalwatiyya that it became known by the name of Shamsiyya-Sfwasiyya or simply Sfwasiyya. At that time, the diffusion of the brotherhood generally proceeded according to the following pattern: arrival in Istanbul of a young student intent on pursuing his studies in the major metropolitan madrasas, affiliation to the tarika, and return to his native land with the object of propagating the latter. Despite its rapid expansion, the network remained relatively centralised, its heart being the tekke of Shaykh Yaws!—renamed Sfwasf Tekkesi—situated close to the Selfmiyye mosque in Istanbul, and administered by the descendants of the shaykh cAbd al-Madjfd. From the beginning of the 18th century, the brotherhood went into decline, to disappear almost totally in the 19th century, often, it seems, to the advantage of other branches of the Khalwatiyya, such as the Sunbuliyya and the Sha'baniyya [q.vv.]. In Istanbul, during the final decades of the Ottoman Empire, there were still representatives of the Shamsiyya administering a tekke in the Ta§kassap quarter. According to Dhakir Shiikrf, the tekke of Zibin-i sherff had as its shaykh a certain Mehmed Kasim al-Daghistanf al-Khalwatf al-Shemsf (d. 1328/ 1910), who was succeeded by his son, Yusuf Diva1 al-Dfn. But S. Vicdam makes it clear that, although these shaykhs possessed a silsila linking them to £Abd al-Ahad Nun Sfwasf, the tekke in question functioned as an establishment of the Nakshbandiyya. Today, this branch of the Khalwatiyya seems to have disappeared.
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As regards the doctrine and the practices of the Shamsiyya-Sfwasiyya, they were shared by the majority of the Khalwatfs; the practice of spiritual retreat (khalwa [q.v.]) and the initiation of the seven names (al-asma3 al-sabca] being two central elements. The Shamsi-Sfwasf dhikr was a dhikr daman, with a rotating movement in a circle formed by the dervishes. £Abd al-Ahad Nun is the author of a treatise defending this practice, entitled Risdlefi d£ewdzi dewrdni 'l-sufiyye. As for the adoption of the doctrine of the oneness of being (wahdat al-wudjud), cf. O. Tiirer, Turk mutasavvif ve §airi Muhammed Nazmi, which also provides further details regarding the teaching of one shaykh of the brotherhood. The characteristic tddj. of the Shamsf-Srwasf shaykhs—comprising forty separate pieces, as with the majority of the Khalwatls—was made of yellow fabric, half of it embroidered with Kufic script, surmounted by a red button and encircled by a green turban. Bibliography: Muhammad Nazmf, Hadiyyat alikhwdn, ms. Suleymaniye, Resid Ef. 495; Mustakfmzade, Khuldsat al-hadiyya, ms. Staatsbibl. Berlin, Or. fol. 4161; Kemal al-Dm Harfrf-zade, Tibydn wasd'il al-hakd3ik, Suleymaniye, Fatih 431, ii, fols. 209-17; Hiiseyin Wassaf, Sefinet iil-ewliyd3, Suleymaniye, Yazma Bagislar 2307; Sadik Widjdanl, Tumdr-i turuk-i caliyyeden Khalwatiyye silsile-ndme, Istanbul 133841, 114-17; Dhakir Shiikri Ef, Medjmuca-yi tekdyd, ed. M.S. Tay§i and K. Kreiser, Die Istanbuler Derwisch-Konvente und ihre Scheiche, Freiburg 1980; I A, art. §emsiye (Abdiilbaki Golpmark); Osman Tiirer, Turk mutasavvif ve §airi Muhammed Nazmi, Ankara 1988; Shems iil-Dln SfwasT, Gulshen-i dbdd, ed. Hasan Aksoy, Istanbul 1990; Diinden bugiine Istanbul ansiklopedisi, arts. Abdulahad Nuri and Abdulmecid Sivast (E. I§m). On the Shamsiyya in the Balkan provinces, see Nathalie Clayer, Mystiques, etat et societe. Les Halvetis dans Vaire balkanique de la fin du XVe sieck a nos jours, Leiden 1994. (NATHALIE CLAYER) SHAMSUN, the Biblical Samson of Judges, xii-xvi (12th century B.C. according to Biblical chronology), unmentioned in the Kur'an. Al-Tabarf, i, 793-5, locates him historically in the Christian era, just before St. George (Djurdjls); al-Thaelabf, cArd3is al-maajdlis, Cairo n.d., 392-3, situates him just after St. George and understands him to have been a Christian. The chronology is probably the result of the use of Christian sources for the story. The story of Samson was very popular in Christian circles, with Samson proclaimed an exemplar of victorious faith in Hebr. xi, 32, and, later, an allegorical figure of Christ. Samson's status as a Nazirite (in Aramaic, nadhird or rfdhird [see NADH!R] may also have suggested a Christian connection to some Muslims because of the similarity of the name of Samson's vow (see Num. vi, 2-8) and the name Nazareth (al-Ndsira), the home town of Jesus, and Nasdrd [q.v.], the Kur'anic term for Christians (the linking of the names was also a tendency in Christian allegorical interpretation of the story). The individuality of Samson (contrary to the general Biblical picture of judges who lead the community into battle) becomes the focus of the Muslim development of the prophetic model in Samson. Accorcling to al-Tabari's information, Samson was born into a community of unbelievers but dedicated his life to God, ever fighting the idolators. He was aided by God, specifically by being given water during battles (see Judges xv, 19). His opponents realised that they would only overcome him through his wife whom they then bribed. She tested his strength twice and subsequently nagged him until he finally revealed that he could only be subdued by his uncut hair. She
bound him with his hair while he was sleeping and, when he awoke, his enemies came, mutilated his body and took him away, powerless, to be paraded in front of the local minaret. There, Samson pulled the supports down, killing all the people (including his wife, according to al-Tha'labf, but perhaps not himself). The purified presentation of Samson is in keeping with the Christian understanding rather than the Biblical story: Samson was a great fighter and man of faith who was betrayed by his wife. There is no lust, no prostitution, and no self-destruction within the story. Bibliography: Given in the article. (A. RIPPIN) SHAMWJL (also ASHAMWIL/ASHMAWIL, &IAMCUN, SAM'UN), the Samuel of Biblical history (I Sam. i-xxviii), perhaps referred to in Kur'an, II, 246-7, in connection with the appointment of Saul [see TALUT] as king over Israel (although some exegetes see the reference to be to Joshua (Yushac), the "prophet after Moses"). The form of the name Shamwil is closer than Sham'un to the Hebrew Shcmu'el; Sham'un may be the result of some confusion between the names Simeon (Hebrew Shimcon; see Gen. xxix, 33, etc.) and Samuel, but that is unclear and confused further by attempts to incorporate etymologies of the names into the narratives. Al-Tabarf, i, 547-54, interchanges the spelling of the name throughout his account. Abu Rifa'a al-Farisi, Bad3 al-khalk wa-kisas al-anbiyd3, in R.G. Khoury (ed.), Les legendes prophetiques dans ITslam, Wiesbaden 1978, 80-4, however, recounts separate stories of Sham'un and Ashamwil (with the story of 'Ayluk—probably Eli, who is called 'All, cAylI and c Ayla in al-Taban—being placed in between the two; cf. I Sam. i); H. Schwarzbaum, Biblical and extra-biblical legends in Islamic folk-literature, Beitrage zur Sprach- und Kulturgeschichte des Orients, Bd. 30, Walldorf-Hessen 1982, 64, suggests that Sham'un here should be understood as Shamsun [q.v.~\} i.e. Samson, but the story is barely recognisable as speaking of him. AlKisa'I, Kisas al-anbiyd3, ed. Eisenberg, Leiden 1923, 250-1, and al-ThaclabI, cArd3is al-maa^dlis, Cairo n.d., 232-9, use the name Shamwil consistently. The stories of Samuel transmitted in the Islamic context concentrate on his birth and his selection of Saul; other elements of his nomination and career as a prophet are elaborated so as to fit within the common pattern of Muslim prophet stories, especially in his struggles with the unbelievers. Samuel is remembered today at his tomb at al-Nabf Samwll near Jerusalem, where there has been a mosque since the 18th century. Bibliography: Given in the article; also see the tafsir tradition on Kur'an, II, 246-7; D. Sidersky, Les origines des legendes musulmanes dans le Goran et dans les vies des prophetes, Paris 1933, 109-10; W.M. Brinner (tr.), The history of al-Taban. iii. The children of Israel, Albany, N.Y. 1991, 129-35, esp. the notes. (A. RIPPIN) SHANDl, a town in the Republic of the Sudan, on the east bank of the Nile, about 160 km/100 miles north-east of Khartum. Population, in 1956, 11,500; in 1980, 24,000; and in 1995 probably more than 30,000. The origins and early history of Shandl are unknown. It is situated in the central area of the ancient Kingdom of Meroe. Modern Shandi has been one of the main towns of the Djacaliyyun [q.v.], who since at least the 16th century until 1821 maintained a small kingdom in the area. However, the town of Shandl does not appear in the historical sources before the 18th century, and then as the seat of the king (makk) and as an important trading centre.
SHANDI — AL-SHANFARA Major caravan routes have crossed the area of Shandi since ancient times, and trade was an important factor in its foundation. Between 1770 and 1820 the town witnessed a remarkable growth which was only broken by the Egyptian invasion in 1820-1, under the command of Isma'fl Pasha [q.v.], the son of Muhammad 'All Pasha [q.v.]. Its population was then estimated at about 5-7,000 people living in 8-900 houses. A revolt against the invaders following the murder in Shandf of Isma'fl Pasha in the autumn of 1822, caused the town to be destroyed and a large part of its population to be dispersed. Subsequently, the Egyptians moved the district administration across the Nile to the sistertown of al-Matamma [q.v.], and Shandl did not recover its former prosperity before the present century. In the spring of 1884 the people of Shandf joined the Mahdist revolt against the Egyptians [see AL-MAHDIYYA] . By that time, the population numbered about 2,000, a figure which was reduced to about 500 at the turn of the century. During the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium (18991956) and thereafter, Shandi grew into a prosperous town. Its location in a rich agricultural area, its position on the north-south railway, and its relative proximity to Khartum, are all factors which have stimulated the town's growth. Agricultural expansion in the area based on pump irrigation started early in this century, and local produce like grain, vegetables and fruits is exported through Shandi. Local trades consist of carpentry, tailoring, basketry, and cotton weaving. Today, it is also an administrative and educational centre, and the seat of a military garrison. Bibliography: A. Bjorkelo, Prelude to the Mahdiyya. Peasants and traders in the Shendi region, 1821-1885, Cambridge 1989; P.M. Holt and M.W. Daly, The history of the Sudan from the coming of Islam to the present day, London 1979, 10-11, 28, 41, 50-1, 55, 57, 65, 173, 199, 223, 226; J. Bruce, Travels to discover the source of the Nik in the years 1768-1773, 5 vols., Edinburgh 1790, repr. 1972, iv, 529-31, 536, 546, v, 518; J.L. Burckhardt, Travels in Nubia, London, 2nd edn. 1822, repr. 1978, 242, 244, 247-9, 254, 257-8, 264-8, 273-7; F. Cailliaud, Voyage a Meroe, au Fleuve Blanc, au-dela de Fdzogl dans le midi du Royaume de Senndr, a Syouah et dans cinq autres oasis: fait dans les annees 1819, 1820, 1821 et 1822, 4 vols., Paris 1826, ii, 121-2, iii, 104-10; G.B. English, A narrative of the expedition to Dongola and Sennaar under the command of his Excellence Ismail Pasha, London 1822, 117, 133-41; E. Riippell, Rosen in Nubien, Kordofan und dem Petrdischen Arabien. Vorzuglich in geographischstatistischer Hinsicht, Frankfurt am Main 1829, 104-10; K.M. Barbour, The republic of the Sudan. A regional geography, London 1961, 78-9, 81, 119, 123, 145, 217-18. (J. WALKER-[A. BJORKELO]) AL-SHANFARA "he who has large lips", is the nickname, perhaps even the name (al-Zamakhsharf, introd., 8; Sharif, 15), of one of the most famous pre-Islamic su'luk poets. A great deal of confusion surrounds the man and his work; for this reason it is appropriate to handle the information concerning him with the greatest caution. 1. Life. Details relating to the life of al-Shanfara are sparse, contradictory and marked by an anecdotal quality much more pronounced than is the case with all the other pre-Islamic poets. His name is reportedly Thabit ('Amr) b. Malik, of al-Iwas b. al-Hadjr (al-Ghawth) b. al-Aws, a clan of the al-Harith b. RabVa, a subtribe of the al-Hinw (Azd) (Ibn Hablb, Asmd3 almughtdlin, in Nawddir al-makhtutdt, ii, 231). This genealogy is problematical, since it renders implausible
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the biography of the poet as it is currently accepted. (1) According to a tradition related by al-MuJarridj al-Sadusf and retained by Abu cAmr al-Shaybam, al-Shanfara was allegedly captured at a very early age by the Banu Shababa b. Fahm b. £Amr of the Kays b. 'Aylan; he remained in a state of semi-captivity until his liberation following an exchange of prisoners between the Shababa and the Salaman b. Mufridj b. Malik b. Zahran, a tribe of which the eponym was said to be Nasr b. al-Azd. He was adopted by a member of the latter tribe; according to some sources, he quarrelled with the daughter of the master of the house; according to another version, he fell in love with the girl, al-Ku'sus (Diwdn, 53), who rejected him as unworthy of her on account of his humble ancestry (al-Mufaddaliyydt, ed. Lyall, 195-6; Hamdsa, Bonn 1828, 244). Offended, al-Shanfara abandoned his adoptive clan, returned to the Banu Shababa, his erstwhile captors, and swore to avenge himself on the Salaman by killing a hundred of them. This account is invalidated by a number of implausibilities: (a) the efforts of the Salaman in seeking to liberate a man whose bloodlinks with them were distant and weak, if not nonexistent; (b) the genealogical reservations of the young Salamaniyya woman: al-Hinw b. al-Azd (eponymous ancestor of al-Shanfara) was in no way inferior in terms of eminence to his brother Nasr b. al-Azd (eponymous ancestor of the Salaman); (c) resentment as justification for the return of a captive to his former jailers. However, it is precisely this tradition which was subsequently taken up by the other sources as well as by modern research (F. Gabrieli, Ta'abbata Sharran, Shanfard, Khalaf al-Ahmar, in Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, cccxliii (1946), 1, 41-2; Sharif, 16; Yusuf Khalff, 332; Safadf and Hawf, Mawsu'at al-shicr al-cArabi, i, zl-Shi'r al-d^dhili, Beirut 1974, 61; Brockelmann, S I, 52-3; GAS, ii, 133-4; Him!, 112). (2) A genealogical text of Ibn Hazm (d. 456/1064) permits the presentation of a biography of the poet which corresponds more closely to reality; it is stated there: "To the Malik b. Zahran belong the Banu Salaman b. Mufridj b. Malik b. Zahran, a tribe (batn] to which the outlaw al-Shanfara belonged; he attacked his own kinsmen incessantly, because a fellow-tribesman of theirs had murdered his father and they refused to apply in his case the law of retaliation; he allied himself with the Banu [Shababa b.] Fahm b. 'Amr b. Kays b. 'Aylan b. Mudar who were his maternal uncles" (Ibn Hazm, D}amharat ansdb al-cArab, Cairo 1971, 386). This text, with its wealth of information, is supported by traditions which circulated in the 2nd/8th century (al-Mufaddaliyydt, 196, § 1; Aghdni, xxi, 137-8), and throws new light on them, in particular on another tradition of al-Shaybamw in this version, the mother of al-Shanfara returns to her own people, accompanied by her two young sons, after the assassination of her husband and the refusal of the tribe to avenge the blood which has been shed; the younger of the two sons dies soon afterwards. The poet grows up among his maternal uncles, the Shababa b. Fahm. On coming of age, he exacts vengeance by killing SalamanTs, including the murderer of his father, Haram b. Djabir al-Salamanf, although he is in a state of ihrdm at Mina (Aghdni, xxi, Leiden 1888, 137). He then becomes a su'luk, on amicable terms with his maternal uncle, Ta'abbata Sharran and with 'Amr b. Barrak (Hifnf, 112). In dangerous circumstances, he shows great courage; his prowess as a runner is proverbial (Ibn Sa'Id al-Andalusf, Nashwat al-tarab ft ta'rikh ajdhiliyyat al-'Arab, 'Amman 1962, i, 434; alRaghib af-Isfahanf, Maajma' al-baldgha, 'Amman 1406/
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1986, 630; al-Baghdadl, Khizana, iii, 344); on account of his dark skin, he is included in the group of the aghribat al-cArab (cAbduh Badawf, al-Shucard3 al-sud wakhasd'isuhumji 'l-shi'r al-carabi^ Cairo 1973, 23-7, denies any negroid element in the poet's ancestry). It is related that he met his death in an ambush set by the Banu Ghamid in the mountainous region to the south of Mecca, a zone controlled at this time by the Azd (Ibn Hablb, 231-2). 2. His poetry. The Dtwan, such as it has survived, presents enormous problems: the 191 verses which it comprises do not constitute in any way a classic recension; the Cairo manuscript (Dar al-Kutub, 6676, adab) is a photocopy of the work in Molla Husrev Pasa 149, used in 1936 by al-Maymanl to establish his edition of the Diwdn\ it includes three long pieces, the Ldmiyya, the Td'iyya (al-Mufaddaliyydt, xx, 194-207) and the Fd3iyya, better known by the name al-Markaba (Dlwdn, 32-5), three bravura fragments which derive from a clearly pursued artistic project. They possess, in this respect, a richness of expression, a thematic variety, and a profundity which is totally absent from all the rest, in other words, the brief fragments belonging to the poetry of circumstance (17 fragments comprising 73 verses), collected by the modern editor from various secondary sources. (a) The Ldmiyyat al-Arab This poem, the most accomplished specimen of the poetry of the scfdlik, has aroused great interest from the first decades of the 3rd/9th century to the present day, as is shown by the numerous sharks which have been devoted to it. However, the philologists of the Basra school expressed serious doubts as to its authenticity: if Yakut is to be believed, Abu cUbayda (d. 210/825) declared that the poem had been erroneously attributed to al-Shanfara (Mu'djtam al-udabd3, Beirut 1993, 1255). The entirely identical view of Ibn Durayd, relayed by al-Kall, has been mentioned by all those who have studied the poet. Is it appropriate to see in this attitude a supplementary echo of the rivalry between the schools of Basra and of Kufa? It should not be forgotten that the poetry of al-Shanfara was collected by KufT rdwiyas (Blachere, loc. cit.). Opinions are divided among modern scholars. In 1864 Noldeke expressed serious doubts as to its authenticity, noting that the ancient transmitters were unaware of its existence; furthermore, the philologists of the 3rd/9th century make no mention of it whatsoever (Beitrdge zur Kenntnis der Poesie der alter Araber, Hanover 1864, 201). Krenkow (al-Shanfara, in El1), F. Gabrieli (SuW autenticitd della Ldmiyyat al^Arab, in RSO, xv [1935], 361), and Blachere (HLA, ii, 410) essentially reproduce Noldeke's arguments, adding others relating especially to poetic style and language. Only G. Jacob, Schanfard-Studien, i, passim; and idem, Aus Schanfaras Diwdn, Berlin 1914, introd., and Brockelmann were convinced of its authenticity, basing their conclusions on the results of internal analysis, such as the use of Yemeni terms, the mention of cows, which do not figure at all in archaic poetry, and symbolic description. S. Stetkevych, 125-6, reckons that the poem is marked by a series of signs and symbols which render incontrovertible its attribution to al-Shanfara: the relations of the poet with his own people, the Azd, constitute an antidote to the normal affiliation of a tribesman to his tribe. In other words, this ode constitutes the typical process of regret for the past, an essential characteristic of the poetry of al-Shanfara. The publication of a section of the K. al-Manthur wa 'l-mangum in 1977 has cast a new light on this
problem. This work makes it possible to ratify, historically and on the basis of an ancient source, the arguments of the partisans of the authenticity of the Ldmiyya. The author of the work, Ibn Abl Tahir Tayfur (d. 280/893), is a chronicler and an anthologist of exemplary integrity. Under the heading of "unique and incomparable kasidas (al-kasd3id al-mujraddt allati Id mathil lahd)", he quotes in full the Ldmiyya of al-Shanfara (al-Manthur wa 'l-manzum, Beirut 1977, 69; the Ldmiyya in its entirety, 69-79) which was recited to him by Abu '1-Minhal cUyayna b. cAbd al-Rahman al-Muhallabl, a transmitter considered reliable (Fihrist, 157; Yakut, Udabd\ 250-1) and a contemporary of Khalaf al-Ahmar, the presumed author of the poem in the view of those who deny paternity to the Azdi poet. It may thus be affirmed that in the 2nd/8th century, in the lifetime of Khalaf, the transmitters were well acquainted with the kaslda and attributed it to al-Shanfara. This ode, which has the rhythm of a beating drum, turns its back on the poetic conventions of the Dj.dhiliyya. It reflects a purely individual register and constitutes, thereby, a negation of tribal values (w. 1-5). The self stresses its primacy in each verse by means of incessant use of pronouns and verbs in the first person singular (more than 30 instances in the first 50 verses); in parallel, an absolute rejection of the tribe is attested here, accompanied by an affirmation of its superiority over the clan as such. In fact, mutual relations are conceived in a multi-dimensional approach. The disowned tribe (v. 1) reacts; the disruptive element must be removed; the latter, feeling under threat of elimination, engages in conflict which ends in the triumph of the individual. He reigns over the desert dominating the maleficent creatures of the night, defeating the wolf (w. 27-35) and the sand grouse which he overtakes in the race for water (w. 36-41). But this is a short-lived triumph; the poet has a very clear vision of this, and knows that in the end Umm Kastal (death) will claim him; and he asks not to be buried at all. Finally, what is observed is a total disintegration of the individual and a re-unification of the tribe. In the context of form, al-Shanfara also departs from convention; he addresses his themes directly, leaving aside the nasib and the camel-driving section. (b) The Td3iyya The Td3iyya begins with a ghazal, a genuine love poem which has aroused the admiration of scholars (see BibL, Stetkevych, 136). This love takes on a double aspect: the feminine personality, the departure which is equivalent to a rejection of this love by al-Shanfara and leads to its loss. These two overlapping aspects are presented simultaneously; they are identified with one another by means of persistent recourse to the third person singular (istakallati, tawallati, a^allati, wallati; for the overlapping, see w. 10-12); the love of which the poet speaks is certainly complete. For the second aspect, it is the female companion who is praised for her moral qualities and not the female lover, as is the more frequent case. However, it is destructive vengeance which triumphs. Total pessimism is the overwhelming sense; in fact, no possibility of reconciliation is envisaged here. (c) The Fd3iyya The Fd3iyya describes a night of vigil spent by a warrior preparing himself for a razzia. As a precaution, he has established himself on a markaba (hill-top). Scrutinising the darkness, with ears wide open, he examines his bow and his arrows and proceeds, in the same vein, to give a quite detailed description of his weapons; clearly revealed are intent interest, pride
AL-SHANFARA — SHANSI and sympathy on the part of the warrior towards his companions. It is appropriate to note, in this connection, that al-Shanfara exploits a tendency of the poetry of the su'luks in describing weapons in lavish detail, thus setting himself apart from the poetry of war; in the latter, substantive adjectives are used to denote weapons (Ibn Sallam, K. al-Sildh, Beirut 1408/1988, where this tendency is clearly visible); according to a regular pattern, and with little variation, the poet confines himself to mentioning arms, rather than describing them. The only descriptions worthy of the name in pre-Islamic poetry are found among the su'luks; al-Shanfara stands apart on account of his description of contemporary weapons for shooting. Bibliography: al-Shanfara, Diwdn, in Diwdn alsa'dtik, Beirut 1413/1992, 11-54 (currently the least unsatisfactory edition); Mascudf, Muruaj, iii, 310 = § 1190; Zamakhsharf, A'ajab al-'aajabfl shark Ldmiyyat al-cArab, Damascus 1408/1987; 'Ukbarf, Shark Lamiyyat al-cArab, Beirut 1403/1983; Yakut, Udaba3, Beirut 1993, 330, 1255, 2409, 2601; poetic tr. of the Ldmiyya in M. Sells, Desert tracings, Middletown, Conn. 1989, 21-31; Ibn al-Shadjarf, Mukhtdrdt alshu'ara3 al-cArab, Cairo 1399/1979, 92-125; Baghdad!, Khizdna, Cairo 1406/1986, index; F. Gabrieli, Storia delta litteratura araba, Rome 1951, 60-2; Blachere, HIA, index; Sezgin, GAS, ii, 133-7, ix, 267; Suzanne Pinckney Stetkevych, The mute immortals speak. PreIslamic poetry and the poetics of ritual., Ithaca and London 1993, § 4, 119-57 (an excellent study based on the theory of the "abortive passage" of the ethnologist Van Gennep and offering a new reading of the Td3iyya)', Nasir al-Dfn al-Asad, Masddir al-shfr alajdhill, Cairo 1956, 173, 452-61; Yusuf Khalif, alShucard3 al-sacdlik, Cairo 1959, index, see especially 328-36 (very interesting biography); Nun Hammudf al-Kaysf, al-Furusiyya fi 'l-shicr al-ajdhilt, Baghdad 1384/1964, 139, 169, 179, 185; Muhammad Badfc Sharif, Lamiyyat al-cArab aw nashid al-sahrd3, Beirut 1964; £Abd al-Halfm Hifnf, Shicr al-sa'dltk, manhacfruhu wa-khasd3isuhu, Cairo 1987, 51, 69, 112, 161, 162-72, 179-81L 185, 187-92, 203. (A. ARAZI) SHANI-ZADE MEHMED eArA' ALLAH Efendi (1769? or 1771P-1826), Ottoman physician, historian and polymath. Son of the kadi Shanf-zade Sadik Mehmed Efendi, he pursued a religious career together with a medical education. In 1793-4 Shanf-zade attained the rank of muderris, in 1814-15 that of kadi of Eyiip, and in October 1821 that of Molla of Mecca and inspector of ewkdf. Shanf-zade suffered from the jealousy of the hekim-bashi Behdjet Efendi [see BAHDJAT MUSTAFA EFENDI] and never himself became chief physician. Meanwhile, after the wak'a-niiwis cAsim [q.v.] died, Shanf-zade was appointed official historiographer (November-December 1819). As a leader in the Beshiktash Scientific Society, Shanf-zade was suspected of Bektashf connections and, when the Janissaries were suppressed, banished to Tire (Aydin). He died two months later in September 1826, and is buried in Tire. The encyclopaedic Shanf-za.de was knowledgeable in medicine, mathematics, physics, astronomy, military science and painting. He composed poetry, and was a watchmaker. He was at home in Arabic, Persian, French and, probably, Italian and Latin. His experiments with cows proved that effective smallpox vaccine could be produced, and he advised Mahmud II to institute a vaccination campaign in Istanbul. He contributed much to modern Turkish medical terminology, especially to anatomical terms. His five-part series on anatomy, physiology, pathology, surgery, and pharmacology, written in plain Turkish, included
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translations from western works. The anatomy, Mir'dtu 'l-ebddnfi teshnh-i acdd3-i 'l-insdn, the first medical work printed in Turkish (Istanbul 1820), contained Turkey's first accurate anatomical illustrations, often modelled after those in Diderot's Encyclopedic. Shanf-zade's Ta3nkh, running from Mahmud IPs accession to 1820-1, exhibited cautious westernising leanings, mentioning such topics as parliaments, insurance and quarantine. Bibliography. I.M.K. Inal, Son asir ttirk fairleri, Istanbul 1969, i, 103-16; Erciyes Universitesi, Hekim §ani-zade Ataullah, Kayseri 1989 (bibliographies); 'Othmdnlt mil3ellifleri, iii, 221-2; Babinger, 346-7; A.S. Unver, Tiirkiyede cicek asm ve tarihi, Istanbul 1948; Gill Russell, The process of cultural transmission in anatomical illustration, in E. Ihsanoglu, Transfer of modern science and technology to the Muslim world, Istanbul 1992, 195-212; A.A. Adivar, Osmanh Tiirklerinde Him, Istanbul 1943, 191-4; A.S. Unver, Osmanh tababeti ve Tanzimat hakkinda yeni notlar, in Tanzimat, Istanbul 1941, i, 935-6, T.X. Bianchi, Notice sur le premier ouvrage d'anatomie et de medecine imprime en turc a Constantinople en 1820, Paris 1821. (R.H. DAVISON) SHANSI (Shan-hsi, Shan-xi), a province of north Central China watered by the Huang ho (Yellow River) and its tributaries. Of the total population of Shansi which numbers 32,882,403, Muslims (Hui-min, Hui-tsu) number about 130,000 (in 1990). Densely-populated places of Shansi Muslims are: Hsi-an (pop. 53,753), Hsien-yang, Ta-li (T'ung-chou), Wei-nan, Pao-chi, An-k'ang (Hsing-an), Nan-cheng (Han-chung) and other villages along the Wei River. The Muslim population of Shansi before 1862 is estimated at about 1,500,000-2,000,000, but about 1,000,000 of them were reportedly slaughtered by Han Chinese during the Muslim Rebellion of 1862-78; others fled to neighbouring Kansu [q.v.] province for safety. As to the origin of Shansi Muslims, there were some Muslims in Shansi under the T'ang dynasty (8th-9th centuries), while many Arab and Persian Muslims emigrated from West Asia to Shansi under the Mongol Yuan dynasty in the 13th-14th centuries. In 1280 Nasr al-Dfn, son of a Muslim general and governor of Yunnan province, Shams al-Dfn Sayyid-i Adjall e Umar (1211-79), came to Shansi as local minister, and Muslims there increased. In the late 13th century, Prince Ananda, Yuan viceroy of Shansi and Tangut, was stationed at Kinjanfu (Hsi-an) with an army of 150,000. He was a believer in Islam from early childhood, and it is reported that a great number of the troops were converted to Islam (Rashfd al-Dfn). Under the Ming dynasty which overthrew the Yuan, Shansi Muslims were naturalised as Chinese Muslims (Hui-min). In April 1862, when a group of Taiping rebels invaded southern Shansi from Sichuan, the Ch'ing authorities who tried to attack them happened to mishandle local Muslims, between whom and the local Chinese in Shansi there had long been antagonism. At first, Muslims at Hua-chou broke out against local Chinese inhabitants, and Muslim rebellion spread over various places along the Wei River, extending to Kansu province. The Ch'ing authorities managed to suppress those Muslim rebels, and even massacred a great mass of Shansi Muslims. Consequently, they were dispersed and their population considerably decreased up to the early 20th century. Shansi Muslims mostly belong to the Hanaff rite like other Chinese Muslims. Originally, they had about 300 mosques in Shansi but they have now 118 mosques, large and small, the most prestigious and
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SHANSI — SHANT YAKUB
archaic one being Hsi Ta-ssu (West Large Mosque) at Hsi-an. Shansi Muslims have been and are engaged in retail trade, restaurant and inn-keeping, cattlebreeding, fur-trading, farming and transport. Hsi-an has been historically a centre of Chinese Muslim culture and learning in Shansi since Ming times. Shansi Muslims now co-exist with Han Chinese under the minority peoples' policy of Communist China, as is the case with other provinces. Bibliography: M. Broomhall, Islam in China. A neglected problem, London 1910; Wen-Djang Chu, The Muslim rebellion in Northwest China 1862-1878. A study of government minority policy., The Hague 1966; J.A. Boyle, The successors of Genghis Khan. Rashid al-Din Tablb, translated from the Persian, New York and London 1971; J.N. Lipman, Patchwork society, network society. A study of Sino-Muslim communities, in Islam in Asia, ii, Southeast and East Asia, Jerusalem 1984; Hu Chen-hua, Chung-kuo Hui-tsu ("A survey of Chinese Muslims"), Yin-chou, Ning-hsia 1993. (T. SAGUCHI) SHANT MANKASH, the modern Simancas, a village of the Spanish province of Vallado lid, some 10 km/6 miles from that town, on the Douro, known above all for its castle, in which the state archives of Castile, mainly for the 16th and 17th centuries, are preserved. The site, situated on a bluff commanding a ford over the Douro, was occupied in Roman and Visigothic times, and "repopulated" by Alfonso III, King of Leon, together with other towns along the line of that River (Zamora, Toro and Duenas), probably in the last years of the 9th century, when the Christians were able to profit from the feeble state into which the amirate of Cordova had been plunged. After the accession of cAbd al-Rahman III and the "restoration" of the Umayyad caliphate, the state of al-Andalus sought to regain the lost territory to the north of the Meseta. In 327/939 the caliph personally led an expedition, the ghazwat al-kudra, especially aimed at the town of Sammura/Zamora. But on 11-12 Shawwal/8-9 August he suffered a check before Simancas, followed by another defeat, in the course of his withdrawal, that of al-Khandak/Alhandega. This defeat was apparently to be explained by the treachery of certain officers in the caliphal army, marked by the crucifixion of 300 of them after the return to Cordova. There has been much discussion on how al-khandak ("the trench", or a place thus named) should be understood and on the place in question, and consequently whether there were two successive battles (Simancas and Alhandega) or just one (Simancas, finishing in the trench). Dozy's theory, on the slender basis of the opinion of Spanish authors of the 16th century (cf. his Recherches*, i, 161), placed al-Khandak to the west of Simancas, near Salamanca, towards the river Alhandega, an affluent of the Tormes, but this was opposed by M. Gomez Moreno, who placed it in the opposite direction, at Albendiego, in the modern province of Guadalajara, on the Roman road from Osma to Sigiienza, and by Levi-Provencal who, after having followed Dozy in his El1 art. Simancas, in 1950 thought, relying on the texts of Ibn al-Khatfb and al-Himyarf which he had published, that the reference was to the trench into which Ramiro II's troops hurled down troops of cAbd al-Rahman al-Nasir at the end of the battle of Simancas. But doubts seem to have been raised since the publication of vol. v of Ibn Hayyan's Muktabis, reproducing the narrative of Tsa al-Razf, which agrees on this point with the most ancient Christian source,
the Anaks Castellanos Primeros, and since P. Chalmeta's article Simancas y Alhandega, in Hispania, xxxvi/133 (1976), 359-444. There could well have been two distinct battles, separated by some fifteen days, with the second one to be situated towards the east, in the confused, mountainous zone separating the upper valley of the Douro from that of the Henares, even if a completely satisfying solution of its exact localisation has not yet been found. There is a similar divergence regarding the seriousness, and the longterm significance, of the caliphal defeat. Chalmeta reduces the event's significance, pace the Spanish historical tradition. It is nevertheless true that eAbd al-Rahman III led personally no more expeditions into Christian territory after this one, in which he was almost captured, and that the military reforms of al-Mansur, with long-term effects in the period of the fall of the caliphate, responded, at least in part, to the lack of confidence which could be accorded to the officers of the ajund, as appeared on the Simancas battlefield. The abortive attempt of 'Abd al-Rahman III towards the Meseta del Norte was taken up later, with greater tenacity, by Ibn Abl cAmir al-Mansur. In particular, in his eighteenth campaign (373/983), he captured and destroyed Simancas. But if the hadjib envisaged a policy of reconquest, and not merely one of devastation, in these regions, and had the intention to hold at least the line of the Douro, with a garrison and a governor at Sammura/Zamora, this policy collapsed with the crisis of the caliphate of Cordova in 399/1009. Bibliography. 1. Sources. Akhbdr maajmu'a, Madrid 1967, text 155-6, tr. 135, Beirut 1981, 137; Mas'udT, Murudt, ed. Pellat, §§ 403, 918; Ibn al-Athfr, tr. Fagnan, Annales du Maghreb et de I'Espagne, 324; Bakrl, Diughrafiyyat al~Andalus wa 'l-Urubba, ed. al-Hadjdjr, Beirut 1968, 78; Ibn Hayyan, Muktabis, Paris 1937, iii, 19, 28, tr. Machado Mouret, in Cuardemos de Historia de Espana, xiii (1950), 176, xv (1951), 158 (inexact tr., which does not distinguish between the battle (wak'a) of Simancas and the expedition (ghazwd) of al-Khandak); Ibn Hayyan, v, ed. Chalmeta et alii, Madrid-Rabat 1979, 434-47 tr. Chalmeta, in Simancas y Alhandega, 364-83, tr. F. Corriente and MJ. Viguera, Cronica del Califa c Abdarrahmdn III, Saragossa 1981, 323-36; Ibn al-Khatfb, A'mal, Rabat 1934, 42, tr. O.A. Machado Mouret, in Las batallas de Simancas, 390-1, tr. Hoenerbach, in Islamische Geschichte Spaniens, Zurich-Stuttgart 1970, 119-20; Himyarl, ed. Levi-Provensal, text 98, tr. 121, ed. 'Abbas, 324-5; Makkarf, ed. Dozy, Analectes, i, 228; Historia Siknse, ed. Urbel and RuizZorrilla, 167; R.Jimenez de Rada, De rebus Hispaniae, bk. 5, ch. 7, tr. Valverde Fernandez, 197-8. 2. Studies. Dozy, Hist., ed. Levi-Provencal, ii, 156; Dozy, in Recherches3, i, 156-70; Levi-Provensal, Hist. Esp. mus., ii, 57-61; I. de las Cagigas, La batalla de Simancas del ano 939, in Archives Leoneses, iv (1950), 53-72; H. Grassotti, Simancas: problemas y hipotesis, in An. de Estud. Med., iii (1966), 425-40; Machado Mouret, Las batallas de Simancas y de Cervera descritas por Ibn al-Jatlb, in CHE (1967), 385-95; P. Chalmeta, Simancas y Alhandega', G. Martinez Diez, La campana de Simancas del ano 939, Castrobon y el Barranco: ubicacion exacta, in CHE, Ixv-lxvi (1981), 21-30; E. Manzano Moreno, La frontera de al-Andalus en epoca de los Omeyas, Madrid 1991, 361-3. (J.-P. MOLENAT) SHANT YAKUB, the Arabic form of the place name St. James of Compostella, Span. Santiago de Compostela, at the present time in the province
SHANT YAKUB — SHANTABARIYYA of La Corufia, in Galicia. The "discovery" in the first half of the 9th century of the grave of the Apostle St. James the Greater, who had allegedly come to evangelise the Iberian Peninsula, and whose remains were said to have been brought, after his death in Jerusalem, to Galicia, was the origin of the town's development and of the pilgrimage thither, its church being described by Ibn Tdharf as the equivalent, for the Christians, of the Kacba for the Muslims. In 387/997 Ibn Abi 'Amir al-Mansur led against the shrine his 48th campaign, the most famous one, for which Ibn Tdhan has transmitted a fairly detailed account, probably stemming from an official bulletin announcing the victory. The expedition left Cordova, passed through Coria and then through the north of modern Portugal, reaching its destination after crossing difficult mountainous regions. It was supported by a fleet which had left the great arsenal of Kasr Abf Danis (Alcacer do Sal), and by the rallying to it of some at least of the military and civil chiefs, the counts, of the lands through which it passed. Having arrived at Santiago on 2 Shacban/10 August, it found the town abandoned by its inhabitants; the army then destroyed it completely in the course of the following week, including the shrine, but not the tomb itself, respected on al-Mansur's express orders. Part of the army pushed on northwards to the outskirts of La Corufia, but the mass of troops beat a retreat and returned to Cordova, after having once more devastated the lands of the king of Leon but not those of the counts allied to the Muslims. According to the Christian sources, the Muslim army is said to have suffered from dysentery on its retreat. The character of this expedition, more a demonstration of force to impress and humiliate the Christian enemy, but also to show them the possibility of a rally of forces, than a real operation for conquest, is further illustrated by the episode of the gates and bells of the shrine, brought to Cordova on the backs of captured Christians, to be placed in the roof or to serve as lamps in the Great Mosque there, an episode recounted by other sources, Muslim as well as Christian (Ibn Khaldun, al-Makkarf, Jimenez de Rada and Lucas of Tuy). It nevertheless seems that the cAmirid sacking only momentarily slowed up the growth of Santiago de Compostela; Bermudo II, king of Leon (d. 999) immediately began rebuilding it. The building of the Romanesque basilica began in 1075. Bibliography: 1. Sources, (a) Arabic. Ibn Tdharf, ed. Colin and Levi-Provengal, ii, 294 ff., tr. Fagnan, ii, 491-5; Ibn Darradj al-Kastallf, Diwdn, ed. Makkf, tr. M. Lachica Garrido, Almanzor en los poemas de Ibn Darray, Saragossa 1979 (esp. poems 120 and 128 of the ed.); anon., Dhikr bilad alAndalus, ed. and tr. L. Molina, Madrid, 1983, text i, 193-4, tr. ii, 203-4; anon., Mafakhir al-Barbar, ed. Levi-Provensal, Rabat 1934, 29; Ibn Khaldun, 'Ibar, tr. in Dozy, Recherches\ i, 101; Ibn al-Khatlb, A'mal, pt. 2, ed. Levi-Provencal, Rabat 1934, 76-7, tr. Hoenerbach, Islamische Geschichte Spaniens, 164-6 (gives Ibn Tdharf's account); Makkarf, ed. Dozy, Analectes, i, 268, ii, 146. (b) Hispano-Christian. These include the Historia Composteliana, bk. i, ch. 2, § 8; Sampiro, Cronica; Lucas of Tuy, Chronicon mundi', Jimenez de Rada, De rebus Hispaniae, bk. 5, ch. 16. 2. Studies on the expedition of 997. Dozy, Hist, ed. Levi-Provencal, ii, 257-62; Levi-Provencal, Hisp. Esp. mus., ii, 247-50; M/A. Makkr, La Espana cristiana en el diwan de Ibn Darray, in Bol. de la Real Acad. de Buenos Letras de Barcelona, xxx (1963-4), 69-
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73; M. Fernandez Rodriguez, La expedicion de Almanzor a Santiago de Comopostela, in Cuad. Hist. Esp., xliii-xliv (1967), 345-63; R.P. de Azevedo, A expedifao de Almanzor a Santiage de Compostela em 997..., in Revista Port, de Hist., xiv (1974), 73-93; F. Maillo Salgado, Los drabes en la meseta norte en el periodo Emiral y Califal, in Las tres culturas en la Corona de Castillay los Sefardies, Salamanca 1990, 248-9. 3. S t u d i e s on a l - M a n s u r ' s c a m p a i g n s against Leon in general. J.M. Ruiz Asencio, in Anuario de Estudios Medievales, v (1968), 1-32; idem, in Archives Leoneses, xlv-xlvi (1969), 215-41; L. Molina Martinez, in Al-Qantara, ii (1981), 209-63, iii (1982), 468-72; L. Carriedo Tejedo, in Estudios Humanisticos, Leon, viii (1968), 165-79; J. Canada Juste, in Anaquel de Estudios Arabes, iv (1993), 25-36. 4. On Santiago de Compostela in general. L. Vazquez de Parga et alii, Las peregrinaciones a Santiago de Compostela, Madrid 1948-9, and Pamplona 1992, with bibl. appx. (1949-92); F. Lopez Alsina, La ciudad de Santiago de Campostela en la Alta Edad Media, Santiago 1988; idem, in El camino de Santiago y la articulacion del espacio hispdnico, Pamplona 1994. (J.-P. MOLENAT) SHANTABARIYYA, a place name of mediaeval al-Andalus (the two component elements shanta and bariyya may be written separately or as one), the Arabic transcription of Spanish Santaver, ancient Sontebria (Centobriga). It denoted both the province and its chef-lieu. The kura (balad, bilad, famal, see Ibn Hayyan, Muktabis, ed. Makkr, Beirut 1973, 330, ed. Chalmeta et alii, Madrid 1979, v, 136, 245) "province" of Shantabariyya lay on high ground not far from the confluence of the Guadiela and the Tagus to the south-east of Guadalajara (Wadf '1-Hidjara) (Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. mus., i, 112 n. 3). It was a fertile region famed for its pasture and arable land, and its valleys grew hazel nuts and walnuts (Yakut, Bulddn, ed. Beirut, iii, 366; Levi-Provencal, La "Description de I'Espagne d'Ahmad al-Ra&", in And., xviii [1953], 80). The difficulty of access of much of its mountainous areas, and the disinclination of its inhabitants (largely Berber) to submit to the central authority in Cordova, made Shantabariyya the focus of more than one revolt. The most serious was that launched by the celebrated Fatimid ddci or missionary, the Berber Shakya b. cAbd al-Wahid, at the head of his fellow-countrymen in 151/768. Several expeditions, some led by cAbd al-Rahman I in person, were needed before it was finally and definitively suppressed in 160/776-7. The important strategic position of Shantabariyya led the most powerful of the Berber families of al-Andalus, the Banu Musa b. Phi '1-Nun (Dozy, Hist, des Mus. d'Espagne, Leiden 1932, i, 86; DHU 'L-NUNIDS), to make it their inacessible and easily defensible residence (ikta'aduhd ddra man{atm). Al-Fath and Mutarrif, Musa's two sons, brought together their forces, rebelled against the authority of Cordova and became masters of Shantabariyya. They built there fortresses and fortifications, and founded new villages, and under their rule, the population grew and the region enjoyed prosperity and security (Ibn Hayyan, ed. Antufia, Paris 1937, iii, 17). In particular, al-Fath constructed the town of Uklfsh (Ucles) at the end of the 9th century, which became the chef-lieu of the region (al-Himyari, Rawd, ed. 'Abbas, Beirut 1984, 61). It was not until 312/924 that it abandoned all tendency towards independence. In that year, cAbd al-Rahman III, on his return from his victorious expedition to Pamplona, (the ghazwat Banbalund) against the Christians, passed through the district of Shantabariyya, where he
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SHANTABARIYYA — SHANTAMARIYYAT AL-GHARB
received the submission of two of the Berber Dhu '1-Nunids, Yahya b. Miisa and his nephew Yahya b. al-Fath b. Musa. At the present time, there still exists a fortress some 60 km/35 miles to the east of Guadlaja and ca. 70 km/ 40 miles to the north-west of Cuenca, called Castro de Santaver (Ibn Hayyan, ed. Makkl, 341 n. 560). However, we have no information which might allow us to acknowledge or to deny any link between this citadel and our Shantabariyya. Bibliography. In addition to references in the text, see the EP arts. CABD AL-RAHMAN. 3. and AL-ANDALUS, at vol.
I, 490.
(OMAR BENCHEIKH)
AL-SHANTAMARI, ABU 'L-HADJPJADJ YUSUF b. Sulayman al-Andalus! al-Nahwi, Spanish Muslim grammarian and philologist, known as al-A'lam al-Shantamarf (the first epithet from his hare-lip; it became a family name, and his eldest son, kadi at Shantamariyya, became known as Ibn al-Aclam), born at Shantamariyyat al-Gharb [q.v] (modern Faro, on the southern coast of Portugal) in 410/1019, died at Seville in 476/1083. In 433/1041 he moved from his home town to Cordova, where he studied, and became, in his turn, a famed master in the fields of grammar, lexicography and classical Arabic poetry, fields which enjoyed a great florescence in the Andalus of his time. In the years before his death, he became blind. He was a prolific author (see Ibn Khayr, Fahrasa, 315, 388-9, 422, 432, and clyad, Ghunya, 178, 229), and part of his output has survived till today. Amongst his grammatical works were his D^JL^ fihi al-fark bayn al-mushib wa 'l-mushab wa 'l-ma^ala al-zanburiyya (given in al-Makkarf, Nqfh, iv, 77-9); D^az? fihi mcfrifat huruf al-mucdj.am; K. al-Mas3ala al-rashid; al-Mukhtdr fi }l-nahw; K. al-Nukatfi Kitdb Sibawayh (ed. Z.£A. Sultan, Kuwayt 1987); and Shark al-^umal li n-^a^d^i (GAS, ix, 90 no. 10). His most famo'us work is probably the Shark dawdwin al-shucard3 al-sitta al-dj.dhiliyyin (authors of the Mu'allakat except al-Harith b. Hilliza) (GAS, ii, 109, 112, 122, ix, 265-6; the most recent editions are those of M. cAbd al-Muncim Khafadja, 1954, and of Beirut 1992; and there are separate editions of each of the six commentaries). Al-Shantamarl wrote other commentaries on the works of Abu Tammam (Sharh K. al-Hamdsa li-Abi Tammam, ed. CA1I Mufaddal Hammudan, Beirut-Damascus 1992; and Sharh shi'r Habib — Abu Tammam), as well on verses gathered together in grammatical works (Sharh abydt al-D}umal li } l-^aaj^daj.T} GAS, ix, 90 no. 11; and K. cUyun al-dhahab Ji shark Kitdb Sibawayh, GAS, ix, 60 no. 43, ed. with Slbawayh's Kitdb, Cairo 1316-17/1889-90). He also compiled a Fahrasa and an opusculum called Ma'rifat al-anwd3 (resume in I^ut? fihi mukhtasar al-anwd3). For his transmissions of grammar and poetry, see Ibn Khayr, 305, 321, 324-5, 328-30, 333, 338, 340, 3467, 389, 392, 398, 402-3. Bibliography. Ibn Bashkuwal, Sila, no. 1391 ed. Cairo, no. 1506; Yakut, Udabd3, xx, 60-1 no. 35; Ibn Khallikan, ed. 'Abbas, vii, 81-3 no. 841; Dhahabf, Siyar acldm al-nubald3, xviii, 555-7 no. 285; c UmarI, Masdlik al-absdr, facs. ed. vii, 187-8; Suyutl, Bughya, ii, 356 no. 2178; Makkari, Nqfh, index; Pons Boigiies, Ensayo, 157-8 no. 118; Brockelmann, I2, 376-7, S I, 542; Zirikll, viii, 233; Kahhala, Mu'allifin, xiii, 302-3; Sezgin, GAS, ii, 109, ix, 60; El1 art. al-Aclam (C. Brockelmann); M. Marin, La actwidad intelectual, in Historia de Espana Menendez Pidal, viii/1 (Los reinos de Taifas), Madrid 1994, 533, 538; M. Fierro, Historia de los autoresy transmisores andalusies (in course of publication). (MARIBEL FIERRO and MANUELA MARIN) SHANTAMARIYYAT AL-GHARB, a town of
mediaeval al-Andalus, the modern Faro, capital of the Algarve province [see GHARB AL-ANDALUS] of southern Portugal. It passed under Arab control in Shawwal 94/June 713 after the capture of Seville. Both the town and the region took on the name of Roman antiquity, Ossonoba, in the form Ukhshunuba or better, Ukshunuba. Then from the 4th/10th century there appears the name Shantamariyya or Shanta Marllat al-Gharb, and, in the next century, Sh. Harun, the name of one of the masters of the town at that time. These two qualificatives enable the town to be distinguished from the town Shantamariyyat al-RazIn or Sh. al-Shark [q.v], sc. Albarracin. It was the Christians who, in 1233, corrupted Harun into Faaron or Faaram, soon afterwards yielding Faro. The Arabic sources are hazy about the town and its district until the 4th/10th century, describing it then as relatively prosperous (E. Levi-Provencal, La description de I'Espagne d'Ahmad al-Rd&, in al-And., viii [1953], 91; Ibn Hawkal, ed. Kramers, 115). But these same sources show that towards the end of the 3rd/9th century and the opening of the next one, a dynasty of muwallad origin, the Banu Bakr b. Zadlafa, restored the town, which became the capital of a sort of small, autonomous state during the amirate of cAbd Allah and the beginning of that of 'Abd al-Rahman III (Ibn Tdharf, Baydn, ed. Dozy, re-ed. G.S. Colin and LeviProvensal, Leiden 1948-51, ii, 137) until 317/929. Shantamariyya lost its position as the first town of the Algarve to Silves [see SHILB] in the course of the 4th/10th century, though it remained the seat of a kadi (J.D. Domingues, Ossonoba na epoca drabe, in Anais do Municipio de Faro, Faro 1972, 37-8). It again became the capital of a petty state in the period of the Muluk al-Tawd3if [q.v.] under the rule of Sacld b. Harun (417-33/1026-42) and then of his son Muhammad until 443/1052, when Shantamariyya, like all the region, passed under the rule of the cAbbadids [q.v.] of Seville. It is mentioned under ensuing dynasties, such as the Almoravids and the next period of Taifas— for a brief while under the authority of the Sufi Ibn KasI of Silves—and then the Almohades. It was one of the last towns of the Algarve to fall, in 647/1249, to Alfonso III of Portugal. The town remained one of the centres of the Yahsubl Arabs who came there at the time of the conquest, but several bloody defeats at the hands of £ Abd al-Rahman I and the latter's killing of the chief of the Abu '1-Sabbah al-Yamanl clan in 163/779-80 weakened this group, which fell back on Niebla and Silves. The seizure of power, in the 880s, by the Banu Bakr b. Zadlafa marked the ascendancy, as a local power, of the muwalladun, who "transformed the town into a fortress" (him) (Ibn Tdharl, loc. cit.). This reconstruction was part of a general movement of expansion and prosperity in the Algarve during cAbd Allah's amirate inspired by local forces (Ibn Hayyan, Muktabis, ed. 1979, 96). The seizure of power by other muwalladun during the 5th/llth century was based on the growing popularity of the pilgrimage to the Virgin Mary mentioned by al-KazwIni (Athdr, ed. Wiistenfeld, 394) and al-Himyarl (ed. and tr. Levi-Provencal, La Peninsule iberique au Moyen Age d'apres le "Kitdb Rawd al-Mi(tdr}}, Leiden 1938, text 115, tr. 140), which was to last till the Christian reconquest (Alfonso X, Cantigas de Santa Maria, ed. W. Mettmann, Coimbra 1959, no. 183) and in which both Christians and Muslims, probably muwalladun, took part. Arabic authors like al-ldrlsl evoke the florescence of the Muslim community, shown by at least a congregational mosque, a mosque of the quarter and a sort of assembly
SHANTAMARIYYAT AL-GHARB — SHANTAMARIYYAT AL-SHARK (ajamd'a). For intellectual life, we know of the names of some well-known poets and writers from there, such.as Ibn Salih al-Shantamarl in the 7th/13th century, some famous kddts there and the importance of the town and its district for Sufism. The town also flourished economically through its position as a port, with al-Himyari (loc. cit.) mentioning that the port was frequented by ships and had a dockyard for naval construction (ddr al-sindca). Maritime activity increased in the 6th/12th century through the efforts of the Banu Harun, who, like other Taifas of the coastlands, had fleets and dockyards supplied by the plantations of pines on the islands and in the hinterland of the town. Its site along a lagoon favoured fishing, an activity stimulated by the pilgrimage, and the cultivation of figs and grapes and production of oil had a commercial orientation towards al-Andalus, the Maghrib and Egypt. The town itself faced both landwards and seawards, being "built on the shores of the ocean, with its walls bathed by the waves of the high tide" (al-Idrfsi, Opus geographicum, Naples-Rome 1975, text 543, tr. Dozy and de Goeje, Description de I'AJrique et de I'Espagne, repr. Leiden 1968, 217). The mediaeval walls, largely rebuilt by the Christians in the 13th century, have retained, to the north-west of the town, traces of a gate topped by a Norman arch, leading one to think that the internal area of about 9.5 ha corresponds to the Islamic madina (B. Pavon Maldonado, Ciudades y fortdlezas lusomusulmanas. Cronicas de viajes por el sur de Portugal, in Cuadernos de Arte y Arqueologia, v [Madrid 1993], 71-9). The sites of the cathedral, built two years after the reconquest of the town, and the fortress, protecting access to the seashore, correspond respectively to the sites of the Great Mosque and the Muslim kasaba. In 1252 the town was placed under the protection of Alfonso X of Castile, protector of the Muslim ruler Ibn Mahfuz. Once it returned to Portuguese hands in 1266, endowed with charters, it speedily resumed its maritime role. Bibliography (in addition to references given in the text): 1. Sources. See also Kazwfm, tr. F.R. Castro, El Occidente de al-Andalus en el Athdr al-Bildd de al-Qazubini (1203-1283), 1990. 2. Studies. J.C. Garcia, 0 espaco medieval da Reconquista no Sudeste da Peninsula Iberica, Lisbon 1986, C. Torres, 0 Garb al-Andaluz, in J. Mattoso, Historia de Portugal, Lisbon 1992, I, 362-447; Ch. Picard, Histoire de I'Espagne occidentale et du Portugal a I'epoque musulmane, Paris 1995; idem, L'essor des localites de I'Algawe a I'epoque musulmane (XF-XIIF siecle), in Cahiers d'Histoire, xxxvii (Lyons 1992), 3-21; A Sidarus, 0 Alentejo durante a grande dissidencia lusomiqulmana do secolo IX/X, in Nos e a Historia. Adas do Encontro Regional de Historia, Univ. of Evora, Jan. 1990, Evora 1990, 31-44. (CH. PICARD) SHANTAMARIYYAT AL-SHARK, a name often confused in the sources with Shantabariyya, which corresponds to the depopulated modern place name Santaver in Cuenca province. Sh. al-Shark (thus to distinguish it from Sh. al-Gharb) corresponds to modern Albarracin, a small town 45 km/28 miles from Teruel, in the province of the same name in Aragon. The town derives its present name from the Hawwara Berber family of the Banu Razfn [q.v.], who were established at an unknown date in the Sahla, the fertile district around Albarracin. The supposed ancestor Razm al-Burnusf is said to have come with the conqueror Tarik b. Ziyad, and was then given land at Cordova. His alleged descendants (since Ibn Hazm seems to deny the connection) governed the
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Sahla with more or less loyalty to the Umayyads. After a revolt of the Sahla in 346/957-8 headed by Marwan b. Hudhayl b. Razm, the family submitted to cAbd al-Rahman III. In 361/972 Yahya b. Hudhayl and his sons, and Marwan's four sons, obtained from al-Hakam II a grant, in favour of the latter, of the c amal of their father, and three years later, the nine sons of Yahya likewise obtained a grant of their father's heritage. During the crisis of the caliphate, in 403/1012-13 a member of the family, Abu Muhammad Hudhayl b. cAbd al-Malik, called Ibn al-Aslac, proclaimed his independence as hdajib, with the tides Tzz al-Dawla and Dhu '1-Madjdayn. Sulayman al-Mustacm, the "caliph of the Berbers", confirmed him in his lands, but also reproached him, probably for not being able to intervene in his favour. From the next year onwards, Hudhayl built, or rebuilt, his little capital, Shantamariyya, whose name, hitherto unknown, since only Sahla is found, suggests the presence, otherwise imperfectly known, of a Mozarab community. Hudhayl maintained himself, staying apart from the wars of the Taifas, and fending off al-Mundhir of Saragossa, who coveted his territories. The sources praise his good qualities and the prosperity he brought to his principality. When in 436/1044-5 he died after a reign of over 30 years, his son cAbd al-Malik, called in his father's life time Husam al-Dawla and then subsequently Djabr al-Dawla, al-Hadjib Dhu '1-Riyasatayn, succeeded him, with an even longer reign of 58 solar years. The sources regard him harshly, but the times were certainly now less propitious. He may possibly early have suffered attacks from Castile, though the notice of Ibn al-Kardabus that Ferdinand (1037-65) is said to have taken Shantamariyya, balad Ibn Ra&n, is unconfirmed elsewhere. After the capture of Toledo by Alfonso VI (478/1085), he had to accept with a good grace the insults of the Christian king, who sent him a monkey in exchange for his presents. His vacillating policy reveals the feebleness of his miniature principality. After Zallaka (479/1086), he ceased paying tribute to Castile-Leon, but three years later had to accord it to the Cid. In 1092 he annexed Murviedo (Sagonta), and concluded a treaty of friendly neutrality with the Cid. When the latter besieged Valencia, cAbd al-Malik tried to ally, early in 1093, with the king of Aragon in order to help him occupy the town. But the Cid, warned by the Aragonese, invaded cAbd al-Malik's lands, and forced him to help in the siege of Valencia, which fell in June 1094. He then allied with the Almoravids who came to besiege Valencia (48 7 / autumn 1094), and took part in the battle of Cuarte, from which he fled. When cAbd al-Malik died in 496/1103, his son Husam al-Dawla Yahya succeeded him. But with Valencia now in the hands of the Almoravids, the governor Abu eAbd Allah Ibn Fatima deposed Yahya and annexed his state (497/1104). Ca. 1170 Albarracin passed into Christian control, either, according to the traditional account, handed over by Ibn Mardanish [q.v.] Lobo or Lope to the lord of Navarre, Pedro Ruiz de Azagra, or, according to J.M. Lacarra, by a Navarrese conquest. In 1172 the bishopric of Albarracin was set up, but—reflecting the lack of knowledge of the old ecclesiastical divisions and the probable disappearance by now of the Mozarabs of the district—the bishop was first given the tide of the ancient bishopric of Arcavica (Arcavicense), before this was corrected to that of Segobriga (Segobricense). Henceforth, the region formed a petty independent state, under Christian lords, the Azagras
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and then the Laras, until Pedro III of Aragon's conquest of 1284, though Albarracin was not definitely incorporated under the Aragonese crown till 1370. During this period, the presence of Mudejars is as hypothetical as that of Mozarabs in the preceding one. It would appear, rather, that the region's Muslim population had been evacuated for strategic reasons, to the proximity of Valencia, under Muslim control until 1238, and that the Mudejar presence attested at the end of the mediaeval period results, as at Teruel, from the establishment there of Muslims from other Christian zones and former captives, settled for economic reasons. Bibliography: 1. Sources. Chronique anonyme des rois taifas, ed. Levi-Provengal, appx. to Ibn {IdharI. iii, 307-11, tr. idem, Fragments d'une chronique..., appx. 2 to Dozy, Hist., iii, Leiden 1932, 229-31, tr. F. Maillo Salgado, Madrid 1991, 57-62; Ibn Hazm, Qiamharat ansdb al-carab, Cairo 1962, 499500; Ibn Bassam, Dhakhira, ed. 'Abbas, i, 108-9, v, 109-211; Ibn al-'Abbar, Hulla, ed. 'Abbas, i, 108-9, v, 109-211; Ibn al-Abbar, Hulla, ed. Mu'nis, 2Cairo 1985, no. 129, ii, 108-15; Ibn 'IdharT, ed. Colin and Levi-Provencal, 221, tr. Fagnan, 367; 3ed. LeviProvengal, ii, 181-4, tr. Maillo, Salamanca 1993, 155-7, ed. 'Abbas, 2Beirut 1980, ii, 43, tr. Huici Miranda, Valencia 1963, 104-5; Ibn al-Khatib, A'mal, Rabat 1934, 236-9, tr. Hoenerbach, 383-93; Dabbl, Bughya, ed. Codera and Ribera, 113 no. 256, Cairo 1967, 123b; Ibn Hayyan, Muktabis, ed. Makkl, 234, vol. v, 278, 309, tr. Viguera and Corriente, 211, 269; ed. al-Hadjdjf, Beirut 1965; tr. Garcia Gomez, El Califato de Cordoba en el "Muqtabis" de Ibn Hayyan, Madrid 1967, 94, 244; Ibn al-Kardabus, Iktifa3, ed. 'AbbadT, in RIEI Madrid, xiii (1965-6), 75, 87-8, 113, tr. Maillo, Madrid 1986, 97, 108-10, 139; Nuwayn, Miaya, ed. and partial tr. Caspar Remiro, Granada 1917, text 108, tr. 110. 2. Studies. M. Almagro Basch (ed.), Historia de Albarracin y su sierra, Teruel 1959 (vol. ii, J. BoschVila; iii-iv, Almagro); Dozy, Hist., ed. Levi-Provengal, iii, 121; A. Prieto de Vives, Los reyes de taifas, Madrid 1926; J.M. Lacarra, El rey Lobo de Murcia y el senorio de Albarracin, in Estudios dedicados a Menendez Pidal, Madrid 1952, iii, 515-26; P. Guichard, Structures sociales "orientates" et "occidentals" dans I'Espagne musulmane, Paris-The Hague 1977, 271; idem, Les musulmans de Valence et la Reconquista, Damascus 1990-1, index s.v. Albarracin; D. Wasserstein, The rise and fall of the Party Kings, Princeton 1985, 93; E. Mazano Moreno, La jrontera de al-Andalus en epoca de los invasiones magrebies, Madrid 1992, 65-9; eadem, in Los Reinos de Taifas. Al-Andalus en el siglos XI, Madrid 1994, 81-3; M.L. Ledesma Rubio, Los mudejares aragoneses: de la convivencia a la ruptura, in Destienos aragoneses. I. Judos y Moriscos, Saragossa 1988, 171-88, esp. 175, 177; M.T. Ferrer i Mallol, Les Mudejars de la Couronne d'Aragone, in RMMM, Ixiii-lxiv (1992), 173-94, esp. 182; J.L. Corral Lafuente, Las ciudades de la Marca Superior de al-Andalus, in Simposio Internacional sobre la ciudad isldmica, Saragossa 1991, 253-85. (J.-P. MOLENAT) SHANTARlN, SANTAREM, a town in Portugal and chef-lieu of a district, held by the Muslims until the mid-6th/12th century. It is situated on a plateau with escarpments 100 m/340 feet high, on the shore of the right bank of the Tagus, a little distance before it empties into the Atlantic. It is in the midst of a fertile district, sprinkled with lezirias (< Ar. al-a^azira) fertilised by the alluvium of the river. It was already well-known to the Arabic geographers under its name,
of Latin origin, of al-Balata (> Port. Valada, Alvalade), and had always held a strategic role in the communications between the north and south of the country. Its main Arabic name stems from the name in Low Latin, connected with a saint, *Santaren (Costa, Santa Irid], which superseded the Roman name Scallabis, being the site of an important conventus of the Iberian province of Lusitania. In Islamic times, it kept its status as the capital of a district (kura), whose fate was linked, in different ways, with those of Coimbra (Kulumriya [q.v]) to the north and Lisbon (al-Ushbuna [q.v.]) to the south. The town must have been conquered by the Arabs at some time in 95-6/714-15, at the same time as all the far west of the Iberian peninsula. According to the lost chronicle of Ibn Muzayn (Silves and Seville, 5th/llth century), preserved in a Moroccan source of the llth/17th century (Dozy, Recherches*, i, 73-4 and p. IV of Appx.), Santarem is said to have benefited, together with Coimbra, from a treaty of capitulation which guaranteed a considerable autonomy, probably analogous to the well-known concession to the Visigothic duke Theodomir/Tudmlr for the territories which he controlled at the other side of the peninsula, Murcia/Mursiya. This treaty was a determining factor from the viewpoint of population patterns, given that there were not, to the north of the Tagus, in the territory now within Portugal, Arab colonists established like those in the southern districts of Beja/Badja [q.v] and Ocsonoba/ Ukshunuba [q.v.]. Consequently, Islamisation was on a much reduced scale, and the Arabisation of the indigenous people, who became Mozarabs [q.v], was the result of economic and administrative factors and the influence of the vigorous civilisation of al-Andalus rather than from the presence of Muslim colonists from outside. At the same time, the politico-military history of all the territory between the Tagus and the Douro was characterised by a constant confrontation between the Muslims in the south and the Christians in the north, and even by alternations of power, whilst the local population remained passive onlookers. The sources mention no participation by this region in the many movements for autonomy and challenge to the central government in Cordova which punctuated the history of the regions to the south of the great river. The definitive conquest of Shantarln by the Christians in Shawwal 541/March 1147 was to be decisive for their advance southwards and the stabilisation of the frontier along the line of the Tagus. The last major siege of the town, led by the Almohad caliph Abu Ya'kub Yusuf [q.v] in 580/1184, cost him his life (Dozy, op. cit., ii, 443-80; Huici, Almohades). Despite the feeble Arab and Muslim presence there, Shantarln produced several litterateurs during the literary and intellectual belle epoque of the Aftasids [q.v] of Badajoz and in the wake, probably, of the politicojudicial authority exercised by the celebrated kadi and adib Abu cUmar Ibn cAbd al-Barr [q.v]. Thus poets included the younger son of the latter, Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad, Abu eUmar Yusuf b. Kawthar and Ibn Sara'(d. 517/1124). Above all, there was Ibn Bassam al-Shantarinf (d. 542/1147 [q.v]), the jewel in the crown of the town's literary men. Since the appearance of the article on him in this Encyclopaedia, one may mention four large-scale works on him and on his Dhakh/ira, not counting the excellent complete edition of Ihsan 'Abbas, 8 vols., Beirut 1979: H.Y.H. Kharyush, Ibn Bassam ..., * Amman 1984; two doctoral theses, by CA.A.M. Djamal al-Dfn, Madrid Univ. 1977 (cf. Awrdk, ii [Madrid 1979]), and Kh.L. Bakir,
SHANTARIN — SHAPUR Glasgow 1993 (cf. JAL, xii [1994]); plus a master's dissertation by E. Kapyrina-Koroleva, Moscow 1994. Whilst the first two works concentrate mainly on the abundant historical sources of the Dhakhira, the remaining two deal directly with the intrinsic literary value of the famous anthology. During the period of Christian domination, the Muslim Mudejares [q.v.] were by no means concentrated exclusively within the mourarias of Santarem, and they devoted themselves to the general economic activities of the mouros of the Kingdom of Portugal. Combining the Arabic geographical texts and the mediaeval Christian sources, the configuration of the town in Islamic times can be approximately reconstituted. There was a strongly defended fortress (him, kafa], with ramparts and towers, perched on an inaccessible rocky spur. The madtna was there, as also the congregational mosque (very likely built by al-Hakam I, 180-206/796-822), later turned into the church dedicated to the Virgin Mary in the heart of the Christian Alcagova (< al-kasaba}. At the foot of the mountain, on the banks of the river, there was a suburb attested at least since the middle of the 4th/10th century; this is the modern Ribeira quarter, formerly also called Sesserigo and the location of one of the two Muslim quarters. Certain traces could possibly reveal the existence of another urban nucleus extra muros, in the eastern part, around the Marvila quarter, which was the heart of the Christian town and to the north-west of which was located the second and more lasting mouraria. The modest suburb called Alfange (< al-hanash "serpent"), which grew up, like the Ribeira suburb, on the banks of the river but on the other side of the projecting elevation, to the south, does not necessarily date from the Islamic period. As elsewhere in al-Andalus, this place-name could refer to a simple gate giving on to the ravine and the tortuous pathway leading up to it (Bab al-hanash). Moreover, the Ermida da N.S. do Monte, from its strategic position, its dominating role and its ancientness, could well represent the later evolution of a little rdbita or Zdwiya. Bibliography. J.G. Domingues, Describes de Santarem nos historiografos e geografos drabes, in Letras e Aries, suppl. to the newspaper Novidades of 6 July 1974, Lisbon; idem, A invasao drabe do extremo Ocidente Peninsular, in; AJ. da Costa, Santa Iria e Santarem, in Rev. Port, de Historia, xiv (Coimbra 1974), 1-63; J.M. Garvia, Em torno de "Scallabis", in Santarem., a cidade e os homens, Santarem 1977, 65-77; A. Huici Miranda, Los Almohades en Portugal, in Anais da Acad. Port, de Historia', M.A.V.R. Beirante, Santarem medieval, Lisbon 1980; Dhikr akhbdr al-Andalus/Una descripcion anonima de al-Andalus, ed. and tr. L. Molina, Madrid 1983, Ch. Picard, Les mozarabes dans I'Occident Iberique, in REI, li (1983), 77-88; A.G.M. Borges, As "kubbas" alentejanas, in / Congresso do Alentejo, Beja-Evora 1985, i, 199-212; A.B. Coelho, Portugal na Espanha musulmana2, Lisbon 1988; A. Sidarus, Um texto drabe do seculo X sobre... os movimentos muladis e berberes no Sudoeste Peninsular, in A cidade de Evora, xlv-1, nos. 71-6 (1988-93), 7-37; Picard, Quelques aspects des relations entre Chretiens et musulmans ..., in Cahiers d'Histoire de Saint-Etienne, Saint-Etienne 1990, 5-26; Sidarus, FracfSo de dinar de Ibn Wazir de Evora, in JWMMVS, xiv (Oporto 1992); idem, Novos dados sobre Ibn Qasi de Sibes e as "taifas" almordvidas, in I Jornadas de Sibes, Silves 1992, 35-40; idem, Santarem a I'epoque islamique, forthcoming; Picard, Histoire de I'Espagne occidentals et du Portugal a I'epoque islamique, in press. (A. SIDARUS) SHAPUR (p.), the NP form of MP Shahpur "king's
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son", usually Arabised as Shabur, Sabur, Syriac Shabhor, Greek IctTccoprn; or Sapovp (see Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, 284 ff.), the name of various monarchs of the Sasanid dynasty in pre-Islamic Persia. For the detailed history of their reigns, see SASANIDS. Here, only such aspects as impinged on the Arabs will be noted. Shapur I, son of Ardashlr Papakan (r. 239 or 241 to 270 or 273) is known in Arabic sources as Shapur al-Djunud "Sh. of the armies" (e.g. in al-Tabarf, i, 824, tr. Noldeke, Gesch. der Perser und Araber, 28). In the Arabic sources, he is particularly connected with the capture from the Romans and the sack of the Arab city-state of northern clrak, Hatra (Ar. al-Hadr), which had been under Parthian cultural and political influence. Around this event was woven a romantic story (found in the Khuddy-i ndma transmitted by Ibn al-Mukaffac [q.v.] and in an Arabic tradition by Ibn al-Kalbl) that the city was betrayed to the Persians by the local ruler's daughter, who had become enamoured of Shapur (for details, see AL-HADR, and C.E. Bosworth, ch. Iran and the Arabs, in Camb. hist. Iran, iii/1, 595-6). This Shapur is also credited by the Arabic geographers and historians with the foundation of various cities and towns of Persia, with compound names which included his own, such as Djundfshapur [see GONDESHAPUR] (these are listed in EI[ art. SHAPUR, at IV, 314a). Shapur II, son of Hormizd II (r. 309-79), was one of the greatest of the Sasanid emperors, and had considerable contacts with the Arabs in his endeavours to protect the fringes of his Mesopotamian provinces from desert Arab marauders. According to Arabic authorities (including Ibn Kutayba, al-Tabarf, alMas'udf, al-Thacalibf, etc.), he led a punitive expedition into eastern Arabia against such tribes as the cAbd al-Kays and the lyad, although the story that he penetrated as far as Medina must be fictitious. Arab captives had their shoulders pierced or dislocated, whence Shapur's nickname in the Arabic sources of Dhu '1-Aktaf "the man of the shoulder-blades". He is likewise described as constructing a line of defensive forts, walls and trenches (the khandak Sdbur] in 'Irak, along the desert borders, and as garrisoning them, in the fashion of the Romans and their limitanei, with Arabs against the other Arabs within the desert (cf. also the role there of buffer-states like that of the Lakhmids of Hfra [q.vv.]). Again, the building of various cities and towns, where Roman captives were settled, is attributed to him (see El1 art. SHAPUR, at IV, 314b316a). Shapur III, son of Shapur II (r. 383-8), figures little in the Arabic sources, and what details are ascribed to him are probably due to confusion with the preceding Shapurs. Bibliography: In addition to references given in the article and in SASANIDS, see R.N. Frye, ch. The political history of Iran under the Sasanians, in Camb. hist.Jran, iii/1, 116-80. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SHAPUR, the name of a river of Fars in southern Persia and also of the mediaeval Islamic town of Fars which was the chef-lieu of the district of Shapur Khura. 1. The river. This is also called the Bishawur (in Thevenot, Suite du Voyage de Levant, Paris 1674, 295: Bouschavir; 296: Boschavir), and river of Tawwadj. It must be identical with the antique Granis, mentioned by Arrian, Indica, 39; Pliny, Mat. hist., vi, 99. The lower course, the proper river of Tawwadj, is formed by the junction of two streams, the Shapur and the Dalakf Rud, rising both in the southwestern border mountains of the
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SHAPUR
Persian plateau, which extend along the Persian Gulf. The upper course is called by the Arab geographers Nahr Ratin: this name is, very likely, found in Pliny, Nat. hist, vi, 111, where Dratinus (with var. Ratinus) must, however, mean the river down to its mouth. This statement must be due to another source than luba, on whose authority the Granis was mentioned in vi, 99. In his Nuzhat al-kulub, Mustawfi al-KazwTnf seems to indicate that the Ratin, whose source is, according to him as well as to al-Istakhri, in the Upper Humayidjan (al-Istakhrl: Khumayidjan) district, is a tributary of the Shapur Rud (tr. Le Strange, 217: "It is a great stream, and it flows into the Shapur river, its length, till it joins the Shapur river being 10 leagues". By this way of putting things, he can only mean that the river of Tawwadj originates from two different streams, one of which is the Ratin. This, then, must be the older name for either the Shapur or the Dalakr Rud. Al-Istakhri (120) represents these facts in the same manner; there it is said that the Ratln flows through the district of al-Zfriyan (with var.) before joining the Shapur. The other rivers of the system are the Djirra (or Djarshlk), which joins the Shapur on the left, below Khisht, and the Ikhshin. The name of the latter ("blue") may have originated from the colouring property of its waters, mentioned by the mediaeval geographers. Djarshlk is the older name of the Djirra river, although in the Nuzha Djarshfk and Djirra are erroneously described as two different streams. The account which the latter work gives of the Djirra is for the most part copied from Ibn al-Balkhl's Fdrsndma. This states (ed. Le Strange, 151) that the Nahr Djirra, rising in the Masaram district, waters the lands of Musdjan and Djirra, and part of Ghundidjan, after which it joins the Shapur. In addition, al-Istakhrl mentions the bridge of Sabuk, under which the river Djarshlk flows before entering the rustak of Khurra (Ibn al-Balkhi's Djirra); after Khurra, the stream passes into Dadhfn, where it unites with the Ikhshin. The Nuzha makes the Djirra join the Shapur and the Djarshlk the Ikhshin; as its author erroneously splits up the one river DjarshTk-Djirra into two, his account is here worthless. The Ikhshin, according to al-Istakhrf and Mustawfi, rises in the Dadhfn hills, and unites with the Shapur at al-Djunkan. The Nuzha calls it a great stream; at present, it is identified with a little water course to the south-west of the lake of Kazarun. There appears, then, to be a difference as to the question, whether the Djarshfk and the Ikhshfn first join each other, and then unite with the river of Tawwadj, or flow into that stream each apart. Concerning the Shapur itself, the Fars-ndma (152) says that it rises in the mountain region (kuhistdn) of the Bishapur district, which it waters, as also Khisht and Dih Malik. It flows in the sea (Persian Gulf) between DjanabI and Mandistan. This account is .repeated in the Nuzha. In Fdrs-ndma, 142, the Bishapur district is said to have its water from "a great river, called Rud-i Bishapur". Owing to rice-plantations being there, its water is unwholesome (wakhim u ndguwdr). A short description of the river in modern times is given in J. Morier's Second Journey through Persia ... between the years 1810 and 1816, London 1818, 49: "a river which ... having pierced into the plain of the Dashtistan, at length falls into the sea at Robilla. It takes its source near the site of Shapour, and when it begins to flow is fresh. But when it reaches the mountains it passes through a salt soil, and then its waters ... become brackish. A lesser stream of the same river branches off before it reaches the salt soil,
and flows pure to the sea". The mouth of the river is a short distance to the north of Bushfr, near the frontier of the district of Arradjan. Opposite to it lies the island of Kharik, on the shipping route from Basra to India. The name Mandistan in the Persian geographers is connected by Tomaschek (Topographische Erlduterung der Kustenfahrt Nearchs, in SB Ak. Wien, cxxi, 65) with the Deximontani in Pliny, Nat. hist., vi, 99. According to Pliny, the river (Granis) is navigable for small vessels. Nowadays, the principal mouth presents difficulties to navigation because of its shallows; two minor mouths can be navigated up to some distance. On the present conditions, the delta, and the bitumen wells on the left bank of the river, south of Dalakl, see Tomaschek, op. cit. In Antiquity, there was on the Granis a royal residence, Taoke, 200 stadia from the sea. This must be the same as the mediaeval Tawwadj (or Tawwaz), from which place the Shapur is named river of Tawwadj. In early Islamic times it was an important trade city, which also had a considerable textile industry; the stuffs named tawwaziyya were well-known (see R.B. Sergeant, Islamic textiles, Beirut 1972, 52-3). This town belonged to the district of Ardashlr Khurra (Ibn al-Balkhl, Fdrs-ndma, 114). During the 6th/12th century, the place had already declined; in Mustawfi's time (8th/14th century) it was totally ruined. Its site can not exactly be determined; nowadays the coast district of the Shapur river is called Tawwadj. Le Strange thought that the site of the town could be identified with the present Dih Kuhna, "the chief town of the (modern) Shabankara sub-district of the Dashtistan district". On another Shapur or Shawur, a tributary of the Dizful Rud, see KARUN, at IV, 675a. 2. The town. This was the ancient capital of the district Shapur Khurra of Fars. According to al-MukaddasI, it was also called Shahrastan; its older name is Bishapur (from Pahlawl Weh-Shdhpuhr]. A naive etymology is found in the Nuzha, whose author, Mustawfi, says, that the word Bfshapur is a contraction of bind-i Shapur "building of Shapur". Ibn al-Balkhf, on the other hand, states that the first syllable of the original Bishapur (with a long t) may disappear by way of takhfif. Shapur Khurra, the area watered by the system of the Shapur-Ratln, the smallest of the five provinces of Fars, contained besides the town of Shapur some other important localities, e.g. Kazarun [q.v.], which was regarded as its chief town after Shapur had fallen into ruins, in addition to Nawbandadjan and Djirra. The old town of Shapur was situated on the Shapur Rud, at the road from Shfraz to the sea, to the north of Kazarun. Mustawfi gives its situation as long. 86° 15', lat. 20°. Its climate belonged to the garmslr or hot region, but its atmosphere was considered not to be healthy because the territory of the city was shut in by the mountains from the northern side. The environs were fruitful; they produced, besides many kinds of fruits and flowers also silk, the mulberry tree being frequent in that region. Honey and wax also came from its territory. The town was founded by the Sasanid emperor Shapur I. It was one of the three cities where he settled his captives of war. It has been supposed, with much reason, that the emperor made use of the skill of these Roman captives in the construction of his buildings and also in the execution of his famous reliefs that have been found in the ruins. These reliefs relate to the campaigns of Shapur against the Romans. Three later rulers, Bahrain
SHAPUR — SHACR II, Narseh and Khusraw II also added each a relief of themselves. These works of art, already described in detail by Morier, have also been noticed by the mediaeval Islamic geographers; at least, they mention a great statue, standing in a cavern, which European travellers were able to identify. Local authorities constructed a mythical history of the city from before the times of its Sasanid founder. It was, according to these traditions, originally built by Tahmurath, at a time when there existed in Fars no other town besides Istakhr. Later on, it was laid waste by Alexander, to be only renovated by Shapur I. The name of Tahmurath's foundation had been D.y.n D.ld (Ibn al-Balkhi, Fdrs-ndma, 63, 142). The Muslims subdued Shapur Khurra in 16/637, after the conquest of Tawwadj and the battle of Rfshahr. Bishapur is mentioned on the occasion of the disturbances which ensued at the beginning of the caliphate of cUthman b. 'Aflan; the insurrection in Fars (25/645-6) against the Arabs seems to have been directed for some time from Bishapur by a brother of Shahrak, the governor of Fars, who had fallen in the battle of Rlshahr. After the submission of the rebels, the inhabitants of Bishapur once more broke the treaty; hence it was reduced by Abu '1-Musa alAshcari and 'Uthman b. Abi 'l-cAs. In the time of the al-Mukaddasf (end of the 4th/10th century), the town of Shahrastan or Shapur was already decaying, its outskirts being ruined; the environs, however, were well cultivated. He noted the four city gates and the ditch, also the masajid al-ajdmic outside the city. Perhaps this may be the masajid-i ajdmi' mentioned by Ibn al-Balkhi, whose words seem to imply that it still existed when he wrote (beginning of the 6th/12th century). At the end of the Buyld rule, the Shabankara chieftain Abu Sacd b. Muhammad b. Mama destroyed Shapur, but, as Ibn al-Balkhf remarks, in his time the (Saldjuk) government tried to restore the damage. These endeavours may have had an effect as regards the district as a whole, but the city of Shapur never rose from its ruins. When Morier visited the site (1809), he found only a poor village, Dans, in the neighbourhood of the remains. The opinion of this traveller, that the town may have existed till the 16th century of the Christian era because its name occurs in a table of latitudes and longitudes in the A3in-i Akbari, carries no weight, for such a table may have been composed from older sources. On the other foundations of Shapur I, which were called after his name, see the article SHAPUR, in addition to which it may be remarked that the town of Shapur Khwast, according to the Fdrs-ndma (63), was situated in Khuzistan, near al-Ashtar. Bibliography (in addition to references quoted in the article): The articles Dratinus and Granis in Pauly-Wissowa, v, 1668, vii, 1815; Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 259-63, 267; Barbier de Meynard, Dictionnaire... de la Perse, 142-3; P. Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, 7-8, 30 ff.; Ritter, Erdkunde, viii, 827 ff.; J. Morier, A journey through Persia, Armenia and Asia Minor... in the years 1808 and 1809, London 1812, 85 ff., 375 ff.; C.A. de Bode, Travels in Luristan and Arabistan, 1845, i, 206 ff.; Flandin et Coste, Voyage en Perse, Paris 1851; eidem, Relation du Voyage, ii, 248 ff.; M. Dieulafoy, L'art antique de la Perse, v, 119-20, Pis. xviii-xxi; Sarre and Herzfeld, Iranische Felsreliefs, 1910, 213 ff., Pis. xl-xlyi. (V.F. BUGHNER) SHAR, a tide of rulers in Central Asia and what is now Afghanistan during the early Islamic period
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and, presumably, in pre-Islamic times also. The form shdr must be an attempt to render in Arabic orthography the MP and NP form sher/shn (< OP khshathriya "ruler", and not from sher "lion"; see Marquart, Erdnsahr, 79). The title appears in early Islamic texts on the geography and history of the eastern Iranian fringes. Thus the Hudud al-cdlam, tr. Minorsky 105, comm. 327-8, gives Shar as the tide of the ruler of the district of Gharcistan in northern Afghanistan [see GHARDJISTAN], and al-Istakhrf, 271, and Ibn Hawkal, ed. Kramers, 443-4, had already spoken of the district as Ghardj al-Shar "the mountainous region of the Shar"; these rulers were vassals of first the Samanids and then of the Ghaznawids (see M. Nazim, The life and times of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna, Cambridge 1931, 60-2). The title was also borne by the local rulers of Bamiyan in eastern Afghanistan, with the Hudud al-cdlam, tr. 109, comm. 341, giving it in the form Shfr [see BAMIYAN]. Finally, the rulers of the branch of the petty dynasty of Abu Dawudids or Banidjurids [q.v. in Suppl.] which ruled in Khuttal, to the north of the upper Oxus [see KHUTTALAN], bore the title Shfr-i Khuttalan, according to Ibn Khurradadhbih, 40, cf. Marquart, Erdnsahr, 301. Bibliography: Given in the article. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SHACR (A.) "hair, pelt". 1. General. The Arab poets, pre-Islamic as well as post-Islamic, often describe the hair of the women with whom they have fallen in love (al-£Askan, Diwdn al-macdni, ii, 229; al-Rafla', al-Muhibb wa 'l-mahbub, i, 16-58; al-Nuwayrf, Nihdya, farm 2, kism 1, bdb 2; J. Sadan, Maiden's hair and starry skies, in IOS, xi [1991], 57-88). The context in which these descriptions are found shows a fairly clear situation: the hair of the heads of beautiful women is observed by lovers away from the house, in the open air, on the public road, etc. Sometimes the belles let their hair run down to their feet, sometimes they hide their identity and that of their lover by unbraiding and letting flow their hair around their own bodies and those of their lovers. This comes from their fear of being seen with their lovers by passers-by and calumniators. This poetic reality, which reflects a residue of ancient motifs rather than scenes of everyday life, is given real shape by iconography, above all, that of the Fatimid period (a woman with long hair flowing down to, or almost to the ground, in four clearly-distinguished tresses; D.S. Rice, A drawing of the Fatimid period, in BSOAS, xxi [1958], 31-9). Moreover, this iconography shows diverse manners of coiffure, like curls of hair in the form of hooks (either the letter fd} or wdw, grosso modo, or other letters, or "scorpions", in the language of the poet Abu Nuwas; seej. Bencheikh, Poesies bacchiques, in BEO, xviii [1963-4], 60-1) over the temples, a style which began at the court of al-Amm (d. 198/813; see al-Maseudr, ed. Pellat, § 3451: asddgh). In most of these cases, it is a question of slave girls in interiors. Nevertheless, one of the duties of a woman faithful to the Islamic law is to cover her hair and the nape of her neck whenever she goes outside [see HIDJAB]. This question has become one of the symbols of the struggles of contemporary Islamic fundamentalist circles for the piety and purity of the family. This symbol is strongly opposed by those circles who do not consider these teachings about female shame as an integral and rigorous part of the authentic religious tradition. Now, the restrictions imposed by Islam, such
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SHA'R
as the prohibition for women of adding wigs or hairpieces to their natural covering of hair, are very clear, and can only develop into a fascinating clash between the ancient religious traditions and Western tastes and concepts of beauty care (see Wensinck, Concordance, s.v. w-s-l; M.CA.-CA. cAmr, al-Libds wa 'l-zilna f t 'l-sharfa al-isldmiyya, Beirut 1985, 403-7; C C U. A.M. al-Tayyibf, Hukm al-lsldmji }l-kuwdfir [= coiffeur] wa-halldk al-nisd3, Cairo 1992; a fatwd by alKardawf against the use of wigs in his collected Fatdwd, Cairo 1990, 426-8). In mediaeval times, the jurists permitted dyeing (khiddb) of men's hair. The licitness of this usage has become almost unanimous; now, in order to distance the biography of the Prophet Muhammad from all controversy of this type, one group of jurists stresses the traditions which suggest that virtually all the Prophet's hair remained black up to his death. These traditions attach great importance, not only to the hair of this great personality who serves as a model for all Muslims (the number of his locks, dafd'ir, gfeadd3ir, generally given as four, the length of his hair, which fell as far as his ears and his shoulders, the methods of combing, laying out, putting oil on the hair, etc.), but also to the hair on his chest, as far as the beginning of the stomach or masraba (alTirmidhf, Awsdf al-nabi, Beirut 1989, 37-47; Abu '1-Shaykh, Akhldk al-nabl, Cairo 1993, 184; Ibn alDjawzf, al-Wafa3, Beirut 1988, 398-402; al-Bagkawr, al-Anwdr, Beirut 1989, i, 148-52; see also Muhammad b. cAbd Allah b. £Abd al-'AzIz, Khalk al-nabi wa-khulkuhu, ms. Leiden Or. 437). The Muslims limited the size of their moustaches (ihfa3, djazz; even a partial tonsure), but they allowed their beards to grow (icja3), except for certain ephebes who, by depilation (natf) of their cheeks, "prolonged" their youth for a few weeks (M. al-Hamfd, Hukm allihya fi 'l-Isldm, Cairo, Dar al-Djihad n.d.; 'A. cAbd al-Hamfd, Hukm al-din fi 'l-lihya wa 'l-tadkhin, Cairo 1984; F. al-Hindawf (ed.), Wufiub i'Ja3 al-lihya, Cairo 1987; c Umar al-Ashkar, Thaldth shacd3ir: al-'aklka, al-adhiya, al-lihya, 'Amman 1991; a fatwd by CA.-H. Kishk forbidding the trimming of beards in his collected Fatdwd, vi, Cairo 1988, 103-4). However, it is allowable to pluck the hair under the armpits (natf al-ibt), and the hair on the more intimate parts of the body may be removed by using a razor (istihddd or halk) or by applying nura, a depilatory paste (see Concordance, s.v. h-d-d, h-l-k, n-t-f, al-Djahiz, Rasd'il, ed. Harun, i, 388-9; Usama b. Munkidh', 'al-ftibdr, ed. Hitti, 136-7; al-Suyutl, al-Akhbdr al-ma3thura fi 'l-ittildc bi 'l-nura (- epistle on the usage of depilatories), in his al-Hdwl fi }l-fatdwl, Cairo 1959, i, 524-31; alKasirm, Kdmus al-sindcdt al-shdmiyya, i, 37, 103-5, 107-8, ii, 435-6; Lane, Manners and customs, end of ch. XVI, since care of the hair and depilation often took place in public baths, and cf. al-cAskarI, op. cit., 152-64, describing grey hair and the dyeing of hair; al-Nuwayri, be. cit. See also the treatises on public baths: alMunawf, al-Mzha al-zahiyya, Cairo 1987, 18, 35-8, 78; al-Kawkabanf, Hadd3ik al-nammam fi 'l-kaldm fald md yata'allak bi 'l-hammdm, Beirut 1986, 48-53, 144-50). The term sha'r also has the sense of "skin, pelt" (human and animal). The wool of sheep is called suf [q.v.], whilst the hair of camels and dromedaries is usually called sha'r and occasionally wabar, the nomads are called ahl al-wabar. This hair or wool can be woven, whence the term buyut al-shacr for the nomads' tents. Animal pelts are also used to stuff mattresses and valued cushions (Sadan, Le mobilier, Leiden 1976, 102). Bibliography (in addition to references in the
article): Tha'alibi, Fikh al-lugha, Beirut 1989, 11215; Ibn Slda, al-Mukkassas, i, 62-79; Iskafi, Khalk al-insdn, Beirut and 'Amman 1991, 48-54; Ghazalf, Ihyd3, Tahdra, Book 3, section 3, category 2; Madjlisf, Bihar al-anwdr, Ixxx, 217-32; M. Zand, What is the tress like? Notes on a group of standard Persian metaphors, in Studies in memory of Gaston Wiet, ed. M. RosenAyalon, Jerusalem 1977, 463-79; P.Sj. van Koningsveld, Between communalism and secularism. Modern discussions on male head-gear and coiffure, in Pluralism
and identity, ed. Platvoet and van der Toorn, 1995, 327-45. (J. SADAN) 2. Legal aspects regarding human hair. The dressing of hair is, like many other items of hygiene and ornament, addressed in the works of shanca. The discussion of its rules has no fixed location in these works, which may indicate that the topic came only lately to be a concern of the jurists. Discussions of hair and its treatment, in addition to the part it plays in 'akika, ha^aj [q.w.], and gender distinctions (through requirements to cover the hair), can be found in sections on wudu3 [q.v.], and albisa/ libdsdt [see LIBAS] mustahsandt or makruhdt. In these works, there is a lingering sense of hair as a sacral substance, an occasion of vulnerability (see Leach, Magical hair, Morgenstern, Rites of birth). The locus classicus for the rules of hair care is the hadlth specifying the five, or ten, fitra practices, here understood to mean practices common to all the prophets, or practices that are part of the general sunna, or of religion (din] (see al-Nawawf, Shark, iii, 147). These five or ten are practices of elementary hygiene, from cleansing the knuckles and clipping the nails, to circumcision [see KHITAN]. Men and women are enjoined to pluck, shave, or depilate their pubic regions and armpits. Men are to cut (kass) the moustache and let the beard grow (icja3}, and to cut, not shave, their hair. Women may cut their hair. Grey hairs may be dyed. Characteristically, the sjiar'l rules are meticulous, and are also occasions of discussion and controversy. How best to accomplish these aims is discussed in some detail. The pubis (al-and] is best shaved with a razor (a practice called istihddd), as is a portion of the buttocks (halkat al-dubur). The armpits (ibt) are best plucked (natf), but if that is too painful one may shave, or depilate them (with lime, nurd]. The beard is to be left full, contrary to the custom of the Persians. It may be dyed, but not black, which would be deceptive. One may dye it black in war, so as to deceive the enemy (Juynboll, Dying the hair and beard]. It is reprehensible for men to pluck or shave the beard when it first appears, so as to maintain a comely youthful appearance. Women may clip facial hairs, or depilate them, but not pluck them. Preferred dyes for the beard and hair, especially when grey, are yellow or red. Adding to hair by weaving into it other hair (wasl), of whatever kind, is not permitted. Hair for men should be worn between the earlobes and shoulders; it should be dressed and parted. The nape (al-kaja) of the neck should not be shaved, unless for cupping (hidldma). Hair of the head should be cut, depenoUng on its length, though some sources suggest every 40 days (al-NawawI, Sharh, iii, 148-9); other hair should be cut when it becomes excessive and disgusting (Mughm, i, 72). Hair removed from the head should be buried (ibid.). Bibliography: 1. Sources. Ibn Kudama, alMugtim, Beirut 1304/1983, i, 70 ff.; Abu '1-Fath £ Abd Allah b. Mahmud al-Mawsill, al-Mtiydr li-ta'til al-mukhtdr, Cairo n.d. v. 264 ff.; Nawawi, Sharh Sahih Muslim, Beirut n.d., i, 146 ff.
SHA£R — SHARAF 2. Studies. S.M. Zwemer, The cakika sacrifice., in MW, vi (1916), 236-52; idem, Hairs of the Prophet, in /. Goldziher memorial volume, i, Budapest 1948, 4854; E.R. Leach, Magical hair, in JnaL Royal Anthrop. Inst., Ixxxviii (1958), 47-64; R. Morgenstern, Rites of birth, death, marriage, death and kindred occasions amongst the Smites, Chicago 1966; G.H.A. Juynboll, Dyeing the hair and beard in early Islam, a hadith-analytical study, in Arabica, xxxiii (1986), 49-75. (A.K. REINHART) 3. In Arabic and Persian poetry. The ancient Arab poets were interested in two aspects of human hair, namely, women's black splendour of thick, soft and fragrant hair (farc) falling over the shoulders in light waves (dhu'aba), plaited or worn up and serving as a symbol of beauty, and men's greying and whitening hair (shayb), pointing to old age and death and stimulating contemplative meditations. Due to later urbanism, the ideal of beauty also deals with other hair styles, such as the seductive love locks (sudgh), the fore locks (tuna), the shoulder locks (limma) and—mainly under Persian influence—the young man's down. Originally, comparison between hair styles was rather underdeveloped, probably because most of the terms were of metonymical or metaphorical origin. The Bedouin poets occasionally compared women's exuberant hair (wahf] with bunches of dates (Imru* al-Kays b. Hudjr, ' Mu'allaka, 32/35) and al-Acsha's description of his beloved as "a garden whose grapes (= hair) dangle down upon me" was seen as a very uncommon verse (according to Bashshar b. Burd, see al-cAskarf, Ma'dnl, i, 244, 6). A more elaborate terminology for hair came into being in the eAbbasid period, again, in particular, for the love locks, which are compared sometimes with links of a chain and with annalids (zurfin}, sometimes with curved objects such as a scorpion or a polo-stick or the letters nun and lam (al-'Askarf, op. cit, i, 245, 247; Ibn al-Muctazz, Diwdn, ed. Khayyat, 91, 1). But the incentive for a poetical description of the hair is usually found in a complementary or contrastive reality. In the case of greying hair, there is the visible distinction between black and white, which refers to the internal one between youth and old age. Antithetic metaphors are day and night, darkness and light and, linguistically speaking, there is the alliteration of shabdb (youth) and sjiayb (see al-Farazdak [q.v], Diwdn, ed. Beirut 1983, 148 v. 32, and Kushadjim, in Nihdya, ii, 23, 15-16). Abu Tammam speaks of the dazzlingly white exterior and the raven-black interior (ibid., 25, 17), and for Rudakf, dyeing the hair black is not feigning youth but applying colour of mourning about the loss of youth (Sacld Nafisf, Ahwdl u ashedr-i... Rudati, Tehran 1319/1940, w. 396-7). In the field of the beauty of the youth of both sexes, contrasts and mental pyrotechnics are stimulated by the opposition between dark hair and white skin. AJ-Acsha still compares the black hair which falls over the naked body of his beloved with his khamisa (black garment with edging) lying on glittering gold, but to a poet of the 4th/10th century the down of a beautiful youth appears "as the black of misfortune, which creeps over the white of happiness" (al-Thacalibf, Tatima, ed. £Abd al-Hamid, Cairo 1956, i, 420, 3). And so the field of fantasy is reached. For Ibn al-Mu'tazz, the polo-stick of the lock drives the ball of the birth-mark (Diwdn, ed. Lewin, iii, 55, 5), and the scorpion of the lock stops short when he comes too close to the fire of the cheek (Diwdn, ed. Khayyat, Beirut 1332/1914, 88, 4); for al-Wa'wa', the "lightning
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of the teeth", and for Ibn Hamdis the "light of the forehead", become the leader when they go astray in the night of the hair (Tatima, i, 291, 3, and Diwdn Ibn Hamdis, ed. 'Abbas, Beirut 1960, 72, 4 from below). In Persian poetry, hair is completely integrated in the general symmetry of comparison between human and botanical forms of beauty. Lock/down and violet/ hyacinth are opposed here, like in Arabic poetry, cheek = rose or eye = narcissus. It may be that this is a heritage of the lyrics of the minstrels (cf. M. Boyce, The Parthian gosan and Iranian minstrel tradition, in JRAS [1957], 36). In any case, a play is made later with the corresponding ambivalence of the indications of flowers, like for instance Kama! al-Dm Isma'fl (d. 635/1237) in the first part of the verse (Diwdn, ed. Bahr al-eulumi, 343, v. 5810): In the rose-garden (the face), the violets grabbed .the hem of the jasmine (the fair skin): Your field of down countered with a most sweet chin (= "over-trumping"). Already in the most ancient material, the love locks (zulf) and the down (cidhdr, also khatt) dominate the field of the Persian descriptions of hair. Later, they are supplemented by the combination "the arrows of the eyelashes on the bow of the eyebrows" (Anwarf, Diwdn, ed. Radawi, Tehran 1959, i, 34, 3). Sometimes the length of the love lock is emphasised, sometimes its untidyness and its tousled nature. It drags on in interminable windings, curves and knots, cayn in cayn, as Macrufi~ says in a comparison with letters (Lazard, Les premiers poetes persons, Paris-Tehran 1964, ii, 134, v. 18). It remains the "chain" of Arabic poetry, but becomes also a "trap", a "snare" and a "lasso" (dam, kamand) and, from the time of Rudaki (d. 329/1040-1), connected with the image that the hearts of the amorous have to languish in its bonds (Nafisi, Ahwdl, 1038, v. 469). The swarthiness of the hair remains, incidentally, an inexhaustible source for the invention of images in Persian poetry. Reference is made to all that is literally or figuratively black: musk, a Hindu, Ahriman, infidelity, etc. Even in the theosophical visions of cAyn al-Kudat Hamadhanf [q.v.], the "black light" of Iblfs appears as a forelock on the luminous head of God (Tamhiddt, ed. 'Usayran, Tehran 1341/1970, 118, 11. 8-9; cf. van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschqft, i, Berlin 1991, 345-6). Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): Specific chapters devoted to the theme of poetical treatment of hair are found in Tashbihdt works, like that of KattanT, ed. c Abbas, Beirut 1966, 124-31; in collections of motifs, such as that by Abu Hilal al-eAskan, Diwdn al-macdm, Cairo 1352/ 1933-4, i, 244-50; and in encyclopaedic adab works such as Nuwayn's Nihdyat al-arab, Cairo 1923 ff., ii, 16-31. Individual verses on the theme of hair can be met on almost all places where erotic poetry is written, collected or quoted. (B. REINERT) SHARAB [see MASHRUBAT]. SHARAF (A.), a verbal noun from the root sh-r-f indicating elevation, nobility, pre-eminence in the physical and the moral senses. Hence the shanf [q.v.] is a person who is placed above those who surround him on account of his prestigious and noble origin. In pre-Islamic Arabia and in early Islam, sharaf and madid both denote "illustriousness on account of birth", while hasab, "individual quality, merit" (as opposed to nasab) and karam denote "illustriousness acquired by oneself' (LA, s.w. and see HASAB WA-NASAB). According to the historians of Islam, those among the Arabs who could claim this • innate glory, this
314
SHARAF — SHARAF AL-DlN
nobility of birth, were the descendants of Kuraysh in the Dj/dhiliyya and in Islam, comprising Hashim, Umayya, Nawfal, 'Abd al-Dar, Asad, Taym, Makhzum, c Adi, Djumah and Sahm, in all, ten families (raht), the offspring of ten wombs (batri) (cf. Ibn cAbd Rabbin, al-Ikd al-fand, ed. Sadir, Beirut, fasc. xii, 8). But this list was to be much reduced in the course of the first century of Islam, nobility of birth being concentrated in the family of the Prophet. The Prophet himself was reckoned to embody all the nobility of the Arabs, since it was said of him that he was the best of creatures, being the offspring of the best part (of the world), the best tribe, the best family and the best genealogy (op. at., fasc. xvii, 9 ff.). But the Arabs had had other definitions of glory before Islam. In fact, sharaf and madid belonged to the kings of Kinda [q.v], who attempted to unify the nomadic Arab tribes under a single banner, ca. A.D. 480. This was an ephemeral glory, since this experiment collapsed in 529, following the victory of alMundhir III b. Ma? al-Sama', king of al-Hlra, over alHarith V b. cAmr, the last great king of Kinda, who had succeeded in extending his power over al-Hfra between 524 and 528, as a result of a misunderstanding between the Sasanid emperor Kawadh I (488-531) and al-Mundhir III (512-54). The support of the successor to Kawadh I, Khusraw I Anushirwan (531-79) [q.v], enabled the king of al-Hlra to regain his kingdom, to expel al-Harith, to have forty-eight members of his family executed by his loyal retainers, and to have the man himself assassinated by his allies the Banu Kalb. Such was the end of the glory of the Kinda, lamented by a grandson of al-Harith, Imru5 al-Kays, one of the greatest poets of pre-Islamic Arabia. This glory was retrieved by the Lakhmids and the Ghassanids, both originating from Yemen (while the Kinda came from Hadramawt). But they, too, left no recognised lineage and no acknowledged nobility. All of this was based on a rivalry, the memories of which are not yet extinct, between Kaysfs (Arabs of the North) and Yamanls (Arabs of the South). There remains prophetic nobility (sharaf bayt al-nabi). It is immortalised by the sharifs of Mecca (whose heir is the King of Jordan) and the Shorfa [see SHURAFA'] of Morocco (Idrlsids, Sacdids, etc.). The Umayyads tried in vain to revive the glories of Kuraysh. Only poetry has retained its memory. Bibliography. The most important sources for the subject are: Abu cAbd Allah Mus£ab al-Zubayn, K. Nasab Kuraysh, ed. E. Levi-Provencal, Cairo 1953; Baladhuri, Ansdb al-ashrdf, an immense historical and genealogical encyclopaedia (the Cairo ms. comprises 12 vols.), of which the following vols. have been published: i. ed. Muhammad Hamldullah Haydarabadf, Cairo 1938; iii. ed. £Abd al-cAz!z al-Duri, Wiesbaden 1978 (Bibliotheca Islamica, 28c); iv/1. ed. Ihsan c Abbas, Wiesbaden 1979 (Bibliotheca Islamica, 28d); iv/1-2. ed. M. Schlossinger, Jerusalem 1938 and 1971; v. ed. S.D.F. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936; xi. ed. W. Ahlwardt, Greifswald 1883. The third important source is Ibn Hazm, I£amharat ansdb al-Arab, ed. Levi-Provensal, Cairo 1948. For a sociological analysis of the notion of honour (cird) among the pre-Islamic Arabs, see Edouard (in the thesis) or Bishr (in the article) Fares, L'honneur chez les Arabes. Etude de sociologie, Paris 1932, and his art. CIRD above. (T. FAHD) AL-SHARAF (Yemen) [see Suppl.]. SHARAF AL-DAWLA, Abu '1-Fawaris Shirdhrl, Buyid ruler (350-79/961-89), the eldest son of
al-Dawla [q.v]. His mother was, like his paternal grandmother, a Turkish slave woman. In 357/967-8, at the age of six or seven, he was given Kirman as an appanage by his father, then ruling in Fars. He accompanied his father on his campaign to conquer Baghdad in 366/977, but was sent back to Kirman to remove him from the court not long before cAdud al-Dawla's death in 372/983. Since the latter had failed to make final arrangements for the succession, a power struggle ensued for the supreme position among the Buyid princes. In Baghdad, Sharaf al-Dawla's younger brother Samsam al-Dawla [q.v.] was recognised by the caliph al-Ta'i'. Sharaf al-Dawla responded by seizing the Buyid power base of Fars. He killed cAdud al-Dawla's vizier there and relied on the backing of commanders who had been imprisoned by his father. He recognised, however, the overlordship of his uncle Mu'ayyid al-Dawla ruling in Rayy. The latter died in 373/984 and was succeeded by his brother Fakhr al-Dawla [q.v.], who backed Samsam al-Dawla's claim to supremacy among cAdud al-Dawla's sons, while himself assuming the title Shahdnshah. Sharaf al-Dawla refused to acknowledge his overlordship, and took the offensive against Samsam al-Dawla. He seized al-Ahwaz and Basra, where two further brothers of his had been ruling. Samsam al-Dawla was forced to sue for peace, and formally agreed to obey Sharaf al-Dawla as his overlord. The caliph confirmed the agreement by conferring the titles Sharaf al-Dawla wa-Tadj al-Milla on the elder brother. The latter had, however, decided to proceed with the conquest of clrak, ignoring the agreement. Samsam al-Dawla surrendered to him in Wash and was soon sent to prison in Fars. Sharaf al-Dawla entered Baghdad in 376/987 and was greeted by the caliph. He now aspired to supremacy over his uncle Fakhr al-Dawla, and assumed the title Shahdnshah. However, an army which he sent against the Kurd Badr b. Hasanuya in western Djibal to punish him for his support of Fakhr al-Dawla was defeated. Before the conflict for supremacy was settled, Sharaf al-Dawla died of dropsy in 379/989 aged 28. He was buried at Kufa next to his father. Sharaf al-Dawla was a patron of astronomical research and built an observatory in the garden of his palace in Baghdad, where Abu Sahl al-Kuhi and other renowned astronomers carried out observations of planetary movements. cAbd al-Rahman al-Sufi dedicated to him a treatise on making astrolabes. Bibliography: Rudhrawarl, Sila, ed. Amedroz and Margoliouth, in The eclipse of the {Abbasid caliphate, iii, 28, 79-149; Ibn al-Athir, index s.v.; Ibn alDjawzT, Muntazam, vii, index s.v.; Kalkashandf, Subh al-a'shd, x, 75-80, xiv, 92-6; M. Kabir, The Buwayhid Dynasty of Baghdad, Calcutta 1964, esp. 69-76; H. Busse, Chalif und Grosskonig, Beirut 1969, 63-7 and index s.v.; W. Madelung, The assumption of the title Shahdnshah by the Buyids and the reign of the Day lam, in JNES, xxviii (1969), 168-72. (W. MADELUNG) SHARAF AL-DIN [see SHUFURWA]. SHARAF AL-DIN,
SHARAF AL-DlN southern Lebanon, eAbd al-Husayn came back to 'Irak in 1892, and he pursued his studies in Nadjaf until May 1904, when he returned to his home village. About three years later he settled in Tyre to become the spiritual leader of the local Imam! Shl'i community. Apart from a period of exile after World War I (see below) and a number of journeys abroad, he lived in Tyre until his death on 30 December, 1957, being then buried in Nadjaf. Supported, inter alia, by Lebanese Shlef communities in West Africa, Sharaf al-Dm was over the years able to establish a number of religious, educational and social institutions in Tyre, such as a Husayniyya, a Friday mosque, schools (including one for girls), a charitable society and an orphanage. Moreover, new mosques were erected or old ones rebuilt on his initiative in a number of adjacent villages. As far as his political activities are concerned, he has been praised by many authors for his stand against the French Mandate over Lebanon [see LUBNAN], and notably for a speech he delivered at a meeting of political and religious leaders at Wadf '1-Hudjayr in April 1920, but he has also been criticised by a few others who have interpreted his attitude at that time and in the following years somewhat differently. However, as a result of his agitation against the mandatory power, he was forced to leave southern Lebanon. First he went to Damascus, after the battle of Maysalun [q.v.] to Egypt, and finally to Palestine, from where he was allowed to return to Tyre in June 1921 (for a book written wholly in defence of Sharaf al-Dfn's political role, see Muhammad al-Kuram, al-Qiudhur al-ta3nkhiyya li 'l-mukdwama al-isldmiyya fi Qabal cAmil, Beirut 1993). During the last years of his life, Sharaf al-Dln himself seems to have paved the way for his relative Sayyid Musa al-Sadr [q.v. in Suppl.j to become his successor as leader of the Shl'f community in Tyre and its vicinity. As a religious scholar, Sayyid cAbd al-Husayn was known for his erudition in both Shf£f and SunnI Hadith, for his apologetical fervour as well as for his conservative standpoint on a number of issues raised by Shrt modernists, such as the corpse traffic to the c Atabdt [q.v. in Suppl.] and its paraphernalia (see Y. Nakash, The Shi'is of Iraq, Princeton 1994, 184-201, esp. 193-7) and certain features of the ta'ziya processions (see W. Ende, The flagellations of Muharram, in IsL, Iv [1978], 19-36, esp. 31-2). As far as his works are concerned, a history of his own family as well as of the Al Sadr, who are closely linked to the Al Sharaf al-Dfn by intermarriage, was published only posthumously by one of his sons, Sayyid c Abd Allah, with extensive additions, i.e. Bughyat al-rdghibin fi silsilat Al Sharaf al-Dm, Beirut 1991 (with e Abd al-Husayn's autobiography in ii, 63-254). Of special fame in Shfi circles is his book alMurdaja'dt, a work on doctrinal questions purporting to contain his correspondence with an Egyptian Sunnf scholar, Salim al-Bishn (d. 1917), who was Shaykh al-Azhar when Sharaf al-Dfn came to Cairo in 1911. The first edition was published only in 1936 in Sidon, while the 10th appeared in 1972 in Beirut; since then there have been several reprints (as well as translations into other languages). Many Shi'fs consider this work (i.e. Sharaf al-Dfn's answers to al-Bishrf s questions) as one of the most convincing expositions of the Twelver Shfr doctrine of the imdma [q.v.] that has ever been written (for a discussion of its rather uncertain genesis, see Brunner, Annaherung). The last of his books published in his lifetime is al-Nass wa 'l-iajtihdd, 'Nadjaf 1956, 10Beirut 1988, a
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work on early Islam and the role of the Companions of the Prophet in the development of the Sharfa. For lists of Sharaf al-Dfn's_many works, see e.g. KubaysT, 53-69; Sadr, 28-32; Al Yasfn, 20-3; 'Abbas
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AL-SHACRANI — SHARARAT
AL-SHA£RANl, £Abd al-Wahhab b. Ahmad (897973/1492-1565), Egyptian Sufi, scholar, historian of Sufism, and a prolific writer about many religious subjects during a period otherwise poor in distinguished figures of learning and piety in the Arab lands. Sources. The main sources for al-Sha£ranf's life are his own writings, which must, of course, be used with caution. This is especially true of Laid3 if al-minan, his lengthy account of the graces bestowed upon him by God, a work that beside recounting miraculous events, also includes many autobiographical elements. Paradoxically, al-Sha£ranf's voluminous literary output obscures our view of him, because most of his biographers, such as his disciple £Abd al-Ra'uf al-Munawf [q.v.], drew heavily on his works, adding little new information. An important biography, al-Mandkib alkubrd, was written in 1109/1697 by Muhammad Muhyf '1-Dm al-MalldjI, an affiliate of the al-Sha'ranl order (Cairo 1350/1932). Origins and life. According to al-ShacranI, his ancestor five generations back was Musa Abu £Imran, son of the sultan of Tlemcen in North Africa. Musa was a follower of Shaykh Abu Madyan Shueayb (d. 594/ 1197), the founder of the Shadhill Sufi tradition, who sent him to Egypt. Finally, the family settled in the village of Sakiyat Abu Sha£ra in the Minufiyya province, hence the nisba. Al-Shaerani came to Cairo at the age of twelve and settled in the Bab al-Shacriyya quarter and was raised in a Sufi milieu. He became a student of Cairo's best-known culamd3 of all the madhdhib, not only his own Shafi£I one, and a follower of distinguished orthodox Sufi's. Yet his spiritual director was an illiterate palm-leaf plaiter (hence, his lakab), named cAlf al-Khawwas al-Burullus! (d. 939/ 1532-3). Al-Sha£ranI became a successful and wealthy man and a popular writer thanks to his attractive personality, erudition and readable style. Inevitably, his popularity made him many enemies and rivals, the most prominent of whom was Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Karlm al-Dm (d. 985/1578), the leader of the (then) unorthodox Khalwati tarika, but he claimed to have had. personal contacts with members of the ruling class, from the pashas, the Ottoman governors of Egypt, down. He died on 12 Djumada I 973/5 December 1565, and was buried in the zdwiya, which had been built for him. His son £Abd al-Rahfm (d. 1011/1608) succeeded as the head of the zawiya and the tarika, although he did not have his father's personality and ability. Yet the tarika survived into the 19th century. Ewliya Celebi mentions al-Shacranfs mawlid in the second half of the llth/17th century. The tarika is mentioned by al-Djabartl and by E.W. Lane, but not by CA1I Basha Mubarak, whose al-Khitat al-tawfikiyya al-ajadida is a major source for Egyptian Sufism in the late 19th century, nor by 20th-century sources and authorities on the subject. His Sufism. Al-Sha'ranT represents the orthodox, middle-of-the-road, only moderately ascetic, and nonpolitical brand of Egyptian Sufism. He was influenced by Shadhilf ethics and literature, but did not identify with that tarika, since he considered it too aristocratic. Socially, he was associated with the Ahmadiyya or Badawiyya, the tarika of Sidl Ahmad al-BadawI (d. 675/1276) [q.v.], whom he venerated, but he fiercely attacked the antinomian and vulgar Ahmadis and other similar orders for their "excesses", their disregard of the Sharfa and lack of respect for the culama\ Likewise, al-Sha£ranT criticises the Khalwatiyya [q.v.], popular at that time among the Turkish soldiers, attacking its principle of khalwa, solitary retreat of the adherents, as causing hallucinations and not true
religious experience. He never states his own tarika affiliation, and identifies generally with the tank alkawm, i.e. the orthodox way of al-Djunayd. His initiation into 26 tarikas seems to have been merely ceremonial or for the sake of obtaining baraka. As a historian of Sufism (he compiled collections of tabakdt containing lives and sayings of Sufis) and an apologist for it, al-Sha£ranI insists that genuine Sufis have never contravened the Sharfa in word or deed, and if it seems otherwise, it is only because of a misunderstanding, misinterpretation, ignorance of the Sufi terminology, or interpolation by enemies. In this way, al-Sha£ram chose to defend the orthodoxy of the great mystic Muhyf '1-Dfn Ibn al-£Arabr [q.v.], whose ideas he epitomises in his al-Tawdkit wa 'l-ajawdhir, rendering the mystic's complicated theories in a simplified way. His fikh. In his al-Mizdn al-Kubrd, al-Sha£ram expounds a theory based on Sufi assumptions that aims at the unification of the four madhdhib, or at least their equality and the need to narrow the gaps between them. He believed that there were no real differences between the founders of the madhdhib, in contradistinction to the opinions held by their narrowminded imitators (mukalliduri). The founders were awliya3 and thus had access to the Source of the Law (eayn al-Sharica) whence they derived the precepts of religion. According to him, there is only one Shari'a, and it has two standards—strict (cazimd) for those who are resolute in their religion, and lenient (rukhsd) for those who are weak. Generally, al-Sha£ranI criticised the Jukaha3 for troubling the common people with the finer points of jurisprudence, of little relevance to the essentials of Islam. His social ideas. His weaknesses and inconsistencies notwithstanding, al-Sha£ram had a feeling for the essentials in religion. He also had a genuine empathy for the weak and underprivileged elements of society, such as fellaheen, labourers, and women. He paid particular attention to the relations of Sufis with members of the ruling class and wrote a treatise advising culamd3 and fakirs how to get along with amirs. His criticism of the rulers' injustice in general and the Ottoman rulers of Egypt in particular, is typically circumspect, but he hints at the date 923/1517, the year of the Ottoman conquest, as a turning point for the worse, and elsewhere makes a hostile remark about the kdnun, the Ottoman administrative law. Bibliography: El1, al-Sha'rdm (J. Schacht); A.E. Shmidt, cAbd al-Vakhkhab ash-Shacrdni i ego kniga razospannikh zjiemcuzhin, St. Petersburg 1914; T. alTawfl, al-Shacrdm, imam al-tasawwuf fi casrihi, Cairo 1945; J.S. Trimingham, The Sufi orders in Islam, London 1971, 220-5; J.-C. Garcin, Index des Tabaqdt de Sha'rdni (pour la Jin du IXe et le debut du Xe S.H.), in Annales Islamologiques, vi (1966), 31-94; M. Winter, Society and religion in early Ottoman Egypt: studies in the writings of'Abd al-Wahhab al-Shacrdm, New Brunswick, NJ. 1982._ (M. WINTER) SHARARAT (A.), a camel-herding group of northwestern Arabia. In Burckhardt's time, the Shararat were known for their camel herds, which they exchanged in the Hawran and at Gaza for wheat. They regarded Ma£an, Djawf and Mada'in Salih as their former properties; Doughty suggested that they came from the Ban! Hilal and Peake that they came from the Kalb. Unable to protect their property, they paid protection money to the Rwala and the Ban! Sakhr, at the same time themselves taking khuwwa [q.v.] from Djawf and, at an earlier date, from the Huwaytat and the Ban! £ Atiyya. The Rwala and Sakhr did not intermarry
SHARARAT — SHARK with them because the Shararat paid for protection. The Shararat were subject, in Doughty's time, to the amir of the Al Rashfd [^.r;.] in Hayil, like most tribes. Both Doughty and Musil emphasised the excellence of Shararat-bred camels. The increasing drawing of northern Arabia into tribal and then state politics probably accounts for the politically-weak Shararat's initial impoverishment, accelerated by the declining market for camels, which had virtually disappeared by the 1940s. Many Shararat are now in the National Guard, army and police of Saudi Arabia or involved in local government, whilst their camel herds supply an urban market for their milk and flesh. Bibliography: J.L. Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouin and Wahabys, London 1831, 29-30; G.A. Wallin, Narrative of a journey from Cairo to Mecca and Medina by Suez, Araba, al-Jauf, Jubbe, Hail and Nejd in 1845, inJRGS, xxiv (1854), 126-63; C.M. Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta, Cambridge 1888; A. Musil, Arabia Deserta, travels in the northern Higdz, New York 1927; idem, Manners and customs of the Rwala Bedouins, New York 1928; F.G. Peake, A history of Jordan and its tribes, repr. Coral Gables, Fla. 1958 (W. and FIDELITY LANCASTER) AL-SHARAT, from the Latin serra through the Spanish sierra, is the term applied by certain geographers of Muslim Spain to the mountains which stretch from east to west in the centre of the Iberian Peninsula. The best definition is given by Ibn Fadl Allah al'Umari. According to this author, the mountain range called al-Sharat stretches from the country behind MadFnat Salim (Medinaceli) to Coimbra. This term therefore describes the mountains now known under the names of Sierra de Guadarrama (Ar. Wadi '1-Ramla?), Sierra de Gredos and Sierra de Gata in Spain and Serra de Estrella in Portugal. In the time of al-ldnsl, however, it was applied only to the Sierra de Guadarrama, to the north of Madrid. The geographer Abu '1-Fida1, quoting Ibn Sa'fd, described the mountain system of the centre of al-Andalus under the name of Djabal al-Shara. According to him, it divided the peninsula into two well marked divisions, the north and the south. Al-Idrisi, in his description of al-Andalus, gives the name of al-Sharat to one of the twenty-six "climes" of this country, the twenty-second in his classification; this region, which embraced all the Sierra de Guadarrama, included the towns of Talavera de la Reina, Toledo, Madrid, al-Fahmfn, Guadalajara, Ucles and Huete. Bibliography: IdrisI, Sifat al-Maghrib, ed. and tr. Dozy and de Goeje, index; Abu 'l-Fida°, Takwim al-bulddn, ed. Reinaud and de Slane, Paris 1840, 66, 167; E. Fagnan, Extraits inedits relatifs au Maghreb, Algiers 1924, 93 and index s.v. ach-Charat, E. Saavedra, La geogrqfia de Espana del Edrisi, Madrid 1881, 48; J. Alemany Bolufer, La geogrqfia de la Peninsula Iberica en los escritores drabes, in Revista del Centro de Estudios Historicos de Granada y su Reino, x (Granada 1920), 3-4. (E. LEVI-PROVENGAL) AL-SHARDJA [see AL-SHARIKA]. SHARK (A.), pi. shuruh, denotes in Arabic a commentary on a text of greater or lesser length, but this term by itself does not cover the entire semantic domain of "commentary". Lexically, it refers to notions of opening, expansion, explanation and finally of commentary. Sixty-seven sharks appear in the Fihrist: language (29, of which two have a tide; two Shark abydt Slbawayh; a Shark abydt al-Iddh; two Shark shawdhid Slbawayh; Shark Maksurat Ibn Durayd by Abu SaTd al-SirafT,
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commentary on a didactic poem; two shark al-macdni), philosophy and sciences (16), concerning the Djabirian corpus (4), HanafTTP (5), Shafi'i (4), Malik! (3), Zahin (1), theology (2), hadith (2) and miscellaneous (2). Also found there are ninety-six tqfsirs: Kur'an (40), philosophy and sciences, whether these are translated works—they are the majority—or commentaries written directly in Arabic (25; the instances where the expression fassarahu is used have not been counted; the same applies to sharahahu], poetry (8), Old Testament (7), Gospels (1), language (4), language and theology (1), Jikh (1), hadith (1) and miscellaneous (8). In the course of time, the number of commentaries becomes impressive, to the point where this emerges as one of the characteristics of Arabic literary production. Many of them are veritable museums, as if their authors feared the loss of whole sections of the patrimony. I. Grammar and philology. Among the works which were the object of commentaries at a very early stage, particular distinction belongs to the Kitdb of Slbawayh (d. 180/796 et alt. an.; 19 titles in Sezgin, ix; 32 names of commentators or glossators in Hadjdji Khalffa, ii, 1427-8). It is difficult to conclude whether the terminology to denote these works is contemporary; it varies between ta'tikdt, tafslr, tafaslr, nukat, shark (or ikhrddj.} nukat and sharh (Sezgin, ix, 58-63). Besides al-Akhfash al-Awsat [q.v.], the disciple of Slbawayh, the following works are listed here: Abu £Umar al-Djarrm (d. 225/839), Tafsir ghanb Slbawayh', al-Mazinf (d. 248/862), K. Tafsir K. Slbawayh; Abu Ya'la b. Zurca (d. 257/871), Nukat cald K. Slbawayh; al-Mubarrad (d. 285/898), Tafsir ma aghfala istiksd3 al-hudjdiafihi. Of the various commentaries and glosses on the Kitdb which have been edited, worth mentioning are: the Shark of Abu SaTd al-Sfrafi (d. 368/979; MIDEO, xviii, no. 9, xix, no. 18), that and of alRummani (MIDEO, xxi, no. 20), Tacllka al-Tacdllk cald K. Slbawayh by Abu cAli al-Farisf [q.v.] (MIDEO, xxi, no. 19). Sharh does not invariably denote a commentary on a work; it also refers to explanations given regarding a subject within a book, especially regarding verses (abydt) or probative quotations (shawdhid). The monumental Khizdnat al-adab of £Abd al-Kadir al-Baghdadi [q.v] constitutes the crowning achievement of this type of literature. Later treatises on grammar or grammatical didactic poems were also the object of commentary, sometimes to an even greater extent. These include al-Mufassal of al-Zamakhsharf (d. 538/1144, 24 according to Brockelmann, I2, 347, S I, 509-10; 18 in Hadjdji Khalifa, ii, 1774-5), al-Durra al-alfiyya of Ibn Muctf (d. 628/1261, MIDEO, xxi, no. 24); al-Kdfiya of Ibn Hadjib (51 entries in Brockelmann, I2, 367-70, S I, 531-5; MIDEO, xix no. 9: Shark of Ibn Djama'a: cf. Makram, 61-2); al-Shdfiya (23 principal entries in Brockelmann, I2, 370-1, S I, 535-7; cf. Makram, 66) of Ibn Hadjib (d. 646/1249); and especially al-Khuldsa al-Alfiyya (45 entries in Brockelmann, I2, 359-62, S I, 522-6; MIDEO, x, no. 2, for the commentary of Ibn c Akrl; MIDEO, xix, no. 8: ten; cf. Makram, 176) of Ibn Malik (d. 672/1274). Some of these commentaries were in their turn the object of commentaries or glosses, among others Awdah al-masdlik of Ibn Hisham (d. 762/1361; 11 entries'in Brockelmann, S I, 523). Numerous unedited commentaries pose a problem on account of the similarity between the titles of the works to which they refer; this applies in the case of those on the K. al-D}umal of al-Zadjdjadjf and that of £ Abd al-Kahir al-Djurdjam (MIDEO, xxi, no. 22). There is less ambiguity with regard to that of Ibn al-
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SHARK
Sarradj (d. 316/928), with commentary by one of his disciples, al-Rummanf (Sezgin, ix, 84). In lexicography, the K. al-Ayn of al-Khalll b. Ahmad [q.v.] has been less the object of commentaries than of addenda et emendanda (Sezgin, viii, 54-6). The same applies to the Gharib al-musannaf of Abu cUbayd (d. 224/838), except that it was also the object of commentary strictu sensu, in particular by Ibn Slduh (d. 458/1066) and by Abu 'l-'Abbas al-Mursf (d. ca. 460/1068; twelve diverse entries in Sezgin, viii, 83-4; MIDEO, xx, no. 6). His K. al-Amthdl received the same treatment (six in Sezgin, viii, 84-5). The same applied to al-^amharafi }l-lugha of Ibn Durayd (d. 321/933) (six entries for summaries, additions, etc.; Sezgin, viii, 103). But no work of this period has received as much attention on the part of lexicographers as the K. alFasih of the Kufan Tha'lab (d. 291/904) (42 entries, including 20 commentaries, in Sezgin, viii, 142-4; MIDEO, xix, no. 5). Major lexicographical works or dictionaries have seldom been subjected to commentary. However, the emendations, alterations, additions, elucidations, additions, glosses, corrections and even "summaries" (tahdhib, mukhtasar, tahnila, baydn wa-takrib, hawdshi, tashih) of which they have been the object belong more or less to the domain of "commentary". Furthermore, the more recent of them are in a relationship of "commentaries" to "texts" with regard to the earlier (see Kraemer; Sezgin, viii; introd. by C A.S.A. Farad] to T'A, ed. Kuwait; El, art KAMUS). II. Poetry, adab and stylistics. It is hardly surprising that Ibn al-Nadlm does not name a single shark of collections of poetry, seeing that he mentions only twenty-eight diwdns. Al-Amidf (d. 371/981) refers to 59 (R. Jacobi, in GaP, ii, 11). Moreover, collections of poetry were at first called shi'r or even khabar (Sezgin, ii, 36-46). It should, however, be recognised that "commentaries" on poetry are not absent from the Fihrist, although this is only through the intermediary of the sharks abydt/shawdhid or the sharks ma'dnl al-Bdhili of Lughda/Lughdha al-Isfahanf, contemporary of Ibn Kutayba, and of Bundar b. cAbd al-Hamfd b. Lurra (first half of 3rd/9th century). On the other hand, Ibn al-Nadlm mentions three tqfsirs of poetry by Ibn Durustawayh (d. 347/958; Sezgin, viii, 106-8): of al-Mufaddaliyydt (incomplete), of al-Sabc [al-Mucallakdt] and of the Kasida of Shubayl b. eAzra. He also adds here the Tafsir alsabc al-djahiliyydt wa-gharibihd, of al-'Umarf, judge of Takrlt, and the Tafsir al-Hamdsa of Abu Tammam [q.v.] by al-Dfmartr (flor. ca. 364/975, Sezgin, ii, 68). Among the commentators on the Mu'allakdt (29 entries in Sezgin, ii, 50-3; cf. Blachere, HLA, i, 143-8), worth mentioning are: Abu Sacld al-Danr (d. 282/895), Ibn Kaysan (d. 299/911), Abu Bakr Ibn al-Anbarf (d. 328/940; in fact a revision of his father's commentary), Ibn al-Nahhas [q.v.], al-Zawzam (d. 486/1093), Abu Bakr al-Batalyawsf (d. 494/1100) and Abu Zakariyya' al-TibrlzI (d. 502/1109). The Hamdsa of Abu Tammam was no less the object of commentaries (36 entries in Sezgin, ii, 69-72). The greatest success in these terms belongs, however, to the Bdnat Su'dd of Kacb b. Zuhayr [q.v] (48 in Sezgin, ii, 231-34). Some authors distinguished themselves in the elucidation of various collections of poetry. These include Abu Sa'fd al-Sukkan (d. 275/888); Ibn al-Anbarf, disciple of Tha'lab: commentaries on al-Mufaddaliyydt (Sezgin, ii, 54; Blachere, HLA, i, 148-50); Abu Bakr al-Sulf (d. 335/946): commentaries on the Hamdsa of Abu Tammam (Sezgin, ii, 68); al-Macarrf [q.v.], commentator especially on al-MutannabT (MIDEO, xx, no. 66); Abu £AlT al-KalT (d. 356/967); Ibn Khalawayh (d. 370/980); Ibn Djinnl (d. 392/1002); al-Marzukf
(d. 421/1030); Abu '1-Hasan al-Wahidl (d. 468/1075); al-Aclam al-Shantamarf (d. 476/1083): commentaries on the seven Mu'allakdt', al-Tibrfzf: commentaries on the Hamdsa (Sezgin, ii, 71, no. 24), on the Ldmiyyat al-Arab of Shanfara (Sezgin, ii, 135); Mawhub alDjawalfkf (d. 540/1145); Ibn Hisham al-Ansari (d. 761/1360). Among works of adab, the Adab al-kdtib of Ibn Kutayba has drawn the attention of commentators (eleven in G. Lecomte, Ibn Qutayba, 104-5). An interesting case in the domain of stylistics is that of the Miftdh al-'ulum of al-Sakkaki (626/1229; Hadjdjf KhalTfa, ii, 1762-8) which was the object of a comprehensive commentary (explicit 742/1341) by Husam al-Dln al-Khwarazmf. But it was especially the third part of this work, on stylistics, which was commented on and glossed, then summarised (see A. Arazi and H. Ben Shammai, art. MUKHTASAR, at Vol. VII, 537a), the summaries in their turn being commented on and glossed. The ideas of the author were evidently modified by the commentators and glossators (Brockelmann, I 2 , 352-6, S I, 515-19; A. Matlub, al-Kazwml wa-shuruh al-Talkhis, Baghdad 1967; R. Sellheim, i, 299-317; W. Heinrichs, in GaP, ii, 184). III. Religious sciences. It is probable that the first "commentaries" or explanations in this area were applied to the gharib [q.v] of the Kur'an and of hadith in the form of oral explanations, of pamphlets, then of books. These were therefore not "commentaries" on a work, but explanations of a term, of a verse, or of a tradition. In fact, they most often bear the title of Gharib/ Tafsir al-hadith or al-Kur'dn, or even Shark gharib al-hadith (Abu 'Ubayda, d. 207/822, whose Ma&dz al-Kur'dn is also called al-Madfiz fi gharib al-Kur3dn). For commentaries on the Kur'an, the accepted term is tafsir [q.v.]. However, the Muctazill Abu Muslim al-Isfahanf (d. 322/934) is the author of a commentary sometimes called Sharh ta'wil al-Kur3dn wa-tafslr macdnlhi (E. Kohlberg, A medieval Muslim scholar at work, Leiden 1992, 330). For the explanation of isolated passages of the Kurjan, shark is sometimes applied to a few pages (dLUZ3), in the form: Shark, kawlihi tacdld (four in the list of works of Makki b. Abl Talib, in Kiftf, Inbdh, iii, 317-8) or Shark dyat..., or even Shark /Tafsir surat..., Shark al-Basmala, Shark kalimatay al-shahdda. AlKasjishdfby al-Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144), unusually for a commentary on the Kurjan, was frequently the object of commentaries and glosses (Brockelmann, I2, 345-6, S I, 507-9). The "commentaries on the divine names" also contain interpretations of the terms according to various theological orientations. They may bear various titles: Shark al-asmd3 al-husnd (31 in HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 1031-5), but also Tafsir, Kitdb, etc. (D. Gimaret, Les norms diuins en Islam, Paris 1988, 1629). In the context of hadith, shark is used for the commentary on a single tradition. Some traditions have been subjected to extensive commentary, in particular Shark hadith Umm far': al-Taban (Gilliot, Elt [see Bibl], 67), al-Kadl clyad (ibid., no. 8); Shark gharib hadith Umm %arc by Ibn al-Anban (Sezgin, viii, 154) and Ibn al-Khallal (flor. ca. 1000/1591). The major collections of prophetic traditions, in particular the "six books", have been the object of an impressive number of commentaries, the majority of which are supplied with titles: 27 for al-Muwatta3', all recensions combined (sometimes also Tafsir al-Muwatta3, M. Muranyi, Ein altes Fragment medinensischer Jurisprudent aus Qairawan, Wiesbaden 1985, 12); 56 for al-Bukharl, 27 for Muslim (Sezgin, i, 115 ff.), etc. In the genre of the "Forty
SHARH Prophetic Traditions", the collection of al-Nawawi (d. 676/1277), al-Arbacun al-nawawiyya, has been the object of some forty commentaries, including one by the author himself (L. Pouzet, Une Hermeneutique de la tradition islamique..., Beirut 1982, 55-7). In the terminology of hadith, pride of place probably belongs to the Mukaddima of Ibn al-Salah [q.v], which was commented on, glossed and summarised (Brockelmann, I2, 441-2, S I, 610-12; MIDEO, xix, no. 43; xxi, no. 121). The energy of the commentators in Muslim law is no less impressive (Spies, 238-69; Sezgin, i, 409-524). In Hanafi law (Spies, 238-47; Sezgin, i, 409-57), at least fifteen commentaries are known to have been made on one of the oldest Hanafi compilations of Juruc, al-Didm? al-kabir of al-Shaybam (d. 189/805), including those by al-TahawI (d. 321/933) and alDjassas [q.v.], who also wrote the earliest commentary on al-Mukhtasar of al-TahawI. The judicial epitome of this school, al-Mabsut'fi 'l-juruc by al-Sarakhsi (d. 490/ 1097 [q.v]), is a commentary on al-Kofi of Muhammad al-Marwazf (d. 334/945). The Bidayat al-mubtadi3, a compendium by al-Farghanf al-Marghinanf (d. 593/ 1197), was also the object of numerous commentaries; the same applied to the Mandr al-anwdr, a manual of Abu '1-Barakat al-Nasafi (d. 710/1310). As for the Mukhtasar of al-Kudurl (d. 428/1037 [q.v]), which is called al-Kitab by the Hanafis, Hadjdji Khalifa, ii, 1631-2, lists twelve commentaries on it. The same author also wrote a commentary on the Mukhtasar of al-Karkhf (d. 340/951; HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 1634-5; Brockelmann, S I, 295). In Malikf law (Spies, 254-60; Sezgin, i, 457-84; Muranyi, in GaP, ii, particularly for the commentaries on the Mudawwana), as elsewhere, some of the older manuals were displaced by more recent ones. Such was the case of the Mukhtasar?,, al-kabir and al-saghir, of Ibn cAbd al-Hakam (d. 214/829); both'were subjected to commentary by al-Abharl (d. 375/985); the second by Abu Bakr Muhammad b. al-Djahm (d. 282/895) (Fihrist, 200, 201). They were superseded, to some extent, by al-Risala of Ibn Abf Zayd alKayrawani (d. 386/996, 15 entries in Sezgin) and by al-Mukhtasar of Khalll b. Ishak (d. 767/1365; Brockelmann, IP, 102-3, S II, 96-9), on which one of the most recent commentaries is that of al-Dardfr (d. 1201/1786; MIDEO, xxi, no. 174). The didactic poem of Ibn cAsim (d. 829/1426), was also the object of frequent commentary. In Shafi'I law (Spies, 284-54, Sezgin, i, 484-502), the Mukhtasar of al-Muzanl (d. 264/877) also attracted the interest of commentators (six in Sezgin, i, 493); but the compendium of Abu Shudjae (d. 593/116; Brockelmann, S I, 676-7) was no less the object of explanations and glosses; the same applied to the Minhdaj al-talibln of al-Nawawf [q.v.']. In Hanball law, the basic compendium is alMukhtasar of al-Khirakl (d. 334/945). It was commented on by Abu Ya'la Ibn al-Farra' (d. 458/1065), but especially by Muwaffak al-Dln Ibn Kudama (d. 620/1233 [q.v.]) under the title al-Mughm. The latter's al-Muknic was the object of commentary by £ Abd al-Rahman b. Muhammad b. Kudama (d. 682/ 1283; MIDEO, xxi, no. 'l80). Commentators did not always belong to the same school of law; thus the eUmda of the Hanbali {Abd al-Ghanf al-MakdisI (d. 600/1203) was the object of commentary by the Shafi'I Ibn Daklk al-Td (d. 625/ 1128 [q.v. in Suppl.]) in Shark 'Umdat al-ahkdm, which was glossed by the Zaydf al-cAmir al-SancanI (d. 1099/ 1688) in al-cUdda (MIDEO, xxi, no. 'l84). The major compilations of Shfi traditions and law
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were also subjected to commentary, especially "the four books" (Spies, 263-5; Sezgin, i, 540-2, 545-9). Dialectical and scholastic theology was no less prolific, generating numerous catechisms, creeds, professions of faith and treatises on theology (usul aldln, kaldm). The various treatises and "testaments" of Abu Hanlfa were commented on abundantly from the 5th/llth century onward (Sezgin, i, 412-8). Al-cAka3id of Abu Hafs al-Nasafi (d. 537/1142) was certainly one of the most commented on and glossed texts in Islam (MIDEO, xix, no. 48); one of its best known commentaries is that by al-Taftazanl (d. 791/1388). At the present day, the manual _of Ash'ari theology al-Mawdkiffi cilm al-kaldm of al-ldjl [q.v.] is studied with the commentary of al-Sharif al-Djurdjanl and the glosses of the Indian cAHbd al-Haklm al-Siyalkutl (d. 1067/1657) and of Hasan Celebi al-Fanarl (d. 886/1641) (W. Madelung, in GaP, ii, 333). As in law, there were occasions when theologians of different trends commented on one another. Thus the Muhassal al-afkdr of the Ash'arl Fakhr al-Dln al-RazI was the object of commentary by a Shfl of Muctazill persuasion, Nasir al-Dln al-TusI. The latter's Tadjnd alC akd3id, with its long introduction dealing with logic and ontology, was commented on by the Shafi'IAsh'arl Mahmud al-Isfaham (d. 749/1349) under the title Tasdid al-kawd'id ("al-Sharh al-kadim"), then by the SunnI astronomer and philosopher al-KushdjI (d. 879/ 1474 [see CALI AL-KUSHDJI] ("'al-Sharh al-ajadtd"). These two commentators were in their turn the object of commentaries and glosses by Shi"! and SunnI authors (Brockelmann, I2, 670-2, S I, 925-7; W. Madelung, in GaP, ii, 333). In mysticism, numerous texts were the objects of commentary, beginning with the K. al-Tacarruf of al-Kalabadhl (d. 380/990 [q.v.]), in particular by CA1I al-KunawI (d. 712/1326; Sezgin, i, 669), the Risdla of al-Kushayri (d. 465/1072) by Zakariyya1 al-Ansarl (d. 926/1520; Brockelmann, I2, 556, S I, 771-2). The same applied to Mandz.il al-sd'inn of al-Ansarl alHarawl [q.v.]', cf. the introduction to the edition and translation of S. Laugier de Beaurecueil, Les etapes des itinerants vers Dieu, Cairo 1962, 15-21; idem, in MIDEO, xi (1972), 80-91. Numerous writings of Shihab al-Dln al-Suhrawardl (d. 587/1191; Brockelmann, I2, 565-6) also received the attentions of commentators. Many works of Ibn cArab! [q.v] were commented on, but pride of place belongs to Fusus al-hikam,', see O. Yahia, Histoire et classification de I'csuvre d'Ibn 'Arabi, Damascus 1964, 241-57. Certain religious texts, such as the Burda, a panegyric of the Prophet by al-Busfrl (d. 694/1294 [q.v. in Suppl.), were the object of particular attention: 74 commentaries in Brockelmann, I2, 308-13, S I, 46770; MIDEO, xxi, nos. 45, 96. Many commentaries are veritable encyclopaedias, the text under discussion often serving as a pretext for recording entire documents or quotations from works of which many have since been lost; such is the case with the commentary on the Nahaj al-baldgha [q.v] by Ibn Abi 'l-Hadld [q.v] or that on the Ihyo? c ulum al-din by al-Zabldl [q.v]. IV. Philosophy. It is in this region that research is most advanced in relation to the terminology of the "commentary". Reference should be made to the art. MUKHTASAR. section on philosophy, to be complemented by Endress and Gutas. The translators of the ancient sources were the first Arab exegetes. In fact, transference into Arabic required an interpretation. This is why they included in their works paraphrases, definitions and glosses
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SHARH — SHARP
which derived in part from the scholia of their base texts or from the commentaries which were at their disposal. Numerous terms need to be taken into consideration, especially in the domain of logic, even if it is not always easy to tell them apart. TqfsTr is a generic term which signifies literally "to bring to light, reveal" something which is hidden, and consequently "to interpret, elucidate, explain", and sometimes even to interpret in the sense of translating. This generic sense appears under the rubric of De interpretatione, in Fihrist, 249, where the authors of writings called "synopses" or "epitomes" (summaria, o^awdmf], "abridgments" (mukhtasars, talkhisat) or "commentaries" (sharks), are defined as exegetes (al-mufassirun). Shark is "the commentary on a text which is not an interpretative abridgment, but which may nevertheless be of variable length" (Gutas, 35). This can be a developed commentary, ad litteram ('aid 'l-lafz), or an interpretation according to the sense (cald }l-maend) in the form of a paraphrase (e.g. Talkhls Safsata, Exposition or Paraphrase of the Sophistici elenchi by Ibn Rushd). It can also have the appearance of notes on the text (e.g. Shark K. Bdnminiyds 'aid o^ihat al-ta'tik of al-Farabf); for a full analysis, see Endress, in GaP, ii, 461-73, iii, 19-20; Gutas, 31-43. V. Other elements of the semantic field of "commentary". It is appropriate to include other terms here e.g. tahnr (revision of a text, or even "edition"), a term which refers to the elements of a text or a commentary which have been chosen for comment, clarification or correction, such as the Tahnr of al-Djuwaynl on the lost commentary by al-Bakillanf on the K. al-Luma{ of al-Ashcan (Madelung, in GaP, ii, 332); or furthermore the commentaries on scientific compendia of the ancients such as those of Euclid, of Menelaos, etc., revised by Nasir al-Dm al-Tusi (Endress, in GaP, ii, 463). It is also necessary to take into account works which bear the tide taknr, a term which refers to remarks on a text. Other types of work belong to a greater or lesser extent to the genre of "commentary" or contain interpretative elements; for this reason it would be necessary, in a monograph on the subject which is yet to be written, to consider the following genres also: in certain cases, the addenda and corrigenda, complements and supplements, especially in philology: Istidrak (two in the Fihrist, bearing on the K. al-(Ayn), al-istidrdk lima aghfalahu, ma aghfalahu, ja'it, ziydddt, istikhrddj., ikhradj. nukat, takmila, ghalat and tashih, sometimes even "refutations": radd, nakd and intisdr. Numerous works which bear the tide tahdhib belong to the category of "commentary", thus for example The emendation of traditions (Tahdhib al-dthdr of al-Tabari) (see Elt, 58-60; arts. HASHIYA, MATN, etc.; cf. A.F.L. Beeston, in CHAL. i. Arabic literature to the end of the Umayyad Period, Cambridge 1983, 24). Bibliography. Besides the references in the article, see Elt = Cl. Gilliot, Exegese, langue et theologie, Paris 1990; G. Endress, Die wissenschqftliche Literatur, in GaP, ii, 400-506, iii, 3-152; GaP, i-iii = W. Fischer and H. Gatje (eds.), Grundriss der arabischen Philologie, Wiesbaden 1982-92; D. Gutas, Aspects of literary forms and genre in Arabic logical works, in C. Burnett (ed.), Glosses and commentaries on Aristotelian logical texts, London 1993, 29-76; J. Kraemer, Studien zur altarabischen Lexikographie, in Oriens, vi (1953), 201-38; CA.S. Makram, al-Madrasa al-nahwiyya fi Misr wa 'l-Shdm, Beirut 1980; M. Muranyi, Fiqh, in 'GaP, ii, 299325; M.S. MursI, Shuruh al-aeldm li-Alfyyat Ibn Malik, Cairo 1987; R. Sellheim, Materialien zur arabischen Literaturgeschichte. i, Wiesbaden 1976; O. Spies,
Klassisches islamisches Recht, in Orientalisches Recht, HdOr, Leiden 1964, 220-343; B.K. Vollmann et alii, Kommentar, in Lexikon des Mittelalters, Munich 1987, v, 1279-83; R. Weigand, Glossatoren, in op. cit., iv, 1504-7. (CL. GILLIOT) SHART (A., pi. shawdric), "clearly-defined way, main road, highway"; "situated on a main road, at the side of the road (e.g. a house)". Compared with other terms having similar urban denotations, such as darb and zukdk, the uses of shdrf as a common noun are not the most numerous in the pre-modern texts. Thus there is no chapter in alMaknzi's Khitat devoted to this term; the treatise devoted to it at the end of the 9th/15th century, the K. al-Fawd3id al nqfisa al-bdhira fi baydn hukm shawdric al-Kdhira (ms. Istanbul, Siileymaniye 1176) is an exception. Shdric is often used as an adjective and as an active participle, "giving on to a street" (of a house, see LCA), "opening out on to"; or, preceded by a particle, it forms (like tank) a phrase meaning "at the opening out of...", "on the road of..." (see S. Denoix, Decrire Le Caire. Fustdt-Misr d'apres Ibn Duqmdq et Maqrizi, Cairo 1993, 143). But it also becomes a genuine toponym. In the geographer Ibn Rusta [q.v.], the shdrf divides SancaJ into two halves (see R.B. Serjeant and R. Lewcock, Sarfd3, an Arabian Islamic city, London 1983, 146). "It is the Street called Straight, the main street of Damascus" in Ibn cAsakir (N. Elisseeff, La description de Damas d'Ibn cAsdkir, Damascus 1959, 85 n. 10) (but in Ottoman times, the three main traffic arteries were called tank sultdni). Al-shdric al-aczam denoted the main axis, the central avenue, of cAbbasid Samarra* or the kasaba of the Cairo of al-MakrfzI. In the course of their long history, the names for traffic routes did not necessarily express differences in width, length, form or function. Nor, with the exception of shdrf, did they indicate the open and freelycirculated nature or, on the contrary, the closed nature of what they designated. To define the status of a way, legal language resorted to a single criterion, nafidh or sdlik "through way" and gfeayr ndfidh/sdlik "closed way, cul-de-sac". A shdric was ndfidh, "it denotes a road properly open at both ends ... a public road where everyone has the right to circulate" (R. Brunschvig, Etudes d'Islamologie, Paris 1976, ii, 11), and a road along which clear passage must be maintained. At the time when cities and towns were being transformed and the vocabulary of urban patterning evolved, sh,dric became a key element in the new terminology, as is seen in the Khitat al-tawfikiyya al-dj.adlda of cAlf Mubarak Pasha. Shdri' was henceforth used for any road of some importance, corresponding to a "street" or to Fr. boulevard or avenue, as in Cairo, in the quarters built up since the end of the 19th century. Or it could be used only for the main arterial roads, whilst for the secondary ones, other terms, which were part of the local tradition, would be used. This was still the case in Cairo, where, in the historic centre, shdrif co-exists with sikka, hdra, darb, catfa and zukdk, in accordance with a terminology laid down by the city administration at the end of the last century. Similarly in Tunis, where the term coexists with nahdj. and zanka, which are by no means exclusive to the madlna. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): D. Deverdun, Marrakech des origines a 1912, Rabat 1959-66; J.M. Rogers, Sdmarrd, a study in medieval town planning, in A. Hourani and S.M. Stern (eds.), The Islamic city, Oxford 1970; A. Raymond and G. Wiet, Les marches du Caire. Traduction annotee du texte de Maqrisi, Cairo 1979; A. Abdesselem, La
SHART — SHARFA semantique sociale de la ville d'apres les auteurs tunisiens du XVIP et X" sucks, in A. Bouhdiba and D. Chevallier (eds.), La ville arabe dans I'Islam, Paris-Tunis 1982; L. Fernandes, Habitat et prescriptions legates, in IREMAM, L'habitat traditionnel dans les pays musulmans autour de La Mediterranee, ii, Uhistoire et le milieu, Cairo 1990. (J.-Cn. DEPAULE) SHARI'A (A.), derived from the root shara'a, having a primary range of meaning in relation to religion and religious law; also SHAR', frequently synonymous. The word shari'a is common to the Arabic-speaking peoples of the Middle East and designates a prophetic religion in its totality, generating such phrases as shari'at Musd, shari'at al-Masih (the law/religion of Moses or the Messiah), shari'at alMaa^us (the Zoroastrian religion) or shari'atu-nd (meaning our religion and referring to any of the monotheist faiths). Within Muslim discourse, shari'a designates the rules and regulations governing the lives of Muslims, derived in principal from the Kur'an and hadith. In this sense, the word is closely associated with fkh [q.v.], which signifies academic discussion of divine law. The root shara'a has a wide range of secular usage explored and analysed in the Arabic lexicographical tradition (see 5. below). 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
£han'a in Kur'an and Shan1 a in Jewish and Christian literature Shari'a in Muslim literature Shari'a and fkh Shari'a in the lexicographical tradition
1. Shari'a in K u r j a n and hadith. 1.1. Short'a occurs once in the Kur'an, at XLV, 18 ("We have set you on a shari'a of command, so follow it"), where it designates a way or path, divinely appointed. The cognate shir'a is also used once, at V, 48, in parallel to minhdaj, meaning way or path ("To each we have appointed a shir'a and a minhddj"). The verb shara'a occurs twice, once with God as subject (shara'a la-kum min al-din ..., "He has laid down for you as religion that which he appointed also for Noah", XLII, 13); and once in relation to rebels (shara'u lahum min al-ain ..., "Or do they have companions who have laid down for them as religion that which God did not permit?" VII, 163). 1.2. In the corpus of hadith, surveyed by Wensinck et al, shari'a occurs once in the singular, in a hadith in the Musnad of Ibn Hanbal: "the community shall remain on the shari'a (path/way) as long as there does not occur in it three things ..." The plural form occurs not more than a dozen times, mostly in locutions like shard3? al-isldm, shard3i' al-lmdn, once in a string of terms indicating rules: inna li-'l-imdn fard3id wa-shard3i' wa-hudud wa-sunan. The word shar' does not occur with the connotation of religion or law, and the verbal form shara'a occurs only once with these connotations, in a set of variations of the same hadith: "God has laid down for his (var. your) Prophet the rules of guidance" (shara'a li-nabi-hi sunan al-hudd). The noun shar', the verb shara'a and derivatives occur frequently with secular meanings, corresponding to those discussed in 5. below. This paucity of usage and connotation make it unlikely that these sources constitute the beginning of the development of this term in Islam or in the other monotheist faiths. 2. Shari'a in Jewish and Christian literature. 2.1. The Jewish tradition. The translation of the Old Testament into Arabic attributed to SaTd b. Yusuf al-Fayyumf, known as Saeadya Gaon (d. A.D. 933 [^.^.]), demonstrates that shari'a had become a
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central component of the religious vocabulary of the Arabic-speaking Jewish community. The most commonly used term for translating Hebrew torah is Arabic shari'a or its plural. When the Hebrew word clearly designates a single rule, or set of rules, the favoured terms are shari'a and shardyi'. The same is true when the Hebrew term designates the law as a totality, the law delivered to Moses. There are many instances, especially in Deuteronomy, where the Hebrew word is retained in an Arabic form, al-tawrdh. The use of shari'a to designate a single rule is most obvious in a group of verses in Leviticus, e.g. Lev. vi, 8, "This is the law of the burnt offering" (hddhihi shari'at...); cf. vi, 14; vi, 25; vii, 1; vii, 7 etc. The plural form is found at Exod. xviii, 20, "And thou shalt teach them ordinances and laws" (al-rusiim wa 'l-shardyi'); cf. xviii, 16. The more general sense, where the word torah means the whole of the law, is exemplified at Exod. xiii, 9, "And it shall be a sign unto thee [Moses] ... that the Lord's law may be in thy mouth" (li-takun shari'at Allah Jiji-ka). The plural form is found at Exod. xvi, 4, "That I may prove them whether they will walk in my law or not" (fi shardyi'l am Id)', cf. Exod. xxiv, 12. A majority of references to torah in Deuteronomy elicit the Arabic form al-tawrdt, perhaps because the referent is understood to be the Pentateuch; but cf. Deut. iv, 44, "And this is the law which Moses set before the children of Israel" (wahddhihi al-shari'a allati ...). Shari'a is thus the most common word expressing rule and system of rules in Sacadya's Arabic version of the Hebrew Bible. It is occasionally used to translate Hebrew misvah, e.g. Deut. vi, 25; xvii, 20. It functions frequently as one of a cluster of words designating God's commands, often together with wasdyd, rusum, ahkdm, etc., e.g. Deut. xxvi, 5; xxvi, 17. This translation, even if managed and completed by Sacadya, should be understood as a reflection of a pre-existing Arabic targum tradition (Blau). A similar reliance on the nouns shari'a and shar', and the verb shara'a, for reference to God's law-making activities, is found in Sa'adya's theological (polemical) work, K. al-Amdndt wa 'l-i'tikdddt. This book, though it reflects Sa'adaya's participation in the Rabbanite-Karaite [see KARAITES] struggle, may be accepted as a reflection of the general religious vocabulary used in polemical contexts by those who shared the monotheist traditions of the Middle East. Shari'a and its plural designate individual laws (141, 175) and also systems of law revealed by God through prophets (113). Rational laws are distinguished from revealed laws (al-shardyi' al-'akliyya wa 'l-sam'iyya, 115-8). Shar' is used synonymously with shari'a', and the verb, shara'a with God as subject, meaning to lay down a law (128-9). A context which generates multiple reference to the law (religious system promulgated by a prophet) is abrogation (naskh), the question whether the law of a later can abrogate that of an earlier prophet (131). Arabic tawrdt is used to designate the Pentateuch: shar' al-tawrah, sharayi' al~tawrah (139). 2.2. The Christian tradition. A similar use of this vocabulary can be found in Christian writers, discussion of abrogation being particularly likely to generate systematic reference to shari'a. A characteristic example, from the 4th/10th century, may be found in a polemical tract directed against the Jews, by the Jacobite clsa b. Ishak Ibn Zurca [q.v.]. Shari'a refers to a system of laws brought by a prophet and subject (perhaps) to abrogation by later prophets. The word sunna (pi. sunan] [q.v.] covers the same semantic field. Both terms are extended to carry distinctions
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SHARPA
between natural, rational and revealed laws. The Christian religion, the Law of the Messiah, is referred to as sunnat al-Maslh (34) and shari'at al-Masih (35). The question of when this cluster of Arabic terms emerged as part of the self-expression of Jews and Christians is unclear. But, whatever model is adopted for the emergence and early development of Islam, it is necessary to acknowledge the co-existence or prior existence of Arabic-speaking Jewish and Christian communities. The development of an Arabic vocabulary for the expression of concepts and ideas integral to the prophetic religions of the Middle East is perhaps best understood as the common achievement of several communities engaged in polemical encounter throughout the 7th to the 9th centuries A.D. The most radical and stimulating account of this encounter is that of J. Wansbrough (1977, 1978). 3. Shari'a in Muslim literature. Shari'a and its cognates appear, in Islamic religious literature, reflecting the same range and type of reference as in Jewish and Christian literature. Sfeari'a (pi. shard3 i') designates a rule of law, or a system of laws, or the totality of the message of a particular prophet. In so far as it designates a system of laws it is synonymous with the word shar', which is probably the more common word in juristic literature for divine law. The verb shara'a may appear with God as subject (following Kur'anic usage). More frequently, the process of demonstrating the law is a prophetic activity, and the word shari' (law-giver) refers characteristically to Muhammad in his function as model and exemplar of the law. In a rare extension of meaning, the word shari' is transfered to the jurists, thereby highlighting the creative aspect of their interpretative activity (al-Shatibf, iv, 245). These patterns of usage may be found in all the major genres of religious literature. 3.1. Kaldm, Theological literature is likely to generate reference to shari(a wherever the message bearing activity of a prophet becomes the focus of discussion. Al-Bakillanf (d. 403/1013 [q.v.]), in a discussion of prophets as bearers of the divine message (risdla), raised the question whether they confirm or abrogate the shari'a of an earlier prophet, shari'at ghayn-hi min alrusul. He uses the adjective shar'i to indicate revealed laws (al-'ibdddt al-shar'iyya) perhaps distinguished them from rational laws (al-kaddyd al-'akliyya) (38-40). The category of moral rules accessible to the intellect was denied by Sunnls, but the concept was forced upon them by their Mu'tazili opponents. Al-Ghazalf (d. 505/ 1111 [0.z>.]), in his K. al-Arba'in, describes Muhammad as sent with a message (risdld) such that he abrogated with his law earlier laws, nasakha bi-shar'i-hi al-shard3i'. Here shard3i' functions perhaps as a plural for shar' (20). In the Muctazill tradition, the words shar', shari'a, etc., kept their general sense, meaning the totality of a prophetic religion, but were also used systematically to distinguish rational from revealed laws. The Shfcf (Mu'tazill) scholar al-cAllama al-Hillf (d. 726/1325 [^.z;.]) accounts it a benefit of prophecy that the prophet brings rules which are not accessible to the intellect; he refers to these as sjiard3i' or 'ibdddt wa-shard3i'. He thinks there is no period of time exempt from a prophetic law (shar'u nabi) (271-3, 278). Heresiographical literature continues to use the word shari'a and its derivatives to refer to Islam and to other religions, including shari'at al-Maa^us for Zoroastrianism (W. Cantwell Smith). 3.2. Tqfsir. Works of Kur'anic commentary draw on the conceptual structures of kaldm while developing some arguments specific to Kur'anic usage. The
word shir'a is usually declared to be synonymous with shari'a. Comparison of Kur'an, V, 48 ("To each [community] we have appointed a shir'a") and XLII, 13 ("He has laid down—shara'a—for you as religion— din—that which he had laid down also for Noah") prompted a systematic distinction between shari'a, meaning law, and different for different prophets, and din, implying recognition of the one God, and the same for all prophets. From al-Tabarf, citing Katada, ad V, 48: the Torah, the Gospels and the Kur'an have each their own sharica ... but dm is one, meaning tawhid and ikhlds li-lldh, and brought by all prophets. 3.3. Juristic literature. In so far as juristic literature gives an account of or a statement of rules, it need not generate self-referring locutions. When it does so, there was a considerable number of technical terms meaning rule: sunna/sunan, hukm/ahkdm, farida/fard'id, hadd/hudud, shari'a/shard3ic. The latter does not dominate in the earliest texts. Even later, general reference to the law is more likely to elicit the word shar' than shari'a. Systematic distinction between ordinary linguistic usage and technical juristic usage depends on the contrast lughat^.'shar'™. Hermeneutical literature (works of usul al-fikh) generated an increasing quantity of reference to the law, the law-giver etc., but the earliest work of this kind, the Risdla of al-Shaficf, makes little use of the word shari'a or shar'. Later works generated numerous references. A characteristic context relates to the question whether Muslims and/or Muhammad were subject to the laws of earlier prophets. Al-Ghazali, in his Mustasfa, phrased the question in relation to shar'u-nd and sjiar'u man kabland, our law and the law of those before us. He asked whether Muhammad was bound by the law (shar') of earlier prophets, and whether he abrogated the shari'a (sic) of Moses and Jesus. The rapid transition from shar' to shari'a suggests no distinction between these terms in this context. Espousing one of the views current in juristic circles, al-GhazalT affirmed that the Shari'a of our Prophet (shari'at rasuli-nd) abrogated previous systems; for, if Muhammad had been bound by any other sjiar', he would not deserve the title of lawgiver (shari'}. Most of the problems attendant on the word shari'a were perspicuous to the tradition and capable of being explained. The Hanafi jurist Ibn cAbidin (Muhammad Amm b. £Umar, d. 1252/1836) explained it as having the meaning of a passive participle of the verb shara'a, meaning that which is laid down, or decreed. When the Prophet is identified as the law-giver, the shari', this is metaphoric usage (madj.dz"'1); in truth (hakikat™), it is God who is shari'. Shari'a means the same as milla and din (i.e. the totality of religious beliefs), but it may be applied absolutely to the rules (ahkdm) governing human actions. Both shari'a and din may be ascribed (in a genitive construction) to God, the Prophet and the community: God's _ law, the Prophet's and the community's law. (Ibn cAbidm, i, 11) 4. Shari'a and fifch. The academic discipline whereby scholars described and explored the Shari'a is called Jikh. The word designates a human activity, and cannot be ascribed to God or (usually) the Prophet. It frequently occurs in a genitive construction with the name of a scholar: the Jikh of Malik, the Jikh of Ibn cAbidfn. The Shari'a, contained in God's revelation (Kur'an and hadith), is explained and elaborated by the interpretative activity of scholars, masters of Jikh, the Jukahd3. Since this is in practice the only access to the law, the two words are sometimes used synonymously, though shari'a retains the connotation of divine, and Jikh that of
SHARPA human. Since the late 19th century, the linguistic caique al-kdnun al-islami (Islamic law, borrowed from European usage) has become a part of Muslim discourse and carries with it connotations of legal system, as in modern states [see KANUN]. Western studies of fkh are still dominated by the work of Joseph Schacht, who produced the articles fkh and shan'a for El1, the former lightly edited for EP. 4.1. The origins of Islamic law. The earliest largescale and systematic expressions of the law are found in a bundle of texts attributed to scholars of the late 2nd/8th and early 3rd/9th centuries, notably Malik b. Anas (d. 179/795), al-Shafi'f (d. 204/820), al-Shaybam (d. 189/805) and Abu Yusuf (d. 182/798 [q.vv.]). The last two are pupils of Abu Hamfa (d. 150/767 [q.v.]), who, together with Malik, al-Shaficf and, later, Ahmad b. Hanbal (d. 241/855 [q.v.]) gave his name to a broad tradition or school (madhhab) of juristic thinking. These four schools dominated the Sunnf community. The Imami Shiea developed an independent tradition of their own (finding literary form only in the 4th/10th century). And there were a number of minor traditions, e.g. those of the Zaydfs and Kharidjfs (both alleged to be early) and the Zahiris (or Literalists), followers of Dawud al-Zahin (d. 269/ 882 fo.0.]). The emergence of the dominant traditions is presented inside Islam as the result of a process, described in historical terms, but perhaps a narrative expression of a theological conviction. The Prophet, by virtue of his ideal practice or sunna, was exemplar and model for his followers, whose duty it was to conform to his sunna. To this end, his words and deeds were preserved by his Companions in the form of discrete narratives or hadith which were passed on from generation to generation, giving rise to discussion, debate and finally to formal juristic thinking, or fkh. The eponymous founders of the schools, by virtue of their piety and commitment to Kur'an and hadith, together with their learning and capacity for systematic thought, derived from this inheritance structures of rules which were adopted by subsequent generations, and preserved and developed in an ongoing tradition of commitment and loyalty. The actual and historically successful juristic traditions in Islam were thus traced back to the Prophet through the decisive intervention of great jurists. As an account of history, this sequence of events was challenged already by Ignaz Goldziher (Muh. Stud., 1888-90). Building on his work, Schacht offered, in his Origins, a coherent account of early Muslim jurisprudence. He proposed that the earliest works were reflections of a "living tradition" which had grown up locally in diverse cities (Kufa, Basra, Damascus, Mecca, Medina). The systematic structures that emerged reflected local (and Imperial, Umayyad) practice, and the ongoing thought of local scholars. They were not dependent on Prophetic hadith, perhaps not even on the legal aspects of the Kur'an. Increasing polemical encounter, in the early 'Abbasid period, led to a search for justification of the law and this took the form of appeal to Prophetic practice expressed in the form of hadith. The first scholar to argue systematically that law was necessarily related to Prophetic hadith was al-Shafi£r, who emerges, for Schacht, as the master architect of Islamic law. Eventually all the schools succumbed to al-Shaficr's argumentation and developed a common hermeneutical approach to the law, presenting it as derived, by a systematic act of interpretation, from Kur'an and hadith. According to Schacht, the demand for Prophetic hadith., even before al-Shaficr, and certainly after him, ensured that they
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were produced (created) in numbers appropriate to the need. Schacht derived his theory primarily from the study of al-ShaficI's Umm and Risdla, works which not only exemplify (in marked contrast to other early works) the principle of Prophetic authority for the law but systematically criticise the early local schools for their failure to adhere to this principle. All subsequent scholarship in this field has responded to Schacht, whether to refute, to qualify, or to confirm and extend his findings. Several Muslim scholars (e.g. M.M. Azmi) have denied them. Both Muslim and secular scholars have searched for qualifications and refinements whereby to discover the antiquity and/ or authenticity of at least some Prophetic hadith (G.H.A. Juynboll, D.S. Powers). J. Wansbrough has developed Schacht's methodology, arguing that the Kur'an too must be recognised as the end product of two centuries of community experience (1977). N. Calder argues that the major early works of Islamic law are not authored, but organic, texts, reflecting generations of thinking about the law, expressed through successive redactions of school material (1993). F. Rahman initiated a Muslim theological response to Schacht's ideas (1965). 4.2. The literature of the law. There are a number of genres of juristic literature, of which the two most important are jurtf al-Jikh (a literature of rules) and usul al-fkh (a literature that identifies the sources of law and the methodology for deriving rules from revelation). It is possible to identify a number of minor genres, but many of these can be classified as monographic developments of topics that are proper to Juru' (e.g. special studies of the rules relating to government, or judicial practice) or usul (special studies of analogy or consensus, etc.). Collections offatdwd (sing. fatwd [q.v.]) and studies on the authority of muftis (section 4.3, below) may be recognised as independent genres, the first having some affiliation to works of Juruc, the second to works of usul. Furuc. The genre of Jurue is continuous from the 3rd/9th to the 13th/19th century. All the major works of the genre have the same basic structure. They offer a network of rules roughly grouped into topics. The major topics of the law are, first, purity, prayer, alms, fasting and pilgrimage. These, together, sometimes, with ajihdd, are the major cibddat (acts of worship). Their importance is signalled by their being positioned at the beginning of a work of Juruc. More loosely ordered are the remaining topics of the law, the mu{dmaldt (interpersonal acts). These include family law (marriage, divorce, inheritance, testamentary bequest, slavery, etc.), mercantile law (contracts of sale, debt, hire, loan, gift, partnership, etc.), laws relating to agency, land ownership, compensation for injury, killing and the usurpation of goods, penalties (restricted to the divinely specified penalties for adultery, false accusation of adultery, theft, winedrinking and highway robbery), judicial procedure and other topics. Though various attemps were made to devise more analytical approaches to the topics of the law, a sequential approach based on loose groupings, and subject to considerable variation, prevailed. Since the topics of the law cover all the major categories of a pious, and a social, life, and since, further, the tendency of the jurists was to hold on to the concrete and to elaborate precise and distinct "cases" for analysis, a work ofjuruf, formally at least, constituted a literary depiction of social reality in normative form. As works of literature, books of this kind were subject to the usual tendencies of literary formalism, sufficiently indicated in the notions of linguistic,
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structural and conceptual virtuosity, of imaginative exploration, of realism transformed into artifice, etc. At the same time, in so far as they were intended to control and guide social life, they display also qualities of practical concern and hard-headed realism. The interplay of literary and imaginative qualities with practical and mundane ends was not predictable and varied immensely both within a work and across works and schools. The four major schools of law, and the Shi'I tradition, show a broadly similar approach to the genre and a broadly similar exploration of its possibilities. To the casuistic and exploratory aspects of a work ofjiiru' were added patterns of justificatory argument. These had two major forms. First, the interpretative relationship between school tradition (madhhab) and revelation (Kur'an and Sunna) was re-expressed from generation to generation, constituting a major part of the ongoing task of jurists. At the same time, loyalty and commitment to tradition were expressed through demonstration that later articulations of the law were derived from and were justifiable in terms of earlier articulations within the school. Works ofjiiru' had thus a dual hermeneutical aspect: an interpretative relationship to the school tradition and a further interpretative relationship to Kur'an and Sunna. It is the former which dominates. Jurists did not act as independent interpreters of revelation, they submitted to the authority of the school and the eponymous founder. They were committed, by a prior act of loyalty (usually determined by birth or geography), to a discursive, hermeneutical, engagement with their past. The creative aspect of their work was termed iajtihad, the duty of submission takUd [q.vv\. The original act of id^tihdd characteristic of the eponymous founders was absolute and independent, that of succeeding jurists qualified and limited. The various components of a work of juru' can then be summarised with reference to topics and concepts, rules and "cases", and justificatory argument related to Kur'an and Sunna, and to school tradition, the whole capable of being drawn towards an exploratory and hypothetical pole or towards a pragmatic and practical pole. The literary tradition as a whole suggests possibilities of expansion and exuberance which point (perhaps not accidentally) towards an infinite concern with detail. This tendency naturally engendered the opposite need, namely that of synthesis, control and concision. The play of expansion and concision is reflected in two literary types within the genre, mukhtasars and mabsuts. A mukhtasar or epitome is a concise exposition of the law, often expressed in a self-consciously elegant and syntactically compressed language. One of the most famous, and aesthetically and intellectually challenging, works of this kind is the Mukhtasar of al-Khalfl b. Ishak (d. 776/1374). A mabsut by contrast tends to multiply detail and argument, with only loose structural control. The relationship between mukhtasar and mabsut is repeated in that between main and sharh (text and commentary), it being a mark of the continuity of a tradition that what was summarised was the tradition to date, and what was expanded was an earlier and briefer expression of the tradition. The processes of summary and commentary, of paraphrase and citation, of preservation and re-use of prior articulations were all symbolic of loyalty and of a mode of hermeneutical development which camouflaged the reality of change. Change, in this context, means not only the accommodation of rules to social reality but also the management of a literary structure to serve
the needs (educational, literary, aesthetic, theological, and strictly legal) of a developing community. Usul. Works of usul, like works ofjiiru', have a stability of form and content which, marking them as a continuous genre, lasted till the 13th/19th century (and in some areas beyond). These works emerged, in numbers, in the early 5th/llth century, the most sophisticated of the early works emerging only towards the end of that century. Particularly significant was the synthesising and ordering work of a group of Shaficf scholars living under the Saldjuks, notably Ibrahim b. CA1I al-ShfrazT, the Imam al-Haramayn al-Djuwaynf, and al-GhazalL The Mustasfa of al-GhazalT was a wellorganised work which, capturing and ordering all the topics of the discipline, in a masterpiece of structure and expository detail, decisively influenced the subsequent development of the genre. The Risdla of alShafi'f constitutes an apparently isolated early work which has most of the characteristics and covers many of the topics of a work of usul, but it has been judged by contemporary scholars to be either a late school work (Calder, 1993), or a work of limited achievement whose implications took time to discover (Hallaq, 1993). Works of usul usually contain four broad areas of discussion: the categories of the law; the sources of the law; the hermeneutical rules that permit extrapolation of norms from sources; and an elaboration of the theory of iajtihad. The categories comprise at least the familiar five ahkdm (sing, hukm), viz. mandatory, preferred, permitted, disliked and forbidden, and the distinctions between valid, defective and null (sahih, Jasid, batil). The sources always include Kur'an, hadith and consensus (iaj.md{ [q.v.]), and might include intellect (limited for the Sunnfs to a presumption of continuity, istishab al-hdl], the law of earlier prophets, the opinions of the Companions, juristic preference (istihsdn [q.v.]), and public welfare (maslaha [q.v.]). The hermeneutical principles relate first to language and rhetoric (usually presented in a set of antithetical pairs: ambiguous and clarifying, the evident and the inferred, commands and prohibitions, general and particular, etc.) and secondly to the operation of analogy (kiyds [
SHARPA a fatwd. This network of topics was a part of the hermeneutical thinking of the Sunni and Shfcf traditions, and it was capable of varied and sometimes highly individual development. 4.3. Shari'a and practice. The literature and intellectual structures which were the highest expression of shari'a had their most important social realisation in the Islamic educational system. With the emergence of madrasas [q.v.] in the 5th/llth century, fkh was recognised as the chief end of education, and retained this position until the decline of the traditional system in the 19th and 20th centuries. Common to all Islamic lands, and taught almost exclusively in Arabic, the curriculum provided cultural homogeneity and fostered the emergence of a pan-Islamic cultural elite. The discipline of fikh became a powerful and flexible intellectual tool, adapted to various social needs, aesthetic, imaginative and theological as well as strictly legal. The training in this discipline was usually found practical in respect of the needs of the mercantile classes and the governing bureaucracies, as well as the religious hierarchy. The topics and concepts of the law were closely allied to life experience or could be made so by systematic exploratory thought. But a work offuru' was never a set of rules governing practice in the way that regulations and statutes do. In a given city, at one time, different jurists produced different works, reflecting different concerns; intended to influence certainly, but also to provoke thought and to delight. The actual realisation of the law depended always on personal and local factors: the customs of a family or a quarter, the traditions of a city or a region, the specific rules and practices of a judge, a governor, or a sultan. The pluralist and exploratory aspects of the law had a varied and unpredictable relationship to the necessarily single and pragmatic actuality. This relationship itself became a part of the subject matter ofjuru*. The interplay of legal theory and reality has become increasingly an object of scholarly study, exemplified in Heyd (1973) and Johansen (1988). Some areas of the law were systematically transformed into administrative structures. Central amongst these was the office of judge (kadi [q.v]}. His competence covered many aspects of family law (marriage, divorce, inheritance etc.), the administration of charitable endowments (wakf) and the property of orphans, and the adjudication of civil disputes. His appointment and terms of office were controlled by political authority. His efficiency was often thought to be limited by the stringency of shar'i rules and this led to the emergence of parallel judicial structures (called mazdlim [q.v.] in early 'Abbasid times) which had a more pragmatic attitude to the law and were closely related to government. In Ottoman times the integration of the kadi into the structures of government was nearly complete. (Tyan, 1960) Mediating between the law as theory (object of study and subject of literary endeavour) and law in practice was the mufti. The mufti was a jurist, preferably highly qualified, who made himself available to give specific answers to specific questions of the law. In many areas and periods, and notably under the Ottomans, the higher ranks of muftis were controlled and salaried by the government (Heyd, 1969). The responsa of muftis were called fatdwd, and, in the case of intellectually outstanding, or politically important muftis, might be preserved either as individual items or in collections. These have been recognised as important to our understanding of the law in practice (Masud et ai, 1995). Theoretical accounts of the
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authority and ranks of muftis stimulated some of the most instructive general theories of Islamic law. 4.4. Modern developments. From the mid-19th century, three major factors affected the history of the Shari'a, all of them, at least in part, a result of Western influence. First, there was the gradual emergence of secular educational systems, aimed initially at the needs of the military, then of the administrative and mercantile classes. This development reduced the numbers of students in the traditional system, deprived them of a career structure, undermined their social alliances, and marginalised the subject matter of the curriculum. In the Shici world, where the jurists had greater access to independent finance, the major centres of juristic education survived better, but even there, there was a decline in provincial centres and some loss of status. Secondly, with the emergence of modern, independent nation states, there was a rapid development of law-codes, constitutions, and statute law. In some respects, these are continuous with the procedures of government by decree that characterised older systems. But the enactment of the Mad^alla [see MEDJELLE] (a partial codification of Hanafi law for practical ends), in 1876, by the Ottoman authorities, initiated a long history of (selective) codification of traditional law that continued through the 20th century. The reformist ideas of theoreticians (like Muhammad 'Abduh, d. 1905 [q.v.], in Egypt) brought increased flexibility based on a renewal of i^tihdd, an abandonment (or curtailment) of school loyalties, and a patchwork approach to the juristic tradition as a whole (talfik [q.v]). Jurists and the religious-minded found it possible to accommodate themselves to the idea of constitutions. A majority even of the Shf ci jurists supported the Persian Constitution in 1906. Throughout the 20th century all modern Muslim states have acquired legal systems, suited to modern nation states, in an astonishing act of creative system building, in which the Shari'a has always been one influence (Western legal systems being another, often a dominant, influence). The actual role of the Shari'a, meaning the tradition of fkh, has varied both in terms of its symbolic foregrounding and in terms of its real input (always greatest in the area of family law) (Anderson, Coulson). A third area of development relates to political opposition. The ideology of political opposition in the Muslim world has been influenced by Western thought (by French revolutionary, or socialist and communist ideologies, etc.), but is nearly always accompanied by appeal to the Shari'a as an ideal of social justice. In these contexts, the word is characteristically deprived of detail, of complexity, and of association with the intellectual tradition of fkh. It functions instead as a constitutive element in a demand for loyalty, unity, and commitment; it represents an ideal (unreal) governmental system. With this pattern of connotation, it permeates the ideological statements of the Muslim Brothers and of more recent fundamentalist groups. It is sometimes closely associated with the name of the scholar-hero Ibn Taymiyya [q.v] (exploited for his arguments in favour of a renewed idj.tmdd, based on a return to the earliest generations—the salqf [see ALSALAF WA 'L-KHALAF; SALAFIYYA]): or with selected items of the law which take on the disproportionate ideological burden (e.g. the hadd penalties for fornication). Neither the practical aspects of the history of the Shanfa in the 20th century, nor its ideological aspects, take up or draw on the complex of cultural, philosophical and theological messages that are embedded in the tradition. In so far as these messages can be
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recovered and translated into idioms appropriate to the 21st century, it seems likely to be the task of modern universities in the Muslim world, these being now the dominant institutions that preserve the cultural inheritance of traditional Islam. 5. Shari'a in the lexicographical tradition. The lexicographical tradition recognises two major (and a number of minor) areas of use which are without religious connotation. In a corpus of poetry and of hadith evoking a pastoral and Bedouin environment, the verb sjharaca and its derivatives relate to watering animals at a permanent water-hole. The verb implies lapping at, or drinking, water, and has animals as its subject (shara'at al-dawdbb}. Shari'a designates the area round a water-hole, or the point of entry to it, the place at which the animals drink, a place and not a road—mawdic, mawrid. Sharcfa, sharraca, possibly ashrcfa, all mean to drive (or lead) animals to water. Adjectival usage indicates animals en route to or lapping at water (dawdbb shurue). Shari'a also signifies the seashore, again with special reference to animals which come there. Various aspects of this semantic cluster are claimed to constitute the origin of religious use. The second major semantic field relates to the notions of stretched, extended, and lengthy. A shir'a is a fine string, as stretched on a bow, or a lute. Ashra'u 'l-unfi is long-nosed. A sharcfa (pi. ashru') means a projecting, covered area (syn. saklfd]. The $hirac of a ship is its sail, stretched above it to catch the wind. This word is applied also to the neck of a camel; hence also shurd'iyya, a long-necked camel (Lisdn al-Arab, s.v. sharcfa; see also Lane, Lexicon). This field of use is cognate with Biblical and Talmudic Hebrew saraf meaning to stretch/be stretched and is likely to be the origin of shdrf and shari'a meaning way, path, road, highway. It is from here that the specialist religious use emerged. Bibliography. J.N.L. Anderson, Law reform in the Muslim world., London 1976; M.M. Azmi, Studies in early hadith literature, Beirut 1968; BakillanT, Muhammad b. al-Tayyib, Kitdb al-Baydn can al-fark bayn al-mucdjizdt wa l-karamdt, ed. RJ. McCarthy, Beirut 1958; J. Blau, On a fragment of the oldest JudaeoArabic Bible translation extant., in J. Blau and Stefan C. Reif (eds.), Genizah research after ninety years, Cambridge 1992; N. Calder, Studies in early Muslim jurisprudence, Oxford 1993; NJ. Coulson, Succession in the Muslim family, Cambridge 1971; Ghazalf, Muhammad b. Muhammad, Kitdb al-Arbacin ft usul al-din, Beirut 1979; idem, al-Mustasfa min cilm alusul, 2 vols., Bulak 1325; Wael B. Hallaq, Was alShdffi the master architect of Islamic jurisprudence?, in IJMES, xxv (1993); U. Heyd, Some aspects of the Otoman fetua, in BSOAS, xxxii (1969); idem, Studies in Old Ottoman criminal law, ed. V.L. Menage, Oxford 1973; al-Hilll, al-Hasan b. Yusuf al-cAllama, Kashf al-murdd, Kum n.d.; Ibn cAbid!n, Muhammad Amfn, Hdshiyat Radd al-muhtdr, Cairo? 1386/1966; Ibn Zur'a, clsa b. Ishak, in P. Sbath, Vingt traites philosophiques et apologetiques d'auteurs Arabes Chretiens, Cairo 1929; B. Johansen, The Islamic law of land tax and rent, London 1988; G.H.A. Juynboll, Muslim tradition: studies in chronology, provenance and authorship of early hadith, Cambridge 1983; K. Masud, B. Messick, D. Powers (eds.), Islamic legal interpretation: mtiftis and their fatwas, forthcoming; D.S. Powers, Studies in Qur3dn and haditji: the formation of the law of inheritance, Berkeley, etc. 1986; F. Rahman, Islamic methodology in history, Karachi 1965; Sa£adya Gaon, Saeld b. Yusuf al-Fayyumi, Kitdb al-Amdndt wa 'l-i'tikdddt, ed. S. Landauer, Leiden 1880; idem, Version arabe
du Pentateuque, ed. J. Derenbourg, Paris 1893; J. Schacht, The origins of Muhammadan jurisprudence, Oxford 1950; idem, An introduction to Islamic law, Oxford 1964; al-Shatibf, Ibrahim b. Musa, alMuwdfaqat f t usul al-ahkdm, ed. M.-D. £Abd alHamld, 4 vols., Cairo 1970; W.C. Smith, The concept of shari'a amongst some mutakallimun, in G. Makdisi (ed.), Arabic and Islamic studies in honor of Hamilton A.R. Gibb, Leiden 1965; E. Tyan, Histoire de I'organisation judiciaire en pays d'Islam, Leiden 1960; J. Wansbrough, Quranic studies, Oxford 1977; idem, The sectarian milieu, Oxford 1978. (N. CALDER) In South-East Asia. Islam is found primarily in the modern states of Indonesia and Malaysia fo.ro.], with a presence also in Burma, Thailand and the Southern Philippines. The language of Islam is primarily Malay and Indonesian and cognate languages. Islam dates from the late 14th century and from that time the Shanta has been expressed in a number of different forms. In general, we can distinguish three such forms. (I) The pre-modern texts. These are in Malay, Javanese and Arabic, and extant mss. date mostly from the 18th and 19th centuries. The texts in Malay most usually, consist of elements of fkh as well as localised provisions (adat) [see CADA]. Commonly, these two elements are distinct and separate parts, and may easily be distinguished. However, it is not uncommon in some texts (e.g. Malacca laws, the Undang-undang Minangkabau) for explanations to be given as to different functions for each source of law. One (adat), expresses the practice of mankind, the other, fkh, the will of God. Differences are always reconcilable in the texts. The Java-Muslim texts, on the other hand, are written in an Indianadapted form (ubaya, pepakem, jayasong) in which the Islamic element is confined to references to promulgation by a Muslim ruler and to Hukum, the law of God. There is little or no substantive fikh. One has Javanese laws administered under the aegis of a Muslim sovereign. Whether this was always the case in Java is uncertain because of the Dutch practice (18th-19th centuries) of revising or improving ("verbeterd") existing mss. for administrative use. The major Arabic texts of the Shari'a circulated widely in South-East Asia. The standard works of alShafi'i, al-Ansarf, al-Nawawf and al-Haythaml were either imported from the Middle East or were available in locally produced reprints. They were, and still are, the standard works for use by kathi and imam and in the pesantren [q.v.]. It was common practice for interlinear translation and/or glosses to be added. There was a considerable industry in the translation of these verses, especially into Malay. In the 18th and 19th centuries, elements of each of these pre-modern laws appeared in European (Dutch and British) rationalisations of Muslim law(s). The practice was to take selected portions of the Shanfa and incorporate them into administrative manuals for colonial use. There are many examples (see below). To sum up: there is a vast mss. source which shows the adaptation and incorporation of the Shari'a into South-East Asian laws. The forms vary widely and, so far as context is concerned, the Shanca is reproduced in part, re-defined and re-stated and (in some cases) exactly translated. However, by the mid-19th century, one can say that there was a definite trend toward the more classically-exact Arabic language prescription. This was a consequence of greater access to the Middle East centres of learning, brought about ironically enough by the colonial powers themselves,
SHARFA but it was a trend interrupted by the imposition of colonial rule. (II) Shan'a in the colonial period (18th-20th centuries).
In the pre-European Muslim lands, Islam was central to kingship, rule, sovereignty and morality. With European dominance from the 18th century onwards, Islam lost this function. Its status was reduced to that of a private religion and its political function was reduced to but a pale shadow, if that, of its former position. The Shari'a, likewise, was similarly limited in its scope and narrowly limited in its implementation. (a) The Netherlands East Indies. Islam was always an ideology of resistance to Dutch rule in the Indies and this intensified in the 19th century when V.O.C. rule was replaced by direct Netherlands State Government (1800). From this time, the N.E.I. Government adopted a consistent long-term policy toward the Shanfa in its legal administration. N.E.I, legal policy was to introduce separate legal regimes for the various population groups. Thus for Europeans or persons assimilated to that status, the law was the law of the Netherlands. For the native population(s) it was adat (custom). There were about nineteen named adat law areas ("adatrechtskring"). The §hari£a, as such, had no place in this system. Islam was a religion only and not one which necessarily had legal consequences. This policy of separate law regimes became ever more complex throughout the 19th-20th centuries and ultimately proved unworkable. For example, special provisions had to be made for Native Christians, provisions had to be made for assimilation, i.e. change from one group to another, there were serious difficulties in inter-racial family law as well as in commercial law, and a complex intra-racial law of conflicts of laws had to be developed. For the Shari'a, it was realised by 1882 that Islam could not be excluded from the legal regime, whatever its status in politics might be. In that year a "Priests' Court" (Priesterraad) was instituted for Java and later extended. Its competence was severely limited, mainly to family law but excluding inheritance, and its decisions had to be approved by the secular courts. Substantial revisions were made in 1937 which extended jurisdiction and also extended this competence of the courts (now the "Penghulu Courts") to Borneo. At the same time, the 1937 law withdrew jurisdiction in specified forms of property which were also in dispute in the civil (Landraad) courts. In short, the Shari'a was subject to very restrictive laws and its pre-colonial trend toward a more exact implementation was halted. On the other hand, it received a new form; now it was expressed in regulations and in bureaucratic practice. These are characteristics which persist into the post-colonial period (below). It is the politics of laws, rather than the Shari'a itself which determines the status of Jikh. (b) The British Territories. These comprised the following: (1) British Burma (1826-1947). The Islamic presence in Burma was an accident of imperial expansion. Muslims were immigrants, and the history of Shari'a is the history of Shanfa in Bengal. The only exception is some precedent on persons of mixed race ("Zerbadi"), one of whom was Muslim (see references). (2) Second, the Straits Settlements and Malay States (1786-1957). It was British policy to recognise and give effect to the "manners, religions and customs" of the subject peoples. In effect, this meant the legal recognition of religious laws in the areas of family law and land ownership. To this extent, the Shari'a had recognition in purely family and religious (e.g.
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mosque administration, wakf) matters. However, there are some special features which should be noted. First, references were taken from the pre-modern texts, but only in relation to land, and not to religion as such. Second, the Shari'a administered in the courts was taken from local experts not from the standard text books. It was only in the 1930s that standard texts from British India were commonly consulted. Third, Shanfa was never permitted to influence inheritance where land was involved; this was always a matter governed by adat. From the late 1880s, the Shan(a gradually came to be organised in legislation and in the creation of a Shan'a court system, together with the necessary bureaucracy. Various "Muslims' Ordinances" or legislation with a similar name were promulgated. The purpose of the legislation was to regulate marriage (by registration), define the duties of the kadi, and regulate property matters as between husband and wife. The legislation was many times amended. The point is that S&ari'a, while recognised in a limited way, was a "local" law or a "personal" law for a defined group. The Shanca was dependent on recognition by the colonial authority. It had no existence outside of its colonial dependence, and it was never the law of the country. (3) British Borneo comprised Sarawak (1841-1963) and British North Borneo (1888-1963). In both cases, the Shanfa was only one of a number of "native laws". There was no attempt to apply it; instead, there was a melange of custom (adat) with some rather eclectic, mostly inaccurate, selections of Jikh. This composite was not imposed by the British authority. Instead, by taking evidence from the local Muslim populations it grew and took on a life of its own. The most striking example is the Undang-undang Mahkamah Melayu Sarawak "Laws of the Sarawak Malay Court" (1915). (c) French Indo-China and the American Philippines. These can be dealt with rather shortly. In the IndoChina territories, the minority Cham [see CAM] of western Vietnam and eastern Cambodia were Muslim. There were historical links to Java. The only reliable information dates from 1941 (see Bibl.) and shows a sort of "Customary Islam". For the Philippines [q.v.], the main Muslim population is in the southern islands. Here, the Shanfa was only one element in an adatIslam complex of prescriptions. While in respect of the Cham the French did manage a classification, that of asiatique assimile, in terms of private international law, the Americans attempted nothing of the sort. Islam was considered only in political terms; the Shanca/adat was ignored. (Ill) Sharf'a since the Second World War.
The end of the war saw the effective end of the colonial presence in South-East Asia. For Islam, this had two important consequences. First, Islam could now have an open and legitimate political presence in what became Indonesia and Malaysia. The result was that the Shanfa immediately attained a status of something more than a personal law. Indeed, even in the transition periods, new provisions were already being made. (a) Indonesia. The Republic Indonesia has had a complex history since 1945, and the history of Islam has been similarly complex. The colonial courts system (now renamed Pengadilan Agama) has been retained and extended to all of Indonesia. In addition, a Department of Religious Affairs has been established for the whole
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Republic. The jurisdiction of the courts has been extended somewhat, though not to the extent asked for by Islamic activists. However, the latter have been successful in preserving the position of Shari'a in the contemporary reforming legislation, such as family law. There is no Muslim or Islamic Code of law as such in Indonesia. Various drafts have been proposed and are still under discussion. (b) Singapore and Malaysia. The 1950s saw a considerable activity in the regulation of Shari'a. Singapore and all the states of Malaysia now have enactments (The Administration of Islamic [or Muslim] Law) in force. Generally speaking, the legislation provides mechanisms for (i) the determination of Shari'a entrusted to a Council (Majlis) of scholars; (ii) a system of Muslim courts; and (iii) statements of substantive principles of law, including family law, trusts and offences against religion. In Malaysia, though not in Singapore, constitutional amendments in 1988 have re-enforced the §harica. Since the 1980s also, the various states in Malaysia have considerably extended the scope of Shan'a. (c) The Philippines. After many years of neglect under the Spanish, American, and Republic of the Philippines' governments, the Sjiari'a received formal recognition in 1977 with the proclamation of the "Code of Muslim Personal Laws of the Philippines". It is in five books and covers persons and family relations, succession, disputes, legal opinions penal provisions and transition provisions. In short, the Code recognises the separateness of Islamic principle and provides for its administration in the Philippines for the first time. Data are lacking on its success or otherwise at the moment. (d) General. The $harica has been much re-defined in SouthEast Asia. We can trace adaptations to local form and culture as in the pre-modern texts, and its colonial redefinitions into European form. These have been continued into the post-War years. More recently, however, there has been a consistent trend toward reintroducing the rules of Shanfa in a more classically accurate formulation. If this progression is even partly implemented, it will result, for the first time, in the application of a "classical" Shari'a to South-East Asia. The legal history of Islam in the area will thus have come full circle; from its introduction in the Arabic, through its re-definition in Malay, and now back again to the Arabic sources. However, the Sh.an(a is dependent on the authority of the State, which is secular. Its existence is unlikely to escape from this constitutionally imposed status. Bibliography. 1. General. See the arts, on the various countries, and M.B. Hooker, Islam in SouthEast Asia, Leiden 1983. 2. Pre-modern texts. M.B Hooker (ed.), The law of South-East Asia, i, Singapore 1984; I. Proudfoot and Virginia Hooker, Malay: mediating time and space, in Illuminations, ed. A. Kumar, Jakarta 1995. 3. Colonial laws. M.B. Hooker, Islamic law in South-East Asia, Kuala Lumpur 1984. 4. Modern laws. D.S. Lev, art. MAHKAMA. 6; idem, Islamic courts in Indonesia, Berkeley 1972; M.B. Hooker, op. cit.; Norani Othman (ed.), Sharia law and the modern nation state, Kuala Lumpur 1994. (M.B. HOOKER) SHARTATI, CALI, influential Iranian intellectual (1933-77). He was born at Mazfnan (Khurasan), as the son of Muhammad TakI Shari'atf, a preacher. His secondary education he received in Mashhad and in 1951 he qualified as teacher. His first publications and
translations, as well as his involvement in politics, date from this period. In 1956 he enrolled as a student at the Faculty of Letters in Mashhad. Receiving his bachelor's degree in 1959, he was rewarded with a scholarship. A year later he went to Paris where he studied religious history and sociology, but his thesis, under G. Lazard, was in the field of Persian philology. In his Parisian period he actively supported the Algerian and other liberation movements. His principal sources of inspiration were Louis Massignon, with whom he studied the figure of the Prophet's daughter Fatima, and Frantz Fanon, whose book The wretched of the earth he translated and with whom he corresponded. Upon his return to Iran, in 1964, he was arrested for importing banned books and jailed for several months. After his release he taught, first in a village and then in a high school in Mashhad, and he was employed at the university of Mashhad to teach sociology and history of religion. In 1970 he was dismissed and two years later he went to Tehran, where he soon became the key figure of the Husayniyya-yi Irshad, a centre for the study of Islam, established in 1965. At the end of 1973 the centre, renowned particularly for the well-attended public lectures it organised, was shut down by the government and Sharf'atf went into hiding, but after some time he gave himself up in order to secure the release of his father, who was held hostage. After 18 months of solitary confinement, he was allowed, in March 1975, to return to Mazlnan where he was kept under constant police surveillance. In the spring of 1977 he managed to go to London, but shortly after his arrival there, he died of a heart attack on June 19. His ideas centred around the reconstruction of true Islam, which he equated with the original ShT'f Islam, i.e. the Islam of cAlf and his family and their partisans, as opposed to the highly institutionalised and clerical (post-)Safawid ShI'ism. In this original Islam, tawhid is central not only in its theological, but also in its social and political implications, since it favours a classless society and a revolutionary ethos. Therefore, Abu Dharr [q.v.], a "God-worshipping socialist", and Fatima [q-v.] are presented as role-models for modern Muslim men and women. Sharf'ati's sometimes revolutionary approach to Islam made him popular with many young Iranians, university students in particular, as well as with some more reform-minded members of the Shlci clergy. In the eyes of the traditional segments of this clergy, however, he lacked the necessary qualifications to be an authoritative spokesman on Islamic affairs. SharI£atT is often considered to be one of the most important ideologues of the process culminating in the Islamic Revolution in Iran. However, there is no real congruence between his ideas and the theoretical foundations, let alone the policy, of the ensuing Islamic Republic of Iran. Nevertheless, it is not to be denied, that his ideas have played and still play an important part in the discussions on the role and significance of Islam, both in Iran and, through the translation of several of his writings, in many other countries of the Islamic world. Bibliography: In the absence of a comprehensive and thorough study on Shari'ati, information on his life and ideas are to be found in S. Akhavi, Religion and politics in contemporary Iran. Clergy-state relations in the Pahlavi period, Albany 1980, 143-50; H. Dabashi, Theology of discontent. The ideological foundation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, New York and London 1992, 102-47; N.R. Keddie, Roots of revolution. An interpretive history of modern Iran, New Haven and London 1981, 216-25; M.M.J. Fischer and
SHARP ATI, CALI — SHARIF M. Abedi, Debating Muslims: cultural dialogues in postmodernity and tradition, Madison 1990, 211-20 and passim. A (preliminary) list of Sharl catl's works has been prepared by Y. Richard in Abstracta Iranica, i (Tehran-Leiden 1978), 50-5, ii (1979), 69-70. (J-GJ- TER HAAR) SHARTATMADARI, AYATULLAH SAYYID MUHAMMAD KAZIM, a high-ranking and influential Iranian cleric (d.' 1986). He was born in 1905 in Tabriz where he started his theological studies. In 1924 he continued his studies in Kum, and in 1935 he went to Nadjaf. His return to Tabrfz was the starting-point of a career as a teacher, first in his native city and subsequently in Kum, where he had moved toward the end of the forties, at the invitation of Ayatullah Burudjirdl [q.v. in SuppL]. Here he became one of the most respected leaders of the Shlel community and in his capacity as Mardja'-i Taktid [q.v.] he drew his support mainly from the Adharl-speaking part of the population. In the 1960s he started an institute for Islamic education and propaganda, called Dar al-Tabllgh. From the educational point of view, the programme offered by the institute to boys and later on also, albeit separately, to girls, stood midway between the curriculum of a modern school and the traditional madrasa system. The propaganda activities of the institute included the publication of books and journals. Three of the journals were in Persian, Maktab-i Islam ("School of Islam"), Nasl-i Now ("New Generation") and Payami Shadi ("Glad Tidings") for adults, for adolescents and children respectively, and one in Arabic, al-Hadi. The Dar al-Tabligh also provided for the training of preachers, and finally it served as an oracle for many Shic Is outside Iran, who consulted the institute on religious questions. The only book which Sharl catmadari appears to have published, was his version of the thesis that traditionally confirms a cleric's position as muajtahid, Tawdih al-masd3il. His ideas, which he mainly expressed in interviews, can overall be characterised as the ideas of highly traditional Shlel cleric. And so, during the Islamic Revolution, he strongly supported the view that the clergy must not be directly involved in politics. He was one of those who favoured the model incorporated in the Iranian Constitution of 1906-7, that accorded to the clergy, or, to be precise, to a committee of five muajtahids, the right to monitor the legislatory process and to veto any legation that they judged was incompatible with Islamic laws and regulations. His name and ideas were claimed by the predominantly Adharbaydjanf Muslim Republican People's Party, although he himself carefully avoided direct association with the party, as he equally carefully avoided accepting any official posts. In the discussions concerning the constitution of the Islamic Republic, Shan 'atmadarf protested against the fact that the draft constitution had not been submitted to a constituent assembly. A compromise was reached, to the effect that an Assembly of Experts, consisting of 73 elected members, was given the power to amend the draft. But when the new draft was presented and about to be submitted to a referendum, Shan catmadarf expressed his disagreement with the leading principle of the intended constitution, viz. the wilayat al-fakih, that was to give the clergy a direct and even ultimate say in politics. He even threatened that he would abstain from voting. Thereupon his house was attacked and there was even an attempt on his life (on 5 December 1979), which provoked a general strike and demonstration in his home town Tabriz.
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But Khumaym and those who shared his view proved too strong for Sharl catmadan and his partisans. In a referendum the overwhelming majority of the Iranian people voted in favour of the draft that beared almost exclusively the stamp of Khumaynl's ideas. The Muslim Republican People's Party was forced to dissolve itself, and two years later, Sharl'atmadari himself was silenced rather drastically. In April 1982, after his son-in-law, accused of being an accomplice of Sadik Kutbzada (who had been shortly before executed), had been sentenced to prison, an orchestrated effort was made to discredit Sharl catmadan. Forged documents circulated that denounced him as a traitor. Members of Parliament and clerics accused him of having made common cause with the enemy of the Islamic Republic. His Dar al-Tabligh was shut down and he was placed under house arrest. His opponents even managed, through the influential Society of Teachers of Seminaries in Kum, to have him demoted and stripped of his title as Marajaf-i Taklid or source of emulation. Virtually no protests were heard against this, and four years later, in April 1986, he died. Bibliography: S.A. Arjomand, The turban for the crown. The Islamic Revolution in Iran, New York and Oxford 1988, 117-18 and passim' S. Bakhash, The reign of the Ayatollahs. Iran and the Islamic Revolution, updated edn. London 1985, 74-5 and passim; M.MJ. Fischer, Iran. From religious dispute to revolution, Cambridge and London 1980, passim; D. Menashri, Iran. A decade of war and revolution, New York 1990, passim; Y. Richard, Contemporary Shi'i thought, in N.R. Keddie, die, Roots of revolution. An interpretive history of modern Iran, New Haven and London 1981, 208-9. (J.G.J. TER HAAR) SHARIF (A.; loanword in P. and T.) (pi., ashrdf, 3 3 shurafd [in the Maghrib, shurfa } q.v.], sharaf [seldom]) "noble", "exalted", "eminent" [in religious or worldly esteem], derives from the root sh-r-f, which expresses the idea of exaltedness and prominence. Its pre-Islamic as well as its most basic use in Islamic cultures is to denote a free man who can claim a distinguished rank because of his descent from illustrious ancestors (LA, xi, 70-1); that is, a person possessed of nobility (sharaf, or, less frequently, shurfa; both also used in p.; in T., sjieref, sherdfet), whether conferred by inherited or personally acquired glory and honourable conduct or, preferably, both. Possession of sharaf is expressed often by the phrase "dhu 'l-hasab wa }l-nasab", "possessing great honour [lit. 'estimation'] and unblemished ancestry" [see HASAB WA-NASAB; NASAB]. Early in Islamic times, kinship or even "companionship" [see SAHARA] with the Prophet became a new and special form of sharaf. To be a shanf meant having a claim to: (i) most commonly, some type of Hashimid descent—from the family or clan of the Prophet, the Banu Hashim (after the Prophet's great-grandfather, Hashim b. cAbd Manaf [
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SHARIF
(1) Generic (pre-Islamic and Islamic) meanings of the term. Traditionally in the Arab, and also in the wider Islamic world, as in most cultures, it has been assumed that the meritorious qualities of forebears are transmitted to their descendants. Thus it is typically the possession of illustrious ancestors, or estimable "house" (bayt, pi. buyutdt, Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima, i, 243; cf. Ibn Durayd, Ishtikdk, ed. Wiistenfeld, Gottingen 1854, 174; see also AHL AL-BUYUTAT), which is requisite for a sharaf (or hasab) dakhm, a "substantial/great nobility" (I. Goldziher, Muh. St., i, 41-2; H. Lammens, Le berceau de I'Islam, Rome 1914, 289-90). Although in Islam there did develop the doctrine of the equality of all Muslims—based on Kur'an, XLIX, 13, inna akramakum cind Allah atkdkum, "Truly the noblest among you in God's eyes is he who is most Godfearing" (cf. Goldziher, op cit., i, 50-3, 69-76), it never quite displaced the old Arab reverence for a distinguished genealogy. An oft-reported hadith of the Prophet underscores that "the most noble (akram) people are the most pious (atkdhum), but adds that "the best (khiydr) of them in the ^dhiliyya [q.v.] are the best in Islam, if they have understanding [in religious matters] (idhd fakihu)" (Muslim, Sahih. ed. cAbd al-Bakf, Beirut 19556, 43 [Fadd'il], trad. 168; 44 [Fada'U al-sahdba], trad. 199; al-Bukharl, Sahih, ed. Al-Nawawf, Ibrahim and Khafadji, Cairo 1378/1958, 60 [Anbiyd*]. 8.5,14, 19.1; 61 [Mandkib]. 1.5,6). Among the Arabs before and after the advent of Islam, the ashrdf were either persons from noble tribes or specifically the heads of prominent families—those who over time had gained recognised status vis-a-vis others and were entrusted with administering the affairs of the tribe or alliance of tribes or towns: e.g. min ashrdf al-kawm, Ibn Hisham, Sira, ed. al-Sakka1, al-Abyari and Shalabl, Cairo 1355, repr. Beirut 1391/1971, i, 386,17 = ed. Wiistenfeld, 237; the ashrdf of Muhammad's kawm [i.e. Kuraysh], al-Taban, i, 1191,1; the ashrdf of al-Hfra, ibid., i, 2017; the ashrdf al-kabd3il, ibid., ii, 541,17; the ashrdf in Kufa, ibid., ii, 631 ff. passim', the ashrdf of Khurasan, ibid., iii, 714,1; the ashrdf al-afddjim, al-Yackubf, ii, 176,8. The ashrdf regarded themselves as the aristocrats (ahl al-fadl) in contrast to the rude and untutored masses (arddhil, sufahd3, akhissd3) and lesser tribes or families (al-Tabarl, ii, 631,7; cf. the boast of a Tamrmf leader about his tribe's noble persons, kirdm, in Ibn Hisham, op. cit., iv, 308 = ed. Wiistenfeld, 935). In Islamic times as before, shanf also meant a person strong in noble pedigree, character, and importance, in contrast to one who is "weak" (da'tf also wadlc), especially in his or her nasab (al-Bukharf, op. cit., 1 [Bad3 al-wahy], 6; 86 [Hudud], 11,12; Muslim, op. cit., 33 [Imdra], trad. 16). Shanf and da'tf could also refer specifically to those able to bear arms and those "unarmed", respectively—the right to bear arms being an important social distinction in Islamic as in many other societies (B. Lewis, The political language of Islam, Chicago 1988, 67-8). A shanf as a person of importance, in contrast to one of lower status, has been an enduring social distinction in most of the Islamic world. It occurs frequently in this sense in the older Islamic sources of the 3rd-5th/9th-10th centuries, as in the title of the genealogical work of al-Baladhun, Ansdb al-ashrdf and in chapter headings such as Afcdl min qf'dl al-sdda wa 'l-ashrdf in Ibn Kutayba, cUyun al-akhbdr, Cairo 1343/ 1924-5, i, 332; Mardthi 'l-ashrdf, Ashrdf kuttdb al-nabi, Nawka 'l-ashrdf, Man hudda min al-ashrdf in Ibn cAbd Rabbihi, al-clkd al-fand, Bulak 1293/1876, ii, 29, 207,
and iii, 311, 406, respectively; and Sind'dt al-ashrdf, in al-Tha'alibf, op. cit., 77, tr. 102. In such examples, the meaning is not always precise: the use of al-ashraf to indicate something like al-khdssa (the elite, notables), or a subgroup within this category (as opposed to al-{dmma, the common folk, masses), seems to have continued under Islam, even while simultaneously alashrdf in the stricter genealogical sense (whether designating persons ennobled by prophetic or by other socially exalted blood lines) has been used for persons of noble lineage whatever their social, economic, or political status (see AL-KHASSA WA 'L-CAMMA and, on the complexity of mediaeval Muslim societal attitudes about rank and status generally, R. Mottahedeh, Loyalty and leadership in an early Islamic society, Princeton 1980, esp. 97-174). The possible meanings of shanf/ashrdf have varied both geographically and chronologically. In the Arabian peninsula, alongside prophetic lineage, other standards of sharaf not directly linked to Islam have remained remarkably strong: Arab tribal groups have prided themselves on purity of descent from the ancient patriarchs of the southern and northern Arabs, Kahtan and cAdnan, respectively [q.v.], and many clans or families still claim to be ashrdf because of their pure and illustrious Arab lineage [see AL-CARAB, DJAZIRAT, vi. Ethnography, esp. at I, 546a]. By contrast, in South Asia, ashrdf has had a very different meaning. Here it has been used to designate a major socialstatus group within the overall Muslim community, namely all Muslims of foreign ancestry (as opposed to higher and lower indigenous Indian Muslim lineages, the atrdf or adj.ldf and the ardhdl, respectively). Thus the ashrdf comprise sayyids (descendants of cAlf and Fatima) and sjiaykhs (descendants of Kuraysh or of Muhammad's Companions), as well as mughak and paihdns (two ethnic descent groups of "foreign" origin): see I. Ahmad (ed.), Caste and social stratification among the Muslims, Delhi 1973, 21-2 (P. Aggarwal, ch. The Meos of Rajasthan and Haryana), 92-5 (Z. Bhatty, ch. Status and power in a Muslim-dominated village of Uttar Pradesh), 113-19 (Bhattacharya, ch. Concept and ideology of caste among the Muslims of rural West Bengal), 159-70 (I. Ahmad, ch. Endogamy and status mobility among the Siddique Sheikhs of Allahabad)', L. Dumont, Homo hierarchicus, Eng. tr. Sainsbury, Chicago 1970, 206-8; J. Sharif, Islam in India or the Qdnun-i-Isldm, tr. Herklots, rev. ed. Crooke, London 1921, 9-13 (see also HIND, ii. Ethnography, at III, 41 la; and on the use of these categories also in Nepal, M. Gaborieau, Muslim minorities in Nepal, in R. Israeli, The Crescent in the East, London 1982, esp. 85-90). Similarly, in many other regions today, e.g. Turkey and Persia, shanf is used primarily to designate social or economic "nobility" status without reference to Prophetic descent, which is signalled by the specific use of sayyid (see below), not shanf. One should note also the presence in Islamic societies alongside (as well as among) the blooded asJirdf and/or sdda (pi. of sayyid [q.v.]) of what has been effectively a "noblesse de la robe", to use Tyan's phrase (Histoire de {'organisation judiciaire en pays d'Islam [Paris 1938], 2Leiden 1960, 552, n. 1), namely the religious scholars (culamd3). (2) The Islamic meanings of the term. The broadest specifically Islamic meaning of shanf has been "descendant of the Prophet". Early on, the ability to show kinship with the Prophet was an important claim to sharaf (cf. al-Bayhakf [fl. ca. 300/912], al-Mahdsin wa 'l-masdm, ed. F. Schwally, Giessen 1902, 95 ff.), and under the influence of Shfcf views and the increasing veneration of the Prophet generally,
SHARIF membership in the "house of Muhammad" became a mark of special distinction in Islamic societies. There was, however, considerable variation in how such membership was defined. The expression ahl al-bayt [q.v], "People of the House", is from Kur'an, XXXIII, 33b, "God will remove the stains from you, O people of the House, and purify you completely". Although this verse may well have referred to Muslims as people of the Kacba (cf. R. Paret, in Orientalistische Studien Enno Littmann uberreicht, Leiden 1935, 127-30), it was interpreted frequently among Sunms, but especially among the Shi'is (as early as al-Kumayt [q.v], who died in 126/743, 38,11 ff.; cf. 92,9 ff., and R. Strothmann, Das Staatsrecht der ^aiditen, Strasbourg 1912, 19-20), as referring to Muhammad, his daughter Fatima, his son-in-law and cousin 'All, and his grandsons al-Hasan and al-Husayn. The key proof text for this is the well known "mantle hadlth" (hadith al-kisd3/eaba3, from which these five are also known, above all among Shfcfs, as the "People of the Cloak", ahl al-kisd3 [q.v.; and cf. MUBAHALA, at VII, 276b], or ahl al-cabd3). This hadfth recounts how Muhammad one day brought the other four under his cloak (kisd3, Cabd3[a], mirt, or thawb) and called them ahl al-bayt, or simply "my family", ahll (Muslim, op. cit., 44 [Fadd'il al-sahdba], trad. 61 [cf. trad. 32]; al-Tirmidhi, Sunan, ed. Shakir, cAbd al-Bakf, and 'Iwad, Cairo 1319-46/1937-65, 48 [Tafstr], 34.7 and 50 [Mandkib], 32.2, 61.5; Tabarf, Tafstr, Cairo 1968, xxii, 6-8 [10 versions]; al-Sabban, 105-6; cf. M. Ayoub, Redemptive suffering in Islam, The Hague 1978, 37 n. 49). More in keeping with the Kur'anic context of XXXIII, 33b (despite the absence of the feminine plural pronoun, -kunna, in v. 33: see al-Nabhanf, 15-16, 21-2, 30-1) is the interpretation given the ahl al-bayt of XXXIII, 33, in a hadith from Ibn 'Abbas, Mukatil, and/or clkrima, namely that it refers to the Prophet's wives, the "women" of his household addressed explicitly in XXXIII, 28-34. Other versions cite Umm Salama as being included specifically by the Prophet, along with the ahl al-kisd3, in the ahl al-bayt (al-Tirmidhl, 48 [Tafsir], 34,7; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, Cairo 1313/ 1895-6, vi, 292, 296; al-Tabarf, Tafsir, xxii, 8; alMakrlzi, 26-33; cf. al-Sabban, 106-7). The survey by al-Nabham (10-34) of the various reports and exegetical opinions on who is included in ahl al-bayt reinforces the evidence that the scope of the term varied with time and circumstances. The hadith that glosses it simply as "the family of the Prophet", citrat al-nabi (Ibn Hanbal, iii, 14, 17; al-Tirmidhf, 50 [Mandkib], 32.1; further references in AJ. Wensinck, Concordance de la tradition musulmane, 120a, s.v. "citra"; cf. Lane, 1946b) left the door open to further interpretation. It appears that, while descent in the direct bloodline of the ahl al-kisd3, i.e. from 'All and Fatima through their two sons [see CALIDS], came later to distinguish above all the Shlcf Imams [q.v.] and their descendants as ahl al-bayt, or to define (among Sunnis or ShiTs) the true ashrdf, initially for Muslims descent from cAlf specifically as Muhammad's male cousin or from other agnates of the Prophet was a more important link to the "house" of Muhammad than direct descent from him via the line of Fatima and eAlf. In general, the use of ahl al-bayt has been more rather than less inclusive in the wider tradition (some reports even portray the Prophet as including the Companion Salman al-Farisi [q.v.] among the ahl al-bayt Ibn cArabf, Futuhdt, ed. Yahya, Cairo 1394/1974, 230-3; al-Makrfzi, 43; al-Nabhanf, 23-6). Two common Sunnf views that developed were: (i) the harmonising opinion according to which ahl al-bayt include the five key
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members of Muhammad's family plus his wives (and hence their descendants), and (ii) the position that the term encompasses both the Talibids and cAbbasids, historically the most important families of the Banu Hashim. This latter view was one that the cAbbasid caliphs espoused to bolster their own legitimacy and prestige. Shf c fs also have stressed Talibid as well as c Alid descent (see AHL AL-BAYT; on the genealogy of the Talibids, see Ibn clnaba, {Umdat al-tdlib; cf. Nadjm al-Dfn cAlf al-'Uman, Ibn al-Sufi (d.' ca. 466/1074), al-Maajdt ji ansdb al-tdlibin, ed. Mahdawf Damghanf, Kum 1409/1988-9). ' The identification of the two main Hashimf lineages with the ahl al-bayt was based chiefly upon one version of the so-called hadith al-thakalayn (in which thakaldm refers to the two sources of guidance that Muhammad says he is leaving behind for the Muslims: Scripture, sc. al-Kitdb, and the ahl al-bayt). In this version, the ahl al-bayt are identified as those to whom, as members of the Prophet's family, the sharing in sadaka [q.v.] is forbidden; specifically mentioned are the Al cAlf, the Al €Akil, the Al Dja'far (i.e. descendants of Abu Talib's sons), and the Al al-Abbas (Muslim, op. cit., 44 [Fadd3il al-sahdba], trad. 32 [cf. trad. 33]; al-Tirmidhf, 50 [Mandkib], 32.3 Ibn Hanbal, ii, 409-10, iv, 367; al-Nabhanf, 35-54, 68-74; al-Makrfzf, 30-1, 33; Ibn Hadjar al-Haytamf, Sawd'ik, 147; Lammens, Fatima, Rome 1912, 95-100 [for references to still other groups counted as ahl al-bayt, see esp. 99, n. 4]; C. van Arendonk, De Opkomst van het ^aidietische Imamaat in Yemen, Leiden 1919, 65 if.; see also AL; on tahnm al-sadaka, cf, e.g. al-Sabban, 108, 110, 117, 121). The tendency to equate the main Hashimf lineages with the ashrdf of the ahl al-bayt appeared as early as the 2nd/8th century. The special status of the Banu Hashim was trumpeted already by al-Kumayt, op. cit.; just as he lauds effusively the noble blood of the Prophet (14,5-15,12), he praises the Banu Hashim as "the highest of creatures" (2,9) and "the peaks of splendid nobility (hasab)" (5,8), who are granted "a pre-eminence among all humankind" (58,8), and he celebrates them as ashrdf and sdda (10,4, 56,2). The editors of the Prophet's Sira especially bolstered the prestige of the Banu Hashim by putting forward the idea that God, after a gradual process of elimination of others, deliberately chose the Hashimids as the family to produce the Prophet. A tradition which occurs in several versions has the Apostle of God say: "God chose Isma'fl from the sons of Ibrahim, and from the sons of Isma'fl the Banu Kinana, and from the Banu Kinana the Kuraysh, and from the Kuraysh the Banu Hashim" (Ibn Sacd, i, 2,2; cf. Ibn Hisham, iv, 205 = ed. Wiistenfeld, 933; al-Nabhanf, 76-7, 172; cf. ibid., 78-9; al-Sabban, 120; cf. al-Husaynf, Fadd3il, 57-148). One version concludes with the Prophet's words, "consequently I am the best of you as regards family and the best of you as regards genealogy" (Ibn
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1348, we often meet with titles like al-shanf al-abbdn, al-shanf al-cakili, al-shanf al-d^offari, al-shanf al-zaynabi (which, however, proves very little for the older period). There are indications that in 'Abbasid times, no later than the mid-4th/10th century and probably earlier, al-shanf, which is said to have been also a lakab of 'All b. Abl Talib (Muhibb al-Dln al-Tabari, iii, 137,6), was reserved especially for the descendants of al-cAbbas and Abu Talib. Al-Saffah's (r. 132-6/750-4) naming of the first official 'Abbasid administrative capital al-Hdshimiyya likely reflected to some degree (even if it also referred to the dynasty's roots in the socalled Hashimiyya [q.v.] movement) the cAbbasids' desire to identify, in contrast to the Umayyad "usurpers" before them, with the Hashimf legitimacy of the ahl al-bayt (J. Lassner, The shaping of 'Abbasid rule, Princeton 1980, 151-2). We know that the Husaynid Abu Ahmad al-Husayn b. Musa (d. ca. 4007 1009-10) and his two famous sons, al-Shanf al-RadT (d. 406/1016) and al-Shanf al-Murtada (d. 436/1044), all served terms as nakib (see below) of the Talibid ashrdf in Baghdad (cf. H. Halm, Die Schia, Darmstadt 1988, 64-5; AL-MURTADA; AL-RADI; Brockelmann, S I, 131, 704-6). Muslim historians first used the term shanf for such descendants in the 4th/1 Oth century, as the cAbbasid empire was dissolving, with eAlids rebelling everywhere and attaining power in Tabaristan and Arabia (Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, i, 56-7), but not all references to the ashrdf are clear: al-Tabarl (d. 311/923), writing of an event in 178/794-5 (iii, 635,6), mentions al-ashrdfas one group of (Arab? cAlid?) notables alongside the Banu Hashim. With time, the title shanf came commonly to be restricted to the cAlids alone. Al-Suyutf (ibid.) observes that the Fatimids (who had strong reasons to reject 'Abbasid claims to legitimacy) restricted the title alshanf to the descendants of al-Hasan and al-Husayn and that this had remained the custom in Egypt down to his own time (end of 9th/15th century). He cites, however, the Kitdb al-Alkdb of Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalanf to note that al-shanf was used in Baghdad as a lakab of every 'Abbasf and in Egypt of every cAlawI. We may assume that at least in the Fatimid sphere, the term in the strict sense was applied only to a Hasan! or Husaynf, for, as al-Suyutf notes in another connection (fol. 6a-b; in al-Sabban, 207-8; cf. Ibn Hadjar al-Haytaml, Fatdwd, 144), a wakf[q.v] or a testamentary deposition in favour of the ashrdf is only awarded to the descendants of al-Hasan and al-Husayn, for such depositions are decided by local usage (curf), and according to the usage in Egypt, dating from Fatimid times, ashrdf applied only to Hasanids and Husaynids (that this usage persisted even in Mamluk and Ottoman times indicates how firmly established it had become under the Fatimids: M. Winter, 17, n. 2). In conclusion, al-Suyuti observes that according to the linguistic usage of Egypt, noble blood (sharqf) was divided into different classes, namely a grade that included the whole of the ahl al-bayt, another that contained only the Dhurrivya. i.e. the descendants of cAlf, which included the Zaynabis, the descendants of Zaynab bt. C A1I or any other of cAlfs daughters, and finally a still smaller class, the sharaf al-nisba, which only admitted the descendants of al-Hasan and al-Husayn. (3) Sayyid and Sharif'. The case of sayyid or "lord" [q.v] was similar to that of shanf. Sayyid means the master in contrast to the slave (e.g. al-Bukharl, op. cit., 93 [ahkdm], 1.2, etc.), and the husband vis-a-vis the wife (e.g. Kur'an, XII, 25). Sayyid was also the usual name for the head of a tribe or clan (cf. Kur'an, XXXIII, 67; Ibn
Hisham, ii, 83,10-1 = ed. Wustenfeld, 295,17) whose authority was based mainly on personal qualities like discretion (hilm [q.v]), liberality, and command of language (cf. Ibn Kutayba, op. cit., i, 223 fF.; G. Jacob, Altarabisches Beduinenleben, 2Berlin 1897, 223; Lammens, Berceau, 206-10). The Kur'an, III, 39, praises the prophet Yahya or John (the Baptist) as a sayyid. Certain physical qualities are also said to mark a person as a sayyid (Ibn Kutayba, loc. cit.', Mez, Renaissance, 144). Contemporary Arabic usage has reduced the term to a synonym for "mister" (and sayyida to "madam") in much of the Arab world and thus reduced or effaced its association with special socio-religious status. The term may have come into use particularly as a title for 'Alids or Talibids at about the same time as shanf. This development was probably aided by traditions that describe al-Hasan and al-Husayn and their parents as sayyid(a). The Prophet is reported to have said of al-Hasan, "this my [grand] son is a sayyid, and perhaps God will bring about reconciliation between the two parties of Muslims through him" (alBukhan, 92 [Fitan], 20,1; 62 [Fadd3il al-sahdba], 22,1). Al-Husayn appears in the Hadfth as sayyid shabdb ahl al-Dfanna, "Lord of the young men of the people of Paradise" (al-Nabhanf, 130-1; al-Sabban, 185), just as he and his brother are celebrated as sayyida shabdb ahl al-Qianna "the two lords of the young men [etc.]" (al-Tirmidhl, 50 [Mandkib], 31.1, 14; al-NasaT, 117, 118, 123, 124; al-Sabban, 115; al-Nabham, 143; A. Amm Duhd }l-Is'ldm, iii, Cairo 1362/1943, 287), while their mother Fatima is lauded by the Prophet as "mistress of the women of this community/my community" or "mistress of the women of the worlds" (sayyidat nisd3 hddhihi 'l-umma/ummati, sayyidat nisd3 alc dlamm) (Ibn Sa'd, viii, 17,17; al-NasaT, 116-20, passim), and as "mistress of the women of the people of Paradise (ahl al-c^annd)" (al-Bukhari, op. cit., 61 [Mandkib] 24.44; 62 [Fadd'il ashdb al-nabt], 29; al-Tirmidhl, 50 [Mandkib], 30.15; Ibn Hadjar al-Haytarm, Fatdwd, 142,18; al-Nasa'f, 117; Amln, op. cit., 286). The Prophet is said to have called 'All sayyid al-cArab and sayyid almuslimin (Muhibb al-Din al-Tabarf, iii, 176,9,20, 177, 2-3) and to have once said to him, "You are a sayyid in this world and a sayyid in the next" (ibid., 177,7). In a verse in al-Bayhakl (Mahdsin, 96,10), cAll is described as sayyid al-nds, but as a rule such expressions are only applied to the Prophet (sayyid wuld Adam, Ibn Sacd, i, 1,18, 3,15, and Muhibb al-Dln al-Taban, iii, 176,9; sayyid al-bashar, Ibn cAbd Rabbihi, op. cit., ii, 246,17). In the beginning, the term sayyid may have been first applied to those who possessed some authority in their own sphere. In the genealogical work of the Hasanid Ibn clnaba, 'Umdat al-tdlib, individual cAlids are often described as sayyid(a) (e.g. 81,6,9,12, 87,8, 88,12, 91,8, 92,5, 94,20, 163,16,19, 169,5,15). AlDhahabl, Ta'nkh al-Isldm, ms. Leiden 1721, fol. 65a, gives this tide to the Twelver Imam CA1I b. Muhammad. We also find the combination al-sayyid al-shanf or vice-versa (al-Nuwayrl, Mihdyat al-arab, Cairo 1342/ 1923-4, ii, 277,12; al-KhazradjI, al-'Ukud al-lu3lu3iyya, i, Leiden and London 1913, 314,11). The word sayyid also came to be applied to Sufi masters, saints and notable theologians, e.g. al-sdda al-sufiyya, al-sdddt al-awliyd3 (al-ShardjI, Tabakdt al-khawdss ahl al-sidk wa 'l-ikhlds, Cairo 1321/1903, 2,9, 3,1, 195,3; cf. M. Winter, 18); al-sdda al-acldm (Ibn Hadjar alHaytaml, Fatdwd, 141,34). Found widely in Arabic as the term used by a slave to address his/her master, the term sayyidi or sidl (frequently in al-Sha£ram) became very popular in a still more general applica-
SHARIF tion to persons regarded as holy, especially mystical masters of particular tankas or zdwiyas [q.v.] or Sufis in general. This can be seen in the many Muslim shrines dedicated to saintly persons addressed as sidi, e.g. the tomb of "Sldl Mahyi '1-Dfn" (Muhyi '1-Dfn Ibn al-Arabf) in Damascus, the Haram of "Sidna cAlf b. cAlrl" (a descendant of cUmar b. al-Khattab) in Israel/Palestine (L. Mayer and J. Pinkerfeld, Some principal Muslim religious buildings in Israel, Jerusalem 1950, 36-9), or the shrine of "Sfdf Muhammad Shark!" (also a descendant of 'Umar and key figure of the Sharkawl order) in Budjad, Morocco (D. Eickelman, Moroccan Islam, Austin 1976, 183-210). It is also the case that such Sufis or other saintly figures have often also claimed Prophetic descent, so that the title "sayyid" is doubly earned. This is above all the case in Morocco, on which, see SHURFA'; cf. E. Gellner, Saints of the Atlas, Chicago 1969, 70-80. Sayyid Ahmad b. 'Isa al-Muhadjir, the Husaynid forefather of the prestigious Hadrarm sdda and the greatest saint of the Hadramawt, is venerated by pilgrims performing zjyara [q.v.] to his tomb in Kaydun (D. van der Meulen, Aden to the Hadhramaut, London 1947, 185-6; see also HADRAMAWT, in Suppl.). Sayyid Salar Mas'ud Ghazf, whose tomb shrine is in Bahra'ic, in eastern Uttar Pradesh, India, is said to trace his Talibid pedigree to 'All through cAli's son by Khawla of the Banu Hanffa, Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya [q.v.] (T. Mahmood, in C. Troll (ed.), Muslim shrines in India, Delhi 1989, 24-30). Sayyid is the standard term used (instead of, or in preference to, shanf) for all direct descendants of Muhammad in many Muslim societies; in these contexts, shanf has typically retained its older, more general sense of simply a person of patrician social status (e.g. Persia, Turkey). Sayyid, and even emir (A. amir), or mir [q.v], were and are used in Persia, Turkey, Central Asia, and India as names for a descendant of the Prophet (J. Chardin, Voyages, ed. Langles, Paris 1811, v, 290; H. Gibb and H. Bowen, Islamic society and the West, i/2, London 1957, 93, n. 1; M. d'Ohsson, Tableau general de I'empire othoman, Paris 1786-1820, i, 211, cf. 111; J. Hammer-Purgstall, Des osmanischen Reichs Staatsverfassung und Staatsverwaltung, Vienna 1815, ii, 398401; Sharif, op. cit., 9-10, 26-8). In Hadramawt, the usual tide for a Prophetic descendant, whether Hasanid or Husaynid, is sayyid (Snouck Hurgronje, Verspr. Geschr., iii, 163; van der Meulen, 70, 185-6). According to Amm al Rayhanf (Muluk al-cArab, Beirut 1924, i, 92, n. 1), the same was true in the Yaman in the early part of the present century, although, to judge from al-Khazrag^r (e.g. i, 314,11, 315,3, 317,10,13, 318,7,11), who died in 812/1409, shanf was in his day the usual name used there. Ibn Tulun al-Dimashkl (d. 953/1546) reports that among the chiefs of the young men's zu'ar [q.v] of Damascus, kuraysh was used alongside sayyid and shanf as a name signalling Prophetic descent (cited in I. Lapidus, Muslim cities in the later middle ages, Cambridge, Mass. 1967, 155). In the Malay archipelago at the end of the last century, along with the tide sayyid usual for Prophetic descendants we find also traditional in Acheh the honorific haJbib (beloved), which was used similarly in Arabia (Snouck Hurgronje, UeAchehnese, Eng. tr. O'Sullivan, Leiden 1906, i, 155). In other instances, Muslims have distinguished shanf and sayyid as referring specifically to Hasan! and Husayn! descent, respectively. In the Hidjaz, it was for centuries the custom to call shanf only those Hasanids whose ancestors had lived in Mecca and to designate as sayyid only the Husaynids (cf. Gibb and Bowen, loc. cit.). From the beginning of their rule in
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the late 4th/10th century to its end in 1924, the Hasanid amirs of Mecca (who began as Zaydfs, but by the mid-8th/14th century had become Sunn! adherents of the Shaft cf school) used the title shanf as did also, however, the ruling Husaynids of Medina (see the Meccan amir list in al-Batanunf, al-Rihla alhidjdziyya, Cairo 1329/1911, 82-6). At the turn of the last century, the title shanf was reserved for Hasanids alone, but the Meccans addressed the Hasanid Amir of Mecca, or so-called "Grand Sharif" (a European usage), as soyyidund, and he likewise gave his Hasanid kin the title sayyid (Admiralty War Staff, Intelligence Div., A handbook of Arabia, i, London 1916, 109; Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, i, 57 n. 1; idem, Verspr. Geschr., iii, 163, v, 31, 40; cf. al-Nabham, 82-3). (4) The Nakib al-Ashrdf and Mkdbat alAshrdf. In the 'Abbasid period, the ashrdf, both 'Abbasids and Talibids, were usually under the authority of a nakib al-ashrdf or "marshal of the nobility" (also nakib al-sdddt, or ra'is al-sdddt) chosen by them. The history of this office remains largely uninvestigated (with the notable exception of M. Winter's study of the Egyptian case; see also the monograph by al-HusaynT, al-Ithdf, which is a compendium of nukabd3 in various cities; on both, see Bib I. below). That the nikdba already existed under the Umayyads, as von Kremer (Culturgeschichte des Orients unter den Chalifen, Vienna 1875, i, 449, n. 1) supposed (supported by Tyan, op. cit., 552, n. 4), based upon Ibn Khaldun, clbar, Bulak 1284/18678, iii, 134, is very doubtful, as the passage at issue is probably corrupt (cf. al-Tabarf, ii, 16, ult.-\l,\). The two branches of the Banu Hashim were from the first probably under a marshal, as was the case about 301/913-14 (cAnb al-Kurtubl, Silat ta3nkh alTaban, ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1897, 47,10); yet we find mention in al-Taban, iii, 1516,5, of an administrator of the affairs of the Talibids (yatawalld amr al-Tdlibiyym), in the year 250/864, during al-Mutawakkil's reign, one cUmar b. Faradj (al-Rukhkhadjf), who was apparently not a Hashimf. The cAlid 'All b. Muhammad b. Ja'far al-Himmani (d. 260/873-4) was nakib in Kufa (al-Mascudr, Murudj, vii, 338 = § 3029). By this date there were apparently marshals of the local nobles who answered to a single grand marshal (nakib or sayyid al-nukabd'): in the late 3rd/9th century, Abu '1-Hasan cAlf b. Dja'far Ibn al-Rida was sayyid alnukabd3 in Baghdad (al-MarwazI, al-Fakhn fi ansdb alTdlibiyym, ed. RadjaT, Kum 1408/1988-9, 9; Fakhr al-Dfn al-RazI, al-Shaajara al-mubdraka, Kum 1409/ 1989, 79-80), and in Nishapur in the same era, the sayyid al-Adjall al-Zabbara was an influential nakib of the £Alids and ra'is of the town, as was his son also after him in the reign of the Samanid amir Abu '1-Hasan Nasr b. Ahmad (301-31/914-43) (Ibn Funduk, Ta3nkh-i Bayhak, Tehran 1317/1938, tr. in C.E. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, Edinburgh 1963, 196). In Fatimid Egypt, there was a nakib al-tdlibiyym or alc alawiyyln, who (as under the cAbbasids) belonged to the political-military rather than the religious or administrative leadership; in Mamluk Egypt this figure was known as nakib al-ashrdf and, not being of the ruling Turkish military elite, was considered a religious functionary, or cdlim (Winter, 31; cf. Tyan, 550-4). In general theory, it was the duty of the nakib, who had to possess a good knowledge of genealogical matters, to keep a register of nobility, to enter births and deaths in it and to examine the validity of alleged cAlid genealogies (on which see al-Kurtubl, 49-50, 167). He had to keep a watch on the behaviour of the ashrdf, to restrain them from excesses, and
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SHARIF
to remind them to do their duty and avoid anything that might injure their prestige. He had also to urge their claims, especially those on the treasury, to endeavour to prevent the women of noble blood from making mesalliances, and to see that the wakf trusts on the ashrdf were properly administered. He had to participate in, and to be responsible for participation of the ashrdf in special religious ceremonies. The chief naklb had also other special duties, including specific and sometimes important judicial powers, which varied from era to era and region to region. See alMawardl, 164-71; Tyan, 550-8; von Kremer, i, 448-49; L. Massignon, Cadis et naqibs bagdadiens, in W^KM, li (1948). 106-15; Winter, 32-3; H. Bodman, Political factions in Aleppo, 1760-1826, Chapel Hill 1963, 79-102; Mez, op. cit., 145; al-Damurdashf, Kitab al-Durra almusdna, tr. D. Crecelius and CA. Bakr as al-Damurdashi's chronicle of Egypt, 1688-1755, 43, n. 108; H. Halm, op. cit., 60-1, 64-5; A. Laroui, Les origines sociales et culturelles du nationalisme marocain, Paris 1977, 93-4; and NAKIB (esp. the Bibl). If the case of Egypt (Winter, 34-9) is indicative, the social and even the religious importance of the nikdba institution has waned in most areas, especially in the past two centuries, and most sharply in the present one; this goes along with the fact that today the ashrdf rarely represent the distinctive and cohesive, often elite social class that they did several centuries ago in most Islamic societies. Nor do they today typically enjoy the special tax status or other special favours they once did. (5) Marks of Sharif status. Traditionally, the most common public mark of a shanf has been the green turban that became usual for male sharifs and sayyids to wear, especially in Egypt and Persia. Its origin may lie in a 773/1371-2 edict of the Mamluk sultan al-Ashraf Sha'ban b. Hasan (764-78/1363-77) that the male ashrdf should wear a green badge (shutfa) fastened to their turbans to distinguish them from other people and as an honour for their rank (CA1I Dadah, Muhddarat al-awd3il wa-musdmarat al-awdkhir, Bulak 1300/1883, 85; al-Kattam, 95, 97; Ibn lyas, Bada'i' al-zuhur, Cairo 1311/1893-4, i, 227; Ibn Taghrfbirdf, al-Nud^um al-zdhira, Cairo n.d., xi, 56-7; Dozy, Diet, des noms des vetements chez les arabes, Amsterdam 1845, 308; Mez, 59; H. Algar, art. 'Amdma, in EIr, i, 920a). According to the Hasanid Muhammad al-Kattam (d. 1345/1927), in his treatise on the turban (97-8), this Mamluk edict, which is commemorated by the poets of the time, recalls that of the caliph al-Ma'mun in Ramadan 201/817, which replaced the black colour of the cAbbasid house with green at the time when he designated the Husaynid C A1I b. Musa al-Rida as his successor (cf. al-Tabarf, iii, 1012-13). Al-Kattam opines that the descendants of cAli and Fatima henceforth retained green as their colour, but confined themselves in practice to wearing a piece of green material on the turban. This, he thinks, fell in time into disuse until Sultan Sha'ban revived it by his edict. According to the Durar alasddf, which al-Kattam quotes (98), the wearing of an entirely green turban dates from an edict of the late 16th-century Ottoman Pasha governing Egypt, alSayyid Muhammad al-Sharif (cf. Muhammad al-Ishakf, Akhbdr al-uwal fi-man tasarrafafi Misr min arbdb al-duwal, Cairo 1311/1893-4, 164) in 1004/1596; when he had the kiswa [q.v.] for the Kacba exhibited, he ordered the ashrdf to come before him, each wearing a green turban. Al-Suyuti observes that the wearing of this badge is a permissible innovation (bidca mubdha) that no one,
whether a shanf or not, can be prevented from following, if he or she wishes to do so, and one that cannot be forced upon anyone who wishes to omit it, since it cannot be deduced legally. However, Ibn Hadjar al-cAskalam tells of a shanf, Fakhr al-Dfn, who lost his post of nakib because he was said to take bribes and to have let non-shanfs wear green badges (Inbd3 al-ghumr, i, Haydarabad 1387/1967, 39). At most, it can be said that the badge was introduced as a distinction for the ashrdf, it is therefore equally permissible to limit it to the Hasanids or Husaynids or to allow it also to the Zaynabiyya and the still wider circles of the remaining cAlids or even Talibids. An endeavour is made to connect this custom with Kur'an XXXIII, 59, in which some scholars see a suggestion that learned men should be distinguished by their dress, e.g. by long sleeves or the winding of the taylasdn, so that they may be readily recognised and honoured for the sake of learning (al-Suyutl, fols. 5a-6a; in al-Sabban, 206-7, abbreviated in Ibn Hadjar alHaytamf, Fatdwd, 144,23-4, and al-Nabham, 84-5; cf. al-Kattam, 98-9). With regard to the aforementioned Kur'anic verse, according to al-Sabban it should be taken to imply that wearing the green badge or turban is recommended for the ashrdf and blameworthy for others than they, because the latter by wearing it would be claiming a genealogy that is not theirs, which is not permitted (206). On this account, according to al-Kattanl, even the Malikl authorities considered the wearing of a green turban as forbidden to a non-shanf. With regard to a tradition transmitted by Ibn Hanbal, according to which, on the Day of Resurrection the Prophet will be clothed by his Lord in a green turban, Shafi'I teachers are said to incline to the view that this headgear is desirable for the ashrdf (al-Kattam, 98-9; cf. 95). Other authorities note that green is the colour of the garments of the dwellers in Paradise (idem, 96; cf. Kur'an, XVIII, 30, LXXVI, 21), and that it was the Prophet's favourite colour (idem, 95-6, with references to Hadlth). The green turban has been frequently adopted, but never became the general headgear of the ashrdf throughout the Islamic world. Although in Egypt still in the 19th century it was a mark of a sayyid/shanf, many entitled to wear it, especially the more learned, often chose to wear instead the white turban of a shaykh or cdlim (E.W. Lane, Manners and customs of the modern Egyptians [1836], New York 1973, 31, 132; Winter, 22); in Arabia several decades later (as today), sayyids rarely wore other than white turbans (Snouck Hurgronje, Verspr. Geschr., iv/i, 63). The green colour was preferred in Morocco at the turn of this century (Westermarck, ii, 21) and, according to J. Chardin (loc. cit.) and also in late-18th-century Persia, although in this last country, according to Algar, in op. cit., i, 92la, the black turban (as opposed to white) has long been the standard sign of a sayyid. However, Iranian contemporaries report consistently that black is worn instead of green rarely by sayyids; normally, black turbans are used only by the most venerable scholars or most elderly sayyids; most sayyids wear green. In India sayyids traditionally have worn green; they were therefore occasionally called sabzpush "green-robed" (Shanf, 303). According to al-Nabham (d. 1932), 85-6, the green turban was not in his time a mark of noble blood in Istanbul. It was worn there not only by learned men and students but also by artisans and street merchants, especially in winter, as it did not show dirt so quickly. On this account, many ashrdf there were even said to avoid the colour green.
SHARIF (6) Other marks and special treatment of the Ashrdf. Those of the Prophet's blood are also distinguished in other ways according to common Sunnf views. For example, the sharing in the sadaka [q.v.; and see ZAKAT; cf. al-Husaynf, Fada'il, 208-21] is forbidden them. The Prophet is recorded to have said of the sadaka, "It is the filth of men (cf. Kur'an, IX, 104) and permitted neither to Muhammad nor to the family (al) of Muhammad". The legal authorities differ on the question as to whether this rule applies not only to the Banu Hashim but also to the Banu '1-Muttalib and the clients of these families, and whether also freewill offerings (sadakat al-nqfl/al-tatawwuc] are included under it (al-Nabhanf, 67 ff.; cf. Ibn Hadjar al-Haytamf, Sawa'ik, 142-3). Over against this ban, special wakft were established and state allowances or pensions typically set aside for the ashrdf, and until the 19th or even 20th century they were largely exempted from regular taxation (see e.g. Tyan, 556; Winter, 26-7, 33, 35, 38; Laroui, 96; E. Burke, The Moroccan Ulama, 1860-1912, in N. Keddie (ed.), Scholars, saints, and Sufis, Berkeley 1972, 98, 124). The sons of Fatima have the privilege of being called "sons of the Prophet of God" and thus having their lineage traced directly to the Prophet. Such a one is therefore frequently addressed as Ibn Rasul Allah. Justification of this is found in sayings of the Prophet, such as, "All the sons of one mother trace themselves back to an agnate, except the sons of Fatima, for I am their nearest relative and their agnate (waliyyuhum wa-'asabatuhum}" (Ibn Hadjar al-Haytamf, Fatawa, 144,1,10-11; al-Nabhanf, 97). Because of the belief that the ahl al-bayt are the noblest in descent, the female members of the family have no one equal in birth (kuf3) to them [see KAFA'A]. According to al-Suyutf (fols. 3a-b; cf. alSabban, 201; see also Ibn Hadjar al-Haytamf, Fatawa, 144,12-3), it is a very old opinion that the son of the marriage of a sharifa (fern, of sharif) with a non-sharif is not a sjiarif. However, as al-Sabban, 209, points out, there are many authorities who consider him a sharif. In practice marriage of a sayyid's daughter with a man not her equal is extremely rare (Snouck Hurgronje, Achehnese, i, 158; idem, Verspr. Geschr., iv/i, 297 ff.; "Mrs. Meer Hassan All", Observations on the Mussulmauns of India, London 1832, 8-9; cf. Jacob, 222-3). While a sharif may legally marry a non-sharifa and have their offspring counted as ashrdf, marriage of a sharifa to a non-sharif has historically been taboo in most Muslim societies, e.g. among the Arabs (see C. Doughty, Travels in Arabia deserta [1888], London 1926, ii, 522-3). As late as 1932, a governor of Baghdad was murdered by a man of the Sa'dun for trying to marry the daughter of the elrakf Prime Minister, who was of Sharffian lineage, see H.R.P. Dickson, The Arab of the desert [1949], rev. ed. Wilson and Freeth, London 1983, 22, 99). This prohibition was also traditional in South Asia (J. Oman, Brahmans, theists and muslims of India, 2Delhi 1973, 62); and in Indonesia (Snouck Hurgronje, Achehnese, 158; cf. the sharply-worded refutation of a Singapore jurist's fatwd against such marriages by Rashfd Rida, see Fatawa n-Imam Muhammad Rashld Rida, ed. Khoury, i, Beirut 1970, 385-94, cf. 340-1). One may only enter into matrimony with a sharifa if he knows he is in a position to afford her all that is due her, will obey her pleasure and consider himself her slave. Al-Shaeranf (according to al-Nabhanf, 185-9) does not consider it seemly to marry the widow or divorced wife of a sharif.
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A weak prophetic hadith has Muhammad say: "The stars are a security (amdn) for those who dwell in the heavens and my ahl al-bayt are a security for those who dwell on earth [or: 'for my community']" (alSabban, 129-30, al-Nabhanf, 54; cf. 58-9). According to the commentators, by ahl al-bayt are here meant the children of Fatima. Their existence on the earth is a security for its inhabitants in general and for the community of the Prophet in particular against punishment or "temptations/acts of sedition" (fitan). It is not the pious among them that are specially meant here; this distinction is solely based on their descent from the Prophet (al-cunsur al-nabawi), apart from any qualities, meritorious or otherwise, which they happen to possess as individuals. An allusion to this opinion is held to exist in Kur'an, VIII, 33 (al-Nabhanf, 59-60; cf. Ibn Hadjar al-Haytamf, Sawa'ik, 150-1, Fatawa, 142,20-2). The baraka [q.v.] of a descendant of the Prophet is widely recognised, especially in the Maghrib (see e.g. V. Crapanzano, The Hamadsha, Berkeley 1981, 108). One tradition of the Prophet has been taken as referring particularly to the ahl al-bayt: "Every bond of relationship and consanguinity (sabab wa-nasab) will be severed on the Day of Resurrection except mine" (al-Sabban, 125-6; al-Nabhanf, 45, 80-1, cf. 54, 61-2, 94). They are therefore the only ones whose relationship can help them at the final Reckoning (al-Nabhanf, 60, 79-82; cf. al-Shubrawf, 7,20-3). According to traditional wisdom, none of the ahl al-bayt will suffer the punishment of Hell (al-Makrfzf, 50-2; al-Nabhanf, 44-5, 90), and cAlf, al-Hasan and al-Husayn, with their families, will be the first to enter Paradise along with the Prophet (ibid., 96-7). The "sons of the Prophet of God" may be certain of divine forgiveness, and any wrong inflicted by them must be accepted like a dispensation of God, if possible with gratitude. Ibn al-cArabf, who connects the verse of purification (see above) and its reference to the ahl al-bayt with Kur'an, XLVIII, 2, in which the Prophet is promised pardon for his sin, observes, inter alia: "It behoves every Muslim who has faith in God and in what He has revealed to recognise the truth of the word of God, 'God will remove the stain from you, O people of the House, and purify you completely', so that he may be convinced with respect to everything the ahl al-bayt have done for which God has given them pardon. It is therefore not fitting for a Muslim to criticise them, neither for what is not in keeping with the honour of those of whom God has testified that he has purified them and removed the stain from them, nor for pious works or good deeds they have performed, but always to remember God's watchful care for them" (al-Futuhdt al-makkiyya, Cairo 1329/1911, ch. 29, i, 196,17-8,25, esp. 196,31 ff, cf. 197,14 ff; cited also in al-Makrfzf, 44; cf. al-Nabhanf, 23-4, 155-6). In a similar vein, Ibn Hadjar al-Haytamf notes that a sharif who has received hadd [q.v.] punishment for fornication, taking intoxicants or theft may be compared with an amir or sultan whose feet have become soiled but are wiped clean by one of his servants. He is also likened to a refractory son who is not, however, deprived of his inheritance (Fatawa, 142,26-9; al-Nabhanf, 92). The duty of love for the ahl al-bayt is based on Kur'an, XLII, 23, "Say, 'I ask of you [all] no reward except love for the kinsfolk (kurba)'" where kurbd is taken as kin of the Prophet (al-Sabban, 104-5; alNabhanf, 154 ff; Ibn Bitrfk al-Hillf, Khasd'is, 51 ff; idem, cUmda, 23 ff; al-Makrfzf, 78; al-Shubrawf, 4,305,8; Ibn Hadjar al-Haytamf, Sawa'ik, 167-9). It is
336
SHARIF
further pointed out that the conclusion of the tashahhud contains a prayer for the Al Muhammad (ibid., 145-6; al-Nabhanf, 155). A saying attributed to al-ShaficI [q.v.] is as follows: "O members of the house of the Prophet, love for you is a duty to God that He has revealed in the Kur'an. It is a great honour for you that anyone who does not say the tasliya over you has not performed the saldt [q.v.]" (ibid., 184). There are further a large number of traditions that urge this affection, represent it as a proof of faith or a defence against Hellfire, promise in return for it the shafd(a of the Prophet on the Day of Resurrection and a reward in the next world, and forbid signs of hatred towards the ahl al-bayt, even describing such animosity as infidelity (al-ShubrawI, 3,7-8 if.; al-Nabhani. 171 ff.: Ibn Hadjar al-Haytamf, Sawdfik, 153-4; alHusaynl, Fada'il, 230-40). According to al-ShubrawI, an 18th-century Rector of al-Azhar, reverence and respect ought therefore always to be shown to the ashrdf, especially to the pious and learned among them; this is a natural result of reverence for the Prophet. One should be humble in their presence; the man who injures them should be an object of hatred. Unjust treatment from them should be patiently borne, their evil returned with good; and they should be assisted when necessary. One should refrain from mentioning their faults; on the other hand, their virtues should be lauded abroad. One should try to come nearer to God and His Prophet through the prayers of the devout among them (Ithdf 7,17 ff.). Such attitudes did not, to be sure, keep all ashrdf from evil deeds, or from punishment for those deeds. In the year 842/1438-9, Shahrukh b. Tfmur, for example, had a sayyid who had publicly cursed Abu Bakr and cUmar scourged and removed from Mashhad to Harat (cAbd al-Razzak Samarkand!, Matlcf al-sacdayn, ed. M. Shafic, Lahore 1360-8/1941-9, ii/2, 711). According to al-Shacram, one should treat a shanf with the same distinction as a governor or kadi al'askar, one should not take a seat if a shanf is without one. Special reverence should be paid to the shanfa; one dare hardly look at her. Anyone who really loves the children of the Prophet will present them with anything they wish to buy. Whoever has a daughter or sister to give in marriage with a rich dowry should not refuse her hand to a shanf even if he has no more than the bridal gift for her and can only live from hand to mouth. If one meets a shanf or shanfa on the street and he or she asks for a gift, one should give him or her what one can (al-Nabhani, 185-9). Ibn Battuta (d. 779/1377) presents a good example from East Africa of such an attitude toward the Prophet's progeny in his remarks on the sultan of Kilwa, Abu Muzaffar Hasan: his kunya was Abu Mawahib ("father of gifts") because of his largesse to any shanf who approached him, even one from abroad (Rihla, ii, 193-4, Eng. tr. Hamdun and King, Ibn Battuta in Black Africa, London 1975, 19-20). One should not refuse marks of respect even to a shanf who is a sinner (fdsik) in the eyes of the law, because one knows his sin will be forgiven him. This high esteem is his due on account of his pure origin (al-cunsur al-tdhir) and fisk does not affect his genealogy (ibid., 91). As Doughty reported on the Hidjaz of the 1880s, "these persons of the seed of Mohammad 'are not to be spoken against', and have a privilege, in the public opinion, above the common lot of mankind" (ii, 487, cf. 533). If it is doubtful whether a man is a shanf, but there is nothing to object to in his genealogy from the legal point of view, he
should be treated with the proper respect. Even if his pedigree is not legally established, one should not assume he is lying without being absolutely certain on the point (Ibn Hadjar al-Haytaml, Fatdwd, 142,33 ff.; al-Nabham, 92-3). There are a number of anecdotes in which an individual who has been neglectful of respect to, or who has irritated, a shanf has been corrected in a dream by the Prophet or by Fatima (al-MakrlzI, 81-6; al-Nabham, 91). The sayyid who distinguishes himself by a pious life readily becomes revered as a saint. His blessing is expected to bring good fortune, while his wrath brings misfortune. By vows and gifts, it is hoped to secure his auspicious intercession (shafdca [q.v.]), and his tomb (kubba, kabr, mashhad [q.vv.]) becomes a place of pilgrimage [see ZIYARA]. On the much-visited tombs of sayyids and sayyidas in Cairo, for example, cf. alShablandjT's work cited below, and J.W. McPherson, The Moulids of Egypt, Cairo 1941, 31-3. In the Yemen, as in Hadramawt, the sayyid, who is distinguished there from the armed shanf carrying a staff and rosary, acts as intermediary between two disputing parties. He also drives away the locusts and his prayer puts an end to infertility, while his curse makes it continue. Many sayyids are also visited for their healing powers, and reverence for them is frequently expressed in gifts of land (H. Jacoby, Parfumes of Araby, London 1915, 45, 173). On the visitation of sayyids' shrines in South Asia, see Troll, Muslim shrines in India, esp. 24-43 (on the shrine of Sayyid Salar Mascud Ghazi). For a fuller description of the sharifs and sayyids and the reverence paid them in the Hidjaz, see Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, i, 32 ff., 7 ff.; for Acheh and the Indonesian Archipelago on the 19th century, see idem, Achehnese, i, 153-64; for Khurasan, see Bosworth, 194, n. 77 (citing al-Mukaddasf); for Morocco, Westermarck, i, 169-71. (7) Social and political roles of the Ashrdf. Sayyids and shanfs have been and are represented in large numbers throughout the entire Islamic world. Historically, several dynasties of Prophetic lineage have ruled in various regions for longer or shorter periods, e.g. in Egypt and North Africa [see FATIMIDS]; in Persia in general [see SAFAWIDS]; in Tabaristan (Mazandaran), Daylam, and Gllan (see e.g. MAR'ASHIS; ALZAYDIYYA; B. Manz, The rise and rule of Tamerlane, Cambridge 1989, 92-5; W. Madelung, art. Alids, in EIr, i, 881-6, H.R. di Borgomale, Les dynasties locales du Gtldn et du Daylam, in JA, ccxxxvii [1949], 301-50); in western Arabia (see Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, i; Admiralty War Staff, Handbook of Arabia, 107-11; cf. the articles HASHIMIDS at III, 262b; MAKKA, at VI, 148a ff.); in the Yemen [q.v.; see also AL-ZAYDIYYA] ; in modern Jordan [see HASHIMIDS at III, 263 ff.]; and in Morocco [see SHURFA'; IDRISIDS; HASANI; SACDIDS; CALAWIS; TAF!LALT; AL-MAGHRiB at V, 1191-2]. The Maghrib! case is especially striking, for religio-political claims have been tied strongly to Sharffian blood lineage, and such lineage has been commonly a key qualification for temporal leadership (see M. Kably, Musdham ft ta3nkh al-tamhid li-^uhur dawlat al-sacdiyyln, in Ma^allat Kulliyyat al-Addb ... (D}dmicat Muhammad al-Khdmis), xliii [1978], 7-59; M. Combs-Schilling, Sacred performances, New York 1989; M. Garcia-Arenal, Mahdl, murdbit, shanf: ravenement de la dynastie sacdienne, in SI, Ixxi [1990], 84 ff.). Families of ashrdf have also exercised local influence even without holding overt political power, as evidenced especially in mediaeval sources by frequent, recurring references to sdda or ashrdf as one class of the local social, political, or intellectual elite (acydn
SHARIF [q.v.]) gathered on a given occasion alongside culama}, shuyukh, kuddt, Jukahd3, akdbir, wud^uh al-balad, etc. (see e.g. al-Damurdashf, 66-7, 91, 224, 326, 331, 342, 380; Ibn Battuta, ii, 188-90, tr. Gibb, ii, 377-8; J. Aubin, Materiaux pour la biographie de Shah Ni'matullah Wall Kermani, Paris-Tehran 1956, 174; R. Mottahedeh, Consultation and the political process, in C. Mallat (ed.), Islam and public law, London 1993, 20 (citing Miskawayh), 23 (citing Bayhakf). Thus in many places the ashrdf were an influential local or regional elite—"a blood aristocracy without peer" (R.W. Bulliet, The patricians ofMshapur, Cambridge, Mass. 1972, 234)—with considerable political as well as social, power: e.g. Nfshapur (see ibid., 234-45; Bosworth, 195, 197-9, 263-4), Harat (cf. cAbd Allah Waciz, Maksad al-ikbdl-i sultdniyya, ed. M. Harawf, Tehran ' 1351/1932-3,' 18, 73, 87), Bam (cf. Aubin, Deux sayyids de Bam au XVe siecle, in Akad. d. Wiss. u. d. Lit, Geistes- u. Sozialwiss. Kl. [Wiesbaden 1956], no. 2, 86-473), Egypt (see Winter, 22-30; alDamurdashf, 66), and Morocco (see SHURFA'; Kably, Societe, pouvoir et religion au Maroc a la Jin du "moyendge", Paris 1986, 291-302 and passim; Laroui, 92-7). However, for all their prestige historically, the great majority of ashrdf, given their constantly increasing numbers, have probably lived and still live in poor circumstances (see e.g. Snouck Hurgronje, ibid., i, 71; Burke, 98). The genuineness of an °Alid pedigree has historically often been open to question, despite efforts at regulation and authentication such as the institution of the nikdba discussed above. See, e.g. SHURFA', and Westermarck, i, 37, on the difficulty of distinguishing between genuine and assumed Sharffian descent in Morocco; M. Zilfi, The politics of piety, Minneapolis 1988, 95, for an example of 17th-century fraud in some two thousand false claims to sayyid tax exemptions uncovered by Ottoman officials in a single town (citing Na'fma, Ta'rfkh, Istanbul 1280/1863-4, vi, 402-5, and Katib Celebi, Fedhleke, Istanbul 1286/1870, ii, 142-7); Z. Bhatty, 94, concerning false claims of Uttar Pradesh shaykhs to be sayyids; A. Roy, Islamic syncretistic tradition in Bengal, Princeton 1983, 61-9, esp. 61 n. 10 (with bibl.), on Bengali Muslims' striving for ashrdf status; Fasfh KhwafT, Mudpnal-i fasihi, ed. Farrukh, Mashhad 1339/1960-1, 157-8, on the evil deeds of one so-called "Sayyid Kala Kush" (Hasan Khwarazmf Gush Burfda) in Zawa whose false claim to Prophetic descent and title was uncovered in an investigation in 807/1404-5, under Shahrukh; and Snouck Hurgronje, Achehnese, i, 155, on successful but false claims to Prophetic ancestry in Acheh in the late 19th century. The general trend in the past century seems to have been towards some diminution of sharifi prestige and power in most parts of the Islamic world (see e.g. Winter, 28-30), yet the ashrdf still almost everywhere enjoy special social, and often popular religious status. Their prestige remains presumably greatest in Shi c f communities and in the Maghrib. The genealogical tradition has survived in its greatest purity in western Arabia and Hadramawt. The family of 'Alawfs in Hadramawt, which has produced many notable jurists, theologians, and mystics, regard only the West Arabian sharifs as their equals in birth [see HADRAMAWT, in Suppl.]. On the sayyids of Hadramawt, who are also strongly represented in the Malay Archipelago, and to whom belong the founders of the sultanates of Siak and Pontianak, see Snouck Hurgronje, Verspr. Geschr., iii, 162 ff., and Achehnese, i, 153 ff.; cf. W. Ende, Schiitische Tendenzen bei sunnistischen Sayyids aus Hadramaut: Muhammad b. cAqil al-Alawi (1863-1931), in Isi, 1 (1973), 82-97. On the history of the Sharffian
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dynasties of Mecca and the Hidjaz and on the sharifs of Morocco, see the refs. given above and also the sketch in al-Batanunf, 73-81. Somewhat dated information on the families of ashrdf in Arabia is given in the Admiralty War Staff's Handbook of Arabia, see index. Bibliography (in addition to references given in the article): al-Kumayt b. Zayd, Hdshimiyydt, ed. J. Horovitz, Leiden 1904; Nasa'f (d. 303/915), Khasd3is amir al-mu3mimn cAli b. Abi Tdlib, ed. AlAmfnf,' Nadjaf 1389/1969; Ibn Bitrfk al-Hillf (d. 600/1203), Khasd3is wahy al-mubin ft mandkib amir al-mu'mimn, n.p. 1311/1893-4; idem, al-cUmdaJi cuyun al-akhbdrji mandkib amir al-mu3mimn, Bombay 1309/ 1891-2; Muhibb al-Dfn al-Tabarf (d. 694/1294), Mandkib cAli b. Abi Tdlib, in al-Riydd al-nadira Ji mandkib al-cashara (ed. Abu VAla', Cairo 1391/1971), iii, 132-306; Ahmad b. cAlf al-Hasanf Ibn 'Inaba (d. 828/1424), ''Umdat al-tdlib Ji 'ansdb dl Abi Tdlib, ed. al-Talakanf, Nadjaf 1361/1981; Ma_krfzf, Macrifat md yadjibu li-dl al-bayt al-nabam, ed. cAshur, Beirut 1393/1973; Suyutf, Ihyd3 al-maytfi 'l-ahddith al-wdrida Ji ahl al-bayt, on the margin of Shubrawf (see below); idem, Risdlat al-Suldla al-^aynabiyya, ms. Leiden 2326; Ibn Hadjar al-Haytamf (d. 973/1565), al-Fatdwd alhadithiyya, Cairo 1356/1937; idem, al-Sawdcik almuhrika fi }l-radd (ald ahl al-bidac wa 'l-zandaka, ed. £ Abd'al-Latff, Cairo 1375/1956; Shacranf (d. 973/ 1565), Lawdkih al-anwdr Ji tabakdt al-akhydr (or alTabakdt al-kubrd), Cairo 1315/1897, repr. Cairo 1965; Shubrawf (d. 1172/1758), al-Ithdf bi-hubb al-ashrdf, Cairo 1318/1900; Carsten Niebuhr, Beschreibung von Arabien, Copenhagen 1772, 11 ff.; Muhammad b. cAlf al-Sabban (d. 1206/1792), Iscdf al-rdghibin Ji sirat al-mustaja wa-fadd3il ahl baytihi al-tdhinn, on the margin of Shablandji, Nur al-absdr ft mandkib dl bayt al-nabi al-mukhtdr, Cairo 1318/1900; Muhammad b. Djacfar al-Kattanf (d. 1345/1927), al-Di'dma Ji ahkdm sunnat al-cimdma, Damascus 1342/1923-4; Nabhanf (d. 1351-2/1932), al-Sharaf al-mucabbad li-dl Muhammad, Cairo 1381/1961; Bishr Faris, Ta3rikh Iqfeat al-sharaf, in Mabdhith carabiyya, Cairo 1358/1939, 93-116; £Abd al-Razzak Kammuna alHusaynf, Mawdrid al-ithdfji nukabd3 al-ashrdf, Nadjaf 1388/1968; idem, Fadd'il al-ashrdf, Nadjaf 1390/ 1970; Hossein Modarressi, Nekdbat-e sddat, in Ayandeh (Tehran), v (1979), 754-65; M. Winter, The ashrdf and niqdbat al-ashrdf in Egypt in Ottoman and modern times, in Asian and AJhcan Studies, xix (1985), 17-41. (C. VAN ARENDONK-[W.A. GRAHAM]) SHARIF, the pen-name of several Persian poets of various periods, among them the author of the Sacddat-ndma, a collection of moral precepts in some 300 verses, wrongly ascribed, in mss. and in the printed editions, to the famous 5th/l Ith-century Ismacflf poet Nasir-i Khusraw [q.v.]. This poem was first published by E. Fagnan, together with a (rather inadequate) French translation, from a Paris manuscript in ZDMG, xxxiv (1880), 643-74, reprinted (from Fagnan, with some emendations) in the appendix to the edition of Nasir's Safar-ndma published in Berlin, Kaviani Press 134i/1922-3, and then (from the Berlin edition, but collated with a manuscript in the editor's possession) in N. Takawf's edition of Nasir's dtwdn, Tehran 1307 a./1928, 545-61. There is also an annotated English translation by G.M. Wickens in 7Q, ii (1955), 117-32, 206-21. In Takawf's manuscript the text ends with a verse in which the author tells his readers to heed "the words of Sharff", evidently his poetic signature; there is no mention in this recension of the name Nasir. In some other copies "Sharif" is replaced by "Nasir-i Khusraw", while the manuscript
338
SHARIF — AL-SHARIF AL-'AKILl
published by Fagnan retains the verse mentioning "Sharif" (three lines from the end) but adds a final verse giving the author's name as "Nasir b. Khusraw". It is quite obvious that (except in the version represented by Takawl's ms.) the text has been tampered with. The poem is clearly not by Nasir-i Khusraw, whose pen-name was "Hudjdjat", not "Sharif", and whose style is quite unlike that of the Sacddat-ndma\ moreover, the latter poem contains no trace of Isma'IlI doctrines. Nothing else is known of our Sharif, except that he must have lived before the middle of the 9th/ 15th century, the date of the earliest manuscripts, though he could very well have been a good deal earlier. The modern Persian scholar M.T. Bahar (in his Sabk-shindsi, iii, Tehran 1321 M./1942, 188) identified the author of the Sa'ddat-nama as one Nasir al-Dln b. Khusraw IsfahanI, who supposedly died in 735/13345, but in fact this person is totally fictitious. Bahar merely misconstrued the entry on the Scfadat-nama in the Kashf al-zunun of Hadjdji Khalifa, who, following Dawlatshah (61-4), wrongly makes Nasir-i Khusraw a native of Isfahan (see ed. Flugel, iii, 598, ed. Yaltkaya/ Bilge, ii, 990; the date "735" is evidently a misprint in the oriental edition used by Bahar). A striking feature of the poem is the vehemence with which the author denounces the "great ones" and his insistence that, after the prophets and saints, the best of mankind are the peasants, and then the artisans. Bibliography. Given in the article. (F.C. DE BLOIS) AL-SHARIF ABU MUHAMMAD IDRIS B. £ALI, called Tmad al-Dln, a Hasani shanf of Yemen. Belonging also to the Zaydl Hamzas, he is usually given the nisba al-HamzI. He was a San'anl, was born in 673/1274 and died in 714/1314.'ldrls had a strict Zaydl background and his early days were spent under the eye of his father, Djamal al-Dln CA1I, who played a prominent military part on the side of the Zaydls in the Zaydl-Rasulid struggles of the late 7th/13th century. By the time his father died in 699/1299, he had made his peace with the Rasulids and Idris was left in charge of the Hamzl ashraf in the Yemen. From 700/1300 onwards relations between Idris and the Rasulid sultan al-MuJayyad Dawud became progressively closer. The Rasulid granted him as fiefs (iktd'dt) al-Kahma and Mawzac in Tihama and the administrative and military experience which he gained during more than fifteen years of service with the Rasulids was considerable. Idris was also renowned for his learning, particularly in the fields offikh, poetry and history, and there is mention of numerous books composed by him. But it was in the latter discipline that he was in particular famous. Alone extant among other historical works is his Kanz al-akhbdr Ji mcfrifat al-siyar wa 'l-akhbdr, the Yemenite part of which has recently appeared in print (Kuwait 1992), edited by £Abd al-Muhsin alMadcadj. The work begins as an abridgement (ikhtisdr) of Ibn al-Athlr's [q.v] Kdmil, tracing the history of Islam from the time of the Prophet. Additional material is provided, however, on the history of Trak, Egypt and Syria. Of great value is the final section of the third part and the whole of the fourth and final part of the work which concern the history of Yemen down to the year 714/1314, i.e. the date of the author's death. The Yemenite section also begins with the period of the Prophet. The chief town, Sancas [q.v], is given fairly detailed treatment, its foundation and early de-
velopment, its most important early buildings like the Great Mosque and the castle of Ghumdan [q.v.]. On the early history, the Kanz is an extremely useful source for the governors of the Yemen during the period of the Prophet, the Orthodox caliphs, the Umayyads and 'Abbasids down to the year 204/819, when the author turns his attention to the earliest dynasty in Islamic times in the Yemen, the Ziyadids [q.v.] and thereafter to the various dynasties which ruled over different parts of the Yemen in early Islam. As we might expect, he does not neglect the history of the Zaydl imams and chronicles too the appearance in the Yemen of the Isma'IlI da'wa in the late 3rd/9th-early 4th/10th century. The work is also of value as an important source of the Rasulids in the Yemen, and from fol. 191a of the British Library ms. Or. 4581 (ed. Mad'adj, 111), the author speaks as an eyewitness of the events which played out around him. The Kanz was itself the subject of a further abridgement, Nuzhat al-absdrji ikhtisdr Kanz al-ahhydr, composed by the Rasulid sultan al-Afdal 'Abbas (d. 787/1385). Bibliography: The Kuwait 1992 ed. by alMad'adj, entitled Ta'rikh al-Yaman, is a timely and competent piece of work, edited from the B.L. ms. only, with an excellent editorial introd. (7-22); Ayman Fu'ad Sayyid, Masddir ta'rikh al-Yamanfi alc asr al-Isldml, Cairo 1974, 138-9, lists two other mss., one in Lucknow and another in a private library in SancaJ; Husayn cAbd Allah al-cAmrI, Masddir al-turdth al-Yamam ft al-Mathaf al-Bintdm, Damascus 1980, 54-5, gives a comprehensive list of Yemeni primary sources for the author and his work, among which are CA1I b. al-Hasan al-Khazradjl, The Pearl-strings; a history of the Resuliyy dynasty of Yemen, ed. and tr. J.W. Redhouse, esp. i, LeidenLondon 1906, 315-17, 318, 324-6 etc.; Muhammad b. CA1I al-Shawkanl, al-Badr al-tdlf bi-mahdsin man bacd al-karn al-sdbic, ii, Beirut n.d., appendix, 52-3. (G.R. SMITH) AL-SHARIF AL-CAKJLI, ABU 'L-HASAN
AL-SHARlF AL-cAKlLl — AL-SHARIF AL-GHARNATl grammarian and a singer whose performance he did not appreciate, and corrupt officials. Another of his genres consists of rawdiyydt, i.e. descriptions of gardens, flowers, ponds and fountains. Interesting are his poems describing inanimate objects, such as a painted screen or a curtain. The poet also composed some brief ascetic poems, resembling the zuhdiyydt, a few of which he regularly placed at the end of every one of the alphabetical sections within his Diwdn (i.e. sections of the rhyme letters alif, bd3, td3, ... etc.). His long poem on "Rejection of wine in the evening and praise of wine in the morning" (Muzdawiaja fi dhamm al-ghabuk wa-madh al-sabuh, in Diwdn, 301-7) was intended both as an imitation and contradiction [see NAKA'ID] of an earlier poem by Ibn al-Muetazz, on "Rejection of wine in the morning" (Urdj.uz.aji dhamm al-sabuh). In general, al-cAkfli proved himself a late supporter of the new style which Ibn al-Muctazz [q.v.] had begun to advocate some one hundred years before. Bibliography: Diwdn al-Shanf al-cAklli, ed. Zakl al-Mahasim, n.d. but not before 1953; Ibn Sa'fd, al-Mughrib ft hula 'l-Maghrib, Kitdb al-ightibdt ft hula madinat al-Fustdt (- section on al-Fustat), ed. Zakf Muhammad Hasan, Shawkf Dayf and Sayyida Kashif, Cairo 1953, 205-49; Brockelmann, S I, 465 no. 10; Muhammad £Abd al-Ghanf Hasan, Misr alshd'irafi 'l-'asr al-Fdtimi, Cairo 1983. (P. SMOOR) SHARIF AMULI, a Mughal noble of the 10th/ 16th century. Persian by birth, he spent some time at Balkh in the khdnakdh of the Sufi Muhammad Zahid, but allegedly because of his heretic views was driven away from there and forced to go to the Deccan. But there, too, his heresies drew upon him the unfavourable attention of the local rulers, leading to his flight to Malwa, then in Akbar's empire (9847 1576-7). He was acclaimed as a great scholar by the Persian notables, and was granted audience by Akbar, whom he introduced to the doctrines of the Nuktawl sect founded by Mahmud Pasfkham [see NUKTAWIYYA] . Henceforth, he became one of Akbar's advisors in religious and legal matters. Official appointments followed: amin and sadr of Kabul (993/1585), amm and sadr of Bihar and Bengal (1000/1591-2); and governor of Adjmer with the pargana of Mohan near Lucknow in djagir (1007/1598-9). In 1004/1595 he had the rank of 900 dhdt. His status remained high under Djahangfr, who, while recording impressions of nobles immediately after his accession (114/1605-6), praises him highly in his memoirs, and says he raised his mansab from 2000 to 2500 dhdt. The date of his death is not recorded. Sharif Amulf seems to have been possessed of exceptional learning and eloquence, and is said to have written a book called Tarashshuh-i zuhur, though neither this nor any other work from his pen has survived. He earned the bitter enmity of theologians like c Abd al-Kadir Bada'um [q.v.], the famous historian, who mentions his arrival in India in order to insert a diatribe against him and his heretical views. The author of the Tabakdt-i Akbari, however, acclaimed him as "a monotheist (muwahhid) of the time, having a true expertise in mysticism". Bibliography. Nizam al-Dm Ahmad, Tabakdt-i Akbari, ed. B. De, Calcutta 1931, ii,'451; Bada'unf, Muntakhab al-tawdnkh, ed. cAlr Muhammad and Nassau Lees, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1864-9, ii, 245-8; Djahangfr, Tuzuk, ed. Sayyid Ahmad Khan. Ghazfpur and 'Aligarh 1864, 222; Shah Nawaz Khan, Ma'dthir al-umard3, ed. Mawlvl cAbd Rahfm, iii, 28590; Abu '1-Fadl, A3in-i Akbari, tr. Blochmann, revised
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B.C. Phillott, Calcutta 1927, i, 502-4. (M. ATHAR ALI) AL-SHARIF AL-DJURDIANI [see AL-DJURDIANI] . AL-SHARIF AL-GHARNATl, Muhammad b. Ahmad ... b. al-Hasan b.
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AL-SHARlF AL-GHARNATl — AL-SHARlF AL-RADI
Historia de los autores y transmisores andalusies (HATA), forthcoming. (MARIBEL FIERRO AND MANUELA MARIN) AL-SHARIF AL-IDRISI [see AL-IDRIS!]. AL-SHARIF AL-MURTADA [see AL-MURTADA]. SHARIF PASHA, Muhammad (1823-87), Egyptian statesman in the reigns of the Khedives Isma'Il and Tawfik. He was of Turkish origin and was born in Cairo, where his father was then acting as kadi 'l-kuddt sent by the sultan. When some ten years later the family was again temporarily in Cairo, Muhammad £ AlI [q.v.] had the boy sent to the military school recently founded by him. Henceforth, his whole career was to be spent in the Egyptian service. Sharif was a member of the "Egyptian mission" sent to Paris for higher education which included the future Khedives Sa£Id Pasha and Isma£Il Pasha and the statesman CA1I Mubarak Pasha. He then took a military course at St. Cyr (1843-5), and served for some time in the French army until the mission was recalled by £Abbas I in 1849. For the next four years he acted as secretary to Prince Hallm, then took up military duties again in 1853 and attained the rank of general under Sa£Id Pasha. During this period, he was much associated with the commander-in-chief of the Egyptian army, Sulayman Pasha (de Seves [see SULAYMAN PASHA, AL-FRANSAWI]), whose daughter he married. In 1857 Sharif Pasha began his political career as Minister of Foreign Affairs and he acted as deputy for the Khedive Isma£Il [see ISMA'IL PASHA] when the latter went to Istanbul in 1865. He later filled in succession all the high offices of state. It was he who in 1866 drew up the plans for the new Majlis al-nuwwdb [see MADJLIS. xvi]. After the inauguration of constitutional government in Egypt in 1878, three cabinets were formed by Sharif Pasha. When in February 1879 Nubar Pasha's [q.v.] cabinet (which included two Europeans) had been overthrown by the nationalist parliament, a constitutionalist movement was begun under Muhammad Sharif Pasha, the leader of which in Parliament was c Abd al-Salam al-Muwaylihl. This party drew up a plan of financial reforms, which was laid before the Khedive, who in April 1879 entrusted Sharif Pasha with the formation of a cabinet composed of purely Egyptian elements. This new cabinet instituted a Conseil d'Etat and had a new organic law passed by the Chamber (promulgated on 14 June 1879). After the accession of the Khedive Tawfik Pasha [q.v.], Sharif Pasha's cabinet was remodelled, but the new government was not so nationalist in complexion as the preceding. In August of the same year, the new Khedive refused to approve the constitution drawn up by the Prime Minister, hence on 18 August Sharif Pasha resigned and was succeeded by Muhammad Riyad Pasha. Sharif Pasha then took part in the formation of the "National Society" or "Party" at Hulwan, which published a manifesto against Riyad Pasha on 4 November. During the two years or so of mounting tension between the Khedive and the rising influence in the state of the nationalist elements of the army led by Ahmad £UrabI Bey [q.v.], Muhammad Sharif Pasha endeavoured to put forward the idea of constitutional reform in order to forestall an attempted putsch by £ Urabist elements. He became Prime Minister in September 1881, but had to resign in January 1882 in favour of Mahmud Sami Pasha al-Barudl [q.v]. Yet in the late summer of that year, when the Khedive had been restored to power in Cairo by British force of arms and the £Urabi revolt crushed, Muhammad
Sharif Pasha again became Prime Minister (August 1882). He held office during the beginning of the British occupation, but in the end came in conflict with the British government and its Consul-General in Egypt, Sir Evelyn Baring (the later Lord Cromer), when the government required the evacuation of Egyptian forces from the Sudan in face of the rising power there of the Mahdl [see MAHDIYYA], and resigned in January 1884. He then retired from political life, suffered ill health and died at Graz, being buried at Cairo in April 1887. By birth, Muhammad Sharif Pasha stemmed from the Turco-Egyptian ruling class, so that his attitudes were bound to be more Khedivalist than nationalist, but he managed to establish a reputation for sincerity with the nationalists, who recognised his genuine desire to make Egypt a constitutional state under Muhammad £AlI's house. Bibliography: Lord Cromer, Modern Egypt, London 1908, i; Dj. Zaydan, Mashahir al-shark, Cairo 1910, i, 240 ff.; M. Sabry, La genese de I'esprit national egyptien, Paris 1913; PJ. Vatikiotis, The history of Egypt from Muhammad Ali to Sadat, London 1980; £Abd alRahman al-Rafi£I, 'Asr Isma'il, Cairo 1982; F.R. Hunter, Egypt under the Khedives, 1805-1879, Pittsburgh 1984. See also the Bibls. to ISMA'IL PASHA; KHTOIW: MISR. D.
7: TAWFIK PASHA.
(J.H. KRAMERS-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) AL-SHARiF AL-RADl, ABU 'L-HASAN MUHAMMAD b. Abl Ahmad al-Husayn b. Musa, was born in Baghdad in 359/970, of an illustrious and highly sophisticated £AlId family, and died in 406/1016. His lineage dated back to al-Husayn b. £AlI, through Musa alKazim [q.v], the seventh ShI£I Imam, whence his nisbas al-Miisawi al-£AlawI. His father Abu Ahmad al-Tahir (not Abu Tahir, as Krenkow writes in EI\ vol. IV, 329), Dhu '1-Manakib ("the pure man of noble qualities") as the Buyid amirs dubbed him, was born in 304/916-17. He was a distinguished man who was extremely influential, both in the caliphal court and among the populace, on account of his noble ancestry and his cultural eminence. In 354/965 he was appointed naklb or marshal of the £AlIds, and given responsibility for the mazjalim and for the Pilgrimage. His career was interrupted in 369/979-80, in which year he was imprisoned by the Buyid £Adud al-Dawla [q.v], with his brother £Abd Allah and numerous other dignitaries, in a fortress in Shlraz. He had been accused—on the basis of falsified documents—of revealing state secrets and of abuse of trust (Ibn al-DjawzI, Munta^am, vii, 98). The real charge against him seems to have been the mounting prestige which he enjoyed, prestige which exceeded, if Ibn Taghribirdl is to be believed (Miajum, iv, 223), that of the caliph himself. If to this is added the enormous wealth possessed by Abu Ahmad and coveted by the Buyids, the true reasons behind his detention are easily deduced. It was not until 376/986 that he was freed, following the death of £Adud alDawla and the accession of his son Sharaf al-Dawla [q.v]. Rehabilitated, he was reinstated in his official functions and all his property was restored to him. In the political domain, Abu Ahmad played an important role. He was entrusted with numerous missions of mediation, all of which he accomplished successfully, through his wisdom and his diplomatic skills. Such was the case, for example, when serious conflict erupted between Sunnls and Shfls at al-Karkh in 380/990. The consequences could have been very grave had it not been for the intervention of the nakib, who succeeded in soothing passions and putting
AL-SHARlF AL-RADI an end to this confrontation (see H.F. Amedroz, Three years of Buwaihid rule in Baghdad, in JRAS [1901], 619 ff.). Towards the end of his life, Abu Ahmad suffered poor health and lost his sight. In 400/1009-10 he died, at the age of 97 years (Dtwdn, ii, 293). The mother of al-Radl, Fatima bt. al-Husayn (d. 385/996), was also of cAlrd descent, more precisely from al-Hasan b. cAlf. Her grandfather al-Nasir li '1Hakk, poet and man of letters, was the ruler of Daylam. Al-Radl apparently had two sisters, Khadidja and Zaynab, as well as two brothers, al-Athar, mentioned by the poet al-Macarrf (d. 449/1057) in his ode to Abu Ahmad (Sikt al-zand, Beirut 1957, 35), and al-Sharff al-Murtada (355-493/967-1044 [q.v]), renowned as a writer, poet, theologian, polemicist and leading defender of Imamism. While the two brothers al-Radl and al-Murtada are often mentioned conjointly, their contemporaries seem to have preferred the former, in particular for his poetic gifts and for his personal qualities (cf. Ibn Abi '1-Hadfd, Shark Nahaj, 39-40). As regards al-Radf's own immediate family, little is known. He apparently had a son, Ahmad 'Adnan, known like his grandfather by the cognomen of alTahir Dhu '1-Manakib. He followed the example of his ancestors in occupying the post of nakib. Furthermore, after his death, a second son was born, Abu Ahmad al-MusawT (Ibn clnaba, cUmda, 211). Intellectual formation. Al-Radi had an education worthy of his rank. While he was still at an early age, and during the absence of his imprisoned father, his mother entrusted him, with his brother al-Murtada, to the eminent Imam! scholar al-Shaykh al-Mufid (d. 413/1022 [q.v.]), who taught them Shrcf theology (op. cit., 41). Al-Radf continued his studies under the tutelage of other scholars who were among the most distinguished of the time, such as the grammarian Abu CA1I al-Farisf (d. 377/987), the writer Abu 4Abd Allah al-Marzubam (d. 384/994), the Maliki Abu Ishak al-Tabarf al-Mukri* (d. 393/ 995), the Mu'tazilf al-Kadi' cAbd al-Djabbar (d. 415/ 1024) and the philologist and grammarian Ibn Djinnf (d. 399/1002), among others. Al-Radf was very much attached to the last-named, in particular. It was, in fact, Ibn al-Djinnf who encouraged him to pursue his career as a poet. In token of admiration and friendship, the master contributed, at a very early stage, a commentary to his renowned rd'iyya, an elegy dedicated to the Hamdanid Abu Tahir b. Nasir al-Dawla (d. 382/992) '(Diwdn, i, 490-4), and later, to three other poems (cf. Hakd'ik, v, 87). Thus our poet obtained a rich, diverse and profound cultural training. His exemplary friendship and loyalty towards the Sabian Abu Ishak Ibrahim (d. 384/ 994), who was his senior by more than forty years, testifies eloquently to his tolerant spirit and his freedom of thought. Considered precocious, he composed his first poem at the age of ten years. However, he did not study the Kur'an until after the age of thirty (al-Thacalibi, Tafima, iii, 131). The portrait provided by his biographers, corroborated furthermore by his poems, is that of a man of honesty, sensitivity, sincerity and finesse, a staunch and loyal friend. He was also immensely proud and conscious of his dignity; he accepted no gift from anyone. On the contrary, he was generous and welldisposed towards scholarship and scholars. He had founded a school, the Ddr al-cilm ("house of knowledge"), where the students were lodged and provided for (Ibn 'Inaba, op. cit., 209). A committed Imami, but without excess or fanati-
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cism, al-Radf was open to all tendencies. He showed some sympathy for ShafTism and for Mu'tazilism (cf. Ibn 'Abbas, al-Shanf, 46-7). He made his own convictions clear in declaring (Hakd'ik, v, 17) that he had been drawn, in early life, towards Murdji'ism, but that he had later opted for the dogma of the wa'd and wa'id (promises and threats in the life beyond), one of the five fundamental principles dear to the Muetazilfs (cf. Diwdn, ii, 270). Political activity. His biographers, led by Ibn Abi '1-Hadfd (op. cit., i, 34), state that, from an early age, he harboured political ambitions and even aspired to the highest authority in the state, the caliphate itself; some of his verses express this unequivocally (Diwdn, i, 358, 536, ii, 167, 408-12). It seems that his friend Abu Ishak al-Sabf encouraged him and built up his hopes (Diwdn, ii, 89-90; cf. Ibn Abi '1-Hadfd, op. cit., 26). This idea, which he cherished throughout his youth, came to nothing, and many of his poems convey a sense of disappointment, of deep dejection and of acute pessimism. He was finally obliged to come to terms with reality and to be content with the honours lavished on him by the Buyids, Baha1 al-Dawla [q.v. in Suppl.] in particular. In fact, in 380/990, at 24 years old, he was entrusted with his father's responsibilities (the nikdba of the cAlfds, the ma^dlim and the Pilgrimage), when the latter's state of health prevented him from performing these duties himself. Sometimes, it was the two brothers together who assumed the responsibility. He was probably not officially appointed nakib until 403/1013. Furthermore, Baha' al-Dawla persisted in showering him with honorific titles: al-Shanf al-Qialil ("the venerable noble one") (388/998), al-Radl ("the well-pleasing") (398/1007), al-Sharif al-Aajall ("the most venerable noble one") (401/1011), Dhu 'l-Hasabayn ("of the two nobilities") and Dhu 'l-Mankabatayn ("of two virtues"). To this writer's knowledge, in the entire history of Islam no one has ever surpassed al-Radf in terms of official honours and distinctions. Poetic activity. A writer and scholar versed in various disciplines (Kur'an, Hadith, language and literature), he was most appreciated in his role as a poet. His contemporary al-Tha'alibf (op. cit.) asserts that he was considered, in terms of quality as well as quantity, the best poet of the Talibfs, indeed of Kuraysh in general. Whatever the case, one thing is certain: al-Radf was passionate about his poetry. He was proud and jealous where it was concerned. He never permitted himself to utilise it for material ends, nor to obtain presents and benefits, as was the practice of innumerable poets of his time. He sought only honour and prestige as rewards for his poetry. His panegyric poems were devoted mostly to his relatives and friends; the others were addressed to certain public figures, those whom he genuinely trusted. Among the latter, worthy of mention is the caliph al-Ta'i1 (d. 393/1003 [q.v.]), to whom he dedicated numerous laudatory poems revealing sincere affection and respect for the man. One of his most moving poems is that in which he recounts the deposition of the caliph in 381/991 by BahaJ al-Dawla (Diwdn, ii, 444-8). He continued to dedicate poems to him until the former caliph's death twelve years later in 393/1003 (Diwdn, 197-201). But his relations with al-Kadir (d. 422/1031 [q.v.]), successor to alTa'i£, were not so favourable. Indeed, he wrote some eulogies addressed to him, but without much conviction. On the contrary, he composed a number of audacious, impertinent and provocative poems which sometimes roused the ire of the caliph, such as that
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AL-SHARIF AL-RADI
in which he compares himself to the latter, declaring in his presence (Diwdn, ii, 42): "Alas, Amir of the Believers! We are equal, at the summit of glory ... Only the caliphate, of which you hold the reins, separates us." Baha5 al-Dawla was one of the few amirs to enjoy eulogies on the part of this poet, in the guise of appreciation for all the privileges which he had accorded him (Diwdn, i, 13-18, 53-64, 277-8, 413-18 and passim). But the poems in which al-Radf displays innovation and skill of the highest order are those devoted to praise of his father. There are some forty of these, and no other Arab poet has ever produced anything comparable. He treated his father, whose personality fascinated him, as though he were a caliph. On the occasion of every festival, he presented him with a poem. Furthermore, it was the arrest of his father, in 369/979, which gave the first impetus to his poetic genius. He composed one of his very first poems, of unprecedented power (78 verses), full of grief, melancholy and wisdom, when he was barely ten years old (Diwdn, i, 305-10). Other poems were addressed to friends or to men of letters, such as alSabl, the Sahib Ibn £Abbad, Ibn Djinnf, etc. He lauded their merits and especially—something virtually unique in Arabic literature—their art of the pen and their eloquence (Diwdn, i, 280-4, 285-9, ii, 19968 and passim. Besides panegyric, his Diwdn covers all poetic genres: descriptive, satirical, amorous and elegiac. But this poet excelled particularly in the last two (gfeazal and rithd3). His Hididziyydt, some forty poems in which he sang of love and celebrated the beauty of the fine ladies who were performing the Pilgrimage, made him one of the most renowned Arab poets of all time. Neither his official function as organiser of processions of pilgrims, nor the holy places of Islam, nor his social and religious position, hindered him from expressing tender feelings of love. Admittedly, he was careful not to go too far in this respect and he confined himself to declaring his admiration of feminine beauty in delicate, elegant, restrained and measured terms, in a Bedouin style which recalls Djamil Buthayna (d. 82/701), 'Umar b. Abl Rablca (d. 93/ 712) or Kuthayyir 'Azza (d. 105/723), far from the libertine exhibitionism of an Abu Nuwas (d. 197/812) or of an Ibn Sukkara (d. 385/995). It is quite simply a case of innocent, platonic (cudhri) love, as he says himself (Diwdn, i, 175): "I have loved but, as God knows, I have only needed to see, to enjoy it..." His elegiac poetry is a model of sincerity and sensibility, full of wisdom, of meditation on man, life and death. Among his most moving elegies, notable are those dedicated to al-Husayn b. CA1T, to his mother, to his father, to his friend al-Sabr and to his master Ibn Djinnl (Diwdn, i, 26-30, 44-8, 187-90, 381-6, ii, 63-7, 75-6, 290-6 and passim}. His last poem of the genre was the elegy addressed to his friend, the writer and poet Ahmad al-Batti, at the time of his death in Sha'ban 405/1015 (Diwdn, i, 170-1). In this poem, al-Radf seems to have a sense of his own impending demise, as he declares (op. cit., 170): "After you have hurt the one whom you love, Misfortunes will never spare you!" In fact, a few months later, his own death supervened. He expired on Sunday, 6 Muharram 406/26 June 1016, at 47 years old. He was buried first in his home town, al-Karkh, in the precincts of the mosque of the Anbariyym, in the absence of his
brother al-Murtada, who was, it is said, too distressed to attend the ceremony. It was the wa&r Fakhr alMulk who conducted the funeral prayers. According to Ibn Tnaba (op. cit., 210-11), the remains of al-Radl were said to have been later transferred to Karbala', to the mausoleum of al-Husayn, near the tomb of his father. Numerous poets paid their respects to him, in particular, his brother al-Murtada, Abu '1-Kasim alMaghribi (d. 418/1027) and his disciple Mihyar alDaylaml (d. 428/1037). Works. Despite his relatively early death, and in spite of his weighty official responsibilities, al-Radl had the time to compose numerous works, reflecting his extensive and varied culture. His contemporary al-NadjashT (Riajdl, 283) has listed some fifty of them. Particularly worthy of mention are the following: (1) His Diwdn, of 10,000 verses, the poems in which are often dated (374-405/985-1015), was assembled by several compilers, his son Ahmad and Abu Hakim al-Khabri (d. 476/1083) among others (ed. Bombay and Baghdad 1889, Beirut 1890, 1893, and more recently ed. Dar Sadir, n.d.). (2) Khasd'is al-Imdm 'All ("Special characteristics of the Imam cAlf") (ed. Nadjaf 1949 and Mashhad 1986): written in 383/994, this work was in fact the draft of a more ambitious project. The author intended at the outset to deal with the characteristic virtues of the twelve Shlcf Imams (Khasd'is al-A3imma). He began with CA1I: his biography, his qualities and some extracts from his speeches and his wise aphorisms; this gave him the idea of devoting a second work exclusively to the sayings of CA1I, with the object of illustrating his oratorical gifts. With the study of the other Imams still unfinished, he turned immediately to this new enterprise which culminated in the celebrated Nahaj al-baldgha (cf. Nahgj, 1-3). (3) Nahaj al-baldgha ("The way of eloquence") [q.v.] (ed. Beirut 1885, Cairo 1905, 1910, 1925 and ed. M.M. cAbd al-Hamld, n.d. and Beirut 1983): this is the anthology of the speeches, homilies and letters traditionally attributed to CA1I, which al-Radl compiled in 400/1010 (see on this subject M. Djebli, Encore d pfopos de I'authenticite du Nahdj. al-Baldgha, in SI, kxii [1992], 36-52). (4) Hakd'ik al-ttfwlji mutashdbih al-tan&l ("Interpretation of Kur'anic images"), sometimes mentioned under the title of Ma'dni al-Kur'dn al-kabir ("Obscure meanings in the Kur'an"): this was a monumental work, considered one of the most important exegeses of the Kur'an. Unfortunately, only the 5th volume has survived (ed. Nadjaf 1936). (5) Talkhis al-baydn ji maajdzdt al-Kur3dn ("Summary of metaphors in the Kur'an") (ed. Cairo 1964, Baghdad 1955): begun on Thursday, 20 Sha'ban 401/1011 and completed on Sunday, 13 Shawwal of the same year, this book is probably a summary of the preceding work (cf. Talkhis, 288). (6) al-Ma&dzdt al-nabawiyya ("Metaphors in the Ha£&] (ed. Baghdad 1911, Cairo 1971). As a talented writer and an admirer of literature, the author wanted to seek out eloquence, rhetoric and metaphor in the three principal sources of the Arabic language, these being the Kur'an, the Hadith and the sayings of CA1I. It was in this spirit that he composed these last four works. (7) Rasd'il al-Sdbi wa 'l-§harif alRadl ("Correspondence with al-Sabi"). If al-Safadl is to be believed (Wdfi, ii, 374), this correspondence, in prose and in poetry, constituted three volumes. But unfortunately, only an infinitesimal part of it has survived, in a ms. belonging to the Tunisian scholar H.H. cAbd al-Wahhab (ed. Kuwait 1961). Other works, apparently no longer in existence, deserve mention, in particular: (1) Strat wdlidih Abl
AL-SHARIF AL-RADI — AL-SHARlF AL-TILIMSANl Ahmad (biography of his father), composed in his youth, in 379/990. (2) al-Hasan min shi'r al-Husayn ("The fine [poetry] of his friend al-Husayn [b. al-Hadjdjadj]). (3) al-Mukhtdr min shi'r Abi Tammdm ("Anthology of the poems of Abu Tammam"). (4) Mukhtdr shi'r Abi Ishdk ("Anthology of the poems of al-Sabf"). (5) Akhbdr kuddt Baghdad ("Biographies of Baghdad! kadis"). (6) Ta'llk ft 'l-Iddh ("Glosses on the Iddh", sc. on the grammatical work of Abu CA1I al-Farisi), etc ... Bibliography. 1. Works of al-Radi. These are already cited in the text. 2. Biographical works. Tha'alibf, Yaffmat aldahr, Cairo 1979, iii, 131-51; Nadjashf, Asmb? alriajdl, Bombay 1899, 283; Bakharzl, Dumyat al-kasr, Aleppo 1930, 73-4; al-Khatlb al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh Baghdad, Cairo 1931, ii, 246-7; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, Leipzig 1871-2, 78, 134, 171; Ibn Hazm, ^amhara, Cairo 1962, 63; Ibn al-Djawzf, Munta^am, Haydarabad 1938, vii, 98, 279-83; Ibn al-Athfr, Kdmil, Cairo 1934, vi, 280-1; Ibn al-Kiftr, Inbdh al-ruwdt, Cairo 1955, 114-15; idem, al-Muhammadun, Kuwait 1970, 243-4; Ibn Abi '1-Hadfd^ Shark Nahdj. albaldgha, Cairo 1965, i, 31-41; Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt, Beirut 1968-72, iv, 414-20; Abu '1-Fida', Mukhtasar, Cairo 1907, 152; Dhahabf, Tadhkira, Haydarabad 1958, iii, 1065; Safadf, Waft, Istanbul 1949, ii, 37479; YafiT, Mir3at, Beirut 1970, iii, 18-20; Ibn Kathfr, Biddya, Beirut 1977, xii, 2-4; Ibn Tnaba, 'Umdat altdlib, Nadjaf 1961, 203-11; Ibn Taghnbirdl, Majum, Cairo 1929-52, iv, 223, 240; Hadjdjr Khalffa, Kashf, Istanbul 1947, i, 472, 794, ii, 1590; Ibn al-Tmad, Shadhardt, Cairo 1931-2, iii, 182-4; cAmilf, A'ydn alShl'a, Damascus 1935, 44/173-87; Bahranf, Lu'lu'at al-Bahrayn, Nadjaf n.d., 322-9; Abu cAli Muhammad, Muntahd 'l-makdl, Tehran 1884, 271; Khwansari, Rawddt, Tehran 1886, 573-9; Tihrani, Dhari'a, Beirut n.d., vii, 16, 32-3, xix, 351-2; Mamakani, Tankih al-makdl, Nadjaf 1934, iii, 107; CA. Musawf, Nuzhat al-ajalis, Cairo 1876, i, 359; IsmaTl al-Baghdadf, Iddh al-maknun, Istanbul 1951, i, 430, ii, 89, 426, 428; DjurdjI Zaydan, Ta'rikh al-adab, 2Cairo n.d., ii, 260-1; W. Ivanow, A guide to Ismaili literature, London 1933, 83; Wadjdr, Dd3irat al-ma'drif Cairo 1937, iv, 260; Brockelmann, I, 81-2, S I, 131-2 (Arabic tr. Nadjdjar, Cairo 1961, ii, 62-4); Fakhun, Ta'rikh al-adab, 6Beirut n.d., 664-7; H. al-Khatib, Masddir Nahdj. al-baldgha, Nadjaf 1966, i, 337-43; Zirikll, A'ldm, Beirut 1969, vi, 329-30; H. Al-Amm, Dd'irat al-macdrif al-shi'iyya, Beirut 1972-7, i, 68-123, xii, 355-63; Kahhala, Mu'allifin, Damascus 1960, ix, 261-2; Sezgin, GAS, ii, 595-7, viii, 185-7, ix, 303-4. 3. Studies. S. Kaylanl, al-Sharif al-Radl casruh wa-ta'rikh haydtih, Cairo 1937; CA.H. Mahfuz, alShanf al-Radi, Beirut 1938; Kashif
AL-SHARIF AL-TALIK, the name by which the AndalusI poet, active in Cordova, Abu cAbd alMalik Marwan b. cAbd al-Rahman b. Marwan b. c Abd al-Rahman al-Nasir (b. 347/958, d. by 395/ 1005), is known. A great-grandson of the caliph cAbd al-Rahman III, he was imprisoned in Madfnat al-
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Zahra5 [q.v.] when he was 16 for killing his father out of jealousy over a girl. Among his fellow prisoners were several literary figures, including Abu cAbd Allah b. Mascud al-Badjdjanl, who wrote at first love poetry and later hiajd3 on the handsome youth. Among these men, at-Talfk developed his skill at poetry, most of which was written in prison. Al-Mansur ordered his release in or before 379/989-90, either because of a dream-vision of the Prophet or thanks to the intervention of al-Mansur's pet ostrich; the supposedly supernatural cause of his release is said to have given rise to his cognomen, which in one source is said to be Talfk al-nacama, "released by the ostrich". Although he is reported to have been a prolific poet, little of his work is extant, and that only in fragmentary quotations. His friend, Ibn Hazm calls him the greatest Andalusian poet of his time and compares his rank among the poets of the Andalusian Umayyads to that of Ibn al-Muctazz among the cAbbasids because of the "gracefulness of his poetry and the beauty of his similes." Particularly appreciated was his kdf'iyya beginning: ghusunun yahtazzu ft di'si nakd ya^tanl minhu ju'ddl hurakd ("A bough, quivering on a sandy hillock/from which my heart harvests burning!"); but only 41 verses, probably not the entire poem, are extant. The extant fragments deal mostly with wine and flowers. Bibliography: Ibn Hazm, Tawk al-hamdma, ed. L. Bercher, Algiers 1949, 72-3; idem, D^amharat ansdb al-'arab, Beirut 1403/1983, 103; Himyan, alBadi' ft wasf al-rablc, ed. H. Peres, 2Rabat 1989, 31; Ibn Bassam, Dhakhlra, ed. cAbbas, i, 563; Makkarf, Najh al-tlb, ed. cAbbas, iii, 586-8; E. Garcia Gomez, Cinco poetas musulmanes: biografias y estudios, 2 Madrid 1959, 67-93; J.T. Monroe, Hispano-Arabic poetry: a student anthology, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1974, 11-12, 154-9; Ihsan cAbbas, Ta'rikh al-adab al-andalusl: 'asr siyddat Kurtuba, 2Beirut 1981, 223-5. (R.P. SCHEINDLIN) AL-SHARIF AL-TILIMSANl, the name given to a dynasty of scholars of Tlemcen. 1. MUHAMMAD B. AHMAD, Abu Talib (a) Life This scholar (cdlim) of Tlemcen, who was born in 710/1310 and died in 771/1369 or 1370, is the renowned ancestor (mashhur) of a family which has produced several generations of jurisconsults (Jukahd3), and more specifically of "philosopher-jurisconsults" (Abu Bakr Ibn Shu'ayb) or philosophers of law, also known as "theoreticians of law" (W.B. Hallaq), particularly distinguished among whom are his two sons. He was nicknamed al-cAlawI, being the native of a village situated a day's journey from Tlemcen and called al-cAlawiyym. He studied under masters of repute, including Abu Zayd (d. 743/1342) and Abu Musa (d. 749/1348), with whom he studied science of law (fikh), sources of law (usul al-fikh) and dogmatic theology ('Urn alkaldrri). He also studied under the teacher of cAbd alRaljman and Yahya Ibn Khaldun, Abu cAbd Allah al-Abilf (d. 757/1356), a citizen of Tlemcen of Andalusian origin (from Avila), later a resident of Fas, where he became the disciple of the mathematician Ibn al-Banna' (d. 721/1321). Among his other distinguished teachers were the savant and mystic cAbd Allah b. Ibrahim al-Madjasf, nicknamed "the Weeper" (alBakkd3, Bustdn, 121, tr. 132), the kadi Muhammad alTamfmi (who was appointed governor of Bidjaya, where he died in 756/1355), Abu Musa clmran alMashaddalr (a native of the region of Bidjaya, d. 745/
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AL-SHARIF AL-TILIMSANl
1344-5), the kadis Ibn
only of a strategy of alliance destined to enhance the intellectual and cultural prestige of the capital of the central Maghrib, but also of a Sharifian power-policy, of which one of the most visible aspects was the festival surrounding the celebration of the Mawlid. Al-Sharif al-Tilimsanl appears to be a key-individual, an intermediary between the political and the religious, between power and the people, who did not hesitate to defend the faklh, the marabout or the destitute. Of pleasing physical appearance, he dressed with elegance. He was generous and enjoyed giving advice to people. He was kind-hearted and tolerant towards others, and used his ablutions as a diversion when his irritation was aroused. The prestige which he enjoyed among the dignitaries of the kingdom was supplemented by his popularity and his reputation as a man of piety, capable of producing miracles (kardmdt). If he wrote little, this was because when he was not engaged in diplomatic missions (764/1362, 765/1363, 767/1366), most of his efforts were devoted to teaching. The courses given by al-Sharif were characterised by his methodical analyses and the clarity of his language which rendered him a proficient orator. His daily routine began with interpretation of the Kur'an, in which he showed himself an incomparable exegete over a period of twenty-five years. He captivated his audience with his favourite reading, the Mudawwana al-kubrd of Sahnun (d. 240/854 [^.y.]). His commentary on the Diurnal of al-Khunadji (author of the Kitdb al-eUmda, d. 649/1249) was also a component of his courses. He was an accomplished philologist, skilled in the knowledge of the proper use of words, their etymology and their grammatical forms—useful arts in the study of the abundant judicial literature of the different Malik! schools (Kayrawan, Cordova, Baghdad, Cairo, etc.), especially in regard to the Kur'an: its grammatical analysis (nahw), its readings (kird3dt) and its variants (ikhtildf). Furthermore, the art of poetry, ancient history of the Arabs ("Days of the Arabs", ayyam al-cArab, and "Days of God," ayyam Allah) and Sufism were subjects in which he excelled. In addition to his mastery of the rational and traditional sciences (al-mackul wa 'l-mankul), and sound judgment (saldmat al-cakl), he was also endowed with profound mystical knowledge which he sought to share with his pupils, initiating them especially into the rejection of material goods. What emerges from his personality is the image of a sincere Muslim whom affluence did not deflect from the defence of the spiritual, moral and humanist values contributing to the cohesion and dynamism of the city. Among his pupils, many acquired renown: in the first place his own sons, eAbd Allah and 4Abd alRahman, the imam al-Shatibl, Ibn Zamrak, cAbd alRahman Ibn Khaldun, Ibn al-Sakkak (Abu Yahya Muhammad, d. 816/1413), the faklh Muhammad b. "All al-Madyunl, the saint and preacher Ibrahim alMasmudi (d. 804 or 805/1401 or 1402), and the jurist Abu £Abd Allah b. cArafa al-Wargham! (716-803/13161400). Al-Sharif al-Tilimsanl is a representative of that class of Maghrib! scholars who were employed by the successors to the Almohads in the training of royal functionaries responsible for the sultan's secretariat and for military, religious or judicial administration, in the context of the official teaching of the madrasas. Furthermore, the need for such functionaries was augmented by the prosperity of Tlemcen and the development of the diplomatic and commercial relations of the kingdom. His work is situated in the movement whereby insti-
AL-SHARIF AL-TILIMSANI tutions were re-adapted to Malikism after the Almohad period. For Ibn Marzuk al-Khatfb, he revealed a high degree of expertise in the interpretation of the Malik! doctrine (Bustdn, 166, tr. 185). According to Ibn Maryam, "he was the last of the great masters of igjtihdd" seen by this period (kdna dkhir al-a3imma almuajtahidzn al-rdsikhin, Bustdn, 167, tr. 185). He was responsible for the revival of orthodoxy (ibid., 169, tr. 185), he resuscitated religious law and dispelled heresy (ibid., 167, tr. 185). In reaction to the Almohad doctrine, illustrated in particular by the Mahdi Ibn Tumart, the scholar equally versed in the sources (usul) of law, permitting the deduction of laws from their principles, and in the applications (Juruc) of law, exerted his critical sense while applying himself to the original texts. Two methods were combined: iajtihdd, personal interpretation as a means of rectifying or completing passages in the Malik! treatises, and taklid, using the model of the opinions of Malik! scholars expressed in the treatises on Juru\ the mystical sense (bdtiri) taking on an everincreasing importance in the interpretation of sources. With al-Sharif al-Tilimsan!, the development of the judicial sciences is characterised by an attempt at reconciling these Juruf with the usul, as well as by the more profound study of theology, these various elements forming part of the education dispensed especially in madrasas. As with the Hafsid dynasty, the function of mufti, initially private and independent, tends to be given official status, becoming an institution designed to bolster the authority of the Banu 'Abd al-Wad. Thus in connection with the school of Bidjaya, and under influences deriving from al-Andalus, from Tunis and from Fas, a judicial practice Carnal) is constituted, belonging specifically to Tlemcen and its region, which has left its mark in collections of particular cases (nawdzil), where the position of the Divine Law is expressed by an authorised religious scholar (mujfi), in answer to a question put to him by the jurist (fakih, mustqftt). Thefatwd related by Ibn Maryam (Bustdn, 178-84) is not so much an example of a judicial decision, an opinion on a point of law delivered by an expert, as a concise survey of the principal issues debated in the 8th/14th century at Tlemcen in the field of usul alfikh. More specifically, this fatwd reflects the pedagogical concern of al-Shanf, revealing his characteristic method of addressing the problem from different angles (bi-wuajuh al-nagar, ibid., 178). It gives an insight into his way of contemplating the rules of interpretation of the sources of law from which are derived the legal statutes (ahkdm) which should govern the judicial problems (nawdzil) which are presented. The doctrine of al-Shanf is characterised here by: - Insistence on the authority of the Prophet as representative of the Supreme Legislator, God; - His concern to reconcile rules which appear to be contradictory, e.g. by linking the particular to the general case; - The resolution of conflicts through the rule of abrogation (naskh), which can concern an explicit text (nass) or a judicial decision or rule (huhri); — A technique close to that of such Ash'ans as alAsh'ar! himself, al-Djuwayn!, al-Ghazal! and al-Raz! and to that of mediaeval Christian scholarship (the technique of division and of classification, reference to religious authority, the hypotheses envisaged being most often expressed in the form of the syllogism, the use of copious evidence in argumentation, refutation of the opponent through his own arguments or through argumentum ad hominem, al-ilzdm). Directly, the accent is
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placed on the delimitation of the question, the demarcation of the controversial points, and then the reduction of divergencies by the elimination of faulty interpretations giving approbation (tasdik) to the erroneous, then turning in the direction of probable certainty, of equitable solutions; - A rigorous exegesis aided by an analytic logic bordering on an apodeictic logic which does not impute to the texts more than they show, proceeding through the observation of singular principles which resemble one another to the deduction and detachment of the universal rule (e.g. the Aristotelian concept revised by Ibn Sma). Simple allegation (kawl) needs to be confirmed (yuhakkiku, ibid., 183). His procedure for validation between the valid and the non-valid is close to that of the philosopher (e.g. Ibn Rushd), between the true and the false: simple notions (ma'dm mujrada] are all conceivable, it is their composition (tarfab), which gives the concept (tasawwur) which permits affirmation and negation (al-tajdb wa'l-salb), and especially, truth and falsehood (al-sidk wa'l-kadhib); - A cautious use of analogy (al-kiyds). This is a means of avoiding, on the one hand, assimilation by analogy which brings about an interpretation far removed from the basic case (asl), by stressing the resemblance to the assimilated case (far'}; and on the other, personal opinion (ra3y), especially in the absence of a clear expression of legal rules in the texts (cibdrdt al-nass). The arguments used are non-analogical, arguments a fortiori (fahwa 'l-khitdb, where the themes are to be found more decisively present in the assimilated case than in the basic case), starting with the implicit meaning of the typical text (a maiore ad minus or a minore ad maius, ma/hum al-khitdb or daldlat al-nass, and reductio ad absurdum, kiyds al-caks); — Utilisation of logic, in the general structure, as in the different developments of the reasoning, which adds richness to the text and clarity as well, giving it persuasive force and avoiding ambiguity. However, its presence is diffuse and takes the form in the course of the text, after the manner of Ibn Hazm, of stylistic features apparently not designed or intended (for example, the non-categorical syllogism, or, according to Arabic classification, of, e.g. al-Farab!, disjunctive conditional syllogism); The predominance of iajtihdd, here in the sense of judicial effort (Abu Bakr b. Shu'ayb) where faith and knowledge are partners, and which is tied to the notion of action, will, knowledge, truth, while servile imitation (taklid) is the symbol of immobilism, of passivity, or ignorance and of falsehood (al-ghalat). But the definition of iajtihdd is fairly broad as applied by al-Sharif, who acknowledges absolute iajtihad in the case of the independent interpreter, who decides without reference to any doctrine, whereas for al-Ghazali, for example, the independence of this judgment is only valid within the parameters of the school to which the jurisconsult belongs. It is the concern for just equilibrium (ictiddl), and the feeling that the certainty obtained is only a probable certainty, which leads the jurist, a devout Muslim, subject to the omnipotence of the Legislator (God), to an attitude of moderation (hay9 at al-tawassut) and of wisdom (al-hikma). Thus the judge becomes the arbiter, or finds his role in arbitration (since kadd is to settle a dispute, to arbitrate), as is shown by Aristotle's definition of equity (aequitas): "Equity seems to be justice which goes beyond the written law" (Rhetoric, i, 1374a). (b) Works A book on donations (al-mucdtdt or al-mucdwaddt, exchanges); Shark Diurnal al-Khunaajt—Mukhtasarji }l-usul
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(or K. al-MiftahJi usul al-fikh or Miftdh al-wusulji bind3 al-furuc cald 'l-usul], dedicated to the Marmid sultan Abu Tnan (749-59/1347-58); a work on predestination and the immutable decrees of God (Ft 'l-kadd3 wa 'l-kadar); poems (kasd'id) composed at the time of the Mawlid; fatwds conveyed in the works of al-Maghfll al-Mazum (d. 883/1478) and of al-WanshansI, with those of his sons cAbd Allah and cAbd al-Rahman, as well as in al-Bustdn. Bibliography. 1. Primary Sources. Ahmad Baba, Nayl al-ibtihddj., in margin of Ibn Farhun, alDibadt, Cairo 1329/1911, 255-64; eAbd al-Rahman Ibn Khaldun, Tbar, Beirut 1979; idem, al-Mukaddima; Yahya Ibn Khaldun, K. Bughyat al-ruwwdd Ji dhikr al-muluk min Bam cAbd al-Wdd, ed. and tr. A. Bel and al-Ghawthf Bu cAlf, Histoire des Beni eAbd elWad, rois de Tlemcen, jusqu'au regne d'Abou H'ammou Mousa II, Algiers, i, 1321/1903, text 57, tr. 72-3, ii, 1911 and 1913, text 101, 133-4, 136, 166, 207, tr. 123, 164-5, 169, 205-6, 257; Ibn Kunfudh alKusantmf, al-Wafaydt, Beirut 1400/1980, 368-9; Ibn Maryam, al-Bustdn, Algiers 1908, 1986, 164-84, tr. F. Provenzali, El Boston ou Jardin des biographies des saints et savants de Tlemcen, Algiers 1910, 182-210; al-Maghflf al-Mazum, al-Durar al-maknuna, B.N. Algiers, mss. no. 1335-6; MakkarT, Najh al-tib, Beirut 1968, i, 557, v, 272-3, 280, 342, 395, 428, vi, 25, vii, 166; idem, Azhdr al-riydd, Cairo 1359/1940, ii, 9, 15, 1361/1943, iii, 18-19, 24-5, 27; Tanasi, Nazm al-durr wa }l-fikydn, Algiers 1405/1985, 15, 94, 17980; Wanshansf, al-Mifydr, Beirut 1401/1981, i, 105, ii, 47, 550, xi, 28, 154, xii, 207; idem, Wafaydt, in Alf sana min al-wafaydt, Rabat 1396/1976, 126; idem, cUddat al-buruk, index by H. Abu Faris, Beirut 1990, 20; Zarkashl, Ta'rikh al-Dawlatayn, Tunis 1966, 104-5, 120. 2. Secondary sources. Bakn, K. al-Mamdlik, text and partial tr. M.G. de Slane, Description de I'Afrique Septentrionak, Paris 1965, 77, 156; M. Ben Cheneb, Etude sur les personnages mentionnes dans ridjdza du cheikh cAbd al Qadir al-Fdsy, in Actes du XIVe congres international des orientalistes, iv, Algiers 1905, Paris 1907, 111-15; Brockelmann, II2, 310, 318; E. Fagnan, Catalogue general des manuscrits des bibliotheques publiques de France, Departements, Alger, xviii, Paris 1893, 976, 1388; Ibn al-Kadl, Durrat al-hi^dl, Rabat 1936, i, 756, Cairo 1180/1971, ii, 773; Ibn Hawkal, ed. Kramers 1938, i, 89; Makhluf, Muhammad b. Muhammad, Shad^arat al-nur al-zakiyya fi tabakdt al-mdlikiya, Cairo 1349/1930-1, i, 234. 3. Studies. JJ.I. Barges, Tlemcen, ancienne capital du royaume de ce nom, Paris 1859, 312, 334-7, 391-2; H. Beck, L'image d'Idns II, ses descendants de Fas et la politique shanfienne des sultans mannides (656869/1258-1465), Leiden 1989, 169; A. Bel, La religion musulmane en Berberie, Paris 1938, 277-8, 303, 320-3, 329; idem, Abu Hammu II, in El2', M.B.A. Benchekroun, La vie intellectuelle marocaine sous les Merinides et les Wattasides, Rabat 1974, 47, 247, 322, 489; M. Ben Cheneb, Ibn al-Hadjib, Ibn Malik, in EI[; M.C. Brosselard, Les inscriptions arabes de Tlemcen, in RAjr, iii, (1859), no. 15, 169-72; R. Brunschvig, Hafsides', Abu '1-Kasim Muhammad, al-Hafhawf, Ta'rifal-khalaf, Algiers 1324/1906, i, 106-23, Algiers 1991, i, 123-44; H. Kurio, Geschichte und Geschichtsschreiber der fAbd al-Wadiden, Freiburg-im-Breisgau 1973, 95, 97, 98, 140-3, 156-9; G. Marcais, Remarques sur Us medersas Juneraires en Berberie, a propos de la Tdchjiniya de Tlemcen, in Melanges GaudejroyDemombynes, Cairo 1934, 264-9; W. Marcais and G. Margais, Les monuments arabes de Tlemcen, Paris
1903, 24-5, 305-12; H. Touati, En relisant les Nawazil Madonna. Marabouts et chorfa au Maghreb central au XVe siecle, in SI, Ixix, (1989), 88-92. 2. °ABD ALLAH B. MUHAMMAD, sometimes called Ibn al-Imam, b. 748/1347-8, the elder son of the preceding, who was allegedly informed in a dream that his son would become a scholar. Arriving with his father in Fas, at an early age, he embarked on a multifarious programme of studies which included the Kur'an, as well as the treatise on grammar and logic al-D^urnal by al-Zadjdjadjf and the Alfiyya by Ibn Malik, under the tutorship of Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad b. Zayd, among numerous other classical works. He read the Mudawwana of Sahnun with Abu elmran Musa al-cAbdusI. With Abu l-cAbbas Ahmad alKabbab (d. 777/1375) he studied al-Talkin by cAbd al-Wahhab (d. 422/1030), the Risdla of Ibn Abl Zayd al-Kayrawanl and the Kdfiya of Ibn al-Hadjib. With Abu 3l-cAbbas Ahmad Ibn al-Shammac, he read Ibn al-Hadjib (al-MukhtasarJi 'l-Juru' or al-Mukhtasar al-farci). With the kadi Abu VAbbas Ahmad b. al-Hasan, whose courses had been attended by his father, he perfected his knowledge of jurisprudence through reading the Muwatta3, al-Tahdhib by the jurist of Kayrawan Abu Sacfd al-Baradhici, and further works by Ibn al-Hadjib. Then, with his father, he studied philosophy in Makdsid al-faldsifa by al-Ghazall, and dogmatic theology in the latter's al-Iktisdd fi 'l-i'tikdd, and in alMuhassal by al-RazI, the sciences in Ibn Slna (al-Naajdt), then, for the principles of law, al-Ghazalf (Shifa3 algjialil) and Ibn al-Hadjib; in rhetoric, the TaMns and Iddh of al-Kazwfni; in dialectic (apodal), al-Muktarah by al-BarawaJI (517-67/1124-72); in geometry, Euclid; in logic, al-^umal by al-Khunadji, previously studied in depth by his father who had written a commentary on it, and for Sufism, al-Ghazali again. He also studied the Risdla of Ibn Abf Zayd al-Kayrawam and was soon perceived to be superior to his father in scholarship. He then taught at the Great Mosque of Tlemcen, giving instruction especially in the Kur'an, in cAbd al-Hakk (al-Ahkdm al-sughrd) and in Ibn alHadjib (al-Mukhtasar al-far'i], in the presence of numerous students, the majority of them from Fas. He received a salary from the Mannid sultan Abu Faris £ Abd al-cAz!z (767-74/1365-72) until the restoration of the Banu cAbd al-Wad. On the death of his father, he was appointed his successor as teacher at the Yackubiyya madrasa by sultan Abu Hammu II. One of his more notable pupils was Ibn Marzuk al-Halld (766-842/1364-1438). When Abu cAbd Allah feU ill in 784/1382, his place in the classroom was taken by his brother cAbd al-Rahman. Abu cAbd Allah lived for some time in Gharnata, where he was one of the tutors of the great kadi Ibn cAsim, author of the Tuhfa. He perished in a shipwreck between Malaka and Tilimsan in 792/1390. Bibliography: (complementary to preceding references): 1. Sources. Ahmad Baba, 151-4; Yahya Ibn Khaldun, 68, 54. 73; Ibn Maryam, 117-20,'tr. Provenzali, 126-31, and tr. Barges, Complement, 195204; Muhammad b. Muhammad Makhluf. Shaajarat al-nur, i, 234; Wansharfsi, al-Micydr, i, 394, ix, 434. 2. Studies. A. al-Azmeh, Ibn Khaldun in modern scholarship, London 1981, 103; M. Hadj-Sadok, Ibn Marzuk in El2; Hafnawl, Ta'rif al-khalaf, Algiers 1324/1906, ii, 236-9, Algiers 1991, ii, 55-9; M.K. Masud, A history of Islamic law in Spain: an overview, in Islamic Studies, xxx (1991), 34. 3. ABU YAHYA £ABD AL-RAHMAN B. MUHAMMAD, born in 757/1356, brother of the preceding. His name,
AL-SHARIF AL-TILIMSANI as regards the ism and the kunya, appears to be a combination of that of cAbd al-Rahman Ibn Khaldun and that of Abu Yahya b. al-Sakkak (kadi of Fas, d. 816/1413), both present on the night of his birth, in his father's house. After apprenticeship with the Kur'an, he studied in particular, with his father, the fundamentals of law and the Muwatta3, then with his brother cAbd Allah, nine years his senior, whose diligent disciple he became. He also undertook study of Ibn al-Hadjib, of the Diurnal of al-Khunadj! and of the Iddh of al-Farisf, as a pupil of Abu cUthman Sa'fd al-cUkbani (kadi of Bidjaya, then of Tilimsan, 720811/1320-1408). Like his brother, he had Muhammad b. Hayatf al-Gharnatl for a tutor in the study of the Djumal of al-ZadjdjadjT and the Mukarrib of Ibn cUsfur. With the Andalusian Abu '1-Kasim b. Ridwan, he studied the Sahlh of Muslim and the Shifa3 of clyad. During his brother's illness, in 784/1382, he taught in his place, before leaving to give a series of lectures in Fas. Renowned for his skill at exegesis and the analysis of the apparent and hidden (al-^dhir wa 'l-bdtiri) meaning of texts, he educated numerous students including the writer and poet Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Thaghrf, secretary of Abu Hammu II, as well as Abu 'l-cAbbas Ahmad Ibn Zaghu (782-845/1380-1441), himself an eminent jurist and teacher of the kadi of Mazuna, al-MaghflT (d. 883/ 1478) and of Abu '1-Hasan cAlf al-Kalasadf (d. 8911486), an Andalusian and a resident of Tlemcen who was himself the teacher, in arithmetic and the law of succession of the theologian Muhammad al-Sanusf (838 or 839-894/1435-1490). He died in 826/1423. His works comprise a book on the forgiveness of sins (Tctlif cald }l-maghfira)', Shark al-asrdr al-cahliyya (of al-Muktarah, d. 612/1215-16); and Shark al-Irshdd (of alDjuwaynf): Bibliography (complementary to preceding references): Ahmad Baba, 170-1; Hafhawf, 1324/1906, ii, 200-1, 1991, 9-11; Ibn al-Kadl, Rabat, ii, 995, Cairo, iii, 1012; Ibn Maryam, Algiers, 42, 127-9, tr. Provenzali, 45-6, 139-41; Makhluf, Shaajarat alnur, i, 251; Sanusf, al-cAkida al-wustd, text and partial tr. by J.P. Kenny, Muslim theology as presented by M. b. Tusuf as-Sanusi, especially in his al-{Aqida alWustd, diss. Edinburgh 1970, 90-1, 189; Wansharfsi, al-Micydr, i, 214, xii, 236, 240. 4. ABU 'L-ABBAs AHMAD B. ABI YAHYA b. Muhammad, sometimes called Abu DjaTar, senior kadi (kadi 'l-ajamd'a) of Granada, grandson of Muhammad alSharif al-Tilimisani. With his brother Abu '1-Faradj, he attended courses given by Marzuk al-Haffd at alc Ubbad (Sidi Bou-Medein). He died at Tlemcen in 895/1490. He seems to correspond to the fakih, the imam Abu 'l-cAbbas Ahmad b. Sayyidl Yahya al-Sharif in the Mi'ydr of al-Wanshansf. Bibliography (complementary to preceding sources): cAbd al-Basit b. Khalll, al-Rawd al-bdsim ft hawddith al-cumr wa 'l-tardajim, Paris 1936, 107; Ahmad Baba, 80; Ben Cheneb, Etude sur les personnages mentionnes dans I'idjaza du cheikh cAbd el Qadir al-Fasy, 112; Hafnawi, ii, 96, 297; Ibn al-Kadr, Rabat, i, 124, Cairo, i, 124; Ibn Maryam, al-Bustdn, 44, tr. Provenzali, 48; Makkarf, Nafh al-tib, v, 1989, 478-9; Wansharfsi, al-Micydr, Beirut 1401/1981, iv, 224. 5. ABU 'L-FARADJ B. ABI YAHYA b. Muhammad, brother of Abu VAbbas essentially followed courses given by Ibn Marzuk al-Hafid at al-£Ubbad. The details of this education with its different gradations, were typical of Malik! instruction. On the occasion of the presentation of the iajdza, he was dressed by
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his master in the robe of the Sufis (albasahu khirkat al-tasawwuf] in which Ibn Marzuk had himself been clad by his father and his maternal uncle. He died in Tlemcen in 868/1463. Bibliography (complementary to preceding sources): Ahmad Baba, 294, 297; Ibn al-Kadi, Rabat, ii, 1300, Cairo, iii, 1320; Ibn Maryam, alBustdn, 204-6, 209-10, tr. Provenzali, 234-6, 240. The al-Sharif al-Tilimsdni family in the cultural life of their time. The abundant biographical material concerning the al-Sharif al-Tilimsanf family gives a clear impression of the dynamism of intellectual life and of the institutions which formed its environment, in particular the elaborate system of education in Algeria in the 8th/14th century. The instructive evidence conveyed in the biographical notices show a social promotion of scholars, who are above all jurists, which was owed to their personal merit (hasab) rather than to their genealogy (nasab). The traditional sciences play a significant role in the initial training of a jurist in this period, the sources being the Kur'an and the Sunna. Judicial logic flourished, as did the theological logic manifested in dogmatic theology (kaldm), and there seems to have been, in this context, a scholastic tradition at Tlemcen, which is seen, in the following century, in al-SanusI, with an original synthesis between theology, logic and Sufism, as well as the jurist, logician and historian al-Tanasf (d. 899/1494). As in Christian Europe, the work of Ibn Sfna is one of the central pillars of education, with the huge encyclopaedia constituted by the K. al-Shifa3 (known and annotated in Latin under the title of Sufficientid] as a universal work of reference for the age. This system of education was developed not only at the instigation and under the control of royal power but also in response to a prodigious appetite for knowledge and to the enthusiasm aroused by new ideas and by the growing social prestige of masters. The attraction of the allowances paid to the students admitted to courses (al-murattab, Bustdn, 170) and the social utility of studies, success in which brought privileges (intifd'}, honours and the guarantee of public careers in the administration or even in the diplomatic service, or confidential occupations (such as that of notary)—all these factors contributed to an increase in the numbers of students (talaba), which created problems of accommodation and catering. The hierarchical ranking of disciplines led to the consolidation of the lucrative scholarship of the time, that of law. However, grammar did not fall into disfavour, as it did in Europe, and the epistolary art (dictamen or ars dictaminis, corresponding to the art of inditing, inshd3, which is one of the culum al-adab) in association with the practice of rhetoric, enjoyed a revival on account of the development of commercial and diplomatic relations in the Mediterranean region, which necessitated the composition of more numerous and more complex official documents. Bibliography (besides the references given in preceding bibliographies): C.E. Butterworth, Medieval Islamic philosophy and the virtue of ethics., in Arabica, xxxiv (1987), 221-50; H. Laoust, La pedagogie d'alGhazali dans le Mustasfa, in REI, xliv (1976), 71-7; G. Makdisi, Muslim institutions of learning in eleventh century Baghdad, in BSOAS, xxiv (1961), 1-56; idem, Madrasa and university in the Middle Ages, in SI, xxxii (1970), 255-64; idem, Law and traditionalism in the institutions of learning of medieval Islam, in Theology and
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AL-SHARlF AL-TILIMSANI — SHARIKA
law and Islam, Second Levi Delia Vida Biennial Conference, Wiesbaden 1971; A.L. Tibawi, Origin and character of al-madrasah, in BSOAS, xxv (1962), 225-38. (H. BENCHENEB) SHARIH UL-MENAR-ZADE, Ahmed (?-1067/?1657), Ottoman historian. The son of the Ottoman cdlim cAbd iil-Halfm (d. 1051/1641-2), he was born probably in Amasya and himself followed an culemd career, rising to be a middle-ranking muderris in Istanbul. His father being the author of an Ottoman commentary on an Arabic work on jurisprudence, Mandr al-anwdr, the son became generally known by the lakab Sharih ul-Menarzade. He died in Istanbul in Sha'ban 1067/May-June 1657 (HJ. Kissling (ed.), 'Usdqe-zdde's Lebensbeschreibungen berilhrnter Gelehrter und Gottesmdnner des Osmanischen Reiches im 17. Jahrhundert (£eyl-i Saqd3iq), Wiesbaden 1965, 221-2; Mehmed Sheykhl Ef, Wekd3 ic al-Judald3, ms. Siileymaniye, Besjr Aga 479, fol. 197a; Babinger, GOW, 190-1; L.V. Thomas, A study ofNaima, New York 1972, 136-8). Sharih ul-Menar-zade compiled a world history from the creation to the year 1065/1655 which remained in draft form at his death (Kissling, op. cit.). This draft was subsequently presented to the Grand Vizier 'Amudja-zade Husayn [Kopriilii] Pasha [q.v.], who commissioned Na'ima [q.v.] to write a new Ottoman history based upon it. The earliest references by Na'fma to Sharih iil-Menar-zade's original are to 1018/1609 in the reign of Ahmed I and the latest to Mehmed Kopriilii Pasha [q.v.] in 1065/1655 (Mustafa Na'fma, Ta3nkh, Istanbul 1281/1864, i, 10; Thomas, op. cit., 138). It is thought that for the intervening period Sharih iil-Menar-zade's work was incorporated almost entirely into Na'fma's history and that the latter's text is therefore heavily dependent upon it (Ta'rikh, i, 1011, and passim, Thomas, 138-9). Sharih iil-Menar-zade's history was never published separately; the manuscript is presumed lost. Sharih iil-Menar-zade's own sources appear to have been (i) for the late 16th-early 17th centuries, a written history now thought lost but possibly closely related to the chronicle of Hasan Bey-zade [q.v.]', (ii) the history by his contemporary Kara Celebi-zade [q.v.]', (iii) his own notes and information from oral informants. According to cUshakT-zade, Sharih iil-Menar-zade was an avid participator in social and official gatherings and was thus well-informed; Na'ima regarded him as a shrewd and reliable observer of events (Kissling, 'Usdqi-zdde, 221-2; NaTma, Ta'rikh, i, 10). Bibliography: Given in the text. (CHRISTINE WOODHEAD) SHARIKA, SHIRKA (A.), nouns with a basic meaning of "partnership, association" (see Lane, Lexicon, s.v.) hence from the same root as the theological term shirk [q.v] "associating other gods with God", hence polytheism, and shank, pi. shurakd3 "partner associated in divinity", both frequent in the Kur'an. As a term of Islamic law, it takes different forms according to the contents and conditions. According to al-Azharf, it signifies the mixing (khalt) of two or more assets (mdl) together with the permission of each partner that the other can trade with it. Sharika is principally divided into partnership by property (milk), and by contract (cakd). The former originates when two "persons" become owners of one property without a contract. This can occur by choice, when they "accept" the subject through someone's gift. Alternatively, it may be brought about without choice; this is the case in inheritance [see MIRATH]. In both cases, it is not lawful for either partner to
perform any act with the other partner's share without his permission. A partnership contract is controlled by the principle of proposal and consent (idjdb wa-kabul). The classification of companies seems to be incompatible between the various schools ofjikh, the incompatibility probably arising from the varying recognition of authentic sources, as well as from the question of what constitutes a valid partnership. The Hanafi school, which permits all kinds of partnerships, appears to have the most consistent and logical classification. One can observe that they divided it from a "liability" point of view into: (1) Partnership in traffic (sharikat cindn); this is contracted when each party contributes capital. Each partner would accordingly become an agent of the other but not his bail. Equality in capital, responsibility or profit need not result. (2) The mufawada [q.v] or equal partnership, is contracted between two persons of equivalent property, privilege and religious persuasion. From a "subject" point of view, partnership for the Hanafis can be divided into: (1) Partnership in crafts or trades (sharikat sand3?). This is contracted between two craftsmen in a similar trade, such as cobblers or tailors; they agree to work together and share the profit produced. The condition that Malik makes for sjiarikat al-sand3ic to be valid is that the partners should be in the same or related trades. The Hanbalfs permit this kind of partnership, while the Shafi'fs and Imam! Shlcls totally reject it on the grounds that it can only take place in regard to capital and not in regard to work. (2) Partnership of capital sharikat amwdl). This is contracted when two partners put their capital in one project and agree on certain conditions for administration, profit and loss. (3) Partnership of personal credit (sfearikat wuajuh). This is contracted when two well-known persons (wudj.ahd3) ask others to sell to them goods without payment on the basis of their reputation, and then sell the goods for cash. This use of personal credit is rejected by scholars, including al-Shafi'f and Malik, on the basis that it involves work and money that are not actually present, and that it also involves uncertainty and risk (gharar) in the traded subject. The Hanballs do not seem to identify "liability" as an element of classification when they place both mufawada and cindn on equal footing with other divisions based on the subject element. The muddraba [q.v], also called by the Hidjazls kirdd [q.v.], is another early Islamic form of sharika which has been focused upon by modern Muslim writers in Islamic banking. The main difference between the two forms lies in the instruments that each utilises. Sharika uses similar "assets", whereas in muddraba the owner of various "forms" of assets can be partners, in return for a share of the profits, in accordance with their agreement. The risk for the capitalist is his capital, while for the manager, it is his time and effort. Sharika, together with profit-sharing, muddraba, are seen by scholars of Islamic banking as the main legal structures for Interest-Free Banking. The idea of IFB has gradually evolved over the last forty years into a fairly comprehensive, though controversial, model of banking. Partnership arrangements (mushdraka), according to John Presley, represent a total of 7%-10% of the total financing package of IFB. Bibliography: Hamilton, Hiddya, Lahore 1870, 217; A.L. Udovitch, Partnership and profit in mediaeval Islam, Princeton 1970, 40, 274; Abu Mansur
SHARIKA — SHARISH Muhammad al-Azhan, Tadhib al-lugha, ed. A. Harun, Cairo 1979, 109; M.N. Siddiqi, Issues in Islamic banking, selected papers, Leicester 1983, 22; idem, Partnership and profit sharing in Islamic law, Leicester 1985, 9; Wahba al-Zuhaylf, al-Fikh al-Isldml wa-adillatuh, Beirut 1985, iv, '792-885; j. Presley, A directory of Islamic financial institutions, London 1988, 26; K. Zaheer, An enquiry into the basic concept of banking as perceived by Islam, Ph.D. thesis, Lampeter 1994, unpubl., 138-250. (MAWIL Izzi DIEN) AL-SHARIKA, a shaykhdom of the Gulf, named after its capital city, since 1971 one of the seven United Arab Emirates, third in importance and wealth after Abu ZabI and Dubayy [g.w.]. The capital is located 14 km/8 miles north of the latter city, on the western side of the Musandam Peninsula in the lower Persian Gulf. Commonly rendered in English as Sharjah, reflecting the dialectical pronunciation alShardja, the town is mentioned as early as the 15th century. The 1985 census counted 268,723 inhabitants, 75% of whom lived in the capital. With a total surface of 2,590 km2, it has the most fragmented territory of any of the seven emirates. The main body stretches inland from the capital on the coast; in addition, there is an area around Khawr Fakkan, and the immediate surroundings of the town of Kalba—both on the Batina coast along the Gulf of Oman—and three further small enclaves around the Kalba area. The precise borders are the result of boundary-drawing exercises by British officials in the 1960s, based on surveys of local loyalties to the various rulers. The Emirate also claims the island of Abu Musa in the Persian Gulf—jointly administered with Persia since 1971, but forcibly occupied by the latter in 1992. Since 1972, the Emirate has been ruled by Shaykh Sultan b. Muhammad al-Kasimf, who was agreed upon by the UAE's Federal Supreme Council as the successor to his brother Khalid. The latter was slain in an attempted coup by his predecessor Sakr b. Sultan, who had himself been deposed in 1965 under British pressure for sympathising with Egyptian and Arab nationalist influence. British control over alSharika, which was officially ended in 1971, dated back to the 19th century, as part of Britain's determination to control the Gulf region as a whole [see BAHR PARIS], in the course of which the sea power of the Kasimf (pi. Kawasim [q.v.]) ruling family of alSharika and Rajs al-Khayma [q.v.] was sharply reduced by military means, and which was formalised under a number of agreements culminating in the "Exclusive Agreement" of 1892. Until the early 20th century, the Emirate officially included all the territory north of a line between al-Sharika town and Kalba, except for the coastal shaykhdoms of cAdjman and Umm alKaywayn, and the north-easternmost part of the Musandam peninsula. Effective control always fluctuated along with the strength of central power and shifting alliances, however, and rule was decentralised at best. Ra's al-Khayma, after several periods of virtual independence under rival members of the family, was recognised by Britain as an independent shaykhdom in 1921. Kalba, recognised by Britain as independent in 1936 (in connection with the establishment of an emergency airstrip) was reincorporated into al-Sharika in 1952. The same year, however, al-Fudjayra was recognised as an independent shaykhdom, under the shqykh of the Sharkiyym tribe who had always made up the majority of this area's population. Al-Sharika.. once pre-eminent among the Trucial States on the basis of its sea-going power and trade, lost this status to the Banf Yas [q.v.] of Abu Zabf and Dubayy,
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as British naval control increased the importance of the latter's land-based power. A revival came with the establishment of the main British airfield in the Gulf (on the route to India) in al-Sharika in 1932. Yet the commercial growth of Dubayy, as al-Sharika's creek began to silt up, had reversed the situation again by the 1950s. A major dispute with Dubayy was solved in 1985, but a number of others (e.g. with al-Fudjayra) remained outstanding in 1995. Since independence and integration into the UAE, al-Sharika has remained a sovereign emirate, although some powers (including, since 1976, defence) have been transferred to the federal level. The Amir rules by decree, but informal consultation plays an important role. The Emirate distinguishes itself from the others by its relatively greater achievement in education (the first modern school in any of the emirates was established here in 1953, and the Amir himself holds a doctorate from Exeter University), by a relatively outspoken press, and by the fact that alcohol was banned in 1985. Development has taken off on the basis of oil revenues, initially mainly through aid from al-Kuwayt and Abu Zabr, but since 1974 also from al-Sharika's own small oil and gas exports. Crude oil output since 1988 has totalled some 40,000 b/d. Some light industry has developed, and agriculture and fishing retain a diminishing part of the labour force, yet their contribution to GDP has been small by comparison to hydrocarbons, construction and services. The development boom since the 1970s has also resulted in large-scale labour immigration, as in the other emirates. The foreign population exceeds the number of nationals, although its proportion is probably somewhat lower than the 80-90% which has been estimated for the UAE as a whole since the 1980s. Bibliography: M.M. Abdullah, United Arab Emirates. A modern history, London 1978; J.D. Anthony, Arab states of the Lower Gulf, Washington 1975; D.F. Hawley, The Trucial States, London 1971; F. HeardBey, From Trucial States to United Arab Emirates, London 1982; A.M. Khalifa, The United Arab Emirates, London 1980; MEED [Middle East Economic Digest], The United Arab Emirates: a MEED practical guide, London 19903; Sultan bin Muhammad Al-Qasimi, The myth of Arab piracy in the Gulf, London 1986; R. Said Zahlan, The origins of the United Arab Emirates, London 1978; A.O. Taryam, The establishment of the UAE, London 1985. See also AL-IMARAT AL-'ARABIYYA ALMUTTAfflDA, in Suppl. (G. NONNEMAN) SHARISH, the Spanish Arabic place name corresponding to the modern Jerez de la Frontera, in the north of the province of Cadiz. The original Islamic core of the town appeared on the site of the ancient Hasta Regia, 2 km/1.2 miles from modern Jerez. In the middle of the 6th/12th century, the population was apparently moved to a new site, where the town became firmly fixed. The anonymous author of the Dhikr bildd al-Andalus (8th9th/14th-15th centuries) merely states that Sharlsh "was built in Islamic times". Documentary evidence shows that Sharfsh at an early date fell within the kura or province of Shaduna [q.v], whose chef-lieu it was, according to some Islamic historian (e.g. al-Razf and Ibn Ghalib), but it does not seem to have played any notable role in the period of the Umayyad caliphate, and we do not even have a list of governors. In the time of the Taifas, it came under the authority of the Banu Djizrun, Berbers who rebelled in Kalsana during the time of fitna and who also controlled Arcos and al-Djazfra, the latter probably corresponding to Cadiz, according
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SHARISH — SHARIYA
to MJ. Viguera. They held power from 402/1011 to 461/1069, when the 'Abbadid al-Muctadid [q.v.] of Seville attacked them, toppled them from power and absorbed their territory into his own Taifa. This situation seems to have lasted until the arrival of the Almoravids in al-Andalus. Later, Sharlsh was one of the towns which rose against this North African dynasty; it was there that Abu '1-Kamar Ibn eAzzun, who controlled this region as well as Ronda, proclaimed his independence. With other local rebels, he was one of the original members of the "second wave" of Taifas. Ibn 'Azzun remained in charge of the administration of this region until the establishment of the Almohads in al-Andalus, to whom he remained faithful. It was under these last rulers that the defences of the town were strengthened and that its walls were built, described by al-ldrlsl; they contained an area of ca. 50 ha and sheltered some 16,000 inhabitants. Towards 1176, the lands of Sharlsh and Arcos were attacked by Ferdinand II, and reached by Ibn Hud [see HUDIDS] in the course of his expansionist plans; it was in fact at Jerez that he was defeated by the Castilians in 1230. The Islamic history of the town gradually recedes after the Castilian conquest of Seville in 1248, and it was in vassalage to Ferdinand III. After the Mudejar revolt of 1264, the population of Jerez, Arcos, Medina Sidonia, Vejer, Sanlucar, etc. was subdued by Alfonso X. From this time onwards, this region formed the political frontier with the Nasrid kingdom of Granada [see NASRIDS]. Concerning the natural resources of Sharlsh, alRazI (4th/10th century) states that the region was rich in all the products of land and sea, and al-ldrlsl mentions the vines and olive and fig trees of its fertile agriculture, placing the town at two days' good journey along the road from Seville. The author of the Dhikr describes its pastures and vales, indicating that it was also good for stock-rearing. A famous son of the town was the famed commentator on the Makamat of al-Harm, Abu VAbbas Ahmad b. cAbd al-Mu'min al-Shartshl (d. 619/1222 [q.v.]). Finally, one should note, to avoid possible confusion, that Sharlsha appears in the Arabic sources as a place-name corresponding to Jerez de los Caballeros, in the modern Spanish province of Badajoz. Bibliography: RazI, tr. Levi-Proven9al, in alAnd., xviii (1953), 96-7; 'Udhrl, Tarsi' al-akhbdr, ed. al-Ahwanl, Madrid 1965, 106-7, 112, 180; Idrfsf, ed. and tr. Dozy and de Goeje, 206, tr. 254; In Ghalib, Farhat al-anjus, tr. J. Vallve, in Anuario de Filologia (1975), 294, tr. 382; Dhikr bildd al-Andalus, ed. and tr. L. Molina, Madrid 1983, 55-6, tr. 70-1; MJ. Viguera, Los reinos de taifas y las irwasiones magrebies, Madrid 1992, index; B. Pavon, Ciudades hispanomusulmanas, Madrid 1992, 247-9. (F. ROLDAN CASTRO) AL-SHARlSHl, ABU 'L-'ABBAS KAMAL AL-DlN c AHMAD b. Abd al-Mu'min al-KaysI, grammarian, philologist and litterateur of Muslim Spain (557-619/1181-1222), born at Sharfsh [q.v.] (modern Jerez de la Frontera) in the province of Cadiz and died in his natal town. He functioned mainly as a teacher of Arabic language, but like many of his compatriots, went to the East, probably to make the Pilgrimage to Mecca and probably search of knowledge (fl talab al-film). The biographies of him cite a piece of verse which he composed when resident in Egypt in which he expresses his regrets at ever having left Syria and his admiration for the land's beauty (Najh al-tib, ii, 116, 392).
Al-Sharlshi wrote a commentary on the Idah of al-FarisI and another on the Diurnal of al-ZadjdjadjI, as well as treatises on metrics, an anthology of Arabic poetry and a resume of the Nawadir of Abu £AlI al-Kall [q.v]. But he is above all known as author of a commentary on the Makamat of al-Harirf [q.v], which soon became known in Spain and, from the opening of the 6th/12th century, formed part of the programme of studies for Andalusian scholars (see alRu'aynl, Barndmadi, Damascus 1962, 32-3, 44, 51, 60, 79). Al-Sharlshi produced three commentaries on the Makamat: a large one, literary; a middle-sized one, philological; and a small one, a resume. The first was printed at Bulak 1284/1867, 1300/1883, and at Cairo 1306/1889. The second exists in ms. at Leiden, no. 415. Amongst some twenty commentaries produced, al-Sharlshl's is undoubtedly the most complete and the most famous; thus the Makamat found their most productive commentator in Spain. In his Shark's preface, i, 8-9, al-Sharlshl states, in highly respectful terms, that his work is dedicated to the Almohad rulers Abu cAbd Allah al-Nasir (595-60/1198-1213) and his son and heir presumptive Abu Ya'kub alMustansir (610-20/1213-23). The biographer Ibn al-Abbar, i, 136-7 no. 281, mentions having met the author in ca. 616/1219 at Valencia, at the house of his master Abu '1-Hasan b. Hank, to whom al-Sharlshl then submitted his commentary on al-Harm. Al-RucaynI likewise states that he met al-Sharlshl in 615/1218, followed his courses and obtained his authorisation (iajdza [q.v]) to transmit the whole of his works (see Barndmaa^, 90-1). In his ghadhardt, v, 392, Ibn al-Tmad confuses Ahmad with Muhammad al-Sharlshl (d. 685/12860) and erroneously attributes to this latter person a commentary on al-Harm which is the work of the former. AlMakkarl, Najh, ii, 131-2, in fact draws attention to this confusion. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): SharlshI, Shark Makamat al-Hariri, Cairo 1372/1952; Suyutl, Bughya, 143; SafadI, Waft, vii, 158 no. 3084; Makkari, Najh al-tib, ed. 'Abbas, Beirut 1968, ii, 115-16, 131-2, 392, iii, 446; Ibn Taghrlbirdl, Manhal, i, 354-5; Hadjdjf Khalifa, 212, 603, 1790, 1980; Brockelmann, I2, 327, S I, 487, 544; Kahhala, Mu'alliftn, i, 304-5; El1 art. s.v. (A. BEN ABDESSELEM) SHARIYA, one of the renowned female singers at the 'Abbasid court, was born ca. 200/815 in Basra as a muwallada of an Arab father and a non-Arab mother. She died after 256/870, probably in Samarra. While still a young girl, she was acquired by Ibrahim b. al-Mahdf [q.v], who refined her musical education and made her a competent transmitter of his own compositions. After the death of her master in 224/ 839, she first served al-Muctasim, and she reached the zenith of her career under the caliph and musician al-Wathik. Under al-Mutawakkil, an open competition broke out between Shariya as a representative of the "romantic" school of Ibrahim b. al-Mahdl, and the famous cAr!b, who stood for the "classical" style of Ishak al-Mawsill [q.v] and his school. Their violent rivalry split the public of Samarra into two camps. Shariya was still active under al-Muctazz, who wrote her biography and assembled her song texts in a book entitled Akhbdr Shariya. It was handed down by Kurays al-Mughannl (d. 324/936) to Abu '1-Faradj al-Isfahanl, who used it in his Kitab al-Aghdni al-kablr. Al-Muctamid was the last caliph to admire her talents, including her skill at cooking. In her songs she showed a predilec-
SHARIYA — SHARK AL-ANDALUS tion for the "light" (khqfif) form of the metre called ramal [q.v.]. Bibliography: Aghdnl\ xvi, Cairo 1961, 3-16; Ibn al-Tahhan, Hdwi al-Junun wa-salwat al-mahzun, facs. ed.' Frankfurt 1990, 110, 111; Shabushtl, Kitab al-Diydrdt, Bagdad 1951, 65, 71, 99; Nuwayrf, Nihdyat al-arab, Cairo 1923 ff., v, 82-8, Safadf, alWdji bi 'l-wafaydt, xvi, Beirut 1982, 74-5; Ibn Fadl Allah al-cUmarf, Masdlik al-absdr, facs. ed. Frankfurt 1988, x, 119-23; Suyutf, al-Musta^raf min akhbdr al-ajawdri, Beirut 1963, '35; CU.R. Kahhala, A'ldm al-Msd3, Damascus 1958, ii, 280-3; K. al-Bustanl, alNisd3 al-carabiyydt, Beirut 1964, 111-12; H.G. Farmer, A history of Arabian music, London 1929, 134; idem, The sources of Arabian musk, Leiden 21965, no. 139; Ch. Pellat, Le milieu basrien, Paris 1953, 251; M. Stigelbauer, Die Sdngerinnen am Abbasidenhof um die %eit des Kalifen Al-Mutawakkil, Vienna 1975, 39-49. (E. NEUBAUER) SHARK AL-ANDALUS, an expression which denotes, in the mediaeval Arabic texts and also in contemporary historical usage, the eastern region, adjacent to the Mediterranean, of Muslim Spain. In both cases, the term has a geographical and not an administrative application, and it is difficult to demonstrate a priori which regions of the peninsula are being referred to. The centre of the Shark al-Andalus is the region of Valencia (Balansiya [
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striking. The town of Valencia had very little importance between the 6th and 10th centuries. It was, from a regional point of view, on a level with Jativa (Shatiba [
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SHARK AL-ANDALUS — SHARKAWA
in part probably for ideological reasons. But immediately after his death, his sons submitted to the Almohads. During the same period, and until 1102, the Balearics, ruled by a power carrying on the Almoravid tradition, that of the Banu Ghaniya [q.v.], also escaped Almohad domination. After the fall of Almohad power in the peninsula in 625/1228, distinct powers arose in Murcia and Valencia, whilst an Almohad governor remained in Majorca. Certain texts, mainly a collection of politicoliterary letters called the K. ^awahir al-Jikar, studied by E. Molina Lopez (Murcia y el Levante espanol en el siglo XIII (1224-1266) a troves de la correspondencia oficial, personal y diplomdtica, resume of his Univ. of Granada doctoral thesis, Granada 1978), nevertheless testify to a movement of elites and ideas in the eastern region as a whole during this troubled period which preceded the occupation of the capital cities of the Shark by the Aragonese (Majorca in 1229, Valencia in 1238) and by the Castilians (Murcia in 1243). From the standpoint of intellectual and religious life, there seems to have been a fairly different atmosphere at Valencia, more traditional and marked by the dominance of the study of hadith, whereas at Murcia mystical currents were very strong (Ibn cArabf and Ibn Sab£fn were natives of the city). The historiography of the Shark has been favoured, in relation to other regions of al-Andalus, by certain factors. One should probably note here the relative abundance of Arabic sources and contemporary documents on the Reconquest on the one hand, and on the other, some peculiarities in the history of eastern Muslim Spain (it was the Cid's main theatre of action; it seems especially marked by certain traditions going back to the Islamic period, such as in irrigation; and it continued to have an important Mudejar community after the Reconquest). The main outlines of regional history began to be traced quite early. For the Balearics, by Alvaro Campaner y Fuertes (Bosquejo historico de la domination islamita en las Islas Baleares, Palma 1888), and for Murcia by Mariano Caspar Remiro (Historia de Murcia musulmana, Saragossa 1905). In the first quarter of the 20th century, Valencia was the subject of several works by the Arabist Julian Ribera y Tarrago (collected together in his Disertadones y opusculos, Madrid 1928, but it was quite a long time later that another Valencian Arabist, Ambrosio Huici Miranda, wrote a satisfactory general history of the region (Historia musulmana de Valencia y su region, Valencia 1970). This latter work is in part a "rounded" rejoinder to the "Castilocentric" nature of the great work by Ramon Menendez Pidal (La Espana del Cid, Madrid 1929) and its exaltation of the personage of the Cid. The somewhat polemical character which this historiography of the Shark al-Andalus assumed in regard to Valencia was accentuated in the 1980s. The idea put forward by Pierre Guichard of an early "Berberisation" of the eastern region (Le peuplement de la region de Valence aux deux premiers siecles de la domination musulmane, in Melanges de la Casa de Valdzquez, v [1969]), aroused increasingly clear opposition from several Arabists, principally Mikel de Epalza (Los bereberes y la arabizadon del Pais Valenciano, in Miscellanea Sanchis Guarner, Valencia 1984), Maria Jesus Rubiera (Toponimia arabigo-valentna: falsos atropronimos bereberes, in ibid.), Carmen Barcelo (Galgos o podencos? Sobre la supuesta berberizacion del pais valendano en los siglos VIII y IX, in Al-Qantara, xi [1990]). The works of Miquel Barcelo and his disciples at the Autonomous University of Barcelona—which have tried to emphasise, above all from the abundant place-
name evidence with its clan and tribal aspects (see also Guichard, in his Al-Andalus. Estructura antropoligica de una sociedad isldmica en Occidente, Barcelona 1976), the segmentary aspect of Muslim society in the eastern regions of the peninsula on the eve of the Reconquest—have given rise of refutations of the same kind (Epalza, Precisiones sobre instituciones musulmans de las Baleares, in Les illes orientals d'al-Andalus, V Jornades d'estudis histories locals, Palma, Majorca 1987). From the archaeological point of view, the "non-feudal" characteristics of Muslim rural fortifications in eastern Spain adduced as evidence by A. Bazzana, P. Cressier and Guichard (Chateaux ruraux d'al-Andalus. Histoire et archeologie des husun du Sud-est de I'Espagne, Madrid 1988) have also stimulated polemics. Up to a certain point, these debates, which touch on the nature of society in Muslim Spain, may be considered as marking fresh stages and a prolongation of (whilst fairly well removing them from the centre stage) the controversies between Americo Castro and C. Sanchez Albornoz on the impact of the Arab conquest and the "orientalisation" of the peninsula in mediaeval times. Bibliography (in addition to references given in the article): A. Prieto y Vives, Los reyes de taifas. Estudio historico-numismdtico de los musulmanes espanoles en el siglo V de la Hegira (XI de J.C.), Madrid 1926; J. Bosch Vila, Albarracin musulman, Teruel 1959; G. Rossello Bordoy, L'Islam a les illes balears, Palma 1968; Poveda Sanchez, Introduction al estudio de la toponimia arabe-musulmana de Mayurqa, in Awrdq, iii (1980), 76-100; Molina Lopez, De la Murcia musulmana a la Murcia cristiana (VIII-XI s.) = vol. iii of Hist, de la region murciana, ed. F. Chacon Jimenez, Murcia 1980; A. de Premare and P. Guichard, Croissance urbaine et societe rurale a Valence au debut de I'epoque des royaumes de taifas (XIe suck de J.-C.). Trad, et comm. d'un texte d'Ibn Hayydn, in ROMM, xxxi/1 (1981), 15-29; M. de Epalza, Origenes de la invasion cordobesa de Mallorca en 902, in Estudis de prehistoric, d'histoira de Mayurqa i d'historia de Mallorca dedicats a Guillem Rosello i Bordoy, Palma 1982, 113-29; M. Barcelo, Sobre Mayurqa, Palma 1984; MJ. Rubiera, La taifa de Denia, Alicante 1985; Barcelo, Vespres de feudals. La societal de Sharq al-Andalus just abans de la conquesta catalana, in La formacio y expansio del feudalisme catald, Actes del colloqui... Universitari de Girona ... 1985 - vols. v-vi of Estudi General (Gerona 1985-6); idem, Maria Antonia Carbonero et alii, Les aigues cercades (els qandts de I'ille de Mallorca), Palma 1986; A. Huici Miranda, Les illes orientals d'al-Andalus, V Jornades d'Estudis Histories Locals, v (1987); Rubiera and de Epalza, Xdtiva musulmana (segles VIII-XIII), Jativa 1987; Guichard, Els "Berbers de Valencia" i la delimitacio del Pais Valencia a Valta edat mitjana, in Afers (Valencia 1988-9), 69-85; Rubiera, Section monogrdfica: berberes, in Al-Qantara, xi/2 (1990), 379-509; Guichard, Les musulmans de Valence et la reconquete (Xr-XIIP siecles), Damascus 1990-1; idem, La toponymie tribale berbere valencienne: reponse a quelques objections philologiques, in Festgabe jur Hans-Rudolf Singer, Frankfurt_1991, i, 125-41. (P. GUICHARD) SHARKAWA or SHERKAWA, the common ethnic designation of a Marabout group in central Morocco, belonging to the Shadhilf-Djazulf brotherhood through the intermediary of the mystic Abu Faris £Abd al-£Azfz al-Tabbac [q.v.]. The singular is Sharkdm, synonym of sharki (shargi, pi. shrdga), a geographical ethnic name (cf. on the other hand Tadill, ethnic from Tadla confined to the shurafa3 of this name, while the geographical ethnic is Tddldw). The principal zawiya of the Sharkawa is in the town
SHARKAWA — SHARKI of Abu 'l-Djacd (modern form, Boujad), in the Tadla, between the Middle Atlas and the Atlantic coast. It attained importance at the end of the llth/17th century and henceforth became one of the most frequented sanctuaries in Morocco. Among the more notable of this Marabout family may be mentioned: 1. the founder of the zawiya of Abu 'l-Djacd, MAHAMMAD B. ABI 'L-KASIM AL-SHARKI AL-SuMAYRl AL-ZA£RI AL-DJABIRI, d. 1. Muharram 1010/2 July 1601; a monograph was devoted to him by one of his descendants, Abu Muhammad £Abd alKhalik b. Muhammad al-cArusr al-Tadilf al-Sharkawi, entitled al-Murakkl ji dhikr bofd manakib al-kutb sayyidi M. al-Skarki\ 2. the latter's son, MUHAMMAD AL-Mu£TA, d. Rabf£ II 1092/April-May 1681; 3. his son MUHAMMAD AL-SALIH, who was the patron of the historian al-Ifranf [q.v.] (or al-Wafranf): a monograph entitled al-Rawd al-ydnf al-jb?ih Ji manakib al-shaykh Abl cAbd Allah Muhammad al-Sdlih, was devoted to him by a scholar of Fas who was kadi of Meknes (Miknasat alZaytun) in the reign of the £Alawid sultan Mawlay Isma£rl, sc. by Abu cAli al-Hasan b. Rahhal al-Ma£dani al-Tadill, d. 1140/1728; 4. the son of the preceding, MUHAMMAD AL-Mu£TA, who restored the zdwiya and wrote a collection of prayers in no fewer than 40 volumes entitled Dhakhirat al-ghdrii wa 'l-muhtadj. Ji sahib al-liwd wa 'l-tddj. (there is one volume in the Bibliotheque Generale of Rabat, no. 100, cf. E. Levi-Provengal, Les manuscrits arabes de Rabat,, i, 36); he died in Muharram 1180/June 1766. A monograph was devoted to him by his secretary Muhammad b. cAbd al-Kanm al-£Abdum, d. 1189/1775-6, entitled Tattmat al-cukud al-wustd ft manakib al-shaykh al-Mvfta. Bibliography: Muhammad al-Mahdl al-Fasf, Mumtf al-asmdf, lith. Fas 1313, 21; Ifranf, Sajwat man intashar, lith. Fas 25; Kadiri, Nashr al-mathdnl,
lith. Fas 1310, i, 58, ii, 277; Rattan!, Salwat alanjas, lith. Fas 1316, i, 193, R. Basset, Recherches bibliographiques sur les sources de la Salouat al-anfas, in Recueil de memories et de textes public en I'honneur du XIV™ Congres des Orientalistes, Algiers 1905, 34, no.
91, 45, no. 128; Cimetiere, La zaouia de Boujad., in RMM, xxiv, 277 ff.; E. Levi-Proven9al, Les historiens des Chorfa, Paris 1922, 119, 297-8, 330-1; L. Voinot, Conjreries et zaouias au Maroc. Les etablissements religieux du Maroc oriental. 3. Les ordres secondaries, in Bull, de la Societe de Geographic et d'Archeologie de la province
d'Oran, Iviii (1937), 30-2 (the list of shuyukh since the founder given by this author differs from that of Levi-Provensal in regard to dates); M. Asin Palacios, Sadities y alumbrados, in And., x (1945), 1-32,
255-84. (E. LEVI-PROVEN9AL) AL-SHARKAWI, £ABD AL-RAHMAN, m o d e r n Egyptian poet, story-teller and dramatist, was born in Shibm al-Kum, Lower Egypt, on 10 November 1920. He practised law from 1943 to 1945, and was subsequently employed in the Ministry of Education until 1956, but was also active in journalism from 1945, rising to the directorship of the Ruz al-Yusuf Foundation 1971-7. He was Secretary-General of the Supreme Council for Arts, Literature and Social Sciences 1977-9. He died on 10 November 1987. Two slim volumes record his extant poetry, which is mostly from the 1940s. It is decidedly romantic on personal themes, ironic and vehement on political ones. His anti-establishment stance in this and in early short stories and sketches brought him into conflict with the censors, and he had a taste of imprisonment in 1946 and 1947. His al-Ard "The Earth" first published in 1954, portraying villagers rising in revolt against grasping landowners and corrupt authorities,
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was the first of four novels of the same temper, the social realism aimed at being reduced to a conflict between virtue and villainy. Between 1962 and 1981, he wrote nine plays in verse on resistance to foreign oppressors in modern Algeria and Palestine, and on heroes of the past from al-Husayn b. £Alf to £Urabf, all represented as champions of social justice. After a book on the Prophet revealingly entitled Muhammad Rasul al-Hurriyya "Muhammad the Apostle of Freedom" (1962) and another on aspects of Islamic thought (1972), he produced between 1980 and 1987 five books retelling in prose the stories of early Muslim leaders, stressing their humanism and their resistance to social and political pressures that might have compromised their probity. Bibliography: Mu3allafat (Collected works), Cairo 1978-; al-Ard, tr. D. Stewart as Egyptian earth, London 1954, 1990! (P. CACHIA) SHARKI (sharki), (A., T.) literally "oriental, eastern", with the non-technical meanings in Turkish of (a) song; (b) almost any type of song belonging to Turkish art music, especially as opposed to the folk-song, designates as a technical term: (1) in music a certain form of classical Turkish song; (2) in literature a genre of Turkish strophic poem composed on literary lines with the aim or ultimate result of being set to music. The genre of lyric called shark! is composed in accordance with the rules of the Arabo-Persian metrical system (carud [q-v.]), in contradistinction to the popular lyric as represented by the folk-song, which is composed according to the original Turkic method of versification (parmak hisabi, wherein the verses are based not on quantity as in carud but on the number and stress of the syllables). Common to both types of lyric is the strophic composition. These formal characteristics place the shark! in the group of musammat [q.v.]., the strophic forms of diwdn poetry. The majority of the sharkh have stanzas of four lines. When the shark! made its appearance in the 17th century, the murabba', a musammat with fourline stanzas, had already been in existence for centuries and it was the murabbac that was often set to music prior to the emergence of the shark!. The rhyme schemes of the shark! and the murabba' are not only almost identical but the rhyme schemes considered to be typical for the shark! were used in the murabba' not only after the shark! acquired a place in literature, but also, albeit very rarely, before. As to the shark!, it always made use of the typical murabbac rhyme schemes, too. The sole difference between the typical murabbac and the typical shark! rhyme schemes lies in the first stanza; in the murabba1 it is aaaa (followed by bbba, ccca, etc.) or aaoA (followed by bbbA, cccA, etc.; the capital letter stands for a refrain), in the shark! it is abab (followed by cccb, dddb, etc.) or oAaA (followed by bbbA, cccA, etc.) or aBaB (followed by cccB, dddB, etc.). Other variations in rhyme schemes are negligible in number. Yet the shark! is not formally restricted to the fourline stanza, as there are—although much fewer in number and of later provenance—sharkh with stanzas of five or six lines. These generally have the rhyme schemes of the mukhammes-i miitekerrir and the museddes-i mutekenir (aaaaA, bbbbA, ccccA etc.; aaaAA, bbbAA, cccAA, etc.; aaaaaA, bbbbbA, cccccA, etc.; aaaaAA, bbbbAA, ccccAA, etc.; respectively). As in all diwdn poetry, the rules of rhyming are strictly observed in the shark!, in contradistinction to the folk-song where they are not observed as strictly.
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SHARK! — AL-SHARKI B. AL-KUTAMI
The third line of each stanza of the shark! is called miydn or miydn-khdne ("the middle" and "mid-house" respectively) and is generally the most effective line of the stanza. If repeated as a refrain, the ultimate line or the ultimate and penultimate lines of each stanza are called nakardt "refrain", literally "peckings". (Both of these terms are also used for the description of sharkh set to music.) The sharkh are generally rather short, comprising 3-5 stanzas (whereas the other types of musammat are often longer). The poet states his makhlas (pen-name) in the last stanza (as is the case with the other types of musammat), though there are exceptions to this rule. No restrictions with regard to the metres of farud used in composing sharkh are known; the preferred metres are remel and hexed}. The sharki is generally about the various aspects of love (and to a lesser degree, about the pleasures of life); the tone is light. The murabba' shows much more variety with respect to subject matter The language of the sharki is not too intricate, which makes it convenient to be sung. It is simpler than that of the ghazel, and generally, but not always, even simpler than that of the murabbac, yet still elevated and free trom dialectal forms. Here, too, it differs from the folk-song, which is quite free from restrictions as regards subject matter, imagery, and phraseology. These characteristics oblige us to consider the shark! not as a truly independent structure of versification but as a genre of lyric that is undeniably closely related to the murabbac. The emergence of the shark! can be dated—based on the appearance of examples both bearing the tide shark! and having the rhyme schemes in the first stanza that are considered typical of the sharki—towards the end of the llth/17th century. The first known examples are 11 sharkh by Na'ill-yi Kadlm (d. 1077/1666-7), Mowed by 9 sharkh by Yahya Nazmi (d. 1139/1727), who himself set his sharkh to music. It is Nedim (d. 1143/1730 [q.v.]) who is regarded as the greatest master of the shark! and who had a lasting influence. The 27 sharkh in his diwdn have all been set to music and are considered to be among the outstanding examples of Turkish classical music. After Nedim, the popularity of the sharki increased, even the Mewlewf sheykh and master of allegorical poetry Sheykh Ghalib (d. 1213/ 1799) wrote 11 sharkh, and we find a considerable number of sharkh by various poets in the 19th century. One of these, Sheref Khanim (d. 1861), wrote as many as 41. However, the greatest number of sharkh was composed by Enderunlu Wasif (d. 1240/ 1824-5); 211 poems are to be found in the sharkiyydt section of his diwdn entitled Gulshen-i efkdr. Yahya Kemal (d. 1958) was the last great master of this type of lyric, though sharki recitals continue to enjoy considerable popularity in our time. Bibliography. Gibb, HOP, i, 96-7, iii, 319-23, iv, 8-10, 44-7, 280-3, 285-9; Th. Menzel, ET, s.v.; Y. Oztuna, Turk musi/dsi ansiklopedisi, Istanbul 1970 ii, s.v. Sarki; H. Ipekten, Eski Turk edebiyati, 1. Nazim jekiUml Ankara 1985, 115-26; H.E. Cengiz, Divan $imnde musammatlar, in Turk Dili, Iii (1986), 313-35; I. Pala, Ansiklopedik dwdn siiri so'zlugu, Ankara 1989, s.v. §arfa (§arke). (E.G. AMBROS) AL-^HARKI B. AL-KUTAMI (d. ca. 150/767, according to Sezgin, GAS, viii, 115; ca. 155/772, according to al-ZiriklT, A'ldm3, ix, 139), transmitter of ancient Arabic poetry and akhbdr, quoted also for lexicographical, genealogical, geographical, and historical data. There is some fluctuation in the sources between al-Sharkf and Sharki as well as between al-
Kutami and Kutami; in addition, there is some discussion whether Katamf is the correct reading. The form given here has the best authority. Both names are lakabs, his real name being al-WalTd b. al-Husayn, with the kunya Abu '1-Muthanna. In his tribal affiliation he was a KalbT, and he hailed from Kufa (Ta'rikh Baghdad, ix, 278). Like his student Ibn al-Kalbl [q.v.], he is best characterised as an antiquarian of the Arab past. Due to his wide knowledge in the Arab "humanities", he was called to Baghdad by al-Mansur and entrusted with the instruction of the future caliph al-Mahdl [q.w.] (ibid, and Ibn al-Anbarl, Nuzjia, 22, cf. also al-Mas£udI, Muru&, vi, 251-6 = §§ 2458-63). Being an akhbdn, he is frowned upon by the strict traditionists (e.g. Ibn Hadjar, Lisdn, iii, 142-3); but this is due to the fact that, with early scholars, the two branches of knowledge have not yet been rigorously separated; in other words, he should not have been regarded as a muhaddith, at all (see the pertinent remarks on al-Sharkf and similar figures in S. Leder, Korpus, 309-10). He is credited by Ibn Hadjar with only ten hadiths anyway, most of them mandfar. No titles of books by al-Sharkl are given in the sources. Ibn al-Nadlm credits him with a kaslda on ghanb "rare words" (Fihrist, 90 and 170 [the latter a list of such kasd'id]). Most of the extant akhbdr and other text units are found in al-Djahiz, al-Baydn wa 'l-tabyin and al-Hayawdn, al-Tabarl, Ta'nkh, and alMas'udf, Murudi, see the respective indices. A field in which his authority is often invoked is the aetiologies of proverbs (Sellheim, Sprichworter, 30-1, 99, 117, 136, 140, 149). In a number of cases his stories, always well told, deviate from other explanations of the same proverb. This leads us to another aspect of his personality: he is also characterised as a story-teller (sahib samar, in Ta'rikh Baghdad, ix, 279, and cf. al-Djahiz, alHayawdn, v, 302-3, where one of al-Sharkf's stories is characterised as "women's talk" [min ahddith al-nisd3]). Fittingly, Ibn al-Nadim lists him among the compilers of love-stories (Fihrist, 306). Some of his transmissions are, therefore, likely to be creative "transmissions". This phenomenon, typical of early akhbdris, has been analysed and evaluated by Leder (Korpus, 308-14) with regard to al-Haytham b. 'Adi (d. 207/822 [q.v.], one of the scholars who transmitted from al-Sharkf). It is not meaningful to call al-Sharkf an impostor (Blachere, HLA, i, 126). Although he is said to have been a transmitter of poetry, he is not mentioned in connection with any specific diwdns, as his absence from the relevant discussions in Sezgin, GAS, ii, Blachere, HLA, and Nasir al-Dln al-Asad, Masddir al-shfr al-^dhiU2, Cairo 1962, shows. This might mean that his poetry transmission occurred only within the framework of his akhbdr. Bibliography: 1. Sources (in addition to those mentioned in the text). Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, ed. Fliigel; Ibn Durayd, Ishtikdk, ed. £A.M. Harun, Cairo 1378/1958, index (various remarks on onomastic etymology); Ibn Kutayba, Ma'drif, ed. Tharwat 'Ukasha, Cairo 1960, 539; Marzubanf, Muktabas, ed. R. Sellheim, Wiesbaden 1964, 275-6; Abu '1-Barakat Ibn al-Anbarl, Nuzhat al-alibbd}, ed. Attia Amer, Stockholm 1967; Ibn Hadjar, Lisdn al-mizdn, 6 vols., Haydarabad 1329-31; Suyutf, Muzhir, ed. M.A. Djadd al-Mawla, M.A.-F. Ibrahim and CA.M. al-Bidjawf, 2 vols., Cairo 1378/1958, ii, 347. 2. Studies. S. Leder, Das Korpus al-Haytam b. c Adi, Frankfurt a.M. 1991, index; R. Sellheim, Die klassisch-arabischen Sprichwortersammlungen, The Hague
AL-SHARKI B. AL-KUTAMl — SHARKlS 1954; R. Blachere, HLA, i, Paris 1952; Ursula Sezgin, Abu-Mirjnaf, Leiden 1971, 221; F. Sezgin, GAS, vi^ 115, cf. also ii, 26. (W.P. HEINRIGHS) SHARKIS, an Indian dynasty established in the closing years of the 8th/14th century with Djawnpur, [q.v] as its capital. It had a life span of about one hundred years (796-901/1394-1495) during which six rulers—Malik Sarwar Khwadja Djahan (796-802/139499), Malik Mubarak Shah Karanfal (802-4/13991401), Shams al-Dln Ibrahim Shah (804-44/1401-40), Mahmud Shah (844-62/1440-67), Muhammad Shah (862-3/1457-8) and Husayn Shah (863-901/1458-95)— exercised authority. The founder of the SharkI kingdom, Malik Sarwar [q.v.], was a eunuch in the service of Flruz Shah Tughluk [q.v.]. He was custodian of the royal jewellery and shahna-yi shahr (City Superintendent). Sultan Muhammad Shah entrusted the eastern districts to him and conferred the title of Malik al-Shark (Lord of the East) on him. Disturbed conditions helped him in extending his territory. He brought all the rich districts of Uttar Pradesh under his control, and his authority stretched to Tirhut in north Bihar and touched the boundary of Nepal. In the west, Kannawdj, Bhodjpur and Udjdjayn were under him. Rulers of Djadjnagar and Bengal were his feudatories. Malik Sarwar died suddenly in Rabl' I 801/November 1399 after a brief reign of five years and six months, but he had firmly planted his dynasty. His administrative talent and political realism were extraordinary. His patronage of scholars made Djawnpur a veritable centre of culture and learning. Malik Mubarak Shah Karanfal, who succeeded Malik Sarwar, was his adopted son. According to Yahya Sirhindl, he was a nephew of Khidr Khan, the founder of the Sayyid dynasty [q.v]., but some scholars have attributed negroid origin to him. Soon after his accession, he had to face an invasion of Mallu Ikbal [q.v], but he successfully pushed him back. Sometime later both Sultan Mahmud Shah Tughluk and Mallu Ikbal marched against Djawnpur. Mubarak set out to face the invaders but died suddenly on the way. Mubarak's younger brother, Ibrahim, who succeeded him, had also to face a joint attack of Mallu Ikbal and Sultan Mahmud Shah. Mahmud occupied the city of Kannawdj [q.v.]. Ibrahim's efforts to retrieve the fort having failed, he made peace with Mahmud. The Hindu ruler of Tirhut was a tributary of the Sharkis. In 1402 Malik Arslan attacked and killed its Radja, Ganesvara. Ibrahim installed his son Kirti Singh on the throne. Later, when Kirti's son Shiv Singh turned hostile, Ibrahim annexed Tirhut. In Djumada I 809/October 1406, Ibrahim marched against Kannawdj and conquered it, which immensely enhanced his prestige. Next year, in Djumada I 810/October 1407, Ibrahim marched against Dihll, but when he reached the banks of the Djumna he heard that Sultan Muzaffar of Gudjarat was moving towards Djawnpur. He hastily turned back. In Muharram 817/April 1414, he attacked KalpI [q.v]. After a feigned retreat he reappeared and captured Mahoba and Ruth. Iradj was then conquered. Ibrahim next attacked the fort of Shaykhpur with naptha-hurling engines and catapults. The garrison became nervous and appealed for mercy. Kadir Khan was allowed to rule over KalpI on accepting the suzerainty of Djawnpur, but he later gave up this allegiance and conquered Iradj. In 817/1414 Ibrahim was invited by Shaykh Nur Kutb-i eAlam, a distinguished Cishtl saint of Bengal
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[see CISJHTIYYA] to march against Radja Ganesh [q.v] of Dinadjpur, who had established himself in Bengal and was oppressing the Muslims (Maktubdt-i Nur Kutb-i 'Alarn, ms. author's personal collection). Ibrahim set out with a strong army. Ganesh approached Shaykh Nur Kutb-i 'Alam with the request to intercede. The saint agreed to his request, provided that his younger son accepted Islam and that Ganesh promised not to harass the Muslims. Ganesh's son Djuda later ascended the throne as Djalal al-Dln. In 840/1437 Ibrahim marched against the Sayyid Muhammad Shah of Dihll. The latter sued for peace and arranged a matrimonial alliance, giving his daughter, Blbl Radji, in marriage to Ibrahim's son Mahmud. Ibrahim SharkI ruled for forty years until his son ascended the throne in 844/1440, with the title of Mahmud Shah. He organised an attack on Bengal (cAbd al-Razzak, Mafia' al-sacdayn, ii, 782-3), but when the Tlmurid Shah Rukh [q.v] of Harat sent a message urging him to refrain from this attack, he gave up the idea. In 847/1443 Mahmud SharkI marched against Naslr Khan of KalpI. The latter abandoned Mahmudabad and fled to Canderl and sought the help of the KhaldjI ruler of Malwa, who marched (3 Sha'ban 848/8 January 1444) towards Mahmudabad at the head of a huge army. Several indecisive encounters took place between the two armies, but eventually peace was concluded and the KhadjI ruler returned to Malwa. Mahmud Shah was deeply interested in the political affairs of Dihll, as the Sayyid sultan cAla} al-Dln c Alam Shah of Dihll was his wife's brother. Harassed by his nobles, 'Ala1 al-Dln invited Bahlul LodI [see LOOTS] from Sirhind. But when Bahlul himself assumed royal authority, Mahmud Sharkl's wife prevailed upon her husband to attack Dihll and dislodge Bahlul. In 856/1452 he accordingly marched against Dihll. But after a fierce battle at Narela, some 17 miles from Dihll, Mahmud had to retreat. In 858/ 1454, however, he did capture Dawa, the capital of Udjdjayn. In 859/1455 a non-intervention treaty was reached between the LodI and the SharkI sultans, but hardly a year had passed before hostilities started again. Mahmud's sudden death in 862/1458 was a serious setback to SharkI power. Blbl Radji raised his eldest son to the throne under the tide of Sultan Muhammad. Muhammad endeavoured to patch up differences with Dihll, but without any lasting effect, and he fell fighting at Dalmaw. His successor Sultan Husayn entered into a four-year truce with Bahlul. He strengthened his hold over Tirhut, Orissa and Gwaliyar, and in 872/1468 planned an attack on Dihll. The battle fought at Candwar being indecisive, Husayn Shah sought the support of Bayna and Mewat. In 873/1469 he again marched against Dihll, but was forced to take to flight, leaving behind even his harem. In 875/1471 for the third time he led an army against Dihll consisting of one lakh of horsemen and a thousand elephants. Through the mediation of Khan-i Djahan LodI [q.v], peace was arranged and Husayn returned to Etawa. Ignoring his pledged word, he led his armies against Dihll several more times. In the fifth campaign he was initially successful, but Bahlul's army made a surprise attack which turned his victory into complete rout. Driven to extremes, Husayn turned round and gave battle to Bahlul at Radjhohar, sixteen miles from Farrukhabad. Ultimately, peace was concluded and both sides agreed to keep to their old boundaries. But in 885/1480 he marched against Dihll
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a sixth time. In 888/1483-84 Bahlul captured Djawnpur, but out of generosity to a fallen enemy, allowed Husayn to retain a small tract in Cunar which had once constituted his family ajdgir [q.v.]. In 897/1492. Husayn fought against Sikandar Lod!, at Kathgafh, but was defeated and had to flee to Bihar. In 1494 the forces of Sikandar and Husayn fought a fierce battle at Benares, in which Husayn was completely defeated. He fled to Colgong, a dependency of Lakhnawtf [q.v.] in Bengal. The ruler of Lakhnawtl received him cordially and assigned the pargana of Colgong to him and permitted him to issue his own currency. Sikandar Lod! stayed in Djawnpur for six months and destroyed all the Shark! buildings. Sultan Husayn died in 911/1505, and with him the last vestiges of the Shark! dynasty disappeared. Though he did not succeed in achieving his objectives, his tenacity of purpose and mobilisation of resources were remarkable. He never took any defeat as final but carried on his struggle against the Lodis till the last moment. Popular support and regional loyalties helped him in his prolonged struggle. He was also a cultured prince, interested in the fine arts, poetry and music. Under the Sharkls, Djawnpur became a renowned centre of culture and a rendezvous of scholars. Tmiur's invasion drove many culama3 and divines to seek shelter in Djawnpur, which came to be looked upon as a ddr al-amdn (Abode of Security). Among the distinguished scholars of Djawnpur were included Shihab al-Dln Dawlatabadl [q.v.]., Mawlana Ilah Dad, Khwadja Abu '1-Fath and others. The Cishti saints of Djawnpur, Manikpur, Kicawca, Kalpf, Kintur and Iradj played an important role in the cultural life of the region. The Kalandariyya, the Madariyya and the Shattariyya silsilas also flourished there, and Mahdawl dd'iras [see MAHDAWIS] came to be established there. The architectural achievements of the Sharkls were characterised by a synthesis of Muslim, Djayn and Hindu traditions. Malik Sarwar repaired and redesigned the old palace of Vidjaya (Sandra and named it Badic Manzil (the Wonderful House). He enlarged the city of Djawnpur and named it Ddr al-Surur (the Abode of Bliss). New bazaars were added, old forts were repaired, and bridges, gardens, wells and tanks were laid out by the Shark! rulers. B!b! Radj! also took a keen interest in building activity. Construction of mosques on a large scale as a symbol of Shark! hegemony and political prestige, was a distinct feature of Shark! policy. When Sikandar Lod! thought of destroying these mosques, his real intention must have been to destroy all signs of Shark! prestige. The culamd3 prevented him from going that far. Percy Brown has rightly observed, "Had not... Sikandar Lodi shown his implacable enmity towards the last of the Sharqi kings ... by ruthlessly destroying or mutilating the monuments of that dynasty, its buildings would have provided a provincial manifestation of Indo-Islamic architecture..." (op. at. in Bibl., 42). The most outstanding mosque was the Atala mosque which was built on the site of the temple of Atala Devi, and concerning it Brown remarks, "in the design of its fa$ade the Jaunpur architects have combined artistic skill with remarkable originality" (ibid., 43). Bibliography: 1. Sources. Yahya Sirhindi, Ta'nkh-i Mubdrak-Shdhi, Calcutta 1931, 146, 150-5, 159, 181-2; Muhammad Bihamid Khan!, Ta'rikh-i Muhammadl, ms. Rieu, 194a, fols. 421-6, 450-9, etc.; Nizam al-Dm Bakhsh!, Tabakdt-i Akbari, Calcutta 1911, 111, 274-89, etc.; cAbd al-Razzak, Matltf alsacdayn, ed. Shaft', Lahore 1942, ii, 782-3; Rizk Allah Mushtak!, Wdki(dt-i Mushtdkl, ms. Rieu, ii,
820b, fols. 229-30; Nur al-Hakk, fubdat al-tawdnkh, ms. Rieu, 1224b, fols. 373 ff.; Ni'mat Allah, Ta'rikh-i Khdn-i D^ahanl wa maktizan-i Afghani, ms. Bankipur, vi, 529; Firishta, Gulshan-i Ibrdhlmi, Lucknow 1864-5, ii, 596-601; Muhammad Kab!r, Afsdna-i shdhdn, ms. Rieu, 1243b, fol. 29b; £Abd al-Kadir Bada'um, Muntakhab al-tawdnkh, Calcutta 1863-9; £Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith, Akhbdr al-akhydr, Dihl! 1309/1891-2." 2. Studies. A. Fiihrer and E. Smith, The Sharqi architecture of Jaunpur, Arch. Survey of India, Calcutta 1889; Muhammad Fasih al-Dm, The Sharqi monuments of Jaunpur, Allahabad 1908; P. Brown, Indian architecture (Islamic period), 1968; A. Cunningham, in Archaeological Survey Report, xi, Calcutta 1880; Khayr al-Dm Muhammad, ^awnpur-ndma, Djawnpur 1878; Nur al-Dm, Tad^alli-yi nur, Djawnpur 1889-90; M.M. Saeed, The Sharqi sultanate of Jaunpur, Karachi 1972; idem, Tadhkira mashdyikh-i Shtrdz-i Hind (Urdu), Lahore 1985; K.A. Nizami, in Hab!h and Nizami (eds.), A comprehensive history of India, v. See also DIAWNPUR. (K.A. NIZAMI) AL-SHARKIYYA, a traditional name for the eastern area of the Sultanate of Oman [see CUMAN], now the official Eastern Region of the Sultanate, which lies in the inland region of Eastern Hadjar, northwest of Dja'lan and north of the Wah!ba Sands (see Wilkinson, Water, 14, Fig. 5). The main towns of the region are Ibra, the largest, and Samad, al-Mudaybi, Sinaw and al-Kabil. The whole area is a sandy plain interspersed with wadis. Today, the official, extended region of al-Sharkiyya is made up of thirteen provinces (wildydt), including Ibra, Bid(d)iyya, al-Kabil and al-Mudayb! and also Dja'lan Ban! Bu Hasan, Dja'lan Ban! Bu CA1! and the port and centre of ship-building, Sur, plus even the island of al-Mas!ra [q.v.]. Ibra is reckoned to have 23 villages and a population of 30,000. It contains the regional government offices and has a thriving commercial life. Al-Kabil has 16 villages and a total population of about 30,000. It is famed for its religious learning and horsemanship. Apart from its ship-building, Sur, with its approximately 70,000 inhabitants, is famed for its woodcarving and the manufacture of doors, as well as daggers, jewellery and woven fabrics. The whole region, as in all regions of northern cUman, is scattered with large and impressive strongholds and fortresses. Bibliography: For the traditional area of alSharkiyya, see J.C. Wilkinson, Water and tribal settlement in south-east Arabia, Oxford 1977, 14, Fig. 5. The map also shows the extended region with the additional areas mentioned above. See also idem, The Imamate tradition of Oman, Cambridge etc. 1987, especially 262 ff. Useful, too, are Ministry of Information, Sultanate of Oman throughout 20 years—the promise and the fulfilment, Oman 1989, and Ministry of Information, Oman—the modern state, Oman n.d. (G.R. SMITH) AL-SHARKIYYA, the name of a kura and of c a province (formerly, amal, now mudlriyya] in Egypt. 1. The kura of al-Sharkiyya which replaced the Byzantine pagarchy of Aphroditopolis, was one of the few districts which received an Arabic name; the latter is explained by its situation on the eastern bank of the Nile. It is difficult to estimate the extent of its territory, which lay immediately south of the capital of the country, al-Fustat. The first capital of the kura, situated on the right bank of the river, was Ansina (Antinoe), but the small number (17) of villages in the kura of al-Sharkiyya allows us to suppose that the next
AL-SHARKIYYA — SHARSHAL kura, Dallas (Nilopolis) or at least al-Kays (Kynopolis) lay on both sides of the Nile. The capital of the kura was very probably Atfih, since one of the censuses quoted by al-Makrfzf gives it in addition the name of Atfifhiyya. In the Fatimid division into provinces, there was a province of al-Atfihiyya, larger than the old kura (50 villages at the time of Ibn al-Djf'an). In the time of the governors of the caliphs, the kura of al-Sharkiyya enjoyed at times a certain prosperity. On account of an epidemic of plague, cAbd alAziz b. Marwan transferred the government offices to Hulwan; a little later and for the same reason another governor transferred them to Askur (or Sukur) towards the south. To the north of the kura lie the quarries of Tura. Bibliography: See the art. ATF!H; Kindi, ed. Guest, index, 643; J. Maspero and G. Wiet, Materiaux pour servir a la geogr. de rEgypte, in
MIFAO,
xxxvi, 22, 112, 173, 175, 177, 180-2, 184, 185; Makrfzf, Khitat, ed. MIFAO, iv, 18, v, ch. xi, § 2. 2. The Eastern province of the Delta of Egypt, situated to the east of the province of alDakahliyya and bordered towards its south-west point by that of Kalyubiyya. The present area of the mudiriyya of al-Sharkiyya corresponds roughly to the following pagarchies of the Byzantine epoch, divisions retained by the Arabs under the name of kura'., Bubaste (Basta), Arabia (Tarabiya) and Pharbaithos (Farbayt). The Delta was at this time divided into three large divisions, not administrative in character, which are mentioned by the historians: the Hawf al-Gharbf situated to the west of the Rosetta arm, whilst the Batn al-Rff applied to the territory lying between this arm and that of Damietta. All the land which extended to the east of the latter district was called the Hawf al-Sharkl and it is probably this name which gave rise to that of al-Sharkiyya. The Hawf al-Sharkf included 11 or 12 kuras and 529 villages. At the time of the division into provinces under the Fatimids the Hawf al-Sharkl included those of al-Sharkiyya, of al-Murtahiyya, of al-Dakahliyya and of al-Abwaniyya. Thus delimited, the province of alSharkiyya, which extended farther than at the present time in the direction of Cairo, still included 452 towns and villages (the three other provinces together accounted for 165). It brought annually to the treasury 694,121 dinars. The southern part of al-Sharkiyya was separated from it in 715/1315 at the time of the survey of al-Malik al-Nasir Muhammad, and received the name of al-Kalyubiyya. From this time, the province of Sharkiyya must have shown little variation. Thus reduced it contained, according to Ibn al-Djf can, 380 towns and villages and the taxes were valued at 1,411,875 dinars. The capital was Bilbays in the Middle Ages, and it was also in this town that the Turkish Kdshif resided. It was only during the 19th century that Zakazik supplanted Bilbays. Through the province of al-Sharkiyya passed Trajan's canal (Traianius potamos) which connected the Nile with the Red Sea via Lake Timsah and the Bitter Lakes. In order to supply the Holy Cities of the Hidjaz with Egyptian cereals, the canal was renovated in 237 643-4 by cAmr b. al-eAs during the reign of the caliph c Umar; whence its name of Canal of the Commander of the Faithful (khaftaj. amir al-mu3minin). Having been silted up, the canal was reopened by the Fatimid caliph al-Hakim (al-khalidj. al-hdkimi). In al-Maknzf's time it had almost disappeared (Khitat, i, 302 f.). In Mamluk times, many of the villages of the Sharkiyya province were granted as ikta's to Bedouin
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chiefs; the settlement of Bedouins is reflected up to this day by the local dialects (cf. Tiibinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, TAVO, maps A, viii, 12, B, vii, 13, and B, viii, 13). The modern province (mudiriyya] of alSharkiyya (capital, Zakazik) covers 4,702 km2; the number of inhabitants was in 1897, 749,130; in 1960, 1,820,000; and in 1966, 2,125,000. Bibliography. J. Maspero, Organ, milit. de I'Egypte byzantine, 28-9, 135-7; Makrizi, Khitat, i, 333-9, iii, 224-6, iv, 85-7; Maspero and Wiet, Materiaux, xxxvi, index, see esp. 45, 112; Kalkashandf, Subh al-acshd, iv, 27, 66, 69-70, xiv, 376-8; Quatremere, Mem. sur I'Egypte, ii, 190-5, 212-14; Hartmann, in £DMG, Ixx, 485-7, cAlf Pasha Mubarak, d-Khitat al-
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SHARSHAL — SHART
of the province of Mauretania. It was considerably extended and in the second century A.D. had perhaps 40,000 inhabitants (Leveau and Pellet, 1984). Its walls were about 5 miles round. Having previously lost its importance by the partition of the two Mauretanias in the time of Diocletian, it was burned during the rebellion of Firmus (371) and at the beginning of the next century was sacked by the Vandals. The Byzantines reoccupied it in 585 but never restored to it its past prosperity; at a date which is not accurately known, but probably in the early years of the 8th century A.D., Caesarea fell into the hands of the Arabs. The harbour still existed in the time of Ibn Hawkal (Description de I'Ajhque, tr. de Slane, in JA [1842], 184). In the time of al-Bakrl (Masdlik, tr. de Slane, Algiers 1913, 165) it was in ruins. According to this author there was nothing left at Sharshal but an "anchorage commanded by an enormous town of ancient buildings and still inhabited". Al-Bakrf, however, mentions the existence of several ribdts where a large crowd of people assembled every year. Al-Idnsf describes Sharshal as a town of small extent but well populated (tr. Dozy and de Goeje, 103). The surrounding country was occupied by Bedouin families who devoted themselves to cattle-rearing, to growing vines and figs, and they harvested more wheat and barley than they could consume. These circumstances explain the raid made on the town by the Normans of Sicily in 1144. According to Leo Africanus, Description de 1'AJhque, Bk. iv, ed. Schefer, iii, 52, the town was continuously inhabited during the five centuries that followed the Arab conquest. During this period, Sharshal was held in turn by the various dynasties which disputed the possession of central Maghrib. After the disruption of the Almohad empire, it fell to the cAbd al-Wadids of Tlemcen, was taken from them by the Marinids in 70071300, became a part of the ephemeral kingdom founded about 750/1350 by the Awlad Mandll and ultimately recognised the authority of the Zayyanids in the reign of Abu Thabit. In the 9th/15th century, fugitive Moors from Spain settled here in large numbers and built 2,000 houses (according to Leo Africanus, loc. cit.). The newcomers devoted themselves to agriculture and industry, especially to silk growing, and commerce, but also to piracy. In the first years of the 10th/16th century a Turkish corsair named Kara Hasan settled at Sharshal but was put to death by Arudj [q.v], who made himself master of the town and placed a garrison in it. Temporarily liberated from the authority of the Turks as a result of the defeat of Khayr alDin [q.v.] by the Kabyles, the people of Sharshal had again to recognise the Turkish government and this time, definitively, in 934/1528. An attempt made by the Spanish to seize the town and make it a base of operations against Algiers failed in 1531. During the Turkish period, Sharshal simply stagnated. The population never exceeded 2,500-3,000 inhabitants, occupying a limited part of the old town. The depredations wrought by the corsairs who sallied out from it led to its bombardment by Duquesnes in 1682. Turkish authority was represented by a kd'id, aided in the administration of local affairs by a council of six notables and supported by a garrison established some distance south on the Wad! al-Hashim. The mainstay of Turkish power, however, was the Marabout family of the Ghubrinf, whose ancestors had come from Morocco at the end of the 10th/16th century and who had acquired considerable influence throughout this region. At the beginning of the 19th
century, the Turks quarrelled with them. Al-Hadjdj b. eAwda al-Ghubrinf was put to death by order of the Dey, and his relatives had to take refuge in alDahra. The disappearance of Turkish government in 1830 enabled the Ghubrfms to return to Sharshal and become masters of the province. But they found their influence assailed by that of another Marabout family, that of the Brakna who lived among the Banu Manasir. Finally, £Abd al-Kadir who had established a khalifa at Milyana, forced the people of Sharshal to submit to him. He tried to use the harbour for an attempt to revive piracy. An attack by a Sharshal corsair on a French warship decided the GovernorGeneral Valee to occupy the town in 1840 and to establish there a colony of a hundred European families. The new settlement prospered rapidly, and by 1850 had over a thousand inhabitants. They began the development of the countryside around and this has been steadily continued. Sharshal has lived through difficult times, but not without handing on to posterity authentic traditions and typically urban values. The eclipses of its prosperity have always been aggravated by the distance and the eccentric positions of the successive capitals of the central Maghrib, from Tahart to Tlemcen, putting up with the ephemeral cAshir [q.v.] or the inaccessible Kal'at Ban! Hammad [q.v.], and even Bidjaya or Bougie. The present capital, Algiers, has not favoured upheavals. The long-lastingness of the town's traditions, and also the stability of its population, are well-underlined by the role of the Ghubrfnis and Brakna, out of whom have arisen the present-day elite, such as the two Belarbi physician brothers, one of whom was in the service of the Bey of Tunis at the end of the 19th century (Sari, 1988, 225). From 1943 to 1945, Sharshal was the seat of the Ecole Speciale Militaire Francaise of St. Cyr. The present wave of urbanisation has given rise to an unprecedented population increase, reaching 22,000 in 1993 as against 2,287 in 1954. Bibliography. S. Gsell, Cherchel-Tipaza, Algiers 1896; Guin, Notice sur lafamille des Ghobrini de Cherchel, in Rev. AJr. (1873); B. de Vermeuil and J. Bugnot, Esquisses historiques sur la Mauretanie cesarienne, in Rev. AJr. (1870); Shaw, Travels, ch. vii; M. Bouchenaki, Cites antiques d'Algerie, Algiers 1978; Ph. Leveau and J.-C. Pellet, Ualimentation en eau de Caesarea de Mauritanie et I'aqueduc de Cherchell, Paris 1984; Dj. Sari, L'un des premiers et brillants medecins de I'Algerie contemporaine, in CT, xxxvii-xxxviii, 225-3. (G. YVER-[DJ. SARI]) SHART (pis. shurut, shard'it), literally, "condition". 1. In Islamic law. Here, it has the sense of "condition, term, stipulation". The term has two major connotations. Generally, it denotes that which does not partake in the quiddity of a thing but upon which the existence of that thing hinges. Ritual cleansing (tahdra), for instance, is not a constitutive part of prayer (saldt) but it is a condition for its validity. In legal theory (usul al-Jikh), shart signifies a condition in verifying the ratio legis, the cilla. Shart requires the ruling (hukm) to be non-existent when this condition does not obtain, and it does not necessitate the presence of the ruling when this condition is present; for if there is a relationship of entailment between the condition and the ruling, then the condition is deemed to be its ratio legis, which it is not. Since ritual cleansing is a prerequisite (= condition) for the validity of prayer, prayer would be invalid when cleans-
SHART ing does not obtain. Conversely, ritual cleansing may be valid when prayer may not. The same distinction between the constitutive elements of a thing and that upon which the thing and its validity depend is likewise maintained in the area of substantive law (Juruc). Here, shart denotes the general prerequisites for the validity of a legal act, as opposed to its essential elements (arkdn, sing, rukri). Witnessing, for instance, is a condition for concluding matrimonial contracts, but it is not a constitutive part of it, as is offer and acceptance (Tajdb and habul). In contracts, the term has another specialised meaning, namely, term, condition or reservation. The insertion of these in agreements may be necessary for the agreement to be valid, as we have seen. If they contradict the established law, they render the agreement void. A contractual term that nullifies an agreement is any term that runs counter to the otherwise established conditions of the agreement and that intends to benefit one of the parties to the agreement to the exception of the other(s). A well-known option in contracts is khiydr al-shart, which is the agreement of the contracting parties to bestow on one or both of them the right to rescind the contract within a certain period of time. The majority opinion allows for three days, whereas the minority one allows four. In its plural form, the term is normatively used to denote legal formularies. Shurut thus refers to a wide variety of prescribed model documents used in legal transactions including sales, securities, agency, partnership, loans, bankruptcy, preemption, rent, agricultural leases, wakf, bequests, inheritance, custody, oaths, aquittances, interdiction, dowry, marriage, divorce, religious conversion, homicide and penal injuries. A specialised genre eventually developed for the purpose of providing jurists with legally-watertight formulae. The authors and compilers of these formularies became known as the shurutiyyun (mainly in the Hanafi and Shafi'f schools), al-muwaththikun (in the Malikr school), and huttdb. The Hanafi scholars seem to have played a special role in the creation of shurut literature in the early period. Later on, the Shafi'I and Malik! contribution to the further development of the genre was no less significant. The Hanbalf legists, on the other hand, do not appear to have devoted much energy to this literature. Although the Kur'an and the Sunna enjoin the writing down of transactions, the Muslim jurists generally did not consider written documents to be necessary for the validity of a transaction. In fact, the written instrument needs only to be duly attested by witnesses in order for it to be valid. Conversely, without a written document, an oral contract attested by witnesses is deemed both sufficient and valid. Nonetheless, in practical terms, the writing down of transactions was highly recommended, for it constituted a safeguard against distortion, misrepresentation and forgetfulness, all of which were causes for litigation. In the light of the controversy about the correspondence, or lack of it, between doctrine and practice in Islamic law, modern scholarship draws a distinction between model formularies and those which were used in practice. The former appear in the shurut manuals, compiled in a more or less formal fashion by the jurists, often with commentaries and annotation. The latter are found in archives and documentary collections. While these contain details of social and economic significance, including specific information about the objects being sold, rented, bequeathed or otherwise, as well as about the individuals who were parties to them, model documents appear as
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abstracted formulas, dissociated from any specific context and having little more than strictly legal significance. Their seemingly idealistic nature may lead one to think that a gap separated them from the realities of judicial practice. However, ample evidence suggests that the relationship between model documents and documents used in judicial practice was dialectical: the former were ultimately drawn from the latter, no doubt with some alterations and improvements, including the omission of real names and objects involved in the transaction. The purpose behind the changes made in the actual documents was not only to make them legally watertight but also to provide the notary and the public with ready-made formularies to serve in legal transactions. Thus documents in judicial practice were appropriated from model documents, and these in turn were drawn from the world of practice. Bibliography. For the definition of the term in legal theory and positive law, see Tahanawf, Kashshaf istildhdt al-fanun, 2 vols., Calcutta 1862, i, 752-5; Ahmadnagan, Djdmic al-culum, 4 vols., Haydarabad 1911-12, ii, 212-13; Badjr, al-Hudud f t ' 'l-usul, ed. N. Hammad, Beirut 1973, 60; al-Shanf al-Djurdjanf, al-Ta'nfdt, Cairo 1938, 110-11. On khiydr al-shart, see Halabr, Multakd al-abhur, 2 vols., Beirut 1989, ii, 10. Some of the important works containing model shurut: Tahawf, K. al-Shurut al-kabir, ed. J. Wakin, Albany 1972; idem, al-Shurut al-saghir, ed. R. Uzadjan, Baghdad 1974; Ibn al-Munasff, Tanbih al-hukkdm, Tunis 1988; al-Shaykh al-Nizam et al, al-Fatdwd al-hindiyya, 6 vols., Beirut 1980, vi, 160389; Ibn Abi '1-Dam, K. Adab al-kadd>, ed. M. £AtaJ, Beirut 1987, 367-462; Asyutl, D^awdhir al-cukud, ed. M. al-Fikki, 2 vols., Cairo 1955; Tulaytulf, al-Muknic Ji cilm al-shurut, ed. F. Sadaba, Madrid 1994. Studies on shurut and on the relationship between practice and doctrine are: E. Tyan, Le notarial et le regime de la preuve par ecrit dans la pratique du droit musulman, in Annales de I'Ecole Fran$aise de Droit de Beyrouth, ii (1945), 1-99, Wael Hallaq, Model Shurut works and the dialectic of doctrine and practice, in Islamic Law and Society, ii (1995). (WAEL B. HALLAQ) 2. In philosophy. Here, it has the sense of the logical term "hypothesis, condition". In Arabic logic, the term is firmly bound up with prepositional thought, and, with shanta, constitutes an equivalent to the Aristotelian Greek imoGeau;. Of course, the unique Kur'anic usage of the root has no connotations of formal Greek logic, referring rather to "signs" or "tokens" (ashrdtuhd) of the Last Day (al-Sdca) (XLVII, 18) in a single verse. Furthermore, Lane (s.v. sharata] shows very clearly that one of the earliest secular senses of the Arabic root lay in commerce rather than philosophy or logic. However, by the time of al-Farabf [q.v.], the Arabic term shart and its cognates had developed considerably in logical sophistication. The interest which had developed in conditional syllogisms constituted a legacy from Stoic thought. Rescher has stressed the considerable attention paid by the Baghdad School to the syllogism in its commentaries on Aristotle's logical works; noteworthy here were the treatises of Abu Bishr Matta and al-Farabl himself. The latter's preferred term for "syllogism" was kiyds, which came to be the standard rendering of the Aristotelian syllogismos. Al-Farabf made a distinction between the "attributive" or "predicative" syllogism (kiyds hamli], and the "conditional" or "hypothetical" syllogism (kiyds sharti). The latter was further divided into "conjunctive" and "disjunctive" (al-kiyds al-sharti al-muttasil and al-kiyds al-sharti al-munfasil). Ibn Sina followed alFarabf's terminology in distinguishing between hamli
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and sharti propositions, and also identified two basic kinds of conditional proposition as "conjunctive" (muttasila) and "disjunctive" (munfasila). It is clear that the conditional syllogism was of considerable interest to mediaeval Muslim logicians in the Islamic West as well; as R. Arnaldez reminds us (El2 art. Mantik), the Zahirf Ibn Hazm devoted some space to this topic, although the Arabic terminology which he employed to divide up conditional propositions, as adumbrated by Arnaldez, differed somewhat from that of al-Farabf and Ibn Sina outlined above. Bibliography (in addition to references given in the El1 art. Shart and the EP art. Mantik): Soheil M. Afnan, A philosophical lexicon in Persian and Arabic, Beirut 1969 (esp. s.v. qiyas); Farabi, Risalat al-Kiyds; J. Lameer, Al-Fdrdbi and Aristotelian syllogistics: Greek theory and Islamic practice, Leiden 1994; N. Rescher, The development of Arabic logic, Pittsburgh 1964; idem, Al-Fdrdbt's short commentary on Aristotle's "Prior Analytics", Pittsburgh 1963; idem, Studies in the histoy of Arabic logic, Pittsburgh 1963; F.W. Zimmermann, Al-Farabi's commentary and short treatise on Aristotle's De Interpretation, London 1981. (I.R. NETTON) 3. In Arabic grammar. Here, shart denotes the protasis of a conditional sentence. The apodosis is variously referred to as ajawdb "response", ajazd3 or muajdzdt "requital". Both d^azd' and muajdzdt may denote the conditional structure as such, for which the merismus shart wa-ajawdb is also commonly used, while ajawdb is applied to several other kinds of clause, though never to the whole conditional sentence. The rules state that the protasis of real (possible) conditions is introduced by the particle in, with law reserved for unreal (impossible) conditions and idhd only being conditional to the extent that it indicates the time of occurrence of the apodosis (cf. Slbawayhi, Kitdb, Bulak, ii, 311/Derenbourg, ii, 338: idhd denotes "future time with a conditional sense"). Hence saazuruka idhd 'hmarra al-busru "I shall visit you when the grapes redden" is correct but not *in ihmarra }lbusru "if the grapes redden". On the other hand in talafat il-shamsu "if the sun rises" is permitted because the exact time of sunrise may not be known if obscured by cloud. In practice, the three particles are often confused, and likewise the accompanying verb forms, which ought to be the same in each clause, either both perfect, mddi + mddi or both imperfect, muddri* + muddric (apocopated maajzum with in and independent marfu' with law). The canonical patterns and their many variations are reviewed by Peled, Conditional structures, where the contrast with the simplified prescriptions of pedagogical grammars becomes dramatically visible. Other elements unanimously accepted as having conditional force are the nouns md, mahmd "whatever", man, ayyu(-md) "whoever", and the particles aynamd "wherever", matd md "whenever" (always spelt as two words), idhmd "whenever", immd (< in md) and haythumd "however". The conditional functions of kayfa(-md) "however" and kullamd "every time" are disputed. On the other hand ammd, whose second clause is always introduced by fa-, is often interpreted as a true conditional particle, hence paraphrased by Slbawayhi (Kitdb, i, 418/i, 469) as mahmd yakun min shaynn. Among the theoretical issues which attracted the attention of the Arab grammarians are the following. The operator (cdmil) on the two clauses is discussed in the same terms as the equational sentence, i.e. either the conditional particle itself operates on both clauses or only on the first and the whole protasis then operates on the apodosis. Other, dissenting views are advanced, however.
Pseudo-conditionals were extensively analysed, both those in which the protasis is not a true condition, e.g. itini ukrimka "come to me [and if you do] I will treat you generously", and those in which the apodosis is not the immediate consequence of the condition, e.g. in atdka zaydun fa-akrimhu "if Z. comes to you [then] treat him generously", with an obligatory fa- before the apodosis. The structural relationship between conditionals and interrogatives was recognised (cf. ajawdb for apodosis), which led to a disagreement about the conditional status of kayfa. Whether law intrinsically denotes impossibility (imtindc) is much debated in later grammar, though Slbawayhi defines law simply as "indicating something which would have happened when [or because] something else happened" (harf li-md kdna sa-yakacu li-wuku£i ghayrihi, Kitdb, ii, 306/ii, 334). The theological implication of being impossible even to God was not overlooked, cf. I. Goldziher, in ^DMG, Ivii (1903), 401, apud Reckendorf, Arabische Syntax, 494 n. 1. Inversion of protasis and apodosis is generally disallowed. Such constructions as and zdlimun in facaltu "I would be wrong if I did this" are explained as elliptical, viz. [in fa'altu fa}-and zdlimun in facaltu "[if I did this] I would be wrong if I did this". Serial conditions have legal implications, e.g. in akalti in sjiaribti anti tdlikun "if you eat, if you drink you are divorced" only effects a divorce if the woman first drinks and then eats, though a converse interpretation is also maintained. In conclusion it should be noted that the situation in contemporary written Arabic is rather fluid; both law and idhd appear to be encroaching on the functions of in, which is becoming correspondingly less frequent in occurrence. Bibliography: The topic can conveniently be explored in Zamakhshari, K. al-Mufassal, ed. C. Broch, Christianiae 1879, §§ 32, 204, 207, 419-27, 58594 (same paragraphs in Howell and Ibn Yacfsh). For Slbawayhi, see A.S. Harun (ed.), Kiidb Slbawayhi, Cairo 1968-77, v (Index). The important discussion of the various particles by Ibn Hisham is easily located in his Mughni 'l-labib, Cairo n.d., and cf. AJ. Gully, Grammar and semantics in medieval Arabic. A study of Ibn Hisham's Mughni }l-Labib, London 1995, 42-3, 157-8, 179-83, 229-30; Yishai Peled, Conditional structures in Classical Arabic, Wiesbaden 1992, 16670, has a bibl. of secondary sources, to which may be added Kinga Devenyi, The treatment of Arabic conditional sentences by the medieval Arabic grammarians (stability and. change in the history of Arabic grammar), in The Arabist (= Budapest Studies in Arabic), i (1988), 11-42; C.H.M. [Kees] Versteegh, Two conceptions of irreality in Arabic grammar: Ibn Hisdm and Ibn al-Hdgib on the particle law, in BEO, xliii (1991), 77-92. (M.G. CARTER) SHASH [see TASHKENT]. SHASHMAKOM ("six modes", the Tadzhik form of a compound of the standard Persian numeral shash and the Arabic term makdm [q.v.]), a term designating the modal and formal concept of art music played in the urban centres of Uzbekistan. It developed in Bukhara from elements of the local makdm tradition and the nawba [q.v] "suite" of Tlmurid and Shaybanid court music. The earliest known song text collections are said to date back to the middle of the 18th century. Up to the beginning of the 20th century, the shashmakom flourished in the Emirate of Bukhara and the Khanate of Khfwa. It consequently had to suffer from Socialist cultural policy. Modern
SHASHMAKOM — SHATH tendencies develop since the middle of the 20th century. Local differences exist between the ("UzbekTadzhik") Bukhara and the ("Uzbek") Khwarazm versions. The terminology of modes, metres and genres as well as the bulk of the song texts are PersianTadzhik; Uzbek song texts are a rather recent novelty. The six makom cycles are called buzruk, rost, navo, dugokh, segokh and irok. They bear the names of four of the former twelve main modes (rdst, cirdk, buzurg, nawd), and of two former "derived" (shu'ba) modes (dogdh, segdti). In contrast to the earlier "nawba of the masters" that consisted of four or five vocal pieces composed by individual musicians, the actual makom is characterised by separate cycles of basically five instrumental parts and a varying number of vocal pieces that are transmitted anonymously as a part of a canonical repertoire. The performance of a complete makom lasts about two hours. A large part of the Khwarazmian version was written down at the end of the 19th century in tabulatures developed for the tanbur [q.v.] and the dutdr. For editions of both versions in staff notation, see A. Jung, Quellen. Bibliography: B. Rahmanughli and M.Y. Dfvanzade, Kkdrezm musiki tdnkhcesi, Moscow 1925; A. Fitrat, Ozbek kildssik musikdsi va uning ta3nkhi, Tashkent 1927; A.Jung, Quellen der traditionellen Kunstmusik der Usbeken und Tadshiken Mittelasiens. Untersuchungen zur Entstehung und Entwicklung des sasmaqdm, Hamburg 1989; O. Matyakubov, 19th century Khorezmian tanbur notation, in Yearbook for traditional music, xxii (1990), 29-35; articles by A. Abdurashidov, J. Eisner, A. Jung, F. Karomatov, O. Matyakubov, S. Matyakubova, and A. Nazarov, in J. Eisner (ed.), Regionale maqdm-Traditionen in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Berlin 1992. _ (E. NEUBAUER) SHATA, a place in Egypt celebrated in the Middle Ages, situated a few miles from Damietta, on the Western shore of the Lake of Tinnfs, now called Lake Manzala. This town existed before the Arab period, since it is mentioned as the see of a bishop (Edict). There is no reason for giving credence to the romantic story of the pseudo-al-Wakidl, which gives as the founder of this town a certain Shata b. al-Hamuk (var. alHamirak), a relative of the famous Mukawkis [q.v.]. This Shata is presented to us as a deserter from the garrison of Damietta who helped to secure the possession of Burullus, Damfra and Ashmun Tanah for the Muslim army and who was killed at the capture of Tinms, on 15 Sha£ban 21719 July 642. Every year at this date, it is the custom to celebrate the anniversary of his death, and to this origin the writers attribute the pilgrimage which still took place at Shata in the time of Ibn Battuta. To guard against the maritime attacks of the Greeks, the Arabs stationed regiments of troops on certain parts on the coast, and Shata was amongst the number. This port became in the Middle Ages a very active industrial centre, in this region sharing with Damietta, Dabrk and Tinnfs, the manufacture of valuable textiles. Each of these towns probably manufactured a special article since the materials which they exported bore a name indicative of their place of origin. Travellers and geographers never tire of praising the goods of Shata called shatawi. Very probably there was at this place, in addition to the private industry, a government workshop, a Ddr al-Tirdz, analogous to those of Alexandria and Tinnls. The historian of Mecca, al-Fakihf, has preserved the text of an inscription embroidered on a cover intended for the Ka'ba.
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It was the caliph Harun al-Rashid who ordered it to be made in the year 191/807 at the tirdz of Shata. We do not know the part which Shata played in the two occupations of Damietta by the Franks. Certain writers have tried to place at the spot the site of the encampment of Jean de Brienne, but this view has been disputed. Between the two Crusades, Tinnls had been razed to the ground by order of al-Malik alKamil in the year 624/1227, and as military reasons had probably induced this destruction, Shata perhaps suffered the same fate. But while the ruins of the former have survived under the name of Tell Tinnls, a small town now bears the name of Shaykh Shata. In its centre there is the mosque in which the relics of the hero of the Arab conquest, who became the Shaykh Shata, are venerated. Bibliography: Bakrf, Mu'ajam, ii, 811; Lisdn alc Arab, xix, 162; the bibl. given in J. Maspero and G. Wiet, Materiaux pour servir a la geogr. de I'Egypte, in MIFAO, xxxvi, 112-13; Makrfzf, Khitat, ed. MIFAO, iv, 80-2; M. Ramzl, al-Kdmus al-&ughrdfi li 'l-bildd al-misriyya, ii/1, 243. (G. WIET-[H. HALM]) SHATH or shathiyya (A., pi. shatahdt or shathiyydty, a technical term in Sufism meaning "ecstatic expression", commonly used for mystical sayings that are frequently outrageous in character. The root sh-t-h has the literal meaning of movement, shaking, or agitation, and carries the sense of overflowing or outpouring caused by agitation; thus mishtdh is a place where flour is sifted by shaking. In the first available discussion of the term, Abu Nasr al-Sarradj (d. 378/988) defines shath as "a strangeseeming expression describing an ecstasy that overflows because of its power" (Kitdb al-Lumac, ed. R.A. Nicholson, London 1914, 375). There is no evidence to support the suggestion of Massignon that early ecstatic sayings circulated in the guise of divine sayings reported by the Prophet Muhammad, or hadith kudsi [q.v.]; the latter have as good a documentation as any early hadith collection and are not separately attributed to Sufis (W. Graham, Divine word and prophetic word in early Islam, The Hague 1977, 70). Nonetheless, the early stratum of hadith kudsi contains similar materials, such as the important hadith al-nawdfil (Graham, 173), which anticipates shath by proposing the possibility of a union with God through love that leads to divinely-inspired speech and action. By the 4th/10th century, authors such as alSarradj had applied the term above all to utterances such as Abu Yazid al-Bistarm's "Glory be to me, how great is my majesty" (subhdni ma a'zama sham [for sha3m]), and al-Husayn b. Mansur al-Halladj's "I am the (divine) truth" (and al-hakk); for a general survey, see C. Ernst, Words of ecstasy in Sufism, Albany 1985). Among Sufi authors, the chief responses to shathiyydt (sometimes held simultaneously by the same individual) were (1) to explain them away, either as misquotations, or as the results of immaturity, madness, or intoxication (sukr); (2) to regard them as authentic expressions of spiritual states, which should nonetheless be concealed from the unworthy; and (3) to view them as expressions of the profoundest experience of divine realities. Many Sufi authors briefly address the question of shath, showing a strong ambivalence about apparently blasphemous claims to divinity, mixed with admiration for the spiritual status of their authors, whose words are often quoted anonymously; al-Ghazall notably belongs to this category. Among those who took these sayings seriously was Djunayd [q.v], who
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composed a commentary (tafsir) on the sayings of Abu Yazld, partially transmitted by al-Sarradj with his own additions (Lumac, 375-408). This may be compared with the collection of Abu Yazfd's sayings transmitted by al-Sahlakf (d. 476/1083) under the title Kitab al-Nur min kalimdt Abl Tayfur (ed. cAbd al-Rahman Badawl, Shatahat al-Sufiyya, Cairo 1949, tr. Abdelwahab Meddeb, Les Bits de Bistami: Shatahat, Paris 1989). The most extensive exposition of shath was provided by Ruzbihan al-Baklf ([^.]5 see now also Ernst, Ruzbihdn Baqll: mysticism experience and the rhetoric of sainthood in Persian Sufism, London 1995). His Arabic Mantik al-asrdr (ed. P. Ballanfat and Ernst, forthcoming), translated into Persian by the author in 570/1174 as Sharh-i shathiyyat (ed. H. Corbin, Tehran 1966), presents nearly 200 commented examples from 45 different authors (with emphasis on Abu Yazld, al-Wasitf, alHusri, al-Shibll, and al-Halladj, including all of the latter's Kitab al-Tawdsm). Ruzbihan's distinctiy apologetic commentary typifies the most positive Sufi attitude toward shathiyyat. Many of the sayings take the form of "I am" sayings, identifying with God or the divine attributes. The principal Sufi interpretation of this variety of sayings rested on the concept of mystical annihilation of the individual ego (fand3), followed by the subsistence of God in its place (bakd3)', this made it possible for God to speak through the individual. Other sayings question the ultimate significance of Islamic rituals and the afterlife. Rhetorically, the audacious style of shath partook of the form of the pre-Islamic Arab boasting contest (mufakhara [.]); among early Sufis, many recorded conversations and sayings show the tendency to exceed the claims of others and discredit them by hyperbole. Because of the lack of any clear legal definition of blasphemy in Islamic law, shathiyyat were treated inconsistently by legal authorities; some regarded them as beyond the jurisdiction of the shari'a, especially when subjected to interpretation, while others (e.g. Ibn alDjawzf [q.v]) viewed them as tantamount to the heresies of incarnation, libertinism, and unification (hulul, ibdha, ittihdd) and fully deserving of punishment in terms of apostasy. In practice, the reduction of apostasy to the category of zandaka [q.v], the Zoroastrian concept of heresy as political crime, meant that shathiyyat were only prosecuted when political authorities found it desirable to do so. The prosecution of Sufis such as Nun, the executions of al-Halladj and c Ayn al-Kudat Hamadanl [q.v], or the posthumous trial of the poet Ibn al-Farid [q.v.], are explicable in terms of their political context (Words of ecstasy, 97116; Th.E. Homerin, From Arab poet to Muslim saint: Ibn al-Farid, his verse, and his shrine, Columbia, S.C. 1994, 63).' Non-Sufi intellectuals regarded shathiyyat with sceptical interest; Ibn Khaldun regarded them as unintentional products of unconscious ecstasy, which are pardonable except (as in the case of al-Halladj) when they are spoken deliberately (Mukaddima, ed. cAbd alWahid Wafi, Cairo 1379/1960, 1079-80). The philosopher Ibn Tufayl [q.v.] found the sayings of Abu Yazld and al-Halladj to lack intellectual rigour (Hayy ibn Takzdn, ed. L. Gautier, Beirut 1936, 4), while his Jewish commentator Moses of Narbonne reinterpreted them to harmonise with Hebrew scripture (G. Vajda, Comment le philosophe Juif Moise de Narbonne, commentateur d'Ibn Tufayl, comprenait-il les paroles extatiques (satahdt) des Sou/is?, in Adas del primer congreso de estudios arabes e islamicos, Cordoba, 1962, Madrid 1964, 129-35). Among later Sufis, Ibn 'Arab! [q.v.] continued the ambivalent attitude toward shathiyyat, regarding them
as a sign of lack of mental control together with an egotistical claim (al-Futuhdt al-Makkiyya, Beirut ed., ii, 387.8-388.26, tr. W. Chittick, in Les Illuminations de la Mecque, ed. M. Chodkiewicz, Paris 1988, 265-74). He only admitted as legitimate sources of doctrine those sayings (like his own) that are spoken by divine command, without any boasting, although his classification of particular shathiyyat is remarkably elastic, depending on the context of his argument (Ernst, The man without attributes: Ibn 'Arabt's interpretation of Abu Tazld alBistdmi, in Journal of the Muhyiddin Ibn cArabi Society, xiii [1993], 1-18). The most elaborate response to Ruzbihan's collection of shathiyyat was supplied by Dara Shukoh [q.v.] in 1062/1650 in his Hasandt al-arifin (ed. M. Rahln, Tehran 1973), an abridgement of the Sharh-i shathiyyat with additional excerpts from later Indian Sufis. The term shath has been applied to later mystical sayings of Sufis in Java (Badawl, 148-58), India, Turkey, Egypt, and North Africa until the present day, with the same mixture of responses as in earlier times, while the sayings of Abu Yazfd and alHalladj still retain the power to shock their readers. Bibliography (in addition to references given in the article): H. Ritter, Die Ausspruche des Bayezid Bistami, in Festschrift R. Tschudi, Wiesbaden 1954; A. Golpmarli, Tunus Emre ve tasavvuf, Istanbul 1961, 252-4 (Barak Baba); Hasan Muhammad al-SharkawI, Alfiz al-Sufiyya, Cairo 1395/1975, 204-7; L. Massignon, La Passion de Husayn ibn Mansur Halldj, Paris 1975, tr. H. Mason, Princeton 1982; C. Ernst, From hagiography to martyrology: conflicting testimonies to a Sufi martyr of the Delhi Sultanate, in History of Religions, xxiv (1985), 308-27; cAziz Allah, Durr-i maknun, B.L. ms. Or. 4382; cAla° al-Dawla al-Simnanf, Farhat al-fdmiKn wa-Juro^at al-kdmilm, in Opera minora, ed. W. Thackston, Cambridge 1988, 135-50; Ahmad al-'Ayyashi Skayradj, al-Shatahdt al-Skayraajiyyafi 'l-tanka al-Tiajdniyya, Cairo 1352/1933 (= Brockelmann, S II, 882). (C. ERNST) SHATIBA, the modern Xativa or Jativa, a town of the Shark al-Andalus [q.v], to the south of Valencia. The ancient Roman town (Saetabis) was situated on the Via Augusta; the Arab town saw a shift to the slope of the mountain, which was crowned by a powerful fortress. The surrounding region, irrigated by several rivers, was devoted to agriculture. Shatiba is described by the Arab geographers as a commercial centre which had trading links with North Africa and with Ghana; its location in the network of communications of the Shark al-Andalus no doubt favoured this mercantile activity, and also the development of a specialised industry, that of paper. The superior quality of its defences and its strategic position strongly influenced the history of Shatiba, a place of refuge and also the bridgehead for attacks on Valencia and other towns of the Shark. It appears that in the early stages the town was included in the district of Tudmlr, but, at least from the 4th/10th century onward, it belonged to the kura of Valencia. In the first half of this century, Shatiba sometimes had a governor appointed exclusively for the town, which was also under the general jurisdiction of the authorities in Valencia. Information regarding Shatiba in the period of the Arab conquest and under the Umayyads is very sparse in the historical chronicles. To the local population there should be added, as elsewhere, Arab or Berber elements such as the Banu Mufawwiz (Ma'afirids) or the Banu cAmIra (Nafzids). However, the date of these arrivals is unknown, as is the significance of this influx in relation to the indigenous population. Later, in the
SHATIBA 5th/llth century, the Banu Milhan, Nafzids originally from Huelva, moved to Shatiba. The Banu Mufawwiz, according to Ibn Hazm, settled close to the town, in the hamlet of Yanuba (Enova). At least a part of this clan became urbanised, producing an important sequence of functionaries and scholars which is documented until the very end of the Islamic history of the town. At the beginning of the 4th/10th century, Shatiba and DjazTrat Shukar (Alcira) were under the control of cAmir b. Abl Djawshan, who was one of the Hawwara Berber rulers of Shantamariyya or Santaver. From 312/924 onward, he resisted attacks by the armies of Cordova, sent by cAbd al-Rahman III. Finally, in 317/929, £Amir surrendered the town under favourable conditions which allowed him to settle his affairs at Santaver before making his way with his family to Cordova. After the fall of the caliphate, Shatiba acquired a new importance in the struggles for power in the eastern region of the Peninsula. 'Arnirid Sakaliba [g.v.], expelled from Cordova, appropriated a piece of territory for themselves in which they sought to establish a nucleus of political legitimacy, recognising Umayyad or cAmirid princes. In 408/1018, one of these Sakaliba, Khayran, proclaimed in Shatiba a descendant of al-Nasir, cAbd al-Rahman, who took the tide of al-Murtada. This attempt at Umayyad restoration was of short duration and the Sakaliba proclaimed, again in Shatiba, a grandson of their former patron (al-Mansur), *Abd al-'Azfz b. cAbd alRahman al-Mu'taman, who thus became ruler of Valencia. Furthermore, these Sakaliba were beset by internal rivalries, fighting among themselves to extend their territories. Mudjahid of Daniya (Denia), in particular, sought to dominate the region and supported the rebellion of Shatiba and other towns against eAbd al-£Azfz in 433/1041. The town was recaptured by c Abd al-cAzfz, but as a result of this war, he lost a major portion of his territory. Both cAbd al-'AzIz and his son and successor cAbd al-Malik found themselves confronted by mounting problems and were obliged to appeal to Christians, Aragonese or Castilian, for aid. The latter, led by King Ferdinand I, began an assault on the Shark; the ruler of Toledo al-MaJmun intervened, deposed cAbd al-Malik and took possession of Shatiba and Valencia. After the death of alMa'mun, these territories were taken under the control of the ruler of Saragossa, al-Muktadir, and Shatiba ultimately became subject to his son Mundhir, King of Larida (Lerida), Turtusha (Tortosa) and Daniya. The last years of the 5th/llth century saw the Almoravids and the Christians in confrontation around Valencia and Shatiba. Power at Shatiba was in the hands of a certain Ibn Munkidh when the Almoravid army, under the command of Ibn cAJisha, captured the town in 485/1092. Henceforward, the Almoravids resisted the threat posed by the Cid [SEE AL-S!D] to Valencia, but a new army mustered at Shatiba, which included many volunteers, was unable to prevent the fall of the capital of the Shark. From Valencia, the Cid led persistent attacks on Shatiba and other towns with Almoravid garrisons, and succeeded in routing the Muslim army which was compelled to take refuge in Shatiba. A new general, cAlf b. al-Hadjdj, was appointed to coordinate, from this town, the efforts of the Almoravids against Valencia, efforts which were not to bear fruit for some years. After the conquest of Valencia by the Almoravids, Shatiba entered a new phase in its history, perhaps the most splendid. The amir Abu Ishak Ibrahim b. Yusuf b. Tashufin estab-
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lished himself there as governor of the Shark and had the town's defences renovated in 510/1117. A period of stability began but it was to be disrupted, some thirty years later, by rebellions which threatened the declining Almoravid power. The dignitaries of Valencia offered authority to the kadi Abu c Abd al-Malik Marwan b. cAbd Allah Ibn £Abd alc Az!z, while the Almoravid governor, cAbd Allah b. Muhammad b. Ghaniya, took refuge with his family in Shatiba. Almoravids fleeing Valencia rallied to Ibn Ghaniya. Protected by its imposing fortress, they made forays into the surrounding countryside, destroying houses and abducting women and children. Ibn cAbd al-cAz!z was then obliged to besiege them, aided by the armies of Lerida and of Murcia, and succeeded in expelling them from Shatiba in 540/1145. The same year, however, the d^und rebelled against Ibn c Abd al-cAziz and recognised the authority of Ibn Mardamsh [q.v.], the new ruler of the Shark who resisted the progress of the Almohads in the Peninsula for many years. The latter did not take Shatiba and towns such as Denia and Valencia until after the death of Ibn Mardamsh in 567/1171-2. Again, a period of stability began for the town, the defences of which were repaired; the architectural and artistic remains which have survived date mostly from this period. The Almohads installed tribal contingents (Sanhadja and Haskura) in Shatiba, as was the case with other cities of the Shark and of the remainder of al-Andalus. But after the defeat of al-elkab (Las Navas de Tolosa) in 609/1212, their power disintegrated. In the dynastic struggles of the Almohads, Shatiba took the side of the caliph of Marrakush against al-cAdil, who had himself proclaimed in Murcia. The town was then governed by the sqyyid Abu Zayd (grandson of the caliph cAbd al-MuJmin) who also controlled Valencia, Denia and Alcira. Abu Zayd later recognised the authority of the caliph al-MaJmun, but he was unable to resist the rebellions of Ibn Hud and of Zayyan b. Mardanfsh. Ibn Hud, recognised by the people of Shatiba as amir, first appointed as governor of the town Yahya b. Tahir, then Abu '1-Husayn Yahya b. Ahmad b. clsa al-Khazradjf, from a distinguished family of Denia. Yahya held his position for six years until his death in 634/1237. His son Abu Bakr Muhammad, who was the ka'id of the fortress, succeeded him as governor. During this time, the threat posed by the Aragonese intensified, and in 636/1238 King James I took possession of Valencia. The following year, he besieged Shatiba and took Alcira. In the face of the Christian advance, sections of the population began to flee the town, making their way with migrants from Valencia and Alcira to the Maghrib, where the caliph al-Rashfd received them. In 642/1244, James I again attacked Shatiba. The siege was concluded with an agreement according to which the Aragonese king took possession of part of the fortifications (the castell menor), with a promise on the part of the Muslims to hand ov^t the rest of the fortress after a delay of two years. The conditions also stipulated respect on the part of the Christians for the lives, property, customs and laws of the inhabitants of the town. The Christians, however, seized the castle shortly before the end of the specified interval and the population was finally expelled from the town in 645/1248. The emigration was mainly directed towards the southern regions of the Peninsula and towards North Africa. The intellectual life of Shatiba developed especially from the 5th/llth century onward, a period which saw a significant increase in the number of scholars
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SHATIBA — AL-SHATIBl
originating from the town. At the same time, it was visited by some eminent persons, such as Ibn Hazm (who wrote there his Tawk al-hamdmd) or Ibn al-Barr, who settled in the town and died there. But it was especially in the 6th/12th century that Shatiba experienced a golden age for the Islamic sciences (the biographical dictionaries give notices of 121 scholars, originating from or born in the town, who died during the course of this century). In this context, the most illustrious son of Shatiba was without doubt alKasim b. Firruh al-Shatibf (d. 590/1194 [q.v.]), who was born in the town and studied there, but spent most of his life in Egypt. An expert in Kur'anic readings, he is best known for a didactic poem (alShdtibiyya], based on the work of
al-Shatibi an interest for usul al-fkh and kaldm; the latter seems also to have introduced al-Shatibf to tasawwuf through a special silsila. Abu £Abd Allah al Sharif al-Tilimsam (d. 771/1369), author of Miftah alwusul ild bind' al-furuc cald }l-usul and an expert on c ulum {akliyya, was also al-Shatibf's teacher. Al-Shatibi wrote on grammar (Shark Alfyyat Ibn Malik, of which there are mss., and K. Usul al-nahw). He also wrote K. cUnwdn al-ittifak ji cilm al-ishtikdk, K. al-Maajdlis (commentary of the chapter on buyuc in al-Bukharf's Sahih), al-Ifdddt wa 'l-inshdddt (adab work in which are autobiographical data, ed. M. Abu '1-Adjfan, Beirut 1983). He also wrote poetry. He corresponded with contemporary scholars, especially mujfis, on different issues (on his murdsaldt, see al-Raysunf, 106-22). One of them was whether a teacher (murshid) is necessary for the Sufi novice (mund). He received answers on this issue from various scholars, including Ibn Khaldun in his Shifd3 al-sd3il li-tahdhib al-masd'il. Al-Shatibi's fatdwd are preserved in compilations like al-Hadika al-mustakilla (ms. Escorial, no. 1096) and alWansharfsf's Micydr (see Lopez Ortiz, Fatwds granadinas, 85-6; Masud, Islamic legal philosophy, 106-9, 119-43) and have been edited by Abu '1-Adjfan, Tunis 1984 (2nd revised ed., Tunis 1406/1985). In al-Shatibf's fatdwd there is adaptation to social change and application of the concept of al-masdlih al-mursala, i.e. he accepts not only the masdlih (sg. maslaha [q.v.]) which have a specific textual basis, but also those which have not (mursald). Al-Shatibf's doctrine on usul al-fkh is developed in his al-Muwdfakdt fi usul al-sjiarica (Tunis 1302/1884, Cairo 1341/1923). Al-Shatibf also wrote a work against innovations (bidaf), his K. al-Ictisdm (ed. M. Rashfd Rida, in al-Mandr, xvii [1333/1913]; several times reprinted). Al-Shatibf himself was accused of innovation and heresy, because he opposed certain practices (see Masud, 104-5) deeply rooted in the life of the AndalusI Muslim community. One of them was the mention of the sultan's name in the khutba. His opposition to this attracted refutations and counterrefutations (Masud, 108-9). On al-Shatibf's transmissions, see al-Mudjan's Barndmaaj (ed. Abu '1-Adjfan, Beirut 1982, 116-22). Al-Shatibl is one of the most important scholars of the Malikf madhhab and one of its renewers, especially through the notion of al-masdlih al-mursala, central to his doctrine on usul al-fikh and also in his fatdwd. For example, he allowed certain taxes not mentioned in the shari'a but made necessary by the economic difficulties of the Nasrid kingdom in Granada. Al-Shatibi's work has had an important influence in the writings of some modern Muslim thinkers, such as Rashld Rida. Since the pioneering monograph of 1977 by M.Kh. Masud (see Bibl.), al-Shatibf's life and legal doctrine have in recent years been the object of several studies which show the originality and importance of his contribution to usul al-fikh. Bibliography: Mudjan, Barndmadj., ed. M. Abu '1-Adjfan, Beirut 1982, 116-22; Ibn al-Kadi, Durrat al-hiajdl, ed. M. al-AJimadl Abu '1-Nur, 3 vols., Cairo-Tunis 1970, i, 182, no. 239; Ahmad Baba, Nayl al-ibtmdaj, Beirut n.d.; Makkarl, Azhdr al-riydd, 5 vols., Rabat 1978-80, ii, 297;' idem, Majh al-tib, ed. I. cAbbas, vii, 279; Makhluf, Sha^arat al-nur, i, 231, no. 828; Baghdad!, Hadiyyat al-'dnfin, 2 vols., Istanbul 1951, i, 18; M. Ben Cheneb, Etude sur les personnages mentionnes dans I'Idjdza du Cheikh cAbd alQadir el Fdsy, Paris 1907, 253-4, no. 227; Brockelmann, S II, 374-5; Zirikll, i, 75; Kahhala, i, 118-19; R. Arie, L'Espagne musulmane au temps des Nasrides (1232-1492), Paris 1973, 355, 418 and n. 6, 420;
AL-SHATIBI M.Kh. Masud, Islamic legal philosophy. A study of Abu Ishdq al-Shdtibi's life and thought, Islamabad 1977. On a l - S h a t i b f ' s work, apart from Masud's fundamental study, see D.S. Margoliouth in JRAS (1916), 397-8; J. Lopez Ortiz, Fatwas granadinas de los siglos XIVy XV, in Al-Andalus, vi (1941), 73-127; Umar Abd-Allah, The nature of ethical speculation in ash-Shdtibi}s thought, in The Maghreb Review, vi (1981), 19-26; Ma I. Fierro, in Sharq al-Andalus, iv (1987), 351-4; W. Hallaq, On inductive corroboration, probability, and certainty in Sunni legal thought, in Islamic law and jurisprudence. Studies in honor of Farhat J. Zjadeh, ed. N. Heer, Seattle 1990, 24-31; Ahmad al-Raysunf, Nazariyyat al-makdsid cind al-imdm al-Shdtibi, Beirut 1992; H. al-cUbaydf, al-Shdtibi wa-makdsid alshari'a, Damascus 1992; M. Fierro, The treatises against innovations (kutub al-bidac), in Isl, Ixix (1992), 20446; M.Kh. Masud, Shdtibi's theory of meaning, in Islamic Studies, xxxii/1 (1993), 5-16. (MARIBEL FIERRO) AL-SHATIBl, ABU 'L-KASIM B. FIRRUH B. KHALAF b. Ahmad al-Rucaynf, eminent K u r ' a n i c scholar who introduced didactic mnemotechniques in the discipline of Kur'an reading (kird'a). He was born in 538/1144 at Jativa (al-Shatiba [q.v]) in Muslim Spain. Although blind, he took up studies in kird'dt and hadith in his home town, where he also acted for one year as a preacher. He studied first with cAbd Allah b. Muhammad al-NafzI, then with £Alf b. Muhammad b. Hudhayl at Valencia (Balansiya), concentrating on al-Dani's Toy sir, but taking up as well grammar and adab. On his way to perform the Pilgrimage to Mecca, he attended lectures by Abu Tahir Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Silaff at Alexandria. Upon his return in 572/1175, he established himself at Cairo, where he soon became a renowned Kur'an reader and was appointed by alKadf al-Fadil head instructor in the disciplines of kird'dt, grammar and language in his new-founded alFadiliyya madrasa. Upon Salah al-Dfn's reconquest of Palestine, al-Shatibf payed him a visit at Jerusalem in 589/1193. He ciied from a painful illness at the age of 52 on 28 Djumada II 590/19 June 1194, and was buried at the smaller Karafa cemetery. Through al-Shatibf, leadership in Kur'anic disciplines returned to the East from Andalusia, where it had reigned for over a century with authorities like alDanf (d. 444/1053 [q.v.]) and Makf b. Abf Talib (d. 437/1046 [q.v.]), who had substantially developed its theoretical framework of combinatory phonetics. Al-Shatibf's most important achievement, which has secured him widespread fame until modern times, is, however, chiefly of a mnemonic kind. Although he wrote several prose compilations on tafsir and Kur'an readings (Brockelmann, I2, 521-2, SI, 725-6), the subject of later continuous study has been his didactic poems, the cAkilat atrdb al-kasd3id fi asnd 'l-makdsid (printed in Madjmu'a fi 'l-kird3dt, Cairo 1929), simply called al-Rd'iyya, a rhymed version of al-Dani's handbook on Kur'anic orthography al-Muknif, and a poem in taml, Ndzimat al-zuhr, on the counting of Kur'an verses. By far most prominent, however, is his Hirz al-amdm fi waajh al-tahdni (ed. CA1I Muhammad alDabbac, Cairo 1937), a versification of al-Danf's compendium of the Seven Readings, al-Tayslr, known simply as al-Shdtibiyya, which was to constitute the basis of kird'dt teaching from al-Shatibf's times until our day, and was also one of the sources used for the establishment of the Cairo edition of the Kur'an in 1924. Al-Shatibf's poem is appreciated more especially because it answers the particular need of the discipline, sc. to ease the essential task of memorisa-
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tion. Not only is the Kur'an itself transmitted almost solely through memorising, but likewise is the discourse about kird'dt and even Kur'anic orthography. The reason is evident. Since the Kur'an constitutes itself as text only through recitation, i.e. through being performed as a "speech act" addressed to listeners, the modalities of its performance, i.e. orthoepy and intonation, cannot be conveyed except through oral practice. It is, moreover, the personal presence of the instructor in this art that is considered indispensable, since he—occupying the final position within a chain of transmitters which goes back to the Prophet himself—guarantees the integrity of the tradition's flow from the initial and immediate situation of speech unto the contemporary listeners. The particular affinity of the Kur'an-reading discipline to orality is further enhanced by the interdependence of the elements that constitute the performance of Kur'an reading: the particular version of the text (kird'd), the orthoepic rules (taajwid [q.v.]) and the melodical shape of the reading, the cantilena. These three parameters are constantly interacting. Any particular text version (kird3a) requires not only a rhythm of its own, but also differs in terms of taajwtd, i.e. particular issues of combinatory phonetics and the location of pauses, from any of the other versions. Again, the melodisation is conditioned by the particular £zraVs rhythm, and may serve to enhance the formal structuring of the text or special aspects of its contents. Finally, taajwtd, the rules concerning pausa location and division of verses, determine the grammatical structuring of the phrases and thus the flow of the melody. Thus the substantially oral nature of the kird'dt discipline makes it understandable that, already several generations before al-Shatibf, teaching material had been put in the form of didactic poetry. Nevertheless, all of these works were superseded by al-Shatibf's long tawil poem (1,173 verses), the Hirz, which adds to the kird'dt discourse as such a propaedeutic chapter on general phonetics. The early recognition of the work, enhanced undoubtedly by numerous commentaries, some of which were written by the author's own students (Bergstrasser, GdQ, iii, 222-4), may be partly due to al-Shatibf's personal fame as a saintly man, observant in his ritual duties, upright towards his colleagues and students, God-fearing and even credited with some miraculous powers. Undisputably, however, the poem itself possesses factual efficiency, due to a decisive new mnemonic device: the introduction of sigla into the presentation of the particular variants. These sigla, pointing at particular readers, transmitters or transmitter groups, appear in the written verse simply as initial letters of single words used within the discussion of the particular Kur'anic lemmata. In order to be recognisable in their meta-lingual function, they have to be marked by a particular colour or repeated over the word they appear in. From Noldeke (GdQ i, 338) to Bergstrasser (GdQ, iii, 21924), both of whom judged the Hirz from a merely literary point of view, this practice has been denounced as unconvincing. Since, however, the poem is not meant to be read silently but recited aloud, the mnemonic function of the sigla works on the phonetic level rather than on the visual; read as denoting sounds, not letters, they constitute an important contribution to the pre-modern mnemotechnics. It is only through the recent intrusion of the new phonographic medium into the transmission of Kur'an reading, that the system so deeply imprinted by al-Shatibf has become outdated. Bibliography: 1. Sources. See also Yakut,
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Irshdd, ed. I. 'Abbas, Beirut 1993, v, 2216-17, no. 907; SafadI, Nakt al-himydn, ed. A. Zaki, Cairo 1911, 228; Safadi, Waft, ed. Bakhft and Hiyarl, Beirut 1992, xxiv, 146-8; Ibn al-Salah, Tabakat al-Jukahd3, ed. M. Nadjlb, Beirut 1992, ii, 665-6; Subkl, Tabakat al-shdffiyya, ed. Tanahi and Hiluw, Cairo 1970, vii, 270-2, no. 969; Ibn Khallikan, Wafdydt, ed. 'Abbas, Beirut 1971, iv, 71; Ibn al-Djazari, Ghdyat al-nihdya ft tabakdt al-kurrd\ ed. G. Bergstrasser, Cairo 1933, ii, 20-3; idem, al-Nashr, ed. Dabba', Cairo n.d., i, 61-2; Tashkopriizada, Miftdh al-sacdda, ed. BakrI and Abu '1-Nur, Cairo n.d., ii, 49-50; SuyutI, Husn almuhddara, ed. M. Abu '1-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1967, i, 496-7; idem, Bughya, ed. Ibrahim, Beirut 1979, ii, 260; Yafi'I, Mir3at al-ajindn, Beirut 1970, iii, 4678; Ibn al-Tmad, Sha^ardt al-dhahab, Cairo 1350, iv, 301-3; DhahabI, Tadhkirat al-huffd^ ed. M. Zaghlul, Beirut 1985, iii, 102; idem, Ma'rifat al-kurrd3 al-kibdr, ed. B. Ma'ruf, Beirut 1984, ii, 573-5, no. 531; idem, Siyar a'ldm al-nubald3, Beirut 1984, xxi, 261-4, no. 136; Abu Shama al-MakdisI, al-Dhayl 'aid 'l-Rawdatayn, ed. Husaynl, Beirut 1974, 7; Ibn Kathlr, Biddya, Cairo n.d., xiii, 10; Dawudl, Tabakdt al-mufassinn, Beirut 1983, ii, 43-6, no. 313; Ibn Farhun, al-Dibddj. al-mudhahhab, ed. Abu '1-Nur, Cairo 1972, 149-52; Makkarl, Najh al-tib, ed. 'Abbas, Beirut 1968, ii, 228; Khwansarl, Rawdat al-o^anndt, Beirut 1991, vi, 32-6; Mundhirl, al-Takmila, ed. Ma'ruf, Beirut 1981, i, 207-8; Ibn Taghribirdi, al-Nu&um al~zdhira, Cairo n.d., vi, 136. 2. Studies. Th. Noldeke, Geschichte des Qgrans, i, Leipzig 1860, 338; G. Bergstrasser and O. Pretzl, Die Geschichte des Korantexts, i, Leipzig 1938, repr. as part three of GdesQ, Hildesheim 1981, 24, 219-24; Bergstrasser, Koranlesung in Kairo. Teil 1, in IsL, xx (1932), 1-42; Teil 2 (mit einem Beitrag von Karl Huber), in ibid., xxi (1933), 110-40; J. Jomier, Coup d'ail rapide sur les institutions d'enseignement, suivi d'une etude sur la pedagogie a I'Ecole Coranique, in IBLA, xii, 31946; A. Neuwirth, Koranlesung zwischen islamischem Ost und West, in Islao e Arabismo na Peninsula iberica. Actas do XI Congresso da Uniao Europeia de Arabistas e Islamologos, ed. A. Sidarus, Evora, 305-16; A. Kellermann, Die "Mundlichkeit" des Koran. Ein forschungsgeschichtliches Problem der Arabistik, in Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft, v (1995), 1-33; F. Krenkow, El1 art. s.v. (ANGELIKA NEUWIRTH) SHATRANDJ, the game of chess. The derivation of the word from Sanskrit catur anga "having four ranks" (Nyberg, 54a) is generally accepted. Arab philologists often argued in favour of a vocalisation shitrandj. and offered more or less ill-advised attempts at etymology (Lane 1551c, and see R. Ermers, in JAOS, cxiv [1994], 294b). While the form of the word supports the game's Indian provenience as a war game, chess reached the Near East via Persia, as shown by the many Persian terms employed in it. The Muslim Near East, in turn, transmitted it to Europe. The word itself continued in use on the Iberian peninsula, as in Sp. ajedrez. The various vernacular European terms appear to go back to the exclamation shah or shdhak indicating peril for the king, or perhaps to the word shah with the definite article (pronounced ashshdh "the king") as designating the game itself. The chronology of its westward march into the Arab world, probably in a sequence of separate episodes, cannot be determined with precision. Even if references to chess should be found in authentic preIslamic poetry, which does not seem to be the case, it would not mean a wide acquaintance in Arabia with a game that required a certain educational and
economic level. While the abundance of remarks about chess attributed to early Muslim authorities, including the Prophet himself, is clearly due to the concerns of later chess advocates or opponents, it does speak for its early adoption in Islam. The seemingly sudden appearance of a full-fledged specialised chess literature in 'Abbasid times and the great popularity then acquired by the game would also point to an earlier reception, even if we allow the doubtful proposition that the dynasty's Persian connections might possibly have had a minor supporting role. The game was played, as it is today, on a board, usually made of soft material, of eight by eight fields (bayt). They were, however, not marked by alternating colours, as shown by the diagrams and in miniatures as late as the 9th/15th century (see S.C. Welch, Persian painting, New York 1976, 105, pi. 37), although it would seem logical to assume that the European style as exemplified by Alfonso el Sabio's Libros de acedrex, dados e tablas (see A. Steiger, in Romanica Helvetica., x [1941]) has, in fact, eastern antecedents. The chessmen, distinguished by the colours "black" and "red", were set up in the familiar manner. Many different arrangements, such as "Indian" and "Persian" forms or circular chess, are mentioned, but the historicity of the attributions might, in some instances, be called into question; they certainly did not enjoy widespread, if any, popularity. Chess sets could be very luxurious; at any rate, the men could not as easily be improvised, as was the case with backgammon pieces (see al-Djahiz, Hayawdn, Cairo 1323-5, v, 115, ed. Harun, v, 382). Their names were mostly Persian: shdh "king"; firzdn (firz) "adviser (?)", queen; Jil "elephant", bishop (Ar. = P.); baydak "footman", pawn. The forms firzdn and baydak are explained as retrograde singulars from, respectively, jracin > *fardzm (Nyberg, 74a) and bayddak (modern Persian piydde), see A. Spitaler, in Corolla linguistica. Festschrift Ferdinand Sommer, Wiesbaden 1958, 217. Even more disputed than the original of firzdn is the derivation of rukhkh rook, castle, from Sanskrit raiha "chariot" through Pahlavi rakhw, although it seems preferable to a combination with the fabulous bird rukhkh [q.v.]. Only the knight is Arabic, faros "horse". Among the few divergences from modern convention in their basic moves, the most important is the severe restriction of the queen to one field at a time. In a tradition attributed to CA1I, the chessmen are compared to likenesses of living forms, thus making them religiously suspect; this could be explained away by the assumption that they looked more lifelike in the time of CA1I than they did later (Book on chess, 13); for abstract shapes supposed to be chessmen, see E. Kiihnel, Die islamischen Elfenbeinskulpturen, Berlin 1971, 28 ff., pi. V-VIII. The numerous problems (mansubdt, lit. "set-ups") of middle and end games were diagrammed and discussed. Unless a game (P. dost) ended in a draw or stalemate, it ended with shdh mat "checkmate". No satisfactory Persian etymon for mat has as yet been traced. It was apparently understood as Ar. "he died" already in al-YackubI, History, i, 103, 1. 11, and this remains the preferable explanation; the strange syntax of shdh mat is possibly explained as a caique on a corresponding Persian expression. For the extended linguistic usage specific to chess, see the lists in Pareja, ii, pp. ciii-cxxix, and Wieber, 270-344, as well as the brief listing of Persian terms in EIr, v, 396, s.v. Chess. It seems quite probable that the earliest written notes on chess were diagrams jotted down by players for their own personal use. Technical monographs were first written in the 3rd/9th century by al-cAdlI
SHATRANDJ and al-Razi, who are practically unknown, and in the following century by a certain al-Ladjladj and the famous litterateur Muhammad b. Yahya al-Sulf (Sezgin, GAS, i, 330-1); this is known from later quotations and Fihrist, 155-6, where an unidentified Ibn al-Uklfdisf (not a son of the mathematician, see Brockelmann, S I, 387) is added. For the dubious attributions of special essays on chess to al-Djahiz, see Fihrist, tr. B. Dodge, New York 1970, 408; Yakut, Udabd3, vi, 78, and to Ahmad b. al-Tayyib al-Sarakhsf [q.v.], see Murray, 169-70. The popularity and high standing of chess in general education stimulated the literary imagination. The stories on its origins, whose historical core, where there was one, remains obscure, were widely reported. Poets and litterateurs used references to chess in abandon. For instance, the ability of the pawn to transform itself into a queen by traversing the board served to indicate achievement of success from lowly beginnings by travel and other means. Or seriousness could give way to humour: shatrand^iyya was coined to denote a meat pie containing bones with no meat on them like chessmen, which has the diners move their hands around the bowl (Abu Hilal al-cAskarf, Dtwdn al-macdni, Cairo 1352, 298 ff.). A theological twist was injected into the debate about chess by a Muctazilf comparison of the metaphysical meaning of backgammon and chess, to the supposed disadvantage of the latter (see NARD; and Rosenthal, 165 ff., quoting Abu Zayd alBalkhi's essay). Chess players were ranked in five (exceptionally, six) classes. The highest, that of grand master (^dliya, pi. cawdli), Sit times became part of a professional description. Handicaps could be given to lesser players. Prowess in the game could bring riches and, above all, admittance to high society. Chess was, after all, the royal game "invented for kings and the rich, not for the poor and mean", as al-Sakhawf [q.v.], in his monograph on chess, expressed the common thought. Skills like playing blindfold with the back to the board, playing a number of opponents simultaneously, special mixed cases such as playing two opponents blindfold (ghd3iban) and a third one open (hddiran), and the like were much admired and no doubt rewarded; but even an ordinary player down on his luck could make a living from chess travelling around in the provinces, presumably by exhibition games and instruction (alDjahiz, Hayawdn, iv, 49. ed. Harun, iv, 147). A grand master and poet of the 8th/14th century, who was also able to teach Turkish, probably used all three qualifications to provide for his subsistence (Ibn Hadjar, Inbd3, v , 260; idem, Dhayl al-Durar, Cairo 1412/1992, 162; al-SakhawI, Daw3, vi, 151-2). Playing chess forged strong social bonds; it could cement friendships (Ibn Abl Usaybi'a, ii, 68) or provide constant companionship' (al-Safadf, Waft, xv, 380; Wieber, 82). It is quite remarkable how often obituaries from the 9th/15th century mention competence in and devotion to playing chess. Having its fanatical devotees, chess also engendered bitter enemies. An example of choice vituperation by a chess hater is found in al-Thacalibf, Tatima, iv, 1819 (Wieber, 134-5). Moral objections were raised by religious scholars at an early date and continued to be repeated and refined. They stressed the danger of neglect of prayer and religious imperatives due to absorption in playing and the potentially illegal exchange of money often connected with it, which was probably much more extensive than the sources let on. In sum, they stressed the game's character as "empty and wrong amusement (lahw bdtil)" and thus
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as something socially undesirable, even if it was recognised as distinguished from other gambling and play activities by its intellectual foundation. Its outright prohibition was attempted by lumping it together with backgammon and other games and amusements such as music, as indicated, for instance, by the title of al-Adjurrf's work. In the absence of any express reference in the Kur'an and the authoritative hadith collections, al-Adjurrf cited three traditions ascribed to cAlf (see above) and a very few others, among them Ibn 'Umar's dictum that chess was worse than backgammon (cf. also J. Robson, Tracts on listening to music, London 1938, 34-5, 56-8, from the related Kitdb al-Maldhi of the earlier Ibn Abi '1-Dunya). A rather detailed survey of legal opinions by the modern editor of al-Adjurrf seems to suggest to him that they were inconclusive. A grudging classification of makruh was attempted early and continued to be often used. In later times, the defence of chess had to be more forceful. Ibn AbT Hadjala, for instance, would claim decisive support by al-Shaficf (see Kitdb al-Umm, vi, 213; Wieber, 184) and basic tahrim by the other schools, with Malikism often singled out for the negative stance. Under the right social and economic conditions, this was undoubtedly effective to put chess under a cloud, even if an official prohibition such as that supposedly issued by al-Hakim (q.v., see above, at vol. Ill, 79a) was not the rule. The popularity of the game spilled at times over into other cultural activities. People dreamed about it; thus dream interpreters paid attention to it in their works, for instance, cAbd al-Ghanf al-Nabulusf, Ta'tir, s.v. The production of chess sets often required highly skilled labour. Miniature painters created vivid chess scenes to illustrate the game's description in the Shdhndma and other works of Persian literature. A permanent mark on arithmetic was made by the famous story that the legendary inventor of chess asked that he be rewarded by the amount of wheat that would result from placing one grain of wheat (or some other unit) on the first field and then double it by geometrical progression until the sixty-fourth field was reached. This apparently insignificant reward turned out to be more than could be found in all the world. The computation (263 on the last field to a total of 2 64 -l) proved a challenge to mathematicians calling for a variety of solutions. The story was so impressive that according to Ibn Abi '1-Hadfd, Shark Nahdj al-baldgha, Beirut 1963-4, iii, 506), who refers to alBfrunf, the Indians used the procedure to determine the age of the world. Bibliography: The most detailed discussion of chess in Islam to date is R. Wieber, Das Schachspiel in der arabischen Literatur von den Anfdngen bis zur zuueiten Hdlfte des 16. Jahrhunderts, Walldorf-Hessen 1972 (Beitrage zur Sprach- und Kulturgeschichte des Orients, 22). For the early 20th century, the authoritative high point in the large literature on the history of chess is H J.R. Murray, A history of chess, Oxford 1913, repr. 1962, 1969. See further the general remarks by F.M. Pareja Casafias, Libro del Ajedrez, Madrid-Granada 1935, his ed. and tr. of the anonymous ms. Brit. Mus. Add. 7515, and the Book on chess, Frankfurt am Main 1986, a facs. of the Istanbul ms. Lala Ismail Ef. 560, prepared under the supervision of F. Sezgin. Recent editions are Muhammad b. al-Husayn al-Adjurrf, Tahnm al-nard wa 'l-sjiatrandj wa }l-maldhi, ed. Muhammad Sacfd cUmar Idrfs, Riyad 1404/1984, and Ibn Abi Hadjala al-Tilimsanf, Unmudhadj al-kitdl f i nakl al-'awdl, ed. Zuhayr Ahmad al-Kaysf, Baghdad 1980. For chess in the
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SHATRANDJ — SHATT AL-CARAB
context of gambling, see F. Rosenthal, Gambling in Islam, Leiden 1975, 37-40, 85-96. For Middle Persian etymologies, H.S. Nyberg, A manual ofPehlevi, ii, Wiesbaden 1974, has been mainly used. See also J. Robson, A chess maqama in the John Rylands Library, in BJRL, xxxvi/1 (1953), 111-27. (F. ROSENTHAL) SHATT (A.), lit. "bank, margin of a piece of water", Fr. Form Chott, also in English conventionally Shott, a geographical term used in the high plains of the Maghrib and the northern Sahara for the saline pasturages surrounding a sabkha [q.v.]. It has often been confused with this latter term, especially in toponomy of the colonial period, hence one must be very careful when one meets the term. Thus there are found on the high plains the Shatt Tigrfn in Morocco; in Algeria, from west to east, the Shatt alGharbf, the vast Chott ech-Chergui (Shatt al-Sharkl) to the south of the town of Sa'Tda, the Zahrez alGharbf and al-Sharkl to the north of Djelfa, and finally, the Shatt al-Hudna, occupying the depression of the same name. These Chotts of the high plateaux may be found at altitudes of more than 1,000 m/3,280 feet. In the "Lower Sahara" of the eastern part of the Saharan Atlas (in particular, the massifs of the Aures and the Nementcha), the Chotts are, on the other hand, found at low levels, sometimes at below sea level in the most westerly depressions: 33 m/108 feet below at the Chott Merouane (Shatt Marwan) and 26 m/85 feet below at the Chott Melrhir (Shatt Malghfr) in Algeria. Further to the east, some less important Chotts link this last to the Shatt al-Gharsa and then to the very extensive Shatt al-Djarid in Tunisia, which stretches out into the Shatt al-Fadjadj as far as a few tens of kilometres from the Mediterranean in the Gulf of Gabes. The existence of this string of Chotts (in fact, of sabkhas), associated with the presence of shells along their banks (especially of cockle shells, Cerastoderma glaucurri) has fed the myth of the "Saharan Sea". It is held that this part of the Sahara was recently invaded by the sea and that it would be possible, by excavating a canal from the Gulf of Gabes, to divert the Mediterranean's waters into the Chotts. Although it has been demonstrated that this plan is impossible to realise, it was still a major item in the programme of one Algerian politician who was a candidate in the presidential elections at the end of the 1980s. Bibliography. R. Coque, Geomorphologie, Paris. (Y. CALLOT) SHATT AL-'ARAB, the name given to the united stream of the lower Euphrates and Tigris rivers in Mesopotamia. 1. Definitions. Shatt (A., pis. shutut, shuttdn, shut3an) meant, originally, one side of a camel's hump, and shatt al-wddi meant a canyon's or a valley's or a stream's bank or side, or the rising ground next to the bottom (L'A, Beirut 1956, vii, 334-5; Lane, Lexicon, 1548-9). Eventually, shatt became most commonly used in the sense of a stream's bank. Occasionally, this meaning was expanded to depict a plot of land, apparently close to the bank of a stream (Yakut, Bulddn, Beirut 1955-7, iii, 344). The name Shatt al-cArab ("Bank of the Arabs") currently referring to the tidal estuary formed by the united stream of the two rivers [see AL-FURAT; DIDJLA], is very unusual, as it uses shatt in relation to the stream itself, rather than to its banks. In modern Mesopotamia-'Irak, shatt has indeed often been used to describe a stream. This usage is a relatively recent one. Yakut, who traded in the Persian Gulf, men-
tions Shatt 'Uthman in the Basra area as being a plot of land, but he does not mention any Shatt alc Arab in that area (loc. cit.). The early mediaeval name used by both Arabs and Persians was "Tigris" (Didjla) (Hudud al-'alam, tr., 76; al-Istakhn, Cairo 1961, 57; al-Mukaddasf, tr. B.A. Collins, London 1994, 12-13). Other Arab names were "Euphrates and Tigris" (Ibn Battuta), and "One-Eyed Tigris" (Didjla al-Awra3}. The reason for the addition seems to be either an island close to the mouth of the river, by the name of cUwayr (Ibn Khurradadhbih, 60), or the sand bar at the mouth. A mediaeval Persian (Pahlavi) name for the Tigris (and the Shatt al-cArab) was Erwand Rud ("The Sublime River"). The modern Arab name, Shatt al-cArab, which was also used by the Ottomans, seems to be the result of extending the name of the Arab (i.e., the western) bank to include the whole river. One of the earliest modern mentions of the united stream as Shatt al£ Arab appears in the accounts of the English traveller J.S. Buckingham, who stayed for a few months in Basra in 1816-17 (Travels in Assyria, Media and Persia, London 1829, 359-60). The modern Persian name is still Erwand Rud. 2. Geographical description. The confluence of the Tigris and the Euphrates is just south of al-Kurna, and this is regarded as the beginning of the Shatt, but there is another confluence, some 50 km further south, where another part of the Euphrates flows through the Hawr Hammar marshes into the Shatt just north of Basra. The united river flows into the Persian Gulf near the town of Faw. The Shatt receives also the waters of the Karun River [q.v.] and its tributaries. The river's width ranges between 400 and 1,200 m, and its length is about 180 km. Its navigable depth is some 36 feet (six fathoms), though there are places where it is twice that depth. It is only 24 feet (four fathoms) deep at the sand bar near the confluence of the Karun (Iraqi Port Administration, Shatt al-Arab survey map, Basra 1964). In the 1920s the sand bar at the mouth of the river was dredged. The country on both sides is level. Basra, where the tide rises and falls some 3 m, is less than 2 m above sea level. The land along the banks is higher than further out, owing to the silt brought down by the stream. Until the mid-1970s, the land was encroaching on the sea at the rate of some 35 km every 1,000 years, but since then this rate has diminished due to much upstream damming. Rich plantations of date palms line the banks for the whole length of the river, sometimes with orange trees underneath the dates. During the Iraq-Iran War (1980-8, see 3. below), these plantations were seriously damaged. 3. Political history. With the rise of the Safawf dynasty in Persia in the early 10th/16th century [see SAFAWTOS], wars between the Safawids and the Ottomans produced frequent boundary shifts. In 1048/1638 Sultan Murad IV finally recaptured Baghdad. The Treaty of Zuhab of 1049/1639, which drew a frontier zone, included much of the Shatt al-'Arab well within the Ottoman domain. As a result, it was not mentioned explicitly in the agreement. Subsequent Ottoman-Persian confrontations necessitated further treaties, notably those of Kurdan of 1159/1746 and Erzurum of 1823, which repeatedly returned to the status quo of 1639. Those treaties, too, remained silent in regard to the Shatt (J.C. Hurewitz, The Middle East and North Africa in world politics, a documentary record, New Haven and London 1975, i, 25-8, 79-80, 219-21). The Shatt al-
SHATT AL-£ARAB — SHATTARIYYA 'Arab appears explicidy in the May 1847 Second Treaty of Erzurum, reached largely due to British and Russian mediation and intervention. Except for Ottoman recognition of Persian sovereignty over Khurramshahr and its port, sovereignty over the waterway was not defined specifically, but the text implies that it was regarded as Ottoman. In effect, the border ran along the eastern bank. Continued rivalry and arguments led to renewed British-Russian intervention and to the 1913 Protocol of Constantinople, followed by a demarcation commission that published its proceedings in October 1914. In the Protocol, Ottoman sovereignty was recognised over the whole Shatt alc Arab and its islands, save only a few, mentioned by their names (including 'Abbadan [ the border ran in the thalweg, some four miles above, and one mile below the confluence of the river Karun. As defined in the 1914 demarcation proceedings, except for these places, the border was to follow "the low-water level of the left (sc. eastern) bank". Due to the eruption of the First World War and Ottoman reservations, the agreement was never ratified. Following the War, the British authorities established the Basra Port Directorate which controlled all matters of maintenance, navigation and policing in the Shatt. In early 1930, the old conflict erupted again and was even brought, in 1934, before the League of Nations. Persia felt that admission of 'Iraki sovereignty over the waterway leading to the large port of Khurramshahr and to the fast-growing port of 'Abbadan (where the border still ran on the eastern bank) was humiliating and intolerable. As for 'Irak, because it had no other meaningful outlet to the open sea (whereas Iran had a number of alternative ports), it insisted on retaining the status quo. However, in 1937, the two countries signed a new treaty in Tehran, reaffirming the 1913 Constantinople Treaty and the 1914 Proceedings with two important changes in regard to the Shatt. Firstly, five miles opposite 'Abbadan, the border was moved to the thalweg, as had been the case in regard to Khurramshahr. Secondly, a convention was to be concluded, to cover all matters of [joint?] conservancy and navigation, but because of disagreements, this was never concluded. The outbreak of the Second World War and the British military occupation of 'Irak (May-June 1941) and southern Iran (August 1941) meant that navigation on the Shatt was managed exclusively by the British-controlled Basra Port Directorate. It collected dues and appointed pilots and navigation aids, almost exclusively 'Iraki nationals. This state of affairs remained unchanged after the War. From the mid1950s, Iran's main objection to the status quo shifted to the economic aspects. It protested against the inequity of choosing the pilots and accused the 'Iraki Basra port authorites of misuse of the funds accruing from the passage fees. In 1960-1, with the revolutionary regime of cAbd al-Karfm Kasim having withdrawn from the Baghdad Pact and being completely estranged from Iran and the West, Iran demanded the moving of the whole border to the thalweg. It also tried to appoint its own pilots, but retreated when 'Iraki counter-measures paralysed the port of 'Abbadan. In 1969, Iran, conscious of the international isolation of 'Irak's new (1968) Ba'th regime, demanded a new agreement which would define the border as the thalweg throughout the Shatt and establish a joint commission to supervise maintenance and navigation, complaining of obstruction of Iranian shipping there. When this was refused, Iran abrogated the 1937 treaty. Be-
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tween 1969 and 1975 relations of the two powers sank to a new low, with Iranian support for Kurds in 'Irak and attempts to stir up 'Iraki Shl'Is and 'Iraki attempts to encourage dissidence amongst the 'Arabistan/ Khuzistan Arabs, but in 1975 the Shah and Saddam Husayn did sign a new agreement in Algiers. Conscious of its military weakness, 'Irak conceded moving the border to the thalweg line throughout the Shatt and agreed to joint maintenance and navigation control, whilst Iran agreed inter alia to cease aiding the Kurds in 'Irak and inciting the Shi'is. This agreement did not survive the Shah's fall. With the triumph of Ayat Allah Ruh Allah Khumaynl [q.v. in SuppL], relations worsened, with the latter aiming to export the Iranian Revolution and to support the Kurds again. In September 1980, Saddam Husayn, now (since 1979), President of 'Irak, declared the Algiers agreement null and void, and all-out war between the two powers began. 'Irak aimed at securing both banks of the Shatt and at pushing the Iranian front line far enough eastwards to keep the waterway beyond artillery fire. The fighting which centred round the Shatt resulted in enormous casualties for both sides; 'Irak failed to hold Khurramshahr after 1982, whilst Iran failed to capture Basra. The superior Iranian navy and its air power and artillery blocked the Shatt and put 'Iraki shore facilities out of action, and 62 ships were trapped in the Shatt ports for the duration of the war. After the cease-fire, peace negotiations failed, but as part of his preparations for the invasion of Kuwayt, Saddam Husayn indicated willingness to begin talks on the future of the Shatt; these, however, came to an end with the invasion. In 1993 'Irak started unilateral dredging operations, so that by 1994 ships were again able to navigate the river, but the conflict over sovereignty is unresolved, and traffic on the waterway remains (1995) far below its pre-1980 level. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): CJ. Edmonds, The Iraqi-Persian frontier 16391938, in Asian Affairs, Ixii (1975), 149-54; A. Malamid, Geographical review: the Shatt al-cArab boundary dispute, in MEJ, xxii (1968), 351-4; Majid Khadduri, Socialist Iraq, Washington D.C. 1978; A. Baram, The impact of Khomeini's revolution- on the radical Shi'i movements of Iraq, in D. Menashri, The Iranian Revolution and the Muslim world, Boulder, Colo., San Francisco and Oxford, 1990; A. Cordesman, The lessons of modern war. The Iran-Iraq War, Boulder 1991, ii; G. Biger, Gvul Iran-Iraq, Tel Aviv 1989 (in Hebrew). (AMATZIA BARAM, shortened by the Editors) SHATTARIYYA, a Sufi order introduced into India by Shah 'Abd Allah (d. 890/1485), a descendant of Shaykh Shihab al-Dln SuhrawardI [q.v.]. On reaching India, Shah 'Abd Allah undertook a lightning tour of the country. Himself clad in royal dress, the disciples accompanying him wore military garb, carried banners and announced his arrival by the beat of drums. In his Latdjif-i ghaybiyya he explained the basic principles of Shattarl discipline, which he considered to be the quickest way to attain gnosis. Shah 'Abd Allah settled at Mandii [q.v.] where he set up the first Shattarl khdnkdh. His work was continued by his two disciples, Shaykh Muhammad A'la, popularity known as Shaykh Kadi of Bengal, and Shaykh Hafiz of Djawnpur. The latter had a very dynamic khalifa in Shaykh Buddhan, who popularised the silsila in northern India. Shaykh Rizk Allah, uncle of Shaykh 'Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith of Dihll, became his disciple. Shaykh Baha' al-Dln, a spiritual descendant of Shaykh Buddhan, wrote a Risala-yi Shattdriyya on the principles of the order. Later on, Shaykh
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SHATTARIYYA — SHAWAHID
Muhammad Ghawth of Gwaliyar (d. 970/1562-3 [q.v] reinforced the silsila by giving it a compact organisation and an ideological direction. A prolific writer, he wrote Djawdhir-i khamsa, Kilid-i mahhzan, Damdyir, Basdyir and Kanz al-tawhid, and translated the Amrit kund into Persian as Bohr al-haydt. He established intimate relations with the Hindus, and provided an ideological meeting ground with them in his Bohr alhaydt. His hobby was keeping bulls and cows. His successors (like Shah Plr of Mfrafh [q.v.] or Meerut) also kept cows. Among his distinguished khatifas was Shaykh Wadjih al-Dm cAlawI, whose seminary at Ahmadabad attracted students from different parts of the country. The Shattari mystic ideology was based on dacwat-i samd3 (control of heavenly bodies which influenced human destiny) and an interiorisation of religious rites. Their social relationship was conditioned by their faith in pantheism. Shah Muhammad Ghawth stood up to receive every Hindu visitor. The Shattans established close contact with the rulers, and participated in political affairs also. Shah cAbd Allah dedicated his Latd'if to Sultan Ghiyath al-Dln Khaldjf. Shaykh Muhammad Ghawth helped Babur in his conquest of Gwaliyar; he and his elder brother Shaykh Bahlul developed a close association with Humayun and instructed him in dacwat-i samd3. Shaykh Ghawth migrated to Gudjarat when Shir Shah came to power, and corresponded with Humayun when in exile. Strangely enough, his relations with Akbar were not very cordial, but the latter built the Shaykh's tomb at Gwaliyar, and Djahangfr built domes over the graves of Shah cAbd Allah at Mandu and Shah Plr at Meerut. The silsila lost its importance after Shaykh Muhammad Ghawth. Its mystical influence was overshadowed by the Nakshbandi and the Kadirf silsilas. However, Shah Wall Allah of Dihll [q.v.] and his father had received iajdzas for the ^awdhir-i khamsa. Bibliography: Muhammad Ghawthf, Gulzdr-i abrdr, ms. Ivanow no. 259, Urdu tr. Fadl Ahmad, Agra 1326/1908; Abu '1-Fadl, Akbar-ndma, Calcutta 1902; Shaykh £Abd al-Hakk, Akhbdr al-akhydr, Dihll 1309/1891-2; cAbd al-Kadir, Muntakhab al-tawdrikh, Calcutta 1869; Ghulam Mu£In al-Dm £Abd Allah, Ma'dridj. al-waldyat, ms. author's personal collection; Wall Allah, Intibdh fi saldsil-i awliyd3 Allah, Dihll 1311/1893-4, 137-41; DjahangTr, Tuzuk-i D^ahdngin, 'Allgafh 1864; K.A. Nizami, The Shattari saints and their attitude towards the state, in Medieval India Qtly. (October 1950), 56-70; Qadi Moinuddin, History of the Shattari silsilah, Ph.D. diss. £Alrgafh 1963, unpubl. (K.A. NIZAMI) SHA'UL, ANWAR (1904-84), c I r a k i lawyer, poet, short story writer, journalist, playwright and translator. He was among the first generation of Jewish writers in literary Arabic language in Arabic characters in £Irak, headed by Salim Ishak (1877-1948), translator for the German Embassy in Baghdad, Salman Shfna (1899-1978), the military attache of the Ottoman army in the German army in Trak, Ezra Haddad (1900-72), educator, and Murad MlkhaTl (1906-86), poet. Sha'ul was born in Hilla and on his mother's side he was the grandson of an Austrian tailor Hermann Rosenfeld, while on his father's side he belonged to the famous Baghdad! Sassoon family. He early lost his mother, and then in Baghdad he studied at the Alliance Fran$aise (1918-23), and in 1924 edited Salman Shfna's literary and social weekly al-Misbdh ("The lamp") (1924-7). He worked as a lawyer and was advisor to the treasury of the 'Iraki Royal Family.
At the age of 25 he established and edited his weekly al-Hdsid ("The reaper") (1929-38), one of the leading literary, social and political journals during the 1930s, in his main articles criticising the £Irakf government, its ministers and officials for their greed and shortcomings, as well as the Fascist and Nazi regimes in Italy and Germany and their supporters among the Trakl youth. He also composed several poems against Nazi Germany and rejoiced at its fall and defeat, these and his other romantic poems appearing in his anthology Hamasdt al-zaman ("The whispers of time") (Baghdad 1956). A second anthology of poetry, most of which was written in Israel after his immigration thither in 1971, was published in Jerusalem 1983. Sha'ul was one of the two £Irakf writers who first wrote short stories; his collection al-Hasdd al-Awwal ("The first harvest") contained 31 of these. However, his writings in prose and poetry were much influenced by French literature, and he translated from French, including a collection of stories originally written by American and European writers from various countries, Kisas min al-gharb ("Western short stories"). His contribution to £IrakI theatre and cinema was important, and included the writing of film scripts and songs. He compiled an English-Arabic dictionary of printing terms (Baghdad 1967), and his Press and Publication Company (1945-62) published several important Arabic books. In both £Irak and Israel he took «an active part in social and literary circles, and published his autobiography Kissat haydft wddi 'l-Rdfidayn. Bibliography: £Abd al-Ilah Ahmad, Na&'at alkissa wa-tatawwuruha fi 'l-'Irdk 1908-1939, Baghdad 1969, 237-56; £Abd al-Kadir Hasan Amln, al-Kasas Ji n-adab al-clrdkl 'l-hadith, Baghdad 1955, 89-93; Djafar al-Khalfll, al-Kissa al-clrdkiyya kadirri"1 wahadith™, Beirut 1962, 200-32; Yusuf £Izz al-Dm, alAdab al-cArabi 'l-hadithji 'l-'Irdk, Baghdad 1967, 22867; Anwar Sha'ul, Kissat haydfi fi wddi 'l-Rdfidayn, with an introd. by S. Moreh, Jerusalem 1980; Meer BasrI, A'ldm al-adabfi 'l-clrdk al-hadith, London 1994, ii,'422; idem, Acldm al-Tahud' fi 'l-{Irdk al-hadith, Jerusalem 1983, i, 79-84; E. Marmorstein, Two Iraqi Jewish short story writers, in The Jewish Journal of Sociology, i (Dec. 1959), 187-200; S. Moreh, introd. to Wa-bdzagha faaj.r ajadid, Jerusalem 1983, 7-11; Moreh and M. £AbbasI, Tardajim wa-dthdr fi 'l-adab al- 'Arabi fi Isrd'il 1948-1986, 3Shfar£am 1997, 11315; Dawud Sallum, al-Adab al-mucdsirfi 'l-clrdk 19381960, Baghdad 1962, 147-9. (S. MOREH) SHAWAHID (A.), pi. form, of which the sing, shdhid (with the following terminology: istashhada bi- "call to witness, appeal to the testimony of"; istadalla bi- "use proofs drawn from, employ as proof"; ihtaajaja bi-... li-ithbdt "draw argument from ... to establish"; datil, huajaja "argument, proof, probative authority") denotes a probative quotation (locus probans), most often testimony in verse, which serves to establish a rule in the "literary sciences" which, according to the Andalusian scholar al-RucaynI (d. 779/1377 [q.v.]), "are six in number: lexicography, morphology, syntax, semantics of the phrase (ma'dni), the art of figurative expression (bayan) and that of the new style (badi{)" (Khizdna, i, 5; Lane, s.v. sji-h-d; R. Paret, in OL£ xi [1935], 690-2; Gilliot, Les citations probantes, § 2). In these last three domains, the scholars declare that recourse may be had to the testimony of poets of the four leading categories: pre-Islamic poets, poets who lived both before and during Islam (mukhadrams, [q.v]), Muslim poets (isldmiyyun, i.e. of the first century, poets of the new generation (muwallads [q-v]) or moderns (muhdaths', see SHI£R).
SHAWAHID I. Criteria for the acceptance of probative quotations As regards the three first above-mentioned disciplines which come under the heading of philology, the criteria of acceptance of poetry as a probative source depend on the attitude towards the language held by the Arab scholars. The general consensus is that it is acceptable to draw conclusions from the poetry of the poets of the first two categories. For the majority of philologists, it is also legitimate to quote as linguistic testimony poets of the third category, such as Djarfr or al-Farazdak [^.00.]. Regarding poets of the fourth category, most scholars decline to draw conclusions from their verse. However, some are accepted as probative, under certain conditions; such was the case in particular of al-Zamakhshari (d. 538/1144 [q.v.]) and of al-Radi al-Astarabadhi (d. 686/1287 [q.v.]) (Khizdna, i, 6; Gilliot, § 6). Another problem is that of verses which have not been transmitted in their entirety or of which the "author" is unknown. The prevailing opinion is that, if the quotation is made by an authority considered trustworthy in regard to the Arabic language, they may be legitimately used as a source of linguistic argument: "This is why the verses of Slbawayh are the most reliable verse testimony" (Khizdna, i, 16; Gilliot,
§ 16While )-. less used by philologists, quotations in prose
have given rise to an interesting debate which also involves theological considerations. Those which are drawn from the Kur'an are recognised, whether the transmission of the variae lectiones (kira'at) be "uninterrupted" (mutawdtir) or "irregular" (shddhdh), as declared by Ibn Djinnl (Gilliot, § 8). Apparently more astonishing, although conforming to the Arabo-Muslim linguistic representation, is the attitude towards hadith. The majority of scholars do not accept it as linguistic testimony, because the specialists in hadith declare that its transmission according to the meaning (hi 'l-mafnd) is permitted; as a result, it can never be known for certain that the current version represents the actual words of the one regarded as the best exponent of the Arabic language (afsah al-khalk), i.e. the Prophet. Some, such as Abu Hayyan al-Gharnatf (d. 745/1344 [q.v.]) see an additional reason for non-acceptance: the fact that the ancient grammarians, such as Abu cAmr b. al-eAla', al-Khalfl, Sfbawayh, al-Kisa'f, etc., abstained from the use of prophetic traditions as sources of probative quotations. Here, as often, non-Arabs and those of mixed blood are accused of corrupting the "native purity" of the Arabs; transmitting traditions, "they committed linguistic errors (lahn) without knowing it"! Among grammarians, admittedly the later ones, exceptions in this respect are, among others, Ibn Kharuf (al-Rundi al-Ishbflf, d. 609/1212) and Ibn Malik (d. 672/1274 [q.v]). The latter especially made extensive use of hadith, in particular in his Shark al-Tashil. These two authors were criticised for this, respectively by Ibn al-DaY (al-Ishbrli, d. 680/1281) and by Abu Hayyan al-Gharnatl (Khizana, i, 10-12; Gilliot, §§ 9-10). Others adopted an intermediate position, believing it possible to distinguish between two categories of hadith., one where transmission is according to the meaning, the other where the transmitters claim word-for-word representation of the prophetic declarations, especially those which illustrate the "excellence in language (fasdha) of the Prophet". From this latter category "it is appropriate to draw probative quotations (yasihhu } l-istishhdd bi-hi) in Arabic". This is the position taken by Abu Ishak al-Shatibf (d. 790/1388; commentator on the Alfiyya), followed by al-Suyutf (Khizdna, i, 12-
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13; al-Suyutf, Iktirdh, 52; Gilliot, §§ 11-12). Some later authors, influenced by logic and by commentaries on the third part of the Miftdh al-ulum of al-Sakkaki (d. 626/1229 [q.v.]), in particular the Talkhis al-Miftdh of al-Kazwfnl (d. 739/1338 [q.v.])9 have conducted a theoretical analysis of the difference between example (mithdl) and probative quotation (shdhid). In general, they place the former in the abstract category and the latter in the concrete category. Shdhid is appropriate for establishing the rule (ithbdt al-kdcida), mithdl for illustrating it (iddh al-kdcidd) (al-Tahanawf, Kashshaf, ed. A. Sprenger, s.v. mithdl, on the basis of al-Sharh al-mutawwal by al-Taftazanf (d. 791/1389), of the gloss by Abu '1-Kasim b. al-Bakr al-Samarkandi (wrote ca. 888/1483), of al-Atwal by Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. 'Arabshah al-Isfara'inf (d. 945/1538) and of the gloss by Hasan Celebi alFanan (d. 886/1481)). II. The literature of the genre 1. In language and in literature. Since works specialising in grammar and in philology contain a vast number of poetical quotations, the commentaries and glosses composed in this domain are innumerable, the majority of them evidently applying to the Kitdb of Slbawayh; among the score of relevant titles, six have been edited or are in manuscript-form (Sezgin, ix, 58-63; Gilliot, § 18). Al-Qumal by al-Zadjdjadjr (d. 337/949 [q.v.]) has also enjoyed favourable treatment: a dozen commentaries on his verse, of which six have been edited or are in manuscript-form. The same applies to al-Iddh by Abu CA1I al-Farisf (d. 377/987 [<7-fl.]): nine, of which four have survived (respectively, Sezgin, ix, 88-94, 104-7; Gilliot, §§ 22, 23), in particular Ibn Barn (d. 582/1187 [q.v]), Sharh shawdhid al-Iddh, ed. cld Mustafa Darwfsh, Damascus 1985 (see P. Larcher, in Arabica, xxxix [1992], 120-1). There have been, however, few commentaries on the verses quoted in the K. al-Lumac by Ibn alDjinm (d. 392/1002 [q.v.]), it being understood that they are themselves hardly numerous. Worth mentioning is that of Ibn Hisham al-Ansarf (d. 761/1360 [q.v.]) entitled Sharh al-shawdhid al-sughrd, which has not survived. In fact, the K. al-Rawda al-adabiyya ji shawdhid cilm al-carabiyya (Ahlwardt 6752; Brockelmann, II2, 31, no. 7) which has been identified with this commentary (see MIDEO, xx, no. 31) is nothing other than a manuscript of al-Iktirdh by al-Suyutf, with an introduction fabricated by a copyist (Sezgin, ix, 174-7; Gilliot, § 24). The verses quoted in the commentaries on the Alfiyya by Ibn Malik have in their turn attracted the attention of numerous commentators. Examples are Ibn Hisham and his Takhlis al-shawdhid wa-talkhis alfawd'id, incomplete, also called Sharh shawdhid Ibn alNdzim (i.e. the son of Ibn Malik, Abu cAlf Badr al-Dfn, d. '686/1287), ed. S.T.
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SHAWAHID — SHAWAR
commentaries: the Khizdnat al-adab by £Abd al-Kadir al-Baghdadl (d. 1093/1682 [q.v]), which is a commentary on the 959 shawahid quoted by al-Radf alAstarabadhf in his Shark al-Kafiya, is the most esteemed. This work of unique quality is not only a model of the genre, but also a veritable encyclopaedia of grammar, poetics, literature, bio-bibliography and even history. Furthermore, the new Cairo edition, now complete, with its two volumes of indices, makes it an indispensable working tool (Gilliot, §§ 1, 26). The same al-Baghdadf is also the author of Shark sjiawdhid [shuruh] al-Shdfya, ed. M. Nur al-Hasan, et alii, with Shark al-Shafiya by al-Astarabadhf (the Shark of alBaghdadl is to be found in vol. iv), Cairo 1358/1939, repr. Beirut 1975, and of Shark shawahid shark al-Tuhfa al-wardiyya, ed. N.M. Khawadja, Faculty of Letters of Istanbul n.d. The verses of numerous grammatical manuals of Ibn Hisham al-Ansarf have also been subjected to commentary (Gilliot, § 29): 1. Mughni }l-lablb, by alSuyutl, in al-Fath al-kanb. Shark shawahid al-Mughm, iii, ed. A. Zahir Kudjan, Damascus 1966, and by cAbd al-Kadir al-Baghdadl, Shark abyat Mughni 'l-labtb, i-iv, ed. £Abd al-cAzfz Rabah and A. Yusuf Dakkak, Damascus 1973-5; 2. Katr al-nadd, by £Uthman b. Makkf alZabidl in Ma'dlim al-ihtidd\ Shark shawahid katr al-nadd, completed in 1312/1894, printed Cairo 1324/1906; 3. Kawdcid al-icrdb or al-Icrdb can kawdcid al-frdb, by Balkasim b. M. al-Bidja'I (d. 866/1462) in Shark shawahid al-kawd'id, which includes commentary on only a few verses; 4. Shudhur al-dhahab \Ji ma'rifat kaldm alc Arab], by Shams al-Dln M. £AlI al-Fayyumf (d. ?; see Brockelmann, II2, 29-30, S II, 1477) in Shark shawahid Shudhur al-dhahab, Cairo 1281/1864, 1291/1874, 1304/1886. The criteria for the acceptance of probative verses in the "literary sciences" not being the same as those used by the grammarians, it is not surprising that other verses should also be found illustrated and elucidated in the commentaries of the genre, especially in those which are devoted to the third part of the Miftdh al-culum of al-SakkakT, and in particular those which are applied to the Talkhis al-Miftdh of al-Kazwinl (Brockelmann, I2, 353-6; S I,' 516-19; Hadjdjf Khalifa, i, 473-9; Gilliot, § 28): the best known is Ma'dhid al-tansis. Shark abyat al-Talkhls by al-cAbbas! (cAbd al-Rahim b. £Ar., d. 963/1556), i-iv, in 2 vols., ed. M. Muhyf al-Dln £Abd al-Hamfd, Cairo 1947. Its author not only comments on verses of the Talkhis, giving information about the poets, but also adds verses which correspond to the subject under discussion. 2. In the K u r ' a n i c domain (Gilliot, iv/B). Works comprising commentaries on the poetical quotations contained in the Kur'anic commentaries, or those which explain the rare words (gfearib) of the Kur'an are much less numerous. Neither the Shark abyat al-Mad^dz (i.e. Madj.dz alKur'dn of Abu cUbayda), nor the Shark abyat Ma'dm 'l-^ad^dd^ (i.e. Ma'am al-Kur3dn), both by Ibn al-Sfrafi (d. 385/995), has survived. One which has survived, but has not been edited, is: Abu Muh. Husayn b. Muh. b. Tahir al-Shanf al-Wahld (17th century), Shark shawahid Maajma' al-baydn (Brockelmann, S I, 708), on the verses contained in the Kur'anic commentary of the Shf£I al-Tabarsf (d. 548/1153). Others, which have been edited, include: Muhibb al-Dfn al-Hamawf (Muhibb al-Dln Afandl, d. 1016/ 1608), Tan&l al-dydt [cala 'l-shawdhid min al-abydt], also entitled Shark abyat ai-Kashshdf, Khidr al-Mawsilf (d. 1007/1596), al-Iscdf bi-Sharh shawahid al-Kddi 'wa 'l-Kashshdf, a commentary on the verses which cor-
roborate Anwar al-tanzil wa-asrdr al-ta3wil by al-Baydawi (d. 716/1316) and al-Kas±shdf by al-ZamakhsharL 3. On the literature of hadith (Gilliot, iv/C). A single example of the genre exists: Ibn Malik, Shawahid al-tawdih wa-tashih li-mushkildt al-D^drnf alSahih, ed. cAbd'al-Bakl, Cairo 1957, 31983, a grammatical commentary, divided into 71 questions, on 99 passages in al-Bukhan's compilation. Three authors at least have composed commentaries on the verses cited in the Gharib al-hadith by Abu 'Ubayd, but only one of these seems to have survived. Bibliography (besides the references in the article): £Abd al-Kadir al-Baghdadl, Khizdnat al-adab [wa lubb lubdb lisdn al-'Arab], i-xiii, ed. cAbd al-Salam M. Harun, Cairo 1979-86; Suyutl, al-Iktirdh, ed. A.M. Kasim, Cairo 1976; al-Bakir (M.CA. Rida alShanfj, Djdmi' al-shawdhid, Tehran 1274/1857, 1319/1901; A. Fischer and E. Braunlich, Schawdhid-Indices, Leipzig and Vienna, 1934-45; CA.M. Harun, Mutant shawahid al-farabiyya, Cairo 1972; A. al-Naf!akh, Fihris shawahid Sibawayh, Beirut 1970; Sezgin, ii, 89-91; Cl. Gilliot, Les citations probantes (sawahid) en langue, to be published in two parts in Arabica, xliii (1996), the second part containing a comprehensive list of works and editions belonging to this gejire. (CL. GILLIOT) SHAWANKARA [see FADLAWAYH, BANU; SHABANKARA] C c SHAWAR, ABU &JUJA b. Mudjlr al-Sa dI, a vizier of the last Fa timid caliph, al-cAdid li-Dm Allah [q.v.], and the statesman who involved the forces of Nur al-Dln Mahmud [q.v.] in the affairs of Egypt. He belonged to the Bam Sa£d, semi-settled Bedouin of Djudham [q.v.], a tribal grouping both politically and militarily influential in the first half of the 6th/12th century. In Shawwal 516/December 1122 Shawar was released from a long period of Prankish captivity, and was established in al-td'ifa al-Ma3muniyya, the regiment of the vizier Ma'mun al-Bata,JihI [q.v.]. He was one of the vizier Ridwan b. Walakhashi's chief supporters in his disputes with the caliph al-Hafiz [q.v], and fled with Ridwan to Syria. After Ridwan's defeat in Safar 534/October 1139, Shawar first retired to Upper Egypt with his Bedouin, then was pardoned but detained in the palace at Cairo. He was appointed governor of Upper Egypt, based at Kus [q.v], by the vizier Talaji£ b. Ruzzlk [q.v] in 555/1160. Having feared him as a possible rival, the vizier urged his son and successor, Ruzzik [q.v], not to provoke Shawar by attempting to replace him. The advice was not followed and in Dhu 'l-Ka£da 557/ November 1162 Shawar openly rebelled. After an initial reverse at Daldja, he moved with a small band via the Western Desert oases to Tarudja in the Delta, gathered supporters and descended on Cairo, which he entered on Sunday 22 Muharram 558/30 December 1162. Shawar was proclaimed vizier with the title amir al-ajuj>ush. Ruzzlk had fled, was imprisoned and later, suspected of plotting amid growing factional rivalries, was executed in Ramadan 558/August 1163. That same month Shawar sent khilac (robes of honour) to Nur al-Dln, who accepted them and also the funds sent with them. On Friday 28 Ramadan 558/30 August 1163, Shawar was toppled from the vizierate by another amir of Bedouin origin, Dirgham [q.v]. By Dhu 'l-Ka£da 558/October 1163, Shawar was at the court of Nur al-Dln in Damascus seeking assistance. An interventionary expedition led to Shawar's restoration (Radjab 559/May 1064; for text of his diploma, see al-Kalkashandf, Subh al-acshd, x, 310-8) and to the first
SHAWAR — AL-SHAWBAK clash with the Franks, whose interests and ambitions were already deeply involved in Egypt. Two other campaigns Mowed (562/1167 and 564/1168-9). For the details of these events, see SHIRKUH. In the end, Shawar, attempting to exploit now one and now the other of the rival outsiders, the Syrian forces and the Crusaders, was unable to maintain his independence. He had lost the support of the palace, the local elite and even of his own family, by his high-risk policy. The burning of Fustat in Safar 564Y November 1168, probably on his orders to deny the attacking Crusaders the city and its resources, cost him much popular goodwill, even if the damage and losses were not so catastrophic as they have been portrayed (see W. Kubiak, The burning of Misr al-Fustdt in 1168. A reconsideration of historical evidence, in AJricana Bulletin, Warsaw [1976], xxv). The new dominant force in Egypt was the Syrian army of Nur al-Dm, elements of which plotted the assassination of Shawar on Saturday 17 Rablc II 564/18 January 1169, and its commander Shfrkuh succeeded as Fatimid vizier. Bibliography: 'Umara al-Yamanf, al-Nukat alc asriyyafi akhbdr al-wuzard3 al-misriyya, ed. H. Derenbourg, Paris 1897, i, esp. 66-73, 78-81; MakrizI, Muz al-hunaja\ ed. M. Hilnri, Cairo 1973, iii, see index; Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt al-acydn, ed. 'Abbas, ii, 439-48, nos. 285a and b. For the full range of historical sources, see SHIRKUH. (D.S. RICHARDS) AL-SHAWBAK, a fortress, originally constructed by the Crusaders, in Transjordania, now also the name of the settlement which grew up round it. It lies in lat. 30° 33' N., long. 35° 36' E. at an altitude of 1,382 m/4,532 feet in the south of modern Jordan, on a strategic position commanding the al-KarakTafila-Macan mountain road and the mediaeval Islamic route via the Wad! eAraba towards Egypt. The surrounding Djabal al-Shara enjoys a good rainfall and winter snows, favouring woods and agricultural land; in mediaeval Islamic times, its famed apricots were exported to Egypt, according to Abu '1-Fida'. Its strategic position made it a coveted site for both Crusaders and Arabs, and habitation there certainly goes back to the Nabataeans. It is reported that in 501/1107, the slopes of alShawbak formed part of the tributary domain of the Latin king Baldwin I of Jerusalem, under the local authority of a certain al-Asfahfd al-Turkumanf. Shortly thereafter, in 509/1115, Baldwin I led a military force which crossed to the site and ordered the establishment of a military fortress adjacent to two small springs, which supplied a well within the fortress that he provided with a cavalry garrison. Baldwin I gave it particular attention when he visited it the following year, and then proceeded to 'Akaba, where he constructed a second fortress in order to control the traffic going to the Hidjaz and Egypt. Crusader control became firmly established with the construction of the citadel of al-Karak in 537/1142 by Fulk of Anjou, the king of Jerusalem. The land east of the Jordan River constituted a barony, with al-Shawbak (Montreal in the Frankish sources) at its seat, subsequently to be moved to al-Karak. The sources furnish us with the names of the individuals who were in charge of the fortress, such Romanus de Podio/ Romain de Puy, etc. Al-Shawbak was a target of the Fatimids in Egypt, who sent a military expedition that pillaged the locality and captured some prisoners in 552/1157. The following year, the Fatimids placed the fortress under siege, which lasted over a year, to be lifted only after the king of Jerusalem sent gifts and asked for a truce
373
of friendship (muwdda'a). The Ayyubids under Salah al-Dln maintained their aggressive policy against the Franks east of the Jordan River. In Safar 567/October 1171, Salah al-Dm laid siege to the fortress, and its garrison surrendered within ten days. However, he departed before its submission when he received news that Nur al-Dfn Zankl was approaching. The fortress finally surrendered in Rabfc I 585/October 1189, two years after the battle of Hittfn [q.v.]. Salah al-Dfn gave both al-Shawbak and al-Karak as an iktdc [g.v.] to his brother and successor al-Malik al-cAdil. There were development schemes at al-Shawbak during the Ayyubid period. Fruit trees were planted and the area, with its rich water resources, was rejuvenated to the extent that contemporary geographers compared it to the vicinity of Damascus. Inscriptions testify to the care that the Ayyubids extended to it. The Franks recognised the strategic significance of al-Shawbak, and while besieging Damietta in 615/ 1218, they offered to lift the siege in return for Jerusalem, al-Shawbak, and al-Karak. This request was declined. This may explain al-Malik al-KamiPs interest in the place, for in 626/1229, he paid his nephew al-Malik al-Nasir Dawud 16,000 Egyptian dinars to add al-Shawbak to his possessions, which he visited three years later while en route to Syria. It was part of the domains of the last Ayyubid prince in southern Jordan, al-Malik al-Mughfth cUmar, from 648/1250 until 659/1261. It then passed to the new Mamluk rulers following their victory over the Mongols at cAyn Djalut. However, in 692/1292, Sultan alAshraf Khalfl ordered the demolition of the fortress on the advice of the local Bedouin chieftain, for whom it had been a major irritant. Later Mamluk sultans, and in particular Husam al-Dfn Ladjfn, in 69 7 / 1297-8, restored the fortress and gave it their continuous attention, as is attested by inscriptions from that period. The great flood (al-sayl al-acg,am) and earthquake that struck the region in 718/1318 may explain the observation by Ibn Fadl Allah al-cUmarf that the fortress was closed at that time. There is no consensus in the sources regarding the status of al-Shawbak, with some referring to it as a village, others as a town, and others as a city. During the Mamluk era it constituted an 'arnal with a mutawalU, and was part of the niydba of al-Karak. Its mutawalli was appointed by the sultan in Cairo but reported to the governor of al-Karak. Biographical dictionaries provide the names of some individuals who held this position. A few of them may have been assigned the region as an iktdc. The citadel, which was one of the postal stations to Cairo, was occasionally the seat of a kddi, under the jurisdiction of the kddi in al- Karak. The most important Bedouin tribes in the region were the Banu Zuhayr and Banu Suniyyun. There were also significant numbers of Melkite Christians, who distinguished themselves in trade. Some were rich enough to give financial support to Sultan al-Malik al-Zahir Barkuk. They formed the majority of the population, which explains why in 700/1300, they and the Christians of al-Karak were exempted from the sultan's edict to change the colour of their turbans from white to blue. Al-Shawbak during the 10th/16th century was a seat of the ndhiya as part of the sanajak of cAdjlun. Two tapu defters provide important statistics on the villages: The revenues according to the first survey was 11,750 akfa, falling to 14,000 akces near the end of the century. Christians paid the djizya at the rate of 80 akces per head. The decline in population is explained
AL-SHAWBAK — SHAWIYA
374
Households Tapu Defter 970 (no date) Tapu Defter 850 (1005/1596)
145 65
by the deterioration in security. Most Christians migrated to the coastal area of Ghazza. The two tapu defers provide detailed information about the tribal groups (td'ifas), as well as the names of the villages at that time. It is interesting to note that the villagers numbered less households than those of the nomads. Information about al-Shawbak subsequently decreases, with only occasional references, such as that in 1022/1613, stating that the fortress was inhabited by falldhm who provided £AlI b. Fakhr al-Dln with provisions. In 1812, it was visited by J.L. Burckhardt, who mentions that about one hundred falldhm families lived there and paid tribute to the Huwaytat tribe. An uprising took place against the Ottoman garrison there in 1895. The mutasarrif of al-Karak laid siege to it, and about 200 people and 20 soldiers were killed. During the Tan^tmdt period, it was part of the mutasamfyya of al-Karak. Al-Shawbak was connected by a branch of the Hidjaz Railway, no longer extant, which caused the depletion of its forests. Today, al-Shawbak is a kadd3 that is part of the province of Ma'an. Bibliography: Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, 536; EI{ art. s.v. (E. Honigmann), with older bibl.\ M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, La Syrie a I'epoque des Mamelouks, Paris 1923, 129-34 (information from cUman and Kalkashandf); RCEA, xii; P. Deschamps, Kerak et les chateaux de La Terre Oultre le Jourdain, ii, Paris 1939; A.-S. Marmardji, Textes geographiques arabes sur la Palestine, Paris 1951, 112-13; the standard histories of the Crusades (Grousset; Runciman; Setton and Baldwin, i-ii), see indices; W. Muller-Wiener, Burgen der Kreuzritter im Heiligen Land, Munich-Berlin 1966, M.A. Bakhit, The Ottoman province of Damascus in the sixteenth century, Beirut 1975; idem, Mamlakat al-Karak Ji 'l-eahd al-mamluki, 'Amman 1976; A. Cohen and B. Lewis, Population and revenue in the towns of Palestine in the sixteenth century, Princeton 1978; Y.D. Ghawanma, Imdrat al-Karak al-Ayyubiyya, 'Amman 1980; T.'A. Habahba, al-Shawbak fi 'l-ta3rikh wa 'l-wi&ddn al-shacbl, i, 'Amman 1984; S.M. Muminf, al-Kildc al-isldmiyya Ji 'l-Urdunn, 'Amman 1988; M.A. Bakhit and Noufan Hmud (eds.). The Detailed Defter of Liwd3 'Ajlun (the district ofcAjlun), Tapu defteri no. 970, Istanbul, 'Amman 1989, Tapu defied no. 185, Ankara, 'Amman 1991. (M.A. BAKHIT) AL-SHAWI (nisba from Shawiya [q.v], ABU 'L-'ABBAS AHMAD MUHAMMAD, one of the most popular saints (sayyid) of Fas, died there on 26 Muharram 1014/13 June 1605, and was buried in the zdwiya which still bears his name, in the al-Siyadj quarter. Many notices of him are given by the Moroccan hagiographers, and a collection of his mandkib was made by the famous Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-Salam al-Kadirf (10581110/1648-98), entitled Muctamad al-rdwi fi mandkib wati Allah sayyidi Ahmad al-Shdwi. Bibliography: Ifranf, Sajwat man intashar, lith. Fas 36; Kadirf, Nashr al-mathdnl, lith. Fas. 1310, i, 96; Kattanf, Salwat al-anfas, lith. Fas 1316, i, 274; Gaillard, Une mile de I'Islam: Fes, Paris 1905, 128; R. Basset, Recherches bibliographiques, 27, no. 71; E. Levi-Provengal, Les historiens des Chorfa, Paris 1922, 278.
(E. LEV1-PROVEN9AL)
Muslims
Imams
Christians
16
2
11 5
SHAWISH [see CA'USH]. SHAWIYA (A., pi. of s_hdwl) "sheep-breeder or herder", a term applied to groups in various parts of the Arab world. 1. The Maghrib. Here the term, originally applied in contempt, has become the general designation of several groups, of which the most important are, in Morocco, the Shawiya of Tamasna and in Algeria, the Shawiya of the Awras. E. Doutte (Marrdkech, 4-5) mentions several other groups of less importance. An endeavour has also been made to connect Shoa, the name of a district in Abyssinia, with Shawiya. Wherever it is found, the term is applied to Berbers of the Zanata and Hawwara, more or less arabicised, mixed with purely Arab elements; almost always, moreover, these ethnic groups seem to have schismatic tendencies. The massif of the Awras, occupied by the Shawiya of the department of Constantine, was in the 8th century the centre of resistance of the Ibadi [see ffiADiYYA] Kharidjls, as the Mzab still is at the present day. Now among the Shawiya of Morocco, the successors to the heretical Barghawata [q.v.] we find a tribe of Mzab and the memory of 'Judaising" ancestors. On the other hand, Ibn Khaldun tells us that at the beginning of the Mannid dynasty in eastern Morocco, a group of Shawiya lived in contact with the Zakkara, whose heterodox practices have been studied by A. Moulieras. According to Ibn Khaldun (Hist, des Berberes, i, 17682, tr. i, 271-82) the original home of the Hawwara (vulgo Huwwara [q.v.]) was the province of Tripoli and the adjacent part of the territory of Barka; conquered and oppressed by the Arabs, they had scattered through the whole of the Maghrib where, crushed by taxation and having lost that pride and independence which once characterised them, they devoted themselves to sheep-breeding, whence the name ultimately given them. As to the Zanata, they were nomadic Berbers, like the Arabs, living in tents on the produce of their flocks and spending the summer in the Tell and the winter in the desert from Ghadamis to the Sus al-Aksa (Ibn Khaldun, op. cit., ii, 1, tr. iii, 179-80). The name of Shawiya seems to be first found in Ibn Khaldun (Mukaddima, i, 22, 16, tr. de Slane, i, 256, tr. Rosenthal, i, 251; Hist, des Berberes, i, 179, 10, tr. i, 278; ii, 245, 3, tr. iv, 31; the Shawiya mentioned in this last passage do not seem to correspond to those of Tamasna but to some people of Eastern Morocco, neighbours of the tribes of Hawwara and Zakkara). Next, Leo Africanus (i, 83-4), who calls them Soava, tells us that they are African (i.e. Berber) tribes who have adopted the Arab way of living. The majority live at the foot of the Adas or in the mountain range itself, living by cattle- and sheep-breeding. Wherever they dwell they are always subject to the local dynast or to Arabs. This author already knows two main groups: one in Morocco, in Tamasna, the other on the borders of the kingdom of Tunis and the "land of dates" (bildd al-ajarid).
SHAWIYA It will be readily understood that in the Arab world, the term "sheep breeders" would have a contemptuous significance. As W. Ma^ais observed, "in ancient Arabia a certain disgrace seems to have been attached to the breeding of the smaller domestic stock. North African opinion has retained a prejudice against the rearers of sheep. The great camel-rearing nomads have nothing but contempt for them. In the middle ages the feeling may have been strengthened by racial antagonism, real or imaginary. But in general at this period, to abandon the camel and adopt the sheep was an avowal of a terrible downfall for a tribe. It meant renouncing the long free travels, the secure refuge of the desert and independence, to submit to local rulers, endure their blows and tolerate their fiscal exactions". a. Shawiya of Tamasna. They occupy in the north-east the lower course of the Umm al-Rabfc, vast fertile plains which extend to the latitude of the little harbour of Fedala. They are descended, according to Leo Africanus (ii, 9), from, the Zanata and Hawwara whom the Marinid sovereigns settled there and who mixed with the remnants of the Barghawata, the ancient heretical inhabitants of the region, as well as with the Arabs brought from Ifrikiya by the Almohad Sultan Ya'kub al-Mansur. These Shawiya now speak Arabic; the modern tribes which seem to be of Berber origin are _ the Znata, Medyuna, Mzab, Mellfla, Zyayda and the Ulad Bu-Zfri. b. Shawiya of the Awras. They occupy this mountain massif in modern Algeria, between Batna and Biskra. Ibn Khaldun (Hist, des Berberes, ii, 1, tr. iii, 179-80) already mentions sections of the Zanata settled in the Awras alongside of Hilalf Arabs who had conquered them. It is no doubt to their living in a mountainous country that these Shawiya have preserved a Berber dialect to the present day. Bibliography: 1. Shawiya in general: Leo Africanus, Description de I'AJrique, ed. Schefer, i, 83; Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima, i, 222, tr. de Slane, i, 256-7, tr. Rosenthal, i, 250-1; E. Carette, Recherches sur rorigine et les migrations des principals tribus de rAJhque septentrionale et particulierement de I'Algerie, in Exploration Scientifique de I'Algerie, Sciences Historiques et Geographiqws, Paris 1853, iii, 147-52, 190; W. Marcais and Abderrahman Griga, Textes arabes de Takrouna, 257, n. 37, 258, n. 39. 2. Shawiya of Tamasna: Leo Africanus, op. cit., 1, 9; Mernol, L'Ajrique, tr. Perrot d'Ablancourt, Paris 1677, ii, bk. 4, chs. i-xii; Ahmad al-Nasirf, Kitab al-Istiksd, iii, 135-6; G. Kampffmeyer, Sauia in Marokko, in MSOS Ar., vi (1903); E. Doutte, Marrdkech, 2 ff.; Villes et tribus du Maroc: Casablanca et les Chdouia, esp. i, 109-16, 131-6. 3. Shawiya of the Awras: Ibn Khaldun, Hist, des Berberes, ii, 1, tr. iii, 179-80; E. Masqueray, Le Djebel Chechar, in Revue AJhcaine, xxii (1878), 259-81; De Lartigues, Monographic de I'Aures, Constantine 1904, esp. 123-5; and the bibl. given on 477-80. On their Berber dialect, cf. G. Mercier, Le Cicouia de I'Aures, Paris 1896. See also AWRAS; BARGHAWATA: BERBERS; MZAB. (G.S. COLIN*) 2. Syria and the Arabian Peninsula. Shawiya is a flexible term, centering on sheep herding for an urban market, especially live animals for meat. This, of itself, does not have derogatory overtones; what does is the buying of protection (in the past) and herding for wages (in the present), which were and are practised by some participants. Shawiya
375
describes groups who herd sheep as their main livelihood, some of whom have a low political status. Because herders needed to use seasonal grazing grounds or to secure access to markets far from their home base on a regular basis, agreements were made between herders and the "owners" of the grazing grounds and wells, or the markets. Such agreements could be contracts between "equals", groups who saw themselves as close in descent or similar in esteem, and the relationship was thus symmetrical. Those who were distant or lacked esteem paid for protection while using these areas, and thus had asymmetrical agreements. There is a second question concerning the ownership of the sheep. Some owned the sheep they herded, while others herded sheep belonging to urban owners, village owners, or to camel herding owners, and yet others had flocks of mixed ownership. Herding one's own animals or someone else's was honourable in itself. Esteem or its lack depended on the political arrangements within which the herding took place, and on whether or not the owner and herder saw themselves as equal partners in a mutually beneficial enterprise, or as employer and employee. These views are the current opinion (1994) of Rwala, Sardiyya, 'Urnur, Ben! Sakhr and Ahl al-Djabal sheepherding tribesmen, using southeastern Syria, Jordan and northern Saudi Arabia. The confusion between a description of a means of livelihood and a description of low political status is common in casual speech, especially when talking about individuals or groups distant to the interests of the speaker. As the view that "we are all shdwiya now" might be thought to have modified thinking on occupation and political esteem, tribesmen were at pains to clarify that there is and was no determinative association. Similar confusion is seen in the literature on shdwiya and sheep-herding in the past. Musil (Arabia Deserta, 223), speaking of the Bilad al-Sham in the early 1900s, says that the shdwiya were a low-status political category who bought protection since they herded sheep and goats, but sheep herders like the Wuld £Alf and Hessene were held in esteem (ibid., 391). Dickson (The Arab of the desert, 109-10), from the 1930s and 40s in Kuwait and eastern Arabia, describes them as an occupational category of people who herd sheep and goats for others. Other sources for Syria, Palestine and Lebanon mention tribes herding sheep and/or goats for peasant, urban and tribal owners, but do not mention shdwiya; nor is the term shdwiya found in the literature on animal herding contracts (Firestone, 201-8). Dickson names three shdwiya (town usage) or hukra (desert usage) tribes specialising in herding flocks owned by townsmen or tribal leaders: all sections of the Muntafik confederation, except the al-Sacdun shaikhly family; two Mutayr sections; and the Ahl alGhanam of the £Awazim. These latter herded sheep belonging to the cAwazim camel herding sections and flocks of Kuwaiti townsmen. The two lower-status Mutayr groups herded sheep of the other Mutayr sections. The Muntafik of Bam Malik, Al-Bu Salah, and Adjwad, with their neighbours the Bern Hashayim and some Shammar, were mostly "of good Arab descent and some married with the best tribes in Iraq" (546). They had agricultural land along the Euphrates, where some members remained all year. From mid-October, herding families moved slowly south for some two hundred miles, until by February they were south and west of Kuwait. Although Shi ca, they were welcomed since they brought cheap mutton, butter, wool and sheepskins. They returned north at the end
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SHAWIYA — SHAWK
of April with supplies or rice, sugar, coffee and clothes. While south, they paid zakdt, accepted in Saudi Arabia but returned in Kuwait. Burckhardt described share-herding (i, 17-18) between the tribes and the villagers of the Hawran, and it is implicit in the descriptions of livelihood attached to tribal listings in French Mandate records. Low status was associated with the taking of protection rather than sheep-herding as such; some sheep-herding tribes did not take protection and Musil (1927, 215) says the sjidwiya had "eminent chiefs". Share-herding is honourable, since both sides contribute to the success of the enterprise, and the shepherd has real responsibility. Wage-herding is not, as the herder contributes only his labour, the owner making all decisions and being responsible for sheep and shepherd. Since the 1970s, share-herding has become less common because of changes in herding practices with the development of urban markets, increased sheep numbers, decreased pasture areas and greater state control over border crossings. Most wage-earning shepherds, the current shdwiya in a derogatory use by the Rwala, Sardiyya, and Bern Sakhr, come from tribes of the area of Rakka [q.v.] in Syria. The Ahl al-Djabal and cUmur rarely use employed shepherds, although they sometimes engage in share-herding with urban or tribal partners. The Rwala and others also share-herd, but within the wider domestic groups as an investment strategy rather than as a commercial activity. Metral (1993, 198) mentions the shdwiya of the Euphrates being among the current seasonal users of the Palmyrene steppes. Shdwiya in this region (and it appears to be similar in parts of cUman) is thus a description of sheepherding as a means of livelihood; the methods of arranging access to the necessary means to achieve this may involve behaviour considered dishonourable. Bibliography: J.L. Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins and Wahhabis, London 1831; A. Musil, Arabia Deserta, New York 1927, 215, 223; idem, Manners and customs of the Rwala Bedouin, New York 1928, 44-5; Les tribus nomades et semi-nomades des etats du Levant places sous mandatfran$ais, Beirut 1930, 54-6. 193-200, 2039; H.R.P. Dickson, The Arab of the desert, London 1949, 109-10, 545-8; Y. Firestone, Production and trade in an Islamic context, in JJMES, vi (1975), 185-209, esp. 201-8; Fran9oise Metral. Elevage et agriculture dans I'oasis de Sukhne (Syrie], in Steppes d}Arabics, ed. R. Bocco, R. Jaubert and Frangoise Metral, Paris and Geneva 1993. (W. and FIDELITY LANCASTER) 3. The Shawi dialects of the Middle Euphrates valley. The Shawi dialects occupy a large area of Northern Syria on both sides of the Euphrates, beginning east of Aleppo and stretching down to the Syrian-Iraqi border near Al-Bu Kmal. In this whole area only two or three riverine towns (Der iz-Zor, Al-Bu Kmal, perhaps Mayadih) have preserved a sedentary dialect. Typologically, the Shawi dialects are Arabic Bedouin dialects of the small cattle herders (nomades moutonniers). The data quoted come from the vicinity of Der iz-Zor. Phonology. The interdentals t, d and d. (the latter resulting from the merger of O[ld] A[rabic] dad and Id?} have been preserved over the whole area (tigil "heavy", idin "ear", arid "earth", dall "he remained"). OA gim has been preserved as a voiced palato-alveolar affricate. OA qdf was shifted to g and has been preserved as such in the vicinity of back vowels (ndga "female camel", tugul "weight"). In the vicinity of front vowels, including the front varieties of a and d, it has
been shifted to g, thus merging with g < OA gim (tigil "heavy", giKl "a little"). Similarly, OA kdf has been preserved in the vicinity of back vowels but shifted to a voiceless palato-alveolar affricate c in the vicinity of front vowels (kutur "large quantity", ydkul "he eats" but citir "much", acal "he ate", cima "truffles"). This results in a characteristic alternation of g/g and k/c in morphemes derived from the same root (tugul/tigil, kutur/citir, ydkul/acal etc.). Over most of the area OA gayn has been shifted to q, i.e. a voiceless uvular stop, pronounced like the qdf of Modern Standard Arabic (qanam "sheep", ziqlr "small", qer "other"). In addition to the inherited emphatic (velarised) consonants s, t and d there is velarised /, especially in the vicinity of g (< OA q), as well as velarised r, m and b (gal "he said", gull "small quantity", kubdb "kaboob"); most of these seem to have phonemic status, albeit with a low functional yield. The OA long vowels i, u, d have been preserved, whilst the diphthongs ay and aw have been monophthongised to e, o (bed "eggs", goz "walnuts"). There are three short vowels i, u, a which, however, in most cases do not reflect the corresponding OA vowels. Whereas i and u in unstressed open syllables have been elided, a in open syllables has been shifted to either i or u, according to front or back environment, or has been retained in the vicinity of emphatics and pharyngals (misa "he walked", citab "he wrote", kumas "he seized", darab "he beat", halab "he milked"). In two subsequent open syllables with short a, the vowel of the first syllable has usually been elided (ctibat < *katabat "she wrote", hnusat "she seized", drubat "she beat", hlibat "she milked"). A short vowel i or u has been inserted between word final -CC (citdbit < *katabt "I wrote"). In the sequence *-aXC- (where X stands for one of the back spirants x, g, h, c, and C stands for any consonant) an a is inserted between X and C (the so-called "ghawa syndrome": mxazun < *maxazun < *maxz,un "stored", ahdmar "red", thalib "she milks", ghawa "coffee"). Morphology. The definite article is al- (al-bet "the house"). In the pronoun and the verb, gender distinction in the 2. and 3. persons plural has been preserved. The following paradigm shows the independent personal pronoun and the perfect and imperfect conjugation of the verb darab "to beat": 3 sg. m. f. pi. m. f. 2 sg. m. f. pi. m. f. 1 sg. pi.
huwwa hiyya hum(ma) hinna inta inti intum intin dni ihna
darab drubat drubam ajuban dardbit darabti darabtum darabtin dardbit darabna
yudrub tudrub yudurbun jyudurbin tudrub tudurbin tudurbun tudurbin adrub nudrub
Bibliography. J. Cantineau, Etudes sur quelques parlers de nomades arabes d}Orient (first part), in AIEO, ii (1936), 1-118; O. Jastrow, Text im Sdwi-Dialekt des mittleren Euphrattals, in W. Fischer and O. Jastrow (eds.), Handbuch der arabischen Dialekte, Wiesbaden 1980, 159-64; P. Behnstedt, Sprachatlas von Syrien, Wiesbaden 1996. (O. JASTROW) SHAWK (A.), the verbal noun from sh w k, meaning "desire, longing, yearning, craving", much used as a t e c h n i c a l term in Islamic religious thought and mysticism. 1. The period before its adoption into Sufism. There are various meanings and stages discernible in the development of the term in mysticism:
SHAWK (a) In pre-Islamic profane poetry. Fragments survive attesting a semi-technical usage of shawk as an element of profane love in the eUdhrf tradition (dating from the early 5th century), especially visible in the few extant poems of the two Murakkish [q.v], al-Akbar and al-Asghar (see Al-cUdhari, Jahiti poetry before Imru' al-Qais, diss., London Univ. 1991, unpubl, 180-92). (b) In the Kur3dn and in Hadith. The term is not found in the Kur'an, but the idea of yearning figures prominently in the akhbar ascribed to the Prophet David and in such manifestations of early Muslim piety as collection of prayers or ad'iya (sing, ducd3), as in "whosoever yearns for Paradise moves swiftly towards good merit". Its early evolution as a religious term was bound up with scholastic discussions concerning the beatific vision, the possibility of seeing God in the Hereafter [see RUY'AT ALLAH], involving the idea of the justified believer's yearning to gaze on God's countenance and to meet with him, and shawk was especially stressed as a quality of the Prophet, in Abu CA1I al-Dakkak's words, cited by al-Kushayri, "Yearning was composed of one hundred parts. Ninety-nine of these the Prophet possessed, and the one remaining part he divided among mankind" (al-Risdla al-Kushayriyya, ed. Mahmud and Sharif, Cairo 1966, ii, 626). (c) In pre-Islamic akhbar literature. Here, shawk is a central motif in anecdotes from the Jewish and Christian traditions related by early Muslim scholars. Thus lengthy citations from akhbar on the Prophet David are cited by al-Ghazalf to clarify his mystical conception of shawk (see Ihyd3, iv, 324-5). Such traditions with their explicit association of technical terms like ma'rifa, hubb, shawk and dhikr show the common ground between early Islamic ascetical piety and the later development of Sufi theosophical theories based on love, yearning and gnosis. (d) In mystical tafsir. Al-Sulamf's recension of the text of the Kur'anic commentary ascribed to the Imam Dja'far al-Sadik (ed. P. Nwyia, in MUST?, xliii [1967], 181-230) outlines a highly elaborate hermeneutics of love in early pietistic Islam, based on such terms as shawk hubb, etc., indicating a possible provenance for the later development of shawk in the sophisticated love theory of al-Halladj and his later followers such as Ruzbihan Baklf (d. 606/1209). Also, Abu Sahl alTustarf [q.v.] in his mystical Tafsir al-Kur3dn al-'a&m expresses the idea that shawk or yearning is merely a reflection of the more essential love and light of God (see G. Bowering, The mystical vision of existence in classical Islam, Berlin-New York 1980, 165-70).
2. Its adoption into Sufism.
Shawk actually appears in the earliest vocabulary of speculative Sufism, even antedating such terms as makdm and hdl [q.vv.] in the literature; it expressed both a longing for the beatific vision in the Hereafter and a psycho-spiritual sentiment of yearning as a part of a complex mystical love theory, this last being concerned with the interiorisation of piety, with a focus on the bdtin, the life of the soul, rather than on the ZJdhir of public faith. Thus the complementary nature of the two notions is seen as early as the Persian Shakfk al-Balkhf (d. 194/810), acclaimed by al-Sulamf as a pioneer in Khurasan to expatiate on the "mystical states" (culum al-ahwdl}. Soon after his time, there arose debates amongst the mystics about the relationship of love to yearning, and about which was superior. Thus Sari al-Sakatr [q.v.] held that shawk was the "highest station", whereas eAbd Allah al-Ansari [q.v.] considered it as the gnostic's greatest defect. Harith al-Muhasibf [q.v] steered a middle course in his K. al-Mahabba (excerpts cited in Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahanf's Hilya],
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that yearning was derived from love, and assisted the lover's pursuit of the divine vision. The imagery of lights and radiance appears in these works, and then in an author like Abu '1-Husayn al-Nun (d. 295/907), that of fire—the fires of fear, love and yearning. There was a tendency to re-direct yearning towards the beloved of the heart, seen in al-Sarradj's [q.v] K. alLumac, with a final stage of yearning, that of ineffablity, the subject having passed away (fand3) in the object of yearning. In his Ihyd3, al-Ghazalf has a lengthy K. al-Mahabba wa 'l-shawk wa }l-uns wa 'l-ridd (no. XXXVII), a comprehensive monograph on the philosophico-theological premises underlying the mystical understanding of the varieties of human and divine love. For him, all love derives ultimately from the love of God. Likewise, there is a first category of shawk based on contemplation and the heart's vision and a second category based on sacred tradition and God's natural and created manifestations. The gnostic's yearning for the Divine Unknown is endless, an infinite shawk which neither lessens in this world nor the next. The concept appears extensively in the Persian mystical poets from the 6th/12th century onwards. Thus Sana'f [q.v] has sections on shawk in his mystical mathnawi poems the Hadikat al-hakika and Sand3i-dbdd. We find a special emphasis on the mystical piety of love, madhhab al-ci§hk, with shawk al-kalb, a yearning for contemplation of the Beloved in the mystic's heart in this present world, emphasised over al-shawk ild 'l-^anna, seen, e.g. in Ruzbihan al-Baklf. But there is also a very thorough treatment of shawk in the Hanbali mystic Ibn Kayyim al-Djawziyya (d. 751/1350 [q.v.]) in his Rawdat al-muhibbin (see. J. Bell, Love theory in late Hanbalite Islam, Albany 1979), and this continues in later Hanbalf authors, such as Mar'f b. Yusuf al-Karmf (llth/17th century). Bibliography: See also Tahanawf, Diet, of technical terms, Calcutta 1862, i, 770; cAbd al-Razzak Kashanf, Istildhdt al-sufiyya, ed. Muh. Ibrahim Dja'far, Cairo 1981; J. Nurbakhsh, Ma'drif'al-sufiyya, London 1987, ch. 4 "Shawk", 45-57. (L. LEWISOHN, shortened by the Editors) SHAWK, TASADDUK HUSAYN (Nawwab Mirza), Urdu poet (?-1871). He came from a family of physicians, and his paternal uncle, Mirza 'All Khan, was a distinguished medical officer in Lucknow at the court of the Nawwabs of Oudh (Awadh); Shawk himself was well educated, not only in medicine, but also in arts and sciences. He owed his skill in poetry to the guidance of Atish [q-v.]. He achieved for his mathnawis considerable fame in his lifetime, especially in Lucknow, and even discerning critics like Altaf Husayn Hall acknowledge his merits (in his Mukaddima-yi shicr-d-shdciri). Shawk paints vivid pictures of the Lucknow of Nawab Wadjid cAlf Shah, with its colourful customs and society. Saksena (see Bibl), 30, includes Shawk among the [seven] "most notable" mathnawi writers. Yet elsewhere (150) he appears to denigrate Lucknow poets in the genre, who depict love which is not elevated, but "of a low kind", referring specifically to ^ahr-i-isjik and other poems by Shawk. The most famous of Shawk's mathnawiyydt is ^ahri-{ishk ("The poison of love"), though from some points of view, others such as Fanb-i-cishk ("The allurement of love") are sometimes considered superior. Some argue that Shawk retails local stories, posing as the hero himself; others regard his stories as genuinely autobiographical. It is generally thought that his language was quite witty and acceptable, though HalT
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SHAWK — SHAWKAT BUKHARI
in his Mukaddima suggests that it became somewhat unacceptable (554). The story tells how a rich merchant had a beautiful daughter whom the hero, who lived in the same district, saw by chance when she appeared on the roof or balcony of her house. A love affair develops somewhat in the vein of Romeo and Juliet. Both the heroine and the hero successively drink poison, but in the end the effect is nullified. The story is important from several points of view. First, the element of magic, which had become normal in the mathnawi, is absent, save in the description of the failure of the poison to prove fatal. Secondly, the characters are not princely or noble, but ordinary, as indeed are the events. Thirdly, the poems are brief. Fourthly, at a time when Lucknow poetry seemed to concentrate on language, Shawk stressed meaning. A third mathnawi, Ladhdhat-i-cishk ("The Pleasure of Love"), is his longest, and is more evocative of Mir Hasan [q.v]. This and his fourth mathnawi, Bahdr-i-cishk ("The Spring of Love") are said to illustrate his felicitous use of the language of the ladies of Lucknow. Shawk's fame seems to have been short-lived. For example, Muhammad Sadiq, A history of Urdu literature, London 1964, does not even mention his name; nor do his collections of two other genres of Urdu love poetry— ghazal and the more passionate wdsokh—seem to have made much impact. Bibliography: Probably the best account of Shawk's mathnawi is to be found in Abu '1-Layth Siddfkf, Lakhndw kd dabistdn-i-shdcin, Lahore 1955, 553-75, which contains substantial extracts from the poems. The sparse information to be found in Ram Babu Saksena, A history of Urdu literature., Allahahbad 1927, has been mentioned. There are various editions of the poetry; interesting comments on it are to be found in Altaf Husayn Hall's Mukaddima. (J.A. HAYWOOD) AL-SHAWKANi, MUHAMMAD B.
Unlike his younger brother, Muhammad CA1I [q.v.], an erudite writer and speaker, Shawkat was a practical man who fully supported his younger brother in his activities. Shawkat founded Andjuman-i Khuddam-i Ka'ba ("Association of the Servants of the Ka'ba") in 1913 to protect the sacred monument in Mecca and to facilitate pilgrimage from India. At about the same time, he assumed the managerial responsibilities of the newspapers published by Muhammad cAlf, (the Urdu daily) Hamdard and (the English weekly) Comrade, due to the latter's ill-health. The CA1I Brothers were arrested in May 1915 on charges of arousing the Muslims against the British. They remained in prison until December 1919. Shawkat's pension from the Department of Opium was confiscated at the time of his arrest. During the next decade the CA1I Brothers dominated the Indian Muslim scene and took an active part in the freedom movement. They associated themselves with the Indian National Congress and played a crucial role in bringing it, especially its leader M.K. Gandhi, closer to the Muslims in the country. They played a key role in the Non-Cooperation (Tark-i Muwdldt) Movement of the early 1920s, and led the Khilafat Movement [q.v.] aimed at protecting the Ottoman Caliphate. The cAlf Brothers were again arrested in 1921 for passing a resolution in the All-India Khilafat Conference at Karachi on 9 July 1921 calling upon Muslim soldiers in the Indian British army to desert from it. They were tried, along with five others, in the famous Karachi Trial of the same year (details in Rafique Akhtar, Historic trial, Karachi 1971). Shawkat presided over the All-India Khilafat Committee's annual conference in 1923 at Cocanada. This conference formed a socio-political group, Hindustani Sewa Dal ("Indian service corps"), to improve the social conditions of the Indian people. Shawkat presided over the first session of this organisation at Belgaum in 1924. At this time, a belligerent Hindu nationalism, including the movement of Suddhi ("purification", i.e. reconversion of Muslims to Hinduism), was raising its head. Muslims demanded assurances of a fair deal in an independent India where Hindus were going to be the majority. (The Lucknow Pact of 1916 had given some weighting to Muslim demands.) The Indian National Congress refused to give any special assurance to Muslims in the Nehru Report and the All Party Conference at Calcutta in 1928, and this caused most Muslim leaders to drift away from the Congress and demand a separate state for Muslims. Shawkat resigned from the Congress and settled in Bombay, where he dedicated himself to the advocacy of Muslim causes through the Urdu daily Khilafat and the Urdu weekly Khildfat-e fUthmdniyya. Towards the end of his life, Shawkat was elected to the Central Legislative Council. He died in DihlT on 26 November 1938. Bibliography: Unlike his younger brother, Shawkat does not seem to have been the subject of any independent work. See for a detailed account and some primary sources about his life: Mushirul Haq, Shawkat AH, in S.P. Sen (ed.), Dictionary of national biography, Calcutta 1974, 176-8. (ZAFARUL'IsLAM KHAN) SHAWKAT BUKHARI, MUHAMMAD ISHAK, 1 7thcentury Persian poet, died 1107/1695-6. He spent the early part of his life in Bukhara, where his father worked as a moneychanger. Shawkat also took up the same profession, but then set out
SHAWKAT BUKHARI — SHAWKI for Khurasan. In 1088/1677-8 he arrived in Harat and entered the service of the governor Safi Kulf Khan Shamlu. Shawkat was also associated for a considerable time with Mirza Sacd al-Dm, vizier of Khurasan, who treated him with great affection and kindness, but eventually he decided to sever all connection from worldly affairs and lead a life of seclusion. Ultimately, he took up residence in Isfahan, where he died under conditions of self-imposed poverty. He was laid to rest in Isfahan at the cemetery dedicated to the spiritual leader Shaykh CA1I b. Suhayl b. Azhar Isfahan!. According to some writers, the poet initially employed Nazuk as his pen-name. His diwdn contains kastdas, ghazah, kit'as and rubd'ts. Most of his kasidas are in praise of the Imam Rida and the poet's chief patron Sacd al-Dfn. Shawkat is especially noted for his ghazals, which are distinguished by an inventiveness in meaning and expression. He is regarded among those poets whose influence was chiefly instrumental in the popularisation of the "Indian style" (sabk-i Hindi [#.#.]). Though his work failed to gain recognition from early Persian writers, he was held in high esteem in Turkey where, according to E.J.W. Gibb, "he continued for more than half a century to be the guiding star for the majority of Ottoman poets". Bibliography. Dlwdn-i Shawkat, B.L. ms. Add. 7810; Tadhkira-yi Muhammad cAli Hazm, Tehran 1334/1955; Shahnawaz Khan Khwafi, Bahawtan-i sukhan, Madras 1958; Muhammad Tahir. Nasrabadf, Tadhkira-yi Nasrdbddi, ed. Wahid Dastgirdf, Tehran 1352/1973; Muhammad Siddlk Hasan Khan, Sham'-i an&uman, Bhopal 1292/1875-6; Kishan Cand Ikhlas, Hamisha bahdr, Karachi 1967-8; Ahmad cAlf Khan Hashiml Sandilawi, Makhzan al-ghard3ib, ii, ed. Muhammad Bakir, Lahore 1970; Muhammad Kudrat Allah Gopamawf, Natd'idi al-qfkdr, Bombay 1336/1958; Gibb, Ottoman poetry, i; Browne, LHP, iv; J. Rypka et alii, History of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968; Dhabfh Allah Safa, Tdnkh-i adabiyydt dor Iran, v/2, Tehran 1367/1988. (MUNIBUR RAHMAN) SHAWKI, AHMAD, Egyptian poet and dramatist. Born in Cairo in 1868 into an affluent family whose genealogy shows a multifarious ancestry, mingling Turkish, Kurdish, Greek and Arab strains, he died in Cairo on 14 October 1932. It is both convenient and realistic to distinguish between three periods in the biography of the poet. Until 1914, Shawkl was the poet of the court (shd'ir al-umard3); from 1914 to 1917 he was the poet in exile; and from 1919 to 1932 he enjoyed popular and critical acclaim, bearing the prestigious title of Amir al-shueard3. On leaving the School of Law of Suk al-Zalat in 1887, Shawkf was awarded a grant to pursue his legal studies at Montpellier. He was resident in France until 1891. Although he considered al-Mutanabbl his principal mentor, influences on him henceforward included Victor Hugo and de Musset, his favourite French poets. Until the outbreak of the First World War, as an official of the Palace, Shawkf was the poet of the Prince, to whom he addressed eulogies whenever the occasion arose, attempting to some extent to imitate the conduct of al-Mutanabbf with regard to Sayf al-Dawla
&•«••]• When war broke out in
1914, the Khedive cAbbas was visiting Turkey. The British announced their Protectorate over Egypt, opposed the return of c Abbas and appointed in his place the Sultan Husayn Kamil. Shawkr sought to please both the British and Husayn;
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however, his marked hostility towards Britain's Egyptian policy (especially at the time of the resignation of Lord Cromer) resulted in a limited form of exile; accompanied by his two sons CA1I and Husayn, he boarded a ship bound for Barcelona and was not to leave Spain until 1919. Essentially a period of transition, these few years are marked by a relatively small volume of work, lacking any great originality (principally two plays in which he attempts to imitate two celebrated ancient models: al-Buhturf and Ibn Zaydun fe.w;.]). On his return to Egypt in 1919, it was the contemporary Egyptian scene which claimed the poet's attention: eulogies and funeral tributes addresed to renowned Egyptians, the Milner Report, reforms at al-Azhar, creation of the Bank of Egypt, Congress of Egyptian political parties, the fiftieth anniversary of the Dar al-'Ulum—all kinds of events were extolled by the poet, in a style far removed from the panegyrics of the court or from the nostalgic effusions of exile in Spain. The talented singer cAbd al-Wahhab, who was his constant companion, was to popularise sung versions of these historical kasidas. Despite sometimes acerbic criticism, the laurels awarded to Shawkf have not withered; the fiftieth anniversary of his death was marked by spectacular commemorative ceremonies which took place in Cairo between 16 and 22 October 1982 and brought together, at the highest level, Egyptian authorities and literary figures from the Arab countries and from Europe, coming to pay their respects to the "Prince of poets". The sources of inspiration of Shawkf are essentially the following: (a) The Fircawniyydt, chronicles of the centuries in the epic style of Victor Hugo. (b) The Isldmiyyat, the most celebrated of which was to be popularised by the renowned Egyptian singer Umm Kulthum (al-Hamziyya al-nabawiyya). (c) The Turkiyydt, celebrating the role of the Turks as defenders of Islam, especially in the Greco-Turkish war of 1921-2. (d) Egypt: compositions illustrating numerous and very diversified themes, reflecting the current scene and constituting in total a veritable poetical history of contemporary Egypt. (e) Occasional pieces: panegyrics, funeral odes, nasibs. (f) Theatre: although Shawkr owes his renown to his lyrical compositions, it should not be forgotten that it was by means of drama that he made his entrance into the literary world, writing, while still resident in France, his first tragedy 'Alt Bay al-Kablr. Much later, he returned to the genre with Madjnun Lay la (1916), then with Masra' Myubdtrd (1917), Kamblz (performed at the Ramesses Theatre in 1931), Amirat al-Andalus and cAntara, his last work. Bibliography: 1. Works of Shawkl. al-Shawkiyydt, 4th ed., i, al-Siydsa wa 'l-ta3rikh wa }l-iajtimdc, Cairo n.d. (1964?), 302 pp.; ii, al-Wasf, Cairo n.d. (1964?), 198 pp.; iii, al-Mardthl, Cairo 1384/1964, 192 pp.; iv, Mutafarrikdt fi 'l-siydsa wa }l-ta3nkh wa 'l-idttimd', Cairo 1384/1964, 216 pp.; Masra' Myubdtrd, Cairo 1964, 167 pp.; Kamblz, Cairo 1946, 159 pp.; Madjnun Layla, Cairo 1965, 160 pp.; Aswdk al-dhahab, Cairo 1932, 134 pp.; Amirat al-Andalus, Cairo 1932, 157 pp.; cAli Bay al-Kabir aw dawlat alMamdllk, Cairo n.d. (1932?), 174 pp.;al-SittHudd,m al-Nidd3, 23 June 1952, p. 8; cAntara, Cairo 1948, 139 pp.; al-Shawkiyydt al-ma^hula, Cairo 1961-2, 2 vols., 319, 336 pp.; Shawkiyydt in dialectal Arabic: see A. Boudot-Lamotte, in Arabica, xx (1973), 225-45.
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SHAWKI — SHAY'
2. Studies. Faradj al-Sayyid, Shawki wa 'l-Mutanabbi, Nagardt fi 'l-dfundiyya wa 'l-harb, Cairo 1969; 'Abbas Hasan, al-Mutanabbi wa-Shawki, Dirdsa wanakd wa-muwdzana, Cairo 1964; Taha Husayn, Hafe wa-Shawki = collection of articles published in the following reviews: al-Siydsa, al-^adid, al-Muktataf, alHildl; Hasan Sandubf, al-Shucard3 al-thaldtha: Shawki, Mutrdn, Hdfiz, Cairo 1922; Hasan Kamil al-Sayrafi, Shawki wa-Hdfiz wa-Mutrdn, in al Hildl, xi (Nov. 1968), 88-102; idem, H&fy wa-Shawki, Cairo 1948; Ahmad cUbayd, Dhikrd al-shd'irayn, Shd'ir al-Nil waAmir al-shu'ard3, 2 vols., Damascus 1932. On account of its extent, an exhaustive bibliography of the work of Shawkf cannot be accommodated here. For fuller information two doctoral theses may be consulted: A. Boudot-Lamotte, Ahmad Shawki, Ihomme et I'tzuvre, Damascus 1977; and Muhammad al-Hadf al-Tarabulusf, Khasd'is al-uslub fi 'l-Shawkiyydt, Tunis 1981, plus, more recently, clrfan Shahfd, al-cAwda ild Shawki aw bacd khamsin cdman, Beirut 1986; P. Cachia, An overview of modern Arabic literature, Edinburgh 1990, 110-11, 181-2, 204-5; The Cambridge hist, of Arabic literature. Modern Arabic literature, ed. M.M. Badawi, Cambridge 1992, 47-8, 67-71, 358-60. (A. BOUDOT-LAMOTTE) SHAWKI EFENDI RABBANI, conventional form SHOGHI EFFENDI (b. 1 March 1897, d. 4 November 1957), head or Guardian of the Baha'I religion 1921-57. The great-grandson of Mfrza Husayn cAlf Nun Baha1 Allah [q.v.], the sect's founder, Shoghi was born in Haifa, Palestine, for some time the home of his grandfather, 'Abbas Efendi cAbd al-Baha3 [^r.r;.] and later the international centre for the movement. Shoghi was educated in Haifa and at the Syrian Protestant College in Beirut, after which he spent about a year at Balliol College, Oxford. In November 1921, he was recalled to Palestine on the death of c Abbas Efendi. In his will, c Abbas had appointed his grandson first in a projected line of "Guardians of the Cause of God" (wali-yi arm Allah), modelled on the Shicf Imams, whose role was to interpret Baha'f scripture and provide infallible guidance on religious matters. Shoghi used his Western-type education and his organisational skills to create a complex international organisation for the Baha'i movement. He also had a marked ability to systematise, and, through the medium of several books and innumerable encyclical letters, he fashioned a coherent, schematised picture of Baha'I history and doctrine which has subsequently come to be the authoritative version as understood by all modern adherents. His writings, most of which are in English, include an important history of the first Baha'f century, God passes by (1944), a translation of an early Baha'f chronicle of the Ba.br movement, Nabll's narrative (1932), and interpretative translations of several important works of Baha1 Allah (including the Kitdb-i Ikdn]. He also supervised several volumes of the yearbook, The Bahd'i world, in which a normative presentation of the faith's history, doctrines, and administrative system was developed. He remained in Haifa, creating there the nucleus of the BahaT World Centre, involving extensive buildings and landscaping work. According to official accounts, on his death in London in 1957, he left no will or verbal instructions as to the future direction of the movement. Being childless, he was expected, according to the terms of cAbd al-Baha"s will, to have appointed another male member of the Baha'f sacred lineage to succeed him; but he had by then excommunicated all his living relatives. The line of guardians thus ended with him, and
in current Baha'i estimation he is now "the Guardian of the Cause" par excellence. Overall religious authority within the movement now rests with a nine-man council, the Bayt al-cAdl al-Ac^am (Universal House of Justice), elected every five years. An attempt to continue the guardianship was made by the former president of Shoghi's International Baha'I Council, Charles Mason Remey (1874-1974), whose followers form the Orthodox Baha'i Faith and its sub-groups, each with its own line of guardians. Given the overwhelming influence of the Universal House of Justice, however, it seems most unlikely that a wildyat system will reappear in mainstream Baha'ism. Bibliography: Ruhiyyih Rabbani, The priceless pearl, London 1969 (hagiography by Shoghi's Canadian widow); Ugo Giachery, Shoghi Effendi: recollections, Oxford 1973 (jejune); cAbd al-Hamld Ishrak Khawan Sukhanrdni-yi Qandb-i Ishrdk Khdwari, [Tehran] 197374 (uninformative); Dhikr Allah Khadim, Bi-ydd-i mahbub, [Tehran] 1974-5; Shoghi Effendi, God passes by, Wilmette, 111. 1944, idem, The advent of divine justice, New York 1939; idem, The dispensation of Bahd'u'lldh, New York 1934; idem, The Promised Day is come, Wilmette 1941; idem (tr. and ed.), Nablli-A'zam, The dawn-breakers: Nabil's narrative of the early days of the Bahd'i revelation, New York 1932. For a full bibliography of Shoghi Effendi's English writings, see W.P. Collins, Bibliography of Englishlanguage works on the Bdbi and Bahd'i faiths 1844-1985, Oxford 1990, section V. Several volumes of Persian letters have been published. (D. MACEOIN) SHAWWAL, the name of the tenth month of the Muslim lunar year. In the Kur'an (sura X, 2), four months are mentioned during which, in the year 9/630-1, the Arabs could move in their country without exposing themselves to attacks (cf. "the sacred months" in v. 5). These four months were, according to the commentaries, Shawwal, Dhu 'l-Kacda, Dhu '1-Hidjdja and Muharram. In Hadith, Shawwal is therefore among "the months of pilgrimage mentioned in Allah's Book" (al-Bukharf, Hafi& bdb 33, 37). In pre-Islamic times, Shawwal was considered illomened for the conclusion of marriages (Lisdn al-cArab, s.v.). In order to prove this opinion baseless, 'A'isha emphasised the fact that Muhammad had married her in this month (al-Tirmidhf, Nikdh, bdb 10). In the modern Muslim world, there is difference of opinion concerning this point. Among the Muslim Tigre tribes of Ethiopia and Eritrea, Shawwal is one of the months suitable for celebrating marriages; in cUman, on the other hand, it is considered ill-omened in this respect. The law recommends fasting during six days following the cid al-Jitr ([q.v.]] cf. al-Tirmidhf, sawm, bdb 52, "Whosoever fasts the month of Ramadan as well as six days of Shawwal, has reached the sawm aldahr"', cf. also Muslim, Siydm, trad. 203). Nevertheless, these days usually partake of the solemn character of the "lesser festival". For the same reason Shawwal bears not only the epithet of al-mukarram ("the venerated"), but also such names as fater kaddm (Tigre), bayram (Turkey), fatri 'l-awli (cUman), uroe ray a (Acheh). • Bibliography. E. Littmann, Die Ehrennamen und Neubenennungen der islamischen Monate, in Isl, viii. 228 ff.; Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, ii, 97 ff.; idem, The Achehnese, i, 237. (A.J. WENSINGK) SHAY [see CAY]. SHAY1 (A.) "thing, entity". The philosophical term shay3 first of all has a generally accepted meaning: it designates that which is perceived concretely by the senses (mudrak) and at which a finger may be pointed (al-mushdr ilayhi), although it
SHAY1 cannot yet be positively defined. However, in this perception, a thing is only a thing to the extent that, in the perception, it is distinct from another. In the plural, ashya3 are objects given purely and simply as existing externally. They are to be distinguished from acydn which signify the same objects, but in the sense that they are thought of in their individualised essence. Zayd and cAmr are acydn. It could be said that all people, philosophers and theologians included, employ the word shay3 in this vague and general sense; it is a very frequent usage. Thus the Mu'tazills speculate as to whether the shadow of a thing (gill al-shay3) is the thing itself or is other than it. Some consider that it is other. Al-Djubba'I claims that the shadow is not a notion which has meaning in itself (ma'na); the meaning of the shadow is that the thing casts a covering veil, not that it has a meaning in itself (Makdldt, ii, 96). An interesting text of Fakhr al-Dln al-RazI (Mabdhith, i, 43-4) sets out the relationship between a'ydn and shay3, where it is shown that existence is not that by which the thing is constituted in being (thdbif) but that it is the very fact of being constituted in being (nafs kawn al-shay3 thdbitan). "We mean by existence only the fact that the thing supervenes (husul al-shay3}, is realised and established in being .... If it is said that existence is an attribute (sifa) which demands that the thing is actualised in individual essences (husul alshay3 fi 'l-a'yari), we shall say in this regard that it is not possible that the production of the thing in the a'ydn should be caused by an attribute which is present in it". The demonstration which follows depends essentially on the consequence of such a conception, this being the infinite sequence of causes. The conclusion is that the existence [of things] "is only the fact of being constituted in the a'ydn". But the philosophical reflection of the Arab thinkers has led them to state that every person who speaks of a thing will understand what is meant by the word which he uses. He has a ma/hum. The Arab thinkers underlined the importance of the mafhum, and they showed that it is indefinable, for the good reason that it is by means of it that a definition is possible; it is because it is understood through the word that expresses it that a concept can be defined. Ibn Sfna (K. al-Shifd3) has in this sense assimilated the being in the capacity of the being (ens qua ens) to the thing, that is to the mafhum of the word "thing". The thing is for him the equivalent of md or of alladhi: "that which" (in Latin quod). It will be said in effect: the being is that which ..., or: the being is something which ...; in other words, the being is defined through the being, or through the mafhum of the word, as the thing is defined through the thing or its mafhum: a thing is some thing which .... Now when "that which" or "something which" is thus said, it is understood what is said, without need of definition. And if nothing were understood, there would be no definition. The thing is therefore the being in terms of being, in other words the fundamental mafhum without which there would be no thought; it is, consequently, the foundation of all thought. Thus everything which is, everything which exists, whether an object (a house, a horse, etc.) or an abstraction (a feeling, a thought, etc.) can be called a "thing", and here there is constant use of the word which may be disconcerting to the Western reader but which is one of the most typical features of Arabic philosophical and theological language. A question which then arises is: can the non-being be called a thing? Is there a "thingness" (shay'iyyd) of the non-being, of nothingness (cadam)? Theologians and philosophers have upheld opposing theses on this topic.
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At first sight, it is certain that if the thing is the ens qua ens, it would be contradictory to say that the nonbeing is a thing. This problem, which has tormented Arab thinkers, has a parallel in the theme of Plato's Sophist. The Mu'tazilfs reckon that the non-being is cognisable and that it is consequently a thing. Al-Djuwaym made a survey of their opinions with the responses of the Ash'arfs (al-Shdmil, 131-8): "If you maintain, they say, that the non-being is cognisable and is not a thing, it would be legitimate to say that there is an object perceived [by the senses] (mudrak) which is not a thing, which would be false". And the response is that it would be necessary to prove that there is equivalence between cognisance and sensible perception (idrdk). If so, any thing not perceived by the senses would be unkown, which is evidently false. Another Mu'tazilf argument is that we are aware of the negation of the impossible and the nothingness of the non-being. Here there are two negations: nothingness and non-being; impossibility and impossible. But how are we to distinguish between two negations, since negation does not contain within itself any discernment? It is necessary, however, to distinguish between, on the one hand, cognisance of the nothingness of the non-being, and on the other, the non-being itself. Cognisance of the nothingness of the non-being is thus not a non-being, as cognisance of impossibility is not impossible. It follows that the nothingness of the non-being, insofar as it is known, is something, since it is essential clearly to distinguish from the nonbeing the nothingness of the non-being which, itself, is known. And the response is that if that is the case, to distinguish the impossible from the possible, the impossibility of the impossible which cannot exist would need to be an entity (dhdt), in other words, a thing which exists. This being so, al-Djuwaynl (134) critises the notion of the "thingness of the non-being" (shay3iyyat al-macdum) and he castigates the Muctazill of Basra al-Nasibf, for whom the non-being, although it is neither an essence (dhdt) nor other than an essence, can be called "thing" in a general manner (itldkan) and according to the language (lughatm). But this recourse to language is based either on reason or on current usage. However, languages are not created by reason but by convention (istildh) or by divine institution (tawkif). Conventional institution cannot be used for purposes of argument here; as for divine institution, it demands that appeal is made to it only on the basis of Kur'anic usage. Specifically, al-Djuwaynfs adversaries reckon that they can rely on Sura XXII, 1: "Yes, the earthquake of the Hour [shall be] a tremendous thing (shay3 'a^Im)". God thus calls it a "thing" before it has taken place, which would prove that He is using the word "thing" to denote that which does not yet exist. If it is said that there is no earthquake until the time that it exists, it can equally be said that there is no thing until the time that it exists. Furthermore, the words of the language are taken either in a literal sense or in a figurative sense. Languages, and hence the literal meaning of words, being variable, it is difficult to define in terms of a rational argument the literal meaning of the word "thing". Consequently, it must be acknowledged that this word is, in the majority of cases, used figuratively. It is thus not possible, according to al-Nasfbf's perspective, to justify the thingness of the non-being by a linguistic reference to the literal meaning of the word "thing". Reflection on the "thing" also involves, on the one hand, the cognisance which God has of creatures, and
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on the other, the divine attributes. The first question was of particular interest to the Mu'tazilfs. Hisham b. cAmr al-Fuwatf did not say that God is aware of things from all eternity; God knows that He is unique, and if it were to be said that He is aware of things from all eternity, this would be to assert that they exist eternally with Him. When he was asked if God has known from all eternity the things that would exist, he answered that this implies that the finger can be pointed at things (ishdra ilayhd); only that which exists can be indicated. He did not call "things" that which God has not created and which is not, but he gave this name to that which He has created and to that which He has eliminated and which has become a non-being (mcfdum). Al-Nazzam [q.v.] stated that God knows things eternally "in their time" (fi awkdtihd), i.e. in relation to the moment when He wills their creation. This leads to the notion that God knows things, not in themselves, but by means of His power and His will to create them. An analogous theory is found in the writings of cAbbad b. Sulayman: God does not cease to know things, substances and accidents. But He does not eternally know corporeal things, nor beings that are made (al-mafculdt) and created (almakhlukdt). This idea seems close to that offaldsifa of the school of Avicenna, according to whom God does not know particulars as such but only their principles and causes. As for Muhammad b. cAbd al-Wahhab al-Djubba'f [q.v.], he considered that God does not cease to know things, since things are things before being. Finally, others claimed that God does not cease to know things which have not existed and shall not exist. In fact, He knows all things which He can produce through one of His attributes: He knows them in this attribute (Makdldt al-Isldmiyyin, i, 219-23). A further question is: can it be said that God is "before things", or should it simply be said that He is "before", with nothing added? The disciples of c Abbad b. Sulayman say that He is "before", but not that He is "before things", no more than He is after things or the first among things (awwal al-ashyd3). The disciples of al-Nazzam say that the Creator has not ceased to be "the anterior of things" (kablu [in the nominative case] al-ashyd3), but not before things (kabla [in the accusative case] al-ashyd3). It seems that here it is the case of the absolute anteriority of God, which thtfaldsifa call takaddum when commenting on Kur'an, LVII, 3, "He is the First"; this is the sense in which the neo-Platonists hold that the One is not a number, i.e. the first of numbers, but transcends the numerical succession; on the contrary, the expression "before things" implies a relationship to the thing which is inappropriate for God. However, the majority of Mu'tazilfs teach that God is "before things" (kabla 'l-ashyd3) (Makdldt, i, 249). As for the attributes of God, are they things or are they not? Some accept it, others deny it, since a thing has attributes, and when the attribute is defined as a thing with its attributes, no progress has been made. Similarly, when it is asserted that the attributes are not things because they are eternal, there is conflict with those who refuse to say whether the attributes are eternal or not; this touches on the problem faced by the Muctazills when distinguishing between attributes of the essence and attributes of action. If they are taken to be eternal, it is permissible to say that they are not things; but this is the crux of the question. In a general sense, before knowing whether the attributes are things or are not things, it would be necessary to know what they are in relation to God. But if the Ash'arfs are correct in saying that
they are not God and that they are not other than God, then how is it to be determined that they are or are not things? It could, of course, be said that when a particular attribute, such as knowledge or power, is considered, it is a thing by virtue of being an object of thought. But it does not follow that the attributes of God as such are things. The problem of the "thingness" of the divine attributes thus remains unresolved. Bibliography: Ibn Sfna, K. al-Shifac (al-Ildhiyydt), ed. G.C. Anawati and Sa'fd Zayed, Cairo 1960, i, 30-1; Ash'arf, Makdldt al-Isldmiyyin, ed. Muhammad Muhyi al-Dfh £Abd al-Harmd, 2 vols., Cairo 1950; al-Djuwaynf, al-Shdmil fi usul al-dtn, ed. 'All Samf al-Nashshar, Faysal Budayr cAwn and Suhayr Muhammad Mukhtar, Alexandria n.d.; Fakhr al-Dm al-Razf, K. al-Mabdhith al-mashrikiyya, 2 vols., Tehran 1966. ' (R. ARNALDEZ) SHAYC AL-KAWM, the name of a Safaitic deity, unknown however in the pantheon of Central and South Arabia. In Safaitic inscriptions he appears as sy'hkwm, i.e. Shayc ha-Kawm, and it is only in the Nabataean and Palmyrene inscriptions (see G. Ryckmans, Les religions arabes preislamiques2, Louvain 1953 Quillet, Hist. gen. des religions2, Paris 1960, ii, 199-228) that we have the form with the regular Arabic definite article, Shayc al-Kawm. The name may refer to a tribal deity in the form of a lion or lion cub, so that Shaye Allah (this theophoric name, probably a depaganisation of the god's name, is found in the lexica, e.g. T'A, v, 398 1. 29) could be parallel to the Biblical Hebrew name AriEl (cf. Gesenius-Bahl, 65-6); according to Damascius, the ancestral god of Baalbek was worshipped in the form of a lion (W. Robertson Smith, The religion of the Semites, Cambridge 1894, 3London 1927, 444-5). Recent Semitic scholarship has, however, suggested that shayc means here "comrade, companion", so that good sense may be made of the god's name as "escort, protector of the tribe" or "the fighting men of the tribe". An interesting feature, mentioned in a Palmyrene inscription by a Nabataean soldier, is the description of him as "the god that never drinks wine", a prohibition that may have extended to his devotees. Bibliography: T. Fahd, Le pantheon de I'Arabie Centrale a la veille de I'Hegire, Paris 1987, 153-4 (on the first interpretation); E.A. Knauf, Dushara and Shai' al-Qaum, in Aram, ii (1990), 175-83, (on the second one), and bibls. cited in both. (T. FAHD) SHA'YA (also Asha'ya0), Isaiah, son of Amos, a prophet sent to Israel, unmentioned by name in the Kur'an (although to/sir works mention him in connection with Kur'an, XVII, 4), but well known in kisas al-anbiyd3 literature, notably for his predictions of the coming of Jesus (Tsa [q.v.]) and Muhammad. The story of Isaiah falls into three periods of prophecy. The account provided by al-Tabarf is typical. First, Isaiah is named as a prophet during the reign of Zedekiah (or Hezekiah, as in the Bible) and prophesies the king's death. The second period of prophecy occurs in the time of the siege of Jerusalem by Sennacherib (Sanharfb). After Isaiah announces that the king's death has been postponed for 15 years (because God has heard the king's prayer), God destroys all of the enemy forces except Sennacherib and five scribes. After parading them around Jerusalem for 66 days, Zedekiah follows the command of God and allows Sennacherib to return to Babylon. So the events become a "warning and admonition" of the strength of God. In the third period of prophecy,
SHACYA — AL-SHAYB WA 'L-SHABAB the people are leaving the ways of God in the wake of the death of the king, and Isaiah warns them of doom. This leads to his martyrdom at the hands of his fellow Israelites. Isaiah flees when threatened and takes refuge inside a tree. Satan, however, shows his enemies the fringes of his clothes and they cut down the tree, killing him in the process (see M. Gaster and B. Heller, Der Prophet Jesajah und der Baum, in MGWJ, Ixxx [1936], 35-52, 127-8). Bibliography. Tabarl, i, 638-45, tr. M. Perlmann, The History ofal-Taban, iv, The ancient kingdoms, Albany 1987, 36-42; Abu Rifa'a al-FarisI, Bad3 al-khalk wakisas al-anbiyd*', in R.G. Khoury (ed.), Les legendes prophetiques dans I'lslam, Wiesbaden 1978, 237-50; W. Hoenerbach, Isaias bei Tabarl, in H. Junker and J. Botterweck (eds.), Alttestamentliche Studien. Friedrich Notscher zum 60. Geburtstage gewidmet, Bonn 1950, 98119. (A. RIPPIN) AL-SHAYB WA 'L-SHABAB (A.), old age, senescence (lit. "white hair") and youth. This poetic theme of the Arabs has known a long and prolific history and has played, in urban post-Djahill poetry, a role analogous to that of the nasib in the moulding of the kasida \q.vvl\. According to its etymology, shabdb apparently denotes the beginnings of anything. The term, together with shabiba and shabdbiyya, signifies not only youth and the beginnings of adulthood, but also the vigour of this age. The synonyms fata3 and haddtha are less often used: sibd is recorded as having the same meaning (Lieder der Hudhailiten, Berlin 1884 [= Hudhaliyyin}, 96, 1.8; al-Buhturf, al-Hamdsa, Beirut 1387/1967, [= al-Buhturi] 194, 11.18, 19); this period extends from puberty to the end of the thirties, or from 15 to 32 years of age; it is followed by the kuhula (Lane, s.v. shabdb). The root sh-y-b features in Safaitic inscriptions in the forms sh-y-b-t and 3sh-y-b (Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, i, iv; G. Lankester Harding, An index of PreIslamic Arabian names and inscriptions., Toronto 1971, 363). Sh-m-t, given as an equivalent of sh-y-b, seems to have been of more limited use (al-Nabigha, ed. Ahlwardt, al-Tkd al-thamln, London 1870, vii, v. 26; LA, xiii, 45, 1.5; al-Djahiz, K. al-Hayawdn, Cairo 1938-45, i, 347, 1.10; Abu IDhu'ayb, Diwdn, Hanover 1926, 33, 1.6; TA, v, 170, 1.25: al-Akhtal, Diwdn, Beirut 1891, 69, 1.6; Abu Zayd, Mawddir, Beirut 1894, 144, 9; al-Sulayk b. al-Sulaka, akhbdruhu wa-sjii'ruhu, Baghdad 1404/1984, 75). The lexicographers assert in this context that only shamtd3 can be used for feminine old age. However, in the Lisdn, a verse is cited which mentions musbildt shaybuhunna wdbitu ("women despised for letting down their white hair", LA, ix, 303, 1.4). Gh-th-m (in the form aghtham, "grey which is white rather than black") is also used as a synonym (Abu Zayd, Nawddir, 52, 1.4: LA, xv, 329, 1.22). Finally, it is appropriate to mention dh-r-3, which is given as an equivalent of shamita (LA, i, 74, 1.10, vi, 113, 1.24, viii, 165, 6; Abu e Ubayda, Ma&dz al-Kur3dn, Cairo 1347, i, 288,1.1; Ibn Kutayba, Ma'am, 1223; al-Buhtun, 201, 1.5; al-Tabarl, Tafsir, Cairo, ed. Shakir, xv, 296, 1.2; al-Bakn, Simt al-la3dli3, Cairo 1354/1936, i, 480, 1.13, ii, 967, 1.3).' From the outset, semantics provides a hint of the dread engendered by the departure of youth and the appearance of the first signs of old age; thus rdciyat al-shayb, denoting the first white hair which appears on the head, derives from the root r-w-c which expresses fright and terror (Kuthayyir cAzza, i, 162; al-Buhtun, 197, 1.17; al-Sharishl, Sharh makdmdt al-Hann, Cairo 1300, ii, 222; cf. raycdn al-s_habdb). It is very unusual for a poetic theme to link the
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real and the imaginary to the extent that shabdb and shayb have done. Initially, the entire theme appears inexplicable, since the Bedouin did not tend to live long. Al-Djahiz makes the comment in this regard: "There are among the Bedouin those who enjoy great longevity; however, accounts of them, in this respect, are tainted by numerous untruths" (al-Hayawdn, i, 157). It was a society of the young; thus old people and their white hair were all the more visible and their situation all the more problematical. 1. The themes of youth and old age a) The real It is hard to comprehend the terror expressed in poems on this theme, in the light of the very widespread practice among men of dyeing the hair (khiddb), so extensive as to serve as a point of reference in the most diverse poetical texts (Imru1 al-Kays, Diwdn, Cairo 1984, 176, where the blood of the slaughtered beast is compared with diluted henna as a dressing for the greying hair of an aged person; al-Buhturl, 188, 1.7; al-Mufaddaliyydt, Oxford 1918-21, 234^ 1.6, 288, 1.20; LA, 462, 1.25; TA, vii, 337, 1.30; Djarfr, Diwdn, Cairo 1354/1935, 18, 1.1). It is related in this context, that cAbd al-Muttalib was the first Meccan to introduce this practice to his fellow-tribespeople; he had discovered the benefits of dyeing during a visit to Yemen, where its use was very widespread (Ibn Habib, K. al-Munammak, Beirut 1405/1985, 11213; Abu Hilal al-cAskan, al-Awd3il, Beirut 1407/1987, 17). Men who resisted this practice must have been few; among the poets, for example, only two, alMurakkish al-Akbar and cAntara, seem to have rejected dyeing. In this context, a certain adage is especially revealing: al-khiddbu ahad al-shabdbayn ("the dyeing of hair constitutes one of the two youths" [al-Tha'alibf, al-Tamthll wa 'l-muhddara, Cairo 1961, 388]). Finally, opinions are divided as to its efficacy: while Mahmud al-Warrak seems to favour it (Ibn £Abd Rabbihi, alc lkd al-fand, Cairo 1359-72/1940-53, iii, 50), Malik b. Asrna' sees it as an imperfect solution which is incapable of deceiving female partners (al-Hamdsa al-basriyya, Haydarabad 1383, 188). Within Islam, this practice receives the endorsement of the law. In hadith, the Muslim is instructed to dye his white hair. As early as the 2nd/8th century the following tradition was in circulation: "The Jews and the Christians do not dye [their hair]; you must do otherwise" (Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, Bulak 1313, ii, 240, 309, 401). Another tradition praises henna and katm (a black dye which masks the red of the henna (Ibn Hanbal, v, 147, 154, 156, 169). The sources contain copious information regarding the Companions, the Successors or tdbi'im and the masters of later generations, who used the same products for the dyeing of their hair (Ibn Abi '1-Dunya, no. 3, 11.9-13; Ibn al-cArabI, Muhddarat al-abrdr wa-musdmarat al-akhydr, Beirut 1388/1968, 349-50). Currently, in Salafi circles, this method of rejuvenation is recommended for men (Mahmud Shaltut, al-Fatdwd, Cairo 1966, sabgh al-sha'r, 390-1; see also al-Mawardf, alAmthdl wa 'l-hikam, Alexandria 1402, 152). In concurrence with the Midrash (Pirkei Rabbi Eli'ezer ha-gadol, Jerusalem 1973, § 51, § 52,' 209), Muslim scholars declare that the Patriarch Abraham was the first man to see his hair turn white (wa-huwa awwalu man ra3d al-shayba f i 'l-dunyd). Astonished, Abraham asked God what this signified. He was heard to say that it was a warning which urges the attentive man to prepare himself for future life and keep himself from sin. Another tradition, still in conformity with the Midrash, relates that Abraham and Isaac were so alike that
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people were unable to distinguish one from the other. God smote the father with shayb as a means of setting them apart. Others, still speaking of Abraham, assert that shayb is a light and a tangible sign of majesty (wakdr, this is an accurate translation of the Midrashic term hdddr; Rabbi Levitas used a formula which was to find lasting favour among the Arab poets, a crown of majesty, keter hadur be-roshp, in Pirkei Rabbi Elfezer, loc. cit.). Understanding this, the Patriarch is supposed to have asked God to give him more; his hair then became all white (Sibt Ibn al-Djawzi, Mir'at al-zamdn, Beirut 1405/1985, i, 281). All of this gives the impression of a very favourable attitude towards this age, which is further confirmed by numerous other hadiths, (Ibn Abi '1-Dunya, no. 2, 11.14-5, 33). All things considered, the fear of old age can be explained by the extent to which, in pre-Islamic society, the warrior was promoted to a rank of the highest prestige. Youth, indispensable for the practice of this occupation, was considered an inestimable advantage; its loss with the coming of shayb must have been regarded as an irreparable misfortune. On the other hand, it seems that the status of the war veteran and that of the old man were among the most precarious. The complaints of Sa'ida b. Dju'ayya on being relegated by his kinsmen to the remotest corners of the camp, in spite of his heroic record, are confirmed by the poetry of the mu'ammarun. All insist on the tribal degradation of the aged hero: his leadership is utterly revoked; the tribe carries him as a dead weight. His kinsmen are ashamed of him, he is frequently scolded, he is relegated to the remotest corners of the tent for fear of his eccentricities and, henceforward, his advice is disregarded. All lay the blame for their misfortunes on shayb; all evoke with nostalgia their glorious youth (al-Sukkari, Shark ash'dr al-Hudhaliyym, Cairo 1384/1965, iii, 1122-5; al-Sidjistani, K. al-Mucammann, Leiden 1889, 39, 40, 45, 47). It may be noted that the commentators on the Kur'an, in their interpretation of ardhal al-cumr ("the'worst period of life", XVI, 79; XXII, 16) have given an image identical to that sketched by the mifammarun (utterances attributed to Ibn cAbbas in al-Kurtubf, al-D^dm? li-ahkdm al-Kur3dn, Cairo n.d., 3756-7). Islam, by means of the Kur'an, hadith and edifying texts, elevated the respect due to aged persons to the level of an essential moral principle. In parallel, there are traditions attacking youth; this impetuous stage is considered a branch (shu'bd) of folly (al-shabdb shucbatun min al-ajunun al-Mawardf, op. cit., 131, 151). This attitude explains the advice given to young people to attempt to resemble the old (ibid., 85). Finally, a man whose beard was not tinged with white was not regarded as fit to transmit hadith (Waklc, Akhbdr al-kuddt, ii, 54). The very significant indications which have just been revealed provide a hint of a situation which is different from, and even opposed to, that described by the poetry of old age; furthermore, the persistence of pre-Islamic themes and their consolidation over the centuries following the disappearance of the L£dhiliyya clearly show that this vast corpus of work is dependent on the imaginary. Convention is the utterly dominant factor in this context. (b) The imaginary Poets dealing with this theme adopted a resolute and monolithic attitude. The two entities are absolutely antithetical, youth being considered the Good and old age representing Evil; such an approach tends to accentuate the conventional nature of this poetry.
1. Youth Youth is a precious possession and is dearly loved (semantic field jointly expressing the beautiful and the good; hasan = beautiful, al-Buhturf, 181, 1.14; hamid and mahmud = "worthy of praise", The Nakd'id of D^anr and al-Farazdak, Leiden 1905-12, 963, 1.10; al-Aghdni,3 xii, 296, 1.9; Le diwdn de Saldma b. Randal, Beirut 1910, 7, \.\\;fakhir = precious, LA, xvi, 61, 6; TA, ix, 78, 34; li-lldhi dun 'l-shabdbi = "how excellent is youth", al-Buhtun, 180, 1.8, 186, 1.7; Abu 'l-Shls, 20). It is the age of vigour (semantic field expressing force, kawi = "robust", al-Hamdsa, 144, 1.10; al-Mubarrad, al-Kdmil, Leipzig 1864-92, 766, 1.16; al-Hayawdn, ii, 201, 1.2), of great ambitions (see below), of the good life (semantic field expressing recreation and debauchery, lahawnd = "we enjoyed ourselves", cAbfd b. alAbras, Diwdn, Leiden 1913, 75, 1.5; Aws b. Hadjar, Diwdn, Vienna 1892, 4, 1.7; makhfud al-caysh = "living in tranquility", al-Hamdsa, 576, 1.1; ladhdha - "pleasures", al-Nakd'id, 457, 1.3) and of love affairs (Hudhaliyyin, ed. Wellhausen, 76, 1.8, Abu Sakhr alHudhall; al-Mufaddaliyydt, 773, v. 9; Salama b. Djandal, 7, v. 13; Ibn Kutayba, al-Shfr wa 'l-shucard3, Leiden 1904, 147, 1.13; cUbayd Allah b. Kays al-Rukayyat, Diwdn, Vienna 1902, 201, 1.3). 2. The loss of youth One is forcibly robbed of this fortunate age (
AL-SHAYB WA 'L-SHABAB Some ancient poets were acutely aware of the ephemeral nature of this joyous period, issuing an urgent appeal to enjoy the entertainments, pleasures and delights afforded by this age. For 'Alkama, only shabab excuses licentiousness (Diwdn, al-flkd al-thamm, London 1870, 137). £AdI b. Zayd al-clbadl justifies the antics of the young man (ladhdhat al-fatd] by reference to death, tirelessly lying in wait. Since pleasures are regarded as exclusively physical, the age which permits their procurement takes on, in their eyes, an unequalled importance. On the other hand, every hindrance is considered a misfortune: old age is thus an enemy as formidable as mandyd (death) and zamdn (infinite time). The libertine poets and the great lovers of Damascus and Medina under the Umayyads, and those of the Iraki metropolises under the cAbbasids, did not differ in their conception of these two antithetical enties. They expressed in convincing fashion the following idea. With old age, the conquest of women becomes impossible, but desire remains as vivid as ever; the problem is how to slake it (Shi'r al-Hdrith b, Khdlid al-Makhzuml, Baghdad 1972, 85; Shi'r al-Ahwas al-Ansdn, Cairo 1970, 175; al-Mukhtdr min shi'r Bashshdr, Cairo 1353/1934, 277, al-Tmad al-Isfahanl, Khandat al-kasr, kism sjiu'ard3 al-Shdm, Damascus 1955-64, ii, 121, Ibn al-Buwayn; Baha* al-Din Zuhayr, Diwdn, 73). This is not solely a matter of literature; a few poetical fragments have survived, where spouses mocked their aged partners and their inability to satisfy them (al-Baghdadl, Khi&nat al-adab, Cairo 1409/1989, vi, 427-8; B. Yamut, Shd'irdt al-cArab fi 'l-^dhiliyya wa 3 l-Isldm, Beirut 1934, 179). In poetry, the appearance of this tangible sign of old age plunges the victim into a state of despair, the intensity of which may astonish at first sight. Whether it is a case of profane poetry, libertine poetry or that of the zuhd, the same tragedies described in the same terms arouse certain suspicions; furthermore, the classification of the poetical material reinforces the impression that what is presented here is in fact a literary fiction. Indeed, some works of adab have distributed these quotations according to the well-known pattern of the mahdsin (virtues) and the masdwi3 (antitheses), in turn praising and deprecating shayb and shabab', this process is attested in the work of al-Buhturl, prior to the 3rd/9th century (al-Buhturi, §§ 117,' 118, 120, 121, contradictory pairs, the first evoking the negative and positive aspects of old age, the second those of youth). The structure of the chapters concerning old age in the work of pseudo-Thac alibi is constructed entirely according to this antitheses: paragraphs eulogising shabab and shayb are matched by others which denigrate them (fols. 118 a-b, 118 b-119 b). The author surpasses himself in the last paragraph, where the negative and positive aspects of hair-dyeing are compared (faslfi dhamm al-khiddb wa-madhihi, fols. 119 b-120 b). 3. Old age
This is an unwanted and spurned guest (dayf baghtd, 'Adi b. Zayd al-Tbadl, 176; see also al-Farazdak, Duvan, Paris 1870, 107, 1.9; al-Akhtal, Diwdn, 168, 1.9; 'Urnar b. Abl Rablca, Diwdn, 139, 1.6), It arouses the fear of the person affected (common semantic field expressing fright, rd'aka 'l-mashibu "old age has plunged you into despair", cAb!d, Diwdn, 6, 1.20; see also Nakd'id, 890, 1.4; £azac "panic", Aghdni, xiii, 151, 1.9, Mansur b. Budjra; al-Asmaciyydt, 44, 1.6, shayb fag,ic "dreadful old age"). This guest never comes alone, but is accompanied by a retinue of evils. Those most frequently evoked are worries, solitude and physical
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decrepitude (Ibn Mukbil, Diwdn, Damascus 1381/1962, 184, speaks of feebleness, dacaf\ Turayh b. Isma'Il alThakafi of his infirm, mutada'di', body, al-Buhturl, 194, 1.20; more specifically, Abu '1-Nadjm mentions the bent back, Ibn Kutayba, Shi'r, 385, 1.2) and mental decay, decline and imminent death. It is in other contexts considered an evil (sjiarr, al-Farazdak, 107, 1.9; al-Hamdsa, 572, 1.15). As soon as it is manifest, and can no longer be concealed, old age provokes the disgust of beautiful women (Abu Sakhr al-Hudhali, Hudhaliyyin, ed. Wellhausen, 76, 1.8; 'Alkama, al-Mufaddaliyydt, 773, 1.9; alAswad b. Yaefur, ibid., 348, 1.8; al-A'sha, Diwdn, London 1928, xxxiv, v. 3; Ibn Ghalaka(?) al-Tamimi, in Abu Zayd, al-Mawddir, 255, 1.9; al-Buhtun, § 120, devoted to the notion; Djarir, al-Nakd'id, 844, 1.2; c Ubayd Allah b. Kays al-Rukayyat, Diwdn, 201, 1.3; al-Mubarrad, al-Kdmil, 330, ill; Di£bil, vii, v. 44; xii, v. 52-3; xcvii, v. 3; clviii, the entire chapter, ccx, v. 1-5; Abu 'l-Shls, 76, 99, 105-6, 108-9; Ibn al-Muctazz, Tabakdt, 75-6). This notion is attested in the majority of poems which have dealt with this theme, and it inspired one of the most esteemed verses on old age of the 'Abbasid period: La ta'ajabi yd Salma min raajulm dahika }l-mashtbu bi-ra3sihl fa-baka ("Do not be astonished, O Salma, at a man on whose head the white hair laughs, although he weeps") (Di'bil, 204) The poets who are affected by this condition speak of nubile women, insisting that they show restraint. In sprightly and elevated dialogues, and in defiance of his astonishment and indignation, they refer to the loss of potency which accompanies old age and to the dignity of deportment which is required in response to the first appearance of this sign; if he continues to cavort like a callow youth, he will offend social taboos. There is no excuse for excess at this age; dissipation is only to be excused among the young (Ibn Nubata, Diwdn, ii, 407; al-Zamakhshari, Rablc al-abrdr, ii, 424-5; LA, i, 324, 1.9, and TA, i, 223, 1.28, the maxim Id shay3a akhzd min zind'i 'l-ashyabi, "nothing is more demeaning than fornication by one who is smitten with white hair"). This collection of motifs is called tasdbi 'l-shaykh. In secular poetry, this tasdbi constitutes the basis of the share of the dialogue allotted to the female interlocutor; it is attested, furthermore, throughout the whole gamut of Arabic poetry until the nahda (cAbda b. al-Tablb, al-Mufaddaliyydt, 270, 1.7; Hassan, Diwdn, London 1970, 116, v. 11-12; Abu Hayya, 43, 63, 167, 168; see also Abu '1-Tamahan al-Kaynl, Diwdn, Baghdad 1968, 23; Durayd b. 'al-Simnia, alA^idm, x, 16, 1.1; Aws b. Hadjar, Diwdn, 7, 11; Djarir, in Ibn Kutayba, Shi'r, 307, 1.16; al-Farazdak, al-Nakd'id, 869, v. 19; al-Kumayt, al-Hdshimiyydt, Leiden 1904, 27, 1.1; al-Namarl, 84; Abu '1-Shis, 76). As regards this last motif, the majority of poets seem to imply that the lady has the right on her side. However, others are determined to refute these accusations. Their vigour, their youth of spirit and their force of personality have not been impaired; they implore the loved one to see shayb for what it really is, just a colour. The poet Kuthayyir appeals to cAzza to continue loving an old man who remains, and always will remain, young (yd cAzza hal laki fi shaykh"1 fata" abadm); he is careful to add that, for men of his stamp, biological age has no physiological or psychological influence (for other instances of this type, Ibn alMuctazz, 209; Dicbil, cliii, 197-8; al-cUkban, al-Tibydn, Cairo 1308, i, 170). Sometimes, in his reply, the poet insistently declares to his partner that his white hair
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AL-SHAYB WA 'L-SHABAB
is not due to age but to fearful ordeals that have been valiantly surmounted (al-Nabigha al-Djaedf, in al-Tabarf, ii, 842, 1.15, wa-lakitu raw'dt" tushtbu 'l-nawdsiya "I have faced terrible [battles] and the hair fringing my forehead has turned white;" see also cUrwa b. al-Ward, Dtwdn, Gottingen 1863, 21, 1.3; Ibn Mukbil, Dtwdn, 368; al-Asmaciyydt, 19, 1.6). In this context, the same formula is attributed to the libertine alUkayshir and to the ghazal poet Kuthayyir: bihi shaybun wa-md fakada 'l-shabdba ("his hair has turned white although he has not lost his youth", LA, ix, 99, 1.12; TA, v, 85, 1.33; al-Djahiz, al-Hayawdn, iii, 60, 1.9; alBakrf, Simt al-la3dli ii, 729, 1.1). On the other hand, in a motif related to that of the tasdbt, friends act in the same fashion as the lovely lady and no longer invite the unfortunate man to convivial meetings (Abu Hayya, 183; al-Namarf, 69; Abu '1-Shfs, 36, 60, 75; Ibn al-Muctazz, Tabakdt, 77). This forced abstinence culminates in their assertion that happiness has disappeared with the ending of youth, wallat ni'matu 'l-'ayshi ("the joy of life is ended", al-Buhturf, 180, 1.6;
1.8; see also al-Buhturf, 181, 1.13; 182, 1.12; 195, 1.6; al-Khansa', Dtwdn, Beirut 1889, 135, 1.13). It is appropriate to note that this notion differs from that which declares that shayb has not impaired one's former abilities; here, old age is eulogised in its own right. This could, indeed, be seen as a reaction of a compensatory type, but the reality is otherwise; what is involved is a literary theme. Anthologies and works of adab attest to this to a point beyond all expectation. In the writings of al-Tha'alibi, for example, the section dealing with this theme belongs, according to the author's own classification, to the category of tahstn al-kabih ("beautification of the ugly", see Bibl.); this includes a collection of adages which celebrate the benefits of old age min bdb tahstn al-kabih, such as alshayb nun ("white hair is my light" [67]). Even the greatest of fools (al-ghafil) "can find here a guide on the way to rectitude thanks to the lights of his senescence" (idhd shdba 'l-ghdfilu sdra f, tanki 'l-rushdi bimasdbihi 'l-shaybi, be. cit.). For his part, al-Mubarrad considers this poetical corpus as belonging exclusively to a convention of composition (K. al-Fddil, 72). In the same scheme of ideas, the white hair of courageous young men who have experienced traumatic events is likewise something to be boasted of (Ibn Sa£d, Tabakdt, Leiden 1918, i/2, 80, 1.10; al-Nakd3id, 442, v. 43); it is attested in martial poems in eulogies conferred upon heroes (cAmir b. al-Walfd, alAghani, xi, 102, 1.3; Umayya b. Abi '1-Salt, Dtwdn, Leipzig 1911, 55, v. 22; Nasr b. Muzahim, Wok cat Sifftn, Beirut 1340/1921, 300, 1.14; Ibn Zahir al-Asadf, in al-Mubarrad, al-Kdmil, 666, 1.4; A'sha Hamdan, in al-Aghdm, vi, 41, 1.9; Suraka al-Barikf, in al-Tabarf, ii, 879, 1.14). In general, the fakhr genre accounts for a large proportion of Djahili and Umayyad poetry of old age. The pattern is fairly predictable. It is admitted that it is true, my hair has changed colour; that is unimportant, since I have led an exemplary life filled with acts of generosity and heroism in war (Imru1 al-Kays, Dtwdn, 230-1, 335; Abu Kabfr, Shark ash'dr al-Hudhaliyyin, 1069-70; Humayd b. Thawr, Dtwdn, 1384/1965, 94-5; Ibn Mukbil, Dtwdn, 72-4, 133, 184; cUbayd Allah b. Kays ai-Rukayyat, in al-Buhturf, 309). Clearly, these are conventional notions which have long been a part of the genre; sexual prowess and the qualities of muru'a are combined to enhance the image of a man and to make of him a perfect model. 4. Edifying poetry The appearance of shayb is variously interpreted. On the one hand it is supposed to favour the enhancement of moral qualities and behaviour, assiduous application to religious practices and a total adherence to precepts of prudery (al-Kalf, Amdli, Cairo 1953, ii. 95; al-Zamakhsharf, op. tit., 417-20). From another perspective, the poetry of zuhd is intended to frighten; this is why Mahmud al-Warrak and Abu 'l-cAtahiya consider this sign as a portent (nadhir) of death which sets in motion the process of hisdd (harvesting) which gathers up people who are already of advanced age. God sends this advance warning to allow men to prepare themselves on the eve of imminent decease (Mahmud al-Warrak, Dtwdn, 39, 42, 78, 87, 107, 109, 114;'Abu VAtahiya, 39, v. 3-4, 44-5, v. 3-6 and 13-14, 51-2, starting from v. 4, 67-8, 71-2, 109-10, v. 13-6 and 21-4). II. Poetical treatment 1. Evolution of the theme At the time of the Djahiliyya, this theme took on the form of a concise evocation in the framework of nastb. More substantial and of greater thematic impor-
AL-SHAYB WA 'L-SHABAB tance are the verses which appear in poems attributed to the mu'ammarun, where the contrast shabdb/shayb constitutes the central axis on which the multiple motifs are brought into play, and the conceptual principle on the basis of which all the evocations can take shape. With the development of urban civilisation and the appearance of a subsequent culture, poets subject this theme to original forms of literary treatment. In addition to long works, where shayb appears in an incidental fashion, fragments dealing exclusively with the theme begin to appear in ever increasing numbers; the latter, much closer to hastily conceived and executed improvisation than to mature and elaborate poetry, adopted this subject with a uniformisation of compounds, of poetic language and of the whole range of comparative tropes. These facile and ephemeral little pieces constitute a large proportion of this corpus. To this category belong the literary games between scholars (the ikhwaniyyat}. Protestations of friendship are found integrated there with the theme of youth and of old age, the poet delights in evoking his old age, the disappearance of beautiful women and of the nudamd3 and the melancholy of a man in the twilight of his life (al-Namarl, 68-9); quite often poems of hanln ild 'l-awtdn ("nostalgia for the homeland") opt for the same treatment, linking the hanln ild 'l-awtdn to the hanln ild 'l-shabdb (al-Namarl, 116); al-Mas^dl, in a subsidiary text of al-Tanblh, at a time of selfassessment, writes with the same feeling of al-sibd and Baghdad (al-Mas'udl, Le lime de I'avertissement, Paris 1846, 66-7). The Zjtrafd3 al-Kufa ("the elegant persons of Kufa) provide this theme with its finest artistic manifestation. Five long fragments by Yahya b. Ziyad al-Harithl (al-Buhturl, 188-90, nos. 1,000-4) place alongside the habitual lamentations a novelty: shayb and shabdb are treated in tandem, with both considered equally good. Yahya's companion, Mutlc b. lyas, composed one of the best surviving specimens; indeed, this poem of 17 verses begins and ends with lamentations. Between the two, the poet evokes his youth, seen as a personal friend, with good-natured nostalgia (plethora of terms in this register: khalll, soft, uns, akhu thika); reliving his youth, Mutlc adopts a rapid and petulant rhythm, using the munsarih, one of the most musical metres of Arabic poetry. The spirit which dominates here is decidedly original. This roue is careful not to represent youth as the time of unbridled dissipation, according to the customary scheme. like any true friend, he is attentive and encouraging; he offers loyal support, but will countenance no complacency; fighting our natural laziness, he urges us to realise our most noble aspirations; and finally, he is an always available confidant (Von Grunebaum, Shtfard3 cabbdsiyyun, Beirut 1959, 33-4). Von Grunebaum appreciated this poem, which is reminiscent in tone of Theognis of Megara. In the 3rd/9th century, Ibn al-Ruml is reckoned to have carried the theme to its highest point. In the prelude to a set-piece, he reflets on his past and completes the balance-sheet of his life, from callow youth to maturity. The structure of this very simple passage, beginning with shayb (w. 1-31) and ending with shabdb (w. 32-70), gives it the appearance of an introspection, accentuated by the repetition of yudhakkirum 'l-shabdba ("my youth returns to my memory through ..."). It is important, however, to avoid overestimating the significance of these conclusions; the issue here is of individual arrangements or, if preferred, of happy accidental finds in the framework of
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a traditional theme (Diwdn, i, 255-9). Al-Mubarrad, who was also an excellent judge of poetry, comments in this regard annahum kdlu ft bdbi tasarrufi '1-z.amani wa-tasamimi '1-daj.dli akdwila macndhd wdhidun ("they (sc. the poets) have spoken, concerning the chapter on the passing of time and the ending of life, verses of which the sense is identical", Von Grunebaum, AlMubanad's epistle on poetry and prose, in Orientalia, x [1941], 377-8). A similar theme, already clearly visible in the various evocations of this theme before Ibn al-Rumi, is accentuated in later poets: from the 4th to the 9th/ 10th-15th centuries, poets paraphrase Ibn al-Ruml in longer pieces and in fragments. The two Sharlfs, alRadl and al-Murtada (al-Shihdb, 28-52; Diwdn al-Shanf al-Murtadd, Cairo 1958, i, 199; al-Shihdb, 54-84), Baha' al-Dln Zuhayr (Diwdn, 73), Ibn Sana' al-Mulk (Diwdn, 17, 52, 70, 72, 74, 459, 517, 576, 597-8), al-Fityan al-Shaghuri (Diwdn, Damascus 1966, 51), Zafir alHaddad (Diwdn, 257-8) and many others mourn for lost youth and lament the consequences of their shayb, using the same poetic language, the same combinations and the same ma'dni. 2. Shayb and the transformation of the prelude of the k a s i d a Under the Umayyads, the nasib genre had more and more recourse to the theme of lamented youth; the refinement of tastes renders it indispensable to the husn al-takhallus. It is considered an essential intermediate link between love/memory and the quest for a patron. From another perspective, the circumstances of libertine poetry impel the poets, especially in pieces where a certain tension is expressed, to resort to a prelude redolent with an atmosphere of contrast, introducing the pairings of old age/youth and the desired woman/the woman who rejects. This procedure breathes new life into the romantic prelude, since what is observed is a very vivid exchange of opinions, a duel between the beloved woman and the lover poet, all on account of the latter's advanced age and the loss of his hair. This technique of composition also permits the setting-down of accumulations of semantic opposites and thereby arrival at a more dense poetical text (see below). At the end of the Umayyad age, and especially under the cAbbasids, despite the persistence of the former frameworks (Abu Hayya al-Numayrl, 34; Abu 'l-Shls, 36-7), the prelude underwent a veritable revolution on account of the theme of old age. Numerous patterns are attested: (i) the poet retains from the amorous prelude the evocation of the diydr ("encampments") and the recollection of his past loves (when he was loved and his hair was black), and two new motifs are introduced, the mention of youth and the appearance of senescence (Abu 'l-Shls, 34, 36-7); (ii) the appearance of overtures devoted exclusively to shayb, without regard to the subject of the poem. In the work of Abu Hayya al-Numayri, a mukhadram aldawlatayn poet (d. ca. 158/762), the opposition of these two antithetical, integrated elements constitutes the sole texture of the openings of poems. Eleven verses on shayb are attested there, a clear sign that the theme has attained full maturity, since it is only by means of it that the introduction of a long, set-piece poem is to be properly furnished (kasida iii, 42-5, dedicated to al-Hakam b. Sakhr al-Thakafi; see also number iv of the Diwdn; cAbd Allah al-Khatlb, Sdlih b. cAbd alKuddus, Baghdad 1968; 123; Bashshar, Diwdn, 1369/ 1950, i, 362, ii, 326; al-Husayn b. Mutayr, Diwdn, in RIMA, i [1969], 226; Ibrahim b. Harma, Shi'r, Cairo 1389/1969, 226; Marwan b. Abl Hafsa, Shfr, Cairo
AL-SHAYB WA 'L-SHABAB
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1973, 73, 77, 94; Dicbil, ccx, 254-5, the well-known poem in -ind, where he replies to al-Kumayt b. Zayd, pronounces a eulogy on the men of Yemen and recalls the base deeds of Macadd; see also xix, 59-60, the opening of an ur$uza dedicated to al-MaJmun). The variety of motifs attested in pattern (iij, despite their conventional nature, breathes new life into the prelude, an essential and indispensable component of every poem of this type. Notable here are nostalgia for past youth; the first signs of old age; the appearance of white hair; the mockeries of the beautiful woman; the retort of the elderly poet, his pride wounded, recalling his former vigour and his profligacies; finally, some poets place at the outset of an urban kasida an introduction in which naslb, sjiabdbshayb antithesis and Bacchic poetry are combined (Abu '1-Shis, 60, 75-6, 105-6). This transformation of the prelude should come as no surprise; the patrons, the sole recipients of poems of eulogy and occasional verses, had no wish to hear more about, or see themselves associated with, the destruction, disappearance and desolation which rule the theme of bukct cald 'l-atlal. A different elegiac opening was required, and alshabdb wa 'l-shayb was eminently suitable. With the sophisticated play of oppositions and the high literary tone of comparisons and metaphors, it was possible to dabble in sentimentality without dwelling on the theme of the death which was feared, with justification, by members of the aristocracy only too aware of the precariousness of their situation. An old age of high quality offered an excellent alternative. The poet took great care to avoid mention of anything which could be disconcerting to his readers, such as physical decay or death; old age here is ahead of its time, putting forward the image of a man in the prime of life, conversing with a beautiful girl. Perfectly suited to the new mentality, the new introduction silenced the existential anguish of its preIslamic predecessor. 3. Poetic techniques For youth, the tendency is to use combinations and metaphors where black is predominant; for old age, working on the assumption of symmetrical opposition, the preferred option is a semantic field based on white. Examples of the former are as follows: al-ra's al-ahwd ("the black head"), hdlik al-lawn ("of a very dark black colour"), ghurdb kdna aswada hdli/a ("a raven which was black as jet", Abu Hayya, 121), ghurdb ghuddf ("crow with black [feathers] supplied", ibid., 42). Such are the emblems of shabdb. Examples from the opposing side are: 'aid wadahun ka-lawni hildti ("white hair has appeared, the colour of which is equal to that of the crescent moon", Abu Hayya, 63), ra3s istandra ("a head which is illumined", Abu Hayya, 43), 'akdrib bid ... lahunna dabib ("white scorpions ... which crawl", Abu '1-Shrs, 20), ra's ishta'al (eAdf b. al-Rikae, 108, v. 1; cf Kur'an, XIX, 4). In fact, this language was destined to establish a whole range of oppositions which have given the theme its characteristic appearance: Youth
shining black bodily vigour upright carriage contentment with life inexperience and haste decisiveness time of pleasures the admired hero
Age
dirty white enfeeblement decrepitude of body peevish resentment wisdom and equilibrium irresolution time of enforced abstinence the despised dead-weight
The first column has the overall advantage. Only the fifth item accords superiority to the old, although poets repeatedly insist that they would willingly forgo this asset. On the other hand, comparisons enabled the poets to add a new series of oppositions to the poem and thus to confer on these passages a fairly pronounced air of preciosity. Thus, for example, in the analogy of the jet-black raven applied to the hair of the young man (ghurdb aswad gfaudaf, see above). The poet opposes to it the shining whiteness of the sabdh ("morning"); this uniting of opposites entails a chain-reaction of a paradoxical, hence quite unexpected nature. This black crow, contrary to what is normally accepted (ghurdb al-bayn "the crow of separation") is appreciated and symbolises joy, good fortune and freedom from care, not the sinister desolation of wastelands. Thus all the symbolism associated with black is rejected by this poetry. On the contrary, the sabdh ("luminous morning") of the hair is detested; its light, once it appears, plunges a man into despair, misfortune and sorrow. The poets accumulated such paradoxes in verses and fragments on this theme, contravening ancestral patterns of expression and thought. The end-result, with urban culture, was the emergence of a poetry of sjiayb redolent of "verbal fantasy", in the words of Von Grunebaum. Bibliography. To the references cited in the article, the following should be added: Concordance of ancient Arabic poetry, card index catalogue, Hebrew University, Jerusalem; Dhu 'l-Isbac al-cAdawanf, Diwan, Mawsil 1393/1977, 33/34; al-cAbbas b. Mirdas al-Sulamf, Diwan, Beirut 1412/1991, 72-3, 170; Abu '1-Aswad al-Du'alf, Diwan, Baghdad 1373/1954, 195-6;
AL-SHAYB WA 'L-SHABAB — SHAYBA b. al-Muctazz, iii, 69, 157, iv, 186, 201, 209, 224; Ibn al-Rumi, Diwdn, Cairo 1993-4, 258, 334-5, 399, 769, 978, 1033-4, 1083, 1139, 1199, 1826, 2343-4; Abu Tammam, al-Hamdsa, Bonn 1828, 572, 581, 592, 756; al-Kall, al-Amdli, Cairo 1953, ii, 45, 103-4; al-Bayhaki, al-Mahdsin wa 'l-masdwi3, Giessen 1902, 376-9; Ibn Abi '1-Dunya, K. al-cUmr wa n-shayb, Riyad 1412/1992, 48-81; al-Sari al-Raffa', Damn, Baghdad 1981, ii, 328, 656, 770; al-Tha'alibl, Mathr al-na^m wa-hall al-cikd, Beirut 1410/1990, 1 OSS', idem, Tahsin al-kabih wa-takbih al-hasan, Baghdad 1401/1981, 67-71; idem, Man gjidba 'anhu al-mutrib, Beirut 1309, 231-5: idem, Tatimat al-dahr, Cairo 1392/1973, ii, 273, iii, 84, iv, 128, 306; al-Husrl al-Kayrawanl, Zfl.hr al-dddb, Cairo 1389/1969, i, 270, iii, 68; al-Sanawbarl, Diwdn, Beirut 1970, 270, 315; Ibn Khafidja, Diwdn, Cairo 1960, 237, 278; al-MarzukT, Shark Diwdn al-hamdsa, Cairo 1951-3, 458-61; ai-Zamakhsharf, Rabic al-abrdr, Baghdad 176, ii, 417-70; Ibn cAbd Rabbihi, al-'Ikd al-fand, Cairo 1372/1953, iii, 41-59; Usama b. Munkidh, K. al( Asd, in Nawddir al-makhtutdt, Cairo 1392/1972, 405-6, 458; Ibn
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Muhammad Hayba, al-Shabdb wa 'l-shayb fi 'l-shicr al-carabi hattd nihdyat al-'asr al-cabbdsz, Cairo 1982; Hind Husayn Taha, al-Shu'ard' wa-nakd al-shi{r, Bagdad 1986, 168-9, 175, 176, 177-8, 182-4; Badr Ahmad Dayf, Shi'r Turayh b. Ismd'il al-Thakqfi, Alexandria 1987, Introd., 34-8. (A. ARAZI) SHAYBA, BANU, the name of the keepers of the c Ka ba (sadana, haajaba [see SADIN; HA^IB]), whose authority does not extend over the whole of the sanctuary (masajid al-hardm), nor even as far as the well of Zamzam and its annexes. They are the Banu Shayba or Shaybiyyun and have as their head a zaflm or shaykh. Modern works only give brief references to them. Snouck Hurgronje gave the days on which they opened the door of the Kacba. He noted that they only admitted the faithful on payment of a fee and quoted the witty Meccan saying: "The Banu Shayba are wreathed in smiles; this must be a day for opening the Kacba". They found a further source of revenue in the sale of scraps of the covering of the holy house, which was replaced every year by their care [see KISWA]. The embroidered parts reserved in theory for the Ottoman sovereign were given more or less gratuitously to the great personages who represented him at Mecca and on the hadidj.. The remainder, in accordance with custom (Wiistenfeld, Chroniken d. Stadt Mekka, iii, 72), was the perquisite of the - Shaybiyyun, who sold it in the little booths at the Bab al-Salam (alBatanunl, al-Rihla al-hi&dziyya, Cairo 1329/1911, 139), the ancient Bab Bam Shayba, the principal gate of the mosque. They also sold there the little brooms made of palm leaves, which were all alleged to have been used for cleaning the floor of the Ka£ba, a solemn ceremony in which the greatest personages gloried in participating (Ibn Djubayr, Rihla, ed. Wright, 138; al-Batanunl, 109). They also had the charge and care of the offerings made by the faithful, which adorn the interior of the holy house. This treasure comprised the most diverse objects, articles of gold and of silver, precious stones, lamps richly adorned, foreign idols, the offerings of converts in distant lands. This treasure was regularly plundered by the Amirs of Mecca, by the governors, by its guardians and even by the Shaybiyyun themselves (M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Le Pelerinage a la Mekke, Paris 1923, 57) although according to tradition, the grand master Shayba is said to have defended it against the attempts of the caliph 'Umar (Ibn al-Athlr, Usd al-ghdba, iii, 8). They had charge of the interior curtains of the Kaeba. They had at one time the care of the Makdm Ibrahim [q.v.] which was considered a dependence of the holy house. The possession of these diverse functions by the Shaybiyyun became latterly so generally recognised that it attracted no attention. They evoked a more lively interest from earlier authors, and especially from the pilgrims. The principal narratives are those of Ibn Djubayr in 579/1183 and of Nasir-i Khusraw in 437/1046. The visit to the Kacba accompanied by a saldt of two rak'as, made if possible, at the very spot where the Prophet performed them on the day of the taking of Mecca, is a pious act, which is not a part of the rites of the Pilgrimage, but one from which the pilgrims themselves hope to acquire further merit, although the people of Mecca seem to attach but slight importance to it. The dates of the public opening seem to have varied a little (Le Pelerinage, 60 ff.) but the ceremony has remained unchanged. The za'lm alone has the key of the Holy House, the history of which is given below. When the gangway (daraaj), which gives access to the door which is above ground
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SHAYBA
level, has been put into position by the Shaybiyyun, their chief advances and, while he is inserting the key, one of his acolytes hides it from the gaze of the faithful. In the 6th/12th century (Ibn Djubayr, 93; Le Pelerinage, 59), he held a black cloth (the £Abbasid colour) in his extended hands. A century earlier (Nasiri Khusraw, 209), there was a curtain on the door which a Shaybf lifted to allow the zcflm to pass and which he let fall again behind him. The Prophet had veiled (satarahu) the door on opening it (al-Ya£kubf, Ta'rikh, ii, 61). In imitation of the Prophet, the za'im enters alone or with 2 or 3 acolytes, prays the two ritual rak'as, then opens the door to the public, whose admission he regulates. The Persian pilgrim as well as the Spanish one made a visit to the Kacba and they both noted the miracle, which allowed this very small building to hold at one time such a large number of the faithful. Nasir-i Khusraw counted 720 in it at the same time as himself. Ibn Djubayr was particularly interested in the Kacba and its ha&aba. He was present at the reception of Sayf al-Islam Tughtigin, the brother of the Ayyubid Salah al-Din (146-7), on whose left hand the za'im of the Shaybiyyun solemnly entered the mosque; the z.afim Muhammad b. Isma£fl b. cAbd al-Rahman was his chief informant (81). He tells us that during his sojourn, the Amfr of Mecca, Mukthir, arrested the za'Tm Muhammad and, accusing him of such baseness of conduct as was "unworthy of the guardian of the Holy House", confiscated his goods and set up in his place one of his cousins, whom popular report accused of the same vices. Then some time after, he saw the zcfim Muhammad, after paying 500 dinars to the Amir, re-established in his office, strutting proudly before the gate of the Ka£ba (163, 164, 166, 179). This act of dispossession does not prove that there was any exact custom which regulated the relations of the Amir with the Banu Shayba. Under al-Mutawakkil (232-47/847-61), they sent delegates to the caliph at Baghdad to assert, in opposition to the proposals of the governor of Mecca, their right to decide what works were necessary to undertake at the Kacba; the master of works sent by the caliph was to apply only to them. When he came to make his first enquiry, the master Ishak was, however, accompanied by the haajaba sjiqybiyyun, and also by the governor, by pious individuals and by the sahib al-band "the postmaster", in reality the redoubtable intelligence officer of the sovereign (Chron. d. Stadt Mekka, i, 210, 11). The privilege of the Banu Shayba is very old; the historians of the 3rd/9th century Ibn Hisham, Ibn Sacd, al-Ya£kubf and the compilers of collections of hadiths confirm this; but they pile up proofs of its legitimacy in a way that makes one think it was recent and disputed. According to tradition, Kusayy [q.v.]s the ancestor of Kuraysh, had reserved the guardianship of the Kacba (hi^dba) for cAbd al-Dar and his descendants. At the time of the conquest of Mecca, it was in the hands of cUthman b. Talha b. Abl Talha cAbd Allah b. cAbd al-'Uzza b. cUt_hman b. £Abd al-Dar (alTabarf, iii, 2378; Usd al-ghdba, iii, 7, 372, etc.). Ibn Sa£d (Tabakdt, v, 331) has a variant story which casts doubts upon the near relationship of £Uthman and Shayba, while the genealogy given by the za'im to Ibn Djubayr (81) intercalates an ancestor Shayba unknown to the other authors. tUthman by a happy foresight was converted at al-Hudaybiya [q.v.] with other notable personages of Mecca, although several members of his family had perished at Uhud in the ranks of Kuraysh (al-Tabarf, i, 1604; A^anl\ xv, 11;
Ibn Sa£d, v, 331, etc.). On the day of the taking of Mecca, he accompanied the Prophet to the Ka£ba and the latter demanded the key from him; in general, the authorities say that he gave it up, but according to one tradition (Badr al-Din al-£Aynf, 'Umdat al-kdri, iv, 609; Chroniken, i, 187), £Uthman, a new convert, had to get it from his mother, an infidel, who had charge of it and who refused to give it up. £Uthman had to threaten to kill himself before her eyes. According to another authority (Chroniken, i, 185), she heard in the courtyard of the house the threatening voices of Abu Bakr and of £Umar before she decided to give it up (cf. Ibn Khaldun, 'Ibar, ii, 44). But another tradition which does not assume the conversion of £Uthman in 8/629-30, shows him on the terrace of the Ka£ba holding the key in his hand and shouting to the Prophet: "If I were sure that he is the Messenger of God, I would not refuse it to him". £ Alf climbed up, held his hand out, took the key and himself opened the door; here £Alid bias is evident (al-Razf, Mqfatlh al-ghqyb, ii, 460; al-Kalkashandf, Subh al-acshd, iv, 264). The general tradition is that the Prophet, in possession of the key, opened the door and entered with £Uthman, Bilal and Usama, prayed two rak'as in a spot which is to-day held sacred and went out holding the key in his hand. At this point, the traditions differ once more in detail, but end in the restoration of the key to £Uthman; according to one account, the Prophet either on his own motion or because of the appeals of al-£Abbas or of £Alf, leant on the posts of the door of the Ka£ba and made a speech which ended: "Everything is under my feet except the siddna and the sikdya of the pilgrims, which are going to be restored to those to whom they belong". He gave the sikdya to al-£Abbas and returned the key to £Uthman; according to the other tradition, the Prophet came out of the Ka£ba uttering verse 61 of sura IV, which according to an opinion which alTabarf (Tqfsir, v, 86) accepts as only of secondary value, was revealed at this moment and applies to the siddna and the sikdya (Yakut, Mu'djam, iv, 625; alRazf, Mqfafih, ii, 460; Chroniken, i, 186). But £Uthman, master of the siddna and of the key, did not exercise his rights; he followed the Prophet to Medina and died there in 42/662-3 or he was killed at Adjnadayn [q.v.] in 13/634. No-one mentions him further, and authors take the precaution of making the Prophet say that he returned the siddna to £Uthman and to Shayba, and to the Banu Talha (Ibn Taghrfbirdf, Miajum, i, 138; al-Nawawf, Minhda^ al-tdlibin, 407; Usd, iii, 372; Chroniken, i, 184). This attempt to make the first cousin of £Uthman, Shayba b. £Uthman b. Abr Talha, be present at the taking of Mecca is unfortunate. Shayba was not yet a Muslim, although some late authors tentatively tried to convert him at the taking of Mecca. They were not able to escape the legend, which grew up round the conversion of Shayba a month later. Shayba sought out the Prophet in the middle of the combat in order to take vengeance for the death of his father, who had been killed at Uhud by Hamza, but from the Prophet a light emanated causing him to lose heart. Muhammad put his hand upon his heart and caused the demon to depart from him. Shayba was converted (al-Ya£kubf, ii, 64; Ibn Hisham, 845; Ibn Sa£d, v, 331; al-Tabarf, i, 1661, 3; Usd, iii, 7; Chroniken, ii, 46; etc.) and without the writers knowing why, Shayba became the keeper of the Ka£ba; all his family hastened to come to his assistance; his brother Wahb b. £Uthman, the sons of £Uthman b. Talha, those of Musafi£ b. Talha b. Abf Talha who was killed at Uhud: "It is
SHAYBA — SHAYBAN then", concludes al-Azraki (Chroniken, i, 67), "all the descendants of Abu Talha who in general exercise the hiajdba (Chroniken, i, 67)". But according to all the traditionists, it was Shayba who was their chief. It was he who had the power to demolish houses dominating the Kaeba (Chroniken, iii, 15). It was he who came into conflict with Mu'awiya about the sale of a house and who at the time of the second pilgrimage of the Caliph, not wishing to be disturbed, sent his grandson Shayba b. Djabir to open the door of the sanctuary (Chroniken, i, 89). It was he who arbitrated between the two hdajdj. chiefs, the partisans of C A1T and those of Mucawiya (al-Tabarl, Annales, i, 3448, iii, 2352; al-Mas'udl, Murufa ix, 56-7 - § 3632); one of his sons cAbd Allah or Talha was a victim of the "abominable" al-Kasrl (Chroniken, ii, 37, 38, 175). It was he who appears in one of the versions of the hadith where cA'isha wished to have the Ka'ba opened (Chroniken, i, 220, 222, 223). There were discussions with cAJisha which settled that it was lawful for the Shaybiyyun to sell parts of the covering (kiswa) but only for the maintenance of the poor (Chroniken, i, 180, 182, iii, 70-2; al-Kalkashandl, iv, 283); in spite of the efforts of the makers of hadith,, the question was discussed by jurists and in 621/1224, the Ayyubid al-Malik al-Kamil, the nephew of Salah al-Dm, purchased from the Shaybiyyun, for an annual fixed sum, the revenues that they drew from the opening of the Kaeba and forced them to open it free of charge (Chroniken, i, 266). Shayba died in 57/676-7 or under YazTd b. Mu'awiya (al-Tabarl, iii, 2378; Ibn Sacd, v, 331; Usd, iii, 8). The tradition which gave to the Shaybiyyun the hiajdba of the Holy House is an ancient one. It is still perpetuated in the name of the archway, which, beside Zamzam, marks the ancient boundary of the wall of the masdjid al-hardm. When the former had been enlarged, the new gate, called at the present time Bab al-Salam, which was in a line with the Kacba and the ancient arcade, was called in its turn Bab Bam Shayba (Le Pelerinage, 132-3). But for this institution, as for many others, the period when it was established and merged in a pre-Islamic institution, remains obscure. Bibliography: Given in the article; see also G. de Gaury, Rulers of Mecca, London 1951, 75. (M. GAUDEFROY-DEMOMBYNES) SHAYBA B. IJTHMAN [see SHAYBA, BANU]. SHAYBAN, an Arab tribe, one of the most important butun of Bakr b. Wa'il. Ibn Khallikan, ed. 'Abbas, v, 244, attributes to it, following Ibn al-Kalbfs I^amharat al-nasab, the following nasab: Shayban b. Tha'laba b. eUkaba b. Saeb b. 'All b. Bakr b. Wa'il b. Kasit b. Hint b. Afsa b. Ducml b. Djadlla (or Djudhayla) b. Asad b. Rabl'a b. Nizar b. Ma'add b. 'Adnan, as well as an identical nasab for the other ancestor, nephew of the first, Shayban b. Dhuhl b. Tha'laba b. 'Ukaba or 'Ukuba. But there are several other nasabs corresponding to other branches (detailed in Ibn Hazm, Diamharat alansdb, ed. Harun, Cairo 1982, and al-Dhahabl, alMushtabih Ji 'l-riajdl, ed. al-BadjawI, Cairo n.d.), as well as Shayban b. Djabir b. Murra b. £AJis or cAJish (al-Mawla Bek, al-BadjawI and Ibrahim, Ayydm al'Arabji 'l-Isldm, Cairo 1942, 23), which should be connected with tribal groups arising from Shayban, such as Murra b. Dhuhl, cA'ish b. Rufa'a b. al-Harith and c Amr b. Kays. They form part of the imprecise network of Bakr b. Wa'il with Kays b. Tha'laba, Dhuhl b. Taym Allah and Tdjl. Al-MakrizI, Khtiat, ii, 163, mentions the presence in Egypt of several nasabs for
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the B. Sabra, including the Shaybam one of Sabra b. cAwf b. Muhakkim b. Dhuhl b. Shayban b. Tha'laba b. 'Ukaba, with a continuation identical with the one at the head of this article. During the Djdhiliyya, this tribe wintered in Nadjd at Djadiyya, in an area which it shared with the B. Djusham, and moved in summer either to the upper Euphrates, the Djazlra, or eastwards to the middle and lower Euphrates, between al-Hlra and al-Ubulla, or even to the southwest of Trak, sharing pastures with Kinda, and around the Gulf. This tribe was celebrated at that time, as in the early Islamic centuries, for the remarkable quality of its poets, its use of a very pure form of Arabic language and its fighting ardour. It was frequently opposed in battle to the Yarbu' and Sallt b. Yarbu', Taghlib and Tamlm (for these, see the ch. Ayydm Rabl'a in al-Mawla Bek, etc., op. ciL, and Yakut, Bulddn, i, 554, ii, 369, 690, iii, 686, iv, 102, 443, 487, with other mentions in the index of places inhabited or frequented by the Shayban). The capacity of the Shayban for risking their lives to satisfy an amorous passion is splendidly illustrated in a story given by Ibn al-eAdfm, Bugjiya, ed. Zakkar, iii, 1420, also vii, 3116, a vainglorious dispute between a ShaybanI and a DhuhlT within the clan of Bakr b. Wa'il, settled by the arbitaration of a man from the tribe of Hamadhan, and vividly recounted. At the time of Muhammad, the Shayban behaved as faithful allies of the B. Hashim, and then more particularly of the sons of 'All and the 'Abbasids. Linked personally to the caliph rather than as a member of the umma as a whole, the Shaybam al-Muthanna b. Haritha played an important role in the conquest of 'Irak in the reigns of Abu Bakr and cUmar (F.M. Donner, The early Islamic conquests, Princeton 1981, and art. s.v.). After the conquests, the main sphere of action of the tribe remained around the western fringes of Mesopotamia, the Gulf and the Djazlra, and extended northwards to Diyar Rabl£a and Mudar, as well as to Armenia and Adharbaydjan. Outside these regions, there were groups of Shayban also in Khurasan and northern Syria. After the early Islamic period, Shayban is less often mentioned than various of the groups descending from it. However, some members, or mawld of the tribe, are mentioned as poets, grammarians and philologists in southern Trak. Abu 'Amr Ishak b. Mirar al-Shaybani (d. ca. 210/825 [q.v. in Suppl.]), one of their mawdli, was a leading figure in the school of Kufan philologists (others cited in Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt, index). Under the caliph cAbd al-Malik, the strength of the Shayban was still considerable, since one of the first great Kharidjites, Shablb b. Yazld b. Nucaym al-Shayba.nl, was able to raise the Arabs of Diyar Bakr and Rablca, assemble troops of cavalry and march on Kufa. He was drowned in 77/697 whilst trying to escape from al-Hadjdjadj. Abu Dawiid Khalid b. Ibrahim al-Dhuhll al-Shaybani was one of Abu Muslim's close retainers. Al-Dahhak b. Kays alShaybanl led a Kharidjite movement in 127/745 in the Kufa area; this was sternly repressed, and al-Dahhak killed in 128/746 (see above, vol. VI, 624).'On the other hand, it was by combatting the Rawandiyya rebels that Macn b. Za'ida al-Shaybani [q.v.], former servant of the Umayyads, was able to secure pardon from al-Mansur; he was subsequently killed fighting the Kharidjites. clsa, a mawld of Shayban., rebelled with fifty followers, against al-Mansur, who sent against him Ziyad b. Mushkan, a mawld of the B. Mazin, who killed him and his partisans (alBaladhurl, Ansdb, iii, ed. al-Durl, 251). In his civil
392
SHAYBAN — AL-SHAYBANl
warfare with al-MaJmun, al-Amfn had as one of his generals the chief of the Rabf £a of al-Djazfra, Ahmad b. Mazyad al-Shaybanf, who brought with him 20,000 Arabs. His brother Yazfd (d. 185/801), governor of Adharbaydjan, fought the Neo-Mazdakite Khurramiyya in Armenia. Under Harun al-Rashfd, he fought and in 179/795 killed his Kharidjite fellow-tribesman alWalld b. Tarff al-Sharf, and he combatted Khazar incursions into Armenia. He took part at al-Hadf's side in the warfare against the Iranian ruler in Tabaristan, Wandad-Hurmuzd. In 207/812-13, al-Ma'mun sent a son of Yazfd's, Mukhalid or Khalid, at the head of a troop of Rabf£a against £Ubayd Allah b. Sari. In 216/831-2, Yazfd's brother £Abd Allah led an expedition into the Gharbiyya of Egypt (al-Makrfzf, Khitat, i, 173, 178-9). The greater part of such Shaybanf commanders as these were great lovers of poetry and patrons of poets. Tsa b. Shaykh b. al-Salfl al-Dhuhli al-Shaybanf [q.v] appears in al-Mutawakkil's reign, was governor of Ramla in Palestine ca. 251 /866, then in Damascus, then governor of Armenia, probably up to his death in 269/882-3. His son Ahmad was governor of Diyar Bakr, Taro and Arzene. He probably had to combat his Kharidjite fellow-tribesmen in the Djazfra and at Mawsil on behalf of al-Mu£tadid, dying in 285/898 and having as his successor his son Muhammad, from whom al-Mu£tadid seized by force his last possession of Amid in 286/899. Muhammad was assigned a house in Baghdad but then imprisoned. In the accounts of these episodes, the quality of poetic composition for both men and women of his family is stressed. At the beginning of the Carmathian propaganda, in the Sawad of Kufa, together with several tribes of Rabfca, from Bakr b. Wa'il or Yashkur, Shayban are mentioned at the side of £AJish, £ Abbas, Dhuhl. £ Anaz(a), Taym Allah, Thacl (Tha£laba?) and Dubay£a b. £Idjl (al-Makrfzf, Ittfdzi al-hunaja3, ed. Shayyal, Cairo 1967, i, 156; Ibn al-Dawadarf, Kanz al-durar, ed. alMunadjdjid, Cairo 1961, 6, 46-8). Individuals with the tribal nisba are mentioned in northern Syria and in Persia. Thus under the walls of Aleppo, the great commander Ibn Rashfk was attacked with a lance and killed by Ibn Yazfd al-Shaybani (Canard, Sayj' alDaula. Recueil, Algiers 1934, 400). The tribe is mentioned with other Kays! ones with whom it acted in common. Thus Muslim b. Kuraysh, the £Ukaylid amir of Mawsil and Aleppo, wishing to attack the Saldjuk Tutush at Damascus, gathered around him the tribes of Numayr, £Ukayl and Shayban, as well as the Kurds and Mawdlida (Ibn al-Kalanisf, Dkayl ttfrikh DimasJik, ed. Amedroz, 114; Ibn al-£Adfm, Ta'rikh Halab, ed. al-Dahhan, Damascus 1954, ii, 80). After the 5th/llth century, the tribe of Shayban as such is less often mentioned, and it is difficult to follow the subsequent fortunes of this highly-fragmented group. The last mention of it in the index to Ibn alAthfr stems from 501/1107-8, when 85 warriors from Shayban were killed at the side of Sadaka b. Mazyad al-Asadi in lower Trak (Kami, x, 448). The Arab Banu Shayban should not, of course, be confused with the Shfbanids [q.v.] or Shaybanids of Central Asia, descendants of the Mongol prince Shf ban b. Djoci b. Cingiz Khan. Bibliography: Given in the article. See also the various arts, in this Encyclopaedia on the various alShaybanfs. No diachronic study of the history of the tribe seems to have been attempted, one going beyond the simple listing of a restricted number of pieces of information concerning the Shayban; such a work would be valuable for our knowledge of the accul-
turation, and then integration, of the nomadic Arabs within the conguered lands. (Tn. BIANQUIS) AL-SHAYBANI, ABU £ABD ALLAH MUHAMMAD B. ALHASAN b. Farkad, jurist of the Hanaff school [see AL-HANAFIYYA] of the very highest eminence, immediate disciple of Abu Hanifa and of Abu Yusuf [q.w]. I. Biography Usually called "Muhammad b. al-Hasan", or simply "Muhammad", in classical judicial literature, alShaybanf was the scion of a prosperous family, mawlds of the Banu Shayban, originally from Harasta in the vicinity of Damascus. It was at the end of the Umayyad dynasty that the father of Muhammad b. al-Hasan, a soldier, emigrated to "Irak and settled in Wasit, where Muhammad was born in 132/750; it was in Kufa, the home town of Abu Hanifa, that the latter grew up. Attracted at a very early age to the "quest for knowledge" rather than to a military career, according to the biographers (see, e.g., al-Dhahabf [d. 748/1347], Mandkib al-imdm Abi Hanifa wa-sdhibayhi Abi Yusuf waMuhammad b. al-Hasan, Cairo n.d. 49-60), al-Shaybani studied in Kufa as a pupil of Abu Hanffa himself for a period of time which must have been short (two years according to al-Shirazi, Tabakdt al-Jukahd3, Beirut n.d. 142), since the latter died in 150/767 when alShaybanf was barely eighteen years old. In fact, it was mostly as a result of study with his senior, Abu Yusuf, the leading disciple of Abu Hanifa, that alShaybani became, at a very early age, a jurist whose increasing renown was soon to arouse the resentment of his master. In Kufa, al-Shaybanf had other teachers as well, including Sufyan al-Thawrf and al-Awzacf [q.vv.], with whom he trained as a traditionist (muhaddith). At an unknown date, he also visited Medina, staying there two or three years (al-Kadi £ Iyad, Tartib al-madarik, Rabat 1983, i, 171), in order to study with Malik b. Anas [q.v.]; he transmitted a version of the latter's Muwatta3, with the addition of his own annotations and commentary (last dated edition, Beirut 1984). At twenty years old, al-Shaybanf was already teaching in one of the mosques of Kufa where his prowess as an orator (he was reckoned a particularly fine exponent of the Arabic language), as a traditionist and as an expert in religious law "proved by the method of ray [q-v.]" attracted numerous students to him. While a resident in Baghdad, al-Shaybanf was appointed judge (kadi) of al-Rakka by Harun al-Rashfd with whom, in the light of various episodes recounted by the biographers, his relations were not always amicable (al-Shaybanf had an exalted opinion of his position and also, it seems, of himself), although he remained an influential member of his entourage until he was relieved of his duties, probably ca. 187/803, and returned to Baghdad, where he resumed his educational activities. It was during this period that his teaching exerted the widest influence, over, in particular, the most prestigious of his pupils, Muhammad b. Idrfs al-Shafi£f [q.v.], who was later to compose a refutation addressed to him (the K. al-Radd fald Muhammad b. al-Hasan, in K. al-Umm, Cairo 1906, vii, 277303) while retaining immense admiration for him. Another of his leading pupils was £Isa b. Aban (d. 221 / 836). Among his other, lesser-known disciples were Ibrahim b. Rustam al-Marwazf (d. 211/826), Ahmad b. Hafs al-Kabfr (d. 217/832), Khalaf b. Ayyub alBalkhf'(d. 205/820, 215 or 220), Musa b. Nasr alRazf (d. ?), etc. (for a list of scholars who transmitted traditions (haditji) according to al-Shaybanf, see alDhahabf, op. cit., 50).
AL-SHAYBANI Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybani died, either in 187/803 or, which is more likely, in 189/805, according to the biographers, in Khurasan (at Ranbuwayh or at Rayy), where Harun al-Rashid had taken him as part of his entourage, having reinstated him in his judicial position. He died on the same day and in the same place as the eminent grammarian and philologist al-Kisa'I, leading Harun al-Rashid to remark that he had buried fikh and grammar side by side. II. His work and thought (a) The body of work, almost all of it preserved and published, which is attributed to Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybani, enormous. But, as has recently been shown by N. Calder (Studies in early Muslim jurisprudence., Oxford 1993, 39-66), extreme caution is required, concerning not so much the authenticity of this attribution but rather the precise nature of the latter. At that time, there can be no doubt that the very notion of a "book", having a single and identified author, did not exist in erudite circles: a certain disciple would collect the teachings of one or another scholar which he eventually committed to writing, accompanied by his own embellishments or commentary, this compilation would then be handed down from disciple to disciple, each in turn adding his own commentary, until a final version came into being, and was attributed to an ancient authority. Since in the Hanafi school, as it developed during the classical period, Muhammad b. al-Hasan was seen to be accorded the role of the one who set down in writing the fikh of the first Hanafis, (principally Abu Hanifa, Abu Yusuf and himself), it is particularly difficult to make sense of his bibliography. There is no doubt, for example, that the treatise on fikh currently published under the title of tdtdb al-Asl (ed. al-Afghani, Haydarabad 1966-72, and Beirut 1990; partial Ger. tr. Wiendensohler, Mangel beim Kauf nach islamischem Recht, Walldorf-Hessen 1960; separate edition of the K. al-Buyuc wa l-salam by Ch. Chehata, Cairo 1954), which is also known by the name of al-Mabsut, and which is attributed to al-Shaybanl, is in fact a compilation of forty-seven short texts on fikh, considerably adapted over the years, which Ibn al-Nadlm (d. 385/ 995), an early bibliographer, attributed to him in his renowned Fihrist (Beirut 1978, 287-8). The K. al-Asl played a vital role in the Hanafi madhhab, to such an extent that, according to some of its leading scholars, for a Hanafi jurist it was sufficient to memorise it for being considered a muajtahid (al-Imam cUmar b. c Abd al-cAz!z, Shark Adab al-kadi li 'l-Imdm Abi Bakr Ahmad b. cUmar al-Khassaf, Beirut 1994, 19). Besides this collection of opuscula, dealing with different aspects of practical law and assembled into a single whole, al-Shaybanf is also the author, again according to Ibn al-Nadlm and later biographers, of various works, including the K. al-^dmic al-kabir (Haydarabad 1936), K. al-tydm? al-saghir (publ. in the margins of the K. al-Kharddji of Abu Yusuf, Bulak 1884, Lahore 1909; partial Ger. tr. by I. Dimitroff in MSOS, xi/2 [1908], 60-206), the K. al-Siyar al-kabir (publ. with the commentary of al-Sarakhsi, Haydarabad 1916-17 and Cairo 1957) and the K. al-Siyar al-saghlr, tr. M. Khadduri, The Islamic law of nations, Baltimore 1966. The K. al-Asl, the four works mentioned above and al-^iydddt belong, according to a classification established by the Hanafi biographers, to the ^ahir alriwdya of the school, in the sense that their transmission, from the origin, was supposed to be faultless, uninterrupted and substantially attested. According to the same biographers, other texts attributed to al-Shaybam did not enjoy the same sta-
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tus in terms of the quality of their transmission, with the result that their current content was considered dubious (a remark in fact applicable, from a viewpoint of contemporary criticism, as has been observed above, to the entire corpus of al-Shaybani). Among the published works attributed to al-Shaybani and also worth mentioning, besides the revision of the Muwatta3 of Malik already noted, are the K. al-Athdr (Lahore 1910 and ed. al-Afghanl, Beirut 1993 with an excellent introd.), the K. al-Hu^a 'aid ahl al-Madma (Haydarabad 1965-71), the K. al-Makhdridj. ft 'l-hiyal (ed. Schacht, Leipzig 1930, repr. Hildesheim 1968) and al-Amdli (Haydarabad 1941). For more details regarding the work of al-Shaybanl, editions and the innumerable commentaries which it generated, see Sezgin, GAS, i, 421-33. Since Abu Hanifa himself wrote nothing on the subject of fikh, and since Abu Yusuf apparently left behind only a very few texts, it is essentially through the intermediary of the work attributed to al-Shaybanl (and, to a lesser extent, that of al-ShaficI) that the judicial opinions developed by and around Abu Hanifa (and more generally, in the legal circles of Kufa) can, with a reasonable degree of certainty, be known. This explains why E. Sachau, and other orientalists who shared his assessment, considered that al-Shaybanl had played a decisive role, more important even than those of Abu Hanlfa and Abu Yusuf, in formulating the doctrines of the Hanafi school and, more generally, of Islamic law (Sachau in SBWAW, phil-hist. CL, Ixv, 723). This appraisal is, however, perhaps excessive, for two reasons. On the one hand, as explained above, al-Shaybanl cannot really be considered in anything other than a remote sense the real author of the corpus attributed to him; on the other, the vocation of Jikh was originally supposed to be, and to remain, an orally transmitted discipline. It was probably only at the time when fikh definitively lost this quality, and its preferred mode of transmission became the written form, that al-Shaybanl was to have this monumental and systematic corpus, originally fragmentary and definitely far less voluminous, attributed to him by the later Hanafis (the same thing occurred within the confines of the Shafi'i school in respect of the K. al-Umm attributed to al-Shafici) and in this regard, the role of the great Hanafi al-Sarakhs! (d. 490/1097 [q.v.], i.e. three centuries after al-Shaybanl) seems to have been definitive. Furthermore, so far as the Hanafi" biographers are concerned, al-Shaybanl invariably occupies only the third rank, after Abu Hanifa and Abu Yusuf, in the hierarchy of authorities of the school. (b) The thought of al-Shaybanl, as has been shown by J. Schacht (The origins of Muhammadan jurisprudence, Oxford 1979, 306-10, and An introduction to Islamic law, Oxford 1964, 45) represents considerable progress in relation to that of his two masters in Kufa, Abu Hanifa and Abu Yusuf, and in many respects it prefigures the rift between the schools, dominant at that time, known as "local", and the "personal" schools which were to succeed them, as reflected in the work of his pupil al-ShafiT. In this regard, it is relevant to note that, in addition to texts of practical law, alShaybani seems also to be the author of a small number of writings on topics of legal theory (usul alfikh [q.v.]: a K. I^tihdd al-ra'y, a K. al-Istihsdn and a K. Usul al-fikh are attributed to him in the Fihrist of Ibn al-Nadlm (Fakhr al-Islam al-Bazdaw! also attributes to him a K. Adab al-kadi, to which he refers in Usul al-Bazdawt, ed. with al-Bukharf's commentary Kashf al-asrdr, Beirut 1991, i, 59-60). Study of the classical
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literature of usul al-Jikh, which often draws attention to opinions of al-Shaybanf, tends to confirm the impression that he was also a theorist of fikh (see, e.g. alLamishf, Kitdb Ji Usul al-Jikh, Beirut J995, index). As recounted by a classic of Hanafi literature of usul al-Jikh (Usul al-Bazdawi, 59-61), the doctrine of alShaybanf relating to the respective roles of "reasoning" (ray) and of tradition (hadith) in the elaboration of Jikh, a doctrine which firmly insists on their necessary complementarity (Id yastaklmu al-hadith ilia bi 'l-ra'y wa-ld yastaklmu al-ra3y ilia bi }l-hadtth), seems to be in perfect harmony with the Jikh which he effectively formulated and which Schacht has successfully analysed, comparing it with that of his predecessors. On the one hand, al-Shaybanf takes care to justify his legal doctrine on the basis of traditions traced back either to the Prophet, or to other authorities (where necessary, he feels free to quarrel with the latter); thus "he fills his books with hadith" (al-Bazdawi, 61). He appears in this context to stand apart from other jurists of Kufa, and from Abu Yusuf in particular, in according, in a non-systematic manner, priority to traditions attributed to the Prophet over those of the Companions (al-Sahdba [q.v]). It is known that al-Shafici, for his part, was to accord probative worth to Prophetic traditions exclusively; on this point also, al-Shaybanf gives the appearance of being the initiator of Shaficf-like theses (Schacht, Origins, 27-34). On the other hand, the judicial reasoning, the ray of alShaybanf, is considerably more rigorous and systematic than was that of Abu Hanffa, Abu Yusuf or Malik. In a word, he tends to associate himself with the strict "analogical reasoning" (kiyds [q.v.]), of which al-Shaficf was to give, in the Risdla, the first formal theorisation available to modern scholarship. It is not impossible that, in his K. I^tihdd al-ray, which is unfortunately lost, al-Shaybanf had preceded him in this project. In theological matters, al-Shahrastanf (d. 54871163 [q.v.]) and other heresiographers assert that, following the example of Abu Hanffa Abu Yusuf, al-Shaybanf adhered to the Murdji'f doctrine [q.v] (Liure des religions et des sectes, tr. D. Gimaret and G. Monnot, Louvain 1986, i, 433; on the very close relations between Hanafism and Murdji'ism, in which al-Shaybanf is just one of the participating players, see W. Madelung in IsL, lix [1982], 32-39). A Credo (cAkida), preserved in manuscript form, is attributed to him, but not one of his biographers mentions its existence. Bibliography: In addition to the references in the text: 1. Bio- and bibliography. Kardarf, Manakib al-imdm al-a'zam, Haydarabad 1902, ii, 146-67; Kawtharf, Bulugh al-amdm fi mat al-Imdm Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybdni, Cairo n.d.; Kfranawf, Abu Hanlfa wa-ashdbuhu, Beirut 1989, 99-104; Kurashf (d. 775/1373), al-Lfrawdhir al-mudiyya Ji tabakat al-hanafyya, Cairo 1993, iii, 122-7; Ibn Kutlubugha (d. 879/1474), Taft al-tara&m, Damascus 1992, 23740; Nawawf (d. 676/1277), Tahd&ib al-asmd3 wa 'l-lughdt, Beirut n.d., i, 80-2; Saymarf (d. 436/1044), Akhbdr Abi Hanlfa wa-ashdbihi, Haydarabad 1974; Beirut 1976; Shfrazf (d. 476/1083), Tabakat aljukahd3, Beirut n.d., 142; £Allama Shiblf Numanf, Imam Abu Hanifa. Life and work, tr. H. Hussain, New Delhi 1991, 238-42; A.C. Barbier de Meynard, in JA, xx [1852], 406-19; H. Kruse, in Saeculum, v [1954], 221-41; O. Spies, in Rapports generaux au F Congres international de droit compare, Brussels 1960, i, 125-9. 2. Doctrine. N. Calder, op. cit.; NJ. Coulson,
A history of Islamic law, Edinburgh 1964, index; A. Hasan, The early development of Islamic jurisprudence, Delhi 1994, index; B. Johansen, The Islamic law on land tax and rent, London 1988; Y. Meron, The development of legal thought in Hanafi texts, in SI, xxx (1969); Schacht, op. cit.', A.L. Udovitch, Partnership and profit in medieval Islam, Princeton 1970. More exhaustive and annotated bibliography in Schacht, Introduction, 215-18, to be completed by consulting L. al-Zwaini and R. Peters, A bibliography of Islamic law, 1980-1993, Leiden 1994. (E. CHAUMONT) AL-SHAYBANI, ABU £AMR ISHAK B. MIRAR, lexicographer belonging to the Kufan school, who is often quoted under his kunya Abu £Amr. He was probably born somewhere around 120/738 in Kufa and lived to a very great age. The biographies mention several years as his date of death, but the most probable date of death is 213/828 (Diem, Das Kitdb al-gim, 10). According to a report in Ibn alAnbarf (Nuzha, 58, 1. 11), his mother was a Nabatf and he knew some of her language. His foreign descent is confirmed by a remark in Ibn Khallikan (i, 201, 1. 6) who says that he was a mawld. It is not certain whence his nisba ash-Shaybanf was derived; according to most sources, he received this nisba because he educated the sons of some members of the Banu Shayban. Al-Shaybanf was trained in grammar and lexicography, as well as hadith', his teacher in poetry was alMufaddal al-Dabbf [q.v.]. In his theological opinions he may have been a Mu'tazilf; in a report in Yakut (Mu'diam, vi, 84) he is said to have maintained that the Kur'an was created. Among his pupils were the lexicographers Ibn al-Sikkft and Abu cUbayd [q.w] and the traditionist Ahmad b. Hanbal, who quotes him as a source in his Musnad. His fame rests mainly on his qualities as a collector of poetry. He is reported to have collected the dtwdns of more than eighty tribes, which have not been preserved. Both his son cAmr and his grandson Muhammad b.
AL-SHAYBANI — SHAYBANl ing the entire treatise, believed that the reason for its name is that the dictionary stops with the letter $Fm, but Diem's analysis has shown that this is not the case, since the Escorial manuscript contains the entire alphabet. The reason for its being called thus cannot be that the book started with the letter djim, either, since the Escorial manuscript starts with the letter hamza. The reason for the name must have been unclear from an early date onwards, since the biographers were puzzled by this question, too. Al-Suyutf, for instance, mentions that he believed for some time that the book was called thus because it started with the letter djtm, but then he saw a manuscript in which the first letter was the hamza. According to the explanation in the Kdmus, the word d^lm was a substantive with the alleged meaning of dibdcji "brocade". It is not unlikely that the treatise as we have it is an unfinished version. From the biographical literature we know that Abu
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Abu {Amr as-Saibdnl. Ein Beitrag zur arabischen Lexikographie, diss., Univ. of Munich 1968; J.A. Haywood, Arabic lexicography. Its history and place in the general history of lexicography, Leiden 21965, 92-7. (K. VERSTEEGH) SHAYBANl, ABU NASR FATH ALLAH KHAN, 19th century Persian poet, born around 1241/1825 in Kashan, died 20 Radjab 1308/1 March 1891. He came from a noble family claiming descent from the Shaybani tribe, from which he took his pen name. His grandfather held the governorship of Natanz, Kashan, Djawshakan and Kum during Agha Muhammad Khan's reign (1193-1212/1779-97), whilst his father, Muhammad Kazim Khan, was employed under Muhammad Shah (r. 1250-64/1779-97) and later served as financial agent of the governor-general of Kashan and Hamadan. In accordance with the family tradition, Shaybani also was identified with the court and government, early having access to the court of Muhammad Shah and acting as companion in attendance to the heir-apparent (afterwards Nasir alDm Shah, r. 1264-1313/1848-96). In later years he was involved from time to time in important official assignments. However, despite his official preoccupations, he was essentially a private individual seeking a life of seclusion. Consequently, he resigned from public affairs and went to live on his estates. He finally decided to settle down in Tehran and died there. Shaybanf's attachment to Sufism, and the influence it had on his poetic outlook, may be discerned in the introspective trend often depicted in his verse. As a writer, he was competent in both prose and poetry. Included among his representative writings are his prose and verse Durd^-i durar "A casket of pearls", and collection of odes Path u zafar "Victory and triumph". His major prose work is the Makdldt-i Shaybani, which is autobiographical in nature, and was composed in 1273/1856-7. Shaybanl's poetic career spanned over a period of some fifty years, from the last part of Muhammad Shah's reign to about the end of Nasir al-Dln Shah's time. His output comprises kastdas, gtiazals, rubd'is, kit'as and du-baytls. A selection of his verse, probably prepared by the poet, was published in Istanbul in 1308-9/1890-1. His style of writing follows the trend of the old masters, such as Rudaki and Farrukhi [
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Dja'far Mahdjub, Tehran (?) n.d.; Mfrza Muhammad cAlr (Mu'allim Habfbabadf), Makdrim al-dthdr, iv, Isfahan 1352/1973; Fihrist-i kutub-i khattl-yi Kitdbkhdna-yi Madjlis-i SJiurd-yi Milli, iii, Tehran 1318-21/1939-42, 518-20; Kasim Ghanf, Path Allah Khan Shaybdm, in Ydddds]it-hd-yi Duktar Kasim GhanL x, London 1983, 152-7 (publ. originally in Ayanda, iii/1 [1323/1944], 30-4); Muhammad Kazwfnf, Wafaydt-i mu'dsirin, in Tddgdr, v/3 (December 1948), 96-8; Muhammad Mucfn, Farhang-i Fdrsi, i, Tehran 1371/1992; J. Rypka et alii, History of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968; Yahya Aryanpur, AZ Sabd td Mma, i, Tehran 1350/1971. (MUNIBUR RAHMAN) AL-SHAYBANI, IBRAHIM B. MUHAMMAD, Abu '1-Yusr al-Kayrawanf al-Riyadf "the mathematician" (223-298/ 838-911), adtb and author of rasd3il. He was born in Baghdad, where he pursued his studies before making his way to Ifrfkiya in 261/874 during the reign of the Aghlabid amir Ibrahim b. Ahmad al-Aghlab (261-90/874-902). Unfortunately, little is known concerning the life in Baghdad of this prolific letter writer and poet. Besides the valuable information regarding him supplied by Ibn al-Abbar in his Takmila (i, article 454, p. 174), stating that alShaybanf was the disciple and friend of writers such as al-Djahiz, al-Mubarrad and Ibn Kutayba, and of the poets Dicbil, Abu Tammam and al-Buhturf, substantial evidence concerning his life in the East is lacking. The same cannot be said of his life in Ifrfkiya, which began in 261/874 when he was 38 years old. Al-Shaybanf settled in Aghlabid Ifrikiya after wanderings which took him as far as Spain. He was received at Kayrawan by the three last Aghlabid amirs, including Ziyadat Allah III (290-6/902-9), who treated him with lavish generosity and entrusted to him the post of director of the Bayt al-Hikma. It is again Ibn al-Abbar who states that this epistolary writer was at the head of the Bayt al-Hikma during the reign of Ziyadat Allah (op. cit., 174). Al-Shaybanf was opportunist enough to turn away from his Aghlabid patrons just before their deposition, in a bloodless coup, by the Fatimids (296-362/909-73), and what is more, he composed panegyrics in honour of the caliph al-Mahdl (297-322/910-34); as a reward, he retained his post at the head of the above-mentioned establishment until 298/911, the date of his death at Kayrawan. Ibrahim al-Shaybanf was a talented writer and a first-rate scholar, seeking to combine the pertinence of ideas and flexibility and elegance of expression with the rigour of the language. In fact, he established himself as a master of the epistolary genre on account of his flowing style, his pure language and his zest. The few biographical sources which mention him attribute to him the titles of numerous works including Sirdaj al-huddfi }l-Kur3dn wa-icrdbih wa-macdmh, Musnad fi 'l-hadith, Lakit al-mara^dn (after the model of the c Uyun al-akhbdr of Ibn Kutayba), Kutb al-adab, alMurassa'a wa 'l-mudabbagja. As for al-Risdla al-ca4hrd3, composed without any doubt by al-Shaybanf and addressed to his friend and correspondent Ibn alMudabbir (d. 279/892), as is proved by the unique manuscript which contains it (Dar al-Kutub, Cairo, Taymur no. 80), it is "one of the most ancient treatises on administration and public life" (Gottschalk, in El2, iii, 880a). This letter achieved immediate and considerable success and was rapidly transmitted throughout the Muslim world; it has been continually studied, annotated and used as an educational text. However, Kurd 'All, who was the first to have the opportunity of establishing the unique text of the
Risdla of al-Shaybanf (see M. Kurd eAli, Rasd'il albulagha3, Cairo 1331/1913, 176-93) and who cannot have known everything about this Aghlabid letter writer, inadvertently attributed it to Ibn al-Mudabbir, this leading into error Zakf Mubarak in his £tude critique sur la Lettre Vierge d'Ibn al-Mudabber (sic), Cairo 1931, and Gottschalk in his art. IBN AL-MUDABBIR (loc. cit). In this context, the following points should be noted: (1) The hmya of Ibn al-Mudabbir is Abu Ishak and not Abu '1-Yusr, as claimed by Kurd cAlf, Zakf Mubarak and Gottschalk (see on this topic, Agfidni, Beirut 1380/1960, xxii, 151; Yakut, Mu'ajam al-3udabd3, Beirut, i, 226; al-Ziriklf, al-A{ldm, i, 56). (2) The Tide of the Risdla as it is found in the Cairo manuscript is the following: "The virgin letter, concerning the criteria of rhetoric and of the instruments of writing, sent by Abu '1-Yusr Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-Shaybanf to Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. al-Mudabbir (al-Risdla al-cadhrd3 fi mawdzm al-baldgha wa-adawdt al-kitdba, kataba-hd Abu 'l-Tusr Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-Shaybdm ild Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. alMudabbir). (3) Several paragraphs of the Risdla al-cag%rd3 have been reproduced in the elkd of Ibn cAbd Rabbihi and attributed without any hesitation to al-Shaybanf, although Ibn cAbd Rabbihi gives no title to this letter (see al-7/W, Cairo 1365/1944, iv, 155-205). Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): al-Risdlat al-cadhrd3, ms. Cairo Taymur coll., no. 80; Ibn al-Abbar, Takmila, Cairo 1375/1955, i, 173-4; idem, ftab al-kuttdb, Damascus 1380/1961, 78; Ibn eldharf, Baydn, Beirut 1983, i, 162-3; Makhluf, Sha&arat al-nur al-zakiyya, Cairo 1349, 68; Khushanf, Tabakdt, Bagdad 1372, iii, 288; Makkarf, Najh al-tib, Beirut 1388/1968, iii, 134; Fayruzabadf, al-Bulgfia fi ta3nkh a3immat al-lugha, Damascus 1392/1972, 3-4; H.H. cAbd al-Wahhab, Warakdt, Tunis 1965, i, 243-4; Ziriklf, Aeldm, Beirut 1389/ 1969, i, 57; M.M. Labidi, La vie litteraire en IJhqiya sous ks Aghlabides, diss. Tunis 1414/1994. (MOHAMED MOKHTAR LABIDl)
SHAYBANl KHAN [see SHIBANI KHAN]. SHAYBANIDS [see SHIBANIDS]. SHAYDA, MULLA, 17th c e n t u r y Persian poet of India, commonly known as Mulla Shayda, born in Fathpur Sfkrf, near Agra, d. in 1080/1669-70. His father was a native of Mashhad, from where he migrated to India during the reign of Emperor Akbar. It is reported that Shayda was attached initially to a nobleman who spotted his poetic talents, and eventually introduced him to the Emperor Djahangfr so that he became enrolled among the ahadts or "gentlemen troopers", a class of servants employed mostly for household duties. Later, he decided to seek employment with £Abd al-Rahfm Khan-i Khanan (d. 1036/1627 [^.y.]), writing a kaslda in praise of the latter and sent it to him at Mandu, and after some time, was released from the royal staff and joined Khan-i Khanan's service in Burhanpur. Another patron whom Shayda served was Prince Shahriyar (d. 1037/1628), the ill-fated youngest son of Emperor Djahangfr, who was blinded and subsequently executed. Thereafter the poet entered the service of the Emperor Shah Djahan among the ahadts. In course of time, he retired from his job, living comfortably on the government pension granted to him, and settled in Kashmfr where he died. Shayda has been described as an irascible person provoked easily on mere suspicion, and he composed satirical verses attacking several of his contemporaries, so that his behaviour made him many enemies,
SHAYDA, MULLA — SHAYKH arid he was often a target of their hostility. Evidence is lacking about the actual extent of Shayda's poetical output. Estimates in this connection vary from 50,000 to 100,000 couplets. The poet is also said to have composed a mathnawl, entitled Dawlat-i blddr, "The awakened fortune", modelled after Nizamf's Makhzan al-asrdr. It seems that Shayda was negligent in the preservation of his works. The Khizdna-yi cdmira gives a description of a copy of Shayda's works used by Azad for his account of the poet. The contents of this manuscript included 14 lengthy kasidas and a kifa dealing with some of the ornaments of rhetoric. A manuscript of Shayda's ghazak is in the British Library; it contains a total of some 1,200 couplets. Shayda has won critical approval for his poetic achievements, being represented as a follower of the old school. In the Mtfathir-i Rahlml he is depicted as one of the talented poets of his time who had a probing imagination, and could conceive novel subjects, but showed mental apathy in their arrangement. He wielded a facile pen which enabled him to compose lengthy kasidas within the smallest amount of time. His knowledge of prosody was excellent, and is seen in his frequent use of difficult metres and rhyme. Bibliography: Diwdn, B.L. ms. Or. 2849;
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term shaykh may be applied to the head of a religious establishment (madrasa, ddr al-hadith, ribdt, etc.), and to any Muslim scholar of a certain level of attainment (in the biographical collections, the term is generally linked with others, such as imam]. In the peripheral regions of the Islamic world, shaykh may have various meanings. In India, it denotes a category of the descendants of the Prophet or ashraf [see HIND, ii, at vol. Ill, 410a], whilst in Ibn Battuta's time, the inhabitants of Mogadishu applied it to their sultan (Rihla, ii, 182, tr. Gibb, ii, 374-5). The term shaykh is often found with a complement. The sh. al-balad can be the equivalent of the mayor of a town, or more simply, an employee looking after the good management of the town (Dozy, SuppL, i, 809). Amongst the Hafsids of Tunis, the grand vizier had the title sh. al-Muwahhidin, in reference to the Almohads, whose heirs the Hafsids claimed to be (Ibn Khaldun, op. cit., 266). On the purely religious level, the honorific title Sh. al-Islam [q.v] is found, also the function of sh. al-ikrd3 (master in instruction of the Kur'an readings), and the designation sh. al-Sunna for traditionists or other persons scrupulously observing the Sunna. In Sufi mysticism, the shaykh is the spiritual master (pis. shuyukh, mashdyikh). Having himself traversed the mystical path (tonA;(a) [<7-fl-])5 he knows its traps and dangers, and is therefore essential for the aspiring novice or mund [q.v.], who must place himself totally under his guidance (termed iktidd3; see esp. alGhazali, Ihyd3, Beirut, iii, 75-6; al-Suhrawardl, Awarif al-macdrif, Beirut 1983, 83). He thus becomes the novice's spiritual father and "educator", al-shaykh almurabbi (see e.g. Ibn Khaldun, §hifa3 al~sd3il li-tahdhib al-masd3il, Tunis 1991, 224, 226) or sh. al-tarbiya. His closeness to God makes him a wall or saint, and provides a firm basis for his authority; the Sufis interpret in this sense the hadith "the shaykti has the same position amongst his followers as the Prophet in his community" (see e.g. the K. Khatm al-awliyd3 of alHaklm al-Tirmidhl, Beirut 1965, 489, and on this tradition, al-Suyutl, al-Dj.dmic al-saghir, no. 4969). A wider circle than his spiritual disciples seek out the Sufi master not for tarbiya but for the spiritual influence, baraka [q.v,] emanating from him; in this case, he is envisaged as the sh. al-tabarruk. The shaykh usually officiates in a z^wiya [q.v.] founded on his personal initiative (most of the shayMis whom Ibn Battuta met in the course of his travels were heads of this kind of institution). In Persia, the shaykh of a khdnkdh [q.vJ] had a similar spiritual charisma, but in the Ayyubid and the Mamluk Near East the khdnkdh became a public institution, and its shaykh, nominated by the ruling power, belonged more to the class of c ulamd3 or administrators than to the Sufis. At Cairo and Damascus there was a supreme sh. al-shuyukh, charged with the office of controlling the practice of tasawwuf and whose role was often more political and diplomatic than spiritual (whence al-Subkfs severe judgement on this pompous title, see his Mu'ld alnicam, Beirut 1986, 96). At a later period, the Ottomans introduced a sh. al-turuk ("head of the mystical paths" rather than "of the Sufi brotherhoods") in each major city of the empire, with the same function as the sh. al-shuyukh. At the beginning of the 19th century, Muhammad 'All Pasha [q.v] set up a sh. mashdyikh al-turuk al-sufyya, with authority over the whole range of Egyptian brotherhoods. One should also note that titles like shaykh, sh. alshuyukh or sh. al-mashdyikh are equally used for the heads of trade and professional guilds (see, e.g. above,
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vol. II, 967b, and III, 206a), evoking the affinities which existed between tasawwuf and jutuwwa [q.v]. In later Sufism, the sji. al-sadj$dda denoted the successor—corporeal or spiritual—of the eponymous head of the order; the prayer carpet, saa^a^dda [q.v.], considered as stemming from the master, symbolises the transmission of spiritual authority to his "heir". Finally, a woman in whom is recognised the quality of a spiritual master (above all, vis-d-vis other women) is still today called shaykha. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): See the art. sjiqyk/i in cAbd al-Muncim alHifnf, Mucdj.am mustalahdt al-sufiyya, Beirut 1987. On the sh. al-shuyukh,, see L. Fernandes, The evolution of a Sufi institution in Mamluk Egypt: the Khanqah, Berlin 1988, 47-54. On the sh. al-mashdyikh in Egypt, see M.T. al-Bakrf, Bayt al-Siddik, Cairo 1323, 379-80, and esp. PJ. Luizard, Le soufisme egyptien contemporain, in Egypte/Monde arabe, ii (1990), 44. For a parallel between the shqykh of Sufism and that of Jutuwwa, see J.-C. Vadet, La Futuwwa, morale professionelle ou morale mystique, in REI, xlvi (1978), 57-90. (E. GEOFFROY) SHAYKH CADI [see £ADI]. SHAYKH ADAM, SAF! AL-DiN b. Tayyib Shah b. Malik b. Isma£fl, the successor to Dawud Burhan al-Dfn b. Kutb Shah in 1021/1612 as the twentyeight da'i of the Musta £ lf-Tayyibf I s m a £ f l f s in India known as the Dawudf Bohras. According to Isma£fl b. £Abd al-Rasul al-Madjdu£ (Fahrasa, ed. £Alfnakf Munzawf, Tehran 1966, 118; the text is corrupt and not clear), Shaykh Adam was a descendant of either Siddharaja Jayasimha (or Jayasingha), the Radjput ruler of Gudjarat (1094-1143), who was converted to the Isma£flf faith by Mawlaya c Abd Allah, or a descendant of the latter missionary who had come from Yemen. He lived in Ahmadabad and died there on 7 Radjab 1030/28 May J621. The year of his birth is unknown, but Muhammad 'All, the author of Mawsim-i bahdr (Bombay 1301/1884, iii, 259-64) states that while he was still a young boy he studied with Yusuf b. Sulayman, the first Indian to be appointed as the head of the dtfwa in 946/1539. The latter lived in his native place Sidhpur [q.v.] for five years after becoming the head of the da'wa and then went back to Yemen, where he died in 974/1567. If Shaykh Adam studied with Yusuf b. Sulayman while he was still in Sidhpur, he must have been at least ten years of age or older, which implies that he was born before 940/1533. According to the same author, he then served Djalal b. Hasan, the twenty-fifth da'i, who succeeded Yusuf b. Sulayman and attained prominence during the time of the succeeding daci, Dawud b. £Adjab. In 998/1590 he was delegated by the da'i to preach and propagate the da'wa in the Deccan (Kutb al-Dfn Burhanpurf, Muntaztf al-akhbdr, ms. collection' of Zahid £Alf, 541 ff., 625-8). After the death of this da'i, the Bohra community was divided over the succession dispute; a great majority upheld the succession of Dawud Burhan al-Dfn and came to be known as the Dawudfs, whereas a minority accepted the claims of Sulayman b. Hasan, the grandson of Yusuf b. Sulayman, and became known as the Sulaymanfs. During this time of crisis Shaykh Adam firmly stood by the daci Dawud Burhan al-Dfn, defending his succession before the court of the Mughal emperor Akbar. His Kitdb pall midu deals with the beginning of the Mustaclian da'wa in India, the arrival of Mawlaya £Abd Allah (sent from Yemen by Lamak b. Malik) in Cambay, and the legend about the conversion of Siddharaja Jayasimha, and the subsequent history of
the dacwa until the author's time (al-Madjdu£, Fahrasa, 118). It is an important source for the history of that early period: manuscript copies of it are, however, very rare. Bibliography: In addition to the works mentioned in the text, stioned in the text, see I. Poonawala,Biobibligraphyee I. Poonawala, of Isma'iti literature, Malibu, Gal. 1977, 190. (I. POONAWALA) SHAYKH AL-BALAD "the Chief of the City", the title given in Ottoman Egypt during the greater part of the 18th century to the most powerful bey in Cairo. By the early 18th century real political power in Egypt no longer rested with the pashas, the official representatives of the Ottoman sultan in Istanbul, but with the military grandees—at first Janissary regimental commanders and then exclusively with the Mamluk beys, who accepted the nominal Ottoman sovereignty, and whose supremacy was decided by fierce power struggles among military factions and households. The strongest bey was called by various appellations, such as Amir Misr ("the commander of Cairo"), Kabir alKawm ("the senior of the people", i.e. the Mamluks), Kabir al-Balad ("the senior of the city"), until these tides were superseded by Shaykh al-Balad, a title which expresses not only his supremacy but also the limitation of his power to Cairo; he could not extend his rule to all of Egypt, owing to the weakness and fragmentation of Egyptian government, notably in Upper Egypt where the Arab tribes were virtually autonomous. Shaykh al-Balad was not an official Ottoman title, and the Ottomans strongly objected to it, as it expressed the de facto rule of the beys and the mere symbolic position of the Ottoman pashas in Cairo. In several official decrees issued in the years 1138/1726 and 1143/1730, the Ottoman government calls this titie "a devilish innovation", the source of all the trouble in Egypt, and threatens with death whoever uses it. With their accustomed flexibility, however, the Ottomans eventually put up with this show of Egyptian semi-independence, and an edict issued by the sultan in 1159/1746 names £Uthman Bey, a former Amir alHadL&, as Shaykh al-Balad. The first bey who is called Shaykh al-Balad in the sources was Muhammad Bey Carkas in the third decade of the 18th century. During the second half of that century, the ascendancy belonged to the Kazdughli Mamluk faction and the Shuyukh al-Balad came from them. By far the most famous and powerful one was £Alf Bey Bulut Kapan ("the cloud catcher", known as "the Great") whose incumbency (117387/1760-73) marked the first attempt since the early 16th century of a rebellion in Egypt against the central Ottoman government. He was succeeded by Muhammad Abu '1-Dhahab [q.v], £Alf Bey's Mamluk, who finally turned against him and demonstrated loyalty to the Ottomans. The title survived as long as the beys held effective power in Cairo, until the French invasion of Egypt in 1798. Bibliography: P.M. Holt (ed.), Political and social change in modern Egypt, London 1968, index. (M. WINTER) SHAYKH HUSAYN, a saint (wall) of Ethiopia, whose kubba, in the Bale or Bali region of Oromo province, is the goal of an important popular pilgrimage. There are various orthographies of his name: Scec Hussen, Schech Ussen (Italian), Shaykh Husayn (Arabic), Shek Husen (Oromo, Amharic), Sheekh Xuseen (Somali), etc.
SHAYKH HUSAYN — SHAYKH AL-ISLAM Sh. Nur Husayn is said to have lived ca. A.D. 1200. Coming from Merca, on the Somaliland coast, or possibly from Harar, he was reputedly the first great preacher of Islam in the region. He was a thaumaturge, who also had the gift of ubiquitousness. In the 16th century, the Oromo, then followers of traditional religions, came from the south or from the east, gained control of the region and took over the cult passed on to them by the Hadiya-Sidama peoples. Later, the cult became strengthened through a confusion with the one centred around Abba Muda (son [?] of the eponymous ancestor of the Oromo). Today, a syncretistic character of the cult of Sh. Husayn is discernible, but it is only with great prudence that one can set up the equations Abba Muda - Shek Husen and Waaqa (the Oromo supreme deity, identified with the Heavens) - Allah, God. The place where his tomb is situated, Annajina (or Dire Shek Husen) is 250 km/155 miles as the crow flies to the south-east of Addis Ababa, to the east of Gobba, on the right bank of the upper course of the (webi) Shebelle [q.v.], at an altitude of 1,489 m/4,884 feet. The region is one of Arsi (Amhar. Arusi) Oromo farmers and herdsmen. The sanctuary's fame is such that it extends to the whole of the Oromo and Somali lands of the Horn of Africa, and each year attracts tens of thousands of devotees. A main pilgrimage takes place on the anniversary of the saint's death and a second one during the hafjjjjj. month, both at the full moon. The ritual is inspired by that of the Meccan Pilgrimage and by practices dating from the time before the Oromo embraced Islam. But these last probably borrowed from the syncretism already reached by the Sidama. The pilgrims (($ila) arrive in groups, on foot or on riding beasts. They all carry a long, forked stick (ulee), which has a practical use but is, above all, a sign of their status as pilgrims, which opens to them doors of hospitality. They begin their devotions as soon as they gain sight of the sanctuary. Within the sacred area properly so-called, bounded by an enclosure, even if it is forbidden to cut down trees, out of respect for their spirit (ayyaana), it is nevertheless recommended that shreds of cloth or skin should be hung from their branches as offerings. Near to the pool of Dinkiro, which is fed by a miraculous spring, there stands the mosque of Shaykh Husayn. The tomb is in a crypt reached through a low door. The faithful crowd into there, praying, crying, singing and covering themselves with the white dust of the soil or of the walls kneaded with saliva. Outside the grills of the mausoleum, the crowd sings hymns with alternate verses (baro) and dances. The pilgrim then visits sites in the valley of Kachamsare: the Serpent Grotto, where can be seen the snake which the saint petrified by his single glance; the Grotto of Sins, where the pilgrim sets apart some of the miraculous earth and white stones which he then throws into the Valley of Sins in order to be purified from his faults; the Grotto of Grass, where he makes a vow whilst pulling a sprig of grass; etc. Strange rock formations which abound in the region are everywhere attributed to the saint's actions. The rites to be fulfilled also include fumigations with plants and incense, and the drinking of coffee and chewing of kat [q.v.] (Oromo chaatii). Divination, and cults of possession and exorcism, are likewise practiced. The whole of the sacred site is in the hereditary custody of one family, the Wau of the Gamuoro tribe, adherents of the Ahmadiyya tonka. The mosque, built at Annajina by cAbd al-Shakur, amir of Harar [q.v.]
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1197-1209/1783-94, and dedicated by him to Shaykh Abd al-Kadir al-DjTlanT (the maternal uncle of Sh. Husayn, according to local tradition!), is the sole rallying-point for members of the Kadiriyya brotherhood. In the minds of many of the faithful, pilgrimage to Sh. Husayn replaces the Pilgrimage to Mecca and allows the poor to fulfil the obligation of haaj^. The cults of Shaykh Husayn, of his kindred and that of his disciples, are very strongly alive in the region. His father's kubba is situated at Annajina near to the Imaro pool, one of his sons is honoured at Harar, another in the neighbourhood of that same town, etc. The most important of these accessory sanctuaries, arising only in the second half of the last century, is that of Sof Omar (Ar. Sufi 'Umar). This is made up of a group of grottoes along the course of the Web (Amhar. Wayb) river, some 60 km/37 miles to the south of Annajina, grottoes in which the homonymous personage is said to have lived. This mystic—one of the 6,666 disciples of Sh. Husayn, according to popular enthusiasm—may have come from the Tegray/Tigre region in the north of Ethiopia in the 18th century. Sh. Husayn's devotees (gariiba, pi. gariibatta), frequenters of these sacred places, wander around the region, and well beyond it, living off alms. Bibliography: E. Cerulli, Pubblwazioni recenti dei musulmani e dei cristiani dell'Etiopia, in OM, viii (1928), 429-30; idem, Etiopia occidental, i, Rome 1930; idem, Somalia. Scritti vari editi ed inediti, ii, Rome 1959, 13440; C.S. Clapham and E. Robson, The caves of Sof Omar, Ethiopian Tourist Organization, Addis Ababa n.d.; BJ. Andrzejewski, Sheikh Hussen of Bali in Galla oral traditions, in IV Congresso Internationale di Studi Etiopici (1972), Rome 1974, i, 463-80; idem, Allusive diction in Galla hymns in praise of Sheikh Husain of Bale, in African Language Studies, xiii (1972); U. Braukamper, The Islamization of the Arssi-Oromo, in Taddese Beyene (ed.), Procs. of the Eighth Internat. Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa 1988, i, 767-77; Haji Abbas, Le role du culte de sheikh Hussein dans I'lslam des Arsi, in Islam et societes au Sud du Sahara, v (1991), 21-2; E. Pelizzari, Due riti di possessione a confronto: il culto di Sheekh Xussen e il Mingis, in Africa, Rome, xlvii/3 (1992), 355-74; idem, L'islam popolare in Etiopia: il pellegrinaggio di Shaikh Husayn, in Africa, xlviii/3 (1993), 382-95 (with further bibl. references); A. Gori, Some preliminary observations on the texts of Shaykh Husayn's hagiographies, Twelfth Internat. Conference of Ethiopian Studies, East Lansing 1974, 17 pp. (duplicated paper, not included in the Acts of the Conference); see also the Bibls. to OROMO, SOMALI. (A. ROUAUD) SHAYKH AL-ISLAM (A.), an honorific title in use in the Islamic world up to the early 20th century, applied essentially to religious dignitaries. 1. Early history of the term. The title first appears in Khurasan towards the end of the 4th/10th century. While honorific titles compounded with Islam (like Tzz-, Djalal-, and Sayf alIslam) were borne by persons exercising secular power (notably the viziers of the Fatimids, cf. M. van Berchem, in £DPV, xvi [1893], 101), the tide of Shaykh al-Islam has always been reserved for fulama3 and mystics, like other titles of honour whose first part is Shaykh (e.g. Shaykh al-Dlw, the surname of Shaykh alFutyd is given by Ibn Khaldun to the jurist Asad b. al-Furat, cf. Mukaddima, tr. de Slane, i, p. Ixxviii). Of all these titles only that of Shaykh al-Islam has been extensively used. Though apparently used in some instances purely as an honorific, the consistency with which the title appears in the major cities of Khurasan. £
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and the fact that no two persons bear the tide in the same place at the same time, suggests a functional connotation. Some Shuyukfi al-Islam were Sufis and others scholars of hadith. There is no evidence that they were generally known as Jukahd3 or that they delivered fatwds. Rather, they seem to have been among the most admired or influential culamd} in their milieux, and there are indications that their function was to authorise the initial convening of a class for a new teacher in a city during the period before the madrasa took over this function. The biographer of one Shaykh al-Islam, the Hanball Sufi Abu Isma'fl c Abd Allah al-Ansarf [q.v.] of Harat, praises him for "the ordering of madrasas, teachers (ashdb), and convents and the holding (nuwab) of classes", see R.N. Frye (ed), The histories of Mshapur, The Hague 1965, first ms. of al-Farisf, fol. 33b; second ms. of al-Farisi, fol. 82b). Further indications of an educational function for the Shaykh al-Islam are given by R.W. Bulliet, The Shaikh al-Islam and the evolution of Islamic society, in SI, xxxv, 53-67. While the office is attested in a number of Persian cities in the 5th/llth century, it seems not to have spread in its functional form to the west. In Syria and Egypt, Shaykh al-Islam became a tide of honour but not an official title. It was bestowed on jurists whose fatwds attained a degree of fame and acceptance, such as Ibn Taymiyya [q.v.], who was called Shaykh al-Islam by his supporters but denied the tide by his adversaries. Later uses of the tide under the II Khans, the Dihlf Sultanate and Tlmurids indicate an cdlim of high rank performing various functions in the religious and educational arena. These figures were not generally muftis. To the west, however, by 7007 1300 the tide had gradually become associated with the deliverance of fatwds. This was the case in Syria and Egypt, but opinions differ as to whether Shaykh al-Islam was purely tide or designation of the local mufti in Anatolia during Saldjuk and early Ottoman times. Insofar as it designated an office of any kind, however, it was a local rather than a state one, contrary to the practice in contemporary regimes to the east of Persia, where it was more often, though not invariably, a state post conferred by the ruler. Bibliography. Given in the article. (J.H. KRAMERS-[R.W. BULLIET]) 2. In the Ottoman empire. The tide shaykh al-isldm is most famously associated with the Ottoman office of the Mufti of the Capital, which is to say, for by far the greater proportion of its existence, the Mufti of Istanbul. While several early, not altogether trustworthy uses of the tide shaykh alisldm occur in documents around the turn of the 14th century (M. Akdag, Turkiye'nin iktisadi ve wtimai tarihi, ii, Ankara 1971, 62, n. 1), these perhaps reflecting a continuance of Saldjuk usage, its earliest use as a title of the Mufti of the Capital—with which office it became exclusively associated amongst the Ottomans— is found in the so-called kdnun-ndme [q.v.] of Mehemmed II relating to state organisation (TOEM, supplement to parts 13-15, 10), traditionally dated to ca. 1480. Whatever the truth in general in the debate over the authenticity of this important document, it is certainly the case that the extant manuscripts, which date from the early 17th century, are shot through with anachronisms, of which this may well be one. It nevertheless appears that the Ottomans used the term "Miifii" and "Shaykh al-Isldm" interchangeably and often together (as indeed in the passage referred to), the former being by far the more common designation in earlier centuries, the latter gaining the
greater currency with the passage of time, and particularly from the 18th century (cf. I.H. Uzuncar§ili, Osmanh devletinin ilmiye te§kildti, Ankara 1965, 174). The origins of the office of Shaykh al-Isldm, or Mufti, are obscure from the point of view both of the identity of the first few holders of the post and of the reasons for its creation. On the former point, two separate Ottoman traditions exist in the form of lists of the holders of the office, one found at least as early as the Dewha-yi meshd3ikh-i kibdr of the 18thcentury writer Mustakfm-zade (Miistaklm-zade Sulayman Sa£d al-Dfn Efendi: d. 1202/1787-8 [q.v.]), the other, rather earlier, in the Takwim al-tawdrikh by Katib Celebi [q.v.]. Miistakfm-zade's list begins with Molla Shems al-Dln Muhammad b. Hamza b. Muhammad al-Fenarf (Molla Penan, d. 834/1431 [see FENARIZADE]), Mufti in Bursa, that of Katib Celebi with Khidr Beg (d. 863/1459 [q.v]), the first kadi of Istanbul, to whom, Katib Celebi says, the office of Mufti of Istanbul was also given at the time of the conquest (1453). Though Katib Celebi's account has found favour with certain later authors (e.g. Husayn Hezarfenn [q.v], d'Ohsson, Hammer-Purgstall), that of Miistakim-zade— which depends ultimately on the statement in Tashkoprii-zade (al-Shakd'ik al-Nucmdniyya, Arabic text in margin of Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-a'ydn, Bulak 1299, i, 87) that Molla Fenarf was "mufti in the Ottoman lands" (mufti fi 'l-mamlaka al-'Uthmdniyyd), this being the first occurrence of such a title in his work—has generally, and righdy, been preferred. (On the considerable problems posed by both lists with respect to the Muftis of the 15th century, see R.C. Repp, The Mufti of Istanbul, London 1986, 137 ff.) If the uncertainties about the facts of the lives of the 15th-century Muftis make it difficult to fix a reliable line of succession, the exiguous nature of the evidence about their activities renders it equally difficult to define their functions and role. Several certainly, and perhaps all, taught at important madrasas while holding the office of Mufti. Fakhr al-Dm al-cAdjamf (d. 873/1468 ?), the second (or third ?) Mufti, is remembered for having prevented the young Mehemmed II [q.v] from coming under the influence of the Hurufiyya [q.v], a fact which suggests that he (like some later Muftis] may have been regarded as a personal religious adviser to the sultan: it is also noteworthy that he, unlike his one, possibly two predecessors, but like all his successors, did not hold the office of kadi simultaneously with that of Mufti. Molla Guram (d. 893/1488 [see GURANI]), while Mufti, conducted an investigation into the suspect conduct of a highly-regarded scholar, while Molla cArab (d. 901/1495-6) was likewise involved in several investigations of suspected heresy and was also active in persuading Bayezld II [^.r;.] to make peace with the Mamluks in 896/1491. No function can be shown to be exclusive to the 15th-century Muftis, however, and none common to all of them (apart, possibly, from teaching), except, importandy, the issuing of fatwds [q.v], which they and all their successors, at least until the time of Abu 'l-Sucud (d. 982/1574 [q.v]), did personally. Their pay was low, certainly compared with that of the kadi c askers and kadis \_q.vv], and there is no evidence that they were at this stage regularly consulted on affairs of state (the Mufti was not in the 15th century, or ever, a member of the imperial council, the diwdn-i humayun [q.v]). Despite the apparent lack of definable duties, however, several bits of evidence suggest that the office of Mufti was one of considerable importance from its inception. Early testimony to this effect is found in
SHAYKH AL-ISLAM the account of the Burgundian courtier Bertrandon de la Broquiere, who was granted an audience with Murad II [q.v,] in Edirne in Radjab 836/March 1433. In describing Murad's entry into Edirne, he notes that he was preceded by "the grand caliph, who is amongst [the Ottomans] as the Pope is amongst us"; the editor of the work appears certain to be correct in identifying "the grand caliph" as the Shaykh al-Isldm Fakhr al-Dln al-eAdjami (Le voyage d'outremer de Bertrandon de la Broquiere, ed. Ch. Schefer, Recueil de voyages et de documents, xii, Paris 1892, 181: cf. Repp, op. cit., 115-16, 120). This same Fakhr al-Dln is likewise found in the place of honour, on the sultan's right hand, at a learned discussion during the circumcision feast of two of the sons of Mehemmed II in 861/1457. As further evidence of the importance of the office one should note that several outstanding scholars of the time such as Molla Fenarl, Molla Khosrew (d. 8857 1480-1 [see KHOSREW MOLLA]) and Molla Guranl held it as the culmination of distinguished careers. And finally in this connection, for all the doubts about the authenticity of the kdnun-ndme of Mehemmed II alluded to above, the passage therein concerning the Mufti cannot be ignored: "The Shaykh al-Isldm is the chief of the 'ulamd3 and the Mucallim-i Sultan [Khwd^a/Hoca] is similarly the head of the culama\ It is fitting for the Grand Vizier to place them above himself out of respect. But the Mufti and the Klfad^a are many ranks higher than the other viziers and also take precedence over them." (On the questions of precedence thus raised, see further Repp, op. cit, 192-6.) The contrast between, on the one hand, the illdefined and apparently relatively modest duties performed by the early Muftis and, on the other, the considerable prestige which the office of Mufti seems to have enjoyed from its very beginnings, is illuminating in several respects. The lack of evidence concerning any significant administrative duties consistently and exclusively performed by the 15th-century Muftis makes it difficult to accept that an administrative purpose can have lain behind the founding of the office. Thus R.W. Bulliet's thesis that the explanation of its creation lies in an attempt by the sultans to control the Muslim religious establishment by the control of the educational system through the Shaykh al-Isldm appears untenable (The Shaikh al-Isldm and the evolution of Islamic society, in SI, xxxv [1972], 53-67). (The view that the Ottoman sultans attempted to control the religious establishment is entirely tenable, but this process was accomplished through the creation of a highly elaborated hierarchy of learned offices which began in the time of Mehemmed II (d. 886/1481), long before the Mufti came to head it.) Similarly, Walsh's assertion that the right to issue fatwds was confined to the Shaykh al-Isldm from the inception of the office (implicitly as a means of developing a more unified system of law) is unsustainable [see FATWA. ii. Ottoman Empire, and further, Repp, op. cit., 299-300]. Walsh's recognition of the peculiarly non-secular character of the office is noteworthy, however, a point reflected also in the most plausible of the explanations offered by Kramers for the foundation of the office, namely that it represents "a survival of the ancient mystical religious tradition in the Ottoman state, a tradition which demanded alongside of the secular power, a religious authority having no judicial powers but representing, so to speak, the religious conscience of the people" (art. Shaikh al-Isldm, in EF). To regard the creation of the office of Mufti as meeting a need for a distinctively religious figure in the state, one who would stand apart from the
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secular government, who would embody the authority of the Shari'a and who would perhaps even provide a religious sanction for the regime, offers the basis for an explanation of the creation of the office which is consistent with such few facts as are known and which at the same time throws a different light on some apparent peculiarities connected with it. It is in this sense that the separation of the office of Mufti from a simultaneously-held post of kadi—an office held in deep suspicion by the more devout c ulama3—which occurred with the appointment of Fakhr al-Dm al-eAdjamf is important. The Mufti''?, relatively low salary and his not being a member of the diwdni humdyun, moreover, far from being signs of the relative unimportance of the office in the 15th century, as they have usually been regarded, should rather be seen as a conscious effort to protect the office from the taint of secularism. Why the need for such an office was felt—whether in some way it was a response to the defeat at the hands of Timur (804/1402), which had been widely seen as divine retribution for the godlessness of the reign of Bayezld I (1389-1402: see H. Inalcik, The rise of Ottoman historiography, in B. Lewis and P.M. Holt (eds.), Historians of the Middle East, London 1962, 155) and/or possibly to heterodox movements in the first quarter of the 15th century— cannot be known on the basis of the evidence currently available. Notable amongst the 16th-century Muftis were Molla c AlaJ al-Dln CA1I al-Djamalf [see DJAMALI], Kemal Pashazade [q.v.], and Abu 'l-Sucud [q.v.]. cAlf al-Djamali's long period as Mufti (908-32/1503 to 1525-6) saw the office acquire significant additional duties in the form of the responsibility for the teaching at Bayezld IPs newly-built madrasa in Istanbul (in later times assumed by a deputy, the ders wafali) and for the supervision (na^dra) of his awkdf, this latter responsibility being one not infrequently assigned by the sultans to the Grand Vizier. He is likewise credited with having restrained Sellm I [q.v.] on several occasions from harsh acts on the grounds of a proper concern for that sultan's welfare in the after-life; though angered, Sellm attempted to reward him with appointment to the offices of the two kadi caskers combined, an offer which CA1I Djamall refused. Kemal Pasha-zade (d. 940/1534), with Abu 'l-Su£ud perhaps the most noted of Ottoman scholars of the classical period, is also associated with him in a famous assessment of their respective accomplishments as Mufti: "Truly the effect of their iajtihdd [individual reasoning] was the harmonising of the Ottoman kdnuns [q.v] with the noble Shari'a and the ordering of religious and state affairs on the best possible basis" (New'Izade cAtaJI [see 'ATA'I], Hadd'ik al-hakdyik ji takmilat al-Shakd'ik, Istanbul' 1268, 185). It was in Abu 'l-Sueud's tenure of the office of Shaykh al-Isldm (952-82/1545-74) that it was to become the head of the already well-established learned hierarchy and to take on definitively the form it was to have until the 19th century. Greatly valued by Siileyman I [q.v], Abu 'l-Sucud strove, as the passage just quoted suggests, to bring together the requirements of the Shanfa and those of the administration of the state into a workable legal framework. He was active in the issuing of private fatwds as well as fatwds on matters of public policy. In the latter category, his fatwd authorising the taking of Cyprus from Venice (see Pecewl, Ta'rikh, 2 vols., Istanbul 1281-3, i, 486-7) may represent the first time a mufti's fatwd was regarded as sufficient religious sanction for an important matter of state policy (in later centuries, the Mufti appears
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to have become at the least the spokesman for the c ulamd3, though he continued to consult widely before delivering his opinion: cf. I. Mouradgea d'Ohsson, Tableau general de rEmpire othoman, 7 vols., Paris 17881824, iv, 511-13, 528. On the difficult question of the status of the Muftis' fatwas, see Repp, op. cit., 11315, 212-21, 279-90). If not actuaUy instituted before his death, the Muftis' close involvement in appointments to the higher offices in the learned profession, a function which they took over from the kadi caskers, was certainly mooted in Abu 'l-Su£ud's time, with the intent that he should take on this fundamentally important duty (Repp, op. cit., 293-5). Abu 'l-Su£ud's achievements were recognised by substantial rewards, notably a greatly enhanced salary which, at least from 973/1566, came to surpass that of the kadi caskers. Further systematic work needs to be done on the nature of the office in the 17th and 18th centuries, during which time (and indeed until the end of the empire) the Mufti was recognisably a state official, having gradually been absorbed into the hierarchy, at its head, from the previous position of having stood entirely outside it. He was now frequently, if not invariably, drawn into the decision-making process, in which he played an important part, on matters of state policy such as the making of war and peace or the deposition of a sultan, not in the forum of the diwan-i humdyun, of which, as mentioned earlier, he was not a member, but through the medium of "consultations" (mushawere, mesjiwere). The very much greater involvement in affairs of state and the consequent demands on his time meant that the function of the preparation of fatwas, and particularly "private" fatwds, a function of such importance in the early years of the office, passed largely into the hands of a deputy, the fatwd emmi, who became with the passage of time a highly influential figure in his own right (on this post, and the organisation of the Mufti's deputies generally, see Uzuncarsili, op. cit., 195 ff.; U. Heyd, Some aspects of the Ottoman fetud, in BSOAS, xxxii [1969], 3556). It might be speculated that this absorption into the learned hierarchy, at its head, of an office which had originally stood outside it, and much of whose raison d'etre lay in its independence from the secular government, had its cost. Certainly in purely material terms, though the Muftis gained greatly in terms of salary, perquisites and defined powers, they lost the tenure of the office for life which the early Muftis had almost without exception enjoyed; removal from the office was by now a common occurrence. In 1241/1826, following the destruction of the Janissaries, Mahmud II [q.v.] gave the residence of the Agha of the Janissaries near the Siileymaniye mosque to provide an office for the Shaykh, al-Isldm and his department. The Shaykfis now for the first time had a permanent location for their work, having previously carried out their functions in their own residences or in rented accommodation [see BAB-I MESHIKHAT] • The diminution of the powers and influence of the culamd3 generally in the 19th century affected the position of the Shaykh al-Isldms as well: they gradually lost their influence, more particularly after the revolution of 1908. The last holder of the office, the 131st, resigned on 4 November 1922 in the wake of the abolition of the sultanate a few days earlier. The office came formally to an end following the abolition of the caliphate on 3 March 1924. Bibliography: Given in the article. (R.C. REPP) SHAYKH MUSA NATHRI, modern Persian writer dealing in historical novels. The details con-
cerning his life are at the best sketchy. By profession, he was involved in educational activities, serving as principal of the government college Nusrat in Hamadan and as Director of Education in Kirmanshahan (for his latter designation, see Armaghan [March-April 1930], 73). He edited the periodical Ittihdd which was published from Hamadan in 1293/1914 (Sadr Hashiml, Tdnkh-i ajardyid u madjalldt-i Iran, i, Isfahan 1343/ 1964-5, 46). An article from him, entitled Shd'ir fast "Who is a poet?", appeared after his death in the July-August 1968 issue of Armaghan, suggesting that he died not later than that year. Shaykh Musa Nathrf was among the pioneers of the modern historical novel in Persian. His first work in that genre, entitled clshk u saltanat "Love and kingship", was published at Hamadan in 1337/1919 (repr. Bombay 1342/1924), and deals with the exploits of Cyrus the Great, founder of the Achaemenid dynasty. The material for the narrative was borrowed by the author from the French translation of Herodotus's account and historical works in French, as well as from the Avesta. The author claimed that his work was the first historical novel in Persian composed after Western literary models, but Buzurg Alavi has pointed out that Muhammad Bakir Mfrza Khusrawf's Shams u tughrd is earlier (1328/1910). However, as a piece of fiction, it hardly stands up to artistic scrutiny. According to the criticism of E.G. Browne (LHP, iv, 465), the book "is overloaded with dates, archaeological and mythological notes and prolix historical dissertations." It was the first of a trilogy; the others, which appeared later, are Sitdra-yi Lidi "The Lydian star" (Bombay 1344/1925-6) and Sargudhasht-i sjiahzdda khdnum-i EabiU "The story of a Babylonian princess" (Kirmanshahan 1311/1932). These show only a slight advance upon their predecessor, and not surprisingly have received little attention from Persian critics. The only aspect of Shaykh Musa Nathrfs literary exercises finding approval concerns his language, which tends towards a simplified form. His works, therefore, must be judged not so much for their artistic merit as for their place in the overall historical evolution of modern Persian fiction. Bibliography: Mentioned in the text, but see also F. Machalski, Historyczna powiesc Perska, Krakow 1952; R. Gelpke, Die Iranische prosaliteratur im 20. Jahrhundert, Wiesbaden 1962; Buzurg Alavi, Geschichte und Entwicklung der modernen persischen Literatur, Berlin 1964, 119; H. Kamshad, Modern Persian prose literature, Cambridge 1966; J. Rypka et alii, History of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968; Muhammad Isti'lami, Shinakht-i adabiyydt-i imruz, Tehran 1349/1970; Yahya Aryanpur, AZ Sabd td Mmd, ii, Tehran 1350/1971-2; cAbd al-Husayn Zarnnkub, Naksh bar db, Tehran 1368/1989-90; Radiyya Akbar, Iran men Qadid Fdrsi adab ke pacds sal '(1900-1950), Haydarabad (Deccan) n.d.; B. Nikitine, Le roman historique dans la litterature persane actuelle, in JA (OctoberDecember 1933), 297-336. (MUNIBUR RAHMAN) SHAYKH SAFI [see SAP! AL-D!N ARDABILI]. AL-SHAYKH SAID, a monsoon harbour on the straits of Bab al-Mandab [q.v.], lying just north of the so-called Small Strait on a cape whose high cliffs dominate the island of Mayyun [q.v.]. This Strait is also called Bab Iskandar because Alexander the Great is said to have built a town here. The harbour, named after Shaykh Sacid whose tomb is found on the northern side of the cape, has been identified by Sprenger and Glaser with ancient Ocelis or Acila, which is mentioned by Pliny, Ptolemy and in the Periplus Maris Erythraei, and conceals perhaps some
AL-SHAYKH SACID — SHAYKHIYYA name like 'Ukayl. The harbour is said to have belonged to the pre-Islamic Kataban [q.v], then to the so-called Gebanites and finally to the Himyarites. Its name is also connected with Mahra b. Haydan b. cAmr b. alHaf, the ancestor of the Mahra [q.v]. The cape was acquired from the local sultan by the French admiral Mahe La Bourdonnais in 1734. Napoleon Bonaparte wished to garrison the cape, a proposal which was also suggested by the French government to Muhammad CA1I Pasha [q.v.]. When the latter was preparing to put the plan into force in 1838, he encountered the resolute opposition of the British, who occupied Aden in 1839 and established a coaling station on Mayyun (Perlm) in 1857. The cape was bought from the local sultan £Ali Tabat by a Marseilles firm, and turned over to the Societe de Bab al-Mandab in 1871. In 1884 the harbour was occupied by the Turks, who fortified the cape, notwithstanding continuous but fruitless attempts by the French to enforce their claims. Al-Shaykh Sa'Td was bombarded by the British in 1914, but the Turks held out, being supported in 1915 by troops sent by the Zaydl Imam Yahya b. al-Mansur. The Turks even bombarded Mayyun and temporarily closed the Straits of Bab al-Mandab. Bibliography: H. von Maltzan, Reise nach Sudarabien, Braunschweig 1873, 384-5; A. Sprenger, Die alte Geographic Arabiens, Amsterdam 1966, 67, 77; M. Hartmann, Der Islamische Orient, Leipzig 1909, ii, 153, 417-18, 469; W. Schmidt, Das siidwestliche Arabien. Angewandte Geographie, Frankfurt a.M. 1913, iv, part 8, 78-9; F. Stuhlmann, Der Kampfum Arabien zwischen der Turkei und England. Hamburgische Forschungen, Brunswick 1916, 113-20; G.W. Bury, Arabia Infelix or the Turks in Yemen, London 1915, 17, 27, map opp. p. 20; A. Grohmann, Sudarabien als Wirtschajtsgebiet, 2 vols., Vienna 1922-33, i, 168, 185; British Admiralty, A handbook of Arabia, London 1920, 174. (A. GROHMANN-[£. VAN DONZEL]) SHAYKH AL-TA1FA (see AL-TUSI, MUHAMMAD B. AL-HASAN] . AL-SHAYKH AL-YUNANI, the disguise of one of the participants in the transmission of authoritative Neoplatonic thought to Islam based upon a translation of large portions of books IV-VI of the Enneads of Plotinus. Fragments with this designation have been recovered without, however, allowing a reconstruction of the form and extent of his work. It is also debatable whether al-Shaykh alYunanf was substituting for the name of a given philosopher and even might have belonged to the entire lost Arabic Plotinus source. The wide range of meaning of shaykh [q.v.] permits a choice between "Greek Teacher" and "Greek Old Man"; occasional Greek references to some Neoplatonists as germ, among them Porphyry (see Kutsch), might perhaps tip the scales in favour of "Old Man", whether Porphyry's role in the Arabic Plotinus reflects historical links [see FURFURIYUS] or not (see Zimmermann). In addition to the fragments from the Enneads, al-Shaykh al-Yunam is credited with a brief treatise on topics of Neoplatonic philosophy. In this case, as well as in other references, there can hardly be any doubt that he was understood to be one and same person, even where he is brought into contact with ancient philosophers or, rather mysteriously, is described as a pupil of Diogenes (see Siwdn al-hikma, ed. D.M. Dunlop, 56-7, 58-61). The manifold problems connected with this figure cannot be separated from the entire complicated and fateful history of the Arabic Plotinus, for which see UTHULUDJIYA.
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Bibliography: F. Rosenthal, as-Sayb al-Yundm and the Arabic Plotinus source, in Orientalia, N.S. xxi (1952), xxii (1953), xxiv (1955), repr. in idem, Greek philosophy in the Arab world, Variorum, Aldershot 1990, no. Ill; complete tr. by G. Lewis, in vol. ii of the ed. of the Enneads by F. Henry and H.-R. Schwyzer, Paris-Brussels 1959, see pp. xxxii-xxxiv of the preface; cAbd al-Rahman Badawl, Plotinus apud Arabes, Cairo 1955, 184-98; W. Kutsch, Em arabisches Bruchstuck aus Porphyrios (?) Peri psyches und die Frage des Verfassers der
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charge of apostasy, and in the last four years of his life, spent largely in Karbala', he became the object of a campaign of vilification. He died on his way to Mecca on 21 Dhu 'l-Ka£da 1241/27 June 1826, aged seventy-three. Al-Ahsa'f was succeeded in Karbala' by a younger Persian'disciple, Sayyid Kazim Rashtf (d. 1259/1844; birth dates range from 1198/1784 to 1214/1799-1800 [<7.fl.]), like his mentor the product of a non-clerical family. Rashtf remained in Karbala' until his death and, despite repeated denials that he had established a new madhhab within Islam and insistence that he was no more than an expounder and defender of the views of al-Ahsa'f, became an effective focus for the allegiance of a small but influential grouping of culamd3 and laymen. A school had effectively been created: on Rashtf's death, his followers split into radically different factions. This division, which has recently been studied in some detail by Amanat, Bayat, and MacEoin, is of wide significance, since it encapsulates some of the most important tensions in Kadjar Shfcism. The two most extreme divisions to emerge after 1844 were Babism, which rapidly outgrew its Shaykhf origins to proclaim a new revelation and a new Shari'a, and a conservative branch based in Tabriz. This latter group included leading culama\ merchants, government officials, and notables; after a period of wholesale separation from the religious mainstream, it merged with it and lost its character as a distinct school. The successive claims of Sayyid cAlf Muhammad Shfrazf, the Bab [q.v.], were a logical development of several strains in Shaykhf thinking, most importantly the emphasis on intuitive knowledge and the concept of a single individual, the Perfect Shf'f or bdb, who could act as an infallible guide to the Imam. Both al-Ahsa'f and Rashtf seem to have been regarded (and to have regarded themselves) in this light; the latter divided the dispensation of Islam into two distinct periods: a cycle of outward observances (which came to an end after twelve centuries) and one of inner truth (which began with the appearance of al-Ahsa'f). 2. Kirmanf Shaykhism. The Bab's chief rival for the allegiance of the school was Hadjdj Muhammad Karfm Khan Kirmanf (122588/1810-70), the eldest son of Ibrahfm Khan Zahfr al-Dawla, the governor of Kirman and Balucistan (1803-24) and one of al-Ahsa'f's leading patrons in Persia. A member of the ruling Kadjar family by birth and marriage, Karfm Khan's role as a religious leader in the Kirman region was both strengthened and complicated by his position as the senior member of the powerful Ibrahfmf clan and his control of its financial resources. The history of Kirmanf Shaykhism is closely linked both to the fortunes of the Ibrahfmf family and wider political developments. A prolific writer and would-be polymath, Karfm Khan sought to reconcile Shaykhf teaching with Usulf orthodoxy, insisting that the school agreed in all its main principles (usul) with traditional Shf'f doctrine, while differing only in practice (Juruc). The clear heterodoxy of the Bab and his followers was both an impetus to this policy and an aid in furthering it. Hence his ambivalence over the doctrine of the Fourth Support (al-rukn al-rabic\ with which he became particularly associated. In a novel reworking of the traditional five bases of religion (divine unity, prophethood, resurrection, divine justice, and the imamate), Kirmanf reduced them to three (knowledge of God, prophethood, and imdmd) and added a fourth pillar, knowledge of the friends and enemies of the Imams. In its original formulation, this doctrine leaned towards
recognition of a single, divinely-appointed mediator between the Imam and the faithful (identified with al-Ahsa'f, Rashtf, and, it would seem, Kirmanf himself). Later, however, almost certainly as a reaction to the Bab's advancement of similar claims, this was modified to a more general advocacy of the 'ulama3 and other holy figures as representatives of the Imam. In many respects, this debate prefigures that around Khumaynf's concept of wildyat al-faklh and whether its application should be to a single individual or a collective body of mu$tahids. Kirmanf's most significant break with the doctrine of an inspired guide came, however, with his appointment of his own son, Muhammad Khan (1263-1324/ 1846-1906) and the creation of a spiritual dynasty similar to those found in Sufism. Leadership of the school was passed down through a series of Ibrahfmf khans (generally known by the tide Sarkar Aka): Hadjdj Zayn al-cAbidfn Khan (1276-1360/1859-1942),' Abu '1-Kasim Khan (1314-89/1896-1969), and cAbd alRida Khan (d. 1979). This period saw mounting conservatism, particularly with regard to social reform and acceptance of Western ideas. Bayat speaks of intellectual stagnation in a situation where original Shaykhf doctrine was taught privately while public profession was made of orthodoxy (Bayat, 181). During the leadership of Hadjdj Muhammad Khan, tension between Shaykhfs and their opponents, known as Balasarfs, erupted into violence on several occasions, culminating in virtual civil war in 1905 (MacEoin, Bdldsan). Identification of the Shaykhfs with Kadjar interests, and Muhammad Khan's own hardline royalist stance, encouraged a widening of the issues to a point where the original dispute was eclipsed by growing agitation for a constitution. Following the assassination of cAbd al-Rida Khan in the aftermath of the Iranian revolution of 1979, the headquarters of the school was moved to Basra in clrak, where leadership passed to Hadjdj Sayyid c Alf Musawf. At its height in the last century, Shaykhism was an influential school with converts in all the main Persian cities, 'Irak, India, and eastern Arabia. In Persia, the membership included high-ranking government officials and even Muzaffar al-Dfn Shah [q.v.]: in this respect, it appears to have been an acceptable alternative to Sufism, following the collapse of the Ni'matullahf revival of the early 19th century. 3. Doctrine. In broad terms, Shaykhf doctrine differs very little from that of orthodox Twelver Shf'ism, and is generally little further from it than the views of the theosophical thinkers: if anything, al-Ahsa'f and Rashtf made greater efforts than Sadra and his followers to remain part of the official religious system. Despite an obvious debt to Ibn al-'Arabf and the Shf cf theosophers, al-Ahsa'f disagreed with them on several important issues, in particular the doctrine of the oneness of existence (wahdat al-wu$ud). Since God remains ontologically separate from and inaccessible to creation, al-Ahsa'f emphasised the role of the prophets and imams as intermediaries between the divine and human worlds. Within this context, he regarded the imams as the four causes of creation: active (they are the locations of the divine will); material (all things have been created from the rays of their lights); formal (God created the forms of all creatures from the lights of their forms); and final (God created all things for their sake). It was this view that led to one of the earliest arguments against al-Ahsa'f, namely, that he held the
SHAYKHIYYA — SHAYKHU, LUWlS imams to be creators instead of God. Although he denied this criticism in its extreme form, and argued that his views were based on well-known traditions, there is no doubt that the imams and their role as manifestations of the divinity played a central role in his theology. Belief in the necessity for the continuing presence of an imam combined with al-Ahsa'I's own conviction of the possibility of visionary contact and inspiration to produce a central doctrinal focus on intermediacy in each generation. This itself led to the view that religious truth has developed through the ages, mankind being likened to a growing child in need of progressively stronger diets. Alongside the idea of an age of inner truth succeeding one of outward observance, Shaykhf teaching proposed that humanity had either come of age or was about to do so—a doctrine which had its strongest impact on Babism and its successor, Baha'ism [q.v.]. Rashti's belief that a new age of spirituality had started with al-AhsasI seems to have given rise to speculation within the school as to the possibility of the advent of the Twelfth Imam's imminent advent, but how extensive such chiliastic expectation really was it is very hard to establish. The Kirmam Shaykhls naturally play down all suggestions of messianism, while modern Baha'Is exaggerate its role on the basis of oral statements. In their writings, both al-Ahsa'I and RashtT adopt a conventional attitude to the question of the Imam's return. Nevertheless, the fact that Rashti's death was immediately followed by a frantic outburst of millenarianism suggests that, at the very least, talk of living gates to the Imam had excited speculation that the Mahdl himself might soon make his appearance. In their lifetimes, however, orthodox criticism of al-AhsaJf and Rashtl found a particular focus in the former's teaching on the eschatology of the individual. In several works—notably the Shark al-zjyara—he developed an original doctrine of resurrection based on a complex system of physical and spiritual bodies (for details, see MacEoin, Cosmology, Corbin, Terre celeste, 146-74). According to this scheme, man possesses four bodies: two ajasad and two ajism. For the orthodox, the crucial problem with this system, which involves resurrection in an interworld known as Hurkalya, was its denial of a return for the first ajasad, the fleshly body of terrestrial elements. Although the ShaykhT doctrine does not entirely spiritualise the process of resurrection, it tended to be interpreted in that way by the school's opponents. 4. Literature. The corpus of written materials produced by the school's leadership is enormous, although very little has been penned by adherents. A great deal still exists only in manuscript form, although the Shaykhf community of Kirman has made microfilm copies of all the originals in its own library. Their Sacadat Press has published reliable editions of works by all the shaykhs, amounting to several hundred volumes, and plans to issue more. A full bibliography of Shaykhl writing from al-AhsaJi to Abu '1-Kasim Khan may be found in the latter's Fihrist, to which Momen's The works of Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahsd'I is useful addition. Bibliography: Shaykh Ahmad b. Zayn al-Din al-Ahsa'I, D^awamf al-kalim, 2 vols., Tabriz 12737 1856-7, 1276/1860 (94 treatises); idem, Shark alziydra al-ajdmi'a al-kabira, new ed., 4 vols., Kirman 1355-6 Sh./1976-7; Sayyid Kazim Rashtl, Dalll almutahayyinn, n.p. 1276/1859-60; Shaykh cAbd Allah Ahsa'T, Sharh-i hdldt-i Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahsd3l, Bombay 1309/1892-3 (the main biographical source); H.CA.
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Mahfuz (ed.), Sirat Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahsd't, Baghdad 1376/1957 (autobiographical accounts); H. Corbin, Terre celeste et corps de resurrection de I'Iran Mazdeen a riran Shi(ite, Paris 1960, Eng. tr. Spiritual body and celestial earth: Jrom Mazdean Iran to Shicite Iran, Princeton 1977 (contains translations from works by several Shaykhl leaders); idem, L'ecole shaykhie en theologie shi3ite, in Annuaire de I'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Section des Sciences Religieuses (1960-1); Hadjdj Muhammad Karim Khan Kirmam, Irshdd al-cawamm; G. Scarcia, Kerman 1905: La "guerra tra Seifyi e BdIdsan", inAIUON, N.S., xiii (1963), 195-238; M. Mudarrisl Cahardihf, Shayhhigan, Bdbigan, 2Tehran 1352 Sh./1972; Abu '1-Kasim b. Zayn al-£Abidm Khan Kirmanf, Fihrist-i kutub-i Shaykh Ahmad Ahsd'i wa sd'ir mashdyikh-i 'izdm, 3Kirman 1977 (comprehensive biobibliographical information); D. MacEoin, From Shaykhism to Babism: a study in charismatic renewal in Shi'i Islam, Ph.D. diss. Cambridge University 1979; idem, EIr, art. Ahscfi, Shaikh Ahmad b. ^ayn-al-Dm', idem, EIr, art. Bdldsan; idem, EIr, art. Cosmology in Shaikhism', V. Rafati, The development of Shaykhi thought in Shifi Islam, Ph.D. diss. UCLA 1979; Mangol Bayat, Mysticism and dissent: socioreligious thought in Qagar Iran, Syracuse 1982, chs. 2, 3 and passim; Abbas Amanat, Resurrection and renewal: the making of the Babi movement in Iran, 1844-1850, Ithaca & London 1989, chs. 1, 6; M. Momen, The works of Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahsd'l: a bibliography, Baha'i Studies Bulletin Monograph no. 1 [1992]. (D. MACEOIN)
SHAYKHU, LUWIS, conventionally L. CHEIKHO, with the correct name Rizk Allah b. Yusuf b. cAbd al-Masfh b. Ya'kub (1859-1927), Jesuit scholar and polygraph. He was the author of many works on Arabic language and literature, especially, Christian Arabic, and founder of the journal al-Mashnk. Originally from upper Mesopotamia, he spent most of his life in Beirut. Born at Mardln [0.0.], now in Turkey, he came to Beirut at the age of nine for secondary education. He entered the Jesuit order in 1874, studied for four years in France, and on his return to Lebanon, taught in the Jesuit secondary school in Beirut where he began publication of his Madjdni al-adab. After further studies at the Universite de Saint-Joseph, in England, Austria and Paris, where he became familiar with libraries there and with current orientalist scholarship, he returned in 1894 to Beirut and stayed there substantially until his death, devoting himself to work on Arabic language and literature and to editing al-Mashrik, founded by him in 1898. A catalogue of his impressive literary output, virtually exhaustive, has been given by C. Hechaime, his successor as editor of al-Mashrik, in his Bibliographie analytique du Pere Louis Cheikho, avec introd. et index, Beirut 1979, which also includes (161-78) everything which had until then appeared on Shaykhu, during his lifetime and afterwards, and in both the Arab world and that of Orientalist scholarship. Of his 2,750 writings, the greater part of which— though not the most important—appeared in al-Mashrik, some 979 titles are devoted to Christianity and its writings, not directly concerned with Arabic studies. But his major works included his anthology of Arabic literature, the Maajdni al-adab ft hadd'ik al-Arab, Beirut 1882-3, 6 vols.; his Shark on it, 3 vols.; and its Fahdris. The whole work had a great success, with many editions. He edited, from manuscript, the Arabic version of Katila wa-Dimna [q.v.] (1905), the diwdm of Abu VAtahiyya (1886, 1887), of al-Khansa', and above all, of the H omasa of al-Buhtun (1910). In the
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field of philology, he edited Ibn al-Sikkit's K. Isldh almantik and K. al-Al/ap, two general works on the Arab literature of the 19th century and the first quarter of the 20th century respectively; and his Catalogue raisonne des manuscrits de la Bibl Or. de Beyrouth (191-3-26), a library of which he was in effect the founder and the donor of a large part of its mss. A lifelong concern of Shaykhu was to highlight the contribution of Arab Christians to the Arabic language and literature, a topic little noticed until his time. It was this fact, plus criticisms from some Western and Arab scholars, which led him to write, from 1910 onwards, one of his most important and controversial works, al-Nasrdniyya wa-dddbuhd bayna 'Arab al-^dhiliyya/Le christianisme et la litterature chretienne en Arable avant I'Islam. He had already written on the topic earlier in his career, but this work excited, when gathered together in three vols. 1912-23, lively polemics, well studied in Hechaime, Louis Cheikho et son livre: Le christianisme et la litterature chretienne en Arable avant I'Islam, Beirut 1967. Shaykhu was criticised for including as Christians poets whose religious allegiance was doubtful or unclear, but Hechaime points out that he had the over-enthusiasm of a pioneer but was breaking new ground in bringing the topic forward for critical assessment and examination. Yet undoubtedly his major achievement was alMashrik, founded in 1898 and having appeared, with interruptions from the two World Wars, continuously ever since; it is thus, with Zaydan's al-Hildl, the sole journal of the late 19th century to have survived till the present time. His declared aim for it was "strenuously to support the cause of the Christian religion, and to promote seriously the disciplines of oriental scholarship and the diffusion of the sciences". Like many other founders of journals of the Nahda, he threw himself totally into it, writing numerous articles, almost all its reviews of works appearing at the time: a total of 2,700 writings, making up ca. 7,000 pages. If some of his apologetic concerns are now less prominent, the journal remains highly valuable for reconstituting the intellectual milieu of the late 19th century in the East, and is an immensely valuable source on the Arabic language and literature of its time. Shaykhu, disregarded by some, strongly criticised by others, at times not always himself showing a sense of discernment, could never be ignored, given the stature of his personality, his immense literary output and his restless character. He remains, with others of his colleagues at Beirut, such as L. Maeluf, A. Salhanf, H. Lammens and J.B. Belot, a major figure in Arabic letters of the Nahda. Bibliography. Given in the article. Brockelmann's notice, S III, 428, is very short and has errors. Those of Y.A. Daghir, Beirut 1956, ii, 515-24, of Kahhala, Mu'allifin, viii, 161-2, and Ziriklf, A'ldm 5 Beirut 1980, iii, 246-7, are equally succinct. (L. POUZET) SHAYKIYYA (sic; the name comes from the eponym, Shayk; there is no medial hamza}, a tribe of the northern Nilotic Sudan, first mentioned in 1529 (R.S. O'Fahey and J.L. Spaulding, Kingdoms of the Sudan, London 1974, 28). The approximate historical boundaries of their territory stretched from alDabba, at the southern end of the great bend of the Nile, upstream to just above the Fourth Cataract. Despite claims to £Abbasid descent, the Shaykiyya are undoubtedly Arabised and Islamised Nubians (J.L. Spaulding, The Old Shaiqi language in historical perspective, in History in Africa, xvii [1990], 283-92). In the 16th century, they were subjects of the Fundj Sultanate
[q.v.] under the latter's northern governors, the 'Abdallab. At the end of the 17th century the Shaykiyya revolted against 'Abdallab rule; thereafter, they were de facto independent until the Turco-Egyptian conquest of 1820, which they fiercely resisted. On the eve of the 1820 conquest, the Shaykiyya were divided into four kingdoms—Hannikab, Kadjabf, e Adlanab and £Umarab. Under Turco-Egyptian rule (1820-85), many Shaykiyya horsemen served the regime as irregular soldiers (bdshibuz.uk), while others took service with the Khartoum traders in the southern Sudan. During the time of the Mahdist rebellion and state (1882-98 [see MAHDIYYA]), many Shaykiyya went over to the MahdF, while others resisted. During the AngloEgyptian Condominium (1898-1956), many Shaykiyya joined the Sudan Defence Force; upon independence in 1956, a significant proportion of the officer class were Shaykf. Bibliography. W. Nicholls, The Shaikia. An account of the Shaikia tribes and of the history of Dongola Province from the XlVth to the XlXth century, Dublin 1913 (expanded Ar. tr. £Abd al-Majid cAbdm, Khartoum n.d.); Hayder Ibrahim, The Shaiqiya. The cultural and social change of a Northern Sudanese riverain people, Wiesbaden 1979; Ali Salih Karrar, The Sufi brotherhoods in the Sudan, London 1992 (main focus on the Shaykiyya region). (R.S. O'FAHEY) SHAYTAN (A.), evil spirit, demon, devil. 1. In pre-Islamic Arabia. According to the lexicographers, shaytdn is derived from the verb shatana "to detain somebody in order to divert him from his intention and his destination", shatan being "a cord" and shdtin "an evil man". The verbs shaytana and tashaytana signify "to behave like the shay tan". The shaytdn is an evil, rebellious spirit, inhabiting Hell-Fire; he cannot be seen, but he is imagined as a being of great ugliness (al-Djahiz, Hayawdn, vi, 213). Proverbs underline his wickedness, his cunning and his malice. He is called by this name for having turned aside from the righteous path and for rebellion; hence the name is applied to any impertinent rebel among humans, ajinn and animals (Yakut, Mu'ajam, Beirut 1957, iii, 384). Defining the djinn [q.v.], al-Djahiz (Hayawdn, vi, 291) states: "If he is faithless, dishonest, hostile, wicked, he is a shaytdn (demon); if he succeeds in supporting an edifice, lifting a heavy weight and listening at the doors of Heaven (istirdk al-sam{) he is a mdrid (rebel); if he is more than this, he is an cifnt (powerful demon); more still, he is an 'abkari (genie of great intelligence)". Prior to this (vi, 191) he has declared: "If he is pure, clean, untouched by any defilement, being entirely good, he is a malak (angel)". This definition corresponds closely to the notions of the pre-Islamic Arabs, for whom the shaytdn is a rebellious djpnni. This emerges from Kur'anic statements, which on numerous occasions evoke a degree of identity between shaytdn and ajinn or ajdnn. This applies in particular to the passages relating to the story of Solomon (II, 102; XXI, 82; XXXVIII, 377), to the Revelation (XXVI, 210, 221; VI, 112, 121), to the guarding of the doors of Heaven (XV, 17; XXXVII, 7; LXVII, 5) and to the kidnapping of humans by spirits (VI, 71). There are numerous passages where shaydtm denotes the deities of paganism (II, 14; IV, 76, 117, 119-120; V, 90-1; XIX, 44-5; etc.). The same sense is also given to gjinn in VI, 100, and XXXIV, 41. In the most ancient Arab traditions, reflected in the lexica, in the Kur'an and in the Hadith and the
SHAYTAN Akhbdr, the shaytan is seen as a "genie", sometimes good and sometimes evil. He accompanies man in all his activities. The Prophet is reported to have said: "There is not one of you who does not have a karin derived from the dj.inn" and "There is no descendant of Adam who does not have a shaytan attached to him (see al-Damiri, Haydt al-hayawdn, i, 242, 246, quoting Muslim, see Concordance de la Tradition Musulmane, s.v. shaytan). This "inseparable companion" appears in Kur'an L, 24, 27, as a second witness on the Day of Judgment, in parallel with the sa'ik and shahid (v. 21) who is the man's guardian angel. The angel being a foreign importation, the composer of the text has judged it appropriate to mention his rival, more familiar to those for whom the Revelation is intended. A man's activity seems to be conditioned by the presence of this karin beside him or within him. Through his superhuman intelligence, the latter seems to be at the origin of all progress. In fact, in the Kur'anic story of Solomon, it is said that the latter received from God, among other favours, shaydtin builders (bannd*) and divers (ghawwds), functions which were imposed upon them (XXXVIII, 37). Al-Djahiz, speaking of the intelligence of the shaytan, writes: "The shaydtin are, by comparison with us, more subtle, less harmful, more intelligent, less curious, of lighter body, of more extensive knowledge and of more profound wisdom. For proof of this, all that is needed is general agreement that there is nothing on the earth that is of marvellous innovation, subtle, majestic, nor any secret or manifest transgression, emanating from passion and desire, which is not the consequence of a solicitation by the shaytan and a seduction exerted by him" (Hayawdn, Cairo'l323/1905-6, vi, 83-4). In fact, in the folklore of pre-Islamic Arabia, every work "of genius" is attributed to the shaytan (e.g. the construction of Iram Dhat al-Tmad). One of the well-known roles of this karin, called tab? "follower" or sahib "companion", is to act as inspirer to soothsayers and prophets (see Fahd, La divination arabe, 91 ff.). The Angel Gabriel, inspirer of the Prophet, is called shaytan by a woman of Kuraysh (abta3a ealayhi shaytdnuhu "his shaytan has been late in coming"). It was after this delay on the part of the Angel that sura XCIII was revealed (see al-Bukhari, ed. Bulak 1289/1872, i, 146). Still better known is the shaytan of the poet. AlDjahiz relates that the Arabs "claimed that every great poet (fahl) had a sjhaytdn of whom he was merely the mouthpiece" (Hayawdn, vi, 225-9). This shaytan could have its own name: that of al-Farazdak was called c Amr (see I. Goldziher, Die Ginnen der Dichter, in D^MG, xlv [1891], 685 ff.; Tor Andrae, Mahomet, sa vie et sa doctrine, Paris 1938, 28, compares this shaytan to the "muse" of the poet). It was reckoned to be either male or female: Abu '1-Nadjm boasted that the shaydtin of all the other poets were female, whereas his was male (quoted in La divination arabe, 74, no. 1); another claimed that, despite his youthful age, "his shaytan was the greatest among the (jjjm" (al-Djahiz, Hayawdn, loc. cit.). The poet was in a relationship of absolute dependence with regard to his shaytan (see e.g. Agfidni, vii, 67, quoted in La divination arabe, be. cit.). This dependence and the loyalty which it supposedly entailed earned poets the nickname of kildb al-djinn "the dogs of the $wn" (al-Djahiz, Hayawdn, loc. cit.). The Kur'an abhors the poet on account of the mystical and magical nature conferred upon him, both through the mystery of the secret knowledge which he possesses and through the fact that he is the habi-
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tation of a spirit at whose behest he speaks and composes his verses; all of this makes him a dangerous member of society. Hudjr, the last king of Kinda, is supposed to have expelled his son Imru3 al-Kays and to have "sworn not to dwell in his presence in order to avoid the shame [which would have attached to him], resulting from the fact that his son spoke in verses" (Agjidm, ix, 44; La divination arabe, 74). Accused by his enemies of being a poet, Muhammad vehemently refutes the charge. Numerous suras stress the absence of any similarity between his message and that of the poet: "We have not taught him poetry" (XXXVI, 69); "This is not the speech of a poet" (LXIX, 4). The basis of this reaction was definitely the belief deeply ingrained among Arabs that poetic inspiration was demonic in origin. The spirit which inspired Hassan b. Thabit [q.v.], Muhammad's own poet, was, at the outset of his career, a female djinni. A text of al-Djahiz exposes an attempt at the depaganisation of poetic inspiration in Islam. In effect, the Prophet would have replaced this shaytan with "the holy spirit" (ruh al-kudus). "Speak, he was told, and Djibril shall be with you; 'holy spirit' being one of the names given to Djibrll" (Hayawdn, loc. cit.; La divination arabe, 72-3). The djinni of cAb!d b. al-Abras made him swallow a hair-roller in his sleep and caused him to rise; he rose speaking in verse, something that he had never done before, and he became the poet of the Banu Asad (Aghdm, xix, 84; La divination arabe, 73). The angelology and demonology of primitive Islam remained rudimentary and anthropomorphic. "The conception of inspiration and revelation from these sources is deeply felt. The hadiths assembled by Ibn Sa'd (Tabakdt, i/1, 131 f.) regarding the various attitudes of the Prophet at the time when he was under the influence of inspiration, illustrate such a conception" (La divination arabe, 75 ff.). For more substantial information, see Fahd, in Sources orientates, viii [1971], 155-214, section Angels, demons and djinns in Islam. Bibliography: Besides the references made in the text, ample documentation is to be found in the article mentioned above (212-14) and in the voluminous notes. See also Fahd, La divination arabe, Paris 1987. For the pagan deities (Nuhum, Kuzah, Taghut, etc.) considered to be shaydtin, see idem, Le pantheon de I'Arabie Centrale a la veille de I'hegire, Paris 1968, index s.v. shaytan. The notions of alDjahiz, al-Damfri, al-Kazwfni, etc. have been assembled by G. van Vloten in Ddmonen, Geister und Dauber bei den alten Arabern, in WZKM, vii [1893], 169-87, 233-47, viii (1894), 59-73, 290-2. In this article, the emphasis is laid on lexicographical material. See also: A.S. Tritton, Spirits and demons in Arabia, in JRAS (1934), 715-27; A. Eichler, Die Dschinn, Teufel und Engel im Koran, Leipzig 1928; Goldziher, Abhandlungen zur arabischen Philologie, i, Leiden 1896, where djinn, shaytan, hid^d3, lacna, etc. are examined. Among the Arabic sources, the following should be cited: Tabarl, i, 79 ff. (where there is a compilation of traditional notions on the origin and organisation of angels, demons and djinri); KazwInT, 'Ad^d^ib Sil-makhlukdt, i, 55-63 (Ger. tr. with commentary by SJ. Ansbacher, Die Abschnitte tiber die Geister und die wunderbaren Geschopfe aus Kazwini's Kosmographie, Kiel 1905; F. Taeschner, Die Psychologie Kazwim's, KielTubingen 1912). Considering the importance of the material contained in the K. al-Hayawdn of Djahiz (the references of van Vloten being based on manuscript sources), the passages concerned are the following (ed. eAbd al-Salam Harun, Beirut 1388/ 1969): i, 153, 300: shaytan al-hamdta; i, 153, 300;
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iv, 133; vi, 192: hayya = shaytdn', i, 153; vi, 193: the pride of the shaytdn; i, 291; vi, 190-1: definition of the djinn\ vi, 194-5: the djinn, the ascetics and the traditionists; iv, 39-40; vi, 211: ru'iis alshaydtin', vi, 220-2: images of $inn, ghuls, angels and humans; vi, 22: hadtths on the existence of the shaydtm', vi, 225-9: the shaydtm of the poets; vi, 230, 265-81: istirdk al-samf; vi, 231-3: shaydtm of Sham and of India; i, 299, 300; vi, 213, 214, 218: varia. (T. FAHD) 2. In the K u r ' a n and Islamic lore. The word is used 70 times in the Kur'an in the singular form, including six times in the indefinite (IV, 117, XV, 17, XXII, 3, XXXVII, 7, XLIII, 36, LXXXI, 25), plus 18 times in the plural shaydtm, always definite. Etymologically, the word is related to the Hebrew satan', the route of its passage into Arabic is not evident, although it is generally thought to have passed into Arabic through Christian languages (especially Ethiopic). In the singular usage, al-Shaytan is a personal name equivalent to Iblfs [q.v.] and its employment is parallel to the Jewish and Christian use of the name. The relationship between the names Iblfs (used only 11 times in the Kur'an) and al-Shaytan is noteworthy. The name Iblfs figures mainly in the stories of the creation of Adam and the subsequent fall of the devil (the context of 9 passages is "bowing" before Adam). Al-Shaytan, on the other hand, is the one who tempts Adam and Eve, but his role in scripture extends well beyond this one myth. Iblfs, then, is the one who is proud and disobedient, while al-Shaytan is the tempter and it is in that role that the emphasis falls within the Kur'an in speaking of him in other contexts as well. The two names are used within the same narrative (II, 30-9) in such a manner that it does not seem possible to suggest that there has been a blending of separate myths related to these two names. The implication (most likely derived from Christian sources) may be that, within the telling of the myth which is reflected in the Kur'an, Iblfs gained the name al-Shaytan after his disobedience (see e.g. al-Tabarf, i, 80). According to the Kur'anic picture, among Satan's attributes are his ability to cause fear (III, 175), cause people to slip (II, 36, III, 155), lead astray (IV, 60), precipitate enmity and hatred (V, 91), make people forget (VI, 68, XVIII, 63), tempt (VII, 27, XLVII, 25), cause to forget (XII, 42), and provoke strife (XVII, 53). He is described as a comrade to unbelievers (IV, 38), a manifest foe (VII, 22), an enemy (XII, 5). Guile (IV, 76), defilement (VIII, 11) and abomination (V, 90) are associated with him. The image of evil as a "path", like that of righteousness, is conveyed: Satan takes steps and his followers take steps towards him (II, 168, 208, VI, 142, XXIV, 21; see also IV, 83). Satan is thus seen as an influence towards a number of specific as well as more general sins, actions which take people away from God. Among his tools to do this are a number of vocal attributes: he calls (XXXI, 21), simply speaks (XIV, 22, LIX, 16), promises (II, 268), and whispers (VII, 20, XX, 120; see also L, 16, CXIV, 4-5). The subtlety of the evil influence is especially suggested by the onomatopoeic waswasa ("whisper") in its root repetition, in its insistence that Satan does not just call or speak but comes over and over again. The proper name al-Shaytan may be distinguished from the Kur'anic plural usage shaydtm, which is often thought to reflect Arabian notions of devils, although it is used in a sense which is not unknown
within the Biblical tradition also (e.g. "adversaries" in 1 Samuel, XXIX, 4). These "devils" can be humans or ajinn [q.v.; see Kur'an, VI, 112] and come in varying ranks [see e.g. CIFRIT]. The references suggest that the word is used to refer to the hosts of evil (e.g. Kur'an, II, 102, VI, 121), the evil leaders among humans (e.g. II, 14, VI, 112) and mischievous spirits very similar to djinn (e.g. VI, 71, XXI, 82). They are the friends of the unbelievers (VII, 27), they make evil suggestions (XXIII, 97) and they were believed by Muhammad's opponents to be the source of his inspiration (XXVI, 210, 221) (see A.T. Welch, Allah and other supernatural beings: the emergence of the Qur3anic doctrine of tawhfd, in Jnai of the American Academy of Religion, thematic issue, XLVII [1979], 744-5). The phrase al-shaytdn al-radjjm in XVI, 98 (see also III, 36), which has led to widespread practices for protection from the evil influence of Satan, especially in Kur'anic recitation (istfddha [see TA'AWWUDH and TADJWID]), presents its own particular problems. While the word radjjm [see RADJM] literally means "stoned" and is sometimes taken as a reference to the stoning of the pillars of Satan in the HADJDJ [q.v.] and related to the stories of Abraham and the sacrifice of his son, it has been suggested that the word is an Ethiopic loan word from meaning "accursed" (see A. Jeffrey, Foreign vocabulary of the Quran, Baroda 1938, 139-40). The indefinite usage in the phrase hull shaytdn radjim, "every accursed satan", in XV, 17, and LXXXI, 25, suggests a plurality of such satans. This may be understood as parallel to the construction hull shaytdn mand, "every rebel Satan", in XXII, 3, and XXXVII, 7 (see also IV, 117). The linking of these to a literal notion of stoning Satan is probably derived from LXVII, 5 (see also XXXVII, 6-7), which speaks of "lamps" (masdbih) in the heavens (i.e. stars) being objects to throw at the satans. In Hadith, the name Satan continues its Kur'anic prominence, with Iblfs not mentioned often (8 lines of references to Iblfs, versus about 120 lines to alShaytan, in AJ. Wensinck, Concordance, viii, Indices, ad loc.). Satan is spoken of as the cunning force of evil who interferes with human activity. He is especially prevalent at prayer: '"A'isha asked Muhammad about those who glance about in prayer. He said, 'That is the portion which Satan steals from the prayer of anyone.'" (al-Bukharf, Kitdb bad3 al-Mialk, bdb sifat Iblls wa-cfrunudihi). God provides assistance to the believer against Satan, although each person has a satan resting on his shoulder as a constant tempter who is spoken of as "my satan". From here, the popular image of satans, their appearance and their influence develops. In exegetical material and other literature reflecting more popular images, the Kur'anic predominance of the evil influence of al-Shaytan on humans becomes overtaken by the personality of Iblfs, ultimately reaching the point of Sufi meditation on the "disobedience of Iblfs" because of his ascetic, worshipping nature and because of his personality which reflects human ambiguity and complexity [see mLls]. This is by no means to the total neglect of the word al-shaytdn, however. Rumf, for example, suggests in his Mathnawt (ed. and tr. R.A. Nicholson, London 1925-40, iii, 3196), "The ego and Satan were also one from the beginning and were enemies and enviers of Adam" in common with a motif which identifies the "lower" self with Satan in the Sufi" struggle against the nafs (see e.g. Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical dimensions of Islam, Chapel Hill, N.C. 1975, 113). In theological thinking, the existence of al-Shaytan
SHAYTAN — SHAYYAD as a force of evil has been accepted without a great deal of speculation as to its implications. The emphasis in Islamic thinking has always been that individuals are responsible for their own "fall", as in the case of Adam, and while the role of Satan as a tempter is real (and satisfies a human psychological need, as F. Rahman points out), he provides no excuse for evil behaviour on the part of the individual. AlAsh'ari's statement in his credal summary (Makaldt alisldmiyym, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul 1929-30, 296) "And that God bestows His sustenance upon His servants, be it lawful or prohibited; and that Satan whispers to men, and makes them doubt, and tramples upon them" reflects the acceptance of the reality of Satan but affirms his lack of real power to effect evil. Bibliography (in addition to sources mentioned in article): Tafsir tradition, esp. on the isticddha, e.g. Tabarl, Tafsir, ed. Shakir, Cairo 1955, i, 111-13; E. Beck, Iblis und Mensch, Satan und Adam. Der Werdegang einer koranischen Erzd'hlung, in Le Museon,
LXXXIX (1976), 195-244; Fazlur Rahman, Major themes of the Qur'dn, Minneapolis and Chicago 1980,
121-31; PJ. Awn, Satan's tragedy and redemption. Iblis
in Sufi psychology, Leiden 1983. (A. RIPPIN) SHAYTAN AL-TAK "the demon of the arcade", c the name by which non-Shi I Muslim authors usually referred to the ImamI Shf'I theologian of the 2nd/ 8th century ABU DJACFAR MUHAMMAD (b. cAlf) b. alNucman b. Abr Tarifa al-BApjALi AL-KUFI (also called al-Ahwal "the squinter"). No precise dates for him are known; it is only known that he died after 183/799, if it is true (as al-Baghdadl and then al-Safadf state) that he was one of those who "categorically affirmed" (kata'a) the death of Musa al-Kazim. At the outset, his by-name of Shaytan does not seem to have been felt as derogatory. Ibn al-Nucman functioned in Kufa as a money-changer (sayrqft), at the spot called Tdk al-mahdmil "Arcade of the litters"; it was his skill in detecting spurious coins which is said to have earned him the by-name. This does not affect the fact that, in general, Imamf authors themselves prefer to call him Mu'min al-Tak, Shah al-Tak or, more simply, Sahib al-Tak. In Sunnf heresiography, his followers are habitually called the Shaytaniyya, the sole exception being al-Shahrastanf, who uses the term Nu'maniyya. Shaytan al-Tak was a skilful controversialist, and had discussions notably with his compatriot Abu Hamfa. Amongst his works (all lost) there appear amongst others several pro-Shfcf works of propaganda (K. alImdma, K. al-Radd cald }l-Muctazila Ji imdmat al-mafdul, K. al-Dj.amal fi arm Talha wa 'l-^ubayr wa-fA3isha, etc.), as well as a K. al-Macrifa, and also what was probably a treatise on fikh called If'al Id tqf'al "Do, don't do!". He was also a poet in his spare time, and al-Marzubanl cites him in his anthology of poets of the Shf'a. In kaldm, his theses cannot be differentiated from those of the Imamf theologians of his time, except on points of detail. Like the great majority of them, he thought that, basically, God only has knowledge of things at the moment when He created them; that our own personal "items of knowledge" (i.e. those concerning God) cannot be the result of an act of reasoning, but it is God who creates them within ourselves by "constraint" (al-ma(drif kulluhd idtirdr)', that ability to act (istitd'a) is simply health (sihha) and is necessarily, arising from this fact, anterior to the act. Going further, in this respect, than Hisham b. alHakam [q.v.], he held, like the other Hisham (sc. b. Salim al-Djawalfkl), that all that exists in this present world is body, including our movements and all
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our other acts. It thus seems also that, whilst not allowing himself to apply formally this term to God (cf. al-Baghdadl, Fork, 216 11. 14-15; al-Shahrastanl, Milal, 404 11. 8-9), he represented Him as likewise being a body; according to al-Kulaynl (al-Usul min alKdji, Tehran 1375/1955, i, 101 11. 1-2), he pictured God, like Hisham b. Salim and others, "with a hollow body as far as the navel, and the rest full and solid (samad)". Bibliography. Ibn al-Nadfm, Fihrist, Tehran 1391/1971, 224; Kashshl, Ma'rifat akhbdr al-riajdl, Bombay 1317, 122-6; Nadjashi, Ri&dl, Bombay 1317, 228; Tusi, Fihrist, Nadjaf 1356/1937, 161-2; idem, Ri&dl, Nadjaf 1961, 302, 359; Marzubam, Akhbdr s_hucard> al-shica, Nadjaf 1388/1968, 83-92; Safadl, Wafi, iv, 104-5; Ibn Hadjar, Lisdn, v, 108-9, 300-1; Ash'ari, Makaldt, Wiesbaden 1963, index; Baghdad!, Park, ed. cAbd al-Hamfd, Cairo n.d., 69, 71; idem. Usul al-din, Istanbul 1928, 260; Shahrastanf, MM, ed. Badran, Cairo 1947-55, 403-6, tr. Gimaret and Monnot, Livre des religions et des sectes, Paris 1986, i, 539-41; J. van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschqft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra, BerlinNew York 1991-3, i, 336-42, v, 66-8. (D. GIMARET) SHAYYAD, a term that meant primarily "speaker" or "one who recited or sang stories or poems in a loud voice", as used in Persian and Turkish between the 7th/13th and 10th/ 16th centuries. Although probably the emphatic form of the Arabic root sh-y-d, meaning "one who highly praised someone or something", it was never used in Arabic. Indeed, Arabic commentators and writers sought its meaning in the Persian word shayd ("deceit") and equated it with kddhib ("liar"). Thus some saw it as the Arabic emphatic form of shayd, i.e. as an Arabised Persian term. Shayydd was not included, however, in the great Persian dictionaries of the llth/17th and 12th/18th centuries. It was first listed in the Ghiydth al-lughdt published in 1242/1826-7, but not all subsequent Persian dictionaries included it. All this has contributed to much confusion about its true meaning. Shayydd seems to have first appeared in Sacdl's Gulistdn (656/1258) and later in such works as Hamd Allah al-Mustawfi al-Kazwfnf's Ta3nkh-i Guzida (730/ 1330) and Aflakfs Mandkib al-'drifin (754/1353-4). Disagreement over its meaning began with the earliest translations of, and commentaries on, the Gulistdn. Some writers generally equated it with "liar" or "trickster", but others, almost all the 10th/16th-century Turkish writers, defined it as a person who elegantly addressed assemblies or told tales and, in the course of doing so, raised his voice; and they used it interchangeably with the Persian kissakhwdn (Turkicised as kissakhdn). Sometimes they added to this the connotation of "conjurer" or "masquerader", making it synonymous with the Persian macrakagir. Some 19th-century European writers, based on Sylvestre de Sacy, also added to shayydd the meaning of "dervish". In EI\ s.v. Shaiydd, F. Kopriilii categorically made this word synonymous with kalender or vagabond dervish, as well as cayydr \q.wl\. He also provided his own subjective definition to link shayydd to "dervish". He did not, however, provide any historical evidence to show that shayydds> were a special BatinT dervish group in Anatolia between the 7th/13th and 10th/16th centuries, as he believed. Because some dervishes, including poets like Shayyad Hamza [q.v.], had the byname shayydd, he assumed that this was a term for another kind of dervish. In his Risala-yi ta'nfat,
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SHAYYAD — SHAYZAR
the 10th/16th-century Turkish poet Fakirf, whom Kopriilu cited in this regard, provides no proof that shayydds had any relationship to Batinism or being dervishes as such. He only says that, shouting at the top of his voice, a shayydd would describe the battles of cAlf and Hamza b. cAbd al-Muttalib in an exaggerated manner. A sh,ayydd could be a dervish, but Fakfn does not mention this word in his discussion of dervish groups. Moreover, neither Wahid! (Jl. beg. of 10th/16th century) in his Mendkib-i Hddj.dj.a-yi l^ihdn, nor Karakash-zade 'Omer Efendi'C/Z. end of 10th/16th century) in his Nur al-hudd li-man ihtadd, in their accounts of contemporary dervish groups, mention this term. Aflakl, in his Mandkib al-cdrifin, mentions shayydds in the circle of Mawlana Djalal al-Dfn al-Rumi and his first khalifas [q.v.]. But again, this does not mean that shayydds were by definition any group of dervishes. From much of the contextual evidence, F.N. Uzluk has, in fact, concluded that shayydds were minstrels or saz [q.v.] players who were often found at Mawlawi gatherings (§eyyad so'zu hakkinda arajttrma, in DTCFD, viii [1949], 587-92). It is especially worthy of note that the great Ottoman historian Mustafa eAli (d. 1008/1600), in his Mawd'id al-nafd3is fi kawd'id al-ma^dlis, never discusses shayydds in the context of dervish groups, although he had a thorough knowledge of such groups and included them in this work. Mustafa cAlf characterises shayydds and kissakhdns as people who told lies without reason and swore oaths in order to convince their listeners of what they were saying. This resulted from their attempts to explain unbelievable events in an exaggerated manner. Altogether, the shayydds appear to have been a class of people who had the profession of speaking as narrators or storytellers in a loud voice before large groups. In the early llth/17th century, the term shayydd began to disappear from use and was replaced by such words as kissakhdn. Bibliography: For a thorough discussion, see IA, art. §eyydd (O.F. Akun). (G. LEISER) SHAYZAR, a town of n o r t h e r n Syria, on the right bank of the Orontes (nahr al-Asi [see AL-'AsI]) some 20 km/12 miles to the north-west of Hama, ancient Sizara, Byzantine Greek To Sezer. It is mentioned from earliest recorded times in Egyptian texts, notably the Amarna tablets. The town was refounded by the Seleucids at the end of the 4th century B.C. under the name of Larissa, but resumed its original name in the Roman period. The name Shayzar is attested in the pre-Islamic Arabic literature, e.g. in Imru1 al-Kays. According to al-Baladhurf, Futuh, 131, the town was conquered by the Arabs under Abu c Ubayda in 17/638; under the Umayyads, it became an iktim or district of the d^und of Hims. All through the mediaeval period, Shayzar, which controlled one of the Orontes crossings, held a strategic position of the first order. At the end of the 4th/ 10th century, it was a pawn in the struggles amongst the different masters of Syria: Byzantines, Fatimids and Hamdanids. Thus the Greeks occupied it 968-70 and again in 994-8, it having passed in the interim into the hands of the Hamdanids and then the Fatimids. After 999, for nearly 80 years, the town reverted to the Byzantine emperors. The real apogee of the town came at the end of the 5th/llth century with the installation of the Banu Munkidh [q.v.] at Shayzar in 474/1081. Five princes of this family governed it until 552/1157: Sadld alMulk cAli (474-5/1081-2), then his son Abu '1-Murhaf Nasr (475-91/1082-98), and another of his sons, Abu Salama Murshid (491/1098), who renounced power
in favour of one of his brothers, Abu 'l-cAsakir Sultan (491-?549/1098-?1154). The last Munkidh prince, Taclj al-Dawla Muhammad, son of the preceecUng, died in 552/1157. The Banu Munkidh, from the Arab tribe of Kinana, had settled in northern Syria at the opening of the llth century when they entered the service of the Mirdasids [see MIRDAS, BANU] of Aleppo. The latter ceded to them, in the first place, ca. 1025, the territories at around Shayzar which they were controlling at that time. In 474/1081 Sadrd al-Mulk £ Alf purchased from the Byzantine bishop of al-Bara the town of Shayzar, and from this time onwards, the Banu Munkidh resided in the citadel of Shayzar. We know of the town's history under them especially well from the autobiography, the K. al-Ptibdr, of a member of the family, Usama Ibn Munkidh. For three-quarters of a century the family succeeded in forming their territories into an autonomous, petty principality. But it was the object of many covetous rivals, given its position at the centre of the ambitions of the princes of Antioch, Aleppo and Damascus. The Munkidh amirs nevertheless succeeded in preserving their autonomy autonomy by diverse means. The payment of tribute to a nearby prince assured them of protection, as in the 1080s with the prince of Aleppo Muslim b. Kuraysh, and also enabled them to obtain the evacuation of hostile armies from their territories. Thus in 1110 and 1121, there was secured the departure of the Franks of Antioch, who had established themselves on the fringes of Shayzar. The same means were used in July 1133 regarding the prince of Damascus, Shams al-Muluk, who was besieging the fortress. The Munkidh princes conducted a skilful policy of alliances and of playing off one power against the other. Thus in the 1080s, the amir married one of the daughters of the Saldjuk of Damascus Tutush, who was at that time envisaging the conquest of the whole of Syria. In the 1120s, at the time when the Crusaders were at their most dangerous, Abu 'l-cAsakir Sultan succeeded in establishing friendly relations with King Baldwin II of Jerusalem. After the end of that decade, the decisive alliance was that with the new ruler of Aleppo, Zangf, which allowed Shayzar to resist the implicit alliance between the Borids or Burids of Damascus and the Crusaders. Even so, the principality was in real danger on two occasions during the first half of the 6th/12th century. First, the Assassins or Isma'ilis succeeded within a few hours in seizing the fortress of Shayzar, left temporarily deserted by the Banu Munkidh. Then in 1138, the citadel was besieged by a coalition organised by the Byzantine emperor John Comnenus and including the Crusaders and the Damascenes. The town was saved by a lifting of the siege before it could succeed, probably to be connected with dissensions in the besiegers' camp. The Munkidh period of Shayzar's history was also one of a relatively significant cultural development of the principality, due first of all to members of the ruling family such as the prince-poet Abu Salama Murshid, or his famous son Usama, both famed in the realm of letters. There were also a number of refugees from the Crusaders, fugitives from places like Tripoli, Macarrat al-Nu'man or Kafartab at the court of Shayzar. These included political refugees, such as the amir of Tripoli Fakhr al-Mulk Ibn cAmmar in 502/1109, but above all, scholars and teachers of Usama like the poet Ibn al-Munfra and the Andalusian grammarian Abu eAbd Allah, who had worked at the ddr al-cilm in Tripoli. The violent earthquake of 552/1157 brought about the death of the greater part of the Munkidh fam-
SHAYZAR — AL-SHAYZARI ily, who were present at an entertainment in one of the rooms of the citadel at the time of the quake. Nur al-Dln profited from the opportunity to seize Shayzar in face of the Franks and the Assassins who were coveting it. The town was given to a family who were probably of Kurdish origin, the Banu '1-Daya, who, apart from a brief period of disgrace 570-2/1174-6, administered it for Nur al-Dfn, for Salah al-Dln and then for the Ayyubids of Aleppo until' 630/1233. The first governor of this family, Madjd al-Dln Abu Bakr Ibn al-Daya, was the fosterbrother of Nur al-Dm. His successors were his brother Sabik al-Dm 'Uthman and then the latter's son and grandson Tzz al-Dfn Mas'ud and Shihab al-Dln Yusuf. Yusuf was dismissed by the ruler of Aleppo, al-Malik al-cAz!z, probably because he had for a certain time given allegiance to al-Malik al-Mu'azzam of Damascus. Shayzar then lost its relative autonomy and was given to a Kurdish amir called Ibn al-Dunyar, who was directly responsible to the Ayyubid ruler of Aleppo. The fortress, whose garrison had been reduced after the end of the Banu '1-Daya, was dismantled some years later in face of the Mongols. The town of Shayzar was divided into a lower town or madina (in European sources, suburbium, pars inferior civitatis), occupied today by a hamlet, and an upper town dominated by the citadel (kal'a) (the praesidium, oppidum, pars superior civitatis). The lower town, to the north of the fortress, between it and the bridge used as a crossing over the Orontes, was several times occupied by besiegers, although it was probably protected by a wall. The fortress, however, was sited on rocky outcrop oriented north-southwards and called by al-Dimashkl, 205, "the cock's crest". On the southern side, to strengthen the site's defences, a deep ditch had been dug by cutting into the rock for several metres. Of the fortress of the Banu Munkidh, nothing remains for certain, everything having been destroyed by the earthquakes between 552/1157 and 565/1170. The oldest remains now visible are ostensibly, according to Max Van Berchem, those of the southern keep, said to date from the time of Nur alDm. The inscriptions still in situ speak of works undertaken by the Ayyubid sultan of Aleppo al-Malik al-cAziz in 630/1233, and then, after the devastating appearance of the Mongols, by the Mamluk sultans Baybars (659/1260) and Kalawun (689/1290). From the 14th century onwards, mentions of Shayzar become rare. The fortress never recovered the importance which it has had in the 12th and 13th centuries, and was probably definitively abandoned under the Ottomans. Bibliography. For older bibl, see Honigmann's EP art. See also M. Van Berchem and E. Fatio, Voyage en Syrie, i, Cairo 1914; RCEA, nos. 3998, 4057, 4931; H. Derenbourg, Ousdma Ibn Mounkidk, un emir syrien au premier siecle des Croisades i. Vie d'Ousdma, Paris 1889; Usama, K al-ftibdr, ed. P.K. Hitti, Princeton 1930, Eng. tr. idem, An Arab-Syrian gentleman and warrior in the period of the Crusades. Memoirs of Usama Ibn Munqidh, New York 1929, Fr. tr. A. Miquel, Souvenirs d'un gentilhomme syrien du temps des Croisades, Paris 1983; Elisseeff, Nur al-Din, Damascus 1967; Th. Bianquis, Damas et la Syne sous la domination fatimide (359-468/969-1076), Damascus 1989-9; J.-M. Mouton, Damas et sa principaute sous les Saljoukides et les Bourides 468-549/1076-1154, Cairo 1994; A.-M. Edde, La principaute ayyaoubide d'Alep (579/1183658/1260), diss. Univ. de Paris IV 1995, publ. forthcoming. (J--M. MOUTON) AL-SHAYZARI, AM!N AL-DIN ABU 'L-GHANA'IM MUSLIM b. Abi '1-Thana' Mahmud b. Sanad al-Dawla
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Djamal al-Mulk Abi '1-Fada'il Nicma b. Sanad alDawla Abi VAta1 Arslan (Raslan) b. Yahya, adib, poet and astronomer. His grandfather and great-grandfather belonged to the mama lik, in the rank of an amir, of Usama b. Munkidh (d. 584/1188 [see MUNKIOT], lord (sahib] of Shayzar [q.v.] on the Orontes. His father (d. after 565/1169) was an adib and poet at the court of Usama, but acquired also a reputation as grammarian (nahwi) in the Great Mosque at Damascus (Tmad al-Dln, Kharida [al-Sham], Damascus 1375/1955, i, 575-9); Ibn al-Kittl, Inbdh, Cairo 1374/1955, iii, 273; Ibn Khallikan, Beirut 1389/1969, ii, 524-5, in no. 310). Al Shayzarl was born in Damascus where he also grew up; later he went to Yemen at the court of the Ayyubid al-Malik al-Mucizz Isma'il b. Tughtigln (r. 593-8/1197-1201). To the latter he dedicated his anthology cAajd3ib al-ashcdr wa-g}iard3ib al-akhbdr, consisting of 25 chapters. The unique manuscript, dated 690/1291, is in the Maktabat Dar al-cUlum alIslamiyya in Peshawar; a modern copy of this manuscript is at Leiden (R. Weipert, in ^GAIW, ii [1985], 241, in addition to Brockelmann, S I, 460 and to Sezgin, ii, 80). Al-Shayzarf composed a second anthology soon after 622/1225, called Lframharat al-Isldm dhdt al-nathr wa 'l-ni^am. It comprises 16 books, which start with madh and end with dj.awdb/khitdb, and each has 10 chapters, the first 5 of which—according to the author—always deal with poetry (na^m) and the other 5 with prose (nathr, with very many verses!) of poets and literary people of the Islamic period, i.e. from the 1st to the 7th centuries A.H., occasionally with exact dates. The work was composed for the last Ayyubid in Yemen, al-Malik al-Mascud Salah al-Dm Yusuf b. al-Malik al-Kamil Muhammad (r. 61226/1215-29) and contains at the end of each of the 16 books—additionally also, in other places—a poem in his honour composed by the author, who sporadically designates himself as mamluk, and a second one by his son Ahmad. This adab work is an interesting and informative source, for it gives not infrequently abydt (with explanations), hikayat, rasd'il and excerpts or accounts of all sorts from texts, from traditions of the period and of families, and from his own life, preserved otherwise only covertly or not at all (cf. Brockelmann, I2, 302, S I, 374, xi, 5; see for this Arabica, i [1954], 237; Kh. Mardam Bak, in MMTA, xxxiii [1377/1958], 3-20). The unique manuscript of Leiden of 697/1298 is available in a facsimile edition by F. Sezgin, Frankfurt/Main 1986 (with reference to the Ph.D. thesis by M.D. Ahmad, An introduction to and analysis of the Leiden ms. ... with a critical edition of some... passages, Oxford [1954?]). Another work by al-Shayzan which has been preserved (al-Zirikli, alAeldm\ Beirut 1979, vii, 223) and which was also composed on behalf of al-Malik al-Mas'ud, is cAddt al-nuajum, an almanac "which closely resembles the celebrated Calendar of Cordova. The astronomical information contained in al-Shayzarf's almanac, such as the solar meridian altitude (52V2° at the equinoxes) and midday shadow lengths for each month, indicates that the work was not compiled for use in the Yemen" (D.A. King, Mathematical astronomy in medieval Yemen. A biobibliographical survey, Malibu 1983, 22; idem, A survey of the scientific manuscripts in the Egyptian National Library, Winona Lake, Indiana 1986 [= American Research Center in Egypt, Catalogs, vol. v], 66). When and where al-Shayzan died cannot be ascertained. Bibliography: Given in the article. (R. SELLHEIM) SHEBEK [see SHABAK].
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SHEBELLE — SHEFlK MEHMED EFENDI
SHEBELLE, a river of the south of Ethiopia and of Somalia, the Shabeelle or Webi Shabeelle, perhaps thus named because it was pointed out to the first travellers as the river (Som. webi) [of the land of] leopards (Som. shabeel, sc. Felis pardus nanopardus], an animal which abounds in these regions. But the dwellers along the river simply call it "the river" (Som. webi-ga). The name of the Shebele, an ethnic group settled before the Somali, may have played a role. It is the longest stretch of water in the Horn of Africa, both in regard to its length (2,488 km/1,546 miles) and in regard to the extent of its catchment area (200,000 km2). It rises in Ethiopia on the fringes of Bale, Arsi and Sidamo, at Hogiso, at an altitude of 2,680 m/8,790 feet, 225 km/140 miles south of Addis Abeba, to the north of Mount Guramba and not far from the sources of another important river, the Ganale, which combines its waters with other rivers to form, in Somalia, the Juba. After the explorations of Christopher (1843), Sacconi (1883) and Baudi di Vesme (1888, 1891, etc.), its course was explored and its sources pinned down by an Italian expedition under the Duca degli Abruzzi, Luigi Amedeo di Savoia (1928-9). After an origin in rugged country, it flows in a vast bend towards the north-east, rapidly losing height, and then turns southwards. In its upper course it receives numerous affluents from the Hararge and Arsi mountains before forming the southwestern border of the Ogaden [q.v.]. When approaching Mogadishu [see MAKDISHU], at BaTad it runs parallel to the coast for 1,200 km and ends its course in a marshland between Jilib (Gelib) and the sea, not far from the mouth of the Juba, with which, when very swollen with flood waters, it may sometimes join up. The Shebelle is, with the Juba, the only permanent river in Somalia. Both of them traverse arid regions, in such a way that they have been compared to the Tigris and Euphrates and the region which they encompass in Mesopotamia. The river has made possible sedentary and agricultural life along its banks, which contrasts with the nomadism dominant on the plateaux through which it flows. The first attempts at modern agricultural activity were made by the Italians. Carletti, governor of Somalia 1906-10, reserved several million hectares for colonists, and an experimental agricultural station was opened in 1912; but it was only after the First World War, under the Fascist governor De Vecchi (1923-8), that new efforts led to a transformation of the economy of Somalia. The main protagonist here was the Duca degli Abruzzi, who set up the Societa Agricola Italo-Somala (1920) and was able to involve the population there (the Bantu Shidle, etc.) in projects for producing cotton, sugar, bananas, rice, oil-yielding seeds, etc. The economic value of the valley has continued up to our own time, and has called for numerous hydraulic works in damming the waters and dividing them up into channels, thereby compensating for the river's irregularity of flow. An important barrage is planned in Ethiopia. The populations of the lands traversed by the river are in overwhelming majority Cushitic and Muslim, Oromo on the Ethiopian side and Somali in the Somalia Republic. Bibliography: L.A. di Savoia-Aosta, La esplorazione dello Uabi-Uebi Scebeli dalle sue sorgenti nella Etiopia meridionale alk Somalia Italiana (1928-1929), Milan 1932; E. Cerulli, Somalia. Scritti van editi ed inediti, i, Rome 1957, 139-52; C. Maino, La Somalia e I'opera del Duca degli Abrupt, Rome 1959; F. Carboni, Bibliografia somala. Studi somali 4, Ministero degli Affari
Esteri, Rome 1983 (see index, 299: "Uebi Scebeli", "Villagio Duca degli Abruzzi", etc.); M. Roth, Somalia land policies and tenure impacts. The case of the lower Wabi Shabelle, in Th. Basset el alii, Land in African agrarian systems, Madison, Wise. 1993, 298-326. (A. ROUAUD) SHEBlN KARAHISAR [see KARA HISAR]. SHEB§EFA (SHEBISEFA, SHEBSAFA) KADfN, Ottoman princess (d. 1220/1805), probably the sixth in rank among the kadtns of Sultan 'Abdiilhamfd I. She was the mother of a prince who died young and of Princess Hibetullah Sultan (b. 1202/1788). In 1212/ 1798 she acquired the ciftlik of Djihan-zade Hiiseyin Beg, and also owned agricultural land in the vicinity of Salonica or Selanik [q.v.], apart from a pension out of the funds of the Istanbul customs. Shebsefa. Kadin is noted for the foundation bearing her name in the Istanbul area of Zeyrek, established in 1202/1787 according to the inscription over the entrance to the mosque. Originally built on different levels, the foundation consists of mosque, primary school and ceshme, along with the grave of the foundress. A wakfiyye, dated 1220/1805, specifies that the school was also to be open to girls, a provision which has earned Shebsefa Kadin the reputation of a pioneer in Ottoman female education. Bibliography: M. Qagatay Ulucay, Padi§ahlann kadinlan ve fazlan, Ankara 1980, 109; Yasemin Suner, art. §ebsafa Kadin camii ve sibyan mektebi (with plan and extensive references to the history of the building), in Dtinden bugiine Istanbul ansiklopedisi, Istanbul 1994, vii, 141-2; cf. also G. Goodwin, A history of Ottoman architecture, London 1971, 414; Mehmet Dogru etalii, Eminonti camiJm, Istanbul 1987, 189-90. (SURAIYA FAROQHI) SHEFlK MEHMED EFENDI, called Musarrifzade, Ottoman imperial chronicler, poet and prose stylist, d. 1127/1715, best known for his Shefikndme, a history of the events of the year 1115/1703. Little is known of his family and early years. He was born in Istanbul, and later adopted the pen-name Shefik. His father is thought to have been employed in the accounts office of the imperial kitchens (matbakhi fdmire). Mehmed himself entered the bureaucratic service as a clerk (kdtib) in the diwdn-i humayun, where he later rose to become head of one of its scribal bureaux. In the 1690s he served as a clerk in the Ottoman military campaigns against Venice, Austria and Russia. Around the beginning of the 18th century, his fortunes took a distinct turn for the better when he became a confidant of Ram! Mehmed Pasha [q.v], the incumbent Re3is iil-Kuttdb [q.v], an office which was even then evolving into the Ottomans' Ministry of Foreign Affairs. After Ram! Mehmed became We&r-i A'zam in 1115/1703, Shefik Mehmed was named an official chronicler of the realm, although apparently without the title of wak'a-nuiws. Shefik Mehmed's principal work, the Shejik-ndme, records in heavy, allegorical style the so-called Edirne Wak'asi, the events surrounding the deposition of Sultan Mustafa II [q.v] in 1115/1703, and the role of Mustafa's imperial Imam and Sheykh al-Isldm Sayyid Feyd Allah Efendi [q.v.]. The same "Edirne Episode" was also responsible for the fall of Shefik Mehmed's patron Rami Mehmed, and consequently for his own eclipse. Although the same events are discussed in another of his works, entitled Muwaddah-i Sheflk-ndme, this version has been all but overlooked because of the Sfeejtkndme's fuller, if opaque, treatment. F. Babinger in El1 refers to yet another manuscript on the same subject, called Ta3nkh-i cAbd Allah, which he attributes to Shefik
SHEFIK MEHMED EFENDI — SHEHIR EMANETI Mehmed as well. A copy of the work, bearing this tide, is apparently held by the Vienna National Library, but its relationship to the other manuscripts remains in question. Manuscript copies of the Shefik-ndme and Muwaddah can be found in numerous libraries in Turkey and Europe. Of the variously titled versions (if they are all, indeed, Shefik Mehmed's), only the Shefikndme has been printed. Although probably written around 1118/1706, that is, about three years after the events described, it was first published in 1866. Later editions appeared in the 1870s, sometimes including either the commentary of Mahmud Djelal al-Dln Pasha (entitled Rawdat al-kamiKn, printed Istanbul 12897 1872-3) or that of Shefik Mehmed's contemporary, c Abd Allah Mehmed b. Ahmed Efendi. Manuscript copies of both commentaries are also available in many of Istanbul's libraries, including Istanbul University, Topkapi Sarayi and Suleymaniye. Although Shefik Mehmed remained active through his historical writings and poetry in the years after the 11157 1703 revolution, he did not achieve wide public notice until 1125/1713, when his friendship with the new We&r-i A'zam, Damad 'All Pasha [q.v.], secured him a place in the Wear's circle of intimates and he was rewarded with the chief post in the small accounts bureau (kucuk muhdsebea^ilik) of the ewkdf. He died in Istanbul in 1127/1715. Like many Ottoman litterateurs, he was proficient in Persian and Arabic, and was a member of the Mawlawi Sufi order [see MAWLAWIYYA] . Bibliography: Bursali Mehmed Tahir, C0thmanli mu'ellifleri, Istanbul 1333-42/1915-24, iii, 175; Sfierh-i Shefik-ndme, ms. Istanbul University Library, TY 178; L4, art. $efik Mehmed (M. Miinir Aktepe). (MADELINE C. ZILFI) SHEHIR EMANETI (T.), a term used for two successive institutions of the Ottoman empire. The first of these appears in the person of the shehir emlni mentioned in the Kdnun-ndme of Mehemmed II as ranked below the defterddr and defter emlni but above the re*ls ul-kuttdb, without his function being defined. His appearance just after the conquest of Constantinople led Byzantine scholars of the 19th century, perhaps inspired by a passage of Count Andreossy, who translated this function as "prefect of the town" and followed by some Turkish authors (£Othman Nun, mMeajelle-yi Umur-i Belediyye, i [Istanbul 1922], 1358-9), to put forward the hypothesis that this official was the successor of the Byzantine eparchos, himself the heir of the Roman praefectus urbis. However, later Turkish scholars, starting with Fuat Kopriilu (Bizans'in osmanh mtiesseelerine te'siri, Istanbul 1931, 266-7), have rejected this idea, noting, quite rightly, the dissimilarity between the two offices. In effect, the eparch, the leading administrator of the capital, responsible for its provisioning, judge and police chief and deputy for the emperor during his absence (L. Brehier, Les institutions de I'Empire byzantin, Paris 1949, 186-92), seems rather to have fulfilled the urban functions of the Grand Vizier, or at least those of his lieutenant, the kd'immakdm, than the much more modest ones of the shehir emlni, who appears to have functioned more like intendant of the royal buildings in pre-Revolutionary France. The shehir emmi's functions, so far as they can be deduced from the various documents in which he is mentioned, involved the construction, repair, provisioning and payment of salaries of the personnel of the imperial palaces in Istanbul, sc. the New one (Topkapi) and the Ancient one, as well as those of Ghalata Saray and of Ibrahim Pasha, serving as bar-
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racks for the cAd^eml oghlam. Together with the matbakhi cdmlre emlni (head of the imperial kitchens), the darbkhdne emlni (head of the imperial mints) and the arpa emlni (head of the imperial stables), he was one of the four great civilian dignitaries (khwdajegdn) of the outside administration (birun) of the palace. He was thus the superior in rank of the head architect and his services, and supervised the building of the imperial buildings, apart perhaps from the greatest building operations, such as complexes of religous buildings, etc., for which an ad hoc supervisor was appointed. He seems to have been a more important personage in the 16th century, and often to have been assimilated to the military class, since we see a miiteferrika becoming shehir emlni and a shehir emlni becoming a cdwush bashl, than he was in the 18th century, when the office was held by persons previously in the rank of ketkhiidd. This decline in status entailed a conflict of authority with that of the chief architect, and in 1831 the two functions were suppressed and replaced by that of the director of imperial buildings (ebniye-yi khdsse, mudiri), but the appointment to this latter office of the last chief architect, cAbd ul-Halfm Bey, shows that it was really the second which absorbed the first. The second shehir emlni appears 24 years after the disappearance of the first when, in a report of 13 June 1855, the High Assembly of the Tanzimdt proposed suppressing the Ministry of Ihtisdb, which had in 1826 succeeded to the functions of the traditional muhtesib with the same functions of urban policing, and its replacement by a shehir emlni flanked by a municipal council made up of "the members of the trade corporation with the highest profile" (cOthman Nun, op. cit., 1371-2). If this new office of shehir emdneti, translated in texts of the time as "Prefecture de la ville", seems directly inspired by the French prefectorial system, whilst taking into account the assimilation of the term shehir emlni to that of town prefect, proposed by Andreossy, the duties for which he became responsible, of cleansing and keeping tidy the city, as well as the new shehir emmi's responsibility to tour the markets and bazaars, merely perpetuated the functions of the old muhtesib. The date of the creation of this new office corresponds to that of the Crimean War, when the presence of a large number of foreigners in the Ottoman capital brought a demand for municipal services like paved streets and street lighting. Since neither the ancient services of the ihtisdb nor those of the shehir emlni were capable of responding to the new needs of a municipality, the intizdm-i shehir komisyonu, translated into French as "Commission municipale" was set up on 6 May 1856 with the participation of several members of the city's European colony. It made up the nucleus of the "sixth circle", altmaji dd'ire, the first municipality of the Ottoman empire, limited to the quarters of Pera (Beyoglu) and Ghalata, largely occupied by Europeans and the non-Muslims subjects of the Porte. Founded in December 1857, it was merged after 1869 in the Istanbul municipality with the creation of a municipal council responsible to the shehir emlni, who thus became mayor of the city. After the foundation of the Republic, a shehir emdneti was also created for Ankara on 16 February 1924. Finally, by the law of 3 April 1930, a uniform system of municipalities (bekdiye) was created for the whole country. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): Ahmed Lutfi Ef., Ta'rikh, repr. Ankara 1989,
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SHEHIR EMANETI — SHEM'I
xi, 91, xii, 51, 76; Ahmed Wasif Ef., Mehasin uldthdr we haka'ik ul-akhbdr, repr. Istanbul 1978, 185, 239, 282, 363; Osman Nuri Ergin, Turkiye'de §ehirciligin tarihi inki$qfi, Istanbul 1936, 122-48; Pakalm iii, 322-7; Selanlkl Mustafa Ef., Ta3nkh, repr. Istanbul 1989, 154, 212, 228, 241, 244, 387, 462, 514, 539, 764, 769; Shem'dam-zade Fmdiklili Suleyman Ef., Miir3l 'l-tewdnkh, repr. Istanbul 1978, 144, 152, 157; I.H. Uzungarsili, Osmanh devletinin saray te§kildti, Ankara 1945, 374-8; Gibb and Bowen, i, 84-5, 127, 130, 133, 356-7; St. Yerasimos, Occidentalisation de I'espace urbain: Istanbul 1839-1871. Les textes reglemmtaires comme sources d'histoire urbaine, in D. Palzac (ed.), Les villes dans ['empire ottoman: activites et societes, i, Paris 1991, 97-119; Yerasimos, La planification de I'espace en Turquie, in RMMM, 1 (1989), 109-22. (ST. YERASIMOS) SHEHIR EMINI [see SHEHIR EMANETI]. SHEHIR KETKHUDASI (T.), an official of the pre-modern Ottoman empire, who had financial and administrative duties. His prime function was to collect the specified taxation from a town or its quarters (a function thus corresponding to that of the shaykh al-balad in Egypt), whereas the a{ydn [q.v.] acquired tax-farming rights in the rural areas of the provinces. As with the acydn, the office of shehir keikhuddsi tended to become hereditary; and there was, obviously, much scope in it for oppression of the taxpayers. Having lasted from the time of Suleyman the Magnificent, the office was abolished in the early 19th century as part of Mahmud IPs [q.v.] reforms. Bibliography: Pakalm, iii, 317-18, and see BALADIYYA. 1. Turkey. (Eo.) SHEHR [see SHAHR]. SHEHR-I SEBZ [see KASH]. SHEHZADE (P., T.), a title of O t t o m a n princes. The term shehzdde (or shdhzdde, from Pers. shah "king" + zdda "born of"), "prince", was one of the titles used for the male children born to a reigning Ottoman sultan. It is said to have been introduced by Mehemmed I (816-24/1413-21) for his own sons, and over subsequent decades gradually superseded the earlier term celebi. Shehzdde came into use around the same time as the title pddishdh [q.v.], as part of the general elevation of Ottoman political and cultural pretensions following Mehemmed I's reunification of the state, and continued in use until the reign of cAbd ul-Hamld I (1187-1203/1774-89), when efendi became the preferred princely title. As a tide (particularly from the mid-1 Oth/16th century onwards), shehzdde was regularly used in conjunction with the basic title sultan [q.v], by which all adult sons of the reigning sultan were also known: i.e. "Shehzade Sultan X" (and even "Shehzade Sultan X Khan [sic]", the designation applied by Pecewl to all six sons of Ahmed I, see Ta3nkh-i Pecewi, Istanbul 1281/1864, ii, 347-9). A clear distinction was thus made between the ruler and his sons. Shehzdde was also widely used in a purely descriptive sense, synonymous with oghul, "son": e.g. shehzddeleri Sultan Bdyezid... we Sultan Mustafa3 "his [Mehemmed IPs] sons Sultan Bayezld ... and Sultan Mustafa" (Tursun Bey, Tdrihi Ebu 'l-Feth, ed. M. Tulum, Istanbul 1977, 84). Bibliography: A.D. Alderson, The structure of the Ottoman dynasty, Oxford 1956, 112-20; I.H. Uzun9ar§ili, Osmanh devletinin saray tejkildti, Ankara 1984, 107-45. (CHRISTINE WOODHEAD) SHEKER BAYRAMI [see C ID AL-FITR]. SHEMCDANI-ZADE SULEYMAN EFENDI, also known as Fmdiklili Suleyman Efendi, 18th century member
of the Ottoman culemd3, provincial j u d g e (kddi), and author of the Mur3l 'l-tewdrikh, was born in Findikli, Istanbul, at an unknown date. He was the son of a Tokat merchant, Shem'danl Mehmed Agha, who reputedly stood up to rebels who were attempting to raid the Istanbul Customs Office during the events of the Patrona Khalfl [q.v] rebellion in 1143/1730. He was later recognised for his bravery by the Grand Vizier Yegen Mehmed Pasha [q.v], who had been the Customs Officer in Istanbul at the time of the events in question (Aktepe, p. xvii). Suleyman Efendi, then, was a member of a prominent Istanbul family, which had settled in Istanbul at least by 1143/1730, if not earlier. He apparently preferred the religious profession over commerce, and chose to be a judge (Aktepe, p. xviii). Information on his career is scant, but a few details are scattered throughout his history. He is known to have been appointed judge at Isma'Il in Rumeli in 1178/1765, where he served as a guide and host for the passage of Sellm Giray Khan into Ottoman territory. Of other Balkan towns, he was appointed to Beypazan and Pravi§te at dates unknown. In 1183/1769, he was appointed to Ankara; in 1185/1771, to Tokat and in 1190/1776, to al-Fayyum [q.v] in Egypt. He died in Istanbul in 1193/1779, and was buried in Eyyub (Aktepe, pp. xvii, xviii). Suleyman Efendi wrote his Mur3! 'l-tewdnkh as a supplement to Katib Celebi's [q.v] Takwtm al-tewdnkh, written in 1058/1648, and extended by Mehmed Sheykhl and Ibrahim Muteferrika [q.v.] to 1145/1733. Suleyman Efendi had intended to end his work with 1188/1774, presenting it to the new sultan cAbd ulHamld I [q.v], but he extended it to 1191/1777 to include some of the post-war events and appointments (Aktepe, pp. xxi-xxii). He acknowledged his debt to the official historians Subhl and clzzf Suleyman, whose works he consulted and incorporated until the year 1165/1752. The value of the work lies in Suleyman Efendi's original contribution for the period from 116591/1752-77, especially for the 1768-74 Russo-Turkish War, when, as kadi of Tokat, for example, he was responsible for enrolling a regiment of Janissaries for the battlefront (Aktepe, ii/b, 61). His description offers historians one of the few realistic pictures of the difficulties of 18th-century Ottoman mobilisation, and his work supplements the other chronicles of the same period, those of Enwerf and Wasif [q.vv]. Bibliography: Siajill-i cothmdm, iii, 86; 'Othmdnh mil'ellifleri, iii, 144; Babinger, 306-7; Mur't 'l-tewdnkh, Beyazit ms. 5144, published in Istanbul in 1919, with foreword by Ahmed Tewhld; additional biographical data and an analytical bibliography of manuscript copies in M.M. Aktepe's edition, §em} ddm-zdde Findikhh Suleyman Efendi tarihi Mufi't-tevarih, Istanbul_ 1976-81. (VIRGINIA AKSAN) SHEM1, the takhallus or pen-name of a Turkish translator and commentator of Persian literary works who flourished in the second half of the 10th/ 16th century. In his own works and in most of the biographical sources only this name is mentioned. B. Dorn, referring to "two manuscripts" of HadjdjI Khalifa, asserted that he was properly called Mustafa Darwlsh. Even more uncertain is the name ShemcAllah Perzerlnl which Bursali Mehmed Tahir attributed to him; this was based perhaps on the confusion with another Shemcl, a Sufi poet from the town of Prizren [q.v], or Perzerln, who belonged to the mystical tradition of Sheykh Wefa (d. 896/1490-1) and died in 936/1529-30 (see HadjdjI Khalifa, ed. Flugel, iii, 287, and Latlfi, Tedhkere, Istanbul 1314/1896-7,
SHEM'I — SHEN-SI 210-2, tr. O. Rescher, Tubingen 1950, i, 164-5). The dates mentioned in the sources for the death of the commentator Shem'I, sc. about 1000/1591-2 (HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 53) and 1005/1596-7 (Thureyya), cannot be correct because his commentary on Djamfs Subhat al-abrdr was completed in 1009/1600-1, and as late as 1012/1603-4 a verse translation of arbcfin traditions, entitled Miftdh-i futuhdt, was dedicated by Shemcl to Sultan Mehemmed III (see Blochet, ii, 169). Also, very little is known about his life. He is described as a man of mystical inclination who made a living as a private teacher of "the sons of the people and the servants of the great and the exalted" (Na'Irna). The numerous commentaries on Persian classics which he wrote are obviously related to this profession. Several of these works were dedicated to officials of the Ottoman court during the reigns of Murad III (982-1003/1574-95) and Mehemmed III (1003-12/ 1595-1603). Shemcl wrote commentaries on: (1) Farfd al-Dln 'Attar's Pand-ndma, with the title Sacddat-ndma, and a dedication to Zfrek Agha, a courtier of Murad III (cf. e.g. HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 68; Dorn, 333-5; Dozy, ii, 115; Rieu, Turkish mss., 154-5; Blochet, i, 319; H. Ritter, in Orient, xiii-xvi [1961], 232-3). (2) Mantik al-tayr by the same (1005/1596-7), at the request of Hasan Agha, the agha of the Janissaries (cf. e.g. Hadjdji Khalifa, vi, 190; H. Ritter, in Oriens, xi [1958], 55). (3) Nizaml's Makhzan al-asrdr, dedicated to Ghadanfer Agha,'the ddbit-i Bab al-sa'ddet (cf. HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 975). (4) Sa'dl's Gulistdn (977/1569 or 979/1571), at the request of Mehmed Celebl, the intendant of the sultan's gardens (cf. e.g. HadjdjI Khalifa, v, 231; Pertsch, 93-4; Rieu, Persian mss., ii, 607; idem, Turkish mss., 156-7; Blochet, i, 350, 384; Ate§, 193). (5) Bustdn by the same (about 1000/1591-2) (cf. e.g. HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 53; Rieu,Turkish mss., 156; Ate§, 198; Leiden, ms. Or. 12448). (6) Djalal al-Dln Rumi's Mathnaw-yi ma'naun (ca. 999/1590-1) in six books, by order of sultan Murad III (cf. e.g. Hadjdji Khalifa, v, 375; Rieu, Persian mss., ii, 589; idem, Turkish mss., 155). (7) Hafiz, Diwdn (981/1574), for his patron Ahmed Ferldun (cf. e.g. HadjdjI Khalifa, iii, 273; Rieu, Persian mss., ii, 631; idem, Turkish mss., 158). (8) Djami's Bahdristdn (between 982-7/1574-9), dedicated to the Grand Vizier SokollI [q.v.] Mehmed Pasha (cf. e.g. Dozy, ii, 357; Rieu, Persian mss., 755). (9) Tuhfat al-ahrdr by the same (1006/1597), for Mehemmed Ill's Khddim Hasan Pasa (cf. e.g. HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 219; Pertsch, 105; Dozy ii, 120; Ate§, 443). (10) Subhat al-abrdr by the same (1009/1600), dedicated to Ghadanfer Agha (cf. e.g. Hadjdji Khalifa, iii, 575; Blochet, ii, 331; Ate§, 439). (11) Shahl, Diwdn, for his patron Ahmed b. Mehmed (cf. e.g. HadjdjI Khalifa, iii, 286; Dozy, ii, 119-20; Blochet 341). Shem'I used a fairly simple method. Invariably, the main element of his comment was a full Turkish paraphrase of the Persian text, to which very short explanatory remarks were added. Not inappropriately the term "translation" (terajume) is sometimes applied to his commentaries. His work, as well as that of his confrere Sururi [q.v.], is often criticised in Sudl's [q.v.] commentary on the Diwdn of Hafiz. Bibliography. Hadjdji 'Khalifa, ed. Fliigel; Mustafa Na'Ima, Ta'rikh Rawdat al-Husayn ji khuldsat akhbdr al-khdfikayn, Istanbul 1281-3/1864-6, i, 74; Mehmed Thureyya, Siajill-i 'Othmdm, Istanbul 1315/1897-8, iii, 170; Bursali Mehmed Tahir, 'Othmdnll rnu3ellifleri, Istanbul 1972, ii, 394; B. Dorn, Catalogue des manuscrits et xylographes orientaux de la Bibliotheque Imperiak publique, St. Petersburg 1852,
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333-5; W. Pertsch, Die persischen Handschriften der herzoglichen Bibliothek zu Gotha, Vienna 1859; R. Dozy et alii, Catalogue codicum orientalium Bibliothecae Acad. Lugduno-Batavae, Leiden 1851-77; Ch. Rieu, Catalogue of the Persian manuscripts in the British Museum, ii, London 1881; idem, Catalogue of the Turkish manuscripts in the British Museum, London 1888; E. Blochet, Catalogue des manuscrits turcs, Paris 1932-3, 2 vols.; A. Ate§, Istanbul kutuphanelerinde Farsga manzum eserler, Istanbul 1968. (J.T.P. DE BRUIJN) SHEMS AL-DIN GUNALTAY, in modern Turkish, §EMSEDDIN GUNALTAY, 2 0 t h - c e n t u r y Turkish statesman and historian. A prolific historian and a professor, Shems al-Dln Giinaltay (1883-1961) served as the Prime Minister of the Turkish Republic during its decisive transition to a multi-party system in the mid-century. After obtaining a degree in science at a teachers' college, he graduated from the University of Lausanne, where he studied natural sciences. Privately, he mastered Arabic and Persian. After teaching and serving as principal at various high schools, he was in 1914 appointed muderris or professor of Turkish history and the history of Islamic nations at the University of Istanbul. He also taught the history of religion and Islamic philosophy at the Suleymaniyye Madrasa. In 1915 he became a member of the Ottoman Parliament, where he served until its dissolution. During the national liberation struggle (1919-22), he was a member and Deputy Chairman of the Istanbul Municipal Council. A staunch supporter of Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatiirk [q.v]) and his successor, President Ismet Inonii [q.v. in Suppl.], Giinaltay served more than 30 years as a parliamentary deputy (first for Sivas, then for Erzincan). From January 1949 to May 1950 he was Prime Minister. As such, he introduced legislation for direct parliamentary elections and enabled Turkey to have its first free national elections, as a result of which his party fell from power. From May 1950 to his death in October 1961, Giinaltay was successively parliamentary deputy, Chairman of his party (the Republican People's Party) for Istanbul and Member of the Council of Deputies and Senator. During much of his political life, Giinaltay continued to teach history at the University of Istanbul. He also served as President of the Turkish Historical Society from 1941 onwards. Bibliography: Giinaltay's major scholarly works include Ta3nkh-i edydn ("History of religions", 1922), Islam ta'rikhi ("History of Islam", 1925), Isldmda ta3 rikh we muwerrikhler ("History and historians in Islam", 1923-1925), Islam dim ta3nkhi ("History of the Islamic religion", 1924), the 5-volume Mufassal Turk ta'nkhi ("Comprehensive history of the Turks", 1928-1933), the 4-volume Takin §ark tarihi ("History of the Near East", 1937-51, and Turk tarihinin ilk devirleri ("Early periods of Turkish history", 1937). (TALAT SAIT HALMAN) SHEN-SI, SHAANXI, a province in the northwest of China, bounded in the north by the province of Suiyiian, in the south by the provinces of Ssu-ch'uan and Hu-pei, in the west by the provinces of Kan-su and Ning-hsia, and in the east by the provinces of Shan-si and He-nan. Shen-si has been of geographical and political importance, as many dynasties (from the Cho in the 12th century B.C. to the Tang in the 10th century A.D.) established their regimes in this area, previously called Kuan-chung. The capital of Shen-si is Hsi-an (previously called Ch'ang-an), which was a cosmopolitan city in the past.
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SHEN-SI — SHENLIK
It was a centre of Muslims during the Tang (A.D. 618-907), Sung (A.D. 960-1279) and Mongol-Yuan (A.D. 1206-1368) periods. Muslims were assigned an autonomous district in the city during the Tang period, and one of the oldest Chinese mosques, named Huachueh-hsian Ta-shi (also called Tang-ta Shi), originally built around A.D. 742, is located here. After the Mongol conquest of China, a mass Muslim migration from Central Asia into China took place. In 1289, when the Mongol prince Ananda (who succeeded his father Prince Mangala) was appointed as Prince An-hsi to govern Shen-si, more Muslims were brought into this province. Ananda and his son Urliig Temiir had close contact with Central Asian Muslims. It is said, according to the author of the D^dm? altawdnkh, that they were converted to Islam and gave strong support to it. Muslim communities in Shen-si, especially in the north, thus increased and gradually developed into one of the biggest Muslim population concentrations. (By the mid-19th century, before the great rebellions, the Muslim population in Shen-si was probably around 4,000,000; but after the suppression of the rebellions, the population was reduced to around 500,000.) Chinese Islamic madrasa education has been regarded as starting from Shen-si, and from there spread all over China. Hu Teng-chou (1522-97), a Shen-si native of Hsien-yang, with the Islamic name Muhammad c Abd Allah Ilyas, was the founder of the so-called Shen-si school of Chinese madrasa-mosque education (another one is the Shan-tung school). Hu's teaching was said to emphasise interpretation of the doctrine of Tawhid and Islamic philosophy. He adopted a great number of Arabic works as textbooks, and invented a so-called Ching-t'ang Yii (madrasa language) in his halka teaching. Ching-t'ang Yii is, in fact, a hybrid of Chinese and Islamic (Arabic and Persian) languages. This language is still employed in Islamic college teaching at the present time. Hu's inclination to an Arabic form of Islam, since he spent quite a long period studying in Arabia, distinguished the Shen-si school from the Shan-tung school, which was more inclined to Persian Islam. Shen-si has always been rather a poor province in natural resources, while its people were notorious for being truculent and violent in nature. Likewise, Shensi Muslims were also known for their militant characteristics. Throughout modern Chinese history, Muslims from this region played a significant role in local rebellions; however, it was not until the mid-19th century that Shen-si Muslims fought for their own lives and religion. Shen-si Muslim insurrections in 1860s and 1870s resulted from social, economic and religious conflicts between the Han and the Muslims, and political oppression from corrupt local Manchu bureaucrats. It has also been suggested that the Muslim insurrections echoed the Taiping Revolt. Muslim rebellions in Shen-si, were certainly influenced by the Djahriyya Sufi (a sub-order of the Nakshbandiyya) reform movement led by Ma Minghsin [q.v.] early in the 19th century. Ma's movement stimulated the Muslims' consciousness and strengthened their Islamic identity. The best known Shen-si Muslim rebel leader was Pai Yen-hu [q.v.], who later, together with his followers, fled to Sinkiang to join Ya'kub Beg's [q.v.] movement, then fled to Kazakhstan and Kirghizia and eventually settled there; they were the forefathers of the present Dungans. Bibliography: M. Broomhall, Islam in China: a neglected problem, new impression, London 1987; Hsueh-ch'in Ch'u, Ping-ting Shen-kan Hsin-chiang Hui-
fei Fang liie ("Accounts of the suppression of the Muslim Rebellions in Shensi, Kansu and Sinkian"), 3 vols., repr. of 1896 facs., Taipei 1968; Svetlana R.-K. Dyer, Soviet Dungans, Taipei, Centre for Chinese Studies 1991; Rashid al-Dln, Dfdmif al-tawdnkh, Eng. tr. J.A. Boyle, The successors of Genghis Khan, New York 1971; Shih-ch'ien P'ang, Chung-kuo Huichiao Shih-yuen Chiao-yil chih Ten-ke chi K'o-pen ("The development of Chinese Islamic mosque education and its textbooks"), in Tu-Kung, vii/4 (1937), 99103; Ch'ing-ai Shen and T'ing-hsi Wu, Shen-si Tungchih Hsli T'ung-shih ("Gazetteer of Shensi Province and its supplement"), 12 vols., repr. of 1934 ed., Taipei 1969; Chang-chiin Yang, Ping-ting Kuan-lung Chi-lue ("Accounts of the suppression of Shensi and Kansu rebellions"), 3 vols., repr. of 1887 facs., Taipei 1968. (CHANG-KUAN LIN) SHENLIK (T.), an Ottoman term for public festivities which marked special occasions and, unlike ceremonies limited to certain groups, involved the participation of the entire populace. The main festivities of the empire included religious ones such as the commemoration of the death of Husayn on 10 Muharram, the eve of the Prophet's birthday and the end of Ramadan, marked and celebrated by holidays. The Pilgrimage provided other opportunities for public festivities: the departure of the royal caravan and pilgrims for Mecca on 12 Radjab and their return on the third month of the year were publicly honoured. On the return of the Pilgrimage caravan, for instance, houses were decorated, the pilgrim's door was painted green, and everyone sought the pilgrim's blessing and intercession. Another religious celebration of non-Muslim origin occurred on 23 April when all celebrated St. George's Day, on which the Muslims commemorated Khidr, as a festival for spring when many went on picnics. Non-religious public festivities included the girding of the sultan which marked the formal acknowledgement of his succession, as well as the birth or circumcision of his children, the sons' initiation into formal education, the wedding of a member of the sultan's family or some noted dignitary, and the reception of certain ambassadors. Another major occasion was the departure of the Ottoman army on campaign, often accompanied by the firing of cannon, beating of drums, and performances by military bands; major victories and the homecoming of the army were also extensively observed, with mock battle scenes and illuminations. Fireworks, including small rockets (fishek), were often the most significant feature here. In many instances, the sultans also promoted spectacular pageants, mock battles between Muslims and Christians, water triumphs, illuminations and fireworks in order to keep up the morale of the populace in times of defeat and other calamities. There were also parades of trade guilds before the sultan, lasting for as long as three days or more, in which they displayed their professional techniques on large floats. The mingling of religious with secular events often enhanced its splendour. Many Ottoman works, such as the Surndme-yi humdyun (Topkapi Palace Archives doc. no. R. 283) and Surndmeyi Wehbl, (Topkapi, Palace Archives doc. no. A. 3539), contain depictions of such public festivities. Bibliography. Metin And, Osmanh senliklerinde tiirk sanatlan, Ankara 1982, 1-59; idem, Istanbul in the 16th century: the city, the palace, daily life, Istanbul 1994, 157-67, 260-7; von Hammer-Purgstall, Histoire, xiv, 191-2: Raphaela Lewis, Everyday life in Ottoman Turkey, New York 1971, 120-40. (FATMA MUGE GOCJEK)
SHERBET — SHEWKl BEG SHERBET (Ar. Pers. Tk.), a fruit-based drink; the term is derived from the Arabic sharba, meaning a drink or beverage. Sherbet was first recorded in English in the early 17th century, and there are many other European cognate forms, viz. sorbet (Fr.), sorbetto (It.), sorbete (Sp.), etc. According to Turkish and European sources, in Istanbul sherbet was made from a variety of ingredients, of which the most common was lemon juice, mixed with sugar, honey and water, and sometimes with musk and ambergris, often cooled with ice or snow in summer, and served warm by itinerant vendors in the winter time. Other ingredients might include violets, nilufer (water-lily flowers), rhubarb, roses, lotus, tamarind and grapes. Richard Knolles, The general history of the Turkes, London 1621, describes a dinner given for foreign ambassadors in Istanbul in 1603, when "the table... thus furnished, the guests without any cerimonie of washing sat downe on the ground ... and fell on their victuall, and dranke out of great earthen dishes, water prepared with sugar, which drink they call Zerbet"; elsewhere he mentions that it is made of "the juice of lymons, water and sugar". George Sandys, A relation of a journey begun An.Dom.1610, London 1615; an anonymous manuscript in the British Museum of 1027/1618 (Add. 23880); and J.-B. Tavernier, a new relation of the Inner-Part of the Grand Seignor's Seraglio, London 1677, all describe the composition and serving of sherbet in detail. The Turkish historian Ewliya Celebi, Narrative of travels in Europe, Asia and Africa, tr. J. von Hammer, London 1834-50, lists the ingredients of a variety of sherbets, and another fruit-based drink, kho shdb (possibly with an alcoholic content) which was equally popular in the 17th century. He names the various districts where the sherbet-makers lived, such as Top Hane, Fmdikh and Scutari, and their special products. He also describes a procession in 1042/1633, when the merchants of musk sherbets (eshribe-yi mumesseke) "pass exposing to public view in china vases and tankards every kind of sherbet made of rhubarb, ambergris, roses, lemons, tamarinds, etc., of different colours and scents, which they distribute among the spectators". The lemon juice which was so important a component of sherbet, came from lemons (limuri), almost exclusively imported from the island of Chios; see Sandys, Du Loir, Les Voyages, Paris 1654, and R. Mantran, Istanbul dans la seconde moitie du XVIIF suck, Paris 1962, for the Turkish sources. Sherbet was served in pottery or glass covered bowls; a Turkish painting of a sherbetaji shows the sherbet seller at his stall, working a hand-pump in order to activate a sherbet fountain (Warsaw University Library, Teka 171, no. 536). A by-product of the sherbet industry was the ingenious invention, at Kutahya in the early 12th/18th century, of pottery lemon-squeezers with a concealed trap; see J. Carswell, The lemon-squeezer: an unique form of Turkish pottery, in IV™ Congres International d'Art Turc, Univ. de Provence, Etudes historiques 3, Aix 1976. Bibliography: Given in the article. See also J.W. Redhouse, A Turkish and English lexicon, Constantinople 1890, s.w. shardb, sherbet, sherbetaji, (J. CARSWELL) SHEREF, CABD AL-RAHMAN (1853-1925), late Ottoman historian and statesman. £ Abd al-Rahman Sheref was born in Istanbul, the son of a chief clerk at the Imperial Arsenal (Topkhdnec yi dmire), whose family hailed from Safranbolu in northwestern Anatolia. cAbd al-Rahman Sheref graduated from the famous Galatasaray Lycee in 1873. After this he taught at several different establishments,
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from the Makhreaj-i Akldm (a college for civil servants which existed between 1864 and 1876) to the Ddr alFunun (University), which was re-opened in 1900, having been closed since 1880. All through the long reign of eAbd al-Hamld II (1876-1909 [q.v.]) he was a central figure in the educational establishment, serving for sixteen years as director of the Civil Service Academy (Mekteb-i Mulkiyye) and for fourteen as director of the Galatasaray Lycee. After the Constitutional Revolution in 1908, cAbd al-Rahman Sheref gained even more prominence. He was appointed to the Senate (remaining a member until the end of the Empire) and was made Minister for the Defter-i Khdkdnl (Revenue Register). He also served as Minister of Education for three short spells and as Minister of Pious Foundations (Ewkdf) and President of the Council of State. As Minister of Education, he took the initiative in founding bilingual (French-Turkish) "model" (nilmune) secondary schools. From 1909 until the end of the empire in 1922 he was the last ofHcal chronicler (wak'a-nuwis) of the Ottoman Empire. In this capacity, he finished the eighth and last volume of the history of his predecessor Lutfi Efendi. His own chronicle of the years 1908-18 has remained unpublished. cAbd al-Rahman Sheref's importance for the study of Ottoman history lies not so much in any great originality or depth but in his work as an organiser and populariser. He published fourteen books and numerous articles. Some of the former, such as the Ta'rikh-i dewlet-i cothmdniyye (1883) and the Fedhleke-yi ta'rikh-i dewlet-i cdliye-yi c othmdniyye (1884) were widely used as textbooks in schools. He also wrote a regular historical column for the newspaper Waklt ("Time"). cAbd al-Rahman Sheref was instrumental in establishing history as a modern discipline in Turkey. The most important step in this direction was the establishing in 1910 of the Ta3rikh-i 'Othmdm Enajiimeni, (Society for Ottoman History). This society, of which he became permanent president, concentrated on translating European works on Ottoman and Turkish history and on text editions. Its main aim, the publication of a large-scale Turkish history of the Ottoman Empire, was not realised during his lifetime, but the institute's journal, Tcfrikh-i fOthmdni Enajumeni Meajmu'asi (TOEM), published from 1910 to 1924 and continued under the title of Turk Ta'nkhi Enajumeni Medj.mucasi until 1928, was the first of its kind in the Empire. In 1923, cAbd al-Rahman Sheref was elected to the National Assembly in Ankara as one of the representatives for Istanbul. He also headed the Turkish Red Crescent Society. In 1925 he fell ill; he died at Istanbul at the age of 72 and was buried in his native Eyiip. Bibliography: Efdal iil-Dln [Tekiner], cAbd tilRahman Sheref Efendi terd£ume-yi hall, haydt-i resmiyyesi we khususiyyesL Istanbul 1927; Ibrahim Alaettin Govsa, Turk meshurlan ansiklopedisi, Istanbul n.d.; M. Orhan Bayrak, Osmanli tarihi yazarlan, Istanbul 1982; Osman Ergin, Turkiye maarif tarihi, Istanbul 1977; Murat Beige (ed.). Tanzimat'tan Cumhuriyete Turkiye ansiklopedisi, Istanbul 1985, vi. (EJ. ZURCHER) SHEWKl BEG (§evki Bey in present-day Turkish orthography), T u r k i s h c o m p o s e r of great popularity, was born the son of a comb-maker in 1277/1860 in the Fatih quarter of Istanbul. The exceptionally gifted young man was accepted at the Sultan's music school (Muzika-i humdyun mektebi] under the aegis of Callisto Guatelli (1868-99), and studied there under
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SHEWKI BEG — SHEYKH-OGHLU
the celebrated composer Hadjdji cArif Beg (Haci Arif Bey, d. 1302/1885). Strongly addicted to alcohol and unable to pursue a normal existence, he lived a dervish-like (rindi) variant of a Romantic artist's life. At the age of 31, he died on 2 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1307/19 July 1890 and was buried at Beylerbeyi on the Bosphorus. Shewkr Beg, sometimes called the "Turkish Schubert", is known for his songs in the form of sharki (§arki), the "Lied" form of Turkish art music that had gained a new quality and popularity by the compositions of his famous teacher. In his own lyric-melancholic style, Shewkr Beg composed _several hundred sharki songs. In contrast to Hadjdji cArif Beg, he contented himself with a relatively small selection of modes (makdm [q.v.]/makam) and metres (usul/usul). About onethird of the pieces attributed to him are composed in one and the same makdm, called "lovers" ('usjishdk/uffak)—a remarkable correspondence to the main subject of his song texts. The most popular of these texts were recorded, together with indications of mode and metre, in contemporaneous and later song text collections. Some of his melodies have survived in musical notation. Suphi Ezgi (1870-1962), who knew Shewkr Beg personally, is said to have written down 120 of his songs. He published fifteen of them in his voluminous book on Turkish music (see below). A few more are included in other printed and handwritten song collections. Bibliography: Suphi Ezgi, Nazari vet ameli ttirk musikisi, i-v, Istanbul 1933-53, passim', Ibniilemin Mahmut Kemal Inal, Ho§ sadd, Istanbul 1958, 276-8; Y. Oztuna, §evki Bey, Ankara 1988 (lists 234 works, presents 140 song texts; full bibl.); idem, Biiyiik tiirk musikisi ansiklopedisi, Ankara 1990, ii, 355-9. (E. NEUBAUER) SHEYKH-OGHLU, Sadr al-Dm Mustafa (modern Turkish: §eyhoglu, Sadriiddin Mustafa) (b. 741/ 1340-1), sometimes referred to as Sheykh-zade, under which name he was dealt with in EP. He should not be confused with the translator of Kirk wezirler hikdyeleri [see
SHEYKH-ZADE. 3].
Poet, translator and court dignitary, Sheykh oghlu was an important figure in the development of Ottoman diwdn poetry, especially the methnewi genre, in the 8th/14th century. He extended the focus of the methnewi to romance and human love rather than just religion and mystic love, an approach seen also in the Djemsjiid we-Khurshid written in 805/1403 by his rival Ahmed! [see AHMADI]. Outstripped as a lyricist by the latter, Sheykh-oghlu also drew less attention than later writers of such methnewts as Leyld and Medjnun, Tusuf and ^ellkhd and Khusrew and Shmn. He is, however, a figure about whom many contradictory and erroneous statements have been made in the sources both old and recent, Turkish and European. Most common of the errors, which we find in the earliest of Ottoman literary biographies, the Hesht bihisht of Sehl (d. 994/1586 [q.v.])3 is to identify him with Djemalf the nephew of Sheykhf [q.v.], who completed his uncle's Khusrew ii Shmn, used the lakab of Sheykh-zade or Sheykh-oghlu, and was still alive in the last decade of the 15th century (see Huseyin Ayan, §eyhoglu Mustafa £Iurs,id-name (Hur§id u Ferah§ad), inceleme-metinsd'zluk-konu dizini, Erzurum 1979, 8; and Omer Faruk Akiin in I A, art. §eyhoglu). Sheykh-oghlu's birthdate is given as 741 or 742 (1340-1), but it is not known where he was born, nor when and where he died. A statement at the end of his Kenzii 'l-kubera indicates that he completed that
work in 789/1401, but he must have died after 804/1401 and before 812/1409. The name Mustafa, by which he has been known over the centuries, was one acknowledged by Sheykhoghlu himself and recorded also by Ahmedi, but it has now been shown that be also used the name Sadr al-Dfn. As a result, two translations (see below), previously credited to an unknown Sadr al-Dfn have been credited to Sheykh-oghlu (Zeynep Korkmaz, "Kdbusndme" ve "Marzubdn-ndme" fevirleri kimindir?, in Turk Dili Arastirmalan Tilhgi [1966], 267-78; Kemal Yazuv, §eyhoglu Kenzii'l Kiibera ve Mehekku'l-Ulema (incelememetin-indeks) Ankara 1991). Statements in Sheykh-oghlu's works show that his forebears included high officials and scholars, and that his family was an influential one at the court of the Germiyan amirs of Kiitahya [see GERMIYAN-OGHULLARI] . It seems that he was brought up there during the reign of Mehmed b. Ya'kub I and given a medrese education. As an adult, he acted as chief of chancery and treasurer to Mehmed b. Ya'kub's successor Suleyman Shah (d. 789/1387). Suleyman was a ruler well-known as a patron to men of letters, encouraging them to execute translations from Arabic and Persian and to produce original works in Turkish. On the death of Suleyman, Sheykh-oghlu served the Ottoman Yildirim Bayezfd until that ruler was defeated by Tmiur at Ankara in 805/1402, after which he transferred his allegiance to Bayezld's son, Prince Suleyman supporting him in the struggle for the throne. There is still uncertainty about Sheykh-oghlu's total literary output. Poems by him appear in some old collections and he is said to have written an cAshkndme, but no manuscript has been discovered. Wellknown are his Khurshid-ndme and a Kenz ul-kiiberd. The former, a methnawi romance completed in 789/1387, comprises close to 8,000 bayfe (see Ayan, 24 ff.). In his preface, Sheykh-oghlu refers to it also as Shehristdn-i 'ushshdk, and sources have labelled it variously as Khurshid ii Ferahshdd (or Ferakhshdd), Khurshid ii Ferrukhshdd, or simply Ferrukh-ndme. The text indicates that, although Sheykh-oghlu began the work for Suleyman Shah of Germiyan, after the death of that patron in 789/1387 he presented it to Bayezfd. As for the origin of the work, Sheykh-oghlu's statement that it came from "a pleasant Arab story" (A. Bombaci, La letteratura turca, Milan 1969, 295), has to be weighed against the fact that it draws heavily on the Shdhndmd and the general literary tradition of Iran for themes and motifs, but also includes strong personal views as well as elements from the history and traditions of the Turks (see Ayan, 31 ff.). Most of the characters in the work have Persian names, exceptions being Bogha Khan the Tatar ruler, and Turumtay his vizier (which, Akiin suggests, indicates a memory of Ilkhanid days in Anatolia). The introductory sections cover the usual topics required of a methnewi, and the main story is structured on the motif of falling in love "sight unseen", one frequently encountered in both Persian and Turkish literature, the protagonists being Khurshfd, daughter of the Khan of Iran, and Ferahshad, son of the ruler of the Maghrib. The Kenz ul-kiiberd, a prose work liberally interspersed with verse, was completed in 803 Radjab/ March 1401 and is believed to have been Sheykhoghlu's last work. Categorised by Kemal Yavuz as the second example (after the Kutadghu bilig [q.v.]) of a "Mirror for Princes" in a Turkic language, the work resembles in format, but is not a translation (as has been suggested) of Nadjm al-Dm Razl's Mirsdd alc ibdd (Yavuz, op. cit. 10-11). It opens with appropriate
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SHEYKH-OGHLU — SHEYYAD HAMZA introductory material. Then in four chapters Sheykhoghlu discusses the status and responsibilities of rulers, state officials, legislative, scholarly and religious functionaries, supporting his views with anecdotal material that shows him to be well-versed in scholarship and literature, and makes the work an important source of information on 9th/15th-century society. As for the two translations now credited to Sheykhoghlu, and undertaken at the command of Suleyman Shah, these are: (1) Marzubdn-ndme (believed to be the earlier), based on the Warawim version of the original 4th/1 Oth-century work, was itself later translated into Arabic [see MARZBAN-NAMA] . With its didactic nature, typical of Persian andarz literature, the use of animal fables as in Kalila wa-Dimna, and motifs in its frame story reminiscent of Kutadghu bilig, the work must have been especially attractive to Sheykh-oghlu, and presumably influenced the writing of his own last work, Kenz ul-kubera (see Yavuz, 11). (2) Kdbusndme, written by the Ziyarid ruler of Tabaristan and Gurgan, Kay Kawus b. Iskandar [q.v,] for his son Gflan Shah in 475/1082-3, a work also in the andarz and "Mirror for Princes" tradition. In addition to Sheykh-oghlu's importance for the literary, intellectual and social aspects of Anatolia, he has a place in the development of the Turkish language as a literary vehicle in the 8th/14th century. Said to have complained (fashionably) about the unsuitability of Turkish as a vehicle for poetry, he nevertheless stressed the importance of producing works in that language and is praised for the style that he accomplished (see Akiin, 483, and Ayan, 11, 15; the Zeynep Korkmaz study of the Marzubdn-ndme supplies a detailed analysis of his language). Bibliography: The main sources are given in the article. For further tides and details of mss., see the bibls. in Akiin, Korkmaz and Yavuz. (KATHLEEN BURRILL) SHEYKH-ZADE, the name of various figures in Ottoman Turkish literature. 1. A name sometimes used in reference to SHEYKHOOILU, Sadr al-Dfn Mustafa [q.v.]. 2. The lakab of DjemalF, nephew of Sheykhi [q.v.]. 3. An unidentified Ottoman writer referred to by sources also as Sheykh-za.de Ahmed or Ahmed-i Misrf and said to have presented to Murad II a collection of stories, Hikdyet-i erbacm-i, subh u mesa, translated from Arabic. The Arabic original is considered no longer extant and, contrary to earlier studies, a recent work in Turkey (Miibeccel Kiziltan, Kirk vezirler hikdyeleri. Metin-dizin-kaynakfa, doktora tezi, Istanbul tJniversitesi 1991) posits that two writers are involved, an Ahmed-i Misrf who translated the work from Arabic and presented it to Murad II (1421-51), and a Sheykhzade who took up the text later, presenting it to both Murad II and Mehemmed II (1451-81). The collection of stories, related in a frame-style format and centred on the motif of a chaste youth and lustful stepmother, is well-known in English through EJ.W. Gibb, The history of the forty Vezirs, London 1886. (KATHLEEN BURRILL) SHEYTANLIK (Grk. Gyaros, vernacular Gioura), the Tkish. name (lit. "devilry, craftiness") for an island of the Aegean Cyclades group, lying to the northwest of Syros or Shire [q.v.]. From Roman times onwards, up to the period 1936-74, it has served as a place of exile and imprisonment for political prisoners, but may also have acquired its name from its great vulnerability to pirate attacks. In Byzantine times, as in Antiquity, shells for purple dye were fished for there (see K.R. Setton, in Speculum,
xix [1944], 196). From 1206 to 1566 it was part of the Archipelago Duchy of Naxos (see NAKSHE and map XIV in Pitcher, Hist, geogr. of the Ottoman empire), but was seized temporarily by Khayr al-Dfn Pasha [q.v] in 1537; it then became part of a petty Italian maritime state with strong Roman Catholic influence until the Ottomans took it over in 1617 (see K.R. Setton, in Comb. med. hist., iv/12, 426). Greek pirates used it as a base during the War of Independence (1821 onwards), preying on European shipping, as attested by the contemporary Jourdain (Mems. hist, et militaires sur les evenments de la Grece, Paris 1828, ii, 225). At present, the island is uninhabited. Bibliography: See also the bibls. NAKSHE, PARA, SANTURIN ADASI and
SHIRE.
(A. SAWIDES)
SHEYYAD HAMZA, modern Turkish §eyyad Hamza, a 7th/13th-century Turkish mystical poet mentioned in 1 Oth/16th-century biographies but about whose life details are elusive. He probably lived mainly in the Ak§ehir-Sivrihisar area, and a tombstone in Ak§ehir [see AKSHEHIR] is reported to be that of a daughter Aslf Khatun (Rifki Melul Meric, Ak/ehir tiirbe ve mezarlan kitabeleri in TM, v, 179). Mehmed Fuad Kopriilii was the first to note him in this century, publishing a \5-beyt remnant of a methnewi of his contained in Egerdirli Hadjdjr Kemal's Didmi' al-nezd3ir (on this genre see Nihat Sami Banarh, Resimli Turk edebiyati tarihi, Istanbul 1971, 617-8) and characterising him and his lakab as typical of the Batim trends [see BATINIYYA] current in Anatolia during the period of the Mongol invasion (see Kopriilii's EP art. SHAIYAD HAMZA). Subsequent research has uncovered more of Hamza's works, produced other theories on his lakab (see Vasfi Mahir Kocatiirk, Tekke §iiri antolojisi, Ankara 1968, 13-15, and I A art. §eyyad by Omer Faruk Akiin, cf. also SHAYYAD), and questions about his Batim connection, pointing to his importance as a predecessor of Yunus Emre [q.v] and his place in the early experimental period of Ottoman literature. Hamza was familiar with both the folk and diwdn poetic tradition. Some of his folk poems contain coarse elements and reflect the turmoil of 7th/ 13th-century Anatolia. In general, however, they express with simple lyricism his moral and religious views. His dtwdn works include na'ts (in praise of Muhammad), a nagtre on a ghazel of Rumf, amatory verse and admonitions concerning the vanity of the world and inexorable death. Important is his 1529beyt methnewi entitled Destdn-i Tusuf ("Epic [or Tale] of Joseph"), a work based on the Kur'anic version of the Joseph story [see YUSUF u ZALIKHA], uniting popular Islamic tradition with mystic concepts. The format, while adhering in general to the Persian mathnawi tradition, replaces interspersed ghazek with five ntikte or moral commentaries. The poem's general tone is strongly reminiscent of folk narrative. The Turkish (largely free of Arab- or Persianisms) requires frequent prosodic licence to achieve the chosen (remel) metre, and the rhyme structure lacks polish. The M.A. thesis (1992) of Stephanie B. Thomas at Columbia University comprises a study of the work in the context of the Joseph tradition, with an annotated translation of a 952/1545 manuscript as published by Dehri Dilcin (§eyyad Hamza: Tusuf ve £eltha, Istanbul 1945). Another 76-beyt methnewi: is entitled Hddhd ddsitdn-l Sultan Mahmud ("This is the tale of Sultan Mahmud [of Ghazna]"). Its topic (found earlier in Persian) is an encounter between Mahmud and a poor dervish. A dialogue between the two debates the worth of worldly values, establishing that control of the lower self (nefs), not rank and riches, ensures a place in Paradise (Sadettin
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SHEYYAD HAMZA — SHPA
Bulug, §eyyad Hamzcfnin bilinmeyen bir mesnevisi, in TM, Ixxv [1968], 247-57). Bibliography: For additional sources, see the work of Banarh cited above; IA art. §eyyad Hamza (Sadettin Bulu9); and Metin Akar, §eyyad Hamza hakkindayeni bilgiler, in Turkluk Ara§tirmalan, ii (1986), 1-16. (KATHLEEN BURRILL) SHHAWRI [see SHIHRI]. 1 SHI A, in the broad sense, refers to the movement upholding a privileged position of the Family of the Prophet (ahl al-bayt [q.v.]) in the political and religious leadership of the Muslim Community. The name is derived from shi'at CAK, i.e. the party or partisans of CA1I, which was first used in the inter-Muslim war during cAlfs caliphate distinguishing them from the shi cat 'Utfemdn, the partisans of the murdered caliph cUthman opposed to £Alf. The present article will deal with the origins and early development of the Shfa until the emergence of the major sectarian branches. For these, see the individual articles on Ithna £ashariyya, Isma'Iliyya, Zaydiyya, etc. In the lifetime of Muhammad, his close kin enjoyed a raised religious status of purity recognised by the Kur'an. As his kin (dhawu }l-kurba), there were counted the descendants of his great-grandfather Hashim and, to some extent, the descendants of Hashim's brother al-Muttalib. They were, like the Prophet himself, not allowed to receive or to handle alms (zakat) as these were considered unclean. In compensation for this exclusion they were entitled to receive a portion of the khums, the fifth of war booty reserved to the Prophet, and of the fay3 [
Malik b. al-Harith al-Ashtar [q.v], became the leader of the Kufan revolt which overthrew cUthman's governor Sa£fd b. al-£As [q.v.] and installed Abu Musa al-Ash£ari [q.v.] in his place. He also led the Kufan rebel group which joined the groups from Egypt and Basra converging on Medina to press for the resignation of cUthman. Although he and the Kufans did not join in the siege of the caliph's palace carried out by the Egyptians, he played a major part in securing the succession of CA1I to power against the rival candidacy of Talha [q.v] and subsequently in rousing Kufan support for £AlI against £AJisha, Talha, and al-Zubayr in the Battle of the Camel, in spite of the neutralist stand of the governor Abu Musa al-Ash£ari. c All's reign bore from the outset the character of a counter-caliphate. He was heralded by his supporters and officials as the most excellent of Muslims after the Prophet, and was acclaimed in poetry and eulogies as the wasi, the legatee, of Muhammad. Such claims, which put the legitimacy of the caliphate of his predecessors in question, lent the conflict between him and his opponents a religious dimension apart from the political one. Already in the Battle of the Camel, 'All's opponents spoke of a "religion of £AlI (din 'AU)", a notion deeply resented by the Prophet's cousin, who insisted that he represented the religion of Muhammad. 'All's own attitude to the legitimacy of his predecessors' reign, as expressed in his speeches and letters, was complex. He praised Abu Bakr's and £Umar's conduct in office highly and reprimanded any of his followers who depreciated them. He severely criticised £ Uthman for misgovernment and arbitrary innovations. Holding that £Uthman had provoked the rebellion against himself, he refused to condemn the rebels, while not expressly condoning the murder of the caliph and distancing himself from any personal involvement in the rebellion. He asserted that he personally had a better right to the succession of Muhammad than any other Companion, on the basis of his close kinship and association with him as well as his outstanding merits in the cause of Islam. The Community of the Faithful as a whole deserved blame for having turned away from him after the death of Muhammad. It was £ Ali who first gave the hadith of Ghadir Khumm [q.v.] publicity by inviting those Companions who had heard the Prophet's statements there to testify on the square in front of the mosque of Kufa. These statements have traditionally been understood by the Shlca as an implicit appointment of £AlI to the succession in the leadership of the Community. £AlI made plain that he considered the Family of the Prophet to be entitled to the leadership of the Community as long as there remained a single one of them who recited the Kur'an, knew the sunna and adhered to the true faith. The most basic distinguishing beliefs of the Shl£a thus go back to £AlI, who must to this extent be considered its founder and first teacher. This fact has been largely unpalatable to Sunn! historiography, which therefore created and propagated as the founder of the Shf£a the figure of £Abd Allah b. Saba' [q.v.], the malicious Yemenite Jew who first stirred up the rebellion against £Uthman and invented the doctrine of £ AlI being the legatee of Muhammad, ending up with extremist fiction denying the death of £AlI and deifying him. Only this latter aspect may well have had a historical foundation. Ibn SabaJ appears to have been active in al-Mada'in after cAll's death and to have propagated belief in his return (rad£d] and ultimate victory over his enemies. When £AlI was assassinated in 40/661, his parti-
SHFA sans in Kufa were evidently convinced that only a member of the Prophet's Family could legitimately succeed him. Although cAlf, probably following the Prophet's precedent, refused to appoint a successor after having been mortally struck, his eldest son alHasan [q.v], grandson of Muhammad, was immediately recognised without dissent. A few months later, al-Hasan abdicated in favour of the Umayyad Mueawiya [q.v] on the basis of a treaty which stipulated a full amnesty and safety of life and property for the sfn'at CAK and which denied Mucawiya the right to appoint a successor. According to some accounts, it provided for al-Hasan to succeed him, according to others for election by a council (shura), evidently on the model of the electoral council appointed by cUmar. Although the abdication aroused general disappointment and some protest among the Shfca, it was not regarded as a renunciation by al-Hasan of his ultimate tide to the leadership, and he continued to be recognised as the legitimate Imam. Al-Hasan died in 49/669 or 51/671, poisoned, it was widely suspected, by one of his wives at the instigation of Mu'awiya. The Shfa now turned to his younger brother alHusayn [q.v.] and, disaffected by what they regarded as the oppressive and vindictive nature of Mu'awiya's rule, urged him to rise to restore the legitimate reign of the Prophet's Family. Although by character more inclined to pursue the leadership actively than his brother, al-Husayn declined to act as long as Mu'awiya was reigning, evidently recognising the continued validity of al-Hasan's agreement. The Shfcr riot in Kufa in 51/671, for which Hudjr b. cAdf [q.v.] and other leaders were executed, was not an attempted revolution but an incident intentionally provoked by Mu'awiya and his governor Ziyad b. Ablhi [q.v.] with the aim of crushing latent opposition to the Umayyad rule. Mucawiya had, in breach of the spirit, if not the letter, of his treaty with alHasan, ordered his governor of Kufa, al-Mughlra b. Shucba [q.v], to curse 'All from the pulpit in the Friday prayers and to insist on the presence of several Shf'f leaders, among them Hudjr. Al-Mughfra had done so, but failed, evidently against Mucawiya's intentions, to discipline those who protested against the cursing. Al-Mughfra's successor Ziyad took the occasion of pebbles being thrown at his deputy in protest against the cursing to intervene, ordering the rounding-up of Hudjr and other Shfcf leaders. There was some fighting between police and rioters in which no-one was killed. Hudjr eluded Ziyad for a time, finding refuge in the quarters of various tribes. Eventually, he surrendered voluntarily on the promise of being sent to Mu'awiya. Ziyad drew up an accusation of armed rebellion against the Shfcf leaders and had it signed by representatives of the Kufan nobility. Mucawiya offered them pardon if they would renounce their loyalty to cAlf and curse him. As they refused, he ordered the execution of Hudjr and five others. The law of Islam and practice so far prevalent allowed only imprisonment and exile for insurrection. These executions amounted to murder. The incident, rather than crushing the opposition, inflamed the sense of outrage of the Kufan Shf'a. After the death of Mu'awiya and the succession of his son Yazfd [q.v], the Kufan Shfca and many of the tribal leaders wrote letters to al-Husayn inviting him and offering him their backing. Al-Husayn had, together with other members of the Islamic aristocracy, declined to pledge allegiance to Yazfd during Mu'awiya's lifetime and, after his death, fled from Medina to the Sanctuary in Mecca in order to avoid
421
being forced to do so. He sent his cousin Muslim b. e Akfl [q.v] ahead of him to test the ground in Kufa. On receiving at first a favourable report from Muslim, al-Husayn set out for Kufa. Determined action by the governor cUbayd Allah b. Ziyad, however, induced the Kufan tribal leaders to abandon their backing of the revolt. Muslim b. cAkfl was killed, and al-Husayn soon faced a Kufan army preventing him from proceeding or returning. He and over twenty members of the Prophet's ahl al-bayt, brothers and sons of al-Husayn, sons of al-Hasan, and descendants of 'Alf's brothers
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SHPA
however, and spread, chiefly among the lower classes, outside Kufa also. It was commonly called that of the Kaysaniyya [q.v], after the chief of al-Mukhtar's bodyguard Abu
Prophet and their Kur'anic share of war booty and fay3. 'Umar had attempted to satisfy their just claim by offering them partial restitution, but they had declined his overtures as being insufficient. Ibn al-cAbbas warned al-Husayn of the danger of his rising and did not back it. Jointly with Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya, however, he resisted the demands of the anti-'Alid counter-caliph cAbd Allah b. al-Zubayr that they should pledge allegiance to him. Ibn alZubayr imprisoned them together, and they were freed by a Kufan Shf'f cavalry troop sent by al-Mukhtar. Ibn al-Zubayr accused cAbd Allah b. al 'Abbas and his brother 'Ubayd Allah of trying to "raise the banner of Abu Turab (sc. eAlf) which God had lowered and of gathering the muddleheads from 'Irak around themselves." The descendants of Fatima were, after the massacre of Karbala0, for a generation eclipsed in the leadership of the ShI'a. Al-Husayn's only surviving son CA1I Zayn al-'Abidln [q.v} kept aloof from Shff activity and attracted no substantial following. AlHasan's senior son al-Hasan also avoided involvement with the Shi'a. Only al-Husayn's grandson Muhammad b. £Ali, known as al-Bakir [q.v], after his father's death in 94/713-14 actively engaged in Shi'i teaching, while refusing to be drawn into revolutionary activity, and became the founder of systematic Shi'f religious law. His teaching in particular raised the religious rank and spiritual authority of the Imams who were endowed with a divinely inspired knowledge. The Imam was described by him as muhaddath, "spoken to" by the angel of revelation. The term was taken from a variant reading of Kur'an, XXII, 52, "We have not sent before you any Messenger of Prophet" adding "or muhaddath", which was contained in the codex of c Abd Allah b. al-'Abbas and was interpreted as a form of revelation ranking below that reserved for prophets. The Imam was not expected, however, to add in any way to the message and the law revealed by the Prophet, but rather to preserve it in its integrity through his divinely-granted authority. The world was in permanent need of such an Imam and could, in the absence of a prophet, never exist for a moment without him. In a hostile environment, the Imam was protected by his and his followers' license and obligation to practice takiyya [q.v], the precautionary concealment of their religious beliefs and practice. Al-Bakir's legal and ritual teaching comprised most of the features which were later seen as distinctive of Shl'i law, such as the hay'ala in the call to prayer [see ADHAN], the prohibition of the mash cala'l-khuffayn [q.v] in the ritual ablution, and the permission of mut'a [q.v], temporary marriage. The latter permission (which was not upheld by Zaydl and Isma'fll law) also reflects influence of the doctrine of cAbd Allah b. al-cAbbas, who taught that mut'a had been practised in the time of Muhammad and Abu Bakr and had been prohibited only by cUmar. Al-Bakir's quietist conduct aroused little suspicion among the authorities, and he was widely respected as a traditionist among Sunn! scholars. Among the Shf'a in Kufa, his prestige was widely recognised. The activist Shf'a who had backed al-Mukhtar went underground after his death. The leadership in Kufa fell to Salama b. Budjayr of the Banu Musliya Madhhidj. His father Budjayr b. 'Abd Allah had been a close associate of Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya and alMukhtar, and was executed by Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr. Salama became intimately attached to Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya's son Abu Hashim, who took a more active part than his father in the organisation of a
SHFA tightly-knit secret movement spreading Shi'i revolutionary propaganda. After his father's death, Abu Hashim was recognised by the movement as their Imam. After Abu Hashim's death in 98/718 there were rival claims among his followers, that he had appointed as his successor either the £ Abbasid Muhammad b. CA1I b. al-£Abbas or the Dja'farid £Abd Allah b. Mu£awiya b. cAbd Allah. Salama b. Budjayr is said to have recognised the £ Abbasid, but he died shortly afterwards. Decisive was the arbitration of the dispute by Abu Riyah Maysara al-Nabbal, a mawld of the Azd, in favour of Muhammad b. 'All. The Banu Musliya and their clients now backed the c Abbasid and, after him, his son Ibrahim. The movement had, still under Abu Hashim, begun to spread to Khurasan, mainly through the missionary activity of Bukayr b. Mahan, son of a client of the Banu Musliya. While in Kufa its appeal remained limited, it attracted a broad following among Arab and Persian Muslims during the last decades of the Umayyad caliphate. A few years after al-Bakir's death, his brother Zayd b. £Alf came to visit Kufa in a dispute about a debt. He was immediately surrounded by ShI£Is who persuaded him to lead a rising. Initially, he enjoyed broad backing, but his refusal to denounce Abu Bakr and £ Umar as apostates and to condemn their conduct, even though he upheld the prior title of cAlf to the succession to Muhammad, was taken by many of the former supporters of al-Bakir and other radicals as a motive to withdraw. They now generally recognised al-Bakir's son DjaTar al-Sadik [q.v] as the legitimate Imam. Zayd's revolt failed and he was killed in 122/740. The schism during Zayd's revolt was decisive for the further development of the Shi£a, giving rise to its Imam! and Zaydl branches. Dja£far al-Sadik, who may be considered the founder of the Imamiyya, closely followed and elaborated the teaching of his father. The teaching authority of the Imams was further strengthened by the doctrine of their immunity from error and sin (cisma [q.v]). The imamate was based on a divinely-guaranteed explicit designation (nass [q.v.]) of the Imam, and, after al-Hasan and alHusayn, was handed down from father to son among the descendants of the latter. Knowledge of and obedience to the rightful Imam were incumbent upon every believer. By ignoring the explicit nass of the Prophet for CA1I and by backing the caliphate of Abu Bakr and £Umar, the mass of the Community had fallen into apostasy. The radical tendencies of the following of DjaTar al-Sadik were strengthened by their gradual absorption of the remnants of the Kaysaniyya and adoption of some of their controversial doctrines like badd3 and radj.ca and their messianic expectation of the Mahdl. This expectation was blunted, however, by al-Sadik's strict prohibition of his followers engaging in revolutionary activity and his insistence that the rising of the legitimate Imam as the Ka'irn or Mahdl would occur only in the distant future. The nascent Imamiyya thus combined radical Shfl religious dogma with political quietism. The sectarian movement arising out of the supporters of Zayd's revolt, later known as the Zaydiyya, was, by contrast, moderate in its ShI£I doctrine and deviation from the religious views of Sunnism, but politically militant. The imamate could be claimed only by someone prepared to rise with the sword actively seeking the leadership, in addition to being qualified by religious knowledge. The first Imam after alHusayn was thus Zayd b. 'All. Neither his more learned brother al-Bakir nor his father were Imams.
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There was no need for an Imam at all times and, after £Alf, al-Hasan, and Husayn, no designation of a successor, though recognition and support of a legitimate claimant was a religious obligation. The Imam was not immune from error and sin and had no superior teaching competence; rather, a collective religious authority of the Family of the Prophet was generally acknowledged. Since the designation of £AlI as Muhammad's successor had been obscure (nass khaji), the Community, in recognising Abu Bakr and £Umar as caliphs, had not fallen into a state of apostasy but at most into a state of sin. Others held that their caliphate was justified since £AlI had recognised it. Messianic tendencies were generally weak among the Zaydiyya. Zayd's son Yahya, who escaped to Khurasan after the collapse of his father's revolt, was tracked down by the Umayyad authorities there and killed in 125/ 743. His murder strengthened the hand of the Shl£a in Khurasan, and revenge for Zayd and Yahya became one of the slogans of the rapidly-expanding revolutionary movement. The leader of the movement was now, after the death of the £Abbasid Muhammad b. £ Alf, his son Ibrahim. Its propaganda, however, was in favour of the reign of "the one agreed upon of the Family of Muhammad (al-ridd min Al Muhammad), suggesting a broad choice among the Banu Hashim. As the imminent overthrow of the Umayyad caliphate became predictable, leading representatives of the Banu Hashim met in a secret gathering at alAbwa1, on the road to Mecca, to discuss the choice of a common candidate for the reign. Present were especially Hasanids and £Abbasids, including Ibrahim b. Muhammad. The senior Hasanid, £Abd Allah b. al-Hasan b. al-Hasan b. 'All, promoted the candidacy of his son Muhammad b. £Abd Allah, a namesake of the Prophet, whom he had been grooming for the role of the Expected Mahdl. He gained the support of the £ Abbasid Abu Dja£far, the later caliph alMansur, and Muhammad b. £Abd Allah, known as al-Nafs al-Zakiyya [q.v.], received the pledge of allegiance of those present. However, Djaefar al-Sadik, who arrived later, refused to recognise him as the Mahdl and maintained that he would not pledge allegiance to him in the presence of his father £Abd Allah b. al-Hasan, the senior among the descendants of £AlI. Given the large following of Dja£far in the Shlca, his opposition was a severe setback for the efforts to unite the Prophet's Family behind a common leader, and this encouraged the £Abbasids to seek the caliphate for their own candidate. The rivalry between £Alids and £Abbasids erupted into open conflict as soon as the Family of the Prophet achieved their victory over the Umayyads. As the £Abbasid Imam Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. £AlI was discovered, imprisoned, and killed by the last Umayyad caliph Marwan, the 'Abbasids fled to Kufa. The local leader of the revolutionary movement there, Abu Salama al-Khallal [q.v.], sheltered them but hesitated to pledge allegiance to Ibrahim's chosen successor Abu 'l-£Abbas al-Saffah. In accord with the general sentiment in Kufa, he was inclined to back an 'Alid candidate. His hand was forced, however, by the Khurasanian army commanders who pledged allegiance to Abu 'l-£Abbas. A few months later he was murdered for his display of disloyalty by an emissary of Abu Muslim al-Khurasani [q.v]. The inaugural address of al-Saflah, partly delivered by his uncle Dawud b. £AlI, stressed the right of the 'Abbasids to rule as members of the Prophet's Family and denounced those Shlels who asserted a superior tide of the f Alids. The Hasanid Muhammad b. £Abd Allah remained,
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SHICA — SHI'B DJABALA
together with his brother Ibrahim, in hiding after the establishment of the 'Abbasid caliphate, and his supporters spread propaganda for him as the MahdI. The second 'Abbasid caliph, Abu Dja'far al-Mansur, was seriously worried and made vain efforts to find him, imprisoning his father and at least nine others of his Hasanid kin as they refused to reveal his whereabouts. When Muhammad revolted in Medina in 145/762-3, al-Mansur murdered his imprisoned kinsmen. In spite of widespread popular backing, Muhammad and Ibrahim were defeated and killed. Al-Mansur now gave his own son and heir-apparent Muhammad the tide al-Mahdi in an attempt to attract popular messianic sentiments to the cAbbasid house. His bloody repression of the Hasanids, however, rather strengthened the pro-eAlid sympathies in the Shrca. The Zaydiyya first restricted their backing to the Talibids, the descendants of cAlfs father Abu Talib, and then the descendants of al-Hasan and al-Husayn. The Khurasanian Shlca, who had initially recognised the imamate of the cAbbasid caliphs, were at the same time substantially reduced, first by the defection of the supporters of Abu Muslim al-Khurasanl after he was killed by al-Mansur, then by al-Mansur's suppression of those extremists deifying him, and finally, by the defection of the supporters of his nephew £ Isa b. Musa, who had been appointed by al-Saffah to succeed al-Mansur but was replaced by the latter's appointment of his own son Muhammad al-Mahdf. Al-Mahdf tried during his reign to tie the 'Abbasid Shlca more closely to the ruling house by denying the imamate of cAlf and his offspring and by asserting the sole right of al-cAbbas and his descendants to the Prophet's succession. His son Harun al-Rashfd saw no interest in maintaining a Shfcf following and preferred to identify fully with orthodox Sunnism. The 'Abbasid Shf'a disintegrated under his reign. The attempt of his son al-Ma'mun to recover broad Shfi support for a caliphate of the Banu Hashim, including £Alids as well as cAbbasids, by appointing Djacfar al-Sadik's grandson cAlf al-Rida as his successor, ended in failure. There was stubborn opposition from the 'Abbasids and little appreciation among the Shfca, who were now upholding the sole right of the descendants of the Prophet through his daughter Fatima. When cAlf al-Rida died, al-Ma'mun did not seriously renew his efforts. The 'Abbasid caliphate had become virtually Sunnf and the ShT'a strictly cAlid. Bibliography: J. Wellhausen, Die religid's-politischen Oppositionsparteim im alien Islam, Berlin 1901, 55-99; M.G.S. Hodgson, How did the early Shi'a become sectarian?, in JAOS, Ixxv (1955), 1-13; W.M. Watt, Shi'ism under the Umayyads, in JRAS (1960), 158-72; S.H.M. Jafri, Origins and early development of Shi'a Islam, Beirut 1979; E. Kohlberg, The term "Muhaddath" in Twelver Shi'ism, in Studio, Orientalia memoriae D.H. Baneth dedicata, Jerusalem 1979, 347-52; M. Sharon, Black banners from the East, Jerusalem 1983; W. Madelung, The Hdshimiyydt of al-Kumayt and Hdshimi Shfism, in SI, Ixx (1989), 5-26; idem, Shi'ism in the time of the Rightly-Guided Caliphs, forthcoming. (W. MADELUNG) SHI'AR (A.), a term having various significations. The root sh-c-r involves, inter alia, the ideas of knowing something; being aware of something; being a poet; being hairy; notifying, making aware of something; marking something; etc. Shi'ar stems from the latter semantic field. It denotes: 1. The rallying signal for war or for a travel expedition, war cry, standard, mark indicating the place of standing (wukuf) of
soldiers in battle or pilgrims in the Pilgrimage (cArafa: the idea of "recognising" this mark). The warcry of the Prophet's Companions was "Amit, amitl O victorious ones, go forward, go forward!", thus presaging victory (TfA, s.v.). The ancient Arabs departed for the Pilgrimage as for war, round their chief and their banner, with each tribe having its own fixed place at cArafa and Mina [q.w.] around the standard or the decorated tent of the chief. They had their own cry, imitating that of the totem animal or bird of the tribe, and also the distinctive ritual formula of the talbiya [q.v.], indicating readiness to serve the chief and also uttered before the completion of the separate rites of the Pilgrimage. See on this, T. Fahd, Le pelerinage a la Mekke, in Le pelerinage. Etude d'histoire des religions, i, Paris 1974, 65-94. 2. The idea of a mark is extended to the budna, victim intended to be slaughtered in sacrifice (hady) at the time of the Pilgrimage (see refs. in Wensinck, Concordance, iii, 136, 143), marked by a knife-cut on the two sides of the back (sindm). Whence shi'dr is synonymous with idmd3 "to draw blood". Ushcira can be said of a slain ruler instead of kutila, and it was said of cUmar when a man wounded him on the forehead at the time of the throwing of stones at Mina, ushfira amir al-mu3mimn; he was murdered on his return from the Pilgrimage. The blood-money for the mushcar was 1,000 camels (TCA, s.v.). Sha'ira, denoting the budna, is extended, in the plural sha'a'ir (Kur'an, II, 158, XXII, 32, 36) to all the rites of the Pilgrimage: standing places, journeyings, runnings, throwing of stones at Mina, sacrifices, the talbiya, etc. Al-Mashcdr al-Hardm (II, 198) is the journey between eArafa and Mina and that between al-Safk and al-Marwa. 3. The places where these rites were performed were also called mashdcir. A mashcar was any place or thing which puts one in the presence or gives a feeling of the sacred or of a divinity: symbols of the divine, such as animals, trees, hills and standing stones. According to H. Lammens, ishcdr denoted the place where victims meant for sacrifice were marked; similarly, mandsik (Kur'an, II, 128, 200, XXII, 34, 67) originally denoted the places where sacrifices to the gods were offered, places along roads and on the Pilgrimage route, marked by the presence of some source of coolness (water, a tree or a rock), eventually denoting those cult places frequented by the pious (cf. TCA, vii, 87). On those places marked out as sacred (mashd'ir, ansdb, mawdkif, mandsik, ajamardt, masdajid, etc.), see Lammens, Les sanctuaires preislamites das I'Arable Occidental, in MUSJ, xi (1926), 39-169, at 78 ff.; Fahd, Le pantheon de I'Arabie Centrale a la veilk de I'hegire, Paris 1968, 238 ff. 4. Shfdr also denotes the distinctive clothing, etc., which the Dhimmls [see DHIMMA] were required to wear in cAbbasid and later times; see for this, GHIYAR. Bibliography. Given in the article. On the mandsik, see the refs. in Brockelmann, S III, index, 962. (T. FAHD) SHICB DIABALA, one of the three most famous ayydm [q.v.], battle-days of the Arabs in pre-Islamic times, the other two being the First Day of al-Kulab and Dhu Kar [q.v.]. The yawm is variously dated to around A.D. 550 or 570. The two main contestants in this yawm were the tribes of Tamlm and cAmir, in which 'Amir emerged victorious over Tamlm. The chief instigator of the yawm was the Tamfmi chief Laklt b. Zurara, who wanted to avenge the
SHICB DJABALA — SHIBAM death of his brother Macbad at the hand of 'Amir after he had been captured at the yawm of Rahrahan during the preceding year. Lakft was able to muster against cAmir a large tribal host, consisting of almost the whole of TamFm, Asad, Dhubyan and al-Ribab. In addition to these tribes that belonged to Mudar, the large tribal group, Lakft invoked and received the assistance of the Lakhmid king of al-Hfra [q.v.], alMundhir b. al-Nueman, who sent to him his brother Hassan, and of the Kindf king in Hadjar (Yarnama), al-Djawn, who sent to him two of his sons, according to one account Mu'awiya and eAmr. The confederate tribal host advanced against cAmir, eAbs and other tribal contingents, which had fortified themselves in the ravine or shi'b in the mountain called Djabala in Nadjd; hence the name of the yawm as Shi'b Djabala. A stratagem, conceived by the cAbsf chief Kays b. Zuhayr that sent the ferociously thirsty camels out of the ravine, followed by the infantry, and then the cavalry of cAmir and cAbs, carried the day. Lakft fought heroically but was killed, as was one of the two Kindf chiefs, while the other was captured. The yawm was remarkable for the participation of the prestigious Kinda [q.v.]; the battle is sometimes referred to as Yawm al-Djawnayn after the two Kindf chiefs; and one of them, Mu'awiya, assigned the banners to the various tribal detachments before the battie was joined. But the yawm also contributed to the further decline of Kinda's power among the Northern Arabs and to its ultimate departure to Hadramawt, whence it had originally emigrated to central and northern Arabia. Bibliography: Isfahan!, Agham, Beirut 1957, xi, 125-52; Ibn cAbd' Rabbihi, 'Ikd, Beirut 1982, v, 141-6; Ibn al-Athfr, Kami, Beirut 1965, i, 583-7. Better than Yakut and Bakrf on the topography of Shicb Djabala is the Saudi traveller M. b. Bulayhid al Nadjdf, in Sahih al-akhbar, 1972, iii, 216. The best discussion of Yawm Shicb Djabala remains the one by G. Olinder, who analysed the sources and the various accounts in Al al-6aun of the family of Akil Al-Murdr, in MO xxv (1931), 208-29. (!RFAN SHAHID) SHIBAM, the name of three fortified places, whose first mentions go back to Antiquity, and of a m o u n t a i n , all in Southwest Arabia. They have been distinguished, from the times of Hamdanf and Yakut onwards, by suffixing the name of a neighbouring settlement or the local region. 1. Shibam Hadramawt, in lower Hadramawt, in the wadi of the same name, famed for its lofty houses in sun-dried brick, warranting its designation as a UNESCO site of world significance. In South Arabian inscriptions, it appears as S2bm from the end of the 3rd century A.D. and in the 4th century, the time of the conquest of Hadramawt by Himyar. Islamic Shibam was known above all as a centre for the Ibadiyya [q.v.] after their defeats in the 120s/740s, and for three centuries it seems to have been part of an Ibadf principality. According to Hamdanf, the western part of the region belonged to Kinda; it was an important town at this time, with 30 mosques (Sifa, 86). Its history then merges into that of the dynasties of western Yemen (Sulayhids, Ayyubids, Rasulids, etc.), until a local power of Hadramawt established its authority in the 9th/15th century, that of the Kathfrid sultan cAlf b. cUmar, consolidated by his great-grandson Abu Tuwayrik Badr (d. 977/1570). After him, Hadramawt became again fragmented, but the main Kathfrid line persisted till the end of the 18th century, until another Kathfrid came from Indo-
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nesia and divided power there with the YafTis. Then the whole area passed to the Kaeatfs in 1858 until their removal in 1967. Shibam is a fortress town, with walls and towers which made it impregnable. The houses rise to eight storeys, utilising the cramped defensive site, a height unusual in Hadramawt. Water is gained by a sophisticated system for storing up rainwater and by wells. Shibam has enjoyed a prosperity not easily explicable by the modest agricultural resources of the surrounding territory, but stemming from commercial revenues drawn by its people, situated as it has been on the caravan route from the ports of al-Shihr and alMukalla towards the direction of Sanca°. Before the decline of caravan traffic in the 1930s, each month the town received 400 to 1,000 camels. There were also, until after the Second World War, important remittances from male members of the population who had emigrated to India, Singapore and Indonesia. The village of al-Sahfl has grown up extra muros, and today, with 15,000 inhabitants, is more populous than Shibam itself with 8,000. (A. ROUAUD and CH. ROBIN) 2. Shibam K a w k a b a n (also Sh. Akyan or Sh. Himyar in ms. sources), a large settlement, with 2,000 inhabitants at the time of the 1975 census, 37 km/20 miles to the northwest of SancaJ and on the plain of SancaJ, dominated by the vertical wall of the Djabal al-Dulac (3,140 m/10,300 feet). It is mentioned in inscriptions from the 3rd century A.D. onwards (S2bm or S2bmm) as centre of the Dhu Hagaran Shibam tribe. The name Sh. Akyan preserves the name of the kqyls or lords of the local principality, the Banu Dhu Kabfr Akyan. In early Islamic times, Sh. Kawkaban was the birthplace of the local YuTirid dynasty (232-387/847-998), founded in High Yemen, and contributing to the disappearance of 'Abbasid caliphal authority in Yemen. The Great Mosque of the town may date from the Yucfirids or earlier. At this time, according to al-Hamdanf, the local population were still considered "Himyarite", including in language; this presumably implied a claim to continuity with the old South Arabian culture and a local language close to Arabic but with some unusual features. From the 10th/16th century, Sh. Kawkaban was a bastion of the eAlid Sharaf al-Dfn family, who provided two Zaydf Imams of Yemen; today, it comes within the area of the tribe of Hamdan. At all times it has played a notable role in Yemeni affairs, as frequent references in the chronicles attest, arising from the agricultural richness of the region around it, the strength of the fortress of Kawkaban and its proximity to San'a'. 3. Shibam al-Ghiras (also Sh. Sukhaym in ms. sources), a small village and archaeological site 24 km/ 15 miles northeast of San'a', and near the western slope of the Djabal Dhu Marmar. In old inscriptions, it appears as S2bmm (lst-2nd century A.D.), and was the chief centre of the tribe of Yursam (Trslm). The name of the village of Ghiras (population 500 in 1975) serves to distinguish it from the other Shibams. Its main claim to fame is its vast mosque containing the tomb of the Imam al-Mahdf Ahmad b. al-Husayn (d. 1092/1681), whose reign was marked by the expulsion of the Jews of Sancas and their exile to the region of al-Mawzac in 1090/1679 in the aftermath of the messianic movement of Shabbatay Swf [q.v.]. At present, there are alabaster quarries in the neighbourhood of the village. 4. Shibam H a r a z , a peak of 2,940m/9,643 feet in the Haraz massif west-south-west of SancaJ, with a
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SHIBAM — SHlBANl KHAN
fort on its summit of the same name. In 429/1037-8, according to the SunnI sources, the founder of the Sulayhids [q.v.] CA1I b. Muhammad, raised his standard near here and launched the Fatimid dcfwa in Yemen. The fort and the nearby town of Manakha formed one of the main strong points of the Ottoman occupation of Yemen 1871-1918. Other minor Shibams exist in Yemen. Hence toponyms of this root, unknown elsewhere in the Arab world, have been especially popular here. The root itself seems to have two main semantic spheres: "band, gag" and "coldness", neither explaining these placenames. However, Landberg, Glossaire datmois, s.v., gives the meanings for shabama "to be high", shibdm "height", which fits better; the toponyms in question are all at the foot of slopes and cliffs or refer to a peak. (Cn. ROBIN) Bibliography: HamdanI, Sifa; Yakut, Bulddn, c entries on Yemen in LA. al-Akwa , al-Bulddn alyamdniyya cind Yakut, Kuwayt 1405/1985; J. Halevy, Voyage an Nedjran, in Bull. Soc. Geogr., 6th ser., vi (1873), 5-31, 249-73, 581-606; W.H. Ingrams, House building in the Hadhramaut, in Geogr. Jnal., Ixxxv (1935), 370-2 and 2 pis.; J. Werdecker, A contribution to the geography and cartography of North-West Yemen (based on the results of the exploration by Eduard Closer... 18821884), in Bull Soc. Royale de Geogr. d'Egypte, xx (1939), 1-160 with 2 maps at end of vol.; R.B. Serjeant, Building and builders in Hadramaut (sacrificial rites and trade guilds), in Museon, bdi (1949), 275-84; R. Lewcock and G.R. Smith, Two early mosques in the Yemen, a preliminary report, in AARP, iv (1973), 117-30; J.-F. Breton and Ch. Darles, Shibam, in Storia della cittd, xiv (1980), 63-86; R. Wilson, Al-Hamdam's description of Hdshid and Bakil, in Arabian Studies, xi (1981), 95-104; Ch. Robin, Les Hautes-Terres du Nord-Yemen avant I'lslam, Istanbul 1982; Smith and Serjeant, in San'd3, an Arabian Islamic city, London 1983, 40-107; Robin, L'Arabie antique de Karib'il a Mahomet, in RMMM, Ixi (1991-3); S.S. Damluji, A Yemen reality, architecture sculptured in mud and stone, Reading 1991, 245-65 (Sh. Hadramawt); idem, The valley of mud brick architecure. Shibam, Tanm and Wddl Hadramawt (ancient to contemporary design), Reading 1992; M.A.A. Basalam, Shibdm, in al-Mawsuca al-yamaniyya, San'a' 1412/1992, 544-6. (CH. ROBIN and A. ROUAUD) SHIBANI KHAN (also known as Shahl Beg, Shah Bakht, and Shibak/Shibak) Muhammad b. Shah Budak (gh) b. Abi '1-Khayr, conqueror of most of western Central Asia between 1500 and 1509 and reviver of the Cinggisid khanate. His genealogical claim to the Cinggisid legacy rested on his lineal descent from Shfban, the fifth son of Djoci b. Cinggis Khan. His royal clan is therefore called the Shfbanid one, although it should more properly be known as the Abu '1-Khayrid/Shrbanid one (to distinguish it from, among others, the Yadgarid or £ Arabshahid Shfbanid clan who gained control of Khwarazm at about the time of his death.) Muhammad ShibanI was born in 855/1451 and died at the age of 61 (lunar years) at the end of Sha'ban 916/late November or early December 1510. After the death of his father (Shadl/S.K. Ibragimov, 50, gives the obituary date 864/1459-60), his grandfather, Abu '1-Khayr [q.v.] took custody of the two sons, placing him and his brother, lifelong companion and fellow adventurer, Mahmud (858-907/14541501), first in the care of a "Uyghur Bay Shaykh" and then in the hands of an amir, KaracTn Beg. The former was probably responsible for Shibanf's early
book learning and the latter for his hunting and military skills. Shfbanf's childhood and adolescence were spent in and around Slghnak [q.v.] on the lower Syr Darya (Jaxartes), his grandfather's headquarters. Muhammad Shibanl's career did not start very promisingly. When he was in his late teens his grandfather died (872/1468) and the confederation which he had created along the Syr Darya, already in the process of disintegration, collapsed. Karacln Beg, who still exercised some control over the two teenagers, took them to Astrakhan, presumably seeking the protection and patronage of the Djocid khans there. But problems in Astrakhan soon forced the three to leave. The chronology of the period before 905/1500 is uncertain. The information on Shibam Khan's career comes from the pens of men writing after he had established himself in Samarkand in 1500 who view the preceding period as prelude (Kamal al-Dm BannaJI, the anonymous author of Tawdnkh-i gu&da— Nusrat-ndma, Mulla ShadI, Muhammad Salih, Babur and Khwandamfr.) His fluctuating fortunes during the quarter-century or so after his grandfather's death may be inferred from what is known of his peregrinations during this time. After leaving Astrakhan, he and his brother returned to Sfghnak and the Syr Darya plain. His apparently unsuccessful attempt to establish himself in the region prompted his taking refuge at Bukhara far to the south of his homeland. There the Arghun amir, cAbd al-cAlI Tarkhan (d. ca. 1494), hired him, presumably as a mercenary, and there he stayed for two years. He eventually gravitated back to the middle Syr Darya, where the commander of the fortress of Arkuk offered his allegiance. (The commercial importance of Arkuk at this time is evident from KhundjI, 85, who calls it "an entrepot (bandargdh) for merchants coming from Samarkand and Bukhara.") Shibam then continued down-river and seems to have taken or been given Slghnak, his grandfather's old capital. But the entire Syr Darya watershed remained an object of contest between the "Kazak" Djocids who had split with Abu '1-Khayr in the mid-1460s, the Mlranshahf Tlmurids who held Samarkand and Bukhara and whose amirs (like Muhammad Mazld Tarkhan) were active in the middle and upper Syr Darya basin, and the Caghatay Cinggisids (Yunus Khan, d. 892/1487, and his sons, Sultan Mahmud, d. 914/1509, and Sultan Ahmad d. 909/1504) whose centre was Tashkent. In this fluid situation, Shfbanf seems to have enjoyed only occasional military success, usually in service to others. Muhammad Shibanl does not seem to have come into his own as a significant force until the early 890s/mid-1480s when he carried out successful raids in Khwarazm (then subject to the cUmar-Shaykhf Tlmurids of Harat). In the course of these forays, he briefly captured Adak (or Awak) and Tlrsak (Dirsak), important fortresses on the main north-south route east of the Caspian (see V.V. Bartol'd, K istorii orosheniya Turkestana, St. Petersburg 1914, repr. in Socineniya, iii, 95-233, Moscow 1965, 68-9, who dates this episode to 891/1486). The booty taken in these raids was considered noteworthy by at least one source. (Tawdrikh-i gu&da-Nusrat-ndma, fols. 122b-123a). Another story (Khwandamlr, Habib, 274) indicating his growing influence has to do with his participation in the 893/1488 campaign of the Mlranshahi Tlmurid ruler of Samarkand, Sultan Ahmad Mfrza (r. in Samarkand 87399/1469-94) to take Tashkent from the Caghatay Cinggisids. At Tashkent, Kliwandamrr reports his defection to the Caghatay side, the consequent defeat of the Samarkand expeditionary force and his being re-
SHIBANI KHAN warded by Sultan Mahmud Khan of Tashkent with the town of Arkuk. Babur in discussing the battle (17, 25) makes no mention of Shlbanl Khan's role in the defeat of Sultan Ahmad. The next decade or so is a particularly obscure one and Muhammad Shlbam and his family do not clearly re-appear in the narratives until his spring 905/1500 campaign to take Samarkand, ostensibly on behalf of Sultan Mahmud Khan who had already tried unsuccessfully to capture the city after the death of Sultan Ahmad Mlrza in 899/1494. From this point onwards, his career is easier to follow. In 905-6/1500 he captured Samarkand, symbolic site of Tlmurid authority. Although the Mlranshahid Zahlr al-Dln Babur took it and held it over the winter of 1500-1, Muhammad Shiban! re-captured it after a long siege the next spring. The second taking of Samarkand began a busy period of territorial conquest for the fifty-one year old warrior. His success there prompted increasing defections to his side of the Turko-Mongol tribes supporting the Tlmurids and the Caghatay Cinggisids and gave him the means now to conduct campaigns of conquest and expansion. Shlbanf Khan was a relentless campaigner, rarely spending more than a month or two (usually during the winter) in any one place. In addition, he could rely on his brother's son cUbayd Allah and his own son Muhammad Tlmur to conduct independent campaigns in his name. Between 906/1501 and the end of 912/spring 1507, he added most of the region of Transoxania, Khwarazm and Balkh to his domains. In mid-Muharram 913/late June 1507 he took the capital of Khurasan, Harat, and followed that with an attempt the same year on Kandahar. The campaign season of 914/1508 was mainly spent in the west taking brief control as far west as Astarabad and south to Bistam. After spending the summer near Bistam, the khan returned to Bukhara where he spent the winter, celebrating the cld al-fitr (23 January 1509) in the city. Shiban! Khan then led a lightning campaign (detailed by Khundj! Isfahan!, 199-263) against the Kazaks in the Dasht-i Kipcak. His itinerary in these last two years of his life indicate a frenetic pace of travel and fighting which took him across the Kizil Kum desert to Sighnak, then north deep into the Dasht-i Kipcak, back along the Syr Darya to Sawran, Yasf and Arkuk and thence to Samarkand. From there he went briefly to Bukhara, returned to Samarkand, rode south to Karshi, then headed west for Marw and Mashhad, where he performed ziyarat at the shrine of the Imam Rida. From there he rode directly to Harat, reportedly led a long raid to Kirman, returned to Harat and led a punitive expedition against the Hazaras and Nikudarls of the Hazaradjat. He was still in Harat in October 1510 when news of Shah Ismail Safawi's march on Khurasan reached him. He moved immediately to Marw, and near Marw in a battle with the Safavid Kizilbash army he was killed, on or about 27 Sha'ban 916/29 November 1510 (see BartoPd, Otcet o komandirovke v Turkestan., in ^VOIRAO, v [St. Petersburg 1904], 15, [repr. in Socineniya, viii, Moscow 1973, [119-210], at 144). In all, Muhammad Shrbani may have travelled as many as 4,000 miles in the last two years of his life in an attempt to hold together the territories he had succeeded in conquering. Muhammad Shlbanl's main political achievements were the elimination of Tlmurid authority in Transoxania and Khurasan; expulsion of the Caghatay Cinggisid line from Tashkent and the Farghana Valley, and forging a confederation of Turko-Mongol tribal groups (Djalayir, Durman, Kunghrat, Manghit, etc.) under
427
the acknowledged khanate of the Abu '1-Khayrid/ Shibanid clan, thus laying the foundation for the political structure that would govern the oases of Transoxania and Balkh for most of the 16th century. Like his Tlmurid predecessors, Muhammad Shibanl was a patron of scholarship and the arts. Khundj! and the anonymous author of Tawdnkh-i guzida-Nusratndma detail the discussions of social and religious issues over which he presided and the scholars who attended his convocations. His patronage and his own production of literature in Persian and Turkish have been studied (Hofman, 226-8). Among his architectural projects was the Madrasayi Khaniyya in Samarkand, a bridge over the Zarafshan, a pleasure palace at Kan-i Gil (cahdr bdgh with c imdrat and iwdn] and another at Karshf (on these latter two, see Khundj!, 291, 318-19). Bibliography: 1. Sources. The major sources for Muhammad Shfbanfs life are: (1) Kamal alDfn Banna0! (or Bina'i), Shaybdni-ndma (for bibliographic information, see Bregel-Storey, ii, 1117-18; listing of chapter headings and partial text—fols. 34b-38b of 42 fols. Leningrad ms., in A. Samoilovich, Sheibani-name, Persidskii unicum biblioteki Khivinskago khana, in ^VOIRAO, xix [1909], 0164-0176; selected translations of fols. lb-36b in S.K. Ibragimov et al., Material! po istorii Kazakhskikh khans We XV-XVIII vekov, Alma-Ata 1969, 96-127) (Bina°! was in Sh!ban! Khan's entourage 907-13/1501-7); (2) Mulla Shad!, Fath-ndma (composed ca. 1501-2; Bregel-Storey, 1120-1, a partial tr. in Ibragimov et al, 53-90 (fols. 56a-77b, lllb-122b of Leningrad University ms. no. 962) (on Shad!, see Ibragimov, 44-8); (3) Muhammad Salih, Shaybdni-ndma (Caghatay text), ed. P.M. Melioransky and A.N. Samoilovich, St. Petersburg 1908, German tr. A. Vambery, Die Scheibaniade, Stuttgart 1872 (Muhammad Salih joined Sh!ban! Khan's entourage in 1500 at Samarkand, see Ibragimov, 11); (4) anon., Tawdnkh-i guzida-Nusrat-ndma, ed. A.M. Akramov, Tashkent 1967 (Akramov proposed (14) that the author was the above Muhammad Salih, but see Ibragimov et al., 10-11; excerpts tr. in ibid., 16-43); (5) Fadl Allah b. Ruzbihan-i Khundj!, Mihmdn-ndma-yi Bukhara, ed. M. Sutuda, Tehran 1341/1963 (Khundj! fled from the Imam! Kizilbash regime of Shah Ismac!l Safaw! and in 910/1504 was granted asylum by Sh!ban! Khan. His work was finished in September 1509); (6)
SHIBANI KHAN — SHlBANIDS
428
Zayn al-Dm Wasiff, Bada'f al-wakd3?, ed. A.N. Boldirev, 2 vols., Moscow 1961, and Khwadja Baha5 al-Dm Hasan Nitharf, Mudhakkir al-ahbdb, ed. Syed Muhammad Fazlullah, New Delhi 1969, esp. 1316 of introd., 15-22 of text. This latter work emphasises, perhaps apocryphally, Shfba.nl Khan's close ties with the Nakshbandfs of Bukhara. Other useful, though retrospective, sources are: (late 16th century) Hafiz-i Tanfsh, Sharqf-ndma-yi shdhi (cAbd Alldh-ndma), facs. ed. of St. Petersburg (Leningrad) IVAN ms. no. D88, ed. and tr. M.A. Salakhetdinova, Moscow 1983 (vol. i of four projected vols.) and (mid-17th century) Mahmud b. Amir Wall, Bahr al-asrdr fi mandkib al-akhydr, vi/3, Tashkent IVAN, inv. no. 1375. Safawid sources (e.g. Hasan-i Rumlu, Ahsan al-tawdnkh, ed. C.N. Seddon, Baroda 1931, passim to p. 123) should also be consulted for Shlbanf Khan's Khurasan campaigns. 2. D o c u m e n t s . R.G. Mukminova, K istorii agrarnikh otnoshenii v Uzbekistane. Po materialam "Vakfname", Tashkent 1966 (the wakf-ndma ca. 1520 of Mihr Sultan Khanum, Muhammad Shlbanf's daughterin-law, on behalf of his madrasa). 3. Studies. Y. Bregel, arts. Bukhara III. After the Mongol invasion, and IV. The Khanate of Bukhara and Khurasan, in Elr; E.A. Davidovich, Denezhnaja reforma Sheibani-khana, in Trudi Akademii Nauk Tadzikskoi S.S.R., xii (Material? po istorii Tadzhikov i Uzbekov Srednei Azii) (Dushanbe 1954), 84-108; idem, Korpus zolotlkh i serebriamkh monet Sheibanidov XVI vek, Moscow 1992; M.B. Dickson, Uzbek dynastic theory in the sixteenth century, in Trudi XXV-ogo Mezhdunarodnogo Kongressa Vostokovedov/Procs. of the 25th International Congress of Orientalists, Moscow, 1960, Moscow 1963, 208-16; idem, Shah Tahmasb and the Uzbeks, unpubl. diss., Princeton 1958; H. Hofman, Turkish literature. A biobibliographic survey, iii/1, Utrecht 1969; A.A. Semenov, K voprosu o proiskhozhdenii i sostave Uzbekov Sheibanikhana, in Materiali po istorii Tadzhikov i Uzbekov Srednei Azii, Stalinabad 1954; idem, Kul'turnii uroven' pervikh Sheibanidov, in Sovetskoe Vostokovedenia, iii (1956), 51-9; M.E. Subtelny, Art and politics in early 16th century Central Asia, in CAJ, xxvii (1983), 121-48; Maria Szuppe, Entre Timourides, Uzbeks et Safavides. Questions d}histoire politique et sociale de Herat dans la premiere moitie du XVP suck, Paris 1992. (R.D.
McCHESNEY)
SHlBANIDS, a Turco-Mongol dynasty of Central Asia, the agnatic descendants of Shfban, the fifth son of Djoci son of Cinggis Khan, more especially two distinct branches of those descendants, the Abu '1-Khayrids and the cArabshahids-Yadgarids who, in the early 10th/16th century, seized control of the urban oases of Transoxania or Ma waraj alnahr and Khwarazm [q.w] from the Tlmurids [q.v.]. I. History and politics For nearly the entire 10th/16th century the Abu '1-Khayrids ruled most of what is now southern Kazakhstan, eastern and southern Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and northern Afghanistan. The c Arabshahid-Yadgarid branch held what is now Turkmenistan and western Uzbekistan, i.e. the lands of the lower Amu Darya and its extensive delta and the oases along the northern slopes of the Kopet Dagh for much of the 10th/16th and llth/17th centuries. During the 10th/16th century, the Shibanids of Khwarazm were dominated by the Shibanids of Transoxania, whose centres were Bukhara, Samarkand, Tashkent and Balkh. The proximate origin of Shfbanid sovereignty in
Transoxania and Khwarazm was the khanate of Abu '1-Khayr Khan [q.v.] in the Kipcak Steppe (the prairie north and east of the Aral Sea) the traditional homeland (yurtgdh) of the house of Shfban b. Djoci. The Turkish and Mongol groups (Kerait, Djalayir. Kunghrat, Durman, Onggut, Manghit, Saray, Nayman, etc.) which provided the military manpower for these Shfbanids came to be generically known, for reasons no longer clear, as Ozbegs [q.v.], a term eventually adopted by outsiders to signify the entire political organization including both the non-Cinggisids, the Ozbegs proper, and the Cinggisid royal clan. In a political environment which gave precedence to descendants of Cinggis Khan, the Abu '1-Khayrid/Shlbanid clan under a skilled tactician, Muhammad Shfbanf [q.v] (grandson of Abu '1-Khayr) emerged as the sovereign clan, when it ousted the then-dominant sovereign family, the Timurids [q.v.], from Transoxania at the beginning of the 10th/16th century. By 913/ 1507, eastern Khurasan (including Harat, Marw and Mashhad), Transoxania (Bukhara, Samarkand, Kash, Karshi, Tashkent), Khwarazm (Khfwa, Urgandj and Wazfr), Turkistan, and the Farghana Valley had been conquered and claimed by Muhammad Shfbanf, and many of the military supporters of the Tlmurids had joined forces with the Shrbanids. But in 916/1510, when Muhammad Shlbam was killed at Marw in battie with the newly-emergent Safawid state of Persia, his cousins and their Ozbeg backers temporarily lost those urban centres. Two years later, however, led by 'Ubayd Allah b. Mahmud [q.v], a nephew of Muhammad Shfbani; Djanf Beg b. Khwadja Muhammad, a cousin and Suyundj Muhammad b. Abi '1-Khayr, an uncle, the Abu '1-Khayrids regained control of Bukhara, Samarkand and Tashkent. They and their descendants held those regions until 1006/1598, adding Balkh and the land between the Hindu Kush and the Amu Darya in 1526. The Murghab basin generally proved to be the westward limit of Abu '1Khayrid authority, although the Shlbanid clan contested with the Safawids for Harat [q.v] and eastern Khurasan throughout the century; Harat was captured briefly in the 1530s and then taken and held for a decade at the end of the century (1588-98). To the east and south, the TJien-shan, Pamir and Hindu Kush ranges and the polities which lay beyond them, the remnants of the Caghatay [q.v] khanate in Eastern Turkistan and the Mughal state in India created by the Timurids expelled from Transoxania, contained Shlbanid expansion. To the north, the Syr Darya basin tended to mark the northern limits of the clan's jurisdiction. Both neo-Shlbanid states preserved a tradition of corporate or clan rule. According to this tradition, described by Fadl Allah b. Ruzbihan Khundjf, the eldest member of the royal clan held the nominally supreme, but largely ceremonial, position of khan (see Table). At an assembly (kuriltay, kangesh) of the eligible clan members, the khan presided over the distribution (takstm) of territory in the form of appanages. Each family (or cousin clan, see Dickson) within the royal clan received a territory or territories as an appanage over which it exercised independent authority. As generations matured and increasing numbers of princes (sultans) demanded a share of the corporate legacy, appanages had to expand either by annexing non-Shlbanid territory or through the elimination or subordination of cousin-clans. The four major sub-clans in the Abu '1-Khayrid khanate (and their appanage holdings after the restoration in 918/1512) were the Suyundjukids (Tashkent
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SHIBANIDS Table. The Abu }l-Khqyrid or Shibanid Khans Khan
Regnal dates
Clan
Muhammad Shfbanf b. Shah Budak Kuckundji Muhammad b. Abi '1-Khayr Abu Sa'fd b. Kuckundji c Ubayd Allah b. Mahmud c Abd AUah b. Kuckundji c Abd al-Latif b. Kuckundji Nawruz Ahmad (Barak) b. Suyundjuk Pir Muhammad b. Djam Begi Iskandar b. Djanf Beg e Abd AUah b. Iskandar
907-16/1501-10 918-37/1512-30 937-40/1530-3 940-6/1533-40 946-7/1540 947-59/1540-52 959-63/1552-6 963-8/1556-61 968-91/1561-83 991-1006/1583-98 1006/1598 1006-7/1598-9
Shah Budakid Kuckundjid Kuckundjid Shah Budakid Kuckundjid Kuckundjid Suyundjukid Djani-Begid Djam-Begid Djani-Begid Djanf-Begid Djam-Begid
and the Farghana Valley), the Kuckundjids (Samarkand), the Shah Budakids (Bukhara) and the Djanl Begids (Karmma, Miyankal and, after 1526, Balkh). From approximately 1512 to 1550, these four Abu '1-Khayrid sub-clans consolidated their holdings, carried out campaigns of expansion in Khurasan and Khwarazm and also occasionaUy collided with each other's territorial ambitions. But, generally speaking, until the middle of the century, succession of the eldest Abu '1-Khayrid was preserved and the integrity of cousin clan appanage rights respected. The third quarter of the century was a period of inter- and intra-clan struggle. Individual clans sought to expand at each other's expense and succession within appanages also became subject to contest. The first cousin clan to disappear was the Shah Budakid, Muhammad Shfbam's own clan and holder of the Bukharan appanage. Disagreement among Shah Budakids over succession to the Bukharan appanage led to intervention by the Djani-Begid clan and its eventual capture of the Bukharan oasis in 964/1557. The Kuckundjid sub-clan at Samarkand, whose head was recognised, on the basis of seniority, as reigning Abu 'l-Khayrid-Shfbanid khan from 1512-52 (except for the years 1533-40) was the next to be ousted from its appanage. Long-standing internal tensions invited the interference of the Suyundjukids in Tashkent and the Djanf-Begids of Bukhara.' In 986/1578, the Kuckundjids finally lost their home appanage of Samarkand. Over the next four years, continual contests between the Suyundjukids and the Djam-Begids resulted in the ascension of the latter as the dominant cousin-clan. The Djanf-Begids themselves endured intra-clan struggles, particularly between the Balkh and Bukharan branches. The single-minded efforts of one of the Djam-Begid sultans, cAbd Allah b. Iskandar [q.v.] first to unify the Djam-Begid appanage under his father and then to expand Djani-Begid control at the expense of the Kuckundjids and then the Suyundjukids, temporarily at least transformed the Abu '1-Khayrid state from one of more or less equally powerful appanages centred on Bukhara, Samarkand, Tashkent and Balkh to one more closely resembling an imperial entity with a single powerful dynastic family (the Djam-Begid) intent on limiting succession to the khanate to its own lineage. Although cAbd Allah enjoyed some success in the short term, especially because he was able to create a military force able to make major advances against the Safawids in the west, the Mughals in Badakhshan, and the Shibanids of Khwarazm, his struggle to create an imperium eventually ran counter to the interests of the non-Cinggisids, the Ozbegs amirs, whose interest lay in preserving Cinggisid traditions, especially the system of appanages with their
Relation to predecessor Grandson (of Abu '1-Khayr) Uncle Son First cousin once-removed First cousin once-removed Brother First cousin First cousin once-removed Brother Son Son First cousin once-removed
amirid sub-infeudations which gave the amirs the resources needed to maintain their tribal identities. After eliminating the Kuckundjid and Suyundjukid clans, £Abd Allah embarked on a series of external campaigns which covered the period 992-1004/158496. In 992/1584, Badakhshan fell to the Djam-Begid. Three years later he turned his attention to Khurasan. Harat surrendered in 996/1588, Mashhad in the following year and Sabzawar and Nfshapur soon thereafter. Sistan, too, was eventually conquered, and even the Safawids in Kandahar acknowledged Bukharan hegemony. Two campaigns against Khwarazm in 1002/ 1593 and 1004/1595-6 put that region firmly if briefly under the control of Bukhara. He also led a campaign force as far as Kashghar in 1003/1594-5. But establishing Bulcharan control here proved impossible. But any dynastic ambitions cAbd Allah Khan may have had perished with him in 1006/1598. His son, e Abd al-Mu'min, antagonised important Ozbeg amirs and was assassinated six months after his father's death. Another Djani-Begid, Pfr Muhammad b. Sulayman, was recognised very briefly by the amirs at Bukhara. But by the spring of 1007/1599, a new Cinggisid line, descendants of the thirteenth son of Djoci, Toka (Tugha) Tfmur (and known as Ashtarkhanids or Djanids fo-^])? was installed in Samarkand and Bukhara with the backing of most of the Ozbegs amirs. In Khwarazm, the 'Arabshahid/Yadgarid Shrbanid clan underwent a similar process of succession, clan contests and eliminations in the name of the (5inggisid tradition. II. Society, economy, culture Most of Shrbanid society was engaged in agrarian pursuits typical of an early modern pre-industrial society. The written record identifies three elite groups, understood as having distinctive characteristics: the royals (those of Cinggisid descent), the amirs (ranking members of Ozbeg tribes), and the inteUectuals—the religious scholars, heads of saintly orders, administrators of shrines, poets, artists and a range of others acknowledged by society as distinctive and worthy because of some innately spiritual or intellectual capacity. The (male) royals were distinguished by the titles khan (the sovereign) and sultan (an individual eligible to succeed to the khanate). A range of military and administrative offices was reserved for amirs (atalik, diwdnbegi, hakim, parwdnaaji, etc.). Similarly, specific administrative offices, and at least one military office were reserved for the intellectuals (shaykh al-isldm, kadi, mufti, mudarris and nakib [q.w.]). Court protocol, including the seating arrangements and thus hierarchy of office, was ascribed to the yasa of Cinggis Khan. The evolution of offices and office-holding from Timurid times has yet to be studied.
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SHIBANIDS
Intellectual families such as the Djuybarls of Bukhara, the Ahrarls of Samarkand and the Parsa'Is [q.v.] of Balkh enjoyed great local authority under the Shlbanids. They were the hereditary recipients of the local offices of shaykh al-isldm and kadi al-kuddt, and as administrators (mutawallts) of shrines, they disposed of great wealth in endowments. The rise of these great shrine families is a significant feature of Shlbanid history. Based on surviving records, after the middle of the 10th/16th century, at the latest, the wealth of these families seems to have surpassed that of any of the royals or armrs from their own regions. These families played a leading role as patrons of art and architecture. Judging by the recorded activities of the rich, wealth was produced first by land and only secondarily by import-export exchange. Land under private ownership (milk) prevailed through the Shlbanid era. State land (mamlaka) seems to have been generally of minor importance, while endowment (wakf) land seems to have steadily increased in importance under the Shlbanids. Historically, the Shlbanid territory produced and exported fresh and dried fruits, fibres, some precious metals and livestock, notably horses. Although there are no meaningful trade figures for the Shlbanid period, the main trading partner appears to have been Mughal India. Certainly, the establishment of a Central Asian dynasty (the Tlmurids of India) in northern India early in the 10th/16th century encouraged the expansion of all contacts between the two regions including economic ones. Babur records many of the Central Asian products and goods desired in northern India and describes the large trade in horses through Kabul. An apparent boom in commercial construction in Bukhara in the late 10th/16th century suggests generally flourishing if not expanding inter-regional trade under the Shlbanids. With the emergence of the Safawid state as the Shlbanids' main political rival, Shlbanid patronage of sectarian activities concentrated on sponsorship of Hanafi Sunn! scholarship. KhundjI's Mihmdn-ndma-yi Bukhara reflects the early convergence of Shlbanid political interests and sponsorship of Hanafi SunnI scholarship in the detailed record of debates (mabdhith) on theological issues conducted under the aegis of Muhammad Shlbanl Khan. The sectarian ambiguity manifested by the late Tlmurid political authorities, at a time when their rivals did not use a distinctive theology for self-definition, was superseded by a careful clarification of the Hanafi Sunn! foundations of the new state, clearly meant to contrast with the ImamI Shlcl symbols displayed by the Safawids. Bukhara and Samarkand became refuges for prominent Hanafi scholars and the building and endowment of madrasas, a favoured use of any capital accumulated by the Shlbanid and Ozbeg leaders. Bibliography: I. History and politics. The major contemporary indigenous sources for Shlbanid political history (in approximate order of composition): Fadl Allah b. Ruzbihan-i KhundjI, Mihmdn-ndma-i Bukhara, ed. M. Sutuda, Tehran 1341/1963 and ed. and partly tr. A.K. Arends, Moscow 1976; Khwandamlr, Habib al-siyar, iv, Tehran; Zahir al-Din Babur, The Bdbur-ndma in English (Memoirs of Babur), tr. A.S. Beveridge, London 1922, repr. Delhi 1979, and Bdbur-ndma, 3 vols., Turkish transcription, Persian edition and English translation by W.M. Thackston, Cambridge, Mass. 1994; anon., Tawdnkh-iI guzida nusrat ndma, ed. A.M. Akramov, Tashkent 1967; Mlrza Muhammad Hay-
dar Dughlat, A history of the Moghuls of Central Asia being the Tdrikh-i Rashidi of Mirzd Muhammad Haidar Dughlat, ed. N. Elias, tr. E. Denison Ross, London 1895, repr. 1975; Hafiz-i Tanish, Sharaf-ndma~i shdhi (Abd Alldh-ndma), facs. ed. of St. Petersburg (Leningrad) IVAN ms. no. D88 ed. and Russian tr. M.A. Salakhetdinova, Moscow 1983 (two of four vols. published by 1994); a full ms. in London, India Office Library, ms. no. 574; Badr al-Din Kashmiri, £qfar-ndma, Dushanbe, IVAN Tajik Academy of Sciences, ms. no. 61. A later but important source for the Djam-Begids in particular is Mahmud b. Amir Wall, Bohr al-asrdr }i mandkib al-akhydr, VI/3, Tashkent IVAN, inv. no. 1375 and VI/4 London, India Office Library, ms. no. 575. Travellers and important non-indigenous contemporary sources for political history include Seyyid C A1I Re'Is, The Travels and Adventures of the Turkish Admiral Sidi Ali Reis, tr. A. Vambery, London 1899; Anthony Jenkinson, Early voyages and travels to Russia and Persia, ed. E. Delmar and C.H. Coote, London 1886; Kadi Ahmad KumI, Khuldsat al-tawdnkh ... Fasl-i marbut bi awwalin Safawiydn, ed. E. Glassen, in Diejruhen Safawiden nach Qazi Ahmad Qumi, Freiburg i.B. 1970; ed. and tr. H. Miiller, Die Chronik fjuldsat attawdrib des Qazi Ahmad Qumi. Der Abschnitt tiber Schah cAbbas /., Wiesbaden 1964; Abu '1-Fadl, The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, 3 vols., tr. H. Beveridge, Calcutta 1897-1921, repr. New Delhi 1987. For the end of the Shlbanid period, Iskandar Beg Munshi, Ta3nkh-i cAlam-drd-yi-cAbbdsl, ed. I. Afshar, Tehran 2 vols., is a late but informative source. Studies. J.-L. Bacque-Grammont, Une liste ottomane de princes et d'apeanages Abu 'l-Khayrides, in Cahiers du monde russe et sovietique, xi (1970), 423-53; idem, Les evenements d'Asie centrale en 1510 d'apres un document ottoman, in ibid., xii (1971), 189-207; Y. Bregel, arts. Abu }l-Kayr Khan, 'Abdalldh Khan b. Eskandar, c Abd al-'Aziz Soltdn b. C0bayd-alldh Khan, cArabsdhi, Bukhara. III. After the Mongol Invasion and Bukhara. IV. The Khanate of Bukhara and Khurasan, in Elr; M.B. Dickson, Uzbek dynastic theory in the sixteenth century, in Trudy XXV-ogo Mezhdunarodnogo Kongressa Vostokovedov (Procs. of the 25th International Congress of Orientalist), Moscow 1960 [1963], 208-16; R.D. McChesney, art. Central Asia VI. In the 10th-12th/16th-18th centuries, in Elr, M.E. Subtelny, Art and politics in early 16th century Central Asia, in CAJ, xxvii (1983), 121-48. II. Society, economy, culture. Zayn al-Din Wasifi, Badd3ic al-wakd3ie, ed. A.N. Boldirev, 2 vols., Moscow 1961; Badr al-Din Kashmiri, Rawdat alridwdn fi hadikat al-ghilmdn, Tashkent, IVAN, ms. no. 2094 (biographies of Kh. Muhammad Islam and Kh. Muhammad Sacd Djuybarl); Muhammad Talib b. Kh. Tadj al-Din, Matlab al-tdlibm, Tashkent IVAN, ms. no 3757 (biographies of Kh. Muhammad Sacd and his son Tadj al-Din Djuybarl); Baha' alDln Hasan Nitharl Bukharl, Mudhakkir al-ahbdb, ed. by Syed Muhammad Fazlullah, New Delhi 1969. Documentary collections. R.G. Mukminova, K istorii agrarnlkh otnoshenii v Uzbekistane. Po materialam "Vakf-name", Tashkent 1966 (the wakf-ndma of ca. 926/1520 of Mihr Sultan Khanum, Muhammad Shlbanl's daughter-in-law on behalf of his madrasa)', O.D. Cekhovic, Samarkandskie dokumenti XV-XVI vv (o vladeniiakh Khoddii Akhrar v Srednei Azii i Afganistana), Moscow 1974 (documents pertaining to the wakf endowments of Kh. cUbayd Allah Ahrar); E.A. Bertel's, Iz arkjiiva Sheikhov Dzhuibari, MoscowLeningrad 1938 (approximately 400 certificates (ikrdrdt) of property purchases by the Djuybari family
SHIBANIDS — SHIBITHTH covering the period 1550-77); R.R. Fitrat and B.S. Sergeev, Kaziiskie dokumenti XVI veka, Tashkent 1937 (a selection of 65 kadi-court documents from Samarkand dated 997-8/1588-9 taken from a larger compilation of more than 700 documents from the court dating to the period 997-1000/1588-91 [the Ma£muca-yi watha'ik, Tashkent IVAN, ms. no. 1386]). Studies. M.A. Abduraimov, Ocerki agrarnykh otnoshenii v Bukharskom khanstve v XVI-pervoi polovine XIX veka, 2 vols., Tashkent 1966-70; B.A. Akhmedov, Istoriya BaMa (XVI-pervaya polovina XVII v.) Tashkent 1982; idem, Istoriko-geograjiceskaya literatura Srednei Azii XVI-XVIII w. Pis'menniye pamiatniki, Tashkent 1985; Muzaffar Alam, Trade, state policy and regional change: aspects of Mughal-Uzbek commercial relations, c. 15501750, in JESHO, xxxvii (1994), 202-27; Audrey Burton, Bukharan Trade: 1558-1718, Papers on Inner Asia, no. 23, Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, Indiana University, Bloomington, Ind. 1993; E.A. Davidovic, Korpus zolotikh i serebrianikh monet Sheibanidov, XVI vek, Moscow 1992; S.F. Dale, Indian merchants and Eurasian trade, Cambridge 1994; N.M. Lowick, Shaybanid silver coins, in JVC, ser, 7, vi (1966), 251-330, to be read in conjunction with E.A. Davidovich's critique, Sheibanidskie serebrianye moneti kriticeskii nabrosok v sviazi s novoi publikatsiei, in Narodi Azii i Ajnki (1969), no. 4, 186-94 (also in OL£, (1972), no. 3-4, 163-73); R.D. McChesney, Woof in Central Asia, Princeton 1991; idem, Economic and social aspects of the public architecture of Bukhara in the 1560s and 1570s, in Islamic Art, ii, 217-42. (R.D.
McCHESNEY)
SHIBARGHAN, a town situated in D j u z d j a n [q.v.] province of northern Afghanistan, in lat. 36° 35' N. and long. 65° 45* E. Arab geographers referred to it as Shaburkan or Saburkan. Excavations of graves at Tila Tepe,'in 1978, 5 km/3 miles north of the town, have revealed the area was an important trade and cultural centre from as early as the Iron Age. Kushan-Sasanid ceramics dating from 1st to 7th century A.D. have also been found in the area (V. Sarianidi, Raskopki Tillya-Tepe v severnom Afganistane, Moscow 1972; W. Ball, Archaeological gazetteer of Afghanistan, Paris 1982, i, 1079, 1192). In the 4th/10th century Ibn Hawkal states that Shibarghan, along with Yahudiyya or Yahudhan (now Maymana [q.v]), Andkhud (now Andkhuy [q.v.]) and Anbar (now Sar-i Pul [q.v.]) and other places was located in the district of Djuzdjan. In the early Islamic era, the main trade route between Harat and Balkh [q.w] appears to have passed through Shibarghan. The anonymous author of the Hudud al-cdlam, a native of the area, remarks that "Ushburkan" was "situated on a steppe (sahrd) on the high road. It abounds in amenities and has running waters" (tr. Minorsky, 107, comm. 335). Mustawfi states that the town's climate was temperate and grain was cheap (Nuzha, ed. Le Strange, 155, tr. 153). Indeed, throughout history, Shibarghan has had a reputation for the fertility of its loess dunes (cul) and soil which produces an abundance of fruit (grapes and melons in particular) and wheat. Shibarghan seems to have experienced an economic and political decline following the demise of the Ghaznawids [q.v] in the mid-6th/12th century. This was probably due to the rise of Ghurid empire to the south and the increasing importance of the easier, Maymana-Andkhuy road for caravan trade. By the time of the Mongol conquest of the region (619/ 1221-2), the fortress towns of Faryab [q.v] (near modern Dawlatabad), Talakan and Yahudiyya, had eclipsed
431
the settlements which lay further east. Shibarghan, however, appears to have been spared by the Mongols and doubtless profited by the almost total destruction of its economic rivals, Faryab and Talakan. Some fifty years after the Mongol invasion (1275), Marco Polo records that Shibarghan was a thriving market town and an important staging post on the caravan route. The famous melons of the town were dried and exported to India and China, where the fruit was considered a delicacy. It was also renowned for its wiVd fowl and game. / Under the Tukay-Timurid ruler of Balkh, Nadhr Muhammad Khan (1000-60/1591-1650 [q.v]), Shibarghan and Andkhuy were regarded as a single ikta( and its revenue assigned to his sixth son, £Abd alRahman. Following the Moghul occupation of Balkh (1056-7/1646-7), Nadhr Muhammad withdrew to Shibarghan before fleeing to Persia. The latter half of the llth/17th century saw the decline of the appanage system and the rise of amirid power. The Mmg amm of Shibarghan and Maymana engaged in a long and bitter struggle with the eastern amm of Kataghan for control of Balkh. In 1164/1751, following the evacuation of Balkh by Nadir Shah Afshar's [q.v] garrisons, Hadji Bi Mmg, hakim of Maymana, enlisted the support of Ahmad Shah Durrani [q.v] and thus subjugated his Kataghanid rivals. Hadji Bf's unpopular alliance with the Afghans and his despotic rule, however, led Izbasir, hakim of Shibarghan, to rebel. Though this uprising was suppressed, the dynasty Izbasir founded (?) survived until the third quarter of the 19th century. During this era, the hakims of Shibarghan played an important part in resisting Afghan encroachment and annexation. Shibarghan's last independent ruler, Hakim Khan, was deposed by Amir Shir eAlr Khan in 1875. In 1865 the town was totally destroyed by a violent earthquake in which an estimated 3,000 people perished. By 1934 Shibarghan was "a ruined place" (R. Byron, The road to Oxiana, London 1934). From 1960 onwards, however, it experienced an economic renaissance following the discovery of vast gas reserves in the vicinity. Shibarghan is presently (1995) the headquarters, and home town, of the amir of the northern provinces (Wildyat-i Shamal-i Afghanistan), General Dustam. Bibliography (in addition to works cited in the article): Le Strange, The lands of the eastern caliphate, 426; Yule and Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, London 1903, i, 149-50; Mahmud b. Ibrahim alHusayn, Ta'rikh-i Ahmad Shdhi, ed. Muradov, 2 vols., Moscow 1974; Afghan Boundary Commission, Records of the intelligence party, Simla 1888-91 (see esp. vol. v, "Miscellaneous reports"); Historical and political gazetteer of Afghanistan, ii. Mazar-i Sharif and N. Central Afghanistan, ed. L. Adamec, Gratz 1979 (repr. of Afghan Boundary Commission gazetteers of 1888-1909); O. von Niedermeyer, Afganistan, Leipzig 1924 (photographs); R. Stuckert, Erinnerungen an Afghanistan, 1940-1946, Liestal 1994 (sketches of arg, bazaar); J.L. Lee, The 'ancient supremacy', Bukhara, Afghanistan and the battle for Balkh, 1731-1901, Leiden 1996 (dynastic list of hakims, genealogy). (J.L. LEE) SHIBITHTH (A., in popular parlance shibitt, shabath) is dill (Anethum graveolens L, Umbelliferae). Like Akkadian sibittu, the name goes back to Aramaic szbittd (W. von Soden, Akkadisches Hand-worterbuch, iii, 1227b). The Greek name avr|6ov (anithun), which lives on in Mozarabic anitu, was taken from the Materia medica of Dioscurides; the Berber synonym aslill circulated also. When blossoming, dill resembles the
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SHIBITHTH — AL-SHIBLI
fennel (basbds [q.v. in Suppl.], Foeniculum vulgare, L.)', like the latter, dill is an ancient plant and is used in kitchen and medicine in the same way as the fennel. The main areas of origin of the cultivated dill are middle and southeastern Europe; wild dill is found in the Mediterranean area and in the Near East. Roots, seed and herb of the dill contain an aromatic, ethereal oil. From old times, the young sprouts have been used as spices for cucumbers and salads. The main significance of dill, however, was already in ancient Egyptian times in the field of medicine. It was used as a stomachic, carminative, diuretic and vermifuge drug. Its peculiarity consists in the fact that it dispels colic originating from flatulence, heavy gases, and mucus coming from stomach and intestines; it also puts one to sleep. Its seeds, pulverised and cooked in water, cause heavy vomiting and purify the stomach from dyscratic juice (rutubdt). A hip bath in an extract from dill is good for pains of the womb. Applied as a poultice, dill divides the swellings originating from flatulence. Its ashes are good for soft (mutarahhil), heavily festering ulcers, and its decoction for pains of kidneys and bladder, caused by constipations or flatulence. Pulverised and boiled with honey until concentration, and then applied on the backside, dill has a strongly laxative effect. Taken in soup or broth, its seeds strengthen the flowing of milk. The freshly blossoming dill in particular is good for colic, haemorrhoids and sticky vomit from the stomach. Bibliography. The most important sources are Raza, If aw, xi, 121-3 (no. 507), Haydarabad 13887 1968; Biruni, al-Saydana f t }l-tibb, Karachi 1973, 391-3, Eng. tr. 348-9, Russian tr. no. 598; Maimonides, Shark asmd3 al-fukkdr, ed. Meyerhof, Cairo 1940, no. 363; Ibn al-Baytar, I$amic, iii, 50 s. (Leclerc no. 1275); Tuhfat al-ahbdb, ed. Renaud and Colin, no. 453. Further references in A. Dietrich, Dioscurides triumphans (Abh. Akad. Wiss. Gottingen, Phil.-Hist. KL, 3. Folge, 172 and 173), Gottingen 1988, no. 56; idem, Die Dioskurides-Erklarung des Ibn al-Baytar (Abh. Akad. Wiss. Gottingen, Phil.-Hist. Kl., 3. Folge, no. 191), Gottingen 1991, no. 55. (A. DIETRICH) SHIBL AL-DAWLA [see MIRDAS, BAKU]. AL-SHIBLI, ABU BAKR DULAF B. DJAHDAR, a Sunn! mystic. Born in Samarra1 or Baghdad (of a family which came from Transoxania) in 247/861, he died there in 334/945. Before his conversion to Sufism he was an official at the cAbbasid court in Samarra', apparently a chamberlain or hddjib of the caliph's brother Abu Ahmad al-Muwaffak [q.v] as well as, or subsequently, a wall or deputy-governor of Damawand. He was a reputed scholar in Malik! law and an assiduous student of hadlth. At the age of about 40 he converted to the mystical life, under the influence of the Sufi Khayr alNassadj of Samarra1 (d. 322/934). Soon after, Khayr sent al-Shibll on to al-Djunayd [q.v.], in Baghdad, for further spiritual training. He remained a novice of alDjunayd until the latter's death in 297/910. The intense relationship between master and novice became the object of countless stories based on the twin motif of al-Shibli being rebuked by al-Djunayd for 1. his restlessness, "drunkenness", theopathic language and pretension (da'wa) as well as for 2. his public preaching. For some time, al-Shibll associated with al-Halladj [q.v.], but he denied him before the vizier and went, it is said, to accuse him at the foot of the scaffold (309/922). Al-Shibll affected a bizarre mode of life, cultivating "eccentricities" of speech and action which caused his repeated internment in the lunatic asylum
in Baghdad. He was criticised, in particular, by the HanbalT scholars Ibn
AL-SHIBLI — SHIBLI NUCMANI Abu Nucaym, Hilya, Beirut 1387/1967, x, 366-75; Sulaml, Tabakat, ed. SharTba, Cairo 1372/1953, 337-48; Kushayn, Risdla, Cairo 1359-1940, 27-8, tr. R. Gramlich, Wiesbaden 1989, index; Ansan, Tabakat, ed. MawlaT, Tehran 1362/1983, 448 ff. and index; Hudjwm, Kashf, tr. Nicholson, London 1976, 155-6 and index; Ta'rikh Baghdad, xiv, 38997; Ibn al-Djawzf, Talbis Iblis, Beirut 1409/1989, 486-9 and index; 'Attar, Tadhkira, ed. Nicholson, London-Leiden 1905-7,' ii, 160-82; Mahmud b. cUthman, Firdaws, ed. F. Meier, Leipzig 1948, 112; Dhahabf, Siyar, Beirut 1401-5/1981-5, xv, 367 ff.; Ibn al-Mulakkin, Tabakat, Cairo 1393/1973, 204-17, 499, 506, 509; Djarm, Nafahat, ed. Tawhfdlpur, Tehran 1336/1957, 180-83; L. Massignon, La passion d'Al-Halldj, Paris 1975, 123-9 and index; E. Dermenghem, Abou Bakr Chibli, in AIEO, viii (1949-50), _235-69. (F. SOBIEROJ) AL-SHIBLI, ABU HAFS £UMAR B. ISHAK b. Ahmad al-Ghaznawf al-Dawlatabadf al-Hindl al-Hanafi Siradj al-Dm, celebrated fakih, more commonly known by the nisba al-Hindf. Born in India ca. 704/1304-5, he studied fkh in Dihll with Wadjfh al-Dm al-Dihlawf al-Razi, Shams al-Dm al-Dulf al-Khatfb, Siradj al-Dm al-Thakafi alDihlawl, Rukn al-Dm al-Bada'unl, pupils of Abu '1-Kasim al-Tanukhi (d. 670/1271-2), and hadith in Cairo with Ahmad b. Mansur al-Djawharf and others. Having made the pilgrimage to Mecca, where he also studied, he came to Egypt in ca. 740/1339-40 where he continued his studies, related traditions and held several religious posts. He cultivated relations with both 'ulamd3 and umard3 and gained favour with Sultan al-Nasir b. Kalawun (748-52/1347-51, 755-62/135461). With the help of the amir Sarghitmish, Siradj alDm obtained the office of kadi 'l-askar in 758/1357. Previously, the Hanafi chief judge (kadi 'l-kuddt] of Egypt Djamal al-Dm Ibn al-Turkumanf had appointed him as his deputy. Upon the death of the latter in Sha'ban 769/March-April 1368, al-Shiblf replaced him as Hanafi kadi 'l-kuddt and held that office until his death on 7 Radjab 773/14 January 1372. As Hanafi kddi 'l-kuddt, he used his influence with the Mamluk elite to promote the status of the Hanafi judgeship, seeking privileges previously attached only to the Shafi'I chief judgeship. Despite good relations with members of this elite, al-Shiblf did not hesitate to oppose their attempts to abase religious functionaries, as, for example, when he berated Aldjay al-Yusufi, nd^ir al-awkdf at the Ibn Tulun mosque, who begrudged them an increase in their salaries. He had also Sufi tendencies; in Mecca he associated with the shaykh Khidr, and was later a follower of Ibn al-Farid [q.v.] (cf. below), associating with those Sufis inclined toward ideas of monism (al-sufiyya al-ittihddiyyd). His best known works are: 1. al-Tawsjnh, a commentary on the Hiddya of al-Marghfnani (cf. Brockelmann, I2, 466, no. 24); 2. a second commentary on the Hiddya in syllogistic form; 3. al-Shdmil fi }l-Jikh, dealing withjuru'; 4. ^ubdat al-ahkdmfi 'khtildfal-a'imma al-acldm; 5. a commentary on the Badlc al-ni^dmfi usul al-fikh of al-Sacati (cf. Brockelmann, I2, 477, no. 49, 2); 6. a commentary on al-Mughm fi 'l-usul of alKhabbazI (cf. Brockelmann, I2, 476-7, no. 48); 7. alGhurra al-munifa fi tarajih madhhab Abi Hanlfa; 8. Kitdb fifikh al-khildf, 9. a commentary on al-^jydddt of alShaybanl (cf. Brockelmann, I2, 178, no. II); 10. an unfinished commentary on al-D^dmi' al-kablr (identical with the Mukhtasar al-talkhis, ibid., no. Ill, preserved in his autograph; the work is said to have originally included also al-D^amic al-saghir); 11. a commentary
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on al-Ta3iyya of Ibn al-Farid (cf. Brockelmann, I2, 305-6); 12. a work on tasawwuf; 13. a commentary on alMandrfi 'l-usul of al-Nasafi (cf. Brockelmann, II2, 250, no. I, 1); 14. a commentary on al-Mukhtdr fi 'l-fatdwd of al-Buldadji (cf. Brockelmann, I2, 476, no. 47, 1); 15. Lawd'ih al-anwdr fi }l-radd cald man ankara cald } c l- drifm latd'if al-asrdr, 16. cUddat al-ndsik Ji 'l-mandsik; 17. a commentary on the 'Akida of al-Tahawi (cf. Brockelmann, I2, 181, no. 7, 7; where a ms. is quoted); 18. al-Lawdmic fi shark Qam' al-ajawdmic (of al-Subkl; cf. Brockelmann, II2, 109, no. 1); 19. Brockelmann finally gives a collection of his fatwds. On manuscripts of the surviving works cf. Brockelmann, II2, 96, no. 9. Bibliography: Brockelmann, loc. cit., where further references are given; Laknawl, al~Fawd3id albahiyyafi tardajim al-hanafyya, 1324, 148-9; Ibn Hajar al-'Askalani, Inbd3 al-ghumr bi-anbd3 al-cumr, Cairo 1969, i, 29-30, and al-Durar al-kdmina fi acydn almi3a al-thdmina, Cairo, iii, 230; J.H. Escovitz, The office of qddi al-quddt in Cairo under the Bahn Mamluks, Berlin 1984, passim. On other individuals called alShibll, including the famous mystic [q.v.], cf. Samc am, Ansdb, facs. ed. 329a, 9 ff; Yakut, Mu'ajam, iii, 256; Brockelmann, I2, 216, no. 6; Massignon, al-Hallddj, passim; Isi, xv, 121. (J. ScHAGHT-fLlNDA S. NORTHRUP])
SHIBLI NUcMANl (1857-1914), leading Urdu writer of the c Al!garh Movement, was born into a well-to-do family at Bindul, in the Aczamgarh [q.v.] District of the then United Provinces. Early in life he became preoccupied with the Hanafi law school, and acquired expertise in the languages and literatures of Arabic, Persian and Urdu. Islamic history and biography, and literary criticism in Persian and in general, became his metiers, and he composed poetry in both Persian and Urdu, but though superficially he seems to challenge comparison with that other cAllgarh polygraph, Altaf Husayn Hall [q.v], he does not equal him as a poet. The turning point in his career came in 1882 when he first visited cAligafh, where his brother was a student. The two influences there were Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan [q.v] and his liberalism, and secondly Dr. Thomas Arnold, Professor of Philosophy, who introduced him to Western literary criticism. Sir Sayyid appointed him lecturer in Persian and Arabic. After the latter's death in 1898, Shibll broke his relationship with 'Allgafh, having founded a rival National English School in A'zamgafh. He became a sort of free-lance scholar and author, spending his time in various places, such as Kashmir and Haydarabad, and wrote an account of his travels in Egypt and Turkey, Safar-ndma-i Misr-d-Rum-oShdm; his Urdu prose style is simple and clear, and not overladen with English vocabulary, as that of Sir Sayyid and Hall. He died in Aczamgafh. Shibll is described by Saksena (287) as "one of the most striking personalities of his age, a versatile genius with a remarkable career", listing a dozen aspects of his activities. Elsewhere (292), he names about two dozen of his literary works in a rather confused manner, both incomplete and inaccurate. Shibll was ambitious, and felt an urge to produce large-scale works; thus Muhammad Sadiq tells us (275) that he planned an encyclopaedia of Islamic history, combining Western and Oriental methods, but had to restrict himself to a number of monographs, including al-Fdruk (1899), a study of the second caliph cUmar; al-Ghazdli (1902); Sawdnih-i Rumi; and Sirat al-Nabi (published posthumously, completed by Sulayman Nadwf, 1916). His second major project, which he almost, but not quite, completed, was his critical history of Persian poetry,
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SHIBLI NUCMANI — SHlH
Shi'r al-cAdj_am, of which vol. i was published in 1908, ii in 1909, iii in 1910, and iv in 1912; vol. v was published posthumously in 1918. It is a brilliant account of Persian poetry, which had played so important a role in the emergence of Urdu poetry. Finally, reference must be made to his Urdu poetry, which he composed all through his life; he also took part in mushd'aras [q.v.] (poetical contests and celebrations). Abu '1-Layth Siddlkl and a number of collaborators divided his poetry into four stages in an Urdu anthology, Urdu nisdb (see Bibl). They stress that, as a poet, he was original, not basing his poetical techniques on any teacher. The outstanding stage was the fourth (1908-14), which was a period of turmoil in the Islamic world. In this period he wrote both political and ethical poetry, and some Islamic historical poetry. Among the most famous was Shuhada'-i kawm ("The martyrs of the nation"), which commemorates the death of Muslims killed by British troops in the "Cawnpore incident" of 1912 [see KANPUR |. Bibliography: ShiblT's prose works will be found in various editions. For a reliable assessment of his achievements and ideas, see Muhammad Sadiq, A history of Urdu literature, London 1964, 274-85, and see 161-3 for Shibll's Muwdzana-yi Dabir-o-Anis (dated 1907), his major critical work on Urdu literature, which is important for the study of Urdu marthiya [q.v.]. His poetry has already been mentioned; see Abu '1-Layth Siddfki et alii, Urdu nisdb, Lahore 1969, 144-6, which includes the text of Shuhadd3-i-kaum. Ram Babu Saksena, A history of Urdu literature, Allahabad 1927, 287-94, also contains useful information on it. (J.A. HAYWOOD) SHIFA1 ISFAHAN!, Hakfm Sharaf al-Dm Hasan, Persian physician and poet of the Safawid period. He was born in 956/1549 (Gulcm-i Ma'am) or 966/1558-9 (Safe) at Isfahan. His nom-de-plume refers to the medical profession, which was a tradition of his family. He was also a student of speculative mysticism, but he achieved his greatest fame as a poet. His literary work consists of ghazals and kasidas, written respectively in the style of Baba Fighanf and Khakanf (cf. Rypka, 300), as well as poems in several other forms, including a series of mathnawts. His best known poem is the didactic mathnawl Namakddn-i hakikat, written in imitation of the Hadikat al-hakika, which has sometimes been mistaken for a work by Sana5! [q.v.] himself (Munzawl, iv, 3286). Other works in the same form are Dida-yi blddr or Diddr-i biddr, after the model of Nizamf's Makhzan al-asrdr (cf. Munzawl, iv, 2820; Ethe, 836; Bertel's, 210), Mihr u mahabbat, on the theory of love, completed in 1021 /1612-3 (cf. Munzawl, iv, 3252; Ate§, 510), and a poem, called either Maajma' al-bahrayn or Matla' al-anwdr, based on Khakam's Tuhfat al-clrdkayn (cf. Ethe, 835; Rypka, 300). Shifa'r also left a sdki-ndma (published by Gulcmi Ma'am in Tadhkira-yi may-khdna, 532-4). Shah £Abbas I [q.v] held him in high esteem and gave him the honorary titles malik al-shucard3 wa mumtdz-i Iran. Contemporary critics acknowledged him as one of the best poets of his time, but at the same time feared his sharp and often scurrilous wit. Apologising to the Shah in a short poem, he mentioned satire as an element indelible from his identity (mdhiyyat), "just as one cannot wash away from amber the attraction of straw" (Iskandar Beg Munshf, 1083). According to most sources, Shifa'f died on 5 Ramadan 1037/9 May 1628 at Isfahan and was buried at Karbala'. Already during his lifetime, a selection from his poems, to the amount of 5,000 bqyts, was brought to India (Fakhr al-Zamanf, 523). In 1040/1630-1 a com-
prehensive collection of 20,000 bayts was assembled by Mfrza Muhammad Taki Dawlatabadf (cf. Gulcm-i Ma'anf, Shahrdshub, 54). Bibliography: Amfn-i Ahmad-i RazI, Haft iklim, Tehran 1340 Sh./\96\, ii, 429-30; M. Tahir-i Nasrabadi, Tadhkira-yi Nasrdbddi, Tehran 1317 ,5ft./1938, 211-14; cAbd al-Nabi Fakhr al-Zamam, Tadhkira-yi maykhdna, Tehran 1340 ^./1961, 523-34 (with a biographical notice by Gulcfn-i Ma'am quoting Shifa'f's contemporaries Takl al-Dfn Kashf and Taki al-Dm AwhadT); Iskandar Beg Munshf, Tdrikhi cdlam-drdy-i cAbbdsi, Tehran 1334 6&./1955, ii, 1082-3; Rida-KulI Khan Hidayat, Maajma' al-Jusahd3, Tehran 1295/1878, ii, 21-3; idem, Riydd al-{drifin, Tehran 1305/1888, 213-18, H. Ethe, Catalogue of the Persian manuscripts in the Indian Office Library, i, Oxford 1903, 834-6; Browne, LHP, iv, Cambridge 1924, 256 (with a portrait); E.E. Bertel's, hbranniye trudl. Nizami i Fuzuli, Moscow 1962; A. Gulcfn-i Ma'am, Shahrdshub dar shicr-i fdrsi, Tehran 1346 Sh./\967, 54-7; J. Rypka, History of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968; A. Ate§, Istanbul kutuphanelerinde farsza manzum eserler, Istanbul 1968, 509-11, 544; A. Munzawl, Fihrist-i nuskhahd-yi khatti-yi fdrsi, Tehran 1350-1 Sh./\97\-3, iii, 1875, 2381, iv, 2820, 3252, 3286; Dh. Saia, Tdnkh-i adabiyydt dar Iran, v/2, Tehran 1364 ^./1985, 1075-82 (with a list of sources). (J-T.P. DE BRUIJN) SHIGHNAN [see SHUGHNAN]. SHIH (A., from Aramaic sihd] is the plant species Artemisia, Compositae. The word was probably used by the Arabs as a collective noun for the some 200 types of this species, spread in the Mediterranean area and the temperate latitudes. These types occur as herbs and shrubs, many of them being aromatic. In medicine, the herb and its ethereal oil as well as the blossoming buds and their ethereal oil are used mainly as aromaticum amarum, as a stomachic, digestive, carminative, choleretic drug, and the blossoming buds also as an anthelminthic. It was further used as spice in the kitchen and as a stimulus of appetite. The Arab authors note mainly the following types of Artemisia: 1. Shih in the specific meaning of Artemisia iudaica L.; 2. Sdnfun (aepicpov), probably A. maritima; 3. Tarkhun, A. dracunculus, tarragon; 4. Kay sum, A. abrotanum, southernwood or "Old man"; 5. Birind^dsaf A. vulgaris, mugwort, often identified with kaysum; 6. Afsanfin or abu shinthiyd, the wormwood (absinth), A. absinthium; 1. (?) A. arborescens. It should, however, be realised that the descriptions of plants hardly suffice for determining the types, because nomenclature and synonymy are so vague. The most accurate, yet inadequate, botanical description may be presented here by way of example. It is found in Dioscurides triumphans (see Bibl.) iii, 107, under the entry artdmdsiyd (dpie^iioia), where five types of kaysum are described: "One of its types has many twigs, which come forth from a single root, about one yard long. Its leaves are attached to the twigs at some distance from one another, resemble those of the small type of the anemone (al-nucmdn [see SHAKIKAT AL-NU£MAN], are denticulated (musharraf) on both sides and grow smaller and smaller the more they are found near the upper end. At the end of each twig there are yellow-coloured blossoms, round and closely connected like a bunch (ajamd'a) of heads of absinth (ntus al-afsantin). They vary in smell from pleasantly to repulsively, and their taste is bitter. This type has roots like those of the white hellebore (al-kharbak al-abyad). A second type ramifies already at the soil from a single root and rises about one yard ... A third type
SHlH — SHIHAB AL-DIN AL-HUSAYNl buds three or four twigs from one single root, just one yard long, to which leaves are attached in the same way as they are to the blue stock (al-khiri alazrak) ... A fourth type grows in riverbeds and ponds ... The fifth type has many twigs, ramifying from one single root, just about two yards long. Its leaves resemble those of the olive tree (al-zayturi), white on the side turned towards the ground and green on the side turned upwards, but smaller than those of the olive tree ... [At the end:] The first type is the common sage (artdmdsiyd), called in Spain fasdtdyun (= afsantm). The second is called al-cabaythardn, also named "the fox's basilicum" (rayhdn al-tha'dlib), the third is "the golden one" (al-mudhahhab), the fourth is called in Romance yund^a (juncia). The fifth and last one is called Jurubina (Romance Jlor de pena), also "olive of the castles" (zaytunat al-husun] and abrushiya (otn.|3poa{a), of which al-mudhahhab is a type". For the complete text and the explanation of the terms, see Dioscurides triumphans, ioc. cit. The first type, with many twigs and a pungent odour, is probably A. arborescens L. The fourth type, with one twig, which grows in inland water, could be A. campestris. For one of the other types the widespread A. vulgaris is probably to be taken into account. As one can see, the description of the types mentioned follows a rather fixed scheme: outward appearance, twigs, roots, leaves, blossoms, then taste and odour. The Arab authors give many details about the medicinal use of shih. It resembles absinth, but does not have the latter's astringent power. Taken with rice and honey, it kills intestinal worms. The Artemisia from the mountains (al-shih al-o^abali) is bitter, divides and dissolves flatulence and is less astringent than absinth. Its ashes, taken with almond oil, are good for loss of hair (da3 al-thaclab). It makes the itch disappear (al-ukld), is good for laboured breathing and aids urination and menstruation. Bibliography: I. Low, Die Flora derjuden, i, 1928, 381-7; H.A. Hoppe, Drogenkunde8, i, 1975, 119-26. Numerous source references in A. Dietrich, Dioscurides triumphans, Gottingen 1988, iii, 24, 25, 26, 107; idem, Die Dioscurides-Erkldrung des Ibn al-Baytdr, Gottingen 1991, iii, 23, 24, 25, 108. (A. DIETRICH) SHIHAB, BANU, a dynasty of amir?, who held the tax-farm or iltizdm [q.v.] of the Lebanon mountain districts of the sandj.ak of Sidon-Beirut, and later also those of the wildyat of Tripoli, from 1697 until 1841. The Banu Shihab were already the recognised chieftains (mukaddamun) of Wad! al-Taym, a valley of the Anti-Lebanon, at the time of the Ottoman conquest of Syria (922/1516). Their involvement in the affairs of the Lebanon resulted from their alliance and intermarriage with the Banu Macn [q.v.], the paramount Druze chiefs of the Shuf [q.v.] region, who held the iltizdm of the mountain districts of Beirut-Sidon almost continuously from ca. 998/1590 until 1108/1697. When the Maenid line died out, this iltizdm was transferred by the Ottomans to their Banu Shihab relatives, allegedly with local consent (1108/1697). Subsequently (1124/1712), the Banu Shihab fixed the organisation of the territory assigned to them in fiscal units called mukdta'dt, assigning the administration of each unit to the strongest family of mashdyikh among the local Druzes or Maronites. As newcomers to the Lebanon, the Banu Shihab, who were Sunn! Muslims, faced strong opposition among the Druzes of the country from the very start. But the Druzes were further alienated by the consistent Shihabf support for the Christian Maronites. This
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alienation worsened as leading Shihabl amirs began to convert to Christianity and become Maronites, a process starting in the latter decades of the 18th century. The subsequent alliance of the Banu Shihab with Muhammad eAli Pasha [q.v.], and their collaboration with the Egyptian occupation of Syria (183240), set them on the collision course with the Ottomans which was the direct cause of their downfall. The Banu Shihab survive today in two branches, one Maronite, the other Sunnf Muslim. A member of the Maronite branch, General Fu'ad Shihab, was elected president of the Lebanese Republic for the period 1958-64. Bibliography: See that to BASH!R SHIHAB n; also Adel Ismail, Histoire du Liban du XVIP siecle a nos jours, i, Paris 1955, iv, Beirut 1958; K.S. Salibi, The modern history of Lebanon, London 1965, chs. I-III. (K.S. SALIBI) SHIHAB AL-DAWLA [see MAWDUD B. MAS'UD]. SHIHAB AL-DIN [see MUHAMMAD B. SAM]. SHIHAB AL-DlN AHMAD B. MADpD [see IBN MADJID] . SHIHAB AL-DIN DAWLATABADl [see ALDAWLATABADl].
SHIHAB AL-DIN AL-HUSAYNl, SHAH, a Nizarf I s m a ' f l f dignitary and a u t h o r of the 13th/19th century. Shihab al-Dm, also called Khalll Allah, was born around 1268/l_851-2, probably in Trak; he was the eldest son of Aka 'All Shah, Agha Khan II (d. 1302/1885), the forty-seventh imam of the Nizan Isma'Tlfs, and the elder half-brother of Sultan Muhammad Shah, Agfea Khan III (1294-1376/1877-1957), the forty-eighth Nizan imam. Shihab al-Dfn spent the greater part of his life in Bombay and Poona, where he died in Safar 1302/December 1884, being eventually buried in the family mausoleum at Nadjaf. Shihab al-Dln Shah was a learned member of the Agha Khans' family; he was also regarded as one of the pirs or hudj.(Qa§ of the Nizan Isma'flfs, particularly by jthe Nizan Khodjas (see Muhammad b. Zayn al-cAbidfn Fida'f Khurasan!, Kitdb-i Hiddyat al-mu3minm al-tdlibm, ed. A.A. Semenov, Moscow 1959, 178-9; W. Ivanow, Ismailitica, in Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, viii [1922], 66-7). Shihab al-Dln composed a few treatises in Persian dealing particularly with the ethical and mystical aspects of the Nizarf Isma'fll doctrines. His works, preserved in India and Central Asia, in fact represent the earliest examples of a literary revival, initiated in the second half of the 13th/19th century and utilising the Persian language, in the life of the Nizarf Isma'flf community. His writings include the Khitdbdt-i cdliya (ed. H. Udjakl, Ismaili Society series A, no. 14, Bombay 1963) and the unfinished Risdla dar hakikat-i din (ed. and tr. W. Ivanow, Islamic Research Assocation series, no. 3, Bombay 1933). Later editions and English translations, by W. Ivanow, of his Risdla were published in 1947, 1955 and 1956 in the series of publications of the Ismaili Society of Bombay; this work has also been translated into Arabic, Urdu and Gudjara.tr (see Shihab al-Dm Shah alHusaynf, True meaning of religion, tr. W. Ivanow, Bombay 1956, Preface). Bibliography (in addition to the works cited in the article): Ivanow, Ismaili literature. A bibliographical survey, Tehran 1963, 149-50; A. Berthels and M. Baqoev, Alphabetic catalogue of manuscripts found by 1959-1963 expedition in Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region, Moscow 1967, 51, 59-60; I.K. Poonawala, Biobibliography oflsmdcili literature, Malibu, Calif. 1977, 283-4; F. Daftary, The Ismd'ills, their history and doctrines, Cambridge 1990, 439, 518. (F. DAFTARY)
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SHIHAB AL-DIN AL-KARAFI — SHIHAB TURSHlZl
SHIHAB AL-DIN AL-KARAFI, Abu VAbbas Ahmad b. Abi 5l-cAlaJ Idrfs b. cAbd al-Rahman b.
was born during the twenties of the 19th century. His birthplace was Simfrum, a small town in the Isfahan district. His family had a long history of supplying military judges to the government from among its members. Shihab, however, devoted himself from the beginning to the study of Arabic and had an inclination towards writing poetry. In 1254/1838-9 he went to Tehran, where he was engaged in literary activity for several years before attracting the attention of Muhammad Shah (r. 1250-64/1834-48). The latter admired Shihab's work, and honoured him eventually with the title of Tadj al-Shucara°. Shihab's closest patron was Hadjdj! M!rza Akas!, prime minister of Muhammad Shah, from whom he received many favours. The poet's fortunes continued to prosper during the reign of Muhammad Shah's successor, Nasir al-Dm Shah (1264-1313/1848-96). Besides writing poems, which brought him financial rewards, he was officially assigned the task of organising mourning assemblies commemorating the death of Husayn. Towards the later part of his life he retired to Isfahan, where he died in 1291/1874-5. Shihab's chief field of poetic exercise seems to have been the panegyric, in which he reportedly wielded a fluent pen and could compose lengthy kasidas within a short time. A critical remark by Diwan Beg! (ii, 889) regarding his poetic style confirms the view that he was fond of grandiloquence, allusions and metaphors. The Sipahsalar Library in Tehran owns a manuscript copy of his diwdn containing a collection of kasidas and comprising some 8,000 couplets. Bibliography: Fihrist-i Kitdbkhdna-yi Madrasa-yi CAUyi Sipahsalar, ii, Tehran 1316-18/1937-9, 619-20; Sayyid Ahmad Dfwan Beg! Sh!raz!, Hadikat alshucard3, ed. cAbd al-Husayn Nawa0!, Tehran 1365/ 1986, ii (also contains an extract from Gandj_-i shaygdn, supplied by the editor); Rida-kul! Khan Hidayat, Madj.mac al-Jusahd3, ed. Mazahir Musafia, Tehran 1339/1960, ii/1; Muhammad £Al! Tabnz! (Mudarris), Rayhdnat al-adab, Tabnz (?) 1328/1949, ii; Dihkhuda, Lughat-ndma, s.v. Tddj. al-Shucard3; Yahya Aryanpur, AZ Sabd id Nimd, Tehran 1350/1971, i; Wizarat-i Farhang u Irshad-i Islam!, Ndm-dwardn-i farhang-i Iran, Tehran 1988 (?). (MUNIBUR RAHMAN) SHIHAB TURSHIZl, the pen-name of the c Persian poet Mfrza Abd Allah Khan, b. probably ca. 1167/1753 (Bahar, Armaghdn, xiii/1, 37), d. 1215/ 1800-1. He started his poetic career in his home town of Tursh!z in Khurasan, but left it in 1189/1775-6 for Sh!raz, the capital of Kanm Khan Zand [q.v.]. His ambition took him from place to place in search of suitable patronage. Finally, in 1203/1788-9, he entered the service of Shahzada Mahmud Durran! b. Tmiur Shah, the Afghan governor of Harat (who subsequently became ruler of Afghanistan); Shahzada Mahmud had employed the poet's father, Hab!b Allah Tursh!z!, for thirty years (see Shihab's verses quoted in Buzurgniya's article published in Armaghdn, vi/9, 557). Shihab remained with his patron for some nine years, becoming his poet-laureate and chief astronomer as well as attaining the rank of Khan. Their association came to an end with Shahzada Mahmud losing the governorship of Harat in 1212/1797-8 in an internal power struggle. Thereupon, Shihab retired to Turbat-i Haydariyya [q.v.], where he died not long afterwards. Apart from poetry, Shihab was also skilled in other fields such as astronomy, painting, the art of making pen-boxes and calligraphy. He was the author of several poetical works which included Khusraw wa Shmn
SHIHAB TURSHIZI — SHIHNA (Durrat al-taaj.), Tusuf u ^ulaykhd, Bahrdm-nama and lkd-i gawhar, a piece dealing with astronomy. Some of his writings which remained incomplete were a Tadhkirat al-shucard3 and a Murdd-ndma, the last-named being an account of the events and affairs during the reign of 'All Murad Khan Zand, who ruled Isfahan 1193-9/1779-85. In 1206/1791-2 Shihab, according to his own statement, compiled a diwdn of his verse, at the instance of his patron. His total output has been estimated at 20,000 verses (Nigdristdn-i Ddrd, 213), but the copies of his collected poems found in Persia are said to contain between 3,000 and 10,000 verses only (TdrTkh-i tadhkirahd-yi Fdrsi, 303). Shihab was a prominent poet of the period of literary "return" (bdzgasht), which marked the end of the influence of the Indian style (sabk-i Hindi [q.v]) in Persian poetry, and the revival of earlier indigenous models. His speciality was the kaslda, in which he imitated the examples of early masters like Anwar! and Khakanl. The main figures in whose praise he composed his poems were Karim Khan and CA1I Murad Khan Zand; Shahzada Mahmud Durrani, who was his chief patron; and Fath CA1I Shah Kadjar. Another distinguishing feature of Shihab's literary activity was his satirical verse, directed against fellowpoets, certain tribes and clans, as well as against such places as Shfraz, Yazd, Tehran, Slstan and Kashan. In the ghazal, his individuality of style found expression in the choice of rhymes which differed from those employed by such established ghazal writers as Sacdl and Hafiz. Bibliography. Rieu, Catalogue (Supplement), nos. 352, 353; Fihrist-i kutub-i khatti-yi Kitdbkhana-yi Maajlis-i Shurd-yi Milli, Tehran" 1318-21/1939-42, iii, 322-3, 704-6; £Abd al-Razzak Dunball "Maftun", Nigdristdn-i Ddrd, ed. Khayyampur, Tabriz 1342/ 1963, i; Rida-kull Khan Hidayat, Maajma' al-Jusahd3, ed. Mazahir 'Musaffa, Tehran 1340/1961, ii/2; idem, Riydd al-cdrifin, Tehran 1344/1965; Sayyid Ahmad Dlwan Begl, Hadikat al-shucard\ ed. cAbd al-Husayn Nawa'I, Tehran 1365/1986, ii; Muhammad CA1I Muslim Hablbabadl, Makdrim al-dthdr, Isfahan 1362/1983, i-ii; Muhammad 'All Tabriz! (Mudarris), Rayhdnat al-adab, Tabriz (?) 1328/1949, ii; Isma'Il Pasha al-Baghdadl Hadiyyat al-cdrijin, Istanbul 1951; J. Rypka et alii, History of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968; Ahmad Gulcln Ma'am, Tdnkh-i tadhkirahd-yi Fdrsi, Tehran 1363/1984, i; c Abd al-Rafic Haklkat (RafTc), Farhang-i shdcirdn-i zabdn-i Pdrsi, Tehran 1368/1989; CA1I Buzurg-niya (Sadr al-Tudjdjar Khurasanl), in Armaghdn, vi/9; Muhammad TakI Bahar (Malik al-Shu'ara'), in ibid., xiii/1-3; Muhlt Tabataba'I, in ibid., xiii/4-6; Muhammad Kahraman, in Ayanda, ix/6. (MUNIBUR RAHMAN) SHIHNA (A.), an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e - m i l i t a r y term in the mediaeval eastern Islamic world. From the end of the 3rd/9th century, the term, which in a general sense meant a body of armed men, sufficing for the guarding and control of a town or district on the part of the sultan, is occasionally found in the specific sense of the shurta [q.v.] (Tyan, L'organisation judicaire en pays d'Islam, Paris 1938-43, ii, 366, n. 5). As the designation for a military governor of a town or province, the term shihna belongs primarily to the period of the Great Saldjuks, though Abu '1-Fadl BayhakI (writing in 450-1/1058-9) uses the term in the sense of the commander of a body of armed men in charge of a town or district on behalf of the sultan (Tdnkh-i Bayhaki, ed. CA1I Akbar Fayyad, Mashhad 1350/1971, 22, 23, 24) and his c
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office as shihnagi (ibid., 9, 10, 25, 26, cf. also Doerfer, iii, 320-1). The term is found throughout the IIKhanate and survives into the period of the Turkoman dynasties of the Kara Koyunlu and the Ak Koyunlu [
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SHIHNA — AL-SHIHR
as it were, of the sultan vis-a-vis the caliph. Under the Saldjuks of Rum, the shihna appears to have been the military governor of a town or the head of the garrison of a town (Gl. Cahen, La Turquie pre-Ottomane, Istanbul-Paris 1988, 198). In the sources for the Mongol invasions and the Il-Khanate, there is a lack of precision in the use of the term shihna. It is used at times synonymously with baskak, ddrugha (ddrughaci) and na'ib (D.O. Morgan, Who ran the Mongol empire?, in JRAS [1982], 129, and see Lambton, Mongol fiscal administration in Persia, in SI, Ixiv [1986], 80 n. 2). By the reign of Ghazan (694703/1295-1304 [q.v.]) the shihna and baskak were distinguished from each other and from the commander of the citadel of a town (see below). However, in a document for the appointment of a shihna in the Dastur al-kdtib of Muhammad b. Hindushah Nakhdjawanl, ed. A.A. Ali-zade, ii, Moscow 1976, 36, shihnagi and baskdki appear to be used synonymously. The importance of the shihna varied; some, like sultans and maliks, received large payzas when their appointment was registered; others, who were of lesser rank, and medium maliks (malikdn-i mutawassit) smaller payzas (Rashld al-Dln, Tdnkh-i mubdrak-i ghdzdm, ed. K. Jahn, London 1940, 295). According to Djuwayni (i, 96, tr. Boyle, i, 122), Cingiz Khan appointed a group of persons to the office of shihna in Samarkand after its conquest. Yeme and Subetey, as they pursued Djalal al-Dln Muhammad Khwarazmi through Khurasan, left shihnas in the towns through which they passed with an al-tamgha as a sign of the surrender of the population (ibid., i, 177; also 113, 115, 120, 121, 136-7). When Abu Bakr Sacd b. ZangI, the ruler of Pars, sent his brother Tahamtam to Ogedey with his submission, tribute was laid on the province and a Mongol shihna appointed (Wassaf, Tarikh, ed. M.M. Isfahan!, lith. Bombay 1269/1852-3, B. Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran\ Leiden 1985, 117-18). In 650/1252-3 Mengii-Ka'an appointed governors (hdkimdn), shihnas and scribes to assess the taxes and to number the population (Djuwayni, iii, 72-3, tr. ii, 596). As the conquests proceeded and the Mongols established an administration, shihnas were appointed over towns and districts (Spuler, op. cit., 284-5). As in the Saldjuk period, the shihna was concerned with the administration of customary law. There is, however, a yarligh for the appointment of kadi s issued by Ghazan, in which it is stated that shihnas, maliks, bitikciydn, kddis, cAlaw!s and 'ularnd* were to assemble in the Friday mosque in the diwdn al-mutdlaca to hear cases between Mongols, or between Mongols and Muslims, and other cases which were difficult to decide, and to settle them according to the shari'a (Rashld al-Dfn, op. cit., 219), but this probably merely reflects Ghazan's policy to convert the Il-Khanate into an Islamic state. Clearly, the sjtihna's activities were conducted mainly according to customary law. A document for a certain Shaykh Dorsun as shihna of such-and-such a province (wildyat), which instructs him to investigate thoroughly yarghu'i affairs and to decide them according to justice and the yasak (Dastur alkdtib, ii, 37), most probably reflects general practice. Another document in the same collection, concerning the complaint of the people of Salmas [q.v.] against the extortion of their shihna, states that the latter had been dismissed and his successor ordered to settle affairs justly according to the rule of the yasak. The people were to refer yarghu'i matters to him (ibid., 38-9). It would seem from the document that cases were submitted by the shihna to the yarghu (ibid., 39).
A letter to a kadi in the Dastur al-katib forbids yarghuciydn, shihnagdn and others from interfering in sharci affairs (i/2, Moscow 1971, 455). Ghazan's yarligh on the unification of weights and measures was addressed to shihnagdn, maliks, bitikciydn and others (Rashld alDln, op. cit., 257); this implies that these matters were within the purview of the shihna. Under Ghazan, the shihna also appears to have been concerned with the general provincial administration. When he decided that grain should be stored in the provinces for the use of the army, the shihna of the province was ordered to take delivery of the grain and to pay cash for it (ibid., 301). Together with provincial governors (hdkiman], the shihnas were in charge of the billeting of ittis and others in the provinces, a practice which Ghazan forbade (ibid., 356-7). The payment of the shihna, as in former times, was by dues. In the Sacddat-ndma of £Ala-yi Tabriz!, an item is included in the provincial expenses of Tabriz of 1,000 dinars for the office of shihna (shahdniyya), 5,000 dinars for the garrison of the citadel (al-isfahsdldriyya bi-kalca mukaddamuhum Juldn) and 15,000 dinars for the officials of the tamgha (cummdliyyat al-tamghd)', the sum for the baskak was 10,000 dinars (Mirkamal Nabipour, Die beiden persischen Leitfdden des Falak cAldye Tabnzi uber das staatliche Rechnungswesen im 14. Jahrhundert, Gottingen 1973, Persian text, 134). A document in the Dastur al-kdtib, ii, 29, states that the wazir was to get from the shihna a bond (malcaka) that he would not take more from the province and its population than was laid down in the diwdn as the due of the shihna. From other documents in the collection (cf. ii, 36, 38-9, 305-6, 323-4) it would seem that extortion by shihnas was not unknown (cf. Rashld al-Dln, op. cit., 244). Under the Kara Koyunlu and the Ak Koyunlu, the shihna is found as a local official concerned with the maintenance of public order, ranking among the ddrughas, maliks and kadkhudds (cf. afarmdn of the Kara Koyunlu Djahanshah dated 853/1449, in A.D. Papazyan, Persidskie dokumenti matenadarana i ukazi, vipusk perviy (xv-xvi vv.), Erivan 1956, 245). Fadl Allah b. Ruzbihan Khundj! Isfahan! mentions shihnas and kotwdls [q.v.] (fortress commanders) of various towns and fortresses belonging to Diyar Bakr in 882/1478 (Tdnkh-i Amini, ed. J.E. Woods, London 1992, 126). Under the Safawids, the term shihna was no longer in general use. Bibliography: Given in the article. (ANN K.S. LAMBTON) AL-SHIHR a town and region on the South Arabian Indian Ocean coast approximately 330 miles east of Aden [see CADAN], the main port of Hadramawt [q.v] until the 19th century, when alMukalla rose to prominence. The port is particularly well known as a fishing and trading centre, but is throughout the centuries associated with the incense trade: Ibn Khurradadhbih (147-8) calls the area the Land of Incense (bildd al-kundur] and quotes the following line of poetry: Go to al-Shihr; don't go to Oman (cUmdnd)', if you don't find dates, you will find incense (lubdnd)\ Niebuhr, writing in the 18th century (Description de I'Arabie..., Amsterdam and Utrecht 1774, iii, 244), reports that incense was still exported through the port of al-Shihr, and Serjeant (The ports of Aden & Shihr (mediaeval period), in Les grandes escales I. Recueils de la Societe Jean Bodin, xxxii [1974], 221) informs us that it was still handled in the port. The town itself is walled and is situated along a long sandy beach, access to ships in the anchorage being by boat. It is divided into two by the wadi bed, al-Misyal, the west-
AL-SHIHR — SHIKARI ern quarter bearing the name Madjraf and the eastern one al-Ramla. The quarter system within the town is still strong and there are several markets: Suk alLakham (shark), Suk al-Hunud (despite the fact that there can be few Indians left in the town), Suk Shibam, named after the inland town [q.v.], etc. Fishing is still an important local industry and the major port commodity apart from incense is fish-oil. Ambergris (canbar Shihn) was also a well-known product of the coast, at least in earlier times. The incense comes from the upper reaches of the mountains in the Shihr region. There are graves along the shore said to be those of the victims of the Portuguese attacks on the town from the 10th/16th century onwards (see below). It was from al-Shihr that many Hadramfs migrated to East Africa and they were thus called Shihiris (Serjeant, Ports, 221). The region is now in the governorate of Hadramawt in the Yemen Arabic Republic and comprises the following settlements: al-Days, al-HamT, alRayda and Kasfr/Kusayr (al-Mawsuca al-Tamaniyya, eds. Ahmad Djabir cAfrf 'et alii, San'a' 1992, 549). Having a much more limited hinterland than Aden, the port was always of less importance. Its early history is far from clear, but it appears to have been controlled by the Ziyadids (ca. 203-371/818-981), a Tihama-based Yemeni dynasty (Ibn al-Mudjawir, Ta'nkh al-Mustabsir, ed. O. Lofgren, Leiden 1951-4, 67). The Banu Macn (5th/llth century vassals of the Sulayhids [q.v.] in Aden) also held al-Shihr (Abu Makhrama, in Lofgren, Arabische Texte zur Kenntnis der Stadt Aden im Mittelalter, Uppsala etc. 86). The town is mentioned on occasions during the Rasulid period (626858/1228-1454), but figures much more prominently in the history of the Portuguese off the South Arabian coast. The town, which they called Xaer/Xael, was always vulnerable from the sea and they attacked it on more than one occasion and plundered the port (e.g. Serjeant, The Portuguese off the South Arabian coast, Oxford 1963, 67). In 867/1462, the Kathfri sultan Badr b. Tuwayrik captured al-Shihr from the Tahirids (858-923/1454-1517), the successors in the south of the Yemen to the Rasulids. However, it later came under the control of the Ku'aytf sultanate of alMukalla (Serjeant, 25). Al-Hamdanf (51) says the name of al-Shihr is derived from shahar al-ard, which, he adds, is the salinity (sabakh) of the soil where bitter plants grow. Perhaps more plausible is Abu Makhrama's suggestion (66) that its inhabitants were the Shahra1 of Mahra and that the alif and hamza have been dropped and the shm vocalised with a kasra instead of the original fatha. The latter, al-Shahr, is in any case an alternative pronunciation. Other sources (e.g. al-Hamdani, 134, and al-Idrfsf, Opus geographicum, Naples and Rome, i-ii, 1970-1, 52, 154-5) state that the inhabitants do not speak good Arabic, and this may be rather a reference to their speaking a language other than Arabic (Mahri?). The latter source says specifically that the Arabs do not understand the language of al-Shihr at all and he calls it "old Himyarl". Yakut (Mu'ajam, Beirut 1979, iii, 327) prefers to associate the name with shihra, a narrow tract of land. Bibliography: Apart from the references given in the text above, the rare Government of Bombay, An account of the Arab tribes in the vicinity of Aden, Bombay 1909, contains an interesting and informative chapter, pp. 125-48, entitled Historical resume of Mokalla, Shehr and Hadthramut. (G.R. SMITH) SHIHRI or SHAHRI, the common term by Arabs and Arabists for the Modern South Arabian language S h e r i (in older literature also called Shauri/
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Shahari), spoken in the mountains of Zufar ('Uman) by about 50,000 speakers. As the word Shero (pi.) designates only the underprivileged, non-tribal part of the population, Johnstone (Jibbdli lexicon, p. XI) established the term "Jibbali", a translation into Arabic (Shehr = mountains), in order to avoid old social distinction. Together with the other non-Arabic languages of southern Arabia (Mehri [see MAHRI], Sokotri [see SOKOTRA], Harsusi [see HARASIS], Bathari [see BATAHIRA] and Hobyot), Sheri belongs to a group of closely connected languages called "Modern South Arabian". A special trait of Sheri, not found in any other of the Modern South Arabian languages, is the existence of nasal vowels, a result of the disappearance of "m" in intervocalic position. According to Johnstone (Jibbdli lexicon], three main dialects can be distinguished, of which the western one is hardly known. A distinctive mark of the central dialect is the existence of the two phonemes / and s (spoken like / but without touching the alveoles with the tip of the tongue) instead of / in the eastern dialect. The origin of &heri and the other Modern South Arabian languages is controversial. Even though they are not direct descendants of Epigraphic South Arabian, they have so many common features with them (perfect 1st and 2nd persons with k, three sibilants s, s, s} and with the languages of Ethiopia (ejectives), that they should be incorporated in the group of South Semitic to the exclusion of Arabic. Bibliography. See that to MAHRL The most important work is T.M. Johnstone, Jibbdli lexicon, Oxford 1981. Recent publications include: J. Rodgers, The subgrouping of the South Semitic languages, in Semitic studies in honor of Wolf Leslau on the occasion of his 85th birthday, ed. A.S. Kaye, Wiesbaden 1991; A. Lonnet, La decouverte du sudarabique moderne. Le Ehkili de Fresnel (1838), in Materiaux Arabes et Sudarabiques, iii (1991); M.-C. Simeone-Senelle, L'expression du "futur" dans les langes sudarabiques modernes, in Materiaux Arabes et Sudarabiques, v (1993). (W. ARNOLD) SHIKARI (P.), a form current in Muslim India, passing into Urdu and Hindi and derived from Pers. shikar "game, prey; the chase, hunting", with the senses of "a native h u n t e r or stalker, who accompanied European hunters and sportsmen", and then of these last sportsmen themselves (see Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson, a glossary of Anglo-Indian colloquial words and phrases, 2London 1903, 827-8, s.v. Shikaree, Shekarry). The native hunters stemmed from the many castes in India whose occupation was the snaring, trapping, tracking, or pursuit of birds and beasts, but the caste which adopted or received the word Shikari as its tribal name was found chiefly in Sind by the early 20th century. A writer in 1822 said: "Shecarries are generally Hindoos of low caste, who gain their livelihood entirely by catching birds, hares, and all sorts of animals", but the Shikaris of Sind seem to have abandoned the occupation from which they take their name. They are described as outcast immigrants from Radjputana, found from Bengal to the Pandjab, the origin of whose honourable appellation was unexplained, though they probably possessed, like other aboriginal races, a knowledge of wild animals and skill in tracking and were employed by the Muslim nobility in quest of sport. They were subsequently engaged in making baskets, and as sweepers and scavengers, and appear to have corresponded in most points, to the Bhangls of Bengal and Hindustan. They ate carrion, and, even when professing Islam, were considered unclean, and not allowed to enter a mosque,
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SHIKARI — AL-SHILA
unless they underwent a ceremony of purification by fire, after which they were classed as Macchls. Those whose occupation was the taking of life were naturally held in small esteem in a land which has been permeated by the principles of Buddhism, Djainism, and Brahmanism, but the purification ceremony demanded by Muslims before admitting Shikaris to their worship was an example of the extent to which Islam in Inolia had been affected by the attitudes of Hinduism. Bibliography. E.H. Aitken, Gazetteer of the Province of Sind, Karachi 1907; Census reports of the Government of India. (T.W. HAic-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) SHIKARPUR, the name of two places in Sind. 1. That in upper Sind, situated in lat. 27° 57' N. and long. 68° 40' E., was founded in 1667 by the Da'udputras, a warrior/weaver tribe, on the Shikdrgdh or hunting ground [see SHIKAR!] of the Mahars, hence the name. In 1701 they were defeated by the first Kalhora chief, Yar Muhammad (1701-18); his son Nur Muhammad (1718-54) drove them eastward where they founded Bahawalpur [q.v.]. In 1739 the Mughal Emperor, Muhammad Shah [q.v.], had to cede all the region west of the Indus to Nadir Shah, who in 1740 invaded Sind to punish Nur Muhammad and annexed Bhakkar, Srbr and Shikarpur. He restored Shikarpur to the Da'udputras, but in 1754 the Kalhoras recovered it when Ahmad Shah Durrani [q.v] made Murad Yar governor over the whole of Sind. During the period of vassalage to Kandahar (17461825), the region, now known as the Mughuli Pargana, saw a great influx of Pathan settlers who received lands on reduced rents (Patiadan). At the same time, Shikarpur became an entrepot for trade with the regions of eastern Persia, Afghanistan and Central Asia, a trade monopolised by the Hindus, and its merchants and covered market were famous throughout Asia. Sind's vassalage to Afghanistan was broken by the Talpurs in 1789, who recovered Shikarpur also in 1825. The period of British rule (1843-1947) saw a gradual decline in Shikarpur's importance, since their control of the Frontier region and Balucistan, and the opening up of the Khyber pass route and the railway link to Quetta, ended its strategic and economic role. Reduced to the position of a country town on the eve of Pakistan's creation (1947), it gradually began to develop as a centre of agriculturally-based industries. It became a District headquarters (1977) and now possesses a municipality. Its population, estimated at 20,000 to 25,000 by the middle of the 19th century, is now 88,000. Its most celebrated literary and spiritual figure was Shah Fakir 'Alwl (d. 1780), an Afghan migrant, and founder there of the Kadirl khdnkdh and a madrasa; venerated by rulers like Ahmad Shah Durrani, he wrote books in Arabic, Persian and Pashto, and his letters and books like Futuhdt al-ghaybiyya won general recognition. Also, Munshi cAta Muhammad (d. 1855) wrote the Tdza nawd'i macdrik, a contemporary account of the Talpurs and their relations with the rulers of Kabul (ed. H. Rashldi, Karachi 1959). 2. That in Lower Sind was founded by the Phanwars seven miles away from Dadu town, and was also captured by Nur Muhammad in 1701. It was renamed (old) Khudabad and remained the Kalhora capital till Ghulam Shah (1757-72) transferred it to nearby Haydarabad. Devastated by the Talpurs in 1781, it is now in ruins. 3. There exist other Shikarpurs in the subcontinent, including in the Bulandshahr District of U.P. and in
Mysore (Karnataka). See Imperial gazetteer of India2, xxii, 277-8. Bibliography: Imperial gazetteer of India2, xxii, 275-7; E.H. Aitken, Gazetteer of the Province of Sind. A., Karachi 1907; H.T. Sorley, Gazetteer of West Pakistan. The former Province of Sind, Lahore; S.A.S.A. Ansari, A short sketch, historical and traditional, of the Musulman races found in Sind, Baluchistan and Afghanistan, Karachi 1901, repr. 1954; Khudadad Khan, Lubbi tdrikh-i Sind (in Persian), ed. N.A. Baloch, Haydarabad, Sind 1959; M.H. Panhwar, Source material on Sindh, Jamshore, Sind 1977; Sindh annual 1978, Govt. of Sind Publ., Karachi 1979; Ansar Zahid Khan, History and culture of Sindh, Karachi 1980; G.R. Meher, Tdrikh-i Sindh (in Urdu), vi, Lahore 1985; Pakistan statistical year book, Govt. of Pakistan Publ., Karachi 1990. (ANSAR ZAHID KHAN) SHIKASTA [see KHArr]. SHIRK 1. Shikk is the name of two diviners or kdhins who allegedly lived shortly before the rise of Islam. According to the Abrege des merveilles, Shikk the Elder was the first diviner among the cArab al-'Ariba. He is a completely fabulous personage. Like the Cyclops, he had only one eye in the middle of his forehead or a fire which split his forehead into two (shakka "to split"). He is also confused with alDadjdjal [q.v.], Antichrist, or at least Dadjdjal is of his family. He is said to have lived chained to a rock on an island where volcanic phenomena occurred. The second Shikk, called al-Yashkurl, was the most famous of his time, along with Satlh [q.v.]', he expounded a vision of Rablca, son of Nasr the Lakhmid prince of Yeman, foretelling the conquest of Yemen by the Abyssinians, its liberation by Sayf b. Phi Yazan and the coming of the Prophet. 2. According to al-Kazwml, the Shikk are a kind of Shaytan, forming part of the group of mutashayyatin', they are in the shape of a half-man, with one arm and one leg. The Nasnas, other halves of men, are produced from Shikks and whole men. These Shaytans appear to travellers. It is said that cAlkama b. Safwan b. Umayya met one of them one night near Hawman and after an exchange of high words, the man and the djinnl killed one another. Bibliography. L'Abrege des merveilles, tr. Carra de Vaux, Paris 1898, 145, 152; Mas'udI, Muru<&, iii, 364, 395 = §§ 1249, 1280; KazwinI, 'Afia'ib almakhlukdt, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, Gottingen 1848-9, i, 371. On the kdhin in general, see Balcaml, Chronique de Tabari, tr. H. Zotenberg, Paris 1867, ii, 169, and KAHIN. A new analysis of the documentation used in this article, with some additions, has been made by T. Fahd in his La divination arabe, 2Paris 1987, see esp. 44, 66, 83, 101, 125, 186-9, 250. (B. CARRA DE VAUX-[T. FAHD]) SHIKKA BANARIYA [see AL-KAF]. AL-SHILA or AL-SILA, the term for Korea in Arabic geographers of the 3rd/8th century. Ibn Khurradadhbih describes in his Kitdb al-Masdlik wa }l-mamdlik, 68-70, cf. 170, the sea route from West Asia to China, describing the provinces, routes and products encountered. According to him, starting from Sanfu (Champa) [see SANF] and travelling eastward along the coasts, there were Chinese ports, such as al-Wakln (or Lukln, to be identified with Chia-chou at Hanoi), Khanfu [q.v] (Kuang-chou or Kuang-tung), Djandju (Chuan-chou) and Kantu (Yang-chou); and beyond China, there were regions called Wak-wak (perhaps Japan) and al-Shlla, with high mountains and rich gold mines. Judging from the geographical situation in the T'ang period, Slla would appear to
AL-SHILA — AL-SHILLI be a region of Korea or Japan. Shila or Sila is presumably a word derived from Si-ra (> Sila). Sira was originally called Sin-ra, which was one of the ancient Korean Kingdoms (ca. B.C. 57-A.D. 935). It thus appears likely that the ancient name of the Korean Kingdom of Sin-ra (> Shila, Sila) was transmitted, by way of Chinese merchants or other informants, to Arabic geographers of the 3rd/8th century. Bibliography: H. Yule and H. Cordier, Cathay and the way thither, London 1915, i, 131, 136-7, 257; Sulayman al-Tadjir, Voyage du marchand arabe Sulayman en Inde et en Chine, redige en 851, suivi de remarques par Abu %ayd Hasan, tr. de l}Arabe, glossaire par Gabriel Fenand, Paris 1922; Hudud al-'alam, tr. Minorsky, 228; Minorsky, Sharaf al-^amdn Tahir Marvazi on China, the Turks and India, London 1942, tr. 27, comm. 89; J. Sauvaget, Afybdr as-Sin wa 'l-Hind, Relation de la Chine et de VInde, Paris 1948, § 73; J. Kuwabara, Life and achievements of the Chinese Musulman P'u-shou-keng, Tokyo 1935 [in Japanese], repr. in Collected works of Kuwabara Jitsuzo, Tokyo 1968. (T. SAGUGHI) SHILB, modern Silves in southern Portugal, a town of medieval al-Andalus in the kura of Ukshunuba. Arabic geographers describe it as being in a fertile region, with many trees, especially pines, orchards and watercourses. The town itself is on a slight hill at the side of a river (the nahr Shilb, modern Arade), which supplied the town with water. It was linked to the roads of the south-west of the Peninsula, and its nearness to the sea (15 km/9 miles) gave access to maritime produce and trade. Roman remains have been found on the site; the exact date of the Arabic conquest is unknown, but Islamic pottery from the 2nd/8th century has been found. There was a Yemeni element in the Arab population, and local scholars with nisbas such as al-Awdl, al-Lakhmf, al-Himyarf, etc., are mentioned but there were also local lineages, such as that of the Banu Abi 'l-Hablb. In Umayyad times, Shilb took part in the decentralisation movement notable throughout al-Andalus in the later 3rd/9th century. A lord of muwallad origin, Bakr b. Yahya, dominated the Ukshunuba region, and the amir cAbd Allah b. Muhammad I had to confirm his son Yahya as governor of Shilb. In 317/ 929, cAbd al-Rahman III, in his endeavours to restore unity in the kingdom, attacked Bakr's grandson Khalaf, who nevertheless managed to retain his position as caliphal governor in return for paying taxes and promising not to aid rebels. When the Umayyad caliphate fell, local notables seized power at Shilb, as at other places. The chronology here is obscure, and it is uncertain whether one or two separate families are involved, but the sources agree that a kadi of Shilb, Tsa b. Muhammad from the Banu Muzayn, assumed power and founded a petty dynasty, which was soon attacked by al-Muctadid b. cAbbad of Seville, who conquered the town in 455/1063, nominating his son al-Muetamid as governor there. The princegovernor was accompanied by his friend and wa&r, Ibn eAmmar [q.v.], himself a native of Shilb, and it was there that al-Mu£tamid met his future favourite wife, rtimad. When al-Muctamid succeeded to power in Seville, he left the town to his son cUbayd Allah al-Muctadd, but like the rest of the 'Abbadid lands, Shilb soon fell to the Almoravids. A new stage in the history of the south-west of the Peninsula was the revolt of Ibn KasI [q.v.]., who was supported by the people of Shilb and Yabura (Evora), who gave their allegiance in 539/1144, with Ibn al-
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Mundhir becoming Ibn Kasi's governor at Shilb. Attacks by the forces of Shilb and the kura on Seville and Cordova failed, but Ibn KasT ended up as governor of Shilb for the incoming Almohads. However, he and the notables of Shilb did not give their allegiance, amongst representatives of al-Andalus, to the caliph cAbd al-Mu'min at Sale, and he began negotiations with the Portuguese. His death, at the hands of a plot of the Shilb citizens, is attributed to this attempted rapprochement with the Christians. The Almohads then attached the whole kura to Seville, nominated Almohad governors and settled troops (munaajajadun) and their families in the region. The fortifications of the fortresses of Shilb and Badja (Beja) were repaired, but in 585/1189 the Portuguese captured Shilb after a fierce siege, and the inhabitants had to abandon it, leaving behind all their possessions. The Almohad caliph al-Mansur recovered it in Djumada II 587/June 1191, and the last years of Muslim control there saw Shilb under the dominion of the lord of Labla (Niebla), Shu'ayb b. Muhammad b. Mahfuz, who rose against the Almohads in 631/ 1234. The town finally passed into Portuguese hands in 1240, and it is Christian sources which describe this conquest, led by Santiago Paio Peres Correia. A good number of poets stemmed from Shilb, with Ibn cAmmar probably the most famous, but one should also note two poetesses, Maryam bt. Abl Yackub alShilbl (5th/llth century) and al-Shilbiyya (6th/12th century). Today, the fortress is the most important relic in the town of the Islamic period; there has been preserved an inscription on the base of a tower of the enceinte dated 624/1227, together with epigraphic and ceramic fragments and coins. Bibliography: A. Nykl, Algunas inscripciones drabes de Portugal, in al-And., v (1940), 399-411; LeviProven9al, Hist. Esp. mus.\ J.G. Domingues, Novos aspectos da Silves ardbica, Guimaraes 1956; idem, 0 Garb extremo do Andaluz e "Bortuqal" nos historiades e geografos drabes, in Boletim da Sociedade de Geogrqfia de Lisboa (1960), 327-62; Ma J. Rubiera, Algunos problemas cronologicos en la biogrqfia de al-Muctamid de Sevilla. La conquista de Silves y el matrimonio con Rumaykiyya, in Adas I Jornadas de Cultura Arabe e Isldmica, Madrid 1981, 231-6; V. Lagardere, La Tariqa et la revolte des mundun en 339 HI 1144 en Andalus, in ROMM, xxxv (1983), 157-70; A. Labarta and C. Barcelo, Inscripciones drabes portuguesas: situacion actual, in AlQantara, viii (1987), 395-420; R.V. Gomes, Cerdmicas mu$ulmanas do castelo de Silves, in Xelb, i (1988); J. Dreher, L'imdmat d'Ibn Qasi a Mertola, in MIDEO, xviii (1988), 195-210; A.B. Coelho, Portugal na Espanha arabe, Lisbon 1989; MaJ. Viguera, Los reinos de Taifas y las invasiones magrebies, Madrid 1992; B. Pavon Maldonado, Ciudades y fortalezas lusomusulmanas, Madrid 1993; F. Roldan Castro, Niebla musulmana (siglos VIII-XIII), Huelva 1993; M. Fierro, The qadf as ruler, in Saber religioso y poder politico en el Islam, Madrid 1994, 71-116. (MANUELA MARIN) AL-SHILLI, Abu 'Alawf Muhammad b. Abl Bakr, biographer and historian from Tanm [q.v.]. Born in 1030/1621-2, he died at Mecca in 1093/1682. He studied theology, sciences and, above all, mysticism in his native town, in Zufar, in India and in Mecca and Medina. After the death of Shaykh £Abd Allah b. Abl Bakr b. al-Djamal in 1072/1661-2, he began to lecture at the Great Mosque in Mecca, but had to renounce his teaching activities after four years because of ill health. On the basis of a number of works on Hadrarm sayyids and Sufis [see BA CALAW!],
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he brought together more than 280 biographies in his al-Mashraf al-rawt fi mandkib al-sdda al-kirdm Al Abi 'Alawi, published Cairo 1319/1901-2. His al-Sand3 albdhir bi-takmil al-Nur al-sdfir 'an akhbdr al-karn al-cdshir is a supplement to cAbd al-Kadir b. Shaykh al-cAydarus al-Hindf [see 'AYDARUS, 4], al-Nur al-sdfa..., ed. Baghdad 1353/1934. He also wrote clkd al-d^awdhir wa 'l-durar ji akhbdr ahl al-karn al-hddi cashar. Bibliography: F. Wiistenfeld, Die fufiten in SiidArabien im XI (XVII.) Jahrhundert, Gottingen 1883, 71, no. 114; A. Fu'ad Sayyid, Sources de I'histoire du Yemen a I'epoque musulmane, IFAO, Cairo 1974, 246; R.B. Serjeant, Materials for South Arabian history, in BSOAS, xiii (1949-50), 581, 583; Brockelmann, IF, 502, S II,_516. (E. VAN DONZEL) SHIMSHAT, a mediaeval Islamic town in eastern Anatolia/western Armenia. It lay, at a site whose definite location is unknown, on the left bank of the southern headwater of the upper Euphrates, the classical Arsanias, modern Murad Su. Its location was, according to Yakut, Bulddn, ed. Beirut, iii, 362-3, between Baluya (modern Palu) and Hisn Ziyad or Khartpirt [q.v.] (modern Harput), and it is not to be confused with Sumaysat [q.v] on the Euphrates further south. It was in the borderland between the Arabs and the Greeks, and possession of it must have oscillated between the two peoples. It was the place of origin of a 4th/10th century poet of a certain distinction, Abu '1-Hasan £Ali al-Shimshatf [q.v.], and we know that in 326/938 it was still in Arab hands, for in that year, the Hamdanid Sayf alDawla [q.v.] fell back on it before the Byzantine Domesticus after besieging Hisn Ziyad (E. Honigmann, Die Ostgrenze des byzantinischen Reiches, 76). By Yakut's time, however (early 7th/13th century), Shimshat was in ruins, with only a tiny population. Bibliography: See also Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 116-17; J. Marquart, Sudarmenien und die Tigrisquellen, Vienna 1930, 242-4. (C.E. BOSWORTH) AL-SHIMSHATI, ABU 'L-HASAN cALi B. MUHAMMAD b. al-Mutahhar al-^Adawf, Arab philologist, minor poet and anthologist. As poetic occurrences of his nisba and the town to which it refers show (Yakut, Bulddn, Beirut 1376/1957, iii, 363a, 1. 4; and Irshdd, Cairo n.d., xvii, 241, 1. 5), the name-form "al-Sumaysatl", given in FUigel's ed. of the Fihrist and, as an option, by Brockelmann, GAL S I, 251, should be discarded. Sumaysat and Shimshat refer to two different places (Yakut, Bulddn, s.w., and cf. Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 116-17 (Shimshat), 108 (Sumaysat), and cf. map iii). According to Ibn alNadfm, who used to know al-Shimshati, the latter was still alive when he was writing, i.e. in 377/987 (Fihrist, 154, 11. 24-5; the year is given by Yakut, Irshdd, loc. cit., 240, 11. 12-13). No other precise dates of his life are known. He was attached to the court of the Hamdanids in Mawsil, where he served as a teacher to Abu Taghlib b. Nasir al-Dawla and his brother. For this reason he was also known by the nickname "the teacher" (al-Mu£allim), e.g. in a mocking poem that Sayf alDawla [q.v] himself wrote about al-Shimshatf (Yakut, Bulddn, loc. cit. at 1. 5, and cf. Fihrist, 235, 1. 1). ' He was of Shf cf convictions, and thus has an entry in al-Nadjashr (who was his disciple, Riajdl, 186 ff.), which also contains the longest list of his works. He is known, first and foremost, for the only extant work of his, the K. al-Anwdr wa-mahdsin al-ashfdr. This is an anthology of poetry, roughly of the K. al-Macdni type, usually with longish chunks of poetry and com-
bined here and there with prose accounts. The chapters deal with the following topics: 1. Weapons; 2. Battle-days of the ancient Arabs (explicitly devoted to the lesser-known ones, of which he includes thirty); 3. Horses; 4. Land and camels, sea and ships; 5. Former encampments and mirages; 6. Houses and castles; and 7. Hunting. From his adab work al-Nuzah wa 'l-ibtihdaj, a fragment dealing with a dispute between the two grammarians al-Zadjdjadj (Basran) and Tha'lab (Kufan) [qq.v], of whom the former is the first-person narrator, is preserved in Yakut, Irshdd, i, 137-43; in alSuyutf, al-Ashbdh wa }l-nazd3ir, Haydarabad 1359-61, iv, 123-6; and presumably also in a small independent work by Ibn Tulun (see Sezgin, GAS, viii, 99; and for Ibn Tulun, Brockelmann, II2, 481-3). Bibliography: Apart from the sources given in the article, see the eds. of al-Anwdr wa-mahdsin alashfdr, by al-Sayyid Muhammad Yusuf, i (all publ.?), Kuwait 1397/1977, and by Salih Mahdl al-cAzzawf, Baghdad 1976; also al-Sayyid Muhammad Yusuf, al-Shimshdti wa-kitdbuhii al-Anwdr wa-mahdsin al-ashcdr, in RAAD, xlviii (1973), 359-70. (W.P. HEINRICHS) SHIN [see SIN]. SHINA, SALMAN (1898-1978), c l r a k l Jewish journalist, lawyer and a member of the 'Iraki Parliament. Born in the Jewish quarter of Baghdad, he received a conventional religious Jewish education in a Heder (equivalent to the Muslim kuttdb), and then continued his primary and secondary studies at the secular Jewish school of the Alliance Fran£aise Israelite in Baghdad, and excelled in languages. Later, he joined the Ottoman Secondary School in Baghdad and was recruited to the Ottoman Army as a reserve officer during the First World War, as an adjutant and interpreter to the German General von Becker at the Turkish Headquarters. After the defeat of the Ottoman army in Trak, he was taken prisoner, but refused to join the British forces on the grounds that the Ottomans had always helped the Jews, especially after their expulsion from Spain in 1492. He became a prisoner of war in India, but was repatriated to Trak in February 1919. In 1920 he joined the Law College in Baghdad where many 'Iraki politicians such as Salih Djabr, later on Prime Minister (1947-8) studied. On 10 April 1924 his weekly magazine al-Misbdh was first issued, subtitled in Hebrew letters Ha-Menorah ("The Candelabrum"), with its Jewish emblem. This was the first Jewish literary and cultural weekly magazine published in literary Arabic in Arab script in Trak. Shfna edited his magazine, writing its main articles and translated many news items and articles from European and American magazines concerning Jewish and Zionist activities and achievements, in the Holy Land and abroad. The young poet and writer, Anwar Sha'ul [q.v] joined him in editing the literary part of the weekly, and many other young Jewish poets and writers became contributors. Their works were among the first romantic poems and short stories published in 'Irak, being influenced both by European literature and by the Arabic Mahdjar [q.v] school in the USA. Shma and Anwar Sha'ul also encouraged theatrical activities among the Jewish community in 'Irak, and among the plays performed was an Arabic translation of Corneille's Le Cid (1925). He also established, with other Zionist activists, The Hebrew Literary Association (al-Djamfyya al-Ibriyya al-Adabiyyd] as a club and library, where Jewish journals in Hebrew, English and French were received.
SHINA — SHINASI In 1925 Shina started practising as a lawyer, serving the Jewish community and defending its interests after the rise of the Nazi and Palestinian national activities in Trak, where there were many Palestinians headed by the Mufti al-Hadjdj Amfn al-Husaynl [q.v. in Suppl.], who were later, in October 1939, joined by their leader. Their activities culminated in the coup d'etat of Rashld 'All al-Gllam, defeated in May 1941 by the British Army, followed by the Pogrom against the Jews of Baghdad on 1-2 June 1941. In 1947 Shlna was elected a member of the 'Iraki Parliament and served until 1951, the most critical years in the history of the Jews of 'Irak, which ended with their mass immigration to Israel. Shma himself resigned from the Parliament and emigrated to Israel, where he worked as a lawyer, serving his community and protesting against what he termed "discrimination against the Jews of Trak", whose properties were frozen in Trak and who were without community leaders in the new Israeli society. In 1956 he unsuccessfully stood as a candidate for the Knesset. He continued as a lawyer and activist until his death at Ramat-Gan in 1978. Bibliography. Meer BasrI, A'ldm al-Tahud fi 'l-'Irdk al-hadith (biographies), Tel-Aviv 1986; Salman Shlna, Me-Bavel le-^ion, zikhronot ve-hashkafot ("From Babylon to Zion, memoirs and views") (autobiography), Tel-Aviv 1955; al-Misbdh Weekly Magazine (Baghdad, 1924-7); N. Kazzaz, The Jews in Iraq in the twentieth century, Jerusalem 1991; A.H. Twena, Dispersion and liberation, vii, Ramla 1979. (S. MOREH) SHINASI, Ibrahim Efendi (1826-71), Ottoman poet, journalist, playwright. A pioneer in the Westernisation of Ottoman Turkish literature, Ibrahim ShinasI Efendi (in modern Turkish: Ibrahim §inasi) is credited with many firsts—the first play for the legitimate stage, the first translations of French poetry, the first privately-owned Turkish newspaper and some of the earliest journalistic articles, the use of punctuation, incipient modern literary criticism in prose, as well as the introduction of the norms and concepts of French political theories, culture and literature. ShinasI was born in Istanbul in 1826, the son of an artillery officer. After his early education at a neighbourhood school, he became an apprentice clerk at the Bureau of the Tophane Imperial Arsenal, where he was trained by several senior staff members in Arabic, Persian and French. In 1849, through the good offices of the Grand Vizier Mustafa Reshld Pasha [q.v.]., he was sent to France where, in addition to literature, he studied public finance. Gaining fluency in French, he reportedly made the acquaintance of Renan, Lamartine, and the family of the prominent orientalist Sylvestre de Sacy; according to some sources, he became associated with the Societe Asiatique. During his studies in Paris, ShinasI prepared a compilation entitled Durub-i emthdl-i cothmdniyye ("Ottoman proverbs"), published in 1863. The first edition contained about 1,500 proverbs and some 300 aphorisms, couplets, and expressions. (In 1870 he published an enlarged second edition which featured more than 2,000 proverbs and over 400 maxims.) This work, with its substantive introduction on paremiology and folk wisdom, stimulated among the Ottoman educated elite an interest in popular culture. Upon his return to Istanbul in 1852 or early 1853, he worked briefly at the Arsenal again, following which the sultan appointed him to the Council of Public Education. Although some literary histories claim that
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he also served as a member of the Enajumen-i Danish, this has never been documented. ShinasI's official status wavered, depending on the political vicissitudes of his protector, Mustafa Reshld Pasha. In 1859, ShinasI published Ter^ume-yi man^ume ("Translation of verses"), a small selection of poems by Racine, Lamartine, Gilbert, La Fontaine, and Fenelon, rendered into Turkish verse. E.J.W. Gibb attributes considerable seminal influence to this volume, claiming that the translations "mark the turning-point in the history of Ottoman poetry". ShinasI's renditions are quite smooth in style and faithful to the originals. They served as the first Ottoman taste of the poetry of the Western world in Turkish. In October 1860, ShinasI started to publish, together with Agah Efendi (1832-85), a weekly newspaper named Terdjumdn-l Ahwdl ("Interpreter of events"), the first unofficial, privately-owned Turkish newspaper. Here, ShinasI articulated his commitment to enlighten the public "in an easily comprehensible language". Shd'ir ewlenmesi (Eng. tr., The wedding of a poet, by E. Allworth, New York 1981), a one-act comedy, written by ShinasI in 1859, was serialised in Terd^umdn-l ahwdl in 1860 and published in book form the same year. Designed as a play of social criticism, mainly of the hazards of the traditional custom of arranged marriages, it interfuses some of the techniques of European comedy with devices and personae from the Orta oyunu [q.v.] (the Ottoman Commedia dell'arte). Shd'ir ewlenmesi stands as the first Turkish play written for the express purpose of being produced on the legitimate stage. Its first production, however, did not take place until 1908 (in Salonica). Because of disagreements with Agah Efendi, ShinasI left Tera^umdn in the spring of 1861, and launched, in June 1862, his own journal Taswtr-i ajkdr ("Chronicle of opinions"), which became a platform for innovative ideas based on European-type rationalism and technological reform for the salvation of the Ottoman state. ShinasI wrote many articles dealing with urban problems, agriculture, industry, and governmental corruption, and advocated the rule of law based on the rights of the people, political rationalism, secularisation, and a system of governance sustained by national sovereignty, freedom, and citizenship rights. ShinasI was joined in 1863 by the young Namik Kemal (1840-88 b.y.])? m spreading the vision not only of a progressive civil society but also of a modern literature for the Ottomans. Together in Taswir-i ajkdr they endeavoured to promote a new Weltanschauung derived from Western civilisation. Many of their themes and recommendations came to play a prominent role during the last half-century of the Ottoman state. Significantly, it was ShinasI who introduced to the Ottoman political and intellectual circles such concepts as "republic", "popular sovereignty", "art for society's sake", "political economy", "secularism", etc. In both Ter^umdn and Taswlr, he pursued his goal of not only "informing the people about events and new ideas" but also "communicating to the government the will of the nation". In this two-way process, he revitalised the vernacular through his use of a simplified vocabulary and streamlined journalistic style. ShinasI's Taswlr printing house constituted a meeting place for young Ottoman men of letters and intellectuals and a breeding-ground for ideas seeking to create a new Ottoman society and literature. In 1865 ShinasI departed for Paris, leaving Taswir-i ajkdr in Namik Kemal's hands. His departure was probably prompted by his fear of becoming implicated in a plot to assassinate the Grand Vizier CA1I
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Pasha. In Paris he was supported by Mustafa Fadil Pasha, but had little or no contact with the Young Ottomans, choosing to stay out of politics. During his four years there, interrupted by a short visit to Istanbul, he concentrated on a dictionary of the Turkish language. This ambitious enterprise, as reported by Ebiizziya Tewffk (1848-1913), was left unfinished, with 19 of the 31 letters of the Ottoman alphabet completed and 14,000 pages produced—a claim disputed by numerous scholars. No part of this dictionary—which Shinasf had discussed with the linguist Emile Littre and the orientalist Pavet de Courteille—has survived. (Reportedly, Shinasf had also produced, possibly around 1855, a grammar for schools entitled Mebddiyi cilm-i sarf, but no copy of it has ever been found, if it was published at all.) Following his return to Istanbul in the fall of 1869, Shinasf rented a small house, where he also set up a printing press to republish some of his books. He died on 13 September 1871. Shinasf's poetry, most of it written in the early period of his life, is hardly distinguished by high literary merit. He published Muntakhabdt-i ash'ar ("Selected poems") in 1862, and his complete Diwdn came out posthumously in 1885. His output consists of an ildhi (hymn), a mundd^at (supplication), a small number of ghazah, a few chronograms and encomiastic verses, a handful of "parallel" or "imitative" poems and didactic verses, and independent (often aphoristic) couplets. Among his most appealing poems are several La Fontainesque fables. His major poems include four kastdas composed for his benefactor Mustafa Reshfd Pasha. These are of interest for several reasons, aside from the fact that Shinasf wrote full-scale panegyrics exclusively for this Grand Vizier. He introduced formal revisions (principally the elimination of the nesib or exordium section), used the kaslda as a vehicle for his positivist ideas, and praised his subject in such terms as "the president of the nation of virtue", "the apostle of civilisation", even courageously asserting that "your legislation puts the Sultan in his place". Shinasf employed conventional Ottoman stanzaic forms and adhered to the aesthetic values of Diwdn (classical, elite) poetry. His innovations were of a limited nature: they indicated, however, the possibility of taking certain liberties with tradition. He composed one whole poem in what he called "pure Turkish" in which he kept out words borrowed from Arabic and Persian. In some of his critical writings and in a polemical exchange, he helped to introduce a new and strong sense of the integrity of the Turkish language. Shinasf was also the first Ottoman poet to translate some of his own lines of poetry into French. (Samples of his renditions appear in his Muntakhabdt and Diwdn.) His universalist ideal is contained in one of his most frequently quoted lines: "My nation is mankind, my country is the face of the earth". Bibliography. EJ.W. Gibb, HOP, v; Hikmet Dizdaroglu, §inasi—hayati, sanati, eserleri, Istanbul 1954; Murat Uraz, §inasi—hayati, §ahsiyeti, Istanbul 1955; Giindiiz Akinci, Batiyayb'nelirken §inasi, Ankara 1962; Serif Mardin, The genesis of Young Ottoman thought, Princeton, New Jersey 1962; Hiiseyin Secmen, §inasi, Ankara 1972; M. Kaya Bilgegil, §air §inasi, Istanbul 1972; Muzaffer Uyguner, §inasi, Ankara 1991. (TALAT SAIT HALMAN) SHINI, SHINIYYA, SHANI (A.), a type of mediaeval Arabic warship used in the Mediterranean. The shim is mentioned briefly in SAF!NA. 1 (b) as a type of galley, but its importance in naval history of the time merits separate notice.
Ancient and mediaeval Mediterranean shipbuilding is poorly documented, and, while the study of cargo-carriers has been somewhat enhanced by an increasing number of discovered wrecks, the only ancient wreck of a war vessel we possess is the Punic ship of Marsala (A. Guillerm, Archaeologic excavations and experimental archaeology. The Punic ship of Marsala and Trireme Olympias, in Tropis, iii [1995], 193-6). We are left mainly with the literary evidence and a few schematic designs of ships in both the Arab and Byzantine sources, the comparative study of which is necessary before any conclusions are drawn. The type of the Byzantine dromon, which was used as a model for the Arab shim, followed the classical Mediterranean tradition, i.e. the "shell technique" of shipbuilding, the ribs being added after the planks had been joined together (M. Daeffler, Late 17th century conception of French galleys, in Septieme Collogue International d'Archeologie Navale, Saint-Vaast-la-Hougue 1994, 15). Nevertheless, the Byzantine dromon of the middle 7th century, and consequently the first Arab warships, were very different from the earlier dromons of the 5th and 6th centuries, which had been swift, small, 30oared vessels (the word dromon comes from 5pa|neiv "to run, to move quickly"). Though the Arab shim followed in general the type of the Byzantine dromon, there was at first a substantial difference in that the fighting crew engaged were better-paid Muslims, while the sailing crew were lesserpaid Christian Egyptians. Eventually, of course, Muslim sailors with nautical experience entered the ranks of the sailing crew. The 7th-century Byzantine dromon and the Arab shim sacrificed speed and manoeuvrability for heavy machine equipment, mainly stone-throwing catapults, hence the main weapon of earlier times, the ram, was abandoned by both types of ship: thus in the famous naval battle of Dhat al-Sawarf (34/655-6 [q.v. in Suppl.]) no use of the ram is reported (see V. Christides, The naval engagement of Dhdt asSawdriA.H. 34/A.D. 655-56, in Byzantina, xiii [1985], 1331-45). Arab and Byzantine naval technology reached their peaks in the 9th and 10th centuries, when, in addition to the heavy stone-throwing machinery, Greek Fire began to be used by Arabs and Byzantines on their warships, and then in Mamluk times, gunpowder and cannons (see NAFT, 2, and BARUD. iii, and the chapter on incendiary weapons in A.Y. al-Hassan and D.R. Hill, Islamic technology, Cambridge 1986, 106 ff.). The Arabic sources provide us with many details concerning the function of the Arab warships which do not appear in other sources. Thus the shim was two-banked, with a separate leader in each bank, and in the lower level, a sick bay was placed with the proper medical personnel (Christides, Naval warfare in the Eastern Mediterranean (6th-14th centuries). An Arabic translation of Leo VPs Naumachica, in Graeco-Arabica, iii [1984], 143). Like its counterpart the dromon, it had lateen sails, originally two and later three. Arab warships were usually painted black and their sails were white (idem, Byzantine dromon and Arab shini, in Tropis, iii [1995], 118). The shini was propelled by sails and oars. Ibn al-Mammatf states that it sailed with 140 oars, leaving open the question of the number of oarsmen as well as that of the fighting men who were placed above them (K. Kawdmn al-dawdnin, ed. A.S. Atiya, Cairo 1934, 340). It seems that in the Arab warships, as in the Byzantine dromons, one person manned one oar; we can assume, therefore, that in every war vessel there were about 150 to 165 sailors, if we
SHINI — AL-SHINKITI add the supplementary crew (Arabic iconography attests the use of one man to each oar in each ship; see D. Nicolle, Shipping in Islamic art: seventh through sixteenth century A.D., in The American Neptune, xlix/3 [1989], 168-97). Nevertheless, the number of the oarsmen in the average shim appears different in the Arabic sources and cannot be defined precisely; likewise, the number of the warriors, which probably varied in each warship, is unknown. The average shim had a castle placed next to the main sail or just under it (for the position of this castle in both Arab and Byzantine warships, see Christides, Ibn al-Manqali (Mangli) and Leo VI. New evidence on AraboByzantine ship construction and naval warfare, in Byzantinoslavica [1995]). In addition to the average shim, there were bigger warships with the same name but with a crew of 200 (Ibn al-Mangll, al-Adilla al-rasmiyya Ji }l-tacdbi al-harbiyya, ed. M.S. Khattab, Baghdad 1988, 243). Bibliography: Given in the article. (V. CHRISTIDES) SHINKIT, a town of the mediaeval Islamic Sahara. Various hypotheses have been put forward regarding the name Shinkft/Shindjft, of which the following two merit discussion. The first gives to it the meaning "source of horses", with sen = "sources" and giti = "horses". According to the various proponents of this etymology, the word's origin could be either from Azayr or Azer (a Soninke tongue, now extinct, formerly spoken in the Western Sahara) or else Zenaga Berber. The second hypothesis derives the name from shin, said to be a deformation of sen or sin, which in the Adrar and the Tangant conveys the idea of height in relation to the rest of the countryside and giti, the name of a hill near the town of Shinkft. Although Shinkft was to become famous to the point that it was used to denote the whole Moorish territory from Sakiyat al-Hamra3 to the Senegal River, it was never mentioned by the mediaeval Arabic geographers. Is this because the town did not at that time exist, or because it was relatively little known, compared to the great urban centres of the Sahara? The question remains open, but it is nevertheless true that Valentim Fernandas, a Moravian author living in Lisbon, was the first, in his Description of the African coast from Ceuta to the Senegal (1506-7), to draw the attention of the Western world to the existence of Shinkit. However, this does not tell us anything about the origin of the town: at the earliest, in the 14th century, according to H.T. Norris, in his art. MURITANIYA, at VII, 624a, whilst al-Khalfl al-Nahwf, Bildd al-Shinkit, al-mandra wa 'l-ribat, Tunis 1987, 72, claims that Shinkft was actually founded in 660/1262 on the ruins of an ancient Shinkft (the mythical Abbwayr) founded in 160/772. From the 17th century onwards, the Banu Hassan, a branch of the Arab Mackil tribe, came into the western Sahara with permanent effects there, imposing their dialect (Hassaniyya) and gradually establishing amirates, including that of the Adrar, in which Shinkft was situated. Nevertheless, out of respect for its scholars and saints, the amirs of the Adrar never levied tribute on Shinkft, which, despite its fame, never became a political capital, although it became more renowned than any other town of Mauritania in the central lands of the Muslim world. The men of scholarship and piety of Shinkit were, in this regard, respected everywhere, and attracted students, all the Islamic sciences being taught in their mosques or in the homes of these culamd3. When they completed their
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studies and left Shinkit, most of these former students would style themselves Shanakita (pi. of Shinkftf). The Pilgrimage to Mecca also contributed to the fame of Shinkft, whose permanent population can never have exceeded more than a few thousand persons at most. However, according to Sldl cAbd Allah b. al-HaclJdj Brahfm (d. 1233/1878), author of the sole treatise on the history of Shinkft (the Sahihat alnaklfl cAlawiyyat Idaw cAli wa-Bakriyyat Muhammad Ghul}, "numerous pilgrims from different parts of the Moorish lands used to join the Pilgrimage caravan of Shinkft when leaving on this quest. All the pilgrims of the Muslim West used to pass as Shanakita". Hence these persons formed a bridge between Shinkft and the Orient, with several of them settling in this last region, retaining their Shinkftf genealogy and decisively contributing to the cultural influence of this small town. In the course of their travels, they would bring back books and treatises procured in Arabia or elsewhere in the Orient or Muslim West and containing the conventional learning of the Islamic sciences, which they would then spread amongst the peoples of the Southern Sahara, still in course of being Islamised. As intermediaries between the Arab world and the black peoples, the Shanakita, notably the Idaw eAlf of Shinkft, contributed considerably both to the spread of Islam, in the shape of the Stiff brotherhoods, and to the spread of Arabic language and culture into the south of the Sahara, a region which they visited also for commercial purposes. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): Muhammad b. Abf Bakr al-Siddfk al-Burtulf, Path al-shakurfi ta'rikh acydn udabd3 al-Takrur; Ahmad b. al-Amfn al-Shinkftf, al-Wasit fi tard^im udabd3 Shinkit, Cairo 1911; P. Marty, Etudes sur I'lslam maure, Paris 1916; D. Jacques-Meunier, Cites anciennes de Mauritanie. Provinces du Tagannt et du Hodh, Paris 1961; H.T. Norris, The history of Shinqit according to the Idaw cAli traditions, in Bull. IFAN, xxivb/ 3-4, 393-409; idem, Saharan myth and saga, Oxford 1972; idem, Shinqiti folk literature and song, Oxford 1968; C.C. and E.K. Stewart, Islam and social order in Mauritania, Oxford 1973; N. Levtzion, ch. The early jihad movements, in Camb. hist. Africa, iv, 199 ff.; Mohammed Mahmoud Ould Jiddou, Chinguiti (Mauritanie). Bilan critique des recherches historiques, Memoire de maitrise, Centre de recherches d'Afrique Noire 1977-8; Deddoud Ould AbdaUah, Dawr al-Shandkita fi nashr al-thakdfa al-carabiyya al-isldmiyya bi-gharb IJnkiya hattd nihdyat al-karn al-thdmina cashar li 'l-mildd, in Annales de la Fac. des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines de rUnw. de Nouakchott (1989), 13-33; Abdel Wedoud Ould Cheikh, Elements d'histoire de la Mauritanie, Nouakchott, Inst. mauritanienne de recherches scientifiques, Nouakchott 1991; art. Mauritania, in Oxford encycl. of the Islamic world, London 1995. See also MURlTANIYA.
(OUSMANE KANE)
AL-SHINKITI (SlD) AHMAD B. AL-AMFN (b. 1280/ 1863 or 1289/1872, d. 1331/1913), M a u r i t a n i a n s c h o l a r and a u t h o r , whose reputation in the Muslim World principally rests upon his written description of Mauritania and the Western Sahara and his appreciation of the poetic masterpieces of the Moors in Classical Arabic and in their colloquial dialect, Hassaniyya. He was born into a scholarly family of the Idaw cAlf Zwaya who were resident in alMadhardhra in the Trarza [see MURITANIYA]. His mother, a pious and well-educated lady, stemmed from the Aghlal of Shinkft. His early years were spent in the study of Arabic language and literature and the Islamic sciences in the nomadic schools. Later, he
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undertook extensive journeys inside Mauritania and he stayed for some time at the zdwiya of Shaykh MaJ al-'Aynayn [q.v.] at Smara. He undertook the ha$$ in 1317/1899 and he met scholars in Mecca and Medina. He returned to Egypt, though he made detours into Syria, to Izmir, Istanbul and into Russia. Why he chose to visit the latter is unknown, nor is it known where he stayed, though a visit to Kazan seems likely. He arrived in Cairo in 1320/1902. He lived there for the remainder of his bachelor life, writing and publishing books and mixing socially with the scholars of al-Azhar. His masterpiece, al- Wasit, a compendium of Mauritanian verse accompanied by a concise survey of the geography, history, folklore and proverbs of the Moors, made the Arabs of the Mashnk aware, for the first time, of the profound scholarship which was then a living tradition in the furthest Saharan regions. He was the first scholar to write extensively on the prosody and the oral and sung poetry (kghnd) amongst the Shanakita. Hassaniyya is extensively vocalised in his book. Few of the Mauritanian classical poets whom he quotes have biographies. An exception is Muhammad Mahmud b. al-Talamid al-TurkuzI, a Mauritanian scholar who was highly regarded in Egypt and with whom he had sharp exchanges on religious and literary matters (al-Wasit, Cairo 1378/1958, 381-97). Ahmad b. al-Amm was devoted to Sufism. He, together with Shaykh Abu Bakr Muhammad Lutfi, wrote a commentary upon Saharidj. al-lu3lu3 (Matba'at al-Hilal, Cairo 1324/1906)'by al-Sayyid Tawfik alBakri (see F. de Jong, Turuq and Turuq-linked institutions in nineteenth-century Egypt, Leiden 1978, 182-8). In the foreword to this commentary, Ahmad b. al-Amm remarks (in eloquent sadf) that, having left Shinkft and having travelled extensively in the Middle East, he was honourably received by al-Sayyid Tawfik "chief of the Sharifi of Egypt and Shaykh of the Sufi orders". He wrote a spirited defence of the Tidjaniyya tarika, of which he was a member, against attacks made against it by Shaykh Yusuf al-Nabhani. Works. Ahmed-Baba Miske (1970, 35-6), lists fourteen works by the author. Some of them were original compositions, others were works edited by him. Most of the latter are commentaries upon pre-Islamic and early Islamic poetry. A Diwdn of al-HutayVs verse is also attributed to him. It is unlikely that the list, which Miske provides, is complete. In view of the fact that these works (including al-Wasit) were printed between 1302/1902 and 1331/1912, the author was astonishingly productive during the years when he was resident in Cairo. He was helped by Ahmad Taymur Basha, the keeper of the Taymiyya library and he was given every assistance in his literary activities. Two works (Tahdrat d-Arab, 1326/1908 and Diwdn Tarafa b. al-cAbd, 1327/1909) were printed in Kazan. It is perhaps significant that, following his Russian visit, Cairo was to be the forum for the Universal Islamic Congress, advocated by Isma'il Gasparli [see GASPRINSKY], held in 1907 [see RMM, iv [1908], 103 ff.). Bibliography: Ahmad b. al-Amm al-Shinkitf, K. al-Wasit fl tardcfrim udabd3 Shinkit, Maktabat alWahda al-'Arabiyya, Cairo 1378/1958 and Maktabat 'al-Khanka, 1381/1961; J. Beyries, Proverbes et dictons mauritanuns, in REI, iv (1930), 1-51; Mourad Teffahi, El-Wasit: litterature-histoire-geographie-moeurs et coutumes des habitants de la Mauritanie, par Ahmed Lamine Ech-Chenguiti, extraits traduits de 1'Arabe, in Etudes Mauritaniennes, 5, Centre I.F.A.N., Mauritanie-SaintLouis, Senegal 1953; H.T. Norris, The history of
Shinqit according to the Idaw cAli tradition, in BIFAN, serie B, xxiv (1962), 393-413; J.M. Abun-Nasr, The Tijaniyya. A Sufi order in the modern world, Oxford, 1965, 105; Ahmed-Baba Miske, Al-Wasit (1911), Tableau de la Mauritanie a la Jin du XIXe siecle, in BIFAN, serie B, xxx/1 (Jan. 1968), 117-64; idem, Al Wasit, Tableau de la Mauritanie au debut du XXe siecle, Paris 1970. (H.T. NORRIS) SHINTARA (or Shantara), Arabic name of the modern Cintra, a little town in Portugal, at a height of 207 m/700 feet above sea-level, 28 km/16 miles to the north-west of Lisbon. It was quite prosperous under Muslim rule, and the Arab geographers remark on the fertility of the country round; its apples were universally famous. Cintra always shared the destinies of its great neighbour Lisbon as long as it was in the hands of the Muslims; it was reconquered in 1147 by Alfonso Henriquez, king of Portugal. After it had become Christian again, it was the favourite residence of the Portuguese kings; it was in the palace of Cintra that Dom Sebastian decided in 1578 upon the expedition against Morocco which ended disastrously on the banks of the Wad! '1-Makhazin near al-Kasr al-Kabfr. The modern Cintra is dominated by the ruins of an old stronghold of the Muslim period. Of this fortress, now called Castello dos Mouros, built at a height of 429 m/1430 feet, there only remain two masses of masonry with the remains of a chapel and baths. Bibliography. Idrfsi, Description de I'AJrique et de I'Espagne, ed. Dozy and de Goeje, text 175, tr. 211; Abu '1-Fida3, Takufim al-bulddn, ed. Reinaud and de Slane, Paris 1840, 173; Makkan, Nqfh al-tib, Analectes ..., i, 102; D. Lopes, Os Arabes nas obras de Alexandre Herculano, Lisbon 1911, 61-2. (E. LEVI-PROVEN^AL) SHIR [see ASAD]. SHfR WA KHURSHID [see NISHAN. 1]. SHIR CALI (ca. 1823-79), Amir of Afghanistan 1863-79. He was the fifth son and successor of Amfr Dust Muhammad (d. 9 June 1863). His mother, Khadldja, was both Dust Muhammad's favourite wife and a Barakzay (daughter of Rahmat Allah Khan Popalzay) and probably for these reasons he was nominated heir following the death of his full brother, Ghulam Haydar, on 2 July 1858, having previously served as governor of Ghazni. In 1863 Shir 'All's claims were opposed by his elder half-brothers, Muhammad Afdal (181167) and Muhammad A'zam (1818-69), other brothers joined the conflict and a civil war ensued which lasted until 1869. Shir 'All's forces were alternately victorious and defeated, and in 1867 he was reduced to the possession of Harat only, with Afdal and then A c zam ruling in Kabul. In 1868 he recovered Kandahar and then Kabul, although it was not until the beginning of 1869 that he finally defeated A'zam and his nephew, the future Amir, cAbd alRahman (ca. 1844-1901, the only son of Afdal) and re-established full control of Afghanistan. As Amir after 1868, Shir cAlf continued and extended the policy of his father in attempting to build a stronger, more centralised state in Afghanistan. He suppressed rebellions by his sons, Muhammad Ya'kub (ca. 1849-1923) and Muhammad Ayyub (ca. 18561914), and extended his authority over northern Afghanistan. He centralised the administration, established a rudimentary system of ministries, developed communications including roads, bridges and a postal system (the first Afghan postage stamps appeared in 1870), attempted to reform the currency with the introduction of the qfghdni in place of the former rupee,
SHIR CALI and founded a periodical, Shams al-Nahar (1875-9) and the first state school. He restricted the political influence of the culama\ and exalted the status of the ruler, seeking but not adopting the title of Shah. In 1874 he established a short-lived consultative council. Revenues were increased three-fold between 1863 and 1878. Over 40% of the revenue was spent on the army, which was the central feature of Shir 'All's reforms. He reduced the size of the tribal militia and the feudal army and strengthened the standing army, which was trained and equipped in European style, modelled on the British-Indian forces and often led by British-trained officers. By 1878 the standing army numbered 56,000, including 58 infantry and 12 cavalry regiments. In addition, Shir cAli developed the artillery, creating workshops to manufacture modern iron weapons. By 1878 he had 370 guns. The workshops also manufactured small arms including Sniders and Martini Henrys. The army was deployed through Afghanistan mainly with a view to the needs of internal security. In developing the state institutions, Shir c Ali relied especially on Ghilzays and Wardaks, who provided 80% of the standing army. These tribes, together with Persians, Haratls and Parsiwans, dominated the administration. The Durrani tribes were largely excluded from power. Shir cAll's foreign affairs were dominated by his dealings with Russia and, especially, with British India. During the civil war, the Government of India had followed a policy of non-interference, known as "masterly inactivity". The various contenders for power had been given de facto recognition in accordance with their holdings, but material assistance claimed under the 1857 treaty made with Dust Muhammad was refused until November 1868. In March 1869 ShTr C A1I met the new Governor-General, Lord Mayo, at Ambala, and asked for an offensive-defensive treaty, a regular subsidy and recognition of his son, cAbd Allah Djan (1862-78), as heir. Mayo offered only general assurances, money and arms, including artillery. Shir CA1T was seemingly satisfied, although in subsequent years he renewed his demands. British interest in Afghanistan derived from border problems, commercial hopes and, especially, concerns about the expansion of Russia in Turkistan towards the northern Afghan border. Without consulting the Amir, Britain sought agreement with Russia on the northern boundaries of Afghanistan, which were roughly defined in 1873. The Amir was obliged to abandon his hopes of extending his territories beyond the Oxus. Britain also assumed responsibility for defining part of the western frontier with Persia; by the Goldsmid arbitration of 1873, Slstan was divided between Persia and Afghanistan. Shir 'All's unhappiness was further increased by the British occupation of Quetta [see KWATTA] on 8 December 1876. The occupation of Quetta was one element in a new British policy (the so-called "forward policy") inaugurated by the Conservative Government in 1875 and carried on by the Governor-General, Lord Lytton, from 1876. A major background factor in his new policy was the development of the Eastern Crisis of 1875-8, which led to war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire in 1877 and threatened the possibility of war between Britain and Russia. Such a war could have extended to Central Asia, and the attitude of Afghanistan became of major importance. Lytton was prepared to offer Shir cAlf a new alliance, stronger guarantees of protection, an annual subsidy and recognition of £Abd Allah Djan, in return for the acceptance of British agents in Afghanistan and effec-
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tual British control of Afghanistan's foreign relations. Negotiations were carried on in 1876 and 1877, but no agreement had been reached when Lytton broke off negotiations in March 1877. Lytton now applied pressure on Shir CA1I either to force him to agree to British demands or to overthrow him. An Ottoman embassy was sent to Kabul in an effort to persuade the Amir to renounce contacts with Russia. The reception of a Russian envoy in Kabul in July 1878 gave Lytton the excuse to demand the reception of a British mission and a promise by the Amir to sever all relations with Russia. In September 1878, Shir £Alf refused to admit the British mission and in November, Lytton's forces invaded Afghanistan. Shir 'All's army proved incapable of effective resistance and in December Shir c Alf fled north, resigning authority to his oldest and former rebel son, Muhammad Ya'kub (cAbd Allah Djan had died in August 1878). It is uncertain whether Shir 'All formally abdicated in December. On 21 February 1879 Shir cAlf died at Mazar-i Sharif and was succeeded briefly by his son Muhammad Ya'kub Khan. Bibliography. L.W. Adamec, Historical and Political Who's Who of Afghanistan, Graz 1975; GJ. Alder, British India's northern frontier, 1865-1895, London 1963; The Duke of Argyll, The Afghan question from 1841 to 1878, London 1879; Lady Betty Balfour, The history of Lord Lytton's Indian administration, 18761880, London 1899; Suhash Chakravarty, From Khyber to Oxus: a study in imperial expansion, New Delhi 1976; J.L. Duthie, Some further insights into the working of mid- Victorian imperialism. Lord Salisbury and AngloAfghan relations 1874-1876, in Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, vii (1879-80): England: Parliamentary Papers 1878: Cmd 2190, Correspondence respecting the relations between the British Government and that of Afghanistan since the accession of the Ameer Shere AH Khan, London 1878; Government of India, Epitome of correspondence respecting our relations with Afghanistan and Herat, Lahore 1863; Dilip Kumar Ghose, England and Afghanistan: a phase in their relations, Calcutta 1960, Ghulam Muhammad Ghubar, Afghanistan dar masir-i ta'nkh, Kabul 1967; Vartan Gregorian, The emergence of modern Afghanistan: politics of reform and modernization 1880-1946, Stanford 1969; A. Hamilton, Afghanistan, London 1906; I.L. Yavorskiy, Russkie v Afganistane: puteshestuie russkogo posolstva po Afganistanu i Bukharskomu Khanstuu v 1878-1879, 2 vols., St. Petersburg 1882-3; M. Hasan (Kawun) Kakar, Afghanistan. A study in international political developments, 1880-1896, Lahore 1971; Hasan Kawun Kakar, Government and society in Afghanistan: the reign of Amir (Abd al-Rahman Khan, Austin, Texas 1979; Ya'kub 'All KhafT, Padshahan-i muta3 akhkhir-i Afghanistan, 2 vols., Kabul 1945; Muhammad Anwar Khan, England, Russia and Central Asia (a study in diplomacy) 1857-1878, Peshawar 1963; H.C. Marsh, A ride through Islam: being an overland journey to India via Khorassan, Herat and Afghanistan in the year 1872, Allahabad 1874; Munawwar Khan, Anglo-Afghan relations, 1798-1878; a chapter in the great game in Central Asia, Peshawar 1963; Mir Munshi Sultan Mahomed Khan (ed.), The life of Abdur Rahman Khan, Amir of Afghanistan, 2 vols., London 1900; Bisheshwar Prasad, The foundations of India's foreign policy, i, 1860-1882, Calcutta 1955; N. Kundu, The Afghan Policy of Lord Lawrence, 1864-69, MA diss. Univ. of London 1959; Sayyid Kasim Rishtiyya, Afghanistan dar karn-i nuzdah, Kabul 1346 AH; D.P. Singhal, ' India and Afghanistan, 1876-1907, Melbourne 1963; L. WhiteKing, History and coinage of the Barakzai dynasty of
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Afghanistan, in JVC, xvi (1896); J.W.S. Wyllie, Essays on the external policy of India, London 1875. (M.E. YAPP) SHIR SHAH SUR, FARFD AL-DlN, son of Miyan Hasan Sur, the founder of a line of Dihll Sultans, the Suns [q.v.], which ruled during the interval between the first and second reigns of the Mughal Humayun [q.v.], sc. 947-62/1540-55, Shir Shah's own reign spanning 947-52/1540-5. The Surs were a small Afghan tribe from Roh [q.v.], the north-west frontier region of India. His father Miyan Hasan seems to have been in the service of one of the leading nobles of the Lodr Sultans of Dihli, the Khan-i Aczam cUmar Sarwani and then from 901/1496 was in Djawnpur [q.v], where he received the pargana of Sahsaram [q.v] as his iktdc for maintaining 500 suwdrs or cavalrymen. Farld al-Din himself entered the service of Ibrahim Khan Sarwanf till the latter's death in battle in 926/1520 against the Radjput Rana Sanga of Mewaf [y.zw.], and then entered that of Sultan Ibrahim Lodf till the latter's death at the first battle of Pampat [q.v] (932/1526). It was shortly after this that Farfd al-Dm was awarded the honorific of Shir Khan, in token of his bravery in the field, by Bahar Khan Nuhanf, rebel against the Lodfs in Bihar, where he had assumed the title of Sultan Muhammad Shah and had become the rallying-point for Afghan opposition to the incomer Babur [q.v]. Shir Khan nevertheless gave his support to Babur in 933-4/1527-8, whilst still retaining the confidence of the Afghan chiefs in Bihar who supported Mahmud Lodf, proclaimed sultan there against Babur. With Humayun's victory of 937/1531 over the Afghans, Shir Khan made his peace with the Mughal, retaining his base in Bihar as Humayun's vassal and warding off invasions from Bengal in 938/1532 and 940/1534. In 941/1535 he assumed the tide of Shir Shah and struck his own coins, a declaration of independence, whilst Humayun was pre-occupied in Gudjarat. He defeated the sultan of Bengal Mahmud Shah and made him his tributary, with a further expedition against the latter's capital Gawr or Lakhnawatf [q.v] in 944/1537. Humayun invaded Shir Shah's territories from Agra, but was repulsed and twice defeated in 946/1539 and 947/1540, on the second occasion being compelled to retreat hurriedly to the Pandjab and then Sind and eventually to Persia. Shir Shah was now master of northern India, and began his five years' sultanate in Dihll and Agra. He eliminated various rival chiefs and nobles and, in anticipation of extending his empire southwards, attacked Malwa [q.v.] and drove out its ruler Mallu Khan Kadir Shah, after which he entrusted the governorship of Malwa to Shadja'at Khan Sur; and in 949/1542-3 he attacked the Radja of Djodhpur [q.v] in his principality of Marwaf, in Radjputana. Shir Shah's death came about accidentally during the siege of Kalindjar in 952/1545. He was succeded by his son Islam Shah. Shir Shah was one of India's great rulers, whose achievements might well have equalled or surpassed those of Akbar, had his reign not been cut short by death. In military affairs, he employed artillery and musketeers extensively in his armies. He is praised by historians like Bada'unf for the peace and order of his kingdom, and for his caravanserais and other provision for travellers and merchants, Muslim and Hindu alike, along the roads. He broadened the base of his originally Afghan support by awarding positions and estates to Radjput chiefs also, here foreshadow-
ing Akbar's policy. He placed the governance of his empire on a firm footing by retaining the sarkdr, composed of a number of parganas, as the optimum fiscal and administrative unit. Bibliography: 1. Sources. £Abbas Sarwani, Ta'rikh-i Shir Shdhi, ed. S.M. Imam al-Dm, Dacca 1964; cAbd Allah, Ta3nkh-i Ddwudi, ed. Shaykh
SHFR (ii) terms which express perfect order and symmetry are also attested. Nagm "the arrangement of pearls in a necklace" is said to express better than anything else this necessity, raised to the status of a guiding principle (al-Mufaddaliyydt, Oxford 1918, 717, 1. 14; al-MarzubanT, al-Muwashshah, Cairo 1343, 14, 1. 14; c Ubayd Allah b. Kays al-Rukayyat, Diwdn, Vienna 1902, 238, 1. 1; al-Djahiz, Kiydn, in Rasd'il, Cairo 1979, ii, 159, 1. 12; Muhammad al-KalacI, Ahkdm san'at al-kaldm, Beirut 1985, 40; Muhammad Zaghlul Sallam, i, 37). Another necklace of pearls, simt, denoted an entire poem; thus the Mu'allakdt were called sumut; in the same range of ideas, the poem of cAlkama was considered the best necklace of all time, and each of its verses, a pearl. Nasad^a, sometimes associated with hdka, nasidj. and nasaj_ "to weave, weaving" (see Ibn Khaldun, al-Mukaddima, iii, 332) belong to the same category (Wellhausen, Lieder der Hudailiten, Berlin 1884, 116, 1. 17; Ibn Kutayba, K. al-Macdm al-kablr, Haydarabad 1369/194(5, 633, 1. 19; 814, 1. 9; Abu Dahbal, in JRAS, [1910], 1051, 1. 2; al-Marzubam, op. til, 318, relates an opinion of Marwan b. AbT Hafsa, inni had huktu kdfiyatan tuwdzinu hddhd }l-shifra "I have already woven [= composed] verses which constitute the equivalent of this poetry"; Goldziher, op. cit., i, 132-3); (iii) the profession sind'a in the sense of poetry is also attested (see below, The poetics of effort), and adab in the sense of rhymed speech, very frequent, is said to have insisted on a period of apprenticeship for the acquisition of culture by the novice-poet before full acceptance into the world of poetry. This equivalence seems to have been something ancient: in a tradition related by al-Nahshall (al-Mumtic, 24) the poet cAbd Allah b. Ahtam (Jl. in the reign of the caliph £ Uthman) takes pride in belonging to a family of ndabo?'. Textually, it is established from the last decades of the Umayyad period onward with Muhammad b. Kunasa (d. 161/778) (Aghdm\ xiii, 344, 1/4; see also Ru'ba, Diwdn, 16, vi, 40; S.A. Bonebakker, Early Arabic literature and the term Adab, in JSAI, v, 1984, 399, Bashshar b. Burd; al-Mutanabbf: and '1-ladhT nagara 'l-acmd ild adabi "I am he whose poetry the blind man has seen", (see al-cArf al-tayyib fi shark diwdn Abi 'l-Tayyib, Beirut 1887, 343, 1. 11; Ibn Nubata (d. 405/ 1015) who describes poets as udabd3, al-cAlawI, Nadrat al-ighnd, 347; see also al-Nahshall, 18, 24). The term hand would add the idea of cutting into the living flesh of words, a material which resists and does not let itself be easily manipulated (al-cAlawf, op. cit., 8; Von Grunebaum, Growth and structure, 127; Ibn Kutayba, ibid, 222, 1. 14, 'Amr b. Kaml'a; al-Farra3, Ma'dm al-Kur'dn, Cairo 1374, 140, 1. 6, Humayd b. al-Arkat; al-Mufaddaliyydt, 180 1. 1; al-Acsha, Diwdn, London 1928, civ, v. 8; cUmar b. Abr Rabl'a, Diwdn, Leipzig 1901-9, 43, 1. 3; Zubayr b. Bakkar, Qamharat nasab Kuraysh, i, 42, 1. 8; al-Aghdm\ x, 285, 1. 2; Goldziher, op. cit., i, 120-1). Finally, it is appropriate to note that, for the archaic period and under the Umayyads, shicr also signified hidj.a3 [q.v.]. Among numerous examples, worth mentioning is fa-hddhd awdnu }l-shicri sullat sihdmuhu "this is the moment of [injurious] poetry, the darts of which have been drawn from the quiver" (al-Hamdsa, Bonn 1828, 646, 1. 11, anonymous poet). AJ-Farazdak expresses grief on account of the false attribution to him of versified insults, a shicr which he is supposed to have addressed to Khalid b. cAbd Allah al-Kasrf (wa-rawwu calayya }l-shicra wa-md and kultuhu "they have recounted [injurious] poetry under my name, that which I have never said", Diwdn, Paris 1870, 222, 1. 2; see also al-Hamdsa, 54, 1. 28; al-Taban, ii, 1829,
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1. 2; Ibn Kutayba, Ma'dni, 708, 1. 15; al-Baladhun, Ansdb al-ashrdf, v, Jerusalem 1936, 318; Naka'id ^anr wa 'l-Farazdak, Leiden 1905-12, 126, 1. 17). Finally, al-Mutawakkil al-Laythl (d. ca. 72/691) claims that he has never aimed the darts of shi'r against a Muslim (al-Aghdm* xii, 165, 1. 2). II. Periodisation. At a very early stage, as early in fact as the 2nd/ 8th century, the familiar distinction between three periods in the development of poetry is already evident in the writings of al-Djumahl (d. 231/845): pre-Islamic, the poetry known as mukhadram straddling the Djahiliyya and Islam, and Muslim poetry written by poets born after the Revelation (Ibn Sallam alDjumahf, Tabakdt fuhul al-shucard3, 1394/1974, 23-4). With Ibn al-Muctazz (d. 296/908), this periodisation becomes more precise, since he mentions the verse of the ancient poets (kudamd3), of the mukhadramun, of the awd'il al-isldmiyyln (the former Islamic poets), i.e. the Umayyad poets, and of the muhdathun (modern poets), i.e. the poets of the 2nd-3rd/8th-9th centuries (Tabakdt al-shu'ard3, 201). Currently, in spite of certain criticism which will be revealed shortly, the periodisation of Ibn al-Muctazz is followed unanimously, although some contemporary scholars would have preferred a less political and more genuinely literary division. Gibb, Blachere, Bencheikh and Heinrichs propose a more strictly cultural periodisation, distinguishing between four periods. Gibb identifies the heroic age, the age of expansion, the golden age (750-1055), the silver age (1055-1258), concluding with the age of the Mamluks (1258-1800). The problems of such a classification are obvious: it is based on value judgment and assumes uninterrupted decadence during the period extending from 750 to 1800. Blachere (Moments tournants dans la litterature arabe, in SI, xxvi [1966], 5-18) and Bencheikh (Poetique, 11-18) identify the four following divisions: archaic period, a century of transition, the golden age and decline. Filshtinsky opposes the notion of cultural decline and asks how this conception is to be reconciled with the intense poetical activity attested in Egypt over three centuries (Filshtinsky, La periodisation dans la litterature arabe medievale, in Narodl Azii i AJriki, 1962/4, 144-56). To avoid the pitfalls of a historical division, W. Heinrichs proposes distinguishing three movements in the development of Arabic poetry, each of which has produced a type of poetry. The first, that of the HidjazI school, produced ca. 650 a form of love poetry characterised by a narrative theme describing the actions and reactions of persons drawn from life who address the audience directly (Heinrichs, 24). The second, that of badic, opted for a poetry resolutely based on rhetorical embellishments, which have gradually been transformed into an artistic principle (25). "Fantastic" poetry constitutes the third movement: here the poet's attention is turned away from reality and towards imagery. The poets of this movement offer their public images which could have no real existence. In later times, poems overloaded with ornamentation constitute in fact a combination of all the known genres; the end result is an increase in affectedness (52). This original conception, if recognised as valid, could prove extremely fruitful; however, Sperl denounces it as tainted with historicity and recommends that it should be avoided (Mannerism, 3-4). III. Poetic discourse and its original meaning. (1) Origins. From the second half of the 3rd century A.D. onward, shi'r, in its contemporary form, seems to be associated with song (see below, the tradition mentioned by Sozomen; Djawad cAli, ix, 85-8; Adonis,
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Poetique, 19-20; Hassan, Dtwdn, London 1970, 420: "Sing in each poem that you speak, song is surely the favoured place of poetry"; Thuwaym and cAwwad, al-Sulayk b. al-Sulka akhbdruhu wa-shi'ruhu, Baghdad 1984, 32-3, 50-1; Ibn Sa'Id, Nashwat al-tarab, 'Amman 1982, i, 436 and bibl., where the poet offers to sing (ughanmkum] a poem to the keepers of the flocks; al-Aghdrii* xviii, 78, where Durayd b. al-Simma, at the time of the recitation of a poem, is said to be in the process of singing (taghannd); CA1I al-Djundf, op. at., 6, 22, 24-5; Sh. Dayf, 51; Muhammad Zaghlul Sallam, i, 36). The poetry/song association should not be regarded as a peculiar phenomenon; among the Greeks, the poet is primarily called the bard, the singer. This shi'r mughannd contradicts the generally accepted hypothesis on the beginnings of this form. Originally, it is said, it was linked with sad£ and had taken its definitive form 150 years before Islam (al-Djumahl, op. cit., 112-13; alDjahiz, K. al-Hayawdn, Cairo, i, 74; resumed by alMarzubanl, op. cit., 74; al-Suyutf, al-Muzhir, Cairo n.d., ii, 477; according to al-Nahshalf, al-Mumti', 22, poetry allegedly took on its definitive form in the period of cAbd al-Muttalib b. Hashim b. cAbd Manaf or his father, in other words the great-grandfather or grandfather of the Prophet). Modern scholars do not disagree (Blachere, HLA, ii, 187-93; Adonis, Poetique, 22-3). Vestiges of spontaneously-spoken poetry shed some light on the question. Al-Suyutl, quoting al-Asma'!, relates that the most ancient poetry of the Bedouin of the Djahiliyya, that of the awd'il al-'Arab, amounted to a small number of verses spoken by men and women in response to a pressing emotional need (al-Muzhir, ii, 477). The poems of the wells (a case of ancestral usage among the Semitic peoples, cf. the Biblical sjnrat habe'er, Num. xxi. 18-20), with striking structural, thematic and stylistic resemblances between the Bible and the verse of the Bedouin of the Djahiliyya (Djawad CA1I, ix, 410-12, has assembled a large number of specimens of this poetry), lullabies and other fragments associated with infancy (SacTd alDaywadjT, Ash'ar al-tarkls, Baghdad 1970, passim), funereal dirges (Goldziher, Bemerkungen zur arabischen Trauerpoesie, in W^KM, xvi [1902], 308) and verses evoking skirmishes—all of these, rather than rhymed prose, supplied the first foundations. Chronologically, it seems that al-shicr al-kadtm, as it is known to us, is considerably older, if credence is to given to a tradition cited by the Greek historian Sozomen. This historian writing at the turn of the 4th-5th centuries, relates that the Arabs of the desert celebrated their victory over Queen Mavia and the Roman emperor Valens (i.e. between 364 and 378) with the singing of ballads (odai). This plural suggests that there was a cycle of poems; this cycle preceded the fragments of a similar cycle, that of the War of Basus [q.v.], the specimen generally regarded as the oldest verse chronicle of the Arabs. It would therefore seem reasonable to move the appearance of this material back in time to the last quarter of the 3rd century, by virtue of the poetical tradition associated with Hira and, more specifically, with £Amr b. cAdI, the first Lakhmid king of Hlra whose maternal uncle Djadhfma lived in the 3rd century; cAmr, a historical figure, was allegedly the author of poetic fragments in classical Arabic aimed at £Amr b. cAbd al-Djinn (Trfan Shahld, The composition of Arabic poetry in the fourth century, in Studies in the history of Arabia, ii, Pre-Islamic Arabia, Riyad 1404/1984, 87-91). (2) The poetic ritual. Arabic poetry is rooted in the oral; it was a voice before it acquired an alphabet, and what results from this is a concurrence between
speech and its affective and emotional connotations. This aspect guides discourse towards the following stable procedures: (i) a poetic style overladen with a multiplicity of synonyms and comparisons; (ii) a predilection for allusive expression; (iii) recourse to a specialised language very different from daily speech; (iv) the use of stable poetic hybrids; and (v) the obligation to be predictable and to abstain from upsetting the audience (M. Zwettler, The oral tradition of Classical Arabic poetry, its character and implications, Columbus, Ohio 1978, 98-102, 109-20, 170-2; McDonald, Orally transmitted poetry in pre-Islamic poetry, Arabia and other pre-literate societies, inJAL, ix [1978], 26-30; J.T. Monroe, Oral composition in pre-Islamic poetry, in ibid., iii [1972], 36-8). The poet knew that if he wanted to be heard and not to risk disappearance into obscurity, he was obliged to construct his discourse on the basis of an auditory aesthetic. This demanded the exclusion from his discourse of distant allusions and of hermetic or ambiguous statements; otherwise, he was in danger of breaking the continuity of the contact which linked him to the public. Thus in the pre-Islamic period, poetry declared that which the audience already knew, and poetic individualism consisted not in what was said but in the manner of its saying. Oral recitation was to leave on Arabic poetry a mark that would last for centuries; it would be, in Bencheikh's words, an art of expression and not an art of creation. The recitation of pre-Islamic poetry was strangely reminiscent of a ritual; the officiating poet, who did not create poetry for himself, but for others, encouraged active participation on the part of his public as a means of appealing to the hearts of his hearers. Poetic engagement derived in this case from the limpidity of the verse and the familiarity of experienced listeners with the wording and with the thematic sequence of the kasida (A. Hamori, On the art of medieval Arabic literature, New York 1974, 21-2, 24; Adonis, Poetique, 34-5). This ritualistic aspect of poetry was consolidated by the concept of divine inspiration, already current in the earliest periods. If traditions are to be believed, the great bards of the Djahiliyya considered that the poem was the speech of a god or of a djinnf (demon). It is alleged in this context that £AbId b. al-Abras (Jl. in the Djahiliyya) saw in a dream a messenger who touched him with a ball of hair (kubba min shaer, cf. the graphical resemblance between shacr and shicr}', he commanded him to awake; he rose and began reciting rad^az (al-Aghdm\ xix, 84) and became a poet. He is no different from the prophet Isaiah, who was touched by the angel with a burning coal, in a dream, and began prophesying immediately afterwards (Isa. vi. 5-8). More often, the djinn are evoked both before and after Islam (Muhammad Zaghlul Sallam, i, 34-5; CHAL, i, 41). Von Grunebaum has emphasised, rightly, their resemblance to the Muses: Hesiod, describing his encounter with the Muses, records an experience which is comparable, structurally, to that of Hassan with the djinn at the time of his first steps in poetry (Aesthetic, 333). This discourse, communicated to the poets by supernatural creatures, possesses a magical force on account of its provenance and also on account of the perfect arrangement of the verbal veneer; this is true not only for curses, as has been proved magisterially by Goldziher (see HIDJAJ; Von Grunebaum, Growth, 123), but also for the madih who enjoys lasting renown. A Bedouin declares, after receiving a reward from CA1I b. Abl Talib, "the eulogy keeps perpetually alive the name of the one who practises it" (Ibn Rashfk, i, 29; see also Gaudefroy-Demombynes, p. xviii).
SHFR This concept, albeit somewhat modified, persists after Islam (al-Djundr, op. cit., 19-20, quoting Ru'ba). Aban al-Lahiki (d. ca. 200/816) falsely accused by Abu Nuwas of being homosexual, finds himself deprived of his role as lector to the Baramika. His patrons know it well, but even tendentious poetry is irreversible; they tell him, quoting a pre-Islamic verse: [baszt] Kad kila md kila in sidkan wa-in kadhibm fa-ma i'tidhdruka min kawlm idhd kila "What has been said has been said, be it true or false, How can you be excused against words already spoken?" (Ibn al-Muctazz, 204). (3) Artistic poetry. In order to be effective, poetic discourse needed to be distinguished by its high aesthetic tone and to express the values of ambient society. The role allotted to poetry seems to have been that of giving to the generality a unique image in a unique language. Throughout the period, this discourse is seen as definitely and definitively evolving. The diverse dialects and various approaches are blended in a literary language which develops to encompass metre and other disciplines; new types of comparisons come into being (Von Grunebaum, Growth, 123). In the pagan era, spontaneous poetry coexists with fashioned creations which are extremely demanding in their pursuit of a more developed aesthetic. This pursuit reflects the effort of generations of poets who have broadened their range of enquiry and their vision; from the spontaneous glimpse of nomadic life and of the mundane, there is progress towards more profound reflection and interpretation of life. The best and most successful example of this seems to be the exceedingly elaborate treatment of human time. Beyond the existential anguish deriving from the confrontation between human duration and objective time, the majority of poets have considered time to be a cyclical process wherein tension arises from the opposition between the eternal renewal of temporal units and the limited nature of the units of existence allotted to man. Poetry of sterling quality can triumph over time. Consequently, the poet raises the praxis to a very high artistic level. This is primarily an exercise in recollection; the poet evokes memories of love and acts of valour. Verbs in the perfect tense predominate, perhaps to emphasise the fixed and intangible, hence unalterable nature of the muru'a of the poet's family, of himself and of his patron. Other favourite themes sung by the poets, such as nostalgia for past loves or lamentations for the dead (ritha3) take on, sometimes, a poignant tone. Only descriptions of animals are in the imperfect tense, with the scene unrolling before our eyes. This is no longer a function of memory, rather of events-in-progress. In the thematic patterns of eulogy, of lamentations and evocations of tribal glory, the poet expressed the group more than he expressed himself. First person singular became subsumed by first person plural, but the poet's role as spokesman remained distinct. He was the witness and the singer. In all other classes of poetry, the poet plays the leading role: he sings of his individual success, and his personal determination to confront the desert and its perils in the camelrelated sections. The human, through individual effort, triumphs over the void and the negation symbolised by the desert (A. Miquel, al-Sahrd3 ft mu'allakat Labid, in Hawliyydt al-D[dmica al-Tunisiyya, xii [1975], 63-88). It is not at all coincidental that this section concludes
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with the release of the hunted animal and its coupling which presages a new life (the plerosis, cf. Hamori's analysis, op. cit., 21-5). One of the paradoxes of pre-Islamic poetry is touched upon here. It is individual, emotional and passionate on the one hand; on the other hand, the self, frequently transcended by the tribe, appears to reflect a collective consciousness (Adonis, Poetique, 19). Accordingly, rhymed speech adopts a dual course with the existence, alongside tribal poetry, of another which is urban or semi-urban. Ibn Sallam al-Djumahl notes a definite contrast between shi'r ahl al-bddiya, the poetry of the Bedouin of the desert, and that of the Meccans, characterised by softness (tin) and facility; he adds to them the poetry of cAdf b. Zayd, of al-Acsha and of Umayya b. Abi '1-Salt. All of these and many others among the tribal poets are tied to patrons who provide for their upkeep in exchange for bombastic eulogies. Takassub, earning one's living, dates back to the Djahiliyya and does not constitute, by any means, a stylistic vice associated with post-Djahill urban civilisation. In the archaic period, the phenomenon was anything but limited; very few poets of the 6th century escaped its attractions. While tied to patronage, this body of poets maintained its links with the tribal group through the intercessory role which it played in its contacts with patrons. On several occasions Zuhayr b. Abl Sulma and the two Nabighas, al-Dhubyanf and al-Dja'df, intervened in defence of the interests of their fellow-tribesmen. However, a development of the very highest importance took place when a poetry devoid of any tribal association came to the forefront. This poetry ceased to play a tribal role; hencefoward it was obliged to appeal to an audience more refined than tribesmen and itinerants, to more demanding connoisseurs; in this, poetry was the winner. This amounted in fact to progress. An unmistakable sign of this ascent towards more constraining artistic demands is supplied by conventions at the level of expression which underline the inclusion of this form of discourse among the highest strata of speech (Blachere, HLA, ii, 386; Bencheikh, Poetiaue. 8). On the level of expression, it is appropriate to note not only the use of the dual, the apostrophising of two companions, but also cliches such as the comparison of the traces of an encampment in the sand with tattoos or with letters drawn by a scribe, the various tropes in the descriptions of animals, the description of weapons of war and of the beloved woman. From the archaic period onward, the codification of the poetic text is an established feature. The poet, far from feeling trapped in a straitjacket of constraining and dominating elements, settles comfortably into a protective tradition; or, more accurately, convention constitutes an instrument which he fashions as he pleases, but which he cannot change on pain of derogation. Conventions constitute a code to which conformity is obligatory; otherwise, damage is done to the harmony and to the perfect arrangement supplied by poetic discourse. A great modern Arab poet and original thinker, Salah cAbd al-Sabur, has stressed the utility of the conventions. While it is true that the greatest talents are capable of dispensing with them, the majority of poets find in these constraining rules a stock of tropes, of hybrids and poetical expressions sanctified by usage and by the sanction of ambient society, a stock which they are only too eager to plunder (Kira'a ajadida, 13). (4) New horizons. It was to be a few decades before
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the new religion changed the poets' vision of the universe; the great conquests suddenly immersed the victors in an urban environment and contributed to the fragmentation of the various clans, already weakened by war and the crises of the time. Although paganism disappeared, an Islamic verbal art was yet to emerge. The majority of poets seem to have considered Islam a social and political movement rather than a profound spiritual experience. All of this contributed to the straining of relations between the tribe and poetry. The poets were to follow the course previously traced by the incense-bearing poets of preIslam, notably the poets of Hfra. The domestication of poetry was now complete: caliphs and governors encouraged these artists to compose eulogies for them with the aim of consolidating their regimes and bolstering their personal prestige. Henceforward, shi'r was transformed into a privilege reserved for the prince and his courtiers. Committed and personal poetry was now of secondary, even marginal importance, as the poets harnessed their best artistic resources to the requirement of official compositions. As a result of this process, lasting and very fruitful mutations transformed the world of poetry. A new artistic liberty was born, freed from the modes dictated by genres of secular life, and a poetry of conflicts and contradictions came into being. In 'Irak, and specifically in Kufa, a poetry of libertinism and pleasure prefigured the most successful examples of muaj_un [g.v.] composed by the zurqfd3 of Kufa and the innovatory poets of the 2nd/8th century. Poems celebrating the variegated humanity of taverns by al-Ukayshir al-Asadf (d. 80/699, most fragments in al-Aghdm3, xi, 251-76), the cruel and acidly humorous portraits by cAbd Allah b. Zabfr al-Asadl (d. ca. 80/699, fragments in ibid., xiv, 216-62) and the gallant exploits of Isma'Il b. eAmmar al-Asadl (d. towards the end of the Umayyad dynasty, in ibid., xi, 364-79; Ibrahim al-Nadjdjar, Madjma' al-dhdkira, Tunis 1989, 221-33)—all of these introduce an original tone, with previously unknown metaphors and themes coexisting with the content of the mdajin concept. Such poems as these are apt to flourish among poets when restrictions are removed and all constraints relaxed. These poems, as well as the amorous works of the poets of the Hidjaz, demonstrate that poetic discourse served for them as a catharsis; by means of it, they could escape from dispossession, from tensions, from oppression and from massacres (CHAL, i, 394). The kaslda, quintessence of the pre-Islamic artistic traditions, underwent certain modifications, although the descriptive passages are remarkable for their fidelity to the archaic model. The urban poems composed according to traditional models do not have the coherence which is characteristic of the most successful poems of pre-Islam. The great poets of the period, with the exception of al-Akhtal (d. 92/710) and Dhu '1-Rumma (d. 117/735) [
unit is seriously challenged here (Von Grunebaum, Growth, 132-3; Heinrichs, 47). (5) The poetical profession according to the testimony of the poets. Poetical texts, which are supposedly texts of the period, are unanimous in presenting poetry as a recalcitrant material, which is only to be tamed by dint of painful and prolonged effort. This testimony is highly significant since it is attested in a neutral context. In his testament, al-Hutay'a (d. ca. 50/652-3 [q.v.]) takes stock of the whole of his career and gives his own perspective on patterns of composition. The dominant theme which emerges is as follows. The difficulty of composing, since the tortuous paths of shi'r are strewn with perils, means that the poet needs to confront this constantly; only a solid training (Urn] enables him to control the material which he seeks to fashion (Diwdn, Cairo 1987, 291). Kacb b. Zuhayr [q.v.] (d. in the reign of Mu'awiya b. Abl Sufyan) does not disagree. The outstanding poem is a fabric of superb quality; it is the result of prolonged effort and commitment on the part of the poet-artisan. In a quatrain composed in response to an explicit request from al-Hutay'a, one of his father's pupils, he describes in lavish detail the process of polishing by which the poem is turned into a smooth piece of woven material, free of knots and of the same density throughout. In other words, in order to attain a harmonious and symmetrical discourse of outstanding quality, it is necessary to control the verbal core and to fashion it by means of incessant arrangement and rearrangement. Recourse to the term thakkafa dispenses with the need for any commentary. In its original sense, it signifies to rectify, straighten; it was used in the making of spears, at the stage of straightening wood which is naturally curved; it is thus a process of rectification of an inert material (GaudefroyDemombynes, 59, bibl. n. 60). Tamlm b. Mukbil, himself a mukhadram poet (d. ca. 70/690), expresses similar concepts. Verse is by nature rebellious (root m-r-d]\ as a superb poet, he has succeeded in overcoming the stubborn mountains of poetry (huzun ajibal al-shicr) and reducing them to amenable plains; once controlled, verse reveals all its hidden beauty and attracts the admiration of the public (Diwdn, Damascus 1962, 136). At no time is the poet found boasting of his facility at composition, or developing a poetry of improvisation or of immanent inspiration. Only Imru1 al-Kays boasts of the abundance of his inspiration; verses come rushing to him in such numbers that they risk becoming congested; he repels them energetically (adhudu 'l-kawdfiya canni) before proceeding to a choice, retaining only the most perfect and discarding the minor pearls (GaudefroyDemombynes, 60). The craft and the polishing were indispensable for the acquisition by poets of two cardinal qualities, nafas (breath) and ajazdla (robustness and purity of poetic language), necessary for the composition of set pieces. However, it would be a mistake to exaggerate the importance of the notion of apprenticeship and its defining role; it amounted to nothing more than an idealised approach conceived at a late stage, in the 3rd/9th century, in order to justify a certain conception offohula and of archaic poetry. In fact, poetry was considered a natural gift (tab'), an innate predisposition. If natural talent did not exist in a person, no apprenticeship could make him a poet. The Umayyad poets expressed views similar to those of their Djahill forbears regarding the nature of poetry and the criteria of composition. Shi'r is conceived as a challenge between two equally-determined adver-
SHFR saries, the poet and the poetry. There is insistence on hard work and effort. At no time is there any reference to a poet in a state of grace, cut off from the rest of the world as he composes, with a seething mass of ideas and images bubbling in his breast and seeking release by way of his mouth. In the framework of a kasida of threats, Suwayd b. Kurac (born at the beginning of Islam, he reportedly reached the era of Djanr and al-Farazdak), devotes eight verses to describing, in bombastic tone, his manner of composing superior verses. The ideas developed are as follows: poetry, like a disobedient young camel (cf. CARUD; one of its meanings is a camel very difficult to control), allows itself to be tamed only by the best riders. The verses (kawdfi) are described as c awasi (disobedient) and as a band of recalcitrant wild animals (sarban min al-wuhushi nuzzdc)\ it must be treated with a great deal of patience; humbly, the poet needs to display tact and to devise strategems during sleepless nights (abitu bi-abwdbi }l-kawdji ... ukdli'uhd hattd u'arrisa "I spend nights at the gates of rhymes ... until I possess them"). This is the price at which it allows itself to be possessed; the term 'arras shows that the possession is carnal. The poet-possessor must show great vigilance, for with poetry everything is problematical: once mastered, it must be carefully confined in the depths of one's heart (v. 10); otherwise, the verses will flee faraway; they can only be recaptured by means of prodigious efforts which leave indelible traces in the body of the poet (Ibn Kutayba, op. cit.., 17). cAdi b. al-Rikac, a contemporary of Suwayd, considers his role as that of a craftsman, planning terms and verses in order to smooth the rough areas and promote harmony among the verses, thus succeeding in composing a kasida of the highest quality. Dhu '1-Rumma employs the same images in his attempt to characterise the composition of the poem as closely resembling the training (riyddd) of a weaned animal (Diwdn, Cambridge 1919, 329-30, w. 26-9; Goldziher, op. cit., 94; partially translated by GaudefroyDemombynes, 60). The approach expressed by these poets, all of them from the first century of the Hidjra, suggests a stable profession and a perfect mastery of the tools of the trade. For a poet, to compose means enhancing the fruits of his inspiration by means of the memorisation which mobilises, every time that the artist creates his poem with the memory which utilises the finest realisations of his linguistic and poetic heritage, retained since the period of his training. Salah £Abd al-Sabur considers this strenuous poetic technique an act of homage on the part of the poet towards an immeasurable legacy: in some sense, he writes, the poet presents his poem to this stock which constitutes the quintessence of sensibility and its perfect expression as realised in the ancient poetry (Kird'a ajadida., 15). IV. The effervescence of urban poetry. Cultural prosperity, the practice of translation which was institutionalised from the end of the 2nd/8th century onward, the development of written translation according to rigorous criteria in the various disciplines, major conflicts of ideas and the constitution of an Arabic prose capable of expressing the most complex thoughts—all of these factors exerted influence on both poetry and poetics. (1) The evolution of discourse. Under the earlier 'Abbasids, Arabic poetry remained an essentially lyrical text, descriptive in character. This lyricism reflected the unwillingness of the poet, unless commanded to do so, to deal with exterior phenomena or social rela-
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tions. In this framework, poems denouncing the vanities of the world (zuhdiyydt, according to Heinrichs, 25), the poetry of sexual perversion (muajuniyydt, according to ibid.) and Bacchic poetry (khamriyydt} were treated with special favour. Complaints about life and its misfortunes are liberally scattered in numerous poems of this period. This is not, strictly speaking, a poetry of asceticism but rather an absolute denunciation of life; it could be said that the texts delight in demonstrating the campaign of systematic annihilation conducted by life against the human being. Evoked here are the deterioration and subsequent death which accompany the process of life; also stressed is the absence of any metaphysical dimension and the desire merely to detach the man from the world below, a huntingground reserved for villains and sensualists. The shakwd 'l-zamdn is a poetry of setback and of impotence. More than is the case with zuhd, it constitutes at the most a decidedly superficial poetry of edification. As for sexual perversion, the distinction is drawn between poems dedicated to the ephebe with the lurafd3 of Kufa, Abu Nuwas, al-Husayn b. al-Dahhak and Drk al-Djinn, versus phallic poems with Abu Hakfma, Ibn al-Hadjdjadj and Ibn Sukkara, or the poems in praise of onanism by Abu 5l-cAnbas alSaymarf. These poems, in which exacerbated emotional states are to be detected, seem to have expressed, at least initially, a rebellion against society and a refusal to subscribe to its values. Later, this poetry was to enjoy social indulgence, at least with the poetry dedicated to ephebes, and its usages became generalised even in the work of poets who did not practise perversions. At the same time, a clear demarcation further widens the gulf between longer pieces and fragments, or if preferred, between set-piece and impromptu poetry. This distinction facilitates a more profound understanding of the evolution of poetry in the 2nd/8th century. Much is owed here to the specific contribution of Jamel Bencheikh. The impromptu, as Bencheikh rightly declares, comprises several rhymed phrases, of great simplicity and with a single theme (Heinrichs, 36, describes these very short poems as spontaneous poetry; they address a single theme). What matters here is the rapidity of the response and its spiritual quality. It is therefore the nimbly-elevated impromptus which most delight the literary coteries. The themes of this elegant discourse are well known and were worn threadbare by long service; they are confined to love-sickness, invitations to trysts, excuses, reproaches, compliments or wise aphorisms. The 'Abbasid coteries preferred this supposedly "natural" poetry to the kasida with its immutable conventions. In fact, poets did not have a choice; in the maajlis, they were under instructions to improvise forthwith or to reply in the course of a contest. This poetry, of rather lofty formal elegance, expressed stereotypes briskly in a minor tone, sometimes in fairly exaggerated style. In fact, this amounts to an exercise in re-use of the acquired skills of set-piece poetry rather than a creation at the level of composition (Bencheikh, Poetique, 68-79). On the other hand, the long piece is a product of reflective creation and demands prolonged and laborious preparation, essential if the poet is to invent original hybrids, thus expressing new ma'am and a large number of motifs (ibid., 80; 113; Mustafa Haddara, Ittiajdhat al-shi'r al-carabi ji 'l-karn al-thdm al-hia^n, Cairo 1963, 148-9, 162). This situation leads furthermore to the depreciation of poetry; it is considered an amusement or, at best, little more than pleasing discourse.
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(2) Poetics. These centuries are the golden age of theoretical writing. Most striking is the profusion of these works and their diversity; alongside the poets, there is a proliferation of transmitters, essayists, mutakallimun, philologists, critics and philosophers. The result does not fail to impress, in spite of the absence of systematic thought, the constitution of clearly-defined poetics and the tendency of poetical treatises to be pragmatic rather than theoretical; it is appropriate to mention here one substantial exception, the writings of the philosophers. The contribution of Von Grunebaum in this domain has been decisive. A. The poets Generally, but not always, they maintain their conception of the poetics of effort. In the works of Abu 'l-cAmaythal (d. in the 3rd/9th century) the same cliches are found, referring to the rectification of material which is naturally misshapen (CA1I al-Djundf, op. cit., 115); to the weaver bent over his work in the writing of al-Sayyid al-Himyarf (d. ca. 179/795, term ahuk, ibid., 114); Ibn al-Rumf (d. 283/896) adds to the analogies of his two predecessors the well-known one of the wild camel, but he also insists on the efforts that he invests in embellishment and refinement (arhqftuhd and rakkaktuhd, Diwdn, Cairo 1993, 359-60, w. 2-9). It is not until the second half of the 3rd/9th century that the term san'a in its poetic sense is attested in a poem among the works of al-Nashi1 al-Akbar (d. 293/906), in a verse praising his expertise and the harmony (ta'lif) of his verses (Muhammad Zaghlul Sallam, Min turdth al-nakd al-'arabi, Abu 'l-'Abbds al-Ndshi* al-Akbar wa-kitdbuhu fi 'l-shi'r, in Madj.allat Kulliyyat al-Addb, ^dmi'at al-Riydd, v [1977-8], 179, v. 1). Furthermore, as a result of titivation and corrective work (tahdhib), his poem acquires an inimitable quality and, thereby, provokes embarrassment and surprise (yatahayyaru 'l-shu'ard'u): in fact, the form (al-lqfz) and the content (al-ma'nd) are integrated in absolute fashion (alfayta ma'ndhu yutdbiku lafgahu) and its apparent facility conceals the inability of other poets to compose a comparable text. It is only at this price that the durability of poems can be assured (v. 7). In the second long section of 18 verses devoted to poetic genres, the four opening verses provide a detailed survey of the content of this concept among poets and the various tasks which it entails. San'a implies a rectification of the distortion of material (zaygfy, the consolidation of the texture of the poem (shadd al-mutun bi 'l-tahdhib); the poet should plug the gaps in his discourse by means of prolixity, assert his finest qualities by means of concision, impose harmony through the conciliation of opposites and clarity through the juxtaposition of analogous or similar ma'am (ibid., 192). The poets of this period evince vigorous opposition to the poetics of facility; such a conception is quite rare in poetical compositions (see e.g. Shi'r Abi Hayya al-Numayn, Damascus 1975, 160, w. 1-3). Sind'a and shi'r were so closely linked that they have been used as synonyms in two instances in the writings of Abu 'l-cAtahiya (wa-raaja'nd ild 'l-sind'ati lammd * kdna sukhtu }l-imdmi tarka 'l-sind'ah, "I returned to poetry when the Imam was seized by wrath following [my] abandonment of poetry"; the poet refers to his decision to relinquish poetry on account of his religious convictions, and to al-Rashid's decision to imprison him in order to compel him to return to composition, al-Aghdm\ iii, 160,1. 20; see also 149,1. 20). B. The critics (a) San'a as opposed to tab4. Numerous tendencies are in collision here, dictated by literary attitudes, but determined also by contro-
versies unrelated to poetry. At a very early stage, from the 2nd/8th century onward, the poetics of effort are called into question as critics extol the virtues of natural talent, matbu'. The factor giving rise to this attitude seems to have been the revival, after a temporary eclipse caused by the hostility of the new religion, of the theory of inspiration, deriving from occult and supernatural forces. Discourse placed in the mouth of the poet, which is a receptacle and nothing more, by its very nature requires no improvement. From another perspective, it seems that the Mu'tazill circles of Basra, including al-Djahiz, considered true eloquence to be that which is uttered spontaneously without the least effort; ideal poetry would not differ at all from improvised discourse; this quality belongs naturally to the Bedouin of the Djahiliyya and their poets. The profession objected to this postulate, it being, according to the Basran thinker, the contrary of eloquence. Other scholars of the same city, in particular Ibn Sallam al-Djumahf, al-Asma'I and his school, responsible for the constitution of the classical corpus, were of the same opinion. All of them must have been profoundly influenced by the improvised contests held in the Mirbad [q.v.~]. One of the most ancient texts on poetics is the sahlfa of Bishr b. al-Muctamir. Here the author develops, in Heinrich's words, a rudimentary theory of tab' (talent) and of nashdt (creative force) (Arabische Dichtung, 286). The primary condition for being in a position to compose is, he asserts, the creative force; all depends on this and on its favourable disposition (iajdba). Once this has been acquired and beyond the obligation to adopt al-lafz al-shanf'(a noble poetic language) and alma'nd al-badl' (the most original modalities of expression), Bishr advises the artist to avoid unduly laborious efforts which could result in affectedness. On the contrary, he should opt for discourse which is fluent in terms of pronunciation, for easy and direct ma'am. In parallel, he should set aside hermetic figures and complicated hybrids, since there is a risk that these will undermine the themes and neutralise the impact of the words. In common with the other classical critics, he takes great care to separate al-lafe from al-maend. Four qualities are required for the language: softness, elegance, majesty and fluency. As for modalities (ma'dm), those chosen should be clear and immediately comprehensible (al-Djahiz, Baydn, i, 135-6, 137). Al-Djahiz, too wise a connoisseur to fail to understand the importance of the san'a element, confines himself to recording his distate for these over-finical poets whom he calls 'abid al-shi'r ("the slaves of poetry") and his objection to excessively polished poems, alshi'r al-hawli ("poems taking a year to compose"). However, it should be stressed that over-worked, i.e. excessively re-worked poetry was not considered bad poetry. The reverse was the case. Ibn Kutayba considers the poetry resulting from study an excellent discourse, solidly constructed (ajqyyid muhkam). But the experts have no difficulty identifying the patterns, the prolonged reflection and the strained thought of the author; furthermore, the latter does not refrain from recourse to poetic licences (darurat}\ connoisseurs can tell that he has omitted the modalities of expression which were necessary; on the other hand, he praises the facility of composition of the matbu' and his total mastery of the material; immediately obvious are the splendour of his talent (rawnak al-tab') and the wealth of his temperament; finally, he does not fail to admire the transparency of the ma'am since, he says, the first hemistich prefigures the end of the verse and the beginning gives a clear impression of rhyming style
SHI'R (Gaudefroy-Demombynes, 24-6). The deliberations of Ibn Kutayba reveal the veritable point at issue. Beyond spontaneity and the gift of improvisation, there is a certain conception of poetry which is considered legitimate: the facile and transparent text is alone held to conform to the genius of a poetic sensibility and its modes of expression. In post-Djahizian poetics, these concepts take on a rather different meaning. Sind'a in the sense of "titivation" was never denounced by the ancient theoreticians, on the contrary (Shawkf Dayf, 19-37). The rapidity of inspiration, and the talent, coming quickly once summoned, are followed by a phase of labour and refinement aimed at eliminating the dross; the poet casts and recasts and purifies his material through a process of quite intensive alteration (fine passages recorded by Gaudefroy-Demombynes, pp. xxix-xxxi). With the first successes of the school of badic (the tasnlc of Shawkl Dayf, 219-39) and the extension of san'a to all phases of composition, the critics established a distinction between the craft of the Ancients which derives from a sadjiyya (natural tendency) and that of the Moderns. Among the latter, it signifies "artificial and acquired", since their poetic language is the fruit of study and of reflection (al-tahsil wa } l-riwqya); it is incompatible with tab' (natural disposition), being mutasannic, mutakallifor artificial, M. Ajami, 53-4. Curiously, Abu Hilal al-cAskarf reports the champion of tabc, al-Buhturf, as a conscientious craftsman, rejecting after the first draft everything which he found unsatisfactory. On the other hand, the representative of the meticulous poetical approach is presented as an unconditional partisan of the free-and-easy attitude, delivering the fruit of his inspiration without embellishing it; his phrase is thus tainted with numerous defects (Bencheikh, Poetique, 87). Most curiously, tabc seems to accompany intensive work in the phase which follows natural composition; takalluf appears to characterise the poetry of inspiration. The paradox is rather more apparent than real. In the process of creation, the matbu'un poets proceed after the composition of the verse to the embellishment of expression. Among the poets of badtc, gestation must have been very painful at the time of the translation of the poetical idea into images; having suffered so much, the poet refused to relinquish even the most preposterous image. Among the poets of this school, imagery reigns supreme. The poetical conception of Abu Tammam integrates creativity and craft in the process of the material translation of the image. The tabc of the Ancients, confronting the affectedness of the Moderns, received its most systematic interpretation through the theory of camud al-shicr, and later through that of the tarakib al-cArab or that of the uslub al-cArab of Ibn Khaldun which legitimises a certain tradition of composition, that of the Bedouin of the Djahiliyya, to the exclusion of all others (MJ. Ajami, 'Amud al-shicr: legitimation of tradition, in JAL, xii [1981], 30-48; Ibn Khaldun, al-Mukaddima, iii, 329-33; Ihsan 'Abbas, Mkd, 41-2, 627-30; Bencheikh, Poetique, 56-8). This approach dominates for several centuries and has seldom been challenged. cAbd al-Kahir al-Djurdjam (d. 471/1078 [q.v. in Suppl.]), a very original critic, declines to separate the diverse elements of a poem, which is considered as the fruit of an alchemy; combined in it are creative acuity, ihsan (faculty of perfection), ibda' (spirit of invention) and above all, san'a. According to him, it amounts to a spiritual force of creativity which sets in motion the imagination of the poet and enables him to illuminate the meagre or prosaic reality in a discourse which describes an
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unequalled splendour (Asrar al-balagha, 241-2, 244, 250, 315-16). The poet-theoretician Ibn Shuhayd (d. 426/1053 [q.v.]) anticipates in certain respects post-Djahizian criticism and the approach which considers tabc a spiritual force (mawddd ruhiyyd). On the basis of this principle, he reaches the conclusion that poetry is the fruit of imagination. His theory of beauty, a divine emanation, possesses strong neo-Platonian resonances, which are quite rare in classical poetry among the Arabs (Monroe, 140-2). (b) Poetry as an cilm. According to a tradition attributed to Ibn Sinn, c Umar b. al-Khattab is supposed to have stated that poetry was the most authentic cilm of the Bedouin of the Djahiliyya (Ibn Sallam, i, 24, § 32; al-Suyutf, ii, 473); similar opinions are attributed to cA'isha, to Ibn cAbbas, and to other major figures of Islam (Ibn
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Basra and to shun the disciples of the School of Kufa? The stakes were high; if this principle were followed, Basran scholars would become the sole guardians of pre-Islamic poetry or, in other words, the sole guarantors of the Arabic poetical corpus. This attempt seems to have been long-lasting since the works of Hamza al-Isfahanf and of Abu Hilal alc AskarI on tashif contain an impressive list of Basran 'ulamd3. There is nothing Saussurian about this hostility towards the scriptory which emanates from conceptual intransigence. Writing, being by nature defective, did not permit an accurate and faithful transmission of texts. Works of poetics, of adab and of grammar teem with anecdotes concerning the errors and changes introduced by transmitters, errors attributable to graphical mistakes and to defective readings (Gaudefroy-Demombynes, 20-1, 71 [nn. 82, 84]; Hamza al-Isfahanf, al-Tanbth cald huduth al-tashlf, Baghdad 1967, 55; al-Suyutr, op. cit., ii, 355). The shi'r—cilm parity could derive, as Heinrichs maintains, from the care taken by theoreticians to exclude any trace of fiction from poetry. Whatever the case, this parity has made it possible to express in new terms the relations between the latter and religion. Poetry and Islam In Islam, the religious disciplines represent the ultimate cilm. The afore-mentioned equivalence legitimised poetry and conferred on it a status immediately below the sciences of religion in terms of the rigour and of the demands of authenticity. The noisy conflicts of the early stages soon gave way to a degree of tolerance, itself replaced in the 2nd-3rd/8th-9th centuries by a honeymoon: shi'r is accepted in the most orthodox circles as a privileged discipline of Islamic culture when it fulfils certain conditions; the very orthodox Ibn Kutayba writes in this context, wakullu cilmm muhtdajm ild 'l-samd'i wa-ahwaaju ild dhalika c ilmu }l-dini thumma }l-shi'ru "every science must be transmitted orally; and this requirement is nowhere so great as in the religious sciences, and after these in poetry" (op. cit., 20, tr. Gaudefroy-Demombynes; see also 70-1, nn. 79-81, much valuable information provided by this eminent scholar). This mutation of sha'ara (to feel) to sha'ara (to know) in religious circles takes on in the opinion of the poet-theoretician Adonis the significance of a veritable revolution. Henceforward, poetry ceases to depend on simple sensation, i.e. the primary degree of cognition, and belongs to the universe of the most exalted truth (Poetique, 77). Poetry also figures prominently in the classification of sciences established by leading scholars. Examination of such a list would seem to be considerably more informative than recourse to always unreliable traditions, regarding a favourable attitude on the part of the Prophet, of 'A'isha, of one or other Companion or Successor (traditions compiled and annotated by Mustafa cUlayyan, Nahw nahdj. isldmi f t riwayat al-shi'r wa-nakdihi, 'Amman 1944; al-Nahshall, 22; Gaudefroy-Demombynes, p. xxvi) (HAL, i, 391; Cantarino, 28-34, emphasise the negative attitude of these same figures with regard to poetry). In the course of time, the problem posed by these relationships ultimately loses all cultural or religious significance; it then recurs in aajzd3, pi. of ajuz3, formally arranged in antithetical sections (4Abd al-Gham b. eAli al-Mukaddasl, Dfuz3 ahddith al-shi'r, 'Amman 1989, 37-80, favourable traditions, 81-98, unfavourable point of view. Ibn Hazm (d. 456/1064 [q.v.]) places the (ilm alshi'r immediately after the sciences of the Kur'an, of grammar and of lexicography. Like his predecessors, he assigns to this 'Urn a double aim, moral and util-
itarian, and distinguishes three branches: one which is illicit in the case where a man devotes himself to it entirely; a second which is licit but subject to numerous reservations, since here the man devotes to it the most lucid part of his time; a third is strongly recommended, being the case in which the believer devotes to it a part of his time. Thus conceived, this science of poetry is of undoubted utility; it inculcates in the one who practises it wisdom (hikma) and a more profound understanding of Arabic grammar and language (Risdlat al-talkhis li-wuajuh al-takhlis, in Rasa'il Ibn Hazm al-Andalusl, Beirut 1981, iii, 163-4). It should be clearly stated that at no time was there objection to poetry as such. Furthermore, only the believer who composes hiajd3 or eulogies to someone who does not deserve this, or who composes frivolous poems evoking the fineries of women, is judged impious (fdsik). (c) The school of badic or poetics according to Abu Tammdm. The 'Abbasid critics associate the appearance of badi' with modernity: the poets of their era opted for this poetic language because of their late arrival. For Ibn Tabataba, the Ancients said everything because they preceded all others. Their verses encapsulated original ma'am in the most elegant and the purest language. Modern poets could not compete with them in this domain. They thus exerted all their ingenuity to composing extremely reflective poems, their superiority residing in the subtlety of exceedingly elaborate thought. Their poems are the fruit of a sustained effort, they are mutakallifi in comparison with the natural fluidity of their predecessors (Ibn Tabataba, 15). And then badi' appeared. The facts seem to confirm this analysis beyond all expectation. In fact, the first fruits are associated with Muslim b. al-Walld [q.v.] alias Sarfc al-Ghawanl (d. 208/823). It is said that he attempted in his poems to convey the message in terms of its finest image. He is the first, according to Ibn Kutayba, to have softened verse and rendered the sense subtle; he was also the source of inspiration of Abu Tammam (Shi'r, 528). Ibn Kutayba's remarks clearly show that Abu Tammam is considered the undisputed champion of this school. Von Grunebaum sees in the appearance of this poetic school a reaction against the platitudes engendered by the conceptions of modernist poets, who expressed their thoughts in excessively limpid language in short verses. The poetry of Abu Tammam constitutes an attempt to halt these modernists (Growth, 132-3). The poetics of badi' comprise the following elements: (i) the poetics of Djahill orality, based on a logical and apparent line between the signified and the signifier, is definitively rejected; images are dismantled, as are the hybrids and the inherited expressions which constituted the reservoir exploited by the poets of subsequent generations. The new imagery disconcerted critics and scholars with its original character; they saw it as eccentric poetry, bordering on anti-poetry, to borrow an expression of Ibn al-A'rabT. (ii) Rhetorical embellishment is consciously pursued; sometimes this is taken to absurd lengths, as was the case with Abu Tammam (Heinrichs, 25). Flourishes are raised to the status of essential principle of composition; they no longer constitute a device for enhancing the beauty of the discourse, (iii) Henceforward, the image constitutes an end in itself. The poets of badi' were prodigious builders of images: swords, in a poem of al-Mutanabbf, are dejected and emaciated by love-sickness (al-'Arf al-tayyib, 147, v. 1, ka-annamd
SHFR yubdina min 'ishki 'l-rikabi nuhula). (iv) An extensive and profound knowledge of the treasures of the language is required for the unfettered composition of hybrids and metaphors, without which the language could constitute an obstacle, (v) The faculty of inventing ma'ani or that of forming new ones by means of derivation (tawlid al-ma'anf) is considered a necessity. In fact, what is involved is the thorough exploitation of one ma'na before moving on to another; this contributes to the cohesion and organic unity of the poem. By this procedure, the badlf school is clearly distinguished from previous methods of poetry, content to put forward the ma'na or to deal with it very briefly, (vi) Poetic creativity is turned further towards original discovery, (vii) Badic locates poetry in writing, all the more so since certain flourishes depend on a visual and graphical effect (cf. the very informative analysis by Adonis, Poetique, 50-5, 65-7). This more reflective, more intellectualised poetry first astonished, then aroused strong reservations; theoreticians considered it a text dependent on reason rather than on sensation or song. In comparisons between Abu Tammam and al-Buhturf, it is conventional to see in the former a thinker who speaks to the intellect and in the latter a singer who addresses the emotions. Furthermore, it perhaps facilitated the appearance of the theory of poetic obscurity. (d) Limpidity as opposed to obscurity in poetry. In the 2nd/8th century, writing had not succeeded in suppressing the orality of poetry; writing served as an instrument of memory for poets, and their discourse did not experience notable changes, particularly the separation of poetry from thought. On the basis of this principle, al-Djahiz proceeded to promote a poetry which would be beyond any interpretation and understood without exertion of thought. For this, easy and supple speech was an essential condition; to this end, recourse to ghanb (rare terms) is denounced; on the other hand, the poet is encouraged to use words which are conventional, agreeable and easily heard, and thereby immediately grasped. In short, clarity is the supreme quality in poetry. More than any other, al-Djahiz advocated the poetics of wuduh or limpidity (Bayan, i, 106; Bencheikh, Poetique, 84-6). This conception enjoyed lasting success, in the opinion of critics from Abu Hilal al-cAskan (Arazi, 485-7), by way of Ibn Sinan al-Khafadjf (Sirr al-fasdha, Cairo 1932, 290-1; Arazi, 482) to Ibn al-Athlr (al-Mathal also? ir, ii, 415-7; Arazi, 483). It is interesting in this context to note the high esteem in which tashim is held (= the quality of a poem where the hearer, having heard the first hemistich is in a position to foresee the remainder of the verse and to anticipate with the recitation of the second). This procedure requires a poetic language of crystal transparency and a stability of relations between poet and public, such as existed at the time of the Djahiliyya (D. Semah, Poetry and its audience according to medieval Arab poeticians, in IOS, xi [1991], 91-105). On the other hand, a decidedly less important trend opts for the mysterious in poetry. For Abu Hilal alSabf, the best poem is that in which the basis is wrapped in obscurity. This poetical obscurity constitutes the very essence of this form of discourse (waajkharu 'l-shicri ma ghamuda fa-lam yu'tika gharadahu ilia bacda mumdtalatm wa-cardm minka 'alayhi "the best poetry is poetry surrounded by mystery, which yields up its intentions only after numerous tergiversations and a request that you address yourself to it" [Arazi, 498, § 2]). Prose, to be effective, needs to be immediately understood; this is why it depends on limpidity. As
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regards shi'r the obscure constitutes, according to alSabl, a necessity on the level of creative activity. Being confined within tightly-drawn limits, i.e. the verse, this discourse is constrained, as a result of fragmentation at the level of the line, to move within extremely narrow limits and to express brief thoughts which are considerably more superficial than those of letters (the critics of the period were satisified with the concept of the independent verse as a unit of composition conveying one meaning, Ibn Sallam, op. cit., i, 360-1; al-Mubarrad, al-Kdmil, 44). The kdtib has at his disposal unlimited space and is not subject to any yoke hampering his freedom of expression; he can thus give to ideas an almost absolute priority. On the other hand, the poet, confined within a narrow space, that of the verse, is obliged, to avoid falling into platitude, to veer towards an excess of ma'am (fadl fi 'l-macnd) and the ideas expressed err on the side of exaggerated concision. The inevitable result is a certain affectedness, an expression remote from the natural and an elliptical style (Ibn al-Athfr, op. cit., ii, 415; Ibn Abi 'l-Hadld, 303, 305; cld Radja3, Dirasat, 1979, 34; Arazi, 478). It is appropriate to stress that al-Sabf introduces to us a constitutive element of poetry, which characterises the most successful examples. In developing this notion of poetics, al-Sabf was probably thinking of the poetry of his time, that of badlc, which responds partially, it is true, to this aesthetic of obscurity. Abu Hazim al-Kartadjannf [q.v.], in the 7th/13th century, was perhaps the theoretician who best systematised this concept. Through a game of contrasts cleverly set in motion, he sets out to integrate limpidity of language with obscurity of modalities and of thoughts (al-Kartadjannf, 172). Numerous cases were foreseen by this theoretician (they are revealed in Arazi, 480-1). His conclusion does not fail to astonish with its modern resonance: the macnd must be delicate and subtle by definition; the more that thoughts err on the side of subtlety, the more the poetic phrase will need to mobilise an excess of clarity; thus is achieved a fine equilibrium where the two entities are opposed and integrated (al-Kartadjannf, 177-8). Von Grunebaum correctly observes in this context that poetic obscurity existed in poetry in mediaeval Europe and that it consisted of an extension of Aristotelianism (Aesthetic, 328-9). Unfortunately for Arabic poetry, the ideas of alSabf were generally misunderstood by classical critics as well as by certain modern researchers, who have seen here a call for obscurantism in poetic language (Arazi, 483-5, § 1.3.1.). Accorded a hostile reception, they seem to have played only a marginal role in poetics. (e) Al-lafz wa 'l-macna. The critics were fascinated by the concrete formulation of the poetical idea. Much less clear was the question, should this formulation be considered as dependent on the treatment of the words or on the conceptual content? Since the objective of poetry is not the thing stated but the manner in which it is stated, it was in the natural order of things to establish a distinction between the two entities and to prefer lafi over macnd. Furthermore, the confinement of the ma'am within a limited space, which was not to be overstepped, persuaded poets to concentrate all their efforts on finding the formal garment best suited to the allotted space, and it induced them to adopt the same attitude as that held by the critics. The poet exercises the highest degree of control over his material, which is language. An intangible sign of this
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control is the concision which is strongly recommended. Al-Djahiz played an essential role in the constitution of this conception; he was followed enthusiastically by later scholars of poetry (al-Hayawdn, iii. 131-2; al'Askarl, Sind'atayn, 58; Von Grunebaum, Aesthetic, 327; Heinrichs, Arabische Dichtung, 286-7). In the 5th/11 th century, cAbd al-Kahir al-Djurdjanl was concerned to stress the negative nature of the Djahizian concept of ma'am. First of all, the separation of lafi and of ma'na seemed to him an aberration; it was hardly conceivable to separate the objective which is sought, i.e. the modalities of expression, from their projection into words. On the other hand, he challenges the notion that the literary merit of a poem emanates solely from the beauty of the terms used, conceived as preponderant units. A term cannot be fasih in itself, but only through its concurrence with the ma'am and the harmony which it establishes between the different elements of expression. If alDjahiz is to be followed, thoughts and their modalities will come to be excluded from the domain of eloquence and poetry will be reduced to verbal juggling, banishing the beauty of the composition (al-nagm] and the quality of the texture of the poem (al-ta3llf) (Djamfl Sacd, 175-90). It is, however, appropriate to mention the existence, at a very early stage, of an approach opposed to the supremacy of formalism. According to a work of Ibn Abf Tahir Tayfur (d. 280/893 [q.v.], thus a contemporary of al-Djahiz), al-Manthur wa 'l-mangum, it is possible to state that it was the ma'am which conferred on pre-Islamic poetry its undisputed primacy. It needs to be recalled that ma'na is a mixed entity dependent simultaneously on style and on thought, on form and on essence and on the treatment of words and the content. This integration of lafz and of ma'na is a very healthy element in poetry, since it establishes no distinction between essence and form. The Seven long [poems] (al-sab' al-tiwdl] possess in common a profusion of ma'am of unrivalled beauty: fa-mina }l-shi'ri 'l-ladhi la mathila lahu al-kasd3idu 'l-sab'u 'l-tiwdlu 'l-latl kaddamthd 'l-'ulamd3u 'aid sd3iri }l-ash'dri fa-inna 'l-wdhidata minhd tashmilu 'aid ma'dnin Id mathila lahd "in this poetry which has no equal, the Seven long [poems] which the scholars placed above all other poems; each in fact includes numerous ma'am, unique in their genre" (Beirut 1977, 21-2). If the poems of Imru' al-Kays, of Zuhayr, of cAntara, of Labld, of cAmr b. Kulthum, of al-Harith b. Hilliza and of al-Nabigha al-Dhubyanf are counted among the pearls of Arabic poetry, it is because of the beauty of their motifs. The superiority of every poet depends on the range of the ma'dm which he has enunciated, and the grading of poets according to categories (tabakdt) is done in accordance with these criteria. This conception developed by al-HirmazT (flor. in the time of al-Rashld, 170-93/786-809, preceding al-Djahiz by a generation) was adopted by Ibn Tayfur, Ibn Djinnf and al-Djurdjanf, but remained a minority and somewhat marginal view. C. The philosophers The influence of Aristotelian ideas on the evolution of Arabic poetics has been decisive; these have been the ideas most systematically explored by the Muslim philosophers. Unlike the theoreticians, the philosophers were concerned to clarify a complete poetic art; they conceived poetry as a universal cultural phenomenon. Their speculations possess a hitherto unknown scientific rigour, since they considered poetic discourse as a subdivision of logic. They thus deny any role in poetry to the imagination and estab-
lish incompatibility between reason and poetry (Von Grunebaum, Aesthetic, 323). These poetics of the philosophers do not derive from a more or less accurate paraphrase of the Poetics of Aristotle. It is rather a question of commentaries expressing the personal opinions of those philosophers who took inspiration from the notions expressed in al-Mu'allim al-awwal. Three essential principles dominate the poetic art as viewed by the philosophers: truth (and falsehood), imitation and evocation. (i) Aristotelian theory makes of poetical beauty an ornament and a generalisation of the truth. According to the philosophers, and more specifically Ibn Rushd, the poet should evoke, with eloquence and plausibility, a chosen and average nature which is true for all times and for the greatest public, thus detaching the permanent from the ephemeral; this is called al-haklka, the truth (Cantarino, 37). However, poetry is accorded the right to turn away from obligatory truth; this is the well-known poetic kadhib which differs from its homonym as employed by the critics. The latter understood it as meaning falsehood in the literal sense. On several occasions, traditions recount very flattering anecdotes regarding the veracity of certain poets, in particular, Zuhayr; the qualities attributed to patrons in his eulogistic poems are genuine qualities. In this context, the maxim a'dhabu 'l-shi'ri asdakuhu "the finest of poems is the most truthful" makes its appearance. Beyond this ethical aspect (Von Grunebaum, Spirit, 46-7; Ihsan 'Abbas, Nakd, 34-6) critics have questioned the exactitude of ma'am, as in the work of al-Amidf. In consequence, everything dependent on the impossible is bad. This attitude does not lack positive results, such as the necessity for the urban poet to employ a poetic language which accords with the milieu in which he lives and with clarity (ibdnd) of expression (Von Grunebaum, Critic, 104). Among the philosophers, this concept rather signifies the right accorded to poetry to turn away from objective truth. In fact, from this perspective, recognition is given to the legitimacy of poetical subjectivity, or to that of the imagination which is the cause of muhdkdt (see below). For the poet, this faculty prevails over thought, as is affirmed by al-Farabf, Ibn Sina and Ibn Rushd (al-Rubf, 114-15, with abundant bibl.). As the imagination conceives and expresses a mimesis and a resemblance and not reality, it is a case of a kadhib, and the best poem is that which succeeds more than others in giving the illusion of reality, in inducing belief in the veracity of this muhdkdt. (ii) Takhayyul denotes the power of creating images; it is stimulated, according to Ibn Sfna, by an emotion which arouses the poet, by respect or admiration, by sadness or gaiety (Fann al-shi'r min kitdb al-Shifd3; D}awdmi' al-shi'r, 67-80). This power derives from a faculty called al-mutakhayyila (according to al-Kindf, almusawwira, for al-Farabf, al-kalb) responsible for the re-actualisation of images which have been perceived in the past. At the time of inspiration, the mutakhayyila does not confine itself to reviving these images, it restructures them, initiates new combinations of images which did not exist in this form in reality (alFarabf, Ard3 ahl al-madina al-fddila, 70-2). The poet is therefore obliged to keep in mind those images stored in his memory, perhaps also the ma'am inherent in these images and to remodel them in a new, or even divergent fashion. Ibn Sfna adds to this the entire stylistic apparatus, such as poetic language, technical procedures, rhyme, metre and even ma'am (Fann alshi'r min kitdb al-Shifd3, 163). Thus conceived, takhayyul ultimately encompasses the whole process of creation.
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SHPR The Islamic philosophers ranked it above the kuwwa ndtika or logical force, but made it subservient to the intellect (al-cakl) on which it depends totally. The process of al-takhayyul al-shicri appears to be a kind of emanation (fqyd) or of vague and imprecise inspiration (ilhdm ghdmid}. Such a conception confers on poetry a status resembling that of prophecy or something close to it; both are phenomena of conscious inspiration involving subjects endowed with natural dispositions. If poetry is part of logic, the fact remains that it lies in the eighth and last position according to the classification adopted by al-Kindl and, later, by al-Farabl (al-Rubl, 54-6). All visions of takhyil, translated into language, are transformed into muhdkdt or akwdl muhdkiya, i.e. symbols, mimeses and enigmas. Were it not for muhdkdt, the human mukhayyila would be incapable of operating and would remain at the stage of virtuality. (iii) Arts such as drawing and painting are based on muhdkdt or imitation. Only poetry, among all the other arts, is a muhdkdt in the form of words. This faculty reconstructs the real into a better or worse form through the allocation of excess of beauty or of ugliness. Poetic discourse thus surpasses and transcends the real. In fact, this discourse, which is itself the fruit of muhdkdt, constitutes a subjective apprehension, since it depends on the vision which exists in the mukhayyala of the poet. In these terms, al-Farabl stresses, a poem does not constitute a totally identical imitation of reality, but there is a relation of resemblance. Ibn Sfha gives valuable particulars regarding the nature and functioning of this force; it does not operate in the case of fables and of stories set to metre and rhyme. Neither of these belongs to the category of poetry. In the versified Kalila wa-Dimna [q.v.] and in stories or tales, all is fictitious. They cannot be classed as shi'r, which is concerned with things that exist or could exist. The Islamic philosophers followed the Aristotelian concept of the poet's role as transmitter of an event which is real or which could be so. Poetry, from this point of view, is closely akin to philosophy; both aspire to express global verities. As regards the objectives which poetry sets out to retain, beyond aesthetic pleasure which is the primary aim, it is considered a school for the improvement of the soul. It is thus essentially a didactic discourse, being more easily digested by the "common people". It is the only means by which the latter can assimilate wisdom. Thus the ethical aspect, so highly esteemed by the puritans, is brought into play. The discourse which inflames the instincts and induces men to commit evil acts is thus denounced, and for this reason al-Farabf reviles Arabic poetry as a school "of cupidity and mendacity". Ibn Miskawayhi advises that young people should not be instructed in the poetry of the nasib, since it encourages fornication; on the other hand he sees educational merit in poems which celebrate courage and manliness. D. The first grammarians The first grammarians showed great interest in archaic poetry. Modern scholars have insisted on stressing the primal role played by versified texts in the researches of Arab grammarians and in the development of cArabiyya, the classical Arabic language. Alshi'r al-kadlm took the role of shdhid, proof text, and thus guardian of validity, of legitimacy of usage and of quality (Blachere, HLA, i, 89-96, 111-12). H. Fleisch asserts that treatises of grammar from the 2nd/8th century to the period of the Nahda, in fact present the grammar of Djahill poetry. Classical Arabic grammar allegedly revealed, studied and codified a stage
of the language, that represented by ancient poetry (Traite de philologie arabe, i, 1961, 9-10; see also, J. Fuck, f Arabiyya, Paris 1955, 5; cAbd al-Hamld al-Shilkanl, al-Acrdb al-ruwdt, Tripoli (Libya) 1391/1982, introd., 7, 29; Ibrahim Anls, Min asrdr al-lugha, Cairo 1958, 321). Careful study of Sfbawayhi's Kitdb reveals the dominant role of the speech of Bedouin heard directly from their own mouths. Furthermore, discernible in the approach of the great grammarian is a certain reluctance to use shi'r to legitimise a linguistic facet (Sibawayhi, Kitdb, Paris 1881-5, 7). In § 7 of the Kitdb, he declares that the rules governing kaldm differ from those governing shi'r; in other words, as grammar seeks to codify the rules of the language, it cannot rely on poetry. Furthermore, having quoted a verse and studied the form of expression which it initiates on the level of morphology and syntax, Sibawayhi adds wa-hddhd Id yaajuzu ilia fi 'l-shi'ri wa-fi dcffn mina 'l-kaldm "this is only permissible in poetry and in approximative speech" (ibid., 18, 1. 3). This equivalence of poetry = approximative discourse dispenses with any commentary. This manner of regarding the poetic language derives from a broader conception of this form. This disciple of al-Khalfl b. Ahmad seems to have had little appreciation for the very artificial figures and expressions adopted by the poetic language. When he introduces poets, he criticises them "for being ready to accept aberrant forms and figures to such a point that they use words improperly, because they are [metrically] convenient and are not vitiated by any deficiency as regards the measure" wa-yahtamiluna kabha 'l-kaldmi hattd yada'uhu fi ghayri mawdi'ihi li-annahu mustakimm laysa fihi naksu (ibid., 9). For his part, Hamza al-Isfahanf (4th/10th century [q.v.]} also fulminates against aberrant figures and the violence done to the language by poets (casf al-lugha} on account of the tyrannies of form to which they are subject (al-Tanbih cald huduth al-tashtf, Beirut 1992 [= Damascus 1968], 97-101). Later, the linguistic quest changes on account of the closure of the doors of iajtihdd in grammar, and visiting the desert is seen as futile on account of the degradation of Bedouin speech. Consequently, ancient poetry is endowed with incomparable prestige in the eyes of grammarians: it is the perfect expression of good usage. In relatively late grammatical works, only the poetical shawdhid are retained for purposes of testimony. V. Unregulated poetry.
Unregulated is used here in the sense of unrestrained, excessive (Grand Robert, s.v.). This is in fact the period of the fantastic, to borrow the expression of Heinrichs, in the long evolution of Arabic poetry. By means of an intensive and original usage of tropes, the poets break all logical links between the elements in a comparison; they opt for an imagery totally divorced from nature and proceed towards constructions dependent on the imaginary, in other words a fantastic creation. The later 'Abbasid poets show themselves consummate masters of this art. An example given by Heinrichs is the image whereby al-Sanawban compares red anemones tossed by the wind with banners made of rubies set on a background of chrysolites (Heinrichs, 26). In order to understand the full significance of this approach, it needs to be linked to the role of the image in the poetics of al-Djurdjanf. Metaphorical language, he asserts, is magic (Asrdr, 40). The image reconciles the irreconcilable, unites incompatible opposites and introduces us to a world of the bizarre, in which images are not immediately comprehended by the imagination (ibid., 140, 144, 150, 188). Evidently,
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what is involved here is an artificial creation, even a discourse full of affectation. There is nothing pejorative in this concept. Modern conceptions of aesthetics consider it on the contrary as an art form tending towards irrealism, refined and sophisticated, drawn to fantasy and paradox and transcending affectation and oddity; the subjects here are unashamedly fantastic, even esoteric. This important process of evolution proceeded for several centuries. Beginning in the 4th-5th/1 Oth-11th centuries, it reached its zenith in the 6th-12th century. The centuries of affectation are characterised by an intense poetic activity directed entirely towards a single objective: what matters in poetry is literature, i.e. recourse to a formed and formalised language. (1) The revival of established genres. The poets of these centuries are outstanding painters. In the Ayyubid and Mamluk periods, descriptive poetry demonstrates an intense love of nature; the poets of Spain, of Syria and of Egypt celebrate it with enthusiasm. The countryside is transformed here into a cornucopia of colours and scents bathed in abundant water (Ibn Munlr al-Tarabulusf, Diwdn, Beirut 1986, 149-50, 178, the perfumes of Damascus); human arrangements, sihna^s, places of libation (maajlis), wells, etc., are shown in the forefront of the scene (Ibn MunTr al-Tarabulusf, 133, § 40, 134, § 42; alSuyutl, Husn al-muhddara, Cairo 1967, 358-63). Similarly, rivers and lakes are very often celebrated (Umayya b. cAbd al-'Azfz, Diwdn, Beirut 1990, 81, 85, 133, 145; Muhammad Zaghlul Sallam, al-Adab fi 'l-'asr al-mamluki, Cairo 1971, 115-16). This attachment to nature remains a powerful influence under the Mamluks and the Ottomans, and the tendency to sing the praises of its more enchanting aspects becomes a regular feature among the poets of the two periods: Ibn Zafir al-Haddad, Ibn Kasim al-Hamw! (d. 542/1156), al-Shihab al-Shaghuri (d. 615/1218), and for the Ottomans, Ibn al-Naklb (d. 1081/1670, Ibn al-Nahhas al-Halabf (d. 1052/1642) and Abu Mactuk al-Musawf (1087/1676) have evoked in numerous instances the beauties of Syria and, in the case of Egypt, the Nile and its verdant banks. At the same time, this taste for nature is revived by love of the soil, by literary reminiscences and the introduction of a new poetical form which wallows in nature, the muwashshah [q.v.] of Andalusian origin. Also encountered in the texts is a sustained interest in the climate and in meteorological phenomena, rains, wintry weather (al-Suyutf, ii, 398), snowflakes and the cheerful nature of the spring (ibid.). Furthermore, conventional or scientific objects such as the astrolabe (Umayya b. cAbd al-'AzIz, 90-1, § 111), censers (ibid., 93, § 118), candles, tooth-picks (Shadhardt al-dhahab, vi, 59), etc., which could seem prosaic at first sight, are frequently evoked. Description adopted a poetic language which was sometimes elliptical, most often enigmatic, and ma'am which, far from revealing the object, screened it in a subtle and pleasurable manner through the adoption of procedures of affectation and fantasy. Very often, the poet gave to his description an enigmatic form by recourse to the interrogative pronoun "what-isit-that?" (ma), and an allegorical language. Fityan al-Shaghurf, describing the cupola of the Umayyad Mosque, transforms it into a young woman (ghdda) of great beauty born by a vulture (al-Shihab al-Shaghun, Diwdn, Damascus 1967, 245). Nothing in the poem helps the reader to penetrate the secret of this fantastic image. In these conditions, it can be understood how works of poetics under the Mamluks insisted on
tawriya [q.v.] or double-meaning, the less common interpretation being envisaged. No fewer than three works are attested by al-Safadl, Ibn Hidjdja and Ibn Khatima (Muhammad Zaghlul Sallam, Ta'rikh al-nakd, ii, 332, 366, 369) which clearly illustrate the tendencies of this poetry. (2) The vigour of religious poetry. Sufi" poetry experienced the most ostentatious period of its history. The works of Ibn al-Farid (d. 632/1231) and of Muhyl '1-Dm Ibn £ArabI (d. 638/1240) gave the impetus to a trend which was to be maintained until the Nahda [q.v.]. Sharaf al-Dm al-Ansan (d. 662/1264), al-Shabb al-Zanf (d. 688/1293), £Afif al-Dm al-Tilimsanl (690/1291), al-Zahlr al-Irbill (d. 697/1302), Ibn al-Nahhas al-Halabf (d. 1052/1642) and
SHI'R this period made imitation of the ancients and slavish adherence to established models into an institution. New forms, the mifdrada [q.v.], the takhmis [q.v.] and the tasmit [see MUSAMMAT], impose on the poet the need to introduce whole poetical phrases, ranging from the hemistich and the verse to the totality of the kasida. The later poet becomes, at best, a commentator and his poem a continuation and elucidation of that of the model. The case of Safi al-Dfn al-Hilll ?eems typical in this respect: a considerable proportion of his poems are mu'dradas of poems of alMutanabbl, or tasmtts of the kasida of Katarf b. al-Fudja'a, of the Idmiyya of al-SamawJal and of the nuniyya of Ibn Zaydun; another poem includes the Lamiyyat al-cArab of al-Shanfara: verses by the su'luk poet are cited textually (tadmin), separated one from another by those of the Mamluk poet. The same procedure is attested with the maksura of Ibn Durayd, two integral poems of al-Mutanabbl and of al-Tughra'i and the second hemistiches of the Hamasa of Abu Tammam. Originally, it is quite possible that the later poets were induced to follow these procedures through their admiration for a valued heritage, or as a means of protecting and conserving it. In this regard, under the Ottomans, the poets Ibn al-Nakfb and Amin alDjundl (d. 1257/1841) proceeded in an absolutely identical fashion. Furthermore, the former, no doubt considering himself a memorialist, and still with the aim of conveying a culture, composed a poem of 119 verses entitled D^amharat al-mughannln and dedicated to musicians, singers, favourites and drinking companions (nudama3) from the Umayyads to al-Radf; he also evokes here the sweetness of life among the Barmakids and the enjoyable parties given by al-Sahib Ibn cAbbad and al-Muhallabl. All these evocations were strewn with quotations from verses composed in earlier periods (al-Muhibbf, Khuldsat al-athar fi acydn al-karn alhddi cashar, Cairo 1384, ii, 396-7). On reading Mamluk and Ottoman compositions, there is no justification for speaking of decadence or of lexicographical poetry. Admittedly, since the time of the Ayyubids there is a marked tendency among poets to engage in extravagant rhetorical games: the verses known as al-abydt al-mushaajajara, which can be read from beginning to end, but also from end to beginning, constitute, at best, a verbal prank and a tangible sign, perhaps the only one, of undeniable mastery of the language. Finally, poets were much fewer in number, as the culture itself had contracted and was upheld only in small and isolated enclaves. Looking to a past which it sought to safeguard and deprived of any regenerative element, it perpetuated a patently outdated discourse. At this time, poetry had lost its momentum and was evidently awaiting a change—which came with the Nahda [q.v.]. Bibliography: See also Djahiz, Baydn, Cairo 1388/1968, i, 45-50, 51-2, 93, ' 106, 115, 135-6, 137, 156, 274, 287-9, 308, 324, 328, 334-6, 346-7, 359, 365; idem, Hayawdn, Cairo 1938-45, i, 74, 294, 364, ii, 59; iii, 57, 62, 131-2, 311; iv, 382; vi, 164; vii, 158; Mubarrad, ed. Von Grunebaum, Al-Mubarrad's epistle on poetry and prose, in Orientalia, x (1941), 374-80; Tha'lab, Kawa'id al-shicr, Cairo 1966, 6082; Ibn Kutayba, al-Shicr wa l-shucard3, Leiden 1904, 2-35; Ibn al-Muctazz, Tabakdt al-shifard3 al-muhdathin, Cairo 1956, 24, 204, 228-9, 241, 244, 248, 255, 266, 283-4, 286, 290, 294, 316, 339, 341, 342-3, 385-6; KalaT, Ihkdm san'at al-kaldm, Beirut 1986, 27-39; Ps.-Ibn al-Mudabbir, al-Risdla al-cadhrd3, Cairo 1931, § xi, 19 ff.; Abu Hilal al-fAskan, K. alSindcatayn, Cairo 1952, 29, 58, 60-1, 64-5, 131, 141,
461 147-59, 382; Kudama b. Dja'far, Nakd al-s_hifr, Leiden 1966, 2-10, 23-32, 70-90, 100-8, 124-34; Ibn al-Anbarl, Shark al-sabc al-tiwdl, Cairo 1882, 295; Rummanf et alii, Thaldth rasd3il fi i'ajdz alKur3dn, Cairo 1955; cAbd Rabbihi, al-'Ikd al-fand, Cairo 1965, v, 269-416; cAbd al-Kanm al-Nahshall, al-Mumtic ft san'at al-s_hicr, Beirut 1983, 7-13, 18-27, 46-7, 95, 120, 173-4, 213-26, 229; Ibn Rashrk alKayrawanf, al-cUmda fi mahdsin al-shicr wa-dddbihi wa-nakdihi, Cairo 1934, 19-134, 182-6; Ibn Tabataba, c lydr al-s_hicr, Cairo 1956, 3-10, 14-7, 32-45, 48-75, 96-120; Ahmad b. Muhammad b. al-Hasan alMarzukf, Shark diwdn al-Hamdsa, Cairo 1967, i, 320 (introd. by the author and thesis on camud al-shicr); Muhammad b. Sinan, Sin al-fasdha, Cairo 1932, 55-60, 85-94, 103-9, 183-7, 194-5^ 206-7, 209-11, 256-7, 261-73; Hazim al-Kartadjannl, Minhddj. albulaghd3 wa-sirddj. al-udabd\ Tunis 1966; £Abd Allah b. £Abd al-Kahir al-Djurdjanl, Asrdr al-baldghd\ Istanbul 1954, 80, 241-2, 244, 250, 315-6; Abu Bakr Muhammad b. al-Tayyib al-Bakillanl, Icdj.dz al-Kur3dn,' Cairo 1935; Ibn al-Athlr, 'al-Mathal alsd'irfi adab al-kdtib wa-l-s_hdcir, Cairo 1939, i, 3-71, 310-54, ii, 215-34; idem, al-^dmic al-kablr fi sindcat al-man^um min al-kaldm al-manthur, Baghdad 1956, 49, 59-63,' 106; Ibn Abi 'l-Hadld, al-Falak al-dd3ir 'aid almathal al-sd'ir, Cairo 1963; al-Muzaffar b. al-Facll al-'AlawI, Nadrat al-ighnd Ji nusrat al-karid, Damascus 1976, 7-11, 17, 26, 162-4, 233-49, 275, 293-98, 30311, 347, 350, 352-7, 363-76, 390-9, 422-3, 448, 453; Ibn Khaldun, al-Mukaddima, ed. Quatremere, iii, 327-62= Prolegomenes, tr. de Slane, Paris 1868, iii, 365-403; Ibn Abi 'l-Isbac al-Misn, Tahrir altahbir, Cairo 1383; Yahya b. Hamza al-cAlawi, K. al-Tird£ al-mutadammin li-asrdr al-baldgha, Cairo 1914, 78-79, 597-8; NawadjI, Mukaddima Ji sind'at al-na^m wa 'l-nathr, Beirut n.d.; G.E. von Grunebaum,, %ur Chronologic der Jhiharabischen Dichtung, in Orientalia, viii (1938), 328-45; idem, Arabic literary criticism in the tenth century, in JAOS, Ii (1941), 51-7; idem, The concept of plagiarism in Arabic theory, in JNES, iii (1944), 234-53; idem, Growth and structure of Arabic poetry A.D. 500-1000, in N.A. Faris, The Arab heritage, Princeton 1944, 121-41; idem, Arabic literary criticism in the 10th century A.D., in JNES, iv (1945), 48-54; idem, The (esthetic foundations in Arabic literature, in Comparative Literature, iv/4 (1952), 32340; idem, The spirit of Islam as shown in its literature, in SI, i (1953), 101-19; M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Introduction au livre de la poesie et des poetes d'Ibn Kutayba, Paris 1947; R. Park, "And Heard Great Argument", an essay in the practical criticism of Arabic poetry, in JAL, (1970), 49-70; W. Heinrichs, Arabische Dichtung und Griechische Poetik, Beirut 1969; idem, Literary theory: the problem of its efficiency, in Arabic poetry theory and development, Wiesbaden 1973, 23-53; S.A. Bonebakker, Poets and critics in the third century A.H., in ibid., 88-95; idem, Some early definitions of the Tawriya and Safadi's Fadd al-Khitdm fan al-Tawriya wa-l-Istikhddm, The Hague-Paris 1966; idem, Materials for the history of Arabic rhetoric from the Hilyat al-muhddara of Hdtimi, Suppl. no. 4 to Annali, xxxv/3 (1975), 36-7; J.T. Monroe, Hispano-Arabic poetry during the caliphate of Cordoba, poetry, theory and development, Wiesbaden 1973, 125-54; J.Ch. Biirgel, Die beste Dichtung ist die Liigenreichste, in Oriens, xxiii-xxiv, 7-102; J. Bencheikh, Poetique arabe: essai sur les voies d'une creation, Paris 1975; V. Cantarino, Arabic poetics in the Golden Age. Selection of texts accompanied by a preliminary study, Leiden 1975, 1-98; G.H. Van Gelder, Critic and craftsman: al-Kartdjanni and the structure
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of the poem, in JAL, x (1979), 26-84; idem, The poet as body builder; on a passage from al-Hdtimi's Hilyat alMuhddara, in JAL, xiii (1982), 58-65; S.P. Stetkevych, Toward redefinition of Bad? poetry, in JAL, xii (1981), 1-29; idem, Abu Tammdm and the poetics of the cAbbdsid age, Leiden 1991; Abdulla el Tayib, Pre-Islamic poetry, in The Cambridge history of Arabic literature, i, Arabic literature to the end of the Umayyad period, Cambridge 1983, 27-38; Salma K. Jayyusi, Umayyad poetry, in ibid., 387-427; M. Ajami, The neckveins of winter; the controversy over natural and artificial poetry in medieval Arabic literary criticism, Leiden 1984; J.E. Montgomery, Dichotomy in JdhilT poetry, in JAL, xvii (1986), 1-20; Adonis, Introduction a la poetique arabe, Paris 1985 (essential); A. Arazi, Une epitre d'Ibrdhim b. Hilal alSdbi sur les genres litteraires, in Studies in Islamic history and civilization in honour of Professor David Ayalon, Jerusalem-Leiden 1986, 473-506; Y. Abu VAddus, Rhetorical criticism in al-Jdhi^s al-Baydn wa-l-tabyin and al-Hayawdn, in 1C, lxi/1 (1987), 59-78; S. Kemal, Philosophy and theory, in Arabic poetics, in JAL, xx (1989), 128-48; S. Sperl, Mannerism in Arabic poetry, Cambridge 1989; M. Badawf, cAbbdsid poetry and its antecedents, in CHAL, ii/1, Cambridge 1990, 146-66; K. Abu Deeb, Literary criticism, in ibid., 339-87 (main tendencies; classification of poets; badif; criticism and Kur'anic studies; the work of 5 theoricians); S. Kemal, The poetics of Alfarabi and Avicenna, Leiden 1991; J. Sadan, Maidens' hair and starry skies: imagery system and ma(dnt guide, in 10S, xi (1991), § 1, 5767 (important for the opposition al-lafz and almacnd); Salah eAbd al-Sabur, Kird3a ajadtda li-shicrind al-kadim\ Beirut 1982, 3-28; Shawkf Dayf, al-Fann wa-madhdhibuhu fi 'l-shi'r al-carabi, Cairo 1943; Rose Ghurayyib, al-Nakd al-ajamdlT wa-atharuhu fi 'l-nakd al-arabi, Beirut 1952; Ibrahim Salama, Baldghat Aristu bayn al-cArab wa 'l-Tundn, Cairo 1952; Muhammad Zaghlul Sallam, Athdr al-Kur}dn ft tatawwur al-shicr al-farabi, Cairo 1952, 245-56; idem, Ta'rikh al-nakd al-carabi, i, lid al-karn al-rdbic al-hid^n, Cairo 1964; ii, Min al-karn al-khdmis ild al-cdshir al-hiajn, Cairo n.d.; Yahya al-Djuburf, al-Isldm wa 'l-shicr, Baghdad 1964; Mahmud al-Ribdawf, al-Haraka al-nakdiyya hawl madhhab Abi Tammdm, Beirut 1967; Muhammad Radwan al-Daya, Ta'rikh al-nakd al-adabifi 'l-Andalus, Beirut 1968; Yusuf Husayn Bakkar, al-JVashi3 al-Akbar ndkidm, in al-Adib, Beirut (1974), 22-6; Radja' cld, Dirdsat ft lughat al-shicr, ru3ya nakdiyya, Alexandria 1979; Djarml Sacd, Ibn Dfinnt wa 'l-Djurajdm ft difd'ihimd can al-macnd, in Maajallat al-Maajmac al-fllmt al'Irdki (1980), 175-90; Djawad CA1I, al-Mufassal fi ta'rikh al-cArab kabl al-Isldm, 1993, ix, 908 pp., consacrated to the question; Hilal Nadjf, Dtwdn alNdshi3 al-Akbar, in al-Mawrid, xi/1 (1982), 89-104; xi/2, 61-78; Ilfat Kamal al-Rubf, Na^ariyyat al-s_hicr c ind al-faldsifa al-muslimm min al-Kindt hattd Ibn Rushd, Beirut 1983; Hind Husayn Taha, al-Shucard3 wanakd al-shicr, Baghdad 1986; Ihsan cAbbas, Ta'nkh al-nakd cind al-cArab min al-karn al-thdm hattd al-karn al-thdmin al-hiajn, 'Amman 1986; idem, Fann al-shicr, 'Amman 1987; £Adnan 'Ubayd al-'Alr, Bishr b. alMuctamir shi'ruhu wa-sahlfatuhu al-baldghiyya, in RIMA, xxxi/2 (1987), study on the sahtfa, 523-8 (article = 503-28); cUmar Musa Basha, Ta'nkh al-adab al-cArabi, i, cUsur al-^ankiyytn wa 'l-Ayyubiyyin wa 'l-Mamdlih, ii, al-Asr al-Mamlukr, iii, al-cAsr al-cUthmdm, Beirut Damascus 1989. (A. ARAZI) (b) The modern period. The science of literature (cilm al-adab) among the Arabs is denned as "the systematic science of literature that deals with language in the form of poetry
and prose from the point of view of purity of language and rhetoric" (Cheikho, cllm al-adab). The Arabic language is considered by the Arabs as the most "poetic language" (al-lugha al-shdcira) created by God, a language whose characteristics distinguish it from other languages. As the language of the Holy Kur'an, Arabic acquired an aura of sanctity, stability and eternity. Thus the poetics of Arabic language should conform to the language of the Kur'an and address itself to serious subjects. As such, a fundamental difference exists between Arabic and European poetics. The European understanding of poetics as a systematic science of literature, as art, as communication, as an expression of culture in history and as a personal creation, was a concept which was not recUscovered by Arab poets until the 20th century. In fact, throughout the history of Arabic literature there are clear-cut definitions of poetry and prose, distinguishing one from the other, so as not to allow prose to be confused with poetry, though the former may have rhyme, rhythm, metaphor or any other poetical technique except metre and the intention to write poetry. The revolt against conventional Arabic metres reflected a problem with a long-disputed course of development. Although poetry has in the recent years lost its prominence, nevertheless the problem of the rigid rules of Arabic metre which started at the beginning of the 20th century is still going on. Poetry written in literary Arabic is considered among the Arabs as the most venerated and most sublime literary trend of Arabic literature. Hence colloquial poetry was excluded as a literary genre. During the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, under the impact of the West, some Arab poets tried to introduce new poetic diction, metaphors, themes and to find new forms and music which suited them, in order to be able to avoid what they considered the enslaving style, monometre and monorhyme, and the sonorous and declamatory tone of the classical Arab poetry. Arab poets noticed that the most distinctive features in European poetry when compared with Arabic are the dramatic, narrative and epic poetry, which use stanzaic form and blank verse, while the most prominent trend in Arabic poetry is confined to the lyrical monorhymed ode (kasida [q.v.]). However, most of the Arab poets, mainly the neo-classicists of the second half of the 19th century, who were convinced of the richness of their language, agreed that rhyme is essential in Arabic poetry. It provides a musical effect and adds melody through the harmony of sound; it proves the ability of the poet and attracts attention; it adds dignity and helps in memorising the sequence of lines; it divides the poem into equal and parallel verses; it raises and satisfies the expectation of the listener; and it helps to make the verse more memorable and binds the lines together with one common bond. The neo-classical trend emerged in an epoch when poets were still using the diction, style and poetic forms of the stagnation period in which the dominant social trend of poetry recorded happy and sad occasions, was composed with emphasis upon form and verbal play on words, spurious embellishment, paronomasia (tad^ms), plagiarism, alliterations, antithesis and different types of parallelism (synonymous, antithetical and climactic). Various types of pun were also used, with an emphasis upon form, such as verses in which all the words are without diacritical marks. Alternately, one word may bear the diacritical marks while the other words remain unmarked. It was also prevalent to use tashttr, i.e. to add to each verse of
SHFR a well-known poem a second hemistich to its first hemistich and a first hemistich to the second one, padding its meaning and extending it. Many such poems end with a verse denoting the year of the event according to the numerical value (hisdb al-dj.ummal [q.v]) of the alphabetic letters of the last hemistich or verse. These forms in which the poet tries to show his wit and his ability to draw on the supply of classical methods stored in his memory, inventing new puns or tricks, transformed Arabic poetry into pseudoclassical poetry, into an intellectual game and an intelligent form of frivolous entertainment admired by the elite. During the second half of the 19th century, a new generation of poets influenced by European poetry, strove to revive the classical kaslda, its form, diction, metaphors and themes, after its decline to low levels of weak and pseudo-classical verse mentioned above. The revival of the conventional Arab ode by neoclassical poets began in Egypt and the Arab world when the revival of the Arab-Islamic heritage was considered the best response to the foreign, hostile and invading Christian European culture. The neoclassical trend began with Arab poets such as Nasff al-Yazidjf (d. 1871 [q.v]) in Lebanon and Mahmud Samf al-Barudl (d. 1914 [q.v.]) in Egypt. The'form of the kaslda ideally suited the poets who served the ruling courts, high government officials, influential families, the Arab national and social movements and the religious revival. Although European literary critic theories began to show their initial influence, yet the conventional definition of poetry was the dominant one among Arab scholars and prosodists. Conservative poets and writers still dealt with the usual themes such as madlh (panegyric), rithd3 (elegy), ghazal (erotic poetry), zmyf (description), tahdni (congratulation) and served rulers and influential personalities. In this neo-classical Arabic literature, Arab poets revived the rhetoric and declamatory style and the religious and fatalistic spirit of classical poetry. The new poetics sought to emulate the conventions and the basic canons of poetics through mu'drada [q.v] (imitation of an excellent classical poem using the same metre, rhyme and theme with the intention of surpassing it). This trend of platform poetry developed not only to serve rulers, religious and national revivals but also to emphasise national ideas by recalling the glorious and profound classical heritage. When the Ottoman consul-general in Bordeaux, Ruhr al-Khalidi [q.v] compared the cilm al-adab among the Arabs and the Europeans, he said in his monumental Ta'nkh 'Urn al-adab that European writers claim that Arab poets were interested in word-juggling and artificial embellishment with and without diacritical dots and in rhetorical devices, yet with no thought or fictional imagery. Moreover, these European writers say that the makdmdt [q.v] deal with deception, with erotic subjects directed towards males and with perverted love. To these accusations, they add that when great Arab poets and writers deal with deep thoughts, they express them in an artificial and difficult language (2nd ed., 71-2). Yet the neo-classical poets were proud to achieve the purity of diction, strength of texture, polished language, aristocratic tone, rhetorical devices considered as making up the only perfect and sublime poetry, expressive of the collective conscience and aesthetics of their religion and culture. Any other form or style was considered inferior or unsuitable for the "serious" subjects of traditional poetry. The neo-classical poets'
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identity and confidence in their culture were not shaken. They saw their achievement as a step toward the restoration of the magnificent Arabic heritage and its glorious past, and precisely for this reason, any attack upon neo-classical poetry by modernist Arab critics and poets was considered as an attack on Islam. Modernist critics and poets sought to formulate new poetic theories by combining Arabic conventional poetics with modern European theories. Even in 1949, after the rise of three romantic schools in Arabic poetry, al-Rdbita (1920-31) in the USA, al-Diwdn (1921), and Apollo (1932-4) in Egypt and their new theories of poetics, the Egyptian critic al-KhafadjT in his Fann al-shicr ("The poetic art") defined Arabic poetry as "speech versified according to the Arabic metres, with the intention of using metre, expressing sense and using rhyme". Earlier, numerous definitions were attempted, which the Lebanese-American romantic poet, writer and critic Mikha'fl Nucayma [q.v] considered to be dull and inaccurate. Influenced by Russian poetics, especially by the critic V.G. Belinski (1811-48), he cautioned that, in addition to metre, rhyme, emotion and imagination, poetry should communicate pantheistic and metaphysical sensitivity. Such critics maintained that poetry, as established in classical Arabic literature, is the most artistic of all literary genres. Poetry employs language in a particular manner: it makes use of alliteration and onomatopoeia, and it is far more tolerant of metaphors and symbols than prose. The new vision of the modernists rebelled against the neo-classical platform orator poet, in short, the elegant poet whose ambition was to become a poetlaureate on the pay-roll of the ruler or of the Muslim religious endowments (awkdf). Modernists, in contrast, demanded from the poet independence in the humanist European tradition. The poet was now freed to depict his own life, emotions and thoughts as the subjects of his compositions. Unfortunately these poets and critics derived their deals haphazardly from heterogenous European critical, scientific and philosophical theories, showing an indiscriminate fascination with all Western products in the context of their desperate quest for a theory of contemporary poetics that would explain the dichotomy between word and meaning, form and content. The pioneer modernists calculated that, by adopting the forms and themes of Western poetry, a revolution in Arabic literature and a general change in the spirit of Arabic culture and poetry would ensue. Their objective was to attack the major neo-classical poets and establish their own new poetic movement. This struggle came to be known as the struggle between the old and the new (al-sirdc bayn al-kadim wa 'l-djadtd). This resulted in the romantic trend in modern Arabic poetry, involving a vehement struggle on the part of the poet for freedom to express his own ideas and emotions and his own personal experience. In effect, the modernists denounced the neoclassical blind imitation of classical themes, such as the yearning for the place of the beloved, or the lamenting over the ruins of encampments, experiences which they had never themselves known. Only during the second half of the 20th century, after the split in Arabic poetry into two distinct trends, have Arab poets and critics succeeded in formulating a completely new conception of Arabic poetics. Poetry is no longer defined in terms of its form, i.e. as speech in metre and rhyme. Rather, the evaluation is based on the poem's expressive value and its organic unity. The following themes have come to assume paramount
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importance: humanistic trends, optimistic, psychological and rational undercurrents, and universal experience. The emphasis is now on thematic content; poetry becomes a vehicle for narrative, dramatic, epic and lyrical trends, and form is secondary. Form was liberated, into free verse (shi'r hurr) in the sense of vers irregulier or the Cowleyan ode; blank verse (shi'r mursal), employing conventional Arabic feet in unrhymed verses, or rhymeless verses of irregular number of feet; in poetic prose (shi'r manthur), using the music of thought based upon repetition and parallelism; and even the prose poem (kasldat al-nathr] advocated by Adonis ('All Ahmad Sa'fd) in accordance with the French poeme en prose. For the Romantic Arab poets and critics, contrary to the classical view, the first criterion of poetic excellence is that poetry should contain human values and not only embellished language. After the Second World War, the social-realistic trend in modern Arabic literature replaced the romantic trend. The poets of this trend acquired a common ideology and employed similar artistic techniques and diction, forming a literary school in the proper sense of the word. This school insisted on utilitarian values and practiced engaged or purposive literature. They formed an ideology consisting of a blend of socialism and existentialism, describing their new brand of literature as "realistic, optimistic and constructive literature". Committed literature was viewed by its practitioners as a revolt against romantic poetics, which they dismissed as emotional, metaphorical, pessimistic and destructive. With the gradual decline of social, political, patriotic, national and descriptive trends in Arabic poetry during the mid-20th century and the success of the Romantic Arab poets in achieving harmony between form and content, a new trend arose. This was led by the Shi'r ("Poetry") magazine, established in Beirut in 1957 by Yusuf al-Khal and its theoretician the Syro-Lebanese poet Adonis. The group of poets who edited and supported the magazine dealt with the question of the dichotomy between the literary and colloquial Arabic, and gave it precedence over the question of words and meaning. They believed that language in poetry is not a means of expression but of creation. For the Shi'r group, words were expected to suggest and inspire rather than express. In addition, the new poetry was to have a dominant metaphysical tendency; it should strive to go beneath the surface level to the deeper reality of the universe. The argument of the new trend of post-modern poets is that political events cannot be the object of poetic inspiration but only of prosaic forms of literature. To love beauty teaches people to rebel against oppression; as such, didactic and socio-political poetry are superfluous. Poetry should reflect the personality, mentality and psychological mood of the poet, a particular self-image and a unique inner life. On the other hand, those who defend the obligation of the poet to his society are the proponents of a national literature which expresses itself in the social-realistic trend. The post-modern poets maintain that their new poetry has outgrown the conventional themes and rules, just as the modern age has superseded preceding ages. Poetry, they argue, is an expression of a poetic experience which should not be confined to the personal emotions. Conventional poetry recorded events and emotions, but did not go beyond them. Modern poetry is less limited, since it attempts to reveal the essence of life and not merely to be moved by it. It assumes a more positive stand. The essence
of modern poetry is creative and evolutionary thought, not precise description. It is a comprehensive realisation of the Arab existence, a call to give expression to life's deepest meaning. It stems from a metaphysical sensitivity, which does not feel things according to their essence, but is a quality which only the imagination can reach. This quality allows modern poetry to break the chains of time, events, reality and predetermined ideas. It is not a reflection of something, but a conquest revelation of a new world. The search in a poem is not for images, but for a poetic universe and for connections with the human being and his situation. With the flexible form of Arabic free verse and poeme en prose of the new trends of Arabic poetry, the modernisation of Arabic poetics was completed. This new poetry was influenced by classical Arabic poetry as well as by Western thinkers and critics from Plato and Aristotle to Rousseau, Darwin, Nietzsche, Schopenhauer, Renan, Sainte-Beuve, Auguste Comte, Bergson, Coleridge, Hazlitt, Sartre and Camus, as well as European and American poets from Shakespeare, Baudelaire, Eluard, Poe, Eliot, Blake, Byron, Shelley, Wordsworth and Whitman to Pasternak. The influence of these thinkers and poets has gone beyond changing the form and content of modern Arabic poetry; they have also enabled Arabs to understand better their classical heritage. This point has been discussed by the defender of the poetics of Arab modernity, Adonis, who has admitted that "I did not discover this modernity in Arabic poetry from within the prevailing Arab cultural order and its systems of knowledge. It was reading Baudelaire which changed my understanding of Abu Nuwas and revealed his particular poetical quality and modernity, and [it was] Mallarme's work which explained to me the mysteries of Abu Tammam's poetic language and the modern dimension in it. My reading of Rimbaud, Nerval and Breton led me to discover the poetry of the mystical writers in all its uniqueness and splendour, and the new French criticism gave me an indication of the newness of al-Jurjanf's critical vision. I find no paradox in declaring that it was recent Western modernity which led me to discover our own, older, modernity outside our 'modern' politico-cultural system established on a Western model" (Adonis, An introduction to Arab poetics, 81). As in the case with Western literature, modern Arabic poets use mythology, religious symbols, Greek and Eastern legends as well as Christian, Muslim and Hebraic symbols to communicate their new poetic vision. These symbols are employed even by practising Muslim poets and by formerly active Communists, who in this respect follow Boris Pasternak and other Russian poets. Eastern, and especially Syro-Phoenician, Babylonian and ancient Egyptian mythology and gods, have returned to the East through Western poetry. These religious and mythological symbols are used in modern Arabic poetry not as expressions of religious experience, but in order to convey mental and physical states. Their main purpose is to communicate the psychological mood of the poet, who feels persecuted and alienated from his politically suppressive society. His efforts to reform his society and country are futile because of the military or semi-military regimes dominant in Arab countries. In this pessimistic context, most of the symbols used are tragic ones. Christ is the favourite symbol of the poet who sacrifices himself for his country and people. Other symbols connected with the Crucifixion are also used, such as Christ bearing the Cross, an image denoting
SHICR the long path of suffering through which the poet has to pass. Already in 1965, these symbols provoked tremendous objections by official and the growing conservative circles in the Arab world who announced that their duty was to guard the sacred and stable values of Muslim society. They argued that the destruction started by the new trends has encroached upon the Arabic language itself. Poetry, the art and glory of choice language, have a strong connection with the national spirit. Moreover, they have accused modern poetics of allowing corrupting foreign elements to penetrate the Arab existence. Among these alien elements, they have warned, is the practice of incorporating ideas and symbols derived from non-Muslim religions. Some of these ideas had already been rejected by Islam, such as Original Sin, the Crucifixion and Redemption. Moreover, the poets have used the word ildh "deity" in its original pagan sense. These attacks by official circles in the Arab world represent a serious blow and a severe setback to Arabic thought. These conservative arguments preceded the assassination of the Egyptian thinker Dr. Faradj Fuda, the attempt by Muslim fundamentalists in Egypt on the life of the Nobel Prize laureate of literature, Nadjfb Mahfuz in 1994, and the threat to assassinate the writer, thinker and philosopher Anls Mansur. On the other hand, poets such as Nizar KabbanT and Mahmud Darwfsh remained rather conservative in their political attitudes and in their use of metaphor and religious symbols. Bibliography: Marun cAbbud, Mudj_addidun wamuajtarrun, Beirut 1961; Adonis ['All Ahmad Sa'Td], An introduction to Arab poetics, London 1990; idem, al-Thdbit wa 'l-mutahawwil, i-v, Beirut 1974-; Ihsan 'Abbas, 'Abd al-Wahhdb al-Bayydtl wa 'l-shi'r al-'Irdkl al-hadith, Beirut 1955; idem, Fann al-shi'r, Beirut 1955; A.M. al-cAkkad et al, al-Dlwdn, kitdb fi 'l-nakd wa 'l-adab yatimmu fi 'asharat aajzd3, i-ii, Cairo 1921; idem, Shu'ard3 Misr wa-bi3 dtuhum fi }l-dj_ll al-mddi, 2 Cairo 1950; idem, al-Lugha al-shd'ira, Cairo 1960 (Eng. tr. Louis Morcos, The poetical language: its qualities of art and expression, Cairo 1961); clzz al-Dln alAmfn, Nazariyyat al-fann al-mutaajaddid wa-tatbikuhd c ald 'l-shi'r, Cairo 1964; Ibrahim Anfs, Musikd alshi'r, 2Cairo 1952; ShukrT cAyyad, Musikd al-shi'r al-'Arabi, Cairo 1968; M.M. Badawi, A critical introduction to modem Arabic poetry, Cambridge 1975; CA1I Ahmad Bakathfr, Muhddardt fi fann al-masrahiyya min khildl taajdribi al-shakhsiyya, [Cairo] 1958; al-Bayyati, TaajribatT al-shakhsiyya, Beirut 1969; J. Brugman, An introduction to the history of modern Arabic literature in Egypt, Leiden 1984; Bullata, al-Rumdntikiyya wama'dlimuhd bi 'l-shi'r al-'Arabi al-hadith, Beirut 1960; S. al-Bustanf (tr.), Ilyddhat Humirus ..., Cairo 1904; Cheikho, 'Ilm al-adab, 7Beirut 1914; Y.A. Daghir, Masddir al-dirdsa al-adabiyya, ii/1-3, Beirut 1956-80; Shafik Djabrl, And wa 'l-shi'r, Cairo 1959; cAbd al£ AzIz al-Dasuki, Djamd'at Apullu wa-atharuhd fi 'l-shi'r al-hadith, Cairo 1960; Shawkl Dayf, Dirdsdtfi 'l-s_hi'r al-'Arabi al-mu'dsir, 2Cairo 1959; Mahir Hasan Fahml, Harakdt al-ba'th fi 'l-shi'r al-hadlth, Cairo 1961; clzz al-Dm Isma 3 il, al-Shi'r al-'Arabi al-mu'dsir, Cairo 1967; Yusuf Tzz al-Dm, al-Shi'r al-'Iraki al-hadith, Baghdad 1960; Djabra I. Djabra, al-Hurriyya wa 'l-tufdn, Beirut 1958; S.Kh. Jayyusi, Trends and movements in modern Arabic poetry, Leiden 1977; S. Moreh, Modern Arabic poetry 1800-1970, the development of its forms and themes under the influence of Western literature, Leiden 1976; idem, Studies in modern Arabic prose and poetry, Leiden 1988; Moreh and M. Milson (eds.),
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Modern Arabic literature. A research bibliography 18001980, Jerusalem 1993; cAbd cAzfz al-Nu'manl, Fann al-shi'r bayn al-turdth wa 'l-haddtjha, n.p. 1991; M. alNuwayhf, Kadiyyat al-shi'r al-dj.adid, Cairo 1964; M. Peled, Aspects of modern Arabic literature, Louvain 1988; R.C. Ostle (ed.), Colloquium on modern Arabic literature, London 1974; D. Semah, Four Egyptian literary critics, Leiden 1974; c lrfan Shahfd, al-Awda ild Shawki aw-ba'da khamsin 'dman, Beirut 1986; Ghalf Shukrf, Shi'rund al-hadlth ild qyna?, Cairo 1968. (S. MOREH) 2. In Persian. In the introduction to Mi'ydr al-ash'dr, a Persian textbook of prosody written in 649/1251-2, and ascribed to NasFr al-Dm TusI [q.v.], shi'r is said to be "imitative and measured speech" (kaldm-i mukhayyal-i mawzun], according to the logicians, or speech "with measure and rhyme" (mawzun-i mukqffa) in popular usage. These definitions, which refer to the Aristotelian mimesis as well as to the basic prosodical features, express a conformity to a concept of poetry commonly held in traditional Islamic civilisation. This is rooted in the paradigmatic role assigned since early Islam to Arabic poetry and the formal rules governing that poetry. Persian classical poetry, the beginnings of which can be traced back to the 3rd/9th century, is the oldest example of the adaptation of an indigenous poetic tradition to the Arabic standards. Although several fragments of Persian poems, dating back as far as the 1st century A.H., are on record, until the 3rd century all lack the characteristics of metre and rhyme marking classical poems. They are remnants from the pre-Islamic poetry of Persia, which was almost exclusively an oral art. The prosody of that tradition is still imperfectly understood, but it was undoubtedly very different from the classical standards, especially because of the absence of quantitative metres and regular rhyme. Persian critics of the Middle Ages refused to recognise anything as poetry that was not written according to these standards. Shams-i Kays [q.v.] went as far as to state that prosody was in all its aspects an invention of the Arabs to which the Persians had added nothing new (Mu'dj_am, 68). In modern times, the Indian scholar U.M. Daudpota still put much emphasis on the virtual identity of the two traditions. However, Hellmut Ritter, examining the aesthetic function of imagery in the poetry of Nizaml, found a fundamental difference in the prevalence of explicit poetic comparisons in Arabic poetry on the one hand, and a Persian preference for metaphorical expression on the other (Bildersprache, 13-21; see also Geheimnisse, l*f.) This immediate and flexible use of imagery provided Persian poetry with a manneristic idiom which for centuries dominated the literary language, both in poetry and in prose. Benedikt Reinert has clarified the complex relationship between Arabic and Persian poetry by pointing out that there was in fact an interplay of literary influences from both sides. The 'Iraki phase in the history of Arabic poetry, when the muhdathun [q.v.] poets introduced rhetorical innovations and new genres into the tradition inherited from the Djahiliyya, was the immediate ancestor of Persian poetry, but was itself influenced by Middle Persian forms of poetry. Features favoured in particular by the Persian poets were, among others, the use of the radif rhyme, a strict application of the quantitative principle in Persian metrics, a different structure of poetical comparisons, an excessive use of hyperbole, the introduction of the heroic and didactic genres and the description of nature as a theme for the naslb (Probleme, see esp. 72-82).
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Writers on various aspects of literature have left statements about the values attached to poetry in Persian culture. Kay Kawus [q.v], the author of the oldest Persian Mirror for Princes, classified poetry among the intellectual pursuits, warning at the same time against difficult poetry which would be in need of a commentary and could therefore fail to speak directly to those for whom it was written (Kdbus-ndma, 187). Being concerned in particular with the usefulness of poetry to a ruler, Nizamf 'Arudf [q.v.] pointed to the catharsis which could be effected by poetry, for instance in politics, as well as to the publicity value which provided one of the most important justifications for traditional court poetry. In rhetorical textbooks, the practical advantage of a critical knowledge of poetry was emphasised for any one who was concerned with composition, including especially official scribes, because the stylistic convention prescribed the embellishment of prose by means of poetic insertions. More fundamental are the attempts to establish the metaphysical status of poetry by emphasising its connection with human speech and logic. Such considerations are to be found as more or less obligatory introductions to anthologies, e.g. of 'Awff's Lubdb alalbdb and Dawlatshah's Tadhkirat al-shucard\ Speech (sukhan) constitutes God's special gift to mankind, by which the human species is distinguished from all other living beings. On account of its privileged relationship to the capacity of speech, the writing of poetry belongs to the highest pursuits of the soul. Poets also frequently express their views on this particular aspect of their art. Passages on the relationship between speech, or logic, and poetry have found their place among the subjects treated in the introductions of mathnaun poems. A remarkable specimen is the long and intricate introduction which Nizamf Gandjawf [q.v.] added to the dedication of his didactic poem Makhzan al-asrdr. Defending the originality of his work, he makes use of the allegory of a spiritual journey in search of the inspiration which only the poet's own heart can provide. Poetry is related to the logos but also to the Divine word of revelation; the latter association gives the poet a spiritual status close to that of the prophets. Nizamf also points out that poetry is an immaterial art, in spite of the fact that it uses all the elements of the cosmos as the raw material for its imagery (Makhzan al-asrdr, ed. A.A. Alizade, Baku 1960, sections xii-xviii). Such a high opinion of poetry could not fail to lead to a discussion about the permissibility of the "mercenary" panegyrics of the court poets. This question became particularly acute since the 6th/12th century, when Persian poetry came to be used more and more for religious purposes. Sana'f [q.v] reduced the conflict between his calling as a homiletic poet and the practices of professional court poetry to a choice between "the Law" (sharc) and "poetry" (shi'r). Fand al-Dm c Attar [q.v], claiming the rightful use of poetry by the mystics, harmonised the opposition implied in Sanaa's word play by adding a third term, viz. "the (heavenly) throne" (carsh), symbolising the goal of the mystical search, which in his view sprang from the same source as literary art and the obedience to the Law of Islam, just as the three words shared the same letters (Muslbat-ndma, 46-7). By then, poetry was firmly established as a medium for the expression of mystical experience and religious and ethical instruction. Remarkable for this development were the greater importance of the ghazal [q.v], and of the didactical mathnawl [q.v], which became enriched by the often intricate use of narrative ele-
ments. The scope for secular epics became restricted, except on the level of popular literature. The panegyrical kasida, as well as the stanzaic poems, were used for other purposes more suitable to religious interests such as didacticism, religious hymns and elegies on the Shfcf martyrs. The dichotomy between court and religion is only a simplified model of the actual situation. There was an exchange of motives and themes, going into both directions, which gave Persian poetry the ambiguity which became one of its most fascinating features. According to many modern critics, Persian poetry reached its culmination point in the 8th/14th century, especially with Hafiz [q.v], and then ceased to develop any further. During the Tfmurid period, a decline already began, marked by the mere imitation of earlier poets and an empty display of rhetorical virtuosity. Under the Safawids [see SAFAWIDS. III. Literature], there was a brief and limited revival of creativity, exemplified especially in the 16th century by the stylistic fashion of wukuc-gu3T, and subsequently by the rise of the sabk-i Hindi [q.v]. In Persia, the Indian style was not long accepted as an avenue to escape from the impasse, though it produced at least one generally recognized master in the poet Sa'ib [q.v]. About the middle of the 18th century, a reaction to the Indian style, afterwards styled the "literary return" (bdzgasht-i adabi], took the form of a neoclassicism which continued to dominate poetry until the 20th century. This revival was founded on the early court poetry, which was admired for its harmony, natural grace and simplicity. Nearly all poetry written in the Kadjar period is at best a clever imitation of poetry produced at the courts of the Samanids, Ghaznawids and Saldjuks. In the first decade of this century, the Constitutional Revolution (inkildb-i mashrutd) again challenged the inventiveness of Persian poets. The novelty of the mashruta poetry consisted mainly in the introduction of new subjects, derived from current events, and in an attitude of engagement towards society, both of which had been virtually unknown to the classical tradition. Formal innovation was still only incidental to the main concern with contents, but a few experiments with prosody can be noticed, e.g. the choice of new rhyme schemes by Dihkhuda (1879-1956) and Bahar's [q.v.] use of uncommon variations of the stanzaic poems, like the mustazdd, an extension of the classical mathnawi. More interesting was the turn towards forms hitherto restricted to oral poetry: both 'Arif [q.v., in Suppl.] and Bahar recognised the effectiveness of the tasmf, a ballad already in use for popular comments on political events, to reach mass audiences during public performances of poetry and music. The strength of the tradition showed itself not only in the overall tendency to stick to the timeworn vocabulary and imagery, but also in attempts to provide individual poems from the past with a topical meaning. A striking example is the treatment of Khakanf's famous kasida on the ruins of the Sasanid palace at Ctesiphon as a symbol of the modern longing for the rebirth of vanished greatness. Muhammad Rida clshkl (1893-1924 [q.v., in Suppl.] chose Ctesiphon as the setting for his poems Rastdkhiz-i saldtin-i Iran and Kafan-i siydh, written in the novel form of musical drama. In an ode on the Communist Revolution, Lahutf (1887-1957 [q.v.]) transferred this theme to the Kremlin. The form of the strife poem (mundzara), used by Asadl (llth century), was transformed into a medium for modern social and moral criticism by Parwln Ptisamf (1906-41 [q.v.]). The impact of Western poetry, which has been
SHFR instrumental in the process of literary modernisation in all non-Western cultures, made itself felt comparatively late in Persia. Debates between the proponents of change and the defenders of traditional poetry (shicr-i sunnati) went on until after the Second World War, although the first signs of Western influence can already be noticed in the early 1920s. Among the first to turn to Western models were clshkl, with his musical dramas, and Iradj Mfrza (1874-1924), whose ^juhrd u Manucihr was an imitation of Shakespeare's Venus and Adonis. The allegorical narrative Afsana (1922) is in retrospect seen as a landmark in the development of modern poetry, although the poet Nfma Yushid [q.v.] did not yet depart much from traditional prosody. More important are the atmosphere, which reminds one of French romantic poetry of the 19th century, the realistic descriptions of nature and the reflections on the future of Persian poetry in the discussions of the poet and his muse. In the following decades, Nima began to question the principles of classical Persian verse. He rejected its isometric lines and tight rhyme schemes as unsuitable for contemporary poetry, because they forced the poet to use superfluous words in order to fill empty spaces in prescribed patterns and thereby limited his creative freedom. Instead, metre and rhyme should be subservient to poetic expression. In his "broken metrics" (carud-i sjiikasta], the ancient metrical feet can still be recognised, but their number in each line varies according to the expressive needs of the poet. Rhyme also was freed from its formal rigidity; this opened the possibility for various kinds of irregular rhymes as well as for blank verse. Even more radical were Nfma's experiments with a new poetic imagery which equally were inspired by modern literary trends in the West, notably by surrealism. For a long time, Nima remained a more or less isolated and controversial pioneer. Only ca. 1950 did a number of young poets accept his ideas as the basis of a modern Persian poetry. Starting from the nucleus of his fundamental rules, they developed themselves into various directions. The most radical innovator among them was Ahmad Shamlu, who also broke through the barrier which had always divided the language of written poetry from spoken Persian. The debate between the modernists and the defenders of the tradition gradually lost most of its heat. Although prominent poets like Shahriyar [q.v.] could still make a meaningful use of the ancient forms, by the 1960s the new poetry had become generally accepted. The political events in Persia after 1941 affected poetry as much as the Constitutional Revolution had done this. Political and social engagement (ta'ahhud) became again an avowed task of poetry, although political oppression and censureship did not leave a very large scope for the expression thereof. External conditions often forced poets into opaque symbolism. However, the desire to be in line with international trends of modern poetry also gave much modern Persian poetry an obscurity which made it difficult to understand for readers who were still attached to the poetic idiom of the past. The process of poetic modernisation fostered the rise of literary criticism on a scale which Persia had not known before. Nfma's own theories were expounded in private letters and scattered articles which were only recently collected and published by Sfrus Tahbaz. To most critics, they constitute the basics of their own evaluation of modern poetry. Bibliography: Kay Kawus, Kdbus-ndma, ed. Gh.-H. Yusufi, Tehran 1345 Sh./\967; Nizamf
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'Arudf, Cahar makdla, ed. M.M. Kazwmi and M. Mu'fn, Tehran 1957; Muhammad 'Awff, Lubdb al-albdb, ed. E.G. Browne, London-Leiden 1903-6; Dawlatshah, Tadhkirat al-shu'ard3, ed. Browne, LondonLeiden 1901; U.M. Daudpota, The influence oj'Arabic poetry on the development of Persian poetry, Bombay 1934; H. Ritter, Uber die Bildersprache Ni^amis, Berlin-Leipzig 1927; idem, Die Geheimnisse der Wortkunst (Asrdr alBaldga] des cAbdalqdhir al-Curcdnl, Wiesbaden 1959; B. Reinert, Probleme der vormongolischen arabisch-persischen Poesiegemeinschaft und ihr Reflex in der Poetik, in Arabic poetry. Theory and development, ed. G.E. von Grunebaum, Wiesbaden 1973, 75-105; J.C. Biirgel, JVfeawi tiber Sprache und Dichtkunst, in Islamwissenschqftliche Abhandlungen. Festschrift fur Fritz Meier, Wiesbaden 1974, 8-28; J.T.P. de Bruijn, The religious use of poetry, in Studies on Islam, Amsterdam-London 1974, 63-74; idem, Comparative notes on Sand3! and cAttar, in Classical Persian Sufism:Jrom its origins to Rumi, ed. L. Lewisohn, London-New York 1993, 361-79; F. Machalski, La litterature de I'Iran contemporain, 3 vols., Wroclaw etc. 1965-80; cAbd al-Husayn Zarrfnkub, Nakd-i adabi, 2 vols., 3Tehran 1361 M./1982; idem, Shicr-i bidurugh shicr-i bi-nikdb, 3Tehran 2536 Shahin-shahi/ 1977; M. Akhawan Thalfth, Bidcat-hd wa baddyic-i Nima Tushldi, Tehran 1357 ^.71978; M.R. ShafTf Kadkanf, Persian literature (Belles-Lettres) from the time ofjdmi to the present day, in G. Morrison (ed.), History of Persian literature from the beginning of the Islamic period to the present day, Leiden 1981, 113-206; idem, Suwar-i khaydl dar shifr-ifdm, 3Tehran 1366 ^.71987; idem, Musiki-yi shi'r, 2 Tehran 1368 -$£.71989; R. Barahinf, Tola dar mis, 3 vols., Tehran 1371 tSTz.71992; M. Hukukf, Shicr-i now az dghdz td imruz, 2 vols., Tehran 1371 ^.71992. (J.T.P. DE BRUIJN) 3. In Turkish. A. The p r e - O t t o m a n period [see {OTHMANLI. III. (a) 1; TURKS. Literature]. B. The Ottoman period [see 'OTHMANLI. III. (a), (b), (c)]. C. The Republican period. When the Ottoman Empire dissolved, the overornate Diwdn poetry of the elite, written in carud [q.v.] using Ottoman Turkish, lost its frame of reference. Republican values envisaged that the literature should go to the people and reflect their lives and values using their language, i.e. spoken Turkish. Although the roots of a search for new forms and expressions for a wider audience go back to the Tangimdt period (mid-19th century), it was during the War of Independence and after the declaration of the Republic (1923) that Turkish intellectuals moved outside Istanbul to acquire a first-hand experience of Turkey and its people. For the poets, the Anatolian villager, the folk poetry in spirit and form (its traditional syllabic metre and various poetic forms) and the wealth of folk traditions which had been so far neglected, now became major sources of inspiration as well as providing vast amount of subject-matter. Diwdn poetry and carud did not vanish immediately after the Republic; in fact, its influence can be traced even in contemporary poets in a synthesised form. Ahmet Ha§im (1885-1933), Mehmet Akif Ersoy (1873-1936) and Yahya Kemal Beyath (1884-1958) continued to write in farud after the 1920s. Atilla Ilhan (1925-), Edip Cansever'(192885), and Behget Necatigil (1916-79) make use of the Diwdn style, but without carud, in their works. Beginning with the Tanztmdt period, and during the early years of the Republic, it was the French poetic tradition which inspired the Turkish poets; e.g. Beyath was
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under the influence of the Parnassians, and Ahmet Hasim (1884-1933) of Symbolism. One way of looking at modern Turkish poetry is by decades, although the time span is short and the same poets will have continued to write in the next decade, possibly with a change in style. a. 1923-38. This was the decade when excitement about the new state and the newly-discovered populism and nationalism was deeply felt. The poets of the old school, such as Abdiilhak Hamid Tarhan (1852-1937), Ahmet Hasim, Yahya Kemal Beyath, Celal Sahir Erozan (1883-1935), and Mehmet Akif Ersoy [see MEHMED CAKIF] continued to write, usually with carud but using a purer Turkish than before. Beyath lauded the magnificence of the Ottoman Empire and the pain of losing it, as expressed in "The Open Sea": While my childhood passed in Balkan cities./ There burned in me a longing like a flame./In my heart the melancholy that Byron knew./ Ha§im, the Symbolist, talked of spiritual exile, and declared "We ignore the generation which has no sense of melancholy"; these two poets were to influence the coming generations more than any of the other poets of the era. Ersoy, writer of the lyrics of the Turkish national anthem, adapted carud to spoken Turkish masterfully and his use of the style of the Islamic khutba created a most original effect. His poetry was heroic, didactic, idealistic, preaching purity of the soul, and his elegy "For the Fallen at Gallipoli" is one of the most famous poems of the period: Soldier, you who have fallen for this earth/Your fathers may well lean down from heaven to kiss your brow./You are great, for your blood saves the True Faith./Only the heroes of Badr are your equals in glory./ For the populist/nationalist poets of the period, inspired by folk poetry, Ziya Gokalp (1876-1924) [see GOKALP, ZIYA], and Mehmet Emin Yurdakul (18691944) [see MEHMED EMIN] are the best examples, didactic in tone and close to folk poetry in form. Faruk Nafiz gamhbel (1898-1973) [see CAMLIBEL, in Suppl] wrote about Anatolia and its people with the eyes of an urban intellectual observing the rural scene for the first time. Halit Fahri Ozansoy (1891-1971), Orhan Seyfi Orhon (1890-1972) [see ORKHAN SEYF!], Yusuf Ziya Ortac (1913-1975) [see ORTAC, YUSUF DIYA], Enis Behic Koryiirek (1891-1949) [see KORYUREK], Cahit Kulebi (1917-) and Ceyhan Atuf Kansu (1919-78) began to write also during this period. Most of these poets were teacher-poets. Through the Halkevi or "People's Houses" [see KHALKEVI] organisation and its publication, they were able to disseminate their ideas and poems, and an interest in folk culture became popular among the masses through them. A painter and a poet, Bedri Rahmi Eyiiboglu (1913-75) [see EYYUBOGHLU, in Suppl.], not only used the folk poetry tradition but also depicted the colours and the art of Anatolia using words. Some of these poets were more didactic than others; e.g. Behc.et Kemal Qaglar (190869) dedicated his poetry to the love of Atatiirk and the Republican ideals. The poets painfully observed the wretched economic and social condition of Anatolia, and some perceived the Russian Revolution as a new source of hope. This brings Nazim Hikmet (1902-63) [see NAZIM HIKMET] to mind. Under the influence of Mayakovski in his earlier poems, he launched his free verse and, although he also wrote sensitive and tender love poetry, he is better known by his poems of revolution. In the "Epic of §eyh Bedrettin"; using modern verse, he united, with great skill, the
traditions of Diwan poetry and folk literature: It was hot/very hot./The heat was a knife with a bloody handle/and a dull blade,//It was hot./The clouds were loaded/ready to burst/to burst right away.//Without moving, he looked down/from the rocks/his eyes, like two eagles, descended on the plain./There/the softest and the hardest/the stingiest and the most generous/the most loving/the greatest and loveliest woman/the EARTH/was about to give birth/to give birth right away.// The era was not dominated only by Nazim Hikmet; there was also much diversity. While Necip Fazil Kisakiirek (1905-83) used religious and mystical themes, a group of young poets believing in art for art's sake gathered their poems into a book called Tedi me§ale "The Seven Torches" (1928). These were Muammer Liitfi (1903-47), Sabri Esat Siyavu§gil (1907-68), Ya§ar Nabir Nayir (1908-81), Vasfi Mahir Kocatiirk (190761), Cevdet Kudret Solok (1907-) and Ziya Osman Saba (1910-57). They asserted that they were tired of the current state of poetry and sought new ways, but on close reading, their poetry is clearly under the influence of Parnassianism, and the movement was in any case short-lived. Their contemporaries were Ahmet Hamdi Tanpmar (1901-62), Ahmet Muhip Dranas (1909-80), both students of Yahya Kemal, who wrote under the influence of Ha§im and Valery, whilst Ahmet Kutsi Tecer (1901-67) wrote in traditional syllabic metre in stanzaic form expressing genteel sensibilities and Cahit Sitki Taranci (1910-56) achieved popularity with his sincere love of humanity and celebration of life. b. 1940-60. Politically, the early part of the period was marked by the move from a single-party system to pluralistic democracy and liberalisation, whereas the second part is marked by the crises of democracy and military intervention. In poetry, the 1940s bring to mind firstly the Garip "Strange" or Birinci Yeni "First New" movement. Orhan Veli Kanik (1914-50) [q.v.], Oktay Rifat Horozcu (1914-88) [see OKTAY, R!FAT] and Melih Cevdet Anday (1915-) caused a literary upheaval when they published their poems in a book called Garip in 1941. In this they called for abandoning everything that Turkish literature had so far been teaching, including conventional rigid forms and metres. They asked for less rhyme and for a language reduced to a bare minimum, and an avoidance of metaphors and word plays; instead, their theme would be to celebrate the common man and their aim to write for him. Kamk's poem "Epitaph", which talks about the corns of Suleyman Efendi, is a good example. There was little room for sentimentality, but the love and joy of life were always there, mixed with a sinister sense of humour and poetic reality; his "For the Homeland", often recited even today, is one such poem: All the things we did for our country/Some of us died/Some of us gave speeches./ Oktay Rifat caught the underlying political desperation of his contemporaries in his "Underdeveloped". To fall behind; in science, in art, leafless/ Unflowering in the spring; an aching star/ Imprinted on the forehead. But Kamk died young, and the other members of the group were to leave it in the 1950s. This latter decade in Turkey saw the liberalisation of political life. There was a growing middle class which did not care too much for poetry; the beginnings of industrialisation (with all its pain) and emigration to the
SHFR big cities caused complex socio-economic changes. The Garip movement in poetry had outlived its time, and its followers had by now turned to other more personal styles: Rifat took up Neo-Surrealism, and Anday began to write in an epic style, intellectually complex poetry. Some of the poets of the period grew tired of the "poetic realism" which had become fashionable with the Garip movement. Salah Birsel (1919-) wrote: Take "Love for Mankind" as your topic/And free verse as your prosody./Relevant or not,/ Whenever it occurs to you,/Insert the word "Hunger"/At a convenient spot./Near the end of the poem/Rhyme "Strife" with "the Right to Good life."//There, that's the way to become A Great Poet. More organised reaction to the Garip came in the form of the I kind Teniler "Second New" movement (1955-65), which advocated "art for innovation's sake". In the 1960s, a monthly review called Papiriis edited by Cemal Sureyya (1931-90) brought the proponents of this together; Ilhan Berk (1916-), Cemal Sureyya, Turgut Uyar (1927-85) and Edip Cansever (1928-86) are the better-known poets of this movement. They tried their hands at new rhythms and more modern imagery, with distortion of language to the degree of meaninglessness as their mark. They tried to recover the poetic qualities banished by the Garip poets, but they were neither elitist nor anti-populist; on the contrary, they tried to depict the experiences of the individual in the city. They were esoteric, individualistic and metaphysical. Thus Cemal Sureyya is witty, subtle and full of clever imagery, with love, understanding, warmth and irony as the major features in his works: The clock chimed like a Chinese jar./Bending my brim hat over my misery,/Out of my white insomnia, I,/Exiled to your face,/You woman,/ You were in every secret corner,/Your shadow nettled on the dark street,/(from "Country") Edip Cansever, influenced by T.S. Eliot, told of the alienated man in an urban setting; Ece Ayhan (1931-) was obscure in his prose poems about history and the underworld; Sezai Karakoc (1933-) was inspired by Islam; whilst Kemal Ozer (1936-) was politically committed. During the 1950s, the proponents of classical Turkish poetry formed a circle around the journal Hisar (ran until the 1980s), with such prominent names involved in it as Munis Faik Ozansoy (1911-75), Orhan Seyfi Orhon and Mehmet Qmarli (1925-). c. I960-. The striking feature of the 1960s was the politicisation of the young poets after the military takeover, which advocated a firm return to populism and the teachings of Atatiirk. The young poets of the 1960s were a sober group, critical of anyone who did not write for a political purpose, so that Nazim Hikmet and Ahmet Arif (1926-91) became their heroes. Ataol Behramoglu (1942-), Sureyya Berfe (1943-), Ismail Ozel (1944-) started a joint action against what they called the bourgeois writers under the name of "Revolutionary Young Poets". But after the military intervention of 1971, Behramoglu abandoned crude propaganda and his didactic attitude; Berfe identified with the underprivileged and wrote with a folk style and popular language and Ismet Ozel turned to Islam. Amongst the other poets of the period may be mentioned Hasan Hiiseyin (1927-84), Ozdemir Ince (1936-), Arif Damar (1925-), Refik Durba§ (1944-), Ozkan Mert (1944-), Kemal Ozer (1935-), Turgut Uyar (1927-85), Metin Eloglu (1927-85) and Edip Cansever (1928-85), whilst Atilla Ilhan (1925-) and
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Can Yucel (1926-) became influential also. Atilla Ilhan combined the elements of classical with folk poetry, and his exotic and romantic imagery made him popular among the young generation in the 1960s. Yiicel is subtle in his irony, combined with lyricism and sensitivity; he tackles politics and sex with the same ease, and his mastery of both Ottoman and folk expressions and puns have contributed to his popularity: We can show you two kinds of people/who've learned a thing or two about political finesse:/ politicians and convicts./The reason is there for all to see:/for politicians, politics is the art of staying/out of jail,/for convicts it is the prospect of freedom. (Poem no. 26). General characteristics of modern Turkish poetry are thus the discovery of Turkish, as used by the folk, in its various forms and its wealth of expressions; and a synthesis of centuries of oral tradition, folk literature, DTwdn poetry and universal literary traditions. Halman (1982, 21) lists some of the themes and concerns of Turkish poetry as "nationalism, social justice, search for modernity, Westernization, revival of folk culture, economic and technological progress, human dignity, mysticism, pluralistic society, human rights and freedoms, democratic ideals, hero-cult, populism, Atatiirkism, proletarianism, Turanism, Marxist-Leninist ideology, revival of Islam, humanism—in fact, all aspects and components of contemporary culture". Bibliography. Nermin Menemencioglu and Fahir Iz (eds.), The Penguin book of Turkish verse, London 1978; Talat Sait Halman (ed.), Contemporary Turkish literature, London 1982; Mehmet Kaplan, Cumhuriyet devri Turk §iiri, Ankara 1990; Mahir Unlii, 20. Yuzyil Turk edebiyati 1940-1960, Istanbul 1990; Cevat (Japan, section Turkey, in Modem literature in the Near and Middle East 1850-1970, London 1991; Feyyaz Karacan Fergar (ed.), Modern Turkish poetry, Ware 1992; Turk §iiri ozel sayisi (fagda§ Turk §iiri) in Turk Dili, nos. 481-2 (Ankara 1992); Ataol Behramoglu (ed.), Son yuzyil buyuk Turk §iiri antolojisi, i-ii, Istanbul 1993. (giGDEM BALIM) 4. In Urdu. The word has two common meanings in Urdu. Firstly, it means poetry in general, as an art form. It has a synonym, shd'iri, and the two words are sometimes combined in the expression shi'r-d-shd'in. Another Arabic word, nagm, is also used. The second meaning of shicr is a verse or couplet, pi. ash'dr. There was comparatively little interest in Urdu prose in India until the end of the 18th century. But poetry, following Persian models, thrived in the South—the Deccan—under the patronage of local Muslim rulers, such as those of Golkonda and Bidjapur, from the early 17th century onwards. Whether the language used is better described as a dialect of Urdu, or as a distinct Dakhani language, is for linguisticians to decide. What cannot be denied is that poetry in the Urdu lingua franca of northern India owed much to a few years' stay in Dihlf by a poet of the Deccan, Wall; it is not entirely fanciful to suggest that he is to Urdu poetry what Chaucer is to English. The forms and techniques of the poetry were based on those of Persian, which in their turn were based on Arabic. The favourite theme was love, embodied in ghazal [q.v.] poetry. The poet complained of his beloved's neglect of him, each poem consisting of between ten and twenty verses. The verse consisted of two hemistiches (misrac), each second one having the same rhyme. The rhyme was also established in the first hemistich of the first verse. In some ghazals, the beloved might be God, whilst when this
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beloved was human, it might be masculine rather than feminine. There were other forms of monorhyme poetry, the most important being kasida [q.v] or eulogy, and satire or hiajd3 [q.v.]. There were various types of stanzaic poetry, the simplest, used for longer narrative poems, being mathnawt [q.v.] in rhymed couplets. Elegy (marthiya [q.v]) was at first in verses of four, then later six, hemistiches. In addition, mention should be made of short poems (kit'a, pi. kitac), consisting of as few a one or two verses. These might, for example, serve as chronograms, giving birth or death dates of famous men in Arabic letters instead of numbers. Authoritative critical and analytical books about poetry in Urdu did not appear until the 19th century. By this time, the so-called Dihll school of Urdu poetry, which owed its origin to Wall, was on the decline. Political instability, due to Afghan and Marathf incursions, had made the capital of the Mughal Empire a difficult place of residence, and poets gravitated to Lucknow. India fell increasingly under the control of the British, through their East India Company. This control was strengthened by the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857. Education followed British criteria. This affected the 'Aligafh Movement led by Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan [q.v.]. Among the major influences on Urdu poetry were loosening of the stranglehold of ghazal and of Persian influence, and the rise of literary criticism. As Muhammad Sadiq says (op. cit. in Bib I., 269 ff.), the Mukaddama-yi-shicr-o-shacin by Altaf Husayn Hall "Marks the dawn of historical and scientific criticism in Urdu ... it is the first formal treatise on poetry in Urdu." Hall saw poetry as a civilising instrument instilling morality. Its degeneration in the East was due largely to political reasons. Despotism killed sincerity and encouraged exaggeration. To end this decadence, poetry should not only be subordinate to morality but should also eschew the supernatural and follow reality. Hall refers to English, Persian and Arabic as well as to Urdu poetry. He aimed to commend poetry to the puritanical Indian middle classes who were highly suspicious of it. He was himself a poet; he did not always live up to his own standards, but in his Musaddas (a long poem subtitled "The flow and ebb of Islam", in stanzas of six hemistiches) he found a theme worthy of his genius. A second major study of Urdu poetry is Ab-i-haydt, by Muhammad Husayn Azad (1830-1910) (see Sadiq, 288 ff.). But much of our information about Urdu poets comes from a literary form called tadhkira [q.v]: that is, short notes on a number of poets illustrated by short quotations. In the earlier examples, the biographical information tended to be in Persian. The popularity of poetry was both illustrated and stimulated by the social institution of the mushd'ara [q.v]. This took the form of a meeting of poets who would recite their poems in rivalry—not unlike that of the mediaeval German Minnesingers. These played a major role in the emergence in Lucknow in the mid-19th century of the marthtyas of Anls and Dabfr [q.vv] as rivals to ghazals in popularity. This article is not intended to be a history of Urdu poetry. For this, reference should be made to the two general works by Muhammad Sadiq, and Ram Babu Saksena in the Bibl., and to the individual articles on poetical forms and individual poets in this Encyclopaedia. As with modern Arabic poetry, one sees classical traditions modified by Western notions. Those notions in Urdu came largely from English, though occasionally from Russian and (in the case of Ikbal) German. Until the present century, it was quite com-
mon for poets to produce Persian diwans as well as Urdu ones—not infrequently as copious as or even more copious than their Urdu dtwdns. This applied to Ghalib (1797-1869 [q.v.]), considered by many as the last of the great classical Urdu poets, but it also applies to Muhammad Ikbal (1873-1938 [q.v.]), the "national poet of Pakistan." Bibliography: Muhammad Sadiq, A history of Urdu literature, London 1964, is a mine of information on the subject, often unrivalled in the analysis and discussion of important aspects. Examples are his accounts of Wall, Hall and Azad. Particularly helpful are the numerous Urdu quotations, with English translations. Unfortunately, these are lacking in the other major study, Ram Babu Saksena, A history of Urdu literature, Allahabad 1927. For a general account in Urdu, see 'Ibadat Brelwf, Shd'iri awr shd'iri ki tankid. For the tadhkira, see Farman Fathpuri, Urdu shu'ard* ke tadhkire awr tadhkira nigdri, Lahore 1972. Among the many editions of Hall's Mukaddama-yi-shicr-d-shdciri, one may mention that edited by Wahid Kureshl, Lahore 1953. Azad's Ab-i-haydt was first published in 1881, but made no mention of the important poet Mu'min [q.v.]', consequently, a later edition should be used. (J.A. HAYWOOD) 5. In Malay and in Indonesia [see Suppl.]. 6. In Swahili [see SWAHILI. 2. Literature]. 7. In Hausa. Hausa waka includes all forms of song, including a number of categories borrowed from Classical Arabic literature. The most important of these are: madahu (< madh, madth), or sometimes begen annabi, basically "pleading with the Prophet"; wa'azi (< waeg "warning, admonition"), which dwells on the torments of Hell Fire for the wicked and the joys of Paradise for the believer; wakokin tausari or wakokin najumi, astrological verse, dealing with the Zodiac and other astronomical and astrological matters; wakokin tauhidi (< tawhid), which sets out the essentials of Islamic theology; and wakokin Jikih, dealing with Islamic law. These categories are, however, only approximate, and there is much overlapping; thus wa'azi verse may include material pertaining to tauhidi or even madahu. For a fuller treatment, and for bibliography, see HAUSA. iii. Literature. (M. HISKETT) SHIRA5 (A.), verbal noun of the root sh-r-y, a technical t e r m of early Islamic religion and, more generally, of Islamic commercial practice and law. The word appears to be one of the adddd [q.v.], words with opposing meanings, in this case, buying and selling; the basic meaning must be to exchange or barter goods. Early theological usage was based on such Kur'anic texts as II, 203/207, "Amongst the people is the one who sells (yashri) himself, desiring God's approval (or: to satisfy God)"; II, 15/16, "These are those who have purchased (ishtaraw) error for right guidance/ bartered guidance for error"; and XII, 20, "They sold him (sharawhu, sc. Joseph) for a low price". The sabab of II, 203/207, is said by Ibn Kathfr (Tafsir, Beirut 1987, i, 254), from Ibn c Abbas, to have been when the Companion Suhayb al-Rumf lost his wealth by making the hiajra to Medina, and the Prophet told him that he had in fact gained a profit. Al-Ashcarf (Makdldt al-isldmiyym, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul 1929, i, 102) reports that the leader of the Hafsiyya sub-sect of the Ibadiyya sect of the Kharidjites, Hafs b. Abl Mikdam [see IBADIYYA, at vol. Ill, 660a], interpreted the verse as referring to the assassin of 'All, Ibn Muldjam [q.v].
SHIRA' — AL-SHFRA Thus this concept became especially associated with the Kharidjites [q.v.], who interpreted the Kur'anic references as applying to Kharidjite believers who sacrificed their lives in opposing an unjust ruler and thereby "purchased" Paradise. Accordingly, the active participle shari, pi. shurdt, becomes a name for the Kharidjites in general (see al-SamcanT, Ansdb, ed. Haydarabad, viii, 13). Hence in legal practice, shira3 has the predominant meaning of buying rather than selling. The importance of shim3 as a legal term can be found in its nature as a positive action that formulates the purchasing element of the contract of sale. However, the legal literature on shira3 seems to treat it as a subsidiary component of bay' [q.v.] and is therefore dealt with as part of that contract. The contract subject (mahall al-akd] of both bay' and shira3, is covered by the maxim that applies to all contracts of exchanges, i.e. what is prohibited to take is prohibited to give. Shira3 appears to be discussed, as an identified issue, when it can lead to a prohibited transaction. To avoid the possibility of interest (ribd [q.v.]) the buyer is prohibited from reselling a commodity before purchasing it unless it is in the form of murabaha (see below). In the civil laws of Islamic countries like Egypt, Syria, Libya and clrak, the sale contract creates three fundamental obligations upon the purchaser (al-mushtan): payment of the price, payment of the contract's expenses, and collecting the goods. The Maajalla [see MEDJELLE] agrees with the principle of these three obligations, giving a definition of the mushtari as "he who buys" (art. 161). This definition could be understood to include "any person" who buys, whether for the purpose of consuming the goods or reselling them. The inclusion of the two types of buyer in one definition, without distinguishing their contracts on the base of their intention, can be significant in the case of the murabaha contract when the intention of the buyer to resell is clearly declared. Murabaha is a permissible form of sale that allows a purchaser to buy with the intention of subsequently reselling to a designated buyer with a fixed profit rate. The payment of the sale price, inclusive of the agreed profit margin, may be immediate or deferred. Murabaha also serves to protect the innocent general consumer who is inexperienced in trade. According to Udovitch, by basing the sale price on the original price, the customer was provided with a modicum of protection against unfair exploitation by merchants. Today, murabaha is considered as the most popular mode of financing used by Interest-Free Banking. The views on the legitimacy of murabaha banking are divided regarding the nature of the guarantee that some Interest-Free Banks "expect" from the client/consumer for whom they purchased the commodity. If the customer is given total freedom to purchase the commodity or not, it is a legitimate practice; otherwise it is treated with doubt, as it could mask interest (ribd) in the guise of a legitimate form of sale. The above definition in the Maajalla appears to open the gate to include both kinds of murabaha, whether with a designated buyer or without, since "any" buyer can fit the category. The rights of the mushtan appear to be well taken care of in Islamic law under the institution of hisba [q.v.] However, he seems to be more protected by hisba before the contract than after it. If the item is purchased and then appears to be fraudulent, then the dispute can only be settled in court on the ground of gharar or ghishsh in the same way as any other contract.
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Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): Baklr bin Sacld A'washt, Dirdsdt Isldmiyya fi al-usul al-ibddiyya, 2nd ed., Algiers n.d., 112; cAbd al-Razzak al-Sanhurf, al-Wasit f t sharh al-kdnun almadani, Beirut 1968, iv, 769; A.L. Udovitch, Partnership and profit in Medieval Islam, Princeton 1970, 220; Ismacll al-Djawhan, al-Sihdh, Beirut 1979, vi, 2391; Sallm Rustum Baz al-Lubna.nl, Sharh al-Maajalla, Beirut 1304/1886-7 repr. 1986, iii,' 74; Ahmad Muhammad Djalf, Dirdsa can al-firak fi ta3nkh almusiimin, Riyad 1988, 51, 97-100. (M.Y. Izzi DIEN) AL-SHICRA (fern., with alif maksura], the old Arabic name for Sirius (a Canis Maioris), the brightest fixed star in the sky (apparent magnitude -1.46). The origin and meaning of the name are debated; while some scholars, less probably, assume a derivation of al-shicrd from the star's Greek name Ie(pio<; (on this, cf. Scherer, 111 ff.), others, with more probability, maintain a genuine Arabic origin (see the discussion and references in Kunitzsch [1], 117-18, nos. 1 and 3; Eilers, 124). In the dual, al-shicraydn designated the two stars Sirius, a Canis Maioris, and Procyon, a Canis Minoris, together. Both of them were also given specifying adjectives, Sirius as al-shicrd al-cabur ("al-sh. which has crossed [the Milky Way]") and al-shicrd al-yamdniya ("the southern shi'rd") and Procyon as al-shicrd al-ghumaysd3 ("al-sh. with eyes filthy from weeping") and al-shicrd al-s_ha3 dmiya ("the northern shi'rd"), and each of them could be named by on,e of the adjectives alone (cf. Kunitzsch [2], nos. 289a/b, 290a/b). In anwd3 books and other texts it is often mentioned that al-shicrd is "in al-ajawzd3" which refers to its position, in ecliptical longitude, in the zodiacal sign of al-ajawzd3 = Gemini, the Twins. In Greek-based "scientific" astronomy, following Ptolemy, Sirius is located on the mouth of the Greater Dog. In the star catalogue of his Almagest, Ptolemy gives the proper name of the star as 6 Kucov ("the Dog", a name identical with the name of the whole constellation, Canis Maior, the Greater Dog; the classical name, letpioq, is not mentioned here), which was rendered in the Arabic versions as al-kalb ("the Dog"), for which elsewhere kalb al-ajabbdr ("Orion's Dog") is also found (cf. Kunitzsch [2], nos. 139-40). In modern times, Sirius is reported as being called el-Mirzem in Central Arabia (Hess, 221, and others; in classical tradition al-mirzam designated {3 Canis Maioris, p Canis Minoris and y Orionis; cf. Kunitzsch [2], nos. 164a/b/c, 165a/b, 166a/b) and, perhaps, 'alib in some places in the Yemen (cf. Gingrich, 161-2, and others). Al-shicrd is frequently mentioned in classical Arabic poetry. Some Arabs counted al-shicrd among the anwd3 asterisms, though not as one of the 28 lunar mansions [see ANWAJ; MANAZIL], and they had raajaz verses on its heliacal rising (around 27 June; see Pellat, 23, nos. 13-14). There are traditions saying that al-shicrd was one of the stars worshipped in pre-Islamic times by certain tribes, this star being indicated for the Kays (Henninger, 66 ff.). Ibn Kutayba specifically tells that Abu Kabsha was the first to worship al-shicrd (K. alAnwd3, Haydarabad 1956, 46). It is obviously with regard to this pagan superstition that the Kur'an asserts "He [i.e. God] is the Lord of al-shicrd" (LIII, 49). In the tafsir literature (ad locum) this item was afterwards discussed extensively. In another context it is well known that Sirius ("Sothis") was of special importance in ancient Egypt; its heliacal rising indicated the rise of the Nile and determined the beginning of the new year (cf. van der Waerden, 11 ff.). In Hellenistic times there developed a genre of
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astrological and astrometeorological literature describing weather prediction and other prophecies related to the heliacal rising of Sirius, partly in connection with observations of the Moon (cf. Gundel, index s.w. Sirius, Sothis). In the course of the transmission of the ancient sciences to the Arabs, texts of this kind also reached the Islamic world and are now found in numerous manuscripts, often ascribed to such pseudo-authors as Hermes or Ptolemy; one such treatise was also written by the famous Egyptian astronomer Ibn Yunus, d. 399/1009 (see Sezgin, GAS, vii, 54, 67, 173, 199, 312, 317; Fahd, 488-9, 494; Ullmann, 284, 291). A reflex of these traditions is also found in the anwd3 book of Ibn Masawayh, d. 243/857 (K. al-Azmma, ed. P. Sbath, in BIE, xv (1933), 235 ff., esp. 254, 11. 3-8 = tr. G. Troupeau, in Arabica, xv (1968), 113 if., esp. 132, on 19 July). Bibliography: W. Eilers, Stern-Planet-Regenbogen, in Der Orient in der Forschung, Festschrift fiir Otto Spies, Wiesbaden 1967; T. Fahd, La divination arabe, Leiden 1966, repr. Paris 1987; A. Gingrich, Sudwestarabische Stemenkalender, Vienna 1994; W. Gundel, Astrologumena, Wiesbaden 1966; J. Henninger, Arabica sacra., Freiburg-Gottingen 1981; J.-J. Hess, Uber das prafigierte und infigierte cain im Arabischen, in ^S, ii (1924), 219-23, P. Kunitzsch [1], Arabische Sternnamen in Europa, Wiesbaden 1959; P. Kunitzsch [2], Untersuchungen zur Sternnomenklatur der Amber, Wiesbaden 1961; Ch. Pellat, Dictons rimes, anwa3 et mansions lunaires chez les arabes, in Arabica, ii (1955), 17-41; A. Scherer, Gestirnnamen bei den indogermanischen Volkern, Heidelberg 1953; C. Schoy, El\ art. Shi'ra; M. Ullmann, Die Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften im Islam, Leiden 1972; B.L. van der Waerden, Erwachende Wissenschaft. 2. Die Anfange der Astronomie, BaselStuttgart 1968. (P. KUNITZSCH) SHlRAWAYH, ABU SHUT^A' B. &HRAWAYH b. Shahradar b. Shlrawayh b. Fannakhusru al-Daylaml al-Hamadhanl (b. Hamadhan 445/1053, d. 509/1115), traditionist and historian. His father, his son Shahradar and his grandson Abu '1-Ghana'im Shfrawayh were all scholars and traditionists of great erudition (Subki, Tabakdt, vi, 193). Abu Shudja< pursued his studies as a pupil of the greatest masters of the period, in particular: Abu '1-Fadl Muhammad alKumasanl, Yusuf b. Muhammad al-Mustamll and Ahmad b. clsa al-Dlnawarl. Having acquired a sound and thorough education, especially in jurisprudence (fikh), in tradition (hadtth) and in history, he devoted himself to teaching in the madrasa of Hamadhan. He was then tutor to numerous pupils, including his son Shahradar, Muhammad b. al-Fadl al-lsfarajlnl and Abu Musa al-Madlnl who, in their turn, became eminent traditionists (Subki, op. cit.). Shlrawayh died on 9 Radjab 509/29 November 1115 (op. cit.) at 64 years of age. He composed numerous monographs, most of which no longer exist, such as his Ta'rikh Hamadhan ("History of Hamadhan") to which he owed his reputation among his contemporaries. Unfortunately, no information is currently available regarding this book. Fortunately, however, three other works of his, of hadzth and of history, have been preserved; numerous manuscripts, as yet unedited, are kept in various libraries (see Brockelmann, I2, 419-20, S I, 586): (1) The Firdaws al-akhbdr bi ma'thur al-khitdb al-mukharradj. c ald K. al-Shihdb ("The Paradise of stories"). This is a collection of traditions, drawn from the Shihdb alakhbdr of Muhammad b. Salama al-KudacI (d. 454/ 1062). Like its author, this work was evidently much appreciated by the specialists of the period. It con-
tains some ten thousand hadiths, accompanied by complete chains of transmitters (isndds) and divided into chapters arranged in alphabetical order (Bab al-alif, Bab al-bd3, Bab al-td3, to Bab al-yd3). Later traditionists followed his example; al-Suyutl (d. 911/1505 [q.v.]), among others, adopted the same method of classification in his Djdmic al-saghir (cf. HadjdjI Khalifa, Kashf, ii, 1254). In numerous instances, the Firdaws of Abu Shudja' has been annotated, supplemented or summarised. His son Shahradar (d. 558/1162) enriched it with a supplement, the Musnad al-Firdaws, in four volumes, where he assembled 558 chains of transmitters (isndds) used by his father (ms. Rampur, no. 359). A certain 'All b. Abi '1-Kasim b. CA1I composed a summary of it entitled Bustdn al-mustakhraaj rain al-Firdaws ("The Garden", extract from the Firdaws), contenting himself with only 1,140 traditions. An abbreviated manuscript of this book is to be found in the Algiers Library (no. 496). Numerous manuscripts of the Firdaws of Shlrawayh are still preserved in several libraries, especially in Cairo, Rampur, Berlin etc. (cf. Brockelmann, loc. cit). (2) Riydd al-uns li-'ukald3 al-ins ("Garden of amusement for the sages of mankind"). In this work, the author traces, in great detail, the history of Islam from the birth of the Prophet Muhammad to the time of the 'Abbasid caliph al-Mustazhir bi-llah (487-512/10941118), his contemporary. Apparently, a single manuscript of this work, which comprises 86 leaves, has survived. It is kept in the National Library of Cairo (no. 48 ma]. The copyist, Abu Muhammad b. cAbd al-Malik b. Abi '1-Hasan, claims to have copied it in 585/1190 from an autograph manuscript. (3) Nuzhat al-ahddk fi makdrim al-akhldk ("Survey of ethics"). This also constitutes a small collection of traditions. Like the Firdaws, it is subdivided into chapters arranged in alphabetical order; it seems that only one manuscript is still in existence. Bibliography. Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al-huffaz, Haydarabad 1958, iv, 1258; idem, al-Tbar, Kuwait 1960, iv, 18; Safadi, al-Wdfi bi 'l-wafaydt, Istanbul 1949, xvi, 217-18; Yafi'I, Mir3at al-d^andn, Haydarabad 1989-91, iii, 198; Subkl, Tabakdt al-Shdjiciyya, Cairo 1964-76, vii, 111-12; Ibn Taghrlbirdl, al-Majum alZdhira, Cairo 1929-52, v, 211; HadjdjI Khalifa, Kashf al-zunun, Tehran 1967, ii, 1254, 1684; Ibn al-clmad, Shadhardt al-dhahab, Cairo 1931-32, iv, 23-4; Baghdadl, Hadiyyat al-cdrifin, Istanbul 1951-55, i, 420; idem, Iddh al-maknun, Istanbul 1951, i, 599; Brockelmann, I2, 419-20, S I, 586; Zirikll, al-Acldm, Beirut 1969, iii, 268; Kahhala, Mu'ajam al-mu3allijin, Damascus 1960, iv, 313; Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis der arab. Hdss. der Kgl. Bibliothek zu Berlin, Berlin 1889, xvii, 111-12, nos. 1278-9; Catalogue of Arabic books in the Rampur State Library, Rampur 1902, i, 102, nos. 208, 112, 359; Catalogue general des mss. des bibliotheques publiques, Algiers 1893, xviii, 124, no. 496; Fihrist al-kutub al-carabiyya al-mahfuza bi 'l-kutubkhdna al-khidiwiyya, Cairo 1890, v, 64-5; Fihrist al-kutub al'arabiyya al-mawa^iida bi-Ddr al-Kutub al-Misriyya, Cairo 1930, y, 209. (MOKTAR DJEBLI) SHIRAZ, which has the title dar al-cilm, the capital of the province of Fars, is an Islamic foundation, on a continually inhabited site, which may go back to Sasanid, or possibly earlier, times. It was probably founded, or restored, by Muhammad the brother of Hadjdjadj b. Yusuf, or by his cousin Muhammad b. al-Kasim, in 74/693 (AJ. Arberry, Shiraz, Persian city of saints and poets, Norman, Okla. 1960, 31). It is situated at 5,000 ft. above sea level in 29° 36' N. and 52° 32' E. at the western
SHIRAZ end of a large basin some 80 miles long and up to 15 miles wide, though less in the vicinity of Shiraz. A river bed, which is dry for most of the year, bounds the northern part of the city and runs southeastwards towards Lake Mahalu (J.I. Clarke, The Iranian city of Shiraz, University of Durham, Department of Geography Research Papers series no. 7, 1963, 8). According to MustawfT, there were eighteen villages, irrigated by kandts, in the surrounding district (hawma) of Shiraz, which belonged to the city (Nuzhat al-kulub, ed. and tr. Le Strange, text, 116). A network of roads radiates from Shiraz (see Le Strange, Lands, 195-8). It is approached on the south from the Persian Gulf through high mountain passes, and on the north through a series of hills which separate it from the plain of Marwdasht. Its water supply comes mainly from kandts, of which the most famous is that of Ruknabad [q.v], made by Rukn al-Dawla b. Buya (MustawfT, Nuzhat, 115). July is the hottest month with a mean temperature of 85°, February the coldest with 47°. The annual rainfall is 384.6 mm (Camb. hist, of Iran, i, The land of Iran, ed. W.B. Fisher, Cambridge 1968, 249). There have been several major earthquakes; those of 1824 and 1853 caused heavy loss of life and destruction of property (Clarke, 11). Over the centuries, the city has also suffered from floods, famines epidemics and sieges. Throughout the Middle Ages, Shfraz was a centre of learning, where Islamic theology, mysticism and poetry flourished. Ibn Khaiif (d. 371/982 [q.v]), who founded a ribdt there, is buried in the city. Kadis, c ulama3 and Sufis and, to some extent, the rulers of the city as well as the people generally, shared in the vigorous religious life which prevailed (see Ibn alBalkhT, Fars-nama, ed. Le Strange, London 1921, 11718, on the kadis of Shfraz; Abu 'l-cAbbas Ahmad b. Shihab al-Dln Zarkub, Shirdz-ndma, ed. Isma'Il Wa'iz Djawadf, Tehran AHS 1350/1971-2, on the eulama'\ and Djunayd, Shadd al-izdr, ed. Muhammad Kazwfnf and eAbbas Ikbal, Tehran AHS 1327/1948-9'on the Sufi's). Mustawff mentions that the people of Shfraz were much addicted to holy poverty and were of strict orthodoxy (Nuzhat, 115, Fr. 113). Ibn Battuta also states that they were distinguished by piety, source religion and purity of manners, especially the women (The travels of Ibn Battuta A.D. 1325-1354, tr. H.A.R. Gibb, ii, Cambridge 1962, 300). The Dhahabiyya order, established in the early llth/17th century had, and has, its centre in Shfraz (see R. Gramlich, Die Schiitischen Derwischorden Persiens, in Abhandlungen far die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Bd. xxxvi, 1, 1965, Bd. i, 2-4, 1976, Bd. xlv, 2, 1981; and see TARIKA). The poet Hafiz [q.v.], who lived in Shfraz under Shah Shudjac b. Mubariz al-Dln Muhammad (759-86/1357-84 [q.v.]), is buried outside the city, as also is Sa'df [q.v], who flourished at the court of the Atabeg Abu Bakr b. Sacd (623-59/1226-61). In the early centuries, Shfraz was under caliphal governors. Al-Istakhrf mentions the tax rates prevailing in Shfraz (157). He states that the land in the bazaars belonged to the government (sultan) and private persons paid ground rents (158). In the middle of the 3rd/9th century, Ya'kub b. Layth, the Saffarid [q.v], having seized Fars, made Shiraz his capital. His brother cAmr b. Layth [q.v], who succeeded him, built a cathedral mosque on the site of which the present masajid-i ajdmif stands [see FARS]. 'All b. Buya c lmad al-Dawla [q.v] took Fars in 321/933. He was succeeded by his nephew cAdud al-Dawla b. Rukn al-Dawla [q.v], who ruled Fars from 338/949 to
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366/977 and 'Irak and Fars from 366/977 to 372/983. Under his rule, Shiraz became an important economic and cultural centre. The anonymous Hudud al-fdlam (written in 372/982-3) states that Shiraz was a large and flourishing town with two fire-temples (tr. Minorsky, 126; see also Spuler, Iran, 191-2). {Adud al-Dawla built there a large library, a hospital, mosques, gardens, palaces, bazaars and caravanserais and a cantonment for his troops called Kard Fana Khusraw. This became a small town in which business flourished. It provided an annual revenue of 16,000 dinars. According to Ibn al-Balkhf, Shiraz and Kard Fana Khusraw together accounted for 316,000 dinars out of the total revenue of Fars of over 2,150,000 dinars (Fars-nama, 132, 172). After the death of cAdud alDawla, Kard Fana Khusraw fell into decay and was nothing but a hamlet when Ibn al-Balkhf was writing in the first decade of the 6th/12th century, and its estimated revenue (cibrat) was 250 dinars, though the sum collected was not more than 120 dinars (Farsnama, 132-3). The hospital by this time was also in decay, but the library, which had been cared for by the family of the kadi al-kuddt of Fars, was still in good condition (ibid., 133-4). Towards the end of the Buyid period, there was much disorder in the neighbourhood of Shiraz. Samsam al-Dawla Ba Kalfdjar, fearing attacks, built a strong wall round the city (Ibn al-Balkhi, 133). According to al-Mukaddasf, the city had eight gates (430), though some authorities mention eleven. The accounts of Fars during the early years of Saldjuk rule are somewhat confused. In 439/1047-8 Abu Kalidjar b. Sultan al-Dawla made peace with Toghril Beg (Ibn al-Athfr, ed. Beirut, ix, 536) and governed Shfraz on his behalf. He was succeeded by his son Fulad Sultan, who was overthrown in 454/1062 by Fadluya, the Shabankara [q.v] leader, who was, in turn, defeated in the following year by an army from Kirman under Kawurd [q.v]. Shiraz was repeatedly plundered during these years (Ibn al-Balkhl, 133). After the death of Malik Shah (485/1092), Saldjuk control over Fars weakened, but various of the Saldjuk governors, in spite of frequent struggles between rival amirs for control of the province, appear to have established a degree of security and good government in Shiraz. Among them were Cawlf Sakaw, Karaca, Mengii-Bars, and Boz-Aba [see BUZ-ABEH]. The firstnamed was assigned Fars by Muhammad b. Malik Shah [q.v] in 502/1108-9 or 503/1109-10, and he went there with Caghrf, Muhammad's infant son, to whom he was atabeg (Ibn al-Athfr, x, 517, Ibn alBalkhf, 141, 146-7). Karaca, who was atabeg to Saldjuk Shah b. Muhammad, built and endowed a madrasa in Shiraz, which was still one of the great madrasas of the city in the 8th/14th century (Zarkub, Shirdz-ndma, 64-5). Mengii-Bars also built a madrasa in Shfraz, and during his government Abu Nasr Lala founded a madrasa near the Istakhr Gate, which was in excellent condition when Zarkub was writing (Shirdz-ndma, 65). After the death of Mengii-Bars, Boz-Aba took possession of Fars in 532/1137-8. He was turned out by Kara Sunkur, but retook the province in 534/1139-40. He died in 542/1147. His wife Zahida Khatun is reputed by Zarkub to have governed Shfraz for twenty-one years (this must have been both during Boz-Aba's lifetime, when he was presumably often absent from the city on campaigns, and thereafter). She built a magnificent madrasa in the city and constituted numerous awkdf for it. Sixty fukahd3 received allowances daily and many pious and learned men dwelt there. It had
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a high minaret but this, Zarkub states, was in ruins when he was writing (Shird^-ndma, 66-7). The Salghurids [q.v.] established themselves in possession of Fars by the middle of the 6th/12th century. Under their rule, Shfraz flourished. They and their ministers made many charitable foundations in the city. Sunkur b. Mawdud (d. 558/1162-3), the founder of the dynasty, built the Sunkuriyya madrasa and a mosque, and a minaret near the latter and a sikaya near the former (ibid., 72-3). His tomb was in the Sunkuriyya mosque, and 208 years after his death the people of Shfraz were still seeking fulfilment of their vows at it and the shar'l judge accepted oaths invoking the name of his tomb (ibid., 73). Zangl b. Mawdud (d. 570 or 571/1175-6) constituted several large villages and pieces of land into wakf for the shrine of Ibn Khafff (ibid.', Mustawff, Tdnkh-i gu&da, ed. Husayn Nawa'f, Tehran AHS 1336-9/1958-61, 504). He also built a ribat in Shfraz (Zarkub, 73). Amfn al-Dm Kazirunf (d. 567/1171-2), the wa&r of Tekele b. Zangf, who succeeded Zangl b. Mawdud, built a madrasa close to the eAtfk mosque and a ribat (ibid., 72). After a period of internecine strife during which agriculture was ruined and famine and pestilence broke out (MustawfT, Gu&da, 504-5), Sacd b. Zangf (591-623/1195-1226) established his supremacy, and prosperity was restored in the early years of the 7th/13th century. According to Wassaf, Sa'd's tax administration was lenient (Tdnkh-i Wassaf, ed. M.M. Isfahan!, Bombay 1269/1852-3, 161). He built a wall round the city, a splendid new ajdmic and the Atabakf Bazaar (Wassaf, 155; Zarkub, 77). His wa&r cAmfd al-Dfn Abu Nasr As'ad also built a madrasa in the quarter of the Istakhr Gate (ibid., 79). Sacd, who had extended his rule to include Kirman, made an expedition into 'Irak in 613/1216-17 but was defeated by the Khwarazmshah Muhammad. On his return to Shfraz, his son Abu Bakr, displeased with the terms he had made with the Khwarazmshah, refused him entry into the city. In the fighting which ensued, Sacd was wounded, but the people of Shfraz let him into the city by night. He seized and imprisoned Abu Bakr. However, on Sa£d's death in 628/1230-1, Abu Bakr succeeded him (Mustawff, Guzida, 505). The Mongols were meanwhile advancing on Persia, and so Abu Bakr sent his nephew Tahamtam to Ogedey offering submission and agreeing to pay tribute (Wassaf, 156). Shfraz was thus spared devastation by the Mongols, though Mongol shihnas came to Shfraz and lived outside the city (ibid., 157). However, the favourable tax situation which had prevailed under Sa'd b. Zangf did not continue. The demands of the Mongol commanders, and the establishments of the Mongol princesses, together with the needs of Abu Bakr's army and administration, increased. A new settlement, the mirdthi settlement, was drawn up by 'Irnad al-Dfn Mfrathf, the head of Abu Bakr's dlwdn al-inshd'. Under it, new and higher taxes were imposed on Shfraz, including house taxes (ddrdt), tayydrdt (the meaning of this term is uncertain; it may have meant in this context water taxes), imposts upon the import of cloth, taxes on horses, mules, camels, cattle and sheep, and tamgha taxes on foodstuffs apart from wheat and barley (Wassaf, 161-2; Zarkub, 82). Despite higher taxation, Abu Bakr is well spoken of by the sources. He made many charitable bequests (Mustawff, Gu&da, 506). He built a hospital in Shfraz and a sikaya at the cAtfk mosque and constituted many awkdf for them (Zarkub, 85). Two of his ministers, Amfr Mukarrab al-Dfn (d. 665/1266-7) and Fakhr al-Dfn Abu'Bakr, emulated him; the former built a madrasa in the Shf-
raz bazaar and a ribat adjoining the cAtik mosque, a ddr al-hadlth and hospital and a sikaya by the cAtfk mosque and constituted many awkdf for them, while the latter built a d^dmi', ddr al-hadith, hospital and sikaya. The ajdmi' was in good repair when Zarkub was writing and the Friday prayers were held in it (Shirdz-ndma, 84). On Abu Bakr's death in 659/1261, Fars fell into a state of disorder (Wassaf, 180). Finally, Hulegii sent an army to Shfraz to avenge the murder by Saldjuk Shah b. Salghur Shah of two baskaks whom Hiilegu had sent to Shfraz. He was defeated and killed in 662/1263-4 (ibid., 183-9). The last of the Salghurids was Abish bt. Sacd (d. 685/1286-7). She was married to Tash Mongke, Hulegii's son, and was given estates in Shfraz and a grant on the taxes of the city as her marriage portion (mahr wa shir bahd) (Lambton, Continuity and change in medieval Persia, 272). At the beginning of 665/1266, two Mongol officials were sent to Shfraz to take what was in the provincial treasury and to collect the annual taxes, a task which they were unable to carry out. The next few years were troubled by much disorder (Wassaf, 190-3). In 680/ 1281 Abaka died. Teguder appointed Tash Mongke as governor of Shfraz with orders to dismiss Bulughan, Abaka's baskak. Bulughan fled, and Fars submitted to Tash Mongke. When Tash Mongke returned to the urdu in 682/1283-4, his wife Abish was made governor of Shfraz by Teguder. Her appointment coincided with the outbreak of three years of drought and famine in 683-5/1284-7, during which, Wassaf alleges, over 100,000 persons died (Tdnkh-i Wassaf, 209; Lambton, op. cit., 272 ff.). After the death of Abish in 685/1286-7, disorders broke out in Shfraz. Djocf, who was sent by Arghun to restore order, made heavy exactions on the people (Wassaf, 225). During the Ilkhanate, repeated demands for alleged arrears of taxation by ilcis [see ELCI] and others were made on the province of Fars and there is no reason to suppose that Shfraz was exempt from these demands (Lambton, Mongol fiscal administration in Persia, II, in SI, Ixv [1987], 104-15). The situation was further worsened by natural disasters. Spring rains failed again in 698/1299; pestilence broke out and an epidemic of measles (surkha^d], from which, Wassaf alleges, 50,000 people died in Shfraz and the surrounding districts (Tdnkh, 359). Under Ghazan [q.v.] various steps were taken to reform the administration of the province, but according to Wassaf these measures were not successful (ibid., 115-22). Mustawff mentions the absence of justice in Shfraz in his time (Nuzjia, 115). He states that the taxes of Shfraz were levied as tamgha and farmed for 450,000 dinars (ibid., 116). There were 500 charitable foundations (bukca] in Shfraz, which had been made by wealthy people in the past and which had innumerable awkdf, but, he continues, "few of these reach their proper purpose: for the most part they are in the hands of those who devour them" (ibid., 115). He states that the city had 9 gates and 17 quarters (114). Ghazan made a ddr al-siydda in Shfraz (Rashfd al-Dfn, Tdnkh-i mubdrak-i ghaz&nl, ed. K. Jahn, London 1940, 204) and in 702/1302-3 a yarligh was issued for a high wall and deep moat to be made round the city. Five tumans zar from the taxes, presumably of Shfraz, for that year were allocated to this purpose, and when this proved insufficient, the order was given for the revenue for the whole year to be allocated (Wassaf, 385). Whether the work was ever completed is not stated. Kududjin, the daughter of Abish Khatun and the eldest of Tash Mongke's many daughters, was given
SHIRAZ a permanent contract (mukata'a-i abadi) on the taxes of Fars by Abu Sacfd, the last of the Il-Khans, in 719/1319-20. Wassaf praises her care for the people. He records that she paid particular attention to the upkeep of the buildings made by her forbears, including the 'Adudf madrasa in Shfraz (Tarikh, 625). This madrasa was built by Terken Khatun, the wife of Sacd b. Abl Bakr, and possibly named after her son Muhammad, who had the lakab cAdud al-Dm. Wassaf states that the revenues of the awkdf of the madrasa amounted to over 200,000 dinars when he was writing (i.e. in 727/1326) and that Kurdiidjin expended them on their proper purposes and increased them (ibid., 624-5; Lambton, Continuity and change, 275-6). During the reign of Abu Sa'fd, Mahmud Shah, the son of Muhammad Shah Indjii, who had been sent to Fars by Oldjeytii to administer the royal estates, succeeded in making himself practically independent in Shfraz and Fars [see INDJU]. He was succeeded by his son Mas'ud, who surrendered Shfraz to Pfr Husayn, grandson of Coban [see CUBANIDS], in 740/1339. He was driven out two years later by his nephew Malik Ashraf. On the latter's withdrawal in 744/1342-3, Abu Ishak, the youngest son of Mahmud Shah, established his rule. It was during his reign that Ibn Battuta visited Shfraz for the second time in July 1347. In spite of the extortion and financial disorders in Shfraz under the Ilkhanate described by MustawfT and Wassaf, there seems to have been a revival under the Indjiiids. Ibn Battuta states that the revenue yield was high (Travels, tr. "Gibb, ii, 1962, 307). He speaks highly of the bazaars of Shfraz (ibid., 299). He describes how Abu Ishak conceived the ambition to build a vaulted palace like the Aywan Kisra at Ctesiphon and ordered the inhabitants of Shfraz to dig its foundations. When he saw this edifice, it had reached about 30 cubits from the ground (ibid., 310). Among the sanctuaries of Shfraz, Ibn Battuta mentions especially that of Ahmad b. Musa, which was highly venerated by the Shfrazfs. Tash Khatun, the mother of Abu Ishak, built at his tomb a large college and hospice, in which food was supplied to all comers and Kur'an readers continually recited the Kur'an over the tomb. Ibn Battuta states that the Khatun made a practice of going to the sanctuary on the eve of every Monday, and on that night the kadis, the doctors of the law and shanfs would assemble there. He was told by trustworthy persons that over 1,400 shanft (children and adults) were in receipt of stipends (313). The tomb-mosque of Ahmad b. Musa was known locally as Shah Ciragh. It was rebuilt in 1506 and again later, but by then the madrasa and hospice no longer existed (313, 135 n.). Ibn Battuta also mentions the mausoleum of Ruzbihan Baklf"(316) and the tomb of Zarkub (317). In 754/1353 Mubariz al-Dm Muhammad the Muzaffarid [q.v.~\ captured Shlraz. Abu Ishak fled, but was captured and executed in 758/1357. Tfmur invaded southern Persia in 789/1387 and placed the Muzaffarid Shah Yahya in control of Shfraz, but after Tfmur's withdrawal Shah Mansur wrested Shfraz from him. In 795/1393 Shah Mansur was killed in an encounter with Tfmurid forces outside Shfraz. There appears to have been a cultural revival under the Tfmurids. Iskandar b. cUmar Shaykh (r. 812-17/ 1409-14), made a number of new buildings (J. Aubin, Le mecenat timouride a Chirac, in SI, viii [1957] 75-6), and during his government and that of Ibrahim b. Shahrukh [q.v.], who was appointed governor of Fars in 817/1414, a new style of painting flourished in Shfraz (H.R. Roemer, Persien aufdem Weg in der Neuzeit, Beirut 1989, 172; B. Gray, in Camb. hist, of Iran, vi,
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Timurid and Sqfavid periods, ed. P. Jackson and L. Lockhart, Cambridge 1986, 849). The later Tfmurids disputed possession of Fars with the Kara Koyunlu [q.v.~\ and the Ak Koyunlu [q.v.]. During the reign of Uzun Hasan [q.v.~], who eventually defeated Djahanshah, the last of the Kara Koyunlu in 872/1467, and the Timurid Abu Sa'Id in the following year, Shfraz once more became a thriving city. Josafa Barbaro, the Venetian, whose travels spanned the years 1436-51, states that Shfraz was a great city, full of people and merchants, with a population of 200,000, and that it had a prosperous transit trade. Large quanties of jewels, silks and spices were to be found there. The city had high mud walls, deep ditches and a number of excellent mosques and good houses. Security prevailed in the city (Travels to Tana and Persia by Josafa Barbaro and Ambrogio Contarini, London 1873, 74). Ludovico di Varthema (who set out for the east in 1502) also states that large quantities of jewels were be found in Shfraz (Travels... A.D. 1503-1508, tr. J.W. Jones and ed. G.P. Badger, London 1863, p. iii). In 909/1503 Shfraz fell to the Safawids (K. Rohrborn, Provinzen und £entralgewalt Persiens in 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, Berlin 1966, 10). Under the early Safawids, Shfraz was ruled by Dhu '1-Kadr governors. However, c Abbas I appointed the kullar akasi Allahwirdf Khan (d. 1022/1613) governor in 1004/1595-6. He was succeeded by his son Imam Kulf Khan. Under their rule Fars enjoyed a considerable degree of independence, and Shfraz prospered. Allahwirdf Khan built the Khan Madrasa for Mulla Sadra [q.v.~\, who returned to Shfraz and taught there during the last thirty years or so of his life (Iskandar Beg and Muhammad Yusuf, Dhayl-i Tarikh-i cAlamara-yi 'abbdsi, ed. Suhayl Khwansarf, Tehran AHS 1317/1938, 299). Imam Kulf Khan built a palace in the maydan and walls round the city and planted cypress trees on both sides of the Isfahan road in imitation of the Cahar Bagh of Isfahan (Lockhart, Persian cities, London 1960, 46). He entertained the English envoy Sir Dodmore Cotton at Shfraz in 1628. He was suspected by Shah Safi (1038-52/1629-42) of harbouring rebellious intentions, and was murdered on the latter's orders in 1042/1632. The administration of Shfraz was then placed under the control of the central diwan under a wazir, Mu c fn al-Dfn Muhammad (Iskandar Beg and Muhammad Yusuf, op. cil, 295; Rohrborn 37, 55). Many European travellers passed through Shfraz, which was on the direct line of communications from the Persian Gulf to Isfahan, the Safawid capital, and recorded their impressions of the city. Among them were Delia Valle (1612-21), Thomas Herbert (1628), Tavernier (1632-68), Thevenot (1663), Chardin (1666-9, 1672-7), Fryer (1676-8), Kaempfer (1683), and Cornelius de Bruin (1702-4). When Herbert passed through the city, part of the old walls were still standing, but they had disappeared by the time Tavernier and Chardin visited the city. In 1617 the English East India Company set up a factory in Shfraz, but by the middle of the century trade had been much reduced as a result of the rivalry of the Dutch East India Company. A Carmelite house was established in Shfraz in 1623. It was temporarily closed in 1631 and reopened in 1634 (A chronicle of the Carmelites in Persia, London 1939, i, 322, ii, 1056-7). In 1630 and 1668 the city was partially destroyed by floods, which on the latter occasion were followed by pestilence, but when Fryer visited Shfraz in 1676 the town had largely recovered (Lockhart, op. cit., 47). Several European visitors to Shfraz mention ceramic
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manufactures in the llth/17th century. Some wine was exported to Portugal. It was made mainly by Jews, of whom there were some 600 families in Shlraz according to Tavernier (Voyages en Perse, repr. Geneva 1970, 309-10). After the fall of the Safawids in 1722, Shlraz suffered in the fighting between the Ghalzay Afghans [see CUALZAY] and Nadir Kull (later Nadir Shah [q.v.]). In 1723 an Afghan force marched on Shlraz. The governor refused to yield. The city held out for nine months before famine compelled its defenders to surrender in 1136/1723. Nearly 100,000 persons are said to have perished during the siege (Muhammad Shirazf, Ruz-ndma, ed. 'Abbas Ikbal, Tehran AHS 1325/1946, 3; Hasan b. Hasan Fasa'i, Fdrs-ndma-yi ndsin, lith. Tehran 1313/1895-6, i, 161. See also Lockhart, The fall of the Safavi dynasty and the Afghan occupation of Persia,, Cambridge 1958, 203). In 1729 Nadir, who had driven the Afghans out of Isfahan, defeated an Afghan force near Shfraz, which then fell into his hands. He gave orders for the city to be restored, part of the city and practically all of the gardens having been destroyed in the course of the final struggle with the Afghans. He contributed 1,500 tumdns for the restoration of the Shah Ciragh mosque (Lockhart, Nadir Shah, London 1938, 46). In 1733-4 Muhammad Khan Baluc rebelled in Fars, declaring in favour of the Safawid pretender Tahmasp. He was defeated by Nadir and escaped to Shiraz and thence to Kays Island (ibid., 72-8). Nadir reoccupied Shlraz and appointed Mlrza TakI Khan ShlrazI b. Hadjdji Muhammad, mustawfi of Shlraz, as deputy governor of Fars. His family had held in their possession from generation to generation the office of mirab of Kumisha and Shlraz (ibid., 80, and see Fasa'I, Fdrs-ndma-i ndsin, ii, 74-5). In January 1744 TakI Khan rebelled. A force sent by Nadir laid siege to Shlraz, which fell after four months. The city was then sacked and many of the population put to the sword. Two towers of human heads were erected and the gardens round the town devastated. Plague broke out after the siege and allegedly carried off 1400 people (Lockhart, op. cit., 241-2). Nadir Shah died in 1747. Between his death and the rise of Karlm Khan Zand [q.v.], Shiraz was repeatedly plundered by the contending parties. By 1179/ 1765 Karim Khan had emerged as the undisputed ruler of Persia apart from Khurasan (see J.R. Perry, Karim Khan Zand, Chicago 1979; and KADJAR). In 1180/1766-7 he made Shiraz his capital, which thus became the capital not simply of a province but of the kingdom, a position which it had not held since the death of cAdud al-Dawla. Under Karim Khan's rule, security, by all accounts, prevailed in Shlraz. The city was repopulated and prosperity returned. Commerce and foreign trade were encouraged (A chronicle of the Carmelites, i, 665). Customs dues were paid on all goods coming into the city (Francklin, Observations made on a tour from Bengal to Persia in the years 1786-7, London 1790, 148-9). Provisions were cheap and their price regulated by the ddrugha [q.v.] (ibid., 146). Glass was made in Shiraz and great quantities exported to other parts of Persia (ibid., 147-8). Wine was also made, chiefly by Jews and Armenians, and exported to the Persian Gulf for the Indian market (ibid., 143). Prosperity was temporarily interrupted by famine which affected southern Persia in 1775 (Perry, op. cit., 241), and after Karfm Khan's death decay set in (Francklin, 147). According to Muhammad Hashim Rustam al-Hukama5, the price of wheat bread in Shiraz rose during the famine to 250 dinars per Tabriz man. The state granaries were not opened in Shiraz
because it was thought wise to keep the stores for the army, but grain was brought to Shiraz from diwdm granaries elsewhere. Although the cost of this is alleged by Rustam al-HukamaJ to have worked out at 1,400 dinar's, per Tabriz man, Karim ordered the wheat to be sold for 200 dinar?, per Tabriz man and barley for 100 dinar?,. All livestock were sent to Ray, Kazwin and Adharbaydjan because of lack of fodder (Rustam al-tawdnkh, ed. Muhammad Mushlrl, Tehran AHS 1348/1969, 421-2). ' Karim Khan undertook a massive building programme in his capital, to take part in which craftsmen and workmen came from all over Persia (ibid., 414). He built a new wall and a dry ditch round the city. William Francklin, who was in Shiraz in 1786-7, shortly after Karim Khan's death, states that the wall was 25 ft. high and 10 ft. thick with round towers at a distance of 80 paces from each other and that there were six gates (op. cit., 52-3). According to Rustam al-HukamaJ, 12,000 labourers were employed in digging the ditch (op. cit., 420). Karim Khan also built, or repaired, the fortress (kal'a) of the city and built a citadel (arg), in which his successor Dja'far Khan resided (Francklin, 54-5; Fasa'I, i, 216), a diwdn-khdna, artillery park (tup-khdna) and a magnificent brick-built covered bazaar, known as the Wakil Bazaar, the shops of which were rented to merchants by the Khan at a monthly rent (Francklin, 56-9). The foundations for a splendid mosque and associated buildings were laid but not finished before Karim Khan died (ibid., 64-4). Karim Khan also built several thousand houses for the Lurs and Laks who belonged to his army (Fasa'I, i, 216). The city had eleven quarters, five of which were Haydan quarters and five Ni'matI (ibid., ii, 47). The eleventh quarter was inhabited by the Jews, who had grown in number. The Armenians, who were mainly engaged in the wine trade, had also increased in number (Perry, 240). On the death of Karim Khan, Aka Muhammad Khan Kadjar [q.v.], who had been held hostage in Shlraz, escaped. In 1204/1789-90 he made an expedition to the south. Lutf 'All Khan Zand [q.v.], who had succeeded Dja'far 'Khan in 1203/1789, fled to Shlraz, where he was besieged. After three months, Aka Muhammad Khan raised the siege, his attention being required to deal with disorders by the Yamut and Goklan Turkmens. In 1205/1791 Lutf CA1I Khan made an abortive attempt to recover Isfahan, leaving Hadjdji Ibrahim, the kaldntar, in charge of Shlraz. During Lutf CA1I Khan's absence, Hadjdji Ibrahim seized the city and entered into negotiations with Aka Muhammad Khan to surrender the city to him. The government of Fars under the Kadjars, as that of other major provinces, was for much of the time in the hands of Kadjar princes. Shlraz remained the provincial capital, but the governors were frequently absent on military expeditions or visits to the court. The administration was largely in the hands of the wa&rs of Fars (see appendix in H. Busse, History of Persia under Qajar rule translated from the Persian of Hasan-e Fasd'i's Fdrsndma-ye Ndseri, New York 1972, 422-5 for a list of governors and wazirs of the province of Fars under the Kadjars). The distance from Tehran made control by the central government precarious and intermittent. In Djumada II 1209/December 1794January 1795, Fath CA1I Mirza (Baba Khan) [see FATH C ALI SHAH] was appointed governor of Fars, Kirman and Yazd by Aka Muhammad Khan. He proceeded to Shlraz. On the murder of Aka Muhammad Khan in 1797, he returned to Tehran. Having established himself as shah, he appointed his brother Husayn
SHIRAZ Kuli Mirza governor of Fars. The latter arrived in Shiraz in Rablc I 1212/September 1797. In the following year he rebelled, but submitted almost immediately. The governorship of Fars was then conferred upon Muhammad CA1I Khan Kadjar Koyunlu. He was succeeded in 1214/1709 by Fath CA1I Shah's son Husayn CA1I Mirza Farman-Farma, who was accompanied to Fars by 800 riflemen (tufangcis) from Nur in Mazandaran. They were joined two years later by their families and took up residence in the Murdistan district of Shiraz (which had been inhabited by Laks in the time of Karlm Khan and then destroyed by Aka Muhammad Khan). They were unpopular and committed many disorders, and in 1244/1828-9 were ordered to return to Tehran (Fasa'I, ii, 55). Scott Waring, who was in Shlraz in 1802, states that at least a fourth part of the city was in ruins (A tour to Sheeraz by the route of Kazroon and Feerozabad, London 1807, 33); Sir William Gore Ouseley, who passed through the city in 1811 on his way to Tehran, also notes its apparent decay (Travels in various countries of the East, more particularly Persia, etc., London 1819, ii, 17). James Morier estimated, with reservation, the population of Shlraz in 1810 to have been not more than 19,000 (A second journey through Persia, Armenia and Asia Minor to Constantinople, between the years 1810 and 1816, London 1818, 110-11). Husayn CA1I Mlrza's governorship of Fars, and the 19th century in general, were marked by natural disasters, the spread of family and tribal rivalries and financial maladministration. Pestilence (waba) broke out in 1237/1822, and Fasa'I alleges that, in the space of five or six days, 6,000 people died in Shlraz (i, 368). Outbreaks of cholera were frequent. In 1247/ 1830-1 Shlraz suffered famine as a result of locusts, which ravaged southern Persia, and plague (ta'un) (Ahmad Seyf, Iran and the great plague of 1830-1, in SI, box [1989], 151-65). Severe famine again set in 1860 and continued until 1871-2 (see CJ. Wills, In the land of the Lion and the Sun, or Modern Persia, London 1893, 251-5). On this occasion, Muhammad Kasim Khan, who was appointed governor of Fars in 1288/1871, prepared a number of workhouses (gaddkhdna) in Shiraz, each with a capacity of 50-60 persons. He undertook responsibility for six of these himself and made several others the responsibility of the great men of Shlraz (Fasa3!, i, 331). Farhad Mlrza Muctamid al-Dawla, who was appointed governor of Fars for the second time in 1293/1876, made an attempt to regulate the building trade in Shlraz. At the beginning of the year the brickmakers, stucco workers and cement workers were assembled, and the number of bricks, their cost and the amount of cement needed, and the due of the master bricklayer (ustdd), were fixed (FasaT, i, 33). In 1299/1881-2, on the orders of Fath CA1T Sahib Dlwan, wa&r of Fars, the streets of the city were stone-paved, and on the orders of Kawam al-Mulk a brick roof was made for the coppersmiths' bazaar and the shops from the Isfahan gate to the Wakll Bazaar. By the beginning of the Kadjar period, HadjdjI Ibrahim had become the leading man of Shlraz. He became Aka Muhammad Khan's first minister. When he was seized and put to death with many of his family by Fath CA1I Shah in 1215/1801, the family suffered a temporary setback. However, in 1226/181112, his son Mlrza 'All Akbar was made kaldntar [q.v.] of Fars and in 1245/1829-30 given the lakab Kawam al-Mulk. He and his descendants, who became the leaders of the Khamsa tribal federation, played a major role in provincial and city politics. Their main
477
rivals were the ilbegis and chiefs of the Kashka'i tribe [see KASHKAY]. The 'ulamd3 also played an important part in city politics. Morier mentions that there was great discontent in Shlraz in ca. 1811 over the price of bread, which had risen because of the cornering of grain by an official believed to have been acting together with the prince governor's mother. The populous had recourse to the Shaykh al-Islam and expressed their grievances in a tumultuous way. The price of bread was lowered for a few days and the bakers were publicly bastinadoed (Second journey, 102-3). A variety of tolls and dues was levied in the city by different officials. Scott Waring states that the commander of the citadel (kutwdl] levied a toll on every beast of burden which entered the city carrying a load (op. cit., 80). Binning, who was in Shlraz in the middle of the century, states that each craft and trade paid a lump sum in taxation to the government, which sum was apportioned among the members of the craft by mutual agreement (A journal of two years' travel in Persia, Ceylon, etc., London 1857, i, 278-9). He also gives a list of prices of commodities in Shlraz ca. 1857 (ibid., 328-9). Consul Abbott, writing in the middle of the 19th century, states that the bazaars of Shlraz contained about 1,200 shops. A few articles of hardware and cutlery guns, swords, daggers and knives, and khdtam work were produced (Cities and trade. Consul Abbott on the economy and society of Iran, 1847-1866, ed. A. Amanat, London 1983, 88). Irregularity in the collection of the provincial taxes gave rise to frequent disputes with the central government. In 1244/1828-9 Fath CA1I came to Shlraz to look into the question of arrears. He accepted 200,000 tumdns from Husayn CA1I Mlrza in settlement. In 1247/1831-2 a remission of taxes was given on account of ravages by locusts and plague. Failure to remit the provincial taxes, however, continued and in 1834 Fath CA1I again set out for Shlraz to collect arrears. He fell ill in Isfahan and died there on 23 October 1834. Husayn 'All Mlrza thereupon read the khutba in his own name in Shiraz and marched on Isfahan. His forces were defeated near Kumisha. Rioting broke out in Shlraz. Husayn CA1I Mlrza surrendered and later died. Muhammad Shah meanwhile appointed his brother Flruz Mlrza governor of Fars. During the 19th century, there were frequent outbreaks of disorder in Shlraz. An insurrection, provoked in part by the conduct of the Adharbaydjanl Turkish soldiers in Shlraz and fomented by Shaykh Abu Turab, took place in 1254-5/1839 and led to the dismissal of Firaydun Mlrza Farman-Farma, who had been appointed governor in 1252/1836 (Fasa'f, i, 296. See also Great Britain. Public Record Office. F.O. 60: 74. Sheil to Palmerson, no. 42. Erzerum, 24 August 1840 and enclosures). In 1261/1845 Sayyid 'All Muhammad declared himself to be the Bab. He was arrested and expelled from the city [see BAB]. Consul Abbott remarks on the unruly nature of the population of Shlraz, and states that during the government of Bahrain Mlrza (1264-6/1848-9) the city was often the scene of riot and bloodshed. He also notes that the Haydarls and Nicmatls indulged in frequent factional strife (Cities and trade: Consul Abbot on the economy and society of Iran 1847-1866, 88, 175-6; see also Binning, op. cit., i, 273 ff.). In 1853 there were reports that the venality and oppression of the local authorities were alienating the sympathy of the people from the shah and his government (F.O. 60: 180. Thompson to Clarendon, no. 63. Camp nr. Tehran, 13 July 1853). Communications with the capital were
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SHIRAZ
improved when the Indo-European telegraph line from Tehran to Bushire, which passed through Shiraz, became operational in March 1865 (W.K. Dickson, The life of Major-General Sir Robert Murdoch Smith, London
1901, 225).
Zill al-Sultan, who had been made governor of Isfahan in 1874, was given the government of Fars in 1881 also, and until he was deprived of all his governments except Isfahan in 1887, most of southern Persia, including Fars, was virtually independent of the central government. He continued to have his seat in Isfahan and governed Fars and Shiraz through subordinate officials. According to the census made in 1301/1883-4, there were 6,327 houses in Shlraz, and the population of the eleven quarters numbered 25,284 men and boys and 28,323 women and girls (FasaT, ii, 22-3). In 1891, at the time of the Tobacco Regie, there was violent opposition to the Regie in Shiraz (see Lambton, The Tobacco Regie, a prelude to revolution, in SI, xxii [1965], 127, 131-2, also in eadem, Qajar Persia, London 1987, 230-1, 234). The movement for constitutional reform at the beginning of the 20th century spread to Shiraz as to many other cities, though Shfraz did not become one of the major centres of the movement. There were disturbances there in 1906 and riots in March 1907. Much of Fars was in a state of turmoil, and during the First World War disorders continued. The officers of the Swedish gendarmerie were favourably disposed towards the Central Powers; and in the autumn of 1915 the Kashka'i and mutinous gendarmerie seized the British consulate, the offices of the Imperial Bank of Persia (which had been opened in May 1891) and the Indo-European Telegraph Company in Shfraz, and took members of the British community prisoner (Sykes, A history of Persia3, London 1969, ii, 445-7, C. Skrine, World War in Iran, London 1962, pp. xxxxi). In 1916 and 1917 order was to some extent restored in Fars, and the Southern Persian Rifles were formed and officially recognised by the Persian Government in March 1917 (Sykes, ii, 476). By May 1918 the situation had again deteriorated, and in the summer of that year the Kashka'fs invested Shiraz but were defeated in October (ibid., ii, 499 ff.). In the influenza epidemic of 1918 10,000 persons in Shiraz lost their lives (ibid., ii, 515). In the 1920s the tribal areas in Fars were in a state of turmoil until Rida Shah [
1972.
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E.G. Browne, A year among the Persians, London 1893; Cornelius de Brun, Voyages de Corneille de Brun par la Moscovie en Perse et aux Indes orientales, 2 vols., Amsterdam 1718; J. Chardin, Voyages du Chevalier Chardin, en Perse et autres lieux de rOrient, ed. L. Langles, 10 vols., Paris 1811; A Chronicle of the Carmelites in Persia, 2 vols., London ft39; J.I. Clarke, The Iranian city of Shiraz, Univ. of Durham, Dept. of Geography, Research Papers Series no. 7, 1963; C.E. Davies, Qajar rule in Fars prior to 1849, in Iran, xxv (1987), 125-53; W.K. Dickson, The life of MajorGeneral Sir Robert Murdoch Smith, London 1901; Djunayd, Shadd al-izdr, ed. Muhammad Kazwfnf and 'Abbas Ikbal, Tehran AHS 1327/1948-9; E. Ehlers, Iran. Grundzuge einer geographischer Landeskunde, Wissenschaftliche Landerkunden, Bd. 18, Darmstadt 1980; Farhang-i ajughrdfiyd'i-i Iran, vii, Ustdn-i Fars, ed. Husayn cAlf Razmara, Tehran AHS 1330/1961-2;' Hasan b. Hasan Fasa'f, Farsndma-i ndsin, lith. Tehran 1313/1895-6 (and see above, s.v. Busse); W. Francklin, Observations made on a tour from Bengal to Persia in the years 1786-7, London 1790; J. Fryer, A new account of East India and Persia being nine years' travels, 1672-1681, 3 vols., Hakluyt Society 1909-15; H. Gaube, Iranian cities, New York 1979; R. Gramlich, Die Schiitischen Derwischorden Persiens, Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Wiesbaden, Bd. xxxvi, 1 (1965), Bd. xxxvi, 2-4 (1976), Bd. xlv, 2 (1981); B. Gray, The pictorial arts in the Timurid period, in Camb. hist. Iran, vi, 843-76; Thomas Herbert, Some years travels into Africa and Asia the Great, especially describing the famous empires of Persia and Industan, 1638; Hudud al-cdlam, tr. V. Minorsky, London 1937; Ibn Balkhf, Fdrsndma, ed. G. Le Strange, London 1921; Ibn Battuta, Travels, ed. H.A.R. Gibb, ii, Hakluyt Society, Cambridge 1962; Iskandar Beg and Muhammad Yusuf, Dhayl-i tdnkh-i cdlamdrd-yi cabbdsi, ed. Suhayl Khwansarf, Tehran AHS 1317/1938; E. Kaempfer, Amoenitatum exoticarum politico-physico-medicarum fasciculi v, quibus continentur variae relationes, observationes et descriptiones rerum Persicarum et Ulterioris Asiae, etc., Lemgo 1912; A.K.S. Lambton, Continuity and change in medieval Persia, London 1988; eadem, Mongol fiscal administration in Persia, in SI, Ixiv (1986), 79-99, Ixv (1987), 97-123; eadem, Qajar Persia, London 1987; eadem, The Tobacco Regie: a prelude to revolution, in SI, xxii (1965); Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate; L. Lockhart, Nadir Shah, London 1938; idem, Persian cities, London 1960; idem, The fall of the Saf obi dynasty and the Afghan occupation of Persia, Cambridge 1958; L.D. Loeb, The religious dimension of modernization among the Jews of Shiraz, in M.E. Bonine and N.R. Keddie (eds.), Modern Iran. The dialectics of continuity and change, Albany 1981, 301-22; J. Morier, A second journey through Persia, Armenia and Asia Minor to Constantinople, between the years 1810 and 1816, London 1818; Muhammad Shfrazf, Ruzndma-i Mlrzd Muhammad kaldntar-i Fars, ed. 'Abbas Ikbal, Tehran AHS 1325/1946; Hamd Allah Mustawfi, Mizhat al-kulub, ed. and tr. G. Le Strange, London 1915, 1919; idem, Tdnkh-i guzida, ed. Husayn Nawa'f, Tehran AHS 1336-9/1958-61; Sir William Gore Ouseley, Travels in various countries of the East, more particularly Persia, etc., 2 vols., London 1819; J.R. Perry, Karim Khan %md, Chicago 1979; H.R. Roemer, Persien auf dem Weg in der Neuzeit, Beirut 1989; K. Rohrborn, Provinzen und ^entralgewalt Persiens in 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, Berlin 1966; W.R. Royce, The Shirazi provincial elite. Status maintenance and change, in Modern Iran. The dialectics of continuity and change, 289-300;
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SHlRAZ — SHlRAZl Muhammad Hashim Rustam al-Hukama', Rustam al-tawdrikh, ed. Muhammad Mushlrl, Tehran AHS 1348/1969; Ahmad Seyf, Iran and the great plague of 1830-1, in SI, Ixix (1989), 151-65; Sir Claremont Skrine, World war in Iran, London 1962; Sir Percy Sykes, A history of Persia3, 2 vols., London 1969; J.B. Tavernier, Voyages en Perse, Geneva 1970; J. de Thevenot, The travels of Monsieur de Thevenot into the Levant, London 1687; Ludovico di Varthema, The travels of Ludivico di Varthema in Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and Arabia Felix, in Persia, India and Ethiopia in A.D. 1503-1508, tr. with preface by J.W. Jones and ed. with notes and introduction by G.P. Badger, Hakluyt 1st series, no. xxxii (1863); Pietro Delia Valle, Voyages de Pietro della Valle dans la Turquie, I'Egypte, la Palestine, la Perse, les Indes Orientales et autres lieux, 7 vols., Paris 1745; E.S. Waring, A tour to Sheeraz by the route of Kazroon and Feerozabad, London 1807; Wassaf, Tankh, ed. M.M. Isfahan!, lith., Bombay 1269/1852-3; CJ. Wills, In the land of the Lion and the Sun or modern Persia, London 1893; Abu 'l-cAbbas Ahmad b. Shihab al-Dln Zarkub, Shirazndma, ed. Isma'Il Waeiz Djawadl, Tehran AHS 1350/l_97_l-2. (ANN K.S. LAMBTON) SHiRAZI, the nisba of the Sultans of Kilwa [q.v], in frequent use by Africans and Europeans to perpetuate a myth of a "ShlrazI" period of history and of "migration" into East Africa. The nisba is first recorded in Barros' translation of a dynastic history of Kilwa of ca. 1506, and in the independent Arabic Kitdb al-Sulwa fi akhbdr Kulwa (ca. 1550; B.L. Or. ms. 2666); and on two seals, in a treaty between the Sultan of Kilwa and a French slave-trader, 4 November 1776. Various Swahili histories collected in the 19th century and after, on the coast and as far as the Comoro Islands, repeat it. These all claim that the Kilwa dynasty originated from Shlraz in Persia, albeit they situate Shiraz on the coast. Members of the family were still using the nisba in 1958. A "Shirazi" colonisation of East Africa has been postulated by European archaeologists and historians, by Justus Strandes (1899), A.C. Hollis (1900), Pearce (ca. 1920), and elaborated by W.H. Ingrams (1931). It was popularised by L. Hollingsworm's Short history of the East African Coast (1935), an official school textbook translated into Swahili. They claimed that "Shfrazfs" introduced stone buildings, Shi'ism (albeit the people are Sunnis), manufacture of lime and cement, woodcarving and weaving cotton. Krumm (1940) went further to claim that Swahili contains numerous Persian words; nevertheless, such borrowings can be shown to have been transmitted through Arabic. One might expect Persian inscriptions: only two mention Persians in Mogadishu among numerous Arabic inscriptions; a Persian inscription, a fragment only of a tile, was recorded by Burton on a tomb at Tongoni, Tanzania, but is now lost. It has also been claimed, in Zanzibar [q.v.], in Pemba [q.v], and on the mainland coast, that the celebration of Nau Ruzi [see NAWRUZ. 2.] proves Persian origin, whereas the Naw Ruz calendar was used by seamen throughout the Indian Ocean. At Manda [q.v] H.N. Chittick claimed to have excavated what was originally a colony of the 9th century from Slraf [q.v]. Subsequent excavations nearby and in Zanzibar and Pemba by M.C. Horton, while showing SlrafT influences in architecture, have produced no evidence for any connection with Shfraz. In addition, certain institutions connected with the royal houses of Pate, Malindi, Mombasa, Vumba and
Kilwa have been attributed to the Shirazi. They include royal drums and trumpets, and ceremonial chairs. There is nothing identifiable in these with Shiraz more than a possibly-connected nisba. The popular legend of a " Shirazi" period was widely believed by one and all in colonial times. It was used in contradistinction to "African" to demonstrate a civilised historical past. This usage has since largely disappeared. In Zanzibar, in the 1950s, and in Pemba, "Afro-Shirazi" became the name of a political party opposed to the cUmanI sultanate and to colonial rule. It was successful in the revolution of 1964 which ended the cUmam dynasty [see AL BU SA C ID]. There were then numerous persons who claimed "Shirazi" descent, whereas in the time of Ingrams (1931) the number had been negligible. On the coast between Fundi Island, Kenya, and Tanga, in Tanzania, a distinct tribe on fishermen and mangrove cutters emerged at an unknown time. Among recent historians, Trimingham used the term for the 13th to 17th centuries, and Pouwels for the tenth to 16th centuries. Other than legitimately as a nisba, it may be doubted whether the term has any value at all or ever did. Bibliography: See those to the arts. MALINDI, MAKDISHU, MOMBASA, KILWA and
NAWRUZ. 2. J.
de
V. Allen, The "Shirazi" problem in East African coastal history, in Paideuma, xxviii (1982), has an exhaustive bibl. (G.S.P. FREEMAN-GRENVILLE) SHIRAZI, the nisba of a family of p r o m i n e n t S h I ' I culama3 active in Persia and Trak over the last century and a half. 1. Mlrza M u h a m m a d Hasan b. M a h m u d , called Mlrza-yi Shlrazl-yi buzurg and al-Mudjaddid (1230-1312/1815-95). Born in Shiraz, he studied in Isfahan and Nadjaf, and after Murtada Ansarl's [q.v. in Suppl.] death in 1281/1864, became the leading Shfcf scholar and sole mardj.ac al-taklid [q.v]. He is best known for his opposition to the Tobacco Regie in Persia (1891) [see NASIR AL-olN SHAH], and it seems that his famous fatwd was in part provoked by Djamal al-Dm al-Afghani's [q.v] letters to him against the Persian government's policy over concessions. Mlrza Hasan's intervention began with a telegram to the Shah in July 1891 protesting against disrespect shown to another scholar, Sayyid c Alf Akbar, expelled to Nadjaf after voicing opposition to the Regie. Shirazi tried to prove that the concession of any monopoly to foreigners was against God's command. In December, a nation-wide protest culminated in a boycott of tobacco, with a fatwd attributed to Shfrazi against the use of tobacco in any form. He had already shown hostility to the Kadjars, having refused to receive the Shah when he visited the Holy Shrines in 'Irak in 1870. Only in January 1892, when the concession had perforce to be abandoned, was the ban on tobacco lifted by ShlrazI. He was also important for having organised the teaching of fikh on lines which have continued till today, founding his own school at Samarra1 and making it a major centre of Shi'I learning. He was also active there in social and charitable activities, acting as a mediator in sectarian conflicts and appealing for Islamic unity under the banner of the Ottomans, despite religious differences. He wrote no book of note, but was the teacher of the most prominent scholars of the next generation, such as Akhund KhurasanI (d. 1911), fervent supporter of the Constitutional Movement of 1905-M, and several others. He died at Samarra3. Bibliography. Hamid Algar, Religion and state in
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Iran, 1785-1906, Berkeley 1969, index, esp. 210 ff.; c Amili, A'yan al-Shica, Damascus-Beirut 1935-63, xxiii, 264-89 = Beirut 1986, v, 304-10; Muhammad Hadf al-Amfnf, Mu'ajam riajdl al-ftkr wa 'l-adab fi 'l-Na&af, Nadjaf 1384/1964, 262-3; Muhammad Hirz al-Dfn, Mcfarif al-riaj_dlft tardajim al-'ulamd3 wa 'i-udaba'. Nadjaf 1384/1964; Tihrarn, Tabakdt a'lam al-Shica, I/I, 436-41; Kahhala, Mu'alKfin, iii, 292-3; N.R. Keddie, The Tobacco Protest of 1891-92, London 1966; eadem, The origins of the religious-radical alliance in Iran, in eadem, Iran. Religion, politics and society, London 1980, 53-65; A.K.S. Lambton, The Tobacco Regie: prelude to revolution, in SI, xxii (1965), 119-57, xxiii (1965), 71-90; P.-J. Luizard, La formation de I'Irak contemporain, Paris 1991, index, esp. 225 ff.; M. Momen, An introduction to Shici Islam, New HavenLondon 1985, index; Muhammad Shanf Razf, Gandjina-yi ddnishmanddn, Tehran 1352-4 Sh/197 4-6, v, 427-9; al-Shaaj_ara al-tayyiba. Usrat al-Shird^i. Ta3nkh,fikr wa-ajihdd, Beirut n.d. [ca. 1983], 14 ff. 2. M f r z a al-Sayyid I s m a ' f l b. Sayyid Radf (1258-1305/1842-88). Born in Shfraz, he studied under no. 1 above, his cousin and brother-in-law, and worked with him in establishing the new centre at Samarra1; he was considered to be the successor of Mfrza Hasan, but died before his teacher. He wrote in Arabic and Persian, including poetry. Bibliography: Amlm, 262; Tihranf, i/1, 156-6; Hirz al-Dm, i, 109; RazI, i, 277 ff, v, 424-5; dShaajara al-tayyiba, 53. 3. M l r z a ' e A l r Agha (1287-1355/1870-1936). Son of no. 1, went, about 25 years after his father's death, to Kazimayn and finally, to Nadjaf. After the death of Muhammad Takl (no. 6), he became maraja'. His son Muhammad Hasan is one of the contemporary culamd3 of Nadjaf. Bibliography: Amfm, 264; Hirz al-Dm, ii, 13840; RazI, v, 434; al-Shaajara al-tayyiba, 54. 4. Mahdl b. al-Sayyid H a b l b Allah alHusaynl (1304-80/1887-1960). Related by birth and by marriage to several other members of the Shfrazf family, he was born and died in Karbala3, and was educated there and at Samarra3 and Kazimayn. His elder sons Muhammad (see below) and Hasan (no. 7) played a leading role in the Shi'f opposition to Saddam Husayn's regime, and his two younger sons Sadik and Mudjtaba are active today as religious scholars in Persia. After the First World War, he took part in the rebellion against the British, and later, during cAbd al-Kanm Kasim's [q.v.] regime, he was one of the culamd3 who attacked the Communist Party in a barrage offatwds, declaring that the prayers and fasting of Muslims who had embraced Communism were unacceptable to God, that Muslims could not buy meat from a Communist butcher and that a Communist son could not inherit from a Muslim father (cf. Hanna Batatu, The old social classes and the revolutionary movements of Iraq, Princeton 1978, 954). His son, Ayatullah al-Sayyid Muhammad (b. 1347/ 1928-9, still living), has been active in 'Irak as spiritual leader of an opposition group there, the Islamic Task Organisation (Muna^amat al-cAmal al-Isldmi); expelled from 'Irak in 1979, now teaching in Kum, he is a prolific writer, see Kurkfs cAwwad, Mu'ajam al-mu3allifm al-cirdfciyym, Baghdad 1969, iii, 247-50. Bibliography: Amlnf, 265; Hirz al-Dm, iii, 166; Razi, v, 451; al-Shaajara al-tayyiba, 66 ff, 143; J.N. Wiley, The Islamic movement of Iraqi Shicas, Boulder, Col.-London 1992, 36-7, 53, 78. 5. Mlrza c Abd al-Hadf (1305-82/1888-1962).
Son of no. 2, he was brought up by nos. 1 and 3 after his father had died shortly after his birth, and studied at Nadjaf and Samarra1. He took part, with Mfrza Muhammad Takr (no. 6) in Karbala1, in the Shlcl anti-British movement, and after its failure, devoted himself to ftkh and eventually announced his readiness to be considered as maraja' al-taklid. He was prominent in the Shf'f campaign against Kasim and the 'Iraki Communist Party, and visits to Persia multiplied his following there. After the death of Burudjirdf in 1961, he inherited a considerable number of his followers and was already seen as his successor, but died shortly afterwards. His three sons, as well as sons-in-law, are all religious scholars in Nadjaf, Tehran or Kum. His writings include several fikh treatises as well as some poems in both Arabic and Persian. Bibliography. Ammf, 265; Tihranl, i/3, 1250-5; EIr, art. s.v. (H. Algar); Hirz al-Dm, ii, 77-81; Kahhala, al-Mustadrak cald Mu'ajam al-mu3 allifin, Beirut 1985, 444; Momen, 248; Razi, i, 276, v, 432-3, vii, 271; al-Shaajara al-tayyiba, 58. 6. M u h a m m a d Takf b. M u h i b b 'All H a ' i r f , called Mfrza-yi Shfrazf-yi kucik and Za'fm al-thawra al-cirakiyya (1269-1338/1853-1920). Distantly related to nos. 1 and 4, he was born in Shlraz and studied at Karbala' and Samarra1, where he became maraja'. He is particularly associated with the struggle against the British occupation of 'Irak [see 'IRAK, at vol. Ill, 1258a]. In 1914 he had issued a fatwd calling for ajihdd against the British, and in 1918 moved to Karbala' and became involved in setting up an anti-British secret society, the Diam'iyya wataniyya isldmiyya. His fatwd?, of 1919 and 1920 certainly precipitated the 1920 revolt against the British Mandate. One in 1919 proclaimed that "no Muslim should elect or choose any non-Muslim as his ruler", and its wide circulation made it difficult for the occupying power to use a plebiscite for installing a British governor in 'Irak. It enhanced Shfrazf's prestige and led to his official recognition as mardj.ac al-taklid after Yazdr's death in 1919. In 1919 he endeavoured to mediate between and unite the tribes and to appeal for foreign backing, writing to the Shanf Husayn in Mecca and the latter's son Amir Faysal in Damascus. President Wilson of the U.S.A., whose "Fourteen Points" had impressed the Shl'I religious leaders, was even contacted (see Luizard, 377 ff). In late 1919, resistance to the British was still peaceful, but the situation deteriorated after the arrest and temporary exile of six scholars and prominent citizens. In spring 1920 ShlrazI tried to unify 'ulamd3, sqyyids, sharifs and tribal chiefs for a general insurrection, and appealed also to Sunnfs; military conflict broke out in June, continuing till the movement was crushed in January 1921. Karbala1 was the centre for the organising of the revolt during ShFrazI's lifetime until he died in August 1920, after which Nadjaf became the rebellions's centre. Amongst Muhammad Takl's writings is a famous treatise onjikh, Hdshiya cold 'l-makdsib (Tihranf, Dhari'a. vi, 218), and he was the teacher of many famous scholars. Bibliography: 'Amili, xliv (1960), 121-2 = (1986) ix, 192; Amfnl, 263-4; Tihram, i/1, 261-4; AbdulHadi Hairi, Shicism and constitutionalism in Iran, Leiden 1977, 122 ff; Hirz al-Dm, ii, 215-18; Kahhala, ix, 133; Luizard, index, esp. 374 ff; Dja'far al-Shaykh Bakir Al Mahbuba, Mddi '1-Nadj.af wa-hddiruhd, Nadjaf 1955-8^ i, 358-62; Momen, index; Wiley, 16-7, 122.
SHIRAZI — AL-SHIRAZI 7. (Ayatullah) Hasan b. al-Mahdi a l - H u s a y m (1354-1400/1935-80). As the younger brother of Muhammad b. al-Mahdl (see no. 4, at end), he was also an opponent of the Ba'th regime in clrak, and was imprisoned in 1969 and exiled to Lebanon in the next year. He was especially active in setting up mosques and institutions for religious education, welfare and social affairs, and at three of the hawzas for religious education, in Damascus, Beirut and Sierra Leone, he taught personally for a while. He likewise founded an Islamic publishing house, Dar al-Sadik, to propagate da'wa, and wrote numerous books on religion and ethics before he was assassinated in Beirut in May 1980, just after he had denounced the execution in 'Irak of Ayatullah Bakir al-Sadr and his sister. Bibliography: al-Shadj.ara al-tayyiba, 157 ff.; Wiley, 46, 53, 55, 78, 80. (RoswiTHA BADRY, shortened by the editors) AL-SHIRAZI, ABU 'L-HUSAYN CABD AL-MALIK B. MUHAMMAD, mathematician, who flourished about the middle of the 6th/12th century. He studied Greek mathematics and astronomy. In his time, there was already available a good Arabic version of the Conic sections (xoovixa) of Apollonius of Perga by Hilal b. Abf al-Himsi (d. 270/883-4) and Thabit b. Kurra alHarram (211-88/826-901 [q.v.]). With the help of this he prepared a synopsis of the contents of the x^vixd, the Arabic version of which is in Oxford (Bodl. 913, 987, 988); it was translated into Latin by Ravius (publ. Kiel 1669). There is also attributed to him a compendious version (Mukhtasar) of the Almagest of Ptolemy, from which Kutb al-Dln al-ShfrazI (633-711/12361311 [q.v.]) prepared a Persian translation of the Madjisti. The Arabic versions of the Conic sections of Apollonius are of great value for the history of mathematics because the three last of the seven books of this important work only survive in Arabic, while the eighth book of the xoovixa (Ar. Makhrutiyydt) had already disappeared from knowledge by the time of the Arab translator. Bibliography: H. Suter, Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber und ihre Werke, Leipzig 1900, 126, 158; Sezgin, GAS, v, 141: P. Ver Eecke, Les Coniques d'Apollonius de Perge, Paris 1959, p. xlviii; GJ. Toomer, Apollonius' Conies., Books V to VII, the Arabic translation of the lost Greek original in the version of the Banu Musa, New York 1990, i, pp. xviii, xxiiixxiv. (C. ScHOY-[J.P. HOGENDIJK]) AL-SHJRAZI, al-Shaykh al-Imam ABU ISHAK IBRAC HIM B. AL! b. Yusuf al-Ffruzabadf, e m i n e n t j u r i s t whose work constitutes one of the major reference sources of the Shaficf school [see AL-SHAFICIYYA). 1. Biography Of decidedly humble origins, Abu Ishak al-Shfrazf ("al-Shaykh Abu Ishak" in classical Islamic literature) was born in Persia, at Ffruzabad in the vicinity of Shiraz, in 393/1003. Regarding the early years of his life, the biographers have nothing to say. From 410/1019 to 415/1024 he pursued a legal education—which he had begun at Ffruzabad—at Shfraz and at Basra as pupil of various Shafi'f masters (an article is devoted to each one of them by al-Shfrazf himself in his Tabakdt al-jukahd\ Beirut n.d., 133 and 140-1). In 415/1024 he was in Baghdad, where he attended classes given by al-Kazwim (d. 440/1048, cf. Tabakdt al-Jukahd\ 137), the jurist and proponent of the legal thinking developed by al-Bakillanf [q.v.], and where, more significantly, he became the leading disciple of the Kadi Abu '1-Tayyib al-Tabarf (died at one hundred years of age in 450/1058 [q.v.]) and
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his accredited assistant (mu'id). In 428/1036, al-Shfrazf's long career in teaching began: first in various masajids of Baghdad and subsequently, from 459/1066 onward, in the prestigious Nizamiyya madrasa, constructed in his honour by the Sal'djukid minister Nizam al-Mulk (d. 485/1092 [q.v.]) (an honour which initially al-Shfrazf had refused to accept, possibly for political reasons, although this is by no means certain). The biographers depict al-Shfrazf as endowed with a gentle, refined and affable personality and leading a life of asceticism, a personality which did not prevent him, in 469/1077, from demonstrating great firmness of character, doubtless with the aid of his political supporters, against the Hanbalfs under the leadership of the Sharif Abu Dja'far (d. 470/1078), a cousin of the caliph, at the time of the episode involving Abu Nasr al-Kushayrf (the son of Abu '1-Kasim al-Kushayrf [ Ibn
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AL-SHlRAZl
works all belong to the realm of judicial controversy envisaged from a point of view which is either practical (al-ikhtildf), or theoretical (al-ajadal and ikhtildfm matters relating to usul al-fikh). One should not be too surprised at the extent to which the pedagogy of the time accorded an essential role to controversy in the training of tyro jurists and, according to the biographers, al-Shfrazf showed particular brilliance in this field (al-Subkl relates that he was "a lion of the disputatio" \ ghadanfar fi 'l-mund^ara). These youthful texts, composed between ca. 425/1034 and ca. 450/1058 are: (1) The K. fi Masd'il al-khildffi 'l-Juru* (ms. copied during the author's lifetime, in 466/1073, preserved in Istanbul under the tide Ikhtilaf al-fiikahd3; the section of this text devoted to transactions (al-mucdmaldt [q.v.]) has been the subject of an unpublished thesis by al-Misrf); (2) al-Mulakhkhas fi 'l-d^adal (ms., apparently edited by NiyazI but not published, dated 590/1194, Istanbul); (3) The K. al-Ma(una fi 'l-tfradal (ed. CA.-M. Turki, Beirut 1988) is a summary of the preceding, possibly composed after 450/1058; (4) The K. al-Kiyds (lost) is not mentioned by the biographers, but al-Shfrazf refers to it several times in al-Mulakhkhas\ and (5) al-Tabsirafi }l-khildf(td. under the tide al-Tabsira fi 'l-usul by M.H. Hltu, Damascus 1982) is the first work of usul al-Jikh composed by al-Shfrazf. It approaches only the controversial aspects of this science. The works of al-Shirazf's mature period testify to a change in direction: the brilliant controversialist is replaced by a genuine muajtahid anxious to establish his own doctrine. It was principally the works of this phase, and more specifically his two treatises on practical law (fikh) which were to confer upon him the prestigious status within the Shafi'f school which he still enjoys today. These two treatises on fikh are: (1) The K. al-Tanblh fi 'l-fikh (Cairo 1929; French tr. G.-H. Bousquet, Le Livre de {'Admonition, i-iv, Algiers n.d.), a summary composed between 452/1060 and 453/1061 which has been the object of more than seventy commentaries (see Hftu, op. cit., 169-77); and (2) al-Muhadhdhab (2 vols. Beirut n.d.), written between 455/1053 and 469/1076, which may be considered as al-ShlrazI's crowning achievement and which has, like the aforementioned, been the object of a vast amount of critical apparatus (including the Maajmu' fi shark al-muhadhdhab of al-NawawI, 18 vols. Cairo n.d.). These two texts belong to a group of five key works of reference of the Shaficf madhhab (al-Nawawf (d. 676/1277 [q.v.]), Tahdhib al-asmd3 wa 'l-lughdt, Beirut n.d., i, 3). In terms of legal theory usul al-fikh, the influence of Shirazf was no less important, principally on account of his summary al-Lumac fi usul al-fikh composed ca. 450/1058 (numerous editions since Cairo 1908; critical ed. and French tr. E. Chaumont forthcoming) and his own commentary on it (ed. by CA.-M. Turki, partially under the title al-Wusul ild masd'il al-usul, Algiers 1979, and in entirety, Shark al-lumac, 2 vols. Beirut 1988). The Index of jurists (Tabakdt al-fiikahd3), composed ca. 452/1060, is one of the oldest examples of its genre which has been preserved. It is interesting in that it is also the last which fulfils the original function of this literature: recording the totality of jurist-muajtahids, irrespective of schools, whose advice should be sought for the purpose of constituting a unanimous agreement (iajmdc [q.v.], the third source of fikh) (see Tabakdt al-Jukahd\ 13). Subsequently, the literature of Tabakdt, within each madhhab, would be confined to the evocation of jurists of one and the same allegiance (a sure sign of serious malfunction, predictable and long
foreseen by Mu'tazih scholars, in the exercise of iajma' as theoretically defined). Furthermore, al-Shirazf is also the presumed author (the mss. attribute them to him formally) of two small texts of usul al-dm: the K. al-Ishdra ild madhhab ahl alhakk and the 'Akidat al-salaf (ed. M. Bernand, La Profession defoi d'Abu Ishdq al-Sird^i, IFAO, Cairo 1987; ed. CA.-M. Turki in respectively Sharh al-lumac, op. cit., 91-116 (incomplete text) and K. al-Ma'una, op. cit., 91102). The question of al-Shfrazi's theological opinions has always posed problems—was he an Ash'ari or closer to the creed of the Hanbalfs?—among mediaeval Muslim writers as well as his modern interpreters; the question seems to be resolved, and his Ashearism confirmed, with the appearance of these two texts, if they are authentic (not one of the biographers mentions them, not even Ibn cAsakir (d. 511 / 1175) who was determined to prove the Ash'arism of al-Shlrazf, see Tabym kadhib al-mufian, Beirut 1979; on this question, see Cl. Gilliot, Deux professions defoi..., in SI, Ixviii [1988], 170-86, and, in response to the latter, Chaumont, Encore au sujet..., in SI, Ixxiv [1991], 168-77). Other minor texts are attributed to al-Shfrazf, including an Epistle on ethics (Risdlat al-Shirdzi fi cilm al-akhldk, Cairo 1901; possibly the Advice to the scholars (Nush ahl al-cilm) which is attributed to him by alSubkf, op. cit., 215, and Ibn cAsakir, op. cit.), al-Nukat, a list of 555 points of divergence between Abu Hanlfa and al-Shaficf (probably a summary of the K.fi masd3il al-khildf fi 'l-Juru' (see above), the Book of Definitions (K. al-Hudud, lost) and the Mulakhkhas fi l-hadith (ms. B.N., Paris) which is of very dubious authenticity. Fundamentally, the legal thinking of al-Shirazf expresses a radical insistence on the autonomy of the sphere of the legal sciences in relation to theology. In his treatises on usul al-fikh (and it has to be assumed a priori that his writings on fikh represent the practical interpretation of its principles), al-Shirazf demonstrates unusual rigour in recognising the precise nature of the revelation of the Law as legal discourse (the Kur'an, ultimate expression of the Shan'a, is in fact a text). Furthermore, this discourse needs to be envisaged, according to the Kur'an itself (logically, alShfrazT invokes verses XII, 2, and XLI, 44), as a common discourse, in other words one that was immediately comprehensible to Arabic speakers at the time of the revelation (who, according to al-ShlrazI, had perfect knowledge of their language and its nuances but were not born to be theologians). Thus the science of the basic comprehension of the Law borrows in his writing the form of a strict "grammar" of legal discourse, always attentive to the modes of the "speech of the Arabs" and consciously indifferent to the "thinking of the theologians" who, according to all indications, were at this time only too eager to intervene in debates belonging to the domain of the legal sciences (on this point, see G. Makdisi, The juridical theology..., SI, [1984], 5-47 and, in a different perspective, Chaumont, Bdqilldni ..., in .57, Ixxix [1994], 79-102). Bibliography: The long article devoted to alShTrazf by al-Subkl in his Tabakdt constitutes the principal source of information regarding his life and work. The book by M.H. Hrtu (al-Imdm alShirdzi..., op. cit.}, is a compilation of everything which ancient literature has to say about al-Shirazi", and a study of the evolution of his legal doctrine. Al-Shfrazf's milieu is studied by Makdisi in Ibn cAqil et la resurgence de ITslam traditionaliste au XIe siecle, Damascus 1963, but too much credence is given
AL-SHIRAZI — SHIRE here to Hanbali sources. Al-Shirazi's theory of iajtihdd is tackled in Chaumont, La theorie classique ..., in SI, Ixxv [1992], 105-39. (E. CHAUMONT) SHiRAZI, RAFIC AL-DiN (ca. 947-1030/1540-1620), historian of the 'Adil Shahl dynasty of Bldjapur [q.v.]. A native of Shfraz, he travelled to India as a merchant, and from the age of twenty served Sultan CA1I cAdil Shah, and later Sultan Ibrahim, in various capacities, including as ambassador to Ahmadnagar [q.v], the capital of the Nizam Shahls [q.v], governor of the Bldjapur fort, and treasurer. While he wrote abridgements of Mir Khwand's Rawdat alsafd3, Khwand Amir's Habib al-siyar, and a Farhangndma, he is best known for his Tadhkirat al-muluk, history of the 'Adil Shahl dynasty and contemporary Indian and Persian regimes, begun in 1017/1608-9 and completed three years later (for mss., see Storey, i, 743, to which add Salar Djang, i, 406, no. 362 [Hist. 142] and Asafiyya, handlist 5280). The Tadhkirat al-muluk is divided into an introduction and ten fash (expanded to twelve in some mss.), with a supplement on Indian temples, jewel mines, rivers, and wonders of the region. Raff e al-Dln ShlrazI has been neglected as an historian, partly due to the canonisation of Firishta [q.v] by the British, but the Tadhkirat al-muluk remains an important, independent source of IndoPersian history. Bibliography: Tadhkirat al-muluk, partial ed. H.S.S. Qadirl, Tdrikh [Hyderabad] iii/9, Suppl. (Jan.-Mar. 1931), 2-41, complete ed. A.N.M. Khalidl, rev. C. Ernst, forthcoming; partial tr. J.S. King, The history of the Bahmani Dynasty, founded on the Burhdn-i Ma'dsir [and the Tadhkirat al-muluk], London 1900. See also V.R. Natu, A history ofBijapur by Rafiuddin Shirazi, in JBBRAS, xxii (1905-8), 1729; N.B. Roy, Some interesting anecdotes of Sher Shah from the rare Persian Ms. of Tazkirat-ul-Muluk, in JASB, Letters, xx/2 (1954), 219-26; LA. Khan, The Tazkirat al-Muluk by Rafiuddin Ibrahim Shirazi as a source on the history of Akbar's reign, in Studies in History, ii (1980), 41-56. _ _ _ (C. ERNST) AL-SHIRAZI, SADR AL-DiN [see MULLA SADRA SHIRAZI].
AL-SHIRBlNI, YUSUF B. MUHAMMAD B. £Abd alDjawad b. Khidr, an 11th/17th-century Egyptian author best known for a work with the punning title of Hazz al-kuhuf bi-sharh kasid Abi Shaduf, "The shaking of skull-caps (or: the stirring of yokels) in commenting the poem of Abu Shaduf." It mentions that he went on Pilgrimage in 1075/1664-5, that the work was undertaken at the behest of the Imam Ahmad b. CA1I al-Sandubl, and that among his teachers was Shihab al-Dln Ahmad b. Ahmad b. Salama al-Kalyubl (d. 1069/1659). ' The work is in two parts. The first abounds in anecdotes, often more scatological than witty, on the grossness of manners and tastes of the peasants (falldhm) of the Nile valley and their teachers' misunderstandings of the Law. It also pokes fun at spurious examples of folk poetry and at pretentious poets of the past. It ends with a 193-line urd^uza in literary Arabic in which he summarises the customs and ways of the peasants whom he has just depicted. Part II is devoted almost entirely to a fictitious peasant poet, Abu Shaduf, and his monorhyme poem of 47 lines in colloquial Arabic. It parodies with verve classical commentaries, and is studded with precious social and linguistic information. Throughout, the peasant is depicted as irredeemably brutish. To read this—as do Shawkl Dayf and alBakll (see below)—as a disguised condemnation of his oppressors is far-fetched.
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There are lithographed editions (Cairo n.d. and Alexandria 1289), and printed ones (Bulak 1274 and 1308, and Cairo 1322). A bowdlerised version was published by Muhammad Kandll al-Bakll (Cairo 1963). The author mentions another work of his on peasant weddings. Manuscripts attributed to him (Brockelmann, S II, 987) appear to be of a single moralistic text. Bibliography. K. Vollers, in £DMG (1887), xli, 370 ff.; C.A. Nallino, L'Arabo parlato in Egitto, Milan 1913, 482; Brockelmann, S II, 387; Zirikll, A'lam2, ix, 333; Kahhala, Mu'allifm, xiii, 329. (M. BEN CHENEB-[P. CACHIA]) SHIRE, the Turkish name of the Aegean Greek island of Syros, vernacular Syra, Ar. Shira, an important island of the Cyclades lying south of Andros/Andire and northwest of Para. Mentioned by al-ldrlsl (tr. Jaubert, ii, 127) when it was under Byzantine control, it was captured by the Venetians after the Fourth Crusade and became part of the Archipelago Duchy after 1207. Renamed Lasudha (la Souda), it experienced a long Latin period, and over the centuries, the majority of the population became Latin Catholics (see G. Hoffmann, Vescovadi catolici delta Grecia. III. Syros, Rome 1937; A. Sigalas, / nomi e cognomi veneto-italiani nel} isola di Sira, in Studi Bizant. e Neoellen., viii/3 [1921], 194-200). Throughout the Latin and Turkish period, it retained the densest westernised population of the area, the Frankosyrianoi or "Frankish Syriots", becoming a bastion of Catholicism in the Aegean. Sultan Mehemmed I in 1419 recognised it as a Venetian possession, but in the 16th century, Shire suffered both Ottoman Turkish and Italian corsair raids, including those in 1515 by Kurtoghlu and in 1537 by Khayr al-Dln Barbarossa [q.v.] (cf. Uzungar§ih, Osmanh tarihi, ii5, 375, 479, iii/24 101-2). These caused depopulation and famine, and only under Joseph Nasi's rule (1566-79) [see NAKSHE; PARA] was there relative prosperity. In 1566 the island received a favourable c ahd-ndme or treaty of dependence from the Ottoman government, renewed in 1580 and 1648, giving the local Greek authorities self-government; these last maintained representatives in Istanbul, the Syriot kapukahyas, 31 of whose letters are extant, giving valuable information on contemporary administrative and economic issues. On Nasi's death, Shire, with Andros, Nakshe, Para, Santorin and Melos were leased by the Porte to Siileyman Beg (1579-82) and later, to the Greek Comnenus-Choniates (1598-1601). But corsair raids continued, and in 1617 the kapudan pasha 'All Celebi hanged the Latin bishop and abducted 300 captives. After then, the Syriots and Meliots paid kharddj. to Istanbul. Roman Catholicism grew in importance after the 1630s, with the arrival of Jesuit missionaries, and in 1700 the French traveller Tournefort mentions a Latin bishop and forty priests, but only a few Turks with their kadi. In the Russo-Turkish War of 176874, Shire was occupied by the Russian fleet, but in 1774 sultan cAbd ul-Hamld I had the local Beg beheaded and granted the island as a timdr to Sellm Ill's sister Shah Sultana. By the end of the 18th century, the island's population had reached 5,000, with a commerce based on its cotton, figs and wine. Because of the dominance of Roman Catholicism, neither Shire nor Nakshe were fervent participators in the 1821-9 Greek War of Independence, but the modern capital of Syros, Ermoupolis, was founded by refugees from Sakiz/Chios and Psara at this time, becoming subsequently a major trading centre. In the Cretan outbreak of 1866-9, Syros sheltered Cretan refugees, and a naval engagement was fought off its
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port between the Greek battleship Enosis and a Turkish squadron under the English admiral Hobart Pasha; it was in Ermoupolis harbour, too, that the Turkish cruiser Hamidiyye sank the Greek battleship Macedonia during the First Balkan War of 1912. The population of Syros in 1981 was 19,794. Bibliography. In addition to references in the article, see the Bibls. to NAKSHE, PARA and SANTORIN; also Pitcher, Hist, geogr. of the Ottoman empire, map XIV. On the Turkish and Latin corsairs, see A. Krantonelle, History of piracy, i-ii, Athens 198591, index. (A. SAWIDES) SHlRIN [see FARHAD WA-SHIRIN]. SHiRiN MAGHRIB!, MUHAMMAD, celebrated Persian Sufi poet. His full name is given by Haffz Husayn Karbala'I Tabriz! (Rawdat al-djindn wa ajanndt al-ajandn, ed. Dja'far Sultan al-Kurra'I, Tehran 1344/1965, i, 367, 566_), as Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad b. clzz al-Dln b. cAdil b. Yusuf Tabriz!. In literary and Sufi" circles, however, he is better known as Mulla Muhammad Shlrm Maghrib!. According to Djaml (Nqfahdt al-uns, ed. M. Tawhldlpur, Tehran 1336/1957, 613), he was born in the village of Ammand near Lake Urumiya and died aged 60 in 809/1406-7. But a chronogram composed by c Abd al-Rahlm Khalwat! (d. 859/1454; "MashrikI"), which Ibn Karbala'I cites (Rawdat, i, 73-5), commemorates Maghribl's death as 810/1407-8, and this is probably more correct. Maghrib! should be accounted as the most important Persian Sufi poet—after Traki (d. 688/1289), Kasim-i Anwar (d. 837/1433 [q.v.]) and Mahmud Shabistar! (d. ca. 740/1339-40 [q.v.])—of Ibn cArab!'s school in the late 13th/early 14th century. The primary theme of his poetry (see Diwdn-i Muhammad Shmn Maghribi, ed. L. Lewisohn; Tehran-London 1993, containing 1223 lines of Arabic poetry, 199 Persian ghazals, two tardjl1bands, and 35 rubdciyydt) is the "Unity of Being" (wahdat al-wuajud). Although the imagery of romantic Persian poets such as Salman Sawadj! (d. 778/1376) and Humam Tabriz! (d. 714/1314) also fills his verse, lending it a particular brillance and graceful beauty, it is as an exponent and exegete of the theomonistic doctrine of Ibn 'Arab! that his poems achieved their principal fame. In his own introduction to the Diwdn (ibid., iv, 15-16) the poet admits that "the composer of this type of poetry in accordance with true visionaries and visionary men of Truth says the same thing which the author of the Tarajumdn al-ashwdk [= Ibn £ArabI] says." Since both Djaml (Nafahdt, 613) and M. Nurbakhsh (Silsilat al-awliyd3, ed. M.T. Danish-Pazhuh, in S.H. Nasr (ed.), Melanges offerts a Henri Corbin, Tehran 1977, no. 60) customarily referred to Ibn cArabi as "Ibn al-Maghribl", it is apparent that the poet adopted "Maghrib!" as his takhallus in honour of the Shaykh al-Akbar. Thus, when Ibn Karbala'I (Rawdat, i, 367)—citing a certain c Abd al-Rahlm BizzazI, one of the poet's disciples— speaks of him as al-Maghribi madhhaban ("Maghrib! in religion"), it is obvious that he is alluding to the poet's Akbarian persuasion; and it is to this same connotation that Rida KulI-Khan Hidayat in the Maajmac-i Jusahd (Tehran 1339/1965, iv, 57-8) alludes in stating that "Maghribl's creed is the Unity of Being and his particular mystical sensibility is the enjoyment of contemplative vision (madhhabish wahdat al-wuajud-ast wa mashrabish ladhdhat al-shuhud)". After his celebrated Diwdn, Maghribl's other works listed by Ibn Karbala'I include: (1) Asrdr-i Jatiha (not extant); (2) Risdla-yi ajdm-i ajahdn-namd (consisting mainly of selections from Farghanl's commentary on
Ibn Farid's Td'iyya entitled Masharik al-daran, ed. Dj. AshtiyanI, Tehran 1979; this Risdla has been published by Mlr-cAbidIn! in his edition of Maghribl's Diwdn, Tehran 1979); (3) Dun al-farid f i macnfat altawhid (a work still extant, see Fihrist-i Kitdb-khdna-yi Sipahsaldr, ii, 682, wherein it is said to be in Persian, treating in 3 chapters the divine Unity, Actions and Qualities); (4) Nuzjiat al-sdsdniyya (evidently not extant and not listed in Munzawl's Fihrist-i nakhahd-yi fdrsi, Tehran 1979). Other works ascribed elsewhere to Maghrib! include a Nasihdt-ndma (mentioned in Munzawl's Fihrist, ii, 1706) and Ira3at al-dakd3ik fi sharh-i Mi3rdt al-hakd3ik, on which see H. Ethe, Catalogue of Persian manuscripts in the India Office Library, i, no. 2914, fols. 94b-113b). Maghrib! had five silsila affiliations according to Ibn Karbala'I (Rawdat i, 67-9) as follows: (1) Baha' al-Dm Hamadhanl; (2) Ibn 'Arab!; (3) Sacd al-Dln; (4) Isma'Il Sis! and (5) £Abd al-Mu5m!n al-SarawI, although his principal master was Sis! (for a detailed study of the other masters, see Lewisohn, A critical edition of the Divan of Maghrebi: with an introduction into his life, literary school and mystical poetry, diss., London 1988, i, 60-83), who counted among his proteges and disciples three of the greatest Sufi poets of the 8th/14th century, sc. Kamal Khiidjandl (d. 803/1400), Kasim-i Anwar, and Muhammad cAssar Tabriz! (d. 792-3/1390-1). Sis! was a Kubrawl shaykh, having been a disciple, either directly or indirectly, of 'Ala' al-Dawla Simnanl (d. 736/1336). Maghrib! was said to have experienced an illumination during an arba'in held under Slsl's direction, and recorded his enlightenment in a ghazal (on which, see Lewisohn, Mohammad Shirin Maghrebi, in Sufi, i, [1988], 33). Slsl's other important disciples include Zayn alDln Khwafi" (d. 838/1435), whose connection with Maghrib! is discussed by H.T. Norris, The Mir'dt altdlibm of ^ain al-Dtn Khawdfi of Khurasan and Herat, in BSOAS, liii (1990), 57-63; and Lewisohn, A critical edition, 75-9. As a poet of the Akbarian school, Maghrib! follows very closely the imagery and thought of Shabistarl and Sacd al-Dln Farghanl. Maghribl's poetic style was imitated by Shah Ni c mat Allah (d. 834/1431) and Muhammad LahldjI ("Asm", d. 912/1506-7 [see LAHlDji, SHAMS AL-DiN]), the latter author quoting extensively from Maghribl's Diwdn throughout his famous Mafdfih al-i'ajdz fi sharh-i Gulshan-i rdz in order to illustrate Shabistarl's symbolism and doctrine (see Lewisohn, Beyond faith and infidelity: the Sufi poetry and teachings of Mahmud Shabistari, London 1995, ch. 7). Many of the images and expressions of Maghribl's poetry have become proverbs in Persian (cf. CA.A. Dihkhuda, Amthdl wa hikam, Tehran 1984, iii, 1242, 1319, 1343, 1347), and his influence can be seen in the writings of many of the Persian Ishrdki philosophers up to the present day. Quotations from his poetry, for instance, can be found scattered throughout the writings of the 19th-century hakim Mulla Had! Sabzawarl (d. 1289/1873). Bibliography (in addition to references already given): M.Dj. Mashkur, Tdnkh-i Tabriz td paydn-i karn-i nuhum-i hidjri, Tehran 1352/1973, 766 ff.; c Az!z Dawlatabadl, Sukhanwardn-i Adharbdyajdn, Tabriz 1357/1978, ii, 217-19; Browne, LHP, iii, 330-44. For fuller details, and a fuller discussion of the problems involved, including analysis of the historical and literary evidence, see L. Lewisohn, A critical edition ... (L. LEWISOHN) SHIRK, a term from the religious vocabulary, of Kur'anic origin, which signifies the act of "associating" with God, in other words, accepting the
SHIRK presence at His side of other divinities; it may be translated either literally, by associationism or, in more explicit fashion, by polytheism. In numerous instances in the Kur'an there is criticism of the "associators" (al-mushnkun, 42 occurrences; also encountered nine times is the phrase alladhina ashraku), defined as those who invoke (j>adcuna), adopt (yattakhidhund) and worship (ya'buduna), besides God (min duni }lldh), other gods (dlihd)., give Him "associates" (dj.acalu li 'lldhi shurakd3) and equals (anddd). It may be noted that the actual word shirk features seldom in the Kur'an (five occurrences in all), and that in fact it is used only twice in this sense of "associationism" (XXXI, 13, XXXV, 14). Originally, shirk signifies "association" in the passive, not the factitive sense of the term. It is this sense which it has in XXXIV, 22; XXXV, 40; XLVI, 4, where it is denied that false gods would have been associated [with the true God] (lahum shirkm) in the creation of the heavens and of the earth. The proper term for "associationism" would normally be ishrdk, corresponding to the diverse forms of the verb ashraka which are extensively used, in this sense, in the Kur'anic text. Clearly, it is hadith which has imposed the usage of shirk in the factitive (and religious) sense of the term: certain practices (for example sorcery, ornithomancy) are denounced here as shirk; there is reference to the ahl al-shirk (as opposed to the ahl al-isldm), to the ard al-shirk, etc. (cf. Wensinck, Concordance, iii, 114-16). Furthermore, in hadith itself, certain uses of the word in its primary signification, i.e. as an equivalent of shirka or sharika, "association", appear occasionally: with reference to the common ownership of land (cf. Muslim, musdkdt 135), of a slave (Bukharl, sharika 14; Muslim, citk 47-48), or even to participation in a sacrifice (shirk fi dam, al-Bukharf, hagjaj. 102). To return to the Kur'an, it is quite dangerous to claim to determine, even approximatively—as was attempted by Bjorkman in his article for EP—at what point in time words from the root sh-r-k first entered the text. If Bjorkman is to be believed, they do not appear in "the most ancient suras". But which are the most ancient suras? In verse LXVIII, 41, the text reads: "Do they have associates (shurakd*)? Then let them come with their associates, if they are truthful!" Now, according to the chronology traditionally accepted in Islam, sura LXVIII would be the second in the order of revelation (and v. 41 would not be among the Medinan additions). Without going so far as this, Weil and Noldeke likewise dated this sura in the "early Meccan period". It is true that, in the verse in question, the identity of the said "associates" is controversial (cf. al-Razf's commentary). But there is also LII, 43, which is considerably more explicit and where it is said, in conformity with numerous other passages in the Kur'an, subhdna 'lldhi cammd yushrikun "how God is above that which they associate [with Him]!" Now, while the traditional chronology places this other sura among the last revealed at Mecca, Blachere, Weil and Noldeke agree in locating it on the contrary in the "early Meccan period"! All that can be said with certainty in this context is that in fact, in those suras unanimously accepted as the earliest, the terms in question do not feature, and that those where they appear most often are, in descending order, VI (28 instances), IX (12) and XVI (11). Who precisely are these "associators" of whom the Kur'an speaks? It would normally be anticipated that they would include all those who, in one way or another, accept the existence of gods other than the one God. It would therefore be logical to expect to
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find the Christians described as such, seeing that, according to the Kur'an, the Christians make of God "the third of three" (V, 73), they deify Christ (V, 72), and "take for two gods beside God (ildhayn1 min duni 'lldh}" Jesus and his mother (V, 116). However, this is not the case. The Christians belong to the "People of the Book" (ahl al-kitdb), and the Kur'an takes care to distinguish—even if they are considered comparable to disbelievers (kuffdr)—between "associators" and the people of the Book (or "those to whom the Book has been given"), cf. in particular, II, 105; III, 186; V, 82; XXII, 17 (with reference not only to Jews and Christians, but also "Sabeans" and Mazdaeans); XCVIII, 1, 6. The same distinction, as al-Razf points out (on Kur'an, IX, 29), is drawn implicitly in the first quarter of sura IX: God first prescribes the treatment to be applied to "associators" (IX, 5), then that to be applied to "those to whom the Book has been given" (IX, 29). In other words, the Kur'anic term mushrikun does not in fact denote all those who, in some manner, practise a form of associationism, but only a minority among them—those among whom this associationism is most flagrant—i.e. the worshippers of idols ('abadat al-awthdri). Admittedly, in the eyes of the commentators this distinction between "associators" and "people of the Book" is not always valid. With regard to IX, 30, where it is said that Jews and Christians proclaim £Uzayr/Esdras and Jesus respectively the sons of God, al-Razf comments that God thus shows that Jews and Christians are also "associators", since, he says, "there is no difference between him who worships an idol and him who worships Christ or any other; the word shirk signifies nothing other than the man giving himself someone to worship in addition to God (an yattakhidha 'l-insdnu maca 'Hah macbudan); therefore, wherever anything of this sort is practised, there is associationism" (TqfsTr, ed. Tehran n.d., xvi, 33). And on XCVIII, 1, al-Tabarf mentions an exegesis according to which "associators" and "People of the Book" are indistinguishable (cf. moreover, al-Tabarf himself on XCVIII, 5). For the Kur'an, in any case, it is evident, in view of the clear distinction indicated above, that the "associators" represent a category of disbelievers other than that of the "People of the Book", i.e. the category of committed polytheists, these polytheists being identified at the time with idolaters. Of the pseudo-divinities which they worship, it is said in fact, in numerous instances, that they do not hear, that they do not answer (VII, 194; XIII, 14; XXXV, 14; etc.), that they are incapable of inflicting harm or of being useful (V, 76; VI, 71; X, 18; etc.). In the time of the Prophet, the "associators" are those who, at Mecca or elsewhere, worship al-Lat, al-cUzza and Manat (in sura IX, which is historically dated, the mushrikun evidently denote the Meccan polytheists, recently vanquished). In the past, they were predominantly the idol worshippers of the time of Abraham (the words asnarn, awthdn, or even tamdtjul being designedly used, cf. VI, 74; XIV, 35; XXI, 52, 57; XXIX, 17, 25), Abraham of whom it is said that he was not, for his part, counted among the associators (ma kdna min almushrikln, cf. II, 135; III, 67, 95; VI, 79, 161; etc.). Shirk is the worst form of disbelief. The treatment to be applied in this world to the "associator" is that prescribed in IX, 5 (the "verse of the sword", dyat al-sayf): death, at least if they do not become Muslims (whereas the "People of the Book" are, for their part, allowed to maintain their religion, so long as they pay the ajizya, IX, 29). In the next world, they will be assuredly consigned to damnation; the Kur'an
486
SHIRK — SHIRKUH
states in fact, twice, that God can pardon all sins save one, that of associationism (inna 'lldha Id yaghfiru anyushraka bihi wa-yaghfiru ma dund dhdlika li-man yashd3, IV, 48, 116). The Kur'an relates furthermore how, in the next world, these alleged "associates" of God who are worshippped by the mushnkun will then disown their worshippers (VI, 94; X, 28-9; XVIII, 52; XXVIII, 62-3; etc.). Shirk, by definition, is contrary to Islam, since the first article of faith of the Muslim is precisely the denial of all associationism, the affirmation of the single God: Id ildha Hid 'lldh. In the formula of the talbiya [q.v] recited particularly during the Pilgrimage, it is said and repeated, Id sharika laka "You have no associate". In theological polemic, accusations of shirk are rife. With regard in particular to the status of the voluntary human act, the SunnI theologians charge their Mu'tazilf adversaries with associationism, on the grounds that the latter attribute to man a creative power comparable to that of God (cf. al-Bakillanf, Tamhid, ed. McCarthy, Beirut 1957, §§ 523,' 540; D. Gimaret, Theories de I'acte humain en theologie musulmane, Paris 1980, 297-8); the Muctazilfs, for their part, level the same accusation at the Sunnfs, on the grounds that, for the latter, the voluntary human act would result from an association between God, who creates it, and man, who "acquires" it (cf. Gimaret, op. cit., 292). Bibliography. M.I. Surty, The Qur'anic concept of Al-Shirk (polytheism), London 1982, 21990. (D. GIMARET) SHIRKUH, ABU 'L-HARITH B. &JAD!, Asad al-Dfn al-Malik al-Mansur, one of Nur al-Dln Mahmud's [q.v.] generals and statesmen, and the penultimate vizier of Fatimid Egypt. His family was Kurdish (of the Rawadiyya clan) from Dvin in Armenia, where Shadf, his father, had served the Shaddadid dynasty [q.v.]. Later "noble" genealogies are fanciful. Ibn Abl Tayyi5 says, "None of the Ayyiibid family knows any ancestor beyond Shad!" (quoted in Rawd, ii, 534-5). Shirkuh served in the Saldjuk state, where his elder brother Ayyub was governor of Takrft. Because of assistance given to Zangl [q.v] in 526/1132, and perhaps also because Shlrkuh had killed a Christian in the service of Bihruz, the shihna of clrak, the brothers fled to Mawsil, where Zangl gave them iktd's in his Mesopotamian lands, and Shirkuh fought in Zangl's Syrian campaigns. After Zangl's death, Shirkuh and his brother served Nur al-Dln. Shirkuh became commander of his armies and held Hims and Rahba as iktd's. Ibn al-Kalanisf documents Shfrkuh's military activities in Syria on behalf of Nur al-Dm in the years 549-54/1154-9. In 556/1161 Shirkuh performed the hadj.dj. in great magnificence. In Dhu 'l-Kacda 558/October 1163 the ousted Fatimid vizier Shawar [q.v] came to Damascus seeking aid towards his restoration and promising a third of the resources of Egypt to help the djihdd in Syria. Shirkuh was appointed commander of the Syrian force by Nur al-Dln (in various accounts each had doubts about the undertaking), and he set out in Djumada I 559/April 1164 on the first of three expeditions. Shawar was restored as vizier (Radjab/May) but refused to fulfil his promises and turned for support to the Kingdom of Jerusalem, which was already receiving annual tribute from Cairo, and now embarked on a period of direct intervention in Egyptian affairs. Shfrkuh chose Bilbays as a defensive base and after a siege of several months he agreed on 15 Dhu
'l-Hidjdja/3 November to a settlement and the withdrawal of both external parties, being ignorant of Frankish anxiety at Nur al-Dln's successes in Syria. Now convinced of the opportunities offered in Egypt, Shirkuh persuaded Nur al-Dm to sanction a second expedition, which set out in Rablc I 562/January 1167. Shawar again sought aid from the Franks. Shirkuh crossed the Nile at Atfih and spent 50 days or so at Glza, facing the combined enemy, before they effected a river crossing and pursued Shfrkuh south as far as Ashmunayn. At a place called alBabayn, Shfrkuh won a hard-fought victory on 25 Djumada 1/18 March. He returned north and left his nephew Saladin [see SALAH AL-D!N] and part of the army in Alexandria, with the Sunn! notables of which he had already made contact. Shfrkuh kept his mobility and ranged widely in Upper Egypt, while Saladin sustained a siege of four months. Eventually a new settlement was reached in Shawwal/August, which allowed for an indemnity of 50,000 dinars for the Syrian force and, in principle, the withdrawal of both armies. By Dhu 'l-Kacda/September Shfrkuh was back in Damascus. About a year later, the Franks made another attack on Egypt, prompted by exiled enemies of Shawar and hoping to exploit Nur al-Dln's absence in northern Syria. Besieged in Cairo, Shawar appealed again to Nur al-Dm for assistance. Unwilling to abandon Egypt to the Franks, Nur al-Dln and Shfrkuh responded energetically. By Safar 564/December 1168 a force of 5,000 had been enlisted and reviewed near Damascus. Nur al-Dm added 2,000 of his own troops with several of his amirs. By Rabf' II/January 1169 Shirkuh was at Cairo and the Frankish invaders had fled back to Palestine without a battle. According to some versions, Shfrkuh established good relations with Shawar, but on the other hand there are hints of secret negotiations with the caliph al-cAdid li-Dm Allah [q.v] to remove Shawar, who had certainly shown himself unreliable enough in the past. Shirkuh, however, is even said to have warned Shawar of plots against him by the Syrian officers. c lzz al-Dm Djurdfk, one of Nur al-Dln's mamluks, played a leading part in the coup, although later ideas of what was fitting also assigned a major role to Saladin. At all events, Shawar was led into a trap and assassinated on Saturday 17 Rablc II 564/18 January 1169. The caliph "by the custom of the Egyptians" demanded his head and issued a document appointing Shirkuh as vizier with the title al-malik almansur amir al-ajuyush (for text, see al-Kalkashandl, Subh al-acshd, x, 80-90). Shfrkuh possibly entrusted the management of affairs generally to Saladin (but for a decree dated Djumada II 564/March 1169 said to be issued by Shirkuh, see S.M. Stern, Fatimid decrees, London 1964, 80-4). However, he did not long enjoy this new responsibility. He died suddenly on Sunday 22 Djumada II 564/23 March 1169. He was buried first in Cairo, but after several years his body was transferred to the ribdt in Medina, which according to a mutual pact he had built as a last resting-place for himself and his friend, already deceased, the Mawsilf vizier al-Djawad al-Isfahanf [q.v.]. Shfrkuh's personal mamluks, the Asadiyya, played a significant role in subsequent Ayyubid history. His son Nasir al-Dln Muhammad established a princely line in Hims. Foundations attributed to Shfrkuh include a Q^jamic and a madrasa at Aleppo, a madrasa at Rahba, a madrasa for the Shafi'fs and Hanaffs outside Damascus and a ribdt, two masa^ids, a Sufi khankdh and possibly a hammdm within the city.
SHIRKUH — SHIRWAN Bibliography: Ibn al-Kalanisi, Dhayl ta'rikh Dimashk, ed. H.F. Amedroz, Leiden 1908, see index; c Umara al-Yamanl, al-Nukat al-casriyya ft akhbdr alwuzard3 al-misriyya, ed. H. Derenbourg, Paris 18971902, see index; Bundarf, Sand3 al-bark al-shdml, ed. R. §esen, Beirut 1971, i, 60-81; Baha' al-Dfn Ibn Shaddad, Slrat Saldh al-Dln, ed. al-Shayyal, Cairo 1964, 36-40; Abu Shama, K. al-Rawdatayn, ed. A. Hilmf, Cairo 1962, i/2, 329-405, 415-38 (quoting 'ibn Abl Tayyi'), 533-9; Makrfzf, Itti'dz alhunaja3, ed. M. Hilmf, Cairo 1973, iii, 265-307; idem, al-Khitat, Bulak ed., i, 286, 338-9, 358, ii, 12-3, 251; clzz al-Dm Ibn Shaddad, al-A'lak alkhatira (Aleppo and Damascus), ed. D. Sourdel and S. Dahan, Damascus 1953-6, see indices; Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt al-a'ydn, ed. 'Abbas, ii, 479-81; Ibn al-Athfr, Kdmil, ed. Beirut, xi, 298-342; idem, al-Ta3nkh al-bdhir fi 'l-dawla al-atabdkiyya, ed. A. Tolaymat, Cairo 1963, 119 ff. (D.S. RICHARDS) SHIRWAN, SHIRWAN or SHARWAN, a region of eastern Caucasia, known by this name in both mediaeval Islamic and modern times. Shfrwan proper comprised the easternmost spurs of the Caucasus range and the lands which sloped down from these mountains to the banks of the Kur river [q.v]. But its rulers strove continuously to control also the western shores of the Caspian Sea from Kuba (the modern town of Kuba) in the district of Maskat (< *Maskut, Mashkut, to be connected with the ancient Eurasian steppe people of the Massagetes) in the north, to Baku [q.v.] (modern Baku) in the south. To the north of all these lands lay Bab al-Abwab or Derbend fe.w;.], and to the west, beyond the modern Gok Cay, the region of Shakkf [q.v.]. In mediaeval Islamic times, and apparently in pre-Islamic Sasanid ones also, Shirwan included the district of Layzan, which probably corresponds to modern Lahfdj (the two names must be etymologically connected), often ruled as a separate fief by a collateral branch of the Yazfdl Shirwan Shahs [q.v.]. These boundaries of Shfrwan were substantially the same in II Khanid times, according to Hamd Allah Mustawff, Nuzha, 92-3, tr. 93-4. The plains and lowlands of Shfrwan were exposed to attack, and the Shahs had to face aggressive neighbours: the Alans and the Hashimid rulers of Bab al-Abwab from the north, the Rus [q.v] from the Caspian Sea, and rival Muslim powers like the Daylamf Musafirids and Kurdish Shaddadids [q.w] from the south. Among the mediaeval towns of Shfrwan are mentioned Baku; Shawaran Shabaran, the ancient capital, in the southern part of the Kuba district; and Shammakhf or Shammakhiyya (modern Russian Shemakha), said to have been named after a ruler of Shfrwan, al-Shammakh b. Shudjac, contemporary with Harun al-Rashfd's governor of Arran, Armenia and Adharbaydjan, Sacfd b. Salm b. Kutayba (al-Baladhurf, Futuh, 210; cf. al-Yackubi, Ta3kkh, ii, 517 ff., and alTabarf, iii, 648). When Shammakhi became the capital of the Yazfdi Shahs, it was probably this same town which was temporarily re-named Yazfdiyya (3067 918), but it is the old name which has survived till today, with Shemakha an administrative and manufacturing centre of some importance (see below). After the ending of the Shirwan Shahs by the Safawid Shah Tahmasp I [see SHIRWAN SHAH], Shfrwan formed a province of Persia and was usually governed by a Khan, who is often called Beylerbey or Amfr al-UmaraJ. The inhabitants several times rebelled against the Shf'f dynasty, and as Sunnfs appealed for help to the Ottoman sultan of Turkey. With other
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Caucasian lands, Shirwan was taken by the Turks in 1578, held after a series of battles with varying results, and finally ceded to the Ottoman sultan by the peace of 1590. Under rule, Shfrwan was divided into fourteen sandjaks; it included Shakkf in the north-west and Baku in the south-east, i.e. practically the whole of mediaeval Shfrwan. Derbend, which had long been separated from Shfrwan, formed a separate governorship. Persian rule was not definitively restored till 1607. In the 17th century, Kuba and Salyan were given as a separate principality to the Kaytak, who had migrated southwards. In 1722 the Khan of Kuba, Husayn cAlf, submitted to Peter the Great and was confirmed in his dignity. By the treaty between Russia and Turkey of the year 1724, the coast territory with Baku, now occupied by the Russians, was for the first time politically separated from the rest of Shfrwan, which was left to the Turks with Shemakha as capital. This division was retained as regards administration even after both parts were reunited to Persia. By the treaties of 1732, the coast lands north of Kura still remained to the Russians and the other parts of Shfrwan and Daghistan to the Turks; it was only after Nadir Shah [q.v] had taken their conquests from the Turks by force of arms (capture of Shemakha, 22 October 1734) that the coast lands were ceded to him voluntarily by the Russians (treaty of Gandja, 10/21 March 1735). After the death of Nadir Shah, Persian rule could no longer be enforced in these regions; several independent principalities arose; the name Shfrwan was now limited to the territory of the Khan of Shemakha, which was later under Russian rule divided into three administrative districts (Shemakha., Gokcay and Djawad). Fath 'Alf Khan of Kuba (1758-89) succeeded in bringing Derbend as well as Shemakha under his sway, so that, as Dorn observed, "a true Shfrwan Shah arose in him". During the last years of his reign, Fath cAlf flattered himself with the idea of bringing Persia itself under his sway and ascending the throne of the rulers of Persia. When the Kadjars had succeeded in restoring the unity of Persia, the sons of the Khan were no more able to maintain their independence than the other Caucasian chiefs and had to choose between Russia and Persia. General Zubov, who had been despatched by Catherine II, had already reached the Kura below Djawad (1796) when he and his army were recalled by the Emperor Paul. The Khan of Shfrwan (Shemakha), Mustafa, who had already entered into negotiations with Zubov, submitted to the Russians in 1805, who occupied Derbend and Baku next year (1806), but soon afterwards he made overtures to the Persians and sought help from them. By the peace of Gulistan (12/24 October 1813), Persia gave up all claim to Derbend, Kuba, Shfrwan and Baku. Nevertheless, Mustafa continued to have secret dealings with Persia. It was not till 1820 that his territory was occupied by Russian troops; the Khan fled to Persia and Shemakha was incorporated in Russian territory. The outbreak of hostilities again in 1826 was taken advantage of by Mustafa and by an earlier Khan of Baku, Husayn, for an attempt to stir up their subjects against Russia, but without success. After 1840 the former territory of the Khan of Shfrwan was united with Kuba and Baku to form one administrative area (at first the "Caspian territory"; from 1846 the "government of Shemakha"; from 1859, after the destruction of Shemakha by one of the earthquakes frequent there, the "government of Baku"). The old capital of Shfrwan, as late as the middle of the 19th century, had a larger population than Baku; according to Ritter's Geogrqfisch-
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SHIRWAN — SHIRWAN SHAH
statistisches Lexicon*, 1864-5, Shemakha had 21,550 and Baku 10,600 inhabitants. In the 1880s, the relationship was reversed (E. Weidenbaum, Putevoditel' po Kavkazu, Tiflis 1888, 342-396: Baku 45,679, Shemakha 28,545). After the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and the consequent upheavals in the Caucasus region, the old Shlrwan and Shemakha fell within the Azerbaijan S.S.R., and Shemakha (lat. 40° 38' N., long. 48° 37' E.) became the chef-lieu of a rayon or district. It is now (1994) within the independent Azerbaijan Republic. It is also a significant processing centre for local fruit and agricultural produce, including the making of wine. Numerous Islamic buildings, including mosques and mausolea, remain, though damaged by the earthquakes endemic to the region. In 1970 Shemakha had an estimated population of 17,900, still well below the 19th century level. The older name of the district gives its name to the locally-woven Shlrwan woollen rugs, similar to the Daghistan ones produced to the north of the Caucasus but slightly coarser in texture and with a longer pile. Bibliography: See especially B. Dorn, Geschichte Shirwans unter den Statthaltern und Chanen von 15381820 (Beitrdge zur Geschichte der kaukasischen Lander und Vb'lker, ii = Mem. de VAcad., etc., er. 6, Sciences politiques, etc., v, 317-433); Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 179-81; Hudud al-dlam, tr. Minorsky, 144, comm. 403-11; Minorsky, A history of Sharvdn and Darband (= text, tr. and comm. on the anonymous T. Bab al-Abwdb preserved in the latter Ottoman historian Miinedjdjim Bashi), Cambridge 1958, esp. 75-85. (W. BARTHOLD-[C.£. BOSWORTH]) SHIRWAN SHAH, SHARWAN &JAH, the title in mediaeval Islamic times of the r u l e r s of Shir wan [q.v.] in eastern Transcaucasia. The tide very probably dates back to pre-Islamic times. Ibn Khurradadhbih, 17-18, mentions the Shirwan Shah as one of the local rulers who received his title from the Sasanid emperor Ardashlr. Al-Baladhurf mentions the Shlrwan Shah, together with an adjacent potentate, the Layzan Shah, as amongst those encountered by the first Arab raiders into the region; he further records that Shlrwan and other principalities of the eastern Caucasus submitted during cUthman's caliphate to the commander Salman b. Rablca al-Bahill (Futuh, 196, 203-4). Yazld b. Usayd al-Sulaml, governor of the northwestern Persian lands of the caliphate for al-Mansur, took possession of the naphtha wells (nqffdta) and salt workings (malldhdi) of Shlrwan; the eastern part of the land was therefore at that date of greater importance than the western part, as the situation of the ancient capital, Shabaran, in the eastern part and north of the southeastern-most spur of the Caucasus, implies (cf. what is said concerning this in SHIRWAN). From the end of the 2nd/8th century, Shlrwan was ruled by members of the Arab family of Yazld b. Mazyad al-Shaybanl (d. 185/801) as part of his vast governorship of Adharbaydjan, Arran, Armenia and the eastern Caucasus region. His great-grandson Haytham b. Muhammad is said to have assumed, during the troubled times in Trak consequent on the murder of al-Mutawakkil in 247/861, the ancient title of Shlrwan Shah, beginning a line of Yazldi or Mazyadl Shahs which lasted up to Tlmurid times. For the earlier history of this dynasty, we have the anonymous Ta'rikh Bab al-Abwdb, preserved in the later Ottoman historian Mimedjdjim Bashi [q.v}, the last date of which concerning the Shahs is 468/1075. We know from this that the history of the Shahs was
closely bound up with that of the Hashimids in Bab al-Abwab or Derbend [q.vv.], with intermarriage between the two Arab families and with Yazldls often ruling for various periods in the latter town. By the time of the anonymous Hudud al-cdlam (372-982), the Shlrwan Shahs, from their capital of Yazldiyya (very probably the later Shamakha), had absorbed neighbouring petty principalities north of the Kur river and thus acquired the additional titles of Layzan Shah and Khursan Shah (tr. Minorsky, 144, comm. 403 ff.). We can also discern the progressive Persianisation of this originally Arab family (a process parallel to and contemporary with that of the Kurdicisation of the Rawwadids [q.v.] in Adharbaydjan). After the Shah Yazld b. Ahmad (381-418/991-1028), Arab names give way to Persian ones like Manucihr, Kubadh, Farldun, etc., very likely as a reflection of marriage links with local families, and possibly with that of the ancient rulers in Shabaran, the former capital, and the Yazldids now began to claim a nasab going back to Bahrain Gur or to Khusraw Anushirwan. These Shahs buttressed their power, like other Eastern Islamic dynasties of the time, with professional slave troops (ghuldms [q.v.]), for it was necessary for them, inter alia, to maintain an army to ward off incursions by non-Muslim peoples like the Alans and Georgians. Fear of the Oghuz [see OTUZZ] led the Shah Kubadh b. Yazld in 437/1045 to build a stone wall with iron gates round Yazldiyya and to fortify other towns; by 458/1066, Farlburz b. Sallar (455-ftz. 487/1063-cfl. 1094) had to pay an indemnity to deter the Turkmens under Karatigin, who devasted the regions of Maskat and Baku. In 459/1067 Farlburz submitted to the Saldjuk sultan Alp Arslan, undertaking to pay an annual tribute of 70,000 dinars, eventually reduced to 40,000; coins later issued by Farlburz acknowledge Malik Shah as well as the c Abbasid caliph. Farlburz's diplomatic and military abilities enabled the Yazldls to survive in Shlrwan. Under sultan Mahmud b. Muhammad (511-25/1118-31 [q.v.]), Shlrwan was occupied by Saldjuk troops. The sultan was invited by local leaders to come there himself; after his arrival, the Shah (probably Manucihr III b. Farldun) went to him to obtain justice, but was imprisoned. The people of Shlrwan, with whom the prince was very popular, tried to procure his release, but without success. This state of affairs encouraged the Georgians to invade Shlrwan, but they were driven out by Mahmud. The population suffered very much from the occupation of their country and these events became known as the "devastation" (takhnb] of Shlrwan. The campaign took place in the first and last years of office of the vizier Shams al-Mulk, who was put to death by the sultan's orders in RabI4 I 517/May 1123 in Baylakan (probably on the way back to Persia from Shlrwan). The same campaign appears in quite another light in Ibn al-Athir, x, 433-4. The campaign is said to have been caused by the invasions of the Georgians and the complaints of the people, especially of the town of Derbend. Soon after the arrival of the sultan in Shamakha, a large Georgian army appeared before the town, which terrified the sultan; soon afterwards, however, a quarrel broke out between the Georgians and their allies the Kipcak Turks, as a result of which the enemy had to retire "as if defeated" (shibh al-munhazimin; they had therefore not actually been defeated). The sultan remained for some time in Shlrwan and returned in Djumada II 517/August 1123 to Hamadan.
SHIRWAN SHAH — SHlTH The middle years of the 6th/12th century were flourishing ones for the Yazldids, although the succession and genealogy of the Shahs from this time onwards becomes somewhat confused and uncertain. Mimedjdjim Bashi, for instance, gives only a skeletal list from Manucihr III b. Farldun I (whom he calls Manucihr b. Kasran; the name of Kasranids now appears in some sources for the subsequent Shahs) onwards (translated by Minorsky, A history of Sharvan and Darband, 129-38, including a commentary which brings in the information from recent numismatic work). Manucihr III not only used the title of Shlrwan Shah but also assumed that of Khakan-i Kablr ("Great Khakan"), from which was taken the takhallus or penname of the Persian poet Khakani [q.v], a native of Shlrwan and the Shah's eulogist in the earlier part of his life. During these decades, the Shahs appear on their coins simply as vassals of the Great Saldjuks, and only after the death of the last of that dynasty, Toghril III b. Arslan (590/1194) does the name of the cAbbasid caliph as overlord re-appear on their coins. Shirwan at that time was actually completely dependent on the Georgian kings, who took the title Shlrwan Shah themselves. Matrimonial alliances were several times concluded between the Kasranids and the Georgian royal house. The son and successor of Manucihr III, Akhsitan I (ca. 544-«z. 575/ca. \\49-ca. 1179), no doubt owed to his powerful relative, ally and suzerain, king George III, his victory over a Russian fleet at Baku and the reconquest of Shfrwan and Derbend. On the other hand, the lands of Shakkl, Kabala and Mukan were later taken from the Shirwan Shah by the Georgians (al-NasawI, Strat Sultan Qaldl al-Din, ed. Houdas, 146, 174). Political conditions in the first half of the 7th/13th century are not quite clear; neither the Shirwan Shah Rashld mentioned by Ibn al-Athfr under the year 619 (xii, 264-5) nor the Shirwan Shah Faridun b. Farlburz mentioned by al-Nasaw! (175) under 622 A.H. are known from coins; in place of these we find on coins as contemporary of the caliph al-Nasir (575-622/1180-1225) Fanburz II b. Fan dun II b. Manucihr, and following him under the same caliph, Farrukhzad b. Manucihr II and Garshasp I b. Farrukhzad I. In contradiction to the above accounts, al-Nasaw! says that the Shrrwan Shah had paid sultan Malik Shah a tribute of 100,000 dinars; the Khwarazm Shah Djalal al-Dfn therefore demanded the same sum from the Shrrwan Shah when he appeared in Adharbaydjan. According to alNasawl, the reply given him was that conditions were no longer the same as before, as a large part of the country was now in the possession of the Georgians. It was agreed to pay 50,000 dinars, but even of this 20,000 were remitted. Shortly before this time, the Khwarazm Shah had driven the officers of the Shrrwan Shah out of the land of Gushtaspl at the junction of the Kura and Aras and farmed out this territory for 200,000 dinars; on the other hand, he restored to prince Sultan Shah, Mukan [q.v], which had been ceded by his father to the Georgians (on the occasion of the marriage of the prince with a Georgian princess, daughter of Queen Rusudan, 1223-47). After the subjection of Shirwan by the Mongols, coins were struck in the name of the Mongol Great Khan: the name of the Shrrwan Shah also appears, but without a title. Under the rule of the Ilkhanids, no coins were struck in Shlrwan; the country belonged sometimes to their empire and sometimes to that of the Golden Horde. As a province in the empire of the Ilkhanids Shirwan brought the state treasury 11 tumam (the
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tuman was 10,000 dinars) and 3,000 dinars (the dinar was not now a gold coin, but a silver coin of 3, later 2 mithkdh', cf. W. Barthold, Persidskaya nadpis na styenye Aniyskoi meceti Manuce, St. Petersburg 1911, 18-19, repr. in Socinenya, iv, Moscow 1966, 313-38). Gushtaspl had remained separate and paid 118,500 dinars. The Kasranid dynasty jemained in existence; under the successors of the Ilkhanids, the Shlrwan Shah Kay Kubadh and his son Kawus were again able to play the part of independent rulers (their coins were anonymous, like the coins of several dynasties of this period); but soon afterwards, Kawus had to submit to the Djalayrids [q.v.] and strike coins in their name. Kawus is said to have died, according to Fasih (in Dorn, 560) in 774/1372-3); his son Hushang was murdered by his subjects after reigning ten years, and with his death the dynasty of the Yazldids/Kasranids came to its end. Control of Shlrwan passed to a remote connection of the Yazldids/Kasranids, Shaykh Ibrahim of Derbend (784-820/1382-1417), at first ruling as a vassal of Tlmur and then, after the latter's death in 807/ 1404, as an independent prince. The long reigns of his successors Khalfl Allah I (820-66/1417-62) and Farrukh Yasar (866-900/1462-1501) were decades of peace and prosperity for Shirwan, with many fine buildings erected in Shamakha and Baku. The history of the last Shlrwan Shahs now becomes entwined with that of the Shaykhs and then Shahs of the Safawid family. The head of the Safawiyya order Djunayd b. Ibrahim [q.v.] was killed in 864/1460 during a raid on Shlrwan from Adharbaydjan. His son Haydar [q.v.] was likewise killed in 893/1488 at Tabarsan to the southwest of Derbend by a coalition of Farrukh Yasar and the Ak Koyunlu sultan Ya'kub b. Uzun Hasan, who was apprehensive at the growing power of the Safawids. After his seizure of power over Persia, Shah Ismacll I Safawl avenged these killings by an invasion of Shirwan in 906/1500-1, when he killed Farrukh Yasar and made Shlrwan a Safawid dependency (see Camb. hist, of Iran, vi, 209-9, 211-12). Further Shahs, descendants of Farrukh Yasar, continued in Shirwan for nearly 40 years until the Safawid Shah Tahmasp I in 945/1538 incorporated Shirwan fully into the Safawid kingdom, reducing it to a governorship. A son of one of the last Shlrwan Shahs, Burhan CA1I Sultan b. Khalil Allah II, and his son Abu Bakr attempted with Ottoman help to regain their former kingdom, but without lasting success. Bibliography: In addition to references given in the article, see B. Dorn, Beitrage zur Geschichte der kaukasischen Lander und Volker aus morgenldndischen Quellen. i. Versuch einer Geschichte der Schirwanschahe, in Mems. de FAcad. des Sciences, St. Petersburg, ser. VI, Section de sciences politiques, etc., iv, 523-602; V. Minorsky, A history of Sharvan and Darband in the lOth-llth centuries, Cambridge 1958; Sheila S. Blair, The monumental inscriptions from early Islamic Iran and Transoxiana, Leiden 1992, 155-7; C.E. Bosworth, The Mew Islamic dynasties, Edinburgh 1996, no. 67 (for the chronology and genealogy of the Yazldids/ Kasranids). See also AL-KABK. (W. BARTHOLD-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) SHITH (Hebr. Sheth), Seth the third son of Adam and Eve (Gen. IV, 25-6, V, 3-8), regarded in Islamic lore as one of the first prophets and, like his father, the recipient of a revealed scripture. He is not mentioned in the Kur'an, but plays a considerable role in the subsequent Kisas al-anbiya3 [q.v] literature (see below). He is said to have been born when his father was 130 years of age, five years after the murder
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of Abel. When Adam died, he made him his heir and executor of his will. He taught him the hours of the day and of the night, told him of the Flood to come and taught him to worship the divinity in retirement at each hour of the day. It is to him that we trace the genealogy of mankind, since Abel did not leave any heirs and Cain's heirs were lost in the Flood. It is said that he lived at Mecca, performing the rites of pilgrimage until his death; that he collected the leaves revealed to Adam and to himself (numbering fifty) and regulated his conduct by them; and that he built the Kacba of stone and clay. On his death, he left as his successor his son Anush (Enoch); he was buried beside his parents in the cavern of Mount Abu Kubays; he had attained the age of 912 years. According to Ibn Ishak, he married his sister Hazura. Later traditions. Adam having fallen ill, desired to have olives and oil from Paradise; he sent Shfth to Mount Sinai to ask God for them, and God told him to hold out his wooden bowl; it was filled in a moment, with what his father had asked for, and he rubbed his body with the oil, ate a few olives and was cured. Adam was beardless; Shith was the first to have a beard. He is also called the first uriya (a Syriac word signifying "teacher", cf. Hebr. or "light, teaching"). He was exactly like his father physically as well as morally. He was the favourite child. He spent the greater part of his life in Syria, where one tradition says that he was born. From his time, man was divided into two categories; those who obeyed him and the others who followed the children of Cain. As a result of his counsels, a few of the latter entered into the right path, but the others persisted in their rebellion. Maxims said to have been left behind by him are quoted (Mirkhwand, Rawdat al-sqfd3, lith. Bombay 1272, i, 12 if.). Above all, Shlth is described as the one who fought his brother Cain, as the murderer of Abel [see HABIL WA-KABIL]. He defeated Cain in battle, delivered him in fetters to the avenging angels and enslaved all his progeny. He then built over 1,000 cities and filled the earth with peace and justice. Al-Tabarl, Annales, writes Shath and Shath (i, 153), and says that Shfth is a Syriac form (surydni). The name signifies "in place of, gift (of God)" because he was given in place of Abel (Gen. IV. 26). Al-Mukannac [q.v.] held that the spirit of God was transferred from Adam to Seth (Mutahhar b. Tahir al-MakdisI, Livre de la Creation, vi, 96). This idea comes from a Gnostic sect, the Semites, who were found in Egypt from the 4th century, and who possessed a Paraphrase of Seth, to be more precise, seven books by this patriarch and seven others by his children, whom they called the "Strangers" (Epiphanes, Haer., xxxix, 5). The Gnostics possessed the books of Jaldabaoth, the Demiurge, attributed to Seth (Epiphanes, op. cit., xxvi, 8). The Sabi'un of Harran [see SABI'A] had several writings attributed to Seth, and the latter was associated with Adam by the Manichaeans (P. Alfaric, Les Ecritures manicheennes, Paris 1918, 6, 9, 10). Seth is always associated with Adam by the Druzes (P. Wolff, Die Drusen, Leipzig 1845, 151, 193, 372). Bibliography: Tabarf, i, 152-68, 1122, 1123; Ibn al-Athlr, i, 35, 39; Tha'labl, 'Ara'is al-mao^dlis, lith. 1277, 42; Kisa'I, Kisas al-anbiya\ Eng. tr. W.M. Thackston, The Tales of the Prophets of al-Kisa'i, Boston 1978, 75 ff., 82-7 and index, and n. 69 at p. 347; Hughes, A dictionary of Islam, 569; Encyl. Judaica, new ed., xiv, 1191. (CL. HuART-[C.E. BOSWORTH])
SfflVADJI [see MARATHAS]. SHIZ, the name of a very old Persian firetemple, a place or district to the south-east of Lake Urmiya in Adharbaydjan, said to be the native place of Zoroaster. According to A.V.W. Jackson, the name is said to be derived from the Avestan name of Lake Urmiya, Caecasta; according to Yakut, it is an Arabic corruption of Djazn or Gazn, i.e. Kanzaka or Gazaca of the classical writers or Ganajak of the Pahlavi texts. The older geographers correctly consider the two places and names to be distinct. The Arab traveller Abu Dulaf [q.v.] visited Shlz en route for Daylam and then Adharbaydjan and Arran in the mid-4th/10th century. According to him, the town lay among hills in which gold, quick-silver, lead, silver, arsenic and amethyst were found. Within the walled town was a pond of unfathomable depth, the water of which turned everything to stone. There was also a large ancient fire-temple there, which was held in great honour and from which all the sacred fires in Persia were lit. The fire had already burned 700 years without leaving ashes. The Persian kings used to bestow gifts on the temple, so that it collected vast treasures. Abu Dulaf went there specially to find hidden treasure. Sir Henry Rawlinson's photographs of Takht-i Sulayman show the pond in the centre of the walls and the ruins of the temple. Takht-i Sulayman lies some 140 km/80 miles from the southeastern corner of Lake Urmiya, whereas the great Greek city of Ganzaka, where the fire temple originally stood, is only about 14 km/8 miles from this corner of the lake. What seems to have occurred is that the Sasanid emperor Khusraw Anushirwan (531-79 [q.v.]) transferred the sacred fire and the temple treasures from Ganzaka near Lake Urmiya to a more inaccessible place in the mountains of southern Adharbaydjan in order to protect it from Byzantine attack (Ganzaka was in fact twice occupied by Heraclius, on the second occasion in 628; see the detailed discussion in V. Minorsky, Roman and Byzantine campaigns in Atropatene, in BSOAS, xi [1944], 248-53, 256-60). The fire temple at Shfz continued to be important for the local Zoroastrians during early Islamic times. According to al-Baladhurf, Futuh, 326, the caliph c Umar agreed with the marzbdn of Adharbaydjan to leave the fire temple undisturbed and to allow the people of Shfz to continue their dancing and other festivities. It seems doubtful, however, whether it was still functioning in Abu Dulaf's time, three centuries later, for his account did not convince his contemporaries. Bibliography: Ibn Khurradadhbih, 119; Ibn alFakrh, 286; Mas'udf, Murufa iv, 74; Yakut, Buldan, ed. Beirut, iii, 383-4; Kazwfnf, 'Aajd'ib al-makhlukdt, et. Wiistenfeld, ii, 267; Noldeke-Tabarf, Geschichte der Perser und Amber, 102; Sir Henry Rawlinson, Notes on a journey from Tabriz..., in JRGS, x (184), 1-158; A.V. Williams Jackson, ^proaster, 195 ff.; idem, Persia past and present, 126-43; G.H. Saclighi, Les mouvements religieux iraniens au H*™ et au HI1*™ siecles de I'Hegire, Paris 1938, 77; A. Godard, Les monuments du feu, in Athdr-e Iran, iii (1938), 45-9 and figs. 25-7, 71; B.M. Tirmidhi, ^proastrians and their fire temples in Iran and adjoining countries..., in 1C, xxiv (1950), 272-3, 275, 278. (J. RusKA-[C.E BOSWORTH]) SHKODRA [see ISHKODRA, in Suppl.]. SHLUH [see TASHELHIT]. SHOGHI EFFENDI [see SHAWKI EFENDI RABBANI]. SHOLAPUR, the name of a District and of
SHOLAPUR — SHU'BA B. AL-HADJDJADJ its administrative centre, in the western Deccan of India. In British Indian times, these fell within the Bombay Presidency; within the Indian Union, they are now on the southeastern fringe of Maharashtra State. The town (lat. 17° 43', long. 75° 56' E.) was an early centre of the Marathas [q.v]. In 718/1318 it came finally under the control of the Dihll Sultans, being governed from Deoglri or Dawlatabad [9.0.], then under the Bahmanfs, then oscillating between the cAdil Shahls of Bldjapur and the Nizam Shahfs of Ahmadnagar before being incorporated by Awrangzib into the Mughal Empire in 1078/1668. After possession by the Nizams of Haydarabad, it passed towards the end of the 18th century to the Marathas, but was conquered from the Peshwa [q.v.] by General Munro in May 1818. The town still has some of its walls, which had eight gates, and still has an impressive fortress within their perimeter, begun in the late 8th/14th century by the Bahmanls, but now dilapidated. In the early 20th century, the population of Sholapur town was roughly one-third Muslim and two-thirds Hindu; according to the 1971 census, the total population of the town was 398,361, but it is unclear what proportion of these were Muslims. Bibliography: Imperial gazetteer of India2, xxii, 295307; J.N. Kamalpur, Hie Deccan forts. A study in the art of fortification in mediaeval India, Bombay 1961, 8891; Maharashtra State gazetteers. Sholapur District, revised ed. Bombay 1977, 967-96. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SHU'AYB, a p r o p h e t m e n t i o n e d in the K u r ' a n , who, on the basis of XI, 91, was understood to have come after Hud, Salih and Lot (Lut) [
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1991, 43-8; J. Horovitz, Koranische Untersuchungen, Leipzig 1926, 93-4, 119-20, 138, for references to pre-Islamic sources; H. Speyer, Die biblischen Erzdhlungen im Qoran, Grafenhainichen 1931, 249-54; S. Sycz, Ursprung und Wiedergabe der biblischen Eigennamen im Koran, Frankfurt 1903, 38-40; further bibl. cited in the article MADYAN SHU'AYB, to which may be added C.E. Bosworth, Madyan Shucayb in preIslamic and early Islamic lore and history, in JSS, xxix (1984), 53-64. (A. RIPPIN) SHITBA B. AL-HADTPTADT b. al-Ward, Abu Bistam al-cAtakl, a mawld from Basra with the honorific shaykh al-isldm, was an eminent scholar and collector of hadith [q.v.]. Born during the years 826/702-7, his death from the plague is generally taken to have occurred in 160/776. Originally from Wash, he came to live in Basra, where he sought out alHasan al-Basn [q.v.]. Shucba is recorded to have studied masa'il (= juridical problems) with him, so if that is historical he may be assumed to have arrived there in or before 110/728, the year in which Hasan died. About Shu'ba's personal circumstances very little is recorded. He is said to have had a speech defect. He wore dirty, dust-covered clothes, and his ascetic lifestyle was highly praised; his generosity towards the poor is lauded in many reports. Early in life Shucba was allegedly fond of poetry and he associated with the poet al-Tirimmah (d. ca. 120/738 (?) [q.v.]), but the story goes that when he once heard the well-known fakih and hadith collector al-Hakam b. cUtayba (d. 112-15/730-3) transmit traditions from various masters, he was supposedly so struck with this that he henceforth began to gather hadith himself. In due course he developed into Basra's most outstanding hadith collector, seen in the honorary title amir al-mu'mimn fi 'l-hadith awarded him by a colleague ten years his junior, Sufyan al-Thawrf [q.v]. On the other hand, Abu Hanffa [q.v] is said to have referred to Shu'ba, probably pejoratively, as the hashw al-misr "the stuffing of the town". Shu'ba is supposed to have heard traditions with large numbers of masters of whom al-Mizz! (Tahdhib, xii, 480-6) records the names of more than 300, some 130 of whom are said to have hailed from Kufa. The figure of 300 cannot be considered complete, for Ahmad Ibn Hanbal (d. 241/856 [q.v.]), 1C. al-cilal wamacrifat al-ri&al, ed. Ankara 1963, i, 126, 128, 160-3) mentions many others who are not even included in al-Mizzi's list. Upon inspection, more than half of these 300 turn out to be mere names of otherwise totally nondescript people, in other words, they may be thought of as maajhulun. Alongside his reputation as a great hadith transmitter, Shucba's fame lies also in his expertise in ajarh wa-tacdil [q.v], the science of disparaging and declaring trustworthy hadith transmitters, a science of which he is generally considered to have been the first exponent and which earned him the honorific kabban almuhaddithm, the steelyard of transmitters. There are numerous anecdotes in the sources describing him as particularly wary of kadhib, mendacity, sc. in hadith. Thus he reproached the kussas, the story-tellers [see KASS], for having "added" to traditions. He is even recorded as having expressed the desire to drag a notorious hadith forger, one Aban b. Abl cAyyash (d. 138/755), to the court of the local kadi. It is a curious paradox that arguably the most famous tradition, which according to Muslim mediaeval scholarship deserves the qualification mutawdtir [q.v] (i.e. broadly authenticated), is in all likelihood due to Shu'ba: man kadhaba calayya mutacammidan fal-
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SHUCBA B. AL-HADJDJADJ — SHUBHA
yatabawwa3 mak'adahu min al-ndr (i.e. "he who deliberately puts false statements into my mouth must occupy a place in Hell"). In the few isndd bundles which support (versions of) this allegedly prophetic saying (see Bibl.), it is Shucba who is the oldest and at the same time best-attested common link. He is in fact what hadith scholars have come to define as a sdlih [q.v] transmitter. His saying reflects eloquently a general perception among 2nd/8th-century traditionists, namely that proliferating traditions whose moral or legal contents and/or underlying messages gain acceptance or popularity as from the time they emerge, as was the case with the man kadhaba saying, is not to be seen as kadhib, but rather seen as a practice fully condoned by Islam to codify its indispensable, extra-Kur'anic foundations. The list of traditions in whose isndd bundles he is the undeniable common link, and thus responsible for (part of) the (wording of the) texts, is huge; in many chapters of the Six Books there are sayings attributed to the Prophet that are definitely his. Among these there are several crucial ones such as the statement which may be considered as a cornerstone in the early theorising of the ahl al-sunna: man sannafi 'l-isldm sunnatan hasanatan fa-lahu aajruhd waadjru man 'amila bihd bacdahu (i.e. "he who introduces into Islam a good custom/norm will be given the ensuing merit and the merit accruing to all those who practice/adopt it after him"). Apart from all this, his fondness of poetry is alluded to on many occasions. As al-AsmaeI (d. 213/828 [q.v]) stated: "We have never seen anyone more expert in poetry than he". Also concerning poetry and its position in society, he brought traditions into circulation in which he is observed trying his hand himself at making verses, some of which he then ascribed to the Prophet, cf. G.H.A. Juynboll, On the origins of the poetry in Muslim tradition literature, in W. Heinrichs and G. Schoeler (eds.), Festschrift Ewald Wagner zum 65. Geburtstag, Beirut 1994, ii, 182-207. Among his ca. 300 alleged hadith masters there is one for whose traditions Shu'ba was generally criticised, sc. Djabir b. Yazld al-DjuefT (d. 128-32/746-50 [q.v. in Suppl.], and J. van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschqft, i, 294-8), whose name is usually associated with extreme Shicf doctrines. Initially, Shu'ba was himself not free from Shlca-related allegations: one source (alKhatTb, ix, 260, 10) identifies him with tarqffud (- harbouring moderate (?) Rafidf ideas) which one of his pupils, Yazld b. Zurayc (d. 182/798), imputed to him. Eventually Shu'ba seems to have abandoned these. Among Shu'ba's many alleged students two stand out as particularly important in that their transmission from their master is directly available in printed collections: cAbd Allah b. al-Mubarak (d. 181/797), Kitdb al-^uhd wa 'l-rakd'ik, Malagaon 1966, and Abu Dawud al-Tayalis! (d. 204/819 [q.v.]), Musnad, Haydarabad 1321. To these two may be added seven more pupils of Shu'ba, equally prolific, whose numerous traditions were allegedly personally recorded by Ahmad Ibn Hanbal in his Musnad: Muhammad b. Dja'far Ghundar (d. ca. 193/809), Yahya b. Saeld alKattan (d. 198/814),
have uttered criticisms; for further information on Shucba, see Fasawl, Kitdb al-macrifa wa 'l-ta'rikh, ed. A.D. al-cUman, ii, 283-5; Bahshal, Ta'nkh Wdsit, ed. Kurkis 'Awwad, 120-1; DhahabI, Tadhkirat alhuffag,3, i, 193-7; idem, Siyar acldm al-nubald32, vii, 202-28; Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt, ed. I. 'Abbas, ii, 469-70 f.; al-Khatfb al-Baghdadi, Ta'nkh Baghdad, ix, 255-66; cAbd Allah b. £AdI, al-Kdmil fl du'afd3 al-ri^dl, 3Beirut 1988, i, 67-80; Ibn Hadjar, fahdhib al-tahdhib, iv, 338-46; Ibn Radjab,' Sharh cilal alTirmidhi, ed. S.S. Dj. al-Humaydl, 159 ff. For a wide range of legal opinions which Shu'ba obtained from al-Hakam b. cUtayba and/or Hammad b. Abl Sulayman, cf. Ibn Abl Shayba, Musannaf, indices vol. iv, 2208; the isndd bundles supporting the man kadhaba saying with Shu'ba as common link are detailed in MizzT, Tuhfa, iii, no. 3623, iv, no. 4627, vii, no. 10087, viii, no. 11531. For more on the technical hadith terms used in this article, such as isndd bundle and common link, see al-Kantara, x (1989), 343-83; Arabica, xxxix (1992), 287-314; Le Museon, cvii (1994), 151-94; G.H.A. Juynboll, Muslim tradition, Cambridge 1983, index s.w., and idem, Shu'ba b. al-Hajjdj (d. 160/776) and his role in hadlth proliferation in Basra, forthcoming in Le Museon. (G.H.A. JUYNBOLL) SHUBAT [see TA'RIKH]. SHUBHA (A., pi. shubah, shubuhdt], literally, "resemblance", a term that developed two distinct technical meanings. In theology and philosophy, a shubha is a false or specious argument which "resembles" a valid one. In later scholastic treatises, positive arguments for a given view are often followed by a series of shubah, counter-arguments by opponents, and their refutations (see e.g. al-Amidl, Ghayat al-mardm ji {ilm al-kaldm, ed. H.M. eAbd al-Latff, Cairo 1971, 265-74, and for a logical controversy over shubah, see J. van Ess, Die Erkenntnislehre des cAdudaddin al-Ici, Wiesbaden 1966, 353). In law, a shubha is an illicit act which nevertheless "resembles" a licit one, and is relevant primarily to the hadd [q.v] offences, those specifically forbidden in the Kur'an and having fixed penalties, and especially to fornication (zina). In attempting to avoid as much as possible imposition of the severe hadd penalties (stoning, amputation, and flogging), the jurists appealed to a prophetic hadith instructing the believers to "avert the hadd penalties by means of ambiguous cases" (idra3u 'l-hudud bi 'I-shubuhdt). Thus, in contradistinction to other areas of the law, commission of a hadd offence through ignorance is considered grounds for suspension of the prescribed penalty. This principle is recognised by all schools of law, both Sunn! and Shr I, although with varying terminology and scope. The most elaborate discussions are those of the Hanafis, who recognise three categories: 1. Shubha fi }l-mahall (also known as shubhat mulk or shubha hukmiyyd), in which the act's status as forbidden is contravened by some outside indicator; the standard example is that of sexual intercourse with one's son's slavegirl, the indicator being the hadith which states that "You and your property belong to your father". In such cases, the penalty is suspended even if the offender is aware that the act is forbidden. 2. Shubha fi 'l-ficl (also known as shubhat ishtibdh or shubhat mushdbaha), in which the offender claims to have believed, mistakenly but plausibly, that the act was licit; examples include sexual intercourse during her waiting period (cidda) with a wife thrice divorced. In these cases, the offender's explicit claim of igno-
SHUBHA — AL-SHUDJM ranee of the law is essential for suspension of the penalty. 3. Shubhat al-cakd, resulting from an invalid marriage contract, such as one without witnesses, or an incestuous one. Abu Hanffa claimed that such a shubha obtains even when the offender admits to awareness of the invalidity of the contract (thus he refused to apply the hadd penalty for prostitution), but was opposed on this point by his pupils al-Shaybanl and Abu Yusuf. The Shafi'fs also recognise three categories of shubha., but define them rather differently: 1. Shubha fi 'l-mahall, such as intercourse with a foster relative. 2. Shubhat al-fdcil, as when another woman is substituted for the bride on the wedding night. 3. Shubhat al-tank or al-dj.iha, in cases where the schools disagree, such as Shlel mut'a [q.v] marriage or Hanafi" marriage by an adult woman without a guardian (wait). With less systemisation, Malikls and Hanballs, as well as ImamI Shl'Is, generally accord shubha status to the same situations as the Shafiefs. Some other cases of illicit intercourse not subject to the hadd penalty, such as intercourse with one's wife during her menses and intercourse under coercion, are sometimes also labelled shubha. Bibliography: Tahanawf, Kashshdf istildhdt aljunun, ed. A. Sprenger, Calcutta 1862, 790-1; Ibn al-Humam, Path al-kadir, Cairo 1315, v, 30 ff, Ibn Hadjar al-Haytami, Tuhfat al-muhtd^, Cairo 1282, 130 ff.; al-Hattab, Mawdhib al-^alil, Tripoli 1969, vi, 290 ff.; Ibn Kudama, Mughm, Cairo 1986, xii, 340 ff; al-Muhakkik al-Hillf, Shard" ie al-Isldm, Nadjaf 1969, iv, 149 ff.; j. Schacht, An introduction to Islamic law, Oxford 1964, 176-80; J.N.D. Anderson, Invalid and void marriages in Hanafi law, in BSOAS, xiii (1950), 357-66. _ (E.K. ROWSON) SHUBRA [see DAMANHUR]. SHUDIA' AL-DAWLA, Mlrza Djalal al-Dfn Haydar b. Safdar Djang (1732-75), was the third Nawwdb, or ruler, of the North Indian, post-Mughal successor state of Awadh [q.v.] (Oudh) from 1754 until his death. One of the most capable statesmen of 18th-century India, he made his realm into the major indigenous power in North India, fighting the British almost to a standstill at the Battle of Baksar in 1764. Realising his value as an ally, the East India Company reinstated him in 1765, and for the next decade a process of mutual testing and political experimentation occurred. Under the subsidiary alliance system, in which he paid for the internal use of British-officered Indian troops, the way was opened for increasing Company intervention during subsequent reigns. Shudjae al-Dawla nonetheless modernised his army during this period, closed Awadh to the disruptive effects of European trade, secured the treasury in the custody of his main consort Bahu Begam, and made large annexations, including Ifawa and Rampur [q.vv.]. The Governor-General, Warren Hastings, treated him formally as an equal, but after Shudjac al-Dawla's death, the realm was further undermined by expansive British military, commercial, and diplomatic ambitions. See further AWADH. Bibliography: Harnam Singh "NamI", Taynkh-i sacddat-i ajdwTd (1806); Ghulam CA1I Khan Nakawl, c lmdd al-sacddat, Lucknow 1864; Ghulam Husayn Khan Tabataba0!, Siyar al-muta} akhkhinn, tr. M. Raymond, Calcutta 1902; Mustadjab Khan Bahadur, Gulistdn-i rahmat, tr. C. Elliott, 1831; A.L. Srivastava, Shuja-ud-daulah, i, 1754-1765, Calcutta 1939, and Shuja-ud-daulah, ii, 1765-1775, Calcutta 1945; R.B. Barnett, North India between empires, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London 1980. (R.B. BARNETT)
493
AL-SHUDJA'I, Shams al-Dln, Mamluk historian and contemporary of the sultan al-Malik al-Nasir Muhammad b. Kalawun [q.v.] and his successors. In the only surviving fragment of his chronicle Ta3nkh al-Malik al-Ndsir Muhammad b. Kalawun al-Sdlihi wa-awlddihi (ed. and tr. Barbara Schafer, Die Chronik as-Sugdcis, Wiesbaden 1977; Sams ad-Din as-Sugdci, Tank al-Malik an-Ndsir... wa-aulddihi, Wiesbaden 1985), the author's name appears both in the text and on the title page as Shams b. al-Shudja'I; however, in Kashf al-gunun, ed. Fliigel, ii, 153, HadjdjI Khalifa refers to the author as Shams al-Dfn al-Shudjaci al-Misrl. Although the editor and translator of the text correctly points out that "Shams" would not have occurred independently as an ism at this time and that the rendering "Shams al-Dln" must therefore be correct, there is no explanation for her decision to follow HadjdjI Khalifa in dropping the "ibn" but to ignore his "alMisrl". The nisba is, of course, important in establishing the author's identity as is, moreover, the nasab, since P.M. Holt has recently tried to find a mamluk in the biographical literature who would combine the lakab "Shams al-Dln" with the nisba "al-Shudja'T", derived from the uncommon Mamluk lakab of Shudja' al-Dln (see Shams al-Shujdci: a chronicler identified?, in BSOAS, forthcoming). On the basis of Mamluk naming patterns, Holt assumes that the author was a mamluk with the ism of Sunkur or Aksunkur in the service of an amir Shudja' al-Dln known to have lived during the period 745-56/1345-56, dates for which there are personal references to the author in the text. The only suitable candidate is one Shams al-Dln Aksunkur, Amir Djandar, of the household of Shudjac al-Dln Ghurlu. Although the date of Aksunkur's death is unknown, he is known to have been exiled to Tripoli in 748/1348 and thus could have been alive in 756/1356. But as ingenious as this identification may be, it loses some credibility by the suppression of "ibn", for if it is retained, there is the distinct possibility that Ibn al-ShudjacI was not a mamluk at all but the son of one, and that his ism as a second-generation Muslim was probably Muhammad, invariably associated with the lakab Shams al-Dln. Furthermore, since no references are to be found in any of the copious biographical dictionaries to a historian bearing any of these names, it is probably prudent to refer to him by the name cited in the text and on the title page of the manuscript, sc. Shams b. al-ShudjacI, or, following Ibn Kadi Shuhba's citations in his own history, simply al-ShudjacI (see Schafer, 1985, 5). Besides the terminus post quern (756), we know only that the author made the Pilgrimage to Mecca in 745/1344-5 and that he was in the service of Sha'ban, presumably the sultan al-Kamil Sha'ban (746-7/1345-6 [q.v.]). Furthermore, if Hadjdji Khalifa is correct, al-ShudjacI was associated in some way with Misr, either the town of that name or the country Egypt. The question of the significance of al-ShudjaVs Ta'rikh is also fraught with difficulties. Although only a fragment for 737-45/1337-45 exists, it has been proved to be heavily indebted to al-Yusufr's Nuzhat al-ndzir fi ta'nkh al-Malik al-Ndsir, for which there is only a fragment for mid-733 to mid-738 (ed. Ahmad Hutayt, Beirut 1986). Comparison of the two texts for the one year, 737, which the two fragments have in common indicates that al-ShudjacI paraphrased alYusuff's text with only a few additions, mainly precise dates (D.P. Little, An analysis of the relationship between four Mamluk Chronicles for 737-45, in JSS, xix [1974], 252-68). Collation of al-ShudjacI's passages from other
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AL-SHUDJM — SHUFA
years with those attributable to al-Yusuft in al-Maknzi 's and al-cAym's histories shows that the pattern of alShudjaT's indebtedness to al-YusufT (d. 759/1358) is compellingly consistent up to the annal for 741, when the evidence is not as forthcoming as for the previous years. However, even then and thereafter, the textual evidence suggests that al-ShudjacT was heavily indebted to another source, probably al-Yusuff. Unfortunately, references in the Ta'nkh of Ibn Kadi Shuhba, the only historian to cite al-Shudjacf by name, are not helpful in this regard. But whether or not alShudja'I continued to borrow from al-Yusufi consistently is not so important as the undisputed fact that the Tctrikh contains many details, especially for the years 741-5, which cannot be found in other extant sources and is therefore of considerable importance for this period. Bibliography: Given in the text. (D.P. LITTLE) AL-SHUF, a district of Mount Lebanon, generally denoting the current districts of it south of the Beirut-Damascus road. However, names of geographical areas often follow political, demographical or administrative changes. From the early Islamic period until the end of the Crusades, "Mount Lebanon" (Djabal Lubnan] was applied only to the northern districts of Djubbat Bsharrf, Batrun and Djubayl, the original homeland of the Maronites, while the southern districts were known as Djabal al-Shuf, which at times also included Djabal Kisrawan. The Mamluks [q.v], who ruled Syria from 659/1261 till 921/1516, divided the entire region according to three administrative units: Tripoli—Djabal Lubnan; Damascus—Djabal Kisrawan, al-Matn, and al-Gharb; and Sidon—al-Shuf. However, in local usage, al-Shuf denoted, as it does today, al-Shuf proper, IklFm al-Shuf (a restricted area around Dayr al-Kamar) and, surrounding it, the Greater Shuf, the homeland of the Druzes [see ALDURUZ] from at least the 7th/13th century. During the latter part of the Mamluk era and at the beginning of the Ottoman period, Iklfm al-Shuf was ruled by Druze amirs of the Macn family—chroniclers of the 10th/16th century accordingly called it al-Shuf al-MacnI. The Druze chronicler Hamza b. Sibat (d. 926/1520) speaks of al-Ashwaf (pi. of alShuf), referring probably to the internal subdivision of Iklfm al-Shuf as known to the locals: al-Shuf alSuydjam, al-Shuf al-Haytf, and al-Shuf al-Bayadl. In their efforts to bring the Druzes under their control the Ottomans launched a number of expeditions against al-Shuf al-Maenf, where Druze resistance was strongest. When these proved too expensive, they arrived in 1001/1593 at a compromise with the local chief, Fakhr al-Dfn al-Ma£nf [q.v.] II, whom they appointed amir al-liwd3 of the Sayda [q.v.] sanajak. Soon Fakhr al-Dm controlled not only the Greater Shuf, now often called Djabal al-Duruz, but also the Bikac valley, the coastal area between Sidon and Tripoli, northern Palestine and areas in Transjordan. When, inspired by Druze-Maronite unity and a period of economic prosperity, Fakhr al-Dm tried to establish political autonomy, the Ottomans put an end to his rule in 1042/1633, and his successors controlled only a small part of al-Shuf. In 1108/1697 the only candidate of the Macm family for the imdra of al-Shuf preferred to serve in the Forte's bureaucracy, upon which, in order to maintain the political regime of the imdra, the Druze chiefs invited the Sunnf Shihab family to rule as amirs. Though the area continued to be called Djabal al-Duruz until the beginning of the 19th century, successive waves
of immigrants from the north since the time of Fakhr al-Dm II transformed the demography of al-Shuf, so that by 1800 Christians made up the majority of the population. The conversion in the 1750s to Christianity of part of the Shihabfs and the Abu 'l-Lamcrs, the Druze rulers of al-Matn and al-Shuf al-Bayadi, meant the end of Druze supremacy and the rise of the star of the Maronites. When, at the beginning of the 19th century amir Bashir Shihab [q.v] expanded his rule to Kisrawan, Djubayl, Batrun and Djbbat Bsharrf, the amir of alShuf came to be called amir Djabal Lubnan, i.e. amir of the whole of Mount Lebanon. No longer the primus inter pares of the mukdtacdj.is [see MUKATA'A] of al-Shuf, Bashfr took advantage of their factionalism in order to consolidate his own power. Demographic changes, Druze factionalism, increasing European trade with Mount Lebanon, a strengthening of the political position of the Maronite Church, and Djazzar's and Ibrahim Pasha's [q.vv] support for Bashir are all factors which introduced a shift in al-Shuf's balance of power. In 1841, following the Egyptian withdrawal, sectarian strife broke out between the two communities—the Druze bent on regaining their former position of power, the Maronites seeking to maintain and even reinforce their new-found prosperity. In an effort to solve the conflict, the European Powers and the Ottomans imposed on Mount Lebanon a settlement based on the double kd'immakamiyya [see KA'IM-MAKAM], whereby the districts north of the Beirut-Damascus road came under Christian, and those to the south, i.e. al-Shuf, under Druze administration. However, this settlement proved too fragile and recurring incidents set off a civil war in 1860. Though at first victorious, the Druzes were ultimately defeated because of French intervention—the Druzes left al-Shuf in large numbers to settle as immigrants in Djabal Hawran, soon called Djabal al-Duruz. No longer a centre of political power, al-Shuf soon became integrated into the mutasarrifiyya [see MUTASARRIF] (18611918) and, subsequently, the state of Lebanon. As a result of the civil war which broke out in 1975, by 1983 virtually the entire Christian population had fled from al-Shuf. Again a predominantly Druze area, al-Shuf has become a focal point in the efforts to resettle the refugees from the different regions and thus to find an overall solution for the Lebanese conflicts. Bibliography: Abdul-Rahim Abu Husayn, Provincial leaderships in Syria, 1575-1650, Beirut 1985; Kamal Salibi, A house of many mansions. The history of Lebanon reconsidered, London 1988; Kais M. Firro, A history of the Druz.es, Leiden 1992; Engin Akarli, The long peace. The Ottoman Lebanon 1861-1920, London 1993; Hamza b. Sibat, Ta'nkh, ed. cUmar cAbd al-Salam Tadmun, Tripoli, Lebanon 1993. (KAis M. FIRRO) SHUF'A (A.), lit. "pre-emption", the right of the co-owner to buy out his p a r t n e r ' s share which is for sale. Should the property be sold without his approval to a third party, the partner has the privilege to purchase the property, even against the will of the new owner, who should be reimbursed with the price paid. Both Kur'an and Hadlth are cited by books of fikh in support of the concept, though the former seems to provide only indirect reference. The Hanafts grant this privilege to the owners of adjacent properties and make it valid not only to nonfungible properties but also to appendages of the property, such as access and water rights. The Maajalla definition (art. 950) gives the term the power of "pos-
SHUFA — SHUGHNAN session" (tamalluk). Shuf'a, according to the four schools, is restricted to non-fungible property. The Zahirfs extend sfiiif'a to fungible property, including animals, on the basis of the prophetic tradition that shuf'a is in "everything". Ibn Kudama interpreted "everything" to mean only what cannot be divided, and he deprived both the dhimmis and the Rafidf Shf'a from the right to shufca, unlike al-Shafi'I and some other scholars, who see the right as general and not affected by faith. Muhammad b. Ya£kub al-Asamm (d. 957/347) completely rejected shuf'a on the grounds that it clashes with the individual's freedom to sell. This could result in the landowner's loss, since no-one would buy knowing that he might lose what he had purchased. Although al-Asamm's view is refuted in the Mugtirii, his view would be better understood if the term were properly defined, for shuf'a is not a right but a reason that creates a right. Shuf'a was retained in many secular laws introduced to Muslim countries, such as the Egyptian, French-based law of 1883. There has been a longstanding legal controversy over whether shuf'a is a personal (hakk shafchsi) or real right (hakk caym). AlSanhurf in seeking to resolve the controversy maintained that it is not a right at all, but a cause (sabab). He placed shufca, as a right-making "cause", on a parallel with other causes that create rights, like contracts and inheritance. Although al-Sanhun conveyed no opinion as to whether this cause creates a personal or real right, it is evident that Islamic law views shuf'a as both a personal and real right, if inheritance is used as a guide. Al-ZuhaylT, referring to the Hanafi school, maintained that the cause (sabab) for shuf'a "right" is the "adjacency" of the two properties. This adjacency would appear to be only a cause leading to shuf'a, which is the actual legal designation (sabab) for the right of ownership. Bibliography. J. Schacht, An introduction to Islamic law, Oxford 1964, 106, 142;
495
lished, poetical diwdn in Persian, consisting largely of panegyrics to the atabeg Djahan-Pahlawan Muhammad b. Eldiiguz, the de facto ruler of the Saldjuk empire 571-82/1175-86 [see ILDENIZIDS]; he also praises the Saldjukid Arslan b. Toghril (556-71/1161-76). The Persian anthologists from the time of Djadjarmi onwards give his personal name as eAbd al-Mu'min, evidently identifying him with the above-mentioned cleric, but our earliest authority, Muhammad cAwfi", calls him Sharaf al-Dawla wa '1-Dfn Muhammad Shufurwa, implying that he was in fact a different member of the same family. The same author quotes a few poems by his cousin Zahfr al-Din £Abd Allah b. Shufurwa. The 7th/13th-century anthology compiled by Djamal al-Dln Sharwani quotes a number of rubd'is by Sharaf al-Dln, Zahir al-Dm and clzz alDm Shufurwa; the last is mentioned also by alKazwfnf. Bibliography: 'Awft, Lubab, i, 268-74 (with M. KazwfnT's notes and those in S. Nafrsf's ed., 639-47); Djamal al-Dm Khalll Sharwam, Mzhat almadj.dlis, ed. M.A. Riljam, Tehran 1366 Sh./\987, see index; Kazwfnf, Athdr al-bildd, ed. Wiistenfeld, Gottingen 1848, 197; Muhammad b. Badr alDjadjarmi, Mu3nis al-ahrdr ji dakd'ik al-ashedr, ed. Tabibl, Tehran 1337-50 S./1959-71, ii, 1079-81, 1117; Safadf, Wdji, xix, no. 217; Ibn Abi '1-Wafa', al-Djawahir al-mudl3a, Haydarabad 1332/1914, i, 332, ii, 205, 375; Dawlatshah, 154-5; Brockelmann, I2, 349, S I, 512 (for the Atbdk al-dhahab); £A. Ikbal, Khdnaddn-i Shufurwa, in Yddgdr, v/6-7 (1327 ShJ 1949), 108-17; Storey-de Blois, v/2, 539-43, 561-2 (with further literature). (F.C. DE BLOIS) SHUGHNAN, SHIOINAN, a district on the upper Oxus, there known as the Pandj River, extending over both banks from where the river leaves the district of Wakhan [q.v.] and turns directly northwards before flowing westwards again. The left bank part of Shughnan now falls within the Afghan province of Badakhshan [q.v.] and the right bank one within the Pamir region of the former USSR, a division likewise reflected in the districts of Gharan immediately to the north of Shughnan and Rawshan to its south. The whole district is extremely mountainous, with the lowest parts, the valley bottoms, at an altitude of 1,828 m/6,000 feet, and with the pass over the Shughnan range of mountains in the Pamir, which separates the Ghund (Russ. Gunt) valley on its northern edges from the Shakh-dara (Russ. Shakh-darinskiy) range (which rises to 6,726 m/22,060 feet) being at 4,267 m/14,000 feet. The Tadjik population is very sparse and confined to the valley bottoms. The name of the region has various spellings in the medieval Islamic geographers, including Shik(i)nan, Shik(i)nan, Shikfna, Shikma. The form 4JUL, "a large village" of the Hudud al-dkm, tr. Minorsky, 112, perhaps points to Shaklna, which the translator thought was probably the later Ishkashim (see below). In the travel account of the Buddhist monk Hiuen-tsang (early 7th century A.D.) and in the T'ang dynastic annals, Shughnan appears as Shi-k'i ni (E. Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-kioue occidentaux, St. Petersburg 1903, 152); in 646, envoys from Shughnan visited the Imperial court. In the period shortly afterwards of the Arab conquest of Central Asia, its ruler was a vassal of the Yabghu who ruled the whole upper Oxus region. The Arab geographers attach it administratively to Badakhshan or Tukharistan [q.v.], and alYa'kubl, Bulddn, 292, tr. Wiet, 109, speaks of the local ruler as (?) Kh.mar Beg (cf. Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion*, 65; Marquart, Erdnsahr, 223,
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SHUGHNAN — SHUKR
225). In the late 13th century, Marco Polo mentions the mining of "Balas" rubies in the mountains of Syghinan, although it is actually in the adjacent district of Gharan that the abandoned mines can be seen (Yule-Cordier, The Book ofSer Marco Polo3, London 1902, i, 157). Al-Ya'kubf also mentions, 304, tr. 133, that the Barmaid al-Fadl b. Yahya conquered Shughnan in the caliphate of Harun al-Rashid, but it is dubious whether Islam was permanently introduced there at this time. This seems more likely to have been the work of Nizan Isma'fli dd'ts or propagandists, sent to Badakhshan by the Grand Masters in Alamut, amongst whom is mentioned a Sayyid Shah Malang Khurasan! and, in the 7th/13th century, the Husaynid Sayyid Shah Khamush Shirazi. This brought about the permanent presence of Khodja Isma'Tlism in the upper Oxus region, and in Shughnan, Isma'flr pirs and mtrs ruled hereditarily till the 19th century (see Farhad Daftary, The Ismd'ilts: their history and doctrines, Cambrige 1990, 27, 441, 486-7, noting also the preservation there of Isma'flr works in manuscript, some of them brought back to Dushanbe by the Soviet research expedition to the region in 1959-63). The Amirs of Kabul Shir 'All Khan and cAbd al-Rahman Khan endeavoured to bring Shughnan under their sway, so that towards the end of the 19th century the local people appealed to the Amir of Bukhara and to the Russian Governor-General of Turkestan. In March 1895, after diplomatic negotiations in London involving Russia and Great Britain, the Afghans agreed to evacuate the right bank of the Pandj river, whilst the Amir of Bukhara relinquished his possessions in Darwaz on the left bank to the north of Shughnan. Russian authority in the district was exercised from 1895 onwards from Kharagh (Russ. Khorog) where the Ghund and Shakh-dara rivers join the Pandj, but the shock waves of the Bolshevik Revolution were felt even in Shughnan, and Bolshevik forces took over the Pamir region in November 1920. Right-bank Shughnan eventually became part of the Gorno-Badakhshaya Autonomous Oblast in the eastern part of the Tadzhikistan SSR (now the Tadjikistan Republic), whilst left-bank Shughnan remained part of the Afghan wilqyat or province of Badakhshan. Afghan Shughnan contains the settlement of Ishkashim, on the left bank of the Pandj and commanding the only winter route between Badakhshan and the trans-Oxus districts of Shughnan and Wakhan; it was here that the English traveller John Wood crossed the Oxus ice in 1837 (A journey to the source of the River Oxus2, London 1872, 204-6; see also C.E. Bosworth, EIr art. Eskds(e)m). Finally, one should note the presence in Shughnan of speakers of the Modern East Iranian Pamir language, Shughni, with its component dialects of Shughni, Bajui, Khufi, Roshani, Bartangi, Oroshori and SarikoH (see G. Morgenstierne, Etymological vocabulary of the Shughni group, Wiesbaden 1976; J.R. Payne, Pamir languages, in R. Schmitt (ed.), Compendium linguarum iranicarum, Wiesbaden 1989, 417-44; IRAN. iii. Languages, in Suppl.). Bibliography: In addition to references given in the article, see especially Hudud al-cdlam, tr. 71, 112 comm. 349-51; A.A. Semenov, Istorja Shugnana, Tashkent 1916; W. Holzwarth, Segmentation und Staatsbildung in Afghanistan. Traditional sozio-politische Organisation in Badakhshan, Wakhan und Sheghnan, in K. Greussing and J.-H. Grevemeyer (eds.), Revolution in Iran und Afghanistan, Frankfurt 1980, 177-235. For older bibl, see Minorsky's El art. See also AMU DARYA; BADAKHSHAN; PAMIRS; WAKHAN. (C.E. BOSWORTH)
SHUKA'A or SHUKAC (A.) is the thistle. The word is a collective term used to indicate various more or less spiny plants, comprising mainly species and types of the Compositae, but also of other families. Mention should be made above all of Carduus and Cirsium, each with numerous types, further Sonchus, Onopordon, Centaurea, Cnicus, Carthamus and others. The whitethorn of Dioscurides (ckavGa tei)KT|, al-shawka albaydd3) is defined by Ibn Djuldjul [q.v.] with shukdcd (Dioscurides triumphans, iii, 13, see BibL), but this is hardly justifiable because the latter term simply indicates the thistle. The white acanthus therefore is mostly rendered with bddhdward, which in Dioscurides triumphans, iii, 14, should be the Arabic acanthus (aravGa 'Apa(3iicr|, al-shawka al-carabiyya), which in its turn appears just as often as shuka'd. Shukdcd and bddhdward are often "compared" with one another, not identified. Only tentatively may it be assumed that with the white acanthus Onopordum acanthium L., Compositae, is perhaps also meant Cirsium ferox L. and variants. This type spreads its leaves rosette-like, which fits the botanical description (op. cit.). As synonyms are also found Romance tub (a) (from latin tubus), so-called because of its high stalk, with which fire is fanned (op. cit., iii, 71), further ibrat al-raci ("shepherd's needle") or ibrat al-rdhib ("monk's needle") because of the pointed thorns, and the Berber words ayfd and tdfrut. It cannot be determined whether these and other words indicate synonyms or other types of the thistle; cf. Renaud's explanations on Tuhfat al-ahbdb no. 457, and those by Meyerhof on Maimonides' Sharh asmd3 al-cukkdr, no. 362. As for shukded as a medicine, if put on children's pillows, the thistle stills the saliva which flows from their mouths. If applied as a compress, the thistle is good for hemiplegia (fdlidj.), and if pulverised, it helps against swellings which occur at the backside, and it cicatrises putrefying ulcers. Ashes of the thistle slow down chronic dyscratic moistures (al-rutubdt al-muzmina), which flow from the womb. Bibliography: Maimonides, Sharh asmd3 al-cukkdr, ed. Meyerhof, Cairo 1940, no. 362; Tuhfat al-ahbdb, ed. Renaud and Colin, Paris 1934, no. 457; F.A. Fliickiger, Pharmakognosie des Pflanzenreiches, 3Berlin 1891, 680-2; H.A. Hoppe, Drogenkunde, 8Berlin-New York 1975-7, i, 292-3, 765-6. Numerous source references in A. Dietrich, Dioscurides triumphans (Abh. Akad. Wiss. Gottingen, Phil.-Hist. Kl., 3. Folge, nos. 172 and 173, Gottingen 1988), iii, 13, 14, 15, 17, 19, 20; iv, 107; idem Die Dioskurides-Erkldrung des Ibn al-Baitdr (Abh. Akad. Wiss. Gottingen, Phil.Hist. Kl., 3. Folge, no. 191, Gottingen 1991), iii, 12, 13, 16, 18, 19. (A. DIETRICH) SHUKR (A.), t h a n k f u l n e s s , gratitude; acknowledgment (pi. shukur); it also has the meaning of praise, which is gratefulness with the tongue. 1. As a religious and mystical concept. As a Sufi" term for an internal state and its external expression, shukr is a station (makdm) of the wayfarer (salik) and has all the above meanings when referring to human beings. However, shukr on the part of God signifies the "requiting and commending [a person]" or the "forgiving" a man: or the "regarding" him "with content, satisfaction, good will", or "favour": and hence, necessarily, the "recompensing", or "rewarding, him". The saying shakara }lldhu safyahu signifies "May God recompense, or reward, his work or labour" (Lane). In the Kur'an, God is al-Shdkir (II, 158; IV, 147) and al-Shakur (XXXV, 29-30; XXXV, 34; XLII, 23; LXIV, 17) the latter also being one of His Most
SHUKR Beautiful Names, meaning "He who approves, or rewards, or forgives, much, or largely; He who gives large reward for small, or few works; He in whose estimation small, or few, works performed by His servants increase, and who multiplies His rewards to them" (Lane). God is al-Shakur "in the sense of widely extending His favours, not (thankful) in a literal sense", giving thankfulness for thankfulness, "just as He has stated, 'The recompense for an offense is one equal thereto' (XLII, 40)" (al-Kushayrl, 384, tr. Von Schlegell, 132). "Only God ... is absolutely grateful, because His multiplication of the reward is unrestricted and unlimited, for there is no end to the happiness of paradise" (see LXIX, 24) (al-Ghazali, tr. of alMaksad, 101) "The one who rewards a good deed manifold is said to be grateful for that deed, while whoever commends the one who does a good deed is also said to be grateful" (ibid.). So God's reward, His praise for a good deed is praise for His own work, "for their works are His creation" (ibid.). As for human beings, whose qualities are derived from the divine qualities "the thankful one (al-shdkir) is he who is thankful for what is, and the very thankful one (al-shakur) is he who is thankful for what is not" (al-Kushayn, 385, tr. Von Schlegell, 134). The importance of shukr is clearly expressed in XIV, 7: And when your Lord proclaimed: "If you are thankful, surely I will increase you, but if you are thankless, my chastisement is surely terrible". It is called the key to Paradise on the basis of XXXIX, 74: And they shall say: "Praise belongs to God, who has been true in His promise unto us, and has bequeathed upon us the earth, for us to make our dwelling wheresoever we will in Paradise! How excellent is the wage of those that labour!" Al-Ghazali in his Ihyd3 has a comprehensive chapter on sabr [q.v.] and shukr, which are characterised as the two parts of Imdn (which equals yakln, see alMakkf, 421) which support and complement each other, sabr being the precondition for shukr. Since these are divine qualities and yield two of God's Most Beautiful Names (al-Sabur, al-Shakur), ignoring them means ignoring not only imdn but also the qualities of God. Since al-Ghazall uses the material of the important Sufi" compendiums (mainly al-Kushayn and al-Makkl; see Gramlich, Stufen zur Gottesliebe, 4 if.), structuring it in a clear, logical order with many additions and clarifying similes of his own, this comprehensive chapter will be used here as a basis. Although mentioned in different ways before, it was one of al-Ghazalf's most important original ideas to give a clear exposition of the three parts of shukr: (1) 'Urn, "knowledge", (2) hdl, "(the right) state" and (3) c amal "acting", and their interrelation with each other. (1) Knowledge is the real understanding that nothing except God has existence in itself, that the whole universe exists through Him and that everything that happens to a person (including afflictions) is a benefaction from Him. This leads to knowledge of God and His acts, tawhid [q.v.], and the ability to thank Him which also is a divine benefaction requiring gratitude. Constant awareness of this connects the term with invocation (dhikr), and those who have gratitude in every situation are those who give praise (hdmidun). Shukr as knowledge of the impossibility of really thanking God is expressed in the words of Moses: "O Lord, how can I thank you while being unable to thank you except with a second benefaction from you?" God's answer is: "If you know this, you have already thanked me" (Ihyd\ iv, 83, 1. 16) Whoever has this knowledge in its absoluteness is a pure shdkir.
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(2) Deriving from this knowledge is the second part of shukr, the state of joy in the benefactor (not in the benefaction or the act of grace), with the attitude of khuduc "humility" and tawdduc "modesty". Joy in the benefactor, not for Himself but for the caring that prompted Him to give is the state of the sdlihun [q.v] who are grateful for fear of punishment and hope for reward. The highest degree of the state of joy lies in using the benefaction as a means to reach God's presence and gaze at His face eternally (al-Shibll: Shukr means vision (ru'ya) of the benefactor, not vision of the benefaction" [Ihyd\ iv, 81, 1. 23]). Thus shukr is connected to dhikr, the only healthy state of the heart (sura II, 152: Therefore remember Me, I will remember you, give thanks to Me and reject Me not). (3) The action in accordance with the state of joy deriving from complete knowledge of the benefactor has three aspects: the (hidden) action of the heart which is intending the good; the (manifest) action of the tongue which is praise of God; and the action of the members of the body, which is using them in obedience for Him and as a means against disobedience as expressed in shakwd "complaint", which is thereby diametrically opposed to shukr. Ignorance of the real meaning of shukr as explained above, and thus neglect and misuse of God's benefactions, is kufr. The increasing proximity to God through shukr and the increasing distance from God through kufr is expressed in sura XCV, 4-6: We indeed created man of the fairest stature. Then We restored him to the lowest of the low—save those who believe, and do righteous deeds; they shall have a wage unfailing. Understanding of the difference between shukr and kufr, which, ultimately, has to be an understanding with the heart, is based on knowledge of all the principles of the religious law brought about by hearing the verses/signs of God and relying on them, which cannot be done without the prophets sent by God. Through this, God's wisdom in all existing things and the true meaning of His benefaction and its different kinds can be understood, which leads to seeing with the eye of certainty. Bibliography: Abu Talib al-Makkf, Kut al-kulub, Cairo 1381/1961, 413-32, tr. R. Gramlich, Die Mhrung der Herzen, 2 vols., Stuttgart 1992-4, ii, 81-107; Kushayrf, al-Risdla al-Kushayriyya, Cairo 1385/1966, 383-9, tr. Gramlich, Das Sendschreiben al-Qusayns uber das Sufitum, Wiesbaden 1989, and B.R. von Schlegell, Principles of Sufism, Berkeley 1990, 131-9; Ghazall, in Ihyd3 culum al-din (Kitdb al-sabr wa 'l-shukr), iv, Cairo n.d., 59:138; for shukr, 78-124, tr. Gramlich, Muhammad al-Gazzdlis Lehre von den Stufen zur Gottesliebe [= Books 31-6 of the Ihyd}], Wiesbaden 1984, 139293; Ghazali, al-Maksad, Beirut 1971, tr. D.B. Burrell and Nazih Daher, The ninety-nine beautiful names of God, Cambridge 1992; D. Gimaret, Les noms divins en Islam, Paris 1988; Gramlich, Schlaglichter uber das Sufitum (= Abu Nasr al-Sarradj's Kitdb al-Lumac), Stuttgart 1990; for Ibn al-cArabf's views on shukr, see al-Futuhdt al-makkiyya, Cairo 1911, 202-4. (ALMA GIESE) 2. As a factor in public life and in the principles of law. In earliest Arabic the term seems to refer to a public proclamation of gratitude or debt. In later Arabic, the term refers also to the affective state of feeling grateful, and is usually tied to the concepts of nicma (benefaction) and rida3 (contentment/satisfaction). In the Kitdb al-Aghdm, the poet Hutay'a [q.v.] is spared by Zayd al-Khayl and "when al-Hutay'a returned to his people he began praising Zayd,
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proclaiming (shakiran] his benefaction (li-nicmatihi...) (Cairo 1389/1970, xvii, 266 11. 4 ff.)". Here and elsewhere (e.g. Nakd'id L£arir wa 'l-Farazdak, ed. Bevan, 671-2, 740, 1063) this complex of ideas suggests that sparing life, particularly, evoked a public declaration of gratitude to the benefactor; the relationship thus acquired required some sort of acknowledgment or repayment so that the benefactor was contented. Refusing to acknowledge this benefaction, ingratitude, in this context, was called kujr. In the principles of jurisprudence (usul al-Jikh), the concept of thanking the benefactor (shukr al-munclm] was an occasion for controversy: those who believed that the intellect (cakl) contains certain sorts of natural moral knowledge considered "thanking the benefactor" one of the indubitable items of cakli knowledge— like the value of equity (al-insaf) or the reprehensibility of falsehood. Thanking is thus one of the items of moral knowledge known "before the arrival of the sharc" in the view of the Muetazila, some early Shafi'Is, Hanballs, and, even, later Hanafis. Ash'aris and later Shaiicis and Hanbalfs denied that such natural knowledge was possible, and al-Ghazall, in his Mustasfd argues that God might have ordained indifference to benefactions, or might have seen feeble efforts to thank Him as impertinent (i, 61). Despite the disparagement of shukr as a piece of natural knowledge, all conceded that it was, after the arrival of the sharc or revelation, an important element of piety (see al-KharaJiti, Kitdb Fadilat al-shukr, passim). It was also an important concept in the construction of artificial social relations, particularly of commander and soldiery (see Mottahedeh, Loyalty and leadership, index, s.v. "thanking the benefactor"). Bibliography: 1. Sources. Ghazall, al-Mustasfd min cilm al-usul, 2 vols., Beirut n.d.; Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Dja'far al-Khara'itl (d. 327/938), K. Fadilat al-shukr li 'lldh cald ni'matih wa-md yaajibu min al-shukr li }l-muncam calayh, ed. Muhammad Mutlc al-Hafiz, Damascus 1402/1982. 2. Studies. M.M. Bravmann, The spiritual background of early Islam; studies in ancient Arab concepts, Leiden 1972 (excellent discussion of shukr al-muncim in pre-Islamic literature in the article on "jizya can yad", and passim); R. Mottahedeh, Loyalty and leadership in early Islamic society, Princeton 1980; A.K. Reinhart, Before revelation, Albany 1995 (in slightly earlier form, with slightly different emphasis, in idem, Thanking the benefactor, in Spoken and unspoken thanks: some comparative soundings, ed. J. Carman and FJ. Streng, Cambridge and Dallas 1989, 115-33); Genevieve Gobillot, Patience (sabr) et retribution des merites. Gratitude (shukr) et aptitude au bonheur selon alHaklm al-Tirmidhl, in SI, Ixxix (1984), 51-78. (A.K. REINHART) SHUKRI, cAbd al-Rahman (1886-1958), Egyptian poet, writer, e d u c a t o r and critic of North African origin whose grandfather settled in Egypt. Shukri was born in Port Said and graduated from secondary school in Alexandria in 1904. His grandfather as well as his father were nationalists active in Egyptian political life. Shukri befriended his father's friend cAbd Allah al-Nadfm [q.v] and backed Sacd Zaghlul [q.v.]. He defended the Egyptian revolution with an anti-British poem which caused his expulsion from the Law College (1906). On the advice of Mustafa Kamil [q.v.], he joined the High School for Teachers, where he studied Arabic and English literatures. There he met the poet Ibrahim cAbd al-Kadir al-Mazim [q.v], who reviewed in al-Dustur Shukrl's first romantic dlwdn, Daw3 al-fa&r ("The light of dawn") (1909).
This Diwan contained narrative, romantic and meditative poems dealing with life, love and soul; one of its poems was written in blank verse (shicr mursal). As a successful student, Shukri was sent to study English Literature at Sheffield University, where he got his B.A. degree in literature and history, a period (1909-12) which left a great impression upon his personality and poetry. There he learnt to admire the English Romantics, whose influence upon Shukn equalled that of the great poets of the "Abbasid period. After his return from England he published his second dlwdn, La'dli3 al-afkdr (1912), which reflected the same tendencies as his first one. In the introduction to his third dlwdn, al-Khatardt ("Notions") (1916), he expressed his new understanding of poetry as a humanistic, spiritual and intellectual experience, and criticised the conventional judgement of poetry that it should resort to falsehood and fancy (tawahhuni) as opposed to imagination (takhayyul). Shukn now worked as a teacher of English and Arabic literature. It was during that period that he, together with his friends al-'Akkad [q.v. in Suppl.] and al-Mazim, formed a group of poets and critics who defended the English Romantic trend of poetry and its critical views and was known as Madrasat al-Diwdn. This group opposed what they considered as the bad influence of French literature because of its sentimentality, rhetorical tendencies and lack of organic unity. The group denounced composing poetry in conventional genres such as elegy, eulogy, panegyric and defamation, and strove against the kaslda's embellished style and stereotyped themes as revived by the neo-classical poets such as Ahmad Shawkl and Hafiz Ibrahim [
SHUKRU BEY — SHULISTAN SHUKRU (i.e. SHUKRI) BEY, Ahmed (18751926), son of I b r a h i m , Young Turk politician, was born in Kastamonu, near the Black Sea, into a poor family. Shiikru graduated from the teachers' training college in Istanbul and started out on a career in education, serving both as a teacher himself and as director of education. He joined the underground opposition movement of the Committee of Union and Progress (Ittihdd we Terakki Djem'iyyeti [q.v.]) before the constitutional revolution of July 1908. After the revolution, he served as the district governor of Siroz [q.v.] and spent some time at the home office, but he came to the fore as Minister of Education from 1913 to 1918. During this time he was very successful in raising the number of schools (including those for girls) and enlarging and improving the University and the teachers' training establishments (from 1915 onwards, with the help of German specialists). He also devoted much attention to the publishing of teaching materials. He came into conflict with the Sheykh al-Islam Khayrf Efendi when he tried to unify all education under the jurisdiction of his ministry and put an end to the independent status of the Awkdf schools, but gradually got his way. Some enlightened Ottoman educators such as Khalide Edib (Adivar) accused him of being interested in quantity, i.e. in raising the number of pupils, rather than in quality. After the First World War, he was among the first prominent Young Turks to be deported by the British, first to Lemnos (May-September 1919) and thence to Malta, for internment there. Together with fifteen others, he escaped in September 1921 and made his way back to Turkey. After his return, he first served on the provincial council in Izmit and was then appointed governor of Trabzon province by the nationalist leadership in Ankara. In April 1923 he played a prominent role in the attempts of a group of former Unionists led by Kara Kemal, the former party boss in Istanbul, to revive the C.U.P., which had been disbanded in 1918. Nevertheless, in August 1923 he was elected to the second Grand National Assembly as representative of Izmit in the interest of Mustafa Kemal Pasha's People's Party (Halk Firkasi}. In November 1924 he resigned from this party to be among the founders of the opposition Progressive Republican Party (Terakklperwer ^umhuriyyet Firkasi), which was closed down by the Kemalist government in June 1925. In 1926 he was among those accused of planning to assassinate the President of the republic. He was tried and convicted by the Independence Tribunal and hanged in Izmir on 13 July 1926. Bibliography: Halide Edib [Adivar], The memoirs of Halide Edib, London 1926; Ibrahim Alaettin Govsa, Turk me§hurlan 1920-1973, Ankara 1973; Bilal N. §ims,ir, Malta surgiinleri, Istanbul 1976; Hakki Devrim et alii (eds.), Tiirkiye 1923-1973 ansiklopedisi, iii, Istanbul 1973; Ergiin Aybars, Istikldl mahkemeleri, Izmir 1988. (EJ. ZURCHER) SHUL. 1. The name of a land and a city in China mentioned in the mediaeval Arabic geographer Kudama b. Dja'far [q.v.], 264, here borrowing material from the lost part of his predecessor Ibn Khurradadhbih [q.v.]. According to Kudama, Alexander the Great, in company with the Emperor of China, went northwards from China and conquered the land of Shul, founding there two cities, Kh.mdan and Shul, and ordering the Chinese ruler to place a garrison (rdbita] of his troops in the latter place. Khumdan is well-attested in other Islamic sources (e.g. Gardizf; Marwazi, tr. Minorsky, 25-6, comm. 71,
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84), and usually identified with the capital of the T'ang dynasty, C'ang-an-fu, later Hsi-an-fu, lying on the Weiho, a right-bank affluent of the Huang-ho and already mentioned in a 6th century Byzantine source as Xo\)|ia8av or Xoi)p8av, cf. Hudud al-cdlam, tr. Minorsky, 84, comm. 229, 231. Shul, however, has not been satisfactorily identified. Marquart, Streifzuge, 90, and Erdnsahr, 316, saw in it Turkish col "steppe, plain, desert", a translation of Chinese sa-cu "sandy settlement", the Sachiu in Tangut of Marco Polo (Yule-Cordier, The Book ofSer Marco Polo3, i, 203, 206). But according to Sir Gerard Clauson, An etymological dictionary of pre-thirteenth century Turkish, 420, col is a loanword from Mongolian not traceable in Turkish before the Caghatay period. One might conceivably identify Shul with the Ciilig of the Orkhon [q.v.] inscriptions, a country listed as one which sent representatives to the Kaghan Ishtemi's funeral, and, if the list is in geographical order, Ciilig lay between Korea and China (Clauson, loc. cit.). Finally, one may remark that the suggestion at the end of the El1 art. SHUL that the Shul of the Arab geographers may refer to a colony of Soghdians is dubious; one might more pertinently mention that the town of Kashghar [q.v] in eastern Turkestan appears as Shu-le in Chinese and Shulig in Tibetan (cf. Minorsky, op. cit., comm. 280, who also notes at 225 various emendations that have been made of the reading sh.w.l). It seems impossible to reach any certainty regarding the whole question. Bibliography. Given in the article. (C.E. BOSWORTH) 2. A Lur t r i b e of s o u t h e r n Persia [see SHULISTAN] . SHULISTAN, literally, "land of the Shul" [see SHUL. 1. above], a d i s t r i c t , formerly a buluk, in the southern Persian province of Fars. Three epochs must be distinguished in the history of the district: one before the arrival of the Shul, the period of their rule (from the 7th/13th centuries), and the period of its occupation by the MamassanT Lurs about the beginning of the 12th/18th century. During the Sasanid period, the district was included in the kura of Shapur-khura. The founding of its capital Nawbandagan (Nawbandjan) is attributed to Shapur I. This important town situated on the road from Fars to Khuzistan was taken by c Uthman b. Abi VAs in 23/643 (Ibn al-Athlr, iii, 31); it is often mentioned by Arabic historians and geographers [see further, NAWBANDAGAN]. The district is watered by the river system which finally forms the river Zohra, which flows through Zaydun and Hindiyan. In the old Fdrs-ndma (151) the river of Nawbandjan bears the name Khwabdan. The river system is described in detail in Fdrs-ndma-yi Ndsiri, ii, 326; the principal water-course comes_ from the direction of Ardakan and is now called Ab-i Fahliyan or Ab-i shur. The description of Fars (Fdrs-ndma] composed in the life-time of the Atabeg Cawulf (early 6th/12th century) does not yet know the expression Shulistdn, that is to say, "the country of the Shul". This last tribe at first inhabited Luristan [q.v], of which the half was under its rule about 300/912. The great chief (plshwd) of the Shul was Sayf al-Dm Makan RuzbihanT, whose ancestors had governed the district from the time of the Sasanids. We may here mention that the Ruzbihanf figure among the Lur tribes. At the same time as this pishwd, Hamd Allah Mustawfi" mentions a governor (hakim) of the wildyat of the Shul, who was called Nadjm al-Dm. From the year 500/1106, the Kurd tribes and others from Djabal
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al-Summak (in Syria) began to move into Luristan. From these Kurds the dynasty of the Atabegs of the Great Lur [see LUR-I BUZURG] is sprung. Under the Atabeg Hazarasp (600-50/1203-52) the newcomers drove the Shul back into Fars. Towards the end of the 13th century, Marco Polo (Yule-Cordier, i, 83-5) mentions amongst the eight "kingdoms" of Persia, Suolestan, which may refer to the new territory around Nawbandjan occupied by the Shul. The old Chinese map studied by Bretschneider (Mediaeval researches, ii, 127) marks a She-la-tsz3 between Shfraz and Kazarun, which must correspond to Shulistan. Although the Muslim historians were ignorant of the Shul dynasty, the tribe in the time of Mustawff had hereditary governors, the descendants (nawddakdn] of Nadjm al-Din Akbar. A new administrative centre replaced Nawbandjan: during the campaign of 795/1393 Tlmur halted at Malamlr-i Shul ("the estates" of the Amir of the Shul being thus distinguished from Malamlr = Idhadj [.]); the position of this place between two water-courses, corresponds to Fahliyan which is now the capital of the district. The Shul must form an ethnically distinct unit. The history of the Kurds by Sharaf al-Dm only mentions them incidentally perhaps because the author excluded them from his category of "Kurds". Ibn Battuta (ii, 88), who in 748/1347 met Shul at Shlraz and on his first stage on the road from Shiraz to Kazrun (Dasht-i Ardjan?), calls them "a Persian tribe (min ala'dajim) inhabiting the desert and including devout people". The Persian dictionaries mention a peculiar dialect Shuli (Vullers, ii, 481: "a kind of Rdmandi and Shahri which is spoken in Fars"). Shihab al-Dm Ibn Fadl Allah al-'Umarf (who died in 749/1348) states that the Shul have very considerable affinities with the Shaba.nka.ra [q.v.] and asserts their generosity and hospitality. Their warlike character is evident from the remark of Rashld al-Dm, who in speaking of the Tatars, capable of killing one another "for a few words", compares them to the Kurds, the Shul, and the Franks (ed. Berezine, vii, 62). In 617/1220 the Atabeg of Luristan Hazarasp advised Muhammad Khwarazmsha.h to entrench himself behind the chain of Tang-i Talu (Balu? "oak") and to mobilise there against the Mongols, 100,000 Lurs, Shul, the people of Fars and Shabankara" (Djuwaynf, 114, tr. Boyle, ii, 383). Rashid al-Dfn (ed. Quatremere, 380) mentions amongst the valiant defenders of Mawsil in 659/1260 "the Kurds, the Turkomans and the Shul". Established on the great road, the Shul nomads were themselves exposed to invasions; the Atabeg of Luristan Yusuf Shah (673-87/1274-88) attacked them and killed the brother of their chief Nadjm al-Dm (Ta3nkh-i Gu&da, 343); in 755/1354 the Muzaffarid Shah Shudja c chastised them severely when they attacked Shlraz (ibid., 660); in 796/1394 cUmar Shaykh marching in the rear-guard of his father Tfrnur pillaged on his way all the unsubdued "Lurs, Kurds and Shul" (gqfar-ndma, 615). The nomad (or semi-nomad) state and the warlike character of the Shul, the similarity of their speech to Persian, the inroads of their neighbours, all these factors must have contributed on the one hand to the dispersion of the Shul and on the other to their assimilation and final absorption. In modem Persia, the only traces of the Shul are to be found in the toponomy of Fars, where there exist in the shahrdstdns of Shiraz and Bushahr several villages with Shul as an element of their names (see Razmara (ed.), Farhang-i djughrdfiyd-yi Irdn-zamin, vii, 142-3).
At the time of the last Safawids (Fars-nama-yi Nasin, ii, 302) or after the rise of Nadir (Bode, i, 266) Shulistan was occupied by new invaders, the Mamassani Lurs, after whom the district became called buluk-i Mamassani. Its extent was then about 100 by 60 miles, between the following boundaries: to the east Kamfiruz and Ardakan; to the north and to the west Razgird and the country of the Kuh-Galu'I (Kuh-Glluya) Lurs; to the south Kazrun and the mountain of MarraShigift (the northern slopes of the Marwak in Dasht-i Ardjan). Of the six cantons of the district four (carbunica) bore the names of Mamassani clans: Bakesh, Djawldi, Dushmanzinyan and Rustam. In these cantons there were 58 villages and 5,000 families. The clans were governed by their hereditary kaldntars. The Mamassanl claimed to possess the annals of their tribe and said that they came from Sfstan (J. Morier, in JRGS [1837], 232-42); this legend must have attached itself to the name of Rustam, the name of one of the four clans. The language of the Mamassanf is a Lurf dialect. Bibliography. 1. Sources. Ibn Balkhf, Fdrsndma, ed. Le Strange, 146, 151; Rashfd al-Dln, Didmi' al-tawdnkh, ed. Berezine, in Trudi vost. otdeleniya, v [1858], 49; xv [1888], 95; idem, ed. Quatremere, Paris 1836, i, 380-2, 449, with an ample commentary; Shihab al-Dm al- c Umarf, Masdlik al-absdr fi mamdlik al-amsdr, tr. Quatremere, in JVE, xiii (1838), 352; Hamd Allah MustawfT, Tdnkh-i gu&da, ed. Browne, 537, 539, 540, 543, 660-1; idem, Nuzhat al-kulub, ed. Le Strange, 127, 129; Ibu Battuta, ii, 88, tr. Gibb, 319; Sharaf alDm 'All Yazdi, £afar-ndma, Bibl. indica, Calcutta 1885, i, 599, 615; Hasan Husaym Fasa'I, Fdrs-ndmayi Nasin, Tehran 'l313, ii, 302, 322 (the author calls attention to the existence of another Nawbandjan in the district of Fasa). 2. Studies. Macdonald Kinneir, Geographical memoir of the Persian Empire, London 1813, 73; de Bode, Travels in Luristan, London 1845, i, 210-51, 262-75: Kazarun-Bahram-Nawbandjan-Fahliyan-Basht; Justi, Kurdische Grammatik, S. Petersburg 1881, p. xxi; H.L. Wells, Surveying tours in Southern Persia, in Procs. RGS, v (1883), 138-63: Bihbahan-Basht-Telespfd-Pul-i Murt-Shul-Shfraz; Curzon, Persia and the Persian question, London 1892, ii, 318-20; Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 264-7; E. Herzfeld, Eine Reise durch Luristan, in Peterm. Mitt., liii (1907), 72-90: Basht-Pul-i Murt-cAlr-abad-Shul-Shfraz; O. Mann, Kurdisch-Persische Forschungen, part ii, Die Mundarten der Lur-Stdmme, Berlin 1910, pp. xv, xvi, 1-59 (Mamassanl texts); G. Demorgny, Les tribus du Fars, in RMM, xxii (1913), 85-150. Cartography: the works of de Bode, Wells and Herzfeld, the map by Haussknecht-Kiepert, Berlin 1882. See also the Bibls. to LUR and LURISTAN. (V. MINORSKY*) SHUMAN, a district of the upper Oxus region mentioned at the time of the Arab invasions. It lay near the head waters of the Kafirnihan and Surkhan rivers, hence in the upper mountainous parts of Caghaniyan and Khuttalan [
SHUMAN — SHUMAYYIL a town with a strong citadel and as supplied with well-endowed ribdts (presumably against the pagan Turks to the north and east) (see e.g. Ibn Hawkal, ed. Kramers, 455, 477, tr. 439, 459; Hudud al-cdlam, tr. 115, 120). It seems to be Shuman which is mentioned in Timurid sources, e.g. Sharaf al-Dln cAlf Yazdl, as Hisar Shadman, which Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 439-40, took to be the later town Hisar. Bibliography: See also Marquart, Erdnsahr, 226, 236-7, 299; Barthold, Turkestan3, 74, 185. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SHUMAYM, ABU 'L-HASAN
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1406/1986, xxi, 411-12, no. 208; Suyutf, Bughya, Cairo 1384/1965, ii, 156-7, no. 1690; Hadjdji Khalifa, 197, 692, 1563, 1788; Ibn al-clmad, Shadhardt, v, 4-6; Ziriklr, A'ldm, Beirut 1989, iv, 274; Kahhala, Mu3allifin, vii, 67-8; Brockelmann, S I, 495; F. Rosenthal, The technique and approach of Muslim scholarship, Rome 1947, 48-50; and see AL-HAR!RI. (A. BEN ABDESSELEM) SHUMAYTIYYA or Sumaytiyya (also Shumatiyya or Sumatiyya), a Shi'I sect whose name is derived from that of one of its heads, a certain Yahya b. Abi '1-Shumayt. The sect recognised as imam and successor of Dja c far al-Sadik [q.v.] his youngest son Muhammad, who not only bore the name of the Prophet but also is said to have resembled him physically. After the failure in 200/815 of the Shi'I rebellion of Abu '1-Saraya [q.v.] in Kufa against the caliph al-MaJmun (al-Tabarl, iii, 976 ff.), Muhammad b. DjaTar, who then lived in Mecca as an old man, was urged by his followers to proclaim himself imam and caliph and was rendered homage in front of the Kacba on 6 Rabrc I 201/2 October 816. But when he was defeated by 'Abbasid troops near Mecca and again near Medina, he surrendered and ceremonially abdicated in Mecca, in Dhu '1-Hidjdja 201/July 817; he was then deported to al-Ma'mun's court at Marw (alTabarl, iii, 989-95). The Shumaytiyya sect seems to have owed its existence to these events; it recognised the descendants of Muhammad b. Dja'far as imams. The sect soon disappeared, however, according to the Shaykh al-Mufid (d. 413/1022 [q.v.]), who confirms that in his time it had ceased to exist. Bibliography: Nawbakhtl, Firah al-Shica, ed. Ritter, Istanbul 1931, 64-5, tr. Mashkour, Tehran 1980, 91; Sa'd al-Kummf, al-Makdldt wa 'l-jirak, ed. Mashkur, Tehran' 1963, 86-7, 224; al-Mufid, alFusul al-mukhtdra, Nadjaf n.d., ii, 89, 92-3; (Ps.) Nashi5 al-Akbar, ed. van Ess, Beirut 1971, 41, Arabic text, 47, § 77; Ashcan, Makdldt, ed. Ritter, Wiesbaden 1963, 27; Shahrastam, al-Milal wa 'l-nihal, ed. Cureton, London 1849, 126, ed. alWakil, Cairo 1968, i, 167. (H. HALM) SHUMAYYIL, SHIBLI B. IBRAHIM (1850-1917), controversial Lebanese physician and social reformer. He began his studies of medicine in the Syrian Protestant College, completing them in Paris and Istanbul; he was to practise in Tanta and Cairo. He published al-Shifd3 magazine (1886-91) to spread the new medical ideas, and, with Salama Musa [q.v], al-Mustakbal (1914), in order to build a society based upon modern scientific reasoning. His articles in the Arab press were published in Madjmu'at Makdldt alDuktur Shibli Shumayyil (Cairo 1910). The foremost populariser of Darwin's theory of evolution in the Arab world, his commentary and translation of the German Ludwig Biichner's lectures on Darwin, Ta'rib li-sharh Bukhnir 'aid madhhab Ddrawln (Alexandria 1884), caused an uproar. He published al-Hakika (Cairo 1885), refuting Ibrahim al-Hawranl's criticisms of Darwin's theory, and further set forth Darwin's ideas in the second edition of his two books, Falsafat al-nushu3 wa 'l-irtikd3 (Cairo 1910). He was also one of the first proponents of socialist and secularist thought in Arabic. Amongst his other works, he translated Hippocrates, wrote a commentary on Ibn Sina and published several medical works. His Shakwd wa-dmdl marfuca ild Dialdlat al-Sultdn al-Muca^am cAbd al-Hamld Khan (Cairo 1895) and his Les Mefaits de la domination turque et la responsabilite de VEurope (Cairo 1913) reveal what he felt was wrong with the Ottoman Empire, whilst his Suriyd wa-mustakbaluhd (Cairo 1915) suggests how Syria should
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respond to Ottoman tyranny. His literary works include a novel al-Hubb cald 'l-fatra, aw kissat Warns wa-Halwd (Cairo 1914), a play on the First World War al-Ma3sat al-kubrd (Cairo 1915), a translation of Racine's Iphigenie and a philosophical poem, al-Rua^hdn (Cairo n.d.). Bibliography: Georges Haroun, Sibli Sumayyil: Une pensee evolutioniste arabe a I'epoque d'an-Nahda, Beirut 1985; Susan Laila Ziadeh, A radical in his time, the thought of Shibli Shumayyil and Arab intellectual discourse (1882-1917), Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Michigan 1991; G.C. Anawati, Shibli Shumayyil, medical philosopher and scientist, in The Islamic world, from classical to modem times. Essays in honor of Bernard Lewis, eds. C.E. Bosworth et aL, Princeton 1989, 637-50; J. Lecerf, Shibli Shumayyil, metaphysicien et moraliste contemporain, in BEO, i (1931), 153-86. (P.C. SADGROVE) SHUMEN [see SHUMNU]. SHUMNU, the most frequently-found Ottoman form (see below), Bulgarian SHUMEN, a town in northeastern Bulgaria, at the foot of the steep slopes of the Shumen plateau, a situation which makes Shumen as beautiful from an artistic point of view as it is from a military one (Moltke). It is a crossroads for ways towards the Stara Planina passes, the Danube and the Black Sea. The small but turbulent river of Bokludza (Porojna), a major factor in the shaping of the town, originates from the karst springs. In the past, the spring water was conducted by pipes to mosques and by wakifand mahalle pipes to the numerous fountains and baths in the city. The climate is moderate, even mild. The classical name was Myssionys, Myssiunus. The first occurence of the name of Shumen is in the socalled Sisman inscription of the 14th century, written in Bulgarian. In the Ottoman period we find Shumi, Shumnu, Shumna, Shumena, Shumlar, Shumla and Shumni; after 1878, Shumen; and 1950-65, Kolarovgrad. There have been settlements on the site for five thousand years, since Thracian times; there are numerous and considerable remnants of fortresses, settlements, churches, and monasteries in the region. Shumen came into being up on the plateau (today Hisarlaka), where five fortresses have existed successively: a Roman one (4th century A.D.), a Byzantine (5th-6th centuries), two Bulgarian (9th-10th and 12th14th centuries) and an Ottoman (15th century). During the Second Bulgarian Kingdom, a town outside the fortress walls emerged. The fortress was conquered by the Ottomans in 1388, during the campaigns of Candarli {Alf Pasha, Sultan Murad I's Grand Vizier, against Tsar Ivan Sisman. The fortified mediaeval town of Shumen was destroyed by the Crusaders during the Varna campaign of 1444 and was later abandoned. It was probably in the 15th-16th centuries that part of the population first settled down below the plateau, in the plain, founding a new settlement. This settlement (kasabd], with a predominantly Turkish Muslim population, became Shumen in the second half of the 15th century. The town acquired strategic importance during the Russian Turkish wars of 1768-74, 1806-12, 1828-9 and 1877-8, when it was part of the fortified quadrangle of Ruse-Varna-Silistra-Shumen. The Russians never succeeded in seizing it, while the Turks considered it impregnable. After the Congress of Berlin (1878), Shumen became part of the Bulgarian Principality. Beginning from the 9th/15th century, Shumen was administratively dependent, as a ndhiye and a kadd\
on the Nikopolis (sometimes the Silistra) sanajak, and from the llth/17th century—on the eydlet of Ozi; it was a khdss of the Sultan, part of the wakifof Yildirim Bayezfd f (791-805/1389-1403). According to Ewliya' Celebi and Ottoman records from the llth/17th century, there resided in the kadd3 of Shumen two kadis (with daily salaries of 300 akces) a nd'ib, a nakib iileshrdf, a subashi, a ketkhudd, a sipdhi ketkhuddsi, a serddr of the Janissaries, a muhtesib, and a bddj.ddr. According to the Ottoman chronicler Wasil Efendi, at the time of the Ottoman conquest the population of Shumen amounted to 700-800 houses. Colonisation from Asia Minor and the Islamisation of the local population turned northeastern Bulgaria into a region with numerous Turkish population. The first Turkish colonisation comprised soldiers, Islamic religious functionaries and dervishes from Anatolia. Yuruks from the Tanrida (Karagoz), Naldoken, and Kodjadjik groups were settled in the ndhiye of Shumen. In 1483-5 Yuriiks were registered in Shumen proper; there are also data related to colonisation from the Arab territories of the Empire. In 1856 and 1864 Tatar colonists were settied in the town; by 1878 they numbered up to 150200 houses, and had their own mosque with a religious school attached to it, a donation by RiPat Pasha. There were also Gypsies in the town. The Orthodox Christian Bulgarians lived in the eastern part of Shumen, in the mahalle of Kilise, and beginning in the 17th century, in the warosh around the small church of the Holy Ascension (in the mid17th century, Petar Bogdan spoke of a wooden church) and the large church of St. Elias built in the 19th century. During the Russo-Turkish wars of 1768-74 and 1806-12, and the Kardzali conflict at the end of the 18th century, many villages around Shumen were ruined and new Bulgarian mahalles emerged. Shumen has been from the 19th century till now an important cultural and educational centre. After the liberation of Bulgaria, its Orthodox Christian population increased, while the Turkish one stagnated or declined through emigration (see below). One of the important Armenian colonies in Bulgaria, with its own church, was established in the town in the 17th century. The Armenian community in the town expanded following the settlement of immigrants from Turkey in 1896 and after World War I. In the 16th-17th centuries there were permanently living in the town Ragusans (according to Petar Bogdan, 20 people). In the 19th century, a Jewish community and a synagogue were established. In 1849, for a short while, there settled in Shumen a group of Hungarian exrevolutionaries led by L. Kossuth. Many Turks left Shumen immediately after the liberation of Bulgaria and the period up to the Balkan War in 1912, in 1928-9; in 1949-51 and in 1989. After World War II, the majority of the local Jews moved to Israel, and some Armenians to the Soviet Union. The population registrations and censuses from 88890/1483-5 onwards show an increase, fairly regular, in all the communities. In 1963, the town had 60,758 inhabitants (50,616 Bulgars, 4,545 Turks, 648 Armenians, 277 Gypsies). By 1972 the population had reached 79,134. The centre of the town evolved around the religious complex of the Eski Djamic (constructed in 148090 by the kadi Sinan Celebi and incorporated by Yahya Pasha in his foundation in Skopje of 1506; at the same time, a medrese was attached to it and repaired on the orders of Mahmud II in 1837-8, according to an inscription written by the court poet Seyyid Mustafa Talib Efendi) and the Eski Hammam in the Eski
SHUMNU Mahalle. Gradually, the town evolved as a trading centre towards the east. Its shopping centre consisted of a Bitpazari situated around the Carshi Djami4 and Sahat Djamic (built 1580) and the Eski Carshi, Sheytan Carshi and Yukari Pazar, around the mosque preceding the Tombul Djamic, where the two main lines of communication in the town crossed. Nearby is the bezistdn, dating from the 16th century, which changed its functions many times and has been preserved until today. Shumen's importance as an urban centre increased, especially in the 18th century, when it grew north- and eastwards. The growth of a large number of non-producing Muslims considerably contributed to the economic prosperity of the town. The waktfs, some 50 to 60 of them, owning not only agricultural estates but shops and workshops as well, also had a clear role here. The waklf of HadjdjI Redjeb founded in 1671 to support the Solak Djamic, drew its income from 41 shops. In the 18th century the town turned into a "distribution centre", supplying the whole region with goods; leather production was widely spread there; the town was famous for its coppersmiths, too. During the Crimean War, the main Turkish forces and a large English and French contingent resided in the fortress of Shumen. This fact, together with the growth of the town population, brought about the development of the network of markets. Shumen has preserved its position as an industrial, trading and railway centre until today. The town had been systematically fortified in the 18th century by the Grand Viziers Muhsin-zade Pasha and Djeza'irli Hasan Pasha. During the Crimean War (1854-6) and the War of 1877-8, Shumen evolved into an Ottoman fortress of the first rank, with a large garrison, well-kept fortifications, barracks, military depots, sanitary premises, etc. Shumen was recognised as a leading Islamic city in the European provinces of the Ottoman Empire, with significant monuments religious and military construction. The former are enumerated in detail by Ewliya' Celebi and in the registers of various periods. With a peak of 63 up to 1872, there were in 1884, 47 Muslim religious centres (Jirecek) and in 1965, some fifteen. The most significant monument of Ottoman architecture in Shumen is the Yeni Djamic or Tombul Djami', the largest Ottoman religious building in Bulgaria and a unique example of a well-preserved Ottoman kulliyye (a medrese, a library, a mekteb, a sebil, and a fountain) dating from 1744-5 and belonging to Sherff Khalfl Pasha's foundation. It was built by an unknown architect of limestone and marble, and was inspired by the art of the Tulip Period [see LALE DEWRI] in the capital, notwithstanding the fact that it was built a decade after the period. The exterior is still very Ottoman-looking, but on the interior, the decoration shows Baroque influence. It is included in a complex with a rectangular court on the west and a two-storeyed building on the north serving as a library. The minaret is 40 m/130 feet high. The inscription was composed by the poet Nicmet, himself born at Shumen in 1186/1772. During the campaign of destruction of Turkish buildings 1984-5, this complex was the sole one to be spared, and it still functions as a mosque. Sherff Khalll Pasha (d. 1752) was born either in the village of Madara or in Shumen proper. He had a brilliant career as a statesman: a ketkhuda of the Grand Vizier Damad Ibrahim Pasha [see DAMAD], to whom he dedicated several kastdes; wall in Aydin,
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Trebizond, Inebakhti, Belgrade, Agriboz, and Bosnia; and an educated person who wrote poetry and translated from Arabic and Persian. One of the outstanding representatives of the Ottoman ruling elite during the Ldle Dewri, he was also a member of the so-called learned society organised around Sultan Ahmed Ill's (1703-30) court, which translated and compiled commentaries on Arabic, Persian, Latin, ancient Greek, and other works. Khalfl Pasha's wakif-ndme (preserved in Shumen) deals inter alia with the library at the medrese. Part of this book collection, together with other books from the town and the surroundings, and from other places in Bulgaria, has been preserved and is in the History Museum at Shumen; it contains 650 manuscripts and 1,400 old printed books. The desire to modernise Shumen has led to the destruction of the architecture from the pre-industrial period, both Islamic and non-Islamic. Not a single place in the old town of Shumen was spared, apart from a few examples of Ottoman culture. The town Museum houses a collection of monumental and funerary inscriptions. The Khalwetf Seyyid 'Othman Atpazari, author of works on religion and dogmatics (second half of the llth/17th century; Fenali Mustafa, a Bektashf and a poet (end of 17th-early 18th century); Mehrned b. 'Othman, author of a mathematics treatise (second half of the 12th/18th century); Yusuf Nakshibendl (19th century); the calligraphers Hafiz Ibrahim, Hiiseyn Wassaf, Seyyid Ahmed Naziff, and the calligraphers of the Izarf family (18th-19th centuries) were all born in Shumen. Towards the end of the 19th and in the 20th century, Shumen became one of the centres of Turkish education and of the Turkish intelligentsia in Bulgaria. K. Jirecek noted in his Pdtuvanija po Bdlgarija that "one is impressed by the vitality of the Turkish population, a rare phenomenon in Bulgaria; the Turks in this town have built a new school and private houses". The famous Mlwwdb (under its statute of 1922, within the jurisdiction of the Grand Muftuluk and of the Bulgarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs) began to function as a private school, where teachers for the primary Turkish schools were trained; a higher department was attached to it, where a three-year course for religious functionaries and teachers for Turkish junior secondary schools was taught; in 1948 it was transformed into a Turkish comprehensive school. Both before and after the World War II, a considerable part of the Turkish teachers were its graduates. It was closed down in mid-1950s. Today it is a secondary Islamic religious school, again called Nuvvab. After World War I and until the late 1950s, the specialised educational institutions in Shumen trained teachers for Turkish language education. After World War II, a Turkish National Theatre and a Turkish public library called after the Turkish Communist poet Nazim Hikmet [q.v.] functioned in the town. There were twelve Turkish newspapers, three with an Islamic trend, published there before the end of World War II, and four afterwards. Before World War II, the Turkish Publishing House Teraki had its seat in Shumen. At present, there are three mosques functioning in the town, and the regional Muftuluk is also there. Bibliography: Ewliya1 Celebi, Seydhat-ndme, iii, Istanbul 1314; Salname-yi wildyet-i Tuna., n.p. 1289; ibid., Ruscuk 1291; R. Angelova, Shumenskite Vyzrojdenski kisci, Sofia 1965; M. Psnkov, Poselishen i demogrqfski oblik na Shumen pod osmansko vladicestvo, in
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Izvestiya na Narodmya Muzei, v (Shumen 1972); Sbornik Shumen-Kolarovgrad, i-ii, Kolarovgrad 1960; M. Smainova, Osmanskite biblioteki v bdlgarskite zemi XV-XIX v., Sofia 1982; M. Karbova, Gradousfroistuo i arkhitektura po bdlgarskite zemi prez XV-XVII v., Sofia 1991; E. Ayverdi, Avrupa'da osmanh mimar eserkri, iv, Istanbul 1982; M. du Bocage and G. Barbie, Description de la ville de Chumla et de ses environs..., in JnaL de voyages ou archives geographiques du XIXe siecle, Paris 1828; Osmanh mil3ellifleri, iii; H. Duda, Balkanturkische Studien, in SB Osterr. Akad. der Wiss., phil.-hist. Kl., ccxxvi (1949); S. Kenderova, Bulgaria, in World survey of Islamic manuscripts, ed. G. Roper, i, London 1992; O Keskioglu, Bulgaristandaki bazi turk vakiflan ve abideleri, in Vaktflar Dergisi, xviii; idem, §umnulu §erif Haiti Pa§a vakfiyesi, in ibid., xix; M. Kiel, Urban development in Bulgaria in the Turkish period and the place of Turkish architecture in the process, in Intemat. JnaL of Turkish Studies, v (1989); P. Mijatev, Les monuments osmanlis en Bulgarie, in RO, xxiii/1 (1959); M. Stajnova, La mosquee Tombul a Choumen. Influence du style "Ldle", in Procs. of the 7th Internal. Congress of Turkish Art 1983, Warsaw 1990. (SVETLANA IVANOVA) SHUNGWAYA, the name of a harbour up a creek, Mcho [Mto] wa Hori, in Somalia, in 1° 15' S. and 41° 50' E., 260 miles north of Mombasa. The anonymous Kitdb al-^unuaj, a 19th-century compilation from other local works, claims it as the epicentre for the dispersal of ten Bantu tribes in Kenya and Tanzania. Whereas a tradition of kingship and of Islam is alleged for Shungwaya, one would expect these to be reflected among those tribes. Only the Shambaa among them formed a kingdom 200 years after the alleged 16th-century dispersal and adopted Islam under Zanzibari influence in the 19th century. Apart from the modern village known as Bur Gao, there are three ancient settlements. The central site is surrounded by a masonry wall, enclosing about seven ha. It contains a pillar tomb [see MANARA] and a rectangular building with no mihrab. The local people allege that it is where a Shaykh Muhyf al-Dm used to pray. It is domed, the northern wall being on the side of Mecca, which suggests an Ibadf origin. The northern site has a number of tombs, and a large building, so encumbered with overgrowth that H.N. Chittick was unable to determine whether it was a mosque or a house. The third site, down the creek, is on a hill (Somali bur] with a defensive wall round the summit; presumably it is this to which the modern name refers. In 1912 Captain C.W. Hayward "caused his native servants to dig over the topsoil in places". In 1931 only he reported his finds to H. Mattingly as comprising coins of the Ptolemies: 1; Rome 1st to 2nd century: 5; uncertain: 1; Byzantium, 4th century: 79; Mamluks of Egypt: 6; Egypt under the Turks: 7. The ensemble has been regarded with some scepticism, but, as Sir Mortimer Wheeler remarked, there is no reason why there should not have been a series of deposits over so long a period. Nevertheless, others, including Wheeler and Gervase Mathew (1955), Grotanelli (1955), and Chittick (1969), have reported no further coins. If genuine, the finds of so haphazard a nature can hardly be regarded as a hoard, but possibly as evidence of trade connections at different times. Hayward did not specify the find sites, nor has there been any excavation. Bibliography: K. al-^tinuaj, Ar. text with Italian tr., in E. Cerulli, Somalia, scritti vari editi ed inediti, i, Rome 1957; C.W. Hayward, To the mysterious Lorian Swamp, 1927; H. Mattingly, in Num. Chron.
(1932); V.L. Grotanelli, Pescatori deWOceano Indiana, Rome 1955; N. Chittick, An archaeological reconnaissance of the southern Somali coast, in Azania, iv (1969); Wheeler and Mathew, personal communication. (G.S.P. FREEMAN-GRENVILLE) SHUNKUB (A.) (and variants sjiukkub, shinkdb) pi. shandkib, masc. substantive denoting the common snipe (Capella gallinago gallinago). In the Maghrib and Egypt, it is known as kannis, daajdajat al-md3 and bikdsin (< Fr. becassine), while in 'Irak it is called ajuhlul, the same term as for the sandpiper (Tringa). In addition to the common snipe, the great or solitary snipe, shunkub kabir (Capella major or media], the Jack snipe, shunkub saghtr (Limnocryptes minimus) and the painted snipe, shunkub muzawwak (khawli in Egypt) (Rostratula benghaknsis] are also found. Arabic naturalists do not make any mention of this bird and only al-Damfrl mentions it in passing. Along with this very aloof, nocturnal marsh wader, shunkub is, with shunkub al-bahr, also used for the trumpet fish (Centriscus). Bibliography (in alphabetical order by author): B.E. Allouse, al-Tuyur al-cirdkiyya, Birds of Iraq, Baghdad 1961, ii, 70-74; F.O. Cave and J.D. Macdonald, Birds of the Sudan, London 1955, 14142; al-Damm, Haydt al-hayawdn al-kubrd, Cairo 1937, ii, 56; R.D. Etchecopar and F. Hue, Les oiseaux du Nord de VAjrique (Arabic index F. Vire), Paris 1964, 221-23, 582; E. Ghaleb, al-Mawsu'afi culum al-tabica, Beirut 1966 (Dictionary of natural sciences), ii, 32; F. Hue and R.D. Etchecopar, Les oiseaux du Proche et du Moyen Orient, Paris 1970, 282-87; Islamic Republic of Iran, The birds of Iran, Tehran (2nd ed.) 1983, 151-52, 157; A. Malouf, Mu'&am al-hayawdn, Cairo 1932, 231. (F. VIRE) SHURA (A.), together with mashwara, mashura, a nominal form connected with the form IV verb ashdra "to point out, indicate; advise, counsel" (see Lane, s.v), with the meaning "consultation". 1. In early Islamic history. Here, shurd is especially used of the small consultative and advisory body of prominent Kurashis which eventually chose 'Uthman b. cAffan as the third caliph over the Muslim community after the assassination of £ Umar b. al-Khattab [q.v] in Dhu '1-Hidjdja 237 November 644. The practice of consultation by the sayyid or shaykh of a tribe with his leading men was known in pre-Islamic Arabia, as is set forth in MASHWARA; the shurd on Omar's death was thus no innovation but in many ways a continuation of tribal practice. The main accounts of the shurd are in such sources as Ibn Sacd, Tabakdt, iii/1, 245, 247-50, etc., al-Baladhurf, Ansdb al-ashrdf, v, 15-25, and al-Taban, i, 27226, 2776-88; cf. Caetani, Annali, v, 79-110. Ibn Abi '1-Hadfd, Shark Nahaj al-baldgjia, preserves excerpts from a Kitdb al-Shurd wa-maktal Husayn by al-ShacbI [q.v.] and from a K. al-Shurd by al-Wakidl [q.v.], see Sezgin, GAS, i, 277, 297. The traditional account of the sources is that cUmar on his death-bed wished in the first place to designate as his successor cAbd al-Rahman b 'Awf (the original intended successor, Abu 'Ubayda b. al-Djarrah [q.v.], having died in 18/639), but
SHUMNU
PLATE V
Tombul Djami', built by Sherif Khalfl Pasha in 1157/1744, the largest Ottoman religious building in modern Bulgaria and a unique example of a well-preserved Ottoman kulliyye, still functioning as a place of worship. Photograph taken in 1934.
SHURA in their respective clans; all were early converts to Islam, hence could claim sdbika, with all except cUthman having fought at Badr; all were either connected by kinship (kardba) and/or marriage (sihr) with the Prophet and/or each other; and, together with the first caliph Abu Bakr and cUmar's brother-in-law Sa'ld b. Zayd [q.v.], were counted amongst the ten to whom Paractise was assured (al-cashara al-mubashshara [q.v.]). G. Rotter has discussed at length the difficulties and inconsistencies of the traditional accounts, noting at the outset the anti-Umayyad prejudice and pro'Alid tendentiousness put into the mouth of cUmar in the accounts of the nomination of the ashdb alshurd (very clearly seen in the papyrus fragment of Ibn Ishak published by Nabia Abbott, as pointed out by MJ. Kister, Notes on an account of the Shura appointed by 'Umar b. al-Khattab, in JSS, ix [1964], 320-6). The number of Muhdajirun who had the requisite sdbika as participants at Badr and who were of potential caliphal status was by the year 23/644 quite restricted. Exactly when cUmar nominated the members of the shurd, before or after receiving his death-blow, is uncertain. It is also unclear who precisely were the ashdb alshurd; Muhammad b. Habrb, Muhabbar, 75-6, includes Saefd b. Zayd amongst them, whilst al-Wakidi and al-Zuhn (in Ansab al-ashrdf, v, 21) state that Sacd b. Abf Wakkas did not take part in the shurd. Rotter therefore surmised that the story of "Umar's settingup of the shurd could be a fabrication and could in fact have been shaped by partisans of various interest groups in later struggles over the caliphate; the shurd seems to him more like a continuation of the pre-Islamic mala3 [q.v. in Suppl.] of the Meccan clan chiefs (Die Umayyaden und der zweite Biirgerkrieg (680692), Wiesbaden 1982, 7-16). The final choice seems to have fallen on cUthman because of his status of being twice the son-in-law of the Prophet, his age and experience, and his sharaf or nobility of lineage from cAbd Shams b. cAbd Manaf. C A1I shared this sharaf as a ManafY also, and had both sihr as Fatima's husband and kardba as Muhammad's paternal cousin, but was (with the exception of Sacd, whose membership of the shurd is not altogether certain, see above) the youngest of the potential candidates amongst the ashdb al-shurd, being in his mid-forties. It seems to have been cUthman's superiority on the grounds of his early closeness to the Prophet, his sinn and his sharaf, rather than any choice of him as a safe, conservative, compromise candidate who would continue the heritage of Abu Bakr and e Umar, that led to his being offered the caliphate (pace the view of e.g. M.A. Shaban in his Islamic history A.D. 600-750 (A.H. 132), a new interpretation, Cambridge 1971, 61-3). The idea of shurd as a means of selecting caliphs and other great men in the state, i.e. the principle of election, seems to have been especially attractive during the Umayyad period for zealots, rebels and dissidents. Hence cUmar II b. cAbd al-cAz!z may have contemplated its use for his own successor; the rebel in the East al-Harith b. Suraydj [q.v.] issued a manifesto urging that the governor of Khurasan should be chosen by a shurd; and the ephemeral Umayyad caliph Yazfd III b. al-Walfd in 126/744 endeavoured to rally support for his claim to the throne by appealing to the Book of God, the sunna of the Prophet and succession to rule by a shurd (see P. Crone and M. Hinds, God's caliph, religious authority in the first centuries of Islam, Cambridge 1986, 63, 65, 68, 76, 127-8). Also, the concept must obviously have appealed to a sectarian group with egalitarian ideas such as the
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Kharidjites (see E.A. Salem, Political theory and institutions of the Khawdrij, Johns Hopkins Studies on History and Political Science, Ser. LXXIV, no. 2, Baltimore 1956, 58-9). Bibliography (in addition to references given in the article): Other primary sources are given in the bibl. of Caetani, Annali, v, 109-10. Of other secondary sources, see Sir William Muir, The caliphate, its rise, decline, and fall, new ed. T.H. Weir, Edinburgh 1915, 193-7; Wellhausen, Das arabischen Reich und sdn Sturz, 25-7, Eng. tr. The Arab kingdom and its fall, 39-42. (C.E. BOSWORTH) 2. In al-Andalus. Practised in other Islamic lands, the shurd of the kadi especially flourished in al-Andalus, where it was exercised by musjidwarun from the first half of the 3rd/9th century. The first "advisers" of judges were celebrated Jukahd3, like Yahya b. Yahya (d. 234/848), Sa'fd b. Hassan (d. 235/849) or cAbd al-Malik b. Habrb (d. 238/852), who had travelled to the East and studied with the great jurists of the age. At first the number of these mushdwarun was very limited, but from the first half of the 4th/IOth century they grew considerably and it became one of the career stages for culamd3, who exercised this function before becoming judges. This reflects the change within the shurd, which was not considered, at the outset, as a khutta, as the terminology for designating the first mushdwarun shows: biographical sources uses such expressions as kdna mushdwaran, shuwirafi 'l-ahkdm, etc., or more rarely, wulliya 'l-shurd, takallada 'l-shurd. Only in the Almoravid period does one find the phrase khuttat al-shurd. In the first stage of the shurd'?, evolution, the kadi consulted the musjidwarun in his own maajlis, which often provoked lively discussions when opinions differed amongst the counsellors. But it seems that, in the course of time, the mushdwarun assumed the habit of giving their responses to judges from their own homes, which Ibn 'Abdun, in his hisba treatise written at the end of the 5th/llth century or the opening of the next one, considered as an abuse which ought to be suppressed. The opinions of the mushdwarun could be given in writing; Ibn Sahl's (d. 486/1093) Ahkdm give numerous examples. The topics about which they were consulted covered all the possibilities of the law and dogma of Islam, from questions of legal procedure to accusations of heresy. Regarding this last point, there is a good example in the legal proceedings against Abu cUmar al-Talamankf (d. 428 or 429/1036-7) in Saragossa. The town's kadi asked for an opinion on the case from six mushdwarun, who rejected the accusation against Abu 'Umar. The functions of the mushdwar clearly approximated closely to those of the mufti, but were exercised exclusively for the kadi, who had to follow the opinions of his advisers. In this wise, one can say that the kddl's sphere of responsibility was diminished by the existence of these counsellors, especially as it was the amir (later, the caliph) who nominated the mushdwarun. But the judge also had the possibility of dismissing certain of his counsellors if he found himself strongly at variance with them (thus the caliph al-Nasir dismissed from office Muhammad b. Yahya b. 'Umar b. Lubaba (d. 330/941) at the request of the kadi Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Habfb, forbidding him moreover to give out fatwds) or of seeking the inclusion in the shurd of a celebrated fakih whom he wanted. After the end of the Umayyad caliphate, the nomination of mushdwarun remained a prerogative of the holder of political power, but in periods when this was enfeebled, judges appointed their own counsellors. At Labla
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SHURA
(Niebla) the people nominated Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah Ibn al-Djadd (d. 515/1121) for'the town's khuttat al-sjturd, whilst at Murcia, the kadi Muhammad b. £ Abd Allah al-Khushanf Ibn Abl Djaefar, who assumed power in 539/1145, nominated the very young Muhammad b. Ahmad Ibn Abl Djamra (d. 599/1202); Ibn al-Abbar has preserved, in his Takmila, the nomination decree of Ibn Abl Djamra, who belonged to one of the leading families of Murcia and who went on to become, a year later, kadi of Valencia. Bibliography: E. Tyan, Hist, de I 'organisation judiciaire en pays d'Islam, Leiden 1960; H. Mones, Le role des hommes de religion dans I'histoire de I'Espagne musulmane jusqu' d la Jin du Calif at, in St. Isl, xx (1964), 47-88; M. Marin, Sura et ahl al-sura dans al-Andalus, in St. Isl., bdi (1985), 25-51; L. Molina, Los Banu Jattdb y los Banu Abl famra (siglos IIVIII/ VIH-XIV), in Estudios onomdstico-biogrdficos de alAndalus, v (1992), 289-307; M. Fierro, El proceso contra Abu cUmar al-Talamanki a troves de su vida y su obra, in Sharq al-Andalus, ix (1992), 93-127; D. Powers, Legal consultation (futya) in medieval Spain and North Africa, in Ch. Mallat (ed.), Islam and public law, London 1993, 85-106. (MANUELA MARIN) 3. In the modern Arab world. The idea and practice of consultation in government had an intermittent history in Islam prior to the 19th century [see above, 1 and 2, and MASHWARA]. In that century, as the Ottoman empire's encounter with Europe accelerated, the old principle was revived in a series of institutions established in the empire's centre and its Arab provinces, as part of the effort to modernise the political order (for the Ottoman practice of consultation prior to and during the Tan^imdt, see MADJLIS AL-SHURA). Bodies with deliberative and advisory authority bearing the name shura (or mashwara, its interchangeable derivative) were set up by Muhammad cAlf in Egypt, in the 1820s; by his son Ibrahim in Egyptian-occupied Syria and Palestine, in the 1830s; and by his grandson, the Khedive Isma'fl, in Egypt again. The latter assembled a "Consultative Council of Delegates" (Majlis shura al-nuwwdb) in 1866, featuring the novel quality of being elective, though indirectly, which operated until the 1882 British occupation. These councils represented a dual phenomenon: an embodiment of the Islamic ideal of consultation in government, and an attempted emulation of European-type parliaments. The use of the term shura reflected this dual import. From the early 19th century, the word was applied to every type of Western governmental body, including elective and representative parliaments. Thus Muhammad 'All's official bulletin, al-Wakd3i al-Misriyya, applied the name in the 1830s to the British Parliament and the French Chambre des deputes. The Egyptian shaykh Rifaca Rafic al-TahtawI [q.v.], well acquainted with European politics, likewise used it for institutions such as the Swiss Federal Assembly and the United States Congress, as did other Arabic-speaking observers of Western politics throughout the century. At the same time, applied in a local context, shura connoted the newly-revived traditional idea of a ruler consulting with his chosen group of advisers. Such a twofold application of the word was a source of ambiguity, typical of the rapidly changing political concepts at the time. It made it possible, and convenient, for thinkers such as Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashld Rida [q.w.] to justify the borrowing of parliaments—an alien idea—by associating them with the Islamic notion of consultation. This and similar attempts, during the formative phase of political modernisation, to equate
modern and traditional ideas facilitated the introduction of new concepts into the region but undoubtedly also contributed to their modification. In the 20th century, parliamentary institutions were formed in the Arabic-speaking lands under different tides, often in response to public demand inspired by foreign example [see MADJLIS. 4. A.]. The political roles which they played differed with time and place, but on the whole they were more limited than those of their Western counterparts. Among these, bodies entitled maaj.lis shurd (or models istishdn) were particularly traditional in nature and had a markedly limited say in decision making. Such bodies appeared mostly in the Arabian Peninsula, where European influence was small and the tribal custom of consultation remained a vivid attribute of local government. In the Saudi state, an Organic Law establishing a Maajlis shura was announced in 1926, but the institution remained on paper for many decades despite repeated royal pledges to set it up. A Consultative Council Statute was promulgated by Saudi Arabia's King Fahd in 1992, again providing for establishment of an appointed Maajlis shura with advisory authority. In Katar, the Amir Ahmad b. 'All Al Thanf in 1970 enacted a constitution under whose provisions a Maajlis shura was established two years later, partly elected and partly nominated by him (but in practice consisting of the Amir's disciples). In Yemen, a Maa^lis shura was founded in 1971, as prescribed by the constitution of the previous year. Unlike other peninsular states, Yemen was at that point not a monarchy but a republic, and the shura was to offer advice to a three-man Presidential Council which actually ruled the country; both bodies were abolished following the 1974 coup. In cUman, a State Consultative Council (al-Maajlis al-istishdn li 'l-dawla) was established in 1981 by Sultan Kabus as a first experiment in limited public participation. It was replaced in 1991 by a Maajlis al-shurd, whose formation and political prerogatives were similarly limited. Elsewhere, the term shurd and its derivatives appeared occasionally in titles of governmental institutions, reflecting the essentially restricted role prescribed for them. Such, e.g., was Morocco's Consultative National Assembly (al-Maajlis al-watani alistishdn), appointed by King Muhammad V in 1956 as an advisory forum to the monarch. A somewhat different role was assigned to the Consultative Council which President Anwar al-Sadat set up in 1980 in republican Egypt to supplement the People's Assembly (Maajlis al-shaeb), the popularly-elected legislature. The Council, partly elected and partly nominated by the president, was to debate and express views on public matters as part of the country's pluralistic political order. Its definition as a shura, then, properly mirrored its merely deliberative and advisory power. Bibliography. For the 19th century: cAbd al-Rahman al-RaficT, (Asr Muhammad cAll, Cairo 1982, 257 ff, 516 ff; idem, cAsr'lsmdcil, Cairo 1982, ii, 89 ff.; A. Ayalon, Language and change in the Arab Middle East, New York 1987, esp. 119-22; A. Hourani, Arabic thought in the liberal age, Oxford 1970, 144-5, 234; N. Safran, Egypt in search of political community, Harvard 1961, 47, 80-3. For the 20th century: J.E. Peterson, The Arab Gulf states, steps toward political participation, New York 1988; D.E. Ashford, Political change in Morocco, Princeton 1961, 347-55; Middle East contemporary survey, xv (1991), 600-1, 625-6; ibid., xvi (1992), 668-72. See also the bibls. to MADJLIS; MADJLIS AL-SHURA; MASHWARA. (A. AYALON)
SHURAFA3 SHURAFA' (A.), in Moroccan dialect, &IORFA, pi. of shanf [q.v] "noble". This term denoted the persons belonging to the "house of the Prophet", Ahl al-Bayt [q.v.] and then became essentially reserved for the descendants of the Prophet M u h a m m a d by his d a u g h t e r Fatima [q.v.], the wife of his cousin 'All b. Abf Talib [q.v]. Several children were born of the couple, of whom al-Hasan and al-Husayn were the ancestors of all the so-called Hasanid and Husaynid shurafd3, both in the Middle East and in the Maghrib. These persons have always enjoyed great consideration as well as certain privileges granted by the rulers and the peoples of the lands where they lived. But one should note that, at the side of the authentic line of the Prophet, certain descendants of famous murdbitun have, improperly, claimed the title of shanf. 1. History. C A1I had numerous sons by other wives than Fatima, forming an important line of descendants, these being the cAlids [q.v] in general, of whom the Hasanids and Husaynids are part, but only these last can claim Sharlfian descent. Whether from one or other of the two branches, they exist in several of the Islamic lands. I. All the Hasanid shurafd3 of the Middle East stem from the second son of al-Hasan, Hasan II: (a) From the latter's son cAbd Allah al-Kamil there descend through Musa al-Djawn the Banu '1-Ukhaydir of Mecca and Yemen (251-350/865-961), the Musawls and the Hawashim, then the Banu Katada, amirs of Mecca (these last from 598/1201-2 onwards), the Banu Fulayta, and finally the Banu Salih of Ghana, as well as the so-called Sulaymanid shurafd3. (b) From Dawud, another son of Hasan IPs, stem the Sulaymanids of Yemen and Mecca, (c) From Ibrahim, another of Hasan IPs sons, stem the Rassid Imams [q.v] of Yemen, through al-Kasim al-RassI. II. The Husaynid shurafd3 of the Middle East have as their ancestor Djafar al-Sadik [q.v] b. Muhammad al-Bakir, al-Husayn's grandson by 'All Zayn al-cAbidm. From these, the Fatimids [q.v] or cUbaydids of Ifrfkiya and Egypt claimed descent, as also the Banu Muhanna [q.v], amirs of Medina before 601/1204, and above all, the series of the Twelver Shf c f Imams which stops with the twelfth, Muhammad al-Mahdf, son of Hasan al-'Askarl (d. 260/874). The descendants of a brother of Hasan II, Zayd, from whom stemmed the Zaydids of Tabaristan (24787/861-900), may be considered as shurafd3. III. The Shurafa3 (Shorfa) of the Maghrib. It is in the farthest extremity of North Africa, the Maghrib al-Aksa, that the Shurafa3 are most numerous. A century or so after the appearance of Islam in Morocco, this group had an extremely important political and religious role, since it was an cAlid, the great-grandson of al-Hasan b. cAlf, hence a shanf, sc. Idrls I [q.v.], son of eAbd Allah al-Kamil and brother of the Musa al-Djawn mentioned above, who founded the first Sharlfian dynasty in Morocco. The vast majority of the Shurafa3 of the Maghrib are of Hasanid descent, since they descend from the above-mentioned Idrls I and his son Idris II. This last had seven sons, five of whom had issue: (a) 'Urnar, whose descendants reigned in the Djabal al-'Alam and then in the region of Tlemcen; these are the Hammudid [q.v.] Shurafa3, whom one finds again in Spain, where for a few years (407-14/1016-23) they occupied the caliphate in Cordova, and were subsequently rulers in Malaga, (b) al-Kasim, whose son Yahya installed himself at Djuta, in the Gharb of Morocco, on the Wadf Sabu (Sebou) and was the progenitor
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of all the Djutid Shurafa3 (the Djutiyyun) at Fas (see genealogical table). One should especially mention the 'Imranids ('Imraniyyun) who functioned as nakibs and were the opponents of the Marlnids (second half of the 9th/15th century), (c) clsa, founder of the Dabbaghiyyun Shurafa3 who emigrated in the 4th/10th century near to Cordova with Hasan b. Gannun, and then returned to Sale and Fas after the Christian reconquest. (d) cAbd Allah, from whom stemmed the Amghariyyun established in the north of Morocco, then to the south of Azemmour. (e) Muhammad, who had two sons, Yahya, ancestor of the Kattaniyyun Shurafa3 in Meknes and then in Fas (second half of the 10th/16th century) and 'All, from whom several Shanfian branches descend (see WAZZAN and the genealogical table). c Abd Allah al-Kamil, Idns Ps father, had had two other sons whose progeny came to Morocco later: (a) DjaTar, ancestor of the Shurafa3 of Sus. (b) Musa alDjawn, from whom stem the Kadirid Shurafa 3 (Kadiriyyun) through cAbd al-Kadir al-DjIlanl [q.v], founder of the Kadirf Sufi" order; these Shurafa3 settled at Fas at the end of the 9th/15th century. Finally, Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya [q.v], ancestor of the two Shanfian dynasties which took power in Morocco after the fall of the last Berber dynasty, the Banu Wattas [q.v.] (10th/16th century), sc. the Sa'did Shurafa3 [q.v]—whose Shanfian descent was controversial—and their replacements in the following century, the cAlawI Shurafa3 from Sidjilmasa in the Tafilalt [see CALAWIS]. Certain members of the mystical silsila of the Shadhiliyya mystical order [q.v] are Shurafa3: cAbd al-Salam b. Mashlsh al-Hasanl (d. 625/1228), an Idrlsid shanf of the Banu Muhammad b. Idrls, was their head towards the end of the Almohad dynasty. His successor, who gave his name to the order, Abu '1-Hasan 'All b. cAbd Allah al-Shadhilf [q.v], was likewise said to be an Idrlsl shanf, like the majority of the Shurafa3 of the Djabal £Alam. IV. At the side of all these Hasanid Shurafa3, there existed equally in Morocco, especially at Fas, two groups of Husaynid Shurafa3, through Musa al-Kazim [q.v] b. Dja'far al-Sadik, son of Muhammad al-Bakir, grandson of al-Husayn. These are the Sikilliyyun Shurafa3, the offspring of 'All al-Rida b. Musa, and the clrakiyyun Shurafa3, descendants of a brother of C A1I al-Rida, Ibrahim al-Murtada. 2. L i t e r a t u r e of the S h u r a f a 3 . Given the special importance of the Shurafa3 in the Maghrib, it is not surprising that this has resulted in the florescence of a special literature dealing with genealogy and biography. The first notable works on these subjects were undertaken by a Kadirid Sharif of Fas, Abu Muhammad cAbd al-Salam b. al-Tayyib al-Kadirl, born in 1058/1648 and died in 1110/1698 (see E. Levi-Provencal, Historians des Chorfa, 276-399). In addition to three monographs on hagiology, he wrote several works dealing with the Sharlfi groups of Morocco: first a general study of Sharlfism in the Moroccan capital, al-Durr al-sam fi bacd man bi-Fds min ahl al-nasab al-hasani, which, in spite of its title, also includes the Husaynid branches; on account of the period in which he was writing, he deliberately left out the Sacdians, who in any case were to disappear very quickly for lack of descendants. This work was lithographed at Fas in 1303 and 1308 A.H. Al-Kadirl's other treatises deal with (a) the Kadiri Shurafa3 (df Urf al-cdtir fi man bi-Fds min abnd3 al-shaykh cAbd alKadir), and (b) the Shurafa3 clrakiyyun (Matlac al-ishrdk fi 'l-ashrdf al-wdridin min ai-clrdk).
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At the end of the llth/17th century and beginning of the 12th/18th century, two other treatises on Sharffi" genealogy were compiled in Morocco; one devoted to the cAlawid Shurafa3 of Sidjilmasa was written by Abu 'l-cAbbas Ahmad b. £Abd al-Malik alSharff al-SidjilmasI, and entitled al-Anwdr al-saniyya ji nisbat man bi-Si^ilmdsa min al-sharaf al-muhammadiyya', the other, entitled Shudhur al-dhahab f t khayr nasab, was the work of a sharif of the Djabal al-'Alam, al-Tihaml b. Muhammad b. Ahmad Ibn Rahmun, who composed it in 1105/1603-4. In 1127/1715 a descendant of the marabout family of the zdwiya of Dila' [see AL-DILA' in Suppl], Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad al-Masnawf b. Ahmad al-Dila'I (d. 1136/1721), composed a new treatise on the Sharffism of the Kadirids, Nafidj.at al-tahkik Ji ba'd ahl al-sharaf al-wathik (publ. Tunis 1296 and Fas 1309, partially tr. T.H. Weir, The fast part of the Natyatu 'l-Tahqiq, Edinburgh 1903). A monograph was a little later devoted to the Shurafa1 Sikilliyyun of Fas by a Kadirid, grandson of the author of al-Durr al-sani, Muhammad b. al-Tayyib al-Kadirf, d. 1187/1773: this is'the Lamhat al-bah&at al-cdliya ji ba'd Juruc al-sjhacba al-husayniyya al-sikilliyya. The Shurafa* of Wazzan had also several historians in the 12th/18th century; we may mention the Tuhfat al-ikhwdn bi-bacd mandkib shurqfa3 Wdzzdn, by Hamdun al-Tahin al-Djutf (d. 1191/1777), lithographed at Fas in '1324 A.H. The composition of the Kitdb al-Tahkik Ji 'l-nasab al-wathik, which the genealogists of Fas consider apocryphal and attribute to Ahmad b. Muhammad alc Ashmawf al-Makki, also dates from the end of the 12th/18th century: this work, which deals only with the Shanfif branches that settled in Algeria, was translated in 1906 by Pere Giacobetti. A specialist in Sharifi" genealogy was Abu 5l-RabIc Sulayman b. Muhammad al-Shafshawanf al-Hawwat, born 1160/1747, d. at Fas 1231/1816. He left among other works a monograph on the Shurafa5 Dabbaghiyyun, called also from their quarter in Fas Shurafa* al-cUyun: Kurrat al-'uyun Ji 'l-shurafd3 al-katinin bi 'l-'Uyun, and a monograph on the Kadirid Shurafa1, al-Sirr al-^dhir. The Shurafa5 Trakiyyun had their historiographer,
iv (1908), 23-89; E. Levi-Proven9al, Les historiens des Chorfa, Paris 1923, repr. 1991; idem, Le Maroc en face de Vetranger a I'epoque moderne, Paris 1925; K. Ohrnberg, The offspring of Fdtima, dispersal and ramification, Studia Orientalia Societatis Fennicae, 54, Helsinki 1983; H. Beck, L'image d'ldrts II, ses descendants de Fas et la politique sharijienne des Sultans Marinides, Leiden 1984. (E. LEVI-PROVEN£AL-[CH. DE LA VERONNE]) SHURAHBIL B. HASANA, Abu cAbd Allah, early Meccan convert to Islam, prominent C o m p a n i o n of the Prophet and leading commander in the Arab invasions of Syria, d. 18/639. Apparently of Kind! origin, he was known by his mother's name Hasana, but his patrilineal nasab was ... b. cAbd Allah b. al-Mutah b. cAmr. He is described as a halif or confederate [see HILF] of the Meccan clan of Zuhra but as also being connected, through another marriage of his mother, with Djumah. As an early convert, he took part in the second hiajra or migration to Ethiopia (see Ibn Sacd, iv/1, 94, vii, 118; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghdba, ii, 390-1). He became prominent in the Prophet's ghazawdt or raids, and in Abu Bakr's caliphate fought in the Ridda Wars under Khalid b. al-Walld. After the Muslim victory at cAkrabas or Yamama, he was sent as one of the four commanders heading armies into Syria, in his case, into Jordan or Palestinia Secunda, according to al-MadaJim in al-Taban, i, 2107-8, with 7,000 warriors. He was probably at such places as Djarash, alFahl, Kadar, the Golan region, etc. (late 12-early 13/late 634-early 635), and also in northern Palestine, although firm information is lacking for most of these campaigns. He died, as did his fellow-commander Yazid b. Abi Sufyan, in the Plague of cAmwas (Emmaus) in 18/639, aged 67 (Ibn al-Athlr) or 69 (al-Baladhun). Bibliography: The primary sources for Shurahbfl's military career (Ibn Actham, Baladhun, Tabarf, etc.) are well exploited in F.McG. Donner, The early Islamic conquests, Princeton 1981, 114-16, 118-19, 129 ff., 152-3, 359, 361-2. See also MJ. de Goeje, Memoire sur la conquete de la Syne, Leiden 1900, 70 ff.; M. Gil, A history of Palestine 634-1099, Cambridge 1992, 3_3-4, 41, 44, 74. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SHURAT [see KHARIDJITES] . SHURAYH B. AL-HARITH (or B. SHURAHBIL) B. KAYS, Abu Umayya al-Kindl, an early kadi of Kufa. He was reportedly born in the Yemen to a family belonging to the Persian abnd3 [q.v.]; his nisba is said to refer to his status as a mawld of Kinda. There is disagreement as to whether he met the Prophet. According to a number of accounts (rejected by alShafi'I and others), he was first appointed judge of Kufa by £Umar (in 18/639 or 22/643); his appointment was allegedly confirmed by £Uthman, £AlI and Mu'awiya. 'All called him "the best judge among the Arabs" (akdd 'l-'arab) and provided him with a monthly stipend of 100 (or 500) dirhams. Their relationship appears, however, to have been uneasy: cAh~ upbraided him for handing down a wrong decision and even dismissed him, though he reinstated him a few months later. Shurayh is said to have served as kadi of Kufa for between 53 and 75 years, with two significant interruptions. The first occurred during the governorship of Ziyad b. Ablhi, who sent him as a judge to Basra, where he spent one year (or seven years); during that time Masruk b. al-Adjdac (d. 63/682-3) replaced him in Kufa (or acted as his deputy there). The other largely coincided with the period during which Kufa
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SULAYMAH
SHURAYH — SHURIDA, MUHAMMAD TAKl was successively in the hands of al-Mukhtar and Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr (66-72/685-91) [q.w], when Shurayh reportedly withdrew in order to avoid involvement in the fitna; others have it that he was forced to resign. He was reinstated by cAbd al-Malik, who gave him 10,000 dirhams and some property in alFalludja [q.v]. According to a report in al-Tabarf, alHadjdjadj [q.v.] in 79/698-9 acceded to the kadt's request to be relieved of his duties and accepted his recommendation that Abu Burda b. Abf Musa alAsh'arf [q.v.] be appointed as his successor. The most usual dates given for Shurayh's death are between 76/695-6 (a date which does not tally with al-Tabarf's report) and 80/699-700, though dates as early as 72/691-2 and as late as 99/717-8 are also recorded. Reports of his age at death range between 100 and 127 years; the statement that he was 180 years old is probably the result of a corruption of the number 108. These reports may reflect a wish to show that Shurayh was born sufficiently early to have met the Prophet (cf. Lammens, 79). There are conflicting accounts of Shurayh's relations with the Umayyads. On the one hand he is portrayed as doing their bidding, as in the case of Hani1 b. eUrwa [q.v], when he obeyed cUbayd Allah b. Ziyad by telling Hani5's supporters that their leader was still alive; and he was an adviser and confidant of Ziyad b. Ablhi. Yet he is also alleged to have privately made extremely unflattering remarks about some of his Umayyad superiors, and to have only followed their orders for fear of his own safety. The Kufan Shi'is accused him of having been among the signatories of a document charging Hudjr b. cAdf [q.v] with agitation against the authorities; yet Shurayh denied this, claiming that he had in fact testified to Hudjr's piety. Shurayh is often described as the ideal judge. He held court in the mosque beside the minbar; on rainy days he would sit in judgment at home. His probity was such that he even found against his own son (or brother), who was then imprisoned. He is said to have followed earlier authorities in his legal pronouncements and to have refrained from issuing independent legal opinions (fatwds); others, however, claim that he applied igjtihdd when no answers to a particular problem were available. The pronouncements ascribed to him generally conform to the position of the old schools. They were transmitted mostly by Kufan scholars, including al-Shacbf, al-Hakam b. cUyayna and Abu Ishak al-Sabl'I, and some are cited by the Hanafis as precedents. Shurayh is also remembered as a traditionist and a poet. The inconsistencies and implausible details in Shurayh's biography and the contradictory pronouncements attributed to him (e.g. on the exercise of pre-emption by non-Muslims; see Ibn Maza, 467) have led some scholars (notably Lammens, Tyan, Schacht and Pellat) to regard elements of his biography as legendary. Schacht in particular maintained that Shurayh was "merely a hakam of the old style" and that opinions and traditions ascribed to him were "spurious throughout" and "the outcome of the general tendency to project the opinions current in the schools of law back to early authorities". This view has since been challenged (see Sezgin, i, 402, Motzki, 152-3). Bibliography. Ibn al-Kalbf-Caskel, ^amharat alnasab, i, table 233, ii, 533; 'Abd al-Razzak, Musannaf, index; Ibn Sacd, ed. Beirut, vi, 11, 34, 82, 94, 108-9, 131-45, 170, 206, 268, vii, 151, 194, 453, viii, 494; Khalifa b. Khayyat, Ta'rikh, ed. A.D. al-
509
c Uman, Nadjaf 1386/1967, index; Ibn Habib, K. al-Muhabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstaedter, Haydarabad 1361/1942, 305, 378; Bukharf, al-Ta3rikh al-kabir, Haydarabad 1360-4, ii/ii, 228-9; Ibn Kutayba, al~ Ma'arif, ed. M.I/A.-A. al-Sawf, Beirut 1390/1970, 191-2; Baladhun, Ansdb, iv/i, ed. M. Schloessinger and MJ. Kister, Jerusalem 1971, 187, 204-5, 222-3, 240-1, v, ed. S.D.F. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936, 87, 172, 229; Waklc, Akhbdr al-kuddt, ed. £A.M. alMaraghl, Cairo 1366-9/1947-50, i, 298-301, ii, 189402, 408 (esp. important); Tabarf, index; Ibn cAbd Rabbihi, al-Tkd al-farid, Cairo 1359-72/1940-53, index; Mas'udr, Muruaj, ed. Pellat, §§ 1826, 1892 and index; Aghdm3, xvi, 92, xvii, 215-23; Abu Nu'aym, Hilyat al-awliya3, iv, 132-41; Ibn Hazm, Diamharat ansdb al-carab, ed. CA.-S.M. Harun, Cairo 1382/1962, 425; Sarakhsf, al-Mabsut, Cairo 132431, xvi, 75, 80, 84-5; Ibn Maza, Shark adab al-kddi Ii 'l-Khassdf, ed. A.-W. al-Afghanf and A.-B.M. alHashimr, Beirut 1414/1994, 9, 16-17, 19, 24, 32, 56-7, 73, 79, 81-2, 95, 99-101, 109, 163, 166, 171, 174, 178, 180, 216-7, 227-9, 250, 254, 290, 327, 361-2, 370, 458, 467, 487, 507, 516, 526, 535-6, 562, 586; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh madlnat Dimashk, facs. ed., 'Amman n.d., viii, 36-61; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghdba, Tehran n.d., ii, 394; Ibn Khallikan, ed. I. cAbbas, ii, 460-3; Nawawl, Tahdhib al-asmd3, Cairo n.d., i/i, 243-4; Mizzf, Tahdhib al-kamdl, xii, ed. B.CA. Ma'ruf, Beirut 1408/1988, 435-45; Ibn Kathlr, Biddya, Cairo 1351-8/1932-9, ix, 22-6; Ibn Hadjar al-cAskalanf, Tahdhib, Haydarabad 1325-7, iv, 3268; idem, al-Isdba, ed. 'A.M. al-BidjawI, Cairo 13902/1970-2, iii, 334-6; Ibn al-Tmad, Shadhardt, ed. C A.-K. al-Arna'ut and M. al-ArnaJut, Beirut 140614/1986-93, i, 320-3; H. Lammens, Etudes sur le suck des Omayyades, Beirut 1930, 77-80, 107; E. Tyan, Histoire de ^organisation judiciaire en pays d'Islam, 2Leiden 1960, 74-6; J. Schacht, An introduction to Islamic law, 24; idem, The origins of Muhammadan jurisprudence, Oxford 1950, 104, 119, 130, 160, 195, 218, 219, 228-9; F. Sezgin, GAS, i, 402-3; M.G. Morony, Iraq after the Muslim conquest, Princeton 1984, index; I. Schneider, Das Bild des Richters in der "Adab alQadl" Literatur, Frankfurt 1990, 39, 46, 70, 74, 82, 132; H. Motzki, Die Anfdnge der islamischen Jurisprudent,, Stuttgart 1991, index. (E. KOHLBERG) SHURIDA, MUHAMMAD TAKI, Persian poet, b. Shlraz, according to most accounts, in 1274/1858, d. 6 Rabf II 1345/14 October 1926. His father cAbbas was an artisan by trade. Shunda's ancestry, from what is known, reached back to the poet Ahll ShirazI (d. 942/1535-6), author of the mathnawt Sihr-i haldl "Legal magic". When he was seven years old he was struck blind by small-pox. Some two years later his father died, after which he came under the care of his maternal uncle. In 1288/ 1871-2 he accompanied his uncle in the pilgrimage to Mecca. On returning, he resumed his earlier studies, achieving a high standard in literary studies and Arabic. In 1311/1893-4 he travelled to Tehran, where he came into contact with Mirza cAlf Asghar Khan Amfn al-Sultan (d. 1907), prime minister of Nasir al-Din Shah. He was introduced to the monarch, who was impressed by his poetry, gave him his favour and eventually bestowed upon him the title of Faslh al-Mulk. He stayed in the capital till the accession of Muzaffar al-Dm Shah (1313/1896) after which he moved to Shfraz permanently. He was treated as an important figure in official circles, and granted the revenues of a village. Towards the later part of his life, he held the custodianship of Sa'dl's resting place
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SHURIDA, MUHAMMAD TAKl — SHURTA
in Shiraz. He died at the age of sixty-eight, and was buried by the side of Sa'df's tomb. Shurida is credited with an astonishing memory which enabled him to know by heart many lengthy kasidas of the old masters. He has left a number of works, most of them unfinished. His dlwdn, which comprises an estimated total of some 15,000 couplets, was published at Tehran in 1325/1946 by his son, Hasan Ihsan Fasfhf. It contains poems in conventional verse forms such as kasida, ghazal, musammat and kit'a. In his style of writing, Shurfda was essentially a poet in the classical mould following the trends initiated by early masters from Khurasan and Fars. He wrote many panegyrics, the most notable being those in praise of the Kadjar rulers. His themes, taken as a whole, are largely traditional. Bibliography: Hadjdj Mfrza Hasan Husaynf Fasa1!, Tdnkh-i Fdrs-ndma-yi Ndsin, Tehran 13137 1895, ii; Sayyid Ahmad Dlwan Begl, Hadikat alshueard3, ed. cAbd al-Husayn Nawa'T, Tehran 13657 1986, ii; Mirza Fursat Shfrazf, Athdr-i fAajam, Bombay 1354/1935, Muhammad Ishak, Sukhanwardn-i Iran dar casr-i hddir, Delhi 1351/1933, i; Muhammad Bakir Burka'I, Sukhanwardn-i ndmt-yi mu'dsir, Tehran 1329/1951, i; F. Machalski, La litterature de I'Iran contemporain, Krakow 1965, i; J. Rypka et alii, History of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968; Muhammad Mu'fn, Farhang-i Fdrsi, Tehran 1371/1992, v; Yahya Aryanpur, Az Sabd td Mmd, Tehran 1350/1971, ii; Wizarat-i Farhang u Irshad-i Islam!, Ndm-dwardn-i farhang-i Iran, Tehran 1988 (?); cAbd al-RafT Hakfkat (Rafic), Farhang-i shdcirdn-i zabdn-i Pdrsl, Tehran 1368/ 1989; 'AlT Asghar Hikmat, in Armaghdn, vii/6-7; Muhammad Kazwfnf, in Tddgdr, v/3; Mfrza Husayn Khan Shffta and Mlrza Hasan Khan Fasfhf, in Armaghdn, ix/2-3; Hadjdjf Mfrza cAbd al-Muhammad Khan, in ibid., xiv/1; M.A. Majid, in Indo-Iranica, xxiii/1-2. (MUNIBUR RAHMAN) SHURTA (A.), a military-administrative term most conveniently translated as police. The basic meaning of the root sh-r-t is "to separate or to distinguish something out of a larger entity", thus an elite force within an army or, according to some sources, criminals who separate themselves from the social order, and thence those whose function it is to bring them to book. An individual in such a unit is a shurti, plural shurat or more popularly shurtiyya. 1. In the central lands of the caliphate. The term shurta is among the earliest of the Arabic sources of the Muslim state applied to the elite units of the armed forces whose function was to impose law and order and to uphold the authority of the newly-established state. Its establishment is variously attributed to the caliphs 'Urnar, cUthman and Mucawiya, and there are several reports of units being involved in putting down revolts in the early Umayyad period. Into the early cAbbasid period, the shurta and its commander, sahib al-shurta, are reported as having played a significant role, firstly in enforcing the authority of the caliphs, and later in the course of the series of armed palace revolts which took advantage of a weakened caliphate. The shurta remained primarily a pragmatic institution with no authority in the developing theoretical systems of the Shari'a, and with only a limited foundation in documents of appointment, such as those recorded by al-Kalkashandf, and in the writings of al-Mawardi and Ibn Khaldun. The institution combined the preventive and repressive functions of a police and security force with the judicial functions of a magistracy and summary court. In accounts of
government processes, it is often associated with the implementation of siydsa [q.v.]. The historical records show that the shurta was in fact empowered with a wide and varying jurisdiction in different times and places. In Spain and during the later cAbbasid period, its powers in the cities were not only territorially defined but also often specific to different classes of society. When the sahib al-shurta was powerful he could trespass extensively on to the jurisdiction of both hisba and that of the kadi, taking charge of enforcing proper conduct in public places, dispensing criminal justice and supervising the implementation of retaliation or kisds [q.v.]. Among the duties often attributed to the shurta were riot control in the cities, protection of villages against brigandage, checking the quality of the work of artisans and support for tax enforcement. The sahib al-shurta appears often in the early centuries as the head of the ruler's personal bodyguard, a function whose title and role is confused with that of the haras. Among the earliest functions of the institution was also that of night watch (al-tawdf bi 'l-layl, and this was the one which it retained most consistently and for the longest time; in the Muslim West, its commander was often entitled sahib al-layl in later centuries. In the early centuries, the sahib al-shurta was among the highest officials in both central and provincial government, but an indication of his gradually sinking rank is the change from his fourth placing under the c Abbasids to the twenty-fifth one under the Mamluks (according to al-Kalkashandf, Subh al-acs_hd, Cairo 191319, iv, 23, v, 450. This decline in rank is associated with the decline of the authority of central governments and the gradual redistribution of power between, on the one hand, foreign military castes (Mamluks) which had control of repressive powers, and, on the other, with local urban quarters developing their local forms of collective defence and social discipline. By the late Mamluk period, the term shurta is increasingly rare in the sources, as the mamluk military units took over the functions of repression and imposition of public order. Many of the more local functions became vested in the local quarters, and the officials sank in status to become among the lowest in the community. The roles of night watch and rubbish collection tended to overlap, while officials responsible for crime prevention developed an ambiguous relationship with the petty criminal element. Bibliography: E. Tyan, Histoire de ^organisation judiciaire en pays d'Islam, 2Leiden 1960, 566-616 (fundamental); I.M. Lapidus, Muslim cities in the later Middle Ages, Cambridge, Mass. 1967, 83-4, 93 ff., 172; S.M. Stern, Cairo. An Islamic city in the light of the Geniza documents, in Lapidus (ed.), Middle Eastern cities, Berkeley, etc. 1969, 91-4. (J.S. NIELSEN) 2. In Muslim Spain. The shurta in al-Andalus has always posed the problem of identification of its three categories: culyd, wustd and sughrd. In his history of Muslim Spain, E. LeviProven^al followed the interpretation of E. Tyan, who relied for his part on a text of Ibn Khaldun. The shurta culyd would be, according to the great North African historian, that concerned with misdemeanours committed by people belonging to the khdssa, while the jurisdiction of the shurta sughrd was applied to the c dmma (Mukaddima, Beirut 1981, 312). However, Ibn Khaldun does not mention the shurta wustd, established by cAbd al-Rahman III al-Nasir in 317/92930. For their part, the historical sources are not clear regarding the competence of this "medium" shurta, just as they are not entirely clear about the two others,
SHURTA and the subject remains shrouded in a degree of obscurity. The earliest information regarding the shurta in alAndalus dates from the reign of cAbd al-Rahman I (d. 172/788), who awarded this responsibility to alHusayn b. al-Dadjn al-cUkaylf, commander of his cavalry at the battle of Musara (this connection between the shurta and military activity is not always evident, but it becomes a stronger element under the Umayyad caliphate). During this early period, the function of the shurta could be exercised simultaneously with the wilayat al-suk, the kada3 or the prayer. It was al-Hakam I (180-206/796-827) who inaugurated the shurta sughrd, also ordering the construction of an enclosure in the gallery of the Great Mosque of Cordova, beside the position occupied by the kadi, for the submission of affairs subject to the jurisdiction of the shurta. AlHarith b. Abl Sacd, son of a slave affranchised by c Abd al-Rahman I, was the first to perform this function, initially under al-Hakam and then during the reign of his successor
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b. Walid al-Kalbi, was confirmed in his function by al-Nasir, and played an important military role in the pacification of the rebellions of Seville and of Carmona. In the early years of his reign (well documented in vol. v of Ibn Hayyan's Muktabis], al-Nasir appointed to this post members of families such as the Banu Abi 'Abda, the Banu Hudayr (who also fulfilled the role of the shurta wustd) and the Banu Shuhayd, as well as one of his maternal uncles and his mawdli, including Burn. At the same time, the caliph entrusted to him the command of numerous military expeditions. This link between the shurta culyd and military responsibilities was maintained in the case of cUbayd b. Ahmad b. Ya'la (appointed ka'id al-aeinna in 343/954) and later, the admiral of the fleet cAbd al-Rahman b. Rumahis. Descriptions of Umayyad ceremonial under al-Hakam II contained in vol. vii of the Muktabis show the privileged status of the ashdb al-shurta al-culyd wa 'l-wustd, among the highest-ranking functionaries. This is not a question of a responsibility entrusted to a single person, and it is offered to people in conjunction with their appointment to the command of an army unit or the governance of a province. This evolution seems to indicate that the shurta culyd (and the other categories) has become a kind of official rank or grade in the hierarchy of the caliphal administration, in close association with the army. Special missions are entrusted to holders of this title, such as the preparation of expeditions against Christian kingdoms and the reception of North African princes who are vassals of the caliph of Cordova. For their part, the biographical sources show us the continuity of the hukkdm entrusted with the shurta (and frequently also with the suk). Among these, the activity of Ahmad b. Nasr under al-Hakam II is well described by the historical sources: he was concerned with the market as well as with the public distribution of the caliph's alms and with complaints against the governors (cummdl) of provinces, Ahmad b. Nasr is ranked, in palace ceremonies, among the a'ydn al-khdssa, not among the senior functionaries. With al-Mansur b. Abr cAmr (who had himself been sahib al-shurta al-wustd before exerting total control of caliphal power) references to the ashdb al-shurta al-culyd wa 'l-wustd disappear from the sources (mention of the role of the shurta culyd is not found until later, under the Zlrids of Granada, and then only once), while the hukkdm continue to fulfil their functions, in this period as after the fall of the caliphate and in Cordova as in other cities. Al-Mansur had in addition a personal shurta, under the supervision of a wall, and established in the palatine city which he had founded, al-Madlna al-Zahira [q.v.]. In the period of disorder which saw the disappearance of the Umayyad caliphate, Ibn Wada'a, who was responsible for the shurtat al-madina, played an important political role, addressing the power vacuum which came into being. If Ibn Hayyan (quoted by Ibn al-Khatlb in Acmdl al-acldm) is to be believed, the ashdb al-shurta exercised despotic power during these years, and it was not until the seizure of power by the Banu Djahwar that justice and order were to be established once more in Cordova. Bibliography: J. Bosch Vila, The administrative history of al-Andalus: an approach, in Regierung und Verwaltung des vorderen Orients in islamischer ^eit, ii, Leiden 1988, 71-152; M.CA. Khallaf, Sahib al-shurta fi 'l-Andalus, in Awrdq, iii (1980), 72-83; E. LeviProvencal, Hist. I'Esp. musulmane, iii, Paris 1953; M. Ocana, Inscripciones drabes fundacionales de la mezquita-catedral de Cordoba, in Cuadernos de Madinat
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SHURTA — SHUSHTAR
al-Zahra3, ii (1988-90), 9-28; E. Tyan, Histoire de I'organisation judicial™ en pays de Islam, Leiden 1960. (MANUELA MARIN) SHUSHTAR, SHUSHTAR. Arabic form TUSTAR, a town of southwestern Persia in the mediaeval Islamic province of Ahwaz [q.v.] and the modern one (ustdn) of Khuzistan (lat. 32° 03' N., long. 48° 51' E.). It stands on a cliff to the west of which runs the river Karun [y.z>.], the middle course of which begins a few miles north of the town. This position gives the town considerable commercial and strategic importance and has made possible the construction of various waterworks for which the town has long been famous. The main features of these constructions are: (1) the canal called Ab-i Gargar (in the Middle Ages, Masrukan) which is led from the left bank of the river about 600 yards north of the town; it runs southwards along the east side of the cliffs of Shushtar and rejoins the Karun at Band-i Kir, the site of the ancient 'Askar Mukram; (2) the great barrage called Band-i Kaysar, which is thrown across the principal arm of the river (here called Shutayt or Nahr-i Shushtar) east of the town and is about 440 yards long; this barrage supports a bridge intended to connect the town with the west bank, but now a considerable gap is broken in it; (3) the canal called Mfnaw (from Miyanab) which begins above the barrage in the form of a tunnel cut out of the rock on the western side of the town; the citadel is above this part; the Mmaw turns southwards and is intended to irrigate the land south of the town. Shushtar, along with these canals, was already in existence in pre-Islamic times. Pliny knows a town called Sostra (xii, 78) and it appears as Shoshtar in the Liste geographique des villes dlran, publ. by Blochet (Recueil de trauaux relatifs a la philologie et l}archeologie egyptienne et assyriennes, xvii [1895], no. 46); it is found in Syriac literature as a Nestorian bishopric (cf. Marquart, Erdnsahr, 27). Persian tradition also regards Shushtar as a very old town (e.g. Abu 'l-FidaJ, ed. Reinaud, 315). This tradition is found in the Arab historians and geographers and most fully in the Ta3nkh-i Shushtar of cAbd Allah Shushtarl (see BibL). The story goes that the town was founded by the mythical king Hushang after the foundation of Shush (Susa). Shushtar is said to be a comparative from Shush meaning "more beautiful", in reference to the site of the town (Marquart, loc. cit. also regards it as a derivative from Shush with the suffix-tor indicating direction). The Arabic form Tustar is generally explained as an Arabicisation of Shushtar (e.g. by Hamza al-Isfahanf and Yakut, i, 848). Several sources record that the town was built in the form of a horse. Tradition also says that the Mmaw canal, formerly called Nahr-i Dariyan, was built by Darius the Great and that it was the Sasanid Ardashfr I who began to construct the barrage in the river below the mouth of the canal, after the latter had dried up because the bed of the river had sunk through erosion by the force of the current. The work was only completed, however, under Shapur II by his Roman prisoners under Valerian II (cf. also Tabarf, i, _827 and al-MascudI, Murudj., ii, 184 = § 606). The Ab-i Gargar was first dug simply to divert the volume of water. The Band-i Kaysar was next constructed and called after the emperor, and the bed of the river above the barrage was paved with huge slabs of stone bound with iron so as to prevent any further erosion. This paving was called Shadirwan, a term which was also applied to the barrage itself. Ultimately, a new barrage is said to have been built across the Gargar. From the 8th/14th cen-
tury, the Ab-i Gargar was called Du-Danig and the Nahr-i Shushtar Cahar-Danig, because they contained respectively two- and four-sixths of the quantity of water in the Karun. Muslim authors number these great hydraulic constructions among the wonders of the world (e.g. Hamza al-Isfahanf and Ibn Battuta). Although the authenticity of the tradition quoted could be for the most part disputed, it is not improbable that Roman prisoners of war took part in the construction of the barrage (cf. Noldeke, Geschichte der Perser und Amber, 37); local tradition further attributes to Roman colonists the introduction of a number of industries, e.g. the manufacture of brocade (dtba$) and certain popular customs. In the caliphate of cUmar, the town was conquered by al-Bara* b. Malik, whose tomb used to be pointed out in the centuries following. Tradition also says that the coffin of the prophet Daniyal was found there, which later on was brought to Shush. In the Umayyad period, the town became one of the strongholds of the KharidjTs; the KharidjI Shabrb made it his capital, but after his death al-Hadjdjadj seized it; it was then that the great bridge over the barrage was destroyed. Under the caliphs, Shushtar was the capital of one of the seven provinces (sometimes a larger number is given, see al-Mukaddasf, 404), into which Khuzistan was divided. When Baghdad became the centre of the empire, Shushtar gradually became influenced by its proximity to the capital. One quarter of Baghdad, for example, in the 4th/10th century was called Mahallat al-Tustariyyfn; it was the residence of the merchants and notables from Khuzistan. The oldest mosque was built under the 'Abbasids; begun in the reign of al-Mu£tazz (252-5/866-9), it was only finished under the caliph al-Mustarshid (512-29/111835). There was, however, a fire-altar at Shushtar in the time of al-Halladj (Massignon, La passion d'alHallaj, i, 92). Shushtar, along with Ahwaz, has always been the chief town in Khuzistan; Hamd Allah MustawfT calls it the capital of this province. It was conquered by Tfmur, and remained in the hands of the Tfmurids till the year 820/1514, when it fell to a ShlT dynasty of Sayyids under the suzerainty of the Safawids and became a centre of Shf'a propaganda. Several governors have founded little dynasties there. The town enjoyed most prosperity in the reign of Wakhishtu Khan (1041-78/1632-67), whose descendants kept the governorship till the end of the Safawids. At the beginning of the 19th century it was among the provinces governed by Muhammad CA1I Mfrza, son of Fath 'All Shah, who restored, for example, the barrage and the bridge. At this period, it is said to have had a population of 45,000, but the number has certainly diminished a great deal since, for Rawlinson in 1836 puts it at 15,000 and Curzon in 1890 at 8,000. The area covered by the town is out of all proportion to the population. Sykes also calls Shushtar the most ruined town in Persia; this description applies also to the irrigation works. The houses are built of stone and brick; they contain cellars [see SARDAB], here called shewddan, in which the inhabitants shelter in the excessive heat of summer (Shushtar has the dubious distinction of having the highest mean maximum temperature for July in the whole country, 47.3° C.). As to the inhabitants themselves, they are a mixture of Arab and Iranian or proto-Iranian elements. In the middle of the 19th century there were still a considerable number of Mandaeans here; Layard counted 300-400 families of them in 1840 (cf. also the description of them given by cAbd Allah al-
SHUSHTAR — AL-SHUCUBIYYA Shushtan, 24). They have probably now disappeared. Travellers at the end of the 19th century (Curzon and Sykes) described the character of the present inhabitants as disagreeable and fanatical. Among the Persians, the devoutness of the inhabitants has earned the town the honorific tide of Ddr al-MuJminm. On the other hand, we find Shushtar included among the Persian towns celebrated for the stupidity of its inhabitants (Christensen, in AO, iii, 31). In the early 20th century, the town was rent by feuding between the two factions of the Nicmatfs, supporters of the Bakhtiyaris and Constitutionalists, and the Haydaris, pro-Arab and pro-monarchy. From the later 19th century, Shushtar had benefited commercially from being the farthest point on the Karun reached by the steamship service inaugurated in 1887 by Messrs Lynch [see KARUN], for goods had to be landed there and sent forward by caravan. It grew to be the major retail centre of southwestern Persia, with a population reaching 28,000 in 1938 before the completion of the Trans-Persian Railway then. But since that line crossed the Karun at Ahwaz, on its way from Bandar Shapur on the Gulf to the interior plateau, Shushtar was bypassed; Ahwaz [q.v] became a major city, eclipsing Shushtar, so that the latter's population began to decline. In 1971 it was still only 27,532, but has recently increased to 70,294 (1991 census figure). Bibliography: A local history is the Ta'rikh/ Tadhkira-yi Shushtariyya of Sayyid cAbd Allah Shushtari "Fakir" (d. 1173/1759-60, see Storey, i, 365, 1298), Bibl. Indica, Calcutta 1914-24. The information of the classical Islamic geographers is in Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 234-6; Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, 313, 315-8; Barthold, An historical geography of Iran, Princeton 1984, 88-90. See also Ritter, Erdkunde, Berlin 1840, ix, 178 ff.; J. Dieulafoy, La Perse, la Chaldee et la Susiane, Paris 1887; Curzon, Persia and the Persian question, London 1892, ii, 363 ff.; P.M. Sykes, Ten Thousand Miles in Persia, London 1902, 252 ff.; E. Herzfeld, in Petermann's Geographische Mitteilungen, liii, Gotha 1907; Admiralty Handbooks, Persia, London 1945, 84-6, 297, 426-8, 431; Razmara (ed.), Farhang-i dj.ughrdfiyd-yi Irdn-zamm, vi, 239-40; L. Lockhart, Persian cities, London 1960, 142-51; Cambridge history of Iran, i, 232, 553, 558. (J.H. KRAMERS-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) AL-SHUSHTARI, ABU 'L-HASAN 'ALT b. cAbd Allah al-Numayn, Sufi of Muslim Spain and resident of Malaga and Grenada (b. ca. 610/1212, d. at Tfna 668/1269 and buried at Damietta; his nisba derives from Shushtar, here a karya or village of the Guadix district). His masters included Ibn Suraka al-Shatibr and other disciples of Abu Hafs 'Urnar al-Suhrawardl (d. 632/1234 [q.v.]), and he was in contact with the Sufi" poet al-Nadjm b. Isra'fl al-Dimashki, whom he met in 650/1252. But most influential for al-Shushtan was the philosopher and mystic Ibn Sabcfn [q.v.], whom he met at Bidjaya in 646/1248 and five years later in Egypt and at Mecca. His prose works include al-Makdlid al-wudjudiyya ft asrdr al-sufiyya (ms. Cairo, Taymur, tasawwuf, 149, fols. 413-43); al-Mardtib al-imdniyya wa 'l-isldmiyya wa 'l-ihsdniyya; al-Risdla al-falarmyya (resume by Ibn Luyun); al-Risdla al-baghdddiyya (ea. M.-Th. Urvoy, in BEtOr, xxviii [1975], 259-61); al-Risdla al-kudsiyya Ji tawhtd alc dmma wa 'l-khdssa (mss. Taymur, tasawwuf 149, see Urvoy, 259 n. 3','and Istanbul, §ehit Ali 1389/6); and al-{Urwa al-wuthkd ft baydn al-sunan wa-ihsa? al-culum.... But al-Shushtan was best known for his poetry, with
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a diwdn of odes, muwashshahat, etc., commented on by
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AL-SHUCUBIYYA
had other, more diverse goals. These ranged from a call for equality between non-Arabs (CADJAM [q.v.]} and Arabs (CARAB [<7.fl.]), whose advocates were also known as Ahi al-taswiya (al-Djahiz, Bay an, iii, 5), to the claim of non-Arab supremacy which denied any significance, past or present, of the Arabs. Most of the Shucubfs were Persians, although references to Aramaeans, Copts and Berbers, among others, are also found in the literature. (A unique example of non-Persian Shu'ubiyya is Ibn Wahshiyya's [q.v.] Nabataean agriculture^ It seems that the term Shu'ubiyya was used by the Shucubfs themselves, and was not a discriminatory term used by their opponents. In contrast to the classical Arabian interpretation of the Kur'an, where shu'ub and kabd'il were both based on the principle of genealogy, several Persian interpreters assigned different meanings to shu'ub and kabd3il, whereby shu'ub stood for a people whose identity was determined by territory, and kaba'il stood for a people whose identity was determined by genealogy (Mottahedeh, 167-70). I. Goldziher was the first to study the Shucubiyya in depth; he identified two main forces behind the anti-Arab movement. First, he stated that the 'Abbasids had been exercising strong discrimination against the Arabs. Second, the Persians, only superficially Islamicised to begin with, re-discovered a national consciousness. This nationalism was further spurred on by autonomy movements taking place in the eastern part of the empire at the time (Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, i, 147-55). But Goldziher's supposition that the Shu'ubiyya was in contact with nationalistic separatist movements was contested by H.A.R. Gibb. He came to the conclusion that the Shu'ubiyya had not been a threat to the continued existence of the empire but rather to its future direction. "Their aim was not to destroy the Islamic empire, but to remold its political and social institutions and values, which represented in their eyes the highest political wisdom." (Gibb, 66.) In fact, it is difficult to find evidence of any sympathy on the part of the Shucubfs for revolts that took place against the central power. Furthermore, the Shu'ubfs primarily consisted of the educated, poets, and, above all, secretaries, who could only benefit from a strong and centralised state. Over the course of their conquests, the Arabs adopted both the Sasanid administration in place as well as its personnel, a group of highly professional civil servants with a strong sense of their status in society. Although the patron-client-relationship (wald3 [q.v.]) bound the secretaries to their Arab conquerors, it also served their unique privileges. The secretaries remained faithful to the Sasanid tradition; they translated literature such as the biographies of the kings of Persia, wrote epistles in the Sasanid official style and produced works on practical knowledge about government. There is no evidence of any conflict between the civil servants and the Arabs well into the early 'Abbasid era. Even in the writings of a high secretary as Ibn al-Mukaffac [q.v], expressing his disgust for people of lower origins at the caliph's court, one detects no anti-Arab resentment between the lines (Goitein, 236). The clash came after the former garrisons of Kufa and Basra developed into urban and prosperous societies made up of Arabs and non-Arabs, merchants and artisans, scholars and educated. The foundations of Arab-Islamic scholarship were laid, and a new Arab style of poetry and prose began to circulate. As the literary production of the secretaries came under serious competitive pressure towards the end of the 2nd/8th
century, the initial indifference of the secretaries towards their Arab conquerers changed to hate, and the Shu'ubiyya movement came about (Gibb, 62-6). Gibb's description of events is convincing, but it is also incomplete. It was not simply a question of the triumph of one cultural tradition over another; rather, it was a matter of status. At risk was not just the reputation of the Persian court literature but the social privileges of the secretaries who followed its tradition. Meanwhile, the Arab and Islamic literature was not simply a product of isolated philologists and jurists but reflected the world-view of the new citizens. This development took place in an era of demilitarisation, expansion of trade relations and a general flourishing of the cities, whereby social status differences between Arabs, as well as between Arabs and non-Arabs, began to lose importance. These things added together made up the foundation of a society that offered its members an opportunity to raise their social position above the level assigned at birth. At the beginning of the cAbbasid era, the position of the secretaries in the state administration remained largely unchallenged, but soon thereafter members of the urban middle class began to appear in the highest positions of government. Two epistles by al-Djahiz [q.v.], namely "Reproach of the character of the state secretaries" (Dhamm akhldk al-kuttdb] and "Praise of the merchants and reproach of the public offices" (Ft madh al-tudjajdr wa-dhamm camal al-sultdn] are perhaps a good illustration of relations at the time, even though they may include anti-ShueubI exaggerations. According to these epistles, the secretary distributed pompous Persian maxims and criticised the Arab-Islamic tradition, while in truth he was completely dependent upon his masters and under an obligation to show utmost loyalty to them. The merchant, on the other hand, shared his knowledge of the Djahiliyya and of Islam with others willingly and with composure, because his living was not dependent upon his erudition (Dhamm. 42-3; Madh, 157-8). Some authors interpret the Shu'ubiyya less under its specific conditions but rather compare it with other movements of the same sort within the larger framework of Muslim history and society. The most recent publication on the topic, for instance, has largely removed the social and ideological context from the study of this movement and has instead portrayed it as a form of regional and ethnic antagonism. There it is seen in a line with its antecedents, the conflict of the Northern and Southern Arabs (Norris, 32). Not only the meaning but also the importance of the Shu'ubiyya is open to various interpretations. On the one hand, there are preserved in mediaeval Arabic anthologies, literary works and historiographies a number of remarks by poets such as Bashshar b. Burd [q.v] which seem to demonstrate that the making of pro-Persian or anti-Arab comments was a harmless literary fashion (Norris, 35). On the other hand, a passage by al-Djahiz reveals deep concern that the Shu'ubiyya could grow to become a real threat to Islam. Hate breeds hate, according to his line of thinking, and it is only a short step from hating the Arabs to hating Islam. "The bulk of those who are sceptics in regard to Islam, at the outset, were inspired by the ideas of the Shu'ubiyya. Protracted argument leads to fighting. If a man hates a thing, then he hates him who possesses it, or is associated with it. If he hates [the Arabic] language then he hates the [Arabian] peninsula, and if he hates that peninsula then he loves those who hate it. Thus matters go from bad to worse with him until he forsakes Islam itself, because it is
AL-SHUCUBIYYA the Arabs who brought it; it is they who provided the venerable forebears and the example worthy of imitation" (Hayawdn, vii, 220). The study of the Shu'ubiyya is made even more difficult by the fact that not one original tract has survived. One is forced to use the accounts of antiShu'ubf polemics in order to reconstruct the movement's arguments. The most complete examples of such a polemic are found in al-Djahiz, Baydn, iii, and Ibn Kutayba's [q.v.] K. al-cArab and a passage in Ibn c Abd Rabbih. They are built upon the pattern of "virtues and vices" (mandkib, mathdlib [q.vv.] of the respective nations and recount the attacks of the Shu'ubiyya against the Arabs as well as their refutation. Arab warfare, described by the Shu'ubrs in detail, was a technical, tactical and strategic disgrace in comparison to the warfare skills of the Sasanids and Byzantines. The Arabian habit of gesticulating with a stick in hand while speaking, and other linguistic and non-linguistic habits of speech, served only to expose the emptiness of the Arabian claim to eloquence. Their rough language revealed the Arabs for what they really were, a people of camel-drivers. The Persians alone were capable of eloquence, delicacy and good conduct, and the arts and sciences were products of the Greek and Indian cultures, not the Arabian. Furthermore, the Arabs could rightfully claim just four prophets as their own, namely Hud, Salih, Isma'fl and Muhammad [q.vv.]., and were said to be descendants of Isma'rl, the son of Ibrahim [q.v.] by his slave Hagar, and not of Ishak, the son of Ibrahim by his legal wife Sarah. But this crude form of anti-Arabism was not what made the Shu'ubiyya dangerous. The danger of the Shu'ubiyya lay in the scepticism it provoked among the educated. The seeds of the concept of free-thinking (zandaka [q.v.]), sown in the pre-Islamic culture in "Irak, showed not only Manichaean tendencies but began to manifest itself as an anti-moral, frivolous and cynical attitude (mugjun [q.v.]). The reaction was both Arabian and Islamic. Three developments laid the foundation for a final victory of the Arabian humanities in the period following alDjahiz. These developments were the concept of adab [q.v], which joined pre-Islamic and Arabian traditions with religious tradition, the rise of the Mu'tazila [q.v] with its strict monotheistic outlook, and the founding of the Bayt al-hihna [q.v] which produced translations of Greek logic and philosophy that were effective instruments in the fight against dualistic heresies. In this context, Ibn Kutayba was able to compose a binding compendium that recognised Sasanid tradition while at the same time reconciled it with the Arabian and Islamic scholarship (Gibb, 69-72). About two hundred years after the Shu'ubiyya died out in the East, a new Shu'ubiyya appeared in the 5th/11 th century in al-Andalus. This time it was not the Persians but the Berbers and the "Slavs" [see ALSAKALIBA. 3], understood to mean Galicians, Franks, Germans, Langobards and Calabrians, who made use of anti-Arab polemic. The epistle by Abu 'Amir Ibn Gharsiya [q.v], which earned no less than five rebuttals in the century following its writing, is considered to be the masterpiece of the Andalusian Shu'ubiyya. Ibn Gharsiya was a renowned poet and secretary with Christian and Basque origins, but his epistle does not differ substantially from those of his eastern predecessors. As with the earlier works, the epistle makes references to the pre-Islamic Arabs' low degree of civilisation and praises the Persian and Byzantines, without losing a word over the non-Arabs of al-
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Andalus. Furthermore, as with the earlier writings of the Shu'ubiyya, the descent of the Arabs from Ismacfl is held up as a blemish upon the people. The epistle demonstrates Ibn Gharsiya's excellent command of the Arabic language and his familiarity with Eastern culture, two things that were also characteristic of his predecessors. In contrast to them, however, Ibn Gharsiya was not rooted in an old-established tradition whose preservation was his main task. "He was not a Christian Spaniard attacking the conquerors of his homeland but rather a neo-Muslim attempting to extend the benefits of Islamic civilization to those nonArab peoples who formed a large segment of the Andalusian community" (Monroe, 12-13). In the light of the resurgence of a new kind of Shu'ubiyya in al-Andalus, the question arises whether it should be viewed not only in its specific historical situation but also as a general phenomenon in ArabIslamic history. Hanna-Gardner pursued this question; and they discovered not two or three, but many Shu'ubiyyas, beginning with the Shu'ubiyya of the Middle Ages, through Ottomanism and Westernisation in the 19th century to Internationalism, Regionalism and Socialism in the 20th century. According to the authors, these movements have one thing in common that permits grouping them together under the same heading. They appeared in the name of universalism in order to undermine Arab communal consciousness, and thereby automatically called forth an Arab particularism. In this sense, all of them were true to the original meaning of the term Shu'ubiyya "belonging to the people", while the Arabs continued to identify themselves with kawmiyya [q.v] "belonging to a particular people", i.e. the Arabs (337). The temptation is great to view the regular ebb and flow of Shu'ubiyya and Arabism in terms of century-to-century swings between universalism and particularism. Yet such a view would overlook two important facts. First, the term Shu'ubiyya fell out of use in the Middle Ages and did not become popular again until the time of Arab nationalism, where its use became inflated. The term then became a common denunciation of one's political opponents and was even projected back into history. Second, while the universalism-particularism-scheme may be true for the 20th century, it does not fit the Shu'ubiyya of the Middle Ages. For it was in the name of an Islamic universalism, and not of an Arab particularism, that writers like al-Djahiz attacked the movement at that time. Bibliography: D.A. Agius, The Shucubiyya movement and its literary manifestation, in /Q, xxiv (1980), 76-88; A. Amfn, Doha al-isldm, Cairo 1956, i, 5180; A. Arazi, Abu Nuwas fut-il shucubite?, in Arabica, xxvi (1979), 1-61; M. Carter, The Katib in fact and fiction, in Abr-Nahrain, xi (1971), 42-55; Djahiz, Fi madh al-tuajajdr wa-dhamm famal al-sultdn, in Madjmu'at rasd'il, Cairo 1906, 155-60; idem, K. al-Baydn wa } l-tabyin, ed. 'A.M. Harun, Cairo 1960; idem, K. al-Hayawdn, ed. Harun, Beirut 1992; idem, Dhamm al-kuttdb, in Three Essays of Abu C0thmdn ibn Bohr alJdhiz, ed. J. Finkel, Cairo 1926, 40-52; S. Enderwitz, Gesellschaftlicher Rang und ethnische Legitimation. Der arabische Schriftsteller Abu cUtmdn al-Gdhiz uber die Afrikaner, Perser und Araber in der islamischen Gesellschaft, Freiburg 1979; H.A.R. Gibb, Studies in the civilization of Islam, Boston 1962 (The social significance of the Shucubiyya, 62-73); S.D. Goitein, Studies in the Islamic history and institutions, Leiden 1966 (The rise of the Middle-Eastern bourgeoisie in early Islamic times, 217-41); I. Goldziher, Die Su'ubijja unter den Muhammedanern in Spanien, in ZDMG, Jin (1899), 601-20; idem, Muhammedanische
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AL-SHUCUBIYYA — SHUWA
Studien, i, Halle 1888 ('Arab und 'Agam, 101-46; Die Shu'ubijja, 147-76; Die Shu'ubijja und ihre Bekundung in der Wissenschqfi, 177-218); F. de la Granja, Ibn Garcia, Cadi de los califas Hammudies. Nuevos datos para el estudio de la "su'ubiyya" en al-Andalus, in al-And., xxx (1965), 63-78; M.N. Hadjab, Ma^dhir al-shu'ubiyya fi al~adab al-carabl, Cairo 1961; S.A. Hanna and G.H. Gardner, Al-Shufubiyya up-dated: a study of the 20th century revival of an 8th century concept., in MEJ, xx (1966), 335-52; W.M. Hutchinson (tr.), Nine essays ofjahiz, New York 1988, 55-66; Ibn
influential nomad groups in Bornu, the Awlad Sara and the Awlad Muharib, claimed Sharif [q.v.] status, and traditions of eastern Hausaland include the chiefs of the Shuwa amongst those allegedly receiving copies of the Kur'an from the Prophet Muhammad's own hands. According to Trimingham, the Shuwa, unusually for the Muslims in this region, are Hanafi in madhhab. Bibliography: Of older bibl, see A. Schultze, The sultanate of Bornu, Eng. tr. London, 1913; O. and C.L. Temple, Notes on the tribes, provinces, emirates and states of the northern provinces of Nigeria, 1919, 21922; J.S. Trimingham, Islam in West Africa, Oxford 1959; idem, A history of Islam in West Africa, London 1962. See now the indices to Camb. hist, of Africa, iii-v, esp. H J. Fisher in iv, 111; and see BORNU; KANEM; CAD in Suppl. (E-D-) 2. Dialect. The term Shuwa (j^-i) refers to the spoken Arabic dialect and its approximately 2 million speakers who currently inhabit the former territories of Bagirmi [q.v.] and Kanem [q.v.] -Borno, today's Borno State [see BORNU], Northeast Nigeria, and parts of Cameroon and Chad. The largest concentration of Shuwa Arabs presently lives in and around Maiduguri. There is no consensus on the etymology of the word Shuwa. The people themselves favour a Kanuri [q.v.] (Nilo-Saharan) etymon S9wa "beautiful"; however, much more probable is an Arabic source siwdh "sheep" (sing, sdh], demonstrating that the Shuwas are part of Baggara Arab culture. Shuwa Arabic is but one micro-dialect of a distinct Sudanic macro-dialect spoken between Lake Chad and the Red Sea. A major characteristic of Shuwa Arabic is the preservation of Old Arabic (OA) short vowels, especially a, in unaccented open syllables (kabir "big"), which have elided in the Maghrib and the Levant. Another is that it has no diglossia with Modern Standard Arabic. Some principal features of the Shuwa dialect are: (1) the OA pharyngeals have become laryngeals or zero (OA qa'ad > gaat "he stayed"; OA 3ahmar > dhamar "red") (2) OA g > q (qanam "sheep") (3) OA m > b in a few lexemes containing nasals (bakdn "place") (4) OA dj. > d in a few lexemes containing sibilants (sadar "trees") (5) the development of an inchoative-intransitivising prefix al- (fdkkar "remind", alfdkkar "remember") (6) verbal reduplication (Idmma "gather", Idmlam "gather a lot") (7) final stress in -z "my", af'dl elatives, and singulative -d (beti "my house", akbdr "bigger", qanamd "1 sheep") (8) front and back vowel harmony (bisil "he takes", bugul "he says") (9) syllable and word-final position devoicing (tac "you m.s. come", mak'at "place where one stays") (10) many loanwords (including idioms) from nonSemitic African languages, such as Kanuri, Hausa (rds alkaldm "topic", lit. "head of the talk", dugp "then, afterwards" < Kanuri dugo "first, before") Two major groups of Shuwa dialects can be distinguished, Eastern (E) and Western (W). The major E isoglosses are: (1) OA B > s (E sar "bull", W tor) (2) 1. plural imperfect subject suffix is -u (E nimsu "we go", W nimsi) (3) active participle with object suffix -in (E kdtbinha "has written it, f.", W katibha
SHUWA — SHUYUCIYYA (4) imperfect preformative vowel is i (E tiji "she comes", W tiji ~ tdji] (5) Some lexical items (E with h, W with x; e.g., hadda "he put") Bibliography: A.S. Kaye, Chadian and Sudanese Arabic in the light of comparative Arabic dialectology, The Hargue 1976; idem, A dictionary of Nigerian Arabic (Arabic-English/English-Arabic), Malibu 1982-6; idem, A tribute to philological linguistics: Nigerian Arabic., in £AL, xxv (1993), 178-203; J. Owens, A grammar of Nigerian Arabic, Wiesbaden 1993; idem (ed.), Arabs and Arabic in the Lake Chad region, SUGIA, 14, special vol. 1993. (A.S. KAYE) SHUYU1YYA (A.), C o m m u n i s m . 1. In the Arab world. 1. Terminology This substantive and the noun-adjective Shuyu'i were established after the First World War to denote the ideological positions and political organisations associated with the Third International, described as "communist", as distinct from the "socialist" Second International and the positions and organisations associated with it. References to socialism (Ishtirdkiyya}, as a theoretical basis, remain in current usage, although it tends to be qualified by "scientific". While Ishtirdkiyya has prevailed over the borrowed form Susydlism to denote socialism since the 1870s, terminology relating to "communist" tendencies of thought and action was fluctuating until the beginning of the 1920s. Derivations from the borrowed form Kumun/Kumun came into existence after the Paris Commune, but in 1883 Muhammad 'Abduh [q.v.] opted for the following definition of "naturalist" materialist trends in his Arabic translation of the Risdla of Djamal al-Dfn al-Afghani, entitled al-Radd cald aldahriyyin: al-Susydlist "alTdj.timdciyyun" wa }l-Nihilist "alc Adamiyyun>} wa 'l-Kumunist " al-Ishtirdkiyyun". In 1908, Djirdji Zaydan [q.v.] repeated this distinction, but in the same year Shibll Shumayyil [q.v.] preferred, while noting the equivalence with I^timdciyya, the global term Ishtirdkiyya to denote European socialism in all its diverse forms; and it is this term which predominates in the more authoritative works of Salama Musa (1913) [q.v] and Mustafa al-Mansun (1915). After the adoption in 1918-19 of the distinctive qualificative "communist" (change in the name of the Bolshevik party, then foundation of the Third International), two pairs of terms are in competition: Ibdhiyya/Ibdhi, used especially, on account of its multiplicity of senses, by polemicists, although not exclusively so, since it denotes the common, collective appropriation of property, and in Palestine an early Arabic tract on the eve of 1 May 1921 is signed d-Hizb al-Ibdhi fi Filastin; the pairing Shuyu'iyya/Shuyu'i, derived from a root which expresses the same idea, and all the more so in that the Mushac [q.v] pattern is applied to a still-practised form of indivision, was to gain ascendancy. Since 1921, Tunisian communists have used these terms to describe themselves. 2. The inter-war period: foundation of the first communist parties In the immediate post-war period, the Russian Revolution was viewed with particular interest in the Arab Orient, since it appeared to accord with the nationalist aspirations which motivated the revolutions of 1919 in Egypt, of 1920 in Trak, with movements of opposition to mandatory division in the Levant and in Palestine, and with the still embryonic, proto-nationalist, constitutional reformist movements of Tunisia and Algeria. The denunciation, after November 1917, of secret agreements for the sharing of the Arab
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provinces of the Ottoman Empire (Sykes-Picot-Sazonov), entailing renunciation of the Russian claim, the echo of the Congress of Baku (September 1920), calling the Muslim peoples to djihdd and, for the PanIslamists at least, support for Kemalist Turkey—all these contributed to this "anti-imperialist" alliance. The link with social aspirations was not absent, but it was interpreted according to different scales of priorities. The objective of the Bolsheviks was to establish a society based on the collective appropriation of social goods. A fatwd of the mufti of Egypt, in response to a question in The Times, having declared this contrary to religion, al-Mandr, the periodical of Muhammad Rashid Rida [q.v] (August 1919), taking up an idea of £Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibf (Tabd3ic al-istibddd, 1902 [q.v.]) asserted that there was, neither in the ideas nor in the actions of Bolshevism, any contradiction with the principles of Islam. But this was a marginal opinion. Nationalist leaders were more aware of the dialectics of power; the weight of popular demonstrations and strikes consolidated the national cause, but needed to be kept under control. On the other hand, intellectuals, versed in socialism and its various forms, as well as trade unionist or pre-trade unionist workers, were more aware of the dialectics of society; to give an anti-capitalist class content to anti-imperialist national conflicts, thus paving the way for the acquisition of power by the workers, on the model of the Soviet "dictatorship of the proletariat". Between 1920 and 1925, the first parties inspired by the Communist International made their appearance, although the modes of formation were diverse. In two cases, it was a matter of the evolution of European socialist formations which attracted few if any adherents in the countries concerned. In North Africa, under French domination, the decision was the result of the majority decision of the Congress of Tours (December 1920) of the Socialist Party (S.F.I.O., Section Franfaise de I'lnternationale Ouvriere) to accept the conditions of membership of the Communist International, and thereby to become the Communist Party (S.F.I.C., Section Franfaise de I'lnternationale Communiste). The federation of Tunisia and those of Algeria belonged to this majority. In Palestine, now under British mandate, the socialist movement in the pre-war period was concerned only with Zionist immigration: a slow crystallisation of the extreme left of the Palestinian branch of Pocalei Tsion led to the formation of the Mifleget Pocalim Sotsialistim (October 1919) which in April 1921 declared itself a communist party (P.C.P.). Its membership of the International, conditional upon the abandonment of any reference to proletarian Zionism and the obligation to become a party of the Arab masses, was finalised in March 1924. In two other cases, emergence was more complex. In Egypt, Coptic and Sunni intellectuals, followers of Salama Musa in Cairo, small socialist groups of foreign or Ottoman origin based in Alexandria under the leadership of a naturalised Egyptian, Joseph Rosenthal, and in particular, a syndicalist revolutionary component constituting a Confederation Generale du Travail (C.G.T., February 1921), founded al-Hi^b al-Ishtirdki al-Misn in August 1921. The majority decision to join the International was taken in July 1922, this leading to the secession of the Salama Musa group. The party was admitted to membership in January 1923, having undertaken an obligation to convoke a congress which formalised the acceptance of the 21 conditions, purged the party and changed its name. In Lebanon, under French mandate, the process was
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SHUYLTIYYA
more gradual: Fu'ad Shimali, a communist trade unionist expelled from Egypt in August 1923 for disseminating Bolshevik propaganda, made contact with Yusuf Ibrahim Yazbek and the populist intellectuals who, since the end of 1922, had, in writing, romantically claimed association with the Communist International; priority was given to the creation of a trade union base. The visit of an envoy from the Communist Party of Palestine in October 1924 accelerated the formation of a party, known as the Lebanese People's Party (P.P.L.), the legal frame for a communist cell in liaison with the International. The celebrations of May Day 1925 revealed the existence of an Armenian group (Spartakus) which was rapidly absorbed into the L.P.P., henceforward organised in accordance with communist structures. It was independent of the French Communist Party. The minimal base of consensus with the conditions of membership of the International was a matter of the link between class struggle and national struggle, the common denominator being opposition to capitalism in its imperialist phase, experienced in the form of colonialism. But this was part of the conception of a worldwide proletarian revolution, of which the International, dominated by the Party State of the Soviet mother country of the worldwide proletariat, determined the strategy and the tactics, these decisions being obligatory for affiliated parties. Leading members were trained at the University of Toilers of the East in the "Marxist-Leninist", in fact "Stalinist", ideological activism [see MARK(I)SIYYA] . For the next ten years, it was not so much the requirement for an organic link between Party and trade union which caused problems but rather it was the attitude towards the national bourgeoisie. The contribution of local communist parties to the dynamism of the trade union movement can be traced from this period [see NIKABA]. However, after Egypt's accession to formal independence, the Wafd, given power by the electorate in 1924, suppressed strikes by the workers and dissolved the Communist Party and the C.G.T. which was associated with it. Arrests and a succession of trials forced the surviving militants into hiding, in a process of dispersion tantamount to the annihilation of the party. In Algeria, the obligation imposed by the eighth condition of membership, requiring support for the actions of every movement of colonial emancipation, was regarded with reservations by communist federations affiliated to the French Communist Party, at least until their combination in a single "region" in 1925. Calls from the Communist International demanding the independence of Algeria (and of Tunisia) met no response in a movement which was still protonationalist, other than acquiescence in communal actions aimed at reform. Activity (1924-6) against the war of the Rlf [q.v.] was to illustrate the difficulty of generalising the revolution in the Maghrib! environment. The constitution of the North African Star (Paris, 1926) was supposed to fill this gap: the independence of the three countries of the Maghrib featured in its programme. But, until its proscription in 1929, it was active only in immigrant circles in France. In the Near East, the national movement was a reality, although in the Levant it was Syrian rather than Lebanese, excluding the Jewish national nucleus in Palestine. The Syrian revolution (1925-7), beginning in the Djabal al-Duruz, while supported by the P.P.L./P.C.L. and the P.C.P., was relatively widespread only within the confines of Lebanon. From December 1925 onward, the P.P.L. was disbanded, and its leaders interned until 1928. Extended to cover
the whole of the Levant, it henceforward dubbed itself the Syrian Communist Party, under the leadership (1933) of Khalid Bakdash. But its programme, bearing the imprint of the "class vs. class" policy adopted in 1928 by the sixth Congress of the International, contributed, here as elsewhere, to its isolation from the national movement. Directives on "arabisation" [see TA'RIB] chiefly concerned Palestine, Algeria and Tunisia, being confined to the objective of a gradual homogenisation, to be maintained at the level of leadership when the two federations should accede, in 1936, to the status of autonomous communist parties independent of the P.C.F. Realisation of this requirement was rendered more problematical by the irresolution which characterised the interpretation of the events of August 1929 in Jerusalem: revolutionary movement or pogrom? A central committee with an Arab majority was constituted on the instructions of the International at the end of 1930. The detention of these leaders in 1931 contributed to changing the image of the P.C.P. in Arab circles, but Jewish militants, while supporting the claims of the Palestinian national movement, remained unconvinced in regard to the forms taken by the latter. The return to a frontist line of action, undertaken at the seventh Congress of the Communist International (July-August 1935), took better account of the diversity of local conditions: to the European antifascist front corresponded an anti-colonialist front, the colonised territories of the Maghrib participating in both. In Syria, this approach had already been inaugurated in the form of periodicals aimed at revolutionary intellectuals (al-Duhur, 1934, then al-Talica, 1935-9). The coincidence of the national struggles with the accession to power in France of the Popular Front, which in 1936 favoured the conclusion of agreements envisaging, after a period of transition, a form of independence for Syria and Lebanon, contributed to the success of the Communist Party, now divided (theoretically) into two national branches. The same applied in the Maghrib, despite the ambiguity of the co-existence of the two types of front. The demands of the Muslim Congress of Algeria (June 1936), co-signed by the communists, were of democratic and assimilationist direction. The North African Star, reconstituted in 1933 on a nationalist base, renamed the Algerian People's Party after its dissolution (1937), soon dissociated itself from this compromise. The divergence with the P.C.A. was not so much over the objective of independence as over questions of timing and priorities. In Palestine, the great strike of 1936 and the Arab nationalist movement of the ensuing years, led to secession on the part of the "Jewish section". Here too, the P.C.P. participated locally in guerrilla actions, and gained influence in intellectual circles. A new Communist Party appeared in Trak. It crystallised around groups and circles, in contact but without organic links (1929-34), active in a frontist cadre, within the WatanI Party, then the al-Ahalf movement, as well as in the syndicates. It supported the coup d'etat of Bakr SidkT (October 1936), which pushed c lrak into the fore of popular anti-colonialism. Two ministers belonged to the frontist organisation of the Left which was created at his instigation. But long before the counter-coup of August 1937, the political and trade union dynamism of this left-wing "front" had subjected its members to stern repression. But these were also the years of the Spanish Civil War, launched from Spanish Morocco (July 1936),
SHUYU'IYYA with the active support of the "Fascist" powers (Germany, Italy, Portugal). The Communist International encouraged the formation of the International Brigades, in support of the Republic of the popular front. Some volunteers drawn from Arab communist parties participated. But for the first time, there was the prospect of inciting an insurrectional movement in the Franco-ist rearguard sector, in Morocco. Khalid Bakdash, on a mission for this purpose, taking advantage of the Moroccan contacts of a communist Jewish merchant of Oran, was obliged to familiarise himself with Maghrib! "specifications". On the eve of the Second World War, repression by the colonial authorities, direct or indirect, was applied both to radical nationalists and communists, the latter suffering to an even greater extent following the signing of the German-Soviet non-aggression pact (August 1939). 3. From the expansion of the 1940s to the "Cold War" period Besides criticising the hopes reposed in the victory of the Axis Powers by the majority of the nationalist leaders, the Arab communist parties, until the German attack on the Soviet Union (June 1941), declared themselves neutral in a war hitherto defined as inter-imperialist. Being pro-independence, the 'Iraki coup instigated by Rashfd cAlf al-Kaylanf (April-May 1941) [g.v.], recognised by the U.S.S.R., was supported. From the summer of 1941 (Near East) and the autumn of 1942 (Maghrib), the region passed under Allied control. Communist parties now declared in favour of participation in the war effort, victory of the democratic camp being presented as the guarantee of a concerted emancipation of the Arab peoples; this expectation was corroborated by the war aims announced at this time by the Allies, and by the relative freedom of action already conceded to the labour and trade union movement, as to the national movement. The limitations were illustrated by the FrancoLevantine crisis of November-December 1943, when the newly-elected parliaments in Lebanon and Syria decided to suppress all references to the French mandate, with the unanimous agreement of the political constituents. However, under pressure from the Allies, a compromise favourable to the national movement was implemented. The credibility of the Communist Parties "of Syria and of Lebanon" (separated into two national parties in January 1944) was thereby enhanced. Elsewhere, manifestos or programmes revealed the claims that were supposed to be satisfied in the aftermath of the war. A new Communist Party was constituted in Morocco (1943), composed of pre-war study groups and trade unionists. The question of membership of the International, dissolved the same year, did not arise. A heterogeneous party, it co-ordinated its action, in the same manner as that followed by the Parties of Algeria and Tunisia, with the P.C.F., which participated in General de Gaulle's provisional government in Algiers, seeing liberation of the French mainland as the overriding priority. But with the end of the war, determination to maintain imperial control, even with the concession of certain reforms, dashed these hopes. In the case of France, this was shown, in May-June 1945, by the suppression of the insurrection in the Algerian region of Constantine, the significance of which escaped the P.C.A., and then the bombardment of Damascus [see AL-SHAM. 2 (b)], the paradoxical effect of which was to be international recognition of the independence of Syria and of Lebanon. In the case of Britain, this was shown by pressure for the re-negotiation of treaties
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limiting the sovereignty of Egypt and Trak, and by the delays applied to the emancipation of her other possessions in the Near East. To this may be added the conditions in which the question of Palestine was to be resolved. In Palestine, the Arab communists, bolstered by the recruitment of intellectuals and of workers, had in 1943 constituted their own organisation influential amongst trade unionists (cUsbat al-Taharrur al-Watam). In common with the Jewish-dominated P.C.P., and not without debate, they accepted, in opposition to other elements of the Palestinian national movement and to the Arab League, the principle of the solution of Partition, agreed by the United Nations in November 1947. But what remained of the territory devolved to Arab Palestine was annexed by Jordan and by Egypt in the aftermath of the disastrous war launched by the Arab League in 1948. The majority of communists henceforward belonged to the Communist Party of Israel, while the minority who remained in Cis-Jordan contributed to the creation (1951) of the Jordanian Communist Party. In clrak, the Communist Party consolidated its organisation and its links with the national movement. The strikes and nationalist demonstrations of May 1946, then of 1948, directed against the British military presence and the conclusion of a new treaty, provoked a campaign of repression in the course of which the militants were treated with particular severity: three leading figures, including the secretary-general, were hanged in 1949. But martial law, in force until 1954, could not prevent the periodic recurrence of demonstrations and strikes. In Egypt, Marxist groups professing communism were re-established from 1942 onwards. But this was a result of the dispersion, the rivalry, most of all for the initiative and the control of the trade union movement. The principal poles were the HAMETHO (aliiaraka al-Misriyya li 'l-Taharrur al-Watam] of Henri Curiel and the group called al-Faajr al-Diadtd. Their unanimity of action, together with the Left of the Wafd, in the context of the National and Student Committee (February 1946) involved opposition to the re-negotiation of treaties with Britain. From the summer of 1946, repression was renewed. The state of emergency imposed by the Palestine war (1948-9) shackled a movement which, though still in existence, showed few signs of united purpose, with the single exception of projects concerning the trade unions. But the Free Officers, in power since July 1952, prohibited the holding of a congress which was supposed to address this issue. Principally through the influence of students educated in Cairo and in Beirut, new workers' groups or parties appeared in the Near East. Setting aside the case of Saudi Arabia (National Reform Front, 1953, becoming the National Liberation Front in 1958, then the Communist Party in 1975), this involved the British colonial region: Bahrayn (Djabhat al-Tahnr alWatam, 1955), Aden (al-Ittihad al-Shafbi al-Dimukrati, 1961), as well as Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. Here there was a direct filiation with the Egyptian HAMETHO, the title of which was borrowed at first (1946), with the qualification of "Sudanese"; it was from the outset in liaison with the nascent trade union movement, and was later to find support among the cotton farmers of the Djazfra; soon dubbed the Communist Party, its frontist orientations favoured effective independence (achieved in 1956) over the union of Sudan and Egypt which had once been envisaged. At a later stage, simultaneously with the reconstitution of the
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Egyptian Communist Party (1975), an Ittihad al-Shcfb appeared in Kuwait. 4. The test of practical application
The trajectory of these parties since the 1950s was influenced as much by common traits as by differences caused by the variability of national conditions, themselves related to the variability of regional and international contexts. Following the dissolution of the Communist International, there was no longer a centre for international co-ordination. The Information Bureau (Kominform), created in 1947 in response to the Truman Doctrine, was concerned, until its abolition in 1956, with the European communist parties. In the context of the Cold War, it nevertheless had an indirect influence outside Europe, in that it substituted for the theory of world revolution that of the campaign for peace, inseparable from the right of peoples to claim selfdetermination, to demand the removal of military bases installed in their territory and to denounce the military pacts binding their governments. While the extension of the "socialist system" in the world enlarged the field of reference, the Soviet Communist Party remained for Arab "communist and labour parties" the arbiter of "orthodoxies", to the point where the Stalinist "deviations", where they were acknowledged, were most often explained by the need to guard against the "intrigues" of the "imperialist camp". It was by this logic that in the "post-Stalinist" period the interventions in Hungary (1956), then in Czechoslovakia (1968) and in Afghanistan (1979) were to be supported and presented as a counter-balance to the interventions, rife at that time, of the other "camp" in the three "developing" continents. Finally, according to a tradition established from 1921 onwards, it was established that the diplomatic relations of the Soviet State, even when maintained with repressive Arab states, did not compromise the "proletarian internationalism" of the Soviet Communist Party, though it was a "Party-State". Among the conferences uniting elements of the "international labour movement" from 1957 onwards, that of 1960 had some significance for the region: it defined the "State of national democracy" as a form of progress towards socialism applicable to some of those countries which professed non-alignment and opted for a programme of economic and social development controlled by the public sector. Arab communist parties definitely participated in national struggles for liberation, sometimes armed (Algeria, South Arabian Federation), in movements of democratic opposition, sometimes in the form of civil war (Lebanon), paved the way for coups d'etat on the part of Free Officers claiming to represent national populism, while appealing to the ideology of Arab unity, or supported them once established. But, with the exception of Trak (1958) and Sudan (1969), the alliance fronts were de facto. Trade union affiliations to the C.I.S.L. permitted pro-western regimes of the Near East, as well as nationalist movements and regimes, to control the type of organisation of the masses which, being pluralist, constituted the principal power-base of communist parties. In certain cases of frontist experience (Sudan, 1969-71; Trak, 1958-63 and 1968-78), initial rivalry in the context of various forms of mass-organisation was followed by a seizure of political control by the dominant national party, corresponding to a renewal of repression, latent or violent, of the communist partners. In fact, phases of legality or semi-legality were to be brief. Only the experience of South Yemen (1967-90) avoided this pat-
tern: after a period of co-operation (1970 onwards), Arab nationalists in power, communists and Ba'thists, constituted a unified organisation (1975), preparatory to the creation of an "avant-garde" party (Yemeni Socialist Party, 1978), defined as an instrument of "national democracy with a socialist perspective". Internal debates mainly concerned questions of the definition of the nature of regimes and the characterisation of the strata of the bourgeoisie which controlled the dominant parties, and thus addressed the tactics of alliance, in partnership or opposition. Disagreements sometimes led to schisms and/or exclusions, according to a conception of "democratic centralism" asserted by old and new communist parties and justified by the imperatives of self-preservation during phases of repression and secrecy. These schisms were of only limited significance, except in Syria. Under the leadership of Kh. Bakdash, an Arab prototype of the Stalinist ruler in his methods and his personal cult, the P.C.S., declaring the primacy of Syrian over Lebanese land, considered the P.C.L. a subsidiary force, with the result that the latter decided in 1968 unilaterally to assert its independence. The following year, in the context of the Israeli-Arab conflict, disagreements over tactics and the role of the party emerged within the P.C.S. itself. Despite phases of compromise, the result of this was the existence at the start of the 1980s of five competing organisations, if one includes the faction of Riyad al-Turk, the leaders of which were imprisoned by the Bacth. Agreement on a programme of reunification, initiated in 1986, between the four other elements, was put into effect the following year by only three of them; the supporters of Bakdash dissociated themselves. Responses to the problem of relations with nationalist parties in power were different. Integration was sometimes envisaged, as a means of contributing towards the formulation and application of national charters. The Algerian Communist Party merged with the F.L.N. in 1964 and was subjected, with the Left of this party, to repression after the coup d'etat of Hawwarl Bumadyan (1965); it was relaunched in 1966 under the title of P.A.G.S. (Hizb al-Tallfa al -Ishtirald) and in the 1970s its militants were once more associated with the dynamisation of the mass movement, resulting from the more radical evolutions of the F.L.N. The same development took place in Egypt, in 1965; freed from detention camps, the militants of the Communist Party (unified in 1957) merged with the Arab Socialist Union. But in Sudan, the attempt to impose this model on the Communist Party, and its counter-proposal of a democratic front based on parity, led from 1970 onward to a split which was further aggravated when the C.P. supported the coup by Free Officers of July 1971, more sympathetic to its views, but crushed within a few days; the execution of its secretary-general and other leaders forced it to go underground. In Syria, then in Trak, it was the form of a progressive nationalist front under the hegemony of the dominant Bacth parties which was adopted. While it persisted in Syria, it remained a formal framework, whereas in 'Irak it was shattered when Bacthist control of the country was established; the repression which ensued, remarkable for its duration as well as the brutality of its measures, proved effective. Other types of front involved countries classed as pro-Western. In Morocco, the Communist Party, dissolved by judicial decree in 1960, twice changed its title (Party of Progress and Socialism since 1974); it shared, after 1975, in the consensus over the annexation of the formerly Spanish Sahara, opposed, pend-
SHUYU'IYYA ing public consultations, by the United Nations; it was included among the frontist structures of the legal democratic opposition. Other forms related to the continuation of the Israeli-Arab conflict of 1967. In Lebanon, a national and progressive front, inspired by the Progressive Socialist Party (P.S.P.) and the P.C.L., constituted as the central Political Council of the National Movement at the height of the civil war, united all parties and organisations opposed to the Christian Phalangists and favouring alliance with the P.L.O. In the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967, the communists of the West Bank, independent of the Jordanian C.P. from 1970 onward, then united with those of Gaza to form the P.C.P. (February 1982) and contributed, in partnership with the P.L.O., to the organisation of the internal political resistance which produced the Intifada, fighting to promote the preferred solution, that of a Palestinian state alongside that of Israel. But in both cases, this failed to be translated into concrete representation when legislative elections became possible. Arab unitary ideology has caused fewer problems, other than to prefer, rather than the organic form typified by the Syro-Egyptian union (1958-61), federal models which would preserve the democratic achievements of each participant. Since 1967, inter-Arab fronts, of varying durability, or conferences, have rallied parties and organisations, in power or not, around common Arab causes. Nasserite, Ba'thist, and "Arab nationalist" tendencies have competed all the more with the communists, whether during phases of opposition or of alliance, in that their structures, pyramidal and centralised, and their networks of mass-organisation are modelled on those of the Communist Party, with the difference that the first two of the abovementioned tendencies constitute most often the party in power. The same applies to debate, populist in tone but borrowing from Marxist dialectic, in varying proportions, much of its vocabulary. Trotskyite elements are marginal, the Maoists ephemeral. "New left" tendencies are represented rather by "Arab nationalist" organisations, open to united action on specific objectives with the communist parties. Compared with the pre-war period, when membership of Arab communist parties varied between a few hundred and a few thousand, recruitment over the last few decades has changed the position radically. Although figures for the Gulf Emirates are hard to acquire, elsewhere the total ranges from several thousand to several tens of thousands. In pre-war conditions, with the exception of brief texts, such as the Communist manifesto of Marx and Engels, translated in 1933 by Kh. Bakdash, few "classical" texts of Marxism were available in Arabic. From the 1940s onward, a sustained effort was begun in Egypt, giving precedence to the works of Stalin; this was later transferred to Lebanon and pursued in parallel with translations carried out in Moscow. The press was more regular, in its various forms of periodicity; in phases of illegality, cultural publications or the exploitation of more favourable conditions in neighbouring countries permitted the dissemination of journals, bulletins or reviews. Publishing houses, whether dependent on the communist parties or not, produced a growing number of works composed by Arab Marxists: memoirs of political or trade union leaders, but also works of economy, philosophy, history. It was around the theme of "patrimony" (turdth) that questions relating to religion were addressed. While the Muslim Brotherhood [see AL-IKHWAN AL-MUSLIMUN] was the object of polemic, the Sudanese Communist Party
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used references to the values of the past to encourage, against conservative prejudices, a militant and progressive Islam. In the same perspective, and especially after the Iranian Islamic revolution, forms of dialogue have been explored by the communist parties of the Near East with the object of establishing eventual convergences. These efforts have born little fruit. Political Islam, constituted on the basis of humanitarian associationism, encouraged in the 1980s by states as diverse as Egypt, Sudan, Algeria, Yemen and even Israel (in the case of Gaza) to compensate for suppressed democratic expectations, has become an implacable foe, not only of the communists, ostensibly those most affected, but of states themselves. 5. The implosion of the socialist system and since: revisions and redeployments During the second half of the 1980s, the evolutions of the socialist system, in particular of its Soviet "centre", were to demand reassessments of former theoretical and practical frameworks. In all parties the debate was vigorous, all the more so in that after a period of relative prosperity, the Arab world was experiencing an accumulation of crises: Egypt had abandoned the cause of confrontation with Israel; a new conflict had erupted between 'Irak and Iran; the abrupt decline in the price of oil neutralised to some extent the developmental benefits which nationalisations of this asset had been supposed to provide, initiating or exacerbating cycles of debt; and the crisis of democracy made itself felt in all states professing "national democracy" as an ideal or pragmatic solution. The Yemeni Socialist Party was itself torn by fratricidal struggles (January 1986). Soviet perestroika and "new political thought" were approached primarily in terms of their consequences for the Arab world. The equation between socialism and humanism was interesting, but disturbing in the extent to which the connection with the "class" perspective seemed to be abandoned, more particularly in terms of international relations. The end of the Cold War, for some, presented the possibility of a resolution of the Israeli-Arab conflict. Others were especially attentive to the setbacks of "real socialism" in central Europe, to the internal problems of the Soviet Union. The inability of the latter to establish a diplomatic solution of the clrakKuwait conflict and the scale of the resources mobilised by the military coalition in 1991, prefigured its implosion the same year. The new context, that of a new world order, unipolar and liberal, demanded that consideration of these issues, already embarked upon, should be made more systematical. The responses which emerged from the congresses held at this time, the products of open and contradictory debates, were to be diverse. In South Yemen, the ruling P.S.Y. had begun its own perestroika in 1988. Unification with North Yemen (1990) was thereby facilitated, in the context of progress towards a market economy and a multi-party system, agreed upon by the two single parties. The second political force in the country following the elections of 1993, the P.S.P., in partnership with minor parties, succeeded in enforcing a democratic and decentralised conception of constitutional reform (February 1994). But conflict over the application of these measures, the postponement of the merging of the armies of the two former states, led to confrontations which ultimately resulted in civil war. In this context, even recourse to a secession by the South could not save the P.S.Y. from destruction. In the majority of cases the "communist" label has been retained, the aspiration towards a society freed
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from the exploitation of man by man maintaining, for these parties, the motivating force of a "realist" Utopia. The long experience of "real socialism" and its downfall is a laboratory for the consideration of questions of strategy and tactics. These parties have, to varying degrees, democratised their structures and introduced new programmes more consistent with national, regional and international conditions. The principal objective is democracy, the target is "uninhibited liberalism", the instrument is frontist alliance. In the more repressive countries, alliances constituted in former times have been enlarged: within 'Irak and in conjunction with Iraki Kurdistan as regards the P.C.I, and the P.C.K.I. which has derived from it (1993); and in the Sudan, in the context of a national democratic alliance which embraces the southern resistance, as regards the P.C.S. Others have changed their titles and orientations. The decision of the Palestinian Communist Party to tranform itself into a People's Party (P.P.P.) was rather premature (October 1991); it defined the realisation of a Palestinian state, the objective of an entire people and not of a class, as the central task. In Algeria, the P.A.G.S. became in January 1993 the al-Tahaddt Party (of "challenge": an acronym of Takaddum, Tahdith and Dimukrdtiyya). In Tunisia, a party "of the Left", al-Taajdld, replaced the P.C.T. in April 1993. In these two countries, minorities dissociated themselves from these options, described by them as "social democratic". A further indication of these redeployments and revisions, the significance of which (in 1996) remains to be determined: the al-Nahdj., a periodical for the exchange of views among Arab communist parties (1983-91), then sub-titled Review of Marxism-Leninism in the Arab world, has appeared since 1994 under the subtitle Contribution to the clarification and implantation of rationalism. It is currently activated by an autonomous team of Near Eastern Marxists, some of them members of communist parties, others not.
Bibliography: M.S. Agwani, Communism in the Arab East, London 1969; H. Batatu, The old social classes and the revolutionary movements of Iraq, Princeton 1978; L. Bokova, Aux origines de la presse communiste arabe en Tunisie (1921-1922) (Analyse lexicale et conceptuelk), diss. Univ. of Paris VIII, 1981, unpubl; S. Botman, The rise of Egyptian Communism, 19491970, Syracuse, NY 1988; M. al-BudayiT, Tatawwur al-haraka al-ummaliyya al-carabiyya fi Filastin. Mukaddama ta3nkhiyya wa-madjmu'at wathd3ik, 1919-1948, Jerusalem 1979; W. Chaaban, L'apparition de la terminologie socialiste dans les textes arabes au Liban et en Syrie, 1871-1939, diss. Univ. of Paris I, 1987, unpubl.; C. Collot and J.-R. Henry, Le mouvement national algerien. Textes 1912-1954, Paris 1978; J. Couland, Un proces au Levant pendant la drole de guerre, in Origines et bilan de la Deuxieme Guerre mondiale (19391945), Paris 1970; idem, Le Parti communiste libanais, cinquante ans apres, in Maghreb-Mashrek (Paris), Ixviii (April-June 1975); idem, Regards sur I'histoire syndicale et ouvriere en Egypte, in R. Gallissot (ed.), Mouvement ouvrier, communisme et nationalismes dans le monde arabe, Paris 1978; idem, Une economie qui se cherche: la voie nationals democratique au Sud, in J. Chelhod (ed.), UArabie du Sud. Histoire et civilisation, Paris 1984, ii; idem with M.S. Giizel (eds.), Etat et mouvement ouvrier au Moyen-Orient, special issue of Sou'al (Paris), viii (February 1988) (published by GREMAMO of the U.R.A. 373 CNRS, Univ. of Paris VII); M. Dakrub, D}udhur al-sindydna al-hamrd\ Hikdyat nushu3 alhizb al-shuyucl al-lubndm, 1924-1931, Beirut 1984;
A. Greilsammer, Les communistes israeliens, Paris 1978; A. Gresh, Communistes et nationalistes au Proche-Orient: le cos palestinien depuis 1948, in Le mouvement communiste au Moyen-Orient, special issue of Communisme (Paris), vi (1984); H. al-Kazdaghll, Tatawwur alharaka al-shuyuciyya bi-Tunis (1919-1943), diss. Univ. of Tunis I, 1988, unpubl.; N.S. al-Kazimf, Musdhama fi ta'rikh al-haraka al-cummdliyya fi }l-clrdk hattd fdm 1958, Damascus 1991; S. Khayrf, Min ta'nkh alharaka al-thawriyya al-mucdsira fi 'l-'Irdk, i, Baghdad 1974, ii, Beirut 1980; W.Z. Laqueur, Communism and nationalism in the Middle East, London 1961; A. Moghith, Le marxisme en Egypte, diss. Univ. of Paris X, 1992, unpubl.; C. Palazzoli, Le Maroc politique, de independence a 1973. Textes, Paris 1974; H. Remaoun, Mouvement national revolutionnaire dans le monde arabe. Analyses et positions du mouvement communiste international (1955-1978), diss. Paris VII, 1982, unpubl.; M. Rodinson, Marxisme et monde musulman, Paris 1972; De Pythagore a Lenine. Des activismes ideologiques, Paris 1993; S. Schram and H. Carrere d'Encausse, Le marxisme et I'Asie 1853-1964, Paris 1965; M. al-Sharff, al-Shuyuciyya wa al-mas3ala alkawmiyya fi Filastin, 1919-1948, Beirut 1981; R. alSa£id, Ta'rikh al-haraka al-isjitirdkiyya fi Misr, 19001925, Beirut 1972; idem, al-Tasdr al-Misn, 1925-1940, Cairo 1972; idem, Ta'rikh al-muna^amdt al-yasdriyya al-misriyya, 1940-1950, Cairo 1976; idem, Muna^amdt al-yasdr al-misn, 1950-1957, Cairo 1983; idem, Ta'nkh al-haraka al-shuyuciyya al-misriyya., 1957-1965, Cairo 1986; G. Warburg, Islam, nationalism and communism in a traditional society. The case of Sudan, London 1978; See also publications of the parties concerned: collections of texts; memoirs of leading figures, congress and conference proceedings; periodicals, journals and bulletins. (J. COULAND)
2. Persia. The introduction of communist ideas in Persia was influenced by two events: the Constitutional Revolution of 1906-11 in Persia and the October 1917 Revolution in Russia. The first political party based on communist ideas was the Justice Party (Firka-yi 'Addlat), created in 1917 in Baku by a group of Persian workers. The Justice Party changed to the Communist Party of Iran (Firka-yi Komunist-i Iran) in its first Congress in 1920. Communist activities were subdued during Rida Shah's consolidation of power in the 1920s. The Party held its Second Congress only in 1927. Having moved closer to Moscow, the Congress described the 1921 coup as a British plot, denouncing Rida Shah [q.v.] as their appointee. In confronting the communists, however, Rida Shah passed a law in June 1931 banning all political organisations threatening the constitutional monarchy or advocating collectivist ideas using the Arabic term ishtirdkiyya "socialism". The next communist phase was in the 1930s-1940s. Dr. Takf Aram's Marxist group and the Tudeh (Tuda) Party were its most prominent features. The strategies of the first and second communist phases indicated some differences. The latter put greater emphasis on the spread of Marxist and communist ideology among the intellectuals, while the former focused on workers. Similarly, party activists of the second phase were predominantly Persian-speaking intelligentsia of Tehran in contrast to the first phase dominated by Persian immigrants in the Soviet Union. Open political activity came to a halt once again in 1937 with the arrest of the "fifty-three", including Aram. They were found guilty of forming a clandestine ishtirdki organisation outlawed by the 1931 law.
SHUYUTYYA World War II and Rida Shah's abdication in 1941 helped create a more open political atmosphere. On their release in September 1941, a group of younger members of the "fifty-three" launched the Hizb-i Tudayi Iran ("Party of the Iranian Masses"), which became one of the most significant political forces in Iran after its inception. The Party refrained from using "communist" in its title for several reasons, one of which was the 1931 law. Another reason was Soviet war-time interests, which discouraged the Parry's open identification with communism. Furthermore, communism as an ideology was unknown to the masses whose support the party aimed for. In its manifesto, the Tudeh accordingly stood for democracy, independence from foreign imperialism and loyalty to the Constitution. The Party produced its first provisional programme in February 1942. Unlike other secular movements, the Tudeh adopted a broad programme to attract a wider spectrum of supporters and avoid antagonising the clergy (culamd}}. It rapidly established itself as the largest political party, with a structure, policy, and countrywide organisation. In 1943 it succeeded in having nine of its fifteen candidates elected to the fourteenth Madj.lis. Another Tudeh achievement was organising labour groups in industrial cities, including Abadan, especially among its oil workers, Isfahan, Ahwaz and Rasht. In 1944-5, the party continued to grow, enabling it to gather crowds estimated as large as those of pro-constitution rallies in 1906. With these successes, the Tudeh held its First Party Congress in August 1944 to approve the party programme. The growth of the Party continued, reaching its peak in August 1946 when three of its members were given ministerial posts in the Prime Minister Kawam alSaltana's cabinet. The Party's successes, at least in the northern regions, was at least in part due to the support of the occupying Red Army. The Tudeh's fortunes began to change from the autumn of 1946 onwards, when Kawam al-Saltana's government limited party activities. This helped party dissidents to force changes, including a debate on the sensitive issue of relations with the Soviet Union. One of their criticisms was over the party's pro-Moscow policy (the Tudeh had organised a mass meeting in October 1944 against the government's refusal to grant an oil agreement to Moscow). Internal divisions, howeVer, led to the moderate faction, including Khalfl c ^\likf and other intellectuals, to leave the party in 1947. Although free from dissidents, the Tudeh was soon banned under the 1931 law after the declaration of martial law in 1948. This forced the party underground, only to re-emerge in 1951 at the height of the Prime Minister Mossadeq's campaign for oil nationalisation [see MUSADDIK]. This phase also came to an end with the August 1953 coup against Mossadeq's government (the Tudeh's refusal to intervene has since been blamed as a factor helping the success of the coup). Between 1953 to 1958, the re-installed Muhammad Rida Shah [q.v.] began dismantling the Tudeh by arresting and executing party members. By the mid1960s, the Shah completed the process of controlling the political arena to such an extent that no independent organisation survived. This, along with the experiences of China, Vietnam, Cuba and Algeria, encouraged the emergence of underground socialist and revolutionary movements. A distinct feature of these movements was their general support for armed struggle. Most prominent among these groups were the Marxist Fida'iyym, the Islamic Mudjahidm, the
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Kurdish Democratic Party Paykar (separated from Mudjahidin and adopting Maoist views), The Workers' Road, and the Kurdish Komoleh guerrillas. These organisations, rather than the traditional leftist or centrist opposition, represented the anti-regime opposition in the 1960s and 1970s. The most effective organisations in influencing youth in the 1970s and in breaking the back of the state during the 1977-8 revolutionary process were the Marxist Fida'iyyfn or the Iranian Peoples' Guerrilla Freedom Fighters, and the Islamic Mudjahidm or the Organisation of the Iranian Peoples' Freedom Fighters. The latter presented a revolutionary interpretation of Islam sometimes inaccurately referred to as "Islamic Marxism". The year 1978-9 was a watershed, since for the first time after the 1950s the left, including the Tudeh party, could organise and act openly. Nonetheless, the era of revolutionary solidarity and political openness, or perhaps anarchy, was short lived. The first test came in March 1979 when the provisional government called a referendum on future political systems, limiting the choice between the monarchy and the "Islamic Republic". Having declared support for the clergy's leadership, the Tudeh participated in the referendum in favour of the Islamic Republic. The Mudjahidm also supported the referendum, but the Fida'iyyfn boycotted it. Despite the support from it, the regime targeted Tudeh activists in 1983, putting its leaders on public trial, where they confessed to the party's "betrayal" of the "Iranian masses". The other major revolutionary force, the Mudjahidm, went into open confrontation with the Islamic Republic from 1981 onwards, in collusion with the then president Ban! Sadr. The regime succeeded in overcoming this threat, driving the organisation into exile in Paris. The regime's brutal confrontation and the Mudjahidfh's decision to move its headquarters to 'Irak in the midst of the Iran-clrak war in the 1980s have helped discredit the organisation. The Marxist Fida'iyyfn went through a serious internal crisis after the revolution, leading to a split in 1981. One section, known as the Majority, adopted similar policies to the Tudeh and joined it. The other, known as the Minority, rejected dictatorship of the proletariat, insisting on nationalism and supporting coalitions within the framework of bourgeois pluralism. The last prominent organisation to note is the Kurdish Democratic Party led by Dr. cAbd al-Rahman Kasimlu. With its socialist orientation and support for Kurdish nationalist rights, the Party remains the most important political organisation among Iranian Kurds. From the late 1980s, the government began discussions with Kasimlu. They were halted in 1989 with Kasimlu's assassination in Geneva during their last round of negotiations. The 1990s thus witnessed a general decline in the activities of the communist, socialist or Marxist groups. The absence of an open political arena and the diminished contemporary state of international socialism, have both contributed to this decline. Bibliography: S. Zabih, The Communist movement in Iran, Berkeley, etc. 1966; F. Buell, Communism in Iran, Washington, D.C. 1968; E. Abrahamian, Iran between two revolutions, Princeton 1982, 281-375; Zabih, The Left in contemporary Iran, Stanford 1986; £ Abd Allah Burhan, Birdha, Tehran 1368/1989, 1325; Hamfd Shawkat, Nigahi az damn bi^unbish-i cap-i Iran, Paris 1368/1969; Burhan, Siydsat wa sazman-i hizb-i Tuda, Tehran 1370/1991, 262-73; Kawan Bayat, Facdliyyat-hd-yi Komunistl dar dawra-yi
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Rida Shah, Tehran 1370/1991; Diva' al-Dm Alamutl, Fusuli az tdnkh-i mubdrazat-i siydsi wa iajtimd'iyi Iran, Tehran 1370/1991, 277-80, 343-441; EIr art. Communism, i-iii, with exhaustive bibls. (ZiBA MOSHAVER) 3. In Turkey. Communism has been a far weaker force in Turkey than in several other Muslim countries. This may partly be explained by the Turks' attachment to Islam, but more particularly by their hostility to Russia (especially during the Cold War) and the constant infighting between rival leftist groups. Between 1918 and 1920 no less than three parties of Marxist orientation were set up in the nascent Turkish state. These were linked to an underground Communist Party, allied to Moscow, and led by Dr. §efik Hiisnii [Degmer]. To add to the confusion, an official Communist Party was set up on the initiative of Mustafa Kemal [Atatiirk] in October 1920, in which several of the leading members of his government were enrolled. However, all these groups were closed down in 1925, following the suppression of the Kurdish rebellion led by §eyh Sait. The Communist Party continued an underground existence, mainly abroad, under Degmer's leadership, until 1946, when two legal socialist parties were established, only to be officially dissolved at the end of the year. Leadership of the Turkish Communist Party was then taken over by Zeki Ba§timar, who was succeeded by Ismail Bilen. During the Cold War, the party served as the orthodox voice of Soviet communism: it was based in eastern Europe and had virtually no support base in Turkey itself. Within Turkey, leftist groups came out into the open again after the coup of 27 May 1960. Several more or less Marxist parties were established during the 1960s, of which the most successful was the Turkish Workers' Party (Tiirkiye I$$i Partisi), led by Mehmet Ali Aybar. However, this split apart in 1968, and was suppressed by the military-dominated regime of 1971-3. During the 1970s a plethora of revolutionary Marxist parties and terrorist organisations emerged, but these were all suppressed by the military government of 1980-3. Since then, Turkish communism has effectively withered away, except for sporadic terrorist attacks by small ultra-leftist organisations. With the collapse of the communist regimes of eastern Europe, the Turkish Communist Party has also ceased to exist. Bibliography: G.S. Harris, The origins of Communism in Turkey, Stanford 1967; Aclan Sayilgan, Solun 94yih, 1871-1965, Ankara 1968; I.P. Lipovsky, The socialist movement in Turkey, 1960-1980, Leiden 1992. (W. HALE) SIAK SRI INDRAPURA [see SUMATRA]. SIALKOT [see SIYALKUT]. SIBAK [see FARAS]. SlBAWAYHI, pioneer Arabic g r a m m a r i a n , the author of a single, untitled work, known only as fatab Slbawayhi and acknowledged as the founding text of Arabic grammatical science. All else, his name, origins, dates and originality, is uncertain, Slbawayhi having died too young and too far away from the cultural centres of clrak to establish himself in the scholarly biographical tradition. 1. Life and teachers. (a) Life. Sibawayhi's name is usually given as Abu Bishr cAmr b. eUthman b. Kanbar, mawld of Banu Harith b. Ka'b Srbawayhi. Humbert (1995, 3-8) discusses the many variants and argues persuasively that the full name arose from the need to fill the vacuum in the "onomastic chain". In practice, he is never
called anything but Slbawayhi, explained by folk etymology as Persian for "Apple fragrance" or even "30 scents", though actually a nickname, Seboe "Little Apple" (Noldeke, apud Brockelmann, I, 100). He is said to have been born in al-Bayda', Shiraz, of Persian parents, and to have died aged between 32 and "40odd" years old, probably in Fars. An approximate death date of 180/796 can be inferred: Srbawayhi died before Yunus (182/798), and al-Khalrl died between 160/776-7 and 175/791, before the Kitdb was written down. At some time, he came to Basra to study dthdr, i.e. the Hadith, or more explicitly jurisprudence (fikh). This is important for the early history of grammar, and supplies the topos in which Srbawayhi is humiliated into studying grammar by his linguistic ineptitude in the presence of Hammad b. Salama [q.v.]. The other notorious incident in Sfbawayhi's career also involves his humiliation, this time by al-Kisa°T [q.v], in a debate called al-Mas'alat al-zunburiyya after its theme, the syntax of kuntu agunnu anna 'l-cakraba ashaddu lascatan min al-zunburi fa-idhd huwa hiya or idhd huwa iyydhd. Al-KisaJI wins by bribing some Bedouin to support his position, and Srbawayhi goes off and dies of grief, consoled, some say, by a payment of 10,000 dirhams solicited for him by al-Kisa1!. (b) Teachers. Nineteen names are mentioned: (i) seven traditionally identified by the biographers as teachers of Srbawayhi, and (ii) twelve connected with him in other ways, (i) (1) cAbd Allah b. Abl Ishak [q.v., also Sezgin, GAS, ix, 36-7], d. 117/735 or 127/745, cited 7 times (see Troupeau, Lex.-index). (2) clsa b. £Umar [q.v., also GAS, ix, 37-9], d. 149/766, 20 times. (3) Abu £Amr b. al-cAlaJ, d. 154/771 (GAS, ix, 40-2), 57 times. (4) Harun al-Kari' (GAS, ix, 43-4), d. 170/786, 5 times. (5) Abu '1-Khattab al-Akhfash [q.v., also GAS, ix, 48-9], d. 157/773-4,"58 times. (6) Yunus b. Habib (GAS, viii, 57-8; ix, 49-50) d. 183/799-800, 217 times. (7) al-Khalll b. Ahmad [q.v., also GAS, viii, 51-6, ix, 44-8], d. at the latest 175/791-2, cited by name 608 times. (ii) Other names appearing in the Kitdb but not considered as teachers in the biographies (cf. Humbert, 1995, 9-14): (8) Abu Murhib, untraced, cited once. (9) Ibn Mas'ud, the Companion [q.v.], d. 32/652-3, 3 times. (10) Mudjahid [q.v., also GAS, viii, 22], d. 104/722, once. (11) al-Acradj (GAS, ix, 34-5), d. 117/735, 3 times. (12) al-Hasan [al-Basri] [q.v., also GAS, ix, 44], d. 110/728, twice. (13) Abu Rabf'a (GAS, viii, 29), d. ca. 170/786, once. (14) Ibn Marwan, cf. Carter, in REI, xliv, 75, n. 2 (Troupeau has Ibn Marwan once as a grammarian and a Marwan alNahwf separately as a poet). (15) al-Asmacf [q.v., also GAS, viii, 71-6, ix, 66-7], d. 213/828,' twice. (16) alAkhfash [al-Awsat] [q.v. and see below], once. The preface of a Kitdb manuscript recopied by Ibn Kharuf (d. 605-10/1206-13) lists twelve masters, the seven traditional names and five more, two already known, Ibn Marwan and al-Asmacf, and three new names. (17) Abu Zayd al-Ansarl [q.v.9 also GAS, viii, 76-80, ix, 67-8], d. 215/830. (18) Abu cUbayda [q.v., also GAS, viii, 67-71, ix, 65-6], d. 207/822 or 213/828. (19) al-Lihyanl, who may be the one mentioned by Abu '1-Tayyib, Mardtib, 89-90 (Humbert, 12). All but three can be eliminated on technical or historical grounds as possible influences on Slbawayhi (cf. Humbert, 10-12, Versteegh, 1993, 161-3). Only c lsa b. 'Urnar, Yunus and al-Khalfl were close enough chronologically and intellectually to play a role in the creation of Slbawayhi's grammatical system. Of two works credited to clsa, nothing survives but a flat-
SIBAWAYHI tering reference by al-Mubarrad (Abu '1-Tayyib, Mardtib2, 46; Ibn al-Anbari, Nuzha, ed. Amer, 15, says he has never seen a copy nor heard of anyone who has). Tsa died well before Slbawayhi and is only a shadowy presence in the Kitab, usually quoted indirectly; he may have furnished information in a similar way to Yunus and al-Khalfl but on a much smaller scale. We return to Yunus and al-Khalfl below. 2. Grammatical background and origins. The only reliable source of information about primitive grammar or what we might call "protogrammarians" is the Kitab itself. Versteegh's invaluable survey of early Tafsir (1993) demonstrates that no matter what was said about language in this period (and the subject could hardly fail to arise!), it did not reach the level of a mature theory of language with an appropriate scientific vocabulary and methodology. (a) Foreign origins. There have been attempts to trace the origins of Arabic grammar to external influences, principally Greek, via Syriac [see NAHW]. The Greek hypothesis achieves a major restatement about every hundred years, beginning with the not very-widely consulted Hasse (1788), after which the baton passes to Merx (1889), then Rundgren (1976) and Versteegh (1977). All these assume that Arabic grammar could not have evolved out of the resources of Arab-Islamic culture and that various systematic and terminological features of Arabic grammar point to Greek models. There are no texts or circumstantial evidence for exchanges between Syriac scholars and early Arab grammarians, and the Greek case is essentially post hoc ergo propter hoc. The most important testimony, a logical work attributed to Ibn al-Mukaffac [q.v.], bears the taint of inauthenticity (it might be by his son), and contains almost nothing of relevance. The main weakness of the Greek hypothesis, however, is that it explains so little of the grammar in the Kitab. An Indian origin has been proposed for phonological theory, argued confidently by Danecki and equally firmly refuted by Law. Lack of documents and circumstantial evidence again undermine the case, coupled with insufficient symmetry between the systems. (b) Indigenous origins. The traditional narrative ascribing the invention of grammar to Abu '1-Aswad alDu'alf [q.v.], thence through generations of scholars up to and beyond Sfbawayhi, has an inner coherence which corresponds well to the likely stages in the growth of linguistic consciousness, responding to the increasing volatility of Arabic and the need for a definitive form of the text upon which the new Islamic civilisation now depended. But this neither caused, nor can it explain, Sfbawayhi's grammatical system. Extensive similarities between legal reasoning and the grammar of the Kitab (cf. Carter, in REI, xliv, 86-91) encourage the hypothesis that Sfbawayhi found his inspiration in law. We are not told how he got his legal training, but after the incident with Hammad b. Salama he "went off and attached himself to the maajlis of al-Akhfash with Ya'kub al-Hadramf and alKhalll and the rest of the nahwiyyun" (al-ZadjdjadjI, Maajdlis, 155): in other words, of the leading authority on Arabic, a major Reader, sundry "grammarians" (if such they were, see below), and the older man who would later preserve his work. He thus remained within the philological tradition implied by the conventional histories: Kur'an, secular language and early systematisation, with the future disciple alAkhfash having the seniority to act as host for this astonishingly fertile gathering of minds. (c) Grammar before Slbawayhi. The Kitab reflects contemporary grammatical thinking very clearly though
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not always precisely. Three themes are important here: (i) the Kitab as evidence for early "Schools" of grammar, (ii) the "nahwiyyun" and (iii) the debt to specific masters named in the Kitab. (i) Schools. If you believe that grammar only reached its scientific perfection through Slbawayhi, then the existence of "Schools" before him is inconceivable. Darwinism is not found before Darwin. Baalbaki (Stud. Ar. et Isl, 24) detects the roots of the famous "Basran" and "Kufan" dichotomy already in the Kitab, and Talmon (in BSOAS, xlviii) identifies a "MedFnan School" on the basis of three references in the Kitab and other later evidence, adding for good measure the names of two Meccan "grammarians" prior to Slbawayhi. Nothing is known about their grammatical opinions, however, except for Ibn Marwan, whose dispute with Abu cAmr is reported in the Kitab (Talmon, in JAOS, civ), and no significant interpretative benefits arise from reducing the inevitable conflicts of opinion among these early figures to a system of "Schools". (ii) The nahwiyyun. This word (always plural) occurs 20 times in the Kitab referring to an anonymous group of participants in the grammatical debate. Their anonymity is disputed by Talmon (in £AL, viii), who also argues that the nahwiyyun were highly sophisticated thinkers. From the way Slbawayhi cites them, however, one must conclude that he regarded their grammatical reasoning as inferior; in most of the exchanges he either rejects or severely criticises them, e.g. [*actahum] is incorrect, not said by the Arabs, but the nahwiyyun have created it "by analogy (kdsuhu)" (i, 383/i, 335). It seems unlikely that Slbawayhi saw himself as one of the nahwiyyun, which raises a delicate question: who, then, were the real "grammarians"? Slbawayhi had no name for "grammar" as such, which was eventually called nahw on the assumption that this was what the nahwiyyun were doing in the Kitab. (iii) Specific masters. Slbawayhi drew directly and indirectly upon the knowledge of several informants and scholars, but only Yunus and al-Khalfl were intimately involved with the creation of the Kitab (see below on al-Akhfash). Yunus is mentioned 217 times, and although his exact role is difficult to pin down, Sfbawayhi disagrees with him more often and more conspicuously than with al-Khalll. For example, he is particularly severe on Yunus's claim that rain kuddam™ should be vocalised rain kudddma: "that is one way of speaking, although no Arab actually ever says it" hddhd madhhabm ilia annahu laysa yakuluhu ahadm rnin al-cArab (ii, 47/ii, 43). Even though Slbawayhi occasionally sides with Yunus against al-Khalfl (e.g. on the truncated vocative yd kadi against al-KhahTs y& kadi, ii, 289/ii, 315), Yunus tends to hold views which do not fit into Slbawayhi's scheme. Al-Khalfl is quoted by name or by implication (sa'altuhu, etc.) on almost every page of the Kitab and was clearly an inexhaustible source of data and theoretical inspiration for Slbawayhi. Reuschel confines Slbawayhi's role to merely organising what al-Khalfl taught him, a position which it is as difficult to refute as to accept. Fischer is at the other pole; having examined the discarded phonological terminology of al-Khalfl preserved by al-KhwarazmI, he concludes that al-Khalfl was mainly a "morphophonologist" and may well have been unaware of the basic principles of Slbawayhi's grammar. Danecki even argues that al-KhalfPs phonological ideas were primitive in comparison with those of Slbawayhi. All this accords with
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SlBAWAYHI
the biographical constant that al-Khahl is usually titled "the Prosodist" (Sahib al-(arud) and also recognised as the founder of lexicography, while Slbawayhi's association with the creation of grammar is not seriously challenged. What stands out is al-Khalil's interest in the following: (i) compound syntactic units functioning as single words (the terms muntahd }l-ism and tamam al-ism are associated with al-Khalil, e.g. i, 350/i, 306), (ii) the principle that a speaker who begins an equational sentence is obliged to finish it with a predicate (e.g. i, 394/i, 346), (iii) the role of the listener's knowledge (i, 453/i, 403), (iv) the relationship between frequency and elision (e.g. i, 143/i, 120). But Srbawayhi does not always agree with al-Khalfl, e.g. i, 181/i, 151, where hddha raajulm akhu zaydm intended to mean "this is a man [like] Zayd's brother" is labelled "incorrect and weak" (kabih wa da'if). A genius is known by the questions he asks, as has been said already of al-Khalil (Braunlich, in Islamica, ii, 61), and Slbawayhi's questions, no matter how much he depended on his teachers for the answers, were inspired by a concept of language that was at best only latent in al-Khalil's intuitive and unsystematic perception. 3. The contents of the Kitdb. The following is a summary of the repertoire of ideas which all subsequent grammar exploited and still exploits. (a) Arrangement. Although a large work (printed editions are more than 900 pages), the order of the material and the internal cross-references reveal an unmistakable plan. The Kitab begins with seven introductory chapters (probably the same as a Risdla attributed to Srbawayhi which forms the core of alZadjdjadjf 's al-Iddh), after which Srbawayhi deals with Arabic grammar in the order syntax, morphology, and phonology. The "Risdla" is as close as we come to an orderly statement of Slbawayhi's linguistic presuppositions (or postulates, as Suleiman, in JSS, xxxv, 258 would have it). It is perhaps an exaggeration to say that "Sibawayhi never explicitly states the basic theoretical principles on which he works" (Bohas/Guill./Koul, 33), but he is certainly casual about it. Nevertheless it is from these introductory sections that we learn there are three parts of speech, two discrete sets of vowels and inflections, a number of internal hierarchies (see below), a fundamental subject-predicate structure, an assortment of lexical, semantic and phonological accidents such as synonymy, polysemy, elision and substitution, a group of formal and semantic criteria and a range of non-standard phenomena permitted only in poetry. (b) Data. The object of study is kaldm "speech", i.e. every speech act (including Kur'an and poetry) which fulfils the criteria of structural and semantic adequacy. Kaldm does not imply any particular length or number of constituents (cf. Talmon, in £DMG, cxxxviii, 80-8), still less anything as specific as "sentence" (only later termed dj.umla), and may also denote "prose" in contrast with "poetry" but not exclusively (Ivanyi, Proceedings, 210-12). Data are of three kinds, the Kur'an, poetry and the usage of the "Arabs", i.e. the Bedouin, and are adduced in one of these three forms or in the familiar symbolic representations of the type zaydm darabtuhu. Ivanyi has tabulated the introductory formulae indicating Slbawayhi's estimate of the data's authenticity. Although the Kur'an is stated to have been sent down "in the speech of the faithful" (cald kaldm al-cibdd, i, 167/i, 139) Srbawayhi did not give linguistic priority to Kur'anic usage, nor is there any hint of a doctrine of i'ajaz [g-v.] at this stage. He is aware of the various kira'at and not always in favour
of certain Readings (Baalbaki, in %AL, xv; Brockett), but avoids embroiling himself in doctrinal implications. Poetry (1,056 lines, Djumca, 116, from 231 poets in 26 tribes, ibid., 14) was originally quoted without attribution. Traditionally, it was al-Djarml who counted 1,050 verses and added the names except for 50 he could not identify (but see Djum'a, 214). Only three contemporary poets, Aban al-Lahikl, Bashshar b. Burd and Khalaf al-Ahmar are quoted, and all three citations are suspect. As with the Kur'an, poetic data have no priority over the Bedouin Arabic, but Srbawayhi acknowledges that poetic usage may differ from prose, usually dialect features which were not adopted into standard Arabic. Proverbial expressions (mathal) are recognised as non-productive (e.g. i, 24/i, 18). Surprisingly little Hadith material is quoted in the Kitab: there are a few fragments identifiable as Hadiths, and the famous kullu mawlud1" yuladu 'aid }l-Jitri, etc. is found in i, 396/i, 348. But the Prophet Muhammad is nowhere mentioned in the Kitdb, and even Hadiths are introduced as if they were part of ordinary speech, e.g. by kawluhum (cf. 'Udayma, 762; Hadlthl 1980, 59). The ideal language is what Srbawayhi calls "good old Arabic" al-lugha }l-carabiyya 'l-kadima '1-dj.ayyida (ii, 424/ii, 474), i.e. HidjazI (al-hi&dziyya hiya 'l-lugha 'l-uld 'l-kudmd (ii, 41/ii, 37). Levin (in JSAI, xvii) shows that Srbawayhi made his own enquiries of the Bedouin as well as relying on second-hand evidence. It is also significant (ibid., 235) that Srbawayhi contrasts the artificial constructs of the nahwiyyun with the natural usage of Bedouin informants and urges speakers to follow only the "Arab" way. His dismissal of some Bedouin usages as "incorrect" (ibid., 236) has important theoretical implications, likewise the idea that the reasons for a usage can be lost, e.g. why some proper names have alif-ldm (i, 268/i, 228, perhaps from al-Khalil). These three kinds of data and their representations in model utterances are the evidence for the "way" correct Arabic is spoken (writing is marginal, though the Kitdb does mention the formula for beginning letters, ammd ba'du, i, 470/i, 418). Slbawayhi's word for "way" is usually nahw, e.g. sa-tard hddhd 'l-nahwa ji kaldmihim "you will see this way [of speaking] in their speech" (i, 243/i, 207), but he also uses the synonyms sabil, tonka, madhhab, wadjh, modern, occasionally even sunna and sharc. He therefore treats kaldm as a set of acts judged pragmatically by motive, structure and communicative effectiveness, not as a set of logical propositions judged by semantic content and falsifiability. Truth and falsehood are irrelevant: kaldm is evaluated (i, 7/i, 7) in terms of its structural correctness, as (ethically) "good" hasan or "bad" kabih, i.e. well-formed or ill-formed (with synonyms ajamil, radi3, etc.), and by its communicative effectiveness, as (ethically) "right" mustaktm (compare nahw with sirdt, sunna). Incomprehensible speech is "wrong" muhdl, i.e. perverted. Communicative success or failure are absolute, but structural correctness may be graded, ahsan, aajwad etc. Speech may even be mustaktm kabih, i.e. making sense though structurally incorrect (especially in poetry), but is normally only "permissible", dja'iz, if it is structurally complete, yahsun al-sukut calayhi, and semantically self-sufficient, mustaghnl. (c) General principles. Kaldm itself is segmented in two ways, into word classes and word positions. There are only three formal categories, ism, ficl and harf did3a limafnd [q.vv.]. Not too much distortion results from equating ism with "noun" and^7 with "verb", although "verb" is far closer to the Greek rhema with its implications of "predicate" than the Arabic Jicl, which
SlBAWAYHI means simply "[word denoting] an act". But the definition of harf did3 a li-macnd assumes a knowledge of Sfbawayhi's concept of word position or mawdi'. Mawdi' "place", more fully mawdi'fi 'l-kaldm "place in speech" is Sfbawayhi's term for the position in which a speech element is used (cf. the notion of "function" in Western linguistics). In this sense, mawdi' is simply taken over from ethical terminology, where it commonly denotes the "place" of an act as determining its goodness or badness (cf. Ibn al-Mukaffa' and the early jurists). Each mawdi' represents a specific linguistic act, thus mawdi' al-nidd3 is "the place for calling", realised by the word yd expressing the meaning ma'nd [q.v.] of that act, viz. ma'nd 'l-nidd3 "the meaning of calling". This brings us back to harf, which, unlike the noun or verb, is formally and semantically unclassifiable and can only be defined by what the speaker does with it, hence yd is harf nido? "a particle of calling", i.e. used to perform an act whose meaning is "calling". The general definition of harf is implicitly harf djd^a li-ma'nd 'V, where "x" is one of the seventy or so linguistic acts identified by Sfbawayhi as a mawdi'/ma'nd, all denoted by verbal nouns exactly as in fkh. Every particle is defined in this way: Id = harf [d^d'a li-ma'nd] 'l-najy, in = harf [dj.d^a li-ma'nd] 'l-shart and so on. It follows that Sfbawayhi has little time for lexical meaning, since merely explaining one word by another leads to infinite regression (ii, 312/ii, 339). The correlative of mawdi' is manzila, and just as mawdi' connotes function and syntagmatic features, so manzila represents status on the paradigmatic axis. Thus two elements from different form classes, if they have the same status, manzila., may occur in the same function, mawdi', e.g. the particle ma in Hidjazf usage has the status of the verb laysa (i, 27/i, 22). A third term in this set, mawki', denotes simply the occurrence of an element in the string without regard to its function: compare li-kdna mawdi' dkhar "kdna has another place" (i, 21/i, 16), i.e. "there is another way to use kdna", with lam Id yaka'u ba'dahd fa'ala "fa'ala never occurs after lam" (i, 457/i, 407, and cf. Versteegh, in Arabica, xxv). Consequent on all this is the principle, often raised by al-Khalfl and fully exploited by Sfbawayhi, that compound units may have the status of a simple element and so be substitutable for it. The Kitdb identifies a number of units with the manzila of a "single noun" (ism wdhid), such as noun + adjective, annexed nouns, demonstrative + noun, categorical Id + noun, anna + noun, relative clause and antecedent, ayy + relative clause, an + subordinate verb, idhan + verb, verb + agent pronoun suffix, and verb + preposition. Levin's suggestion (Studies in Isl hist.} that kalima in the Kitdb is (with Levin's own reservations) partially equivalent to "morpheme" is illuminating, but the relationship between kalima and ism wdhid needs further exploration. Manzila also implies a hierarchy, since the range of an element's forms and functions depends on its status. For instance, the verbal status of the "five particles" inna, anna etc., allows them to operate on nouns and give them dependent (nasb) form in the same way as 'ishruna has verbal status and effect, but none of them have the paradigmatic freedom (tasarruf) of verbs (i, 279/i, 241). The system accommodates several hierarchies, most of which are set out in the introductory paragraphs of the Kitdb and have been collected by Baalbaki (in %AL, ii). They include the priority of nouns over verbs, singular over dual and plural, masculine over feminine, indefinite over definite, simpler word patterns over more complex, "lighter" vowels
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over "heavier", mahmusa consonants over madj.hura. Sfbawayhi also regards time as closer to verbs and place to nouns (i, 16/i, 12). None of this violates the linearity of nahw: a speech element can only occur in the "chaine parlee" (Martinet), and its status determines its place(s) in the chain just as civil rank determines the place(s) of an individual in society. The symmetry and coherence of Sfbawayhi's grammar are assured by kiyds "analogy" [q.v.], which unifies linguistic practice through structural similarities and enables the generation of new utterances. Sfbawayhi's use of kiyds has been compared with early juridical arguments and Baalbaki (Misc.) shows how the mechanisms of analogical reasoning are all there, even if the formal terminology is lacking. Gwynne has examined a fortiori arguments in the Kitdb and concluded that this kind of reasoning passed from law to grammar, then directly to theology. For Sfbawayhi, it was the speakers who made analogies: "they sometimes liken one thing to another, even if they are not alike in all respects" (i, 93/i, 77, using shabbahd). His readers are told to do the same: fa-'ald hddhd fa-kis hddhd 'l-nahwa "so make analogies on this for this way [of speaking]" (ii, 163/ii, 167, note kdsa in the context of nahw), but he also warns against analogical extension of non-standard forms: Id yanbaghi laka an takisa 'aid al-shddhdh "you should not base analogies on anomalies", i, 398/i, 351. There is a conspicuous pragmatism in Sfbawayhi, no doubt inspired by al-Khalfl. As well as a speaker, mutakallim, there is always a listener, mukhdfab, who determines whether an utterance is "right", mustakim, or "wrong", muhdl, though not its structural correctness. The listener's knowledge is a decisive factor in elision, and can also affect other choices of the speaker: as well as marartu bi-rajulayni muslimm wa-kdfirm a speaker may say muslimun wa-kdfirm "as if answering the question 'who were they?' ... even if the listener does not say anything, for the speaker's words will go according to what you might have asked him" (i, 214/i, 182). Psychological and contextual explanations are frequently offered (cf. Buburuzan) and there is even a hint at the concept of body-language (i, 279/i, 240). (d) Syntax. The primary purpose of speech is the making of statements, and the grammarian's task is to account for "the actions performed by the speaker in order to construct a linguistic sequence appropriate to his specific intended meaning" (Guillaume, in Hist. Ep. Lang., viii, 53). For Sfbawayhi, each act is normally realised as a binary unit, with one active element, the 'dmil [q.v.] "operator" and one passive, the ma'mulfihi "operated on", and the effects of that 'amal "operation" appear as an explicit or implicit variation in the word-ending i'rdb [q.v]. Thus the act of nidd3 is realised through an active operator, the harfnidd* and a passive munddd. Ultimately, the speaker is the operator (i, 166/i, 139), which is why in some units, e.g. iddfa, badal and ibtidd3), both parts are passive (muddf/muddf ilayhi, mubdal/mubdal minhu, mubtada3 [bihi]/mabm 'alqyhi). Ibtidd3 is a special case, as the speaker's act of predicating has no morphological consequences (subject and predicate remain independent, marfu') unless the statement is modalised by verbs such as kdna, zanna etc. (Guillaume, 60-1). The division into only three word classes, nouns, verbs and particles, is not the whole story. Several subclasses of nouns and verbs are distinguished (like the huruf) by their function, e.g. adjectival qualifier, sifa or na't, space/time qualifier, zarf circumstantial qualifier, hdl, personal pronoun, damir or mudmar, demonstrative noun, ism al-ishdra or al-ism al-mubham,
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SIBAWAYHI
relative noun, ism mawsul, verbal noun, masdar, various verbal complements, mqf'ul, nominal verb, ism alfi'l (including interjections), dependent phrase sila and verb of surprise, fil al-tacaajdj.ub. Transitivity is described in detail, confirming that any similarity between the Arabic muta'addi and the Graeco-Latin transitivus is coincidence, the nearest term in Slbawayhi to our sense of "transitive" being wakcfa/awkcfa (Levin, Stud. or.). A corollary of the substitution principle mentioned above is the separation principle embodied in the expression 'ishruna dirham™, which stands for all those units whose first element has obligatory tanwin or the equivalent and whose second element is structurally and semantically detachable (Carter, in BSOAS, xxxv). Finally, Slbawayhi's treatment of kdla, zanna, etc., and their effect on predicative utterances, displays a degree of refinement we are only just beginning to appreciate. (e) Morphology. The morphological section of the Kitab occupies about half the work in sheer bulk. As well as enumerating all the known patterns for nouns, verbs and particles, Slbawayhi categorises them by number of radicals (minimum two, maximum five), carefully distinguishing these from augments. The relation between declinability, gender and word-pattern, and the connection between pattern and function, are investigated, including the unusual behaviour of proper nouns and foreign names. Derivation, ishtikdk [q.v.], is discussed in detail (Leemhuis shows that Slbawayhi analyses Stems II and IV much more delicately than later grammarians). Varieties of tanwin are treated, and long chapters are devoted to the diminutive, the dual and sound and broken plurals. Pause, rhyme, exclamation and phonetic reduction (tarkhim) are described, the last two in the syntax section, where they rightly belong as a feature of the vocative. In short, very little is left out, though al-Zubaydl proudly published a list of more than eighty forms Slbawayhi missed (Kitdb al-Istidrdk, see below). (f) Phonology. This occupies the seven dense and laconic final chapters of the Kitab. Although Slbawayhi refers to sounds by their graphic form, it is clear that (following al-Khalil) he knew the difference between the name of a letter, the grapheme and the phoneme. He also knew that the set of Arabic sounds (our "phoneme inventory") was limited and distinctive, and he gives precise descriptions of their place and manner of articulation [see HURUF AL-HIDJA'] . Dialectal and conditioned variants (allophones) are reviewed, also the Arabisation of foreign sounds, and the role of ease of articulation, proximity and frequency fully acknowledged; this includes vocalic allophones arising from imdla, rawm and ishmdm., processes not unlike umlaut. Assimilation is recognised as occurring not only within but between words. Phonological constraints on syllabic structure and the morphological results are treated, as are sound changes arising from metathesis, elision, substitution and conversion. Totally lacking is any mention of taajwid, though there are frequent references to the way individual Kur'anic sounds or words are "read", i.e. textually rather than liturgically. Slbawayhi's terminology applies uniformly at all levels; every syntactic, morphological and phonological unit has a nahw or way of use according to its status manzila and function mawdi', by which it is judged to be structurally correct, hasan, or incorrect, kabih, with analogy, kiyds, as the controlling principle. For obvious reasons, there is no call for muhdl, "incomprehensible", outside syntax, but we sometimes find "right", mustaklm, in a morphological context where the choice of a certain form affects communication
(ii, 60/ii, 55). Slbawayhi also understood the nature of metalanguage; with al-Khalll he often tests the linguistic status of elements by artificially converting them into proper names, and he is alert to the problems of purely theoretical examples (Ayoub). 4. The text and editions of the Kitab. (a) Composition. The Kitdb survives because of alAkhfash. a service for which he has not been given due credit. Slbawayhi died before he could bring his work into publishable form, and it was al-Akhfash who helped him write the first draft, so to speak, and he alone who gathered it up and later used it for his own teaching. Through this epistemological bottleneck passed a work of transcendent genius. After Slbawayhi's death, Yunus was shown a book of some thousand pages which had emerged from this collaboration, and he certified it as an authentic digest of al-Khalfl's and Slbawayhi's knowledge, thus retrospectively defining the academic pedigree of the Kitdb and confirming its large size ab initio. There is something rather convincing about a story which so innocently avoids the pitfall of fabricating an iajdza when such mechanisms patently did not exist. The lack of precedent accounts better than Slbawayhi's premature death for the Kitdtfs unusual form (no title, no preface, no conclusion); if he had time for a thousand pages, the absence of literary formalities can only have been because there were no models. The Kitdb shows no trace of the well-established epistolary manner (still less of any dipping into translations from Greek or Syriac), and the originality of the work lies as much in its style as its content; it is one of the earliest "books" in Arabic at all, hence its default tide Kitab Slbawayhi. (b) Manuscripts. Humbert 1995 lists 77 extant manuscripts, and a 78th has recently been found (Humbert, Develop., 133). The oldest is a fragment from 351/962 (chs. 184-277, 288-312), and the earliest complete copy is dated 588/1192-3. Al-Mubarrad, who studied the Kitdb with al-Djarmf and al-Mazinl, two pupils of alAkhfash, is responsible for the creation of a "vulgate", which included his own glosses, but there were alternative transmissions, notably of Abu 'All al-Farisf (d. 377/987), who showed an outstanding interest in collecting Kitdb manuscripts. He represents a stage in the history of the Kitdb when scholars eagerly sought and collated manuscripts, culminating in the emergence of two "standard editions", an Eastern version associated with al-Zamakhshan and an Andalusian version associated with al-Rabahf. The Zamakhsharf recension is easily recognised by the addition of al-hd'it in the very first line and a haplology in the last folio. Completely outside these two dominant traditions is the Milan fragment, containing chs. 327 to 435, i.e. about one-sixth of the Kitdb. This manuscript, tentatively dated by Humbert to the 5th/llth century, exhibits enough textual and marginal divergences from the mainstream versions to point to a totally independent line of transmission. There is evidence, slight and tantalising, to connect this version directly with Tha'lab, the chief "Kufan" grammarian and bitter rival of al-Mubarrad, and its forthcoming publication will greatly improve our knowledge of the Kitdb. (c) Editions. (1) Le livre de Sibawaihi, ed. Hartwig Derenbourg, Paris 1881-9, repr. Hildesheim 1970. (2) Kitdb Slbawayhi, ed. Kabir-Uddin Ahmed Khan Bahadur, Calcutta 1887. (3) Kitdb Slbawayhi, Bulak 1898-1900, repr. Baghdad [1965]. (4) Kitdb Sibawqyhi, ed. cAbd al-Salam Muhammad Harun, 5 vols., Cairo 1968-77, 2nd ed. 1977. (5) Beirut, 1967. German
SlBAWAYHI translation, Gustav Jahn, Sibawaihi's Buck uber die Grammatik, ubersetzt und Mart, Berlin 1895-1900, repr. Hildesheim 1969. See further Humbert, Studies, 17982, 1995, 27-40. (d) Commentaries. Of more than 80 ancillary titles listed in Sezgin, GAS, ix, 58-63, 242, only 21 are extant. Five have been published, viz no. 20, Ibn alNahhas, Shark abyat Sibawayhi, ed. Z.Gh. Zahid, Beirut 1986; no. 29, al-Zubaydf (GAS, ix, 222), no. 37, Ibn al-Sfrafi", Shark abyat Sibawayhi., ed. M.CA. Sultan, n.p. 1979, no. 39, Harun b. Musa, Shark (uyun Kitdb Sibawayhi, CA.R.CA.L. cAbd Rabbih, Cairo 1984; no. 48, al-Djawalikl (GAS, ix, 242). Add al-Zadjdjadjf, Iddh (GAS, ix, 94), translated by C.H.M. [Kees] Versteegh, The explanation of linguistic causes. Az-^aggdgi's theory of grammar. Introduction, translation, commentary, Amsterdam 1995. Partial editions: no. 25, al-Sirafi, Shark Kitab Sibawayhi, ed. R. cAbd al-Tawwab, Cairo 1986 (2 vols.), no. 28, Abu 'All al-Farisf, al-Taclika, ed. CA. b. H. al-Kuzf, Cairo 1990 (1 vol.), no. 31, al-Rummam (GAS, ix, 112). Extracts from al-Slrafi" in Jahn and Bulak, where also extracts from no. 43, al-Aclam alShantaman's Tahsil cayn al-dhahab. (e) Reference works. Sezgin, GAS, ix, 51-63, 241-2, incorporating W. Diem, Bibliographic/Bibliography, Sekunddrliteratur zur einheimischen arabischen Grammatikschreibung, in C.H.M. Versteegh, K. Koerner, H.-J. Niederehe (eds.). The history of linguistics in the Middle East, Amsterdam 1983, 195-250 (= Historiographia linguistica, viii (1981), 431-86), with supplements in ^AL, x, xi, xii, xiv. Indispensable resources are: G. Troupeau, Lexique-index du Kitab de Sibawayhi, Paris 1976; cA.Kh. 'Udayma, Fahdris Kitab Sibawayhi wa-dirdsa lahu, Cairo 1975; A.R. Naffakh, Fihris shawdhid Sibawayhi, Beirut 1970; G. cAwwad, Sibawayhi imam al-nuhdt fi dthdr alddrisin khildl ithnay cashar karnan, Baghdad 1978; Kh. C A.R. al-Hadfthf, Abniyat al-sarf fi Kitab Sibawayhi, Baghdad 1965; the index of Harun's Kitab edition, also Schaade and Mosel. 5. Sibawayhi's pupils and the legacy of the Kitab. (a) Pupils. Sibawayhi only had two pupils that we know anything about, al-Akhfash and Kutrub [q.vv.]. Three others are merely names: al-Nashf, much admired by al-Mubarrad, al-Ziyadf, who apparently read the Kitab with Sibawayhi and al-Mazim (see Humbert 1995, 15, n. 35 on both) and one cUtba al-Nahwf, described as rain ashdb Sibawayhi, Aghdm\ xvii, 16, perhaps the same as al-'Utbl in al-Zubaydi, Tabakdt, 44. Of the two recognised pupils, al-Akhfash is remarkable for his role in the composition and transmission of the Kitab, and Kutrub is perhaps more remarkable for having had nothing to do with either, as he simply "studied the Kitab with Sibawayhi". This is a problem, of course, since there was strictly speaking no Kitab for him to study. He was about the same age as Slbawayhi and thus more of a fellow-student than a pupil; his reputation as a "dissenting grammarian", in Versteegh's phrase, makes it difficult to imagine him as a student of Slbawayhi and impossible to consider him a disciple. Since none of his works survive (nor any of al-Akhfash) there is no way to know the full technical basis for his unique grammatical position. For al-Akhfas, at least, we can hope to reconstruct his views from his numerous glosses on the Kitab. (b) Grammar after Sibawayhi. In the years after Sfbawayhi's death, the Kitab went into occultation. Bernards has explored this phase and shown how the Kitab began to acquire prestige only with al-Mubarrad
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(d. 285/898 [q.v.]), which fits nicely with Humbert's independent conclusion that it was al-Mubarrad who laid the foundations for a standard Kitdb text. Thus al-Yazidf (d. 202/818, studied with al-KhaM but not with Sibawayhi) can praise the "Basran" grammarians without even mentioning Sibawayhi. Al-Akhfash taught the Kitdb to only three disciples, al-Djarmf, alMazinT and cAbd Allah b. Hani, though it was also known to al-Kisa'i and al-Farra3 who play, however, no part in its transmission. Al-Djarml and al-Mazim both energetically promoted the Kitdb, and the latter admonished: "anyone who thinks they can do better than the Kitdb should show some humility!". When al-Djahiz presented a copy as a gift to a tua&r, the work's fame was assured; by al-Mubarrad's time, the difficulty of the Kitab was compared with riding on water and eventually it was crowned with the title "the Kur'an of grammar". The growing prominence of the Kitdb is linked also with the emergent "Basran" and "Kufan" schools, with Tha'lab declaring that the Kitdb was the work of 42 scholars and he could very well do without it! But the Kitdb itself (pace Baalbaki, Stud. ar. et isl.} gives little support to the polemicists; Slbawayhi is so careful to balance systematic regularity kiyds against observed data, sarnd', that he can hardly be claimed as a representative of either school. Arabic grammar is not static, and although the Kitdb remained the reference point for all subsequent developments, the science itself moved on. Prescriptive needs were fulfilled, methodological theory elaborated, curricular requirements accomodated, and the relatively junior science of rhetoric was established. Comparison of Sfbawayhi's vocabulary with later grammar (Troupeau, Lex.-index, 18-25) makes the qualitative and quantitative changes plain. Absent from the Kitdb are, amongst others, mao^d^/hakika, nathr/ nagm, fd3ida/ifdda, d^umla, madjhul, hukm, ddbita, iktadd, mahall, rdbit, salb, ndsikh, basit/murakkab, shams!/kaman and all abstract nouns of the type ismiyya, ffliyya. Terms were created for many items Slbawayhi left unnamed, e.g. tamyiz, kdna }l-ndkisa/'l-tdmma, Id li-najy al-ajins} ma al-ndsikha, ma al-daymuma, afcdl al-kulub, alfcdl al-mukdraba, etc. Troupeau's index also exposes the extreme rarity of many terms in the Kitdb. Abstractions such as carad, ajawhar, hu^aja, sura, d^ins, sinf, occur in single figures, nawf only 11 times, with mddda and hayuld completely absent, suggesting that Sibawayhi was not greatly interested in categories, or rather that the expression of class membership was already catered for by the indigenous metaphor of umma (23 times) and its cognate notions "tribe", kabil, "mother", "sister" and "daughter". Two rare terms, cilla and takdtr, have been overinterpreted. Slbawayhi associated cilla principally with phonological "weakness", and on the few occasions when it seems to mean "cause" it also involves weak radicals or similar morphophonological factors; in short, there is not much evidence that Slbawayhi subscribed to any explicit theory of grammatical causality other than famal With takdir the position is equally inconclusive; again, the term has primarily morphophonological import and occurs only once in a purely syntactic context. In i, 287/i, 247, a-laysa hddhd zaydan muntalikm is said to be "like daraba cabd Alldhi zaydan kd3iman in takdir but not in meaning", and the suspicion that this may be an interpolation is irresistible. The original sense of takdir is seen in an incident where Sibawayhi is challenged to make up words with certain patterns and radicals (al-Zubaydl, Tabakdt, 72). Sibawayhi kaddara wa-akhta3a "tried to fit the radicals into the patterns and got it wrong", where kaddara
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SlBAWAYHI
still has the same morphological connotation as in the Kitdb. As grammatical science evolved, elements of Slbawayhi's system were dropped or marginalised. Prescriptive grammar was not so concerned with the moral aspect of communication implied by istakdma, which became less common as the normative verb d^a^a/ yatQuzu increased in frequency. The concept of sabab [q.v.], which accounted for a wide range of syntactic phenomena, was restricted to the ncft sababi construction, e.g. marartu bi-raajulm hasanm abuhu. The scope of mudarcfa was drastically reduced. For Slbawayhi, it was part of a general theory of analogical pressure inseparable from kiyas and related (in ways not yet examined) to the analogies performed by speakers, but all that survives now is the name of the imperfect verb, still called muddrif to this day. Sibawayhi's analysis of appositional and coordinated qualifiers was tidied up; on structural grounds he called them both simply catf, but his successors in their formalistic way subdivided them into catf baydn and catf nasak respectively. Slbawayhi's terms for predication, where musnad = first part, musnad ilayhi - second part of any predicative structure whether nominal or verbal, were inverted by the 4th/10th century (Levin, in JAOS, ci) to musnad = predicate, musnad ilayhi = subject irrespective of word order. (c) The Kitdb in the West. The interpretation of Sfbawayhi's grammar in the West has always been implicitly or explicitly a comparative exercise, and has never resolved the dilemma that literal translations of the Kitdb are technically unconvincing and technical translations are historically misleading. Jahn opened up the work to a wider audience (de Saussure could have read it, though we will never know), but his vital warning that the German version is only for those who can compare it with the Arabic is mostly ignored. All too often the secondary literature fails to find a compromise between the type of translation represented by Jahn's "Uber die Verben, von deren 1. Form das Passivum vorkommt, ohne dafi das Aktivum gebraiichlich ist" and what Slbawayhi actually said, bdb md (jid'aju'ila minhu fald ghayri facaltuhu (ch. 447). It is only useful to recast Slbawayhi's thought in some modern theoretical framework if the undertaking has real explanatory value. One may regret, now, the speculation that Slbawayhi belonged "somewhere between de Saussure and Bloomfield" (Carter, in JAOS, xciii, 157), lending new irony to the word Procrustean which has been applied to Arab linguistics. Sfbawayhi's vocabulary lacks many terms, among them "number", "gender", "tense", "person", "case", "mood", "syllable", "accent", "diphthong", but to focus on these perceived shortcomings diverts attention from the realities of the Kitdb. Even more damaging is the inaccurate rendering of the terms that Slbawayhi does use. No-one would be impressed by a writer on Jikh who consistently translated fatwd as "death sentence", yet similar distortions are common in works on Arabic grammar. The most unfortunate is the equation of 'arnal with "governing", but the imposition of Latin case and mood names runs a close second. We also find "copula" for damn al-fasl, turning that which keeps apart into that which joins together, fd'il becomes "subject" despite the Arabs' careful terminological distinction between fd'il and mubtada3, mabni li }l-mafcul (in later grammar madjhul) are reproduced by "passive", obliterating the Arab theory of this form of verb, phonetic terms are squeezed into Western categories, and so on. Yet Slbawayhi continues to inspire. Like all works
of genius, the Kitdb bears infinite re-reading, and all research into Arabic grammar must still begin with Slbawayhi, even if the science which he founded outgrew him and evolved into the scholastic grammar of the madrasa. The high intellectual calibre of the late grammarians is undeniable, but it seems less than perfect justice that as grammar sublimated itself into a dialogue with the Kur'an, Ibn Khaldun could say without incongruity that Ibn Hisham (d. 761/1360 [q.v.]) was "more of a grammarian than Sfbawayhi" anhd min Slbawayhi. Bibliography: Lists only works not in Sezgin, GAS, ix, 51-63, 241-2, Diem, Bibliographic, or £AL, x, xi, xii, xiv (see above). G. Ayoub, De ce qui "ne se dit pas" dans le lime de Slbawayhi: la notion de Tamil I, in Versteegh and Carter, Studies, 1-15; R. Baalbaki, A difficult passage in Farrd3>s Macanf 1-Qur'an, in BEO, xxxv (1983), 13-18; idem, The treatment of Qira'at by the second and third century grammarians, in £AL, xv (1985), 11-32; idem, A contribution to the study of technical terms in early Arabic grammar—the term asl in Sibawayhi's Kitab, in A.K. Irvine, etc. (eds.), A miscellany of Middle Eastern articles. In Memoriam Thomas Muir Johnstone 1924-1983, London 1989, 163-77; M.K. al-BakkaJ, Manhaaj Kitdb Sibawayhifi 'l-takwim al-nahwi, Baghdad 1989; M. Bernards, Changing traditions. Al-Mubarrad's refutation of Sibawayh and the subsequent reception of the Kitdb, Leiden 1997; H. Bobzin, ^um Begriff der Valenz des Verbums, in Versteegh and Carter, Studies, 93-108; H. Bobzin and Kees [C.H.M.] Versteegh (eds.), Studies in the history of Arabic grammar. Proceedings of the First Symposium on the history of Arabic grammar (= %AL, xv), Wiesbaden 1985; G. Bohas, J.-P. Guillaume and D.E. Kouloughli, The Arabic linguistic tradition, London and New York 1990; G. Bohas (ed.), Developpements recents en linguistique arabe et semitique, Damascus 1993; Brockelmann, I, 101-2, S I, 160; A. Brockett, Qur'dn readings in Kitab Sibawayhi, in Occasional Papers of the School of Abbasid Studies, St. Andrews, ii (1988), 129-206; R. Buburuzan, Exclamation et actes de langage chez Slbawayhi, in Revue Roumaine de Linguistique, xxxviii (1993), 421-37; M.G. Carter, The term sabab in Arabic grammar, in £AL, xv (1985), 53-66; idem, When did the Arabic word nahw first come to denote grammar?, in Language and Communication, v (1985), 265-77; idem, The Arabic and Medieval Latin grammatical terms for "governing", in K.D. Dutz (ed.), Speculum historiographiae linguisticae, Kurzbeitrage der IV. Int. Konf. zur Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaften (ICHoLS IV), Trier, 24.-27. August 1987, Minister 1989, 29-36; idem, The ethical basis of Arabic grammar, in Al-Karmil, xii (1991), 9-22; J. Danecki, Indian phonetical theory and the Arab grammarians, in RO, xliv (1985), 127-34; K. Devenyi and T. Ivanyi (eds.), Proceedings of the Colloquium on Arabic Grammar, Budapest 1-7 September 1991, Budapest 1991 (= UeArabist, 3-4); Kh/A.K. Djum£a, Shawdhid al-shicrfi Kitdb Slbawayhi, Kuwayt 1980; W. Fischer, The chapter on grammar in the Kitdb Majatih al-cUlum, in ZAL, xv (1985), 94-103; J.-P. Guillaume, Fragments d'une grammaire oubliee: relations predicatives non-assertees, verbe declaratif et verbes modaux d'apres Sibawayhi (premiere partie], in BEO, xxxv (1985), 19-35; idem, Sibawayhi et I'enonciation, une proposition de lecture, in Histoire, Epistemologie, Langage, viii (1986), 53-62; idem, Une lecture enonciative du Kitab de Sibawayhi, in Bohas, Developpements, 41-5; R. Gwynne, The a fortiori argument in nahw, fiqh and kalam, in Versteegh and Carter, Studies, 165-77; J.G. Hasse, Einjlufl der griechischen Grammatik auf die Arabische, in [Hasse's] Magasin fur die biblisch-orientalische Litteratur und gesammte
SIBAWAYHI — SIBIR Philologie, Konigsberg-Leipzig 1788; G. Humbert, Remarques sur les editions du Kitab de Sibawayhi et leur base manuscrite, in Versteegh and Carter, Studies, 17994; idem, Un temoignage fossile du Kitab de Sibawayhi, in Bohas, Developpements, 121-39; idem, Les voles de transmission du Kitab de Sibawayhi, Leiden 1995; T. Ivanyi, Qad yaguz ft s-si'r: on the linguistic background of the so-called poetic licences in Sibawayhi's Kitab, in Devenyi and Ivanyi, Proceedings, 201-16; G. Krotkoff, Majhura/mahmusa revisited, in Al-{Arabiyyah, xxii (1989), 217-18; V. Law, Indian influence on early Arab phonetics—or coincidence?, in Versteegh and Carter, Studies, 215-27; A. Levin, The grammatical terms almusnad, al-musnad ilayhi and al-isnad, in JAOS, ci (1981), 145-67; idem, The medieval term kalima and the modern linguistic term morpheme; similarities and differences, in M. Sharon (ed.), Studies in Islamic history and civilization in honour of Professor David Ayalon, Leiden and Jerusalem 1986, 423-46; idem, Sibawayhi's attitude to the spoken language, in JSAI, xvii (1994), 20443; A.A. al-Nassir, Sibawayh the phonologist, London and New York 1993; E.Y. Odisho, Sibawayhi's dichotomy of majhura/mahmusa revisited, in Alc Arabiyyah, xxi (1988), 81-91; J. Owens, Early Arabic grammatical theory. Heterogeneity and standardization, Amsterdam 1990; F. Rundgren, On a grammatical term in Sibawayh and what it has to tell us, in E. Keck, etc. (eds.), Living waters. Scandinavian orientalistic studies presented to Professor Dr. Frede L0kkegaard ..., Copenhagen 1990, 327-38; Y.M. Suleiman, Sibawayhi's "Parts of speech" according to ^ajjdji: a new interpretation, in JSS, xxxv (1990), 245-63; R. Talmon, A problematic passage in Sibawayhi's Kitab and the authenticity of ahbar, in JAOS, civ (1984), 691-701; idem, Who was the first Arab grammarian? A new approach to an old problem, in %AL, xv (1985), 128-45; idem, An eighth-century grammatical school in Medina: the collection and evaluation of the available material, in BSOAS, xlviii (1985), 224-36; idem, Schacht's theory in the light of recent discoveries concerning and [sic] the origins of Arabic grammar, in SI, Ixv (1987), 31-50; idem, Musnad, musnad ilayhi and the early history of Arabic grammar: a reconsideration, in JRAS (1987), 208-22; idem, Alkalam ma kana muktafiyan bi-nafsihi wa-huwa 1-gumla: a study in the history of the sentence-concept and the Sibawayhian legacy in Arabic grammar, in ^DMG, cxxxviii (1988), 74-98; idem, Hatta + imperfect and chapter 239 in Sibawayhi's Kitab: a study in the early history of Arabic grammar, in JSS, xxxviii (1993), 71-95; C.H.M. Versteegh and M.G. Carter (eds.), Studies in the history of Arabic grammar, II, Proceedings of the 2nd Symposium on the History of Arabic Grammar, Nijmegen, 27 April-1 May 1987, Amsterdam 1990; idem, Arabic grammar and Qur'dnic exegesis in early Islam, Leiden 1993. (M.G. CARTER)
SIBI (also spelt Sfwf in mediaeval Islamic sources, e.g. the Hudud al-cdlam) a town and district of northeastern Balucistan, lying on the plain below the entrance to the Bolan Pass and the route to Quetta [see KWATTA], which is some 140 km/88 miles beyond Sfbr town. The town is situated in lat. 29° 31' N. and long. 67° 54' E. Because of its strategic position between the mouths of the Bolan and Harnaf Passes, and on the way down to the Indus valley, it has always played a part in history. In early Islamic times, Sibf was one of the towns of the district of Balis(h) or Walishan, although the residence of the amir was at al-Kasr/Kushk near another of the district's towns, Ispindjay (see Hudud al-'alam, tr. Minorsky, 111, comm. 346). The district is mentioned in the Bundahishn as Balist, presumably
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meaning in Persian "highland". The Saffarid Ya'kub b. al-Layth [q.v.] brought Balis(h) under his control in 253/867 (C.E. Bosworth, The history of the Saffarids of Sistan and the Maliks of Mmruz, Costa Mesa and New York 1994, 99). In Ghaznawid times, it formed part of the sultans' empire, and on their expeditions to India, they frequently marched from Bust and alRukhkhadj [q.vv.] via Sfbf to Multan and the Indus valley (see M. Nazim, The life and times of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna, Cambridge 1931, 199; Bosworth, The later Ghaznavids, Edinburgh 1977, 7-8). The district of Sfbf was held ca. A.D. 1500 by Arghun from Kandahar; then by the Mughals (in Akbar's time, it was a mahall of the Bhakkar sarkdr in the Multan suba); in 1714 by the Kalhoras of Sind; and later in that century, by the Durrani Afghans. In the 19th century, Sfbf and Pishin formed the so-called "assigned districts" (any surplus revenue from which was to be refunded to the amirs of Afghanistan) handed over to Britain by Ya'kub Khan b. Shir eAlf under the Treaty of Gandamak in 1879. In British India, only some two-fifths of Sfbf District were directly administered, the rest being the Man and Bugff tribal areas and a part of Kalat state [q.v.]. The strategic value of Sibf town was increased when the standard-gauge railway to Pishfn was constructed through it, with its also becoming subsequently the junction for the Quetta line. The ethnic composition of the District included 43% Baltic and 20% Pathans. Slbl is now in the Balucistan Province of Pakistan. Bibliography (in addition to references given in the text): H.G. Raverty, Notes on Afghanistan and Baluchistan, London 1880-3, 553 ff.; Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 332-3, 347; Marquart, Erdnsahr, 277; idem, Wehrot und Arang, 124-5 n. 6; Imperial gazetteer of India2, xxiii, 336-44; Baluchistan District gazetteers. (C.E. BOSWORTH)
SIBIR, the designation of Western Siberia first used in sources for the Cingizid era of the 13th and 14th centuries. From this the modern Russ. Cn6Hpb (and thence "Siberia" in European and other languages) derives. The origins of this toponym are unclear. A connection with the Sabirs, a Turkic nomadic grouping which formed part of the Khazar state (cf. the Suwar in Volga Bulgharia) and who may have occupied some parts of this region before moving to the Volga zone in the early 6th century A.D., has been suggested (Patkanov, Uber das Volk der Sabiren, 258-77). Sabir (Sa'bir), in turn, has been derived from the name Hsien-pi (*siem-bi), a Proto-Mongolian tribal confederation of Inner Asia which overcame the Hsiung-nu for control of Mongolia in the 2nd century A.D. and from which the Jou-jan/Avars, among others, appear to have originated. The later toponym Ibir-Sibir (see below) has been conjectured as stemming from *Abar-Sdbir (Quatremere, Histoire, 413 ff., Pritsak, The origin, 278-80). The evidence is conjectural at best. The Kimek Kaghanate, known to the mediaeval Islamic geographers (cf. Hudud al-cdlam, ed. Sotoodeh, 85-6, tr. Minorsky, 99-100, and KIMAK), from which the Klpcak confederation developed, was located in much the same territory. The earliest reference to this name is found in the (ca. 1240) Yiian-chao-pi-shih (Secret History of the Mongols, tr. Cleaves, 173), in the form Shibir, where it is listed in a group of peoples extending from Central Siberia to the Urals. A Franciscan letter of 1320 records the form Sibur (Pelliot, Notes sur le 'Turkestan', 51-2). This is similar to the forms noted in the Pizzigani brothers' map of 1367 and a Catalan map of 1375: Sebur, located to the north of the Pascherti (Bashkurts, see
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SIBlR
Egorov, 1st. geograf, 130-1; Yule, Cathay, i, 307). A number of authors, beginning with Rashld al-Dfn in the early 8th/14th century (Qidmic, ed. Alizade et al., i/1, 72-3, and ed. Karfml, i, 513), note a region termed "Ibir Siblr". Al-cUmarf (ed. Lech, 77), writing ca. 741-9/1341-9, in his section on Khwarazm and Kibcak, makes reference to the bilad Sibir wa-Ibir which is adjacent to "Bashkird" and is a region in which "the ice does not depart from them for a period of six months". A contemporary of his, the anonymous Spanish Franciscan author of the Libro del conospmiento (van den Wyngaert, Sinica Franciscana, i, 572), mentions the largely uninhabited "lands of Albizibi" which encompass "Tartaria" from the north. The form "IbirSibir" may also be seen in I-pi-rh Shi-pi-rh of the Tiian-shih (and a somewhat later Chinese map, see Bretschneider, Med. researches, i, 37; Pelliot, Notes critiques, 59). In the early 15th century, Johannes Schiltberger (Bondage and travels, ed. Telfer, 34-6, 49) took part in a campaign against Ibissibur while the region was still largely under Ostyak control. By that time, the "land of Sibir" appears in Russian sources (cf. PSRL, xi, 198; Ustiuzskiy, 70, recording the death ca. 1406 or 1407 of Toktamish there). Later Islamic sources (e.g. the 10th/16th century Ta3nkh-i Rashidi, tr. Ross, 282) continued to call the region "Iblr-Siblr". As the name appears to be known only from the Cingizid era, it may derive from Mong. siber/sibir "dense forest, thicket" (Lessing, 695), but since the Mongols tended to use the existing ethnonyms and toponyms of the regions they conquered, this seems unlikely. Sibir, never clearly defined in the sources, formed the north-eastern border zone of the Djocid ulus, extending, probably, to the Irtish and Culiman rivers, the Baraba and Kulunda steppes and southward toward the Altay and Lake Balkhash (Egorov, 1st. geograf., 45, 54-5). The earliest Cingizid-era polity to emerge in this region (last half of the 8th/14th century?) was that of the Tiimen khanate on the middle Tobol and Tura-Tavda mesopotamia with its centre at Cimgi-Tura. It comprised a number of KipcakTurkic-speaking Turko-Mongolian tribal groupings, stemming from the same milieu as the Noghay Horde, and was frequently fought over by opposing Djocid factions. It was to here that Toktamish fled following his defeat by Tlmur in the late 8th/14th century, after which it was controlled by the Noghay amir Edigii through Cingizid underlings. Although local Tatar traditions (preserved in oral form and in the Russian chronicles) present a welter of confusing accounts, the ruling house appears to have derived from (a probably Noghay chieftain) Taybugha (Miller, i, 189-3; Frank, Siberian chronicles, 8-10). Sometime before 1481, the Shlbanid Ibak Khan, who together with the Noghays inflicted fatal blows on the "Great Horde", took control of the region from the Taybughids. Mamat (Muhammad), a Taybughid, killed Ibak in 1493 or 1495, regained control of the khanate and moved its capital to Sibir/Isker/Kashlik (PSRL, xxxvi, 47; Armstrong, 66-7 [Yesipov chronicle]). This now became the Khanate of Sibir, which soon subsumed the remaining Shfbanid holdings in Tiimen and expanded into Bashkir and Ob Ugrian (Ostyak) lands. The Taybughid princes Yediger and Bekbulat, troubled by internal problems (their father, Kasiy/ Kazim, had been assassinated by members of his own entourage) and Moscow's conquest of Kazan [see KAZAN] (1552), submitted to Ivan IV in 1555. This did not prevent their defeat and death at the hands of Kiiciim [q.v.], a descendant of Ibak (1563). Seydak
(CeHflHKb < Arab, sayyid), Bekbulat's son, fled to Bukhara and from there continued periodic resistance. Although Islam was clearly the religion of the Taybughids (who, in the absence of Cingizid credentials, stressed their Islamic legitimacy, Frank, Siberian chronicles, 23) and of the ruling strata of the khanate of Sibir, local tradition credits Kiiciim with a concerted effort (occasionally forcible) to proselytise the local population. Nakshbandf shqykhs also appear to have played some role in the propagation of Islam on this northern frontier. Kiiciim's successes were short-lived. In 1581, the Russians, under the Cossack Ermak Timofeev, began the conquest of Siberia, taking the city of Sibir in October 1582. Ermak perished in a Tatar ambush in 1585 and Kiicum continued to struggle against the Russians, their Tatar allies and Seydak (who in 1587 was made prisoner by the Russians and taken off to Moscow, 1st. Sibiri, ii, 32; Armstrong, Termak, 81-2), but without success. Following a defeat at Russian hands in 1598 (1st. Sibiri, ii, 30-6), old and now blind, Kiiciim fled to the Noghay Horde, where he died: Manghit khaUdning icige bardl. Hakk-l rahmanatige kitdi (according to Abu '1-GhazI, ed. Desmaisons, 177, this occurred in 1003/1594-5; the Yesipov and Remezov Chronicles, Armstrong, Termak, 82, 237-43, report that the Noghays killed him). The Russians established their forts and urban settlements on or near the khanate's earlier towns. Tobol'sk (1587) was built near Tatar Sibir. Sibir was an important link in trans-Siberian commerce, connecting the Volga-Ural region and Central Asia with the forests of the north so important to the fur trade. Little is known about the internal structure of the khanate. As non-Cingizids, the Taybughids appear, like the Noghays, to have used the titles biy (bey, beg) and sultan. The Tatar tribes were organised into uluses, headed by mirzds, as were the subject peoples, often incorporated into one or another ulus, who paid the yasak (tribute collected in furs). Bibliography. 1. Sources. Collections: E. Bretschneider, Mediaeval researches from Eastern Asiatic sources, St. Petersburg 1888; Sir H. Yule, Cathay and the way thither, London 1913-16; T. Armstrong (ed.), Termak's campaign in Siberia, London 1974. Arabic: Ibn Fadl Allah al-eUmarf, ed. and tr. K. Lech, Das mongolische Weltreich, Wiesbaden 1968. Persian: Hudud al-calam, ed. M. Sotoodeh, Tehran 1340/1962, tr. Minorsky; Mfrza Muhammad Haydar Dughlat, Ta3nkh-i Rashidi, ed. and tr. N. Elias and E.D. Ross, London 1898; Rashfd al-Dih, Didmi' al-tawdnkh, ed. B. Kanml, Tehran 1338/1959, ed. A.A. Alizade et alii, i/1, Moscow 1965, tr. Quatremere, Histoire des Mongols de la Perse, Paris 1936. Turkic: Abu '1-Ghazf Bahadur Khan, Shaajara-yi Turk, tr. P. Desmaisons as Histoire des Mongols et des Tatares, St. Petersburg 1871-4. Mongol: F.W. Cleaves (tr.), The Secret History of the Mongols, Cambridge, Mass. 1982. Russian: Polnoe sobranie russkikh ktopisey, St. Petersburg-Leningrad 1843-; K.M. Serbina (ed.), Ustiulskiy letopisniy svod, Moscow-Leningrad 1950; Siberian Chronicles, see T. Armstrong, above. Spanish: Libro del conosfimiento, A. van der Wyngaert, Sinica Franciscana, i, Florence 1929. German: Johannes Schiltberger, The bondage and travels ofJ.S., ed. J.B. Telfer, London 1879. 2. Studies. S. Patkanov, Uber das Volk der Sabiren, in Kelete Szemle, i (1900), 258-77; P. Pelliot, Notes sur le 'Turkestan' de M.W. Barthold, in T'oung Pao, xxvii (1930), 12-56; G.F. Mueller (Miller), Istoriya Sibiri, Moscow-Leningrad 1937, i; Pelliot, Notes critiques d'histoire Kalmouke, Paris 1960; A.P. Okladnikov
SIBIR — AL-SID et alii (eds.), Istoriya Sibiri, Leningrad 1968, i-ii; F. Lessing et alii, Mongolian-English dictionary, Bloomington 1982; V.L. Egorov, Istoriceskaya geogrqfiya Zplotoy Ordi v XII-XIV vv., Moscow 1985; J. Martin, The Tinmen' Khanate's encounters with Muscovy 14811505, in Ch. Lemercier-Quelquejay et alii (eds.), Passe turco-tatar, present sovietique, Paris 1986, 79-87; O. Pritsak, The origin of the name Sibir, in W. Heissig and K. Sagaster (eds.), Gedanke und Wirkung. Festschrift zur 90. Geburtstag von Mkolaus Poppe, Wiesbaden 1989; N.A. Tomilov, Etniceskaya istoriya tpurkoya&cnogo naseleniya zapadnosibirskoy ravnini kontsa XVI-nacala XX v., Novosibirsk 1992; J. Forsyth, A history of the peoples of Siberia, Cambridge 1992; A.N. Frank, The Siberian Chronicles and the Taybughid Biys of Sibir', in Papers on Inner Asia, no. 27, Bloomington 1994. (P.B. GOLDEN) SIBT [see IBN AL-DJAWZI, IBN AL-TA'AWIDHI, ALMARDINl. 3.].
AL-SID, Spanish el-Cid, the Cid, the name by which the most celebrated and the most popular of the heroes of Castilian chivalry is known; he played a preponderating political part in Muslim Spain of the second half of the 11 th century, and we can now gain an idea of his real personality by removing all the legendary matter that has grown up around his life and his exploits. It was to the Dutch scholar R. Dozy that the honour was due of having established, as a result of his examination in 1844 of the manuscript of the Dhakhira of Ibn Bassam preserved in Gotha, that the story of the Cronica General of Alfonso the Wise relating to the Cid, which up till then had been considered a pure invention, was really translated from the Arabic, and probably from a work of the Valencian Muhammad b. Khalaf Ibn 'Alkama (428-509/1037-1116 [q.v.]) called al-Baydn al-wd'dih fi 'l-milamm al-fddih (cf. also F. Pons Boigues, Ensayo biobibliogrdfico, 176-7, no. 140) and that it is contemporary with the Cid. This knight, who was called Rodrigo Diaz de Vivar, was descended from a noble Castilian family and was born at Burgos during the first half of the 11 th century. It is known that in 1064 he distinguished himself, on the side of Sancho II of Castile in a war which this sovereign waged against Sancho of Navarre. He defeated at this time a knight of Navarre in single combat, and the success stood him in good stead in the Castilian army, whose commander-in-chief he became (or the "Standard-bearer of the King") with the title of Campeador (Latin campeator, written by the Arabs j^L^SJl al-kanbiyatur, the equivalent of the Spanish Arabic mubdriz or barrdz, "the champion who comes out of the ranks, when two armies are ranged against one another, to challenge an enemy to single combat"). A short time afterwards thanks to the counsels of Rodrigo Diaz, Sancho II made himself master of the Kingdom of Leon by taking his own brother Alfonso prisoner at Burgos. The latter was able to flee to the Muslim king of Toledo al-Ma'mun, of the dynasty of the Banu Dhu '1-Nun. In Muharram 465/7 October 1072, Sancho of Castile was killed before Zamora which he was besieging. The new king of Castile always secretly felt a grudge against Rodrigo Diaz for the humiliation of this oath, but in order to conciliate the knight, then very influential, and to attach him to him, he gave him his cousin Jimena (Chimene) Diaz, the daughter of the Count of Oviedo, in marriage (1074). Some years later, Alfonso VI sent him to the 'Abbasid dynast of Seville, al-Muctamid [q.v], in order to collect the tribute, which this Muslim prince paid in return for a nominal alliance with
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Castile. The Cid himself returned to Castile after successfully attaining the real aim of his mission. Alfonso VI, probably at the instigation of Garcia Ordonez, then accused the Cid of having appropriated a part of the presents which had been given to him at Seville to bring to the king, and he took advantage of the first opportunity—the expedition against the Muslims of Toledo undertaken without his consent—to disgrace him and to banish him from his dominions (1081). It is from this time that the life of a "condottiere" led by the Castilian knight dates, and that he began to fight, as occasion arose, the Muslims or his own co-religionists, on behalf of a third person or on his own behalf. After an unsuccessful attempt to enter the service of the Count of Barcelona, Rodrigo Diaz offered his services to the Hudid ruler of Saragossa [see SARAKUSTA], Ahmad b. Sulayman al-Muktadir. The latter agreed to take him into his army with his mercenaries. He died in the same year and his son Yusuf al-MuJtamin succeeded him at Saragossa, while his other son al-Mundhir received Denia, Tortosa and Lerida. The two brothers lost no time in going to war with one another. Rodrigo Diaz continued in the service of al-Mu3tamin, while al-Mundhir made an alliance with the King of Aragon, Sancho Ramirez, and with the Count of Barcelona, Ramon Berenguer II. The Cid soon won a great victory over the enemies of his master, took rich plunder and made prisoner the Count of Barcelona, whose liberty he restored soon after. He made a triumphal entry into Saragossa, where the Hudid ruler overwhelmed him with presents and with honours. He had acquired at one stroke prestige and an ascendancy without parallel among his Muslim soldiers who from this time began to call him "my master", sayyidi, vulg. Sp. Ar. slat, which was translated into Spanish in the form of "mio Cid" (the famous Poem of the Cid was originally called "£/ Cantar de mio Cid"); and soon this name prevailed (with or without the employment of the possessive). Rodrigo Diaz, thanks to his military talents, had become in the eyes of the Muslims of Spain a champion and an irresistible leader in war, el-Cid Campeador. In 1084, after an ephemeral reconciliation with Alfonso VI, the Cid covered himself with glory once more in Aragon in the service of al-Mu'tamin. When this prince died in the following year, he passed into the services of his son and successor Ahmad alMusta'fn II. When the Almoravid Sultan Yusuf b. Tashfm landed in Spain to fight against the Christians and put them to rout at Zallaka (12 Radjab 479/23 October 1086), the Dhu '1-Nunid Yahya b. Isma'il al-Kadir had to appeal for help to the King of Castile and to alMusta'Fn of Saragossa. The latter saw in this a good opportunity to deprive al-Kadir of his kingdom, and secretly entered into an agreement with the Cid to seize the town, all the booty to go to the condottiere. But the latter, mindful of the gifts which alKadir had bestowed upon him, refused to touch the town and sent a new token of his vassalage to Alfonso. Thereafter, with his army he made incursions into the whole district of Valencia, and in the year 1089, returned to Castile, where he was received with honour by his sovereign. Then he regained the Shark alAndalus [q.v.] with his army numbering 7,000 men. Profiting by the absence of the Cid, al-Mustacfn of Saragossa had made an alliance with Berenguer of Barcelona, who was besieging Valencia. The Count of Barcelona retreated before the Cid, who promised
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al-Kadir, in return for a payment of 10,000 dinars a month, to defend his capital against all enemy attempts. A short time afterwards, Alfonso quarrelled with him once more. Then the Cid, like a regular independent bandit chief, ravaged with fire and sword the whole eastern country from Orihuela to Jativa, marched against Tortosa, defeated the Count of Barcelona, and concluded a treaty with him. At this time, besides the sums which he received from the Count of Barcelona and the Muslim princes of Tortosa and Valencia, the Cid had also amongst his tributaries the Arab lords of Albarracin (al-Sahla), of Alpuente (al-Bunt), of Murviedro (Murbaytar, today called Sagunto), of Segorba (Shubrub), of Jerica (Sharika) and of Almenara. The King of Castile, in order to put an end to the growing influence of his too powerful vassal, decided to deprive him of Valencia. Strong in his alliance with the Pisans and the Genoese, he came to besiege the town by land and by sea, while the Cid was engaged in helping the Muslim king of Saragossa against the Christian King of Aragon. Informed of what was taking place, the Cid left Saragossa with his army and laid waste the county of Najera and of Calahorra, the particular fief of his sworn enemy Garcia Ordonez. The town of Logrono in the Rioja was completely destroyed by him, and Alfonso VI had to raise the siege of Valencia without attaining any success. During his absence, the Cid left at Valencia a Muslim lieutenant, Ibn al-Faradj, at the court of alKadir. The latter, in Shawwal 485/November 1092, was killed after a rising of the population incited by the kadi Ibn Djahhaf, who placed himself at the head of the city as president of the Valencian republic ((Qama'd), with a purely nominal representative of the Almoravid government at his side. Some months later, in Djumada II 486/July 1093, the Cid marched on the capital with the whole of his army, seized without difficulty the suburbs of Villanueva and of alKudya and agreed to make terms with Ibn Djahhaf, while maintaining a strict blockade of the town. The chief of the Valencian republic was forced to surrender the town to the Cid on 28 Djumada I 487/15 June 1094. The Campeador did no harm to the population, but did not hesitate to burn alive a short time afterwards the former president, Ibn Djahhat, as a punishment. From this time the Cid was absolute master of Valencia. He had turned into a church the great mosque of Valencia and restored the bishopric of the town, which he gave to Jerome of Perigord. In the end, he was quite reconciled to his suzerain Alfonso of Castile, and he was allied to two royal houses of the Peninsula through the marriages of his daughters, Maria with Ramon Berenguer III, and Christina with the Infante of Navarre Ramiro. He then tried to take Jativa (Shatiba [q.v.]) from the Almoravids but his army was routed. The Cid, full of wrath and broken-hearted by this disaster, succumbed not long after in the middle of 1099. After the death of the Cid, his widow Jimena resisted, for about two years, the incessant attacks of the Almoravids. Valencia was besieged at the beginning of 495/1101 by the Lamtunl general al-Mazdall. It sustained the siege for seven months but on the advice of Alfonso VI, who had come to relieve it, Jimena decided to evacuate Valencia, which she ordered to be burned on her departure. When the Almoravid troops entered it, on 15 Radjab 495/5 May 1102, they found nothing but ruins. Jimena transported the body of the Cid to Castile; it was buried
near Burgos, in the convent of San Pedro of Cardena. Jimena was herself buried there when she died five years later in the year 1104. Bibliography. As noted above, a still valuable work on the life and historical career of the Cid is R. Dozy, Le Cid d'apres de nouveaux documents, Leiden 1860, repr. in his Recherches sur I'histoire et la litterature de I'Espagne pendant le Moyen-Age, 3ParisLeiden 1881, ii, 1-233. Of Arabic sources, see Ibn Bassam, Dhakhira, text and tr. in Dozy, op. cit., 11, 8-28 and pp. iii-xviii; Ibn al-Kardabus, K. al-Iktifd3, in ibid., pp. xxiii-xxviii, ed. F. Maillo, in Historia de al-Andalus, Madrid 1986, 121-8; Ibn al-Abbar, dHutta al-siyard3, in Dozy, op. cit., ii, pp. xxvii-xxxi; Makkarf, Nqfh al-tib, ed. Dozy et alii, Analectes, ii, 754, and in Dozy. op. cit., ii, pp. xxxi-xxxiii; Fragment anonyme inedit, in Ibn al-'Idhan, ii, ed. and tr. E. Levi-Provencal, Appx. I (ch. on Ibn Djahhaf). Cf. also Dozy, in Revue hispanique, xx (1909), 316428, xxiii (1910), 424-76, and in Bull, hispanique, xvi (1914), 80-6. A complete bibl. of European sources to the date of publication is in B. Sanchez Alonso, Fuentes de la historia espanola, Madrid 1919. See also A. Gonzalez Palencia, Historia de la Espana musulmana, Barcelona 1925, 75-7, and BALANSIYA. (E. LEVI-PROVENCAL) Of more r e c e n t bibl., see the following: R. Menendez Pidal, El Cid en la historia, Madrid 1921; idem, La Espana del Cid, Madrid 1929, later eds. 1956, 1967, Eng. tr. The Cid and his Spain, London 1934; E. Levi-Provencal, Le Cid de I'histoire, in Rev. Historique (1937); idem, Nouveaux documents arabes sur le Cid, in Etudes d'histoire hispano-musulmane, ser. 1; idem, Islam d'Occident, Paris 1948, 137-51; idem, La toma de Valencia por el Cid segun las Juentes musulmanas..., in al-And., xiii (1948), 97-156; J.M. Garate Cordoba, Las huellas del Cid, Burgos 1955; J. Bosch Vila, Los Almordvides, Tetuan 1956; A. Huici Miranda, El cadi de Valencia Ibn Yahhdf quemado vivo por el Cid, in Revista del Instituto Egipcio de Estudios Isldmicos, Madrid, xi-xii (1963-4), 14-67; idem, Historia musulmana de Valencia y su region, 3 vols., Valencia 1970, see vol. ii; S. Clissold, In search of the Cid, London 1965; J.M. Lacarra, Aspectos economicos de la sumision de los reinos de Taifas, in Homenaje a J. Vicens Vims, i, Barcelona 1965, 255-77; A.D. Deyermond, Epic poetry and the clergy. Studies on the "Mocedades de Rodrigo", London 1968; C. Bandero Gomez, El poema de mio Cid, poesia, historia, mito, Madrid 1969; J. Horrent, Historia y poesia en torno al "Canta del Cid", Barcelona 1973; A. Ubieto Arteta, El ((Cantar de mio Cid" y algunos problemas historicos, Valencia 1973; Deyermond (ed.), "Mio Cid" studies, London 1977; Maria Eugenia Lacarra, La utilization del Cid de Menendez Pidal en la ideologia militar franquista, in Ideologies and Literature, iii (1980), 95-127; eadem, El poema de Mio Cid, realidad historica e ideologia, Madrid 1980; Le Cid, personnage historique et litteraire. Anthologie de textes arabes, ed. M. de Epalza and S. Guelloux, Paris 1983; V. Lagardere, Les Almoravides, Paris 1989; J. Duggan, The Cantar de Mio Cid. Poetic creation in its economic and social context, Cambridge 1989; R.A. Fletcher, The quest for El Cid, London 1989. (R. HITCHCOCK) AL-SIDDIK (A.), a name applied to the first caliph Abu Bakr meaning "the eminently veracious" and "he who always confirms the truth". The lexicographical tradition understands the form of the word to be an intensive adjective (W. Wright, Grammar, i, 137-8) indicating the extremes of sidk [q.v.], truth. The word appears in the Kur'an six times and has
AL-SIDDIK — SIDI a technical sense suggesting an etymology derived from the Aramaic-Hebrew saddik, which has the meaning "pious" in Rabbinic literature. Those who believe are siddikun in Kur'an IV, 69 and LVII, 19 (both times in conjunction with being shuhadd3, "witnesses" or "martyrs"), Abraham and Idris are called prophets as well as siddik in XIX, 41 and 56 respectively, while Mary is called siddika in V, 75, and Joseph's prison guard addresses him ayyuhd 'l-siddiku in XII, 46. The association of the word with Abu Bakr is explained in a number of anecdotes in classical sources. Abu Bakr, when faced with the sceptics of his community, said of Muhammad and his night journey, "If he says it is so, then it is true (sadaka)". Abu Bakr then requested that Muhammad describe Jerusalem to prove the veracity of his account. In order that he could see the city, Abu Bakr was lifted up and he was then able to confirm for everyone the truth of Muhammad's description. Each time an element was described, he said, "You are telling the truth (sadakta). I testify that you are the messenger of God" and at the conclusion the Prophet said to him "And you, Abu Bakr, are al-siddik", and from that time on he was called by this name (Ibn Hisham, 265). Al-Tabarf does not provide the same post-micrddj. narrative, but does follow up on his ascension story with an account of the first male to accept Islam, which according to some reports (al-Taban, i, 1165-7) was Abu Bakr who, according to the poem of Hassan b. Thabit (Dtwdn, ed. Arafat, London 1971, i, 125) quoted by al-Taban, was the first to "declare the truth" (saddakd) of the prophet. Once again, the attempt is made to explain Abu Bakr's name in terms of his devotion to Muhammad. The naming of Abu Bakr is also associated with Kur'an, XXXIX, 33, alladhi $d3a hi 'l-sidk wa-saddaka bihi, uld3ika hum al-muttakuna, "he who comes with the truth and he who confirms it; they are the Godfearing", which is sometimes understood to refer to Muhammad and Abu Bakr respectively (see e.g. Abu '1-Layth al-Samarkandf (d. 375/985), Bahr al-culum, Beirut 1993, iii, 151 and n. 1 for further references). Those claiming descent from Abu Bakr are frequently called al-Bakn al-Siddlkf or al-Siddfkr for short. The Sufi" ideal of sincerity (sidk) which can raise individuals to the level of the Prophet is demonstrated most fully by Abu Bakr, about whom Muhammad is reported to have said: "Abu Bakr and I are like two race horses; if he had run faster than me, I would have believed in him; but I was the faster, so he believed in me." (al-Kashanf, Istildhdt al-sufiyya, Cairo 1981, 139). Bibliography. Given in the text. Also see R. Paret, Der Koran. Kommentar und Konkordanz, Stuttgart 1971, ad Kur'an, V 75, with references; A. Jeffery, Foreign vocabulary of the Qur^an, Baroda 1938, 194-5. (A. RIPPIN) SIDDIK HASAN KHAN AL-KANNAWDJI [see NAWWAB SAYYID SIDDlK HASAN KHAN].
AL-SIDDIKI, a nisba borne by m e m b e r s of the famed Egyptian family of shaykhs of the Bakriyya S u f i order [see AL-BAKR! B. ABI 'L-SURBUR and BAKRIYYA]; it related to their claimed descent from the first caliph Abu Bakr al-Siddlk [q.v.]. (ED.)
SIDHPUR, a place in the n o r t h e a s t e r n part of the mediaeval I n d i a n province of G u d j a r a t [q.v.], lying to the east of modern Patan. It is mentioned in the history of the Muslim sultans of Gudjarat as a pilgrimage centre much revered by the local Hindus but sacked in ca. 816/1414 by Sultan
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Ahmad I b. Tatar Khan, who destroyed the temples there and imposed the djizya or poll-tax on the inhabitants. Bibliography: M. Habib and K.A. Nizami (eds.), A comprehensive history of India. V. The Delhi Sultanate (A.D. 1206-1526), Delhi etc. 1970, 853-4. (ED.)
SIDI, the name of a servile African group in India, first reported by Sir Richard Burton. The term is used also for their language, which is related to Swahili. Burton locates them in Sindh, but reports small numbers in all parts of Gudjarat. Their women are called sidiyani. They were originally slaves imported into India "from Muscat and other harbours on the eastern coast of Arabia", where pockets of Swahili speakers still exist. Burton says that their importation "originated under the Ameers" of Sindh: the first such was recognised by the Mughal Emperor in 1738. Whitely found them distributed throughout Kathiawar State. Burton distinguishes them from Habashl [see HABASH, HABASHl], slaves imported from Ethiopia, a commerce that certainly existed in the 13th century. For their ethnic origin he lists twenty-two African tribes. Nineteen of these can be identified with tribes in the present Tanzania. The remaining three have not been identified, but have Bantu names which cannot be connected with Ethiopia. He also mentions Lamu [q.v] as a port of origin. While he says that the Sidi used Sindhi words when they fail to recall words in their own tongue, his word-list of some 200 words, in an orthography that he admits to be faulty, corresponds sufficiently well as to be recognisable in terms of the dialects described by Sacleux in 1909. Bibliography. R.F. Burton, Sindh, and the races that inhabit the valley of the Indus, 1850; W.H. Whiteley, Swahili, the rise of a national language, 1970; G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, The Sidi and Swahili, in Bull of the British Association of Orientalists., n.s. vi (1971). (G.S.P. FREEMAN-GRENVILLE) SIDI CALI RE'IS (Seydi All Reis) (b. Istanbul, beg. 16th century, d. there Djumada I 970/DecemberJanuary 1562-3), O t t o m a n m a r i n e r , a d m i n i s t r a tor, a u t h o r and poet, also known by his takhallus Katibf or Katib-i Rum. He participated in Ottoman naval operations that included the conquest of Rhodes (1522), the battle of Preveza (1538), the sailings of Khayr al-Dfn Pasha Barbarossa [q.v], and the conquest of Libyan Tripoli (1551); he also rose to the rank of ketkhudd [q.v] of the imperial arsenal (tersdne-yi c dmire] in Istanbul, following the careers of his father and grandfather. Sidi 'All's historical importance, however, rests on his activities and events to the east of Suez. In 1553, while he was in Aleppo with the imperial army during Suleyman IPs [q.v] campaign against the Safawids, he received an order to bring the Ottoman ships which Pm Re'Is [q.v], the ill-starred commander of the Ottoman "Suez fleet", had left in Basra, to Suez. Sailing out on 1 Sha'ban 961/2 July 1554, he failed to reach the Red Sea because of both Portuguese attacks and also storms; the latter deflected the course of the Turkish ships toward India. Fearing Portuguese warships patrolling the coast, and giving up hope of returning by sea, Srdl 'All disembarked at the port of Surat on 1 Dhu 'l-Kacda 961/28 September 1554. He was welcomed by its Muslim governor, and was asked by Ahmad III, the Sultan of Gudjarat, to assist him in the siege of Broach [see GUDJARAT; BHAROC]. Some 200 men from what had remained of the
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Ottoman fleet joined Ahmad, but Sidi 'All, with 53 companions, set out on an overland trip to Turkey (beg. Muharram 962/end November 1554). They passed through Ahmadabad, Dihll, Lahore, Kabul, Samarkand, Bukhara, Mashhad, Rayy and Kazwfn, before reaching Ottoman-held Baghdad at the end of February 1557. Sfdf 'All then set out for Istanbul, and learning that Siileyman was at Edirne, he hurried there, arriving in May. His possible worries that a fate similar to that of Pin Re'fs was awaiting him proved unfounded, for the sultan received him kindly, and was the first to appreciate the seaman's story; moreover, Sldl cAll's journey had also been a diplomatic feat, for he brought back 18 letters from various sovereigns addressed to the Ottoman sultan, including messages from the newly-enthroned Mughal Akbar I and from Shah Tahmasp I. Sldl cAll narrated his epic anabasis in an account known as Mir3at al-mamdlik. His other works, also in Turkish, are chiefly translations from Persian or Arabic and deal with mathematics, astronomy and navigation in the Indian Ocean: (1) Mir3dt-i kd3indt (Istanbul University library, T. 1824), a treatise on astronomical measurements and instruments chiefly applicable to the art of celestial navigation; (2) Khuldsat al-hay'a (mss. Ayasofya 2951 and Nuruosmaniye 2911), a treatise on geometry and mathematics containing a translation of CA1I Kushdji's [q.v.] Fathiyya, enriched with excerpts from Caghmfm and Kadf-zade-i Rumi; and (3) Kitdb ul-muhit Ji cilm il-efldk we-abhur, better known as Muhit, still unpublished in its entirety; two mss. exist in Istanbul (Topkapi Sarayi, Revan 1643—possibly the autograph—and Nuruosmaniye 2948), one in Vienna (Fliigel 1277), and one in Naples (Museo Borbonico). It is, after his travelogue, Sfdf cAll's most famous work, and is based on Arabic works dealing with navigation in the Indian Ocean, chiefly those by Ibn Madjid and Sulayman al-Mahn [
portugais des XVe et XVIe siecles, i, Paris 1928, 1218, 196-8, 248-55; A. Adnan Adivar, Osmanli Turklmnde Him, Ankara 1982, 85-9 (and its French version, La science chez les Turcs Ottomans, Paris 1938); W.C. Brice, C. Imber and R. Lorch, The Da3ire-yi Mu'addal of Seydi CAH Re'is, Manchester 1976. The Mir3at al-mamdlik was published in Ottoman Turkish (1313/1895-6) and in a recent modernised version in yeni yaz.i (Mir'at ul-memalik, n.d.), as well as in several trs.: German (H.F. von Diez, Denkwurdigkeiten von Asien, Berlin 1815, ii, 133-267), English (A. Vambery, The travels and adventures of the Turkish Admiral Sidi Ali Reis, London 1899), Uzbek (Sh. Zumnunab, Memleketler kiizgiisi, Tashkent 1963), and Persian. None of his other works has been published, but sections from the Muhit have appeared in English, Italian and German trs. (see Turan's and Adiyar's works). (S. SOUCEK) SIDI BEL-ABBES [see SIDI BU 'L-CABBAS]. SIDI BU 'L-'ABBAS, conventional form SIDI BELABBES, a town of Algeria created in 1849 and deriving its name from the tomb of the saint Sfdi Abu 'l-cAbbas, whose kubba is on the left bank of the Mekerra river, the town itself being on its right bank (lat. 35° 15' N., long. 0° 39' W.). It lies in the centre of the Tell of Oran equidistant from Mascar and Tlemcen. The plain of the Mekerra (altitude 470 m/ 1,540 feet) is separated from maritime climatic influence by the Tessala mountain chain, giving Sidi BelAbbes a continental climate parallel to that of the High central plateau, semi-arid, sudden rains often causing floods, and with frequently harsh winters. But the climate is healthy and water is available everywhere for irrigation by norias at only 3 or 4 m depth. Antiquity. The Romans noted the fertility of the Tessala region, from which they dominated the course of the Mekerra (apparently from a Berber root m-k-r "great", according to A. Pellegrini), called by them Tasaccura (apparently "river of the partridge", Berber tasekkurt, because this bird favoured cereal fields), and the plain of Sldl Bu 'l-'Abbas. The Islamic period. The great Sufri Kharidjite Berber revolt of 122-4/740-2 [see SUFRIYYA. 2.] freed the region from Arab domination through the battles of the Ghazwat al-Ashrdf (122/740) and that of the Wadi Sebu (123/741). At the end of the 4th/10th century, it was dominated by the Berber Azdadja tribe, who exported foodstuffs, especially corn, via Oran (Wahran, founded in 290/903 by the Andalusians and the Banu Mesgen, a branch of the Azdadja) to Murcia and Granada, according to Ibn Hawkal, and then in the next century by the Banu Rashid, Zanata Berber nomads of the Maghrawa confederation. In Almohad times, the ruler of Tlemcen Yaghmurasan b. Zayyan, founder of the £Abd al-Wadids (r. 633-81/1236-83), developed irrigation and agriculture in the valley of the Mekerra, the Sfg (this name, < Berber sik with the idea of a group of primitive dwellings, having replaced the classical one of Tasaccura). He is also said to have brought in nomadic Arabs of the Banu c Amir, especially those of the Ma'kil [q.v.], to the southern frontier of his realm in order to close access to the Tell. The whole region played a notable role in the struggles between the cAbd al-Wadids and the Mannids; according to Marmol, the Marmid sultan Abu '1-Hasan in 732/1331-2 ravaged Tessala. The Mekerra plain continued to supply grain to Tlemcen and elsewhere ca. 1500, and cattle- and camel-raising were also practised there, with the products exported from Oran (cereals, including to Italy; textiles, including the coverings called by the Por-
SIDI BU 'L-£ABBAS tuguese "hambels" (< hanbal). The Crusade which led to the occupation of Oran in 915/1509 neutralised a port useful for aiding the persecuted Muslims of alAndalus and was also impelled by a desire to gain control of the riches of the region. It was the Banu 'Amir who furnished most of the cavalry defending Tlemcen against Spanish attacks, though some groups of them were in a treaty relationship with the Spanish, Moroz de la Paz, paying a tribute called rumiyya and furnishing noble hostages. Over the next three centuries, there was an equilibrium of tribes in the region, of whom the more exposed ones to Spanish attacks negotiated at times with the bey of Mascara, at others with the chief of the garrison in Oran. Economic development in the plain of Sfdl Bu 'l-cAbbas at this period continued to be an extensive agricultural-pastoral one practised by a largely nomadic population living in tents and dominated by the Maghrawa. It was connected with towns such as Mustaghanim to the north-east (quarter called alMatmar, "of the grain silos") and Tlemcen to the south-west (also a quarter al-Matmar, traversed by a "way of silos", Trig al-Matmar}. According to the local legend concerning Sidf Bu 'l-cAbbas, he was the grandson of Sidf Bu Zldf, who had come from Mecca to Aflu in southern Algeria, probably in the 17th century, and the latter's kubba is extant in the village of Ksar Sfdf Bu Zfd to the north-east of Aflu. His grandson died ca. 1780 and is buried on the hill of Sldl cAmmar, which dominates Sldl Bu 'l-cAbbas, in a rectangular kubba with a cupola of glazed tiles. However, the hypothesis of a saint of Moroccan origin is possible through the spread in the central Maghrib of Abu VAbbas alSabtl [q.v.] and Almohad moves towards unity of the Maghrib, and this may have been favoured in the 17th century by anti-Spanish resistance and the economic and political leadership of the Banu cAmir favouring the substitution of a Moroccan for a local saint. After the abandonment of Oran by the Spanish in 1206/1792, the port developed its exports of grain, meat and beasts to the British Mediterranean garrisons (Mahon, the Balearics, Gibraltar) and to Spain, and Arzew (al-Marsa) became one of the main markets for supplying British troops in the Peninsular War 1808-14. The Banu "Amir continued to be dominant, and joined cAbd al-Kadir b. al-Sharff in his revolt of 1220/1805 or 1221/1806 against the Bey of Oran, and after its suppression, the plain of Sfdf Bu 'l-cAbbas suffered devastating reprisals; although balanced between the Turkish Regency and the Spanish, the population there managed to preserve its independence. The colonial period. On the French occupation of Oran on 4 January 1831, the Banu 'Amir joined other local tribes in recognising as sultan cAbd alKadir b. Muhyf '1-Dln al-Hasanf (1808-83 [q.v.]). The plain was strenuously attacked and occupied by French forces and reduced to submission, with the sweepingaway of traditional chiefs and considerable depopulation. The encampment of Sidi Bel-Abbes was founded in 1841, with a redoubt on the right bank of the Mekerra facing the kubba of the saint on the opposite bank. The town was created by decree on 5 January 1849 as centre of the future arrondissement of Sidi BelAbbes. The cereal and livestock resources of the region were soon exploited, with an all-season carriage road built to Oran for exporting to France and flour mills established along the Mekerra. Orania, less populous than the other two provinces of the north of the
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Regency, lent itself to colonisation and exploitation at modest expense, and the military occupation forces in Orania rose from 10,000 men in 1840 to 35,000 in 1845. The Muslim population tended to be forced up to the hill slopes, with the farms of colonists in the plain. After the revolt in Orania of 1864-6 by the Ulad SrdT Shaykh and the Flfta, this process accelerated. Cereals, especially of the soft variety of wheat (farina), as opposed to the indigenous hard variety (gemh, triticum durum), and tobacco culture grew. By 1900, the Spanish colonists from Andalusia brought in from 1845 as workmen had become two-thirds of the colonist population of the arrondissement. After 1920, viticulture increased, as cereal production dropped owing to soil exhaustion. In 1939, Sidi BelAbbes exported 15,000 sheep annually to France plus a tenth of the cereal production of Algeria. This period of agricultural expansion was accompanied by, until ca. 1940, sedentarisation of the remaining nomads, with the abandonment of tents for fixed dwellings (often the gourbi or shack); pushed into the mountain zones, they exploited the forests for charcoal production, and a rural as well as an urban proletariat grew up. Outside the town of Sidi Bel-Abbes, a week-long regional festival took place annually in honour of the saint, on an area called "the Plateau" (el-Bldto), with tents erected there. During the war of independence in the 1950s, the problems of employment and rural exodus were accentuated by bombardments and the depopulation of rural zones through the policy of regroupment of populations aimed at depriving the nationalist forces of material and moral support from the indigenous population (on the lines of the "cantonment" policy of the 19th century). The problems persisted after 1962, with economic regression of the plain of Sidi BelAbbes due above all to the unequal distribution of resources in the colonial period, sc. by a minority of the European population. Bibliography: 1. Arabic sources. Ibn Hawkal, ed. Kramers, 77-8, tr. 74; IdnsI, ed. and tr. HadjSadok, Paris 1983, 105, 128/97, 120; Yahya Ibn Khaldun, ed. and tr. A. Bel and Bouali al-Ghawthf, Hist, des Beni cAbd el-Wad, rois de Tlemcen, Algiers 1903-13, i, 104, 110/137., 155, ii, 25, 29-30, 254-5, 257/29, 33-5, 311-12, 315; Leo Africanus, Description de I'AJrique, tr. Epaulard, I, 26-32, ii, 337; Muh. b. Yusuf al-Zayyam, Dalil al-hayran, Algiers 1398/1978, 57; Khudja Hasan al-Turkf, Dun alacyan fi akhbdr Wahran, partial tr. A. Rousseau, in Le Moniteur algerien, 395-8 (1855); Sfdf Hamdan Khudja, al-Mir}at, Algiers 1982, tr. H. Deghig, Aperfu historique et statistique sur la Regence d'Alger, Paris 1833; idem, Ithdf al-munsifin, Algiers 1968; £Abd al-Kadir al-Marsaff, Baha^at al-nd^ir, ed. and tr. M/Bodin, in R. AJr., Ixv (1924), 210, 239, and ed. Beirut n.d. 2. Studies. A. Delpech, Resume historique sur le soulevement des Derk'aoua de la province d'Oran..., in R. Afr., xviii (1874), 51-2; V. Demontes, La colonisation militaire sous Bugeaud, Paris-Algiers n.d. [1917]; L. Adoue, La ville de Sidi Bel-Abbes (histoire, legendes, anecdotes), Sidi Bel-Abbes 1927; F. Braudel, Les Espagnols et I'AJrique du Nord de 1492 a 1577, in R. Afr., Ixix (1928), 380-2, 403; R. Germain, La politique indigene de Bugeaud, Paris 1955; C.R. Ageron, Politiques coloniales au Maghreb, Paris 1972; P. Boyer, Historique des Beni Amer d'Oranie, des origines au senatus consultus, in ROMM, xxiv (1977), 24, 39-85; R. Danziger, Abd al-Qadir and the Algerians. Resistance to the French and internal consolidation, New York-
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SIDI BU 'L-CABBAS — SIDJILL
London 1977; A. Azza, Mestfa ben Brahim, barde de I'Oranais et chantre des Beni cAmer, Algiers 1979. See also AL-SABTI. (H. BENCHENEB, shortened by the Editors) SIDJDJIL (A.), one of the mysterious words of the K u r ' a n , appearing in XI, 84/82; XV, 74; and CV, 4. The derivation in the Arabic sources from Persian sang "stone" and gil "mud" did not satisfy Horovitz. It seems to designate stones resembling lumps of clay, fired or sun-dried, since this is corroborated by LI, 33-4, "... That we may loose on them stones of clay, marked by your Lord for the prodigal". Some commentators add that these stones had been baked in the fire of Hell, and the expression "marked by your Lord" (XI, 84/82; LI, 34) would mean, so they assert, that the stones were marked with the names of those at whom they were destined. There exist other interpretations, not unanimously admitted: what has been written or decreed (clearly derived from the term's likeness to siajili [q.v.]; Hell or the lowest Heaven (the word being considered in this case as another form of siajajin [q.v]}. It has also been associated with adjectives derived from the root s-aj-L But a convincing account of the term and its background has now been given by F. Leemhuis in his Qur'anic siggfl and Aramaic sgyl, in JSS, xxvii (1982), 47-56: that it is in origin a non-Semitic, apparently Sumerian word, appearing in Akkadian as sikillu or shigillu, denoting a smooth kind of stone, now attested in the Aramaic of Hatra [see AL-HADR] as sgyl or sgl (probably for *sigil) with a specialised meaning of "altar stone" > "altar, sacrarium". From Mesopotamia, it must early have entered the Arabic dialects of adjacent parts of the Syrian Desert, becoming known in Central Arabia by the time of the Prophet with the meaning of "hard, flint-like stone". Bibliography: See also Lane, Lexicon, s.v.; Tabarl, Tafslr, Cairo 1328, xii, 57; Suyutf, Itkdn, Cairo 1318, i, 139; A. Siddiqi, Studien u'ber die persischen Fremdworter im klassischen Arabisch, Gottingen 1919, 73; J. Horovitz, Koranische Untersuchungen, BerlinLeipzig 1926, 11. For the hypothesis according to which the stones mentioned in sura CV, 4, refer to a smallpox epidemic, see Caetani, Annali, i, introd., 147, and Fernandez y Gonzalez, La aparicion de la viruela en Arabia, in Revista de ciencias historicas, v (1887), 201-16. See also A. Jeffery, The foreign vocabulary of the Qur3dn, Baroda 1938, 164-5; R. Blachere (tr.), Le Goran, Paris 1956, 254; R. Paret, Der Koran. Kommentar und Konkordanz, Stuttgart, etc. 1971, 240. (V. VACCA-[ED.]) SIDJDJIN (A.), one of the mysterious words of the K u r ' a n , appearing in LXXXIII, 7-9: "Nay, but the book of the libertines is in siajajinl And what shall teach you what is siajajm? [It is] a book inscribed." The majority of commentators take this as a proper name. The word has attracted a dozen interpretations, which are grouped around two central concepts: (1) Siajajm is the seventh and lowest earth, or a rock or well in Hell, or even the home of Iblls; (2) It is the name of the record in which all human acts are set down. Without the definite article, siajajm designates Hell Fire, or again, something painful, violent, hard, durable or eternal. These interpretations are influenced by the term's resemblance to siajajil [q.v.], associated erroneously with the root s-aj-L Although al-Suyutf's Itkdn classes it amongst the non-Arabic words, no generally-accepted etymology has been put forward. R. Dvorak, contra Jeffery, did not consider it as one of the Fremdworter. The lexicographers, on the other hand, make it a synonym
of siajn "prison", which has influenced the most widespread interpretation of the commentators, who see it as the place where the record of the evildoers is kept rather than the record itself. The Kur'an's text admits of both interpretations. Bibliography: Lane, Lexicon, s.v.; Tabarl, Tafsir, Cairo 1328, xxx, 60; Suyutl, Itkdn, Cairo 1318, i, 139; Marracci, Rejutatio Alcorani, Padua 1698, 787; Noldeke, Orientalische Skizzen, Berlin 1892, 41, Eng. tr. Sketches from eastern history, London and Edinburgh 1892, 38; A. Jeffery, The foreign vocabulary of the Qur'an, Baroda 1938, 165; idem, The Qur'dn as scripture, New York 1952 (originally in MW), 11-12; R. Blachere (tr.), Le Goran, Paris 1956, 641-2; R. Paret, Der Koran. Kommentar und Konkordanz, Stuttgart, etc. 1971, 504. (V. VACCA-[ED.]) SIDJILL (A.). 1. K u r ' a n i c and early Arabic usage. Siajill is an Arabic word for various types of documents, especially of an official or juridical nature. It has long been recognised (first, it seems, by Fraenkel) that it goes back ultimately to Latin sigillum, which in the classical language means "seal" (i.e. both "sealmatrix" and "seal-impression"), but which in Mediaeval Latin is used also for the document to which a seal has been affixed; it was borrowed into Byzantine Greek as avyiA,X(i)ov, "seal, treaty, imperial edict", and then, via Aramaic (e.g. Syriac sygylywri) into Arabic. It should, however, be noted that in Arabic siajill never means "seal" (khdtam), but always refers either to a document (kitdb) or to a scroll (tumdr, also a loanword from Greek) on which documents are written. The latter provides the most plausible explanation for the muchdebated Kur'anic verse XXI, 104, where God is represented as saying "We shall roll up the sky like the rolling-up of the scroll for the documents" (ka-tayyi 'l-sidjilli li 'l-kutub); the other explanations offered by the commentators (sujj.Ul means "man" in Ethiopian, or it is the name of the Prophet's scribe, etc.) have nothing to recommend themselves. There is also a hadith according to which, on the Day of Judgement, God will show the Muslim 99 scrolls (siajill), each one extending as far as the eye can see, on which his sins are registered (see Wensinck's Concordance, ii, 431, where al-sabr is a misprint for al-basar). In classical Arabic, siajill is frequently used for a document containing the judgments of a kadi, and in various other technical senses. Al-Khwarazmi (Mqfatih al-fulum, 57) says that it designates a credit-note given to official messengers exempting them from the costs of their journey. From the Fatimid empire we have the sidjilldt Mustansiriyya, the official correspondence of the court of the caliph al-Mustansir with the Sulayhids [q.v.], vassal rulers of the Yemen. Bibliography: S. Fraenkel, Die aramdischen Fremdworter im Arabischen, Leiden 1886, 251-2; Th. Noldeke, New Beitrage zur semitischen Sprachwissenschaft, Strassburg 1910, 27-8; A. Jeffery, The foreign vocabulary of the Qur'dn, Baroda 1938, 163-4; R. Paret, Der Koran. Kommentar und Konkordanz, Stuttgart etc. 1971, 346-7. (F.C. DE BLOIS) 2. In M a m l u k usage. It is evident from Ibn Khaldun's Mukaddima that during the Mamluk period the term siajill (pi. siajilldt) must have been used for the judicial court registers kept by official witnesses ('adala) "which record the rights, possessions, and debts of people and other (legal) transactions." But the term is infrequently encountered with this general meaning in Mamluk chancery (inshd3) and notarial (shuruf) manuals, which, after all, were designed for the use of professionals.
SIDJILL In his Subh al-acsha, for example, al-Kalakashandi used the term in reference to documents issued by Fatimid caliphs, either conferring iktd'dt on their subjects or appointing them to public office (wildydt}. Otherwise, he used siajill once to designate a document issued by a judge to certify (isdjdl) the legal integrity (caddla) of his son. In shurut works, designed to provide models to notaries for drafting legal documents, sidjill was also used with technical denotations and was defined in contrast to two other types of documents or records: nuskha (pi. nusakh) and mahdar (pi. mahddir]. According to two authors of Mamluk notarial manuals—the Syrian HanafT Nadjm al-Dfn al-TarsusI (d. 748/1348) and the Egyptian ShafTf Shams al-Dfn al-Asyuti (b. 813/1410-11)—a mahdar was simply an official record of the minutes of a case or transaction conducted before a kadi; a sijjjill was an official record of the case, based on and including the mahdar, plus the judge's decision or verdict. This notarial distinction did not originate with the Mamluks, as J. Wakin's research demonstrates. Presumably, individual sidjills were compiled and kept in a kitdb al-sidjilldt or dlwdn al-hukm and constituted the offical record of a kadi's judgements, but no such compilation has been found earlier than the siajilldt of al-Mahkama al-Salihiyya, which date to the second decade after the Ottoman conquest of Egypt. The closest approximation to a Mamluk judicial archive is the Haram collection, which consists of copies of documents associated with the court of a late 8th/14th-century ShafTf judge in Jerusalem. But these documents contain no references to siajilldt. Both al-Tarsusf and al-Suyuti also distinguish between a sidjill and a nuskha. The latter is simply a certified verbatim copy of an original document, while the former contains an enumeration of attestations (isajdldt) to the validity of the document and its contents, along with a copy of the document itself. It should be noted that the term sid^illdt was used in perhaps still another sense in the Mamluk decrees issued to the monks of St. Catherine's Monastery at Mt. Sinai, namely as documents which, along with mardsim, tawdkf, murabbacdt, cuhddt, and mustanaddt, attested to the Mamluks' recognition of the legal status of the monks and their monastery. In two instances, siajilldt is modified by the word khalifatiyya, which indicates that these may have been caliphal edicts. But the precise denotation of siajilldt in this context of various kinds of decrees, contracts, and records is not yet clear; moreover, it should be recalled that sidjill was also a general term for "document" [see DIPLOMATIC], especially during the Fatimid period. Bibliography: Ibn Khaldun, tr. Rosenthal, iii, 461; W. Bjorkman, Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Staatskanzlei im islamischen Agypten, Hamburg 1928, 149, 167, 176; G. Guellil, Damascener Akten des 8./14. Jahrhunderts nach at-Tarsusl's Kitdb al-Fldm, Bamberg 1985, 56, 260, 378, 388-89; Shams al-Dln al-Asyutl, Diawdhir al-cukud, Cairo 1955, ii, 411, 456; J. Wakin, The function of documents in Islamic law, Albany 1972, 11; S. Jackson, The primacy of domestic politics. Ibn Bint al-Acazz and the establishment of four chiefjudgeships in Mamluk Egypt, in JAOS, cxv (1995), 61-2; A.L. Ibrahim, al-Tawthlkdt al-sharciyya wa'l-ishhdddt fi £ahr wathikat al-Ghawn, in Bull of the Faculty of Arts, Cairo University, xix (1957), 336-7; D. Little, A catalogue of the Islamic documents from al-Haram as-Sanf in Jerusalem, Beirut 1984; H. Ernst, Die mamlukischen Sultansurkunden des Sinai-Klosters, Wiesbaden 1960, 84, 146, 150, 194, 230, 238, 242. (D.P. LITTLE) 3. In O t t o m a n administrative usage. The Ottomans used this general term for "regis-
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ter" in a variety of contexts; thus Mehmed Thureyya's biographical encyclopaedia is known as the Sidjill-i c othmdnl (Istanbul 1308-11/1890-4). In the late Ottoman Empire, the personnel files of civil servants were known as the sidjill-i ahwdl. By the term kadi sidjilleri or sherciyye sidjilleri are meant the registers kept in the courts of Ottoman kddis. Documents were often, but not always, entered in chronological order, and every register normally covered one or two years. The oldest extant records date from the late 9th/15th century. We do not know when the practice of keeping these registers was first instituted, and can only speculate from which Muslim state the practice was copied. For while inheritance inventories have survived for Mamluk Jerusalem, the bulk of Ottoman registers was not made up of such inventories, even though these latter items are found frequently enough. Pre-Ottoman kadi registers are extremely rare; but cf. R.S. Humphreys, Islamic history, a framework for inquiry, London and New York 1995, 219. While registers dating from the 9th/15th century seem to have only been preserved for Bursa and Kayseri, kadi sidjilleri were instituted in the Arab provinces shortly after the Ottoman conquest. This indicates that at the beginning of the 1 Oth/16th century, the compilation of such registers already formed part of established routine at least in the larger cities. From the second half of this century onwards, more and more towns and cities preserve at least minor collections of siajills. While older registers are more likely to have been lost than more recent ones, the general lack of sidjills for rural settlements which we know to have possessed a kadi before the middle of the 13th/19th century, may indicate that in such places, the compilation and preservation of kadi registers was not the rule in older periods. The organisation of registers Kadi registers of the larger cities consist of two parts; one section begins where books written in the Arabic script normally begin. Here we find records of transactions in the local court, such as sales, loans, agreements concerning divorces or manumissions of slaves. These transactions were not contentious, and the parties in question had them recorded so that proof of the sale, divorce or manumission would be easily available; this aim explains why we normally find the names of three, four or five people under the relevant text (shbhud ul-hdl). Proof provided by entry into the register was especially important to nonMuslims, who could not legally testify against Muslims; this fact may explain why non-Muslims frequently turned to the court. Some capitulations [see IMTIYAZAT] even contained the clause that all contracts involving merchants of the relevant nation had to be registered by the kadi, or else later complaints against the foreign trader would be regarded as irreceivable (Suraiya Faroqhi, The Venetian presence in the Ottoman Empire, in Huri Islamoglu-Inan (ed.), The Ottoman Empire and the world economy, Cambridge and Paris 1987, 340). Thus while in ordinary transactions recourse to the court was not obligatory, the sultan might legislate such an obligation in specific instances. The kadi registers also document cases of litigation, which might concern the division of an inheritance, but equally a complaint against a neighbour who had added a room to his house overlooking the plaintiff's court, thereby invading the privacy of the latter's family. More serious matters such as rape, robbery and murder also occur in the sidj.ill, but not very frequently. Since the shen'at regarded murder without robbery as something which mainly concerned the
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family of the victim, while on the other hand, the state demanded a share of the blood money (coshr-i diyet), there was some incentive to settle out of court. Many documents concerning cases which by presentday categories would be regarded as penal simply contain the "facts of the case" as established by the plaintiff's, defendant's and witnesses' depositions. Presumably the matter was then referred to the sultan's Council in Istanbul. But the Council, after having been apprised of such an affair, according to the evidence of the Registers of Important Affairs (Muhimme Defterleri) and the Complaint Registers (Shikdyet defterlen) often merely issued an order to the relevant kadi to judge the matter according to the sheri'at. Thus in most cases, neither one nor the other type of register informs us of the judgements issued and the manner of their execution. A second section of the register begins at what the scribes regarded as the last page of the volume in question. This second half is taken up with orders issued by the sultan's Council; some of these, similar to modern circulars, were issued to all governors and kadis of a given region. Others are concerned with matters specifically assigned to the particular kadi and/or governor. These may include responses to complaints by local inhabitants, such as creditors unable to recover loans. Occasionally a rescript may occur both in the Registers of Important Affairs and in the local kadi registers. But that is fairly rare, as neither the registers of the kddis nor those prepared in Istanbul have survived in their totality. In addition, we cannot be sure how great was the percentage of documents which, for one reason or another, escaped registration at either the central or the local end. In large cities such as Aleppo, there were separate registers for the orders emanating from the central administration (awdmir sultdniyyd]. In the largest cities, such as Bursa or Cairo, separate registers for inheritance inventories were instituted. By this term we mean a list of the goods left by the deceased, including both movable property and real estate, but not state-owned agricultural land (mln). Debts and money owed to the deceased were also included, as well as clauses constituting the testament of the deceased, especially if there were slaves to be liberated. In Edirne and Istanbul, special inheritance registers existed covering the 'askeris, that is the servitors of the sultans (and sometimes their spouses) whose inheritances were liable to confiscation. However these registers were not the responsibility of the kadi, but were kept by a special official known as the 'askeri kassdm [see KASSAM]. In cases where no children or absent people were involved, the heirs could divide up the inheritance without recourse to the kadi and, consequently, without the compilation of an inheritance inventory. Thus only a relatively small share of all inheritance cases was recorded. Merchants are probably over-represented in the si^ill, as they often died while away from home, or, if older and sedentary, had sons who were away when their fathers died. Moreover, their goods and chattels were important enough to be worth recording, and given the existence of both creditors and debtors of the deceased, it was often imperative to make an official record of the manner in which the inheritance had been divided. By the same token, the inheritances of women and the poor are underrepresented; when the inheritance was small, it was to the advantage of all heirs to avoid reducing it further through the fees charged by the court. The frequency of inheritance disputes shows that manipu-
lations to disinherit minors and women were common. It therefore makes sense to assume that some inheritances were not documented in order to deprive an heir of his/her fair share. Inheritances were also recorded when the temporary absence or non-existence of heirs resulted in the beyt ul-mdl emmi's taking possession, temporarily or permanently, of the estate in question. Cases where only a few heirs were involved also were more likely to be included than others, for it was then necessary to demonstrate that the beyt ul-mdl emini was not entitled to confiscate. When the inventory does not explicitly state that the inheritance was sold by public auction, the prices assigned to the individual goods in the register should be regarded with a degree of caution. The kddl's registers must have been kept in the court building of the district centre; there is no evidence that copies were ever sent to Istanbul. In the Aegean region, however, it is probable that the kadi registers were collected in one of the major towns already in the 13th/19th century, and then were lost when this provincial archive was destroyed, in all likelihood before the 1260s-70s/ 1850s. For, otherwise, it is hard to explain why to the south of Balikesir and Edremit and to the north of Antalya, no kddi registers survive except for Manisa, apart from a number of Izmir volumes from the second half of the 13th/19th century. It was the responsibility of the outgoing kadi to hand these registers over to his successor. Occasionally, we hear of kadis who did not do this, presumably because of accidents or because they had something to hide. No Ottoman court buildings from before the mid-13th/19th century have survived, but casual references in the documents, as well as the traveller Ewliya Celebi's descriptions of llth/16th century Ottoman towns, prove that they existed at least in the larger cities. Without such a building, it is difficult to imagine how the often substantial series could have survived frequent changes of officiating kddis. On the other hand, the all but complete absence of kadi registers relevant to the numerous small kddfs seats of the 10th/16th century can probably be explained by the lack of a building to house these institutions. Presumably the court building resembled the residence of a well-to-do family, with structures surrounding two courtyards. In the first, corresponding to the men's part of a house (seldmllk [
SIDJILL her of scribes at their disposal. Recruitment and training in the 9th/15th and 10th/16th centuries appear to have been less systematic than in later periods, for where these earlier centuries are concerned, we find evidence of scribes who evidently had difficulty handling the mechanics of registration. Thus in late 9th/15th century Bursa, a scribe who had produced a particularly garbled account of a succession explained the reason for the confusion in the margin, asking his readers to pardon him. Spelling errors and clumsy handwriting also are not rare in early registers. By contrast, from the llth/17th century onward, scribes in the larger courts wrote in a relatively uniform hand. Presumably the senior scribes also put the claims of plaintiff, defendant and witnesses into the appropriate legal formulas. It is tempting to assume that the fragments of everyday speech which are often found among the formulaic language of the documents constitute residual traces of what the participants in the case actually said; but whether this is really true is not at all certain. Archives containing sidjills Registers kept by Ottoman kadis and preserved in Turkey are now located in the National library (Milli Kiitiiphane) in Ankara, having been transferred to this place from the provincial museums in which they were previously housed. Registers prepared by the various courts of the city of Istanbul can be consulted in the office of the Chief Islamic Jurisconsult (Muftiiliik) in the Suleymaniye quarter of that city. A published guide is available, the newest version of which allows the prospective user to determine the years covered by each register in addition to the call number (Akgimdiiz et alii, 1988). Moreover, this guide contains a broad selection of reproduced documents. Kadi registers in the Ankara National Library deal with localities inside the borders of present-day Turkey. A few extant registers are, however, not covered by this catalogue: thus some museums failed to inform the catalogue compilers of their holdings, and a Qorum register (1004-5/1595-7), located in the Qorum Library, should be added as well. Outside of modern Turkey, kadi registers, in larger or smaller numbers, are to be found in numerous successor states of the Ottoman Empire. Hungary has only a single siajill, concerning the district of Karansebes-Lugos, dating from the late llth/17th century (Magyar Tudomanyos Akademia Konivtara, Keleti Osztaly, Torok Keziratok, Qu. 62). In Bosnia, the Oriental Institute, the Ghazf Khosrew Beg Library and the Historical Archive, all located in Sarajevo, have separate collections of registers: in the Historical Archive we find six volumes concerning Livno, Visoko and Temeshwar, while the Ghazf Khusrew Library holds 68 sia^ills of Sarajevo itself, spanning the period from the 10th/16th to the 13th/19th century. In the Oriental Institute, 66 registers existed at least until recently, concerning the region surrounding the city and covering the 11 th/16th century. At present, we do not know for certain which of these registers have perished in the war accompanying the dissolution of Yugoslavia. In Macedonia, the state archive in Skopje houses the kadi registers of Bitola (Monastir); the series consists of 185 volumes, beginning in 1015-16/1607 and ending in 1912. Certain volumes have been made available in print. As to present-day Albania, the oldest surviving sidjitt known to date is found in the Vatican Library: it covers Avlonya (974-6/1567-8). No other registers concerning this port seem to exist anywhere else. In Albania, there survive series of regis-
541
ters covering Berat (beginning in 1010-11/1602) and Elbasan (beginning in 988/1580, in copy only). All other Albanian towns, including Tirana, have at most a few siajills going back to the 13th/19th century. Kadi registers located in present-day Bulgaria concern Sofia, Ruscuk (Ruse) and Vidin; the oldest known register (Sofia, 949/1542 to 957/1550) was lost during World War II. However, an edition containing the summaries of every individual document had been prepared just before the disappearance of the original, and was published in 1960. The extant siajills have been deposited in the National Library in Sofia. There is some coverage of the llth/17th century, but the registers become much fuller and more informative for the 12th/18th one, when expanding commercial opportunities allowed an increasing number of townsmen to prosper. On Greek territory, a similar situation prevails, as the oldest known register in the Macedonian State Archive (Salonica) dates from 1107-8/1696. This institution contains the largest number of siajilh in all of Greece: over 300 volumes covering the city of Salonica and the surrounding countryside, including the judicial districts of 'Awrethisar, Pazargah, Volos and Katerin. From the 1240s and 1250s/1830s there survive a number of inheritance inventories covering the Muslim population of Salonica itself. Kadi registers preserved in Veroia begin in 1011/1602; they number about 130, while two volumes consisting of different fragments of Veroia sidjills are owned by the Nahost Institute of the LudwigMaximilians-Universitat, Munich. In the Municipal Library of Heraclion, Crete, there is a collection of 166 siajills beginning in the 1070s/1660s; the Ottoman history of this town is documented right from the time of its conquest. In the Turkish part of Cyprus, the kadi registers of Lefko§e go back to the late 10th/16th century, they are mostly located in the Evkaf Dairesi in Lefko§e. Those kadi registers extant in Syria are for the most part concentrated in Damascus, where they can be consulted in the General Directorate of Historical Documents. Registers relating to the Arab provinces are for the most part in Arabic, although documents in Ottoman Turkish are not unknown. Damascus is covered for the period from 991/1583 to 1920 (1,658 volumes), while the extant documents for Aleppo (731 volumes) reach from 962-3/1555 to 1925. This archive also contains about thirty registers of sultans' commands directed at the authorities in Aleppo, in addition to some registers consisting exclusively of inheritance inventories. From the court of Hama, 64 registers have been preserved, which begin in 9423/1536 and reach to the year 1296-7/1879; some kadi registers also cover Hims. In the Sunn! sheri'at court of Sayda, the existence of eighteen registers, dating from the 13th/19th century, was noted in 1975 by Antoine Abdel Nour; these have probably been destroyed by fire in 1975-6. In the Old City of Jerusalem, the mahkama shar'iyya contains the kadi records of both Nablus and Jerusalem; while the former only cover the 12th/18th and 13th/19th centuries, the Jerusalem siajill go back to 937/1530-1, and thereby constitute one of the oldest series known. By contrast, the Haifa registers begin in 1286-7/1870 reflecting the relatively short history of this town. Some registers from the mid-13th/19th century are also available for Gaza. A collection of 1851 mahkama shar'iyya registers has been preserved in Cairo; these volumes have been for the most part compiled in the numerous courts which existed in the second-largest city of the Ottoman
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Empire. Registers are extant from the llth/17th century onwards. The largest section (559 volumes) concerns the court known as the Bab al-cAlI, while the sections al-Kisma al-'arabiyya and al-Kisma alc askariyya encompass probate inventories concerning the property of Ottoman subjects and members of the ruling elite respectively. However, from the later llth/18th century onwards, Muslim merchants and artisans increasingly joined the military corps, which thus took on the composition of militias. As a result, the al-Kisma al-caskariyya section is relatively large (418 al-Kisma al-carabiyya registers, versus 157 volumes belonging to al-Kisma al-'askariyya). Wakf in the kadi sidjilleri As wakf administrators were subject to supervision by the kadi, the sidjilh also contain many documents concerning repairs to existing wakf buildings. The rental of khans and shops, and in the case of wakfs lending money at interest, the settling of accounts, are also covered in some detail. Many wakfs turned over major pieces of real estate to a tenant-in-chief, who was in turn responsible for finding occupants for individual shops or workshops; the relevant contracts were at times entered into the siajill. Other records document "double rent" (lajdreteyri) agreements; here, a relatively high entry fine was paid, in exchange for which the tenant was allowed a lease which his heirs might inherit. Other documents record the special type of lease by which 12th/18th and 13th/19th century artisans often held their shops (gedik); gediks could only be passed on to other members of the same craft guild. Foundations without the resources to rebuild after fires or earthquakes received the kadi's authorisation to turn over the land at a low rent to whoever would build on it. A wakf in need of capital might contract a loan, and then permit the lender long-term occupation of a piece of profitable real estate at low rent until the loan was repaid. There are also cases of istibdal on record, in which the wakf administrator was authorised to divest the foundation of properties which were no longer useful and to acquire others in their stead. In 12th/18th century Bursa, lists of all foundations lending out money at interest were regularly compiled in separate registers classed among the siajill. These registers also contained the names of the debtors and responsible wakf administrators. Since the amount of the debts and the sum of money remaining in the wakf chest were equally recorded, the financial status of each wakf could be read off at a glance. While this information was not collected as systematically in other cities, money wakfs are still quite frequently documented throughout the Turkish-speaking parts of the Ottoman Empire. Workshops belonging to wakfs were also in evidence in the siajills. This information is particularly valuable, since we know very little about the functioning of non-wakf shops. Most frequent is information on dye houses, workshops where a large number of individual masters exercised their trade. Particularly well documented, in the siajills of both Istanbul and Bursa, is the dye house associated with the library of Sultan Ahmed III in Istanbul; numerous disputes which occurred throughout the 12th/18th century provide information on the relationship between masters and administrators, and on intra-guild competition as well. As the bedestdns of many towns and cities also produced revenue for major wakfs, the siajills record information on their operation as well; after damages due to fire, detailed protocols were compiled, determining the expenses involved in repairing the bedestdn
in question. Such documents, known as keshif (which exist for other wakf-owned buildings as well) are of special value to historians of architecture. The kadf registers as an historical source During the last twenty-five years, social and economic historians of the Ottoman lands have examined the siajills with particular attention. Scholars have come to appreciate the capacity of this source to provide a record of historical change, and have therefore tended to prefer the siajills to the tax registers (tapu tahnr) which in earlier decades had provided the backbone of most socio-economic analyses. Moreover, given the scarcity of private archives in many provinces of the Ottoman Empire, the siajills often constitute the main (or even the only) source which relates to local as opposed to central government concerns. As a first step, the functioning of the courts and the kadis' correspondence with the authorities in the capital have been studied, as well as the complex interplay between shencat and kdnun as applied by the kadis. Here the source criticism long practiced by historians has been joined to the discourse analysis initiated by students of literature. But principally, the standardised character of many documents contained in the siajills permits statistical analysis, which has been undertaken with respect to probate inventories as well as to sales documents. When houses were sold in larger Ottoman cities, such as Istanbul, Bursa and Aleppo, but even in Ankara or Kayseri, the record of the relevant agreement included not only the price, but also an enumeration of the neighbouring property-holders and the rooms contained in the dwelling in question. Administratively determined prices (narkh [q.v.]) are also found frequently enough in the registers of some localities to permit the construction of series. Conversion rates concerning the different coins which circulated in different parts of the empire can be derived from sales records and inheritance inventories. These series show up the degree to which a given town was economically integrated into a larger entity. Given the linkage between monetary inflation and social unrest, accurate indices of currency devaluation are of great importance to the social historian as well. Qualitative information in the siajills has equally come to interest researchers. With respect to women not part of the Ottoman elite, the kadi sidjilleri constitute almost the only source of information; as women often turned to the courts in order to defend their property rights, historical research has focussed on the relationship of women to property. Ample information is also available on divorce, and occasionally we find texts which show how marriage negotiations were begun or broken off. The probate inventories contained in the siajitls also provide some evidence on polygyny and family structure. These data are, however, less usable than one might wish for, as children who predeceased their parents are not recorded, and moreover, the sample of probate inventories included represents only a very specific sector of the urban population. The siajills also contain a fair amount of information on women who founded and administered wakf Slaves belonging to private persons also have left few traces anywhere but in the siajitls. Records of sales and manumissions can be supplemented by promises of future manumission in exchange for specific services; documents allowing a slave to use capital belonging to a master have also been found, as well as records of the personal and household goods which female owners sometimes gave their slave women when
SIDJILL the latter were manumitted and married off. Since the siffritts often mention the slave's place of origin, it has been possible to relate major campaigns to the affluence of slaves from a given region at a large slave market such as Bursa. Relationships between inhabitants of town quarters are reflected in complaints concerning wilful damage to buildings, nuisances in and around shops, or accusations of drunkenness and loose living. There is some documentation on the life of the poorest townsmen, often immigrants without families, as they died in a khan or on the street. Attempts to limit immigration into the towns are also on record, namely when timdrholders or administrators of crown lands demanded the return of peasants who had migrated to town without the consent of the proper authorities. But the same records document the interest of the townsmen in retaining their solvent neighbours, whether former villagers or not, by appropriate testimony to the court. Reactions on the part of artisans to the special demands made upon them in wartime are documented in the disputes among craftsmen as to which guild was the adjunct (yamak) of which other, as yamafa were obliged to contribute to the taxes demanded from the "superior" guild. No systematic evaluation has as yet been attempted for the numerous protocols concerning accidents and sudden deaths, which were included in the registers in order to safeguard the neighbours against later claims. These protocols provide a vivid reflection of the risks inherent in living in an urban community. Bibliography: Hikmet Turhan Daglioglu, 15581589 on altinci asirda Bursa ..., Bursa 1940; Qagatay Ulu9ay (ed.), XVII. asirda Saruhan'da efkiyahk ve halk hareketleri, Istanbul 1944; idem, Manisa §eriye sicilleri'ne dair bir arastirma, in Tbrkiyat Mecmuasi, (1951-3), 285-98; Halil Inalcik, 15. asir Turkiye iktisadi ve ictimai tarihi Kaynaklan, in 1st. Univ. Iktisat Fak. Mecmuasi, xv (1953-4), 51-7; idem (ed.), 18. ve 19. yiizyillarda Saruhan'da e§kiyahk ve halk hareketleri, Istanbul 1955; Halit Ongan (ed.), Ankara'mn 1 numarah §eriye skill..., Ankara 1958; Fahri Dalsar, Tbrk sanayi ve ticaret tarihinde Bursa'da ipek$ilik, Istanbul 1960; Galab D. Galabov and H.W. Duda, Die Protokollbucher des Kadiamtes Sofia, Munich 1960; Inalcik, Bursa. XV. asir sanayi ve ticaret tarihine dair vesikalar, in Belleten, xxiv (1960), 45-102; idem, Bursa and the commerce of the Levant, in JESHO, iii/2 (1960), 131-47; Cemil Cahit Giizelbey (ed.), Gaziantep §er'i mahkeme sicilleri (Gilt 153 ild 160) (Milddi 1886 ild 1909); (Gilt 144152) (Milddi 1841-1886), Gaziantep 1966; J. Mandaville, The Ottoman court records of Syria and Jordan, in JAOS, Ixxxvi (1966), 311-19; Omer Lutfi Barkan, Edirne askeri kassami'na ait tereke defterleri (1545-1659), in Belgeler, Turk Tarih Belgeleri Dergisi, iii (1968), 1-479; Inalcik, Capital formation in the Ottoman Empire, in Jnal. Econ. Hist., xxix (1969), 97-140; K. LiebeHarkort, Beitrdge zur sozialen und wirtschajtlichen. Lage Bursas am Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts, Hamburg 1970; N. Todorov, La differenciation de la population urbaine au XVIIF siecle d'apres des registres de cadis de Vidin, Sofia et Ruse, in La ville balkanique XVe-XIXe sticks, Sofia, 1970, 45-62; Vergi H. Bedevi, Kibns seri mahkeme sicilleri iizerinde ara§tirmalar, in Milletlerarast Birinci Kibns Tetkikleri Kongresi (14-19 Nisan 1969), Turk Heyeti Tebligleri, Ankara 1971, 139-48; R.Jennings, Loans and credit in early 17th century judicial records: the Sharia Court of Anatolian Kay seri, in JESHO, xvi/2-3 (1973), 168-216; Abdul-Karim Rafeq, Us registres des tribunaux religieux de Damas comme source pour I'histoire de la Syne, in BEO, xxvi (1973), 219-
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25; A. Raymond, Artisans et commercants au Caire au XVIIF siecle, 2 vols. Damascus 1973-4; Halit Ongan (ed.), Ankara'mn Iki numarah ser'iye sicili..., Ankara 1974; Jennings, Women in early 17th century Ottoman judicial records: the Sharia Court of Anatolian Kay seri, in JESHO, xviii 1 (1975), 53-114; Mandaville, The Jerusalem Sharfa court records, in Moshe Macoz (ed.), Studies in Palestine during the Ottoman period, Jerusalem 1975, 517-24; Halil Sahillioglu, Bursa kadi sicillerinde if ve di§ odemeler araci olarak "kitab u'l-kadi" ve "sufteceler", in Osman Okyar and Unal Nalbantoglu (eds.), Turkiye Iktisat Tarihi Semineri. Metinler tartisjnalar..., Ankara 1975, 109-44; Ozer Ergenc, 1600-1615yillari arasmda Ankara iktisadi tarihine ait ara§tirmalar, in Osman Okyar and Unal Nalbantoglu (eds.), Turkiye Iktisat Tarihi Semineri. Metinler Tarti§malar, 145-68; Rafeq, The law court registers of Damascus, with special reference to craft-corporations during the first half of the eighteenth century, in J. Berque and D. Chevallier (eds.), Les Arabes par leur archives (XVIe-XXe siecles), Paris 1976, 141-59; Todorov, Le numeraire des successions en tant que signe de differenciation de la population urbaine, in RO, xxxviii (1976), 283-9; Jennings, ^immis (nonMuslims) in early 17th century Ottoman judicial records— the Sharia court of Anatolian Kay seri, in JESHO, xxi/3 (1978), 225-93; idem, Kadi, court and legal procedure in 17th century Ottoman Kay seri, in SI, xlviii (1978), 133-72; idem, Limitations of the judicial powers of the kadi in 17th century Ottoman Kay seri, in ibid., (1979), 15184; Galal H. el-Nahal, The judicial administration of Ottoman Egypt in the seventeenth century, Minneapolis 1979; Haim Gerber, Sharia, kanun and custom in the Ottoman law: the court records of 17th century Bursa, in IJMES, ii/1 (1980), 131-47; Gerber, Social and economic position of women in an Ottoman city, Bursa, 16001700, in IJMES, xii (1980), 231-44; Inalcik, Military and fiscal transformation in the Ottoman Empire, 16001700, in Archivum Ottomanicum, vi (1980), 283-337; Ilber Ortayli, Anadolu'da XVI. yu'zyilda evlilik ili§kileri uterine ba& gb'zlemler, in Osmanh Ara§tirmalan, i (1980), 33-40; Rafik, cAbd al Karfm, Ghazza. Dirdsa cumrdniyya wa 'ktisddiyya min khildl al-wathd3ik al-sharciyya, 1273-1277/J857-1861, in al-Mu3tamar'al-duwaU althdlith li-tdnkh Bildd al-Shdm (Filastm), 'Amman 1980, ii, 68-157; Todorov, La ville balkanique aux XVe-XIXe siecles, developpement socio-economique et demographique, Bucarest 1980; G. Veinstein and Yolande Triantafyllidou-Baladie, Les inventaires apres deces ottomans de Crete, in A. van der Woude and A. Schuurman (eds.), Probate inventories, a new source for the historical study of wealth, material culture and agricultural development, in AAG Bijdragen, xxiii, Wageningen 1980, 191204; B. McGowan, Economic life in Ottoman Europe, taxation, trade and the struggle for land 1600-1800, Cambridge and Paris 1981; Rafeq, Economic relations between Damascus and the dependent countryside, 1743-71, in A.L. Udovitch (ed.), The Islamic Middle East 7001900. Studies in economic and social history, Princeton 1981, 653-85; Rafik, £Abd al-Kanm, Kafilat al-ha^aj al-shdml wa ahammiyyatu-hd Ji al-cahd al-cuthmdm, in Dirdsdt ta'rikhiyya, vi (1981), 5-28; Antoine Abdel Nour, Introduction a I'histoire urbaine de la Syrie ottomane, XVr-XVIir siecles, Beirut 1982; Bahdjat Sabn, alSiajilldt al-cuthmdniyya li-baladiyyat Ndbulus, Jerusalem 1982; Suraiya Faroqhi, The peasants of Saideli in the late sixteenth century, in Arch. Ott., viii (1983), 215-50; A. Marcus, Men, women and property. Dealers in real estate in 18th century Aleppo, in JESHO, xxvi/2 (1983), 137-63; Muhammad 'Adnan Bakhlt et alii, Kashshdf ihsd3! zamdm li-siajUldt al-mahdkim al-sharciyya wa 'l-awkdf al-isldmiyya fi Bilad al-Sham, Amman 1984;
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A. Cohen, Jewish life under Islam, Jerusalem in the sixteenth century, Cambridge, Mass. 1984; K.M. Cuno, Egypt's wealthy peasantry 1740-1820: a study in the region of al-Mansiira, in Tarif Khalidi (ed.), Land tenure and social transformation in the Middle East, Beirut 1984, 303-32; Beshara Doumani, Palestinian Islamic court records: a source for socio-economic history, in MESA Bulletin, xix (1985), 155-72; Mahdl S. Himsl, Tankh Tardblus min khildl watha'ik al-mahkama al-sharciyya fi l-nisf al-thdni min al-karn al-sdbic cashar, Tripoli 1985; Sahillioglu, Slaves in the social and economic life of Bursa in the late 15th and early 16th centuries, in Turcica, xvii (1985), 43-112; J.-P. Thieck, Decentralisation ottomane et affirmation urbaine a Akp a la Jin du XVIIIeme siecle, in Mouvements communautaires et espaces urbains au Machreq, Beirut 1985, 116-68; Judith Tucker, Women in nineteenth-century Egypt, Cambridge 1985; cAdil Manna1, The sijill as a source for the study of Palestine during the Ottoman period, with special reference to the French invasion, in D. Kushner (ed.), Palestine in the late Ottoman period, Jerusalem 1986, 351-62; Suraiya Faroqhi, Men of modest substance. House owners and house property in seventeenth-century Ankara and Kayseri, Cambridge 1987; B. Masters, Patterns of migration to Ottoman Aleppo in the 17th century, in Internatl. Jnal of Turkish Studies, iv/1 (1987), 75-90; Margaret L. Meriwether, Urban notables and rural resources in Aleppo 1700-1830, in ibid., 55-74; J.A. Reilly, Sharfa court registers and land tenure around nineteenth-century Damascus, in MESA Bulletin, xxi (1987), 155-69; Veinstein, Une communaute ottomane: les Juifs d'Avlonya (Valona) dans la deuxieme moitie du XVIe suck, in Gli Ebrei in Venecia, secoli XIV-XVIII, Milan 1987, 781-828; Murat Qizakca, Price history and the Bursa silk industry: a study in Ottoman industrial decline, 1550-1650, in Huri Islamoglu-Inan (ed.), The Ottoman Empire and the world economy, Cambridge 1987, 247-61; Mohamed A. Mujic (tr.), Sidiil mostarskog kadije, 1632-1634, Ljubljana 1987; R. Deguilhem, Le pret du mursad sur les proprietes en waqf, in Farhad Kazemi and R. McChesney (eds.), A way prepared. Essays in Islamic culture in honor of R. Bayly Winder, New York 1988, 68-79; Gerber, Economy and society in an Ottoman city: Bursa, 1600-1700, Jerusalem 1988; Jennings, Black slaves and free blacks in Ottoman Cyprus, 1590-1640, in JESHO, xxx (1988), 286-302; Masters, The origins of western economic dominance in the Middle East, New York and London 1988; Huseyin Ozdeger, 1463-1640 yillan Burza §ehri tereke dejterleri, Istanbul 1988; Tucker, Marriage and family in Nablus, 1720-1856, towards a history of Arab Muslim marriage, in Jnal. of Family History, xiii (1988), 165-79; Ahmet Akgunduz et alii (eds.), §er'iye sicilleri, 2 vols. Istanbul 1988; Cohen, Economic life in Ottoman Jerusalem, Cambridge 1989; Vassilis Dimitriadis, Ottoman archive materials in Greece, in H.G. Majer (ed.), Die Staaten Sudosteuropas und die Osmanen, Munich 1989, 179-86; Marcus, The Middle East on the eve of modernity. Aleppo in the eighteenth century, New York 1989; J. Reilly, Status groups and property-holding in the Damascus hinterland, 1828-1880, in IJMES, xxi/4 (1989), 517-39; Olga Zirojevic, Die Bewahrung und Erforschung der osmanischen Hinterlassenschaft in Jugoslawien: Archive und Forschungseinrichtungen, in Die Staaten Sudosteuropas und die Osmanen, 187-204; Amy Singer, Tapu Tahrir Defterleri and Kadi Sicilleri. A happy marriage of sources, in Tarty, (1990), 95-125; Nelly Hanna, Habiter au Caire aux XVIF et XVIIF siecles, Cairo 1991; J. Merkelbach, Die Protokolle des Kadiamtes Nikosia aus den Jahren 1105/06 (1693-1695), Bern, New York and Paris 1991; J.-P. Pascual, Les inventaires apres deces: une source
pour I'histoire economique et sociale de Damas au XVIF siecle, in D. Panzac (ed.), Les villes dans I'Empire Ottoman. Activites et societes, i, Paris 1991, 41-65; Tucker, Ties that bound: women and family in eighteenth and nineteenth-century Nablus, in Nikkie Keddie and Beth Baron (eds.), Women in Middle Eastern history. Shifting boundaries of sex and gender, New Haven and London 1991, 233-53; Veinstein, Les pelerins de la Mecque a tr avers quelques actes du Qadi de Sarajevo 15571558 in Turcica, xxi-xxiii (1991), 473-94; K.K. Barbir, Wealth, privilege and family structure: the cAskeris of 18th century Damascus according to the Qassdm 'Askari inheritance records, in T. Philipp (ed.), The Syrian land in the 18th and 19th century, the common and the specific in the historical experience, Stuttgart 1992, 179-95; Cuno, The Pasha's Peasants, law, society and economy in Lower Egypt, 1740-1858, Cambridge 1992; Colette Establet and J.-P. Pascual, Damascene probate inventories of the 17th and 18th centuries. Some preliminary approaches and results, in IJMES, xxiv/3 (1992), 37393; Pascual, Aspects de la vie materielk a Damas a la Jin du XVIF siecle, d'apres les inventaires apres deces, in The Syrian land in the 18th and 19th century, 165-78; E. Rogan, Money lending and capital flows from Nablus, Damascus and Jerusalem to the Qada* al-Salt in the last decades of Ottoman rule, in ibid., 239-60; Najwa AlQattar, The Damascene Jewish community in the latter decades of the Eighteenth Century. Aspects of socioeconomic life based on the registers of the Shaffa Courts, in ibid., 197-216; Singer, Peasant migration: law and practice in early Ottoman Palestine, in New Perspectives on Turkey, viii (1992), 49-65; Meropi Anastassiadou, Les inventaires apres deces de Salonique a la fin du XIXe siecle: source pour I'etude d'une societe au seuil de la modernisation, in Turcica, xxv (1993), 97-135; Inalcik, Osmanh idare, sosyal ve ekonomik tarihiyle ilgili belgeler, in Belgeler, x/14 (1980-1), 1-91, xiii/17 (1988), 1-43, xv/19 (1993), 23-168; Jennings, Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus and the Mediterranean world, 1571-1640, New York 1993; Establet, Les interieurs damascains au debut du XVIF siecle... sous benefice d'inventaire, in D. Panzac (ed.), Les villes dans I'Empire ottoman. Activites et societes, ii, Paris 1994, 15-46; eadem and Pascual, Families et fortunes a Damas, 450 foyers damascains en 1700, Damascus 1994; Mubahat Kiitukoglu, Osmanh belgelerinin dili (Diplomatik), Istanbul 1994, 345-59; Singer, Palestinian peasants and Ottoman officials, Rural administration around sixteenth-century Jerusalem, Cambridge 1994; Tiilay Artan, Early twentieth-century maps and eighteenth-nineteenth century court records: sources for a combined reconstruction of urban continuity on the Bosporus, in Environmental Design. Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre (1995); Deguilhem, Approche methodologique d'un fonds de waqf: deux registre de sanc a du XIX*™ siecle a Damas, in eadem (ed.), Le waqf dans I'espace islamique. Outil de pouvoir sociopolitique, Damascus and Paris 1995, 45-70; Doumani, Rediscovering Palestine. Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700-1900, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London 1995; Faroqhi, Coping with the state. Political conflict and crime in the Ottoman Empire 1550-1720, Istanbul 1995, chs. 4, 8, 9; eadem, Making a living in the Ottoman lands 1480-1820, Istanbul 1995, chs. 5, 6, 9; Fatma Miige Gogek, Rise of the bourgeoisie, demise of empire: Ottoman westernization and social change, Oxford 1995; Murat Qizak^a, A comparative history of business and finance. The Islamic World and the West, Leiden 1996; Chr. Neumann, Arm und Reich in Karaferiye. Untersuchungen zu Nachlaflregistern des 18. Jahrhunderts, in Isl. (1996). The collectively edited series Documents turcs pour
SIDJILL — SIDJILMASA I'histoire macedonienne (5 fascicules, Skopje 1951-7) (concerning the 13th/19th century) and Documents turcs sur I'histoire du peuple macedonien (3 vols., Skopje 1963, 1969, 1980) contain translations into Macedonian from kadi registers today located in Skopje, as well as occasional documents in facsimile. (SURAIYA FAROQHI) SIDJILMASA, a town of p r e - m o d e r n Islamic Morocco. The ruined site of the ancient capital of the TafTlalt is as poorly known as it is famous. The town, situated on the Wadi Zfz some 300 km/190 miles from Fas, on the southeastern fringes of mediaeval Morocco, occupies a key position as gateway to the desert. Moreover, it has had the good fortune of being the foremost urban centre of the region which provided the land with its present-day dynasty of rulers, the 'Alawfs. Thus history and legendary prestige have become mingled in order to preserve for this site, very eccentrically situated in regard to the great events of Moroccan history, an unaccustomed fame. Leo Africanus, who did much for the fame of a town where he stayed for some time in the 16th century, contributed to the spread of this legend; he makes Sidjilmasa a foundation of Alexander the Great "for the sick and wounded of his army". The town was for long to have this image of a base and a refuge on the margins of the main track of history. The madina was actually founded, as al-Bakn states, in the middle of the 2nd/8th century, in 141/758. It became the centre of an independent emirate connected with the Miknasa, founders of Miknas and Taza, that of the Banu Midrar or Midrarids [q.v.] who, following the examples of Tahart and Tilimsan, rallied to the Kharidjite heresy [see SUFRIYYA. 2]. In the 4th/10th century, the land took part in the struggles between the Fatimids and the upholders of the Sunna, as protected by both the Aghlabids and the Spanish Umayyads; the town, without much pressure, welcomed the Mahdf. But orthodoxy soon came back; the dynasty was deposed by a Zanata who had rallied to the Andalusians, Khazrun al-Maghrawf (365/976), and the Maghrawa [q.v.] thus became masters of the independent amirate until the mid-5th/llth century. The advance of the Almoravids [see AL-MURABITUN] had some links with the region since their religious head, cAbd Allah b. Yasfn, had been chosen by his master, who had a school in a settlement on the banks of the Zfz and within the amirate. Above all, the Sanhadja [q.v.], from this point onwards adherents of the Almoravids, had been impeded in both their commerce and their transhumance by the domination of the Zanata based in Sidjilmasa. Their richness—a figure of 50,000 camels belonging to the amir passing into the Draa is mentioned—and this local quarrel were caught up in the ajihdd to explain the end of the Banu Khazrun and, with their line, the amirate of Sidjilmasa. It will be seen later how this annexation did not affect at all the region's prosperity. There is little mention of Sidjilmasa, pillaged at the beginning of the 7th/13th century or adopted as a refuge by the Almohad ruler al-Rashfd towards the end of that dynasty. The Marfnid period gives us more information on the real life of the town and on that long band of territories which, lying between the Sahara and the Mediterranean, were the grazing lands of the Zanata Banu Mann, from Figuig towards the south, along the course of the Muluya, and the region which they reached in summer, towards the north. Possession of the town oscillated between the Almohads and
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Marlnids, who made themselves masters of the town in 653/1255 and then took definitive possession of it twenty years later. The place was also the locus of a clash between the Marlnids of Fas and the cAbd al-Wadids of Tilimsan, who had to seek shelter under the walls of Sidjilmasa. A further danger took shape in the 7th/13th century with the Ma'kil [q.v] Arabs' seizure of the Moroccan oases. Abu '1-Hasan was probably able to repel them towards Sakiyat al-Hamra1 in the 8th/14th century, but the intrusion of these Bedouin tribesmen was irreversible. At the same time, the town welcomed rebels and fugitives. Thus a son of Abu Sacld, Abu CA1I, made Sidjilmasa the centre of a dissident amirate which he tried to extend towards Tuwat (Touat) and towards Marrakush. His brother Abu '1-Hasan confirmed him in this power, perhaps with the aim of neutralising him whilst Abu '1-Hasan himself went to campaign against Tilimsan with the help of the Hafsids. Abu 'All nevertheless ended up a prisoner at Fas, where he died. But Abu '1-Hasan himself, on his return from his disastrous Ifrfkiyan expedition and threatened by his son Abu clnan, took refuge at Sidjilmasa, which welcomed him but very soon preferred to him the future amir. These episodes show that the Marfnids were not really able to control the outer fringes of Morocco from which they had actually themselves come. The end of the mediaeval period marks the end of the role, at times paradoxical, which the town had retained during the period of the Berber empires. Under the Sacdians, history seemed to follow a similar model. Al-Ma'mun, in rebellion against his father al-Mansur, set himself up at Sidjilmasa and in the Draa. The town was in Mawlay Zfdan's hands in 1012/1603, and it was there that he received an Ottoman embassy from sultan Murad IV, whose ambitions had contributed towards breaking up the regional unity of Mediterranean Africa. But above all, this century saw the rise of the Abu Matalli marabouts who threatened the power of Mawlay Zfdan (1020-27 1611-13) before another marabout, Abu Zakariyya', replaced his, to be in turn chased out of the Tafila.lt in 1070/1660 by the cAlawid Mawlay Rashfd. The locus for this latest Moroccan dynasty ended up by enclosing if not the town, at least its region in the role of a sanctuary both venerated but also marginal. At the time when Mawlay Sharif, at the age of 52, became master of the Tafilalt, the district certainly served as a base for the expansion of the Sharffs. Later, this place of famous name served to distance from the court powerful trouble-makers; in connection with the reign of Mawlay Isma'fl, Henri Terrasse wrote that this ruler, richly endowed with numerous children, made it a kind of "dynastic depot" for them. In 1142/1729, it was at Sidjilmasa that Mawlay cAbd Allah was to be found when people wanted to make him his father's successor. In 1206/ 1792, when Mawlay Slfman came to power, he was very familiar with Sidjilmasa, where he had lived for a long time. In this way, the town and the Tafflalt became merged together in people's memories, and despite their decadence, the outer fringes of Morocco, of which the town was an integral part, showed itself nevertheless as the origin of four Moroccan dynasties: the Almoravids, the Marfnids, the Sa'dians and the 'Alawfs. However, in regard to Sidjilmasa, one should tone down the severe judgment of the Sa'dian period historian al-Ifram, "Sidjilmasa has no greater merit except that it had the Shanfs, and but for this fact, its name would have neither the popularity which it enjoys nor
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the least prestige." In fact, the town was in mediaeval times in the front rank as an economic centre. The route to the Orient which joined the southern Sahara to Egypt and the East was both uncomfortable—sandstorms are mentioned—and dangerous. An itinerary which described a long curve accordingly led caravans to skirt the Sahara by the west. The caravan staging-point of Sidjilmasa could thus serve both Ifrfkiya (al-Bakrf describes the route here) and Fas, or, by travelling northwards by the Muluya, the Mediterranean. Numerous foreign merchants were known at Sidjilmasa in the High Midde Ages. With the Almoravids, who united under one rule not only the two sides of the Sahara but also those of the Western Mediterranean, the town enjoyed an exceptional situation. The reconquest of the Mediterranean basin by the Europeans impeded this prosperity, whilst the opening-up of the way to the New World, and also the re-opening of the route across the Sudan, finally ruined it. The texts abound in references to this trade, in which gold from the Sudan figures, as in also African slaves, which appear as items of merchandise in the 5th-6th/llth-12th centuries. Various products of Moroccan agriculture are also cited: Sidjilmasa received the pistachios of Tunisia, but above all, it exported dates, henna, spices (carraway and cumin), indigo, cotton and sugar. Alum was valued, but also galls used for the tanning of leather. These rapid indications confirm that Sidjilmasa, an entrepot as well as the centre of a prosperous regional hinterland, was a rich town. One can readily understand how it survived the end of its political independence, so long as the political geography of the lands surrounding the Mediterranean cUd not separate it from its customers. All this seems to make al-Idrfsf's description plausible: "It is a great and populous town, surrounded by orchards and gardens, fine both within and outside. It has no citadel, but consists of a series of palaces and cultivated fields along the banks of a river; the rise and swelling of this river during the summer resembles that of the Nile, and its waters are used for agriculture in the same fashion as those of the Nile by the Egyptians." Descriptions exist from al-Bakrf to Leo Africanus and up to the present day. H. Terrasse has described the site, whose surrounding wall of brick on a stone base, attested in the 5th/llth century, no longer exists. But the site can easily be located by aerial photography and detection: a vegetation-less surface is bordered by an enceinte which has a fore-wall, but this strong but also fragile (because of its eroded material) wall appeared after the time of the amirate of Sidjilmasa. The position is the same for the remains which it encloses; these may be a sign of a rebuilding of the madina in recent times. For the mediaeval period, only a few Marfnid survivals can be detected in a site badly affected by floodings. But only the track towards the Maghrib and Spain has been explored; it would be useful to compare certain remains with those recently uncovered in Ifnkiya. As the cradle of the cAlaw! dynasty, the Tafila.lt has readily attracted archaeologists, without Sidjilmasa having experienced the extensive scientific project which it deserves and which will, it is hoped, eventually take place. Explorations are in the course of being made, and a mosque has been uncovered, but the texts nevertheless remain today as the most eloquent testimonies to an age when the countryside of Sidjilmasa was not far from evoking a dream land. Half a millennium after its fall, Sidjilmasa remains
present in the memories of our contemporaries; it is the witness of a time when the lands of the south, by their economies as well as by the technologies mastered by their peoples, were in advance of those of Western Europe. Bibliography. One may consult the excellent art. s.v. in El1 by G.S. Colin, with his list of the Arabic sources, to which can be added Leo Africanus, tr. Epaulard, Paris 1956. See further H. Terrasse, Notes sur les mines de Sijilmasa, Algiers 1936; idem, Histoire du Maroc, Casablanca 1948-50; D. Jacques-Meunie, Le Maroc Saharien des origines a 1670, Paris 1982; and TAFILALT.
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TERRASSE)
AL-SIDJILMASI, ABU MUHAMMAD AL-KASIM B. MUHAMMAD b. cAbd al-£Aziz al-Ansari, Arab literary theorist, known for his highly original work alManz.ac al-badif fl taints asdlib al-badic (ed. cAllal al-GhazI, Rabat 1401/1980). In the colophon of the Tetuan ms., the author states that he finished his work on 21 Safar 704/23 November 1304. No other bio-bibliographical details are known. His nisba and the provenance of the two extant mss. of his work show him to be a Maghrib! scholar. More particularly, as the approach of his book clearly shows, he belongs to the Maghribf "school" of the likes of Ibn 'Amfra (d. 656/1258 or 658/1260 [q.v.]) in his al-Tanbihdt (ald ma fi 'l-Tibydn [of Ibn al-Zamlakanf] min al-tamwihdt (ed. M. Ibn Sharffa, Casablanca 1412/1991), Hazim al-Kartadjannl (d. 684/1285 [q.v.]) in his Minhdaj al-bulaghd3 wa-sirdaj al-udabd3 (ed. M. al-H. Ibn al-Khiidja, Tunis 1966), and Ibn al-Banna' al-Marrakushf (d. 721/1321 [q.v.]), in his al-Rawd al-maric fl sind'at al-badlc (ed. R. Binshakrun, Casablanca 1985), who, each in his own way, made use of the—otherwise spurned—Aristotelian Arabic tradition of poetics and rhetoric. His book is a sustained effort at a logically strict classification of the various schemes of rhetoric and stylistics. His ten topmost genera are the following (the translations are tentative; "|" indicates unusual terms, "sic" marks unusual meanings): ta^d^ (brevity), takhyil (imagery [sic]), ishara (allusion), mubalagha (emphasis), rasf (patterning [!]), mu^dhara (doubling [!]), tawdih (clarification), ittisd' (ambiguity [sic]), inthind3 (digression [!]), and takrir (repetition). Bibliography: In addition to the references given in the text, see, for analyses of his thought, cAllal al-Ghazf, Tatawwur mustalah "al-takhyil" ft na^ariyyat al-nakd al-adabi cinda 'l-Sidjilmdsi, in Maajallat Kulliyyat al-Addb wa 'l-'Ulum al-Insdniyya (Fas) 1409/1988, c adad khdss 4, 285-334; Muhammad Miftah, al-Talakki wa 'l-ta'wil, Casablanca and Beirut 1994, 61-80. (W.P. HEINRICHS) SIDpSTAN [see S!STAN]. AL-SIDpSTANI, £ABD ALLAH B. SULAYMAN b. alAsh'ath, Abu Bakr Ibn Abl Dawud, early Islamic traditionist, born 230/844 in Sidjistan, died 316/929 in Baghdad. He was the author of Kitdb al-Masdhif, a work on uncanonical readings of the Kur'an [see KIRA'A] organised by "codex" and apparently the only book of its type still in existence. Famed as a memoriser of hadtth, he wrote books mainly on Kur'anic topics, including a book of tafsir and work on naskh (perhaps used as a source by Ibn al-Djawzf in his Nawdsikh al-Kur'dri). While he is reputed to have composed several hadith collections (among which are mentioned a Musnad and a Kitdb al-Sunan), his reputation as a transmitter varies. He is generally considered trustworthy and it may be that his work on the text of the Kur'an cast him in an unfavourable light for some later generations. His fame primarily rests on
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Kutayba (d. 270/883) was, for example, held as a his work on the codices which was, for example, prisoner in his own home. However, this did not prequoted extensively by al-Suyutf in his al-Itkdn f i culum 3 vent him from sitting at his window and lecturing on al-Kur dn. hadlth to the people who had gathered in front of his Al-Sidjista.nl was a contemporary of Muhammad house (al-Kindl, K. al-Kuddt, ed. R. Guest, Leidenb. Djanr al-Tabarf [q.v.], and is pictured as his rival London 1912, 513). Special prison buildings are known in writing a tqfsir and the one who lost the competo have existed in different cities, and very often the tition according to the judgement of history. A dispute citadel was used as a prison (see e.g. al-Makrfzf, Khitat. arose between the two of them regarding al-Tabarl's ii, 187 ff.). alleged Shfcf and Djahmf tendencies, as exposed by Although different forms of imprisonment existed, al-Sidjistanl with his Hanbalf point of view. the only form of imprisonment which the jurists dealt Bibliography: Sezgin, i, 174-5 and biographical sources cited there; A. Jeffery, Materials for the his- with in more detail is imprisonment for debt. It was imposed if the creditor thought that the debtor still tory of the text of the Qur'dn. The old codices, Leiden had assets. The sole objective of this kind of impris1937, in which the Arabic pp. 1-223 includes an onment was to compel a debtor to satisfy his crediedition of K. al-Masdhif (which has been repr. septors. Thus he was released if it became clear that he arately, Cairo 1986). On his relationship with alTabarf, see F. Rosenthal (tr.), The History ofal-Tabari, was impecunious. Imprisonment was, according to the i, General introduction and From the Creation to the Flood, fikh literature, also used in cases of contempt of court and for apostates. Male apostates could be imprisAlbany 1989, 59-60, and C. Gilliot, Exegese, langue oned for three days in an effort to revive their faith et theologie en Islam, Paris 1990, 236-7, and sources in Islam. If they were unwilling to reaffirm their faith cited in both works. (A. RIPPIN) within this period, they were to be executed. The AL-SIDJISTANI, ABU HATIM [see ABU HATIM AL-SIDJISTANl].
AL-SIDIISTANI, ABU YA'KUB [see ABU YACKUB
AL-SIDJZl].
SIDJN (A.) "prison". In the Kur'an it is mentioned only in connection with the story of Joseph (sura XII and XXVI, 29). The etymology of the term is controversial, but it seems to be derived from the Latin signum via the Greek variant signon, which meant prison in Greek colloquial speech in Late Antiquity (see J. Niehoff, Romanica Graeco-Arabica: lat, signum > gr. signon > arab. sign, in Romanica Graeco-Arabica, Festschrift R. Kontzi, Tubingen 1995). Habs in the Kur'an means "detention", but is used in later literature to denote a prison too (Aghdm3, iv, 92; al-Tanukhf, al-Faraaj. bacd al-shidda, ed. CA. al-Shaldjf, Beirut 1978, ii, 116; Ibn al-cAdjamf (17th century), Ta'rikh, ms. Gotha, Arab 1631, fols. 75a, 82a, 122b, 130a, 157b, 173a, 176a; al-Maknzr, Khitat, Bulak 1270/1853, ii, 187). Hubisa c inda juldn in the sense of being imprisoned in the custody of a person could mean anything, from being kept in someone's house to rotting in a dungeon. Tarsim as described by al-Makrlzf (and perhaps as used predominantly in Mamluk sources, see Khitat, ii, 187) means detaining a person in one place or putting him under guard. House arrest as a punishment (with the root m-s-k) in the case of illicit fornication was imposed on the women in the Kur'an (IV, 15-16), but was later abrogated and replaced by flogging (XXIV, 2). All Kur'anic punishments, the hudud, are thus corporal punishments. The question of prisons and imprisonment in Islam has hardly been dealt with so far. Prisons seem to have been unknown in Bedouin society, but probably existed in cities like Mecca and Medina. Undoubtedly, Islam became acquainted with imprisonment as an institution through its conquests. Information concerning prisons and imprisonment is scarce in the Islamic fikh literature in the pre-classical and classical time (2nd-6th/8th-13th centuries). The first prison building is attributed to cUmar b. al-Khattab, who is said to have bought a house in Mecca and turned it into a prison. CA1I allegedly did the same in Basra; however, prisoners could easily escape from cAJl's prison because it was not solid enough. So 'All is said to have built another one like a fortress. Besides imprisonment in special prison buildings, house arrest existed, which allowed the detainees a great deal of freedom compared to normal prisoners. Bakkar b.
same is true for female apostates, but according to some jurists, they were only to be imprisoned. The jurists mention pre-trial detention, i.e. to detain a suspect until his trial commences. This was based on an alleged utterance of the prophet who is said to have had people arrested on suspicion (ft tuhma]. In all these cases, the prisons were subject to the control of the judges. According to the HanafT Abu Yusuf [q.v.], the maintenance of prisoners should be financed from state funds so that prisoners would not roam about the streets in shackles begging (K. alKharddi, ed. £U. Bashfr2, Cairo 1933, 149). It seems, however, that occasionally prisoners had to pay rent to live in prison if they had assets. In the adab alkddi literature, the prisoners' rights were strictly defined and it was emphasised that under no circumstances should anyone be kept in prison wrongfully. If there was no plaintiff, the judge had to release the prisoner. If he was sick, the prisoner could be looked after by his servant or he could be discharged from prison. Furthermore, he could receive guests in prison, especially members of his family and sometimes he was even allowed to have sex in prison if an appropriate place for it was available. A prisoner should not be beaten, chained, paraded through the streets or forced to work. Nevertheless, prisoners were prohibited from attending gatherings, festivals, the pilgrimage (haajaj) and funerals (al-Khassaf, K. Adab al-kddi, ed. F. Ziyadeh, Cairo 1978, 264-5;'al-Sarakhsi, Mabsut, Beirut 1986, xx, 90.) However, evidence from historical and biographical sources suggests that in practice not all the requirements of the Jukahd3 were met. Imprisonment not as a means of compulsion (like imprisonment for debt) or in the sense of pre-trial detention, but as a punishment, is only rarely mentioned in the fikh literature, and if so, mostly in addition to the hudud, i.e. in addition to corporal punishment. For example, according to the Malikfs, in the case of murder, if the wall 'l-dam (the next of kin who has the right to demand retaliation) waives his right of retaliation, the murderer is imprisoned for a year. The imprisonment takes place only after he has been whipped a hundred times (Malik b. Anas, al-Muwatta3, riwdya Yahya b. Yahya al-Laythl, ed. S.M. al-Lahham and M. Kassas, Beirut 1988, 671, k. al-cukul, bdb alc ajw fi katl al-camd, 627). In the field of ta'&r [q.v.], imprisonment is generally accepted as a punishment and is listed next to admonishment, flogging and banishment. It could
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be for one day or for an indefinite period. Ta'zlr is left to the discretion of the jurists, and the fkh literature does not lay down special punishments for particular offences. Al-Kasanf (d. 587/1189) divides society into four classes and mentions imprisonment as a punishment for the two lower classes, in addition to admonishments and beatings. It is possible that such prisoners were kept in the so-called "robbers' prison" (sidjn al-lusus) which is only rarely mentioned in the legal literature. The question in which cases and how often imprisonment was imposed in legal practice as a punishment, and whether it was used as often as corporal punishment, can only be answered by the study of historical or biographical literature. Here also, not much research has been done. It seems, however, that in practice imprisonment was used mainly as a compulsory measure for debtors and in cases of pre-trial detention, and only in very rare cases as a punishment, e.g. for a breach of official duty by an unreliable court secretary (alKadi clyad, Tartlb al-maddrik wa-taknb al-masdlik, ed. A.B. Mahmud, Beirut 1967-8, iii-iv, 217), or in the case of refusal to pray (al-Wak!c, Akhbdr al-kuddt, Cairo 1947-50, iii, 260). However, imprisonment seems not to have been a main punishment (cf. Schneider, Imprisonment, 166). This situation prevailed through the Ottoman era (U. Heyd, Studies in old Ottoman criminal law, Oxford 1973, 301 ff.). In modern Islamic states, punitive detention is now one of the officially recognised and widespread forms of punishment, in addition to fines and—where they still exist—corporal punishment (see e.g. The Gazette of Pakistan, 25 October 1994, 796: it comprises imprisonment for life, rigorous imprisonment with hard labour and simple imprisonment). As in classical times, imprisonment is administered through the penal law, e.g. in the case of kail al-camd (homicide with deliberate intent), when the wall 'l-dam voluntarily waives his right of retaliation, cf. above, Malik, Muwatta3, 671, k. al-'ukul, etc., cited above). In many modern Islamic legal codes, e.g. those of Saudi Arabia, Kuwayt and the UAE, imprisonment because of debt still exists (see al-cAddla, Maajalla Kdnuniyya, Abu Zaby, Ixxii [Rabrc II 1412/October'1992], 8 ff.). Historically, the legal aspects of imprisonment have to be distinguished from the political ones. As the ruler had the right to exercise judicial power in most cases concerning public order and safety, he also had the right to imprison people at will. Thus the government could send to prison proven or alleged heretics, religious fanatics, charlatans and all those guilty of violating public order. Officials who failed to carry out their order were imprisoned. Judges who were not willing to serve could be put in jail. The same is true for political enemies, who were considered to be hostile to the ruler, and also for prisoners of war (for the 17th century, see e.g. Herberer von Bretten, Aegyptiaca servitus. Warhafte Beschreibung einer Dreyjdhrigen Dienstbarkeit, Heidelberg 1610, new ed. Graz 1967, 125 ff.). The living conditions for prisoners of the ruler are often described in historical sources as appalling. In what al-Makrfzf calls "prisons of the governors" (suajun al-wuldt), prisoners in chains were forced to do hard labour. Their cries of "hunger" were heard in the streets while the warders took the alms originally meant for them (Khitat, ii, 187). The sources, especially historical works, attest many cases of political imprisonment, often from the ruler's arbitrariness and without any trial; thus scholars like Ahmad b. Hanbal, Ibn Taymiyya [q.vv] and many others, were put behind bars.
Bibliography: O. Rescher, Studien iiber den Inhalt von 1001 Nacht, in Isl, ix (1919) 1 ff., see 65 ff.; M.M. Ziyada, al-Suajun ji Misr fi 'l-kurun al-wustd, in al-Thakdfa, cclxii (1944), 15 ff., 20 ff., cclxxix (1944), 16 ff.; F. Rosenthal, The Muslim concept of freedom prior to the nineteenth century, Leiden 1960; F. Ziyadeh, Adab al-Qadf and the protection of rights at court, in Studies in Islamic and Judaic traditions, ed. W.M. Brinner and S.D. Ricks, Atlanta 1987, 143 ff., A. al-Wa'ili, Ahkdm al-suajun bayn al-shanca wa 'l-kdnun (Persian tr. with comm. M.H. Buka'f, Ahkdm-i zinddn dar Islam), 3Tehran 1367/1988; I. Schneider, Imprisonment in pre-classical and classical Islamic law, in Islamic law and society, ii (1995), 157 ff. (IRENE SCHNEIDER) SIDK (A.), a term in mysticism. Here, the importance of sidk ("truthfulness, sincerity") and its derivatives, sddik and siddik ("true, truthful, sincere") is determined by their frequent use in the Kur'an, e.g., iv, 69, v, 119, vi, 115, ix, 119, x, 2, xix, 41, 54, 56, xxvi, 84, xxxiii, 8, xlvi, 16, liv, 55, etc. (see also H. Kassis, A concordance of the Qur'dn, Berkeley 1983, 1174-7) and in hadith (Wensinck, Concordance, iii, 277-84). Sidk was treated as a cornerstone of mystical self-discipline by early Sufi masters such as al-Harith al-Muhasibi, al-Djunayd, al-Halladj and the anonymous author of the Adab al-muluk (late 4th/10th century). The purity of sidk was routinely contrasted with the foulness of lying (kidhb), this "menstruation of the souls" (hayd al-nufus), as it was called by some Sufi authorities. Abu Sacfd al-Kharraz (d. 286/899 [q.v.]) wrote a special tract, the K al-Sidk, in which sidk was discussed in the context of other Sufi notions, notably ikhlds and sabr [q.vv,]. It received further elaboration in the works of the systematisers of the classical Sufi" tradition al-Sarradj, Abu Talib al-Makkl, Abu Nucaym al-Isfahanf, al-Kushayn and al-Hudjwfrf. Later, it figured prominently in the theoretical writings of al-Ghazalf, al-Suhrawardi, Ibn cArabi and other later Sufis. From the outset, sidk, defined as the complete agreement of one's inner convictions and outward acts, was held to be an indispensable condition of the true worship of God and a hallmark of the genuine Sufi. Mystics emphasised that any good work is futile unless it springs from a sincere and disinterested desire to please God. The same goes for all the "stations" of the mystical path, makdmdt [q.v.], which cannot be mastered without sidk. The early Sufi master Sahl alTustan (d. 283/896 [q.v.]) named sidk among the five pillars of Sufism alongside generosity, resoluteness, fearing God, modesty and scrupulousness in food. In Sufi" manuals, sidk was often paired with ikhlds, the two words sometimes being treated as synonyms. The elevated rank accorded to these notions by the Sufis is attested by al-Sarradj, who considered them to be part of the usul al-din together with tawhid, macrifa, imdn and yakin. In a similar vein, the author of the Adab al-muluk counted sidk and ikhlds among the five principal ways of achieving the mystical goal, the other being zuhd [q.v], the desire to obtain God's pleasure, and the taming of one's lower self (muajdhadat al-nufus). Likewise, Ibn 'Arab! included sidk in his list of the nine principal conditions of the mystical path together with hunger, vigil, silence, retreat, trust in God, patience, determination and certainty, which he called "the Mothers of Virtue". Sidk was often also associated with sturdiness (shidda) and firmness (saldba), the qualities which, according to Sufi" writers, rendered it both an effective offensive weapon in attaining selfperfection and a reliable shield against devil's temp-
SIDK — SIDR tations. As time went on, Sufi psychology provided increasingly detailed descriptions of it. A typical example is al-Ghazalf 's treatment of this concept in a special chapter of his Ihya\ in which six different types of truthfulness are distinguished, i.e. in word, in intention and volition, in determination, in faithfulness to one's determination, in deed, and finally, in fulfilling the requirements of the mystical path (tank). Despite its importance, adherence to sidk was not considered absolute. According to al-Ghazalf and Ibn < ArabI, it is always contingent on concrete circumstances. Thus telling the truth about someone in his/her absence can amount to backbiting and will be judged accordingly in the hereafter. The same goes for those who speak publicly of their sexual life, although their accounts may be true. On the other hand, a pious lie that helps to save the life of a Muslim or to protect a state secret may, in God's eyes, be a meritorious deed. Basing themselves on Kur'an v, 108-20, and iii, 81, some Sufi exegetes elaborated on the "question of sincerity" (su'dl al-sidk) which God posed to clsa on the eve of the Judgment Day. In response, clsa squarely disowned his misguided worshippers who took him and his mother for deities and thereby successfully passed the test, showing both a "pure sincerity" and "saintly humility". Although man shares the attribute of sidk with God, who is sometimes described as "the Sincere One" (alsddik), human sincerity is of an imperfect, inferior nature, unless, in accordance with the famous hadlth kudsl [q.v.], he has reached the exalted spiritual state in which God "becomes his hearing ..., his sight... his hand ... and his foot", i.e. his sole raison d'etre and mover. This is, in the view of Ibn cArabf and some other Sufis, the utmost degree of sidk, which signifies the attainment of perfect servanthood (al-cubudiyyd) and thus the consummation of the mystical path. Bibliography: MuhasibI, K. al-Ricdya, ed. Margaret Smith, London 1949, 172, 184 et passim; The Book of Truthfulness (Kitdb al-sidq) by Abu Sa'ld alKharrdz, ed. and tr. AJ. Arberry, London 1937; Sarradj, K. al-Lumac, ed. R.A. Nicholson, LondonLeiden 1914, 48, 49, 216-17, 357; Adab al-muluk. Ein Handbuch zur islamischen Mystik aus 4-1TO- Jahrhundert, ed. B. Radtke, Stuttgart-Beirut 1991, 12, 22, 35, 43-4 etc.; Hudjwm, Kashf al-mahajub, tr. Nicholson, Leiden 1911, 101; Akhbdr al-Halldaj, ed. and tr. L. Massignon, Paris 1957, nos. 5, 47, 53; Ghazall, Ihyd3 'ulum al-dln, Cairo 1937, v, pt. 14, 195-206; Ibn 'Arab!, al-Futuhdt al-makkiyya, ed. 'Uthman Yahya, Cairo 1972-, i, 155, 206-7, 326, ii, 390, iv, 104, 253-4, 383, v, 391, 396, ix, 68, 189, xiv, 333-43; Massignon, The Passion of al-Halldj, tr. H. Mason, Princeton 1982, iii, 161-3. (A. KNYSH) SIDR (A.), n. of unity, SIDRA, a shrub or tree of the various Rhamnaceae belonging to the genus ^i^iphus which has a number of representatives in N. Africa and the Middle East. Various species were, and are, cultivated for their fruits, timber, and as hedging plants. Qziphus are trees or shrubs of varied heights with tangled branches that usually grow in arid regions. The tallest is £ spina-christi; heights given in modern floras vary between 5 and 12 m. Most species are spiky, although some varieties are thornless. They bear jujube-like fruits (dum) highly valued for food, especially the cherry-sized bright yellow fruit of £. spina-christi and the smaller, pea-sized, dark orange of £ kucodermis. The fruit have a single dark pip, which was ground up and eaten with the
549
flesh. Fruits were gathered and stored; they were crushed between stones and eaten raw or cooked to a paste in water, milk or buttermilk (Miller-Morris, 1988, 240-2). £ spina-christi derives its name from its being a possible candidate for the tree from which Christ's crown of thorns was made; since it does not grow in the region of Jerusalem, however, it has been suggested that Sarcopoterium spinosum (Rosaceae) is a more likely option (Miller-Morris, 1988, 242). There are a large number of synonyms for sidr in classical and modern Arabic. The current Latin name of the genus is also attested in mediaeval Arabic sources; the Syriac name for the cunndb, the jujube tree (/£. jujuba], is zizuji, according to al-Birum, 1991, 438; cf. Greek cn£\>(pa. For medical usage, the soothing and purifying qualities of sidr are applied in various ways. Ibn al-Baytar (Cairo 1291/1874, ii, 5), states that it is good for the stomach; beneficient if eaten before meals; laxative (but in some cases the fruit (nabk) is constipating); it frees the stomach and bowels from yellow bile; and it suppresses heat. Current uses in Dhofar (MillerMorris, 1988, 240, 242, 329) include: a paste of crushed leaves (preferably of leucodermis), used for cleansing the scalp, hair or body in general; it is applied to swellings, sores or inflammations, or against headaches; water boiled with its crushed leaves is given to women in prolonged labour or with a retained placenta. The hard wood is used for making utensils (ladles, spoons, fire-tongs) (Miller-Morris, 1988, 242), also for carpentry in former days (cf. a hadlth in cAbd al-Razzak al-Sancam's Musannaf, no. 19756). In magic, popular modern treatises advise the use of sidr leaves as a means against sorcery. Sidr leaves are considered just as lawful in this respect as kitdba, the use of written Kur'anic or other religious formulae. See e.g. al-HanbalT 1409/1989, 41; al-Balf, 1412/1992, 122; al-Kahtanf, 1412/1992, ch. 88. The sidr occurs several times in the Kur'an: XXXTV, 16 (description of a poor area); LIII, 14, 16 (the "sidra of the ultimate boundary"); LVI, 28 (thornless sidra in Paradise). All the evidence suggests that the sidr was a tree of considerable importance in pre-Islamic Arabia. This is confirmed by a hadlth which describes a sidra to which the pagan Arabs used to withdraw and on which they used to hang their weapons. The tree was called dhdt al-anwdt "that of the suspended things". Upon passing a green sidra, the Muslims asked the Prophet to give them also a dhdt al-anwdt, and were rebuked with a reference to the Israelites asking Moses for "a god such as those people have" (Ibn Hanbal, v, 218). The sidr is mentioned in various hadtths, e.g. for washing the hair, corpses or clothes stained with menstrual blood. Cutting down sidr trees, especially those that offered shadow to man and beast, was forbidden by the Prophet, often in very strong terms (Abu Dawud, Adab 109, bdb fi katc al-sidr, nos. 5239, 5241; £ Abd al-Razzak al-San'anl, Musannaf, nos. 19756-8). References in the hadlth and elsewhere indicate that sidr trees were popular landmarks; the Kur'anic sidrat al-muntahd fits in with this. The most likely species of ^i^iphus to be associated with the Kur'anic and hadlth references to sidr is probably £ spina-christi, because its characteristics, size and height make its connotation as a fruit-bearing (see al-Baydawf, Tafsir, on sura XXXIV, 16), shadeoffering and landscape-marking tree plausible, as opposed to £ lotus which is a shrub less than two metres high. The Kur'anic ref. to the "thornless sidr trees" in Paradise (LVI, 28) also points in this direction
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SIDR — SIERRA LEONE
(there exists a thornless variety of spina-christi). The Kur'anic sidrat al-muntahd, where Muhammad saw Gabriel for the second time "when the tree became covered by what covered it", figures conspicuously in the story of the Prophet's celestial ascent [see MI'RADJ] . See further on this, SIDRAT AL-MUNTAHA. Bibliography: (in addition to references in the article): Abu Hanifa al-Dfnawan, ed. Muhammad Hamidullah, Le dictionnaire botanique d'Abu Hanifa alDinawan (Kitdb an-Nabdt, de sin a yd3). Reconstitue d'apres Us citations des ouvrages posterieurs, Cairo 1973; idem, ed. B. Lewin, The Book of Plants: Part of the Monograph section by Abu Hanifa al-Diwwari, Wiesbaden 1974; Wahid cAbd as-Salam al-Ball, al-Sdrim al-battdr fi tasaddi li }l-Sahara al-ashrdr, Djudda 1412/ 1992; al-Blrum, K. al-Saydana fi 'l-tibb, ed. cAbbas Ziryab, Tehran 1991; Abu Bakr al-Hanball, 'Iladj. al-umur al-sihriyya, Cairo 1409/1989; J.P. Mandeville, Flora of eastern Saudi Arabia, London-New YorkRiyadh 1990; A.G. Miller and M. Morris, Plants of Dhofar, the Southern Region of Oman. Traditional, economic and medicinal uses, Govt. of Oman 1988; cAbd al-cAziz al-Kahta.nl, Tank al-hiddya fi darc makhdtir al-ajinn wa 'l-shaydtln. Tldaj al-sihr wa }l-cakm wa 'l-sarc wa 'l-saratdn, Hawaii, Kuwayt 1412/1992; Kushayri, K. al-Mi'maj, Cairo 1384/1964. (REMKE KRUK) SIDRAT AL-MUNTAHA (A.), "the lote tree on the boundary" as described in Kur'an, LIII, 14: "Indeed, he [Muhammad] saw him [Djibrll] another time [other than that referred to in Kur'an, LIII, 1-12] by the lote tree of the boundary nigh which is the garden of the refuge ... Indeed, he saw one of the greatest signs of his Lord." The full exegesis of this passage arises in a prominent hadith report (repeated, for example, in al-Bukharf, K. mandkib alansdr and K. bad3 al-khalh, Muslim, K. al-lmdn', also see al-Tabarl, i, 1158-9) which speaks at length of the mi'rddj. [q.v.]. After Muhammad (who was accompanied by Djibril) met with Ibrahim in the seventh heaven, he went on as far as sidrat al-muntahd (also al-sidra 'l-muntahd in hadith) beyond which no one can pass, and there he gazed upon God (this being "one of the greatest signs of his Lord"). This lote tree is described as having fruits the size of earthenware jars, leaves as big as the ears of elephants and composed of many indescribable and unknown colours. The four rivers of Paradise flow from under it. The idea of a tree being at the apex of the pyramid-shaped mountain of created worlds goes back to ancient Sumerian mythology, and the motifs of receiving food (as in the drinks from which Muhammad may choose in some versions of the story) and having a vision of the divine are all integral parts of the same mythic structure. In the Sufi description of the quest for the experience of the divine as patterned on the story of the mi'rdaj, the "lote tree on the boundary" symbolises the point to which knowledge can take the mystic (and up to which point one needs a guide) but beyond which the true experience lies. Other speculations about the tree include the idea that Adam saw Muhammad's name written on the tree and that the tree is actually composed of the "light of Muhammad" (nur Muhammad! [q.v.]). Bibliography: R. Paret, Der Koran. Kommentar und Konkordanz, Stuttgart 1977, ad loc. and references; G. Widengren, Muhammad, the Apostle of God and his Ascension (King and Saviour V), in Uppsala Uniuersitets Arsskrift (1955), no. 1, 103-4, 208-9, 212-13, and references; G. Vitestam, As-sidra(-t?) al-muntaha. Quel-
ques commentaires linguistiques sur des textes existants, in A. Caquot and D. Cohen (eds.), Actes du premier congres international de linguistique semitique et chamito-semitique, Paris, 16-19 juillet 1969, The Hague and Paris 1974, 305-8, on the grammar of the expression. For Sufi use, see for example, W.C. Chittick, The Sufi path of love. The spiritual teachings of Rumi, Albany 1983, 220-3. (A. RIPPIN) SIERRA LEONE, a country of coastal West Africa, in 1961 an independent republic, is in the forest belt of West Africa, separated geographically by inland mountain ranges from the West African Islamic heartland and so protected in the past from Muslim invasion. But individual Muslims, traders and holy men, visited it regularly from at least the 15th century, and settled there increasingly after the ajihdd of the early 18th century in Futa Djallon [q.v.]. The indigenous peoples were not attracted to Islam and retained their own religions, which suited their own ways of life. A British settlement was founded on the coast in 1787. In 1807 it became a British colony where slaves who had been captured by the British navy from slave-ships crossing the Atlantic were liberated and settled. Muslim traders, chiefly Fula and Mandingo, were attracted to Freetown, the capital, and by at least 1830 they had built a small mosque. Also, some of the liberated people, chiefly Yoruba (from modern Nigeria), known locally as "Aku", were Muslims, and formed their own Muslim community in East Freetown. Eventually the Aku split into two factions, worshipping in rival mosques, a division that has survived into the 1990s. Though individual governors were occasionally hostile to Islam, official British policy tolerated Muslims, and they became recognised as part of the Freetown community. Some left Freetown and settled in neighbouring villages. Fearful of sending their children to Christian schools, they organised their own Kur'anic schools, and a few went to study in the notable West African Islamic centres. From 1890 the government gave a small grant for Muslim education. In 1896 a British Protectorate was established over the area of the present Sierra Leone (measuring 73,326 km2), with an artificial frontier separating it from the neighbouring French Guinea and Liberia. When railways and roads were built the population became more mobile. People who left their villages were often ready to adopt a new religion, and, as a result, Islam spread, particularly in the northern part of the country where Christian missionary influence was weak. Many Muslims, however, remained (and many today still remain) members of the ancient and deeply-rooted secret societies, like the male poro and female sande societies. From 1911 the government made explicit provision for educating Muslims. Government secondary schools were open to them, thus letting them into the higher ranges of employment. Though politics in the preindependence years were dominated by non-Muslims, a leading Freetown Muslim, M.S. Mustapha, played a prominent part and became a cabinet minister after independence. Subsequently, though no Muslim has been head of state, Muslims have held senior cabinet posts in successive governments. The main Muslim festivals are recognised as public holidays and there is normally no open animosity between the members of the different religious faiths. When, from the 1950s onwards, illegal diamond mining suddenly spread wealth through the country, much of it was diverted into mosque-building. Sub-
SIERRA LEONE — SIFA stantial new mosques were built in Freetown by members of the Temne, Limba and other ethnic communities who tend to worship apart from one another. Except for a small Ahmadiyya [q.v.] presence, and a few Shi'f Muslims in the Lebanese commercial community, the Muslims belong to Sunn! Islam. There are no influential religious fraternities. In 1990 Muslims were estimated to constitute 30% of a total population of about four million. Bibliography: J.S. Trimmingham and C. Fyfe, The early expansion of Islam in Sierra Leone, in Siena Leone Bulletin of Religion, ii/2 (1960), 33-40; Fyfe, A history of Siena Leone, London 1962; Muctarr J.A. Lewally-Taylor, The Aku Muslim communities of East Freetown in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, M.Litt. thesis Univ. of Edinburgh 1976. (C. FYFE) SIFA (A), lit "description". 1. In g r a m m a r . Here, the meaning is "attribute", syn. nact. Its syntactic sense overshadows that of a quasi-part of speech "adjective" (cf. al-sifa al-mushabbaha for such forms asfa'll a.ndfa'1} already in Slbawayhi's Kitdb. The fact that Kufan grammarians employ the term to denote "locative" (roughly, Basran zarf; see below) may explain why nact is considered Kufan although both terms appear in Slbawayhi's Kitdb and in al-Farra>5s Ma'am. Their recurring definition as indications of praise or blame may well hark back to Dionysius Thrax's characterisation of "adjective" (eTciGeiov). Early occurrences of both sifa and nact are documented in several 2nd/8th-century exegetical works in which they are non-technical. The earliest modifications in the Graeco-Syriac origin of this grammatical category may be reconstructed according to Ibn MukafiV's K. al-Mantik, where the term sifa signifies inter alia both TCOIOV ("quality", the third of the ten categories) and the whole group of nine categories (also nact; "substance" [cayn, ajawhar; Gr. oixna] excluded). In his elaborate epitome of De Interpretatione, he employs the terminological expression al-kaldm alwdsif and the term sifa to signify such syntactic entities as the locative (in predicate position), the material modes ("possible, impossible, necessary") and a semiadverbial qualifier muajtd in fuldn al-tawll kdtib muajtd. Nact translates the Syr. kunndyd (Gr. Kociriyopia) of early treatises whereas sifa renders the early znd with its two significations mentioned above. The Kufan grammarians, who were more faithful than Sibawayhi and al-Khalfl to the teaching of the earliest Trakf grammarians, maintained a double role for sifa: the locative and, with naft as synonym, the adjective/attribute. By extension, the locative came to denote not only nouns expressing time and place and prepositional phrases but prepositions as well. Later works attribute to the earlier al-Kisa'f and al-Farra3 the terms sifa tdmma and sifa ndkisa (loc. in predicate position and as adjunct, respectively). On the use of mawsuf-sifa as "subject-predicate" in logical and theological writings see, e.g. Versteegh, 1977 (index, s.v.) and in translations of philosophical writings, Zimmermann 1972, 534. Possible vestiges in Srbawayhi's book of a similar conception among grammarians include the contrast yusafu bihi and ajawhar yuddfu ilayhi ma kdna minhu (i, 235,5; similarly, al-Farra', Macdnl, iii, 215: sifa min al-sifdt vs. ism thdbit). On the basis of the data in K. al-cAyn (e.g. ii, 43, 52, 246) we may conclude that Basran grammarians previous to Sibawayhi had adopted the two denotations of sifa. However, Sibawayhi neglected the locative denotation. He introduced two significant modifications in a prevalent conception of the adjectival/attributive category which have become part of all the later syntactic formulations in Arab grammat-
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ical writings: (a) Such nominals which may qualify pronouns (kull-, nafs-} are rejected from this category and become an independent category of tawkld; (b) The copular pronoun is isolated from this category and is identified as fasl. Bibliography: Sfbawayhi, Kitdb, ed. Paris, i; G. Troupeau, Lexique-index du Kitab de Slbawayhi, Paris 1976; C.H.M. Versteegh, Greek elements in Arabic linguistic thinking, Leiden 1977; idem, Arabic grammar and Qur^dnic exegesis in early Islam, Leiden 1993; J. Owens, Early Arabic grammatical theory, Amsterdam 1991; R. Talmon, Appositival catf, in Arabica, xxviii (1981), 278-93; idem, The term Qalb, in ^GAIW, viii (1993), 71-113; F.W. Zimmermann, Some observations on al-Farabi, in S.M. Stern et al. (eds.), Islamic philosophy and the classical tradition, Oxford 1972; Ibn alMukaftV, K. al-Mantik, ed. Danish-Pazhuh, Tehran 1978. (R. TALMON) 2. In theology. This originally grammatical term was subsequently borrowed by the theologians (mutakallimun), who made it one of their key-words. In its "theological" usage, the word is generally translated by "attribute"—the reference being above all to the "divine attributes" (sifdt Allah}—although in certain contexts, translation by "quality" seems preferable. As for the precise meaning to be given to this term, the issue is the cause of fundamental disagreement between theologians, essentially between Sunn! and Mu'tazilf theologians. In grammar, as seen in 1. above, sifa represents a word of a certain kind, more precisely a certain type of the "noun" (ism \q.v]\ what we would call a qualifying adjective. Al-Zamakhsharf gives the following definition of it: "The sifa is a noun which indicates a certain state of an essence (bacd ahwdl al-dhdt), e.g. long, short, intelligent, stupid, standing erect, seated, ill, in a good state of health, poor, rich, noble, of low degree, honoured, despised" (Mufassal, Cairo 1323, repr. Beirut n.d., 114 11. 4-7). It would normally be expected that, when a theologian speaks of the sifdt Allah, he means by these all the qualificatives capable of application to God, such as kddir, cdlim, hayy, kanm, latif, khdlik, rdzik, etc. And such indeed is the interpretation favoured by the Muctazill theologians, in particular al-Djubba0! [
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SIFA — SIFFlN
also be the position of later Djubba'is: thus 'Abd alDjabbar, in al-Mughni, vii, 117, 11. 10-12. Sunn! theologians see things quite differently. For them, on the one hand, the sifdt Allah represent not qualificatives—such as kddir, 'dlim, cddil—but the corresponding substantives kudra, cilm, cadl; on the other hand, and in the same vein, these sifdt are not only words, they are real existents. They are "things" which exist in God (attributes of the essence), or are produced by Him (attributes of the act), and by means of which He is worthy to be described by the corresponding qualificatives. Al-Bakillanl expresses this in the form of a universal principle (i.e. one which is appropriate to every "qualified thing", whatever it may be): "The quality (sifa) is that which exists in the qualified (yuajadu bi 'l-mawsuf), or which belongs to it [in some manner] (yakunu lahu) and which makes it acquire the qualificative (yuksibuhu 'l-wasfa), that is, the epithet (nact) which derives (yasduru) from the quality" (Tamhid, § 359). Here, the distinction between sifa and wasf is clear: that which is a "word", exclusively, is the qualificative. "As for wasf", al-Bakillanf continues, "it is a word (kawl) of one who qualifies God, or someone other than God, saying of Him that he is knowing, living, powerful, beneficent, benevolent. This qualificative (wasf), which is a saying that is heard, or an expression of this saying, is other than the quality (sifa) residing in God, the existence of which in Him causes Him to be wise, powerful, purposeful. Similarly, when we say "Zayd is living, wise", what we have is a qualificative (wasf) of Zayd ... Whereas the wisdom and the power of Zayd are, for their part, two qualities (sifatdn1) belonging to him, existing in him, and from which the qualificative and the noun are derived" (ibid., § 362). This use of sifa in the sense of a substantive is typical of Sunn! theology: before al-Ashcarf it is already found, systematically, in the work of Ibn Kullab [q.v. in Suppl.], cf. al-Ash£an, Makdlat, 169-70, 546. It seems, however, that the first to have practised it was the Imam! theologian Hisham b. al-Hakam [q.v], cf. ibid., 37, 11. 10-12; 222, 11. 1-5; 494, 11. 1-3. Whatever the case, it has a curious consequence. It is known that one of the major disagreements between Mu'tazills and Sunnls, in their conceptions of God, concerns the status of the attributes of the essence. For the Sunnls, the principle (accepted furthermore by the Muctazills), according to which every qualificative has for its cause the corresponding substantive, cannot allow for any exception; since God is powerful, wise, etc., from all eternity, this necessarily implies the existence in Him, from all eternity, of a power, of a knowledge, etc. In the name of tawhid—such a conception apparently leading to the admission of a plurality of eternals—the Mu'tazilfs, reject this view; for them, God is powerful, wise, etc., by His very essence [see MU'TAZILA, Theses, i, 1]. Now, as a result of their habit of calling the substantives in question sifdt—substantives the existence of which, in this instance, the Muctazilfs deny—and although the latter deal at length with the sifdt Allah, the Sunms are found accusing their adversaries of "denying the sifdt" (cf. Makdlat, 583, 11. 3-7; Abu '1-Yusr al-Bazdawf, K. Usul al-dln, Cairo 1963, 35, 11. 7-8) and presenting themselves by contrast as "those who affirm the si/at" and the "adepts of the sifdt" (cf. Makdlat, 170, 1. 12; 171, 11. 12, 16). For a more detailed analysis, see HAL in Suppl., also D. Gimaret, La doctrine d'al-Ashcan, Paris 1990, 235-45. On the divine attributes, see ALLAH, ii, A, 2. Bibliography: Given in the article. (D. GIMARET)
SIFAWAYH AL-KASS, a h u m o r i s t of the 2 n d / 8 t h c e n t u r y . Kass [q.v.] "storyteller" is employed here, as was quite common, in the same sense as other less ambiguous terms for jester; he was also described as the prototypical mughqffal "irresponsible wit". No decision is possible as to whether his nickname should be vocalised Sffawayh or Sayfawayh, and the identification with another kdss called cAbd al-cAz!z, suggested on the basis of one shared remark by the recent editor of Ibn al-Djawzf, Kussds, is probably unwarranted. Slfawayh was credited with jokes and social comment, including irreverent remarks poking mild fun at Kur'anic verses and the foibles of hadith scholars. To our present knowledge, he is first attested in a work by al-Djahiz. Eventually, he caught the attention of Ibn Khaldun and found a biographer in Ibn Hadjar, but the few data connecting him with supposed contemporaries are confused. His actual existence may well be doubted. The Fihrist speaks of an anonymous collection of his remarks. It is not preserved, and we have to be satisfied with comparatively few quotations in adab works. Bibliography: Djahiz, Baydn, ii, 239; Fihrist, 313, see F. Rosenthal, Humor in early Islam, Leiden 1956, 11, 116; Tawhldf, Basa'ir, ed. Wadad al-Kadf, Beirut 1408/1988, iv, 44, 48-9, 74, ix, 121; idem, Irntd', iii, 22; Abr, Nathr al-durr, Cairo 1981-91, iv, 273, 276, 279-80, 282, 285-6; al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, Muhddardt, Bulak 1286-87, i, 81, 93; Ibn al-DjawzI, Akhbdr al-hamkd wa 'l-mughqffalin, ch. 20; idem, Kussds, ed. M. b. Lutfi al-Sabbagh, Beirut 14037 1983, 322-3; Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima, i, 18, tr. Rosenthal, i, 27, n. 76; Ibn Hadjar, Lisdn, Haydarabad 1329-31/1911-13, iii, 132-3. (F. ROSENTHAL) SIFFlN, a famous battle (37/657), or rather a series of duels and skirmishes between the Irakis under the caliph cAlf b. Abl Talib [q.v.] and the Syrians under the governor of Syria Mu'awiya [q.v.]. The battie was a major factor in shaping the regional and political identity of both the Trakl ShiTs and the Syrian Umayyads (cf. Mukhtasar Ta'rikh Dimashk li-Ibn c Asdkir, ed. al-Nahhas et alii, Damascus 1404/1984 ff., xxiii, 46: nahnu ahlu 'l-Shdm, nahnu ashdb Siffin; cf. P. Crone, Slaves on horses. The evolution of the Islamic polity, Cambridge 1980, 203, n. 30). The political and theological debates about the battle, and about the conflict between CA1I and Mu'awiya in general, form the backdrop to many contradictory claims throughout Islamic historiography, in particular those regarding the biography of some of the Prophet's Companions (or alleged Companions) which have their roots in the dispute about the number of Companions on each side. In addition, Shl'f apologetics account for some of the reports about Muhammad's leniency at al-Hudaybiya [q.v.]. The site of the battle, Siffin, was a ruined Byzantine village not far from al-Rakka, located a few hundred yards from the right bank of the Euphrates (alDfnawarf, 178, 1. 18). It is now identified with the village Abu Hurayra near al-Rakka (al-Dhahabr, Ta'rikh al-isldm. cAhd al-khulqfd3 al-rdshidin, ed. Tadmun, Beirut 1407/1987, 537n.). The armies stayed on the battlefield for a long time before the outbreak of hostilities (they are said to have faced each other for 77 days; Ibn Kathir, Biddya, Beirut 1974, vii, 275, 1. 14; cf. al-Madjlisi, Bihar al-anwdr, Tehran 1376/1957 ff., xxxii, 434, 572-3). This reflects the troops' aversion to the shedding of the blood of other Muslims. After all, units on both sides belonged to the same tribes. Moreover, there
SIFFIN were cases in which two cousins, or a father and his son, faced each other (Nasr b. Muzahim, Wak'at Siffin, ed. Harun, Cairo 1401/1981 [- henceforth: 'WS], 334-5, 443; two sons of the famous Khalid b. alWalld [q-v] fought on opposite sides: Ibn al-Kalbf, Djamharat al-nasab, ed. Nadjf Hasan, Beirut 14077 1986, 88; cf. Ibn Makula, al-fkmal, ed. al-Yamanf, Haydarabad 1381/1962, i, 36-7). The battle ended in Safar 3 7/July 657 with an arbitration agreement that led to a split between 'All and the Kharidjites [q.v.], who demanded that the fight go on until one side was victorious. It is extremely difficult to establish the course of the battle and the precise chronology of its stages. The reason is by no means a lack of source material, since a huge literary output exists on Siffih, much of which is still unexplored. The reports on the battle include the description of short episodes whose arrangement often creates an illusion of successive events; Islamic historiography typically sacrifices the overview for a plethora of atomistic detail (cf. Wellhausen, Arab kingdom, Eng. tr. 80: "The description [of the battle] is a mass of one-sided traditions dealing with episodes, and the attempt of the editor to make a mosaic unity of it is a failure. There is a lack of inward connection; you cannot see the wood for the trees"). The compilers of the 2nd Islamic century were certainly not uninterested in reconstructing the course of events, but they were limited by the nature of the atomistic source material at their disposal. We stand on relatively firm ground when we deal with evidence about the identity of the tribal units on both sides, the names of the leading warriors (as opposed to the battle order at any given stage of the fighting) and the weapons and military tactics employed. Significantly, although Shl'i and pro-Shi'f compilers are responsible for most of the literary output on this battle available to us now, Mu'awiya's army is described in no less detail than 'All's. The equal attention paid to the formation of both armies can be demonstrated by the following example which takes us back to the earliest days of Islamic historiography. We have a detailed description of the rival armies going back to Habfb b. Abl Thabit al-Kufi" who died in ca. 120/738 and whose Shi4! sympathies cannot be doubted (Khalffa b. Khayyat, Ta'nkh, ed. Zakkar, Damascus 1968, i, 221-2; al-Mizzi, Tahdhib al-kamdl, ed. Ma'ruf, Beirut 1405/1985 ff., v, 358-63; WS, 324; al-Baladhun, Ansab, i, ed. Hamfdullah, Cairo 1959, 174, no. 420; cf. A. Noth, The early Arabic historical tradition. A source-critical study, 2nd ed., in collaboration with L.I. Conrad, tr. M. Bonner, Princeton 1994, 111-14). Since the forces were made up of tribal units (M. Hinds, The banners and battle cries of the Arabs at Siffin (657 A.D.), in al-Abhdth, xxiv [1971], 3-42), the tribal politics of cAlf and Mu'awiya played a crucial role. However, the ideological factor should not be underestimated since the elites on both sides included people motivated by religious considerations. Some 'Irakis who doubted the legitimacy of the fighting kept away altogether, preferring to be stationed for the time being in border garrisons (WS, 97, 115-16). The 'Uthmdniyya or pro-'Uthman tribesmen from Kufa and Basra shifted to the part of the Djazfra [q.v.] which was under Mu'awiya's control (WS, 12), as did the Tamiml Hanzala b. al-Rabfc, a Kadisiyya [q.v., section 2] veteran who at the time of 'Uthman was the governor's deputy in Kufa (kdna 'l-khatifata mina 'l-amir; Sayf b. cUmar, K. al-Ridda..., ed. al-Samarrai, Leiden 1995, 19).
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Kindfs who disliked cAli left Kufa when he came there, and went to Ruha in the Djazfra. Reportedly, they could not bear to abide in a place where 'Uthman was being cursed. At Siffin, they fought with Mu'awiya (M. Lecker, Kinda on the eve of Islam and during the ridda, in JRAS [1994], 333-56, at 345-7; Ibn Habib, K. alMuhabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstaedter, Haydarabad 1361/ 1942, 295). The people of al-Rakka were then 'Uthmaniyya, including a tribal leader of the Asad, Simak b. Makhrama, who defected from 'All with one hundred fellow-tribesmen and then convinced six hundred more to join him (WS, 146). But even among those who chose to remain in Kufa, there was no unanimous support for 'All's policies. When he left for Siffin, people in Kufa who had little respect for him became outspoken (istakhajfu fAliyyan fa-lamma kharaa^a zaharu). Moreover, the man whom cAlf left in charge of Kufa, Abu Mas'ud al-Ansarf, was foolish enough to express indifference regarding the outcome of the battle and was dismissed immediately after 'All's return from the battlefield (al-Tabaram, al-Mucajam al-kabir2, ed. al-Salafi, Cairo 1400/1980 ff., xvii, 195). Some of 'All's troops returned while on the way to the battlefield (WS, 156). This was the outcome of fierce and at times cynical propaganda tactics in which Mu'awiya was on the whole more successful than 'All (on how the former won the support of Shurahbll b. al-Simt al-Kindl and turned him into a propagandist, see al-Dmawarf, 169-70; E.L. Petersen, All and Mucdwiya in early Arabic tradition, Copenhagen 1964, 31-2). Mu'awiya performed better than his rival with regard to material benefits promised to tribal leaders in return for their loyalty. Mu'awiya appears to have been less scrupulous, possibly because his standing was more precarious than his rival's (see, for example, WS, 306; Ibn A'tham al-Kufi, Futuh, Beirut 1406/1986, iii-iv, 50-1; cf. Mukhtasar Ta'rikh Dimashk, vii, 397). 'All, on the other hand, perhaps due to self-confidence and the better prospects for which he hoped in the conflict, applied strict measures to governors who embezzled state money, and this led to their defection. Among the tribal leaders alienated by 'All mention should be made of Djanr b. 'Abd Allah al-Badjall, 'Uthman's governor in Hamadhan, who was dismissed by 'Air after the battle of the Camel [see AL-DJAMAL] (WS, 15). He moved to Karkfsiya [q.v] together with men of his tribal group, the Kasr of the Badjfla, and later joined Mu'awiya. As a result, few of the Kasr fought at Siffin on 'All's side (WS, 60-1). On the whole, Mu'awiya's hilm or "well-considered opportunism" (E.L. Petersen, cAll and Mu'awiya. The rise of the Umayyad caliphate, 656-661, in AO, xxiii [1959], 15796, at 180; also idem, (Ali and Mu'awiya in early Arabic tradition, 12, 118-19) was more fruitful than 'All's strictness. The latter reacted to the defection of Djarfr b. 'Abd Allah al-Badjalf by destroying his court in Kufa (WS, 61). Far more influential than Djarfr was another tribal leader, al-Ash'ath b. Kays [q.v.] of Kinda, who, unlike Djarfr b. 'Abd Allah, fought at Siffin on 'Air's side (WS, 140; cf. Lecker, Kinda, 355;' for Ash'ath's position among his fellow-tribesmen see idem, Judaism among Kinda and the ridda of Kinda, in JAOS, cxv/4 [1995], section 2). 'Uthman safeguarded al-Ash'ath's loyalty by appointing him governor of Adharbaydjan [q.v]. He was still its governor for some time under 'Alf (al-Baladhun, Futuh, 329, 1. 7; Ibn al-Fakih, 294, 1. 2; Crone, Slaves on horses, 110), but after the Battle of the Camel he was dismissed (al-Taban, i, 3254). 'All also dismissed al-Ash'ath from the ri'asa of Kinda
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SIFFIN
and Rabl'a (WS, 137; Ibn A'tham, Futuh, iii-iv, 64-5, 194; Ibn Abi 'l-Hadld, Shark Nahdj. al-baldgha\ ed. Ibrahim, Cairo 1378/1959 ff., iv, 74-5). At the most crucial stage in the fighting, al-Ash'ath supported the arbitration which was to cost 'All both his title, that of amir al-mu3minin, and then his life. With regard to the defection of these leaders of the Yemen, it should be borne in mind that most of Mu'awiya's troops at SiffTn belonged to Yemen while most of 'All's troops were of the Nizar b. Macadd [q.v], i.e. Rablca and Mudar [q.v] (Ch. Pellat, Une risala inedite de &dhi£ sur ['arbitrage entre cAll et Mu'dwiya (Risala ft 'l-hakamayni...), in al-Mashriq, lii [1958], 417-91, at 426-7). In addition to these tribal leaders cAlf lost the support of cUbayd Allah, son of the caliph cUmar b. alKhattab, who fled to Mu'awiya for fear that 'Air might execute him for having avenged his father's assassination by murdering innocent Persians. 'Ubayd Allah was killed at Sifffn, where he commanded Mu'awiya's cavalry (Mukhtasar Ta'rikh Dimashk, xv, 345, 346-51). While with regard to the formation of the two camps we stand on relatively firm ground, this is not the case with regard to the figures given for warriors and casualties. For example, the two armies were supposed to have been of about the same size, each including 150,000 warriors (WS, 156). Another report mentions that in cAl!'s camp there were 100,000 men or more, while on Mu'awiya's side there were 130,000 (WS, 157; but cf. WS, 226; Khalifa b. Khayyat, Ta'rikh, i, 218-19). However, far more important for the study of early Islamic historiography are the conflicting statistics and contradictory claims made by the two camps about the Islamic credentials of their respective supporters. No sooner was the battle over than polemics began. The terrible bloodshed during cAll's rule, at Siffm and elsewhere, had to be accounted for and justified and the positions of both sides had to be fortified. Eschatology was employed, the most widespread theme being the claim made by cAll's camp that the Prophet foretold the killing of 'All's aged supporter, 'Ammar b. Yasir [q.v.], by "the rebel band" (al-fi'a al-bdghiya}. Interestingly, Mu'awiya's alleged response to this is recorded: "The one who killed him was the one who sent him out (to the battlefield)"; with these words, our pro-Shl'I informant continues, Mu'awiya was deceiving the fools among the people of Syria (WS, 343; cf. E. Kohlberg, The development of the Imdmi Shi'l doctrine of jihad, in
itself, the arbitration and cAll's relinquishing in the agreement of the title amir al-mu3minin all belong to the crucial theological debate which accompanied the emergence of the Kharidjites. The Shl'I apologists justified eAll's conduct by referring to the Prophet's agreement with the Kuraysh [q.v.] at al-Hudaybiya, which was met with opposition from many of the Prophet's Companions who were reportedly willing to fight the Kuraysh. Moreover, the Prophet relinquished his tide rasul alldh (see esp. al-Bayhakl, Dald'il alnubuwwa, ed. Kal'adji, Beirut 1405/1985, iv, 147, where the scribe of the Hudaybiya agreement is CA1I himself; the Prophet informs him that he will live through the same experience; WS, 508). The analogy with al-Hudaybiya is even more explicit in a version of this report, according to which it was Mu'awiya's father, Abu Sufyan, who demanded that the Prophet remove from the agreement his prophetic title (Ibn A'tham, Futuh, iii-iv, 197). It seems that the apologetic need to justify 'All's attitude at Siffin influenced the shape, if not the contents, of the Hudaybiya story (cf. Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh madlnat Dimashk, from 'Ubada b. Awfa to 'Abd Allah b. Thuwab, 396; al-Baladhurl, Ansdb, iii, ed. al-Durl, Wiesbaden 1398/1978, 44). But there was more to the link between the story of Siffin and the Prophet's biography. Shl'I historical tradition sought to establish that the Prophet's cousin and son-in-law, 'All, continued the former's fight against the infidels who were now led by the son of the Prophet's arch-enemy, Mu'awiya son of Abu Sufyan (for the presentation of 'All's dphdd as an extension of Muhammad's ajihdd see Kohlberg, The development, 70-1). 'All rode on the Prophet's mare and she-mule and wore the Prophet's black turban (WS, 403; H. Eisenstein, Die Maultiere und Esel des Propheten, in Isl, Ixi [1985], 98-107, at 106). 'Ammar b. Yasir allegedly said that he had fought Mu'awiya's chief counsellor, 'Amr b. al-'As [q.v] three times (i.e. at the time of the Prophet), and that the battle of Siffih was the fourth (al-Baladhurl, Ansdb, i, 171). The Umayyad army is referred to as the ahzdb or combined forces, with reference to the battle of the moat (khandak) between the Prophet and Kuraysh led by Abu Sufyan. Finally, Mu'awiya's brother, 'Utba, is supposed to have mentioned at Siffm the Umayyads killed by 'All in the battle of Badr [q.v] (al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, iv/a, ed. M. Schloessinger, rev. MJ. Kister, 99). The other party answered with reference to the Islamic prestige of its own men which similarly went back to the Prophet. A black piece of garment raised by 'Amr b. al-'As on the tip of a spear was a banner (liwd3) tied for him by the Prophet (i.e. giving him command over an expedition force; WS, 215). Another case in point was that of Ziml b. 'Amr of the 'Udhra [q.v], who fought on Mu'awiya's side. One of the two reports included in the section of Ibn Sa'd (i/2, 66-7) which deals with 'Udhra's delegation to Muhammad (wafd cUdhrd) is in fact the story of Ziml's conversion to Islam. The Prophet reportedly tied for him a banner which was carried by Ziml at Siffin (Ibn Hadjar, Isaba, ii, 567-8). Al-Baladhurl (Ansdb, ms. Reisiilkiittap Mustafa Efendi 597, fol. 188a) significantly includes a report on Ziml's visit to the Prophet and the banner given to him in the section of the Ansdb dealing with Siffin. Al-Baladhurl adduces the report from Ibn al-Kalbl (< his father) and he probably took it from Ibn al-Kalbl's monograph on Siffin. The report on Ziml's banner, which seeks to establish that the Prophet gave his blessing to Ziml's support of Mu'awiya, is precisely the kind of report one expects Umayyad propaganda to have used.
SIFFlN The competition over Islamic prestige is also reflected in various statistics. In 'All's camp there were 2,800 Companions, 25 of whom were killed (al-'Isamf, Simt al-nuajum al-'awali, Cairo 1380, ii, 454). Those killed in 'All's camp included 25 Badr veterans (Yakut, Mu'ajam al-bulddn, s.v. Siffin). One scholar claimed that 70 Badr veterans fought at Siffm (i.e. on cAlI's side). However, this was rejected by others: in 'All's camp there was only one Badr veteran, Khuzayma b. Thabit (Ibn cAdi, al-Kdmil ft du'afa3 al-riajdl, Beirut 14047 1984, i, 239). One claim puts the number of Badr veterans in 'All's camp at 130, and Sa'fd b. Djubayr reportedly stated that among 'All's troops there were 900 Ansar and 800 Muhadjirun (Bihar al-anwdr, xxxii, 572). It is recorded that 800 of the Companions who pledged their allegiance to the Prophet at alHudaybiya fought with 'All and 63 of them were killed, including 'Ammar b. Yasir (al-Dhahabf, Ta'rikh al-isldm. cAhd al-khulafd3 al-rdshidin, 545; R. Vesely, Die Ansar im ersten Biirgerkriege (36-40 d. //.), in ArO, xxvi [1958], 36-58, at 51-2, is not fully aware of the polemical value attached to these statistics). Beside confirming that 'All was in the right, the Prophet's Companions, and in particular the Badr veterans among them, testify to the truthfulness of the Prophet's statements on which 'All based his bid for power (Bihar al-anwdr, xxxiii, 147-51 = Kitdb Sulaym b. Kays al-Kufi, Nadjaf n.d., 149 ff.). Unlike eAlI's companions, the two Ansar who fought with Mu'awiya could not boast of having participated in the 'Akaba meeting, or the battle of Badr, or the battle of Uhud (WS, 445, 448-9; for a list of the Companions who fought with 'All in the battles of the Camel and Siffm, see Ibn Hablb, Muhabbar, 289-93; it is followed by a list of the Companions who fought with Mu'awiya at Siffin, 293-6; cf. al-Dhahabl, op. cit., 547). The effect of the 'Alf-Mu'awiya conflict on early Islamic historiography can be illustrated by the conflicting biographical details given for a central figure in Mu'awiya's camp, the Kurashf Busr b. Abf Arta'a al-'Amirf. Busr's Companion status was disputed; the Syrians claimed that he heard the Prophet when he was a small boy (i.e. that he could transmit hadith on the Prophet's authority). The counterclaim was that Busr was born two years before the Prophet's death and did not transmit any haditji from him (Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, i, 289-90; Mukhtasar Ta'rikh Dimashk, v, 182-3). The battle of Siffm was a popular topic among compilers of historical monographs. We find among them Shi'Is, scholars of Shi'I sympathies and Sunms. The same compilers often compiled monographs about related topics such as makdtil (cf. S. Giinther, Maqdtil literature in medieval Islam, in JAL, xxv [1994], 192-212, at 200-1; U. Sezgin, Abu Mi^naf. Ein Beitrag zur Historiographie der umaiyadischen ^eit, Leiden 1971, 103 n. 15; note that in the reports on Sifim some of the episodes are entitled "maktal so-and-so"; alDfnawan, 188, 190, 191, 195, 198). The following list (which does not claim to be exhaustive) contains scholars known to have compiled monographs dealing with Sifim during the first three and a half centuries of the Islamic era. Obviously, their monographs overlap, probably considerably so; some of those listed were not compilers in the real sense of the word but merely transmitters of monographs compiled by others. It is the differences between the monographs, not their similarities, which define the particular features of each of them. For example, the name and tribal affiliation of the Syrian warrior who killed 'Ammar b. Yasir were disputed. Al-Baladhurf (Ansdb, ms., fols. 188a-9a) cites various claims made by al-Wakidf, Abu Mikhnaf,
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Ibn al-Kalbi and al-MadaJim and which are probably taken from these authors' monographs on Siffin. 1. Djabir b. Yazld al-Dju'fT (d. 128/746; [see r^ABIR AL-DJU'F! in Suppl.]; GAS, i, 307; U. Sezgin, Abu Mibnaf, 103 n. 15, 133-4; J. van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra. Eine Geschichte des religio'sen Denkens im jruhen Islam, Berlin and New York 1991 ff., i, 294-8). 2. Yahya al-Dju'fi's Kitdb Siffin is known through a quotation (al-Dhahabl, op. cit., 539). 3. Aban b. Taghlib al-Bakrl (d. 141/758-9; alTihranf, al-Dhari'a ild tasdnif al-shica, Nadjaf 1355/1936 ff., xv, 52, no. 333; E. Kohlberg, al-Usul al-arba'umi'a, in JSAI, x [1987], 128-66, at 143; al-Nadjashl, Rifial, ed. al-NaTm, Beirut 1408/1988, i, 76). 4. Abu Mikhnaf Lut b. Yahya (d. 157/774; his Kitdb Siffin = ms. Ankara, Saib 5418; GAS, i, 309, no. 4; U. Sezgin, Abu Mifrnqf, 103-6, 12345; Yakut, Udabd32, ed. 'Abbas, Beirut 1993, v, 2253; al-Nadjashl, ii, 192). His great-grandfather, Mikhnaf b. Sulaym, was at one time 'All's governor in Isfahan and was killed at Sifim (Ibn al-Kalbl, Nasab Ma'add, ed. Hasan, Beirut 1408/1988, ii, 482; Ibn Hadjar, 'isdba, vi, 55; U. Sezgin, Abu Mi^naf, 219, 225; it is noteworthy that one of his monographs was entitled Kitdb Akhbdr dl Mikhnaf b. Sulaym, al-Nadjashi, ii, 192; cf. al-Taban, i, 3266). 5. 'Urnar b. Sacd al-Asadf (d. perhaps ca. 180/796; GAS, i, 311; U. Sezgin, Abu Mi^naf, 104 n., 137-45, Hinds, The banners, 5). 6. Hisham b. Muhammad Ibn al-Kalbl [see ALKALBI, section 2] (d. 204/819; van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft, i, 301; Dhari'a, xv, 53, no. 345; GAS, i, 271; it is probably quoted in Ibn Kathfr, Biddya, vii, 261, 1. 11). Both Hisham's greatgrandfather and his grandfather reportedly fought at Sifim on 'All's side (Ibn al-Kalbl, Nasab Ma'add, ii, 628). 7. Abu Hudhayfa Ishak b. Bishr (d. 206/821; GAS, i, 294; Yakut, Udabd32, ii, 623, 1. 5; al-Nadjashf, i, 194-5). ' 8. Abu Ishak IsmaTl b. 'Isa al-'Attar (d. 232/847; GAS, i, 294; U. Sezgin, Abu Mi^naf, 103 n.). 9. Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad b. 'Umar alWakidl (d. 207/823; GAS, i, 297, no. 7; Yakut, Udabd32, vi, 2598, 1. 12). A passage from this book (see Shark Nahdj. al-baldgha2, ii, 267-8; Bihar al-anwdr, xxxiii, 340) indicates that al-Wakidl's book went beyond the battle of Sifim to include 'All's war against the Kharidjites (cf. al-Taban, i, 3384, 1. 2). 10. Abu 'Ubayda Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna (d. ca. 210/825) compiled Kitab al-D^amal wa-Siffin (Fihrist, 54, 1. 5; it is probably quoted in al-Darakutnl, al-Mu3talif wa 'l-mukhtalif, ed. Muwaffak b.''Abd Allah, Beirut 1406/1986, ii, 561). 11. Nasr b. Muzahim al-Tamlml al-Kuff al-cAttar (d. 212/827) compiled the famous Wak'at Siffin (Yakut, Udabd32, vi, 2750; GAS, i, 313). 12. Abu Bakr 'Abd Allah b. Muhammad Ibn Abi Shayba/Ibrahfm b. 'Uthman [see IBN ABI SHAYBA] (d. 235/849; Fihrist, 229, 1. 11; GAS, i, 108; al-MizzI, Tahdhib al-kamdl, xvi, 34-42). His monograph probably corresponds, at least partially, to the chapter entitled Bab md dhukira fi Siffin (and possibly also Md dhukira fi 'l-Khawdridj. which immediately follows it), in Ibn Abl Shayba, Musannaf (ed. al-Afghani,
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13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19. 20. 21. 22.
SIFFIN — AL-SIFR Bombay 1399/1979 ff., xv, 288-333; cf. NothConrad, The early Arabic historical tradition., 34). Abu '1-Hasan CA1I b. Muhammad al-Mada°inI (d. 235/850; GAS, i, 315, no. 16; cf. G. Rotter, £ur Uberlieferung einiger historischer Werke Madd'ims in Tabans Annalen, in Oriens, xxiii-xxiv [1974], 103-33, at 115-19; Shark Nahd} al-baldgha2, xxi, 264; Bihar al-anwdr, xxxiii, 298). The book (which is probably quoted in al-Baladhurl, Ansdb, ms., fols. 183b-184a, 188a) goes beyond the battle of Sifffn to include c All's war against the Kharidjites (cf. Shark Nahdj. al-baldgha2, vi, 134-5; Bihar al-anwar, xxxiii, 340). Abu Ishak Ibrahim b. al-Husayn b. 'All alKisa'I al-Hamdanl, better known as Ibn Dizll (d. 281/894; GAS, i, 321; Dhari'a, xv, 52, no. 335; Petersen, cAli and Mu'dwiya in early Arabic tradition, 159; Shark Nahdj. al-baldgha2, xxi, 264; Bihar al-anwar, xxxii, 491; xxxiii, 300-2, 303). The overlapping of Siflm monographs can here be demonstrated by reference to several quotations from this monograph (the fragment from Ibn Dfzll < ... Nasr b. Muzahim, in Ibn Kathfr, Biddya, vii, 255, 1. 5, is found—with differences—in WS, 147-8; see also Biddya, 259-60, = WS, 188-91; Biddya, 269, 1. 18 - WS, 324; other passages from Ibn Dizll in Biddya, vii, 261, 11. 9,-4, 264, 1. 14, go back to Djabir alDju'fT). Ibn DfzlPs book goes on to describe c All's fighting against the Kharidjites (Shark Nahdj. al-baldgha2, ii, 269-71, 276, 310-11; Bihar al-anwdr, xxxiii, 345-7). Abu Ishak Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-Thakaff, one of whose ancestors was eAll's governor in Mada'in (d. 283/896; GAS, i, 321; Yakut, Udabd32, i, 105, 1. 8; Dhan'a, xv, 52, no. 334). Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad b. Zakariyya b. Dinar al-Basrl, a mawld of the Banu Ghalab, compiled a monograph entitled Siffin al-kabir (d. 291/904; U. Sezgin, Abu Mibnaf, 104 n.; Dhan'a, xv, 52, no. 340; Fihrist, 108, 1. 14; alNadjashl, ii, 240-1), and another entitled: Siffin al-saghir or al-mukhtasar. Note, however, that he also transmitted some of Djabir alDju'fi's monographs, including Kitdb Siffin (Muhsin al-Amm, Acydn al-Shica, Beirut 1356/ 1938 ff., xv, 200). In addition, he transmitted at least some of Abu Mikhnaf's monographs which were transmitted, several decades earlier, by Ibn al-Kalbl (al-Nadjashi, ii, 192-3). Muhammad b. eUthman al-Kalbi (GAS, i, 314; Hinds, The banners, 6-7). Instead of "al-Kalbl", read perhaps: "al-cAbsi": Abu Dja'far Muhammad b. 'Uthman b. Muhammad b. Abl Shayba al-cAbsI (d. 297/910; GAS, i, 164) was the nephew of cAbd Allah b. Muhammad Ibn Abl Shayba mentioned above at no. 12 (cf. S. Leder, Das Korpus al-Haitam ibn cAdl (st. 207/822). Herkunfl, Uberlieferung, Gestalt Jriiher Texte der Afybdr Literatur, Frankfurt a. M. 1991, 258-9). Abu 'l-cAbbas Ahmad b. cUbayd Allah al-Thakafi, nicknamed himdr al-cuzayr (d. 314/926; Yakut, Udabd32, i/364, 367, 1. -2). Ibn A'tham al-Kufi compiled Ibtidd3 khabar wak'at Siffin (presumably d. in 314/926; GAS, i, 329). Abu '1-Kasim al-Mundhir b. Muhammad alKabusI (d. at the beginning of the 4th century; GAS, i, 323; U. Sezgin, Abu Mi^naf, 104 n.). c Abd al-cAz!z b. Yahya al-Djaludi al-Azdl alBasrl (d. 332/944; E. Kohlberg, A medieval
Muslim scholar at work. Ibn Tawus and his library, Leiden 1992, 333, no. 547; U. Sezgin, Abu Mibnaf, 104 n.; al-Nadjashi, ii, 54). Bibliography (in addition to references given in the article): Ibn A'tham al-Kufi, Futuh, i-ii, 55691, iii-iv, 3-192; Bihar al-anwdr, xxxii, 351-619, xxxiii, 7-324; J. Wellhausen, The Arab kingdom and its fall, tr. M.G. Weir, Calcutta 1927, 75-83 = Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz, Berlin 1902, 47-53; C. Brockelmann, Nasr ibn Muzdhim, der dlteste Geschichtschreiber der Schia, in %S9 iv (1926), 1-23; N.A. Faris, Development in Arab historiography as reflected in the struggle between cAli and Mu'dwiya, in Historians of the Middle East, ed. B. Lewis and P.M. Holt, London 1962, 435-41; E.L. Petersen, Studies on the historiography of the cAli-Mucdwiyah conflict, in AO, xxvii (1963), 83118; M. Hinds, The Siffin arbitration agreement, in JSS, xvii (1972), 93-129; A.A. Duri, The rise of historical writing among the Arabs, ed. and tr. L.I. Conrad, Princeton 1983, 47-8; A. Palmer, The seventh century in the West-Syrian chronicles, Liverpool 1993, index, s.v. Sifim. (M. LECKER) AL-SIFR (A.), a term which appears in Arabic dictionaries with the meaning of "void" and, by extension, of "zero". But it should be borne in mind that its doublet s-f-r signifies the opposite (Kazimirski, i, 1098b). Carra de Vaux (in JA [1917], ii, 459-460, and Penseurs de Hslam, ii, Paris 1921, 102-10) drew attention to the conceptual opposition between the two roots "empty place" as against "written place". In the latter sense, the Hebrew sefer and Persian sijr, etc. "book", are encountered. Hence derive the mediaeval Latin tzifra, ziffrae, the Castilian cifra (1495), the French chiffre, the German Differ, all of which denote forms of numbers, unlike the English cipher which signifies "zero". The sense of "empty place" was applied to a space left empty in the writing of numbers, for lack of a graphical and conceptual element facilitating the preservation of the order of units, tens, hundreds, etc. in a system of numeration by position such as the decimal system. The two meanings were known in the High Mediaeval period: primes have an absolute value, as also applies to rumi figures and the abud^dd system generally employed in astronomical tables. In one case (based on the numerical values of Arabic letters), the written signs used are more than ten in number (Irani, Arabic numeral forms, in Centaurus, iv [1955], 1-12, repr. in St. Isl exact sciences, by E.S. Kennedy, Beirut 1983, 710-20); in the other, the number of signs (figures) used can only be nine, if the zero is not acknowledged, or ten, if it is introduced. The latter system is that known as guarismos or algorismos. The importance of the usage of the figures which are now called Arabic does not reside in the form of the numbers, which can be multiple, but in the fact that one individual, or a determined social group, uses them in a positional system, as is currently the case with motor vehicle registrations. In so far as these use only numbers, they are understood, as ideographical notations, throughout the world, although each language uses, in speech, very different words. In countries where motor vehicles exist in abundance, it is often the practice to introduce an alphabetic element which is less comprehensible to readers of all languages. This element could be "identified" with rumi, Coptic figures, etc. (see Sanchez Perez, in al-Andalus, iii [1935], 97-125; Ritter, in RSO, xvi [1936], 212-13; Levi Delia Vida, in RSO, xiv [1933], 281-3, and xvi (1936), 21314; Bartina, in Studia papyrologica, vii [1968], 99-110). It differs from the former.
AL-SIFR — SIGHNAK The only grounds for confusion in Arabic numeration (just as was the case 4,000 years ago in the Sumero-Babylonian sexagesimal positional system) may be found in the absence of the 0 (zero) to mark the lack of units in a determined order. When, during the 2nd or 3rd century B.C., Greek astrologers adopted the Babylonian system of numeration (with zero included) for sexagesimal fractions (minutes [*], seconds ["] ...) they filled the temporary void of which Carra de Vaux was conscious. The latter, to account for the connection between Babylonia and Greece on the one hand, representing Antiquity, and the Arab Middle Ages on the other, propounded the hypothesis that numeration by position must have been confined to marginal groups, neo-Platonists and neo-Pythagorians who, taking refuge in Persia from the religious persecutions of the Byzantines, could have re-introduced to Mesopotamia the knowledge forgotten there. This hypothesis seems to be corroborated by a reference by Severos Sabojt, Bishop of Kinnasrin (ca. 662) to the arithmetic of the Indians with its nine symbols (F. Nau, La plus ancienne mention orientale des chiffres indiens, in JA [1910], ii, 225-7). Numeric notation with nine symbols may be ambiguous, and recalls the uncertainty (Neugebauer, Ancient mathematics and astronomy, in HT, i (Oxford 1965) which must have afflicted the Babylonians. In the decimal system, 2 4 could signify 24, 204, 2040, etc., until the introduction of the zero made it possible to establish the exact reading. The difficulty could be similar to that faced today by a person of limited expertise confronted by the screen of a computer which moves automatically, to show large or small numbers, from ordinary to technical or scientific notation. In the mid-9th century, the zero was known in the Orient and the decimal system well-established. On the other hand, in the West, Leonardo Pisano still spoke, in his Liber abbaci of the "nine Indian figures". However, the figures, fairly similar to those of today, which appear in the ovetense manuscript of the Escorial (R. ii. 18), are not decimal, as is the case in most of folio 55. These are rumi figures, as has been proved by Ana Labarta and Carmen Barcelo (Numeros y cijras en los documentos ardbigohispanos, Cordova 1988). It may be concluded from their study that, while the decimal system was known in scientific and mercantile circles through the medium of Latin translations or adaptations of the Kitab al-^amc wa-'l-tajrik of alKhwarazmf, the same did not apply among Spanish Christians before the 15th century. Attempts have been made to explain the form of the figures which are used today in terms of a linear evolution or a polygenesis. Woepcke considered that the primitive form corresponded to the first letter of the Sanskrit word denoting the number. Carra de Vaux, seeing that the numeric value of the letter depends upon its position within the corresponding alphabet, stated that the primitive figures were formed by interlinked rods as far as 6, and that the others were obtained by the rotation of the former from left to right (7, 8) (cf. G. Beaujouan, Etude paleographique sur la "rotation" des chiffres..., in RHS, i [1948] = Par raison des nombres, Variorum Reprints, Aldershot, CS 344 [1991] no. IX; A. Allard, L'epoque d'Adelard et les chiffres arabes dans les manuscrits latins d'arithmetique, in the series of articles concerning Adelard edited by Ch. Burnett, London 1987, 37-43; G. Menendez-Pidal, Los llamados numerales arabes en Occidente, in BRAH, cxliv [1959], 179-208). See also art. AL-KHWARAZMI, above, vol. IV, 1070b, and J. Vernet, Ce que la culture doit aux Arabes d'Espagne, Paris 1985, 70-77, to be amended
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in accordance with the content of this article. Bibliography: Given in the article. (J. VERNET) SIGETWAR, the Ottoman orthography for SZIGETVAR, a town and centre of a sanajak, t e m p o r a r i l y of a beglerbegilik, in T r a n s d a n u bian H u n g a r y . The originally not very important town and castle, situated in the morasses of the rivulet Almas, became a significant military centre of Habsburg Hungary after the fall of Szekesfehervar and Pecs, the main royal and episcopal towns in Transdanubia. An unsuccessful Ottoman attack was directed against it in 963/1556. Ten years later, Siileyman the Magnificent [
(G. DAVID) StGHNAK, SUGHNAK (Hudud al-'dlam, tr. 119, Sunakh), a mediaeval Islamic town on the middle Sir Darya, in the district known as Farab, between Isfidjab and Djand [q.vv. in Suppl.]. It seems to have been, together with the "new settlement" Yengikent, Sawran and others, one of the settlements there of the Turks, explicitly defined by Mahmud Kashgharf as "a town of the Oghuz" (Tkish. tr. Atalay, i, 471; Eng. tr. Dankoff and Kelly, i, 352). Al-MukaddasI, 323 n. k, links it with Utrar [q.v.], 24 farsakhs further up the Sir Darya. In Turkish, slghnak means "place of refuge" (see Clauson, An etymological dictionary of pre-thirteenth century Turkish, 813b), and the same name is found for several other places in Transcaucasia.
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SIGHNAK — SIHAFA
In the 4th/10th century, Sighnak was probably a frontier town where semi-sedentarised or sedentarised Oghuz exchanged products with the Islamic lands to the south; the Hudud al-cdlam, loc. cit. and cf. comrn., 358, mentions the manufacture there of bows for export. The region long remained ddr al-kufr. In the 6th/12th century it was the centre of a khanate of the pagan Kipcak [q.v.], and ghazawat against them by the Khwarazm Shahs are mentioned for 547/1152, and specifically against Sighnak and its then ruler Kayir Toku Khan in 591/1195, until in the early 7th/13th century cAlaJ al-Dln Muhammad incorporated it within his empire (see Barthold, Turkestan3, 328, 342-3, 369; idem, Histoire des Turcs d'Asie Centrale, Paris 1945, 91). The Shah's control of it was, however, brief, for in 617/1220 a Mongol army besieged Sighnak and eventually captured it, massacring its population. (Djuwaym-Boyle, i, 86-7; Barthold, Turkestan3, 414-15). Sighnak continues to be mentioned sporadically in the next three centuries or so. In the 9th/15th century it was a centre of the Cingizid Shfbanf clan, and was held towards the end of that century by Muhammad Shfbanf Khan before he began his career of expansion in Central Asia [see SHlBANi KHAN]. Thereafter, Sighnak fades from mention. Its ruins now lie at Sunak kurgan, a few miles north-west of the post-station Tiumen Arik on the Orenburg-Tashkent road and railway (see Hudud al-cdlam, comm. 358). Bibliography: Given in the article. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SIHAFA or SAHAFA (A.), the written press, journalism, the profession of the journalist (sahdfi). The nineteen-fifties witnessed the attainment of national independencies and major political upheavals, such as the Egyptian revolution of 23 July 1952. The Arabic press which, paradoxically, enjoyed great success during the colonial period [see DJAR.IDA. i], despite the somewhat repressive nature of judicial regulation of the press (since what was seen was the proliferation of a press of information, of ideas and even of warfare), developed in conjunction with the emergence of national independences. It needed to confront three major problems: the repressive nature of the new ruling powers, reflected in legislation designed to control the press; the spread of illiteracy, resulting from rapid population growth, in spite of the untiring efforts invested in education; competition from radio, and especially from television, and the indifference of most of the public regarding the written press. The fact remains, however, that the press, despite the inclination of governments to tame it, has constituted an important factor in the struggle for public liberties and democracy. The creation of national news agencies and schools for the training of journalists bear witness, moreover, to the interest taken by government departments in this vital sector. 1. The Arab Middle East (i) Egypt After the coup d'etat of 23 July 1952, the Free Officers' Movement decreed the dissolution of parties (16 January 1953), established a provisional constitution and created its own weekly review, al-Tahfir (17 September 1952) and its first daily, the mouthpiece of the revolution, al-^umhuriyya (7 December 1953). From 1952 onwards, most party journals ceased publication. The major tides of the Cairo press continued to appear, however: al-Ahrdm, Ruz al-Tusuf, Akhbdr al-Tawm and al-Hildl al-Misn. But the new government was not slow to engage in conflict with the
press. Two days after the unleashing of the revolution, the brothers Mustafa and eAll Amin, founders of Akhbdr al-Tawm, were arrested on the basis of mere suspicion; but the authorities relented and released them a few days later. The crisis of March 1954
Two years after the coup d'etat, the Free Officers' Movement split into two factions: the liberal faction, which advocated return to the barracks, and which was led by General Nagfb [see MUHAMMAD NADJIB] and Khalid Muhyf '1-Dm, and the militant faction under the leadership of cAbd al-Nasir [q.v. in Suppl.]. The latter emerged victorious and imposed his own point of view: on 15 April 1954 the professional Union of Journalists (founded in March 1941) was dissolved. Leading journalists were imprisoned, including Mahmud Abu '1-Fath, proprietor of al-Misn, and Ihsan c Abd al-Kuddus, editor-in-chief of Ruz al-Tusuf. Censorship was rapidly restored, and even strengthened. Some new titles appeared: in 1954, a literary and artistic review, al-Risdla al-Djadida, with Yusuf al-Sibacf as its editor-in-chief, joined by a second review, alThawra, and a magazine for women, Hawwd3 al-^adida in 1956. The first news agency (M.E.N.A.) was founded in February 1956. The Nasserite era (1956-70)
In July 1956 cAbd al-Nasir was proclaimed President of the Republic. The provisional constitution had been promulgated a few months previously, in January 1956. The Revolutionary Council was dissolved. Censorship, abolished in July 1956, was soon restored, at the time of the tripartite aggression in October 1956. Private ownership of journals still being the norm, cAbd alNasir organised the production of the following titles: al-Shacb, an important daily (June 1956); al-Masd3, editor-in-chief Khalid Muhyl '1-Dln, of the Revolutionary Council; and Maajallat Bind3 al-Watan, a propaganda monthly (1958). The year 1959 was marked by the detention of numerous journalists suspected of opposition to the regime, including in particular Luwfs cAwad, Lutff alKhulf, cAbd al-cAzim Anls and Mahmud al-Sa'dawf. The year 1960 marked a turning point in the life of the Egyptian press. The law imposing the organisation (tangim) of the press came into being on 24 May 1960. This tan^im, a disguised form of ta'mlm (nationalisation), effectively confiscated the leading publishing houses involved in the production of journals (i.e. those belonging to private persons), to the advantage of the National Unity Party, al-Ittihdd al-Kaumi, created in January 1956 and renamed al-Ittihdd alIshtirdki al-cArabL This law was the first in a series of nationalisation laws applying to banks, factories, etc. Henceforward, it was the National Unity Party which would issue the authorisation necessary for the publication of any journal, would nominate boards of directors and would appoint editors-in-chief. Thereafter, and until eAbd al-Nasir's death, the world of the press was destabilised, with arbitrary changes, dismissals and imprisonments. Fikrl Abaza, President and Director General of the Dar al-Hilal, was barred from publication and dismissed. Mustafa Amm, of Akhbdr al-Tawm, was sentenced in 1966 to hard labour for life, and did not obtain a conditional release until 1973. It should, however, be acknowledged that the Dar al-Ahram, moving into its new premises in 1968 and equipped with all the latest technology, became, through the leadership of the distinguished journalist Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal, a respected press institution. The weekly editorial of Haykal, who had
SIHAFA bi-saraha the ear of cAbd al-Nasir, was reprinted in all the world's major newspapers. The defeat of June 1967 This was preceded by a campaign orchestrated by the regime and tending to extol the Egyptian armed forces, capable of annihilating the Israeli enemy within a few hours. It was not until 9 June 1967 that cAbd al-Nasir announced the naksa and his own withdrawal from office. Large public demonstrations persuaded him to stay. The next development to affect the press was the publication on 30 March 1968 of the Manifesto (bqydri), proclaiming the establishment of a permanent constitution; the regime, by taking certain liberal measures, seemed to be relaxing its grip. Cultural reviews of superior quality came into being, all edited by the Ministry of Culture: al-Madjalla, monthly; Turdth alInsdniyya,, quarterly; al-Fikr al-Mucdsir, monthly; al-Kitdb al-cArabi^ quarterly; al-Kitdb, monthly; al-Funun alShcfbiyya; al-Masrah; and al-Sinimd. On 17 September 1970, a few days before his death, cAbd al-Nasir issued a new decree regulating the Union of Egyptian Journalists. The decree stipulated that no member of the Union could be arrested or detained, nor interrogated except in the presence of a member of the board of the Union, and then after judicial enquiry. The Sadat era (1970-81) This was marked by a series of measures of "deNasserisation", generally known as measures of openness (infitdh): elimination of the "pressure centres" (mardkiz al-kuwd] which had been all-powerful in cAbd al-Nasir's time; promulgation in 1971 of the permanent constitution; military success in the war of October 1973; in 1974, laws relating to infitah al-iktisddi (economic openness); creation in 1975 of tribunes within the Arab Socialist Union (A.S.U.); expulsion of Soviet advisers in 1976, and the creation of three parties independent of the A.S.U.; visit to Jerusalem on 19 November 1977; and permission given to the Wafd Party to resume its activities under the name al-Wafd al-Djadfd. On the other hand, Sadat was also responsible for anti-democratic measures: a law of 1978 aimed at the protection of the social fabric and social peace (dismissal of all persons who had held public office before 1952); a law of 1979 modifying the law on parties; a law of 15 November 1980 on the protection of values against dishonour (kdnun al-cayb), consisting in depriving the offender of his political and union rights; a law of 20 May 1980 instituting tribunals of state security (mahdkim amn al-dawld] on a continual and permanent basis, whereas previously they had been constituted only in times of emergency; a law of 20 November 1980 creating the Consultative Assembly (al-Shurd) alongside the National Assembly. In matters specifically affecting the press, Sadat used dilatory manoeuvres. Although at the end of 1971 his Minister of Culture, cAbd al-Kadir Hatim, suppressed with the stroke of a pen all the reviews edited by this ministry, Sadat took measures to the benefit of journalists: re-assignment and regularisation of the situation of journalists arbitrarily silenced in the time of c Abd al-Nasir; abolition of censorship after the war of October 1973; liberation of the brothers 'All and Mustafa Amfn; dismissal of Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal; creation on 11 March 1975 of the first Higher Press Council (al-Madj.lis al-Acld li 'l-Sahdfd). Presiding over this council was the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the A.S.U., and it comprised notably the following persons: the Minister of Information; the
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President of the Journalists' Union; the PresidentDirector General of the M.N.E.A.; the Dean of the Faculty of Journalism; and three editors-in-chief of newspapers. Its functions were the promulgation of codes of conduct, and the issuing of authorisations for the publication of newspapers. Sadat's institution of a multi-party system led to the appearance of partisan journals (hizbiyya) alongside national titles (kawmiyyd]'. Misr, weekly paper of the Hizb Misr al-cArabi alTshtirdkl, which in 1978 became the party of Sadat, al-Hizb al-Watam al-Dimukrdti, which appeared on 2 March 1981; Mayu; Uktubir, October 1976, editor-in-chief Anls Mansur; al-Ahrdr, weekly of the Hizb al-Ahrdr alTshtirdkiyyin (liberals of the right), appearing 14 November 1977; al-Ahdli, weekly of the Hizb al-Taa^ammuc al-Watam al-Takaddumi al-Wahdawi, appearing on 1 November 1978; and alSha'b, weekly of the Hizb al-cAmal al-Ishtirdkl, appearing 1 May 1979. The opposition press showed great hostility towards the dictatorial laws of Sadat, in particular, the law of 1978 regarding the protection of the social fabric, the law of 1980 concerning the protection of values against dishonour, and the law of 1980 on the authority of the press (kdnun sultat al-sahdfa), which made no changes in relation to the law of tan^im of 1970, since the ownership of national papers (kawmiyyd} reverted to the Consultative Assembly (art. 22) and the president of this assembly was the President of the Higher Press Council (art. 32). The opposition parties, the Journalists' Union, the Lawyers' Union, as well as independents, joined to form a united front against the dictatorship of Sadat. Under the pretext of combatting fitna ta'ifyya (sectarian sedition), the latter responded with the following draconian measures, brought into effect in September 1981: confiscations and imprisonments, the blacklisting of 1500 journalists and intellectuals, the arbitrary transfer of 60 university academics to non-university institutions, and restrictions imposed on correspondents of Le Monde newspaper and of the American television station ABC. A month later, 6 October 1981, Sadat was assassinated by an Islamic fundamentalist. The Mubarak era (1981- ) During the fifteen years following his accession to the highest office, President Mubarak has practised and is still practising a liberal policy. Beginning in 1982, he attempted to lower the temperature by allowing the reinstatement of formerly blacklisted journalists. Between 1982 and 1984 he permitted certain titles, which had been prohibited in the latter years of the Sadat regime, to re-appear: al-Sha'b, of the Hizb al-cAmal al-Ishtirdki; al-Tallca, progressive, editorin-chief LutfY al-KhulI; alT'tisdm, Islamist; Watani, weekly; and al-Ahdli, of the Hizb al-Tadj_ammuc. Also, during the same period (1982-4), new titles appeared: al-Liwd3 al-Isldmi, Islamist weekly; Shabdb Bilddi, of the Hizb al-Watam al-Dlmukrdti; al-Wafd, of the Wafd alDiadid; al-Umma, of the Hizb al-Umma; and al-Ahrdm al-Duwall (London). The legislative elections of May 1984 established the hegemony of the Hizb al-Watam al-Dimukrdti (390 seats) and the success of the Wafd (58 seats). Between 1984 and 1986, there appeared for the first time: Wddi al-Nil, cultural monthly, editor-in-chief Ams Mansur; al-Kdhira, monthly; and Awrdk 'Arabiyya, monthly, editor-in-chief Mahmud al-Maraghl. Journalists barred from publication have resumed their writing, including Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal. Administrative bodies such as the Higher Council of
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Information have maintained stable and amicable relations with the Journalists' Union. Ibrahim Nafie, president of the Union since 1985, still leads this influential institution. New tides appeared in 1990: Akhbdr al-Riydda, a weekly supplement to Akhbar al-Tawm; alAhrdm al-Riyddi, a journal edited by the Dar al-Ahram; Msf al-Dunya, a women's magazine edited by the Dar al-Ahram; al-Tasdr (The Left), edited by the Hizb alTaajammue al-Watam al-Takaddumi al-Wahdawi. On 12 January 1990, President Mubarak dismissed his Minister of the Interior, ZakI Badr, following a press campaign objecting to the minister's hostile attitude towards journalists. There is only one blot on the landscape, Law no. 93 of 1995, which provides for the imprisonment of a journalist as a preventive measure: a hundred journalists risk falling foul of this "unjust law". The Journalists' Union is poised for further conflict in the future. Bibliography: al-Mawsuca al-sahdfiyya al-'arabiyya, Alecso, Tunis 1991, ii, 3rd section, 98-215; Khalid Sabat, Wasd'il al-ittisdl, nash'atuhd wa-tatawwuruhd, 6th ed., Cairo 1991, 166-225; Ahmad Husayn alSawl, Kird'afi milqff al-sahdfa al-misriyya., in al-Dirdsdt al-icldmiyya, Cairo, liv (January-March 1989), 9-25; Fu'ad Zakariyya, al-Ma^allat al-thakdjiyya wa-'lmuajtama' al-misn, in al-Kitdb al-Arabi, Kuwait 1984, 3rd part, 105-53; al-Sahdfa Ji Misr, published by the Ministry of Information, Cairo 1994; Dalll alsahdfa al-arabiyya, KUNA, Kuwait 1988. (ii) Sudan This country enjoys a long-standing journalistic tradition on account of its proximity to Egypt. It has known a daily press since 1935, when al-Nil was published for the first time. October 1940 saw the appearance of Sawt al-Suddn and al-Suddn al-ajadid. In 1945 the bi-weekly Kordofdn appeared. But with independence in 1955, the press was soon to find itself muzzled, especially after the military coup d'etat of 1958. The dictatorship of General Ibrahim cAbbud (195864) was marked by the taming of the press. Only the daily al-Thawra, official organ of the military junta, was able to survive until 1964, alongside the two dailies al-Ayydm and al-Sahdfa., which laboured under severe restrictions. After the fall of 'Abbud's regime and the revolution of October 1964, the press enjoyed a period of relative prosperity, especially following the introduction of multi-party politics: eleven dailies and seven weeklies came into being. But on 29 May 1969, the army regained power under the leadership of General DjaTar al-Numayrl. The dictatorship of the latter lasted fifteen years (1969-85). It was characterised by outright nationalisation of the press in the interests of the Single Socialist Unity, al-Ittihdd al-Ishtirdki, the Nasserite model having proved its worth in the regime's eyes. The two dailies al-Ayydm and al-Sahdfa continued to appear, although nationalised. One new title came into being: al-Kuwwdt al-Musallaha (The Armed Forces). The fall of Numayri took place on 6 April 1985, and General Siwar al-Dhahab took power. Unlike his predecessors, he allowed a resurgence of the press and political pluralism. It was thus that the following titles, belonging to parties, came into existence: al-Ittihddi, al-Mdd, Sawt al-Umma, al-Mayddn (parties of the Left); Sawt al-Diamdhir (Islamist front); al-Munddil (the Syrian Ba'th); and al-Badil (pro-Nasserite). All these papers opted for the tabloid format and were obliged to restrict their circulation, on account of the high cost of newspaper production. On 30 June 1990, a fourth coup d'etat took place,
that of General cUmar al-Bashir, with the support of Islamists led by Hasan al-Turabl. Once again, political parties were abolished and the press was muzzled. It is interesting to note that five English titles have come into being in recent years, produced by southern Sudanese: Forward; Guiding Star; Heritage; Nile Mirror; and Sudan Times. Sudan experienced the first legislation on the press in 1930; a second law in 1973 nationalising the industry in the interests of the Socialist Union; and a third in 1985 placing the Press and Printing Council under the authority of the Council of Ministers. This lastmentioned law abolished the Socialist Union's ownership of newspapers, but maintained the previous system of authorisation. (iii) Lebanon In the opinion of observers and of the public at large, Lebanon is a paradise for the press, both in terms of freedom and of superior technology. However, despite the liberal regime and the influx of foreign finance, economic precariousness remains the Achilles' heel of the Lebanese press. After the end of the French mandate in 1946, and during the presidency of Bishara al-Khurl, then that of Camille Sham'un, the press was subject to the promulgation of two codes, both of a liberal nature. Two trends divided public opinion: pro-American and antiAmerican. The presence of numerous Palestinian refugees on Lebanese territory after 1948 had traumatic repercussions on public life. One phenomenon which appeared at this time was as unforeseen as it was alarming: terrorism (abductions and assassinations), of which journalists were the victims. As early as the inter-World War period, daily newspapers existed in profusion: al-Shark, from the al-KackI dynasty of Lebanese journalists, since 1926; al-Nahdr, of Djubran Tuwaynl, since 1933; al-cAmal, of the Phalangist party, since 1939; al-Diydr, since 1945; alHaydt, of Kamil Muruwwa, since 1946; Bayrut alMasd\ since 1946; al-Sqfir, of Ilyas al-Huwayk, since 1951; and al-Anwdr, since 1950. In the 1950s, a further fifty dailies were circulating in Beirut. Others were added: the Hizb al-Kawmi al-Sun launched a daily paper in Beirut in 1955, al-Bind3. Al-Hawddith, a political weekly, became the property of Sallm alLuzl and appeared in Beirut from 1955, having previously been published in Tripoli. The period of General Fu'ad Shihab (1958-64) saw the appearance of some important newspapers: alUsbuc al-cArabl, a weekly, and likewise al-Hurriyya, but did not escape the wave of attacks and abductions which has since then characterised the life of the press in Lebanon. The period of the President Charles Halu (1964-70), himself a journalist, was marked by the granting of increased freedom to the sector and the promulgation of a "code of conduct for journalists", which unfortunately was never put into effect. The defeat of June 1967 had the most calamitous effects on the Lebanese press, especially in terms of finance, the collapse in advertising revenue forcing certain papers to cease publication. The time of the President Sulayman Farandjiyya (1970-7) saw the birth in 1970 of the daily L'OrientLe Jour, in French, following the fusion of two titles which had appeared separately. The foreign financing of Lebanese journals assumed tragic dimensions: in 1974, the Council of Ministers imposed control of advertising expenditure in the press sector. The presidency of Ilyas Sarkis (1976-83) saw the intensification of the civil war between nationalists (Phalangists) and Palestinians and Islamist progressives.
SIHAFA Two courses of action were then open to the Lebanese press: emigration or extinction. President Sarkls promulgated a new law on the press (1977), instituting censorship and curbing the excessive freedom which the press had previously enjoyed. Despite instability, the dailies continue to appear: al-Anwdr, al-Nahdr, al'Amal, al-Safir, al-Bark and L'Orient-Le Jour. The presidency of Ilyas al-HarawI has experienced some easing of tension, especially since Michel cAwn has applied for political asylum in France. (iv) Syria After the French mandate and the evacuation of British and French troops, the first daily newspaper of the Syrian Ba'th Party, al-Bacth, was established in 1947. The first military coup led by Husnl al-Za'Im took place on 30 March 1949, followed a few months later by that of Sam! al-HinnawI, on 14 August 1949. The latter was deposed the same year by Adlb al-Shlshakll, who maintained his grip on power until 1954. During this "black series" of coups d'etat, the press was muzzled; with the accession of ShukrI al-Kuwwatll to the leadership of the Republic in 1954, a much more tolerant atmosphere prevailed in the land. In 1958, union between Egypt and Syria was proclaimed (the United Arab Republic) and in 1959 the model of the Egyptian press was applied to Syria: the press was confiscated by the Nationalist Union, al-Ittihdd alKawmt, single party of the Province (iklim) of the North (i.e. Syria). A law dating from 1958 allowed proprietors of newspapers to waive their rights in exchange for compensation; 47 titles waived their rights, and 19 continued to appear. The U.A.R. was dissolved on 28 September 1961. In 1969 Hafiz al-Asad came to power, and on 12 March 1971 he was proclaimed President of the Republic. In 1974 the General Union of Syrian Journalists was founded, followed in 1975 by the Syrian Arab Foundation for the Distribution of Printed Matter. In 1973 a new daily paper was launched, Tashnn, published by the eponymous press institution. Currently, the following dailies appear in Syria: alBacth, founded 1946 in Damascus; al-Thawra, founded 1963 in Damascus; Tashrin, founded 1973 in Damascus; al-Diamdhlr, founded 1973 in Aleppo; al-Fidd3, founded 1973 in Kama; al-'Uruba, founded 1973 in Hims; and the Syria Times, in English, founded 1973 in Damascus. In addition, there are literary reviews of high quality, such as al-MasIra, founded 1974, and al-Macnfa, founded 1963. (v) Palestine The situation of the Palestinian press is complex in that it is possible to speak of an internal press (Israel and the territories occupied since 1967) and an external press published in Arab and western capitals. After the defeat (naksa) of 1967 and the annexation of the West Bank of the Jordan, one group of Palestinian journalists established itself in Jordan, while the other emigrated to other Arab states, Lebanon in particular. The Arabs of Palestine were unable to express themselves except in the press of the Communist Party, Rakah. With the inception of the armed struggle and the creation of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (P.L.O.), the Union of Palestinian Journalists came into existence in 1972. It held its first congress in Beirut, its second in Tunis (1977), its third in Beirut (1981) and its fourth in Algiers (1987). The press of Palestinian resistance became active after 1959: Filastmund, a monthly, appeared in Beirut in 1959, and al-cAsifa, also a monthly, in Beirut in 1965. In 1964, Ghassan Kanafam began to include in
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al-Muharrir (Beirut) a supplement entitled Filastm. After the defeat of 1967, organs of Palestinian resistance proliferated: al-Hadqf (1967) of the P.F.L.P., editor-in-chief Ghassan Kanafanl, then Bassam Abu Sharif; al-Hurriyya (1967) of the D.F.L.P.; and al-Fath (1967) of the P.L.O. Currently, several daily newspapers are published in Jerusalem: al-Ittihdd, al-Sha'b, alTali'a, al-Fad^r, al-Nahar and al-Ayydm. Weeklies and monthlies are published either in Damascus or Beirut, or in Nicosia. (vi) Jordan The declaration of the State of Israel in 1948 and the Arab defeat of 1967 had a considerable impact on the Jordanian Press. Four dailies were already appearing: al-Difdc (suspended in 1971), al-Dustur, alUrdunn, and al-Ra3y. In 1973 a Press Code was promulgated, imposing draconian conditions on the publication of newspapers (caution-money, the need to subscribe to foreign agencies of information, etc.). In 1975 the English language daily newspaper Jordan Times appeared; in 1976, a new daily Sawt al-Shacb; in 1982, the English language weekly Jerusalem Star; and in 1989, another daily from the publishers of Sawt al-Shacb. It is important to note that in 1966 a law was promulgated replacing private ownership of newspapers with publicly-quoted companies in which private proprietors could hold shares amounting to a maximum of 30% of the overall capital. It is also worth noting the emergence of a juvenile press: since 1980, Rimd wa-Mamduh (becoming Sdmir in 1983) and Fdris. (vii) clrdk After the abolition of the monarchy and the success of the conspiracy of the military junta on 14 July 1958, several newspapers continued to appear, including the daily al-Bildd. The new regime launched a number of titles: al-^umhuriyya in Baghdad, from 17 July 1958; al-Bashir in Kirkuk; and al-Ahrdr in Baghdad. After the assassination of cAbd al-Karfm Kasim in 1968, the new ruler of Bagdad, cAbd al-Salam
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be followed in December 1924 by the bi-weekly alBarid al-Hia^d^i, printed under the auspices of the Hizb al-Watam al-HiajdzL The Saudi dynasty In December 1924 King eAbd al-cAzfz Ibn Sucud launched Umm al-Kurd in Mecca; a literary weekly, Sawt al-Hic£dz, appeared in 1932. With the development of the oil industry, tides proliferated, and in 1953 the monthly al-Tamdma appeared. In 1962 a Ministry of Information was created, and a code of press institutions promulgated. The al-Yamama house published several tides, including the daily al-Riydd. The Saudi Press Agency (W.A.S.) came into existence in 1971. In 1973, two faculties of journalism were created, in King Sucud University of Riyad, and in King cAbd al-'AzIz University of Djudda. In 1976, a third faculty was established at the Imam Muhammad b. Sueud University. Currently, the landscape of the written press is composed as follows: (a) Dailies: al-Bildd (since 1932 in Djudda); dMadina al-Munawwara (since 1937 in Medina); al-Nadwa (since 1958 in Mecca); al-Riydd (since 1959 in Riyad); c Ukd£ (since 1960 in Djudda); al-Tawm (since 1963 in Dammam); al-Diazira (since 1964 in Riyad); al-Shark al-Awsat (since 1978 in London, then distributed in Dahran, Riyad and Djudda); Saudi Review (since 1966 in Djudda); Saudi Gazette (since 1976 in Djudda); and Arab News (since 1976 in Djudda)—a total of eight Arabic language dailies and three in English. (b) The principal weeklies are: Akhbdr al-Alam alIsldmi (Mecca); al-Tawciya al-Isldmiyya (Mecca); al-Muslimun (Djudda); al-Dacwa (Riyad); Maajallat al-Maajalldt (London and Djudda); al-Tifl (Djudda); Hasan (Djudda): Saudi Business (since 1977), besides major monthlies and numerous scientific and academic journals. (ix) Kuwait Under the rule of the prince Shaykh Ahmad alDjabir Al Sabah (1921-50), the press made a hesitant debut in 1928 with the appearance of the first literary review, Maajallat al-Kuwayt, printed in Cairo and founded by Shaykh cAbd al-'Azfz al-Rashfd, a disciple of Rashfd Rida and the true pioneer of the press in Kuwait. He was later to publish Maajallat al-Kuwayt wa }l-clrdk. The monthly review al-Biftha, printed in Cairo, and widely distributed in Kuwait, came into existence in 1946. It was created by a group of Kuwaiti students pursuing their higher education in Cairo, and the editor-in-chief was cAbd al-cAz!z Husayn. It continued until 1954. The monthly Kaztma was the first review printed in Kuwait; it was founded in 1948 by cAbd al-Hamfd al-Sanic and Ahmad al-Sakkaf (1948-9). It was during the reign of the prince Shaykh cAbd Allah al-Salim Al Sabah (1950-65) and with the arrival of oil revenues that the press burgeoned in Kuwait. In 1954, the first official newspaper of Kuwait came into being, al-Kuwayt al-Tawm. In 1958, the Ministry of Guidance published the first major literary magazine of the Arab world, al-cArabi. This prestigious review has had three editors-in-chief: the Egyptian Ahmad Zakl (1958-76); the Egyptian Ahmad BahaJ ai-Dfn (1976-82); and the Kuwaiti Muhammad Rumayhf (1982- ). In 1961, the year of the declaration of independence and promulgation of the constitution, the daily and periodical press acquired its own street in Kuwait City, and the Sharic al-Sahafa currently accommodates the major dailies and weeklies of Kuwait (more than 130 titles). The leading Kuwaiti daily is al-Ra'y al-cAmm, founded in 1961 by cAbd al-cAzfz al-Masacid.
Publication was suspended, briefly, in 1995; it was sold and published by a new proprietor. To this may be added al-Siydsa (1963, proprietor and editor-in-chief Ahmad Djar Allah); Kuwayt Times (proprietor and editor-in-chief Yusuf al-cAliyan); al-Kabas (1972, proprietor and editor-in-chief Muhammad Djasim al-Sakr); al-Watan (weekly from 1962 and daily since J974, editor-in-chief Djasim al-Mutawwae); al-Anbd3 (1976, proprietor and editor-in-chief Blbf Khalid al-Marzuk); and Arab Times (1977, proprietor and editor-in-chief Ahmad Djar Allah). Besides these dailies, scores of weeklies and monthlies have come into being. The Ministry of Information edits the bi-monthlies al-Arabl, cAlam al-Fikr, Thakdfa 'Alamiyya, and the monthly Mad^allat al-Kuwayt. For its part, the University of Kuwait publishes more than ten reviews of a high academic standard. Ministries, faculties and government departments all have their own review or liaison bulletin. The major political and cultural weeklies are: al-Talica (1967, editor-in-chief Sarm al-Munayyis); alMudj.tamac (1970, editor-in-chief Isma'fl Shattf); alMaajdlis (1970, proprietor and editor-in-chief Hidaya Sultan); al-Mukhtalif (editor-in-chief Nasir al-Sabfr); and Samra (1993, women's magazine, editor-in-chief Fatima Husayn). Newspapers belong to individuals or to mercantile families. The circulation of dailies varies between 70,000 and 100,000. The Kuwaiti Association of Journalists, created in 1964, comprises both Kuwaiti journalists and residents belonging to various expatriate communities (Arab and Indian). Laws and decrees concerning the press, promulgated since 1961, revolve around the problem of the suspension of newspapers (duration and legal competence) (articles 35 and 35A). The state subsidises the press: 45,000 K.D. (= U.S. $135,000) are contributed annually to the dailies, 30,000 K.D. (= U.S. $90,000) to periodicals. At the time of the 'Iraki aggression of 2 August 1990, the daily press had to choose between internal, or external resistance. During the seven months of occupation, a press of resistance continued to circulate and was successfully disseminated: Nashrat al-Sumud al-Shacbi; al-Sabdh; Sawt alHakk\ Mils (a thorn in the flesh of the Trakf enemy); and Abnd3 ^dbir. Externally, there was Sawt al-Kuwayt al-Duwali, a daily launched in London (12 August 1990-31 December 1992), editor-in-chief M. Rumayhr. Immediately after liberation, a new daily paper appeared in Kuwait, al-Fa$r al-^adid (21 April 1991-31 December 1991), editor-in-chief Yasm Taha Al Yasm. On 12 December 1992, censorship of newspapers was abolished. (x) United Arab Emirates The union of these seven principalities (Abu Zabi, Dubayy, al-Sharika, Ra's al-Khayma, Umm alKaywayn, cAdjman and al-Fudjayra) was declared on 2 December 1971. Before this date and since 1966 Akhbdr Dubayy had been in circulation, as well as the official journal of the government of Dubayy. Abu Zabl also had its own press: a government official journal, and Abu %abi News. After unification, a major daily came into existence, al-Ittihdd, followed by an English language daily, Emirate News. It is interesting to note that the proliferation of titles in the U.A.E. is due to the concern of governmental organisations and private institutions to issue their own journals or liaison bulletins, such as the following titles: al-L^undi (since 1974); al-eAddla (since 1974); al-Amn (since 1976); and al-Dlblumdsi (since 1971).
SIHAFA Currently appearing are five dailies in Arabic, and three in English: al-Ittihdd; al-Khalidj.; al-Baydn; al-Fadjr; al-Wahda; Gulf News; Khalidj Times', and Emirate Times. Circulation varies between 45,000 and 50,000 for each daily. A press code was published in 1971. (xi) Katar In 1969, the Ministry of Information launched the monthly al-Dawha. The same year, the Dar al-cUruba of eAbd Allah Husayn Nicma created a weekly, alc Uruba, also announcing the intention to launch a daily entitled al-cArab. In 1976 the review Akhbdr al-Khalidj appeared. Currently, four dailies appear regularly: alRdya, al-cArab, al-Shark and Daily Gulf Times, as well as five weeklies: al-Dawn (sports), al-cUruba, al-'Ahd, alFaajr and Weekly Gulf Times, in addition to the official journal of Katar, a monthly. (xii) Bahrayn In 1939, cAbd Allah Zayid created the first newspaper for Bahrayn, al-Bahrayn; Sawt al-Bahrayn came into existence ten years later. From 1957 the government's official journal appeared on a weekly basis, and from 1970 Humr al-Bahrayn, edited by the Ministry of Information. In 1976 a major daily, Akhbdr al-Khalldj., appeared, with an English version following in 1978, and 1989 saw the creation of a new daily, al-Ayydm, the editor-in-chief being Nabll al-Humr, formerly Director-General of the National Information Agency. Sport and cultural weeklies, in Arabic as well as in English, enjoy wide circulation. (xiii) Sultanate of eUmdn Before the accession of Sultan Kabus on 25 July 1970, the majority of cUmanf periodicals were printed outside the sultanate. The first official journal, Akhbdr c Umdn, came into being in 1970, changing its title to Diarida Rasmiyya in 1971. The first weekly, al-Watan (a tabloid), appeared at Maskat on 28 January 1971. It became a daily in 1974. The first governmentcontrolled daily, published initially as weekly from 1972, as a bi-weekly from 1975, appeared in 1980. In 1975 and 1981 appeared respectively the Observer and the Times of Oman. As is the case in all the Gulf States, the periodical press emanating from both public and private sectors has flourished. Currently, there are two dailies in Arabic, al-Watan and (Umdn, and one in English, Oman Daily Observer, alongside a very active weekly and monthly press. The weeklies are al-Nahda (since 1973), al-Adwd3 (since 1974), al-Usra (since 1974); and the monthlies Dfund 'Umdn (1974), al-cUmdniyya (women's magazine, 1980), al-Ti&dn (1980), al-Shurta (1976), al-Ghurfa (Chamber of Commerce, 1980) and Risdlat al-Mas&id (1980). (xiv) Yemen On 29 May 1990 the Republic of Yemen was declared, following the fusion of the two formerly separate states. In 1877, during the period of Ottoman occupation, the first Yemeni weekly appeared, San'd3, in Arabic and in Turkish. In 1926, with the independence of Yemen, a monthly appeared, al-Imdm. The revolution of 26 September 1962 swept away the rule of the Imams. Three days later a new daily appeared, al-Thawra, published in 1963 at Ta£izz and then at SancaJ, followed by a second in 1968, al-^umhuriyya. These two dailies continued to appear in North Yemen until unification. In South Yemen, the Democratic and Popular Republic of Yemen (P.D.R.S.Y.) came into existence in 1968, with a single daily; 14 Uktubir, alongside numerous weeklies and monthlies. Before reunification in 1990, the P.D.R.S.Y. was considerably more lib-
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eral, in terms of press legislation, than the Yemenite Arab Republic (i.e. of the North). In anticipation of fusion, it had tolerated the presence of the foreign press since 1959. (xv) Somalia The Republic of Democratic Somalia came into being in 1960 after a long struggle against the British, the Italians and the French. Djibouti gained its independence in 1977; its press is Francophone. The Somali government inaugurated two dailies, one in Arabic, Sawt al-Sumdl, and the other in English, Somalia News. The opposition parties published weeklies and monthlies. After the revolution (1969-89), the revolutionary government launched three dailies. Nadjmat Uktubir (in Arabic), Stella di Octobre (in Italian) and October Star (in English). From 1973 onward there appeared an edition in the Somali language of the daily Nadjmat Uktubir with the Somali name Xiddigta Oktober. Bibliography. al-Mawsufa al-sahafiyya al-carabiyya, i (Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, Jordan), Alecso, i, Tunis 1990, passim; ibid., ii (Egypt, Sudan, Somalia), Tunis 1991, passim; Khalll Sabat, op. cit., passim; Dalll alsahdfa al-carabiyya, op. cit., passim; Muhammad al-FllT, La liberte de la presse au Koweit, unpubl. thesis, Caen 1981, passim. See also DJARIDA, i. A. 2. North Africa (i) Algeria At the time of the revolution (1954-61), al-Mud^dhid, a clandestine weekly in the French language, printed in Tunis, was in circulation. In 1962, the new regime brought to power by the revolution created two dailies, Arabic and French editions of the same title (al-Shacb). In 1963, a new daily newspaper in Arabic, al-^umhuriyya, appeared in Oran, and the same year in Constantine al-Nasr, a French language daily. The first evening daily newspaper, Alger-Soir, came into existence in Algiers in 1967. The same year, the three veteran daily newspapers of the colonial period were nationalised, these being La Depeche d'Algerie, L'Echo d'Oran and La Depeche de Constantine. Al-Muajdhid resumed publication in 1965, as a French language daily. The riots of 1988 constituted a turning-point in Algerian political life. A new press code was promulgated in 1990; it abolished censorship and introduced the private ownership of newspapers. The Ministry of Information was abolished, and the Higher Council of Information created, this consisting of twelve members: three appointed by the President of the Republic, three by the President of the National Assembly, and six elected from among professional journalists. It is interesting to note that, despite tireless efforts aimed at literacy and arabisation, the circulation of newspapers in the Arabic language remains very meagre: 80,000 for each of the two Arabic dailies, compared with 350,000 for each of the French language dailies. (ii) Morocco After gaining its independence in 1956, Morocco, under the leadership of Muhammad V and of his son Hasan II, instituted a multi-party system, promulgated a law covering civil liberties in 1958, established a centre for the training and exchange of journalists in collaboration with the German-based Friedrich Naumann Foundation, and in 1959 created the press agency Maghreb Arab Press (M.A.P.). In 1963, the Union of Moroccan Journalists came into being. In 1987, Hasan II instituted an annual subsidy to the press of the order of 20 million dirhams (10 million to cover the costs of paper and of telephones, 10 million
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to compensate for the cost of subscriptions to the M.A.P.); free transport on Moroccan railways, 50% discount on airline tickets and on accomodation in the kingdom's hotels. Five periods may be distinguished in the evolution of the Moroccan press: (a) From independence (1956) to the proclamation of the state of emergency (1965}. First to be noted is the maintenance on a temporary basis of titles inherited from the colonial press. Censorship and the payment of caution-money were suppressed. Newspapers such as al-cAlam, of the Istiklal, al-Ra'y al-Amm, of the Hizb al-Shura, and Haydt alSha'b, of the Moroccan Communist Party, resumed publication. The government launched a new daily newspaper, al-cAhd al-Djadtd (1957-60). The Istiklal Party inaugurated a French language daily, L'Opinion, in 1965. (b) From 1965 to 1970. Following incidents in Casablanca in 1965, a state of emergency was decreed, but did not affect the freedom of the press; the parties continued to publish their newspapers. Furthermore, two new parties came into being in 1967: the party of Dr. cAbd al-Karfm al-Khatib, Hizb al-Haraka al-Shacbiyya al-Dimukrdtiyya, and the party of eAlf Yata, Hizb al-Tahnr wa 'l-Ishtirdkiyya. Thirteen or more titles appeared during this period, besides those already in place. Only four were subjected to enforced suspension: Maroc Information, Liberation, al-Ahddf and al-Kifdh al-Watam. (c) From 1970 to the "Green March" (1975). This period saw the creation of three new parties: al-Hizb al-Hurr al-Takaddumi, Hizb al-cAmal and Hizb al-Ittihdd al-Ishtirdki li 'l-Kuwd al-Shacbiyya and two major independent dailies, Le Matin and Maroc Soir, both in French. (d) From 1975 to 1983. Five new parties emerged, each with its own newspaper. (e) From 1983 to 1992. This period saw the creation of the Consultative Council for Human Rights (April 1990), press clubs after 1988 and the granting of the royal subsidy to the press. The same year, fifty new titles appeared to enrich the already burgeoning repertoire of the Moroccan press. (iii) Mauritania Mauritania obtained its independence in 1960. Four parties united to form the single ruling party headed by Mukhtar Wuld Daddah and known as Hizb alSha'b al-Muntdni. Initially a weekly, al-Shacb became Mauritania's first daily newspaper in 1975. It was edited by the Ministry of Information and published in two versions, Arabic and French. The French edition, Le Peuple, changed its title to Horizons in 1991. This change of tide corresponds to the change experienced by the press in Mauritania since 1991, the date of the promulgation of the first constitution and the inauguration of the multi-party era. Besides this daily newspaper, there exist an independent press and an underground press, with very limited resources. (iv) Libya On the independence of Libya in 1951, the Sanusi kingdom was divided into three departments, each having its own daily newspaper: in Tripoli, Sahifat Tardbulus al-Gharb; in Benghazi, Sahifat Barka al-djadida', and in Sebha, Sahifat Fezzdn. A year before the abolition of the monarchy, the Ministry of Information changed the titles of the three dailies. Independent dailies also existed, in Tripoli, al-Rd3id and al-Hurriyya,
and in Benghazi, al-Hakika, in addition to two foreign language dailies, the Giornale di Tripoli and the Libyan Times. With the accession to power of Colonel Kadhdhafi in September 1969, a new daily came into being, alThawra (1969). Two periods may henceforth be distinguished in the evolution of the Libyan press. (a) Between 1969 and 1977, promulgation of the law of the press (1972), and creation of the General Foundation of the Press, which published from 1 September 1972 a second daily in Tripoli, al-Faajr al-djadid, a third, al-Diihad in Benghazi, and in Tripoli in 1977, an evening daily paper, al-Ra3y. (b) After 1977. On 2 March 1977, Kadhdhafi proclaimed the institution of popular congresses and committees, and the implementation of the theories of the Green book (al-Kitdb al-akhdar). According to the "BrotherColonel, Supreme Guide of the Revolution", the press is at the service of society and cannot be subject to private ownership. Daily newspapers ceased to appear, and since 1977 a specialist press has been created, covering particular sectors. Among these are al-^ahf al-akhdar, a weekly since 1980, edited by the office of revolutionary committees; al-^amdhiriyya., bi-annual, edited by the same Bureau; and al-Fusul al-arbaca, edited by the League of Libyan Writers. (v) Tunisia With Tunisia's accession to independence in 1956, the Neo-Destour Party led by Hablb Burglba seized power and proclaimed the Republic in July 1957. From 1956 to 1964, titles from the colonial period co-existed with those of the new era. Alongside the independent daily newspaper al-Sabdh, founded in 1952, there appeared from 1956 onward al-Amal, an Arabic language daily, and L'Action, a French language daily; Presse de Tunisie, Depeche tunisienne and Petit matin continued to appear until 1968. La Presse de Tunisie, nationalised, resumed publication and continues to appear today, as a governmental daily managed by the Ministry of Information. In 1961, at the time of the war over evacuation of the military base of Bizerta, and especially from 1964 onward, the single ruling party, which had become the Parti Socialiste Destourien (P.S.D.), imposed severe curbs on the press, both the independent and oppositional sectors. The newspapers of the Tunisian Communist Party, al-Talica and Tribune du progres disappeared, as did alTrdda, mouthpiece of the Old Destour. Bashlr Ben Yahmed, first Secretary of State for Information in the first post-independence government, opted for exile and founded the weekly Jeune Afrique in Paris. The student movement, suppressed in 1967, founded a review which was produced in Paris and widely distributed, surreptitiously, in Tunisia, Perspectives Tunisiennes. With the failure of the collectivisation of agricultural land and the collapse of the co-operative movement, Burglba decided on a change of course and opted for a degree of openness. Supporting the government were two weeklies, Dialogue (1974) and Bilddi (1974). In 1974, the independent newspaper al-Sabdh launched a new French language daily, Le Temps. In 1975 a new press code was promulgated, amending that of 1956. The League for Human Rights was created in 1977, and three weeklies came into existence: al-Ra'y (in Arabic), Democratic (in French) and al-Shacb, organ of the General Union of Tunisian Workers. The former two belonged to the Movement of Democratic Socialists (M.D.S.) and the third to the
SIHAFA — SIHAK U.G.T.T. of Habfb cAshur, which had never collaborated with the regime. Two crises occurred in rapid succession, in January 1978 with the conflict between the ruling party and the U.G.T.T., and in January 1980 with the invasion of Gaisa, a city of southern Tunisia. In 1980, Burgfba appointed a new Prime Minister, thereby inaugurating a change of policy. Multi-partyism was to be tolerated, as well as relative freedom of the press. Three opposition parties were recognised, and the Islamist Party barely tolerated. At the same time, the media landscape changed, and new weekly titles came into existence: al-Mustakbal-L'Avenir, of the Movement of Democratic Socialists (M.D.S.), al-Wahda, of the Popular Unity Movement (M.U.P.), al-Tank alajadid, of the Tunisian Communist Party (P.C.T.) and al-Ma{rifa, of the Islamic Tendency Movement (M.T.I.). Independent journalists have also launched weekly tides: Maghtreb Arabe, bilingual, of cUmar Shabu, and Realties, also bilingual, of Munsif Ben Mrad. Another independent, Salah al- Dm cAmrI, produced al-Anwdr (1981) and al-Shuruk (1984). Al-Sabdh, an independent newspaper, has launched three new weeklies: al-Sadd (in Arabic), al-Sabdh al-Usbuci (in Arabic) and Le TempsHebdo (in French). The "bread revolution", following the decision to increase the price of bread, put an end to this liberal euphoria. The regime returned to its repressive ways, and in 1987, it was on the point of extinguishing the Islamist movement when the constitutional change of 7 November 1987, inaugurated by Prime Minister Zayn al-cAbfdih Ben eAlf, came into effect. The latter, according to the terms of the constitution and in view of Burglba's inability for health reasons to continue in office, became President of the Republic. On 2 August 1988 he instituted a new press code, requiring economic transparency of press institutions, and reckoned fairly liberal by the profession. Since then, the Tunisian press has regained a limited degree of its former prosperity. Bibliography. al-Mawsu'a, op. cit., iv (Tunisia, Algeria, I^amahfriyya, Morocco, Mauritania), Tunis 1995, passim] Khalfl Sabat, op. cit., passim; Dalil alsahdfa, op. cit. See also DJARIDA. i. B. 3. The Arab Diaspora Three factors account for the emigration of the Arab press to foreign capitals (London, Paris and Nicosia): the Lebanese civil war, the expulsion of the Palestinians from Lebanon in 1982, and the suppression of freedom in the majority of Arab states. The financial resources of this press remain difficult to elucidate; it may be wondered to what extent it is dependent upon various regimes and their financial support. On the other hand, despite the popularity of this press, it does seem to ignore its primary, most directly accessible public, i.e. the Arabo-Muslim communities of Europe (France and Britain in particular). (i) Paris Jeune Afrique, weekly, founded by the Tunisian Bashfr Ben Yahmed, is considered the doyen of the expatriate Arab press in France, having first appeared in 1962. Al-Mustakbal, weekly, edited by Nabll Khurf, appeared in 1977 and ceased publication in 1989 (proGulf States). Al-Watan al-{Arabi, founded by Walid Abu Zahr in 1977, ceased publication after the Gulf War; it was pro-clrakf. Al-Nahar al-{Arabi al-Duwali, founded in 1977 by Ghassan Tuwaynf. Kull al-cArab, weekly, managed by Yasir Harawf (pro-Trakf), ceased publication in 1991.
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Al-Tallca al-Arabiyya (pro-clraki), managed by Nasif Awwad. Al-Tawm al-Sdbic, founded in 1984 by Bilal al-Hasan, mouthpiece of the P.L.O. Only one newspaper, the monthly Arabics, in French, seems to have risen to the challenge: founded in 1985 by Yasir Harawf, it has succeeded in serving both publics, that of the Arab community in France, and that of the Arab world. (ii) London (a) Dailies. A major daily newspaper was launched in 1978, based in London, this being the pro-Saudi al-Shark al-Awsat. Also appearing in London since 1989 is the daily al-Haydt, editor-in-chief Djihad al-Khazfn, very close to the Arab states of the Gulf. In 1989, al-Kuds, Palestinian. In 1990, Sawt al-Kuwayt al-Duwali, daily of the Kuwaiti resistance. After the liberation of Kuwait, it returned there, and ceased publication in November 1992. In 1995, the Kuwaiti daily al-Watan launched a London-based international edition, al-Watan al-Duwali. (b) Weeklies. Al-Dustur (1977); al-Hawddith (founded by Sallm alLuzf in 1978, purchased in 1980 by Milhim Karam); al-Takaddum, founded by Fu'ad Mahar; and al-Sayydd (since 1984). (iii) Nicosia Given its proximity, the island of Cyprus has become a haven for press agencies and journalists having difficulty operating in Beirut: al-Uil (1980); UJuk (1981); Shu'un Filastlniyya (1983); al-Karmal, mouthpiece of the Union of Palestinian Writers, since 1987; and al-Bilid (1984). Bibliography. Mawsu'a..., op. cit., iii (al-Sahdfa al-arabiyya fi bulddn at-Mahajar), Tunis 1991, passim; Elias Hanna Elias, La presse arabe, Orient, Paris 1993, passim. See also PJAR!DA. i. C. (MONCEF CHENOUFI) 4. Persia [see Suppl.]. 5. Turkey [see Suppl.]. SIHAK, like musdhaka, verbal noun of stem III of a verb meaning "to rub" (compare the Greek Tpifkiv, Eng. "tribadism"), commonly used to indicate lesbianism. Other derivatives of this root indicating the same are the stem I verbal nouns sahk and sihdka. Occasionally, stem VI tasdhaka is found. Women engaging in lesbian love-making are referred to as sdhikdt, sahhdkdt or musdhikdt. The Lisdn al-carab calls the term musdhakat al-nisd3 a lafc muwallad, an expression of postclassical origin. The earliest recorded, probably legendary, instance of lesbian love among the Arabs is a report of the awd'il genre [q.v.], cf. Abu '1-Faradj al-Isfahanf, Aghdm3, ii, 132, in which it is alleged that, forty years before the emergence of male homosexuality (= liuodt fe.y.]), the first woman who loved another woman was Hind, the daughter of the last Lakhmid king of Hlra, al-Nucman b. al-Mundhir [q.v.], who fell in love with Zarka1 bt. al-Hasan from Yamama. The story is told in some detail in ch. 9 of Rushd allabib ild mu'dsharat al-habib by Ahmad b. Muhammad b. CA1I Ibn Falfta (d. 764/1363), ed. Mohamed Zouher Djabri, diss. Erlangen-Niirnberg 1968, 1-2 (see also BibL). On the whole, sihdk is frowned upon in Islam. There are no unambiguous references to it in the Kur'an, but there is one remark traced to Mudjahid b. Djabr (d. 100-4/718-22 [q.v.]) who, according to the Mu'tazill exegete Abu Muslim Muhammad b. Bahr al-Isfaham (d. 322/934, cf. GAS, \, 42-3), is c
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SIHAK
reported to have identified the word fdhisha, "abomination", from Kur'an, IV, 15, with musahaka and not with zind "fornication", "adultery", as all the other exegetes did, cf. his Multakat c£dmi{ al-ta3wil li-muhkam al-tanzil, ed. Sa'fd al-Ansan, Calcutta 1340, 44, and also Abu Hayyan, al-Bahr al-muhit, Cairo 1328, iii, 194-5. The punishment for sahk laid down in this verse is house arrest until death. In al-Taban's Tafsir, Mudjahid's interpretation cannot be traced, but in those of al-Zamakhsharf and al-Baydawi there is a vague reference (without indication of the source) that sahhdkdt may have been meant in IV, 15, and fornicators in v. 16 (cf. also M.R. Rida, Tafsir al-mandr, Cairo 1346-54, iv, 435-40). While describing the powers or faculties that determine a person's body, the exegete Fakhr al-Dfn al-Razf, Majatth al-ghayb, cf. ed. Cairo 1278/1862, ii, 383, 11. 23-5, also mentions the power of sensuality (kuwwa shahwdniyyd) and the corrupting influences that emanate from it: zind, liwdt and sahk. The Shr'a trace sihdk indirectly to the Kur'an too. While dealing with it in his Man Id yahduruhu al-fakih, 5th impr., Tehran 1390, iv, 31, the Shl'I jurist Ibn Babawayhi (d. 381/991 [q.v.]) records a statement ascribed to the imam Djacfar al-Sadik [q.v.] that the ashdb al-rass [q.v.] were responsible for the spread of this perversion. These were a community of pre-Islamic unbelievers, cf. Kur'an, XXV, 38 and L, 12. Their story and the spread of lesbianism among them on the instigation of a daughter of Iblfs, al-Dalhan, is recorded in al-Thaclabi, Kisas al-anbiyd3, ed. Cairo 1297, 144, 1 ff. Cf. also al-Kulayni, al-KdJi, ed. cAli Akbar al-Ghifarf, Tehran 1954-61, v, 551-2, where we find a euphemism for sihdk: hunna allawdti bi- (or maca] allawdti, who will be tormented in Hell in a spectacular manner. Another daughter of Iblfs, Lakfs, is mentioned here as having had a hand in its spread. As for hadith literature, there are a few pre-canonical traditions, probably hailing from the time of the great lst/7th-century Jukahd3, which explicitly forbid lesbian love, the active as well as the passive party, and which prescribe a punishment as that for fornication, cf. Ibn Abf Shayba, Musannqf, Haydarabad 1966-83, x, 146, cAbd al-Razzak, Musannqf, Beirut 1983, ed. Habfb al-Rahman al-AezamI, vii, 334-5. The term sahk emerges here occasionally indicating masturbation, cf. cAbd al-Razzak, vii, 391-2 (read alsahk for al-s.k), as indeed do some forms of stem III in several adab works. The best-known pre-canonical tradition is sihdk al-nisd3 zinan baynahunna with slight variants; it may conceivably be ascribed to the mawld Makhul, a well-known Syrian fakih who died sometime between 112 and 118/730-6. The punishment for liwat being the same as for zind appeared eventually not to be a suitable one, for Abu Hanffa, Sufyan alThawrf, Malik b. Anas and Ibn Hanbal, as recorded in al-Razi, iv, 619, rejected this punishment in favour of judicial discretion (= tac&r [ The arguments adduced for reducing the punishment from flogging/stoning to judicial discretion was women's fear of pregnancy in the case of sihdk = tribadism and their fear of the temptation to fornicate in the case of sihdk = masturbation. See Ibn Hazm al-Andalusf, al-Muhalld, ed. Muhammad Munfr al-Dimashkr, Cairo 1352, xi, 390 ff.; Ibrahim b. cAlr al-Shlrazf, 'al-Tanbih fi n-fkh cald 'l-madhhab al-imdm al-Shdfi, ed. A.W.T. Juynboll, Leiden 1879, 301, 17-18, and, furthermore, J.P.M. Mensing, De bepaalde strqffen in het Hanbalietische recht, Leiden 1936, 21.
There are two canonical hadlths in which contact among women when they are naked or scantily dressed (- mu'dkama) is discouraged. The one amounts to saying that a woman is not to touch another woman or describe the body of the other to her husband, for which the Kufan mawld al-Acmash (d. 147/764 [q.v]) may be held responsible, cf. al-Mizzi, Tuhfat al-ashrdf ed. cAbd al-Samad Sharaf al-Dln, Bombay 1965-82, vii, no. 9252, and the other forbids women to look at each other when naked or to enter in the presence of one another when dressed only in a shift; the isndd strands of this tradition seem to centre in alDahhak b. cUthman (d. 153/770), cf. idem, iii, no. 4115. For the texts of these traditions, see al-Tirmidhr, al-Didmic al-sahlh, ed. A.M. Shakir et alii, Cairo 193765, v, 109, al-Nasa'f, al-Sunan al-kubrd, ed. CA.S. alBundarf and S.K. Hasan, Beirut 1991, v, 390, and for a commentary, see Ibn Hadjar al-cAskalam, Path al-bdn, Cairo 1959, xi, 252-3.' The term mucdkama has the variant mukdcama, cf. Ibn Abl Shayba, Musannqf, iv, 398, which is also interpreted as the pressing of one's lips on the lips of a person of the same sex, a meaning which makes good sense in the present context. Both traditions are reflected in a passage from a text by a North African jurist published in MJ. Viguera Molins, La censura de costumbres en el Tanblh al-hukkam de Ibn al-Mundsif (1168-1223), in Actas de las II Jornadas de Cultura Arabe e Isldmica, Madrid 1985, 591-611, which says on 602, 6 ff., that women should be discouraged from showing one another their finery and their naked bodies during gatherings in places of rejoicing as well as bath houses. One other canonical tradition does not allude to lesbianism as such, but commentators think it does. The Prophet is supposed to have cursed certain women, the so-called mutara^^ildt, who tried to resemble men in clothing habits and ornaments. Ibn Hadjar, Path, xii, 452, elaborates on this. He mentions those persons who have an innate tendency towards opposite gender behaviour and quotes the otherwise unidentifiable Ibn al-Tln, who is said to have specified to what women the Prophet's curse was ultimately especially applicable: those who go so far as to practice lesbian love. The Basran traditionist Shu'ba b. alHadjdjadj (d. 160/777 [q.v]) is probably the originator of the wording, if not also of the gist, of this tradition, cf. al-MizzI, Tuhfat al-ashrdf, v, no. 6188. In Shrcl tradition there is the story of a woman who, just after her husband has left the marital bed, rubs her husband's sperm into her slave girl by means of a lesbian love act, which results in the slave girl becoming pregnant, cf. al-Kulaynl, al-Kdfi, vii, 203. In ibid., v, 552, the mutara^^ildt are thought to tend to lesbianism, too. In Arabic literature, sihdk is mentioned not infrequently, but much less often than Kwdt, and mostly in a denigrating context, only occasionally in glowing terms, the term indicating at times masturbation rather than lesbian love. For a case of two slave girls caught in the act of lovemaking at the 'Abbasid court and quickly put to death, see al-Tabarf, iii, 590. In several adab works, some of which are of a decidedly scientific nature, more or less elaborate chapters are devoted to it, sometimes interlarded with verse. Perhaps the longest and most extensive treatment of sihdk with a graphic description of its techniques is found in ch. XI of Ahmad al-Tlfashf (d. 651/1253), Les delices des c&urs ou ce que Von ne trouve en aucun livre, tr. by Rene R. Khawam, Paris (Phebus) 1981. There are, furthermore, special sections devoted to it in al-Djahiz (d. 255/869 [q.v.]), Hayawdn, ed. 'A.M. Harun, Cairo
SIHAK — SIHR 1323-5, vii, 29, 7; Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Djurdjani (d. 482/1089), al-Muntakhab min kindydt al-udabd3 waishdrdt al-bulaghd3, ed. M.Sh. Shamsf, Haydarabad 1983, 107 ff., 142; al-Raghib al-Isbahanf (d. 502/1108), Muhddardt al-udabd3, Cairo 1287, ii, 163-4; 'All b. e Abd Allah al-Ghuzulf (d. 815/1412), Matdli' al-budur fi mandril al-surur, Cairo 1299-1300, i, 272-5, containing an ode to the practice. A medical work, alSamaw'al b. Yahya b. 'Abbas (d. 576/1180), Muzhat al-ashdb fl mu'dsharat al-ahbdb, ed. Taher Haddad, diss. Erlangen-Niirnberg 1976, 13-17, attempts to give an explanation for the emergence of lesbianism. In a modern novel by Hanan al-Shaykh (b. 1945), Women of sand and myrrh, tr. Catherine Cobham, London-New York 1989, ch. I deals with a lesbian relationship in present-day Saudi Arabia. Bibliography; Salah al-Dfn al-Munadjdjid, alHaydt al-djinsiyya cinda 'I-Arab min al-^dhiliyya ild awdkhir al-karn al-rdbic al-hi&ri, 2Beirut 1975, 20, 60, 89 ff., 92, enumerating various techniques. Ibn alNadFm, Fihrist, ed. Rida Tadjaddud, n.p., n.d., 169, 376, lists two books entitled K. al-Sahhdkdt and one book (116) by al-Mada'im [q.v.] entitled K. man tashabbaha bi l-riajdl min al-nisd3, all three of which do not seem to be extant. In the following sources sihdk or sahk, etc., is on the whole only briefly referred to: Aghdni*, xvii, 79-80, xxi, 72; Abu Hayyan al-Tawhfdf, K. al-Basd3ir wa 'l-dhakhd'ir, ed. Ibr. al-Kaylam, 'Damascus 1964, i, 380 (4-6), ii, _245 (5-7), iv, 156 (penult); Mansur b. al-Husayn al-Abl, Nathr al-durr, ed. M.CA. Kurna, Cairo'1985, iv, 257, 260; Ibn RashTk al-Kayrawa.nl, K. Unmudhaaj alzamdn, ed. M. al-cArusf and Bashfr al-Bakkus, TunisAlgiers 1986, 98; Ibn al-Nafis, al-Risdla al-kdmiliyya fi 'l-sira al-nabawiyya, ed. Schacht-Meyerhof, Oxford 1968, 34, 52; £Abd al-Ghanl al-NabulusT, Ta'tir alandm ft ta'bir al-mandm, Beirut 1991, 582; Safadf, al-Ghayth al-musad^^am fi shark Ldmiyyat al-'acQam, Beirut 1975, ii, 405; Tifashl, K. Ru
567
Allah al-Razi, Ta'nkh madinat San'd\ ed. Husayn £ Abd Allah al-cAmn, 2SancaJ 1981, 291; Ibn al^awzl, Dhamm al-hawd, ed. Ahmad cAbd al-Salam c Ata, Beirut 1987, 161; Kazwim, 'Aajd'ib al-makhlukdt, i, 410, 20; R. Burton's tr. of The perfumed garden by Muhammad b. eUmar al-Nafzawf (fl. 15th century), ed. A.H. Walton, London 1963, 104, 3; idem, The perfumed garden; the missing flowers, tr. by H.EJ.(?), London 1975, ch. I, which is, apart from a few additions, identical to the chapter of Ibn Falita mentioned in the article; Ibn Taymiyya, Ikhtiydrdt, in the arrangement of CA1I b. Muh. b. cAbbas alBacli (= vol. v of his Fatawa, Cairo 1329), 124; idem, Tafsir surat al-nur, ed. Muhammad Munlr c Abduh al-Dimashkl, Cairo 1343/1924, ad V, 3, 29 (penult); Leo Africanus, Description de I'AJhque, tr. A. Epaulard, Paris 1956, i, 217; A. Querry, Droit musulman. Recueil de lois concernant les Musulmans Schyites, Paris 1872, 499 ff.; G.-H. Bousquet, Uethique sexuelle de I'lslam, Paris 1966, 69; Abdelwahab Bouhdiba, Islam et sexualite, Lille 1973, ch. IV, 95-9; Basim Musallam, Sex and society in Islam. Birth control before the nineteenth century, Cambridge 1983, 154; U. Marzolph, Arabia ridens, Frankfurt am Main, ii, 174, no. 737; E. Wagner, Abu Nuwas. Eine Studie zur arabischen Literatur der fruhen 'Abbdsidenzeit, Wiesbaden 1965, 39, 108, 179-80, 397; R. Kruk, Warrior women in Arabic popular romance. Qanndsa bint Muzdhim and other valiant ladies, I, in JAL, xxiv (1993),'222-6; eadem, Clipped wings: medieval Arabic adaptations of the Amazon myth, in Harvard Middle Eastern and Islamic Review, i (1994), 142 ff.; E. Heller and H. Mosbahi, Hinter den Schleiern des Islam, Munich 1993, 142, 165, 208; Maribel Fierro, The treatises against innovations, in Isl, Ixix (1992), 236; G.H.A. Juynboll, Lesbianism in Arabic literature, forthcoming. (G.H.A. JUYNBOLL) SIHR (A.), magic. This term is applied (1) to that which entrances the eye and acts on the psyche of the individual, making him believe that what he sees is real when it is not so. This is called al-ukhdha, "charm, incantation" [see RUKYA], "artifice, stratagem" [see NIRANDJ, SIMIYA]; in short, everything that is known as "white" or "natural magic". It also refers (2) to things, the apprehension (ma3khadh) of which is fine and subde; this applies, for example, to certain poetry and certain eloquence, that of the Kur'an in particular. The Prophet was allegedly told, inna min al~baydnl la-sihran "there is a form of eloquent expression which has the effect of magic". The false prophet al-Aswad, who sought to restore the tribes of the Madhhidj [q.v.] to paganism, "made them see wondrous things and enchanted the hearts of those who heard him speak" (al-Taban, i, 1796). Thus sihr consists essentially in a falsification of the reality of things and of actions. As such it is reprehensible, being allied to falsehood (ufk), to trickery (khiddc) and to astrology (cilm al-nud^um; see NUDJUM [AHKAM AL-]). Finally, (3) it is applied to any action effected through recourse to a demon [see SHAYTAN] and with his assistance [see ISTINZAL]. This is what is known as "black magic". This definition, drawn from the entry sihr in LA, does not cover all the aspects embraced by the term in Islamic literature, as detailed by HadjdjI Khalifa (Kashf, i, 35). In fact, this last group, under the vocable sihr, includes a number of concepts and techniques, totalling 14, which confer on this term a considerably broader sense.
568
SIHR
In fact, for the aforementioned author, sihr is included among the physical sciences and covers, thereby, divination [see KIHANA], natural magic [see NIRANDJ], properties (poxnica [see KHAWASS] of the Most Beautiful Names (al-asmd3 al-husnd [^.0.]), of numbers [see DJAFR, HURUF] and of certain invocations [see ISTINZAL], sympathetic magic [see RUKYA], demoniacal conjuration, incantations (Cazd3ini), the evocation of spirits of corporeal beings (istihddr), the invocation of the spirits of planets (da'wat al-kawdkib al-sayydra], phylacteries (amulets, talismans, philtres), the faculty of instantaneous disappearance from sight (khqfa3), artifices and fraud (al-hiyal al-sdsdniyya), the art of disclosing frauds (kashf al-dakk), spells (ta'alluk al-kalb) and recourse to the properties of medicinal plants (al-isticana bi-khawdss al-adwiyd). This classification of Hadjdjf Khalifa is presented as a development of that given by Ibn Khaldun (Mukaddima, ed. and tr. De Slane, iii, 124 ff., tr. 171 ff., tr. Rosenthal, iii, 156 ff.). For the latter, "the souls of magicians possess the ability to exert influences in the universe and to tap into the spirituality (ruhdniyya) of the planets, in order to use it in the exercise of their influence, by means of a psychic or satanic force" (126). These souls are classified in three categories: (1) Those which act exclusively through the force of the will (himma), without instrument or aid. This is what the philosophers denote by the term sihr. (2) Those which act through the intermediary of the temperament (mizdaj) of the celestial spheres and of the elements, or with the aid of the occult properties of numbers. It is this which is known as theurgy [see TILASM]. It is of inferior rank in relation to magic. (3) Those which act on the imaginative faculties [of spectators], using them, in a certain sense, and introducing various kinds of phantoms, images and forms, in connection with that which they mean to realise. Subsequently, they cause these elements to descend to the level of the sensory perception of spectators, this by means of the specific force which characterises them and which puts them into a position of exerting influence on the senses of the latter. Spectators imagine that they see these forms outside themselves, whereas in reality there is nothing there. The philosophers call these practices prestidigitation or phantasmagoria (sha'badha or sha'wadha [q.v.]). Such a diversification in the definition of the concept is encountered, considerably earlier, in the Fihrist of Ibn al-Nadfm, who devotes to this question the second section or fann (308-13) of the eighth makdla of his work, a section intitled "Exorcists, jugglers, magicians, practitioners of white magic, conjurors and makers of talismans" (ed. Miigel, 304 ff.; Eng. tr. B. Dodge, New York 1970, ii, 725-33; section summarised by R. Lemay in Sciences occultes et Islam, in BEO, xliv [1992], 24-5). Similarly, the Ikhwan al-Safa1 deal with magic (sihr), incantations (Cazd3im), the evil eye (eaj>n) in their fiftysecond and last risdla, where all the aspects of magic, as later classified by Ibn Khaldun and HadjdjI Khalifa are already involved. They go even further in basing the existence of magic, in its multiple and diversified forms, on the writings of the philosophers (Plato, Ptolemy, Abu Ma'shar), on astrology, on the sacred books (Bible and Kur'an), with particular reference to the stories of Nimrod, Moses and Aaron, Jacob, Esau, Saul and Goliath, Solomon, on texts from India and the customs of the Sabians (ed. Beirut, iv, 283 ff.). As for the proofs to be applied to each of the topics addressed, "the writings of the ancients and of the philosophers are full of them; it is impossible to
exhaust the subject in a single book or in a single risdla" (306). The definition given by these authors to sihr illustrates this difficulty. "Sihr", they write, "denotes, in Arabic, clear expression (baydri), elucidation (kashf) of the true meaning of things and the exploitation of this, rapidly and with precision. It also signifies the announcement of an event before it takes place, induction on the basis of astrological data, divination, zaajr and fa31 [q.w.]. All of this is obtained by means of astrology ..." Also involved here are transmutations of substances (kalb al-(ayn), miracles, prestidigitation, vile smells, etc. (312-13). On "Magic among the Ikhwan al-Safa"', see Pierre Lory, in Sciences occultes et Islam, 147-59. Having shown the vast extent occupied by magic in the occult sciences, the Ikhwan al-SafaJ give the following definition of it. "It is everything which entrances the intellect and everything which bewitches the soul, word or action, in the sense of amazement, attachment, inclination, submission, appreciation, obedience, acceptance" (314). The example which they give is quite illustrative of their manner of conceiving sihr: "The people of the Djahiliyya said of those who followed the Messenger of God and adhered to Islam: Such a person has been converted to the religion of Muhammad; the magic (sihr) of the latter has had this effect on him (ibid.; cf. al-Tirmidhl on sura LIV; Ibn Hanbal, iv, 57, 82; Abu Dawud, Adah, 87). This is licit sihr, whereas that exercised by enemies of the prophets and sages, with the aim of abusing the credulity of simple people, is illicit sihr" (314/15). On the basis of these classifications and these generalising definitions, it is possible to tabulate the numerous manifestations of sihr under three headings: black magic, theurgy and white or natural magic. Theurgy will be addressed under TILASM, while white magic has been dealt with under NIRANDJ, RUKYA, slMiYA. This article will focus on black magic. The essence of this magic, as stated by the author of Lisdn al-cArab, quoted above, is the recourse to demoniacal forces and the solicitation of their aid in the performance of the magical act. These forces are actually represented by the gods of paganism. In fact, sihr is the equivalent, in the Kur'an, of kujr, infidelity (VI, 7; XI, 7; XXIV, 43; etc.). The message of Muhammad is described as sihr by his Meccan adversaries, as had previously happened to the message of Moses (VII, 132; V, 110; X, 67; XXVII, 13; XXVIII, 36; XX, 57; etc.). Sihr itself is of demoniacal origin: Harut and Marut, two fallen angels, taught sihr to men: "They instructed nobody in their art without saying to him, 'We are a temptation! Beware lest you become an infidel!' People learned from them the means of sowing discord between man and woman—but they could not injure anyone without God's permission. Thus men learned that which was harmful to them and not that which could be advantageous to them; they knew that any person who had acquired this art was disinherited from any share in the future life. Such people had sold their souls cheaply!" (II, 102). c llm al-sihr is often seen as equivalent to cilm al-nuajum. This results from the notion that the planets exert beneficial and baneful influences over the three domains of the created being. The author of Ghdyat al-hdkim, Abu Maslama Muhammad (not Abu '1-Kasim Maslama b. Ahmad) al-Madjrltl, who wrote between 443/1052 and' 448/1056 (Sezgin, GAS, iv, 294-8), taking inspiration from the Rasd3il of the Ikhwan al-Safa' which Abu '1-Kasim Maslama b. Ahmad al-Madjntl (d. ca. 398/1007) had made known in
SIHR Andalusia, and from the Nabataean agriculture, apparently the work of Abu '1-Kasim al-ZahrawI (d. ca. 400/1009), author of a Mukhtasar Kitdb al-Fildha (ms. Paris, 5774, fols. 152-86; Algiers, 1550, 2, fols. 154-80), writes: "Magic essentially comprises two parts, one theoretical and the other practical. The first consists in knowledge of the positions of the immobile heavenly bodies (which is where, in fact, the forms are located), the modalities of their radiation on the planets and, finally, aspects of conjunctions of the celestial spheres at the precise moment that the successful outcome of a project is desired. Under this heading, the ancients placed everything having to do with discernment of the beneficial and of the baneful [see IKHTIYARAT] and with theurgy [see TILASM]. As for practical magic, it consists in the knowledge of the three domains of the created being (al-muwalladdt al-thaldth) and of the qualities of the planets which would be disseminated there. This is what is expressed by the term khawdss" [q.v.]. Ibn Khaldun, who knew well the Ghaya and the Nabataean agriculture, underlines the astral connections of magic and its claims to inflect "the celestial spheres, the planets, the worlds above and the demons, by various types of veneration, adoration, submission and self-abasement" (iii, 127, tr. de Slane, iii, 176, tr. Rosenthal, iii, 159). On the concept of sihr in Ghdyat al-hdkim, see Fahd, in vol. i of Ciencias de la Naturaleza en Al-Andalus, Granada 1990, 11-21, entitled Sciences naturelles et magie dans Ghdyat al-hdkim du Psuedo-Maynti. Considering the hostility of the Kur'an and of Hadith with regard to sihr, one can only be astonished at the development experienced by the Hellenistic conception of magic in the lands of Islam. While sihr (mentioned 23 times in the Kur'an) is not explicitly denounced there, being seen rather as an enchantment exerted over spirits, as a falsehood, as possession by a djinni, it is clearly abjured in Hadith, where it is mentioned more than 29 times (see Concordance). The following hadlths may serve as examples: "Kill every sdhir ... and sdhim" (Ibn Hanbal, i, 190, 191); "The punishment (hadd) of the sdhir [is decapitation] by the sword" (al-Tirmidhf, Hudud, 27); "Among the seven sins which merit death" (al-mubikdt) are "the attribution of a partner to God (shirk) and sihr" (Muslim, Imdn, 144; al-Bukharf, Wasiyya, 23, Tibb, 48, Hudud, 44). The attitude of the Kur'an is explained by its angelology and its demonology: the angels, charged with guiding men towards God, make use of physical beings belonging to the three domains, capable of acting on the spirit of men. Such is the case with the staff of Moses which becomes a serpent before Pharaoh (Kur'an, XX, 18-24); it is also the case with the demons in the service of King Solomon (II, 96). Having refused to bow down before Adam (XXV, 26-34) Iblls was expelled from Paradise with those who had followed him. Then the angels divided into two groups, the loyal and the rebellious. The former guide men towards God; the latter, opponents of men, seek to estrange them from Him by means of seduction (sihr). The procedures of this seduction constitute the bulk of magical practices (on this subject, see Fahd, in vol. viii of Sources orientates, entitled Anges, demons et djinns en Islam, Paris 1971, 155-214, Ital. tr. Rome 1994, 131-78). It follows from this principle that magic represents the debris of a celestial knowledge, transmitted to mankind by fallen angels such as Harut and Marut in Babylon (Kur'an, II, 96). The djinn, inferior spirits, acquire their knowledge by eavesdropping at the portals
569
of Heaven, whence the custodians of these portals chase them away, pelting them with shooting stars (XXXVII, 6-10). The fallen angels married the daughters of men and begat children with them; they taught them "sorcery, enchantments and the properties of roots and of trees" (cf. Book of Enoch, VII, 1 ff., inspired by Gen. vi. 4). Others taught men "the art of resolving spells", "signs" (dydt), "the art of observing the stars" and "the movements of the Moon" (Kur'an, VIII, 3-8). Against men and their informants, "the Lord has decided in his justice that all the inhabitants of the earth shall perish [in the Flood], because they have in their hands the hostile power of the demons, the power of magic" (LXVI, 6) and furthermore: "They have discovered secrets which they had no right to know; this is why they shall be judged" (LXIV, 10). See Fahd, in Sciences occultes et Islam, 37-8, whence this summary is taken. It is on this angelological and demonological conception that the approach to sihr in Islam is based. On the one hand, there are the miracles (dydt) performed by the prophets and associated by the unbelievers and the feeble-minded with magic (the staff of Moses, mentioned above, the four birds cut into pieces and placed on the mountains by Abraham and returning to him (Kur'an, II, 262), the wind and the demons obeying the orders of Solomon (XXI, 81-2: XXXIV, 11-13), the birth of Yahya (John the Baptist) to a very old father and a sterile woman (III, 33-6), and the bird which Tsa (Jesus) formed out of mud, breathing life into it (V, 109-110). On the other hand, there is sorcery (sihr) which, in the eyes of the Prophet, is one of the greatest sins of mankind (al-Bukharf, Iv, 23, Ixxvi, 47). He himself had been bewitched by a Jew (idem, Tibb, 47, Bad3 al-khalk, 11, Djizya, 14; al-Nasa'T, Tahrim, 20). This took place at the end of the year 6/628 and lasted forty days. He learned of what had happened from two beings in human form who were conversing by his bed. He went to the well where a lock of his hair, taken from a comb, had been deposited, retrieved it and was cured (Muslim, ii, 275). Thus Hadith, supplementing the Kur'an, condemns the sdhir to death, whereas what emanates from Kur'anic verses is rather a denunciation of those who allow themselves to be bewitched by the Sahara, agents of fallen angels, who are reckoned to put men to the test, as in the case of Satan with Job (see in this connection the term fitna in the Kur'an, in particular XXII, 52-3). Reflection on the part of the Jukahd3 resulted in the separation of permitted from prohibited magic. What is permitted is natural magic, known as "white", including, among other elements, charms [see RUKYA; NIRANDJ; SIMIYA]; imaginary phenomena produced by natural means, on the basis of properties [see KHAWASS] , having no connection with religion; psychic phenomena materialised by the use of philtres and amulets (tamd'im), activated by means of absorption or fumigation of heteroclitic powders and fats; etc. (see the classifications set out above). The practice of this magic is tolerated insofar as it causes no harm to others. But when the magician influences nature with the object of doing harm, he is exercising prohibited magic. This, as was stated at the outset, implies recourse to demoniacal inspiration (black magic) and to the invocation of the planets (theurgy). It is by awareness of the causal mechanism which rules nature and by penetrating the affinities which bind mankind and the cosmos closely together that
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SIHR
the magician attempts to influence the course of natural events, harnessing the forces emanating from the causality and relativity which he establishes between beings. This is why the magician's art is no business for amateurs; an innate predisposition, rich and multifarious knowledge, and consummate skill in handling composition, conjunction, mixture and combinations, are indispensable. To attain his objective, the magician sets in motion two procedures aimed at constraining higher forces to place their efficacy at his disposal: 1. Demoniacal conjuration, known as cilm al-cazd3im, "the science of the formulas of conjuration", which is, according to Hadjdjf Khalifa, iv, 2057, an imperative, stern and insistent language, by which djinn and demons are commanded to put a scheme into effect. Each time that the magician pronounces the formula "I adjure you" ('azamtu 'alaykum) he claims "to oblige them to obey, to respond to the summons without delay, to submit and to humble themselves before him". And the author adds, "This is possible and permissible, according to reason and to the Law ..., since subjugating the spirits, humbling them before God and rendering them subordinate to men, is one of the marvels of Creation". This conjuration becomes illicit when it consists in directing the spirit towards an object which is not God, and consequently, in being disloyal to Him. Such an attitude is aggravated by the depraved conduct of the magician and the harm caused by it to other beings. Hence the question which was the object of controversy between jurists, "Is the death penalty, inflicted on a magician, the consequence of the disloyalty which precedes the act, or is it rather the consequence of the depraved conduct in which he has indulged and the harm caused by it to other beings?" (Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima, iii, 127 tr. de Slane, iii, 176, tr. Rosenthal, iii, 159). The opinion which has prevailed in Islam, after centuries of theological and judicial cogitation, is that of al-Ghazalr (d. 505/1111), who gave Islamic theology its definitive formulation. For him, magic is based on the combined knowledge of the properties of certain terrestrial elements and of propitious astral dispositions. This knowledge is not culpable in itself, but its only practical application is to harm others and make mischief (Ihyd3 culum al-din i, 49-50). Another question demanded clarification. What is the difference between magic and miracle, meaning those kardmdt attributed to the Sufis which border on black magic, such as, e.g., making the words of the dead heard, walking on water, transforming substances, practising ubiquity, making inanimate objects talk, altering the passage of time, having prayers answered, binding and releasing tongues, winning support in a hostile assembly, communicating certain secret knowledge and unwrapping mysteries, disposing of things which one does not possess, distant vision, intimidating people by looks alone, being spared an evil contrived by another and turning it into something good, immunity from poison, epidemics, fire, etc. (cf. al-Subkl, Tabakdt al-sufiyya, Cairo 1224/1906, i, 2, 59-77; I. Goldziher, Le culte des saints chez les musulmans, in RHR, ii [1880], 336-7)? Ibn Khaldun replies to this question as follows: "The difference between miracle and magic resides in the fact that the miracle is [the effect of] a divine force which confers upon the soul [the power to exert] influence [over beings]. Thus [the thaumaturge] is supported, in his action, by the Spirit of God, while the magician realises his project through his own resources, through his own psychic force and sometimes
with the assistance of demons. Therefore, the difference which separates them is simultaneously an issue of concept, reality and essence" (iii, 133-4, tr. Rosenthal, iii, 166-7). 2. The evocation of spirits, whether those of the dead (necromancy), those of less demons or those of planets. (a) Necromancy belongs rather to the realm of divination (cf. Fahd, La divination arabe, Paris 1987, 174 ff.) but in terms of technique, it is allied to black magic, to the same degree as are the other two types of evocation. It consists of two phases. The first, of a material nature, comprises the preparation of a mixture of various products drawn from a special pharmacopoeia, and all kinds of fumigations; the second, of an intellectual nature, consists of the composition, in the form of an invocation, of a prayer mentioning all the qualities and all the attributes of the spirit invoked, and formulating all the pleas with which compliance is requested. (b) The evocation of demons is accomplished with the aid of incantations (cf. above, no. 1). Three terms denote three procedures of spiritism: istikhddm (making a spirit do a certain thing), istinzal (making a spirit descend in the form of a phantom) and istihddr (making a spirit descend into a body). (c) The invocation of the spirits of planets is described at length by al-Madjntf (Ghdya, 182-6). It consists in drawing to oneself the spirituality (ruhdniyyd] of the planets. For this to be done, the nature of each one of them must be known: its colour, its taste, its odour; then it is necessary to observe the moment when this planet reaches the point corresponding to it in the zodiacal sphere, in a straight line which does not cross a line from another planet of different nature. If this is so, the line starting from this planet and terminating on the earth will be straight and unbroken. Subsequently, a cross is made from the same mineral as that associated with the planet invoked, and placed on an image representing the request that is to made of the spirit invoked (see the detailed description of the manner in which this image is used, according to the result which is sought, in Fahd, in Sources orientates, vii, 170-1). Al-Madjrftf concludes (ibid., 85) that it is a perfect nature which fulfils in man the condition of his accession to the world of the spirits; his progressive assimilation to the forces which he conjures, evokes or invokes, contributes to the efficacity of his action and to the success of his enterprise. Spiritual beings (al-ruhdniyyd] appear to him then as personalities, speak to him and give him all kinds of information. From the simple bewitchment of the Prophet, using a lock of his hair, to the invocation of the spirits of planets, a long road has been travelled. Along the way Islam, the heir to the ancient civilisations, whether they be Semitic, Iranian or Hellenistic, has incorporated in its rich patrimony ideas, customs and practices which developed and intermingled throughout the vast area of the Near and the Middle East. From pre-Islamic Arabia, the inheritance is scanty: incantations against "the evil (arising) from those who breathe on the knots" (al-naffdthdtfi l-fukad), a practice analogous to that known as "tying the aglet", designed to keep husbands and wives apart (Kur'an, CXIII, 4). According to the commentators, this usage was the inspiration for the revelation of the three earliest suras of the Kur'an (CXII, CXIII, CXIV), the last two being called al-mucawwidhatdnl [q.v.]. In writings intitled al-Tibb al-nabam and al-Tibb fi } l-Kur3dn, numerous examples illustrate the use of incantations and charms by the Prophet and his
SIHR — SIHYAWN contemporaries (see Sources orientates, iv, 195-6, notes 63 ff.). Al-Bukharl, Tibb, 53, devotes a bdb entitled al-dawd3 bi 'l-cadjwa li 'l-sihr to the use of date-pulp as a remedy against enchantment (see H. Reinfried, Brauche bei Dauber und Wunder bei Bukhdn, diss. Freiburg i. Br., Karlsruhe 1915; cf. also Goldziher, Chatm al-Bukhdn, in Isl, vi [1916], 214). Originating in this popular witchcraft, which serves, furthermore, as a motif in the poetry of the court, magic takes a new turn with the translation of Greek magical works. Michael of Syria, ed. Chabot, 478b, 30, relates that the Byzantine emperor Leo (IV, the Khazar, 775-80) sent as a gift to the 'Abbasid caliph al-Mahdl (158-69/775-85) the book by lanis and lambris dealing with the secrets of Egyptian magic. From this period onward there is a proliferation of magical works attributed to Indians, Copts, Nabataeans, Sabians, etc. A work of Hellenistic magic produced a synthesis of the concepts linking magic with astrology, namely Ghayat al-hakim by al-Madjrftf, utilised previously and translated into Latin under the title of Picatrix. It played an important role in the development of magic in the West (ed. H. Ritter, in Studien der Bibliothek Warburg 13, Leipzig 1933; Ger. tr. H. Ritter and M. Plessner, in Studies of the Warburg Institute 27, London 1962; see also Ritter, Picatrix, ein arabisches Handbuch hellenistischer Magie, in Vortrdge der Bibliothek Warburg 1921-22). From the K. al-Sirr al-Maktum fi cilm al-taldsim wa 'l-sihr wa '1-mrandj.dt wa "1-nudj.um by Fakhr al-Dm al-Razi (d. 606/1209-10) to Shams al-macarifby al-Bunl (d. 622/1225) and to Ibn Khaldun (d. 808/1406), magic in Islam has experienced prodigious development. A very substantial magical library has been constituted, to which a competent scholar has yet to devote the study which it deserves. Bibliography: See the numerous references in the text. It may be noted that^ in this article, use has been made of two of the present writer's previous works devoted to this subject: Le monde du sorcier en Islam, in Sources orientals, vii, Paris 1966, 157-204 (numerous refs. in the notes and bibl.), and La connaissance de I'inconnaissable et I'obtention de rimpossible dans la pensee mantique et magique de I'Islam, in Sciences occultes et Islam, in BEO, xliv (1992), 3344; see also idem, Magic (Islam) in The Encyclopaedia of Religion, ed. Mircea Eliade, repr. in Hidden truths. Magic, alchemy and the occult, ed. L.E. Sullivan, New York-London 1989, 122-30, and Sciences naturelles et magie dans Ghayat al-Hakim (d'Abu Mas lama 1-Ma^ntT), in Ciencias de la Naturaleza en Al-Andalus, ed. E. Garcia Sanchez, i, Granada 1990, 11-21. For Ibn al-Nadim, the Ikhwan al-Safa3 and al-Madjrfti, see refs. in the text. Particular attention should be given to Shams al-ma'drifby al-Bunf, a synthesis of magical lore in Islam, which has appeared in three editions: lengthy, medium and short. The first was edited in Cairo in 4 vols. in 1905; many lithographs and a vast number of manuscripts exist. It may be noted that Pierre Lory has taken an interest in this; see his La magie des lettres dans le Shams al-Macdrif d}alBum, in BEO, xxxix-xl (1987-8). Another equally important text for this subject is the K. al-Sirr al-Maktum fi cilm al-taldsim wa 'l-sihr wa 'l-mrand^dt wa '1-nuaj.um, also known by the tide al-Sirr al-Maktum ft mukhdtabat al-nu^um and lithographed in Cairo; numerous mss. of it exist, the one consulted here being Nuruosmaniye 2792 (220 fols., 28 x 19 cm, fine naskhi, where the illustrations are lacking, their place having been left blank); the ms. Koprulii 925 (100 fols., naskhi, 25 x 17 cm) specifies that the
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work is by Abu Bakr al-Razi and not by Fakhr al-Dm. Among the studies, worthy of mention are E. Doutte, Magie et religion dans I'AJhque du Nord, Algiers 1909; E. Mauchamp, La sorcellerie au Maroc, posthumously published work preceded by a documentary study of the author and the work by J. Bois, Paris n.d.; M. Gray, Magie et sorcellerie en AJhque du Nord, in Bull, de I'Enseignement public marocain, ccxxx (January-March 1954), 45-72; G. Bousquet, Fiqh et sorcellerie, in AIEO Alger, viii (1949-50), 230-4; A. Guillaume, Prophetie et divination, French tr. Paris 1941 (cf. ch. vi, "Magic and sorcery", 280-344, and note C: Magie et religion, 454-59); R. Kriss, Volksglaube im Bereich des Islam, ii. Amulette und Beschworungen, Wiesbaden 1961 (with 104 plates); A. Kovalenko, Magie et Islam. Les concepts de magie (sihr) et de sciences occultes (cilm al-ghayb) en Islam, diss. Univ. of Strasbourg 1979, publ. Geneva 1991, 721 pp. (see 424-37, where the sources for eilm alsihr in Islam are to be found listed, and 566-619, where there is a general bibliography on the occult sciences). On the Hellenistic legacy in Islam, see M. Ullmann, Die Natur- und Geheimwissenschqften im Islam, H der 0, i. Abt, Erganz, vi, 2. Absch., Leiden-Cologne 1972, 359-426. For magic in the mediaeval West and its oriental sources, see L. Thorndike, History of magic and experimental science, i, New York 1947, 641-71, and R.H. Robbins, The Encyclopedia of Witchcraft and Demonology, New York 1959. (T. FAHD) SIHYAWN, the A r a b i c n a m e of Biblical Siyyon. The etymology of the Hebrew word ]i"¥ (Siyyon) is uncertain. It may be related to a Semitic root "to be dry", "to suffer from thirst". But it is not entirely impossible that the root may be related to the Arabic root s-w-n, also appearing in Gecez, meaning "to guard", "to preserve". In the works of the Arab lexicographers, the word has the nominal pattern of Sihyawn meaning Jerusalem or Byzantium. The word possibly appears in this sense already in a verse of al-Acsha Maymun (d. after 625). This form, sihyawn, is most probably derived from an Aramaic dialect which pronounced the word as in Syriac sehyun. Siyyon, David's Citadel and his traditional burial place, extended over southeastern Jerusalem, below the Temple Mount. By Josephus' time it was identified with the upper city, the southwestern hill of Jerusalem, including the sites presently identified with Mount Zion. The early Christians located the Biblical Mount Zion in the southwestern hill of Jerusalem not only following Josephus's mistaken identification, but also because early scenes and events of the Christian church sanctified this hill. 1. The C h u r c h of Zion. The existence of a modest church on Mount Zion is first noted by Cyril of Jerusalem, around the year A.D. 348. In the days of Bishop John II (386-417), the Zion church was rebuilt becoming one of the largest and important churches in Jerusalem. Also, the tradition of Zion as the site of the Last Supper, the place where Mary fell asleep and where the Holy Spirit descended upon the disciples on the Pentecost, became established from the end of the 4th to the middle of the 5th century. During the Persian conquest (A.D. 614), the church was burned down, probably leaving its interior looted and despoiled. Modestus, Acting Patriarch of Jerusalem, rebuilt the church from its ruins. Mount Zion and the Zion church are noted in
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SIHYAWN
early Arabic texts from the beginning of the Arab conquest and onward. Prior to the 10th century, the word Sihyawn (Sahyun?) is rare and refers to Jerusalem as a whole or an area in Jerusalem. Noteworthy is a rare tradition identifying Sihyawn as Mecca, possibly an attempt of an early tendency to enhance the holiness of Mecca by attributing to it holy merits of Biblical places and persons (al-Stra al-Halabiyya, i, 296; Ibn al-Djawzf, Wafd\ i, 69). The Muslim conquest of Jerusalem (638) did not result in the immediate destruction of churches and monasteries, but many fell into abandonment and ruin. The wave of destruction against the churches in Palestine at the beginning of the 10th century bypassed Jerusalem. However, in 966 the Church of Zion was burned and pillaged with the direct encouragement of the Ikhshidid governor of Jerusalem, Muhammad b. Isma'fl al-Sanadjf. At the beginning of the 11 th century, Mount Zion and the Church of Zion were evidently outside the city walls. In the framework of the wall-building activity, by order of the Fatimid caliph al-Zahir in 424/1033, the workers used stones of the many churches outside the city, including those of the Church of Zion, which was apparently destroyed. 2. The Crusader and Ayyubid period. On the Prankish capture of Jerusalem, the church and most of the sites on Mount Zion were handed over to the Latin Church. Presumably it was reconstructed a short time after the conquest on the site where the Holy Church of Zion previously stood. It was already noted by Christian pilgrims in the first decade of the 12th century; the building was evidently completed in 1141. The church was built in the cellular vaulted Latin fashion; it included the Cenacle, in the southwestern corner of the central hall, and under it, the room in which David's Tomb was identified. David died in the City of David, which extended southeastward to the Temple Mount. Despite this, the ancient Christians located David's Tomb in Bethlehem or its close vicinity, an identification that prevailed for the entire Byzantine period, up to the 7th century. An early Muslim tradition locates David and Solomon's tombs in the Church of Gethsemane (Kamsat al-T£ismaniyya\ Sibt Ibn al-Djawzf, Mir'at al-zamdn, ed. Ihsan c Abbas, Beirut 1985, i, 492, 523; Mudjlr alDln, ed. Nadjaf, i, 116, from Wahb b. al-Munabbih; al-Mas'udi, Muruaj, i, 111). The first Christian source that mentions explicitly David's Tomb on Mount Zion is dated slightly before the 11 th century. The source of this tradition is apparently in memorial services for David and James, Jesus's brother, found in the liturgies conducted in this church on the 25th of December and later, on the 26th, already in the Byzantine period, and not in the later Muslim tradition that was influenced by Jewish sources. The ancient structure that has been identified as David's Tomb from the Crusader period to the present day was not a part of the Byzantine Church of Zion. Muslim writers and geographers of the 10th century, indeed, connect David with Mount Zion; however, they do not locate his grave on the mountain and certainly not in the church on it. The testimony of al-MukaddasI, 46 (most probably from the mid-10th century), that "people of the book say that David's Tomb is in Sihyawn" is not unequivocal evidence that the tomb is located on Mount Zion and certainly not in its church; this may possibly refer to the Biblical identification of Zion. Nonetheless, it is apparent that the tradition claiming that David's Tomb is in the Church of Zion was
already established at the beginning of the 11 th century (Ibn al-Muradjdja, 247, no. 368; but cf. alTha'labf, Bulak 1320, i, 240, who locates it on Mount Zion, and not in the Church). In spite of its dubious origin, it was accepted by all three religions. The tradition claiming that David's tomb is in the Church of Zion also appears from the beginning of Crusader rule, and was noted often by the Christian pilgrims who visited Jerusalem in later centuries. Al-Harawf (1174) notes the tradition of David's tomb on Mount Zion, but is also familiar with other traditions regarding the site of the tomb. When Salah al-Dfn approached Jerusalem (1187), the Christian churches outside Jerusalem, including the church of St. Maria of Mount Sion, were destroyed or seized. During the time of his stay in Jerusalem, Salah al-Dfn's brother, al-Malik al-cAdil, lived in the Zion church, while his soldiers set up their tents in front of the church. Salah al-Dfn built up and renovated the walls of Jerusalem (1192), which were extended to include Mount Zion and the church on it. Al-Mucazzam elsa began restoration in Jerusalem and on its walls in 1202-3, yet in 1219 he ordered the walls to be destroyed. The targeted area also included Mount Zion and apparently also the church on it. It does not seem that, prior to leaving Jerusalem in 1229, Frederick II took on the task of building and fortifying the walls of the city and its bastions. Mount Zion was never walled again. On Crusader maps of the 12th to 14th centuries, it appears outside the wall. The church suffered destruction by the Khwarazmian troops that reached Jerusalem in 1244, and at the end of the 13th century it was described as desolate and in ruins. 3. The M a m l u k period. In 1333 King Robert of Naples and his wife bought the place and gave it to the Franciscans, who restored the Cenacle and built a small monastery around the room to the south of it. In decrees and documents from the Mamluk period, the church is termed Kamsat Sahyun, Kamsat 'Ulliyyat Sahyun or Kanlsat Dayr Sahyun, and the monastery: Dayr Kamsat Sahyun or Dayr Sahyun. At the beginning of the reign of each new sultan, the Franciscan monks requested a royal decree confirming their rights on Mount Zion to the church, the monastery and its other sacred constructions. The last decree in hand is Ka'itbay's, from 8 Dhu 'l-Kacda 876/17 April 1472, in which he renews the decrees of the preceding rulers. Among the 28 documents from the Mamluk period that Risciani published, eight are royal decrees, extending from the rule of al-Ashraf Shacban up to the 14th year of Ka'itbay's rule. Often these decrees respond to letters of complaint from Jerusalem Christians in general, and from monks from Mount Zion, on the violation of rights and requests to repair parts of the holy constructions that were ruinous. In the 15th century several attempts were made by the Muslim rulers to take control of David's tomb and to expropriate it from the Franciscans. The Jewish community in Jerusalem took an active part in these efforts. In 1428 the Muslims took control of the place and took it out of the hands of the Christians. In 1430 the Franciscans were allowed to enter the place, but the arrangements for prayer services depended on the good will of the regime and of the guards at the place. In 1448 David's Tomb and the Upper Room were evidently returned to the Christians; but in 1452 the place was taken out of their hands permanently, a kibla was built in it and a supervisor was appointed
SIHYAWN — SFIRD to oversee the hall of David's Tomb. From this time on, Christians were forbidden to enter the premises. In 1436 the upper room was renovated and renewed by Duke Phillip the Good of Burgundy, but, as learned from one of the documents (11 Djumada II 841/10 November 1437, Barsbay's reign), ten years later the Upper Room, which is called "Ulliyyat Sahyun, is found on the roof of the monastery, most of whose vaulted roof and walls was destroyed. The chapel remained desolate until 1452, when it was completely destroyed by the Muslims. The Ottomans returned David's Tomb and the church of the Cenacle to the monks in 1519. In 1523 an order was given to banish the monks from the monastery and the Cenacle church and to turn the place into a mosque. In 1524 the hall was destroyed, the Cenacle church became a mosque and a mihrdb was erected in it. The inscription on the eastern wall of the Cenacle commemorates this transformation to a mosque, which since then, together with David's Tomb, is known as Masdjid Nab! Dawud. 4. The Ottoman period. In the course of 25 years, step by step the Franciscans were pushed out of the buildings they held on Mount Zion, all the while suffering confiscation of property, fines and imprisonment from the hard hand of the Ottoman regime. Already in 1549 the sultan endowed the Zion monastery and adjacent gardens to the Shaykh Ahmad al-Dadjdja.nl, his offspring and his dervish followers. They were permanently removed from the monastery between 1551 and 1552. From that time, the monks were not permitted to enter the Cenacle or the place identified as David's Tomb. The Franciscans were first allowed to pray again in the Cenacle during the period of Egyptian rule (1831-40), but only twice a year. At the end of the 19th century, the guards permitted the Christians to enter against payment. During the British Mandate, the Jews were allowed to pray at David's tomb once a year. At the end of World War I, within the framework of its endeavours to gain a sphere of influence in Palestine, the Italian government attempted to lay claim to the Cenacle on Mount Zion and to transfer it to its authority, on the basis that the Italian king was the heir of the Neapolitan kings who purchased it. These efforts, accompanied by the intervention of the Vatican, continued until 1933, but came to naught. In 1936 the Franciscans returned to Mount Zion and settled in a small monastery north of David's tomb. Today the Cenacle is identified in the second floor of the ancient structure that was part of the Crusader church. It is a long room built in the Gothic style of the 12th century. A cenotaph in honour of David is found on the ground floor of the structure, part of which is very ancient, from the end of the Roman or the Byzantine period. 5. The C h u r c h of the Dormition. The Church of the Dormition was built between 1900 and 1910 on part of the grounds over which the ancient Church of Zion extended. The grounds were given to Kaiser Wilhelm II by cAbd al-Hanrid II. The Benedictine monks were given charge of the sanctuary of the Dormition in 1906. In 1926 the Benedictine priory was elevated to the status of an abbey by the Apostolic See, and in March 1951, the abbey was placed directly under the Pope. Bibliography: 1. Biblical period and etymology of Siyyon. See the comprehensive bibl. by S. Otto, ]^-Sijjon, in Theologisches Worterbuch zum
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Alien Testament, vi, Stuttgart, Berlin and Koln 1989, 994-1028. 2. D o c u m e n t s and primary sources. Enchiridion Locorum Sanctorum Documenta S. Evangell Loca Respicientia Collegit Atque, Adnotavit P.D. Baldi, Jerusalem 1935, s.v., Coenaculum, 597-675; P.G. Golubovich, Serie chronologica dei reverendissimi Superiori di Terra Sancta, Jerusalem 1898; idem, Bibliotheca biobib liographica delta Terra Santa e deWOriente Francescano, Florence 1927, iv (1333-45), .v (1346-1400); P.E. Castellani, Catalogo dei firmani ed atti documenti legali emanati in lingua araba e turca concernenti i santuari le proprieta i diritti della Custodia di Terra Sancta consewati neWArchivio della stessa Custodia in Gerusalemme, Jerusalem 1922; N. Risciani, Documenti e firmani, Jerusalem 1931; Ahmad Darradj, Watha'ik dayr Sahyun bi 'l-Kuds al-Shanf, Cairo 1968; N. Shur, Jerusalem in pilgrims and traveller's accounts. A thematic bibliography of Western Christian itineraries 1300-1917, Jerusalem 1980, 40-1 (Mount of Zion), 41-3 (Tomb of David); M. van Berchem, CIA, Syrie du Sud, i, Jerusalem, Ville, Cairo 1922, 403-11, no. 109. 3. Arabic sources. LCA, s.v. s-h-y, TCA, s.v. s-h-y; Nu'aym b. Hammad al-MarwazI, Kitab alFitan, ed. Suhayl Zakkar, Beirut 1993, 272, 432; Taban, i, 723-5; Mas'udf, Murudi, i, 111 = § 106; Mukaddasf, 46; al-Mutahhar b. Tahir al-Makdisf, K. al-Bad3 wa 'l-ta'rikh, Paris 1899-1919, iv,' 88; Yahya b. SaTd al-Antakl, Ta'nkh, ed.
1995, 31, no. 20; 51, no. 37; 58, no. 46; 247,
no. 368; Harawf, ^iydrdt, Damascus 1953, 19, 27, 29; Bakrf, Mu'ajam ma ista'a^am, Cairo 1949, iii, 844; IdrisI, Opus geographicum, Naples-Rome 1974, iv, 362; Ibn al-Djawzf, al-Wafd3 bi-ahwdl al-Mustafd, i, Cairo 1966, 69; Yakut, iii, 438; Abu Shamaj Rawdatayn, ii, Cairo 1288, 196, 205; Shihab al-Dm Abu Muhammad Ahmad b. Muhammad, al-Makdisf, K. Muthir al-ghardm ild ziydrat al-kuds wa 'l-Shdm, Beirut 1994, 278-9; Shams al-Dm Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad al-Suyutl, Ithdf al-akhissd3 bi-fadd3il al-Mas&id al-Aksd, Cairo i, 1982, 236, ii, 1984, 11-12; Mudjir al-Dfn al-'Ulayml, al-Uns al-ajaftl bita'nkh al-Kuds wa 'l-Khalil, ed. Bulak 1283, 105-6, 131, 209, 443, 677-81, ed. Nadjaf 1968, i, 116-17, ii, 97-8, 348-52; Kalkashandl, Subh al-acshd, Cairo 1913-20, xiii, 122; CA1I b. Burhan al-Din al-Halabf, Insdn al-cuyun Ji sirat al-Amm al-Ma3mun, known as al-Sira al-Halabiyya, Cairo 1320, i, 240, ed. Bulak, 1280, 296, ed. Cairo, al-Maktaba al-Tidjariyya alKubra, n.d., 253. 4. The Church of Zion, the C o e n a c u l u m , David's Tomb, the Franciscans on Mount Zion. An extensive bibl. (excluding items in the Arabic language) is to be found in K. Bieberstein and H. Bloedhorn (eds.), Jerusalem, Grundzuge der Baugeschichte vom Chalkolithikum bis zur Fruhzeit der osmanischen Herrschqft (Beihefte zum Tubinger Atlas des vorderen Orients, Reihe B. 100/1-3), Wiesbaden 1994, ii, 118-27, 163-5. (A. ELAD) SICIRD, SICIRT, IS'IRD, the orthography in medieval Arabic texts for a town of s o u t h e a s t e r n Anatolia, 150 km/95 miles to the east of modern Diyarbakir and 65 km/44 miles to the south-west of Lake Van (lat. 37° 56' N., long. 41° 56' E.). It lies on the Bohtan tributary of the upper Tigris in the foothills of the eastern end of the Taurus Mts. It is the modern
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sriRD
Turkish town of Siirt, now the chef-lieu of an il or province of the same name. 1. History. (a) The pre-Ottoman period. Sicird is mentioned very little in early Islamic sources; the absence of fortifications apparently made it of little strategic or military value. Some authorities accounted it as administratively within Armenia, others as within alDjazfra. Sicird (Syriac, Seeerd) was, however, a notable centre for Eastern Christianity, and al-Shabushtf (3rd/9th century [q.v.]) mentions there the monastery of Ahwfsha (Syr. "anchorite" = Ar. habis) which had 400 monks in their cells (K. al-Diydrdt, ed. cAwwad, 198). At some point after 1036, an unknown Nestorian author composed in Arabic the so-called Chronicle of Se'ert, a universal history based on Syriac sources (see Graf, GCAL, ii, 195-6). In mediaeval times, Sicird tended to share in the history of Hisn Kayfa and Diyar Bakr. Thus in the 5th/llth century it came within the dominions of the Marwanids [q.v.], and in the next one, of the Artukids [q.v.] of Hisn Kayfa. In 538/1143-4 it was taken by Zangf b. Ak Sunkur. It was sacked by the Mongols after the defeat of the Khwarazm-Shah Djalal al-Dm, but seems to have revived, since Hamd Allah Mustawfi, Nuzjia, 105, tr. 104, describes it as a rich town, famed for the manufacture of brass utensils. Under the suzerainty of the II Khanids and their successors the Djalayirids, Sicird was ruled by the local Ayyubid line of Hisn Kayfa and Amid until in ca. 866/1462 the Ak Koyunlu Uzun Hasan [q.v] ended this petty dynasty. There do not seem to have been any 'ularnd3 of note from Sicird, but it did produce a poet in Nur al-Dm Muhammad al-Is'irdl (d. 656/1258 [q.v. in Suppl.], author of poems in praise of hashish-eating and wine-drinking (see F. Rosenthal, The herb, hashish versus medieval Muslim society, Leiden 1971, 6, 163-6 and index). Bibliography. See also Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 114; Marquart, Siidarmenien und die Tigrisquellen nach gnechischen und arabischen Geographen, Vienna 1930, 341; Canard, H'amdanides, 85-6; El1 art. Se'erd (J.H. Kramers). (C.E. BOSWORTH) (b) The Ottoman and modern periods. For a short time, the Safawid Shah Isma'il I held Siirt; but after the latter's defeat at Caldiran, a surviving descendant of the Ayyubid lords, by the name of Malik Khalfl, submitted to the Ottomans. Under the overlordship of the Diyarbekir beglerbegi Biyikli Mehmed Pasha [q.v], Malik Khalfl governed the town along with nearby Hisn Kayfa. In a tahrir dated 932/1526, Siirt is recorded as a kadd forming part of the beglerbeglik of Diyarbekir. At this time, Siirt consisted of 406 Muslim families along with 58 unmarried men, while the Christian communities numbered 448 households and 152 unmarried men. With the addition of a castle garrison and a small Jewish colony, the town should have held between 4,500 and 5,000 inhabitants. Among the notable buildings of the town, the tahrir records the Ulu Djamic and the Djemaliyye medrese, while Malik Khalil had built a number of shoemakers' shops to provide income for one of his pious foundations. According to the same source, the rural area forming the district of Siirt was inhabited by 654 families and 151 unmarried men, all Muslims. A document dated 967/1560 describes Siirt as merely a ndhiye in the sandj.ak of Hisn Kayfa; but we cannot be sure that this really represented an administrative downgrading, as in this period, tahrirs often use the terms kadd and ndhiye interchangeably.
In the llth/17th century, Ewliya Celebi enumerated Siirt as an "Ottoman" sanajak of Diyarbekir; by this term he meant that the sanajak was not governed by a local Kurdish family of hereditary governors but formed part of the regular administrative structure. The khdss of the governor of Siirt supposedly produced 223,772 akces a year. In 1080-1/1670-1, the accounts of the Diyarbekir governor Wezfr Silahdar Hadjdjf C0mer Pasha showed Siirt once again as a kadd. The pasha collected a small sum as ordu pazdr akcesi, dues presumably in connection with the obligation of the local craftsmen to furnish services to the army. Probably the campaign referred to here was directed against Bedouins; for a few lines later in the text, the mutesellim of Siirt was excused from participation in just this campaign. Moreover, the kadd of Siirt owed 350 ghurush as dues from vineyards, fabrics and firewood. These dues make it appear likely that Siirt, famous for its vineyards in the early 13th/19th century, and to some extent, down to the present day, already possessed them in the later llth/17th century. As to the fabrics, they may correspond to the cotton, both white and striped, which Macdonald Kinneir observed in the area in the early 19th century, or to the calico from Bitlis which the Christians of early 19th century Siirt used to dye. This same traveller estimated the population of Siirt as numbering about 3,000; in addition to the Muslims, there were some Armenian, Chaldaean and Nestorian Christians. At that time, Siirt was ruled by a personage which the traveller describes as a "chief", but does not name; he controlled the harvested crops of the area, which he then passed out to his followers. Many houses in the town, built of a locally manufactured gypsum, known as ajass, possessed some arrangements for defence. Houses of this type, with domes and vaults to minimise the need for wood, are still to be found in the older quarters of the 20thcentury town; however, due to the fragility of the material, the buildings must be reconstructed about once in twenty-five years. At the time of Macdonald Kinneir's visit, there were three mosques and a medrese. This total should have included the Ulu Djamic, probably a Saldjuk structure whose wooden minbar has been preserved in the Ankara Museum of Ethnography, and the Carshi Djami'i, going back to Artukid times. In the summer of 1838, von Moltke reported that three years before his visit, Siirt had been conquered by Reshld Pasha [q.v]. At that time, the authorities counted 600 Muslim and 200 Christian households; but due to excessive and constantly renewed demands for recruits, the Muslim population had subsequently been reduced to 400 households. When von Moltke visited Siirt, only boys and old men were visible on the streets. When Cuinet collected his information in ca. 1890, Siirt had been transferred from the wildyet of Diyarbekir to that of Bitlis. He thought that the town contained about 3,000 houses inhabited by 15,000 people. Among these, almost two-thirds were Muslims, while apart from the Christian churches which had been present in the town at the beginning of the 13th/19th century, there were now Protestant Armenians and Catholic Chaldaeans, whose schools were run by American missionaries and French Dominicans respectively. The number of mosques had now increased to five, one of which possessed two minarets which Cuinet considered to be of great antiquity. He also refers to an ancient fortress, complete with towers, crenellations and moat, where in the past Kurdish aghas had resided. These must have been the personages whom
SFIRD — SIKANDAR SHAH Macdonald Kinneir had compared to mediaeval Scottish earls, but who had probably disappeared as a result of the repressive campaigns of Sultan Mahmud II. Under the Republic, Siirt remained a remote little town, although the railway did by 1932 reach Kurtalan, 32 km/20 miles away, and Siirt was promoted to be a regional centre. According to the 1927 census, it had 14,380 inhabitants; increase was slow up to the 1970s, but in 1980 there were over 42,000 people. The building of local roads in the 1950s added the cultivation of pistachio nuts to the traditional vineyards, and oil was found in the Kurtalan region, with a refinery at nearby Batman, the only major industrial enterprise in the province. Further progress may be possible with the completion of new dams on the upper Tigris, but in the rural areas, poverty and isolation are the norm; the level of literacy in the province is one of the lowest in Turkey, electrification is sparse and medical facilities few. Bibliography. J. Macdonald Kinneir, Journey through Asia Minor, Armenia and Koordistan in the years 1813 and 1814, London 1818, 408-11; D. Shiel, Motes on a journey from Tabriz, through Kurdistan, in JRGS, viii (1838), 76-7; W.F. Ainsworth, Travels and researches in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, Chaldaea and Armenia, London 1842, ii, 357-60; H. von Moltke, Briefe iiber ^ustdnde und Begebenheiten in der Tiirkei aus denjahren 1835 bis 1839, Berlin 1876, 280; V. Cuinet, La Turquie d'Asie, ii, Paris 1892, 596-605; Shems al-Dm Saml, Kdmus al-acldm, 2574-6; Nejat Goyiing, Diyarbekir beylerbeyliginin ilk idari taksimati, in Tarih Dergisi, xxiii (1969), 33; Fiigen liter, Osmanhlara kadar Anadolu Turk kdprulm, Ankara 1978, 149-54; 1. Metin Kunt, Bir Osmanh valisinin yilhk gelir-gideri, Diyarbekir, 1670-71, Istanbul 1981, 75-6; M. van Bruinessen and H. Boeschoten (eds.), Evliya felebi in Diyarbekir, Leiden 1988, 121-5; I A, art. Siirt (Besim Darkot); Turt Ansiklopedisi, ix, 6663-6745 (by several authors, extensive bibl.). (SURAIYA FAROQHI) 2. Arabic dialect. The Arabic dialect of Sicird and the closely-related dialects of six neighbouring villages constitute a subgroup of the Anatolian branch of the Mesopotamian qaltu dialects [see CIRAK. iv. Languages (a) Arabic dialects]; they form a linguistic island in the Kurdish language area. A unique feature of the Sicird subgroup is the regular shift of the interdental fricatives /,, d and d (the latter resulting from the merger of O[ld] Afrabic] dad and £fl j ) to the labio-dental fricatives^ v and v (ba'af "he sent", wen "ear", varab "he beat", whor "noon"). OA q has been preserved as a voiceless uvular stop but alternates under undefined conditions with a glottal stop J or even zero, thus qdl ~ 3al ~ dl "he said"; in a few lexical items OA s can appear as q (qaw "earth"). The voiced pharyngal fricative c is devoiced to h word finally (jtalloh < ytalloc "he looks", cf. ytalfu "they look"); word final h in turn is pronounced rather weak and can be dropped altogether (ytallo "he looks", yro "he goes" but yrohu "they go"). Initial h has been elided in the demonstratives: dva "this (m.)", am "this (f.)", awle "these". The vowel system comprises five long vowels (i, u, e, d, d), all while preserving OA diphthongs ay and aw. As in all Anatolian qritu dialects, OA i and u have been merged into 9 (bmt "daughter", 9xt "sister"); in unstressed word final -?C the vowel has the allophones e and o depending on front or back consonant environment (yxallos "he frees", ymseg "he weaves"). Arabic verb stems II, III, V, VI and X have a single inflectional base for perfect and imperfect show-
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ing 9 (e/o) in the last syllable (xallos/yxallos "to free", c allem/ycallem "to teach", tcallem/y9tfallem "to learn", stanvor/y9stanvor "to wait"). The 1. person sing, perfect ends in -tu, a hallmark of the qdtu dialects (t'albmtu "I learned", sianwrtu "I waited"). In the imperfect, final -n has been dropped in the 2. f. sing, and 2. and 3. pers. pi., but stress has been retained on the final vowel (yrohu "they go", cf. Mardln yrohun). The characteristic copula of Anatolian q^ltu dialects is found also in Si'ird Arabic but precedes the predicate rather than following it (uwe mall "he is good", cf. Mardln maleh-we}. Bibliography: The only treatment so far is to be found in O. Jastrow, Die mesopotamisch-arabischen q9ltu-Dialekte, 2 vols., Wiesbaden 1978-81, esp. ii, 217-307. (O. JASTROW) SIKANDAR [see ISKANDAR]. SIKANDAR B. KUTB AL-Dm HINDAL, called BUTSHIKAN, sultan of Kashmir (r. 791-813/13891410), who derived his name of "idol breaker" from his rigorist Muslim policies and draconian measures against the local Hindus. As a minor, he had his mother as regent until 795/1393 when, with the support of the Bayhaki Sayyids [q.v. in Suppl.], refugees who had fled before Tlmur [q.v.], he threw off this tutelage and became the effective ruler, now having the khutba read in his own name and minting coins. The campaigns of Tlmur brought a considerable number of immigrants into India, and the most distinguished of these to reach Kashmir in Sikandar's reign was Sayyid Muhammad b. 'All Hamadanl, who remained in Kashmir for twelve years. The sultan lavished land-grants on him and on others, and built khdnakdhs for Sufi's. He also embarked on a strongly Muslim policy of enforcing the shanca, imposing the ajizya on non-Muslims and destroying Hindu temples. It was only after his death and the succession of his son 'All Shah that there was a reversion to more pacific and tolerant ways in Kashmir. Bibliography: Mohibbul Hasan, Kashmir under the Sultans, Calcutta 1959; R.K. Parmu, in M. Habib and K.A. Nizami (eds.), A comprehensive history of India v. The Delhi Sultanate, New Delhi 1970, 745-50. See also KASHMIR. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SIKANDAR LODI [see LODIS]. SIKANDAR SHAH, Sultan of Bengal, son of Ilyas Shah, the founder of the independent Sultanate in Bengal that lasted nearly two centuries. During his long rule (759-92/1358-90), Bengal enjoyed a steady growth and prosperity. Soon after his enthronement, Bengal was invaded by Flruz Shah Tughluk, the mighty Dihll Sultan. In order to avoid direct confrontation, Sikandar Shah retreated to Ekdala fort near his capital Pandu'a [q.v] and finally reached a peaceful settlement with Flruz Shah. Except for two years of exile in Sonarga'on, the famous Cishtl Shaykh cAlas alHakk lived mostly in Pandu'a during his reign. A great patron of architecture, Sikandar Shah is mostly remembered for Adlna Djamic Masdjid in Pandu'a—a very imposing architectural expression of its time in the Muslim world (see for it, Yolande Crowe, Reflections on the Adina Mosque at Pandua, in G. Michell (ed.), The Islamic heritage of Bengal, UNESCO, Paris 1984, 155-64). Epigraphic evidence suggests that his rule once extended up to the present district of Campanagar (see Mohammad Yusuf Siddiq, Arabic and Persian texts of the Islamic inscriptions of Bengal, Watertown, Mass. 1992, 107-8). Sikandar Shah died in a power struggle with his son and heir-apparent Ghiyath alDln Aczam Shah.
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Bibliography: Ghulam Husayn Sahm, Riydd alsaldtin, tr. Abdus Salam, Calcutta 1904; Mohammad Yusuf Siddiq, Dirdsdt fi 'l-haddra wa 'l-thakdfa alisldmiyyafi bildd al-Bangdl, Kushtia, Bangladesh 1992. (MOHAMMAD YUSUF SIDDIQ) SIKANDARABAD, SECUNDERABAD [see HAYDARABAD. a. City].
SIKBADJ (A.), a vinegar- and flour-based meat stew or broth cooked with vegetables, fruits, spices and date-juice. It was apparendy a popular c Abbasid dish but very likely considered simple folk's food, as borne out by the many anecdotes that make satirical mention of it. Its origins, however, seem to have been royal, namely the Sasanid court: Ibn Sayyar al-Warrak (d. second half 4th/10th century) mentions, in his K. al-Tabikh, ed. K. Ohrnberg and S. Mroueh, Helsinki 1987, 132, that Khusraw Anushirwan [q.v.] once asked several cooks to prepare the finest dish they knew and all independently cooked sikbdd^. (This perhaps explains the interest of certain 'Abbasid caliphs in the dish.) It merits inclusion here for its interesting appearances in: (1) numerous 3rd/9th- and 4th/ 10th-century collections (e.g. al-Shabushtf, al-Diydrdt, ed. cAwwad, Baghdad 1386/1966, 92; al-Djahiz, alBukhald3, ed. al-Hadjin, Cairo 1971, 24, 122, 288,'335; al-Azdl, al-Risdla al-Baghdddiyya, ed. al-Shaldjf, Beirut 1400-1980, 159, 167; al-Mascudr, Murud^, § 2905; (2) important adab collections of later centuries (e.g. Yakut, Udabd3, Cairo 1400/1980, xiii, 102; al-Ibshfhf, Mustatraf, Beirut 1988, i, 261); (3) two cookbooks, Ibn Sayyar, op. cit., 132-7, and Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Baghdadi (d. 637/1239), K. al-Tabikh, ed. al-Barudf, Beirut 1964, 13-14; (4) 'Abbasid proverbs (al-Talakam, Risdlat al-Amthdl al-Baghdddiyya allafi tadjn bayn al-cdmma (ajama'ahd fi sanat 421), ed. Massignon, Cairo n.d.); and (5) poetry—in one of Ibn al-Rumf's satires, for instance (Diwdn, ed. Nassar, Cairo 1973, 1062), and also in some verses by al-Kisafi" the younger, who, according to an anecdote reported by Ibn Abf Tahir [q.v.], was present one day when a certain Abu Ayyud presented a pot of sikbddj. to Ibn Mukarram (Mukram?) (Ibn al-Djarrah, al-Waraka, ed. cAzzam and Farradj, Cairo 1953, 9). Sikbdaj is an Arabicised word deriving from the Persian sik, meaning "vinegar", and bdhd (or bdfy} meaning "type", i.e. of meat; TA also suggests a derivation from sirka (vinegar) and bdca (trotters) (Lane, i, 1389). In al-Khatib al-Baghdadf, al-Tatfil wa-hikdydt al-tufayliyyin, Damascus 1346/1927, 86-7, sikbdaj is described as most delicious with eggplant (al-badhindj.dri). But, in keeping with the sarcasm that often accompanies the mention of sikbdaj, the gloss to the epithetic proverb surmat bakrd, used to describe an arrogant man, reads "the cow's anus is the best thing in sikbddj." (al-Talakam, op. cit., 18, no. 264). It is likely, therefore, that the opening line in a letter from Ibn Mukarram to the wit Abu 3l-eAyna [q.v.], which reads "I have a sikbdd} stew that is the envy of its connoisseurs ..." (al-Rakrk al-Kayrawani, Kutb al-surur, ed. al-Djundf, Damascus n.d., 352), is tongue-in-cheek. The preparation of sikbdd} has generated the verb sakbacfra and prompted the writing of at least two works, both lost, praising its virtues: the K. Fadd'il alsikbddj. of cUbayd Allah b. Ahmad b. Abl Tahir [q.v] (Fihrist, 147) and that of the great wit, Djahza [q.v] (Fihrist, 145, 317). The proverbs ild kam al-sikbdajl "What! Sikbddj again!", and Yd band kam sikbdajl loosely, "You blockhead! How much more sikbdaj (al-Talakani, op. cit., 8, no. 123, and 36, no. 597), are explained by al-Talakanl as proverbs to be used when one has had enough of
something. Indeed, it seems from the anecdotal literature that, satirically or otherwise, people either had enough, or could not get enough, of sikbddj.. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): al-Raghib al-Isfahanf, Muhddardt al-udabd3, Beirut 1961, i, 610; AJ. Arberry, A Baghdad cookery book, in 1C, xiii (1939), 34 (recipe), 200; S. alMunadjdjid, Bayn al-khulafd3 wa 'l-khula'd3, Beirut 1957, 79; M.M. Ahsan, Social life under the Abbasids, London 1982, 83, 143, 148, 236; D. Agius, Arabic literary works as a source of documentation for technical terms of the material culture, Berlin 1984, 265-9; Claudia Roden, Mediterranean cookery, New York 1987, 159 (recipe); D. Waines, In a Caliph's kitchen, London 1988, 13, 76-7 (recipe). (SHAWKAT M. TOORAWA) SIKHS (< Skr. shishya "disciple, learner"), a religious group of northern India whose beliefs and practices combine Islamic and Hindu elements and which was founded in the later 15th century by Nanak, the first Guru or teacher. 1. General. The authoritative rahit-ndma or manual of Sikhism of 1950, the Sikh Rahit Maryada, defines a Sikh as one who believes in Akdl Purakh ("the Eternal One"); in the ten Gurus ("preceptors", identified with the inner voice of God) and their teachings; in the Adi Granth ("the Ancient Book", the chief Sikh scripture, and the initiation (amrit) instituted by the tenth Guru; and in no other religion. In practice, this rigorous definition is widened to include persons who are not amrit-dhdn, i.e. those who have received the Khalsa initiation, but are also recognised as Sikhs, such as the Keshdharf Sikhs, who do not receive initiation yet keep their hair uncut. An act of the Indian Union legislature has defined a Sikh as "one who believes in the ten Gurus and the Granth Sahib ("Revered Book", sc. the Adi Granth}. The centre of Sikhism has always been the eastern Pandjab [q.v], where the Sikhs by ca. 1980 numbered some ten millions. But there was always a movement of Sikh traders to other parts of India, and after the mid-19th century this movement was enlarged beyond the subcontinent by the substantial numbers of Sikhs who served in the British Indian Army in such outposts as Hong Kong and Singapore, so that a limited migration began to Australia, New Zealand and Fiji, mostly of Jat (Djat) Sikhs (Jats being the dominant caste today in the rural parts of the Pandjab and Haryana states of the modern Indian Union, and a particularly prominent social element—over 60%— in the Sikh community), initially of unskilled labourers. Others moved to the west coast of North America and to East Africa, engaged, e.g. in railway construction. Early in the 20th century, these doors to emigration were closed, but after the Second World War there was extensive emigration from both India and Pakistan, mainly to Britain but also to North America. By the early 1990s, there were approaching half-a-million Sikhs in Britain plus communities of over 200,000 each in Canada and USA. (C.E. BOSWORTH) 2. Doctrines. Sikhism aimed at purifying the religious beliefs of the Hindus. The teachings of its founder were therefore mainly negative. He strongly protested against caste restrictions and superstitious beliefs. He preached absolute equality of mankind; he taught that mechanical worship and pilgrimages do not elevate the human soul; that spirit and not the form of devotion was the real thing. No salvation is possible without a true love
SIKHS of God and good deeds in this world. Sikhism, like Islam, condemns idolatry and teaches strict monotheism. Its God is the God of all mankind and of all religions, "whose name is true, the Creator, immortal, unborn, self-existent, great and beneficent" (Qap^T of Guru Nanak). Reverence for the Guru is much emphasised, for although "God is with man, but can only be seen by means of the Guru" (Macauliffe, The Sikh religion, ii, 347). Sikhism also believes in the doctrine of Karma and metempsychosis. The theology of Nanak was not formal; his sole object was to bring about a social and moral reform. Sikhism remained a pacific and tolerant cult until the social tyranny of the Hindus and political friction with Muslims transformed it into a militant creed. Govind Singh made Sikh theology more formal and prescribed rules for guidance in private and social affairs. He forbade the use of tobacco and wine, though the latter is now more freely indulged in by the Sikhs. The sacred book of the Sikhs is the Granth, which is held by them in great reverence. The first portion of it, called the Adi Granth was compiled, as mentioned below, section 3, by the fifth Guru Ardjan. It includes the hymns of the first five Gurus together with selections from the compositions of saints and reformers anterior to Nanak, notably Kablr, Namdev, Djay Dev, Ramanand and Shaykh Farld. The Granth is composed wholly in verse with different metres. The bulk of it is in archaic Hindi written in Gurmukhi characters; other portions are in various other Indian dialects and languages including Sanskrit, together with a few verses and tales in Persian (written in Gurmukhi script). The cosmopolitan views of Nanak were acceptable to both Hindus and Muslims; moreover, he did not prescribe any particular forms of worship, hence it is not surprising that he gained converts from both religions. But it was undoubtedly Hinduism—the faith of his own parents—whose social system he wanted to reform, therefore naturally his teachings were addressed to the Hindus rather than the Muslims. The majority of his disciples was derived from the Djat, Arora and Khatri castes; to the last of them belonged all the Gurus, including Nanak himself. To the Brahmans and Radjputs, whose social status was very high, the democratic tenets of Sikhism were less acceptable. The sects and sub-sects of the Sikhs are numerous, but the main divisions are two: (1) the Keshdhdns, otherwise called "Singhs", and (2) the Sahjdharis. The former represent the baptised and therefore more orthodox followers of Guru Govind Singh, while the latter were originally those who refused to accept his baptism and join the militant Khalsa. There are several other sects of Sikhism, including the Akalls (worshippers of Akal, the Immortal, Timeless God), a militant organisation founded by Govind Singh, which still retains a characteristic martial ardour. The Sikh shrines are scattered over the greater part of the Pandjab, but the better known among them are to be found in the Districts of Amritsar, Gurdaspur and Ffruzpur, the holiest of them being the Golden Temple of Amritsar and Nankana Sahib (near Lahore) the birthplace of Nanak, where annual fairs, attended by a very large number of Sikhs, are held. 3. History to 1849. Sikhism was founded, like Buddhism, as a protest against the spiritual despotism of the Brahmans and as a revolt against the restrictions of the caste system and the exaggeration of Hindu ritual. It aimed at teaching social equality and universal brotherhood,
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abolishing sectarianism and denouncing superstition. Nanak, the founder of the creed, was born of Khatri parentage in 1469 at Talwandl (now called after him Nankana), a small town not far from Lahore. He did not receive much school education, yet he was from his early youth given to meditation and original thinking, and was, like the Arabian prophet, gifted by nature with strong common sense. He showed an aversion from all sorts of worldly pursuits and it was with some difficulty that he was persuaded by his father to go to Sultanpur (at present in the Kapurthala District to the south-east of Amritsar) to enter the private service of Nawab Dawlat Khan Lodi, the governor of the province. The Nawab appointed him storekeeper to his household, and he performed his official duties for several years to the satisfaction of his employer. In his leisure hours he retired to the jungle for meditation, and tradition says that in one of these devotional excursions he was taken in a vision to the Divine Presence and there received his mission to preach to the world that "there is but one God whose name is True, the Creator, devoid of fear and enmity, immortal, unborn, self-existent, great and bountiful". Nanak now left the service of the Nawab and became (at the age of 30) a public preacher. He began a series of tours in the course of which he visited all parts of India, particularly the sacred places of the Hindus and shrines of Muslim saints. Wherever he went he held controversies with priests and shaykhs, demonstrated the futility of their belief in dogmas and rituals, and taught the necessity of self-denial, morality and truth. He is also said to have travelled through Persia and to have visited Mecca and Baghdad. In Persia and Afghanistan he gained converts and even established dioceses (mantis)., notably at Bushahr and Kabul (Sewaram Singh Thapar, Life of Guru Nanak, Rawalpindi 1904, 73). It is not stated, however, whether he knew enough Persian or Arabic to be able to preach to the people of these Islamic countries. The statement of the Siyar al-muta3akhkhinn that Nanak studied Persian and Muslim theology with one Sayyid Hasan has been rejected by the modern Hindu and Sikh critics. "This", says one of them, "seems to be an effort on the part of a Muslim writer to give the credit of Nanak's subsequent greatness to the teachings of Islam" (G.C. Narang, The transformation of Sikhism, Lahore 1912, 9). Macauliffe, however, was inclined to accept that Nanak was "a fair Persian scholar" (The Sikh Religion, i, 15), but did not mention the source whence he received his instruction in that language. For the last ten years of his life, Nanak settled at Kartarpur, a village founded in his honour by a very rich sympathiser on the bank of the Rawi, where he continued to preach his new religion to the numerous visitors whom his piety attracted from far and wide. He died at the age of 70 in 1539, leaving behind him a fairly large number of disciples (sikhs) and two sons, one of whom named Sri Cand founded the Udasi sect (see above, section 2). Shortly before his death, Nanak nominated one of his devoted followers named Angad (a Khatri like himself) to succeed him as guru (apostle) of the Sikhs. After performing the ceremony of nomination, he declared that Angad was as himself and that his own spirit would dwell in him. Nanak had already preached the doctrine of metempsychosis, but this particular declaration gave rise to the belief among the Sikhs that the spirit of Nanak was transmitted to each succeeding guru in turn, and this is why all of them adopted Nanak as their nom-de-plume in their compositions. Guru Angad occupied the office of apostle for
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13 years until his death in 1552. Tradition ascribes to him the invention of the Gurmukhi characters in which the sacred writings of the Sikhs have been preserved, but it has been pointed out, notably by Grierson and Rose, that the Gurmukhi script is of a different and earlier origin (JRAS [1916], 677; HA Rose, A glossary of the tribes and castes of the Punjab, Lahore 1911-19, i, 677). The tradition may have arisen from the fact that Guru Angad adopted the script in recording the life and compositions of Nanak. Amar Das, the third guru of the Sikhs, was nominated by Angad himself. His ministry lasted 22 years (1552-74), and was marked by his taking the first steps towards a religious and social organisation of the Sikhs. Missionary work was undertaken by him in a systematic manner; over twenty dioceses (mandjis) were established in various parts of the country, where some of his zealous disciples preached the gospel of Sikhism. In order to promote feelings of equality and brotherhood among the increasing number of Sikhs, he maintained a public refectory (langar) where all ate together without distinction of caste or creed. Amar Das cultivated friendly relations with the Mughal Emperor Akbar, who visited him at his own residence in Goindwal (on the Beas) and granted him a large estate. This very much enhanced his prestige and helped to increase the number of fresh converts. He kept up the spirit of Nanak in his own ethical teachings, denounced the superstitious customs of the Hindus, particularly the practice of widow-burning (sati), and enjoined re-marriage of widows. Amar Das was succeeded by his favourite disciple and son-in-law Ram Das, who propagated the tenets of Sikhism with a still larger measure of success. He had the good fortune to find in Akbar a warm admirer who was ever keen to do him favour. The Emperor granted him (in 1577) a large plot of land in which he began the excavation of the sacred tank (meant for the devotional ablutions of the Sikhs) which was afterwards named amrit sar "the pool of nectar". Around the tank the Guru founded a small town, which he called after himself Ramdaspur and which subsequently grew into the now-flourishing city of Amritsar. The construction of the tank was completed by his son Ardjan the fifth guru, who, in the midst of it, founded the Har Mandar—the temple dedicated to God—as a common place of worship for the Sikhs. To Europeans it is now known as "the Golden Temple of Amritsar". The Guru declared that "by bathing in the tank of Ram Das, all the sins that man committeth shall be done away, and he shall become pure by his ablutions" (Macauliffe, op. cit., iii, 13). Thus was created a Mecca for the Sikhs, a centre for their national life. Ardjan succeeded his father in 1581, and henceforward the office of Guru became hereditary. Ardjan took further steps to organise the Sikhs as a community. The greatest service that he rendered to the cause of Sikhism was the compilation of the Granth, the sabred book of the Sikhs. Guru Angad had already committed to writing the life and compositions of Nanak; Ardjan carried the work further and added thereto the hymns of the next three Gurus, which he carefully collected. To these he added his own numerous compositions along with considerable extracts from the writings of several Hindu and Muslim saints anterior to Nanak. "It was one of the Guru's objects to show the world that there was no superstition in the Sikh religion, and that every good man, no matter of what caste or creed, was worthy of honour and reverence" (Macauliffe, op. cit., iii, 61). The volume
thus compiled by Guru Ardjan (completed in 1604 after some years of labour) is called the Adi Granth as distinguished from the Dasam Granth or the Granth of the tenth Guru (see below). Ardjan was an ambitious and enterprising leader. He combined business with spiritual guidance and deputed Masands (collectors or agents) to various districts of the country to realise the Guru's dues, which so far were only voluntarily offered by the disciples. This brought him wealth and with it pomp and show. He styled himself saca pddshdh "the true King", which clearly marks his ambition for political power. He encouraged commercial enterprise among his disciples, and sent them not only to various parts of India but also to Afghanistan and Central Asia for purposes of trade and propagation of the Sikh faith. In 1606, Ardjan financially helped Prince Khusraw who had rebelled against his father, the Emperor Djahangfr. After the defeat of the Prince, the Guru was imprisoned, by the Emperor's command, at Lahore, where he shortly afterwards died. During the Guruship of Ardjan's son and successor Hargovind (1606-45), Sikhism made a great advance. The first four Gurus were peaceful teachers of quietism and self-denial, but Ardjan initiated the policy of secular aggrandisement, while Hargovind openly adopted active resistance, which marks the beginning of the military career of the Sikhs. He was by nature a soldier, passionately devoted to the chase and manly games. Systematic collection of tithes and offerings had made him extremely rich, and he was not slow to assume kingly authority. He cherished a hatred of Djahangfr, to whom he ascribed the death of his father; a desire for revenge was certainly one of the causes of his resorting to arms. He enlisted in his service a number of outlaws, malcontents and freebooters, "built the stronghold of Hargovindpur on the Beas and thence harried the plains. He had a stable of 800 horses; three hundred mounted followers were constantly in attendance upon him, and a guard of sixty matchlock-men secured the safety of his person" (J.D. Cunningham, A history of the Sikhs, ed. H.L.O. Garrett, Oxford 1918, 56). The alarming reports of the Guru's military organisation reached the Emperor, who summoned him to his court and ordered his internment in the fort of Gwaliyar. He was released after some time, but the imprisonment gave him a further cause of resentment. Soon after the death of Djahangfr and the accession to the throne of the Emperor Shahdjahan, Hargovind assumed a defiant attitude and took up arms against the government. In the course of six years, he thrice defeated the troops sent against him by the governor of Lahore. But he feared vengeance on the part of Shahdjahan and retired to the hills, where he lived unmolested until his death in 1645. Under Hargovind, the Sikh faith was greatly transformed. They ceased to be mere recluses, and their Guru was no longer a mere spiritual guide, but a military leader as well. They felt their strength and saw the possibility of future political power. Hargovind was succeeded by his grandson Har Ray, who was, unlike his grandfather, of a retiring nature. He had intimate friendly relations with Dara Shikoh [q.v.], the eldest son of Shahdjahan, and in 1658, when Dara wandered in exile pursued by the hostile troops of his younger brother Awrangzib, Har Ray assisted him in crossing the Beas and reaching a comparatively safe locality. Of course, he incurred the displeasure of Awrangzib, who summoned him to Dihlf to answer for this affront. He sent on his own behalf his son
SIKHS Ram Ray who was detained at the imperial court as a hostage to insure the peaceful conduct of his father. Har Ray died in 1661 and his younger son Har Kishan (a child of six) succeeded him. His right to the Guruship was disputed by Ram Ray who laid his own case before Awrangzfb. The infant apostle was invited to Dihll to settle the dispute with his brother. There he was attacked by smallpox and died (1664). There followed a struggle for succession after the death of Har Kishan, and it was after much opposition that Tegh Bahadur, son of Hargovind, was acknowledged as Guru from among a score of candidates for the pontifical throne. His opponents continued to assert their claims, and some of them were even set up as rival Gurus. Tegh Bahadur retired, in some bitterness, to the Siwalik Hills and there founded Anandpur, a town which played a part of some importance in the subsequent annals of the Sikhs. Further, he set out on an extensive tour in India, visiting the Deccan and the Eastern Bengal, where Sikh centres already existed. In the course of his travels, he resided for some time at Patna, the seat of one of the main centres (takhts), where his son Govind Ray, the future Guru and the real founder of the political power of the Sikhs, was born (1666). Tegh Bahadur's influence as Guru extended as far as Ceylon in the south and Assam in the east. After a time, he returned to the Pandjab, where he "maintained himself and his disciples by plunder". He "gave a ready asylum to all fugitives and his power interfered with the prosperity of the country" (Cunningham, op. cit., 64). The imperial troops marched against him, and he was made prisoner and brought to Dihlf, where he was put to death by the order of Awrangzfb (1675). The popular story is related in the Gurmukhi chronicles that, while in the presence of the Emperor, the Guru prophesied the coming of the English and destruction of Mughal power at their hands. The words uttered by him on this occasion "became the battle-cry of the Sikhs in the assault on Dihli in 1857 under General John Nicholson and thus the prophecy of the ninth Guru was gloriously fulfilled" (Macauliffe, iv, 381). The figure of Tegh Bahadur's son Govind Ray, who was saluted as Guru after the execution of his father in 1675, is perhaps the most prominent in the history of the Sikhs. He succeeded to the apostleship as a mere boy, but ended his career by completely transforming a community of mere devotees into a nation of warriors who were destined to rule the Pandjab for nearly a century. The violent death of his father seems to have left a lasting impression on his young mind, and he cherished a bitter hatred towards Awrangzfb. But the power of the latter was too great to allow the possibility of revenge. He was therefore compelled to retire to the hills in order to be left in peace and receive the training necessary to befit him for the task of leadership. For twenty years he lived there, occupying himself in hunting and acquiring a knowledge of the sacred languages of the Muslims and Hindus and their religions. He nurtured his feeling of vengeance and formed his plans for the future with a view to destroying the power of the Mughals. He set about the task of uniting the Sikhs into a nation by promoting amongst them feelings of democratic equality. He admitted both high and low into his fold and conducted a vigorous war against the caste system. In order to create uniformity in spirit as well as in form, he instituted the ceremony of initiation or baptism called pahul. The suffix "Singh" was to be added to the name of every baptised Sikh, the Guru himself to be called in future Govind Singh.
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He denominated his initiated disciples the Khalsa (the pure, elect, liberated) or Khalisa (in the past, considered to stem directly from Arabic khalasa "to be pure", but now thought to come from khalisa "land belonging directly to the ruler"). By his prolonged residence in the hills, Govind Singh wanted, besides carrying on his proselytising activities uninterrupted, to secure the assistance of the numerous hill chiefs against what he called the tyranny of Muslim rule. But in these objects he entirely failed, for the hill Radjas whose dynasties had ruled independently since time immemorial generally resented democratising principles being taught to their subjects and they unanimously resisted the religious propaganda of Govind. Failing to secure their alliance by friendly means, he tried the experiment of force. From his retreat at Anandpur he led marauding expeditions into their territories carrying away all that he could lay his hands on. The Radjput chiefs of Bilaspur, Katoc, Handur, Djasrota and Nalagafh united to attack the Guru with an army of 10,000. He opposed them at the head of 2,000 of his followers, including 500 Pathans whom he kept in his service, and won his victory at Bhangani chiefly through the help of Sayyid Budhu Shah, chief of Sadhora. Govind's power now increased; he had a number of retreats in the hills and his depredations in the adjoining territories grew more frequent and violent. The Radjas jointly appealed for help to Awrangzlb, who despatched orders to the governor of Sirhind to effect an alliance with them and attack the Guru. In the battle that ensued, he was defeated and took refuge in the fortress of Anandpur (1701). Here he was besieged by the imperial forces and the siege was prolonged. Provisions ran short and his followers deserted him. His family, including his mother, wives and young boys, effected their escape to Sirhind, where they were betrayed and the two children were put to death. Govind himself escaped in disguise, and with a few faithful followers fled to the fortress of Camkawr (in the present district of Amballa) hotly pursued by the enemy. He was forced to leave Camkawr and again fly for his life. He wandered in disguise from place to place until he reached the wastes of Bhatinda, halfway between Ffruzpur and Dihll. "His disciples again rallied round him and he succeeded in repulsing his pursuers at a place since called 'Muktsar' or the Pool of Salvation", constructed in commemoration of the Sikhs who fell in the action. For some time he settled at a place called Damdama halfway between Hans! and Ffruzpur, where he occupied himself in preaching and composing the Dasam Granth (see below), which is regarded by the Sikhs as supplement to the Adi Granth compiled by Guru Ardjan. Meanwhile, Awrangzfb died and was succeeded by his son Bahadur Shah I [q.v.], who, contrary to the policy of his father, sought to conciliate the Guru. He conferred upon him the military command of the Deccan whither he proceeded to assume his charge. But shortly after his arrival there, he was stabbed by one of his Afghan servants for some private grievance, and he died at Nander on the banks of the Godawari (October 1708). On his deathbed, he refused to nominate anyone to succeed him, but enjoined upon his disciples to look upon the Granth as their future Guru, and upon God as their sole protector, thus putting an end to the apostolic succession. Govind's end came before his object had been achieved, "but his spirit survived to animate the Sikhs with courage". Govind Singh was succeeded, not as a Guru but as a military leader of the Sikhs, by Banda, a Radjput
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of Kashmir belonging to the Bayragi order. Meeting Govind in the Deccan, he was converted to Sikhism and styled himself Banda or "slave" (of the Guru). Banda was charged by Govind to return to the Pandjab and urge the Sikhs to avenge the murder of his children and unite to destroy Muslim despotism. The Sikhs "flocked to him, ready to fight and die under his banner". At heart, Banda was ambitious, and under the pretext of carrying out the orders of the Guru he sought to attain to political power. He began his operations in the Pandjab by committing highway robberies, freely distributing the spoils among his adherents. This attracted many criminals—"scavengers, leather-dressers and such like persons who were very numerous among the Sikhs"—to his person. The Mughal power, after the death of Awrangzlb, was fast declining; constant struggle among his sons and grandsons for the throne left the Sikhs free to increase their power, and the criminal activities of Banda went unchecked. He proceeded, with an army of lawless freebooters, from town to town in the very neighbourhood of Dihll, plundering and mercilessly slaughtering the Muslims in thousands. Prospects of plunder and the sacred duty of avenging the death of the Guru's children swelled the number of Banda's followers. The accursed town of Sirhind, where the children were done to death, was stormed by them in May 1710 and freely given to plunder. The Sikhs perpetrated horrible atrocities on the Muslim inhabitants of the town, whom they butchered without distinction of age or sex. They extended their destructive activities to the very walls of Dihlf. The Emperor Bahadur Shah, who was away in the Deccan, was alarmed on hearing the reports of these outrages and forthwith hastened to the Pandjab to make redress. The imperial troops defeated Banda, but he escaped to the adjoining hills. The death of Bahadur Shah in 1712 was followed by a war of succession between his sons, from which Djahandar Shah came out successful. He was, however, murdered, after a short reign of eleven months, by his nephew Farrukhsiyar [q.v.], who now ascended the degraded throne of Dihlf. These commotions were favourable to the Sikhs, who once more began to ravage the country under the notorious Banda. Farrukhsiyar charged cAbd al-Samad Khan, governor of the Pandjab, to put a stop to the atrocities of the Sikhs. With a large army he pursued Banda, who was at last besieged in the fortress of Gurdaspur on the Rawi. Finally, he was seized, made prisoner and brought to Dihll where he was tortured to death (1716). The defeat and death of Banda was followed by a period of reaction and a severe persecution of the Sikhs in the reign of Farrukhsiyar. They were declared outlaws; many of them abandoned their faith, but the more loyal among them were forced to take shelter in the hills and forests. Successive governors of the Pandjab, notably Mu c m al-Mulk, better known as Mir Mannu, carried out the repressive policy of Farrukhsiyar, and for a time it seemed that the Sikh community would become extinct. But the Mughal power was rapidly decaying, and in the Pandjab it was more notably weakened by the frequent invasions of Ahmad Shah Abdall or Durrani [q.v.]. The distracted state of the province was favourable to the Sikhs, who began gradually to reappear and reorganise themselves. They built several fortresses and acquired wealth by freely plundering the defenceless towns. The centre of their national activities was Amritsar, which they greatly enriched and fortified. Prince Tlmur, who governed the Pandjab in the name of his father Ahmad Shah
Durrani, was hostile to the Sikhs. In 1756 he attacked Amritsar, demolished the Har Mandar and filled the sacred tank with the debris. The Sikhs mobilised in large numbers to avenge this outrage, and succeeded in driving the Prince out of Lahore, which they temporarily occupied. Their military leader Djassa Singh Kalal ("the brewer") struck coins in his own name with a Persian inscription. But the advent of the Marathas under Raghoba (in 1758) made them retire from Lahore, and brought the ferocious Ahmad Shah for the fifth time to the Pandjab. He inflicted a crushing defeat on the Marafhas in the memorable battle of Panfpat [q.v.] (1761). The Sikhs became active as soon as he left the Pandjab and regained their lost power. He therefore came back with the definite object of breaking their power and recover his territories. In a desperate battle fought near Ludhiana (1762), he totally defeated them with heavy carnage, but he had soon to leave the Pandjab in order to suppress a rebellion at Kandahar. The Sikhs recovered soon, and in 1763 they defeated Zayn Khan, the Afghan governor of Sirhind, which they sacked and destroyed. Once more they took possession of Lahore, and this time their hold was more permanent. They assembled at Amritsar and proclaimed the regime of the Khalsa as supreme in the Pandjab (1764). The sovereign authority was vested in a national council called the Gurwnatta. The coins of the Sikh commonwealth bore the Persian inscription: Dig u tigh u fath u nusrat bl dirang Toft az Nanak Guru Govind Singh "Guru Govind Singh received from Nanak The sword, the bowl and victory unfailing" (Khazan Singh, The history and philosophy of the Sikh religion, Lahore 1914, 264). Now that the common danger which confronted the Sikhs was removed, they became disunited and divided into a number of states or confederacies called Misals. These Misals were twelve in number, governed independently of each other by their respective chiefs (Sarddr [q.v.]), who were under no supreme authority and had nothing in common with one another except their religion. "They were almost constantly engaged in civil war, grouping and regrouping in the struggle for pre-eminence". They were "loosely organised and varied from time to time in power and even in designation". After thirty years of this variable rule in the Pandjab, there appeared on the scene a strong man who united these jarring confederacies into a compact sovereignty. This was Randjft Singh. Randjft Singh's father Maha Singh was the chief of the Sukerchakia Misal with its headquarters at Gudjranwala, 40 miles to the north of Lahore. At the age of 12 (in 1792), he succeeded to his father. He gradually rose to power through his personal character and genius with which he was gifted by nature. In 1799 he acquired possession of Lahore through a royal investiture granted to him by Zaman Shah (grandson of Ahmad Shah Abdalf), who was still looked upon as virtual ruler of the Pandjab. Amritsar was reduced by Randjlt Singh in 1802. The possession of Lahore and Amritsar, the two most important towns of the Pandjab, made his personality conspicuous and enlarged his prestige. He assumed the tide of Maharadja and continued to extend his possessions until gradually he annexed all the Misals to his dominions. With the English, whose territories now extended to the Sutlej, Randjlt Singh had friendly relations. A treaty of alliance was concluded between the two powers in 1809, which Randjft Singh very faithfully observed. He organised a powerful military force
SIKHS trained by some of the European generals, notably French ones, who had previously served under Napoleon, and who after Waterloo came to the Pandjab to enter the service of the Maharadja. With this force, he was able to reduce the whole of the Pandjab, annex Kashmir (in 1819) and Peshawar (in 1834). He died in 1839, leaving behind him a consolidated kingdom extending from the Sutlej to the Hindu Kush, but no one among his heirs was capable enough to manage it. Three of his sons ascended the throne in rapid succession; conspiracies were rife and led to assassinations, civil war and enormous bloodshed. The army had become uncontrollable and spread terror throughout the country. The court at last found an outlet for its activities by inciting the army leaders to cross the Sutlej and invade the British territory. This led to the first Sikh War (December 1845), in the course of which the Sikhs were defeated by the British general Sir Hugh (afterwards Lord) Gough in four successive battles fought at Firuzshah and Mudkl (in the present district of Flruzpur) and cAliwal and Sobraon near Ludhiana (January-February 1846). "The victory opened the way to Lahore, which was promptly occupied by the Governor-General" (sc. Sir Henry Hardinge). The Sikh Durbar accepted the British resident (Sir Henry Lawrence) to act as President of the Council of Regency to the minor Maharadja Dallp Singh, son of Randjit Singh. The revolt of Diwan Mubradj, governor of Multan, against the government at Lahore (in 1848) tempted the Sikhs again to take up arms against the British. War was consequently declared, and Lord Gough inflicted two heavy defeats on the Sikh army, first at Cilianwala and then at Gujrat (early 1849). The Pandjab was declared annexed to the British dominions and Sikh rule came to an end. The dethroned Dallp (Duleep) Singh was given a Government of India pension, and later retired to England and the life of a country gentleman, becoming a Christian and dying in 1893. (MUHAMMAD IQBAL*) 4. History after 1849. Having experienced the fighting qualities of the Sikhs, the Chief Commissioner of the Pandjab after 1852, Sir John Lawrence, recruited Sikhs in considerable numbers into the British Indian Army. These Sikh troops, as also the Sikh ajdgirddrs or landowners who had retained part at least of their holdings or had received compensatory pensions, remained firmly loyal to the crown during the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857-8, with the Khalsas forming nearly one-third of the 60,000 troops raised by the British at that time. After this, the proportion of Sikhs in the Army increased. New regulations requiring Sikh soldiers to observe the external symbols of the Khalsa order, such as letting beards and hair grow long, played a notable role in the Sikhs' retention of their separate identity at a time when some European observers thought Sikhism likely to decline and cUsappear. In the second half of the 19th century, there was a perceptible ferment among the Sikhs, with various movements aiming at religious, social and political revival. Thus the Namdharfs or Kukas, followers of Baba Ram Singh, formed a millenarian and iconoclastic movement in the central Pandjab, objecting inter alia to Muslim butchers killing cattle for beef, and their activities culminated in British military action in the Ludhiana District against the Kukas in 1872 and the exiling of Baba Ram Singh to Burma. The Singh Sabha movement which began towards the end of the century was largely concerned with religious
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and educational reform. It reflected a certain feeling of threat from conversions to Christianity and, to a lesser extent, to Islam, but much more from the militant Hindu Arya Samaj movement. The Singh Sabha reformers welcomed English education, and the Indian government founded several Sikh schools and colleges in different parts of the Pandjab. A reflection of a new interest by European scholars in Sikhism as a religious phenomenon was M.A. Macauliffe's 6-volume study, The Sikh religion, its Gurus, sacred writings and authors (Oxford 1909, repr. Delhi 1963, 1986). The reformers also advocated the use of Pandjabf [q.v.] in Gurmukhi script rather than of Urdu or of Hindi in Devanagiri script. During the First World War, recruitment for military service was higher amongst the Sikhs than amongst any other group in India, and Sikhs fought courageously in France, East Africa and the Middle East. There was, however, unrest among some sections of the Sikh community back in the Pandjab, initially fanned by a new organisation, which had originated within the Sikh diaspora on the west coast of North America, the so-called Ghadarf ("Mutiny") movement; acts of terrorism led to police and military repression in 1915. Between 1918 and 1947 the Sikhs were involved in intense political activity. Initially, there were clashes with the Government of India over control of the gurdawaras or Sikh temples, and there ensued from 1921 onwards the so-called "Third Sikh War", a mainly, but not wholly, non-violent struggle, led by the radical Akalfs ("immortals"), basically a movement of the masses rather than of the professional and landed classes. Their demands were not assuaged by the 1925 Sikh Gurdawaras Act which handed over the historic shrines to a 160-man elected body. Politically articulate Sikhs now became concerned with the question of adequate representation of the community within the Pandjabf membership of the Council of State and the Legislative Assembly. During the Second World War, Sikhs again cooperated with the Indian government, but with less enthusiasm than previously. The Akalfs in general favoured the unity and integrity of the subcontinent, as did the Indian National Congress, but if there was to be a separate Pakistan, they wanted a separate Sikh "Khalistan" also. A substantial number of Sikh prisoners-of-war joined the Japanese puppet organisation, the Indian National Army. The Partition of August 1947 divided the Sikhs geographically, but with the greater part of them in India. Most of the Sikhs now within Pakistan, some 2 ]/2 millions, emigrated to India, displacing Muslims fleeing from East Pandjab. In 1951 Sikhs formed about 35% of the Indian Pandjab State, with Hindus over 62%. The scale of Indian government compensation for refuges was low and created much hardship. The central government refused to give any statutory weighting for a religious minority like the Sikhs, and also refused to extend to the Sikh scheduled (i.e. lowest) castes the concessions and reservations given to the Hindu scheduled castes (subsequently granted in 1956). A general sense of grievance increased Sikh demands for an autonomous Sikh state. In 1966 it was agreed to make a separate Sikh majority state in the Indian Union, Pandjabf-speaking and some 56% Sikh. But this proved inadequate to still discontent, and in 1973 the Akall Dal party passed the so-called Anandpur Resolution demanding greater autonomy. Relations with New Delhi continued to deteriorate, and in June 1984 the Indian Army assaulted a group of radical Sikhs entrenched within
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SIKHS — SIKILLIYA
the Golden Temple complex of Amritsar, with estimated total casualties of 5-6,000. It was a Sikh who, in retaliation, murdered the Indian Prime Minister Mrs Indira Gandhi in October 1984. The movement for an autonomous Khalistan continues. Bibliography. For older sources in Persian and studies in English, see the Bibl. to the El1 art. s.v. Of more recent literature, see: 1. Doctrines. W.H. McLeod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh religion, Oxford 1968, repr. Delhi 1976; idem, The evolution of the Sikh community., Oxford 1976; J.S. Grewal, Guru Nanak in history, 2Chandigarh 1979; McLeod, Textual sources for the study ofSikhism, Chicago 1991; J.R. Hinnells (ed.), A new dictionary of religions, Oxford 1995, s.w. Sikh, etc. 2. History. H.R. Gupta, History of the Sikhs, 3 vols. Lahore 1944; Khushwant Singh, Ranjit Singh, Maharaja of the Punjab, London 1962; Khushwant Singh, A history of the Sikhs, Oxford 1963-6, 2Delhi 1991; Fauja Singh, The military system of the Sikhs, Delhi 1964; McLeod, The Sikhs. History, religion and society, New York 1989; Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab (The New Cambridge history of India, II. 3), Cambridge 1990, with valuable "Bibliographical essay", 246-54. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SIKILLIYA or SIKILLIYYA, Arabic adaptation of the Greek InceXia (with the variants noted by Yakut, iii, 406), as a name of the island of Sicily (but sometimes used to indicate the city of Palermo alone). AlBakri (482, § 812), following the classical sources, gives the mythic etymology evoking the eponymous Sfkul(os), brother of Ital(os), while also supplying, in what is actually a considerably distorted form, the ancient Greek name TpivocKpiex. Al-Himyan, who follows him in these data, retains for his part, implicit in a verse of Ibn Rashlk (d. 463/1071 [q.v.]), the false etymology, owed to the philologist Ibn al-Birr [q.v.], which explains the name as derived fromCTVKTIand eXccm, respectively "fig-tree" and "olive-tree". 1. History and culture. (a) The image of Sicily among the Arabs Geographical information concerning Muslim Sicily, as supplied by the sources (about a score of them), varies perceptibly, from a formal point of view, according to the character of the sources themselves: works of cosmography or of descriptive geography, toponomastic catalogues or accounts of journeys. In dimension it varies from a few lines giving information in an almost casual manner, to the "medium" account, typical of the general treatises but also sometimes specialised glossaries, and finally to the wide pictures which we owe to Ibn Hawkal and Ibn Djubayr [q.v.]. A special place should be reserved for the work of al-Idrlsf [q.v.], who excels over all the other writers in the systematic nature of his survey, the only example of a genuine description, accompanied by all the available detail, of Sicily in the mid-6th/12th century. Furthermore, the case of al-IdrfsT, the accredited geographer at the Norman court of Roger II, as well as those of Ibn Hawkal and Ibn Djubayr, who visited the island in 362/972-3 and 578/1184-5 respectively, serve to underline the fact that the greater, and often the best part of the available information concerning the Sicilian environment of the time, derives principally from writers who had the opportunity of experiencing it personally (it is for this reason that the journey through Sicily of Abu Hamid al-Gharnatr in 511/1117, and al-Harawf's visit to Etna after 5689/1173, have left no trace other than the disappointment, expressed by the latter, of not having seen a single samandal dive into the crater, a spectacle which
had been described to him). For the rest, from alMukaddasf to the authors of the 8th/14th century, it should be stressed that their testimony, essentially indirect, is of interest only in its capacity to surprise us with unexpected notions (such as the recollection of the Cyclops in the work of al-Bakn, already mentioned for his familiarity with classical culture), or in that it conveys, according to the convention of wordfor-word transmission, texts that have disappeared, as is done by Yakut who often draws upon sources as specific as the Ta'nkh Sikilliya by Ibn al-Kattac [q.v] and Abu 'All al-Hasan b. Yahya (6th/llth century), while al-Himyan, for example, is largely dependent either on al-Idrfsf or on Ibn Djubayr. Of general geographical observations concerning Sicily, the essential points are to be found among almost all the writers, who are aware of its triangular shape as well as its location, in relation either to Africa or to the Italian peninsula and to the smaller islands, who indicate, each in his own fashion, its dimensions and sometimes even the astronomical co-ordinates, who finally give details, and this is especially true of al-Idnsf, of the distances from one locality to another. But the theme which takes precedence over all others, in the same context of physical geography, is without doubt that of Etna, the "mountain of fire" as the Arab authors call it, which with its imposing height, its perpetual snows, the chasm at its summit, the winds which reverberated there, the smoke and lava which it spewed out, could not but excite their curiosity and their imagination. It is for this reason that they stress the marvellous and mysterious aspects of these phenomena, which both astonish and enchant them, although they are concerned less with explaining them than with describing them, in varying degrees of detail. Moreover the description of the landscape, brief though it is, clearly reveals admiration for everything which this island seems to possess in exceptional measure; it tends to evoke the notion of a land distinguished by pleasant localities and fertile soil, unbelievable abundance of water and richness of crops, in a word the prosperity of its numerous inhabitants, grouped according to al-Idrlsf in 130 major urban centres, without counting the villages and fortresses, of which al-eUmarI has meticulously compiled a list of 34 sites. As if in a refrain, the authors incessantly repeat their praise of a vegetation which spreads its richness in urban gardens as well as in mountain forests, reserves of wood for boat-building, or in the innumerable kitchen-gardens and orchards, supplying all kinds of vegetables and fruits. In this picture, supplemented by the mention of flourishing crops, wheat in particular, as well as pastures sufficient for the raising of substantial herds of cattle, the most striking feature is the presence, almost everywhere at this time, of hydraulic resources such that Sicily was never to enjoy in later times. This was rightly considered by the Arab authors themselves a considerable boon, and it is this which stands out in particular, to mention only two illuminating examples, from the scrupulous care which Ibn Hawkal devotes to information concerning the water-supply of Palermo, and in parallel from the concern for meticulous precision with which al-Idrfsf, alone, sets out to describe the course of the rivers: Nahr al-Sulla, al-Karib (= Belice), al-Wadf alMallh (- Salso), Wadf Musa (- Simeto), etc. With the single exception of Yakut, however, the same authors seemed to be unaware of the fact that the origin of the prosperity owed to the development of agriculture, besides the favourable natural conditions, had
SIKILLIYA been the division into small plots of landed property which had been set in motion by the Muslim conquest, and finally, the work of the conquerors themselves, especially those of Berber origin, who were known for their agricultural skills. It is they who were responsible, among other things, for the introduction into this environment, where the crocus and the violet, according to al-Idrfsi, grew spontaneously, of "exotic" plants such as citrus fruits, cotton and dates, sugar-cane and the mulberry. This enrichment of the already varied vegetal repertoire of a land blessed with extraordinary fertility seemed to be symbolically illustrated by the silhouettes of thousands of windmills standing out against the sky, alternating with the battlements of numerous impressive castles. If to this is added information regarding mineral products—the jasper and the sal ammoniac of Etna, the sulphur and the pumice-stone and, it is said, the gold of the same mountain, the iron in the neighbourhood of Messina and the oilwells near Syracuse—and finally regarding the fruits of the sea, the tunny and the coral in the Sea of Trapani for example, a glimpse of the economy of Arabo-Norman Sicily is genuinely seductive. It is a picture which is both established and brought to life wherever the authors uncover the traces of prolific activity on the part of craftsmen, and of an almost feverish circulation of merchandise, to the interior and with the exterior; where they indicate the existence of markets, work-shops and emporia, of warehouses and shops; where they evoke the coming and going of ships, Sicilian and foreign, in the ports, favoured sites of commerce. And while on this subject, too, it is al-ldrlsl who, in his methodical fashion, provides the most exhaustive information, mention should also be made in this context of the two texts, as brief as they are eloquent, in which Ibn Hawkal, on the one hand, shows his concern for precision as he lists all the small businesses of the suk of Palermo, and Ibn Djubayr, on the other hand, having just escaped from a terrifying shipwreck, turns to contemplate the spectacle of the port of Messina with "boats aligned along the quay, like a row of horses tethered in the stables". Furthermore, these two travellers deserve credit for having left unique testimony regarding the social, and to an extent political reality of the island, without which the human geography of Sicily at that time would be almost unknown, and its image in the minds of the Arabs deprived of some essential traits. It is known that they visited the place in totally different circumstances, Ibn Hawkal at the finest hour of Kalbi domination, Ibn Djubayr at the zenith of the prosperity of Arabo-Norman civilisation. But it is also known that what gives their accounts a decidedly original and partially conflicting tone is the role played by personal temperament: rather cold and detached in the case of Ibn Hawkal, endowed with an acute spirit of observation, but also sceptical and prejudiced, always ready to offer criticism, if not mockery and denunciation; enthusiastic and dreamy in the case of Ibn Djubayr, a man who believed absolutely in God and also in men, with an essentially optimistic and sociable disposition, with eyes always open to all things which could elicit either amazement or sympathy. This well explains, in the work of Ibn Hawkal, the attention directed towards the urban reality of Palermo, the description of which is not only the most ancient but also the most detailed, such that nothing of importance could be added to it, with the exception of the names of the gates of the Khalisa [q.v.], by al-Mukaddasf. But this also accounts for a
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series of remarks which he made regarding the people, which were so harsh that they gave rise to the suspicion that this traveller in the domain of the Kalbls was nothing other than a spy acting on behalf of the Fatimids. It is, however, as a result of these passages that the document, which is both historical and literary, attains the highest quality: through mockery, applied to the incredible number of mosques (500!), and to the frivolous pride allied with hypocritical pietism of the Muslims of the city; through the disgust aroused in him by the military convents [see RIBAT] on the seashores, which had become places of perversion and depravity, the haunts of ruffians and scoundrels; through denunciation of the ignorance and stupidity of school teachers; through the depiction, finally, of the absurdity of everyone, owed—he says— to the abuse of the onion, responsible for boundless material decadence, which had led to destitution, as well as to a return to barbaric customs. Such an attitude, essentially hostile, is parallelled, although with naive traits of admiration, by that of the pious Ibn Djubayr, capable of perceiving anywhere the signs of the providence and the greatness of God, spontaneously disposed to appreciate the good deeds of men, to treat them with indulgence and even benevolence. The inevitable aversion to "worshippers of the cross", which is expressed from time to time in incantations, which are in fact rather lukewarm, does not prevent him from painting without prejudice a memorable picture of the Sicilian scene in the golden age that was the period of the Norman sovereigns. His experience in the island begins with his enchantment by the beauty of the surroundings of Messina, almost a terrestrial paradise with fruit-trees covering the slopes of the hills, but also with the surprise caused him by the liberality of King William II, paying on his behalf the tax demanded from shipwrecked Muslims. But it is in Palermo that Ibn Djubayr is impressed most of all, when he discovers the paradox of an Islamo-Christian community, living in harmony under the auspices of a regime of quite extraordinary tolerance. This spirit, which seems to permeate the relationships of social life, to such an extent that the foreign traveller perceives it in the amicable attitude of those who greet him, emanates from the court, or rather from King William himself. The portrait of this enlightened and refined monarch, a connoisseur of the pleasures of life, but also an Arabic scholar, a cultivated patron of philosophy and literature, simultaneously wordly and pious, guaranteeing freedom of religious observance to all, this portrait by the pen of Ibn Djubayr is surely the most striking eulogy ever made by a Muslim of a Christian historical individual. Nothing could better supplement it than the dazzling fresco which he paints of the monuments of the town, which he compares to Cordova, with noble buildings and the sumptuous royal palace, the elegance of gardens and stairways, the breadth of squares and streets, in short an architectural decor in the middle of which, on the night of Christmas 1184, he was able to see shining, like a jewel, with its flashing mosaics and stained glass windows of irridescent colours, the Antiochene Church (known as the Martorana). This vision came at an opportune time, to seal the representation, both charmed and charming, which Ibn Djubayr was to provide, towards the end of the 6th/12th century, of this "daughter of Andalusia", the affectionate epithet which he applied to Sicily. (b) The Arab conquest and domination
The landing at Mazara, on 19 Rabf c I 212/18
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June 827, of an army from Ifrlkiya, did not only mark the beginning of the struggle which, over the course of the next seventy years, was to secure possession of Sicily by the Arabs, but also the culmination of a historical process which, since the middle of the first Islamic century, had affected the island to an ever increasing extent, in the context of the expansion of Islam throughout the Mediterranean region. The interest of the Arabs in Sicily may be traced back as far as their very first maritime experiments, when Mucawiya b. Abl Sufyan, at that time governor of Syria, conceived the idea of constructing a fleet. The first Arab incursion on the Sicilian coasts dates in fact from the year 31-32/652. Others followed over the course of a century, under the Umayyads, especially after the building of the naval dockyard of Tunis (79/698), but always with the sole objective of carrying off prisoners and booty, with the exception perhaps of the expedition planned by the governor of Ifrlkiya cUbayd Allah b. Habhab, and put into effect in' 122/739-40 by Hablb'b. Abl £Ubayda, who succeeded in laying siege to Syracuse but was obliged to abandon any notion of invasion. On the other hand, no raids are recorded during the second half of the 2nd/8th century, and this is to be explained, among other factors, by the defensive dispositions adopted in Sicily at this time by Byzantium. Furthermore the same policy was implemented in Ifrlkiya by its new masters, the Aghlabids [q.v.], who, following their accession to power in 184/800, took all appropriate measures to establish, in their turn, a fortified coastal defensive system and simultaneously, at the initiative of the second amir, Abu 'l-cAbbas {Abd Allah, to equip a fleet. Reciprocal concern for safeguarding respective commercial interests, which favoured this attitude of restraint and caution, ultimately had the effect of establishing cordial relations between Byzantines and Arabs, which persisted into the first quarter of the 3rd/9th century and were given formal expression in the treaty signed, apparently, by the founder of the dynasty, Ibrahim b. {Abd Allah, and renewed by his son. The fatal rupture of this equilibrium took place in 212/827, following the outbreak of disturbances in Syracuse and their repercussions at Kayrawan. In fact, paradoxically it was the Byzantines who supplied the Aghlabids with the pretext for engaging in hostilities, and, as is not unusual in history, it was a somewhat banal incident which provoked them. The spark which ignited the gun-powder was the revolt, in Syracuse, of the Byzantine turmarchos or army commander Euphemius, who approached Ziyadat Allah b. Ibrahim, the third Aghlabid amir (201-23/817-38) to appeal for his intervention in Sicily. The decision in his favour was not unopposed, but the authority of Asad b. al-Furat [q.v.] overrode all judicial scruples. The die was cast for an enterprise, the advance against Sicily, which was to be the last example of the Jutuh of Islam, where the spirit of conquest and the zeal of ajihdd played the same role. The achievement of Asad, appointed to lead an army of 10,000 men, transported by a fleet of some hundred vessels, was as brief as it was extraordinary. A respected jurist, without any military experience whatsoever, he succeeded brilliantly in his task, in spite of his advanced age. One month after the landing at Mazara, he scored a decisive victory over the Byzantine Balata near Corleone, after which he traversed the island to unleash an attack on the capital, Syracuse; the siege had been in process for more than a year when Asad died in an epidemic. The Muslims disengaged from the project and
withdrew towards the interior, where they took possession of Mineo and of Agrigento [see DJIRDJENT], then, after an unsuccessful attempt at besieging Kasryannih [q.v.] (the modern Enna), they fell back as far as Mazara. Exposed to the attacks of the enemy, they were extricated from their predicament by reinforcements sent from Ifrlkiya in 215/830, who were joined by a Berber adventurer, Asbagh b. Wakll, known as Farghalus, leading a band of Spanish mercenaries. It was as a result of these events that the Muslims were in a position to lay siege to Palermo, which surrendered on 30 Radjab 216/12 September 831. In operations pursued with the object of conquering territory, which continued until the opening of the 4th/10th century, the Muslims had many difficulties to contend with, owing to the uneven physical terrain and to the strong defensive dispositions of the enemy, but most of all to the disturbances which broke out from time to time between Arabs and Berbers or between the different social classes. On the other hand, they often benefited from the leadership of able chieftains, such as the two Aghlabid princes Abu Fihr Muhammad (217-20/832-5) and Abu '1-Aghlab Ibrahfm (220-37/835-51), of whom the latter in particular achieved some remarkable successes. It was he who, ca. 227/842, secured possession of the valley of Mazara, and thus of the western sector of the island, and immediately undertook the occupation of the eastern sector of Sicily, which culminated in the taking of Messina (228-9/843) and soon afterwards, between 231/845 and 234/848, in the surrender of Modica, Lentini and Ragusa. An experienced politician, who had succeeded in the meantime in concluding an alliance with Naples and had taken the precaution of equipping a fleet, he had the good sense to entrust the conduct of the campaigns to professional soldiers, such as al-Fadl b. Dja'far, the conqueror of Messina, and Abu '1-Aghlab al-cAbbas, who at the same time, at Butera, on the southern coast of the island, inflicted a crushing defeat on the Byzantines. It is to this last-named, who replaced him, on his death in 237/851, as third wati, that credit belongs for the capture, on 26 Shawwal 244/26 January 859, of Kasryannih, for thirty years the pivot of the Byzantine defensive system. With his successors, Khafadja b. Sufyan (247-55/862-9) and his son Muhammad (killed in 257/871), the advance of the Muslims towards eastern Sicily, in spite of mutinies on the part of the troops, which cost the lives of both generals, became increasingly menacing, and led to the surrender of Noto (250/864) and of Troina (251/865), in addition to a number of incursions against Taormina, Catania and Syracuse. The privilege of capturing the capital itself was to fall much later to Dja'far b. Muhammad al-Tamlml, who on 15 Ramadan 264/21 May 878, after a siege of nine months, succeeded in taking Syracuse, the objective of Muslim attacks for the past fifty years. During the last quarter of the century the situation became somewhat chaotic, as a result of mutinies and civil wars, most of them centred on Agrigento and Palermo, but this did not prevent the Muslim forces from pursuing the occupation of the Demona Valley (at the north-eastern corner of the island), as well as launching raids against Catania and Taormina. It was the fall of this city, on 22 Sha'ban 289/1 August 902, which finally crowned the Muslim conquest. The protagonist of this last act was the ninth Aghlabid prince himself, Ibrahim II (in power since 261/875), who decided to abdicate in favour of his son cAbd Allah, in order to take charge, in his place, of military operations in Sicily.
SIKILLIYA Reduced henceforward to the status of a province of Ifrikiya, Sicily followed the same historical path as the colonial power, even when, in 296/909, the Fatimid movement dealt a death-blow to the Aghlabid dynasty. However, the reception accorded to the Shi c f propaganda of the new masters, which was manifested in the support offered to the Berber element (concentrated in Agrigento) at the expense of the Arab element (localised in Palermo), was anything but favourable, with the result that the first lieutenant of the Mahdf £Ubayd Allah, Ibn Abi '1-Khinzfr, soon had to be recalled. The refusal to compromise with heterodoxy led to the formation of an overt opposition, symbolised by a remarkable individual, a certain Ahmad b. Kurhub, who, between 300/913 and 304/916, was the spokesman of the Sunn! restoration and of loyalism to the caliphate of Baghdad. The repression which ensued was soon succeeded by a period of stability, owed to the discretion of the governor Salim b. Rashld (304-25/917-37) and to an improved administration, until a fresh outbreak of disorder required his replacement by the energetic soldier Khalll b. Ishak (325-30/937-41). The latter took the decision to build within Palermo the citadel of al-Khalisa, which did not suffice, apparently, to discourage all aspirations towards revolt, in view of the fact that the Fatimid caliph found it necessary, in 337/948, to transfer the administration of Sicily to al-Hasan b. CA1I al-Kalbl. Thus began the amfrate of the Kalbids, which was to become hereditary, in response to the actions of the Fatimids who, after their transfer to Egypt (362/ 973), turned their attention away from Sicily. In the first half of the century, during which power was in the hands of the new masters, Sicily experienced the golden age of the Arab domination, both on the level of political prestige and military success, and of cultural prosperity (despite certain negative traits in the account, mentioned above, by Ibn Hawkal, present on the scene in 362/972-3). It is to the two sons of the founder of the dynasty, Ahmad b. Hasan (34258/953-69) and 'All b. Hasan '(359-72/970-82), that the regime owes its attainment of the high point of its power: the former, who finally put an end to the disorder of eastern Sicily, where he suppressed, in 351 / 962, the revolt of Taormina, renamed al-Mucizziyya in honour of the caliph of Cairo, regained control of Rametta and ravaged Messina, after the memorable naval engagement known as "the battle of the Strait"; the latter, who was responsible for the last great victory of the Muslims of Sicily over the Christians, near Rossano in Calabria, where he could boast of having been invited by the Byzantines themselves to join an alliance against Otto II, before dying in battle. Although peace and prosperity, subsequently assured and almost personified by Abu '1-Futuh Yusuf (37988/989-98), continued even after the forced retirement of the amir., who was paralysed by a stroke, the seduction of worldly pleasures proved fatal to his son and successor Dja'far (in power until 410/1019), to the extent that it even provoked a fratricidal war. With him and after him, nothing could halt the decline of the Kalbid dynasty, reduced under Ahmad al-Akhal (410-29/1019-38), to begging for the aid of the old Byzantine enemy, and to submitting, on the other hand, to the depredations of the Zlrids, lieutenants of the Fatimids in Ifnkiya since 362/973. With the last scion of the line of Abu '1-Futuh Yusuf, al-Hasan, known as al-Samsam (431-45/1040-53), Sicily underwent a period of anarchy in which political unity disintegrated and the amlrate collapsed, to the benefit
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of lesser principalities, by a process similar to that which affected the muluk al-tawd3if [q.v.] in Spain at the same time. Individuals bearing the title of kd'id, appearing on the scene during this final act of the drama of the Kalbid dynasty, took control of a situation which was soon to be subject to the arbitration of the Normans. (c) The Norman and Swabian period In the conflict which erupted between these minor warlords, those who gained the upper hand were the ka'id of Syracuse Ibn al-Thumna [q.v.], and his adversary Ibn al-Hawwas [q.v], based at Kasryannih, from where he controlled the centre of the island. It was in fact the hostility between them which provoked the intervention of the count Roger d'Hauteville, who in February 1061 landed near Messina, coming to the aid of Ibn al-Thumna. Taking advantage of battles in which the Muslims expended their last remaining resources, and of which even the two rivals were soon to be the victims, Roger and his brother Robert le Guiscard, returning to the island in force in 1071, set about occupying the territory, starting with Palermo, which capitulated in January 1072. They were confronted however by stubborn resistance on the part of Benavert [q.v], the last champion of Islam in Sicily, who succeeded in holding them in check for a quarter of a century, and fell in the naval battle of Syracuse in 1086. The conquest was completed in 1091, with the surrender of Noto, which marked the end of the period of Arab domination. Having first encamped in the south of the peninsula, and now also established in Sicily, the Normans pursued the struggle against the Muslims at sea, with the imperialist aim of controlling the central Mediterranean. Especially under the long reign of Roger II (1111-54), who became in 1130 king of Sicily, of Calabria and of Apulia, with the aid of powerful fleets, led by such prestigious admirals as George of Antioch and Christodoulos, they succeeded in occupying, between 1135 and 1153, the entire coast of Ifnkiya, from Tripoli to Bone. And even after the advance of the Almohads had put an end to this adventure in North Africa, they renewed their attacks, under the last sovereign William II, this time against the Egypt of Salah al-Dfn (1169 and 1174). As for the Arabs who became their subjects in Sicily, now that their effort as warriors for the djihad, after more than two-and-a-half centuries, was finally exhausted, their lot was to serve in the ranks of the conquerors, who furthermore appreciated their valour, to the extent of discouraging their conversion to Christianity. This integration of Muslims into the army was nothing other than an aspect of the singular symbiosis which the Norman sovereigns, engaged as they were as knights of Christianity, sought to establish among the various cultures present in their state, in a spirit of tolerance based on both enlightened and pragmatic considerations. It is certain that the Arabs who, instead of emigrating, chose to live under the conquest, were guaranteed rights of citizenship in the framework of a feudal system established by the new regime, with a status which varied according to the different conditions imposed at the time of the conquest. It is this which emerges from the information supplied by the documents known as ajard'id (sing, a^anda), also called plataea, which set out the different legal and social levels, defining the status, on the one hand, of the people of the countryside, having limited rights, if not reduced to outright slavery, and on the other that of the urban classes, who enjoyed equal, or almost equal treatment to that of the other subjects. In addition,
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there was an elite of senior officials, in the entourage of the prince himself, where their presence bestowed a living and distinctive stamp of Arabism upon numerous persistent aspects of Arab civilisation, such as the ceremonial of the court, the chancellery, the system of land taxation, and currency, with the technical language applied to them. The favour accorded to Arabism and to Islam by the sovereign, already made explicit in the writings of al-IdrTsI with regard to Roger II, is also a theme, this time in reference to William II, in the text, mentioned above, of Ibn Djubayr, the richest Arabic literary source available, with its somewhat contradictory testimony, for the Arabo-Norman century, a period during which the Arabo-Muslim community of Sicily, neutralised from a political point of view, succeeded against all expectation, and albeit precariously, in maintaining its religious, economic and cultural vitality. The bloody riots of which the Muslims were victims in 1161 under William I, and especially in 1189-90, with the severing of the lineage of Hauteville, were only the prelude to the end. Embroiled in the struggles between Tancred of Lecce and Henry VI of Hohenstaufen, respectively bastard son and son-in-law of Roger II, who were rivals in the succession to William II, the Muslims, persecuted by the princes and harassed by the Christian feudal system, took to the countryside and formed a resistance movement, or even resorted to brigandage. Anarchy persisted even after the accession of Frederick II, who as late as 1219-22 was obliged to crush a revolt of Muslims occupying the citadels of Jato and Entella. The heroes of this episode were the character whom western sources call Mirabetto, and his daughter whose proud spirit lives on in a text recently discovered, with the account, both tragic and romantic, of her death. Since even after this the resistance of the Muslims persisted, being all the more dangerous in that its points of resistance were hidden in the mountains, Frederick II, determined to assert his authority over all opposition, did not hesitate to resort to the extreme measure of mass deportation. In stages and over a period of several decades, tens of thousands of Muslims were uprooted, to be resettled in Apulia. Detached from any kind of political or cultural life, Sicilian Arabism which had enjoyed such prosperity in the llth and 12th centuries, lived out its final phase confined within the colony of Lucera, until its annihilation, in 1300, by the Angevins. In this regard, history can only draw attention to the sad paradox according to which the political and human presence of Arab Islam in Sicily was sacrificed in the interests of the state by a sovereign, none other shall Frederick II who, nourished by Arabic culture since his youth, never ceased throughout his life to express his sympathy for it and his interest in it. (d) Cultural Itfe While it is quite natural to compare, from a cultural point of view, in the context of western Islam, Sicily with Spain, it should not be too surprising to find that the literary and scientific output of the Sicilian Muslims is not comparable in its entirety to that of the scholars and erudite writers of al-Andalus. It is not unreasonable to add that, while the loss of many of its products is certainly regrettable, the cultural gulf between Sicily and Spain is an established fact, which no new discovery, an improbable event in any case, is likely to modify significantly. In terms of an objective judgment of what has survived, it is impossible to avoid gaining the impression that this Sicilian Arabism, in the literary sphere, with a few
exceptions, was as modest as it was rather impersonal. In other words, there is no likelihood of finding productions exceeding the limits of a literature which is quite traditional, in both Arabic and Islamic terms: technical works of kird'dt, of hadith or of Jikh, treatises of grammar and of philology, and finally a poetry fixed in conventional moulds. This observation serves moreover to stress the absence, from the works of the Arabic authors of Sicily, of specific traits, to the intense regret of those who would like to find here references to the society and environment of the time, considerably more concrete than the nostalgic echoes, as sentimental as they are vague, preserved in the verses of Ibn Hamdfs [q.v.] and of other exiled poets. All this said, it is probably fair to acknowledge that, if Arab culture in Sicily did not have the same opportunity to develop as elsewhere, the blame for this belongs to a considerable extent to the eventful history of the Arabs in the island. It must therefore be admitted that the vicissitudes and instabilities of the Arab domination, in addition to its brevity (twoand-a-half centuries, compared with seven centuries of Andalusian Arabism), strongly affected any cultural prowess. So matters stood during the Aghlabid and Fatimid periods, until the turn of the 4th/10th century when, for the first time, the Kalbid amfrate succeeded in creating conditions favourable to the arts and the sciences, a state of affairs also achieved by the Rogers and Williams in the 12th century and, after them, in the first half of the following century, by Frederick II. The fact remains that it was the precariousness of the political situation, as exemplified by the Christian reconquest on the part of the Normans, which was responsible for the singular phenomenon of a mass emigration of scholars to the Maghrib, alAndalus and Egypt, in a process contrary to that which formerly had often seen the arrival on the Sicilian scene of some itinerant scholar or another. The devastating effect which this diaspora of the Arab intelligentsia of Sicily was to have on its cultural patrimony was hardly to be compensated for by the attribute of al-Sikillf which these people continued to attach to their names. But if in fact it only survives as an exterior brand, making no contribution to the intellectual life of Sicily, it has proved sufficient, in modern times, to arouse the patriotic ardour of M. Amari, restoring the memory of these individuals, effaced as it had been, to the annals of the cultural exploits of Sicilian Arabism. A survey of the latter, which would seek to do more than amassing purely onomastic information, must, however, be confined to generalities, otherwise preserving only the memory of persons and of works which have left an appreciable trace. Given the cultural conformism of Sicilian society in relation to the international Islamic community, it is important to stress specifically the primacy of fikh and the total ascendancy of Malikism, emanating from Kayrawan, over the Sicilian centres of judicial training. This fact seems almost personified by the figure of Asad b. alFurat, the pioneer of the conquest and, at the same time, the first promulgator of the Malikf system, in alternation with the more authentic version of Sahnun [q.v.], imported by his disciples with their commentaries on his celebrated Mudawwana: Yahya b. cUmar (d. 291/903), Maymun b. cAmr (d. 316/928) and Lukman b. Yusuf (d. 318/930). With the latter, also worthy of mention is the eminent jurist Muhammad b. c Abd Allah b. Yunus (d. 451/1059), but it'was in the following century that judicial theory attained its high-
SIKILLIYA est point with the imam al-Mazan (d. 595/1141 [q.v.]), the author among other works of a commentary on the Muwatta3, and also renowned as a traditionist on account of his al-Muclim bi-fawd^id Kitdb Muslim. The fact that this last-named work has been preserved, fortunately, in a number of manuscripts, does justice to some extent to the genre of traditionist studies, represented by a host of specialists, whose writings have, however, not survived. A somewhat better fate seems to have been reserved for the other canonical branch of religious studies, that concentrating on the text of the Kur'an, judging by the contributions of Isma'Il b. Khalaf (d. 455/1063), with his 'Unwan fi 'l-kird3 at, and especially of Ibn al-Fahham (d. 516/ 1122 [
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ing a poem devoted to the royal palace of Palermo, and 'Abd al-Rahman b. al-cAbbas al-Itrabanishf (= of Trapani), celebrating the former charm of al-Fawwara, the splendid villa of Roger II. A little later, under William II, is located the somewhat enigmatic figure of Ibn Kalakis (d. 567/1172 [q.v.]), a native of Egypt, whose verses, especially those contained in al-^ahr al-bdsim, dealing with his visit to the island in 564/1168-9, should be considered the last poetic echo in the Arabic language produced by Sicily. Bearing in mind this quite considerable corpus of poetry, it is all the more surprising to note the almost total absence of prose, whether in the context of historiography or of parenesis or, more especially, of adab. Setting aside the anonymous Chronicle, known as the Cambridge chronicle, composed also in Greek, the only two attempts at a history of Arab Sicily, as already mentioned at the outset, have disappeared; all that remains is to mention the remarkable polygraph Ibn Zafar (d. 565/1170 [q.v.]), associated particularly with the pleasing treatise on good government, the Sulwdn al-mutdc, made famous by the translation of Amari under the title of Conforti politici. But it was outside the sphere of literary prose that Sicilian Arabism, enjoying the patronage of the Normans, achieved the exceptional, even unique success, represented by the often-mentioned work of al-ldnsl, Nuzhat al-mushtdk fi ikhtirdk al-dfdk, otherwise known as Kitdb Rud^dr, from the name of the sovereign who inspired it, Roger II, whose deeply-felt admiration of the civilisation and, in particular, the science of the Arabs is well reflected in this compendium of geographical information. The extent to which Arab science, as well as the Arabic language, was a welcome guest in his court, is illustrated among other things by the (partial) translation into Latin, from an Arabic version, of Ptolemy's Optics, made by the amir Eugenius, as well as the singular novelty of the installation at the royal palace of a hydraulic clock by the Andalusian sage Abu '1-Salt Umayya [q.v.]. This privileged situation did not remain isolated, but was fortunately revived under Frederick II who, with his spirit of universal tolerance, made of Palermo an incomparable crucible of civilisations, and of his court a cosmopolitan meeting-place of scholars, Latins and Greeks, Jews and Arabs. Among these at least two should be mentioned: Michel Scotus, already renowned as a translator at Toledo, who spent his last years, between 1227 and 1235, in the service of Frederick II, translating the zoological section of Avicenna's Shifd3 (Abbreviatio Avicennae de animalibus), and composing two books on astrology and one on physiognomy; then Theodore of Antioch, who in 1236 replaced Michel Scotus in the office of royal astrologer, was entrusted with the composition of official letters in Arabic, and translated, under the title De scientia venandi per aves, an Arabic treatise by a certain Moamin on hunting with falcons, which Frederick II used for his own De arte venandi cum avibus. The sympathy for Arabo-Islamic civilisation felt by Frederick II was not at all an episodic attitude nor was it circumscribed, as might be suggested by this somewhat eccentric treatise on falconry, but arose from his intellectual moulding and was nourished by his versatile scientific curiosity. The latter was applied equally to mathematics and astrology, optics and alchemy, physics and medicine, branches of knowledge all dating back, as is well known, to a Greek origin, but conveyed to the West through the intermediacy of the Arabs and of their language, blessed as it was with remarkable flexibility. Also striking is
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the singular role which this sympathy played at the level of personal relations maintained, on the one hand, with the Muslim princes, starting with al-Malik al-Kamil [see AL-KAMIL] , the Ayyubid sultan of Egypt, and on the other, with the scholars, whom he habitually consulted with lists of questions. Thus, just as he had previously inquired of Michel Scotus regarding many cosmological subjects, he did not hesitate to seek the advice of Muslim scholars everywhere concerning a series of metaphysical questions, the Masa'il Sikilliya, according to the tide of the Oxford unicum, which conveys the responses of Ibn Sabcln [q.v]; this evocation of the philosopher of Murcia puts the finishing touches to the eclecticism of a proto-Renaissance, personified by Frederick II. After him, his son Manfred remained loyal, although on a considerably reduced scale, to this tradition of respect for Arab culture, evidenced by the reception accorded in 1261 to the ambassador of the Mamluk sultan Baybars [q.v], the famous historian Ibn Wasil [q.v], by the foundation at Lucera, according to the latter, of a "House of Science", and finally by the patronage extended to Hermann the German (Hermanus Teutonicus), in his capacity as translator of the Middle Commentary of Ibn Rushd [q.v.] on Aristotle's Ethics. A little later, when Charles of Anjou had eliminated the line of the Hohenstaufens in 1268, it was in the realm of medical science that Sicilian Arabism spoke its last word, even though in the voice of two Jewish scholars: Moses of Palermo, who in 1277 translated into Latin, under the title De curationibus infirmitatum equorum, the Arabic version (no longer in existence) of a text of Pseudo-Hippocrates; and Faradj b. Salim of Agrigento (alias Moses Farachi, Faragut), translator, in 1280, of the Takiwm al-abddn (= Tacuinus aegritudinum) of Ibn Djazla [q.v.], but especially, in 1279, of the major treatise by al-Razf [q.v.], al-Hdm (in Latin, Continent). A finer tribute on the part of Sicily to Arab science cannot be imagined. (e) Arab survivals in Sicily Exhausted now even in its cultural vitality, and with its political presence long since effaced, Sicilian Arabism was not reduced to silence. It continues, even in the present day, to speak through the medium of the products of its artistic talent, as well as through the innumerable echoes of its language, incessantly repeated in Sicilian demotic speech. Of this permanence, the most striking feature is the Islamic influence retained in the structure of habitat, urban and rural, best preserved in the minor centres, where later arrangements have overturned to a lesser extent the original urban plan. If it is not always easy to recognise in Sicilian towns the structure of a Muslim urban ambience, where a fortified space was separated from the residential quarters, and the latter in turn divided between the madina and the suburbs (in Sicilian rabati), what is perceptible everywhere, whether in the case of towns or villages, is the typically Arab road network, with its hierarchy of principal and secondary routes, down to lanes and dead-ends, often blocked by small courtyards, denoted by the customary technical terms (shari', darb, zukdk), sometimes bizarrely altered. But nowhere are the traces of Muslim civilisation in Sicily as visible as in the edifices of that architecture which is correctly described as Arabo-Norman, represented mostly in the West and concentrated especially at Palermo. And while it seems appropriate, in regard to this cultural revenge, to repeat the ancient dictum, that Arabia, defeated by arms, subjugated its conquerors with its genius, the Norman princes also deserve credit for not having imposed Gothic traits
on the face of their capital, in place of the Oriental character given it by the Muslims. At the most, they were content to add to the Oriental stylistic elements, including those introduced by the Byzantines, such European features as could reasonably co-exist with them. The result of this eclecticism, the artistic equivalent of their tolerance in politics and religion, was the realisation of an original scheme without parallel in Europe and also distinct from anything to be found in the Orient. Examples of this combination, where arabesques are mingled with mosaics and where the geometric marquetries of Muslim art alternate with the curvilinear polychromes of the Byzantine tradition, are evidently to be found principally in religious monuments, even if churches such as St. Jean of the Eremites (1132), St. Mary of the Amiral (1143), alias Martorana, and St. Cataldo (ca. 1160) and the Dome of Monreale (1174), display architectural and decorative forms which are clearly of Arab inspiration. These features include the compact frame of the building and the arrangement of spaces, the decoration of the exterior by means of blind interlaced arches, use of the so-called Moorish arch in all its varied forms, hemispherical cupolas covered in red plaster and crenellations of Arab type, friezes with engraved inscriptions, systems of niches (mukarnas [q.v]), culminating in the unique phenomenon, in the pavilion of the cloister of Monreale, of a jet of water gushing from a marble fountain modelled in the form of the trunk of a stylised palm-tree. These are the elements which are to be found in their purest state in secular buildings, freed from all religious constraints, such as those which the Norman princes built in the western and southern outskirts of Palermo, conceived as magical residences, surrounded by gardens and ornamental lakes, places of ease and recreation, "disposed around the town"— according to the image coined by Ibn Djubayr—"like a necklace on the bosom of a girl". Of these pearls, those which survive in a state which permits appreciation of the structure at least, are the Zisa (= al'A&za "the glorious" or "the precious"), begun by William I and completed by his son, the Cuba (= alKubba, "the cupola"), a pavilion of festivities, built in 1180 by William II, and near it the little Cuba, finally the castle of Maredolce or Favara (= al-Fawwdra "the bubbling", a term applied to a spring), which Roger II built on the foundations of the Kasr Lfra'far, named after this Kalbid amir (998-1019), but which is now no more than a ruin. The splendour, which one would have to seek in vain among these remains, is to be found elsewhere, in the Palatine Chapel, constructed in the interior of the royal palace by Roger II, between 1132 and 1143. Here, the sumptuous ceiling in carved wood of the central nave, joined to the supporting walls by an ornate structure of corbels with mukarnas, unfolds within twenty caissons a cycle of paintings which constitutes one of the most remarkable productions of Islamic art in this domain. They develop the theme of the apotheosis of the sovereign, represented in the context of his recreations: at the hunt, surrounded by knights and falconers, or seated at a banquet, amid a throng of cup-bearers and revellers, dancers and tumblers, chess-players and musicians. Around him it is the entire universe which seems to turn. Such is the meaning of this gorgeous fresco, animated with living scenes, populated by animals, real or mythical, realistic in the details of an evolved material culture and enigmatic in the evocation of symbols and of myths. It is the homage paid to the magnanimous
SIKILLIYA king by the imagination of art, matched by the tribute which scientific rationalism, through the talent of al-Idrlsr, was to offer him soon afterwards. While on the subject of artistic creation, this brief glimpse at "posthumous" Sicilian Arabism should not be concluded without mention of the superb cloak (now in Vienna), which was woven for the coronation of Roger II, an incomparable masterpiece of the royal workshop known as the tirdz [q.v.]. But the survival of Arab culture in Sicily has an aspect which is, if possible, even more durable: it is the extent to which, grafted onto the language of its people, it remains an inherent part of its life, in spite of the ravages of time. It is obvious that the provision of isolated examples would not be adequate to reproduce the real dimensions of a global process, which has penetrated the lexicon with words of general usage, such as verbs, adjectives or even phrases, but especially with a number of technical terms concerning either the natural environment, or the human universe, its activities and institutions. Leaving this task to the specialised works mentioned below, it will suffice to recall how many Sicilian family names are of Arab origin, and how many toponyms have left, in geography and in history, in short, in the culture of Sicily, an ineradicable Arab stamp (see 2. below). Bibliography: On studies concerning Sicilian Arabism, see the two surveys by F. Gabrieli, Un secolo di studi arabo-siculi, in SI, ii (1954), 89-102, and U. Rizzitano, Gli studi arabo-siculi: bilancio e prospettwe, in Atti Accad. di Palermo, ser. IV, xxxv (1975-6) [Palermo 1977], 167-183. The fundamental work, for any study of the Arabs in Sicily, is still that of M. Amari, Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, Florence 1854-72, 3 vols. (2nd ed. revised by C.A. Nallino, Catania 1933-8), which has textual support in the collection of Arabic texts of the same author, Biblioteca arabo-sicula, Leipzig 1857, with two Appendices, appearing in 1875 and 1887 respectively (2nd ed. revised by U. Rizzitano, Palermo 1988), and an Italian version, also by Amari, 2 vols., Turin-Rome 1880-1. To these may be added the texts and essays contained in the Scritti per U centenario della nascita di Michele Amari, 2 vols., Palermo 1910 (repr. Palermo 1990). Essential information is provided by the synthetic, but useful manual of A. Aziz, A history of Islamic Sicily, Edinburgh 1975, with good bibliographical apparatus. A wideranging synthesis exists in the chapters concerning Sicily (including art) of the volume by F. Gabrieli and U. Scerrato, Gli Arabi in Italia, Milan 1979, 35-105, 149-221, 307-42, 359-98, with bibl. On particular themes there are numerous essays by F. Gabrieli, most of them reprinted in Pagine arabo-siciliane, Mazara del Vallo 1986, and by U. Rizzitano, collected in the volume Storia e cultura nella Sicilia saracena, Palermo 1975. For the Aghlabid period, the survey by M. Talbi, L'emirat aghlabide, Paris 1966, 380-536, remains of the highest importance. Of special interest is the reconstruction of facts by PJ. Alexander on Les debuts des conquetes arabes en Sidle et la tradition apocafyptique byzantinoslave, in Boll. Centro Studi Filol. e Ling. Siciliani, xii (1973), 7-37. Also worthy of mention are the contributions by Mme. A. De Simone, Palermo nei geogrqfi e viaggiatori arabi del Medioevo, in Studi Magrebini, ii (1968), 129-89; eadem, L'Etna nei geogrqfi e viaggiatori arabi del Medioevo, in Studi arabo-islamici, Mazara del Vallo 1982, 9-33; eadem, La descrizione deWItalia nei Rawd al-mictdr di al-Himyan, Mazara del Vallo 1984; and eadem, Al-^ahr al-bdsim di Ibn Qaldqis e
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le vicende dei musulmani nella Sicilia normanna (as yet unpublished). For Arabo-Sicilian poetry, the best versions in western languages are still those of A. von Schack, Poesie und Kunst der Araber in Spanien und Sicilien, Stuttgart 1877. Among studies concerning art, that by U. Monneret de Villard, Le pitture musulmane al sqffitto della Cappella Palatina in Palermo, Rome 1950, remains a classic. In the linguistic field, to the basic wofk by G.B. Pellegrini, Gli arabismi nelle lingue neolatine, Brescia 1972, 2 vols., in the chapters dealing with Sicily (= i, 129-332), should be added G. Caracausi, Arabismi medievali di Sicilia, Palermo 1983. For the Jews in Muslim Sicily, see M. Gil, Sicily 827-1072, in light of the Geniza documents and parallel sources, in Italia judaica. Gli Ebrei in Sicilia sino all'espulsione del 1492. Atti del V convegno internazionak Palermo, 15-19 giugno 1992, Rome 1995, 96-171. Finally, attention should be drawn to the sumptuous book describing Sicilian gastronomy of Arab origin by T. D'Alba, La cucina siciliana di derivazione araba, Palermo, Vittorietti ed., 1980. (R. TRAINI) 2. The Arabic toponomy. Scientifically-based research on the toponomy of Sicily in the period of the Arab conquest begins with Michele Amari. In his Biblioteca arabo-sicula, Leipzig 1857, with its two Appendices of 1875 and 1887, he endeavoured to collect together, in effect, all the Arabic texts relating to the history, geography and literature of the island. In the final Index in Arabic characters and including all types of names, he gave an outline list of the Arabic and Arabised place names of Sicily. Then, in 1901, on the occasion of the centenary of Amari's birthday, two other volumes of texts appeared (Centenario della nascita di Michele Amari. Scritti di filologia e storia araba, Palermo 1910, 2 vols.). Finally, a century after the publication of the Biblioteca, Umberto Rizzitano published a final collection of texts (Nuove fonti per la storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, in RSO, xxxii [1957], 531-55). Yet curious though it may seem, noone has as yet compiled a complete list of the Arabic place names of Sicily. According to historical information, these names should date from the period between 256/870 and 462/1070, that of the Arab occupation of the island. One should nevertheless note that the Arabic toponomy did not change immediately on the Norman invasion, well illustrated by the description of Sicily (occupying forty large-format pages: Opus geographicum, fasc. 5, Naples-Rome 1975, sectio secunda, 583-626, Ital. tr. in Rizzitano, // libro di Ruggero, Palermo n.d. [1966], 153) of the complete edition of the K. Ruajdr or K. Nuzhat al-mushtdk of al-ldrfsl written towards the middle of the 6th/12th century, hence almost a century after the end of Arab domination. From a linguistic point of view, the Sicilian place names of this period can be divided into two groups: a first one made up of names in origin Greek, Latin or otherwise but then Arabised, and a second one of Arabic names. With the end of Arab domination, part of these place names disappeared, whilst others underwent phonetic adaptations before assuming their recent form. In the first group, one may cite: Kannish (Ital. Carini), al-Kdruniyya (Ital. Caronia), Katdniya (Ital. Catania), ^ulfudh (Ital. Cefalu), Djafala (Ital. Cefala (Diana)), Kurliyun (Ital. Corleone), Balarm (Ital. Palermo), Fikuda (Ital. Filicudi), Lanbadusha (Ital. Lampedusa) and Ilbar (Ital. Lipari). The second group contains two types. (1) Where Arabic terms have had their Italian equivalents, with no connection in sense, substituted e.g. al-Asndm >
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SIKILLIYA
Selinunte, al-Kanb > the river Bilici, Namusa > the island of Linosa, and Kusira [see KAWSARA] > Pantellaria. (2) Where Arabic terms have been Italianised, e.g. Wddi 'l-Tin > Dittano, Marsd cAli > Marsala, alKhdlisa > Kalsa and Shakka > Sciacca. Even so, there remain some names difficult to classify, because they are made up of two elements, one of which is translated whilst the other is Italian. This is the case with cUyun £ Abbas "the Fountains of c Abbas", which has become Tre Fontane, or Tirsat Abl Thawr, the modern Porto Palo. Bibliography (in addition to references given in the article): Amari, Storia2, Catania 1939, with an Indice topografico at 1000-24; C.B. Pellegrini, Terminologia geogrqftca araba in Sicilia, in AIUON, Sezione linguistica (1961), 109-201; idem, Onomastica e toponomastica araba in Italia, in Atti del Congresso Internationale di Science Onomastiche, iii, Florence 1963, 445-77; idem, Gli arabismi nelle lingue wolatine con speciale riguardo airitalia, Brescia 1972, 739 and esp. Terminologia geogrqfica araba in Sicilia, 237-332; idem, Ricerche sugli arabismi italiani con particolare riguardo alia Sicilia, Palermo 1989, 281; G. Trovato, Sopravvivenze arabe in Sicilia, Monreale 1949, 423; L. Bernabo-Brea, Lipari, i vukani, I'inferno e San Bartolomeo. Le isole Eolie dal tardo antico ai Normanni, in Bizantini e Musulmani in Sicilia, Syracuse 1981, 24-89. (G. OMAN) 3. Numismatics. It should be emphasised that the minting of Arab coins of Sicily is here considered only in regard to the actual period of Arab occupation, in its Aghlabid, Fatimid, Kalbid and Zfrid phases, up to 462/1070. The Norman coins with Arabic inscriptions are not considered here at all. Arab minting in Sicily seems to have begun with the military conquest of the island. The first known money is a silver dirham, diameter 24 mm and weight 2.90 gr and bearing the date 214/829-30. On it can be read the name of Muhammad al-Djawharf, on the order of the amir Ziyadat Allah, son of Ibrahim Ziyadat Allah, the Khurasanian commander to whom Harun al-Rashfd had offered the province of Ifrfkiya. The actual mint involved is uncertain, since the term Sikilliya, which can be read on the coin and which was later attributed to Palermo, cannot thus be considered in any way, since the town in question had not yet been captured. One must also take into account the fact that the Arab conquest spread over almost a century; Palermo was conquered in 216/831, Messina in 228/843, Noto in 257/865, Syracuse in 266/ 878 and finally, Taormina in 289/902. In the areas conquered by the Arabs, the monetary system changed, whilst the Byzantine authorities kept in circulation the totally different Byzantine system based on the gold solidus, with its fraction of one-third (tremissis) and the copper follis and its multiples. The Arab system, on the contrary, was always based on bimetallism but seems to have been characterised by the issue of gold coins in a small format, in practice reduced to one-quarter in comparison with the coins issued in the Islamic East. As for silver, after the minting of a sole dirham and half-dirham, one reached the quarter-dirham in 250/864. Later, between 273/886 and 277/890, there comes into being a new silver coinage with the appearance of a miniature dirham with a weight varying between 0.17 and 0.55 gr and with a diameter of 9-11 mm, bearing the date but no indication of the place of minting. One type particularly introduced by the Fatimids was the stellate kharruba, whose weight was, theoretically, according to P. Balog, 0.195 gr but which in
practice varied between 0.65 and 1.25 gr. This smallsized type of coin naturally raises numerous problems regarding its daily use. The term stellate or etoile used by the numismatics who have described it, probably stems from the division of the obverse and reverse into diametric segments which divide the surface up into a series of little spaces vaguely reminiscent of the appearance of a star. One can only conjecture at the reasons why the Arab governors in Sicily adopted this bimetallic system, but one in miniature. The historical sources show that, in Fatimid Egypt and in its Sicilian dependency, there was no copper coinage. Nevertheless, there existed at that time a certain number of glass monetary weights, on the Byzantine model, used in daily life to control the correct weight of the coins. Given that there was a total absence of copper in Fatimid Egypt, to the extent that it had to be imported, these weights, issued in large quantities could very likely be used as pieces of subsidiary coinage instead of a copper coinage. Numismatists are not agreed on this interpretation, in favour of which one might add that these tokens have been largely found in hoards, where one would certainly not put glass weights which had no monetary value, and that at least 20% of these tokens are contemporary imitations. Bibliography. D. Spinelli, Monete cufiche battute da Principi longobardi normanni e svevi ml Regno delle Due Sicilie, Naples 1844; B. Lagumina, Catalogo delle monete arabe esistenti nella Biblioteca Comunale di Palermo, Palermo 1892, 236, with PI. Ill; P. Balog, The Fatimid glass jeton, in Ann. dell'Istituto Italiano di Numismatica, Parte I, vol. xviii-xix (1971-2) [Naples 1974], 175264 + Pis. IX-XX, Parte II, vol. xx (1973) [Naples 1975], 121-212 + Pis. VI-XXII; idem, Fatimid and post-Fdtimid glass jetons Jrom Sicily, in Studi Magrebini, vii (1975), 125-48 + 2 Pis.; idem, The silver coinage of Arabic Sicily, in Atti della Seconda Settimana di Studi italo-arabi, Spoleto 9-12 October 1977, Rome, 1-21; idem, La monetazione della Sicilia araba e le sue imitazioni nell'Italia meridionale, in Gli Arabi in Italia, Milan 1979, 611-16, and Bibl. at 621, illustrations; R. Spahr, Le monete siciliane dai Bizantini a Carlo I d'Angio (5821282), Ziirich-Graz 1976, 97-130. (G. OMAN) 4. Epigraphy. At present in Sicily there are 82 Arabic inscriptions found either on buildings or on tombstones, to which another 18 texts can be added, according to literary sources. They are scattered throughout Agrigento, Cefala Diana, Cefalu, Messina, Palermo, Syracuse, Termini Imerese and Trapani. According to the historical events that attest the Arab presence on the island, these inscriptions can be divided into the following groups: 1. inscriptions belonging to the period of Arab occupation of Sicily (827-1061); 2. inscriptions belonging to the Norman period (1061-1194); 3. inscriptions with dates corresponding to the Swabian period onwards; 4. inscriptions imported from Egypt and Tunisia. Only three inscriptions belong to the period of the Arab occupation. The oldest is a graffito on a baked brick found in a cave of Monte Bandiera on the island of Linosa. The text, dated 364/974, commemorates the landing of Hasan b. CA1I b. Yuhannis (Yuhannas, according to Lagumina's transcription) alSikillf. The second was inscribed on one of the gates of Palermo, known as Porta dei Patitelli and called in Arabic Bdb al-bahr (Gate of the Sea), which was built in 942 and destroyed in the 16th century. The third inscription, attributed to 34(3-9)/954-61, was
SIKILLIYA — SIKKA once in the castle of Termini Imerese. It is a text that commemorates the erection of a building, probably the castle itself. The sandstone blocks containing the inscription are at present broken down into eleven fragments. To these inscriptions perhaps could be added a burial text, dated x7x or x9x A.H., that M. Amari dates back to the years 883-92 or 980-90 on the grounds of the only figure extant. Nowadays, this tombstone is preserved in the Galleria Regionale di Palazzo Bellomo in Syracuse. We may presume that the Arabic inscriptions belonging to the Norman period, like those belonging to the period of the Arab occupation, are of local origin even if Islamic burial grounds have not yet been discovered on the island. We know that during the Norman period, permanent Muslim colonies existed in Sicily, and Arabic was one of the languages spoken in the Court or used for official texts. Therefore Muslims must have enjoyed tolerance and welfare to enable them to afford paying such craftsmen as the lapicides, who besides the skill of cutting stone, must also have possessed a good knowledge of Islamic texts. A similar presumption cannot, however, be made regarding Arabic inscriptions found in sites where the Arab presence was neither stable nor lasting or for those dated from the Swabian period onwards, since those Muslims who were still on the island enjoyed no longer social and economic privileges. As to the inscriptions bearing dates belonging to the Norman period, it is possible to distinguish some, inscribed mainly on buildings, that could be called Norman inscriptions in Arabic characters because they were made in the Court workshop according to the taste of the Norman dynasty. The texts consist of single words that are expressions of good wishes, with frequent repetition (first half of the twelfth century). They seem to have a unique model, as they use the same phrases or words derived from the identical Arabic root, and most of them can be found woven in the inscription of the coronation mantle of Roger II, now preserved in Vienna. Furthermore, there is a group of metrical inscriptions, in praise of the rulers, placed on the palaces of Roger II (1105-54), William I (1154-66) and William II (1166-89). The white marble slabs that decorate the Royal Palaces of Roger II in Palermo and Messina are really unique, as the inscriptions have been made with the technique of inlaid marble, with writing in serpentine and background fillers in porphyry, unknown to the Arabic epigraphy. The use of the languages of the four different ethnic and religious groups living in Sicily, i.e. Latin, Greek and Arabic, which was in one of the texts also written in Hebrew characters, is attested on two tombstones belonging to the parents of King Roger's chaplain, dated respectively 1141-2 and 1153, and on a marble slab which commemorates the installation of a waterclock in 1142. These "Norman inscriptions in Arabic characters" often contain terms belonging to the Oriental Christian vocabulary, as well as Christian symbols and a unique chronology which refers to the months of the Latin calendar and to the year of the Muslim era. The Arabic words also assumed new meanings related to the social customs and religious habits of the European courts. Bibliography. M. Amari, Lettre a M. Adrien de Longperier sur l}origine du palais de la Coube, pres Palerme, in Revue archeologique, vi (1949-50), 669-83; idem, Frammenti dell'iscrizione arabica della Cuba. Lettera del Prof. Michek Amari al Prof. A. Salinas, Palermo 1877,
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pp. 1-15 + 1 pi.; idem, Su le iscrizioni arabiche del Palazzo Regio di Messina, in Atti Ace. Lined. Memorie, ser. 3, vii (1881), 103-12 + 2 pis.; idem, Le epigrqfi arabiche di Sicillia trascritte, tradotte e illustrate, Parte prima: Iscrizioni edili, in Rivista Sicula (Palermo 186972), n. ed. L. Pedone-Lauriel, Palermo 1875, pp. 92 in 4° + 10 pis.; Parte seconda: Iscrizioni sepolcrali, Documenti per servire alia Storia di Sicilia, Societa siciliana per la Storia Patria, Terza serie—Epigrafia, vol. I, fasc. 1, Palermo 1879, pp. 1-60 + pis. I, IV, VI-IX, fasc. 2, Palermo 1881, pp. I-III, 61169 + pis. II-III, V, X-XV; Parte terza: Iscrizioni domestiche, Palermo 1885, pp. 60, in 4° + 3 pis., Documenti per servire alia Storia di Sicilia, in Soc. sic. per la St. Patria, ser. 3, vol. i, fasc. 1, Palermo 1885. The three parts have been collected, together with the article on the inscriptions of the Royal Palace in Messina (1881), in one volume edited by F. Gabrieli, Edizione nazionale delle opere di Michele Amari— Serie arabistica, Palermo 1971, pp. 351, in 8° + 17 pis. (a selection of new photos). The work contains all the previous bibliography; B. Lagumina, Iscrizione arabica di Siracusa, Note Sicule Orientali, in Archivio Storico Siciliano, n.s., viii (Palermo 1883), 6-8 + 1 pi.; idem, Iscrizione sepolcrale araba di Marsala, in ibid., n.s., ix (1885), 461 + 1 pi.; idem, Iscrizione araba di Salaparuta, in ibid., n.s., ix (1887), 446-7 + 1 pi.; idem, Sulla iscrizione quadrilingue esistente nel Museo Nazionale di Palermo, in ibid., xv (1890), 10810 + 1 pi.; idem, Iscrizione araba del Re Ruggiero scoperta alia Cappella Palatina in Palermo, in Rendiconti R. Ace. Lined, Cl. sc. mor., ser. V, vol. ii (1893), 231-4; idem, PALERMO—Iscrizione edile araba, Notizie degli scavi (agosto 1899), 305-6; idem, Iscrizione sepolcrale araba, in ibid., 306-8; idem, SCIACCA—Iscrizione sepolcrale araba, in ibid., 308-9 + 1 pi.; idem, Iscrizione araba di Linosa, in Archivio Storico Siciliano, n.s., xxxiii (1909); I. Scatturro, Storia della citta di Sciacca e dei comuni della contrada saccense Jra il Belice e il Platani con aggiunzioni circa il dialetto e i nomi propri greci e arabi, a cura di Mons. Giuseppe Sacco, i, ed. G. Majo, Naples 1924, see XII. Avanzi arabi in Sciacca e nd paesi finitimi. Civiltd, 186-89; RCEA; U. Monneret de Villard, Le pitture musulmane al sqffitto della Cappella Palatina in Palermo, Rome 1950; G. Cultrera, LApollonion-Artemision di Ortigia in Siracusa, in Monum. ant. Lined, xli (1951), cols. 701-860; Janine SourdelThomine, Le style des inscriptions arabo-siciliennes a I'epoque des rois normands, in Etudes d'orientalisme dediees a la memoire de Levi-Provencal, i, Paris 1962, 307-15; V. Strika, Alcuni problemi sulle terme di Cefald, in Sicilia Archeologica, Anno VI, nos. 21-2 (Aprile-Agosto 1973), 23-33; F. Gabrieli and U. Scerrato (eds.), Gli Arabi in Italia. Cultura, contatti, tradizioni, con saggi di P. Balog, A. Bausani, E. Guidoni, A.M. Piemontese, A. Ragona e prefazione di Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli, Milan 1979; G.M. Agnello Epigrqfi arabiche a Siracusa. Nota bibliografica, in AA. W., Bizantini e Musulmani in Sicilia, Syracuse 1981, 221-36 + 1 pi.; Vincenza Grassi, Iscrizioni arabe del III secolo dell'Egira a Palermo, in AION, n.s., lii (1992), 35-60 + VII pis.; eadem, Materiali per un Corpus delle Iscrizioni Arabe in Italia—Iscrizioni edili e funerarie, Naples 1993, 2 vols., pp. 393 + 289, unpublished doctoral diss., copies of which are filed in the Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele in Rome and in the Biblioteca Nazionale in Florence. The texts related to Sicily are in i, 66-246, and the plates in ii, 1-158. (VINCENZA GRASSI) SIKKA (A.), literally, an iron ploughshare, and an iron stamp or die used for stamping coins
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SIKKA
(see Lane, Lexicon., 1937). From the latter meaning, it came to denote the result of the stamping, i.e. the legends on the coins, and then, the whole operation of minting coins. 1. Legal and constitutional aspects. As in the Byzantine and Sasanid empires to which the Arab caliphate was heir, the right of issuing gold and silver coinage was a royal prerogative. Hence in the caliphate, the operation of sikka, the right of the ruler to place his name on the coinage, eventually became one of the insignia of royal power, linked with that of the khutba [q.v], the placing of the ruler's name in the bidding prayer during the Friday congregational worship. This right of placing the ruler's name on the coinage did not appear immediately in the Islamic state. As is well known, up to the caliphate of the Umayyad c Abd al-Malik [q.v.] at least, the former Byzantine and Sasanid money continued to circulate; and when the new holders of power within the conquered lands finally placed their own names on newly-minted coins or counterstamped them on older coins, this was not a sign of a prerogative reserved to the caliphs. Provincial governors like Ziyad b. Abfhi, al-Hadjdjadj, c Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad [q.v.], etc., minted coins bearing their own names only. Even when the use of the caliphs' names on coins spread, certain provincial governors continued to follow their own local minting practices; thus at the end of the 1st century A.H., the governor of North Africa Musa b. Nusayr [q.v.] still minted coins of his own, with legends in Latin. Also notable, during the period from Mu'awiya to c Abd al-Malik, was the appearance of effigies of the caliphs on coins, and when the rulers' names appeared, these were often followed by the titles of khalifa or amir al-mu'mimn. Some 'Abbasid coins did not always have the caliph's name on them, but might be minted by the designated heir to the throne or wall 'l-cahd or by a caliphal minister. But it became more and more general for the caliph's name to take precedence, usually with their honorifics or lakabs [q.v] also. With the break-up of caliphal unity, provincial governors began to mint their own coins, placing their own names on them but usually continuing to place first the name of the reigning caliph as a witness to their theoretical subordination to the universal caliphate. Of course, when dynasties arose in deliberate defiance of or emnity to the 'Abbasids, as was the case with the Spanish Umayyads and the Fatimids of North Africa and Egypt, their coinage was a completely independent one, with their own names only inscribed on the coins. Bibliography: Mawardf, al-Ahkdm al-sultdniyya, ch. 13, tr. E. Fagnan, Les statute gouvernementaux, Algiers 1915, 326-30; Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima, ii, 47-53, tr. Rosenthal, ii, 54-60; E. Tyan, Institutions du droit public musulman. i. Le califat, Paris 1954, 480-3; R. Levy, The social structure of Islam, Cambridge 1957, 292-3. (C.E. BOSWORTH) 2. Coinage practice. In Lane's Arabic-English lexicon, the origin of the word sikka is given as sakk, originally a ploughshare, or a nail, pin or peg of iron, thus sikka, an engraved piece of iron, a die for striking coins, hence maskuk, plural maskukdt, coined money. In its literal meaning, sikka refers to coinage dies in a mint, in early days made of bronze rather than iron, which tended to shatter under the repeated blows of the hammering process that was used to transfer the inscriptions on the die to the metal blank or planchet. For the purposes of this section of the article, however, sikka is
discussed in its figurative sense, the right of a Muslim ruler to have his name inscribed on the coinage (see above, 1). From its origins in classical antiquity until today, manufacture of money, and the standards controlling it have been under governmental supervision. The manufacture of coin was an important source of revenue for the government which derived from the fees, or seignorage, charged by the mint for converting unrefined metal into coin. The government stamp on the metal served as a guarantee of its purity, and as a permit for it to become legal tender within the area of authority where it was issued. In the city states of antiquity, the coinage was first identified by images of local gods and other symbols, and was often guaranteed by the names of moneyers. Under the Roman and Parthian Empires, and later the Byzantines and Sasanids, local coinages were swept away, and replaced by those whose principal feature was the ruler's bust, often with his name and titles, and thus monarchial coinage became the rule throughout the Mediterranean and Iranian world. In the time of the Prophet Muhammad the Hidjaz had no indigenous coinage of its own, and its monetary stock was composed of whatever coins were earned through trade or pilgrimage receipts. These were Byzantine gold and copper coins, Sasanid silver, and a miscellany of older coins which had remained in circulation long after the states which issued them had passed into history. The rapid spread of Islam, however, resulted in the acquisition of large quantities of Byzantine and Sasanid coins which fuelled the economy of the newly-conquered territories. The Byzantine money came mostly from outside the territories conquered by the Arabs, although there was a long-established Byzantine mint in Alexandria, and another in Jerusalem operational ca. A.D. 609-15. In the Sasanid lands in the east, however, the Arabs acquired control of many local mints. The silver coinage struck in them bore the name and bust of the ruler, the mint mark and the regnal year of striking. Because the Arabs had no coinage of their own, and the populations of the lands they conquered belonged to two empires with very different monetary systems, they took the pragmatic step of adopting both systems to avoid disrupting the local economy and antagonising their new subjects. The earliest dateable Islamic coins are silver drachms, or dirhams, bearing the name and bust of the last Sasanid ruler Yazdigird III (11-31/632-51) with the legend bism Allah in the obverse margin and on the reverse the mintmark and the date 20, his last regnal year, which corresponded to the year 31 A.H. Yazdigird's name and bust were then replaced by those of Khusraw II (590-628), which became the model for the remainder of the Arab Sasanid series. It soon became the custom for local Muslim governors to replace the name Khusraw with their own names in Pahlawf script. The dates on these coins, however, are often difficult to elucidate because in many instances it is uncertain whether those above the year 31 were continuations of Yazdigird's regnal years or the actual Hidjra years of striking. Outside of the former Sasanid territories, the picture is far less clear. It is not known when Islamic coinage began in the former Byzantine lands, because none of the coins in circulation there were dated. Some authorities have argued that it started soon after the Arab conquest, while others have dated its inception to the early years of the caliph cAbd al-Malik b. Marwan (65-86/684-705). In either case it is clear
SIKKA that the Arabs began to strike copper Julus in longdormant Syrian and Palestinian mints, with designs based on Byzantine prototypes, often giving the names of the towns in both Latin and Arabic. Occasionally, they bear the phrase bism Allah to give them a specifically Islamic character. Mints did not usually share the same designs, which emphasised the local nature of each issue. None bore the name of a caliph or local governor. It can thus be said with some certainty that the idea of sikka as a prerogative of caliphal sovereignty had not yet developed in the early years of the Islamic community. The situation changed significantly after cAbd alMalik b. Marwan defeated the anti-caliph cAbd Allah b. al-Zubayr [q.v.] in 73/692. This victory enabled him to direct his attention to the creation of institutions which would serve the needs of the Islamic community and strengthen centralised Umayyad rule over the empire. Several experiments were made to reform the coinage, which are dealt with in some detail in the articles DINAR, DIRHAM and FALS. It should be noted that cAbd al-Malik introduced a series of copper Julus showing a standing figure of the caliph drawing a sword in defence of the Muslim community with the legend K-'Abd Allah cAbd al-Malik Amir alMu'minm, "For the Servant of God eAbd al-Malik Commander of the Faithful". This is the only instance where an Islamic ruler adopted the style of the imperial Byzantine coinage for use among the Muslims. Although these julus are undated, they may be attributed to the years 74-7, because they are linked stylistically to "standing caliph" dinars which bore these years of striking in their legends. c Abd al-Malik's coinage reform of 77/696-7 removed all images, names and tides from the dinar in favour of legends drawn from the Kur'an, and this model was applied to dirhams in 79/698-9. The only human name to appear in the legends was that of Muhammad, which implies that, as in the frequently used laudation al-Mulk li'lldh., "Sovereignty belongs to God", the right of sikka was vested in the hands of God and of His Messenger. While gold and silver were given this distinction, it was not always the case for the copper coinage where the names of a caliph or governor were occasionally used to indicate the name of the local issuing authority. This usage should not be confused with the right of sikka per se, but only as a means of holding a local governor responsible for coinage issued within the area of his jurisdiction. Despite their differing characters, none of the succeeding Umayyad caliphs altered the legends on the precious metal coinage, which suggests that it satisfied both the spiritual and economic needs of the Muslim community. The revolutionaries in the late Umayyad period made a few alterations to the standard Umayyad dirham (no dinars are known from this time). Those of both cAbd Allah b. Mu'awiya and Abu Muslim [q.vv.] and their lieutenants bore an additional legend: Kul Id as3ala-kum calay-hi adjran ilia 'l-mawaddata fi 'l-kurbd "Say: 'I ask of you no recompense for this other than the love of kin'" (Kur'an, XLII, 23). This was obviously intended to provide divine sanction for Dja'farid and cAbbasid claims to the caliphate. There were also Kharidjite issues which bore their rallying cry Id hukma Hid li'lldh "authority belongs to God alone". There is a third type of revolutionary issue, which was the only known post-reform dirham struck in the Umayyad period to bear the name of someone other than the Prophet Muhammad. This was issued in the name of Djudayc b. cAll al-Kirmanl, and carries the additional
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legend: mim-md amara bi-hi al-Amlr al-Kirmdm b. cAh "authorised by the Amir al-Kirmanl b. 'All". Because the 'Abbasids based their claim to the caliphate on their close relationship to the Prophet, they replaced the Surat al-Ikhlds, which was used by the Umayyads basically as an irritant to the Christians, with Muhammad rasul Allah. Thus it could be argued that the original 'Abbasid sikka was in the name of the Prophet. They did, however, change the way in which the caliph was named. The Umayyad caliphs were known by their proper names and those of their father, e.g. cUmar (II) b. £Abd al-cAziz or Hisham b. ( Abd al-Malik, followed by the caliphal tide Amir alMu'minin. The early cAbbasid caliphs became known by their kunya, calam and lakab, e.g. Abu '1-'Abbas £ Abd Allah al-Saffah and Abu Dja'far cAbd Allah alMansur, but neither of these names is known to appear on their coins. In 145/762, however, al-Mansur granted his son al-Mahdl the right of responsibility for the silver dirham coinage of Khurasan and Armenia. The wording of this privilege copied the style of legend used on some of the copper coinage: amara bihi al-Mahdi Muhammad b. Amir al-Mu3minln. The name of a local governor, al-Hasan b. al-Kahtaba, was also found on a dirham of Armenia dated 154/771. In the reign of al-Mahdl, 158-69/775-85, the ruler's style regularly appeared on dirhams in the form li 'l-Khallfa al-Mahdl and rarely with his name Muhammad. Two of his sons were occasionally granted responsibility for dirhams in the form mim-md amara bi-hi Musd wall cahd al-Muslimln for his heir, and mim-md amara bi-hi Hdrun b. Amir al-Mu3minln for the future al-Rashld. The names of governors also appeared on the dirhams more frequently. During his brief rule (169-70/785-6) al-Hadl was referred to either as li 'l-Khallfa al-Hddl or li 'l-Khallfa Musd. Al-Rashld's earliest dirham coinage from al-Haruniyya in 170 and 171 called him by his first throne name, al-Mardi "The Approved One": li 'l-Khallfa al-Mardi mim-md amara bi-hi Hdrun Amir alMu'minln. The caliph's name then made its first brief appearance on a few rare dinars of 170 and 171 in the form mim-md amara bi-hi cAbd Allah Hdrun Amir alMu'mimn, where cAbd Allah was used in its titular form as it had been on the coins of cAbd al-Malik. Between 170 and 187/786-803, while al-Rashld was under the tutelage of Abu '1-Fadl Dja'far al-Barmakl [see AL-BARAMIKA] , an extraordinary variety of coinage was issued. The gold dinars of Egypt carried the names of its governors 'All, Musa, cUmar, Muhammad, Dawud and Ibrahim, then that of its honorary governor DjaTar (al-Barmakl) and finally Khalid. Dinars issued in Trak between 177 and 187 bore the legend mim-md amara bi-hi al-Amin Muhammad b. Amir alMu'minln. The silver coinage was far more complex, sometimes naming the caliph as either Hdrun or alRashld., but often not mentioning him at all. Al-Amin was usually called wall cahd al-Muslimln., and his younger brother al-Ma'mun the second heir, wait wall cahd alMuslimln. Djafar's name appeared either alone after that of the caliph and his heir, or with the names of local governors. This coinage is particularly valuable for historians because the governors' names provide a chronology for the period which would otherwise have escaped posterity. Presumably they were granted the privilege of placing their names on the coins when they received their commissions from the 'Abbasid chancellory headed by Dja'far al-Barmakl. After the latter's execution in 187/803, al-Rashld curbed this practice, and most of the coinage recovered its former anonymity, particularly in mints such as Madlnat al-Salam, al-Rafika and al-Muhammadiyya
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which were under direct caliphal control. The conflict that erupted between al-Amln and al-Ma'mun after al-Rashld's death in 193/809 was reflected in the coins they each struck. No specialised, systematic study has been made of the coinage of these two rulers, which is the most complex in the history of the Islamic world, because by this time responsibility for the sikka had become highly decentralised, and indeed fragmented. For example, after the year 145/762 the Umayyad rulers of Spain were striking conventional, anonymous Umayyad dirhams. In the Maghrib the Idrlsids and other local rulers placed their own names on the coinage without any titles. During al-Rashld's rule, the province of Ifrlkiya had fallen into the hands of the Aghlabids, who became its hereditary governors. They retained the design of the early 'Abbasid dinar, but differentiated it by adding the governor's name and the dynastic symbol ghdlib to its legends. The province of Egypt, which al-Ma'mun acquired in 196/812, now became the western boundary of the 'Abbasid caliphate. From then until 213/829 the names of provincial governors appeared on the Egyptian coinage, usually with that of the caliph. Between 198 and 211 Syria was controlled by Muhammad b. Bayhas, who placed the caliph's name above his on the dirhams which he struck. Madfnat al-Salam (Baghdad) was held by al-Amm until 198/813, when it fell to the forces of al-Fadl b. Sahl Dhu '1-Ri'asatayn [q.v.]. His conquest marked a turning point for the currency, because in 198 al-Fadl struck the first c Abbasid dinar to bear a mint name, sc. Madlnat alSalam. More importantly for the purposes of this article, he added the word li'llah "For God", above Muhammad rasul Allah to the legends found on both dinars and dirhams. This dedication made it clear that the right of sikka was vested in the hands of God, passing through those of His messenger Muhammad to the individual named as the issuing agent. This chain of authority can be seen in its most highly developed form on the dirhams struck by al-Ma'mun after he chose the eighth Shicl Imam as his heir in 201/816. The reverse reads: li'llah; Muhammad rasul Allah; al-Ma}mun Khalifat Allah; mim-md amara bi-hi alAmir al-Ridd wall cahd al-Muslimin, cAli b. Musd b. cAli b. Abi Tdlib; Dhu 'l-Ri3 dsatayn. The appointment of 'All al-Rida as wall cahd sparked off a Sunnl revolt in Baghdad, which was nominally led by al-Ma'mun's uncle, Ibrahim b. al-Mahdl (202-3/817-19 [q.v.]). He refrained from placing his name in full on the few dinars attributed to him, but abbreviated it to its first and last letters, alif/mim. Al-Ma'mun celebrated his triumph over al-Amln in 198/813 by adding a Kur'anic passage to the dirhams he struck in Marw, the seat of his government: "With God is the Decision in the past and in the future; on that day the Faithful shall rejoice in the help of God" (XXX, 4-5). While this passage was almost certainly chosen by al-Ma'mun to give immediate divine sanction to his seizure of the caliphate, with time and continuous usage it became the cAbbasid motto, and was found on all dinars and most dirhams issued by the dynasty until its downfall in 656/1258. At first its use spread gradually, coming to the dirhams of Madlnat al-Salam with al-Ma'mun's arrival in the city in 204/819, but it achieved greater prominence in 206/821 when the capital mint issued new dinars and dirhams inscribed in a new monumental and highly legible Kufic script. On this reform coinage, which had come into general use by 215/831, al-Ma'mun harked back to the past by allowing neither his name nor that of any governor to appear in its legends.
Thus the sikka was once again issued only in the name of God and His Messenger. When Abu Ishak Muhammad al-Muctasim succeeded to the caliphate on the death of his brother al-Ma'mun in Radjab 218/833, he continued to strike the same anonymous coinage, but distinguished it slightly by altering the former leftward slant of the word li'llah to make it fully vertical. In 219/834, however, he introduced a new style of throne name, a participial phrase describing the caliph by his relationship to God rather than by the manner of his leadership of the Muslim community. From al-Saffah until al-Ma'mun, the lakab is understood to have modified the title al-Khalifa, e.g. "the Victorious Caliph", "the Orthodox Caliph" or "the Trusted Caliph", but the new sikka read li'llah; Muhammad rasul Allah alMu'tasim bi'lldh "For God, Muhammad is God's Messenger, the One Who Relies on God". This new style was probably chosen because it conformed to the theory that the sikka originated in and descended from God's sovereign power. This form was used by all but one of al-Mutasim's successors until the end of the dynasty, and was only modified for political purposes when the name of the heir was added to the legends. The practice began under al-Mutawakkil, whose son was first named Abu c Abd Allah b. Amir al-Mu'mimn, and then received his later throne name al-Muctazz bi'lldh b. Amir al-Mu3minln on his father's dinars and dirhams. It was taken further when the feeble caliph al-Muctamid divided jurisdiction between his son and heir Djacfar in the West and his powerful brother Abu Ahmad Talha in the East. The heir was first named Diafar on his coinage, and later al-Mufawwid ild 'lldh, while Talha was always known as al-Muwqffak bi'lldh. After alMuwaffak defeated the Zandj rebels he added another tide to the coinage struck under his jurisdiction: alNdsir li-Dln Allah, al-Muwqffak bi'lldh. He subsequently included the name of his heir, Ahmad b. al-Muwqffak bi'lldh, who became known as al-Mu£tadid bi'llah after his father's death, in the year before he succeeded Mu'tamid as caliph. Throughout the latter part of the 3rd/9th-10th century the unity of the cAbbasid state was breaking down because of the rise of powerful, virtually independent local rulers who emphasised their status by adding their names to both the coinage and the khutba. Even the caliphs had occasionally honoured individual wa&rs on their own coinage, but never in their own names. For example, al-Muctamid included the title Dhu 'l-Wizdratqyn to honour Sacid b. Makhlad in 270/883; al-Muktafi Wati al-Dawla to honour Abu '1-Husayn al-Kasim b. cUbayd Allah in the year of his death, 291/903-4; and al-Muktadir 'Amd al-Dawla to honour al-Husayn b. al-Kasim, the son of the caliph's wazir, on some of his coinage dated 320/932. The local rulers, however, used only their own calam without any titles on the coins which, in theory, they struck on behalf of the caliph. This practice started in Egypt and Syria in 265/879 when Ahmad b. Tulun placed his name below that of the caliph in the reverse field. In the East, it began somewhat earlier when the first Saflarid ruler added his own name Ya'kub to the coinage (ca. 259-65). Before long the practice became universal, and whether by usurpation or grant from the caliph, the presence of names on the coinage came to be seen as a right that could be exercised by any serious rebel, semi-autonomous local governor or faithful ally of the 'Abbasid caliphate. This adds an extra dimension of interest to the study of the series for the historian and numismatist, because new
SIKKA coins fill in gaps in our knowledge which existing textual sources may be unable to do. In the words of Stanley Lane-Poole in his Fasti Arabici: "The coins of the Muslim East do not so much recall history as make it ... If the complete series of coins issued by every Muslim state was preserved, we should be able to tabulate with the utmost nicety the entire line of kings and their principal vassals that have ruled in every part of the [Muslim Community] ... to draw with tolerable accuracy the boundaries of their territories at every period". While in theory the right of sikka flowed downwards from God, through the Prophet, to his vicegerent the caliph, and from him to his vassal/ally, and ultimately perhaps to the latter's heir or an important governor, in practice it now moved in the opposite direction. The local strong man who controlled the mint defined his political and even religious position by acknowledging only those overlords who were valuable to his status, or by choosing Kur'anic and other legends that defined his allegiance in the Sunnl-Shl'I divide. No detailed account of the sikka in such cases can be given here, but for illustrative purposes examples are drawn from the principal Islamic dynasties which are not discussed elsewhere in this Encyclopaedia. Until 297/909 there was only one caliphate in the Islamic community, but in that year cAbd Allah alShl'I proclaimed the Fatimid claimant cAbd Allah alMahdl bi'llah Amir al-Mu3minin at Kayrawan in Tunisia. The statement on his sikka: al-Imam al-Mahdl bi'llah c Abd Allah Amir al-Mu3minln prompted the Umayyads of Spain to revive their claim to the Sunn! caliphate. After 316/928, cAbd al-Rahman III issued a redesigned coinage placing his name in the reverse field, al-Imam al-Ndsir li-Dtn Allah cAbd al-Rahman Amir alMu'minm, which paralleled that of his Fatimid rival. In later reigns this order was reversed, e.g. al-Imam Hishdm Amir al-Mu3minm al-Mu3ayyad bi'lldh. Still later, the Spanish coinage often incorporated the title and name of the chief minister as well as that of the caliph, e.g. al-Hdajib cAbd al-Malik. Other names also appeared, often those of wazlrs or masters of the mint. In such instances, however, these men should not be considered as the holders of the sikka, unlike in the East where it was usually the lowest-ranking name who actually controlled the currency. This is well illustrated by the coinage issued during the crisis in the 'Abbasid caliphate, when its erstwhile vassals brought about its prolonged eclipse. In 329/940 the Amir al-Umard3, Abu '1-Husayn Badjkam was able to have his name included on al-Radl's dinars and dirhams beneath that of the caliph, where he was described simply as mawld "client". On the accession of al-Muttakl, his name appeared in full: Abu 'l-Husayn Badjkam Mawld Amir al-Mu3minln. The sikka then reverted to the caliph and his heir alMansur. In 330/942 Abu Muhammad al-Hasan, the Hamdanid ruler of Mawsil, was appointed Amir alUmard3 with the tide Nasir al-Dawla. The following year, his brother's name was added to the legends below that of the caliph's heir: Sayf al-Dawla Abu 'l-Hasan, and that of the senior amir below the caliph's: Ndsir al-Dawla Abu Muhammad. In 333-4/945 the name of the Amir al-Umard3 al-Mu^qffar Abu Wafd3 (Tuzun) appeared on coins of al-Mustakfi", who very exceptionally called himself Imam al-Hakk al-Mustakfl bi'lldh. Shortly after this, he was forced to cede Baghdad to Buwayhid control, which ended both 'Abbasid independence and his life, but not before he had transformed the three sons of Buwayh from Ahmad, CA1I and Hasan into Mueizz, clmad and Rukn al-Dawla.
595
For a time, this style of lakab was the highest form of title attained by a secular ruler in the East. The Buwayhid sikka can be difficult to determine, but the general principle to follow is to go from one side of the coin to the other starting with the name of the caliph, usually found in the reverse field below Muhammad rasul Allah and then to work downwards from the highest-ranking amir to the lowest, and thus arrive at the individual who actually exercised the right of sikka. The next round of inflation in coinage titulature was set off when the caliph al-Ta'i' li'llah invested c Adud al-Dawla as supreme secular ruler in 367/977. He now styled himself al-Malik al-cAdil (Adud al-Dawla wa-Taaj al-Milla Abu Shudj.dc. On other coins struck immediately before his coronation he was described as al-Amir al-cAdil and al-Malik al-Sayyid. Before long all the ruling Buwayhid amir?, had royal titles and lakabs in both the al-Dawla and al-Milla forms, and often in an al-Umma form as well. BahaJ al-Dawla then assumed a superior lakab in the al-Din form calling himself "The Just King of Kings and Shah of Shahs". His sikka thus read Malik al-Muluk, Shdhanshdh, Kiwdm al-Din, Abu 'l-Ndsir, Bahd3 al-Dawla wa-Diyd3 alMilla wa-Ghiydth al-Umma. Titular excess reached its highest point under the Buwayhid ruler of Fars, Abu Kalldjar (415-40/102449), who was one of the greatest comers in Islamic history. Following his investiture as Amir al-Umard3 in 435/1044, his sikka read Shdhanshdh al-Mucazzam, Malik al-Muluk, Muhyl Din Allah wa-Ghiydth (Ibdd Allah waKaslm Khalifat Allah Abu Kdllajdr. After his death, lakabs in the -Allah, al-Milla and al-Umma forms went out of fashion, and those remaining were usually shortened to the al-Dunyd wa 'I-Dm form. Between 449 and 541/1057-1146 the Almoravids or al-Murabitun [q.v.] in the Maghrib struck a plentiful gold and silver coinage acknowledging the 'Abbasid caliphate, but never naming the caliph individually. He was referred to as al-Imdm, cAbd Allah, Amir alMu3mimn, and in later years the epithet al-cAbbdsl was sometimes added. The rulers, who were known simply as al-Amir Abu Bakr b. cUmar, al-Amir Tusufb. Tdshufin, etc., later adopted the sub-caliphal title Amir al-Muslimln. CA1I b. Yusuf named two successive wall c ahds, Sir b. cAlf between 522 and 533/1128-39 and Tashufin b. 'All (533-7/1139-43). The same style of titulature was used by the remaining Almoravid rulers, TashufYn, Ibrahim and Ishak. When the Almohads or al-Muwahhidun [q.v.] dynasty seized power in Morocco in 540/1146, they altered their sikka radically. It was based on the belief that the sect's founder, Muhammad b. Tumart [q.v.], whose followers called him al-Mahdl, could purify Islam of its corruptions. After Ibn Tumart's death the sect was led by his most capable disciple 'Abd alMu'min [q.v] who, after his defeat of the Almoravids, introduced a new style of coinage unlike any found elsewhere in the Islamic community. Although nominally Sunn! in allegiance, the Almohads made no reference to the 'Abbasid caliphate, and removed the traditional mint and date formula from the legends, which were inscribed within a new square in circle design. They did, however, take great delight in titulature and genealogy, which somewhat makes up for the lack of mints and dates. A sample sikka on a dinar of Abu Hafs cUmar (646-65/1248-66) illustrates this: in reverse square, al-Mahdl Imam al-umma, alKd3im bi-Amr Allah, al-Khallfa al-Imam, Abu Muhammad c Abd al-Mu3min ibn cAll Amir al-Mu3minm, in reverse segments, Amir al-Mu3minln, Abu Ya'kub Tusuf ibn al-
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Khalifa, and in obverse segments, Amir al-Mu3minln alMurtadd li-Amr, Allah Abu Hafs b. al-Amlr, al-Tdhir Abi Ibrahim, ibn al-Khallfatayn. The same square in circle design, with similarly convoluted legends, was used by the Hafsids, Marfnids and Ziyanids. Before leaving this type, there is the sikka found on a dinar of the last Nasrid ruler in Spain, Muhammad XII, Boabdil, who lost Granada to the Christians in 897/1492. It reads: cAbd Allah, al-Ghdlib bi'llah, Muhammad b. 'All b. Safd b. 'All, b. Tusuf b. Muhammad b. Tusuf b. Nasr, ayyadahu Allah wa-nasara-hu with the Nasrid motto Idghdlib ilia Allah repeated four times in the margin. Turning to the coinage of the Fatimid caliphs [see FATIMIDS], it should be recalled that the first ruler's coins bore the legends of a first period cAbbasid dinar, with no more than his name to distinguish them from the previous Aghlabid dinars. His successor, however, changed the design and calligraphy on the coinage and used as his sikka Muhammad Abu 'l-Kdsim al-Mahdl bi'llah al-Kd3im bi-Amr Allah Amir al-Mu3minln. The coins of the third caliph still showed no overt signs of the Fatimid leadership of the Ismaclll Shi*Is: Abd Allah Ismd'll al-Imdm al-Mansur bi'llah, Amir al-Mu3minln. Their real religious feelings burst forth with the first coinage of the fourth caliph al-Mu'izz. On the obverse, the Kalima was augmented by the sentence wa-'All b. Abi Tdlib wasiyy rasul nd3ib al-fadul wa-zawaj al-zahrd3 al-batul "And CA1I b. Abi Talib is the Nominee of the Prophet, Most Excellent Representative, and Husband of the Radiant Chaste One". On the reverse the caliph styled himself 'Abd Allah Macadd Abu-Tamlm, al-Imdm al-Mu'izz li-Din Allah, Amir al-Mu3minln, muhyl sunnat Muhammad, sayyid al-mursalln, wa-wdrith maajd al-a'imma al-mahdiyyln "Revivifier of the Sunna of Muhammad, Lord of the Transmitters and Heir to the Splendour of the Rightly-Guided Imams". This coinage is said to have caused serious problems for the government because most of their subjects were SunnI by persuasion, and a less inflammatory legend was quickly substituted in its place, "The Imam Macadd summons (to belief in) the Unity of God, the Everlasting". When al-cAz!z succeeded al-Mu£izz, he introduced the phrase cAbd Allah wa-waliyyuhu "The Servant of God and His Companion" to the Fatimid sikka, preceding the kunya and calam which were followed by the caliphal title and Amir al-Mu3minln. Only al-Hakim regularly placed the name of an heir on his coinage. Breaking all dynastic conventions, he disregarded the claim of his eldest son al-Zahir and chose a distant cousin and nonentity for the position, eAbd al-Rahlm, who appears on the sikka as wa-cAbd al-Rahlm wall cahd al-Muslimln. In Isma'IlI thinking the use of al-Mu3mimn was limited to those who held Isma'Ili beliefs, while the general community were al-Muslimln. Through his actions it would appear that al-Hakim saw himself as the last Imam. It is said that he secretly appointed a great religious scholar to lead the Isma'IlI community as wall cahd al-Muslimin, while 'Abd al-Rahlm was to have exercised overt political leadership of the Muslim community. Other Fatimid coins highlight the problems in the disputed succession after al-Amir's death in 524/1130. He left no direct male heir, but one of his consorts was said to be pregnant by him. The wazir al-Fadl Abu {AlI Ahmad, who seized control of the government, first struck dinars in the name of the expected Imam, al-Imdm Muhammad Abu 'l-Kdsim al-Munta^ar liAmr Allah Amir al-Mu'minln, but when the heir failed to materialise he is said to have discarded his allegiance to the "Sevener" Fatimids and revealed himself as a "Twelver" Shlcl. He then proclaimed his beliefs
by striking coins in the name of the Twelfth and last Imam, Muhammad al-Mahdi, with himself as his lieutenant and viceroy, al-Imdm al-Mahdl, al-Kd'im bi-Amr Allah Huajajat Allah cald }l-'dlimln, nd'ibuhu wa-khalifatahu al-Fadl Abu 'All Ahmad. After al-Fadl's overthrow the new ruler first proclaimed himself wall cahd, because of his collateral claim to the caliphate, 'Abd Allah wawaliyyuhu, Abu 'l-Maymun 'Abd al-Maajid wall cahd alMuslimin, and then, casting aside his scruples, as caliph, al-Imdm 'Abd al-Madjld Abu 'l-Maymun al-Hdfiz li-Dln Allah Amir al-Mu3minln. Following Saladin's accession to power after the last Fatimid caliph in 567/1171, he took the cautious first step of striking his sikka in the name of the 'Abbasid caliph: al-Imdm al-Hasan, al-Mustadl3 bi-Amr Allah, Amir al-Mu3minln, and his overlord Nur al-Dln Mahmud b. ZangI, the ruler of Aleppo, then, after the latter's death, in his own name: al-Malik al-Ndsir Saldh al-Dunyd wa 'l-Dln Tusuf b. Ayyub. This style of sikka became the standard form for subsequent Ayyubid rulers. After the death of the last Ayyubid ruler of Egypt, al-Malik al-Mueazzam Ghiyath al-Dunya wa 'l-Dln Turan Shah b. Ayyub in 648/1250, power was briefly held by one of the rare female rulers in the Muslim world, Shadjar al-Durr [q.v.]. Her sikka read: al-Musta'simiyya, al-Sdlihiyya, Malikat al-Muslimin, Wdlidat alMalik al-Mansur, Khalll Amir al-Mu3minln. Lane-Poole deduced from this legend that she was formerly in the harem of the caliph al-Mustacsim, who presented her to al-Salih Ayyub, that she became Queen of the Muslims and mothered a prince, al-Malik al-Mansur, whom she termed "Friend of the Commander of the Faithful". The second Mamluk ruler, Aybak, concealed himself behind two fictive rulers, first al-Ashraf Musa, al-Malik al-Ashraf Abu 'l-Fath Musa b. al-Malik al-Salih Ayyub, and then the last powerful Ayyubid: al-Malik al-Salih Naajm al-Dln Ayyub b. al-Malik al-Kdmil, Aybak. The succeeding rulers maintained the Ayyubid style of sikka until Baybars gave refuge to an 'Abbasid prince who fled the Mongol sack of Baghdad. In return for his name on the sikka, al-Imdm al-Mustansir bi'llah Abu 'l-Kdsim Ahmad b. al-Imdm al-^dhir Amir alMu3minln, the newly-recognised caliph granted Baybars the style al-Sultdn al-Malik al-^dhir Rukn al-Dunyd wa 'l-Dln Baybars Kdsim Amir al-Mu3minln. For the remainder of Mamluk rule, the conjoint tide al-Sultdn alMalik remained as the royal protocol. Those rulers who were not themselves of royal descent were often identified by an epithet which indicated their original royal master; Baybars I and Kalawun called themselves al-Sdlihl after al-Salih Ayyub, while Kitbugha, Lacln and Baybars II were known as al-Mansun after al-Mansur Kalawun. All the later Bahrl Mamluk rulers were descendants of Kalawun, and carefully recorded their genealogy in their sikka. The Burdji Mamluk rulers continued the same form of royal protocol as the Bahrls, but space limitations and, usually, a lack of royal descent kept it relatively brief. Two typical examples are al-Sultdn al-Malik alAshraf Abu 'l-Ndsr Kd3it Bay, 'Azza nasruhu and al-Sultdn al-Malik al-Zahir Abu Sa'ld Kdnsawh, 'azza nasruhu. The coinage does, however, hold one curiosity. In 815/1412 one of the cAbbasid caliphs in Egypt was elected to the sultanate as a political expedient. He styled himself either as al-Imdm al-A'^am or al-Sultdn al-Malik alMusta'ln bi'llah Abu 'l-Fadl al-'Abbds Amir al-Mu3minln. Elsewhere, the founder of the Rasulid dynasty of Yemen, al-Mansur cUmar, initially struck his coins in the name of his nominal Ayyubid overloads, who had previously ruled the country. In 634/1236-7 he began to coin in his own name: al-Malik al-Mansur
SIKKA Abu 'l-Fath cUmar b. CAIL He followed the Ayyubid convention of acknowledging the spiritual overlordship of the 'Abbasid caliphate, and further emphasised his Sunn! allegiance by becoming the first ruler to incorporate the names of the first four Orthodox Caliphs into the coin legends. This innovation was followed by a second when his son al-Muzaffar Yusuf became the first to style himself al-Sultdn al-Malik as early as 648/1250, well before Baybars received the conjoint title in 659/1261. For Saldjuk titulature on the sikka, see SALDJUKIDS, VIII. Among their successors, the Atabegs of Eastern Anatolia and Western Persia usually acknowledged the c Abbasid caliph as head of the Islamic community. As a reflection of the general insecurity of the age, each ruler was faced with the problem of how to express on his coinage the network of feudal allegiances and alliances which would maintain his security, and the coins provide a useful record of the many twists and turns in the political and military history of the time. A few examples will illustrate this. On a typical dinar of the Zangids of Mawsil dated 616/1219-20, the sikka read Nasir al-Dm Atabak b. '!&. al-Din b. Arslan Shah (Nasir al-Dm Mahmud, son of e lzz al-Dln Mascud, son of Nur al-Dm Arslan Shah), on the obverse al-Malik al-Kdmil referred to al-Kamil Muhammad, the Ayyubid ruler of Egypt, and on the reverse al-Malik al-Ashraf referred to al-Ashraf Musa, the Ayyubid ruler of the Djazlra and immediate neighbour of Nasir al-Dm Mahmud. On a dinar of Mawsil, struck after the Mongol conquest of Baghdad, Badr al-Dm LuJluJ [q-v.] was quick to recognise the new order in 'Irak: Mongke Kd?dn al-a'^am Khuddbanda-yi 'dlarn, Padishah ru-i zamin, ziyddat 'agmatahu, and on the reverse al-Malik al-Rahim Badr al-Dm Lu3lu3. After Lu j lu >? s death in 657/1258, his son first struck coinage in the name of Mongke as above, naming himself alMalik al-Sdlih Rukn al-Dunyd wa 'l-Din Ismd'il. Then in 659, just before his downfall, he miscalculated by repudiating Mongol overlordship and struck dinars in the name of Baybars and the 'Abbasid caliph in Cairo: al-Imdm al-Mustansir bi'llah Amir al-Mu'mimn al-Sultdn al-A'zam al-Malik al-^dhir Rukn al-Din Kdsim Amir alMu3minm. The early Mongol II Khans of Persia inscribed their sikka in Uyghur script: "The coinage of (name) the Great Khan's Viceroy", and under Ghazan Mahmud "By God's Power, Ghazan's coinage". His successor Oldjeytii (Uldjaytu) introduced an important innovation to his first coinage. To satisfy what was probably a felt need to define his stance on the SunnlShlcl divide, he incorporated the names of the first four Orthodox caliphs in the legends: Abu Bakr, 'Umar, c Uthmdn and 'All, around the SunnI kalima. Oldjeytii then proclaimed his conversion to ShI'ism by adopting the Shlcl kalima with the names of the Twelve Imams surrounding it. His new sikka may have been intended to quell any controversy over this move: "Struck in the Days of Prosperity of our Master the Grand Sultan, Ruler of the Necks of the Community Uldjaytu Sultan. Defender of the World and Faith, the Servant of God, Muhammad, May God Preserve his Sovereignty". The later II Khanid rulers returned to SunnI beliefs, and placed the name of the Orthodox Caliphs on all their coinages. No other names appeared besides that of the ruler, even in the cases of the last II Khans, who exercised no actual power in the state whatever apart from being named in the khutba and sikka. One extraordinary exception to this practice is found on the coinage of Tlmur Gurkhan, or Tlmur Lang.
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When he seized control of Transoxiana in 771/ 1369-70 he did not depose the Caghatay Khans from their position as its nominal rulers. Between 771 and 790/1369-88, the name of Suyurghatmish appeared above that of Tlmur, and between 790 and 800/138898 that of Mahmud. Tlmur called himself Amir Tlmur Gurkhdn, but his successor Shah Rukh employed the usual Persian style: al-Sultdn al-A'zam Shdhrukh Bahadur khallada Allah mulkahu wa-sultdnahu. For the Ottomans' and Safawids' sikka., see COTHMANLI. IX, and SAFAWIDS. 6. After the fall of the Safawids in the part of Persia which came under the rule of the HotakI Afghans, the Shl'I kalima was replaced by the SunnI one on the coinage struck by Shah Mahmud (1135-7/1722-4) and Ashraf (1137-42/ 1724-9). The sikka was now often expressed through the use of Persian couplets which bore the name of the ruler in elaborate and often playful wording. Because of the many puns and multiple layers of meaning which can be read into these distichs, they lose most of their sense in translation. They were obviously intended for the "happy few" who had the necessary education and means to appreciate them. On some of his coins the Afsharid Nadir Shah (1148-60/1735-47) gave himself the title Sultan Nadir khallada Allah mulkahu, on others he used distichs. Karim Khan Zand struck no coinage in his own name, but employed the invocation Ya Karim). in its place. R.S. Poole explains the background in Coinage of the Shahs of Persia: "The Zand and Kadjar Khans before Fath C A1I Shah did not assume full rights of sovereignty. Their money shows the position they took." The founder of each line first struck money in the name of Shah Isma'Il III; then Karim Khan Zand, as wakil, struck in the name of Imam Muhammad al-Mahdl, also using the invocation yd Karim). alluding to his own name. Muhammad Hasan Khan Kadjar similarly coined in the name of Imam 'All al-Rida. Evidently, they had no official ajulus. The later Zand Khans, at least in some cases, had a ajulus. But on their money they assume no regal titles; there was still a Safawid heir. The principle of Karim Khan is not deviated from except in the appearance of the names without titles of his first successor Abu '1-Fath and his last one Lutf 'All; 'All Murad and Dja'far used allusive invocations (Yd cAli\ and Yd Imam D^a'far Sddikl), while Sadik repeated that of Karim Khan. Similarly, Agha Muhammad Khan Kadjar struck in the name of both Imams and was content with an allusive invocation (Ya Muhammad\) even after he had conquered his rivals, and as sole prince had a ajulus. Probably this was because a Safawid prince, Sultan Muhammad Mlrza, had been proclaimed by him in Tehran in 1200/1786 and was still living, although not in Persia. Fath CA1I Shah made an extraordinary innovation. Before his ajulus, he issued royal money under his name Baba Khan with the title of sultan. On his later coinage he styled himself as al-Sultdn b. al-Sultdn Fath c Ali Shah Kdd^dr, sikka Fath cAli Shah Khusraw Sdhibkirdn or sikka Fath 'Alt Shah Khusraw Kashwarsitan. Muhammad Shah used the title Shdhanshdh Anbiyd Muhammad. Nasir al-Din Shah usually placed al-Sultdn b. al-Sultdn Nasir al-Din Shah Kdajdr on his hammered coinage, while on some of his high denomination, machine-struck coins there was room to inscribe al-Sultdn al-Af^am al-Khdkdn al-Fakhim Sdhibkirdn Nasir al-Din Shah Kdajdr. Similar styles were used by the last three Kadjar rulers, Muzaffar al-Dm, Muhammad CA1I and Ahmad Shah. The sikka of the Dihll Sultans [q.v.] varies considerably, but the usual style followed the pattern of a coin of Mahmud Shah (644-64/1246-66): al-Sultdn al-
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A'gam Nasir al-Dunya wa 'l-Dln Abu 'l-Mu^affar Mahmud ibn al-Sultdn. One of the many sikkas of Mubarak Shah (716-20/1316-20), who regarded himself as both a religious and secular ruler, read al-Imdm al-Ac£am Khalifa Rabb al-{Alamln Kutb al-Dunya wa 'l-Din Abu }l-Mug,qffar Mubarakshdh al-Sultdn b. al-Sultdn al-Wdthik bi 'llah Amir al-Mu3minln. The most complex coins in the series were struck by Muhammad Shah II (725-52/1325-51), with over fifty varieties recorded. One group was struck in the name of his father, whom he very likely murdered: al-Sultdn al-Shdhid al-Shdhid al-Ghatf Ghiydth alDunya wa 'l-Dln Abu '1-Mug.qffar Tugtiluk Shah al-Sultdn. On others he described himself as al-Mudjdhid Ji Sabll Allah Muhammad b. Tughluk Shah; al-Wdthik bi-Ta3yld al-Rahmdn Muhammad Shah al-Sultdn; al-cAbd al-Rdajl Rahmat Allah Muhammad b. Tughluk ... Still others he struck exclusively in the names of two 'Abbasid caliphs in Cairo, al-Mustakfi and al-Hakim. The titles used by the founder of the Mughal dynasty in India, Babur (932-7/1525-30), were strongly influenced by his neighbours the Shibanids of Transoxania. They were SunnI in character, and usually included the names of the four Orthodox Caliphs with their epithets. He often styled himself al-Sultdn al-A'zam al-Khdkdn al-Mukarram £dhir al-Dln Muhammad Bdbur Pddishdh-i Ghdzl; his son, Nasir al-Dfn Muhammad Humayun (937-63/1530-56) used a similar style. The third ruler, Akbar (963-1014/1556-1605), employed three different styles for his sikka. The first, al-Sultdn al-Ac£am D}aldl al-Dln Muhammad Akbar Pddishdh-i Ghdzl appeared in the early years of his reign. The next issue was anonymous in the strict sense of the word, but the legend Allah Akbar D^alla Qialdluhu "God is Most Great, May His Greatness be Glorified" has caused many Westerners to assume that Akbar confused himself with God. It is more likely, however, that he placed this invocation on the coinage to draw attention to his newly established Tawhld-i ildhl Akbar Shdhl "Akbar Shah's Doctrine of the Unity of the Divine Being". The third type was an early instance of the use of Persian couplets in the coin legends. This may have been adopted in order to avoid placing the kalima on the coinage of a ruler who was not devoted to the practices of traditional Islam. One such example read "The sun-shaped die of Akbar is the honour of this gold, while the light of the sun remains an ornament to the earth and sky". The coinage of Akbar's son Djahangfr (1014-37/ 1605-28) was certainly among the most artistic of any Muslim ruler. Elegant distichs, superb calligraphy and figural designs, combined with careful striking, have made his name famous as the master coiner of the age. Each issue seems to have been an occasion for fresh legends and designs, but on many his sikka read Nur al-Dln Diahdnglr Shah [b.] Akbar Shdh. His successor Shah Djahan (1037-68/1628-58) reverted to a more traditional style of coinage, where the kalima and the four Orthodox Caliphs returned to the place of honour, and the ruler was styled Shihdb al-Dln Muhammad Sdhibkirdn al-Thdm Shah Djahdn Pddishdh-i Ghatf. The accession of the austerely religious Awrangzlb (1068-1118/1658-1707) brought about the near permanent banishment of the kalima from the Mughal coinage. Like the Ottomans and the Safawid Shah IsmaTl II (984-5/1576-7), he believed that the profession of faith would be profaned if it fell into the hands of the unbelievers. This was quite opposite to the early Muslims' view that coins carrying texts from the Kurjan acted as missionaries of the Faith. Most of Awrangzlb's coins bore the couplet "Struck coin in the world like the shining sun (for gold) or moon
(for silver) Shah Awrangzib 'Alamgir". The reverse inscription referred to the ruler's regnal year and became virtually invariable: "The year of accession associated with prosperity". The coins of the later Mughals either bore tides, as on the coinage of Shah Djahan, or couplets in the style of Awrangzib. They retained their pride and claims to greatness until the end of the dynasty. The sikka of the last Mughal ruler Bahadur Shah II (1253-74/1837-58) read Abu 'l-Muzqffar Sirdaj al-Dln Muhammad Bahadur Shdh Pddishdh-i Ghdzl. Today the use of the traditional sikka has virtually come to an end. The last ruler to place the kalima on his coinage was the Imam Ahmad (1367-82/ 1948-62), ruler of Yaman, who styled himself Ahmad Hamld al-Dln Amir al-Mu3minln al-Ndsir li-Dln Allah Rabb al-cAlamln. His successor the Imam Badr struck a token coinage in exile which did not circulate in the Yaman. Now the only countries which use a royal style on their coins are: Morocco—al-Hasan al-Thdnl al-Malik al-Maghribf, Sucudf Arabia—al-Malik Fahd b. cAbd al'Azlz al-Sucud Khddim al-Haramayn al-Shanfayn\ cUman— Kdbus b. Sa'ld Sultan (Umdn and Brunei—(in Latin characters) Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah. Elsewhere in the Muslim world, the coinage is issued in the name of the state or central bank. It has been entirely secularised and shorn of all its past associations, and is no more than a bland reflection of today's political realities. Bibliography: There is no work per se that deals with the Islamic sikka, but in every catalogue where a coin is described the names and titles of the ruler are recorded. The material for further study is contained in the great museum catalogues, and in more specialised works which deal with a particular dynasty. There are also hundreds of articles on individual subjects. I. and C. Artuk, Istanbul Arkeoloji Muzeleri teshirdeki isldmi sikkeler katalogu, Istanbul 1971; P. Balog, The coinage of the Mamluk Sultans of Egypt and Syria, ANS, New York 1964; idem, The coinage of the Ayyubids, RNS, London 1980; J.D. Brethes, Contribution a I'histoire du Maroc par les recherches numismatiques, Casablanca 1939; R. Darley-Doran, History of currency in the Sultanate of Oman, London 1990; H. Hazard, The numismatic history of late medieval North Africa, New York 1952; G. Hennequin, Catalogue des monnaies musulmanes de la Bibliotheque Nationak, Paris 1985; C.L. Krause and C. Mishler, Standard catalog of world coins, lola, Wise. 1991; S. Lane-Poole, Catalogue of oriental coins in the British Museum, London 1875-90; idem, Fasti arabici, in Some private collections of Mohammadan coins, London 1892; H. Lavoix, Catalogue des monnaies musulmanes de la Bibliotheque Rationale, Paris 1887-96; Sami N. Makarem, AlHakim Bi-Amrilldh's appointment of his successors, in AlAbhdth, xxiii/1-4 (Beirut 1970); G.C. Miles, The numismatic history of Rayy, ANS, New York 1938; idem, The coinage of the Umayyads of Spain, ANS, New York 1959; idem, Rare Islamic coins, ANS, New York 1950; idem, Coins of the Spanish Muluk al-Tawa'if, ANS, New York 1954; idem, Fatimid coins, ANS, New York 1951; N.D. Nicol et alii, Catalog of the Islamic coins, glass weights, dies and medals in the Egyptian National Library, Cairo, California 1982; N. Pere, Osmanhlarda madeni paralar, Istanbul 1968; R.S. Poole, A catalogue of coins of the Shahs of Persia in the British Museum, London 1887; idem, The coins of the Mughal Emperors of Hindustan in the British Museum, London 1892; idem, The coins of the Muhammad states of India in the British Museum', idem, Catalogue of Indian coins
SIKKA in the British Museum, London 1884; M.F. al-cUsh, Arab Islamic coins preserved in the National Museum of Qatar, Doha 1984; idem, Monnaws aglabides, Damascus 1982; A. Vives y Escudero, Monedas de las dinastias arabigo-espanolas, Madrid 1893; J. Walker, A catalogue of the Arab Byzantine and post-reform Umaiyad coins in the British Museum, London 1956; idem, A catalogue of the Arab-Sassanian coins in the British Museum, London 1941; H.N. Wright, The coinage and metrology of the Sultans ofDehli, Oxford 1936; C. Wurtzel, The coinage of the revolutionaries in the late Umayyad period, in AMS Museum notes, 23, New York 1978; E. de Zambaur, Manuel de genealogie et de chronologie pour I'histoire de rislam, Hanover 1925, repr. Bad Pyrmont 1955; C.E. Bosworth, The Mew Islamic dynasties, a chronological and genealogical manual, Edinburgh 1996. (R.E. DARLEY-DORAN) 3. The Maria Theresa thaler. From the mid-18th century and even amongst Bedouin and in remote parts of Ethiopia at the present time, these thaler?, have been used as a conventional, albeit unofficial, means of exchange, throughout the Arabian peninsula and in the Sudanic belt, and as far eastwards as the Maldives and Indonesia. Since the Empress Maria Theresa's death in 1780 restrikes bearing that date have been issued at different times from official mints because of continued demand for one reason or another: Rome (1935-7), London (193661), Bombay (1941-2), Birmingham (1949-55), Brussels (1935-7), and Paris (1937-59), and still continuously from Vienna since 1961. In addition, counter-marked official and unofficial issues have been made in the Azores, Lourenco Marques, Pemba, Djibuti, Bab alMandab, the Ku'ayti State of Shihr and Mukalla, Nadjd (Ibn Suciid, ante 1916 until 1923), Hidjaz (under Husayn, Sharif and then King of Mecca, 1916-20), the Maldives and Madura in Indonesia. In Western Africa, issues have crossed the Sahara from the Sudanic belt as far as Timbuktu, Nigeria and Dahomey. In these regions both the British and French authorities demonetised them in 1930. They have been used not only as a means of exchange but also for feminine decoration, and especially for bridal costumes; they have also served as a convenient source of bullion for manufacturing silver jewellery. Dubious restrikes have also been attributed to Florence, Leningrad, Marseilles, Utrecht and Venice. The first German crowns were the silver guldiners issued by Archduke Sigismund of the Tyrol in 1486, whose coinage was imitated by a number of German princes. The first thalers properly so-called originate from the discovery in 1518 of a silver mine by a Count von Schlick at Joachimsthal, on the border of Bohemia and Upper Austria. He obtained a licence to coin in silver, and made his first issues in 1525, denominating them thalers, an abbreviation of the toponym of origin. Variant spellings of this term occur in a number of European languages and in Amharic; in the Netherlands it became daalder, contorted into the American dollar. In Arabic, however, they are called kirsh, pi. kurush. F.W. Hasluck has described in detail "the extreme remissness of the [Ottoman] Turkish Government in the matter of coinage". The quality of metal was notoriously bad, and fluctuated in quality, and neither the actual quantity of money circulated nor the denominations provided were sufficient for trade. Not only the treasury but also provincial Pashas debased the currency by the ancient double-weights trick, taking in good money at a premium and then reissuing it heavily alloyed.
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Thus foreign merchants trading within the Ottoman Empire imported their own currencies for sound business reasons. These were principally from Venice, Spain, the Austrian Empire, Germany, Poland and the Netherlands. England was exceptional in forbidding the export of bullion, and generally employed Netherlands currency. An attraction for Ottoman subjects was the consistency and unvarying fineness of the coin. It was impossible to clip it because of a collar, or an inscribed, milled or patterned edge. There was also a constancy of decoration and imagery. Within the Austrian Empire, archdukes, archbishops and others issued crowns of a fixed type, and for Ottoman subjects, the imagery itself was a guarantee of genuineness. Few of them, indeed, could read the Latin inscriptions. Spanish "pieces of eight" were first struck in 1497, and immediately entered into competition with the preceding currencies. In 1518, following its conquest, Mexico issued silver coinage, and then Peru after the conquest of 1524. Silver coinage of Spanish origins became even more plentiful after the discovery of the rich mines of Potosi in 1545. This was the situation for something like a century, until, in the mid-17th century, the Spanish royal ordinances attest "a scandalous falsification of the silver moneys coined in our Peruvian mints". It led to the total demonetisation of Spanish currency in the British colonies in the latter half of the century. In 1728 the millesimal fineness had been lowered from 930.5 to 916.6, and the weight reduced; in 1772, when a massive recoinage was carried out, the fineness was further reduced to 902.7. The first Maria Theresa thaler was issued in 1751, the year of her accession. Ever since it has been consistently of 833.3 millesimal fineness, 1.553 ins in diameter, and weighing 433.14 gr. The legend is abbreviated, shown here by capital letters: obverse: Maria THERESIA Dei Gratia Romanorum IMPeratrix HUngariae et BOhemiae REGina; and, reverse: her coat-of-arms borne by a double-headed eagle, a decoration that could have appealed since it first occurs in Islamic numismatics in Artukid coinage, from an emblem depicted on a Byzantine tower restored by the Artukids at Amid, Turkey, with their inscription dated 605/1208-9. The quarters display the arms of 1. Hungary; 2. Burgundy; 3. Bohemia; and 4. originally Upper Austria, but of Burgau in the restrike issues. The arms of Austria display a single-headed eagle only. The inscription reads: ARCHIDux AUSTriae DUX BURGundiae COmes TYRoli 1780. In the centre of the field is a shield of pretence bearing the arms of her husband, Francis, initially Duke of Lorraine, and after 1751 Duke of Milan and Holy Roman Emperor. On the edge of the flan is the inscription: JUSTITIA ET CLEMENTIA, with various decorative symbols, being the motto of her reign, making clipping impossible. In 1764 the Giinzburg mint was opened specifically to mint thalers for the use of bankers from Augsburg engaged in the Ottoman trade. Already in 1751 those destined for Turkey were controlled by a monopoly. The 583,250 pieces coined in 1751 had increased to 1,360,597 by 1757, and to more than 2 million by 1764. Such was the demand that issues were also authorised from Kremnitz and Karlsburg, and, later, Milan, Venice and Prague. By 1767 the traveller Carsten Niebuhr found them in Yemen. By the time that Maria Theresa died in 1780 it had become plain that coins bearing her bust were valued above all others in Arabia and Yemen. Thus in 1781 a bank-
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ing firm sent a consignment of bullion to the Giinzburg mint requesting thalers with the date 1780. Permission was given, but after 1866 Vienna held a monopoly. In the first years of the present century some 46 million pieces were minted. It was the loss of her Italian territories in 1866 that caused Austria to reserve to herself the sole right to mint thalers. It was at this moment that Sir Robert Napier (later Lord Napier of Magdala) was preparing an expedition to Ethiopia to rescue beleaguered British diplomats and missionaries held by the Negus. The Vienna mint provided five million thalers', the British were well aware that no other currency could be acceptable in Ethiopia. It was a presage, but not foreseeable. In 1935 Mussolini determined to conquer Ethiopia, and, on 9 July 1935 succeeded in wresting the right to mint thalers from Vienna. It was an intolerable position for Britain. Not only was Britain pledged to Ethiopian independence; she also had commitments to Aden and the Arabian peninsula, as well as the Persian Gulf. The matter was resolved by an international commission of jurists, who ruled that the effigy on the thaler was of a person already dead for 150 years, who had been sovereign of a state that had disappeared in 1918. The successor state had twice introduced new currencies, finally the schilling, in 1924. It was in this way that the Tower Mint, in London, was enabled to mint more than 16 million pieces in 1941 when Britain invaded Ethiopia in order to restore the Emperor to his throne. Dies were also sent to Bombay, 8 million pieces being minted in 1940-1, and 10 million in the following year. Supplies were also needed for the Arab lands, and Birmingham also minted further supplies, some of which inexplicably reached Hong Kong. Small numbers were also manufactured in Brussels and Paris. There were also unofficial mints. In the Hadramawt the present writer was able to pick up some fractions of thalers which had been manufactured locally as small change, and which were known as al-Kaf coins from a well-known family of Sayyids. This accords with a remark made by Sir Richard Burton in 1872, of the situation at Zanzibar in 1857, that there "are no mints, of which some sixteen exist at Maskat—private shops to which any man may carry his silver, see it broken up, and pay for the coinage whatever the workmen may charge". He says that a clutch of currencies was to be found there: "German crowns or Maria Theresa—coined in Milan, known as Girsh Aswad—as opposed to the Spanish or Pillar dollar Girsh Abyaz, or Abu Madfa'—'Father of Cannon' from the columns, and Girsh Maghrabi. Also Mexican dollars ..." In 1811 Captain Smee R.N. had reported that Spanish dollars were commonly current. So far no work has been done to identify the purely local manufactures. Regoudy is able to report a veritable curiosity, of a trouvaille of 672 Maria Theresa thalers confiscated by the French authorities from smugglers who were operating for the Front de Liberation Nationale in Tunisia on 30 May 1959. They were chiefly restrikes from Rome, London, Bombay, Paris, Brussels, Vienna, Prague and Venice. Some 60% came from Rome and Bombay, suggesting that the trouvaille may have been formed in the 1940s in the Horn of Africa, only eventually to find its way into the hands of FLN arms dealers. The late Francesco Carbone, when he served in the Italian legation in Yemen from 1931 until 1961,
first in SancaJ, then in Ta'izz, assembled a remarkable collection of thalers. Apart from 1780 restrikes, eight pieces of Maria Theresa antedated 1780, and two of her husband, Francis III Stephen; there were a further forty-eight pieces in the name of Francis I, dating between 1810 and 1830, together with one only of Francis Joseph I, of 1853. The collection was wholly random. During the whole period of Carbone's residence, the 1780 Maria Theresa thaler was in normal circulation, brought up from Aden in conveniently packed boxes. The kurush minted in the name of the Imam Yahya b. Muhammad never sufficed for local needs. Carbone thus abstracted the pieces not bearing the date 1780, replacing them in the Legation account with conventionally-accepted restrikes. The earlier group helps to illustrate the early popularity of the thaler and to show that pieces minted after 1780 not bearing Maria Theresa's name were none the less acceptable. H.G. Stride's statement that "Maria Theresa died in 1780 and that all thalers issued subsequently bore this date" would appear to be incorrect. In 1961 the Yemeni Government enquired of the British Legation in Ta'izz what the cost of purchasing one million Maria Theresa thalers would be. A quotation was passed to them: the cost of the silver was about five shillings, and the charge of the Royal Mint for manufacture at £16 per thousand pieces, the insurance and freight to be borne by the purchasers. The Yemeni Government did not proceed with the purchase. Ordinarily supplies of fresh thalers were introduced into circulation by Aden banks and merchants, whenever the cost of the silver, the minting charge, and insurance and freight were sufficiently below the exchange rate of the thaler to allow the bank a profit on the transaction. It remains to mention what best may be described as a medal in the Carbone collection. It is a copy in gold about 1 m thick of a thaler issued by Francis Joseph I from the Vienna mint in 1898. It was specially minted in SaneaJ at the mint there [see RIVAL] by command of the Imam Yahya on the occasions of his visit to King cAbd al-eAzfz Ibn Sucud and his pilgrimage to Mecca. Only a few were minted, for the Imam to give as presents to his friends, of whom Signer Carbone was one. Bibliography: F.W. Hasluck, The Levantine coinage, in JVC (1921); H.G. Stride, The Maria Theresa Thaler, in JVC (1956); M.R. Broome, The restrike Talers of Maria Theresia, in JVC (1972); G.S.P. FreemanGrenville, The late Francesco Carbone's collection of Thalers from Yemen, in JVC (1977); R. Pankhurst, The advent of the Maria Theresa Dollar in Ethiopia, in NorthEast African Studies, Michigan 1979-80; R.H. Crofton, Zanzibar affairs, 1914-33, London 1953; anon., The long history of the Austrian Dollar, in Aden Port Annual (1956-7), Aden 1957; R.F. Burton, Zanzibar City, Island and Coast, London 1872; F. Regoudy, Histoires de la Monnaie. Le Thaler de Marie-Therese, 1780, grand voyageur du temps et de I'espace, Direction des Monnaies et Medailles, Musee de la Monnaie, Paris 1992, with detailed bibl. Thanks are also due for personal communications from R.G. Bailey, Esq., C.M.G., at one time British Charge d'Affaires in Ta£izz. See also RIVAL for further bibl., and footnotes to the Num.Chron., arts, cited. (G.S.P. FREEMAN-GRENVILLE) SIKKAT AL-HADID (A.), lit. "iron line", in Persian rdh-i dhan, in Turkish demiryolu (like the Persian term, meaning "iron way") and §imendifer (< Fr. chemin de fer), railway. 1. Railway policy in Eg)>pt and India.
SIKKAT AL-HADlD The opening of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway in 1830 marked the start of the railway era. Shortly after, plans were being laid for building railways in Egypt and India. The first Egyptian railway, between Alexandria and Cairo, was opened in 1855. George Stephenson had originally proposed it in conjunction with the direct line between Cairo and Suez, now disused, as an alternative to the Maritime Canal across the Isthmus of Suez. The main Egyptian line up the Nile from Cairo to Luxor and Aswan was added later. In India, the first railways were evidently built for purposes other than the purely commercial. In 1846 Lord Hardinge, the Governor-General, remarked of the proposed railways that "the facility of rapid concentration of infantry, artillery and stores may be the chief prevention of an insurrection". Sadly, his advice was not heeded in time to forestall the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857-8. Three short lines, from Bombay to Kalyan (30 miles), from Calcutta to the coalfield at Raneegunge (120 miles), and from Madras to Arcot (63 miles) were opened between 1854 and 1856, but, when trouble broke out at Meerut in the next year, the extension of the Calcutta line to Delhi was only under construction, and its engineers suffered in the unrest. Not surprisingly, in subsequent years railway stations in North Inclia were often constructed with an eye to defence: the station at Lahore, in particular, resembled a large frontier fort. The line from Calcutta to Delhi was completed in 1864, and extended to Multan the following year. By 1869 the engineers had surmounted the obstacles of the Western Ghats behind Bombay (by risking gradients steeper than the maximum considered safe in Britain), and the main sections of the lines connecting the great ports were in place. Until then, Lord Dalhousie's policy of using a uniform broad gauge of 5 ft. 6 ins. had been strictly enforced; but under Lord Mayo's viceroyalty (1869-72) other gauges were permitted, to the regret of later operators. These early Indian railways were essentially intended to open up the interior to international trade, especially in cotton and jute, and in this they succeeded. However, it stands to the credit of the enlightened policy of Lord Ripon that, after a sequence of disastrous famines in the late 1870s, he followed the recommendations of the Famine Commissioners that railways be constructed with an eye to the rapid movement of surplus food to regions liable to suffer shortage. A further, and perhaps unforeseen, general effect of the railways was to facilitate pilgrimage among both the Hindu and Muslim communities. The last of the great ports of the sub-continent to be constructed and connected by railway with its hinterland (Sind and the Punjab) was Karachi. The railway from Lahore, completed to Karachi in 1872, was built primarily to serve the newly irrigated "canal colonies". In addition, however, it operated as a baseline for the narrow-gauge mountain railways which led westwards to the advance frontier posts near the border with Afghanistan—Landi Kotal, Thai, Bannu, Tank, Fort Sandeman and Chaman. At that time, India's frontier defences were mainly in the North-West; the North-Eastern frontier with Burma was of much less concern. During the Second World War, however, the reverse was the case. During the re-conquest of Burma from the Japanese in 1943-5, the lines of communication by rail through the predominantly Muslim territory of East Bengal (later Bangladesh) were few and difficult. The line to Chittagong, which served the Arakan Front, involved
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a long ferry crossing of the Ganges from Goalando Ghat to Chandpur; and the track, managed by the American Army, to Manipur Road, the railhead for the Chindwin Front, could only be reached by the rail-ferry over the Brahmaputra at Amingaon. In retrospect, the sub-continent has been well served by its railways, which aided commerce and helped to banish famine; China, by contrast, languished economically through lack of a wide network of railways. 2. The strategic lines. In 1880 the Russian General Annenkov began the conquest of the Turkman steppes to the east of the Caspian Sea. A new railway was built from the harbour of Krasnovodsk to keep pace with the advance and to bring forward supplies and reinforcements. When the "Turksib" railway, coming from the north, was linked with the Trans-Caspian line in 1905 near Tashkent, the encirclement of the Muslim emirates of Central Asia [see BUKHARA, KH!WA, KHOKAND] was complete. From the Trans-Caspian railway, a branch line was built in 1898 southwards from Merv to Kushka on the Afghan frontier, as a manifest threat to Herat; just as, on the opposite side of Afghanistan, the Indian line from Sukkur to Quetta and Chaman would be construed as a menace to Kandahar. In the event, neither Russia on the one side nor India (and later Pakistan) on the other had the temerity to advance a railway over the Afghan border, and, when the U.S.S.R. did eventually invade Afghanistan in 1979, the days of the strategic railway were over, and it was much easier and more efficient to use the road through the Salang Tunnel under the Hindu Kush. In 1898 Kitchener launched his campaign of reconquest of the Sudan [see AL-MAHDIYYA] by building a supply rail-line southwards from Wadi Haifa. Atbara was reached in July 1898 and Halfaya (Khartoum North) by the end of 1899. Atbara was linked by rail to Port Sudan on the Red Sea by 1906, and Khartoum to El Obeid by way of Sennar by 1912. In the 1920s, the cotton-growing districts by the Blue Nile were served by a new loop through Kassala and Gedaref to Sennar, and in 1955 branch lines were extended into the Western Sudan as far as Darfur and El Roseires. More ambitious than either the Russian or the Sudanese military lines was the "Berlin-Baghdad" Railway, planned by the German Empire from about 1880, to gain access to the commerce of the Black Sea, the minerals of the Middle East, and even the shipping of the Indian Ocean. The Turkish railway from Istanbul to Eski§ehir, begun in 1871, fell in 1899 into German financial control as the "Ottoman Railway". It was extended to Konya, where ambitious irrigation works were also established, and a branch line across the north of the plateau reached Ankara in 1892. Concessions were also obtained for the port of Alexandretta, and for a rail link from Baghdad to Basra. However, at the outbreak of the First World War, there were still uncompleted sections of the Berlin-Baghdad project in Northern Trak and in the Taurus Mountains. At the turn of the century, Lord Curzon in India was also planning an overland raid link from Karachi to the Mediterranean, through Baluchistan and across Central Persia by way of Kirman to Baghdad, and thence over Syria. Only the section through Baluchistan to Duzdap (Zahidan) on the Persian frontier was ever laid, in 1917, to supply the Expeditionary Force to Persia. Another railway line designed as an arm of empire
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SIKKAT AL-HADID
The Middle East—Frontiers and strategic railways, 1880-1910 was that from Aleppo to Medina, completed in 1906 to the orders of Sultan £Abd al-Harmd II [g.v.] to stimulate pilgrimage traffic and to keep his Arab garrisons reinforced. The northern section, as far as Rayak, was laid on standard gauge, the southern (the Hijaz Railway) on a gauge of 1.05 metres. The controlled interruption of this line during the First World War by T.E. Lawrence and his Arab irregulars made it more a burden than a facility for the Turks. The last of the "strategic" railways were laid during the First World War to support particular campaigns of the Allies, sc. the Quetta-Duzdap line just mentioned; Allenby's line from Egypt along the Palestine coast to Haifa (extended to Tripoli in the Second World War, but now abandoned to the west of El Arish near the Egyptian frontier); and the line in Mesopotamia (£Irak) from Basra through Baghdad to Baiji and Table Mountain. 3. The national networks. After the First World War, no more strategic railways seem to have been built, doubtless partly because they had been shown in the War to be vulnerable to sabotage and air-attack, but mainly because the old empires were disintegrating into smaller national states. The "Berlin-Baghdad" line was completed, and carried the Orient Express, but its main value was as a component part of the rail networks of the several countries through which it passed. One of its sections formed part of the frontier between Turkey and Syria.
Each of the new states of the Middle East regarded the fragments of line which it inherited as part of a national network of railways centring on the capital city. The modest coastal lines built in the late 19th century by French and British companies by the shores of the Levant, in Western Asia Minor, Lebanon and Palestine, were incorporated in the new plans. Turkey added major lines to link the new capital at Ankara to the Black Sea (at Samsun, and at Eregli by the "Coal Line"), to the southern plateau, and to the eastern Frontier (by the "Copper Line" through Diyarbekir, and along the Upper Euphrates). Afghanistan has remained free of railways, but Iran, with the aid of oil royalties, constructed a bold framework of lines, beginning with the technically superb "Trans-Iranian" Railway of 1936, linking the Gulf with the Caspian. Eastern and Western arms join Mashhad to Tabriz through the capital, and there is also a central branch to Yazd. In Saudi Arabia, Ibn Su'ud in 1947-51 had a new line laid to link Riyadh with Damman on the Gulf coast. Although Saudi Arabia has surveyed the Hijaz Railway, abandoned since the end of the First World War, with an eye to reconstruction, it has so far only been re-laid within Jordan, over some 60 miles to the south of Macan as far as Mudawwara. Early in the Second World War a short extension of the Hijaz Line towards Aqaba was laid from Ma£an as far as Naqb Ishtar, with rails salvaged from the abandoned section. Subsequently, Aqaba has been connected by
SIKKAT AL-HADlD — SILA a more southerly route with the rebuilt section of the Hijaz Railway [see further, HIDTAZ RAILWAY]. Syria, too, has constructed a new railway to link the oilfields near its eastern frontier with the coast at Latakia. However, in the Middle East generally, as in Europe, roads have, since the Second World War, superseded railways as the principal means of communication. In North Africa, the French, in the late 19th century, constructed a main rail line through Algeria from Morocco to Tunis, with branches over the Atlas Mountains to Bechar, Djelfa and Touggourt. Morocco, since gaining independence in 1965, has extended and improved its rail network, and has plans for new lines to the mining districts of the former Spanish Sahara south of Marrakesh. Libya has plans for a line along the coast, but so far has only one short line between Benghazi and Al Marj. The Tunisian line ends at Gabes, and the line along the Egyptian coast, so celebrated in the Second World War, terminates at alMu'arrid on the Libyan frontier, just short of Tobruk. In Java, the Dutch completed in 1873 a short line from Samarang on the north coast to Jogjakarta on the south. This was supplemented in 1906 by a long east-west line from Batavia to Surabaya. Bibliography. Information is highly scattered. The Admiralty Handbooks, Naval Intelligence Division, London, issued during the Second World War, pay considerable attention to railways and describe routes and stations (see, e.g. Persia; Syria; Palestine and Transjordan; Iraq and the Persian Gulf; Turkey; Egypt). Of specific studies, see R. Hill, Sudan transport. A history of railway, marine and river services in the Republic of the Sudan, London 1965; H. Mejcher, Die Bagdadbahn als Instrument deutschen wirtschqftlichen Einflusses im Osmanischen Reich, in Geschichte und Gesellschaft, i/4 (1975), 447-81; M. Satow and R. Desmond, Railways of the Raj, London 1980; P. Luft, The Persian Railway Syndicate and British railway policy in Iran, in R.I. Lawless (ed.), The Gulf in the early 20th century: foreign institutions and local responses, Univ. of Durham, GME and IS, Occasional Papers 31, Durham 1988, 158-215; Kadhem K.F. Al-Rawi, The railway system of Iraq: its construction, administration and political importance (1914-1923), diss., Leeds University 1989, unpubl. The feasibility of railway connections through eastern Persia and Afghanistan between the Imperial Russian railways to Central Asia and the British Indian railway system in Baluchistan (never in fact to materialise) was discussed by G.N. Curzon in his Persia and the Persian question, London 1892, i, 236-41.
(W.C. BRIGE)
SILA (A.), lit. "connection", "what is connected". 1. In grammar. Here the meaning is lit. "adjunct". It is a syntactical term which denotes in the grammatical literature following Srbawayhi the clause which complements such word classes termed mawsul as the relative pronouns alladhi, man, ma, ayy- and the subordinative an, anna. Its early development may be reconstructed as follows. Elements of two different Greek systems of parts of speech were imported synchronously into Arabic by the earliest Arab grammarians: an Aristotelian tripartite division of noun and verb as meaningful elements and another "meaningless" (aorpcx;) part whose function is "conjunction" (Gr. ot>v8ea^o<;, Syr. esara; and Dionysius Thrax's eight-part division, which is also dichotomised into the two major parts and the other "adjunct" parts (Syr. nekpd, documented in Elias of Tirhan). A significant Syriac modification of this
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division concerns the status of the article (4th part, apGpov), whose absence in this language^ forced the native grammarians to either ignore it or\annex it to the class of prepositions. In this class, d- is\ the closest to the relative function of the article 6 and B,D,L represent the "oblique" accusative, genitive and dative cases respectively. In the early Arabic grammatical treatises sila and its synonyms hashw, zd'id, fadl and lagtiw reflect earlier formulations of the categories borrowed from the two systems of their Greek and Syriac predecessors. On the one hand, sila is a "meaningless" unit which functions as a conjunction and fills up gaps, just like a\)v8ea|io<; in the Dionysian system or even as its sub-group, termed rcapcwiAjipooixaTiKoq (Syr. memalyand = hashw), exemplified by a stock of redundant words. On the other, this category known mainly as zd'id denotes the class of prepositions. It reflects the above-mentioned Syriac conception of noun cases. Slbawayhi's employment of sila as relative clause seems to have originated from identification of alladhi with the relative sense of apGpov or its rendition in Syriac as shanthd/artheron. Al-Farra.J still preserved such a broader application of the term sila for relative clauses. On the morpho-phonetic plane, sila/wasl "conjoins" words and parts of the same word. Genetic relation with ^ipD was offered by Guidi. Its relation to i)(pev (Syr. mhayyddnd) is not clear. In non-grammatical literature, sila appears in its various denotations mentioned above. In two early exegetical works of the 2nd century A.H. it takes the sense and function of "redundant" words and word segments. In the Djabirian corpus sildt and huruf alsila are both the prepositions and the prosthetic alif. Al-Farabf's account of classes of particles includes wdsildt which reflects Dionysius' apGpov class with the article, alladhi, the vocative particle an4 a few additions. The metrical term sila is closely related to the redundant, "gap filling" function. It appears in Kitdb al-cAyn as sila (iv, 158) and in al-Akhfash's al-Kawdfi as wasl (10, 32, 81). Bibliography. W. Wright, A grammar of the Arabic language; I. Guidi, Sull'origine delle masore semitiche, in BISO, i (1876-7), 430-4; F. Rundgren, Uber den griechischen EinfluJJ auf die arabische Mationalgrammatik, in AUU, N.S. ii/5 (1976), 119-44; al-Farra', Ma'am 'l-Kur'dn, i-iii, Cairo 1955-72; al-Akhfash, K. alKawdfi, Cairo 1970; G. Goldenberg, Alladi almasdariyya, in %AL, xxviii (1994), 7-35; J.B. Segal, The diacritical point and the accents in Syriac, London 1953; A. Moberg, Buch der Strahlen, 'Leipzig 1907, ii, ^ur Terminologies C.H.M. Versteegh, Arabic grammar and Qur'dnic exegesis in early Islam, Leiden 1993; P. Kraus, Jdbir ibn Hayydn, Paris 1986; H. Gatje, Die Gliederung der sprachlichen ^eichen nach al-Fdrdbl, in Isl, xlvii (1971), 1-24; Farabl, K. al-Alfaz al-mustacmala fi 'l-mantik, ed. M. Mahdi, Beirut 1968.
(R. TALMON) 2. In literature. Here, it denotes the continuation, the complement of a work (Dozy, SuppL, ii, 813). Thus it is said of the Sila of al-Fargham (see below): "it is a book which is a continuation of the Annales of Ibn Djarfr" (wasala bihi ta'rikh Ibn Iftarir) (Yakut, Udaba3, vi, 426/xviii, 44).
I. The genre of complements in Arabic The generic term which denotes them is mutammima (pi. mutammimdt), "supplement/complement": not only sila but also dhayl (pi. dhuyul, less frequently adhydl), Ja3it/fawdt, ihndl, mustadrak/istidrdk, takmil, takmila, tall, tamdm, tatimma, zawd'id, ziydddt, etc. The semantic
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SILA
field may be arranged in terms of the relative continuity (root w-s-l) or discontinuity (rootf-w-t "pass by, escape") which the work denoted by either of these titles manifests in relation to the work which it is reckoned to "complete". Sila is located, in principle, in the quasi-absolute continuity of the work which it supplements. On the other hand, fd3it or fawdt connotes discontinuity in relation to the original work; furthermore, numerous books of this type are relatively ancient, dating from a period when it was still possible to produce something "new". They belong to the genre of "complement" or of addendum to a work, which is supposed to repair its "omissions" or errors, especially in philology. Dhayl, like "tail", is simultaneously attached to the work of which it is the "appendix" and detached from it ("at the bottom of the work" denoted, Dozy, Suppl., i, 493). Thus "Ibn al-Zubayr wrote an appendix to (dhayyala cald) the Sila of Ibn Bashkuwal" (al-Kattanl, Fahras al-fahdris, ed. I. c Abbas, Beirut 1982, i, 454). The work in question being called Silat al-Sila, it may be concluded from this that there is no essential difference between sila and dhayl, although it seems that, in certain cases, at least in historiography, a sila can be both a kind of summary or partial rewriting, with additions, of the original work and a continuation of the latter. Mustadrak (addendum et emendandum] is characterised by both continuity and discontinuity: it follows the line of the original work, but amends it by means of reflection (adraka) on the basis of the constitutive principles of the latter. The omissions of the author of the book are corrected, especially in hadith. Istidrak, featuring particularly in philology, connotes to a greater degree the idea of "correction of errors" (see Fihrist, 43, 11. 20-2, on the K. al-'Ayn: wa-kad istadraka cald 'l-Khalil gjamd'a ... wa-huwa muhmal). Takmila expresses the idea of completion with a moral connotation; furthermore, with one exception, the works bearing this tide are fairly late. In principle, it should be less the continuation of an original work than its complement, its perfection; but it is not always so, and this can also be a continuation (Dozy, Suppl.^ ii, 489). Takmilat al-Sila and Silat al-Takmila are both encountered. Sometimes the notions of "continuation/appendix" and of "complement" are combined in the same tide in the form; al-Dhayl wa 'l-takmila liKitabay al-Mawsul wa 'l-Sila. The same work may be described by dhayl, istidrak, mustadrak, takmila, or ihndl (see below, the Ihndl al-Ihndl. It may be noted that with the passage of time, the precise sense of these terms is lost, and nuances tend to vanish. Zjyada/zjyadat refers to the quantitative rather than to the qualitative; it is no accident that this title is encountered especially in the Juruc of law and in lexicography: all that can be added here are cases; otherwise, the rules are being broken. It seems that with zawd'id it is once again an issue of discontinuity, but without taking a stand (eight tides in HadjdjI Khalifa, ed. Yaltkaya, ii, 906-7: eight, without counting those which feature under the entry of a work or of a genre; Brockelmann, S III, 1164: five; three in Sezgin, i, 922), especially for compilations of hadith and in law. Not all the works intitled sila belong to the category of "continuation". Thus Silat al-khalaf bi-mawsul al-salafby al-Rudanl (d. 1094/1683; Brockelmann, II, 459), ed. M. HadjdjI, Beirut 1988, is an index of the works which he has received permission to transmit. Other examples: Sezgin, viii, 84n; Brockelmann, I, 3606, S I, 612; Idah al-maknun, ii, 70). In historiography, it is probable that silas first
appeared in the earlier half of the 4th/10th century; see below, II. But it seems that in philology the date can be pushed back in time considerably as regards the other titles (Jd3it, istidrak, ziydddt); see below, III. II. Historiography, bio-bibliography and onomastics It is in this literature that the genre of "continuations"/"complements" (sila, dhayl, takmila] is the most abundant. (a) "Universal" or dynastic chronicles. Al-Fargha.nl (Abu Muhammad) continued the Annaks of al-Taban: Sezgin, i, 337 (two fragments surviving). Abu Mansur al-Farghanl (d. 398/1007) continued his father's Sila (Yakut, Udabd3, ed. Rifa'I, iii, 106; Idah al-maknun, i, 70: "The Continuation of the Appendix to the Annaks of alTabarf"). Other complements to the Annaks have come to light, such as that of c Anb al-Kurtubl [q.v], ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1897/Silat Ta3nkh al-Taban, in Dhuyul Ta'nkh al-Taban, 10-184, years 291-320/903-32, which combines a partial re-working for the years 291 to 302 with the continuation proper for the remaining years to 320. The same was done, in an identical way, by Muhammad b. cAbd al-Malik al-Hamadhanl (d. 521/1127) in his Takmilat Ta'rikh al-Taban (years 295-367/907-77) which he wrote on the instructions of the caliph al-Mustazhir (Dhuyul Ta'rikh al-Taban, 185-489). The complement of Thabit b. Sinan (d. 363/ 974) carried on until 360/970; that of Hilal al-Sabi' (Brockelmann, I, 324; S I, 556), until 447/1055; that of his son, Ghars al-Ni£ma al-Sabi' (d. 480/1087), intitled 'Uyun al-tawdnkh, until 479/1086. To be noted finally is that of al-Salih Nadjm al-Dfh b. alKamil al-Ayyubf (d. 647/1249?). Many of these texts do not seem to have survived in manuscript form; others have, but are incomplete: Brockelmann, S I, 217; Sezgin, i, 327; Rosenthal, 81-3. The universal history, from the Creation to the beginning of 654/1256, intitled Mir'dt al-zamdn by Sibt Ibn al-DjawzI [q.v.] has also been the object of several "continuations" (dhayls: HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 1647-8; Brockelmann, I; 347; S 1/589), including that of al-Yunlnl (see Bibl.). The book by Ibn al-Wardf (d. 749/1349 [q.v.], Tatimmat al-Mukhtasar, also known as Ta3nkh Ibn alWardi, is a summary and a continuation for the years 729-49/1329-49 of al-Mukhtasar ji akhbdr [ta3nkh] albashar by Abu 'l-Fida° [q.v.]: besides the ancient editions, Nadjaf 19692; A.R. al-BadrawI, Beirut 1970. As for Ibn Kadi Shuhba (d. 851/1448 [q.v], Hadjdjr Khalifa attributes to him a Dhayl Tawdnkh al-Hdfiz al-Dhahabi wa 'l-Birzdli wa-Ibn Kathir (Brockelmann, II, 51, S II, 50). Darwlsh, ii, 27, distinguishes between: (i) K. al-ridm bi-ta3nkh al-isldm, extract from the History of al-Dhahabf, with complements drawn from the Histories of Ibn Kathir and of al-Kutubf (years 300792/912-1390; (ii) al-Dhayl al-mutawwal, from 741/1340, where al-Dhahabi comes to a halt in the clbar, a complement and a rectification to that which has been omitted by al-Birzall, Ibn Kathir, Ibn Rafic, etc., with a supplement up until 810/1408; (iii) Ta'rikh Ibn Kadi Shuhba, a summary of the above-mentioned Dhayl, which concludes in 808/1406 (see Bibl.); and (iv) Mukhtasar Mukhtasar al-Dhayl. Abu Shama (d. 665/1268 [q.v] continued al-Rawdatayn Ji akhbdr al-dawlatayn, in his Dhayl al-Rawdatayn, Cairo 1947, Beirut 1974. (b) Local chronicles. The Ta'rikh Baghdad of al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl was continued by al-Samcani (d. 562/1167) in Dhayl Ta'rikh Baghdad, which comprised fifteen volumes (surviving extracts, Brockelmann, I, 330, S I, 565; Hadjdji Khalifa, i, 288). It was expanded by Ibn al-Dubaythl (d. 637/1239; Brockelmann and HadjdjI
SILA Khalifa, ibid.), in Dhayl Madinat al-saldm, ed. B. 'Awwad Ma'ruf, Baghdad 1974. The Dhayl Ta'rikh Baghdad by Ibn al-Nadjdjar (d. 643/1245 [q.v], Brockelmann, I, 360, S I, 613; HadjdjI Khalifa, i, 288) has survived only in part: i-iv, ed. C.E. Farah et alii, Haydarabad 1978-86; M.M. Khalaf, 31-46. As for al-MustaJad min Dhayl Ta'rikh Baghdad (see Bibl.) by Ibn al-Dimyatl (Shihab al-Dln, d. 749/1348), this is a summary of the preceding. Similarly, the Ta'nkh madinat Dimashk of Ibn cAsakir [q.v] was furnished with an incomplete dhayl by his son al-Kasim (d. 600/1203). Also worthy of mention are the dhqyls of Sadr al-Dm al-Bakrr (d. 656/1258) and of cUmar b. al-HaciJib (d. 630/1233). Abu Shama made a summary of this chronicle: Ta'rikh Abl Shama prolonged (fi 'l-dhayl calqyhi) until the year of his death (Brockelmann, I, 331). Al-Birzall (cAlam al-Dm, d. 739/1338) completed it in al-MuktaJa Ii-Ta3nkh Abl Shama, or Wafaydt al-Birzdli (Brockelmann, S II, 35). As for Ibn Rafic (d. 774/1372), he composed a dhayl, years 737-74/1336-73, to the work of al-Birzall: Wafaydt Ibn Rdfif (Brockelmann, II, 33, S II, 30; S.M. £ Abbas, 47) which has been edited (see BibL). The Ta'rikh of Ibn al-KalanisI (d. 555/1160 [q.v] or Dhayl al-Ta3nkh al-Dimashkl, sometimes considered on account of this tide a continuation of the History of Ibn cAsakir, or that of the lost History of Hilal al-SabiJ, is in fact neither one nor the other (HadjdjI Khalifa, i, 294). Other local histories have also been continued: the History of Aleppo by Ibn al-cAdIm [q.v.] (HadjdjI Khalifa, i, 291-2), Ta3nkh Bukhara by Ghundjar (Sezgin, i, 353), the histories of Medina (HadjdjI Khalifa, i, 302-3), Ta'rikh Naysdbur by al-Hakim al-Naysaburl, d. 404/1014 [q.v.] (Hadjdji Khalifa, i, 308), Ta'rikh Samarkand by al-Mustaghfiri (Sezgin, i, 353), etc. (c) Biography and onomastics. While the preceding works also contain biographical notices, others exist in which the biographical aspect is dominant. Many of them have had a substantial lineage. The obituary register compiled by Ibn Zabr al-Raba'I (d. 379/989), Wafaydt al-nakala/Ta3nkh mawdlid al-culamd3 wa-wafaydtihim (Brockelmann, S I, 280), covering the period from the Hidjra to the year 338/949, was continued with an appendix contributed by his pupil, eAbd al-'AzIz al-Kattanl (d. 466/1073), as far as the year of the latter's death, in turn supplemented by the contribution of his pupil al-Akfanl (d. 524/1130): I£dmic alwafaydt, as far as the year 485/1092, supplemented by that of CA1I b. al-Mufaddal al-MakdisI (d. 611/1214; Brockelmann, I, 366), who completed the work of his predecessor as far as 581/1185. All these works bear the title of Wafaydt, although their titles make no mention of sila or any equivalent term, they are nevertheless "continuations". The Takmilat Wafaydt al-nakala, 4 vols. ed. B. 'Awwad Ma'ruf, Beirut 19843 (Baghdad, 19671), by al-Mundhirl (cAbd al-'AzIm, d. 656/1256) continues the last-mentioned appendix, from 581/1185 to 642/1244. Ibn al-Halabl (Tzz al-Dm al-Husayni; d. 695/1295) continued (dhayl) the work of his master al-Mundhin until 674/1275 and perhaps even until the year of his death: Silat al-Takmila li-wafaydt alnakala (autograph ms.): R. Sellheim, 'Izzaddin al-Husainls Autograph seiner Silat al-Tabnila, in Oriens, xxxiii (1992), 156-80. Ibn al-Dimya.tr composed an appendix to the preceding, and Zayn al-Dm al-Trakl (d. 806/1404) supplied one to that of Ibn al-Dimyatl. The son of al-Hafiz al-clrakl, Wall al-Dln al-clraki (d. 826/1243), continued in his turn his father's work. For the overall scheme, see HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 2019-20; S.M. 'Abbas, i, 58-60. ' The Obituary of famous men by Ibn Khallikan [q.v]
605
has also experienced a pedigree, although less extensive. It was continued for the years 658/1259 to 725/1325 by the Christian Ibn al-SukacI (d. 726/1326) in his Tali K. Wafaydt al-a'ydn, ed. and tr. J. Sublet, Damascus 1974, then by al-Zarkashl (d. 794/1392) in his Dhayl al-Wafaydt.', Brockelmann, S I, 561; Sublet, op. cit, p. xi, n. 1. Ibn Shakir al-Kutubr (d. 764/1363) wrote a supplement to it: Fawdt al-Wafaydt [wa 'l-dhayl c alayha\, 5 vols. ed. I. cAbbas, Beirut 1973-4. One of the latest of these complements is the Durrat al-hid^dl of Ibn al-Kadl [q.v.]. Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalanl (d. 852/1449) wrote an appendix to his al-Durar al-kdmina (alphabetical order, 8th/14th century), Dhayl al-Durar, ed. CA. Darwlsh, Cairo 1992 (obituary years 801-32/1408-29); Gilliot, in MIDEO, xxii, no. 190. As for al-Dhahabi (d. 748/1348), his K. al-clbar was supplied with a Dhayl composed by himself for the years 701-40/1301-39 (ed. M. Rashad cAbd al-Muttalib, Kuwait 1970, with the Dhayl following). His disciple, Shams al-Dm al-Husaynf (d. 765/1354) pursued this work in his Dhayl al-Tbar (years 741-64/134062). (The whole, al-clbar with the two Dhayh, ed. Abu Hadjir Muhammad al-Sacid b. Basyunl Zaghlul, 4 vols. Beirut 1985.) His son Muhammad b. Muhammad alHusaynl (d. 791/1389) continued this work until 785/1383. Ibn Sanad al-Lakhmf (d. 792/1390) in his turn completed the Dhayl of Shams al-Dm al-Husaynl from 763 to ca. 780. Then Zayn al-Dm al-Traki wrote his Dhayl, following on directly from that of al-Dhahabf (years 741-63/1340-62); his son Wall al-Dm al-elrakl completed his father's work (years 762-86/1361-84) in his Dhayl al-clbar, 3 vols., ed. S.M. cAbbas, Beirut 1989. As for Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalanl, he wrote a Dhayl on that of Shams al-Dm al-Husaynl. For an overall view, see Brockelmann, II, 47, S II, 46; HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 1123-4; Introd. by S.M. cAbbas to the ed. of al-Traki's Dhayl. The Tadhkirat (or Tabakdt) al-huffdz has also been the object of appendices: Dhayl Tadhkirat al-huffaz by Shams al-Dfn al-Husaym; Lahzi, al-alhd^ bi-Dhayl Tabakdt al-huffdz by Ibn Fahd (Takl al-Dln, d. 871/1466); Dhayl Tabakdt al-huffdz by al-Suyutl; all three ed. Rafi c al-fahtawi, Damascus 1347/1928, repr. Baghdad 1968, and Beirut n.d. Brockelmann, S II, 46; Hadjdjr Khalifa, ii, 1097. Among the books on the classes of scholars, Ibn Radjab (d. 795/1392) wrote al-Dhayl {ald Tabakdt alHanabila, ed. H. Laoust and Sami al-Dahhan, i, Damascus 1951, i-ii, Cairo 1952-3, a continuation of the work of Ibn al-Farra' (Ibn Abl Ya£la, d. 526/1133). Al-Matarl aPAbbadl (d. 765/1364: al-Subkl, Tabakdt al-shdfiiyya, no. 1355; Kahhala, vi, 108-9) wrote Dhayl Tabakdt al-shdficiyya, ed. Hashim and cAzab, Cairo 1993; Gilliot in MIDEO, xxii (1995), and corrs. in MIDEO, xxiii (1996). The Dhayl Rafc al-isr or Bughyat al-ulamo? wa 'l-ruwdt by al-Sakhawi, ed. Djawdat Hilal and M. Mahmud Subh, Cairo 1966, is an addendum to what was omitted by Ibn Hadjar al-cAskalani in his Rafc al-isr can kuddt Misr. The Dhayl al-takyid li-macrifat ruwdt al-sunan wa 'l-masdmd by Takl al-Dln Muhammad al-FasI alMakkl (d. 832/1428), ms. DK 198, mustalah hadith, is a supplement to the Takyld of Ibn Nukta (d. 629/1231). Muslim Spain has also produced a series in the genre. Ibn Bashkuwal (d. 578/1183 [q.v.]) wrote a "sequel" to the Ta'rikh 'ulamd3 al-Andalus of Ibn alFaradl which he intitled al-Sila fi Ta'rikh culamd3 alAndalus. Ibn al-Abbar (d. 658/1260 [q.v.]) continued this work in al-Takmila li-K. al-Sila. Ibn al-Zubayr (d. 708/1308 [q.v.]) composed a sequel to the Takmila which he intitled Silat al-Sila. Ibn cAbd al-Malik al-
606
SILA
Marrakushi [q.v.] wrote a complement/supplement to the works of Ibn al-Faradf and of Ibn Bashkuwal: see Bibl.\ M. Meouak, Cahiers d'onomastique arabe (1985-7) [1989], 61-96. The onomastic literature which specialises in the identification and correct writing of the proper names of traditionists and scholars likewise shows no lack of supplements. Thus the Tali al-Talkhis, sometimes called Bdki al-Talkhis (2 mss.; al-Shihabl, 42) of al-Khatfb al-Baghdadl, is an appendix to his TaMis al-Mutashdbih, 2 vols. ed. S. al-Shihabl, Damascus 1985, on the correct orthography of the names of traditionists. The same author wrote a complement to al-Mu3talif wa 'l-mukhtaltf of al-Darakutnl which he intitled al-Mu'tan tf fi tahnilat al-Mu3talif wa 3l-mukhtalif\ Brockelmann, I, 329, S I, 564; Muwaffak b. CA1. b.
(Sezgin, viii, 215-24), and two works at least are relevant to this study: that of Radi al-Dm al-Sagham (d. 647/1249 or 651), al-Takmila' wa 'l-dhayl wa 'l-sila (Sezgin, vii, 21915), 7 vols. ed. cAbd al-cAlIm al-Tahawi et alii, Cairo 1970-9: Anawati, in MIDEO, xiii (1977), no. 5, and that of al-Bastl (wrote 622/1225), Tahnilat Hdshiyat Ibn Bam which is lost: Sezgin, viii, 2189c. Murtada al-Zabfdi (d. 1205/1791), for his part, is the author of al-Takmila wa 'l-dhayl wa 'l-sila [lima fata sahib al-Kdmus min al-lugha], 7 vols. ed. Mustafa alHidjazi et alii, Cairo 1986-90, which includes many additions not found in the Tdaj al-'arus, especially regarding proper names, names of tribes and of places, and, remarkably, Egyptian dialectal forms indicated as such: Gilliot, in MIDEO, xx (1991), no. 2; for an overall assessment, in lexicography, see J. Kraemer, Studien zur altarabischen Lexicographie, in Oriens, vi (1953), 201-38. In grammar, the K. al-Muthallath on the forms facl, ftl andju'l by Kutrub (d. 206/821) was completed by Abu Habrb Tammam b. cAbd al-Salam al-Lakhmi (?) in hisTakmila (ed. H.Sh. Farhud, Cairo 1969; Riyad 1981; Kazim Bahr al-Mardjan, Cairo, Faculty of Letters, 1972); Sezgin, viii, 6510. Abu cAli al-Faris! (377/987) wrote a complement to his own K. al-Iddh called al-Takmila. While the first of these deals with syntax, the subject of the second is morphology (sarf/tasnf): R Larcher, in Arabica, xl (1993), 250. Al-Djawalikr [q.v] composed a book concerning incorrect locutions called al-Takmila fima yalhanfihi alc dmma, also known as Tatimmat Durrat al-ghawwds, The book of solecisms (Brockelmann, I, 280, for the Derenbourg and Tanukhl editions). It is often presented as an appendix to Durrat al-ghawwds by al-Harfn [q.v] but is in fact a complement to works of the genre. He is also the author of Tahnilat Isldh al-mantik (Sezgin, viii, 132) which is lost. Al-Zadjdjadjr (d. 337/949) had already written al-Istidrdk cald Isldh al-mantik: Sezgin, viii, 105. In adab, Abu 'All al-Kall (d. 356/967 [q.v]) wrote an appendix to his AmdlT, the Dhayl al-Amdli, Cairo 1344/1926. To Abu Mansur al-ThacalibI (d. 429/1038 [q.v]) is owed a complement to his own Yatima, Tatimmat al-Tatima (or al-Tatima al-thdniya; Brockelmann, S I, 499), ed. cAbbas Ikbal, Tehran 1353/1934; ed. Mufid M. Kumayha, Beirut 1983. The author declares (p. 8) that he composed it and gave it this tide because many things had escaped him in the two versions of the Tatima [al-dahr]. AlBakharzf (d. 467/1975 [q.v.]) in his turn continued the Yafima for the poets of the 5th/llth century, until 450/1058, in Dumyat al-kasr [wa-cusrat ahl as-'asr]. AlAkhsfkathr (d. 528/1134) composed a commentary on the Sakt al-zand of al-Macarrf: al-^awd3id [fi shark Sakt al-zand]-, Hadjc^r Khalifa, ii, 906, 993, 11. 1-3. ' Al-Sakalll al-Maghribl is the author of al-Takmila wa-sharh al-abydt al-mushkila min Diwdn Abi 'l-Tayyib alMutannabi, ed. Anwar Abu Suwaylam, cAmman 1935: Sezgin, ii, 595. Hadith and law In this domain, there are no silos as such, but there are complements and corrections (mustadrak), and addenda (ziydddt, zawd3id). Thus al-Hakim al-Naysaburl wrote al-Mustadrak fald 'l-Sahihayn ("Complement to the two authentic collections") with the object of including prophetic traditions omitted by al-Bukharl and Muslim which, according to him, conform to the conditions of acceptance (shurut) determined by them; al-Dhahabl checked, completed and amended this work in alMustadrak cald 'l-Mustadrak. Sezgin, i, 221. Abu Dharr al-HarawI (Ibn al-Sammak, d. 435/1042) is also the
SILA — AL-SILAFI author of a Mustadrak cala 'l-Sahihayn: al-Dhahabi, Siyar, xvii, 559. Abu Nucaym al-Isfahanl (d. 430/1038) also completed Muslim's Sahih in al-Mustadrak cala Sahih Muslim: op. cit., xvii, 462. Still in the context of hadith, Nur al-Dm al-Haytaml (d. 807/1405; Brockelmann, II, 76; not to be confused with Shihab al-Dm Ibn al-Hadjar al-Haytaml (d. 974/ 1567 [q.v.~\) wrote his Zawcfid Ibn Mdaja fald }l-kutub alkhamsa: Brockelmann, S II, 82; Sezgin, i, 148: £awd3id c ald 'l-kutub al-khamsa. But he also wrote ^awd3id on the Musnads of Ibn Hanbal, of Abu Bakr al-Bazzar (d. 292/905; Sezgin, i, 162), of Abu Yacla al-Mawsill (d. 307/919; Sezgin, i, 170-1) and on the Dictionaries of traditions (the three Mu'ajams', Sezgin, i, 196: Qyadat Mu'ajama al-Tabardnt, i.e. al-Awsat and al-Saghir together, according to the author in his introd., i, 11) of alTabaranl (d. 360/971). He combines them and makes them into a single work, Maajmac al-zawd'id wa-manbac al-fawd3id, numerous eds. or reprs., including 9 vols. Beirut 1986; Gilliot, in MIDEO, xxiii (1996), no. 71. The son of Ibn Hanbal, cAbd Allah, made additions to his father's Musnad, known as Zjyadat [£awa3id] al-Musnad; al-Dhahabi, Siyar, xi, 75; HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 1680, 1. 9. He is also the author of a supplement to his father's K. al-^juhd, £awd3id al-^uhd, mentioned in al-Baghdadi, Khizdna, ed. Harun, ii, 256, 1. 6, ubi leg. cAbd Allah, not Ahmad; HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 957. Al-Haytaml wrote Ghdyat al-maksadfl zjawcfid al-Musnad: Brockelmann, I, 182. In Hanafi law, al-Shaybanl (d. 189/80) is the author of al-^jydddt and Zjydddt al-^jydddt which are addenda to his Didmic al-kabir [ji }l-Juruc]: HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 962-4, with the list of other ziydddt and addenda of addenda; Spies, 240-1; Sezgin, i, 422-3. In Shafi'I law, al-Mukhtasar of al-Muzani (264/877) was completed by Ibn al-Mundhir al-Naysaburl (d. 318/930) in his ^iydddt: Sezgin, i, 493. Ibn Ziyad al-Naysaburi (d. 324/936) wrote fjyadat, K. al-Muzam: al-ShlrazI, Tabakdt al-Jukahd3, ed. I. 'Abbas, Beirut 1981, 113. Alc AbbadI [q.v.] is the author of al-Ziyadat \fi }l-Juruc alshaftiyya], of al-2jyada cald 'l-^iydddt and of al-Qyada c ald Zjyadat al-^iydddt: HadjdjI Khalifa, ii, 964; G. Vitestam, Introd. to al-cAbbadI, K. Tabakdt alJukahd3 al-shdftiyya, Leiden 1964, 6. In Zaydl law, alMuradi (d. 290/903) transmitted and completed the Amdli of Ahmad b. £Isa b. Zayd (d. 247/861) in Zjyddat al-Amdlt: Sezgin, i, 563. Bibliography (in addition to the references in the article): Salih Mahdl 'Abbas, Introd. to the ed. of Ibn Ran',' al-Wafaydt, 2 vols. Beirut 1982: G.C. Anawati and then Cl. Gilliot, ab. vol. xix, Textes arabes anciens edite en Egypte, in MIDEO, i-xxiii (195496); CL. Cahen, Editing Arabic chronicles, in Islamic Studies (1962), 1-25; revised in Les peuples musulmans dans I'histoire medievale, Damascus 1977; Darwlsh, see below; Dhuyul Ta3nkh al-Taban, vol. xi of the ed. by M. Abu '1-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo 1977; al-Dhayl wa }l-tahnila li-Kitabay al-Mawsul wa }l-Sila, vol. i, ed. M. b. Sharlfa, Beirut n.d., vol. viii, Rabat 1984, vols. iv-vi, ed. I. 'Abbas, Beirut 1964-5; M. Mawlud Khalaf, Introd. to the ed. of Ibn al-Dimyatl, alMustajad min Dhayl Ta'rikh Baghdad, Beirut 1986, 5-72; Muwaffak b. CA1. b. eAk., Introd. to the ed. of al-Darakutnl, al-Mu3talif..., Beirut 1986, i, 69-82; F. Rosenthal, A history of Muslim historiography, Leiden 1968; O. Spies, Klassisches islamisches Recht, in Orientalisches Recht, HdO, Leiden 1964, 219-343; Ta3nkh Ibn Kadi Shuhba, ed. in progress by CA. Darwish, Damascus 1977 (i) and 1994 (ii-iii); Yunlnl, Dhayl Mir3at al-zamdn, i-iv, Haydarabad 1955-61. (CL. GILLIOT)
607
3. In the sense of a gift. Here it is often found in the more restricted sense of reward and remuneration; it is thus ubiquitous in stories in which payment of a panegyrist for his poem is mentioned. For the contexts of gift-giving in general, see the various sections of HIBA. The word sila is the masdar of the doubly transitive verb wasalahu silatan, "he gave him a present/reward". The underlying notion of using the root w-s-l "to connect" to express the idea of "gift" is said to be either "that by which the giver establishes a connection with the recipient" or "that by which the recipient's livelihood is continued" (L'A, xi, 728a-b). A synonym of sila is ajd3iza, with the concomitant verb aajdza. For an awd3il story about the origin of the term Ojd3iza, see alBaladhun, Futuh, 392. (Eo.) AL-SILAFI, AL-HAFIZ ABU TAHIR, shuhra of the c Shafi l traditionist al-Hafiz Sadr al-Dm Abu Tahir Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ibrahim (Silafa) al-Isfahanl al-Djarwanl (from Djarwan, a quarter of Isfahan) al-Iskandaranl. He was born in Isfahan in 472/1078-9 (or 474, 475, 478), and died on 5 Rabr II 576/28 August 1180, in Alexandria (alDhahabi, Siyar, xxi, 5-7). Al-SamcanI, Ansdb, s.v., gives an abridged genealogy of his name, making Silafa the agnomen of his grandfather Muhammad. It should be noted that he signed himself sometimes Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Silafa, sometimes Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ibrahim (Zaman, Silqft's biography, 3). According to different versions, he died at 98, or 106 years of age; whatever the case, he is classed among the excessively long-lived (al-Dhahabi, Ahl al-mi3a, 134) but also as one of the "cyclical renovators" (muajaddids [q.v.], in partnership with al-Ghazall (E. Landau-Tasseron, in St. Isl., Ixx [1989], 95). The origin of his attributive name poses a problem. According to some, Silafa was the agnomen of his great-great-grandfather Ibrahim, the expression signifying in Persian "the man with three lips" (silabi, from si "three", and lab "lip"), since he had a cleft lip, according to Abu Tahir. For others, and again according to Abu Tahir himself, his grandparents allegedly belonged to a clan of the Himyarl tribe, the Band Silafa. There is little support for a third hypothesis, according to which this name would have derived from a quarter of Isfahan known as Silafa (Ibn Khallikan, i, 107, who was in contact with a number of his disciples in Egypt and in Syria; Ibn Makula, iv, no. 1, 468-70; al-Zabldl, Tahnila, v, 78-9; Zaman, art. cit., 1-3). Also called al-Silaff is his grandson, the traditionist Abu '1-Kasim cAbd al-Rahman b. al-Hasib Makkl al-TarabulusI al-Iskandaranl (al-Sibt, i.e. sibt al-Hafiz Abl Tahir, d. 651/1253; Siyar, xxiii, 278-9)'. It is said that the traditionist Abu Djacfar al-Saydalanl (d. 568/1173; Siyar, xx, 530-1) was also described as al-Silafi" because the name (nickname?) of his grandfather was Silafa (Ibn Hadjar, Tabstr, ii, 738). Abu Tahir's grandfather was a Sufi", a disciple of al-Sayyid al-Zahid Abu Hashim al-cAlawI; his father, for his part, was a traditionist of some renown, a disciple of Ibn al-Tuyurl (al-Mubarak b. eAbd al-Djabbar. d. 500/11-7; Siyar, xix, 213-16, and also one of Abu Tahir's teachers in Baghdad. The fact that Isfahan was his birthplace was not to prove inconsequential in the intellectual destiny of the great traditionist that Abu Tahir became, if it is true that "No city has produced so many scholars and masters in all disciplines, especially having regard to the high quality of chains of authority (culuww al-isndd, i.e. the least possible number of transmitters in a chain), for people there live long; furthermore, they have a pronounced
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interest in the audition (samae) of hadith, and the great masters of hadith (huffag) are innumerable there" (Yakut, Bulddn, Beirut 1955, i, 209a). It was the favoured residence of the great Saldjuk sultan Malik Shah [q.v.] during the infancy of the subject of this article; the ruler even founded a madrasa there and was buried in its precincts. His first experience of audition of hadith in the city of his birth was owed to Rizk Allah al-Tamlm! alBaghdadr al-Hanball (d. 488/1095). He also attended the classes of other scholars of Isfahan, including alKasim b. al-Fadl al-Thakafi (al-ra'ts, al-musnid, d. 4897 1096). It was also there that he received instruction in reading the Kur'an. He was indebted for his education to his father (d. 498/1104-5) with whom he performed the Pilgrimage in 497. The number of teachers whose courses he attended in Isfahan is said to have exceeded six hundred. He also composed a dictionary of his authorities in this city entitled Mu'ajam Isfahan/al-SaJina al-isfahdniyya (al-BikacI, no. 1); al-Dhahabi quotes this (lost) work on numerous occasions, as well as borrowing from it without acknowledgement. The Pilgrimage was an opportunity for him to profit by acquaintance with the masters of Mecca and Medina; he pursued the same objective in Kufa and in Baghdad, where he stayed until 500/1106-7. It was there that he attended courses in fkh given by the leading Shafi'fs of the Nizamiyya; Ilkiya al-Taban (d. 505/1111), Abu Bakr al-Shashf (d. 507/1114), the classes of Abu Zakariyya al-TibnzI (d. 502/1109 [q.v.]} and of CA1I al-FasIhi (d. 516/1123) at the same school, as well as those of Ibn Fakhir (Abu '1-Karam alMubarak, d. 505/1112) in language and in adab. The same year, he made his way to Basra and then to Wasit. In 509/1115-16 he was in Damascus, where he stayed for some time (Ibn 'Asakir, vii, 179-80; alBikacf, 7-8). It was there that he encountered Ibn alAkfam (d. 524/1130), and also there that he composed a summary of the K. Makdrim al-akhldk of al-Khara'itf on the basis of the original, then verified his text with a recitation before CA1I b. Muslim al-Sulamf (Djamal al-Islam, d. 533/1138-9), al-Ghazalf's master, in 511 (below, no. 7; Hafiz, 13-14, on the two modes of intika3). The list given by al-Dhahabi of the masters from whom he received his education, including women, is vast. That of his disciples, especially in Alexandria, is no less impressive. The same year (511/1117-18), he embarked at Tyre for Alexandria, where he settled and remained until his death, a period of sixty-five years, and this not only at the solicitation of the scholars of this town but also because he married a wealthy local lady who placed her fortune at his disposal (Ibn cAsakir, ibid,; Siyar, xxi, 25). Furthermore, Ibn Sallar al-cAdil had a school and a religious institution constructed on his behalf. The choice of Alexandria was quasi-strategic, since there he could meet Muslim intellectuals of East and West (for example, al-Tudjfbr of Tlemcen (d. 610/1212-13), who, according to his prediction, was to be the principal traditionist of the Maghrib; al-Kattanl, 264) without leaving his domicile, and this purpose was duly achieved (I. 'Abbas, 8; al-Bikacf, 10). He left Alexandria only once, for a journey to Cairo in 517/1123-4 (although according to one source he was in residence there from 515 to 517: Tarabfshf, 13 no. 1). His library was impressive, since he invested all his property in the acquisition of literature, but it was discovered after his death that these volumes had been seriously damaged by the humidity of Alexandria. His eminence as a great traditionist (hdfiz) is demon-
strated, in particular, by the countless fascicles (ajuz3}, collections of traditions, which he left behind in the form of audition, reading or of dictation (below, no. 15); they are sometimes called al-Aajzd3 al-Silafiyydt or alSilqfiyydt which exceeded, according to Hadjdjf Khalifa, nos. 4093, 7216/ed. Yaltkaya, i, 587, ii, 996, a hundred. They were established on the basis of sourcetexts (usul) of Baghdadfs such as al-Anmatf (d. 538/ 1143) or al-Tuyurf (above, below no. 13) and others. In common with numerous other scholars, he devoted a collection to the "Tradition of Mercy" (hadith alrahma), "Those who are merciful, the Merciful One shows them mercy; show mercy to those who are on the earth, and those who are in the Heavens will show you mercy" (al-Kattanf, 94). His renown extended far beyond that of a traditionist and a writer, since it is impossible to count the number of times that he appears in certificates of audition (samd'dt) or of reading, or in licences of transmission (iajdzdt) (see G. Vajda, Les certificats de lecture ..., Paris 1957, 70, index; al-Rudanl, Silat al-khalaf bi-mawsul al-salaf ed. M. HadjdjI, Beirut 1988, 516, index). This is particularly evident in his WaajTz (below, no. 14). "Brief account of the master who delivers the certificate of transmission and the one who receives it", in which he sets himself the objective of presenting a list of scholars with whom he has been in correspondence, in most cases without having met them. He awarded to many of them a "general licence" (iajdza cdmma), i.e. the right to transmit all his works, among others to al-Hatimi (d. 638/1239-40; al-Kattanf, 317-18), al-Randl (d. 616/1219; al-Kattanl, 340, dating from 560/1165), al-Ghafikf (d. 619/1121-2; alKatta.nl, 884). For others, in particular the scholars of the Maghrib, it is known that he sent to them licences in writing from Alexandria (al-Kattanf, 995, gives six names), in particular to the Kddi Tyad (d. 544/1149): kataba ilayya yudjizurii ajamic riwdydtihi wa-maaj.mucdtihi (al-Ghunya, fahrasat shuyukh al-Kddi clydd, ed. M.Z. Djarrar, Beirut 1982, 102). His longevity was such that four generations of traditionists were enabled to transmit traditions from him: his last eastern disciple, his grandson (see above), died in 651 (corr. Tadrib, which gives the date 605), and the last western one in 662, while the first to die, Abu cAlf al-Barda.ni (Siyar, xix, 219-22), was deceased in 498/1105, thus an interval of more than one hundred and fifty years! In the science of hadith, this is considered a unique case in terms of anteriority and posterity in relation to the demise of a master (alsdbik wa 'l-ldhik) (al-Kattanf, 996; al-Tahanawf, 677; al-Suyutf, Tadrib al-rdwi, ch. 46; W. Mar$ais, in JA [July-August 1901], 131-2). The advantage in this is the production of "high quality" chains of authority. His Mu'ajam al-safar (below, no. 5) testifies to the same interest. Here he assembled articles regarding scholars whom he had met "in other places" (i.e. outside Isfahan and Baghdad) and more specifically those with whom he was acquainted in Alexandria (Egyptians, Maghribfs, etc.). He wrote a lengthy biography of one of his masters, Abu '1-Muzaffar alAbiwardf (d. 507/1113 [q.v.]) (Siyar, xix, 289, 1. 3; Hadjdjf Khalifa, no. 2911/1, 398: Tar^amat al-Silaji; Zaman, Sources of Silafi's biography, 493-5). Among hundreds of other examples of works for which he features in certificates of authenticity is alDjuzdjanf (d. 259), Ahwdl al-riajdl, ed. S. al-SamarraT, Beirut 1985, 20, no. 6 (corr. al-Bika% no. 37, who attributes al-Msf al-thdnl win K. al-Shaajara f t ahwdl... to al-Silaff; see Samarra'i, 17-8). Similarly, he is in the list of authorities of certain ms. of the
AL-SILAFI — SILAHDAR K. Gharib al-Kur3dn attributed to Ibn 'Abbas (Gilliot, in MIDEO, xxii [1995], no. 47, 37, 1. 2 of the edited work), to the point where the elucidation of certain Kur'anic expressions is, probably erroneously, attributed to him (in the case of Brockelmann, I2, 450 no. 4, ms. Berlin 427, more developed and critically evaluated in al-Bikacf, no. 6). Such details apart, he played a fundamental role in the transmission of knowledge in Islam, and represents one type of the great traditionists of the madrasa era. Bibliography: 1. Biographical sources in chronological order. Ibn cAsakir, Ta'rikh Dimashk, vii, ed. CA. al-Dakar, Damascus 1984, 179-82; Yakut, Udabd3, which quotes al-Silafi extensively, but has no article regarding him; Ibn Nukta, al-Takyid [li-macrifat al-ruwdt wa 'l-sunan wa 'l-masdnid], Haydarabad 1983, i, 203-10, no. 198; Ibn Khallikan, ed. I. 'Abbas, i, 105-7, no. 44; Dhahabf, Siyar a'lam al-nubald3, xxi, ed. B. cAwwad Ma£ruf and M.H. al-Sarhan, Beirut 1984, 5-39 (with parallel places, 5 n.*); idem, Ahl al-mi3a fa-sdcidan, ed. B. 'Awwad Ma'ruf, al-Mawrid (Baghdad)', ii/4 (1973), 134; Makrlzf, al-MukaJfa, ed. M. al-Yaclawf, Beirut 1991, i, no. 660; Ibn Hadjar aPAskalanT, Tabsir al-muntabih, ed. CA.M. al-BidjawI, Cairo 1964-8, ii, 738; Zabidf, al-Takmila wa 'l-dhayl wa 'l-sila li-md fata sahib al-Kdmus min al-lugha, ed. Mustafa Hidjazf, v, Cairo 1988, 78-9; Ibn Makula, al-Ikmdl, iv, no. 1, 468-70; Kattam, Fihris al-fahdris, ed. I. 'Abbas, Beirut 1982, no. 565. 2. Studies. H. cAbd al-Wahhab, al-hkandariyya fi 'l-'asr al-isldmi, in al-Kitdb, iii/3 (1947), 383-5 [37993]; Bika'f (below, no. 14), 5-46; Brockelmann, I2, 450, S'l, 624; Hasam (below, no. 5), 7-104; Dj. al-Shayyal, A'lam al-hkandariyya, Cairo 1965, 130-59: Tarabfshl (below, no. 10), 11-33, to be supplemented by Bika'T; G. Vajda, Un opuscule inedit d'asSilqfi [since edited, see below no. 14), in Bull... de I'Inst. de Rech. et d'Hist. des Textes, xiv (1966), 85-92 (= embellished translation of material by M.Kh. alBikaT, Kutayyib makhtut li 'l-Silafi, in MMUAU ('Amman), xxxix [1990], 281-318); "study" by H. £ Abd al-Hamld Salih, Damascus or Beirut (?) 1977, mentioned by Bika'I, 45, without title (n. c.); S.M. Zaman, Sources for Silafi's biography, in Isl. Stud., xxiv (1985), 493-502; idem, Silqfi's biography: his birth and family background'., idem, Hdfiz Abu Tdhir al-Silafi (d. 576/1180), acquisition of Hadith and Qird3dt in Isfahan, in Isl Stud., xxv (1986), 1-10, 151-9; Mahmud Zaytun, al-Hafe al-Silafi, Alexandria 1972; Zirikll, i, 216a, mentions a biography, ms. Rabat 1046d. 3. Edited or preserved works. (1) K. alArbafin al-bulddniyya/al-Arbacln al-mustaghnl bi-tacyin ma fihi can al-mucin [ms. Paris BN, Algiers, DK, 3 Zah.; Brockelmann, I2, 450 no. 3; Bika'I, no. 5; §ehid 540/1; Gilliot, in MIDEO, xx '(1991), no. 130, following Kh. Alavi: Forty traditions of forty shaykhs living in forty places', Kattam, 111]. (2) Arba(un hadithm fi hakk al-fukard3, collected by his disciple, probably his grandson, clsa b. H. al-Silafi; ms. Alex., Brockelmann, I2, 450 no. 11;' BikaT, no. 29). (3) al-Fadd3il al-bdhira fi mahdsin Misr wa 'l-Kdhira (ms. Cambridge, Brockelmann, S I, 624 no. 8, erroneously attributed to Sulamf; Bikacr, no. 9; Zirikll, i, 216a; ms. Istanbul Hamid 363 'ta3nkh). (4) Mu'djam Baghdad/al-Mashyakha al-baghdddiyya (ms. Esc., Zah., Feyz.; Brockelmann, I2, 450, S I, 624; BikaT, no. 1; Hasanl, 76-82); according to Brockelmann, a summary of it exists, al-Safina al-baghdddiyya, by A. al-Labbadl (?). (5) Miffiam al-safar, ed. S.M. Zaman, Islamabad 1988 (794 entries) [con. Brockel-
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mann, S I, 624 no. 9: Mueaj_am al-shucard3\ Bikacl, no. 7, seems to show that its title was al-Mucajam al-mu3akhkhar}; partial editions: Bahldja Bakir alHasanl, i, Baghdad 1978 (145 entries), and I. 'Abbas, Akhbdr wa-tardajim andalusiyya mustakhraaja min M^ajam al-safar, Beirut 1963. (6) al-Muntakhab [al-Tadj.zi3a] min K. al-Irshdd fi macrifat culamd3 al-hadith of alKhalrll (d. 446/1055; Siyar, xvii, 666-8), ed. Sacd, Beirut 1986/ed. Idns, Riyad 1989. (7) al-Muntakd min K. Makdrim al-akhldk wa-macdlihd wa-mahmud tard3ikihd, summary of the celebrated work by alKhara'itl [q.v.], ed. M. Mutfe al-Hafiz and Ghazwa Burayd, Damascus 1986. (8) Murdsaldt al-Silafi maca 'l-Zamakhshan, ed. B. al-Hasanf, in MMTI, xxiii. (9) dSalamdsiyydt [five sessions of dictation to the scholars of Salamas, in Adharbaydjan, in 506/1112-13; 2 ms. Zah.] (10) Su3dldt [al-Hafiz al-Silafi] li-Khamis alHawazi can ajamd'a min ahl Wdsit, ed. al-Tarablshl, Damascus 1976 (Brockelmann, I2, 450 no.' 12). (11) Kasida, Brockelmann, S I, 624 no. 5; Bika'I, no. 33; Hasam, 64-75, has reproduced some of his poetry. (12) al-Suddsiyydt [allati akhraaj.ahd al-Hdfiz ...] (traditions with a chain of six authorities which he had received in 512/1118-19, by means of audition, from Ibn al-Hattab al-RazT al-Shuruti, d. 524/1130; Siyar, xix, 583-5; Rattan!, no. 525; besides the ms. in Brockelmann, S I, 624 no. 6, ms. Zah.; Bikacl, no. 10). (13) al-Tuyurdt, choice and emendatio of traditions drawn from collections (aajzd3) of Ibn al-Tuyurl (ms. Zah.; Bika£I, no. 12). (14) alWadfizfi dhikr al-mudj.dz wa 'l-muajtz, ed. M. Khayr al-BikacI, Beirut 1990: rev. by GiUiot, in Stud. Isl., xli (1994), 143-5. (15) Seventeen collections or fragments of collections of traditions (ahddlth, ahddith muntakhaba, amdK, djuz3, ajuz3 fihi fawd3id, fawd3id} kifa, etc.) drawn from those of other authors, as well as certificates of audition (samdcdt), preserved in ms., Bika'f, nos. 13-30. See Kattani's index, iii, 85a. 4. Works no longer extant (addenda to the 38 entries of Bika'I): DLUZ' Kulunbd, fascicle of traditions dictated by al-Silafi to the traditionist Ibn Kulunba in 511 in Alexandria (bi 3l-thaghr), according to Zabldl, Tahnila, i, 328b; con. Hadjdjr Khalifa, no. 4092: Djuz3 kalbind, tr. as Cor nostrum/\, 587: Kalanbd. Man ismuhu Dhu 'l-Nun (Kattanl, 421). Mandkib al-cAbbds; Hadjdjr Khalifa, no. 13040/ii, 1843. Mashyakha Ibn al-Hattdb (or al-Rdzi), takhnaj al-Silafi; Kattam, nos. 252, 276; cf. above, no. 12. (CL. GILLIOT) SILAH [see Suppl.]. SILAHDAR (A., p.) ("arms-bearer"). This militaryadministrative titie and function have a long history in the Islamic world, going back to the days of the Great Saldjuk sultans, whose state organisation followed early Persian and cAbbasid models. Nizam alMulk's Siydsat-ndma, describing the organisation of the Saldjuk state, lists the sildhddr as one of the most trusted personnel in the sultan's palace, who was directly responsible to the person of the sultan. As chief of the army's arsenal (zarad-khdnd), where the armour and weapons were stored, the sildhddr had a military unit under his command and the responsibility of carrying the sultan's weapon (Nizam al-Mulk, Siydsat-ndma, ed. Ch. Schefer, Paris 1891^ 94-95, 109; Ibn al-Bfbf, El-Evdmirii 'l-cald3iyye fi 'l-umuri 3l-cald3iyye, ed. Adnan Erzi, Ankara 1956, 216). The Mamluks retained the same title in its Arabic form amir sildh, who was one of the nine most important office holders in the Mamluk state and ranked among the Amirs of a Thousand (amir alf], the highest
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rank in the military echelon. In this capacity, he was in command of a Royal Mamluks' unit (tulb), called sildhddriyya, with a number of horsemen ranging from 110 to 120. He was also in charge of the arsenal (sildh-khdna) and over the amirs of the arsenal, who were called zaradkdshiyya and whose duty was to guard the arsenal. He was therefore sometimes called alzaradkdsh al-kabir. During public appearances, the amir sildh's duty was to bear the sultan's arms. The role of amir sildh reached its highest importance in the 9th/15th century and involved the participation in military campaigns (Ibn Taghrfbirdf, vi, 386-7; alKalkashandf, Subh al-acshd, iv, 14 ff.; Khalfl b. Shahm al-Zahin, K. Zjibdat kashf al-mamdlik, ed. P. Ravaisse, Paris 1894, 111-16). The Ottomans, who used the tide in its Persian form sildhddr, continued Saldjuk and Mamluk traditions and even elevated its role to a higher level in the Imperial Palace (saray). During Mehemmed IPs reign (1451-81), the Inside Service (enderun) in the palace, under the direction of the kapl aghasi, was made up of four Chambers, of which the Privy Chamber (khdss-odd) was the highest-ranking. Immediately beneath the chief of the Privy Chamber, the khdssoda bashi, was the sildhddr agha, along with other principal officials who performed the general service of the sultan and therefore were the nearest to him. Being the second-in-command in the Privy Chamber, the sildhddr agha handled all communications to and from the sultan and accompanied him with his sword in public ceremonies, travels and campaigns. He also commanded his own unit, the sildhddr boliighu (sometimes called sari bayrak boliighu because of its yellow flag). During public ceremonies, such as the Friday procession (selamlik), the sildhddr bb'luk took position on the left side of the sultan. In the battlefield, as part of the kapikulu cavalry, they served as the sultan's personal guards protecting his flanks. Over the years, as the sildhddr aghas gained greater power and expanded their functions, the number of their boltiks increased, comprising 2,000 sildhddrs during Mehemmed IPs time, 2,780 in 1568, 2,930 in 1588, 5,000 in 1597, 6,244 in 1660, 7,683 in 1699, 10,821 in 1713, reaching the staggering number of 12,000 during the reign of Mahmud II (1808-39). Since the sultans appointed their favourite men to high offices in the administration, the ranks of the sildhddr agha provided countless viziers and dignitaries. Two such sildhddr aghas were Silahdar Yusuf Pasha who, during Sultan Ibrahim's reign, conspired successfully to bring about the fall and execution in 1644 of the Grand Vizier Kara Mustafa Pasha [q.v], and Silahdar 'All Pasha, Ahmed Ill's son-in-law, who engineered the overthrow of Corlulu CA1I Pasha [q.v.] and in 1713 became Grand Vizier himself. With the death of Silahdar Giritli 'All Agha in 1831, Mahmud II eliminated the office of the sildhddr agha, and incorporated it into the office of the Treasury under the control of the kha&ne ketkhiiddsi (Kdnun-ndme-i Al-i C0thmdn, ed. ^M. 'Arif, in TOEM, supplement, 23-4; Lutff Pasha, Asa/name: devlet adamlanna bgiitkr, Ankara 1977; Ottaviano Bon [-Robert Withers], A description of the Grand Signiour's Seraglio, ed. John Greaves, London 1653, 78-9). Bibliography. For the Saldjuk period, see Ibrahim Kafesoglu, A history of the Seljuks, tr. and ed. G. Leiser, Carbondale, El. 1988, 104-5; Mehmed Fuad Kopriilu-zade, Selcuktler zamaninda Anadolu'da turk medeniyyeti, in MTM, 'v, 215; 223 ff. For the Mamluks, see D. Ayalon, Studies on the structure of the Mamluk army, in BSOAS, xv (1953); A.N. Poliak, The organisation of the Mamluk state, in BSOS,
x (1940-2), 862-76. Concerning Ottoman usage, see Ismail Hakki Uzuncar§ili, Osmanh devletinin saray te^Jdldti, Ankara 1984, 340-8; §erafeddin Turan, I A, art. Sildhddr. (SHAI HAR-£L) SILAHDAR, FiNDiKLiLI MEHMED AGHA, (1068-1139/1658-1726-7), Ottoman historian. The palace official Silahdar Mehmed Agha was born on 12 Rablc I 1068/8 December 1658 in the Rndikli district of Istanbul. A protege of the bash musdhib Shahm Agha, he was educated in the saray and entered the palace bostdnaj.1 [q.v.] corps in 1084/ 1674. In 1089/1678 he became a ziOflii baltadji [q.v] and in 1090/1679, was promoted to the seferli odasl In this capacity he took part in the 1683 Vienna campaign led by Kara Mustafa Pasha [q.v.]. In 1099/ 1688 he entered the khdss oda [q.v] and was promoted successively to dulbend ghuldml, cukhdddr (in the reign of Mustafa II), and, finally, sildhddr [q.v], in Rabic II 1115/August 1703 immediately upon the accession of Ahmed III (1703-30), this despite his closeness to the deposed Mustafa II. He subsequently played an important role in quelling bostdnajt unrest and in overseeing arrangements for the funeral of Mustafa II in Sha'ban 1115/December 1703. However, in Shawwal 1115/February 1704, when a protege of one of Ahmed Ill's favourites was appointed sildhddr in his place, Mehmed Agha chose to retire from palace service, refusing the offer of a provincial governorship with the rank of vizier and accepting instead a daily pension of 300 akces. He settled in the Demirkapi district of Istanbuf and on his death in 1139/1726-7 was buried at Ayazpasha. He compiled a detailed chronicle of Ottoman history during the years 1065-1133/1655-1721, written in a matter-of-fact prose style. This is generally considered as two separate works: (i) Dheyl-i Fedhleke ("Supplement to the Fedhleke") (sc. of Katib Celebi [q.v]), detailing events of the years 1065-1106/165595 (published as Sildhddr ta'nkhi, 2 vols., Istanbul 1928, introd. by Ahmed Reffk [Altinay]); (ii) Nusret-ndme, comprising initially a day-to-day account of the reign of Mustafa II (1106-15/1695-1703), then continuing with a less detailed account f9r 1115-33/1703-21 (Nusretndme, modern Turkish tr. I. Parmaksizoglu, 2 vols., Istanbul 1962-9). Mehmed Agha's history is a particularly valuable first-hand account for the period ca. 1683-1703, when he was in close attendance upon the sultans. The Nusret-ndme was probably a major source for the wakca-nuwls Rashid [q.v] (O. Kopriilii, Rd§id'in kaynaklanndan biri Silahddr'in Nusretndmesi, in Belleten, xi [1947], 473-87). Bibliography. Ahmed Refifk [Altinay], cAlimler ve sancatkdrlar, Istanbul 1924, 228-55 (and introd. to Sildhddr ta'rikhi, i, pp. iii-xii); GOW, 253-4; LH. Uzun9ar§ili, Osmanh devletinin saray te§kildti, Ankara 1945, esp. 342-53; L Artuk, Sildhddr FindMih Mehmed Aga, in Tarih dergisi, xxvii (1973), 123-32. (CHRISTINE WOODHEAD) SILHET, conventional form Sylhet, a famous city, a district and a division at the easte r n m o s t p a r t of Bangladesh. The present Division of Sylhet (a District prior to 1 August 1995) covers approximately 4,785 square miles (lat 23° 58'25° 12' N., long. 91°-92° 38' E.) and comprises the districts of Sylhet, Sunamganj, Maulvi Bazar and Habibganj. Before the advent of Islam, Sylhet formed part of Samatata region (Djuzdjanl mentions it as Suknat; see Tabakdt-i Ndsiri, ed. Hablbl, i, 426, tr. Raverty, i, 557-8) and was divided into small kingdoms (i.e. Laor, Jayantia, Gauda) ruled by Hindu dynasties. Some parts of Sylhet were also ruled by
SILHET — AL-SIM the neighbouring kingdom of Kamrup. An economically prosperous land where cowrie-shells were used for currency, Arab traders sometimes visited Sylhet on their overland route to China. Muslim conquest of the area began in early 14th century during the reign of Sultan Firuz Shah (d. 1322) of Lakhnawati. The celebrated Suhrawardl shaykh, Shah Djalal Mudjarrad Kunya'I (see Mohammad Yusuf Siddiq, Arabic and Persian texts of the Islamic inscriptions of Bengal, Watertown, Mass. 1992, 158), and his disciples played an important role in consolidation of Islam in this region. Mughal rule was extended up to Sylhet in the early 17th century. In 1874, during British colonial rule, the District of Sylhet was made part of the newly-formed Assam State. In 1947, the Muslim majority of this area opted for Pakistan, and Sylhet became a District of East Bengal Province (now Bangladesh). Sylhet is quite rich in its natural resources such as natural gas and limestone. Huge cement, fertiliser and tea factories have provided it with an industrial base. The tea plantations of Sylhet are famous. A sizeable number of people from Sylhet have emigrated to the U.K., and their remittances enrich the country with much-needed foreign exchange. Bibliography: Sayyid Murtada 'All, Hadrat Shah Djaldl o Sileter itihds, Dhaka 1988; Mohammad Yusuf Siddiq, al-Nukush al-Isldmiyya fi }l-Bangdl waatharuhd al-haddn, Beirut 1995. (MOHAMMAD YUSUF SIDDIQ) SILIFKE (Greek Seleucia; Armenian Selefkia, Selewkia; Frankish Le Selef, Salef, Saleph; Arabic Salukiya), important rural centre in the ( p r e s e n t day) Turkish province of Adana, 87 km/48 miles east of the port of Mersin [q.v.], on the river Goksu (ancient Calycadnus), about 14 km/9 miles from the Mediterranean Sea. In a strategic position where the coastal road and the route inland over the Taurus Mountains meet, it was founded before 300 B.C. by Seleucus I Nicator. Extant monuments in Silifke include a 2nd century A.D. temple to Zeus, a large Byzantine rock-hewn cistern and, most importantly, a mediaeval castle. In spite of being exposed to Arab incursions, the castle remained in Byzantine hands until the end of the 6th/12th century. Thereafter it was, at different times, under Armenian, Hospitaller and seignurial Frankish control, until at least the second half of the 7th/13th century, when the record is lost. The castle occupies the long, narrow platform of an outcrop overlooking the town. While little remains of the structures within the castle save at the western end, the outer gateway and some of the outer wall are still in place, as well as most of the inner wall and salients. Although the Byzantine Emperor Alexius 1 ordered his secretary Eustathius to rebuild the castle at the beginning of the 6th/12th century, the work visible today is probably largely Frankish, with perhaps some Armenian contribution, reflecting the occupancies of the 7th/13th century. Bibliography: Yakut, iii, 126-7; R.W. Edwards, The fortifications of Armenian Cilicia, Dumbarton Oaks 1987, 221-9 (description and plan); H. Hellenkemper and F. Hild, Tabula imperil Byzantini, v/1 (Kilikien und Isaurien), Vienna 1990, 402-6 (extensive bibl., including Islamic source references). (D.W. MORRAY) SILSILA (A.), literally "chain", a term used in the terminology of Sufism and the Sufi" orders (turuk) for a continuous chain of spiritual descent, a kind of mystical isndd [q.v.]. This connected the head of an order, the shaykh or pir, with a person regarded as the order's founder and back to the Prophet. These
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persons might stem from early Islam, such as the Yemeni contemporary of the Prophet, Uways al-Karanl (actually, not initiated directly but after the Prophet's death, in a dream), and the Patriarchal Caliphs, especially Abu Bakr, cUmar and CA1I. That such claims to descent were fictitious, given the obviously intensely practical and unmystical bent of the first caliphs, was early recognised by some authorities, such as Ibn Khaldun [q.v.] (who suspected here Shfcl influence; see his Mukaddima, iii, 73-4, tr. Rosenthal, iii, 93-4). Somewhat more plausible were silsilas traced back to early undoubted Suffs like Abu Yazfd al-Bistami (d. 261/875 or 264/878 [see ABU YAZ!D]) and Abu '1-Kasim al-Djunayd (d. 298/910-11 [q.v.]). Bibliography: J.S. Trimingham, The Sufi orders in Islam., Oxford 1971, refs. in the Glossary, at 311; and see TARIKA. (£D.) SILyES'[see'sHiLB]. AL-SIM, LUOIAT, a secret vocabulary or argot employed by criminals, beggars, gypsies, and other groups for communication among themselves without the risk of being understood by outsiders. The word sim (variant sin] is well attested in Arabic from the 19th century to the present, but its earlier history and etymology are obscure; MJ. de Goeje's proposal of a Gypsy and ultimately Indian origin for the term, and his citation of an isolated 7th/13th century instance of its use by an Arabic author (Memoire sur les migrations des Tsiganes d trovers I'Asie, Leiden, 1903, 71), require further investigation. For the mediaeval Islamic world, our sources mainly associate such an argot with the Banu Sasan [see SASAN, BANU] a loose confraternity of beggars and other marginal types; this group's esoteric vocabulary is known to us primarily from two remarkable jargon poems, by Abu Dulaf al-Khazrajf (Jl. fourth/tenth century [q.v.]) and Safi al-Dm al-Hilli (d. ca. 750/1349 [q.v.])9 which have been thoroughly analysed by C.E. Bosworth (The medieval Islamic underworld: the Banu Sdsdn in Arabic society and literature, 2 vols. Leiden, 1976). A degree of continuity in this argot is traceable into modern times, notably in the vocabulary of the Halab, a pseudoGypsy group in Egypt, which is shared as well by traditional Egyptian musicians and entertainers in general, who call it sim al-fannanm or "artistes' argot." Scholars have also documented a number of other secret vocabularies in the contemporary Arabic world, of which the most elaborate appears to be the sim al-sdgha, or argot of gold- and silversmiths, based largely on Hebrew, distinctive forms of which have thus far been recorded in Cairo and Damascus. Some forms of contemporary argot in Persian and Turkish are also known. In addition to argot in the strict sense of secret vocabularies, the phenomenon of encrypting one's language by means of phonetic and morphological distortion, as in English "pig Latin," is known in all three languages, and in Arabic is also sometimes called sim. Bibliography: In addition to earlier literature, treated comprehensively in Bosworth, Underworld, see M. Barbot, Motes lexicographiques sur les 'orfevres et bijoutiers de Damas, in Arabica, xxi (1974), 72-83; E.K. Rowson, Cant and argot in Cairo Colloquial Arabic, in American Research Center in Egypt Newsletter, 122 (Summer 1983), 13-24; 'A. clsa, al-Lughat al-sirriyya, Alexandria 1988; R.L. Djum'a, al-Lugha al-sirriyya li-bacd al-tawd'if wa 'l-mihan al-shacbiyya fi Misr, in al-Ma3thurdt al-shacbiyya, xxxvii (January 1995), 43-57; K. van Nieuwkerk, "A trade like any other". Female singers and dancers in Egypt, Austin, Texas 1995, 96-102. (E.K. ROWSON)
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SIMANCAS — SlMIYA'
SIMANCAS [see SHANT MANKASH]. SIMAW, modern Turkish SIMAV, a town of northwestern Anatolia, lying on the river of the same name and just to the south-east of the Simav Golii, 90 km/58 miles as the crow flies to the southwest of Kiitahya [q.v.] and on the road connecting Bahkesir with Usak (lat. 39° 05' N., long. 28° 59' E., altitude 823 m/2,700 feet). In later Ottoman times, it was the chef-lieu of a kadd3 of the same name, and is now the centre of the ilfe or district of Simav in the il or province of Kiitahya. One should not confuse it, as did Babinger in his EP art., with Simawna in eastern Thrace, the birthplace of the early Ottoman rebel, Shaykh Badr al-Dm b. Kadi Simawna [q.v.]. In Antiquity, it was the Synaos of western Phrygia, and vestiges of the town's classical past remain. In Byzantine times it was the seat of a bishop, and there are relics of the Byzantine citadel. In the 8th/14th century it came within the beylik or principality of the Germiyan Oghullari [q.v.], but was ceded to the Ottoman sultan Murad I in 783/1381 (see N. Vatin, in R. Mantran (ed.), Histoire de I'empire ottoman, Paris 1989, 43). Simaw was the birthplace of several well-known Ottoman scholars, such as Shaykh cAbd Allah Ilahf (d. 896/1491) and Kara Shams al-Dm (see Ewliya Celebi, Seydhat-ndme, iii, 377). It was visited by several 19th-century scholars, including Wm. Hamilton, A.D. Mordtmann Senr., K. Buresch and Th. Wiegand. Modern Simaw was rebuilt after a fire of 1911. After the First World War, it was occupied by the Greek army from July 1921 to September 1922. Carpet-weaving has been one of its industries. In 1965 the population was 7,877. Bibliography: PW, 2nd ser., iv. A.2, cols. 1326-7 (Ruge); Ewliya Celebi, Seydhat-ndme, ix, Istanbul 1935, 44-50; WJ. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, London 1842, ii, 124; Sh. Samf Frasheri, Kdmus al-acldm, iv, 2625; V. Cuinet, La Turquie d'Asie, iv, 222 ff.; K. Buresch, Aus Lydien, Leipzig 1898, 142 ff.; Th. Wiegand, in Athenische Mitteilungen, xxix (Athens 1904), 324 (with view); A.D. Mordtmann, ed. F. Babinger, Anatolien, Hanover 1925, 40-1; Admiralty Handbooks, Turkey, London 1942-3, i, 129, ii, 207, 421-2, 581; Belediyeler yilligi, Ankara 1945, iii, 334-40; I A, art. Simav (Besim Darkot). (C.E. BOSWORTH) SIMDJURIDS, a line of Turkish commanders and governors, originally of slave origin, for the Samanids in 4th/1 Oth-century Khurasan. The founder, Abu £Imran Sfmdjur, was the amir Isma'il b. Ahmad's [q.v] ceremonial ink-stand bearer (dawdfi). He became Samanid governor of Slstan [q.v] in 300-1/913-14 when the local dynasty of the Saffarids [q.v] were temporarily driven out. Thereafter, the family was prominent as governors of Khurasan for the amirs, involved in warfare with the Samanids' rivals in northern Persia such as the Buyids, and they acquired a territorial base of estates in Kuhistan [q.v]. They were active in the tortuous politics and campaignings of the last decades of the Samanids. The last-mentioned member of the family is Abu '1-Kasim 'All, commander in Khurasan till 392/1002. Bibliography: Sam'anf, Ansdb, ed. Haydarabad, vi, 351-5; Barthold, Turkestan; 246 ff.; Erdogan Mercil, Simcunler. I-IV, Istanbul n.d. [ca. 1986], originally published in various journals; C.E. Bosworth, The history of the Saffarids of Sistan and the Maliks of Mmruz, Costa Mesa and New York 1994, 271-3; idem, The New Islamic dynasties, Edinburgh 1996, no. 86. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SIMIYA', in form like kibriyd3, belongs to old Arabic
beside simd, simd3 (Kur'an, XLVIII, 29 etc.; al-Baydawi, ed. Fleischer, i, 326, 14, 15), in the sense "mark, sign, badge" (Lane 1476a; Sahdh, s.v., ed. Bulak, 1282, ii, 200; Hamdsa, ed. Freytag, 696; L'A, xv, 205). But the word, as a name for certain genres of magic, had a quite different derivation; in that sense it is from oTijieia, through the Syriac simya (pi.), and means "signs, letters of the alphabet" (Dozy, SuppL, i, 708b, and references there; Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, ii, col. 2614). In Bocthor, Dictionnaire Jranf ais-arabe, i, 154b, under Chiromancie, simiyd3 is given as one of three Arabic renderings. By Barhebraeus (d. 685/1286) the Syriac and Arabic forms are used together (Chron. Syr., ed. Paris, 14, 7; Mukhtasar, ed. Pococke, 33); according to these passages the science (cilni) was "invented" in the time of Moses by a certain ^^Jyl, which Bruns and Kirsch rendered "Eunumius", but he seems to be quite unknown. The Muhit al-muhtt, ii, 1032b, suggests a derivation from TOtf "name of Allah", and the Names of Allah certainly play a large part in simiyd3 (Doutte, Magie et religion, 344, who also suggests, 102, that the form of the word has been affected by kimiyd3; but see above). The term, apart from this dubious sense of "chiromancy", has been and is applied to two quite different branches of magic. (1) It is very widely applied at the present day to what is often called "natural magic", but is evidently hypnotism. Ibn Khaldun (Mukaddima, ed. Quatremere, iii, 126, tr. Rosenthal, iii, 158) gives this as the third division of magic (sihr) in his arrangement and says that the philosophers (al-faldsifa) call it shacwadha and shacbadha [q.v]. Ibn Khaldun expresses it very clearly as a working of the nafs of the magician on the imagination of his subject, conveying certain ideas and forms which are then transferred to the senses of the subject and objectify themselves externally in appearances which have no external reality. Well-described cases of this will be found in Lane's Arabian nights, ch. i, n. 15, ii, Modern Egyptians, ch. xii; Ibn Battuta, iii, 452, iv, 277; Noldeke, Doctor und Garkoch, 5 and passim. Cf. also Doutte, Magie et religion, 102, 345, who calls it also mranfi; Muhit, ii, 1032b; Chauvin, Bibl. ar., part vii, 102, and references there. (2) The second is dealt with at length by Ibn Khaldun in a special section (ed. Quatremere, iii, 137 ff., tr. Rosenthal, iii, 170 ff.). In Ibn Khaldun's time (d. 808/1405) it was called distinctly simiyd3. Ibn Khaldun prefers to call it the science of the secret powers of letters (huruf [q.v]} because simiyd3 was originally a broader term applied to the whole science of talismans and this limited use only originated in the extremist school of Sufi's, who professed to be able to control (tasarrafa) the material world by means of these letters and the names and figures compounded from them. It was thus considered a possible study and practice for pious Muslims. But the Suits who took it up were of the speculative and pantheistic school and claimed control of the elemental world and power to invade its order (khawdrik al-cdda) and asserted that all existence descended in a certain sequence from a Unity (the Neoplatonic Chain). In their system the entelechy (kamdl) of the Divine Names proceeds from the help of the spirits of the spheres and of the stars, and the natures and secret powers of the letters circulate in the Names built out of them. Then they circulate similarly in the changes of transient becoming (al-akuudn) in this world and these akwdn pass from the first initial creation (al-ibdd{) into the different phases of that creation and express clearly its secrets. This seems to mean that letters contain the primal secrets of creation and the secret powers
SIMIYA5 — SIMNAN which still circulate in the akwan and that the Divine Names and Allocutions (kalimdt [q.v]) are produced from letters; therefore the elemental world and the akwan in it can be controlled by these names and allocutions when used by spiritual souls (nufus rabbdniyyd). That is the doctrine of al-Bunf [q.v], Ibn c ArabI [q.v.] and their followers. As to the nature and origin of this secret power in letters, there is dispute. Some assign it to an elemental nature or constitution (mizddj.) and divide letters into four classes according to the four elements. Others ascribe it to a numerical relationship (nisba cadadiyya] based on the value of the letters as numbers (abajad). Ibn Khaldun admits that there does exist such control of the material world but it is by divine grace in the kardmdt [q.v.] of the waits [q.v.], and when those who lack that divine grace and insight endeavour to exert the same control by means of these names and allocutions, they are in the same class as the workers of magic by means of talismans, except that they have not the scientific training and system of these magicians. They may produce effects through the influence of the human nafs and purpose (himma)—which for Ibn Khaldun is the basis of all such working, licit and illicit—but these effects are contemptible besides those of the professional magicians. Ibn Khaldun, therefore, disapproves of this attempt by al-Bunl and others to produce a pious and licit magic; but there is no question that al-Bunf has imposed his system upon Islam. The best description of this state of mind which sees in letters relations to the universe and a science of the universe is in Louis Massignon's Al-Halldaj, 588 ff.; see also Doutte, 172 ff. It is evident that this is a sister phase of thought to the Jewish Kabbala of the alphabetic and thaumaturgic type connected with the divine names, teaching that the science of letters is the science of the essences of things and that by letters God created and controls the world and that men by suitable knowledge of these can control material things (see C.D. Ginsburg, The Kabbalah, 127; art. KABBALA, by H. Loewe, in Hastings' Encyclopaedia of Rel and Ethics, vii, 622-8). Finally, one should note that the term simd, mentioned in the Kur'an (II, 273, VII, 46, 48, XLVIII, 29, LV, 41), denotes a mark of recognition of the believer, either physical (mark on the forehead from practising the Muslim worship) or moral (the result of his good or bad behaviour). Likewise in Hadith, simd, simd3, denotes the distinctive mark of Muslims in relation to other peoples (umam) (Muslim, Tahdra, 36-7) and the mark resulting from the effects of the worship on their foreheads, allowing one to distinguish them from other peoples on the Day of Resurrection (al-Tirmidhf, Dfum'a, 74). This term has thus no connection with simiyd3, a transliteration of CTrpeux, a derivative of muieiov, with the same sense as simd. But just as simiyd3 evokes sihr "magic, white or phantasmagoric", simd evokes firdsa [q.v] "physiognomy". In Persian, simyd "natural magic" is distinguished from simyd3 "mark, sign", according to Steingass, Dictionary, 718. Bibliography: On simiyd3, see Ibn Khaldun. Mukaddima, ed. Quatremere, iii, 137-61, tr. idem, iii,'188-200 (pp. 147-91 of text not tr. by him), Eng. tr. Rosenthal, iii, 182-227; Hadjdjr Khalifa, Kashf, iii, 646-7. There are several works on simiyd3, from which one may cite Abu '1-Kasim Ahmad alTrakT, known as al-Sfmawf (7th/13th century), cUyun al-hadd3ik wa-lddh al-tard3ik, Cairo 1321/1906; Ahmad b. Muh b. al-Banna' (d. ca. 721/1321), c Uyun al-hadd3ikfi cilm al-simiyd3, B.N. of Tunis, ms.
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431, fols. 131-54; Ibn al-Hadjdj al-Maghribl alTilimsanf (d. 736/1336), R.fi 'l-Simiyd3, Cairo, Fihris, vi, 418; Djlli (d. 831/1428), cUyun al-hadd3ik fi Ml md yuhmal min cilm al-tard3ik, B.N. Paris ms. 2595. There are three anonyma in the B.N., Paris: alShardsim al-hindiyya Ji cilm al-simiyd'', mss. 2634-5; alShacbadha wa 'l-simiyd3, ms. 2595, fols. 136-48; and Simiyd3, ms. 2357, fols. 143-56. On these texts, see the refs. in M. Ullmann, Die Natur- und Geheimwissenschajten im Islam, HdO, LeidenCologne 1972, 391 ff.; A. Kovalenko, Magie et Islam. Les concepts de magie (sihr) et de sciences occultes ('Urn alghayb) en Islam, diss. Strasbourg 1979, publ. Geneva 1981, 22 ff., 434. (D.B. MAcDoNALD-[T. FAHD]) SIMNAN, a town of northern Persia (long. 53° 24' E., lat. 35° 33' N., alt. 1,138 m/3,734 ft), in mediaeval Islamic times coming within the province of Kumis [q.v] and lying on the great highway connecting Rayy with the administrative centre of Kumis, sc. Damghan [q.v], and Khurasan. To its north is situated the Elburz Mountain chain and to its south, the Great Desert. 1. History. Simnan comes within what was the heartland of the Parthians (whose capital almost certainly was at Shahr-i Kumis, southeast of Damghan on the Simnan road), but nothing is known of any pre-Islamic history for the town, even though legend later attributed its foundation to Tahmurath (Mustawfi, Nuzha, 161, tr. 157). At the time of the £Abbasid Revolution (131/748-9) it was described as a mere village, occupied by the forces of the ddci Kahtaba's son al-Hasan in the course of the march westwards in pursuit of the Umayyad governor Nasr b. Sayyar [q.v] (al-Tabarl, iii, 2-3). In 267/880-1 the soldier of fortune Ahmad al-Khudjistanl, who had seized Khurasan from the Saffarid cAmr b. al-Layth, reached as far as Simnan in an abortive attack on Rayy (ibid., iii, 2008). By the time of the 4th/10th century geographers, however, Simnan had become a flourishing town, with fertile gardens and agricultural lands watered by the stream which came down from the Elburz and ran through it. The waters were canalised and allotted to the users in rotation, and also stored in cisterns. Simnan is mentioned in the accounts of the fighting between various Caspian princes and the generals of the Samanids in the early 4th/10th century (see Ibn al-Athlr, ed. Beirut, viii, 191, 390). In Ghaznawid times, the local governor Abu Harb Bakhtiyar carried out building works in the town (see 2. below), and although in 427/1036 it was plundered by the so-called '"Iraki" Turkmens en route for Rayy and Adharbaydjan '(Ibn al-Athlr, ix, 379), by 437/1046 it must have been rebuilt enough for Nasir-i Khusraw to have halted there on his Pilgrimage westwards and to have had learned discussions with local scholars (Safar-ndma, ed. M. Dabir-Siyakl, Tehran 1335/1956, 3, Eng. tr. W.M. Thackston, Albany 1986, 2-3). When Yakut described Simnan (probably utilising earlier information of al-Sam'&nf), there were signs of ruin and decline (Mu'ajam dtl-bulddn, ed. Beirut, iii, 251-2), which must have been intensified by the devastation in 618/1221 of the Mongol commander Siibetey (Djuwaynf-Boyle, i, 146-7). Simnan has nevertheless survived as a town of moderate importance, largely because of its position on the Khurasanian highway. It was the home town of the famous Sunn! mystic cAlaJ al-Dawla Simnam (659736/1261-1336 [q.v]). At the end of the 19th century, Curzon found it prosperous enough, with tobacco
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SIMNAN — SIMSIM
grown in its environs as a cash crop and with a small colony of Hindu traders living off trade coming from Yazd and the Persian Gulf coastlands (Persia and the Persian question, i, 290-1). The modern town is the chef-lieu of a shahrastdn or county in the province (farmdnddn-yi kull) of Simnan. It is on the Tehran-Mashhad railway and is a lively market centre for local agricultural produce and for textiles and carpets. In 1991 the town had a population of 93,715 (Preliminary results of the census, Statistical Centre of Iran, Population Division). Bibliography (in addition to references given in the article): Hudud al-cdlam, tr. Minorsky, 135; Sam'am, Ansdb, ed. Haydarabad, vii, 229-31; Le Strange, Lands, 366; Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, 819-20; Barthold, An historical geography of Iran, Princeton 1984, 119-20; Razmara (ed.), Farhang-i djughrdfiyd-yi Irdn-zamm, iii, 157-9. 2. Monuments. Al-Mukaddasf, 356, visited what he describes as the fine Friday mosque in the bazaar, but the earliest surviving elements of this are from the 5th/llth and 6th/12th centuries. They include a minaret which has an inscription of the benefactor, the amir Abu Harb Bakhtiyar b. Muhammad Damgham, governor of Kumis under Mascud I of Ghazna [q.v] and dateable therefore to 421-5/1030-4 (this same Bakhtiyar had previously built the Plr-i cAlamdar tomb tower for his father Abu Dja'far Muhammad at Damghan and also a minaret at the Tarfk-khana mosque there). There are also in Simnan a 6th/12th century hammdm, and the khdnakdh and tomb of 'Ala* al-Dawla SimnanT, built nearly a century after his death by the Tlmurid sultan Shah Rukh in 828/1424. The Masdjid-i Sultan or M.-i Shah, built by the Fath CA1I Shah [q.v] in 1242/1826, together with a madrasa, is a particularly fine example of Kadjar architectural and inscriptional art. Bibliography: Pope, in Survey of Persian art, ii, 1033, 1038; Sylvia A. Matheson, Persia, an archaeological guide2, London 1972, 192-3; Chahryar Adle, Le minaret du Masjed-e Jdmec de Semndn, circa 421-25/ 1030-34, in Stud. Iranica, iv/3 (1975), 177-86; Nasratollah Mechkati, Monuments de sites historiques de I'lran, Tehran n.d., 253; P. Soucek, in R. Ettinghausen and E. Yarshater (eds.), Highlights of Persian art, Boulder, Colo. 1979, 138-41; R. Hillenbrand, The role of tradition in Qajar religious architecture, in E. Bosworth and Carole Hillenbrand (eds.), Qajar Iran, political, social and cultural change 1800-1925, Edinburgh 1983, 359; Sheila S. Blair, The monumental inscriptions Jrom early Islamic Iran and Transoxania, London 1992, 7, 99-100, 102, 109. 3. Language. The man whom Nasir-i Khusraw encountered at Simnan who spoke Persian with a "Daylaml" accent (Safar-ndma, loc. cit.), may have been reflecting the idiosyncratic speech patterns of the town. At the present day, Simnanf is a distinct dialect of New Persian, phonologically connected with the central Persian dialects but, from the point of view of morphology, it departs from these last and forms a transitional dialect with the Caspian ones. The masc. and fern, genders are distinguished in nouns; this may be by separate forms of the indefinite suffix or by the endings of the nouns in question. An oblique case is distinguished in nouns and pronouns. / Bibliography: Earlier studies by Christensen (1915), Mann (1926) and Morgenstierne (1950s and early 1960s, plus in Hdb. der Orientalistik, Abt. I, IV. Iranistik, 1, 172-3) are outdated. See now P. Lecoq,
in R. Schmitt (ed.), Compendium linguarum iranicarum, Wiesbaden 1989, 307-9, cf. bibls. at 312; Mohammed-Reza Majidi, Strukturelle Beschreibung des iranischen Dialekts der Stadt Semnan. Phonetik, Morphologie, Syntax, Hamburg 1980. M. Situda published a Farhang-i Simndm (Tehran 1343/1964) on Simnanf and neighbouring diale_cts. (C.E. BOSWORTH) AL-SIMNANI, ABU DJA'FAR MUHAMMAD b. Ahmad b. Muhammad, traditionist, Hanaff jurist and Ash'arf theologian, born at a place called Simnan in clrak (and not at the better-known one in Kumis) in 361/971-2, died at Mawsil in Rabfc I 444/July 1052. He lived mainly in Baghdad, and then in Mawsil, where he acted as kadi. In hadith, his masters included al-Darakutnf [q.v] and Nasr b. Ahmad al-Mawsilf, and amongst his own disciples was al-Khatfb alBaghdadf [q.v.]. In Jikh, he is said to have composed several works, whose titles are not specified. But it was as a theologian that he was known above all, displaying the rare peculiarity of being a Hanafi" adherent of the Ash'arf doctrine. His master in this regard was the kadi Abu Bakr al-Bakillanf [q.v.]) himself a Malikf; al-Simnanf was known as his disciple par excellence (cf. al-Subkl, Tabakdt, v, 301, 11. 11-12) or the main disciple (cf. Ibn Hazm, Fisal, Cairo 1317-21, iv, 208 1. 14, and also, al-Kadl clyad, Tartlb al-maddrik, Beirut 1965, ii, 586-7). He is vigorously called to account as such by Ibn Hazm in the chapter of his Fisal devoted to criticism of the Ash'ariyya (iv, 206-26), in the course of which the author cites, growing indignant about it, several extracts from a work by alSimnanf in which the latter sets forth the theses of his companions (see also ibid., ii, 168, where one should read al-Simnanf for al-Samcanf). This work, for which no title is given, most certainly differs from that preserved in the cUthmaniyya madrasa at Aleppo (no. 577) under the title K. al-Baydn can usul al-imdn wa 'l-kashf can tamwihdt ahl al-tughydn. On this important treatise of 145 fols., of which an edition remains to be done, there are some apposite references in Gardet and Anawati, Introd. a la theologie musulmane, Paris 1948, 73, 184-5, 365-7, 378-9 (where one should read throughout al-Simnanf for al-Sumnanf) and D. Gimaret, Theories de I'acte humain en theologie musulmane, Paris 1980, 93-4, 101-2, 326. Abu DjaTar Muhammad's son, Abu '1-Hasan Ahmad (384-466/994-1074) had a "profile" quite similar to that of his father: he was also both Hanafi" and Ash'arf, and also a kddi (but in Baghdad). Bibliography: T. Baghdad, i, 355 no. 284; Sam'anf, Ansdb, facs. ed. Margoliouth, fol. 310a 11. 2-9, ed. Haydarabad, vii, 240; Ibn 'Asakir, Tabyin kadhib al-muftan, ed. Kudsf, Damascus 1347, 259; Ibn alDjawzf, Muntazam, viii, 156 no. 215; Yakut, Bulddn, ed. Beirut, iii, 252a; Safadf, Wdji, ed. Dedering, ii, 65 no. 362; Subkf, Tabakdt, Cairo 1964-76, v, 301-2; Ibn Abi '1-Wafa' al-Kurashf, al-Dfawdhir almudfa, Haydarabad 1332, ii, 21 no. 57; Ibn Kutlubugha, Tdaj al-tardajim, Baghdad 1962, 61 no. 181; Brockelmann, S I, 636. On the son Abu '1Hasan Ahmad, see T. Baghdad, iv, 382 no. 2260; Ibn al-DjawzI, viii, 287 no. 338; Ibn Abi '1-Wafa', i, 95-6. (D. GIMARET) SIMSAR [see DALLAL]. SIMSIM, sesame, a family of plants with some 16 classes, of which sesamum indicum or sesamum orientale, Pedaliaceae, primarily qualifies for consideration. Sesame is an ancient cultivated plant, whose habitat is probably in Central Asia and which spread in the tropics and sub-tropics. The name can be derived from Akkadian shamashshammu, which became on the
SIMSIM — SIN one hand Greek ofjacciaov, on the other Arabic sumsum and the more usual simsim via Hebrew shumshon and Aramaic shushma (and variants). An often-used synonym is a^ulajuldn, wrongly interpreted by some authors (like Ibn Baklarish, Mustacim, ms. Naples fol. 71b) as coriander (kuzbara). The greasy oil of sesame is indicated as duhn al-hall (sic, al-khall is wrong), as sallt ajulajuldn or shtradj (Persian shtra). The small, angular, yellow-white to black seeds are kept in elongated capsules which develop from the blossoms of the plant. In many countries, sesame is an important foodstuff. In India sesame flour is boiled into pulp, in Asia Minor and in Egypt bread and pastry are flavoured with sesame. If pressed when cold, sesame oil is liquid, odourless and of a pleasant taste. Like olive oil, it has served at all times as a valuable salad oil, and also as a substitute for butter fat (samn). In medicine, sesame belongs to the softening and resolving remedies. When grilled and eaten with linseed (badhr al-kattdn], it increases virility. It is quite efficient against breathing difficulties and asthma, as well as against coughing and hoarseness. Sesame may harm the stomach, but this can be avoided or alleviated if it is taken together with honey. Sesame herb boiled in wine is efficient against inflammation of the eye. Its oil is a remedy against raw and chapped skin and brings ulcers to ripening. Mixed with attar, it soothes headaches originating from sunburn (ihrdk al-shams). It is also used in cosmetics. In the bazaars of Cairo, sesame is sold in great quantities, but, in pursuit of profit, lotus seeds (nilufar) are often deceitfully passed off as a^ulajuldn misn, and the seeds of the black poppy (khashkhdsh aswad) as aj.ulajuldn alhabasha. Finally, there were also "sesame-like" plants (sisdmuwidd, aTiCTa|^oei8e(;), a large one and a small one, which were considered as classes of a wild sesame (simsim bam) (A. Dietrich, Dioscurides triumphans, Gottingen 1988, iv, 138-52). As a means to neutralise magic, sesame is already mentioned in Babylonian-Assyrian incantations. Until today, the Arabs consider sesame presses as dwellingplaces of spirits. The formula "Sesame, open your door" (not "Sesame, open up") became popular through the well-known story of AH Baba and the forty thieves from Alf lay la wa-layla (270th night). Bibliography. Abu Hanffa, K. al-Nabdt, no. 528; Razf, Ham, xxi, 36-9 (no. 442); Maimonides, Shark al-ukkar, ed. M. Meyerhof, Cairo 1940, no. 268; Ibn al-Baytar, Djami', iii, 30-1 (Leclerc no. 1218); Suwaydi, K. al-Simdt, ms. Paris ar. 3004, fol. 200b; Tuhfat al-ahbdb, ed. Renaud and Colin, no. 367; Antakf, Tadhkira, i, 198; M.A.H. Ducros, Le droguier populaire arabe... du Caire, Cairo 1930, no. 129; A. Dietrich, Dioscurides triumphans, ii, 83; idem, Die Dioskurides-Erkldrung des Ibn al-Baytdr, Gottingen 1991, ii, 84. (A. DIETRICH) SlMURGH (P.), the name of a mythical bird. There are two passages in the Avesta referring to the "bird Saena-" (rrwnyo saeno; Vast 14: 41) or the "tree of Saena-" (vanam yam saenahe; Vast 12: 17); the latter specifies that this tree stands in the middle of Lake Vourukasa, that its name is "all-remedies" and that it bears the seeds of all plants. The word saenais etymologically identical with Sanskrit syend-, "eagle, falcon", but it is not clear from the two Avestan passages whether it designates a species of bird (though the fact that Saena- is used elsewhere in the Avesta as a personal name supports this view), or whether it is the name of an individual supernatural bird. However, the latter is clearly the case with Middle Persian sen murw ("Sen the bird") and New Persian
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simurgh (which is no longer separable). In the Persian epic tradition, best recorded in Firdawsfs Shdh-ndma, Sfmurgh is a gigantic creature, the special protector of Zal, who is brought up by this bird after being abandoned by his parents, and of his son Rustam, whom it helps in his battle against Isfandiyar. Remnants of ancient Avestan conceptions can be seen in the fact that Sfmurgh's feathers have magical healing powers. On the other hand, the original function of the tree of healing seems to be inverted in the story of how Sfmurgh conveys Rustam to a far-away tree, from the branches of which he forges the fatal arrow which kills Isfandiyar. Similarly, the story of how Isfandiyar himself slays Simurgh must be a later accretion. It is perhaps not surprising to see the Simurgh of Iranian mythology amalgamated with the Arabic eanka' ("phoenix" [q.v.]) and even with Garuda, the giant bird which in Hindu mythology transports the god Visnu. A striking example for this syncretism can be found in the book of Kalila wa-Dimna; in the story of the strand birds and the sea, as told in the first book of the Sanskrit Pancatantra, the birds complain to their king Garuda; in the old Syriac translation (and evidently in its lost source in Middle Persian) Garuda has become simur(gh), while in the Arabic translation by Ibn al-Mukaffac (from the same Middle Persian original) he becomes al-(ukdb al-fankd\ Similarly, in Arabic accounts of the "history" of pre-Islamic Persia (e.g. al-Tabarf, al-Thacalibf) the Simurgh of the Rustam story is represented by al-cankd3, and conversely Arabic cankd\ is often translated in Persian by simurgh. Sfmurgh plays a role in Islamic mystical literature. The Risdlat al-tayr (extant in an Arabic and a Persian version, attributed, on very questionable authority, to Muhammad and Ahmad al-Ghazalf respectively [see AL-GHAZALI, AHMAD]) uses a story of how the birds set off in search of their king,- al-cankd3/Sfmurgh, as an elaborate allegory for the relationship between the worshipper and God. Farfd al-Dfn cAttar [q.v.] developed this story further in his Persian narrative poem Mantik al-tayr, where it is given a pantheistic twist; through their search for God, the "thirty birds" (st murgh) become of one essence with the Simurgh himself. Bibliography: Ch. Bartholomae, Altiranisches Worterbuch, Strassburg 1904, 1548; V.F. Biichner, EI\ art. Simurgh (detailed, but rather speculative); H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seek. Mensch, Welt und Gott in den Geschichten des Fanduddin cAttar, Leiden 1955, 8-18, and index s.v. Simurgh', M. Mo'in (Mucln), Simury, in Dr. J.M. Unvala memorial volume, Bombay 1964, 18-24; M. Boyce, A history of ^proastrianism, i, Leiden-Cologne 1975, 88-9, 138. (F.C. DE BLOIS) SlN and SHIN, the 12th and 13th letters of the Arabic alphabet. Both letters have the same form (rasm), which derives from that of the Aramaic letter shin, and are distinguished only by diacritics, shin having three dots above, while sin is in principle unpointed (muhmal), though in carefully written manuscripts it can be distinguished by a V-shaped sign above the letter, or else by three dots below. In the Eastern form of the abajad [q.v.], sin occupies the position of Aramaic semkath and, like this, has the numerical value 60, while shm has the position of Aramaic shm (= 300), but in the Western abajad, sin occupies the position of Aramaic shm (- 300), while shm stands at the very end with the value 1000. It is worth mentioning that s (semkath) is the only Aramaic letter which has no graphic descendant in the Arabic alphabet.
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SIN — AL-SIN
For the hypothetical common ancestor of the Semitic languages it is possible to postulate three unvoiced, non-glottalised sibilants, for which we can use the conventional symbols j1, s2 and s3. In most Semitic languages these have coalesced into two or even one single phoneme (in Arabic and Old Ethiopic sl merges with j3; in Akkadian, Ugaritic and some Canaanite dialects sl merges with s2; in Aramaic and modern Hebrew s2 merges with s3', in modern Ethiopic languages all three are reduced to a single sibilant), but they survived as three separate phonemes in Biblical Hebrew (where they are represented by tf, (B and D respectively), in Ancient South Arabian (which has three different characters for these sibilants) and in the modern South Arabian languages (Mehrf, Djibbalf, Sokotrf, Hobyot). In the latter the descendant of Semitic 51 is a palato-alveolar [s]—with a frequent (except in Djibbalf) secondary shift to [h]—, s2 is represented by the unvoiced lateral conventionally transcribed as [s]—roughly like Welsh //—and s3 by the alveolar [s]; it is probable that these were approximate realisations of the three sibilants in proto-Semitic. Already in the earliest documents in North Arabian (with the exception only of Taymanite, which appears to have retained the three Semitic sibilants), s1 and s3 have become a single phoneme, which is represented by the South Arabian sign for s1, and which in classical Arabic is continued by the phoneme represented by the letter sin, while s2 survives as the separate phoneme represented in classical Arabic by shin. The etymological correspondence of Arabic sin and shin with the sibilants in other Semitic languages is clear and well-established; what remains uncertain is the chronology of the sound-shifts in Arabic and the precise pronunciation of the sibilants at any particular stage in the history of the language. It seems, however, that one must reckon with at least two sound-shifts: the first resulting in the merger of s1 and s3 into one phoneme, which in remote antiquity was probably realised as [s] but in modern Arabic has become a very sharp [s]—produced with the tip of the tongue just behind the ridge of the upper teeth—, and a second, evidently more recent, shift of Semitic s2 from a lateral [s], perhaps via some intermediary stage, to a palato-alveolar [s]. The mediaeval grammarians give detailed phonetic descriptions of sin and shin which, though much discussed by modern scholars, remain rather obscure; in particular, one must ask to what extent these descriptions really reflect the pronunciation at the time of a given author and are not merely repeated from an earlier tradition. Some light on the history of Arabic pronunciation is shed by the treatment of loan-words from non-Semitic languages (the many Arabic borrowings from Aramaic are less instructive, as there is always the possibility that their form has been influenced by that of cognate Arabic roots). It can be observed that in early Arabic borrowings from Greek the a of the latter language, though often represented by sin, quite frequently appears as sad (e.g. kaysar from Xocioap, though here, velarisation as a suprasegmental feature should be considered), which would seem to indicate that the Arabic phoneme represented by sin was in any case not perceived as being completely identical with the Greek or Aramaic [s], though the difference may be merely that the latter were produced with a more retracted tongue, i.e. with a tongueposition closer to that of Arabic [s]. In Arabic words borrowed from Iranian languages, original [s] is, as the mediaeval philologists noted, normally represented by sin (e.g. Arabic sardwil, "trousers", plural of sirwdl,
from Middle Persian salwdr/sarwal', Arabic banafsaaj, "violet", from MP. wanafsag; also proper nouns like Arabic Sabur for MP. Sabuhr), though in some (presumably more recent) loan-words Iranian [s] is represented by shin (e.g. in shah, "king [in the game of chess]"). Conversely, Arabic sin is represented by Persian [s] in the early loan-word Ioshkar, "army", from Arabic al-caskar, itself evidently borrowed (via Aramaic and Greek) from Latin exercitus (thus Noldeke, apud S. Fraenkel, Die aramdischen Fremdworter im Arabischen, Leiden 1886, 239; but this borrowing is not accepted by everybody, nor is it entirely clear in which direction the borrowing occurred). Such examples confirm that early Arabic shin was not pronounced like the Persian palato-alveolar [s], for otherwise shin would have been used consistently for its supposed Persian equivalent. On the other hand, Slbawayh (ed. Derenbourg, ii, 376) cites the sin of the above-cited word sardwil as an example for how Arabic can substitute one "letter" for another in a borrowed Persian word even in cases where the replaced letter is one that occurs also in native Arabic words; in other words, the [s] of Persian sarwal was, in Slbawayh's judgement, one of the "letters of the Arabs". From this one must conclude that in the 2nd/8th century shin already had its modern value [s] and that the grammarians consequently saw the substitution of [s] for [s] no longer as a case of the replacement of an unknown sound by a known one but as a phenomenon within the phonological system of Arabic. Bibliography: C. Brockelmann, Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der semitischen Sprachen, Berlin 1908-13, i, 128-30; A. Siddiqi, Studien iiber die persischen Fremdworter im klassischen Arabisch, Gottingen 1919, 24, 30, 73; J. Cantineau, La "mutation des sifjlantes" en sudarabique, in Melanges Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Cairo 1935-45, 313-23; A.F.L. Beeston, Phonology of the Epigraphic South Arabian unvoiced sibilants, in Transactions of the Philological Society (1951), 1-26; idem, Arabian sibilants, in JSS, vii (1962), 222-33 (both articles are fundamental); M.V. McDonald, The order and phonetic value of Arabic sibilants in the "Abjad", in JSS, xix (1974), 36-46; R.C. Steiner, The case for fricative-laterals in proto-Semitic, New Haven 1977; A. Faber, Genetic subgroupings in Semitic languages, Austin 1980, 171-229 (largely misguided); A. Roman, Etude de la phonologie et de la morphologie de la koine arabe, Aix en Provence 1983, i, 68, 144-7; M.C.A. Macdonald, HU 501 and the use of s3 in Taymanite, in JSS, xxxvi (1991), 11-35; idem, On the placing of s in the Maghribi abjad and the Khirbet al-Samrd3 ABC, 'in JSS, xxxvii (1992), 155-66. (F.C. DE BLOIS) SIN- or <5lN KALAN, literally, "Great China", a name appearing in Islamic sources, e.g. Ibn Battiita and Western travellers of the Mongol period, for the Chinese port of Canton, more generally known in Islamic sources as Khanfu [q.v.]. AL-SIN, the usual designation in mediaeval Arabic for China; properly, it means the Chinese people, but is normally used, with the prefixed bildd, for the land of China itself. 1. The name. The initial consonant of the word represents the customary rendering of Persian elm into early Arabic as sad. Thus the forms Cfhistan and Cin appear in the Persian Hudud al-cdlam (ca. 372/982), the first form going back to the 2nd century A.D. Sogdian letters and appearing subsequently in Middle Persian and Armenian; in New Persian, the form Cm is more common. The Arabic version al-Sih appears in geo-
L-SlN graphical and historical texts from the time of Ibn Khurradadhbih (mid-3rd/9th century [q.v.]) onwards. The origin of the name lies in that of the first of the Chinese empires, i.e. the Ch'in (Qin) (221-210 B.C.) (see V. Minorsky, Hudud al-cdlam, comm. 227). One also finds in later Islamic sources the place name Madjfn = Macm, said to be called by the Indians Mahacfn "Great China", referring to the Northern and Southern Sung (Song) (960-1279), so that when Islamic sources link Cm with MacTn, the latter term refers to southern China where the Sung emperors ruled after 1127. A reminiscence of the dynastic name is to be found in the local history of Bayhak by Ibn Funduk (later 6th/12th century), the Ta3nkh-i Bayhak (ed. A. Bahmanyar, Tehran 13177 1938, 18): S.nku = the capital of Mahacm. 2. The present distribution of Muslims in China and a characterisation of Islam there. The modern People's Republic of China (PRC) contains 55 recognised ethnic minority groups, ten of which include Muslims amongst their numbers: (a) The Turkic group: Uyghur, Kazakh, Kirghiz, Uzbek, Tatar and Salar [see the arts, on these various peoples], (b) The Mongol group: Tung-hsiang (Dongxiang) and Puo-an (Baoan) [see MONGOLIA. Muslims in the modern Mongolian People's Republic, at the end], (c) The Iranian group: Tadjiks, (d) The Chinese group: the Hui or native Chinese Muslims. The Turkic group and the small number of Tadjiks are essentially concentrated in what was historically Eastern Turkestan. This was only fully incorporated into the Chinese empire after a lengthy military campaign in the mid-18th century, and is now the Hsin-chiang (Sinkiang or Xinjiang) Uighur Autonomous Region, comprising about one-sixth of the total area of the Chinese Republic and its largest administrative unit. It contains over half of the Muslims in the Republic as a whole. For this region, see SINKIANG, and for its peoples and languages, see also TURKS. These facts show that Islam in China, although with indigenous Hui elements in various regions, such as Vim-nan (Yunan), Sichuan (Ssu-chuan, or Szechuan), Shan-tung (Shandong), Shan-si (Shanxi), Shensi (Shaanxi), Kan-su (Gansu), Ning-hsia (Ningxia), Hu-nan (Henan) and T'in-fang (Tianfang) is essentially a religion of the western lands lying between Tibet and Mongolia and of the interiors, rather than of the eastern coastlands. Hence Chinese Islam has over the centuries only been able sporadically to keep in touch with the main centres of Muslim piety and scholarship outside China, such as Western Turkestan, the Iranian world and Muslim India. Maritime contacts, e.g. with the very numerous Muslims of Indonesia, have been minimal in recent centuries, after European naval powers like the Portuguese, Dutch and British took control of the Indian Ocean and China Seas. On the other hand, Chinese Muslims have always had a consciousness that the focus of their faith lay in the "Western lands", the Tien fang or "celestial region", and have endeavoured to send a trickle at least of believers for the Arabian Pilgrimage. This has increased in recent years, with a slackening in the anti-religious stance of the Chinese Communist government and the diplomatic need to cultivate Muslim powers of the Middle East, Africa, etc.; in 1983 over 1,000 pilgrims went to Mecca (see further below, 4). A consequence of geographical isolation has been intellectual impoverishment; at the present time, Kansu, traditionally a concentration-point for Muslims, has the lowest literacy rate (2%) of all China's eighteen
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provinces. No contributions to Muslim culture or scholarship of any significance have ever come out of China. Up to the 20th century, the sole religious knowledge of the Hui Muslim leaders, the Ahongs (< Persian dkhund) or Imams, was often of a few Kur'anic texts and prayers. Only in the last few years, with the ending of the Cultural Revolution and its excesses, have madrasas been allowed to cater for increased numbers of students and potential religious leaders, with Ahongs being allowed to study abroad, in e.g. Pakistan. It was not really till the 18th and 19th centuries (the first Chinese Muslim literature seems to date from ca. 1600) that there grew up a Muslim apologetic literature in Chinese emphasising the faith and trying to demonstrate a certain degree of conformableness to the mainstream of Han Chinese culture and traditional Confucian religion, with which Chinese Islam was always in a state of tension and, at times, of outright rebellion. It was at this time, too, that Chinese translations from Arabic and Persian religious literature were made, the first complete Chinese translation of the Kur'an being that by Tu Wen-hsiu [q.v.] (Du Wenxiu), leader of the western Yunnan Muslim rebels in the Panthay [q.v.] revolt of 1855-73 [see AL-KUR'AN. 9. Translation of the Kur'an, 4]. Nevertheless, despite all such handicaps, the faith has survived in China and despite the repression of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, retains its place, so far as one can now discern, as one of the active and flourishing religions of China. Reliable population statistics for the Muslims of China have never been easy to obtain. Estimates in the early part of the 20th century, as attempted by M. Broomhall (Islam in China., a neglected problem, Shanghai 1910, repr. London 1987, and the French military mission whose findings were published as Mission d'Ollone 1906-1909, recherches sur les musulmans chinois, Paris 1911, could only be tentative, but tended to show that their numbers had at that period been often much exaggerated. In the modern Peoples' Republic of China (PRC), an often-cited, semi-official estimate (1995) is 16 to 18 millions, with 7 to 8 millions of these being Hui. Bibliography: See also G.F. Andrews, The crescent in north-west China, London ca. 1921, and the articles on the various Muslim nationalities of China in R.V. Weekes (ed.), Muslim peoples, a world demographic survey2, London 1884; M. Dillion, Islam in China, in Azim Nanji (ed.), The Muslim almanac, Detroit 1996, 91-105. (C.E. BOSWORTH) 3. Geographical and historical information to the year ca. A.D. 1050. The early connections of the pre-Islamic Near East with China were primarily commercial, involving above all the silk trade, carried on by land through eastern Persia, Transoxania, the Tarim basin (with a route along its northern rim passing through Kuca and Karashahr and one along the southern rim through Yarkand and Khotan) and the Kansu corridor to northwestern China. The native Chinese seem to have brought their goods only to the western borders of their empire, and the great carriers of the trade across Inner Asia were the Western Turks or Kok Turks— in Chinese, T'u-chueh (Tujue)—and, above all, the Indo-European peoples of the Tarim basin, such as the Tokharians and the Khotanese, and the Sogdians of Transoxania, whose colonies were spread out along the route and into China itself (on the silk trade here, see A. Herrmann, Die alien Seidenstrassen zwischen China und Syrien, Quellen und Vorschlagen zur alten Geschichte und Geographic, Berlin 1910, repr. Tient-
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AL-SlN
sin 1941; W. Watson, ch. Iran and China., in Comb, hist, of Iran, iii/1, 537-58). The main consumers of silk goods in the Near East were the Sasanid Persians and the Byzantines, both of whom required a steady inflow of silk textiles for their elaborate court ceremonial and, in the latter case, for religious ceremonies. In the later 6th century, the Western Turks under their Kaghan or Yabghu Istemi (in the Byzantine historian Menander Protector, Silzibul < Yabghu) and his son and successor Tardu—in Chinese, Ta-t'u (Datu)— endeavoured to bypass the Persians, who claimed to act as sole intermediaries in the trade, and to deal directly with Byzantium, and diplomatic missions took place between the Kaghans and the Emperors Justin II and Tiberius II (see on these, R. Grousset, Umpire des steppes4, Paris 1951, 128-30, Eng. tr. The empire of the steppes. A history of Central Asia, New Brunswick, NJ. 1970, 83-5; Gy. Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica. I, Die byzantinischen Quellen der Geschichte der Tiirkvolker2, Berlin 1958). We have numerous accounts of the relations of the Islamic world with China, which in part prove to be very accurate. To the Arab geographers, China was the land of the unknown and mysterious, into which only the boldest might venture. It must be noted that even in the oldest Arab geographers, who deal with China, that have survived for us, the connection of South and North China is known; it is one and the same land whose coasts are washed by the Indian Ocean (Bahr Paris, Bahr al-Hind \q.vv]} and whose mountains are connected with the mountains of Farghana and their continuation; so we are told by al-Balkhi in al-Istakhn and Ibn Hawkal (sea-coasts, 40, 193; mountains, 109, 249). What the tradition of the Muslims of China itself tells us about the earliest connections of China and western Asia, is legendary, although it is stated in numerous monuments in stone. It deals with the famous companion of the Prophet Sacd b. Abl Wakkas [q.v], whom it makes a maternal uncle of Muhammad and whose grave in Canton (Guangzhou) is revered, although he really never came to China (de Thiersant mentions the name Wahb Abu Kabsha in addition to Sacd b. Abf Wakkas, without sufficient authority, cf. Broomhall, Islam in China, 76 ff.). Tradition also tells of the bringing of Islam to China by land via Kami (Kumul) by Arab envoys and the exchange of 3,000 Arab and Chinese soldiers as a result of a dream of the Emperor T'aitsung (Taizong) (A.D. 626-49). These legends have been collected by de Thiersant and, more critically, by Deveria, Origine de rislamisme en Chine. The oldest document on the beginnings of Islam in China is a stele in the chief mosque of Hsi-an (Si'an, or Xi'an), which under the name of Ch'ang-an (Chang'an) was the principal capital of the T'ang (Tang) emperors, Khumdan of the early Islamic sources (see below), situated on the River Wei, a tributary of the Yellow River. This stele professes to have been erected in A.D. 742. According to this, Islam must have been known in China under Won-ti (Wonti), first emperor of the Sai Tien-ch'e (Sai Dianche) dynasty (A.D. 581604). Equally impossible dates for the introduction into China of Islam are given in other places also. In any case, the inscription is a palpable forgery. It was probably erected when the mosque was repaired, possibly at the renovations undertaken in the Yuan or Mongol period by Sai Tien-ch'e (Sayyid-i Adjall, see below). The Chinese official tradition found in the dynastic histories is not much more reliable than that of Chinese Islam. These also are full of legendary matter, profoundly influenced by national pride and
compiled with a lack of critical judgement; nevertheless, they cannot be entirely neglected as they contain a few geographical and linguistic data. One should note also that, in the older Chinese literature, the land of the Muslims is called Ta-shih (Dashi), i.e. Tadjik (tadjik being the Middle Persian form of the modern Persian tdzr, it is the Persianised form of the Syriac tayydye, properly "Arab of the tribe of Tayyi'". The change in meaning is explained by the fact that once the Muslim Tayyi' Arabs were regarded by one body of Persians as the representatives of the Arab world, their name was extended to all Arabs and thus came to mean "Arab" or "Muslim". Later, they learned to distinguish more accurately between various branches of Muslims and tad^ik again became limited in application and was applied to the Muslim inhabitants of northeastern Persia; see TADJIK). The Arabic sources are much better. We have such splendid works as al-Tabarf's history, which gives us all the material available in his time so that we can reconstruct the history for ourselves; it is improbable that any important notices from older times have escaped him. The Arabic sources afford a check on the Chinese ones, which we cannot afford to neglect; they are quite silent regarding the legends handed down by the traditions of indigenous Chinese Islam. The Arab geographers are of particular importance. While no exact definition of the locality of China or its chief towns is given by the historians, the geographers by the very nature of their works have to give this information. Striking differences are found when one compares the different authors, according to the views prevailing when they wrote. Particularly striking is the utter disagreement between the statements of Ibn Rusta [q.v.] (who wrote his al-Aeldk al-nafisa ca. 290/903) and al-Mascud! (who wrote his geographical work al-Tanbih wa 'l-ishrafm 344-5/955-6). According to Ibn Rusta (96, 1. 5), the first clime begins in the east in the farthest borders of China, passes over China, thence over the coast lands in the south of the land of Sind, etc.; the second clime begins (96, 11. 13 ff.) in the east, passes over China, thence over India and thence to the land of Sind, etc.; the third clime (97, 11. 1 ff.) begins in the east passes over northern China, then over India, etc.; Tibet is the first station of the fourth clime (97, 1. 12); the fifth clime begins in the land of Yadjudj in the east (98, 11. 3 ff.) and passes immediately into northern Khurasan; the sixth clime begins in the land of Madjudj and passes over the land of the Khazars; the seventh clime (98, 11. 13 ff.) begins in the east with the northern Yadjudj, passes over the land of the Turks, the coast lands of the Caspian Sea, etc.; Ibn Rusta adds (98, 11. 16 ff.); "what lies behind these climes, in addition to the inhabited areas enumerated by us, begins in the east with the land of Yadjudj, then passes over the land of the Toghuzghuz (i.e. Toghuz Oghuz [q.v.], the 'Nine Oghuz) and the land of the Turks, then over the land of the Alahs, then over the Abars (the land of the Avars), then over Burdjan or Burcan (the land of the Danubian or "Inner" Bulghars) and the Sakaliba [q.v] (the land of the Slavs) and ends in the Western Ocean". It is clear from this sketch that Ibn Rusta and his contemporaries only knew of South China, which was only reached by sea; China is a country by the sea, and so he speaks (83, 11. 15 ff.) of the Sea of the Indians, Persians and Chinese. When he says (87, 11. 19 ff.): "The Sea of the Indians is bounded on the east side [at the beginning] by the island of Tfzmakran, at the end by China and is
AL-SIN
bounded on the west side at the beginning by the Gulf of Aden, at the end by Java", he evidently means that the Indian Ocean is divided into an eastern and a western section, the first of which ends on the one side at the island of Tfzmakran and on the other at China, which is a vast expanse of land reaching in the north to the land of Tibet in the fourth clime and to the land of Yadjudj and Madjudj in the fifth to seventh climes. Characteristic of Ibn Rusta's views is also the statement (88, 1. 24, 89, 1. 1) that the sea on which one sails from Basra to China is one sea and one water reaching to China, in which India also is situated. It was, however, thought that there were really seven seas, each of which had its characteristic features, such as different winds, different taste, different colour and different animals; on this opinion, cf. al-Mascudi, Muruaj i, 325 = § 356, where it is stated that the sea is one but is to be navigated in different ways in different parts (this point is not raised in Ibn Rusta, 88, 11. 11 ff., where probably alzdbadj. should be read for al-siri). Ibn Rusta unconcernedly makes another land adjoin China, sc. Japan and Korea. He says, 82, 1. 23, 83, 1. 1: "Every Muslim who enters a land at the end of China, which is called al-Sila and where there is much gold, settles there and never comes back again from it"; we are also told elsewhere of Muslims who had come to alSfla (Silla was the name of the dependent kingdom of Korea during T'ang times). Al-Mascudf is better informed, though there are many confusions in his account of the climes (Tanbth, 32 ff.). It is in the main based on a knowledge of the northerly situation of China; according to the general view (31 ff.), the sixth clime is particularly associated with Yadjudj and Madjudj and the seventh with the Yawamdris (?) and the Chinese; on the other hand, we find the other view manifesting itself on 26, 11. 3 ff., where China and Korea are regarded the last inhabited areas in the east: "the farthest outposts of civilisation in the east are the frontiers of China and al-Slla (or al-Shfla [q.v.], i.e. Korea), up to where they end in the wall of Yadjudj and Madjudj, which Alexander built, and the mountains behind, through the ravines of which the wall runs; Yadjudj and Madjudj used to sweep down on the plains from there. The beginning of this wall is outside the habitable region in the seventh clime ... it then takes a southward direction and runs right along till it finally reaches the Sea of Darkness. In the caliphate of alWathik (227-32/842-7) there had allegedly been an embassy from the court in Samarra5 to the wall of Gog and Magog led by one Sallam the Interpreter. See MJ. de Goeje, De muur van Gog en Magog, Leiden 1888; C.E. Wilson, The wall of Alexander against Gog and Magog, and the expedition sent out to find it by the Khalif Wdthiq in 842 A.D., in F. Hirth anniversary volume = Asia Major; introductory vol., ed. B. Schindler, London 1927, 575-612. Al-MascudI also knows that India and China are near one another: "thither go ships of the Muslims, who on the voyage thither and to Djidda and alKulzum are attacked by the pirates of the land of Sind ... on bawdriaj, which are like the shawdni of the Mediterranean" (55, 11. 9 ff.). Al-Mas'udf gives more information about China in his Murudj al-dhahab (written in 332/943, revised in 336/947 and again in 345/956). There was no longer a direct connection by sea in his time but ships came from either side to Galla (Point de Galle), which was almost the halfway point, from which Chinese ships sailed to Khanfu (Canton): "in olden times it was otherwise, when the
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Chinese ships sailed to the land of cUman in Siraf, the coasts of Pars and Bahrayn, to Ubulla and Basra, and ships from these places likewise traded directly with China: it was only after justice could not longer be relied on and the above-described state of affairs in China had come about that they began to meet at this intermediate point" (i, 308 = § 336). The journey was actually undertaken by this route by a contemporary of al-Mascudi's, a merchant of Samarkand, whose experiences al-Mas'udf gives (i, 307-12 = §§ 336-41), while a Kurashl in the time of the revolt of the Zandj in Basra (255-65/869-79) sailed from Basra to India, thence proceeded partly by water and partly by land to China and landed at Khanfu, from which he visited the Emperor in his residence Khumdan (ibid.) (but the capital city in T'ang times was Ch'ang-an (Chang'an), hence there is a problem here). In i, 303 = § 329, Khanfu is also mentioned as an important commercial town, up to which ships from Basra, c Uman, Slraf, the towns of India, the islands of alZabadj and al-Sanf sail from the mouth of the river, some six or seven days' journey distant (on al-Zabadj, see Hudud al-cdlam, 163-4, comm. 472-3; according to Minorsky, the form stems from *Javaga "Javanese", the term being applied by Islamic writers at various times to Java, Sumatra and the whole of the Sunda archipelago; on al-Sanf = Campa in South-East Asia, see AL-SANF and also CAM). The roads leading to China have been most fully described by the oldest Arab geographer whose work has survived, Ibn Khurradadhbih, who held the office of chief superintendent of roads, in his K al-Masdlik wa 'l-mamdlik written around the middle of the 3rd/9th century. According to him, relations with China were principally maintained by sea, and his account of the ports of South China is surprisingly thorough. After giving the route of the traveller to China from Basra to al-Sanf on the coast, three days' journey from Kumar, he continues (69, 11. 1-19): "from al-Sanf to Lukm, which is the first harbour in China, is 100 farsakhs by land and water ... from Lukfn to Khanfu, which is the largest port, is a journey of four days by sea and of twenty days by land ... from Khanfu to Khandju is an eight days' journey ... from Khandju to Kansu is a journey of twenty days ... every harbour of China has a large river which the ships sail into; there is ebb and flow of the tide there. ... The length of China along the coast from Armabil to the end of the land is a journey of two months. There are 300 flourishing towns in China, ninety of which are particularly renowned: the [northern] frontier of China runs from the sea to Tibet and the land of the Turks, in the west to India; to the east of China is the land al-Wakwak, rich in gold... (70, 11. 7 ff.) (on Wakwak, concerning which there is utter confusion in the Arabic sources between a Wakwak on the East African coast and a Wakwak = Sumatra, "the gold island", at the side of other names for this last like Zabadj and Fansur, see the art. s.v.). At the end of China opposite Kansu, there are many mountains and many kings, this is the land of al-Sfla, where is much gold; the Muslims who enter this land settle in it on account of its attractions (cf. the account of Ibn Rusta above); it is not known what lies beyond". The whole route from Ceylon to Kansu is discussed by A. Sprenger in his Post- und Reiserouten des Orients, Leipzig 1864, 82 ff. (on the route to Ceylon, it should be noted that "the harbour between cUman and China" is not a place called Kila, to be identified with the town of Malacca, but Galla, which still survives in Point de Galle, see above). Al-Sanf he
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identifies (with Reinaud and Peschel) with Campa, i.e., the southern part of Cochin China, and locates Lukfn at the mouth of the Songkoi. As to the latter part of the route, one should note that Khanfu is undoubtedly Canton (Guangzhou), and Kansu, in which we readily recognise the Khansa of Ibn Battuta, is clearly Hang-chou (Hangzhou, or Hangchow), and Khandju should be identified as Ch'iian-chou, with Khandju a copyist's mistake for Diandju; this would agree with the distance, and we would then have evidence of the existence of Zaytun, afterwards so important, in this period. Ibn Khurradadhbih was, however, also acquainted with the land-routes to China. He only briefly describes the route followed by the Jewish Radhan merchants [see AL-RADHANIYYA] in connection with the route followed by them by sea from the land of the Franks (Mediterranean—al-Farama—carrying their goods on their backs over the isthmus to al-Kulzum - Suez) (153, 11. 13-15) "beyond Rum into the land of the Slavs, then to Khamlidj, the capital of the Khazars, then across the Caspian Sea, then to Balkh and Transoxania, then to the wurut (i.e. yurt 'pasturegrounds') of the Toghuzghuz and thence to China". He is much more detailed in describing the roads which lead from Transoxania to the east, and gives a vivid picture of a journey by the main route from the lands of the west to the east (178 ff.). At the ford on the upper course of the Oxus where it separates the Pamirs from Tukharistan (Badakhshan), the Turks used to wait on the Pamir side and watch for foreign merchants appearing and signalling to them on the summit of the mountains opposite; they crossed the river and brought back the strangers and their goods to set them on their journey again to China or to India; he describes in thrilling fashion the skill with which these mountain Turks travelled through the great deserts of rocks where no path was visible; this agrees pretty closely with what modern travellers tell us about the Pamir districts of Darwaz and Shughnan, which is the locality referred to by Ibn Khurradadhbih; even the name has survived, for we may easily recognise Shughnan in the Shikinan of Ibn Khurradadhbih (179), who calls the Turks of this district Shi/ana (178, 15) and gives the name of the district in the form Shikinan (37, 173). When Ibn Khurradadhbih calls the Shigina Turks (178, 11. 15: alTurh alladhmayusammawna Shigina), he is using the word in a very general sense; the inhabitants of Shughnan as well as of the whole of the rest of Tukharistan were certainly Indo-Iranians and probably spoke the same dialect (Shughni) as they do at the present day [see further, SHUGHNAN]. Ibn Khurradadhbih's account makes it quite clear how distinctly the difference between China and the land of the Turks was understood in his time. This is all the more remarkable, as in his time the influence of China in the Turkish lands between China proper and the T'ienshan (Tianshan) was still significant; the Khakan and the lesser Turkish princes were regarded by China as vassals, and these princes endeavoured to place themselves under the protection of the Chinese Emperor or Faghfur [q.v] when threatened, e.g. by the Arabs. Through contacts with the harbours of China, the Muslims were well enough acquainted with the characteristics of the Chinese to understand the differences between them and the Turks. The division of the earth into four continents by Ibn Khurradadhbih is characteristic (155): Arufa (Europe), Lubiya (Africa), Ityufiya (Ethiopia) with Tihama, Yemen, Sind, India and China, and Iskutiya
(?) with Armenia, Khurasan, the land of the Turks and the land of the Khazars, which cuts up Asia in a peculiar fashion. There are also other important extant sources of information on the connections by sea, namely the accounts collected by Abu Zayd al-SfrafT in his Ahhbdr al-Sin wa 'l-Hind, ed. and tr. J. Sauvaget, Relation de la Chine et de I'Inde, Paris 1948. Though the first part of this work is merely a repetition of the notes compiled in 237/851 by Sulayman the Merchant (Reinaud, Relations de voyages fails par les Arabes et les Persons dans rinde et dans la Chine., Paris 1845, ii, 61), supplemented by Abu Zayd's own materials, the second part deals with the changes that had taken place in commerce by sea, in their relation to history and gives the narrative of the Kurashl Ibn Wahb (of the family of Habbar). This narrative is of no geographical importance: only two towns are fully dealt with, viz. Khanfu. which has just been discussed above and shown to be Canton, and Khumdan or Khamdan (= Khan "Emperor" + t'ang "court"?) the capital of the empire, Hsi-an fu (Xi'an fu), which Ibn Wahb visited. In the Akhbar, Khanfu is the great centre of trade between the Arabs (the word is of course not to be taken literally, but means Muslims generally) and the Chinese; on account of the frequent fires and shipwrecks, the goods exposed were not numerous, however; trade was also seriously hampered by piracy (ed. Sauvaget, § 11); Sulayman is quoted as authority for the statement that a Muslim was appointed law-giver to the Muslim colony by the King of China; this judge was also Imam and prayed for the caliph. His decisions were universally respected (§ 12). The voyage from the Gulf to Khanfu was made in fresh water (§§ 13 ff.); the Chinese governor of Khanfu bore the title dayfu = t'ai ju (taiju) (§ 37); the revolt of the Banshua was a disastrous period in the history of Khanfu; he attacked the town which lay in the interior, a few days' journey from the coast, on a large river; this was in 264/878; after the capture of the town by the rebels over 120,000 souls perished from among the foreigners alone, Muslims, Christians, Jews and Magians; it was possibly this blow to Khanfu which brought Ch'iian-chou (Quanzhou), the nearest commercial town to the north, to the front. Lastly, Abu Zayd tells of a native Khurasan!, who came with his wares to Khanfu and from there visited the capital Khumdan, more than two months journey distant. It is not till a later period that the seaport of Zaytun appears in Arabic literature, probably for the first time in Ibn Sacld, whose statements Abu '1-Fida' (365, tr. in Reinaud, ii, 124) utilised along with those of one who had been there, probably a fellow countryman and subject. It is next described by Ibn Battuta (iv, 268-72, tr. Gibb and Beckingham, iv, 894-5), who first stepped ashore on Chinese soil at Zaytun. Zaytun (i.e. Ch'iian-chou-fu or Quanzhou, near Amoy (Hsiamen, or Xiamen), in Fukien or Fujian province) had an enormous harbour where the Moroccan traveller saw a hundred large junks and innumerable smaller ones. The Muslims lived in a separate town of their own, with a kadi, a shaykh al-Isldm, a Sufi convent and a colony of leading merchants who, to judge by their nisbas, were all Persians. He made Zaytun his base for further journeys in China, e.g. to Sin Kalan or Sin al-Sln or Canton (i.e. Khanfu), then after a return to Zaytun, by river to Kandjanfu, a large city on a plain (? Fu-chou, or Fuzhou, Foochow, further north on the Fukien coast), which again had a Muslim colony with its shaykh. Then he went via al-Khansa
L-SlN (Hang-chou-fu or Hangzhou, Hangchow), Marco Polo's Kinsai, in Chekiang province, which had a large Muslim community, including a merchant descended from the Caliph cUthman and a group of Sufis; and then to the capital of the Yuan, Khan Balik (Peking) also said to be called Khaniku (read Khanfu, hence a confusion with the name for Canton?). The lengthy florescence and importance of a Muslim Arab and Persian colony at Zaytun is further attested by the survival there of several hundred mosque and tombstone inscriptions in Arabic script, mostly in Arabic language but with some in Persian and with some Arabic-Chinese bilingual ones, dating from the 7th to the 15th century. See Chen Da-sheng, Islamic inscriptions in Quanzhou (^aitun), tr. Chen En-ming and Zheng De-chao, Ningxia and Fujian 1984; R.B. Serjeant, Yemenis in mediaeval Qwnzhou (Canton) [sic], in New Arabian Studies, i, Exeter 1993, 231-4. The land route connecting Transoxania with China via Inner Asia figures in the travel account, his first Risdla, of the Arab author Abu Dulaf Miscar b. Muhalhil al-KhazradjI [q.v], purporting to describe his membership of an embassy ca. 331/943 to the King of China, Kalfn b. al-Shakhir (Minprsky suggested for this last component of the name *Caldr = Tkish. caghri "falcon") from the Samanid Amir of Bukhara, who refused to give a daughter in marriage to an infidel but allowed his son to marry a Chinese princess. The embassy travelled to Sandabil [q.v], which Marquart identified (Streifcuge, 85-90) with Kansu or Kan-cu, capital of the eastern, so-called "Yellow" (Sari) Uyghurs, whose head was recognised as Khan by the Chinese Emperor (see A. von Rohr-Sauer, Des Abu Dulaf Benefit u'ber seine Reise nach Turkestan, China und Indien neu u'bersetzt und untersucht, Bonn, 1939, tr. 25-30, comm. 5660). Unfortunately, Abu Dulaf's Risdla contains so many fanciful elements and problems of itinerary that it cannot be relied upon for firm evidence of SamanidChinese relations at this time. Very important, however, for such considerations as these is the information in the Hudud al-cdlam (tr. Minorsky, 83-6, comm. 223-35) and in the geographicalethnographical section of the K. %ayn al-akhbdr of the Ghaznawid historian Gardizi [q.v.], who wrote in the mid-5th/llth century (ed. cAbd al-Hayy Habfbi", Tehran 1347/1968, 268-71; the significance 'of this passage was first noted and translated by Barthold in his Otcet o poyezdkie v Sredniyu Azjyu 1893-1894, St. Petersburg 1897, 92-4). These two sources are the first Islamic ones to speak of China and Tibet [see for this last, TUBBAT. 1] in any detail, and though they have many resemblances, they do not entirely coincide. Minorsky surmised, with great probability, that they both went back to the lost geographical work of the Samanid vizier Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad al-Djayhanf [see AL-DJAYHAN!, in Suppl.]. Both sources give roughly the same itinerary for the land route to China. The Hudud al-cdlam notes that the Chinese monarch was called the Faghfur-i Cm, and was said to be a shamani (? Buddhist). His capital was at Khumdan (Ch'ang-an fu, Hsi-an-fu), although after the fall of the T'ang dynasty in 907 it was transferred elsewhere. China is said to have nine large provinces, but the places mentioned, apart from the capital, tend to be in the Tarim basin-Kansu region rather than in China proper further to the east and south. Gardfzf, however, was by his time aware that there were many kings in China, "of whom the greatest is the Faghfur", thus reflecting the post-T'ang political divisions of the land. The statement in both sources that the main religion of China was Mani-
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cheism can only, of course, reflect the state of affairs amongst the eastern Uyghurs on the western fringes of the Chinese empire proper (see above). Writing some 70 years after Gardfzf, in ca. 514/ 1120, the section on China in Marwazf [q.v] is less concerned with itineraries and places than with ethnological and sociological details plus an emphasis on the importance of trade and manufactures for the Chinese (Minorsky, Sharaf al-^aman Tdhir Marvazi on China, the Turks and India, London 1942, tr. 13-27, comm. 61-92). Chinese artisans had long been famed in the Islamic world for their aptitudes; thus alTha'alibi [q.v] praises their fine silk textiles and their porcelain, and states that "The Arabs used to call every delicately or curiously made vessel and such like, whatever its real origin, 'Chinese', because finelymade things are a speciality of China" (Latd'if almacdrif, tr. Bosworth, Edinburgh 1968, 141-2). This fame of Chinese technical skills may go back to the capture of Chinese paper-makers at the battle of Talas in 133/752 and the consequent establishment by means of these workers of paper manufacture at Samarkand (see ibid., 140, and KAOJAD). From all these accounts, there emerges that the road from Turfan via the Kansu corridor to northwestern China was always the main land route for diplomatic and commercial contacts with China up to the Mongol period. It appears that, in the 13th century, the Mongol Great Khans tended to take a more northerly route from their ordo at Karakorum [q.v] in Mongolia, one going north of the T'ienshan via Bishbalik, Almalik, Talas and Sayram [q.w] to the Sir Darya valley, though much of the traffic in the Mongol period was military rather than commercial. The above analysis of the accounts of the land of China by Islamic writers will facilitate the investigation of the history of Islam in China. For the older period, this investigation must be undertaken in two quite separate fields. The two routes by which Islam came to China were quite different in character and object: the land route, which led into northern China, brought Islam into the western parts of the northern kingdom only, and did not send out colonies to the coast; the route by sea ran along the coast of China as far as Hangchow, founding colonies everywhere, which carefully avoided any attempt to advance into the interior. This was one of the features of the advance of Islam; when it came by water, it remained on the coast, and when it came by land, it remained in the interior. The maritime contacts of the Islamic lands of Western Asia and China remained strong well into the Yuan period of Chinese history (12601368), and probably into that of the early Ming (13681644), but as noted in 2. above, the appearance of the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean and the China Seas during the 16th century severed this connection; thereafter, Islamic-Chinese contacts were to be almost entirely by the land route, and it is now the Hui Muslim communities of western and northwestern China which become significant for Chinese imperial history. The story of the maritime contacts has largely emerged from the geographers' and travellers' accounts detailed above. However, for the story of political and military relations via the land route across Inner Asia, one needs to go back to the early decades of Islam. The earliest notices of the relations of Islam with China that are worthy of mention, are connected with the political events which arose out of the expansion of Islam. Flruz, son of the last Sasanid king, Yazdigird III, had fled to China after his father's death in 651 [see SASANIDS] and had sought to persuade the Emperor
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to take action on his behalf. His prospects seemed on the whole not unfavourable, as an important dynastic change had just been accomplished in China at this time; the Sui Dynasty had been superseded by the T'ang (A.D. 618), whose first emperors were pursuing an energetic career of conquest. Muhammad and his successors were similarly engaged in the west. The fact that the huge mountain wall of the T'ienshan formed a barrier between these two new powers, and that on the Chinese side between it and China proper lay the inhospitable Tarim basin, did not prevent Muslim legend from supposing that the Prophet and his companions entered into relationships with the distant empire. According to an oft-repeated tradition (see Goldziher, Muh. Stud., i, 270-1, Eng. tr. Barber and Stern, i, 245-6), Muhammad issued a warning against provoking the Turks, whose name he possibly did not even know. Such stories are later inventions, whose object it was to increase the prestige of the Messenger of God by crediting him with foreseeing later events. The Chinese were accustomed to hold aloof when, under exceptional circumstances, strangers entered their territories or when their armies would have to be sent beyond the natural frontier. They followed this policy in the case of Flruz, son of Yazdigird. The Emperor T'ai-tsung (Taizong) refused his request for help (this we may assume from al-Tabarf, i, 2685-6, even if the report of the envoy is legendary; cf. i, 2876). Islam, on the other hand, began to expand eastwards from Khurasan, and by 94/713 the great general Kutayba b. Muslim [q.v.] had led an army out of the conquered Farghana across the mountains into the adjoining land of the Turks. His campaign was unsuccessful; the comparison of the original authorities in al-Tabarl, i, 1275-9, shows that his expedition did not result in the conquest of Kashghar, a conclusion confirmed by H.A.R. Gibb (The Arab invasion of Kashghar in A.D. 715, in BSOS, ii [1923], 467-74). There are various mentions in the T'ang annals of diplomatic contacts and military clashes with the Arabs during the 8th century A.D. in the Central Asian region, over which the Emperors claimed a general suzerainty, and records of appeals for aid from the Soghdian city-states of Transoxania now threatened by the Arabs [see MA WARA* AL-NAHR. 2]. Thus in A.D. 715 the Tibetans and Arabs are said to have attacked, in concert, Farghana, provoking the Chinese governor in Kashghar to send a punitive expedition to extend Chinese overlordship in the province. But the Chinese failed to maintain their position in Transoxania, and three or four decades later, in 1337 751, the Arab general Ziyad b. Salih defeated the imperial army under Kao Hsien-chih (Gao Xianzhi) at the battle of Talas, determining the future orientation of Transoxania, that it was to become an integral part of the Islamic and not the Chinese world, and deterring the Chinese from ever again intervening there militarily. China was in fact racked by internal revolts from 751 onwards. The Emperor Hsiian-tsung (Xuanzong) fled from his capital to Szechuan, but his son and successor Su-tsung (Suzong) recaptured Ch'ang-an with the aid of troops from Kashghar, Farghana and the upper Oxus lands, including Arabs; in the Chinese annals these last are said to have been lent by the 'Abbasid caliph al-Mansur. Gibb pointed out (Chinese records of the Arabs in Central Asia, in BSOS, ii [1923], 615-22) that there is no mention of any of the episode in the Arab historians and that the socalled "Arabs" must have mercenaries and adventurers, who probably subsequently settled in China and
may have formed a nucleus for the spread of Islam there. The Arabic sources are equally silent about what was a long series of Arab cUplomatic missions mentioned as being received at the T'ang court from 716 onwards (detailed in E. Chavannes, Notes additionelks sur les Tou-kiue Occidentaux, in Toung Pao, v [1904], 32 ff.); there seems no reason to doubt the authenticity of this information, but the embassies were probably sent by the governors of Khurasan rather than directly by caliphs. From the 3rd/9th century onwards, overland connections between the Arab Persian governors of Khurasan and the successor-states there to the caliphate (e.g. those of the Samanids and Ghaznawids [
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the provinces of the north and northeast, mainly in Shan-tung (Shandong), Ho-nan (Henan), An-hui (Anhui), Hu-pei (Hubei), Shan-hsi (Shanxi) and Shenhsi (Shaanxi). As setders in the area between the Chinese and the northern nomads, these Muslims became an important local element in the llth and 12th centuries, being involved in the land commercial traffic along the Silk Road with the support of the Chinese, the Khitan, and the Tibetan and Tangut authorities. So-fei-er was not only the leader of the Muslims in his province, but he acquired the reputation also of being the founder and "father" of the Muslim community in China. Sayyid So-fei-er discovered that Arabia and Islam were misnamed by the T'ang and Sung Chinese as Ta-shi kuo (Dashi guo) ("the land of the Arabs") or as Ta-shi fa (Dashi fa) ("the religion, or law, of Islam"). This was derived from the ancient Chinese name for Arabia, Ta-shi (Dashi), which remained unchanged even after the great developments in Islamic history since that time. He then introduced Ta-shi kuo (Dashi guo) ("the Religion of Double Return") to substitute for Ta-shi fa (Dashi fa), and then replaced Ta-shi kuo (Dashi guo} with Hui-hui chi'ao (Huihui jiao) ("the Islamic state"). "The Religion of Double Return" meant to "submit and return to Allah". Thus, in Chinese, Hui-hui kuo (Huihui guo} was universally accepted and adopted for Islam by the Chinese, Khitan, Mongols and Turks of the Chinese border lands before the end of the llth century. The appearance of the Mongols [q.v.] in China meant a new phase in the development of Islam there. The Yuan Dynasty was founded by Kubilay Khan (r. 1260-94 [q.v.]), a grandson of the'Great Khan, Cingiz Khan (1206-27 [q.v.]). His military forces, used for the overrunning of both North and South China, were built largely upon the thousands of Muslim soldiers which he brought with him from the Middle Eastern and Central Asian campaigns. At least two of the commanders-in-chief of the three Mongol war zones were Arabs: Amir Sayyid Bayan (Po-yen, Boyan) (1235-94) and Amir Sayyid-i Adjall Shams al-Dln c Umar (1211-79) (see below). They fought in the war against the Sung, and helped to establish Mongol power in China, with many thousands of Muslims serving as high officials in the central and provincial governments. Because large numbers of the Mongol soldiers were Muslims, the Khan decreed them to be second-class citizens of the Mongol empire (after the Mongols themselves in Yuan China). One of Kubilay's Muslim commanders was the Bukharan, who claimed to be a sayyid, i.e. descendant of the Prophet, Shams al-Dln cUmar, called Sayyid-i Adjall, given by the Great Khan the transliterated Chinese title Saitien-ch'e (Saidanche). He was Kubilay's governor of the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan [q.v.] for the period 1273 till his death in 1279. He was buried there, and his tomb, with its inscriptions, was subsequently discovered at the opening of the 20th century by the French Mission d'Ollone; a second grave also exists at Hsi-an (Xi'an), also with an inscription, this being a cenotaph which only contained the dead governor's ceremonial court dress (see A. Vissiere, Etudes sino-mahometanes, Paris 1911, 41 n. 1). Sayyid-i Adjall probably did much for the spread of Islam in Yunnan, but it is his son Nasir al-Dm who is given the main credit for its spread there. The latter had been governor of Shensi, and when he died in Yunnan as governor there in 1292, he was succeeded by his brother Husayn. Other sons of Sayyid-i Adjall and their sons in turn held high office under the Yuan
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emperors, and the family remained famous in Chinese life. Thus the famous scholar Ma-chu (Mazhu) (ca. 1630-1710) supervised the renovation of the tomb and shrine of his ancestor Sayyid-i Adjall, as attested by an inscription. It is certain that the dominant position of Islam in Yunnan dates from the Yuan period, being accomplished through land contacts and not maritime ones, and the Muslims of Yunnan must have remained in constant contact with the Hui Muslims of the northern provinces of Shensi and Kansu, especially as Muslims became famous as traders and hirers of animals for transport. The tolerant, or rather, indifferent Great Khans thus encouraged the Muslims, as they did other religious groups within their empire. Under such conditions, the Muslim community in China made great strides, and the evidence of such Muslim travellers as Ibn Battuta shows that there were also flourishing mercantile colonies in the coastal cities along the China Sea (see above, 3.). Muslims became prominent in occupations such as engineering, medicine, technology, transportation and overseas trade, agriculture and handicraft work. Under the Yuan, there was a significant change in religious life as well; mosques and schools were built, and a network of Muslim hostels was established for travelling Muslim merchants. In the 14th century, by the end of the Mongol role in China, the Muslims totalled about 4,000,000, more than any other minority in China. They took their place in all aspects of Chinese life: political, economic, administrative and military; yet they were still confined to their own communities, somewhat isolated from the vast Chinese population surrounding them. Most of their large communities were still located in areas distant from "China Proper". The high profile of some Muslims under the Yuan inevitably provoked a backlash. Many Muslim officials and commanders behaved arrogantly and oppressively, lording it over the native Chinese majority, with its own, much more ancient Confucian ethos and traditions, very much at variance with many Muslim attitudes (e.g. in regard to taboos on food and to ritual cleanliness). Already in Kubilay's reign, Marco Polo noted the tyranny of a certain Ahmad, who secured an ascendancy of the Khan and used it to further the interests of his own family, until after suffering 22 years of oppression, a Chinese revolt took place in which Ahmad was killed (Yule-Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco 'Polo\ London 1903, i, 415-23; cf. also H. Franke, Ahmed. Ein Beitrag zur Wirtschajtsgeschichte China's unter Qubilai, in Oriens, i [1948], 222-36). Hence the situation changed for the Muslims under the indigenous Chinese Ming dynasty (1368-1644), during whose period the Hui-hui evolved from being Muslims in China to being Chinese Muslims but for whom the golden age under the Yuan was now over. At the beginning, Muslims were granted political, economic, social and religious freedom, but later this attitude changed. The new regime forced many Chinese immigrants to settle in the border zones, such as the northwest and the southwest where the Muslims had established their communities, and the majority of the people in these areas became Chinese. Moreover, the Muslims were prohibited from upholding their dietary, marriage, dress and speech customs. Under these circumstances, they adopted Chinese names, wore Chinese dress and often married Chinese spouses. This process of acculturation into Chinese culture continued steadily, and the Muslims in China came to consider themselves Chinese.
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But with the increase of Sinicisation, they also insisted on retaining many customs and traditions attesting to their origin. Many Arabic and Persian words were preserved, particularly in religious life. This syncretisation of the two cultures created the Hui as we know them today, namely, not merely "Chinese with Islamic faith", but a minority with various ethnic distinctions from the Chinese. Towards the end of the Ming rule, in the late 16th century, the first Chinese translations of Arabic and Persian books concerning Islamic history, ritual and philosophy appeared in China. This was probably the most obvious sign of the culmination of the process of Sinicisation. By the end of the Ming, in the year 1644, the total Chinese Muslim population had increased considerably. But then, the almost 1,000 years of Islamic existence in China were undergoing a violent form. The new Manchu rulers, who conquered China and established the Ch'ing (Qing) Dynasty (1644-1911), would act adversely as far as the Hui minority was concerned. The Muslims greeted the new dynasty with a series of rebellions. Muslim "Ming loyalists" led uprisings against the Manchus in various locations where large Muslim populations resided. Such was the Ting Kuotung (Ding Guodong) rebellion (1648) in Kansu. This ill-prepared uprising lasted one year and resulted in many cities destroyed and hundreds of thousands of Chinese and Muslims killed. The Ch'ing rule in China was characterised by many Muslim rebellions, and an uneasy coexistence between Chinese and Muslims. Intercultural and inter-religious violence usually triggered significant rebellions of the Muslims in mid19th century China also, when Muslim leaders established ephemeral Muslim states and threw all northwestern and southwestern China into chaos. A case in point was Tu Wen-hsiu (Du Wenxiu), who took over much of Yunnan and styled himself "Sultan Sulayman". After 17 years of struggle, in 1872, he was defeated by the Manchu forces with more than one million Muslims killed [see PANTHAY]. This was probably the last significant chapter history of Islam in Imperial China. In Kansu, Ma Hua-lung [q.v.] (Ma Hualong) and in Sinkiang, Ya £ kub Beg [q.v.] of Kashghar attempted also to throw off the Manchu rule, but they were likewise suppressed. Religious aspects of Islam in China Some scholars tend to divide the development of Islamic religion in China into three tides of influence or movements which entered China from without, thus relating the changes in Chinese Islam to developments in the Islamic world. Not surprisingly, it was the maltreatment of the Muslims in China by the Manchus which conditioned much of their predisposition to rebel, when their oppression under the Ch'ing coincided with the new winds of reform and change which blew from the core of the Islamic world. During the T'ang and Sung, the Muslim merchants of the China Sea fringes lived in their separate quarters in the major coastal cities where they had settled down and continued their Middle Eastern lifestyle undisturbed. Under the Yuan, their status was second only to the Mongols and they were prominent throughout China; but under the Ming, they adopted a low profile. All this while, they stuck to their Hanafr law school allegiance with moderation and without raising much suspicion in their environment. They paid lip-service to the Imperial Calendar, but they lived by their own Muslim one. They built their mosques often without a minaret, in order not to give any prominence to their houses of prayer in comparison with Chinese temples. They behaved as Chinese
outwardly, but as Muslims indoors. They spoke Chinese outdoors, but inside the mosque they used Arabic script and ornaments, and sprinkled their speech with Arabic or Persian words. These Muslims are referred to today as Gedimu ("the Ancients") (Ar. Kadini). A second phase set in after the 13th century, when Suff orders penetrated to China. The Sufi" wave intensified and widened the roots of Islam in China, and it generated the spread of Islamic learning as well as the construction of new mosques. Of several Suff orders, the Nakshbandiyya [q.v.], brought from Central Asia via Sinkiang, became the most deeply and widely rooted in China. The next stage was connected with a movement renewal (taajdid) generated by a prominent 18th century scholar, Ma Ming-hsin [q.v] (Ma Mingxin). His group was known as the Hsin chiao (Xin'jiao) ("New Teaching"). When he returned to China in 1761 from his trip to the Middle East and Central Asia, Ma Ming-hsin was imbued with revivalist ideas which generated much of the unrest in 18th and 19th-century China. He introduced new variants of ritual, for example, the reading out loud and declamation of the Kur'an (hence the name, the D}ahriyya sect, compared with khujya, the silent reciting of before). There is reason to believe that many of the leaders of the rebellions, notably Ma Hua-lung and Tu Wen-hsiu, were related to this revivalist trend. Islam in Communist China Under the Republic (1911-49), and then under Communist rule (since 1949), the Muslims have been recognised as a "national" minority, but under the PRC they are kept atomised under their various ethnic appellations (Hui, Uyghur, Kazakh, etc.; see 2., above). Generally speaking, because of the regime's necessity to have relations with Muslim countries on the international arena, it attempted to avoid any overt and brutal oppression of the Muslims domestically. But during the harsh periods of ideological oppression (the Great Leap in the 1950s, and the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s), Muslims were grossly mistreated, as were members of other religious groups. Wakf lands were confiscated, mosques destroyed (only one remained open in the capital Beijing) and Muslims forced to undergo Marxist education. On some occasions, even physical attacks were launched by Chinese troops against Muslim villages. However, since the advent of Teng Hsiao ping (Deng Xiaoping) (1979) and the opening up of China to the outside world, there has been a considerable relenting regarding these policies. More Chinese Muslims than ever are allowed to go on the Haajaj. Muslim delegations are allowed in from outside. There are at present several mosques open in the capital to serve its considerable Hui population, the largest and oldest of which, that in Niu chieh (Niujie) or Ox Street, now (1995) has six Ahongs on its staff. Scattered manifestations of Islamic revival are again evident in many a Chinese Muslim locality. Whether these emergences of Islam amongst the Hui will follow the path of fundamentalism, as has been the case amongst the Turks of Sinkiang in the early 1990s, or will settle into a pattern of mild protest and peaceful religious re-emergence, remains to be seen. Bibliography: Bai Shouyi, Zhao Xuzheng Xu Teli, Chen Dan et alii (eds.), Huimin Qjyi, Shanghai 1953, 2 vols.; M. Broomhall, Islam in China, a neglected problem, Shanghai 1910, repr. London 1987; Wen Djang Chu, The Moslem rebellion in North-west China, 1862-1878, The Hague 1966; idem, The immediate cause of the Moslem rebellion in North-West China in 1862, in CAJ, iii (1957-8); C.Y. Immanuel Hsu,
AL-SlN — SINA'A The Hi crisis. A study of Sino-Russian diplomacy, 18711872, Oxford 1965; R. Israeli, Muslims in China, Copenhagen 1980; idem and A.H. Johns (eds.), Islam in Asia, ii, Southeast and East Asia, Jerusalem 1984; D.D. Leslie, Islam in traditional China, a short history to 1800, Canberra 1986; J.N. Lipman, Ethnic violence in modern China: Hans and Huis in Gansu, 17811929, in Lipman and Harrel (eds.), Violence in China. Essays in culture and counter-culture, Albany 1990; Ma Qicheng, A brief account of the early spread of Islam in China, in Social Sciences in China (April 1983), 97113; M. Rossabi, Muslim and Central Asian revolts, in J. Spence (ed.), From Ming to Ch'ing, New Haven and London 1979, 169-99; Ju-K'ang T'ien, Moslem rebellion in China. A Yunnan controversy. The Fortysecond George Ernest Morrison Lecture in Ethnology, Canberra 1981; Barbara K. Pillsbury, Muslim history in China: a 1300-year chronology, in Jnal. Inst. Muslim Minority Affairs, v (1983), 231-3; B.C. Gladney, Muslim Chinese. Ethnic nationalism in the People's Republic, Cambridge, Mass. 1991; M. Billion, Islam in China, in Azim Nanji (ed.), The Muslim almanac, Betroit 1996, 91-105. (R. ISRAELI) 5. Chinese Islamic literature [see Suppl.]. 5 SINA , the Arabic form for Sinai (as in Kur'an, XXXIII, 20, though whether this term denoted Mount Sinai itself or the region in which it was situated, was not clear to the exegetes; cf. Jeffery, The foreign vocabulary of the Qur'dn, 184-5). The present article deals with the Sinai peninsula in general, and specifically, its history and ethnography in more recent times; for its early and mediaeval Islamic history, see AL-TIH and AL-TUR. The Sinai peninsula is an arid, desert region, now part of Egypt, bounded by the Mediterranean on the north, the Suez Canal and the Gulf of Suez on the west, the Gulf of Aqaba on the east, and the Negev [see AL-NAKB] and the Gaza strip on the north-east. It covers about 23,000 sq. miles. The topography comprises a coastal plain bordering on the Mediterranean, with the land gradually rising as one goes southwards, culminating in the mountainous southern tip, with its highest point the Bjabal Katirfna at 2,637 m/8,651 feet. Close by this last is Mount Sinai itself (Ar. Bjabal Musa, the Kur'anic al-Tur [q.v.], with a height of 2,285 m/7,493 feet, just to the north of which lies the celebrated monastery of St. Catherine's, founded in A.B. 530 and probably the oldest continuously-inhabited Christian monastery in the world. The people of the Sinai peninsula call the northern plateau region Bddiyat al-Tih "the Besert of the Wanderings", i.e. of the Children of Israel, as depicted in Kur'an, V, 23-9/20-6, and the mountainous southern part Bildd al-Tur "the Land of the Mountain", i.e of Mount Sinai, as in Kur'an, II, 60/63. Since the 18th century, the main administrative centre has been al-cArfsh [q.v.] on the Mediterranean coast, whose older, very mixed population comprised the descendants of Ottoman officials, Egyptian peasants and migrant cultivators from the Hidjaz, but whose present population has been much swelled by refugees, incomers, etc. (population in 1975: 40,000). At times, al-Tur, on the Gulf of Suez, and Nakhl, in central Sinai, have served as district administrative posts. Until recently, two-thirds of Sinai's population have been Bedouin tribesmen, adhering to a number of tribal confederations, such as the Sawalha, 'Ulaygat and Muzayna forming the Tawara confederation in the south, the Suwarka, Tarabih, Tiyaha, Ahaywat and Bayadiyym groups in the north. Being mainly
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arrivals from the Arabian peninsula in the 15th and 16th centuries, most tribes already inhabited their present areas by 1807, when Seetzen visited Sinai. Since then, peace has prevailed amongst the Bedouin, except for some who participated in the 19th century tribal wars of fellow-tribesmen in the adjacent Negev desert. Buring the 19th century, various Western travellers visited Sinai and wrote about the region, including the German Seetzen, the Swiss Burckhardt, the English professor Palmer, the American E. Robinson and the Czech explorer Musil. The most comprehensive work on Sinai's history is that of the official in British service, Na cc um Shukayr. Britain took over administrative responsibility for Sinai, along with the rest of Egypt, in 1882 [see MISR. B. 7]. The major impact of this change of power was that the whole peninsula was for the first time under regular administration. In 1884 the Cairo-Mecca Pilgrimage caravan was ended, and, on the diplomatic level, the Ottoman government was compelled to recognise that Sinai was part of Egypt, with the present eastern border of Sinai delimited in 1906. Buring the First World War, Sinai was occupied by the Turks, and there was strenuous fighting in northern Sinai between Ottoman forces under Bjemal Pasha, attempting to push towards the Suez Canal, and British forces, who in 1917 after defeats at Gaza nevertheless broke through under General Allenby towards Palestine. For much of the interwar period, Major C.S. Jarvis, whose various books are an interesting and amusing commentary on life in Sinai during this period (see BibL), was governor of Sinai. In 1946, Egypt gained control of Sinai, which became a muhdfa^a or governorate, and was the setting for large-scale warfare against Israel in 1948, 1956, 1967, 1968-70 and 1973. Sinai was under Israeli military occupation 1967-82. Since its retrocession to Egypt, the latter power has constructed several strategic roads, developed tourism on the two Gulf coasts, sedentarised the Bedouin and settled Egyptians in newly-founded towns. Bibliography: J.L. Burckhardt, Travels in Syria and the Holy Land, London 1822, 457-630; U.J. Seetzen, Reisen durch Syrien, Paldstina, Phonicien, die Transjordan-Lander, Arabia Petraea und Unter-Agypten, Berlin 1854-9, iii, 34-49, 101; E.H. Palmer, The Desert of the Exodus, London 1872; A, Musil, Arabia Petraea, Vienna 1908; N. Shukayr, Ta'rikh Stnd3 wa 'l-cArab, Cairo 1916; R. Beadnell, The wilderness of Sinai, London 1927; C.S. Jarvis, Yesterday and today in Sinai, Edinburgh and London 1931; idem, Three deserts, London 1936, 116 ff.; idem, Desert and delta, London 1938; Naval Intelligence Bivision. Admiralty Handbooks, Western Arabia and the Red Sea, London 1946, 43-7 and index; M. von Oppenheim, Die Beduinen, ii, Leipzig 1943; C. Bailey, Dating the arrival of the Bedouin tribes in Sinai and the Negev, in JESHO, xxviii (1985), 20-49; F. Stewart, Notes on the arrival of the Bedouin tribes in Sinai, in ibid., xxxiv (1991), 97-110, with Bailey's rejoinder at 110-15; A. Meir and Y. Ben-Bavid, The Bedouin in Israel and Sinai, a bibliography, Beersheba 1989; C. Bailey, Bedouin poetry from Sinai and the Negev, mirror of a culture, Oxford 199L (C. BAILEY) SINACA (A., pi. sindcdt), the occupation of and production by artisans; craft, industry, derived from the verb sanaca "to do, to produce". The Arab lexicographers provide several meanings of sind'a, sunc, sanca; the common significance is "occupation" (defined as hirfa); sdnif, pi. sunndc meaning hddhik (adj.) = "skilful, skilful artisan". The original verb means "to produce, to keep well or take care of (a horse)"; samc
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(adj.) would mean "polished (sword)", masna'a (pi. masdni'} means "notable palaces, fortresses and edifices in which special endeavours are invested". This denotation originated from Kur'an, XXVI, 129, where the people of cAd [q.v.] are reproved on account of the masdni' that they built to dwell forever (see Ibn Slda, al-Mukhassas, x, 53, xii, 255-61). Sind'a could also denote the action of shipbuilding that flourished in Umayyad, Fatimid and Mamluk times and was adopted in ddr al-sindca, in both English and French, arsenal, arsenale = workshop or house for handwork. In modern Arabic, masna' denotes "factory" and sina'a means "industry". Sind'a meant in the Middle Ages the activities of the craftsmen which were usually concentrated in the market (suk [
materials used and according to ranks (Rasd'il Ikhwan al-Safd3, ed. Ziriklr, Damascus 1928, i, 210-26; see also the analysis of the eighth risdla by B. Lewis, in op. cit.). This classification was adopted in the Kitdb al-Siydsa, ascribed to Ibn Sfna (see al-Mashrik, ix [1906], 967), as well as al-Mawardi, op. cit., 193-4, and Ibn Khaldun, op. cit. It is possible that the Muslims followed the pre-Islamic classification of Bryson (see M. Plessner, Der Oikonomikos des Neupythagoreers Bryson, Heidelberg 1928, 145-8; see also R. al-Sayyid, Abu 'l-Hasan alMdwardi: dirdsa fi ru3yatihi al-idj.timdciyya, in al-Abhdth, xxxiii (1985), 55-97. In addition to sindca and hirfa, there are two other terms with the same denotation, mihna and sinf. Mihna (pi. mihan] means "profession, service and handiness, mostly domestic", while ashdb al-mihan means artisans. Mdhin is one who serve others skilfully, a servant, and is to be distinguished from mahana and imtahana signifying "to submit, to be humiliated" (see LCA, s.v. m-h-n; J. Sadan, A new source, in IOS, ix, 375, n. 15). Sinf(p\. asndf and sunuf), means literally "sort, kind", whereas tasnif means "classification". In the wider sense, sinf means a group of something, to? if a min kull shay3', at the beginning of the 'Abbasid period sinf means also various kinds of crafts and trades. AlYackubf uses the term asndf, meaning various artisans that the caliph al-Mansur grouped, classified and arranged in the suks of his new capital (Bulddn, Leiden 1891, 242, 253). Concerning the controversy regarding the beginning of asndf and whether they constituted real guilds, see Massignon, op. cit., in Enc. of Soc. Sc., 215; idem, Les corps de metiers et la cite islamique, in Opera minora, i; Lewis, loc. cit., Stern, loc. cit.; Baer, loc. cit.; Goitein, Studies in Islamic history and institutions, Leiden 1968, 267; S. al-Shaykhall, al-AsndfJi 'l-'asr alc abbdsi, Baghdad 1967; Dun, Nushu3 al-asndf wa 'l-hiraf fi 'l-isldm, in Bulletin of Fox. of Arts, Bagdad (1959), 133-69; and see SINF. The sunndc (craftsmen) play an important role in the Islamic society. They constitute a distinct group within the cdmma [q.v.]. Ethnically, the sunndc class consisted of Arabs, Persians, Syriac Christians, Nabat [q.v.] ("autochtonous" speakers of Aramaic), Kurds, Turks, Jews and others. Many of them, especially those who embraced Islam or were born Muslims, played an important part in the religious, political and the social movements, and even in the rebellions against the Sunn! authorities. They were also organised in professional groups in order to resist any kind of hostile actions or governmental sanctions (al-Tabarf, iii, 895-6; al-Mascudf, Muruaj, vi, 452-7; Ibn al-Athfr, al-Kdmil, vi, 271-3; Pellat, Milieu, loc. cit.; al-Nadjm, he. cit.; Fahmf Sacd, al-Amma f, Baghdad, Beirut 1983; al-Dun, Ta3nkh al-clrdk al-iktisddi, Beirut 1974, 75-116, 246-8. The nomad Arabs and dwellers of the desert towns esteemed trade and despised crafts; they respected the brave horsemen who used to take part in wars and raids; even robbery was not despised. When someone worked for himself, performing any occasional handwork, or when he was served by his wife in works such as clothing and manufacturing tents, it did not provoke any criticism (see Sadan, The art of the goldsmith, in D J. Content (ed.), Islamic rings and gems in the collection of B. pucker, London 1987, 462-73). However, earning one's living by serving others was disdained. Accordingly, kayn (blacksmith), sd'igh (goldsmith), dabbdgh (tanner) and ha'ik (weaver) were despised by pre-Islamic Arabs (see Goldziher, Die Handwerke bei den Arabern, in Gesammelte Schriften, 1967-73, iii, 316-18; Ettinghausen, The character of Islamic art, in N. Fans
SINA'A (ed.), The Arab heritage, 251-67; and see the reaction of Aga-oglu to these arguments, "Remarks on the character of Islamic art, in Art Bulletin" [Sept. 1954], 175-202). When some circles spoke in favour of the tradesmen, they quoted the tradition according to which Muhammad earned his living as a herdsman and merchant. According to this tradition, the Prophet also used to perform repairing works (mending shoes and clothes) for himself; in this manner, the Islamic tradition could praise modesty and handiwork, without depicting the Prophet contrary to the old Arab values. One should not neglect the traditions ascribed to the Prophet and to his Companions encouraging kasb ("earning") in all its permitted forms, including trade and crafts (special chapters tided al-Buyuc wa '1-tidj.drdt and Sind'dt in Hadith collections, such as those by Abu Dawud, Ibn Madja, al-Kulaynl, al-Razf and others; see also al-Ghazall, Ihyd3, ch. Adab al-kasb wa 'l-macdsh; al-Shaybanf, al-Iktisdb fi 'l-rizq al-mustatdb; Abu Bakr al-Khallal, al-Hathth cald 'l-tid^dra wa }l-sindca; see also Goitein, The rise of the Middle Eastern bourgeoisie, in Journal of World History, iii [1957], 583-604. In the Kur'an one encounters a positive attitude towards the outcome of the various crafts, i.e., the products, especially those which will be used by believers in paradise (see the various utensils described in the verses XVII, 31; XLIV, 53; LXXVI, 21; LV, 54; XXII, 23; XXXV, 33). On the other hand, the excessive use of luxury products in this world (al-dunyd), especially precious objects and imposing buildings, is far from being praised. It is possible that the period of the Prophet inherited certain concepts from preIslamic times, namely, the discrepancy between the taste for fine objects and the attitude towards their producer, the artisan. Many Kur'anic verses praise kasb, i.e., earning from any permitted craft and trade (LXII, 8-10; XX, 73; II, 198, 267). Verses XXXIV, 10-11; XXI, 80, tell the story of David. God taught him how to use iron and produce armour in order to defend himself at war (XXI, 80, wa-callamndhu sancata labusm), whereas verse LVII, 25 speaks about the various uses of iron. No wonder that the Kur'anic verses indicating positively the crafts of iron and linking them to a prophetic figure are quoted, in later periods, by those who try to plead for the apparently despised professions. Is it possible that through these verses the Kur'an intended to change the negative pre-Islamic attitude towards such crafts? However, in Arabic literature we encounter a real discrepancy between the positive attitude towards the product and the negative attitude towards the producer (Sadan, The art, and Kings, in SI, especially Ixii [1985], 89120). One can conclude that the first generations of Islam were still under the influence of pre-Islamic concepts, transmitted, inter alia, by language and poetry. On the other hand, one should not forget the continuation of the sedentary concepts inherited from the civilisations, the territories of which were occupied by the Muslims; even these civilisations felt a certain contempt towards certain crafts. However, in the Djahiliyya, there was a general disdain of manual crafts; when some artisans were especially mocked, it is due to the fact of their presence in the society of the Arabian tribes, while other trades, more sophisticated, sedentary and refined, were absent or rare; but in the Islamic world, some trades were more despised than others, due to both the concepts inherited from the Djahiliyya and the contempt felt by the Persians and others towards particular trades. Such are the trades of the cupper (hidj.dma), the tanner (dibdghd) and the weaver (hiydkd). R. Brunschvig (Metiers vils en Islam,
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in SI, xvi [1962]) excludes the weavers and stresses that they were despised in particular by the free Arab spirit because of the hard labour and servitude involved in this trade; the rich testimony to the inter-sedentary aspect, namely the disdain of the pre-Islamic Persian aristocracy towards weavers, is rejected by Brunschvig (who accepts, however, this argumentation concerning other trades, relying mainly on Talmudic sources), because he suspects the evidence to be nonauthentic projected into the past by the Arab historiographers who were influenced by their own standpoint and the atmosphere prevailing in their period (ibid., 49, n. 1). For a different opinion, emphasising the continuation of the Persian concept, see Sadan, in SI, (1986), 89-91, and n. 33, who takes into consideration the great skill of A. Christensen, L'Iran sous les Sassanides2, Copenhagen 1944, in distinguishing, in the Arabic sources, between authentic and doubtful data. In his so far unpublished Kitdb al-Mathdlib, Ibn alKalbl, one of the first Arab historiographers, depicted the crafts despised by the Arabs; his descriptions reflect urban circles, i.e. those of Mecca, probably at the beginning of the Islamic era; for instance, trades such as d^azzar, kassdb, lahhdm—all designating butcher, with probable different nuances—as well as teacher, tailor and smith (Sadan, op. cit., 120). There were also serious attempts to defend crafts and craftsmen and give the latter a better place in Muslim society. Al-Djahiz, who does not refrain from humoristic statements concerning tradesmen, shows respect and understanding of their vocation and responsibility to mankind, from the practical and moral point of view. He also praises tidjdra (commerce) and considers the high status of merchants in society. Weavers, he believes, are essential for the religious duty of satr al-fawra ("hiding of intimate parts"); without builders, people would not live safely (Rasd3il, ii, 242-3, and al-Djahiz's dialogue with a carpenter in al-Hayawdn, iii, 276-7, iv, 434-5; see also al-Baydn, ed. CA.-S. Harun, Cairo 1990, i, 248-9 and the conclusions drawn from these passages by al-Nadjm, op. cit., 52-62; Sadan, Kings, 89-94; F. Sacd, op. cit., 85-91). Another kind of pleading for the manual crafts is manifested by jurists and theologians such as Abu Hanffa, al-cAlim wa 'l-mutacallim; al-Shaybanf, op. cit.; al-Khallal, op. cit.; alHabashf al-Wisabf, op. cit. One of their arguments is based on the tradition according to which every prophet was given by God at least one trade for his living: Adam knew one thousand crafts which he taught his descendents; his wife was a weaver; Idrfs was a tailor and calligrapher; Nuh and Zakariyya were carpenters; Hud and Salih were merchants; Ibrahim was a farmer and carpenter; Dawud was an armourer; and lastly, Muhammad used to repair his own garments and shoes, as mentioned above, and he also tended his herd as a shepherd and was engaged in the housework of his family. Thus the trades of the various prophets include all kinds of kasb; and imdra ("governing"), trading, farming and sind'a are equal and of the same status (see al-Shaybanf, al-Kasb, 36; al-Wisabi, op. cit., 6-7; al-Khallal, op. cit., 5-21). Apparently, this apologetic attitude was needed in the 3rd/9th century; certain Sufi circles believed in relying totally on God (tawakkul [q.v.]) even in everyday economic life and those who exaggerated this principle, called for tahrim al-makdsib, i.e. the prohibition of all forms of earning (see al-Muhasibl, d. 243/857, alMakdsib, Cairo 1969, 180-212). From the 5th/llth century onwards, more positive views towards kasb (earning) and crafts are expressed by theologians such
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as al-Mawardi and al-Ghazah. They laid down the legal grounds for all kinds of kasb, including almost all trades and crafts. At the same time, the role played by the lower classes, especially craftsmen, in the Islamic city became more important. However, religious opposition movements, such as the Isma'fliyya (and associated groups like the Karamita), may possibly have tried to get close to the spirit of the cdmma. Thus the Ikhwan al-Safa5, who reflect Isma'ill tendencies, may have sought positively to change the social attitude towards them in order to recruit them against the Sunnf caliphate. On this ground, certain orientalists have sought the origin of the asndf organisations in these movements, e.g. Massignon, and B. Lewis, in his Islamic guilds, repeats the same argument (see also Lombard, L'Islam dans sa premiere grandeur, 153-8). But more recent opinion denies any connection between the asndf and the Isma'flT movement; see, e.g., Stern, op. cit.; Goitein, op. cit., 255-70 and especially Cahen, T-at-il eu des corporations professionals?', in Stern and Hourani (eds.), Islamic city, 51-63; Baer, op. cit.; al-Shaykhall, op. cit., 48-57. The Sufi" movements were used by the various categories of tradesmen as a means to improve their position in Islamic society. They used to adopt a wall (a patron, like a saint chosen by Christians for each of the arts and crafts) for each of the trades, such as Salman al-Farisf [q.v], a Companion of the Prophet, for the barbers. The religious ground for this was the tradition that every prophet had a special craft from which he earned his living. Those prophets are considered by the asndf as djudhur ("roots") of the various crafts, while the patrons chosen among the Companions of Muhammad and the Successors are the btrs (fnrs), the elder heads of the trades, who inaugurated these trades in Islam. By this the ashdb alhiraf intended to prove the religious origin of their crafts and to assure their legitimacy in Islam (see anon., al-Dhakhd3ir wa 'l-tuhaf Ji blr al-sand}i3 wa 'l-hiraf, ms. Gotha, Or. 903; Lewis, op. cit., 29; Shaykhali, op. cit., 116-20). An interesting resemblance exists between the organisation of asndf and Jutuwwa [q.v] associations. The mediaeval phenomenon of futuwwa groups organised as cayyarun [q.v.] ("robbers, brigands") provoked a controversy between those who were eager to define them as representatives of the proletarians and those who saw in them (as well as in other elements, such as the ahddth) the latent expression of civil and corporate feeling in Islamic city life. According to Ibn al-Mi£mar, Kitdb al-Futuwwa, Baghdad 1958, the nakib (the assistant of the shaykh al-fitydn, the leader) presides over the ceremony held in honour of the newly-recruited members, reads the names of the elder masters of trades and blesses them. The ceremony is called shadd al-Jutuwwa [see SHADD] . (The Jutuwwa of the following categories is defined as "deficient" (Jutuwwa ndkisa): mudallisun ("cheaters"), arbdb al-hiyal ("people using trickery devices") and of the despised crafts (see Ibn alMicmar, op. cit., 139-78; F. Taeschner, Futuwwa Studien, in Islamica, iv [1932], 285-333; idem, Die Islamischen Futuwwabunde, in %DMG, Ixxxvii [1934], 6-49; Cahen, Mouvements populaires, in Arabica, vi [1959], 47-48; Von Grunebaum, Mediaeval Islam, Chicago 1954, ch. 6; E. Ashtor, Social and economic history of the Near East in the Middle Ages, Berkeley etc. 1976, 183-92). The craftsmen's associations were apparently based on the fraternity principle used to bring together the members within a strong unit in order to protect their trades from outside depredations, such as those of robbers and governmental sanctions. According to Ibn Battuta,
Jutuwwa associations were transformed in Anatolia into akhis [q.v.] organisations called akhiyydt al-fitydn ("fraternity associations of Jutuwwa brethren"). He defines the akhi as one who, in his zdwiya joins his fellowtradesmen, ahl sind'atihi, and other young people who like their company. Thus craftsmen were the initial and essential members of the akhi associations, although the associations were non-professional (see Taeschner, op. cit., Baer, op. cit., 16-30; M. Djawad, al-Futuwwa wa-atwdruhd, in Maajallat al-Maajmac al-Tlmi al-Iraki, v [1958], 46-81; D.A. Breebaart, The Fiitiiwet-name-i kebir, a manual on Turkish guilds, in JESHO, xii [1970], 203-15). A very important aspect of sindca in the mediaeval Islamic city was the agoranomos (muhtasib)', see B. Foster, Agoranomos and Muhtasib, in JESHO, viii [1965], 12844, and HISBA. The latter's task included inspecting the morality, integrity and quality of the various trades. He inspected prices, measures, weights and scales, as well as religious and moral regulations. Obviously, the muhtasib relied on the assistance of specialists chosen from each of the various trades. He also appointed an canf (a man responsible) for each craft and each market. The candidate for such an appointment should be "one who is experienced in the craft, and familiar with all the swindlings and deceits; one who is well-known for trustworthiness and honesty and who will be a true observer of the craftsmen's affairs and who will inform about it the muhtasib" (see anon., in Sadan, A new source of the Buyid period, in IOS, ix [1979], 355-76; al-Shayzarf, Mhdyat al-rutba fi talab al-hisba, Cairo 1946, 12; Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, Ma'dlim al-kurba, ed. R. Levy, Cambridge 1938, 217-21, and Eng. tr., ibid., 88; R.B. Buckley, The Muhtasib, in Arabica, xxxix [1992], 59-117). With the help of the canf, the muhtasib could keep in touch with the people of the market, both tradesmen and customers. A special literary genre dealt with tricks and devices of the various craftsmen and reveals their secrets. It began in the time of alDjahiz, who composed the lost epistle Ghishsh al-sindcdt (see Pellat, Inventaire, in Arabica, iii [1957], in the alphabetical list, under sindcdt). There are other works, such as the anonymous Rakd3ik al-hilal fi dakd3ik al-hiyal, Fr. tr. Rene Khawam, who also published separately the Arabic text; the manuscript on which both the translation and the edition are based contains only the sections dealing with the relatively better-off classes, whereas the part dealing with the masses (and which, according to the list of contents, should have dealt with the various artisans and tradesmen) is now lost. Other lost works are Kashf al-dakk wa-iddh al-shakk of Ibn Shuhayd al-Maghribf (d. 425/1035 [q.v], see Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt, Beirut 1968, i, 116-18). A manuscript of Irkhd3 al-sutur wa 'l-kilal ft kashf al-dakkdt wa 'l-hiyal of Ibn Dahhan (d. 591/1195) is to be found at the Rampur Library, no. 1/689. The best-known work in this literary genre is the Kashf al-asrdr wa-hatk al-astdr by al-Djawbarl [q.v. in Suppl.], Fr. tr. R. Khawam, Le voile arrache, Paris 1980. An Arabic summary of this book was published in Damascus 1885 and in Beirut 1992 (the latter edited by £Isam Shapparo). In his book al-Djawbari reveals all the devices and secrets used by perfumers (cattdrun), alchemists (ahl al-kdf), wandering physicians (atibbd3 altarik), jewellers (^awhariyyun], armourers (ahl al-harb wadldt al-sildh), money-changers (saydrifa) and so forth; many of the tricks described here are also mentioned briefly by hisba manuals. A noteworthy phenomenon in Islamic sindca is the fact that one craft can be referred to by more than one term. For example, the goldsmith (sd'igh [q.v]) is
SINA'A — SINAN also called sawwagh, dhahabi, sabbak and ajawhan (see Ibn Slda, op. at., xii, 256-261; Sadan, The goldsmith, in Islamic rings, 480, and H. Shay, A glossary of goldsmithing terms, in ibid., 502-16). Bibliography: Given in the article, but note also the philosophers, e.g. al-Raghib al-Isfahanf, al-Dhanca ild rnakdrim al-sharica, ed. Tana *Abd al-Ra'uf Sacd, Cairo 1393/1973, 197-219, with an interesting classification of the crafts at 202-3. (A. GHABIN) SINAI [see SINAJ; AL-TIH; AL-TUR]. SINAN, born in 895/1490, the chief O t t o m a n court architect from 945/1538 until his death in 996/1588. Although the names of several other Ottoman court architects are known, none match his fame. Combining a long life with the opportunities afforded by the resources of the Ottoman empire at its zenith, he produced an oeuvre that is unmatched in quantity and quality, not just in Ottoman, but in Islamic architecture as a whole. Of Christian Greek origin, he was recruited in the devshirme levy within the reign of Sultan Sellm I (1512-20). He first participated in a military campaign at Belgrade in 1521 under Siileyman, and subsequently, until his appointment as court architect, in locations as far apart as Vienna (1529) and Baghdad (1535). He would have had the opportunity to learn his profession in the repair and erection of military architecture, such as bridges and citadels and, in the early 1530s, in building mosques in Istanbul between campaigns. Sinan's accomplishments as an architect are detailed in three late 16th-century manuscript sources: Mustafa SaTs Tadhkirat al-bunydn and Tadhkirat al-abniya and the anonymous, but partially autobiographical, Tuhfat al-mi(mdrm. Between them they list some 477 buildings, ranging over the following categories: congregational mosques (ajdmic), neighbourhood mosques (masajid), colleges (madrasa, ddr al-kima*, ddr al-hadtth), infant schools (maktab), mausoleums (turbe), hospitals (ddr al-shifd3), aqueducts, bridges, caravansarays, soup kitchens (cimdrat), palaces (saray) and baths (hammdm) (see the list in F. Babinger's EF art.). The sheer number attributed to Sinan is proof in itself that he could not have overseen each project. For those in centres remote from Istanbul he can hardly have done more than send a plan with more or less detailed instructions on how the finished buildings should be realised. For instance, the Suleyman complex at Damascus (962/1554-5) and the Melek Ahmed Pasha mosque at Diyar Bakr which have been attributed to Sinan have stonework and decorative detailing which locate them fully within their local style. Even some of the buildings in Istanbul which are listed as Sinan's work such as the Kilic 'All Pasha mosque at Topkhane (988/1580), a diminutive copy of Hagia Sophia, or the Piyale Pasha mosque (981/1573-4) at Kasimpasha in Istanbul, have been questioned on grounds of quality (Kuran, Sinan, 126, 220). Major projects. The three largest complexes (kulliyes) erected by Sinan, the Shehzade, Siileymaniyye and Selfmiyye, each represent a significant step in his maturity. In each, however, he chose to work with the form that had become standard for major Ottoman mosques since the building of the Uc Sherefeli in Edirne (841-51/1438-47), namely, the combination of large dome chamber and square or rectangular courtyard. The death of Suleyman's son Mehmed in 1543 gave Sinan his first major commission, the Shehzade complex at Istanbul (950-5/1543-8). A prototype for its plan of a central dome surrounded by four semidomes has been suggested in the Fatih Pasha Mosque (1516-20) in Diyar Bakr. While this is a possibility, it
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does not take great imagination to alter the dome flanked by two semi-domes of the Sultan Bayezld II mosque at Istanbul (906-11/1501-5) to the four flanking semi-domes of the Shehzade. But a comparison of the Shehzade with the mosque of Bayezld II reveals two striking differences, each repeated in his later major projects, which are indeed the result of a new vision. The first is the fenestration. Sinan virtually doubled the number of windows of the Bayezld mosque by a novel approach to the supporting walls: thickening them with buttresses at regular intervals to open up the intervening spaces, these buttresses being disguised. The second innovation is the treatment of the roofscape. In the Bayezfd Djami' the square block which supports the dome is awkwardly obvious; in the Shehzade, it is all but invisible due to two alterations. The first is the enlarged height and diameter of the round turrets which stand at the four corners of the square; the second is the stepped profile, both horizontal and vertical, of the area between the turrets and the central dome. Sinan obtained a pyramidal effect by raising the height of the four corner domes to be in line with the diagonal axis created by the central dome and the turrets. Further evidence of his concern for variety in this area is seen in the height of the semi-domes and their exedrae, the first a little higher, the second a little lower, than the corner domes. The Siileymaniyye in Istanbul (957-64/1550-7) was the most ambitious single Ottoman complex, with an array of some 14 buildings of various functions accommodated ingeniously on the sloping site around the mosque. The mosque itself was divorced from these by a surrounding garden which can be viewed as a variation of the ziydda. Set on a hill overlooking the harbour, the mosque still dominates the skyline of the city. Sinan took up the challenge of the Hagia Sophia, the largest dome in Istanbul, by reproducing its vaulting scheme of two axial flanking domes. At ground level, however, the vast interior is adjusted to the requirements of Islamic ritual by having the maximum uninterrupted space, to enable the faithful to pray in rows, the plan being actually quite similar to that of the Shehzade, apart from the three smaller domes on the sides that replace the earlier mosque's semi-dome and exedrae. In the complex built for Selfm II at Edirne (97282/1564-75) Sinan determined to surpass the dome of Hagia Sophia, although as built it was approximately the same diameter; it is lower if measured from the ground, but its steeper profile makes it higher if measured from the base of the dome. The challenge resulted in a ground plan radically different from the previous two large mosques: based on an octagon, so that eight instead of four piers are the main loadbearing elements. This in turn permitted the most striking feature of the building: a reduction of the curtain walls to enable light to pour into the building from an even greater multitude of windows than in his previous mosques. The only drawback of the octagonal plan is the arrangements that had to be made for the mihrdb. To leave it on the plane of the rest of the kibla wall would have been to overshadow it by the colossal flanking piers, so a deep recess was made between them. In contrast to the rest of the mosque, this area has few windows and so leaves the mihrdb, despite its flanking Iznik tile panels, in relative obscurity. The exterior treatment of this recess is also less than satisfactory. Its bulk necessitated a link to the corner minarets, but the diminutive paired columns of the arcade which accomplish this
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are on too small a scale. The minarets are the tallest in Ottoman architecture; their slender form at the four corners of the dome chamber provides an effective complement to the massiveness of the dome between them. Smaller projects. Among the myriad of Sinan's smaller projects, we may single out four of particular interest. The complex of the Grand Vizier Riistem Pasha [q.v] at Takhtakal'e in Istanbul was finished not long after his death in 1561. Structurally its mosque is of interest for being raised on a vaulted substructure that enables it to dominate its commercial neighbourhood. However, the relatively simple architectural lines of its interior, with a dome on an octagonal base, are unfortunately sabotaged by the very thing that gives the mosque its fame: its lavish revetment of Iznik tiles. Seen close up these are indeed superb examples of their kind, but the overall effect of repeated small-scale patterns, especially on the four large piers, is to negate the stability of the structure. The exact date of the complex of Mihrimah Sultan, the daughter of Siileyman, at Edirnekapi in Istanbul is not known, although a teaching appointment to it was first made in 976/1568-9. From the exterior the mosque is the embodiment of the dome on pendentives: the four arches which support it soar above the roofline of smaller domes, their form emphasised by both the setback of the tympana and by lightening them with as many windows as possible—nineteen in all. The complex of the Grand Vizier Sokullu Mehmed Pasha [q.v.] at Kadirgha in Istanbul (979/1571-2) was expertly fitted into an awkward sloping site downhill from the ancient hippodrome. Here it is the interior which holds the greatest interest. The dome is seamlessly incorporated within the rectangular prayer hall without using columns by means of a hexagonal base. For once, the balance of decoration seems appropriately weighed: the central arched panel on the kibla wall is revetted to its full height near the base of the dome with Iznik tiles patterned on a large scale. Notwithstanding these comments on decoration, it is as well to remember that we are unfortunately missing an essential ingredient in evaluating the decorative programme of Sinan's buildings: their painted interiors. Not one has survived intact without restoration. Judging from the lavishly-painted decoration of a provincial Ottoman building such as the mosque of Suleyman Pasha in the citadel in Cairo (935/1528), the loss is a major one that might have tempered a view of Sinan's structures as usually being of exclusively architectonic interest. One other architectural masterpiece should be mentioned, partially because it is so unexpected: the aqueduct at Maghlova (1553-64). Its diamond-shaped piers support twin buttresses which are faceted like the Turkish triangles of early Ottoman zones of transition. The upper story has a second tier of buttresses arranged so that the knife-edged lines of support continue unbroken from top to base. It is strikingly modern in its blend of form and function, a concept that also encapsulates the successes of his domed mosques. Bibliography: The most comprehensive study is A. Kuran, Mimar Sinan, Istanbul 1986 (in Turkish), also published in English as Sinan, the grand old master of Ottoman architecture, Washington and Istanbul 1987, both with full bibls. See also R.M. Meric, Mimar Sinan, hayati, eseri. I. Mimar Sinan'in hayatmin eserlerine dair metinler, Ankara 1965 (contains eds. of the Tadhkirat al-bunydn, Tadhkirat al-abniya, and the Tuhfat al-micmdnn]; G. Goodwin, A history of Ottoman
architecture, London 1971; O. Barkan, Suleymaniye cami ve imareti in§aati, 2 vols., Ankara 1972-9; D. Kuban, art. Sinan, in Macmillan Encyclopaedia of Architects, ed. A.K. Placzek, London 1982, iv, 62-73; J.M. Rogers, The state and the arts in Ottoman Turkey. The stones of Suleymaniye, in IJMES, xiv [1982], 71-86, 283-313; G. Necipoglu-Kafadar, The Suleymaniye complex in Istanbul, an interpretation, in Muqarnas, iii [1985], 92117; D. Kuban, The style of Sinan's domed structures, in ibid., iv [1987], 72-97; Jale Erzen, Sinan as anticlassicist, in ibid., v [1988], 70-86; M. Sozen, Sinan, architect of ages, Istanbul 1988 (full bibl.); M. Sozen and S. Saatci, Mimar Sinan and Tezkiret-ul bunyan, Istanbul 1989; S. Saatci, Tezkiret-iil biinyan'm Topkapi Sarayi Revan kitapligindaki yazma niishasi, in Topkapi Sarayi Mu&si Yilhk, iv [1990], 55-101; G. Necipoglu, Challenging the past. Sinan and the competitive discourse of early modern Islamic architecture, in Muqarnas, x [1993], 169-80; G. Goodwin, Sinan. Ottoman architecture and its values today, London 1993. (B. O'KANE) SINAN PASHA, KHADIM (? - 922/1517), Ottoman Grand Vizier under Selfm I. Sinan al-Dfn Yusuf Pasha was of Christian, probably Bosnian, origin, recruited into Ottoman service through the dewshirme [q.v.] system. Promoted from amongst the white eunuchs of the Palace to the rank of vizier, he served as beg of Bosnia, and then in 920/1514, at the beginning of the eastern campaign against Shah Isma'fl, was appointed beglerbegi [q.v] of Anatolia. Commanding the right wing of Selfm Fs army at the battle of Caldiran [q.v] (August 1514), he played a decisive role in the Ottoman victory and was immediately appointed to the vacant post of beglerbegi of Rumelia. In 921/June 1515, as a result of his victory over Dhu '1-Kadr-oghlu cAlaJ al-Dawla, he was made Grand Vizier, remaining in that post until the reinstatement of the former Grand Vizier Hersekoghlu Ahmed Pasha in August 1515. In 922/April 1516 Sinan Pasha was appointed Grand Vizier for a second time and also commander-in-chief of that year's campaign. He was the chief architect of the Ottoman victory against the Mamluk sultan Kansawh al-Ghawrf [q.v] at Mardj Dabik [q.v] (922/August 1516) and the subsequent conquest of Syria. Marching south towards Egypt, he gained a second victory over the Mamluks at Khan Yunis (922/December 1516), but was killed at the battle of Raydaniyya (922/January 1517). One of only two white eunuchs to rise to the rank of Grand Vizier in this period, Khadim Sinan Pasha was renowned for his personal bravery and was particularly well-regarded by Selfm I. Bibliography: Mehmed Thiireyya, SC0, iii, 105; I.H. Uzuncar§ili, Osmanh tarihi, Ankara 1943, ii, 266 ff., 536 ff.; for a full account and other bibl., see I A, art. Sinan Pa§a, Yusuf, Hadim, at x, 661-6. (CHRISTINE WOODHEAD) SINAN PASHA, KHODJA, the name of two Ottoman dignitaries. 1. The vizier, scholar and prose writer (845-91/1440-86). Sinan al-Dfn Yusuf Pasha was born probably in 845/1440, in Bursa, the son of Khidr Beg b. Kadf Djelal al-Dfn (d. 863/1459 [q.v]), the first Ottoman kadi of Istanbul. Through his mother, a daughter of Molla Yegan (d. 878/1473), he was also descended from a second cukmd? family prominent in the early Ottoman period. After initial appointments as miiderris in Edirne, he was promoted by Mehemmed II to a teaching post at the Istanbul sahn-i themaniye [q.v], to be held jointly with that of khoa^a to the sultan. In 875/1470 he was raised to the rank of vizier and
SINAN PASHA, KHODJA became known consequently as "Khodja Pasha". In 881/1476 he was apparently appointed Grand Vizier to succeed Gedik Ahmed Pasha [q.v], but was himself disgraced and imprisoned within a year. Although the precise cause remains unknown, one possibility is that, as a prominent member of a particular 'ulema3 group, he may have been a victim of factional rivalry (IA art. Sinan Pa§a, Hoca, at x, 666-7). Mehemmed II ordered his release following culema} protests, but removed him to Sivrihisar as kadi, where he remained five years. On the accession of Bayezfd II in 886/1481, Sinan Pasha was restored to the rank of vizier and appointed muderris at the Darii '1-hadfth in Edirne with a daily salary of 100 akces. He died in 891/1486, either in Edirne or in Istanbul. His brothers, Ahmed Pasha, milfttof Bursa (d. 925/1519), and Ya'kub Pasha, kadi of Bursa (d. 891/1486), were also prominent members of the culemd\ Sinan Pasha was a noted scholar and sceptic, with wide-ranging interests and a talent for debate; he became a follower of the dervish Sheykh Wefa'. His early works comprised learned treatises in Arabic on law and mathematics, but he is better known for his three works in Ottoman Turkish written during Bayezid IFs reign: (i) Tadarruc-ndme, a work on tasawwuf, particularly admired for its fluent rhymed prose (ed. M. Tulum, Istanbul 1971); (ii) Naslhat-narw or Macdrif-ndme, a work on ethics (ed. I.H. Ertalayan, Istanbul 1961); (iii) Tedhkiretu }l-ewliyd3, containing the biographies of 28 saints, a partial translation of 'Attar's [q.v.] Tadhkirat al-awliyd3 (ed. E. Giirsoy-Naskali, Ankara 1987). Bibliography: Khodja Sacdu 'd-dfn, Tdo^ altewdnkh, Istanbul 1280/1863, ii, 498-500, 510; Kinali-zade Hasan Celebi, Tezkiretu '§-§uard, ed. I. Kutluk, Ankara 1978, i, 486-8; Mehmed Medjdl, Hadd'ik al-s_hakd3ik, Istanbul 1269/1853, i, 193-6; Bursali Mehmed Tahir; COM, ii, 223-5; I.H. Uzun9ar§ili, Osmanh tarihi, Ankara 1943, ii, 534, 658-60; mss. and further bibl. in IA, art. Sinan Pa§a, Hoca, at x, 666-70. (CHRISTINE WOODHEAD) 2. The vizier and statesman (d. 1004/1596). He was born in Albania, in the village of Topoyan, belonging to the province Lure, ca. 1520. His father was a Muslim, with the name of CA1I. He first appears in the Serai as the cashnegir bash!, chief taster of Suleyman the Magnificent [q.v.]. Narrative sources maintain that he was later promoted to be mir-i liwd of Malatya, Kastamunl, Ghazza, Tarabulus in Syria, and beglerbegi of Erzerum and Haleb (Hadikat ul-wuzerd3 35). Archival evidence suggests a somewhat different career. At least the appointment of a cashnegir bashi Sinan, who must be identical with the later Grand Vizier, to the sanajak of Tarabulus on 17 Djumada II 963/28 April 1556 can be documented (cf. Istanbul, Ba§bakanlik Osmanh Ar§ivi, Muhimme defteri 2, p. 68, no. 618). Sinan, the former sanajakbegi of Tarabulus, is referred to on 4 Rabi* I 967/4 December 1559 (Muhimme defteri 3, p. 234, no. 666). Then he is mentioned as the sanajakbegi of Ghazza in April 1560 (ibid. 317, no. 929), from where he—"the brother of Ayas Pasha"—was transferred to Malatya on 28 Djumada II 968/16 March 1561 (Muhimme defteri 4, p. 191, no. 1998). After some years, Sinan was beglerbegi of Erzerum in 1564 and 1565 (Muhimme defteri 6, p. 9, and Muhimme defteri 5, p. 144, no. 325). His holding office in Aleppo can also be proved in October 1565 (BBOA, Kepeci 7502, p. 115). At the end of 1567, he became governor of Egypt. While in this function, he was nominated vizier and serddr on 20 Safar 976/15 August 1568, to undertake cam-
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paigns against the Yemen and to suppress the revolt of the Imam Mutahhar. He succeeded in regaining the territory for the Ottomans, for which his panegyrists gave him the epithet "conqueror of the Yemen". He undertook the hadjdj. in 1571, and was again appointed governor of Egypt on 18 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 978/13 May 1571 (Muhimme defteri 12, no. 542, cited by Hulusi Yavuz, Kdbe ve Harameyn ifin Temen'de Osmanh hdkimiyeti (1517-1571), Istanbul 1984, 117, n. 92), and remained in this position for almost two years. He returned to Istanbul as sixth vizier. In the spring of 1574 he was given supreme command of the Ottoman land forces, which were marching against Tunis. Goletta (Halk al-Wadf) was stormed after a long siege and Tunis incorporated once again in the Ottoman Empire (consequently, Sinan Pasha used the epithet "conqueror of Tunis"). For his success, he was honoured by the rank of fourth vizier, in which position his old rivalry with Lala Mustafa Pasha [q.v.], who happened to be the third vizier, intensified. This led to their unprecedented double nomination as serddrs of the campaign against Persia in 1577. Later, he lost this position, but when his rival was unsuccessful, he was charged with the continuation of the warfare alone. In the spring of 1580 he led the Ottoman army against Georgia, and on 18 Djumada II 988/31 July 1580 was appointed Grand Vizier in succession to Lala Mustafa Pasha, who was wakil-i saltanat for three months after Ahmed Pasha had died. Since, however, the Ottoman conquests in Georgia were not secure and peace with Persia could not be concluded, Sinan Pasha was dismissed on 10 Dhu'l Ka'da 990/6 December 1582 and he was banished to Dimetoka, and later to Malkara [q.v] in Thrace. After four years in disgrace, through harem influence and appropriate presents (allegedly 100,000 ducats), he attained the governorship of Damascus in December 1586. Having lost this office, he was staying in Uskiidar when he was appointed Grand Vizier for the second time on 16 Djumada I 997/2 April 1589. During this term, a peace treaty with Persia was signed, thus ending twelve years of hostilities. His new rival, Ferhad Pasha [q.v], however, was able to denigrate him and oust him from his position (11 Shawwal 999/2 August 1591), using as a pretext the huge expenses spent for the realisation of the old plan of connecting the Black Sea with the Gulf of Nicomedia by digging a canal from the lake of Sabandja; also the aborted project of ordering galleys from provincial governors for a large-scale naval campaign in the Mediterranean must have played some role in his fall from favour (cf. Pal Fodor, Between two land wars: Ottoman naval preparations in 1590-1592, in Armagan. Festschrift fur Andreas Tietze, ed. Ingeborg Baldauf and Suraiya Faroqhi, Prague 1994, 89-111). One and a half years later, however, a rising of the Janissaries brought him back again from Malkara, and from 25 Rablc 11/29 January 1593 onwards, he filled the Grand Vizierate for the third time. Henceforth, all his energies were concentrated on winning military laurels in the west, especially in Hungary. In the spring of 1593, he therefore personally led the army in the Hungarian campaign which followed the defeat of Hasan Pasha, the beglerbegi of Bosnia, at Sisak. The first year of the Long War between 1593 and 1606 resulted in the capture of two fortresses of secondary importance, Veszprem and Palota, by the Ottomans, while some Ottoman strongholds were lost to the Habsburgs. In 1594, Sinan's forces were more successful since—besides Tata and Papa—they took Gyor, a significant trading town
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SINAN PASHA, KHODJA — SIND
situated in the strategic zone before Vienna, and made it the seat of a new province. A month after the death of Murad III [q.v] on 16 February 1595, he again had to leave his post and go into exile at Malkara, but only for a few months. On 29 Shawwal 1003/7 July 1595 he replaced his rival and relative Ferhad Pasha, and immediately began a campaign against Wallachia. His defeat at Giurgiu (Yergogu) and the loss of Esztergom in Hungary brought about his dismissal and banishment to Malkara on 16 Rabf I 1004/19 November 1595. But when his successor, Lala Mehmed Pasha, died on the third day after his appointment, the imperial seal was again entrusted to Sinan Pasha, this great survivor, for the fifth time. In this office he died, when just engaged in plans to attack Transylvania, on 4 Sha'ban 1004/3 April 1596. He was buried in his own ttirbe, built by Mi* mar Dawud, in the Carshikapi quarter in Istanbul. Sinan Pasha's fabulous wealth, with which he could finance the state in cases of emergency, explains why he was able—besides his personal capacities—to survive four periods of disgrace. He established several pious foundations in various places of the Empire. Although some of them were confiscated by the treasury when he was dismissed, many others survived or were renewed later. The handsomely-fitted koshk of the Serai on the shore of the Golden Horn bore his name and survived till 1827. It was during his terms as Grand Vizier that—as a result of the consummation of the process of princely isolation of the sultans—the communication in writing of the ruler and his "absolute attorney" became a general practice in the form of the telkhls [q.v.]. His strong personality provoked his contemporaries, mainly those who belonged to the Bosnian faction in the Serai. The chronicler Mustafa cAli [q.v.] had a special hatred for him, partly because the vizier openly expressed his contempt for the literati. On the other hand, for people of lower rank he symbolised the Ottoman soldier, the true pillar of the empire, and the suppressor of the infidels. Bibliography: Tahsin Oz, Topkapi Sarayi Mu'zesinde Yemen fatihi Sinan pas^a ar§ivi, in Belleten, x/37 (1946), 171-93; §erafeddin Turan, art. Sinan Pa$a, in IA, x, 670-5; Suraiya Faroqhi, Die Vorlagen (telhlse) des Grojlwezirs Sinan Pasa an Sultan Murad III, Hamburg 1967; Hasan Kalesi, Veliki vezir Kodza Sinan-pasa, njegove zaduzbine i njegova vakujhama, in Najstariji vakufski dokumenti ujugoslaviji na arapskom jeziku. Pristina 1972, 257-308; Tiilay Reyhanh, Bursa Teni§ehnnde Koca Sinan pa§a camii ve imareti, in Edebiyat Fakultesi Ara§tirma Dergisi. In Memoriam Prof. Albert Louis Gabriel, Ankara 1978, 373-95; K. Schwartz and H. Kurio, Die Stiftungen des osmanischen Grofwesirs Koga Sinan Pascha (gest. 1596) in Uzungaova/Bulgarien, Berlin 1983; Sandor Laszlo Toth, Szindn nagyvezer tervei 1593-94ben, in Hadtortenelmi Ko'zlemenyek, xxix (1982), 159-74; Haase, Fine kleinere Waqf-Urkunde Koca Sinan Paschas fur Malkara, Thrakien, in Osmanh Arafttrmalan, xi (1991), 129-57; Pal Fodor, Sultan, Imperial Council, Grand Vizier. Changes in the Ottoman ruling elite and the formation of the Grand Vizieral Telhfs, in AO Hung., xlvii (1994), 67-85. (F. BABINGER-[G. DAVID]) SIND, the older Indian SINDHU, the name for the region around the lower course of the Indus river (from which the region takes its name, see MIHRAN), i.e. that part of the Indus valley south of approximately lat. 28° 30' N., and the delta area, now coming within the modern state of Pakistan. There are alluvial soils in the delta and in the lands along the river, liable to inundation when the ri-
ver rises in spring from the melting snows of the northern Indian mountains and rendered fertile by a network of irrigation canals and channels for flood control. To the west of the lower Indus lies the Sind hill country, much of this comprising the Klrthar range, which rises to an average height of 1,500 m/ 5,000 feet and which forms a natural frontier with Balucistan [q.v]. To the east of the river valley begins a desert of sand dunes, the southwestern end of the Thar Desert which lies mainly in modern Radjasfhan [q.v. in Suppl.] (see H.G. Raverty, The Mihrdn of Sind and its tributaries, in JASB, Ixi (1893), special number, repr. Lahore 1979; H.T. Lambrick, Sind, a general introduction, Haydarabad-Sind 1964, chs. 1-4; Kazi S. Ahmad, A geography of Pakistan2, Karachi 1969, index; O.H.K. Spate and A.T.A. Learmonth, India and Pakistan, a general and regional geography*, London 1972, 504-13). 1. History in the pre-modern period. Sind forms part of one of the early centres of human civilisation, that of the Indus valley (overall span, approximately 2500-1700 B.C.), with its epicentre at Mohenjo-daro on the right bank of the river in Upper Sind (see Sir R. Mortimer Wheeler, Civilizations of the Indus valley and beyond, London 1966; idem, The Indus civilization3, Cambridge 1968). This civilisation was succeeded by the one brought into the subcontinent by the Indo-Europeans or Aryans, doubtless in several waves but apparently covering the years 1750-1000 B.C. The Achaemenid king Darius the Great (522-486 B.C.) made Sind and Gandhara parts of his empire, but these were soon lost to the Persians, certainly by the time Alexander the Great traversed the region in 326-325 B.C. before turning westwards and homewards through Gedrosia (the later Makran [q.v.]) (see M. Stein, On Alexander's track to the Indus, London 1929; P.H.L. Eggermont, Alexander's campaigns in Sind and Baluchistan and the siege of the Brahmin town of Harmatelia, Leuven 1975). Various conquerors subsequently controlled Sind, from the Mauryas through the Indo-Bactrian Greeks and the Parthians, the Scyths and the Kushans. Under the Kushan emperor Kanishka (1st century A.D.), Sind apparently became, at least in part, Buddhist in faith, in addition to its existing Hinduism, so that, at the time of the Arab invasion of the early 8th century, Sind seems to have been in majority Hindu but with a very substantial Buddhist minority. The Arab general Muhammad b. al-Kasim alThakafF [q.v] invaded Sind in 93/711, during the governorship of Trak and the east of al-Hadjdjadj and the caliphate of al-Walld I b. £Abd al-Malik, marching from southern Persia through the arid region of the Makran [q.v] coastland to the Indus delta, and by the time of his recall and death three years later, the Arabs controlled all the lower Indus valley up to and including Multan [q.v] and beyond. Despite the brevity of this conquest period, fierce and bloody campaigning was necessary. Probably a majority of the towns of Sind sought amdn from the Arabs and submitted under a treaty of peace, sulh, as was the case, e.g. at Aror/al-Rar, Armabfl and Sfwistan. But resistance at the capital Dewal/Debal/Daybul [q.v] by the local king, named in the Arabic sources as Dahir (whose attacks on Muslim shipping in the Arabian Sea had allegedly provoked the Arab's punitive expedition) was strenuous, with the invaders conducting a massacre of the inhabitants over three days; 6,000 were killed at Rawar and another 6,000 at Multan (see F. Gabrieli, Muhammad ibn Qasim ath-Thaqafi and the Arab conquest of Sind, in EW, N.S. xv [1964-5],
SIND
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281-95; Y. Friedmann, A contribution to the early history of Islam in India, in Myriam Rosen-Ayalon (ed.), Studies in memory of Gaston Wiet, Jerusalem 1977, 309-33). In the succeeding decades, when Arab rule was well established, it seems to have been the Buddhists who collaborated more readily with the Muslim Arabs than the Hindus, and there may have been a process of absorption which contributed to the comparatively rapid extinction of Buddhism in Sind. When the Arab geographers and travellers of the 4th/10th century give descriptions of Sind, there is no mention of the sumaniyya/'samaniyya, and al-Birunf (d. 440/1048 [q.v]), when he visited Sind, was unable to find any information there on Buddhist and Buddhism for his book on the religions of India (see D.N. McLean, Religion and society in Arab Sind, Leiden 1989, 22-82). During the three centuries of Arab rule in Sind up to the Ghaznawid period (5th/llth century), the province was governed by officials sent out by the caliphs, with the capital and residence of these governors at al-Mansura (perhaps 78 km/45 miles to the northeast of modern Haydarabad, Sind), founded by Muhammad b. al-Kasim's son cAmr [see AL-MANSURA]. By the mid-3rd/9th century, caliphal control had become very tenuous, and Arab families of Sind like the Habbarids, who claimed Kurashl descent, ruled this out-post of the Dar al-Isldm largely undisturbed. Islam as a faith settled down into a generally peaceful co-existence with the Hindus, doubtless still very much a majority of the population. It produced a good number of traditionist scholars (muhaddithun), the majority of whom were accounted amongst the stricter school of the ashab al-hadith (McLean, op. cit., 95-110, cf. also 120-5)." Ibn Hawkal (mid-4th/10th century) found the khutba in Sind pronounced in the name of the eAbbasid caliph (ed. Kramers, 320, tr. Kramers and Wiet, 313), but in this century, du'dt (pi. of da'i [q.v]) of the Isma'flls [see ISMA'ILIYYA] arrived in Sind and Multan from Yemen. During the reign of the Fatimid caliph al-Mucizz (341-65/953-75 [q.v]), an Isma'Ili principality was set up in Multan, and the khutba accordingly made there for the Fatimids (see S.M. Stern, Ismd'ifi propaganda and Fatimid rule in Sind, in 1C, xxiii [1949], 298-307). This nest of heresy attracted the attention of the rigidly SunnI orthodox military conqueror Mahmud of Ghazna [q.v], who was concerned at this time to display his loyalty to the cAbbasids and his abhorrence of the Fatimids. In 396/1006 he attacked Multan, capturing the city, and four years later he returned, extinguished its independence completely and deposed the local ruler Abu '1-Futuh/Fath Dawud b. Nasr. The latter's son Dawud al-Asghar led a rebellion against the new Ghaznawid sultan Mawdud [q.v.] in ca. 432/1030-1 or shortly thereafter, but his failure marks the end of Isma'rlism in Multan and Upper Sind. Less is known about Lower Sind at this time, but Isma'flism does not seem to have secured a significant hold there in the face of a strong adherence to Sunn! orthodoxy (M. Nazim, The life and times of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna, Cambridge 1931, 96-7; Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, Edinburgh 1964, 76; idem, The later Ghaznavids, Edinburgh 1977, 31; McLean, op. cit., 126-53). At some point in the first half of the 5th/11th century, Lower Sind came under the rule of a Radjput family, the Sumeras [q.v.] or Sumras, but Upper Sind remained under Ghaznawid control. After the demise of the Ghaznawids, the whole of Sind came into the hands of their supplanters, the Ghurids, and it was conquered by Mucizz al-Dln Muhammad b. Sam [q.v],
passing after the sultan's death in 602/1206 to his commander Nasir al-Dfn Kubaca. The latter submitted to the Dihll Sultan Aybak, but was defeated by Iltutmush, whose authority he refused to recognise. The Khwarazm Shah Djalal al-Dm [q.v], fleeing before the Mongols, invaded the Indus valley in 618-20/1221-3, reaching as far as Dewal/Daybul and the Indian Ocean coast, with the local Sumera chief fleeing before him (see J.A. Boyle, Jalal al-Din Khwarazm Shah in the Indus valley, in Sind through the centuries, 124-9). The Moroccan traveller Ibn Battuta [q.v] visited Sind in 734/1333-4, probably entering the Indus valley via the Bolan Pass, and almost certainly again in 741/1341 (C.F. Beckingham, Ibn Battuta in Sind, in ibid., 139-42); he mentions the Sumeras (whom he calls by the familiar Arabic term al-Sdmira [q.v], recte the Samaritans) as an endogamous clan, with an amir called Wunar who led a rebellion against the Dihll Sultans, the suzerains of Sind (Rihla, iii, 101-8, tr. Gibb, iii, 596600). When Ibn Battuta was in Sind, the ancient capital Dewal/Daybul had ceased to exist, and its place must have been taken by I'hatfa [q.v.], probably a foundation of the Sumeras. The Sumeras themselves ceased to rule Sind in ca. 733/1333, and their power was crushed in 752/1351 by a new ruling dynasty, also of Radjput origin, the Sammas [q.v], whose monarchs, the Djams, were to rule Sind for nearly two centuries until the early 10th/16th century. Sultan Muhammad b. Tughluk [q.v] of Dihll died in Muharram 752/March 1351, on the banks of the Indus, while in pursuit of a rebel whom the Sammas had harboured, and Sind contended successfully with the imperial arms until the Sammas were reduced to obedience and vassalage by Flruz Shah, Muhammad's successor. With the decline of the power of Dihll, that of the Sammas revived, the greatest of their line being Djam Nanda, or Nizam al-Dln, who reigned for forty-six years and died in 915/1509. In 926/1520 Sind was invaded by Shah Beg Arghun [q.v], who, having been driven from Kandahar by Babur, succeeded in establishing himself in Sind. Djam Flruz, the last of the Sammas, was driven into Gudjarat, where he died. The Mughal Humayun [q.v], expelled from Hindustan by Shir Shah Sur [q.v], made two abortive attempts to conquer Sind, during the second of which his son Akbar was born at cUmarkot in 949/1542, but was compelled to flee into Persia. On the death of Shah Hasan, the last of the Arghuns, in 961/1554, the Tarkhans, another short-lived dynasty, related to the Arghuns, became rulers of Sind, and witnessed the sack of Thatta by the Portuguese in 1555, but in 1000/1592 Akbar defeated Mfrza Djam Beg Tarkhan and annexed Sind, which was incorporated in the suba of Multan. The province was a part of the empire, but owing to its remoteness local affairs remained much in native hands. The Daudputras were powerful in Lower Sind in the llth/17th century, and were succeeded by the Kalhoras, who in 1112/ 1701 ousted them from Shikarpur and obtained from Awrangzlb a large grant of land. For the next forty years, the Kalhoras increased their power, but in 1153/1740 Nur Muhammad Kalhora incurred the displeasure of the Persian invader Nadir Shah [q.v], to whom that part of Sind lying to the west of the Indus had been ceded, and was compelled to surrender Shikarpur and Slbl and to pay a heavy tribute. In 1167/1754 Ahmad Shah Durrani (AbdalT) [q.v.], to whom Sind had passed on after'the death of Nadir Shah, drove Nur Muhammad to Djaysalmer, where he died, but his son, Muhammad Murad Yar Khan, appeased the Afghan and retained the kingdom. In
SIND 1182/1768 his brother and successor, Ghulam Shah, founded Haydarabad on the site of Nerankot. The relations of the Kalhoras with the English East India Company, which in 1772 opened a factory at Thaffa, were the reverse of friendly, and the factory was closed in 1775. Some years later, Mir Bidjar, a chief of the Talpur tribe of the Baluc, rose in rebellion, and the Kalhora compromised the matter by appointing him minister, but he was assassinated in 1195/1781 after defeating an Afghan army near Shikarpur, and his son cAbd Allah Khan Talpur drove cAbd al-Nabi, the last of the Kalhoras, to Kalat [g.v.]. eAbd al-Nabf regained his throne and put cAbd Allah to death, but the latter's kinsman, Mir Fath £Alr, defeated him and finally compelled him to take refuge in Djodhpur, where his descendants held distinguished rank till the end of British Indian days. In 1197/1783 Fath cAlf, the first of the Talpur Mfrs, established himself as Ra'fs of Sind. The history of the country under its new rulers was bewildering, owing to its partition among different members of the family: (1) the Haydarabad or Shahdadpur branch, ruling in Central Sind, (2) the Mfrpur or Manikanf branch, seated at Mfrpur, and (3) the Suhrabanf branch, ruling at Khayrpur [g.v.]. The English East India Company had had a factory at Thaffa for some thirty years in the mid-17th century and, as noted above, again in the later 18th century. In 1799 an attempt to establish commercial relations was made by the Governor of Bombay, with the additional motives of excluding possible French Revolutionary influence from Sind and, more pressingly, that of the Talpur Mirs' suzerains, the Durrani rulers of Afghanistan. By ca. 1830 the possibility was being mooted in British Indian circles of trade along the Indus waters, and a mission under Henry Pottinger was sent to Sind in 1832. At the time of the First Afghan War, British Indian troops insisted on transit through Sind and the Bolan Pass into Afghanistan, and in 1839 a treaty was imposed on the Mfrs. Military disasters in Afghanistan and north-eastern Balucistan weakened British prestige. In the rising in Sind of 1843 against British interference there, Sir Charles Napier defeated the insurgents at Miyanf near Haydarabad. Mir eAlf Murad, of the Suhrabanf branch, remained faithful to the British connection, and was permitted to retain his principality of Khayrpur and the honorary office of Ra'is of Upper Sind. The rest of Sind was annexed to British India, attached administratively to Bombay, and until 1847 was in fact governed by Napier, until his retirement from the post, as Commissioner for Sind. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): For an early source on the Arab conquest, see CAG-NAMA in Suppl. Also R.F. Burton, Scinde; or, the unhappy valley., London 1851; idem, Scinde revisited, London 1877; M.R. Haig, The Indus valley delta country, London 1894; Imperial gazetteer of India2, xxii, 389-432; E.H. Aitkens, Gazetteer of the province of Sind. A, Karachi 1907; H.T. Lambrick, Sir Charles Napier and Sind, Oxford 1952; R.A. Huttenback, British relations with Sind, 1799-1843, Berkeley, etc. 1962; R.C. Majumdar, in idem (ed), History and culture of the Indian people, ix/1, Bombay 1963, ch. VIII; H.T. Sorely, Gazetteer of West Pakistan. The former province of Sind, including Khairpur State, Lahore 1968; M.H. Panhwar, Source material on Sind, Jamshore, Sind 1977; Ansar Zahid Khan, History and culture of Sind, Karachi 1980; Hamida Khuhro (ed.), Sind through the centuries, Procs. of an International Seminar held in Karachi in Spring 1975..., Karachi 1981; A. Wink, Al-Hind. The making of the Indo-Islamic
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world. I. Early medieval India and the expansion of Islam 7th-13th centuries, Leiden 1990, 144-218. (T.W. HAiG-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) 2. History from 1843. Sind was annexed by the British in 1843 following the defeat by British troops commanded by Sir Charles Napier of the local Talpur mtrs at the battles of Miani (17 February) and Haydarabad (22 March). This action was taken as part of a wider plan to secure India's northwestern frontier in the aftermath of the unsuccessful First Afghan War of 1838-41, and was officially justified by claims that Sind's rulers had failed to honour agreements entered into with the British administration in India. Contemporary public opinion, however, was divided over the way in which the mirs had been treated, some observers alleging that Britain had behaved dishonourably, which led to the famous "Peccavi" (I have sinned/Sind) saying attributed by the magazine Punch to Napier. Under British administration, a hierarchy of officials was installed along the same lines as other parts of British-controlled India. A similar land revenue system was also introduced which did not differ very greatly from the situation under the mirs. In return for their allegiance, most landholders were confirmed in their estates. From the British point of view, Sind remained a frontier province, albeit attached to the Bombay Presidency after 1847, and consolidating and maintaining the security of its borders was consequently a high priority. The other main concern of Sind's new authorities was to encourage the development of the local economic infrastructure in order to expand the region's usefulness as a source of raw materials and a market for British goods. The introduction of new irrigation schemes such as the Jamrao canal in 1900 and the Sukkur barrage in 1932 facilitated a steady shift to cash cropping as thousands of acres were released for cultivation. Helped by the expansion of the railway network, the port of Karachi [g.v.] acquired all-India importance. The strains of commercialisation combined with British revenue demands resulted in a familiar pattern of alienation, with land often moving out of Muslim into Hindu hands. The events of 1857-8 had passed by almost unnoticed in Sind, but economic problems in the 1890s produced a period of instability when the administration was confronted with problems of law and order. Local people also began to resent the presence of settlers from outside the region, who were officially encouraged to exploit the new agrarian opportunities. While the province escaped the communal bitterness of many other parts of India, Muslim-Hindu differences gradually came to dominate local politics. By 1936, enough public support had been generated to win Sind's separation from the Bombay Presidency, which had communal implications, as on the whole Muslims supported the break while Hindus remained wary. Sindhi Muslims had enthusiastically supported the Khilafat movement [g.v.] of 1919-22, but it was not until the Second World War that Sindhi politics were drawn more fully into the wider nationalist debate. Both the Indian National Congress and the All-India Muslim League had only acquired toe-holds in the province prior to the war years. However, during 1939-45 the League, in particular, with the help of influential Muslim landed elites, increased its support, winning victory in the post-war elections of 1945-6. At independence in 1947, Sind became a province in the new state of Pakistan, with Karachi the federal capital until 1962. As a result of the demographic
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upheaval which accompanied partition, Sind received large numbers of refugees from north and west India who were largely urban-based and so filled to some extent the gap left behind by Sind's departed Hindu community, contributing to Karachi's dramaticallyswelling population, which rose from 400,000 at independence to nearly 1.5 million in the early 1950s. Provincial politics continued to be the domain of rural elites, but with the introduction of One-Unit in 1955, for which Sind's Chief Minister M.A. Khuhro mobilised support, Sind's separate political identity was once again lost until the late 1960s. Sind's towns and cities continued expanding, and further irrigation schemes such as the G.M. Barrage across the Indus at Haydarabad helped to strengthen commercial agriculture. Despite the advantages of having a Sindhi Prime Minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, during the 1970s, economic problems, exacerbated by widescale waterlogging and salination, and competition for scarce employment, contributed to political instability, producing riots as migrants protested against the introduction of quotas favouring local Sindhis, while Sindhis resented the dominance of Urdu. The martial law regime of General Zia was interpreted by many Sindhis as undisguised rule by the Panjab, and there was much support mobilised in Sind for the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) which campaigned hard against it in 1983. With the return to parliamentary democracy in the late 1980s, another Sindhi, Benazir Bhutto, became Prime Minister but ethnic tensions fractured the province, which fell victim to the widespread violence that erupted' between the province's communities. New political organisations, such as the Muhajir Qaumi Mahaz (MQM) which represented refugee interests, clashed with Sindhi nationalists and also Panjabi-Pathan groups in battlegrounds provided by the province's main cities and towns. By the early 1990s, Sind was facing an uncertain political and economic future. Bibliography, Several of the works listed in the Bibl to 1. above deal with events leading up to the annexation of Sind and its aftermath, but see also Hamida Khuro, The making of modern Sind. British policy and social change in the nineteenth century., Karachi 1978; Sarah Ansari, Sufi saints and state power. The Pirs of Sind, 1843-1947, Cambridge 1992. (SARAH ANSARI) 3. Language and literature. Sindhi is the Indo-Aryan language of Sind, spoken by an estimated 15 million speakers in Pakistan, where they constitute the third largest speech community after speakers of Pandjabi and Pashto, and a further 2.6 million (1991) in India. (a) Language. Within Indo-Aryan, Sindhi is most closely related to the Siraikl of the southwestern Pandjab, which is also widely spoken bilingually with Sindhi in northern Sind. Even Siraikl, however, which was classified by Grierson in the Linguistic survey of India under Lahnda [0.z>.], shares many more features with Pandjabi [q.v.] than with Sindhi. The somewhat isolated status thus conferred upon Sindhl by its peculiar mix of conservative and innovatory features is largely to be accounted for as a natural consequence both of its geographical position on the extreme western perimeter of the Indo-Aryan speech area and of the high degree of isolation from other parts of South Asia imposed upon Sind by the deserts and hills with which the historically inhabited riverain area is largely surrounded. Internal dialectal divisions, e.g. between the standard VicolT of the central region, including
Haydarabad, and the Lafi of the Indus delta, are less significant than those between Sindhl proper and KacchI, a distinct variety of Sindhi which betrays its cultural subordination to Gudjarati. Among the more notable conservative features of Sindhi particular mention may be made of the widespread retention of short final vowels (albeit often as whispered vowels) now entirely lost in most other New Indo-Aryan languages, thus permitting the retention of such grammatical distinctions as gharu "house", ghara "houses", ghari "at home". Other conservative features include the continued existence of distinctive feminine pronouns, partial distinctions in conjugation between intransitive and transitive verbs, and the maintenance of more than 100 irregular past participles. Innovatory distinctive features include the formation of the future from the present participle, and the exceptionally widespread use of pronominal suffixes not only with verbs, e.g. atha-mi "is for me", but also with nouns of relationship, e.g. pi'u-mi "my father", and common postpositions, e.g. sdnu-mi "with me". While Sindhi is naturally further distinguished from Urdu and the other Indo-Aryan languages of Pakistan by many distinctive lexical items, its vocabulary also shares with these a very considerable component of Perso-Arabic loans, although here too there are some unexpected contrasts, e.g. Sindhi kitdbu "book", masculine, versus the feminine Urdu and Pandjabi kitab. Phonologically, the most distinctive feature of Sindhi (and Siraikf) is the presence of the voiced implosives g3 $ d' b\ which are derived from Middle IndoAryan initial and medial geminate voiced unaspirates, and which now stand in phonemic contrast with the corresponding explosives g (£ d(d) b. As a result of these and other contrasts, Sindhl possesses 41 consonant phonemes, an exceptionally large inventory which led to rather far-reaching adaptations of the Arabic script. Earlier conventions were formalised soon after the British conquest of 1843, with the implementation in 1853 of the recommendations of the Ellis Committee of 1851. A regularised Sindhi orthography was thereby instituted, using a 52-letter alphabet normally written in naskhl style as opposed to the nastacllk favoured for Urdu and other South Asian languages. Many letters are distinguished by additional dots, so that, e.g. the djim set also includes separate letters for implosive $ (with two vertical subscript dots), palatal n (with two horizontal subscript dots) and aspirated ch (with four subscript dots). Other unusual conventions include the specialisation of different forms of kaffor k and aspirated kh, and such creative spellings as hamza with nunation for aen "and". Although the unsystematic character of these innovations was deplored by Trumpp, whose Germanic enthusiasm for order led him to devise a confusingly different orthography in his classic grammar, the quite distinctive character of the Sindhi script has done much to ensure the subsequent literary and cultural autonomy of the language. The autonomy of Sindhi was fostered by the region's separate administration from Bombay during the British period, but came to be challenged after 1947 by the settlement of very large numbers of Urdu-speaking muhadjinn in KaracI, Haydarabad and other urban areas and the accompanying expulsion of most of the Sindhi Hindu population to India, and by subsequent attempts by centralising regimes to enhance the unique status of Urdu as national language of Pakistan. In spite of enduring tensions, however, the status of Sindhi as the most highly developed of Pakistan's provincial languages has now been amply secured, while in India its national status was recog-
SIND nised in 1967 in the eighth schedule of the Indian Constitution. (b) Literature. The beginnings of a reliable literary record hardly predate the late 16th century. In spite of the claims sometimes more or less extravagantly advanced to the contrary, the early date of Muslim conquest of Sind is therefore not matched by the preservation of any substantial early Muslim Sindhf literature. The Sindhf and Kacchf elements to be discerned in some of the hymns (gindri) of the Isma'flf PIT Sadr al-Dfn (d. 1416?) and his successors provide tantalising indications of the likely early existence of an important sectarian literature, but much has been obscured by uncertain textual transmission and the tendency of later copyists and editors to impart a strongly Gudjaratf character to the language of these Ismacflf compositions. The classical tradition of Sindhf literature has a strongly Sufi emphasis, already apparent in the brief couplets ascribed to Kadi Kadan (d. 1551) and the better authenticated and poetically more memorable set composed by cAbd al-Karfm of Bulff (1536-1623). The apogee of this tradition is reached in the Risalo of Shah eAbd al-Latff of Bhif (1689-1752), a collection of verses designed for musical performance in kawwdli, which has subsequently become the focus of extraordinary veneration as the supreme expression of Sindhl cultural identity. Arranged under the modal headings called sur, the Risalo draws for its poetic inspiration not only upon the Kur'an and Mathnawi, but also variously upon directly observed phenomena of Sindhi rural life, upon such local folk-romances as the tragic stories of Sasuf and Maruf, and upon memorable evocations of the yogis to whose company the author appears to have been so particularly drawn. Many later Suff poets were inspired by the example of eAbd al-Latif, but his ecstatic inspiration is genuinely matched only by Saccal Sarmast (1739-1827) of Khayrpur [q.v.] in Upper Sind, who also wrote in Siraikf. The primacy of the Suff lyric has caused the considerable Islamic literature produced in other traditional poetic genres in the Kalhofa and Talpur periods (1748-1843) to appear to be of rather lesser interest. During the British period, there was the usual shift in fashion away from indigenous genres to more prestigious external models, involving extensive adaptations into Sindhf both of the pedantic niceties of Perso-Urdu farud and the Western genres now being made familiar through English. While Hindu writers played an important part in these modernising developments in Sindhf, both tendencies were most vigorously if often prosily promulgated by the extraordinarily prolific writer Mfrza Kalfc Beg (1853-1929), the son of a Georgian Christian convert to Islam. Kalfc Beg was one of those figures characteristic of the age who devoted his life to the service of his mother tongue. Fluent in Persian, Arabic, Urdu and English, he drew upon the most varied sources in his 300-odd books, which embraced poetry, dramas, novels, essays, grammar, biography and children's books, as well as many translations of all sorts. In the Pakistani period, the leading figure in Sindhi literature has been the poet Shaykh Ayaz (b. 1923), whose extensive ceuvre has drawn profoundly upon the resources of cAbd alLatff's Risalo in its often outspoken articulation of Sindhf cultural nationalism. Bibliography: (a) Language. E. Trumpp, Grammar of the Sindhi language, London and Leipzig 1872, remarkably long-lived as the standard work of reference, may be supplemented by R.E. Yegorova, The Sindhi language, Moscow 1971. G.A. Grierson
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(ed.), Linguistic survey of India, viii/1, Sindhi and Lahndd, Calcutta 1919, has a full bibl. of the earlier sources. Later items may be found in the bibliography of C.P. Masica, The Indo-Aryan languages, Cambridge 1991, 508-9. (b) Literature. Besides the useful account of L.H. Ajwani, History of Sindhi literature, New Delhi 1970, the summary description in A. Schimmel, Sindhi literature, Wiesbaden 1974, is an excellent guide to the primary and secondary bibliography, including many of her own valuable contributions to the subject. Further information may be conveniently sought in G.R. Garg, International encyclopaedia of Indian literature, viii, Sindhi, New Delhi 1991. H. Khuhro (ed.), Sind through the centuries, Karachi 1981, includes articles on various aspects of Sindhi language and literature. A comparative analysis of the earliest examples of Sindhi verse is offered in C. Shackle, Early Muslim vernacular poetry in the Indus valley: its contexts and its character, in A.L. Dallapiccola and S. Zingel-Ave Lallemant (ed.), Islam and Indian regions, i, Texts, Stuttgart 1993, 259-89. The language and content of the Isma'flf literature is described in C. Shackle and Z. Moir, Ismaili hymns from South Asia, London 1992. M. Jotwani, Shah Abdul Karim, New Delhi 1970, offers an introduction to one early poet with complete translation of his verses. The overwhelming reputation of cAbd al-Latff has generated a considerable literature in English, but this is largely uncritical. The classic account in H.T. Sorley, Shah Abdul Lafif of Bhit, London 1940, should be supplemented by A. Schimmel, Pain and grace, Leiden 1976, and Durreshahwar Sayed, The poetry of Shah ^M0/-Z^Jamshoro-Haydarabad 1988. The character of the pre-modern Islamic literature may be deduced from the descriptions in C. Shackle, Catalogue of the Panjabi and Sindhi manuscripts in the India Office Library, London 1977, 58-71. More recent literature is much less well described, but mention may be made of the useful small anthology Sindhi short stones, tr. H.K. Ramani, Karachi ca. 1972, and the coverage of modern poetry in Fahmida Riaz, Pakistan, literature and society, New Delhi 1986. (C. SHACKLE) 4. Architecture. Deserts, marshes and inhospitable ranges of hills and mountains have isolated Sind from the architectural traditions and building techniques of Persia, the Pandjab and other parts of the subcontinent. The earlier tradition of building in brick was followed throughout the Islamic period, with plinths of stone to protect the walls from rising salt. The use of stone structures and carving could have been introduced from neighbouring Gudjarat in the late 8/15th century. A century earlier, the glazed tilework tradition of Persia started to enliven brick buildings with two shades of blue and white; the occasional touch of yellow appeared later. Built under Arab rule, the earliest mosque of the subcontinent in Bhambor [see DAYBUL] contains two dated inscriptions: 109/727 and 294/906. Excavations only reveal the outline in stone of the ground plan; it follows the square plan of the earlier mosques in Kufa and Wash with a sanctuary without mihrdb, three bays deep and with three rows of eleven columns on stone bases. The sahn is surrounded by the usual riwdks. Presumably the mosques in al-Mansura [q.v] followed the same plan. Later mosques can be grouped according to their tilework decoration inspired by Persian work. Their ground plans recall Lodf and Mughal prototypes. The earliest example is the Dabgfr
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SIND — SINDBAD
mosque 966/1558 in Thatta [q.v] as well as the betterknown one, the Djamic Masdjid built between 10537 1644 and 1056/1647. Other such mosques in bad repair are scattered throughout Sind in Sukkur, Khudabad, Rohrf (ca. 990/1583) and Ghotki (1144/1732). More than mosques, tombs stand out as the major architectural achievement of Sind. Many of them are characterised by a funerary enclosure which includes a mihrdb. Once more, baked brick remains the basic material and in the earlier examples of Arur [q.v.] near Sukkur, such as the tombs of Farid al-Dln Mas'ud Shakar-Gandj [q.v.] or Khatal al-Dln, the relief patterning in terra cotta recalls the decoration of the tomb towers of Kharrakan from 486/1093 in northern Persia. On the other hand, the square plans with dome are drawn from monuments such as the tomb of the Samanids [q.v] in Bukhara or in Sind from indigenous stupas. Although Multan [q.v] remains the province of grandiose mausolea with glazed tiles, yet in the MaklT [q.v] Hills near Thatta, the largest Muslim cemetery of the subcontinent, there are also brick tombs with intense patterning in tilework. The best preserved brick-and-tile mausoleum is that of Dfwan Shurfa Khan (1048/1638) with its mosque; inside its enclosure the square domed building with corner round towers, is sited on a plinth. In Haydarabad, the massive tomb of the founder Ghulam Shah Kalhora buried in 1186/1772 follows the same building traditions as do the two groups of later Talpur tombs. The impact of Gudjarati stone carving is also echoed in the stone mausolea of the Sindl ruling dynasties. In the Makll Hills, the most richly carved is the tomb of Djam Nizam al-Dm, who died in 914/1508. Amongst other large cemeteries, that of Chaukundi, meaning domed roofs, contains numerous stone burials of the Jokhia tribe (12th/18th century); they exhibit geometric carvings and crude representations of warriors on horseback. To protect cities, fords and bridges, forts were an essential feature of river and desert landscapes. Nothing much remains of the walls of Bhambor or al-Mansura, but the battlements of the two forts of Haydarabad still dominate the city. In Sukkur, one imposing brick watch tower (1003/1594) survives by the Ardm-gdh or resthouse of Mir Muhammad Ma'sum [q.v.], the gifted courtier of the Mughal court. South of Sukkur, the fort of Kot Didji (12th/18th century) stands out as an impressive landmark; and the ruined battlements of Rohri still overlook the Indus, as do those of the fortress on the island of Bhakkar near by. The early 13th/19th century fort at Ranikot, with its 24 km/15 miles of walls, is said to be the largest in the world. Urban architecture during the British period in KaracT [q.v], in particular, took on a syncretic European style of great exhuberance. After independence, Mahdi CA1I Mirza (1910-61), the first president of the Institute of Architects of Pakistan, directed the next generation into a more modern international form of building, although in KaracT's university complex planned by M. Ecochard, the materials used are a combination of cement and local stone, sand and aggregate. All over Sind, wind catchers, mangh or mungh, from around 1 m square and up to 2 m high/3.3-6.6 feet high, rise above the flat roofs of houses to catch the summer wind. From the shikargdhs or the game reserves comes the acacia arabica for the building of houses. In Thatia, fine lime plaster or cunam covers the mud rendering of the walls; it is carved into mouldings and pilasters. Doors for the fort of Haydarabad are elegantly carved in Indian rosewood or shisham, as are
in Larkhana the doors for the tomb of Shah Bahra, who died in 1148/1735. Bibliography: H. Cousens, Antiquities of Sind, Calcutta 1925; M.S. Siddiqi, Thatta, Karachi 1958; Muhammad Abdul Ghafur, Fourteen Kufic inscriptions of Babbhore, the site of Daybul, in Pakistan Archaeology, iii (1966), 65-90; S.M. Ashfaque The Great Mosque at Banbhore, in ibid., vi (1969), 182-209; F.A. Khan, Banbhore, Karachi 1969; S. Qudratullah Fatimi, The twin ports of Daybul, in Hamida Khuhro (ed.), Sind through the centuries, Karachi 1981, 97-105; A.H. Dani, Thatta—Islamic architecture, Islamabad 1982; Annemarie Schimmel, Makli Mama: a centre of Islamic culture in Sind, Karachi 1983; Kamil Khan Mumtaz, Architecture of Pakistan, Singapore 1985; Y. Lari, Traditional architecture of Thatta, Karachi 1989; A.A. Brohi, A history on tombstones. Sind and Baluchistan, Lahore n.d. [1980s]; Salome Zajadacz-Hastenrath, Islamic junerary enclosures in Sind, in Islamic Art (Geneva), iv (1992); Suhail Zaheer Lari, A history of Sind, Karachi 1994. (YOLANDE CROWE) SINDABUR, SANDABUR, a port on the western coast of peninsular India. Al-IdrisI describes it as a trading town on a large estuary with an anchor-: age. It has been tentatively identified with either Siddhapur/Shiddapur or the modern Shadashivagad, some 80 km/50 miles south of Goa, hence in what is now the union territory of Goa, Daman and Diu in the Indian Union. Bibliography: .S. Maqbul Ahmad, India and the neighbouring territories in the Kitab Nuzhat alMushtaq... of al-Shanf al-Idnsi, Leiden 1960, 58, 62, 102, 159. (Eo.) SINDAN, SANDAN, a port on the western coast of peninsular India, mentioned by the early Islamic geographers (Ibn Khurradadhbih, Ibn Hawkal, the Hudud al-cdlam) as a flourishing mercantile town with a mixed population of Hindus and Muslims. It has been identified with the Sanjam of Portuguese maps and the St. John of English ones and as lying south of Daman and north of Thana, hence in the modern Bombay state of the Indian Union. Bibliography: Hudud al-alam, tr. Minorsky, 57, comm. 244-5; S. Maqbul Ahmad, India and the neighbouring territories in the Kitab Nuzhat al-Mushtaq ... of al-Shanf al-Idnsl, Leiden 1960/56, 102. (ED.)
SINDBAD (the sailor), narrator and protagonist of a collection of travel narratives, originally an independent work, but since the time of Antoine Galland's adaptation (1704-6), forming an integral part of the Arabian Nights (Alflayla wa-layla [q.v]). The frame story tells of how the wealthy merchant Sindbad overhears a passing porter, his namesake (alternatively also called Hindibad), complain about the injustice of fortune. He invites the porter, and at a number of subsequent occasions narrates about his seven mercantile voyages at sea. On all occasions he is shipwrecked by some misfortune, saved by chance, endurance, and cleverness, and after experiencing varying numbers of adventures, at the end of each journey eventually returns home richer than before. All of Sindbad's adventures mention a number of mirabilia, e.g. wonderful objects, creatures, facts, etc. Generally speaking, the various voyages focus on the following central episodes: (1) Sindbad's companions mistake a huge fish for an island on which they light a fire. Later, he finds a mare that is to be impregnated by the magic stallion of the sea. (2) Sindbad finds the huge egg of the giant bird Rukhkh [q.v]. Tying himself to the bird's leg, he is carried
SINDBAD to the diamond valley guarded by huge snakes. From there he is saved by clinging to a large piece of meat, which has been thrown down by human merchants exploiting the diamonds. (3) Sindbad's company is kidnapped by hairy dwarfs. A cannibal giant roasts and devours his companions. The giant is blinded with a glowing spike, but only Sindbad himself manages to escape from the wrath of his fellow giants. Later, he saves himself from being devoured by a giant snake by tying his body to large pieces of wood. (4) Caught by black people, Sindbad's comrades are fattened and slaughtered. Managing to escape, Sindbad teaches a foreign king the use of the saddle. He gets married, but later, according to local custom, is deposited in a cave together with his deceased wife. He survives on the scarce nutrition gained by killing other people lowered into the cave until an animal by chance points out to him a way to escape. (5) Sindbad's comrades on the island of the Rukhkh destroy some eggs, and the returning birds bombard their ships with rocks. Sindbad is saved on an island where an old man, taken on Sindbad's back, slings his legs around his body and forces him to obey his orders until Sindbad gets him drunk and kills him. On another island, the inhabitants regularly flee from hordes of monkeys until Sindbad teaches them how to exploit the monkeys' habit of throwing back items thrown at themselves. (6) Sindbad's ship is wrecked at the shores of the magnetic mountain, and he entrusts himself on a raft to a river leading through an underground passage. Eventually emerging in Sarandlb [q.v.] (Ceylon), the kingdom's ruler furnishes him with numerous presents intended for Harun al-Rashfd. (7) Harun subsequently orders him to repay the ruler's generosity, but Sindbad is kidnapped by pirates, who sell him into slavery. When his master orders him to go hunting elephants, he does not engage in killing the animals. In return, they lead him to their cemetery, where he finds huge amounts of ivory.—A variant recension renders the last adventure in a different way: (7a) Sindbad saves himself through the passage of an underground river, and lives with people who turn into flying demons at certain occasions. Not knowing their true nature, he evokes God's name while airborne and is cursed for risking their life. The Sindbad tales usually are considered as originating from the context of sailors' yarns such as are preserved in Buzurg b. Shahriyar's [q.v.] 'Aajd'ib alHind. Attempts at establishing an exact dating delineate a period ranging from about A.D. 900—since the Sindbad tales contain numerous verbatim quotations from Ibn Khurradadhbih [q.v.]—to the 12th century, after which date analogous tales are quoted by al-Kazwfhf [q.v.]. Probably the earliest mention of the Hadtth Sindbad is in al-Sulf's K. al-Awrdk (Brockelmann, S I, 252; N. Abbot, in JNES, viii [1949] 155); since the title there is mentioned in close context with a book entitled cAd}d3ib al-bahr, it seems quite likely that this quotation does not refer to the Sindbdd-ndma, a collection of edifying stories, focusing on a homonym protagonist, which was popular in Persian and Arabic at an early period. The further textual history of the Sindbad tales remains largely unknown, though obvious similarities exist between the Sindbad tales and other narratives of fabulous journeys, such as the Latin Navigatio Sancti Brendani (ca. 10th century; see MJ. de Goeje, La legende de Saint Brandon, in Actes du viiie Congres International des Orientalistes, ii, Leiden 1893, 43-76), the German Herzog Ernst (12th century; see C. Lecouteux, Herzog Ernst, in Enzyklopadie des Md'rchens, vi, BerlinNew York 1990, 939-42), or the Arabic romance
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Sqyf al-muluk, itself integrated in the Arabian Mights (V. Chauvin, Bibliographic, vii, 64-73). The Sindbad collection was first publicised by the French orientalist scholar Galland (see M. Abdel-Halim, Antoine Galland, sa vie et son ceuvre, Paris 1964, s.v.) towards the end of the 17th century. Galland initially intended to publish an independent French translation, but becoming aware of the fact that the Sindbad tales were similar to the larger collection of the Arabian Nights, he included them in his translation Les milk et une nuits, adapted to the literary taste of the contemporary French mode of contes de fees. Since then, the Sindbad tales have achieved an immense popularity, notably in the Western literatures, where they continue to constitute a mine of inspiration for literary and artistic production (see e.g. The Arabian Nights in English literature, ed. P.L. Caracciolo, Houndmills 1988, s.v.; R. Irwin, The Arabian Nights, London 1994, s.v.). In this respect, their impact is challenged only by that of the tale of {Ald3 al-Din (Aladin) and the wonderful lamp (U. Marzolph, Das AladdinSyndrome, in Sehen, Ho'ren, Lesen, Lernen, Festschrift Rudolf Schenda, Frankfurt am Main 1995). In the literatures of the Islamic lands, where pure fiction traditionally appears to be regarded with discretion, the impact of the Sindbad tales is less well articulated (compare, however, several mentions in F. Sacd's Min wahy Alf layla wa-layla, i-ii, Beirut 1962-6). Rare distinct examples of the collection's reflection in oral literature are represented by the Persian popular romance Salim-i ajawdhiri (see U. Marzolph, Social values in the Persian popular romance "Salim-i Javdhirl", in Edebiydt, N.S. v [1994], 77-98), or the Persian storyteller's Mashdl Galln Khanum's re-telling of Sindbad's fourth journey (see Die Erzahlungen der Masdi Galin Hdnom/Kissahd-i Mashdi Galin Khdnum, ed. U. Marzolph and A. Amirhosseini-Nithammer, Wiesbaden 1994, i, no. 60). As for single traits, numerous motifs incorporated in the Sindbad tales find analogues in other literatures, prior and posterior to the collection (E. Rohde, Der griechische Roman und seine Vorldufer, 3Leipzig 1914, 191-6). To name only the most important: The huge fish (or turtle) in the first journey appears already in the Ps.-Callisthenes (see J. Runeberg, Le conte de 1'ile poisson, in Memoires de la societe neophilologique a Helsingfors, m [1902], 343-95). The huge egg of the Rukhkh in the second and fifth journeys is known by Lucian (True history, ii, 40). The diamond valley and the particular way to harvest its treasures also form the basis of another story of the Arabian Nights (see U. Marzolph, Hasan von Basra, in Enzyklopadie des Md'rchens, vi, 53840). The blinding of the giant cannibal in the third journey reminds one of the Homeric adventure of Odysseus and Polyphemus (Odyssey, ix, 231-499; see J.L. Comhaire, Oriental versions of Polyphem's myth, in Anthropological Quarterly, xxxi [1958], 21-8), and the fattening of Sindbad's companions in the fourth journey bears a vague memory of Odysseus' adventure with Circe (Odyssey, x, 229-347; see Chauvin, Homere et les 1001 nuits, in Le Musee Beige, iii [1899], 6-9). The old man in the fifth journey, often misinterpreted as an orang-utan of Sumatra or Borneo, undoubtedly represents a popular repercussion of the ancient and widely spread belief in a race of strap-legged monsters (see F. Meier, Das Volk der Riemenbeinler, in Festschrift Wilhelm Eilers, Wiesbaden 1967, 341-67). The mountain in the sixth journey, although its magnetic qualities are not mentioned in an outspoken way in the Sindbad tales, derives from a Plinian tradition rendered in the Commonitorium Palladii which was popularised by the latter's incorporation into the Alexander legend (see
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C. Lecouteux, Die Sage vom Magnetberg, in Fabula, xxv [1984], 35-65). Finally, the story of the cemetery of the elephants, as in Sindbad's seventh journey, is already included in al-Tanukhl's (d. 384/994) al-Faradj. bacd al-shidda, ed. al-Shalidjf, iv, no. 424. In addition to inspiring Western artistic imagination, the Sindbad tales have occasioned a number of specialised interpretations, such as concerning the real geographical background of the travels (B. Walckenaer, Analyse geographique des voyages de Sind-bad le marin, in Nouvelks annaks des voyages et des sciences geographiques, liii [1832], 5-26; J. Henninger, Der geographische Horizont der Erzdhkr von 1001 Nacht, in Geographica Helvetica, iv [1949], 214-9). Here, it has been stated that Sindbad's travels almost exclusively head eastward toward India, Ceylo.i, and the Indonesian archipelagoes, with the sole exception of East African islands (the home of the Rukhkh). While M. Gerhardt has pointed out the structural characteristic of fixing the culmination point of the small cycle of travel narratives in the middle rather than at the end (Les voyages de Sindbad k Marin, Utrecht 1957; eadem, The art of story-telling in the Arabian Nights, Leiden 1963, 236-63), P. Molan additionally deciphered the underlying ethics of violence (Sindbad the Sailor, a commentary on the ethics of violence, in JRAS [1978], 237-47), which justify the means of solving a conflict by ultimate success. Probably, this point is the most responsible for the Sindbad tales' enthusiastic reception in Western societies. Bibliography. R. Hole, Remarks on the Arabian Nights' entertainments ..., London 1797; MJ. de Goeje, De reizen van Sindebaad, in De Gids, liii (1889), 278312; Chauvin, Bibliographie, vii, 1-29; P. Casanova, Notes sur ks voyages de Sindbad k marin, in Bull, de Hnstitut Franfais d}archeologie orientak du Caire, xx (1922), 113-98; G.E. von Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, Chicago 1946, 298-305; F. Gabrieli, / viaggi di Sindibad, in idem, Storia e civilta musulmana, Naples 1947, 83-9; W. Walther, Tausend und dm Nacht, Munich 1987, 134-59; A. Miquel, Les voyages de Sindbad k marin, in idem, Sept contes des milk et une nuits, Paris 1981, 79-110. (U. MARZOLPH) SINDBAD AL-HAKIM (SYNTIPAS), a collection of tales also known by the title Book of the seven viziers. The existence, as early as the 4th/10th century, of an Arabic version translated or adapted from Pahlavi, is mentioned by al-Mascudf. This version, revised, was later incorporated into certain editions of the Thousand and one nights as well as the Hundred and one nights, but independent references to it exist (in particular, that given by A. Ate§ following his edition of the Persian Sendbdd-ndme by Zahirf Samarkand!, Istanbul 1948). From the 4th/10th century onwards, numerous Persian versions also appeared (mentioned in that of Zahirf, mid-5th/llth century, cf. D. Bogdanovic, Le livre de sept vizirs de %ahin de Samarkand, Paris 1975, "Postface"); then, towards the end of the 5th/llth century, a Greek version, Syntipas, was made, based on a Syriac intermediary (Sindbdn], as well as a Hebrew version (Sindabdr)', the work was finally translated into Spanish in 1253, at the court of Alfonso the Wise, under the title Libra des los engannos y los assayamientos de las mujeres. It was also the subject of numerous adaptations in the literatures of mediaeval Europe, in particular the Book of the seven sages of Rome, of which numerous editions exist, as well as the Dolopathos. It is also worth mentioning the fact that several tales from Sindibad, in more or less adapted form, are reprinted in collections of exempla intended for preachers; such volumes proliferated from the 12th-13th centuries onward.
The framework-narrative of Sindibad adopts the thoroughly classical theme of "rescue through story-telling". A young prince, commanded to keep silence for seven days by his teacher, the sage Sindibad, is accused by one of his father's wives of having attempted to seduce her; he is condemned to death, but the king's seven viziers take turns in delaying the execution from day to day, each telling a story designed to show the perfidy of women. Each evening, their work is undone by the guilty wife, who tells the king a story presenting the contrary case. After seven days the prince, permitted once more to speak, exculpates himself and then pardons his accuser. The Indian origin of this theme, accepted by the majority of specialists, has been contested by B.E. Perry (The Origins of the Book of Senbdd, in Fabula [Berlin 1960], 1-95), according to whom it is linked to a very ancient Greco-Oriental tradition; there is also close kinship between certain stories in the collection and tales known in classical Antiquity. Although there can be no definitive resolution of this point, it may be noted that Sindibad apparently exploits international thematic material, which was probably constituted in such an early period that its origin is not easily to be determined. A variation on the framework-narrative of Sindibad appears in the Story of the ten viziers, also known by the titie of Bakhtiydr-ndma, of which an Arabic version (probably based on a Persian version from the second half of the 8th/14th century; later versions exist in Persian, Turkish, Malay and Syriac) also appears in certain editions of the Thousand and one nights and has been translated by R. Basset (Paris 1883); here, it is the ten viziers who accuse the prince Bakhtiyar of having attempted to seduce one of the king's wives. The cycle oftShdh Bakht, likewise incorporated into certain versions of the Thousand and one nights, and known in Turkish, is also close to the two preceding in terms of its framework-narrative and some of its thematic material; in this case, it is a vizier who, unjustly accused of trying to assassinate his master, postpones his execution by telling the king stories intended to exonerate himself. Bibliography. R. Basset, Histoire des dix vizirs (= annotated tr.), Paris 1883; idem, Deux manuscrits d'une version arabe inedite du recueil des Sept Sages, in JA, ii (1903), 43-83. See also V. Chauvin, Bibliographie des ouvrages arabes, Liege-Leipzig, viii, 1904; M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes (annotated tr.) Les cent et une nuits, Paris 1911, repr. 1982, 134-71. (J.-P. GUILLAUME) SINDHIND, a word understood by various Arabic authors to mean "eternal" because its astronomical system is based on a Kalpa of 4,320,000,000 years, but in fact a clever caique (Sind and Hind) on siddhdnta ("perfected"), a term applied to a class of Sanskrit a s t r o n o m i c a l texts. Such a siddhdnta—probably entitled Mahdsiddhdnta because there is mention of al-Sindhind al-kabir—was brought to Baghdad by an embassy sent from Sind in 773, and there translated into Arabic by an Indian scholar collaborating with an Arab, probably Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Fazarf. The original Sanskrit siddhdnta was either a part (adhydyas I-X) of the Brdhmasphutasiddhdnta, composed by Brahmagupta at Bhillamala in southern Radjasthan in A.D. 628 for the Capa ruler Vyaghramukha (Fiyaghra in Arabic), or a separate treatise, the hypothetical Mahdsiddhdnta, derivative from it, but mixing with it elements from other Sanskrit astronomical works. The Arabic translation is known only through its remote descendents, each of which has distorted its immediate ancestor in various ways.
SINDHIND — SINDJABI The original translation would have been characterised by numerous parameters and by rules for computation based on certain geometrical or other mathematical models; the only table would have been (though not in tabular form) one for Sines and Versines. From the (now lost) translation, al-Fazarf fashioned a set of astronomical tables accompanied by canons for their use; his models would have been the Sasanid %lk-i Shahriydrdn and the latter's model, Ptolemy's Handy tables. Al-Fazarf entitled his work £iaj al-Sindhind al-kabir, in which he mingled elements from Indian, Pahlavi and Greek sources into a usable but internally contradictory set of rules and tables for astronomical computations. A different solution to the problem of combining the various astronomical traditions known in the early c Abbasid period was achieved by Ya'kub b. Tarik, apparently a collaborator with al-Fazarf, in his zidj., also written in the mid-7 7 Os. Fifty years later, in the 820s, the task was undertaken again by Muhammad b. Musa al-Khwarazmf [q.v.] in his /££$ al-Sindhind. Of this work we know much more than we do of the earlier two, and so can perceive most clearly the process of Ptolemaicisation that gradually rendered the Indian part of the Sindhind, except for its trigonometry and its analemmata, meaningless to Muslim astronomers. Shortly after al-Khwarazmi composed it, the ^idj al-Sindhind was brought to Spain, and it was there and in Western Europe that it thrived the longest. Though it is the basis of a Byzantine treatise of the 11 th century and still survives today in Samaria, the last eastern astronomer writing in Arabic to base, at least nominally, his zidj. upon it was Ibn al-Adamf, whose al-^iaj al-kabir was completed by his pupil, alc Alawf, who completed it under the title Nagm al-'ikd in 338/949. To scholars like al-Bfrunf, the Sindhind was simply a curious antiquity. Meanwhile, the ^idj. al-Sindhind of al-Khwarazmf was revised by Maslama al-Madjrfti at Cordova in the late 10th century, and later by two of his students, Ibn al-Saffar and Ibn al-Samh. Through the work of Sacid al-Andalusf [q.v.] and al-Zarkalla, some elements of the Sindhind were incorporated into the Toledan tables; the translation of these tables into Latin in the 12th century, along with the translations of the commentary on al-Khwarazmi's original version by Ibn al-Muthanna (which was also translated into Hebrew by Abraham ben Ezra, who wrote elsewhere about the Sindhind in Latin works and in Hebrew works that were translated into Latin), of the £tdj. al-Sindhind itself in Maslama's recension, and of Ibn Mucadh's ^idj_ al-^ayydni, written in Jaen in about 1080, strongly established Sindhind astronomy (of course, with modifications of or replacements for many of its Indian components) as the basis of that of Western Europe. This position it held till the introduction of the Alfonsine tables in the 14th century. Bibliography: A. Bjornbo, R. Besthorn and H. Suter, Die astronomischen Tafeln des Muhammed ibn Musa al-Khwdrizmi, Copenhagen 1912; B.R. Goldstein, Ibn al-Muthanna's commentary on the Astronomical Tables of al-Khwdrizml, New Haven 1967; F.I. Haddad, E.S. Kennedy and D. Pingree, The Book of the reasons behind Astronomical Tables, Delmar, N. Y. 1981; A. Jones, An eleventh-century manual of AraboByzantine astronomy, Amsterdam 1987; R. Mercier, Astronomical tables in the twelfth century, in C. Burnett (ed), Adelard of Bath, London 1987, 87-118; E. Millas Vendrell, El comentario de Ibn al-Muthanna a las Tablas Astronomicas de al-Jwdrizmi, Madrid-Barcelona 1963; J.M. Millas Vallicrosa, El libro de los Jundamentos de
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las Tablas astronomicas de R. Abraham ibn 'Ezra, MadridBarcelona 1947; O. Neugebauer, The Astronomical Tables of al-Khwdrizml, Copenhagen 1962; D. Pingree, The fragments of the works ofYa'qub ibn Tdriq, in JNES, xxvii (1968), 97-125; idem, The fragments of the works ofal-Fazdn, in JNES, xxix (1970), 103-23; idem, The Greek influence on early Islamic mathematical astronomy, in JAOS, xciii (1973), 32-43; idem, The Indian and Pseudo-Indian passages in Greek and Latin astronomical and astrological texts, in Viator, vii (1976), 141-95, esp. 151-69; idem, Al-Khwdrizml in Samaria, in AIHS, xxxiii (1983), 15-21; L. Richter-Bernburg, Sa'id, the Toledan Tables, and Andalusi science, in From deferent to equant, New York 1987, 373-401; J. Samso, Las ciencias de los antiguos en al-Andalus, Madrid 1992; G. Toomer, A survey of the Toledan Tables, in Osiris, xv(1968),_5-1741 _ (D. PINGREE) AL-SINDI,_ ABU 'ATA' [see ABU CATAJ AL-SINDI]. SINDJABI (in Kurdish, Sendjawf/Sindjawf), a Kurdish tribe of Persia, playing an important role in the inter-tribal relations of western Persia, on account of its loyalty to the Iranian state and its defence of the frontiers, confronting foreign powers— Russian, British and in particular, the Ottomans. Localisation of the tribe. The areas of habitation and of agricultural and stock-rearing activity comprised two regions: that of transhumance in summer and that of settled residence in winter. The territories of transhumance (kishldk) included the regions of Baghca, Katar, Ak-dagh and Kal'aSabzf with their numerous villages and pasturing places extending from Kasr-i-Shfrfn to the neighbourhood of Khanakfn as well as Kizil-Ribat and Naft-i Shah. The Zehab was located to the north and the pasturages of the Kalhors to the east. Other tribes originating from more or less far-flung districts (Badjelan, Maff, Moradf and Talebanf) bordered on territory of this tribe and sometimes engaged in legal disputes with them. Following the treaty of 1914 and the determination of the Persian-Ottoman frontiers imposed by the representatives of Britain and Russia, Sir Arnold Wilson and V. Minorsky, a significant proportion of these territories was ceded to the Ottomans and is currently part of clrak. Eighty per cent of this population was sedentary, still living on a permanent basis in the regions of winter residence to the north of the Mahfdasht plain (neighbouring the Kalhor and Guran tribes) in the province of Kirmanshah. This geographical position has never been favourable for rebellion against the central government; rebellion tends to be the prerogative of mountain-dwellers, with access to mountain refuges. The Djalfl-wand and Surkhakf clans and numerous other minor branches inhabit the mountainous region in the capacity of khorda-mdlek (small-holders), each peasant owning his portion of land; in ancient times these included major landowners. This region of sedentary habitation is thus subdivided into two districts, plain and mountain. These districts were at all times centres of stock-rearing and comprised huge pasturages later transformed into arable land. The horses of Mahfdasht were and still are famous. Origins, history and clans. The organisation of the numerous clans constituting this tribe is relatively recent and mention of the "Sindjabf" does not date back beyond two centuries, although the existence of its components is much more ancient. The denomination of this tribe cannot be accounted for with precision. It is said to derive, however, from the word
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SINDJABI
sanajab (Persian)/sinajaw (Kurdish) "squirrel", which is corroborated by tradition. In fact, the first time that its members were thus named dates back to the period of the war for the reconquest of Harat (formerly in Khurasan, currently in Afghanistan), in which the rebellious chieftains were supported by the British, to detach it from Persia. This war had begun at a time when the Sindjabfs were still a part of the tribe of the Zangena, before joining with the Gurans and finally forming an independent tribe; they then constituted a group apart, supplying the government with soldiers in return, as was normal under the bomca system, for retention of their equipment and the security of their families. The Persian defence of Harat was begun in 1249/1833, but was interrupted on account of the death of c Abbas Mfrza (the Crown Prince), son of Path cAlf Shah. The second war for the reconquest of Harat took place in 1255/1838 under the reign of Muhammad Shah and the third in 1273/1856 in the time of Nasir al-Din Shah. It was actually in the course of the second war for Harat that a detachment of 200 horsemen from this tribe took part for the first time in the siege of this city of Khurasan. The lining of their tunics being made of squirrel fur, it is said that the army commander assigned them the nickname of Sindjabl "those dressed in the fur of squirrels". At the outset, there existed in this geographical zone numerous families of diverse origin led by a succession of chieftains (khans), known as Calawf/Calabf, from the province of Fars. They claimed that their ancestors belonged to the Shabankara Kurds [
tribes, was a descendant of the Calawi family named Hasan Khan. Through his wisdom and energy, the majority of the villages were purchased by this family. In years of plenty he stored the produce (grain), reselling it during the years of famine which followed. It was thus that this family, at the outset nomadic, practising livestock husbandry and participating in wars of survival, passing through periods of prosperity and of penury, became, for some time, influential and rich. The son of Hasan Khan. Shir Muhammad Khan Sandjabf, officially nicknamed Samsam al-Mamalik "the sharp sword of the Kingdom", was the governor of Kasr-i Shfrfn, a frontier town in western Persia, and to some extent, the warden or margrave entrusted with the protection of a border zone. He tirelessly defended the frontiers of Persia against the incursions of the army of the Ottoman Pashas and sporadic attacks by Russian and British units before and during the First World War. After the death of Samsam al-Mamalik, it was his three illustrious sons, 'All Akbar Khan Sardar Muktadir, Kasim Khan Sardar Nasir and Husayn Khan Salar Zafar, who continued their father's activities. Sardar Muktadir, the best known of the three, was frequently imprisoned and finally exiled to Tehran and placed under house arrest; he died in 1935. Sardar Nasir, exiled to Kazwfn and dispossessed of his lands and property, died in 1950. Salar Zafar, the youngest, who survived the repressions under Rida Shah Pahlawi, unwisely took refuge in 1930 in Russia, and was killed at the time of the Stalinist purges. The last celebrity produced by this family was Dr. Karim Bakhtiyar Sandjabf, son of Sardar Nasir, statesman, former professor and Dean of the Faculty of Law, Minister of National Education in the cabinet of Muhammad Musaddik [q.v.] and the Iranian judge at the Hague, during the Anglo-Iranian dispute over the nationalisation of Iranian oil. He was Minister of Foreign Affairs at the outset of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, before retiring and going into selfimposed exile, disappointed at the turn of events. In summary, in the preceding decades, before the policy of sedentarisation pursued by the state from the time of Rida Shah onwards, and before the damage which this caused, each tribe had a place designated for the pasturing of its livestock. By consensus and by traditionally established regulations, changes could be made in the allocation of territory. Conflicts resulting from the greed of individuals, owners of substantial herds of cattle and sheep and from the belligerence of young nomads, were not uncommon. Tribal elders and government officials tried to solve these problems amicably. Such disputes were ended by force or by the decision of the government, or by the payment of compensation calculated by head of animals, for the use of pasturage possessed by another tribe. Ultimately the Sindjabfs and other tribes were deprived of their regions of transhumance. This sedentarisation (which was, however, partially abandoned after the fall of Rida Shah), has contributed to the impoverishment of the peasantry and a decline in livestock numbers, the policy being hastily introduced and badly planned. Instability has reigned in recent years, and reigns still among the nomads, semi-nomads and sedentary tribes. It has led to the decline of herds and progressive pauperisation, in turn entailing an increase in the importation of foreign meat and dairy products, as well as malnutrition of country dwellers; this process is thus changing the economic structure of the tribes of these regions.
SINDJABI — SINDJAR Bibliography: The late nature of the formation of this tribe accounts for the absence of ancient and recent sources. In the capacity of representative of a commission for the training and education of the nomadic and sedentary tribes of Iran, founded in 1944, the author of this article has travelled extensively among these tribes, and has had the opportunity to question the elders and dignitaries of tribes. Thus the first study relating to the Sindjabfs was published in the historical and literary review Tddigdr, Tehran, in 1948, then printed as a book in its own right, in Tehran in 1951; new ed. Mohammad Mokri, Les tribus kurdes. I. Tribu des Sandjdbis, Histoire, geographic, toponymie, groupes et clans, Paris-Louvain 1993. This third edition has been revised and expanded with the addition of a supplement containing new notes and hitherto unpublished documents, as well as a summary in French from which a substantial part of this article has been drawn. See also Karim Sanjabi, Hopes and despairs. Political memoirs [in Persian], London 1989, and M. Mokri, Le foyer kurde, in Ethnographic [Review of the Ethnographical Society of Paris] (1961), 79-95; idem, Notes sur la genealogie des fondateurs de la secte des Fideles de Verite (Ahl-i Haqq), d'apres un manuscript inedit de source sunnite, in JA (1994), 37109 (see esp. 83, 92). The Farhang-i dj.ughrdfiyd-i Iran, Tehran 1951, mentions the names of certain villages in the Sindjabf district, but the majority of these are inaccurate and incomplete.
(M. MOKRI)
SINDJAR, DJABAL, a steep m o u n t a i n range to the west of Mawsil, rising to 1,463 m/4,798 feet in height, in the desert zone between the Tigris and Khabur rivers. At the present time, it lies mainly in Trak, but has its western slopes in Syria. There are only a few valleys with vegetation and timber; some wadfs of the southern slopes are affluents of the Nahr al-Tharthar, and irrigated agriculture (in mediaeval Islamic times, with figs, date palms and mulberry trees for a flourishing silk production) is possible. The town of Sindjar lies on this side also. An important ancient east-west route, in Saldjuk times called al-darb al-sultdni, connects Mawsil with Syria, and there is a more minor road to Takrft and Hasakiyya. In the main, the Djabal Sindjar has functioned, like other such areas in the Syria-al-Djazfra region, as a refuge for minority groups. For the ancient city of Singara, of which hardly any original traces remain, see Gates (in Bibl.}, Dussaud, Topographie historique, 484-6, 495-8, and J.-M. Fiey, Pour un Oriens Christianus Novus, Beirut 1993, 268-9. Both Nestorian and Jacobite bishops are mentioned, and Fiey, op. cit., records five Jacobite bishops in the period from the 7th century until A.D. 818, one in 1278 and another in 1345. According to early Islamic sources, control of the region had oscillated in pre-Islamic times between Persians and Byzantines (see al-Baladhun, Futuh, 177; Abu Yusuf, K. al-Khard^, 64). A fascinating view of the mixed Christian, Zoroastrian and Jewish population is given in a 6th century vita (see P. Peeters, La passion arabe de S. cAbd al-Maslh, in Anal. Bollandiana, xliv [1926], 270-341); the decline of Christian culture there under early Islam is reflected in the Apocalypse of Ps.-Methodius, written in Sindjar (see GJ. Reinink, in Bibl.). From the late 5th century, this part of the later Diyar Rabfca [q.v.] was inhabited by the Arab tribe of Taghlib [q.v.]. At the time of the conquests, it was taken over by clyad b. Ghanm. Already in 117 or 118/735-6, Dionysius of Tell Mahre (Chronique, 30, tr. Chabot, 27-8) mentions the revolt in Sindjar of one 'Atik, per-
643
haps a Kharidjite, and al-Mascudi, Muruaj, ii, 302 = § 1994, mentions Ibadiyya there at an unspecified date. Since the 4th/10th century until today, Yazldf Kurds have been dwelling there (see R. Lescot, Enquete sur les Teddis de Syne et du Djebel Sindjar, Paris 1938). It was taken by the Hamdanids in 359/970, but the citadel seems to be of eUkaylid origin (Elisseeff, Nur al-Dtn, 129). Its most flourishing phase came in the period of the Turkmen commanders and dynasties, who from the time of Cekermish of Mawsil (ca. 500/ 1106-7) tried to secure their independence in this remote region. Nur al-Dfn Zangi twice conquered Sindjar (563 and 566/1169-71) and a branch of the Zangid dynasty grew up there, beginning with 'Irnad al-Dfn AbQ Sacrd Zangf II (565-94/1170-97), whose petty court achieved a high cultural level. There followed Ayyubid rule under al-Malik al-Ashraf Muzaffar al-Dm of Diyar Bakr (607-17/1210-20) and then that of the vizier of Mawsil, Badr al-Dfn Lu'lu' (619-577 1222-59). Ibn Shaddad describes the town as having a double wall and two citadels, the old eUkaylid one and a new one built by the local Zangid ruler Kutb al-Dm Muhammad in the early 6th/12th century, both of them devastated by the Il-Khanid Mongols in 660/1261-2, together with a mashhad cAli next to the wall, subsequently rebuilt by the Il-Khanids' Persian governor Muhammad al-Yazdf. Also mentioned are two mosques and six madrasas, for both the Hanafi and ShafTf madhhabs. A minaret is preserved with an inscription by Kutb al-Dm from 598/1201 (Van Berchem, in Sarre-Herzfeld, Rase, i, 9-10, ii, 229, 308, 318, iii, pis. 4, and 84-5, with a view of the town; RCEA, ix, 3544). According to Ibn Battuta, the Friday mosque was encircled by a running stream (Rihla, ii, 141, tr. Gibb, ii, 352). Ibn Shaddad also mentions three khdnkdhs, and a further zdwiya is mentioned by Ibn al-'Adfm, Bughya, viii, 3647. Al-Kazwinf calls Sindjar a "little Damascus", especially from its fine baths with mosaic floors and walls and its octagonal stone-lined ponds (Athdr al-bildd, ed. Wustenfeld, ii, 263). A Yazldf sanctuary, that of Imam Pfr Zakar, one km to the south of the town, is mentioned by Sarre-Herzfeld, Reise, ii, 204, and they also mention (ii, 200-1) two shrines, apparently of the Kadiriyya. Ibn al-cAdim records several fulamd3 of Sindjar, to which others may be added from al-Dhahabf, such as the polymath Ibn al-Akfanf al-Sindjarf, d. 749/1348 [q.v. in Suppl.]. After the Tfmurid interlude, for which Ewliya Celebi records the local tradition of a seven months' siege by Tfmur (Seydhat-ndme, iv, 64), the region passed under the control of the Kara Koyunlu and then the Ak Koyunlu until the Safawid conquest of 913-14/ 1507-8 and the Ottoman conquest in 941/1534. Under the Ottomans it was a sanajak of the province of Diyar Bekir, then a ndhiye of the sanajak of Mardfn until ca. 1830, and thereafter of Mawsil. According to Ewliya, there were 45,000 Yazfdi and Baburf Kurds in the Djabal Sindjar and, within the town itself, Kurds and Arabs of the tribe of Tayyi5. For long, the Yazfdfs were a threat to travellers through the region (cf. Layard, Nineveh and its remains, London 1849, 317; M. von Oppenheim, Von Mittelmeer zum Persischen Golf, ii, 17-18). In spite of the efforts of the governor of Baghdad, Dawud Pasha, Yazldl revolts in the period 1850-64 could not be suppressed by force, and it was only after careful diplomacy that Midhat Pasha [q.v.] was able to introduce Ottoman taxation and customs to the Djabal (see cAbbas al-cAzzawf, Ta'rikh al-clrdk, vii, 173-4, viii, 119-20). The modern town of
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SINDJAR — SINF
Sindjar (lat. 36° 20' N., long. 41° 51' E.) comes within the Mawsil governorate (muhdfa^a) of 'Irak. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): For the early period, D. Gates, Studies in the ancient history of northern Iraq, London 1968, 97106; GJ. Reinink, Ps. -Methodius3 concept of history, in Averil Cameron and L.I. Conrad (eds.), The Byzantine and early Islamic Near East, i, Princeton 1992, 160, with refs. For the Islamic period, see M.G. Morony, Iraq after the Muslim conquest, Princeton 1984, index; Canard, H'amdanides, 97-130; Cahen, La Syrie du Mord, Paris 1940, index; N. Elisseeff, Mr al-Din, Damascus 1967, 128-31 and passim; CA.CA.S. Nawwar, Dawud Basha, wall Bagdad, Cairo 1387/1967, 152 if. The chief primary sources are Ibn Shaddad, Acldk, iii/1, Damascus 1978, 154-212 and passim; Ibn al-Athfr, xii, index. (C.P. HAASE) SINF (A.), pi. asndf, a term denoting "profession" (synonyms hirfa, pi. hiraf and kdr, pi. karat), and not "corporation". 1. In the Arab world. In Cairo, in the Ottoman period, sinf is not used in this sense, except by the Turkish traveller Ewliya Celebi, in his renowned description of professional corporations (Seydhat-ndme, x, 358-86). There is no word in Arabic specifically denoting the professional corporation: texts frequently use the word td'ifa, pi. tawd'if, which has the much more general connotation of "group", "community". It is only in the expression arbdb al-hiraf wa 'l-sand3? that hirfa takes on a very similar meaning, "the masters of arts and professions". It is important to stress this limitation before describing the corporative system in the Arab world with reference to the word sinf, as was done by L. Massignon in JET. This lexical lacuna could be one of the reasons which has recently led scholars to reconsider the classical notions of the origin and development of professional corporations in the Muslim world, such as were expounded by L. Massignon (see his El1 articles SHADD and SINF) and synthesised by B. Lewis in his article of 1937. The idea that professional corporations were born in the 3rd/9th century in an Isma'ill environment (in the framework of the Karmatf movement) was subjected to vehement criticism on the part of S. Stern and Cl. Cahen, in The Islamic City (1970). These two authors concluded that professional corporations did not exist in the classical Muslim world, the date of their appearance needing to be postponed until the 16th century, i.e. the start of the Ottoman period: influences emanating from the Anatolian Turkish world would then have led to the formation in the Arab world of professional organisations of a powerfully religious nature, with the akht [q.v] ("brothers") of the Jitydn ("young people"), whose activities and ritual were described by Ibn Battuta (Rihla, ii, 260-5). This revisionism seems, in its turn, excessively radical. According to all the evidence there were, before the 16th century, professional communities (ajamd'as) directed by shqykhs, which could be quite legitimately be considered corporations. The hisba [q.v], in particular, was under their control. But there is no doubt that the 16th century has to be considered effectively as a turning-point. In the Arab Near East it was at this time that there was introduced, in the corporative system, the Jutuwwa [q.v.], which constituted its "catechism". In the Maghrib, the corporative organisation seems to have been regenerated under the influence of Andalusian immigration, very strong in the 16th and the early 17th centuries; this was, evidently, the case of Tunisia where the corporative sys-
tem was controlled entirely by Andalusians, who were to dominate it until the 19th century. The functioning of professional corporations comprises internal aspects (organisation) which often remain obscure, and external aspects (ceremonies) which are in general better known. The hierarchy in professions is described in detail in the manuals of Jutuwwa of the Arab East, rites of passage being marked by the shadd [q.v]. It does not appear with the same clarity in the practices revealed by the texts currently available. The essential grades were those of apprentice (mubtadi3), of companion (sdnic) and of master (mucallim or ustd): there is only fragmentary information regarding the tests which eventually existed, and, in particular, regarding the presentation of a "masterpiece", with a view to accession to the status of master. Corporations were directed by a shaykh (amin in the Maghrib) appointed by his peers, but often confirmed by the administration which intervened in cases of difficulty. The older masters constituted a council, that of the ikhtiyariyya. It seems that the corporative organisation was often headed by a senior dignitary: in Damascus there was (according to Qpudsi) a shaykh al-mashd3ikh, in Tunis an amin al-tuajajdr (an Andalusian), in Algiers (Touati) an amin al-umand3). But these individuals seem to have performed a purely ceremonial role. The number of professional corporations varied according to the importance of cities and their economic activity: Algiers contained only about sixty and Cairo more than two hundred. But the number of professions was much higher: Qasimi and Azem have referred to 435 in Damascus where A. Rafeq thinks that there were between 160 and 180 corporations. The efficacy of professional corporations was assured, on the one hand, by the very thorough specialisation of professions which gave them strong cohesion, on the other by a very effective geographical localisation, each profession, and the corporation which represented it, occupying a specified zone of the urban centre: there was thus a correspondence between profession, corporation, market (suk) and quarter. The corporation also played an important role as a factor of integration when, as was the case in Aleppo it united members of different communities (in this case, Muslims, Christians and Jews) (A. Rafeq). The activity of the corporations was multifarious. Their economic role is evident. They regulated dealings between artisans and merchants and with consumers; and they co-operated with the authorities in the fixing of prices in times of crisis. They played the role of a "para-administrative" structure, helping to represent the working population in dealings with rulers, and enabling the latter to control their subjects and to raise taxes and contributions. They were one of the communities (tawd3if) which assisted the functioning of the city, the absence of a precise judicial statute constituting no obstacle, either to their existence or to their role (on this point, too, the analysis of S.M. Stern, in Hie constitution of the Islamic city, is to be treated with caution). In the central (public) part of the city they were an active instrument for urban generation: they palliated the lack of "public services", since it was through their agency that citizens were assured of the supply of water, streetcleaning, and fire-fighting. They contributed to the vitality of the city, participating in public festivals (decoration of markets to celebrate the arrival of an important individual), in religious ceremonies (in Cairo, the ru3ya [see RU'YAT AL-HILAL] at the beginning of the month of Ramadan was the occasion for a kind of
SINF major review of the corporations which paraded with floats symbolising the activities of the different professions). There can be doubt that the strict organisation of professions did not favour a spirit of competition, the causative motivator of progress; the quasi-hereditary principle in professional activities which institutionalised the practice of gedik (a right awarded by shopkeepers and giving access to the profession) also contributed to a certain technical stagnation. But the importance of these negative factors should not be exaggerated: the introduction into the corporative system (and into the jutuwwd] of new professions (such as those involving coffee and tobacco, the permissibility of which had been long debated) clearly shows that the corporative organisation was not totally immovable. These corporations were profoundly affected by the political, economic and social changes experienced in the Arab world during the 19th century: their disappearance was, in general, gradual and was not the result of formal decisions (such as, in France, the Le Chapelier law of 1791). Economic changes (decline of traditional activities, appearance of new professions, competition from western products, emergence of national industries) played a decisive role in the decline of the corporations. Rapid urban growth in the second half of the 19th century led to the installation in cities of populations having no place in the corporate framework, while modernised states took charge of the administrative functions traditionally exercised by corporations (raising of taxes, administration of central zones) and organised genuine public services, substitutes for the services formerly supplied by the corporations. Colonisation accelerated this process with the imposition of free enterprise and the installation of a foreign population engaged in the most modern economic activities. However, this evolution was slow. In Egypt, the industrialising efforts of Muhammad cAlf did not put an end to the activity of the corporations: in 1868, £ Ali Pasha Mubarak, organising the development of the modern city of Cairo, used the services of the building workers' corporations. But the process was inevitable. In Damascus in 1927, according to a survey conducted by L. Massignon, only 10% of the working population still belonged to corporations (La structure du travail a Damas). The retention, here or there, of a few corporations and a few corporative practices constitutes nothing more than an anachronistic survival, of only folkloristic significance. There is no evidence to suggest that the emergence of modern trade unionism [see NIKABA] represents an element of substitution: the work of J. Gaulmier in Hamat (1932) seems to show that this was an independent process. Bibliography: Ewliya Celebi, Seydhatnamesi, x, Mmr, Sudan, Habes, Istanbul 1938; E. Qpudsi, Notice sur les corporations de Damas, in Actes du sixieme Congres International des Orientalistes, ii, Leiden 1885, 7-34; L. Massignon, Enquete sur les corporations musulmanes d'artisans et de commerc.ants au Maroc, in RMM, Iviii (1924); M. Gavrilov, Les corps de metiers en Asie Centrale et leurs statuts (Rissala), in REI (1928), 209-30; J. Gaulmier, Notes sur le mouvement syndical a Hama, in REI (1932), 95-125; B. Lewis, The Islamic guilds, in Econ. Hist, Review, viii (1937), 20-37; H.A.R. Gibb and H. Bowen, Islamic society and the West, Oxford 1950, i, 281-95; L. Massignon, La structure du travail a Damas en 1927, in Cahiers Intemationaux de Sociologie, xv (1953), 34-52; I. al-Qasimi and K. alAzem, Dictionnaire des metiers damascains, Paris 1960; R. Mantran, Istanbul dans la seconde moitie du XVIP
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suck, Paris 1962, 349-93; G. Baer, Egyptian guilds in modern times, Jerusalem 1964; P. Pennec, Les transformations des corps de metiers de Tunis sous ['influence d'une economie externe de type capitaliste, diss. Tunis 1964, unpubl.; Cl. Cahen, Y a-t-il eu des corporations professionelles dans le monde musulman classique?, in The Islamic city, ed. A.H. Hourani and S.M. Stern, Oxford 1970, 51-63; Stern, The constitution of the Islamic city, in ibid., 25-30; A. Raymond, Artisans et commerfants au Cam au XVHIeme suck, Damascus 1974, ii, 503-85; G. Baer, The organization of labour, in Handbuch der Orientalistik, vi, Leiden 1977, 31-52; Raymond, Grandes villes arabes a I'epoque ottomane, Paris 1985, 129-33; H. Touati, Les corporations de metiers a Alger a I'epoque ottomane, in Revue d'Histoire Maghrebine, xlvii-xlviii (1987), 267-92; E. Toledano, State and society in mid-nineteenth-century Egypt, Cambridge 1990, 206-13, 227-30; A. Rafeq, Craft organization.... in Ottoman Syria, in JAOS, cxi (1991), 495-511.
(A. RAYMOND) 2. In Persia. (a) The pre-Islamic period. In Sasanid Persia, groups of artisans existed, which formed distinct groups (tegme, teghme in Syriac), paying taxes and some even having a festival peculiar to them. Their chiefs were called (in Syriac) kashshe or reshe. There was even a chief of all artisans known (in Middle Persian) as karugbed. However, the chiefs were appointed by the emperor and the artisans concerned worked in the royal workshops and were not representative of the other artisans and traders present in the cities. See N. Pigulevskaya, Les villes de I'etat iranien aux epoques Parthes et Sassanides, Paris 1963, 160-1; eadem et alii, Tdnkh-i Iran az dawurdn-i bdstdn td pdydn-i sada-i hicQdahum, tr. K. Kishawarz, Tehran 1352/1973, i, 90, 141-4). (b) The Islamic period. For the pre-Tfmurid period, there are scattered data that indicate that artisans groups existed, but little is known about them. Some scholars have identified these groups as guilds without any evidence. The earliest confirmation of the existence of organised urban labour is given by Ibn Battuta, writing that in Shfraz and Isfahan "the members of each craft appoint one of their members as headman over them, whom they call kolu". He also relates that they were taxed as a body and that they had an active social life in Safawid Persia, each sinf elected its own chief or kadkhudd, who settled disputes and distributed the guild tax burden known as bumca. See Mfrza Rafrea, Dastur al-muluk, ed. M.T. Danishpazhuh, inMDAT, xvi/5-6 (Tehran 1347/1968), 121; Minorsky, Tadhkirat al-muluk, 81-3. Any person who wanted to set up shop had to receive permission from the guild chief. He had, however, to keep a certain distance between his own and already existing shops outside the central bazaar (Chardin, iv, 93, vi, 119-24). In the 19th century, the kadkhudd'$ power had been considerably diminished (Mfrza Husayn Khan Tahwfldar, Dj.ughrdjiyd-yi Isfahan, ed. M. Sutuda, Tehran 1342/1963, 93). Due to their loose organisation, guilds were unable to fix minimum prices or to guarantee the standard of workmanship. Certain guilds had the hakk-i bumca, a right to exercise a trade, a right which was transferable. The number of shops in every quarter was therefore fixed as a function of the number of households. New shops could only be started outside the restricted area (gudhdr) already served and then only after the guild gave its permission (A.K.S. Lambton, Islamic society in Persia, London 1954, 24; de Rochechouart, Souvenir d'un voyage en Perse, Paris 1867, 180-3; J. Greenfield, Die Verfassung des persischen Staates, Berlin 1904, 145).
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SINF — SINGAPORE
Notwithstanding a widespread idea that guilds were part of the Jutuwwa organisation [q.v.], there is no shred of evidence for this supposition in the Persian context (Floor, Guilds and futuwat in Iran., in £DMG, cxxxiv [1984], 106-14). Many guilds had their own habitual location (patuk), or festivals peculiar to them, but guilds seldom provided for mutual assistance. During the period of the Constitutionalist Movement (1905-6), guilds acquired some political influence, which resulted in their receiving 32 seats in the first Maajlis. However, they lost all their seats in 1909 and reverted to their traditional role. During the Pahlavl period, guilds were strictly controlled and basically became trade organisations and an extension of the state, membership of which was compulsory. The guilds themselves were in the hands of wealthy members, who had links with the prevailing political power. Rather than being voluntary organisations with social and other functions, guilds became amorphous intermediaries, haggling over taxes and price policies. Despite the fact that the guilds and other bdzdris helped finance the Islamic Revolution of 1978-9, their situation has not much changed under the Islamic Republic. As in previous times, the Islamic government, by using financial, economic and other instruments, has a fair control over the asndf. Bibliography: See also Floor, The guilds in Iran: an overview from the earliest beginnings till 1972, in IDMG, cxxv (1975), 99-103; idem, EIr art. Asndf; M. Keyvani, Artisans and guild life in the later Safavid period., Berlin 1982 (to be used with caution). (W. FLOOR) 3. In Turkey. Trade guilds (esndf londj.alan) were first established in Anatolia during the later 13th century and were called Akhilik, and continued until the beginning of the 20th century [see AKH!, AHJI BABA, AKHI EWRAN, FUTUWWA]. In Arabic, Akhl means "my brother", but the resemblance to Tkish. akl is fortuitous; in old and middle Turkish, akl means "generous, brave, stouthearted". The Akhls were typically a Turkish trade guild, arising from economic and social necessity, which aimed to regulate the relationship between the producer and the consumer. Within the organisation they had several meeting places, called zdwiyes, where they taught morals, good manners and ceremonial behaviour to the young members of this organisation. The members of a zdwiye had different tasks: they acted as religious leaders, teachers, preachers, poets and dancers. These members ranked in nine categories: (1) Tigitler (apprentices) were the lowest category; (2) Akhiler, divided into six divisions: the first three divisions were ashdb-tark, the experienced, and the last three, nakibler, inexperienced; (7) Khalifeler, who could not function outside the zdwiye\ (8) Sheykhler, heads of the previous seven categories; and (9) Sheykh ul-meshdyikhler (the heads of the Sheykhs). Akhls did not like yellow and red colours in their costumes, but preferred turquoise, white, black and green. Teachers, judges and nobles wore green; white was for the writers, poets and preachers; and black for the apprentices. Each apprentice had two comrades, one master teacher, and one pir (founder of his order). The apprentices learned their craft and trade under the supervision of a master. When an apprentice, after several years of work, was qualified in his craft, a ceremony, called teferriiaj., was held, where the master awarded his pupil an apron. In such ceremonies, and also in various other festivities, these guilds—whatever their
field was—organised amusements and performances. Apart from the actors' guilds, called kol, most of the trade guilds were interested in spectacles. Skilful members of a guild entertained guests in the ceremonies by verbal and musical recitals of poems, songs and epics, dances; and jugglers, rope dancers, swordswallowers, conjurers, acrobats, etc. showed their skills. They also entertained those watching a procession by various shows [see MAWAKIB. 4]. What they achieved was something like a carnival, or a preliminary form of today's street theatre. Each guild played a representative scene relating to its profession, exhibited mostly on carts pulled by horses or oxen. Apart from these scenes, these corporations demonstrated clowning, with giant marionettes with dazzling costumes, pennants and flags. Each guild had its own pennant. In the festival of 1539, for instance, one of the guilds showed a dragon with seven heads. The festival of 1582 witnessed a sea monster which could plunge into the sea and come up again with three dancers on board. The guild of feather merchants caused giant birds to fly. The miniatures painted by cOthman, in his Sur-ndme-yi humdyun (reign of Murad III, 1582) show big fans on sticks, which could be used in several ways. Some of these corporations had instrumental groups, giant whirligigs, and corpulent puppets which could be set in motion. In the festival of 1675, in Edirne, the actor's guild carried huge phalluses. Bibliography: Ibn Battuta, ii, 260-5, 281-2, tr. Gibb, ii, 418-21, 430; Ewliya Celebi, Seydhat-ndme, i, Istanbul 1314/1896, 487-509, 511-674; Fuat Kopriilu, Osmanh devletinin kurulu$u, Ankara 1959, 89-92; Ta'rifdt-i Seyyid Shenf Qur^dnt, Istanbul 1318/1900, art. "Futuwwa"; Findiklili Mehmed Agha, Sildhddr tdnkhi, ii, Istanbul 1928, 645; Osman Nuri Ergin, in Meajelle-i Umur-u Belediyye, i (Istanbul 1922), 692711; Haci §eyhoglu Hasan Uchok, £ankm'da ahilikten kalma esnaf ve sohbet te§kilati, Qankm 1932, 8, 2859; Hiiseyin Hezarfenn, Telkhis iil-beydn ji kawdmn-i dl-i C0thmdn, ms. B.N., fonds Turc, no. 40, fols. 154b-172a; F. Taeschner, Islam orta $aginda jutuvve, in Istanbul Univ. Iktisat Fakultesi Dergisi, xv/1-4 (1955), 3-18; Cl. Cahen, Sur les traces des premiers Akhis, in Fuat Koprulu armagam, Istanbul 1953, 81-93; Ne§et Qagatay, Bir tiirk kurumu olan ahilik, Ankara University 1974, 3-6, 55, 57, 111, 137, 138-9; Musahipzade Celal, Eski Istanbul ya§ayi§i, Istanbul 1953, 40, 41; J. von Hammer, GOR, Pest 1840, iii, 212-13; Tietz, Ceremonien und Festlichkeiten bei der feierlichen Beschneidung eines turkischen Prinzen von Geblu't in Konstantinopel, in Ausland, 22 May 1836, 580; Petis de la Croix, Memoires, Paris 1684, ii, 119-20; Sur-ndme-i humdyun (1582), ms. Nationalbibliothek, Wien, Cod. H.O. 70 (1019), fol. 259b; John Covel, Diary, ms. B.L. Add. 22,912, fol. 216b; Nicholas von Haunolt, Particular Verzeichnuss mit was Ceremonien Gepraeng und Pracht das Fest der beschneidung dess jetzt regierenden Turkischen Keysers Sultan Murath ..., ed. Lewenklaw von Amelbeurn, Neuwe Chronica Tiirkischer Nation von Tiircken selbs beschrieben, Franckfurt am Mayn 1595, 481-4, 487-509; Wildyet-ndme-yi Hashmet (1758), Istanbul University, Faculty of Turkish Literature, Library T. no. 1940 and B.L. Or. 6909, fol. 23a; Album of Murad III, Topkapi Hazine, no. 1344; George Lebelski, La Description des jeux et magnifiques spectacles represented a Constantinople..., 1583, 63-4; Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Letters of Milady Wortley Montagu, London 1764, 64. (OZDEMIR NUTKU) SINGAPORE (literally, "the lion city" in Hindi), a diamond-shaped island which lies 137 km/85 miles north of the equator at the southern tip of the Malay
SINGAPORE — SlNl Peninsula [q.v]. The island itself is 544 km2/210 square miles in extent and there are a further 50 islets, many of which are uninhabited. Singapore was an important Malay city in the Middle Ages, acting as a port of call between India and China. Singapore's fortunes declined in the 14th century following its sacking by the Majapahit Javanese, and in the following century it was superseded by the port of Malacca [q.v.]. The modern history of Singapore can be dated from 6 February 1819, when Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles of the East India Company secured from the titular sovereign, Sultan Husayn of Johore, cession of the island. Britain's position was consolidated five years later when the Dutch recognised Britain's claim to Singapore. When Raffles arrived on the island, it was inhabited by a mere two hundred or so Malay fishermen. The island's rapid economic expansion, which followed Raffles' intervention, witnessed profound demographic and social changes. By 1824, the population had risen to over 10,000, 30% of whom were Chinese immigrants. By the 1830s and 1840s, Chinese were arriving at the rate of 2,000-3,000 a year, with the Malays [q.v.] soon assuming the position of a minority community. Nevertheless, Singapore became a centre for Islamic reformism in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Not only did it stand on the pilgrimage route from South-East Asia to the Middle East, but it also enjoyed a large measure of religious freedom under the British colonial regime. Moreover, the presence of Hadramawt [q.v] Arabs, Indo-Malays descended from Indian Muslims, and Indonesians, enriched the Islamic community of Singapore. These groups maintained links with Islamic centres in the Middle East and encouraged the spread of new ideas through writing and journalism. British colonial rule in Singapore came to an abrupt end on 15 February 1942, when the island fell to the invading Japanese. Despite suffering dislocation during the Japanese occupation, Singapore soon recovered. The post-war period' has been characterised by rapid and sustained economic growth, the island becoming one of the most prosperous countries in South-East Asia. In 1963 Singapore became formally independent from Britain and on 16 September of that year entered the new federal state of Malaysia [q.v.]. The constitutional experiment, however, proved unsuccessful. The large Chinese majority in Singapore radically affected the racial composition of the new country and challenged traditional Malay supremacy on the Peninsula. Indeed, politics assumed the appearance of a struggle between Malays and non-Malays. Relations with the federal capital, Kuala Lumpur, became increasingly strained and in 1965, just two years after the inauguration of Malaysia, Singapore seceded from the federation. Bibliography: HJ. Benda, South-East Asian Islam in the twentieth century., in Camb. hist, of Islam., Cambridge 1970, ii, 182-207; C.M. Turnbull, The Straits Settlements, 1826-1867: Indian Presidency to Crown Colony, London 1972; C.A. Trocki, The Temenggongs ofjohor and Singapore, 1784-1885, Singapore 1979; Turnbull, A history of Singapore, 1819-1988, Singapore 1989; idem, A history of Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei, Sydney 1990; W.G. Huff, The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in the twentieth century, Cambridge 1994. (S.C. SMITH) SINI (A., P. cinl], a generic term for Chinese ceramics including porcelain. High-fired Chinese wares were exported to South-East Asia, India and the Islamic world from at least as early as the cAbba-
647
sid period. T'ang dynasty (A.D. 618-907) white wares have been found at Samarra1, as well as their local imitations. Similar T'ang sherds have been discovered at Daybul, Sfraf, Fustat, cAkaba and Antioch; and much material from Mantai (a trading emporium in northern Sri Lanka, which ceased commercial activity in the early 4th/11 th century), including white wares, Changsha painted stoneware, yue, sancai sherds, and "Dusun" storage jars, suggesting the Chinese exports were largely sea-borne. Amongst the earliest references to Chinese ware is that of the author of the Akhbdr al-Sm wa }l-Hind, who recorded in 243/851 that "[The Chinese] have a fine clay, from which they make drinking cups as fine as glasses, through which you can see the gleam of water, though they are made of clay" (ed. and tr. J. Sauvaget, Relation de la Chine et de I'Inde, Paris 1948, 16). Ibn Khurradadhbih, his contemporary, mentions that the port of Lukin was well stocked with Chinese wares, al-ghaddr al-ajayyid al-sinl. Al-Djahiz (d. 256/869) refers to coloured Chinese pottery, awdm slniyya mulammaca, probably Changsha ware. Ibn al-Fakfh (ca. 291/ 903) notes pottery as a Chinese craft, al-ghada}ir alsiniyya. According to al-Tha£alibf (d. 429/1038), "The Arabs used to call any delicately or curiously-made vessel and such like, whatever its real origin, 'Chinese' (sini), because finely-made things are a speciality of China ... They also have translucent pottery (al-ghadd'ir al-mustashiffa), used for cooking purposes; a piece of this may be used equally for boiling things, for frying or simply as a dish for eating from. And the best of these are the delicate, evenly-pigmented, clearlyresounding, apricot-coloured (mishmishi] and after that, the cream-coloured (zabddi) ware with similar characteristics" (Latd'if al-macdrif, tr. C.E. Bosworth, The Book of curious and entertaining information, Edinburgh 1968, 141). As al-Thacalibr was writing at the beginning of the Sung dynasty (349-678/960-1279), he must be referring to such wares as yue and qingbai. Al-Bfrunf (363440/973-1048) saw no less than thirteen different types of Chinese ware in the house of a merchant from Isfahan, who lived in Rayy; these included bowls, dishes, bottles, trays, jugs, drinking vessels, ewers, hand basins, baskets, incense-burners, lamps, lamp standards and other objects. Nasfr al-Dm al-TusI (after 656/1258) mentions cups, mugs, plates and dishes of Chinese ware, and is one of the first to repeat the popular fallacy that poison is detectable when served on it. Chinese blue-and-white porcelain was developed in the first quarter of the 7th/14th century. The cobalt blue was imported from Persia, probably by Persian merchants living on the China coast. Initially, blueand-white ware was largely exported to India, Central Asia and the Islamic world, with massive and highly decorated bowls and dishes representing a complete break with the more delicate and plain wares of the Song period. Evidence of early blue-and-white, whether sherds or complete specimens, has been found at Karakhoto in Inner Mongolia and on the Central Asian trade routes, and at Samarkand; in DihlF, South India, Hurmuz, Fustat, East Africa, Hamat, Damascus and Aleppo; and specimens exist in the two great royal collections of Persia and Turkey, now housed in the National Museum in Tehran and the Topkapi Sarayi Museum in Istanbul (see Pis. VIII and IX, 6). A most important authority for the early 7th/14th century is the traveller Ibn Battuta [q.v] who not only remarks on the technique and manufacture of fine wares when he was in China (ca. 749/1348), al-fakhkhdr al-sim, made in Zaytun (Quanzhou) and Sfn-i Kalan (Canton/Guangzhou), and exported to India and other
648
SlNl — SINKIANG
countries including his own, the Maghrib, as well as to Yemen. Twenty years earlier, when he was in Damascus (727/1326) he witnessed an incident in the suk when a slave-boy dropped his master's Chinese dish, sahfa min al-fakhkhdr al-sini, and was advised that there was a wakf for broken utensils, which would provide funds for a new one (Rihla, i, 238, iv, 256, tr. Gibb, i, 149, iv, 889). The date corresponds to that of the very earliest blue-and-white, (see PL VI) and a number of whole or almost intact early dishes and bowls have been recorded from Syria during the past two decades. Another famous traveller, Marco Polo, was responsible for the introduction of the term porcelain into the European language: in French porcelaine, derived from the Italian porcellana "[concha] porcellana" in both Latin and Italian = "cowrie shell", and a cowrie shell was the closest Marco Polo could think of to characterise china. The cowrie shell was thus called because of its resemblance to the female vulva, Latin porcus or porcella, itself a caique from Greek Xoipoq ("pig" and "vulva"). From the earliest times, the secret of the composition and fabrication of Chinese stonewares and porcelain remained a mystery to Islamic potters (and indeed to most of the world until the 12th/18th century). This did not prevent the Islamic craftsmen from imitating the Chinese wares in humbler materials, such as the so-called "Samarra"' pottery of the 'Abbasid period. From the 9th/15th century onwards, imitations of blue-and-white were made in Central Asia, Persia, Syria, Egypt and Turkey, often with Chineseinspired designs; celadon was also replicated. Chinese designs also inspired a whole series of blue-and-white hexagonal tiles, examples of which occur in Syria, Egypt and Turkey; the craftsmen were originally from Tabriz (see PL VII, 2). In Persia, in the Safawid period, the influence of Chinese blue-and-white on the indigenous pottery was so marked that a legend arose that Chinese craftsmen actually worked in Persia. The influence of Chinese wares continued in Turkey until the 12th/18th century, and in Persia throughout the Kadjar period in the 13th/19th century. At the same time, the influence of Mamluk glass and inlaid metalwork can be clearly discerned in the shapes of Chinese blue-and-white, and even on occasion in its decoration as well, as for instance a porcelain stand in the British Museum (1966.12.15.1) (Pis. VII, 3 and IX, 7) with imitation Mamluk ornament and a pseudo-Arabic inscription. Chinese porcelain made specifically for Muslim patrons in the early 10th/16th century, with Persian or Arabic inscriptions, and frequently with the mark of the Emperor Zhengde (91228/1506-21), has been attributed to the period when the influence of Muslim eunuchs was particularly strong at the Chinese court (PL VIII, 4). Nor should one underestimate the influence of Chinese blue-and-white on other decorative arts in the Islamic world. It frequently appears, with celadon (PL IX, 6), in Persian and Turkish miniature paintings, often in scenes of feasting and festivities. Individual Chinese motifs such as the lotus, and the cloud-scroll, became an integral part of the repertoire of decorative motifs throughout the Islamic world. It is evident that Muslim merchants and traders played a major part in the export of Chinese ceramics, both by sea and by land. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): P. Kahle, Chinese porcelain in the lands of Islam, in Trans, of the Oriental Ceramic Society, 1940-1941 (London 1942); idem, Supplement, in his Opera minora, Leiden 1956; J. Carswell, A fourteenth century Chinese
porcelain dishfrom Damascus, in American University of Beirut Festival Book (Festschrift) 1866-1966, ed. F. Sarruf and S. Tamim, Beirut 1967; idem, Blue and white. Chinese porcelain and its impact on the Western world, Chicago 1985; idem, The port ofMantai, Sri Lanka, in Rome and India, the ancimt sea trade, ed. W. Begley and R.D. de Puma, Madison 1991; idem, art. dm, in Elr; idem, From Chicago to Samarkand, in Asian Affairs (London 1995); J. Pope, Fourteenth-century blueand-white. A group of Chinese porcelains in the Topkapu Sarayi Mtizesi, Istanbul, Washington, D.C. 1952; idem, Chinese porcelains from the Ardebil Shrine, Washington, D.C. 1956; E. Smart, Fourteenth-century Chinese porcelain from a Tughlaq palace in Delhi, in Trans, of the Oriental Ceramic Society, 1975-1977 (1977); B. Gray, The export of Chinese porcelain to India, in Trans, of the Oriental Ceramic Society, 1964-1966 (1967); idem, The export of Chinese porcelain to the Islamic world. Some reflections on its significance for Islamic art before 1400, in ibid., 1975-1977 (1977); D. Whitehouse, Some Chinese and Islamic pottery from Siraf, in Pottery and metalwork in T'ang China, Percival David Foundation, London 1970; idem and A. Williamson, Sasanian maritime trade, in Iran, xi (1973); C. Wilkinson, Mshapur. Pottery of the early Islamic period, New York 1973; U. Weisner, Chinesische Keramik aufHormoz, Museum fur Ostasiatische Kunst, Cologne 1979; R. Krahl, Chinese ceramics in the Topkapi Saray Museum, 3 vols., London 1986; G.F. Hourani, Arab seafaring, revised and expanded by J. Carswell, Princeton 1995. (J. CARSWELL) SINKIANG, SIN-KIANG (also spelt as Hsin-chiang in the Wade-Giles system), the largest province (area ca. 620,000 sq. miles) of the People's Republic of China. It is situated in the north-west of the country, and is also known as "Chinese Central Asia", "Eastern Turkestan" or "Chinese Turkestan". Sin-kiang in Chinese means "new dominion" or "recently pacified territory". Geopolitically, it is important as it holds a pivotal position between China, Central Asia, Russia and India. Sin-kiang is divided by the T'ien-shan range into two main regions, the Tarim Basin in the south and Dzungharia in the north, and two lesser regions of economic importance, the Ili Valley and the Turfan Depression. The T'ien-shan range runs roughly eastwards from the Pamir massif, and forms a natural wall between Dzungharia and the Tarim Basin, making communication between the two regions difficult. The Ili Valley, isolated from the rest of the province, was cut off by the northern spur of the T'ien-shan, and is only accessible from the western fringes of the province, while the Turfan Depression is closely linked with Kansu province [q.v] and China proper. Sin-kiang is a multi-national province whose population is composed of the following main ethnic groups: Uyghur, Kazakh, Kirghiz, Uzbek, Tatar, Tadjik, Mongol, Tongkan, Sibo, Manchu, Solon, Tafur, Han, Slavic and others. The total population of the province is approximately 12,500,000. From the Han period (206 B.C.-220 A.D.) until the middle of the 17th century, Sin-kiang was always mentioned in Chinese sources as part of Hsi-yii (the Western Territory) referring to Central Asia, and was intermittently under Chinese control or sovereignty. By 60 B.C. after the Hsiung-nu (the Huns) had been expelled from Sin-kiang, the Han imperial court exerted its authority there by setting up Hsi-yii T'uhu Fu ("The Commandery of the Western Territory"). Many city-states in the region thus became vassals of the Han Empire. Sin-kiang has been regarded as the
SINI
PLATE VI
1. A broken Chinese blue-and-white porcelain dish, found in the suk in Damascus. 7th/14th century. Private collection, Hong Kong.
PLATE VII
SINI
2. Blue-and-white, and turquoise, Syrian pottery tiles. 9th/15th century. In the mausoleum of Ghars al-Dfn al-Tawrfzi (d. 826/1423), in Damascus.
3. A Chinese blue-and-white porcelain albarello. Early 9th/15th century. With Islamic-inspired motifs. Al-Sabah Collection, Kuwait.
SIM
PLATE VIII
4. A Chinese blue-and-white porcelain dish, with Kur'anic inscriptions. 10th/16th century. Topkapi Sarayi Museum, Istanbul, TKS 15/3168.
5. A Chinese blue-and-white porcelain flask. 7th/14th century. Topkapi Sarayi Museum, Istanbul, TKS 15/1391.
PLATE IX
SlNl
6. A Chinese celadon dish, with unglazed red motifs. 7th/14th century. Topkapi Sarayi Museum, Istanbul, TKS 15/239.
7. A Chinese blue-and-white porcelain stand, of Mamluk form, with pseudo-Arabic inscriptions. Early 9th/15th century. Found in Damascus; British Museum, London.
SINKIANG crossroads of Chinese and Central Asian cultures. Historical evidence proves that Buddhism from Central Asia travelled along the Silk Road and entered China via Sin-kiang during the Han period, and other religions subsequently. By the end of the Han dynasty, Chinese Han influence in this region had gradually died away. At the turn of the 7th and 8th centuries, Indian, Persian, Near Eastern and Tibetan influences prevailed. As a result, Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, Nestorianism and Buddhism flourished in this region. These religious elements were carried to Tibet after the Tibetan invasion to Sin-kiang (ca. 670 A.D.), and contributed to shaping of the syncretic Lamaistic Buddhism. During the T'ang period (618-906 A.D.), the political situation in Sin-kiang region was complicated by the movement of Turkish nomadic peoples, such as the Uyghurs, Karluks, Kirghiz [q.vv] and others, from the northern steppe fringe of Inner Asia and the southern edges of the Siberian forests into this region. These nomadic peoples competed with the Chinese and Tibetans for dominance over this region. Amongst them, the Uyghurs, who adopted Manichaeism as their state religion between 744 and 840, later became the new masters of Sin-kiang. Although Islam might have entered Sin-kiang before the Arab invasion to the region of Taraz [q.v] (or Talas) around 750-1, it was not widely spread there until the establishment of the Karakhanids [see ILEK miANs] (382-607/992-1211). Muslim sources mentioned that Satuk Bughra Khan's devotion to Islam instigated mass conversion of the Karakhanids to Islam. However, Suits from Bukhara may equally have played an important role in it. The earliest establishment of Islam as a state religion in Sin-kiang probably took place during the reign of Yusuf Kadir Man (417-24/102632), and practice of Islam was most likely limited to the area of Kashghar and to the Khotan area in south-west of Sin-kiang. The Karakhanids survived until the beginning of the 7th/13th century, and control of Sin-kiang then fell into the hands of the Kara Khitay [q.v.] (the Western Liao dynasty in Chinese history). The Sinicised Khitans favoured the ConfucianBuddhist culture. Therefore, according to Muslim sources, the Kara Khitay rulers were hostile to Islam and to Arabo-Persian culture, so that the spread of Islam in Sin-kiang under their rule was probably slowed down. After the great Mongol conquests in Asia, Sin-kiang was then under the authority of the Caghatay Khanate (624-771/1227-1370 [q.v.]). Despite a good relationship between the Mongol rulers and their Muslim subjects, the practice of Islam in Sin-kiang was apparently not encouraged. Most of the Khans inclined rather to their native religious practices and to their nomadic tradition and customs. Throughout the Caghatayid period, compared with the Karakhanid times, the process of conversion of Uyghur Turks to Islam in Sin-kiang is not clear, except during the reign of Tughluk Temur (760-4/1359-63). By the middle of the 14th century, the Caghatay Khanate began to disintegrate. The eastern branch based on the Tarim Basin and the Turfan region survived under the protection of the Turkish Dughlat state based in Kashghar until the late 17th century. By then, they had already become Islamicised. They paid homage to the Chinese Ming authority (1368-1644). However, Chinese influence was not exerted there, just as it had never been exerted under the Ming Chinese mandate. According to contemporary Muslim sources, Perso-Turkish Islamic rather than Chinese culture was flourishing in the
649
region during the 16th century, possibly due to the Tlmurids' influence in the region. From the 17th century onwards, the history of Sinkiang becomes more complicated. Various peoples such as the Uyghurs, Mongols, Tibetans and the SinoManchu were contending for dominance of the region. By the early 17th century, the surviving Caghatay Khanate's authority was undermined by the rising Khwadja family originating from the Nakshbandiyya order of the Sihilat al-Khwadiagan in Samarkand. The Khwadja family who were de facto Islamic missionaries, activated Islamisation in the region. In the second half of the 16th century, descendants of the family were involved in political strife and split up into two lines called Aktaghliks (people of the White Mountain) based in Kashghar, and Karataghliks (people of the Black Mountain) based in Yarkand respectively. They were called "White-cap Hui" and "Black-cap Hui" in Chinese sources. In 1678, with the help from the Kalmuck Mongols in Dzungharia, the Aktaghlik Khwadja Hadrat Apak defeated his rival faction and reunited Kashgharia. An Islamic theocratic state was thus formed, but functioned as a protectorate of the Mongol Empire of the Dzunghars. This indirectly challenged the Sino-Manchu authority in the region, and caused serious conflicts between the two powers throughout the 18th and 19th centuries. By the middle of the 17th century, Dzungharia was still under a Mongol khanate's domination. The Tarim Basin was then called Hui-p'u ("Islamic or Muslim region") by the Sino-Manchu government. In 1757 Dzungharia was annexed to the Chinese territory. In order to keep firm control, the Manchu government deliberately repopulated this region with various peoples of Altaic stock, including Muslims from the Tarim Basin, from Kansu province and from other parts of China proper. Two years later, Kashgharia was also annexed, and then the Hui-p'u and Dzungharia were renamed as Hui-chiang ("Muslim or Islamic dominion"). Throughout the 19th century, several Muslim rebellions against Manchu rule took place in Huichiang. In 1884, six years after the suppression of Ya'kub Beg's [q.v.] rebellion (1864-77), the Manchu government re-organised the region by placing it under a form of Chinese provincial administration, and designated it Hsin-chiang. From then onwards, Eastern Turkestan became an official Chinese province. During the Nationalist Republican period (191149), Sin-kiang continued to be a nominal province of China, but was in a chaotic state. The provincial governors acted in reality as independent warlords, conducting their own foreign relations with neighbouring countries. Chinese rule has always been regarded by the local Muslims as that of a foreign power. Nationalism amongst the Turkish Muslims grew strongly since the fall of Ya£kub Beg's emirate, and eventually resulted in secession movements. In 1931 Khwadja Niyaz Hadjdjf led a rebellion trying to liberate the country by establishing a "Turkish Islamic Republic of Eastern Turkestan". However, with Soviet intervention in support of the Chinese governor, the movement was put down in July 1934. A cruel campaign of massacres against the Muslims was launched. Nevertheless, these killings did not stop Muslims from taking up arms against Chinese rule and Russian pressure. In 1937, another rebellion broke out under the leadership of cAbd Allah al-Niyaz, but again failed. In 1940 'Uthrnan Batur led another rebellion, and succeeded in defeating the Russians. It lasted until 1943, but was eventually suppressed by the Chinese Nationalist Government armies.
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SINKIANG — SINNAR
Despite the failures of previous rebellions, Turkish nationalism and a secession movement continued to grow. In November 1944, another rebellion took place in the Ili Valley region, which led to the establishment of the "East Turkestan Republic" (Sharki Turkistdn Diumhuriyyati), whose first president was an Uzbek cdlim, c Alf Khan Tiire. Although this movement was basically conducted by the Kazakhs and Uyghur population, it later gained considerable support from non-Muslims. According to the declaration of 5 January 1945, the main aim of the republic was to create a multinational democratic state with religious freedom. It seems that Islam was not adopted as the official religion, probably due to the failure of the fundamentalists to Islamicise the republic in the course of the movement. The nature of the movement was nevertheless in actuality Turko-Islamic, because Islam provided the basis for unity within the republic's threefourths of Muslim population. The East Turkestan Republic lasted only three years and then collapsed due to various factors. Nevertheless, the spirit of Turkish nationalism which its promoters advocated continued, and continues at the present time. In 1949 the Communist party took over from the Nationalist government. The situation of Muslims in Sin-kiang did not become any better. According to eyewitness reports, persecution of Muslim secessionists by the new regime was conducted in the 1950s. In 1966 all religions in China were banned. This was part of the Cultural Revolution's campaign of destroying the old traditions. There was no exception for Sin-kiang. Muslims suffered a great deal from it; Kur'ans and Islamic books were burned, mosques were devastated or closed, and religious leaders were persecuted by the Red Guards. As a result, thousands of Muslims were driven into exile in Muslim countries in Central Asia, Middle East and the Indian Subcontinent. The Communist government adopted previous Sino-Manchu policy on national minorities. Mass waves of Han settlers were sent to the province from 1953 onwards in order to Sinicise the region and keep firm control of it. Before 1953, the population of the Han Chinese there was only 4.94% (the Uyghurs being 75.42%). However, according to the 1982 census, the Han population had increased to 41% (the Uyghurs down to 45.48%). This indirectly produced an effect of de-Islamisation in Sin-kiang. Possibly due to the central government's policy on birth control (the Han are allowed to have only one child, but the minorities two), the population of the Han Chinese by 1986 dropped to 39%, and the Uyghurs increased to 46% (Muslims of other races, 14%). In 1955, the Sin-kiang Uyghur Autonomous Region was set up under the guidelines of the 1949 constitution which provided that all the national minorities should have the right to use their native languages in daily life, to keep their traditions, and to have religious freedom. However, in the 1970s, by a constitutional amendment, minorities' rights for the preservation of their cultures and religious freedom were eliminated. In spite of this, Islam is still practised in Sin-kiang. Nowadays it is rather a matter of personal belief and practice. Under the policy of economic reform in early 1980s, mosques were re-opened, and Muslims have been allowed to run their own religious schools. As a result, Islamic revivalism has been growing gradually there. Bibliography: A. Vambery, Sketches of Central Asia, London 1868; P. Dabry de Thiersant, Le mahometisme en Chine et dans le Turkestan oriental, i, Paris 1878; M.
Chinese Central Asia, ii, London 1893; O. Lattimore, Pivot of Asia, Boston 1950; M.E. Bugra, Dogu Tiirkistan tarihi, cogrqfi ve jimdiki durumu, Istanbul 1952; anon., Min-tsu chen-ts'e wen-hsien hui-pien ("Collection of documents of policies on national minorities"), Peking 1953; R. Grousset, The empire of the steppes, tr. N. Walford, New Brunswick, NJ. 1970; Hsiieh Jenyang (ed.), Hsin-chiang ko ming-tsuzu yen-chiu ("Studies on national minorities in Sinkiang"), Taipei 1983; A.D.W. Forbes, Warlords and Muslims in Chinese Central Asia: a political history of republican Sinkiang 1911-1949, Cambridge 1986; M.A. Kettani, Muslim minorities in the world today, London 1986; L. Benson, The Ili rebellion, the Moslem challenge to Chinese authority in Xinjiang 1944-1949, New York 1990; D. Sinor (ed.), The Cambridge history of Inner Asia, Cambridge 1990; Chou Ch'ung-ching (ed.), Chung-kuo Jen-k'ou: Hisnchiang Fen-ts'e ("Chinese population: Sinkiang section"), Peking 1990; A.D. Barnett, China's far west, four decades of change, Boulder, Colo. 1993. (CHANG-KUAN LIN) SINNA, SENNA [see SANANDADJ], SINNAR, a town in the m o d e r n Sudan Republic, often rendered as Sennar. Modern Sinnar is now a modest Sudanese provincial town on the west bank of the Blue Nile about 170 miles above its confluence with the white Nile. During the 19th century it was a regional centre of commerce and administration under the TurcoEgyptian colonial regime and as such attracted the special wrath of the Mahdist movement [see ALMAHDIYYA], which destroyed the town in 1885 and transformed the demography of the surrounding district. For much of the period 1500-1821 Sinnar served as eponymous capital to the Islamic Nubian kingdom of the Fundj [q.v.~\, which embraced much of the northern Nile-valley Sudan. The early Fundj kings, like their contemporary Ethiopian counterparts, kept a mobile court to distribute among the provinces the burden of the royal presence. Sinnar entered the historical record in 1523 as the fixed seat of the treasury of the first Fundj sultan, and the site was later chosen as permanent capital when kings of the second quarter of the 17th century brought their roving court to rest. Foundations for a mosque were laid by Rubat I (1025-547 1616-44) and the building was completed by Bad! II (1054-92/1644-81). These kings and their immediate successors Unsa II (1092-1103/1681-92) and Badi III (1103-28/1692-1716) began to sponsor royal caravans that opened a flourishing trade with Egypt and the Red Sea; by 1700 Sinnar had become a large and cosmopolitan city. Accounts of European visitors during the reign of Bad! Ill afford an image of Sinnar at its apogee. At the heart of the capital lay a broad plaza or Jashir, which served as a bazaar on market days, an occasional mustering-ground for soldiers, and a setting for periodic state ceremonies such as the delivery of tribute by the governors of the eight provinces. On one side of the fdshir was the mosque of fired brick, graced with bronze window gratings imported from India. On the other stood the royal gate, before it a bench where the king appeared on occasion to render justice to petitioners, and beyond a vast walled palace complex of adobe dominated by two lofty towers. Those who lived within the palace were surrounded bv the finest luxuries known to the age, but were bound by a strict regime of conduct, not all of which may now be discerned. The palace housed the royal family, construed by Nubian custom in matrilineal
SINNAR — SINNAWR terms. The sons of a king lived there in captivity until their father died; the high courtiers then elected one his successor and executed the rest. A king throughout his life was answerable to his electors, and if repudiated should be executed by his maternal uncle, entitled sid al-kam. Princesses, the sole transmitters of noble status, were given in marriage to the far-flung Fundj vassal lords; a king, in turn, accepted wives— normally several hundred—from among the female offspring of his noble subordinates. Male children of vassal lords also lived in the palace, serving as pages and as hostages for the good behaviour of their distant fathers. Each provincial governor was assigned quarters in the palace from which to conduct his affairs while in the capital. The palace also housed many other titled officials, some of them slaves, who supervised the assessment, collection, storage, and disbursement of tax-goods collected in kind, who organised the royal caravans and conducted exchanges with foreign merchants, and who arranged the stockpiling or manufacture of arms and munitions and commanded the royal slave corps of cavalry and infantry. Surrounding the public edifices of the capital lay the homes of lesser courtiers, holy men and craftsmen enjoying royal patronage, and the residential quarters of traders from every province and many foreign lands, each answerable to a patron at court. Beyond the town inland lay cemeteries for Muslims and non-Muslims, and along the river royal gardens for rustic court outings and the cultivation of lemons and roses. Within a 40-mile radius of the town proper lay an unusually densely-populated district directly responsible to the palace and not part of any province. West of the river were estates assigned to members of the royal family such as the Queen Mother, and to prominent holy men with their followers. If the inhabitants of these estates resembled their counterparts at better-documented provincial capitals, in addition to farming they invested much labour in the weaving of long strips of white cotton cloth that provided customary garments and served as market place currency. East of the river lay widespread permanent village encampments of slave soldiers and their families; they preserved some of the culture of their native homes in the Nuba Mountains and the Ethiopian borderlands. When travellers of 1700 assessed the population of Sinnar at 100,000 souls, it is probable that the estimate also embraced this wide semirural conurbation. As the 18th century advanced, the opening of Sinnar to influences from the Islamic heartlands eroded institutions vital to Fundj government, notably matrilineal succession and state control over trade. With the collapse of Fund} kinship discipline, the family hierarchy of landed nobility fragmented into bellicose patrilineages, while some twenty new towns arose as a rising middle class of private merchants defied royal prerogative. In 1762 a clique of base-born (Hamadf) warlords seized power, and at the death of their leader Muhammad Abu Likaylik in 1775 the kingdom lapsed into half-a-century of civil strife that brought ruin to the capital. In 1202/1787-8 the Hamad} commander Nasir b. Muhammad Abu Likaylik, having crushed an abortive royalist counter-coup, avenged himself by systematically firing the highly combustible city and its west-bank suburbs. In February 1804 factional fighting left the palace complex for two months in the hands of a provincial governor, who sacked it thoroughly; the capital was then abandoned and all factions fell back upon armed camps in the countryside. Of these, the slave settlements on the east bank
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were among the most important until they in turn were devastated by campaigns of the decade to follow. At the Turco-Egyptian conquest of 1821 thefdshir, surrounded by ruins, witnessed the ceremony of surrender that ended the sultanate of Sinnar. Bibliography: al-Shatir Busaylf cAbd al-Djalll, Makhtutat Kdtib al-Shuna ft ta'rikh al-sultana alSinndriyya wa 'l-iddra al-Misriyya, Cairo 1961; Yusuf Fadl Hasan, Kitdb al-tabakat... ta'lif Muhammad alMu'r b'. Dayf Allah, Khartoum 1971; R.S. O'Fahey and J.L. Spaulding, Kingdoms of the Sudan, London 1974; J. Spaulding, The heroic age in Sinnar, East Lansing 1985; idem and Muhammad Ibrahim Abu Salim, Public documents from Sinnar, East Lansing 1989. (J.L. SPAULDING) SINNAWR (A.) (in rare instances sunndr, sundr) (pi. sandnir), masculine substantive denoting the cat, and synonym of hirr (pi. hirara, hirar) and of kitt (pi. kitdt, kitatd) (cf. Latin catus). These three equivalent terms which have the feminine in -a for the female cat make no distinction between wild and domestic species. Among the former, at least four were known in the lands of Islam: (a) Felis sylvestris lybica, European wild cat, of the Libyan subspecies, with the names kitt al-khald, kitt al-barr, kadis, in Kabyle amshish boudrar; (b) Felis margarita, Sand cat, which has become quite rare in Morocco and the western Sahara and is known as barrdn, mushsh al-khald; (c) Felis ocreata, Fettered cat, its name, daywan, also applicable to the two preceding species; (d) Felis chaus, Jungle cat, peculiar to Nubia and Egypt where it is known as tufah, tujffa, tifd and, in Morocco, sabsab, zabzab. There are many species of Domestic cat (Felis domesticd] produced by interbreeding; two varieties are typical in the Orient, Felis maniculata or Egyptian cat (sinnawr misn] and Felis angorensis or Persian cat (sinnawr shirdzi). The Arab lexicographers have supplied a copious list of names given to the cat, each evoking a particular feature of the diminutive feline; thus, in alphabetical order: azram, bass, biss, dam, dimma, hars, haris, hdrun, harrun, hizgj, kalati, kaycam, khaydac, khaytal, khizbdz, md3iyya, mishsh, mukhaddish, mukhddish nuwwa, shabrama and shundrd. The kitten is called dirs (pi. adrds, durus) and shibrik (pi. shabdrik}. Alongside all these terms, which currently appear somewhat archaic, the cat was furthermore endowed with nicknames with abu or umm according to its sex, such as abu ghazawdn, abu 'l-haytham, abu khadddsh. and abu shammdkh, In addition, the dialects peculiar to each Muslim region have their own names for the cat. Berber-speaking groups call it emmashlsh, mushsh (pi. musjhshiten], fern. tamushshit (pi. timushshitin], in Tamahakk tikurash. In Tunisia, the only term in use is kattus/gattus (pi. katdtis) (Low Latin cattus] with the diminutives ktiyyet, ktltes for the kitten, while in Syria it is busayn and, in Trak, bazziin; the Turkish kedi and Persian gurba are not related to Arabic. The sounds typically uttered by the cat, mewing, purring, wailing, are represented in Arabic, as in most other languages, by onomatopoeia; such words are derived from artificial verbal roots, usually triliteral. Thus mewing is denoted by the roots m-3-w (muuod3), }-m-w (3umd3), m-c-w (mucd3), n--w (nu'd3), m-w-gh (muwdgh), n-w-w (tanwd). According to al-Djahiz (Hayawdn, iv, 22) the cat is capable of modulating its mewing in five different ways to express its moods and its needs (hunger, distress, appeals for attention, etc.). Purring, an utterance peculiar to felines and an expression of contentment, is imitated by the terms khurur, kharir, kharkhara and harir. Finally, to drive a cat away, the appropriate cry is ghissl or ghasghasl
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It is through Egypt that the Arabs, like the Hebrews, seem to have become acquainted with the domestic cat. It had been venerated there since the Pharaonic period and enjoyed the privilege of being embalmed as a sacred animal (Herodotus, History, ii, 66). On the other hand, there is no mention of it either in the Bible or in the Kur'an; it is only later that certain Muslim commentators invented the legend according to which a pair of cats was produced, on board Noah's Ark, by a sneeze of the lion, as a means of destroying rats and mice which swarmed there and were causing considerable damage to the provisions of the travellers (Hayawdn, i, 146, v, 347-8). Al-Djahiz is the first, indeed the only, scholar to have spoken extensively and knowledgeably of the cat, in his valuable Kitdb al-Hayawdn, and later naturalists such as al-Kazwfnf and al-Damfrf only repeated his statements. This remarkable polygraph mounts a vigorous refutation to the assertion of Zoroaster/Zarathustra (Zaradusht) and of the Mazdaeans, who claimed that the cat is a diabolical animal, while they saw as divine creatures the mouse, the weasel and fishes (Hayawdn, iv, 298, v, 319-20); a similar idea existed among the ancient Arabs, for whom a fanciful superstition held that the kutrub [q.v.] (pi. katdrib), one of the categories of demons, took on the form of the female cat (alMas'udl, Murudj, iii, 320-1 = § 1204). Similarly, he castigates those who eat the flesh of the cat; they belong, he says, to two categories, one consisting of depraved youths, the other of keepers of doves who thus eliminated the predatory cats threatening dovecotes. He also denounces the ancient legend according to which eating the flesh of a black cat gives protection against spells and enchantments. In fact, Islamic law forbids the consumption of the flesh of the cat, a prohibition applying to every carnivore equipped with canine teeth. Also forbidden were the sale and purchase of cats, in deference to an opinion of the Prophet Muhammad who was fond of these beasts; but some jurists reckoned that this applied only to the wild cat and that the domestic cat, in commercial terms, was of the same status as the ass, the mule and the dog (al-Damm, Haydt, ii, 382). Al-Djahiz (Hayawdn, v, 339) describes a kind of aversion therapy by means of which cat owners weaned their pets from catching pigeons. In the 4th/10th century, the "Brothers of Purity" (Ikhwdn al-Sqfa3 [q.v]), as a part of their indictment of the cat, proposed in one of their Epistles (Rasd'il, ii, 247), a curious, but very logical explanation of the domesticity of the cat and the dog, which attach themselves to mankind as a means of ensuring their subsistence. The phenomenon dates back to the time of the murder of Abel (Habil) by his brother Cain (Kabfl); this was followed by a fratricidal struggle between the two lines, and the descendents of Cain, gaining the upper hand, set about the systematic slaughter of all the livestock of the vanquished, sheep and cattle as well as camels and horses. For a long time they feasted on these beasts, and this resulted in an accumulation of carcases which attracted hordes of wild dogs and cats, competing over this abundant and easy source of food; henceforward, they remained close to men, whose oliscarded material was sufficient to satisfy their daily needs. This interpretation is not devoid of reason, since scholars of prehistoric times have shown that since the Neolithic period, there has been a symbiosis between man and certain species of animal, including the dog, which were soon domesticated, becoming accustomed to a reliable source of sustenance and to protection from their enemies.
Al-Djahiz (Hayawan, passim, esp. v) describes the cat in glowing terms, admiring its instinctive cleanliness, its agility, its vigilance, its efficiency in the hunting of rodents, its attachment to the home of its master, its visual acuity in darkness and the affection which the female shows towards its offspring, sometimes inducing it, he says with a degree of exaggeration, to devour them. Furthermore, in spite of its small size, the cat, like other much larger felines, the lion, the tiger, the panther, has the ability, simply by showing itself, to strike fear into camels and elephants [see F!L]; the latter, on seeing it, are seized by panic and this phenomenon gave rise, according to al-Mascudf (Murudj, iii, 13-16 = §§ 855-6), to a tactical stratagem employed by the kings of Persia, that of releasing cats in the path of the elephants forming the .vanguard of an attacking army. The enemy, trusting in the invulnerability of these pachyderms, saw them suddenly turn and flee, charging in the opposite direction and causing panic in the ranks. This stratagem was used successfully by Harun b. Musa, valiant warrior of Islam and poet, against a king of India who used elephants when attacking him in his fortress of Multan, and the victor recounted the episode himself in a score of verses (Hayawdn, vii, 76-8). This fear which the cat, like the larger felines, is capable of inspiring in the largest mammals, has given certain poets the notion of comparing it to the lion. On this theme there are a number of verses of Muhammad b. Yasfr al-Riyashf, a contemporary of al-Djahiz (Hayawdn, i, 59, v, 272), and most worthy of note is a fine composition in eight verses by al-Sanawbarf [q.v.] (alMaajdni al-haditha, iii, 222) in which he expresses (metre khqfif, rhyme -dbi) his affectionate admiration for the cat, declaring "It is a veritable lion of the thicket both in body and in temperament!" He concludes with this magisterial declaration "What an agreeable companion, for, when in good mood, it is more loyal than all other friends!" In addition, al-Djahiz relates that cats were the object of attentive care and petting on the part of women of the harems; they painted their paws with henna, adorned them with collars and jewels and were in the habit of kissing their muzzles. The atavastic hostility of the cat in relation to the rats and mice on which it preys has, among all peoples, been a theme much exploited in fables and moralising tales; the "game of cat and mouse" has served as a metaphor for denouncing the law of the strongest and for opposing oppression and tyranny exercised over the weak, while drawing attention to the caution, the ingenuity and the guile which, often, the latter demonstrates in escaping and even getting the better of his persecutor. This is the theme of nights 900 and 901 in The Thousand and One Nights with the story of "the cat and the mouse" (al-sinnawr wa 'l-fa'r)', the mistrustful mouse, besieged in his refuge by a cat, invokes the Most High and is saved by the unexpected arrival of a hunter whose dog loses no time in settling accounts with the feline. Similarly, in the Book of KaRla wa-Dimna [q.v.], the philosopher Bidpay illustrates for the king Dabshalim the theme of true and false friendship with the fable of "the rat and the cat" (al-ajuradh wa 'l-sinnawr) in which the cat, trapped in the meshes of the hunter's net, implores the rat to free him by gnawing through the threads, with a thousand oaths and promises. The rat, very wisely, sets about the task, but without haste, and waits until the arrival of the hunter before severing the last thread; on seeing the man, the cat has no option other than rapid flight and the rat, rid of this false friend, disappears safe and unharmed into his burrow.
SINNAWR — SlNUB The predatory nature of the cat has given rise to a number of metaphorical adages; by comparison with the wild cat, it is said adabb win daywan, "a more skilled stalker than a wild cat", and asyad, anzd win day wan "more predatory, more agile than a wild cat". Among expressions relating to the domestic cat are athkafwin sinnawr "more lively than the cat" and abarr win hirra "more gentle to its little ones than a female cat". On the other hand, the origin of the expression ka-anna-hu sinnawr cAbd Allah "he is like the cat of cAbd Allah", used to say of somebody that, the older he becomes the less he is worth, is unknown; in this context, al-Djahiz indicates (Hayawdn, v, 315) that in the illegal trade in cats, kittens commanded a much higher price than adults, respectively a dirham [q.v.] and only a kirdt. Finally, a fairly widespread contemporary image defines the fool in these terms: Id ya'rifu hirran win birr "he cannot tell a cat from a mouse". The specific qualities attributed to the different bodily parts of the cat are as varied as they are fanciful. Al-Kazwlm (7th/13th century) and al-Damfrf (8th/ 14th century) supply a list of them (cAajd3ib, in the margins of Hayat, ii, 232 and Hayat, ii, 35, 251, 382). Thus the brain of a wild cat blended into a hot infusion of rocket (ajirajir, Eruca sativd] drunk on an empty stomach in the public baths, is beneficial for testicular ailments and the retention of urine. The two eyes of the cat, dried and burned for purposes of fumigation, ensure the success of any enterprise. To carry on one's person a cat's tooth suppresses all nocturnal fears, and carrying the heart of a cat in a bag made from the skin of this feline guarantees victory over any enemy. The gall of a cat mixed with an eyewash induces nyctalopia and, blended with half a dirham of oil of jasmine, cures buccal paralysis. The gall when dried, pulverised and mixed with kohl constitutes an eyewash which enables one to see the djinn and put them to one's service; mixed with salt and wild cumin (kammun kirmdni, Lagoecia cuminoides) and applied to sores and ulcers, it is an efficacious ointment. The blood of the cat is drunk to cure scurf, and that of the black cat is a love-potion; applied to the sexual organs, it has an aphrodisiac effect. The spleen of a black cat attached to a woman suppresses menstruation. Finally, the excrement of the cat has a smell which dispels mice and in addition, when diluted in oil of myrtle (duhn al-ds, Myrtus communis) and used as an ointment, it cures any fever; pulverised in water, it alleviates the pains of gout when smeared on the affected areas. In botany, a score of plant names refer to the cat. Thus the term hashishat al-sandnlr "herb for cats" is applied to Balm (Melissa officinalis, labiate), the smell of which appeals to cats. Cat's foot (Antennaria dioica, composite) is called riajl al-kitt/al-hirr, "cat's foot" and zujr al-kitt "cat's claw", while the Corn crowfoot (Ranunculus arvensis, ranuncular) and the Asiatic crowfoot (R. asiaticus] correspond to kaff al-hirr "cat's paw". The term fayn al-kitt "cat's eye" is applied to five plants, including three which belong to the family of compositae: (a) Corn camomile (Anthemis arvensis); (b) Camomile (A. nobilis); (c) Wild camomile (Matricaria chamomilla); (d) Water speedwell (Veronica anagallis aquatica, scrofular); and (e) Minor phalaris (Phalaris minor., graminaceous). The "cat's head" (ra's al-hirr) is the Hemp nettle (Galeopsis, labiate), while the "cat's tail" (dhanab al-kitt) denotes both the Bugloss (Anchusa italica, boraginaceous) and the Goldylocks (Chrysocoma). As for the "long cat's tail" (dhayl al-kitt)., this can be either Cat's tailgrass (Phleum pratense, graminaceous) or Alfagrass (Lygeum spartum, graminaceous). Among papil-
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ionaceous plants the genus Milk vetch (Astralagus) has borrowed three names referring to cats: (a) zubb alkitt "cat's penis" for the variety A. cahiricus; (b) khuzdm al-kitt "cat's mignonette" for the varieties A. Forskallii and A. cruciatus; and (c) bayd al-kitt "cat's testicles" for the variety A. sieberi. It may be mentioned, in conclusion, that in zoology the term sinnawr al-zabdd "civet cat" is also found, denoting the Civet cat (Vwerra civettd] of the family of Viverridae, but in Arabic as in English, this small carnivore of Africa and Asia is more often known in the abbreviated form zabdd, sinnawr being omitted. Bibliography (in alphabetical order of authors): F.A. al-Bustam, al-Maajam 'l-haditha, Beirut 194651,5 vols.; Damfrf, Hayat al-hayawdn al-kubrd, Cairo 1928-9, 2 vols.; Djahiz, Kitdb al-Hayawdn, Cairo 1938-45, 7 vols., E. Ghaleb, al-Mawsucafi culum altabi'a, Dictionnaire des sciences de la nature, Beirut 1965, s.v.; A. Hanoteau and A. Letourneux, La Kabylie et les coutumes kabyles, Paris 1898, i, 213; Ibn Slduh, al-Mukhassas, viii, 84-5; Ikhwan al-Safa1, Rasd^il, Beirut 1957, 4 vols.; A. clsa, Mu'ajam asmd3 al-nabdt. Dictionnaire des noms des plantes, Beirut 1981, passim; Kazwfnf, 'Aajd'ib al-makhlukdt (on the margins of Damm), Cairo 1928-9; A. Lakhdar-Ghazal, J.P. Farouat, M. Thevenot, Albums didactiques. Fame du Maroc (Les Mammiftres), Rabat 1975, 12-15; L. Lavauden, Les Vertebres du Sahara, Tunis 1926, 40; A. alMa c luf, Mu'ajam al-hayawdn. An Arabic zoological dictionary, Cairo 1932, s.v. Cat; Mas'udf, Mumd}; SaTdT, al-Ifsdh Ji Jikh al-lugha, Cairo 1929, 390, s.v. kitt; L. Souami, Jahiz, Le cadi et la mouche (Anthologie du Livre des Animaux), Paris 1988, 277-83; F. Vigouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, Paris 1912, ii, 625-7, s.v. Chat; M. Naor, Uber die arabische Katze, in W^KM, xxxv (1928), 276-89, xxxvi (1929), 87-107, 227-38; H. Eisenstein, Einfuhrung in die arabische ^pographie, Berlin 1990, index s.v. Katze; for the cat in Arabic literature, see the annotated anthology by Annemarie Schimmel, Die orientalische Katze, 2Munich 1983. (F. VIRE) SINUB, SINOPE, modern Turkish Sinop, a town and seaport on the n o r t h coast of Asia Minor, in the classical Paphlagonia, between the mouths of the Sakarya [q.v.] and the Kizil Irmak [q.v.] and about equidistant from the ports of Samsun and Ineboli, 120 km/75 miles to the north-east of Kastamuni [q.v.] (lat. 42° 05' N., long. 35° 09' E.).' It'is the celebrated IIVCQTUTI of the ancients and has retained this name. Muslim authors know it by the name of Sanub (Abu 'l-FidaJ, 392, and Ibn Fadl Allah alc Umarf, Masdlik al-absdr, ed. Quatremere, in NE, xiii, 361), Sanub (Ibn Battuta, ii, 348), Sinab (Anon. Giese, 34; Urudj Beg, ed. Babinger, 73) or Smub ('AshikPasha-zade, and, following him, all the Turkish historians and other writers). The town lies on an isthmus running north-eastwards from the mainland, to which it joins the peninsula of Boz Tepe Adasi. This position gives the town two harbours, but only that on the south, the safer of the two, has remained in use since ancient times. The strip of coast behind Smub is bounded by the great Pontic range which borders the Central Anatolian plateau, and is particularly difficult to cross directly south of the town. 1. Pre-Ottoman history. The history of Sinope goes back to a remote period. It was already an important port for trade with caravans from Mesopotamia and Cilicia, before it became a Greek colony of Milesians, in the 8th century B.C. Herodotus, Xenophon and Strabo describe it, but in the time of the latter it was no longer the great
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terminal port for continental trade (cf. Sir W. Ramsay, Historical topography of Asia Minor, London 1890, 27). The town however retained its importance; in the 2nd century B.C., it was the capital of Mithridates of Pontus and after its capture by Lucullus in 70 B.C., it knew several centuries of prosperity as a Roman colony under the name of Colonia Julia Felix. When, under the Byzantine empire, the interior of Asia Minor gradually lost its Hellenism, Sinope remained a commercial city of the first rank. The invasion of Asia Minor by the Saracens in 217/832 had as one result that Theophobos, commander of the "Persian" auxiliary troops of the emperor, was proclaimed king of Sinope for a brief period; this episode is related by the Byzantine sources Symeon Magister and Theophanes Continuatus. As the conquest of Asia Minor by the Rum Saldjuks was confined for the first century to the interior of the peninsula, Sinope remained Byzantine, but also served as a port for the merchants of the Saldjuk empire, who embarked there for the Crimea (Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant, i, 298). At the beginning of the 13th century the town passed into the hands of the empire of the Comnenoi of Trebizond. The Saldjuk sultan Tzz al-Dm Kay Kubadh took the town from them. Ibn Bfbf, who gives a detailed account of its capture (in Recueil des historiens des Seldjoucides, ed. Houtsma, iv, 54 ff.) gives as the date of the capture 26 Djumada II 611, corresponding to 2 November 1214. The Saldjuk sultan had taken advantage of the discord between the two Greek empires, but the immediate pretext for attacking the town was the raids which the lord of Sinope (in Ibn Bib! and Barhebraeus, Chronicon, ed. Bedjan, 429, called Kir Aleks, i.e. Kyr Alexis Comnenos, cf. Fallmerayer, Gesch. des Kaisertums Trapezunt, Munich 1827, 94) had made into Turkish territory. Abu '1-Fida1 seems also to allude to this conquest (Ta'rikh, Istanbul 1286, iii, 122 under 611/1214-15, cf. Fallmerayer, op. cit., 96); in any case, Barhebraeus is wrong in saying that Alexis was killed by the Saldjuks. The Byzantine historians do not mention the taking of Sinope. The town was given a Saldjuk garrison and the church turned into a mosque. Some time afterwards, the town was given as a hereditary fief to the celebrated vizier Mucln al-Dln Sulayman Parwane [q.v.], who built a fine mosque there which is described by Ibn Battuta. It was about the same time that William of Rubruck passed through the town, which he calls Sinopolis, on his way to Russia. According to Munedjdjim Bashi, D^amf al-duwal, Tkish. tr., iii, 31, the Parwane was succeeded at Sfnub by his son Mu'fn al-Dm Muhammad (676-96/1277-97) then by his other son Muhadhdhib al-Dm Mas'ud, on whose death in 700/1301 his lands passed to the lords of KastamunT. But another authority (cAh~, Kunh al-akhbdr, v, 22, quoting Ruhr) says that, after the deposition of the last Rum Saldjuk (in 707/1307), the II Khanid Ghazan Khan granted all the lands in the north and northwest of Asia Minor to GhazI Celebi, son of the Saldjuk sultan Mascud. This GhazI Celebi is well-known in history, especially for his bravery in his acts of piracy (for example, he dived under the water to destroy the keels of enemy vessels) which he committed against the Genoese and the Greeks of Trebizond, whose ally he had sometimes been. Ibn Battuta (he. cit.) and probably Abu '1-Fida' (Takwm al-bulddn, ed. Reinaud and de Slane, 393), however, make Ghazf Celebi a descendant of the Parwane. After his death, Sfnub was taken by Shudja' al-Dm Sulayman Pasha, lord of Kastamunf [see ISFENDIYAR OGHLU]; it was shortly
after this event that Ibn Battuta visited the town (ca. 740/1340). During the 14th century, the town retained its importance as a commercial port, connected with the interior by a road to Iznfk and Bursa (Taeschner, Das anatolische Wegenetz, i, 196). Trade was mainly in the hands of the Genoese, who probably had a consulate there since 1351; there was also a Genoese colony (Heyd, op. cit., i, 550). Sfnub was the last refuge of the Isfendiyar Oghlu when the Ottoman sultan Bayezld I had attacked them, and in the end, they abandoned the town to him in 797/13_94-5, according to the old Ottoman chroniclers (cAshikPasha-zade, 72; Anon. Giese, 34). After the restoration of this dynasty by Tfmur in 805/1402-3, Slnub again passed under their rule; it was the seaport by which the rebels against the Ottomans, like Shaykh Badr al-Dfn [q.v.] (cf. Babinger, in IsL, xi, 60), were able to escape under the protection of the Isfendiyar Oghlu. It was, however, only in the year 862/1458 that Mehemmed II definitely incorporated the town in his territory by a treaty with the Isfendiyar Oghlu Isma'fl Beg, who received in exchange fiefs in Rum Iii. This event is recorded by all the Turkish historians and by the Byzantine Ducas and Chalcondylas; the latter mention the formidable defences that had been erected in the town. Bibliography (in addition to references given in the article): W.Th. Streuber, Sinope, ein historischantiquarischer Umriss, Basel 1855; Ritter, Erdkunde, Berlin 1858, xviii, 773 ff.; Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 144, 157; Cl. Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey, London 1968, index; S. Vryonis, The decline of medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor, Berkeley, etc. 1971, index; R. Mantran (ed.), Histoire de I'Empire Ottoman, Paris 1989, index; C. Imber, The Ottoman Empire 13001481, Istanbul 1990, index. (J.H. KRAMERS*) 2. The Ottoman and modern periods. Sinop's importance in the reign of the Saldjuks and Isfendiyar-oghullari, as well as in the Ottoman period, lay in its two harbours. In addition, the forests of northwestern Anatolia provided the timber needed for shipbuilding. In Kanum Suleyman's time, peasants from the surrounding countryside supplied the Ottoman navy's shipyard, which could build at least fifteen ships in a year, with timber in exchange for a tax rebate. At this period, activity in the shipyard appears to have been seasonal, and moreover, linked to the probability or otherwise of naval warfare. The high point of construction activity was apparently reached in 979/1571, when 25 galleys were built for the Cyprus war. The first surviving Ottoman tax register dates from 892/1487. At this time, the town had a tax-paying population of 773 adult males, of whom 176 were Christians; the latter were excused from the payment of the ispen^e [q.v] and paid a standard sum of 34 akces as kharadj.. This means that with 5 people to a household, the town should have contained over 3,500 inhabitants. At the end of the 9th/15th century, Sinop was divided up into 13 Muslim and 6 Christian quarters; there was a single Friday mosque, probably the Ulu Djamic (Istanbul, Ba§bakanlik Ar§ivi, Tapu Tahrir 23 m, pp. 335-47). A tax register from 937/1530 records Sinop as a kadd centre in the sanajak of Kastamonu. This source records a total of 21 town quarters, with two Friday mosques and a medrese, inhabited by 611 taxpaying households; 378 were Muslims and 233 Christians. A further register dated 968/1560-1, which records 1,003 taxpayers, gives a more detailed overview of the Sinop population (Tapu Tahrir 327, 454 ff.). Among the
SINUB fourteen Muslim town quarters, the most populous was that surrounding the mosque of Sultan cAlas alDfn. Another mosque still in existence today, the Mesdjid-i Ulu Beg, also formed the centre of a small quarter (inscription dated 760/1358-9). The Christian population lived in seven quarters; all except the Tersane (naval dockyards) and the cArabpinari quarters had a church for a centre. The "Biiyuk killse" may have been the sanctuary of St. Phocas; but few people lived here, the largest Christian quarter being that of 'Arabpinari. The last extant tahrir documenting Sinop dates from the reign of Sultan Murad III (Ankara, Tapu ve Kadastro Genel Mudurlugii, Kuyudu kadime 200, fol. 90b ff., 990/1582), and differs from its predecessor only in a few details. Among the Muslim inhabitants, we find 13 garrison soldiers recorded; but in a sense the entire population did guard duty. From the times of Mehmed the Conqueror, they had been rewarded for this service by an exemption from many other dues and obligations. As confirmed by all sultans up to Murad III, the inhabitants of Sinop could not be called upon to work on fortress construction, nor could they be obliged to serve as rowers or imperial falconers. In addition, they could not be forced to move to any other location, that is, they were exempt from the deportations known as surgiin. In addition, the inhabitants of Sinop were excused payment of the c awdnd-i dlwdniyye. 1,677 adult males benefited from these exemptions, among whom 940 were recorded as single. Christians numbered 233 households and almost 300 bachelors. The total population should have numbered between 3,700 and 4,700. At the end of the 10th/16th century, economic activity seems to have been modest; our tax register records a small dyehouse and fishing weirs (dalyari). Bidding for the farm of the Sinop customs in the second half of the 10th/16th century seems to have started at 27,000 akces; these dues were earmarked for the pay of the garrison soldiers. Polish merchants occasionally passed through the town on their way to Aleppo, and slaves were imported from the northern shores of the Black Sea. By the next century, the town seems to have been in difficulty, partly due to the damage caused by Cossack attacks. In one instance, a band of raiders even occupied the town for a short while. An account dated 1049/1639-40 documents repairs to the fortifications: the foundations of the citadel were strengthened, the tower over the gate known as Orta Kapu was repaired. Quite possibly these repairs were undertaken to guard against another Cossack raid. Two accounts of Sinop as in the mid-11th/17th century stem from Ewliya Celebi and Katib Celebi. According to Ewliya, the town possessed 24 quarters and eight gates; one of the gates was located near the dockyards. After the Cossack raid, the fortress commander was obliged to remain in the town at all times. The Christians lived outside the walls; Ewliya thought that they numbered 1,100 families, with one hundred of them assigned to the upkeep of the fortress. Among public buildings, both Ewliya and Katib Celebi noted the cAlaJ al-Dfn mosque. According to the first, this building boasted a fine mihrdb of carved marble, and he praised it highly, comparing it to the mihrdb of the Ulu Djamic in Bursa; but it had disappeared by the 13th/19th century. Ewliya also noted the existence of an Ayasofya mosque, known from 10th/16th century sources as "Kiicuk Ayasofya", and which he described as an "ancient building". There
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seems to have been a notable increase in the number of pious foundations, possibly in connection with the strengthening of the town's defences after the Cossack raid. The medrese of cAla3 al-Dfn (today the Sinop Museum) was functioning at the time, in addition to numerous Kur'an schools. Paul of Aleppo, who accompanied Patriarch Macarius on his travels to Russia, gives another fairly full description of Sinop in 1069/1658. This writer claims that the pasha of Kastamonu, in whose district Sinop was located, was not permitted entry into the town, and even kapud}.u§ from the sultan's palace, bringing an order from the ruler, were only allowed in three to four at a time. The Christians, whose dj.izya served to pay the soldiers, still lived outside the walls, where they possessed seven churches. In the event of Cossack attacks they were allowed to seek shelter within the walls. As slaves were still being imported in large numbers, even the Christian inhabitants of the town owned them. Later visitors paint a less optimistic picture. Joseph Pitton de Tournefort, who visited Sinop in 111213/1701, describes a much neglected fortress manned by a few Janissaries, while the Greek quarter extra muros was unprotected. Bernard Rottiers, who visited Sinop before 1829, noted that the naval shipyard at Sinop was small, but the ships turned out were of excellent quality, so that merchants sometimes purchased permission to have their own vessels constructed there. At this time, Sinop exported rice, fruit, skins and hides as well as timber. According to the count of taxpayers undertaken in 1831, the district of Sinop, still a kadd in the wilayet of Kastamonu, was inhabited by 7,137 Muslim males. Since it was the aim of this count to assess military potential, Christians, women and presumably small children were not counted. Von Moltke passed by Sinop on his way to Samsun, and was favourably impressed by the durability of the houses and the activity of the naval arsenal. Collas and Texier, whose books were published in 1864 and 1862 respectively, mention the recently-instituted steamship connection to Istanbul; but both felt that Sinop was declining, According to Collas, this was due to the successful competition of Inebolu for the exportation of the region's principal products, namely nuts, skins and hides. However, the unwalled parts of Sinop had suffered severe damage in the Ottoman-Russian naval engagement 1853, which began the Crimean War. Reconstruction must have followed fairly soon, for Cuinet, whose data concern the years around 1890, paints a much more hopeful picture. Sinop at this time contained a mere 1,790 houses, that is, only about 100 more than the number of households registered in 990/1582; this figure corresponded to a total population of 9,749, of which 5,041 were Muslims. However, he gained the impression that Sinop was small but active, growing not only by virtue of its expanding trade, but also because the summer season attracted holiday makers to the seashore. As to the agricultural hinterland, it produced mainly wheat, maize and tobacco. Due to the relative isolation of Sinop, the town was first used as a place of banishment during the reign of Sultan cAbd al-Hamfd II, a tradition which was continued under the following governments. As a result, the town is frequently mentioned in short stories and memoirs dealing with the late Ottoman and Republican periods. Refrk Khalid (Karay [q.v.]) wrote a story (Shakd3} set in this town in 1915, while the journalist Zekerya Sertel describes the atmosphere of
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the middle 1920s in his Hatirladiklanm (Istanbul 1968). After the Republican government had transformed the inner fortress into a prison, the novelist and short story writer Sabahattin AH [q.v.] spent several months there, reflected in the tragic short story Duvar. Up to the present time, the district of Sinop has remained agricultural (82.5% of all economically active persons in 1980). Apart from grain agriculture, forestry is significant, while fishing is much less so. Some agricultural growth was achieved after 1950, when roads were constructed and Sinop became accessible not only by sea but also from the Anatolian mainland as well. The road connection to Samsun has come to be of economic importance, but the port of Sinop has not been able to keep up with that of its larger competitor only a short distance away. Sinop is now the chef-lieu of an il or province of the same name. The population of the town in 1970 was 45,800, and that of the il 265,000. Bibliography: The arts. Sinop in I A (Besim Darkot) and Turt Ansiklopedisi (various authors) are basic, with ample bibls. Only a selection is given below: Ewliya Celebi, Seydhat-ndme, ii, Istanbul 1314/1896-7, 73-6; B. Rottiers, Itineraire de Tiflis a Constantinople, Brussels 1829, 265, 278-85; A.F.C. Belfour (tr.), The travels of Macarius, by Archdeacon Paul of Aleppo, London 1831-6, ii, 427; Ch. Texier, Description de I'Armenie, la Perse et la Mesopotamie, Paris 1842, i, 46; Ritter, Erdkunde, xviii, Berlin 1858, 76894 Texier, Asie Mineure. Description historique et archeologique des provinces et des villes de la Chersonnese d'Asie, Paris 1862, 622; M.B.C. Collas, La Turquie en 1861, Paris 1864, 214; H. von Moltke, Briefe iiber ^ustdnde und Begebenheiten in der Turkei aus den Jahren 1835 bis 1839, Berlin 1876, 196; V. Cuinet, La Turquie d'Asie, iv, Paris 1894, 562-92; Metin Sozen, Anadolu medreseleri, Sel$uk ve Beylikler devri, i, Istanbul 1970, 123-6; C.H. Imber, The navy of Suleyman the Magnificent, in Archivum Ottomanicum, vi (1980), 244-5; J. Pitton de Tournefort, Voyage d'un botaniste, ed. St. Yerasimos, Paris 1982, ii, 146-7; Suraiya Faroqhi, Towns and townsmen of Anatolia. Trade, crafts and food production in an urban setting, 1520-1650, Cambridge 1984, 67, 107-8; Idris Bostan, Osmanh bahriye tefiilati: XVII yuzyilda Tersdne-i Amire, Ankara 1992, 17-19. (SURAIYA FAROQHI) SIPAHI (P.), from the Persian sipah, sipdh "army", hence basically meaning soldier. It has given such European words as English sepoy (see below, 2.) and French spahi (see below, 3.). 1. In the Ottoman empire. Here, sipdhi had the more specific meaning of "cavalryman" in the feudal forces of the empire, in contrast to the infantrymen of the professional corps of the Janissaries [see YENI CERI]. Such feudal cavalrymen were supported by land grants (dirtik "living, means of livelihood") at different levels of income yield. Below the khdss [q.v.] lands granted to members of the higher echelons of the administrations and army, the mass of the sipdhis were supported by fimdrs [q.v.] or, giving a superior income, zi'dmets [q.v.], the revenues from such land grants being known in general as mdl-i mukdtele "fighting money". As an encouragement to sipdhis to perform their military duties properly, as well as the inducement of promotion from holder of a timdr to one of a zi'dmet, bonuses might be granted (terakki "advancement"). The sipdhis of a province were under the supreme command of the provincial governor (beylerbeyi [see BEGLERBEGI]), who called them to the colours when need for a campaign arose, although in later times,
at least, it was possible to compound for absence by a financial payment. Conditions of service varied; some were always obliged to turn out (the eshkindjis "those who ride out to war"), whilst others turned out in rotation (bi-newbet). The lowest category of ^war-holding sipdhis merely served personally, with their mount, but those with higher incomes had to bring with them at least one fully-equipped and mounted man-at-arms (gjebeli "dressed in a mailed coat"), up to a maximum of five; £Zcaw/-holding sipdhis might have as many as eighteen men-at-arms in their train. There was no formal system of training, as had been the case e.g. amongst the Mamluks of Egypt [see FURUSIYYA; MAYDAN], but since the land grants could only descend hereditarily to the sons or descendants of sipdhis or ajebelis, who had normally been brought up to the profession of arms and were capable of performing military service, a level of competence could be maintained. On a sipdhi's death, his land grant usually passed to his son, although if the latter was still a minor, his required military service had to be performed by a ajebeli substitute. If there was no heir at all or no capable heir, the grant reverted to the state, with its revenues collected ad interim by the mewkufatci [q.v], and it could then be granted out subsequently to some other deserving warrior. There are no reliable figures for the total number of sipdhis and their ajebelis in the empire during its heyday, and neither the sultans nor the administration probably ever knew the exact number anyway; a possible figure is ca. 150,000, spread over both Anatolia and Rumelia. Before the Ottomans came up against trained, professional armies of the European powers, the feudal forces probably formed the most numerous and formidable part of the Ottoman army, since the elite force of the Janissaries was a numerically restricted one. But as with their mediaeval European counterparts, the feudal knights, there was always the disadvantage that land-grant holders might be reluctant to leave their sources of income and local power and go to fight on distant frontiers. To counter this, at a general call to arms, the Ottoman state allowed one in ten sipdhis to remain at home, and if a summer campaign turned into a prolonged one requiring winter quarters in the field, some sipdhis were allowed to return home and collect the revenues from the estates which supported the fighting forces. When in later times the Ottomans had to face the European professional armies, their feudal forces were at an obvious disadvantage compared to troops paid to remain in the field as long as money could be found to support them. Hence by the early 19th century, the sipdhis had become an obsolete element in the Ottoman forces, which were themselves from the times of Selfm III and Mahmud II [q.w. and NIZAM-I DJEDID] beginning to evolve into a more modern, uniformed and professionally-trained army. Hence during the Tan^imdt [q.v] period, in 1263/1847, all timdr and zi'dmet holders were required to exchange these for a monetary payment equivalent to half the income from the land grant. The term sipdhi was also applied to one of the six cavalry divisions of the Ottoman standing army, whose creation may date back as far as the reigns of Murad I (761-91/1360-89 [q.v]) or even Orkhan (724-61 / 1324-60 [#.#.]), and which took up the favoured position in battle on the sultan's right; the term was, indeed, applied in a general sense to the whole of the cavalry in the standing army. Bibliography: A.H. Lybyer, The government of the Ottoman empire in the time of Suleiman the Magnificent,
SIPAHl Cambridge, Mass. 1913, 98-105; Pakalm, iii, 230-5; Gibb and Bowen, i, 46-53, 69-70; IA art. Sipahi (M. Tayyib Gokbilgin). See also HARB, iv. (G.E. BOSWORTH) 2. In North Africa. The term was used in late, pre-modern North Africa, in which, from the time of the Ottoman conquest (or, from the very beginning of the 17th century for Tunis), Sba'ihiyya (sing. Sibahi), denoted a corps of mounted gendarmerie. It was then used in the 19th and early 20th centuries for troopers of the corps of locally-raised cavalry organised by the French army there, with the term passing into French as Spahi. A corps of 600 Moorish "Espahies" are already recorded at Tunis in 1614. Hammuda Bey (1631-59) is said to have created three other corps (oajaks) of Sipahls in the interior of the country, at Kayrawan, al-Kaf and Badja. At the side of these oajaks of "Arab" Sipahls, recruited from the local people, there existed an od}ak of Turkish Sipahls, recruited from amongst the Janissaries. Each Sipahf oajak was commanded by an Agha. The Tunis oajak was the most important in the Regency, being commanded by a Bash Agha recruited from the leading commanders of the army, assisted by a lieutenant (katriyd) and a secretary (khuaja). This number of oajaks remained constant up to the 19th century, when under the government of Ahmad Bey, three new corps were raised in the Sahil, the Djarfd and the A£rad (Kabis, Gabes). If, at the outset, the number of Sipahfs was 600, ca. 1788 there were as many as 2,000 (Arab) ones, comprising onetenth of the Beylical forces. From 1830 onwards, after the creation of a regular army, the Sipahf oajaks lost some of their importance; ca. 1840 the oajak of the Turks disappeared, being incorporated into the regiment of cavalry. Within the Regency of Tunis, the Sipahis' task included accompanying the Bey on his progresses and the maintenance of order in the interior of the country; some were permanendy stationed at the Bardo (the Bey's palace), the rest resided in their own tribes. The Sipahls acted as escorts for the tax collectors, and in time of war, were required to mobilise and participate in the movements of the army encampments. They levied an annual honorarium, received their mount, allotments of fodder and forage, and benefited by exemptions from taxes and duties. In the Regency of Algiers, the Sipahf oajaks appear at around the same time as in Tunis; there were likewise Turkish ones recruited from the Janissaries, and indigenous ones from the local population. At the end of the 18th century, the Agha of Algiers could count on 700 Sipahfs, not counting those of the Bey. Their duties were similar to those of their colleagues at Tunis. In 1789, Venture de Paradis was struck by the importance of this corps in the social hierarchy at Algiers. The position of a Sipahi was especially sought by rich persons; in order to have a chance of entering their ranks, the Bash Agha of the Sipahfs who, as at Tunis, was recruited from amongst the Janissary officers, had to be bought over. The Sipahis in the Algiers Regency received neither honoraria nor salaries, and the cost of mounts and of fodder and forage was at their own charge. But in both Regencies, they could profit from handsome windfalls, pots of wine and allowances. In Tripolitania, Sipahf oajaks are recorded from 1580 on the occasion of their interference in the political affairs of that Regency, at a time when they were commanded by Haydar Pasha (see Ba§vekalet Ar§ivi,
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Istanbul, Muhimme defteri no. 62, dated 12 Dhu 'l-Kacda 990/8 December 1580). These troops had the same role and the same duties as the Sipahfs in the other Regencies. Bibliography: Venture de Paradis, Alger au XVIIP siecle, Tunis n.d.; J. Pignon, Un document inedit sur la Tunisie au XVIP siecle, Tunis n.d.; Ch. Monchicourt, Relations inedites de Nyssen, Filippi et Calligaris, Paris 1929; Pakalm, s.v. Sipahr, M. Tayyib Gokbilgin, vA, art. Sipahi', N. Weissman, Les Janissaires, Paris 1964; Ibn Abi Dinar, al-Mu3nis, Tunis 1967; A. Temimi, Sommaire des registres arabes et turcs d'Alger, Tunis 1979; Mohamed Cherif el Hedi, Pouvoir et societe dans la Tunisie de Hussayn Ben AU (1705-1740), Tunis 1986; Moncef Fakhfakh, Sommaire des registres administratifs etjiscaux aux Archives Rationales Tunisiennes, Publs. des Archives Nat. Tunis., Tunis 1990; Ibn Abi '1-Diyaf, Chronique des rois de Tunis et du pacte fondamental, chs. iv-v, ed. and tr. A. Raymond, Tunis 1994; Chibani Benbelghith, L'armee tunisienne a I'epoque de Muhammad es-Sadik Bey (1859-1882], Publs. de la FTERSI, Zaghouan 1995. (ABDELJELIL TEMIMI) 3. In India. In India both the French and the British adopted the word, which seems to have reached them through the Portuguese, the former writing it cipaye or cipai, and the latter sepoy, seapoi, seapoy, seapy, cephoy, sipoy, etc., but there both nations have applied it since the beginning of the 18th century to natives of India trained, armed and clad after the European fashion as regular infantry soldiers. Regiments of sepoys were first raised and employed by the French. In 1748 Dupleix raised several battalions of Muslim infantry, armed in the European fashion, and in 1759 Lally wrote to the Governor of Pondicherry: "De quinze mille cipayes, dont 1'armee est censee composee, j'en compte a peu pres huit cens sur la route de Pondichery". Stringer Lawrence soon imitated Dupleix in forming regular battalions of sepoys in Madras, and in 1757 a force of sepoys accompanied Lord Clive when he left Madras in order to recover Calcutta. The military establishment of Bengal had consisted of one company of artillery, four or five companies of European infantry, and a few hundred natives armed in their own fashion, but after the recovery of Calcutta from the Nawwab Siradj al-Dawla a force of Madras sepoys was used to form the nucleus of an army for Bengal, and 2,000 sepoys fought at the battle of Plassey in June, 1757. About the same time, sepoys were raised and employed in Bombay, and European adventurers in native states raised and drilled battalions of sepoys for their masters. In 1795 the infantry of the three Presidency armies was organised in regiments of two battalions each, each battalion consisting of eight battalion and two grenadier companies. Of such regiments Bengal possessed twelve, Madras eleven, and Bombay four, with an additional marine battalion. Henceforward the three armies grew on divergent principles and with different organisations. The Sepoy Mutiny of 1857-8 shattered the old Bengal army and seriously affected that of Bombay, but both were reconstituted and remodelled. Early in the 20th century Lord Kitchener, then commander-in-chief in India, formed the three Presidency armies into one Indian army, which fought with distinction in the two World Wars until it was divided between Pakistan and India in 1947. The Native States within British India also had their own armies prior to 1947. Bibliography: Capt. J. Williams, A historical account of the rise and progress of the Bengal Native Infantry, Lon-
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don 1817; A.C. Lovett and G.F. McMunn, The armies of India, London 1911; H. Yule and A.C. Burnell, Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed. W. Crooke, London 1903; Imperial gazetteer of India1, iii, 326-83; T.W. Haig, in Comb. hist. India, vi, The Indian empire 18581918, 395-402; P. Mason, A matter of honour. An account of the Indian Army, its officers and men, London 1974; S.L. Menezes, Fidelity and honour. The Indian Army from the seventeenth to the twenty-first century, New Delhi 1994; D. Omissi, The sepoy and the Raj. The Indian Army, 1860-1940, London 1995. (T.W. HAIG*) SIPAHSALAR [see ISPAHSALAR]. SIPIHR, "celestial sphere", nom-de-plume (takhallus) of the Persian historian and man of letters, Mfrza Muhammad Takr of Kashan (d. Rabfc II 1297/March 1880). After a studious youth spent in his native town, he settled definitely in Tehran, where he found a patron in the poet-laureate (malik al-sjiu'ard3) of Path CA1I Shah. On his accession (1250/1834), Muhammad Shah appointed him his private panegyrist (madddh-i khdssd) and secretary and accountant in the treasury (munshi wa-mustawfi-i diwari). The same Shah entrusted him with the composition of a universal history. Nasir al-Dfn Shah also encouraged him in this enterprise and in 1272/1853 conferred on him the titie of Lisdn al-Mulk ("Tongue of the State"). De Gobineau, who had known him, speaks of his "gravite docte et administrative" in contrast to the "facons legeres et riantes" of his colleague Rida Kull Khan Hidayat. The book entitled Bardhln al-cAd£am finished by Sipihr in 1251/1835 deals with Persian prosody; it is illustrated by examples from the Persian classical poets. His own verses are cited in anthologies, e.g. the Madjma' al-jusahd3 of Rida Kuli Khan [q.v.], ii, 156-81; they show technical skill but lack originality and taste. Sipihr's universal history, pretentiously called the Ndsikh al-tawdnkh "Effacer of chronicles", was continued, for the early Islamic period, by his son c Abbas Kuli, and then Sipihr himself took up the history of his patrons the Kadjars; this is the only part of the work of any originality and importance, and goes up to 1273/1857. It was much used by early chroniclers of the Babf movement [see BASIS], such as de Gobineau, Kazimbek and Browne, with the latter paying tribute to Sipihr's candour and accuracy (most recent edition by M.B. BihbudI of the Ta'rikh-i Kdajdriyya, 4 vols., Tehran 1385/1965). Bibliography: See Storey, i, 152-4, 1247 (on the complex construction and printing history of the Nasikh al-tawdnkh), iii/1, 199-200 (on the Bardhin al-A&am); Storey-Bregel, i, 480-7. Also A. de Gobineau, Trois ans en Asie, Paris 1859, 454, 461-2; idem, Les religions et les philosophies dans I'Asie Centrale, Paris 1866, 157; E.G. Browne, A traveller's narrative written to illustrate the episode of the Bab, Cambridge 1891, ii, 173-84; idem, LHP, iv, 326, 344, 413; Rypka et alii, Hist, of Iranian literature, 344; Abbas Amanat, Resurrection and renewal. The making of the Babi movement in Iran, 1844-1850, Ithaca and London 1989, index. (V. MINORSKY*) SIPIHRI, SUHRAB (1928-80), Iran's most famous 20th-century painter and a leading modernist Persian poet. Born in Kashan, where he finished elementary and high school, Sipihri received a college degree from the College of Fine Arts at Tehran University in 1953. His first exhibition of paintings took place that same year. His first book of poems had appeared in 1951. Other volumes of poetry followed, with his collected poems appearing in 1977 in Hasht kitdb ("Eight Books").
In 1957 Sipihri made his first trip abroad, mainly to London and Paris, participating in a lithography course at 1'Ecole des Beaux Arts. To subsequent trips to Tokyo, India, Europe, the United States, Greece and Egypt can be traced influences in his paintings. In the mid-1960s began a period of many Sipihn exhibitions in Iran and abroad, which brought him to the forefront of Iranian painting. From that period also, Sipihrf's productivity as a poet established him as a leading modernist. Sipihri never married and was a retiring, private and gentle person, much liked and loved by people who knew him well. He died of leukemia in April 1980 and was buried at a Muslim religious shrine in a village near Kashan. Simplicity is a quality of Sipihn's art. His paintings, mostly inspired by nature, mainly landscape and some village scenes, exhibit splashes of hopeful colour in scenes of brown and other earth colours. The same simplicity in Sipihn's poetry communicates appreciation of life's incUvidual moments. Sipihn is the Iranian nature poet par excellence. His work recalls that of European Romantics in its love of nature and sometimes child-like wonder, while its communication of belief in the unity of existence and the presence of divine creativity in nature seem rooted in Eastern gnosticism. Unlike other modernist Iranian poets, who are mostly secular-minded, anti-clerical with respect to Iran's Twelver Shi*! heritage, and not inclined to find inspiration in Islamic imagery, Sipihn uses images from religion, including allusions to the Kur'an. Some readers consequently find his poetry neo-Sufi. But these lines from his most famous poem, Sidd-yi pdy-i db (1964), suggest a personal and individual poetic outlook and philosophy other than Sufi religiosity: "I am a Muslim. My Mecca is a rose. My mosque is a spring. ... My Kaaba lies by the water." Bibliography: Sipihri, Hasht kitdb, 2Tehran 1979; idem, Muntakhabdt-i ashcdr, Tehran, 1986; idem, Utdki dbi wa du niwishta-yi digar, 1990; idem, Tarhhd wa itudhd-yi Sipihri, nakkdsh-i badiha-nigdr wa sdlshumdr-i, zindigi wa fasr-i Suhrdb Sipihn, 1991; L. Golistan, Suhrdb Sipihn: shdcir, nakkdsh, 1980; (28 colour pis. of paintings); D. Shayegan, Oasis d'emeraude. Paris 1982 (Fr. trs.); K. Emami, Water's footsteps: a poem, in Iranian Studies, xv (1982), 97-116 (Eng. tr. of Siddyi pdy-i db and notes); D. Martin, The expanse of green. Poems of Sohrab Sepehry, Los Angeles 1988 (Eng. trs.); D. Ashuri, K. Imamf, and H. Ma'sumf Hamadanl, Paydm\ dar rah: na^an ba shicr wa nakkashiyi Suhrdb Sipihn, '* 4Tehran 1992 (chronology and bibl.); S. Husaynf, Nilufar-i khdmush: na^an ba shifr-i Suhrdb 'Sipihn, 1992 (useful analysis and full bibl., C A. Dihbdshl, Sidd-yi pdy-i db. Tddwdra-yi Suhrdb Sipihn, 1996. ' (M.C. HILLMANN) SlR BANI YAS, Djazfrat ("the ultimate place of destination of the Banii Yas" [see YAS, BANU]), the name of an off-shore island in the western half of the embayment in the Gulf, between the Abu Zaby coast and Katar [q.v.], belonging to Abu Zaby. The island is mentioned in 1580 as "Sirbeniast" by the Venetian traveller Gasparo Balbi (Slot, The Arabs of the Gulf, 37-9, 50). Some of the islands in this part of the Gulf, including Sir Ban! Yas, Ghagha, al-Yasat and particularly Dalma, were inhabited during the winter months by groups of the Banu Yas, while during the summer they became overcrowded by the influx of pearl fishermen coming usually from what are now the United Arab Emirates [see AL-IMARAT AL-CARABIYYA AL-MUTTAHiDA in Suppl.], Katar and Bahrayn, the majority of the inhabitants being acknowledged as belonging to Abu Zaby. The oil con-
SIR BAN! YAS — SIR DARYA cessions of the 1930s necessitated the precise demarcation of the frontiers, the ownership of some of the islands becoming a matter of dispute between Katar and Abu Zaby. A decision was reached in 1961 and again in 1969. The islands of Halul, al-Ashat and Shira'uh were considered as belonging to Katar, and those of Dayylna and Sir Bam Yas to Abu Zaby. Bibliography: Muhammad Morsy Abdullah, The United Arab Emirates. A modern history., London-New York 1978; BJ. Slot, The Arabs of the Gulf, 16021784, Leidschendam (the Netherlands) 1993; see also the bibls. to the articles mentioned in the text. (E. VAN DONZEL) StR DARYA, conventional form Syr Darya, a river of Central Asia and the largest in that region. The Turkish element in the name, sir, is not actually found before the 10th/16th century; in the following century, the Khfwan ruler and historian Abu '1-GhazI Bahadur Khan [q.v.] calls the Aral Sea "the Sea of Sir" (Sir Tefrizi). 1. In the early and mediaeval periods. The Sir Darya flows through the present republics of Kirgizia, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan down from the northwestern slopes of the Tien Shan Mountains to the Aral Sea [q.v.]. It is formed by the confluence in the eastern part of the Farghana [q.v.] valley of the Narin/Naryn and Tar or Kara Darya rivers and has a length of 2,200 km/1,370 miles from that confluence and one of 2,900 km/1,800 miles from the source of the Naryn. Its water capacity is fed by melting snow in the Tien Shan and, to a lesser extent, by glaciers there and by rain. The lower reaches are frozen over from December to March/April. In the high-water period March/April to August/September it carries down vast quantities of silt, which used to push out its delta at the Aral Sea (before the present disastrous shrinkage and salinisation of that Sea) by a considerable amount each year (see 2. below). The river has numerous tributaries into its upper and middle reaches before it starts to skirt the northeastern fringe of the Kizil Kum desert, the last significant one being a right-bank affluent, the Arys. The Sir Darya thus has its origin in that region of modern Kirgizia known in mediaeval Islamic times by the Turkish name Yeti Su "[land of] the seven rivers", Russian Semirecye. The indigenous population in mediaeval times always regarded the Kara Darya as the upper source of the Sir Darya. The district between the Narin and the Kara Darya has for long been known in Persian as Miyan rudan and in Turkish as Iki su arasi. Whether there were any significant irrigation canals led out from it in mediaeval times, as was certainly the case from the lower Amu Darya [q.v] or Oxus, is unclear; al-Mukaddasf's mention of a khatid} or canal 140 farsakhs long between Khudjand in Farghana and Usrushana [q.w] (22 n. m, only in the Istanbul ms.) is unconfirmed by other sources. In Western Europe, the Sir Darya is still frequently called by its old Greek name of Jaxartes; a Pahlavf form Yakhsart is assumed and explained by J. Marquart (Die Chronologic der alttiirkischen Inschriften, Leipzig 1898, 6) as yaklisha aria "true, genuine pearl". Against this explanation is the fact that in the numerous personal and geographical names compounded with arta, this component is always found at the beginning of the word. Yet the word yakhsha "pearl" seems actually to be contained in the name; the Chinese (Cincu-ho) and Old Turkish (Tincu tiguz) names of the river have the same meaning. The Chinese transcription of the native name is given as Yao-sha (E. Bretschneider,
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Mediaeval researches from eastern Asiatic sources, London 1888, i, 75), Tau-sha (F. Hirth, Nachworte zur Inschrift des Tonjukuk, 81, in W. Radloff, Die alttiirkischen Inschnften der Mongolei, 2nd series, St. Petersburg 1899) or To-sha (E. Chavannes, Documents sur les Toukiue (Turcs) occidentaux, St. Petersburg 1903). In the Muslim period the initial y seems to have disappeared in the land itself; the Arabic (al-Blrunf, al-Kanun al-Masfudl, in A. Sprenger, Post- und Reiserouten, etc., Leipzig 1864, 32) and Persian (Hudud al-cdlam, tr. Minorsky, 118) manuscripts have Khashart: this form and not as Marquart assumes (Die Chronologic, etc., 5), Takhshart was probably in Ibn Khurradadhbih, 178, 1. 2. Ibn Khurradadhbih, 178, 1. 4, mentions the name Kankar which also appears in Chinese transcription (K'ank't] and was used probably on the central course of the river only: cf. Daryd-i Gang from Firdawsl, in Gr. Ir. Ph., ii, 445. The Arabs introduced the name Sayhun for the Sir Darya like D^ayhun for the Amu Darya (cf. the names Djayhan and Sayhan in the southeastern frontiers of Asia Minor). In the Nuzjiat al-kulub of Hamd Allah KazwTm (ed. Le Strange, 217, 16, tr. and n., ibid., ii, 210) appears the Gul %aryun which seems to occur nowhere else. Blochet explains this word (in Le Strange, loc. cit.) as the Mongol gul serikun = "cold river", probably wrongly, as the order of words should be reversed. The river is usually called in Arabic and Persian sources after towns and districts on its banks, most frequently "river of Khudjand" (Khudjand is now the only town situated immediately on the bank of the Sir Darya). This name also was adopted by the Mongols (Bretschneider, he. cit., in Chinese transcriptions Ho-shan-mu-lien, for Mongol muren "river"). Also occasionally found, since the Kara Darya flowed past the mediaeval town, important under the Karakhanids [see ILEK KHANS], of Ozkend [q.v] or Uzkend, is the name "river of Ozkend" (e.g. in Hudud al-cdlam, tr. 72). Other names include: river of Banakat, or Fanakat (in Yakut, Mu'o^am, i, 740: Banakit), after the town on the right bank near the mouth of the Angren said to have been destroyed by Cingiz Khan (this destruction is not recorded by contemporaries); river of Shahrukhiyya after the town built by Tlmur in 794/1392 on the site of the destroyed Banakat (Zafar-nama, Calcutta 1888, ii, 636); river of Akhslkat (ibid., i, 441) or Akhsfkath [q.v.]', and river of Cac or Shash, after the great oasis of Circik. There were many towns along the course of the Sir Darya, especially numerous in the fertile Farghana valley. On the middle course lay such provinces as Usrushana and Ilak [q.v. in Suppl.], and the frontier towns of Utrar [q.v] and Isfidjab [q.v. in Suppl.], for it was here that the river valley entered the lands of the pagan Turks. At the mouth of the river three towns are mentioned in the geographers of the 4th/ 10th century, including the Oghuz foundation of Yangi-kant (Ar. al-Karya al-hadltha, Pers. Dih-i Naw; see C.E. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, their empire in Afghanistan and eastern Iran, Edinburgh 1963, 212-13), Djand and Khuwara [see on these, DJAND, in Suppl.]. In the 4th/10th century the Sir Darya is mentioned as a navigable river along with the Amu-Darya (alMukaddasf, 323, 1); in "times of peace or of truce", food supplies were brought to Karyat al-Hadftha by water (Ibn Hawkal, tr. Kramers-Wiet, 489). Navigation is now interrupted by the rapids of Begovat which begin at the village of Kosh-Tegermen, 15 miles below Khudjand. These rapids seem to be nowhere mentioned in Muslim sources; Djuwaym's story (Ta3nkh-i ^ahdn-gushd, tr. Boyle, i, 92-4) of the siege of Khudjand by the Mongols in 1220, and the
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SIR DARYA — SlRA
adventurous flight of the commander Timur Malik, presupposes an uninterrupted passage by water from Khudjand to the towns on the lower course of the Sir Darya (cf., e.g. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i, 225-6). After the foundation of Russian rule on the lower course of the Sir Darya (since 1847) an attempt was made to introduce steam navigation on the river; the steamers of the Aral fleet went up the Sir Darya also and had their most important anchorage at the town of Kazalinsk founded by the Russians. After this service ceased in 1882, no further such attempts were made, although several times proposed; traffic on the Sir Darya was maintained solely by boats of native construction (kayik). Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): W. Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion3, London 1968, 155-79; idem, K istorii orosjieniya Turkestana, St. Petersburg 1914, repr. in Socineniya, iii, Moscow 1965, 210-33; Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 433-4, 476-89. (W. BARTHOLD-[C.£. BOSWORTH]) 2. The colonial and modern periods. With the submission of the Kazakh steppes in the 1830s, at a time when Anglo-Russian rivalry was becoming strong, the Tsarist armies formed a fortified line along the Sir Darya which allowed them to occupy without difficulty in 1864 the towns of Cimkent, Turkestan and Aulie Ata, and then Tashkent in 1865. The Russian government thus inherited the system of water distribution according to Kur'anic law, to which was added the question of agricultural lands for the colonial interests. Despite some innovations, the area of irrigated land remained limited (35,000 ha in the Hunger Steppe) and dependent on the small and medium-sized water courses. The installation of the Soviet regime was accompanied by a specific policy of irrigation involving the maximum use of the waters of the Amu and Sir Daryas, until then neglected in favour of lesser streams. Apart from the introduction of agricultural reform and a new irrigation water law between 1925 and 1929, the Five Year Plans of the Stalinist period gave a large part to the large-scale (numerous water barrages) and a spectacular increase in the network (more than 50 canals which were led off) between the years 1938-40. Because of this, the water flow of the Sir Darya progressively dried up as the surface of irrigated land increased (some 2,286,000 ha in 1965 and 4,109,000 in 1987). This process accelerated after the 1960s. It reduced almost to nothing the supply of water to the Aral Sea, whose decrease, already noted by 19th-century travellers (Meyendorff, 1826; Ujfalvy, 1872), has led to a present-day ecological disaster without precedent: wastage of water for intensively irrigated agriculture on the lower course, salinisation of the land and of the Sir Darya's waters (456 mg/1 I 1912, 1844 g/1 in 1985 at Kazalinsk), pollution of the Sea itself, unrestrained use of fertilisers and a deterioration of health conditions for the populace. The middle and lower courses formed, over the long scale of history, a line of political demarcation which also had, in the complex history of contacts between the Siberian and Middle Eastern worlds, an important cultural dimension. Thus in the 8th and 9th centuries A.D. the Sir Darya had marked the northern limit of Islam and the southern limit of the Turkicised domain (see 1. above). More generally, the middle reaches of the river, the most populated zone, was regarded as the frontier of urban civilisation and its learned culture vis-a-vis a nomadic civilisation based on orality.
The Sir Darya, like other great rivers of the world, ran through various states which, during the Russian and Soviet periods formed part of the same political unit. During 1924-9 its course watered a part of the autonomous Tajik republic (transformed into a federated republic in 1929), the Uzbek federated republic and the autonomous Kirghiz republic, which became the federated Kazakh republic in 1925. Today, these republics have, since the winter of 1991, become independent, but the economic and ecological crisis ravaging the region places the river in the position of a hostage in the fragile inter-ethnic and political equilibrium which is emerging there. The Farghana valley, where the Islamic revival seems most marked, is at the intersection of a bundle of economic and social problems in which a strong hand on the utilisation of the river and the canals running off it will be decisive. The possible deflection of the river's waters in favour of some republic, region or population group is a weapon often used in history. Bibliography: G. de Meyendorff, Voyage d'Orenbourg a Boukhara fait en 120 a trovers les steppes qui s'etendent a I'Est de la mer d'Aral et au dela de I'ancien Jaxartes, Paris 1826; Ch.E. Ujfalvy de Mezo-Kovesd, Le Syr Dana, Expedition scientifique Jrangaise en Russie, en Siberie et dans le Turkestan, ii/5, Paris 1879; B.L. Shultz, Reki Sredney Azii, Moscow 1949; V.N. Fedshina, Kak sosdavalas' karta Sredny Aziii, Moscow 1967; BSE (1976), xxv, 139; D. Oreshkine, La Mer d'Aral menacee de disparition, in La Recherche, no. 226, vol. xxi (1990), 1380-8; Aral, segodnya i zavtra, Alma Ata 1990; M. Mainguet, L'Aral: erreurs et lefons d'un developpement inadapte, in Version Originate, no. 2 (1993), 177-87. (C. POUJOL) SIRA (A.), a genre of early Islamic literature: Sira means "way of going"; "way of acting", "conduct", "way of life" (in these meanings it is almost synonymous with sunna [
"The sira", sirat rasul alldh or al-slra al-nabawiyya, have been the most widely used names for the traditional account of Muhammad's life and background. Martin Hinds (Maghazf and Slra, in La vie du Prophete Mahomet, 57-66; see also MAGHAZI) has argued that the biographical material on the Prophet was transmitted during the first two centuries of Islam exclusively under the name of maghdzi, whereas sira was applied only since Ibn Hisham (d. 218/833 or 213/828 [q.v.]). This view has been challenged by Maher Jarrar (Prophetenbiographie, 1-59), who claims that maghdzi is only part of the sira, the designation being used occasionally as a pars pro toto, and that the biography was already called sira by al-Zuhrf (d. 124/742 [q.v]), a central figure in the transmission of materials on the Prophet. History of the sira. In MAGHAZI, Hinds discussed not only the designation of the prophetic biography but wrote also its early history. For that stage
SIRA the present contribution has little to add. However, the most archaic layer of the biography, that of the stories of the kussds [see KASS; KISSA. 1], deserves a little more emphasis. An early 3rd/9th century papyrus, whose isndds go back to Wahb b. Munabbih (34-1107 654-728 [
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For a survey of early sira works, see GAS, i, 275302; for late works see Kister, Tfoslrah literature, 366-7. Characteristics of sira texts. Be it under the heading magjidzi or sira, in the prophetic biography very heterogeneous materials are brought together. Various intentions seem to prevail: to build up the image of Muhammad in rivalry to the prophets of other communities, to depict him as a statesman of international stature, to elaborate on Kur'anic texts and create a chronological framework for them, to record the deeds of the early Muslims, to continue the genre of ayyam al-carab [q.v.] and to set standards for the new community. These intentions are striven after in a great variety of text types, of which the following survey is by no means exhaustive: (1) Stories about the military expeditions of Muhammad and his companions (maghdzi in the strictest sense). They form a continuation of the profane accounts of ayyam al-carab, with raids, battles, challenges, examples of bravery, exchanges of poetry and single combats. Islamic elements are, e.g., the intervention of angels in battle and the (often merely ornamental) addition of Kur'anic passages. In later centuries, the maghdzt were continued in their turn by would-be historical popular stories in which Muhammad is venerated, while CA1I b. Abl Talib develops into a military hero of supernatural stature. These popular stories, which were studied by Paret, can be reckoned with the sira sha'biyya. The 7th/13th century author Abu '1-Hasan al-Bakrf [see AL-BAKRI] played a central part in this genre, but he may well have had predecessors. (2) Accounts offadd'il and mathdlib, which form the record of the merits and faults of clans and individual Companions of the Prophet, as well as their genealogies. Various lists are incorporated in the sira: of the first converts, of the Emigrants, the fighters in various battles, representatives of the Ansar, etc. A specific type of text, to which also monographs were dedicated, is that of the awd'il [q.v], in which is recorded who did something for the first time, e.g. Sacd b. Abl Wakkas was the first to shed blood in Islam (Ibn Ishak, no. 194). The deeds of the Companions also became recorded in separate works, such as the Tabakdt by Ibn Sacd; al-Isti cdb fi ma'rifat al-ashdb by Ibn cAbd al-Barr (368-463/978-1070), Usd al-ghdba by Ibn alAthlr (555-630/1160-1233) and al-hdba ji tamyiz alsahdba by Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalam (773-852/1372-1449) [
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SlRA
The long narrative of how Kuraysh conspired at the eve of Muhammad's hiajra, and how Allah outwitted them by making them unable to see him, is built on VIII, 30: "and when the unbelievers were plotting ... but God plots also, and God is the best of plotters", and elegantly incorporates XXXVI, 8: "... and We covered them, so that they could not see" (Ibn Hisham, 323-6; see also Wahb, 132-6). This story does not give the occasion for the revelation of the verses, but playfully talks about them together. The verse which forms the inspiration of a story need not even be quoted. The story about the reception of Muslim emigrants by the Negus of Abyssinia is built on Kur'an, III, 191, without any literal correspondence (cf. W. Raven in JSS, xxxiii [1988], 201). (4) Prophetic legend. As the Kur'an had done before, the sira aims at establishing the place of Muhammad among the prophets, and that of Islam among the other religions. The numerous stories which dwell upon the characteristics of prophethood react on the narrative repertoire of Judaism [see ISRA'ILIYYAT], Christianity and Manichaeism. Some examples: The twelve "leaders" (nukaba3) appointed by Muhammad from the Ansar at al-cAkaba [q.v.] are put on a par with the disciples of Jesus or the representatives of the tribes of Israel during the Exodus (Ibn Hisham, 299; Wahb, 130). In the Ascension story, the rank attributed to the prophets is reflected by their places in one of the seven heavens: Muhammad finds Ibrahim in the highest heaven, but Musa and clsa in the lower ones (Ibn Hisham, 270). Even the physiognomies of the various prophets were subjected to comparative descriptions (Ibn Hisham, 266, Ibn Sa'd, i/2, 125). The sira sometimes recapitulates prophetic characteristics in general statements, which are exemplified by Muhammad: there is no prophet but has shepherded a flock (Ibn Hisham, 106); a prophet does not die without being given the choice (ibid., 1008); no prophet dies but he is buried where he died (ibid., 1019); the eyes of prophets sleep while their hearts are awake (ibid., 266; Ibn Sacd i/1, 113). In hadJth this generalising tendency becomes more frequent; cf. Wensinck, Handbook, 196-7. The sira contains stories about numerous miracles wrought by God through His Prophet, or by the Prophet himself, which served as the proofs of his prophethood, often with the intention of comparing him to the other prophets. From the 3rd/9th century onwards, these stories developed into the independent genre of dala'il or a'lam or amdrdt al-nubuwwa. Wellknown authors in this field are cAbd al-Djabbar alHamadhanf (d. 415/1025), Ahmad b. al-Husayn al-Bayhaki (d. 458/1066), Abu Nu£aym al-Isfahanf (d. 430/1038), and al-Mawardr (d. 450/1058) [q.vv]. For a longer enumeration of such works, see Kister, The sfrah literature, 355. (5) Written documents, including: - letters from the Prophet to foreign rulers, governors and to the Arabian tribes (e.g. Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf, xiv, 336-46); - treaties, as for instance that of al-Hudaybiya [q.v.] (Ibn Hisham, 747-8); - the "Document (kitab; wrongly called 'Constitution') of Medina" (Ibn Hisham, 341-4; Abu £Ubayd alKasim b. Sallam, K. al-Amwdl, ed. M. £Amara, Beirut 1989, 291-4) is a category in itself. It is an agreement between "Muhammad the Prophet" and "the believers and Muslims of Kuraysh and Yathrib, and those who follow them, join them, and strive along-
side them", including Jewish groups (see MUHAMMAD, at vol. VII, 367b, and the updated bibliography here below); - the lists which were mentioned above under fadd'il and mathalib should in some cases be classified as documents. Lists of the first Emigrants, or of participants in certain battles, may have been taken over by the story-tellers from government registers. (6) Speeches and sermons by the Prophet, e.g. his first addresses in Medina (Ibn Hisham, 340-1); his speech at the Farewell Pilgrimage (ibid., 968-9). (7) Poetry. Story-tellers often interspersed their maghdzi narratives with poetry. This has a function similar to that of speeches; it underlines a point or emphasises a dramatic moment by changing to another mode. Battling heroes exchange improvised poetry, as was the case in ayydm al-carab. This poetry is generally of poor quality. Serious poetry occurs as well, e.g. by Kacb b. Zuhayr (his Bdnat Su'dd is the only kaslda in the sira] and Hassan b. Thabit [
SIRA for the historiography of the image of the Prophet in the belief and doctrine of his community. The "Document of Medina" is generally considered authentic, i.e. dating back to the Prophet, but there is disagreement about the unity of the text and its attitude towards (certain groups of) Jews, because the well-known Jewish tribes of Medina are not mentioned. Scholars, driven perhaps by a honor vacui, continue deriving historical facts from late sources. The last scholarly biography of Muhammad is that by W. Montgomery Watt (Muhammad at Mecca and Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1953, 1956), and a new one is unlikely to appear. G. Schoeler has recently published a monograph on the character and authenticity of Islamic tradition about the Prophet's life. To Muslims, the slra, which in the first centuries of Islam had been taken less seriously than hadith, gradually became almost a holy writ, whose reliability was accepted almost without asking questions. In reaction to the rise of historical criticism in the west, which often struck a patronising, if not resentful, note towards Islamic beliefs, some Muslims have felt the need vigorously to defend the veracity of the slra. The Life of Muhammad by Muhammad Husayn Haykal (1935) is an example of an apologetic biography. A striking illustration of the attitude of modern Muslims towards the slra is the scandal around the British author Salman Rushdie, who in his novel The Satanic verses (London 1988) has alluded to both traditional and self-invented details from the life of the Prophet, and has been subsequently severely attacked and threatened all over the Muslim world, notably in Iran. Bibliography: The following is meant as a supplement to the bibls. in the arts. IBN HISHAM; IBN ISHAK; MAGHAZI; MUHAMMAD; see also AL-SUHAYLI; ALTABARI; TAFSIR; WAHB B. MUNABBIH; CURWA B. ALZUBAYR; AL-WAKIDI; AL-ZUHRI. 1. General.' GAS, i, 275-302; P. Crone and M. Cook, Hagarism, Cambridge 1977; A.A. Duri, The rise of historical writing among the Arabs, ed. and tr. L.I. Conrad, introd. F.M. Donner, Princeton 1983 (translation of Bahth ft nosh3at 'Urn al-ta'nkh c inda }l-carab, with many new bibliographical references); M. Jarrar, Die Prophetenbiographie im islamischen Spanien. Ein Beitrag zur Uberlieferungs- und Redaktionsgeschichte. Frankfurt am Main etc. 1989; M.J. Kister, "The Strah literature", in Camb. hist. Ar. lit., i, Arabic literature to the end of the Umayyad period., Cambridge 1983, 352-67 (an extended and updated version is forthcoming in L.I. Conrad (ed.), History and historiography in early Islamic times: studies and perspectives, Princeton); La vie du prophete Mahomet. Colloque de Strasbourg (23-24 octobre 1980), Paris 1983; G. Schoeler, Charakter und Authentie der muslimischen Uberlieferung u'ber das Leben Mohammeds, Berlin 1996; J. Wansbrough, The sectarian milieu: content and composition of Islamic salvation history, London 1978. 2. A"i>jfl/Wahb b. Munabbih. Wahb = R.G. Khoury, Wahb b. Munabbih, i, Der Heidelberger Papyrus PSR HeidArab 23, ii, Faksimiktafeln, Wiesbaden 1972 (Codices Arabici Antiqui, i); Kister, Note on the papyrus account of the 'Aqaba meeting, in Le Museon Ixxvi (1963), 403-17; idem, On the papyrus of Wahb b. Munabbih, in BSOAS, xxxvii (1974), 545-71. 3. Ibn I s h a k / I b n Hisham (update). Ahmed Hebbo, Die Fremdworter in der arabischen Prophetenbiographie des Ibn Hischdm (gest. 218/834). Frankfurt am Main etc. 1984; Ibn Ishak = Sirat Ibn Ishak almusammdt bi-Kitdb al-mubtada* wa 'l-mab'ath wa 'l-maghdzi, ed. Muhammad Hamld Allah, Rabat
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1396/1976; Ibn Ishak, Kitdb al-Siyar wa 'l-maghdzi, ed. Suhayl Zakkar, Beirut 1389/1978; M. Muranyi, Ibn Ishdq's Kitab al-magazl in der riwaya von Yunus b. Bukayr. Bemerkungen zur fruhen Uberlieferungsgeschichte, in JSAI, xiv (1991), 214-75; S.M. al-Samuk, Die historischen Oberlieferungen nach Ibn Ishdq. Eine synoptische Untersuchung, diss. Frankfurt am Main 1978; R. Sellheim, Muhammeds erstes Offenbarungserlebnis. ^um Problem mundlicher und schriftlicher Uberlieferung im 1.17. und 2./8. Jahrhundert, in JSAI, x (1987), 1-16. 4. Some late slra compilations. Mughultay b. Kilfdj, al-^ahr al-bdsim ft sirat Abi 'l-Kdsim, ms. Leiden Or. 370; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, 'Uyun al-athar fljunun al-maghdzl wa 'l-shamd'il wa 'l-siyar, t&._ Y.B.
c Abd al-Hadl, Beirut n.d., and ed. M. al-cld alKhadrawl, Medina 1992; Muhammad b. Yusuf alSalihf al-ShaJmI, Subul al-hudd wa 'l-rashdd ft sirat khayr al-ibdd [al-Stra 'l-Sfia'miyya], ed. M. cAbd alWahid et alii, 4 vols., Cairo 1392-9/1972-9.
5. Legendary maghdzi. R. Paret, Die legenddre Maghdzl-Literatur. Arabische Dichtungen u'ber die muslimischen Kriegsziige zu Mohammeds £eit, Tubingen 1930; A. Schimmel, And Muhammad is His messenger, Chapel Hill 1985.
6. Proofs of prophethood. Abu Nucaym alIsfaham, Dald'il al-nubuwwa, Haydarabad 1320; Ahmad b. al-Husayn al-Bayhakf, Dald3il al-nubuwwa, ed. cAbd al-Rahman Muhammad cUthman, Cairo 1969, Medina 1389; Mawardf, Acldm al-nubuwwa, ed. Tana cAbd al-Ra'uf Sa'd, Cairo 1391/1971; (Theological treatises on this subject:) Abu Hatim al-Razi, Acldm al-nubuwwa, ed. Salah al-SawI, Tehran 1977; cAbd al-Djabbar b. Ahmad al-Hamadham, Tathbtt dald'il al-nubuwwa, ed. cAbd al-Karlm c Uthman, Beirut n.d.
7. Documents. M. Gil, The Constitution of Medina. A reconsideration, in IOS, iv (1974), 44-66; M. Hamidullah, Documents sur la diplomatic musulmane a I'epoque du Prophete et des khalifes orthodoxes, Paris 1935; idem, Textes arabes, Cairo 1941 (repr. as Maaj.mucat al-wathd3ik al-siydsiyya ft }l-cahd al-nabawt wa 'l-khildfa al-rdshida, Cairo n.d.); M. Hamidullah, La lettre du Prophete a Heraclius et le sort de I'original, in Arabica, ii (1955), 97-110; idem, Original de la lettre du Prophete a Kisra illustre, in RSO, xl (1965), 57-69; R.S. Humphreys, Islamic history. A framework for inquiry, London and New York 1991, 92-8; M. Lecker, On the preservation of the letters of the Prophet Muhammad, in Conrad (ed.), History and historiography in early Islamic times; U. Rubin, The "Constitution of Medina". Some notes, in St. Isi, Ixii (1985), 5-23; J. Sperber, Die Schreiben Muhammads an die Stdmme Arabiens, in MSOS As., xix (1916), 1-93. 8. Poetry. W. 'Arafat, Early critics of the authenticity of the poetry in the sfra, in BSOAS, xxi (1958), 453-63; idem, An aspect of the forger's art in early Islamic poetry, in BSOAS, xxviii (1965), 477-82; Kister, The slrah literature, 357-61; J.T. Monroe, The poetry of the sfrah literature, in CHAL, i, 368-73; M. Zwettler, The poet and the prophet. Towards understanding the evolution of a narrative, in JSAI, v (1984), 313-87. 9. "Authenticity". Muhammad Husayn Haykal, Haydt Muhammad, Cairo 1935, tr. I.R.A. alFaruqi. The life of Muhammad, Indianapolis 1976; F.E. Peters, The quest of the historical Muhammad, in IJMES, xxiii (1991), 291-315; M. Rodinson, A critical survey of modern studies on Muhammad, in M. Swartz, Studies on Islam, New York/Oxford 1981, 23-85; A. Wessels, A modern biography of Muhammad. A critical study of Muhammad Husayn Haykal's "Haydt Muhammad", Leiden 1972. (W. RAVEN)
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SIRA SHACBIYYA
SIRA SHACBIYYA (or "popular jfra"), the modern Arabic designation (coined by Arab folklorists in the 1950s) for a genre of lengthy Arabic heroic narratives that in western languages are called either "popular epics" or "popular romances" (Volksroman). These narratives, which in their manuscript corpus refer to themselves equally as either sira or kissa [q.vvl\, are works of adventure and romance primarily concerned with depicting the personal prowess and military exploits of their heroes. Pseudo-historical in tone and setting, they base many of their central characters on actual historical figures or events. Nevertheless, details of history are soon transcended by the imaginative improvements that fiction provides, with the result that history is usually reflected only along general levels of setting, atmosphere and tone. The written versions of popular siras are composed in rhymed prose (sadf [q.v]) frequently interspersed with poetry, and they tend to be exceedingly long, often taking a year to narrate fully in oral form and with the longest manuscript and printed versions running to between two and six thousand pages, depending upon page and script size. Arabic literature produced a rich harvest of these popular epics that, taken together, cover almost the whole of recorded pre-Islamic and Islamic history. Early Persian history is represented by Sirat firuz-Shdh, whose protagonist is the son of the Achaemenid King Darius II; the Sasanid dynasty figures in the Story of Bahrain Gur [see BAHRAM GUR], and in between falls Sirat Iskandar [see ISKANDAR], the geste of Alexander the Great. Pre-Islamic South Arabian history forms the backdrop for Sirat al-Malik Sayf ibn Dhi 'l-Tazan [see SAYF B. ran YAZAN] while pre-Islamic North Arabian history is dealt with in Strat cAntar [see CANTAR, SIRAT], as well as in the story of al-^ir Sdlim and other accounts of the War of Basus [q.v.] between the tribes of Bakr and Taghlib. Early Islamic history is broached with Strat Amir Hamza, which narrates the adventures of Hamza b. cAbd alMuttalib [q.v.], uncle to the Prophet Muhammad. Dhdt al-Himma [q.v], Ghazwat al-Arkat, and al-Badr-Ndr deal with the tribal feuds and holy wars (al-djihdd) of the Umayyad and 'Abbasid caliphates; while Fatimid and Mamluk history are treated in Strat al-Hdkim bi-Amr Allah [see AL-HAKIM] and Strat al-Malik al-£dhir Baybars [see BAYBARS] . The protagonists of the cycles of Ahmad al-Danaf and CAIT %aybak are not martial heroes but rather 'ayydrun (rogues [<7.z>.]), who rely on craft and guile to achieve their aims. Finally, there is Strat Bam Hildl, along with Strat 'Antar the most famous and beloved cycle of this genre, which gives a legendary account of the history of the tribe of the Banu Hilal [q.v] from their pre-Islamic days until their conquest of much of North Africa in the 5th/llth century. Although the genre of Arabic popular epic probably began to develop in the early period of the Islamic empire, references to specific works occur only in the early 6th/12th century. The formulaic character of their rhymed prose, the episodic structure of their story-lines, their continual repetition of a limited number of narrative patterns and motifs, the lack of any identifiable authors and their great length all indicate that these narratives originated and developed within a flourishing tradition of oral compositional public storytelling. This tradition of oral composition (either with or without musical accompaniment) has diminished significantly in the last century in the face of competition from modern entertainment technology, although some transfer has been made and these stories now occasionally appear in the Arab world as
radio dramas, television series, films, and in modernised book and storybook form. Despite their primary existence as an oral popular art form, siras also have a substantial manuscript and printed tradition. The earliest manuscripts date from the early 9th/15th century, whilst in the last century printed versions of these manuscripts have been continually reproduced in various Arab countries. There are significant differences in style, content, and historical origin among members of the genre. Strat firuz Shah, for example, is Persian in origin, while Sirat al-^ir Sdlim is based on pre-Islamic Ayydm al-cArab [q.v] sources. Sirat al-Malik Sayf ibn Dhi 'l-Tazan is full of sorcery and demons, while Strat 'Antar is practically devoid of magic. Sirat al-Malik algdhir Baybars is cast mainly in unadorned prose, while other siras use rhymed prose (sad}') and poetry. Nevertheless, these works form a cohesive genre by reason of their shared emphasis on heroes and heroic deeds of battle, their pseudo-historical tone and setting, and their indefatigable drive towards cyclic expansion; one event leads to another, one battle to another, one war to another, and so on for hundreds and thousands of pages. Viewed from a wider cultural perspective, these popular epics are Arabic examples of a larger body of vibrant popular literature that existed in most parts of the Islamic world. Pre-modern Persian and Turkish literatures also developed strong traditions of popular epic, and there is convincing evidence that, despite their linguistic differences, neighbouring traditions of popular storytelling borrowed and translated from and mutually influenced one another. Sirat fAntar, for example, exists in an Ottoman Turkish translation, and many of these epics exist in multiple versions across disparate linguistic borders. Renditions of Strat Amir Hamza, for instance, exist in Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Georgian, Urdu and Malay, while versions of Strat Iskandar are even more widely disseminated. Furthermore, Arabic and other Islamic popular epics constitute only one portion of a vast tradition of multilingual Islamic popular literatures that also encompasses non-epic pseudo-historical narratives (maghdzT [q.v] and Jutuh), religious literature of various types (popular biographies of the Prophet Muhammad and his companions, saints' legends, accounts of miracles, etc.), numerous genres of popular poetry, song, proverb and humour, and tales of wonder and fantasy, the best known being Alf layla wa-layla [q.v]. The history and nature of this large corpus of literature is still largely uncharted, as are the ways in which different genres, whether within single linguistic traditions or across them, influenced or impacted one another. Nevertheless, no single example of these popular literatures should be considered without at least an awareness of the existence of this larger literary and social context. Bibliography: 1. General. G. Canova, Gli studi suir epica popolare araba, in OM, Ivii (1977), 211-26; P. Heath, A critical review of scholarship on Sfrat c Antar ibn Shaddad and the popular Sira, in JAL, xv (1984), 19-44; B. Shoshan, On popular literature in medieval Cairo, in Poetics Today, xiv/2 (1993), 349-69; idem, Popular culture in medieval Cairo, Cambridge 1993; M.C. Lyons, The Arabian epic. Heroic and oral storytelling, 3 vols., Cambridge 1995. For summaries of prominent popular siras, see Faruk Khurshrd, Adwd3 f ald 'l-siyar al-shafbiyya, Cairo 1974; W. Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis der arabischen Handschriften der Koniglichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, esp. viii, Die Grossen Roman, Berlin 1896; Lyons, op. cit., iii. Also important is Chauvin, Bibligraphic lie, iii, 112-43. Sirat Iskandar, Ghazwat al-
SIRA SHA'BIYYA — SIRADJ Arkat, al-Badr-Nar, and al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah remain unpublished. Ahmad al-Danaf is present in part in The Thousand and One Nights, but a full-length unpublished version exists in manuscript. 2. Specific. See the arts, on the subjects of the stras. Other, more recent studies are Heath, Sirat c Antar and the Arabic popular epic, Salt Lake City 1996; H.T. Norris, The adventures of Antar, Warminster, Wilts. 1980; Faruk Khurshld and Mahmud Dhihnl, Fann kitdbat al-sira al-shacbiyya (on Sirat cAntar), 2Beirut 1980 (4961); S. Pantucek, Das Epos iiber den Westing der Banu Hildl, Prague 1970; B. Connelly, Arab folk epic and identity, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London 1986; S. Slyomovics, The merchant of art, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London 1988; D.F. Reynolds, Heroic poets, poetic heroes. The ethnography of performance in an Arabic oral epic tradition, Ithaca and London 1995; U. Steinbach, Dhdt al-Himma. Kulturgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu einem arabischen Volksroman, Wiesbaden 1972; G. Bohas and J.-P. Guillaume (trs.), Roman de Baibars, 1 vols., Paris 1985-92; J. Oliverius, Aufzeichnungen iiber den Basus-Krieg in der Kunst-literatur und deren Weiterentwicklung im arabischen Volksbuch ^ir Sdlim, in ArO, xxxiii (1965), 44-64; idem, Themen und Motiv im arabischen Volksbuch %lr Sdlim, in ArO, xxxix (1971), 129-45. On the Persian versions of Firuz-Shdh and Bahrdm Gur, see W.L. Hanaway, Jr., Persian popular romances before the Safavid period, Ph.D. diss., Columbia Univ. 1970; idem, Love and war. Adventures from the "Firuz. Shdh Ndma" of Sheikh Bighami, New York 1974; and M. Pantke, Der arabische Bahrdm-Roman: Untersuchungen zur Quellen- und Stoffgeschichte, Berlin and New York 1974. On the 'ayydrs, see M.R. al-Nadjdjar, Hikdydt al-shuttdr wa l-fayydrun fi 'l-turdth al-carabi, Kuwait 1981. (P. HEATH) SIRADJ (A.), lamp (synonyms misbdh, kindil, etc., from Pers. cirdgh via Syriac shrdgd or shrdghd). In the Kur'an, the word sirddj. occurs four times, and misbdh three times, in the sense of lamp or beacon. In LXXI, 15/16, the sun is characterised as a sirddj, and XXXIII, 45/46, the Prophet is called a "shining lamp", sirddj munir. The most famous reference is, however, in the "light verse", XXIV, 35, where God's light is compared with a niche in which is a lamp [see NUR. 2.]. Later in Islam, Ibn 'Arab! [q.v.] interpreted the allegory of the Kur'anic "fourfold light", expressed by mishkdt, misbdh, zud^dd^a and zayt, as referring to the Four Holy Books, sc. the Kur'an, the Psalms, the Pentateuch and the Gospels. The use of lamps in Arabian Islamic society was perhaps not widespread. Among the earliest references to lamps in the domestic life of Islamic society, we learn from a tradition narrated by £AJisha that there was no lamp in the Prophet's household in the early years of his life at Medina (cf. Malik b. Anas, Muwatta', i, 106). In early Islamic society, there are indications that Abu Bakr and al-Zubayr b. al-cAwwam, among their contemporaries, owned lamps. In the social life of Medina, the introduction of a lamp (kindil) in the life of the community was associated with the Prophet's Mosque, which was adjacent to Muhammad's own house. The lighting of a lamp (kindil) at the Prophet's mosque is said to have been the work of one of his disciples, namely, Tamlm alDari [q.v.]. According to records, Tamfm, a wine merchant before his conversion to Islam, brought a kindil with lamp oil and a wick from his native Syria to Medina. His lighting of a lamp in the mosque was an important social event which was not only approved but also commended by the Prophet who, allegedly,
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gave him the nickname of sirddj. Prior to the use of lamps, according to Ibn cAbd al-Barr, palm leaves (sacaf al-nakhl) were burnt for lighting the interior of the mosque. After the event of lighting a lamp in the Masdjid al-Nabawi, the use of lamps at night in mosques became a universal practice among Muslims. The growing popularity of lamps in Islamic society is reflected in the records of trade in lamps. By the time cUmar b. al-Khattab assumed the caliphate and the Islamic conquests of older seats of civilisation such as Syria, 'Irak and Egypt were accomplished, the use of lamps became widespread among the Arabs. c Umar is portrayed as a pious and scrupulous head of state, who, it is said, once extinguished a stateowned lamp at the time of his supper and said, "I do not eat in the lighting of a lamp owned by the public (sirddj. al-cdmma)." (al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, Muhddardt al-udabd3, Beirut 1961, iv, 412). During al-Walld's reign (86-96/705-15), the Umayyad mosque was built in Damascus and the Prophet's mosque was enlarged at Medina. Chandeliers were hung from chains to illuminate these mosques (al-Samhudl, Waja3 al-wafd, Beirut 1971, ii, 519). AlDjahshiyarf portrays the 'Abbasid al-Mansur (nicknamed Abu 'l-Dawdnik "father of farthings" for his austere fiscal policy) as having instructed his servants not to keep lamps burning in his palace in daylight hours because it was an unnecessary waste of oil (K. al-Wuzard3, Cairo 1938, 139). Al-Djahiz records in his K. al-Bukhald* that there were several types of lamps in use in his time, such as pottery lamps (masdridj. al-khazqf) and stone lamps (masdridi al-had^ar) and glass lamps (kindil al-^u^daj). The prototypes of such pottery and stone lamps are ancient, and have been found at Ur in ancient Mesopotamia in the Sumerian civilisation (cf. W.T. O'Dea, The social history of lighting, London 1958, 15). Al-Djahiz in his social satire on the misers portrays a certain Abu 'Abd Allah al-Marwaz! who, one evening, paid a visit to the house of a Khura.sa.nian shaykh who had just lit a green pottery lamp in his house. Their subject of conversation turned to lamps and the most economic way of using them; it emerged that the glass lamps were cleaner and more economical than pottery lamps because those did not absorb oil (ed. Hadjin, Cairo 1958, 17-21, tr. Pellat, Paris 1951, 27-31). In the social and domestic life of Arab society in early Islamic centuries, lamps were an essential tool for lighting in the life of average people, although the wealthy and notables could afford and showed a preference for candles and glass lamps. Al-Khatfb al-Baghdadf also took up the theme of the misers in his shorter version of the Kitdb al-Bukhald3, echoing the belle-lettrist's social satire of a class which disregarded and made a mockery of the Arab social value of generosity (sakhd3). An 'Abbasid poet, Marwan b. Hafsa, who received largesse from al-Mahdl (d. 169/785), was accused of being a miser because he did not spend money to buy a lamp for lighting his house (cf. Ta3nkh Bagdad, xiii, 142-3). We also find in Arabic and Persian travel accounts frequent references to the use of lighting at night in many parts of the mediaeval Islamic world. Lamps made of silver, brass and other materials, as well as wax candles, were widely used for lighting in centres of social and religious significance such as mosques, markets and tombs of holy personages. Nasir-i Khusraw (ca. 1045) reported a widespread use of lamps, made of brass and silver, in the holy places of Hebron, Bethlehem and Jerusalem. He further noted that the lamp oil, called zayt hdrr, was derived from turnip
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SIRADJ — SIRADJ AL-DAWLA
seed and radish seed. He also wrote that in the mosque of Fustat there was a huge silver lampholder or chandelier with sixteen branches, which could hold as many as seven hundred odd lamps on holiday evenings. More than a hundred lamps were kindled in the Fustat mosque every night. In Cairo, according to Nasir-i Khusraw again, there was also a Market of Glass Lamps (Suk al-Kanadil) which was on the north side of the mosque. Yakut also mentions a %ukak alKanadil ("Lamps' lane") in Cairo. There are some rare instances of people who had the surname of al-Misbah in Islamic society of the cAbbasid and Fatimid periods. Al-Tha'alibf noted that all places of worship, Zoroastrian temples, Christian churches and Jewish synagogues, had a means of burning fire or lamps for interior lighting (cf. al-ThacalibI, Thimdr al-kultib, 459-60). Although Ibn al-Ukhuwwa speaks of an Islamic prohibition of the use of vessels like lamps, and of candlesticks made of gold or silver, al-Samhudf records the existence of lamps made of silver and gold given as gifts by Muslim kings and potentates for the Prophet's sacred house (al-huajra al-shanfd) (cf. Wqfa3 al-wafd, ii, 584-7). In Cordova during the Arab period, according to some sources, there were not only household lamps but also street lamps. In his travels to the eastern Islamic lands, the Andalusian traveller Ibn Djubayr witnessed, among other things, candlebearing chandeliers of different styles. He saw lamps lighted, torches kindled and candles lit and censers burning fragrant aloes wood in the sacred mosque in Mecca in the blessed night of the middle of Sha'ban in 579/1183. He also found the use of torches, glass lamps and thick candles in brass candlesticks burning near the tomb (makdm) of Muhammad in the Prophet's Mosque of Medina on the blessed night of 27 Ramadan 579/1184. Ibn Battuta makes some brief references to night lighting during his time. He once stayed as a guest in a Sufi lodge (khdnkdh [q.v]) in Cairo where the residents were given rations of soap, sugar, the cost of bathing in the hammdm, and oil for their lamps. During his visit to Antalya in Asia Minor, he was invited to dine with a cobbler, who was also the Shaykh of the local futuwwa (akhi) movement in a hospice, which was handsomely decorated with Turkish rugs and an clrakf glass lamp which radiated light at the hospice's dinner (Rihla, i, 72, ii, 263, tr. Gibb, i, 44, ii, 420). The use of lamps was more widespread than that of expensive candles, but both were used during feasts and festivals, depending on the user's economic circumstances. The relative merits of these two sources of light inspired Tadj al-Dm
major mosques to see that the mu'adhdhins called the faithful to prayer on time, that mosque employees like attendants swept the floor of the mosque on Fridays, and that the mosque's lamps were thoroughly washed and cleaned at least twice a month and the wicks of the lamps were snuffed and cleaned every night. Bibliography: Given in the article. (M.AJ. BEG) SIRADI AL-DAWLA, Mfrza Mahmud b. Zayn alDm Ahmad, N a w w a b of Bengal, d. 1170/1757. The Nawwab Nazims of Bengal arose, like local ruling families of this time in Haydarabad and Awadh (Oudh) [0.WJ.], from provincial governorships of the declining Mughal empire of the first half of the 12th/ 18th century. Siradj al-Dawla was the grandson and heir of 'Alfwirdl Khan Mahabat Djang, subaddr of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa for the Mughal emperor. On cAlrwirdi Khan's death in 1169/1756, he himself became governor of Bengal and Bihar, Orissa having fallen into the hand of the Marathas [q.v.], against the opposition of his cousin Shawkat Djang. At this same time, relations between Siradj al-Dawla and the British East India Company in Bengal became strained, but these relations of the Company with the rulers in Bengal had been unstable for some thirty years; the Company sought long-term advantageous conditions for trading, but found the Nawwabs' behaviour unpredictable. The Company's representative in Calcutta, Drake, refused to dismantle the defences of Fort William and to surrender an offender against Siradj al-Dawla. In spring 1756 the Nawwab marched with his army, captured the Kasim Bazar factory and besieged Calcutta against stiff resistance from the small British garrison. Fort William and the town were occupied, and it was the prisoners taken there who were incarcerated in the notorious "Black Hole of Calcutta". Siradj al-Dawla's army had meanwhile fought off and killed Shawkat Khan, who had secured from the Mughal emperor a farmdn for the governorship of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. But Robert Clive and Admiral Charles Watson arrived from Madras with troop reinforcements, and their forces easily seized Hugh" (Hooghly). The Nawwab opened negotiations, and a treaty of February 1757 confirmed for the Company all its trading privileges in the Mughal emperor's grant of 1717 plus the right to mint coins at Calcutta. Clive, however, plotted against Siradj al-Dawla with the latter's ambitious commander Mir Djacfar [q.v], and warfare broke out. At the Battle of Plassey on 23 June 1757, Clive, with some 3,000 men and eight cannon, defeated a vastly superior but less trustworthy force of infantry, cavalry and an artillery battery under the French officer Saint-Frais. Siradj al-Dawla fled the field, but was captured by the partisans of Mir Dja'far and killed on 2 July 1757; he had made the mistake of taking on the British before assuring himself of the loyalty of his own subjects, alienating such elements as the Hindu bankers of Bengal. Mir Dja'far now became Nawwab of Bengal [see further DJA'FAR, MIR], and British involvement in North Indian politics henceforth became large-scale. Bibliography: 1. Sources. Ghulam Husayn Sallm Zaydpurl, Riydd al-saldtin, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1890-1, Eng. tr. 1902-4; Ghulam Husayn Tabataba'I, Siyar al-muta3akhkhinn, Newal Kishore, Lucknow 1866, ii, 620-40; Karam CA1I, Muzqffar-ndma, partial Eng. tr. in Jadunath Sarkar, Bengal past and present, 1947. 2. Studies. S.C. Hill, Bengal in 1756-57, a selection of public and private papers..., Calcutta 1905;
SIRADJ AL-DAWLA — SlRAF Sarkar, The history of Bengal, ii, Dacca 1948, ch. XXV; M. Edwardes, The Battle of Plassey and the conquest of Bengal, London 1963; B.K. Gupta, Siraj ud-Daula and the East India Company (1756-1757), the background to the foundation of British power in India, Leiden 1966; W. Nichol, The British in India 174063, a study of imperial expansion into Bengal, diss., Cambridge Univ. 1976, unpubl.; PJ. Marshall, Bengal, the British bridgehead. Eastern India 1740-1828 (= The new Camb. hist, of India, II, 2), Cambridge 1987, 74-8, 80, 91-2.' (I.H. SIDDIQUI, shortened by the Editors) SIRADJ AL-KUTRUB (A.), lit. "the werewolf's lamp", a name for the m a n d r a k e , i.e. the plant species of Mandragora officinarum L. (family Solanaceae] indigenous to the whole Mediterranean area. Siraaj al-kutrub, a loan translation from Syriac shrdgd dh-kantropos (the latter term < X-uKavOpcoKoq), may refer to the whole plant, yet commonly and more specifically denotes its forked root which resembles the human form; synonyms include mandrdghuras (< |iavSpayopaq, thence mandragord),yabruh (< Aramaic yabruhd), shaa^arat al-sanam, and luffdh. The turnip-shaped root is thickly covered with fibres and often consists of two parts which bear a clump of large, sinuate, egg-shaped leaves between which grow the axillary petiolated, bellshaped, strong-smelling, whitish or purple flowers; the globular yellow fruits are about the size of cherries. The anthropomorphism of the root about the digging of which curious stories are told even by classical authors (Plinius, Flavius Josephus), gave rise to many superstitions. Thus the mandrake has been used from ancient times for medicinal, and in particular, for magical purposes, i.e. as an analgesic, anesthetic, hypnotic, cathartic and, most importantly, aphrodisiac. The mandrake was known in ancient Egypt, it seems to occur in the Old Testament (Gen. xxx, 14) under the name of D^TTT lit. "the two lovers", and Dioscorides [see DIYUSKURIDIS] gives a detailed account of it. For the Arabs, it is the queen of the seven (!) mandragoras, the herb which Alexander the Great [see AL-ISKANDAR] held in his hand during his expeditions, and which according to Hermes [see HIRMIS] gave Solomon [see SULAYMAN], who wore it under his signet, power over the ajinn [q.v.]', therefore, the mandrake is regarded as particularly useful against all those diseases which are caused by evil spirits, like paralysis, spasms, epilepsy, loss of memory, et al. Bibliography: I. Low, Die Flora der Juden, ViennaLeipzig 1924, iii, 363-8; W. Schmucker, Die pfianzliche und mineralische Materia Medica im Firdaus al-Hikma des Taban, Bonn 1969, 435 no. 679, 536 ff. no. 805; M. Ullmann, Der Werwolf, in W^KM, Ixviii (1976), 171 ff. (for other meanings of kutrub), 181; Yusuf b. cUmar al-Ghassanf, al-Muctamad fi 'l-adwiya al-mufrada, Beirut 1402/1982, 224-5; H. Bachtold-Staubli and E. Hoffmann-Krayer (eds.), Handwb'rterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, 2Berlin-New York 1987, i, 312-24, s.v. Alraun\ A. Dietrich, Dioscurides triumphans, Gottingen 1988, ii, 500 n. 2 (for other identifications of siraaj al-kutrub), 579 ff. no. 67; F. Rosner, Pharmacology and dietetics in the Bible and Talmud, in I. and W. Jacob (eds.), The healing past, Leiden 1993, 6-9; S. Kottek, Medicinal drugs in the works of Flavius Josephus, in op. cit., 102 f. (O. KAHL) AL-SIRADJAN, SIRADJAN, one of the principal cities of mediaeval Persian K i r m a n and that province's capital during the first three Islamic centuries. Only from Buyid times onwards (4th/10th century) did Bardaslr or Guwashlr (perhaps originally a
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Sasanid foundation, *Weh Ardashir) become the administrative capital, known in the sources also as shahr-i Kirman [see KIRMAN, at vol. V, 150]. Siradjan now exists as the name of a district in the western part of Kirman province and as a name recently revived and given to the present town of SaTdabad on the Shlraz-Kirman City road (lat. 29° 28' N., long 55° 44' E.). The exact site of mediaeval Siradjan seems to be the modern village of Tadjabad-i Kalca-yi Sang (the kalca being the citadel mentioned by authors like Hamd Allah Mustawff), 9 km/5 miles south-south-east of Sacldabad (cf. Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 300, who based himself on P.M. Sykes' identification of a ruined urban site there, see the latter's Ten thousand miles in Persia, London 1902, 431). At all events, Siradjan flourished in early Islamic times, and the Arabic geographers describe it as having houses built of mud brick, with a town wall pierced by eight gates, two markets and a water supply from kandts built by the Saffarids cAmr b. alLayth and his grandson Tahir (al-Mukaddasf, 464). This same author characterises the people there as being in his time mainly Muctazills, although Ibn Hawkal, ed. Kramers 312, tr. Kramers-Wiet 307, states that they were orthodox ahl al-hadlth. Despite the Buyids' transfer of the capital elsewhere, Sfradjan continued to be populous and flourishing, and the resort of merchants. Yakut makes it the second city of Kirman province, and also says, without explanation, that it used to be called al-Kasran1 "the two fortresses/palaces" (Bulddn, ed. Beirut, iii, 295-6). During the following two centuries, it was important from its position not only on the Shlraz-Kirman route but also because it lay on the north-south route to Hormuz and the Gulf coast. In the early 6th/12th century, the Shabankara'f chief Kutb al-Dm Mubariz [see SHABANKARA] managed to detach the Sfradjan district from Kirman and attach it to his own principality in Fars; only later was it recovered by the Kutlugh-Khanid [q.v.] governors of Kirman, but possession of it remained a subject of dispute amongst various representatives of the Il-Khanids (see J. Aubin, La question de Sirgdn au XIIIe suck, in St. Ir, vi [1977], 285-90). In 744/1343 the city passed to the Muzaffarids [q.v.] of Yazd and Kirman. Later in the later 8th/14th century, the city maintained its allegiance to the Muzaffarids and held out during a long siege against the armies of Tfmur's son £ Umar Shaykh; but it fell in 798/1396 and was devastated. Even so, it must have been rebuilt, for in 814/1411 it was again besieged and captured, this time by Iskandar b. cUmar Shaykh, Tfmurid governor in Fars, and it is often mentioned in accounts of the politics and campaigns of later in the century (see Aubin, Deux Sayyids de Bam au XVe siecle. Contribution a I'histoire de ITran timouride, Wiesbaden 1956, 35 and index). Only in the Safawid period does Slradjan fade from mention. Bibliography: In addition to references given in the article, see for the information of the geographers, Le Strange, op. cit., 300-2, Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, 230-3, and Barthold, An historical geography of Iran, Princeton 1984, 137, to which may be added Hudud al-cdlam, tr. Minorsky, 124 (follows alIstakhn). See also D. Krawulsky, Iran—Das Reich der Ilhdne, Wiesbaden 1978, 146. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SIRAF, a port of the Persian Gulf which flourished in the early Islamic centuries as one of the main commercial centres of the Gulf, rivalling Basra. It lay on the coast of Fars, near the modern village of Tallin, some 200 km/125 miles to the southeast
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of Bushire (Bu Shahr [<7-fl.]), in the garmsir or hot region of the sif or coastland. Excavations carried out at the site of Sfraf 196673 by a team sponsored by the British Institute of Persian Studies have shown that there was a Sasanid port there, probably serving the inland centre of Ardashlr Khurra, the latter Islamic Gur or Djur [see FIRUZABAD], to which it was connected by road, and protected by a massive fort which may have been built ca. 360 by Shapur II [see SHAPUR]. The early Islamic geographers expatiate on the prosperity of Sfraf, "the merchants' haunt and the emporium of Pars" (Hudud al-cdlam, tr. Minorsky, 127) and the splendour of its buildings. The Friday mosque was begun, according to archaeological investigation, in the 3rd/9th century. There were richly-decorated, multi-storey houses built from teak (sad} [q.v]) imported from East Africa and from fired brick, although the town's situation suffered from earthquakes, with a particularly devastating one lasting seven days in 366 or 367/976-8. Provisions for the town had to be brought in from outside, as had also water, apart from one small kandt of sweet water (al-Mukaddasf, 326-7). The sources state that Sfraf began to decline after the earthquake, and with the political enfeeblement of the Buyid dynasty in Fars and the ascendancy there of the rapacious and violent Shabankara Kurds [q.v.], whilst pirates based on the island of Kays [q.v.] or Kfsh further down the Gulf caused ships to bypass Slraf and the other Srf ports and go directly to Basra. But this decline can only have been relative, since we know that Sfraf was in the early 6th/12th century the centre of operations, with ramifications stretching as far as China, of a great tycoon, the ndkhudd or ship-owner Abu '1-Kasim Ramisht (d. 534/1140) (see S.M. Stern, Ramisht of Siraf, a merchant millionaire of the twelfth century, in JRAS [1967], 10-14). Sfraf was certainly partly ruinous in the early 7th/13th century when Yakut was there, for he describes it as a small place (bulayd) inhabited by wretched people (sa'dlik) and with only vestiges visible of its ancient fine buildings (Bulddn, ed. Beirut, iii, 294-5; Irshdd, ed. Beirut, viii, 145). It was by this time known as Shflaw. However, the evidence of archaeology and an examination of later sources by Jean Aubin have demonstrated that Sfraf was by no means commercially inactive, but enjoyed a modest, continuing trading life. It served as the outlet for the hinterland region of Khundj u Fal and as a port of departure from this hinterland across the Gulf to Katff [q.v] and Arabia. Shflaw was known to Ibn Battuta, who may have visited it in 748/1347, crossing the Gulf in this fashion from "Khundju Pal" (ii, 244, tr. Gibb, ii, 407-8). Shflaw is still mentioned by European travellers of the 16th century, e.g. by Antonio Tenreiro as Chilaao (1528) and Gasparo Balbi as Silau (1590), but subsequent references are to a simple harbour only at the modern village. Bibliography: In addition to references given in the article, see for the mediaeval Islamic sources Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 258-9; Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, 59-64; Barthold, An historical geography of Iran, Princeton 1984, 160-1. For the excavations at Sfraf, see D. Whitehouse, in Iran JBIPS, vi-xi (1968-75), and idem, Siraf III. The Congregational Mosque, London 1980; cf. also Sylvia A. Matheson, Persia, an archaeological guide, 2London 1976, 249-52. For the later history, see J. Aubin, La mine de Siraf et les routes du Golfe Persique aux XF et XIF siecles, in Cahiers de Civilisation Medievale, ii (Poitiers 1959), 295-301; idem, La survie de Shildu et
la route du Khunj-o-Fdl, in Iran JBIPS, vii (1969), 2137; V.F. Piacentini, Merchants, merchandise and military power in the Persian Gulf (Suriyanj/Shariyaj-Siraf], in Accad. dei Lincei, Memorie, Ser. 9, vol. iii/2 (1992). (C.E. BOSWORTH) AL-SIRAFI, the nisba of two mediaeval Arabic scholars. 1. ABU SAC!D AL-HASAN B. CABD ALLAH B. AL-MARZUBAN, judge and grammarian, b. at Sfraf [q.v] between 279/892 and 289/902, d. at Baghdad on 2 Radjab 368/3 February 979, according to some reports, at 84. In biographical literature, he appears as a scholar versed in all the traditional sciences and as a man of exemplary life style; today, he is best-known for two basic works on grammar and for his part in a public controversy over Arabic grammar and Aristotelian logic. The oldest notice on him is in the Fihrist, 62, who derived information from al-Slraft's son (see 2. below) and perhaps from al-Sfraff himself, whom Ibn alNadlm cites some twenty times and whom he calls on occasion shaykhund. The other most original biographical notices are by al-Khatfb, T. Baghdad, vii, 341-2, and by Yakut, Irshdd, iii, 84-125. According to his son, al-Siraft first studied in his home town and then in 'Urnan, where he studied law, then to alc Askar for study with Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad al-Saymarf. Finally, he ended up at Baghdad and perfected his studies with Ibn al-Sarradj [q.v] and Mabraman in grammar; Kur'anic sciences with Abu Bakr b. Mudjahid; and lexicography with Ibn Durayd [q.v.]. In one, sometimes two of the quarters of the city he acted as deputy for the judge Muhammad b. Ma'ruf. Al-Khatfb is the first to mention that he had two madj.lis: one in which he exercised the duties of a Hanaft judge and mufti and the other in which he taught the traditional sciences. Later sources describe how al-Sfraff taught a wide range of subjects for fifty years, living entirely on the fruits of his own work, including the copying of ten or so manuscript leaves each day, which brought him ten dirhams for his living expenses. In his long, fortypage notice, Yakut moves from traditional biography to a genre near to that of the literary seances, his main informant here being Abu Hayyan al-Tawhfdf [q.v.]. He notes al-Sfraff's international reputation during his own lifetime, and that prominent persons frequently sent queries to him for answer (masd'il), addressing him with prestigious tides (cf. Krenkow, EP art.; Brockelmann, S I, 175). He also mentions (iii, 105) that certain warrdkun claimed that al-Sfraff falsely gave his name to manuscripts he had not really copied personally, these being sold for higher prices than would otherwise have obtained. Finally, Yakut is the sole biographer to mention (iii, 105-25) the story given by al-Tawhfdf in his Mukdbasdt, 68-86, cf. Imtdc, i, 107-33, about a controversy on logic and grammar, taking place in 320/932 when al-Sfraft was some forty years old, which has became famous in the West since Margoliouth translated this in his The discussion between Abu Bishr Mattd and Abu Sacid al-Sirdfi on the merits of logic and grammar, in JRAS (1905), 79129. It took place in the presence of many leading figures, and was convoked by the vizier Abu '1-Fath Ibn al-Furat [q.v], and was a response to Matta's claims on the superiority of Aristotelian logic. The debate, as Versteegh has clearly shown, revolved essentially round two questions: are meanings and significations the same for all nations, the words alone differing according to languages, or are the meanings and significations closely linked to the words and the
AL-SlRAFI — SIRAKUSA language, hence different for each nation? Hence is a grammarian competent or not to pronounce on meanings and significations? The other question was that of the capacity of logic to judge between the true and the false, especially in regard to correct or incorrect speech. For Matta, logic was independent of language, and the true and the false were universals; hence only the logician was competent to judge on meanings and significations, whilst the grammarian's task was simply to study the words and their function in a given language. Thus the logician has no need of grammar, but logic is indispensable for the grammarian. For al-Slraff, however, meaning was intimately linked with words, and these differ for all languages, thus falling within the domain of grammar. Also, grammarians have rules for recognising correct (Arabic) language. In his view, there was no place for an independent discipline of logic. In combatting Matta's position, he claimed that the latter could not comprehend all the subtleties of Arabic since he was of Syriac-speaking origin; moreover, Greek was a dead language, hence it was impossible to learn it correctly. The grammarian seems to have participated in further controversies, according to Yakut, including with regard to the theses of the philosopher Abu '1-Hasan al-cAmin [q.v. in Suppl.]. For specialists on Arabic grammar, al-Sfraff shares with his contemporary Abu CA1I al-Farisf the fame and originality of work on Slbawayhi's Kitdb during the 4th/10th century. 1. His most famous work is his commentary on the Kitdb (ed. in progress at Cairo since 1986), a lengthy text in 6 vols., of which 5 are extant in a Cairo ms. According to Yakut, al-Sfrafi made the first copy himself in 3,000 leaves. Extracts from the commentary have often appeared previously in print, such as in the margins of early editions of the Kitdb, from the Calcutta 1887 one onwards, and Jahn, in his translation, studied and commented on these extracts. These may have come through the intermediacy of Abu £AlI al-Farisf and the glosses of his personal copy of the Kitdb (see G. Humbert, Les votes de la transmission du Kitdb de Sibawayhi, 72-7). Yakut says that al-Farisf and his friends long tried to get a complete text of al-Sfraff's work in order to denounce and expose its alleged deficiencies. The commentary is certainly of prime interest for studying the history of Arabic grammar, showing amongst other things that the Kitdb was in actual use during the commentator's time. 2. A little work on the Basran school of grammarians, Akhbdr al-nahwiyyin (al-basriyyiri), first ed. Krenkow, 1936, also Cairo 1955, one of the oldest works extant on the biographies of grammarians. Al-Slraff was also, as noted above, a direct informant for the section of Ibn al-Nadlm's Fihrist on grammar. The other works attributed to al-Sfraff are not extant: 3. A Shark abydt/shawdhid Sibawayhi, possibly recast by his son, from whom a work of this name has come down to us. 4. K. al-Ikndc ft 'l-nahw, not mentioned in all mss. of the Fihrist, but whose existence is confirmed by Ibn Khayr's Fahrasa (312). 5. Yakut (iii, 86-8) also mentions several times, in the field of grammar, the Mudkhal ild Kitdb Sibawayhi. 6. In Kur'anic philology, a K. Alifat al-wasl wa 'l-katc is mentioned in the sources. 7. In lexicography, a K. sharh Maksurat Ibn Durayd. 8. In geography, a K. Asmd3 djibal al-Tihdma wamakdnihd, and 9. a A*. Dia&rat al-cArab. Other tities also lost but only rarely mentioned are:
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10. al-Wakf wa 'l-ibtidd3, and 11. Sarfat al-shicr wa 'l-baldgha. The biographers do not mention the commentaries on the verses in Ibn Durayd's Djamhara fi 'l-lugha, signed "al-Slraft" in the 2nd and 3rd vols. of the Leiden ms. (discovered by Krenkow and edited by him in the margins of the Haydarabad edition of the Djamhara, 1925-32). For other titles or anonymous texts possibly attributable to al-Siraff, see Sezgin, GAS, ix, 99-100. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): The main modern studies on al-Sfraff's commentary and on his controversy with Matta are listed in the bibl. of C. Versteegh's Logique ei grammaire an Xe suck, in HEL, ii (1980). See also Rescher, Abriss, ii, 161-3; Sh. Dayf, al-Maddris al-nahwiyya, 145-50, 244; M.M.E. Hegazi, Abu Sa'ld al-Sirdji, der Sibawaih-Kommentator als Grammatiker, diss. Munich 1965, unpubl. On the controversy with Matta, see Yahya b. cAdf, Makdla fi tabyin al-fasl bayn sindcatay al-mantik al-falsqfi wa 'l-nahw al-carabl, ed. G. Endress, 141-93.' 2. ABU MUHAMMAD YUSUF, son of the preceding, d. at Baghdad in 385/995 aged 55 years. He studied with his father, and probably completed the latter's K, al-Ikndc. Whilst working as a sammdn, he specialised in commenting on the verses cited by famous philologists and lexicographers. His works included: 1. The Sharh abydt/shawdhid Sibawayhi, possibly begun by his father (ed. M/A. Sultan, Damascus 1976). 2. A ms. copy of his Sharh abydt al-Isldh, commentary on the verses cited in Ibn al-Sikklt's [q.v.] Isldh al-mantik (ms. Koprulii 1296). 3.'There are attributed to him a Sharh abydt al-Ghanb al-musannqf, i.e. on those in the work of Abu cUbayd al-Kasim b. Sallam [q.v.]; 4. a Sharh abydt al-Maajdz, on those in the work of Abu 'Ubayda [q.v]; and 5. a Sharh abydt Ma'am al-^jadj.a^da^ [q.v]. Bibliography: Biographical notices in Ibn alDjawzf, Munta^am, vii, 187; Ibn Khallikan, ed. c Abbas, vii, 82-4. Other more recent sources (e.g. al-Suyutf, Bughya, ii, 355), given in the ed. of the Sharh abydt Sibawayhi, 11). (GENEVIEVE HUMBERT) SIRAIKI [see LAHNDA; SIND. Language]. SIRAKUSA, the mediaeval Arabic form of the name of the city of Syracuse in Sicily. Founded by men of Corinth in 734 B.C., it was the most powerful of the Greek colonies until the Roman conquest. Belisarius captured it for Byzantium, and in 663 Constans II fixed his seat there. In Byzantine times, it was frequently raided by Arabs from Ifrfkiya. The name of the city also appears in Arabic sources as Sarakusa, with vars. Sarkusa, Surkusa, etc. According to Amari, the Arabic transcription may be from an older form than the Greek Zupdioyuaai used before Yakut's time. The most exact geographical description is that of al-Idnsf in his Nuzhat al-mushtdk, in which he stresses the city's reputation as a resort of merchants and travellers, and he describes the islet of Ortigia, linked to the mainland by an isthmus, in mediaeval times the exclusively inhabited part of the city, mentioning its two ports, its buildings, gardens and fertility. This was the main source for al-Himyarf's Rawd al-mictdr, with a passage also from al-Bakrf and other items of unknown provenance. The story of the Arab conquest of Syracuse is essentially given by Yakut, Ibn al-Athfr, Ibn 'Idharf, alNuwayn and Ibn Khaldun. In 212/827 Asad Ibn al-Furat, sent by the Aghlabid Ziyadat Allah to con-
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SIRAKUSA — SIRAT
quer Sicily, marched from Mazara del Vallo, on the northern coast of the island, as far as Syracuse and concluded a treaty with the city, in exchange for payment of the gjizya. According to Ibn al-Athfr, Asad expected resistance and besieged the city. But the besieged were supplied by sea from Venice, and Asad died of plague in 213/828. His successor Muhammad b. Abi '1-DjawarI was driven away with severe losses. Raids on the suburbs of Syracuse resumed in 248/862 and the following years, and there was a siege by Khafadja b. Sufyan b. Sawadan in 259/872-3. In 263/877 the governor of Sicily DjaTar b. Muhammad devastated the environs of the city, destroyed the port fortifications and besieged the inhabitants for 30 days. In the absence of aid from Byzantium, the city was about to surrender when the Arabs raised the siege. But they returned in the spring, and conquered it on 27 Ramadan 264/21 May 878. All the Christian soldiers were massacred, and the population carried off to Palermo as slaves, with an enormous plunder of precious metal weighing over 5,000 pounds. It was not till seven years later that the Byzantine Emperor was able to ransom the Syracusan captives. Under Arab rule, Syracuse was the capital of the Val di Noto, one of the great territorial divisions of Sicily. In the 10th century, the Byzantines managed to recapture the city for three years, but lost it again. After the end of the Kalbids in 442/1050, local lords disputed power in Sicily. In 452/1060 one contender, Ibn al-Thumna, lord of Catania and Syracuse, called in the Normans to his aid, opening the way for the Norman conquest. After a naval battle, the Normans captured Syracuse in 479/1086, and the city became a county governed by Roger Fs son, Jordan. Arabs and Jews continued to be able to practise their faiths and regulate their community affairs, in return for annual tribute, whence the survival of bi- or tri-lingual documents in the languages of the various communities, Latin, Greek and Arabic. After the death of Prince Tancred, Syracuse became a crown possession. There were serious earthquakes and a raid from Ifrfkiya in retaliation for an expedition of Roger II. The succeeding Swabian domination pressed hard on the population, which tried fruitlessly to rebel. In the infancy of Frederick II (acceded to the throne in 1197), Pope Innocent III acted as regent. During this period, factional fighting was frequent, and Genoese and Pisans were at times in control of the city. Under Frederick, the city was eventually entrusted to the governorship of Gualdo Torenabene. No monument from the Arab period survives at Syracuse. We have no proof that the Byzantine cathedral was ever transformed into a mosque, nor the temple of Apollo and Artemis on the islet of Ortigia, where some Arabic graffiti were discovered ca. 1624. But there are two Arabic gravestones in the Galleria Regionale of the Palazzo Bellome. The first is of marble with a Kufic inscription dated by Amari to the end of the 3rd/9th or end of the 4th/10th century, which would make it one of the oldest Arabic inscriptions of Sicily. The second is a fragment of a slab with floriated Kufic writing, the basmala and Kur'an, LIV, 54-5. Workshops of potters, ironworkers and goldsmiths functioned at Syracuse until the first half of the 12th century and after. Fragments of pottery have been found, including a type of green ware in relief or with sgraffito with a decoration pressed on a thin bed of enamel. Much of the pottery has floral lines and motifs as decoration. Of bronzeware, there is a small ewer preserved in the Archaeological Museum, studied by P. Orsi and published by
U. Scerrato in the volume Gli Arabi in Italia. There are also preserved in the same museum and in the Palazzo Bellome many glass jetons of Syracuse and 36 of other provenance, used in the first place as weights; P. Balog thinks that they were made ca. 950 as small money to fill the lack of copper coinage. There is a collection of some 600 coins in the Palazzo Bellomo, essentially from the Norman and Swabian periods, but a certain number, including the taris [q.v.], merit examination. Bibliography: G. Privitera, Storia di Siracusa antica e moderna, Naples 1879; M. Amari, Biblioteca arabosicula, 2Palermo 1988; idem, Storia dei Musulmani in Sicilia, ed. Nallino, Catania 1933-9; idem, Le epigrqfi arabiche di Sicilia trascritte, tradotte e illustrate, ed. F. Gabrieli, Palermo 1971; idem and C.. Schiaparelli, L'ltalia descrita nel «Libro del re Ruggero» compilato da Edrisi, in RCAL, Cl. di sc. morali, ser iii, vol. xi (1883), 33-4, 36, 53-4; G. Cultrera, LApollonion-Artemision di Ortigia in Siracusa in Monumenti antichi pubblicati per cura della Accad. Naz. dei Lined, xli (1951), cols. 701-860; P. Balog, Notes sur quelques monnaies et jetons fatimides de Sidle, in Bull. Inst. d'Egypte, xxxvii (1954-5), 65-72; idem, Fatimid and post-Fatimid glass jetons from Sicily, in Studi Magrebini, vii (1975), 125-48; idem, La monetazzione della Sicilia araba ..., in Gli Arabi in Italia, ed. Gabrieli and Scerrato, Milan 1979; B. Lavagnini, Siracusa occupata dagli Arabi e I'epistola di Teodosi Monaco, in Byzantion, xxix-xxx (1959-60), 267-79; idem, in Atakta, Palermo 1978, 517-31; G.M. Agnello,, Siracuse nel Medioevo e nel Rinascimento, Calatanissetta-Rome 1964; idem, Epigrqfi arabibiche a Siracusa 221-236, in AA.W. Bizantini e Musulmani, Syracuse 1981; A. de Simone, La descrizione dell'Italia nel Rawd al-mictar di Himyari, tr. and comm., in Quaderni del Cor so <eal-Imam al-Mdzari", Mazara del Vallo 1984, 96-7. (VINCENZA GRASSI) SIRAT (A.), a religious term which has two quite distinct meanings. It is first of all a common noun "way", which is encountered 45 times in the Kur'an. This metaphorical word is almost always introduced by the verb hada "to guide" or by its masdar hudd "guidance", where God is the subject. Of the 45 Kur'anic instances, sirdt is 33 times qualified by the word mustakim "the/a right way", meaning the religion, or the Book, of Islam. Only once does sirdt denote an evil way, i.e. one which leads away from the will of God (XXXVII, 23). The word has a neutral and concrete meaning in VII, 86 (and XXXVI, 66 ?). The substantive sirdt derives ultimately from the Latin strata, via Greek and Aramaic, then Syriac (Jeffery, Foreign vocabulary, 195-6). This foreign origin was recognised at an early stage by scholars, including Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Nakkash (cf. al-Suyutf, alItkdn Ji culum al-Kur3dn, nawc 38, Beirut 1407/1987, 437). On the other hand, the word is derived from the root s-r-t according to some philologists, and this conclusion is accepted by Ibn Manzur (LA, vii, 313b, 340a). The other meaning is the proper name of a bridge which dominates Hell, al-Sirdt, always with the definite article. The Kur'an makes not the slightest allusion to it, and has nothing to say about this or any other bridge. On the other hand, this conception is attested in Prophetic traditions, whence the important hadith regarding the vision of God on the Day of Resurrection and the intercession of the Prophet, going back to Abu Hurayra—cAta3 b. Yazld—Ibn Shihab—Ibrahim b. Sacd (al-Bukhari, Adhdn, bdb 129, and Tawhid, bdb 24/4; Muslim, Imdn, no. 299).
SIRAT — SIRB According to this tradition, when God makes himself known to men as their Lord, they will follow him wa-yudrabu 'l-Sirdt bayna zahray (or zahrdnay) ajahannam "and the Sirat: will be erected above Gehenna". In al-Bukharl,' Rikdk, bdb 52, Ibn Shihab and Ibrahim are absent from the isndd, and the key-phrase has a different form: "and the Sirat will be erected, the bridge of Gehenna". Another well-known hadith on the same subject (but with a list of prophets asked in vain to intercede for men) goes back to Abu Sacld al-Khudrf—cAtas b. Yasar—Zayd b. Aslam (al-Bukharf, Tawhld, bdb 24/5; Muslim, Imdn, no. 302). The key-phrase here is: "Then they will bring (or, will erect) the bridge (al-ajisr)". The latter, bristling with hooks and thorns, is "narrower than a hair and sharper than a sword" (Muslim, Imdn, no. 302, in fine). The believers will cross it in the winking of an eye, with the speed of lightning. However, the wicked will fall into the fire of Gehenna. Other traditions are attributed to different Companions and supplement the fundamental data: thus e.g. Muslim, Tawhid, nos. 316, 320, 329. They support the theses developed by authors such as al-Ghazall (in the "Book of the remembrance of death and of that which follows it", towards the end of the Ihyd3). This bridge of Muslim eschatology closely resembles that of Iranian religion, to such an extent that the two are definitely related. The bridge of Cinwad, "traditionally thought to mean 'the bridge of the separator' but recently shown to be 'the bridge of the accumulator/collector' ... is mentioned already in the Gathas", then in a number of Middle Persian texts (Tafazzoli). For the virtuous, it is enlarged considerably. For the wicked, it becomes like the blade of a razor or the cutting-edge of a sword, and they fall into Hell. In its name, written as Cinwat in Pahlavi, the Arabs recognised their word sirat (but the utilisation to this effect of Kur'an, XXXVI, 66, and XXXVII, 23, has no justification and is disregarded by the major Muslim commentators). Bibliography: The commentaries of Tabarf, Shahrastam, RazI and Kurtubl on Kur'an, I, 8; AJ. Wensinck et alii, Concordance et indices de la Tradition musulmane, Leiden 1936-69; Ghazalf, Ihyd3, Cairo 1377/1957, iv, 507-9; A. Jeffery, The foreign vocabulary of the Qur'an, Baroda 1938, repr. Lahore 1977; J. Duchesne-Guillemin, La religion de I'Iran ancien, Paris 1962; L. Gardet, Dieu et la destinee de rhomme, Paris 1967, 320-1; Mary Boyce, ^proastrians. Their religious beliefs and practices, London 1979; A. Tafazzoli, Cinwad puhl, in EIr, v, 594-5. (G. MONNOT) SIRAT 'ANTAR [see CANTAR]. SIRB, the Ottoman Turkish name for Serbia. 1. The Ottoman period to 1800 [see Suppl.]. 2. The modern period. The end of the 12th/18th century saw the first serious Ottoman attempts at improving the situation of the Serbian re'dyd [see RA'IYYA. 2]. After the treaty of Sistova (Zishtowa, 12 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1205/12 August 1791) between the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg monarchy had secured a general amnesty even for the active supporters of the enemy (§ 1), Selfm III appointed Ebubekir (Abu Bakr) Pasha as governor of Belgrade (1793) to put an end to the oppressive regime of the localyamah, i.e. self-appointed Janissary leaders outside the regular Ottoman hierarchy. In order to curb the financial power of the yamah of Belgrade in particular, they were ordered to relinquish their landholdings in the province, while the Serbian knezes (lit. "princes"; in fact, local strongmen)
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were given the right to apportion and collect taxes and provisions in their districts. In spite of fierce opposition (kindled by Paswanoghlu cOthman of neighbouring Vidin [see PASWAN OOILU]), the reforms continued, with additional privileges being granted to the Serbian knezes and their peasants by HadjdjI Mustafa Pasha, the new governor of Belgrade. To allow the country to be effectively defended against yamak aggression, Mustafa encouraged the knezes to recruit, arm and train a modern native Christian army, a move which aroused strong opposition among the 'ulamd3. Mustafa Pasha was killed late in 1216/1801 when the yamak?, of Serbia succeeded in re-establishing their rule under the leadership of Khalll Agha and four of their chiefs bearing the title of dahi (derived from dayi, the title of the Janissary rulers of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli in North Africa). Fearing that an Ottoman campaign led against them under the command of Ebubekir Pasha would encourage a general revolt of the population, the dahi?, executed hundreds of Serb leaders. Serbian resistance against the yamah now had to be organised largely from the hills and forests, in particular the district of Shumadija, where the scattered hayduk bands accepted the military leadership of Djordje Potrovic, known as Karageorge (ca. 1768-1817). It was he who was to co-ordinate the First Serbian Uprising and to become the founder of the Karadjordjevic dynasty of Serbian rulers. The details of the Serbian Revolution and the gradual emergence of a sovereign Serbian state cannot be retold here. Instead, an outline is given of the developments in Serbo-Ottoman relations in the period from 1804 until 1878, when Serbia gained full independence from the Ottoman Empire. Until 7 May 1805, when an Imperial decree to lay down all arms and rely on the regular Ottoman troops alone for their protection against yamak attacks was ignored by the Serbian leadership, the revolt, called on 14 February 1804, was not directed against the Ottoman sultan, but was aimed primarily at the restoration and enlargement of such privileges and internal autonomies as had been granted to the Serbs by Ebubekir Pasha and later governor-reformers of Belgrade. This is reflected in the early Serbo-Ottoman negotiations which took place at Zemlin around 10 May 1804, mediated by the Austrian governor of Slavonia. It is still reflected in the Serbian proposals of May 1805 for a modified regime of administrative and fiscal autonomy under a Grand Prince at Belgrade representing the people in all dealings with the Ottoman authorities, in particular the muhassil, with all taxes to be collected by special agents of the knezes in the country's twelve districts. Fief-holders were to reside in Belgrade only and receive their revenues through the muhassil. Security matters were to lie jointly in the hands of the Grand Prince and the muhassil, each being allowed to maintain an army. Tamaks would no longer have the right to settle on Serbian soil. In all this, the payment of an annual tribute to the sultan was never disputed. Only when the Porte, represented by Ebubekir Pasha, refused to have a foreign power-guaranteed Ottoman fulfilment of the Serbian demands, and the Serbs refused to lay down their arms, did Serbo-Ottoman relations reach a turning point. Henceforth, the sultan considered the Serbs as rebels (fdsi). The Serbs, on the other hand, intensified their links with enemy powers, above all Russia and Austria. Opposition against the concentration of power in the hands of the Serb leader and his centralising policies led to the establishment of a Legislative Council (1805) with Matija Nenadovic as
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SIRB
its first president (L.F. Edwards (ed.), The Memoirs of Prota Matija Nenadovic, Oxford 1969). In January 1811 Karageorge swore that he would rule in accord with the council, and in turn was recognised as the Supreme Leader. The formerly semi-autonomous districts were reduced in size and placed under increased centralised control, while leading opposition figures were exiled. When, because of the danger from Napoleon, Russia, the Serbs' main ally, concluded the Peace of Bucharest in 1812, the Treaty's provisions (§ 8) for an amnesty, for limited Serb autonomy under Ottoman rule and for the stationing of Ottoman forces in the country's fortresses (clauses the sultan was only reluctantly prepared to ratify), the Serbian leadership decided to continue fighting without Russian help, with disastrous consequences. By mid-October 1813 Serbia was under Ottoman control once again, and Karageorge had become an exile in Austria. It was left to Milosh Obrenovic (1780-1860), military leader and rival of Karageorge (and the founder of the Obrenovici dynasty of Serbian rulers) to proclaim the beginning of the Second Serbian Uprising (on Palm Sunday 1815). On 6 November 1815 he reached a (verbal) agreement with Mar'ashli CA1I Pasha (confirmed by the Porte in the following year) about Serbian participation in the internal administration of the pashalik of Belgrade, under his leadership. His murder of Karageorge (25 July 1817) soon made Milosh the Serbian Supreme Leader (elected Hereditary Prince on 6 November 1817, but not finally confirmed by the Porte until 1830). In the convention of Ak Kerman (7 October 1826) between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, the Porte promised (§ 6) fulfilment of clause 8 of the Treaty of Bucharest; at the same time, the limited rights of autonomy enjoyed by the Serbs were specified in greater detail (additional Note to § 5 of the Convention). The peace treaty of Edirne (14 September 1829) demanded that the Ottoman government immediately implement the measures required by the Convention and hand back to Serbia all six districts outside the pashalik of Belgrade which had been liberated in the course of the First Uprising (provisions put into practice by the khatt-i shenf of 30 September 1829). Negotiations with the Porte about Serbian autonomy commenced early in 1830, resulting in the khatt-i shenf of August 1830 in which the autonomy rights for Serbia were laid down one by one, and in which Milosh Obrenovic was officially confirmed as Hereditary Prince. Serbia had now developed into a principality under Ottoman suzerainty. Disturbances in Serbia during the spring of 1833 necessitated new comprehensive legislation. In November of the same year, a khatt-i shenf defined the new borders of the country which now included the Six Districts (ca. 38,000 km2 as opposed to ca. 24,000 previously), the amount of the annual tribute as a pay-off for all remaining fiscal and feudal obligations towards the Ottoman state and Muslim landowners (2.3 million piastres per annum), the modalities concerning the resettlement of Muslims from Serbia, and the stationing of Ottoman troops in the country. The khatt-i shenf was read out in the National Assembly in Kragujevac on 13 February 1834. It marked the end of the Ottoman land regime in Serbia. The new constitution of 10 December 1838, which was to replace the liberal "Sretenjski ustav" of 1835 (which was modelled along French and Belgian lines), was worked out in Istanbul by a Serbian delegation and was promulgated in the shape of another khatt-i shenf (hence "Turski ustav"). In 1862, after clashes between Serbs and Ottoman soldiers had led to the firing of Ottoman cannon
into Belgrade, the Ottoman garrisons were restricted to fortifications along the Danube and Sava rivers (Belgrade, Sabac, Semendire and Gladova: Protocol of Istanbul of 8 September 1862). In April 1867 the sultan was forced to withdraw all troops from Serbian soil. Belgrade was handed over to the Serbs by cAh~ Rida Pasha, its last muhafiz, on 18 April. The final end of Ottoman suzerainty over Serbia and the proclamation of Serbian independence was one of the results of the Congress of Berlin (13 June-13 July 1878). In 1815 Serbia was divided into twelve ndhiyes: (1) Belgrade, (2) Cuprija, (3) Jagodina, (4) Kragujevac, (5) Pozarevac, (6) Pozega, (7) Rudnik, (8) Sabac, (9) Smederevo, (10) Soko, (11) U$ce and (12) Valjevo. The six additional districts added in 1833 were Krajina (Negotin), Crna Reka (Zajecar), Gornji Timok (Gurgosovac), Aleksinac with Krusevac, part of Stari Vlah (Ivanijica) and the Loznica region (only the italicised district capitals had town (grad) status before 1833). Population in 1804: ca. 478,000; in 1815: ca. 473,000 (war losses estimated at ca. 133,000); in 1834: ca. 678,192; in 1874: 1,353,890 (these and the Mowing figures are from H. Sundhaussen, Historische Statistik Serbiens, Munich 1989). The first population census, still largely fiscal in character, was carried out in 1834 (in the Ottoman Empire, in 1830-1); for detailed figures see Sundhaussen, Tabelle 2a). The population of Serbia, although in its vast majority consisting of Serbs (86.85% in 1866), was largely immigrant (ca. 75,000 arrived 1820-34; ca. 150,000 1834-74). Only a small minority was autochthonous: ca. 20% in Valjevo district, less than 1% in Takovo and Shumadija. Literacy (1866): 4.2%. Characteristic of Serbian agriculture during most of the 19th century was the clearance of arable land by fire, extensive cultivation of corn and (from the late 1830s) wheat, large flocks of sheep being driven by Vlach herdsmen, and, for a (former) Ottoman possession, exceptionally large numbers of pigs (165 pigs per 100 inhabitants in 1859; main export article). The agricultural unit continued to be the "house" (kuca < khane) with ca. 10-30 (in the earlier period), later (1863) ca. 5.5-8.3 inhabitants. The first survey of all agricultural lands (details in Sundhaussen, Tabelle 51) was carried out in 1834 (in the Ottoman Empire proper, the first tahnr-i arddi was begun in 1838). The woodlands of Serbia remained an important economic factor; the first decrees for their protection date from the 1820s. Urban crafts were initially largely restricted to Muslims and foreigners; their "Serbianisation" had long been under way by 1830, when there were 18 recognised esnaf in Belgrade. This figure rose to 40 in 1838 (detailed lists of esnaf in Branko Perunicic, Uprava varosi Beograda 1820-1912, Belgrade 1970, 133-4, 142-3, 428-68, 693-7). The Muslim pious foundations (ewkdf] outside Belgrade were sold or transferred into property of the Orthodox Church within five years of the Law of 28 July 1839 which regulated the return of non-Serb held lands into Serbian possession, in accordance with the khatt-i sherifs of 1830 and 1833 (for wakf property supporting several Belgrade mosques as late as 1862, see Perunicic, op. cit., 480-1). What immovables remained in Belgrade in the hands of individual Muslims until 1863 is shown in an official survey published by Perunicic (op. cit., 540-59). The Ottoman tax regime remained in force for about 20 years until the comprehensive tax reform of 1835 ended the system of division into (1) payments to the Ottoman state or the sultan, (2) rents and services due to the Muslim landowners and (3) taxes for the benefit of the Serbian state. The reform introduced a single monetary tax
SiRB — SIROZ amounting to ca. 12 "Taler" (5 gold ducats) per taxpayer per annum. But as in the Ottoman period (see the account in Edwards, Memoirs, 28 ff.), the community leaders continued to fix each taxpayer's contribution by taking into account his ability to pay. The metric system of measurement was introduced in 1873, coinciding with similar Ottoman attempts under Midhat Pasha [q.v]. Bibliography: Research on Ottoman Serbia, up to ca. 1970, is listed in H.-J. Kornrumpf (with Jutta Kornrumpf), Osmanische Bibliographic mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Turkei in Europa, Leiden-Koln 1973 (- Handbuch der Orientalistik). For a current bibl. on Serbia as part of the Ottoman Empire, see Turkologischer Anzeiger (Turkology Annual), Selbstverlag des Instituts fur Orientalistik in Vienna. Basic reading on Serbia in the modern period includes the authoritative Istorija srpskog naroda, v/1-2, Od pwog ustanka do Berlinskog kongresa, 1804-1878, Belgrade 1981, as well as N. Konstandinovic, Beogradski pasaluk (Severna Srbija pod Turcima). Teritorija, stanovnistvo, proizvodne snage, Belgrade 1970, and R. Ljusic, Knezevina Srbija (1830-1839), Belgrade 1986. The following is a selection of tides in Western languages: W.D. Behschnitt, Natwnalismus bei Serben und Kroaten 1830-1914, Munich 1980; L.F. Edwards (ed. and tr.), The memoirs of Prota Matija Nenadovic, Oxford 1969; L. Hadrovics, Le peuple serbe et son eglise sous la domination turque, Paris 1947; F. Kanitz, Das Kb'nigreich Serbien und das Serbenvolk, 3 vols., Leipzig 1904-14, C. and B. Jelavich, The establishment of the Balkan national states, 1804-1920, Seattle-London 1977; M.B. Petrovich, A history of modern Serbia, 1804-1918, 2 vols., New York 1976; L. von Ranke, Serbien und die Turkei im 19. Jahrhundert, Leipzig 1879 (English tr. A. Kerr, London 1883); H. Sundhaussen, Historische Statistik Serbiens 1834-1914. Mit europdischen Vergleichsdaten, Munich 1989 (= Sudosteuropdische Arbeiten, ed. M. Bernath and K. Nehring, 87); W.S. Vucinich (ed.), The First Serbian Uprising, 1804-1813, New York 1982; G. Yakschitch, L? Europe et la resurrection de la Serbie, 1804-1834, Paris 1907. Comprehensive Ottoman material dealing with the first Serbian uprising from the kadis' court registers was published as early as 1916 by S. Kemura, Pwi Srpski ustanak pod Karagjorgjem. Od godine 1219. po hidj. Hi 1804. po i. do dobitka autonomije, Sarajevo 1332/1914 (printed in fact in_ 1334/1916). (M.O.H. URSINUS) SIRDAR [see SARDAR]. SIRHAN (A. "wolf), the name of a wadi in North Arabia, which runs southeastwards from the fortress of al-Azrak, at the southern end of Hawran [q.v], to the wells of Maybuc (see Musil, Arabia Deserta, 167). It has a length of about 140 km/187 miles and a breadth of 5 to 18 km/13 to 11 miles. Musil (ibid., 120-1) calls it a depression and "a sandy, marshy lowland, above which protrude low hillocks". Al-Azrak is known for its large, permanent pond. Since ancient times, the wadi has been used as an important trade route. Already King Esarhaddon (699-680 B.C.) undertook a campaign against the Bazu and the Khazu (the Buz and the Hazo of the Bible, cf. Gen. xxii. 21-2, Job xxxii. 2 and Jer. xxv. 23), who were living in the wadi Sirhan. The Muslims conquered the region after the battle of the Yarmuk [q.v.] in 13/634, and the wadi became the much-contested frontier between the Banu '1-Kayn [q.v.] and the Banu Kalb [see KALB B. WABARA], two tribal groups of the Kuda'a [q.v]. The wadi was also known as Batn al-Sirr (alMukaddasI, 250; Yakut, Mu'fiam, i, 666). It served as the natural route of communication between al-Hlra
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or al-Kufa [q.vv] and Syria. The area is inhabited by the Banu Ruwala [q.v.]. In 1926, the amir Nun b. Sha'lan (Musil, op. cit., index) signed the Treaty of Hadda, by the terms of which al-Djawf [q.v] and the greater part of the wadi Sirhan were handed over to King cAbd al-cAziz Al Su'ud [q.v], the northeastern corner of the wad! being assigned to Transjordan. Bibliography: A. Musil, The manners and customs of the Rwala bedouins, New York 1928; idem, Arabia Deserta, New York 1927; idem, Northern Negd, New York 1928; W. Lancaster, The Rwala Bedouin today, Cambridge 1981; Agreements with the Sultan of Mejd regarding certain questions relating to the Nejd-Trans-Jordan and Nejd-Iraq frontiers, White Paper Cmd. 2566, London 1925, 2 ff.; see also the Bibl. to RUWALA. (E. VAN DONZEL) SIRHIND, a town of India in the easternmost part of the Pandjab, situated in lat. 30° 39' N. and long. 76° 28' E. and lying some 36 km/24 miles north of Patiala city. In the mediaeval Islamic Persian chronicles, the name is usually spelt S.h.r.n.d, and the popular derivation from sar-Hind "the head of India", from its strategic position, is obviously fanciful. The town must have had a pre-Islamic, Hindu past, but became important from Ghurid times onwards and was developed by the Tughlukid sultan Ffruz Shah (III) at the behest of his spiritual mentor Sayyid Djalal al-Dln Bukharl. It was at Sirhind that Bahlul Lodf, the founder of his line of sultans [see LODIS], assumed the crown in 855/1451. It flourished under the Mughals, but during the period of Mughal decline, in the 18th century, it was several times attacked by the Sikhs [q.v]. It eventually passed under the control of the Maharadjas of Patiala, and the region came under British protection in 1809 by a treaty with Randjit Singh, remaining till 1947 within the Princely State of Patiala. It is now in the Pandjab State of the Indian Union. Sirhind is also famous as the birthplace in 971/1564 of the religious revivalist and reformer Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindl [q.v.]. Bibliography: Imperial gazetteer of India2, xxiii, 18-21; Punjab District gazetteers. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SIRIUS [see AL-SHICRA]. SIROZ, the Turkish form (Greek Serrai, conventionally Serres), for a town of eastern Macedonia, now in Greece (lat. 41° 03' N., long. 23° 33' E.). In Ottoman times it was the capital of the sanajak of Siroz and also the seat of a Greek Orthodox metropolitanate. It is situated on seven hills to the southeast of Mount Menoikon, in the centre of a fertile plain and near to various mineral resources which supplied metal for the local mint. In Classical antiquity it was called Siris (Herodotus) and Dirra, and in Byzantine times one finds Serrai and Ferrai in various forms and orthographies. It is mentioned in Justinian Fs time as a fortified town of Macedonia Prima, and surviving parts of the citadel may date from before the 10th century. In 803 Nicephorus Phocas implanted a strong military garrison and rebuilt the town against Slav invasions. In 1204 it surrendered without a fight to Boniface of Monferrat, who abandoned it to the Bulghars in 1206, who destroyed it totally. But it revived in the course of the 13th century and became the capital of the theme of Serres. Its citadel was rebuilt for the last time after Stephen Dusan captured the town in 1345, and he was crowned Emperor of the Serbs there. Retaken by Manuel Palaeologus in 1371, it fell temporarily to the Ottoman
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Turks in 1371 and definitively in 1383. Ewliya Celebi alone of the Ottoman sources describes this definitive conquest by GhazI Ewrenos and Djandarli Kara Khalfl Khayr al-Dm Pasha, although this is unmentioned by the Byzantine chroniclers. According to oral sources, the surrender terms allowed the Turks to install themselves outside the Byzantine enceinte and guaranteed to the Greeks their quarters and churches. The enceinte's walls must have been demolished at this time as a precaution against revolts. The town soon regained its old importance. Even before the arrival of the Ottomans, it had spread beyond the enceinte, to the west of the Phoros Gate, as the presence of some Byzantine churches shows. The Ottomans established new quarters, bearing the names of their military chiefs, for themselves further to the west and to the south. Nomads (Turtiks) were planted in the adjacent countryside, whilst the town received immigrants from Anatolia. At the end of the 15th century there arrived the first Jewish families from Sicily and Spain. Notable events included Murad Fs using it as a base for campaigns against the Serbs (1385). In 1412 the revolt of Sheykh Bedr al-Dm [see BADR AL-D!N] ended at Serres with his defeat and hanging there. In 1571 there was a Greek revolt there after the Ottoman naval defeat at Lepanto. At Serres was the tomb of the town's kadi, cAbd al-Rahman "Hibri" (d. 1676), author of a work, the Ems ul-musdmirin, important for the history of Adrianople. The consolida-
tion of Ottoman power was marked by the building of the Eski Camii, with a foundation inscription, now destroyed, by Djandarli Khayr al-Dm Pasha in 7877 1385, who also built the Eski Hammam; and Bayezld IPs vizier Kodja Mustafa Pasha built further public and charitable buildings. The Bezesten seems to date from 859/1454-5. According to the 15th and 16th century registers, Serres had a population estimated at 6,200 in 8597 1454-5 (see Table for later figures). The Muslim proportion grew steadily, doubtless through conversions. In the 15th century, according to the Chronicle of Synadinos, there were 25 Muslim quarters and 45 Christian ones, whose names indicate the various commercial and industrial activities carried on in this important town of the Empire's European provinces, as the presence of a Bezesten and of a mint show (earliest known coins from 816/1413-14). Of numerous 17th century descriptions of the town, the most important are those of Hadjdjr Khalifa. Ewliya, Robert of Dreux and the rich cloth merchant Papa Synadinos, after 1642 a priest and author of a Chronicle of Serres covering the years 1598-1642. Ewliya describes a flourishing town, with 10 Christian quarters with 2,000 fine houses in the old town, and 30 Muslim quarters in the new town, totalling 4,000 houses, 12 Friday mosques, 91 other mosques, 26 medreses, 2 tekkes and 5 hammdms. Its market was, with those of Salonica and Skopje, among the greatest of
Table Evolution of the population of the town Year
Total
Muslims
1454/55 1478/79 1494/1503* 1519 1528/30 1569/70 1660 1800 1854 1870 1886 1905 1913 1916 1920 1928 1940 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991
6,200 4,896 8,599 7,034 5,755 6,000 4,000 30,000 25,000 30,000 28,000 42,000 18,668 20,700 14,564 29,640 34,630 36,769
2,750 3,190 4,830 3,420 3,360 4,165
3,450 1,706 3,489 3,149 2,065 1,555
280 270 330 280
11,000
14,000
2,000
1,000
31,000
31,000
1,000
19,500 Bulgarians 650 various
houses (Ewliya) (Beaujour) (Boue) (Reclus) (Schinas) (Hilmf Pasha) (Greek administration) (Loukatos) (ESYE)* (ESYE) (ESYE) (ESYE)
Christians Jews
Others
195 Gypsies
39,897 (ESYE) 45,213 (ESYE)
Kaza (after Karpat, 1985, 136-7) 1881-82-93 83,499 *ESYE = Greek National Statistical Office. Sources: Karanastasis, 1991, 220-3* Barkan, 1977, AISEE Sokoloski, 1977, AISEE
SIROZ — SIRWAH the region, with 2,000 shops and 17 khans. The area of the town increased vastly under the Ottomans, whilst at the same time, 31 churches remained by the mid-19th century, but most were lost in the fire of 1849, the worst of a whole series of conflagrations, which only ended with the 1913 one, which destroyed several quarters of the old Byzantine town and of the Turkish one, plus a large number of religious buildings. The reports of the French consuls give much information on commercial activity in the 18th and 19th centuries. Several of them, plus travellers, note the importance of the annual Kervan fair at Serres, part of a chain of great fairs all through Rumelia. By the 19th century, the town had 25-30,000 people and was, with Monastir and Salonica, the most important town of Macedonia; in Hilmf Pasha's 1905 census, 42,000 inhabitants were counted. After 1870, the importance of the fairs diminished, with the development of railways and highways for the speedy transport of goods to the ports. Commerce declined at Serres, especially when steamship lines passed by the ports of Epirus and Albania, but the town recovered its importance when the IstanbulSalonica railway line was opened in 1896. The cultivation of cotton there, formerly dominant, was now eclipsed by that of tobacco, which gave a new economic impetus to the region. The Greek Colonel N. Schinas gave a precise description of Serres in 1886. It had 28,000 inhabitants (see Table), 26 churches, 22 mosques, 2 Greek schools and 6 Turkish ones, 24 spacious khans and a fine market separate from the residential areas and closed by gates. At the same period (1881-93), Ottoman censuses give a figure of 83,499 for the kadd of Serres, including 31,000 Muslims, 31,000 Greek Christians, 19,500 Bulgarian Christians, 1,000 Jews, etc. In the First Balkan War, the town was occupied first by the Bulgarians, who fired the ancient Byzantine town and the Muslim quarters as far as the market when the Greeks advanced and took it (July 1913). It was definitively incorporated in Greece in 1918 and entirely reconstructed. By 1991 it had a population of 45,213, having received a large number of refugees in 1922 and after. Amongst the monuments still preserved, the Bezesten is now an Archaeological Museum, but the Ottoman monuments are reduced to a fine double hammdm and three mosques, that of Mehmed Bey being the oldest (898/1492-3) and also one of the largest in the Balkans, that of Mustafa Bey (925/1519) and the Zincirli Camii (estimated date, 985/1577-8). Bibliography: Ch.E. Guys, Guide de la Macedoine, Paris 1857; N. Moschopoulos, Greece according to Evliya Chekbi [in Greek], in Epetiris Etairias Byzantinon Spudon, Athens 1938-40; T. Gokbilgin, XV-XVI asirda Edirne ve Pasa livasi, Istanbul 1952; O. Ostrogorsky, La prise de Serres par les Tuns, in Byzantion, xxxv (1965); P. Pennas, History of Serres [in Greek], Athens 1966; Irene Beldiceanu-Steinherr, Recherches sur les actes du regnes des sultans Osman, Orkhan et Murad I, in Soc. Acad. Dacoromana, Ada Historica, vii (Munich 1967); M. Kiel, Observations on the history of northern Greece during the Turkish rule. Historical and architectural description of the Turkish monuments of Komotini and Serres ..., in Balkan Studies, xii (Thessaloniki 1971), 415-62; N. Beldiceanu, Recherche sur la ville ottomane au XVe siecle. Etude et actes, Paris 1973; M. Sokolowski, Aperc^u sur Devolution de certaines villes plus importantes de la partie meridionals des balkans aux XVe-XVT siecles, in Istanbul a la jonction des cultures Balkaniques, Mediterraneennes, Slaves et Orientals aux XVe-XVIe siecles. Actes du Collogue Internal de I'A.I.E.S.E.E., Istanbul 1973, Bucharest
675
1977; Kemal H. Karpat, Ottoman population 18301914. Demographic and social characteristics, Madison, Wise. 1985. See also the Bibl. to El1 art. Serres. (ALEXANDRA YEROLYMPOS) SIRR _[see Suppl.]. SIRWAH, the name of two pre-Islamic archaeological sites in northern Yemen. 1. S i r w a h K h a w l a n , an important Sabaean site 90 km/50 miles west of Marib [q.v.], at lat. 15° 27' N., long. 45° 01' E., on a small plain at altitude just under 1,500 m/4,900 feet. The site preserves the name of the ancient town of the inscriptions, Srwh, and near its ruins is now a modest little town, with a suk and small number of inhabitants, the modern Sirwah. The site was discovered in 1843 by the French scholar Joseph Arnaud, and again explored in 1870 by Joseph Halevy and Hayyim Habshush. E. Glaser had some inscriptions copied for him. Since the 1962 revolution in Yemen the site has become more accessible, and excavations have been undertaken since 1990 by the German Archaeological Institute in San'a'. Though of modest size, and though we still do not possess a systematic description of the ruins, the quality of its monuments show that it was an important Sabaean centre. The main monument is the great temple, built, according to the inscription CIH 366, by the Sabaean mukarrib (literally, "unifier", a title borne by South Arabian princes of some eminence) Yada3Crl Dharih son of Sumhu'alr, written in a style from the 7th-6th centuries B.C. Apparently, in later antiquity, it was transformed into a fortress. The temple was dedicated, according to its inscriptions, to the main god of the Sabaean pantheon, Almakah, with the temple apparently having the tide of }ufl, sc. Awcal (or Aw'alan) Sirwah. There is also the monument of the Dar Bilkfs, probably the palace of the kayk of the Banu Dhu-Habab, with one inscription mentioning a decree in their favour by the Sabaean king Nasha'karib (third quarter of the 3rd century A.D.). But there are large numbers of inscriptions from the whole site. The origins of this Sirwah are certainly old, but the oldest inscriptions seem to date from the second half of the 8th century B.C. It ceased to play any notable role after Himyar annexed Saba' in ca. A.D. 275. It was clearly a royal site under the mukarribs, and probably directly under a king. It subsequently became the centre of an homonymous tribal group, the s2
676
SIRWAH — SIRWAL
noble lineages of ancient Yemen, the Mathamina [q.v.] (the adhwd3 being the landed aristocracy of the great oases of interior Yemen). 2. Sirwah A r h a b , a Sabaean site of upland Yemen, 45 km/25 miles north of SancaJ, at an altitude of 2,500 m/8,200 feet. Visited for the first time by Glaser in 1884, it was not until 1971 that another scholar, the Russian P. Gryaznevic, was able to visit it. It is the site of an ancient town called Madarum (Mdrm), the name surviving in a nearby village, Madar. Inscriptions mention a temple Marbadan of the town of Madarm, which can be identified with the building with columns discovered by Glaser. Its lords towards the end of the 2nd century A.D. were the Banu Ghadabum and Dharamat. The Islamic antiquarians and geographers (al-Hamdanf and Yakut) knew the site as Madar, with the name Sirwah ("large building") being comparatively recent. The former author visited the site, and describes fourteen palaces there, some ruinous, some still inhabited (Iktil, viii, 95, Eng. tr. 61); but it is hardly ever mentioned in poetry. A third Sirwah, amongst the Banu Bahlul, to the southeast of San'a1, is mentioned by the modern author al-Hadjn, but this has now disappeared. Bibliography: 1. Arabic sources. Hamdanf, Sifa, ed. Miiller; idem, Iklil, ed. Muh. al-Akwac alHiwall, Cairo 1383/1963, Eng. tr. of vol. viii, N.A. Faris, Princeton 1938, Ar. text of vol. viii, ed. idem, Princeton 1940; Muh. b. Ahmad al-Hadjrf, Maajmu' bulddn al-yaman wa-kabd'ilihd, ed. Isma'fl al-Akwac, Sanca> 1404/1984. ' 2. Studies and works in Western languages. M. Arnaud, in JA, 4e ser., v (Jan.-June 1845), 208-45, 309-45; vi (July-Dec. 1845), 169-81; J. Halevy, Rapport sur une mission archeologique dans le Yemen, in JA, 6e ser., xix (Jan.-June 1872), 5-98, 129-266, 489-547; Jacqueline Pirenne, A la decouverte de l-Arabie, cinq siecles de science et d'aventure, Paris 1958; M. Hofner, Inschriften aus Sirwah Hauldn (L Teil), in SB Oster. Akad., phil.-hist. Kl., ccxci, Abh. 1 (1973); eadem, (//. Teil), in ibid., ccciv, Abh. 5 (1976); Gh. Robin, Les etudes sudarabiques en langue jrangaise: 1980, in Rayddn, iii (1980), 189-98; idem, Les Hautes-Terres du Nord-Yemen (want I'lslam, Istanbul 1982; idem, UArable antique de Karib3il a Mahomet. Nouvelles donnees sur I'histoire des Arabes grace aux inscriptions, in RMMM, Ixi (1991-3); idem, Inabba3, Haram, al-Kafir, Kamna et al-HardsJnf, Inventaire des inscrs. sudarabiques I, Paris-Rome 1992; idem, Sheba. II. Dans les inscriptions d'Arabie du Sud, in Suppl. au Diet, de la Bible, fasc. 70, Paris 1996, cols. 1047-1254; J. Schmidt, Die Runen von Sirwdh-Arhab und der Ternpel des cAttar du-dibdn, in Archaol. Berichte aus dem Temen, iv (1987), 195-201 (wrongful attribution of this temple; more probably to Ta'lab Riyamum, master of Marbadan). (Cn. ROBIN) SIRWAL (A.), trousers. Trousers are not originally an Arab garment but were introduced, probably from Persia. From quite early times, other people have copied the thing and the name from the Persians and it almost looks as if Persia were the original home of trousers (cf. Noldeke, Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur %eit der Sasaniden, 136, n. 3). The Greek aapcipapa or aapdpaAAxx, Latin sarabala (perhaps also Aramaic sarbdUn, Daniel, iii, 21; cf. Syriac sharbdUn) and the Arabic sirwdl are all derived from old Persian zdrawdro, the modern Persian shalwdr (which is explained as from shal "thigh", with a suffix -war)', to sirwdl in turn may be traced the corresponding word among the Hungarians, Poles, Russians, Tartars, Siberian peoples and Kalmucks in the east and the Spanish and Portu-
guese in the west. The form sirwdl has probably been influenced by the word sirbdl meaning garment in general (explained as a development of the root s-b-l and an originally Semitic word). This occurs in the early Arabic poetry and in the Kur'an, but not sirwdl. The Arab grammarians retained a memory of the Persian origin of the word. As frequently with loanwords, sirwdl shows several formations in Arabic, sing. sirwdl(a], sirwal(a], sirwil, dialectic shirwdl, modern also sharwdl, and the question is continually discussed whether it is triptote or diptote; pi. sardwll and double pi. sardwilat both also with shm and dialectic sardwin, diptote only but usually (like the word for trousers in many other languages) used with singular meaning and varying in sex between masc. and fern.; dimin. surayyil, plur. surayyildt; (ta)sarwala has been formed as a denominative verb. When the word entered Arabic and the garment was adopted by Muslims is not exactly known, but the Muslims must have become acquainted with trousers in the very early days of Islam, at the latest during the conquest of Persia. Tradition usually traces them to the Prophet Muhammad, and even credits pre-Islamic prophets with wearing them. A hadith says, "the first to wear trousers was the prophet Abraham, wherefore he will be the first to be clothed on the day of judgment". Another hadith tells us that Moses was wearing trousers of wool on the day on which God spoke with him. It is related in one tradition of the Prophet Muhammad that he bought trousers from the clothiers, but it is uncertain whether he actually wore them; on one occasion he replied to the question whether he wore them, "Yes, when travelling and at home, by day and night; I was commanded to cover myself and I know no covering really better than these". According to another hadith, he recommends the wearing of trousers in the words, "be different from the people of the book, who wear neither trousers nor izdr". But other stories deny positively that he wore them, and it is also disputed whether the caliph cUthman wore them. The intermediate view is that it is permitted to wear trousers, ubiha, Id ba3sa bihi. In contrast to men, to whom all that has been said so far applies, the wearing of trousers is recommended for women in all hadlths. It is said, for example, "Put on trousers, for they are the garments that cover one best, and protect your women with them when they go out", or "God has mercy upon the women who wear trousers" (yarhamu 'lldhu 'l-mutasarwildti min al-nisd3); or "a woman came past riding one day and fell off. The Prophet turned aside in order not to see her, and was only put at his ease when he was told that she was mutasarwila". Other hadiths fix the length of the trousers as being to the ankles, not longer; as a concession, as a protection against insects, they may be a little longer but must not trail on the ground. The pilgrim who is muhrim is forbidden to wear trousers (along with certain other garments). But even the saldt in trousers was makruh according to the strictest view, and must be repeated; trousers are also considered unfitting for the mu3adhdhin. In actual practice, little attention has been paid to all such restrictions, and numerous passages in historical and geographical literature, in books of travel and in adab literature, show that trousers have probably been worn in most Muslim lands since the early centuries of the Hidjra. It is quite exceptional to find the statement that in one region a so-called futa was worn in place of trousers (e.g. in India). The word Juta is of Indian origin, and means a simple cloth
SIRWAL with a seam, which was fastened in front and behind to the girdle. A futa of this kind—those from the Yemen were particularly noted—was also worn in regions, where trousers were usually worn, by women in negligee in the house instead of trousers (cf. Ibn al-Hadjdj, Kitdb al-Mudkhal, Cairo 1320, i, 118). Oriental trousers differ very much in different countries. They are of all possible widths, from wide pantaloons, which are only drawn together at the bottom over the feet, to close-fitting shapes which look more like drawers and indeed are so-called by European travellers. They are also of very different lengths, from knee-breeches, especially for soldiers, to long trousers coming to below the feet. Colours were dependent not only on fashion (at times, only natural colours were considered chic, and artificial colours not at all) but also on political considerations; the 'Abbasid colour, for example, was black and that of the Fatimids white. As regards material, a famous Persian speciality was silken trousers; in Egypt and the adjoining lands, the white Egyptian linen was popular, trousers of red leather are mentioned as the dress of the women in the market of lights at Cairo, and so one. In contrast to the European fashion, trousers in the East are worn next to the bare body under the other garments (cf. al-Djahiz, Kitdb al-Tad}, ed. Zeki Pacha, 154 below; the shirt and the trousers are shi'dr, the other garments, dithdr, are worn above) and are supported not by braces but by a special girdle tied round the body, called the tikka (modern dikka). Although the tikak were covered by the other garments and could not be seen, they were the objects of a particular extravagance, being adorned with inscriptions, usually of an erotic nature; the most famous and valuable were the tikak made in Armenia of Persian silk. The prohibition against wearing them issued by the Jukahd3 had scarcely any effect. A thousand pairs of trousers of brocade with a thousand trouser bands of silk from Armenia (alf sardwil daybaklya biatf tikka ham armam) were, according to al-Makrfzf, Khitat, ed. Bulak, ii, 4, part of the estate of an Egyptian noble (cf. Ibn Khallikan, Bulak 1299, i, 110); a thousand jewelled tikkas were given to the daughter of Khumarawayh b. Ahmad b. Tulun [q.v] on her wedding; the tikka was also used as a love-token sent by a lady to her admirer. For practical reasons, trousers formed part of a soldier's dress. Al-Tabarf records that even the Umayyad soldiers already wore sardwil made of a coarse cloth called mish. Under the latter, they wore very short drawers called tubbdn, which were made of hair. When Islam adopted the old Oriental custom of granting robes of honour (khilac; see KHIL'A), trousers were included among them; indeed, they were sometimes regarded as the most valuable part of the gift. Originally the garments of honour given were not new, but had been worn by the donor; he ought to have worn them at least once. As a kind of uniform and a garment of honour, the trousers play a very special part in the Muslim futuwwa [q.v.] organisations. In the ceremonial reception of a new member into the gild, an essential feature of the initiation ceremony (shadd [q.v.]) is the putting on of the sardwil al-Jutuwwa, often briefly called Jutuwwa. Here also stress is laid on the point that the kabir or shaykh must have either previously worn them himself or at least gone into far enough to touch them with his knees. The sarawll had occasionally a similar importance for the Jitydn, as had the khirka [q.v] for the Stiffs. An oath was taken on the sarawll
677
(this oath is, however, invalid according to Ibn Taymiyya); they could also be put on a coat of arms [see RANK] with a cup, ka3s. The putting on of the saraml al-Jutuwwa acquired a certain political significance under the "reformer of the Jutuwwa", the 'Abbasid caliph al-Nasir (575-6227 1180-1225 [q.v]), about whose grants of sardwil a few stories have been preserved by the historians. He sent embassies to the petty dynasts of Syria, Persia and India with the demand that they and their nobles should put on the sardwil al-Jutuwwa for the caliph. This was done with solemn ceremonial and they thereby placed themselves under the protection of the caliph as overlord of the Jitydn. The same al-Nasir seems to have limited the right of investiture to a very few, and his successors also claimed the right for themselves. But others did it, for example the Mamluk sultan al-Ashraf Nasir al-Dm (764-78/136376) of Egypt two centuries after al-Nasir. When the Jutuwwa gilds declined, other organisations with political or other aims adopted their external ceremonies, and laid special stress on the putting on of trousers; thus the gild of thieves in Baghdad, for example, under the caliph al-Muktafi, and a secret Sunn! association in Damascus called the Nabawiyya with anti-Shfa tendencies, mentioned by Ibn Djubayr. But with the disappearance of the Jutuwwa., the original significance of the sardwil as a badge of chivalry was no longer understood, and they became combined with the khirka of the SufTs into the khirkat al-Jutuwwa. For the expression sardwil al-Jutuwwa we also find libds al-Jutuwwa with the same meaning "trousers" and in Egyptian Arabic, libds (see Lane) acquired the general meaning of "drawers" (i.e. for men; for those of women there is a new foreign word, shintiyan, for which see Dozy, Suppl., s.v.). This circumstance is a criterion for ascertaining the Egyptian texts in the 1001 Nights; they replace the word sardwil of the nonEgyptian texts without exception by libds. In many expressions sirwdl is used metaphorically. Thus musarwal is a pigeon with feathered legs, a horse with white legs or a tree with branches down on the trunk. Shirwdl al-a'ik "rogue's trousers" and sardwil altukuk (cuckoo-trousers) (linaria elatine) are the names of plants (on the other hand, sarwal or serwel or senvll for "cypress" is formed from the well-known word sarw with the article after it and has nothing to do with sirwdl). Bibliography: In addition to the general dictionaries, see Dozy, Suppl., s.v. Sirwal and Futuwwa; idem, Dictionnaire detaille des noms des vetements, s.v. sirwdl, libds, tikka, Juta, cf. also mi'zar, tubbdn, djakshir, hizza, hikw, sikdn, shintiydn, nukba, kalsa, and also Gesenius, Thesaurus, s.v. s-r-b-l; Ibn Slda, Mukhassas, iv, 83.—Philology and hadtths: see the special work on the subject Muntakhab al-akdwil Ji-md yatacallak bi 'I-sardwil by Dja'far b. Idrfs al-Kattanl, 10 pp. lith., Fas n.d. BukharT has a Bab al-sardwil, ed. Krehl, iv, 77; also Suyutr wrote a book Fi 'l-sardwil, cf. the Berlin ms. Ahlwardt, no. 5455.—References from historians and geographers have been collected by Dozy, Vet., and by Mez, Renaissance, 96, 314, 368-9, 399, 436.—On inscriptions on tikak, see al-Washsha', K. al-^arfwa 'l-zuraja3, Cairo 1324, 102, 141.—On the different colours of clothing, see al-TabarsI, K. Makdrim al-akhldk, Cairo 1311, 35.—Military: N. Fries, Das Heereswesen der Araber zur %eit der Omajjaden, diss. Kiel 1921, 30.—Futuwwa: H. Thorning, Beitrdge zur Kenntnis des isldmischen Vereinswesens, 49-50, 162, 187, 198-9, 204 ff.; E. Blochet, Histoire d'Egypte de Makrizi, 297.—19th
678
SIRWAL — SIS
century Egypt: Lane, Manners and customs of the modern Egyptians*, 1860, 28-9.—Mecca: Snouck Hurgronje, Mekkanische Sprichworter, no. 57 (also Verspr. Geschriften, v, 84-5).—Morocco: L. Brunot, Norns des vetements masculins a Rabat, in Melanges Rene Basset, Paris 1923, i, 87 ff.; esp. 95, 107.—Illustrations: A. Rosenberg, Geschichte des Kostums, table 296, 374 ff.; Tilke, Orientalische Kostiime in Schnitt und Farbe, Berlin 1923; see also idem, Studien zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des orimtalischen Kostums, Berlin 1923, 25, 32. See also LIBAS. (W. BJORKMAN) SIS, a town of Cilicia in southern Anatolia, also called Sfsiyya (as in Yakut, Bulddn, ed. Beirut, iii, 297-8), mediaeval Latin Sisia and Sis; in mediaeval French sources the forms Assis and Oussis are also found. In later mediaeval times it became the capital of the Christian kingdom of Cilician Armenia, and subsequently, the Turkish town of Kozan, modern Kozan. It lies in lat. 37° 27' N. and' long. 35° 47' E. at an altitude of 290 m/950 feet against an outlying mountain of the Taurus range, on a river which eventually flows into the Djayhan [q.v.] /Ceyhan. Before the Middle Ages, nothing is known about this town; the attempted identifications with antique localities (some have thought of Flavias, others of Pindenissus) are very doubtful. In the Byzantine period we hear of the Arabs besieging in vain TO Ziaiov raaipov in Cilicia, in the sixth year of the reign of the emperor Tiberius III Apsimarus = 703 (Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. de Boor, i, 372). In 'Abbasid times however, Sis belonged to the Islamic empire: it was reckoned among al-thughur al-Shamiyya. It was rebuilt during the reign of alMutawakkil, under the direction of CA1I b. Yahya alArmanl, but afterwards laid waste by the Byzantines (al-Baladhurf, Futuh, 170). There is also a tradition, going back to al-Wakidf, of an emigration of the inhabitants of Sis to the acld al-Rum in the years 193 or 194/808-10, which event may be connected with the loss of the locality by the Greeks, in the interval between the times of Apsimarus and al-Mutawakkil (alBaladhuri, he. cit.; cf. Yakut, loc. cit., where the years erroneously are given as 94 or 93). A further mention of Sis is found during the wars of the Hamdanid Sayf al-Dawla [q.v.] with the Byzantines. That prince, after rebuilding *Ayn Zarba (Anazarba), sent his hdajib with an army, which ravaged the Byzantine territory; the Greeks, in revenge, then took the stronghold of Sis (hisn Sisiyyd), in the year 351/962 (Ibn al-Athlr, viii, 404). It appears, then, that in the early Middle Ages Sis has been a fortified frontier town. The continuous history of Sis begins about the end of the 12th century of the Christian era, when it had become the royal residence of the Armenian kings of Cilicia (the Rubenids and the Lusignans). But already before that time it is sometimes mentioned in the annals of the Cilician kingdom. It is numbered among the places conquered by the Armenian princes Thoros and Stephanos (Chronicle of Kirakos of Gandjak under 562 Armenian era = 1113-14); moreover, Sis belonged to the towns which suffered from the earthquake of the year 1114 (Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa under 563 Armenian era). Nerses of Lambron, writing in the year 1177, complains that in the royal residence (ishkhananist) Sis, there is no bishop, nor are there suitable churches. It is surprising to find the town mentioned as a royal residence as early as 1177, for it must have been Leo II (1187-1219), who transferred the royal residence, for strategic and political reasons, from Anazarba to Sis. Since the time of this ruler,
the kingdom of Cilicia is called, by Muslim authors, not only bildd al-Arman but also bildd Sis; an Armenian geographer (13th century?) cited by Saint Martin, ii, 436-7, also identifies the names Cilicia and Sis. Leo II caused many new buildings to be erected in the town. In 1198 he was crowned king (he himself before, and the older Rubenids only wore the tide of baron) and transferred, as stated above, the royal residence to Sis. His coronation must have been at Tarsus (a later chronicler, Jehan Dardel, erroneously pretends that it was at Sfs), but the town of Sis is already called the "metropolis" of Leo in a poem on the taking of Jerusalem by Salah al-Dln, written by the Catholicos Grigor IV (d. 1189; in this poem the form Sisuan is to be noted: Rec. des hist, des Croisades. Doc. arm., i, 301). In the year 1212 it was at Sis that the coronation of Leo's grand-nephew and co-regent Ruben took place. This ceremony was witnessed by Wilbrand of Oldenburg, who in his Peregrinatio gives a short account of the town. It is surprising that, according to this traveller, the town had no wall; it seems that the stronghold was deemed sufficient for defence. Still in 1375, when Sis was taken by the Mamluks, there was no town wall. The royal palace, together with some other buildings, were enclosed with a wall; it seems to be this complex which is called by Jehan Dardel the bourg, and it must be distinguished from the castle on the mountain. The kings of Cilicia, moreover, had a summerresidence in the Taurus, to the north of Sis, Barjirberd, which was also their treasure-house. Likewise, in modern times, the inhabitants of Sis, during the summer, have tended to leave the unhealthy town, to take summer habitations (yaylak) in the mountains. The political history of Sis is, of course, intimately connected with the general history of the CilicianArmenian kingdom. The chief feature of that history consists in the struggle for existence which that kingdom had to carry on against the Mamluk sultanate of Egypt; it is therefore not surprising that the chief events connected with the town are attacks of the Mamluk armies and ravages wrought by them. Other foes were of minor consequence; an attack of a Turkoman chief in the year of the accession of Leo II (1187) was repelled by that prince, but the Turkomans, during the reign of the following kings, remained a menace to the Cilician kingdom. These nomads, whenever a strong government was lacking, availed themselves of the opportunity to seize pasture-grounds; we shall find them, under the Kozan-oghullari (see below) in the actual possession of the territory of Sis in the first half of the 19th century. On the occasion of the Egyptian attack of 1266, the town of Sis, with its cathedral, was burnt down and the royal tombs were desecrated. Other Egyptian incursions in the district of Sis occurred in the years 1275, 1276, 1298 and 1303; in the last-named year, the city itself was plundered by the enemy. In 1321 the environs again suffered from hostile attack; this time it was the II Khanid Mongol governor of Rum, Tlmurtash, who, on the instigation, as it seems, of the Egyptian sultan al-Malik al-Nasir, carried out his ravages in the district of Sis. A similar incursion was made by the then officiating governor of Aleppo, by order of the same sultan in the year 1340; the incursions from the amir of Aleppo were repeated in 1359 and 1369; both times the town was taken. In the meantime, Sis had suffered from the great epidemic, which in Europe, during that same time, is known under the name of the "Black Death" (1348).
SIS — SISAM However, the end of the Cilician kingdom was imminent. The last king, Leo VI (de Lusignan), was reduced to his capital, Sis; after the retreat of the Egyptians, the Turkomans fell upon the land; then, in the years 1374 and 1375 came the catastrophe. The sieges of Sis during these years by the Mamluk army of al-Ashraf Sha'ban II, and the final taking of the town, wherein the enemy was assisted by the treason of some nobles and of the Catholicos, are described in detail in the chronicle of Jehan Dardel, who had been chaplain to king Leo VI since 1377, Leo being then a prisoner at Cairo. From the ecclesiastical history of Sis during the time of the Cilician kingdom, only the following facts may be mentioned. The patriarchs of the Cilician-Armenian kingdom fixed their seat at Sis in 1292. On 29 June of that year, Rum Kal'esi [q.v.], which was the former seat of this patriarchate, had been taken by the Egyptians; so the new patriarch (Grigor VII) came to reside at Sis. There his successors have remained even after the fall of the kingdom, and after the renovation of the patriarchal see of Echmiadzin in Transcaucasian Armenia (1441), which caused, of course, a schism in the Armenian church not healed until 1965. The chief relic preserved by the patriarchs of Sis was the right hand of St. Grigor, the apostle of the Armenians, which, in 1292, was redeemed, with other relics, from the infidels by king Hethum II. After the Mamluk conquest, the patriarchs, at first, had no fixed residence; they came only to the town of Sis to perform some ecclesiastical duties, e.g. the benediction of the sacred oil (myron). Under the rule of the Rubenids and Lusignans, the habitation of the patriarchs had been within the circumvallation of the royal dwellings. After the period of their wandering, the patriarchs obtained from the Mamluk authorities permission to reside in the town. First, this residence of the patriarch was an ordinary house; in 1734, long after the Turkish conquest, a monastery was founded by the patriarch Lucas, which seems to have been the seat of the patriarchate until 1810, when the patriarch Kirakos founded another monastery, in which the patriarchate was established when V. Langlois visited Sis (1853). A little before 1874, the patriarch was expelled from Sis and migrated to cAyn Tab, the present Gaziantep. But if the ecclesiastical history of the town continued until modern times, politically Sis soon became insignificant. Immediately after the Egyptian conquest, Sis remained the capital of a new province, which included Ayas, Tarsus, Adana, Masslsa and Ramadaniyya, the whole being dependent on Aleppo. In 893/1488 Sis was taken by the Ottomans, during the war between Bayezld II and the Mamluks. Afterwards, the town belonged to the realm of the Turkoman dynasty of the Ramadan Oghullari [q.v.], whose members, however, since the time of the fifth prince, Khalll b. Mahmud, were vassals to the Porte. HadjdjI Khalifa, in his Qiihan-numd contrasts the once flourishing condition of the district of Sis with its uncultivated state in his time. Under Ottoman administration, Sis belonged to the wildyet of Adana and the sanajak of Kozan. When Langlois visited the locality, he found it to be a village, consisting of ca. 200 houses, inhabitated by Turks and Armenians. There was a masdjid and a bazar; the Turkoman beg of the Kozanoghlu tribe was virtually the ruler, for the wall of Adana had no authority whatever in Sis. The village, moreover, paid no tribute to the Porte. The mountain-stronghold of Sis,
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built by Leo II (Sis Kal'esi] was in a tolerable state of preservation. According to a statement of 1894 (SamI Bey Frasherl) Sis then had ca. 3,500 inhabitants, 2 masajids, 3 churches and 3 medreses. Its territory, though fertile, was insufficiently cultivated, but in its neighbourhood there were many gardens. For further details on Sis/Kozan in Ottoman and recent times, see the arts. KOZAN and KOZAN-OGHULLARJ Bibliography: Ritter, Erdkunde, x, 597, 621-2, 916, xix, 67-96; Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 141; J. Saint-Martin, Memoires hist, et geogr. sur I'Armenie, 1818-19, i, 198, 200, 390, 392, 397, 400 etc., 446, ii, 436-7; V. Langlois, Voyage dans la Cilicie, 1861, 380 etc.; C. Favre and B. Mandrot, Voyage en Cilicie, in Bull, de la Soc. de Geographie, serie 6, xv (1878), 116 etc.; Recueil des historiens des Croisades. Documents armeniens, index; J. von Hammer, Gesch. des osmanischen Reiches, ii, 292, 298, 601, iii, 70-1; Peregrinatores Medii aevi quattuor, rec. J.C.M. Laurent, Leipzig 1864, 177, 179; Hamd Allah Mustawfi, Nuzhat al-kulub, ed. Le Strange, i, 100, 264, tr. 100, 258; HadjdjI Khalifa, D.ihan-numa, 602; SamI Bey Frasherl, Kdmus al-acldm, iv, 2759; S. Der Nersessian, The Kingdom of Cilician Armenia, in Setton and Baldwin (eds.), History of the Crusades, ii, Philadelphia 1962, 630-59; M. Canard, La royaume d'Armenie-Cilicie et les Mamelouks jusqu'au traite de 1285, in Rev. Ets. Armeniennes, iv (1967), 217-59; T.S.R. Boase, The history of the kingdom, in idem (ed.), The Cilician Kingdom of Armenia, Edinburgh 1978, 1-33. (V.F. BUCHNER*)
SISAM, the Turkish name for Samos, an island in the south-eastern Aegean alongside the Turkish coast, from which only 1.8 km/1.2 miles separate it at the narrowest point of the Dar Boghaz/Stenon Samou. With an area of 468 km2, Samos is one of the larger islands in the Aegean, and today forms, with Ikaria and a few other islands, one of Greece's 52 nomoi. The capital and main port city is situated on the north-eastern coast inside the bay of Vathy, and was known by this name until outgrown by a suburb called Samos. The nearest important port on the Turkish coast is Ku§adasi [see AYA SOLUK], and there is frequent boat service between the two. Samos was a Byzantine possession in the early Middle Ages. There were two raids by the Arabs of Crete in 889 and 911, and in 1090 it was incorporated in the short-lived maritime principality of the Saldjuk prince Caka or Cakan (1089-92). In the first half of the 14th century, Aydin-oghlu Umiir Bey raided it, but in 1420 Borkliidje Mustafa, the leader of a popular revolt with proto-socialist overtones on Urla peninsula, established friendly contacts with Orthodox prelates on Samos. Subsequently the Genoese of Chios gained control of the island, but soon abandoned it after having transferred some of its population to their chief possession. The first Ottoman occupation occurred under Mehemmed II Fatih in 884/1479, and an effort was made to repopulate the island; a fort was erected on the site of the ancient port of Tigani on the southern coast, but was abandoned under Bayezld II, and the island was left to its own devices. It was in that period that the Turkish mariner and corsair Pin Re'Is [q.v.] recorded certain salient features of Samos: the sparsely populated island had splendid growths of tall trees which the Hospitallers of Rhodes [see RODOS] used to harvest as timber for their shipbuilding and for export; there were large herds of gazelles (dhu\ perhaps deer) and boars, both of which the visitors hunted for consumption and sale.
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By the time Pin Re'Is wrote the 1526 version of his portolan, Rhodes had fallen to the Ottomans, and the anchorage on Samos's southern coast served as a convenient stopover for Turkish warships sailing from Istanbul, providing shelter and drinking water for 200 ships. In 969/1562 Kilidj CA1I Pasha [see £ULUD[ CAL!] reestablished the Ottoman presence on Samos while holding it as his own revenue-bringing fief, and increasing its population through transfers from other places (chiefly from other islands and mainland Greece, but also from Albania; Turks or other Anatolians were seemingly excluded); upon his death in 1587, it became a khdssa property of the sultan, yielding 400,000 kurush annually; out of this amount, 101,000 kurush remained reserved as wakf income supporting a mosque which the Pasha had built at Tophane in Istanbul. From then on, and until the 1820s, the only visible tie with Istanbul was a civil servant called agha residing in Khora; he was seconded by a deputy called na'ib who also supervised judicial matters as kadl\ a metropolitan was the head of the Greek Orthodox population. There was no Turkish military garrison, a fact symptomatic of the islanders' loyalty or contentment, but whose price was defencelessness against frequent depredations by corsairs of all hues and faiths (fleeing to the island's wooded mountainous interior was the only recourse). The uneventfulness of this period was broken by Venetian invasions during the HabsburgOttoman war (1683-99) and by Russian occupation (1771-4) during the Russo-Turkish war. A unique sequence of events occurred as a result of the Greek War of Independence (1821-9). The Samiots, who possessed a small merchant marine, not only joined the cause but sent an expedition to Chios exhorting that important island to rebel (for the consequence there, see SAKIZ). Samos, although invaded by a Turkish expeditionary force, emerged from the turbulence unharmed and thanks to the intervention of Britain, France and Russia, obtained an autonomy that surpassed that of Chios. From 1833 until 1913, it was governed by an Orthodox wall (hegemon in Greek; "prince" in western renditions) and an assembly of 37 deputies, from among whom a committee of four was chosen as the island's government; the laws were those of mainland Greece, and Greece was the only country to maintain a full-fledged consulate on Samos. The wati was appointed by the Porte, and from 1851 until 1913 he was always chosen from among the Phanariot Greeks of Istanbul. Samos, located on one of the busiest shipping lanes of the Aegean, had a thriving economy (above all, in the export of wine and olive oil), and its population was Greek Orthodox except for a garrison of 150 Turks. The ties with Turkey were definitively severed as a result of the Balkan War, and Greek sovereignty was ratified by the treaty of London (1913). Bibliography. J.H. Mordtmann and B. Darkot, L4, art. Sisam; Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Samos; Megale Ellmike Enkyklopaideia, xxi (1957), s.v, Samos; Enciclopedia Italiana, xxx (1936), s.v. Samos; Sh. Saml, Kdmus al-a'lam, Istanbul 1894, iv, 2759-61; V. Cuinet, La Turquie d'Asie, Paris 1894, i, 498-523; EJ. Stamatiades, Samiaka, Samos 1881-87, 5 vols.; Pin Re'fs, Kitdb-i Bahriyye, Istanbul 1935, 183-94; A. Buyiiktugrul, Osmanh deniz tarihi, Istanbul 1970, ii, 321-2; S. Erinc and T. Yiicel, Ege denizi: Turfdye ile komsu Ege adalan, Ankara 1978, 73-80. (S. SOUCEK) SISAR, a town of mediaeval Islamic Persian Kurdistan, in the region bounded by Hamadan, Dlnawar and Adharbaydjan. The Arab geographers
place Slsar on the Dmawar-Maragha road 20-22 farsakhs (3 stages) north of Dmawar (Ibn Khurradadhbih, 119-21; Kudama, 212; al-Mukaddasf, 382). According to al-Baladhurf, Futuh, 310, Slsar occupied a depression (inkhijad) surrounded by 30 mounds, whence its Persian name "30 summits". For greater accuracy it was called Slsar of Sadkhaniya (wakdna Sisar tudcd Slsar Sadkhaniya}, which al-Baladhun correctly explains as Sfsar of the hundred springs. Khdm in Persian (kdnl in Kurd) does mean spring; on the other hand, the geographers (Ibn Khurradadhbih, 175; Ibn Rusta, 89) locate the sources of the Safid Rud (Kizil Uzen) "at the gate" or "in the ravine" (bdb) of Slsar (al-MascudI, K. al-Tanbih, 62: in the ndhiya of Sfsar). Finally, alMas'udf (ibid., 53), speaking of the Diyala [q.v.], makes it come from the mountains of Armenia (?) and talks of Slsar as belonging to Adharbaydjan. These quotations show that the site of Slsar lay near the watershed between the Kizil Uzen (southern arm) and the Gawarud (Diyala) i.e. near the col of Kargabad, where numerous streams rise flowing in different directions. According to the ingenious hypothesis of G. Hoffmann, the name of the town of Sinna or Senna [see SANANDADJ] might be a contraction of the old form Sadkhaniya. There is not sufficient evidence, however, to show that the site of the modern Sinna/Sanandadj is identical with that of the town of Slsar. In the district of Sisar (al-Baladhun, 130), there were at first only the grazing-grounds of the caliph al-Mahdl (158-69/775-85). This intermediate zone (hadd) between three great provinces soon became a refuge for outlaws (al-sacdlik wa 'l-dhu^dr) and the caliph ordered his superintendents to build a town. These lands formed a separate district (kura) which was extended by the addition of the following cantons (rustdk): 1. Maypahradj, detached from Dlnawar; 2. Djudhama (?), detached from the kura of Barza in Adharbaydjan; and 3. Khanfdjar (?). Harun al-Rashfd stationed a garrison of 1,000 men at Sisar. Slsar was later the scene of battles between a certain Murra al-Rudaynf al-cldjlf and rebels and perhaps outlaws under cUthman al-Awdl (Yakut, iii, 216). The caliph al-MaJmun made Humam b. Hani1 al-cAbdf governor of Slsar, which became a crown domain. In the 7th/13th century Yakut was able to add very little to the information given by al-Baladhurf. In the 8th/14th century Hamd Allah Mustawfi no longer mentions Slsar. On the other hand, he talks of the "mountain of Sfna" forming the boundary of Adharbaydjan and the "pass of Sfna" in the mountains of Kurdistan in which was the source of the Taghatu. The Djihan-niimd of Hadjdjf Khalifa, while marking correctly on the map the exact site and correct name of Taghatu, gives in the text the wrong reading n-f-t-w which Norberg in his translation (Lund 1818, i, 547) rendered by Neftu. Quatremere introduced the reading Naghatu found in an edition of Mfrkhwand. G. Hoffmann admitted the identity of this river with the Khorkhora (a right bank tributary of the Djaghatu). But there is no proof of the actual existence of the name Naghatu, and the text of Mustawfi may simply indicate that in his day the frontier between Adharbaydjan and Sma was marked by the watershed between the Taghatu [see SAWDJ BULAK] and Bana. This last district had long been a dependency of Sinna. In this way since the 8th/14th century, the name Sma (Sinna, Sma) has become substituted for that of Sisar and its later history will be found in the article SANANDADJ. As to the date of origin of this town, it may be noted that in 1039/1630
SlSAR — SISTAN Khosrew Pasha [q.v.] destroyed Hasanabad which was the capital of the princes of Ardalan (von Hammer, GOR2, iii, 87). Only forty years later, Tavernier (Les six voyages, Paris 1692, i, 197) speaks of his visits to Sulayman Khan at Sneirne (= Senna). Bibliography: Besides the Arab geographers and Baladhurf, see Mustawfi, Nuzhat al-kulub, ed. Le Strange, 85, 224; HadjdjI Khalifa, ^ihdn-numd, Istanbul 1145, 388; Quatremere, Hist, des Mongols de la Perse, Paris 1836, i, ad fol. 297b; G. Hoffmann, Auszuge aus syrischen Akten pers. Mdrtyrer, Leipzig 1880, 255-6; Marquart, Eransahr, 18; Le Strange, The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 190; Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, iv, 479. (V. MINORSKY*) SISKA, the Ottoman Turkish form for the Croatian town of SISAK (lat. 45° 30' N., long. 16° 22' E.). It is situated in a wide plain at the confluence of the Odra, Kupa and Sava (Save) rivers some 50 km/30 miles southeast of Zagreb, hence in the 16th-18th centuries on the edge of Krajina, the "military frontier" of Austria, facing the Ottoman empire. It was founded in the 4th century B.C. by the Scordisci, a people of Celtic origin established on the Save and Danube, where they mingled with the Illyrians, then passed under Roman domination (as Segestica, and then Sciscia), then under that of the Avars, Croats, Hungarians (as Sziszek), Austrians and Austro-Hungarians before being included (with Croatia as a whole) in 1918 in the kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, then becoming the kingdom of Yugoslavia. During the Second World War, Sisak came within the fascist Croat state of Ante Pavelic, then the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and finally, in the Croatian Republic. In the 19th and 20th centuries, Sisak has been best known as an important river port and an industrial centre (blast furnaces, heavy metal industries and petroleum refining). In fact, the history of Sisak is only relevant for us during a brief period of four years, 1591-4. At the time of the Ottoman campaigns of the 10th/16th century, Sisak was a strategic point in the last line of defences for Zagreb, which is on the Kupa. Between 1544 and 1550, a solid, triangular fortress, comprising three fortified towers, was built, using the remains of the old Roman town, and this played a great role towards the end of the century, especially when the town was successively attacked by Hasan Pasha ("Predojevic"), beykrbeyi of Bosnia, who first besieged it, in vain, in 1591. In the next year, Hasan conquered northwestern Bosnia, with the town of Bihac, after having taken the fortress of Petrinja (Yefii Hisar) in Croatia, not far from Sisak, which he rebuilt. He again besieged Sisak, unsuccessfully in July 1592, devastated the vicinity and carried off many slaves. A year later, he came back for a third time, with an army which certain sources number at 25,000 men, and on 15 June 1593 began the siege once more. This ended a week later in the famous battle on the left bank of the Kupa, in a triangle formed with the Odra and Save, on 22 June 1593, in which the Turkish army suffered a terrible defeat. Most of its troops perished, either in battle or by drowning (as Hasan Pasha himself), with only a small part (2,500 is the oftencited figure) escaping. This event unleashed the "Long War" between Turkey and Austria, which lasted until 1606 and the peace treaty of Zsitvatorok. Since the battle involved one of the first great victories of Christendom over the Ottomans in this part of Europe, it was hailed with great joy in the West (cf. the main references to
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pamphlets, articles and archival documents, in K.M. Setton, Venice, Austria and the Turks in the seventeenth century, Philadelphia 1991, 6-7), and also gave rise to a popular Croatian poetry celebrating the victory. Nevertheless, hardly two months later, on 24 August 1593, Sisak was taken by assault by the beykrbeyi of Greece and Thrace, Hasan, who installed a garrison in the fortress (where naturally, a mosque was now built) commanded by a certain Ibrahim Beg. But this conquest was in turn of brief duration, since in autumn 1594, faced by the advance of Christian troops, the Ottomans evacuated Sisak and its fortress definitively, so that it never subsequently came within the Dar alIsldm. Bibliography: Pecewl, Ta'rikh, Istanbul 1281-37 1864-6, ii, 128-9, ed. in Roman script M. Uraz, Istanbul 1968-9, ii, 342-4; Katib Celebi, Fedhleke, Istanbul 1286-7, i, 10-12; Na'Irna, Ta'iikh, Istanbul 1275/1878, i, 79-81; Ewliya Celebi, Seyahat-ndme, Istanbul 1315, v, 513 (annotated tr. H. Sabanovic, Evliya Cekbi, Putopis, Sarajevo 1967, 220-5); J. Modestin, art. Sisak, in Narodna Enciklopedya, Zagreb 1929, s.v. (Cyrillic script ed., iv, 139-41); S. Beg Basagic, Zjiameniti Hrvati, Bosnjaci i Hercegovci u turskoj carevini, Zagreb 1931, 24-5; P. Tomac, Bitka kod Siska, 22 juna 1593 g., in Vojnoistorijski Glasnik, viii (Belgrade 1957), 59-72; J. Kolakovic, Sisak u odbrani od Turaka, 1591-1593, Sisak 1967 (important monograph of 136 pp.); V. Blaskovic et alii, art. Sisak, in EncikL Jugoslavije, Zagreb 1968, vii, 200-2; Setton, loc. cit. (A. POPOVIC) SISTAN, the form usually found in Persian sources, early Arabic form Sidjistan, a region of eastern Persia lying to the south of Khurasan and to the north of Balucistan, now administratively divided between Persia and Afghanistan. In early Arabic historical and literary texts one finds as nisbas both Sidjistanl and Sidjzl, in Persian, Slstanl. 1. Etymology. The early Arabic form reflects the origin of the region's name in MP Sakastan "land of the Sakas", the Indo-European Scythian people who had dominated what is now Afghanistan and northwestern India towards the end of the first millennium B.C. and the first century or so A.D. Earlier designations of the region had been the Avestan one "land of the Haetumant", i.e. land of the Helmand river, appearing in the early Greek geographical sources as Erymandus; and the OP Zara(n)ka or Zra(n)ka of the Behistun inscription of Darius I and the Persepolis one of Xerxes, appearing in Herodotus as the land of the Sarangai, the Drangiana of the time of Alexander the Great and the Zarangiane of Isidore of Charax (probably 1st century A.D.). This latter form survived into early Islamic times as the name of the capital, Zarang [q.v.], current up to Saldjuk times. The oldest MP text with the form *Sakastan is the Naksh-i Rustam inscription of Shapur I (239 or 241 to 270 or 273 [see SHAPUR], Skstn, indicating Sakastan or Sagastan. But already in the Shdh-ndma of Firdawsl one finds the region also called Nlmruz, lit. "midday", i.e. the land to the south of Khurasan, "the eastern land", and this appears in the Ghaznawid sources (5th/llth century) detailing the component provinces of the empire of Sultan Mascud b. Mahmud. From Saldjuk times, it becomes frequent for the region, at the side of Slstan, and the local rulers there were, from the 5th/llth century onwards, known as the Maliks of Nlmruz; the geographical term Nimruz has been revived in Afghanistan during the 20th century (see below, 3. History). See on these topics C.E. Bosworth,
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The history of the Sqffarids of Sistan and the Maliks of Mmruz (247/861 to 949/1542-3), Costa Mesa, Calif, and New York 1994, 30-8. 2. Topography and climate. Geographically, Sfstan forms a shallow basin at an average altitude of 482 m/1,580 feet above sea level, with its lowest point in the southernmost depression of the Gawd-i Zirih, some 12 m/40 feet lower. The highest elevation is the Kuh-i Khwadja, so-called after a local saint, which rises 120 m/400 feet above the level of the region between the Hamun-i Puzak and the Gawd-i Zirih (see below), and in times of inundation rises out of the water as an island. There is a large, central sheet of water, fringed with marshes, which is only filled in May when rivers like the Helmand [q.v.] and the northern feeders like the Khwash Rud and the Farah Rud bring in water from the melted snows of the mountains of Ghur [q.v.] in central Afghanistan; the feeders from the west are insignificant. The lake may then cover over 140 sq. miles, and it straddles both of the modern countries of Persia and Afghanistan. The rising summer temperatures and the "wind of 120 days" (see below) reduce this sheet of water in summer to three separate, permanent sheets, the Hamun-i Sabarl and the Hamun-i Puzak in the north and the Hamun-i Hilmand in the south. Only the last is completely within Persian territory, and forms the largest sheet of permanent water on the Persian plateau. When the water level is particularly high, the Hamun-i Hilmand discharges its surplus water into a channel, the Shela or modern Shaylak Rud, leading to the depression of the Gawd-i Zirih (the Aria palus of the classical geographers; it is also mentioned in the Shahndma, in which Kay Khusraw sails across the Ab-i Zirih when pursuing Afrasiyab, the Helmand appearing there as the Hlrmand). Natural drainage into the Gawd-i Zirih helps to keep the waters of the central lake clear and fresh. Feeder waters like the Helmand bring down with their spring flooding vast quantities of silt, which seem to be redistributed around the basin by action of the winds, since the general level of the basin does not rise. Western travellers have noted one of the features of the climate of Sfstan, described by the Arabic geographers of a thousand years before, the notorious bdd-i sad u bist ruz "wind of 120 days", which blows from the northwest from May to October and may reach 120 k.p.h./70 m.p.h. The wind carries dust and sand particles, which have a powerful abrasive effect on the terrain, stripping vegetation and light soil covering away, eroding buildings and causing intense evaporation from the stretches of water. Hence whilst the winters can be cold, they are usually healthy, whereas the summers are hot, humid and febrile, with a host of noxious insects and snakes (in mediaeval Islamic times, Sfstan was known for its poisonous vipers, afd'i). The alluvial soil of Sfstan allows the cultivation of crops, the greater part of them being winter ones like wheat, barley and beans, with legumes, melons and fodder crops as summer ones. There are few trees— C.E. Yate noted only the decayed remains of date palms—except tamarisks along the banks of the watercourses and canals; Sir Percy Sykes described them as forming one of the few jungles he had seen in Persia. The effects of climate and water-supply have meant that the topography of Sfstan has been constantly changing all through history. River channels have regularly changed their course, making the restoration of the historical geography of mediaeval Sistan extremely
difficult. Conservatism in building techniques and the almost universal use of sun-dried brick [see LABIN] as a construction material have meant that very few ancient buildings have survived the effects of the eroding winds; there are few inscriptions and there have been few coin finds, so that the buildings that remain are accordingly difficult to date. These processes of weathering have been aggravated by earthquakes; thus the Mll-i Kasimabad, an imposing, free-standing minaret or tower with Kufic inscriptions describing its construction by a 6th/12th-century Malik of Nfmruz Tadj al-Dfh Harb b. Muhammad (r. 564-6107 1169-1213) was 23'm/75 feet high when the Seistan Boundary Commission was at work in the first decade of this century, but collapsed totally ca. 1955 in an earthquake. The effects of wind and of moving sands have meant that whole villages and tracts of agricultural land may disappear or, conversely, be revealed. All these factors have made the interpretation of the region's history, when written sources fail, arduous. The population of Sfstan is substantially Tadjik, with some Baluc and other outside peoples settled there by Persia rulers, such as Kurdish nomads brought thither by Nadir Shah Afshar [q.v.], and some Baluc and Arab nomads who appear there from Kuhistan in the summer. An indigenous element noted by all the travellers in Sfstan is that of the sqyydds or hunters and fishers of the lakes and marshes, on which they travel in tutim, cigar-shaped rafts of reeds, making a living by fishing and shooting waterfowl; it has been speculated that they may represent the aboriginal inhabitants of the region. A class of cattle-raisers, gdwddrs, has also been noted. See on these topics, EP art. Sistan (V.F. Biichner); Admiralty Handbooks, Persia, London 1945, 116-18; Camb. hist, of Iran, i, 78-81. 3. History. Sfstan had formed part of the Sasanid empire after the disappearance of the Sakas and other earlier conquerors in the region. Under Shapur I, it became a province (shahr), with its full name given in the inscriptions as "Sakastan, Turestan (sc. Turan [q.v] in what is now northern Balucistan) and Hind, to the edges of the sea", and was often given as an appanage to sons of the emperors (see V.G. Lukonin, in Camb. hist. Iran, iii/2, 729-30, and map at 748-9). In the "quadrant" (kust) of the east, it comprised both the Achaemenid Zranka/Dragiana and Haraxwat/Arachosia, with Zarang as its administrative capital (CJ. Brunner, in ibid., 773-4). The state church of Zoroastrianism was, naturally, firmly established there, as appears from what we know of the arrival of the Arabs in Sfstan in the 1st/7th century, when the incomers encountered a Mobadh Mobadhan [see MOBADH] and a chief Herbadh, whilst the important fire-temple of Karkuya remained intact after the Muslims came (see Bosworth, Sistan under the Arabs, from the Islamic conquest to the rise of the Saffarids (30-250/651-864), Rome 1968, 5-6). The Nestorian Church was, however, represented there also, with a bishop of Sfstan mentioned at the Synod of Dadfshoc in 424 and Christian congregations in Bust and Arachosia as well as in Sistan proper; these Christians persisted into the Islamic period, and a bishop in Sfstan is mentioned for 767 (see ibid., 6-10). The Arabs first appeared in Sfstan in 'Uthman's caliphate, pushing eastwards from Kirman during the governorship in Khurasan of £Abd Allah b. cAmir [q.v.]. Hence in 31/652-3 Zarang surrendered peacefully, although Bust resisted fiercely, and immediately after this, coins of Arab-Sasanid pattern begin to be minted at Zarang. From a base in Sistan, governors like Mu'awiya's appointee cAbd al-Rahman b. Samura
SlSTAN undertook campaigns eastwards into al-Rukhkhadj (sc. the earlier Arachosia) and Zammdawar [q.vv.] against the local rulers, the Zunblls, and towards Kabul against the Kabul Shahs. Zoroastrianism was of course toppled from its position of primacy, the higher levels of the official hierarchy collapsed, but the sacred fires apparently remained; an item in a late 4th/10thcentury survey of the revenues of Sfstan mentions the mdl-i ddharuy, which may refer to some rent paid for fire-temple premises or land (see ibid., 13 ff.; Bosworth, The history of the Saffarids of Sistan, 56, 294-5). Arab governors were sent out during the Umayyad and early 'Abbasid periods, and continued to be involved in raiding into eastern Afghanistan, with the object of gathering plunder in the form of slaves and herds. But the Zunblls and the Kabul Shahs proved tenacious foes, and were not subdued till the Saffarid period, after some two centuries' strenuous resistance (for a detailed account of one particular Arab debacle, see Bosworth, 'Ubaidallah b. Abi Bakra and the ''Army of Destruction" in ^dbulistdn (79/698), in Isl, 1 [1973], 26883). The Arab settlers in Sfstan were rent internally by the tribal feuds of Tamfm and Bakr b. Wa'il, carried over from those raging in Khurasan, and there seems to have been a general resentment over the years on the part of the indigenous Iranian population against Arab financial exactions, which contributed to the strong growth, especially in the countryside of Slstan, of support for the Kharidjites [q.v.] who had fled eastwards through Kirman after defeats by the Umayyad governors. The Arabs of Bakr b. Wa'il also appear to have had sympathies for the Kharidjite Azarika [q.v.]. Hence Sfstan was, with Khurasan, one of the epicentres of the great, prolonged rebellion in the eastern Persian lands of Hamza b. Adharak or £ Abd Allah (d. 213/828, himself a native of (?) Run u Djul in southern Afghanistan. For some 30 years, Hamza defied the armies of the 'Abbasids, requiring the personal presence in Khurasan of Harun al-Rashfd, who died however at Tus in 193/809 before he could take up arms against Hamza. The Arab governors sent by the Tahirids [q.v.] of Nfshapur were no more successful against the rebels. Kharidjism continued to be vigorous and militant in the small towns, villages and countrysides of Khurasan and Afghanistan until the time of the Saffarids (see below) and, in a more quiescent form, till the later 4th/10th century (see Bosworth, Sistan under the Arabs, 33-107). It was out of the bands of local enthusiasts for the defence of Sunn! orthodoxy in the towns of Sfstan and Bust, the 'qyydrs and the mutatawwi's [q.vv.], who were exasperated at the inability of the Tahirid governors to protect their towns from the Kharidjite attacks, that there arose cayydr leaders like Salih b. al-Nadr or al-Nasr and Dirham b. al-Nasr. From their entourages, there soon attained power at Zarang, in 247 / 861, as amir of Sistan, the local commander Yackub b. al-Layth, founder of the Saffarid dynasty, most glorious of those who ruled Sfstan in pre-modern times (see Bosworth, Sistan under the Arabs, 112-33; idem, The history of the Saffarids of Sistan, 67-83). Over the next 150 years, Sfstan was to become the centre of a vast military empire built up by Yackub and his brother c Amr [0.00.], and even when the Khurasanian provinces were lost at the beginning of the 4th/10th century, the Saffarids still had a century before them of not inglorious existence. This history can now be followed in detail in the art. SAFFARIDS, and see especially, Bosworth, op. at., 67-361. It should further be noted that it is from these times, sc. the later 3rd/9th and the 4th/10th centuries, that we possess detailed descrip-
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tions of Sistan from the Arabic and Persian geographers (see Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 334-45, to which should be added Hudud al-cdlam, tr. Minorsky, 110, comm. 344-5; W. Barthold, An historical geography of Iran, Princeton 1984, 65-73; Bosworth, op. cit., 39 ff.). Sfstan was in 393/1003 incorporated into the mighty Ghaznawid empire of Mahmud b. Sebiiktigin [q.v.], and was then governed by nominees of the court in Ghazna. It was out of these last that there arose, in the person of Tadj al-Dm (I) Abu '1-Fadl Nasr (d. 465/1073), a line of local amirs in Sfstan which became in effect autonomous, though at first under Ghaznawid, and then Saldjuk, suzerainty. These amirs became in the last decades of their power caught up in the struggles over control of the eastern Iranian lands between the Ghurids and Khwarazm Shahs [
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nas and their component, but distinct, group of the Negiiders or Nfkudarfs. The land was devastated also by Tfmur [q.v.] in 785/1383, when the Malik Kutb al-Dfn (II) b. £Izz al-Dfn was deposed, Zarang and Bust sacked (to such effect in the latter instance that the old city of Bust, whose site is marked by the modern KaTat-i Bist, had to be abandoned), and the Band-i Rustam, the weir or barrage across the Helmand river behind which water was stored for diversion into irrigation channels, destroyed. In the later 9th/15th century, internal disorder in Sfstan compelled the Maliks to withdraw for several years into the Sarhadd [q.v.] or mountainous borderland of Sfstan and Makran. After the Ozbeg Muhammad Shfbanf Khan had secured Harat from the last Tfmurids (913/1507), a Shfbanid expedition against Sfstan followed, but three years later the Safawid Shah Ismacfl I [q.v.] crushed the Ozbegs at Marw. The Mihrabanid Maliks rallied to Ismail's side, but Sfstan now acquired a permanent Safawid military presence through the administrative oversight there (wikdlaf) of Kizilbash amirs, and under Shah Tahmasp I [q.v] it came under the governorship of Khurasan exercised by his younger brothers such as Sam Mfrza. The last Mihrabanids were increasingly drawn into the Safawid administrative and military defence system of the east, as warfare with the Ozbegs continued, and the last semi-independent Malik, Sultan Mahmud b. Nizam al-Dfn Yahya, had to introduce the Shi*! adhdn or call to prayer amongst his Sunn! subjects. After his death, Safawid wafak took over in Sfstan, although scions of the Mihrabanids (including the local historian Malik Shah Husayn, jlor. early llth/17th century) lived on there after his time. See on the Mihrabanids, Bosworth, The history of the Sqffarids of Sistan, 411-77, to whose references should be added, Barbara Finster, Sistan zur %eit timuridischer Herrschajt, in Archaeol. Mitteilungen aus Iran, N.F., ix (1976), 207-15. Without the Ihyd3 al-muluk, the history of Sfstan towards modern times becomes even more obscure than before. G.P. Tate included a narrative of the events of these three centuries or so in his Seistan, a memoir on the history, topography, ruins, and people of the country, 3 parts, Calcutta 1910-12, 71-99, based on such sources as Iskandar Munshl's Ta'nkh cAlam-drd-yi 'Abbdsi, Mahdr Khan Astarabadf's Ta3nkh-i L£ahdnguishay-i Nddiri, and a Shaajarat al-muluk (?), but with very few hard dates. Local Maliks continued in Sfstan, but closely under Safawid control, and Slstan served, for instance, as the Safawid base for the struggles with the Mughals over possession of Kandahar [q.v]. The names of various 17th and 18th century Maliks are known, and in the early 18th century, when the Safawid dynasty was in its death throes, Malik Mahmud b. Fath cAlf Khan seems to have made himself a semi-independent power in Sfstan and Kuhistan, with a substantial military force at his disposal. In the complex fighting in Khurasan involving the Ghalzay Afghan invaders, Nadir Beg Kulf Afshar and the last Safawid, Tahmasp II, Mahmud in 1135/1723 had himself crowned and secured such towns of Khurasan as Mashhad and Nfshapur, until Nadir procured his death in ca. 1139/1727. After the death in 1160/1747 of Nadir Shah [q.v.], Sfstan came under the suzerainty of the Afghan chief Ahmad Shah Durrani [q.v], who married the daughter of the then Malik, Sulayman b. Husayn Khan. Sfstan fell into an anarchic state, with the last Malik to exercise any effective power being Djalal al-Dln b. Bahrain Khan, deposed in the later 1830s by local Sarbandl and Shahrakf chiefs. Both the ruling powers
in Persia and Afghanistan, endeavoured to draw Sistan into their orbits, until the Sarbandl chief eAlf Khan definitely acceded to the side of Persia, marrying a Kadjar princess in Tehran, until he was killed in 1858. Many of the notables of Sfstan inclined to the side of Afghanistan, but the struggles for power within the ruling family of Barakzays meant that the amir Shir cAlr Khan could give no direct help in Sfstan from Kabul. In 1865 a Persian army invaded Sistan and a Persia governor, with the title of Hashmat alMulk, and dependent on Ka'in in Kuhistan, was placed over the province. It was this Hashmat alMulk whom Lt. Col. C.E. Yate met when he was travelling in Sfstan in 1894. Yate also gives information on the state of the province at this time. He found it dire: "What with their debts to the cattleowners for hire of bullocks, and their debt to the Kadkhudas who advanced them grain, the cultivators and people of Sfstan generally were in a wretched state of poverty. I do not think I ever saw a more miserable-looking lot." All the land belonged to the state, and there were no private landowners. There was no regular trade, merely an annual caravan with skins and wool to Quetta in Balucistan or to Bandar 'Abbas on the Makran coast which brought back items for consumption like tea and sugar. The revenue of the province amounted to 24,000 khdrwars, each of 649 Ibs. of grain, per annum; from this, 6,850 khdrwars were retained for the salaries of officials and troops, and the rest was paid by Hashmat al-Mulk, as a fixed sum of 12,000 tumdns, to the central government. In addition, there was a tax of 2,600 tumdns levied in cash on sheep and cattle. (See Yate, Khurasan and Sistan, Edinburgh and London 1900, 75-113.) Border disputes between Persia and Afghanistan had caused a fear of an outbreak of war between the two states, leading therefore to the Seistan Boundary Mission of 1872 presided over by General Sir Frederick J. Goldsmid. It awarded much of Sfstan proper to Persia, but required the Persian forces' evacuation of the right bank of the Helmand; naturally, neither side was satisfied. The boundary was not, however, definitively delimited till the second Seistan Boundary Commission of 1903-5 under Col. (later Sir) Arthur McMahon. The absence of clear natural dividing features, beyond that of the Helmand river, made the tasks of these Commissions difficult (see the Hon. G.N. Curzon, Persia and the Persian question, London 1892, i, 229 ff; G.P. Tate, The frontiers of Baluchistan. Travels on the borders of Persia and Afghanistan, London 1909). Persian Sfstan today falls within the province (ustdn) of Balucistan and Sfstan, with its administrative centre at Zahidan [q.v] (Zahedan); whilst Afghan Sfstan has, since the administrative re-organisation of 1964, formed the province (wildyat) of Nfrnruz, thus reviving the old name, with its chef-lieu at Zarang, again reviving an old name, adjacent to Nad-i £Alf. Bibliography: Comprehensive bibls. are given in the two works of Bosworth, Sistan under the Arabs, and The history of the Sqffarids of Sistan, and older bibl. is given in V.F. Buchner's El1 art. One may note additionally the following. For the older period, Pauly-Wissowa, new ed., arts Sakai, Sakastane (A. Herrman), Drangai (W. Tomaschek); Marquart, Erdnsahr, index, esp. 248 ff, 292 ff. On the present archaeological state of Sfstan, K. Fischer, D. Morgenstern and V. Thewalt, Nimruz. Geld'ndebegehungen in Sistan 1955-1973 und die Aufnahme von Dewal-i Khodaydad 1970, 2 vols., Bonn 1974-6, and on some of the surviving buildings there, M. Klinkott, Islamische Baukunst in Afghanisch-Sistdn, mit einem geschichtlichen
SlSTAN — SITT AL-MULK Uberblick von Alexander der Grossen bis zur %eit der Safawiden-Dynastie, Berlin 1982. For the post-16th century history of Sfstan, up to the end of the 19th century, see Tate, Seistan, a memoir, part 1. For the situation towards the end of the 19th century see Sir F.G. Goldsmid (ed.), Eastern Persia, an account of the journey of the Persian Boundary Commission 18701872, 2 vols., London 1876; Yate, Khurasan and Sistan; P.M. Sykes, Ten thousand miles in Persia or eight years in Iran, London 1902, 361 ff.; Tate, The frontiers of Baluchistan. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SISTOVA [see ZISTOVA]. SITI BINTI SAAD (ca. 1880-1950), a singer famed throughout East Africa. Born at Fumba, Zanzibar, her father was an Mnyamwezi subsistence farmer and her mother an Mzigua potter. As a child she was known as Mtumwa (slave), in accord with the Swahili custom of giving children pejorative names. Brought up in the village, she had no formal education, and was illiterate. She disappointed her parents in failing to learn the skill of pot-making. She had an unsuccessful marriage, and occupied herself in carrying pots made by her mother for sale in the town. Eventually she moved to the town, where she fell in with a lute-player, who taught her to sing and also Arabic. When she was about thirty-one she fell in with a band of professional musicians, who played the lute, the mandoline and the tambourine. She adopted the name Siti, ambiguously meaning "lady", or fife or whistle. The band added other instruments to their repertoire, but her skill as a singer gave them wide popularity, and she was praised for the sweetness and delicacy of her singing. She was spoken of as if she were some incarnation of a spirit from the tales of the Thousand and one nights. It was in this tradition that she was sent for by the Sultan of Zanzibar, Khalifa b. Kharub, when she sang a song that had been specially composed in his honour. Behind this popularity lay a long tradition of at least two centuries of Swahili bards, who included many women such as the famous Mwana Kupona, the wife of Bwana Mataka, Shaykh of Siu [q.v] in the mid-nineteenth century. In 1927 Siti came to the attention of the Colombia Record Company, which made gramophone records of her singing with her band in Bombay. Her recordings were immediately popular in India, and her reception when she returned to Zanzibar was as if she were a queen. She travelled and sang in Pemba, and on the mainland in Tanganyika, Kenya and Uganda. She was unspoilt by her success, and what, for those days, were the considerable sums that she earned. Shaaban Robert [q.v.], her biographer, first heard her sing in 1936, but only became acquainted with her in the last months of her life. Bibliography: Shaaban Robert, Wasifu wa Siti binti Saad, Diwani wa Shaaban 3, London 1967 (in Swahili); Mwana Kupona, Utendi wa Mwana Kupona, ed. A. Werner and W. Hichens, Medstead 1934 (in Swahili and English); L. Harries, Swahili poetry, Oxford 1962; J.W.T. Allen, Tendi, London 1971, and information kindly supplied. (G.S.P. FREEMAN-GRENVILLE) SITR "veil", a curtain behind which the Fatimid caliph was concealed at the opening of the audience session (maajlis) and which was then removed by a special servant (sahib/mutawalli al-sitr) in order to unveil the enthroned ruler. The sitr corresponded to the velum of the Roman and Byzantine emperors. The holder of the function of sahib al-sitr, who also served as bearer of the caliph's sword (sahib al-sitr wa 'l-sayf), chamberlain and master of ceremonies, was mostly
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chosen from the Slav mamluks (sakdliba [q.v]}', alMakrfzi, Itti'dz al-hunafd3, ii, ed. M.H.M. Ahmad, 30, 72,'106, 127. Bibliography: Given in the article. (H. HALM) SITT AL-MULK, or SAYYIDAT AL-MULK, Fatimid princess, daughter of the fifth Fatimid caliph alc Az!z [q.v] and half-sister of al-Hakim [q.v.]. She was born in Dhu 'l-Kacda 359/September-October 970 at al-Mansuriyya near al-Kayrawan to the prince Nizar (the future al-cAzfz) by an anonymous umm walad [q.v], who is referred to in the sources as al-Sayyida al'Aziziyya (al-Musabbihf, Akhbar Misr, ed. A.F. Sayyid, Cairo 1978, 94, 111; al-Makrlzf, 'itti'az al-hunafd3, ed. Dj. al-Shayyal et alii, Cairo 1967 ff., i, 271, 292; Ibn Muyassar, Akhbar Misr, ed. A.F. Sayyid, Cairo 1981, 175). When her mother died in Cairo in Shawwal 385/November 995, the daughter held a death-watch at her tomb for one month (al-MakrfzT, op. cit., i, 288-9); she inherited her mother's slave girl Takarrub (d. 415/1025), who became her confidante and served her as a spy (al-Musabbihf, 111). Like the other daughters of Fatimid caliphs, Sitt al-Mulk never married, probably for dynastic reasons. Beloved by her father al-'AzIz, she was showered with gifts and provided with a lucrative appanage so that she was able to establish large charitable endowments, e.g. wells, reservoirs, baths, etc. (al-Makrfzf, op. cit., ii, 33; Lev, The Fatimid Princess, 321). When her father al-cAzfz died suddenly in Bilbays on 28 Ramadan 386/13 October 996, the princess, then 26 years old, accompanied by the Kadi Muhammad b. al-Nucman, the Bearer of the Parasol Raydan (or Zaydan) and other courtiers, hurried to Cairo with the palace guard (al-kasriyya) in order to occupy the palace; according to Ibn al-KalanisI, ed. Amedroz, 44, she planned to take over and to hand the power to her cousin, a son of £Abd Allah b. alMucizz. But she was prevented from entering the palace and was brushed aside by the eunuch Bardjawan [q.v], who placed her under house arrest and put her eleven-year old half-brother al-Mansur (alHakim) on the throne (al-Makrfzf, op. cit., i, 291; Ibn Saefd al-Maghribf, Mughrib, i/2, 54). After Bardjawan's assassination by Raydan, the Bearer of the Parasol, in 390/1000, the princess seems to have exercised some influence on her young halfbrother, to whom she made precious gifts and who, on his part, bestowed on her iktd'at [q.v] whose annual income was 100,000 dinars (al-Makrfzi, op. cit., ii, 15; 33). Ibn al-Kalanisf, 60, mentions the Christian administrative personnel of her Syrian estates. During the last years of al-Hakim's sole reign, she seems to have become alienated from him, perhaps as a result of alHakim's designation of his cousin cAbd al-Rahfm b. Ilyas as heir-apparent in 404/1013. It was Sitt al-Mulk who thereupon took al-Hakim's umm walad Rukayya and her son—the future caliph al-Zahir [q.v]—to her palace in order to protect them; the young prince was brought up and educated in her household (Yahya al-Antakf, ed. Cheikho et alii, 207, 235). In the following year, al-Hakim had his kadi 'l-kuddt Malik b. Sacld put to death because he suspected him to be in tacit understanding with the princess (al-Makrizi, op. cit., 106-7). Sitt al-Mulk's alleged involvement in the murder of al-Hakim in 411/1021 is dubious; the only source for it is the Baghdad! court chronicler Hilal al-Sabf [q.v], whose anti-Fatimid bias is well-known; his report, preserved by Sibt Ibn al-Djawzf, Mir3at al-zamdn, and Ibn Taghribirdf, Cairo, iv, 185-90, is pure fiction.
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SITT AL-MULK — SlWA
Neither the Christian al-Antaki nor the Shafi'i jurist al-Kudaef [q.v.]—both contemporaries and sources of the event—casts any suspicion on the princess. After al-Hakim's disappearance, Sitt al-Mulk was instrumental in securing the succession to the throne of her protege al-Zahir, whom she kept under her tutelage, apparently in competition with his mother Rukayya (al-Makrfzf, op. cit., ii, 124-5). She had put to death the murderer of al-Hakim, Ibn Dawwas, a Kutama [q.v.] chief (al-KudacI, in Ibn Taghnbirdl. Cairo, iv, 191-2; al-Maknzi, op. cit., ii, 125-8), and eliminated al-Hakim's designated heir-apparent cAbd al-Rahfm b. Ilyas, who was serving as governor of Damascus (al-Kudacf, in Ibn Taghrfbirdi, Cairo, iv, 194; al-Antakl,' 236). She held the reins of government for her nephew al-Zahir; in the contemporary sources she is referred to as al-Sayyida al-amma, "the Princess-aunt" (al-Musabbihf, 43, 96), al-Sayyida alshanfa (ibid., 110-11), or al-Sayyida al-a&za (al-Maknzf, op. cit., ii, 174; not to be confounded with her mother, al-Sayyida al-'Aziziyya who had died in 385/995; ibid., i, 288-9). Sitt al-Mulk tried to restore order in state affairs following the mismanagement of al-Hakim's last years; she cancelled the ikta'at and salaries which he had conferred on his favourites, and she re-imposed the illegal customs duties (mukus) he had abolished (al-Antakl, 237). She died of dysentery, on 11 Dhu 'l-Kacda 413/5 February 1023 (al-Nuwayrl, Nihaya, xxviii, 205; Ibn al-Dawadarf, vi, 346; cf. Ibn 'Idharl, Bay an, ed. Colin and Levi-Proven9al, i, 271; al-Antakl, 243-4; Barhebraeus, Ta'rikh, ed. Salihanf, repr. Beirut 1958, 180). Hence al-MakrizI's statement (he. cit.) that she reigned five years and eight months after alHakim's death is due to an obvious mistake. Bibliography: H. Halm, Der Treuhdnder Gottes. Die Edikte des Kalifen al-Hakim, in hi, Ixii (1986), 11-72; Y. Lev, The Fatimid Princess Sitt al-Mulk, in JSS, xxxii
(1987), 319-28. (H. HALM) SIU, in some authors SIYU, is a small town 6 miles east-north-east of Pate [q.v.] on Pate Island. Its date of foundation is unknown. The Swahili History of Pate ascribes it to 903/1497; finds of Sasanid-Islamic pottery suggest earlier occupation. The inhabitants claim Bajun origin, Bantu settlers from southern Somalia. There is a town wall, ascribed to 1843, but possibly earlier, and some houses believed by Kirkman to the 19th century. The Friday mosque has a minaret, a rarity in East Africa; the minbar has the earliest known inscription on wood in the region, 930/ 1523-4. It is no indication of the date of the mosque. Siu is not mentioned in Arabic literature. The earliest account is that of Fra Caspar de St. Bernardino's visit in 1606. Two Indian merchants accompanied him; they spoke the local language, presumably Swahili. They enabled him to have a conversation with the king about the Franciscan Order and the sights of the town, which the friar found had "nothing worthy of note." In 1589 Siu was attacked by the Ottoman Turks under Amir 'All Bey [see MOMBASA]. The king turned traitor against the Portuguese, who later imprisoned him, and destroyed 2,000 palm trees in reprisal. Siu is not heard again until the 18th century. In 1187/1773 it was subject to Pate, but rebelled in 1190/1776. It was again subject in 1245/1829. The governor, Mataka, rebelled in 1249/1833 against Pate and against Sayyid Sacfd of Zanzibar [see AL BU SACID]. He was defeated when he attacked with a force from Lamu, and again on a second attempt in 1259/1843. In 1263/1847 the erection of a fort was begun, which is known to have been occupied by Sayyid Madjld's soldiers in 1857. Shortly, it seems, there was another
rebellion, but from 1863 the town was independent, only to be recovered by Zanzibar in the mid-1860s. The fort still stands today. Siu was not simply a fishing and agricultural community. There was a substantial material culture: cloth manufacture, embroidery, woodworking and furniture, silverware, leather-work, sandal-making, paper manufacture, book copying and binding. It was notable for its poets and poetesses, not least the celebrated Mwana Kupona, wife of Mataka. The ascription to Siu of a bound copy of portions of the Kur'an in the Royal Asiatic Society's library, found at Witu, is based solely on the copyist's nisba of al-Siwi, an unwarrantable assumption. Bibliography: Caspar de St. Bernardino and Swahili History of Pate, in G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, The East African coast: select documents, Oxford 1962 (in English); Mwana Kupona, Utendi wa Mwana Kupona, ed. and tr. A. Werner and W. Hichens, Medstead 1934; J. Strandes, The Portuguese period in East Africa (1899), Eng. tr. ed. J.S. Kirkman, Nairobi 1961; C.S. Nicholls, The Swahili Coast, London 1971: G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville and B.G. Martin, A preliminary handlist of the Arabic inscriptions of the Eastern African coast, in JRAS (1973); R. Wilding, A note on Siu Fort, in Azania, viii (1973); [W.]H. Brown, Siyu, town of the craftsmen, in Azania, xxiii (1988) (with rich bibl.); S. Digby, A Qufan from the East African coast, in Art and Archaeology Research Papers, no. 7, London 1975; and information kindly supplied by Dr. M.C. Horton. (G.S.P. FREEMAN-GRENVILLE) SIVAS [see SIWAS]. SIWA, an oasis in northwestern Egypt. "A jewel, the most fascinating of the Egyptian oases": thus Nancy McGrath (Guide to Egypt, ed. 1983-4, 403) describes the renowned oasis which, in early 1995, was the site of a sensational event, the discovery of the alleged tomb of Alexander the Great, some 25 km/16 miles from the temple of Zeus-Amon. Sfwa, Ammonium in ancient times, is indeed a large and pleasant oasis, the most westerly of the five Egyptian oases, situated only some 50 km/31 miles (as the crow flies) from the frontier of Libya. A road 300 km/186 miles in length, entirely asphalted since 1983, links it to Marsa-Matrouh, the ancient Paraetonium, situated to the north-east on the Mediterranean. 1. The site Slwa and the oases grouped under this name are located in a depression some 80 km/50 miles in length lying on a west-east axis, the base of which is some 20 m/65 feet below sea-level. From this a number of holms emerge, two of them sheltering the localities of Slwa and AghurmI, separated by a distance of 3 km/2 miles. It is at the latter site, on a rocky plateau, as well as a few hundred metres away at Umm cUbayda, that the remains of the temple of Amon have been found; this was constructed by the Pharaoh Amasis (26th dynasty) probably during the period which also saw the restoration of the oracular temple of Apollo at Delphi, accidentally destroyed by fire in 548 B.C., with the aid of an international fund to which the Pharaoh had contributed. The humble appearance of the temple of Amon today does not reflect the reverence in which its oracle was long held in ancient times. The population of the oasis, which—an unusual phenomenon for Egypt—is Berber-speaking, may be estimated at between 8,000 and 10,000 inhabitants, this figure including the village of Gara, or Karet Umm al-Sagha'ir, some 100 km/62 miles to the east on the edge of the depression of Kattara, which is in
SlWA fact the eastern extremity of the Berberophone region. This depression, 300 m/985 feet below sea-level, cannot be crossed without risk of being stranded, trapped in the soft sand. In June 1964, five young Germans, attempting to trace in reverse the course of Rommel's advance on El Alamein, died of thirst there. A curiosity of Slwa is the ancient citadel, today in ruins, called Shall (sal-i = "my country", cf. Laoust, Siwa, 301), a fortified village built on a hill overlooking the "modern" town. In an interesting short work by Bettina Leopoldo (cf. Oasis) ample descriptions will be found, not only of the traditional architecture but also of the economy, crafts and professions, religious and secular customs. Furthermore, it should be stressed that the article by E. Laoust in EF is still, more than two-thirds of a century after its composition, a mine of information. The wealth of Siwa derives fundamentally from its dates, renowned since ancient times. In second place, but a considerable distance behind the 200,000 or so date-palms, the 40,000 olive-trees contribute extensively to the revenues of the Islwan (people of Slwa). As for the ambitious irrigation and drainage scheme called "New Valley", which was inaugurated in 1954 and involved the five major Egyptian oases, it seems to have been pursued with less energy in the case of Sfwa than in that of Kharga. In the past, agricultural work was for a long time the preserve of the zaggdla, unmarried labourers, not allowed to live within the walls, even reduced, it is said, to practising marriage between men, supposedly legal until the visit of King Fu'ad I in 1923. Currendy, while young men may leave the region to pursue their studies, women are still confined to the oasis. Their role in the family remains, however, primordial: in her home, the wife takes the decisions, holds the purse-strings and brings up her children as she sees fit. "If our children speak Sfwl (zlan n islwdri)," it was said in early September 85 by a deputy mayor, "it is to our womenfolk that they owe it". Six months later, television made its appearance. It is hardly likely that that there will be a great deal of broadcasting in the Berber Language, but it must be hoped that, at the end of this first decade, the damage will not prove to be too great. Determined efforts must be made to preserve this language which, at the time of Alexander's visit to the oasis in 331 B.C., had perhaps been spoken there for as many centuries as have passed since then, although it must be admitted that this hypothesis has no more corroboration than that of the presence of the tomb of the "Son of Amon" at Ammonium. 2. The language
Regarded over the past two centuries by European travellers as related to Berber, the language of Slwa has been the object of many studies, varying considerably in terms of the scope and the rigour of the description. Two of them may be considered thorough and comprehensive. That of E. Laoust (Siwa), appearing in 1931, has constituted and still constitutes a work of great value, for its grammatical and syntactical analysis as well as for its ethnographical information, with however one serious error in the verbal system. That of Werner Vycichl (Sketch), the manuscript of which the present author read in 198990, is absolutely remarkable in terms of the detail, the rigour and the thoroughness of its descriptions. The question of the pertinence of vocalic quantity and accentuation could usefully be the object of further and deeper verifications. The personal visit (September 1985) on the part
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of the author of this article had as its primary object study of the use of the verbal system, in particular that of the theme of the resultative perfect, that Berber peculiarity, then the syntax of relatives and focalisation. First of all, some remarks on phonology; the consonantal system presents few difficulties. The affricative pronunciation [g] of the fricative /, since noted by W. Vycichl and transcribed by him as j (Sketch, 44-5), did not register with this writer. As for the opposition of emphasis r-r in ajrd "small bottle" ~ ajra "frog", it is possible, bearing in mind the notation azrau, pi. izrawm of Laoust (Siwa 245), that the emphaticisation of r may be owed to the vowel/consonant u/w. The opposition 9-d or a which K.-G. Prasse has established for Tuareg (Manuel, i-iii, 13), referring to its discovery by J. Lanfry (Ghadames, p. xxxiv), was not observed at Slwa. As for the vocalic quantity which in Tuareg opposes the perfect ijra "he studied, he read" to the resultative perfect ijrd "he has studied, he has read", this seems to have no relevance in SlwI. This dialect indicates the resultative otherwise, and opposes ijra to iyraya, where the length of the first a is definitely phonetic but not distinctive. In a brief and excellent recapitulation of the characteristics of Slwl, based on Laoust's study corrected by that of A. Basset (cf. Probleme), Prasse does not mention the vocalic quantity. The present writer only became aware of this article (cf. Isiwan) several months after returning from Slwa. When, some four years later, this writer read the text of W. Vycichl, it was to find recorded there not only the length but also the accentuation, which poses a problem with regard to the notations of Basset and of Prasse, to the texts of Laoust and to this writer's own observations. In fact, the author distinguishes here between four cases: for example for a he differentiates long and accented a from long and unaccented a, from short and accented d and from short and unaccented a. But it is puzzling to read that long and unaccented vowels "are effectively short", as in d of terwdwen "children" (Sketch, 43). Still more disconcerting is the fact that e, even when accented, can disappear: thus ifessen "hands" is heard as if=ss=n, = being simply "a space between consonants" (Sketch, 48). Particularly to be noted is another novelty represented by the change in position of the accent after a preposition. As opposed to islwan "the Slwls" we have jldn n isiwdn "the language of the Sfwfs". As opposed to terwdwen we have i terwdwen "to the children" (Sketch, 35, 81, 82). Finally, most interesting seems to be the combination of a change of accent and of length, or of timbre, with the suffixing, to an adjective of an a, the meaning of which remains mysterious. In this writer's personal judgment, to the adjective akways, fern, tkwayst (cf. Egyptian Arabic kwqyds, fern, kwaysa "good, well") there should correspond a plural kwaysina which, alongside the Arabic kwqysin, could be considered analogous with the resultative perfect of a verb, e.g. yutnina "they are (fallen) ill", as opposed to the perfect yutmn "they fell ill". Vycichl says that his informants differ over the sense of the a termination. For cAbd Allah Baghf (who was also consulted by this writer), akwayyis means "good, in my opinion" and akwayyis-a "good, as everyone should know" (Sketch, 89). For others, it is a case only of variants, which recalls the analysis of verbal themes by Laoust when he says for example that "an a sound, enigmatic in sense, lengthens all forms" (Siwa, 63) or that "the paradigm of the conjugation of the
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perfect presents certain variants (our italics) in the 2nd and 3rd persons plural". For him, ijlina is merely a variant of ifbn (Slwa, 56, 57), whereas in fact what we have is the resultative perfect "they have passed", as opposed to the perfect "they passed". What exacerbates the difficulty is the assertion by Vycichl of the lengthening, indeed the super-lengthening of the last vowel of an interrogative term; this leads to the distinction of three lengths, for example, e, e and ee ... (Sketch, 89); it would be interesting to check the phonological pertinence of this phenomenon. In any case, the difference of form [i ...]a, is determinant for the opposition of two verbal themes, the perfect ilsm ihbrawm mnsm trarm "they put on their new clothes" and the resultative perfect ilsina ... "they have put on..., they wear..." It is surprising that Laoust should have called "passive" a form furnished with this "augmentation" [z...]a or [a...]a, given that he has occasion to use it with a direct object (A. Leguil, Motes, 16). It was R. Basset who drew attention to Laoust's error in four articles dated 1935, 1936, 1937 and 1940 (cf. Probleme); and, in contesting the analysis of this original form of Slwl, he identified it with an important verbal theme exclusive to Tuareg, discovered by de Foucauld. In 1948 he called this theme "intensive preterite", and labelled as "intensive aorist" the so-called "habitual form", which, to his credit, he had integrated into the tense/aspect system in 1929 (Verbe, p. L). It is to L. Galand that we owe the terminology that best describes the functioning of the latter (Systeme, Continuite, n. 193). As regards the special theme, Basset had in 1952 concluded that the formal differences between that of Tuareg and those of Slwa and of Awdjfla "are a case of dialectal innovation" (Langue, 14). Here there is effectively an instance of aspectual dynamic (doubling of the perfect and/or of the imperfect) remarkably described by D. Cohen for the most diverse languages (Phrase, ch. 6; Aspect, ch. 4). Consequently, it is particularly noticeable that to the aorist-perfect opposition, analysed by Bentolila (Grammaire, 156, n. 140), there corresponds at Slwa a perfect-resultative perfect relationship. Thus in (1) af-9nni ammwa-t-sm ibhq-in (rwtwn} iwnina (resultative perfect) i adrar "when their brother joined them, they had (already) set out to climb the hill", if we substitute ... umm (perfect) ... we would have "... they climbed ...". The justification of the term resultative seems particularly apt if in (2) mtta yutina (resultative perfect) g ifdd-9nms, bead yuta (perfect) (fill-as) "he has hurt his knee, because he fell (down)", we substitute ... yutaya (resultative perfect) "... he has fallen (and he is still on the ground)". Another peculiarity of Slwl is its residual injunctive, comparable to that of Kabyle (Chaker, Kabylie, 206). In (3) ga-nuhw9t ga-n&rwzt wm n gribant "Let us go to see those of the cemetery (the dead)"—there is a combination of W9t, the imperative suffix, with ga-rruh "we shall go" and ga-n&r "we shall see", where ruh and &r are in the "non-real" mode (terminology of F. Bentolila, Grammaire, 146). At variance with Morocco, but as in Kabylia and in Tuareg (Galand, Continuite 302; Prasse, Manuel, pp. vi-vii, 37-8), a succession of unreals serves to denote a continuous recurrent series: (4) ga-nnhr mah, ga-nszdd Ikarro, ga-rruh i lyet... "We rise in the morning, we take the cart, we make our way to the fields ..." (Leguil, Notes, 63). While the SiwT verbal system shows remarkable fidelity to its Berber identity, the syntax of relatives,
for its part, is in a process of powerful "contamination" by Arabic structures. As early as 1925, at the time of Laoust's visit, it had lost the participial subject-marker which permits a distinction, e.g. in Kabyle between igr ikrzn "the field (which is) worked" from igr ikrz "the field is worked", and the state of annexation which distinguishes ikrz yigr, lit. "it is worked, the field" from ikrz igr "he has worked the field". In addition, there used to be three supportive relative pronouns: wm, tan, and wiym. In 1985 this last had disappeared. And above all, there is now the obligatory presence of a pronoun of recall. Thus the phrase of Laoust (Siwa, 119): (5) ndd-i Igrus wiym S9llfy-aka, lit "Give me the moneys that I have lent you" has become (6) ndd-i Igrus wm szllfy-ak-tina, lit. "... that I have lent them to you" (Laoust, Notes, 69). Laoust (Siwa, 119) has also asserted the absence of the particle of prominence a(d), ay, i, such a typical feature of Berber. In fact, this is not the only signifier of focalisation, especially in the negative, where Sfwl clearly opposes the focalising statement (7) to the neutral statement (8): (7) q9ci mhnum uhnm "It is not you who has stolen". (8) / uhnm "You have not stolen". 3. Myths and history Attention has already been drawn to the fact that the Berber language may already have been thousands of years old at the time of the visit of Alexander the Great to the temple of Amon. Alongside this astonishing antiquity, the existence in this remote oasis of a renowned oracle was another singularity. For Camps (in Enc. berb., A196), whatever may be the origin of the Amon of Slwa, it was through the Greeks of Cyrenaica that its reputation became supreme throughout the Mediterranean world under the name of Zeus-Amon, with a humanised effigy, showing the features of a bearded individual whose horns are barely visible in his curly hair. The cult enjoyed remarkable success in the Hellenistic world, especially after Alexander's sojourn in Slwa; the coinage struck in honour of this effigy was to show it rendered divine with the ram's horns of Zeus-Amon and was perhaps to contribute, even a thousand years later, in the centuries following the Muslim conquest of the 640s, to bestowing upon the Macedonian "a sacred dimension from the moment that he is identified with Dhu '1-Karnayn (the bicorn, or man with two horns) "to whom the Kur'an attributes the conquest of all inhabited lands", in the words of Ahmed Siraj in L'histoire (May 1995), 41. The same issue, which contains an excellent study of Alexander (22-41), also quotes P. Briant who, three months before, was still dubious regarding the sensational announcement by the Greek archeologist Liana Souvaltzi of the discovery at Slwa of the tomb of Alexander, as saying that "the balloon was soon deflated, through the expertise brought to bear by specialists" (36). What became of the oracle of Zeus-Amon after the Macedonian had himself recognised there as son of the god and proclaimed, as shortly before at Memphis, Pharaoh of Egypt, the first of the 32nd dynasty? According to Cl. Savary, having become Jupiter-Amon under the Romans, the oracle, although in decline, continued to be consulted at least until the 6th century A.D. (Leopoldo, Oasis, 17). The fact is, however, that with the edict of 391 the Emperor Theodosius ordered the closure of all pagan temples and prohibited sacrifices. According to Vycichl, local traditions show traces of a Christian past to which the ruins of field er-Rum, a Greek or Christian village,
SIWA — SlWAS bear witness; but he challenges the "extravagant stories" related notably by the so-called Manuscript of Siwa (Sketch, 21). It is by the name Santariya, probably of Greek origin, that two Arab authors, al-Bakrl (d. 486/1094) and al-ldrfsl (d. 561/1166) refer to Siwa; and it is al-MakrizI (d. 846/1442) who gives it this last name and calls its language Sfwf, associating it with the Zenata group described by Ibn Khaldun (d. 809/1406). In a very recent work, Salem Chaker reckons that "no historical fact later than the establishment of Pharaonic Egypt could explain the appearance of the Berbers and of their language in North Africa". In his estimation, on the basis of the common HamitoSemitic stock, "Berber was constituted in the form of a distinct group between the 8th and the 7th millennium B.C." (Ling, herb., 209). In Vycichl's excellent work (Sketch, 26-34) will be found a thorough survey on the studies, of varying importance, contributed by a score of authors who have documented Slwa and/or its language from Brown (1799) to Ahmad Fakhn (1973, cf. Oases). It seems that for centuries the oasis was independent, threatened only by Bedouins. In 1820, it was subjugated by Muhammad CA1I, whose representative was however assassinated in 1838. Laoust (Islam) indicates that Muhammad al-Sanusf [q.v.] spent several months here and acquired disciples here. Some decades later, the chief of the Sanusiyya [q.v.] engaged in conflict with the Anglo-Egyptians, using Siwa as a base (191517). Finally, during the Second World War, Rommel, a fervent admirer of Alexander the Great, paid a visit to Siwa and was received there by Shaykh £Alf Hayda (Leopoldo, Oasis, 23-4). During the present writer's brief stay (1-4 September 1985), the oasis was occupied by a large force of Egyptian troops; there was suspicion of predatory intentions on the part of the Libyan "big brother". However, in March 1988, the frontier, closed since July 1977, was re-opened, as a result of the diplomatic efforts of Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Tunisia, although Gaddafi (Kadhdhafi") has still refused any restoration of normal relations with Egypt. Bibliography (mainly linguistic, given in alphabetical order; for further references, see Laoust and Vycichl): A. Basset, La langue berbere. Le verbe. Etude de themes, Paris 1929 (- Verbe)', idem, La langue berbere, London 1952 (= Langue)', idem, Probleme verbal dans le parler berbere de Siwa, in Melanges Maspero, MIFAO, xviii, 1935, 154-9; idem, Siwa, Aoudjila et Imeghran. A propos d'un rapprochement, in AIEO (1936), 119-27, written after Siwa et Aoudjila. Probleme verbal berbere, in Melanges GaudeJroy-Demombynes, MIFAO, 1937, 279300; idem, Du nouveau d propos d'un probleme verbal a Siwa, dans Six notes de linguistique berbere, in AIEO, v (1939-41), 16-40: these four articles discuss the alleged "passive" of Laoust (- Probleme); F. Bentolila, Grammaire fonctionnelle d'un parler berbere. Ail Seghrouchen d'Oum Jeniba (Maroc), Paris 1981 (= Grammaire)', G. Camps, art. Ammon, in Encycl. berbere, iv, 596-9 (= Em. berb. A 196); S. Chaker, Un parler berbere d'Algerie (Kabylie), Marseilles 1983 (= Kabylie); idem, Linguistique berbere. Etudes de syntaxe et de diachronie, Paris-Louvain 1995 (= Ling, berb); D. Cohen, La phrase nominale et devolution du systeme verbal en semitique. Etude de syntaxe historique, Paris 1984 (= Phrase); idem, L'aspect verbal, Paris 1989; A. Fakhri, The oases of Egypt. I. Siwa oasis, Cairo 1973 (= Oases); L. Galand, Libyque et berbere. lm heure: le systeme verbal du berbere, in Annuaire de I'EPHE, IVe section (19723), 173-80 (= Systeme); idem, Continuite et renouvellement d'un systeme verbal: le cos du berbere, in Bull, de la SLP,
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Ixxii 1 (1977), 275-303 (- Continuite);]. Lanfry, Ghadames, L Fichier de documents berberes, ex-Fort-National (Algeria) 1968 (= Ghadames); E. Laoust, Siwa. L Son parler, Paris 1931, with an important bib I. raisonnee, complete up to its time (- Siwa), a useful work, despite the error in regard to the alleged "passive"; A. Leguil, Notes sur le parler berbere de Siwa, dans Bull, des Etudes Africaines de I'INALCO, (i) no. 11, 5-42, (ii) no. 12, 97-124, Paris 1986; repr. in Structures predicatives en berbere. Grammaire II, syntaxe, enonciatique, Paris 1987, (i) 847-940, (ii) 959-94 (- Leguil, Motes); Bettina Leopoldo (ed.), Egypte, oasis d'Amun-Siwa/ Egypt, the Oasis of Amun-Siwa, Geneva 1986, bilingual text, introd. by Cl. Savary, 9-21, text, 22-71 (- Oasis); K.G. Prasse, Siwi (Jilan n-isiwan), in Encycl. berb., xxxiv (1984), (= Isiwan); idem, Manuel de grammaire touaregue (tahaggart), i-iii, vi-vii, Copenhagen 1972 (= Manuel); W. Vycichl, Sketch of the Berber language of the Oasis of Siwa (Egypt) typewritten text, Geneva 1990, with very rich bibl. (- Sketch), indispensable for a knowledge of Slwf. See also El1 Siwa (esp. useful for folklore and ethnology). (A. LEGUIL) SIWAK [see MISWAK]. SIWAS, the form found in Islamic sources from the 6th/12th century onwards for the Turkish town of SIVAS, a town of north-east central Anatolia, lying in the broad valley of the Kizil Irmak [q.v.] at an altitude of 1,275 m/4,183 feet (lat. 39° 44' N., long. 37° 01' E.). It is now the chef-lieu of the it or province of the same name in the modern Turkish Republic. There may well have been a Hittite settlement there, but the site only emerges into history as the Roman city of Sebasteia, the capital of Armenia Minor under Diocletian. It was a wealthy and flourishing city in Byzantine times. In 1021, the Armenian king Senekcerim Hovhannes of Vaspurakan ceded his dominions to the Emperor Basil II, and he and his successors became the Byzantine viceroys of Sebasteia until the battle of Malazgird [q.v.] in 1071. Thereafter, it became the capital of the main branch of the Turkmen Danishmendids [q.v] until it was taken by the Rum Saldjuk Kilic Arslan II in 570/1174, becoming, with Konya, one of the Saldjuk capitals. It then acquired an upper and a lower citadel, with the lower one completed in 621/1224, according to an inscription. There were also mosques and medreses from this century; the oldest building extant in the town today, the Ulu Djamic, may conceivably go back to Danishmendid times, though its minaret has been assigned, on stylistic grounds, to the 7th/13th century. Only four of the numerous medreses survive today, the oldest being the hospital of Sultan Kay Kawus I, founded in 614/1217 and transformed into a medrese in Ottoman times; all the other three date from 670/1271, when the Saldjuks were vassals of the II Khanids, including that of Muzaffar Burudjirdr or Hadjdjr Mas'ud, which now houses the Sivas Museum. Sivas early became the centre of the Anatolian caravan trade, with merchants travelling northwards to Sinop, Samsun and the Crimea and east-westwards between Tabriz and Constantinople. Genoese notaries occasionally functioned in the town, and in 700/1300 they established there a consul. The roads to the town crossed the Kizil Irmak on important bridges, three of these still standing, including one built by Mubariz al-Dln Ertokush, Atabeg to one of the sons of cAlaJ al-Dln Kay Kubadh I, and there were numerous khans along the roads to the town, several endowed by the Saldjuk-Il Khanid vizier, Mucfn al-Dm Parwana [q.v]
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(cf. K. Erdmann, Das anatolische Karavansaray des 13. Jahrhunderts, Berlin 1961, i, 79-80).
With the decline of II Khanid power in Anatolia during the 8th/14th century, local lines appeared in the Sivas region, of varying extent and durability. One of these was Eretna Beg (d. 753/1352 [q.v.]), whose capital was Sivas, and then in 783/1381, the Kadi Burhan al-Dfn Ahmad [q.v.], formerly vizier and na'ib of Eretna's grandson. Before this time, Ibn Battuta had visited Sivas, which he thought was the largest town of the II Khanid dominions in Anatolia. The local akhis [q.v.] were strong in the town, and may have played a role in the internecine struggles for the succession of Eretna Beg, able to take over power in the absence of a recognised ruler (Rihla, ii, 289-92, tr. Gibb, ii, 434-6). Sivas was plundered several times, but was able to recover. However, the end of the 8th/14th century brought a cataclysm. The town surrendered, after the death in battle in 800/1398 of Kadi Burhan al-Dm, to the Ottoman Bayezfd I Yildirim, and thus became a prime target of Tfmur's onslaught. It had to surrender in 803/1400; the garrison and many inhabitants were massacred, and the fortifications dismantled. Even in 859/1455, the date of the first Ottoman tahrir recording the tax-paying population of Sivas, it apparently lay largely in ruins. It had 560 tax-payers, 214 Muslims and 346 non-Muslims: at most, a total population of 3,000. Only a number of zdwiyas seem to have been active, possibly providing the core around which Sivas gradually revived. The 10th/16th century was likewise troubled. During the war with Shah Isma'fl Safawi, Sellm I killed large numbers of real or suspected Shfl sympathisers. During Suleyman's reign, in 933-4/1526-7, there was a rebellion of the rural population of the region, and even after its suppression, other outbreaks occurred, in one of which, it appears, the poet Plr Sultan Abdal was involved, leading to his death. In ca. 1008-9/1600, the town and its hinterland were ravaged by the Djelalf leader Karayazidji [see DJALAL!, in Suppl.]. In Ottoman times, Sivas was the administrative centre of the eydlet of Rum, the core of which consisted of the sanajaks of Slwas-Tokad, Niksar, Corum, Amasya, Djanlk (Samsun) and Karahisar-i Shark!. Apart from these sanajaks, sometimes known as Rum-i kadfm, there was a second division, known as Rum-i hadlth, which encompassed the sanajaks of Diwrigi, Kemakh, Bayburd and Malatya. In 982/1574-5, a tahiir of the city counted 3,386 taxpayers, of whom 1,987 were Christians. Only 311 unmarried men were listed, probably an undercount. If we make the conventional assumption that a household contained five members, the tax-paying population should have amounted to slightly over 15,000 persons. Even if we make a generous allowance for tax-exempt and therefore non-registered soldiers and officials—who were probably numerous, given the rank of Sivas as a provincial capital located in a troubled area—it is unlikely that total population was much higher than 20,000. The text also mentioned a kalce-yi kohne, presumably in contrast to the more recently constructed fortress (re)built by Mehmed Fatih in 861/1456-7, according to an inscription published in 1840 but since lost. At the end of the 10th/16th century, Sivas possessed a covered market and at least two tanneries, in addition to a dyehouse and a brewery for millet beer (bozo); it also functioned as a market for the salt produced in the surrounding villages. Different mosques owned a total of 170 shops, and the 10th/16th cen-
tury mosque of Hasan Pasha drew a yearly income of 12,400 akces from the tenants of its 74 shops. As usual all over Anatolia, Sivas was surrounded by vegetable gardens; but that the latter could also be found within the old fortress may indicate the population losses which the town had suffered since its apogee in the Saldjuk and Mongol periods. For the llth/17th century, two major sources are the reports of Katib Celebi and Ewliya Celebi. Katib Celebi and his collaborators describe Sivas as constituting the centre (pasha sanajaghi) of the wttayet of Rum, which now consisted of Amasya, Bozok, Djanlk, Corum, Diwrigi and cArabgfr. Ewliya Celebi's description is far more explicit: he distinguishes the town walls from the Ic Hisar, which consisted of two parts. The town walls, 10,500 paces in circumference, still showed traces of their former strength, but many sections lay in ruins, probably since Tlmur's time. The upper fortress possessed a small garrison, but the cannons were out of order. This citadel was not much frequented, and mainly used for the storage of valuables. More lively was the lower fortress which Ewliya also calls the Pasha hisari, the administrative centre of the wildyet, where the governor held his diwan four times a week. Within the walls of the town, Ewliya recorded 4,600 houses in "forty" mahalles (possibly intended as a synonym for "many"), the Christians, both Greek and Armenian, living in two quarters close to the Kayseri gate. Among the mosques he mentions the Ulu Djami' and Kodja Hasan Pasha Djami'i, the latter with its associated shops, already known from the 1 Oth/16th century tahrirs. Among the medmes, Ewliya especially praises a structure which he calls the Kizil medrese. He also mentions the existence of 18 khans, and the bedestan, probably with some exaggeration, is credited with a thousand shops. Apart from tanneries there were many shoemakers' workshops. A variety of cotton fabrics was manufactured. Not too long before Ewliya's visit, a dignitary at the court of Sultan Murad IV had had the sipdh bazdn rebuilt in stone. Ewliya noted that both Turkish and Kurdish were spoken in the town. Where agriculture was concerned, he commented that the cold weather prevented fruit from ripening, but that grains, lentils and chickpeas did very well. Two authors of the same period provide information on the Christians of Sivas: the Polish Armenian Simeon, who travelled in Anatolia 1017-28/1608-19, and the Archdeacon Paul of Aleppo, describing the mid-llth/17th century travels of his father, the Patriarch Macarius. Simeon claimed that the Armenian population recently had declined from 2,000 to 600 households. Many of the surrounding villages were also deserted, probably due to the Djelalf rebellions. Paul of Aleppo also thought that the local Christian community was very small. This author mentions a new church with a high cupola, dedicated to St. George and built in the reign of Sultan Murad IV. An ayazma commemorated the martyrs of Sebasteia, while the former church of St. Philasius was now in Turkish hands. At the end of the 12th/18th century, Domenico Sestini experienced Sivas in the throes of a rebellion of both Turks and Armenians against the high taxes demanded by the local mutesellim. It is unlikely that he saw much of the town itself, but he thought that it held 15,000 inhabitants. In the 19th century, Sivas was visited by several European travellers. V. Fontanier mentions a register, according to which Sivas consisted of 8,000 houses, or 40,000 inhabitants, including about 3,000 Armenians. Among Armenian merchants
SlWAS — SIWRI HISAR operating in Sivas, he encountered some who traded in nut galls from Mawsil, tobacco from Malatya, and particularly, copper; apparently Sivas, Kayseri and Tarsus had taken over the copper trade from Tokat. Andreas Mordtmann, Sen., visited Sivas in the middle of the 19th century, but although he paints a rather pessimistic picture, he estimated the population at approximately 50,000. For the late 19th century, Cuinet and Shems alDln Sam! provide fairly detailed information, which can be completed from the sal-names of this period. At this time, the wilayet of Sfwas was much smaller than it had been in the 10th/16th century, and consisted merely of the merkez sanajak of Slwas, in addition to Tokat, Amasya and Karahisar-i Shark! (modern §ebinkarahisar). Urban population consisted of about 43,000 persons, 32,500 of whom were Muslims. Quite a few crafts mentioned in older sources were still being practiced, such as the work of local gold- and silversmiths, while tanneries were active and the saltpans of the kadd were also in productive use. Highquality rugs and carpets were being manufactured, in addition to the elaborately-adorned socks for which the area is still known today. However, agriculture produced exclusively for the local market, as transport over poor roads to the ports of the Black Sea was prohibitively expensive. During the Turkish War of Independence, Sivas was the site of one of the major congresses of the Mudafaca-yi Hukuk Djem'iyyeti, which organised national resistance against the partition of Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. This congress met from 4 to 11 September 1919; apart from 31 provincial delegates, it was also attended by a number of civil and military authorities. The congress members announced their determination to defend Turkish territory by military force if necessary, and confirmed the election of Mustafa Kemal (Atatiirk) as chairman of the executive committee of the national resistance movement (see E. Ziircher, Turkey, a modern history, London 1993, 156-7). However, even though Sivas had originally been selected as a meeting-site because it was considered one of the safest places in Turkey, in the end Ankara with its rail connections, became the seat of the National Assembly. In 1927, the first census conducted by the Republican government showed the lack of dynamism due to a decade of war; Sivas was still a modest town of about 30,000 inhabitants. Public investment was soon to modify this picture. Between 1930 and 1936, Sivas became an important railway junction, as the city was linked to Kayseri, Samsun and Erzurum. The factory established in Sivas for the construction and repair of locomotives and waggons remains one of the major industrial enterprises of the province. A cement plant was also constructed, and by 1950, the town had acquired a population of over 50,000. According to the 1980 census, the population of Sivas had experienced an unprecedented growth spurt in the recent past, and now amounted to about 173,000 persons. But industrial investment has been insufficient, and local roads have remained underdeveloped to the present day, and continue to hamper the expansion of trade in agricultural produce, still the main wealth of the province. Cultural life has drawn strength from a vigorous peasant culture, which expresses itself in village plays and games, kilims and, particularly, folk poetry and music. Beginning with a School of Medicine, a University began to function in the 1980s. But Sivas has not remained immune to the communal tensions
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of recent years, which culminated in the attack on a literary conference held in the city in 1993; amongst the 36 victims was the writer Asim Bezirci. Bibliography; For full bibls., see the arts. Sivas in IA (Besim Darkot) and Turt Ansiklopedisi, ix, 68356963 (various authors). See also Katib Celebi, Djihdnnumd, Istanbul 1145/1732, 622; Ewliya Celebi, Seydhat-ndme, iii, Istanbul 1314/1896-7, 195-207; D. Sestini, Voyage a Bassora, Paris 1798, 57-65; Archdeacon Paul of Aleppo, The travels of Macarius, tr. A.C.F. Belfour, London 1836, ii, 443-4; V. Fontanier, Voyages en Orient enterprises par ordre du gouvernementfrangais de 1830 a 1833, Paris 1839, 14971; H. von Moltke, Briefe tiber ^ustdnde und Begebenheiten in der Tiirkei aus den Jahren 1835 bis 1839, Berlin 1876, 205-6; V. Cuinet, La Turquie d'Asie, i, Paris 1892, 643-702; Shems al-Dfn Sarm, Kdmus al-a(ldm, Istanbul 1311/1893-4, iv, 2794-9; M. van Berchem and Halil Edhem, CIA, pt. iii, Asie Mineure, vol. i, Cairo 1917, 1-54 (excellent photographs); A.D. Mordtmann, Senr., Anatolien. Skizzen und Reisebriefe aus Kleinasien (1850-1859), ed. F. Babinger, Hanover 1925, 151-7; A. Gabriel, Monuments turcs d'Anatolie, Paris 1934, ii, 131-64; M. Tayyib Gokbilgin, 15. ve 16. asirlarda Eydlet-i Rum, in Vahflar Dergisi, iv (1965), 51-62; Hanna Sohrweide, Der Sieg der Safaviden in Persien und seine Ruchmrkungen auf die Schiiten Anatoliens im 16. Jahrhundert, in Isl, xli (1965), 156-7, 162-3, 172-83; Gl. Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey, London 1968, rev. Fr. version, La Turquie pre-ottomane, Paris 1988; Aptullah Kuran, Anadolu medreseleri, Ankara 1969, i, 90-6, 115-16; Metin Sozen, Anadolu medreseleri. Selfuk ve Beylikler devri, Istanbul 1970, i, 49-63, 90-4; Ya§ar Yiicel, Kadi Burhaneddin Ahmed ve devleti (1344-1398), Ankara 1970; M.M. Alexandrescu-Dersca, La campagne de Timur en Anatolie (1402), repr. London 1977, 41-5; Osmanh yilhklan (salnameler ve nevsaller), Istanbul 1982, 460-73; Zeki Co9kun, Aleviler, Sunniler ve... oteki Sivas, Istanbul 1996. (SURAIYA FAROQHI) SIWRI HISAR, also written SIFRI HISAR, i.e. strong fortress (see Ahmed Wefrk, Leh&e-yi 'Othmdni, 459), the early Turkish and Ottoman name of two small towns in northwestern and western Anatolia respectively. 1. The more important one is the modern Turkish Sivrihisar, in the modern il or province of Eski§ehir. It lies on the Eski§ehir-Ankara road roughly equidistant from each, south of the course of the Porsuk river and north of the upper course of the Sakarya [q.v.] (lat. 39° 29' N., long. 31° 32' E., altitude 1,050 m/3,440 feet). Siwri Hisar is on the northern slope of the Giinesh Dagh; the citadel of the town was built on this mountain. The town does not date beyond the Saldjuk period, and has no remains of archaeological interest. But it was already known as a strong place to al-Kazwfhl (Geography, ed. Wustenfeld, 359) and to Hamd Allah Mustawfi (Mzha, ed. Le Strange, 99). In the 9th/14th century it formed part of the possessions of the Karaman-oghlu [see KARAMAN-OGHULLARI] , who occupied it again after Tfmur's conquest. The latter had his headquarters there for a time. But under Mehemmed I, Siwri Hisar was annexed to the Ottoman dominions (see e.g. c Ashik-Pasha-zade, Tewdnkh-i dl-i C0thmdn, ed. Giese; c Alr, Kunh al-akhbdr, v, 177). In the llth/17th century the town belonged to the sanajak of Khudawendigar (Hadjdjf Khalifa, D^Mn-numd, 656), but in the new system of administrative division, it became the capital of a kadd in the sanajak of Ankara. Towards the end of the 19th century it had about 11,000 inhabitants,
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of whom 4,000 were Armenians (SamI). There is a mosque there attributed to the Saldjuk vizier Amln al-Dln Mlka'Il, with a library of 1,500 volumes. Near Siwri Hisar there are relics of important centres of classical and Byzantine times. These are the ruins of Pessinus, near the village of Bala Hisar, to the south-east of Siwri Hisar (Texier, Description de I'Asie Mineure, ii, pi. Ixii); and towards the south, on the other bank of the Sakarya, near HadjdjI Hamza, the remains of the Byzantine town of Amorium, known in early Arabic historical sources as 'Ammuriya [q.v.]. After the First World War, Siwri Hisar was occupied by the Greek army from July 1921 to September 1922. In 1965 it had a population of 7,414. Bibliography: Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, Cambridge 1905, 153; Ritter, Erdkunde, Berlin 1858, ix/1, 525, 577; V. Cuinet, La Turquie d'Asie, Paris 1892, i, 287; SamI, Kdmus al-acldm, iv, 2582; Belediyeler yilligi, Ankara 1950, iii, 363-7; IA, art. Sivrihisar (Besim Darkot). 2. The modern Turkish Seferi Hisar lies near the Sigacik bay shore of the Aegean, 30 km/18 miles south-west of Izmir and is in the il or province of Izmir, being the chef-lieu of an ike or district of this last (lat. 38° 10' N., long. 26° 48' E.). In pre-Ottoman times, it came within the beylik or principality of the Aydin-Oghullari [q.v.]. Under Bayezfd II, it was the refuge of the corsair Kara Turmish (von Hammer, GOR, ii, 346). Ewliya Celebi passed through it in 1081/1670 (Seydhat-ndme, ix, 130-2). In the late 19th century, SamI gave its population as 3,640 (Kdmus alacldm, iv, 2582); in 1965 it was 5,259. Bibliography: V. Guinet, La Turquie d'Asie, iii, 493-6; Bekdiyekr yilhgi, iii, 272-8; 1A, he. cit. (J.H. KRAMERS-[C.£. BOSWORTH]) SIYAGHA [see SA'IQH]. SIYAH-KALEM, Central Asian, Turkman or Persian painter of the 15th century. Sixty-five paintings and drawings in two albums (Topkapi Saray Libr., Istanbul, H2153 and H2160) are inscribed Ustdd Muhammad Siydh-Kakm "Master Muhammad Black Pen". Neither the wording nor the calligraphy of the inscriptions is uniform, and the works on which they appear vary significantly in style. As a result, scholars disagree on the identity of the artist, whether the inscriptions containing his name are signatures or later ascriptions, and the context in which the works attributed to him were produced. The most thorough examination of Siyah-kalem and the albums containing his works are the proceedings of a Percival David Foundation colloquy, Between China and Iran. Paintings from four Istanbul albums (London 1980). Although albums H2153 and H2160 contain no patron's name or date of compilation, they have many calligraphies by scribes from the court of the Ak Koyunlu Turkmen Ya'kub Beg (r. 883-96/1478-90) and bear the seal of the Ottoman Sultan Selim I (r/918-26/1512-20), found on the first and last folios of H2160. The latest calligraphies in H2160 and H2153 are dated 1512 and 1496, respectively. In addition to works inscribed Siyah-kalem, the two albums contain 14th and 15th-century paintings and drawings in the style of Tabriz, Harat, Samarkand and Baghdad, and Chinese paintings and European prints. Presumably, the albums were complete by 1512 and entered the Ottoman royal collection no later than 1520. The works associated with Siyah-kalem consist primarily of paintings of bare-chested demons and shamans, fully dressed, coarse-featured men and women, animals, and elegant princesses and angels. The most distinctive stylistic trait of these paintings is the treat-
ment of drapery and bare flesh, which consists of wide, parallel bands of black or red with light pigment highlighting the creases of each fold. The largescale and grotesque appearance of the figures and the unpainted ground diverge markedly from the court paintings of the major 15th-century schools of the Djalayirids, Turkmens and Tlmurids. While small-scale demons and grotesques are found in 15th-century manuscript illustrations, their visual impact and pictorial style bear little relation to the works attributed to Siyah-kalem. In addition to works inscribed with Siyah-kalem's name, H2153 and H2160 contain 71 ascriptions to Shaykhl and three to Darwlsh Muhammad, the two artists who added illustrations to a Khamsa (Topkapi Saray Libr. H762 and dispersed pages) for Yackub Beg at Tabriz in 886/1481. The imbalance in pictures assigned to one leading Turkmen painter and not the other has led B.W. Robinson to identify Muhammad Siyah-kalem with Darwlsh Muhammad, on the assumption that Darwlsh Muhammad was too important to be so under-represented in the Yackub Beg albums. The teacher of Darwlsh Muhammad, Shah Muzaffar, was known as Siyah-kalem, and it is possible that the sobriquet passed from teacher to pupil. While the subject-matter of the Siyah-kalem paintings and drawings in the Istanbul albums is unconnected to that of Darwlsh Muhammad's illustrations in the 886/1481 Khamsa, some of the Siyah-kalem works share the intensity of palette, fineness of brushwork and wealth of detail of the illustrations. Yet the identification of Siyah-kalem with Darwlsh Muhammad presupposes the artist's ability and desire to work in markedly different styles, depicting a very broad range of subjects. Until more is learned of how Turkmen court artists worked and the circumstances under which the Siyah-kalem works were produced, the identity of the artist will remain uncertain. Bibliography: Full bibliography and pertinent articles by F. Gagman, Z. Tanindi, B.W. Robinson, A.A. Ivanov, E. Esin, B. Karamagarali and J. Raby, in EJ. Grube and E. Sims (eds.), Between China and Iran. Paintings from four Istanbul albums, London 1980, and in Islamic Art, i (1981). See also J.M. Rogers, Gagman and Tanindi (eds.), The Topkapi Saray Museum. The albums and illustrated manuscripts, London 1986; Rogers, Siyah Qalam, in S.R. Canby (ed.), Persian masters. Five centuries of painting, Bombay 1990. (SHEILA R. CANBY) SIYAKAT (A.), Ottoman Turkish form of the Arabic original siydka (from sdka "drive, urge on, herd"), a technical term of 'Abbasid financial administration, certainly in use by the 4th/10th century with the sense of "accounting practice", "revenue bookkeeping practice" (film al-siydka wa 'l-hisdb), and hence by extension the particular form of Arabo-Persian script which came to be utilised by financial bureaucrats of TurcoIslamic polities, e.g. that of the Ottomans, for the writing of both defter?, and single documents of a financial nature (including the so-called tapu we tahnr defterleri [see DAFTAR-I KHAKANI]. In Ottoman practice, for which alone original documentary evidence is of a comprehensive nature, it was also used for certain elements in documents such as the so-called hiikm-i mdliyye (cf. J. Matuz, Das Kanzleiwesen Sultan Suleymdns des Prdchtigen, Wiesbaden 1974, docs. 2, 6) or tewajlh fermdnlan (cf. Matuz, doc. 16), and for financial calculations made on incoming 'ard-u-hdk which would be used in drafting imperial orders or buyuruldus. These exceptions apart, siydkat was not used in legal docu-
SIYAKAT — SIYASA ments, or in other documents (hiihn, name) deriving from the chanceries of the Diwdn-i Humdyun [q.v]. A distinction has to be made between siydkat script, characterised by the prologation (alternately, the compression) of letter forms and by the virtual absence of diacritic points (cf. the examples given by A. Zajaczkowski and J. Reychman, £arys dyplomatyki osmanskotureckiej, Warsaw 1955, 68-9), and siydkat numerals. The latter, the so-called diwan rakamlan, were in effect the "written out" shapes of the numerals in Arabic, reduced to a skeletal and schematised form (cf. the useful tables in Salahettin Elker, Divan rakamlan, Ankara 1953; actual examples in L. Fekete, Die Siydqat-Schrift in der tiirkischen Finanzuerwaltung, 2 vols., Budapest 1955, i, 34-9 = ii, pis. i-iii). However, financial documents, the literary elements of which are written in siydkat script, frequently have the figures in whole or in part supplied in their normal "Arabic" forms. It is also perhaps worth mentioning that siydkat figures were used for the dating of Ilkhanid and late Saldjuk of Rum coinage. The siydkat script itself has been described as "squat and angular" (V.L. Menage and M. Hinds, Qasr Ibnm in the Ottoman period. Turkish and further Arabic documents, London 1991, 76), but the script in fact, in its best period, has a style and elegance which stands comparison with what are the commonly accepted more "aesthetic" forms of Perso-Arabic script (cf. the examples in Fekete, ii, passim]. It has also been commonly regarded as difficult in the extreme to read, but in both indigenous Islamic and later western criticism there may be detected a certain amount of exaggeration. What should not be forgotten, however, is Fekete's observation (i, 9) that "no person, who is not competent to read siydkat script, is qualified to work on source-based research in [the field]". The forms and ductus of siydkat, as used in the Ottoman financial bureaucracy, underwent a profound development from the 9th/15th to the 19th centuries. It reached its most elegant form early in the 10th/16th century; from the later llth/17th century it becomes more stylised, with the distinction between "thick" and "thin" strokes greatly accentuated. By the era of the Tanzimdt [q.v], Ottoman siydkat hands have in general become debased and, ultimately, before its abolition, decadent (see the later plates in Fekete, ii, passim). The standard manual on siydkat remains, after more than 40 years, the two-volume study by Fekete referred to above, which is unlikely ever to be superseded. Bibliography: Given in the article. (CJ. HEYWOOD) SIYALKUT, conventional rendering Sialkot, a town in the Pandjab situated in 32° 30' N. and 74° 32' E., the foundation of which is attributed by legend to Radja Sala, the uncle of the Pandavas, and its restoration to Radja Salivahan, in the time of Vikramaditya. Salivahan had two sons, Puran, killed by the instrumentality of a wicked step-mother, and thrown into a well, still the resort of pilgrims, near the town, and Rasalu, the mythical hero of Pandjab folktales, who is said to have reigned at Siyalkut. In A.D. 790 the fort and city were destroyed by Radja Narawt with the help of the Ghandauris of the Yusufzal country, and the fort was not restored until it was rebuilt by the Ghurid Mucizz al-Dln Muhammad b. Sam to overawe the turbulent Khokars, who preferred the feeble rule of the later Ghaznawids to the more energetic domination of their conqueror. Under the Mughal emperor Akbar, Siyalkut became the headquarters of a sarkdr or fiscal district, and in the middle of the llth/17th century it fell into the hands of the
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Radjput princes of Djammu. The mound in the centre of the town, crowned with the ruins of a fort, is popularly supposed to mark the site of Salivahan's stronghold, but it is in fact all that is left of the fort of Muhammad b. Sam. Siyalkut also contains the shrine of Baba Nanak, the first Sikh guru, where an annual fair is held. In 1799, the Siyalkut district, and also Lahore, was acquired by the great Sikh leader Randjft Singh [see SIKHS], and the town was planned on a rectilineal pattern by the Italian general in his service, Avitabile. In 1849 it passed, with the rest of the Pandjab, under British control, and the old fort, now dismantled, was defended by a handful of Europeans during the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857-8. Within British India, Siyalkut was the site of a large military cantonment, and the town itself grew in size to a population of 58,000 in 1901. At the Partition of India in 1947, Siyalkut came within Pakistan, and is now the chef-lieu of an intensively-cultivated District of the same name in the Lahore Division of the Pandjab. It is now a significant manufacturing centre, including of sports equipment and surgical instruments, and in 1972 had a population of 212,000. It also has the renown, in contemporary Pakistan, of having been the birthplace of a figure regarded as one of the country's founding fathers, Sir Muhammad Ikbal [q.v.]. Bibliography: There are references in the historical sources, such as Djuzdjanl's Tabakdt-i Ndsin and in Abu '1-Fadl Miami's A3in-i Akban. See also J.R. Dunlop-Smith, Sialkot District gazetteer, 1894-5; Imperial gazetteer of India2, xxii, 326-36. (T.W. HAiG-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) AL-SIYALKUTI,
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SIYASA
Here, the sense of training and managing animals passed early into the context of Islamic rulership, the conduct of state affairs and the management of the subject people, the ra'iyya [q.v], doubtless influenced by the ancient Near Eastern idea of the ruler as the shepherd and director of his human flock, and perhaps also with the idea of the "man on horseback" as a symbol of authority. The semantic process at work here would appear to be parallel to that in the term Jiirusiyjya [q.v.] "equitation" > "chivalry, knightly conduct". Hence the meaning in early Islamic usage is primarily that of "statecraft, the successful conduct of public affairs". Bernard Lewis has described this usage, with copious examples, in his exhaustive study Siydsa, in A.H. Green (ed.), In quest of an Islamic humanism. Arabic and Islamic studies in memory of Mohamed alNowaihi, Cairo 1984, 3-14. He adduces examples attributing use of the word siydsa to the Caliph £Umar and the Umayyads, and (more authentically) to the £ Abbasids, as when al-Mas£udf credited al-Mansur with superlative sawab al-tadbir wa-husn al-siydsa "good administration and sound statecraft" (Murudi, vi, 221 = § 2431). From Ibn al-Mukaffa£ (d. ca. 140/757 [q.v.]) in his Risdla fi }l-sahdba comes the germ of an important future extension of meaning, that siydsa is the discretionary authority of the ruler and his officials, one which they exercise outside the framework of the Shaffa, the authority conferred on the caliph and his delegates by divine sanction. There further develops from this an additional sense of siydsa in Arabic, and thence in Persian and Turkish usage, that of punishment, extending as far as capital punishment, the violence which the ruler has to use in order to preserve his authority. Specifically, it implies punishment beyond the hadd [q.v] penalties prescribed by the Divine Law. Lewis again quotes Ibn al-Tiktaka's [q.v] celebrated work on statecraft and history, al-Fakhn: "Siydsa is the chief resource of the king, on which he relies to prevent bloodshed, defend chastity, prevent evil, subjugate evildoers and forestall misdeeds which lead to sedition and disturbance" (ed. Derenbourg, 30, Fr. tr. Amar, 37, Eng. tr. Whitting, 20) and the fact that, in Persian and Ottoman Turkish, siydsat-gdh means "place of torture or execution". In Mamluk times, this distinction between Sharfa penalties and .siydsa led, as reflected in such contemporary authors as al-MakrizI, to a fantastic etymological connection of siydsa with the Mongol tribal law, the yasa (a view which was embraced by such an early Western orientalist as Silvestre de Sacy, see Dozy, Supplement, i, 702). See further on this, 3. below, at the end. In the more recent Arabic Middle East, sc. from the mid-19th century onwards, siydsa and siydsi became increasingly used in the sense of "politics, political"; the Egyptian traveller and translator Rifaca al-Tahtawf [q.v] had used siydsa as his translation for "loi, reglement" in his Arabic translation of the French constitution of 1830. Likewise, in Ottoman Turkish, whereas siydset had been almost exclusively used in regard to physical punishment for offences against the state (as, e.g. in the Kdnun-ndme of Mehemmed II), during the course of the 19th century it began to acquire the meaning of "politics", with Ottoman reformers of the mid19th century now demanding hukuk-i siydsiyye, so that the old sense of "punishment" rapidly disappeared. Bibliography. See, above all, the study of B. Lewis mentioned in the text, and also his The political language of Islam, Chicago and London 1988, ii, 19, 122 n. 19. For various aspects of modern politics in the Middle East, see DUSTUR, HIZB, ISLAH, MADJLIS, MASHWARA, etc.
(C.E.
BOSWORTH)
2. In the context of political philosophy. Modern scholars such as Fauzi M. Najjar and Miriam Galston are agreed that such titles as alFarabf's al-Siydsa al-madaniyya should be rendered in English as The political regime. Najjar considers siydsa to be "the art of ruling or managing the city in accordance with a principle or an end". In the hands of a philosopher, such principles and ends were clearly underpinned by philosophy. And in a philosopher like al-Farabf, the intimate links between metaphysics and politics, or political science, have been stated many times. This is immediately clear in the alternative title given to al-Siydsa al-madaniyya, i.e. Mabddi3 almawajuddt which Najjar renders as The treatise on the principles of beings. Not only was there that intimate link between philosophy and politics in al-Farabf's writings but, whereas al-Ghazalf and Ibn Taymiyya subordinated siydsa to fikh, the philosophers often elevated siydsa above sharfa in importance. Furthermore Najjar stresses that "under the influence of classical philosophy, especially that of Plato and Aristotle, the Faldsifa regarded siydsa as an important and separate branch of philosophy [my italics]. Accordingly, political life is susceptible to philosophical scrutiny, and its principles may be established by reason, independently of fiqh and kaldm". It is alFarabi who is the arch-exponent of philosophical siydsa in mediaeval Islam. In his Kitdb Ihsd3 al-(ulum he devotes an important fifth chapter to al-cllm al-madam (which has been translated as both "political science" and "civil science") together with Fikh and Scholastic theology (cilm al-kaldm). Al-Farabf notes that al-Ilm almadani "makes enquiry into the kinds of actions and intentional ways of behaviour and natural dispositions and character and traits and the natures from which those actions and ways of behaviour derive" (Ihsd3 alc ulum, 91 (Arabic) tr. Netton, 100 n. 44). Given the links in al-Farabl's thought between al-Madtna al-fddila and al-Siydsa al-madaniyya, this definition of al-Farabl's provides a useful philosophical substrate for the whole concept of siydsa. In another work, his K. al-Tanblh c ald sabil al-sacdda, which like the Ihsd3 al-culum shows al-Farabl's passion for division and sub-division, the author divides philosophy into the theoretical and the practical, and the latter is further sub-divided into ethics and siydsa. It is thus no exaggeration to say, together with many other commentators, that siydsa was an integral part of al-Farabi's philosophical edifice, and, in particular, a distinctive and highly developed feature of his metaphysics. Bibliography. Farabr, Ihsd3 al-ulum (Catdlogo de las ciencias), 2nd edn., Arabic text ed. and Spanish tr. Angel Gonzalez Palencia, Madrid 1953; idem, K. al-Siydsa al-madaniyya, ed. Fauzi M. Najjar, Beirut 1964; idem, K. al-Tanblh cald sabil al-sacdda, Haydarabad 1927; compare with these works, R. Walzer, Al-Farabi on the perfect state: Abu Nasr al-Fdrdbl's Mabddi3 drd ahl al-madina al-fddila, Oxford 1985. See also Miriam Galston, Politics and excellence. The political philosophy ofAlfarabi, Princeton 1990; Fauzi M. Najjar, Siyasa in Islamic political philosophy, in M.E. Marmura (ed.), Islamic theology and philosophy. Studies in honor of George F. Hourani, Albany 1984, 92-110; I.R. Netton, Al-Fdrdbi and his school, London 1992. (I.R. NETTON) 3. In the sense of siydsa sharciyya. "Governance in accordance with the sharfa" is a Sunn! constitutional and legal doctrine emerging in late mediaeval times and calling for harmonisation between the law and procedures of Islamic jurisprudence (fikh] and the practical demands of governance (siydsa]. Most
SIYASA responsible for crystallising the doctrine were the two Hanball scholars Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328 [q.v.]) (particularly in his al-Siydsa al-shaftyya, Beirut[?] 1966) and his student Ibn Kayyim al-Djawziyya (d. 751/1350 [q.v.]). Ibn Taymiyya's view in his treatise is that, if the divine law or sharfa is duly observed, siyasa of rulers (imam, sultan, amir or wall) will not conflict with Jikh [q.v.] as elaborated by scholars (Jukahd3). Earlier authorities had conceded that rulers had the need and the right to deviate from fikh in order to attain effective siyasa, but Ibn Taymiyya claimed that such "deviations" are imaginary. If conflict between them appears, it is either because the Jikh is understood too narrowly, neglecting the rich resources of the shari'a for attaining the public good, or because rulers disregard the divine will and act unjustly (siyasa zdlima). Indeed, Ibn Kayyim al-Djawziyya claimed that true siyasa (siyasa cddila) is but part of the shari'a (al-Turuk al-huhniyyafi 'l-siydsa al-sha/iyya, ed. A. al-cAshan, Cairo 1961, 100; see also idem, I'ldm al-muwakkicm, Cairo n.d., 373-4). If the rulers and the 'ulamd3 (who, for Ibn Taymiyya (al-Hisba, ed. S. Ibn Abl Sacd, Kuwait n.d., 117), collectively comprise the Kur'anic ulu '/amr, sura IV, 59) uphold the revealed law not only in particular rulings but also in its general objectives or principles, they will lead mankind to good in the present world and the hereafter. By this doctrine, Ibn Taymiyya advances both a more expansive vision for fikh (among other things, embracing disputed doctrines by which fikh draws on utility [see CADA; ISTIHSAN; ISTISLAH; MASLAHA;
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the caliphate in favour of sovereign military-caste sultanates, and increased vitality and outreach in fikh and in culamd3 institutions, brought the two legitimacies of Jikh and siyasa into competition. Al-Mawardf's (d. 450/1058 [q.v.]) classic statement in the mid-llth century, al-Ahkdm al-sultdniyya, grants military and administrative officials, but not the learned kddi, powers under the shari'a to transgress particular fikh laws and procedures in their adjudications, as long as categorical rules are not offended (see particularly, discussions of ndgir al-ma^dlim "the enquirer into grievances," Ahkdm, Beirut 1410/1990, 148-70, e.g. na^ar al-ma^dlim Id yubihu min al-ahkdm ma ha^arahu al-sharc, Ahkdm, 160; and of the wdti 'l-ajard'im or criminal jurisdiction, Ahkdm, 361-3. See also MAZALIM; SHURTA; and cf. Ibn Taymiyya, al-Hisba, 15-16, countering alMawardf with a claim that distinctions between the kddi and other judicial authorities have no basis in sharfa but are only customary). Al-Mawardf's system, to our eyes, makes large concessions to political authority, but in historical context it seems a bold assertion of political vision in Jikh. For, with al-MawardT and public law after him, even the political sphere is to be judged by standards set by culamd3, siyasa being valid only where the latter admit it. With such a theory in place, it becomes far easier to criticise various rulers' actions as illegitimate. And with the decline and extinction of the caliphate, fikh indeed accepted rulers, and their acts, as legitimate only by way of necessity (A.K.S. Lambton, State and government in medieval Islam, Oxford 1981, 103-29). Against this background, Ibn Taymiyya's theory represents a reaction, an attempt to restore some form of Islamic legitimacy in political circumstances which were by then understood as not only tragic but also permanent. The compromise which he proposed was largely ignored in his lifetime, but appears to have had a strong influence on Malikf (see e.g. Ibn Farhun (d. 799/1397 [q.v.]), Tabsirat al-hukkdm, Cairo 1884, i, 12-13, ii, 104-15, following Ibn Taymiyya and departing from the views of the Malik! al-Karafi, d. 684/1285), and on late Hanafi and Ottoman law and practice (al-Tarabulusi, d. 844/1440, Mu'ln al-hukkdm, Cairo 1973, and Dede Efendi (d. 972/ 1565?), both relying heavily on Ibn al-Taymiyya and Ibn al-Kayyim; see U. Heyd, Studies in old Ottoman criminal law, ed. V.L. Menage, Oxford 1973, 198). In modern times, Ibn Taymiyya's views have been adopted by the Wahhabf movement (Hanball in fikh) as the constitution for all Saudi states since 1745. For this and other reasons, his views have exercised immense influence on modern Islamic constitutional thought. Although mediaeval fikh writings on siyasa are varied and profound, in modern times there is often distilled from them a single doctrine of siyasa shar'iyya broadly accepted (see e.g. A. Khallaf, al-Siydsa alshar'iyya, Cairo 1350). This recognises, in the state, authority to take legal acts (including legislating to supplement the sharfa and creating new courts) as needed for the public good (maslaha cdmma), provided that the sjiari'a is not infringed thereby (or, in another formulation, as long as the sharfa has "no text", Id nass, on the matter). How the latter provisos are to be understood and applied is, however, disputed in practice. One view excludes acting whenever fikh possesses a ruling, even if this is based on idj.tihdd and open to dispute. A more permissive view limits contradiction to indisputable sharfa tenets (nass kat'i), overlooking mere id^tihdd and kiyas. A still more liberal view is concerned only with contradiction with the "spirit" of sharfa or with its "principles" (mabddf).
696
SIYASA — SIYAWUSH
Returning to mediaeval writings, since siyasa sharciyya and similar theories deal with the relationship between fikh and siyasa, both sources of legitimation for state power, they have often been called upon to allocate authority between state institutions deriving from the two sources. In many areas, there was little competition, as in undisputed fikh authority over ritual and family law or clear siyasa jurisdiction over governmental organisation and administration. Other areas, however, were rife with conflict, and we find fikh writings preoccupied with them. We give here three major examples. One of these is adjudication generally. Fikh writings on siyasa deal extensively with non-kadi jurisdictions, such as those of the ma^dlim, the shurta, and that of the Mamluk hddjib, that employ siyasa procedurally and substantively, concerned that such tribunals are oblivious of shan'a (Ibn Taymiyya, Hisba, 16; Ibn Khaldun, 206). Fikh works endorsing siyasa shar'iyya seem dedicated to persuading kadis to use siydsa's flexible methods of proof and investigation, particularly in criminal law, presumably with the object of expanding kadi jurisdiction against siyasa competitors (Ibn Taymiyya, Maajmu' fatdwd, ed. A. al-'Asirm, Riyad 1382, xx, 388-93; Ibn al-Kayyim, Turuk;' Ibn Farhun, Tabsira', al-Tarabulusf, Mucm). As a second example, fkh writings on criminal law are preoccupied by siyasa, since here fkh and siyasa shared the field. First, apart from the small number of hudud [q.v.] crimes extensively regulated by fkh, authors largely delegated substantive criminal law to the ruler's discretion under the heading of ta'zir [q.v.]. Secondly, under a related concept, rulers claimed, and most jukahd' acknowledged, authority in certain circumstances to punish siydsatm, meaning that the ruler has authority to punish severely and peremptorily, without observing even the few general limits as to punishments and procedures imposed by fkh (Ibn Taymiyya, Siyasa, 98-100). Thirdly, siyasa was invoked to justify police practices of imprisoning and beating accused persons to encourage confessions, practices of which, as al-Mawardl states explicitly, 'ulamd* disapprove but nonetheless uphold (Ahkdm, 219-21). Indeed, because of practices under these various heads, siyasa became so closely associated with discretionary penalties (and particularly with harsh punishments and torture) that it became the very name for them. This usage appears in al-Djuwaynl (d. 478/1085) (Ghiydth al-umam, Alexandria n.d., 150, 170) and even earlier, and by Ottoman times it is the term's most common meaning (Lewis; Dozy, Supply Heyd, 192207). A third concern of fikh writings on siyasa is legislation issued on the ruler's authority (see e.g. Ibn alKayyim, ridm, iv, 372). This arose particularly after the advent of Mongol rule, when states adopted or imitated the Mongol practice of dynastic laws and customs called ydsak or ydsa [q.v.], and often applied the term siyasa to these rules. 'Ulamd3, jealous of ruler's law as a potential competitor to fikh, portrayed respect for ydsa as a heretical placing of Cingiz Khan and his decrees alongside the Prophet Muhammad and the shatfa (al-Baclf, al-Durar al-mudiyya, Beirut n.d., 394-5, citing Ibn Taymiyya). Al-MakrizI went so far as to claim that "siyasa" in Mamluk military-class usage is not Arabic at all, but derives from ydsa (Khitat, Cairo 1934, ii, 220; Ibn TaghrfbirdT, Nud^um, ed. Cairo, vii, 182-3; Ayalon, The Great Tasa of Chingiz Khan, in SI, xxxiii [1971], 1-15; J.S. Nielsen, Secular justice in an Islamic State. Ma^dlim under the Bahn Mamluks, Istanbul 1985, 104-9; D.O. Morgan, The "Great Tasa of Chingiz
Khan" and Mongol law in the Ilkhdnate, in BSOAS, xlix [1986], 163-76). In Ottoman practice, the institution of dynastic law overcame culamd3 resistance to become a relatively ordered system of state legislation (called kdnun [q.v] or ni^dm) accepted as supplementary to the sharfa and applied by the kadi courts. Bibliography, (in addition to references given in the article): 1. Primary sources. Ghazalf, Ihyd3 f ulum al-din, Cairo 1967-68, esp. i, 22-4; Abu Ya'la Ibn al-FarraJ, al-Ahkdm al-sultdniyya, Cairo 1966, esp. 73-90, 257-60. 2. Secondary sources. M. Mahdi, Ibn Khaldun's philosophy of history, Chicago 1957, 232-84; F.M. Najjar, Siyasa in Islamic political philosophy, in Islamic theology and philosophy, ed. M.E. Marmura, Albany 1984, 92-110; E. Tyan, Methodologie et sources du droit en Islam, in SI, x (1959), 79-109. (F.E. VOGEL) SIYASAT-NAMA [see NASIHAT AL-MULUK]. SIYAWUSH, a Kayanid prince of Persian legendary history and national epic, whose murder by the order of Afrasiyab, the arch-king of Turan, deepened the deadly feud between Iran and Turan and led eventually to the destruction of Afrasiyab and the devastation of his land. Siyawush is mentioned several times in the Avesta as a holy prince, whose blood was avenged by his illustrious son Kavi Haosrauuah (Pers. Kay Khusraw [
SIYAWUSH — SIYAWUSH PASHA He reports further that Siyawush was believed to have been buried in Bukhara, and each year, on New Year's day, every man sacrificed a cock and poured its blood on his grave (ibid.), a fact confirmed by Mahmud al-Kashgharf (Diwdn lughdt al-Turk, ed. Kilisli Rifat Bey, iii, s.v. Kdz, tr. Atalay, iii, 150). Reflections of this cult, which appears to have had pre-Zoroastrian origins, is found in a number of other sources (see Miskub, 82-6, and Yarshater, 90-3, where it is argued that the ta'ziya or Persian passion plays have a precedent in the pre-Islamic mourning rites of the martyrdom of Siyawush). Siyawush's significance as a venerated figure with spiritual dimensions beyond an exalted prince can be gauged also from the Muajmal al-tawdrikh, 29, which says that Persians believed Siyawush was an apostle of God, and by al-Bfrunf's report, al-Athdr al-bdkiya, tr. Sachau, 35, that the people of Khwarazm marked the beginning of their era with the entrance of Siyawush in it, which occurred 92 years after the settlement (fimdra) of Khwarazm 980 years before Alexander. His myth seems to contain elements from the myth of the annual disappearance of a vegetation deity, current in ancient Mesopotamia and eastern Mediterranean world (Bahar, Asdtir-i Iran, Tehran 1973, pp. 1-lvii). It is said that when Siyawush was killed, there sprang from his blood a plant, called par-i siydwushdn (see Purdawud, Tasht-hd, Bombay 1931, ii, 233, n. 2). The Siyawush episode in the Shdh-ndma represents the height of Firdawsf's poetic power, endowed as it is with rare psychological insights, apt characterisation, and careful structure. It has been ably translated into English verse by Dick Davis (The legend of Seyavush, Penguin Classics, Harmondsworth 1992), and has prompted a number of literary studies beside Miskub's perceptive analysis (see BibL). Several historical figures in Persia and Armenia bear the name of the prince (see Justi, Namenbuch, 300, s.v. Siydvarsan). Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): BaFamT, Tdrikh, ed. M.T. Bahar, Tehran 1962; C. Bartholomae, Altiranisches Worterbuch, Berlin 1904; Bundahishn, ed. B.T. Anklesaria, Bombay 1908, tr. idem, Bombay 1956; A. Christensen, Les Kayanides, Copenhagen 1932; Miskub, Sug-i Siyawush, Tehran 1971; D. Munchi-Zadeh, Topographisch-historische Studien zum iranischen Nationalepos, Wiesbaden 1975; E. Yarshater, Ta'zieh and pre-Islamic mourning rites in Iran, in P. Chelkowski (ed.), Ta'zieh. Ritual and drama in Iran, New York 1976. See also D. Davis, Epic and sedition, Fayetteville 1992, 108-28; M.CA. IslamlNudushan, £indagi wa marg-i pahlawdndn dar Shdhndma, Tehran 1969, 173-224; Gh.H. Yusufi, in Tdd-ndma-yi Firdawsi, Tehran 1970, 87-109. (E. YARSHATER) SIYAWUSH PASHA, the name of two Ottoman Grand Viziers. 1. KANIZHELI (i.e. from Kanizhe, modern Nagykanizsa in Hungary), of Hungarian or Croatian descent, b. at an unknown date, d. 1010/1602. He was educated in the Istanbul palace and steadily followed a career through the posts of mirdkhur, silihddr, Janissary agha and beglerbegi of Rumelia. Having attained the rank of vizier in 988/1580, he was married to Fatima Sultan, a sister of sultan Murad III [q.v], by whom he had two sons and a daughter. Three times he attained the highest state office as Grand Vizier, which he occupied for a little over five years in all during the reign of the same sultan, but he does not seem to have been involved in decision-making of any historical impact. Neither is he known as a patron of the arts and sciences or as a creator of great chari-
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table works. He is described by Ottoman biographers as "moderate", "gentle" and "incorruptible". Three times he had to yield the Grand Vizierial signet ring and give way to the more influential personalities of Ozdemiroghlu cOthman Pasha [q.v.] (in 992/1584) and, twice, of Sinan Pasha [q.v.] during the serious military revolts of 997/1589 and 1001/1593. He had two public fountains built in the Topkhane quarter of Istanbul. He died in 1010/1602 and was buried in Eyiib (Eyyub [<7-P.]). Bibliography: Mustafa cAlf, Ku'nh ul-akhbdr (see J. Schmidt, Pure water for thirsty Muslims. A study of Mustafa cAli of Gallipoli's Kiinhii 1-ahbar, Leiden 1992, index); Selanikl, Ta'nkh, Istanbul" 1281, 170-1, 180, 202, 205, 252-5, 310-12; cOt_hman-zade Ahmed Ta'ib, Hadikat al-wu'zerd}, Istanbul 1271, 38; von Hammer-Purgstall, GOR, iii, iv, index; Sidjill-i C0thmdm, iii, 116-18; LH. Dani§mend, Izahli Osmanh tarihi kronolojisi, Istanbul 1961, iii, index. (J. SCHMIDT) 2. ABAZA, KOPRULU DAMADI (ca. 1037-88/oz. 162688), Ottoman Grand Vizier. Of Abkhazian origins, he began his career as a slave of Kopriilii [q.v] Mehmed Pasha (1578-1661), and remained a client of the Kopriilii family. Set free, he was given an income as a gedikli za'tm, and married a daughter of his master. After the latter's death he became kapiajllar kahydsi of Kopriilii Fadil Ahmed Pasha, participating in his campaigns against Uyvar (Nove Zamky) in 1073/1663, against Canea (Hanya) in 1076-80/1666-9, and against Kamenets Podolskiy (Kamanice [q.v.]) in 1083/1672. Siyawush Agha became acting kapiajllar kahydsi of the sultan's court, and then, next year, ku'cuk mir dkhur "Lesser Master of the Horse" of the sultan, but resigned to take part in the campaign against the Cossack stronghold of Cehrin in 1089/1677 led by the Grand Vizier Merzifonlu Kara Mustafa Pasha [q.v], another sonin-law of Kopriilii Mehmed Pasha. He was appointed commander of the Sildhddr division of the "Sipahis of the Porte", the sultan's household cavalry, and served in the army before Vienna in 1094/1683 as ajebeaji bashi, i.e. commander of the Armoury troops of the Porte. Next year he was appointed commander of the Sipdhi division of the household cavalry, and two months later became vizier and beglerbegi of Diyar Bakr. He continued serving in the army in Hungary, and successfully relieved the besieged fortress city of Buda (Budun [q.v]). He was present at the defeat of the Ottoman army in the Second Battle of Mohacz (3 Shewwal 1098/12 August 1687), and at the fighting around the famous bridge of Eszek as well as at the defeat at Siklos. After these events, the field army rebelled, proclaimed Siyawush Pasha its commander and Grand Vizier and began its march back to Istanbul. At Nish [q.v] he received the seal of office sent by the sultan upon the advice of the Diwdn. Mehemmed IV [q.v] was deposed, however, and succeeded by Siileyman II [q.v] before Siyawush Pasha arrived at Istanbul on 5 Muharram 1099/12 November 1687. Soon the Janissary and Sipahf commanders rebelled again. The Grand Vizier failed to assert his authority; a mob of these soldiers besieged him in his residence, and he lost his life while defending his womenfolk (28 Rabf II 1099/3 March 1688). His wife and daughter were grievously mutilated, and their female slaves were sold as booty. Siyawush Pasha's grave lies in the Tunus Baghi section of the cemetery of Karadja Ahmed at Uskiidar. It is evident from the inscription that the vizier was spiritually affiliated to the Nakshbandiyya dervish order.
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SIYAWUSH PASHA — SOFALA
The afore-mentioned should not be confused with two of his predecessors carrying the same name. 1. Siyawush Pasha, Kanizheli, Damad, (d. 1010-11/1602), was three times Grand Vizier: in the years 990-2/15824, 994-7/1586-9 and 1000-1/1592-3 (on him, see above, 1). 2. Siyawush Pasha, Abaza, Damad, (d. 2 Rqfreb 1066/25 April 1656) was Grand Vizier under Sultan Mehemmed IV in 1061/1651 and 1066/1656. Bibliography. Na'fma, Ta'nkh, Istanbul 1881-3, iv, 310-4, v, 102-3; Rashid, Ta'rikh, Istanbul ca. 1865, i, 426, 513-20, 527-8, ii, 5-7, 15, 26-8; Sari Mehmed Pasha, ^iibde-yi wekayi'at, partial ed. A. Ozcan, Istanbul 1977-9, i, 257-9, ii, 47, 59, 63, 88, 104-15; Silahdar ta3nkhi, ed. Ahmed Refik [Altinay], Istanbul 1928, ii, 167, 277, 284-349; Von Hammer2, xii, 230-1, 232-5, 244-5, 249-50, 250, 281; I.H. Dani§mend, Kronoloji, ed. 1971, iii, 4625, iv, 45-6; I.H. Konyali, Uskudar tarihi, Istanbul 1976, ii, 499-500; I.H. Uzun9ar§ili, Kapu Kulu ocaklan, Ankara 1943-5, i, 510-3; F. Vinot, Les ambassadeurs franfais a Constantinople, temoins des crises de 1'Empire Ottoman (1687-1808), in Revue d'histoire diplomatique, cvi (1992), 27-45. (A.H. DE GROOT) SKOPJE [see USKUB]. SKUTARI [see ISHKODRA, in Suppl.]. AL-SLAWI [see AL-NASIR AL SALAWI] . SMALA [see ZMALA].' SMYRNA [see IZMIR, in Suppl.]. SOBA, a town of the mediaeval S u d a n , situated on the right bank of the Blue Nile 22.5 km/14 miles above its confluence with the White Nile. While the city arose amidst the remains of older Meroitic or Napatan settlements, to the Islamic world Soba was the capital of the mediaeval kingdom of Alodia [see CALWA). Brief inscriptions in Old Nubian have been found in the area, while recent discoveries of texts in Greek, including a royal tombstone, suggest that this language also played an important role in the court culture of the very large and ethnically diverse Alodian realm. In A.D. 580 the Alodian monarch embraced Monophysite Christianity, and richly endowed ecclesiastical architecture graced Soba when, no later than the 9th century, it became the Alodian capital. Soba at its 10th-century apogee was a sprawling city, its public buildings of red brick, set amidst a wide and fertile agricultural and pastoral hinterland. Its customs and usages were said to resemble those of Dongola [q.v], which it exceeded in wealth and power, and its kings, through marriage diplomacy, sought with indifferent success to unite the two Nubian crowns. A large quarter of Soba was inhabited by foreign Islamic merchants who supplied the court with imported luxuries, conspicuously glassware, in return for Sudanese products. During the 12th century, Soba began to decline as the authority of the Alodian monarch over his farflung provinces faltered, yet the city remained a centre of regional power until its conquest by the Fundj [q.v.] at the close of the 15th century. Thereafter, Soba enjoyed posthumous eminence as legendary ancestral home to the kings of Fazughll [q.v.]. Bibliography: P.L. Shinnie, Excavations at Soba, Sudan Antiquities Service Occasional Papers 3, Khartoum 1955; D.A. Welsby and C.M. Daniels, Soba. Archaeological research at a mediaeval capital on the Blue Nik, Memoirs of the British Institute in Eastern Africa 12, London 1991; Mohi el-Din Abdalla Zarroug, The kingdom of Aiwa, African Occasional Papers 5, Calgary 1991. (J. SPAULDING) SOCOTRI [see SUKUTRA. 3].
SOFALA, Ar. Sufala, a district and former town in Mozambique, in lat. 18° 13' S., long. 14° 20' E., 48 km south-south-east of Beira, was the principal port for the regional gold export trade at least from the 10th to the 17th century. Materials are not available to construct an orderly history, which is recorded only in scattered Arabic, Chinese, Persian and Portuguese sources. The name is generally connected with the Arabic root safala "to be low-lying". Thus al-Mascudf (i, 331-2 = §§ 362-3) says that "whenever a mountain stretches some distance below the sea, in the Mediterranean it is given the name al-sufala". Prescinding from "underwater mountains", the coast here is lowlying. Nevertheless, the term is also used for the ancient Indian port of Surpuraka, near Bombay, which is by no means low-lying. For this reason G. Ferrand considered that a Bantu root may be preferable, but there is no evidence to support this. Al-MascudI is the first author to name it (i, 233 = § 246). There is, however, some earlier archaeological evidence. Slight evidence exists of gold digging in the region, ca. A.D. 100 in some authors, ca. A.D. 300 in others, the earliest source being Mapungubwe in the present republic of Zimbabwe. A recent archaeological survey by G. Liesegang disclosed nothing of antiquity. Al-Djahiz (d. 255/868-9) attests a Muslim presence and an established slave trade in Zanzibar and Pemba, without mentioning gold. Nevertheless, there, and on Tumbatu Island, remains of mosques have been found datable to the 8th or 9th centuries A.D. Their size indicates that they were built not simply for agricultural settlements but for substantial trading towns. The gold trade of Sofala could not have sprung "like Venus from the waves"; it seems logical to rely upon these indications. The answer to the problem will lie in systematic excavation. Al-Mascudf says that Sofala lies at the utmost end of the land of Zandj. It adjoins the Wakwak country, the name of this being possibly an onomatopoeic word which suggests click-speakers [see further, WAKWAK]. At iii, 6-8 = §§ 847-9, he says that the Zandj settled in Africa as far as Sofala, which is the extreme limit of navigation for vessels coming from cUman and Siraf. This incidental remark refers not only to an established trade route; it explains the undoubted Sfrafi influence in the architecture of the mihrdbs in the mosques mentioned above. The Zandj Sea, he continues, ends at the land of Sofala and the Wakwak, and produces gold and other marvels. The climate is warm and the soil fertile. The Zandj have their capital there. With evident hyperbole, their king commands 300,000 cavalrymen. There is a sophisticated religion and a developed constitution. The kings are called wakaleme, sing, mkaleme—the text has wrongly ^^JJj, for ^jA-JlSj, wafalme, mfalme, the ordinary words for kings, king, in current Swahili today. Clearly by this time the Bantu had already penetrated to this part of Africa. In his Book of the wonders of India, Buzurg b. Shahriyar of Ramhurmuz relates how an cUmanf shipmaster, IsmaTlawayh, was twice driven by storms to Sofala, first in 310/922, the second a little later. Here he mentions huge birds that can seize animals in their beaks, evidently the giant rukhkh [q.v.]', there was a lizard whose male had two penes and whose female two vaginae, and whose bite was incurable (perhaps the monitor lizard, which is as big as a labrador dog); there were also numerous snakes and vipers. In 334/945 the Wakwak attacked Sofala, and destroyed many towns and villages. In Sofala district "men dig
SOFALA for gold, and excavate galleries like ants", phraseology almost identical with that of Diogo de Alcacova in a letter to the King of Portugal in 1606. The Hudud al-cdlam, written in Persian in northern Afghanistan in_ 372/982, mentions three towns in Sofala: M.LDJAN, possibly a corruption of al-Ungugja, the ancient name for Zanzibar still current in Swahili; SUFALA, the seat of the Zandj kings; and HWFL, a name which so far has defied identification. Ca. 421/1030 al-Blrunl, in his India, mentions an animal, of which a man who had visited Sofala told him that its horns were used to make knife-handles, clearly a rhinoceros. More importantly, he says that Somnath in Kathiawar [see SUMANAT] has become celebrated because it is much frequented by sailors, and is the port from which voyages are made frequently between Sofala of the Zandj and China. At Sayuna there are settled Indian traders, plausibly what the Portuguese called Sena on the Zambezi river, an important town trading in gold and other local products. It has not been excavated. Al-Blrum's reference to China makes it no surprise that the Sung Annals for 1071 and 1083 have detailed accounts of envoys from the Zandj coast, from a ruler called A-mei-lo A-mei-lan, which may reasonably be taken as Persian amir-i amtrdn, a ruler of rulers such as al-Mascudf had also described. He had also mentioned a brisk ivory trade, of such dimensions as to have caused a shortage of ivory in Islamic lands. The Sung Annals give a glowing picture of trade in many items, and also speak of gold, silver and copper currency as in use by the Zandj. Of gold currency we have no evidence of minting at Kilwa [q.v., and see below] before the 14th century. Of both silver and copper currency there is already evidence in Zanzibar and Pemba by the 10th century; there is some possible evidence of silver currency in the Lamu archipelago by the 9th century. Nevertheless, there was no immediate source of silver in eastern Africa, although it could have been obtained from India. The recorded present to the envoys from the Zandj court to that of the Sung, amounting to 2,000 lieng of silver, would have been a very handsome one indeed. Al-Idrfsf, a century later in 549/1154, speaks of the famous iron mines, and of the abundance of gold in Sofala. He also names two towns, Djabasta and Daghuta. The readings are uncertain, and they have not been identified. For the end of this century the Cronica dos Reyes de Quiloa, from a lost Arabic source which can be dated to ca. 1506, and translated by Joao de Barros and published in 1552, gives us some rather questionable information. It alleges that, up to ca. 1190, the Sofala trade had been conducted by merchants from Mogadishu, and that then, because a Kilwa fisherman was driven out of his course down to Sofala, he discovered the Mogadishu trade with Sofala. Thereupon he reported to the sultan of Kilwa, who then sent a governor there. It is difficult to assess the truth, for the standing mediaeval buildings in Mogadishu, two mosques, both have 13th-century dedication inscriptions. This would seem to point away from an earlier date for the prosperity of Mogadishu. As to Kilwa, the Cronica shows that, prescinding from the myth of the fisherman, Kilwa did certainly send governors to Sofala, and one such from Kilwa was found there when the Portuguese built their fort there in 1506. Be that as it may, Yakut (Mu'ajam, iii, 96) reports in the early 7th/13th century that Sofala was the last known town of the Zandj, and that merchants traded with the inhabitants by the "silent trade", in the
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manner that Yakut reports also in the Maghrib, and that Herodotus and later Cosmas Indicopleustes had reported centuries before in the Maghrib and in Ethiopia. A far more elaborate report was completed two years before in China, by Chao Ju-Kua in his Chu-fan-chih. He was commissioner for foreign trade in the Fukien province of China. Of Zanzibar (Ts'ongpa) he says that the inhabitants are Muslim. It is an island of wooded hills and terraced rocks, a description more like Pemba, which is hilly, than Zanzibar, which is flat. "The products of the country consist of elephants' tusks, native gold, ambergris and yellow sandalwood." The Arabs send ships to this country with white cotton cloth, porcelain, copper, and red cotton. This gold could only have come from the Sofala region, for other sources of gold far inland near Lake Victoria were not exploited before colonial times. Ibn Sacld (7th/13th century) says that the names of the towns of Sofala are not known but that the capital is Sayuna. Ferrand says that this is undoubtedly the Chiona of Barros (Decade ii, Bk. 1, ch. ii), which he locates between Malindi and Mombasa in lat. 2° 30' S., long. 99° E. Ahmad b. Madjid lists no such place on the eastern African coast, nor is there any philological connection with Sayuna apparent. As with al-Blrunl above, it would seem preferable to equate Sayuna with the market-town of Sena on the Zambezi. Ibn Sacld continues that Sayuna is the capital of the king of the Sofalians, a further pointer to the location. The Sofalians and the Zandj worship idols and wear panther-skins. (There are no panthers in Africa; presumably leopard or cheetah are meant.) Their principal resources are gold and iron. They have no horses, and only infantry. He speaks also of the straits of Kumr (Comoro Islands [see KUMR]), yet further confirming a southern location for Sayuna, as does the mention of the unidentified town of Daghuta. Al-Kazwfm (ca. 600-82/flz. 1205-83) records Sofala as the last town in the land of Zandj, which has gold mines, and practises the "silent trade". He mentions a bird called the haway, which "speaks better than a parrot". Presumably a mynah is meant (cf. A. Roberts, Birds of South Africa, 1940, pi. xlvii). Al-Kazwfnf mentions a similar bird in Sumatra, calling it hawdrl, "smaller than a pigeon, with a white belly, black wings, red claws and a yellow beak". Sofala, too, has white, red (or yellow) and green parrots (cf. Roberts, pi. xxii, but the white parrot would rather be a lourie). Men here eat flies, believing that this prevents ophthalmia, and he notes that they do not suffer from it. Abu '1-Fida' (672-732/1273-1331) makes only the briefest mention of the location of Sofala. Al-Dimashkf (ca. 725/1325) mentions Sofala three times, citing Aristotle for an "oil stone ... red with a bluish light; touched by oil, it is changed for the worse, the oil going right to the centre. It comes from Sofala of Zandj. When it is rubbed over a garment stained with oil, it removes all traces immediately." Ibn Battuta visited Kilwa briefly in 732/1331, after short stops at Zaylac, Mogadishu and Mombasa. A merchant told him that Sofala was half a month's march away. "Between Sofala and YufY in the country of the Llmfs is a month's march. Powdered gold is brought from YufY to Sofala." This is possibly a confused memory of Nupe in Nigeria, several thousand miles away, and unconnected by any known caravan route. YufY and Lfmfs have never been identified, nor is Lfmfs recognisable as a Bantu root. Ibn Battuta relates a long anecdote about the generosity of a sultan of Kilwa, al-Hasan b. Sulayman,
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known as Abu '1-Mawahib, and how he gave a beggar a present of his own clothes, together with slaves and ivory. Ibn Battuta comments with palpable acidity, as if his own hopes had been dashed: "In this country the majority of presents are of ivory: gold is very seldom given." This sultan, al-Hasan b. Sulayman (ca. 1310-33) is known from the 'Akhbar Kulwa (see below), from an inscription in the Husuni (sc. Ar. hisri) Palace in Kilwa, from many copper coins, and from five gold pieces in his name, the only gold coins so far known to have been minted at Kilwa. They were reported to the British Museum only in 1990. It has thus become possible to interpret Ibn Battuta's en passant remark as referring to coin. Since much of Kilwa, and of other larger sites in eastern Africa, have not yet been fully excavated, the subject is one that must be treated with great caution. Nevertheless, this gold could only have come from Sofala. Hamd Allah Mustawfi related that Sofala of Zandj has a cavern measuring 500 parasangs in every direction. Because of shifting sands and the heat and aridity, the country is not thickly inhabited. Ibn al-Wardi (ca. 740/1340) says that "golden Sofala" adjoins the land of Zandj. The inhabitants work vast iron deposits, which are sold to Indians, who make it into steel swords and tools. Gold is found under the soil in great abundance, with numerous nuggets weighing as much as two or three mithkak. Nevertheless, the people of the country only wear copper ornaments, esteeming copper more than gold. The land of Sofala adjoins the land of the Wakwak. Ibn Khaldun is very laconic. Sofala lies east (sc. south) of Makdashu (sc. Mogadishu), adjoining Wakwak. Bakuwl speaks of the land of Zandj, famous for its gold mines. He speaks also of a bird called hawdrl, like al-Kazwmf above, that speaks better than a parrot. The mifallim or shipmaster Sulayman al-Mahrl (early 10th/16th century) locates Sofala at about 18° S., a very accurate observation, since correctly it is 18° 13'. About 1490 Sofala was visited by Pedro da Covilha. His journeys, starting from Portugal, and travelling along the coast of Arabia to eastern Africa, back to Cairo, whence to India, and then returning to Ethiopia, where he was detained, have been related and traced in detail by E. Axelson. Before proceeding to Ethiopia he encountered a Rabbi from Beja in Portugal, who carried back—so it seems—an account of the intelligence which Covilha had gathered to the king of Portugal. Covilha's report, if it were written down, has not survived; it was perhaps destroyed like much else when the Torre do Tombo, the archives of Portugal, succumbed to the Lisbon earthquake of 1755. Covilha was never allowed to return to Portugal. He was not the first European traveller to visit south-east Africa. Ahmad b. Madjid records in two verses of a nautical treatise dated 18 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 866/13 September 1462: "It is said that in former days the ships of the Franks came to Madagascar and to the coast of Zandj and Western India, according to what the Franks say." Ferrand considered that the verses seemed to allude to the voyage of PseudoBrocardus, who is probably William Adam O.P., in the first half of the 14th century. He recorded mercatores vero et homines fide digni passim ultra versus meridiem procedebant, usque ad loca ubi asserebant polum antarticum quinquaginta (sc. triginta) quatuor gradibus elevari. (The question is treated s.v. ZANDJ.) On his first voyage, Vasco da Gama bypassed Sofala and Kilwa, seeking a pilot to take him to India, without success at Mombasa, and then finding one at Malindi. He had learnt, nevertheless, of the gold of
Sofala, and this was the object of Cabral's voyage in 1500-4. He first visited India, and the visit to Sofala amounted to no more than a reconnaissance. The attempt to found a feitoria, commonly factory, that is to say, a trading agency, failed. Vasco da Gama's second voyage in 1502 had as its main object the humiliation of Calicut, with the tapping of the riches of Sofala as a subsidiary aim. Gama himself proceeded to Kilwa, and subjected the ruler to the payment of tribute. On his return to Lisbon in September 1503 he went in procession, first, some say, to the cathedral, others to the royal palace. Damiao de Goes relates how a page walked before him, carrying in a water bowl the 1,200 mithkah of the tribute of Kilwa. With them were the jewels that he had also taken from Kilwa, and supplemented by a further 800 mithkah of gold from Cananor and Cochin. That the page carried them in a water-bowl suggests plausibly that he carried coin and not unminted gold. At the king's orders, these provided materials for a custodia or monstrance for the Jeronimos monastery at Belem, from which Gama had set out for the descobrimento of India, and where he and the poet Camos are buried. It is now the most splendid exhibit in the Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga in Lisbon. The inscription on the base states: O MVITO ALTO PRICIPE E PODEROSO SEHOR REI DO MANUEL I A MDOU FAZER DO OURO E DAS FARIAS DE QILVA AQUABOU E CCCCCVI "The most high Prince and mighty Lord King Dom Manuel I ordered the making from the gold and tribute of Kilwa. Completed in 1506" Thus gold from Sofala is exhibited today far-off in Europe. The account also attests, it seems, that Cananor and Cochin were outlets for the Sofala gold. In 1505 Francisco d'Almeida was commissioned to set out with a fleet to set up fortresses at Kilwa and at Sofala. He set out in March or April, but the vessel whose crew was to occupy Sofkla sank in the Tagus. Eventually Pero d'Anhaya reached Kilwa with six ships, carrying materials for building a fort similar to Sao Jorge de Mina, now Elmina in Ghana. After suffering a series of misfortunes, they crept up the river. They were received by the Shaykh Yusuf, the governor, a member of the royal family of Kilwa, who was eighty years of age and blind. His house was richly furnished, with Indian silks and cloth, ivory and gold, filling the Portuguese with cupidity. By November a fort had been built of local materials and houses for the factor and his staff. Vessels also had been seized at sea, and prisoners slaughtered. At first trade prospered, but the atrocities committed by the Portuguese resulted in an attack on the fort. The locals were aided by fever among the Portuguese, whose numbers were halved. In December 1506 Nufio Vaz Pereira was sent to restore peace and normalise relations. In the meantime, Diogo da Alcocova had sent a favourable report to the king. The gold, he said, came from an inland kingdom, Vealanga, 30-36 days' journey from the coast. There the miners dig out the earth in tunnels. They cook the earth in pots, separating it from the gold. Barros (Dec. i, Bk. x, ch. i) says that the kingdom of Sofala is over 650 leagues in circumference. It is so thickly populated that the elephants are leaving it. The locals say that every year four or five thousand die, which explains how they can send so great a quantity of ivory to India. The gold mines are at Manica, some fifty leagues west of Sofala. The gold is gathered in dust or in
SOFALA nuggets. There are also more distant mines in the kingdom of Butua. It has a fortress built of hewn stones, laid dry, without cement. It had an inscription over the gate which educated Muslim merchants did not know how to read. (No inscriptions have so far been found in the area.) There are other similar erections, which the local call symbaoe, sc. Zimbabwe, house of stone. At the beginning of the 16th century, Sofala was highly prosperous. There was, however, no room for the Portuguese in the equity, and slowly the gold trade, and that in ivory, declined or moved northward to a series of small ports. Ca. 1517-18 Duarte Barbosa summarised the coastal trade. Cotton cloth, silk, beads were brought from Malindi and Mombasa, and bought in Sofala, being "paid for in gold at such a price that those merchants departed well pleased, which gold they give by weight". In the 1950s the Central African Archives initiated a series which was published in Portuguese and English, Documents on the Portuguese in Mozambique and Central Africa., 1497-1840. The first eight volumes reached 1589 only. There was then a hiatus in publication, until in 1989 a ninth volume appeared, taking the series up to 1615. This most valuable project was necessarily selective, containing as it does documents from Goa, Portugal, Rome and Spain. The first eight have very numerous references to local payments for salaries and goods in Sofala, Mozambique and Kilwa. Mozambique superseded Sofala as the main port of call in 1507. The ninth volume is more concerned with local affairs. The payments are generally shown in gold mithkdls, and even in half- or quarter-mithkdls. One list of staff payments at Sofala in 1508, expressed in mithkdh, regrets the absence of dinheiro (ordinary coin) to discharge them. This would make one think that mithkdls were still coined, but no pieces of this nature have so far been found other than those of al-Hasan b. Sulayman mentioned above. Some payments are shown in two currencies, both mithkdls and reais (commonly reals). One entry records a payment of 108 silver mithkdls, of which no coined specimens have ever been reported. In 1513 gold was imported in square pieces from Dalacca. The toponym is unidentified, and it would be strange if the Dahlak Islands were meant. In 1515-16 a payment is recorded in ouro por amoedar, gold for coining, that is, in nuggets or uncoined gold. There are further references to uncoined gold, others where it is not specified whether the mithkdls were minted or not. In 1536 Lisbon sent specially-made mithkdl weights to Sofala, which could suggest that a mint was established there. There is no mention of any such in the Documentos. The subject is veiled in mystery. It would seem strange that in the 17th century payment was made in mithkdls if they were no longer minted, when the Portuguese were able to establish mints for Portuguese issues in Goa (1510), Malacca (1511), and Chaul, Diu and Bassein in the 17th century, of which the typology is well reported. A record of 1574, however, laments the decline of the Sofala gold trade, stating that funds for the upkeep of Sofala came from India. Early Portuguese narratives, and some European scholars, have located at Sofala the Biblical Ophir, from which the fleets of Solomon and of Hiram of Tyre brought back cargoes of gold, silver, ivory, apes and peacocks (I Kings x. 22; II Chronicles ix. 21). In a well-known passage of Paradise lost Milton speaks of "Mombaza, and Quiloa, and Melind,/ and Sofala thought Ophir..." (xi, 399-400). Modern historians see no connection.
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Ancient Sofala was on an island, whereas the Portuguese fort was built on the mainland, with a village adjacent. In 1764 it was 252 fathoms long, and 60 broad; there were thirty-five houses, one of stone and lime, two of wood with tiled roofs, and thirtytwo of wood with thatched roofs. The ancient site was visited and photographed by Professor Eric Axelson in 1958. All that was left was an islet a few metres long and wide, protruding from the sea. There was some debris of stone, but most of it had been taken to build Beira cathedral. It remains only as an adventurous opportunity for underwater archaeologists. In 1889 the authors of the Elementos para un diccionario chorographico da provincia de Mozambique wrote the melancholy words: "the district of Sofala, so rich in historical memories, is now poverty-stricken and abandoned." Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): Buzurg b. Shahriyar, Lime des merveilles de I'Inde, text ed. P.A. van der Lith, with French tr. L.M. Devic, Leiden 1883-6, Eng. tr. G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, The Book of the wonders of India, London 1981; Alberuni's India, text, London 1887, tr. Sachau, London 1910; Sung Annals, M. Loewe, letter of 10 May 1985, quoting Sung Shih 490 (Peking, Chung-hua shu-chii 1977, 14122-3); IdrTsI, Kitdb Ruajdr, Naples 1971; Cronica dos Reyes de Quiloa, apud J. de Barros, Da Asia, decade i, ed. A. Baiao, Coimbra 1932; Chao Ju-Kua, Chu-fan-shih ("A description of barbarous peoples") (1226), ed. F. Hirth and W.W. Rockhill, St. Petersburg 1911; Ahmad b. Madjid, text ed. and tr. T.A. Shumovskii, Tri Neizvestniye lotsii Akhmada Ibn Madzhida, Russian Academy of Sciences, Leningrad 1957, and Portuguese tr. M. Malkiel-Jirmounsky, Tres roteiros desconhecidos, Lisbon 1960; Dimashkf, Cosmographie, St. Petersburg 1866, French tr. A.F. Mehren, Manuel de cosmographie du moyen-dge, Paris 1874; Hamd Allah Mustawfi, apud Cl. Huart, Documents persans sur I'Afrique, in Receuil des memoires orientaux ... XIV congres international des orientalistes reuni a Alger, Paris 1905; Ibn al-Wardl, Khandat al-cadjd'ib, Cairo 1328; Ibn Battuta, Rihla, ii, Eng. tr. Gibb, ii; Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima, i; Bakuwl, Kitdb Talkhis al-dthdr, tr. de Guignes, in Noticei et extraits, Paris 1789; Kitdb alSulwa ft akhbdr Kulwa, ed. S.A. Strong as History of Kilwa, in JRAS (1895), and B.M. Or. ms. 266, Eng. tr. with tr. of Cronica, as above, in FreemanGrenville, The medieval history of the Coast of Tanganyika, Deutsche Akademie fur Wiss. zu Berlin and Oxford 1961, in parallel; Conde de Ticalho, Viagens de Pedro da Covilhd (sic), Lisbon 1898; E Axelson, South-East Africa, 1488-1530, London 1940; G. Ferrand, Les Bantous en Afrique orientale, in JA (Jan.-March 1921); idem, Une navigation europenne dans FOcean Indienne au XIV™ siecle, in JA (Oct.-Dec. 1922); Ps.-Brocardus, Directorium ad passagium faciendum, in RCA, Docs, armeniens, Paris 1906, ii; J. de Andrade Corvo, Estudos sobre as provincias ultramarinas, Lisbon 1888. ii: JJ. Lapa and A.B.C. de Castro Ferreri, Elementos para um diccionario chorographico da provincia de Mozambique, Lisbon 1889; Informa^ao do estado e conquista dos rios de Cuama vulgar e verdadeiramente chamados Rios de Ouro ao conde visorei Joao Nunes da Cunha, by Manuel Barreto S.J., 11 Dec. 1667, in Boktim Soc.-Geog. de Lisboa (1883); A.P. de Paiva e Pona, Dos primeiros trabalhos dos Portugueses no Monomotapa: o Padre D. Goncalo da Sikeira, 1560, Lisbon 1892; G. Correa, The three voyages of Vasco da Gama, ed. H.E J. Stanley, London 1869; The Book of Duarte Barbosa, ed. M.L. Dames, London 1918; R.N. Hall, Prehistoric Rhodesia, London 1909, D. Randall-Maclver, Mediaeval Rho-
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desia, London 1906; Damiao de Goes, Chronica do felicissimo Rei Emanuel, ed. J.M. Teixeira de Carvalho and David Lopes, Part i, Coimbra 1926; A. da Silva Rego and T.W. Baxter (eds.), Documentos sobre os Portugueses em Mozambique e na Africa Central, 14971840, i-viii, 1498-1588; ix, ed. L. de Albuquerque, 1589-1619, Lisbon 1958 ff., with parallel Eng. tr.; G. Liesegang, Archaeological sites on the Bay of Sofala, in Azania, vii (1972); D.W. Phillipson, African archaeology, Cambridge 1985; idem, The later prehistory of Eastern and Central Africa, London 1977; H.N. Chittick, Medieval Mogadishu, in Paideuma, xxviii (1982); idem, Kilwa: an Islamic trading city on the East African coast, 2 vols., London 1974; P. Sinclair, Chibuene—An early trading site in southern Mozambique, in Paideuma, xxviii (1982); R. Summers, Zimbabwe, a Rhodesian mystery, Cape Town 1964; [W.]A. Oddy, Gold in the Southern African Iron Age, in Gold Bulletin, xvii/2 (April 1984), International Gold Corporation Ltd., Marshalltown, South Africa; G.S.P. FreemanGrenville, Apropos the gold of Sofala, in O. Hulec and M. Mendel (eds.), Threefold wisdom: Islam, the Arab world and Africa: papers in honour of Ivan Hrbek, Prague 1993; M.C. Horton, H.W. Brown and W.A. Oddy, The Mtambwe hoard, in Azania, xxi (1986); H.W. Brown, Early Muslim coinage in East Africa: the evidence from Shanga, in Num.Chron. (1992); Joao Couto and Antonio Gonsalves, A Ourivesaria em Portugal, Lisbon 1960; A.C. Teixeira de Aragao, Descripsao geral e historica das moedas contadas em nome dos reis, regentes e governadores de Portugal, 3 vols., Lisbon 1874. (G. FERRAND-[G.S.P. FREEMAN-GRENVILLE]) SOFIA [see SOFYA]. SOFTA (Greek Suke; Armenian Siga, Sigui; Frankish Nessekin; Arabic Sukayn, a fortress (Softa Kalesi), on the border of Cilicia Tracheia with Pamphylia, in present-day southern Turkey, 16 km/10 miles east of Anamur [q.v.] near to the fishingport of Bozyazi (ancient Nagidos), and the classical site of Arsinoe (Mara§ Harabeleri). The fortress occupies the top of a conical feature about a mile from the Mediterranean Sea. The fortifications consist of an upper and lower bailey, enclosed by a single enceinte punctuated with round and square towers. The main entrance to the castle was via a gateway on the northern side of the upper bailey. The best-preserved features of the site are the keep in the highest part of the upper bailey, and the gateway and salients in the wall separating the two baileys. The latest of several distinct building programmes probably dates from the end of the 5th/llth century. The castle was in Byzantine hands from the end of the 2nd/8th century, when it was besieged by the Arabs, until the end of the 6th/12th century, after which there appears to have been at least one period of Armenian occupancy. Softa was probably one of several Pamphylian and Cilician castles which Ibn Bfbf says were acquired in 621/1225 by the Rum Saldjuk atabeg of Antalya, Mubariz al-Dm Artukush Beg. In the 8th/15th century it was acquired by the Karamanids with the help of the Venetians, who knew it as Sequin or Sechino. Thereafter it came under Ottoman control. Bibliography: Ibn Sa'fd al-Maghribl, Bast al-ard, ms. Bodl., fol. 47b; idem, al-^u§}irafiya, Beirut 1970, 180-1; Ibn Blbl, in Houtsma, Recueil, iii, 370; T.R.S. Boase, Castles of the Crusades, London 1966, 181; R.W. Edwards, The fortifications of Armenian Cilicia, Dumbarton Oaks 1987, 49; H. Hellenkemper and F. Hild, Tabula imperii Byzantini, v/1 (Kilikien und Isaurien), Vienna 1990, 421-3 (extensive bibl). (D.W. MORRAY)
SOFTA (T., orthography s.w.ft.h), a name given to students of the theological, legal and other sciences in the madrasa [q.v.] system of Ottoman Turkey. A parallel form is sukhte, in Persian literally "burnt, aflame (i.e. with the love of God or of learning)", which seems to be the earlier form; the relationship between the two words, if any, is unclear (see Sh. Sami, Kamus-i turkl, Istanbul 1318/1900-1, ii, 839 col. 3; Redhouse, Turkish and English diet., 1087, 1192). The term softa was applied to students in the earlier stages of their education; when a student became qualified to act as a mu'ld or repetiteur [see MUSTAMLI], he qualified as a danishmend. Softas from the Istanbul madrasas are frequently mentioned in Ottoman history from the 10th/16th century onwards as an unruly mob element in the capital, provoking or participating in several uprisings there. Thus their role is mentioned in the Radjab 1011/January 1603 revolt of the former Shaykh alIsldm Sunc Allah Efendi and the Sipahls [q.v.] against the Janissaries and Sultan Mehemmed III [q.v]; in the Rabr I 1115/July 1703 one against the Shaykh al-Isldm Feyd Allah Efendi and Mustafa III [q.v.]', in the Rabf II 1293/May 1876 revolt against Sultan c Abd al-'AzIz and the Grand Vizier Mahmud Nedlm Pasha [q.vv]; and the Rablc I 1327/April J909 counterrevolutionary mutiny of part of the army against the Committee of Union and Progress (the so-called 31. Mart wak'asi) (see Mustafa Akdag, Turkiye tarihinde ... medreseli isyanlari, in 1st. Univ. Iktisat Fak. Mecm., xi [1949-50], 361-87; B. Lewis, The emergence of modern Turkey, London 1961, 156-, 21; S.J. and E.K. Shaw, History of the Ottoman empire and modern Turkey, Cambridge 1976-7, I, 133, ii, 162-3, 279-82). Bibliography (in addition to references given in the article): Pakalin, iii, 252; Gibb and Bowen, ii, 146, 202; I A art. Softa (T. Yazici). (C.E. BOSWORTH) SOFYA, the Ottoman form for Sofia, the present-day capital of Bulgaria [q.v.]. It is situated in the southern part of the Sofia plain at an altitude of 550 m/1,800 feet, at the foot of the mountains Vitosa and Ljulin; it has a temperate continental climate; a number of affluents of the river Iskar run through the city; there are many mineral springs; and it lies on the main road between Central Europe and Istanbul, and that between Vidin on the Danube and Thessaloniki. Its successive names were Serdnopolis (Thracian population); Serdica (Roman name), Ulpia Serdica (from the second quarter of the 2nd century A.D.); Triadica (Byzantine name); Sredec (Bulgarian name, from the 9th century); Atralissa (in al-Idrfsi); and Sofia (from the second half of the 14th century, after the name of the St. Sophia church). It has been populated for seven millennia, and there are remnants dating from the Neolithic, Chalcolithic, and the Bronze Age. The Thracian tribe of the Serds fell under the rule of the Romans at the beginning of the first century A.D. The city was granted the rights of a municipality; it became the centre of a theme and was later included alternately in the provinces of Thrace and of Inner Dacia. Constantine the Great issued some of his edicts here. The Oecumenical Council of Serdica took place in 343. In 809 the city was conquered by Khan Krum (80314) and incorporated in the Bulgarian state. In 1385 (or 1382), following a siege, the city was captured by the Ottomans. Towards the middle of the 15th century, the Ottomans chose Sofia to become the centre of the Rumeli beylerbeyilik, which encom-
SOFYA passed the majority of the Ottoman European possessions. At its head was the beylerbeyi (mmmirdn, with the rank of a pasha; from the 16th century, a wezir), assisted by his own diwan which had judicial and administrative functions. Until the end of the 18th century, Sofia was the actual capital of the European territories of the Ottoman state, hence considered as such by both Ottomans and West Europeans at the time. Sofia was the centre of a kadd3. The wide prerogatives of the kadi are made clear by the records in the siajills preserved in the Oriental Department at the National Library of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Sofia (56 volumes dating from 1550 to the end of the 19th century). Ewliya Celebi attributed special attention to the Ottoman functionaries residing in Sofia. First among them ranked the shari'a judge, a molla with 500 akces daily payment, assisted by a muhdirbashi, scribes, a muhtesib and a pazarbashl Ewliya also spoke of a mufti, a naklb ul-eshrdf, a ketkhudd of the sipdhls, a serddr of the Janissaries and a ketkhudd of the city. Over all these functionaries was the Pasha. Among the powerful Ottoman notables, the first a'ydn of Sofia come to the fore in the 17th century. At the end of the 18th/beginning of the 19th centuries, the city suffered from the anarchy of internecine warfare and especially from the Kirdjali attacks of the horde of Kara Feyd. In the 18th century, Bitola became the usual place of residence of the Rumeli beylerbeyi, while Sofia was ruled by his mutesellim; from 1836 the seat of the beylerbeyi was moved to Bitola; after the Crimean War, 1853-6, the city decayed, and from 1864 was degraded to a sanajak within the Danube wildyet. Sofia was captured by the Russian troops on 23 December 1877/4 January 1878; on 22 March/3 April 1879 Sofia was chosen as the capital of the Principality of Bulgaria. The varying fate of the thousand-year old city has laid its seal upon the composition of its population. The Romanised Thracian population was gradually replaced by a Bulghar one. After the Ottoman conquest, Muslims settled in the city for the first time: there was a garrison, Muslim religious functionaries and officials, as well as craftsmen and merchants. But according to Bertrand de la Broquiere (1433), Sofia was still a Bulgarian town. The "Long Campaign" of John Hunyadi and Vladislav I, king of Hungary, in the autumn of 1443, brought real disaster to the local population. At their retreat, the Ottomans applied scorched earth tactics; at their recapture of the city, the population, and especially the Christian elite, suffered from severe punitive measures. Tax registers from the 16th century recorded an already preponderant position for the Muslim population in Sofia, both in terms of numbers and in the economy of the city. This phenomenon was the result of a migration wave from the east and of Islamisation of local people. A clear tendency of population growth due to natural increase emerges with the Muslims gaining the numerical superiority. But the populous villages around Sofia remained largely Bulgarian. Until the 19th century, the correlation between the groups of the population in the entire region remained stable—the Muslims were 12%, but in the city they prevailed over the Christians. There appeared Yuriifa in the region of Sofia (Nadokeri). The economic and political decline of the city in the 19th century brought about a still further withdrawal of the Muslim population from the city. After the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-8, virtually the entire Muslim population abandoned Sofia.
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All travellers noted that in the 15th-18th centuries, Sofia was a well-populated city and they paid particular attention to the diversity in the ethnic and religious composition of its population. Apart from the Orthodox Bulgarians, they mention Greeks. The city was also inhabited by Jews, both Romaniot and Ashkenazim. Their numbers increased considerably in the 16th century after the influx of the Spanish Jews, the Sephardim. Sofia became then one of the cities with a significant Jewish community. There was a synagogue in the city from at least A.D. 967. The number of Monophysite Armenians in the city during Ottoman rule increased following several migrations of Armenians from Poland, Plovdiv, Nakhicevan, and other parts of the Ottoman Empire; in the 17th century there already existed a Georgian community. The sources identify also a small group of fAajem tayfe, Armenians from the eastern provinces bordering on Persia, who were engaged in interregional trade within the Ottoman Empire. Sofia was one of the Balkan cities where, beginning with the 14th century, Ragusans settled. About the middle of the 15th century, they had a church and estates in the centre of the city, that is, something like a mahalle of their own; towards the end of the 17th century, the community of the Catholic Ragusans declined. Gypsies, both Muslims and non-Muslims, are mentioned among the inhabitants of the city for the first time in the 16th century. Following the established traditions in the Islamic and Ottoman town, all ethno-religious groups in Sofia lived in their separate mahalles (at the end of the 16th century—25 Muslim and 14 non-Muslim mahalle?,, 2 Zdwiyes and 3 gjemd'ats). Ottoman documentation shows, however, that from the 17th century onwards, the strict segregation of the population in separate mahalle s in Sofia was not infrequently violated. Muslim mahalles were usually represented by the imams, and from the 19th century by the mukhtdrs. The functions of the mahalles in Sofia were related to taxation, maintenance of the public security through mutual guarantees, observance of public and family morality, maintenance of the places of worship and the functionaries in them, and religious charities through the mahalle waklfs. The Orthodox Christians, Jews, Armenians and Catholics in Sofia were regarded by the authorities as internally independent autonomous communities grouped around their own religious leaders (an Orthodox bishop, subordinate to the Oecumenical Patriarch in Constantinople; a Catholic bishop, etc.), and they participated in taking decisions related to problems regarding the whole city. Thus according to Ottoman defter* from 930/1523-4, 915 Muslims (that is, ordinary tax-payers, low religious functionaries and some military men, bachelors and men with some form of disability) and 317 Christians had been registered in the city, which makes a total population of about 6,000; in 1544-5, 1,325 Muslims, 173 non-Muslims, as well as 88 Jews, that is, over 8,000 inhabitants; towards the end of the 16th century, 1,017 Muslims (without military men), 257 nonMuslims, 127 Jews and 37 Gypsies, that is, over 9,000 inhabitants. According to the Catholic Propaganda around 1580, there lived in Sofia about 150 Catholics, mainly Ragusans; in 1640 (according to Petar Bogdan) there were 58. The same author indicated that there lived in the city 30,000 Muslims, 25,000 Orthodox Christians, 15,000 Jews, and 1,600 Armenians. A number of Western European observers point out that, in the 18th century, Sofia had about 70,000 inhabitants; at the beginning of the 19th century they were only 45-50,000. The salnames of 1872-3 record 3,065 Mus-
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SOFYA
lim households and 1,737 non-Muslim ones, that is, over 35,000 people. According to the first census of the Principality of Bulgaria in 1881, there lived in Sofia 20,501, including 535 Turks, 13,195 Bulgarians, 4,146 Jews, 1,061 Armenians and 778 Gypsies. The high Sofia plain, surrounded by pastures and forests, is a densely populated agrarian countryside, with over 200 villages, where many categories of population with specific military and police duties, as well as production obligations, were represented—wqynuks, derwentcis, ajelebs, ma'dendjis. Agrarian production, cattlebreeding and metal production were directed mainly towards the big consuming and producing centre, Sofia, as well as towards the vast imperial markets and supplies for the army. The numerous population in the administrative and military centre and its position on the crossroad of two highways stimulated the economic development of the city, which was also stimulated by the emergence of a number of workshops during the Ottoman period. At the beginning of the 16th century, Sofia was a khass of the sultan. Local trade and production were regulated through the law of the badj. from the 16th century. Between the 15th and 17th centuries, Sofia was the largest import-export base for the caravan trade of Ragusa in Bulgaria. It was mainly crafts related to the processing of metals, wool and hides, that flourished. The famous red and yellow hides, called kordovam and bugarins, were produced here. Craftsmen and merchants were a major element in the city. At the beginning of the 16th century, these were 294 Muslims and 78 non-Muslims; in the middle of the century, 347 and 130 respectively, and towards the end of the century, 474 Muslim craftsmen and 131 non-Muslims, belonging to 132 crafts. Djekbs had an important role in the city, too. The esndf or trade guilds [see SINF] were established in the 16th century. Along with the representatives of the 'askens, there were also culemd3: mu'allims, khatibs, sheykhs and dervishes from various tankats, and, above all, imams and mu3edhdhins. According to Ottoman registers, only in the course of the 16th century did their number increase from about 30 to over 110. Sofia is one of the few living Late Antique cities. Some of the monuments of Late Antiquity have been preserved until today: the rotunda of St. George, the church of St. Sophia and parts of the fortress walls. After the city fell under Ottoman control, Sofia came under the influence of the Islamo-Levantine culture. The architecture of the city, however, preserved both the Antique and the Mediaeval heritage, which was enriched by another important element, the Islamic one. Under the Ottomans, the city lost its fortification walls. The Ottoman city spread in width, the houses having large courtyards with lots of verdure, hiding the muddy mediaeval streets and plain houses. For a long time, however, the fortress wall marked the area and the established planning of Antiquity: the main streets were in fact the road-beds of the highways crossing Sofia in its centre, close to the mineral spring. Thus the ancient and mediaeval centre became the centre of Ottoman Sofia, too. It was locked between the imaginary triangle formed by the dome of the church of St. Nedelja, where the relics of the Serbian king Milutin are kept, the cupola of the synagogue, and the minaret of the monumental Banabashl mosque. These three sanctuaries symbolise the Levantine spirit of the Ottoman city in the Balkans, and delineate the Ottoman centre, which was only the new attire of the ancient and of the present centre of Sofia.
Being the centre of Rumeli in the 15th and 16th centuries, Sofia became the site of building activities of a number of high Ottoman officials and acquired the appearance of an Ottoman city. Most of the important religious buildings as well as of utilitarian premises, built by the Ottomans, were beyond the boundaries of old Sofia; they had become the nuclei of separate town parts, connected rather with the incoming and outgoing arteries. In Ottoman Sofia, regular street planning was not followed; the domestic housing architecture was very poor. Considerable changes came about in the 17th century. Along with the more solid houses, and those with a more complicated structure, such as twostoreyed houses with tiled roofs, the number of the rich serails in Sofia grew, too. Ewliya Celebi mentions those of Yackub Agha. Kodja Mehmed Agha, Kodja Peltek Ya'kub (Swush, Ganat Efendi and Durganli Agha; the splendour of the Pasha's honak (today part of the building of the National Art Gallery) is emphasised as well. Following usual practice, the Ottomans converted some churches into mosques. It seems that the first was the church of St. Demetrius, converted into Fethi Djamic in the beginning of the 16th century; in the 16th century the church of St. Sophia was converted into the Siyawush Pasha Djamic; and the church of St. George into the Gill Djamic. But the majority of the Muslim sanctuaries were the result of the activities of high Ottoman officials, local notables and zealous ordinary Muslims. In the middle of the 15th century, Mahmud Pasha built the Biiyuk Djami£ with 8 lead domes (today the National Archaeology Museum of Bulgaria). A century later, the great Ottoman architect Sinan [q.v.] planned the fimdret complex of Sofu Mehmed Pasha, comprising a monumental stone mosque, the Black Mosque, with one of the largest domes in the Balkans (today the church of the Seven Saints), a medrese with 16 rooms, a library, a hamdm, a caravanserai, a mekteb and a kitchen. According to Ottoman tax registers, towards the middle of the 16th century there were 4 Friday mosques and 31 mesdjids in Sofia, while towards the end of the century there were 8 Friday mosques and 37 mesd}ids. The sdlndmes of the second half of the 19th century record 44 Muslim places of worship (mosques) in Sofia. There are data about 3 wakif libraries in Sofia: of Sofu Mehmed Pasha in the complex of the Black Mosque; one in the complex at the Banabashi Djami', belonging to Seyfullah Efendi; and one more. Among the manuscripts from these libraries that are kept in the Oriental Department, the collections of the mufti Mustafa b. Mehmed and of cAbd al-Fettah stand out. In the middle of the 16th century, 8 mu'allim-khdnes and 2 medreses were registered; according to the sdlndmes of the end of the 19th century, the mektebs were 20, while the medreses, the mekteb-i rushdiyye and the mekteb-i sablydn were 6 altogether. Official records provide information about four ttirbes and zdwiyes in the middle of the 16th century. Ewliya Celebi's travel account, however, contains detailed information about a number of other places of worship related to various tarikats situated in Sofia and its outskirts. There were also places of worship of the nonMuslim population in the city. The churches were in the centre of the city and, according to Stefan Gerlach (16th century), were 12 in number; in the 19th century there were 8. The ring of small monasteries around Sofia (25) was praised as the Mount Athos of Sofia. The newly-built churches in the Ottoman period
SOFYA were St. Krai and St. Nikola the Great; there is more information, however, on repaired and newly-painted churches. They had a modest appearance, small single-naved basilicas, an architectural type that was dominant even before the Ottoman conquest and which was very convenient in the conditions of limited financial resources of the Orthodox and of the sharfa restrictions. The lesser religious communities had their places of worship in the centre of the city as well: synagogues for the three Jewish communities from the beginning of the 16th century; the Armenian church of the Holy Virgin from the 17th century; and a Catholic church was established in the second half of the 15th century. The educational institutions of the non-Muslim communities functioned, too. The Sofia bazaar, the heart of the city, was welldeveloped. The specialised suks and markets formed a dense network in the central part of the city; in the course of time, it spread to the residential quarters as well and drew them into the common economic rhythm of the city in the modern times. The busiest among them were Bandbashi carshi, where the Jewish one was situated too, the markets of the butchers, the cobblers, the saddlers, the goldsmiths, the Sheytan carshi, the Yazidji one and the Sungurlar one; beginning from the 18th century, a Greek market is mentioned in the Ottoman documents. Specialised markets—the Salt Market, where salt from Wallachia was offered, the Honey Market, the Rice Market, the Horse Market, and others—also existed. According to Ottoman registers from towards the end of the 16th century, there were in the city about a thousand workshops, taverns and other industrial enterprises like a tannery, utilising the drainage from the hot mineral public bath, candleworks, the waklf of El-Hadjdj Bayram, water mills, a mint (from the middle of the 16th century to the middle of the 17th century, and, occasionally, until the first quarter of the 18th century), a workshop for the fermented drink boza, ice works and an establishment for roasting and grinding coffee for the use of retail dealers. In 1506 the beylerbeyi Yahya Pasha built the largest bezistdn in the Balkans (44 workshops inside and 101 outside it), and a magnificent mineral bath, which Hans Dernschwam compared to the Pantheon. The big caravanserais are also indicative of the economic prosperity of the city. Foreign travellers describe the enormous caravanserai of Siydwush Pasha, the caravanserai at the 'imdret of Koaja Mehmed Pasha, the caravanserais of Hddj.dji Boga, of Khidir Cdwush, of Ilyds Bey and of Mewldnd Ald'uddin. The 'imdrets of fCoa^a Mehmed Pasha, of Siydwush Pasha, and others also had an important role in economic life. After the 17th century, the functions of caravanserais were overtaken by the private khdns, which were amon^ the most impressive buildings of the time: the Celebi khan, Slivnisfa khan, Eski khan, Mahmud Pasha khdn, Kucuk khan, and Cohaajl khdn, the largest civil building, with a mosque dating from the 18th century. The functions of the bezistdn were assumed by private maghazas (warehouses). Even in Antiquity, Sofia had a very good watersupply and sanitation system. Water from the Vitosha mountain was taken into the city through a watermain, maintained in a very good condition by wakljs throughout the Ottoman period. The famous mineral spring in the centre of the city was canalised in the 2nd century A.D. and the reservoir was used until 1912. On a large territory around it were built the city thermal baths, replaced by an impressive Turkish bath.
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The construction and upkeep of all these religious and utilitarian premises, as well as those of education, culture, etc., were maintained through the waktfs of both distinguished and ordinary citizens of Sofia. Sofia declined in the 19th century. Terrible earthquakes in 1818, and especially in 1858, destroyed the city. Most of the houses, as well as mosques and caravanserais, were razed. Nearly all minarets fell down. Some reconstruction works were carried out under Rasin Pasha and Es'ad Pasha: new productions were started, the construction of the railway between Sofia and Plovdiv was begun, the minarets were raised again. Eminent personalities related to life in Ottoman Sofia are the famous governors and waklf founders Mesih Voyvoda, Kodja Mehmed Pasha, Kodja Mahmud Pasha, Siyawush Pasha, El-Hadjdj Bayram Pasha, Khiisrew Pasha. The city toponyms have preserved the name of Mewlana Shudjac, kadi of Sofia, and founder of a waklf, of the Sofia kadi Seyfullah Efendi, who founded a medrese in Sofia in 1570/71 next to the Banabashi mosque built by him, too; of Sarukhan Bey, Kara Danishmend and Hadjdji Hamza. A number of Ottoman writers, poets and religious functionaries were born or lived in Sofia, thus turning it into one of the most important centres of Ottoman culture in the Balkans in the 16th century: Ahmed HadjdjI; cAbdf Efendi; Hekfm-zade Subhf, son of the wezir Sinan. Distinguished figures of the 17th century were Ibrahfm Efendi, a scholar and judge, born and buried in Sofia; Pasha Mehmed Efendi, a native of Gelibolu, who wrote studies in the field of law, was a poet and a translator of Persian poetry; and the poet Sofyawf Wahid Mehmed Celebi. Among the religious functionaries connected with Sofia stands out Ball Efendi. According to his vita, he was "a scholar and a saint, expert in the hidden and the manifest, with perfect disciples", one who "created wonderful works and various noble books, risdles and precious commentaries" among which a commentary on the treatise of Ibn cArabf and one on the basic principles of the Khalweti order; and poems with a didactic content. This Sufi mystic and preacher was also an outstanding and extreme supporter of orthodoxy, closely related to the central authorities, struggling against the heterodox sects in Deli Orman, Dobrudja and Thrace. The vita describes him as a saintly man; from other sources, we know that he died in 1553. On his grave near Sofia, which is still equally revered by Muslims and Christians, the kadi cAbd til-Rahman b. cAbd iil-'AzIz constructed a mosque and a zdwiye, while the village which developed was named Ball Efendi (now Knjazevo). Donors to the wakif were the mmmlrdn of Buda, Mustafa Pasha, Mesfh Voyvoda and other distinguished Muslims from the city of Sofia. Bali Efendi himself founded a Zdwiye in Sofia. After Sofia became the capital of the Principality of Bulgaria, almost its entire Muslim population left, and only a few monuments of Islamic architecture, like the Bandbashi L£ami\ still functioning as a place of worship, were preserved. Sofia is the seat of the Muftuluk in Bulgaria; at different times, there have functioned also some educational institutions like the Turkish primary school at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century, and today, an Islamic Religious Institute. The majority of the Ottoman and Turkish newspapers in Bulgaria—about 25, including those of the religious institutions in the country—were published in Sofia; three private Turkish printing
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houses functioned there. Today, the newspaper Mjusjulmanin is published here. Bibliography: Istanbul, BBK, TTD 370, 130, 236; Vita of Ball Efendi, in Sheykh Siileyman Kiistendill, Bohr ul-weldye, ms. Or 893 in Oriental Dept., National Library of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Sofia (dated 1235/1819-20); Ewliya Celebi, Seydhatndme, iii, Istanbul 1314/1896-7, 398-402; Sdlndmeyi wildyat-i Tuna, n.p. 1289/1872-3; ibid., Rus$uk 1291/1874-5; K. Jirecek, Das Furstenthum Bulgarian, Prague-Vienna 1891; A. Ishirkov, Grad Sofiya prez XVII vek, Sofia 1912; I. Ivanov, Sofiya prez tursko vreme, in Yubilejna kniga za grad Sofiya, Sofia 1912; Yubilejna kniga za grad Sofiya, Sofia 1928; A. Monedzikova, Sofiya prez vekovete, Sofia 1946; G. Galabov, Die Protokollbucher des Kadiamtes Sofia, Munich 1960; Tezkiretii f§-§ucara, ed. I. Kutluk, i, Ankara 1978; M. Stainova, Osmanskite biblioteki v bdlgarskite zemi XV-XIX v., Sofia 1982; N. Todorov, The Balkan city 1400-1900, Seattle 1983; N. Gene, 16, yuzyil Sofia mufassal tahrir defteri'nde Sojya kazasi, Eski§ehir 1988; M. Kiel, Urban development in Bulgaria in the Turkish period. The place of Turkish architecture in the process, in Internal Jnal of Turkish Studies, iv (1989); Sofiya prez vekovete. i. Drevnost, srednovekovie, vazrazdane, Sofya 1989; N. Glayer, Mystiques, etat, societe. Les Habetis dans I'aire balkanique de la Jin du XV suck a nos jours, Leiden 1994. (SVETLANA IVANOVA) SOGHDIA [see AL-SUQJD]. SOGUD, modern Turkish SOGUT, a small town of northwestern Anatolia, in the classical Bithynia, now in the modern Turkish il or province of Bilecik [see BILEDIIK] (lat. 40° 02' N., long. 30° 10' E., altitude 650 m/2,132 feet). In Ottoman times it came within the wildyet of Khudawendigar or Bursa [
on the main route of pilgrimage to Mecca. It was never large; in the 17th century Ewliya counted 700 Turkish houses there, and at the beginning of the 19th century the number had hardly risen (cf. the traveller's records in Ritter). Towards the end of this century, SamI gave 5,000 as the population. After the First World War, Sogiid was occupied by the Greek army from August 1921 to September 1922. In 1965, it had a population of 3,004. Bibliography: HadjdjI Khalifa, Qiihdn-numd, 642, 656; Ewliya Celebi, Seydhat-ndme, iii, 11, 506; von Hammer, GOR, i, 45; Ritter, Erdkunde, ix/1, Berlin 1858, xviii, 622 ff.; Cl. Huart, Konia, la ville des derviches tourneurs, Paris 1897, 32-5; SamI, Kdmus ala'ldm, iy, 2587; Belediyeler yilligi, Ankara 1950, iii, 380-3; IA, art. Sbgut (Besim Darkot). (J.H. KRAMERS*) SOKMEN [see ALP; ARTUKIDS; SHAH-I ARMAN]. SOKOLLU MEHMED PASHA, called Tawll "the tall" (ca. 1505-79), one of the most famous Ottoman Grand Viziers and the only to have held this office uninterruptedly under three successive sultans, from 27 June 1565 to 12 October 1579. He was born in Bosnia in the village of Sokolovici (< sokol "falcon") near the little town of Rudo in the kadd3 of Visegrad into a Serbian family of minor rural nobility deriving its name from the village (sc. that of Sokolovic > Tkish. Sokollu). It had several branches, one of them supplying the second vizier Deli Khosrew Pasha (dismissed in 1544) through the dewshirme [q.v.]. The son of one Dimitriye who eventually converted to Islam, his baptismal name was Bayo, and he had three brothers according to Serbian tradition, two according to the Turkish one. He was educated in the Mileseva monastery where an uncle was a monk. His career in Ottoman service and his conversion (adopting the name Mehmed) was through the dewshirme, he being recruited by Yeshildje Mehmed Beg at the relatively late age of 16 to 18, perhaps a sign that the recruiting officer attached special value to his recruitment. Details about Sokollu's youth appear in the eulogistic ^ewdhir ul-mendkib and in various legends accruing a posteriori because of his spectacular career (see O. Ziroyevic, Mehmed Pascha Sokolli im Lichte jugoslavischer Quellen und Uberlieferungen, in Osmanh Ara§tirmalan, iv [1984], 56-67). Brought to Sultan Siileyman at Edirne, early in the latter's reign, he was educated in the palace there. According to Mustafa cAlI, he allegedly took part in the campaign to the two clraks under the defterddr Iskender Celebi (von Hammer, Histoire, v, 224-5, 494). Then he entered the Topkapi palace and worked in the "interior treasury" (ic hhazine], rising in the hierarchy towards the sultan's own person to become rikdbddr or groom, cukaddr or valetde-chambre and sildhddr or sword-bearer. Using the nepotism which he would make a corner-stone of his career, he already exercised this in favour of his own family, through the intermediacy of the ajizyeddr of Bosnia, Ahmed Beg, he had a brother and nephew, this last under the guise of Sokollu's younger brother, the future Mustafa Pasha, brought to Istanbul and enrolled as pages in the Ghalata palace, and then his father, converted to Islam as Djemal iil-Dln Sinan Beg, who became administrator of a wakf in Bosnia. Sokollu became chief taster (casjmegir bashi) in the palace and head door-keeper (kapuajl bash!), this last title given to him by the sultan at the time of the 1541 campaign. It seems to have been in this last function that he received the king of France's envoy before the sultan's return from Hungary. In 1546 he received his first nomination as successor to Khayr
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PLATE X
Banabashi or Molla Djamic built by Seyfullah Efendi 978/1570-1, at present the only Muslim place of worship in Sofia (Photo: 1980s).
PLATE XI
SOFYA
Great mosque, built by Mahmud Pasha, 9th/15th century (Photo: early 20th century).
Contemporary view of the same, now the National Archaeology Museum of Bulgaria.
SOKOLLU MEHMED PASHA al-Dm Barbarossa [q.v.] as kapudan pasha with the rank of sanajak beg. His work with the naval forces was primarily as an administrator, the organisation of the fleet, recruitment of sailors, financial resources and the arsenal, rather than the actual conduct of operations, this being left to the corsair chief Torghud Re'fs [q.v.]. In 1549 he became beglerbeg of Rumeli in succession to Semrdh cAlf Pasha, and in this function in 1551 reasserted the sultan's sovereignty and the rights of his protege John Sigismund, the minor son of the deceased king of Hungary John Zapolya, over Transylvania against the ambitions of the Habsburg Ferclinand, who had sent an army under J.-B. Castaldo and who was to obtain a cardinal's hat for the alleged betrayal of the country by the Regent George Utjesenovic, called Martinucci (see A. Huber, Die Erwerbung Siebenbiirgens durch Ferdinand I. im Jahre 1551 und Bruder Georgs End, in Archiv fir Osterr. Gesch., Ixxv [1889], 481545; idem, Die Verhandlungen Ferdinands I. mit Isabella von Siebenburgen 1551-1555, in ibid., Ixxviii [1892], 1-39; L. Makkai, Hist, de la Transylvanie, Paris 1946; M. Berindei and G. Veinstein, UEmpire ottoman et les pays roumains, 1544-1545, Paris-Cambridge, Mass. 1987, 17-46; S.M. Dzaja and G. Weiss, Austro-Turcica 15411552, Munich 1995, index s.v. Martinuzzi). Sokollu was appointed serdar of this expedition to Transylvania and the Banat, with not only his own forces but also troops from the sanajaks of Semendire and Nigbolu, Crimean and Dobrudja Tatars, contingents sent by the Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia and a force of 2,000 Janissaries. At Slankemen he was joined by the akmajh [q.v] of Mfkhal-oghlu cAlr Beg [see MIKHALOOJLU] and the forces of the beylerbeg of Buda, Khadim CA1I Pasha. The army crossed the Danube on 6 Ramadan 958/7 September 1551, then the Tisza, and entered Transylvania without resistance. During the campaign, at Csanad on the Maros and a dozen other fortresses, Sokollu benefited from the rallying to his side of local Serbian garrisons to whom he appealed by citing their common origin with him. At Lippa, the Habsburg garrison fled and the town surrendered, so that Sokollu could install a force of 5,000 sipdhis [q.v] and 200 Janissaries. He then besieged Stephen Losonczy in Temesvar [see TEMESHWAR], but with the approach of bad weather and of Castaldo's forces, retired to Belgrade for the winter, from where he sent letters to the three nations of Transylvania and the magistrates of leading towns there invoking their loyalty to the sultan. At the end of the year he was joined by the forces which had had to evacuate Lippa. At Belgrade he prepared the campaign of the following year. In February 1552, Michael Toth, with 5,000 hayduks, seized Szeged [q.v], whose sanajakbeg Mrkhal-oghlu Khidir Beg was compelled to take refuge in the citadel, but this was recovered by the beglerbeg of Buda, 'All Pasha (see von Hammer, vi, 22-3). Given the seriousness of the situation, the campaign beginning April 1552 was given to a serdar of higher rank, the second vizier Kara Ahmed Pasha, with Sokollu only in a subordinate role. The army captured Temesvar and other places in the Banat in July, but in the next months a new campaign was prepared against Persia, and Sokollu was ordered to cross with the troops of Rumeli at Gallipoli and winter at Tokat. The campaign was initially commanded by Rustem Pasha [q.v] but finally by the sultan himself, anxious to scotch rumours of his replacement by his rebellious son Mustafa. This latter affair, ending with Mustafa's execution, delayed events for a year, with Sokollu wintering at Tokat and the sultan at Aleppo. In June
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1554, Sokollu's Rumelian troops, on the left wing, distinguished themselves on the march from Erzurum to Nakhcivan by the perfect state of their equipment, and Sokollu also took part in operations against fortresses in Georgia. On his return, Suleyman appointed him at Amasya third vizier, so that he became ex officio a member of the imperial diwdn. His influence and high standing with the sultan could now only increase further. On returning to Istanbul, the sultan entrusted him in 1555 with the delicate matter of suppressing, with a force of 3,000 Janissaries sent in the direction of the Dobrudja, the revolt of a "false" (dtizme) Mustafa, who claimed to be the resuscitated executed prince; captured by the sanajak-beg of Nigbolu, the pretender was handed over to Sokollu for hanging. He was then closely involved in the aging sultan's measures to calm the situation of rivalry over the impending succession between the two shehzddes, Selim and Bayezfd, being sent in November 1558 to Selim with messages from his father enjoining peace and harmony and their acceptance of the sanajaks offered to them. Sokollu succeeded here with Selim (whose daughter he was to marry), whereas the fourth vizier Pertew Pasha [q.v] failed to persuade Bayezid to exchange his governorate of Konya for that of Amasya. In the ensuing war between the two brothers begun by Bayezid, the sultan sent an army in support of Selim into Anatolia, comprising 3,000 Janissaries and 40 pieces of cannon under Sokollu's command. In the battle on the plain of Konya on 21 Sha'ban 966/29 May 1559, Sokollu was the architect of Selfm's victory. Sokollu and Selim then pursued the refugee Bayezid towards Persia, marching as far as Sivas, and with the prince's arrival in Persia, Sokollu was deputed to winter at Aleppo and watch for any moves by the rebellious prince, only returning to Istanbul in spring 1560 (S. Turan, Kanuninin oglu §ehzade Bayezid vatfasi, Ankara 1961). In the following year, on 10 July 1561, the Grand Vizier Rustem Pasha's death brought about the promotion, by the strict rules of hierarchy, of the second vizier Semfdh cAli Pasha, with Sokollu in the latter's vacated place, in which his influence grew, even if still in a clandestine fashion. Then, on cAll's death on 27 June 1565, Sokollu succeeded naturally to the Grand Vizierate, thus crowning his career as a dewshirme convert. During this period, the siege of Malta, begun by his predecessor, had received a severe check. The new Grand Vizier aimed at restoring Ottoman prestige in the eyes of the Austrians, using firmness against the new Imperial ambassador Hosszuthoty, on pretext of Austrian encroachments on several fortresses in Transylvania and non-payment of stipulated tribute. A campaign was decided upon, and Sokollu, with other persons activated more by religious than political considerations, insisted that the aged and sick sultan should participate; but since the latter had to travel in a carriage or even be borne on a litter, Sokollu was ultimately responsible for the conduct of operations. It was during the siege of Szigetvar [q.v], begun on 5 August, one day before the fortress surrendered, that Suleyman died (7 September 1565). Sokollu now acted with a skill and mastery of the situation which later became proverbial. With the complicity of his secretary Ferfdun, the sildhdar Dja'fer Agha and the physician, the sultan's death had to be kept secret to avoid anarchy and the complete disarray of the army. The news of his father's death was sent secretly to Selim at Kiitahya, who then set out for Belgrade after securing his succession in Istanbul. In the army camp,
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all sorts of stratagems were employed to perpetuate the idea of Suleyman's continuance in life, culminating in his setting off ostensibly in his coach. The news of his death was only revealed four stages out of Belgrade (detailed account of the campaign and the sultan's death in Selanikf; see also Ferfdun Beg, Niizhet ul-akhbdr, Topkapi, Hazine ms. 1339; AgahT Mansur Celebi, Feth-ndme-yi kalce-yi Sigetwar, 1st. Univ. ms. T 3884;
became sanajak-beg of Klis in 1570, and then that of Bosnia. Kara Sinan Beg, sanajak-beg of Bosnia and then of Herzegovina, of the Boljanic family of Herzegovina, was Sokollu's brother-in-law. His own two sons, Hasan Pasha and Kurt Beg, attained high office. As well as these kinship connections, Sokollu had several trusty confidants, such as his secretary Ferldun, who saved his life at the siege of Szigetvar, mutefenika under Suleyman and then later re'is efendi and nisjhdnaji, and Suleyman's last sildhddr, who had helped conceal the sultan's death, married a daughter of Sokollu and became Agha of the Janissaries. One is tempted to discern in the re-establishment of the Patriarchate of Pec in 1557, when Sokollu was third vizier, a manifestation of Serbian solidarity and even of nepotism, since the holder, Makariye, former Archimandrite of one of the Mount Athos monasteries, was a nephew (Marino Cavalli) or possibly even a brother (Gerlach) of the vizier. After Makariye's death in 1574, the post eventually went to two more Sokolovics, until the death of Savatiye in 1586, so that the family had held the patriarchate for thirty years since its restoration. But one may also see an additional factor at work here, a wider policy of conciliating the Serbs to make them a support of Ottoman policy in the Balkans, a role which they had actually played in the 1551 Banat campaign (see M. Grujic, Pravoslavna srpska crkva, Belgrade 1920, 180-96; M. Mirkovic, Pravni polozaj i karakter srpske crkue pod turskom vlascu (1454-1766], Belgrade 1965, 212-21; Sr. Petkovic, %idno slikarstvo na podrucju Pecke patrijarkije 1557-1614, Novi Sad 1965). Sokollu did not exercise his power with warlike intentions, and ceased personally to exercise military command, in which he had always, as we have seen, been mostly concerned with questions of organisation, arms and logistics. Nevertheless, and in despite of his own preferences, some important campaigns took place during his tenure of office. An expedition to Yemen was necessary after the revolt there of the Zaydl Imam al-Mutahhar, who had occupied Sanca3 and thrown off Ottoman authority. Sokollu took this opportunity to play off and to arbitrate between two of his main rivals, with Lala Mustafa appointed as serddr of the expedition coming into conflict with the governor of Egypt, Sinan Pasha, who refused Lala Mustafa resources for the campaign; in the end, the latter was disgraced, and Sinan made serddr in his place. On the question of Cyprus, Sokollu did not wish for a rupture of the peace with Venice, foreseeing an alliance of the Republic with Spain and the Papacy and a strong naval threat to the Ottomans, as in fact happened when Pius V brought about the Sacra Liga, the war party under Piyale Pasha [
SOKOLLU MEHMED PASHA mahones built in the winter of 1571-2, providing the kapudan pasha Kilic cAlf, some months only after the disaster, with a war fleet stronger than ever (idem, La crise de VEmpire ottoman, Paris 1972). Also, after Cyprus was conquered, the fiscal revenues of the island fell to the Grand Vizier before these khdss revenues passed to the wdtides, mothers of the reigning sultans. Standing apart personally from the combats which he did everything to avoid, Sokollu was nevertheless very active in diplomatic affairs, negotiating incessantly through dragomans, notably the renegade from the Polish nobility, originally Joachym Strasz, now called Ibrahim Beg (cf. A. Zajaczkowski, in RO, xii [1936], 91-118; A. Bombaci, in ibid., xv [1939-49], 129-44). It is from diplomatic reports by foreigners having business with him, especially the Imperial ambassador Verantius (cf. Monumenta Hungaria historica. Scriptores, vi, docs. VI, XXI), and the Venetians Cavalli, Ragazzoni and Barbaro (cf. Alberi, Le relazioni...) that we possess the most precise and lively physical and psychological portraits of the Grand Vizier, the "magnificent Bassa" that all could not but admire and respect. He is depicted as tall, well-proportioned, handsome and well-groomed, with (in 1573) a long gray beard. He was a courteous speaker, but an astute adversary, always on guard, venting on the sultan or his rivals the most brutal decisions, and capable of being haughty and inflexible. All emphasise his avariciousness for exorbitant presents, from within and without the empire. Some authorities detected a streak of vanity in him, seen in his pretensions to stem from the line of despots of Serbia; but none of them knew of the physical courage which he had evinced at the siege of Szigetvar or in the great Istanbul fire of 1569. His diplomatic policy aimed at assuaging conflicts with the Porte's potential enemies: with the Emperor (hence the renewal of the treaty with Maximilian in 1568 and then, under Murad III, with Rudolf, as well as the nomination of very reliable governors on the Hungarian and Croatian frontiers); with the Shah of Persia Tahmasp I (hence the sumptuous reception of the Shah's envoy at Selfm's accession); with the Doge of Venice (with whom good relations were renewed in 1573); and subsequently, Tsar Ivan the Terrible of Russia. At the same time, he endeavoured to strengthen links with the Porte's natural allies: with France (capitulations of 1569, apparently the first, since those of 1536 had never been ratified, see IMTIYAZAT, and I. de Testa, Recueil des traites de la Porte ottomane avec les puissances etrangeres, i, Paris 1854, 90-140), and with Poland. He intervened in the election of the successor to Sigismund Augustus, and after first envisaging the candidature of the Voivode of Transylvania, who was first to have married Marguerite de Valois (embassy to France of 1569), he rallied to the cause of the Duke of Anjou, and finally to that of Stephen Bathory, by now the new Voivode of Transylvania (see A. Refik, Sokollu Mehmed Pasha we Lehistdn intikhabdti, in TOEM, xxxv; de Testa, op. cit., 113, 115; L. Szadecyk, Selection d'Etienne Bathory au trone de Pologne, Cracow 1935; letters of Sokollu to Sigismund Augustus and Bathory in Z. Abrahamowicz, Katalog dokumentow tureckich, Warsaw 1959). When the demands of the sultan of Acheh [q.v.] in Sumatra became pressing, the Grand Vizier and the diwdn decided to send a squadron of 19 galleys under the kapudan of Alexandria, plus at the same time troops with supplies and pay for a year, weapons and artillery, from the resources of Egypt. These measures were held back by the Yemen campaign, but put into effect in 9767 1568-9 (Safwet, Bir 'othmanll fiksunun Sumatra seferi, in
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TOEM, x [1912], 604-14, 678-83; AJ.S. Reid, Sixteenthcentury Turkish influence in Western Indonesia, in S. Kartodjirdo (ed.), Profiles of Malay culture, Yogyakarta 1976, 107-25; D. Lombard, L'Empire ottomane vu d'Insulinde, in Passe turcotatar, present sovietique. Etudes qffertes a Alexandre Bennigsen, Louvain-Paris 1986, 157-64; five large cannons, at least four of them cast in Istanbul, are preserved in the Home for Retired Servicemen from the Army of the Indies at Bronbeek near Arnhem in the Netherlands). Such Pan-Islamic projects contrasted with the usual realism of Sokollu, and are seen also in the Astrakhan campaign of 1569. The southwards Russian advance had led to the extinguishing of the Muslim khanates of Kazan [q.v.] (1552) and Astrakhan [q.v.] (1556). Information from a Circassian defterddr, Kasim Beg, led the Grand Vizier to envisage the possibility of a canal connecting the Don and Volga, thus facilitating an expedition to recover Astrakhan, and Kasim Beg was appointed serddr of this campaign. The ostensible reason for this was to protect pilgrims from Central Asia en route for the Hidjaz being threatened by the infidels in Astrakhan, since the sultan was Protector of the Two Sanctuaries, but there were probably wider strategic aims envisaged: perhaps to halt Muscovite expansion southwards, to strengthen Ottoman suzerainty over Shfrwan, Georgia and Karabagh; and above all, to outflank Persia and open up a new route of attack thither. In fact, climatic conditions, Russian attacks on the workmen involved, as well as the Crimean Khan Dewlet Giray I's ill-will, brought the project to nought, and exposed Sokollu to blame from the sultan downwards; but at least he managed to patch up the damaged Ottoman-Russian relations after this. Amongst an extensive literature on this project, see Ahmed Refik, in TOEM, xliii (1917), 1-14; H. Inalcik, The origin of the Ottoman-Russian rivalry and the Don- Volga canal (1569), in Ankara Univ. Annals, i (1946-7), 47-110, expanded Tkish. version in Belleten, xii, no. 46 (1948), 342-402; A.N. Kurat, The Turkish expedition to Astrakhan in 1569 and the problem of the Don-Volga canal, in The Slavonic and East European Review, xl (Dec. 1961), 7-23; Bennigsen, L'expedition turque contre Astrakhan en 1569 d'apres des "Affaires importantes" des archives ottomanes, in Cahiers du monde russe et sovietique, viii/3 (1967), 427-46; idem and M. Berindei, Astrakhan et la politique des steppes nord-pontiques (1587-1588), in Harvard Ukrainian Studies, iii-iv (1979-80), 71-91; Gokbilgin, L'expedition ottomane contre Astrakhan en 1569, in CMRS, xi/1 (1970), 118-23; G. Veinstein, Une lettre de Selim II au roi de Pologne Sigismond-Auguste sur la campagne d'Astrakhan de 1569, in WZKM, Ixxxii (1992), 397-420. Sokollu also wished to give help to the insurgent Moriscoes in Granada, and apparently even suggested to Selim intervention in Spain rather than in Cyprus. He sent a fermdn to the governor of Algiers in April 1570 instructing him to give all possible aid to the rebels and one to the Moriscoes themselves confirming the instructions to the beglerbeg. The two documents envisaged an expedition against Spain once the Cyprus campaign was over (A. Temimi, Le gouvernement ottoman face au probleme morisque, in Rev. d'Hist. Maghrebine, xxiii-xxiv [1981], 258-9, text of the letter to the Andalusians at 260-2). An enumeration of Sokollu's military and diplomatic initiatives does not exhaust his work. He was at the same time, perhaps principally, a careful administrator concerned with the smooth functioning of existing Ottoman institutions. The historians say little about this more anonymous work, and it remains to be analysed in the light of the innumerable docu-
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ments preserved in the Istanbul archives (reproductions of the grand Vizier in his council in the Shehndme-yi Setim Khan in the Topkapi Library, depicted in T. Artan, The Kadirga palace shrouded by the mists of time, in Tunica, xxvi [1994], 124). The most well known, as well as most durable, of his activities were those as builder. The Don-Volga canal and the dream of a Suez canal (cf. von Hammer, vi, 341) are in one sense the most visionary expressions of this activity. In Istanbul, he had built or rebuilt a sumptuous Grand Vizierial palace, partly occupying the site of the future Sultan Ahmed moscjue, but he had an even more magnificent palace at Uskudar. It is now also clear that his patronage and the plans of Sinan [q.v.] were behind the Esma Sultan palace at Kadirga Limam (see Artan, op. cit, 55-124). In the same quarter, he entrusted to Sinan the building of the mosque which bears his name, to which a medrese, a fountain and a Zdwiye were attached, and he also built so-called Azap kapi mosque. Finally, he likewise entrusted to Sinan the building of a small complex, completed in 9767 1568-9, not far from the Eyiip mosque in the Camii Kebir Caddesi, including the Esma Sultan mosque, a ddr ul-kurrd3 and a mausoleum destined for his own remains (M. Gezar, Le Kiilliye de Sokollu Mehmed Pasha a Eyiip, in Stelae turcicae, ii, 29-41). But he established numerous pious benefactions all across the empire, especially in those regions particularly connected with his life and career: at Sokolovic; in the Banat; at Belgrade, where his wakf of 1566 comprised a vast caravanserai, covered market, etc., necessitating the destruction of three churches and some synagogues of the city (descriptions in Pigafetta, Gerlach and Ewliya); at Edirne and Lule Burgaz; and as far away as Aleppo and Medina. He was especially concerned with such utilitarian structures as caravanserais and bridges which would facilitate traffic and communications in Rumeli, such as the bridge at Visegrad on the Drina and other lesser known ones, e.g. at Trebnisnjica in Herzegovina (Gokbilgin, Edirne ve Pa§a Iwasi, Istanbul 1952, 508-15; A. Bejtic, Spomenici osmanlijske arhitekture u Bosni i Hercegovini, in Prilozi za orijentalnujilologyu, iii-iv [1952-3], 229-87). He seems to have had less renown as a patron of poets and painters, even if the poet BakI [q.v.] praised him in his kasides and if, according to the historian Lokman, when an album of portraits of the sultans was being prepared, he ordered the painters at the palace led by Nakkash 'Othman to study Western portraiture (N. Atasoy, Nakka§ Osmamn padi§ah portreleri album, in Tiirkiyemiz, vi [1972], 2-12). In 1578 he commissioned a portrait of Murad III from a painter of Verona in the Venetian embassy and is said to have asked for portraits of the first sultans to be sent from Venice. He also sponsored the Munshe3at ul-seldtln of Feridun Beg, admittedly, more a historical than genuinely literary work (von Hammer, vii, 19-20). Sellm II's premature death on 1 Ramadan 982/15 December 1574 threatened, as in all succession crises, the stability of the empire. Immediately informed of the death by the sultana Nur Banti [q.v.], Sokollu for a second time successfully coped with this critical situation, sending secretly to the successor, Murad III, at Manisa. On his arrival, the grateful Murad wished to kiss the Grand Vizier's hand, but was stopped by the latter (Selanikl applies to Sokollu here the tide of atabeg). Accession money was agreed for the troops; nevertheless, Sokollu had to placate part of the cavalry. Under the new reign, he continued his diplomatic and administrative policies on the same lines as in the past, notably showing disapproval, without being
able to make his views prevail, of the renewal of war with Persia in 1577, envisaging the conquest of Transcaucasia; as with the earlier Yemen expedition, Sokollu had his enemy Lala Mustafa Pasha made serddr (B. Kutukoglu, Osmanh-Iran siyasi munasebetleri, 1578-1590, Istanbul 1962, 37; M.F. Kirzioglu, Osmanlilann Kajkas ellmnifethi (1450-1590), Ankara 1976, 272, 276-9). He also favoured the first trade treaty with England in 1579 (I.H. Uzun9ar§ili, Turk-Ingiliz munasebetlerine dair vesikalar, in Belleten, no. 50; Kurat, Turk-Ingiliz miinasebetlerinin bajlangici, Ankara 1953; Susan A. Skilliter, William Harborne and the trade with Turkey, 1578-1582, London 1977). However, his power was gradually decreasing through its attrition, the disappearing of his main supports and the growing boldness of old and new enemies, these last including four favourites of the new sultan: Kara Uweys Celebi, the sultan's deflerddr at Manisa, his khoaja Shems ul-Din, his spiritual guide Shaykh Shudjac ul-Dln and the sultan's companion and poet Shemsl Ahmed Pasha. But there was equal opposition from the kadi 'l-casker Kadiza.de, the chief of the white eunuchs, of Hungarian origin, Ghadanfer, and the harem women, sc. the wdlide Nur Banu, the favourite Safiyye [q.v.] and the superintendent of the harem, kahya kadin, Djanfida, this last and Ghadanfer being old allies of Lala Mustafa Pasha. Six months after Murad's accession, Sokollu took the initiative in opening hostilities by ordering, in Shawwal 982/February 1575, an enquiry into Kara Uweys's activities at Manisa (Gokbilgin, Kara Uveys Pa§a, in Tarih Dergisi, ii [1952], 17-18), but Shemsl Pasha succeeded in rallying all the Grand Vizier's opponents, Kara Uweys was whitewashed and promoted third deflerddr, and an extensive purge of Sokollu's supporters followed. Thus Ferldun lost his place as nishdndji and was exiled to the sandj.ak of Belgrade, whilst his ketkhudd, and that of Sokollu plus the latter's kapudji basM, were all executed, as was another of Sokollu's favourites, Michael Cantacuzenus, called Sheytan-oghlu, "the devil's son", on the pretext of his exactions. On the pretext also of an explosion which had damaged the palace and arsenal at Buda, Sokollu Mustafa Pasha was executed and his property confiscated (October 1578), and replaced by Uweys himself, who now became Pasha. Sokollu's position was further weakened by the deaths of two of his old supporters, the vizier Piyale Pasha and the mufti Hamld Efendi, now replaced by his enemy Kadlzade. Finally, he came up against the sultan, who now wished to control all appointments personally, instead of delegating this task, as had done his predecessor. Despite all these bad omens, Sokollu carried on imperturbably when, on 20 Shacban/12 October 1579, a petitioner dressed as a dervish stabbed him in the heart whilst he was in his ikindi dlwdn (P. Rycaut, The Turkish history, London 1687, 670-1). The assassin, of Bosnian origin, was aggrieved at the lowering of his timdr [q.v.], but there are doubts over this. More recently, his action has been connected with the movements of the Bosnian Hamzawls who wanted to avenge their master, Shaykh Hamza Ball, executed at Istanbul in 969/ 1561-2 after \fatwd from Abu '1-Su'ud (S. Basagic, Znameniti Hwati Bo§niaci i Hercegovci in Turskoj carvini, Zagreb 1931, 48; M.T. Okie, Quelques documents inedits sur Us Hamzavites, in Trans. 20th Congress of Orientalists, Istanbul 1951), Sokollu was mourned as a martyr, and buried in the mausoleum he had built at Eyiip. He remains as the statesman who allowed Ottoman grandeur to throw out its last flashes of fire under the two unworthy successors of Suleyman the Magnificent.
SOKOLLU MEHMED PASHA — SOKOTO Bibliography: The main Ottoman sources on his life and career are the chronicles of Selanikr, Pecewf and Gelibolulu Mustafa cAlr (of this last, especially his Kiinh iil-akhbdr, whose analyses revealing the role of personal rivalries and the networks of clientage at this time are carefully rendered by C. Fleischer in his Bureaucrat and intellectual in the Ottoman empire. The historian Mustafa Ali (1541-1600), Princeton 1986), Hadjdjf Khalifa's Tuhfat ul-kibdr, and the panegyric from ca. 1570, the ^ewdhir ul-mendkib (Millet 1031) cf. cAbd ul-Rahman Sheref, Sokolli Mehmed Pashanln ewd'il-i ahwdli we 'd'ilesi hakkmda ba'di ma'lumdt— Dfewdhir 'ul-mendkib, in TOEM, xxix [1332/1914], 257-65). Amongst Western sources, as well as the travellers mentioned above, there are the Venetian relazioni (E. Alberi, Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti durante il secolo decimosesto. Serie III. Le relazioni degli stati Ottomani al Senat, i, Florence 1840, ii, 1844, iii, 1855); Gerlach's Tagebuch, 1573-1578, Frankfurt 1674; and the reports of the Imperial ambassadors; MarcoAntonio Pugafetta, Itinerario, London 1585, who was in the 1568 embassy of Vrancic and Teufenbach from Maximilian. The biographies of Sokollu include, apart from outdated ones, a study based on the Venetian documents, M. Brisch, Geschichten aus dem Leben dreier Groswesire, Gotha 1899, 3-70; and A. Refik, Sokolli, Constantinople 1924, but Von Hammer's history, with vols. vi and vii of the Fr. tr. by J.-J. Hellert covering the period in question, based on a wide span of Western and Oriental sources, remains the irreplaceable basic work, resumed by Kramers in his El1 art. and amplified for a number of points by the copious IA art. Mehmed Pa§a of M.T. Gokbilgin, considerably used in this present article. The book of R. Samardzic, Mehmed Sokolovic, Belgrade 1971, Fr. tr. M. Begic, Mehmed Sokolovitch. Le destin d'un grand vizir, Paris 1994, is the most substantial work on him at present, amplifying his biography by a use of unpublished documents from Ragusa, Venice and Vienna, but its aim is not wholly scientific, since the author envisages the educated reading public of his own land and includes some very Serbocentric explanations, moral reflections and pyschological extrapolations, and sometimes trips up over Ottoman realities (see the review by Veinstein, in Turcica, xxvii [1995], 304-10). (G. VEINSTEIN) SOKOTO (Sakkwato in Hausa; Sakata in Arabic), a city in north-western Nigeria. It was established first as a camp in 1223/1808, then the following autumn as a ribdt, by Muhammad Bello [q.v.], the son of the Shaykh cUthman b. Fudf [q.v.], in the fourth and final year of their djihad against Gobir. In 1230/1815, the Shaykh, now ill, moved to Sokoto from Sifawa. On his death in 1232/1817 and with the election of Muhammad Bello as Amir al-Mu'mimn, the city became the headquarters of the "Sokoto Caliphate". The Shaykh was buried in the garden of his house in Sokoto and his tomb became a place of pilgrimage (ziydra); at the instigation of his daughter Asrna', it became a focal point for organising pious women, who became known as 3yan taru. Although the city remained the most important town in the area, Wurno, 20 miles to the northeast, was also used by several caliphs as a ribdt and capital instead of Sokoto; it is where Muhammad Bello is buried. The city of Sokoto stands high on a bluff overlooking the Sokoto river at its confluence with the Rima river. Nearby are springs, the discovery of which was one of the kardmdt of the Shaykh. The city
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was mud-walled, with eight gates (like Paradise, people said); the walls were extended ca. 1230/1815 towards the west so as to accommodate the Shaykh and his companions. The core of the city originally centred on Muhammad Bello's house closing the eastern end of a wide ceremonial avenue; the palace therefore faced west in the traditional manner with, at the rear, an eastern doorway for slaves. The open space in front of the palace had the mosque on the south side and, further away to the north, the market place (and place of execution); Muhammad Bello's officials—the vizier and the magajin gad—had their houses on his right (north), while the two others, the galadima and the magajin rafi, were on his left. The Shaykh had his own mosque beside his house in the new quarter on the west side of the town. "Sokoto Caliphate" is the term used since ca. 1965 to denote the state set up by Shaykh 'Uthrnan following the successful djihdd of 1218-23/1804-8 which overthrew both Muslim rulers (who were accused of condoning non-Islamic practices) and some non-Muslim chiefs. The state was made up of a series of emirates, often separated by forested no-man's-land; it would have taken a 19th-century traveller four months to traverse the state west to east, and two months from north to south. It was the largest autonomous state in 19th-century sub-Saharan Africa and (by the second half of the century) home to a sophisticated commercial network that traded throughout western and northern Africa. In 1227/1812 the state, already large, was divided into four quadrants, the north and east coming under Muhammad Bello, the west and south under the Shaykh's brother cAbd Allah; under them, the Ubandoma and the army commander 'All Jedo governed the northern segment, and Abubakar and Bukhari (both sons of the Shaykh) the southern segment. cAbd Allah b. Fudr and his descendants ruled their half of the state from the small city of Gwandu, some 60 miles southwest of Sokoto. The hinterlands of the two capitals abutted on each other, together forming the spiritual core of a far-flung Muslim community. The city of Sokoto was surrounded by a closely settled hinterland only about 25 miles wide and 40 miles long; the whole territory was defended against raids by a line of ribdts and frontier towns (thaghr). No taxes apart from zakat were paid by residents of this hinterland; the population was supported by farmwork and herding carried out by slaves and by taxes sent in twice a year by the emirates. The area never specialised (as did the emirates of Kano or Zaria) in trade or craft production, nor was it noted for its military strength and captives for export (as was Adamawa). It was only after ca. 1850 that the Amir al-Mu'minin had a small standing army of his own. Instead, the area was famous for its scholarship and poetry; over three hundred books were written by the leaders of the ajihdd, while other 'ulamd* focused on the practice of Sufism. The Kadiriyya was the official tanka; the Tidjaniyya was introduced by alHadjdj cUmar al-Futl when he was in Sokoto (ca. 1246-54/1830-8), but only after ca. 1261/1845 did it win public acceptance in emirates outside Sokoto. Expectation that the end of the world was imminent, and that the Mahdl was soon to appear, was widespread throughout the hundred years of the caliphate's history; in the political and intellectual turbulence of the decade 1261-71/1845-55 many tried to migrate eastwards in anticipation; many more left at the end of the century as European imperialism put pressure on Muslim states, with the result that over a million
SOKOTO — SOLAK-ZADE
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The administrative division into quadrants of the Sokoto Caliphate. (The division was made at Sifawa in 1812; the emirates shown were mostly founded after 1812.) of their descendants ("Fellata") are today in the Sudan, many of them originally from the Sokoto area. On 15 March 1903, Lt.-Col. Thomas Morland led a force of some 700 Hausa soldiers to open ground outside the southern walls of Sokoto and there defeated the army of the Amir al-Mu3mimn Muhammad al-Tahir. The British colonial Commissioner, Frederick Lugard, then proclaimed British sovereignty over Sokoto and its emirates and appointed another Muhammad alTahir as the new "Sultan". Sokoto became just a provincial capital within colonial Nigeria, rather isolated with neither railway nor tarred road. In 1956, with the attainment of self-rule, and in 1960 with full independence, the Sardauna of Sokoto became Premier of the Northern Region of Nigeria. Under him, the notion of a modern "Sokoto Caliphate" was born; through it he and his party sought to foster both a sense of unity and the ideals of good government, based on a common Islamic morality yet tolerant and forward-looking. With his assassination on 15 January 1966, the dream of a revived "Sokoto Caliphate" faded, but under its long-serving Sultan Abubakar (1938-88), Sokoto remained a source of political and spiritual leadership out of all proportion to its economic role in the Nigerian state. Bibliography: Djunayd b. Muhammad alBukhan, Dabt al-multakatdt and Bughyat al-rdghibm bizjyadat is'df al-zd3irin, Sokoto 1961; D. Murray Last, The Sokoto Caliphate, London 1967; Jean Boyd, The Caliph's sister, London 1989. (D.M. LAST) SOKOTRA, SOKOTRI [see SUKUTRA]. SOLAK, the name of part of the sultan's bodyguard in the old Ottoman military organisation. It comprised four infantry companies or ortas of the Janissaries [see YENI CERI], and these were origi-
nally archers (solak "left-handed", presumably because they carried their bows in the left hand); they comprised ortas 60-63. Each orta had 100 men and was commanded by a solak bash!, assisted by two lieutenants (rikdb solaghi). The solaks were used exclusively as bodyguards, together with the smaller (150 men) od^ak of the peyk& ("messengers") under the peyk bashiFor their ceremonial role, the solak,?, and peyks, had splendid uniforms, including a special cap (uskuf] with a long plume on top. Bibliography. d'Ohsson, Tableau de I'empire othoman, Paris 1820, iii, 90, 291; von Hammer, Des Osmanischen Reiches Staatsverfassung und Staatsverwaltung, Vienna 1815, ii, 50, 210; Ricaut, Histoire de I'etat de I'Empire Ottoman, Paris 1670, 345; Ahmed Djewad, Ta3nkh-i caskar-i (othmdni, Istanbul 1897; A.H. Lybyer, The government of the Ottoman empire in the time of Suleiman the Magnificent, Cambridge, Mass. 1913, 129; I.H. Uzuncar§ili, Osmanh devleti te§kildtinda kapukulu ocaklan, Ankara 1943-4, i, 221-6; Pakahn, iii, 254-6; Gibb and Bowen, i, 87, 153, 314, 321; IA, art. Solak (M. Tayyib Gokbilgin). (J.H. KRAMERS) SOLAK-ZADE, Mehmed Hemdeml (?-1068/1658), Ottoman historian and musical composer. Very little is known about the life and career of Solak-za.de. Described as "old" at the time of his death, he was perhaps born sometime around the year 1000/1592. He died in Istanbul in 1068/1658. His father may have been a retired solak-basht, whose connections gave his son an early entree into the Ottoman imperial household, with which he remained closely associated. The makjilas Hemdemf reflected his status as "constant companion" to Murad IV (162340) during at least the latter part of that sultan's reign (Ewliya Celebi, Seydhat-ndme, Istanbul 1314/1896-7, i,
SOLAK-ZADE — SOMALI 509). According to Ewliya Celebi, Solak-zade was a talented musician and an expert player on the mlskdl (pan pipes). Fourteen of his compositions are documented (M.K. Ozergin, IA art. Solak-zade, Mehmed Hemdemi felebt, at x, 750). He is known principally for his history of the Ottoman dynasty, untitled, known simply as Ta'nkh-i SolakZdde (1st ed., to reign of Bayezid I only, Istanbul 1271/1854; 2nd complete ed., Istanbul 1299/1881). Written in a fluent, but generally unrhetorical prose style, the History is a compilation acknowledging a range of earlier Ottoman sources but thought to depend mainly upon the Tdaj al-tewdnkh of Khodja Sacd al-Dih [q.v] (up to the reign of Selim I) and then upon the chronicle of Hasan Beg-zade [q.v.], up to ca. 1623. The second eclition includes only 32 pages (out of 773) on the reign of Murad IV, and concludes with events in the year 1053/1643. Solak-zade gives little personal information or opinions in his work, except in the introduction where he acknowledges an obviously influential patron, the khdss oda-bashi Hasan Agha, who encouraged him to compile the work for presentation to Mehemmed IV (Tdrikh, 2-3). The second edition includes as preface a kasida of 92 couplets entitled Fihrist-i shdhdn ("Index of sultans"), a brief listing of the names and dates of the Ottoman sultans to Mehemmed IV (1648-87) with their principal attributes and achievements. As a separate work, the Fihrist was extended by other writers. Bibliography. Djemal al-Dm, Ayine-yi ^ureja3, Istanbul 1314/1896, 35-6; GOW, 203-4; I A, art. Solak-zjdde, Mehmed Hemdemi, incl. further bibl. (CHRISTINE WOODHEAD) SOLOMON [see SULAYMAN B. DAWUD]. SOMALI, the name of a people of the Horn of Africa, and SOMALIA, SOMALILAND, the geographical region there which they substantially inhabit. 1. Ethnography 2. Geography 3. History (a) To 1880 (b) 1880-1960 (c) After 1960 4. The role of Islam in Somali society 5. Language 6. Literature 1. Ethnography The Somali people may be divided into two major socio-economic groups: nomadic pastoralists and sedentary agriculturalists; in addition to these are people who live and work in the towns. The sedentary agriculturalists live primarily along and between the two main rivers the Shabeelle and the Jubba whilst the nomadic pastoralists live in the surrounding areas, namely the northern, western and south-western regions. The pastoralists rear camels, sheep and goats and some raise cattle in certain suitable areas. Horses were also traditionally raised in certain areas, although with the advent of motorised transport their use is now more limited. The camel, sheep and goats constitute the mainstay of the pastoralist economy, being well suited to the semi-desert environment (particularly the camel) of much of the Somali territories, and the animals provide milk, meat and skins to their owners. The camel has also traditionally been the major unit of wealth to the pastoralists, a fact which is reflected often in poetry, in which a man who has no camels is regarded as having little wealth. Among
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the pastoralists, there is a division of labour for domestic duties with the men being responsible for the camels and the women and young children responsible for the sheep and goats and other domestic duties. The sedentary agriculturalists grow a variety of crops, particularly sorghum and maize but also sesame, beans, cotton and sugar cane, as well as fruits such as bananas and mangoes. This difference in socio-economic activity is reflected in the way in which people identify themselves within the society. The whole of the Somali nation is divided into a number of clan groups, with the major division between the agriculturalist clan confederacies, the Digil and Rahanweyn, and the pastoralist clan groups, the Dir, Isaaq, Hawiye and Daarood. These major clan groups are divided into clans and subclans, etc., and all individuals know their place in this lineage system, being able to recite the line of their ancestors back to eponymous clan founders. People of the Dir clans live predominantly in the north-western regions of the Somali territories. The Isaaq people live in the central northern regions and the Hawiye live in the area around Makdishu [q.v.] and to the north east of that city as well as further south. The Daarood clans live in the north-eastern areas, in the western part of the territories and in the southern parts. The Digil and Rahanweyn clan groups live along and between the Shabeelle and Jubba rivers, the Rahanweyn to the north of the Digil. This picture is, of course, simplistic and, due to various movements of groups of people at different times in history, there are now pockets of clan groups in areas other than those just outlined, for example, the Biimaal, a Dir clan, live in a region along the coast south of Makdishu. In the towns and cities, increasing urbanisation means there is a mixture of people from different clans although the clan groups of the surrounding area of any town still predominate. In addition to these major lineages there are people belonging to other groups, including those who are regarded as of a lower status and who traditionally undertook occupations deemed degrading by the nomadic pastoralists such as hunting wild animals, leatherwork and ironwork. These include the Yibro (sg. Yibir), Tumaal and Midgo (sg. Midgaan), who in recent times seem to have become more a part of the wider Somali society. Other groups of people include those who are members of the minority language-speaking populations such as the Mushungulu and Oromo speakers (see 5. below). Of the many sub-clans of the main Somali clans some are specifically religious lineages, each male member of which is regarded, nominally, as a wadaad (see 4. below), the term sheekhaash or sheekhaal is sometimes used to denote these clans. A number of the Somali clan groups trace descent to noble Arabian ancestors, some suggesting close connection to the family of the Prophet himself. Historians regard these connections as more legendary than real, although this is not to dispute the fact that there has long been contact between the people of the Somali areas and Arabia. Among the nomadic pastoralists one of the most important lineage levels is that of the ^a-paying group (Ar. diya [q.v] "blood money, wergild"), such a payment-being known in Somali as mag and paid, traditionally in livestock, when a member of another diya-paying group is injured or killed. It is the responsibility of the whole diya-paying group to pay the compensation on behalf of one of its members. This system of compensation is defined between different lineages in the oral system of Somali customary law, xeer,
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SOMALI
(Ar. transcription, her), through which other contractual and "legal" aspects of life are also encoded. Marriage tended in the past to be outside the dfzya-paying group among the pastoralist nomads, and was used on occasions as the basis for establishing political ties between clans and/or sub-clans. In the southern agricultural communities, given that the Digil and Rahanweyn social groups are more confederacies than lineage structures and that the clan units are based less on lineage membership but more on common agricultural land, it is these territory-based groups of people which form the equivalent of diya-paying groups in these areas. This is connected with the way in which people may become adopted clients of these clans, which hold certain areas of land, part of which the incoming person is then able to farm. In the past, in addition to Somalis, these incomers have included people who are of a different ethno-linguistic background to the Somalis, such as people of Bantu language-speaking or Oromo-speaking origin. Over the course of time, these adopted clients become more or less assimilated into the clan, and marriage has always tended to be within these groups. In general, marriage among the Somalis as a whole is polygamous, with a man being able to marry a maximum of four wives according to Islamic practice. Marriage is contracted before a sheekh or wadaad and involves the giving of wealth on both sides. The groom's family gives the bride wealth, some of which may be returned as part of the dowry which, amongst the pastoralist nomads, normally consists of domestic items and burden camels to carry them as well as some livestock. Among the agriculturalists the house is normally provided by the husband's family. The central part of the whole marriage ceremony is the meher (Ar. mahr
[?•"•])•. Bibliography,
E. Cerulli, Somalia. Scritti van editi ed inediti, Hi, Rome 1964, 45-113; I.M. Lewis, A pastoral democracy, London 1961 (a standard text); V. Luling, The other Somali minority groups in traditional Somali society, in T. Labahn (ed.), Procs. of the Second International Congress of Somali Studies, iv, Hamburg 1984, 39-55; Lewis, Blood and bone. The call of kinship in Somali Society, Lawrenceville, NJ. 1994; idem, The peoples of the Horn of Africa (new edition), London 1994; Ibrahim Ali, Origin and history of the Somali people, i, Cardiff 1993; B. Helander, Gender and gender characteristics as a folk model in Southern Somali social classification and symbolism, Uppsala 1987; idem, The slaughtered camel. Coping with fictitious descent among the Hubeer of Southern Somalia, Stockholm 1994; Ahmed Yusuf Farah, The milk of the Boswellia forests. Frankincense production among the Pastoral Somali, Uppsala 1994; M. Mohamed-Abdi, Anthropologie somalienne, Besangon 1993; Ali Moussa lye, Le verdict de I'arbre, Dubai n.d. (M. ORWIN) 2. Geography The Somali people live in a large area of the eastern Horn of Africa which includes the countries of Somalia, including the self-declared Republic of Somaliland (unilaterally declared an independent republic in 1991), eastern Ethiopia, the south-eastern part of the Republic of Djibouti [see DJIBUTI] and eastern and north-eastern Kenya. Turning first to the geography of the northern regions, the coastal strip is a hot, dry region know as guban "burnt" in Somali, a reference to its great heat in the xagaa season. Just inland from this is a range of hills and uplands known as oogo and golis rising to some 9,000 feet in the west (near Harar [q.v.]) and 8,000 feet in the east. These hills are the continuation of the eastern branch of the
rift valley hills which follow on from the Somali territories to the Ghercher Hills of Ethiopia and the southern Ethiopian highlands of Arussi and Bale, from which descend the two major rivers of southern Somalia. Although of little use agriculturally, these hills are the main habitat of the incense trees and this area has been involved in that trade for many centuries. Inland from the oogo begins the plateau area, which is known as the hawd by the northern Somalis and is a vast area of scrub land which forms an important grazing area for camels. South of the hawd, the land gradually lowers towards the south-east to the coast of the Indian Ocean and is watered by the two main rivers the Shabeelle (literally "with leopards") and the Jubba. The Shabeelle is the more northerly river, rising in the northern half of the Arussi mountains and, after a brief northerly flow continues south-east to the town of Balead (Balcad) some twenty miles from the coast. Here it turns to the south-west and flows parallel to the coast before sinking in marshes near the town of Jilib and near the lowest reaches of the Jubba, which it may join if the water flow is great enough [see further, SHEBELLE] . The Jubba itself rises in the southern edge of the Bale Highlands and flows south east to the town of Luuq (Luk), where it turns in a southerly direction straight to the Indian Ocean. Both of these rivers have a constant flow of water dependent almost entirely on the rain from the highlands, there being fewer and drier tributaries further downstream from the highlands. High floods take place twice each year according to the light and heavy rainy seasons in southern Ethiopia. This is favourable to the agriculturalists because Ethiopian heavy rains fall during the jiilaal season (mid-June to midSeptember), which is the driest season further downriver in the Somali territories, so the high flood and sometimes the overflowing of the rivers can be utilised for growth of crops during this season. This southern region inland from the eastern Indian Ocean coast is divided into four zones, which are found in the following order from the coast of the Indian Ocean to the interior: firstly the movable sandbanks (Somali: bacad (bafad)) on the shore; then the hills or short plains of white and hardly consolidated sand (Somali: carro cad (farro cad) "white land"); next, the flinty red sand scrubland, vegetated in the most part by acacia trees (Somali: carro guduud (farro gudud) "red land"); then the alluvial ground along the rivers, known in Somali as carro madow (carro madow) "black land", which is comparatively rich and fertile, hence the use of this land for agriculture. There are four main seasons in the Somali territories, given here with their approximate month equivalents: jiilaal (djjldl) (December to March), gu' (April to June), xagaa (hagd) (July to August) and dayr (September to November). The weather during these seasons varies according to the area, jiilaal is the hottest season over most of the area, apart from the northern regions where the xagaa season is the hottest. Thus for most regions jiilaal is the toughest season for people to live through with no rain and the wind coming predominantly from the north-east (the north-east monsoon). The following season of gu' is the most attractive of the seasons, with rain falling in all areas providing pasture for the livestock and ripening crops for the agriculturalists. Given gu3 as the "season of plenty", it is important socially as being the season when people tend to come together and when dances and celebrations take place. Among the pastoralists, young people, in particular, come together after having been separated, the young men returning with
SOMALI the camels which have been taken to jiilaal grazing lands. The xagaa season, the first of the south-west monsoon cycle, is characterised by dry cool weather over most of the areas except in the northern regions, where it is very hot, especially in the north-west where the temperature may rise above 50° C. on the guban coast. During the dayr season there is also rainfall, which in the northern regions tends to be light. Bibliography: I.M. Lewis, A pastoral democracy', London 1961 31-55; idem, Peoples of the Horn of Africa, London 1969, 56-66, M.P.O. Baumann et alii. (eds.), Pastoral production in Central Somalia, Eschborn, Germany 1993 (a recent survey of land use by livestock). Work has been written on specific aspects of the geography of Somalia which is scattered in various books and journals, for example, see articles in T. Labahn (ed.) Procs. of the Second International Congress of Somali Studies, iv, Hamburg 1984, 325-41, 343-61, 363-8; for further information the reader is advised to consult the relevant sections in one of the bibliographies on Somali studies, e.g. F. Carboni (ed.), Bibliografia somala =, Studi somali 4, Rome 1983, or M.K. Salad (compiler), Somalia. A bibliographical survey, Westport, Conn. 1977. (E. CERULLI-[M. ORWIN]) 3. History (a) To 1880 Somali legends may have Islamicised the history of the people by tracing their origin from cAkrl b. Abl Talib [q.v], a cousin of the Prophet. Prescinding from the question whether Hamitic populations may have come into Africa from Asia, there is no doubt that the present Somali peoples occupied their present territory by various groups following and pushing on one another, with the African coast of the Gulf of Aden as the primary dispersal area. These groups, related to other groups in Ethiopia, later developed into what are denominated tribes. The dates of these movements are not known, and they are not likely to be, for they are the movements of cattle herdsmen. They did not enter an empty land, but pushed Bantu groups southward. Of these some pockets survive, and especially in the Bajun Islands. They cannot be antecedent to the general Bantu dispersal, which was not completed before A.D. 500. Subsequent groups have continued to push southwards, and even in the 1990s have caused friction between Ethiopia and Kenya. The first literary reference to the coastal area is an observation of the sun in low altitudes mentioned by Agatharchides of Cnidus in the 2nd century B.C., but commercial contact with the Somali coast would have developed long before. In the ancient world religious rituals have employed frankincense and myrrh at least from the 3rd millennium B.C. In Somalia two species of frankincense and the greater number of species of myrrh are indigenous. The Hadramawt area in which they grow in southern Yemen is small (cf. map in L. Casson). Recently, S.CJ. Munro-Hay has reported frankincense trees near Aksum, in Ethiopia. Since these commodities grow nowhere else in the world, Somalia has long had a permanent place in world trade, from ancient times until the present. Neither the Ethiopians nor the Bajun Islanders among the Somalis are seamen, but never more than fishermen. They have consistently relied on Arab middlemen and transporters. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, mentions, ca. A.D. 50, a number of towns on the Somali coast which are identifiable: Avalites (probably not Zayla', but Assab); Malao (Berbera); Mundu (Heis); Mosyllon (possibly Bandar Kassim); Akannai
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(possibly Alula). In A.D. 79 Pliny likewise recorded the "spice port and promontory... Barbaroi": it was Cape Guardafui, beyond which frankincense no longer grows. Archaeologically these places are unexplored, but H.N. Chittick's British-Somali Expedition of 1967, which was aborted by local misunderstanding, succeeded in identifying Roman pottery from Tunisia. J.S. Trimingham has analysed the Arab geographers and travellers from al-Khwarazmi (232/847) onwards. Their interest lies rather in the Bildd al-^anaj and the sea route to Kanbalu (Pemba) and the gold land of Sofala [q.v.]. Thus they say little of the Bildd al-Barbara or al-Bardbira, the name for the northern and eastern coasts of Somalia. They depict a trading system based on ivory, gold and slaves, in that order; they ignore the trade in frankincense and myrrh in the same way that further south they ignore the trade in mangrove-wood from the coasts of Kenya and Tanzania, age-long in providing roofing timbers in southern Arabia and the Gulf. A Chinese scholar, Tuam Ch'eng-Shih (d. 863) knows the Somali coast as Po-pa-li: it produces only ivory and ambergris. Much later Chao Ju-Kuan, trade commissioner on Ch'iian-chu-fu [Zaytun; see AL-S!N. 3] in Fukien province, speaks of Pi-pa-lo as having four departmental cities. He seems to have spoken from personal contact with traders, but also to have relied on a work by Chu Ch'ii-fei dated 1178. Says Chao, "they serve heaven and do not serve the Buddha", which J.J.L. Duyvendak interpreted to mean that the coastal folk were Muslims. (We do not know when Islam first penetrated to the Somali coast, but it was already present on the adjacent Kenya coast by the 8th century, at least in small pockets.) These people produce camels and sheep, dragon's saliva (a reference to the dragon's blood tree of Socotra rather than to ambergris?), elephant and rhinoceros ivory, much putchuk, liquid storax gum, myrrh and tortoiseshell. Chao knew also of ostriches, giraffe and zebra. Contemporary import records also include strings of pearls, aromatics and "incense." There is no evidence that the Chinese visited Africa before the voyages of Ch'eng-Ho in the 15th century. Nevertheless, Duyvendak quoted Chu Ch'ii-fei in regard to Chung-li, which he identified as Berbera. The people of Chung-li, he says, go barefoot and bareheaded. Only ministers and the royal courtiers wear jackets and turbans as a mark of distinction—presumably conforming to Islamic custom. Among other commodities, he knows of the production of incense. Direct contact began only after 1431 with ChengHo's voyages in the Indian Ocean, with a view, it seems, to promoting Ming trade. The fleet sailed down the African coast as far as Malindi and Mombasa. It visited Makdishu [q.v.] and a place which Duyvendak said was the "Arabic Habash, Abyssinia" called Hapu-ni. From its position on the Chinese map, it is followed by a clear reference to Socotra and then to Aden: could it not be Ras Hafun? Duyvendak also recorded the arrival in China of a giraffe from Bengal in 1414. The animal is not found in Bengal or Inctia. He remarks that the Chinese name for it, k'i-lin, is the way that a Chinese would pronounce the Somali name for it, girin. In 1934 A.T. Curie visited the ruins of twenty-one ruined towns and settlements in northern Somalia, making notes of surface finds which subsequently were identified in the British Museum. Finds near Zaylac on Sa'd al-Dm Island led him to believe that the site had been occupied for 2,000 years. It had for long been the principal port for Ethiopian exports, until
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the French built the railway from Djibuti to Addis Ababa, thus diverting trade. Inland, a group of thirteen towns and settlements on the Ethiopian-Somali border disclosed groups of 20 to 200 houses and the remains of mosques. The settlements were all situated from 5,000 to 6,000 feet above sea level. Another group centred round Eil Humo and Eik, 120 miles inland south of Berbera. A fourth group was in Ethiopia. The houses were stone-built, and the mosques elaborately planned at all the sites. The cemeteries however, contained no tombs or inscriptions. There were sherds of Sung and Ming celadon from the 12th to 15th centuries, and blue-and-white Chinese wares of the 16th and 17th centuries. There were also some sherds believed to have an Egyptian connection. Finds of local currency in billon and copper have already been reported [see MAKDISHU]. In the northern area no local currency has been reported. Two pieces of Kayit Bay of Egypt (872-901/1468-96) have been recorded from Derbi Adad. There have been numerous reports of coins from Eik, but the only pieces recorded are two gold dinars of the Ottoman Sellm II (974-82/1566-74). A small number of Chinese cash have been reported from the eastern coast, but not in the profusion found in Zanzibar. Inscriptions on tombs and in mosques have been catalogued for the eastern coast by the writer and B.G. Martin [see MAKDISHU]. Two refer to individuals with a Persian lakab, no strong argument, however, for a Persian connection. Curie's survey has been supplemented by an all too brief survey of southern Somalia by H.N. Chittick and another by H. Sanseverino, and of related sites at different times by T.H. Wilson on the Kenya border and related sites in Kenya by M.C. Horton, as well as in Pemba, Tumbatu and Zanzibar. The surveys in southern Somalia were necessarily very cursory, having regard to local conditions. For Chittick nothing is acceptable earlier than the 14th century. This view is highly questionable, because T.H. Wilson and, independently M.C. Horton, have identified finds of Sasanid-Islamic pottery at no less than twenty-six Kenya sites, at which the surface characteristics are similar to those of Somalia. It would be surpassing strange if the Somali sites will not prove to belong to a common trade pattern with neighbouring Kenya, common over several millennia. Inland, for many centuries, as Curie noted, trade in the towns had been in the hands of Arab and Indian merchants. The Somalis were content to conduct camel transport, the brokerage of stock brought to market, and petty trading. In the interior from the early 15th century up to colonial times the history has been of intermittent conflict between Ethiopia and Somali tribesmen. Until 1950 the latter never coalesced to form a unitary state: thus their history is scattered about in articles in this encyclopaedia s.v. Adal, BalT, Berbera, the Dankali tribe, Dawaro, Makdishu and Shungwaya. In 1402 the Ethiopians took Zaylac after a siege, but did not occupy it for long. Throughout the 15th century there was a constant series of raids and wars, Christian Ethiopia on one side, Muslim Harar [q.v.] and Zaylac on the other. It was in the intervals of peace that the towns described by Curie would appear to have flourished. In 1503 Ludivico di Varthema visited Zaylac "in Ethiopia" (sic). He described its commerce in glowing terms, with gold, iron and black slaves sold at low prices, for markets in Arabia, Persia, Cairo and Mecca. Early in his reign, the Negus Lebna Dengel (1508-40) sent merchants into Somali country, trading in gold, musk
and slaves, and selling them in Aden. In 1516 the Portuguese burnt Zayla', shortly followed by the Ottoman Turks, who established a customs house and a small fleet. In 1527 Lebna Dengel invaded Adal. It provided a casus belli for Ahmad Gran [q.v.], who laid Ethiopia waste in 1544. A full account is given by Shihab al-Dm Ahmad b.
(E. CERULLI-[G.S.P. FREEMAN-GRENVILLE]) (b) 1880-1960 The 1880s saw the establishment of British, French and Italian protectorates in various parts of the Somali territories as well as the expansion of the Ethiopian empire into Somali territory under the Emperor Menelik II (1889-1913). The British, who had had an interest in the northern regions of the Somali territories for some time as an area supplying food for their port at Aden, established the Somaliland Protectorate in 1887. This followed the departure in 1884 of Egypt from parts of the northern Somali coast and was also motivated by the British desire to stem French expansion in the region. In the same year, Leonce Lagarde had been appointed governor of Obock, on the northern coast of the Gulf of Tadjourah, and French Somaliland was declared a protectorate (this region was inhabited by cAfar people [see DANKALI] in the north and west as well as Somalis in the southeast). Disagreement with the British regarding the border between the two protectorates led to an AngloFrench agreement in 1888 defining the boundary, and
SOMALI in 1892 Djibouti [see DJIBUTI] became the capital of French Somaliland. In 1889 Italy acquired Somali areas on the north-east and south-east coast, including Makdishu, and in 1892 the Sultan of Zanzibar ceded some important ports to the Italians for 25 years. In 1889 Italy, whose interests were now wider than just the southern ports and their hinterlands signed the treaty of Ucciali (Wac'ale in Amharic) with Ethiopia which, following the taking of Harar [q.v.] in 1887, had moved into the Somali territories to the east and south-east of that town. The Amharic and Italian interpretations of this treaty differed, the Italians seeing Ethiopia as essentially an Italian protectorate whereas to the Ethiopians, communicating with other countries through Italy was optional. It was in this light that Italy entered into negotiations with the British, signing a protocol in 1894 that defined British and Italian spheres of interest. Following the Battie of Adwa (Adowa) in 1896, however, at which the Italians were defeated by the Ethiopians, the British began to talk directly with Menelik II, signing a treaty with him in 1897 which allowed Somali pastoralists to use grazing land on either side of the border between the British Protectorate and Ethiopia. Thus it was that by the end of the 19th century the boundaries in the Somali territories were essentially set and the Somali people were divided between the British, French, Italian and Ethiopian spheres of influence. This division, in fact, split not only the Somali people as a whole but individual clans, for example, in the north-west the Ciise (clse) clan inhabited parts of British Somaliland, French Somaliland and Ethiopia, and are still divided by the boundaries between the corresponding modern states of today. Although a number of treaties had been signed with various Somali clans by the European powers, there was little Somali influence in the developments which had taken place. This was to change during the next 20 years with the rise of Sayyid Muhammad c Abd Allah Hassan [q.v.] and his Dervish movement. This movement rose against the British, Ethiopians and Italians, and it was only in 1920 that it concluded, with the expulsion of the Sayyid and his remaining followers to Ethiopia and the subsequent death of the Sayyid (see MUHAMMAD CABD ALLAH HASSAN for further details of this campaign). Given the fact that missionary activity was one of the factors which led the Sayyid to start the campaign, the British authorities prohibited all such activity in British Somaliland, a regulation which was strictly adhered to. French Somaliland was little affected by the campaign, however, and in 1917 the rail link between Addis Ababa and Djibouti was completed, gradually eclipsing the importance of Zaylac (Zaylac [q.v.]) as a port. This helped the development of the town of Djibouti as a cosmopolitan centre, whose main sources of income were the duties and earnings from trade via the railway and through the port; apart from livestock, salt was the only natural resource available in the territory and was exported primarily to Ethiopia. Following the opening of the railway, a road was built in British Somaliland from Berbera [q.v] to Hargeisa [q.v] and on to the Ethiopian border to help trade through the port of Berbera. In 1921 the British introduced direct taxation on livestock, which met with much resistance and resulted in the death of the Burco (Burco) district commissioner in a riot following which the tax was revoked. The governor from 1925 to 1931, Harold Kittermaster, however, tried to provide some development assistance to the nomadic population as well as to farmers, who over the previous few
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years in the west of British Somaliland, had developed plough cultivation, particularly of sorghum, under the influence of Sufi brotherhood agricultural communities and other farming communities in neighbouring areas of Ethiopia. Later, in the 1920s a serious drought led to some further development in the area of water resources. The British, however, were unsure of what to do with Somaliland, and after ruling out a number of other possibilities decided to retrench. In Italian Somalia, on the other hand, one of the main factors was the advent in Italy of a Fascist government under Mussolini in 1922. The first Fascist governor, Cesare de Vecchi, subsequently intended to bring the whole Italian region under direct rule (some of the inland and northern parts, such as the Sultanate of Hobyo, were virtually independent despite nominal Italian rule) and, despite Somali resistance, the territory was brought together and divided into seven provinces. The Italians set up many agricultural projects producing sugar, bananas and cotton, for which forced recruitment of labour was common and, in addition, embarked on road building. The later 1930s were marked in the whole region by Italy's ambitions to create an East African Empire which was to include Ethiopia. A gradual encroachment was made into the Ethiopian-ruled Somali territories, and by 1934 plans had been instituted for the Empire. The catalyst for the opening of the real advance of Italy was the Walwal incident of 1934. This incident occurred when the Ethiopian-British boundary commission was to inspect grazing facilities for British-protected Somali clans over the border from British Somaliland in Ethiopia. The Ethiopian escort arrived at Walwal ahead of the commission to clash with Italian-led troops. This clash became the pretext for the invasion of Ethiopia by Italy. In the Ethiopian Somali territories, the invasion was led from Italian Somalia by General Graziani and, despite Ethiopian resistance, the invasion of that country was virtually complete by 1936 with the taking of Addis Ababa. Italian Somalia now included the Somali territories which had been part of Ethiopia, and so all these Somali territories were administered as a whole by Italy. During the time of the Italian East African Empire, the Somalis were subjected to Fascist discriminatory laws and had no power in the government of the region; in addition, trade was controlled by the Italian authorities. Increased urbanisation was another feature of this period, which in turn led to a political consciousness of a modern nationalist tenor which was suppressed by the Italian authorities. At the same time, nationalist feeling was developing in British Somaliland where various political organisations were set up. With the beginning of the Second World War, the Italians further expanded their empire with the capture of British Somaliland in 1940, if only for a brief seven months, after which it was retaken by the allies whose assault started from Kenya in the south in January 1941 and was supplemented by an expedition from Aden in the March. French Somaliland, whose governor supported the Vichy regime, continued to pose a threat to the British, but following capitulation of the regime, which now declared for Free France, a short-term agreement was signed. After the restoration of Emperor Haile Sellasie in Ethiopia in 1941, there followed negotiations on how to deal with the ex-Italian colonies. In 1942 the British Military Administration of the region came to an agreement recognising Ethiopian independence which was revised in 1944, although even after this second
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agreement Britain still administered the Somali-inhabited regions of Ethiopia. Following the redevelopment of agriculture and trade, one of the important moves during this time of British administration was the furtherance of political organisations which had been suppressed under the Fascist regime. These included Italian and, increasingly, Somali organisations, one of the most important of which was the Somali Youth Club, founded in May 1943, which developed rapidly and changed its name to the Somali Youth League (SYL) in 1947, when it had branches in all the Britishadministered Somali territories. Another important political organisation was the Hizbia Digil-Mirifle Somali (HDMS), formed in 1947 out of the Patriotic Benefit Union, with its power base among the sedentary agricultural population of the central regions. In January 1948 the Four Power Commission dealing with the ex-Italian colonies, made up of the United Kingdom, the United States, the Soviet Union and France, arrived in Makdishu and discussed the situation with the various interested parties, including the SYL, the HDMS as well as the Italian societies. The four powers, however, failed to agree among themselves, handing the final decision of what to do to the General Assembly of the United Nations, who, in November 1949, placed what had been Italian Somalia prior to the invasion of Ethiopia under United Nations trusteeship for ten years, to be administered during that time by Italy, following which the country would gain independence. It was in 1948 also that most of the Ogaadeen (Ogaden [q.v.]) area (leaving aside the northern and north-eastern region known as the Haud and the Reserved Area) was handed back to Ethiopia, despite strong resistance on the part of the majority of the Somali inhabitants and the reluctance of the British, who had supported a plan proposed by the British Foreign Minister, Ernest Bevin, for the creation of a Trusteeship of the Union of Somali territories. It was later in 1954 that the Haud and the Reserved Area came under Ethiopian rule, and it was this move in particular which sparked a greater political consciousness in the British Protectorate and also led to the organisation of another political party, the National United Front (NUF). In 1960 the NUF, along with the SYL, the Somali National League (SNL) and the new United Somali Party (USP) contested an election and later that year, on 26 June, the Protectorate became fully independent. In Italianadministered Somalia, given the ten-year term of the Trusteeship, moves were more quickly made towards eventual independence, including a general election to a legislative assembly in 1956 in which the SYL won most of the votes, with the HDMS finding itself as the main opposition. Somalia became an independent state five days after British Somaliland, and six days following that, on 7 July 1960, the two newly-independent states united after having undertaken negotiations towards this end for some time. During the early 1960s, the matter of the other Somali-inhabited territory, the eastern part of the Northern Frontier District of Kenya, was a major concern to the newlyindependent state of Somalia. In French Somaliland, following an election in 1958, the country remained an overseas territory of France, finally gaining full independence in 1977. Bibliography: R.E. Drake-Brockman, British Somaliland, London 1912; Somali Government Information Services, The Somali Peninsula: a new light on imperial motives, Mogadishu 1962; J. Drysdale, The Somali dispute, London 1964; R.L. Hess, Italian colonialism in Somalia, Chicago 1966; V. Thompson and
R. Adloff, Djibouti and the Horn of Africa, Stanford 1968; B.G. Martin, Muslim politics and resistance to colonial rule: Sheikh Uways b. Muhammad al-Barawi and the Qadiriya Brotherhood in East Africa, in Jnal. of African History, x/3 (1969), 471-86; L.V. CassaneUi, The shaping of Somali society. Reconstructing the history of a pastoral people, 1600-1900, Philadelphia 1982; D. Laitin, and S.S. Samatar, Somalia: nation in search of a state, Boulder, Colo. 1987; I.M. Lewis, A modern history of Somalia. Nation and state in the Horn of Africa, Boulder, Colo. 1988; A.I. Samatar, The state and rural transformations in Northern Somalia, 1884-1906, Madison 1989; A. Sheik-Abdi, Divine madness. Mohammed fAbdulle Hassan (1856-1920), London 1992; see also the Bibl. to MUHAMMAD B. CABD ALLAH HASSAN. (M. ORWIN) (c) After 1960 In April 1960, the British government decided to terminate its authority over Somaliland, allowing time for possible unification with Italian Somalia, the independence of which had just then been scheduled by the United Nations for July 1960. That same month, representatives of the two territories met in Mogadishu and agreed on the unification of the two Somalias into a single democratic and parliamentary state, to be led by an elected president responsible to a parliament, also to be elected but initially composed of members of the two existing territorial assemblies. On 26 June, British Somaliland became independent and was united with Somalia, to form, on 1 July 1960, the Republic of Somalia. This was a deviation from the inviolable principle of the intangibility of colonial frontiers, in the name of ethnic unity. c Abd al-Rashld CA1I Shirmake, the leader of the Somali Youth League (SYL), originally dominated by Darod (Daarood) and Hawiye (Hawiyye), which since 1947 had campaigned for the unification of lands inhabited by Somalis ("Greater Somalia") and for independence, was summoned to form a coalition government. This coalition combined, besides his own party, two northern parties unrepresented in the South: the Somaliland National League (SNL) with Muhammad HadjdjI Ibrahim Igal and the United Somali Party (USP), representing respectively the Isaq (Isaaq), and the Dir and Darod. The choice by the Assembly of Adan 'Abdulle clsman as President of the Republic was confirmed in 1961 by a conference. Problems of unification Concluded in a spirit of patriotic enthusiasm, unification of the British and Italian colonies was bound to raise serious problems. Although both populated by Somalis, they had hitherto experienced few mutual contacts. Everything separated them: the usage of English or of Italian, administrative traditions, judicial systems, etc. Their fusion altered the situation of each group. The Isaq of the SNL, the majority party in Somaliland, became an insignificant group in the context of a unified state such as Somalia. They were naturally drawn towards accommodation with the southern opposition party, the Greater Somali League (GSL) of HadjdjI Muhammad Husayn, pro-Arab and pan-Somali. The Darod of the USP, on the other hand, found themselves in tune with their fellow-tribespeople of the SYL. As for the Dir, they were torn between their Isaq neighbours and their Hawiye traditional allies. The difference in importance between the two territorial entities also led the administrative classes of former Somalia to expect that they would naturally monopolise all decision-making functions, not only at the national but also at the regional level.
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SOMALI The results of the first popular consultation—the referendum on the Constitution—of June 1961 clearly illustrated these divisions: adopted with a large majority by the electorate of former Somalia, the text was approved by less than 50% of the electors of former Somaliland. Discontent erupted more overtly when in December of that year a group of British-trained police officers mutinied in protest against the appointment to senior posts of Italian-trained police officers brought in from the south. After 1962, the political landscape changed, reflecting the difficulties of unity but also demonstrating the desire of all to maintain it. At the beginning of the year, the attempt by Hadjdjf Muhammad Husayn to exploit the discontent of the north by launching a new party, the Somali Democratic Union, consisting of the GSL and elements of the SNL hostile to the participation of their organisation in central government, ended in failure. On the other hand, two SNL ministers, including Igal, resigning in May, succeeded in attracting to themselves, besides members of their own movement, a Hawiye faction of the SYL and creating a new organisation, the Somali National Congress (SNC). Somali nationalism was pan-Somali. It stressed as the first objective of its programme the aspiration to gather within a single political entity all Somali people, those who had been placed by colonial politics under the authority of the British in Somaliland or in Kenya (Northern Frontier District, NFD) of the Italians in Somalia, of the French in Djibouti (French Coast of the Somalis, which was to become in 1967 the French Territory of the Afars and Issas, then in 1977 the Republic of Djibouti) or of the Ethiopians in Ogaden (Ogaadeen), five regions symbolised by the five points of the white star (on a blue background) of the Republic's flag. The Constitution of 1961 recorded this aspiration in its preamble: "the Republic of Somalia seeks to promote the union of Somali territories by lawful and peaceful means". Somali governments, caught in the snare of nationalism, would henceforward be obliged to make constant demands for self-determination on behalf of their Somali brothers inhabiting other territories, on pain of being accused of "treason". They would also incite them to achieve the objective themselves, especially in radio broadcasts. On numerous occasions, this irredentism was to lead to violent conflict and serious repercussions. In 1961, in the course of negotiations in London over Kenya, the representatives of the NFD demanded, with the support of the Oromo of this territory, the right to secede from Kenya. The British proposal— a federal Kenya—was never implemented and the Somalis of Kenya remained an aggrieved and dissident community for years thereafter. Relations with Ethiopia were still more difficult. Somalia challenged the Anglo-Ethiopian treaties defining the frontiers of Somaliland and the Ethiopian province of Hararge (capital Harar) which encompassed the Ogaden [q.v.], an area with a majority Somali population. The last of these treaties, concluded as recently as 1954, definitively placed the pastures of the Haud (Hawd) in Ethiopia. It was in this region that there took place, six months after Independence, the first disturbance involving Ethiopian police and disgruntled nomads, a skirmish which Somalia chose to interpret as repression of the aspirations of the Somalis of Ethiopia. In February 1964, more serious border incidents occurred, culminating in the invasion of Somali air-space by Ethiopian aircraft. Mediation by Sudan, in April, under the auspices
of the OAU brought about a provisional resolution to the conflict, but Ethiopia took the precaution, the same year, to ally itself with Kenya by means of a mutual defence pact. Somalia's determination to amend existing frontiers isolated it internationally. Although Somali leaders tended to be relatively well disposed towards the Western bloc, relations between Somalia and the countries belonging to this bloc were unfriendly for political reasons: Somalia would not forgive the United Kingdom for its policy relating to the Kenyan NFD and the Haud, France for its occupation of Djibouti and the USA for its active support of Ethiopia. The exception was Italy, whose nationals retained a decisive economic role in the land. In pursuit of allies, Somali leaders found themselves obliged to turn towards the USSR and China. In 1962 the Russians, intent on exerting dominant influence in the Red Sea region, agreed to lend money, to equip and train the armed forces and to assist with the implementation of all kinds of development projects. From 1969 onwards, the Chinese in their turn supplied substantial civil assistance. The SYL had an overall victory in the municipal elections of 1963, also in the legislative elections of 1964. With the aim of revitalising internal politics, President 'Isman chose a new Prime Minister, cAbd al-Razzak Hadjdjf Husayn. Concerned with efficiency, the latter chose his ministers without regard for tribal and regional balance. Discontented, members of his own party formed an opposition movement under the leadership of the former Prime Minister Shirmake. Though sincere pan-Somalis, 'Isrnan and Husayn favoured giving priority to internal problems and issues. Furthermore, Husayn obtained the confidence of the Assembly with great difficulty, only succeeding with the aid of supporters outside the SYL. On the occasion of the presidential elections of 1967, President 'Isman paid the price of his errors: Shirmake, who had led the country in the period of militant nationalism, was elected. The new President chose as Prime Minister Igal, who had returned to the SYL after 1964. A man of the north, an Isaq, the new Prime Minister hoped to put Somalia's relations with its neighbours on an amicable basis and to concentrate on problems of economic and social development. By acting in this way, he too risked discrediting the one ideal capable of inducing the Somalis to forget their tribal divisions: irredentism. In the municipal and legislative elections of 1969, the electoral system, a series of defections and the game of post-electoral coalition-making, guaranteed his party 120 seats out of 123. But this was a hollow victory, since the state was running out of control. Corruption and nepotism were rampant, and the Assembly no longer even pretended to be a forum for the exercise of the traditional Somali virtues of conciliation and dialogue. Lack of direction, widespread intrigue, insecurity and government ineffectiveness aroused discontent which was particularly intense among intellectuals and the military, a discontent which aggravated further the resentment felt by those, the majority, who believed that in improving relations with Kenya and Ethiopia, the government had betrayed its mission. Rumours of a coup d'etat began to circulate. The Somali Revolution
An unexpected event hastened the resolution of this looming crisis. On 15 October 1969, while the Prime Minister Igal was on an overseas visit, President Shirmake was assassinated by one of his bodyguards. Igal
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hurriedly returned to organise the election of a new President. On 20 October, the party chose as its candidate HadjdjI Muse Boqor, one of his close associates. He was thereby assured of retaining his post as Prime Minister. The following day, the Army took control of Mogadishu and a Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) was immediately established, taking the measures which were normal in these circumstances: detention of members of the former ruling clique, suspension of the Constitution (it was to be officially abrogated in February 1970), suppression of the Supreme Court, closure of the Assembly and prohibition of political parties. The Supreme Council announced its intention to combat tribal nepotism and corruption and to promote a just society where all would be guaranteed access to social and economic progress. In foreign policy, Somalia, renamed the "Democratic Republic of Somalia", would honour its commitments and support peoples fighting colonialism. On 1 November, the list of members of the Supreme Council was made public: comprising 25 officers, it was presided over by General Muhammad Siyad (Siyaad) Barre, commander of the Army since 1965. The military caucus which had overturned the democratic regime subsequently defined its action as a Marxist revolution. But despite the presence of Soviet advisers in the Army (in implementation of the SomaliSoviet military accord of 1963), there is no evidence that there was Soviet backing for the coup, and Soviettrained junior officers received no preferential treatment. In October 1970, to mark the anniversary of the coup, Siyad Barre, who in spite of the corporate power supposedly wielded by the Supreme Council was very much "the strong man", announced the adoption of scientific socialism (in Somali: hanti-wadaagga cilmi ku dhisan) as the ideology of the state. This ideology sought to integrate the tribal element into the theory of class-struggle, and acknowledged Marx, Lenin and Mao Tse Tung as well as Mussolini and the Kur'an. Declaring himself a pragmatist, Siyad Barre remained fairly flexible on the ideology of his movement, which he reckoned was compatible with Islam. This view was not shared by all. The Supreme Council discharged certain responsibilities formerly allotted to the President, the Council of Ministers or the National Assembly, and was assisted by a Council of Secretaries of State mainly composed of civilians. Siyad Barre monopolised the most important functions and encouraged the development of a personality cult. Officers were placed in charge of the major public organisations in order to assure the state's control over the economy, finance, commerce, transport, etc. Regional and local administration was also taken over by the military, civilian functionaries being "re-educated" or dismissed. Administrative sub-divisions were re-arranged in order to nullify the influence of tribal assemblies. In 1976, the single party proclaimed in 1971 came into existence under the title of the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP) and the Supreme Council was transformed into its central committee. Theoretically, this was a return to civilian rule, but in fact power remained in the hands of the same group of officers. An important measure in the nationalist and panSomali policy of the revolutionary government was the adoption of a system for the writing of the Somali language. In 1971, the Supreme Council revived the Committee for the Somali Language which in 1962 had proposed the adoption of the Latin alphabet, and entrusted to it the task of preparing a grammar, a
dictionary, texts and a programme of adult education. But it was only in 1972 that the Council announced that Latin transcription had been adopted and would be applied throughout Somalia from 1 January 1973. The hopes of those who wanted Arabic to be the official language were dashed. An impressive campaign aimed at improving literacy was then launched. The economy was nationalised and shaped according to the Soviet model with the aid of Russian advisers. New agricultural initiatives were developed in the south with the aid of Arab investment, while in the north and in the region between the great rivers state collective farms were established. Stock-breeders were "invited" to settle in southern areas where irrigation was promised. The drought of 1974-5 was exploited by the revolutionaries to expedite this process. Nomads were thus directed towards state-owned farms and 300,000 (?) of them were transferred from north to south, with Soviet assistance and installed in "co-operative" villages. This assault on traditional ancestral life-styles was also intended to undermine the tribal system. Although itself based on an inter-Darod alliance of the clans of Marehan (Mareexaan) and Ogaden (Siyad Barre's power-base) with the Dulbahante (Dulbaaxante) clan, the revolutionary government vigorously denounced tribalism and numerous activities and customs defined as "tribal" were punished under the law. But the social and economic disorders created by scientific socialism had the paradoxical effect of malting tribalism the last refuge of Somalis. The events which were to follow the fall of Siyad Barre were to prove this clearly. After fifteen years of socialist experiment, the Somali economy was in a disastrous state, exporting, at the very most, only cattle to Saudi Arabia and bananas to Italy. With a GDP of 260 dollars per inhabitant per year the Somalis (55% stock-breeders, 22% arable farmers in 1986) counted among the least developed peoples of the world. Aware of the parlous condition of the economy, the government decided on a limited programme of liberalisation which did not have time to bear fruit. The only successes of the regime were those which it had recorded in the development of education, with the writing of the Somali language, and in the improvement of the status of women. But these secular achievements found no favour in religious circles, the younger members of which were influenced by fundamentalism. Somalis hostile to the policies of Siyad Barre, described as "counter-revolutionaries", were watched, hunted, tried and in some cases executed. Since the inception of his regime, in April 1970 and in May 1971, Siyad Barre had been denouncing conspiracies against himself hatched by members of the Supreme Council. Foreign policy was closely linked to internal policy. In 1974, as a means of tempering his dependence on the Soviet Union, Siyad Barre took his country—as a purely political move—into the Arab League, whose richest members supplied him with aid and offered him new markets. For reasons of nationalism, he supported the Somali guerrillas in the Ethiopian Ogaden, and for reasons of self-interest the separatist struggle of the Eritreans, both these campaigns being directed against Addis Ababa. Ethiopia had been much weakened by the collapse of the regime of Haile Selassie in 1974-5. Siyad Barre waited for the opportunity to exploit this situation and avenge the humiliation of 1964. In the summer of 1977, Somali troops crossed the frontier and advanced as far as the gates of Harar. But in a spectacular reversal of policy, the Soviets changed the rules
SOMALI of the game. In a region where South Yemen was already within their sphere of influence, it was in their interest to support Ethiopia rather than Somalia, which was proving itself unstable and unpredictable, and accordingly they changed sides. Crippled, Siyad Barre appealed for the support of the Americans, who showed no inclination to intervene. Henceforward the Somali offensive became a rout. The country was swollen by refugees (a quarter [?] of the population in 1980) whom the economy, destroyed by droughts and "scientific socialism", was incapable of feeding. Siyad Barre was seen as incompetent and as a traitor. After the fiasco of the Somali offensive and the expulsion of Soviet advisers which ensued, political instability worsened. Siyad Barre had a number of generals executed, scapegoats for the defeat, and in April 1978 he was confronted by a revolt on the part of officers (most of them belonging to the Majerteyn, a clan allied to the former regime), seventeen of whom were executed. The inhabitants of the Ogaden withdrew their support for the regime, and opposition movements, inaugurated in other countries, made their appearance, including the Somali Salvation Front (SSF) (with Majerteyn majority) which united in October 1981 with the Somali Workers Party (SWP) to form the Democratic Front for the Salvation of Somalia (DFSS). In April 1981, the Somali National Movement (SNM) was founded in London by members of the Isaq. This party advocated a mixed economy and a neutral international policy and some of its members favoured the secession of the north. The same year, the dismissal of the Minister of Defence, 'All Samantar, caused discontent in the Army. The following year, the first acts of armed struggle on the part of the SMN unleashed ferocious repression in the north. Isaq and Majerteyn were excluded from all posts and privileges. The drought of 1983-4 and the guerrilla war drove groups of nomads into shanty-towns in such numbers that for the first time in its history, Somalia saw its urban population exceed its nomadic population. Illicit trading of all kinds and the misappropriation of international aid, in which the most senior of statesmen were implicated, increasing nepotism, more-or-less systematic recourse to a politicised police force, etc., spoke eloquently of the corruption of power. In May 1988, Italian mediation led to the signing of an Italo-Ethiopian treaty which made official the colonial frontier between the two countries but imposed on them the obligation to pursue the dissidents within their own territories. Feeling threatened, the SNM took pre-emptive action and seized major cities of the north: Hargeysa, Berbera and Burao. The artillery barrages with which Siyad Barre responded terrorised the population and increased the number of refugees. The Hawiye, influential in Mogadishu, withdrew their support from him. After the riots of the summer of 1989 which followed the detention of recalcitrant imams, Siyad Barre began to lose control of entire regions in the south. The Army, the police and the administration, all of whom had grievances over irregularities in remuneration, become uncontrollable. In 1990, Siyad Barre believed he could retrieve the situation by installing a multi-party system and undermining the alliance which was then coming into existence between the now very active rebel movements (accord signed on 2 October 1990); but he acted too late. At the end of January 1991, the partisans of the United Somali Congress (USC), a movement led by c Alf Mahdf Muhammad and the general Muhammad Farah Aydid, both Hawiye but from different clans,
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took control of Mogadishu and compelled Siyad Barre to take refuge, first in the interior and later in Kenya. But from December 1991, conflict erupted between the partisans of CA1I Mahdi Muhammad, unilaterally declared president of the interim government, and those of Muhammad Farah Aydid. Violence spread rapidly among all factions seeking to establish themselves. The problem posed by refugees (one million [?] at the end of 1991), was aggravated. The nutritional situation deteriorated rapidly, and an international guilty conscience was aroused, alerted by the media, especially in the summer of 1992. International intervention In early 1992, a United Nations mission arrived to report on the situation on the ground. A few days after its return, the Security Council adopted Resolution 733 which imposed an embargo on the sale of arms to Somalia and called upon the General Secretary to increase the aid budget and to negotiate a ceasefire agreement. This agreement, obtained on 3 March, foresaw the dispatch of a security force to protect food-aid convoys and the deployment of 40 observers to monitor implementation: the UN operation in Somalia, known as UNOSOM, was launched. During the two years that were to follow, in the name of the "duty of intervention" and the "duty of assistance", the UN was to pursue goals that were gradually defined in the course of time: guaranteeing the distribution of aid, implementing the cease-fire, promoting national reconciliation, assisting the return of refugees, reviving the economy and creating employment, reconstructing a state and, to make all this possible, disarming the "factions". The intervention achieved some success in the humanitarian effort but failed to establish civil peace, and stopped short of engaging in full-scale military action. For the first time in its history, the UN was intervening in the internal affairs of a member-state, in a coercive manner and with clearly humanitarian objectives, and this constituted an innovation. It is, however, legitimate to wonder why the UN and the USA took so much interest in Somalia while ignoring Liberia, then embroiled in an analogous situation. The stages of the process were as follows. On 3 December 1992, confronted by the deterioration of the situation, the Security Council adopted Resolution 794 which, at the instigation of the USA, called for military intervention under American leadership. The task-force, comprising 40,800 soldiers from a score of different nationalities soon occupied 40% of Somali territory (operation "Provide Hope"). George Bush, due to concede the US presidency to Bill Clinton on 11 January 1993, wanted to conclude his term of office with a success. This not being forthcoming, he ordered an initial withdrawal of American troops. In March 1993, the representatives of fifteen Somali armed factions met in Addis Ababa to sign a cease-fire agreement. To ensure its application, the UN launched operation UNOSOM II (Resolution 814, adopted 26 March). Holding General Aydid responsible for ceasefire violations, United States forces tried in vain to capture him during the summer of 1993. But after the deaths of eighteen Rangers in an ambush, in October, President Clinton decided against any further action and announced that US forces would be withdrawn by 31 March 1994. Although deprived of direct American assistance, the UN continued to operate in the country until 31 March 1995. The secession of the north The anarchy which developed in the south from January 1991 onwards enabled the former Somaliland
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to acquire de facto autonomy under the control of the SNM, the movement which had unleashed armed struggle in the northern provinces in 1982. An assembly of Elders, representing the leading families of Somaliland, was held in Burao six months later. There, the president of the SNM declared the abrogation of the Act of Union of 1 July 1960 and the independence of the "Republic of Somaliland". The dogma of pan-Somalism proved to be less potent than that of the intangibility of colonial frontiers. This event coincided, approximately, with recognition of the independence of Eritrea, another return to colonial frontiers. The secession of former Somaliland passed almost unnoticed however, international attention being concentrated on the situation in the south of the country. The SNM comprised those whose primary objective was to depose Siyad Barre and others who had always envisaged secession of the north in response to the oppression and economic neglect (genuine but magnified in the public consciousness) suffered by this region since 1960. The Elders, who fulfilled a significant popular "representative" function, prevailed over those who, having continued to play a political or economic role in the south, would have been prepared to accept a federation. cAbd al-Rahman Ahmad CA1I Tur became president of the new state. Since then, Somaliland has attempted to rebuild itself, without however escaping struggles between factions and clans. Henceforward, Somalia needs not only to repair the damage caused by the headlong collapse of its traditional economic and social structures, by years of drought, famine and catastrophic crop-failure, by oppression, civil war and the ruin of its pan-Somali dream; it must also cope with the dire effects of a clumsy and ineffectual international intervention. Bibliography: Les Mouvelles de I'ARESAE, scientific bulletin of the French Association for the Development of Scientific Research in East Africa, publishes several times a year the titles of publications relating to Somali studies. The Italian compilation Studi somali, founded in 1981, has now reached its 10th volume (1995). Volume iv is a bibliography: F. Carboni, Bibliograjw somala, Rome, Ministero degli Affari Esteri, 1983. The bibliography on Somalia is considerable. Besides a few recent tides given below, reference should be made to the bibls. of works by E. Cerulli (G. Lusini, Rassegna di Studi Etiopici, xxxii [1988], publ. 1990, 2-44) and B.W. Andrzejezwski (G. Banti, Rassegna di Studi Etiopici, xxxvi [1992], publ. 1994, 152-60). All the works of M.M. Moreno on the Somalis have been collected in Scritti. II. Scritti africanistici, Rome, Istituto Italo-Africano, 1993. On modern Somalia, the prime source lies in the various works of I.M. Lewis. See also Ahmad Yusuf Farah and I.M. Lewis, Somalia: the roots of reconciliation, London 1993; Ahmad Ibrahim Samantar, Destruction of state and society in Somalia: beyond the tribal convention, in Jnal of Modern African Studies, xxx/4 (Dec. 1992), 625-42; idem, (ed.), The Somali challenge: from catastrophe to renewal?, Boulder, Colo. 1994; K. Barcik and S. Normak (ed.), Somalia, a historical, cultural and political analysis, Uppsala 1991; M. Bongartz, The civil war in Somalia. Its genesis and dynamics, Current African Issues II, Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Uppsala 1991; C. Clapham, Ethiopia and Somalia. Conflicts in Africa, Adelphi Papers, 93, London 1972; D. Compagnon, Le regime de Siyyad Bam (19691991), doctoral thesis, Univ. of Pau 1995, unpubl.; A. Del Boca, Una sconfita dell'intelligenzia: Italia et Somalia, Ban, Laterza 1993; H.D. Nelson (ed.), Somalia, a country study. Foreign Area Studies,
Washington 1982; I.M. Lewis, A modern history of Somalia. Nation and state in the Horn of Africa, 3Boulder and London 1988; Lewis and J. Mayall, A study of decentralised political structures for Somalia. A menu of options, London 1995; N. Mohamed, Somalia, Rome, Istituto italo-africano 1975; D. Morin, Reconstruire la Somalie, in Politique afhcaine, xlix (March 1993), 10731; B. Nouaille-Degorce, Evolution comparee des regimes militaires somalien et soudanais, in Rev. Fr. Et. Politiques Afr., clxi-clxii (May-June 1979), 64-107; G. Sivini, // pastoralismo somalo tra mercato e stato, in Africa (Rome), xlv/2 (1990), 191-217; S. Smith, Somalie. La guerre perdue de I'humanitaire, Paris 1993. (A. ROUAUD) 4. The role of Islam in Somali society The Somalis are Sunni Muslims and follow the ShafTl madhhab. It is assumed that Islam first arrived in the Horn of Africa in the early years of the spread of the religion from the Arabian Peninsula. Along with the rest of the East African coast, the Somali coast had been part of the Indian Ocean trading region involving much movement of people and goods, particularly between the Arabian Peninsular and the Horn of Africa. Trading settlements along the coast, of which Zayla' and Makdishu were particularly important examples, must have become centres of Islamic activity early on. From the coast, the religion gradually made an impact inland, with Islamic centres being established, one of the most important in this part of Africa being the town of Harar [q.v]. In its essentials, Islam among the Somalis is practised as elsewhere in the Islamic world, the people following the five pillars of the faith, and indeed Islam constitutes a very important aspect of Somali identity. One of the particularly striking aspects of religious life is the widespread influence and role of the Sufi tonkas, of which the most widespread among the Somalis are the Kadiriyya [q.v.], the Ahmadiyya (also known as Idrlsiyya [
SOMALI ritories, particularly the British, from 1898-1920. A regular feature of the religious calendar among the Somalis is the siyaaro (from Ar. ziydra), celebrations of a saint's life through a pilgrimage to the saint's tomb and the holding of services there in his honour. This is bound up, particularly among the nomadic pastoralists, with the society's lineage system. The founders of lineage segments, such as the eponymous clan group founders Shaykh Daarood (Darod) or Shaykh Isaaq (Isak), are revered in their own right as saints and the siyaaro celebrations are held in their honour. Other saints are also revered who have become well known through their virtuous deeds (Ar. mankaba pi. mandkib) which are remembered in oral narratives as well as in written collections in Arabic, which, it is assumed, have been taken from oral narrative. These are to be found in manuscript form and some have also been published (see Bibl. for an example). In addition to these local saints the lives of founder saints of the tarikas, such as cAbd al-Kadir al-Djilanf [q.v.], are also celebrated. The role of saints as intermediaries, particularly the role of deceased saints, is an issue on which the tarikas differ. The intercession of deceased saints as intermediaries between humans and God is rejected by the Ahmadiyya and the related Salihiyya, but is accepted by the Kadiriyya. This was one of the main issues, which, along with others, led to animosity between the Salihiyya and the Kadiriyya at the beginning of this century. Muhammad cAbd Allah Hassan was the most prominent figure in this exchange on the Salihiyya side and, on the side of the Kadiriyyas, one of the most prominent was Shaykh cAbd Allah b. Mu£allim Yusuf al-Kutbl who edited and coauthored al-Qiuz'an1 al-awwal wa 'l-thdni min al-maa^muca al-mubdraka al-mushtamila cald kutub khamsa ("The two parts, the first and the second from the blessed collection comprising five books") (Makdishu n.d., printed in Cairo), which includes five treatises on tasawwuf [q.v.], including polemics against the Salihiyya tanka. Shaykh Uways also engaged in this with a bitter exchange of poetic invective taking place between him and Muhammad cAbd Allah Hassan during the first decade of the 20th century, which led eventually to followers of Muhammad cAbd Allah Hassan killing Shaykh Uways in 1909 at Biyooley where the latter had founded a settlement. Religious ceremonies such as marriages and funerals are undertaken in Somali society by men of religion, who are known in Somali as wadaads. The title of sheekh (shekh, in Arabic shaykh) is used in respect to wadaads when they have reached a certain level of respect as men of religion (N.B. the term Shekh in Somali is used only in a religious sense; it is not used in a secular context as in Arabic for an elder, for which the term oday is used in Somali). The term wadaad is used in contrast to the term waranle ("warrior", literally: "spear bearer"), amongst which other Somali men are traditionally classed. Another important role played by wadaads, given the respect owed them as religious men, is that of mediator in disputes between lineages. They may also provide amulets and bless livestock and crops as well as pray for the ever-important rain. The education of wadaads may differ widely, with some having travelled to various centres of Islamic learning both within the Horn of Africa as well as abroad, gaining a deep and wide ranging education and, indeed, in some cases writing treatises on theological matters. Others have less education and may have just a rudimentary understanding of the Kur'an and Hadith. As they are the men
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of learning, it is the wadaads who in turn are the religious teachers of the young and, for this purpose, they may be based in a particular town or village, pupils coming to them for learning. On the other hand, they may set up an itinerant college, moving from place to place with accompanying students, and carrying out religious duties in the places they arrive at. With regard to law, the customary law of the Somalis, known as xeer (her), continues to play an important role and exists alongside the Shari'a to which the Somalis, as Muslims, adhere also. All the Sufi orders in the Somali territories have set up agricultural communities in suitable areas known as jamaacas (from Ar. gjamd'a). Most of these are, naturally, in the agricultural areas between and along the two main rivers; such communities, however, have also, since the last century, been founded in the northern regions, particularly in the north-west, where the land and climate are more suitable. In the north-west, this has in turn led to the development of a certain amount of agriculture being practised by the general population growing, in particular, sorghum. In addition to the general Muslim religious practices, there are a number of other spiritual aspects of life practised among the Somalis. One well-known example is the soar (sdr) [see ZAR] cult, in which a person is regarded as having been made ill by the presence of a spirit within them. The person is then relieved of the spirit through the performance of a ritual, often by a woman specialist known as alaaqad. This cult is regarded by some as a superstitious and un-Islamic practice, and is generally practised among women and among more disenfranchised groups of people on the margins of the society. It is a widespread phenomenon found in North Africa, the Arabian peninsula as well as Ethiopia, from where it is thought to have originated and to have spread during the late 18th and early 19th centuries. In more recent decades, Islam has in different ways been a force within the politics of the Somali territories. Following the campaign of Sayyid Muhammad £ Abd Allah Hassan, there was a certain amount of Islamic reformist activity under such leaders as Hadjdji Farah 'Umar, who was exiled to Aden by the colonial authorities and there set up the Somali Islamic Association. It has been suggested that this exile contributed to the lack of connection between the developing nationalist-oriented political organisations such as the Somali Youth League and the Islamic reformist movement. Later in the history of Somalia, the matter of Somali irredentism as an expression of Somali nationalism may have further lessened the impact of Islamic expressions of nationalism. Two Islamic organisations were established in 1969: ^amdcat Ahl alIsldm and Wahdat Shabdb al-Isldm, with the aim of imparting more Islamic values, especially among the young, whom they regarded as moving away from these standards. During the regime of Maxamed Siyaad Barre (Muhammad Siyad Barre) a religious opposition developed, particularly after January 1975 when a new Family Law was attacked by the religious establishment as being against the laws of Islam in terms of inheritance rights for women. Following subsequent opposition speeches, a number of religious leaders were arrested and some executed, leading to an increasing gulf between religious groups and the regime. During the fragmented political situation following the ousting of the Barre regime, Islamic groups have continued to play a role in the politics of the region, this role being particularly strong in certain areas; e.g., the area around the town of Luuq (Luk)
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in south-west Somalia has been described as an "Islamic mini-state amidst surrounding chaos and anarchy" (Hussein, 219). Bibliography: I.M. Lewis, Sufism in Somaliland. A study in tribal Islam, I, in BSOAS, xvii/3 (1955), 581-602, and Sufism in Somaliland. A study in tribal Islam, II, in BSOAS, viii/1 (1956), 145-60; E. Cerulli, Somalia. Scritti vari editi ed inediti, i, Rome 1957, 177230; idem, Somalia. Scritti vari editit ed inediti, iii, Rome 1964, 153-77; J.S. Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, London 1965; Lewis, Spirit possession in Northern Somaliland, in J. Middleton and J.H.M. Beattie (eds.) Spirit mediumship and society in Africa, London 1969, 188-219; E.G. Martin, Muslim brotherhoods in nineteenth-century Africa, Cambridge 1976, 152-76, 177201; Mohamed Abdi Mohamed, Histoire des croyances en Somalie, Besanson 1992; B.G. Martin, Shaykh £ayla3i and the nineteenth-century Somali Qadiriya, in S.S. Samatar (ed.), In the shadow of conquest. Islam in colonial Northeast Africa, Trenton, N.J. 1992, 11-32; Abdul S. Bemath, The Sayyid and Saalihiya Tariqa. Reformist, anticolonial hero in Somalia, in ibid., 33-47; Samatar, Sheikh Uways Muhammad of Baraawe, 1847-1909, mystic and reformer in East Africa, in ibid., 48-74; C.C. Ahmed, God, anti-colonialism and drums: Sheikh Uways and the Uwaysiyya, in Ufahamu, xvii/2 (1989), 96-117; Hussein M. Adam, Islam and politics in Somalia, in JIS, vi/2 (1995), 189-221;
and especially in the town of Kismaayo and ChiMwiini (= a dialectical form of Standard Swahili KiMjini "the language of the town") is spoken in the town of Baraawe (Brava) and along the adjacent coast and the Bajun Islands. A further Bantu language AfMushungulu is spoken along the banks of the Jubba in the vicinity of the town of Jamaame and is regarded as corresponding to the Shambaa language of Tanzania (according to W.I.G. Mohlig, as mentioned in Lamberti 1986, 33). Somali has a rich verbal morphology which, aside from the inflectional suffixes, includes a number of derivational suffixes which alter the argument structure of the verb. These include a causative or transitivising suffix, -i, which may be affixed to a verbal root, and a middle voice suffix, -o, which often has an autobenefactive or an intransitivising meaning. Whereas the vast majority of verbs inflect by means of suffixes, a small number of verbs mark person by means of prefixes, mark tense by means of stem-internal vowel mutation and have a number marker suffix. In Standard Somali there are five such verbs: yimi "come", yiqiin "know", yidhi "say", yiil "be in a place (only with inanimate subjects)" and the idiosyncratic verb yahay "be". The nominal morphology is characterised by a number of deverbal and denominal derivational suffixes as well as defining, demonstrative and possessive suffixes. The status of adjectives in Somali is a matter of dispute among linguists, some seeing them as a separate part of speech which is used with the verb yahay, others regarding adjectives as a distinct verbal group. With regard to syntax, one prominent feature is the system of focus marking which has been shown to be syntactically cognate to cleft constructions used in some other Afroasiatic languages of the Horn of Africa. Prepositional expressions are also interesting from a syntactic point of view: it is possible to use a possessive construction to express such things as "under the table": miiska hoostiisa, literally "the table its underneath"; but most prepositional expressions are rendered using four preverbal prepositional particles, given here with approximate meanings: u (to, for), ku (in, at, instrumental), ka (from, about) and la (with). These preverbal prepositional particles are found in most of the other Omo-Tana languages but not in less closely-related Cushitic languages in which certain case markers and postpositions are cognate. Of phonological interest is the system of tonal accent or pitch accent, in which certain grammatical distinctions are made by the position of accent which is realised as a higher tone phonetically. Despite the fact that Somali is essentially a cluster of dialects, Standard Somali (sometimes called Common Somali) has developed over the last few decades, based on the Northern dialect group. This dialect group has developed in this way because it was already being used to a certain extent as a lingua franca throughout the Somali-speaking areas and also because much oral poetry was, and still is, composed in it and this poetry, when good, often became well known over a very wide area, thus helping to disseminate a certain competence in the dialect. Standard Somali is now the language of written and broadcast media and it is this use, especially in radio, which over the last few decades has continued the development of this standard language and made it widely known to speakers of other dialect groups. The widespread use of written Somali only began in 1972 when an official script was introduced by the government of the time. Prior to this, written communication was mostly carried out in other languages.
SOMALI For a long time, Arabic was used in this way by those who knew it well enough and it continues to be used by some Somalis today as a written medium. In addition to the use of the Arabic language as such, the Arabic script was used by some people to write the Somali language itself, although this did not become very widespread. The European colonial languages, English, Italian and French, have also been used for written communication. In addition to the use of the Arabic script to write the Somali language, in the 20th century, a number of invented scripts gained a certain amount of usage. Two of the most famous of these are the Gadabursi script which was used in the north-west of the Somali territories and the Cismaaniya ('Ismaniya) script which gained a somewhat wider currency. The selection of an official script for the Somali language was a matter fraught with problems and indecision for a long time. Three major proposals were considered, firstly the use of a version of the Arabic script which was argued for on the basis of Islam. This, though, faced the practical problem that a number of new characters were needed, especially for vowels; despite this people were aware that other languages had used the script such as Persian and Urdu and that it was at least generally more familiar to Somalis than other scripts. The second option was the use of an indigenous invented script, which was advocated on the basis that it would be an authentic Somali script. However, the invented scripts were to a certain extent associated with particular clans and thus were not regarded by all as being possible "pan-Somali" scripts; also, typewriters and printing presses would have needed to be built from scratch, which was considered by some as impractical and expensive. The third option was the use of a version of the Latin alphabet which, practically, was suited to the language but which was opposed by the groups who supported the other options. No decision was made by the civilian regimes of the 1960s and it was the former military regime of Maxamed Siyaad Barre which officially adopted the Latin script in 1972. Somali is written more or less as the language is spoken. Each sound is represented by a letter of the alphabet or a digraph, most being similar to English apart from the following characters which are given here with their respective symbols in the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) and in Arabic transcription: "c" (Arabic: c, IPA: Y), "x" (Arabic: h, IPA: ft), "dh" (not found in Arabic, IPA: (JJ "j" (Arabic: dj, IPA: CJ5 or in some speech IPA: tf), "kh" (Arabic: kh, IPA: %, this sound is only found in Arabic loanwords), "q" (Arabic: k, IPA: q), "sh" (Arabic sh, IPA: J). Long vowels and geminate consonants are both written as digraphs. Following the acceptance of this script, Somali was made the national language of the then Democratic Republic of Somalia and urban and rural literacy campaigns were implemented. Although following these the literacy rate may be assumed to have improved, at the present time, with civil war and great upheavals in the Horn of Africa, it is assumed to be very low (in 1985 the adult literacy rate in Somalia was 12% according to the African Development Report for 1991 published by the African Development Bank). Since 1972, much new vocabulary has been introduced into the language; some has been coined from existing Somali words by compounding or semantic shift, and some borrowed from Arabic (from which borrowing has taken place for a long time) or from the colonial European languages.
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Bibliography: J.I. Saeed, Somali reference grammar 2nd ed. (excellent reference grammar), Kensington, Md. 1993; R.D. Zorc and Madina Osman, SomaliEnglish dictionary with English index, 3rd ed., Kensington, Md. 1993; F. Agostini et alii (eds.), Dizionario SomaloItaliano, Rome 1985; M. Orwin, Colloquial Somali, London 1995 ("teach yourself" Somali); J. Berchem, Referenzgrammatik des Somali, Cologne 1991 (good bibl.); D.D. Laitin, Politics, language, and thought. The Somali experience, Chicago 1977; M. Lamberti, Map of Somali dialects in the Somali Democratic Republic, Hamburg 1986; R.D. Zorc and Abdullahi A. Issa, Somali textbook, Kensington, Md. 1990. 6. Literature Prior to the writing of the language, Somali literature was, with some very few exceptions, composed, retained and performed solely in oral form. Poetry has always been the most important type of literary expression, but, from the 1940s onwards, theatre became important and, following the acceptance of an official Somali script in 1972, prose fiction also developed. The Somalis themselves distinguish between a large number of genres of poetry, ranging from children's songs through work songs and dance songs to poetry handling more serious themes, the latter being classified together as maanso (mdnso) (sometimes referred to as "classical poetry" by English-speaking scholars), whereas the work songs, etc., are classified together as hees. Within these major groups there are genres of poems and songs which are distinguished by four major factors: the subjects they treat, the context in which they are recited, the metrical structure of the lines and the "tune" (in Somali, luuq (luk)) to which they are traditionally performed. Somali poetry is alliterative, the alliterative sound being carried throughout the whole poem and there is a quantitative system of metrical structure (in Somali, syllable final consonants are not counted in the metre). There are different songs associated with all the standard types of work among the rural Somalis such as watering camels and other livestock (each animal has its own song), driving livestock along, weaving mats, pounding grain, etc. Many of these songs are well known and the original composer anonymous, but people do also compose their own poetry in this context. This may sometimes be used by people to convey a message allusively to someone whom they would not normally be able to directly address on the matter in hand. The dance songs and poetry, of which there are many types such as dhaanto and shirib, are performed in specific contexts at celebrations and particularly when young people come together to dance at certain times of the year; again, many of these songs and poems are anonymous but may also be composed by individuals who then perform them in the dance. Turning to the maanso type of poetry, this is all composed by named individuals, and before reciting a poem of this type the reciter must say who is the composer of the poem and must then recite the poem verbatim. There is no professional class of poets among the nomads; anyone who has the skill is able to compose poetry and those who are very good become well known and gain a great deal of prestige. Among the southern, mainly agriculturalist clans, the situation is different in that there are specific reciters of poetry, laashin (pi. laashinno], who often recite in an extemporised manner. Unfortunately, the work available to the academic community on this poetry is very sparse, and consequently what is to be said below on poetry pertains primarily to the pastoralist nomads
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and the modern types of poems which have developed from that tradition. Given the oral nature of the literature, the earliest examples of poems which are known are from the latter half of the 19th century. Some of these poems are those by Raage Ugaas Warfaa (Rage Ugas Warfa) (ca. 1810-ca. 1880) which are still remembered with great respect, such as the poem he composed in response to the marriage of his fiancee to another, Alleyl dumay "At nightfall". Among the pastoralist nomads there is no history of epic poetry, although among the agriculturalists there are poems which are passed on from one generation to the next and which recount aspects of clan history. From the turn of the 20th century, many poems have been remembered, particularly those of the most famous and prestigious poets; and when the Somali language was first officially written in 1972 many of these poems were soon transcribed, thus keeping them for posterity, although those which have survived to the present time will only be a small proportion of the total amount of poems composed. One of the most important poets whose work is preserved in this way is that of Muhammad cAbd Allah Hassan [q.v.], whose work has been collected and published, as has also the work of his contemporaries. Looking at the work of more than one poet within a particular context is particularly important, as Somali poetry is very often composed to address a particular situation and a poem composed by one person may be replied to by another poet, as was often the case with the poetry during the Dervish campaign. At times, poems may be replied to and the replies themselves solicit a response; in such situations a silsilad (Ar. silsila "chain") may develop in which a whole chain of poems is composed, all alliterating in the same sound. Despite the fact that many poems comment specifically on issues, others handle general issues or may be in praise of a person or indeed a well-loved horse. During the late 1940s and the 1950s, the new genres behvo and heelfa developed, which dealt more specifically with the theme of love but which developed into an important vehicle for the expression of developing nationalist, anti-colonial feeling. Of particular importance in this development was the poet and musician Cabdullaahi Qarshe (cAbd Allah Karshe), who was the first Somali to introduce musical instrumental accompaniment, the lute, to this poetry. It was during this time also that Somali theatre developed, with the composition of plays by playwrights who took theatrical forms from the European examples which they saw and developed them, using Somali poetic forms as the basis of the play text. This poetry was learnt verbatim by the actors, who then improvised the linking parts of the play in spoken prose under the guidance of the playwright. In addition to simple recitation of the poetic parts, some were sung with a musical accompaniment, and these songs often became very popular and were broadcast over the radio, as indeed were the whole plays. The plays themselves were generally initially performed in theatres in the major towns and were then taken on tour around the country. At the present time, poetry continues to be of great importance in Somali culture, with poems addressing the contemporary situation avidly listened to by many people through radio broadcasts or via audio cassette tapes. Many modern popular poems are also often recorded with a musical accompaniment as songs. Three of the most prominent poets of the present time are Maxamed Ibrahiim Warsame "Hadraawi"
(Muhammad Ibrahim Warsame Hadrawi), Maxamed Xaashi Dhamac Gaarriye (Muhammad Hashi Dhama£ Garriye) and Cabdi Aadan "Cabdi Qays" ('Abdi Adan "cAbdi Kays"), all of whom have composed a wide variety of poems, including ones addressing the political situations they have lived through as well as love poems and poems on other themes. Although most poetry which is widely known is composed by men, there are women also who compose poetry. Given the male-oriented system of memorisation used in the past, very few older poems by women are now known but from more modern times, due to the use of radio and audio cassettes, women's poetry is more widely known. For example, Mariam Xaaji Xasan (Maryam Hadji Hasan) composed poetry in opposition to the former regime of Maxamed Siyaad Barre (Muhammad Siyad Barre) which was broadcast through an opposition radio station based in Ethiopia under the name of Carraweello Ararsame. Religious poetry in praise of the Prophet or saints or dealing with didactic themes is composed in both Somali and Arabic. Of the Arabic poems, most are written and retained in manuscript form and some have also been published in book collections. Among the best known are those of Shaykh Uways and Shaykh cAbd al-Rahman al-ZaylacT (see above, 4.), some of whose poems have become very well known and may be recited at religious celebrations such as al-ZaylacI's poem popularly known as al-Ayniyya on account of the rhyme in cayn (see BibL). Religious poetry is also composed in Somali, with some early examples having been written in this language using a version of the Arabic script. A more modern, well known composer of religious poetry in Somali is Sheekh Caaqib Cabdulaahi Jaamac (Shaykh cAkib c Abd Allah Djama£). Prior to the introduction of the official script for Somali, prose literature was confined to oral narratives of folktales and to hagiographies of saints, some of these being written in Arabic. Prose literature in the form of novels and short stories in Somali is the product of the adoption of the official script (see above, 5.). Some of the earliest novels include those by Faarax Maxamed Jaamac Cawl (Farah Muhammad Djamac c Awl) (1937-91) who wrote three novels, including Aqoondarro waa u nacab jacayl (Mogadishu 1974), which was translated into English as Ignorance is the enemy of love by B.W. Andrzejewski (London 1982). Another well known writer of prose fiction is Maxamed Daahir Afrax (Muhammad Tahir Afrah), whose novels were first published as serials in the newspaper Xiddigta Oktoobar ("The October Star"). The novels of Faarax MJ. Cawl concentrate on didactic themes in a more historical context, Aqoondarro waa u nacab jacayl taking the theme of illiteracy set in the context of a true story from the time of the Dervish movement. Those of Afrax, on the other hand, treat the urban life of Makdishu in the 1970s and the vulnerabilities of various people in that particular society under the regime of the time. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, a number of other writers wrote novels and short novels which were published in Makdishu, but in more recent years, following the civil war and the destruction of many facilities, prose fiction publication has become very difficult, although there has been some, e.g. Waddadii walbahaarka ("The road of grief") by Xuseen Sheekh Biixi (Husayn Shaykh Blhi), which was recently published in Addis Ababa (1994) and which addresses the embroiled situation among the Somalis during the early 1990s. As in other parts of Africa, there has also been some writing of fictional literature and poetry
SOMALI — SOMAY in the colonial European languages, English, French and Italian. The best known of these writers is Nuuruddiin Faarax (Nuruddfn Farah; in his publications his name is spelt Nuruddin Farah), who has written a number of novels in English which are very well known in the Western world. Bibliography: B.W. Andrzejewski and I.M. Lewis, Somali poetry. An introduction, Oxford 1964; Andrzejewski et alii, (eds.), Literatures in African languages. Theoretical issues and sample surveys, Cambridge 1985, 337-407 (a good overview of literature from all periods); B.W. with S. Andrzejewksi, An anthology of Somali poetry, Bloomington, Ind. 1993 (a collection of poems in translation with introductory notes); Lewis and M.H. Mukhtar, Songs from the south, in RJ. Hayward and Lewis (eds.). Voice and power, London 1996, 205-212 (this volume also includes articles on the latest work on Somali metrics); Axmed Cali Abokor, Somali pastoral work songs. The poetic voice of the politically powerless, Uppsala 1993; Said Ahmed Warsama, Hees Hawleeddo. Chansons de travail somaliennes, Djibouti 1992; Zainab M. Jama, Silent voices. The role of Somali women's poetry in social and political life, in Oral Tradition, ix/1 (1994), 185202; J.W. Johnson, Heellooy, Heelkellooy. The development of the genre Heello in modern Somali poetry, Bloomington 1974; Andrzejewski, Islamic literature of Somalia, Bloomington 1983; Ibn Muhyf '1-Dln Kasim al-Barawf al-Kadin (ed. and setter in the takhmis form), Madjmtfat kasd3id ji madh Sayyid al-'anbiyd3 c alayhi 'l-saldt wa 'l-saldm ("A collection of poems in praise of the Lord of the Prophets, blessing and peace be upon him"), 3rd ed. Cairo 1955 (includes al-Ayniyya and other religious poems in Arabic). (M. ORWIN) SOMAY, a Kurdish district of Persia lying between the Turkish frontier (modern il or province of Hakkari) and the western shore of Lake Urmiya, hence falling within the modern Persian ustan or province of West Adharbaydjan. In Kurdish, somay means "view" (cf. in Persian suma "terminus, finis, scopus", Vullers, ii, 352). To the north, Somay is separated from the basin of the Zola Cay (Shepiran, Salmas [q.v]) by the mountains of Bere-df, Undjalik and Aghwan; on the east the canton of Anzal separates it from Lake Urmiya; to the south-east lies the Shaykh Bazfd range, to the south the canton of Bradost; to the south-west the peak of Kotul; towards the west the ravine of Banega runs into the interior of Turkish territory. Somay is sometimes used to include the cantons of Shepiran and Anzal-i Bala. Somay is watered by the northern tributaries of the Nazlu Cay, several of which drain the main valley, and one (Hasam, Berduk) comes from the ravine of Banega. They unite east of Berduk, flow towards Bradost, where they are joined by the tributary from the valley of Bazirga and then, joining the Nazlu Cay, enter the lake north-east of the plain of Urmiya [q.v.]. According to the Sharaf-ndma of Sharaf al-Din Khan Bidlfsr [q.v.], Somay and Bradost were at first governed by scions of the Kurd Hasanuya dynasty (Hasanwayhids) [see HASANWAYH] who had taken refuge in the north after the defeat which the Buyid Shams al-Dawla [q.v.] had inflicted in 405/1014 on Hilal b. Badr. At the beginning of the 10th/16th century, the Sharafndma mentions a member of the family, Ghazi-kiran b. Sultan Ahmad, who for his exploits was granted by Shah Isma'fl Safawl the cantons of Somay, Tergavar and Dol but later went over to the Ottoman sultan
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Sehm. His descendants, who were under the wait of Wan, broke up into various branches. The last mir of Somay mentioned by the Sharaf-ndma is Awliya Beg (from 985/1577). When in 1065/1654 Ewliya Celebi [q.v] visited the country between Wan and Urmiya, the strong castle of Ghazf-kiran still stood on a cliff commanding the plain of Urmiya, while the western part of Somay was occupied by the Pinyanish tribe (which now lives in Turkish territory). The lord of Berduk was called Colak ("the one-armed") Mfr cAzfz; the strong castle stood some distance below (ashaghlya) KaTa-yi Pinyanish, which may be identified with Banega (3-4 miles above Berduk). It is not very clear whether the mirs of Somay who, shortly after the visit of Ewliya Celebi, erected several curious monuments, were of the same tribe of Pinyanish. At Berduk is a mosque of white and black stone and a cemetery with the tomb of Nazar Beg, son of Ghazi Beg (d. 1071/1660). His son Sultan Takr Sultan, whose title shows that he had consolidated the power—for sultdnlik means a fief for which one has received investiture—built the very imposing and picturesque castle near Banega. A reconstruction of the old Kalca-yf Pinyanish probably also dates from his time (1078/1667). On a rock at the entrance to the tower can still be seen the remains of a rudely carved inscription sahib mdlik—Sultan Murdd b. Sultan—(?). Below the fort is an cibddat khana built by a certain Zal-i 'Adil (1103/1691?) and a mosque. The style of these buildings recalls that of the castle of Mahmudf (Khoshab) east of Wan (cf. Binder, 126-8). In 1136/ 1736 the hereditary chief of the sandjak of Somay, Khatim Khan, as a reward for his services received from the Ottoman government the adjacent cantons of Salmas [q.v.], Kerdkazan (?), Karabagh and Anzal (cf. von Hammer, GOR2, iv, 211). In the 19th century the Shakak [q.v], encouraged by the Persians, gradually occupied Somay. According to Derwish Pasha, Banega was destroyed by cAlf Agha Shakak (about 1257/1841). In 1851 Cirikov was still able to speak of a "hereditary ruler of Somay", Parraw Khan, who had also seized Bradost. In 1893 the Shakak killed at Gunbad the last representative of the family of mfrs, a certain Kilidj Khan. Among the antiquities of Somay may be mentioned: 1. the citadel of Zandjir Kalea (between Somay and Salmas) which must correspond to the "Shaddadf building of Karni-yarik, mentioned by Ewliya Celebi (iv, 281) the name of which (alias Farhad kapu) is found in Blau, in Peterm. Mitt. [1863], 201-10; 2. a chamber carved out of the rock on Mount Kotul; 3. similar chambers where the Nazlu Cay enters the plain of Urmiya. All these monuments must date from the Urartian period (cf. Minorsky, Kelashin, in ZyOIRAO, xxiv [1917], 190). Somay had a significant Nestorian Christian population, and Somay-Bradost was a Nestorian diocese under the archdiocese of Shamdman [q.v]; see M. Chevalier, Les montagnards chretiens du Hakkari et du Kurdistan septentrional, Paris 1985, 230, and see map 1. Bibliography: Sharaf-ndma, St. Petersburg 1860-2, i, 296-300; Ewliya Celebi, Siydhet-ndme, Istanbul 1315, iv, 277-83; Derwlsh Pasha, Rapport officiel du commissaire pour la delimitation turco-persane en 1269/ 1852, publ. without tide, Istanbul, Matbaca-i camire 1286, repr. Istanbul 1321; Cirikov, Putevoy diurnal, St. Petersburg 1875, 573-5; H. Binder, Aus Kurdistan, Paris 1887, 108-12; V. Minorsky, Materials, po Vostoku, ii, 477. (V. MINORSKY*)
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SOMNATH [see SUMANAT]. SONARGA'ON, Subarnagrama in Sanskrit, a famous mediaeval capital city and trade centre in eastern Bengal at the juncture of the rivers Lakhkha, Brahmaputra and old Meghna, and about 14 miles south-east of Dhaka and 3 miles east of Narayanganj. Though the city existed in the early 13th century during the time of the Hindu dynasties of Sena and Deva in East Bengal, it started flourishing only during the time of BalbanT rulers in the region (681-746/1282-1345). The city was visited by the famous Moroccan traveller Ibn Battuta during 1345-6 in the reign of Fakhr al-Dm Mubarak Shah (739-50/1338-50), who found it very affluent. It continued thriving during later Islamic dynasties of Bengal, namely the Ilyas Shahl (740-892/1339-1487) and Husayn Shahl (898-944/1493-1538) dynasties. Towards the end of the 10th/16th century, Sonarga'on served as the capital for the independent Afghan chieftains— Tsa Khan and later on his son Musa Khan—who resisted Mughal rule until 1611. From the beginning of Muslim rule, Sonarga'on was an important educational and cultural centre with a large number of mosques and madrasas. During the reign of Sultan Balban (664-86/1266-87), Shaykh Sharaf al-Dm Abu Tawwama established a prestigious madrasa in this city, where Shaykh Yahya Manerl [see MAKHDUM AL-MULK] of Bihar studied. Shaykh cAlaJ alHakk—a famous Sufi saint of PanoVa—lived in Sonarga'on for two years towards the end of the 8th/14th century. His khdnkdh attracted many pupils. Epigraphic evidence from the 9th/15th and 10th/16th centuries records the appellation of Hadjdji for a number of personalities (such as HadjdjI Baba Sallh and HadjdjI Bhagal Khan), indicating religious links of this region with Arabia (see Mohammad Yusuf Siddiq, An epigraphical journey to an Eastern Islamic land, in Muqarnas, v/7 [1990], 87-103). Among its architectural remains is a mosque known as Mughrapara Shahl Djamic Masdjid with an inscription dated 889/1484 (see idem, Arabic and Persian texts of the Islamic inscriptions of Bengal, Watertown, Mass. 1992, 107-8). Sonarga'on was an important mint town since the beginning of the 8th/14th century, and was also famous for its fine cotton production known as Muslin. With the shift of Bengal's capital to Dhaka during the Mughal period in the early llth/17th century, however, Sonarga'on lost its glory. Bibliography: M. Saghir Hasan Al-Macsumi, Sunargaon's contribution to Islamic learning, in 1C (1953), 8-17; S.M. Hasan, Sonarga'on, Dhaka 1989; R.M. Eaton, The rise of Islam and the Bengal frontier, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1993. (MUHAMMAD YUSUF SiDDioJ SONGHAY, or Songhai, Sonrai, Sonrhai, (1) a West African language, (2) a people speaking that language, (3) a West African state in existence from ca. 1450 to ca. 1600. 1. Language. The Songhay language consists of a cluster of dialects spoken around the Middle Niger from the Inland Delta in the west to the borders of modern Nigeria, Niger and Benin in the east, with isolated pockets in and around the Hombori mountains south of Timbuktu in the lands of the right bank of the Niger (gurma), and around In Gall to the south-west of the Air massif in Niger. Down to the late 19th century, a Songhay dialect called Emgedesi was also spoken in Agades. In the northern Saharan oasis of Tabalbala a language is spoken that is Songhay in structure, but largely Arabic and Berber in its lexicon. At the present time the two major dialects are
Songhay itself, spoken upstream of Labbezanga and in Dendi, and Djerma or Zerma spoken downstream. Songhay proper is generally considered to have two principal dialects: western and eastern. The western is spoken in Timbuktu, Goundam and the northern Inland Delta, and has absorbed a higher proportion of lexical items of Arabic origin; the eastern is spoken along the banks of the Niger from Arnassey to Labbezanga. The Wogo dialect of Sinder, and Dendi spoken in the far south, are closely related to the eastern dialect. Zerma is spoken in the area between the modern capital of Niamey and Dosso on the borders of the Hausa-speaking lands, and in a broad zone to the north of Niamey. In between are dialects such as Kado and Kourtey. Linguists have differed on the family affiliation of Songhay-Zerma. For long it defied classification. Then J. Greenberg (The languages of Africa, The Hague 1966) grouped it with Nilo-Saharan. More recently, Nicolai has proposed first that it belongs in the Mande family, and more recently still that it is a Tamacheq creole. The term Songhay to refer to the language was in use as early as the beginning of the 16th century, when Leo Africanus noted it as the language of Walata, Timbuktu, Jenne and Gao (and, implausibly, Mali). But, except in Gao it was, at that time, little more than a language of administration resulting from the incorporation of those areas into an expanded Songhay state from the 1460s. Prior to the expansion of the Songhay state the language was mainly spoken along the banks of the Niger from Gao southwards, but for how long we have no way of telling. The origins of the isolated pockets of Songhay speech are likewise a matter of conjecture, but a plausible hypothesis is that the eastern ones, at any rate, resulted from the activities of Songhay-speaking merchants. 2. People. The name Songhay applied to a people does not appear in the literature until the late 15th century with the "Replies" of al-Maghlll [q.v.~\. The name Zerma (and a parallel form, Zaberma) appears even later; there is a single passing reference in an anonymous chronicle of the mid-17th century (see Ta'nkh al-Fattdsh, "Deuxieme Appendice", 334). Arab writers from the Mediterranean lands of Islam had known of Kawkaw/Gawgaw as the name of a town (Gao [q.v.]) and a people, and there is no reason to suppose that these people were not Songhay speakers ancestral to those who inhabited the area in the 16th century and still do today (but see Lange, Les rois de Gao-Sane et les Almoravides). A problem remains, however: there is no known etymology for the name Songhay, and the name is scarcely used by speakers of the language to designate themselves (see Olivier de Sardan, Conceptes et conceptions songhqy-zarma, 340). The Ta'rikh al-Fattdsh and the Ta'rikh al-Suddn (both mid-17th century) use the term to refer either to the ruling oligarchy (ahl Sunday) or to the region of Gao, or occasionally to the empire as a whole. Although modern anthropological literature has used the term Songhay(-Zarma) in englobing fashion, the people themselves use more particularist terms such as koyraboro—villagers; gaabi (or gabibi)—"black body", cultivators (in Timbuktu especially denoting ex-slaves); sorko—fisher folk, boatmen; gow—hunters; Sohance— descendants of Sunni CA1I; Maamar haama—descendants of Askiya Muhammad; arma—descendants of the Sacdian invaders of 1591; etc. The Zarma have traditions that would make them immigrants from Mali, but these probably refer only to groups that came from the Inland Delta and established themselves as local chiefs, perhaps at more than one time. In the
SONGHAY late 19th century, "Zabarma" adventurer carried out extensive slave-raiding among Grunshi populations in north-west Ghana, and under the leadership of Babatu established a short-lived political hegemony in the area that was ended by French and British colonial expansion (see N. Levtzion, Muslims and chiefs in West Africa, Oxford 1968, 151-60). Pre-colonial Songhay society recognised three social statuses: free, servile and slave. The free were the chiefs and the mass of the cultivators and herders, and such slaves and servile people as had achieved free status. The highest status groups were the Sohance, the Maamar haama (also termed meyga), the arma and the sirfay (shurafd3, pi. of sharif [g.v.]—descendants of the Prophet). Servile groups comprised people who were attached to, and performed certain services for, free men, in particular those of the chiefly class during the period of the Songhay empire. In some cases, they were probably remnants of earlier conquered peoples; in others they were artisans, musicians and griots (gesere] whose functional if not their physical origins go back to the Mali empire of the 13th-14th centuries (see Tal Tamari, The development of caste systems in West Africa, in J. African Hist., xxxii [1991], 221-50). In theory, they were not slaves and hence could not escape their status by being emancipated, though in fact slaves may have been assimilated to them; Songhay rulers obliged them to observe endogamy (see Hunwick, Studies in the Ta'nkh al-fattash, If). Songhay society recognised that slaves in the second generation (horso, in French "captifs de case") were on the road to freedom, and by the fourth generation they were assimilated into free society as gabibi. Being strung out in a thin line around the river, the Songhay-Zarma were interpenetrated and hence culturally influenced by many groups: Arab, Tuareg, Fulbe, Manding and Hausa. Like these groups, they have been strongly affected by the religious culture of Islam (in the 11 th century, al-Bakn, K al-Masdlik wa 3l-mamdlik, ed. de Slane, Paris 1857, 183, noted that none but a Muslim could rule at Kawkaw). In the early 17th century, Ahmad Baba al-Tinbukti [q.v.] in his Mi'rdaj. al-sucud (ms.) classified the Songhay as among the wholly Muslim peoples of Bildd al-Suddn. However, indigenous religion, magic and possession cults have remained strong in Zarma country down to the present time (see Rouch, Religion et magie, and Stoller, Fusion of the worlds). 3. History. Songhay chroniclers recognise three dynasties: the Za (or better Zuwa/Zuwa), the Sunni or Si/Shi, originally probably pronounced Sori-nyi) and the Askiya dynasty. Of the first we really know no more than the list of rulers' names given in the local chronicles; royal tombstones discovered at GaoSane suggest a short-lived dynasty in relationship with the Almoravids of Spain and their Sanhadja cousins of the southern Sahara in the late llth/early 12th century, but the relationship of these rulers to the Zas remains problematic. Some later inscriptions include the title zuwd. The Sunnis were probably originally vassals of the Malian rulers who conquered the Middle Niger in the later 13th century [see MALI]. The Ta'rikh al-Fattdsh glosses the title with koi banandi/khalifat al-sultdn, indicating a subordinate relationship. By the mid-15th century, Mali had withdrawn from the area, and with the advent to power of Sunni CA1I in 869/1464, a period of Songhay expansion began. During his twenty-eight years' rule he conquered a broad swathe of territory around the Niger from the borders of Kebbi (Kabi) in the south-east to beyond Jenne in the south-west. His brutality towards certain
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of the scholars of Timbuktu during that city's conquest in 873/1468 stirred up animosities that were exacerbated by al-Maghrlr's judgement that he was an unbeliever (kdfir), and are reflected in the local chronicles. On Sunni cAll's death in 898/1492, his son Abu Bakr (Bukar Dacu) succeeded him, but he was soon overthrown by one of 'All's generals, Muhammad b. Abf Bakr [g.v.], of mixed Soninke-Songhay parentage, who took the dynastic title of askiya (r. 898-935/14931529). He expanded Songhay into a veritable empire, making lands as distant as Galam on the Senegal river in the west and the Air massif in the east his tributaries. Although his conquest of the Hausa states has been questioned, it is likely he tried to exercise hegemony over at least the important mercantile cities of Kano and Katsina, and by the same token to exclude Bornu, the other major power of the region. Some of these conquests were ephemeral, and his fifth successor, his son Askiya Dawud (r. 956-90/1549-82) again campaigned in many of the same areas. A brief but disastrous civil war in 996/1588 weakened Songhay, and it fell an easy prey to an expedition equipped with firearms sent by the Sacdian sultan of Morocco Ahmad al-Mansur [q.v.] under the leadership of the Bdshd Djawdar in 1000/1591. Songhay resistance continued from the southlands (Dendi) for some twenty years, but to no avail, while the conquerors abandoned Gao in favour of Timbuktu, where they set up an administration (generally called the bdshdlik) and installed puppet askiyas. Songhay was the largest of the mediaeval empires of West Africa, but both its size and its administrative style imperilled it. Succession under the askiyas generally passed to brothers, but in no fixed order; the strongest carried the day, especially if he was present at Gao on his predecessor's death. Regional governorships and other high offices were mainly distributed among the askiya'?, sons, and sometimes his brothers, and competition was fierce. The state had a sound agricultural base in the fertile lands of the river Niger and in the Inland Delta, and slaves ran plantations to feed the royal household and its soldiers. A well-developed river transport system ferried foodstuffs, soldiers and officials, and the Sorko who manned the boats were the askiya's "property" (mamluk lahu). Trade with North Africa provided luxury items (European swords, cloth, paper, etc.) while gold and slaves were high value exports. Rock salt from the central Saharan mine at Taghaza was (and remained until recently) a lucrative item of trade, cut into ever smaller pieces and serving as a currency for smaller items, while gold dust was used for larger transactions. The askiya period also marked a high point in the fortunes of Islam, and especially of Timbuktu [g.v] as a centre of Islamic scholarship. Askiya Muhammad made the pilgrimage in 902/1497 and received a diploma of authority as a lawful amir from the faineant cAbbasid caliph of Cairo. He established cordial relations with the men of religion, making them gifts and granting them privilege. During his reign and those of most of his successors, the moral authority of the scholars and holy men of Songhay served to mitigate the despotism of the rulers. Bibliography: 1. Language. A. Prost, La langue sonay et ses dialectes, Dakar 1956 (= Memoires de 1'IFAN, no. 47); R. Nicolai, Preliminaires a une etude sur I'origine du songhay, Berlin 1984; idem, Parentes linguistiques (a propos du songhay), Paris 1990. 2. People. J. Rouch, Les songhay, Paris 1954 (ethnographic monograph with annotated bibliog-
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raphy); idem, La religion et la magie songhqy, Paris 1960; J.-P. Olivier de Sardan, Les societes songhayzarma, Paris 1984, idem, Conceptes et conceptions songhayzarma, Paris 1982 (arranged as a lexicon), P. Stoller, Fusion of the worlds. An ethnography of possession among the Songhay of Niger, Chicago 1989; R.W. Niezen, Diverse styles of Islamic reform among the Songhay of eastern Mali, Ph.D. diss., Cambridge 1987, unpubl. 3. History. cAbd al-Rahman al-SacdI, Ta'rikh alSuddn, ed. and tr. O. Houdas, Paris 1898-1900 (Eng. tr. in preparation by the present author); Mahmud Kacti/Ibn al-Mukhtar, Ta'rikh al-Fattdsh, ed. and tr. Houdas and M. Delafosse, Paris 1910-11; Leo Africanus (al-Hasan b. Muhammad al-Wazzan alZayyati), tr. A. Epaulard, Description de I'Afrique, 2 vols., Paris 1956; J. Rouch, Contribution a Vhistoire des Songhay, Dakar 1953 (= Memoires de 1'IFAN, no. 29), 137-259; M. Tymowski, Le developpement et la regression chez les peuples de la boucle du Niger a I'epoque precoloniale, Warsaw 1974; Sekene Mody Cissoko, Tombouctou et I'empire songhay, Paris 1975; HJ. Fisher, Leo Africanus and the Songhay conquest of Hausaland, in Internal J. African Hist. Stud., xi (1978), 86-112; M. Abitbol, Tombouctou et les Arma, Paris 1979; Zakari Dramani-Issoufou, UAfrique noire dans les relations internationales aux XVIe suck: analyse de la crise entre le Maroc et k Sonrhai, Paris 1982; J.O. Hunwick, Sharfa in Songhay. The replies of al-Maghili to the questions of Askia al-Hdjj Muhammad, London 1985; idem, Songhay, Borno and the Hausa states, 1450-1600, in J.F.A. Ajayi and M. Crowder (eds.), History of West Africa, 3rd edn., i, London 1985, 323-71, idem, Secular power and religious authority in Muslim society: the case of Songhay, in J. African Hist., xxxvii (1996); idem, Studies in the Ta'rikh al-fattash. //: an alleged charter of privilege issued by Askiya Muhammad to the descendants of Mori Hawgdro, in Sudanic Africa, iii (1992), 133-48; Ismael Diadie Ha'idara, El Bajd Tawdar y la conquista saadi de Songhay (1591-1599), Almeria 1993. On the vexed question of Almoravid influence at Gao, see Hunwick, Gao and the Almoravids: a hypothesis, in B. Swartz and R.E. Dumett (eds.), West African cultural dynamics, The Hague 1979, 413-30; idem, Gao and the Almoravids revisited: ethnicity, political change and the limits of interpretation, in J. African Hist., xxxv/2 (1994); 251-73; D. Lange, Les rois de Gao-Sane et les Almoravides, in ibid., xxxii/2 (1991), 251-75; idem, From Mande to Songhay: towards a political and ethnic history of medieval Gao, in ibid., xxxv/2 (1994), 275-302. (J.O. HUNWICK) SONKOR, SUNKUR (T.), one of the many words in Turkish denoting birds of prey. In the modern Turkic languages, and probably always, it means the gerfalcon, falco gyrfalco (Sir Gerard Clauson, An etymological diet, of pre-thirteenth century Turkish, Oxford 1972, 838a). Mahmud al-Kashghari says that it was a raptor smaller than the to^ml (Diwdn lughdt al-turk, tr. Atalay, iii, 381).
The term became frequently used as a personal name in mediaeval Islamic times, both alone and in such combinations as Ak/Kara Sonkor "White/Black Gerfalcon", cf. J. Sauvaget, Noms et surnoms de Mamelouks, in JA, ccxxxviii (1950), 37 no. 22, 52 no. 163. Bibliography: Given in the article. (ED.) SORGUC [see TULBAND]. SOUTH AFRICA, Islam in. 1. The community. Although there is evidence that small groups of Arab or African Muslims reached its northernmost regions, Islam was established in the country during European colonial occupation. The first group of Muslims were brought to the Cape during Dutch rule,
while the second group arrived during the British occupation of Natal in the 19th century. The first group, inappropriately called Malays in South Africa, came from the range of South-East Asian islands, Bengal, Malabar and Madagascar. Beginning in 1658, they came as political prisoners, slaves and convicts. There were prominent religious scholars among them, like Abidin Tadia Tjoessoep of Makassar (d. 1699), known as Shaykh Yusuf, and Imam Abdullah Kadi Abdus Salaam from Tidore (d. 1807), known as Tuan Guru. The graves of these and other contemporary religious figures are dotted throughout the Western Cape. Shaykh Yusuf's tomb in Faure has become an identity symbol for the Muslim community, while the other tombs also play a prominent part in its mystical orientations. The second group were Indian indentured workers and traders from Calcutta, Madras, Bombay and Gudjarat. Traders played a prominent role in the establishment of institutions, the first mosque being built in 1884. These traders then invited religious functionaries, imams and 'ulamd3, to serve them. Among the early Muslims from India there were also two mystics whose tombs have become sites of veneration in Durban. The first, Shaykh Ahmad, is said to have come to Natal in 1860 as an indentured worker. Madj.dhub Badsha Peer ("enraptured saintly saint"), as he is popularly known, was released from his term of indenture, and then hawked fruit and vegetables in the Durban mosque market until his death in 1886. The second, Shah Ghulam Muhammad Sufi Siddlkl, alias Soofie Saheb, established a more enduring tradition. Sent to South Africa by his Chishti master Hablb CA1T Shah, Soofie Saheb arrived in this country in 1895. According to tradition, he discovered the grave of Badsha Peer and established the celebration of his death anniversary (furs). Soofie Saheb also encouraged the development of other folk practices as symbols for distinguishing poor Indian Muslims from Hindus. In addition to this Asian composition of Muslims, there were also smaller groups from Africa, partly consisting of migrants from African countries like Malawi in the north, and partly from a steady flow of converts from indigenous peoples. On a smaller scale, there have also been conversions, especially in the Cape, of Europeans to Islam. These diverse origins and different histories notwithstanding, Muslims in South Africa increasingly regard themselves as a national community. Islam in South Africa is marked by a range of institutions established in the 19th century and continuing unabated. Mosques, madrasas,, modern Islamic schools, colleges, welfare and youth organisations, are all the more remarkable considering that Muslims constituted only 1-2% of the estimated total population of 43 million. The institutionalisation of Islam began in the Cape at the beginning of the 19th century, when Tuan Guru established the first mosque after an 1804 ordinance allowed the free and public practice of religions other than the Dutch Reformed Church. Scholars in the Cape continued to establish mosques and schools wherein they played a leading role. In Cape society, they were also intellectuals for slaves and Free Blacks. Their valuable role shone through educational activities, and other important community services like name-giving ceremonies, marriage and death rites. Cape religious leaders also adopted the Arabic script to write religious texts in the Afrikaans of the Cape. From the second half of the 19th century, an increasing number of these scholars studied at Arab
SOUTH AFRICA — SOYURGHAL institutions, especially in Mecca, Cairo and Medina. Prominent scholars like Shaykh Salih Adams, Shaykh Mahdf Hendricks, Shaykh Ahmad Behardien, and Shaykh Shakir Gamieldien, played a crucial role in religious life in the Cape. Cape religious leaders are organised in scholarly fraternities. The Moslem Judicial Council (est. 1945) is the largest, but the Majlis alShura al-Islami and the Islamic Council of South Africa also enjoy prominence. These groups serve the community, and thereby claim its allegiance, through the provision of education, community counselling and religious services. The institutionalisation of Islam in the northern regions of South Africa has, however, been markedly different. Generally, mosques, schools and welfare organisations employ imams and culamd3 in their capacity as religious specialists. In response, religious scholars in the northern regions have defined themselves in terms of Islamic legal and theological criteria. Most of them have studied at institutions in the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent, reflecting Islamic trends there. The Jamiatul Ulama Transvaal (est. 1932) and Jamiatul Ulama Natal (est. 1952) together with the small but vociferous Mujlisul Ulama in the Eastern Cape, have spread Deobandi doctrines in madrasas, mosques, and by means of monthly broadsheets. This approach is more text-centred, following the revivalist tradition in India. The Sunni Jamiyat-e-Ulama (est. 1978), and a few splinter groups, champion the cause of Bareilwi thought in popular festivals like the Mildd (birthday of the Prophet), cUrs (death anniversaries of Sufi saints), and 'Ashurd (martyrdom of Husayn, the grandson of the Prophet). Bareilwism in South Africa, as in India, is more inclined towards the charismatic presence of the Prophet Muhammad and Islamic saints. The central role of the 'ulamd' and other influential leaders has begun to be shared in the present century by modern groups. In the Cape, the Cape Muslim Youth Movement (est. 1957) and Claremont Muslim Youth Association (est. 1958) represented the aspirations of youth who demanded a more modern understanding of Islam. They also insisted that Muslim communities and religious leaders should take a more unequivocal stance against racist apartheid legislation. The anti-apartheid movement among Muslims in the Cape rallied around Imam Abdullah Haron in Claremont, Cape Town, until his death in police detention on 27 September 1995. Even though Imam Haron and his supporters did not always get the support of the entire Muslim community, they placed the anti-apartheid agenda within Islamic circles. As part of the larger non-white population, Muslims suffered the injustices of discriminatory legislation and forced removals. However, as Coloureds and Indians, they escaped its worst features such as influx control regulations and homelands marginalisation. Muslims, as a result, were ambivalent between an open rejection of apartheid and accommodation within its excesses. Anti-apartheid activists among Muslims in Natal, like e.g. Ismail and Fatima Meer, threw in their lot with the Natal Indian Congress. Nevertheless, the more conservative Arabic Study Circle (est. 1950) in Durban was also a clearly modernist exponent of Islam, arguing for reading the Kur'an in English translation, women's emancipation, and religious evolution. The Islamic Propagation Centre (est. 1957), led by Polemicist Ahmad Deedat, launched a missionary drive on the basis of the rational, historical truth of Islam, first against Christianity and then also against Hinduism. Although his methods in recent times have been rejected by many Muslims, the call for conver-
731
sion to Islam has been a feature of non-clerical groups since then. From 1970 onwards, socio-political organisations wrestled with the particular approach to apartheid and with its religious meaning in South Africa. The nation-wide Muslim Youth Movement (est. 1970), influenced by the Muslim Brothers in Egypt and the Djamacat-i Islamf in Pakistan, searched for a modern approach to Islam, but reflected the ambivalence of Muslims between the liberation movements and the apartheid state. On the other hand, the group Qiblah established in 1980 by anti-apartheid activist Achmat Cassiem, took a more direct anti-apartheid approach. Similarly, the Call of Islam, founded in 1983 by Farid Esack, joined the United Democratic Front to reject the tri-cameral parliamentary proposals of the South African government. By 1985, all these three groups launched a formidable anti-apartheid campaign within the Muslim community. Muslims entered the most recent phase of South Africa as a very articulate and organised group. In spite of their small numbers, the Islamic presence is felt in all sections of South African society. The application of Muslim Personal Law, greater media coverage of Islamic events, and the sheer presence of Muslims at all levels of government, are signs that Muslims enjoy greater prominence in society than ever before. Muslims are divided in terms of their political allegiance. No single party enjoys their undivided support, including the Islamic parties that were formed to contest the first democratic elections in 1994. A lively debate, which can sometimes be acrimonious, rages about the new state. Many fulamd3 and activists like Achmat Cassiem argue that the Muslim community should vigorously maintain its independence and authority in the service of a pure Islamic order. Dissident voices from the Call of Islam and the Muslim Youth Movement respond that an Islamic ethos can be created through and within the development of a new South African nation. For the vast majority of Muslims, however, these debates do not restrain their political expressions within trade unions, professional organisations and trade organisation. Bibliography: F. Bradlow and M. Cairns, The early Cape Muslims., Cape Town 1978; A. Davids, The mosques ofBo-Kaap, Cape Town 1980; E. Moosa, Discursive voices of diaspora Islam in South Africa., in Journal Antropologi Dan Sosiologi, xx (1993), 29-60; R.C. Shell, Rites and rebellion. Islamic conversion at the Cape, 1808 to 1915, in Studies in the history of Cape Town, v (1984), 1-46; A.I. Tayob, Islamic resurgence in South Africa. The Muslim youth movement, Cape Town 1995. (A.I. TAYOB) 2. Afrikaans in Arabic script [see SupplJ. SOUTH ARABIA, modern languages of. See ALHARASls;_MAHRl;_SHiHRl; suKUTRA. 3. Language; ZUFAR. SOYURGHAL, a term with the primitive meaning in Mongolian of "favour" or "reward granted by the ruler to someone, sometimes of a hereditary nature" (Doerfer, Tiirkische und mongolische Elemente in Neupersischen, i, 351 no. 228). Soyiirghal kardan is used synonymously with soyurghamish kardan "to grant a favour". The plural (soyurghdldt) is often associated with such words as cawdtif, tashnfat and incdmdt, "favours", "presents" (see e.g. Muhammad b. Hindushah Nakhdjiwam, Dastur al-kdtib, ed. A.A. Alizade, Moscow, i, 1964, i/2, 1971, ii, 1976, index, and Nizam al-Dfn Shami, £afar-ndma, ed. F. Tauer, Prague 1937-56, i, 107). In the course of time, soyurghdl came to be used to designate various grants formerly known as
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SOYURGHAL
iktac. There is, however, a certain lack of precision in the use of the term (see H. Busse, Untersuchungen zum islamischen Kanzleiwesen, Cairo 1959, 97-111, for a discussion of it). The soyurghdl was invariably a personal grant. It is not always easy to decide whether soyurghdl is being used in the sources for the Ilkhanate and Tlmurid periods in the sense of "favour" or more specifically as a provincial grant (see e.g. Oldjeytu's grant of Asadabad near Hamadan to Ay Doghdf, wildyat-i Asaddbdd-rd bi Ay Doghdi soyurghdl farmud, Hafiz Abru, Dhayl-i ajdmf al-tawdnkh-i rashidi, ed. Khan Baba Bayanl, Tehran AHS 1350/1971, 95; and Abaka's grant of Firuzan and Djurbadhagan to Yusuf Shah, Atabeg of Luristan, Firuzdn wa Qurbddhagdn-rd soyurghdli u farmud, Mucm al-Dln Natanzl, Muntakhab al-tawdnkh, ed. J. Aubin, Tehran AHS 1336/1957, 45, and cf. ibid., 206, 209. See also B. Spuler, Mongolen* Berlin 1985, 275). In the 9th/15th and 10th/16th centuries, soyurghdl is sometimes found in conjunction with the term hudaban (see Doerfer, iv, nos. 396, 400-1). cAbd al-Razzak Samarkand! states that soyurghdk were renewed annually by Timur's diwdn unless they were hudaban (Matlcf al-sacdayn, ed. Muhammad Shaft*, Lahore 1949, ii, 1037. See also Isfizari, Rawddt al-ajanndt, ed. Muhammad Kazim Imam, Tehran AHS 1339/1960, ii, 436, and Hosein Modarressi Tabataba'i, Farmdnhd-yi Turkumdndn-i Kara Koyunlu wa Ak Koyunlu, Kum AHS 1352/1973-4, 71, n. 1). The phrase bi kardr-i hudaban in zfarmdn dated 893/1488 in idem, 103, clearly has the sense "on a permanent basis". Under the Tlmurids, the soyurghdl in the sense of a provincial grant was not clearly distinguished from the tuyul [q.v.]. Both were used to signify the grant of a district or provincial government or its taxes, with or without immunities. cAbd al-Razzak records the grant of Hisar Shadaman to Mlrza Muhammad Djahanglr in 812/1409-10 as a soyurghdl (Matla' alsa(dayn, i, 148) and the grant of Slstan to Amir Khalil as a soyurghdl in 859/1455 (ibid., ii, 1084). In either case, the phrase bi-rasm-i soyurghdl is used. This could simply mean "by way of a favour/gift", but it is more likely that the term soyurghdl is used here in the specific sense of a grant of a district rather than in the general sense of "favour" (cf. also Nizam al-Dln Shaml's statement that Timur granted the district (mawdf) of Gawkurish to Mubashshir Bahadur as a permanent sqyurghdl (soyurghdl-i abadi) as a reward for his courage in battle in 786/1384-5 against Amir Wall, the ruler of Mazandaran, £afar-ndma, i, 95). A document issued by Djahanshah Kara Koyunlu, dated 857/1453, informs the kaldntars, kadkhudds and subjects of Djulah (Julfa) that their taxes (mdl wa mutawaaj.ajihdt) had been granted to Shaykh Dara'I as a sqyurghdl from the beginning of the Year of the Hen and instructs them to consider him as their governor (hakim wa ddrugha). "He was to present himself (hddir garddnad) with equipment (yardk) and followers (nawkar) at the royal camp on the issue of a royal order" (Busse, 149-50. The document is also published by Modarressi Tabataba'i in Farmdnhd-yi Turkamdndn, 25-6, with the reading hddir garddnand, which would mean that the kaldntars, etc. were to present themselves at the royal camp). A document issued by Shah 'Abbas, dated 1019/1611, would seem to confirm Busse's reading. It grants the ulkd of Dizmar and its dependencies to Burhan al-Dln, the khalifa of the Sufis of Dizmar on the same terms as it had been held by his father Ilyas Khalifa. The kadkhudds and peasants were to pay their taxes (mdl wa wudj.uhdt)
to him and to refer to him any disputes which might occur between them except cases of murder (siwd-yi khun], and the Sufis of Dizmar and Uzumdil were to present themselves at his call when he undertook royal service, as had been the custom under his father. The tuyulddrdn and officials (cummdl) of Adharbaydjan, especially in the ulkd of Dizmar, were not to interfere in his sqyurghdl and tuyul in any way, or to collect any dues from which, according to the decree of the late shah, the soyurghdh of the Sufis were exempt (Sarhang Bayburdl, Tdnkh-i Arasbdrdn, Tehran AHS 1341/1962, 160). Another document dated 1113/1702 issued by Shah Sultan Husayn (first described by N. Khanikoff, in Melanges Asiatiques, iii/1, St. Petersburg 1857, 70-4) is quoted by Minorsky. It confirms the transfer, as requested by Bayandur Sultan, of a soyurghdl consisting of a sum on the revenue of the Dizmar district to his son Muhammad Kasim Beg on the same conditions as it had been held by Mahmud Sultan, Bayandur Sultan's father, namely that he should provide seven men at the shah's call (A Soyurghdl of Qdsim b. Jahdngir Aq-qoyunlu (903/1498), in BSOS, ix/4 [1938], 959). Such grants were normally called tuyuh under the Safawids (cf. the tuyul granted to Lacin Sultan in 1110/1698, see Lambton, Landlord and peasant, 109-10). Under the White Sheep Turkomans, the grant of districts with immunities was still known as a soyurghdl. An example of this is Kasim Beg's grant to Isfandiyar Beg, dated 903/1497-8, for the ulkd of Egil, which was his home-ground (uajdk), and the villages of Baghln and Him as a "permanent soyurghdl and permanent gift" with immunity from the entry of government officials (dar basta) and from a great variety of dues (Modarressi Tabataba'i, Farmdnhd-yi turkamdndn, 11316; see also Minorsky, op. cit.). Increasingly under the White Sheep and the Safawids, the term soyurghdl appears to have been applied to pensions, either in the form of a money grant on the taxes or a grant of immunity from the interference of government officials in land belonging to the beneficiary, who was frequently a member of the religious classes. It is not clear how they differed from the grants of immunity known as mu'dfi and musallaml unless it was that the latter were temporary (but renewable) grants while soyurghdk were life grants or hereditary grants. They were essentially grants of "grace", retaining the original sense of "favour" or "gift" and phrases such as soyurgfidl-i abadi wa ihsdn-i sarmadi occur in the documents (cf. the documents, dated 1067/1656 and 1115/1704, quoted by Lambton, Two Safavid soyurgjidls, in BSOAS xiv/1 [1952], 44-54). In the farmdn issued by Yackub Beg in 893/1488 granting immunity from land taxes to the wakfi lands of the Mansuriyya madrasa in Shiraz, the founder Ghiyath al-Dln Mansur is given as a soyurghdl 3 tumdns, made up of 9,000 dinars in cash and 2 tumdns and 1,000 dinars in kind (Modarressi Tabataba'i, op. cit., 104). A soyurghdl dated 875/1471 issued by Uzun Hasan in favour of the sayyid c Abd al-Ghaf!ar grants him permanent immunity from land and other taxes (mdl wa mutawaaj^ihdt-i diwdm) and dues in one of the districts of Rudikat belonging to Tabriz (Busse, 151-3, also in Modarressi Tabataba'i, 74-6). It is described as an incdm-i abadi wa soyurghdl-i sarmadi (152), the implication of "favour" or "gift" being thus retained. A farmdn of Tahmasp I, dated 966/1558-9 shows, if it is authentic, that soyurghdk were, or might be, hereditary. The grant is to the descendants of Shaykh Zahid-i Gllanl. It gives them the taxes of Djura, Madjura and Urankad in Mughanat as a permanent
SOYURGHAL soyurghal (soyurghdl-i abadi wa ihsdn-i sarmadi), thus implying, as in the case of the grant to 'Abd al-Ghaffar, that the grant was a favour, and also that these districts had been held in hereditary succession by the Zahldi Sayyids. It also mentions that the grant had been reaffirmed in a document (wathika] dated 888/1483-4 (Shaykh Husayn Zahldl, Silsilat al-nasab-i sqfawi, Iranshahr Publications No. 6, Berlin 1924-5, 103-5). The Tdnkh-i cdlamdrd-yi amini of Fadl Allah Ruzbihan KhundjI Isfahan! throws some light on Ak Koyunlu practice in 'Irak and Fars in the years 8946/1489-90. From this account it would seem that soyurghdk were numerous and held mainly by the c ulamd3 and learned men. Kadi 'Isa, Ya'kub Beg's sadr, as part of the reforms he had planned in order, at least nominally, to reimpose shar'i government, determined to suspend hashwi and khardji soyurghdk pending a reassessment of the value of the grants and measurement of the land so held. Khardji soyurghdk were presumably granted for sustenance, and may have been simply money grants, while hashwi soyurghdk may conceivably have been immunities on land which the beneficiaries owned or which had been granted to them. The soyurghdk were to the tune of 1,000 tumdns or more and held by 'ulamd3; some of whom were very poor. According to Fadl Allah, it was common for the beneficiaries to borrow money on the security of the soyurghdk before they fell due. He alleges that the officials sent to Fars to carry out Kadi 'Isa's plan committed many abuses and much tyranny, such that those whose soyurghdk were suspended suffered great hardship. Suddenly events were interrupted by the death of Ya'kub Beg from pestilence in 896/1490, and no more seems to have been heard of Kadi 'Isa's plans. He fell from power and was hanged (Tdnkh-i c dlamdrd-yi amim. Persia in A.D. 1478-1490, ed. J.E. Woods with the abridged tr. by Vladimir Minorsky, Persia in A.D. 1478-1490, Turkmenica 12, London 1992, and see also Minorsky, The Aq-Qoyunlu and land reforms, in BSOAS, xvii/3 [1995], 451-8). The precise details of these events are obscure, but there are indications that one of the reasons for Kadi 'Isa's attempted reform was the need to provide money for the army. If this is so, it would suggest that revenue from the land, which according to shar't law could be spent on the army, was being diverted into private hands. Gradually, the terms soyurghdl and tuyul were differentiated. Generally speaking, the tuyul was a temporary grant, probably on state lands, while the soyurghdl was a life or hereditary grant, probably mainly on crown land but also on wakf land and privatelyowned land. But the distinction between them was by no means hard and fast in practice. Under the Safawids and occasionally under the Kadjars, the terms appear to have been used synonymously. A document issued by Tahmasp I, dated 943/1528, granting immunities to Karaca Muhammad, the royal rikdbddr, states that he held the village of Raz in Mishkin as his tuyul and soyurghdl (G. Hermann, Ein Erlass Tahmdsps I. von 934/1528, in £DMG, cxxxix 1 [1989], 105). Hermann suggests that this may mean that the beneficiary received tax immunities as a tuyul in return for services performed, and that the soyurghdl meant that he would enjoy these privileges, not simply while he was performing the services demanded of him, but during his lifetime (108). This may be so, but in the case of Fath cAlr Shah's grant to Yusuf Khan GurdjI of his estates (rakabdt) as a permanent tuyul (tuyul-i abadt) and permanent soyurghdl (soyurghdl-i sarmadi) in 1244/ 1828-9, the terms appear to be used synonymously
733
(Mfrkhwand, Rawdat al-safd, Tehran AHS 1339/19601, ix, 704). For the Safawid period many soyurghdl documents are available (see B.G. Fragner, Repertorium persischer Urkunden, Freiburg im Br. 1980). They are mostly grants of immunities to members of the religious classes. A typical example is the grant by Isma'Il I, dated 913/1507-8, confirming the soyurghdk and immunities (musallamdt wa mutacarrifdt) on the properties belonging to Sayyid Amir Na'Ima and his brothers and nephews according to decrees issued by former sultans (Rdhnamd-yi kitdb, year 11, no. 6, [Shahrfvar 1347/September 1968], 324-5). Several documents granting soyurghdk on properties connected with the Safawid shrine at Ardabfl in favour of officials and senators of the shrine have been published by B.G. Martin (Seven Safawid documents, in Documents from Islamic chanceries, ed. S.M. Stern, Oxford 1965). The first of these is a grant of 6,000 dinars by Isma'il I on Kazadj in Khalkhal as a permanent soyurghdl to Kamal al-Dln Husayn Ardabfll, together with the villages of Awmanik and Sultanabad, in the tax districts of Ardabll, with immunities from taxes (ibid., 180). Kazadj was one of the rakabdt and exempted properties (musallamiyydt) of the Safawid shrine and was assessed at 45,000 Tabriz! dinars. The soyurghdl was thus a small proportion of the total revenue. Another document, dated 992/1584, issued by Muhammad Khudabanda, states that the bahra^a (i.e. the landlord's share of the crop) of Kazadj was the soyurghdl of Mir Sharif, the chief servitor (khddimbdshi) of the shrine (ibid., 193). A third document, dated 1000/1592, issued by Shah 'Abbas, states that Kazadj was the soyurghdl of the descendants of Kamal al-Dm Husayn Ardabrlf and that money had been wrongfully taken from the peasants of Kazadj by a certain Shah Kull Aka (ibid., 196-7). A fourth document, dated 1016/1607, also issued by Shah 'Abbas, states that the soyurghdl of the descendants of Kamal al-Dm amounted to 8 tumdm, 8,390 dinars (ibid., 201-2). This was a considerable increase on the sum originally granted to Kamal al-Dln. It appears from the document that the soyurghdk of Adharbaydjan had been suspended from the beginning of the year 1009/1600, but the descendants of Kamal al-Dln had requested the confirmation of their soyurghdl and so it was restored. The reasons for the suspension of soyurghdk in Adharbaydjan is not mentioned, and the effectiveness of the measure is not known. Another instance of the suspension of soyurghdls by Shah 'Abbas is recorded, when he ordered AllahwirdI Khan, the beglerbegi of Fars, to investigate the tides of those who held soyurghdh and to resume those whose holders did not have a valid title (Rdhnamd-yi kitdb, iii, year 9, 349, quoted by BastanI Parlzl, Siydsat wa iktisdd-i safawi, Tehran AHS 1362/1983-4, 72). Originally, under the Safawids the grant of a soyurghdl took the form of a nishdn. Shah 'Abbas changed the procedure to a parwdnaca with the introductory formula farmdn-i humdyun sharaf-i najadh ydjt (K. Rohrborn, Regierung und Verwaltung unter den Safawiden, H der O, Abt. 1, 1 Bd. 6 Abschn, 5, Teil 1, LeidenKoln 1979, 29. See also idem, Staatskanzlei und Absolutismus im safawidischen Persien, in ^T)MG, cxxvii [1977], 311-43). The documents were sealed on the back with the royal (humdyun] seal and the sharaf-i nafddh seal, while the khatm seal was placed in the margin at the end of the document (Ka°im-MakamI, Mukaddama-i bar shindkht-i asndd-i tdrikhl, Tehran AHS 1350/1971, 82), and the words farmdn-i humdyun shud, were inscribed in the form of a tughrd on the
734
SOYURGHAL — SRlNAGAR
document (ibid., 194). Soyurghak were drafted by the munshi al-mamdlik (ibid.., 254). Copies were kept in the royal registers (dajatir-i khulud) in the royal secretariat (ibid., 290; see also Minorsky, Tadhkirat al-muluk, 71, 77). A commission was paid by the beneficiary on receipt of a soyurghal to the wakll of the supreme diwdn (Tadhkirat al-muluk, 85) and to the wazir of the supreme diwdn (ibid., 86). The sadr-i ac^am received one-tenth (cushr) and one-twentieth of all soyurghdk, i.e. 15% (ibid., 86). It is not stated whether these commissions were once-only payments made at the time of issue or annual payments. The nagir of the royal secretariat and the keeper of the royal seal also received commissions (ibid., 89) as did various other officials, presumably at the time of the issue of the grant. It is not unlikely that in the disorders that occurred on the fall of the Safawids, and from time to time thereafter in the 18th century, that many of those who held soyurghdk, converted them by usurpation into private property. However, under Nadir Shah there seems to have been a tendency towards a resumption of soyurghdk and tuyuh (Lambton, Landlord and peasant in Persia, 129). In the 19th century, the term soyurghdl ceases to be widely used. Allowances and pensions continued to be granted, but they were no longer called soyurghdk; where they involved grants of territory or immunities on landed property they were called tuyuk. Bibliography: Given in the article. (ANN K.S. LAMBTON) SPARTEL, a cape forming the extreme north-western point of Morocco and of Africa, 7 or 8 miles west of Tangier, the ancient Ampelusia Promontorium. Al-IdrlsI does not mention it; al-Bakrl knows of it as a hill jutting out into the sea, 30 miles from Arzila [see ASILA] and 4 from Tangier, which has springs of fresh water and a mosque used as a ribdt. Opposite it on the coast of al-Andalus is the mountain of al-Agharr (= Tarf alAgharr > Trafalgar). The name Ishbartal (probably connected with the Latin spartaria = places overgrown with esparto) given it by al-Bakrl is not known to the natives. Bibliography: Bakn, Description de I'AJrique Septentionale, Algiers 1911, 113. (G.S. COLIN) §RI WIDIAYA [see ZABAT^]. SRlNAGAR, a historic city of Kashmir and one of considerable antiquity (lat. 34° 08' N., long. 74° 50' E., altitude 1,600 m/5,250 ft), now the summer capital of the State of Jammu and Kashmir in the Indian Union (population 1981: 586,038, the great majority of them Muslims). 1. History. According to the Rdd^atrangini, the city was founded by Asoka in 250 B.C. and became known as Srlnagarl, the city of Sri or Lakhshml (the goddess of fortune). It stood at the site of the present village of Pandrethan, some 3 miles above Srlnagar on the road to Djammu. According to Kalhana, the city contained lofty buildings reaching to the clouds. Srlnagar was the capital till about the middle of the 6th century A.D., when a new capital Pravarapura was founded, but Srlnagar continued to enjoy its existing position. Hiuen Tsang (Xuan-Zang), who visited Kashmir in 631, mentions two capitals. Hindu rulers frequently transferred the capital from place to place (Rd^atrangim, Stein, 444-5). During Mui^im rule, the city of Srlnagar was termed Kashmir (Bernier, 397); Mlrza Haydar, Abu '1-Fadl and Djahanglr, however, called it by its original name. The Muslim rulers founded a number of quarters in Srlnagar, known as Rincanpura, 'Aid3 al-Din pura, Kutb
al-Din pura, etc. In 1819 Srmagar was conquered by Randjlt Singh, and the Sikh rulers restored its original name. The Mughal rulers took a keen interest in the construction of buildings and the development of gardens in Srlnagar. Akbar reached Srlnagar on 21 Radjab 997/5 June 1589 for the first time. He ordered the construction of a bastioned stone wall enclosing the hill. During the time of Djahanglr, there were about 800 gardens in the neighbourhood of the Dal lake (Stuart, The gardens of the Great Moghul, 153-79). Abu '1-Fadl remarks: "Srlnagar is a great city and has long been peopled ... Most of the houses are of wood, and some rise up to five storeys. On the roofs they plant tulips and other flowers, and in the spring these rival flower gardens" (Akbar-ndma, tr. iii, 827-8). Bernier refers to the valley as the "Paradise of the Indies". After the Mughals the Afghans and the Sikhs ruled over Srlnagar. Moorcroft and Trebeck found Srlnagar "a confused mass of ill-favoured buildings" (Travels, ii, 127-8), where insanitary conditions and over-population often led to epidemics. Before the accession of the Maharadja Ranblr Singh (r. 1856-85), Srlnagar had been destroyed by fire sixteen times. Urban improvement took place after 1886 when the first Municipality Act was passed. In the Muslim religious life of the region, the following four developments are of special significance: (i) Rincana, the first Muslim ruler of Kashmir, built the first mosque in Srlnagar, known as Bud.Masajid, on the site of a Buddhist temple, (ii) Sayyid CA1I Hamadanl, popularly known as Shdh-i Hamaddn (d. 786/1385), established his mystical centre in Srlnagar, which became a focal point in the spread of Islam in Kashmir, (iii) Sultan Sikandar b. Hindal, called But-shikan (792-813/1390-1410 [q.v.])9 built the Bjami' Masdjid, and his son Zayn al-£Abid!n built the kjidnakdh of Sayyid Muhammad Madam, (iv) In 1110/1699, the mu-yi mubdrak (sacred hair of the Prophet) was brought to Srlnagar from Bidjapur by a Kashmiri merchant Khwadja Nur al-Din Ishbarl, and was placed in a mosque, which became known as Hadratbal mosque; thereafter the Hadratbal assumed a central place in Muslim religious life in Srlnagar. The geographical location of Srlnagar added to its importance as a centre of trade and industry. According to Stein, Srlnagar enjoyed facilities of communications which no other place in the region could offer. The river Djhelam has been the main artery of communication. Equidistant from Djammu, Rawalpindi, Leh and Gilgit, Srlnagar commanded the trade routes between India and Central Asia. Under Sultan Zayn al-cAbid!n, many new arts and crafts, like stonepolishing, stone-cutting, glass blowing, gold and silver leaf-making, papier-mache, the weaving of shawls, carpet weaving and calico printing, were introduced into Srlnagar. The shawl industry became particularly famous; according to M. Dauvergne, it dates back to the time of Babur. The first shawl which reached Europe was brought from Egypt by Napoleon. The enamel and metal-working of Srlnagar were famed. Beautiful ceilings of pine-wood, known as khatam-band, decorate houses and shrines. Zayn al-cAbidIn's patronage attracted to Srlnagar master-craftsmen from Samarkand, Bukhara and Persia. Bibliography: Kalhana, Rdjatrangim, tr. Sir Aurel Stein, 2 vols., London 1900; Alberuni's India, tr. E.G. Sachau, London 1914; anon., Bahdristdn-i-shdhi, ms. Research Library, Srlnagar; Abu '1-Fadl, Akbar-ndma, tr. H. Beveridge, Calcutta 1897-1939; Djahanglr, Tuzuk, tr. Rogers and Beveridge, London 1909-14;
SRlNAGAR Mlrza Haydar Dughlat, Ta'rikh-i Rashidi. tr. E.D. Ross and N. Elias, London 1895; F. Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire, London 1891; W. Moorcroft and G. Trebeck, Travels in the Himalayan provinces of Hindustan and the Punjab, in Ladakh and Kashmir, 2 vols., London 1841; Baron Schonberg, Travels in India and Kashmir, 2 vols., London 1853; Sir Aurel Stein, Memoir on the map illustrating the ancient geography of Kashmir, Calcutta 1899; H.H. Cole, Illustration of ancient buildings in Kashmir, London 1869; Imperial gazetteer of India2, xxiii, 99-105; C.M.V. Stuart, The gardens of the Great Moghul, London 1913; A.K. Bamzai, Archaeological remains rn Kashmir, Lahore 1935; P.N.K. Bamzai, A history of Kashmir, political, social and cultural from the earliest times to the present day, Delhi 1962; Mohibbul Hasan, Kashmir under the sultans, Calcutta 1959; M.I. Khan, History of Srinagar (1846-1947), Srihagar 1978; R.K. Parimu, A history of Muslim rule in Kashmir, Delhi 1969; G.M.D. Sufi, Kashir, being a history of Kashmir from the earliest times to our own time, 2 vols., Lahore 1948-9; N.K. Zutshi, Sultan £ain-al-cAbidin of Kashmir, Jammu-Lucknow 1976. See also KASHMIR, i. (K.A. NIZAMI) 2. Monuments and gardens, i. General considerations: The city of Srfnagar (also called, in the Muslim sources, Kashmir, like the valley) is built along both banks of the river Djhelam (in Kashmir called Behat; Sanskrit Vitasta) and covers also the area between the river and the Dal lake, tranversed by a net of canals. Integrated into this urban landscape of an unstable topography are two hills, the fortified Harl Parbat and the Takht-i Sulayman (for a map see best Stein; also Bates, 353). The residential areas on both sides of the Djhelam are linked by wooden bridges (kadal), introduced in the Muslim period; one of the_earliest being the Zayna Kadal, ascribed to Zayn al-cAbidm (823-75/1420-70) (Tabataba0!, fol. 9la; Stein, 153). The residential architecture, too, is essentially in wood and characterised by its multi-storeyed constructions, reflecting an ancient local tradition, alluded to in the Rdajatarangim (Kalhana, iii, y. 359), and continued by Muslim builders. Zayn al-£Abidin's wooden palace had, according to Mlrza Haydar Dughlat (429, cf. 425), as many as twelve storeys. In the Mughal period, however, the royal buildings and those of the well-to-do were constructed in stone (clnayat Khan, tr., 125), a local grey lime stone which takes polish like marble. Stone was continuously used for the religious architecture of Kashmir, but Muslim religious buildings were more often constructed in the vernacular wooden style (Bernier, 398). Characteristically, they are composed of a cubical body surmounted with a stepped pyramidal roof, topped by a spire sitting on an open pillared element; the form is used for both tomb-shrines (ziydrat) and mosques (figs. 1,2). Roofs are typically covered with birch and turf, and planted with tulips or irises, producing stunning effects during the time of their bloom (DjahangTr. tr. ii, 144-5; Tnayat Khaan, tr., 125). The wooden constructions were highly susceptible to fires, bringing about frequent reconstructions, which causes problems in dating [see also HIND. vii. Architecture, xi. Kashmir; MASDJID. II. B. Kashmir]. ii. Sultanate. The earliest surviving buildings of the Muslim period are largely built of stone and brick. The oldest are found in the quarters around the Harl Parbat. The complex of Mad(g)In (also Madam) Sahib, situated in Zadibal, consists of a gate, tomb and mosque. The mosque (dated 848/1444-5) follows the basic vernacular wooden type (delineated above but for its main body, which is built in masonry (fig. 1),
735
integrating elements of the pre-Muslim style of temple architecture, such as a portal with trefoil arches and fluted columns (front view in Nichols, pi. 58). The gate is a 17th century Mughal brick addition, robbed since 1918 of most of its excellent tile decoration (dated by some authors wrongly to the 15th century), brought here—according to the stylistic evidence—from Lahawr, the Mughal centre of tile production; part of the tiles are kept today in the Pratap Singh Museum of Srinagar (Hirananda Shastri, Annual progress report of the Archaeological Department Jammu and Kashmir State for the Vikrama year 1974 (A.D. 191718), 3; cf. Nichols, 78-81). The (heavily restored) tomb of the mother of Zayn al-cAbidin, designated also as the tomb of Zayn al-cAbidIn or "Badshah," below Zayna Kadal, follows an entirely different style, imported from Khurasan or Central Asia (fig. 4). The octagonal structure with angular projections at four of its corners topped by turret-like domed kiosks surrounding the central dome, (the interior dome being supported by a transition zone of 16 arches), shows a brick exterior decorated with small blue glazed moulded joint plugs (for this type of wall-facing in Central Asia, see L. Golombek and D. Wilber, The Timurid architecture of Iran and Turan, Princeton 1988, cat. no. 18), testifying to the Timurid inclinations of its patron (for which see Abu '1-Fadl, A'm, ii, tr. 383). The conspicuous Khdnakdh of Shah Hamadan (died in 786/1384 according to the inscription over the doorway), on the right bank of the Djhelam, represents, as it stands today, an elaboration of the basic vernacular wooden building type (often illustrated, e.g. Kak, pi. 6). The Djamlc Masdjid, founded in 795/1392-3 (according to Djahanglr, tr. ii, 142) on the site of the old city temple, and rebuilt several times, after being destroyed by fires, the latest in 1085/1674, integrates vernacular units as prayer hall and gates into a large courtyard mosque on a fouriwdn plan, formed of wings with tall wooden pillars, (fig. 2; good plans and elevations of both monuments in Nichols). The southern gate of the Djamf Masdjid has an epigraphical edict of Shah Djahan (103768/1628-58) (S. Moosvi, Administering Kashmir. An imperial edict of Shdhjahdn, in Aligarh Jnal. of Oriental Studies, iii/2 [1986], 141-52). iii. Mughal period. Mughal building activities began soon after the final conquest in 1586, when Akbar built fortifications for a new city, called Naganagari (Djonaradja, 426-7) or Nagar Nagar (inscription dated 1006/1597-8 on KathI Darwaza; tr., Kak, 89) around the Harl Parbat. The citadel on the hill (dawlat khdna-yi Kashmir) was completed by Djahanglr (1014-37/1605-27) (7^, tr., ii, 139, 150-1) but altered in the later periods (fig. 3). Today it consists of two oblong enclosures, set at an angle to each other, of which the upper one seems to be the site of a garden laid out by Akbar, refashioned in 1620 and renamed Bagh-i Nur Afza by Djahanglr (ii, 151, 161-2); a building with traces of painted wall decoration was still standing there in 1986. Also of Djahanglr's period is the Patthar Masdjid or Naw Masdjid in the city (fig. 5; plan in Koch, fig. 91) (according to its inscription, rescued in 1207/1792-3 from being used as a granary), which is an early example of a distinct Mughal imperial mosque type, with an oblong, arched prayer hall formed of bays arranged on a grid pattern and covered by vaults, which express the elaborate netted patterns of the period in the local stone. The mosque of Akhnun Mulla Shah (1061/1651, Tnayat Khan, 458; plan in Soundara Rajan, fig. 5) on the southern side of the
736
SRlNAGAR — SU BASHl
Hari Parbat, between the outer wall and the citadel, also introduces Mughal mainstream traditions (fig. 6). Its compact five-bay prayer hall is integrated into a courtyard building composed of three more wings with only partly interconnecting rooms; the plan has a close precursor in the mosque of Shaykh cAbd al-NabT at Dihll (983/1575-6; ASI, Memoir, ix [1921], pi. 2). The Han Parbat mosque formed part of a larger complex to which belonged also the hammdm situated to its north east (dated 1059/1649; tr. of inscription, Kak, 91), created—like the terraced Parl Mahall outside of the city (fig. 7) by the famous Kadiri Shaykh Mulla Shah Badakhshani (Akhnun Mulla Shah) and his imperial disciples, Dara Shukoh and Djahanara [
2. Studies. For the topography of pre-Muslim Srmagar, see M.A. Stein, Memoir on maps illustrating the ancient geography of Kashmir, in JASB, Ixviii (1899) (Extra no. 2), section iii, 1-232, which also contains information about the Muslim periods; for indigenous maps see S. Gole, Indian maps and plans from earliest times to the advent of European surveys, New Delhi 1989, 116 ff. The most useful general treatment is still R.C. Kak, Ancient monuments of Kashmir, London 1933, repr. New Delhi 1971; see also C.E. Bates, A gazetteer of Kashmir, 1893?, repr. New Delhi 1980; M. Kaul, Kashmir. Hindu, Buddhist and Muslim architecture, New Delhi 1971. For the vernacular style, see P. Brown, Indian architecture (Islamic period), London 1942, 1956, repr. Bombay 1981, 80-3; J.R. Nichols, Muhammadan architecture, in Marg, viii/2 (1955), 76-92; M. Mangat Rai, Wooden mosques of Kashmir, in Oriental art, N.S. xiii/4 (1967), 263-70; M.N. Ganju, Srinagar au bord de I'eau (Cachemire). Architectures en Inde, Milan-Paris 1985, 30-5. For individual buildings discussed above, see Soundara Rajan, Islam builds in India, Delhi 1983; Ebba Koch, Mughal architecture, Munich 1991; Catherine B. Asher, Architecture of Mughal India, Cambridge-New YorkOakleigh 1992. The literature on the gardens is cited under BUSTAN. n. Mughal Gardens; MUGHALS. 7. Architecture; and, since then, A. Petruccioli, / giardini mogjiul del Kashmir, in // giardino islamico, Milan 1994. (EBBA KOCH) SRIRANGAPATTANAM, Europeanised form SERINGAPATAM, a town of South India (lat. 12° 25' N., long. 76° 42' E.). In British India, it came within the princely state of Mysore [see MAHISUR, MAYSUR], and is now in the Mysore District, the southernmost one of the Karnataka State of the Indian Union. It is situated on an island in the Cauvery River to the north-north-east of Mysore city. Named after its shrine to the Hindu god Sri Rariga (Visnu), it became in the 17th century the capital of the Hindu Radjas of Mysore and then, after 1761, of the Muslim sultans Haydar £AlI and Tipu Sultan [0.w>.]. The latter's opposition to the British brought about an attack on Seringapatam by Lord Cornwallis in 1792, and then in May 1799 Tlpu's capital was finally stormed by combined British forces under General Harris, and Tipu killed. The town's significant Islamic monuments include Tlpu's Masdjid-i cAlI and the Darya Dawlat garden and palace; for details, see MAHISUR. 2. Monuments. In 1971 the town had a population of 14,153. Bibliography: Imperial gazetteer of India2, xxii, 17880; Mohibbul Hasan, History of Tipu Sultan, Calcutta 1971; and see the bibl. to MAHISUR. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SU (T.), the common Turkish word for "water", originally suv (which explains the form suybefore vowel-initial possessive suffixes, e.g. suyu "his water"), the form still found in South-West Turkmen, in Ottoman orthography su. The word is found frequently in the Orkhon inscriptions, often in the phrase yer suv = "territory", i.e. an area containing both land and water in the form of rivers, lakes, etc. (see Sir Gerald Clauson, An etymological dictionary ofprethirteenth century Turkish, Oxford 1972, 783-4). In Central Asia and in the Turkicised northern tier of the Middle East, Su is a frequent component of hydronyms, e.g. Ak Su, KaraoSu. (ED.) SU BASHl (T.), an ancient title in Turkish tribal organisation meaning "commander of the army, troops". The first word was originally su, with front vowel; no proof has as yet been adduced for
SRINAGAR
PLATE XII
1. Shrine of Madm Sahib, mosque, 848/1444-5 (Photo: E. Koch, 1986).
2. Djarni' Masdjid, courtyard, founded in 14th century, last rebuilt in 1085/1674 (Photo: E. Koch, 1981).
PLATE XIII
SRINAGAR
3. Han Parbat, from the south-east (Photo: E. Koch, 1981).
4. Tomb (of the mother?) of Zayn al-cAbidm, 9th/15th century (Photo: E. Koch, 1981).
SRlNAGAR
PLATE XIV
5. Patthar Masdjid, 1620s, pishtak of prayer hall (Photo: E. Koch, 1981).
6. Hari Parbat, mosque of Akhnun Mulla Shah, 1061/1651, courtyard facade of prayer hall (Photo: E. Koch, 1981).
PLATE XV
SRlNAGAR
7. Pan Mahall, ca. 1650 (Photo: E. Koch, 1981).
8. ShalTmar gardens, Bagh-i Farah Bakhsh (lower garden), founded in 1620 (Photo: E. Koch, 1981).
SU BASHI — SU'AWl, CALI the suggestion that the word was originally a loan from Chinese (see Sir Gerard Clauson, An etymological diet, of pre-thirteenth century Turkish, Oxford 1972, 781). Sii appears frequently in the Orkhon [q.v.] inscriptions and probably in the Yenisei ones also. In the former, we find the phrase su siikmek "to make a military expedition", and the title sii basin also occurs (see Talat Tekin, A grammar of Orkhon Turkish, Bloomington-The Hague 1968, index at 370). In Mahmud Kashgharf [q.v], sii is glossed as a^und (Diwdn lughdt al-turk. Tkish. tr. Atalay, iii, 208-9, Eng. tr. R. Dankoff and J. Kelly, Compendium of the Turkic dialects, Cambridge, Mass. 1982-4, ii, 258), and in the Kipcak Turkish of the 8th/14th century, sii bashi is denned as ra3s al-askar (M.T. Houtsma, Ein tiirkischarabisches Glossar, Leiden 1894, Ar. text 14, 30). The spelling su evolves later, apparently influenced by the quite separate word su(w) "water" since we occasionally find at a later date the originally military title sii bashi for the official in charge of irrigation (i.e. the mir-db). Some two centuries after the Orkhon Turkish usage, sii bashi is found amongst the Oghuz tribe in their pre-conversion-to-Islam days. In 309/922 the Arab traveller Ibn Fadlan [q.v.] encountered in the steppes between the Aral Sea and the Ural River the sahib al-ajqysh of the Oghuz, clearly their sii bashi; he had under him subordinate military commanders, including the Tarkhan, the Yinal and the Y.gh.l.z (A.Z.V. Togan, Ibn Fadldns Reisebencht, Leipzig 1929, §§ 34, 36, Ar. text 28-31, and Excursus § 34a, Ger. text 141-2). The late Samanid author al-Khwarazmf [q.v.] likewise, in his Mqfafih al-culum defines sii bashi as sahib al-ajqysh (C.E. Bosworth and Sir G. Clauson, AlXwdrazml on the peoples of Central Asia, in JRAS [1965], 11). Around this same period, according to Kashghan, the full title of Seldjiik (sic) b. Dukak, eponymous ancestor of the Saldjuks, was Seldjiik Sii Bashi (tr. Atalay, i, 478, tr. Dankoff and Kelly, i, 356). Su Bashi became a very well-known military and police tide in the Ottoman empire, but it was found in Asia Minor as early as the time of the Saldjuks. In the 7th/13th century Ibn Bibi (ed. Houtsma, iv, 210) speaks of a su bashi of the town of Kharput or Khartpert [q.v] who was probably under the Rum Saldjuk sultan of Konya. Every town of any importance had a su bashi; when cOthman took possession of his first capital, Karadja Hisar, one of his first acts was to appoint to the su bashilik his cousin Alp Giindiiz (Tawdrikh-i dl-i cothmdn, ed. Giese, 7; Urudj Beg, ed. Babinger, 12). As the Ottoman supremacy became confirmed, a differentiation of the functions and the position of the Su Bashi in the provinces and in the capital was introduced. In the provinces, they obtained a position in the feudal organisation, which also proves the military origin of their functions. The Su Bashis had their own fiefs (timdr), and they exercised police control over the other sipdhis and the inhabitants of the district under their charge. Administratively, they were under the authority of an a lay beg, who again was subject to the sancfrak beg [see SANDJAK]. These Su Bashis had many privileges, which varied according to the different provinces; they had the right to a certain amount of the imposts and the fines extorted from the people (see Kdnun-ndme-yi dl-i cothmdn, ed. cArif Bey, Istanbul 1330, appendix to TOEM, xiii-xiv, 28). In the capital, the Su Bashi became one of the chief officers of police, who assisted the Cawush Bashi, whose function is most like that of minister of Police. With the Muhzir (Muhdir) Agha and the cAses Bashi,
737
he was responsible for the carrying out of all the judicial sentences and in general for obedience to the police regulations in the capital. Besides this, the title of Su Bashi was used to designate a certain military rank in the cavalry corps of the cUlufedjis. Bibliography: Sir Paul Ricaut, Etat present de VEmpire Ottoman, Paris 1670, 345; J. von Hammer, Des osmanischen Reiches Staatsverfassung und Staatsverwaltung, i, 370, ii, 121, 240; M. d'Ohsson, Tableau de I'empire othoman, Paris 1820, iii, 341, 380 ff.; A.H. Lybyer, The government of the Ottoman empire in the time of Suleiman the Magnificent, Cambridge, Mass. 1913, 129; Pakalm, iii, 259-61; Gibb and Bowen, Islamic society and the west, i, index. (J.H. KRAMERS-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) SU'AWI, CALI (1839-78), journalist, controversial pamphleteer and political activist, born in Istanbul. His father Hiiseyin Efendi is said to have instilled in him a dedication to social justice. Su'awi's early education was at a riishdiyye (high school). He later studied the Islamic sciences at a madrasa. He held various administrative and teaching posts in Istanbul and Bursa. As a teacher in Plovdiv (now in Bulgaria), he was dismissed for allegedly fomenting civil disturbances. Returning to Istanbul in 1866, he published articles in the newspaper Mukhbir ("The Reporter") and gained fame also as a fiery preacher (mainly at the Shehzade Mosque). Because of his radical ideas, he was banished, in 1867, to Kastamonu, from where he escaped to Paris. With Namik Kemal [q.v] and Ziya (Diya5) (Pasha), he re-published Mukhbir in London as the official organ of the Young Ottoman Society. The following year, he fell out with Kemal and Ziya, and turned against the Young Ottomans. In 1869 he published, in Paris, a journal entitled fUlum ("The Sciences"), which carried the subtitle "Encyclopaedic Turkish Journal". Later he went to Lyons, where he published a periodical called Muvakkaten ("Temporarily"). Upon Murad V's accession to the throne (1876), C A1I Su'awl returned to Istanbul in 1876. After a short stint as Director of the Royal School of Galatasaray, he was dismissed in 1877 during the reign of £Abd iil-Hamfd II. On 20 May 1878, in an abortive attempt to bring Murad V back as sultan, he led a few hundred Balkan refugees in an assault against the Ciraghan Palace, where he was clubbed to death by Hasan Pasha, the police commandant for Beshiktash. C A1I Su'awfs intellectual life, protean and full of paradoxes, failed to produce a synthesis. He oscillated between his loyalty to Islam (as faith and culture) and modernisation (as a civilising and secular process). He was at once a bold progressive and a strong reactionary. Like many of his contemporaries, he came under the influence of Enlightenment ideals, about which he was often critical. His Islamic orientation caused him to challenge European concepts of popular sovereignty and separation of powers. For the Ottoman state, he advocated a constitutional government and Turkish nationalism. Near the end of his life, he became enamored of Frederic LePlay's populist ideas and set up a Semc u Td'at ("Hearing and Obeying") Society dedicated to a counter-revolutionary programme. One of the pioneers of Turkish nationalism and the Pan-Turkish ideology, 'All Su'awl played a significant role in fostering patriotic pride in Central Asian Turkic culture and in the strengths of the Turkish language. He articulated these nationalistic views in several monographs, including Khiva en Mars (1873). He also wrote dozens of pamphlets and books
738
SU'AWI,
(127, according to some sources), most of which remained unpublished and have been lost. His Kdmus ul-culum we }l-maedrif, given with the journal 'Ulum, did not go beyond eighty pages; it is, however, considered one of the earliest attempts at an illustrated Ottoman encyclopaedia. Bibliography. Bursali Mehmed Tahir, COM, i, Istanbul 1918; Ismail Hami Dani§mend, Alt Suavi'nin turkyulugu, Ankara 1942; Midhat Cemal Kuntay. Sankh Mldlci Ali Suavi, Istanbul 1946; FaHh Rifki Atay, Ba§ veren bir inkilapfi, Ankara 1954: §erif Mardin, The genesis of Young Ottoman thought, Princeton 1962. (TALAT SAIT HALMAN) SUCAYR, preferably to be read as Saclr, although the former is more common, an idol of the preIslamic Arabian tribe of c Anaza (Ibn al-Kalbl, 48-9), coming from f.w.s, an Aramaean eponym denoting in the Bible (refs. in Gesenius-Buhl, 573) the land of Edom and the group of tribes living there (W. Robertson Smith, Kinship and marriage in early Arabia, 260-1; Noldeke, in £DMG, xl [1887], 183). Saclr, which followed the same evolution as cAwd, denotes in the Bible the land of Edom before its occupation by the sons of Esau. Gen. xxxvi.9 speaks of the hill country Se'ir, of the Horites, sons of Secir (v. 20), and of the land of Secir (v. 30). The names Yakdum and Yadhkur, the two sons of £Anaza, whose descendants sacrificed to al-Sa'Ir (Ibn al-Kalbl, 26), resemble in their formation those of Yacush and Ya£lam, two of the numerous sons of Esau (Gen. xxxvi.5, etc.)._ On this last, al-Layth says substantially that Esau (Tsu, Hebr. cEsaw), son of Isaac, son of Abraham, was buried in a small village called Sf c fr between Jerusalem and Hebron; he is the eponymous ancestor of the Rum (TCA, iv, 414). The £Anaza and Bakr b. Wa'il (Ibn al-Kalbl, 25; TCA, iii, 276, v, 58) are said to have known and to have adopted this divinity in the course of their migrations as a guarantor of the pact uniting them. As a clan name, it appears in Lihyanite as s.'.r. (see G. Ryckmans. Noms propres, i, 153). The text represented on camel-back at Palmyra, formerly read as s.e.r(w) (see D. Schlumberger, La Palmyrene du NordOuest, Paris 1951, 154-5) is now, however, read as s.c.d(w) and related to Ar. sacd "good fortune" (see D.R. Killers and Eleonora Cussini, Palmyrene Aramaic texts, Baltimore 1996, 415). Bibliography: Refs. in T. Fahd, La pantheon de VArabie Centrale a la veille de rhegire, Paris 1968, 48_-9. (T. FAHD) SUBA, traditionally but dubiously derived from Arabic sawb, lit. a patch or track, direction, pronounced sub in India; whence the term suba for province coined by the Mughal Emperor Akbar in 989/1580, when he created this territorial unit by putting a number of the existing sarkdrs or territorial divisions under each suba. Some of these subas like Bengal, Bihar or Gudjarat represented historic, well-organised regions; others like Ilahabas (Allahabad) or Agra were artificial creations. As Akbar extended his empire, the original twelve subas were augmented: Multan (with sub-suba of Thatta), Kabul (with sub-subas of Kashmir and Kandahar), Dandesh (Khandesh), Ahmadnagar and Berar. Subsequent annexations under Shah Djahan and Awrangzib led to the creation of the subas of Bldar, Bfdjapur and Haydarabad, while the suba of Kandahar was lost to the Safawids. Abu '1-Fadl's A3in-i Akban (1003/1595) gives an extremely detailed account of the geography, resources, revenues, zamindar castes, etc. of each suba. The administrative machinery of the suba was
designed by Akbar to have the writ of the central administration run most effectively. While the governor (sipdhsdlar, ndg,im) was directly answerable to the Emperor, his colleagues, viz. the diwdn (head of revenue department), bakhshi (head of military administration and intelligence) and sadr (in charge of pious endowments) were not subordinate to him, but to the corresponding ministers at the centre. Moreover, during the heyday of the empire (late 10th and llth century/late 16th and 17th century), the governors and other officers were frequently transferred from one suba to another. Nor did the governor have full control over the assignment of ajdgirs [q.v.] to military commanders posted under him, which belonged to the jurisdiction of the central Diwdn. There was, at the same time, an element of flexibility in the suba administration: The Deccan subas began to be grouped together under one sipdhsdlar or viceroy from even Akbar's time onwards. This became ultimately the source of power of Nizam al-Mulk Asaf Djah [q.v.] in Haydarabad during the 12th/18th century. Bibliography: Abu '1-Fadl, A'm-iAkbari, ed. Blochmann, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta 1867-77, ii; P. Saran, The provincial government of the Mughals, 2Bombay 1973; Irfan Habib, An atlas of the Mughal empire, Oxford and New Delhi 1982; M. Athar Ali, The apparatus of empire. Awards of ranks, offices and titles to the Mughal nobility 1574-1658, Oxford and New Delhi 1985. (M. ATHAR ALI) SUBADAR, the governor of a suba [q.v.] or province in the Mughal empire, also known variously as sipdhsdlar, ndgim and sahib suba. Though governors of large territories (e.g. Gudjarat) were appointed before 989/1580, when Akbar organised the subas of his empire, a systematic form was given to the office only after this organisation. Depending upon the importance of the suba, the office was one of great status, and only high nobles (mansabddrs [see MANSAB and MANSABDAR]) were appointed to it. Akbar's experiment of appointing co-governors was soon abandoned. While the terms of office depended upon the Emperor's will, transfers were frequent; and until well into the 12th/18th century, the Mughal court did not allow provincial dynasts to develop out of its governors. The subaddr was not only appointed by an imperial farmdn, but was directly subordinate to the Emperor. As sipdhsdlar, he was the head of the army posted to the suba and responsible for maintenance of law and order. He had a role, too, in administering criminal justice. But the financial and revenue administration, being in the hands of the diwdn, was outside his jurisdiction, since the diwdn of the suba was directly subordinate to the ministry at the centre, the aiwdn-i afld. So, too, was the maintenance of military contingents and the intelligence network, being under the bakhshi (responsible to the central mir bakhshi). This limitation of authority was designed to prevent the subaddr becoming too powerful. Djahangir abolished the subaddr's privilege of awarding capital punishment, and prohibited any observance that might smack of royal court ritual. Constraints on the subaddr's authority, however, began to disappear in the 12th/ 18th century after the death of Awrangzlb. Bibliography: See that to SUBA, and also M. Athar Ali, Provincial governors under Aurangzeb—an analysis, in Medieval India. A miscellany, Bombay 1969, i. (M. ATHAR ALI) SUBAYC (or SABAYC), BANU, the name of a c Bedouin tribe of al- Arid [q.v], the central district of Nadjd [q.v.; see also AL-KHARDJ] in modern Saudi Arabia. They live in and around the oasis of al-Ha°ir,
SUBAYC — SUBAYTA also called Ha'ir Subay' or Ha'ir al-Acizza, a dominant section of the Banu Subayc. Al-Ha'ir lies south-southeast of al-Riyad [q.v], at the junction of Wadi Hamfa [q.v] and the valleys Luha (sometimes misspelled as al-Ha) and Bu'aydja' (the lower stretch of al-Awsat). The valley of al-cAtk [q.v.] is regarded as lying within the range of the Banu Subay' and the Banu al-Suhul, while the sweet water wells of Hafar al-cAtk belong to the Khudran, a group consisting of the al-Nabata and the al-£Uraynat, both sections of the Banu Subayc. The latter are also found in the borderlands between al-Hidjaz and Nadjd [see the map in AL-CARAB, Djazfrat], while their western section regard the oasis of al-Khurma [q.v.] as their capital. They are mentioned among the opponents of the al-Dawasir [q.v.]. Bibliography. H.St.J. Philby, The heart of Arabia. A record of travel and exploration, 2 vols., London 1922, index; idem, Arabian highlands, London-New York 1952, index; idem, Arabian jubilee, London 1952, 63; J.G. Lorimer, Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, 'Oman and central Arabia, Calcutta 1908-15, repr. Farnborough 1970, IIB, 1622. (E. VAN DONZEL) AL-SUBAYBA, a large castle, popularly known as Kal£at Namrud, located on a mountain top near the western slopes of the Djawlan [q.v], some 2 km to the east of the city of Baniyas [q.v]. It was traditionally believed by modern scholars that the castle was originally built by the Franks, during the years when they controlled Baniyas (1130-2, 1140-64), but recent research has shown that it was first constructed by the minor Ayyubid prince of the region, al-£Azfz cUthman b. al-cAdil b. Ayyub, in 625/1288 (see the foundation inscription in RCEA, no. 3984, and the evidence provided by Sibt Ibn alDjawzl, Mir3at al-^amdn, viii, Haydarabad 1951, 678). The first stage of the construction work is represented by the imposing keep on the eastern side of the present-day structure, and may well have been instigated by al-£Azfz's brother, the ruler of Damascus alMu'azzam clsa [q.v]. It has been convincingly suggested that the impetus for the establishment of the fort was the desire of al-Mu£azzam, who was locked in a struggle with his brother al-Kamil Muhammad [q.v] and likewise disturbed by reports of Frederick II's impending Crusade, to protect the approach to Damascus from the northern Palestinian coast (see R. Ellenblum, Who built Qal'at al-Subayba^, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, xliii [1989], 103-12). Two years later, al£ AzIz cUthman significantly enlarged the fort along the narrow ridge on which it is located, giving it its present-day elongated shape. In early 658/1260, the area came under the control of the Mongols, who destroyed part of the fortifications of al-Subayba and looted the place (Abu Shama, Dhayl cala 'l-rawdatayn, Cairo 1947, 206). After the Mongol defeat at £Ayn Djalut [q.v] later that year, the fortress and the surrounding region were incorporated into the Mamluk Sultanate. Baybars (658-76/1260-77 [q.v]) had the fort repaired, substantially enlarging the towers. Subsequently, it appears to have become the actual administrative centre for the camal (region) of Baniyas. With the eventual expulsion of the Crusaders from Syria and the ebbing of the Mongol threat, the fort lost much of its strategic importance. By the 9th/15th century, it appears to have been mainly used as a prison for high-ranking Mamluk inmates. During the Ottoman period, the castle was repaired at least twice (1625, 1761), the first time by Fakhr al-Dm Macn [q.v], the second by a local potentate. The Ottoman governor of Damascus, however, soon had these latter repairs dismantled (A. al-KhalidT al-Safadl, Le
739
Liban a I'epoque de Fahr-ed-Dln ii, ed. Rustum and Baoustany, Beirut 1936, 243; M. Breik, Histoire du pays de Damas de 1720 a 1723, ed. Constantin Bacha, Harissa 1930, 72). Important surveying work of the site was conducted by Deschamps in the 1930s, and in recent years extensive excavations and reconstruction work have been undertaken. Bibliography: For a comprehensive list of earlier studies, see Ellenblum, 103, n. 2. For the inscriptions, see M. van Berchem, Le chateau du Bdnids et ses inscriptions, in JA, ser. 8, xii (1888), 440-70; R. Amitai, Notes on the Ayyubid inscriptions at al-Subayba (Qal'at Nimrud), in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, xliii (1989), 113-19; R. Amitai-Preiss, An Arabic inscription at alSubayba (Qalcat Namrud) from the reign of Sultan Baybars, forthcoming in cAtiqot which also discusses the history of the fort in the early Mamluk period. (R. AMITAI-PREISS) SUBAYHl (as in "the Subayhl tribe") or Subayha, the name of a tribal group inhabiting the area to the west and north-west of Aden [see CADAN] in the Yemen from Rajs clmran, a few kilometres to the west of Little Aden in the east, as far as Bab al-Mandab in the west, and inland. They are divided into five main groups as follows: Khulayfi, £Utirf, 'AtifT, Musaffi" and Buraymf. Their name is inherited from the ancient Dhu Asbah of Himyar. Writing in the 4th/10th century, al-Hamdanl, 53, says that Lahdj has in it the Asabih, the descendants of Asbah b. £ Amr b. Harith Phi Asbah. He later, 97, notes that in his day the Subayhfs occupied an area more to the east and including Khanfar in Abyan [q.v] which they shared with Banu Madjfd. Of the latter are the cAbadil, the ruling family of Lahdj. In 1882 the Subayhf Engagement was ratified in Calcutta by the Viceroy and Governor-General himself, placing the cAbdalI sultan of Lahdj in authority over the Subayhfs (text in Government of Bombay, Arab tribes, 161-3). In 1886, however, the Subayhfs were released from 'Abdalf control after much hostility between the two (ibid., 20), a hostility which was to continue, at least in the early years of the century. After the Protectorate treaties of the 1950s, the Subayhfs were placed nominally under the Lahdj sultan, although they continued to show varying degrees of independence. Bibliography: Extremely useful on the geography and history is R.B. Serjeant, Notes on Subaihi territory west of Aden, in Le Museon, Ixvi (1953), 123-31. See also Government of Bombay, Arab tribes in the vicinity of Aden, Bombay 1909; cUmar Rida Kahhala, Mu'ajam kaba'il al-cArab, 2Beirut 1982, ii, 632-3. (G.R. SMITH) SUBAYTA, ISBAYTA, the Arabic name for a settlement in the Negev [see AL-NAKB] region of southern Palestine, which had the Nabataean name, rendered in Greek sources as Sobata (whence the Arabic one), Hebrew Shivta. Its ruins lie 43 km/27 miles to the southwest of Beersheba at an altitude of some 350 m/1,150 feet. First described by E.H. Palmer in 1870, it has been extensively excavated since the 1930s. The town flourished in Late Nabataean, Late Roman and Byzantine times as an unwalled, essentially agricultural centre, it being away from the main trade routes. The exact date of the coming of the Muslim Arabs is unknown, but was probably in the later 630s. A mosque was built near the Southern Church, with care taken not to damage the adjacent basilica. Early Arab-Islamic coins have been found, but it seems that the town was abandoned in the 2nd/8th century or the 3rd/9th one at the latest.
740
SUBAYTA
Bibliography: A. Segal, The Byzantine city of Shiuta (Esbeita), Negev Desert, Israel, Brit. Archaeol. Reports, Internal. Ser. 179, Oxford 1983; A. Negev, in E. Stern et alii (eds.), The encyclopedia of archaeological excavations in the Holy Land, New York 1993, iv, 1404-10. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SUBAYTILA, modern Tunisian Arabic pronunciation SBITLA, conventionally SBEITLA, the Islamic and modern names of ancient Sufetula, a town of west-central Tunisia. Situated at over 450 m/ 1,500 feet above sea level, near abundant water resources and a wadi and surrounded by high plateaux, it is still today an important cross-roads between the north, west and south of the country. From what is at present known, the ancient town (whose present successor only occupies some 20 ha, and this more than double that of the end of the 19th century) must have been closely linked with two other great cities: Cillium (Kasserine) and Ammaedra (Haydra), i.e. in the second half of the 1st century A.D. when the region, permanently involved in warfare against Berber tribes, was pacified by the Third Legion of Augustus under the Flavian emperors. The army was in large measure replaced by veterans who settled on parcels of land for colonisation, of which Subaytila was probably part. Like most of the great African cities, the town enjoyed under Septimius Severus (193-211), himself of African origin, a great urban and commercial development. In Christian times, Sufetula had, by 256 at the latest, a bishop who represented it at the Council of Carthage convoked by St. Cyprian. It was affected by persecutions, the most severe of which was that of Diocletian at the beginning of the 4th century and which gave rise to the Donatist movement, a schismatic movement which enlivened African Christianity all through the 4th century. Like many African towns, from this time onwards, Sufetula had two bishops, one Catholic and the other Donatist. Both parties in the town were represented at the council summoned by the Emperor Honorius at Carthage in 411 which condemned and isolated this schismatic movement. With the Vandal invasion and occupation of 429, Sufetula formed part of the royal domain until the Byzantine reconquest in 533. From then onwards, it became a military centre under Justinian's policy of unifying the province and defending it against the more and more pressing threats from the Berber kingdoms. The Patricius Gregory, who succeeded Belisarius, the first Byzantine governor of Africa, chose Sufetula as his personal residence and as his military base. He speedily declared his independence of the emperor in Constantinople, and subsequently had to face the Muslim armies sent from Tripolitania and headed by £ Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr and then by cAbd Allah Ibn Abl Sarh [
SUBH especially well preserved: an episcopal complex, with a church, cathedral, etc.; a second church built on a pagan temple, and two lesser ones; and a series of fortified houses to the south-east of the site, all from the 6th-7th centuries. Bibliography: The most complete bibl. (to the 1970s) is N. Duval, L'urbanisme de Sufetula, in Aufstieg und Medergang der romischen Welt (ANRW), xii/2, 19. See also A. Merlin, Forum et eglises de Sufetula, in Notes et documents de la Direction des Antiquites et Arts de Tunisie, v, Paris 1912; C. Lepelley, Les cites de I'Afrique romaine au Bas-Empire, ii, Paris 1981; F. Bejaoui, Sbeitla, I'antique Sufetula, Tunis 1994. (FETHI BEJAOUI) §UBlrI [see SALAT]. §UBH AL-BASHKUNSIYYA, so-called on account of her Basque origin, was a singing slave girl belonging to the second Umayyad caliph of al-Andalus, alHakam al-Mustansir (350-62/961-76 [q.v.]), who loved her dearly (calling her £)jacfar) and to whom she bore two sons, thus becoming an umm walad and taking the title of sayyida. cAbd al-Rahman b. al-Hakam was born in 351/962; he was the first son of the caliph, who was already 46 years old at the time. Although c Abd al-Rahman died at an early age (359/969-70), his brother Hisham (born 354/965) guaranteed a successor to al-Mustansir, whose joy at the birth of this second son is recorded by the chroniclers, and illustrated by the pair of little ivory boxes made at Madlnat al-Zahra' and dedicated in 355/966 to "the most beloved of fertile women", i.e. to Subh. In 356/966-7 she chose as administrator of her property and that of her children a young man who had been introduced to her by the wa&r Dja'far alMushaff. This_ was the start of the impressive career of Ibn Abi 'Amir (al-Mansur) [q.v.], who succeeded in gaining the support of Subh and of other women of the caliphal entourage. The relationship between Subh and Ibn Abl cAmir was the subject of malicious rumours, and satirical verse concerning them was widely circulated in Cordova. Public display of the lavish gifts offered to Subh by Ibn Abl cAmir contributed to the proliferation of these rumours, but the caliph continued to entrust to him official duties of the highest importance, while his love for Subh and their son Hisham is acknowledged by all the Arabic sources. Hisham was proclaimed heir in 365/976, which reinforced his mother's position in the palace as well as that of Ibn Abl cAmir. Subh had other supporters, including her brother (Ra'ik or Fa'ik by name), who was a mawld of the caliph and occupied posts in the civil and military administration (sahib al-makh^un, sahib al-sJiurta, kd'id, etc.). On the death of al-Hakam, however, the succession of Hisham, still a minor, was opposed by two senior palace officials, the Sakaliba [q.v] Fa'ik and Djawdhar. An alliance formed by Subh, Ibn Abl cAmir and al-Mushafi guaranteed the succession of Hisham, which enabled them to exercise real power. According to some sources, it was Subh who controlled affairs of state, through the intermediacy of Ibn Abl cAmir, who conveyed her instructions to ministers and was the only one having access to the sayyida. But relations between them deteriorated when Subh realised that Ibn AbT cAmir had no intention of transferring power to Hisham on attainment of his majority. When Ibn Abl £Amir fell sick, she took advantage of his absence and removed from the palace, with the aid of her brother, very substantial sums of money, intended no doubt to finance an armed coup against Ibn Abl cAmir. But in this struggle for power, it was
SUBH — SUBHA the latter who emerged victorious. With the aid of his son cAbd al-Malik, he took control of the caliphal palace and the public treasury on 3 Djumada I 386/24 May 996. *Abd al-Malik was unmoved by the abuse hurled at him by Subh, who was forced to admit defeat. Hisham willingly acknowledged the authority of Ibn Abf 'Amir over the country, and in 387/9978 he participated with his mother in a ceremony intended to renew his caliphal oath and the transfer of power into the hands of al-Mansur. Subh died one year later, on 29 Dhu 'l-Hi^jdja 389/11 December 999; it was al-Mansur who, bare-footed, led the funeral prayers. Bibliography: Dhikr bildd al-Andalus, ed. and tr. L. Molina, Madrid 1983, 172/182, 173-4/184, 178/ 189, 185-5/196; Ibn al-Abbar, al-Hulla al-siyard3, i, 268; Ibn Bassam, al-Dbakhira, ed. I. 'Abbas, iv, 60, 70-2; Ibn Hayyan, Muktabis, ed. 'A. al-Hadjdjf, tr. E. Garcia Gomez, 77/100, 117/149, 149/189, 185/203, 200/223; Ibn Hazm, Tawk al-hamdma, tr. E. Garcia Gomez, 74, J25; Ibn 'Idharf, al-Baydn al-mughrib, ii, 235-36, 239, 251-3, 258, 280; Ibn alKhatfb, A'mal al-acldm, Rabat 1934, 67-9; Makkarf, Nqfh al-tib, ed. I. 'Abbas, i, 399, 603, iii, 86-8, 92-3; M.L. Avila, La proclamation (bayca) de Hisdm II. Ano 976 d.C., in Al-Qantara, i (1980), 79-114; R. Dozy, Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, Leiden 1861, iii, 133-4, 221-2; J. Ferrandis, Marfiles drabes de Occidente, Madrid 1935-40; E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. musulmane, ii, Paris 1950; M. Marin, Las mujeres de las closes sociaks superiores, in MJ. Viguera (ed.), La mujer en al-Andalus: rejlejos historicos de su actividad y categorias sociaks, Madrid-Seville 1989, 105-27; eadem, Notas sobre onomdstica y denominaciones femeninas en al-Andalus (siglos VIII-XI), in Homenaje al Prof. D. Cabanelas, Granada 1987, 37-52; F. Mernissi, Sultanes oubliees: femmes chefs d'Etat en Islam, Paris 1990, 64-72. (MANUELA MARIN) SUBH-I AZAL, the sobriquet of MIRZA YAHYA NURI (ca. 1830-1912), founder of the Azalf sect of Babism [q.v.]. Yahya's father was the calligrapher and civil servant, Mfrza 'Abbas Nun (d. 1839). In Yahya's early childhood, Nun was dismissed from his governorship and dispossessed of much of his considerable wealth and property. Yahya's mother died about 1844; by then he was living in Tehran under the tutelage of an older brother, Mrrza Husayn 'Alf (Bahas Allah [^.r;.]). In 1844, Husayn eAlf and Yahya, then about fourteen, were among the first converts to Babism in the capital. Four years later, Yahya tried unsuccessfully to join the Babf insurgents at Shaykh Tabarsf in Mazandaran. Between 1848 and 1852, Babism underwent radical changes. The clerical leadership of the earliest period was largely eradicated in uprisings, and the Bab himself was executed in 1850. Yahya, variously known as Subh-i Azal ("Morning of Eternity") and al-Thamar al-Azaliyya ("the Eternal Fruit"), was among the first of many lay claimants to revelation. He had been composing "inspired verses" for some time, and these had met the approval of the Bab, who designated him his successor. In 1852, he was involved in an abortive uprising in Takur, planned to coincide with the unsuccessful attempt on the life of Nasir al-Dfn Shah. Escaping to Baghdad, he established himself as head of the sect and drew large numbers of Babfs to the region. His whereabouts were kept secret from all but a few, and he remained in contact with the Babf community through intermediaries, in imitation of the seclusion of certain Shf'f Imams. During this period, numer-
741
ous other claimants appeared, and Yahya's policy of seclusion worked against him, particularly when the more-outgoing Husayn 'Alf emerged as the de facto leader of the Baghdad community and finally advanced his own claims to prophethood. In 1863, most of the Baghdad Babfs were removed by the Ottoman authorities to Edirne in western Turkey. Here, the breach between the brothers became overt and ended in a permanent schism between Azalf and Baha'f Babfs. Disturbed by the open hostility between these groups, the authorities exiled them, sending Husayn cAlf and his followers to Acre in Palestine and Yahya to Cyprus. Subh-i Azal died in Famagusta on 29 April 1912. His appointed successor, MlrzS Yahya Dawlatabadf, chose the role of secular reformer over that of religious leader and before long Azalf Babism became a spent force. Yahya wrote extensively, but few of his works have been published, and only a brief chronicle translated. Best known are the Kitdb al-Nur, al-Mustaykiz and the Mutammim-i Baydn, a continuation of the Bab's unfinished Persian Baydn. These and other writings owe much to the obscure style of the Bab, but add little to his thought. Subh-i Azal considered himself the conservator of primitive Babism, with its minutely-observed legislation, metaphysical obfuscation and rejection of established political power. But, whereas the rival Baha'f faction held itself aloof from political and social involvement, several Azalf Babis came to play leading roles in the early reform movement in Persia. How far Subh-i Azal may have encouraged or directed this development remains a matter for conjecture. Bibliography: D. MacEoin, Divisions and authority claims in Babism (1850-1866), in St. Ir., xviii (1989), 93-129; E.G. Browne (ed.), Kitdb-i Nuqtatu 3l-Kdf, Leiden and London 1910; Browne, Materials for the study of the Bdbi religion, Cambridge 1918, 211-20 (a list of works by Subh-i Azal), 309-15; idem and R.A. Nicholson, A descriptive catalogue of the oriental MSS belonging to the late E.G. Browne, Cambridge, 1932, 69-75; Subh-i Azal, Maftmu'cft az dtjidr-i Nukta-yi Old wa Subh-i Azal [Persia n.d.]; idem, Mutammim-i Baydn [Persia n.d.]; idem, Mustaykiz [Persia n.d.]; (on Mfrza 'Abbas Nurf, see P.P. Soucek, in EIr, i, 84; Bamdad, Ridjdl-i Iran, vi, 1269; on Mfrza Yahya Dawlatabadf, see A. Amanat, in EIr, vii, 143-6). (D. MAC£OIN) SUBHA (A.), in Egyptian colloquial pronunciation sibha; in Persian and Muslim Indian usage, more often tasbih, Ottoman Turkish tesbih, modern tespih, rosary. It is used at present by nearly all classes of Muslims, except the Wahhabfs who disapprove of it as a bidca and who count the repetition of the sacred names on their hands. There is evidence for its having been used at first in Sufi circles and among the lower classes (Goldziher, Rosaire, 296); opposition against it made itself heard as late as the 9th/15th century, when al-Suyutf composed an apology for it (Goldziher, Vorlesungen uber den Islam, 1st ed. 165). At present, it is usually carried by the pilgrims (cf. Mez, Die Renaissance des Isldms, 441), by dervishes and by many ordinary believers. For its use by the Bektashfs, see J.K. Birge, The Bektashi order of dervishes, LondonHartford 1937, 235 and plate 10. The rosary consists of three groups of beads made of wood, bone, mother of pearl, etc. The groups are separated by two transversal beads of a larger size (imam), while a much larger piece serves as a kind of handle (yad; Snouck Hurgronje, in Int. Arch. f.
742
SUBHA — SUBHAN
Ethnographic, i, 154 and plate xiv, no. 12). The number of beads within each group varies (e.g. 33 + 33 + 34 or 33 + 33 + 31); in the latter case, the imams and the yad are reckoned as beads. The sum total of a hundred is in accordance with the number of God's 99 beautiful names [see AL-ASMA' AL-HUSNA]. The rosary serves for the enumeration of these names; but it is also used for the counting of eulogies, dhikrs and the formulae at the end of the saldt. Lane (Manners and customs of the modern Egyptians, chs. Ill, XXVIII) makes mention of a subha consisting of a thousand beads used in funeral ceremonies for the thrice one-thousand repetitions of the formula Id ildha ilia 'lldh. Masabih (pi. of misbaha) are mentioned as early as A.D. 800 (cf. Mez, Die Renaissance des Isldms, 318). Goldziher (Vorlesungen, 165) thought it certain that the rosary came from India and the Buddhist tradition to Western Asia. Still, Goldziher himself pointed to traditions mentioning the use of small stones, datekernels, etc. for counting eulogies such as takbir, tahUl, tasbih. From such traditions the following may be mentioned: "on the authority of Sacd b. Abr Wakkas .... that he accompanied the Messenger of God, who went to visit a woman, who counted her eulogies by means of kernels or small stones lying before her. He said to her: Shall I tell you what is easier and more profitable? "Glory to God" according to the number of what he has created in the earth; "glory to God" according to what he has created in the heaven; "glory to God" according to the number of what is between these; "glory to God" according to what he will create. And in the same way Allah akbar, al-hamdu lilldhi and "there is no might nor power except in God" (Abu Dawud, Witr, bab 24; al-Tirmidhl, Da'awat, bab 113). The tendency of this tradition is elucidated by the following one: Safiyya said: The Messenger of God entered while there were before me four thousand kernels which I used in reciting eulogies. I said: I use them in reciting eulogies. He answered: I will teach thee a still larger number. Say: "Glory to God" according to the number of what he has created (al-Tirmidhl, Da'awat, bab 103). To a different practice points the tradition according to which the Messenger of God "counted the tasbih" (al-Nasa'I, Sahw, bab 97). The verb used here is 'akada; its being translated by "to count" is based upon the fact that the lexicons give it this meaning among others (but 'akada actually refers to fingerreckoning, in which certain positions of the fingers symbolise numbers). Probably, this is based in its turn upon traditions like the one just mentioned and like the following: "The Messenger of God said to us (the women of Medina): Practise tasbih, tahlll and takdls, and count these eulogies on your fingers, for these will have to give account" (Abu Dawud, Witr, bab 24; al-Tirmidhl, Dafawdt, bab 120). According to Goldziher, in these traditions the counting of eulogies on the fingers is contrasted with their being counted by means of stones, etc. There is, however, a tradition that makes it a matter of doubt whether 'akada in connections like those mentioned has always the meaning of counting and not its proper sense of tying. One should take into account a tradition preserved by Ibn Sacd (viii, 348), according to which Fatima bt. al-Husayn used to say eulogies aided by threads in which she made knots (bi-khuyut ma'kud fiha). Paralleling the SunnI use of rosaries brought back from Mecca by the returning pilgrims, the ShfTs often use rosary beads made from the clay of Karbala'
[q.v.], where al-Husayn was buried; these clay beads may on occasion be stained red in memory of the slain Imam's blood, or else green for his brother alHasan, whose body reputedly turned green after his alleged poisoning. The term subha does not occur in classical Tradition in the meaning of rosary; it is often used in the sense of supererogatory saldt, e.g. subhat al-duhd (Muslim, Musdjirun, trad. 81). Al-NawawI explains the term by ndfila (commentary on Muslim's SahTh, Cairo 1283, ii, 204). Ibn al-Athlr, Nihdya, s.v. asks how it is that the ideas of ndfila and subha coincide. He answers that eulogies (subha) are supererogatory additions to the obligatory saldts. So supererogatory saldts came to be called subha. If Ibn al-Athlr's opinion is right, the semasiological evolution of subha took two directions:
1 supererogatory eulogies in saldt
\
supererogatory saldt
eulogies 1 '
I
counted eulogies
1
instrument used foi counting eulogies
Bibliography: I. Goldziher, Le rosaire dans I'Islam, in RHR, xxi (1890), 295-300 = Gesammelte Schriften, ii, 374-9; T.P. Hughes, A dictionary of Islam, 546; art. Rosaries, Muhammadan, in ERE, x, 852-3; Helga Venzlaff, Der islamische Rosenkranz, Abh. fur die Kunde der Morgenlandes, 47,2, Stuttgart 1985. (A.J. WENSINCK) SUBHAN (A.), a term of K u r ' a n i c vocabulary, masdar from the root s.b.h., but recorded solely in the form of an exclamative (with inflection of the accusative case) and in a state of annexation, having as its complement Allah (cf. Kur'an, XII, 108; XXI, 22; XXIII, 91; XXVII, 8; etc.) or some substitute for Allah: rabb (subhdna rabbi, XVII, 93: subhdna rabbika, XXXVII, 180; subhdna rabbind, XVII, 108), various periphrases (subhdna 'lladhi asrd bi- cabdihi laylm, XVII, 1; subhdna 'lladhi bi-yadihi malakutu kulli shafin, XXXVI, 83), or pronouns of recollection (subhdnaka, II, 32, etc.; subhdnahu, II, 116, etc.). Most commonly, it is translated "Glory be to God!", but see below. In regard to the meaning of the expression subhdna 'lldhi and other related formulas, Islamic exegesis is unanimous: it is a case of exempting (nazzahd), purifying (barra'a) and distancing (ba"ada) God from any representation which could be made of Him and which does not conform to the absolute perfection which is His prerogative. It is "to exempt God from all that by which it is inappropriate to describe Him" (tanzihu 'lldhi tacdld 'an kulli ma Id yanbaghi lahu an yusafa bihi) (L'A, ed. Beirut, ii, 47la 11. 23-4; cf. Ibn Babawayh, K. al-Tawhid, Nadjaf 1346/1387, 207 11. 7-8), "to exempt Him from all imperfection" (Ibn Kutayba, Qhanb al-Kur3dn, Cairo 1378/1958, 8 11. 2-4). The Prophet himself, according to some traditions, is said to have interpreted the formula subhdna 'lldhi as meaning the act of exempting God from evil (inzdhu/tanzihu 'lldhi eani 'l-su3) or from all evil (tanzihu 'lldhi 'an kulli su3)', cf. al-TabarT on Kur'an, XVII, 1; cAbd al-Djabbar, al-Mughm, XXb, 220 11. 7-8; Abu Bakr al-Bayhakf, K. al-Asmd3 wa 'l-sifat, Cairo 1358/1939, 37 11. 10-21). This is clearly to be understood from the context in numerous instances in the Kur'an, in particular when the expression subhdna 'lldhi is followed by the
SUBHAN — AL-SUBKI preposition 'an, the sense then being that God is "high above", "far distant" from that which could be said of Him by "associators" and other disbelievers: subhana 'lldhi cammd yasifun (XXIII, 91; XXXVII, 159), subhana 'lldhi cammd yushrikun (LII, 43; LIX, 23). In this case subhan appears to be a straightforward equivalent of tacdld, with which it is furthermore occasionally associated (e.g. in the formula subhanahu wa-tacdld cammd yushrikun, X, 18; XVI, 1; XXX,' 40; XXXIX, 67). Almost always, when the question arises of attributing sons or daughters to God, or of accepting other divinities in addition to Him, the expression subhanahu! appears, sometimes followed by can, as an indignant exclamation, as if to "cleanse" God of a scandalous imputation (cf, e.g., II, 116; IV, 171; VI, 100; IX, 31; XVI, 57). It may, however, be considered that such is not invariably the case. Thus in reference to the first verse of sura XVII, subhana 'lladhi asrd bi-cabdihi laylan (and cf. also XXVII, 8; XXXVI, 36, 83; XLIII, 13), what could be seen here is a simple laudatory formula, a synonym of the expression al-hamdu li-lldhi "praise be to God"—a conclusion supported by the fact that hamd is often associated with the verb sabbaha, in formulae such as sabbih bi-hamdi rabbika (XV, 98;'XX, 130; XL, 55; etc.),yusabbihuna bi-hamdi rabbihim (XXXIX, 75; XL, 7; XLII, 5). Nevertheless, even in this case, the exegetes (al-Tabarf, al-Zamakhsharf, al-Razf, etc.) understand subhana in the sense of tan&h. Thus on XVII, 1, al-Taban supplies the gloss tan^ihan li-lladhi asrd bic abdihi wa-tabri3atm lahu minima yakulu Jihi 3l-mushrikun. This presents a very difficult problem of translation. There can be no doubt, in view of what has said above, that formulae such as "Gloire a Dieu!" (Blachere), "Glory be to God!" (Arberry), "Gott sei gepriesen!" (Paret) as renderings of subhana lldhi, are not really adequate, even though they have the advantage of being clear and convenient. Hamidullah is closer to the truth in translating it by "Purity" (see his comment on II, 30), as indeed is Berque, who suggests "Transcendence". Unfortunately these two translations are alien-sounding, from a stylistic point of view, and are therefore not favoured. For his part, the writer of this article does not see a solution. Bibliography: Given in the article; see also D. Gimaret, Les noms divins en Islam, Paris 1988, 202-3. (D. GIMARET) SUBHI MEHMED EFENDI (d. 1182/1769), Ottoman historian, best known under his pseudonym Subhf. He came from an established family in state bureaucratic service. His father, Khalfl Fehmf Efendi, as beylikdji (head of the bureau of scribes of the Imperial Council) during the reign of Ahmed III, saw to his son's training from an early age to join the ranks of the secretarial class. Throughout his adult life, Subhf held a series of high-ranking positions in the state bureaucracy and his experiences in office greatly influenced both the style and content of the history for whose composition he is chiefly remembered. In 1152/1739-40, upon his appointment as official court chronicler, Subhf retained his position as auditor in the Bureau of the Lesser Awkdf. But his promotion (in Radjab 1156/late August-early September 1743) to his father's former post as beylik^i, with pressing demands on his time for the drafting of treaties and letters of commitment and intent (temessuk) drawn up to consolidate the terms of agreements reached with foreign powers, made his relinquishment of the post of chronicler inevitable. He was succeeded in the latter office by £Izzf [q.v.]. The part of Subhf's history that corresponds to his
743
own term as official court chronicler begins on folio 145b of the Istanbul edition of 1198/1783-4 (see Bibl.) with his account of the events of 1152/1739-40, while the last recorded events date from the period around the cld al-Fitr at the end of Ramadan 1156/early November 1743 (1198 edn., fols. 236b-238b). Subhl is greatly admired for the excellence and clarity of his prose style. As for the "original" part of his history covering the years 1152-5(6) [fols. 145b-212a (238b)] when Subhf was directly responsible for the recording of significant dynastic events, his history is a mine of information on a variety of topics. Of particular value (given his background and professional experience) are Subhf's remarks on the conduct of Ottoman diplomacy, and his accounts of the reception of foreign envoys in Istanbul. Subhf's history is an exceptionally detailed and reliable source for the complex diplomacy leading up to the conclusion of peace between Austria, Russia, and the Ottoman empire following the three-way war of 1736-9. It incorporates the full details of the articles of peace mutually agreed to on 14 Djumada I 1152/18 September 1739 (1198 edn., fols. 163a-167a), but what gives his history a unique importance is the account he provides of ongoing negotiations, settlement of border disputes, and the monitoring and enforcement of the terms of peace after the Treaty of Belgrade. The verbatim transcripts (siiret) of post-treaty commitments and undertakings provided in his history form a characteristic feature of Subhf's work (see the examples in Bibl.). Subhf also reports on (and sometimes gives a verbatim record of) the content of the submissions of provincial governors received in Istanbul (cf. fol. 217a [year 1156]), wurud-i kd3ime-yi wdli-yi Baghdad Ahmed Pasha], and he carefully notes both the tenor of discussions in council and the nature of any responses sent back to the dispatcher (cf. fol. 222a-b). Another feature is his preoccupation with all aspects of state protocol (teshrijat), favouring in particular detailed description of receptions (many of which he personally attended) organised during the visits of foreign dignitaries to the capital. Thus he gives a full account of the mission to Istanbul of Nadir Shah's envoy Hadjdjf Khan in 1154/1741 and provides an exhaustive list (cf. fols. 192b-193a) of the gifts brought from Persia for presentation to Sultan Mahmud I [q.v.]. In short, Subhf's history—published together with the histories of Samf and Shakir which relate the events of the first five years of Mahmud's reign—provides the most comprehensive and reliable account we possess of the formative years of Mahmud's rule. Bibliography: Ta3nkh-i Sami we Shdkir we Subhi, Istanbul 1198/1784 (portion attributable to Subhf, fols. 72b-238b); Djemal al-Dfn, Ayme-yi zureja3, Istanbul 1319/1901-2, 48-9; Mehmed Thiireyya, SC0, iii, 220; IA, art. Vekayic nuvis (B. Kiitukoglu). The following passages exemplify Subhf's use of diplomatic correspondence: fols. 167a-168b, year 1152, siiret-i mewadd-i temessuk; fols. 188a-189b, year 1153, slnlfa dd3ir temessuk sureti; and fols. 237b and 237b-238a, year 1156, mtibadek-yi temessuk bd-ketkhuddyi Nemce and siiret-i temessuk-i mezbur. (R. MURPHEY) AL-SUBKI, the nisba from the name of two small towns of Lower Egypt, in the mediaeval district of Manf [q.v], now in the Manufiyya mudiriyya or province, in the southwestern part of the Nile Delta. See cAlf Mubarak, al-Khitat al-djadida, Bulak 1305/1887-8, xii, 6-7; Muhammad Ramzf, al-Kdmus al-ajughrdft li 'l-bildd al-misriyya, Cairo 1953-68, ii/2, 217.
744
AL-SUBKI
A. The mediaeval Subk known as Subk al-Dahhak (modern Subk al-Thalath) was the place of origin of a celebrated family of Shafi'I 'ulamd3 which flourished in Mamluk times and of which the most outstanding figures were the Shqykh al-Isldm TakI al-Dln Abu '1-Hasan CA1I b. cAbd al-Kafi (b. Safar 683/April 1284, d. Djumada II 756/June 1355) (no. 6 below) and his son the Kadi 'l-Kudat Tadj alDln Abu '1-Nasr £Abd al-Wahhab' (b. 727 or 728 or 729/1327-9, d. 7 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 771/2 July 1370) (no. 9 below). The significant members of the family are detailed below and appear in the genealogical table. For the family as a whole, see F. Wiistenfeld, Die Academien der Amber und ihre Lehrer, nach Auszugen aus Ibn Schohba's Klassen der Schafeiten, Gottingen 1837, 119, and the section on them in cAlr Mubarak, op. cit., xii, 7-8. 1. Sadr al-Dln Abu Zakariyya3 Yahya b. DiyaJ alDln CA1I, Kadi of al-Mahalla [q.v.] and later mudarris at Cairo, died 725/1325 (Wiistenfeld, Academien, no. 183). 2. TakI al-Dfn Abu '1-Fath Muhammad b. cAbd al-Latlf, b. 704/1304-5, mudarris at Cairo and Damascus, d. 744/1344, author of a Ta'rikh; his correspondence is in Ahlwardt, no. 8471, 24 (Wiistenfeld, Academien, no. 97; CA1I Mubarak, Khitat, xii, 8). 3. Baha' al-Dm Abu '1-Baka' Muhammad, b. 708, mudarris, kadi and hakim in Damascus and Cairo, walal of the sultan and khatib of the Umayyad mosque in Damascus, d. 772/1370-1. He left three unfinished writings (Wiistenfeld, Academien, no. 52; CA1I Mubarak, Khitat, xii, 8). 4. Wall al-Dm Abu Dharr cAbd Allah, b. 735/ 1334-5, mudarris, kadi, khatib and financial officer in Damascus, d. 785/1383 (Wiistenfeld, Academien, no. 98). 5. Badr al-Dm Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad, b. 741/1340-1, mudarris, mufti and kadi at Cairo, Damascus, etc., and khatib at the Umayyad mosque. He became unpopular on account of the influence he allowed his son Djalal al-Dln to exercise over his affairs; d. 802 or 803/1399-1401 (Wiistenfeld, Academien, no. 53; £Ali Mubarak, Khitat, loc. cit.). 6. TakI al-Dln Abu '1-Hasan CA1I studied in Cairo, then travelled to Damascus and performed the Pilgrimage, returning to become mudarris at the Mansuriyya madrasa at the mosque of Ibn Tulun. He later became Chief kadi in Damascus and khatib at the Umayyad Mosque, and taught at two Ddr alHadiths there before returning to Egypt, where he eventually died. He was the author of some 150 works, of which those still extant are listed in Brockelmann, II2, 106-7, S II, 102-4, and which covered such fields as law, a collection offatdwd, masd'il wa-aa^wiba, poetry, etc. See on him the lengthy biography by his son Tadj al-Dln in his Tabakdt, 1st ed. vi, 146-227, new ed. x, 139-338; Ibn al-clmad, Sfiadhardt, vi, 180-1; Hadjcljl Khalifa, ed. Fliigel, no. 8765; Wustenfeld, Academien, no. 49; al-Zirikll, A'ldm2, v, 116; other sources in Brockelmann, S II, 102. 7. Baha' al-Dln Abu Hamid Ahmad b. TakI al-Dm 'All, b. 719/1319, mudarris, mufti and kadi in Cairo and Damascus, d. in Mecca 773/1371-2. He wrote (1) an unfinished commentary on al-Hdm of al-Kazwml (cf. Brockelmann, I2, 494); (2) a supplement to the unfinished commentary on the MmAa^'-commentary of his father; (3) D}amcal-tandkid or al-Mundkaddt (Hadjdji Khalifa, vi, 157); (4) cArus al-afrdh fi shark talkhis alMiftdh (cf. Brockelmann, I2, 353-4; published in Shuruh al-Talkhis); (5) an unfinished commentary on the Mukhtasar of the Kafya of Ibn al-Hadjib from alBaydawl (cf. Brockelmann, I2, 370); (6) a Kaslda on
the meaning of the word cAyn (Ahlwardt, no. 7065, 1 as also in 6973, 3 and in 7334); (7) a riddle-poem on the Nile (with the answer of Salah al-Dln al-Safadl thereupon; Ahlwardt, no. 7866, 1, also in 6111); (8) another poem by him; Ahlwardt, no. 8471, 28; (9) writings addressed to him by others; Ahlwardt, nos. 7869 and 8471, 24 (Wustenfeld, Academien, no. 50; 'All Mubarak, Khitat, loc. cit.', Hadjcljl Khalifa, no. 1899 al-Zirikll, A'ldm2, i, 171). 8. Djamal al-Dm Abu '1-Tayyib al-Husayn b. TakI al-Dln 'All, b. 722/1322, mudarris 'in Cairo and Damascus, in the latter also deputy kadi; d. 755/1354, previously to his father. He wrote a book on people with the name of al-Husayn b. 'Ali (Hadjdji Khalifa, v, 159); his correspondence is listed in Ahlwardt, no. 8471, 24 (Wustenfeld, Academien, no. 73; CA1I Mubarak, Khitat, loc. cit.). 9. Tadj al-Dln Abu '1-Nasr b. TakI al-Dln CA1I studied in Cairo and Damascus, and early became a mudarris in Damascus and khatib at the Umayyad Mosque. In 756/1354 his father nominated him as kadi, the first of many spells of office thus. In 769/1368 he was imprisoned for 80 days on a charge of misappropriating the property of a minor, apparently unjustly, but released through the efforts of friends. He died soon afterwards of plague. The surviving ones of his many works are listed in Brockelmann, II2, 10810, S II, 105-7. See on him Ibn al-Tmad, vi, 221-2; Hadjdji Khalifa, no. 8704; CA1I Mubarak, Khitat, xii, 8; Wiistenfeld, Academien, 40; al-Zirikll, iv, 385; other sources in Brockelmann, S II, 105. Tadj al-Dln al-Subkfs magnum opus in the eyes of Western scholars concerned with the religious and intellectual history of earlier Islam and, above all, the history and development of the Shaficl law school [see SHAFI'IYYA], is his great biographical dictionary of ShafTl scholars, the Tabakdt al-shaficiyya, which exists in three versions of differing size, from the kubrd through the wustd down to the sughrd one (kubrd version first printed ed. Cairo 1323-4/1905-6, 6 vols., defective; new ed. Mahmiid Muh. al-Tanahl and Muhammad £Abd al-Fattah al-Hilw, Cairo' 138396/1964-76, 10 vols.). In a study of al-Subkfs underlying aims in compiling this work (which had been preceded by other tabakdt works on the scholars of this law school), George Makdisi has suggested that Tadj al-Dln was especially following his predecessor of two centuries before in Damascus, Ibn cAsakir [q.v.], in the latter's Tabym kadhib al-muftari fi ma nusiba ild 'l-Imdm Abi 'l-Hasan al-Ashcan in producing a work of Ash£arl propaganda [see ASH'ARIYYA]. However, he continues, al-Subkl went further and was better qualified. He was defending al-AshcarI and the ideas attributed to him, with the Shaficls in general in his mind, as Ibn cAsakir was; he fully endorsed his predecessor's work, but, having superior qualifications as a fakih as well as a muhaddith, he aimed at producing a work resting on broader foundations (explicitly describing his Tabakdt as concerned with history, adab, law and tradition). His work is thus indeed a treasury of literary and historical information as well as theologico-legal material. He hoped in this way to convince those Shaficl adherents who were nevertheless hostile to the use of kaldm, rational arguments in theology [see CILM AL-KALAM], that Ash'ari rationalism had a valid role, and that the ideal was a fusion in ShafTism of traditionalism and rationalism which would then make it superior to all the other madhhabs', accordingly, al-Subkl's enemies here were such anthropomorphists as the Hanballs and also intransigent Shafi'I traditionalists who were blatantly anti-Ashcari. Although
AL-SUBKI — AL-SUBKIYYUN
745
THE SUBKI FAMILY Diya3 al-Dm Abu '1-Hasan 'All b. Tammam b. Yusuf b. Musa b. Tammam b. Hammad b. Yahya b. c Uthman b. 'All b. Suwar b. Salim al-Ansarf al-Khazradji Zayn al-Dm Abu Muhammad £ Abd al-KafT, d. 735/1334-5
Sadr al-Dm Yahya (1.) I Abd al-Latff
c
Takf al-Dm Muhammad (2.)
Sadid al-Dm Abu Muhammad cAbd al-Barr Baha' al-Dm Muhammad (3.)
Waif al-Dm Abd Allah (4.)
£
Takf al-Dfii'All (6.)
Baha' al-Dm Djamal Tadj al-Dm Ahmad al-Dm al-Husayn £Abd al-Wahhab (7.) (8.)' (9.) Badr al-Dm Muhammad (5.)
al-Subki admits that kaldm used wrongly can be dangerous, he asserts that the Imam Muhammad al-Snaii'I [q.v.] himself used it, and that Shafi'ism and Ash'arism had always been inseparably linked. In his campaign against those purblind ShafTis who refused to recognise this, he cUd not hesitate to discredit the attitudes of his own old teacher al-Dhahabf [q.v.]. See further, Makdisi, Ash'ari and the AsWarites in Islamic religious history, in SI, xvii (1962), 37-80, xviii (1963), 19-39, esp. xvii, 57-79; on earlier tabakdt works, SharTl and others, see idem, Ibn cAqll et la resurgence de I'Islam traditionaliste au XP suck, Damascus 1963, 47-58. That such a polemic on behalf of Ash'arism was still necessary in the 8th/14th century is, of course, an indication that Ash'arf rationalism had not, despite the passage of four centuries, secured a majority recognition amongst the adherents of ShafTism; Tadj alDm was apparently swimming against the tide. Such considerations as those discussed above need to be taken into account in any evaluation of the Tabakdt al-shdftiyya, as do others mentioned by Heinz Halm, that the compiler was concerned above all with scholars from the main centres of ShafTl influence (Cairo, Damascus, Baghdad, Nfshapur and Marw), with little or no attention to other towns and regions where we know, e.g. from historical sources, that there were significant Shafi£r elements. Hence whole regions are either sketchily covered or not covered at all, such as Sfstan, Adharbaydjan, pre-Ayyubid Egypt and Yemen. See Halm, Die Ausbreitung der sdjicitischen Rechtsschuk von den Anfangen bis zum 8./14. Jahrhundert, Wiesbaden 1974, 11-14. Another, slighter work of Tadj al-Dm's which has been readily accessible to Western scholars has been his Mu'id al-nicam wa-mubid al-nikam (ed. D.W. Myhrman as The restorer of favours and the restrainer of chastisements, London 1908; ed. Muh. cAlf al-Nadjdjar et alii, Cairo 1367/1948; slightly abbreviated German tr. O. Rescher, Constantinople 1925 = Gesammelte Werke, Abt. II, Bd. 2, 691-855) which treats of 113 (in the fullest ms.) trades, professions and offices of the author's own time, in the light of how their exponents should behave in order to recover God's favour and secure their own salvation after having lost this.
Muhammad (10.)
It contains en passant a certain amount of historical information and throws light on contemporary customs and attitudes, seen e.g. in the author's disapproval of the practice of kissing the ground (takbil al-ard) before sultans or great amirs. 10. Muhammad b. Takf al-Dm £Alf, to whom his father addressed an admonitory kasida. Bibliography: Given in the article, but see also Myhrman on the SubkT family in the introd. to his Mu'id al-nicam edition, 8-35. B. Shihab al-Dm or Sharaf al-Dm Ahmad b. Khalil b. Ibrahim al-Subkr al-Misn al-Shafi£f (d. Djumada II 1032/April 1623, author of several works and commentaries, listed in £Ali Mubarak, Khitat, xii, 8-9, and ET art. s.v. C. Ahmad Bey al-Subkf b. Ahmad cUdjayla, a personage in mid-19th century Egyptian life. Educated at the schools set up by Muhammad £Alf Pasha [q.v.], he was sent to Paris and stayed there two years, and later filled various official and military posts under the rulers of Egypt. See CA1I Mubarak, op. cit., xii, 9. _ (J. SCHACHT-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) AL-SUBKIYYUN, the name given to members of a religious society, al-Djamciyya al-Sharciyya li 'l-cAmilfn bi '1-Kitab wa '1-Sunna al-Muhammadiyya founded by the reformer Shaykh Mahmud b. Muhammad al-Subki (1274-1352/1858-1933)^ a native of Subk in the Manufiyya district of Lower Egypt (also the home of the 8th/14th century author Tadj al-Dm alSubkr [<7.t>.]). Shaykh Mahmud was first educated in Subk and later enrolled in al-Azhar. While studying at al-Azhar, he began to preach against current bidac [see BID£A], such as excessive grief at funerals, including the use of professional wailing women, as well as excessive celebrations at weddings. He also attacked the excesses of many of the Sufi groups he encountered in Cairo, despite his involvement with Sufism in the early part of his life. He then turned his attention to bidaf in the cibdddt which he encountered in al-Azhar itself, bolstering his arguments with fatdiw obtained from the senior shaykhs there, which he published under the tide Fatdwt a'immat al-Muslimin. He received his degree and i$dza to teach in 1313/1896. His increasing
746
AL-SUBKIYYUN — SUDAN
popularity and strict message irked some Azhans, who tried without success to curb his activities by complaining to the political authorities. His orthodoxy vindicated, the following years he continued to spread his views via Friday sermons and published tracts. In Muharram 1331/December 1912 he established his society, with the aim of "spreading the true teachings of religion, to enlighten the minds and save the Muslims from corrupt beliefs and low bidaf and myths", embodying his ideals of strict adherence to the Sunna and open to all. The society would send its most able preachers to give the Friday sermons in mosques all over Egypt where they exhorted people to return to the basics of the Kur'an and Sunna and abandon often deeply-ingrained popular practices. In time, the society established its own network of mosques and published regular journals including Risdtat al-Isldm, still published today. Members of the society used to be distinguished by their distinctive turbans. On Shaykh Mahmud's death, the leadership of the society went to his sons Amfn Khattab and then Yusuf Khattab. When this line ended, the leadership went to cAbd al-Latlf Mushtahirl and then to Farhat C A1T Hilwa. The society is currently headed by Dr. Muhammad al-Ahmadl Abu '1-Nur. It is estimated that the society has some 680 branches with over 64,000 members. Among Shaykh Mahmud's publications are al-Manhal al-'adhb, Cairo 1351, which is seen as his major work; Ithdf al-kd3indt bi-baydn madhhab al-salqf wa 'l-khalqfji 'l-mutashabbihdt, Cairo 1350; al-Din al-sdlih; etc. The introduction to al-Manhal lists 26 works in all. Bibliography. The introd. to al-Manhal al-'adhb; c Abd al-Muncim al-Hifnl, Mawsu'at al-firak wa 'lajamd'dt al-Isldmiyya, Cairo n.d.; £Abd al-Latlf Mushtahirl, Hddhihi da'watuna, Cairo n.d., which is an explanation of the movement and what it stands for. (MAHA AZZAM) SUDAN, the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and the modern Republic of Sudan. 1. History and political development. The republic takes its name from the mediaeval Arab geographers' bildd al-Suddn, a sub-Saharan belt of which eastern and Nilotic lands were conquered by Muhammad CA1I [q.v.] of Egypt and his successors. This "Egyptian Sudan" came to comprise territory from the Red Sea to the western marches of Dar Fur [q.v.], and from Nubia [see NUBA] to the African Great Lakes. Thus although the present republic has an older political identity than most African states, like them it was born of foreign conquest. In the European "Scramble for Africa", the Sudan was among the last prizes. Under Muhammad Ahmad al-Mahdi (d. 1885 [see AL-MAHDIYYA]) and his successor, the Khalifa cAbd Allah al-Ta'a'ishl, an independent state had been made of Egyptian possessions. But even in its origins, the Mahdist state was bound up in Great Power rivalry; the Mahdl's rise did not so much cause as coincide with collapse of Egyptian authority in the Sudan, and with political crises in Egypt itself that ended with British occupation in 1882. The fall of Khartoum in 1885 would equip imperialists with arguments for a British conquest that imperial strategy required anyway. Britain's anomalous position in Egypt influenced the 20th-century political development of the Sudan. Despite British occupation, Egypt remained an Ottoman province under the Khedive and his ministers. In the light of this, and to deflect Great Power objections, invasion of the Sudan in 1896-8 was termed an Anglo-Egyptian "reconquest" of lost Egyptian prov-
inces. Kitchener commanded a largely Egyptian (and Sudanese) army when he defeated the Khalifa at Kararl on 2 September 1898. The flexibility of a "twoflag" policy was evident two weeks later at Fashoda, where a French expedition under Marchand was warned off by the British for trespassing on Egyptian rights.
In the wake of "reconquest" there was therefore no question of wholly separating the Sudan from Egypt. Instead, Lord Cromer, Agent and ConsulGeneral in Cairo, devised a "hybrid form of government" in two Anglo-Egyptian conventions that in 1899 established a formal condominium. Sovereignty in the Sudan went unspecified. Power was concentrated in a Governor-General nominated by Britain and appointed by the Khedive; every Governor-General until independence in 1956 was British. The Capitulations, Mixed Courts and other apparatus of international control in Egypt, were excluded. Separate financial regulations further defined relations between the new regime and Egypt. In broad terms, the Condominium, at least until the 1920s and to a considerable extent thereafter, was controlled by Britain and financed by Egypt, staffed in its upper echelons by British officers and (increasingly) civilians, and in its lower by Egyptians, Syrians, other foreigners and (increasingly) by Sudanese. But the land and its peoples were more important in determining the nature of the regime than were the war and diplomacy that created it. Defining the Sudan's borders began in the Condominium Agreement itself; the conquest of Dar Fur in 1916 and long negotiations between Britain and France, the Congo, Italy and other powers completed it. A territory of about one million square miles resulted, with conditions varying from sand desert in the north, to savannah in a central belt and forest in the south. The population was very heterogeneous: what would soon be called the Northern Sudan comprised Nubians, Fur, Beja, and (mostly) Arabic-speaking Muslims claiming Arab descent; the South presented a mosaic of ethnic diversity without any linguistic or religious cement. Contact between the two regions had been characterised during the 19th century by the raiding and enslavement of southerners by northern Sudanese. The total population under Anglo-Egyptian rule may only be guessed; in its first decades even the existence of separate ethnic groups went largely unknown to their nominal governors. That ignorance, and the regime's limited resources, were factors in the unequal development of the regions. Indeed, with Egyptian subventions the Sudan Government was better off than many colonial governments. But great distances and sparse population made communications difficult and transport expensive. Foreign officials' greater familiarity with the Arab-Muslim culture of the North almost invariably biased them in favour of that region. The result was considerable public investment in the northeastern quadrant of the country: Khartoum was rebuilt; a railway was extended from Wadi Haifa to Khartoum, the Gezira, al-Ubayd, and to Port Sudan, which was built to supersede Suakin [see SAWAKIN] as the Sudan's principal harbour; a vast Gezira Scheme, financed by European loans to irrigate cotton in the region between the Blue and White Niles south of Khartoum, skewed the country's subsequent development. Social services were again relatively lavish in northern centres, while in rural areas and the South their provision was left up to the Army and Christian missionaries. Thus the relative backwardness of peripheral regions, most
SUDAN obviously the South, was widened by Anglo-Egyptian bias and policy. Much of that policy was set by or under the second Governor-General, Sir Reginald Wingate (1900-16). Upon succeeding Kitchener, Wingate had already spent sixteen years in the Egyptian Army, latterly in charge of Intelligence, and had formed definite views. With Cromer, his superior until 1907, Wingate devised structures and set a tone that would last as long as the Condominium. Confrontation with Sudanese Mahdism had dominated Wingate's work in Egypt; in the Sudan a fear of "fanaticism" influenced otherwise disparate areas of policy. He suppressed not only Mahdism and its surviving notables, but also any sign of disruptive heterodoxy: individual Jikis (Ar. fakify were arrested, exiled and even executed; Sufi turuk were denied recognition, while co-operative shqykhs were loaded with privileges. Orthodox Islam was promoted: the Sharfa, as reformed, became a model; a Grand Qadi and Mufti of the Sudan were appointed, and culama\ never influential in the Sudan, were nonetheless given honours, pensions, and official status. In 1912 a ma'had al-'ilmi, with curriculum closely modelled on that of al-Azhar, was opened in Omdurman to train culamd3. The Hanafi madhhab of the Ottoman Empire, introduced at the Turco-Egyptian conquest, was reimposed; in personal law, Sudanese continued their adherence to the Malikf rite. The government repaired and built mosques, encouraged the had^d^ (for long an important socioeconomic phenomenon in a land adjacent to the Hidjaz and traversed by the "Sudan Road" of West African pilgrims), and subsidised religious education. Avoiding offence to Muslims, Christian missionaries were largely limited to the South. Wingate's fear of Mahdism influenced economic policy. Although his own propaganda against the Mahdist state had decried a revival of slavery, Wingate and his lieutenants saw mass manumission as offensive to Muslims and thus as a focus for revolt; while for European audiences they championed repression of the slave trade, yet they turned a blind eye to it and intervened to prevent the manumission even of individuals. Similarly, taxes, especially in regard to lightly-administered nomadic tribes, were kept low, lest a spark be given to apprehended Mahdist tinder. A turning-point in the history of the regime was the First World War. If the Ottoman sultan, still nominally sovereign in Egypt, should side with the Central Powers, the British feared repercussions not only in Egypt but also in the Sudan, as indeed in India and other Muslim lands. Wingate acted quickly to defuse a call to djihad. Adding to war-time security measures (censorship, propaganda, arrest of enemy aliens, and so forth), he altered his religious policy. By 1914 it was clear that the culamd} had little influence: Sudanese continued to look, as they had for centuries, to individual holy men (Jikis) and the Sufi turuk for guidance; while the government encouraged the had^dj. to Mecca, pilgrimage to the tombs of Sudanese saints was vastly more popular. Thus when the War broke out, the government's embrace of pliant shqykhs was widened to include the son of the Mahdl, Sayyid c Abd al-Rahman; restrictions were eased in return for support of the regime, a position in any case consistent with his father's fiihad against "the Turks". This rehabilitation would have rapid and far-reaching political results. Whether Wingate overreacted is debatable; the Sudan remained quiet throughout the War, and, indeed, became a base of operations against the Turks' and
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their allies. In 1916 Wingate moved against 'All Dinar, sultan of Dar Fur, who had assumed an anti-British tone and whose autonomy impeded the European position in the south-central Sahara; an Anglo-Egyptian force defeated the Fur near al-Fashfr, the sultan was later killed in a skirmish, and Dar Fur came under the Sudan Government. Meanwhile in the east through personal efforts and proximity to the Hidjaz, Wingate assumed roles for himself and the Sudan in the revolt of the Sharif of Mecca against the Ottomans. After the War, the Sudan experienced political ferment and social dislocation. The growth of Egyptian nationalism had both paralleled and stimulated Sudanese feelings of national identity. Although limited to a tiny educated elite and tentatively expressed, these stirrings provoked an incommensurate British reaction. Fearing that Egyptian civilian cadres and army units would suborn the Sudanese, and that a potential existed for an unholy (and even unwitting) alliance of discontented townsmen and fanatical tribes, the British hardened their position. During 1924 demonstrations, by the White Flag League and others, condemned Britain and defended Egyptian rights in the Sudan. When in November the Governor-General, Sir Lee Stack, was assassinated in Cairo, the opportunity was taken both to bring down the Wafd government of Saed Zaghlul [q.v.] and to expel Egyptian Army units and civilians from the Sudan. In Khartoum some Sudanese soldiers died resisting that evacuation, in an episode still commemorated. There followed a period of repression. The seeming ease with which trouble had arisen in the towns convinced British authorities that a class of secularlyeducated Sudanese, like its counterpart in Egypt, India and elsewhere, was dangerous. The reaction was reflected in social policy. Ordinances extended powers of tribal chiefs, circumventing the educated; traditional Kur'anic schools (khalwas) replaced as the focus of education policy the secular primary and elementary schools that had produced "effendis"; and the scope of the latter's employment was reduced and avenues for advance closed. These changes coincided with dramatic economic developments: the Gezira Scheme, inaugurated in 1925, for several years produced good returns on a huge investment; but insect infestation and the collapse of the cotton market during the Depression resulted in destitution for tenants and financial crisis for the Sudan Government. Post-1924 quiescence was thus misleading, and bought at a price. Moreover, Britain's freedom of action in the Sudan was limited by its position in Egypt. Violent disturbances in 1919 had led to Egypt's nominal independence in 1922 and, in 1924, to the Wafd government of Sacd Zaghlul, who insisted on the unity of the Nile Valley. No subsequent Egyptian government would forswear the Sudan, the status of which became, with that of the Suez Canal Zone, the focus of AngloEgyptian relations. Negotiations after 1924 all collapsed over these issues. It was only a shared fear of Italian imperialism, and the Wafd's need for more than rhetorical results from its nationalist stance, that finally brought progress. In a 1936 treaty, Egypt won concessions over its international status, and a symbolic return of some troops to the Sudan, while Britain secured its position at the Canal; the sovereignty issue was deferred, the signatories merely expressing continuing concern for the welfare of the Sudanese. This reference, made without consulting them, ironically rekindled political interest among Sudanese, and gave to the Sudan question a triangular shape that it would
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SUDAN
retain until independence. All parties recognised this; to pre-empt an increase in Egyptian political activity, the British authorities encouraged, in 1938, the founding of a Graduates' General Congress to co-opt the educated element they had suppressed. While nationalist activity had subsided after 1924, changes in the relative importance of individuals and groups altered the dynamics of Sudanese politics. After his rehabilitation during the First World War, 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdl had rapidly expanded his following and influence, especially in the west. As early as 1919, British officials expressed alarm; collaboration with the Sayyid remained controversial, and a rising led by cAbd Allah al-Sihaym in Dar Fur in 1921 was blamed on 'Abd al-Rahman's agents. But in 1924, when the regime felt threatened by Egyptian politicians and disgruntled townsmen, cAbd al-Rahman was foremost in condemning both, and he received a knighthood from the British Government. By the late 1920s, as a result of government concessions and the free labour of his followers, he was probably the richest Sudanese; by the mid-1980s, he openly vied with Sayyid CA1I al-Mfrghanl, whose Khatmiyya tarika's support for established authority and opposition to Mahdism pre-dated the Condominium, for a comparable political standing. Renewed political activity afterthe 1936 Anglo-Egyptian treaty both reflected and heightened that competition. In the Second World War, unlike the first, the Sudan played a direct role. Despite a huge advantage in numbers and equipment, an Italian advance in 1940 ended in the ignominious Allied occupation of Italian East Africa in 1941. Units of the Sudan Defence Force (the Anglo-Sudanese army created in 1925), served in several African and Near Eastern theatres. Not until the German defeat at al-Alamein in November 1942 was the Axis threat to Britain's position in the Nile Valley removed. But what British officials saw as a defining crisis of world history, some Sudanese considered a clash of imperialisms; in their view, Sudanese political advance should be accelerated, not postponed. It was with this view that in April 1942 the Graduates' Congress asked for concessions, including Sudanese independence at the end of the war. They were rebuffed, and divisions within the Congress that had led to its demands now widened into overt political parties. In 1944 the Ashikka formed the nucleus of what would become (under various names) the Unionists, while in 1945 the Umma proclaimed "the Sudan for the Sudanese". But Union and Independence were watchwords; superficial polarisation obscured a wide spectrum of interests. The politics of the Condominium's last decade are thus complicated in detail but susceptible to generalisation. Anglo-Egyptian relations worsened. In 1945, at Egypt's request, re-negotiation of the 1936 treaty began, but with irreconcilable positions over the Canal and the Sudan. To break the impasse the British government, in the so-called Sidkf-Bevin Protocol of October 1946, recognised Egyptian sovereignty in the Sudan. A furious reaction in Britain, and among British officials in the Sudan, wrecked the agreement. But British willingness to compromise over sovereignty whetted Egyptian appetites, imbued the Sudan Government with permanent suspicion of a "sell-out", and disconcerted its Sudanese allies, to whom the end of strategic collaboration had always been seen as independence. The development of Sudanese politics in the postwar period was thus inseparable from Anglo-Egyptian relations. The Unionists, led by the irrepressible Isma'fl
al-Azharf, a mathematics teacher from a prominent religious family, condemned the British, withheld cooperation from successive consultative bodies, and demanded union with Egypt. To varying degrees, they saw this as a lever for moving the British; those wedded to the Unity of the Nile Valley were few, while many upheld "union" in order to preclude the Mahdist monarchy the British might impose in order to debar Egypt. For his part, cAbd al-Rahman al-Mahdl cooperated with the Sudan Government, and his Umma Party dominated its advisory bodies; the Egyptians were his family's historic enemies, and by collaborating he kept Egypt at bay while prodding the British towards negotiated departure. Many tribal and religious leaders, notably CA1I al-Mfrghanl, recoiled at a choice between Maholist monarchy and Egyptian imperialism, and saw nominal "Union" as a way of foiling Sayyid £Abd al-Rahman, while disposing of his British patrons; Egyptians had after all been ejected before and could be again. Central to the machinations of the period was therefore the rivalry between the Sqyyids. The ebullient £ Abd al-Rahman, whose influence derived from the revolutionary charisma of his father, was ironically the more worldly and modern; this routmisation of Mahdist ideology has been described as "neo-Mahdism", and been compared with the achievement of dynastic power in Libya and Morocco. 'All al-Mlrghanf, on the contrary, would be king-maker rather than king, and embodied cautious reserve and oracular reticence; his support of Unionists was always qualified, rarely certain, and stemmed wholly from opposition to Mahdism. The Anglo-Egyptian (and Sudanese sectarian) impasse was broken only after the Egyptian Revolution of 1952. The ruling junta, influenced by Muhammad Nadjfb [q.v.], proclaimed a willingness to allow Sudanese self-determination. Since this had been the ostensible goal of the British, who by terms of the Sidki-Bevin Protocol had lost the confidence of their Sudanese allies, the Sudan Government was suddenly isolated and to a degree irrelevant; the Sudanese parties entered into direct negotiation with Egypt, and Anglo-Egyptian agreement over terms of self-determination was reached in 1953. This called for a transitional period during which Sudanisation of the administration, and elections to a national parliament would take place. These produced a parliamentary majority for al-Azharl's National Unionist Party; the Umma had campaigned ineptly and alienated nonMahdists, while other groupings—hardly parties—were regional, extreme, or otherwise flawed. It was ironical therefore that al-Azhari and the Unionists led the Sudan to independence. The events of 1954-5 are less significant than that result; through deft manoeuvring, favourable circumstance, rivals' mistakes, and the unlimited elasticity of "union", al-Azharf presided as Prime Minister when the Sudanese parliament dispensed with formalities and voted for independence at the end of 1955. An independent republic was declared on 1 January 1956. Despite this formal break with a colonial past, evidence of continuity after 1955 is striking. In two areas, national politics and the affairs of the South, this would have lasting and disastrous consequences. Al-Azharf's triumph in 1955 had been personal and tactical; the two Sayyids were the true masters of the Sudan, and it was their mutual hostility that had allowed his success. In late 1955 they had reached a truce, and in July 1956 their parliamentary supporters duly ousted al-Azharf and elected the Umma leader, c Abd Allah Khalll, as Prime Minister in a coalition
SUDAN of the Umma and a Unionist faction. This and subsequent manoeuvring discredited party politics. Beset by a faltering economy, and by rifts within the Unionists' ranks that threatened his own position, £Abd Allah Khalfl, a former officer, connived in 1958 in an army coup that swept away the parliamentary regime. A junta assumed supreme power, which it in turn delegated to the Commander-in-Chief, Ibrahim 'Abbud. An issue of particular concern to the military regime that ruled until 1964 was the South. Largely neglected by the British under a misapplied "Southern Policy", the region had ironically at the end of the Second World War became a last bastion of imperial control; British officials' demand for "safeguards" for the South in a self-governing Sudan was viewed by others as an attempt to delay independence or even to detach the region. In the first parliament, Southern representatives were overwhelmed by Northern politicians, and their votes for independence were bought with the easy promise of future considerations. Meanwhile, in August 1955, alarmed by precipitate Sudanisation— or as they saw it, Arabisation—of regional government, Southern army units rebelled. Hundreds of Northerners were killed. Neither al-Azharl's nor cAbd Allah Khalfl's administration took effective steps to deal with Southern grievances; cAbbud's regime worsened the problem. A programme of Arabisation and Islamisation was adopted, and Christian missionaries were harassed and finally expelled. Guerrilla activity sprang up among veterans of the 1955 mutiny and others. 'Abbud's junta responded in kind, and by 1964 there was civil war. The soldiers' military failure brought down a regime already discredited by ineptness and repression in other areas. In October 1964 street demonstrations in Omdurman and Khartoum gained momentum from the evident half-heartedness with which troops responded. Banned political parties resurfaced, but it was an alliance of professionals, trade unionists, students and others that directed and dominated mass action. With support from the ranks evaporating, £Abbud and his colleagues resigned, and a Transitional Government was formed to prepare a return to democratic rule. The Transitional Government of 1964-5 has since been seen as one of missed opportunity. The cabinet, under Sirr al-Khatim al-Khalffa, a civil servant, was dominated by members of the Professionals' Front, who favoured radical democratic and socialist solutions to the Sudan's problems. Opposed to them, and outnumbered, were leaders of the old parties. The former had ideas without mass support, the latter sectarian followings without ideas. In the end, ideas were discounted; under pressure from the politicians, new elections were held in April-May 1965, before the professionals could organise. A coalition of the Umma and NUP was formed, with the Umma's Muhammad Ahmad Mahdjub as Prime Minister; by a hastilycontrived constitutional amendment, Isma'il al-Azharf became President of the Supreme Council of State. The intellectual bankruptcy of the parties and cynicism of their leaders is evident from subsequent events. The second parliamentary regime witnessed a return to the sterile sectarian and personal rivalries of the past and, because of this, a worsening situation in the South. No party or politician would risk the electoral consequences or a rival's jeers by suggesting a generous solution to what they persisted in calling the "Southern Problem". For their part, no leader of the disunited tribally-based rebels in the South had a following large enough to dominate the movement; suc-
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cessive groupings with ever-grander names reflected factionalisation. Southern politicians working within the Khartoum system had little influence, nor can it be said that any proposed constitutional "solution"— federalism, autonomy or independence for the South— had the support even of most Southerners. A multilateral conference held by the Transitional Government in March 1965 rehearsed old positions a month before parliamentary elections. Continuation of guerrilla war was expedient for weak politicians on both sides. The base from which the second parliamentary regime began was thus as weak as its predecessor's. Debilitating inter- and intra-party rivalries both caused and fed off political and economic crisis. In 1966 Sadik al-Mahdl, great-grandson of the Mahdl, having engineered the fall of the Umma Prime Minister and his own succession, embarked on a campaign of modest reform unacceptable to his uncle, al-Hadl, the imam of the Ansar. Their disagreement was exploited by al-Azhan, who joined forces with al-Hadf to depose Sadik. With the Umma split, a new coalition was formed of Unionists and followers of al-Hadf, with Muhammad Ahmad Mahdjub as Prime Minister. This coalition, dominated by al-Azharf's reunited Unionists, retained office after elections in 1968. That a government with a huge parliamentary majority could be so ineffectual is indicative of the continuing personal and sectarian nature of Sudanese politics and, indeed, of the growing irrelevance of electoral politics. The regime's true strength was revealed by the ease with which a group of young officers led by DjaTar Muhammad Numayrf, overthrew it in May 1969. Despite its revolutionary pronouncements, the long military regime of 1969-85 exhibits elements of continuity with previous regimes. These may be summarised as: a failure to create durable institutions; an attempt to Islamise—some would say Sudanise—the South, through peaceful assimilation or mass violence, a process seen as interrupted by British imperialism and unrealistically resisted by diehard Southerners; the dominant centre's struggle to maintain control of an impoverished and powerless periphery, not only in the South; the weakness of secular authority without sectarian support, and the concomitant failure of "new men", "professionals" and "technocrats" to assume political power; big-project economic development, an addiction induced by the Condominium's Gezira Scheme, with disastrous results; poverty; and international insignificance despite a natural position of influence as an Afro-Arab, multi-confessional, and strategically-located state. The identification of this second military regime with one man, Numayn, is therefore convenient but inaccurate; Numayn was adept at wringing personal advantage from a situation worsened by his survival in office, and is a notable but hardly revolutionary figure in post-Independence Sudanese political history. Only the main events of this recent period may be described without reference to archival sources. Its plotters saw the May Revolution as successor to the radical movement of the Professionals' Front of 1964-5; Numayn acted quickly to dispose of organised rivals on left and right. In 1971 the small but influential Communist Party was purged, and leading members executed after a failed coup; Numayn followed up a narrow escape with a referendum confirming his presidency. In 1972 the army attacked the stronghold of the Ansar at Aba Island; thousands were killed, including the Imam al-Hadf, while the movement went into disarray. Having failed like his predecessors to win a military victory in the South, Numayrf now shored
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up his personal position by reaching an agreement with the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement, which had coalesced under Joseph Lagu; by the terms of the Addis Ababa Agreement of 1972, the South was granted a large measure of autonomy. But peace in the South was no substitute for mass support in the North; after a failed but bloody Ansdr coup attempt in 1976, Numayrl took steps to co-opt Sadik al-Mahdf, the exiled Umma leader, who returned to the Sudan in 1977. Timebuying political gestures were by now a hallmark of the regime, which dispensed patronage through a Sudan Socialist Union, which a constitution promulgated in 1973 made the sole legal party. But the manifest failure of the regime's economic policies, and the consequent resort to unpopular prescriptions of the International Monetary Fund and donor countries, fuelled opposition in the late 1970s and early 1980s; a massive foreign debt was accumulated, with little to show for it but half-finished and inefficient projects, repeated devaluations, and the emergence of a parasitical class of newly-rich officers and cronies. By 1983 Numayri evidently felt the need for another bold gesture: taking advantage of Southern politicians' incompetence and venality, he declared in June the "redivision" of the South into three "regions" corresponding to the old Anglo-Egyptian provinces; in September he declared the Sharfa, heretofore enforced only in the North, applicable to all. The cost of appeasing Northern opponents was soon evident in the South; a Sudan People's Liberation Movement and Army (SPLM/SPLA) were formed, and by 1985 full-scale civil war engulfed the region. Economic collapse and civil war set the stage for Numayrf's downfall. By late 1984 he had successively allied with and opposed every political and religious grouping of significance, from the Communists to the Muslim Brothers; in January 1985 Mahmud Muhammad Taha, the aged leader of the tiny Republican movement, was hanged on a charge of heresy after criticising the regime. Emboldened by his opponents' hand-wringing, Numayrf embarked on a foreign trip in April, even as demonstrations against the regime mounted. The army deposed him lest it go down with him, and opposition leaders now "called off the revolution". A military government assumed absolute but avowedly temporary power, while a cabinet of disparate elements prepared for new elections. The position of 1964-5 was soon replicated, as the old parties with sectarian backing pushed aside the ill-assorted elements that had brought down Numayrl. Indeed, the SPLM/SPLA, in clandestine radio messages, belittled "Numayrism without Numayri" and continued to prosecute the war. The history of the third parliamentary regime (1986-9) was dominated by the same two problems that had plagued its predecessors: inability to take strong measures in the face of enduring personal and sectarian rivalries, and the related problem of civil war, which involved fundamental questions about the nature of the Sudanese state. Under Sadik al-Mahdr, Prime Minister in the coalition governments of the period, the inherited prestige of the Father of Independence proved an inadequate base for national consensus. Despite twenty years in the political wilderness, Sadik in power maintained that basic issues—the role of Islam, the applicability of Sharfa, the rights of religious minorities—required further study. Negotiations with the SPLM/SPLA, which saw itself as nationalist and secularist, not separatist, therefore collapsed. At the national level, lack of direction reduced politics to the familiar search for tactical advantage, while the costs of war,
and an ever-worsening economy, limited room to manoeuvre. Ironically the end of the regime came on the eve of an agreement which Sadik had reached with the SPLM/SPLA to negotiate an end to the war. In June 1989 a group of middle-rank officers took power in a bloodless coup. Their programme and even political orientation remained unclear for some time. It was eventually apparent that they had none, and the vacuum thus created was deftly occupied by the National Islamic Front. Descended from the Muslim Brothers, whose Sudanese roots reached back to the 1940s, that party had, like others, both collaborated with and been suppressed by Numayri. Its leader, Hasan al-Turabi, had withstood criticism of his long support for the dictator; it was during Numayn's rule that Turabl made of the NIF a small but cohesive party. After the 1986 elections, it was taken into government. Thus in 1989, the NIF was at first banned with the other parties, and Turabf was for a time formally under arrest. By midsummer 1995, Turabi, though widely acknowledged in—and even at times acknowledging—a leading role, still had no official position in the regime. After 1989, therefore, the Sudan was governed by a military junta drawing inspiration from the ideology of Hasan al-Turabf. There were no national elections and political parties remained banned. The president, General Hasan al-Bashfr, and his colleagues renewed the war against southern rebels, declaring this a ajihdd', active support of Arab and Muslim states was solicited and received. Epidemics, famine, even slavery, returned to the South, while the collapse of the Mengistu regime in Ethiopia deprived the SPLA of its main foreign bases and support, and the movement itself splintered. The war's financial burden contributed to a disastrous economic record. Opponents of the Sudanese regime were detained without charge and tortured; thousands went into what increasingly appeared permanent exile. Accused by western governments and by its neighbours of harbouring, training, and exporting terrorists, the regime became increasingly isolated; Egypt on several occasions seemed ready to take action against the Sudan. After six years in power, this third Sudanese military regime showed signs of going the way of the previous two. Despite its ostensible Islamic character, and the many and costly steps it took to exhibit this, the regime never enjoyed the support of more than a small minority, even of Muslim Sudanese. But opposition, while widespread, was unconcerted, both within the country and between exiles and residents; alliances of the Ansar and the SPLM, of Nuba Christians and exiled professionals, of aged Communists and Fur nationalists, inspired in Khartoum more hope than fear. The Sudanese pattern in such cases is of mass action followed by a struggle between old parties and the partisans of change. Bibliography. Nacum Shukayr, Ta'rikh al-Suddn, Cairo 1903; Sudan Motes and Records, KhartoumLondon 1918 ff.; C.H. Stigand, Equatoria. The Lado Enclave, London 1923; R.L. Hill, A bibliography of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, from the earliest times to 1937, London 1939; J.D. Tothill (ed.), Agriculture in the Sudan, London 1948; United Nations Organisation, Demographic yearbook, New York 1948 ff.; J.S. Trimingham, Islam in the Sudan, London 1949; K.D.D. Henderson, The making of the modern Sudan. The life and Utters of Sir Douglas Newbold, London 1953; Economist Intelligence Unit, Quarterly economic review, London 1953 ff.; cAbd al-Rahman 'All Taha, al-Suddn li 'l-Suddniyyin, Khartoum 1955; Yahya
SUDAN Muhammad £Abd al-Kadir, Shakhsiyyat min al-Suddn, Khartoum 1955; Saad Ed Din Fawzi, The labour movement in the Sudan 1946-1955, London 1957; Mekki Shibeika, The independent Sudan, London 1959; A. Gaitskell, Gezira, London 1959; K.M. Barbour, The republic of the Sudan. A regional geography, London 1961; Babikr Badrf, Ta'rikh hayati, 3 vols., n.p. 1961, Eng. tr., The memoirs of Babikr Bedri, Oxford 1969-80; Abdel Rahman El Nasri, A bibliography of the Sudan, 1938-1958, London 1962; Sadik al-Mahdl (ed.), Diihadfi sabil al-istikldl, Khartoum 1964; G.M.A. Bakheit, British administration and Sudanese nationalism, 1919-1939, Ph.D. thesis Cambridge 1965, unpubl; J. Marlowe, Anglo-Egyptian relations 1800-1956, London, 1965; R. Hill, Sudan transport, London 1965; G.N. Sanderson, England, Europe, and the Upper Nik, 1882-1899, Edinburg 1965; Asma Ibrahim and Abdel Rahman El Nasri, Sudan bibliography, 195663, in Sudan Notes and Records, xlvi (1965), 130-66; I.M. Lewis (ed.), Islam in tropical Africa, London 1966; Hill, A biographical dictionary of the Sudan, London 1967; Muddathir Abdel Rahim, Imperialism and nationalism in the Sudan, Oxford 1969; J. Voll, A history of the Khatmiyyah tariqa in the Sudan, Harvard Ph.D. thesis, Harvard 1969, unpubl.; Mohammed Omer Beshir, Educational development in the Sudan 1899-1956, Oxford 1969; J.N.D. Aiiderson, Islamic law in Africa, London 1970; R.O. Collins, Land beyond the rivers. The Southern Sudan, 1898-1918, London and New Haven 1971; J. Howell (ed.), Local government and politics in the Sudan, Khartoum 1974; P. Bechthold, Politics in the Sudan, New York 1976; Hassan Ahmed Ibrahim, The 1936 Anglo-Egyptian treaty, Khartoum 1976; Adel Amin Beshai, Export performance and economic development in Sudan 1900-1967, London 1976; G. Warburg, Islam, nationalism and communism in a traditional society, London 1978; AJimed Bayoumi, The history of the Sudan health services, Nairobi 1979; J. Waterbury, Hydropolitics of the Nile Valley, Syracuse 1979; Lilian Passmore Sanderson and G.N. Sanderson, Education, religion and politics in Southern Sudan 1899-1964, London and Khartoum 1981; M.R. Duffield, Maiurno, London 1981; Collins, Shadows in the grass. Britain in the Southern Sudan, 1918-1956, London and New Haven 1983; Muhammad alc Assam, al-Huhn al-mahalll fi 'l-Suddn, Khartoum 1983; Lidwien Kapteijns, Mahdist faith and Sudanic tradition. The history of the Masalit sultanate, London 1985; F. Mading Deng, The man called Deng Majok, London and New Haven 1986; M.W. Daly, Empire on the Nik, Cambridge 1986; Mansour Khalid (ed.), John Garang speaks, London 1987; N. O'Neill and J. O'Brien, Economy and class in Sudan, Aldershot and Brookfield, Vermont 1988; P.M. Holt and M.W. Daly, A history of the Sudan, 4London 1988; A. de Waal, Famine that kills, Oxford 1989; Daly, Imperial Sudan, Cambridge 1990; Ahmad Alawad Sikainga, The western Bohr al-Ghazal under British rule: 18981956, Athens, Ohio 1991; Abdelwahab El-AfFendi, Turabi's revolution, London 1991. (M.W. DALY) 2. Languages. The Sudan's 25.2 (1990) million inhabitants occupy an area of approximately one million sq. miles and speak some 134 languages. Obtaining precise and reliable statistics often proves difficult, however, due to the language vs. dialect problem. For example, many scholars treat Kakwa, spoken in Yei District, Equatoria Province (40,000 speakers [1978]) as a Bari dialect, even though Kakwa and Bari are better designated separate languages despite their 73% lexical similarity. Most of those 134 languages are not normally
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written, nor do they have an extensive body of written literature. The literacy rate for the entire country has been estimated at 20% (1991). The Sudan's amazing range of diverse languages belongs to three distinct language phyla (out of a total of four for all of Africa, following the standard classification of Joseph H. Greenberg [1963]). They are: Afroasiatic (AA), also known as Hamito-Semitic; NiloSaharan (NS); and Niger-Congo (NC). Approximately 51% of the population speak one of the many dialects of Sudanese Colloquial Arabic (SCA) as a native language. This means that the Semitic sub-branch of the AA phylum to which Arabic belongs represents the majority of the Sudanese population. (Tigre, a northern Ethiopian-Semitic language, also has some speakers in northern Sudan.) The only other major, autochthonous AA language spoken in the country is Beja, a member of the Cushitic subbranch. The Muslim Beja [see BEDJA], also known as Bedauye or Bedawiye, have probably resided in their present locale for 6,000 years. They number about a million speakers in the Sudan, with at least 50,000 more in Ethiopia and Upper Egypt (1982). Its three major dialects are Hadendoa, Hadareb and Bisharin, while Bani-Amer is an ethnonym for some Beja. The Chadic sub-branch of AA is also represented in the Sudan by Hausa, Kajakse, and possibly also Kujarge, spoken around Jebel Marra and along the lower Wadis Salih and Azum rivers. The Hausa speakers, many of whom are ethnic Fulani who no longer speak Fulfulde (Fellata), emigrated over a long period (especially from Chad and Nigeria). Hausa is an important trade language, which may account for its remaining an important lingua franca, not only in the Sudan but also in the neighbouring countries. Approximately 90 languages of the Sudan belong to the second phylum, NS. This is the most intricate language family in Africa, and the least investigated. Proto-NS may be divided into "Peripheral NS" and "Core NS". The former can be split into (1) Songhay, (2) Saharan and Kuliak, (3) Maba and Fur, and (4) Kunama and Berta, while the latter can be broken down into (1) East Sudanic (ES), (2) Central Sudanic, (3) Komuz, and (4) Kadugli-Krongo. Neither the Songhay nor the Kuliak members of NS are found in the Sudan. Saharan's only Sudanese member is Zagawa, spoken in Waddai-Darfur (102,000 speakers [1982]). Similarly, the Maba(n) stock has only one Sudanese representative, Masaalit, with 145,000 speakers (1991). The most studied language family in the Sudan is ES, which contains the largest number of languages of the entire phylum of NS. ES is subdivided into Nubian, Nara, Nyima, Tama, Surma, Jebel, Temein, Daju, and Nilotic. The eastern part of ES consists of the Nubian group, spoken in the Nile Valley up to the border with Egypt. Today, the group is comprised of Nobiin, Meidob (in Darfur), Kenuz-Dongola, and Hill Nubian. The latter, a language cluster of the Nuba Hills, still has no accepted classification. The Birked language, a separate ES branch which was formerly spoken in northern Darfur, east of Jebel Marra between Jebel Harayt and the Rizaykat country, is now extinct. One of the least-known branches of ES is the (Eastern) Jebel group, spoken in Blue Nile Province. Its main language is Tabi, also known as Gaam or Ingessana with 10,000 speakers (1972). Western ES is broken down into Daju, Nyima(ng), Tama and Temein. All together, these four languages have about a quarter of a million speakers. Many Daju today have been Arabicised and speak a Darfurian
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SUDAN — SUDAN, BILAD AL-
SCA, similar in numerous respects to Chadian and Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic. Some information exists on the Sudanese Nilotic languages. North and Central Nilotic occur in the Sudan; however, South Nilotic does not. The principal languages of North Nilotic are: Shilluk, 175,000; Dinka, 2 million (Northeastern and Northwestern Dinka may be two separate languages); Nuer, 740,000; and Luwo (Dhe Luwo), 54,000 (all 1982); while Central Nilotic has Bari, 226,000 (1978); Lotuko, 185,000 (1982); and a few members of the Teso-Turkana group, such as Toposa with 95,000 (1982). The latter is mutually intelligible with Turkana, which has 260,000 speakers in Rift Valley Province, Kenya. The classification of Surma is complicated. There are a minimum of ten branches, the two most important southern Sudanese members of which are Didinga with 58,000 speakers (1978) and Murle with 60,000 (1982). These two languages have 71% lexical similarity. Central Sudanic consists of Moru-Madi, MangbutuEfe, Mangbetu, Kresh, Baledha (Lendu), Aja, Bagirmi, Yulu-Binga, Sinyar and Bongo. The internal classification of Central Sudanic remains problematic. It seems clear, however, that Moru-Madi with 88,000 speakers in Equatoria Province (1982) represents one grouping, while Kresh, spoken mainly in Raga, western Bahr el Ghazal Province, with 16,000 (1987), forms another. There are also Kresh communities in Khartoum, Wau and Boro. NS can also possibly claim the ancient Meroitic language, written in a script coming from ancient Egyptian. The Meroitic Kingdom, extending from the third cataract in the north to the Soba area in the south, reached its height in the third and second centuries B.C. Another theory that classifies Meroitic as AA is far less probable. NC represents two-thirds of Africa's languages. Proto NC separated into the Mande, Atlantic-Congo and Kordofanian sub-branches. The 32 Kordofanian languages are spoken in the Nuba Hills by several hundred thousand. Four groups have been postulated: Heiban, Talodi, Rashad and Katla, with the major languages Koalib, 30,000 (1989), spoken around Delami in southern Kordofan; Moro, 30,000; Tira, 40,000, around Otoro and Talodi; and Tagali, 80,000 (all 1982), in the Tagali Range and Rashad town and hills. A major characteristic of many NC languages is the serial verb construction, in which what seems to be a single clause is expressed syntactically by juxtaposed verbs, all sharing the same subject or agent, without coordinating conjunctions of any kind. By way of contrast, there is little which gives NS a distinctive morphosyntactic unity, except that plural pronouns are often formed by singular pronouns with plural affixation. This process, however, does not occur in NC. Many NS languages, additionally, are agglutinative or inflectional in nature. Since the official language of the country is Arabic, and whereas there have been numerous attempts at Arabicisation and Islamisation in the southern Sudan (resulting, in part, in the ongoing Sudanese Civil War), uncountable Arabic loanwords have found their way into various NS and NC languages. In addition, innumerable NS and NC speakers use SCA as a second or third language, or have learned a major lingua franca of the southern Sudan, Sudanese Pidgin Arabic (so-called Juba Arabic, in actuality both a pidgin and a Creole, a variety not confined to the city of Juba). Speakers of NC Banda (10,000 [1982]), for instance, speak Pidgin Arabic with non-Banda speakers. African languages have also influenced, although to a les-
ser extent, via substratum, the Arabic pidgins and Creoles of Equatoria, Bahr el Ghazal, and the Upper Nile regions. Bibliography:]. Bendor-Samuel and R.L. Kartell (eds.), The Niger-Congo languages, Lanham, Md. 1989; J. Greenberg, The languages of Africa, Bloomington 1963; B. Grimes (ed.) Ethnologue, Dallas 1992; C. Moseley and R.E. Asher (eds.), Atlas of the world's languages, London 1994. (A.S. KAYE) SUDAN, BILAD AL-, literally "land of the blacks", the general n a m e in p r e - m o d e r n Arabic sources for the Saharo-Sahelian sector of Africa, that lying south of the Maghrib, Libya and Egypt and stretching from the Atlantic Ocean in the west to the Red Sea in the east. 1. The eastern part of the S u d a n . See for this, CAD in Suppl.; DARFUR; KORDOFAN; NUBA; WADAY; and for the modern period, SUDAN, the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and the modern Republic of Sudan. 2. History of the Western S u d a n . It is by the name Bildd al-Sudan al-Gharbi (although the "western" qualification is not always clearly specified) that Muslim geographers, and historians in later times, referred to this part of the "land of the Negroes", contiguous with the Sahara, between the Atlantic Ocean and the loop of the Niger or the Air. From the 8th/ 14th century onward, at least, the term Takrur, which initially in the 5th/11 th century denoted a city of Middle Senegal, was widely used in the Orient to denote this western, Islamised sector of Sudano-Sahelian Africa, thus competing with, and then virtually replacing, the expression "Western Sudan". The Sudan of the Arabs—Black Africa dominated by Muslim civilisation—did not denote the entire Black continent, but only a corridor of varying breadth extending from one side of the continent to the other. Essentially, this general conception remained unchanged in the Middle Ages and has survived into the present day. In western Sudan, Islam was implanted at the point at which the caravans arrived and, in a millenium, with remarkable slowness, advanced only a few hundreds of kilometres. Besides this transverse band, and until the 20th century, the West Africa of the southern savannahs and the rain forests thus remained relatively untouched by the process. In the early years of Islam, western Sudan represented for the Arabs the very extremity of the world. It was not zeal for proselytism but the attraction exerted by highly-valued merchandise (gold, ivory, slaves, precious wood, etc.) which in the first centuries of the Hidjra brought Muslim merchants, Arab, Berber or Persian, to the gateways of Sudan and in particular, following the conquest of the Maghrib, to its western sector. One of the first Arab texts dealing with the sub-Saharan world, that of the geographer al-Fazarf (second half of the 2nd/8th century) describes the "state of Ghana" (which is not present-day Ghana, but a mediaeval political formation bordering on Mauritania, Senegal and Mali) as "the land of gold" [see (UANAJ. The image of western Sudan was thus founded on contradictions: it was simultaneously a "barbarous" and distant region, and a land of plenty. With the exception of a few trans-Saharan explorations, the historical caliphates neither encompassed nor attempted to occupy any part of western Sudan. Even the Almoravids, themselves veiled Berbers originally from the South of the Mauritanian desert (5th/ llth century), constructed their power-base in Morocco and, while attaching the highest importance to control of the western gold route, soon lost interest in sub-
SUDAN, BlLAD AL-
Saharan political struggles. Their role in the Islamisation of the closest West African populations has always been a controversial issue. This absence of the central caliphates, or of local emirates, no doubt partially explains the slow pace of cultural contact or interaction. In contrast to the situation in the lands of the Mediterranean basin, for a long time there did not exist here a power drawing its exclusive legitimacy from adherence to Islam and, as the single political entity, throwing all its weight behind the new religion. A badge of social status, of equal value to luxury goods imported from the north (horses, salt, fabrics, glass-ware, etc.), Islam took root gradually among African commercial agents, especially the Soninke (the dominant ethnic group of the "empire" of Ghana) and in the courts of the chieftains. But it was to be several centuries more before it was to pass from cities to the countryside, from elites to peasants, from groups inhabiting the fringes of the desert to groups in the interior. Sudanese Islam was, for a long time, confined within urban enclaves (separate districts or entire towns). These Islamised enclaves were to take considerable time in converting the surrounding populations, either by peaceful means or, from the llth/17th century onward, by armed djihad. Generally occupied by specialist traders, they adapted well enough to their insularity and to existing balances of power, rating commercial success above issues of religion. The Muslims who lived there offered their services to the local pagan chieftains, handling their correspondence or supplying them with highly valued talismanic texts. Even when the sovereigns of local empires were Muslim, relations with African religions were not substantially different. Until the 12th/18th century, the animist countryside encircled the partially Islamised urban settlements, and the sovereigns themselves, whose "indigenous" legitimacy was initially based on respect for ancestral customs and rights, were generally prepared to fulfil their obligations as African chieftains, performing the prescribed ceremonies and sacrifices. Western Sudan thus presents a specific model of Islamisation, distinguished not so much by a somewhat limited number of peculiar heterodox practices, but determined more by its long accepted minority status. This was a case of an "extramural" Islam, which was nonetheless to consolidate, over the course of time, its identity and its adherence to the central Sunni norms. Unlike in other regions of the continent, such as the current Republic of Sudan with its capital Khartoum [see SUDAN, Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and the modem Republic of Sudan. 1.], the Islamisation movement in western Sudan did not lead to a proliferation of the Arabic language, except in a few educated circles. Certain African languages, which have themselves accommodated borrowed Arabic words, in such areas as religion, days of the week, commerce and the names of persons, fulfil an intermediary function in oral preaching as in the written culture (using Arabic characters). Such is notably the case of Fulfulde, across the whole of West Africa, of Wolof in Senegal, of Malinke/Jula in Mali, in Guinea and in certain neighbouring countries [see FULBE], and most particularly, at the eastern extremity of western Sudanese territory, of Hausa [q.v.]. Separate treatment should be reserved for Mauritania, the population of which has, from the 5th/11th century onward, been gradually subjugated by Arab tribes descended from the Banu Hilal, and almost totally Arabised [see MURITANIYA].
Initial contacts
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From the direction of Morocco, there is mention of an expedition mounted by HabTb b. Abl cUbayd al-Fihrl, grandson of 'Ukba b. Nafi c [q.v.], "in the Sus and the land of the Sudan" in 116/734. He achieved, according to Ibn £Abd al-Hakam, " a victory without equal and brought back gold in profusion". This reconnaissance was not, apparently, without longterm effect: his son cAbd al-Rahman, who was to become governor of Ifrikiya in 127/745, had three wells sunk on the desert routes leading towards western Sudan. The Arabo-Berber troops, who in twenty years had covered the distance from Gibraltar to Poitiers, thus remained, after these hesitant explorations, at the northern approaches to the desert. The effective discovery of western Sudan was carried out by merchants, Berbers for the most part. Under the influence of the Arabo-Muslim conquest, which stimulated demand and created a commercial dynamism, towns and itineraries were established on both sides of the desert. To the west was Sidjilmasa [q.v.] (south-east Morocco), which was in contact with Awdaghost [q.v] (a Berber town of southern Mauritania) and with Ghana, about twelve days journey from the former, for a long time the principal Black metropolis in this zone. In the centre, a ramified axis linked Tripoli, Ifrikiya and Wargla to Gao [q.v] (KawKaw), one of the oldest Black African towns on the Niger, by way of Tadmakka/al-Suk, another Saharan depot town. Throughout the Middle Ages, the principal axes were continually shifting from west to east, following, essentially, the movement of the northern powers: Umayyads of Cordova, Almoravids, Fatimids, then Ayyubids and Egyptian Mamluks. A parallel shifting of powers took place in the Sudanese region, from the West (Ghana, 5th/llth century) to the east (Gao [q.v], 9th/15th century), although it is impossible to compare accurately the role of the intrusions by transSaharan commerce with that of local political issues. From the time of these first contacts, African groups were converting to Islam. In all the cases cited, it was the chiefs who embraced Islam and then imposed it on their subjects. Thus, according to al-Bakrl, Wara Dyabi, king of Takrur, "became a Muslim and installed Islamic law among his people. He persuaded them to conform, having enlightened them as to the truth. He died in 432/1040-1". Wara Dyabi also achieved the conversion of a neighbouring town, that of Silla, which was dependent on Takrur. Later, in 448/1056, his son Labi is known to have fought with Almoravid troops. Moving further east, the conversion of the king of Gao, Za Kosoy, is said to have taken place even earlier: "he embraced Islam voluntarily and under no constraint" ca. 400/1009-10, according to the author of the Ta'rikh al-Suddn. But even earlier than this, alMuhallabl (d. 380/990) had noted with reference to Gao: "The king of the land declares himself a Muslim before his subjects; many among them also declare themselves Muslims". Al-Bakrf, writing in 460/1068, even evokes a distant allegiance to the Umayyads of Cordova: "For the royal investiture, the sovereign is presented with a seal, a sword and a Kur'an which are alleged, so they say, to be gifts presented by the Amir al-mu3minin. Their sovereign is a Muslim and only a Muslim can be invested with royalty". At the end of the 5th/llth century, a series of Muslim epitaphs came into existence in the cemetery of GaoSane, referring to dignitaries and royal figures who have yet to be positively identified. The oldest of these epitaphs of Gao dates from 481/1088: it bears the name of "Makkiyya (?), daughter of Hasan al-Hadjdj".
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It is worth noting that this Islamic inscription is the oldest known in the whole of Black Africa. A few years later, the names of kings and queens appear on the same site: the three most ancient steles (494/1100, 502/1108, and 503/1110) which are made of marble, were imported from Almeria. The others are of local manufacture. With Gao, there is thus available a remarkable cluster of convergent sources, which render this town another major centre of Islamisation, undoubtedly older than the preceding. Only Ghana resisted these first conversions for a short time. It capitulated under the influence of the Almoravids, before the end of the century, in 479/ 1076. The 5th/llth century was thus the great century of the initiation into Islam of the royal courts situated at the termini of the trans-Saharan routes. The co-existence between Muslims and non-Muslims took a remarkable form, as was noted assiduously by the Arab authors of the period, in particular by alBakrl; the majority of sub-Saharan cities were divided, the "town of the merchants" being separated, sometimes by several kilometres, from the "royal town". This was notably the case of Ghana and of Gao. The Khdridjite pioneers The Arab sources cited above are exclusively SunnL There is thus total silence regarding the religious conflict which for several centuries pitted the Sunnls of the Maghrib against their Kharidjite adversaries, most of them Ibadls [see IBADIYYA]. For two centuries at least (ca. 130-340/750-950) the Kharidjite Berbers, masters of the power-centres of the southern Maghrib (Sidjilmasa and Tahart) and of the Saharan routes, were interposed between the central Muslim world and western and central Sudan. Ibadf sources of the 4th-6th/10th-12th centuries, at least those which have survived destruction, not to mention later sources, speak of Ibadf travellers from Tahart, Wargla, Nafzawa and Djabal Nafusa, journeying into Tadmakkat, Gao, Ghana and other regions of western Sudan. Al-Bakn himself notes the presence of traders from Ibadf regions in Awdaghost, where they became very numerous until the conquest of the city and the Almoravid massacres of 446/1054-5. In fact, the hatred felt by the Almoravids, nomadic Sanhadja Berbers, for the sedentary Zanata Berbers was augmented by the religious hostility of militant Sunnls against Kharidjite heretics. Although their power was in a seriously weakened state in the 5th/llth century, the Kharidjites had hitherto exercised political and economic control of all the transSaharan routes. The Sufri Kharidjites [see SUFRIYYA] of the independent city of Sidjilmasa (founded 140/ 757) represented the principal western outlet. The Ibadl Rustamids [q.v.] of Tahart [q.v.] (159-297/776909) ruled over all the Saharan approaches, from central Algeria to Wargla, to southern Tunisia and Djabal Nafusa. The Ibadl dynasty of the Banu '1-Khattab (306-568/918-1172), based at Zawfla, a place with a longstanding Kharidjite tradition in Fazzan, controlled, for its part, access to the Chad basin. Some have concluded from this that the first form of sub-Saharan Islam must have been Kharidjite. The hypothesis is plausible but its proof more problematic. The only source which testifies to the adherence to Kharidjism of a Black African population is the Kitdb al-Qiughrafiyya of al-Zuhn, probably written after 539/ 1133, which refers to a population situated, according to the context, between Ghana and the loop of the Niger, at a time when Timbuktu [q.v.] barely existed. On travelling through the same zone, near the Niger, in 753/1352, Ibn Battuta notes the presence of "white" Ibadfs bearing the name of a Malinke family, that of
Saghanughu. Thus, at the approaches to the Sahel in Tadmakkat [q.v.], vigorously Ibadl in the 2nd/8th century, an African population seems to have adopted the madhhab of its commercial associates and remained loyal to it until the Almoravid upheaval, and possibly after it. It is possible that there were other analogous cases, but Ibadism progressed no further in Black Africa, either in time or space. A founding moment: the Almoravid movement Speculations on the role of the Almoravids [see AL-MURABITUN] in Black Africa are conditioned by the mediocrity of the sources. There can be no doubt that the activities of the Almoravids to the south of the Sahara have been under-estimated to the advantage of developments in the north, much better documented and more "central" for classical orientalism and European history. The Almoravid movement was, however, born on the fringes of Black Africa. The ribat which gave it its name, if it existed, was perhaps situated on an island off the southern coast of Mauritania, or even in the Senegal river, and from the outset, contingents from Takrur, a Senegalese kingdom, are observed giving the movement their support. But the poor quality of the available sources leaves the field open to mythologies of all kinds. For purposes of prestige, the Muslim historiography of these regions regularly seeks to trace its origins to a founding movement, or what is seen as such. Thus Leo Africanus [q.v.], in 1526, recorded claims which sought to link the empire of Mali [q.v]., born in the 7th/13th century, to Abu Bakr, the cousin of Yusuf b. Tashffn, the Almoravid sovereign, but the chronological and geographical distance, as well as the knowledge which is available regarding the origins of Mali, are sufficient refutation of these pretensions. Similarly, traditions make Ndyadyan Ndyay, the legendary founder of the dynasty of Waalo, a Senegalese kingdom, a son of the same Abu Bakr, but more than two centuries separate the era of the former from that of the latter. The genealogy of Ahmad Baba [q.v], the great scholar of Timbuktu (b. 953/1556), dating back through nineteen generations to Abu Bakr, is no more convincing. Returning to the known facts: the movement of the Murdbitun, which led, for a century, to the constitution of a vast north-south empire, from Senegal to the Ebro, marked the rise, under the guidance of the Lamtuna tribe [q.v.], of the Sanhadja Berbers, veiled nomads of the Mauritanian desert, at the expense of their Zanata rivals. In the economic sphere, this was reflected by seizure of exclusive control of access to West African gold: the map of the empire is shaped by the western south-north routes which transported the gold to North Africa. In the religious sphere, it marked the victory of the Maghribf Sunn! circles, from which it had emerged, over Kharidjite and Shf'r dissidence, then active in the Maghrib and the Sahara. Ibn Yasfn, the stern visionary who, despite nomadic reservations, had determined the organisation and the doctrine of the Murdbitun, died in battle in 451/1059. The titular amir of the Lamtuna henceforward took up the mantle, in the person of Abu Bakr b. cUmar, nominated as successor to Ibn Yasln and head of the community. It was after the foundation of Marrakush [q.v.], according to one of the available sources, that Abu Bakr chose to return to the desert to maintain order and unity in the cradle of the movement. He delegated his authority in the north to his first cousin Yusuf b. Tashftn, destined for an illustrious future, and became until his death, in 480/1087 (with varia-
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tions in date according to sources), the leader of the southern wing of the movement, establishing his capital at Azukkl, in the Mauritanian Adrar. Developments at this time to the south of the Sahara are not so well known. As regards the inhabitants of Ghana, al-Zuhn relates that in 469/1076-7 "they became Muslims in the time of the Lamtuna and were distinctive in their Islam". While numerous generations of textbooks have given 1076 as the date of a conquest and a destruction of Ghana by the Almoravids, contemporary commentators, although far from unanimous, tend to call into question both the conquest (the text of al-Zuhrf is indecisive) and the destruction (archaeology of the site of Kumbi-Saleh, the presumed site of ancient Ghana, rather shows evidence of a revival in the town's prosperity until the 8th/14th century). The Soninke capital would thus have become Muslim under the Almoravids, and al-Zuhn, some fifty years after the event (539/1133), confines himself to eulogising the fervent Islam of its population, which included 'ulamd3, Jukahd3 and sophisticated readers of the Kur'an. Some years later, in 548/ 1154, al-ldnsl described Ghana as a prosperous city, entirely Muslim, with a sovereign claiming Sharlfian ancestry, through al-Hasan b. CA1T, and acknowledging the primacy of the 'Abbasid caliph. Al-ZuhrT also relates how the people of Ghana appealed for the aid of the Almoravids, of Abu Bakr in fact, "seven years" after their own conversion to Islam, i.e. ca. 476/1083, in rendering "Muslim"—meaning, in this instance, Sunn!—the population of Tadmakkat and of another city in the region. Finally, Yakut, who compiled his Mu'gjam al-bulddn in 617/1220 on the basis of earlier sources, tells of a close and doubtless ancient alliance between Zamnu/Jafunu, another important Soninke kingdom, situated to the west of Ghana, and the Almoravids, and notes the extreme deference shown by the latter towards their king on the occasion of a visit to Marrakush. These various items of evidence show that the Almoravids, far from playing on an insoluble rivalry between nomadic Whites and sedentary Blacks, were capable from the outset of benefiting by firm alliances in Black countries, more specifically in the various Soninke kingdoms which encircled the southern boundaries of its empire and admitted the Maghrib! caravans. As the first Islamised ethnic group of the region, the Soninke subsequently became a seed-bed of Muslim traders and teachers who diffused Islam throughout the surrounding regions. After the death of Abu Bakr, in 480/1087, Almoravid memories continued to nourish the genealogical claims of various local nomads who thus claimed descent from him or from the eminent imam alHadramf, the jurist of Azukkl (d. 489/1096). A distant prototype, although never claimed as such, of the West African jihads of the llth/17th and 13th/ 19th centuries, the Almoravid movement appears as a unifying, if not founding development, on the fringes of the Soninke world and in the neighbouring Sahelian regions. It has also taken on, as a result of its reverberations, the dimensions of a creation-myth, often repeated and always in demand. The age of the great Sudanese empires The western Sudanese empires—with the addition of that of Kanem-Borno, in the Chad region of central Sudan—which so fascinated the newly-independent African states in the 1960s, are much better documented. These empires had nothing at all of the centralisation which is normally associated with this type of formation. These were vast superstructures, operating within shifting frontiers, in a world where con-
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trol of people rather than of land, was seen as crucial. It was a matter of great families, mounted warriors and commercial networks. The mass of the peasantry, socially stratified according to ancestry, essentially pursued its daily life under the authority of chieftains of villages or of cantons (the kaju of Mali), who had little contact with the central power. Mediaeval Sudanese empires were thus complex structures, combining numerous levels of culture and of power. This accounts for the fact that the families running the empires, all of them geared towards control of access to transSaharan commerce, were in most cases Islamised, while their subjects, whether close by or far-away, remained devoted in their daily lives to pagan cults. In contrast to the situation in mediaeval Europe, where rulers drew their revenues from levies imposed on agricultural production, the Sudanese imperial formations earned their wealth from the profits of transSaharan trade, positioning themselves accordingly between the sources (gold, ivory, slaves, etc.) and the outlets. These courtiers were also predators. In order to augment the influx of costly merchandise of Maghribl, European or Oriental origin, which increased their prestige as well as supplying them with the instruments of power (horses and, later, fire-arms), the leading groups of these empires raided and pillaged, where possible, beyond the boundaries of their recognised tributaries, or at the expense of internal or external adversaries. In principle, adherence to Islam was protection against capture and reduction to slavery, but this was a fragile protection which counted for little when weighed against the interests of the powerful. In the Mi'rddj. al-sucud, a work composed in Timbuktu in 1024/1615, Ahmad Baba replies to a merchant from Twat [q.v.] who has consulted him about the legal status of slaves who are natives of various regions of Sudan. He recalls the obedience to Islam of a number of Sudanese states and, consequently, the illegality of enslaving Muslims originating from these empires, while deploring the frequency of such infractions of the Sharfa. These empires conducted business dealings over vast spaces and contributed to the creation of new identities. The hierarchical and administrative models which they established left lasting traces; thus titulatures and functions initiated in Mali or in Borno radiated through all the neighbouring countries, and tributary states took them over for their own purposes, retaining them in their own political systems when they became independent of imperial rule. On the other hand, the effective protection afforded to medium and long-distance trade, noted by Arab observers, led to an urban development which is nowhere more perceptible than at the loop of the Niger, where a chain of ancient and modern towns is to be found, under the successive control of Mali and of Songhay: Ja (Dia), Djenne, Timbuktu, Gao, etc. Being privileged partners of the Arabo-Muslim world, these empires merited numerous mentions in the Arabic sources of the time, which contributed to endowing them with an "Arabised" aspect. In most cases, Maghrib! and Egyptian travellers were acquainted only with the capitals and the major cities and were only partially aware of the social realities. Local Arabic sources (ta'nkh) help to diversify the information available, but it should not be forgotten that they emanated from urbanised families, with both scholarly and commercial interests, which themselves lived according to this openness to the Arab world, to such an extent that sometimes, as at Timbuktu, they were more Arabised than African. The Islam that was then
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practised was an Islam of the court, of cities, of chieftains and merchants, still inadequately implanted and sometimes capable of offering only weak resistance to the "pagan" reactions of the 10th/16th and llth/17th centuries. As long as this Islamisation of the higher echelons was not matched by popular Islamisation, the entire process remained limited in its effects, even if there was even a gradual vulgarisation of Islamic concepts, values and practices. At the time that the 'Abbasid caliphate in Baghdad came to a tragic end under the onslaught of the Mongols, the Islamised empires of West Africa, on the contrary, entered a phase of ascendancy. Following the collapse of Ghana which, as a limited regional hegemony (on the fringes of Mali and Mauritania), seems to have been dismembered during the Almoravid era (the capital city of Ghana remaining for its part, over a period of several centuries, a commercial centre of the highest importance), a new empire emerged from the local struggles, much further to the south, centred on the gold-mines of Bure, the fluvial axis of the Niger and the trade routes originating from the western and the central Sahara. The mythical founder of this empire, Sunjata/Soundjata Keita (early 7th/13th century), originating from a milieu of societies of hunters endowed with both physical and magical powers, is celebrated by a highly-structured epic tradition, the dating of which is still the object of controversy. His adherence to Islam, vigorously contested by some, appears probable, although purely formal, to others. The Keita dynasty was well known to Ibn Khaldun, who gives a list of all the reigning sovereigns, from "Man Djata" (probably the Sunjata of the oral chronicle) to Mansa Magha III, who came to power in 792/1390. Ibn Khaldun, who was informed on these matters by a man who had been kadi in Gao, gives the duration of reigns and salient dates which make it possible to reconstruct the entire dynastic chain. The tradition of pilgrimage, which began with Mansa Ulr, son of Man Djata (after 659/1260), continued with Sakura, a mamluk of the family who acceded to power ca. 700/1300, and culminated in Mansa Kanku Musa (Mansa is the royal title, Kanku the Malinke name of his mother), whose journey in 724/1324, accompanied by a large retinue, attracted a great deal of attention, especially in Cairo where he was noted for his distribution of lavish gratuities to intermediaries and to local dignitaries [see MANSA MUSA]. Musa's brother, Mansa Sulayman (ca. 735-59/ 1335-58) performed the pilgrimage to the Holy Places in his turn. The arrival of books and of Arab scholars in larger numbers can be dated from this period. The name of Mali was henceforward well-known in the Mediterranean region, arousing the curiosity of visitors. It was in 735/1352, during the reign of Sulayman, that Ibn Battuta arrived in Mali, visiting the capital of the empire, which he describes in considerable detail (although it is virtually impossible, on the basis of his account, to locate this capital), then visited Timbuktu and Gao, where he spent a short period of time, paying more attention to the Maghrib! names of the residents whose hospitality he enjoyed. The empire disappears from history with these sources, at the end of the 8th/14th century. It disintegrated at this time, giving way to multiple regional units. It was through one of these units, in the direction of Gambia, that the Portuguese, exploring the territory by stages from the 9th/15th century onward, became aware of the existence of a kingdom of the "Mandingas" (Manding/Malinke), henceforward located towards the Atlantic coast, and of a major city,
situated far inland, which they called with numerous variants, Tambucutu (Timbuktu). In the Sahel, another hegemony rose to prominence in the wake of Mali's decline. Nourished by long-distance trade, and marked by a drive towards urbanisation, the loop of the Niger, closer to the most active new axes of trans-Saharan traffic and direct beneficiary of the strengthening of ties with Egypt, became the new dynamic centre of the western Sudan. It fell to a local power, that of Gao, to unite all these regions in a "fluvial empire", first released from the control of Mali and then inheriting from the latter the majority of its former possessions. This empire, called Songhay [q.v.], from the name of the ethnic group which then constituted its nucleus, was founded by Sonni CA1I (869-98/1465-1492), a political and military chief whose religious commitment to Islam was probably minimal. In 898/1493, a provincial governor, Muhammad Ture, supported by the urban elite of Timbuktu and the "Muslim party" of the region, deposed the son of Sonni CA1T and inaugurated a dynasty, that of the Askiyd (the meaning of this title is still unknown) which was to last for a century. Thus the Songhay empire had barely been constituted when it became the focus of a struggle between the educated and commercial elite of Timbuktu and the warrior power of Gao. Between the new and the old town, between the two systems of values, tensions, even under the Askiyd, were recurrent. The two Ta'rikhs (al-Suddn and al-FattasJi), which espoused the cause of Timbuktu, clearly reflect this mutal polarisation. In particular, the character of Sonni CA1I as it emerges from these prejudiced sources is that of "a debauched and impious tyrant". No doubt the Islam of the court, constrained to accept numerous compromises, was thus challenged by the new Arabised and Arabophile elites, who hoped for a pattern of government closer to their interests and their ideals. The Askiyd Muhammad, who began his reign with performance of the pilgrimage (between 901/1496 and 904/1498) and appointed numerous c ulamd3 as his advisers (including the Algerian reformer from Tlemcen, al-Maghflf [q.v.])9 corresponded well to the type of sultan whom they preferred. For the most part, Muhammad's successors pursued the same policy. An Islamic framework was established in the central provinces of the empire: creation of mosques and schools, appointment of kddts, of imams and of teachers. In spite of political vicissitudes, the Songhay empire thus represents an important phase in the Islamisation of western Sudan. The system of Sudanese empires came to an end, in western Africa, with the Moroccan conquest. Ahmad al-Mansur [q.v.], ambitious sovereign of the new Sa'dian dynasty, in his efforts to ward off European attacks, sought to create a vast African empire which would enable him to exert direct control over sources of gold, salt and slaves. Songhay and Morocco were specifically at odds on the issue of the salt-mines of Taghaza [q.v.], in the mid-Sahara. After an initial unsuccessful attempt, Moroccan troops led by a Spanish convert to Islam, the Pasha Djudar, took control of Gao, then of Timbuktu, in 999/1591. Moroccan pashas, increasingly detached from the mother-country, were to govern the principal towns of the loop of the Niger until 1249/1833. This marked the end of the prosperity of the region and of the power of its urban elites. Ahmad Baba himself spent fourteen years in detention in Morocco. "Imperial Islam" had been dealt a mortal blow, and animist regional hegemonies were soon to be seen taking its place. But what Islam had lost at higher
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levels, it recouped at the grass-roots ones. The discreet efforts of missionaries contributed to the development of new arrangements, more in tune with popular sensibilities. An Islam of popular saints began to emerge, prefiguring that of the Sufi brotherhoods [see TARIKA] whose penetration, from the direction of Egypt and of the Maghrib, had at that time barely begun. The birth of a West African Muslim culture The Soninke networks were the first and principal vehicles of Arabo-Islamic education in western Sudan. Transmission subsequently took place in the direction of Mali and of the river Niger. Malinke tradition has retained the memory of this Soninke primacy in religious matters. One town, of Soninke foundation, embodied more than others this transmission of knowledge towards the riparian societies of the Niger: the city of Ja (Dia, Dja, Djaba, Djagha-ba/Djakha-ba, Zagha, are variant forms of the name) to the west of Masina, situated in the interior delta of the central Niger). This town, the history of which has become somewhat mythic, seems to have been the place of origin or of reference of numerous West African scholarly dynasties. According to the Ta'rikh al-Fattash> it had been a "city of jurists" (madinat al-jukaha') since the time of the empire of Mali. It enjoyed almost total autonomy within the empire and guaranteed immunity to criminals who found refuge there. Ibn Battuta, who visited the place in 753/1352, observed that "the people of Zagha have a long history of adherence to Islam. They are religious and are zealous for cilrrf\ It is clearly evident that the religious centres of Jenne (which was nearby) and of Timbuktu, which began to flourish at a later stage, were the heirs to this hotbed of religious zeal. One of the major scholarly figures of Ja and of western Sudan was al-Hadjdj Salim Suwarl, who can be placed in the 9th/15th century. A native of Ja, Suwarf emigrated to what was to become, under the same name, an annexe to the scholarly metropolis, that of Jakha (Diakha), on the Bafing, a tributary of the Senegal, in the gold-bearing region of Bambuk. Suwarl and Diakha were in their turn the points of reference for the foundation of the great religious and pacific lineage which during subsequent centuries was to spread its influence over the territories of Senegambia and bore the name of this colony of Ja: the Jakhanke. For his part, I. Wilks has studied, in Ghana and in the Ivory Coast, a total of 34 Malik! chains of transmission (isnad) of Malinke/Jula (or Dyula) karamoko (teachers) of this region which also originated with al-Hadjdj Salim Suwan. Thus through these multiple channels of transmission, Ja extended its influence over the totality of learned lineages in this part of West Africa. Cultural and linguistic transfers were accomplished without any difficulty in these scholarly networks, which were themselves merged and blended, in the same families, even in the same individuals, with the commercial networks. A generic name, that of Wangara, which features in the Arabic sources, denotes these circles specialising in commerce. These Wangara were the precursors of the migrants and traders who were to be known at a later stage, in the world of the Malinke and in neighbouring countries, by the name of Jula. The Wangara did not belong to a single ethnic group: the term is generic and is applied to all those who shared the same way of life, but it is clear that the "hard core" was constituted by the Soninke and the Malinke, in other words by the inheritors of the first two empires, who were subsequently to be joined by some of the Songhay (the Askiya Muhammad was himself of Soninke origin). With their facility of
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movement, these Wangara radiated within the interior of these empires, then further and further afield in different directions, particularly towards the Hausa (currently northern Nigeria), the known history of which, in the context of central Sudan, comes into existence around the 14th century. The scholarly city par excellence during this period was Timbuktu. Founded in the early 6th/12th century by Tuareg tribes, it rapidly became, on account of its position at the gateway to the desert and in proximity to the river Niger, a commercial outpost of the first importance. The known history of the Muslim community of Timbuktu dates from the 8th/14th century. In 753-4/1352-3, when Ibn Battuta visited the place (on two occasions), it was still a small town, principally inhabited by Masufa Berbers of the desert. He noted, however, the tombs of two Muslim Arabs who had followed Mansa Musa after his return from the pilgrimage: a merchant of Alexandria, who died in 734/1334, and Abu Ishak al-Gharnatl al-SahilT, an Andalusian who had begun his career as a notary in Granada, and, following his pilgrimage to the Holy Places, had accompanied Mansa Musa to Mali, becoming his confidential adviser and his architect. Al-Sahilf built a palace for the sovereign in the capital (reckoned to be Niani, on the upper Niger), and possibly the great mosque of Timbuktu, and is credited with having introduced the Sudanese style of architecture. He subsequently settled in Timbuktu, where he died in 747/1346. Passing under control of the Songhay, after the turbulent reign of Sonni 'All, Timbuktu reached its zenith under the Askiya. Dominated by a few major families incorporating all the ethnic groups of the region (Berber and Negro), such as that of the AkTt, to which Ahmad Baba belonged, it became the principal centre of Islamic learning in this part of Africa. A scholar of the Mashrik was serving then as an intermediary in this transmission of knowledge: the renowned Egyptian encyclopaedist Djalal al-Din al-Suyutf (d. 911/1505 [q.v.]). Al-SuyutT did not visit Sudan, but he became the favoured spokesman for Sudanese persons passing through Cairo on the pilgrimage route or in search of education. Thus at the end of the 9th/15th century, he had welcomed the Askiya Muhammad, with whom he maintained a correspondence. It was he who was responsible for the very rapid diffusion of copies of the Tafsir al-Djaldlayn (commentary on the Kur'an, completed in 870/1465), of which alSuyutl himself was one of the co-authors, and which achieved classic status to the south of the Sahara. A judicial work of great importance also reached western Sudan, by way of Timbuktu, during the same period. This was the Mukhtasar of al-Khalil b. Ishak [q.v.], a well-known summary of Malikf jurisprudence. By the end of the 9th/15th century, a range of studies was thus firmly established in this town. In the absence of madrasas as such, the education provided in Timbuktu was based on various initiatives, mosque-schools in particular, the best known being that of Sankore. This mosque attracted large numbers of students and teachers. It was directed by the imam., who was often also the kadi of the city. Two inter-related families, the Aklt and the Anda agMuhammad, both of Tuareg origin, supplied Sankora with its principal teachers. The fact that the Mukhtasar (composed before 776/1374) was introduced so late underlines what had long been the provincial nature of Timbuktu, as a local centre. But once it was fully developed, the scholars of the town and of the loop of the Niger, who kept themselves informed by means of cross-desert traffic and seized every opportunity to
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consult visiting intellectuals, had no doubt attained a very respectable level of competence by the standards of the period, which was that of a literature of textbooks accompanied by abundant glosses (hawashi) and commentaries (shuruh). Another cultural aspect of Islamisation which deserves mention is the aspiration of scholars and of royal dynasties towards noble, i.e. eastern, origins. The Islamised dynasty of Ghana, as has been seen, declared its descent from al-Hasan b. 'All; the Keita of Mali claimed descent from Bilal, the Prophet's muezzin; and the Sefuwa of Kanem claimed Sayf b. Phi Yazan [q.v], a Yemeni hero, as their ancestor. Many other examples could be given. The shurqfa3 [q.v.] (pi. of shanf), reputedly of the blood of the Prophet, were endowed for this reason with unequalled prestige. The Ta'rikh al-Fattash relates how Mansa Musa made efforts to attract authentic shurafa3 to his court, but succeeded in adding to his entourage only a few freedmen of the tribe of Kuraysh, while the Ashiya Muhammad, for his part, was able to recruit a nephew of "the prince of Mecca", Mawlay al-Saklf, who took up residence in Timbuktu in 925/1519. The history of these events is evidently apologetic, but it shows by what symbolic means the West African Islamic community was then seeking to take its place in the wnma and to obtain titles of recognition and legitimacy which would be accepted in the central lands of the Arab world. The significance attached to these contacts with the East also illustrates the growing importance of Egypt in the African Islamic world. Until the 8th/ 14th century, the Maghrib, the first progenitor of western Sudan, held the advantage. From the time of the pilgrimage of Mansa Musa, Egypt, which since the Fatimids and the fall of the 'Abbasid caliphate had become the metropolis of Sunnism, occupied a central position, reinforced by its status as a necessary stage on the pilgrimage route. Islamised Western Sudan henceforward was following, more or less, the Egyptian model. Sufism and the brotherhoods In the mediaeval period, the brotherhoods had not yet effectively penetrated the Sahelo-Sudanese realm, but saintly individuals and bearers of Sufi ideas were beginning to make their appearance across the desert. The Kadiriyya [q.v.] was the first brotherhood to become widely diffused to the south of the Sahara. Claims or reconstructions contained in Kaolin sources have led some authors to adopt a fairly early chronology, for example making al-Maghfli (ca. 900/1500), a vehicle of this tarika. These interpretations are no longer considered valid. The history of the Kadiriyya in the Sahara and in western Sudan is closely linked to the destiny of the Kunta [q.v], an Arabised nomadic group which made its adherence to this doctrine one of the foundations of its power. The Kunta probably emerged in the 9th/15th or 10th/16th century, in the western Sahara between Adrar and Sakiya al-HamraJ. They considered themselves the descendants of Sldl Ahmad al-Bakkay (d. 920/1514). Shortly after their formation, the Kunta split into two branches, one remaining in the west, the other migrating to the region north of the loop of the Niger in the early 12th/18th century. It was there, at the end of the same century, that Sfdl al-Mukhtar (1142-1226/1729-1811) became the first individual definitely known to have been associated with the Kadiriyya, serving as the brotherhood's shqykh and winning renown throughout the region. But Sufi influences must have crossed the desert before the institutionalisation of the Kadiriyya. This period of "Sufism without brotherhood" is one of the most
obscure phases in the history of African Islam. A case investigated recently by H.T. Norris is that of a holy man of Air, arriving from the Mashrik ca. 900/1500, a semi-legendary figure known by the name of Sldf Mahmud al-Baghdadl, who was killed at some time during the first half of the 10th/16th century on the orders of the sultan of Agades and the jukaha* of his court. Al-Baghdadf, whose teaching has been preserved by an oral tradition put into writing at a later stage, principally taught the recitation of the dhikr and the practice of khahva (solitary retreat). He left a community and disciples, whose traces were to survive for some time. In any case, in 898/1493, thus even before the supposed arrival of the holy man, an educated Berber of the region informed al-Suyutf of the practice of khaluoa in the region of Air and asked for his opinion on the subject. Al-Suyutf saw no cause for concern, but the innovation was sufficiently substantial to induce Ahmad Baba, a century later in 1024/1616, making explicit reference to the "heretics of al-Baghdadr", to denounce the excesses of the dhikr and to authorise the persecution of its practitioners. It also seems that the Kel al-Suk, Tuareg scholars from the crossroadstown of Tadmakkat, who were dispersed between Niger and Air in the late 9th/15th century, were responsible for spreading Sufi influence. But the time of the brotherhoods was yet to come, and these initial developments were confined to the world of Saharan scholars, Berbers for the most part. Conclusion The concept of western Sudan is applied especially, in history, to the mediaeval period. It is associated with the first penetration by Islam, with trans-Saharan trade and with the imperial political formations known as "Sudanese empires". This western Sudanese space was subsequently the setting for new political experiences: re-activation of non-Muslim political systems (Bambara, Mossi), then, from the 17th century onward, principally at the instigation of Fulbe scholars, outbreak of a series of localised djihdds, reformist movements which once again called into question the strategy of co-existence between Muslims and animist culture: 1138/1725-6, Futa Jalon, in Guinea; 1174/ 1760, Futa Toro (Middle Senegal); 1804, foundation of the caliphate of Sokoto, in northern Nigeria; 1818, Masina, in Mali; 1852, al-Hadjdj cUmar, in GuineaMali-Senegal. Another period, other methods, another history. The term "Western Sudan", which derived its origin and its pertinence from the external Arab viewpoint on an earlier period, then became too generic and inappropriate to denote a space where political differences were constantly accentuated, in contrast with the European conquest (from the mid-19th century) which was arising. Bibliography: 1. Collections of Arabic sources in translation. J.M. Cuoq, Recueil des sources arabes concernant I'Afrique occidental du Vllleme au XVIeme suck (Bilad al-Suddn), Paris 1975; L.E. Kubbel and V.V. Matveyev (eds.), Drevniye i srednyevekoviye istocniki po etnografii i istorii narodov Afriki'yuzknyeye sacari, Moscow-Leningrad, 2 vols. 1960-5; Ch. de la Ronciere, La decouverte de I'AJnque, cartographes et explorateurs, Cairo 1924-7, 3 vols.; N. Levtzion and J.F.P. Hopkins (eds.), Corpus of early Arabic sources for West African history, Cambridge 1981; T. Lewicki, Arabic external sources for the history of Africa south of Sahara, Wroclaw-Warsaw-Cracow 1969, 2nd ed. LondonLagos 1974. 2. Main Arabic sources (or Arabic in origin) in translated or bilingual editions. Bakn, Fr. tr. M.G. de Slane, Description de I'AJnque
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occidental*, Algiers 1913, new ed. and partial Fr. tr. V. Monteil, Routier de I'Afrique blanche et noire du nordouest, in Bulletin de 1'IFAN, B, xxx (1968); Ibn Battuta, Rihla, partial Fr. tr. R. Mauny, V. Monteil et alii, Textes et documents relatifs a I'histoire d'Afrique, Extraits tires des voyages d'Ibn Battuta, Dakar 1966, Eng. tr. H.A.R. Gibb, The travels, iv, London 1994, 946-78; Ibn Khaldun, ed. and tr. M.G. de Slane, Histoire des Berberes et des dynasties musulmanes de I'Afrique septentrionale, Paris 1925; Idrlsf, ed. R. Dozy and MJ. de Goeje, Description de I'Afrique et de I'Espagne, Leiden 1866; E. Cerulli et alii (eds.) Opus geographicum, Naples-Rome 1970; Leo Africanus, ed. and Fr. tr. A. Epaulard, Description de I'Afrique, Paris 1956, 2 vols.; 'Umari, L'Afrique moins I'Egypte, tr. M. GaudefroyDemombynes, Paris 1927. 3. Sudanese African sources. Sa'df, Ta'nkh al-Sudan, Fr. tr. O. Houdas, Paris 1900; Mahmud Kati and one of his grandsons, Ibn al-Mukhtar, Ta'rikh al-Fattdsh, Fr. tr. Houdas and M. Delafosse, Paris 1913. 4. P o r t u g u e s e sources and those connected with the Portuguese discoveries. Gomes Eanes de Zurara, tr. L. Bourdon, Chronique de Guinee, Dakar 1960; Alvise Ca da Mosto, ed. and tr. Gh. Schefer, Relation des voyages a la cote occidentale d'Afrique, Paris 1895, ed. T. Gasparrini Leporace, Le navigazioni atlantiche del Veneziano Alvise da Mosto, Rome 1966; Valentim Fernandes, ed. and Fr. tr. Th. Monod, R. Mauny and A. Teixeira da Mota, Description de la Cote occidental d'Ajhque, Bissau 1951; Diogo Gomes, ed. and Fr. tr. Th. Monod, R. Mauny and G. Duval, De la premiere decouverte de la Guinee, Bissau 1959 (Latin text); Duarte Pacheco Pereira, ed. and Fr. tr. R. Mauny, Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis. Cote occidental* d'Ajhque du sud marocain au Gabon, Bissau 1956. 5. Works of synthesis and guides. Ade Ajayi and M. Crowder (eds.), History of West Africa, London 1971-4, 2 vols.; The Cambridge history of Africa (ed. J.D. Fage), iii, Africa c. 1050-c. 1600, Cambridge 1977; The Cambridge history of Islam, ii A, Cambridge 1970, Cuoq, Histoire de I'islamisation de I'Afrique de I'Ouest des origines a la Jin du XVIeme siecle, Paris 1984; J.C. Garcin et alii, Etats, societes et cultures du monde musulman medieval, Xeme-XVeme suck, Paris 1995 (see J.-L. Triaud, L'expansion de I'Islam en Afrique); M. Hiskett, The development of Islam in West Africa, London 1984; Histoire generak de I'Afrique, UNESCO, iii, L'AJhque du Vlleme au Xleme siecle, Paris 1990, iv, L'Afrique du Xlleme au XVIeme siecle, Paris 1985 (M. El Fasi, I. Hrbek, Z. Dramani-Issifou, J. Devisse); I.M. Lewis (ed.), Islam in Tropical Africa, London 1966, 2nd ed. Hutchinson University Library for Africa 1980; D. McCall and N.R. Bennett (eds.), Aspects of West African Islam, Boston University Papers on Africa, v (1972); R. Mantran (ed.), Les grandes dates de I'Islam, Paris 1990, including Black Africa (J.-L. Triaud); V. Monteil, L'Islam noir, Paris 1964, revised ed. 1980; Le Sol, la parole et I'ecrit. Melanges en hommage a Raymond Mauny. Paris 1981, 2 vols.;J.S. Trimingham, Islam in West Africa, 1959; idem, A history of Islam in West Africa, London 1963; idem, The influence of Islam upon Africa, 1968; Samir A. Zoghby, Islam in Subsaharan Africa. A partially annotated guide, Washington 1978. 6. Specialised studies. J. Boulegue, Le Grand Djolof, Blois 1987; Sekene Mody Cissoko, Tombouctou et I'Empire Songhay. Epanouissement du Soudan Nigerien aux XVeme-XVIeme sucks. Dakar 1975; Devisse, Routes de commerce et echanges en Afrique occidental en relation
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avec la Mediterranee. Un essai sur le commerce africain medieval du Xleme au XVIeme siecle, in Revue d'Histoire Economique et Sociale, (1972), no. 1, 42-73, no. 3, 357-97; J.O. Hunwick, Shari'a in Songhay. The replies of al-Maghili to the questions ofAskia al-Hdjj Muhammad, Oxford 1985; N. Levtzion, Ancient Ghana and Mali, London 1973; Lewicki, L'Etat nord-africain de Tahert et ses relations avec le Soudan occidental a la Jin du Vllleme et au IXeme siecle, in Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, iv, no. 8 (1962), 513-35; idem, Traits d'histoire du commerce saharien: marchands et missionnaires ibadites au Soudan occidental et central au cours des VIIIemeTXeme siecles, in Ethnograjia Polska, viii (1964), 291-311; idem, Un etat soudanais medieval inconnu: le royaume de £dfun(u) in CEA, xi, no. 44 (1971), 501-25; idem, West African food, in the Middle Ages according to Arabic sources, Cambridge 1974; M. Ly-Tall, L'Empire du Mali, Dakar 1977; B.G. Martin, Kanem, Bornu and the Fazzan: notes on the political history of a trade route, in Jnal. Afr. History, 1, 15-27; Umar al-Naqar, The Pilgrimage tradition in West Africa, Khartoum 1972; H.T. Norris, Shinqiti folk literature and song, Oxford 1968; idem, Saharan myth and saga, Oxford 1972; idem, The Tuaregs: their Islamic legacy and its diffusion in the Sahel, Warminster 1975; idem, Sufi mystics of the Niger desert. Sidi Mahmud and the hermits of Air, Oxford 1990; Elias N. Saad, Social history of Timbuktu: the role of Muslim scholars and notables 1400-1900, Cambridge 1983; I. Wilks, The transmission of Islamic learning in the Western Sudan, in J.R. Goody (ed.), Literacy in traditional societies, Cambridge 1968; J.R. Willis (ed.), Studies in West African Islamic history, i, The cultivators of Islam, London 1979; idem, Slaves and slavery in Muslim Africa, i, Islam and the ideology of slavery, ii, The servile estate, London 1985; Mahmoud A. Zouber, Ahmad Bdba de Tombouctou (1556-1627]. Sa vie et son osuvre, Paris 1977. 7. The Almoravid question. S.L. Burkhalter, Listening for silences in Almoravid History: another reading of The conquest that never was, in History in Africa, xiv (1992), 103-31 (critique of Conrad and Fisher); Cl. Cahen, L'or du Soudan avant les Almoravides: mythe ou realite?, in Revue Francaise d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer, xvi (1979), 169-75; G.S. Colin, A.O. Babacar, N. Ghali and Devisse, Un ensemble epigraphique almoravide: decouverte fortuite dans la region de Tikjija: chaton de bague decouvert a Tegdaoust, in Devisse, D. Robert-Chaleix et alii, Tegdaoust. III. Recherches sur Awdaghust, Paris 1983, 427-44; D.C. Conrad and H.J. Fisher, The conquest that never was: Ghana and the Almoravids, in History in Africa, ix (1982), 21-59; ix (1983), 53-78; H. Hugot, Mission a Vile de Tidra in Bull. IFAN, xxviii (1966), B, 555-64, 1019-23; Hunwick, Gao and the Almoravids: a hypothesis, in B.K. Swartz Jr. and R.E. Dumeet (eds.), West African culture dynamics: archaeological and historical perspectives, The Hague 1979; Oumar Kane, Le Fuuta Tooro des Satigui aux Almaami (1512-1807), Universite de Dakar, doctoral d'Etat, 3 vols. 1124 pp. multigr.; D. Lange, Les rois de GaoSane et les Almoravides, in Jnal. Afr. History, xxii (1991), 251-75 (critique by Hunwick in a 1993 issue of this same journal); Levtzion, cAbd Allah b. Yasin and the Almoravids, in Willis (ed.), Studies in West African Islamic history, i, The cultivators of Islam, 1979, 78-112; R.A.K. Messier, The Almoravids: West African gold and the gold currency of the Mediterranean world, inJESHO, xvii (1974), 31-47; P.F. de Moraes Farias, The Almoravids: some questions concerning the character of the movement during its period of closest contact with the Western Sudan, in Bull. IFAN, xxix (1967), B, 3-4, 794-878; Norris, New evidence on the life of 'Abdalldh b. Tasin and the
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origins of the Almoravid movement, in Jnal. AJr. History, xii (1971), 255-68; A. Noth, Das ribat der Almoraviden, in W. Hoenerbach (ed.), Der Orient in der Forschung. Festschrift for Otto Spies, Wiesbaden 1967, 503-10; A.W. Ould Gheikh and B. Saison, Le theologien et k somnambule: un episode recent de I'histoire almoravide en Mauritanie, in Revue Canadienne d'Etudes AJricaines, xix (1985), no. 2; P. Semonin, The Almoravid movement in the Western Sudan, a review of the evidence, in Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, vii (1964), 42-59. 8. Archaeology and epigraphy. D. Robert, S. Robert and Devisse (eds.), Tegdaoust. I. Recherches sur Aoudaghost, Paris 1970; C. Vanacker, Tegdaoust. II, Recherches sur Aoudaghost. Fouille d'un quartier artisanal, Paris 1979; Devisse, Robert-Chaleix, et alii, Tegdaoust. III. Recherches sur Aoudaghost. Campagnes 1960/1965. Enquetes generales, Paris 1983; J. Polet, Tegdaoust. IV. Fouille d'un quartier de Tegdaoust. Urbanisation, architecture, utilisation de I'espace construit, Paris 1985; RobertChaleix, Tegdaoust. V. Recherches sur Aoudaghost. Une Concession medievale a Tegdaoust. Implantation, evolution d'une unite d'habitation, Paris 1989; B. Saison, Tegdaoust. VI. Fouille d'un quartier artisanal a Tegdaoust (Mauritanie orientale), forthcoming; S. Bernus and P. Gouletquer, Du cuivre au sel: recherches ethno-archeologiques sur la region d'Azelik (campagnes 1973-1975), in Jnal. de la Societe des AJricanistes, xlvi (1976), 1-2, 7-68; W. Filipowiak, Etudes archeologiques sur la capitale medievale du Mali, Szczecin 1979; de Moraes Farias, The oldest extant writing of West Africa. Medieval epigraphs from Essuk, Saney and Egef-N-Tawaqqast (Mali), in Jnal. des AJricanistes, lx/2 (1990), 65-113. (J.L. TRIAUD) 3. Languages across the whole geographical Sudan. The Arabs brought Islam to Bildd al-Suddn as traders in gold, ivory, and slaves. Already by the end of the 7th century A.D., many Arabic dialects were spoken in the great Sudanese markets. The varieties of Sudanese Colloquial Arabic (SCA) and Sudanic Arabic (SA) spoken today demonstrate that there are many affinities among them and those of the Sacfd \q.vl\ or Upper Egypt, such as the preservation of Old Arabic /a/ in word-initial position for the /i/ of other dialects (cf. /al-/ "the", Cairene /il-/, or the genitival exponents hinin or altil). The term SCA refers to any non-pidgin/non-creole dialect of Arabic used in the Republic of Sudan, whereas the term SA is a much broader designation indicative of a macrodialect of both sedentary and Bedouin types in the larger Bildd al-Suddn context. This article deals primarily with SCA within the larger SA framework. Also featured are several other major languages of Bildd al-Suddn. Although grammars and vocabularies of these languages (inducting SA) have been produced, they vary in terms of (1) quality of transcription and (2) authenticity of data. Sigismund Koelle's Polyglotta AJricana (1854) may serve as illustrative. Although a pioneering work, it is an example of the former, since his description of Chadian and Shuwa Arabic [see SHUWA. 2.], among other problems, fails to mark gemination consistently. SCA is currently spoken as a first language by more than half of the Sudan's population of 25.2 million (1990), and as a second or third language by many more. There are also Arabic-based pidgins and Creoles used in the southern Sudan (e.g. Juba Arabic) which can be characterised by (1) the loss of the pharyngeals and emphatic consonants, which happens in other SA dialects, and (2) the reduction of morphology. SCA dialects are the least investigated ones in the
entire Arab world due, in part, to the complicated history of the immigration of various Arab tribes and the Arabicisation and Islamicisation of the many ethnic groups which initially utilised Arabic as a lingua franca and then adapted it as a primary language. The aforementioned situation can be illustrated by taking the case of the multilingual inhabitants of the Nuba Hills, who are surrounded by SCA [see NUBA. 3]. A shift has occurred from the autochthonous tribal language to SCA via contact with the superstratum. Moreover, when villagers, who have moved to the larger towns and cities thereby acquiring SCA, return home, their newly-acquired SCA skill seemed to contribute to a higher prestige, often associated with higherpaying jobs, which has, in turn, influenced others to shift to it. The most thoroughly studied variety of SCA after the Khartoum-Omdurman dialect is that of the camelbreeding Shukriyya, who number between 150,000 and 300,000 and inhabit the Butana between the Atbara and the Blue Nile. Although they trace their ancestry back to Arabia and Djacfar b. Abl Talib, their dialect is not Arabian. SCA does have some common isoglosses with Arabian dialects, however, such as one of the genitival exponents in current use, hagg (another, bitdc, shows the close affinity with Egyptian Arabic). Historically speaking, many Arabic-speaking tribes came to the Sudan from Egypt (e.g. the Dja'aliyym) and the Hidjaz (e.g. the Djuhayna). Among the former, it is possible today to subgroup the Shaykiyya, Rubatab, Miraiab, Dja'aliyym, Kawahla, and Rufa'a; the latter can be divided among the Shukriyya, Djuhayna, Hassaniyya, Hawawlr, Kababish, Hamid, Salima, Hawazma, Messiriyya, Humr, Hamar, Rizaygat, Habbaniyya, Ta'aysha, and Baggara. Whether Arabian features date back to the inner-Arabian conditions or occurred later inside the Sudan itself under the influence of the Hilal and Sulaym groups remains unclear. In terms of dialect geography, however, four basic zones can be distinguished: (1) Northern, including the Arabic-speaking parts of Dongola; (2) Central, including Khartoum-Omdurman, the Gezira, and the country east of the Blue Nile; (3) Western, including the White Nile territory, Kordofan, and Darfur (the Baggara dialect constitutes a group by itself, however); and (4) Southern, including the aforementioned pidgins and Creoles. One of the most striking features of SCA dialects is the different vocabulary used. For instance, throughout the Sudan, one eats thin, round, flat bread called kisra or a thicker type thereof, gurrdsa. These words are unknown in other parts of the Arab world unless the user is familiar with Sudanese cuisine. Typical other Sudanese lexemes include: kadis, pi. kadasa ~ kaddyis, also nydwa "cat"; bins "straw mat"; marfa'm "wolf; hyena"; bacsom "fox; jackal"; cangareb "bed"; karkab "wooden slippers"; watd ~ watd "earth"; kadruk "pig"; mama "kind of alcoholic brew usually made of millet"; and gannab "sit". SCA katir "many, much" is a particularly good illustration of the close connection with Upper Egyptian katir (cf. Cairene kitir but Moroccan bezzqf or Gulf Arabic wddjid ~ wdyid). Turning to the verbal realm, most SCA dialects use the verb masa, yamsi for "go", whereas Egyptian and other Eastern dialects use rah, yiruh (Classical dahaba survives only in Yemen). Although the verb fdwiz or 'ayiz can be heard for "want" in the Sudan, this is probably best analysed as an Egyptianism. The authentic SCA active participle is ddyir, a metathesised form of Classical form IV, 3drdda with aphaeresis.
SUDAN, BILAD AL- — SUDAYF B. MAYMUN Cf. SCA dayir sinu "what do you want?" for Egyptian c dwiz ee(h). It is Chadian and Nigerian Arabic ta/idor sinu "what do you want?" which should be directly compared with the aforementioned SCA expression proving that these dialects are basically extensions of SA. After Arabic, Hausa [q.v.] is the most important language of the Bildd al-Suddn. With 22 million firstlanguage speakers and another 10 million second language users (1991), this West Chadic (Afroasiatic) language has supplanted over the centuries many other Chadic languages with fewer speakers. It is written today mainly in Latin script; however, Ajami (i.e. Arabic) writing is still used, befitting the many Arabic loanwords. Kanuri [q.v.] is the major language (Saharan subbranch of Nilo-Saharan) of Borno State, Nigeria, with 3.5 million speakers (1987). Like Hausa, it has a tradition of being written in Ajami script. There are 100,000 speakers in Chad (1985); 56,500 in Cameroon (1982); and 50,000 in Niger (1991). It is used on radio and television, and has been able to supply loanwords to the languages of the area; e.g. Nigerian Arabic dugo "then, afterwards" has been borrowed from Kanuri dugo "first". Fulfulde (Fula, Fulbe, Fulani [see FULBE]) is spoken by 8.6% of the Nigerian population (7.6 million, 1991). It has four major Nigerian dialects: (1) Adamawa, spoken in Gongola State; (2) Kano-Katsina; (3) Bororro, in Bornu State; and (4) Sokoto. This Atlantic (NigerCongo) language is spoken over a vast area since the Fulani are found in many countries, e.g. Mali has one million (1991). Songhay [see SONOIAY] (Nilo-Saharan) has 600,000 speakers in Mali; 390,000 in Niger; 122,700 in Burkino Faso (all 1991). It continues to serve as an important trade language and is also being used as the language of primary school instruction. Another Nilo-Saharan language is Bagirmi [q.v.] (30,000 to 40,000 speakers, 1977), spoken in Chad and Nigeria. It was the language of the ancient Bagirmi Kingdom and has many second-language users. Wolof (Atlantic sub-branch of Niger-Congo [see SENEGAL. 1]) is spoken by 36% of the population of Senegal (1976) and 14.6% of the population of Gambia (1983). Together, the Gambian and Senegalese dialects have 3 million speakers (1987). Another 3 million speak it as a second language (1991). It is also used in Mali and Mauritania. Other important languages of this area include Tamasheq (Berber, Afroasiatic), Bambara and Mandinka (both Mande, Niger-Congo). Bibliography: B. Grimes, ed., Ethnologue, Dallas 1992; A.S. Kaye, Chadian and Sudanese Arabic in the light of comparative Arabic dialectology, The Hague 1976; C. Mosely and R.E. Asher (eds.), Atlas of the world's languages, London 1994; J. Owens, A grammar of Nigerian Arabic, Wiesbaden 1993; idem (ed.), Arabs and Arabic in the Lake Chad region, SUGIA, 14, special vol. 1993. (A.S. KAYE) SUDAYF B. MAYMUN, Arab poet of the 2nd/8th century. Sudayf b. Mahran b. Maymun, mawla of the Khuza'a, or of the Banu 'l-cAbbas, or of the Banu Hashim, was born in Mecca during the final years of the Umayyad dynasty. From an early age he was a supporter of the Hashimites against the latter and was even, according to al-Isfahanl, the leader of a sect, the Sudayfiyya, opposing a pro-Umayyad group organised by a certain Sayyab. After the seizure of power by the 'Abbasids, Sudayf left Mecca for al-
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Hira, where he approached the caliph al-Saffah and tried without success to persuade him to slaughter certain remaining Umayyads. But following the revolt of Muhammad b. cAbd Allah b. al-Hasan b. CA1I [q.v], known as al-Nafs al-Zakiyya, at Medina, and that of his brother Ibrahim at Basra, Sudayf openly sided with the cAlids against the 'Abbasids, supporting them with his poetry and with the money which he had previously accepted from the latter. However, after the failure of both these revolts Sudayf fled to Medina or to Mecca, appealing for pardon to the caliph al-Mansur. According to a source quoted by Ibn al-Muctazz, this pardon was granted, but another source, generally considered more reliable, insists that the caliph rejected his approaches, took a personal dislike to him, and instructed one of his uncles, £Abd al-Samad b. cAlf or Dawud b. CA1I, then governors of Mecca and of Medina respectively, to assassinate him. One of them carried out this instruction in the year 147/764. Of a dlwan of 30 folios, according to Ibn al-Nadlm, composed by Sudayf b. Maymun, all that remains, or more accurately, all that Ridwan Mahdl al-cAbbud has succeeded in collecting, is 20 fragments comprising a total of 99 verses, gleaned from numerous and diverse sources of which the most important, among ancient sources are: Ibn al-Muctazz, Tabakdt, and alIsfahanf, Aghdni (6 fragments), Ibn cAbd Rabbih, flkd (6 fragments) and Ibn Kutayba, Shi'r (4 fragments), and among modern or contemporary sources: alSancanf, Nasamat al-sahar, still in manuscript (5 fragments) and al-cAmilr, cAydn al-shfa (13 fragments). As reconstructed, these 20 fragments are of unequal length. Only five can be regarded as kasidas, the other fifteen comprising between one and six verses. Sudayf employs eight metres. Foremost are kdmil and khafif (5 fragments), followed by basit (4 fragments), tawil (2 fragments), and finally, madid, wdfir, ramal and mutakdrib (1 fragment). For rhyme, eight letters are used: nun (5 times), yd3 (3 times), hamza, rd3 and dad (twice) and finally bd\ hd} and da I (once). Sudayf b. Maymun addresses the principal themes of Arabic poetry. In fact, his dlwan includes three erotic fragments (nos. 7, 14 and 17) with a total length of 16 verses, a satirical fragment (no. 5, one verse), a laudatory fragment (no. 6, two verses) dedicated to a certain Djumahf, a dirge (no. 10, two verses) in which he laments over his "men", probably meaning the Shf'fs, and finally and of the greatest importance, fifteen political fragments which could be placed under two major headings. Under the first heading are a number of fragments (no. 2, 18 verses, no. 11, 4 verses and no. 13, 2 verses) in which Sudayf attacks the Umayyads, whom he describes as unjust and misguided, reproaching them in particular over the killing of al-Husayn b. CA1I and of Zayd b. al-Husayn. The fragments of the second category may also be divided into two groups. On the one hand, Sudayf addresses eulogies to the 'Abbasids, noble guides and leaders, and especially to the caliph al-Saffah (no. 20, 7 verses, and no. 6, 8 verses), whom he describes a "wellguided and supreme chief"; but on the other hand he attacks these same caliphs, especially after the revolt of al-Nafs al-Zakiyya, and condemns them as impious, proclaiming at the same time his allegiance to the 'Alids, envisaging their recovery of the caliphate (no. 16, 9 verses). Finally, on account of his opposition to the Umayyads and his virulent satires against the 'Abbasids, whom he had previously praised, and his eulogies of the Hashimites and cAlids in particular, Sudayf b. Maymun is classed as a Shfci poet,
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and consequendy he was placed by Ibn Shahrashub (Mcfalim al-culamd3, 151) among the Shu'ara3 Ahl al-Bayt al-muktasidun and among the A'ydn al-shfa by al-'Amill. Bibliography: Among the works_mentioned in the article, the most important are cAmilI, Ayan alshfa, xxxiv, 3-25; Ridwan Mahdl al-cAbbud, Shi'r Sudayfb. Maymun, Nadjaf 1974. See also S. Moscati, Le massacre des Umayyades dans I'histoire et dans les fragments poetiques, inArO, xviii/4 (1950), 88-115, Prague 1950; Taieb El Acheche, La poesie shi'ite, thesis, Paris-Sorbonne 1988, unpubl. (TAIEB EL ACHECHE) SUDAYR [see SUDAYRI]. SUDAYRI (AL-SADARA), the name of one of the most prestigious clans of the al-Dawasir [q.v]. They derive their name from Sudayr (or Sadayr), a northernmost district of Nadjd, in modern Saudi Arabia, north of the valley of al-cAtk [q.v.]. Wad! Sudayr, known as Batin al-Sudayr, runs northwest of al-Riyad. In recent centuries they ruled in the oases of al-cAwda, Djaladjil, al-Madjmaca, al-Ghat and Sudayra, the latter being the name of one of the sweet water wells of Hafar al-£Atk. Ever since the 13th/19th century, their name has been intimately associated with the Al Sucud [q.v.]. Bibliography: J.G. Lorimer, Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, 'Oman and Central Arabia, Calcutta 1908-15, repr. Farnborough 1970, IIB, 1634-42; H.St.J. Philby, The heart of Arabia. A record of travel and exploration, 2 vols., London 1922, index s.v.; idem, Arabian jubilee, London 1952, Appendix III. Genealogy of the Sudairi family; R. Bayly Winder, Saudi Arabia in the nineteenth century, London-New York 1965, index s.v.; British Admiralty, A handbook of Arabia, London 1946, 367. (E. VAN DONZEL) AL-SUDDI, ISMA'IL B. cAeD AL-RAHMAN, a mawld of Zaynab bt. Kays b. Makhrama, was a popular preacher in Kufa, who is said to have died in 127/745. His reputation as a transmitter of prophetic traditions was a matter of dispute. The opinions of the rid^dl [q.v.] experts ranged all the way from neutral (sdlih [q.v], Id ba's bihi) to mendacious (kadhdhdb). His role in isndds [q.v] supporting canonical traditions is minimal anyway and entirely artificial, i.e. he cannot be held responsible for it. His political stance (tashayyuc) may be distilled from the accusation that he, at one time, had slighted the two shqykhs Abu Bakr and cUmar. His fame lay in his alleged expertise in Kur'an exegesis, which seems to be reflected in his nisba-cum-lakab al-Suddl. He acquired this name because he used to sit on the threshold (Ar. sudda) of the great mosque, where he is said to have gathered people around him. His contemporary al-ShacbI [q.v] thought absolutely nothing of his exegetical expertise. Ibrahim al-NakhacI [q.v] described his exegesis as popular (tafsir al-kawm). In al-Tabarfs Tafsir, countless exegetical remarks ascribed to al-Suddl can be found and could conceivably be brought together in a volume. Whether such a compilation would allow conclusions as to a certain bias or predilection on his part, if any, has as yet to be established. Bibliography: cAbd al-Karim al-Sancam, al-Ansdb, vii, 109-10; Mizzi, Tahdhib al-kamdl, iii, 132-8; Ibn Hacjjar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, i, 313-14; Tabart, Tafsir, passim. (G.H.A. JUYNBOLL) SUDI, AHMED (mod. Tkish. Ahmet, and sometimes referred to, incorrectly it seems, as Mehmet), also known as Sudl-yi (or Ahmed-i) Bosnawl, Ottoman scholar noted as a commentator on the diwdn of Hafiz [q.v], the Gulistdn and Bustdn of Sacdf [q.v], and other Persian works. He was born in Bosnia at Sudici
(whence his nisbd], a village near the town of Foca which, being better known, some sources give as his birthplace. His birthdate is unknown, as are the names of his parents and other details of his family beyond the fact that he remained unmarried, a remark in his commentary on the diwdn of Hafiz stating that, like Jesus, he never took a wife (Nazif M. Hoca, Sudi. Hayati, eserleri ve iki risdlesi'nin metni, Istanbul 1980, 15). The date given for his death varies from 1000/ 1592-3 to after 1006/8 May 1598 (op. cit., 16), but it is known that he was buried at the Yusuf Pasha mosque in Aksaray, although the whereabouts of his tombstone is not known, it having been removed during the course of roadworks. Assumed to have adhered to the Hanafi law school, a charge that he suppressed from the Hafiz corpus some poems of Shlcl sympathy seems to have been disproved by lack of such poems in the earliest mss. [see HAFIZ]. Sudi's early schooling is assumed to have been in Foca, while his commentary on the Gulistdn includes a reference to study in Sarajevo, and he is thought to have continued his education in Istanbul, to which city (like others from Bosnia) he came during the ascendency of the Bosnian-born Sokullu Mehmed Pasha [q.v]. He visited Erzurum, and studied with Muslih al-Dm al-Lari [see AL-LARI] at Amid in Diyarbekir before going to Damascus (where he read Sa'dl's Gulistdn with the poet Hallm-i Shirwanl), Baghdad, Nadjaf and Kufa, and undertook the Hadj^d}. He comments on the places he visited, complaining, e.g. about an ignorance of Persian and good Arabic among the people of Baghdad, and describing the mosques and tombs of Kufa as in ruins. He did not visit Persia itself, but everywhere sought to widen his knowledge of Persian, not only through contact with scholars but, according to his own statements, discussing difficult passages from Hafiz and Sa'dl with such people as Persian merchants who were men of both trade and learning. Returning to Istanbul, he undertook further study before becoming a teacher to the ghilmdn-i khdssa in the household of Ibrahim Pasha (d. 942/1636) (on Ibrahim Pasha and the ghuldm system, see GHULAM. iv, at 1087a) one of whom, Mostarli Derwlsh Pasha (d. 1012/1603 [see DERwISH PASHA]) was to mention Sudi in the preface to his Murdd-ndme. Sudi's recension of the Diwdn of Hafiz (3 vols., Bulak 1250/1834) is said to have been produced at the suggestion of Muhammad b. Badr al-Dln Muhyl '1-Dln al-Munshl of Akhisar [see AK HISARI (b)]. Considered authoritative and outshining earlier works by Shemcl and Siirurl (see Ritter, in IA art. Hafiz), it was used for editions by Persian scholars as well as for studies by Western orientalists. His risdles on the second bayt of the first gfeazal in the diwdn of Hafiz and on one bayt of Sacdl's Gulistdn are included in the study by Nazif Hoca (see above). The former is shown by Rypka (History of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968, 103) as an exception to the usual approach of the old commentators, who stressed only the intellectual content of Persian poetry rather than its formal aspect, which they regarded as self-evident (see also Browne, LHP, iii, 299, 302). Bibliography. For tides in addition to those mentioned in the article, see Hoca's work, on which this article draws broadly for biographical detail; and see also Mustafa Ozkan, Mahmud b. Kddi'i Manyas Gulistan tercumesi. Giri§—inceleme—metin—sb'zluk, Ankara 1992. (KATHLEEN BURRILL) SUDJAN RAY BHANDARl, or Sudjan Singh Dhlr, Munshi (Jlor. in the second half of the llth/17th century and the early part of the 12th/18th century
SUDJAN RAY BHANDARl — SUF under the Mughal emperor Awrangzlb [<7.^.]), Hindu chronicler of Muslim India and compiler of collections of insha3 [q-v.] literature. The name Sudjan (probably not to be taken as Sandjan, as in the El1 article) comes from a Hindi word meaning "well informed, wise, intelligent", according to Storey. Very little is known of his life and career, apart from what he tells us in his books or what has been added to the manuscripts of them by their copyists. In the preface to his history (see 1. below), he states that he was by profession a munshi or secretary in the civil and financial administration of the Mughal empire, that he was born at Batala (in the Gurdaspur District) in the Pandjab and that he visited Kabul, probably Thatta and the Pindjawr Garden at the foot of the Himalayas. He is the author of: 1. The Khuldsat al-tawdnkh, completed in 11077 1695-6. It is a history of India from the earliest times to the accession of Awrangzlb in 1069/1659, with his narrative ending in 1068/1658. He based it on a number of historical works in Persian, which he enumerates. It claims only to be, as its title says, an "epitome of histories", but is of interest as being written by a Hindu. It also contains a valuable geographical section, with particular information about the Pandjab. Much of the Khuldsa was incorporated in the Siyar al-muta3 akhkhinn of Ghulam Husayn Khan Tabataba'f [q.v.], written shortly afterwards, and in the Akhbdr-i Mahabbat of Nawwab Mahabbat Khan. A free Urdu adaptation of the earlier part of the Khuldsa, on the geography of India and on the Hindu Radjas of Dihll, was made in 1219-20/1804-5 by the Urdu poet Mir Shir £Alf "Afsus" [q.v.]. The Khuldsa was edited by M. Zafar Hasan, lith. Dihll 1918; sections are tr. in Elliot and Dowson, History of India, viii, 5-12, and by Jadunath Sarkar in The India of Aurangzib (topography, statistics and roads) ..., Calcutta 1901. See on the Khuldsa, H. Beveridge, The Khaldsatat-Tawdrikh, or Essence of History, in JRAS (1894), 73368 (1895), 211; Storey, i, 453-8. 2. The Khuldsat al-inshd3 and the Khuldsat al-makdtib, two collections of insha3 or ornate official prose by Persian and Indo-Muslim authors, compiled in the 1690s and so far unpublished. See Storey, iii/2, E. Ornate prose, 318. Bibliography: Given in the article. (MOHAMMED SHAFI-[C.£. BOSWORTH]) AL-SUDJDJA, apparently the name of an idol of the p r e - I s l a m i c Arabs. In a marginal addition to Ibn al-Kalbl's K. al-Asndm (ed. Klinke-Rosenberger, 2), the following hadith is given: "Fulfill your legal alms obligations, for God has freed you from al-Sudjdja and al-Badjdja" (missing from the Concordance). The commentator says that al-Sudjdja was an idol. As for al-Badjdja, this is the blood drawn from an incision (fasid) of a camel's vein, on which the Arabs used to feed in times of dearth. But according to TCA, ii, 6, al-Badjdja was an idol too. In this case, the second part of the tradition would have the following meaning "... for God has freed you from al-Sudjdja and al-Badjdja" (in regard to whom you used to have to pay a tenth on herds or make sacrifices; in future, these should be made to God). A variant of this hadith (equally missing from the Concordance) mentions a third idol, al-Djabha, which denotes at the same time, in addition to the sense of "forehead", a pre-Islamic idol, a lunar mansion, the moon itself, horses (like al-sudj.aja), humiliation, the leading men of a tribe and, finally, the persons respon-
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sible for levying money for a ransom or a debt (TCA, ix, 383). The name of this idol is found in another tradition, together with two other names of deities, "No alms payment is due to al-Djabha, al-Nukhkha or al-Kusca" (ibid., v, 484, ii, 285). Bibliography: Given in the article; other refs. in T. Fahd, Le pantheon de VArable Centrak a la veille de I'hegire, Paris 1968, 51-2. But see also W. Atallah, De quelques pretendues idoles Bagga, Sugga, etc., in Arabica, xx (1973), 160-7, who questions whether these words refer to idols and interprets them as relating to stages of an animal sacrifice. (T. FAHD) SUEZ [see AL-SUWAYS]. SUF (Ar. Wad! Suf, nisba Sufi, pi. Sawafa, vulgo Suafa), a group of oases in s o u t h - e a s t e r n Algeria, termed by the French (since 1885) Annexe d'El Oued, after its chef-lieu al-Wad. With its nomadic periphery, it covers an area of ca. 80,000 km2, stretching along the Tunisian border from the Djarfd to the approaches of Ghadames. Most of it is sand dunes forming part of the Great Oriental Erg, the remainder is flat, stony terrain (sahn, lit. "plate") and several salt marshes (sabkha, shatt). Villages and palm groves occupy only a fraction of the whole. Though of difficult access (hence its use as a refuge), it was never really isolated, thanks to its role as a link between Tunisia (Nafta) and pre-Saharan Algeria (Tuggurt, Tamasfn, Biskra). The settled area comprises nine older villages (founded before the 17th century), divided in three groups: Kmar (vocalisation uncertain, Fr. spelling Guemar) and Taghzut in the north-west; Kuinln and Tiksabt in the south-west; Zkum (spelling uncertain; Fr. spelling Zgoum), Bahlma, Dablla and Sldl 'Awn in the north-east; and al-Wad in the centre. The number of their inhabitants ranges from 880 (Sldl cAwn) to ca. 13,000 (al-Wad) (Nadler 1957, 24). There are a dozen newer villages, including the Amish group in the south and temporary camp sites (nazldt). The global population of the Suf has soared from 17,629 (?) in 1883 to ca. 120,000 in 1966 (Kielstra 1987, 11). About one-third of these are nomads, but the distinction between them and the settlers is not clear-cut: most nomads own palm groves and spend there the harvest season, while many villagers raise flocks. Demographic pressure and poor harvests entail emigration, mostly to Tunisia (36,000 in 1955; Vanney 1960, 177). Origins. The aborigines of the Suf were presumably Berbers, but the main ethnic components in the Islamic period are the cAdwan and the nomadic Trud. According to the Kitdb al-Adwdnl (see Bibl.), the former claimed descent from a Makhzumf who came with the first Islamic conquest, while the latter arrived near the end of the 14th century and considered themselves as part of Sulaym. After initial clashes between the two, a modus vivendi was reached though political opposition remained. Economy. The basis of the Sufi" economy is the date palm. Its cultivation differs from that practised elsewhere [see NAKHL and TAMR] in two respects: (a) the tree is planted in a funnel-like excavation (ghawt, pi. ghitdn) at a depth enabling its roots to reach the groundwater; hence no need of irrigation, but of sisyphean labour to keep the sand out; and (b) with the lowering of the water table, the tree, in order to survive, must be lowered too—an arduous and risky operation. The palm groves produce several varieties of dates, such as the famous deglet nur (5.3% of the total, for export only) and the soft dates, ghars (78% of the total, the staple food of the Suafa). The total number of trees went up from 154,000 in 1883 to 441,000 in 1930 (Cauvet 1934, 93). Vegetables, too,
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SUF — SUF
are grown in the ghawts, as well as snuff tobacco. Cereals must be imported. Livestock is raised mostly by the nomads. Textiles produced include burnuses, hd'tts and carpets. A supplement of income is provided by smuggling (notably of gunpowder). A closed chapter in the Sufi economy is the black slave trade and slavery, which only stopped completely as late as 1922 (Leselle 1955, 20). Islam in the Suf. The Suafa are Malikis. The Fatimid and Kharidjite heresies left no trace in the Suf, and much the same applies to the 16th-century maraboutic Shabbiyya. Only the implantation of three major Sufi orders, the Rahmaniyya, the Tidjaniyya and the Kadiriyya [q.vv.] in the 19th century and the rivalry between the latter two, has made religion a prime factor in Sufi life and politics. The Rahmanfs were the first to found a lodge at al-Wad (1815). By 1858 they had some 10,000 members. Next came the Tidjanls, who founded a lodge at Kmar, an extension of Tamalhat at Tamasin in the Rfgh valley. Being staunch collaborators of the French, they enjoyed their trust and favour, but the two main lodges at cAyn Madf and Tamasin were long divided over the supreme headship of the order. The Kadiriyya became active in the Suf thanks to two brothers from Nafta, al-Hashirm and al-Imam, who built two lodges in the Amish area (1887, 1892). The Kaolins were welcomed by the Rahmanls, but the Tidjanls took an unfavourable view of the new competitor. Thus began a 30-year long rivalry (1895-1924), which divided the Suf into two camps. To bolster his position, al-Hashirm likewise offered his services to the French, who, though mistrustful, used him to expand their Saharan trade, check smuggling and obtain information on the Turks and the Sanusls. When he incited his followers against the French, he was banished to Tunisia (1918). After the demise of both his Tidjanf rival and his own one (1923), their successors made peace (1924), but the rise of the Orthodox Reform movement [see ISLAH. i. and SALAFIYYA] threatened the entire maraboutic establishment. By 1932, the Suf was again divided into two blocs, for and against the Reformists. The Kadirf chief cAbd al-'Aziz denounced the marabouts and joined the AUMA (Algerian cUlamaJ Assoc.) in 1937, which prompted Ibn Badfs to spread the reformist gospel in the Suf (Pigoreau 1954, 36). Despite their success, the membership of the three orders did not diminish: in 1945 it averaged 15,000 for each (Kielstra 1987, 14). Religious differences were not the only ones to divide the Suf. It was also plagued by tribal alliances based on enmity between neighbouring villages [see SAFF]. These factions became involved in regional rivalries: between Tuggurt and Tamasm, the Bu-cUkkaz and the Ben Gana. From this involvement, the Suf profited little and suffered much in terms of human losses and material damage. Its submission to the French (1854) was followed by 16 uneventful years, marred by exactions of French-appointed kd'ids. France's defeat at the hands of Prussia stimulated uprisings in the Constantinois (1871), including a bloody attack on Kmar by a religious agitator called Bu Shusha. When the pax gallica was restored, France imposed direct rule on the Suf (1877). Two former khalifas, of the Triid, Hammu Musa and Ahmad ben Tuatl, were appointed kd'ids, but they no longer enjoyed the autonomy which tribal leaders had possessed before. There was a silent agreement between them and the Tidjams as to their respective spheres of influence, but after the Great War both religious and secular leadership lost their political basis. Only
the old merchant families kept their status, and, by providing their sons with a modern education, qualified them as bureaucrats in independent Algeria (Kielstra 1987, 23). Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): anon., Kitab al-cAdwdm (the only written Arabic source on the pre-colonial history of the Suf, undated and partly legendary; partial tr. L.C. Feraud, Constantine 1868); L.C. Feraud, Le Sahara de Constantine. Notes et souvenirs, Algiers 1887, 149-71; G. Cauvet, Notes sur le Souf et les Souafa, Algiers 1904, 44-114; idem, La culture du palmier au Souf, in R. AJr., Ivii (1914), 29-87; H. Duveyrier, Sahara algerien et tunisien. Journal de route, Paris 1905; K. Boukhari, Traditions du Souf, in CHEAM, cxix, doc. 2658 (1953); J. Pigoreau, Les conjreries religieuses dans I'Annexe d'El Oued, in ibid., cvii, doc. 2503 (1954) (important); C. Bataillon, Le Souf, Algiers 1955; Leselle, Les noirs du Souf, in CHEAM, cvi, doc. 2492 (1955); P. Nadler, Le Souf, in ibid., cxxiv, doc. 2723 (1957); J.R. Vanney, Note sur I'emigration des Souafa, in Bull. Liaison Sah., no. 38 (June 1960). 177-81; J. Abun Nasr, The Tijaniyya, London, 1965, index, s.v. Suf, Gummar, A. Najah, Le Souf des oasis, Algiers, 1970; N. Kielstra, The decline of tribal organization in the Souf(S.E. Algeria], in ROMM, xl (1987/3), 11-24 (illuminating). (P. SHINAR) SUF (A.), the wool of sheep (shd3, dayn]. The hair sheared from other animals is named differently; wabar denotes camels' hair, shacr the wool of goats (ajubbat shi'dr, a gown made from goats' hair, see alSuyutf, Taylasdn, no. 114). The radical s-w-fis known from pre-Talmudic Hebrew in the sense of "bundle of wool" (Tosafta]. Suf is mentioned in several preIslamic contexts, but in the Kur'an only once in the plural form (aswdf}, in XVI,'82/80. Sheep breeding (aswdf mucbardt al-ritdc, the thick wool of sheep pasturing freely, in al-Tabarf, iii, 1848 1. 3; cf. Nasr b. Muzahim, Wak'at Sijfin, 30 1. 16; al-Djahiz, Hayawdn, iii, 364 1. 3) and wool spinning (ghazl alnisd3, TA, x, 315 1. 22) were ubiquitous among the Arab tribes during the Djahiliyya and in the semiarid zones in the Mediterranean countries during early Islam and later, these regions being unfit for intensive agriculture but suitable for the herds of the Bedouins which roamed in these lands. Thus sheep flocks were a symbol of richness. Nevertheless, with the development of Islamic civilisation, the nomads' tents were replaced by houses and palaces, and the use of luxury fabrics and furs (farwa] grew. It seems that due to this development, the use of wool acquired among the Muslims of the caliphal period an image of coarse cloth (ajibdb ahl al-bddiya, in Ibn al-DjawzI, Muntazam viii, 84 1. 10). Market demand stimulated commerce in wool and encouraged partnership between Bedouins and sedentary people (U. Heyd, Ottoman documents on Palestine, doc. 46) as well as long-distance land (al-Mukaddasf, 145 11. 13-14) and maritime trade in wool (Gil, A history of Palestine 634-1099, Cambridge 1992, 251 doc. 458 11. 15-16) Documents from 15th-century Morocco deal with commerce between that country and Portugal (Sources inedites de I'histoire du Maroc, l"e serie, Portugal, i, 314, 581, iii, 260). Wool was spun (ghazald) into raw material (R.B. Serjeant, Islamic textiles, Beirut 1972, 72, 92, 80; S.D. Goitein, A Mediterranean society, iv, 126-7). It was used in the manufacture of batd'in al-rihdl (saddle linings), rahl min shafr wa-suf (camel's saddle made from goats' hair and wool) hanbal (rug made of coarse wool, in Sources inedites de I'histoire du Maroc, l ere serie, Portugal,
SUF — SUFIYANA
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or al-Mughalata, appeared as number seven in the trai, 44), carpets, bisdt, farsh (or fursh); and in the garditional list. This was its position, for example, in the ment industries in a variety of woollen clothes (thiyab encyclopaedic work of al-KhwarazmI called Majatih alal-suf): cfbiya (woollen cloaks), busht (woollen wraps), c ulum. Here, under the rubric "Seventh section on aksiya (clothes; kisd3 min suf (in al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, Sophistics", the author briefly observes: "This Book iv/4, 86 1. 8), athvudb (woollen robes), kilal (veils), d^ubba is called Sophistics, a word meaning 'arbitrary action'. (gown) and zcfbut (woollen garment); see further, LIBAS. The Sophist (al-sufistd3i) is one who exercises arbitrary In local markets different qualities of wool and felt judgement. The Book reports the causes of fallacies (lubud [q.v.]) were on sale; these were manufactured and how to be on one's guard against them. The in a variety of colours (Ibn Bassam, Nihdyat al-rutba Sophists (al-sufistd'iyyuri) are those who do not establish fi talab al-hisba, 197). the real facts of a matter". Al-Kindl, earlier, ranking Wool-makers or sellers (sawwdf, al-Kasimf, Dictionthe Sophistical refutations as the sixth, rather than the naire des metiers damascains, ii, 275) are mentioned in seventh, of the classical books of logic, similarly defined towns (Goitein, op. cit. i, 105, 419, nn. 37-9; Maya a sophist as "one who passes arbitrary judgement" Shatzmiller, Labour in the medieval islamic world, Leiden (al-mutahakkim). The subject matter of the Sophistical 1994, 120, 123) as well as in the countryside, among refutations broadly dealt with fallacy in syllogistic dissedentary people as well as pastoralists. } course. The great philosopher al-Farabl, whom Muhsin The assumption of E. Ashtor (Les lainages dans l Orient Mahdi has aptly characterised as "the Imam of logimedieval, 1976, 673 ff., repr. in his Studies on the Levantine cians', spoke of sophistry in the same breath as dialectrade, London 1978) that the system of wool manutic (d^aaat). Deborah Black notes that "FarabI sometimes facturing in the Islamic Near East declined due to the links sophistry to widely-accepted premises, distindumping of European exports, remains to be proved. guishing it from dialectic on the grounds that dialecThus, for example, one of the guilds in Ottoman tic takes premises that are in fact widely-accepted, Jerusalem, a backwater provincial town, is named td'ifat whereas sophistry takes those that only appear or are al-bushtiyya or al-abawiyya, the wool craftmen's assopresumed to be so" (Logic and Aristotle's, Rhetoric and ciation (M. £AtaJ Allah, Wathd'ik al-tau)d3if al-hirfiyya, Poetics, 96, n. 129). In sum, we can identify, from ii, 47-61; for trade in woollen clothes in the European all these definitions, a broad agreement in mediaeval lands of the Ottoman empire, cf. S. Faroqhi, Peasants, Islamic thought about the meaning of the word "sodervishes and traders, Variorum edns., Aldershot). phist" and a general logical suspicion of those who Although wearing a woollen dress was a signal of engaged in sophistry. It is worth noting here, too, poverty (markaca min suf = woollen rags, in Ibn lyas), that several went further and added a religious dimenof simplicity (al-Mascudi, Murudj., § 2537) and even of sion to their discussions. Ibn al-DjawzI, for example, asceticism (d^ubbat suf kubrusiyya = a long outer garment open in the front, in al-MukaddasT, 415 11. 6-8; thiyab in his Talbis Iblis examined the Sophists (here, not in c the technical logical meaning, but merely "scepbid ghildz - white, rough dress, in al-Mas udf, op. cit., tics" in the epistemological sense, i.e. those who deny § 2727), and Goldziher, among others, suggested the knowable essences; see on this, J. van Ess, Scepticism hypothesis of the possible association of suf and Sufism, in Islamic thought, in Al-Abhdth, xxi [1968], 1-18) as a there is nevertheless evidence for the use of wool in source of heresy. luxurious contexts (fawkdniyya mulawwana min al-suf alBibliography (in addition to references in the nqfts = a coloured robe made from expensive wool, article): The seminal work is, of course, Aristotle's al-Kalkashandi, Subh, iv, 40; Ashtor, Histoire des prix Peri sophistikon elenkhon, also known under the Latin et des 'salaires, Paris 1969, 176, 344). tide of De sophisticis elenchis. See E.S. Forster (ed.), Bibliography: See also Busul Ascad, Information Aristotle: On sophistical refutations [and other works], about costume in Arabic literature, M.A. thesis, The The Loeb Classical Library, London-Cambridge, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 1966, unpubl. Mass repr. 1965, for dual Greek-English text. See (Y. FRENKEL) SUFFA [see AHL AL-SUFFA]. also Soheil M. Afnan, A philosophical lexicon in Persian SUFI [see TASAWWUF]. and Arabic, Beirut 1969, s.vv. sufistd'i, sufistlkd', AL-SUFISTAIYYUN (A.), the Sophists, from the Deborah L. Black, Logic and Aristotle's Rhetoric and Greek word for a sophist, sophistes. At the heart of Poetics in medieval Arabic philosophy, Islamic Philosophy the Arabic references and discussions lies the Greek and Theology, Texts and Studies, ed. H. Daiber, text of Aristotle, On sophistical refutations (Peri sophistikon vii, Leiden 1990; Kind!, Rasa'il al-Kmti al-falsafiyya, elenkhon]. Here sophistical refutations are defined as ed. M.A.H. Abu Rlda, 2 vols., Cairo 1950-3; those arguments which go under the guise of refutaMuhsin Mahdi (ed.), Al-Farabi's Book of Letters (Kitab tions but are, in fact, fallacious and should not be al-Huruf), Beirut 1969; F.E. Peters, Aristoteks Arabus, considered as refutations. A little further on in his Leiden 1968; idem, Aristotle and the Arabs: the Aristext, Aristotle describes a sophist as one who capitotelian tradition in Islam, New York-London 1968; talises financially on wisdom which is apparent rather N. Rescher, The development of Arabic logic, Pittsburgh than real. Arabic forms of the words "sophist", "sophis1964; idem, Studies in the history of Arabic logic, Pittstics" and "sophistry" do not appear in the Kur'an, burgh 1963. (I.R. NETTON) and the latter does not know the Arabic mughdlata SUFIYANA (P.), the term applied to the days of ("fallacy") either. The translation history of Aristotle's abstinence from eating meat introduced by the Sophistical refutations into Arabic is problematic, as F.E. Mughal emperor of India, Akbar (963-1014/1556-1605 Peters has shown. Several versions clearly existed and [
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(1014-37/1605-27 [q.v.]) continued the practice, with sufiyana meals on Sundays in his father's memory and on Thursdays to commemorate his own accession. It has been plausibly suggested that both Sufi Muslim and Hindu and Jain influences played parts in determining Akbar's practice here. Bibliography. See also Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic culture in the Indian environment, Oxford 1964, 177; S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and intellectual history of the Muslims in Akbar's reign, New Delhi 1975, 386-7. (G.E. BOSWORTH) SUFRIYYA, an early Islamic religious group defined by the heresiographers as the name of a Kharidjite sect arising out of the breakup of the Kharidjite community in Basra in the year 64/683-4. The heresiographers commonly derive the name from a founder variously called cAbd Allah b. al-Asfar, cAbd Allah b. al-Saffar al-Sacdf al-Tamfmf, or Ziyad b. alAsfar, who was active at the time of the breakup. This founder is almost certainly fictitious. The scholars of the Sufriyya themselves, according to al-Mubarrad, narrated that the Kharidjites, at the time of their original rebellion against £Alf, chose cAbd Allah b. Wahb al-Rasibf as their imam, rejecting Ma'dan b. Malik al-Iyadf because he condemned those Kharidjites who would not join the revolt. The Sufriyya, therefore, dissociated themselves (bari'u) from Macdan (Mubarrad, Kamil, 528-9). This may well be a back-projection of the later conflict with the Azarika [q.v.] into the time of the founders of the Kharidjite movement. It shows, however, that the foundation figure of Ibn al-Asfar was unknown to the Sufriyya. Some sources rather mention an otherwise unknown cUbayda b. Kabfs as the spokesman of the Sufriyya at the time of the breakup. In reality the name Sufriyya was derived from the description of early Kharidjite worshippers, even before the breakup, as sufr (al-wuajuh) "yellow-faced" as a result of their constant ascetic devotions, and was initially applied to the Kharidjites in general. The early Basran Kharidjite leader Abu Bilal Mirdas b. Udayya [q.v.] (killed in 61/680), who was famous for his pious devotion, is described as the imam of the Sufriyya in the account of al-Baghdadf (Park, 72). Nasr b. cAsim al-Laythf dissociated himself from the Basran Kharidjites, calling them al-sufr al-ddhdn in two lines of poetry to be dated around 66-7/685-7. A mere jibe is the derivation of the name offered by al-Asmacf, who suggested that it should be read Sifriyya and explained that someone had addressed an imprisoned Kharidjite as "a zero (sift) in religion" (Lisdn al-cArab, s.v. Sujriyya). 1. In Arabia and the Islamic East. When militant Kharidjite groups left the Basran community and rose in rebellion in 64/683-4, they were named after their leaders, while the name Sufriyya came to denote the moderates, those who remained "sitting" (ka'ad or kacadd). Nasr al-Laythf thus mentions the followers of Nadjda and Ibn al-Azrak (al-ladhlna tazarraku) separately from the Sufriyya. Only the Azarika, however, broke radically with the moderates, declaring the kacad polytheists (musjirikuri), and are never counted among the Sufriyya. The Nadjadat [q.v] defended the conduct of the kacad and evidently maintained their ties with the Basran community. The heresiographers also date the schism between Sufriyya and the moderate Ibadiyya [q.v] in 64/683-4. The Ibadiyya, however, at this stage appear to have constituted merely a current among the moderates. Their separate sectarian identity was definitely established only under the leadership of Abu cUbayda Muslim b. Abi Karlma beginning ca. 95/714. Some of the
Ibadiyya thus backed the revolts of Salih b. Musarrih and Shabfb b. Yazfd in 76-7/695-7, although these were commonly counted as Sufrf leaders. Similarly the Bayhasiyya, followers of Abu Bayhas [q.v], were initially a current within the Sufriyya and only later developed into a relatively radical, separate sect. At the time of the breakup in 64/683-4, Abu Bayhas is reported to have accused Ibn al-Azrak of extremism and cAbd Allah b. Ibad of short-coming (taksir) because of the latter's assertion that non-Kharidjite Muslims were not polytheists but merely rejectors of God's bounties (kuffar bi }l-nicam). Abu Bayhas argued that these were mushrikun, but that it was licit for the Kharidjites to live temporarily in peace with them while practicing religious dissimulation (takiyya), to intermarry with them and to inherit from them. This was in fact the common opinion of the Sufriyya. After the death of Abu Bilal in 61/680, the learned ascetic and poet Imran b. Hittan [q.v], according to al-Baghdadr (Fark, 71), became the imam of the Sufriyya. This is confirmed by al-Djahiz (Bayan, i, 47, 346), who describes clmran as the chief of the kacad of the Sufriyya, their consultant in religious matters (sahib Jutydhum), and their refuge when they disagreed. c lmran must have been active as leader in Basra until 75/694, when al-Hadjdjadj became governor of clrak and Imran, persecuted by him, was compelled to leave the town and go into hiding. No supreme chief of the Basran Sufriyya is known thereafter. Al-Mubarrad (Kamil, 595) mentions al-Ruhayn b. Sahm al-Muradf as a Sufrf leader, equally learned and gifted in poetry as clmran, whose contemporary he appears to have been. Al-Djahiz names as scholars of the Sufriyya Shubayl b. cAzra al-Duba'I (d. 140/757), al-Kasim b. £ Abd al-Rahman b. Sudayka and Mulayl. Only the first of these is otherwise known as a transmitter of historical reports, poet and orator. According to alDjahiz, he was during most of his life a radical Shf'f before becoming a Sufn. Closer to his own time, alDjahiz describes the well-known Basran philologist and historian Abu 'Ubayda Macmar b. al-Muthanna (d. 209/824-5 [q.v]) and the Kufan historian al-Haytham b. £AdI (d. between 206/821 and 209/824 [q.v]) as Sufn Kharidjites. Neither of these men were sectarian activists. Abu cUbayda had at most sentimental Kharidjite sympathies; the case of al-Haytham is even more doubtful. The first armed revolt of the Sufriyya was led by Salih b. Musarrih al-Tamlmr in northern Mesopotamia in 76/695, and was continued after his death by Shablb b. Yazfd al-Shaybanf [q.v.]. The rebellion was evidently provoked by al-Hadjdjadj's persecution of c lmran b. Hittan and other leaders of the kacad. Salih was a pietist with ties to Kharidjites in Kiifa, and is said to have preached Kharidjite views in Dara for twenty years before his move. His followers were mostly of the Banu Shayban of Bakr and other Rabfca. He was later venerated as a martyr, and recitations from his collected sermons were performed at his tomb. Sufrf Kharidjism became entrenched among the Rabfca in northern Mesopotamia and numerous Kharidjite revolts erupted there. In 100-1/718-20 Shawdhab (Bistam) al-Yashkurf rose and was killed. In 119/737 Buhlul b. Bishr rose near Mawsil backed by the Banu Shayban and Yashkur, and al-Saharf, a son of Shabrb b. Yazfd, revolted at Djabbul among the Banu Taym al-Lat b. Tha'laba. Both were killed in battle. On a much larger scale was the Sufrf rebellion which erupted after the murder of the caliph alWalfd II in 126/744. It was at first led by Sacfd b. Bahdal al-Shaybanf, who defeated a Bayhasf rival and
SUFRIYYA died as he moved against Kufa. He was succeeded by al-Dahhak b. Kays al-Shaybam [q.v], who had long been recognised among the Kharidjites as a religious scholar with distinct views. His followers were sometimes counted a separate sect called al-Dahhakiyya. In al-Shahrazur, al-Dahhak was joined by large groups of Sufriyya, some of whom had previously taken possession of Armenia and Adharbaydjan. AlDahhak seized Kufa, and Wasit. The Umayyad governor of Kufa, cUmar IPs son cAbd Allah, surrendered and pledged allegiance to al-Dahhak. There was general amazement that a Kurashi prince should pray behind a Kharidjite imam of Bakr b. Wa'il. Al-Dahhak was then joined by another Umayyad prince, Sulayman, son of the caliph Hisham. Al-Dahhak was killed fighting Marwan II at Kafartutha in 128/746. His second successor, Shayban b. cAbd al-cAziz al-Yashkuri was driven out of Mawsil by Marwan's army and moved with his followers to Fars, where he backed the DjaTarid £Abd Allah b. Mu£awiya [q.v.]. Shayban briefly occupied Zarandj, the capital of Sidjistan, but then left for cUman, where he died in battle, fighting the Azdl chief al-Djulanda, who was backed by Ibadl Kharidjites, hi 134/751-2. Throughout the first two centuries of the cAbbasid age, numerous Kharidjite rebellions erupted in northern Mesopotamia, and especially in the region of Mawsil. Ibn al-Athfr and other sources report revolts in the years 133/750-1, 160-2/776-9, 168/784-5, 171/ 787-9, 176/792-3, 178-9/794, 180/796-7, 187/802-3, 190/805-6, 202/817-18, 214/829 (location uncertain), 231/845-6, 248/862-3, 252/865, 257/870-1, 267/ 880-1 and 317-18/929-31 (see Veccia Vaglieri, in RSO, xxiv, 39-40). Although these rebellions most often are qualified merely as Kharidjite, they may generally be counted as Sufri. Yasln al-TamTml, who rose in 168/784-5, is described as inclining to the doctrine of Salih b. Musarrih. Harun b. cAbd Allah al-Badjall (killed in 283/896) is called a Sufn. Most of the revolts, which at first involved chiefly the Banu Shayban and Yashkur and later the Taghlib, Badjfla, and even Hamdan, were minor and quickly suppressed. They reflect the will to seek martyrdom as shurat following the example of the early Kharidjites. More serious were the rebellions of al-Walid b. Tarlf al-Tagklibl (178-9/794-6), which alarmed the caliph Harun al-Rashfd, and of Musawir b. cAbd al-Hamld al-Badjall (252-63/866-77) and Harun b.
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tended to view Kharidjite sects as factions of the Sufriyya. In fact, all Kharidjite sects except for the Azarika have been described by one or the other heresiographer as derived from the Sufriyya. Specific doctrines ascribed to "the Sufriyya" evidently were not held by these in general but by some group otherwise viewed as a Sufn sub-sect. Bibliography: Djahiz, al-Baydn wa 'l-tabym, ed. c Abdal-Salam Muh. Harun, Cairo 1948-9, i, 46-7, 343-7; Mubarrad, al-Kdmil, ed. W. Wright, Leipzig 1874-92, 528-30, 595, 604, 615-18; Baladhurf, Ansab al-ashrdf in W. Ahlwardt, Anonyme Arabische Chronik, Greifswald 1883, 82-4; Ash'arl, Makdldt al-isldmiyyin, ed. H. Ritter, Wiesbaden 1980, 101, 116, 118-20, 126, 463; Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, Cairo 1317-21, iv, 190-1; Nashwan al-Himyari, al-Hur al-ln, ed. Kama! Mustafa, Cairo 1948, 177-8; Shahrastanl, 102-3; J. Wellhausen, Die religio's-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam, Berlin 1901, 28, 41-51; L. Veccia Vaglieri, Le vicende del hdrigismo in epoca abbaside, in RSO, xxiv (1949), 31-44; W.M. Watt, The formative period of Islamic thought, Edinburgh 1973, index; W. Madelung, Religious trends in early Islamic Iran, Albany 1988, 70-2; K. Lewinstein, Making and unmaking of a sect: the heresiographers and the Sufriyya, in SI, Ixxvi (1992), 75-96. (W. MADELUNG) 2. In North Africa. By the mid-2nd/8th century, the label Sufriyya was regularly applied in the Maghrib to those Kharidjite Berber tribes with no Ibadf affiliation. Local tradition identifies the first Sufn missionary in the West as 'Ikrima [q.v.] (the Berber client of Ibn 'Abbas), from whom several notable SufrT leaders in the first half of the 2nd/8th century are said to have acquired their knowledge of Kharidjite teachings. clkrima's presence in Kayrawan, if in fact historical, would have to be placed at the end of the 1st/7th or the beginning of the 2nd/8th century. However, the account preserved in Ibadl sources (in which clkrima is pictured arriving in Ifrikiya on the same camel as that of his Ibadl counterpart) does not bear much scrutiny, and is probably best seen in the context of later Sufri-Ibadl rivalry, and the eventual absorption of the Sufriyya into the Ibadiyya (Abu Zakariyya', Siyar, 25-6; al-DardjIm, Mashdyikh, i, 11). Whatever their beginnings, Sufrf teachings spread most quickly among the remote Berber tribes of the western Maghrib, where they served to promote active resistance to Arab domination at a time when the Ibadfs further east had yet to declare themselves openly in revolt. By 122/739-40, the Sufriyya in the region around Tangier were in open rebellion under the leadership of Maysara al-Matgharf [q.v.]. Maysara's tribal support was broad and heterogeneous, and included (besides the Matghara themselves) elements of the Miknasa and the Barghawata. Some of the latinised Berbers (afdrika) in Tangier may also have been involved, if we are to judge from Maysara's decision to appoint cAbd al-Acla b. Djuraydj al-Ifrlkr governor of Tangier after the Sufrl capture of the town. Although Maysara was recognised as khalifa, the title was always subject to revocation in Kharidjite circles, and in 123/740 Maysara was deposed and killed by his own followers and replaced by Khalid b. Hamld/Humayd al-Zanatf. A recent military defeat suffered by Maysara, as well as tribal rivalries within the Sufri coalition, may also have played a part in Knalid's elevation to the "caliphate". While Maysara's coalition does not seem to have survived his death intact, the Sufriyya were nonetheless able to inflict serious damage on two Umayyad armies, the first in
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123/740 at the so-called "Battle of the Nobles" (ghazwat al-ashrdf), and the second later that year at Nafdura/Bakdura on the Subu river. With Kayrawan itself threatened, the governor of Egypt, Hanzala b. Safwan [q.v], was sent by the caliph Hisham to pacify the west. Unable to crush the Sufriyya completely, he did at least prevent Kayrawan from falling into Kharidjite hands by defeating Sufrf armies at al-Karn and al-Asnam in 124/742. Despite these setbacks, the Sufriyya continued to threaten the stability of Arab rule in Ifrfkiya. The Fihrid ruler at Kayrawan, £Abd al-Rahman b. Habfb [q.v.], was forced to contend with Sufn rebellions of the Sanhadja west of Tunis around 130/748. These revolts increased in seriousness, with the £Abbasids otherwise preoccupied and the Fihrids, after the death of £Abd al-Rahman b. Habfb, weakened by internal division. It was in this context that Kayrawan itself was in 139/757 occupied by the Warfadjdjuma, one of the leading clans of the Nafzawa [q.v.] Berbers. Modern scholarship, on the basis of the principal Sunnf sources, associates this occupation with a Sufn conquest of the town and with excesses committed against Arabs and others. However, the relationship between the Warfadjdjuma and the Sufriyya is by no means clear, and there is no good evidence linking such excesses to Sufn teachings. It is notable that the Ibadf sources do not regard the Warfadjdjuma as Sufrfs, even while making of their atrocities a pretext for the Ibadf conquest of Kayrawan in 141/758 (al-Shammakhf, 'Siyar, i, 115-17; Abu Zakariyya', Siyar, 38-9). It is likely that the increasing strength of their Sufrf rivals is what pushed the Ibadfs to proclaim an Imamate in 140/757. The Ibadf Imam Abu '1-Khattab's [q.v.] conquest of Ifrfkiya in 141/758-9, followed shortly afterward by the consolidation of £Abbasid power in Ifrfkiya and the eastern Maghrib under Ibn al-Ashcath, had the effect of pushing the centres of Sufrf power south and west, from Ifrfkiya to the central Maghrib. At Tilimsan (Tlemcen), Abu Kurra was able to establish an independent Sufrf state based on the power of the Ifran and Maghfla [q.vv] Berber tribes. Abu Kurra had long been a principal Sufrf leader in North Africa, particularly after the death of Khalid b. Hamfd/Humayd al-Zanatf. In 124/741-2, when the Sufrf rebel cAbd al-Wahid b. Yazfd al-Hawwarf threatened Kayrawan, Abu Kurra had commanded the vanguard of his army. Two decades later, he was able to claim the Sufrf imamate, his position strengthened by the westward migration of the main body of Ifranid tribesmen following Ibn al-Ash£ath's conquests in Ifrfkiya and the eastern Maghrib. Abu Kurra's dominion, which extended from the new town of Tilimsan as far east as Tahart, came under immediate attack by an £Abbasid army sent in 148/765. Unable to extinguish Sufrf power, and facing a generalised Kharidjite threat to Kayrawan, the new governor of Ifrfkiya £Amr b. Hafs sought in 151/ 768 to fortify the town of Tubna, and found himself surrounded and badly outnumbered by a combined Sufrf-Ibadf force which included among its notable commanders Abu Kurra and the Ibadf leaders Abu Hatim al-Malzuzf [q.v.] and £Abd al-Rahman b. Rustam. Abu Kurra seems to have commanded by far the largest force, made up overwhelmingly of Ifranid tribesmen; elements of Sanhadja and Zanata are also mentioned as participating in the siege. The sources generally attribute the failure of the attack to bribes paid by Ibn Hafs either to Abu Kurra or to his brother, although broader conflicts between the Sufrf and Ibadf elements of the besieging force may
also have played a role in its disintegration. The siege of Tubna marked the high-point of Sufrf power in Ifrfkiya and the central Maghrib. Both the strengthened £Abbasid presence after 155/772 and the spread of Idrfsid power in the far west came at the expense of Tilimsan, and those Berbers who continued to regard themselves as Sufrfs, migrated to the region of Tafflalt, now the principal Sufrf centre in North Africa. Sufrf teachings had been spread there by Abu '1-Kasim Samghu/Samdju b. Wasul, one of the Miknasa reported to have studied with £Ikrima at Kayrawan and to have participated in the Sufrf uprising around Tangier in 122/739-40. At some point after that date he is said to have occupied himself as a shepherd and a teacher on the site of the future town of Sidjilmasa [q.v], and when the number of his followers reached 40 in 140/757, the group began to build permanent dwellings and recognised as leader a black named clsa b. Mazyad. Some 15 years later £ Isa was deposed, tortured, and executed, and replaced by Samghu. The sources offer in explanation only generalised accusations of misconduct by clsa, but it is possible to suppose from al-Bakrf's language (Mughrib, 149) that a growing presence of Miknasa Berbers at the expense of blacks in the area around Sidjilmasa may have led to the change. It is in any case from Samghu b. Wasul that the Sufrf Midrarid line of rulers would eventually issue [see MIDRAR]. Whatever Sufrf identity the Midrarids maintained may have worked to preserve their independence from the neighbouring Ibadf Rustamid [see RUSTAMIDS] imams, with whom they normally enjoyed friendly relations. (The succession conflict which raged in Sidjilmasa between 221/ 835 and 224/838 suggests the importance which many attached to the state's maintaining a Kharidjite identity distinct from that of the Rustamids.) Their sectarian independence also allowed the Midrarids to sponsor non-Ibadf Kharidjite rebels elsewhere in the Maghrib. The Sufrf rebellion which a certain £Abd al-Razzak led against the Idrfsids, and which reached the town'of Fas (Fez) before being crushed in 292/904, appears to have been incited and supported by the Midrarids [see MIDYUNA]. Ultimately, the Kharidjism which survived in North Africa was of the Ibadf, and not the Sufrf, variety. Just how quickly the Sufriyya died out or were absorbed into the Ibadiyya is impossible to tell. The final collapse of the 'Midrarid state in 366/976-7 must have hastened the process, although Ibn Hazm (d. 456/1065) was still able to observe that in his own day, the sole Kharidjite sects remaining were the Ibadiyya and the Sufriyya (Fisal, iv, 145). Bibliography. 1. Sources. Ibn £Abd al-Hakam, Futuh Misr, ed. Torrey, 218, 221-3; Khalffa b.' Khayyat, Ta'nkh, Beirut 1414/1993, 279-81; Ibn Hazm, Fisal, Cairo n.d., iv; Bakrf, K. al-Mughrib, tr. de Slane, Description de I'Afrique septentrionale, repr. Paris 1965, 125, 135, 149-50; Abu Zakariyya' Yahya b. Abf Bakr, K. Siyar al-a'imma, ed. al-£Arabf, Algiers 1399/1979; Dardjfnf, Tabakat al-maskayikh bi 'l-Maghrib, ed. I. Tallay, Beirut n.d., i; Shammakhf, K. al-Siyar, ed. A. al-Siyabf, Muscat 1407/1987, i; al-Rakfk al-Kayrawanf, T. Ijnkiya wa 'l-Maghrib, ed. M. al-Ka£bf,'Tunis 1968, 109-18, 140-3; Ibn Khaldun, 'Ibar, tr. de Slane, Hist, des Berberes, i, 215-19, 261; Ibn £Idharf, al-Baydn al-mughrib, Beirut 194850, i, 52, 54-5, 57, 66, 81, 88-9, 160, 215-17. 2. Studies. G. Marcais, La Berberie musulman et I'Orient au moyen age, Paris 1946, 126; Ch. Bekri, Le Kharijisme berbere, quelques aspects du royaume rustumide, in AIEO Alger, xv (1957), 55-108; M. Talbi, L'emirat
SUFRIYYA — SUFTADJA aghlabide, Paris 1966, 37-8, 73, 75; T. Lewicki, The Ibddites in Arabia and Africa, in Cahiers d'Hist. Mondiale, xiii (1971), 3-130; M. IsmaTl [cAbd al-Razik], alKhawdridj.fi 'l-Maghrib al-isldmi, Beirut 1976, 55-6, 59-60, 76, 88, 91-2; CA. Khulayfat, Nash3at al-haraka al-ibddiyya, 'Amman 1978, 133-4, 146 (n. 45); U. Rebstock, Die Ibdditen im Maghrib, Berlin 1983, 21, 23, 34-55, 117-23; J. Abun-Nasr, A history of the Maghrib in the Islamic period, Cambridge 1987, 37-53. (K. LEWINSTEIN) SUFRUY (colloq. Moroccan Ar., Sefru: nisba Sejriwi, pi. Sefrdwa; in European languages, SEFROU), a large town of over 30,000 inhabitants in n o r t h - c e n t r a l Morocco, located at an altitude of 850 m/2,790 feet in the foothills of the Middle Atlas just above the Sa'is plain only 30 km/18 miles south of Fas. It is situated in a green, picturesque setting surrounded by gardens and fruit (most notably cherry) orchards that give it an oasis-like aspect. The area is watered by several streams that branch out from the main watercourse, the Wadi Aggay (frequently referred to simply as Wad! Sefru) which meanders through the heart of the town, and in the past it has caused considerable death and destruction in times of flooding, e.g. in 1888 and in 1950. The town today consists of several quarters: the old walled city which includes the madina, which is subdivided into four principal quarters, and the mellah; the new traditional neighbourhoods outside the walls, such as the Darb al-Mitr, Habbuna, Slawf, Sid! Ahmad Tadll, and Habitant, and al-Kalca, a walled traditional quarter, on the hill to the west above the old madina. There is also the French-built Ville Nouvelle or al-Balad al-Djadida, immediately up the hill to the west and south of the original town. The population of Sefrou has been increasing rapidly since the 1960s. Many of the newcomers are Tamazight-speaking Berbers from the countryside. Sefrou was a settlement predating the Islamic conquest. It was supposedly named after the Ahl Sufru, a Berber tribe professing Judaism. The lower course of the Aggay River is still called Wad! '1-YahudI ("The River of the Jew"). However, this name may have originally been due to the fact that this part of the river runs along one side of the melldh, or Jewish quarter [see MALLAH], and the etiological legend was created as a later explanation. Sefrou and its environs were subjugated and Islamised in the early 3rd/9th century by Idrfs II [q.v]. By the 5th/llth century, Sefrou was an important walled town on the caravan route connecting Fas, the Tafilalet, and the western Sudan (al-Bakn, al-Mughrib Ji dhikr bildd Ifrikiya wa 'l-Maghrib, ed. de Slane, Algiers 1857, 147). Al-IdrfsI mentions that it is the first day's stop on the thirteenday journey from Fas to Sidjilmasa and that "it is a small, civilised town with few markets, and most of its inhabitants are farmers, who grow many crops and have camels, cattle, and sheep" (Opus geographicum, Maghrib, 76). In 455/1053, the Almoravid leader Yusuf b. Tashfin conquered Fas and Sefrou, which had been in the hands of Wanudfn al-MaghrawI, the ruler of Sidjilmasa, and killed all of Wanudin's family members there (Ibn Khaldun, Hist, des Berberes, ii, 73). The city was captured and sacked again by the Almohad caliph c Abd al-Mu'min on 5 Muharram 536/10 August 1141. Because of its location on the principal route across the Middle Adas and on the border between the urban and agricultural bildd al-makhzan and the pastoral Berber bildd al-siba, Sefrou suffered from periodic attacks and devastation during periods of civil strife over the centuries. The city seems to have always
769
recovered. Leo Africanus, who visited it in the 1540s, states that "Sofroi's [sic] inhabitants are wealthy, but they dress poorly and their clothes are always full of olive oil stains" (Description de rAjrique, tr. Epaulard, Paris 1956, i, 310). During the 18th and 19th centuries, Sefrou frequently came under the domination of chieftains from the tribal hinterlands. The last of these was Ka'id cUmar al-YusT, who was recognised by the Makhzan as pasha of the city until his assassination in 1904. It is a mark of the importance of Sefrou and the surrounding region that the first prime minister of independent Morocco was Sefrou's pasha Si Mubarak Bakkay, and the first minister of the interior was Ka'id al-Hasan al-Yusf, the chief of the area's principal Berber tribe, the Ayt Yusl. It was among the Ayt YusI that there arose the maraboutic leader and scholar al-Hasan b. Mascud, known as Sldl Lahsen LyusT (1040-1102/1631-91). His Zdwiya is located to the southwest of the town and is a popular pilgrimage site for the Berbers, with an annual mawsim. Sefrou is the home of several naturalist cults, the most important of which are those at the spring of Lalla Rakiyya next to the kubba of Sldl Bu CA1I Sarghm and of the grotto known to the Muslims as Kdf al-Yahudi ("the Cave of the Jew") and to Jews simply as al-Kdf or al-Dj.abal al-Kabir ("the great mountain"). Until the mass exodus of Moroccan Jewry that began in the early 1950s, Sefrou boasted the seventh largest Jewish community in the French Protectorate, with close on 6,000 people, representing from one-third to two-fifths of the town's inhabitants. It was a centre of Jewish scholarship and claimed to be Terushalayim ha-qetana ("the little Jerusalem") and Terushalayim shel Maroko ("the Jerusalem of Morocco"). The Jewish community flourished in the 18th century. In addition to their prominence in commerce and scholarship, SefrfwT Jews held patents from the Makhzan for the minting of coins. By 1715, the community was considered important enough to have its own shaykh al-yahud (Hebr. nagid), or lay communal official recognised by the sultan. Muslim-Jewish relations in Sefrou were on the whole better than in neighbouring Fas, or indeed than in most Moroccan cities, a fact noted by the French explorer and spy Charles de Foucauld (Reconnaissance au Maroc, Paris, 1939, 166). The Jews of Sefrou spoke a very distinctive and unusual dialect of old urban Arabic. Bibliography: In addition to the works cited in the text, see L. Brunot, Cultes naturistes a Sefrou, in
Archives Berberes, iii (1918), 137-43; C. Geertz, H. Geertz and L. Rosen, Meaning and order in Moroccan society, Cambridge 1979; N.A. Stillman, The language and culture of the Jews of Sefrou, Manchester
1989. (N.A. STILLMAN) SUFTADJA (A.), a financial term referring to a negotiable i n s t r u m e n t in the form of a written bill of credit which is similar to the modern drawing of a cheque. The sufta^a, like the hawdla [q.v.] and the sakk, was used in mediaeval Islam to facilitate the speedy transfer of money over distances or to expedite the exploitation of assignments of taxation, in an age when movements of actual cash were hazardous. For the general use of such financial instruments in mediaeval Islam, see R. Grasshoff, Die Suftaga und Hawdla der Amber, Gottingen 1899, and WJ. Fischel, Jews in the economic and political life of mediaeval Islam, London 1937, 3-35. The etymology of the term is allegedly from Persian sufta "pierced", because the folded or rolled financial instrument was pierced in order to enable a
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SUFTADJA — SUFYAN AL-THAWRI
cord to be passed through it, which was then sealed. The sujtad^a thus enabled money to be instantly available in another land through what was in effect a letter of credit. The modus operandi was that (A), normally a broker, issues a bill for (B) to collect his money somewhere else from (C) who is an agent for (A). The sufta^a differs from the hawdla in that it refers only to the transfer of money, whereas the hawdla is used to refer to transfers of all kind of claims whether money or goods; moreover, with hawdla, the safety factor is not the prime concern. Although sufta^a is seen by Islamic law as a form of loan, both its formation and objectives are different from those involved in loans. The objective of a loan is the acquisition of money, while the objective of the suftadj.a is the avoidance of risk in transport. For Schacht, the difference between suftadj.a and hawdla rests in the "creation" of an obligation. "The obligation in the case of sufta^a is created on purpose" while the obligation in the hawdla is "supposed as already existing". This can be contested by the fact that the suftadj.a debt does not really exist between the broker (A) and his agent (G). This is due to the fact that (G), the agent, is only an extension of (A), in the same way as are the branches of a bank. The Hanaff and Shafi'f schools consider the practice of the sufta^a to be reprehensible because a debt should be repaid without any form of profit to the owner which results from the avoidance of risk (i.e. involved in an actual cash transfer). The Malikis only allow it on the grounds of necessity, while the Hanbalfs permit the practice so long as it is done without any material gain, such as commission, accruing to the person repaying the debt. Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn Kudama permit the practice without reservation, since both the debtor and the indebted benefit. The term hawdla masrafiyya ("bank draft") seems to be replacing the term sufta^a in many contemporary commercial transactions, although the main difference between a draft and a suftadj.a lies in the fact that the latter has a fixed value. Bibliography. See also J. Schacht, An introduction to Islamic law, Oxford 1964, 78, 148; Wahba alZuhaylf, al-Fikh al-Isldmi wa-adillatuh, Beirut 1985, iv, 728, v, 178, S.E. Ryner, The theory of contracts in Islamic law, London 1991, 74-5. (M.Y. Izzi DIEN) SUFYAN AL-£ABDI, Abu £Abd Allah Sufyan b. c c c Mus ab al- AbdI, of the Abd al-Kays, an Arab poet of the 2nd/8th century. The date of his birth is not known and the date of his death is not generally agreed. On the one hand al-cAmilI in his Acydn alShl'a has him die in 120/739, whereas al-Amlnl in al-Ghadtr cites the date as 178/794. He was probably born and spent most of his life in Kufa. According to the sources he is said to have known the famous Shl'I poet al-Sayyid al-Himyarf (d. 173/789? [
The poetic works of al-cAbdi are at present composed of 33 poems and fragments, some of doubtful authenticity, grouped into 302 verses. They have been neglected by Sunn! authors and preserved only thanks to Shf c l ones, in particular later writers such as Ibn Shahrashub (d. 588/1192) in his Mandkib, alc Amili in Acydn al-Shifa, xxxv, and al-Amfni in alGhadir, ii. His ceuvre is composed chiefly of short fragments, of which 22 consist of 5 or less verses, and they barely conform to the plan of the classical kasida. On the other hand, al-cAbdf uses classical metres such as basit (1 times), tawil and hhafif (6 times), kdmil and wdfir (4 times). The most frequently used letters in the rhymes are ra3 (1 times), mini and bd3 (5 times). Using a narrative style and easy language free from learned words, and thus accessible to the masses, ale Abdf develops political and religious themes across all three poetic and classical genres, elegy, threnody and satire. His work essentially relates to the People of the House, Ahl al-Bayt, and to their adversaries, or Umayyad enemies and even 'Abbasid enemies. Primarily, it is the merits of the Ahl al-Bayt in general, and of cAlr b. Abf Talib in particular, that are highlighted, and they are even sometimes presented as superior to the Prophet himself. Then there is the narration of the misfortunes of the Shf'Is and the description of the dramas or tragedies they experienced, in particular, the drama of Karbala' and the killing of al-Husayn (61/680). The feelings of anxiety or sadness conveyed in this narration are characterised by a simplicity of expression, and denoted the sympathetic attitude of the poet and his deep attachment to the Prophet's family. In his invectives, Sufyan strongly expresses his hatred and rancour toward his enemies, the usurpers of power from the 'Alids, scarcely sparing the caliphs Abu Bakr (13/634) and cUmar (23/643). In conclusion, the poetic works of Sufyan al-cAbdf, in the light of how they have been restored, may now be seen as partisan poetry of a propagandist nature. The poems were written to be declaimed in order to arouse pity for the lot of the Ahl al-Bayt and to distract them from their enemies. Bibliography. See also, of sources, Yackubl, Ta'rikh', and Tabarf, Ta'rikh. For reference works, see Sezgin, GAS, and, especially, Abu 'l-Sueud alHamfdf, Sufyan b. Mus'ab al-Abdi, vie et ceuvre, unpubl. M.A. diss. Tunis 1981. (TAIEB EL ACHECHE) SUFYAN AL-THAWRI, Sufyan b. Sa'fd b. Masruk c Abu Abd Allah al-Kufi (97-161/716-78), prominent representative of early Islamic law, tradition, and K u r ' a n interpretation, founder of the Thawriyya law school and important link in numerous hadith transmissions of juridical, religious and dogmatic subjects on a broad literary scale, including the major musnad works. Born 97/715-16 in Kufa, Sufyan al-Thawrf soon belonged to the exclusive Kufan law circles around Hammad b. Abl Sulayman (d. 120/737), Abu Ishak al-SabrcI (128/745), Mansur b. al-Muctamir (132/749), and Sulayman al-Acmash (148/764), and swiftly developed a profound reputation as a particularly hadithoriented legal scholar, thereby differing distinctly from the generally speculative 'Iraki law system (that of ra'y), with Abu Hanffa as its most effective exponent. Between 115/732 and 120/737 al-Thawri started a major period of more than three decades of extensive travelling and hadith transmitting in Khurasan, Hidjaz, and especially Basra which—according to Hammad, as "a part of Syria"—developed a fast grow-
SUFYAN AL-THAWRI ing and most formative influence on al-Thawrf's intellectual curriculum. Basran scholars like Ayyub al-Sakhtiyani (131/748) and, in particular, cAbd Allah b. cAwn (151/767) averted him from a probable Shf c l inclination, quite common among Kufan lawyers of the 2nd/8th century, and initiated contacts with Syria, especially with the great al-Awza£I (157/773 [q.v.]), thereby starting a long-term pro-Umayyad influence in legal and political reasoning. Al-ThawrT's religious and dogmatic thinking assumed a clearly rational, independent orientation through frequent contacts to early MuctazilTs like Khalid al-Hadhdha' (141/758), cAmr b. cUbayd (145/762), and Wasil b. £Ata' (145/762), who excelled as a critic of the 'Abbasid caliphate. Consequently, al-Thawrl himself rejected the vacant post in Kufa as kddl, tactically offered to him in 153/769, and evaded capture by escape to SancaJ where he continued a productive hadith circle with Macmar b. Rashid (153/ 769) and cAbd al-Razzak al-Sancam (211/826 [q.v.]), whose musannqf partly originated from this special interaction. Between 153/769 and 158/774 he seems to have left his Yemeni exile for various pilgrimages to Mecca and frequent visits to Syria, Lebanon and Palestine, where he repeatedly met with al-Awzacf and their common disciple Abu Ishak al-Fazan (186/801), who later transmitted a selection of their legal statements in al-Tabarfs Ikhtildf al-Jukahd3. During his pilgrimage of 158/774, al-Thawrl managed to elude the caliph al-Mansur's repeated attempts at his arrest by another escape back to Basra, where he continued hadith transmission, mainly to Yahya b. SaTd al-Kattan (198/813), cAbd al-Rahman b. Mahdr (198/813), and Abu Hudhayfa Musa b. Mas'ud alNahdl (220/835), who obtained parts of his Kur'an commentary. Towards the end of his life, fatigued by constant pursuit, he agreed to an official reconciliation with the new authorities under al-Mahdl, but could not realise a planned meeting in Baghdad. At 64 he died in Sha'ban 161/May 778 and was buried among renowned scholars of Basra like al-Hasan alBasrf and Ayyub al-Sakhtiyam. Al-Thawri has to be counted certainly among the first literary generation in Islam. His works, partly perished, partly preserved, comprise 1. two (lost) hadith collections (al-D^dmi* al-kablr, al-D^dmi' al-saghir)\ 2. a compendium of inheritance law provisions (Kitdb alFard'id, ed. and comm. Raddatz, in WI, xiii [1971]); 3. a fragmentary Kur'an commentary (Tafsir al-Kur'dn al-kablr, ed. cArshf, Rampur 1965); 4. various religious treatises (al-Ftikdd, rev. Ibn Taymiyya, Zahiriyya, madjm. 139/14, Risdla ild 'Abbdd b. cAbbdd al-Arsuft, Hilya, vi, 376, Wasiyya ild cAlt al-Sulaml, Hilya vii, 82); 5. occasional references to al-Thawrf's interests in natural sciences and "unusual subjects/ghard'ib" (alIshbllf, Kitdb al-dddb (lost), Risdla famiya'iyya, Ketabhaneyedaneshgah-e-Tehran, Fihrist, iii/4, 2265, ms. 1178, fols. 134b-135b, Ibn Abl Hatim, Takdima, 125) with very fragmentary literary traces only. Considerable parts of his legal thought are preserved in al-Tabarf's Ikhtildf al-jukahd3 (ed. Schacht, Leiden 1933, on military law, and ed. Kern, Cairo 1902, on civil law), where his opinions on detailed questions of legal practice in the typically 'Iraki form of speculative deduction are compared to other madhdhib (alAwza'f, Abu Hanffa, Malik, al-Shaficf). The immense variety of his being cited as an essential authority throughout the respective hadith, fikh, and tabakdt literature, however, illustrates his formative position as a systematic hadith developer—though methodologically criticised—within the Kufan law school. Al-Thawn's
771
views and methods coalesce into an independent complex of legal and religious statements, frequently based on Companion or Successor and—more rarely— Prophetic traditions, thereby preparing, if not anticipating, a homogenously hadith-oriented law system like al-Shafici's. His marked theoretical creativity and pronounced political, anti-'Abbasid preferences secured a high degree of contemporary acceptance of his madhhab and contributed considerably to the peculiar expansion of the Thawriyya as far as Umayyad Cordova. Originating from Syrian-based disciples like Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Firyabl (212/827) and Abu Ishak alFazarl, the Thawriyya represented law as practiced in North Africa and Spain before Malik! absorption in the 4th/9th century. Al-Thawri's religious and dogmatic statements, comprehensively rendered in Abu Nu'aym's Hilya and Ibn Abl Hatim's Takdima, make up a basically orthodox, rationally-accentuated range of thought. Continuous recommendations of diligent religious studies ('Urn), of efforts towards righteous intention (niyya) and action in daily practice Carnal}, as well as trust in God's unfailing justice, based on a ceaseless awareness of God's predestining almightiness and eternal properties, place his theology in an intermediate position between the Kharidjites and the Kadariyya as well as the Sifatiyya, respectively. Positive affirmation of worldly life and its active design in preparation for the Last Judgement, combined with a pragmatic, hadith-oriented legal codification, represent a clearly rational modification of the conservative sunna and a gradual anticipation of Muctazili concepts without, however, the idea of God's absolute oneness and the resulting createdness of the Kur'an, duly reflected in the fact that his moderately rational tafsir is an important source for the orthodox al-Taban. While al-Thawn's dogmatics may have had an influence on ascetics like al-Muhasibl and the Thawn adherent al-Djunayd, many tendentious Sufi claims may be set aside. The mystic postulation of complete renunciation of man's worldly endeavour and the negation of God's corresponding justice prove incompatible with al-Thawrf's constructive belief and conduct. Thus his famous antagonism towards the cAbbasidinclined Murdji'a [q.v.] should be regarded as a result of not only his political, pro-Umayyad commitment but also of his active, though demanding, Last Judgement orientation. Occasional suspicion of his alleged sympathising with Shi'I, including Zaydl, circles, possibly arisen for the same political reasons, points to an early, typically Kufan tashayyu' without lasting effect on his tenets. Sufyan al-Thawrl appears today as a progressive element within the unfolding currents of the 2nd/8th century by his theoretical development and literary codification of hadfth-ba.sed law and reason-based sunna as stepping stones towards al-ShaficI's jurisprudence and—to a more limited extent—the new Mu'tazill rationalism, leaving very little justification for Shlcl or Sufi claims. The unusual aspect of his politico-religious pro-Umayyad, conservative attitude adds a historical facet to his intellectual independence, conditioning the major expansion of his madhhab into Spain. Bibliography: Plessner, EI] art. s.v.; H.P. Raddatz, Die Stellung und Bedeutung des Sujydn al-Thawn, diss. Bonn 1967; idem, Friihislamisches Erbrecht, in WI, xiii (1971); Ibn Sacd, vi; Tabarl, iii/4; Ibn Kutayba, Ma'drif, ed. Wiistenfeld; Dhahabf, Duwal al-Isldm, i, Haydarabad 1944; idem, Mizdn al-ictiddl, i, Cairo 1907; Ibn Durayd, Ishtikdk, ed. Wustenfeld; Yakut, Mucdj.am, i; Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhib, iii, Haydarabad
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SUFYAN AL-THAWRI — AL-SUGHD
1907; idem, Lisdn al-mizdn, Haydarabad 1911; Khatrb al-Baghdadl, Ta'rikh Baghdad, ix, Cairo 1930; Bukharl, Ta'rikh, ii/2, Haydarabad 1941; Abu Nucaym, Hilya, Cairo 1932, Ibn Abl Hatim, Takdima, Haydarabad 1952; Makkr, Km al-kulub, Cairo 1893; Ibn al-Nadlm, Fihrist, i; Ishblll, Fihrist, ed. Codera, repr. Baghdad 1965; Hadjdjf Khalifa, ii; Horst, Korankommentar Tabans, in %DMG, ciii; Kurtubl, Intikcf, Cairo 1952; Goldziher, Vorlesungen, Heidelberg 1910; Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt, Cairo 1948, ii; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh, Cairo 1911-32; Nawawf, Tahdhib, ed. Wiistenfeld 1842; Ibn cAbd Rabbihi, 'Ikd, Cairo 1940-53, iii; Mu^addasI; Schacht, Origins, Oxford 1950; Yahya b. Adam, K. al-Kharddj, ed. Juynboll, Leiden 1886; Ghazall, Ihyd3, Cairo 1872, i; Nawbakhtl, Firak, ed. Ritter, Istanbul 1931; Mez, Renaissance, Heidelberg 1922; Ibn TaghribirdI, Nuajum, ii, ed. Juynboll, Leiden 1852-61; FaradI, Ta'rtkh 'ulamd3 al-Andalus, ed. Codera, Madrid 1892; Ibn al-Djazarl, Ghdya, i, ed. Bergstrasser, Cairo 1933; c Attar, Tadhkira, i, ed. Nicholson, London 1907; Kushayn, Risdla, Cairo 1940; Ibn Kutayba, cUyun, ii, Cairo 1925-30; Yakut, Irshdd, ed.' Margoliouth, vi; Schreiner, Beitrdge, in £DMG, lii-liii; Madelung, ^aiditen, Berlin 1965; Subkl, Tabakdt, Cairo 1906; SulamI, Tabakdt, Cairo 1953; Sezgin, GAS, i, Leiden 1967; H. Motzki, Anfdnge d. isl. Jurisprudent,, Stuttgart 1991; G.H.A. Juynboll, Muslim tradition, Cambridge 1983. (H.P. RADDATZ) SUFYAN B. CUYAYNA b. Maymun al-Hilall, a scholar of the Hidjaz, was born in Kufa in 107/725. In his youth he moved to Mecca, where he died in 196/811. Although biographical sources also describe him as a Kur'an commentator (mufassir) and a jurist (fakiK), his fame is due mainly to his activity as a traditionist (muhaddith). In his teens he studied with al-Zuhrf [q.v.], who remarked on his youthful intelligence, and he is considered one of the main transmitters of al-Zuhrfs hadiths (examples in Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, ii, 238 ff.). Other well-known traditionists from whom Sufyan transmitted are cAmr b. Dinar (d. 126/ 744) and cAbd Allah b. Dinar (d. 127/745). Those who transmitted traditions from him include Sulayman b. al-Mihran al-Acmash (d. 148/765), Shu'ba b. alHadjdjadj (d. 160/766 [q.v.]) and Sufyan al-Thawrl [q.v.]. His own tradition collection has not survived independently (see Sezgin, i, 96 for surviving fragments). He is said to have known over 7,000 traditions; as is the case with many traditionists, he is reported to have had a phenomenal memory and never to have written down anything he had not already memorised. He is also reported to have practiced tadlis, that is, he transmitted traditions from people who had not actually heard the texts from the persons who preceded them in the isndd, and he him-; self transmitted traditions from persons whom he had not actually heard [see HADITH]. Sufyan's Kur'an commentary has not survived, but is known from later references (see Sezgin, loc. cit.). There is no evidence for any writings of Jikh [q.v.], but some of his legal opinions can be gleaned from a manuscript collection of the responses (masd'il) of Ahmad b. Hanbal and Ishak b. Rahawayh [q.vv] compiled by the Hanball scholar Abu Yackub al-Kawsadj al-MarwazI (d. 251/865), who, as a very young man, had heard Sufyan lecture in Mecca. Al-Kawsadj often frames a question by reporting an answer of Sufyan's and asking Ibn Hanbal and Ibn Rahawayh their opinion of it (Zahiriyya, Fikh Hanball, 1 and 83). Sometimes Sufyan's legal reasoning resembles that of his older contemporary Malik b. Anas [q.v], and sometimes
that of his younger contemporary Muhammad b. Idns al-Shafici [q.v.]. Despite his scholarly reputation and the large number of his teachers and students, little is actually known of Sufyan's life. He had eight or nine brothers, several of whom were also active as traditionists. AlShaficl, who studied with Sufyan as well as with Malik, is reported to have said: "Were it not for Malik and Sufyan, knowledge would have departed from the Hidjaz." Bibliography: For primary sources, see references in Sezgin, i, 96, and cUmar R. Kahhala, Mu'allifin, Damascus 1957-61, iv, 235, and add Ibn Hanbal, K. al-cllal wa-macrifat al-riajdl, ed. Talat Kocyigit and Ismail Cerrahoglu, Ankara 1963 (see index, s.v. Sufyan b. 'Uyayna and Ibn cUyayna). See also Sufyan b. cUyayna, in Wensinck, Concordance, viii, for a listing of traditions in which he figures prominently. Nabia Abbott, Studies in Arabic literary papyri, Chicago 1967, ii, discusses fully his role as a collector and transmitter of traditions. (SUSAN A. SPECTORSKY) AL-SUFYANI [see Suppl.]. SUFYANIDS, the branch of the Umayyad dynasty of Arab caliphs in early Islam who formed the first and shorter-lasting line of the dynasty, being predecessors of the Marwanids [q.v.]. The line took its name from Abu Sufyan b. Harb [q.v], whose son Mu'awiya I became caliph in 41/61, to be followed briefly by his son Yazld I and the latter's young son Mu'awiya II, who died in 64/683. The succession was then taken up by the parallel branch of Marwan b. al-Hakam [q.v.]. For the general history of the Sufyanids, see UMAYYADS and the articles on the individual rulers, and for the post-132/750 eschatological figure of the SufyanI, see AL-SUFYAN! in Suppl. (ED0 AL-SUGHD or AL-SUGHD. the name in early Islamic geographical and historical sources for the Soghdia of classical Greek authors, a region of Central Asia lying beyond the Oxus and extending across the modern Republics of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kirghizia in its wider acceptation. The same name (Old. Pers. Sugudu, late Avestan Sughda, Greek Sogdioi or Sogdianoi (the people) and Sogdiane (the country) was applied in ancient times to a people of Iranian origin subject to the Persians (at least from the time of Darius I, 522486 B.C.) whose lands stretched from the Oxus [see AMU DARYA] to the Jaxartes [see SIR DARYA], according to the Greek sources. The language, and especially the terms relating to the calendar and festivals of the Soghdian Zoroastrians, are very fully dealt with in the Muslim period by al-Blrunl in his al-Athdr albdkiya, ed. Sachau, Leipzig 1878, 46-7, 233 ff., tr. idem, London 1879, 56-7, 220 fF. From al-Blrunl's information, modern Iranists (notably F.C. Andreas and F.W.K. Miiller) were able to identify as Soghdian the language of numerous fragments of manuscripts found in Chinese Turkestan (commercial documents, Buddhist, Manichaean and Christian texts). As in classical times, the Soghdians still appear in al-Blrunl (op. cit., 45, 1. 21) along with the Khwarazmians as an indigenous people with a Zoroastrian civilisation in the lands beyond the Oxus. In both pre-Islamic and early Islamic times, Soghdian merchants were great travellers through Inner Asia, including along the Silk Route through eastern Turkestan to northern China, and references to Soghdian colonies in these remote regions are to be found not only in Chinese but also in Islamic sources. Thus the Hudud al-cdlam (ca. 370/980), tr. Minorsky, 99,
AL-SUGHD — SUGHDAK comm. 304, mentions the Soghdian colony in the lands of the Tukhsi Turks in the Semirecye called Bfglfligh ("home of the Beg's men") in Turkish and S.m.kna in Soghdian, and at tr. 95, comm. 274, five Soghdian villages belonging to a certain Beg-tigin in the Tarim basin, the land of the Toghuz Oghuz. Mahmud al-Kashgharf [q.v], Dlwdn lughdt al-turk, tr. Atalay, i, 29, 471, tr. R. Dankoff and J. Kelly, Compendium of the Turkic dialects, Cambridge, Mass. 1982-4, i, 84, 352, mentions the Soghdak (the form also found earlier in the Orkhon [q.v] inscriptions) settlers in the region of Balasaghun [q.v.], i.e. in the Cu valley, who had adopted Turkish dress and manners. The fact proved by R. Gauthiot that the Uyghurs borrowed their alphabet from the Soghdians seems to have been known in Islamic times, cf. Fakhr al-Dln Mubarak Shah (beginning of the 7th/13th century) in E.D. Ross in cAajab ndma, a volume of oriental studies presented to E.G. Browne, Cambridge 1922, 405. Turkish kent meaning "village, town" is already described as a Soghdian loan-word in the K. al-Kand fi ta'rikh Samarkand (text in W. Barthold, Turkestan v epokhu mongolskago nashestuiya, i, Teksti, St. Petersburg 1898, 48). As the name of a country, Sughd had a much narrower application in the Islamic period than in antiquity. According to al-Istakhrf (316), Sughd proper comprised the lands east of Bukhara from Dabusiyya to Samarkand; he also says that others also included Bukhara, Kish and Nasaf in Sughd. Kish sometimes appears as the capital of Sughd, e.g. al-Yackubf, Bulddn, 299, 14; it is possible that the oldest Chinese name for the region of Kish, Suhiai (old pronunciation Su-git) is a reproduction of the name Sughd; it is so taken by J. Marquart, Chronologie der altturkischen Inschriften, Leipzig 1898, 57. In another passage (293), al-Yackubf describes Samarkand as the capital of Sughd; Kish and Nasaf are included in Sughd but Bukhara is separated. It is not known what geographical connotation Sughd had for al-Bfrum; whenever he associates a Soghdian festival with a particular district, it is always some village in the territory of Bukhara. Early Islamic al-Sughd thus comprised essentially the valley of the Zarafshan (lit. "gold spreader") river, which rose in the Buttaman mountains to the north of Caghaniyan [q.v.] and Rasht, and flowed westwards through the oases of Samarkand and Bukhara [q.w] before losing itself in the deserts to the north of the middle Oxus. It is this river which is described by the mediaeval geographers as the Nahr al-Sughd (e.g. by Ibn Hawkal, ed. Kramers, 486, tr. Kramers-Wiet, 466; al-MukaddasI, 19; the Namik (?) in al-Yackubl, Bulddn, 293, tr. Wiet, 111, possibly echoing the ancient Iranian name of the river, Namik, Chinese transcription Na-mi); and by the Hudud al-cdlam, tr. 73, as the river of Bukhara. The present name Zarafshan does not appear in historical sources before the 18th century, according to Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion, 82. The Arabs first crossed the Oxus in the reign of the caliph 'Uthman, apparently in 33/653-4, and subsequently attacked such Soghdian city-states as Kish [q.v], Bukhara and Samarkand. The securing of Arab political control over Soghdia was, however, a protracted process, and the course of Islamisation even slower; for details, see MA WARA' AL-NAHR. In his Ta3nkh-i Bukhara, Narshakhl, ed. Schefer, 47, tr. Frye, The history of Bukhara, 48, comm. 135-6, quotes a few expressions in Soghdian, cited as the local language of the city (see the discussion in Frye, op. cit., 135-6), and according to al-IstakhrT, 314, Soghdian
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was spoken there. The Middle Iranian language of Soghdian undoubtedly survived well into the Islamic period, though not so long, it seems, as Khwarazmian, but was eventually overwhelmed by standard New Persian or Tadjik and by Turkish. Some of the surviving Soghdian texts could date from as late as the llth or 12th centuries. As noted above, the Soghdians were great travellers, and left documents and inscriptions in many distant regions, e.g. across the Karakoram mountains, via such passes as the one taken by the modern Karakoram Highway, and into the extreme north of modern Pakistan and India, where hundreds of inscriptions and graffiti of Soghdian travellers (unfortunately undated) have been found in recent years. Soghdian survives today in Yaghnobf, a NeoSoghdian dialect spoken in an isolated valley of eastern Islamic Soghdia, now in Tajikistan. See on Soghdian and its dialects, GIrPh, i/2, 334-44; HdOr, IV, 1, Iranistik, 52-6, 105-8; Compendium linguarum iranicarum, Wiesbaden 1989; IRAN. iii. Languages, in Suppl. In modern Central Asian topography, Sughd is only a part of the territory of Samarkand and a distinction is made between "Half-Sughd" (Nlm Sughud) on the island between the two arms of the Zarafshan (Ak Darya and Kara Darya), and "Great Sughd" (Sughud-i Kalan) north of the Ak Darya. Bibliography (in addition to references given in the article): Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 461-73; Marquart, Erdnsahr, 88 n. 7; Barthold, K istorii orosheniya Turkestana, St. Petersburg 1914, 103-25, repr. in Socineniya, iii, Moscow 1965; idem, Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion, 82-142; Markwart, Wehrot und Arang, Leiden 1938, 28-9, 77-8; Hudud al-cdlam, tr. Minorsky, 113 ff.; E.V. Zeimal, in Camb. hist, of Iran, iii/1, 232-62; R.N. Frye, in ibid., iv, 136-61. (W. BARTHOLD-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) SUGHDAK (Sudak in Russian and Ukrainian; Io\)y8a(a or Io\)y8((x in Greek, Surozh in old Russian, Soldaia or Soldachia in mediaeval Italian), once a great seaport, now a small town on the coast of the Crimea (Ukraine) almost due north of the Anatolian port of Sinob [see SINUB], and some 40 km to the south-west of Theodosia [see KEFE] . In the 12th and 13th centuries, it was the principal port for trade between Russia and the Islamic and Mediterranean worlds, while also attracting a portion of the silk and spice trade from South Asia and the Far East. The origins of Sughdak are less well documented than those of Theodosia; unlike the latter and other settlements on the Black Sea coast which were founded by Greek colonists in Antiquity, Sughdak is believed to have sprung up as a Sogdian settlement (hence the name; see AL-SUGHD), possibly in the time of contacts between Central Asian Sogdians and the Byzantine Empire. The Byzantine Greek element asserted itself since the time of Justinian I (6th century), and received still more immigrants during the Iconoclastic Controversy (8th century); recent excavations have uncovered archaeological evidence beginning with the 6th century; eventually there was a bishop (archbishop from the 10th century) in the predominantly Orthodox city. At the same time, the growth of the Khazar [q.v] Kaghanate led to intermittent control of the Crimea by it, with the tudun or governor residing in Sughdak. The town became a thriving commercial port, despite occasional Byzantine-Khazar hostilities. Its exports were chiefly furs, wax and slaves from the Slavic hinterland, and they survived the subsequent irruptions of the Turkic Pecenegs [q.v] and Polovtsians (Cumans). Sughdak, like the rest of the
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Crimean coastland, developed as a cosmopolitan place, with Greek, Russian, and Kipcak elements existing side-by-side, and was frequented by merchants from Anatolia, Syria, Egypt and Byzantium; these were joined by Venetian merchants after the foundation of the Latin kingdom of Constantinople in 1204, although political domination fell to the Greek empire of Trebizond or to the Kipcak khans of the adjacent steppe. Ibn al-Athir, while mentioning the first Mongol sack in January 1223, describes madmat Sudak as "a city of the Kipcak ... on the sea coast, frequented by ships bringing cloths, which the Kipcaks buy from them and sell them slave girls and boys, burtdsi beaver and squirrel skins, and other products of their land..." (alKdmil, xii, 386). A curious episode was the brief conquest (probably in 1225-7) of Sughdak by an expedition sent by the Saldjukid sultan Kaykubad I [q.v.]; the ostensible reason was chastisement of the local leaders for mistreating the sultan's subjects, and an effort was made to turn the Christian town into a Muslim one. This episode was followed in 1238 by another sack by the Mongols, this time as part of their definitive conquest of southern Russia. Nevertheless, Sughdak continued to prosper as a port. William of Rubruck, the Franciscan envoy from St. Louis to the Mongols, landed there in 1253 after a fortnight-long voyage from Constantinople, as did in 1260 two brothers of the Polo family on the way to the court of Berke; Marco Polo the Elder owned a house in Sughdak, which in 1280 he willed to the local Franciscans. The end of the Latin kingdom in 1261 favoured Genoa over Venice, but for the time being it failed to affect Venice's position in Sughdak. At the same time, the growth of the Golden Horde as a member of the Mongol empire and suzerain of the Russian principalities, had a further stimulating effect on the trade passing through ports like Sughdak. A 1281 treaty between the emperor Michael Palaeologus and the Mamluk sultan Kalawun [q.v.] illustrates the importance of Sughdak in that period. The treaty, whose Arabic version is quoted by al-Kalkashandf (Subh al-acsha, xiv, 72-8), stipulates unhindered passage of merchants of both countries to and from Sughdak with such goods as slaves of both sexes. Meanwhile, Genoa made a vigorous entry into the competitive Black Sea trade. Genoese merchants in Sughdak are first documented for 1274. By 1365 the republic, firmly installed in Kefe since 1314, conquered Sughdak, and in 1380 Genoese commercial presence on Crimea's southern coast was formalised through a treaty with the Tatars as the colony of Gazaria (a name echoing the extinct Khazar Kaghanate), possessing the coast from Kefe (Theodosia) to Cembalo (Balaklava) and tied to the Golden Horde only by tenuous bonds of vassaldom and tribute. This colony then prospered until its conquest by the Ottomans. In the course of their two centuries-long presence in Sughdak, the Genoese transformed the harbour town into a stronghold whose fortifications still bear witness to past glory; it was administered by a consul subordinated to the principal consul in Kefe. Genoese possession, however, also caused Sughdak's decline well before the Ottoman conquest; for the Republic, favouring Kefe as the capital of the colony, gradually restricted the volume of activities permitted in other ports such as Sughdak. Sughdak fell to the Ottomans in July 1475. At the end of the siege, some of the inhabitants took refuge in a church which then, according to local tradition, became their tomb after its doors and windows had
been walled over; doubts about the genuineness of the account were dispelled by excavations undertaken in 1928. Bibliography: W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen-dge, Leipzig 1885-6, index s.v. Soldaja; idem, Die italidnischen Handelskohnien im Schwarzen Meere, in ^dtschr. Ju'r Staatswissenschqften, xviii (1862), 653-718; G.I. Bratianu, Recherches sur le commerce genois dans la Mer Noire au XIII siecle, Paris 1929, index s.v. Soldaia; B. Spuler, Die Goldene Horde, 2Wiesbaden 1965, index s.v. Sugdaq; B. Grekov and A. Yakubovskiy, ^plotaya Orda, Moscow-Leningrad 1950, index s.v. Sudak: M. Balard, La mer Noire et la Romanie genoise (XIHe-XVe siecles), London 1989; S.A. Sekirinskiy et alii., Krepost' v Sudake, Simferopol 1980; M. Canard, Le traite de 1281 entre Michel Paleologue et le Sultan Qald3un, in Byzantion, (1935), 669-80; Ibn Brbl, in Houtsma, Recueil, iv, 126-38; H. Duda, Die Seltschukengeschichte des Ibn Bibi, Vienna 1959, 139; W. Barthold, art. Sughdak, in El1. (S. SOUCEK) SUHAR, a mediaeval and modern town in 'Urnan conventionally Sohar (lat. 24° 23' N., long. 56° 45' E.). It is situated in the middle of the flat and sandy bay which is found on the coast of Arabia between Maskat in the south-east and the peninsula of Musandam in the north-east. The site is of no particular use as a harbour, even though it has a broad opening on to the Gulf of 'Urnan. But the reasons for the development of the region are the long, fertile and well-irrigated coastal plain of the Batina behind the site of the city, and also the east-west thoroughfare across the Djabal Akhdar which provides access to the Persian Gulf. Moreover, since ancient times, veins of copper have been exploited in the region; archaeological studies in metallurgy have shown that this ore has been mined in the region from the end of the 3rd millennium B.C. until the llth A.D., and copper ingots which were found on the eastern coast of the island of Bahrayn, south of the village of Zallah, also came from this region which was then known by the name Magan or Makan (Makkan). Magan also supplied copper to Mesopotamia and Elam. Another mineral resource of the valleys of the Djabal Akhdar was olivine gabbro, a dark stone which becomes outstandingly fine after polishing. Among the statues made from this were those of Gudea, King of the ancient Sumerian city of Lagash. Suhar is distinct from the other sites which at regular intervals mark out the coastline of the Batina (Sfb, Barka, Suwayh, Khabura, Lawa and Shinas), for it forms a tell, which is 500-700 m in diameter and rises to a height of about 10 m above sea level. The circle of empty areas which surrounds the tell at the lower levels is a reminder of the greater extent of the town in the middle ages; it is further encircled by palm groves. Until 1980, when the modern reconstruction of the town was begun, there were dilapidated remains of houses and mosques from the 18th to the 19th centuries sporadically covering the site, but there was no archaeological evidence of any occupation from pre-Islamic times. But the soundings which were undertaken between 1982-6 have revealed stratified layers of occupation for the site which are uninterrupted from the beginning of the Christian era (at a depth of about 1.80 m above sea-level) until the premodern period (at the summit of the tell, some 8 m higher). From the time of its foundation, the town had commercial contacts with western India, as is attested by the presence of many fragments of polished red ceramics, an Indian imitation of Roman sigillated
SUHAR pottery. In the higher levels, those corresponding to the Sasanid period, there are fragments of Chinese glazed earthenware jars which provide the oldest evidence for maritime exchanges between ports on the Sea of cUman and those in Southern China. In the first centuries of the Christian era, Suhar was probably known as Omana, a toponym attested by Pliny the Elder as well as by the anonymous author of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (dated to the 1st century of this era), but that identification of the name remains uncertain. In the 4th century, the city was mentioned as a part of the Sasanid empire under the name Emporium Persarum on the occasion of a mission carried out in Arabia by Theophilus the Indian. This bishop founded three churches in the peninsula, one of which was probably at Suhar. Consequently, the city and the region were designated by the Persian toponym Mazun, which is preserved in Arab Islamic historiography, and also in certain Chinese texts, which continue to use it until the 17th century. With the advent of Islam, the tribes of cUman became divided regarding their support of the new faith and the representatives of the prestigious al-Djulanda family, who according to tradition received the messengers of the Prophet at Suhar in 8/629-30, had to take refuge in the mountains until the submission of the opponents of the Prophet in 12/633-4. The Persians, who controlled the Batina and the stronghold of Rastak in the interior, were driven out and this was about the time when the toponym Mazun was replaced by that of Suhar. This was the name of a territory that had allegedly belonged to cAd b. cUs b. Irani b. Sam b. Nuh, and attempts were made to pass it off as an anthroponym, to create a pseudoauthentic bond between the city and a very ancient Arab founder. Suhar was the official place of residence for the governors appointed by the caliph during the 1st century A.H., and it was through Suhar, by mediation of the cUmams established at Basra, that the IbadI doctrine [see IBADIYYA] penetrated c Uman. The reign of the first Imam, al-Djulanda b. Mas'ud, had barely begun (in 132/750) when it was brutally interrupted by an attack from an 'Abbasid army sent to take back the country under the tutelage of the caliph. But cUman kept its de facto independence under the successors of al-Djulanda b. Mascud, the Yahmad, another branch of the confederation of the Shanu'a, who lived in Nazwa. In the last quarter of the 3rd/9th century, under the Imamate of al-Warith b. Kacb al-Kharusi, Harun al-Rashfd_ tried again to subdue the country, but his general, Tsa b. Dja'far b. Abi '1-Mansur, was defeated, imprisoned in the fort of Suhar and murdered there against the wishes of the Imam. In the last years of the same century, the rivalry between the "Yemenite" Ibadl tribes and the Sunn! Nizam tribes degenerated into a civil war, in the course of which the orthodox Sunnls called to their aid Muhammad b. Nur, the governor of Bahrayn. He conducted a terrible repression in Nazwa and the whole surrounding area, causing the exodus of many Suharls to Shlraz and Basra. When he departed, Muhammad b. Nur left behind a governor at Bahla, who soon established himself at Suhar, for it seemed he favoured the commercial interests of the city. However, the Karmatfs soon took control of 'Urnan and led raids against Basra from Suhar in 331/943 and 341/953, until in their turn they were conquered by the Buyids. After a mutiny by the Zandj and DaylamI contingents billeted at Suhar, which was severely put down by the Buyids, the town was devastated, and then again suffered
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through the Ghuzz invasion during its domination by the Saldjuks. It seems that these events, though they were brutal, were also short-lived, and they did not deeply affect the prosperity of Suhar. The town had been established for centuries and had been reinforced at the beginnings of Islam by flourishing maritime trade links with India, East Africa and China. Commercial relations with these countries were obviously close, for Suhar was known as the "warehouse of China"; furthermore, Chinese chronicles recorded the name of a Suharl, Shaykh cAbd Allah (Xin-ya-tuo-luo), who was called the director of foreigners at Canton in the 5th/llth century. There were other traders originating from Suhar, from Kalcat or from the interior who became famous in China, such as Abu CA1T (Bu-ha-er), who became the minister of the province of Fujian in the 7th/13th century. During the excavations of 1982-6, some traces of the beautiful houses of burnt brick which had belonged to the merchants and shipowners of the metropolis of the Batina were brought to light once again. Arab historiography of the 3rd-4th/9th-10th centuries conjures up the splendour of the city in this period, in particular thanks to the testimony of the Palestinian geographer al-Mukaddasf, who described it thus: "It is a flourishing place, well-populated, beautiful and pleasant to live in. There are elegant quarters lining the shore, and the houses are tall and stately, built of brick and teak wood. You can see the beautiful minaret of the Friday mosque rising close beside the sea, and inside the mihrab shimmers with reflections, now yellow, now green and red. But what delighted visitors above all was the suk of Suhar, where commodities from the whole world could be found." Archaeological excavations have clearly proved that the economic prosperity of Suhar came to an end in the course of the 7th/13th century. The series of events listed above probably played a large part, but there were also the incursions from Persia during the Mongol epoch (the arrival of Fakhr al-Dln and of Shihab al-Dfn in the second half of the century) which must have been the major cause, since these invasions are contemporary with the ruin of the city, as is evident from its archaeological stratigraphy. These incursions ended with the integration of Suhar into the empire of the princes of Hurmuz, and the building within the city of a fortress controlled by a Hurmuzl garrison. As a fortress, it was used to prevent the landing of cargoes in a port which had long been devoted to trade on the high seas, but rather to force them back towards Hurmuz, where the fiscal agents of the princes were awaiting them. Not one single piece of pottery imported from China has been found at Suhar in the levels corresponding to the period of the 8th-llth/14th-17th centuries. The Portuguese, who conquered Suhar in 913/1507, pursued the same political ends as the princes of Hurmuz, and stationed their officers and garrison within the fortress; occasionally they made attempts to plunder the forbidden goods which flooded into the city for their own profit. But the days of Portugese power in the region were numbered. Just at the time when they were chased from Hurmuz by the concerted action of the Safawids and the English, Nasir b. Murshid al-Yacrubi was elected Imam. He and his successors, Sultan b. Sayf in particular, first chased the Portuguese and then the Persians from cUman, and he set in motion an aggressive maritime and commercial policy involving vengeance against the former oppressors, where raids on
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the Portuguese possessions of India were mingled with piracy and bargaining. When the Safawids saw their maritime interests were suffering from these practices, they tried (without much success) to involve the European powers (England, Holland and France) against c Uman. In 1146/1738 they laid siege to Suhar, but the governor of the city, Ahmad b. Sacld, opposed them with fierce resistance. This feat of arms was the original claim to prowess of the dynasty of the Al Bu Sacld [q.v.~\, which is still in power in cUman today. At the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century, Suhar still enjoyed a considerable amount of maritime activity. J.R. Wellsted described it as the second city of eUman, with an annual revenue of 10,000 dollars from customs dues and with 9,000 inhabitants. Among them were about twenty Jewish families with a small synagogue, and still today there is a Jewish cemetery at Suhar which could date back to the 6th-7th/12th-13th centuries. On a number of the bricks used in the masonry of its tombs, as well as in the enigmatic wall which towers above them, are engraved Hebrew names in square characters. The general economy of Suhar was run down because of the transfer of activity to Zanzibar and through the limitations imposed by the British authorities on the business which the ships of cUman had been traditionally carrying out; the slave trade, in particular, was conducted specifically by the privateers of Sur. Suhar was finally ruined by the attacks of pirates who, in the 19th century became established in the neighbouring fort of Shinas, and also by internal rivalries in the region, in which Wahhabf elements played a part. Bibliography: 1. Archaeology. H. Peake, The copper mountain ofMagan, in Antiquity, ii (1928), 452-7; A. Williamson, Harvard archaeological survey in Oman, 1973, Sohar and the sea trade of Oman in the tenth century A.D., in Procs. Seminar for Arabian Studies, iv (1974), 78-96; P. Costa, The copper mining settlement of cArjd: a preliminary survey, in Jnal. of Oman Studies, iv (1978), 9-14; G. Weisgerber, Patterns of early Islamic metallurgy in Oman, in Procs. S for AS, x (1980), 115-26; idem, Copper production during the third millennium B.C. in Oman and the question of Makkan, in JOS, ii (1983), 269-76; TJ. Wilkinson, Sohar ancient field project. I-III, in ibid., i (1975), 159-66, ii (1976), 75-80, iii (1977), 13-16; R.L. Cleveland, Prelim, report on archaeological soundings at Sohar (Oman), in BASOR, cliii (1959), 11-19; M. Kervran and F. Hiebert, Sohar pre-islamique. Note stratigraphique, in Golf-Archaologie..., Gottingen 1991, 337-48; Kervran et alii, Suhdn houses, in JOS, vi (1983), 307-16; M. Pirazzoli-t'Serstevens, La ceramique chinoise de Qal'at al-Suhdr, in Arts Asiatiques, xliii (1988), 87-105; Costa and TJ. Wilkinson, The hinterland of Sohar ..., in JOS, ix (1987), 10-238; Kervran, Sohar Fort Museum. A guide book, Ministry of National Heritage and Culture, Muscat 1996. 2. History, (a) Pre-Islamic period. D.T. Potts, From Qade to Mazun: four notes on Oman, c. 700 B.C. to 700A.D., in JOS, viii (1985), 81-95; J.C. Wilkinson, Arab-Persian land relationships in late Sdsdnid Oman, in Procs. S for AS, v (1973), 40-51. (b) Islamic period. There is no history of the town, but for critical survey of the Arabic sources which provide some information, see idem, Suhar (Sohar) in the early Islamic period, the written evidence, in South Asian Archaeology 1977, Naples 1979, 887-907. These sources have been used for general studies on 'Uman, which bring some information on Suhar, esp. S.B. Miles, The countries and tribes of the Persian Gulf, London 1919; J.C. Wilkinson, Water and tribal settlement in SouthEast Arabia. A study of the Aflaj of Oman, Oxford 1977;
idem, The Imamate tradition of Oman, Cambridge 1987, 415. Amongst the copious Portuguese sources, see, e.g. Documentos remittidos da India/Livros das Monroes, 40 vols. mss., Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, of which 14 have been edited, esp. by R.A. Bulhao Pato, Lisbon 1880-1935 (for Suhar, see vols. ii, iv-ix, xii, xiv). Finally, see J.G. Lorimer, Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf Vman and Central Arabia, Bombay 1915, iiB, 183540; F. Barth, Sohar, society and culture in an Omani town, Baltimore 1983. (MONIQUE KERVRAN) AL-SUHAYLI, CABD AL-RAHMAN [see SupplJ. SUHAYM, called cAbd Bani '1-Hashas, meaning the slave of the Banu '1-Hashas (Asad, the clan Nufasa b. Sacld b. cAmr of the Banu Dudan), a slave-poet of the mukhadram who lived in Medina during the reign of cUthman b. 'Affan. He is not to be confused with his namesake Suhaym b. Wathfl al-Riyahi, a Tamfmf with a pure pedigree (as noted in the work of Ibn Shakir al-Kutubl, Fawdt al-wafaydt, Cairo 1951, i, 338). The traditions concerning him are very contradictory and it is difficult to put together even an approximate biography of the poet. The only dateable event is his purchase by cAbd Allah b. cUmar b. Abf Rabrca, to present him to the Caliph cUthman because of his poetic talent. But the caliph declined the offer and is supposed to have said that negro slave-poets address hiajd3 to their masters when they are hungry, but when they are full they write lewd songs (yushabbibund) about their women (Shu'ara3, 241; Aghdm, xxii, 305; Khizdna. ii, 104). The slave went back to his former master Djandal b. Macbad of the Banu '1-Hashas (Simt, 720). The precise date of his relationship with cUmayra, the daughter of Djanbal who is evoked in thtyd'iyya, is unknown. However, a poem by Suhaym tells of a sale that was planned but ended abruptly because of the implorings and pleas made by the slave (Diwdn, 56, rhyme rd3, metre tawil). He went back to Djandal and had another affair with a young woman. News of this affair spread and his masters put him to death by beating him with red-hot iron bars. His death occurred in 37/657-8 (al-Munta^am, v, 142). It is hard to date the other recorded episodes, and some of the scenes described in his Diwdn can be considered as poetic fiction, and as such they are without literary-biographical significance; see for example Diwdn, 15-16, 37-8. The poetry of Suhaym was collected by grammarians in the 3rd-4th/9th-10th centuries and has a pronounced linguistic character; see, in addition to the riwdya of Abu 'l-cAbbas al-Ahwal (died 259/873), those of Niftawayhi (died 323/935) and Ibn Djinni (died 392/1002), which have all survived. Moreover, his verses seem to have found favour with the nuhdt and with the lexicographers (Slbawayhi, al-Kitdb, Cairo 1403/1983, i, 350; iv, 225; Tha'lab, Maajdlis, Cairo 1948, 20, 2849; Ibn Durayd, Wasfal-matar wa 'l-sahdb, Damascus 1382/1963, 70; cAlf b. Hamza al-Basrl, alTanbihdt, Cairo 1967, 167; al-ZadjdjadjI, Amdli, Cairo 1382, 76-7, 130-1; Ibn Ya'fsh, Sharh al-mufassal, Cairo n.d., i, 119-24; al-Suyutl, Hamc al-hawdmic, Cairo 1327, i, 189; idem, al-Muzhir, Cairo n.d., ii, 195; Ibn Srdah, al-Mukhassas, Bulak 1316, iv, 59, ix, 103, 108, x, 69, xii, 260; xiii, 232; LCA, index of poets). Only some 240 verses are still in existence, and they are divided between three major themes: tribal poetry, love poetry and poetry of rebellion. Five fragments totalling 31 verses constitute an altogether secondary side of his poetic talent, and in the poems of this genre Suhaym certainly seems to play the role of
SUHAYM — SUHRAWARD a commemorative poet, as he recalls the battles (ayyarn) of Asad, such as Yawm al-Rashas (Diwdn, 49) and Yawm al-Liwa (ibid., 38-9, with the death of £Abd Allah b. al-Simma and the flight of his brother Durayd, an episode which inspired one of the most famous threnodies of pre-Islamic poetry), as he praises the bravery of his "fellow-tribesmen", and as he frequently plays the role of the counsellor. The Banu Ghadfra and the Nasr b. Kucayn were given eulogies (ibid., 49-50, 51, 52,' 52-4).' But his main contribution was love poetry. There is not the slightest trace of nasib in his work. On the contrary, his ycfiyya is a sensual hymn of praise to the complete woman. It is steeped in an atmosphere of licentiousness and his verses, which are knowingly obscene, portray a real woman to replace the ideally pure and somewhat conventional lady of the nasib (ibid., 16-33). However this hymn of passion delivers a serious blow to the woman's sense of self-respect, for he takes every opportunity to make disparaging remarks about his partner; Ghaliya, Hind, Mayya, Asma1, Sulayma, Umm cAmr and their friends are all pictured scantily dressed and all exhibit an insatiable thirst for men. Nothing is left to the imagination; language which is certainly very crude verges on the obscene and gives explicit names to the sexual organs (ibid., 34). The woman is very frequently presented as a sexual object and he never stops evoking details about positions and involuntary movements to express the carnal satisfaction of his partners in an atmosphere of sweat and scent. Terms that are visually vivid and convey fragrances play an essential role in his poetry. It is a poetry which is clearly anti-feminine and the virulence within it was hardly seen elsewhere during this period or even much later. Even in his most accomplished poems he finds an opportunity to take morbid pleasure in defiling women's bodies. Such novel motifs and new poetic tones provided an indispensable landmark for the emergence of the Hidjazf school of poetry, and it could even be said that Suhaym is one of the fathers of tashbib. The novelty of this poetry was astonishing. One perspicacious critic, Ibn Sharaf al-Kayrawanl, could use only psychological means to explain the phenomenon, suggesting that such poetry was in itself a compensation for his ugliness and his state of servitude (Rasd'il al-intikdd, 329-30, in Muhammad Kurd CAH, Rasd'il al-bulaghd3, Cairo 1365/1946). To express his revulsion at his social condition (Diwan, 54-5, 55, 56, 56-7, 57, 63-4, 65-6, 66-7) Suhaym borrowed a unique, albeit well-known and predictable, motif. He affirms his right to take responsibility for his condition, proclaiming that there is a contradiction between outward appearances (i.e. his black colour) and spiritual superiority (his soul that was sparkling white). The same worn-out theme runs through the verses of 'Antara or al-Haykutan, a negro poet contemporary with Djarfr (al-Djahiz, Fakhr alsuddn cald al-bidan, in Rasd'il al-Lfrdhiz, Cairo 13847 1964, i, 183-5). Bibliography: Diwdn Suhaym cAbd Earn 'l-Hashds, Cairo 1369/1950; Abu Tammam, K. al-Wahshiyydt, Cairo 1987, 192; Abu '1-Faradj al-Isfaham. Aghdm,3 xxii, 303-12; Washsha3, al-Muwashshd, Cairo 1373/ 1953, index; al-Khalidiyyan, al-Ashbdh wa 'l-na^d'ir, Cairo 1965, i, 58; ii, 19-20, 25, 42, 211, 246; Ibn £ Abd al-Barr al-Kurtubl, Bahftat al-ma^dlis, 1402/ 1982, index; Ibn Tabataba, clydr al-shicr, Cairo 1953, 33; al-Husrl al-Kayrawanf, %ahr al-dddb, Cairo 1969, 336; Abu Hilal al-cAskarf, Diwdn al-macdnl, Cairo 1352, ii, 76, 166; Ibn al-Djawzf, al-Muntazam, Beirut 1412/1992, v, 141-2; al-Kadl al-Djurdjam, al-Wasdta
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bayn al-Mutanabbi wa-khusumihi, Cairo 1386/1966, 213, 426; Ibn al-Shadjarf, al-Hamdsa al-shadj.ariyya, Damascus 1970, 545-6, 668;'Ibn Khallikan, ed. c Abbas, i, 40, ii, 295; cAbd al-Kadir al-Baghdadf, Khizdnat al-adab, Cairo 1409/1969, i, 258-68, ii, 101, 102-6, iv, 429, vi, 383, x, 126; DhahabI, Ta'rikh al-Isldm, Beirut 1407/1987, 669-71; Ibn Sacld alAndalusI, Nashwat al-tarab fi ta'nkh D^dhiliyyat al( Arab, 'Amman 1982, ii, 878; Safadl, al-Wdfi bi } l-wafaydt, xv, Wiesbaden 1979, 121-3; Blachere, HLA, ii, 318-19; with important bibl: Sezgin, GAS, ii, Leiden 1973, 288-9; B. Lewis, Race and slavery in the Middle East, Oxford 1990, 28-9, 89; DjurdjI Zaydan, Ta'nkh dddb al-lugha al-arabiyya, Cairo 1936, 146-7; Yahya al-DjuburT, Shi'r al-mukhadramm waathar al-Isldm fihi, 4Beirut 1993, 11, 63/253, 326; c Abduh Badawl, al-Shu'ard3 al-sud wa-khasd'isuhum fi >l-sMcr al-carabi, Cairo 1392/1973, 72-89; Muhammad Khayr Hal warn, Suhaym cAbd Bani 'l-Hashds, Beirut, n.d. (A. ARAZI) SUHRAWARD, a town of mediaeval Islamic Persia in Djibal [^.y.]? the ancient Media. Noldeke was the first to connect the name with Suhrab, and Marquart followed him, so that one may assume older forms of the name to have been *Suxrdp-kart, *Suhrdvgerd. Noldeke thought that the eponym of the town was the Suhrab who was a Persian governor of alHfra [q.v.]. Although this does not mean that the town was not founded till the time of this governor— it is only a hypothesis that he, and no other of the many known bearers of the name Suhrab, is the one in question—one should perhaps be careful not to date the foundation of the town at too remote a period. The classical geographers do not seem to have known the town; at least, no ancient name is known which could be applied to the place later known as Suhraward. The site of Suhraward cannot be located with absolute certainty. We have the statements of the Muslim geographers, according to which the town lay on the road from Hamadhan to Zandjan to the south of Sultaniyya. This road, 30 farsakhs long, was, according to al-Istaym, used in times of peace as the shortest route to Adharbaydjan; in troubled times the circuit via Kazwfn was taken. Ibn Hawkal states exactly the reverse about the use of these two routes. In the 4th/ 1 Oth century, the town was already in the hands of the Kurds; the inhabitants were mainly Kharidjites (Shurdt), who then emigrated, with the exception of those who stayed in their native town out of lack of courage or love of their home. The town, which had been walled, was destroyed by the Mongols; Mustawfi describes it as a little village with many Mongol villages around it. On account of the cold in the Median highlands, little was grown here beyond corn and the smaller fruits. Bibliography. On the etymology, see Th. Noldeke, Uber irdnische Ortsnamen auf -kert und andere Endungen, in ^DMG, xxxiii (1879), 143 ff., esp. 147; idem, Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur £eit der Sasaniden, 1879, 246 n. 1: J. Marquart, Erdnsahr, 238; Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, s.v. Suhrab.—The passages in the Muslim geographers are briefly utilised by G. Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 1905, 223, with references; those of the Arabs only fully in P. Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter nach den arab. Geographen, vii, Leipzig 1926, 731 ff.; see also Barthold, An historical geography of Iran, Princeton 1984, 208.—The only map which attempts to locate Suhraward is map V in Le Strange's book.—On famous men of Suhraward, see in addition to the
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biographical works, Yakut, Mu'djam, s.v. Suhraward, and Sam*am, K. al-Ansdb, s.v. al-Suhrawardf. (M. PLESSNER*) AL-SUHRAWARDI, ABU 'L-NADJIB £ABD AL-KAHIR c J b. Abd Allah al-Bakrl, Diya al-Dln, a Sunn! mystic who flourished in the 6th/12th century. Born about 490/1097 in Suhraward [q.v.], west of Sultaniyya, in the Djibal region, Abu '1-Nadjfb, genealogically linked with Abu Bakr, died in 563/1168 at Baghdad. Abu '1-Nadjfb moved to Baghdad as a young man, probably in 507/1113, where he studied hadith, Shafi'f law, Arabic grammar and belles-lettres. A paternal uncle of Abu '1-Nadjfb, 'Urnar b. Muhammad (d. 532/1137-8), head of a Sufi convent in Baghdad, invested him with the Sufi khirka [see TARIKA], Probably before his arrival in Baghdad, Abu '1-Nadjfb already studied hadith in Isfahan. At about 25, in Baghdad, he abandoned his studies at the Nizamiyya [q.v.], a Saldjuk institution, in order to lead a solitary life of asceticism. He returned to Isfahan to join the illustrious Sufi Ahmad al-Ghazalf (d. 520/1126 [q.v]). When he went back to Baghdad he became a disciple of Hammad al-Dabbas (d. 525/ 1130-1) who, albeit considered an illiterate, stands out as a teacher of cAbd al-Kadir al-Djflanf [q.v.]. Abu '1-Nadjfb is said to have earned a living for a number of years as a water-carrier. He began to preach Sufism, and he founded a convent on the western bank of the Tigris. In 545/1150-1 Abu '1-Nadjfb was appointed to teach fikh in the Nizamiyya. However, in 547/1152-3 he was dismissed from office, as a result of the power struggle between the caliph and the Saldjuk sultan. Both before and after his appointment at the Nizamiyya, Abu '1-Nadjfb taught fkh and hadith in his own madrasa, situated next to his ribdt, and he continued teaching Sufism. In 557/1161-2 he left Baghdad for Jerusalem, but he could not travel beyond Damascus because Nur al-Dfn Zangf [q.v] and Baldwin had resumed their hostilities. After being received with honour in Damascus, Abu '1-Nadjfb returned to Baghdad. Some years later he died and was buried in his madrasa there. His students were numerous and included, in hadith, the historian Ibn c Asakir [q.v] and the traditionist al-Sam'anf. His disciple cAmmar al-Bidlfsf (d. between 590/1194 and 604/1207) occupies an important place in the history of Sufism as a teacher of Nadjm al-Dfn al-Kubra [q.v]. Abu '1-Nadjfb had his most far-reaching influence, however, through his disciple and nephew, Abu Hafs cUmar al-Suhrawardf [q.v], the famous author of the 'Awdrif al-mcfarif. Abu '1-Nadjfb was not a productive author. He wrote the Ghanb al-masdbih, a commentary on a popular hadith collection, but his fame as a writer rests on his composition of the Addb al-mundin. However, the Addb became widely known only with the spread of the Suhrawardiyya order founded by his nephew c Umar after Abu '1-Nadjfb's death. In the Addb Sufism is viewed from the perspective of rules of conduct (adab). The book treats of, inter alia, common practices which did not conform to the strict etiquette required by Sufi theory. By applying the traditional concept of rukhsa ("dispensation", pi. rukhas] in a novel way, Abu '1-Nadjfb responds to the phenomenon of an affiliation of lay members to Sufism. Whilst Abu '1-Nadjfb also draws on various works of al-Sulamf, al-Sarradj and al-Kushayrf [^.w.], he betrays the closest dependence on Ibn Khafff al-Shfrazf [q.v.], whose Kitdb al-Iktisdd he quotes throughout the Addb. However, he never identifies him when he excerpts from the Iktisdd. The reason for this lies in the fact that Abu
'1-Nadjib inverts Ibn Khafff's fundamentally negative view of rukhas \ the very dispensations whose adoption by the "truthful novice" Ibn Khafff interpreted as a failure to fulfill the requirements of sidk ("truthfulness"), are introduced in the Adab and vindicated by Abu '1-Nadjfb. It may be argued that the rukhas incorporated an element of instability into the Rule and that this heralded a decline from the "high ground" of the Sufi spirituality of Abu '1-Nadjfb's predecessors. Bibliography: Suhrawardf, Abu '1-Nadjfb, K. Addb al-mundin, ed. M. Milson, Jerusalem 1977; idem, A Sufi Rule for Novices: Kitdb Adab al-mundin of Abu al-Najib al-Suhrawardi. An abridged translation and introduction, Cambridge, Mass. 1975; I.R. Netton, The breath of felicity. Adab, ahwdl and maqdmdt and Abu Najib al-Suhrawardi, in L. Lewisohn (ed.), Classical Persian Sufism: from its origins to Rumi, London 1993, 457-82, repr. in Seek knowledge. Thought and travel in the House of Islam, Richmond, Surrey 1996, 71-92; F. Sobieroj, Ibn Hajif as-Sirdzi und seine Schrifi zur Novizenerziehung (kitdb alTqtisdd}. Biographische Studien, Edition und Ubersetzung, Beirut-Wiesbaden 1996; R. Gramlich, Die Gaben der Erkenntnisse des cUmar asSuhrawardi (tr. of cAwdrif al-macdrif, Wiesbaden 1978, 3-4; Sam'anf, Ansdb, Haydarabad 1976/1396, vii, 307 (s.v. al-Suhrawardi); Ibn al-Djawzf, Muntazam, Haydarabad 1357-9, x, 75; Ibn al-Athfr, Lubab, Cairo 1386, i, 589-90 (s.v. al-Suhrawardi)\ idem, Kami, Cairo 1301, xi, 149 (s.a. 563); Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt, ed. I. 'Abbas, Beirut 1970, iii, 204; Dhahabf, Siyar acldm al-nubald3, Beirut 1401-5/1981-5, xx, 475-8; idem, al-flbarfl khabar man ghabar, Kuwayt 1963, iv, 181-2; Subkf, Tabakdt al-Shdficiyya, ed. M. al-Tanahf and £A. al-Hulw, Cairo 1383-8/ 1964-8, vii, 173-5 (no. 881); Hamd Allah Mustawff, Ta'rikh, ed. Nawa'f, n.p. 1336-9, 666; Safadf, alWdfi bi 'l-wafaydt, 1931 ff., xix, 48-9; Djamf, Nafahdt ul-uns, ed. Tawhfdipur, Tehran 1336/1957, 417; Sha'ranf, al-Anwdr al-kudsiyya, Beirut 1978, i, 31, 50. (F. SOBIEROJ) AL-SUHRAWARDI, &IIHAB AL-DlN ABU HAFS £ UMAR (539-632/1145-1234), one of the most important S u f f s in Sunnf Islam. He was born and grew up in the town of Suhraward [q.v.], later destroyed by the Mongols, in the Persian province of Djibal, to the west of Sultaniyya. He should not be confused with other persons carrying the nisba "al-Suhrawardf", in particular, not with his contemporary the mystic Shihab al-Dfn Yahya al-Suhrawardf al-Maktul [q.v.], put to death in Aleppo in 587/1191 because of his heretical ideas in religious and political matters. Abu Hafs cUmar al-Suhrawardf came in his youth to Baghdad, where his uncle Abu '1-Nadjfb alSuhrawardf [q.v], himself a famous Sufi, introduced him to the religious sciences and made him also familiar with the duties of a preacher. Abu Hafs followed his uncle's courses both in the Nizamiyya and in the latter's ribdt [q.v] on the shore of the Tigris, a much-visited centre of the Sufi way of life. He often mentions his uncle in his main work fAwdrif al-macdrif (e.g. ch. 30, section on humility). Another important teacher of Abu Hafs in Baghdad was the Hanbalf Sufi and jurist shaykh, cAbd al-Kadir al-Djilanf [q.v]. The close relationship of the still quite young alSuhrawardf with the famous shaykh, who was already approaching the end of his life, was significant for al-Suhrawardf's later attitude towards religio-dogmatic questions. cAbd al-Kadir is said to have dissuaded al-Suhrawardf from occupying himself with kaldm [q.v]
AL-SUHRAWARDI and to have warned him in particular against the use of kiyds (see Ibn Radjab, Dhayl, i, 296-7). In doing so, he is said to have mainly talked him out of reading al-Djuwaynfs K. al-Shdmil and al-Shahrastanfs Mhdyat al-akddm, both leading works of Ash'ari theology. Al-SuhrawardT was not a Hanbalf, as cAbd al-Kadir was, but a traditionalistic ShafTf, which was rather typical in Baghdad. With respect to al-Suhrawardl's spiritual career, it is important to note that his later violent attacks against the mutakallimun corresponded to an initial personal interest in their doctrine (for other teachers of al-SuhrawardT, see Gramlich, Gaben, 6-13). After his uncle's death in 563/1168, al-Suhrawardf followed "the path of seclusion". He preached and headed mystical meetings in Abu '1-NadjIb's ribat, which soon extended to several other places in Baghdad. He was a trained orator, one of the most successful traditionalist preachers in the 'Abbasid metropolis. He put his audience into ecstasies, so that many cut their hair or were spiritually transported away from the world. His pulpit was made of clay, as prescribed by the ascetic way of life. Al-Suhrawardl maintained friendly relations with Mu c fn al-Dfn al-Cishtl [q.v], the founder of the Indian Clishtiyya order which, in its early period, orientated itself completely on al-Suhrawardfs cAwdrif. He maintained a particularly close relation with Nadjm al-Dln al-Razf, known as al-Daya [q.v], a murid of Nadjm al-Dfn al-Kubra [see KUBRA], whom he had met in 618/1221 in Malatya while the latter was on his way from Khwarazm to Asia Minor. Daya submitted his Mirsdd al-cibdd to al-Suhrawardl, who expressed his unrestricted approval and gave him a letter of recommendation for the Rum Saldjuk Sultan cAlas al-Dln Kaykubad I in Konya (see Mirsdd., 22-4). Though referring to the doctrine of the "pious forefathers" [see AL-SALAF WA 'L-KHALAFJ, al-Suhrawardl in his mystical ideas went far beyond this, up to the point of even accepting, be it in a limited way, the and 'l-hakk of al-Halladj [q.v]. Yet the freedom which al-Suhrawardl permitted himself in his judgement of the executed mystic did not bring him into agreement with the doctrines of contemporary "freethinkers". In strong words, he turned against the pantheism of his contemporary Ibn al-cArab! [q.v]. According to al-Suhrawardl, the latter had started to establish a despicable connection between tasawwuf [q.v.~\ and elements of Greek philosophy. The often-quoted story of the meeting in Baghdad between the very famous and controversial Andalusian mystic and al-Suhrawardl, his elder by about twenty years (see Ibn al-clmad, Shadhardt, v, 193-4), contains legendary elements (cf. Cl. Addas, The quest for the Red Sulphur, Cambridge 1993, 240-1, who discounts the story). His contacts with Ruzbihan al-Bakll [q.v.] (see Djaml, Nafahdt, 418) also belong to the realm of legend. On the other hand, his meeting with Ibn al-Farid [q.v.], perhaps the most important mystical poet in the Arabic language, is historical. They met in the haram of Mecca in 628/1231 during al-Suhrawardfs last pilgrimage (cf. al-YaficT, Mir3at al-ajandn, iv, 77-8; Djamf, Nafahdt, 542-3; Diwdn Ibn al-Farid, 147). The interest shown by the 'Abbasid caliph al-Nasir [q.v] in al-Suhrawardl's gatherings, and the ruler's first extraordinary marks of goodwill towards the shaykh, e.g. the foundation of the ribat al-Marzubaniyya in 599/1202-3 (also known as ribat al-Mustadjadd, situated on the shore of the Nahr clsa in West Baghdad) occurred in a period in which al-Nasir had intensively begun to promote the Sun" branch of \hzjutuwwa
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[q.v] and to put it at the service of the caliphate. The development of a new futuwwa, led by the caliph as a kibla, was no less important to al-Nasir than it was to al-Suhrawardl. The caliph thus obtained a unique political instrument, while the shaykh in his turn saw his personal prestige spread far and wide outside Baghdad, as well amongst the circle of students which was gradually taking shape and from which the tanka al-Suhrawardiyya [q.v] later originated. In his works, al-Suhraward! supported the union of futuwwa and tasawwuf. Interpreting the jutuwwa as a part of the tasawwuf (Iddla, fol. 89a-b), he created the conditions necessary for both supporting the caliphate through the tasawwuf and for sanctioning Islamic mystics by means of the highest Islamic institution, the caliphate. In his Iddlat al-ciydn cald 'l-burhdn (fol. 88a), al-Suhrawardl considers the relation of a Sufi teacher (shaykh) to his novice (murid) as being analogous to that of the caliph, who is the mediator (wdsita) appointed by God between the absolute One (Allah] and the people (nds). However, a reference to the idea of consensus (idjmdc) is missing in this context. AlSuhrawardl developed a theory which co-ordinates the concepts of futuwwa, tasawwuf and khildfa in an upward relation: "The supreme caliphate is a booklet (dqftar) of which the tasawwuf is a part; tasawwuf in its turn is also a booklet of which the Jutuwwa is a part. The jutuwwa is specified by pure morals (al-akhldk al-zakiyyd)', tasawwuf also includes the pious actions and religious exercises (awrdd); the supreme caliphate comprises the mystical states, the pious actions and the pure morals" (Iddla, fol. 89a-b). The comparison of the caliphate with a booklet, which contains tasawwuf and futuwwa in a subordinate way, is reminiscent of the hierarchy of the concepts of shari'a, tanka and hakika found in al-Suhrawardfs Risdlat al-futuwwa (Aya Sofya 3155, fol. 186b), which are also linked in gradations. Here the Shari'a is the higher concept, used on the same level as khildfa. In relation to one another both concepts represent a unity. The bilateral relation which, according to alSuhrawardi, existed between the caliphate and Sufism explains why the caliph sent the shaykh several times to the courts of rulers as his representative. To the best-known diplomatic missions belong al-Suhrawardl's visits to the Ayyubids [q.v.]. In 604/1207-8, after al-Nasir had declared himself the mandatory kibla for all members (fitydn) of the futuwwa., he sent alSuhrawardl to the courts of al-Malik al-Zahir in Aleppo (cf. Ibn Wasil, Mufarridj, iii, 180), of ai-Malik al-cAdil in Damascus (op. cit., 181-2), and of al-Malik al-Kamil in Cairo (op. cit., 182; Ibn al-SacI, Djdmi', ix, 259). On his return to Baghdad, the shaykh was greeted by immense expressions of sympathy and processions in his honour, just as he had experienced during his journey. But al-Suhrawardfs new ostentatious pomp and his breach of the rules of a Sufi" way of life was not agreable to the caliph, who withdrew from him the direction of the ribdts and banned him from preaching (cf. Sibt Ibn al-DjawzI, Mir'dt, fol. 306b, which is lacking in the Haydarabad edition; Ibn Kathfr, Biddya, xiii, 51-2). The event caused quite a public stir in Baghdad. Only the shaykh's inner repentance, his renouncing property and money, and his complete return to the ideal of a Sufi way of life brought about the lifting of the measures taken against him and reconciliation with the caliph. Never again was a cloud cast upon their friendship. Ten years later, when the cAbbasid caliphate, through the politics of the Khwarazm Shah [see KHWARAZM SHAHS], found itself in a difficult position,
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both militarily and constitutionally, al-Suhrawardi was entrusted with a second important diplomatic mission. In order to defend the caliphate, al-Nasir sent him in 614/1217-8 to Ramadan, where the Khwarazm Shah 'Ala1 al-Dln Muhammad II, who was already marching against Baghdad, gave him a chilly reception in his state tent. The Khwarazm Shah was not prepared to accept al-Nasir as caliph. On the decisive question, whether it was permitted to the caliph, by reason of the public interest, to keep members of the cAbbasid dynasty, namely his own son and the latter's family, in prison, or whether the hadith should be applied according to which no harm could be caused to descendants of al-cAbbas b. £Abd al-Muttalib [q.v.], al-Suhrawardi did not reach agreement (cf. Sibt Ibn al-Djawzf, Mir3at, viii, 582-3; Nasawf, Sira, 51-2; Ibn Kathfr, Biddya, xiii, 76); the mission failed. On the other hand, al-Suhrawardf's mission in 618/1221 to the new Saldjuk sultan of Rum, cAla' al-Dm Kaykubad [see KAYKUBAD i], was successful. In the caliph's name the shaykh brought the sultan the tokens of rulership: the diploma with the titles and insignia of a sultan and of the delegated state power over the Islamic regions of Asia Minor, the ruler's robe of honour, the sword and the signet ring. Al-Suhrawardl was also successful in recruiting members for the caliph's Jutuwwa, which was joined in Konya by Kaykubad and many officials and scholars. Al-Suhrawardi led the initiation ceremonies. The extraordinary friendly atmosphere is described by Ibn Bfbf [q.v.] in his chronicle of the Saldjuks. According to Franz Taeschner, al-Suhrawardf's political and Sufi activities in Asia Minor could be interpreted as a secession from the caliph's Jiituwwa. On the basis of linguistic peculiarities in one of al-Suhrawardf's Persian epistles (see Risalat al-Jiituwwa, Aya Sofya 3155, fols. 185a-190b), e.g. because he uses akhi instead of Jutuwwatddr, and because the usual classification into sayfi and kawli, common in the organisation of the akhts [q.v.~], as well as the term tarbiya are used, Taeschner surmised that the Jutuwwa represented by al-Suhrawardl was not identical with that of the caliph, but that there had been close relations between the akhis of Anatolia and Persia and even a Jutuwwa of al-Suhrawardl's own (Taeschner Schrift, 280). Cahen (Pre-Ottoman Turkey, 196 ff.) and Breebaart (Turkish Jutuwah guilds, 109-39), on the other hand, have shown that a consistent terminology was not yet common in Anatolia in the 7th/13th century. It can be assumed that there were strong rivalries within Sufism, the Jutuwwa and the akhis in Anatolia. Besides, the Anatolian akhts did not form a definitely constituted professional organisation, as has been thought in the past; on the basis of their ethical principles they can rather be considered as a widely-spread tonka (cf. Kopriilii, Ilk mutasavvijlar, 212-13). A comparative study of al-Suhrawardl's terminology and that of other writers, including of anonymous contemporary authors, is still lacking. Just as al-Suhrawardf spread the caliph's "purified Jutuwwa", he enjoyed support during his journeys by followers for his own Sufi doctrine and his theological view of the world. He himself considered the latter as wisdom within the Prophet's inheritance, as a complete representation of all branches of religious knowledge and standards of behaviour. Yet there is also, especially in al-Suhrawardfs works of his last years, a mixture of traditionalist Sufi concepts with heterogeneous thoughts which can be traced back to gnostic and Neo-Platonic elements. A conclusive investigation is still lacking. Al-Suhrawardl's numerous dis-
ciples and friends spread his doctrine mainly in Syria, Asia Minor, Persia and North India. His pupils—and not he himself as has been thought for a long time— founded the Suhrawardiyya, the famous order named after him. Next to the Cishtiyya, the Kalandariyya and the Nakshbandiyya [q.w.], the Suhrawardiyya became one of the leading Islamic orders in India, where it still exists. Among the most successful propagators of al-Suhrawardfs doctrine were his disciples c Alf b. Buzgkush (d. 678/1279-80 in Shiraz), Baha' al-Dm Zakariyya5 [q.v], who founded the Suhrawardiyya in Sind and in the Pandjab (cf. Djamf, Nafahdt, 504) and Djalal al-Dm Tabriz! [see TABRIZ!, DJALAL AL-DIN] who was active mainly in Bengal. According to a devotee of the orders of the 8th/14th century, the Suhrawardiyya was more subdivided than other orders, so that enumerating its establishments and members is not easy. Works. Al-Suhrawardi left behind a sizeable number of writings, in which all traditions of classical Islamic mysticism and religious sciences are represented. 1. cAwdrif al-mafarif is the title of his main work. It is a famous and comprehensive handbook (vade-mecum) for Suits, which has influenced permanently the thoughts of millions of believers and which is still used today. In this work were incorporated the older Sufi literature, the tafsir of Sahl al-Tustan [q.v.], the Haka'ik al-tafsir of Abu cAbd al-Rahman al-Sulaml [see AL-SULAMI], and the handbooks of Abu Nasr al-Sarradj [see AL-SARRADT], of Abu Talib al-Makkf [q.v.], of Abu Bakr al-Kalabadhl [see AL-KALABArai], and of Abu '1-Kasim al-Kushayrf [see AL-KUSHAYR!] and other Sufi" tabakdt literature and commentaries on the Kur'an. The themes treated comprise in 63 chapters the whole of Sufi way of life, the relation of the novice to the shaykh, the latter's tasks, a human being's self-knowledge, the revelations of the Sufis on this point and the explanation of what happens when one is in the mystical "state" (hdl) and when in the "station" (makdni). It is not known when the 'Awdrif was composed, but the terminus ad quern is 612/121516 (cf. Hartmann, Bemerkungen, 124-5), and thus it is certain that al-Suhrawardl wrote his work at a period in which his theoretical epistles on Jutuwwa also came into being. Persian translations and commentaries of the 'Awdrtf were already made during the author's lifetime. The most important basis for the continuation of al-Suhrawardl's thoughts in the Persian-speaking world was the Misbdh al-hiddya wa-miftdh al-kifdya by clzz al-Dm Mahmud b. cAH-i Kashanf (d. 735/ 1334-5). This work contains most of the doctrines of the {Awdrif, but adds personal ideas (Eng. tr. by H. Wilberforce Clarke, printed as a supplement to his translation of the Diwdn of Hafiz, Calcutta 1891). There still is no critical edition of the cAwdrif. The best-known editions are those of Cairo 1358/1939 (printed in the margin of al-Ghazalr's Ihyd* culum aldin] and of Beirut 1966, but both are defective. The partial edition of Cairo 1971 contains only chs. 1-21 and is based on later manuscripts. In his German translation (Die Gaben der Erkenntnisse, Wiesbaden 1978), Richard Gramlich has corrected the mistakes of the existing editions by adducing better variants, thus providing for the first time a reliable basis for the text. There are several Turkish translations, the last one being Istanbul 1990. 2. Rashf al-nasa'ih al-imdniyya wa-kashf al-fadd3ih al-yundniyya (Reisiilkiittab 465, Kopriilii 728) is a polemic against the arguments of the apologetic-dialectical theology (kaldm], against Islamic philosophy and its ancient origins. In this work, composed in
AL-SUHRAWARDI 621/1224, the author, already aged and almost blind, reveals to what extent his theological-mystical thinking had developed. The 'Awdrif al-mafdrif was still completely grounded in the Shaficf-Ashcarf orthodoxy, but the works of his old age, especially the Rashf al-nosd^ih, show concepts and borrowings from the tradition of his intellectual adversaries, e.g. from the faldsifa on one hand, and from the refutation of the latter derived from the (crypto-) Ismacflf viewpoint of the heresiographer Muhammad b. cAbd al-Kanm al-Shahrastanl [q.v.] on the other. In the Rashf, al-Shahrastani's theology has become the basis of a peculiar concept of creation and of anthropology. This doctrine can be followed far back in Islamic gnosis, e.g. the myth of the cosmic marriage between spirit and soul as the starting-point of the origin of the universe, the participation of earthly man in the universal spirit and the universal soul, the world as macranthropos, man as a microcosmos, the classification of the strata of the earth in ajism and djirm. Al-Suhrawardl adopts other ideas which he believed he was refuting: he draws up a hierarchical series of creatures which emanate from the primordial creature with the help of God's command (amr). This creature he calls "the mighty spirit" (al-ruh al-a'zani). It is identical with the prima causa of the philosophers, and it is "One" (wdhid), just like God. While God is above existence (mud^id), His first and most beloved creature has the tasks of a necessitator (muajib). The first to originate from it is "the intellect of the primordial quality" of the human being (cakl fitri, i.e. the intellect of the prophets), the second is the soul, while "the intellect of the creational quality" (cakl khalkl, i.e. the intellect of the philosophers) comes only in the third place. Then follow the spheres, down to the sphere of the moon. Al-Suhrawardl unites these concepts with the Ash'arf doctrine of sabab and with popular mythologumena into an innovative conception of theological thinking. The work is dedicated to the caliph al-Nasir, whom al-Suhrawardi quotes as an authority on hadlth. The political and religious aim of this work consists in the fact that the author unites contradictory dogmatic trends into an—in his eyes—purified traditionalism, in order to strengthen the cAbbasid caliphate by using hadith as a tool and by involving tasawwuf to reform the intellectual education. The work offers a politicoreligious middle course (wasat, tawassut), from which were only excluded those who challenge the unicity of God (wahddniyyd). These are, in al-Suhrawardfs opinion, the philosophers with their doctrine of the prima causa and their analogies, by which they have committed polytheism (shirk). That is why he calls them the enemies of the umma, while the Shl'fs, including the Isma'flfs, are not attacked. There exist recensions of the Rashf with and without its Neo-Platonic adaptations. The work was translated into Persian by Mu c m al-Dm al-Yazdl (d. 789/1387) [qv.], the historian of the Muzaffarids [q.v.] and provided with borrowings from Ibn alc Arabfs theosophy (ed. Tehran 13657]986). The Persian historiographer Muhammad al-Idjf [q.v.], who wrote ca. 781/1380, based the methodological part of his history of religions and cultures Tuhfat al-fakir ild sahib al-safir (Turhan Valide Sultan 231), partly wordfor-word on al-Suhrawardl's argumentation. In the 7th/13th century, a refutation of the Rashf was composed under the tide Kashf al-asrdr al-lmdniyya wa-hatk al-astdr al-hutdmiyya. The author, Piyaj al-Dfn Mascud b. Mahmud (d. 655/1257-8), was a scholar from Shfraz and a disciple and friend of Fakhr al-Dln al-RazI [q.v]. 3. Iddlat al-ciydn cald 'l-burhdn (Bursa, Ulu Cami,
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Tas. 1597), also a refutation of philosophy. This work was finished after the Rashf, between 622/1226 and 632/1234, and contains the same underlying ideas, but the linguistic style is more precise. Quotations from authorities and mythological themes are less frequently brought up. Instead, al-Suhrawardl develops an independent theory of the state in which caliphate, futuwwa and Sufism, as described above, are linked together. In the third section, al-Nasir's grandson, al-Mustansir [q.v] is mentioned as patron of the futuwwa. 4. ridm al-hudd wa-cakldat arbdb al-tukd (A§ir Ef. 416/10), composed in 632/1234, is a treatise on religion, in which the author tries to explain to the conservative Hanballs in Baghdad the theological arguments of the Ashcarls concerning God and the theodicy. The author's aim is to promote the unity of the Muslim community in the face of the Mongol danger. 5. Nughbat al-baydn fi tafsir al-Kur'dn (Haci Be§ir Aga/Eyiip 24, dated 610/1214) is a commentary on the Kur'an, which should be situated in the tradition of Kur'an exegesis as practised by the Sufis al-Tustarf and al-Sulaml. 6. Al-Suhrawardi carried on an extensive correspondence, from which have survived, among others, letters to the theologian Fakhr al-Dln al-RazI [q.v.]. 1. For his disciples, al-Suhrawardl wrote spiritual testaments (wasiyya, pi. wasdyd], in which he admonishes them to observe the duties of a Sufi" on the basis of the sciences approved by Kur'an and sunna. Also in the wasdyd, al-Suhrawardl speaks of the close connection between Jutuwwa and tasawwuf. Further writings and collections of sayings of al-Suhrawardf, as well as their manuscripts, are mentioned in the publications of H. Ritter, A. Hartmann and R. Gramlich (see BibL). Al-Suhrawardf died in Baghdad at the age of 90 in Muharram 632/November-December 1234 and was buried in a turba in the makbarat al-wardiyya, the cemetery of the Sufis (cf. Ibn al-Fuwatf, Hawddith, 74; Sibt Ibn al-DjawzI, Mir'dt, fol. 359b). His tomb has been venerated as a sanctuary since the 8th/14th century. After Baghdad had been conquered by the Ottoman sultan Murad IV, the tomb, which had become dilapidated, was in 1638 restored, together with the tombs of Abu Hamfa and cAbd al-Kadir al-Djllanf. Bibliography: Diwdn Ibn al-Fdrid, ed. Karam al-Bustam, Beirut 1376/1957; Djaml, Nafahdt al-uns, ed. Mahdl TawhldT-Pur, Tehran 1336/1958; Ibn Blbl, in Houtsma (ed.), Recueil, iv; Ibn al-Fuwatf, al-Hawddith al-ajdmica, Baghdad 1932; Ibn al-clmad, Shadhardt al-dhahab, Cairo 1350/1931; Ibn Kathfr, Bidaya, Beirut 1966; Ibn Radjab, Dhayl, Cairo 1372/1952-3; Ibn al-SacI, al-D^dmi' al-mukhtasar, ix, Baghdad 1353/1934; Ibn Wasil, Mufani^, Cairo 1953-72; Nadjm al-Dln al-RazI al-Daya, Mirsdd al-cibdd, ed. M. Amln Riyahl, Tehran 1352/1973; Nasawl, Sirat al-sultdn D}aldl al-Dtn, Cairo 1953; Sibt Ibn al-DjawzI, Mifdt al-zamdn, viii, Haydarabad 1371/1952 (better, ms. Topkapi Sarayi, Ahmet III, 2907), Yafi c f, Mtfdt al-^andn, Haydarabad 1337-9/1918-22; D. Anne Breebaart, The development and structure of the Turkish Futuwah guilds, diss. Princeton, 1961; Cl. Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey, 2 London 1968; R. Gramlich, Die Gaben der Erkenntnisse, Wiesbaden 1978 (Freiburger Islamstudien, VI); Angelika Hartmann, an-Ndsir li-Din Allah (11801225), New York-Berlin 1975; eadem, Fine orthodoxe Polemik gegen Philosophen and Freidenker, in Isl, Ivi (1979), 274-93; eadem, Bemerkungen zu Handschriften c Umar as-Suhrawardis, in ibid., Ix (1983), 112-42 and
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6 plates; eadem, Sur Sedition d'un texte medieval, in ibid., Ixii (1985), 71-97; eadem, Isma'ilitische Theologie bei sunnitischen culamd3 des Mittelalters? in "Ihr alle aber seid Briider", ed. L. Hagemann and E. Pulsfort, Wiirzburg-Altenberge 1990, 190-206; eadem, Cosmogonie et doctrine de I'ame in QSA, xi (1993), 163-78; eadem, Kosmogonie und Seelenlehre bei cUmar asSuhrawardi, in Gedenkschrift Wolfgang Reuschel, ed. D. BeUmann, Stuttgart 1994, 135-56; Fuad Kopriilii, Turk edebiyatmda ilk mutasavviflar, Ankara 1993; H. Ritter, Autographs in Turkish libraries, in Oriens, vi (1953), 63-90; idem, Philologika IX, in Isi, xxv (1939), 35-86; idem, Hat die religiose Orthodoxie...? in Klassizismus and Kultuwerfall, ed. G.E. von Grunebaum and W. Hartner, Frankfurt/M 1960, 120-43; Fr. Taeschner, Eine Schrift des Sihdbaddin Suhrawardi tiber die Futuwwa, in Oriens, xv (1962), 277-80. (ANGELIKA HARTMANN) AL-SUHRAWARDI, &IIHAB AL-DIN YAHYA b. Habash b. Amfrak, Abu '1-Futuh, well known Persian innovative philosopher-scientist, and founder of an independent, non-Aristotelian philosophical school named "the Philosophy of Illumination" (Hikmat al-Ishrdk), which is also the eponymous title of his most widely-known text; he is thus commonly referred to as the "Master of Illumination" (Shaykh al-Ishrdk}. He was born in the small town of Suhraward in northwestern Persia 549/1154, and met a violent death by execution in Aleppo in 587/1191, so ordered by the Ayyubid sultan Salah al-Dln. Recent studies have demonstrated that al-Suhrawardf's execution was directly linked to his involvement in politics, whereby he sought to implement the "Illuminationist political doctrine" which he had taught to several late 6th/12th century rulers, among them the prince cAla° al-Dln Kay Kubad; the Saldjuk Sulayman Shah, who commissioned the Partaw-ndma; the ruler of Kharput, Malik clmad al-Dfn Artuk, who commissioned the Alwdh-i '•Imddl', and, lastly, to the Ayyubid Salah alDln's young son, the prince al-Malik al-Zahir Ghazf, governor of Aleppo (see Ziai, The source and nature of authority). Al-Suhrawardf first studied philosophy and theology with Madjd al-Dln al-Djflf in Maragha, then travelled to Isfahan to study with Fakhr al-Dih al-Maridfnf (d. 594/1198), who is said to have predicted his student's death (Yakut, Irshdd, vi, 269; Ibn Abf Usaybi'a, Tabakdt, i, 299-301). It is also known that Zahfr alFarisf, a logician, introduced al-Suhrawardf to the Observations (al-Basd3ir) of the non-Aristotelian Persian logician cUmar b. Sahlan al-Sawadjf (fl. 540/1145) (see Hikmat al-ishrdk, 146, 278, 352). Sawadjf's novel ideas concerning the reconstruction of the Aristotelian nine-book logical corpus of the Organon into more logically consistent divisions of semantics, formal logic and material logic had a major impact on al-Suhrawardf's writings on logic. Works In his short 36 years of life, al-Suhrawardl is reported to have composed some 50 works, many of which remain unpublished. The published texts are also incomplete in that they do not include major sections on logic and physics. The most important texts in the philosophy of illumination are alSuhrawardl's four major Arabic philosophical works: the Intimations (al-Takwhdt), the Apposites (al-Mukdwamdt), the Paths and havens (al-Mashdric wa 'l-mutdrahdt) (see H. Corbin (ed.), Opera metaphysica et mystica I), and the Philosophy of illumination (Hikmat al-ishrdk) (see idem, Opera metaphysica et mystica II). The four texts constitute an integral corpus and also define the "syllabus"
for the study of the philosophy of illumination (see Ziai, Knowledge and illumination, 9-15). Other texts, especially the clmddian tablets (al-Alwdh al-imddiyyd) and Temples of light (Haydkil al-nur)—both of which were composed in Arabic and Persian—plus the Persian Epistle on emanation (Partaw-Ndma) (see Corbin and S.H. Nasr (eds.), Opera metaphysica et mystica III) are of lesser theoretical significance, but are to be included in this category of Illuminationist reconstructions. Next in order of significance are al-Suhrawardl's Arabic and Persian philosophical allegories: "A tale of the occidental exile" (Kissat al-ghurba al-gharbiyyd); "The treatise of the birds" (Risdlat al-tayr); "The sound of Gabriel's Wing" (Avdz-i par-i Djibrd'il); "The red intellect" ('Akl-i surkh); "A day with a group of Sufis" (Ruzi bd djamd'at-i Sufiydn); "On the state of childhood" (Fi hdlat al-tufuliyya); "On the reality of love" (Ft hakikat al-cishk); "The language of ants" (Lughat-i murdn); and "The simurgh's shrill cry" (Safir-i simurgh) (see Corbin, ibid.', W.M. Thackston (tr.), The mystical and visionary treatises of Shihabuddin Tahya Suhrawardi; and O. Spies (tr.), Three treatises on mysticism by Shihabuddin Suhrawardi Maqtul). The next group of works by al-Suhrawardf consists of devotional prayers and invocations, aphorisms and other short statements (see Shahrazurf, Nuzjiat al-arwdh, ii, 136-43). Of specific interest are two prayers and invocations composed in an especially rich allegorical and literary style, where al-Suhrawardf addresses "the great Heavenly Sun, Hurakhsh," and invokes the authority of "the Great Luminous Being" (al-nayyir alac£am), praying to it for knowledge and salvation (published by M. Moin, in Mad^alla-yi Amuzish wa Parwarish; and one reprinted in M. Hablbf, Si risdla az Shaykh-i Ishrdk). His Illuminationist philosophy With a few exceptions, most notably Max Horten, Orientalist studies on al-Suhrawardf's Arabic and Persian texts have failed to recognise the systematic philosophical side of Illuminationist logic, physics and metaphysics. Al-Suhrawardfs own oft-repeated aim to compose a novel scientific system has been inadequately described by the use of such non-technical philosophical terms as "theosophy", "sagesse orientale", "transcendental theosophy", "Sophia perennis", and the like. Suhrawardl was a well-trained scientistphilosopher, whose works on logic, foundations of mathematics, cosmic continuum theories, unified epistemological laws, etc. all demonstrate his intention which may be summed as a rational attempt to, among other things, harmonise intuitive knowledge (al-hikma al-dhawkiyyd], with deductive knowledge (alhikma al-bahthiyyd) (see al-Shahrazurf, Sharh Hikmat alishrdk, 1-9). Al-Suhrawardf's principal novel philosophical approach is founded on his critique of the universal validity of Aristotelian scientific methodology. He is one of the first philosophers to elaborate on an old tradition, whose roots are to be found in Plato's idea of sudden inspiration put forth in light imagery in the Seventh letter (341C, 344B), later discussed by Speusippus, who introduced the term eTucrnmovncn cdo0Tioi<; (see Merlan, 64, n*), and the subject of an entire treatise by St. Augustine (see R. Allers, St. Augustine's doctrine on Illumination). The favourite Platonic metaphor of light and vision of the Republic, V-VIII, is repeated in almost all Illuminationist texts, but incorporated in the Illuminationist unified epistemological theory named "Knowledge by presence" (alc ilm al-hudun). Al-Suhrawardf expresses his concern with ambigu-
AL-SUHRAWARDI ities and inconsistencies which he discovered in the Arabic Aristotelianism of his time. They cover every domain of philosophy, e.g. in logic, concerning predication and the Law of Identity; in physics, concerning the discrete and numbered separate Intellects; but especially in early passages of the Posterior analytics, 1.2:7lb.20-72a.25. The latter concern the foundations of Aristotelian scientific method, summed up as: science rests on necessary, true, primary, and most prior premises, which are known not through syllogistic deduction, but by immediate, intuitive knowledge, 'Avdyiai TTIV dcTioSeiKTiKTiv ETtumJii'nv e£ aXTiGcov T' eivai mi yvcflpinxoTepcov mi rcpotepcov ml amcov TOU cru|i7uepda^aTO<;. Aristotle does not systematically present what is the intuitive mode, nor does he discuss an epistemological process that could describe primary intuition nor immediate knowledge. Science is defined as a deductive theory (an axiomatic system), based on open, d^uGficcToc, Gecopeiv, where the latter may be known through primary \)7to0eoei<; or arnica or, opiafioq; this view is then further refined and expanded in the Metaphysics E.I, 1025b ff., when Aristotle defines kinds of theoretical sciences; and in Metaphysics M.10, 1086b. 5 ff., he examines the two ways the term science is said, and emphasises that scientific knowledge is universal (the same as in De anima, II.5, 417b). AlSuhrawardf's main scientific aim was to construct a unified epistemological theory that describes intuitive knowledge in a "scientific" way. For example, "I intuitively know I exist/I think, that is the same", then generalised as "every self-apprehending being is the same as its substantial existence" (cf. the Philosophy of Illumination, Part Two, 1.5, § 114ff.). (Illuminationist philosophy also recovers Stoic sources, e.g. relating to reduction of categories, continuum theories, etc. See Ziai, Knowledge and Illumination, chs. I, II.) Al-Suhrawardl's novel system is a scientific philosophical one intended to refine the scientific methods of the time, and closely parallels the ideals of Kant's "Critical philosophy" and Fichte's "Theory of scientific knowledge". The most widespread impact of Illuminationist philosophy has in fact been in the area of epistemology. Al-SuhrawardI argues against the validity of the Aristotelian horos and horismos in the foundations of philosophy, and considers ambiguous Aristotle's use of "intuition" as a starting-point of knowledge, because the Stagirite is not clear as to whether intuitive, immediate knowledge is opinion, 86^a, valid by common acceptance, ev8o£o<;, or something known erciarriTov as scientific knowledge. Al-Suhrawardl's main claim is that in his reconstructed system, the Philosophy of Illumination, by which a new and more consistent scientific method, the "science of lights" (cilm al-anwdr] is defined, the ambiguity is resolved. He constructs a unified epistemological theory, knowledge-by-presence, hailed since the 7th/13th century by such creative thinkers as al-Shahrazurf and Ibn Kammuna, and up to the present, as one of Islamic philosophy's greatest achievements and the most valid process of obtaining and describing scientific knowledge of a wider range of things in every sector of the continuum Whole, e.g. the phenomenal and the noumenal (see M. Ha'iri Yazdi, The principles of epistemology in Islamic philosophy). Unlike Aristotle, the theory unequivocally posits primacy to a temporal, pre-inference and immediate mode of knowledge, which, in contemporary terms, is non-propositional intuitive knowledge prior to dyadic differentiation of subject-object. The Illuminationist ontological position, called "primacy of quiddity", is a long-standing problem that distinguishes philosophical schools in the development
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of Islamic philosophy in Persia up to the present day. It is also a matter of considerable controversy. Those who believe in the primacy of being or of existence (wuajud) consider essence (mdhiyyd) to be a derived, mental concept (arm i'tibdri, a term of "secondary intention"); while those who believe in the primacy of quiddity consider existence to be a derived, mental concept. The Illuminationist position is this: should existence be real outside the mind (mutahakkak fi khdriaj al-dhihn), then the real must consist of two things— the principle of the reality of existence, and the being of existence, which requires a referent outside the mind. And its referent outside the mind must also consist of two things, which are subdivided, and so on ad infinitum. This is clearly absurd. Therefore existence must be considered as an abstract, derived, mental concept (cf. William of Ockham, Summa logics, Pars prima, 15: "That the general term is not a thing outside the mind". The same is said in the Philosophy of Illumination. Part One, 1.5: "On the [principle] that the general term does not exist outside the mind"). In sum, Illuminationist philosophy contests the Aristotelian position that the laws of science formulated as A-propositions are both necessary and always true, and that they are universal. Through an elaborate process of arguments, starting in logic in the four major texts mentioned, al-Suhrawardl establishes future contingency (al-imkdn al-mustakbal) as a scientific principle. Using this principle and others, he further argues that, contrary to the Aristotelian position, laws of science cannot be universal. Finally, Illuminationist philosophy is quintessentially different from philosophical "text books" composed by Muslim dialectical theologians and cannot be reduced to a state-sponsored "handmaiden of theology." AlSuhrawardfs concepts such as idrdk ("apperception or "apprehension" similar to modern philosophy's replacing noein with Vernehmen]; al-iddfa al-ishrdkiyya, (comparable to non-predicative knowledge; idrdk al-and'iyya (self-awareness, Selbstgefiihl); mushdhada ishrdkiyya (cf. as well as Ichheit, as acts Bewusstsein of the cognitive intuitive mode, and Anschauung, meaning "seeing," applied to a "seeing subject," whose act of sight is identified as Wesensschau); and many other technical terms, are also not to be confused with their subjective use in Sufism. Bibliography. 1. Sources. The major biographical sources on Suhrawardl, which include references to Illuminationist philosophy, are Ibn Abl Usaybi'a, ed. Miiller, i, 168; the ed. by N. Rida, Beirut 1968, 641-6, differs in part from Muller's; Yakut, Irshdd, ed. Margoliouth, vi, 269; Kiftl, Hukamd3, ed. Bahman Dara'I, Tehran 1347, 345; Ibn Khallikan, ed. I. 'Abbas, vi, 268-74; Shams alDm Muhammad al-Shahrazurf, Nuzjiat al-arwdh warawdat al-afrdh fi ta'rikh al-hukamd3 wa'l-faldsifa, ed. S. Khurshid Ahmad, Haydarabad 1976, ii, 11943; the 17th-century Persian tr. of Nuzhat al-arwdh by Maksud cAlf Tabriz! has recently been published by M.T. Danish-Pazhuh and M.S. Mawla'f, Tehran 1986; it differs (considerably at times) from the Arabic text. Part of the notice on Suhrawardl in this text has been tr. into English by W.M. Thackston, Jr., in The mystical and visionary treatises of Shihabuddin Tahya Suhrawardi, London 1982, 1-4. Thackston's tr. is based on the partial ed. of S.H. Nasr, in Shihaboddin Tahya Sohrawardi. Oeuvres philosophiques et mystiques. Opera metaphysica et mystica HI, repr. Tehran 1976, 13-30. This ed. includes the Arabic text as well as the version of the Persian translation of Tabriz!.
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2. Texts by Suhrawardi. Kalimat al-tasawwuf, ms. Tehran, Majlis, Madjmu'a 3071; K. al-Lamahdt ed. E. Maalouf, Beirut 1969; al-Mashdric wa'lmutdrahdt, ms. Leiden, Or. 365; Opera metaphysica et mystica I (incs. only Part three. On metaphysics, of the texts al-Masharic, al-Talwihat and al-Mukdwamdt), ed., introd. and notes by Corbin, Istanbul 1945; Oeuvres philosophiques et mystiques. Opera metaphysica et mystica II, ed. with introd. by Corbin (incs. text of Hikmat al-ishrdk), Tehran 1954; Opera metaphysica et mystica III, (incs. most of Suhrawardl's Persian texts, plus the Arabic text of Kissat al-ghurba al-gharbiyyd), ed. Nasr and Corbin, Tehran 1970; al-Talwihat ms. Berlin 5062. 3. Commentaries on texts by Suhrawardl. DawwanI, Sharh Haydkil al-nur, Tehran, Madjlis Library, ms. 1412; Muhammad Sharif al-HarawI, Anwdriyya. An llth century A.H. Persian translation and commentary on Suhrawardi's Hikmat al-ishrdk, ed., introd. and notes by Hossein Ziai, Tehran 1980, 2nd ed. 1984; Ibn Kammuna, Sharh al-Talwihdt, Tehran, Madjlis, ms. 124; Shams al-Dln Shahrazuri, Sharh Hikmat al-ishrdk, ed., introd. and notes by Ziai, Tehran 1993; Kutb al-Dm ShlrazI, Sharh Hikmat al-ishrdk lith. ed. Ibrahim Tabataba'I, Tehran 1313 A.H.; Sadr al-Dm ShlrazI, Mulla Sadra, Ta'likdt, on margins of Sharh Hikmat al-ishrdk, Tehran 1313 A.H. 4. Translations of ed. texts by Suhrawardl. Corbin, Archange empourpre. Quince traites et recits mystiques traduits du person et de I'arabe, presentes et annotes par Henry Corbin, Paris 1976, and Le Livre de la Sagesse Orientale, Kitdb Hikmat al-ishrdq, Paris 1986; Thackston, in The mystical and visionary treatises of Shihabuddin Tahya Suhrawardi; Spies, Three treatises on mysticism by Shihabuddin Suhrawardi Maqtul, Stuttgart 1935. 5. Studies and other sources. B. Carra de Vaux, La philosophie illuminative d'apres Suhrawerdi Meqtoul, inJA, ser. 19, vol. xix (1902), 63-4; Corbin, Suhrawardi d'Alep, fondateur de la doctrine illuminative, Paris 1939; idem, Terre celeste, tr. Nancy Pearson, Princeton 1977, 82-9; idem, Les motifs zoroastriens dans la philosophie de Suhrawardi, Tehran 1946; idem, L'homme de lumiere dans le soufisme iranien, Paris: 1971; idem, En Islam iranien, Paris: 1971, in 4 vols. (the second vol., Sohrawardi et les Platoniciens de Perse, is devoted to a detailed study of Suhrawardl's life and works); other works by Corbin, esp. the Prolegomenes to each of his following editions of Suhrawardl's works, Opera metaphysica et mystica I-III; H. Ritter, Philologika IX. Die vier Suhrawardi, in Isl, xxiv (1937), 270-86, xxv (1938), 35-86; L. Massignon, Receuil de textes inedits, Paris 1929, 111-13; M. Horten, Die Philosophie der Erleuchtung nach Suhrawardi, Halle 1912; Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Three Muslim sages, Cambridge, Mass. 1964, ch. II; idem, art. Suhrawardi in A history of Muslim philosophy, ed. M.M. Sharif, Wiesbaden: 1963, i, 372-98; idem, An introduction to Islamic cosmological doctrines, London, 1978, ch. XII; J. Walbridge, The science of mystic lights. Qutb al-Dm Shirdzi and the Illuminationist tradition in Islamic philosophy, Cambridge, Mass. 1992; Ziai, Hossein, The manuscript of al-Shajara al-Ilahiyya. A 13th c. philosophical encyclopedia by Shams al-Dln Muhammad Shahrazuri, in Irdnshindsi ii/1 (Spring 1990), 89-108; idem, Knowledge and Illumination. A study of Suhrawardl's Hikmat al-ishrdq, Brown Judaic Series, no. 96, Atlanta 1990; idem, Vision, Illuminationist methodology and poetic language, in Iran Mma, viii/1 (Winter 1990), 81-94; idem, Beyond Philosophy. Suhrawardl's Illuminationist path
to wisdom, in Myth and philosophy, ed. F.E. Reynolds and D. Tracy, Albany, 1990, ch. 8, 215-43; idem, On the political doctrine of Illuminationist philosophy, in Iran Ndma, ix/3 (Summer 1991), 396-410; idem, Source and nature of authority. A study of Suhrawardl's Illuminationist political doctrine, in The political aspects of Islamic philosophy, ed. C. Butterworth, Cambridge, Mass. 1992, 304-44; idem, Definition and the foundations of knowledge in Illuminationist philosophy. Section on expository propositions, of the [unpublished] text al-Mashdric wa al-Mutdrahdt, in Papers in honor of e<0stdd" Javad Mosleh, ed. Borhan Ibneh Yousef, Los Angeles 1993, 108-30. (HOSSEIN ZIAI) SUHRAWARDIYYA, an order of Sufis of ' I r a k i origin which flourished particularly in India; devoid of a centralised organisation, the tanka [q.v.] split into numerous branches. 1. The order in flrdk and Persia. The Suhrawardiyya traces its origin back to Abu '1-Nadjib Suhrawardi [q.v.], the disciple of Ahmad Ghazall [q.v.]. Through two of his students who became masters of Nadjm al-Dln Kubra [q.v] (Djami, Nafahdt, 417-18), also the silsila of the Kubrawiyya goes back to Abu '1-Nadjib. Some of Kubra's major students, such as Nadjm alDm RazI (d. 654/1256) and Yahya Bakharzl (d. 7367 1335-6), were either linked with Abu '1-Nadjlb's nephew Shihab al-Dln Abu Hafs cUmar Suhrawardi [q.v] or they were active in the propagation of the latter's work. Abu '1-Nadjib is also at the origin of the line of the mystic poet Awhad al-Dln KirmanI (d. probably 635/1237-8; R. Gramlich, Derwischorden, i, 9; H. Ritter, Meer, 473-6; see Bibl. below). However, it is Shihab al-Dln cUmar Suhrawardi, trained in his uncle's ribat in Baghdad, who deserves to be regarded as the actual founder of the order. On account of his close relationship with the 'Abbasid caliph al-Nasir li-Dln Allah [q.v.], for whom Shihab al-Dln acted as a court theologian and special emissary, he obtained the privileged position of a Shaykh alshuyukh within the Sufiyya of Baghdad. The caliph had a lodge built for Shihab al-Dln, the Ribat alMustadjadd, and he designated him as a patron of his knightly futuwwa. Shihab al-Dln prepared the propagation of his order through an extensive correspondence. He visited Sufi lodges and received many distinguished visitors, upon whom he conferred the khirka, including, e.g., the poet Sacdl [q.v] and the historian Ibn al-Nadjdjar [q.v]. In Baghdad, Shihab al-Dln was succeeded by his son clmad al-Dln Muhammad Suhrawardi (d. 655/1257) as custodian of the Ribat al-Ma'muniyya (Ibn al-Fuwati, Hawddith, 323). Other disciples, on Shihab al-Dln's orders, returned to their homelands or settled in new areas where they founded daughter lodges. The spreading of Shihab al-Dln's cAwdrif al-macdrif, used by him as a teaching manual, became the prime concern for his disciples. Both in the propagation of his magnum opus and in the dissemination of the order, Sufis of Shlraz, in general, and the line of Nadjlb al-Dln 'All b. Buzghush (d. 678/1280), in particular, seem to have played a leading role: The latter's son Zahlr al-Dm cAbd al-Rahman (d. 716/1216) translated the cAwdrif into Persian, and a great-grandson of Ibn Buzghusji wrote a commentary on his grandfather's translation. Apart from these renditions, the cAwdrif were propagated in the Persian language through the compilations of Bakharzl and Mahmud Kashanl (d. 735/1334-5). The latter received the transmission of the cAwdrif from two disciples of Ibn Buzghush, of whom £Abd al-Samad Natanzl may be mentioned here (Djaml, op. cit., 481; Gramlich, Gaben, 14; see
SUHRAWARDIYYA Bibl.}. Natanzi left his mark as the master of cAbd al-Razzak Kashl (d. 736/1335), who is noted for the correspondence he had with cAla3 al-Dawla Simnanl [q.v.] in which he vindicated Ibn 'Arabl's [q.v] philosophy of wahdat al-wuajud ("unity of being"; Djaml, op. cit., 483-91). Zayn al-Dm Khwafl (d. 8387 1435 at Harat [0.z>.]), initiated into the Suhrawardiyya order by Nur al-Dm MisrI, in Egypt, was equally linked with Shihab al-Dm through Natanzl. However, Khwafi established his own chain, the Zayniyya, which spread into the Ottoman Empire (Trimingham, Sufi orders, 78). Although Khwafl has originally been portrayed as orthodox, he came to be associated with the Hurufiyya and Bektashiyya ([.]; H. Norris, Mir'dt al-tdlibin, 59). 2. The order in India. In the Indian Subcontinent, the Suhrawardiyya has been one of the four major orders, besides the Cishtiyya, Kadiriyya—which has now widely overtaken the Suhrawardiyya in popularity—and the Nakshbandiyya. The brotherhood was introduced to India from the beginning of the Dihll Sultanate (13th-16th centuries) by three disciples of Shihab al-Dm, who each founded a regional branch: Hamld al-Dm Nagawri (d. 673/1274) in the area of Dihll, Abu '1-Kasim Djalal al-Dm Tabriz! (d. 641-2/ 1244) in Bangala, and Baha3 al-Dm Zakariyya3 Multanl (d. 661/1262 [q.v.]) in Multan. Baha3 al-Dm, a man of Kuraysh descent who joined Shihab al-Dm in Bagdad after having studied in Bukhara, was the most successful propagator of the order, and his line became its centre in India. Among the contemporaries of Shihab al-Dm, Mu'In al-Dm Cishtl [q.v.] of Sistan also entered India. He settled in Adjmer, where he founded the Cishtiyya order [q.v.]. The Cishtiyya used the cAwdrif as their manual of instruction. The Shattariyya order [q.v], whose chain also links with the Suhrawardiyya, was introduced to India at the end of the 9th/15th century. The continuous history of the order can be traced best through the successors, khalifas, of Baha5 al-Dm. Among his disciples, Sayyid Djalal Bukharl (d. 690/ 1291), called Djalal Surkh, migrated from Bukhara to Ucch [q.v], where he founded the Djalal! branch of the order. Djalal Surkh was the grandfather and namesake of Djalal al-Dm BukharT [q.v.], the so-called Makhdum-i Djahaniyan (d. 785/1384). The Shl'I dervish order of the Khaksar is almost certainly to be seen as a Persian development of this Djalalfbranch (Gramlich, Derwischorden, i, 71). Baha3 al-Dm's most famous disciple was the Sufi and poet Fakhr al-Dm Ibrahim Trakl [q.v], who originated from the area of Hamadan (Djami, op. cit., 605-6). After a stay of 25 years in Multan with Baha3 al-Dln, he was appointed one of his khalifas; however, after Baha3 al-Dm's death he left Multan. A hereditary principle became established within the line of Baha3 al-Dln with the appointment of Sadr al-Dln Muhammad cArif (d. 684/1286) as his father's successor (Djami, 504). Among Sadr al-Dm's disciples, the most learned was Amir Husayn Husaynl (d. after 720/1320; Rizvi, History, i, 206; see Bibl.) who exchanged letters with the mystic of Tabriz, Mahmud Shabistarl (d. 720/ 1320; Djami, 605). The successor of Sadr al-Dm, however, was his son Rukn al-Dm Abu '1-Fath (d. 735/1334-5). The latter was succeeded, according to the hagiographers, by a nephew, according to Ibn Battuta (Rihla, 475-7) by his grandson shaykh Hud. Although the sultan decided the ensuing dispute in favour of Hud, he had the shaykh executed as a result of accusations of embezzlement against Hud. With
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this episode, the fortune of Baha3 al-Dm's splendid khanakah in Multan came to an end. The order thereafter started to flourish in the areas of Ucch, Gudjarat, the Pandjab, Kashmir and in Dihll. In Ucch, Djalal al-Dm Bukharl, "Makhdum-i Djahaniyan" infused the tarika with new life. Makhdum was also initiated, by Ciragh-i Dihll [q.v.], into the Cishtiyya order. Despite Baha3 al-Dm's insistence that his Sufis should join one order only, from the 8th/14th century, Indian Sufis often became affiliated with both the Gishtiyya and Suhrawardiyya orders. Makhdum, noted for his puritanism, opposed religious customs followed by some Muslims which were specifically Indian; he also disapproved of invoking God by names in Hindi (Schimmel 33; see Bibl.). His brother and successor Sadr al-Dm Radju (d. after 800/1400) earned the shuhra "Kattal" on account of his religious militancy. The order of the Bukharl Sayyids spread further through the sons and grandsons of Makhdum and Sayyid Kattal. Whereas various disciples and descendants of the Makhdum established themselves in the provincial kingdoms of Kalpi [q.v] and also Gudjarat, the centre in Dihll was founded by shaykh Samac al-Dm (d. 9012/1496), a second generation disciple of Radju Kattal. Samac al-Dln is noted as an author who wrote under the influence of wahdat al-wud^ud and 'Iraki's Lama'dt. The leading figure among Samac al-Dm's disciples was Hamid b. Djamall Dihlawi (d. 942/1536 [q.v.]), a widely-known poet and great traveller. In Harat, Djamall had discussions with Djami [q.v], whose belief that the Lama'dt were inspired through Kunawl [see SADR AL-DIN] he disputed. The Indian Suhrawardiyya had the greatest impact, however, in Kashmir [q.v]. This was partly due to the support they received from migrant Sufis of the Kubrawiyya order. Rinchana, the king of Kashmir and former Buddhist chief from Ladakh who embraced Islam in the 8th/14th century, is said to have been converted by Sayyid Sharaf al-Dln [see BULBUL SHAH in Suppl], a disciple of one of Shihab al-Dm's khalifas in Turkestan. In the 9th/15th century, various SuhrawardI shaykhs, mainly of the branch of the Makhdum-i Djahaniyan, kept Kashmiri Sufism alive. There were clashes between Suhrawardls and Shlcls in the 10th/16th century under the Cak [q.v. in Suppl.] dynasty which patronised Shlcism. (a) R e l a t i o n s w i t h the r u l e r s . In the Sultanate of Dihll, the Suhrawardiyya was an aristocratic order which justified the possession of wealth and enjoyed state patronage. Baha3 al-Dm, like his master Shihab al-Dln, willingly cooperated with the government, trying to influence it in turn; Iltutmish, of the line of "Slave ICings", moved his troops against the governor of Ucch apparently under Baha3 al-Dln's influence. Thereafter, the sultan conferred upon Baha3 al-Dln the title of the Shaykh al-Isldm for Sind and Pandjab. Baha3 al-Dln's successors also maintained close relations with the rulers. The sultans of Gudjarat were devoted to the SuhrawardI shaykhs, and high government officials attached themselves to Sufism under their influence. Samac al-Dln of Dihll blessed the sultan Sikandar LodI during his coronation, and his disciple Djamall accompanied the crown prince Humayun [q.v] on his campaigns. Djamall's son cAbd al-Rahman Gada3! assumed the powerful post of Sadr al-sudur [see SADR. 5] under emperor Akbar [q.v] and his samdc assemblies were attended by the emperor. (b) A t t i t u d e to H i n d u i s m . The Suhrawardls supported the enforced conversion of Hindus. Djalal al-Dm Tabrlzl was active in converting Hindus and
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SUHRAWARDIYYA — SUK
Buddhists to Islam, which occasionally involved the destruction of a temple and its replacement by a khdnakdh. The brotherhood demanded formal conversion to Islam as a pre-requisite to initiation in mysticism. In the main, however, it seems that the Suhrawardiyya only succeeded in converting Hindus of high caste (Rizvi, op. at., ii, 398). (c) Some traits of SuhrawardT spirituality. The order played an important part in the preservation of the Prophetic tradition, on which their shaykhs wrote numerous works. Suhrawardi mysticism, orientated more towards classical Sufi doctrine than to Ibn 'Arabfs philosophy, was fully orthodox. Relatively uninterested in austerities, the Suhrawardls emphasised canonical prayer, dhikr [q.v.] and fasting in Ramadan. Modifications of the form of dhikr exercises as a result of encounters with Yogis may be observed for the Cishtiyya, but not for the Suhrawardfs. The practice of prostration before the shaykh (zamin-bus) adopted by the Cishtiyya was rejected by the Suhrawardfs. Regarding samdc [q.v.], the Suhrawardiyya were little inclined towards the appreciation of poetry or music. Already Shihab al-Dln had taken a reserved stance against audition parties (cAwdrif, chs. 22-5). Shihab al-Dm also criticised (Djamf, 589) Awhad al-Dm Kirmani, a typical representative of the shdhid theory, for his contemplation of beauty in sensible objects (Ritter, op. cit., 473), which often formed part of samdc assemblies. Notwithstanding this, 'Iraki, the poet and— like Kirmanl—advocate of shdhid-bdzi, followed Baha3 al-Dfn as his spiritual preceptor. Under the inspiration of the shaykhs of the Cishtiyya, some of Rukn al-Dfn's disciples propounded the licitness of samd£. The Suhrawardl shaykh Amir Husaynf viewed samdc as the exclusive domain of the spiritual elite—a notion which is echoed in Djamf's story (602) about Baha° al-Dfn's vindication of 'Iraki against his disciples' reproaches. Thus, on the whole, the order did not succeed in enforcing a total rejection of samdc. 3. Some modern developments. While in recent times the Suhrawardiyya has largely disappeared from some Middle Eastern countries such as Syria, in 'Irak the order still continued to recruit adherents. The shaykhs of the contemporary Suhrawardiyya in 'Irak traditionally belong to the family of the Bayt Salih al-Khatfb. Some of them served as professors at the Madrasat Shihab al-Dm Suhrawardi and as khattbs at the mosque attached to it. One Suhrawardl shaykh mentioned in Muhammad Salih Suhrawardl's Lubb alalbdb (Baghdad 1933, ii, 463-5; cf. F. de Jong, Las confreries mystiques., 230) is said to have served as the imam of the army of the clrakf government. Bibliography. Abu '1-Nadjfb al-Suhrawardr, K. Addb al-mundm, ed. M. Milson, Jerusalem 1977; Shihab al-Dm al-Suhrawardl, cAwariJ'al-macdrif, Cairo 1358/1939; R. Gramlich, Die Gaben der Erkenntnisse des cUmar as-Suhrawardi (German tr. of the 'Awdrif, includes valuable introd. to the history of the text and the order), Wiesbaden 1978; Ibn Battuta, Rihla, Beirut 1379/1960, passim; cAbd al-Razzak Ibn alFuwatf, al-Hawddith al-d}dmica, Baghdad 1351; Abu '1-Kasim Djunayd al-Shfrazf, Shadd al-izdr ft halt al-awzdr, ed. Muhammad Kazwfnf, Tehran 1328, passim; Nur al-Dm Djamf, Nafahdt al-uns, ed. Tawhfdf-Pur, Tehran 1336/1957, passim; Hamid b. Fadl 'Allah Dihlawf, Siyar al-cdrifin, Dihlf 1311 (gives full account of Suhrawardi and Cishtf leaders); cAbd al-Hakk Muhaddith Dihlawf, Akhbdr al-akhydrji asrdr al-abrdr, Dihlr 1309 (reliable collection of biographies of Indian Sufis); Firishta, Tdrikh, Bombay 1831-2; Ghulam-i Sarwar-i Lahawrf, Kha&nat al-asfiyd3,
Lucknow 1290/1873-4; J.S. Trimingham, The Sufi orders in Islam, Oxford 1971, Appx. C. Suhrawardi silsilas, and passim; Sayyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, A history of Sufism in India, New Delhi 1978, 2 vols. (exhaustive study of Indian Sufism); H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seek. Mensch, Welt und Gott in den Geschichten des Fanduddin cAttdr, Leiden 1978, 473-6 (on Kirmanf); R. Gramlich, Die schiitischen Derwischorden Persiens, Wiesbaden 1965-76, 3 vols.; A. Schimmel, Islam in the Indian Subcontinent, Handbuch der Orientalistik, 2. Abt, iv, 3, Leiden-Koln 1980; F. de Jong, Les confreries mystiques musulmanes au Machreq arabe, in A. Popovic and G. Veinstein, Les Ordres mystiques dans I'Islam, Paris 1985, 205-43; H.T. Norris, The Mir'at al-Talibfn, by £ain al-Dtn al-Khawdfi of Khurasan and Herat, in BSOAS, liii (1990), 57-63; B. Radtke, Von Iran nach Westafrika. £wei Quellen fur al-Hdgg 'Umars Kitab Rimah hizb ar-rahlm: ^aynaddln al-Hwdfi und Samsaddin al-Madyam, in WI, xxxiv/1 (1995), 37-69 (on a Suhrawardr influence on the West African Tidjanf Sufi Ha^g^ cUmar al-Futi [d 1864]). ' ' (F. SOBIEROJ) SUK (A.), pi. aswdk, market. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.
In In In In (a) (b) In In In In
the traditional Arab world. the Muslim West. Cairo under the Mamluks and Ottomans. Syria. Damascus under the Ottomans. Aleppo. Irak [see Suppl.]. Persia. Ottoman Anatolia and the Balkans. Muslim India.
1. In the traditional Arab world. Suk, market, is a loanword from Aramaic shukd with the same meaning. Like the French term marche and the English market, the Arabic word suk has acquired a double meaning: it denotes both the commercial exchange of goods or services and the place in which this exchange is normally conducted. Analysis of the suk is thus of interest to the economic and social historian as well as to the archaeologist and the urban topographer. The substantial textual documentation which is available has as yet been analysed only very partially and the phenomenon of the market, fundamental to the understanding of mediaeval Arab culture, has not, to the present writers' knowledge, been subjected to a thorough and comprehensive conceptual study. Since the beginnings of urban civilisation in Mesopotamia and in Syria, from the third millennium onwards, the Middle East had seen the development of commercial activities, local and long distance. On the contributions of the mercantile tradition to Islamic civilisation, the reader is referred to a perceptive and useful monograph by Maxime Rodinson which appears as a preface to P. Chalmeta's important work El Senor del zoco (Madrid 1973). For M. Rodinson, the Arabic suk could be associated with an ancient Semitic term, the Akkadian suku, from a root evoking tightness (if suku < suku) and, in early Hebrew texts, with the term shuk, denoting streets and squares and used to translate the Greek ocyopd and the Latin forum. Intermediate Jewish sources between the 3rd and 6th-7th centuries A.D. refer to various functionaries supervising the market in the Talmudic era. The function of market inspector had been inaugurated in Mesopotamia, and the Greek term had passed into the Aramaic language of the Jews of Babylon and of Palestine where
SUK the Jewish authorities appointed agoranomes entitled to impose their own prices on the market. The prominent role played by the market and its physical centrality in the Hellenistic and Roman world induced the state to take a keen interest in its workings. Thus attention may be drawn to the appearance, in Athens and elsewhere, of colleges of agoranomes, entrusted with supervision of the maintenance and good order of the agora, but above all responsible for checking the regularity of the transactions conducted there. The function of agoranome seems to have disappeared from Greek institutions 300 years before the Arab conquest (Foster, Agoranomos and muhtasib, in JESHO, xiii [1970], 128-44). However, if a solution based on chronological continuity is to be rejected, the camil cald al-suk, or wall al-suk, or sahib al-suk, who appeared from the outset of Islam, in the time of Muhammad, may be associated with the agoranomes of Palmyra of the 3rd century, who had a more exalted municipal function than simple marketpolicing and whom a bilingual inscription also calls rabb suk. While agoranomy disappeared after the 3rd century, market inspectors continued, however, to operate in the adjacent world of Arabia. Regarding the five centuries which followed the Muslim conquest, there was a dispute between Claude Cahen and Eliyahu Ashtor over the question of the permanence of urban institutions, including control of the markets, in the Arab Orient. It is also important to recall the importance of commercial activity for pre-Islamic and Islamic civilisation. The socio-economic structures of pre-Islamic Arabia are still inadequately known and have given rise to divergent interpretations, but the importance accorded there to the transport and exchange of merchandise seems clear. According to Rodinson, several maritime emporia were in existence (Aden, 'Urnan, Ubulla), as well as temporary markets or fairs distributed throughout the year, aswak al-cArab, although it is not known whether there was anything resembling a unified or regional organisation of such phenomena. M.A. Shaban followed Rodinson in writing: "It is impossible to think of Makka in terms other than trade; its only raison d'etre was commerce" (Islamic history, Cambridge 1971, i, 3). However, Patricia Crone has recently disputed the excessive importance attributed to Mecca as regulator of trade between Yemen and Syria. Excavations in the Arabian Peninsula have revealed conurbations including a group of three linked buildings: sanctuary, seat of power and market (cAbd al-Rahman al-Tayyib al-Ansarf, Karyat al-Faw, 1981). Muslim tradition holds that Mecca was inhabited and controlled by merchants when the Prophet Muhammad received there the revelation of the Kur'an; the latter contains allusions to the coming and going of caravans and to the fairs which were held twice a year, close to the city. On numerous occasions, it is evident that concepts deployed in the Kur'an—which was initially addressed to the population of Mecca, a town occupied essentially by traders—assumed the existence of a "market" economy, especially in references to the relations between God and human beings, established in terms "of reckonings, of just and precise equivalences, of selling and buying" (Chalmeta, El Senor del zoco, 53); thus God has "bought from the believers their selves and their goods in exchange for Paradise" (Kur'an, IX, 112). The Prophet himself disconcerted the Kuraysh with his preaching in markets (XXV, 8). After the seizure of Mecca, Muhammad is said to have appointed in this place Sacld b. Sacld b. al-cAs
787
to serve as camil cald al-suk. There were also numerous suks in Medina when the Prophet established himself there; their style of organisation remains entirely unknown, but the names of some of them have been preserved, in particular those belonging to the Banu Kaynuka' [q.v.~\. In the time of Muhammad, women exercised the function of famila cald al-suk., possibly because the majority of shoppers were also women. An incident in the life of the Prophet involves the arrival of Banu Sulaym nomads from the neighbourhood, bringing butter and livestock for trade. It is known furthermore that Muhammad designated an open space as a suk, forbade any building work on this site, and even had tents erected there. The obligations imposed by God on his creatures, as well as the relations which God requires human beings to uphold among themselves—marriage, repudiation, inheritance, exchange of goods or services, recognition of the power of a political leader—are presented according to a general pattern comparable to that of commercial contracts, clearly committing the two parties, according to strictly codified formulae. The mechanisms of the "market", taken in the broadest sense of the term, thus play a fundamental role. "Ideology attributes to the market a supreme dominance over life on this earth," Rodinson writes, quoting al-Ghazall, who compares a spiritual with a material market: "Let the suk of this world below do no injury to the suk of the Hereafter, and the sutcs of the Hereafter are the mosques". This enables him to conclude: "The Muslim economy is essentially a market economy. It celebrates the triumph of the market, extending for the first time over a substantial area of the earth's surface". The Arabs created the first "common market" covering an enormous space, stretching from the shores of the Atlantic to the frontiers of China, from the estuaries of the Volga to the Sahara, constructed on a unity which was initially political, then cultural, creating an institutional identity from one end to the other of the Dar al-Islam. It is reasonable to speculate on the extent to which the pro-commercial ideology of the new conquerors directly influenced their urban policy in captured or newly-established towns. Chalmeta (Senor del zoco, 141 ff.) stresses the importance of the building of suks at the orders of Hisham b. cAbd al-Malik: according to him, it was this period which saw clear evolution towards what is now recognisable as the suk, and its ultimate transformation into the constructed siik, an enclosure with gates, with permanent shops (hdnut), a base for the levying of taxes. H. Kennedy (The impact of Muslim rule on the pattern of rural settlement in Syria, in La Syne de Rylance a Hslam, Damascus 1992, 296-7) relies on the results of the excavation of a presumed Umayyad suk at Palmyra in proposing the notion that the steppe region became, with the Arab conquest, a place of revived commercial activity after a late Byzantine phase of stagnation. The desert was henceforward an active space, bordered by points which could be animated, among other activities, by commerce. An obvious point of reference here is the work of O. Grabar, City in the desert, Harvard 1978. The article by Roll and Ayalon, The market street at Apollonia-Arsuf, in BASOR, (1987), 61-76 describes a town of regional importance, the only harbour serving a quite extensive hinterland, where the elements of a suk have been established: a narrow commercial street 2.5 m wide by 65 m in length, within the fortified town, which was apparently in use from the late 7th/early 8th century, where Umayyad coins have been found. In sum, however,
788
SUK
in the absence of publications in sufficient number on the Umayyad period and of firmly-established chronologies, questions remain unanswered, especially for major cities such as Aleppo and Damascus where the transformation of the large central avenues into a suk follows a chronology which, since the work of Sauvaget (Esquisse d'une histoire de la ville de Damas, in REI, viii [1934]) is still far from clarified (on the functioning of suks in towns created by the Arabs, see AJ. Naji and Y. Ali, The Suqs of Basrah. Commercial organisation and activity in medieval Islamic society, in JESHO, xxiv [1981], 298-309). These urban transformations have an undeniable religious, social and judicial dimension. In the AraboMuslim world of the first five centuries, one of the most respected functions was that of the merchant/ disseminator of hadith, who enabled all the inhabitants of this region to acquire the same access both to the commodities of material culture and to the fundamental elements of religious culture. In mediaeval Arabic literature, religious as well as secular, the travelling merchant plays a predominant role: he transports the goods which he buys or sells from one market to another, between the time of the dawn prayer and the time of the midday prayer. Similarly, he memorises or diffuses prophetic traditions, from one mosque to another, between the afternoon prayer and the final prayer. The hisba [q.v], a branch of Islamic legislation precisely defining the functions of the muhtasib, a civilian official appointed by the kadi to uphold Islamic order in the town and, in particular, to supervise the markets, is well understood, since numerous texts concerning it, often very concrete and practical, have been preserved. As will be seen especially with regard to the towns of the Muslim West, these documents make it possible to follow the daily functioning of the suk. Whether it was a case of ancient cities captured by the Arabs or newly-founded ones, all maintained certain similar, essential functions. The pattern of organisation of these large urban areas is well known: in the centre of the city, the ajdmi'-mosqut and the governor's palace, ddr al-imdra, constituted a local outpost of caliphal authority, communal prayer, upholding of Muslim order and levying of fiscal revenues. These buildings/institutions symbolised the town, a space for mediation between Arab tribes belonging to traditionally mutually hostile confederations, or between Arab Muslims and converted mawdli, or even between the various officially recognised religious communities, Muslims and dhimmls. Immediately adjacent to the centre, along thoroughfares radiating from this nucleus and delimiting homogeneous areas, the suks supplied the third function of these cities, being the provider of wealth, of the exchange of goods and services. These suks comprised a series of broadly similar booths established on a segment of the road, deployed on one or on both sides of the latter according to the type of commercial activity and of product. These booths, of little depth, were fronted on the street by a bench: they could be overlooked by residential areas or separated by a rearward wall from such zones. The latter could accommodate the family of the trader or the artisan, but in general there was no access between them and the shop and they were occupied by families unrelated to the user of the premises. In general, each type of commerce was concentrated on both sides of one of the radial routes linking the central square to each of the gates, a sector to which it gave its name. Traditionally, close to the
Great Mosque, in the heart of the city, were located the sellers of manuscripts and the copyists, kutubi; suppliers of perfumes, fattdr, and of fine leather, slippers and furs; and trades associated with precious metals; changers, sarrdf, goldsmiths, jewellers, sd'igh, ajawhari, trades often practised by Christian or Jewish artisans. Large central markets sold quality fabrics and items of clothing. Closer to the gates were those practising noisier crafts: carpenters, joiners and manufacturers of copper or brass objects, the latter often being Jews or Christians. Close by the gates of the citadel were saddlers and the sellers of weapons, such as swords, sabres, lances, bows and quivers. In the section of the town easily accessible to Bedouins, there were sellers of felt or cloth for tents, ropes, fur-lined capes, utensils and all other essentials for living in the steppelands. Located outside the city were those businesses which required abundant space or easy access to running water, or those which were dirty and malodorous: fullers, dyers, tanners, potters, wholesalers of fruit and vegetables, suk al-bittlkh, traders in sheep, horses, donkeys, mules, camels (on the variety of craft and commercial activities in the Middle Ages, see the list compiled by Maya Shatzmiller, Labour in the medieval Islamic world, Leiden 1994, 255-323). Besides these linear suks, there existed agglomerations located in the enclosed structures of a continuous wall, breached by an easily-controlled monumental gate, structures of one or two storeys, surrounding a space open to the sky. Often of considerable size these buildings were denoted by various terms: kaysdriyya [q.v.] (imperial establishment for the protection of stages on major commercial routes), funduk [q.v.] (hostel, fondaco, place for the lodging of visitors to the town), khan [q-v], wakdla (meeting-place for commercial agents), rabc [q.v.] (facilities for temporary accommodation concentrated in a single building), hawsh (enclosed area, urban or suburban, of rural aspect, a yard of beaten earth, where cattle or poor immigrants could be accommodated) and when situated away from towns, isolated on commercial routes, karawdnsardy (from the Persian "caravan" and "palace", caravanserai). Large in scale, supplied with lodgings, stables, sometimes with a mosque and a public bath, and comprising substantial warehouses, makhzan, hdsil, the kaysdriyyas could maintain a high level of bulk trading, storage and processing by means of the workshops often located on the site. Situated either outside or within the city, close to a gate or linked to it by a well-proportioned street, these massive structures could be easily reached by heavily-laden dromedaries. The merchandise, resold semi-wholesale or retail, was distributed, outside these enclosed markets, through the narrow streets of the city, transported by donkeys or porters. These enclosures, set apart for a series of well-defined and restricted commercial or industrial activities, provided governments with an easy framework for operating fiscal levies [see MAKS], and the single gate, which could be locked, made it possible during the night to segregate transients from resident citizens. They were in fact the forerunners of customs offices. In Fustat, from the Fatimid period onward, sales outlets specialising in the commerce of cheese, carpets, eggs or jewellery were leased on behalf of such a diwdn supplying the financial needs of Kutamf Berber soldiers or other social groups (al-Musabbihl, Akhbdr Misr, al-kism al-ta'fikhi, Cairo 1978, index, 134, s.v. ddr; Th. Bianquis, Damas et la Syne sous la domination fdtimide, Damascus 1987, i, 209, n. 1, bibl. of Dar Manik; idem, Le fonctionnement des diwans financiers
SUK
d'apres al-Musabbihi, in AI, xxvi [1992], 47-61). Foodstuffs harvested on the land adjacent to the towns, often processed in urban or suburban workshops, were introduced into networks of exchange covering a vast expanse between the Atlantic and Central Asia, while merchandise originating from other horizons was offered to local consumers. The suk, like the kaysdriyya, was thus the indispensable link between the city, its neighbouring territory and the Ddr alIslam. What is not properly understood is the mode of interaction between these sufa and other urban commercial institutions, and those market sites which were temporary, mostly rural and located outside the town (see, in this connection, the typology of Ghalmeta, El Senor del zoco, 71-198). Mediaeval geographers often refer to the rural markets of the Maghrib; thus alIdrfsf, describing the still very fragmentary structure of Meknes in the period prior to his own time, indicates that at a certain distance from the nuclei of population, in the process of transforming themselves into a town, there existed an ancient rural market site, still functioning, called al-suk al-kadima, "a flourishing market to which people come from near and far every Thursday and where all the tribes of the Banu Miknas are gathered". Still in the Maghrib, a hypothesis of "non-evolution" of the places of concentration of rural products into towns has been put forward by A. Adam, L'Agadir berbere: une ville manquee?, in ROMM, xxvi (2nd quarter 1978), 5-12. Whatever may have been the importance of places of rural exchange (and it must again be stressed that very little is known on the subject), the Muslim travellers of the Middle Ages who describe the towns of the Ddr al-Islam define them principally by the presence of a great mosque and of markets. In the eyes of the peasantry of the regions surrounding the town, it is also, apparently, the market which constitutes its most specific element. Thus—outside the Arab domain—P. Centlivres, Un bazar de VAsie centrale (Wiesbaden 1972), notes that the country folk living in the villages situated in the environs of Tashkurghan, in Afghanistan, refer to the town itself, in its entirety, by the term bazar, synonym of suk. In certain towns of the Maghrib, merchants are forbidden to conclude, except within the confines of the market and during its times of functioning, any transaction with peasants from the neighbourhood of the town; this is for the economic protection of the producer against the malice of a buyer operating outside the normal framework of competition (Chalmeta, El Senor del zoco, 83-6, 123, 212-13). According to their range of activity or the circles in which they operate, it is possible to distinguish between different types of merchants and of "markets": Chalmeta places in totally different categories the shopkeeper (hawanti] and the major trader (tddiir), corresponding to two quite distinct economic circuits. In the K. al-Ishdra ild mahdsin al-tiajdra, the Fatimidperiod author al-Dimashkf identifies the khazzan, the sedentary merchant who, by means of stocking or destocking, plays on variations of price as influenced by space, time and the quantities of the commodities traded; the rakkdd, the itinerant trader who owes his profits to his knowledge of the differences in purchase and sale prices according to the places where the transactions take place; and the mudjahhiz, the purveyor, who supplies travellers with all that they need (Y. Essid, A critique of the origins of Islamic thought, Leiden 1995, 220-8). Thus I. Lapidus stresses, in Mamluk Egypt, the independence of the local and longdistance commercial circuits, the latter continuing to
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prosper while the former declined. At the risk of oversimplification, it should be possible first to define the "shopkeeper", dealing in local products, living in a universe of limited intellectual and economic horizons. In cAbbasid Baghdad, this class of shopkeepers, with its thoroughly practical daily concerns, seems often to have been inspired by Hanbalism. The larger traders, sedentary wholesalers or travelling merchants, capable of more complex economic calculations since they need to take into account the risks of long-distance transport were attracted by Shafi'ism, Ash'arism, or eventually Isma'Tlism in the East, Malikism or Kharidjism in the West. Major financiers close to the centres of power, juggling with substantial abstract sums, tended rather towards Hanafism or Twelver Shf'ism or even Ismacllism. Bibliography: Given in the article. See also TIDJARA. (Tn. BIANQUIS and P. GUICHARD) 2. In the Muslim West. In the Occident as well, the geographers refer to the countless suks which constituted the commercial heart of Muslim towns in all western regions. The diversity of these silks is well illustrated, for example, by Ibn Hawkal, in the description which he provides of the markets of Palermo in the 4th/IOth century, for which he lists some twenty-five different specialities (traders in oil, corn, fish, meat and vegetables, smiths, apothecaries, money-changers, drysalters, cobblers, tanners, joiners, potters, embroiderers, polishers, etc.). Regarding the late Middle Ages, the index of Brunschvig's survey of Hafsid Tunisia (La Berberie orientale sous les Hafsides, des origines a la fin du XVe suck, 2 vols., Paris 1940-1947) names some fifty different suks. It would seem to be appropriate to seek out, through detailed study of a town such as Fez on the eve of the colonial period, the still vibrant modern echo of these ancient structures (see Le Tourneau's classic work on Fes avant le Protectorat, Casablanca 1949). It is evident that cities of the western Mediterranean linked to the Muslim world were remodelled according to patterns emanating from the East, or were constructed according to the same principles in the case of new foundations. As regards the Maghrib, it is however somewhat difficult to glean precise information on the topographical and economic organisation of suks in the Middle Ages. It is known that at al-Kayrawan, before the Fatimids transferred commercial activities to Sabra Mansuriyya, the sector of the suks extended along the Simat, a main street which, traversing the whole city from gate to gate, skirting the Great Mosque and fringed by two rows of shops, served as the city's principal thoroughfare. In 275/888-9, at the time of the "insurrection of the dirhams", following a monetary reform ordered by the Aghlabid Ibrahim II, the traders closed their shops and rose in revolt. Calm having been restored after a skirmish between the local militia and the Kayrawanfs, the amir sent a vizier to parade along this simdt as a means of appeasing the inhabitants (al-Bakrl, 25-6/59; Ibn cldhari, alBqydn al-Mughrib, ed. Colin/Levi-Provengal and tr. Fagnan, i, 114/158). Also for the 3rd/9th century in Ifrfkiyya, a very interesting source exists, the Ahkdm al-suk of Yahya b. cUmar, containing a wealth of detail regarding the daily life of the suk (ed. Makkf in RIEI, iv [1956], 59-152 and tr. Garcia Gomez, Unas ordenanzas del zoco del siglo IX, in al-Andalus, xii [1957], 253-316). But besides this compilation of judicial consultations relating to the suk, Maghrib! literature specifically concerning markets is rather meagre, and it would be necessary, for a clear understanding of
790
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the market economy in the mediaeval Maghrib, to gather together a very dispersed and often allusive stock of documentation, since the sources currently available do not seem to allocate much importance to the "market". In his synthesis of the politico-administrative institutions of the mediaeval Maghrib, Hopkins (Medieval Muslim government in Barbary, London 1958, 135-6) supplies very little information on the administration of the market. The paucity of references to the specific jurisdiction of the hisba even leads him to believe that it was in fact the kadi who directly assumed the function of muhtasib. Sometimes, the latter would even have been the personal prerogative of the sovereign himself: twice a month, the Almohad caliph Abu Yackub Yusuf is supposed to have called together the umand3 (s. amiri) responsible for each of the professions to report to him on the state of the markets. The sources do, however, mention at about the same time a muhtasib of Marrakesh. Atallah Dhina, in his comprehensive survey of state institutions of the Muslim West in the 13th-15th centuries, supplies no additional information. In his study of Zfrid Ifrfkiya, Idris makes virtually no mention of magistrates being in charge of a single market, which in his opinion was the responsibility of a kind of secondary judge, distinct from the kadi and called hakim., probably exercising supervision over the umand3 responsible for the different professions, or a nagir al-suk, mentioned in a document of 430/1038 (Berberie orientale sous les prides, 2 vols., Paris 1962, 54951). Besides a fairly thorough nomenclature (names of sinks, straightforward mention of the suks of such and such a locality), suks, as a concrete reality, appear hardly at all in Brunschvig's survey of Hafsid Tunisia, although there is mention there of the creation of markets by sovereigns (30, 345), and details of the revenues levied by the state on the different markets in the mid-8th/14th century (239-40). But under the Hafsids, the role of the muhtasib, if indeed it existed, had little importance (149-50). Regarding the late Middle Ages, the Risdla fi }l-hisba of al-Djarsifi, which dates from ca. 700/1300, nevertheless gives an interesting insight into the life of the urban proletariat of the suks in the towns of the western Maghrib, if, as Chalmeta believes, the work was indeed written in Fez or in Tlemcen and not in the Nasrid kingdom as has also been suggested. The situation in al-Andalus is quite different from that of the Maghrib. There the suks are in fact one of the better understood aspects of the economic history of the country, illuminated as they are by numerous texts of hisba. This type of source appears to be an Andalusian speciality, taking account of the fact that Yahya b. cUmar, cited above, was of Andalusian origin, considering also the doubts which remain over the geographical localisation of the work of al-Djarsifi. Information regarding Cordova is, however, not perhaps quite as precise, or abundant (in particular from a topographical and institutional point of view) as could be hoped. The description of the suks of the caliphal capital supplied by Levi-Provencal (Histoire de I'Espagne musulmane, iii, 1967, 299-305) is very general and is based principally on his knowledge of the "traditional city" in western (Maghrib!) Islam, and on data gleaned from manuals of hisba of which only one, the Risdla of Ibn £Abd al-Ra'uf, dates from the caliphal period (ed. Levi-Provencal, Trots traites hispaniques de hisba, Cairo 1955; tr. R. Arie in Hesperis-Tamuda, i [1960], 5-38). A useful point emerging from this survey is the indication that the corporative system, which is thought to have operated in towns of the 'Abbasid
East, did not exist in al-Andalus: there were no professional "corporations" as such, only amlns or cdrifs recognised by the authorities and serving as responsible intermediaries between them and each profession (302). Chalmeta's fundamental work supplies much more abundant information. Besides the information, perhaps rather theoretical, which may be drawn from it regarding the jurisdiction of the sahib al-suk/muhtasib of caliphal Cordova (relating to the supervision of prayer, marriages, etc.), the Risdla fi adab al-hisba by Ibn cAbd al-Ra'uf provides some interesting details concerning the regulation of the suks of Cordova in the 4th/10th century, weights and measures and the types of fraud likely to be committed by artisans and merchants. But the two most important texts for the study of the suk in al-Andalus are: the Risdla fi 'l-kadd3 wa 'l-hisba by Ibn 'Abdun, which contains a wealth of detail regarding control of the market of Seville ca. 1100 A.D. (published by Levi-Provencal in the afore-mentioned Trois traites and translated by him in Seville musulmane au debut du XIF stick, Paris 1947), and the Kitdb fi adab al-hisba by al-Sakatf, which supplies similar information regarding Malaga of about a century later (ed. G.S. Colin and Levi-Provencal, Un manuel hispanique de hisba, traite d'Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad b. Abl Muhammad as-Sakati de Malaga, 1931; tr. P. Chalmeta in AlAndalus, xxxii [1967], 125-62, 365-97, and xxxiii [1968], 143-95, 367-434). All of these texts, which cover norms of activity for those responsible for the market, the regulations which they are expected to apply and safeguards against the more blatant forms of fraud, are more concerned with the control of professions and the policing of the market, thus its functioning and practical reality, than with the broader function of the hisba. This seems to be due to the specifics of this control of the market in al-Andalus, where the Umayyad tradition seems to have preserved, better than was the case in the 'Abbasid East, a post for the policing of commercial activities, the one responsible retaining the title of wall al-suk or sahib al-suk. There is no doubt of the existence of a particular magistrate entrusted with the wildyat al-suk, distinct from the wildyat al-madma since the time of cAbd al-Rahman II (206-38/822-52). Information is available concerning numerous jurists who exercised this function, which was closely involved with the practical regulation of economic life, and constituted one of the echelons of a kind of cursus honorum of magistratures and senior official posts (Ibn cAbd al-Ra'uf, for example, seems to have been successively sahib al-suk, wall al-madma, then wazir). For P. Chalmeta, confusion with the hisba was a late and rather deliberate development in alAndalus, and among the populace, the functionary entrusted with this role was still seen primarily as "controller of the market". The later treatise, that of al-Sakatf, is also the more precise and more vivid in regard to the ingenuity of fraudulent practices, the composition and manufacture of products: it provides an exceptionally clear insight into the daily life of a suk which seems principally devoted to the promotion of a multiplicity of small and highly specialised businesses. The Andalusian treatises often paint a detailed and colourful picture of a world of impecunious small tradesmen and rogues, seeming to exist on the very edge of survival. They have little to say of higherlevel commercial activities, and are almost silent on the subject of costly merchandise (where luxury products are mentioned, it is their manufacture which is
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described, rather than their marketing: thus for example the brocades and silk fabrics cited by Ibn cAbd al-Ra'uf, p. 353 of R. Arie's translation). Chalmeta draws a firm distinction between the closed world of small artisans and merchants of the suk as such, defined by him as hawdntl, and the much more open one of the major traders, tuajajdr, who were not, in his opinion, subject to the jurisdiction of the sahib al-suk. He stresses the separation of the two commercial circuits, local and long distance, which in his view had very little in the way of coordination or interaction with each other, and even developed in divergent directions. In her study of commerce—and particularly large-scale commerce—in al-Andalus, O.R. Constable, while slightly modifying the notion of the non-intervention of the sahib al-suk in long distance commerce (in areas such as the supervision of vessels and of ports), agrees that texts dealing with control of the Andalusian suk leave aside almost entirely precious products, major commerce and major traders. She believes that others were entrusted with this charge, but concedes that the sources say virtually nothing on the subject (Trade and traders in Muslim Spain, Cambridge 1994). It would probably be necessary to distinguish between different types of town. For his part, H. Ferhat provides a picture of Ceuta, a town which could be considered as representing Andalusian civilisation, where, in the 13th-14th centuries, "all the in habitants were merchants, settlers, traders and mariners" (Sdbta des origines au XIVe suck, Rabat 1993, 308 and passim., in particular the whole of the very interesting chapter on commerce, 305-45). It would be helpful to have a better knowledge of the precise geography of the places, in the city, where commercial activities were practised. The suk in the strict sense, the kaysdriyyas (article by L. Torres Balbas on the Akaicerias in Al-Andalus, xiv [1949], 431-55; detailed description of a surviving edifice, the current Corral del Carbon of Granada), funduks, open markets, certainly also played an important role, without counting the extramural and rural markets, which are often evoked but of which virtually nothing is known (cf. for example Brunschvig, ii, 235; Chalmeta, 75102). A systematic analysis of texts of all kinds would perhaps facilitate a more accurate identification of the places where different types of commercial transaction were concluded. A passage from the Tashawwuf of al-Tadilf (singled out as representing a somewhat exceptional case by H. Ferhat, Sabta, 310) refers for example to a purchase of corn made some time in the mid-12th century at Azemmour, by an Andalusian merchant who intended to export it to Malaga; the deal was struck in the port and not in the suk (ed. A. Tawfik, 1404/1984, 190). Reference has been made above to a list of the revenues of different sales locations in Tunis in the 14th century cited by Brunschvig: it emphasises the meagre revenue of suks as such in comparison with the receipts earned by markets in public places and by junduks. A survey which is currently in progress of collections offatwds of the Muslim West will perhaps facilitate a better understanding of the organisation of the "market" in its entirety (V. Lagardere). A detailed study of the traffic in slaves at Cordova has been conducted by M. £Abd al-Wahhab Khallaf in his Kurtuba al-Isldmiyya, Tunis 1984, 113 ff., on the basis of the fatwds of Ibn Sahl. But a more precise analysis of commercial activities as a whole and of the suk as a physical commercial site often remains unattainable, in the absence of effective archives. Reference may be made for example to a judicial review conducted
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by a wazir sahib al-ahkam wa 'l-suk of Cordova who, in 458/1066, intervened in a transaction involving a company consisting of two brothers, one based in Cordova and the other in Fez, who were in dispute with a third party to whom they had forwarded a number of dinars as payment for the manufacture on their behalf of ten pieces of silk, apparently for export (V. Lagardere, Histoire et societe en Occident musulman au Moyen Age. Analyse du Mi'ydr d'al-Wansansi, Madrid 1995, 355). This would seem to contradict the notion expressed above that long-distance trade was immune from the jurisdiction of the sahib al-suk, but this is only one particular case among many others which should be cited. Bibliography: Given in the article. (P. GUICHARD) 3. In Cairo u n d e r the M a m l u k s and Ottomans. The installation of political and military power in the Citadel of Cairo, effected by Salah al-Dm (Saladin), definitively opened up the Fatimid foundation of alKahira [q.v.] to indigenous settlement and to economic activities which the privileged status of the city had not, however, greatly hindered: specialised markets are mentioned there from 364/975 onward, and al-Makrfzf has compiled a list, already long, of commercial centres dating back to the Fatimid period. But with the Ayyubids the trend became more pronounced: the Andalusian traveller Ibn Sacld, who resided in Cairo between 638/1241 and 646/1249, then between 658/1260 and 675/1277, describes the stalls which invaded the square known as Betweenthe-two-palaces, Bayn al-kasrayn, robbing it of the dignity which it owed to the vision of the sultans who constructed it. The gradual decline of Fustat [q.v.] contributed to this evolution. It was in the Mamluk period that the market quarter experienced the expansion which is described by the Khitat of al-Makrfzf, with their list of suks and of caravanserais and the precise localisation which they make possible. Although this census is probably not exhaustive, and although it is located in a period of relative decline in Cairo, it may be considered to give a reasonably accurate impression of what the market sector used to be under the Mamluks. The area devoted to economic activities extended on both sides of the great Fatimid avenue, the Kasaba, between Bab al-Futuh and Bab Zuwayla. In a space of some forty hectares, 48 markets were concentrated (out of the 87 located by al-Makrfzf in Cairo) and 44 caravanserais (out of a total of 58). This was the site for the most important mercantile activities of Cairo. Other specialised markets were located alongside several major roads leading towards the suburbs, while elsewhere markets tended to be non-specialised ("small markets", suwaykd) supplying products required for daily consumption. The markets, suks, were open structures, located along roads or at road intersections, the conglomeration of shops generally having no architectural distinction. In these markets, professional specialisation was the rule, each activity occupying a fixed sector of the city, as is well indicated by al-Makrfzf's description. Although the terms qualifying them are quite variable (al-Makrizf uses, in different cases, the words funduk, kaysdriyya, khan and wakdld), the caravanserais served similar functions (major commerce, wholesale trade and accommodation for merchants) and maintained a fairly constant architectural structure. These square or rectangular buildings opened on the street by means of a single, covered, monumental gateway;
792
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their central courtyard, open to the sky, gave access to shops on ground-level, above which were accommodation facilities for traders. They were sometimes surmounted by a rabc [q.v.], a building available for rent, comprising a variable number of apartments. Such is the appearance of the few specimens which have survived, from what is admittedly a rather late period: two wakdlas constructed by Ka'it Bay in the centre of Cairo (881/1477, class, no. 75) and near the Bab al-Nasr (885/1480, no. 9), al-Ghurf's wakdla (909/1504, no. 64), monuments of remarkable architectural quality, considering their utilitarian function. The district of markets and caravanserais which occupied the centre of Cairo reflected the evolution of the city as a whole during the Mamluk era, with a phase of expansion and prosperity in the first half of the 9th/15th century, a period of decline between 748/1348 and 802/1400, and finally a period of restoration under the reigns of the sultans Barsbay, Ka'it Bay, and Kansuh al-Ghun in particular. To the last-mentioned sovereign is owed the construction of the Khan al-Khallli (917/1511), the design of which evokes the Ottoman bedesten: this major commercial centre was furthermore intended for the Turkish merchants whose swelling numbers in Cairo were like a presage of the Ottoman conquest. The increasing importance of the Mediterranean in the life of the Mamluk empire was also reflected by the decline of Old Cairo and the expansion of Bulak [q.v.], which had become Cairo's principal outer harbour. The Ottoman period (923-1213/1517-1798) was marked by an overall expansion of the city of Cairo, the population of which increased from 150,000200,000 inhabitants, in 1517, to 250,000 in 1798; no doubt the numbers were higher still ca. 1750, when the town was at its zenith. This development is explained by the economic progress which led to the integration into the Ottoman empire of Egypt and of other Arab provinces: Aleppo evolved in much the same way as Cairo. On the other hand, Egypt continued to be an active centre of oriental commerce, in particular with the growth of the trade in coffee, which reached its highest point of prosperity between 1650 and 1750. The economic dynamism of Cairo was illustrated by a remarkable extension of the central business area, on both sides of the Kasaba, to cover an area which may be estimated at some sixty hectares. In this region were included 57 markets (out of a total of 144) and 228 caravanserais (out of a total of 348), figures which give an impression of the development of business in Cairo since the Mamluk period. The principal centres were the Khan al-Khalflf, the Bundukaniyyfn, the Ghuriyya and the region of al-Azhar, with important extensions in the region of the Djamaliyya (trade with Palestine and Syria) and of Amir al-Djuyush. This was the zone dominated by the trade in coffee (no fewer than 62 wakdlas) and in fabrics. The expansion of the city had led to the establishment of secondary nuclei of commercial activity, situated closer to the outskirts of the city. The most important were those of Bab al-Shacriyya (8 markets and 14 caravanserais), of Bab Zuwayla (15 and 16 respectively), of Suk alSilah-Rumayla (11 and 17), and of Ibn Tulun (9 and 14). The remarkable prosperity of Bulak, in particular in the 10th/16th century, testifies to the importance of commercial connections within the empire; 65 caravanserais are cited there .in 1798. Commercial structures had undergone few changes since the Mamluk period. Markets, suk, were normally groups of shops, dukkdn, hdnut, of such simple struc-
ture and low cost that they could be constructed in large numbers, often in the framework of pious foundations, wakf. But Cairo has preserved an example of a market of architectural quality, the "Ridwan kasaba", built by the amir Ridwan Bay ca. 1640, to the south of Bab Zuwayla: this covered market, which extends over some 50 m, comprises a double row of shops, a rabf and a wakdla (class, nos. 406, 408). The caravanserais, henceforward known as wakdla (the term khan being employed only in a small number of cases), had retained the pattern of their Mamluk models: warehouses, hdsil, and tiered accommodation, tabaka, ranged around a courtyard. But although their price could be exorbitant (a million paras), these were purely functional buildings with decoration reduced to the minimum: a monumental doorway and windows, mashrabiyya, projecting from exterior and interior fagades. The Dhu '1-Fikar Katkhuda wakdla (1084/1673, no. 19) constitutes the relatively rare example of a monumental structure designed horizontally (covering an area of 2,625 m2), perhaps as a result of Syrian influences. The Bazarca wakdla (end of the llth/17th century, no. 398) is a monument of very traditional vertical structure (area: 1,125 m2), surmounted by a rabc. The largest caravanserais were built at Bulak, in the 10th/16th century: the Hasan Pasha wakdla (7,560 m2) and Kharnub wakdla (3,840 m2). These exceptional dimensions are accounted for by the dynamism of this outer harbour and by the wealth of the governors of Cairo who often financed such buildings at this time. The impressive scale of this economic investment reflects the activity of the city of Cairo, whose decline, due to internal causes (political crisis after 1186/1773, famines and devastating epidemics after 1194/1780) and external factors (effects of western commercial competition, perceptible from 1750 onward), was not to become irreversible until the last two decades of the 12th/18th century. Bibliography: Makrlzl, Khitat, Bulak 1270/1853; Ibn lyas, Badd3if al-zuhur, ed. Mostafa, Wiesbaden 1962-72, 5 vols., tr. G. Wiet; Leo Africanus, Description de I'Afrique, ed. and tr. A. Epaulard, Paris 1956; Ewliya Celebi, Seyahetname, x, Istanbul 1938; Djabarti, 'Aajd'ib al-dthdr, Bulak 1297/1879, tr. T. Philipp and M. Perlmann, Stuttgart 1994; CA1I Pasha Mubarak, al-Khitat al-^adida, Bulak 1306/ 1888; M. Clerget, Le Cam, 1934; A. Raymond, Artisans et commercants au Caire au XVIIF siecle, Damascus 1974; idem and Wiet, Les marches du Caire, Cairo 1979; N. Hanna, An urban history of Bulaq, Cairo 1983; J.M. Rogers, EP art. KAHIRA; Raymond, Grandes villes arabes a I'epoque ottomane, Paris 1985; idem, Le Caire, Paris 1993; D. Behrens-Abouseif, Egypt's adjustment to Ottoman rule, Leiden 1994; Sylvie Denoix, J.C. Depaule and M. Tuchscherer, Un centre commercial et artisanal au Caire du XIIIs au XVIIF siecle, le khan al-Khalill et ses environs, Cairo 1997. (A. RAYMOND) 4. In Syria. (a) Damascus under the Ottomans. When the Ottomans entered Damascus in 923/ 1517, the topographical separation of skilled and commercial activities had been in effect since the Mamluk period. It is true that already in 803/1402, the city had been sacked by Tfmur and the leading representatives of the urban professions deported, with their families, towards Samarkand (Ibn Kadi Shuhba, Ta'rikh, iv, year 803 [1400-1]); numerous suks had ceased to function and some crafts had disappeared at least temporarily, especially the artistic professions
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which depended on the patronage of the Mamluk amirs. However, these activities were gradually revived and at the end of the 9th/15th century, 139 suks and 117 professions were counted by Ibn al-Mabrad (Nuzha, supplemented by his Pdndt and K. al-hisba). Once mapped, this information makes it possible to locate within the city (Salihiyya, a major suburb separated from Damascus by gardens, preserved its autonomy with its suks, its khans and its muhtasib) three sectors combining the majority of economic activities: a central intramural sector and, outside the enclosure, starting from a large square "under the Citadel", two great perpendicular axes, the one to the north, altarik al-sultdm, following the left bank of the Barada towards the northern towns and the villages of the Ghuta, and the other leading towards the south, altarik al-cuzmd, in the direction of the Holy Places and of the Hawran. The central intramural sector which, in the 6th/12th century was firmly implanted to the east of the Great Mosque, was gradually transferred towards the west and the south-west; it was henceforward located (with the 40 or so suks recorded by Ibn al-Mabrad) in a zone bounded to the east by the Umayyad Mosque, to the west by the "intersection" of Bab al-Band, to the south by the Street called Straight, the western part of which developed in the first quarter of the 9th/15th century, after the ravages of the Mongols, with the foundation of the Djakmak suk, where two khans of the Mamluk period, Djakmak and Dikka (a site for the sale of slaves transferred in the Ottoman period to the al-Haramayn khan, also called the ajiwdr khan) are still in existence today. This sector concentrated in a series of suks and kaysdriyyas, situated on these two axes and the perpendicular streets linking them, with certain traditional crafts, the principal commercial activities of the city. These comprised wholesale and retail sale of luxury or quality products in the immediate proximity of the Great Mosque, of superior merchandise on the periphery (the Street called Straight): markets for fabrics (and clothing) of silk, cotton and wool, for furs, a suk for spices and drugs, markets for gold, silver, jewellery, weapons, a small suk of copyists and booksellers, leatherwork and the manufacture of high quality shoes, carders and rope-makers. Outside the walls to the north and west, at the gates and on the two major perpendicular arteries skirting the walls, suks requiring extensive space developed, along with noisy or malodorous crafts, combining production and sale aimed at both urban and rural consumers. To the North, on the esplanade called "Under the Citadel", were markets which were transferred thither at the beginning of the Mamluk period from the interior of the town (Sauvaget, Decrets mamelouks) in the interest of space: every morning, markets for horses and pack-animals were held, and on Friday morning that for camels and cattle. Around this space, which was animated by a variegated crowd of shoppers and strollers who came to be amused by public entertainers, were installed specialised markets "more or less closely associated with military life and the raising of horses" (traders in clothing and items of equipment, craftsmen dealing in metal and in wood, saddlers, manufacturers of panniers and of sieves, straw merchants) which had followed the livestock markets when the latter were transferred, markets of poor quality fabrics, and markets of fruit and vegetables (Dar or Khan al-Bittlkh). Towards the east, as far as the gate of Bab alFaradfs, were markets tending to specialise in the
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manufacture and sale of various consumer goods, giving their names to each part of the area (shoes for peasants, wooden boxes, domestic utensils and tools of iron or copper, flea-markets, etc.). Tanneries, which required abundant water, and also on account of the nuisance and the pollution that they engendered had been concentrated since the Middle Ages to the east, in the proximity of the Barada river between Bab alSalam and Bab Tuma—these remained there until the early 1950s, and for a long time constituted an obstacle to the expansion of the city in this sector. On both sides of the major perpendicular artery, leading southward from the esplanade to Bab al-Djabiya, various businesses associated with foodstuffs (sellers of vegetables, fruits, pastries, cooked meats, etc.) catered for strollers and itinerant visitors, in the vicinity of the suks of wood-turners and of basket-weavers. Outside these three major sectors and beyond the Bab al-Saghlr, the southern gate, close to the gardens of the Ghuta, were located suks of manufacturers of agricultural implements, wood-carvers, and the market for pigeons, the rearing of which was a popular pastime among Damascenes. Further to the south, in the suburb of Mldan, were situated the markets for sheep and activities associated with the wholesale trade in vital consumer goods: transported from the Hawran and also from the Bikac. Cereals were stored in open, unroofed spaces (carasdt) in the Mamluk period and, in the Ottoman period, warehoused in specially constructed closed buildings (hdsil or bd'ika). Manufacturing activities linked to the flourishing textile industry, in which numerous craftsmen were engaged, could not be gathered together in a single place; they were practised in shops or workshops dispersed throughout the city, some professions even being pursued in the home (Kasimf, Kdmus). Some concentrations may however be noted: the Bab alSarldja and Kabr cAtika (Sabbagh, Wathika), khans accommodated workshops of weavers who produced a fabric (cdtiki) sufficiently renowned to be exhibited in the markets of Cairo in the llth/17th century (Raymond, Artisans et commerfants, index); installed nearby were craftsmen who produced the equipment (combs, shuttles, etc.) necessary for this industry. Later, in the 13th/19th century, weaving-shops are mentioned in districts to the south of Mfdan (von Kremer, Topographic). In the intramural suks, sources of the Mamluk period mention numerous kaysdriyyas. Edifices dedicated to specific forms of commerce, they had the form of a gallery closed at both ends by gates, with a groundfloor of shops; in the centre were a water basin and one or more mak'ads, each provided with a coffer (khizdna); and on the upper floor were warehouses (makhzari) or lodgings (tabaka) reached by an external staircase (Wakfiyyat al-Umawi, fol. 49a). In the Ottoman period, governors of the province and local dignitaries built a score of large caravanserais, including a bazz&zistdn or bedesten [q.v.], a base for traders in luxury fabrics, and they also built suks in this central sector. These khdns, taking the place of the kaysdriyyas, closed and guarded at night, were constructed of freestone on two levels around an open central courtyard and, in more specifically Ottoman style, covered entirely by cupolas, the best examples being the al-Djukhiyya khan of the 10th/16th century or the Ascad Basha one of the 12th/18th century; they provided warehouses on the groundfloor, sometimes hostelries on the upper level, and they supplied, like the kaysdriyyas before them and along with the suks, a significant proportion of the revenues for wakfs.
794
SUK
Outside the major sectors which had concentrations of specialised markets, each district of the city— as was asserted by J. Sauvaget and confirmed for the Mamluk period by Ibn al-Mabrad and for the Ottoman period by an Ottoman census of 1827-8 (Ba§bakanhk Arfivi, no. 19450, from 1243/1227-8)—possessed its own small market, suwayka, where numerous local businesses were established (between 30 and 100 shops for traders in vegetables and fruit, charcoal and wood, for butchers, bakers, etc. according to the census of 1827), offering services to local residents or as in Mfdan, to the south of the city, to a clientele of peasants and of nomads. These suwqykas represented, with the mosques and the hammdms, the indices of urban expansion. Thus, in the Mamluk period, on the axis of the Bab al-Sarfdja, leading to the villages of the Ghuta in the south-west and towards Palestine, there developed an important suk known as Khan al-Sultan and, at its western extremity, a Suk al-MasaJ (mentioned in the wakf of the Tayruzf Mosque founded in the 9th/15th century and still functioning today), which testify clearly to the urbanisation of this sector. The Ottomans were content in the early stages to retain and enforce some of the regulations formerly decreed by the Mamluk sultan Ka'it Bay (S73-97/ 1468-92), under the general heading of ihtisdb, which had taken the place of the term hisba [q.v.]. Essentially, the ihtisdb collected duties and taxes imposed on shopkeepers, craftsmen and merchants (Bakhit, Ottoman province), excluding duties on foodstuffs (cereals, fruits and vegetables), livestock markets and the weighingtax; it was in fact the second largest source of revenue for the province, after that constituted by the taxes levied on alkalis used in the manufacture of soap, and was of equal value to the tolls and taxes which the Treasury sought to levy on products transported by caravans on the Pilgrimage route. The ihtisdb was an annual tax-farming contract (mukdta'a), and the appointment depended on the senior local judge who exercised exclusive jurisdiction in matters of hisba, a function extended to the inspection of morality in public places, and on the dqftarddr of the province for the collection of revenues. In the Ottoman period, artisans were united by an institutionalised solidarity in the framework of professional corporations (tawd'if al-hiraf or asndf [see SINF. 1.]). In Damascus, in the early 12th/18th century, more than sixty different corporations were recorded in the registers of local tribunals, and a similar number is given in the census of 1827; of course, the number of actual professions followed was considerably higher (al-Kasimf, Kdmus), Religious diversity within these groups seems to have been the norm, the faiths of all being respected. They exercised a virtual monopoly over the market: the quality of products was subject to internal control as well as to that of the state, and the conditions required for permission to practise a trade were particularly restrictive. Admission to a corporation and the promotion of the individual to different levels in the hierarchy, apprentice (aajlr), worker (sdnic), master (mu'allim, ustd), were marked by an initiation ritual. Each professional corporation was headed by a shaykh, elected by its members; a shaykh al-mashd'ikh representing the artisans and a shahbandar [q.v.] for the merchants. Their precise role was unclear. But it was the senior judge of the city who confirmed the appointment of each shaykh, ruled on internal disputes within corporations and instituted legal proceedings between them and imposed punishments for professional misconduct. Up to ca. 1860, the three major sectors experi-
enced developments, the detailed history of which has yet to be studied (the division of markets, dating back as far as the Mamluk period, displacements, disappearance of crafts and appearance of new ones) but which followed the gradual economic and demographic evolution of the city, which progressed from 50,000 inhabitants in the 16th century to approximately 140,000 at the end of the 19th (al-Kasatili, al-Rawda al-ghannd3, 8). As a result of the intensification of trade brought about by the incorporation of the city into the Ottoman empire, an increase in density is perceptible from the 16th century onward in the intramural commercial zone. Suk and khan were built on residential sites in the centre; outside the walls, at Bab al-Djabiya, the newly-founded Suk al-Sinaniyya, a broad complex of 74 shops (of unknown use and function) and 34 units (huajra) on the upper level on both sides of the artery leading to Mldan, represented an extension of the markets of the Street called Straight at the end of the 16th century. Separated from the other markets, the Suk al-Sibahiyya (later called Suk al-Arwam), an enclosed market built in the 16th century in the neighbourhood of the Palace to the south of the Citadel and a site for brokers (dalldl) specialising in the purchase and sale of furniture and moveables belonging to the estates of the deceased, prefigured the progressive expansion of suks in this sector in centuries to come. More significant and better-documented changes took place after 1860: greater openness to Europe led to an increase in the importation of manufactured goods, textiles especially, which began to invade the central suks, supplanting local products. In spite of resistance, the number of trades associated with textiles declined (al-Kasatill, 123). On the other hand, the Crimean War, by halting the export of Russian corn to Europe, led to a demand for wheat from the Hawran which was henceforward to be quoted on the London Stock Exchange. It is probably from this period that the multiplication of bd'ika constructions on the artery of Mfdan should be dated (the census of 1827 recorded 24, a survey conducted in 1994 showed about 60, but many have disappeared with the current modernisation of the city). With the Ottoman Reform period, the desire for modernisation was seen in works of public utility and in urban projects which sought to change in a more decisive manner the landscape of the city: paving and enlargement of the major arteries and the streets of the suks by removing the benches (mastaba) from the fronts of shops; these certainly constituted an obstruction but could be used in times of instability to construct barricades. There was the Excavation of new arteries, such as the western part of the Street called Straight or the section between the south-eastern corner of the Citadel and Bab al-Barfd (1884-85), named Suk al-Hamldiyya in honour of the sultan, an operation followed by the filling-in of the ditches of the Citadel in order to create space for the extension of markets (western part of the Suk al-Hamfdiyya) or the creation of new suks (Suk al-Khudja in 1905-6 on the site of the western ditch, and on Mardja Square, in 1878, a "closed market" (Suk CA1I Basha al-djadfd). Changes in the use of buildings also occurred (the 16th century Darwfsh Basha hammdm, in the centre of the major markets, became a suk named al-Kfshanf, in reference to its earthenware decoration). Finally, the constitution of a new administrative nucleus around Mardja Square with the construction of the newlycreated City Hall, the Court, police and postal headquarters and a proper hotel for travellers, attracted
SUK professions (changers, clock-makers and seal-makers) which were previously located elsewhere in the city. Bibliography: A. von Kremer, Topographic von Damascus, in Denkschriften Akad. Wien, v/2 (1854), 1-51, vi/2 (1855), 1-36; N. al-Kasatill, al-Rawda alghannd3 fi Dimashk al-fayhd3, Beirut 1876; K. Baedeker, Palestine et Syrie. Manuel du voyageur, 2Leipzig 1893; Ibn al-Kalanisi, Dhayl ta'rikh Dimashk, ed. Amedroz, Leiden 1909, 4-11, detailed description of the markets of the town and its neighbourhood during two years of disorder, in A.D. 963-5; J. Sauvaget, Decrets mamelouks de Syrie, in BEO, ii (1932), 1-52, and Esquisse d'une histoire de la ville de Damas, in REI, viii (1934), 422-80; Yusuf Ibn cAbd al-Hadf, Ibn al-Mabrad (d. 909/1503, K. al-Hisba, ed. H. Zayyat, in Machriq, xxxv (1937), 384-90, al-Icanat cald ma'rifat al-khdndt, ed. Zayyat, in ibid., xxxvi/2 (1938), 66-70, Nuzhat al-rifdk can shark hdl al-aswdk, ed. Zayyat, in ibid., xxxvii (1939), 18-28; R. Mantran and J. Sauvaget, Reglements Jiscaux ottomans de Syrie, Damascus 1948; Kasimf, Kdmus al-sindfdt al-shdmiyya, Paris-The Hague 1960; N. Elisseeff, La description de Damas d'Ibn cAsdkir, Damascus 1959; A. Rafeq, The Province of Damascus 1723-1783, Beirut 1966; Y. Ibish, Elias Qudsi's sketch of the guilds of Damascus in the nineteenth century, in Middle East Economic Papers, 1967, 41-62; I. Lapidus, Muslim cities in the later Middle Ages, Cambridge Mass. 1967; L. Sabbag, Watjnka c arabiyya shdmiyya min al-karn al-cdshir al-hiajn hawl alsindca al-nasiajiyya wa 'l-nussddj., in al-Mu3tamar alduwalT al-thdm li-ta'rikh Bildd al-Shdm, Damascus 1979, i, 35-94; M.A. Bakhit, The Ottoman province of Damascus in the sixteenth century, Beirut 1982; D. Sack, Damaskus. Entwicklung und Struktur drier orientalisch-islamischen Stadt, Mainz 1989 (Damaszener Forschungen, Band 1); Ibn Kadi Shuhba, Ta'rikh, years 800-8, forthcoming; K. Wakf al-Umawl, ms. Umayyad Mosque. (SARAB ATASSI and J.P. PASCUAL) (b) Aleppo. Little is known of the history of the emergence of the suks of Aleppo, particularly in reference to the transformation of the ancient avenue into a suk, which seems to have begun in the Byzantine period. The first precise information dates back to the 6th/12th century. Ibn Djubayr (quoted by Sauvaget, Alep. Essai sur le developpement d'une grande ville syrienne, Paris 1941. 119-20), evokes on the one hand the principal suk, "in all its length", evidently corresponding to the Kasaba and extending from the Antioch Gate to the Citadel, on the other, the Kaisariyya "which enfolds the Great Mosque", which does not seem to have adopted a basilical form, but that of linear suks. Trading at that time was mainly confined to fabrics and second-hand goods. The descriptions of Ibn al-Shaddad in the 7th/13th century are more detailed (Arabic text by D. Sourdel, Damascus 1953; see also the passages quoted by Ibn al-cAdjamf in Sauvaget, Les tresors d'or de Sibt ibn alc Ajami. Materiaux pour servir a I'histoire d'Alep, Beirut 1950; analysis by Sourdel, in Esquisse topographique d'Alep intramuros a I'epoque ayyoubide, in Les Annales Archeologiques de Syrie, ii [1951], 109-33). It appears that the suks and manufacturing activities were then located in a central zone broader and less exclusive than was the case in the Ottoman period: the economic activities mentioned, in the streets perpendicular to the Kasaba, especially to the south, such as the street of the falconers, of the dyers, of manufacturers of ovens, of traders in wood, animal fat, mats, the street of the smiths, the street of the glaziers, the khan of the bow-makers, etc., were almost all located in districts which are cur-
795
rently exclusively residential. Other concentrations of craft occupations in the districts to the north of the Great Mosque—soap-makers, stone-dressers, tanners, dyers—disappeared gradually or abruptly: the first century of Ottoman domination was marked in fact by a process of refinement of professions, a process which had perhaps begun earlier, and by the banishment to the suburbs of almost all manufacturing activities (A. Raymond, Le deplacement des tanneries d Alep, au Caire et d Tunis a I'epoque ottomane: un indicateur de croissance urbaine in Revue d'histoire maghrebine, vii-viii [1977], 192-200). Among the activities practised in the 13th century in the central suks, in the vicinity of the Great Mosque, very few are still to be found on their original site: fabrics and second-hand goods have been displaced, in particular, by rope- and shoe-making, against the kibla wall of the Great Mosque. Goldsmiths were then located further to the south, while traders in spices and drugs also seem to have been displaced, moving towards the central axis where they are currently situated. It is difficult to identify an immutable logic in these changing localisations, the classical concentration of goldsmiths and carpet and fabric sellers in the proximity of the Great Mosque having been gradually realised. Other specialised or open-air markets have also been displaced and the most stable sites, up to the present day, are without doubt on the one hand the suks selling fresh foodstuffs, which have long been situated close to Bab al-Djinan and the suwaykas (small or specialised local suks), those of the Jews, of Hatim and of CA1I, on the axis of Bab al-Nasr. Another important change concerning the location of commercial activities is the concentration of the majority of the khans close to the central suks and the Great Mosque, away from their former locations near the gates, or in relatively dispersed sites in outlying districts. This process was accentuated before the Ottoman period, especially with the construction of three monumental khans and of numerous large and conventional suks in the late 15th and early 16th centuries. The Ottoman foundations are, however, a more prominent factor in the contemporary urban landscape, by their extensive size, their architectural quality and the diversity of occupations which they accommodate. The most ancient suks were not covered by stone vaults but by timber frames and possibly by tiles, and were thus at risk from frequent fires. Their arrangement was doubtless less uniform than that of the great Mamluk or Ottoman suks on account of their more spontaneous mode of production, with the exception of major foundations by sovereigns. They were also narrower, comprising tiny shops like those which are still to be seen in the current cordage suk or in a very small suk to the south of the goldsmiths' suk. The large suks, with much bigger shops and a high roof constructed from mixed materials and stone arches doubtless supporting a timber frame or ceiling, seem to date back to the end of the Mamluk period. Roofing in stonework became standard in the Ottoman period, with sets of cupolas, then cradle-vaults, or cracllevaults or groined arches, alternating with cupolas. The ancient system combined commercial sites with other public buildings, in a mixed environment, where residence was not entirely excluded. The campaign of concentration and selection which reached its highest point in the Ottoman period created a quite different system, excluding all forms of permanent residence, except for visitors, but establishing among the suks or
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in close proximity to them a substantial range of services, old or new, including mosques, madrasas, hammdms, cafes, public conveniences, buildings designed for temporary lodging, for bulk trading and manufacturing activities, khans and kaysariyya^. Uses of these spaces diversified, especially between the 17th and 19th centuries, with the presence of western trade missions and consulates, and the consequent appearance of convents, religious schools and chapels. Banks, hospitals and modern schools were also been established in this neighbourhood, constituting in the 19th century an embryo of the modern centre. The old suks remain a powerful model for the management of modern commercial space, albeit on other sites and in terms of practice rather than architectural forms. Bibliography: J.-C. David and M. Hreitani, Les suks traditionnels et Us structures modernes du commerce de detail a Alep, 1930-1980, in BEO, xxxvi (1986), 1-78. For a complete history and geography of Aleppo, see H. Gaube and E. Wirth, Aleppo. Historische und geographische Beitrdge zur baulichen Gestaltung, Wiesbaden 1984; Th. Bianquis, Le pouvoir politique a Alep au V7XIe suck, in REMM, Ixii (1992), 49-59. (J.-C. DAVID) 5. In ' I r a k [see Suppl.]. 6. In Persia. The Persian equivalent word for Arabic suk is bazar, attested in Middle Persian written texts (MP wdzdr; Sogdian w3crn; and as a loanword in Armenian, vacar), all with the sense of "market". When Nasir-i Khusraw entered Isfahan in 444/1052, he saw one lane of the bazar with 50 caravanserais and another one with 200 sarrdfs or money-changers/ bankers. The term which he uses for "caravanserai" is tim (see Safar-ndma, ed. Dabfr-Siyakf, Tehran 1335/ 1956, 123, Eng. tr. W.M. Thackston, Albany 1986, 98). This is still used in parts of the Iranian world, but has survived mainly in the diminutive form timca "a small tim or caravanserai". This traveller's account seems to be the earliest description of a suk or bazar as the term came to be understood: a structural and functional ensemble of buildings for long-distance trade, for wholesale and retail trade and for banking. There had existed in pre-Islamic times streets or lanes with workshops on each side, but the combination of streets or lanes hemmed in by shops, caravanserais and other buildings for commercial use behind these shops, seems to be product of Islamic civilisation before ca. A.D. 1000, at a time when longdistance trade within the Islamic lands was at a high level. Within this, the Persian economy had a central function, with diversification of function a key feature; hence it seems that it was the physical and functional shape of the suk I bazar which spread from it both eastwards and westwards. In Persia, as everywhere else in the Islamic world, the main elements involved are lanes covered by wooden roofs, sheds made of canvas, reeds and straw, or vaults with shops (the Arabic dukkdn being used here in New Persian). Behind such shops are karwdnsardys and timcas. The first of these are huge, usually two-storeyed buildings with a central courtyard and rooms and storerooms around this last (see further, KHAN, the Arabic equivalent for caravanserai). Here in pre-modern times merchants came from far away and sold their goods; today, merchants have their offices and storerooms there. Timcas are small, courtyard structures or roofed galls with shops for retail sale around them. Functionally, they can be considered an extension of the bazar. We find similar struc-
tures in the Arab East (e.g. at Aleppo), where they are called kaysariyya [q.v.], a term which has differing meanings in the Arab West, the Arab East and Persia. Whereas in Syria, small structures bear this name, in the Arab West and in Persia the central parts of the suk/bazar are called kaysariyya. Thus the kaysariyya of the bazar of Isfahan is a complex system of bazar lanes, karwdnsardys, timcas, cahdrsiis (= "four directions") or cahdrsuks ("four suks, these being domed crossings of bazar lanes with shops around), the royal mint and a bath-house or hammdm. Bibliography: J.L. Clark, The Iranian city ofShiraz, Durham 1963; P.W. English, City and village in Iran, Madison 1966; G. Schweizer, Tabriz (Nordwest Iran) und der Tabrizer Bazar, in Erdkunde, xxvi (1972), 3246; HJ. Rotblat, Structural impediments to change in the Qazvin bazaar, in Iranian Studies, v (1972), 130-48; E. Wirth, %um Problem des Bazars. Versuch einer Begriffsbestimmung und Theorie des traditionellen Wirtschqftszentrums der orientalisch-islamischen Stadt, in IsL, li (1974), 203-60, lii (1975), 6-46 (fundamental); V.F. Costello, Kashan. A city and region of Iran, London 1976; H. Gaube and E. Wirth, Der Bazar von Isfahan, Wiesbaden 1978; M. Seger, Tehran. Einer stadtgeographische Studie, Berlin 1978; M. Scharabi, Der Bazar, Tubingen 1985 (fundamental). (H. GAUBE) 7. In Ottoman Anatolia and the Balkans. The term suk in Ottoman sources may be used in a very broad sense, as in statements that a given inheritance had been sold in the suk-l sultdm. Here suk encompasses both shops and markets, the entire business district of a town. But in other texts suk is sometimes used in place of the more common term carshi, which refers both to individual business locales and the covered markets (bedestdn), which may encompass over a hundred shops. Here the term carshi contrasts with that of pdzdr, an open-air market held once or several times a week. In Ottoman towns, the suk/carshi was clearly distinguished from the residential areas of a town. However, there was no absolute separation between the two. Some craftsmen practiced their craft at home, and had living-in apprentices, while certain shops, such as those of bakers and greengrocers, were located in the vicinity of the households which bought from them day by day. In 12th/18th century Aleppo, women apparently frequented shops in their own neighbourhoods; this was probably true of Anatolian and Rumelian towns as well. Yet in spite of well-attested commercial activity in residential quarters, the multitude of shops built and rented out by pious foundations reinforced the trend toward segregation of shops and dwellings. For wakf-owned shops, well attested in the foundations' account books, were not normally accompanied by housing. Apart from widower masters or an occasional apprentice, the tenants of wakfowned shops needed to find residential space elsewhere. Wakfr as builders of the suk/carshi. In 8th/14th and 9th/15th century Anatolia and Rumelia, both the Ottomans and other princely dynasties established shop complexes, bedestdns and khans, intended to supply revenues to a major mosque and/or medrese. This was presumably undertaken with the aim of re-animating urban life, especially in the sites chosen as temporary or permanent capitals, for many Anatolian towns had suffered greatly during the wars following upon the disintegration of the Rum Saldjuk sultanate after the battle of Kosedagh (641/1243). The Ottoman sultans at first concentrated on Bursa. But Timurtash Pasha, a servitor of Bayezld I, and later his descendants Umur Beg and (probably) Saldjuk Beg
SUK b. Umur Beg, established shops in Kiitahya, Bergama and Sivrihisar as well. The monumental hammam founded by Sultan Mehemmed I in Merzifon should be regarded in the same context. Among the other Anatolian dynasties, the Karaman-oghullari were active in Konya and Konya Ereglisi, while the Dulkadir in the second half of the 9th/15th century built commercial structures in their capital Mara§. On a much larger scale, the construction of a suk/carshi was sponsored in Istanbul by Sultan Mehemmed II Fatih. The two bedestdns which even today form the core of Istanbul's Kapali carshi were built during his reign. A wakf deed of 877-8/1473 informs us that the Old Bedestan contained 124 shops, while on the outside of this building, 72 additional business locales had been accommodated (Halil Inalcik, The hub of the city. The Bedestan of Istanbul, in Internat. Jnal of Turkish Studies, i [1980], 9). Here valuable goods, such as textiles, jewelry and spices were traded, and the slave dealers (esiraji) equally did business from the Kapali carshi. Mehemmed IPs foundations were to provide revenue for his monumental foundation complex in Istanbul, which, apart from the mosque, included 16 medreses, a hospice, a hospital, a library and the mausoleum of the founder. The mosque of Sultan Bayezfd II, equally located in the new Ottoman capital, was also endowed with rows of shops, and so was the Suleymaniyye (completed 964/1557). Among the founders of suk/carshh who were not members of the Ottoman dynasty, the most notable personage was probably Mahmud Pasha (executed 879/1474). Not only did he sponsor the Ankara bedestdn, he also contributed extensively to the suk/carshi of Istanbul, with the intent of generating revenue for his mosque located in the vicinity of the Istanbul bedestdns', the district housing the Kapali Carshi is named after him. But even in the 12th/18th century, the establishment of a suk/carshi by means of a wakf was still practised; when in 1139/1726-7, Ahmed Ill's Grand Vizier Damad Ibrahim Pasha elevated the central Anatolian village of Mushkara (today, Nev§ehir) to the status of a town, he ordered the construction of both a kerbdnsardyi and a khan, both of which should have increased commercial traffic. Markets and fairs. Small and medium-sized towns possessed only a single suk/carshi, which usually included specialised open-air markets for the sale of bulky goods, such as grain, rice, sheep, yarn or firewood. Istanbul and Bursa in the 10th/ 16th and llth/17th centuries also possessed special women's markets; in llth/17th century Bursa, women could sell their work there without paying taxes (H. Gerber, Social and economic position of women in an Ottoman city, Bursa 1600-1700, in IJMES, xii [1980], 231-44). In certain Rumelian towns, a market known as an caraba pdzdri was recorded; presumably this was located on the outskirts of the town or along a major road in order to facilitate the access of carts. Markets were also found in villages, a necessary condition if the Ottoman taxation system was to work; for these markets allowed peasants to earn the cash they needed in order to pay their money dues, and /fm<2r-holders to rid themselves of extra supplies of grain in exchange for horses and other necessities. Kanun-ndmes of the 1 Oth/16th century therefore often required that the peasant bring the sipdhi's grain to the nearest market, with the proviso that this market was not be more than a day's travel away (O.L. Barkan, XV ve XVImci asirlarda Osmanh imparatorlugunda zirai ekonominin hukuki ve mall esaslan, i, Kanunlar, Istanbul
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1943, 131, 175, 287, 321). These markets must have promoted the growth of originally rural district centres into towns. In accordance with this political function of local markets, the early 10th/16th century tahrirs normally record merely one market per district (kadd], which was located in the district centre. But in the following decades, the number of village markets increased notably, and villages with no administrative function might acquire one. In addition to markets located in permanent settlements, we also find cases of markets held on summer pastures. The latter were often shared between several villages and nomadic groups, and therefore suitable for exchange. In front of rural kerbdnsardyh, markets were also on record; presumably they functioned irregularly, namely, when caravans passed through. In the second half of the llth/17th century, Ewliya Celebi noted that, in the coastal plain between Antalya and Alanya, at that time largely inhabited by nomads, a sizeable number of markets was in operation. Fairs were of economic importance particularly in Thessaly and Thrace; often they had originally been established in connection with the feast of the saint to whom the local church was dedicated. But in the course of the 10th/16th century, these fairs became so profitable that Ottoman officials, including KanunI Suleyman's Grand Vizier Rustem Pasha [q.v.], took them over, built installations to accommodate hundreds of merchants, and assigned the dues paid by the latter to a pious foundation of their choice. The Thessalian and Thracian fairs formed a chain, so that traders could visit them in turn. By contrast, the Anatolian fairs, among which those held in the Aegean town of Nazilli and in the Igel district of Giilnar were particularly notable, seem to have functioned more or less in isolation from one another. The word panaylr, normally employed to designate fairs, was not always used in the tahrirs in connection with gatherings that must have fallen into this category. But when a complex of 157 shops was built by Sinan Pasha, sanajak begi of Menteshe, in the minuscule settlement of Seki (Menteshe), we must assume that it was not in permanent use, but accommodated some kind of fair (Suraiya Faroqhi, Sixteenth-century periodic markets in various anatolian sancaks, in JESHO, xxii [1979], 68). As observed in other parts of the world as well, the settlements where even the largest fairs were held, such as the Thessalian village of Mashkolur, did not expand into towns. The suk/carshi within the town.
In major cities, the main suk/carshi, located in the city centre, might be supplemented by smaller agglomerations of shops on the outskirts; in Bursa, masters unable to join the guild of their craft were known to set up shop in outlying town quarters (Inalcik, Capital formation in the Ottoman empire, in Jnal. of Economic History, xix [1969], 117). In Istanbul, the different sections of the city had their own suk/carshh', apart from the enormous area between the Golden Horn and the Sultan Bayezld Mosque, which serviced Istanbul intra muros, there were the smaller business districts of Galata, complete with its own bedestdn, and the pilgrimage centre of Eyup. On the Anatolian side, Uskiidar built its own bedestdn at the end of the 10th/16th century, while Yenikoy, halfway up the Bosphorus, by the llth/17th century even had developed its own money market, whose rates of exchange differed slightly from those practiced in Istanbul (Halil Sahillioglu, XVII. asnn ilk yansmda Istanbul'da tedavuldeki sikkelerin raid, in Turk Tarihi Kurumu, Belgeler, i/1-2 [1964], 233).
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The distinctive feature of all business districts of any importance were the khans. These often belonged to wakfs within or even outside the city, and tenants paid rent for the right to exercise their trades there. Frequently, the wakf awarded the khan to a principal tenant after an auction. Sometimes khans were rented out to craftsmen from one or a few related guilds; thus in 12th/18th century Urfa, the shoemakers gave their name to the Kawaflar Khani, property of the Ridwaniyye medrese. In Istanbul before foreign embassies established permanent quarters in Pera/Beyoglu, ambassadors were also assigned khans in the suk/carshi, notably the Elgi Hani (Semavi Eyice, El$i Ham, in Tarih Dergisi, xxiv [1970], 93-129). Foreign traders equally put up in khans; in most Ottoman cities, only those traders intending a long-term stay rented private houses. Khans as well as bedestdns were also used by tax collectors as safe places in which to store money; in such cases, alterations to the building fabric were sometimes undertaken in order to minimise the likelihood of theft. In some towns, special guards (cases) were in charge of patrolling the suk/carshi. Transportation services could be found in the area; nomads and semi-nomads renting out camels were usually established in and around the khans. In the 12th/18th century, the Ottoman administration, by now in need of extra money, put increasing pressure for revenue on the wakfs which owned so many of the commercial buildings available, particularly in Istanbul. The mutewellis attempted to increase the rents paid by craftsmen; in order to limit these increases, the artisans, apparently aided by sympathetic kadis, developed the notion of gedik, which had not been entirely unknown in earlier times but came to be of major significance only during this period. In Istanbul, the gedik encompassed the workspace, tools and materials needed for the exercise of a given craft; these items could only be passed on to members of the relevant guild, thus limiting demand (Engin Akarh, Gedik: implements, mastership, shop usufruct and monopoly among Istanbul artisans, 1750-1850, in Wissenschqftskolleg—Jahrbuch [1985-6], 223-32). In late 12th/18th century Bursa, however, the gedik apparently encompassed only the tools and materials and not the shop itself. Collective workshops and streets named after crafts. Related to the khans tenanted by members of a single craft were the collective workspaces used by dyers (boya-khdne) or tanners (debbdgh-khdne). The latter were usually located on the outskirts of the town or city in question in order to minimise nuisances; when the town expanded, the debbdgh-khdne was moved, and the term eski (old) debbdgh-khdne came to denote a quarter like any other. In the case of the boya-khdne associated with the foundation supporting the library which Sultan Ahmed III had built in the Topkapi Palace precincts, enough documentation survives to give us some idea of its functioning. The artisans in question had been granted a monopoly for the dyeing of certain fabrics, which was worded in a rather vague fashion so that the limits of the monopoly at times needed to be re-defined by recourse to the kadi. Only artisans possessing access to the boya-khdne were allowed to participate in the monopoly. Access was controlled by the dyers already in place, who formed a guild with their own ketkhudd. They could accept new members and also exclude people they considered undesirable, who thereby lost their access to the boya-khdne. In the latter case, the expelled dyer possessed the right to a money payment, presumably his investment plus a share of the accruing profits. Boya-
khane buildings were owned by one or even several wakfs, and while wakf administrators might decide to relocate the boya-khdne and concomitantly increase the rent, the dyers possessed no recourse against such a decision. In most suk/carshis, there were individual lanes, equally known as carshi, which bore the names of the craftsmen who occupied or at least had occupied them at some time in the past. For 10th/16th century Anatolian towns, these lanes are documented in the wakf registers, as shops located in these specialised craft streets, which produced rent for a given pious foundation, are enumerated among the assets of the wakf in question. Textile crafts were the most widespread, including dyers, felt makers, dealers in woollens, cotton fabrics and silks, in addition to the ubiquitous skull-cap makers. In addition to wakf-owned shops, there must have been shops held as private property. But shop-lined streets containing no wakf property are not recorded in official registers. However, it is hard to say to what extent the separation by craft, implied in the very names of the lanes making up the suk/carshi, was actually applied "on the ground". Wakf records provide contradictory evidence. While in some cases we do find concentration by craft, in other instances shops were tenanted by craftsmen totally unrelated to the craft which was supposedly being practiced in the street in question. At least in the case of Istanbul, there survive a number of records concerning the collection of ihtisdb dues, which enumerate the tenants of individual shops and thus enable us to reconstruct the composition of a given street. Where members of a single craft were concentrated in one neighbourhood, this enabled the masters to supervise one another. Not only could those who ignored official price regulations or did not conform to locally accepted standards of quality be easily detected, socially unacceptable behaviour such as the excessive beating of an apprentice could also rapidly be brought to the notice of the relevant guild authorities. The physical appearance of Ottoman shops before the 13th/19th century is documented mainly through the miniatures of the two illustrated sur-ndmes, which record circumcision festivities held in 990/1582 and 1132/1720. Here various craftsmen are shown at work, and the miniatures also document the insides of bakeries, kebdbdjis or glassblowers' workshops. The sur-ndme of 1132/1720 even contains a miniature of a hammdm model, in which bath attendants served their customers. However, these models were meant for display, particularly of pantomime and craft skills, and therefore should not be regarded as completely accurate representations. In the second half of the 13th/19th century, European photographers and their Levantine colleagues made numerous photographs not only of shops but particularly of the petits metiers exercised on the street. However, here the aim was to show what a European clientele regarded as picturesque, so that these photographs should not be viewed as authentic depictions of reality either; the photographer may well have arranged a scene in a manner similar to that of the miniature painter of earlier ages (G. Beauge and Engin Qizgen, Images d'empire. Aux origines de la photographie en Turquie/Turkiye'de fotogrqfin onculeri, Istanbul n.d. [1992?], 146 ff.). Mosques in the suk/carshi. The suk/carshi district was normally located close to the town's Friday mosque. Markets held on a Friday were often more popular than their competitors convened on other days of the week, as peasants from the surrounding area appreciated the chance of attend-
SUK ing Friday prayers before returning to their villages. In certain towns, there existed mosques specifically designated as the Carshi Djami'i. This close connection of mosque and suk/carshi was at times expressed architecturally as well; the Istanbul mosque of Riistem Pasha (wakf-name dated 968/1561), located in the middle of Istanbul's suk/carshi district, was built on a terrace over an elaborate substructure housing shops, even though we do not know whether the latter were part of the original design. In addition, the suk/carshi might contain mosques named after one of the local guilds, and possibly built by one of their richer members; in Ankara, there exists a 8th-9th/ 14th- 15th century mosque named the Sabunf, presumably built or repaired by a soap maker or soap merchant (Goniil Oney, Ankara'da Turk devri dini ve sosyal yapilan, Ankara 1971, 38-9). In 12th/18th century Bursa, where money wakfi, were documented more intensively than elsewhere, many guildsmen donated money to local mosques to supplement the imam's salary, or to provide funds for matting and lighting. Only the more important among these foundations were administered by special mutewellis', in most other cases, the imam was in charge of the money wakfa attached to his mosque. This meant that he needed to acquire information on the solvency or otherwise of prospective borrowers, and present accounts periodically to the kadi. This arrangement further strengthened the link between urban mosques and the commercial activity carried on around them. Transformations during the 13th/ 19th century.
Ottoman urbanism of the 13th/19th century was directed mainly at public buildings, such as hukumet bindlari, hospitals or barracks, in addition to a number of seaside palaces in Istanbul. However, this construction activity had direct repercussions on the siik/carshi as well. In Istanbul, the concentration of imperial palaces and the dwellings of high officials led to the growth of a new suk/carshi in Be§ikta§. This contained mainly bakers, grocers and greengrocers who delivered their wares to the konaks in the vicinity; and since many of these shops received their supplies by sea, there were numerous boatmen and porters who waited for employment in the local coffeehouses (Hagop Mmtzuri, Istanbul amlan (1896-1907), Istanbul 1993). In the old suk/carshi area of intra muros Istanbul, there was considerable rebuilding following the series of fires which swept the old city. The principle was to make the major streets accessible to carts and coaches, and do away with cul-de-sacs in order to allow fire brigades easy access everywhere. Building in stone was officially recommended, and Dlwan yolu was widened as far as the Kapali Carshi. Apart from these utilitarian concerns, there was also an interest in making the major monuments visible by clearing the space surrounding them. After the fire of 1281-2/ 1865, a square was thus opened up in the area near the Kapali Carshi, around the column of Constantine (QemberlitasJ, which involved the partial destruction of the gemberlita§ hammdm (compl. 991/1583) (Zeynep Qelik, The remaking of Istanbul. Portrait of an Ottoman city in the nineteenth century, Seattle and London 1986, 49-81). A number of new khans was also built in Galata. More importantly, the trade in luxury goods shifted from the Kapali Carshi to another new shop-lined street, known as the Grand' Rue de Pera (today, Istiklal caddesi). Along this street restaurants, coffee houses and pastry shops alternated with department stores and modistes. Among the shopkeepers and artisans, Ottoman non-Muslims were a prominent presence, but immi-
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grants from France and Italy were equally in evidence. Many of them lived in the vicinity, for instance, in the district then known as Tatawla (today, Kurtulu§) or in the side streets of the Grand' Rue de Pera. While most restaurants were reserved for a male clientele until well into the 20th century, women of the Ottoman upper class, whose families came to reside in the vicinity in growing numbers around 1900, could patronise the shops of the Grand' Rue. In the area of today's Bankalar Caddesi, the Jewish banking family of Camondo, whose main residence after 12856/1869 was located in Paris, sponsored the construction of a financial centre closely modelled on its Paris counterpart (Nora Seni, The Camondos and their imprint on 19th century Istanbul, in IJMES, xxvi [1994], 663-75). Moreover, the shopping district of Pera/Beyoglu doubled as a centre of entertainment. French and Italian troupes, not excluding Sarah Berhardt, performed before a public at first consisting of only the local Levantines, but young Muslims of the upper class soon patronised these theatres as well. Performances, at first limited to male audiences, became increasingly available to women as well, at first in the shape of separate matinees or of special boxes from which they could follow the proceedings without being seen. The installation of street lighting and a modern water supply further enhanced the attraction of this district. The transformation of the suk/carshi area could also be observed in the major provincial towns. Izmir already possessed a tradition of frenk-khdne, buildings in a European style, intended to house European merchants during their more or less extended stays in the city. In the 12th/18th century, these buildings, often located by the sea and provided with storage spaces for goods, were rented out by wakfi, some of them in places as distant as Manisa. In the course of the 13th/19th century the "Frankish" street, now known as the "Kordon", became one of the city's important shopping districts. Theatrical entertainment was also available in this part of town; the first theatre was established in 1188-9/1775, and in 1257-8/1842, Bellini's Norma was performed in the Theatre Euterpe (Rauf Beyru, Social life in Izmir in the first half of the 19th century, in Three ages of Izmir, palimpsest of cultures, tr. Virginia Taylor Sachoglu, Istanbul 1993, 145-216, good illustrations). In Selanik as well, the modernisation of the quais around 1900 led to the transformation of the surrounding area, where hotels and shops were now concentrated. In Bursa, the straight street built by Ahmed Wefi~k Pasha equally attracted the more modern shops (Beatrice St. Laurent, Un amateur de theatre: Ahmet Vefik pacha et le remodelage de Bursa dans le dernier tiers du XIXe siecle, in P. Dumont and Fr. Georgeon (eds.), Villes ottomanes a la fin de I'Empire, Paris 1992, 94-114). The style of the newly erected buildings was at first eclectic, with "Renaissance" features prominent, particularly in the banking houses. A miniature version of the famous "Spanish steps" of Rome connected the building which housed the urban administration of Istanbul's "Altindji Da'ire" (Pera/Beyoglu) with the shopping district on the hill. An interesting re-importation was the pasazh, a shop-lined covered street, which can be regarded as a 13th/19th century version of the drdsta. Some of the examples surviving in modem Beyoglu show traces both of the Paris or Brussels models and the local tradition. After 1900, features of Ottoman and Iranian palace architecture took the place of the previously popular "Renaissance" features, and were regarded as symbols of
800
SUK
national revival (Yildinm Yavuz, Mimar Kemalettin ve birinci ulusal mimarlik db'memi, Ankara 1981, 147 ff.). However, the structure of these buildings reflected their resolutely modern functions: office buildings, banks, hotels and apartments. Bibliography: Ewliya Celebi, Seydhat-ndme, 10 vols., Istanbul 1314/1896-7 to 1938; Omer Liitfi Barkan, Bazi biiyiik §ehirkrde esya ve yiyecek Jiyatlannm tesbit ve tefti§i husullanm tanzim eden kanunlar, in Tarih Vesikalan, i/5 (1942), 326-340, ii/7, 15-40, ii, 9, 168-77; Eremya (Jelebi Komiirciiyan, Istanbul tarihi. XVII. asirda Istanbul., tr. and commented Hrand D. Andreasyan, Istanbul 1952; Fahri Dalsar, Turk sanayi ve ticaret tarihinde Bursa'da ipekfilik, Istanbul 1960; Halil Inalcik, Bursa and the commerce of the Levant, in JESHO, iii/2 (1960), 131-47; R. Mantran, Istanbul dans la seconde moitie du XVIF suck. Essai d'histoire institutionelle, economique et sociale, Paris 1962; Barkan, §ehirkrin te§ekkiil ve inki§afi tarihi bakimindan Osmanh imparatorlugunda imaret sitelerinin kurulu§ ve isleyi§ tarzma ait arastirmalar, in Istanbul Univ. Iktisat Fakultesi Mecmuasi, xxiii/1-2 (1963), 239-96; N. Todorov, 19.cu yuzyihn ilk yansinda Bulgaristan esnaf teskildtinda bazi karakter degismeleri, in Istanbul Univ. Iktisat Fakultesi Mecmuast, xxvii/1-2 (1967-8), 1-36; Barkan and Ekrem Hakki Ayverdi (eds.), Istanbul vahflan tahnr defteri, 953 (1546) tarihli, Istanbul 1970; Inalcik, The policy ofMehmed II toward the Greek population of Istanbul and the Byzantine buildings of the city, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, xxiii (1970), 213-49; idem, The Ottoman economic mind and aspects of the Ottoman economy, in Studies in the Economic history of the Middle East, ed. M. Cook, London 1970, 207-18; G. Goodwin, A history of Ottoman architecture, London, 1971; Metin And, Tanzimat ve istibdat db'neminde Turk tiyatrosu 1839-1908, Ankara 1972; Inalcik, The Ottoman empire, the classical age 1300-1600, London 1973; Leila Erder, The making of industrial Bursa. Economic activity and population in a Turkish city 1835-1975, unpubl. Ph.D. diss. Princeton University 1976; R. Jennings, Loan and credit in early 17th century Ottoman judicial records. The Sharia court of Anatolian Kayseri, in JESHO, xvi/2-3 (1975), 168-216; K. Kreiser, Edirne im 17. Jahrhundert nach Evliya Celebi. Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis der osmanischen Stadt, Freiburg 1975; W. Miiller-Wiener, Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls, Byzantion— Konstantinupolis—Istanbul bis zum Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts, Tubingen 1977; Sevgi Aktiire, 19.yuzyil sonunda Anadolu kenti, mekdnsalyapi fd'zumlemesi, Ankara 1978; Suraiya Faroqhi, The early history of the Balkan fairs, in Sudost-Forschungen, xxxvii (1978), 50-68; Miibahat Kiitiikoglu, 1009 (1600) tarihli narh defierine gore Istanbul'da fe$idli esya ve hizmet fiatlan, in Tarih Enstitusu Dergisi, ix (1978), 1-86; Faroqhi, The life story of an urban saint in the Ottoman empire, in Tarih Dergisi, xxxii (1979), 655-78, 1009-18; J.E. Mandaville, Usurious piety. The cash waqf controversy in the Ottoman empire, in IJMES, x/3 (1979), 289-308; Todorov, La ville balkanique aux XVe-XIXe sucks. Developpement socio-economique et demographique, Bucharest 1980; Sabri Ulgener, Iktisadi fd'zulmenin ahlak ve zihniyet diinyasi, Istanbul 1981; And, Osmanh jenliklerinde Turk sanatlan, Ankara 1982; Said Naum Duhani, Eski insanlar, eski evler. XIX. yiizyilda Beyoglu' nun sosyal topograjyasi, tr. Cemal Siireyya, Istanbul 1982; Kiitiikoglu, Osmanhlarda narh miiessesesi ve 1640 tarihli narh defteri, Istanbul 1983; D. Quataert, Social disintegration and popular resistance in the Ottoman empire, 1881-1908, New York 1983; Tiilay Reyhanli, Ingiliz gezginlerine gore XVI. yiizyilda Istanbul'da hay at (15821599), Ankara 1983; Omiir Bakirer and Emre
Madran, Ankara kent merkezinde b'zellikle hanlar ve bedestenin ortaya $ikisi ve gelisimi, in Erdal Yavuz and Nevzat Ugurel (eds.), Tarih ifinde Ankara, eylul 1981 seminer bildirileri, Ankara 1984, 107-30; Faroqhi, Towns and townsmen of Ottoman Anatolia, Cambridge 1984; Cengiz Orhonlu, §ehir mimarlan, in Osmanh imparatorlugunda sehircilik ve ula§im, ed. Salih Ozbaran, repr. Izmir 1984, 1-26; idem, Istanbul'da kayikfilik ve kayik isletmeciligi, in Osmanh imparatorlugunda §ehircilik ve ula§im, 83-103; Mustafa Cezar, Tipik yapilariyle Osmanh §ehirciliginde $ar§i ve klasik donem imar sistemi, Istanbul 1985; Ilber Ortayli, Tanzimattan cumhuriyete yerel yb'netim gelenegi, Istanbul 1985; Halil Sahillioglu, Slaves in the social and economic life of Bursa in the late 15th and early 16th centuries, in Turcica, xvii (1985), 43-112; M. Cerasi, La cittd del Levante, Civiltd urbana e architettura sotto gli Ottomani nei secoli XVII-XIX, Milan 1986; Inalcik, The appointment procedure of a guild warden (kethudd), in W£KM, Ixxvi (1986), 135-42; Kreiser, Icareteyn. ^ur ('Doppelten Miete" im Osmanischen Stiftungswesen, in Raiyyet riisumu. Essays presented to Halil Inalcik on his seventieth birthday by his colleagues and students, in Jnal. of Turkish Studies, x (1986), 219-26; Rifat Ozdemir, XIX yiizyihn ilk yansinda Ankara (fiziki, demograjik, idari ve sosyal-ekonomik yapisi) 1785-1840, Ankara 1986; Mehmet Gene, 17.-19.yuzyillarda sanayi ve ticaret merkezi olarak Tokat, in Turk tarihinde ve Turk kiilturunde Tokat, ed. Hayri Bolay et alii, Ankara 1987, 145-69; Ziya Kazici, Osmanhlarda ihtisdb miiessesesi (ekonomik, dim ve sosyal hay at), Istanbul 1987; Necmi Ulker, The emergence of Izmir as a Mediterranean commercial center for French and English interests, in Internal Jnal. of Turkish Studies, i (1987), 1-38; Ahmed Refik, Onuncu asir-i hicride Istanbul hayati (1495-1591), repr. Istanbul 1988; Barkan and Enver Mericli, Hiidavendigdr livasi tahrir defterleri, i, Ankara 1988, Bursa kazasi; Evliya Qdcoi, Evliya felebi in Diyarbekir, ed. and tr. Van Bruinessen et alii, Leiden 1988; H. Gerber, Economy and society in an Ottoman city. Bursa, 1600-1700, Jerusalem 1988; Hiiseyin Ozdeger, 1463-1640 yillan Bursa §ehri tereke defterleri, Istanbul 1988; Feridun M. Emecen, XVI. asirda Manisa kazasi, Ankara 1989; Mustafa Cezar, XIX. yiizyil Beypglusu, Istanbul 1991; Qaglar Keyder, Y. Eyiip Ozveren and Quataert (eds.), Dogu Akdeniz'de liman kentleri 1800-1914, Istanbul 1994; Ozer Ergenc, Osmanh klasik ddnemi kent tarihfiligine katki. XVI. yiizyilda Ankara ve Konya, Ankara 1995; Mantran, Histoire d'Istanbul, Paris 1996. (SURAIYA FAROQHI) 8. In Muslim India. In India, different terms have been in use for markets and market places, e.g. suk (Sirat-i Firuz Shdhi, ms. Bankipur, fol. 90), cawk, bazar, bdzdr-i khdss, cakla, katra, mandi, danba, nakhkhds, etc. Occasional or seasonal markets, which brought together commodities from far and near and established cultural and economic links, were called peth or mela. The bdzdr-i khdss was the market on the principal^ streets of the city (e.g. Candnl cawk, Bdzdr-i khdnum, Cawk Sacd Allah Khan in Mughal Dihll). Cawks were usually located at places where four roads met; ganaj generally meant a grain market; katras were usually known after the commodity sold there; mandi was the place where different commodities, particularly corn, were brought from outside and sold in bulk; and danba was a short lane or street, usually one where betel leaves were sold. At the nakhkhds, slaves as well as animals—elephants, horses, cows, etc.—were sold. In coastal areas, bazars were arranged according to the arrival and departure of ships. Some markets and fairs were held annually at places of religious importance.
SUK — SUK AL-SHUYUKH The urban transformation which came in the wake of the establishment of Muslim rule in India led to the rise of new silks, with extended scope for the functioning of the market system. The flourishing condition of suks in India was referred to by a large number of geographers and travellers, from al-IdrlsF, Shihab al-Dfn al-cUman and Ibn Battuta, to Finch, Bernier, and others. The city of Dihlf had a number of gates (13 according to Amir Khusraw; 12 according to Baranf; 28 according to Ibn Battuta; and 10 according to Tlmur), some of which had become famous as market places for specific commodities (e.g. the Palam Gate for slaves; the Bada'unl Gate for corn, etc.). It appears that in India markets of special commodities arose very early. Djuzdjam refers to a bdzdr-i bazzdzdn (market of cloth merchants) in Dihll (tr. Raverty, i, 646). During the Mughal period, there were many markets named after different professions and goods (katras like katra-yi kassdbdn, katra-yi rudgardn, katra-yi nilgardn, etc.; mandis like gul furushon ki mandi, sabzi mandi, mandi sdbun, etc.; and kucas like carkhay wdld, batdshdy wdld, etc.; see Nizami, Dilli tdrikh kay a3 ma main., Delhi 1989, 85-8). These katras and mandls have survived to this day, though with changed character and patterns. According to Bernier (tr. Constable, 249), most of the markets in Dihlf were of mixed commodities, except the fruit market where fruits were brought from Persia, Balkh, Bukhara and Samarkand. According to Darga Kulf Khan (Murakkac-i Dihll, ed. AnsarT, Dihli 1982), shops in the Candnf cawk were replete with unique objects procured from different parts of the world. Small shop keepers in DihlT had their residential quarters on the roofs of their shops (Bernier, tr. 245). The nakhkhds in Agra, Patna and Lahore had covered buildings. The nature of a market place depended largely on the requirements of people living in that locality. In the capital cities, the demands of aristocracy conditioned the nature and quality of goods brought and sold in the market; kashas and small towns generally concentrated on supplying daily needs of the people. The village people got what they needed at peths and melas. During the time of the Dihli sultan Balban, there was an amir-i-bazdriydn (officer of the market) (Baranl, Tdnkh-i firuz Shdhi, ed. Bibl. Indica, Calcutta 1862, 34). The market control of cAla3 al-Dm Khaldjf was regulated from the sardy-i fadl, where the prices of commodities were fixed. An officer known as shahna-i mandi looked after the market. Abu '1-Fadl refers to the appointment of several market inspectors to check oppression and irregularities in buying, selling, weighing, measuring and pricing the commodities in the Agra market (Akbar-ndma, ed. Bibl. Indica, Calcutta 1878-9, iii, 396). The mutasaddis issued permits to merchants who brought their merchandise into the market for sale and issued passes for goods which were taken out of the city. He checked also the register of sale and purchase (siydha-yi kharid u farukht). Humayun devised a market on boats, o^ahdz-i sukl, where all sorts of articles were sold (Khwandamfr, Kdnun-i-Humdyum, ed. Bibl. Indica, 1940, 61). During the Mughal period, mind bazars were arranged in the palace. These were in the nature of fetes, in which the ladies of the nobles set up shops and the Emperor, along with his queens, made purchases in a convivial atmosphere (Nizami, Dilli tdrikh kay a?ina main, 79-80). Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): Ibn Battuta, iii, 147-9, tr. Gibb, iii, 621-2; c Afif, Tdnkh-i Firuz Shdhi, ed. Bibl. Ind., Calcutta
801
1890, F. Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire, tr. Constable, London 1916; Mulla Nur al-Dm Zahurf, Mind bdzdr, ms. Aligarh University Library, Shah Sulayman Collection FH 312; CA1I Muhammad Khan, Mir'dt-i Ahmadi (Supplement), Baroda 1930; Bayazfd Bayat, Tadkira-yi Humayun wa Akbar, ed. Bibl. Ind. 1941; Father Monserrate, Commentary, tr. J.S. Hoyland, Cuttack 1922; Pietro della Valle, The travels of Pietro della Valle in India, ed. E. Grey, 2 vols., London 1892; J.A. Mandelslo, Travels in Western India, ed. M.S. Commissariat, Oxford 1931; Ralph Fitch, Narrative, ed. J.H. Ryley, London 1899; Peter Mundy, Travels in Asia, ed. R.C. Temple, London 1914, ii; F.S. Manrique, Travels, tr. C.E. Luard, London 1927; Muhammad Salih Kanbu, cAmal-i Sdlih, Calcutta 1939; Mlrza Sangm Beg, Sayr almandzil, ed. Sharif Husayn KasimT, Delhi 1982; Syed Ahmad Khan, Athdr al-sanddid, ed. S. Moinul-Haq, Karachi 1966; M.P. Singh, Town, market, mint and port in the Mughal Empire, Delhi 1985; T. Raychandhuri, in idem and Irtan Habib (eds.), The Cambridge economic history of India, i, c. 1200-c. 1750, Cambridge 1982, 325-59; C.A. Bayly, Rulers, townsmen and bazaars. North Indian society in the age of British expansion, 1770-1879, Cambridge 1983. (K.A. NIZAMI) SUK AL-SHUYUKH, a small town in s o u t h ern c l r a k , on the right bank of the Euphrates (lat. 30° 53' N.', long. 46° 28' E.). It lies some 40 km/25 miles to the south-east of al-Nasiriyya [q.v.] and at the western end of the Khawr al-Hammar lake and marshlands region, about 160 km/100 miles as the crow flies from Basra. The town is surrounded by date-groves extending along the river bank, but the marshy country, that extends into Basra, makes the air very unhealthy. Suk al-Shuyukh was founded in the first half of the 18th century as a market-place (suk) of the confederation of the Muntafik [q.vJ] Arabs; 4 hours to the east there was formerly the residence of the chief Shaykh of the Muntafik, called Kut al-Shuyukh; the plural shuyukh designates the members of the clan of this chief. To the end of the 18th century, Suk was a small town with a mosque and surrounded by earthen walls (Beauchamp), and at the beginning of the 19th century it is described as an extremely dirty town, inhabited by 6,000 families and having a lively commercial intercourse with Basra and even with Bushfr and Bombay. According to Fraser, the Muntafik Shaykh disdained to live in the town, but in Petermann's time (1854) he had a house there; this last-mentioned traveller estimated the number of the population at 3,000. At the end of the 19th century the number 12,000 is given (Cuinet, Saml), of whom 2,250 were SunnTs possessing two mosques (d^dmi'}, and 8,770 Shf c fs with one sanctuary (masajid). The population also included 280 Jews and 700 Mandaeans or Subba. The latter lived for the greater part in the suburb Subbuye on the opposite bank of the Euphrates. Before 1853, the Mandaean population had numbered 260 families, but the oppression of the Muntafik had caused 200 families to emigrate to cAmara. The German orientalist Petermann in the year 1854 visited in Suk al-Shuyukh the high priest of the Mandaeans, Shaykh Yahya. As elsewhere, these people are here silversmiths; they are also builders of a special type of boats. Under Ottoman Turkish administration, Suk alShuyukh became the capital of a kadd3 of the same name in the sandjak of Muntafik. In post-Ottoman c lrak, the town was involved in the 1920 tribal uprising and in the unrest of 1935-6. In Republican 'Irak,
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SUK AL-SHUYUKH — SUKAYNA BT. AL-HUSAYN
it now comes within the governorate of Dhu Kar, and continues to be a centre for date-growing and for the cultivation of rice along the western and northwestern fringes of the Khawr al-Hammar. Bibliography: Ritter, Erdkunde, xi (vol. vii, second part), 1000, 1008, citing the earlier travellers; H. Petermann, Reisen im Orient, Leipzig 1861, ii, 8393; V. Cuinet, La Turquie d'Asie, Paris 1894, iii, 308; Sam! Frasherl, Kdmus al-acldm, iv, 2687; M. von Oppenheim, Vom Mittelmeer zum Persischen Golf, Berlin 1900, ii, 72; E. Sachau, Am Euphrat und Tigris, Leipzig 1900, 72; W. Brandt, Die Mandder, in Verh. Ak. Amst., N.R., xvi (Amsterdam 1915), 57-8; Admiralty Handbook, Iraq and the Persian Gulf, London 1944, 331, 368, 382, 456; S.H. Longrigg, 'Iraq, 1900 to 1950, a political, social and economic history, London 1953, 84, 122, 212, 242-3. (J.H. KRAMERS*) SUKAYNA BT. AL-HUSAYN, the lakab of a granddaughter of 'All b. Abl Talib. There are different versions of her name; she is called either Umayma (according to Muhammad b. al-Sayib alKalbf, al-Fihrist, Cairo, n.d. 140), or Amfna or Amina (Aghdm^, xvi, 139-41); there is a preference for the last of these names because of the khabar cited by al-Mada°inI about the origins of the character differences between her and her eldest sister Fatima: wa(i)smuhd Amina wa-hadhd huwa al-sahih, her authentic name is certainly Amina (K. al-Murdifat min Kuraysh, in Nawddir al-makhtutdt, Cairo 1392/1972, i, 68; Aghdni, xvi, 139). Her mother, al-Rabab bt. Imri' al-Kays al-Kalbiyya, belonged to one of the most illustrious Kalbf clans. Her grandfather, cAd! b. Aws b. Djabir, and her father, Imru5 al-Kays b. 'Adi, were the undisputed military leaders of Kalb (Muhammad b. Sa°ib al-Kalbl, Nasab Ma'add wa 'l-Taman 'al-kablr, Beirut 1408/1988, ii, 583). In a very ancient tradition, al-Kalbl reported that the grandfather of Sukayna went to see cUmar b. al-Khattab and swore an oath of allegiance to him. Although he was a Christian, the caliph made him chief of the armies of the Kuda'a, who had been converted to Islam after the conquest of Syria by the Muslim armies. It is said that he also received the signal honour of marrying his three daughters into the family of CA1I b. Abl Talib, one to himself and one each to his sons al-Hasan and al-Husayn (ibid., ii, 584). When compared to that for other female figures of this period or even later, the biographical details which have been retained in the sources are very considerable, but it is naturally difficult to distinguish between what must have been entertaining and probably anecdotal stories and the historical facts. To trace her biography it is best to use the most ancient account (which is also the least tricky), that of K. al-Murdifat composed less than a century after the death of our heroine. The lacunae that are attested in her sira have been filled in with details borrowed from serious works which have nothing to do with the amusing adab. The Aghdni remains a valuable source for studying her cultural activities. At the time of her father's martyrdom at Karbala0 in 61/680, Sukayna seems to have been a young child (al-Tabarl, Ta'rikh, ii, 232). In this case the affirmation of al-Mada'inl (op. cit., 64) copied by Abu '1-Faradj alIsfahanl (Aghdni, xvi, 149) may be contested. According to him cAbd Allah b. al-Hasan b. Abl Talib, who also died at Karbala0, had married her and had already consummated the marriage. For a short time she was forced to stay at Damascus (Ibn cAsakir, Ta'rikh, xix, fol. 442; al-MadjlisI, Bihar
al-anwar, xlv, 155, 169, 194). Then she returned again to Medina, where she was brought up by her mother, who passed on to her a pronounced taste for intellectual matters (Vadet, Une personnalite feminine, 268, who states that her mother al-Rabab was a poet). In about 67/686, at the time of the revolt of her brother c Abd Allah, she married Mus£ab b. al-Zubayr, the governor of 'Irak, and was provided with an immense mahr. This inspired the epigrams and maxims of the intelligentsia of the day (al-Baladhurl, Ansdb al-ashrdf, v, Jerusalem 1936, 282-3; Aghdni, xvi, triplet of Anas b. Abl Unas or of cAbd Allah b. Hammam). As a result of this marriage, al-Rabab was born, but the union was brutally cut short at the time of the reconquest of clrak by the Umayyads in 72/691 by the violent death of Mus'ab. After this clrak interlude, she returned to Medina, where in great haste Ramla, her sister-in-law, organised a new marriage for her; it was to be with cAbd Allah b. 'Uthman b. cAbd Allah b. Hakim b. Hizam, a distinguished member of the aristocracy of Kuraysh in Medina and who was attached to the Zubayrids (al-Zubayrl, Nasab Kuraysh, Cairo 1953, 232-3). This haste seems to have been motivated by the justified concern of Ramla to keep her safe from a possible marriage with the caliph cAbd al-Malik b. Marwan. The new union seems to have developed peacefully and resulted in the birth of two boys and two girls. The date of the death of her second husband, cAbd Allah, has not been established. There now followed two strange episodes involving two damaged unions. The one was with al-Asbagh b. c Abd al-cAziz b. Marwan, which took place before the 21 Rablc II 86/April 706, the date of his premature death (al-MakrlzI, K. al-Mukqffa al-kabir, Beirut 1411/1991, ii, 213-4, § 793) provoked the opposition of cAbd al-Malik. The second was with Ibrahim b. £ Abd Allah b. cAwf, and it was a means of allaying the gossip of the people of Medina who were in a state of consternation at the long widowhood of this great lady (al-Murdifat, 68, where Zayd should be replaced by cAbd Allah). Her third marriage (and effectively her last) was a union lasting for many long years between her and Zayd b. cUmar, the grandson of 'Uthman b. cAffan; it lasted from 87/705 until his death (Nasab Kuraysh, 120). After this Sukayna faded into anonymity; all that is recorded of her is the date and place of her death, Thursday, 5 Rablc I 117/23 March 736, at Medina. The pious classes and the puritans of her generation, and later the authors of adab and tabakdt, were astonished, indeed even scandalised, by Sukayna. There is an ambivalence in the portrait of her drawn by the sources which can be explained by many factors; there was her very strong personality, her reputation for caustic repartee, her much flaunted and extreme feminism, her undisguised scorn for the masculine race who would fall prey to some outrageous tricks which she would constantly play on the traditionalists (Sulayman b. Yasar was one such victim, Aghdni, xvi, 144), on the puritans (ibid., xix, 157) and on important officials of the region (such as the chief of police in Medina, ibid., xvi, 145). It was certainly known that she had an illustrious lineage; she was good-looking, deeply chaste (cqftfa) and did not lack generosity or courage; she is even said to have confronted those who would insult her grandfather in the mosques (ibid., xviii, 143). It seems that she was something of a feminine counterpart to the Medinan sayyid sharif of her day.
SUKAYNA BT. AL-HUSAYN However, these same sources also strongly emphasise the dark side of the personality of the woman, as well as her negative behaviour, which was regarded as not altogether consistent with the conduct of a respectable woman. Despite her youth and beauty she was never veiled (she was barzd) nor followed the rules of a confined life-style. Moreover, she exhibited culpable coquetry in the way that she showed off her beauty with a special hair-style, a style which was actually named after her as al-turra al-sukayniyya, "Sukaynastyle curls." Another way in which she laid herself open to very sharp criticism was in her relations with the poets of the tashblb. It is certainly known that cUmar b. AbT Rabi'a [q.v.] made her the heroine of one of his pieces (Shark dzwdn fUmar b. Abl Rabfa, Beirut 14127 1992, 67), and perhaps also the same applies to alc Ardjf (al-Murdifdt, 69). Her marriages and love life are represented in a tendentious manner, more like the excesses of a less scrupulous woman, as if she were ready to marry anyone. But it is easy to forget that for a woman to have many husbands was a common occurrence in Kuraysh society. What is portrayed in her literary salon and her maajlis are the social gatherings of a bohemian with dissolute morals (Vadet, Uesprit courtois, 66-7). Apart from her profligacy, by her conduct and by her happy and ironic irrepressibility Sukayna seems to prefigure the libertines (mua^a^dn [see MUDJUN]) of the 2nd/8th century. But Sukayna stood out from her companions, the ladies of the HidjazI aristocracy (as listed in Vadet, op. cit., 68-72; for other names see Murdifdt, 60-80) because of her cultural involvement in the spheres of poetry and music. The place of her residence in Medina attracted many poets, well-known singers and lovers of good music. All this activity was encouraged by the prevailing atmosphere of peace in the region after 79/698. Very often the great ghazal poets of the Hidjazf school came to recite their poems, to listen to remarks, and to flaunt their talent. It is known that they broke with the traditional nasib [q.v.] and introduced into ancient Arab poetry small narrative expositions, by using exchanges on the subject matter between the principal protagonists. Sitting beside £Umar b. Abf Rabf'a they would quote al-Ahwas, Djamil b. Ma'mar, Kuthayyir b. cAbd al-Rahman and their transmitters. Among those who went there when they were in the neighbourhood were Djanr and, in particular, al-Farazdak. Several kinds of schemes were given approval there. It was Sukayna who would open the discussion thus: "Was it you who wrote the following verses?", she would enquire. The poet who replied in the affirmative would find himself rewarded with money. At other times, she would make remarks on the inadequate use of an expression, an overlapping of elements, or a motif that had appeared in the verses that were cited (Aghdni, xxii, 277, where she shrewdly points out the clumsy expression of the motif of the self-sacrifice of the lover in al-Namir b. Tawlab). Much less often she would embark on a comparison, citing the same motif as it had been used by someone else (ibid., xvi, 161-3, the famous maa^lis with Djanr, alFarazdak, Kuthayyir, Djamil and al-Ahwas). It is easy to imagine the scene; one can also speak of an embryonic literary discussion with fragmentary remarks on certain points of detail. Sukayna's support revived the knowledge of elegiac poetry in her epoch. In this way, she encouraged the ghazal poets to continue in their style of poetry during the time when they were being censored by the
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higher spheres of society. Moreover, it is possible to detect within her a preference for what could be called natural composition (matbuc), which worked to the detriment of the poetry of effort. This was why in her eyes the poetry of Djanr was superior to that of al-Farazdak (Aghdni, xxi, 366-7), and the compositions of Djamfl surpassed those of his peers. Nevertheless, she esteemed truth more highly than any other quality, and this led her to condemn a triplet by al-£Ardjr and a threnody dedicated by cUrwa b. Udhayna to the memory of his brother Bakr, because of the discrepancy between what was reality and the muchembellished portrait that had been drawn by the piece (Aghdm, xviii, 328, 334; Ibn 'Asakir, fols. 444-5). Sukayna had a lasting influence on music in the Hidjaz, and Ibn Suraydj [q.v.] considered himself her protege. He would reserve for her the freshness of all his new creations, and more than once she would send him verses and ask him to set them to music for her. He is reported to have forsaken music after his conversion but he did not come any less frequently to her house; he came for three days at a time to sing with cAzza al-Mayla0 (Aghdni, xvii, 46-7). Gharfd was the slave of Sukayna, and it was she who discovered the musical talents he possessed, presided over his training and decided what his speciality should be. The Aghdm reports that Sukayna sent her slave, who was called cAbd al-Malik, to Ibn Suraydj and demanded that he teach him the funeral melodies (niydhd). On the death of Muhammad b. alHanafiyya he was entrusted with the singing of the funeral songs. He excelled so much in this duty that the women cried out, "Lamentations like these are overwhelming (ghand)^, which is why he was given the epithet GharTd (Aghdni, i, 255). Bibliography: 1. S o u r c e s . Muhammad b. Hablb, Muhabbar, 397, 438; Ibn Kutayba, Shi'r, 349; idem, cUyun al-akhbdr, Cairo 1963, i, 212, 258, iv, 25, 90; TabarT, i, 1872, ii, 232, 368, 381, 1586, iii, 2332; Isfahan!, Makdtil al-tdlibiyym, Cairo 1365/ 1946, 90. 119, 137, 180; idem, Aghdni, see Indices; Ibn cAbd Rabbihi, clkd, iv, 407, 412, v, 373, vi, 30, 48, 250; Mas'udl, ed. Pellat, § 2014; Ibn Khallikan, ed., 'Abbas, iii, 20, 30, 258; Ibn 'Asakir, T. Dimashk, facs. ed. Dar al-Bashfr, 'Amman, xix, fols. 442-9; Makrlzl, Mukqffa, Beirut 1411/1991. ii, 195, 210-11, iii,' 574, 596, 603, iv, 381; Abl, Nathr al-durr, Cairo 1981, ii, 168, v, 50-1; Ibn al-DjawzI, Muntagam, vii, 175-80; Ibn Kudama, al-Tabyin Ji ansdb al-Kurashiyyin, Beirut 1408/1988, 128, 269; Dhahabl, Siyar a'ldm al-nubald3, Beirut 1405/1985, v, 262-3; idem, Ta'nkh al-hldm, Beirut 1410/1990, iii, 371-3; Ibn al-Tmad, ii, 82; Safadl, Wafi, xv, 291-5; MadjlisI, Bihar al-anwdr, xlv, 47, 59, 140-1, 155, 169, 194-6, 263-5, 329, 331, xlvi, 114. 2. Studies. El1 s.v. and bibl; Muhsin Amfn al-cAmilI, Acydn al-sht'a, xiii, 35-52, xxxv, 191-2; Kahhala, A'ldm al-nisd3, ii, 202-23 and bibl.; Muh. Husayn al-Ha'irf, A'ldm al-nisd3, Beirut 1407/1987, ii, 199-207 (contemporary Shl'f viewpoint); Muh. Zaghlul Sallam, T. al-Nakd al-carabi, i, Cairo n.d., 80-4; Salih cAzab, Magdhir al-adab al-arablfi cahd... c Abd al-Malik b. Marwdn, Cairo 1709/1989, 125-32; J.-C1. Vadet, Une personalite feminine du Hiajdz au r/ VIP siecle: Sukayna petite-filk de cAli, in Arabica, iii (1957), 261-87; idem, L'esprit courtois en Orient, Paris 1968, 61-102; Sanni Amidu, Women critics in Arabic literary tradition, with particular reference to Sukyna bint Husayn, in BRISMES. Procs. of the 1991 Conference on M.E. Studies, SOAS, London 1991, 358-66. (A. ARAZI)
804
SUKHF — SUKKAR
SUKHF (A.), a word which the Arab lexicographers apply almost exclusively to the intellect (cakl [q.v]), connecting it etymologically with the form X verb istakhqffa, and giving its root meaning as "thinness", "lack of substance". The adjectival form is sakhif. a man is sakhif "when he is shallow-minded (nazik) and frivolous (khafif}" (Ibn Durayd, D}amharat al-lugha, Haydarabad 1345/1926-7, s.v.). It is often used indiscriminately to designate "obscenity" (which is, more properly, Juhsh), in which cases it frequently goes handin-hand with mudjun [q.v.~\. The mediaeval Arab literati appear not to have used sukhf as a designation of a poetic genre, preferring mudj_un. It is difficult to determine when sukhf and sakhif mean "shallow-wittedness" and when they mean "obscene": see e.g. the opinion expressed by Ibn Sallam al-Djumahl (d. ca. 232/847 [q.v.]) concerning the pre-Islamic poet Zuhayr [q.v], that he had the least tendency to sukhf (Tabakdt fuhul al-shu'ard3, ed. M.M. Shakir, Cairo 1952, 53), "levity", or "foolishness", and its rebuttal by the poet-caliph Ibn al-Muctazz (d. 296/ 908 [
1902; J.L. Kraemer, Humanism in the renaissance of Islam, 2Leiden 1993; J.S. Meisami, Arabic Mujun poetry: the literary dimension, in F. de Jong (ed.), Verse and the fair sex, Utrecht 1993; J.E. Montgomery, For the love of a Christian boy: a song by Abu Nuwds, in JAL, xxvii/2 (1996). (J.E. MONTGOMERY) SUKKAR, from Pers. shakar or shakkar, from Skr. carcard, Prakrit sakkard, the sap crushed from the sugar-cane (kasab al-sukkar) and solid sugar. The origin of sugar cane and its early domestication cannot be precisely determined, but it evidently derived from the family of large Saccharum grasses which grow in India and Southeast Asia. From India, cultivation of the plant spread westward. Clear references to cultivation in Persia belong to the period immediately following the Islamic conquest, but it was possibly known somewhat earlier; papyrus evidence indicates that sugar cane was grown in Egypt by the mid-2nd/8th century and diffusion across North Africa was steady although its entry into areas of the Iberian peninsula under Muslim domination may not have occurred until the 5th/llth century. From Crusader times, the eastern coast of the Mediterranean and later Cyprus, were important sources of supply for Christian Europe. Plant terms in Arabic frequently varied from region to region and possibly over time as well. Supposed synonyms can further lead to confusion. The same is true of the by-products of the sugar-cane resulting from different stages of preparation and refinement, that is, pressing, filtering and decocting. For example, two common terms for types of sugar are (sukkar) tabarzad and sukkar nabdt. Maimonides states they are the same, the latter replacing the former in Egypt, while Ibn al-Kuff lists them separately as distinct varieties. The difference appears to be that tabarzad set hard in moulds (sugar loaf) while nabdt set on palm sticks placed in the recipient where it was being prepared; nabdt was also produced from other substances such as rose syrup or violet syrup. Al-Antakf, on the other hand, describes tabarzad as produced by adding to the sugar one-tenth of its bulk in milk while the mixture cooked (Tadhkira, i, 195). This, however, may only have reflected a practice in Syria. Another common type of sugar was called fdnid, made in elongated moulds and which "melted quickly in the mouth" (Ibn al-Kuff, 314); its highly refined state was produced by adding the oil of sweet almonds or finely-ground white flour to the process of decoction. Finally, a sugar called sulaymdni, was made from hardened "red sugar" (sukkar ahmar) broken into pieces and further cooked to remove any impurities (Tadhkira, i, 194). Sugar was one of several substances used as a "sweetening" agent in mediaeval cooking as well as medical preparations. Honey, molasses (dibs) and fruit sugars were also commonly used. At times, their purpose served as a preserving agent for certain foods. It is impossible to judge the relative popularity of one sweetener over another. One medical writer, al-Tamfml (d. late 4th/10th century) wrote of sugar that although "not one of the manna fallen from the sky" it was the "full brother of honey, its equal and associate". Its benefits included aiding the performance of ingested drugs, both laxative and non-laxative varieties, because it broke up their bitterness, softened any coarseness in their mixtures and eased their acceptance by the body, "conducting them to the very depths of the bodily organs" (Marin and Waines, Manuscripts, 130). Sugar was described in Galenic terms as hot and moist. Despite its many benefits, sugar was nonetheless judged to be harmful to the stomach at times
SUKKAR — SUKNA when yellow bile prevailed in it; the tabarzad variety, however, because it was less warm and moist than other sugars, was therefore less likely to be transformed into yellow bile. A number of medical receipts employing sugar are preserved in Abu 'l-'Ala' Zuhr's K. al-Mud^anabdt, although they are considerably outnumbered by those using honey. On the other hand, in a late culinary manual, the Kanz al-fawd}id, sugar appears more frequently in preparations than honey. Moreover, unlike medical receipts in which sugar and honey rarely occur together, this is often the case in dishes prepared in the domestic kitchen. Dishes containing meat and vegetables were broadly classified as either "sour" (or "acidic", hdmid) or else "sweetened" by virtue of the presence of a sweetening agent which, in the case of sugar, could be added either during, or sprinkled on top of the dish at the end of the cooking process. The intention in other preparations was to produce a "sweetsour" effect by combining vinegar with a sweetener. Sugar used in the household seems to have been purchased in a state which required it to be "crushed", "pounded", "powdered" (ma^rush, mahrus, madkuk) in the kitchen itself; recipes instruct that the sugar used should be "pounded (in a mortar) and sieved". Sugar was used, therefore, in a wide variety of preparations including, naturally, sweetmeats such as the popular kundfa and sanbusak, pickle preparations and other condiments. Finally, it may be noted that sugar was also an ingredient in several kinds of "home remedies" such as the electuary (maca^un), the stomachic (ajawarsh) and medicinal powders (sqfuf) prepared in the household as aids for the maintenance of the general health and welfare of its members. Bibliography: A. Watson, Agricultural innovation in the early Islamic world, 1983, 24-30; C. Barcelo and A. Labarta, Le sucre en Espagne (711-1610), in Jnal. d'agriculture traditionnelle et de botanique appliquee (JATBA). Travaux d'ethnobiologie, C.N.R.S. Paris, xxxv (1988), 175-94; R. Kuhne, El azucar: usos dieteticos y farmaceuticos segun los medicos drabes medievales, in A. Malpica (ed.), 1492. Lo duke a la conquista de Europa, Granada 1994, 41-62; idem and D. Waines, Sugar in Andalusi "home remedies'"; M. Marin and D. Waines, The balanced way: food for pleasure and health in medieval Islam, in MME, iv (1989), 123-32; Ibn al-Kuff al-Karakl, D^dmi' al-gharad fi hifz alsihha wa-dafc al-marad, ed. S. Hamarneh, Amman 1989; Dawud al-Antakl, Tadhkirat uli 'l-albdb, repr. Beirut n.d.; Kanz al-fawd'id fi tanwlc al-mawd^id, ed. M. Marin and D. Waines, Stuttgart-Beirut 1993; Abu 'l-'Ala' Zuhr, K. al-Muajarrabdt, ed. G. Alvarez Millan, Madrid, C.S.I.C. 1994; E.G. von Lippmann, Geschichte des fuckers, Berlin 1929; and see Bibl. to El1 art. _ (D. WAINES) AL-SUKKARI, ABU SAC!D AL-HASAN B. AL-HUSAYN b. cUbayd Allah b. al-cAla3 b. Abl Sufra b. al-Muhallab, Arabic philologist from Baghdad, noted for his expertise in Arabic poetry, d. 275/888. His Muhallabid [q.v.] ancestry seems to be rather a link of clientage, as was the case with other scholars also (cf. Ibn alAthir, al-Ansdb, s.v. al-Muhallabi). Al-Sukkarl marks a milestone in the process of collection and composition, commenting and edition of poetic diwdns. The exact dimensions of his personal contribution to the shape of materials which he received from his teachers or informants is hard to assess in detail, since old pieces of evidence are rare. We may perceive from what is preserved of his works, however, that he transmitted and edited collections, and also gathered and composed poetic diwdns himself.
805
Born in 212/827-8, he cannot have met with the early authorities in this field, e.g. Abu c Amr alShaybam, Abu 'Ubayda and al-AsmacI, as Yakut rightly points out (Udabd3). Even so, he often refers to them in his commentaries; much of the material seems to have come to him through Muhammad b. Hablb [see IBN HABIB], who is the most important of his teachers. Al-Sukkarf transmitted his al-Muhabbar, Nakd'id Djarir wa 'l-Farazdak and possibly al-Mughtdlin (GAS, ii, 179), and used Ibn Hablb's collection of verses and commentaries as a starting-point for his editorial activity as editor-transmitter. In this manner, al-Sukkarfs redactions of the—preserved—dtwdm of Hassan b. Thabit (ed. W.N. 'Arafat, i, 11), cUbayd Allah b. Kays al-Rukayyat (ed. N. Rhodokanakis, p. iii), Imru5 al-Kays (ed. Ahlwardt, p. vi), al-Hutay'a (ed. N.M.A. Tana, 13), al-Akhtal (ed. A. Salhani, 3), Djarfr (ms., GAS, ix, 281), Suraka b. Mirdas al-Asghar (ed. S.M. Husayn, in JRAS [1936]) are related to the authority of this teacher. A short version (mukhtasar) of Ibn al-Kalbfs Diamharat al-nasab, a work also transmitted by Ibn Hablb, is attested as a redaction of alSukkan as well (W. Gaskel, Gamharat an-nasab, Leiden 1966, i, 100). This list can in no way lay claim to completeness, but may give an impression of the importance of the materials which he handed down to us. Al-Sukkarf is also known for his "composition (^_am() of dlwdm" as al-Dhahabl expresses it (Siyar, xiii, 126), and most famous among his works of this kind is the edition and commentary of the tribal diwdn of the Hudhayl [q.v.]. Another tribal diwdn in his redaction was that of Taghlib as used by cAbd al-Kadir alBaghdadl (Khizdnat al-adab, i, 304, 309; cf. GAS, ii, 2 338). Also, the poetry of individual poets was gathered together and edited by him, like that of Kacb b. Zuhayr (ed. T. Kowalski, 1) and many others. Ibn al-Nadlm has a long list of poets whose diwdns alSukkan gathered or transmitted (Fihrist, ed. Tadjaddud, 178). No manuscripts of his works on lexicology and poetry have, it seems, survived, but Hadjdjf Khalifa (Kashf al-zunun, ed. Fliigel) testifies, apart from diwdns, to a Kitdb al-Wuhush and al-Abydt al-sa?ira. Fragments of his editorial work in poetry, as well as narrative materials about poets, are to be found scattered in classical Arabic literature, mainly in the Khizdnat aladab and, of primary importance, the Aghdnf, here, for instance, a collection of the poetry of Ghaylan b. Salma is quoted from a copy of al-Sukkan's own handwriting (Aghdm3, xiii, 231) and his famous Akhbdr al-lusus, parts of which are also preserved with the diwdn of Tahman b. cAmr al-Kilabi (ed. W. Wright, in his Opuscula arabica), are mentioned (Aghdni3, xxiv, 169). Bibliography: Brockelmann, I2, 108-9, SI, 168; Sezgin, GAS, ii (poetry), viii (lexicography), ix (grammar), passim (see indices). For the Aghdm, see M. Fleischhammer, Quellenuntersuchungen zum Kitdb al-Agdm, Halle/Saale 1965 (unpublished ms.), ch. 3, no. 36, and ch. 4, no. 42; in addition to the biographical literature mentioned in these reference works, see Dhahabi, Siyar acldm al-nubald3, xiii, 126. (S. LEDER) SUKNA (A.), lit. "abode". This is a K u r ' a n i c legal term referring to a women's right upon her husband to provide shelter for her (XL, 6). It also refers to her right to stay in the matrimonial house during her waiting period following divorce or death (XL, 1). A famous statement of Fatima bt. Kays is recorded by al-Bukhan and Muslim in their collections of hadith, that suknd and nafaka were not granted to her by the Prophet when she was irrevocably
SUKNA — SUKUTRA
806
divorced. Her statement lead to a disagreement among scholars. Hanafis follow the view of cUmar and cAJisha who rejected Fatima's statement on the ground of the strength of the opposing Kur'anic verse and prophetic traditions. Other scholars, including CA1I, Ibn cAbbas and the Imam! school of the Shrca, deny both suknd and nqfaka on the grounds of Fatima's statement. These two rights are only given to a woman who has not been irrevocably divorced. The Hanbalf Ibn Kudama extended the range of exclusions to include a woman divorced before the consummation of the marriage. The Shafi'I and Malik! schools maintain that the right to nqfaka would be lost following a final pronouncement of divorce, unlike the right to suknd, since it is specified by Kur'an, LXV, 6. The Hanafi tendency unreservedly to give a divorcee both nqfaka and suknd seems to be the tendency adopted by some modern Muslim Family laws, including the Pakistani Ordinance, 1961. Bibliography. Ibn Kudama, al-Mughm, Cairo 1989, ii, 354-5; Wahba 'al-Zuhaylf, al-Fikh al-Isldmi wa-adillatuh, Beirut 1985, vii, 657; Sayyid Sabik, Fikh al-sunna, Beirut 1977, ii, 158; Arshad Mubeen Anwari, The manual of family laws, Lahore n.d., 68, 75. (M.Y. Izzi DIEN) SUKRAT, the Greek philosopher Socrates. There is no specific discussion of the teachings of Socrates on the part of the Arabo-Muslim authors who mention his name. This also applies to bibliographers such as Abu Sulayman al-Sidjistanf (Siwdn alhikma), Ibn al-Nadfm (Fihrist), Ibn al-Kiftl (Ta'rikh al-hukamd3) and Ibn Abf Usaybi'a (cUyun al-anbd3). The small amount of information supplied by these diverse authors is, furthermore, repetitive. According to Abu Sulayman, Socrates, Plato and Aristotle acquired Egyptian wisdom from Pythagoras. Sacid alAndalusf (Tabakdt al-umam, tr. R. Blachere, Paris 1935) merely states that Socrates was a disciple of Pythagoras, adding that "He confined himself, in philosophy, to the study of the metaphysical sciences. He scorned the pleasures of this world and rejected them, and publicly proclaimed his disagreement with the Greeks over the worship of idols". According to Saeid, it was this opposition to idolatry which led to the condemnation of Socrates. He relates a legendary episode and concludes by attributing to Socrates "sublime counsels", remarkable "institutions" and memorable statements. "He possessed opinions similar to those of Pythagoras and of Empedocles on the divine attributes. Nevertheless, on the subject of the Afterlife, he professed unfounded notions, far removed from sound philosophy and verified doctrines" (61). It may be noted that Sacid al-Andalusf's analysis is influenced by his Muslim sensibilities. In particular, no doubt referring to Plato's Phaedo, he attacks a conception of the immortality of the soul which takes no account of the resurrection of the body. This treatise by Sa'id inspired Ibn al-Kiftf and Ibn Abl Usaybi'a. Ibn alKiftf numbers Socrates among the Five Sages, with Empedocles and Pythagoras, Plato and Aristotle. Only Ibn Abr Usaybi'a refers specifically to one of Plato's writings, under the title of Kitdb Ihtiajdaj Sukrdt fald ahl Athlniya, which could be the Apology. But it seems certain that, for the faldsifa, there was no distinction between the thought of Socrates and that of Plato. Bibliography: Given in the text; see also I. Alon, Socrates in Medieval Arabic Literature, Leiden 1991. (R. ARNALDEZ) SUKUN. In philosophy and in grammar, [see ALHARAKA WA
?
L-SUKUN].
SUKUT (A.), lit. "silence", a term of Islamic law. Here, sukut refers to an individual's action of not actively expressing an opinion when involved in an action or contract that requires acceptance or rejection. This "tacit" manifestation of will can only be clarified by circumstance. The concept is highlighted by the legal maxim that states "no statement can be ascribed to a silent person, but silence when a need arises is a manifestation of will". The application of this rule can be found in the silence of a landlord who demands an increase on the former rent. The continuation of tenancy is viewed as including positive acceptance of the old rent (Maajalla, art. 438). In contrast to this is the silence of the owner who is asked to lend his property; this is considered to mean a negative answer (Maajalla, art. 805). This appears to create a situation in new cases when the arbitrary decision of the judge is the only factor for deciding what needs manifestation and what does not. The contrasting variation of the "value" of silence in Islamic law seems to place significant importance on the psychological "state" of individuals performing contracts. This is best represented in the sukut that is taken as acceptance (ridd) in wedding ceremonies when a virgin bride is asked, "do you take this man to be your husband?" This is based on the grounds that she is too embarrassed to say "yes". This contrasts with the previously married woman who is expected explicitly to declare her will. Bibliography: Salfm Rustum Baz al-Lubnanf, Shark al-Ma&alla, repr. Beirut 1986, 344, 447, 244, 1180; A. Zaydan, al-Madkhal li-dirdsat al-Shanca alIsldmiyya, Baghdad 1967, 94. (M.Y. Izzi DIEN) SUKUTRA (other transcriptions: Sukutra, Suqutra, Soqotra, Sokotra, Socotora and Socotra; in Arabic, the final letter may be an alifmaksura or a td3 marbuta), is an island in the Indian Ocean, at a distance of approximately 300 km/186 miles from the coasts of Arabia (Ras Fartak) and 240 km/150 miles from Ras Asir (Cap Guardafui) in Africa. Its geographical coordinates are, from east to west, Ra's Mamf (12° 32' N. 54° 30' E.) to Ra's Shu'ab (12° 32' N. 53° 19' E.), and from north to south, Ra's Hulaf (12° 42' N. 54° 06' E.) to Ra's Katanan (12° 21' N. 53° 33' E.). The dimensions of the island change according to the sources: Source El1 (1934) West Arabia (1946)
Length 132 km
Breadth 40 km
Surface km2 3579.2
138km 37km (75 miles) (20 miles)
Red Sea Pilot 129 km 37 km km2 4801 (1967) (70 miles) (20 miles) (1,400 sq. miles) D^ughm/iya (1971) Us Temen (1979)
-
—
130 km
40 km
(1,400 sq. miles)
It is part of an archipelago which includes at least three other islands: £Abd al-Kurf (12° 12' N., 52° 13' E.) and the "Brothers", that is, Djazfrat Samha (12° 09' N., 53° 03' E.) and Djazfrat Darsa or Darza (12° 06' N., 53° 16' E.). According to EI\ the population was estimated at 13,000 "Moslems"; the editors of West Arabia (1946) calculated that it was between 6,000 and 8,000; according to the ^ughrdfiya, its inhabitants are 1,500; and finally, Alain Rouaud states that in 1979 the population was around 20,000, to whom 200 inhabitants of cAbd al-Kurf must be added.
SUKUTRA SUKUTRA
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SUKUTRA
1. Topography and demography. Situated near the track of vessels bound to and from the east, Sukutra is generally sighted by vessels entering or leaving the Gulf of Aden; but being exposed to both monsoons and having no harbours in which vessels can at all times anchor with safety, it is but little visited. Jabal Haggier is the summit of the island, and attains an elevation of 1,419 m/4,654 feet. The south-western part of the island is arid and barren, but much of the remainder is comparatively fertile, being well-watered by the monsoon rains of July and December. The southern coast preserves a nearly unbroken line, but the northern and western coasts are broken into a succession of small bays, generally with streams at their head, affording anchorage according to the seasons, but none of them is safe at all times of the year. Over a broad area, hills rise abruptly in vertical cliffs several hundred feet high, but at other places there are plains, which attain a breadth of as much as 9 km/5 miles between the base of the hills and the coast. On the southern side is the plain of Naukad, the largest plain, which, extending nearly the whole length of the island, is for miles covered with dunes of drift sand. On the northern side, these plains occur chiefly at the mouth of streams, and are the sites of the only places which may be called towns. The internal part of the island may be roughly described as broad, undulating, and intersected by limestone plateaux, with an average elevation of about 300 m/984 feet, that flank westward, southward and eastward, a nucleus of granite peaks, which attain elevations of over 1,200 m/3,936 feet. These are seldom free from clouds, but when the weather is clear their appearance is broken and picturesque. The whole of this hilly region is deeply intersected by ravines and valleys, which, in the rainy seasons, are occupied by roaring torrents, but the majority are empty in the dry season. There are, however, many perennial streams. The population has a composite character that struck the travellers of Antiquity: Arabs, Indians, Somalis, and Blacks, the descendants of mixed slaves. Inland, they are nomad "Bedouins" and live in caves. They practise a rotation of the pasture land to feed their flocks of goats, sheep and camels. They also gather the resin of dragon's blood (Dracaena Cinnabar!), incense and aloe, and make the most of some palm groves and tobacco plants. The southern coast is deserted. The habitants of the northern coastline are scattered in some twenty small villages: they practise fishing and exchange their surplus with the "Bedo" against meat and milk. The language spoken in the island is Sukutrl (Soqotri, Socotri, etc.); see below, 3. 2. History. The long history of Sukutra extends back into mythology. One suggested derivation of the name is from the Sanskrit, Dvipa Sukhddhdra according to Western Arabia, or dvipa sukhatara, according to J. Tkatsch in EP, which are to be translated "Isle of the Abode of the Bliss" or "File heureuse". There is also a theory that this was corrupted into Suk al-Katra "market of the exudations", but this is apparently untenable on philological grounds. Sukutra has been identified with the Panchaia of Virgil, which is connected with the story of the Phoenix, which lies down to die in a perfumed nest of cinnamon and frankincense sprigs. A connection has also been suggested with Castor and Pollux, the Dioscuri, twin sons of Jupiter and Leda, whence
possibly the Roman name Dioscoridis Insula. To this day, the Arabs call dragon's-blood dam al-akhawayn "the blood of the two brothers". Iskuduru, one of a list of countries conquered by Darius (5th century B.C.), is believed to have been Sukutra. The island was apparently visited, along with the Land of Punt, by the ancient Egyptians in order to obtain frankincense by the direct sea-route. The anonymous writer of the Periplus referred to Sukutra as containing (1st century A.D.) a mixed Greek-speaking population, trading with Arabia and India, especially in turtle-shell of high quality; while Cosmas Indicopleustes, visiting it in the 6th century, thought that the Greek-speaking people had been placed in "Dioscorides" by the Ptolemies. Traders from Muza (the Arabian Red Sea coast) and Barygaza (the Gulf of Cambay) visited the island for turtle-shell. The island is mentioned in pre-Islamic inscriptions from Hadramawt, spelt in the musnad script s3krd, as an appanage of Hadramawt. In Islamic times, as far back as the 10th century it was a noted haunt of pirates from Cutch and Gudjarat. Marco Polo, among other writers, described the harpooning of whales round its coasts for ambergris and sperm oil. Several Arab geographers, among them Yakut, alKazwmf, al-ldrlsl, al-Baghdadl (d. 739/1338) and alHamdanf (d. 945/1539), mention Sukutra in their descriptions. The information which they give is, however, limited to mentioning the gathering of aloes [see SABR] and dragon's blood, and they state that most of the inhabitants are "Christian Arabs". Al-IdrisI adds that Alexander the Great had replaced the primitive inhabitants of the island with Greek immigrants on the advice of his tutor and friend Aristotle. In 1507, the Portuguese Afonso de Albuquerque conquered the island, but this occupation did not last long; it was, however, the first contact with expanding Europe. The islands for long formed part of the domains of the Imam of Maskat and the Mahri Sultan of Kishn and Sukutra. The island was occupied by a British force, following an agreement with the Sultan in 1834, for about five years while the Government of India was negotiating the purchase of the island as a coaling station. In 1886 the Sultan accepted a Protectorate Treaty. All the islands then became part of the Aden Protectorate, administered from India through the Resident at Aden, till the transfer of the Protectorate to the Colonial Office in London in 1937. The Sultan, whose capital was Hadibu, ruled with the help of his wa&r and of headmen appointed from the coastal settlements and the pastoral clans of the interior. The first landing ground for aircraft was established on the Hadibu plain in 1940. This was replaced in 1942 by a larger landing-ground on the northern coastal plain, some 2 miles west of Kathub. According to Alain Rouaud, "the Soviet Union apparently used the same landing grounds for their planes operating in the Indian Ocean; they also established a base for their fleet of submarines and 30 other boats. The presence of these military bases explains the thick veil and the absence of information which the South Yemenis kept over the island, since camps for political prisoners were to be found there. Situated at the same distance from Mogadishu and Addis Ababa on the petroleum route that passes by the Cape of Good Hope, or on that going through the Suez Canal, Sukutra is a particularly strategic centre in a zone of conflicts". On 22 May 1990, the Arabic Republic of Yemen and the Popular Republic of Yemen joined to form
SUKUTRA the new state of the Republic of Yemen, in which Sukutra is now included. Bibliography: Most of the bibliographies, even those dealing specifically with the Arabian Peninsula, ignore the existence of Sukutra. Moreover, the scattered information already published is not recent or up-to-date. With reference to the historical part of the period before the appearance of Islam, the reader should refer to the EF art., where detailed information can be found. 1. Geographical co-ordinates and placenames. People's Democratic Republic of Yemen. Official standard names gazetteer; United States Board on Geographic Names 1976, Washington D.C. (A list of Sokotn names was supplied by the Permanent Committee on Geographical Names (U.K.)] they are the result of field work by the late Professor Tom Johnston of S.O.A.S., London.) 2. Description of the island. EF, art. Sokotrd (1934); Naval Intelligence Division, Western Arabia and the Red Sea, London 1946, Appendix F, Socotra, 609-15; Red Sea and Gulf of Aden pilot, comprising the Suez Canal, etc. Socotra and its adjacent islands., 11 th ed. London 1967 (contains a detailed description of the coasts and anchorages of the islands); Diughrafiya D^umhuriyyat al-Yaman al-dimukratiyya al-shacbiyya, Cairo 1971; A. Rouaud, Les Yemen et leurs populations, Brussels 1979, 224, Soqotra (Tie de-), 129-30, Soqotri (langue), 30, 129. 3. History. G.F. Hourani, Arab seafaring in the Indian Ocean in ancient and early medieval times, Princeton 1951, new augmented ed. by J. Carswell, Princeton 1995, index, s.w. Socotra, Dvipa Sukhatara; G.R. Tibbets, Arab navigation in the Indian Ocean before the coming of the Portuguese, being a translation of Kitab alFawa'id ff usul al-bahr wa '1-qawa'id of Ahmad b. Majid al-Najdi, London 1971, index, s.w. Socotra, c Abd al-Kurf, Darza, Samha. (G. OMAN) 3. Language. The term Sukutn/Sokotn denotes both an inhabitant of the island of Sukutra and the language of the Yemeni islands of Sukutra and cAbd al-Kuri and the nearby islet of Samha, situated in the Gulf of Aden off Cape Guardafui. Sukutrf (S), realised as [skAtri], is one of the six languages of the group known as "Modern South Arabian Languages" (MSAL) currently spoken in Yemen and in cUman and belonging to the southern branch of western Semitic, as do Arabic and the Semitic languages of Ethiopia. It should be stressed that there is no inter-comprehension between Arabic and the MSALs, nor between S and the other MSALs. The number of speakers is hard to reckon in the absence of recent official figures; the population of Sukutra may, however, be estimated at approximately 50,000 (Naumkin and Porkhomovskiy, 1981, 3), that of cAbd al-Kurf at around 260 (Naumkin, 1993, 342, 359 n. 2), that of Samha at less than 50 (University of Aden, 1986, 9, Arabic section). S, not a written language, is the mother tongue of all the inhabitants of the islands; it is used in all facets of private life and in social intercourse, as well as in oral literature (songs, poetry, anecdotes, traditional tales); outside the islands, it is spoken within communities of expatriate islanders (especially in the Emirates). Arabic, the national language, is the second language of the islands in question, spoken in administrative contexts. It is taught in schools and through contact with Arabophones living on the northern coast of Sukutra, in particular in Hadibo or, for the fishermen of cAbd al-Kurf, with Arabophones on the coast of Hadramawt. Many Bedouin women living in re-
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mote regions of the islands, born before the 1960s and never having had access to education, possess little or no knowledge of the national language. Arabic also serves as the language of communication with speakers of one other MSAL, Mahn [q.v.], which for historical, geographical and economic reasons is the only MSAL having contact with S. The first document regarding S dates back no further than 1835, when J.R. Wellsted compiled a list of 246 words and expressions in this language. At the end of the 19th century the Viennese scholar, D.H. Miiller, in the context of the Sudarabische Expedition, provided Semitic scholars with a veritable library of texts in S from Sukutra and cAbd al-Kun, studied and analysed by M. Bittner, W. Leslau and E. Wagner. Studies conducted since 1966, by T.M. Johnstone, V. Naumkin and the Mission Franfaise d'Enquete sur les Langues du Yemen (A. Lonnet and M.-C1. SimeoneSenelle) have revealed a rich dialectology and made it possible to complete and revise certain assertions which were formerly applied to only a small number of S dialects, the only ones studied in previous works. Among the MSALs which, it may be recalled, present a number of traits original and internal to the southern group of western Semitic, S occupies a particular place; its geographical and historical isolation has definitely been the cause of an evolution different to that of the MSALs of the mainland, in permanent contact with one another. In terms of phonology, as with the other MSALs, the consonantal system of S is characterised by the existence of ejective globalised consonants: t, k, s, s, s (these correspond to the Arabic series of emphatics, with the exception of s, a supplementary phoneme peculiar to the MSALs), of two lateral fricatives (of which traces are found in the writing of ancient South Arabian languages, in Hebrew and in Ge'ez) including s (the Arabic homologue of which is the letter dad [q.v.], which seems to have exhibited a lateral articulation, cf. the Kitab of Slbawayhi). It should be stressed that, contrary to what has sometimes been stated, the velar fricatives x and g form part of the phonological system of S, although it is true that, in some dialects, there has been coalescence with the pharyngals: in Kalansiyya, xte "night" and gayz "man" correspond to hte and feyz in Hadibo. On the other hand, within the MSALs, S is distinguished by a consonantal system lacking interdentals. From the purely phonetic point of view, there are two traits typical of S which should be noted. One is the consequence of rules of accentuation: the existence of a so-called "parasitic" h which permits the prolongation of a syllable which has become short and unaccented (mesaher "stable", but in the dual nwseri; ferhim "daughter"). The other is the pronunciation of certain consonants in a "whispered" form: the emission of the phoneme is such that the vocal cords are not fully engaged, and the auditive impression is that of a breath accompanying the consonant; it is transcribed as h: gemhel "camel", Iesh9n "tongue". Other phenomena of phonetic combination, also existing to varying degrees in other MSALs, are present in S: the palatalisation of voiceless, globalised and voiced velars: iccetab "he writes" (ktob "he has written"), marbfcoh "poisoned" (f.) (ribak "he has been poisoned"), dicaTnghan "scorpion", Teyz "man", in certain dialects Teg7 "man"; the fricative realisation [z] of /!/: az (for /al/, negative particle), ?9SAz "he helped", azzah "Allah". The vocalic system of S differs from that of other
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MSALs, in that certain dialects include 6 and ce in addition to the i, e, e, a, o, o, u, a, of the "basic" MSA system. The timbre and vocalic quantity are closely linked with accentuation and, as in Djibball [see SHIHRI], contrast in vocalic duration seems to have no phonological relevance. The syllabic structure is of the Cv or CvC type. The accent, in comparison with the other MSALs, is "retracted" towards the beginning of the word; it applies to the penultimate, or antepenultimate syllable (except in certain conjugations) and under its effect, the vowel is often realised long (x5mQh "five"). Vowels play an important morphological role. In nouns, they contribute to distinction of gender: tahrar (masc.) and tahrer (fern.) "wild goat", kerkam and kerkim "yellow", sibceb "old man" and sfbib "old woman" and to distinction of number: Tatoin (sing.) and TetDin (pi.) "big", nahrar and nahrur "nose/noses". They have a similar function in verbs where, in addition to gender and number, they indicate the person and the diathesis: tkcetab "you write" (m. sing.) and in the fern. tke"tab, ti "he ate, they (fern.) ate" and t6e "they (masc.) ate", koros "he shaved" and kuros "he is shaved". The noun is not supplied with case endings; it possesses two genders, masc. and fern., and three numbers, singular, dual and plural. In words where the fern, is indicated, it is by the suffix -ah, -eh, -oh, and -t in the dual: Tenon "year", Teniti "two years". The nominal dual is very active; it is marked by the suffix -i and, unlike in the other MSALs, it is not necessary followed by the numeral trceh (masc.), trih (fern.) "two". Nouns have both internal and external plurals and often several plurals for one singular. As in the MahrT spoken in the Yemen Republic, but different from the MSALs spoken in 'Urnan, there exists in S no definite article. The morphology of autonomous and incorporated personal pronouns includes a form of the dual, including the first person; with all the persons (excepting the dual) there is distinction of gender. The verbal system does not differ from that of other MSALs; it comprises three simple forms: CaCoC and CCoC (active voice), CeCaC (middle voice) and CiCaC (passive voice), four derived forms (by internal modification, prefixation or infixation): CaCaC (intensiveconative), TaCCaC (factitive and "intermediate" value), saCCaC and saCeCaC (causative-reflexive), CotCaC and CoteCaC (reflexive). The verbal paradigms, as in Arabic, are arranged in prefixal and suffixal conjugations (corresponding to the imperfect and perfect aspect). In contrast to Arabic, S, with the MSALs, is distinguished by the existence of a dual in three persons. In the perfect state, the two first persons sing, and dual, as well as the second of the plur., have the ending -k; the third person fern, has the endings -3h, -oh: ?9sk "I have been afraid", ?aski "the two of us have been afraid", ?9soh "she has been afraid", and -t when the verb is followed by a complementary pronoun: baTarah "she has spat" and baTarat-s "she has spat it". The subjunctive differs from the indicative in its particular vocalic scheme and it includes a prefix 1- added to the first persons sing, and dual, and to the third persons masc. sing., pi. A certain number of verbs, especially simple passive verbs, are conjugated in the inaccomplished aspect without the prefixed personal indicators y- and t-; however, the subjunctive has 1- in all persons, except the first of the plural. Some derived forms have an imperfect tense with a supplementary -n. S is the only one of the MSALs to possess no specific form for the future. The jussive is expressed by the imperfect indica-
tive, but the prohibitive is expressed by a negative particle followed by the subjunctive: zce^cem "you sit, sit!", Ta lazTam "do not sit!" In syntax, two features clearly distinguish S from the other MSALs. The notion of possession is expressed by a prepositional syntagm (the preposition is followed by the independent or incorporated pronoun referring to the possessor) preceding the noun which refers to the thing possessed: dihoh bebe mey sem Tali (ofme [independent pron.] father of-him [incorporated pron.] name 'All) "my father, his name is cAlf". For the construction of negation, S is the only MSA language in which the negative particle is always anteposed to the element negated; furthermore, it differs (except in the dialect of 'Abd al-Kuri) in terms of the mode of the verb: ?al with the indicative in assertive or interrogative phrases and *ia (or ha) followed by the subjunctive in prohibitive phrases. As regards the lexicon, in S numerous roots are encountered which belong to ancient Semitic lexical stock; but what is striking is the number of original words, original even in terms of the MSA lexicon, which cannot, in the present state of knowledge, be associated with any of the languages (African, Indian, European) which could have been in contact with S. It should only be noted that the dialect of cAbd al-Kurl has been strongly influenced in its phonetics and its vocabulary by the Arabic dialect of the region of the Hadramawt, with which contact is regular and continuous. Bibliography. References to the MSALs as a whole are to be found in T.M. Johnstone's art. MAHRI. All references to S by the scholars of the Siidarabische Expedition of Vienna, D.H. Miiller and M. Bittner, are to be found in W. Leslau, Lexique soqotri, Paris 1938. Numerous lexical terms are also present in Johnstone, Mehri lexicon, London 1987. For works subsequent to E. Wagner (Syntax der Mehri-Sprache ..., Berlin 1953) and not quoted by Johnstone (1986), see Johnstone, The non-occurrence of a t- prefix in certain Socotri verbal forms, in BSOAS, xxxi/3 (1968); A. Lonnet and M.-C1. SimeoneSenelle, La phonologie des langues sudarabiques modernes, in A. Kaye (ed.), The phonology of selected Asian and African languages, Wiesbaden 1995; V. Naumkin, Sokotriytsi ("The Soqotris"), Moscow 1988; idem, Island of the Phoenix, Reading 1993; Naumkin and V. Porkhomovskiy, Ocerki po etnolingoistike sokotri ("Studies on Soqotri ethnolinguistics") Moscow 1981; Simeone-Senelle, Recents developpements des recherches sur les langues sudarabiques modernes, in Procs. of the Fifth International Hamito-Semitic Congress 1987, Vienna 1991; eadem, Notes sur k premier vocabulaire soqotri: le Memoire de Wells ted (1835), in Materiaux arabes et sudarabiques (MAS), n.s. 3,4 (1991, 1992); eadem, ^expression du futur dans les langues sudarabiques modernes, in MAS, n.s. 5 (1993); eadem, La negation dans les langues sudarabiques modernes, in MAS, n.s. 6 (1994); eadem, Aloe and Dragon's Blood, some medicinal and traditional uses on the island of Socotra, in New Arabian Studies, ii (1994), 186-98; eadem, Magie et pratiques therapeutiques dans I'lle de Soqotra: le medecin-guerisseur, in PSAS, xxv (1995); eadem and A. Lonnet, Lexique des noms des parties du corps dans les langues sudarabiques modernes, in MAS, 3, n.s. (1985-6, 1988-9); eadem, Lexique soqotri: les noms des parties du corps, in Semitic studies in honour of Wolf Leslau, Wiesbaden 1991, ii; eadem, Complements a Lexique Soqotri: les noms des parties du corps, in MAS, n.s. 4 (1992); D. Testen, The loss of the personmarker in Jibbali and Socotri, in BSOAS, xlv (1992); University of Aden, Research Programme Socotra Island,
SUKUTRA — AL-SULAMI Aden 1986; E. Wagner, Der Dialekt von cAbd el-Kuri, in Anthropos, xliv/2-3 (1959). (M.-CL. SIMEONE-SENELLE) SULAHFA, SULAHFA', SULAHFAH, SULAHFIYYA, pi. saldhif(A.), feminine substantive denoting the tortoise or turtle in general, terrestrial as well as aquatic. The root s.l.h.f. is drawn from an ancient and unidentified language, unrelated to Arabic. Besides this classical term and the synonyms ghaylam for the male and tuwama for the female, dialectal names are encountered according to regions: thus in the Maghrib, fakrun, fakir, ajkir, pi. fakd3ir, fakdrin derived from the Berber ifakrun, pi. ifkar, ifkaran; in Syria and Lebanon, kurka'a. I. Species. The order of Chelonians with a carapace, sulahfiyydt mudarra'at (Greek %eX,cbvr|, Latin testudo), comprises three families: A. Terrestrial Chelonians, barriyydt or chersites, including, in Arab countries: (1) Hermann's tortoise (Testudo Hermanni); (2) The Greek or Moorish tortoise (Testudo graeca, mauritanicd)', (3) The Caspian emyde (Mauremys caspicd)', (4) The bordered tortoise (Testudo marginata); and (5) The Barbary tortoise (Testudo ibera], B. Marsh Chelonians, munkaciyydt or elodites, including the European cistude (Emys orbicularis}. C. Marine Chelonians, bahriyydt, including: (1) The lute turtle (Dermochelys coriacea), which can exceed 2 m in length and 500 kg in weight; (2) The caret or caouane turtle, hanfd3, atum (Caretta caretta}; (3) The green turtle or true chelon, ladfa khadrd3 (Chelonia my das)', and (4) The imbricated chelon, lafa sahfiyya (Chelonia imbricata]. II. Utility. A. The shell of the tortoise, dhabl, has always been highly valued for the manufacture of combs and bracelets, masak. B. The carapace, bayt al-sulahfd, of large marine turtles is used, especially among nomads, as a cradle for new-born infants. It is also employed in various domestic functions, serving, e.g. as a basket or a basin. It should not be forgotten that in ancient times, this carapace, fitted with vibrating strings, constituted the original lute, cud, ancestor of the lyre which among the Greeks and the Romans was attributed to Hermes/Mercury. C. The meat of certain turtles was a popular foodstuff, as were their eggs; consumption of these is permitted according to Kur'anic law. III. Specific Properties. In a place of ice and intense cold, if a living tortoise is laid on its back, feet in the air, the atmosphere immediately becomes clement. The blood of the tortoise is an effective ointment for all maladies of the joints. Carrying on one's person the tail of a tortoise supposedly favours sexual endeavours and finally, seeing a tortoise in a dream foretells an attractive bride, perfumed and finely adorned, or the acquisition of great wisdom. IV. Astronomy. Al-Sulahfdh is one of several names for the nineteenth boreal constellation of the Lyre situated between Hercules and the Swan. The Arabic term has given rise, in ancient and mediaeval treatises, to the following renderings: eculhqfe, acolhqfe, a$ulhafe, acolhafe, agulafe, aculhaffech. V. Proverbial usage. Al-Damfn cites the adage ablad rain sulahfdh "more stupid than a tortoise", but it is not clear what aspect of the behaviour of this useful creature is supposed to justify such an assertion. Bibliography: Aristotle, Histoire des animaux, tr. J. Tricot, Paris 1957, passim; Damfn, Hay at alhayawdn al-kubrd, Cairo 1937, ii, 24-5, s.v.; Kazwlnl, 'Afjjd'ib al-makhlukdt, in margins of al-Damfrf (see above), ii, 328-9. D. Chenu, Encyclopedie d'histoire naturelle, Paris 1874, vol. Reptiles et poissons, 18-40;
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Amin Malouf (Amin al-Macluf), Mu'ajam al-hayawan, An Arabic zoological Dictionary, Cairo 1932, (s.w.); A. Benhamouda, Les noms arabes des etoiles, in AIEO, Algers (1951), ix, 131; G. Diesener andj. Reichholf, Batraciens et reptiles, Paris 1986, 100-19. (F. VIRE) AL-SULAMI, ABU £ABD AL-RAHMAN MUHAMMAD b. al-Husayn al-Azdl al-Sulami al-Naysaburf, important Sufi hagiographer and K u r ' a n commentator. He was born at Nrshapur (Naysabur) in 325/937 or 330/942 and died in the same city in 412/1021. He belonged to the tribe of the Azd on his father's side and to that of the Sulaym on his mother's. When al-Sulamf's father left Nrshapur to settle at Mecca, alSulaml's education was entrusted to his maternal grandfather, Abu cAmr Isma'll b. Nudjayd (d. 366/ 976-7), who was a disciple of Abu cUthman al-Hfrl (d. 298/910), a Shafi'f scholar of hadlth and an adherent of the ascetic tradition of Nrshapur. Al-Sulaml received a teaching certificate (iajdza) from the Hanafi Abu Sahl al-SuclukI (296-369/909-80) and, some time after 340/951, the Sufi cloak (khirka) from the ShafiT Abu '1-Kasim al-Nasrabadhi (d. 367/977-8) who, some ten years before in 330/942, had become a Sufi at the hands of Abu Bakr al-Shibll [q.v.] at Baghdad. An avid student of hadith, al-Sulami travelled widely throughout Khurasan and clrak in search of knowledge, visiting Marw and Baghdad for extended periods of time. He travelled as far as the Hidjaz, but apparently visited neither Syria nor Egypt. His travels climaxed in a pilgrimage to Mecca, performed in 366/ 976 in the company of al-Nasrabadhr, who died shortly after the Pilgrimage. When al-Sulamf returned to Nrshapur about 368/977-8, his teacher Ismacrl b. Nudjayd had passed away, leaving him his extensive library. This library became the centre of the small Sufi" lodge (duwayrd] which al-Sulaml established in his quarter of the town, the sikkat al-Nawand. There he spent the remaining forty years of his life as a resident scholar, probably visiting Baghdad on a number of occasions. By his later years, he had become highly respected throughout Khurasan as a Shaficf man of learning, and an author of Sufi manuals. Al-Sulami was a prolific author who eventually employed his future biographer, Abu Sacfd Muhammad b. 'All al-Khashshab (381-456/991-1064), as his attendant and scribe. He composed the long list of his works, amounting to more than a hundred titles, over a period of some fifty years from about 360/970 onwards. Some thirty of his works are known to be extant in manuscript; many have appeared in print. These writings may be divided into three main categories: Sufi hagiographies, Sufi commentaries on the Kur'an, and treatises on Sufi traditions and customs. Each of these categories appears to be represented by a major work. The substantial Ta3nkh al-Sufiyya, listing the biographies of a thousand Sufis, is known only through extracts incorporated in later sources. It was probably an amplified version of the Ta'nkh of Abu Bakr Muhammad b. cAbd Allah al-Badjalf, known as Ibn Shadhan al-Razi, who died in 376/986 at Nlshapur. The Tabakdt al-sufiyya (ed. J. Pedersen, Leiden 1960, and N. Shanba, Cairo 1969) is a shorter version, listing summary biographies of 105 Sufis with selections of their sayings. The writings of al-Sulaim on Sufi traditions and customs, often referred to as Sunan al-sufiyya, are lost today. Extracts of its contents were integrated into the major works of Abu Bakr Ahmad b. al-Husayn al-Bayhaki (d. 458/1066). Judging by these extracts, al-Sulami's Sunan probably resembled
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a variety of minor treatises on Sufi practices. His principal commentary on the Kur'an, Hakcfik al-tqfsir, is a voluminous work which still awaits publication as a whole, although extracts of it have been published by Massignon and Nwyia. Some time after the completion of the Hakd'ik al-tafsir, al-Sulaml wrote a separate Kur'an commentary entitled Zjyaddt hakaj'ik al-tafsir (ed. G. Bowering, Beirut 1995), an appendix to the former extant in a unique manuscript. This work was compiled some time after 370/980, the date by which, in all probability, the Hakaj'ik al-tafsir had been completed. Significant portions of both Kur'an commentaries were integrated into the cArd3is al-baydn fi hakd'ik al-Kurydn (2 vols., Cawnpore 1301/1884) of Abu Muhammad Ruzbihan al-Bakll (d. 606/1209). Bibliography. For al-Sulaml's life and work, see Sezgin, GAS, i, 671-4; the introds. to the editions of Sulamf, Tabakat al-sufiyya; S. Ate§, Siilemi ve tasavvufi tefsiri, Istanbul 1969; G. Bowering, The Qur'dn commentary of Al-Sulaml, in W.B. Hallaq and D.P. Litde (eds.), Islamic studies presented to Charles J. Adams, Leiden 1991, 41-56; idem, The minor Qur'dn commentary of Abu cAbd ar-Rahmdn Muhammad b. al-Husayn as-Sulami(d. 412/1021), Beirut 1995; idem, The major sources of Sulami's minor Qufdn commentary, in Oriens (1995). Extracts from Sulamf's Hakaj'ik al-tafsir were published by L. Massignon, Essai sur les origines du lexique technique de la mystique musulmane, Paris 1922, 2 1968, 359-412; P. Nwyia, Le Tafsir mystique attribue a Ga'far Sddiq, in MUSJ, xliii (1968), 181-230, repr. in CA1I Zaycur, al-Tafsir al-sufi li 'l-Kur3dn cind alSddik, Beirut 1979, 125-212; P. Nwyia, Sentences de Nun citees par Sulami dans Haqd'iq al-Tafsir, in MUSJ, xliv (1968), 145-7; idem, Trois ceuvres inedites de mystiques musulmans, Beirut 1973, 23-182. The items of Ibn cAta"s Kur'an commentary included in Sulamfs Hakd'ik al-tafsir have been tr. into German with introd. by R. Gramlich, Abu 'l-cAbbds b. cAtd3: Sufi und Koranauskger, Stuttgart 1995. Minor works attributed to Sulaml known to have appeared in print: Risdlat al-maldmatiyya (ed. Abu 'l-cAlaJ al-cAfili, Cairo 1364/1945); Kitdb al-Arba'mfi 'l-tasawwuf, Haydarabad 1369/1950; Kitdb Addb al-suhba, ed. M.j. Kister, Jerusalem 1954; ed. Yusuf cAlf Badyawl, Beirut 1410/1990; Djawdmi' dddb al-sufiyya, ed. E. Kohlberg, Jerusalem 1976; cUyub al-nafs wa-muddwdtuhd, ed. idem, Jerusalem 1976; ed. Madjdf Fathl al-Sayyid, Tanta 1410/1990; Kitdb al-Futuwwa, ed. S. Ate§, Ankara 1397/1977; cf. also F. Taeschner, in Studio, Orientalia J. Pedersen septagenario, Copenhagen 1953, 340-51; al-Mukaddima fi 'l-tasawwuf wa-hakikatih, ed. Yusuf Zaydan, Cairo 1408/1978; ed. Husayn Amm, Baghdad 1984; Manahidj. al-cdrifm, ed. Kohlberg, in JSAI, i (1979), 19-39; Mandhidj. al-cdrifm, Dara&dt almu'dmaldt, ^awdmic dddb al-sufiyya, al-Mukaddima fi 'l-tasawwuf, Baydn ahwdl al-sufiyya, Mas'ala daraajdt al-sddikin, Suluk al-cdrifin, Nasim al-arwdh, Baydn zalal al-fukard3, ed. S. Ate§, in Tisca kutub li-Abi cAbd alRahmdn Muhammad b. al-Husayn b. Musd al-Sulami, Ankara 1401/1981, 1-212; Sifdt al-dhdkinn wa 'lmutafakkinn, ed. Abu Mahfuz al-Kanm al-Ma'suml, in Macfrallat al-maajmac al-cilmi al-hindi, ix (1404/1984); Usul al-maldmatiyya wa-ghalatdt al-sufiyya, ed. cAbd al-Fattah Ahmad al-Fawi Mahmud, Cairo 1405/ 1985; Daraajdt al-mucdmaldt, ed. Ahmad Tallin 'Iraki, Tehran 1369; Nasim al-arwdh, ed. idem, Tehran 1372; Kitdb kaldm al-Shdfi'i fi 'l-tasawwuf, ed. idem, Tehran 1372; Kitdb al-Samdc, ed. N. Purdjawadl, Tehran 1372; Dhikr al-niswa al-mutacabbiddt al-sufiyydt, ed. clrakl, Cairo 1413/1993. Many of these minor works of al-Sulami are being reprinted collectively
in N. Purdjawadl (ed.), Madjmu'a-yi athdr-i Abu cAbd al-Rahmdn Sulami, i, Tehran 1369; ii, Tehran 1372; iii, Tehran, forthcoming. (G. BOWERING) AL-SULAMI, clzz AL-DlN CABD AL-cAzTz b. cAbd al-Salam b. Abi '1-Kasim b. al-Hasan al-Dimashkl, Sultan al-cUlamaJ, Abu Muhammad, S h a f i c r j u r i s t who was born in Damascus in 577/1181-2 (or 578) and died in Cairo 10 Djumada I 660/1 April 1262. The scion of a modest family originally from North Africa (al-lsnawl, Tabakat al-sjidfi'iyya, Beirut 1987, ii, 84), clzz al-Dln al-Sulaml "the Damascene" was the leading Shaficf authority of his generation, the majority of biographers attributing to him the status of mudjtahid, a distinction not often awarded at this time (according to al-Suyutl, quoting Ibn Kathlr, at the end of his life al-Sulaml regarded himself as an "absolute" muajtahid whose judicial opinions were no longer tied to any constituted school, see Husn almuhddara, Cairo 1968, i, 315 and idem, Kitdb al-Radd f ald man akhlada ild 'l-ard, Beirut 1983, 76, 193). In Damascus, in terms of law (fkh [
AL-SULAMI — SULAWESI His extensive reputation, his popularity during his lifetime and his posthumous renown, the "Sultan of the scholars" (sultan al-^ulamd'), the nickname given to him by Ibn Daklk al-cld (d. 702/1302), his most eminent pupil—all of these owe less to the quality of his bibliography or to the originality of his thought than to his exemplary life, to his militancy placed exclusively at the service of the community, to his independence in dealing with political authorities—"he avoided praising kings, rather, he lectured them" (Ibn Kadi al-Dimashki, Tabakat al-shdficiyya, Beirut 1987, i, 441)—and the zeal with which he conformed to what he regarded as the most important mission of the scholar in society, sc. to command the good and to forbid the reprehensible (al-amr bi 'l-ma'ruf wa 'l-nahy can al-munkar). It is definitely this image of the militant sage which accounts for the renewed popularity of clzz al-Dm al-Sulaml and of his works in the contemporary Arabo-Muslim world (in Damascus, Cairo and Beirut, editions of his texts have proliferated in recent years). Thus the biographers pay particular attention to various episodes in the life of clzz al-Dm. In Damascus, while he was officially responsible for preaching the sermon (al-khutba) at the Friday mosque of the Umayyads, he abolished "numerous innovations introduced by preachers" (dressing in black, preaching in verse, etc.; Ibn Kadi al-Dimashkl, op. cit.). When, in 638/1240, the Ayyubid al-Salih Isma'rl, then ruler of Damascus, made an alliance with the Prankish invaders against the Ayyubid ruler in Cairo, and ceded to them towns, fortresses and territories in exchange for their aid (see al-Makln b. al-'Amid, Chronique des Ayyoubides, Paris 1994, 71-3), in the course of one of his sermons clzz al-Dfn expressed his courageous and public opposition to the policies of al-Salih, who had him imprisoned. It was on this occasion that clzz al-Dm, having been released (very quickly) from detention, decided to leave Syria and make his way to Egypt. He was accompanied by the eminent Malik! jurist Djamal al-Dfn cUthman Ibn al-Hadjib (d. 646/1248) who had supported him in Damascus; both men settied permanently in Egypt. It seems that he was well received by al-Malik al-Salih Nadjm al-Dm Ayyub (r. 637-47/1240-9). He was appointed pjreacher and kadi at the great mosque of cAmr b. al-cAs in Fustat, but before long his intransigence in dealings with the political authorities and especially with military elites of servile origin— apparently clzz al-Dln refused to recognise them as of free status (ahrdr) and for this reason would not validate any of their transactions (al-Subki, op. cit., viii, 216-17)—led him into difficulties. Feeling himself incapable of performing his functions correctly and independently, he preferred to resign voluntarily, and nobody pressed him to reconsider this decision. c lzz al-Dfn then undertook a career as a teacher of Shafi'r law at the Salihiyya, a college founded in the heart of Cairo by al-Malik al-Salih which had then barely been completed and which was, in Egypt, the first establishment providing instruction in the four rites (see K.A.C. Cresswell, in BIFAO, xxi, 33-4). The biographers indicate that he was the first to teach Kur'anic commentary in Egypt (al-Suyutl, op. cit., i, 315; he composed a brief tafsir which has not survived). Furthermore, it was with his customary zeal— a little too much for the taste of al-lsnawl—that he continued, as mufti, to pursue his mission of the scholar closely involved in issues concerning the community. The biographers refer to two compilations of his judicial decisions: al-Fatawd al-mawsiliyya and al-Fatdwd al-
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misriyya (1987 Bulak ed. of a work intitled Fatdwa Sultan al-'ulamd* al-clzz b. cAbd al-Saldm). Besides the above-mentioned al-Kawdcid al-kubrd, in which he was largely inspired by the Shucab al-imdn of al-Bayhakl (d. 458/1066) and of which he composed a summary (al-Fawd3id f t ikhtisdr al-makdsid almusammd bi 'l-Kawd'id al-sughrd, Cairo 1988), al-Sulaml is the author of a Mad^d^ al-Kur3dn which earned a certain notoriety (K. al-Ishdra ild 'l-Ididz fi bacd anwdc al-madidz, Cairo 1896) and which he also abridged. Other texts attributed to al-Sulaml have been published under titles which do not correspond to those mentioned by his early biographers (see for example al-Subkl, op. cit., viii, 247-8). One of al-Sulami's sons, £Abd al-Latlf (d. 695/1296 in Cairo), was also a jurist (see al-Subkl, op. cit., viii, 312) and seems to have composed a biography (sira) of his father, claimed by al-Subki as direct inspiration for the long article devoted to al-Sulami in his Tabakat. Bibliography: A very characteristic member of the intellectual elite in post-classical Sunn! Islam, Tzz al-Dm al-Sulaml definitely deserves the distinction of a separate monograph. In addition to works cited in the article, the following of his texts have been published: Hall al-rumuz wa-mafdtih alkunuz, Cairo 1899; al-Fawa'id fi mushkil al-Kur'dn, Kuwait 1967; Masd'il al-tankafl (ilm al-hakika, Cairo 1904; Md$ al-kaldm fi nush al-Imdm, Cairo 1991. (E. CHAUMONT) SULAWESI, formerly Celebes [q.v.], sometimes Selebessi, derived from sula besi, iron knife or kris (?), one of the four biggest islands in Indonesia, stretching from 4° N. to 7° S. and 118° to 126° E. The island consists of four major peninsulas, linked together by a central part. Administratively, it is divided into four provinces: South, Southeast, Central and North Sulawesi. Its population comprises a number of ethnically and linguistically quite different tribes. While the seven tribes of Minahasa (northern tip of the island) and the Toraja (northern part of South Sulawesi) predominantly, and the people of Central Sulawesi to a large extent, became Christians, Islam became the decisive religious factor in most of the other areas, except some parts of the interior where traditional religions still survive. Makassar [q.v.'}, situated in South Sulawesi, was the most powerful sultanate on the island. The forceful Islamisation of the neighbouring Buginese kingdoms, which started immediately after the two Makassarese kingdoms Gowa and Tallo' united themselves after their Islamisation was completed in 1607, resulted in an enduring enmity with Bone, the greatest Buginese kingdom. In 1660, a member of the royal family of Bone who became famous as Arung Palakka (d. 1696), raised an abortive rebellion against the sultan of Makassar. After his defeat he fled with his followers to Java and asked the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC) for shelter. When the Dutch, on their part, launched their final attack against Makassar in 1667-9, Arung Palakka came to their help and brought Makassarese rule over the Buginese kingdoms to an end and likewise its suzerainty over other kingdoms in the region like Sumbawa [see SUNDA ISLANDS], Buton and Manado (in the north of Sulawesi). In 1672, Arung Palakka became king of Bone. The expansionist zeal of Makassar after its Islamisation had strained relations with the sultanate of Ternate which, since its ruler had gone over to Islam in 1490, had established its own sphere of influence over most of the spice islands, including the southern Moluccas
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SULAWESI — SULAYB
with Amboina, and the eastern and southeastern parts of Sulawesi. There, on the island of Buton and its twin island Muna off the southern shores of Southeast Sulawesi, a small sultanate had emerged. In 1542 the sixth rdajd (king) of Buton, Sultan Murhum, was converted to Islam, influenced by an Arab teacher named cAbd al-Wahfd from Gudjarat. His dynasty had apparently assumed power at the beginning of the 15th century and had close relations with the HinduJavanese kingdom of Majapahit, from where Hinduism was introduced to Buton. When Majapahit was Islamised early in the 16th century, many Hindu noblemen and scholars sought refuge in Buton. This explains the heavy resistance by them and the native people against their forcible conversion to Islam. However, many pre-Islamic beliefs were continued after this conversion, and Islam itself was understood according to its Sufi tradition. To this effect, relations must have been established with Aceh [see ATJEH], the cradle of Malay tasawwuf in the archipelago, and with Java [see DJAWA, and also INDONESIA] . A constitution of the sultanate, promulgated during the reign of the fourth sultan La Elangi (1578-1615), with the help of a divine named Sharif Muhammad, was based on the notion of the "seven worlds", or "levels" (Mai. martabat tujuti). Politically, Buton had accepted the sultanate of Ternate as overlord, and it resented the aggressive expansion of Makassar. A Makassarese expedition in 1666 of roughly 15,000 men against Buton to protect their interests there against the Dutch, was destroyed by the VOC and their ally, Arung Palakka, and was thus one of the preludes to the final attack on Makassar itself. The sultanate of Buton was, like the other sultanates still existing (with the exception of Yogyakarta), abolished after the Republic of Indonesia was proclaimed. After the defeat of Makassar, the VOC finally implemented rigorously its policy of a trade monopoly in the Eastern islands and ordered all clove trees to be cut down except those on Amboina. As a result, poverty spread among the people, and particularly the Makassarese merchants, additionally hit by Arung Palakka's raids, whilst Buginese sailors and traders lost their incomes and moved in great numbers to other areas or contributed decisively to a new tide of piracy. Many of them settled down in Gorontalo on the northern peninsula of Sulawesi and became active, too, in the promotion of Islam, which soon spread to the neighbouring principality of Bolaang-Mongondow. In Manado, the Portuguese allies of Makassar were driven away, and the Spaniards withdrew to the Philippines. Thus Minahasa became an open field for Christian missions. Because of its relative secure situation, however, the Dutch used it also as place to resettle Muslim rebels from other islands, especially during the 19th century. Famous among them was Kyai Mojo, the spiritual adviser of Prince Diponegoro who initiated the "Java War" (1825-30). The Kyai and some of his followers were resettled near Tondano lake and founded there Kampung Jawa Tondano. Later on, other exiled Muslims were added to their community which until now maintains its "Malay" Islamic identity. Prince Diponegoro himself was exiled to Makassar (Ujung Pandang), where he died in 1855; his tomb still attracts many pious visitors. Also, Imam Bonjol, one of the famous leaders of the Padri [q.v.] War in West Sumatra (1821-37) found himself exiled to a village at the outskirts of Manado where he, too, established a Muslim community which until now has preserved its Islamic character amidst a predominantly Christian neighbourhood.
After the independence of Indonesia was acknowledged by the Dutch in December 1949 and the Republican government under Soekarno began restructuring the state, South Sulawesi became the scene of one of the different Darul-Islam rebellions which shook Indonesia for many years. This one was led 1950-65 by Kahar Muzakkar, a Buginese who had received religious training in the Mucallimin college of the Muhammadiyah, an Indonesian "modernist" Islamic organisation in the tradition of the Salafiyya, in Solo, and who had served in the Indonesian armed forces. In spite of the many atrocities committed during its campaigns against both Muslims and non-Muslims, this DarulIslam movement needs careful analysis also in order to understand its real roots and the intentions of its leader against the background of the special character of Islam as maintained by the Buginese (see Barbara S. Harvey, 1989 in BibL). Bibliography: T. Babcock, Muslim Minahasans with roots in Java: the people of Kampung Jawa Tondano, in Indonesia, no. 32 (Oct. 1988), 74 ff.; Barbara S. Harvey, Pemberontakan Kahar Muzakkar. Dari tradisi ke DI/TII, Jakarta 1989 (taken from her diss. Cornell Univ. 1974, Tradition, Islam and rebellion. South Sulawesi 1950-1965)', J.W. Schoorl, Belief in reincarnation on Buton, S.E. Sulawesi, Indonesia, in BKI, cxli (1985), 103-34 (see bibl.) (O. SCHUMANN) SULAYB, the generic and proper name of a tribal group in the n o r t h e r n half of the Arabian peninsula and in the adjacent deserts to the north in what are now Jordan, Syria and clrak. Sulayb seems to be a diminutive form, as often, found with a contemptuous meaning, sing. Sulabf, colloquially Slebi. They are one of the Hutaym tribes, often described as pariahs, as also such gypsy groups as the Nawar. For lists of their subsections, their living areas, etc. see Musil, Arabia deserta, 231; French Government in Syria, Les tribus nomades et semi-nomades, 71; von Oppenheim, Die Beduinen, iv, 150; El1 art. Sulaib. The reasons for their low status centre around occupation, political independence and origin. Each affects the others and they are, to some degree, inter-dependent. The distinctions drawn between Sulayb and other Hutaym and Bedouin distance the two categories on the basis that the Bedouin provide their own security and are independent, while the Hutaym are not able to do this and buy security from the Bedouin. Different authorities, whether western scholars or Arab tribal experts, emphasise one area or another as the fundamental ground for seeing the Sulayb as distinct, sometimes to the extent that Sulayb are seen as nonArab in origin. The more exotic behaviour and origins attributed to the Sulayb thus parallel their ascribed social position. The Sulayb call themselves Awlad Salfbf or Awlad Ghanim; the Bedouin use Sulayb, Sulabba or Sulban. Earlier derivations of the Sulayb from Sabaean or Christian (sometimes Crusader) origins have been refuted by Caskel (in von Oppenheim, op. cit., 148), who sees Sulayb as a classificatory term for widelyspread groups of different origins; those of al-Hasa coming from southern Persia between the end of the 13th and the 15th century, while those of Syria and western Arabia may be the descendants of groups defeated by Wahhabfs, following a suggestion by Rousseau or by "fanatical Bedouin". Butler suggested they are aboriginal inhabitants. Arab tribesmen see the Sulayb as without genealogy, and sometimes as probably unbelievers or Jews (Doughty, Arabia Deserta, i, 326), but usually as Arabs. Some Sulayb told Doughty that they did not know
SULAYB — SULAYHIDS their lineage, others that the name of their ancestor was Mcaybl. At Meda'in Salih, Doughty met a Sulayb family from Wadjh who said that they were formerly Bedouin with herds and villages who had become weak and, in order to live, had taken up smithing and hunting. The Sulayb spread over the northern half of the Arabian peninsula, roughly from Medina to Riyad and as far north as Aleppo and Mawsil. Dickson, The Arab of the desert, 515, says that Sulayb had large settlements with their own headmen outside Kuwait town and Zubayr. The desert-dwelling Sulayb lived among the tribes on friendly terms. Musil describes Sulayb social organisation, which has a subdivision into clans, called dl, like the Bedouin beni. The ahl is the vengeance group, while the Ca3ila is the ensemble of man, woman and children living in one tent. Each Sulaybf ahl paid its Bedouin an agreed sum for protection, and the tribe appointed one or more "brothers" who compensated its Sulayb for property taken from them by other tribesmen. Musil, op. cit., 231-3, gives a list of the "brothers" of the Sulayb in northern Arabia. Each Sulayb section had a chief, some of whom, according to Dickson, owned large flocks and herds of camels and were up to a point respected. The distinction between Bedouin and Hutaym, including Sulayb, was epitomised in that no Bedouin would marry from the Hutaym, because the Hutaym bought protection, and therefore were not independent. They had honour, according to Musil, "as white as that of the Rwala, but were not held in esteem"; this was recently reiterated by a RwelT. Sulayb would not marry a slave or a smith; they were free, whereas slaves and smiths were not. The Sulayb have often been characterised (see Caskel, in op. cit., 103-11) as following despised occupations, like other Hutaym, but in their case, as concentrating almost exclusively outside herding; as hunters, as wood, metal and leather workers, and as doctors of animals and people, as professional poets and musicians, as fortune tellers and makers of witchcraft potions, as scouts for pasture and hunting, and as noted breeders of donkeys sold in Baghdad and Damascus (Musil, op. cit.., 269). Some occupations were seasonal, and some geographically limited, like gazelle hunting in eastern Syria. Sulayb also herded camels, sheep, goats, just as Bedouin hunt, work in metal, wood and leather, compose poems and tell fortunes on occasions. The difference was that the Sulayb, in addition to supplying their own needs, worked for profit. The Bedouin respected the Sulayb for their knowledge of the inner deserts, referring to them as people who could live in regions where the Bedouin with their camels cannot subsist in a particular year, but where the Sulayb can with their donkeys and goats. Doughty remarked the Sulayb were called el-Khlua or "the desolate" because they lived apart from each other, and that the Bedouin used the same term of themselves when they camped on their own. The Sulayb were able to use the inner desert in the summers because of their knowledge of small wells and their hunting skills. Doughty quoted the Bedouin as saying that the Sulayb "are like herdsmen of the wild game". Musil reported that families of Sulayb owned particular valleys and slopes of the desert, and that the family of a young man gave a portion of their property to the father or brother of his bride, which was then hunted on only by his wife's father and brothers. This expert knowledge meant that Sulayb were hired by Bedouin as finders of pasture, as guides on
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long-distance raids, and for finding men lost on raids. The Sulayb were unique in being outside the raiding economy of the Arabian peninsula; other Hutaym groups did raid. The Sulayb, because of their knowledge of the desert, provided rescue services, and were a protected neutral group, whose security was rarely contravened. Many authors from Burckhardt to Musil and von Oppenheim, comment on the appearance and customs of the Sulayb, especially the wearing of gazelleskin smocks and cloaks, on their gazelle-skin tents and dancing (Dickson, op. cit., 518-20: Montagne, Conies poetiques bedouins, 98). Most Sulayb dances are common to those seen among other tribes; the dancing of men and women together, described by Dickson and said to be considered disgraceful, is not unknown. Musil mentioned that the Sulayb "worship the enormous boulder of al-Weli abu Ruzuma" in the Syrian desert. Dickson reported that the Sulayb "are said to be Muslim, but few pray properly." Commonly assumed to be unbelievers, they suffered Wahhabf raids, with a notorious massacre in the Wad! cArcar. After the suppression of the Ikhwan rebellion by Ibn Sucud, the Sulayb were compensated. By 1937, the Sulayb could enrol in the 'Iraki Army and Police, where they had a high reputation as trackers. By the Second World War, they were enrolling in the Kuwaiti Army and Police. With the diminution of game, the decline of camel-herding and increased participation by the Bedouin in national economies, the Sulayb have also changed their methods of livelihood. Some herd their own camels, sheep and goats; others work as shepherds for Bedouin owners or in the oil companies and service industries of the new towns along the pipe-lines. Some have urban properties and live from rents or other investments; while others are now employed as teachers, accountants, security personnel and other mainstream occupations. Some continue to practise particular types of traditional medicine. In ca. 1990, the term Sulayb was formally abandoned as a social category in Saudi Arabia; some assumed the identity of the tribes with whom their section had been associated, but many continue to call themselves Sulayb. Bibliography: J.L. Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins and Wahabys, London 1831, i, 14; C. Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta, Cambridge 1888, index s.v. Solubba; J.-B. Rousseau, Voyage de Baghdad a Alep (1808), Paris 1899; M. von Oppenheim, Vom Mittelmeer zum Persischen Golf, i, Berlin 1899, 220 ff.; Capt. A. Butler, A journey from Baghdad to Jauf, in GJ, Ixxviii (1909), 527; W. Pieper, Der Pariastamm der Sleb, in Le Monde Oriental, xvii (1923); A. Musil, Arabia Deserta, New York 1927, 231; idem, The manners and customs of the Rwala Bedouin, New York 1928, 325, 644; French Government in Syria, Les tribus nomades et seminomades des Etats du Levant places sous mandatfran$ais, Beirut 1930, 71; R. Montagne, Conies poetiques bedouins, in BEO, vi (1935), 33-120; H.R.P. Dickson, The Arab of the desert, London 1949, 515; W. Dostal, Die Solubba und ihrer Bedeutung fiir die Kulturgeschichte Arabiens, in Archiv fiir Volkerkunde, ix (1956), 15-42; J.B. Glubb, The war in the desert, London 1960; W. Caskel, introd. to von Oppenheim, Die Beduinen. iv. Pariastamme in Arabien, Wiesbaden 1967, 121-53; El1 art. Sulaib (Pieper). (W. and FIDELITY LANCASTER) SULAYHIDS, an I s m a T l I d y n a s t y r u l i n g over much of the southern highlands and Tihama [g.v.] region of the Yemen between the years 439-532/1047-1138 approximately.
816
SULAYHIDS
1. History. Firstly, a word should be said about sources. Ismaclll sources have in the past always been difficult of access and we still suffer from their general policy of secrecy in this matter. Still a major source is cUmara's Ta'rikh al-Yaman (the author died in 56971174) and the best edition of it remains Kay's (see Bib I. below). The work is scarcely ideal, however; the author, writing for the high officials of the Fatimid caliph in Cairo (see Kay, 1, and H. Derenbourg, 'Oumara du Yemen, sa vie et son ceuvre, PELOV, IVe serie, x-xi, Paris 1897-1904, 92-3), produces a confused account in which dates in particular are often lacking. He also appears to have known little of the internal affairs of the Isma'IlI da'wa in the Yemen (see M.L. Bates, Notes on some Ismd'ili coins from Yemen, in ANS Museum Notes, xviii [1972], 149-62, 150). We are fortunate, however, to have available al-Hamdanl's alSulayhiyyun (see Bibl), for the author was able to draw on mediaeval Isma'IlI sources not available to other scholars. The period of Sulayhid history in the Yemen can be divided into two: the Sanca> years, 439-80/104787 approximately, and those of Dhu Djibla, 480532/1087-1138. The founder of the dynasty, 'All b. Muhammad al-Sulayhl, came from the mountainous region of Haraz to the south-west of SancaJ and appears to have had an orthodox Shafi'I upbringing, but at a young age in the early years of the 5th/llth century, he was befriended by the Fatimid ddci in the Yemen, Sulayman b. 'Abd Allah al-Zawahl. The latter, it seems, gradually taught his friend, 'All b. Muhammad, the doctrines of the Isma'IlI cause and eventually appointed him to the rank of khalifa within the da'wa. The sources differ concerning the date, but it was probably in 439/1047 that cAlf rose to arms on Djabal Maswar in his native Haraz region. He marched on through the Hadur area between Haraz and San'a3. In the latter he fought off Zaydl [see ZAYDIYYA] and Sunn! Nadjahid [see NADJAHIDS] armies. By 455/1063 he was in control of the whole of the south of the Yemen below SancaJ and the capital itself. He appointed governors in Tihama, al-Djanad, near Tacizz, and al-Tackar, a massive mountain fortress in the southern highlands near Ibb. Suddenly the sources fall silent. We are not even sure of the date of 'All's death, 459/1066 or 473/1080. At any rate, he was murdered by the Nadjahid ruler Sa'Id al-Ahwal in al-Mahdjam in northern Tihama and his wife Asma' was taken captive. C A1I was succeeded by his son, al-Mukarram Ahmad. Confident after their killing of 'All and taking captive of his wife, the Nadjahids were able to recover much land previously controlled by them in Tihama and they even pressed the Sulayhids hard in their strongholds of Haraz and al-Tackar. It is quite possible that at this time Sulayhid territory was reduced to the Sanca3 area. In 460/1068 al-Mukarram Ahmad succeeded in rescuing his mother from the grasp of the Nadjahids, and his Sulayhid armies began to fight back on all sides. Once again we slip into a confused period of Sulayhid history. In 461/1069 al-Mukarram Ahmad married a lady who was to become renowned even outside the country, al-Sayyida Arwa bt. Ahmad. In either 467/1074 or 479/1086 he handed over the affairs of state to his wife, who had borne him four children. Perhaps in 480/1087, Arwa renounced SancaJ as the capital of the Sulayhid state and left for a small town, founded in 459/1066, which lay beneath the towering mountain of al-Tackar in the southern highlands. Thus begins a period of rule by the Sulayhids from
Dhu Djibla, a period of some brilliance, presided over by the famous Yemeni queen Arwa bt. Ahmad, Bilkls al-Sughra as she is known in Yemeni tradition. The Dhu Djibla phase of the history of the Sulayhids is very much the history of Arwa bt. Ahmad herself and her henchmen. The town was only about twenty years old when she arrived with her followers, and we are told that she converted the original palace into a mosque. The d^amf can still be seen to this day and the tomb of the queen is still preserved in it (see R. Lewcock and G.R. Smith, Two early mosques in the Yemen: a preliminary report', in AARP, iv [1973], 117-30). To replace the original palace Arwa built a new one, a grand building called Dar al-clzz, which, if it is not the same construction as the present-day palace in the town, is probably on the same site and its original building materials provided those of the present structure. The queen appointed three state officials. The first, Saba* b. Ahmad, was famed for his fierce hostility towards the Nadjahids, against whom he fought with great vigour. Although he married Arwa after the death of al-Mukarram Ahmad, he never appears to have succeeded in persuading her to consummate the marriage. The second, another strongly loyal supporter, was al-Mufaddal b. Abi '1-Barakat, the lord of al-Tackar, the lofty stronghold to the south of Dhu Djibla to which reference has already been made. He had originally been appointed by al-Mukarram Ahmad, and it appears to have been under his supervision that the Sulayhid treasures were transferred to al-Tackar for reasons of security. Al-Mufaddal also participated frequently in the wars against the Nadjahids in Tihama. The third official associated closely with Queen Arwa's rule centred in Dhu Djibla was Ibn Nadjib al-Dawla. He entered the Yemen in 513/1119, despatched, it would seem, by the Fatimids in Cairo in an attempt to revive the flagging fortunes of the Sulayhids in the Yemen. Operating from al-Djanad, he did much to pacify the southern areas and keep them within the Sulayhid fold, as well as joining in the general effort to keep the Nadjahids at bay. In 519/ 1125, however, arguing that the queen's mind was no longer fit to rule over the territories of the dynasty, he attempted to overthrow her and lock her away in seclusion. But Arwa fought back and her supporters besieged Ibn Nadjib al-Dawla in al-Djanad. He was brought, humiliated, to the queen in Dhu Djibla. Her judgment was that he be sent back to Egypt in a wooden cage, and that is how he left the Sulayhid capital. He never reached Egypt, however, dying at sea. Our sources peter out; Arwa died at the ripe old age of 88 in 532/1138. There was no one of the dynasty to carry on. 2. Mints and money. The earliest coins struck by the Sulayhids from 445/1053 so far published are the dinars of cAlf b. Muhammad minted in Zabld and described by P. Casanova (Dinars inedits du Yemen, in Revue Numismatique [1894], 200 ff). N.M. Lowick (Some unpublished dinars of the Sulayhids and ^uraycids, in Num.Chron., 7th series, iv [1964], 261-70) publishes other dinars minted in Dhu Djibla and Aden. It was the Sulayhids, al-Mukarram to be precise, who in 479/1086 instituted a new variety of dinar called the malafa. The date is given in cUmara (Kay, 37) who also quotes the inscription. The malafa outlived the Sulayhids and the Zuray'ids [q.v.] (473-569/1080-1173), originally their vassals, later the independent rulers of Aden. We know, for example, that they were used in Ayyubid Aden (Ibn al-Mudjawir, Ta'rikh al-Mustabsir, ed. O. Lofgren, Leiden 1951-4, 138).
SULAYHIDS — SULAYM Bibliography: Apart from those sources mentioned in the text, there are H.C. Kay, Taman, its early mediaeval history, London 1892; Husayn b. Fayd Allah al-Hamdani, with the collaboration of Hasan Sulayman Mahmud al-Juhanl, al-Sulayhiyyun wa }lharaka al-Fdtimiyya fi l-Yaman, Cairo 1955; G.R. Smith, The political history of the Islamic Yemen down to the first Turkish invasion (1-945/622-1538], in W. Daum (ed.), Yemen, 3000 years of art and civilisation in Arabia Felix, Innsbruck and Frankfurt am Main [1988], 129-40, 132. There is a useful article, Husayn cAbd Allah al-cAmn, al-Sulayhiyyun, in Ahmad Djabir cAfff et alii (eds.), al-Mawsuca al-Yamaniyya, San'a' 1992, ii, 573-4. (G.R. SMITH) SULAYM, an Arabian t r i b e , a branch of the so-called Northern Arabian federation of Kays c Avian [q.v]. Its genealogy is given as Sulaym b. Mansur b. c lkrima b. Khasafa b. Kays cAylan. The tribe's territory was in al-Hidjaz [q.v.]. The harra or basalt desert [see HARRA. 1] that was once called Harrat Bam Sulaym, and is now called Harrat Ruhdt, is roughly located at the centre of their former territory. The Harra was easy to defend because cavalry could not operate in it, and the himds [q.v.] or protected pasturing areas of Sulaym were along its eastern and western slopes. The Basra and Kufa pilgrim roads and the inland road between Mecca and Medina passed through Sulamf territory, which meant that both towns had to be on good terms with the Sulaym. The Sulaym were divided into three subdivisions. The Imru' al-Kays, perhaps the strongest one, lived on the eastern slopes of the Harra and included three tribal groups: the Khufaf b. Imri* al-Kays, which in turn contained 'Usayya, Nasira, cAmfra and Malik. The most prominent family among the 'Usayya was the Sharfd. The Bahz b. Imri5 al-Kays included Mecca's rich ally, al-Hadjdjadj b. Tlat, who owned the gold mines in the land of Sulaym (M. Lecker, The Banu Sulaym. A contribution to the study of early Islam, Jerusalem 1989, 133-4; cf. P. Crone, Meccan trade and the rise of Islam, Princeton 1987, 93-4). The £Awf b. Imri1 al-Kays were divided into the Malik b. cAwf and the Sammal b. cAwf. The Malik b. cAwf included the following clans: Ricl (led at the time of Muhammad by al-'Abbas b. Anas), Matrud and Kunfudh. The Harith subdivision generally inhabited the western slopes of the Harra. It contained the following tribal groups: Mu'awiya b. al-Harith, the members of which settled in Medina before the arrival there of the Aws and Khazradj [q.vv] and were in due course Judaised; Zafar b. al-Harith, part of which was incorporated into the Aws; Rifaca b. al-Harith; Kacb b. al-Harith, a member of which was the last custodian of the idol Suwac (Kur'an, LXXI, 23) located in Ghuran; and cAbs b. Rifa'a b. al-Harith, which included the Djariya family. One of the Djariya, the poet and warrior al-cAbbas b. Mirdas [q.v.], worshipped before his conversion to Islam an idol called Dimar or Damar. Al-cAbbas was put by Muhammad in charge of levying the sadaha from the brother tribes Sulaym and Mazin. A member of the cAbs was the last custodian of the idol al-cUzza [q.v.] located in the Hurad valley which drains into Nakhla [q.v.] alSha'miyya. The Tha'laba subdivision contained two tribal groups. The Malik b. Tha'laba, also called Badjla after their mother, broke away from the Sulaym and became the "protected neighbours" of the cUkayl [q.v.]. But far more important were the Dhakwan b. Tha'laba (also referred to as "Tha'laba") who on the eve of
817
Islam were Mecca's closest Sulami allies. Before they formed an alliance with Mecca, one of them, Muhammad b. Khuza'T, was reportedly crowned by Abraha [q.v.] and put in command of a troop from Mudar [see RABICA and MUDAR]. The Dhakwan married into some of the most important Kurashf families, and their member, al-Haklm b. Umayya, in his capacity as muhtasib in pre-Islamic Mecca, supervised law and order with the consent of all the clans of Kuraysh [q.v.]. The Prophet's Companion Safwan b. al-Mucattal ([q.v.] and Lecker, op. cit., 91-2, 111), living in Medina, was an exception among the Dhakwan. Sulaym's genealogy was of major political and military importance, as shown by the fact that their links with other Kays cAylan tribes, above all the Hawazin [q.v.]3 were far closer than those with other tribes. Among Sulaym's pre-Islamic ayydm [see AYYAM AL4 ARAB], there were several long-range expeditions into the Yemen as well as battles against tribes living in southwestern Arabia on the road to the Yemen. For instance, in order to carry out a raid against the Zubayd and Kuda c a [q.v.], al-cAbbas b. Mirdas recruited warriors from all the clans of Sulaym. In addition, a battle against Kinda took place near Sacda and the Kudaca killed, again near Sacda, a brother of al-cAbbas b. Mirdas. The Yemeni expeditions should possibly be linked to Sulaym's activity in escorting caravans. Abu '1-Baka3 Hibat Allah mentions that the Sulaym and Hawazin used to conclude pacts with the kings of al-Hlra [q.v.]. They would take the kings' merchandise and sell it for them in cUkaz and in other markets (see al-Mandkib al-mazyadiyya, eds. Daradika and Khrisat, 'Amman 1404/1984, ii, 375). These pre-Islamic expeditions, which involved other Kaysf tribes as well, are relevant to the debate about the origin of the Kays—Yaman antagonism (cf. Crone, Were the Qays and Yemen of the Umayyad period political parties?, in IsL, Ixxi [1994], 1 ff.). Many Sulamls were agriculturalists, before Islam and in early Islamic times, a fact which may easily be overlooked because the bulk of our literary evidence relates to the military exploits of the tribe. The 3rd/9th century geographer cArram al-Sularm said about the Sulami stronghold of al-Suwarikiyya that it belonged to the Sulaym alone and that each of them had a share in it. It included fields, dates and other kinds of fruit. The Sulamls born in al-Suwarikiyya, he added, lived there while the others were nomadic (bddiyd) and roamed around it, supplying food along the pilgrim roads. The Sulaym had friendly relations with Medina. Sulamls brought horses, camels, sheep and clarified butter to the markets of Medina. An idol called Khamls was worshipped by both the Sulaym and the Khazradj. Before Islam, the Sulaym once intervened in the fighting between two clans of the Aws, and at the time of Muhammad al-cAbbas b. Mirdas lamented the expulsion of the Jewish al-Nadlr [q.v.] (Lecker, op. cit., 99-100). The Sulaym played an important role in the struggle between Muhammad and Kuraysh. Under cAmir b. al-Tufayl [q.v] (who was not a Sulaml, but a member of the Dja'far b. Kilab), several Sulami clans carried out in Safar 4/625 the attack at Bi'r Ma'una [q.v] (M.J. Kister, 0 God, tighten Thy grip on Mudar..., in JESHO, xxiv [1981], 242-73, at 255-6; idem, The expedition of Bi'r Ma'una, in Arabic and Islamic Studies in honor of HA.R. Gibb, ed. G. Makdisi, Leiden 1965, 337-57). In the battle of Khandak [q.v] (5/627), the Sulaym under Sufyan b. cAbd Shams of the Dhakwan still co-operated with Kuraysh. However, when
818
SULAYM — SULAYM B. KAYS
Muhammad set out to conquer Mecca in Shacban 3. cAbd Allah b. Khazim (Sammal), a relative of 8/January 630, the Sulaym or most of them were Kays b. al-Haytham, was already appointed to already on his side. Several weeks later, the Sulaym Khurasan by cAbd Allah b. 'Amir at the time of participated in the battle of Hunayn with the excep'Uthman. cAbd Allah, who under Mu'awiya replaced tion of Abu 'l-Acwar (the son of Sufyan b. cAbd Kays b. al-Haytham as governor of Khurasan, was Shams), who fought with the pagans. also its governor under Ibn al-Zubayr. He lost the At the time of Abu Bakr, several clans of the governorship when he refused to accept cAbd al-Malik's Sulaym apostatised [see RIDDA in Suppl.] and were letter appointing him on Khurasan. crushed by forces loyal to Medina. The rebels included 4. Kathfr b. _cAbd Allah (cUsayya) who was nickc the 'Usayya, especially the Sharfd family, the Amfra named Abu VAdj "the tusked one" because of his (one of whom was the famous rebel al-FudjaJa), the long middle incisors, was briefly the governor of Basra c Awf b. Irnri' al-Kays, the Djariya family of the cAbs under Hisham. and also perhaps the Dhakwan. Soon afterwards, we 5. One of the governors of Khurasan under Hisham find the Sulaym among the forces heading to 'Irak was al-Ashras b. cAbd Allah (Zafar b. al-Harith). and Syria. 6. Also Mansur b. 'Umar b. Abi '1-Kharka' (Ricl) Although there were no doubt Sulamls among cAli°s was governor of Khurasan under Hisham. supporters (cf. MME, iv [1989], 177), Sulaym's conHowever, most of the Sulamfs who left their Arabian tribution to Mu'awiya's success was fundamental. At territory emigrated to northern Syria and from there this point, it should be observed that the evidence to the Djazfra. There is an intriguing case of contiabout Sulaym's history in the first decades of the nuity with regard to Sulamf governors in Armmiya Islamic era, and particularly during the time of [?•»•]: Muhammad, was probably influenced by their role in 1. Usayd b. Zafir (Kunfudh) was governor there c c under the Marwanids. the AlI-Mu awiya conflict. This can be illustrated by the dispute regarding the Companion status of the 2. Usayd's son, Yazfd, was governor under alaforementioned Abu 'l-Acwar, who became one of Mansur [q.v.} at vol. VI, 427] and his son al-Mahdr Mu'awiya's generals (Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, ed. al-Bidjawf, [q.v.t at vol. VI, 1238]. 3. Yazld's son, Ahmad, was later in the 'Abbasid Cairo 1392/1972, iv, 641). period governor of al-Mawsil and Armmiya. Some Sulamls appointed as governors in early Islam Other Sulamls remained in Arabia, as is shown by owed their nomination to pre-Islamic ties with Kuraysh. the Sulaml rebellion of 230/845. The Harb [q.v], 1. The wealthy Companion cUtba b. Farkad (Rifa'a who probably came from the Yemen and settled b. al-Harith) was closely connected with Mecca and between Mecca and Medina towards the end of the his mother was of Kuraysh. In 20/641 cUmar ap9th century, gradually absorbed the original inhabpointed him as the governor of al-Mawsil [q.v] and itants of that area, including the Sulaym. In the later he made him governor of Adharbaydjan [q.v.]. 5th/llth century, the descendants of SulamTs and 2. Abu 'l-Acwar (Dhakwan) was under Mu'awiya the Hilalfs [see HILAL] who had settled in Egypt left it governor of al-Urdunn [q.v.]. His mother and grandand spread into the predominantly Berber North Africa mother were of Kuraysh (M J. Kister, On strangers and [see AL-CARAB. iv], conquering within a short period allies in Mecca, in JSAI, xiii [1990], 113-54, at 134; Barka [q.v] and Tripolitania. At the end of the 12th Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'nkh madinat Dimashk, facs. ed. xiii, 463 century, the Sulaym invaded Tunisia [q*v] and 11. 10,20, 464 11. 16,-6; cf. Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, iv, 641). Morocco, making North Africa both Bedouin and The assumption that Abu 'l-Acwar's mother was ChrisC Arab and pushing the Berber element to the backtian [see ABU 'L-A WAR] is based on a corrupt text (in ground (Ibn Sacld al-Maghribf [q.v] al-AndalusI, Ibn Rusta, 213; cf. Muhabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstadter, c Nashwat al-tarab bi-ta'rikh ajdhiliyyat al-arab, ed. cAbd Haydarabad 1361/1942,' 305). 'Ubayda b. Abd alal-Rahman, 'Amman 1982, ii, 519-23; Ibn Khaldun, Rahman (Dhakwan) was probably governor of Adharc lbar, ii, 308-9; vi, 12 ff.; al-Kalkashandl, Kala'id albaydjan under cUmar II. Under al-Walld b. cAbd djumdnji 'l-tacnf bi-kabd3il carab al-zaman, ed. al-Abyarf, al-Malik he was governor of al-Urdunn, and in HO/ Cairo 1383/1963/123-4). 728 he was appointed by Hisham to Ifrlkiya [q.v]. Bibliography (in addition to references given in 'Ubayda was said to have been Abu 'l-Acwar's nephew the article): M. von Oppenheim, Die Beduinen, iv, (Crone, Slaves on horses. The evolution of the Islamic polity, Index, s.v. Sulaim; W. Caskel and G. Strenziok, Cambridge 1980, 125) but his detailed pedigree (Ibn Gamharat an-nasab, Leiden 1966, ii, 18-19, 517; Ibn Hazm, Ansdb, 264 1. 2, where he is called £Ubayd) al-Kalbl, ^amharat al-nasab, 395-408; Ibn Hazm, shows that he was Abu 'l-Acwar's great-grandson. c Diamharat ansdb al-farab, ed. Harun, Cairo 1382/ 3. Ubayd Allah, the son of Mecca's rich ally al1962, 261-4; Yakut, al-Muktadab min kitdb ajamharat Hadjdjadj b. cllat (Bahz), was appointed by Mu'awiya al-nasab, ed. Hasan, Beirut 1987, 165-71; Baladhun, over the ard Hims [q.v.]. Ansdb, ms. Reisiilkiittap 598, fols. 1188a-98b. 4. Al-Hadjdjadj b. 'flat's grandson, £Ubayd Allah (M. LECKER) b. Nasr, was appointed to Mu'awiya's dzwdns. c SULAYM B. KAYS al-HilalT al-cAmin, Abu Sa£I, Sulaym supported Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr [q.v], a Kufan and, according to Shl'i tradition (Ibn aland 600 of them were reportedly killed in the battle Nadim, Fihrist, ed. Fliigel, 119; al-Hilli, R$al, Nadjaf of Mardj Rahit (64/684 [q.v.]). In 73/692-3 the Sulaym 1963, 83), a contemporary of £ AlI, at least at under al-Djahhaf b. Hakim al-Dhakwa.nl fought against the end of the latter's life, and one of his most the Taghlib [q.v] at al-Bishr [q.v] in eastern Syria. fervent partisans. After the conquests, some Sulamls settled in Kufa, He was pursued by the Umayyad governor alwhile others went to Basra and Khurasan. Several Hadjdjadj b. Yusuf [q.v], who aimed at killing him, governors are relevant here: and found refuge with the Shl'I traditionist Aban b. 1. Mudjashi' b. Mas'ud (Sammal) was under cUmar Abl 'Ayyash, who was then only 14 years old (Abu in charge of the sadaka of Basra. 'All, Muntahd, 151; al-Mamakam, Tanklh, ii, 53). It was 2. Kays b. al-Haytham (Sammal), the governor of to him—again according to the Shl'I tradition—that Khurasan under Mu'awiya, was appointed by cAbd Sulaym, just before his death, entrusted his K. al-Asl, Allah b.
SULAYM B. KAYS — SULAYMAN which contained the "unpublished" traditions concerning CA1I and his descendants. In his turn, two months before his own death, Aban gave this work to another Shl'i, 'Urnar b. Udhayna (d. before 169/785), and it is to this last that we owe the book, much venerated by the Shf'a of all shades of belief. If this tradition is to be believed, Sulaym b. Kays must have lived during the 1st century A.H., spanning the 7th and early 8th centuries A.D. He is said to have then died during al-Hadjdjadj's life-time, i.e. before 95/714. Nevertheless, the very existence of this man, and of his work, should be regarded with caution, since, apart from Ibn al-Nadlm, of the older biographers, only a few Shic Is mention him, and then only in a very terse and laconic fashion. Ibn al-Nadlm himself drew his information on Sulaym from a Shf c f source, probably from the 'Alid CA1I b. Ahmad al-cAkfk (d. after 298/911), whose information is also reproduced by later biographers, such as al-TusI (d. 460/1067), amongst others. Ibn Abi 'l-Hadld, a scholar of rare erudition and one fully conversant with Shf c l works, openly questioned the existence of Sulaym, by asserting that he had heard people say "that this man was nothing but pure invention of the imagination, no such writer having had any earthly existence and his alleged book being nothing but the apocryphal work of a forger" (Shark Nahcfr al-baldgha, Cairo 1965-7, xii, 216-17). Ibn Abi '1-Hadfd certainly did not mince his words. He probably alludes to certain Imamf or Twelver scholars, such as Ahmad b. 'Ubayda (d. 333/941) and Abu cAbd Allah al-Ghadanfarl (d. 411/1020), who denied the authenticity of Sulaym's book on the following bases: (1) One of the pieces of information in the work indicates that the Imams numbered 13 contradicting the ShIeT tradition limiting them to 12; (2) A second piece of information states that Muhammad b. Abi Bakr [q.v.] censured his dying father, whereas the son was at that time only 3 years old. (3) It is alleged that the book was transmitted solely by Aban b. Abl £Ayyash, when the latter was only some 14 years old. Al-Hilll attacked this thesis (Riajdl, loc. cit.), but without much success; his arguments were too unconvincing to sweep away such doubts. Other, later Shfcf biographers were content to reproduce verbatim alHilli's words without adding anything. Moreover, Aban, the prime source for the work, was equally attacked. Thus Ibn Khallikan affirmed that certain traditionists of high authority, such as Shu'ba b. alHapljdjadj (d. 160/776 [q.v.]) taxed Aban with lying. This is why this traditionist was excluded from the two Sahihs of al-Bukharf and Muslim. Hence one would seek in vain for his name amongst the isndds of these two scholars (Wafaydt, ed. cAbbas, ii, 339). This information in Ibn Khallikan, added to that of Ibn Abi '1-Hadfd, leads one to adopt a circumspect attitude towards the book as must be adopted towards its presumed author. Whatever the truth, this K. al-Asl or K. Sulaym is considered by Shf c f scholars as one of the oldest sources for Shf'ism and as being equal to the four master-works of Islamic tradition (sc. the two Sahihs, the Musnad of Ibn Hanbal and the Muwatta3 of Malik) (al-KhwansarI, Rawddt, 318). Others go so far as to say that "it is the alphabet of Shfcism, which no Shl'T can do without" (al-Mamakanl, ii, 54; TihranT, Dhari'a, ii, 152). It is clear that this work was a collection of traditions about 'All and his descendants. It is said that Sulaym allegedly gathered his information from
819
the mouths of eminent men, beginning with cAli himself, via Abu Dharr al-Ghifarf and Salman al-Farisf to al-Hasan b. CA1I and his brother al-Husayn [
820
SULAYMAN
retained control only of his capital at Marrakush. In addition, the previous year his brother Mawlay eAbd al-Salam, who governed the province of Agaclir and supported him hitherto, had entered into alliance with Mawlay Sulayman. Furthermore, the entire Moroccan fleet was controlled by this Sharif, who had denounced as rebels the Pashas of the ports to the south of Rabat, who for their part recognised the authority of none of the claimants. A short-lived rebellion had erupted at Sale, where there were aspirations towards the formation of an independent republic. By 1796, Mawlay Sulayman was effectively considered the undisputed sovereign of Morocco by the majority of European nations. In Radjab 1211 /January 1797 he finally subdued the troublesome province of the Shawiya, and then, recognised by the cAbda and Dukkala, he succeeded in taking possession of Marrakush in early December of that year/late Djumada II 1212. The unity of Morocco was realised, and the defeated claimant took refuge in the al-Sharabi zdwiya. Taking advantage of the anarchy which had persisted for five years, the Algerians had occupied Wudjda. Having consolidated his authority, Mawlay Sulayman requested the withdrawal of Muhammad Pasha from the town and the surrounding region, and the province was once again under Moroccan control (1211/1796-7). Although the sultan had succeeded in regaining control of his eastern frontier, throughout his reign he was obliged to confront continual opposition on the part of the Berber tribes, especially those of the Middle Atlas where a certain murdbit, Sldi Muhammad U-NasIr Amhaush, exerted a major influence. Between 1213/1798 and 1235/1819-20 there was a series of expeditions against these tribes. During the fourth campaign against the Ayt U-Malu of the Fazaz in 1234/ 1818-19, the son of the sultan, Mawlay Ibrahim, was killed. There were three expeditions against the tribes of the Rlf, and against the Ayt Idrasan, the Garwan, the Ayt cAtta, the tribes of the Sus, of the Drac and the Sahara, military interventions followed one another in rapid succession. All these movements of troops contributed to famine in the countryside, and there were serious outbreaks of plague, especially in 12335/1818-20. In 1220/1805, intervening on behalf of the people of Tlemcen in their conflict with the western Bey, Muhammad Mukallash, Mawlay Sulayman came into collision with the powerful brotherhood of the Derkawa. Although the inhabitants of Fas had been supporters of the sultan at the beginning of his reign, towards the end they rebelled against their governor al-Saflar, appealed to some of the Berber tribes for aid and chose another sultan, a certain Mawlay Ibrahim b. Yazld, to whom they offered their allegiance on 24 Muharram 1236/1 November 1920. The latter died shortly after this in Tittiwan (Tetouan) and was replaced by his brother Mawlay Sacld b. Yazld. Mawlay Sulayman was then obliged to leave Marrakush and to lay siege to Fas, which he captured in Radjab 1237/March-April 1822. In the same year, the sultan attacked the Sharrardiyya zdwiya near Marrakush. Not only was he defeated but he was actually taken prisoner for a short time, before being sent back to Marrakush, where he died on 13 Rablc I 1238/28 November 1822 after designating as his successor his nephew Mawlay cAbd al-Rahman b. Hisham. Mawlay Sulayman was an energetic builder and a number of monuments are owed to him; in Fas, he was responsible for the construction of four great
mosques, three gates and a bridge; he also had mosques built in Wazzan, Tittiwan and Sale, and he restored the palaces of Miknas and the great mosque of Marrakush. Bibliography: Abu '1-Kasim al-Zayyani, alTurajumdn al-mucrib can duwal al-Mashrik wa l-Maghrib, ed. O. Houdas, 92, Fr. tr. Le Maroc de 1631 a 1812, Paris 1886, 169; Muhammad Akansus, al-Qqysh al'aramram, lith. Fas 1336, i, 181; Ahmad al-Nasirl, al-Istiksa, Casablanca 1956, viii, 86-174, Fr. tr. E. Fumey, in Arch, marocaines, ix (1906), 384-99, x (1907), 1-105; C. Posac Mon, La dificil neutralidad de Marruecos en los anos initiates del siglo XIX, in HesperisTamuda, xxii (1984), 27-66; Mohamed el-Mansour, Morocco in the reign of Mawlay Sulayman, The Cottons, Outwell, Wisbech, Cambridgeshire 1990; M. Arribas Palau, La evolution de la situation politica en Marruecos (1792-1797) segun el consul Gonzdkz Salmon, in Boktin de la Association Espanola de Orientalistas, xxix (1993), 315-31. (CH. DE LA VERONNE) SULAYMAN, &IAH, Safawid r u l e r , reigned 1076-1105/1666-94; oldest son and successor of Shah c Abbas II born to a Circassian mother, Nikahat Khanum, in December 1647 or January 1648. Originally named Safi Mlrza, Shah Sulayman was first crowned as Safi II on 30 September 1666, an event preceded by a great deal of court intrigue. Having spent his entire life in the confines of the harem, Safi II was ill prepared for his task as ruler. Once crowned, he threw himself into a life of pleasure, also engaging in many acts of generosity, liberally granting favours and fiefs, and filling all vacant administrative positions, all of it at the expense of the treasury, which by 1668 was reportedly empty. The resulting impecuniousness, coinciding as it did with Ozbeg and Cossack raids across the northern borders, earthquakes in Shlrwan and Tabriz, and drought followed by famine, convinced some court astrologers that the Shah's coronation had occurred at an inauspicious moment. Safi II thus was re-crowned Sulayman on 20 March 1667. He now underwent a radical shift from liberality to frugality. The number of troops of the royal guard was drastically reduced, many posts were left vacant for long periods of time, and the military budget was curtailed. At the same time, royal revenue was increased through new and higher taxes. This policy not only exacerbated Persia's military weakness but also furthered the deterioration of the country's economic base, so that there were frequent merchant bankruptcies and the circulation of a great deal of debased money. Widespread poverty and food riots in Isfahan in the 1670s were the result. Eyewitness observers lay much of the blame for this state of affairs on Shah Sulayman, portraying him as a lethargic and superstitious weakling and drunkard, with resultant irrational, cruel and violent behaviour. Modern scholarship has built on this image to dismiss his entire reign as a period of effeminate sloth and uneventfulness. Sulayman has been especially criticised for refusing all overtures by Western powers to lure Persia into an anti-Ottoman alliance. A closer look at the sources, however, reveals that his pacifism was not a matter of principle or simply a question of cowardice. Under him, the Persian army set out to counter Ozbeg raids and BalucI aggression. The Shah's decision to preserve peace with the Ottomans and not to enter an alliance with the European powers was rather based on strategic calculations of relative military strength and potential benefits. It is also not true that he ctid nothing to counteract economic prob-
SULAYMAN — SULAYMAN B. CABD AL-MALIK lems or to remedy abuse. Most of his measures, however, were short-lived and rendered ineffective, such as a half-hearted currency reform of 1684. He made a judicious choice with his selection of Shaykh cAlf Khan, an official of integrity, who served him as Grand Vizier for almost twenty years. However, a lack of lasting royal support undercut Shaykh CA1I Khan's reform efforts and turned him into a timid servant rather than an effective counsellor. Internal divisions grew as the Shah increasingly relied on the inner palace and its residents. His institution of a privy council consisting of the principal palace eunuchs shifted most power to their ranks and marginalised the diwan administration. In his later years, Sulayman became increasingly more removed from the daily affairs of state. Following the advice of his astrologers, he often did not appear in public for weeks or even months, during which time the Queen-Mother and the court eunuchs were in control. In this period, the signs of crisis multiplied, with Ozbeg raids in Khurasan, rebellions in Georgia and Kurdistan, and Balucf incursions in the Kirman area. He died on 29 July 1694, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Sultan Husayn [q.v]. Bibliography: 1. Sources. No Persian court chronicles have yet come to light for his reign. The only available provincial chronicle is Mir Muhammad Sacld Mashfzf, Tadhkira-yi Kirman, ed. M.I. Bastanr-PanzI, Tehran 1369/1990. Primary Western-language sources. Anon., A chronicle of the Carmelites, 2 vols., London 1939; Petrus Bedik, Cehil sutun, sen explicatio utriusque, celeberrimi, ac pretiosissimi theatri quadraginta columnarum in Perside orientis ..., Vienna 1678; J. Chardin, Voyages du chevalier Chardin en Perse, et autres lieux de I'Orient, ed. L. Langles, 10 vols. and atlas, Paris 1810-11; G.F.G. Careri, Giro del mondo del Dottor D. Gio. Francesco Gemelli Careri, 6 vols., Naples 1699; E. Kaempfer, Am Hofe des persischen Grosskdnigs, 1684-1685, ed. and tr., W. Hinz 2 Tiibingen 1971; Anne Kroell, Nouvelles d'Ispahan 1665-1695, Paris 1979; Pere Sanson, L'Estat de la Perse, Paris 1694; F. Richard, Raphael du Mans, missionnaire en Perse au XVIP s. 2 vols., Paris 1995.
2. Modern studies. Rasul Dja'fariyan, Din wa
siydsat dor dawra-yi safawiyya, Tehran 1370/1991; L. Lockhart, The fall of the Safavi dynasty and the Afghan occupation of Persia, Cambridge 1958; R. Matthee, Administrative stability and change in late 17th-century Iran. The case of Shaykh CAH Khan ^anganah (1669-1689], in FjMES, xxvi (1994), 77-98; idem, Iran's Ottoman diplomacy during the reign of Shah Sulayman I (10771105/1666-94}, in Kambiz Eslami (ed.), Iran and Iranian studies. Papers in honor of Iraj Afshar, Princeton 1997, forthcoming; idem, Politics and trade in late Safavid Iran. Commercial crisis and government reaction under Shah Solayman (1666-1694], Ph.D. diss., UCLA 1991, unpubl. (R. MATTHEE) SULAYMAN B. CABD AL-MALIK, s e v e n t h caliph of the Umayyad dynasty [q.v.], r. 96-9/ 715-17, born probably in Medina about 55/675, son of the subsequent caliph cAbd al-Malik b. Marwan [q.v.] and of Wallada bt. al-cAbbas b. Djaz3 from the Banu cAbs, a tribe considered part of the Northern Arabian confederation of the Ghatafan [q.v.]. There is almost no substantial information on the first three decades of Sulayman's life. It is likely that he came to Syria during the initial stage of the Second Civil War (60-73/680-92) in the company of other members of the Marwanid branch [q.v] of the Umayyads emigrating thither. In 81/701 he led the At the latest after the death of cAbd al-cAz!z
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b. Marwan [q.v] (85/704), brother of the then ruling caliph cAbd al-Malik b. Marwan and his successor as designated by their father Marwan b. al-Hakam [q.v], cAbd al-Malik nominated as successors his own sons al-Walld [q.v] and Sulayman. During the caliphate of al-Walld b. cAbd al-Malik (86-96/705-15), Sulayman acted as governor of the ajund Filastfn [q.v], where he was engaged in developing al-Ramla as the new capital of Palestine. Some time after 90/710, Sulayman granted asylum to some clansmen of the Muhallabids [q.v], who had been in disgrace with al-Hadjdjadj b. Yusuf [q.v], but had escaped from jail. Among these refugees was Yazld b. al-Muhallab, who later became Sulayman's governor of clrak and Khurasan. Though the reasons are not known, the behaviour of Sulayman points to a certain disagreement with al-Hadjdjadj and also with al-Walld. The sources do not provide sound arguments whether there was a connection with the efforts to exclude Sulayman from the succession in favour of cAbd al-cAz!z b. al-Walld, which are said to have been supported by al-Hadjdjadj. In this respect, it should not be overlooked that al-Walld, in his endeavour to designate his own son as his successor, acted in the same way as all his Umayyad predecessors. Notwithstanding all these circumstances, after the death of al-Walld (13 Djumada II 96/24 February 715), Sulayman acceded to the throne unchallenged. Syrian sources prove that he obviously chose Jerusalem as his principal seat of government. In 97/716 he led the haaj_aj, and it is likely that he soon afterwards moved to Dabik [q.v] in northern Syria, the supply centre for the campaign against the Byzantine empire of 97-100/716-18. It was at Dabik that he died on 12 Safar 99/24 September 717. To form an appropriate picture of Sulayman's reign is difficult because of his short term of office. Basically, the policy under Sulayman seems to have been the same as under his predecessors, even though in probably every province of the empire new governors were appointed. The choice of governors does not give the impression of bias—e.g. towards favouring a certain tribal fraction—except that the appointments might have been aimed at having closer control over the empire by nominating loyal functionaries and by breaking with arbitrary conditions under long-established and powerful governors. Prominent cases of the latter are: Musa b. Nusayr [q.v], the conqueror of Spain, and his sons; the clan of al-Hadjdjadj b. Yusuf (who had himself already died in Ramadan 95/June 714); c Uthman b. Hayyan al-Murri in Medina; Khalid b. c Abd Allah al-Kasrf [q.v] in Mecca; and Kutayba b. Muslim [q.v] in Khurasan, who fell victim to an insurrection by Waklc b. Abl Sud (Dhu '1-Hidjdja 967 August 715), subsequently self-appointed governor and soon dismissed by Yazld b. al-Muhallab, governor of al-clrak, then additionally of Khurasan. The expansion of the Arabo-Islamic empire more or less came to a standstill—not least caused by the appearance of effective counterforces; only the conquests of Djurdjan and Tabaristan deserve mention. But that does not mean that the impulse of expansion and conquest slackened under the rule of Sulayman. As proof of this may serve the huge campaign against Byzantium, which was launched by the end of 97/716 under the supreme command of Maslama b. £Abd al-Malik [q.v] via land, and at the beginning of 98/716 via sea under the command of cUmar b. Hubayra al-Fazarf. This campaign culminated in an unsuccessful siege of Constantinople (early summer 98/717 summer 99/718).
822
SULAYMAN B. £ABD AL-MALIK — SULAYMAN B. DAWUD
With a hoped-for conquest of Constantinople and with the approaching year 100 of the hidjra came chiliastic expectations. The popularity and effectiveness of messianic ideas at that time and in those circumstances is as difficult to evaluate as the actual meaning and function of the relatively numerous references to Sulayman as the expected Mahdf [q.v], which appear in the panegyrics of Djanr and alFarazdak [q.vv.]. While the role of Sulayman as the "rightly-guided one", who restores justice after oppression, has a more or less clear contemporary and authentic base, this can hardly be said about his appearances in the world of literary anecdotes and religious instructions. There he is depicted on the one hand as a glutton, a conceited and cruel voluptuary, well-versed in the use of Arabic, while on the other hand, he typifies the unjust ruler (zalirri) who, contrite and humiliated, falls a victim to sermons by pious religious figures. In a similar way, Sulayman figures in descriptions of his alleged relations with his successor 'Umar II, the famous exception among the Umayyad caliphs, credited with the reputation of having been exemplarily pious. In nominating a successor, Sulayman most probably was not bound by the testament of cAbd al-Malik in favour of the two subsequent caliphs Yazfd II and Hisham [
vides further information on sources and secondary literature). (R. EISENER) SULAYMAN B. CALI B. CABD ALLAH, early c Abbasid prince and uncle of the first cAbbasid caliphs al-Saflah and al-Mansur [q.vv], d. at Basra in Djumada II 142/October 759 aged 59 (al-Tabarl, iii, 141). He was appointed governor of Basra, including also eastern Arabia and western Persia, by al-Saflah in 133/750-1 (ibid., iii, 73), and remained in this important power base until forced out of the governorship in 139/756. As one of the cumuma or paternal uncles, whose position vis-a-vis their nephews the caliphs was ambiguous, Sulayman sheltered for many years the failed rebel £Abd Allah b. CAH [q.v], until £Abd Allah was handed over to al-Mansur on a promise of amdn or safety (promptly violated by the caliph), although al-Mansur did not encompass cAbd Allah's death until after Sulayman's own death. Sulayman and his family, including his sons Muhammad and Dja'far, carried out extensive public works in order to develop the region of Basra, much enriching themselves in the process. Harun al-Rashfd eventually confiscated the wealth and property of Muhammad b. Sulayman, amounting to 60 million dirhams, on the latter's death in 173/789, as part of his policy of reducing the power of independent-minded members of the cAbbasid family (al-Tabarl, iii, 607-8; al-Mascudf, Murudi, vi, 289-92 = §§ 2496-7; etc.). Bibliography: See the indices to Ch. Pellat, Le milieu basrien et la formation de Gdhiz, Paris 1953; J. Lassner, The shaping of cAbbdsid rule, Princeton 1980; H. Kennedy, The early Abbasid caliphate, apolitical history, London 1981. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SULAYMAN B. AL-ASHCATH [see ABU DA'UD AL-SIDJISTANl].
SULAYMAN B. DAWUD, the biblical King Solomon, is an outstanding personality in Islamic legends. There were, as the Arab histories recount, four great world-rulers, two of whom were infidels, Nimrod and Nebuchadnezzar; and two of whom were believers, Alexander the Great and Solomon. Of these, the last was the most resplendent figure. Special emphasis was placed on his wonderful powers of magic and divination. The most puzzling riddles and the most abstruse subjects were within his ken. Perspicacity and discernment dwelt in his eyes; wisdom and justice were graven on his forehead. His knowledge was deeper than the Jordan Valley. In the Kur'an itself he is frequently mentioned, and along with Alexander enjoys the distinction of being designated a true Apostle of God, a divine messenger and prototype of Muhammad. The Kur'anic passages tell how at an early age he even surpassed his father David [see DAWUD] in skilful administration of justice (XXI, 78, 79). When David died, Solomon was chosen from amongst the other sons as successor (XXVII, 16). He had admirable endowments. God had granted him esoteric knowledge. He was acquainted with the speech of birds and animals (XXVII, 16, 19), a tradition based on I Kings iv. 33. A strong wind was subjected to him (XXI, 81; XXXVIII, 36). It blew in the morning for a month, and in the evening for a month, while a fountain of molten brass was made to flow for his benefit (XXXIV, 12). At his command were legions of satans to do whatever he wished. They were employed, for example, in diving for pearls (XXI, 82; XXXVIII, 37). The ®am were forced to work his will. If they disobeyed they were threatened with the pains of hell (XXXIV, 12). They constructed for him
SULAYMAN B. DAWUD shrines and statues and costly vessels (ibid., 13). His armies were recruited from men and ajinn and birds. The hoopoe (hudhud) was the first to bring him tidings of the kingdom of Saba and of its illustrious queen, Bilkfs [q.v.~\. Solomon, as a prophet, corresponded with her and summoned her to Islam. And after an exhibition of his strength and wisdom, she submitted (XXVII, 20-44). The devils frequently sought to convict him of infidelity, but in vain (II, 101). On a certain occasion he failed in the observance of his religious duties, and that was when his admiration for his stud of horses led him to forget his prayers. In atonement he sacrificed them, cutting their legs and necks (XXXVIII, 31-3). For a time he seems to have lapsed into idolatry. As a punishment he lost his kingdom, his throne being occupied by some one in his own likeness. When he had asked forgiveness, he was restored to his place, and promised divine favour in Paradise (XXXVIII, 34, 35, 40). When he died he was resting on his staff, and no one knew of his death until a worm bored its way through the prop and the body collapsed. Then the ^inn were released from their labours (XXXIV, 14). Later legendary lore has magnified all this material, which is chiefly Rabbinic in origin. Solomon's control over the djinn and his use of them in his building operations are derived from the Midrash on Eccles., ii. 8. His kingdom is even made universal, perhaps after the analogy of that of the 40 (or 72) kings of the Pre-Adamite djinn, who were each named Solomon (Lane, Arabian nights, Introd., n. 21; d'Herbelot, Bibliotheque orientate, v. 372). His renowned wisdom included "the wisdom" for which Egypt was famous, i.e. occult science. Pythagoras is said to have received his knowledge from Solomon in Egypt (alSuyutf, Husn al-muhddara fi akhbdr Misr, i, 27). Solomon is said to have been the pupil of Mambres the Egyptian Theurgist (G.R.S. Mead, Thrice-greatest Hermes, iii, 283 n.). Hence his reputation in tales as a magician. This magic power of his was effected by means of a talismanic ring engraved with "the most great name" of God. Permission to use this was also vouchsafed to his wa&r, Asaf b. Barakhya [q.v.\, who transported the throne of Bilkfs from Sheba to Jerusalem in the twinkling of an eye. Solomon was in the habit, when he performed his ablutions, of laying aside this ring from his finger, and entrusting it to one of his wives, Amlna. Sakhr, one of the Satanic spirits, assumed the form of the king, purloined the magic seal, and for forty days ruled, while Solomon was forced to wander as an outcast. The demon, however, lost the ring in the sea, whence Solomon recovered it when he cut open a fish which had swallowed it. Thus he regained his throne. It is said he was punished in this way because of the idolatry of the royal consort, Djarada, the daughter of the king of Sidon. Some say the counterfeit body that occupied his throne was his son who died. The 13th of the month is regarded as unlucky because, on that day, Solomon was exiled by God. The Persian Nawruz festival [q.v.] and its customs are said to date from the restoration of Solomon to his kingdom (al-Bfrunf, Chronology of ancient nations, ed. Sachau, 199). Because he boasted that 1,000 wives would bear him 1,000 warrior sons, he had one son only who was misshapen, with one hand, one eye, one ear, and one foot. Then in humility he prayed to God, and his son was made whole. In his capacity of warrior, he conquered many kingdoms (al-Baydawi, v, 19). Some of the marvellous works of Solomon may be briefly mentioned. Shortly after his accession he was in a valley between Hebron and Jerusalem, when
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he received his authority over winds, water, demons and animals from the four guardian angels in charge of these spheres. Each one gave him a jewel which he placed in a ring composed partly of brass and iron. With the brass he sealed his orders for the good djinn, while with the iron he sealed his orders for the evil djinn. The seal is said to have held a mandrake (J.G. Frazer, Folk-lore in the Old Testament, ii, 390). Solomon's seal (khdtam Sulaymdn] is a common charm, in the form of a six-pointed star, often inscribed on drinking cups. The Table of Solomon (ma'idat Sulaymdn) and other marvellous relics, according to legend, found their way to Spain, where they were discovered by Tarik b. Ziyad at the capture of Toledo [see TULAYTULA] . They had been taken from Jerusalem as booty (Ibn al-Athfr, Annaks du Maghreb, ed. Fagnan, 37 ff.; al-Taban-BaFaml, Chronique, ed. Zotenberg, iv, 183; Dozy, Recherches3, i, 5). The Table was made of green beryl, had 360 legs, and was inlaid with pearls and rubies. There was also a magic mirror which revealed all places in the world (Carra de Vaux, Abrege des Meweilks, 122). The blocks of stone for the building of the Temple were hewn by means of the miraculous pebble Samur (Shamir) which the demon Sakhr procured from the sea-eagle. Solomon sheltered himself from the heat of the sun under a canopy composed of all the birds of the air. A magic carpet of green silk for aerial transportation was woven for him. On this he could leave Syria with all his equipment in the morning, and reach Afghanistan by evening. Untold wealth of precious stones and gold and silver was accumulated with the help of the servile djinn. They also assisted him in erecting palaces, fortresses, baths and reservoirs. Various relics of these operations are pointed out in Palestine, Arabia and elsewhere (see Revue des traditions populaires, ix, 190; Nasir-i Khusraw, Safar-ndma, ed. Schefer, 56, 76, 84, 85). He had 1,000 glass-roofed houses containing 300 couches and 700 wives (alTha'labl, Kisas, 204). Besides the building of the Temple, during which he outwitted the djinn, the Farther Mosque is likewise claimed as his work (Mfrkhwand, Rawdat al-Safd, ii/1, 76). He is even credited with founding a mosque in Alexandria (al-Suyutf, op. cit., i, 37). Part of his leisure time was spent in acquiring the art of basket-weaving, that he might have some means of earning a livelihood if the need arose (Mfrkhwand, op. cit., 79). The tradition seems Rabbinic in character. His throne was constructed of pure gold. The whole natural world was so completely under his sway that, on one occasion, the sun stood still to enable him to say his evening prayers. The evil djinn he imprisoned in vessels of lead (cf. Zech., v. 8). cAydhab, on the Red Sea, was assigned by him as a place of incarceration for the demons (Nasir-i Khusraw, op. cit., 297). His knowledge of the speech of the animal world enabled him at times to display his clemency. Once he turned aside his armed hosts in order to avoid smashing the eggs of a bird; while on another occasion, he had compassion on a colony of ants (al-Birunf, op. cit., 199; sura XXVII, 17, 18). A claim is put forward that he invented the Arabic and Syriac scripts, and that he was the author of many Arabic treatises on magic. He is compared with Djamshfd, and there were, undoubtedly, Iranian influences at work in the Solomon saga. His personal appearance is variously given, e.g. as "a large-headed man riding on a horse" (Mfrkhwand, ii/1, 83), and as being "fair, well-built, of lustrous beauty, with a plentiful supply of hair, and clothed in white garments" (al-Thaclabr, op. cit., 254). When he died he
824
SULAYMAN B. DAWUD — SULAYMAN B. HASAN
was aged 53, having reigned for forty years. The exact location of his tomb is uncertain. Some place it in Jerusalem, in the Kubbat al-Sakhra; others near the Sea of Tiberias. The Prophet said (according to alTabarf-Bal'amr, Chronique, i, 60) that it was "in the midst of the sea ... in a palace excavated in a rock. This palace contains a throne on which Solomon is placed with the royal ring on his finger appearing as though he were alive, protected by twelve guardians, night and day. No one hath arrived at his tomb except two persons, Afian and Bulukiya" (Lane, op. cit., xx, 96; see Mlrkhwand, 102-3). The tomb is placed also in the Andaman Islands (Les Meweilles de I'Inde, 134). Solomon has found his way into Malayan folklore. Fowlers use his name for snaring pigeons (Frazer, The Golden Bough., iii, 418; idem, Folk-lore in the Old Testament, ii, 476-7). Regarding Solomon and the Evil Eye, see W.B. Stevenson, in Studio, Semitica et Orientalia, Glasgow 1920, 104-5, and the references therein. The Ethiopic legends of Solomon and Makeda, Queen of c Azeb, may be found in C. Bezold, Kebra Negast, and in E.W. Wallis Budge, The Queen of Sheba and her only son Menyelik [see BILKIS]. Examples of the Solomonic riddles may be seen in al-Thaclabf, op. cit., 202; Jacques de Vitry, in PPTS, 17. Bibliography. In addition to references given in the article, see for older works the Bibl. to the El1 art., the salient items here being Tha'labf, Kisas alanbiyd3, 200 ff.; Taban, i, 572-97; Mas'udf, Mumd}, i, 111-12 = § 106. Of additional references and more modern works, see Kisa'f, Kisas al-anbiyd3, Eng. tr. W.M. Thackston, The Tales of the Prophet of al-Kisa'i, Boston 1978, 288-308 and index; G. Salzberger, Salomons Tempelbau und Thron in der semitischen Sagenliteratur, Berlin 1912; J. Walker, Bible characters in the Koran, Paisley 1931; D. Sidersky, Les Ugendes musulmanes de la Bible, Paris 1933; H. Speyer, Die biblischen Erzahlungen in Qoran, Grafenhainischen 1938, repr. Hildesheim 1961; H.J. Hirschberg, in EretzIsrael, iii (1954), 213-20 [in Hebr.]; idem, art. Solomon, in Islam, in Encycl. Judaica (Jerusalem), xv, 108; P. Soucek, The Temple of Solomon in Islamic kgend and art, in J. Gutmann (ed.), The Temple of Solomon. Archeological fact and medieval tradition in Christian, Islamic and Jewish art, Missoula 1976, 72-123; J. Pirenne, Bilqis et Salomon. La Reine de Saba dans le Goran et la Bible, in Dossiers d'Archeologie, xxxiii (1979), 6-10; C. Schedl, Sulaiman und die Konigin von Saba: logotechnische und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu Sure 27, 17-44, in Al-Hudhud. Festschrift fur M. Hbfner zum 80. Geburtstag, Graz 1981, 305-24; H. Schwarzbaum, Biblical and extra-biblical legends in Islamic folk-literature, Walldorf 1982; D. Konig and H. Venzlaff, Salomo und das Ra'tsel der Perk, in hi, Ixii (1985), 298-310; A.H. Johns, Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. Fakhr alDin al-Razi's treatment of the Quranic telling of the story, in Abr-Nahrain, xxiv (1986), 58-82; S.S. All, King Solomon's strategy of deception, in IQj xxiv (1990), 5965; P. Soucek, Solomon's throne/Solomon's bath: model or metaphor?, in Ars Orientalis, xxiii (1993), 109-34. Solomon figures prominently in manuals of practical magic, and likewise plays an important role in Islamic esotericism, notably in Ibn 'Arabf's Fusus al-hikam (partial tr. T. Burckhardt, La sagesse des prophetes, Paris 1968; full tr. R. Austin, The Bezels of Wisdom, Ramsey, NJ. 1981) and the school of his commentators, in which he incarnates the "word of the mercy-bestowing wisdom". (J. WALKER-[P. FENTON]) SULAYMAN B. DJARIR AL-RAKKI, Zaydl kaldm theologian from al-Rakka, active in the sec-
ond half of the 2nd/8th century. Little is known about his life. He is said to have pledged allegiance to the £ Alid pretender Yahya b. cAbd Allah b. al-Hasan and participated in debates with Hisham b. al-Hakam [q.v.], Dirar b. cAmr [q.v.], and the Ibadl cAbd Allah b. YazTd in the circle of the Barmakid Yahya b. Khalid. In legendary reports he is accused of having poisoned the cAlid Idns b. cAbd Allah in the Maghrib at the instigation of the caliph Harun al-Rashfd or of Yahya b. Khalid. Although such reports were transmitted even by Zaydfs, their reliability is doubtful. In his doctrine on the imamate, Sulayman stood near the Batriyya [q.v. in Suppl], among whom he is sometimes included, although in some respects he came closer to the more radical Djarudiyya [q.v.]. In agreement with the Batriyya, he denied that there had been a divinely-inspired appointment (nass) of £AlI by Muhammad and held that the imam should be chosen by consultation (shurd). 'All was, however, entitled to the imamate after Muhammad because of his impeccability (cisma). In choosing the less excellent (mafdul), sc. Abu Bakr, the community had committed an error (khata3), which did not, however, amount to a grave offence (fisK). Obedience to the "less excellent" imam, once properly chosen, was obligatory so long as he displayed sound knowledge and good conduct. 'Uthman had lost legitimacy by his reprehensible acts. After CA1I, his and Fatima's descendants were entitled to the imamate by shurd because of their collective authority in religion. In his theology Sulayman espoused predestination, while attempting to avoid determinism. He thus held that God was from eternity angry at the infidels and pleased with the faithful, but, against the Sunn! traditionalist doctrine, God did not will acts of disobedience. Human ability to act (istitdcd) exists before the act and is used up by it. Sulayman was opposed to anthropomorphism and interpreted the Kur'anic face (waajh) of God as God's self. Against Muctazill doctrine, however, he affirmed the reality of divine attributes of knowledge, power, will, etc., describing them as neither identical with Him nor other than Him. About the nature of the Kur'an, he seems to have taught that whatever constituted divine knowledge in it was uncreated and whatever constituted command or prohibition was created. After his death, Sulayman's theological school prevailed in cAnat, but his followers there were converted to Muctazilism by gja'far b. Mubashshir (d. 234/8489). Later Zaydl tradition was generally hostile towards his teaching, and the Imam al-Hadf ila '1-Hakk wrote a refutation of his predestinarian views. Bibliography: (Ps.) Nashi', Usul al-nihal, in J. van Ess, Friihe mu'tazilitische Hdresiographie, Beirut 1971, 44-5; Khayyat, htisdr, ed. H.S. Nyberg, Cairo 1925, 68; Nawbakhti, Firdk al-Shlca, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul 1931, 9, 55-7; Ash'an, Makdldt al-isldmiyyin, ed. Ritter, Istanbul 1929-33, index; C. van Arendonk, Les debuts de I'imdmat ^aidite au Yemen, Leiden 1960, esp. 80-2; W. Madelung, Der Imam al-Qdsim ibn Ibrahim, Berlin 1965, esp. 61-6; van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra, Berlin 1991-, ii, 472-85, v, 53-62. (W. MADELUNG) SULAYMAN B. HASAN (d. 1005/1597), the grandson of Yusuf b. Sulayman, the twentyfourth dd'i mutlak of the M u s t a ' l f - T a y y i b f I s m a c i l i s , was a deputy of Dawud b. cAdjabshah (d. 997/1589), the twenty-sixth dd'l, in Mukha [q.v.], the famous coffee port and a great trade centre on the Red Sea coast of Yaman. Three years after the succession of Dawud b. Kutbshah as the twenty-seventh
SULAYMAN B. HASAN — SULAYMAN u. KUTULMISH
825
(ibid., 202, 216, 219, 220, 271; al-Taban, ii, 1954, 1358; al-Baladhurl, Ansdb, iii, 115 [makes him a mawla of Khuza'a]). He was arrested in 117/735-6 along with other dd'ts, but soon released (al-Taban, ii, 1586 ff.), and was the prime leader of the dcfwa until the arrival of Abu Muslim [q.v.], whose take-over he opposed and who liquidated both him and his son after the accession of Abu VAbbas in 132/750 (al-Tabari, ii, 1960 ff., iii, 61; Akhbar, 271 ff., cf. 220; al-Baladhurf, Ansdb, iii, 168). Bibliography: All the standard chronicles on the Umayyad and early 'Abbasid periods mention Sulayman, but usually add little to the works cited in the article. The main secondary works are J. Wellhausen, The Arab kingdom and its fall, Calcutta 1927; F. Omar, The (Abbdsid caliphate 132/750170/786, Baghdad 1969; E.L. Daniel, The political and social history of Khurasan under Abbasid rule, 747820, Minneapolis and Chicago 1979; M. Sharon, Black banners from the East, Jerusalem and Leiden 1983; idem, Revolt, the social and military aspects of the 'Abbasid Revolution, Jerusalem 1990. (PATRICIA CRONE) SULAYMAN B. KUTULMlSH b. Arslan Isra'Il, member of the Saldjuk family and founder of the sultanate of Rum (d. 479/1086). His father was killed in 456/1064 during a succession struggle with his kinsman Alp Arslan [q.v.], and at least four of his sons appear to have escaped eventually to the west (see Cl. Cahen, Qutlumush et ses fils avant I'Asie Mineure, in hi, xxxix [1964], 14-27; on the form of the name Kutulmish, see ibid., 14 n. 1, and M.F. Koprulii, Turk onomastique'i hakkinda, in Istanbul Univ. Edebiyat Fak. Tarih Dergisi, i [1950], 227-30). Sulayman, the most prominent of them, appears in 467/1074 as the chief of a large group of Tiirkmens in Anatolia (Sibt Ibn al-Djawzf [the most important source on his life], Mifat al-zamdn, ed. Ali Sevim, Ankara 1968, 174-5; cf. Cahen, La premiere penetration turque en Asie Mineure, in Byzantion, xviii [1948], 5-67). After an abortive attempt to intervene in Syrian affairs (see Sevim, Suriye ve Filistin Selfuklulan tarihi, Ankara 1983, 68-70), Sulayman withdrew into Anatolia, and taking advantage of the confusion there and the collapse of the Byzantine defence system after Malazgird [q.v], he moved westwards with his Turkmen followers, and took possession of Nicaea and its environs, perhaps as early as 467/1075 (al-'Aziml, Ta'rikh, ed. Ali Sevim, Ankara 1988, 16). Greek sources state that also SULAYMANIS. (I. POONAWALA) the Emperor Michael VII hired Sulayman to help SULAYMAN B. KATHIR al-Khuza c I, Abu crush the rebellion of Nicephorus Botaniates, the genc Muhammad, d d i of the H a s h i m i y y a in eral in command of Anatolia, but that Sulayman in Khurasan. fact joined the latter, so that with Turkmen assistance, He figures as an authority on Yazld b. al-Muhallab's Botaniates achieved the throne in Constantinople in campaign in Djurdjan in 98/716-17, and it was per1078. Sulayman, meanwhile, from his base at Nicaea haps as a member of Yazfd b. al-Muhallab's army was able to overrun most of western and central Anathat he left Kufa for Khurasan, where his brother tolia (see the Greek sources in S. Vryonis, The decline Djabir or Haritha b. Kathfr campaigned against the of medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor, Berkeley, etc. 1971, Turks in 106/724-5, and where his father, Kathfr b. 105-6). An expedition sent against him by the Great Umayya, fell in battle against the Turks as an old Saldjuk Sultan Malik Shah under Bursuk [q.vv] failed man in 119/737 (al-Taban, ii, 1323, 1480, 1601 to bring Sulayman to heel, although it killed his [wrongly Kathfr Abu Umayya]). Sulayman himself brother Mansur, and, since Alexius Comnenus had to was rain ahl al-dlwdn in Marw when he was recruited withdraw troops from Anatolia for the Balkans, the for the Hashimf cause, allegedly in 100/718-19, by Emperor concluded a treaty with Sulayman acknowlBukayr b. Marian, a mawla who had himself particiedging his suzerainty in the territories under his conpated in Yazld b. al-Muhallab's campaign in Djurdjan trol (Anna Comnena, The Akxiad, tr. E.R.A. Sewter, (Akhbar al-dawla al-cabbdsiyya, ed. CA.-CA. al-Durf and Harmondsworth 1969, 198). Around this time, Greek C A.-J2J. al-Muttalibf, Beirut 1971, 191, 199). Sulayman sources refer to Sulayman as "sultan"; unfortunately, recruited his son, brothers, brothers-in-law and other no coins of his have come to light. Khuza'is, as well as some prominent non-Khuzacis, Sulayman now turned his ambitions eastwards, for the movement and rose to the position of nakib possibly with the intention of challenging Malik Shah
daci, Sulayman claimed the succession for himself. The great majority of the community in India upheld the succession of Dawud b. Kutbshah, whereas a minority, mainly in Yaman, accepted Sulayman's claim. Because of this schism the former became known as the Dawudls while the latter as the Sulaymanfs [q.v.]. Contemporary Dawudl sources give a detailed account of this schism, which is corroborated by independent Mughal sources in its main outlines. The Sulaymanf sources, on the other hand, are spotty and apologetic. According to these sources, two widows of the late Dawud b. 'Adjabshah, their two sons, and a confidential scribe of the late ddci, were accused of embezzling money from the treasury. To counteract those charges, the accused schemed to challenge Dawud b. Kutbshah's authority by forging a document of succession in favour of Sulayman by using the stolen seal of the late ddcl, a plan in which their kinsman by marriage, Sulayman, acquiesced. Sulayman then announced his claim as the twenty-seventh ddci, but the plot was uncovered and Sulayman was dismissed from his position. Unable to garner support in Mukha, Sulayman went to Haraz, was rebuffed by the chief deputy of the ddci in Yaman and others, hence went to Nadjran, inhabited by the influential Banu Yam [q.v.], a subdivision of the large and ancient tribe Hamdan who had embraced the Isma'Ilr faith, and succeeded in winning their support. Soon he was imprisoned by the Turkish authorities, until after three years he managed to escape and fled to India. He arrived in Ahmadabad in 1003/1595 and tried to assert his claim by resorting to litigation against Dawud b. Kutbshah at the court of the Mughal emperor Akbar. But before the case was decided in favour of Dawud, Sulayman died in Lahore on 25 Ramadan 1005/12 May 1597; his body was taken to Ahmadabad and interred there. He was an eloquent speaker and wrote several works on Ismail! doctrines, asserting his claim and refuting that of his opponents, but most of them are lost. Bibliography: I. Poonawala, Biobibliography of Ismd'ili literature, Malibu, Cal. 1977, 242-4; Farhad Daftary, The Ismd'ills. Their history and doctrines, Cambridge 1990, 304-5 (his statement that Dawud b. 'Adjabshah died in 999/1591, or in 997/1589 according to the SulaymanTs, is incorrect), 318; Ismaclldjf Badripresswala (ed.), Akhbdrud difatil akramm (in Gudjaratr), Rajkot 1356/1937, 110-68. See
826
SULAYMAN B. KUTULMISH — SULAYMAN B. SURAD
for control of the Saldjuk empire, and attacked Cilicia and northern Syria, capturing Antakiya (Antioch) in 477/1084 and turning the cathedral there into a mosque (Ibn al-Athlr, ed. Beirut, x, 138-9; Ibn al'Adlni, £ubda, ed. Dahan, ii, 86-8; Ibn Shaddad, al A'ldk al-khatira, tr. A.-M. Edde Terrasse, Description de la Syrie du Nord, Damascus 1984, 243-5; Sevim, op. cit., 107-12). Four years later he was able to kill the 'Ukaylid ruler of Mawsil and Aleppo, Muslim b. Kuraysh, but this provoked a powerful reaction from Tutush b. Alp Arslan [q.v], ruler of Syria, and his commander Artuk defeated and killed Sulayman in a battle near Aleppo in Safar 479/June 1086, capturing Sulayman's son Kilidj Arslan also (Sibt, 236-40; Ibn al-cAdIm, 97-9; Sevim, op. cit., 119-26). The latter only succeeded in escaping to Anatolia after Sultan Malik Shah's death in 485/1092. Sulayman emerges as a proto-typical Turkmen chief, operating independently on the frontiers of the Saldjuk empire; there is no evidence that it was Malik Shah who originally sent him to conquer and rule Anatolia. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey, London 1968, 73-8; I A, art. Siileyman-§ah (O. Turan) (= actually, a history of Anatolia in the time of Sulayman, repr. as ch. 2 of his Sel$uklular zamamnda Tiirkiye, Istanbul 1971, main points summarised in his ch. Anatolia in the period of the Seljuks and the Beyliks, in Camb. hist, of Islam, Cambridge 1970, i, 234-6); Sevim, Anadolu fatihi Kutalmi§oglu Suleyman§ah, Ankara 1990, differing from Turan in several respects but without presenting specific evidence. (G. LEISER) SULAYMAN B. MIHRAN [see AL-A£MASH]. SULAYMAN B. SURAD b. al-Djawn al-Khuzacr, Abu ('l-)Mutarrif, leader of the pro- c Alid Taww a b u n ("penitents") movement [q.v.]. There is disagreement whether he was a sahdbi or a tdbi'l. The former is the prevalent view; according to most biographical sources he was originally called Yasar, was given the name Sulayman by the Prophet, and was 93 years old when he died. Lammens suggested that reports of Sulayman's longevity were circulated in order to reinforce the claim that he was a Companion (Le califat de Ta^id I", Beirut 1921, 129, n. 3). Sulayman was among the early settlers of Kufa, where he built a dar on land allotted to his tribe. Together with other kurra3 [q.v], he protested against the land policy of Sacfd b. al-cAs [q.v.]. A number of sources report that Sulayman fought alongside cAlf at the Battle of the Camel; others maintain that he was not present and was rebuked by the caliph for his absence. There is general agreement that he participated in the Battle of Siffin. Sulayman strongly objected to the arbitration agreement, was critical of al-Hasan for abdicating in favour of Mu'awiya and, after alHasan's death, unsuccessfully attempted to prevail upon al-Husayn to rise against the Umayyad caliph. After Mu'awiya's death, Sulayman was the first signatory of a letter in which the Kiifans urged al-Husayn to come to Kufa; he was also among those who did not come to al-Husayn's aid. Abu Mikhnaf (as cited by al-Tabarf) reports that after the Karbala0 massacre, five leaders of the Tawwabun met at Sulayman's home in al-Kiifa and nominated him as their commander (amir al-tawwdbin]. Sulayman obtained messages of support from the Shlcls of al-Mada°in and Basra, but the movement remained clandestine until the death of Yazld (Rabf I 64/ November 683). At that point, the ashrdf of Kufa expelled cAmr b. Hurayth al-Makhzurm (cUbayd Allah b. Ziyad's deputy in al-Kufa) and recognised Ibn al-
Zubayr as caliph. Ibn al-Zubayr appointed cAbd Allah b. Yazfd al-Khatmf al-Ansarf as governor of Kufa. One week before Ibn Yazfd's arrival, al-Mukhtar b. Abf £Ubayd [q.v] entered the town. Al-Mukhtar called on the Shi'Is of Kufa to support him in seeking vengeance for al-Husayn, and dismissed Sulayman as a useless old man who had no experience of politics or warfare and who would only get himself and his followers killed. Al-Mukhtar won the support of some Shrcfs, but most remained loyal to Sulayman, whom they regarded as shaykh al-shica, and Sulayman made preparations to meet the Syrian army which had been dispatched to the Djazira. According to Abu Mikhnaf, Sulayman and his party of horsemen left Kufa on 1 Rabf c II 65/15 November 684 and camped at al-Nukhayla [q.v.]. Sulayman checked the register (diwari) of those who had given him the oath of allegiance and found that of 16,000 (or 12,000) who were listed there, only 4,000 had joined him. The party left al-Nukhayla three days later and proceeded to Aksas Malik (on the bank of the Euphrates), where Sulayman discovered that another thousand or so were missing. The following morning they arrived at al-Husayn's tomb at Karbala3, and then eventually reached Karkisiya [q.v.]. The town's ruler, the Kaysf Zufar b. al-Harith, advised Sulayman to get to cAyn al-Warda [see RA'S AL-CAYN] before cUbayd Allah b. Ziyad in order to gain control of its springs, and there to await the Syrians in fortified positions; Sulayman followed this advice. The first skirmishes between the two sides took place a few days after the Tawwabun had reached c Ayn al-Warda, with Sulayman's men inflicting casualties on the Syrian army. Then cUbayd Allah b. Ziyad dispatched al-Husayn b. Numayr [q.v] at the head of an army of 12,000 men. Fighting broke out on 22 Djumada I 65/4 January 685. On the first day Sulayman's men were successful, but very soon the Umayyads brought up reinforcements of about 10,000 men. In the ensuing battle, a large number of Syrians were killed or wounded, but Sulayman was fatally wounded by an arrow (24 Djumada I 65/6 January 685). In accordance with the instructions which Sulayman gave in advance, al-Musayyab b. Nadjaba took command and fought on until he too was killed; the battle ended in complete defeat for the Tawwabun. From Abu Mikhnaf's account, it emerges that about six weeks passed between Sulayman's departure from Kufa and his death. This is contradicted by the information in al-Baladhurf. Here, too, the date of Sulayman's departure from Kufa is given as 1 Rabfc II 65/15 November 684; yet the first encounters between the Syrians and the Tawwabun are said to have taken place some time after the death of Marwan five months later (Ansdb al-ashrdf, v, 204, 210, 298-9). If these reports are to be trusted, then Sulayman's death may well have occurred in the spring or summer of 65/685, i.e. at least several months after the date given in al-Taban. Bibliography: Ibn al-Kalbf-Caskel, Djamharat al-nasab, i, table 197, ii, 518; Nasr b. Muzahim alMinkarf, Wak'at Sifftn, ed. CA.-S.M. Harun,' Cairo 140l'/1981, 6-7, 205, 313, 400-1, 519; Nu'aym b. Hammad, K. al-Fitan, ed. S. Zakkar, Beirut 1414/ 1993, 43, 47, 48; Ibn Sacd, ed. Beirut, iv, 292-3; Khalifa b. Khayyat, Ta'nkh, ed. A.D. al-'Umarl, Nadjaf 1386/1967, 177, 258; Ibn Habfb, Muhabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstadter, Haydarabad 1361/1942, 291; Bukhan, al-Ta'nkh al-kabir, Haydarabad 1360-4, ii/ii, 1; Dmawarf, al-Akhbdr al-tiwdl, 182, 198, 210, 243;
SULAYMAN B. SURAD — SULAYMAN AL-MAHRl Ya'kubl, Ta'nkh, Beirut 1379/1960, ii, 257-9; Baladhun, Ansdb, iii, ed. M.B. al-Mahmudl, Beirut 13977 1977, 48, 149, 151, 157, v, ed.'S.D.F. Goitein, index; Ibn A'tham, Futuh, Beirut 1406/1986, i, 499, ii, 120, iii, 224-8, 230-2, 236-40, 243-6; Taban, index; Ps.-Ibn Kutayba, al-Imdma wa }l-siydsa, Beirut 1401/1981, i, '163-5; Mas'udl, Murudj, ed. Pellat, §§ 1976, 1979, 1981, 1982; idem, al-Tanbih wa n-isjirdf, Beirut 1993, 285; al-Mufid, K. al-Djamal, Nadjaf 1368, 36; idem, K. al-Irshdd, Beirut 1399/ 1979, 203, tr. I.K.A. Howard, London 1981, 303; al-Sharff al-Murtada, Tanzih al-anbiyo?, Beirut 1408/ 1988, 171-2; Tusf, Ri&dl, Nadjaf 1381/1961, 20, 43, 68; Ibn
827
in eight verses which he composed, bemoaning the irritations caused by the fleas of the great metropolis and expressing nostalgia for his natal town (ibid., 126); the light-hearted tone is indistinguishable from that of verses evoking the same motif attested in the poetry of al-hamn ild 'l-awtdn from the 2nd/8th century onward (al-Djahiz, K. al-Hayawdn, Cairo 193858, v, 385-92). The place and date of his death are both unknown. The wife, the spouse, but also the mistress and the singing slave-girl, constitute the basic theme of what survives of his poetry; the spouse is evoked here as an old, hideous and decrepit woman, and the tone is extremely coarse (Aghdnl, xiv, 123-5), in a manner reminiscent of the poems of the Kufan Isma'il b. c Ammar al-Asadl; the kayna poems reveal an ambivalent attitude: hatred and fear in relation to the sin of fornication (ibid., xiv, 123), while on the other hand he sings the praises of Basas, the djfiriya of Ibn alNaffs, who has been bought by Ibrahim b. al-Mahdl. As for the mistress, here he displays a delicacy which is at odds with the other verses dedicated to the wife. Bibliography. Sezgin, GAS, ii, 449; al-Aghdnr1, xv, 27, 34._ _ (£D.) SULAYMAN B. YASAR [see FUKAHA' AL-MADINA, in Suppl.]. SULAYMAN AL-MAHRI, in full Sulayman b. Ahmad b. Sulayman al-Mahri, an Indian Ocean sea captain (mucallim al-bahr) of the 16th century A.D. Attributed to him are five treatises on navigation which were translated into Turkish by the author and admiral Sid! CA1T Celebi [q.v.] and included in his work al-Muhit written in 1554. According to Sldl Celebi, Sulayman finished the treatise called cUmda in 917/1511. He was a native of Shihr [q.v.] and was dead by the time Sid! Celebi was writing. That is all that is known of him personally. However, he was probably a pupil of Ahmad b. Madjid [see IBN MADJID] in the late 1400s. He quotes Ibn Madjid and builds the structure of his works on the form derived from the latter's work. The Arabic form of these treatises has survived, together with the earlier treatises of Ibn Madjid in several manuscripts. Those which include the works of Sulayman are four, (a) Paris, B.N. Arabe 2559 (dated 961/1554); (b) Leiden no. 8660 (2) (dated 1059/1649); (c) Yale Arab ms. 1480, 1535, 1536-7 (dated 1097/1686); while the fourth is in private possession in Bahrain (dated 1091/1680). The treatises are named (1) al-cUmda al-Mahriyya Ji dabt al-cilm albahriyya; (2) al-Manhadj. al-fdkhir fi cilm al-bahr al-zdkhir; (3) Tuhfat al-fuhul fi tamhid al-usul; (4) Shark al-tuhfa; (5) Kilddat al-shumus wa'stikhrddi al-usus. The cUmda al-Mahriyya is the earliest of these works, and is quoted by both the Tuhfa and the Manhaa^. It quotes the Hdwiya of Ibn Madjid, the plan of which is followed approximately by Sulayman in his work. A skeletal plan is noticeable in all these navigational works, but the authors have great difficulty in keeping to the subject. The cUmda, however, is the work which keeps closest to a plan, although even here Sulayman gets side-tracked easily. Unlike Ibn Madjid, who had literary ambitions, Sulayman's style is simple and straightforward. His aim was to produce a treatise which would be of practical use for a navigator sailing in the Indian Ocean. His intention was to take the main points of navigational science as chapter headings and then include everything relating to each point in the relevant chapter. This, as noted above, he finds difficult, but his final order of headings is Ch. 1, first principles, properties of the heavenly sphere, stars used by navigators as rhumbs
828
SULAYMAN AL-MAHRI — SULAYMAN PASHA
(akhnan) and as Pole Star altitude measurements (kiyas], i.e. a chapter of general theory. Ch. II, use of stars as compass bearings. Ch. Ill, bearings between ports around the coasts of the Indian Ocean. Ch. IV, bearings around islands. Ch. V, list of values of Pole Star altitudes for ports of the world. Ch. VI, monsoon seasons for sailing out from various ports. Ch. VII, descriptions of routes throughout the Ocean. This arrangement is not very logical, and lends itself to confusion. Sulayman was not satisfied with the result. He began a second work, the Tuhfat alfuhul, in which he intended to write down only the theory of navigation, omitting the lists of Pole Star altitude results and tables of bearings which are found in the cUmda. This was a short treatise taking only six folios in the Paris ms. Its chapters are arranged in a logical sequence and it gives only the basic theory necessary for navigation. The order of chapters is 1. Generalities, 2. Compass bearings, 3. the zdm, 4. Types of routes, 5. kiyas theory, 6. Theory of masafat (distances measured along the line of latitude), 7. Theory of winds. Later, Sulayman complemented this with a "commentary" (shark] similar to the commentaries of classical writers written round the Kur'an or some legal work. Of this he seems to have been proud, and it was probably his last work. However, it does not help either the scholar or the Indian Ocean navigator who already has the original Tuhfa. For although it was five times as long as the original work, it had little more to say. He states a sentence from the Tuhfa, prefixing it with the word kultu ("I have said"), and then after the word akulu ("now I say"), he expands it, stretching out phrases, sometimes to great length, attempting to explain something which was quite clear before. Rarely does he clear up any obscure point; occasionally he adds something which he has omitted in the Tuhfa but which occurs in one of the other works. Therefore, with the other works in one's possession, the commentary to the Tuhfa is completely unnecessary. The list of results (latitudes, bearings etc.) which were in the 'Urnda, but which he omitted when completing the Tuhfa, were reserved for the Manhaaj alfdkhir. Although this work may contain corrections to actual values it is not as rewarding for the modern scholar as the cUmda. It loses that straightforward plan of theory plus results equals descriptions of set voyages, which the navigator would appreciate and perhaps Ibn Madjid himself might have been aiming for but never actually achieved. The real value of the Manhaaj is that corrected values give a more accurate picture of those parts of the Indian Ocean in the higher latitudes, i.e. around Djidda, Ra's al-Hadd and Chittagong (Shatfdjam). It also gives distances along the line of latitude (masdfdf) not listed before except incompletely in Ibn Madjid's Hdwiya. It also has a section on birds, seaweed, etc. (ishdrdt) which was not given in the cUmda, but at this stage, Sulayman has begun to lose his purpose again and a section on the revolutions of the sun and moon is irrelevant. This material is not strictly navigational, and introduces theory which has been avoided so far in the Manhaa^. Theory of winds and cyclones is out of place here, although a list of specific types of wind would be relevant. What one might expect would be a list of sailing dates which depend on the monsoon winds. Sulayman closes the Manhaaj with a revised survey of the set voyages in South-East Asia and the Bay of Bengal, although not the rest of the Ocean. We have no universal series of sailing directions as we are given in the cUmda, and generally, the Manhaaj is infe-
rior when compared with the former work. One other treatise remains. This is the Kilddat alshumus, which gives calculations necessary for converting Muslim years to solar, Byzantine, Coptic and Persian years and vice-versa. As the seasons for sailing—in fact, all navigational dates—are given in days after the Persian (Yazdigirdian) Nawruz, this treatise has a very practical advantage. It consists of just over two folios of important formulae, written clearly after the manner of the cUmda and it is possible that it comes from the same period as the latter work. Bibliography: For his EI} art. on Sulayman, G. Ferrand worked entirely from the Paris mss. A French version of this article appeared in Annales de Geographic, xxxii, 298-312, as Les instructions nautiques de Sulayman al-Mahn. The Arabic text of Sulayman's work was published from the B.N. ms. by Ferrand as Instructions nautiques et routiers arabes et portugais, 3 vols., Paris 1921-8. A critical edition of the four ms. versions of the texts was prepared by Ibrahim Khoury, Arab nautical sciences: navigational texts and their analysis (al-Ulum al-bahriyya cind al-(arab), 4 vols., Damascus 1970-2. There are no complete translations of Sulayman's works into European languages, only extracts in works on geography, navigation, etc. These are many, but the most detailed are probably in Ferrand, Relations de voyages et textes geographiques arabes, persons et turks relatifs a I'ExtremeOrient, 2 vols., Paris 1913-14; G.R. Tibbetts, A study of the Arabic texts containing material on South-east Asia, London 1979. The Turkish text of Srdf Celebi's Muhit, which includes what is virtually a translation of Sulayman's five works, is not in print but only appears in partial translation in English by J. Hammer-Purgstall, Extracts from the Mohit, that is the Ocean, a Turkish work on navigation in the Indian Seas, mJASB (1834), 545-53, (1836), 441-68, (1837), 805-12, (1838), 767-80, (1839), 823-30, and in German by M. Bittner and W. Tomaschek, Die topographischen Capitel des indischen Seespiegels, Mohit, Vienna 1897. Detailed bibls. can be found in works on Arab Indian Ocean navigation in the 16th-17th centuries such as T. Shumovskiy, Kniga pol'z ob osnovakh i pravilakh morskoy nauki, Moscow 1985; G.R. Tibbetts, Arab navigation in the Indian Ocean before the coming of the Portuguese, London 1971, and in the work of I. Khoury mentioned above. Other works of interest are given in the bibliographies to the arts. IBN MADJID and MILAHA. Useful works in Arabic are A.I. al-Nashamf, al-Mildha fi 'l-khatidi al-carabi, Kuwait 1969 and Hasan Salih Shihab, Fann almildha cind al-farab, San'a' 1982. (G.R. TIBBETTS) SULAYMAN PASHA, AL-FARANSAW! (Seves or Seve Pasha, 1788-1860), one of the French officers serving in Muhammad 'All Pasha's [q.v] army. Joseph Anthelme Seve was the son of a Lyons draper. When fifteen years old, he enlisted as a gunner in the French army, and later served in the Hussars. He fought in Napoleon's Prussian campaign (1806-7) and was promoted to the rank of adjutant, and during the "Hundred Days" (1814), he served on the staff of Marshal Grouchy. Dismissed by the royal government, he went to Egypt in 1815, and was eventually attached to the staff of Ibrahim Pasha [q.v.]. Seve became an instructor of the infantry, consisting of Albanian, Syrian and Maghrib! "Arab" as well as "Turkish" Ottoman subjects. He established a training camp at Aswan [see USWAN], where from 1823 onwards he was able to form six regiments of infantry, and was given the title of Bey. From 1824 to 1827,
SULAYMAN PASHA — SULAYMANIYYA he served under Ibrahim Pasha in the Morea [see MORA] against the Hellenic insurgents. In 1831 he became a major-general. He served in the war against the Ottoman Sultan, and distinguished himself in the battle of Konya (1248/1832), upon which he became a Pasha, afterwards successfully organising the retreat to Suez. In his later years, he was relegated to minor tasks. In 1833 he supported the activities of the "SaintSimoniens" led by "le Pere" Enfantin in Alexandria, and in 1834 he assisted Linant de Bellefonds in the construction of dams in the Nile delta. He maintained a grand life style, including a harem in his palace in Cairo, where he received many prominent guests from France e.g. the painter Horace Vernet, Marshal Marmont, Gustave Flaubert and Maxime Du Camp. His conversion to Islam must have greatly benefited his relationship with his trainees. His principal consort, Sittl Maria, gave him a son, Iskandar Bey. His lasting reputation was evident from a statue and a street named after him in Cairo till 1956. Bibliography: P. Mondain, Hussard fran$ais et general egyptien: Joseph Seve-Soliman Pacha (1788-1860), in Vivat Hussar, xvii (Tarbes 1982), apudJ.L. Bregeon, L'Egyptefran$aise aujour lejour 1798-1801, Paris 1991, 362-5; Comte de Marcellus, Souvenirs de I'Orient, Paris 1861, 3, 383-4, 387-8, 392-3, 405-8; [A.F.L. Viesse de Marmont, Due de Ragusel], Voyage du Marechal D. deR., Brussels 1837-59, iii, 64, iv, 6, 164, 176-80; J. Planat, Histoire de la regeneration de I'Egypte. Lettres ecrites du Kaire, Paris 1830; H. Laurens, Le royaume impossible. La France et la genese du monde arabe, Paris 1990, 34, 44-5. (A.H. DE GROOT) SULAYMANIS, a b r a n c h of M u s t a ' l l Tayyibf I s m a ' f l f s , so called after Sulayman b. Hasan [q.v.], who claimed the succession for himself after Dawud b. 'Adjabshah as the twenty-seventh dd'i mutlak. They are predominantly to be found in Yaman, where their total number may currently be placed at more than 70,000, living mainly in the northern districts and on the northern border region between Yaman and Saudi Arabia. Besides being represented amongst the Banu Yam of Nadjran, the Sulaymanfs are settled in Haraz, Djabal Maghariba and in Hawzan, Lahab and cAttara, and in the district of Hamdan and in the vicinity of Yanm. The Sulaymams of India, on the other hand, called the Sulaymanl Bohras, number a few thousand only and live mainly in Bombay, Baroda, Ahmadabad and Haydarabad Deccan. There are also some Sulaymanfs in Pakistan. Most recently, some families from the subcontinent have migrated to England, America and Canada. Sulayman was succeeded by his minor son DjaTar, hence the affairs of the da'wa were run by Safi alDfn Muhammad b. Fahd al-Makrarm (d. 1042/1633 [<7.#.]), one of the earliest supporters of Sulayman during the Dawudf-Sulaymanf succession dispute and originally from Tayba, a town northwest of Sanca°. After winning the confidence of the influential Banu Yam, settled in the Nadjran region, he adopted Badr as his residence, and this subsequently became the capital of the Sulaymanf da'wa. His son Ibrahim succeeded as the 30th dd'i in 1088/1677. Since then the office has remained in the Makramf family except for a few interruptions. The Makramf dd'ts not only ruled the Yam but, at the height of their power, their influence extended to the Mikhlaf al-Sulaymanl in the north and to Hadramawt in the east. In 1174/1764 they felt strong enough to invade Nadjd and inflicted a crushing defeat on the rising power of the Wahhabls. However, they were unable to curb the subsequent
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Wahhabi encroachment against Nadjran, as they had also to withstand the hostilities of the Zaydf Imams in Yaman. Their rule over Nadjran came to an end in 1934 when it was annexed to the Su'udl kingdom, and their 45th dd'i, CA1I b. Muhsin Al Shibam, was pensioned off by the Su'udl government. This marked the end of the political significance of the MakramT family of Sulaymam dd'ts and their followers in Yaman. Because of this close association of the Makarima (pi. of MakramT, see MAKRAMIDS) with the Sulaymam da'wa, the term Makarima itself is often used synonymously with that of Sulaymams in Yaman. The present dd'i, al-Sharafi al-Husayn b. al-Hasan al-Makraml, succeeded to the office in 1396/1976. The Sulaymams continued the traditions of the post-Fatimid Yamanl Tayyibfs. The dd'is do not use honorific titles and are simply addressed as Sayyidnd, and are known in Yaman as the dd'is of the kabcfil Yam. In India, the dd't's chief representative, known as the mansub, resides in Baroda, and is assisted by a number of 'dmik or mullds residing in various cities where the SulaymanT Bohras live. The assistants conduct the communal prayers, perform religious ceremonies, and collect the dues for the ddcl. In India the official language of the Sulaymanf da'wa is Urdu, but Arabic is used in correspondence between them and their dd'i in Yaman. In Yaman, the Sulaymanfs have enjoyed a great degree of cohesion and have become an effective fighting force. In India, the Sulaymanf Bohras, in contrast to the Dawudls, have developed closer ties with other Muslims in terms of language, dress and customs. They have also experienced a much greater degree of freedom from their dd'is and their mansubs. As a result, the small Sulaymanf community not only represents a progressive group, approving of social change and encouraging modern secular education, but has also produced, proportionately speaking, a significant number of prominent public figures. Asaf Ali Asghar Fyzee (1899-1981), an outstanding Islamicist and eminent scholar of Muslim law in the Indian subcontinent and India's ambassador to Egypt, belonged to the wellknown Tyabji family of Sulaymanf Bohras of Bombay. Badr al-Dln Tyabji, another member of this family, was the first Muslim president of the Indian National Congress in 1887. Bibliography: F. Tyabji, Social life in 1804 and 1929 among Muslims in Bombay, in JBBRAS, N.S., vi (1930), 288 ff.; A.A.A. Fyzee, A chronological list of the imams and da'is of the Musta'lian Ismailis, in ibid., N.S., x (1934), 8-16; Husayn al-cArshf, Bulugh almardm, ed. Karmall, Cairo 1939, 74-5; J. Halevi, Travels in Yemen. An account of Joseph Halevy's journal to Najran in the year 1870 written in San'ani Arabic by his guide H. Habshush, ed. with a summary in English by S. Goitein, Jerusalem 1941, 61; H. Philby, Arabian Highlands, Ithaca 1952, 358, passim', idem, Sa'udi Arabia, Beirut 1968, 57-8, 107, 321-2; J. Hollister, The Shi'a of India, London 1953, 273-4, 300; S. Misra, Muslim Communities in Gujarat, Baroda 1963, 27-30, 75; T. Gerholm, Market, mosque and mafrag, Stockholm 1977; I. Poonawala, Biobibliography of Ismd'ill literature, Malibu, Cal. 1977, 12-13, 242-50; Muhammad Y. al-Haddad, Ta'nkh al-Yaman al-siydsi, Beirut 1986, ii, 229', 232; Farhad Daftary, The Ismd'llis. Their history and doctrines, Cambridge 1990, 257-8, 318-23. (I. POONAWALA) SULAYMANIDS [see MAKKA. 2. ii]. SULAYMANIYYA, a town and d i s t r i c t in s o u t h e r n K u r d i s t a n , since the Ottoman reconquest of 'Irak from the Safawids in the 11 th/17th
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SULAYMANIYYA
century under nominal Ottoman suzerainty, and since the aftermath of the First World War in the kingdom and then republic of Irak. The town lies in lat. 35° 32' E. and long. 45° 27' N. at an altitude of 838 m/2,750 feet, and is 90 km/54 miles east of Kirkuk [q.v.], to which it is connected by road. The historical region of Sulaymaniyya lies between what is now the 'Irak-Persia frontier, the Diyala [q.v.] and its upper affluents the Tandjaru and Sirwan, the region of Kirkuk and the upper basin of the Little Zab. To the northeast of the basin of these affluents of the Tigris rise the ranges making up the Zagros massif and running northwest to southeast (see further on the geography of the region, KURDS, KURDISTAN, D.). 1. History to 1920. The district of Sulaymaniyya is known from the earliest times. Mount Nisir (in Lullutu: Kiniba), where according to the Babylonian epic the ship of Gilgamesh rested during the Deluge, can only be Pir-cUmarGudrun. The region of Sulaymaniyya corresponds to the land of Zamua occupied by the Lullutu people, the southern frontier of which was on the col of Babite (the modern Bazian). In 880 B.C., Assur-nasirpal conquered all the kings of Zamua. A stele found at Darband-i Gawr, north of Kara-dagh, seems to belong to a Lulltu king. Brzozowski mentions another ancient bas-relief at the entrance to the defile of Derbend through which the Little Zab forces a passage, to the extreme northwest of the territory of Sulaymaniyya. Herzfeld (in Isi, xi, 127) mentions ruins at Sltak in the canton of Serocik. In 745 B.C. Tiglat Pileser III transplanted to Mazamua (Mdt-^amua, Forrer, 43) Aramaeans who had lived in northern Mesopotamia. In the Sasanid period we have in the extreme southwest of the territory of Sulaymaniyya the famous monument of Paikuli (cf. SHAHRIZUR). In the history of the Syrian church the district of Sulaymaniyya formed part of the diocese of Beth Garmai (Hoffmann, Ausziige, 253). In the Islamic period, the history of the region was at first involved with that of Shahrizur. Sulaymaniyya had a more or less autonomous existence from the end of the llth/17th century to 1267/1850. The local dynasty was called Baban. According to the Sharaf-ndma of Sharaf al-Dln Khan Bidllsl (i, 280-8), the first chief and the eponym of this family was Pfr Budak Babe (probably about 1500). The home of this tribe seems to have been to the west of Kandll [see SAWDJ-BULAK] . The direct descendants of Babe were soon supplanted by their subordinates, but this second line disappeared also and about 1005/1596 the tribe had no recognised chief. A new line (of the clan Sakir of the tribe of Bilbas; Rich, i, 270) came from the village of Darishmana to the canton of Pizdar; it had a legendary genealogy claiming descent from a young "Frank" woman called Keghan, whom their ancestor had taken prisoner in a battle. The true founder of this third dynasty, Baba Sulayman, came to the front in 1088/ 1677, and in 1111/1699 took service at the Ottoman court. Rich (i, 381-5) gives a list of his descendants, who include 17 Baban Pashas. The representatives of this local dynasty cleverly maintained their position between the two rival powers, Turkey and Persia, but they were really under the Pashas of Baghdad, who themselves held a very subordinate position with respect to the Sublime Porte. Mahmud Pasha, who received Rich on his memorable journey through Kurdistan and in whom Rich (i, 322) tried to arouse the Kurd national pride, finally submitted to the Persians. The latter invaded Sulaymaniyya in 1842 to re-establish Mahmud Pasha, but by the treaty of 1847 Persia
withdrew all claims on the town and sanajak of Sulaymaniyya in favour of the Turks. The last ruler of the family of Baban, cAbd Allah Pasha, was deposed by the Turks in 1267/1850 (Khurshld Efendl, 209). It may be mentioned that the Baban family was simply a conquering and warrior caste. Alongside the Baban and under their suzerainty lived several other warrior tribes ('ashirat), of which lists are given by Rich, i, 280, and Khurshld Efendl, 217. The principal of these tribes was Djaf [see SANANDADJ and SHAHRIZUR]. Later we often find mentioned the turbulent tribe of Hamawand of Camcamal which claimed to have come from Persian Kurdistan (its name resembles those of the Lur tribes). The Hamawand in the course of their razzias used to come down as far as the banks of the Tigris (Cholet, Armenie, Kurdistan et Mesopotamie, Paris 1892, 295-311). Beside the clans which had kept their tribal organisation there were in Sulaymaniyya, as elsewhere in Kurdistan, the peasants (gurdn, kelowspi "white caps", according to Rich, i, 80). At first the capital of the Babans was at SharaBazar (Shahr-i bazar) in the first valley conquered by Plr Budak Babe, but Ibrahim Pasha moved his residence to the canton of Sar-cinar, where he founded about 1199/1784 (Rich, i, 387) the town of Sulaymaniyya on the site of the village of Malik Hindi (Malik Kendi?) built around an ancient mound which had to be cleared away on the occasion. The town was called after Biiyiik Siileyman Pasha (of the family of Georgian Mamluks), governor of Baghdad in 17801802 (Cl. Huart, Histoire de Baghdad, Paris 1901, 159). Towards 1820, the town had 2,000 households of Muslims, 130 of Jews, 9 of Chaldaean Catholics (who had a little church) and 5 of Armenians, in all 10,000 souls. There were 5 mosques in Sulaymaniyya. In 1868 Lycklama estimated the population at 6,000 Kurds, 30 families of Chaldaeans and 15 of Jews. Under Ottoman rule, Sulaymaniyya remained the nursery of an indefinite Kurdish movement. The local Kurds supplied Turkey with a large number of officials and, particularly, armed officers. Several Babans became distinguished in Istanbul like Isma'Il Hakkl Pasha, Unionist minister and diplomat in 1909-14. After the deposition of the Babans, a great part in politics was played by the family of religious Shqykhs of the family of Barzandja, whose ancestor HadjdjI Kaka Ahmad enjoyed a great reputation for sanctity and is buried at Sulaymaniyya. Bibliography: See those to the articles SAWDJBULAK; SANANDADJ; SHAHRIZUR. For the ancient period: Billerbeck, Das Sandschak Suleimania, Leipzig 1898; Streck, Armenien, Kurdistan und Westpersien, in £A, esp. xv (1900), 257, 268, 275; E. Forrer, Die Provinzeinteilung des assyrischen Reiches, Leipzig 1920, 43, 88; C.J. Edmonds, Two ancient monuments in Southern Kurdistan, in Geog. Journ. (Jan. 1925); the monument of Darband-i Gawr must be the same as that described by Jacquerez, in V. Scheil, Une saison de fouilles a Sippar janvier-avril 1814 (Derbend Giaour). Tavernier's itinerary in 1644 is not clear, Voyages, Paris 1692, i, 197 ff.; W. Hende, Voyage up the Persian Gulf, London 1819, 193 ff.: Ibrahlm-KhanciDolan-Sulaymaniyya-Suza(?)-Koi-sandjak; R. Ker Porter, Travels in Georgia etc., London 1822, ii, 453 ft0.; C.J. Rich, Narrative of a residence in Koordistan, London 1836, i, 51-184, 260-327, ii, passim (fundamental work); J. Shiel, Notes on a journey through Kurdistan, JRGS, viii (1836), 101; W. Ainsworth, Researches in Assyria, London 1838, 27 ff.; Ritter, Erdkunde, ix, Berlin 1840, 447-59, 565-639; Khurshld
SULAYMANIYYA — SULDUZ Efendl, Siydhet-ndme-yi hudud, Russ. tr. 1877, 205-32; Lycklama a Nijeholt, Voyage en Russie etc., ParisAmsterdam 1875, iv, 75-84; V. Cuinet, La Turquie d'Asie, Paris 1891, ii, 868-73; Korab-Brzozowski, Itineraire de Souleimanieh en 1869, in Bull. soc. geogr. de Paris (1892), 250-64; Dickson, Journeys in Kurdistan, in Geogr. Journ. (April 1910), 376; A. Adamov, Irak Arabski, St. Petersburg 1912, 387 ff.; E.B. Soane, To Mesopotamia and Kurdistan in disguise, 2London 1926, 163-209; Edmonds, Kurds, Turks and Arabs. Politics, travel and research in north-eastern Iraq 1919-1925, London 1957, 52-9 (with genealogical table of the Baban family at 53). (V. MINORSKY*) 2. Since 1920. There was provision in the Treaty of Sevres of August 1920 for an Autonomous "Southern Kurdistan", but this topic became linked with the question whether the wildyet of Mawsil, of which Sulaymaniyya had been a sana^ak under the Ottomans, should remain Turkish-controlled or whether it should become part of the new predominantly Arab state of 'Irak [see ALMAWSIL. 2.]. In the end, Sulaymaniyya was included in the territory awarded to Trak, though a League of Nations decision of December 1925 granted a certain amount of local autonomy to the Kurds there. Unrest had already broken out in Sulaymaniyya in 1919 under the Kurdish Shaykh Mahmud BarzandjT, and over the next five years, BarzandjT returned to Sulaymaniyya on three separate occasions until air raids in 1923-4 drove him back across the Persian frontier to a bandit existence. Sulaymaniyya became almost depopulated through this fighting, but by the end of 1924, 20,000 of its people had returned. Yet it remained disturbed, including at the time of the 1929 'Iraki election, and Mahmud Barzandjf again invaded the liwa3 of Sulaymaniyya in 1930, until he again fled to Persia in the next year; he eventually made his peace with the Trakf authorities and in 1938, when the Sulaymaniyya region was unusually quiet, his confiscated properties were restored to him. He returned to Sulaymaniyya from provincial exile in southern Trak in May 1941 during the Rashld CA1I al-Gaylanl [q.v.] coup, ostensibly to raise forces "to support the British". In the post-1945 period, Sulaymaniyya continued to be a centre of unrest, for Kurdish aspirations and for other elements aiming at the destabilisation of the Hashimite monarchy in 'Irak, such as the underground Communist Party of National Liberation, which could from Sulaymaniyya make contact with other Communist forces across the Persian border. Hence a certain merging of Communist activities with Kurdish nationalism took place, and Sulaymaniyya was particularly disturbed in 1948. The proclamation of the Trak Republic in July 1958 initially aroused Kurdish enthusiasm, but the history of the ensuing decades has been one of continuing disturbance in the Sulaymaniyya region. In March 1961 Mustafa Barzandjr proclaimed an independent Kurdistan stretching through northern 'Irak as far east as Sulaymaniyya and the Persian border. During the succeeding phases of 'Iraki-Kurdish conflict, possession of Sulaymaniyya was maintained by Trakl government troops, with the surrounding countryside usually held by the Kurds, until in spring 1991 the Kurds briefly captured the town and then, in the summer, recaptured it more lastingly. Sulaymaniyya is now the chef-lieu of the autonomous Kurdish region of Trak, with the whole region having a population of 951,723 (1987 census), and has a Kurdish-language university of its own.
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Bibliography: S.H. Longrigg, Traq 1900 to 1950, a political, social and economic history, London 1953; C J. Edmonds, Kurds, Turks and Arabs. Politics, travel and research in north-eastern Iraq 1919-1925, London 1957, 79-96 and index; £/' art. Sulaimdmya (V. Minorsky); EP art. Kurds, Kurdistan, iii. C. (ED.)
SULDUZ, SULDUZ, a Mongol tribe which played a considerable role in mediaeval Islamic history of the Mongol and II Khanid periods. According to Berezin, the correct Mongol form would be Siildes (pi. of siilde "good fortune"; Vladimirtsov interpreted siilde as "le genie-protecteur habitant le drapeau"). L. Ligeti, Die Herkunft des Volksnamens Kirgis, in Kb'rb'si Csoma Archivum, i (1925), saw in the ending of Suld-uz, as in Kirk-iz, the remains of an ancient Turkish plural suffix (cf. biz "we", siz "you", etc.) and as a hypothetical singular quoted the name of a Kirghiz clan Suit, Sultu. RashTd al-Dm classes the Sulduz amongst the durliikin Mongols, i.e. of "common" origin, in contrast to the nirun "pure" ones, who were, however, descended from the durliikin through Alan Go'a, the miraculous grandmother of Cingiz (Cinggis) Khan. Sorkan Shira Sulduz one day saved the life of Cingiz whilst the latter was fighting with the Tayici'ut, and this exploit gained the Sulduz great prestige with Cingiz Khan and his successors. Sorkan Shira ' I Djilawkan I ' Sodo Noyon (Sodun) I Tudan I Malik I Coban The children of Sodo Noyon came to Persia with Hiilegii, whose wife Yesiindjin, the mother of Abaka, was a Sulduz. Malik is said to have overrun Persian Kurdistan. In 688/1289, under the II Khan Arghun, an act of bravery brought to the front Coban, son of Malik, and he afterwards distinguished himself in the reigns of Ghazan and Oldjeytii [^.zw.]. The Ta'rikh-i Ulajdytu written by Abu '1-Kasim Kashanl (ed. Mahln Hambly, Tehran 1969), in a list of amirs mentions Coban (amir-i buzurg mukaddam-i Td&k wa Turk) in the second place next to Kutlugh Shah Mankut, but adds that in ability he is superior to them all. There is extant a letter from Pope John XXII, dated Avignon, 12 November 1321, addressed to "Zoban Begilay" (Coban?). In spite of the ShlcI leanings of Oldjeytii, Coban remained a Sunnf. When the young Abu Sa'Id [q.v.] ascended the throne, Coban became regent, and in 719/1319 married Sat! Beg, daughter of Oldjeytii. The detailed history of Coban and his sons and grandsons over the next generation or so may now be followed in the article CUBANIDS. After the murder of Coban's grandson Hasan Kiicik at Tabriz in 744/1343 (see below), the'Sulduz are only occasionally mentioned by the historians. Under 807/1404, Mfrkhwand mentions the instructions given by Tfmur to the Khaladj of Sawa to reinforce the troops under Plr CA1I Sulduz in Rayy. In the early 20th century, there was still a body of Sulduz in this region among the Shah-seven [q.v.] of Sawa. Several women of the Cobanids had remarkable
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careers. Besides Baghdad Khatun, one may mention: (1) Satf Beg, widow of Coban, who was first the wife of the II Khan Arpa and in 739/1338-9 was herself placed on the throne by the grandson of her first husband, Hasan Kiicik. Finally, the latter married her to the new pretender Sulayman, who reigned 7404/1339-43. (2) Dilshad Khatun, daughter of Dimashk Khwadja, first of all married Abu Sacld (at the same time as her aunt Baghdad Khatun) and then Hasan Buzurg Djala'ir. (3) Malik clzzat, wife of Hasan Kiicik, whom she killed in an indescribable and atrociously cruel fashion. She was executed by her husband's relatives, who cut her into pieces which they then ate. In Mongolia in the time of Cingiz, the encampments of the Sulduz seem to have been not far from the river Onon. But in the time of Rashid al-Dln, the yurt of the Sulduz was near the forests inhabited by the forest-dwelling Uryangkit. The Chinese list of Mongol encampments published in 1867 (Meng-gu-yumu-tsi, Russ. tr. P. Popov, St. Petersburg 1895) no longer mentions the Sulduz. In Turkestan, the Sulduz, with their subdivisions (?) Nukuz and Tamadur, are mentioned among the troops of Shaybanf Khan [see SHAYBANIDS] at the beginning of the 10th/16th century. Later, the Sulduz rejoined Babur (Shaybdm-ndma, ed. Melioranski, St. Petersburg 1908, 137, 176; cf. the Scheibaniade of N. Vambery, Vienna 1885, 273, 350). According to A.Z.V. Togan, Ozbeg genealogies (shaajara) mention the Sulduz among the 92 Ozbeg clans; the people of the canton of Altin-kul in Farghana [q.v] were in the early 20th century Sulduz, and there must be some in KhTwa (Khwarazm) alongside of the Nukuz. Bibliography: Rashld al-Dln, ed. Berezin, in Trudi Vostoc. Otdel, esp. vii, St. Petersburg 1861, 224 ff. and indices to v, 1858, and xv, 1888; Ibn Battuta, i, 172, ii, 119-25, Eng. tr. Gibb, i, 109, ii,'33842; E.G. Browne, LHP, iii, 54, 170. See further the Bibl. to CUBANIDS. (V. MINORSKY*) SULDUZ, a small district of western Adharb a y d j a n in Persia, to the south-west of Lake Urmiya, on the lower course of the Gadir-cay, which here receives on its right bank the Bayzawa and Mamad-shah and flows into the Lake. To the west it is bordered by Ushnu, which lies on the upper course of the Gadir, from which it is separated by the Darband gorge through which the river runs; to the north it is bounded by the little district of Dol (cf. Dol-i Bank, in Sharaf alDln Khan Bidlfsf, Sharaf-ndma, St. Petersburg 1860-2, i, 288) belonging to Urmiya; to the south and the east by the cantons of Paswa and Shari-weran which go with Sawdj-Bulak [q.v.]. Sulduz is a fertile plain producing much wheat. It is often flooded by the waters of the Gadir, which near its mouth forms marshes and salt beds (kopi). On the south side, Sulduz is bordered by the heights of Firangf, at the foot of which are numerous springs impregnated with lime. The crest Bahramlu separating Sulduz from Shari-weran is also of limestone formation. We know that in 703/1303 the II Khanid Ghazan distributed the land in fiefs. It is possible that it was at this time that the name of the tribe (Sulduz, in Kurdish: Sundus) replaced the old name of the district now lost. According to the Sharaf-ndma, in the time of the Turkoman dynasties (about the 15th century), i.e. long after the Cobanis [see GUBANIDS] had disappeared, the Mukrf Kurds occupied the district, the old inhabitants of which were probably reduced to servitude. The same authority (i, 280) in a sentence now mutilated in the ms., and undated, says that Plr Budak of the
Kurd tribe of Baban (Babe) took Sulduz from the Kizilbash, which may refer to one of these sudden outbursts of fighting on the frontier in the time of the Safawids. In 1828 the Kadjar prince c Abbas Mfrza gave Sulduz as a fief to 800 families of the Kara-papakh [q.v.]. The newcomers were allowed to levy and collect the taxes (12,000 tumdns a year), and in return had to maintain 400 horsemen at the disposal of the government. At this period, there were in Sulduz 4-5,000 families of Kurds and Mukaddam Turks, but gradually the lands passed into the hands of new Shf'I masters. In the early 20th century there were 123 villages and small towns in Sulduz with 8,000 families. The chief settlement is Naghada (Nahada), with a thousand houses. This little town lies on the bank of the Bayzawa around an ancient artificial mound. Another important centre is Rahdana (Rah-dahna), where there is a good bridge over the Gadir, which provides communication between Urmiya and Sawdj-Bulak. The south-east corner of the district is occupied by the canton of Mamad-shah, the name of which is mentioned in the Sharaf-ndma (i, 290). The early 20thcentury inhabitants were Shamsaddlnlu Turks. With their chief Mas! Beg, they came into Persia and received from 'Abbas Mlrza 3 villages with 100 families of Kurd peasants (ra'iyyat). The Sunnf Kurds of the tribes of Mamash, Zarza and Mukrf numbered in the early 20th century 2,000 families, or a quarter of the total of the population. They entirely occupied 10 villages (Ghilwan, Wazna, etc.), and 11 others (Ciana, Naghada, Mammiand, etc.) they shared with the Kara-papakh. Sulduz, like Ushnu, is mentioned among the Nestorian bishoprics (Assemani, iv, 423; G. Hoffmann, Auszuge aus syrischen Akten, Leipzig 1880, 204: Saldus, Saldos), but in 1914 there were only 80 Christian families left in Naghada. The Jews were more numerous (120 families in Naghada) and were probably the oldest element in the present population of the district; virtually all have now emigrated to Israel. Under the Turkish occupation of 1908-12, the Shi'I Kara-papakh suffered considerably, as the Turks regarded them as Persian agents. The Turks, without success, however, tried to destroy the tribal organisation and to emancipate the ra'iyyats. During the First World War, the village of Haydarabad (on Lake Urmiya) became a Russian naval base, and a light railway was built through the district. Sulduz changed hands several times, but after the departure of the Russians and Turks it has since 1919 remained within Persia. Bibliography: Rawlinson, Notes on a journey from Tabriz, JRGS, x (1840), 13-14; Ritter, Erdkunde, ix/2, 602, 939; Minorsky, in Material! po izuc. vostoka, ii, Petrograd 1915, 453-7. (V. MINORSKY*) SULEYMAN (926-74/1520-66), the t e n t h and most illustrious of the Ottoman sultans. There is a tradition of western origin, still current, according to which he was really Suleyman II, but that tradition has been based on an erroneous assumption that Suleyman Celebi [q.v.] was to be recognised as a legitimate sultan; he was one of the sons of Bayezfd I, who established himself at Adrianople after his defeat at Ankara. He received the epithet Kdnuni "the lawgiver" at an unspecified date; this is first mentioned at the beginning of the 18th century in the work of the historian Dimitri Kantemir (see C. Kafadar, in Suleyman the Second and his time, 41), while he was known in the west as Suleyman the Magnificent, the Great Turk, or the Great Lord.
SULEYMAN Early years
He was born at Trebizond where his father, the future sultan Sellm I, had his residence as a sand^ak beg. Three different dates have been suggested for his birth: 6 November 1494; 27 April 1495; and April or May 1496 (see Mehmed Thiireyya, $idjill-i 'othmdm, i). One tradition, apparently going back to Jovius (see A. Fisher, in Suleyman the Second 9, n. 20), has it that his mother Hafsa, a Tatar, was the daughter of the Crimean khan Mengli Giray, or of a Turkish woman; a document relating to a mosque founded in her name at Manisa showing her to be a convert to Islam denies this legend (Q. Ulucay, Padi§ahlann kadinlan ve kizlan (1980) 27). His childhood was spent at Trebizond, where he was taught by a certain Khayr ul-Dln Efendi, who remained in his entourage and where, according to Ewliya Celebi, he learned how to be a goldsmith from a Greek master-craftsman. He first governed as prince (shehzdde) at Kefe [q.v.] (Caffa, Feodosiya) in the east of the Crimea. In 1513 Suleyman became sand^ak beg of Manisa, a post which he occupied until his actual accession in 1520. In the interim, however, there were two separate occasions when Sellm appealed for his help during his absences. In 1514-15, during the campaign in Persia, he ensured that the lieutenancy for his father was maintained in Istanbul; and in 151618 he was put in charge of the defence of Adrianople in the campaign against the Mamluks. He returned to Manisa on the premature death of his father (see Ulucay, in Kanuni armagam., who publishes the registers of the transactions of the shehzdde). His accession
Eight days later he had arrived in Istanbul, where his accession took place without any problems or unrest, for there were no brothers who were likely to dispute the claims of Suleyman to the throne. His reign began on 17 Shawwal 926/15 September 1520 and was the longest in Ottoman history. It coincided with the zenith of empire, when power and prestige were at its height. Observers of Ottoman decline were in retrospect to see this as a golden age and an absolute reference point, which justifies considering it as a unit (cf. e.g. the 'addlet-ndme of 1595 in Inalcik, Addletndmeler, in Belgeler, ii/3-4, 104-5). Nevertheless, there is an opinion that the period of his reign could be subdivided into two which is very old (Koci Beg, for example, thought that the threat of Ottoman decline could be traced from the end of his great reign). At the beginning, the new sovereign was scarcely known and he was overshadowed by the overwhelming power of his awesome father, but he was seen as a just and peace-loving young man (cf. for example the Venetian forecast in Sanudo, Diarii, 29, Venice 1890, col. 357). His first actions, even though they were always symbolic, clearly pointed in this direction. At the same time, the energy and pugnacity of the new master were glaringly apparent to the world. The beglerbeg of Syria and Palestine, Djanbardf al-Ghazalf, a former Mamluk chief, thought that the time had come to start a rebellion, but he was quickly subdued by a punitive force. Above all, there began an impressive series of "imperial campaigns" (seferi-i humdyun] from the spring of 1521 onwards, ten in Europe and three in Asia, in which the sovereign participated in person. Military campaigns 1521-36 Momentarily forsaking the Persian scene in which his father had been involved, he turned to the West to seek his primary objectives, this time not only with
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an eye to their strategic value but once again also for their symbolic significance. Taking as a pretext the ill treatment inflicted on his emissary Behram Cawush, Suleyman forced the surrender of Belgrade on 29 August 1521 after his armies had taken Sabacz and Semlin and had ravaged the countryside between the Save and the Drave. He was then able to go on and seize the "key to Hungary" and to succeed where his great-grandfather Mehemmed II "The Conqueror" had failed in 1456. His next target was the island of Rhodes, which was a fearsome stronghold held by the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem and a base for regular piracy in the Eastern Mediterranean [see RODOS]. Suleyman launched a fleet of some 235 vessels against Rhodes and mobilised about 200,000 men. The siege went on into the winter and the fleet took shelter in the Sea of Marmara. The Knights capitulated on 21 December 1522, but only after five months of ordeal. The Conqueror kept his promise which he had made to them, that they could leave the island in freedom, and this contributed to his reputation for reliability. After these two great feats, there followed a period of military inaction on the part of the sultan, and then he decided to embark on a new campaign, against Louis of Hungary, to whom a second emissary had been sent in 1524 but in vain. Suleyman and his Grand Vizier Ibrahim Pasha [q.v.] set out on a march in April 1526, but because of the severity of the weather the army was only able to reach Belgrade in July. In the end, the Hungarian heavy cavalry was hewn to pieces by the fire of the Ottoman artillery, and Suleyman pursued them as far as Buda, which he entered on 11 September, without having met any opposition. He occupied the Hungarian capital only for about ten days and then hastened to return to his own capital, constrained by news learned in the course of his retreat of the serious Turkoman revolts which had broken out in Cilicia and in Karaman; these were not crushed until the summer of 1528. After his dazzling successes of 1526, Suleyman contented himself with annexing the two counties of the region south of the Danube, Szerem and Valko, as well as with the rich booty he had gathered from Buda. The Voivode of Transylvania, Janos Szapolyai or John Zapolaya (1487-1540), took advantage of the fact the Ottomans had abandoned the centre of the kingdom and had himself elected as king by an assembly of nobles at Szekesfehervar (11 November 1526). But the brother of Charles V, Ferdinand of Habsburg, Archduke of Austria, soon to become king of Bohemia in February 1528, was also being enthroned (by a more limited assembly, the Diet in Bratislava, 17 December 1526). Suleyman was obliged to choose between these two rivals, each of whom sent him ambassadors. On the advice of Ibrahim and his favourite Alois Gritti, the natural son of the Doge, he quite logically opted for Szapolyai; he made him his vassal in February 1528 after negotiations in Istanbul with Hieronymus Laski, the palatin of Sieradz (December 1527-February 1528). But Ferdinand did not disarm, and his troops took possession of Buda. Therefore, despite the immense difficulties involved in these enterprises because of the distance and the problems of administration, a third Hungarian campaign was forced upon Suleyman. The sultan left his capital on 10 May but did not reach Belgrade until 17 July. On 18 August, when again passing through Mohacs, a place now symbolic to him, he gave an audience to Janos Szapolyai, who
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did homage to him, and Siileyman confirmed him as king of Hungary. He retook Buda without any difficulty and then made for Vienna, which he did not reach until 27 September. Then there began the famous siege, which was to be lifted on 14 October after four vain attempts to attack before the rapid arrival of winter. The Ottoman failure was obviously linked to problems of climate and insurmountable logistics, but it was deliberately masked by Ottoman propaganda. Siileyman confirmed his support of Szapolyai, to whom he restored the crown of St. Stephen. This allowed him in 1538 to have an inscription engraved in the citadel of Bender: "I am the Sultan who seized the crown and the throne of Hungary and restored them to a humble slave" (M. Guboglu, Paleografia §i diplomatica turco-osmana, Bucharest 1958, 167, facs. no. 7; idem, L'inscription turque de Bender relative a ^expedition de Soliman le Magnifique en Moldavie (1538/945), in Stadia et Acta Orientalia, i [Bucharest 1958], 175-87). During this period, rivalry with the Habsburgs reached its height, Hungary being only one of the stakes of a profound antagonism which placed the Ottomans against the Habsburgs. Charles V, who had been elected as head of the Holy Roman Germanic Empire from 1519, had himself crowned by Pope Clement VII at Bologna in 1530; Ferdinand, who had been elected King of the Romans by the diet of Cologne in January 1531, subsequently had himself crowned as such at Aachen in January 1532. Suleyman was master of the world, unique by nature, hence his refusal to acknowledge that the Habsburgs had any imperial title. Charles V was for him only "the king of Spain" (Ispanya kirali) and Ferdinand only "the king of Vienna" (Bee kirali) or "king of the Czechs" (Ceh kirali). Charles V, even more than Ferdinand, was to be the principal target of the fourth campaign of Suleyman in Europe, termed the "German campaign against the King of Spain" (Chr. Turetschek, Die Turkenpolitik Ferdinands I. von 1529 bis 1532, [Vienna 1968]). The triumphal arches, the exceptional pomp flaunted by the sovereign, the unusual tiara crafted at that time by a consortium of the Venetian goldsmiths, all served one purpose of clearly intimating to Christendom the claims of the Ottomans (O. Kurz, A gold helmet made in Venice for Sultan Sulayman the Magnificent, in Gazette des beaux-arts, Ixxiv [1969] 249-58; for the interpretation of this object, see G. NecipogluKafadar, Suleyman the Magnificent and the representation of power in the context of the Ottoman-Hapsburg-Papal rivalry in The Art Bulletin, Ixxi [1989]). From a military point of view, the campaign was less brilliant, and was principally outstanding because of the laborious siege of the little town of Guns (Koseg) and the devastating raids into Styria, at the heart of the patrimonial possessions of the Habsburgs, and in Slavonia (Tdnkh-i sefer-i-^dfer-i Alaman, Istanbul, Siileymaniye, Kadi-zade Mehmed kiit., no. 557; Feridun Beg, i, 577 ff.; von Hammer, v, 158-75). However, the threat was sufficiently impressive to drive the Habsburgs to seek a truce. Suleyman granted this to them in July 1533 on the basis of the status quo in the dividing up of Hungary between Ferdinand and Szapolyai, who were both to become tributaries of the Sultan. Until then, Suleyman had appeared more pragmatic than his father with regard to the Safawids of Shicl Persia, who exerted their religious influence on the Turkoman kizilbash of Anatolia. It is true that the death of Shah Isma'Il in 1524 had brought with it the long-standing minority of his successor Shah
Tahmasp, thus weakening the Safawid state. Since his accession, Suleyman had put an end to the commercial blockade against Persia and was content to address warnings (tehdid-name) to the young Tahmasp to renounce his Shl'ism. However, the schemings of provincial governors on both sides were to give him the excuse to intervene. The first of these was in 1528 and concerned the offer to surrender of a Safawid governor, Dhu '1-Fikar Beg, who had seized Baghdad and had refused to acknowledge the authority of the Shah. He was executed shortly afterwards, but he provided a pretext for Ottoman claims to Baghdad. Then_ in 1530-1 it was the turn of the Safawid governor of Adharbaydjan, Olame Takalu, to come and offer his services to Istanbul, where he began by obtaining the disgrace of his personal enemy, Sheref Beg, the amir of Bitlis. The latter left to seek the aid of the Shah, who unwisely took his part and thus triggered the Ottoman reprisal. Fatwas were issued which obliged the sultan to restore the shan'a and to root out heresy (rafd u ilhdd). At the end of 1533, Ibrahim Pasha, once again appointed ser'asker, was despatched at the head of a great army to recover Bitlis, which had reverted to the Ottomans before his intervention, and to prepare to take Baghdad and Arab 'Irak. In the following spring, he embarked on the conquest of Persia and reached Tabriz in mid-July. Shah Tahmasp had abandoned it to him, having resolved never to enter into combat with the Ottoman army. The sultan had left Istanbul with a reinforcement army in June 1554 and rejoined Ibrahim in Tabriz on the 28th of the following September, after a journey through Erzindjan, Erzurum and the southern fringes of Lake Van. The Ottoman army then headed for 'Irak. The sultan entered Baghdad on 30 November without meeting any opposition. In the winter which followed, he devoted himself to organising new conquests and marked his conquest of Baghdad with several acts of religious significance, including pilgrimages to Nadjaf and Karbala, the building of a dome over the remains of the great lawyer Abu Hanlfa and the restoration of the tomb of the founder of the Kadiriyya, Shaykh 'Abd al-Kadir al-Djllanl. But on learning that the Persians were threatening to take Van, Suleyman brought his stay in Baghdad to an end to go to Tabriz in pursuit of the Shah. But when, after a laborious journey across the Zagros, the sultan again reached the capital of Adharbaydjan, Tahmasp, true to his tactics of avoidance, had already abandoned it. In August, Suleyman gave the order to return to Istanbul, which he did not reach until the beginning of 1536. From this campaign, known as that of the "Two clraks", the empire retrieved Baghdad and the regions of Erzurum and Van, which would remain the long-term bastions of the eastern frontier. Two months after the end of the campaign, in the night of 14-15 March 1536 Ibrahim Pasha was strangled in a bedroom of the Topkapi palace. This is how that brilliant protagonist, a product of the dewshirme [q.v.], the friend from his youth of a master who had raised him to the position of Grand Vizier and had supported him there for thirteen years as a mark of his continuing favour, left the stage. The elevated position enjoyed by Ibrahim was clearly far superior to that of any of the Grand Viziers before or after him, and was marked by his use in foreign correspondence of unprecedented titles such as ka'imakam-i saltandt, sereasker-i sdmi mertebet, and above all sercaskersultdn, used during the campaign of the "Two clraks".
SULEYMAN The question arises as to whether he took advantage of the weakness of the sultan or whether they had come to an agreement over the division of roles. The end of Ibrahim at least attested the wish of Siileyman to put a stop to that experience, even if the immediate causes of the event must remain conjectural. The military campaigns of 1537-55 It was this turning point in his reign that brought to a close the period of his most spectacular conquests, but it in no way ended the military activity of Siileyman. On the contrary, in the remaining thirty years of his life he was to lead seven more campaigns. During the course of these operations, the fleet which had already been put to the test at Rhodes became increasingly important. However, the sultan understood that it needed to be reinforced in order to be able to withstand the maritime threat of his adversaries, in particular, of the Habsburgs, in the Mediterranean. The latter had had at their disposal since 1528 the assistance of an admiral of the first order, the Genoese Andrea Doria. This was the reason for the eager welcome given by the sultan to offers of service by privateers, the most important of whom was Khayr ul-Dln Barbarossa [q.v.], the holder of power in Algiers, who was not only a mariner but an organiser on a large scale, and he made him his kapudan pasha in 1533. This was also the period when the two parties concerned tried to bring about a diplomatic revolution for the age; the alliance between the Most Christian King Francis I and the Ottoman ruler. After the plea for help from the Frenchman, who was defeated and made captive at Pavia (1525), the Ottoman realised the advantage of holding a pawn on the chessboard of Christian Europe. This alliance of the two principal enemies of the Habsburgs was given new impetus at sea through Barbarossa, once he had become kapudan pasha, and this gave an increased opportunity of producing actual military results. The instructions given to the French ambassador Jean de la Foret did not only include the pursuit of commercial and judicial guarantees but also comprised plans of joint action against Charles V: Francis I was to penetrate into Lombardy, while Siileyman would attack the kingdom of Naples by land and sea from a base in Albania, with the French fleet envisaged as joining up with that of Barbarossa. But things did not proceed as expected. Francis I did not attack Milan. His fleet was very much delayed and did not reach Avlonya until 10 September. Siileyman, for his part, gave up his attack on Naples, and because his relations with Venice had deteriorated, on 26 August he arrived at last at Corfu in order to mount a siege against this possession of the Most Serene Republic. He lifted it when the French fleet eventually arrived, for it was growing late in the season. Though Corfu was saved, Barbarossa went on to seize the greater part of the Aegean islands which were still in the possession of the Venetian patricians. Apart from this, on 28 September 1538 he achieved the greatest Ottoman naval success at Preveze [q.v.] in the Gulf of Arta, where he put to flight the joint naval forces of Spain and Venice led by Andrea Doria. Venice was driven to making concessions. The cahdndme in the form of a nishdn which was issued by the sultan on 2 October 1540, was to establish peace between the two powers until the Ottoman conquest of Cyprus. The sultan acquired Nauplia and Monemvasia in the Peloponese, Vrana and Nadin on the Bosnian frontier as well as numerous Aegean islands (such as Naxos, Paros, Santorino and Andros). There
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was control of access by Venetian ships to Ottoman ports, and guarantees necessary for the smooth running of commerce between the two states were formulated. In the same summer of 1538, Siileyman intervened on his own account on the Lower Danube, where he went to quell a vassal, the Voivode of Moldavia, Petru Rare§, who was suspected of intrigues with Vienna and whose designs on Pokucia (the region of Kolomiyya and Snyatyn) risked impairing the alliance between the sultan and Poland. From 15 to 22 September 1538, Siileyman occupied Suceava, nominated a new Voivode and withdrew from Moldavia, but not without annexing the south-east of the country, the region between the Prut and the Dniestr (Budjak [q.v.]) along with the fortress of Bender (Rum. Tighina). Thus he completed the Ottoman military system north of the Black Sea and secured land links with another vassal, the khan of the Crimea. In the years which followed, the attention of Siileyman was redirected to Hungary where the situation remained ambiguous and unstable. His tributary Janos Szapolyai remained under the thumb of Ferdinand of Habsburg, who had in February 1538 imposed on him the secret treaty of Varad (Oradea), by which both protagonists kept their title of King of Hungary and their respective possessions in the country; but Szapolyai was committed to transferring his rights to Ferdinand after his death. Now a late marriage to Isabella, one of the daughters of Sigismund of Poland, produced a son who was born several days after his own death in July 1540. His chief advisor, Georges Martinuzzi-Utiesenovic, the bishop of Varad, had the infant proclaimed king at Buda and asked the sultan to recognise "the son of King John", the one whom 4he—Otteman$~weTe to call "Istefan". Meanwhile, Ferdinand rallied to his cause most of the Hungarian lords and laid siege to Buda from May 1541 onwards. Siileyman ^reoccupied Buda at the end of July. He finally decided on the transformation of the central part of the kingdom into an Ottoman province (the beglerbegilik of Budun) and allocated to Istefan, whose guardian was to be "brother George", "the land of Transylvania", which meant in reality not only the actual voivodate of Transylvania but also all the eastern region of the ancient former kingdom of Hungary, with the northern and western parts of the country remaining to Ferdinand. For the Banat of Temesvar, the sultan recognised more especially the authority of Petro Petrovics, a Serb by birth who was related to Szapolyai, on whom he conferred a sand^ak by investiture. From 1543 onwards, Transylvania paid him a tribute of 10,000 pieces of gold which then increased to 15,000. In the summer of 1543, Siileyman set out again for Hungary, having prepared his campaign particularly carefully and having provided on an unprecedented scale for its provisioning and logistics. Numerous places were conquered (Valpo, Sziklos, Pecs, and especially important, Esztergom and Szekesfehervar), but it took more than that to knock Ferdinand out of the game. The Ottoman policy of attrition continued during the following summer, this time led by the beg of the frontiers. The projected campaign for the summer of 1545 was nevertheless abandoned in view of the progress of negotiations with Ferdinand, on whom it also managed to apply pressure. The successful outcome of these negotiations led to successive truces, and a five-year peace treaty was concluded in June 1547. While this peace treaty confirmed the territorial status quo, it also instituted the payment of
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a tribute to the Sublime Porte of thirty thousand ducats per year by the Archduke. From this time onwards, Suleyman had his hands free for affairs on the Persian frontier where, since 1536, tension had been limited to sporadic border incidents. A pretext for intervention was provided for him by the flight of Elkas Mirza, the brother of Shah Tahmasp and governor of Shirwan, who came to Istanbul to seek the sultan's help (cf. IA art. Elkas Mirza; J.R. Walsh, The revolt ofAlqas Mirza, in W^KM, Ixviii [1976], 61-78). In the spring of 1548 the sultan, who had not been on campaign for five years, once again set off for Persia, and on his way through Anatolia met his sons the shehzddes in their respective spheres of provincial government. He got as far as Tabriz without meeting any resistance, as the Shah had, according to his usual preference, declined battle and, in the hope of eluding him, had withdrawn into the steppelands and deserts. Suleyman then left in the direction of Van, which he besieged. Van had been conquered in 1534 but retaken by the Persians the following year. On 25 August, after a brief resistance, Van fell [see WAN]. The sultan fortified the citadel and, leaving a strong garrison there, departed in the direction of Diyarbekir and Aleppo, where he spent the winter. A campaign against the Georgians of Akhaltzikhe, who had conducted a raid in the frontier zones, led to a reinforcement of Ottoman control of the Tortum region. As for Elkas Mfrza, he did not succeed in launching the expected uprising in Persia, but fell into the hands of Shah Tahmasp, whose overthrow then ceased to be the priority of the day. Suleyman set out again for Istanbul, which he reached on 21 December 1549 (for information of this campaign, see J. Chesneau, Le voyage de Monsieur d'Aramon, ambassadeur pour le Roy en Levant, ed. Ch. Schefer, Paris 1887). In the following years, Shah Tahmasp emerged again. Safawid horsemen set out to raid and plunder in 1551, and the troops of the beglerbeg of Erzurum, Iskender Pasha, suffered reverses. A new Persian campaign was then planned but the Grand Vizier, Riistem Pasha [q.v], who had received the title of serddr, was put in charge; Suleyman declined to take part. His refusal strengthened the opinion in the army that the age of the sultan meant that he was no longer able to play the role of military commander-in-chief which the soldiers under him expected of him. A rumour then emerged that his son Mustafa intended to take over from his father. Faced with this danger, Suleyman changed his plans and set out for Anatolia at the end of August 1553, entrusting to his son Bayezld the defence of the European frontiers, with the office of muhqfiz of Edirne, which he himself had held in the past. On the way, he was joined by the princes SelFm and Mustafa with their respective troops. On 6 October, near Eregli in Karaman, after the ceremony of kissing hands, Suleyman had his son Mustafa executed as a presumed rebel (Y.T. Unal, §ehzade Mustafa'mn Ereglide idam edilmesi, in Ami xxviii [1961], 9-22; Ulucay in IA, art. Mustafa Sultan) and dismissed the Grand Vizier Riistem Pasha. Then he set off again to spend the winter in Aleppo. He did not start travelling again until April 1554, which was the real beginning of what was to become the campaign of Nakhcevan [q.v.]. He reached Kars by way of Diyarbekir and Erzurum, then went into Nakhcevan on 28 July. Being unable to make contact with the Shah, the sultan ravaged the frontier zones of Persia and Karabagh [q.v.]. Once he had reached
this goal he withdrew, and then contacts with Shah Tahmasp ended in a truce concluded in September. The sultan arrived at Amasya on 30 October and spent the winter there, and there he received a delegation from the Shah, with whom he concluded the so-called peace of Amasya in May 1555, which formalised the official status quo of the territories of the two empires: the Ottomans kept clrak, a good part of Kurdistan and Eastern Armenia, but gave up Tabriz, Erivan and Nakhcevan. This period of participation in person in military operations and a phase in his reign both came to an end in the 1550s. Other military operations
After the victory at Preveza and the end of the war with Venice, in August-September 1543, Barbarossa, acting within the framework of the Franco-Ottoman alliance, laid siege to Nice, a possession of Savoy; he then went on to spend the following winter with his fleet as the guest of the King of France in the port of Toulon. Later, other corsairs were to play an active role in the naval operations commissioned by the sultan, as for example the capture of Tripoli in 1551 which was carried out by Murad Agha and Torghud Re'Ts [q.v] (Dragut; see St. Yerasimos in Soliman le Magnifique et son temps, 529-47). In 1560 the sultan had his last great naval success, when Piyale Pasha [q.v.], then kapudan pasha, put to flight the troops of Philip II, king of Spain, from the island of Djerba. By contrast, the massive siege of Malta in 1565 ended in failure. But in the following year, Piyale Pasha again seized the island of Chios, which was the last Genoese possession in the archipelago (§. Turan, in Kanuni armagam, 79-109). Other naval activities were mounted on the Eastern front in order to counter the attempts of the Portugese to capture the former maritime trade routes of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf for the benefit of their route through the Indian Ocean. In 1538 the beglerbeg of Egypt, Khadim Suleyman Pasha [q.v.], who had previously been commissioned to build a fleet at Suez, launched the so-called campaign against Diu in Gudjarat with 72 ships. Firstly he seized Aden and then, in cooperation with the forces of Gudjarat, was engaged in the Indian Ocean in 1535-6 in laying siege to the fortress built by the Portugese at Diu. He abandoned his efforts in the following November to return to Egypt; he reorganised on his way the province of Yemen around Aden and Zabid (H. Melzig, Hadim Suleyman Pa§amn Hind seferi, Istanbul 1943; S. Ozbaran, Osmanh imparatolugu ve Hindistan yolu, in Tarih Dergisi, xxxi [1978], 98-104). In 1552, a second offensive led by Pin Re'ls [q.v] was carried out against the Portugese. He left Suez with 25 galleys and 4 galleons, with 850 soldiers on board, and pillaged Muscat on his way; he then laid siege to Ormuz, which had been occupied by the Portugese since 1515. Pfri Re'fs did not succeed in capturing the island, and even failed to bring back his galleys, and this led to his execution (G. Orhonlu, Hint kaptanligi ve Pin Re'is, in Belletin, xxxiv, 134 [1970], 235-54). In 1554 Sldl cAlf Re'Ts left Basra and was involved in the only serious confrontation between the Portugese and the Ottomans. He lost several ships there before suffering a terrible storm on the coast of Makran. He finally gained refuge in Surat [q.v], when the remainder of his fleet dispersed (Seydl cAlf ReTs, Mir3at ulmemdlik, Istanbul 1313/1895). It is clear that, in sum, Suleyman succeeded in preventing the complete annihilation of trade in the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf but failed to dislodge the Portugese from the Sea of Oman and the north-western shores of India.
SULEYMAN The man and the ruler This more or less favourable view which has been taken of the war leader should not obscure the aspect of the man and the statesman which has been of more interest to recent historiographers. By general opinion, Suleyman demonstrated the physical majesty commensurate with his rank. Commentators are equally agreed on his private virtues: frugality, temperance, modesty, loyalty, generosity, faithfulness to his word, piety and even a tendency to mysticism which had been encouraged from the time of his youth at Manisa by the influence of the Khalwetl (Siinbiill) sheykh Merkez Efendi, whom he invited to take part in the Corfu campaign (N. Clayer, Mystiques, Etat et societe. Les Halvetis dans Vain balkanique de la fin du XVe siecle a nos jours, Leiden 1994, 119-20). Then, subsequently deriving confidence from his first victories, he experienced a firmly-rooted faith in his privileged support by God (te3yid-i ildhi}. It has even been shown that, in the first years of his reign, he was the focus of current thought concerning the generalised Messianic hopes of that time, appearing to some people as the sdhib-kirdn [q.v.]. This Messianic excitement of the first years of his reign co-existed with an extraordinary taste for splendour, and this certainly went hand-inhand with an acute sensitivity to propaganda. Conversely, he also established an eclectic aestheticism, which probably developed from the booty acquired in the West as well as from the humanist, Renaissance tastes of his vizier Ibrahim Pasha, tastes far removed from the strict principles of Islam. However, things changed greatly, later on, once Ibrahim Pasha was removed from power and the mood of the sultan darkened with age. His religious feelings began to turn to a strict austerity which bordered on puritanism, which naturally ran counter to the passions of his youth. Even the most favourable opinions on the grandeur of the sovereign are not without reserve. Did not the unprecedented influence exerted on him by succeeding relatives show evidence of a certain lack of character? Nevertheless, an ability deliberately to delegate authority may also be observed, the very quality which his father had lacked. This goes equally well for the viziership of Ibrahim, and for the two long vizierships of Riistem Pasha in 1544-53 and in 1556-61, who was accused of avarice and corruption (T. Gokbilgin, Riistem Pa§a ve hahkindah ithamlar, in Tarih Dergisi, viii, 11/12 [1956], 11-50), but who also stimulated remarkable progress in the domain of public finance and commerce. Other aspects concerning his private life are more difficult to justify. He was deplorably given over to outside influences, particularly those of the harem. A first concubine of Siileyman, Gulbahar, is known. But it was another woman who held the centre position in the affections of the sultan; she was a slave of Ruthenian descent known in the West by the name of Roxelana and figuring in Ottoman sources under the appellation of Khiirrem Sultan, Khurrem-Shah Khatun or Khasseki Khiirrem Sultan. She became the legal spouse of Siileyman in 1534 [see KHURREM]. There are records of eight sons born to Suleyman: three died at an early age; another, Djihanglr, the son of Khiirrem, was an invalid and though dearly loved, died in 1553. The other four sons held provincial governorships and were eligible to succeed their father: Mustafa was the only one who was not a son of Khiirrem. Mehemmed was removed from the competition by his premature death in October 1543, and he was commemorated by the Shehzade mosque in Istanbul; then there remained Sellm (II) and Bayezld.
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The style of the sovereign was very different from that of his father Sellm "the Cruel", or of his greatgrandfather Mehemmed "the Conqueror". His own style was that of a universal monarch devoted to realising the ideal of the tradition of the "mirrors of princes". Order and justice were founded on the law which, in the Ottoman state, had two sources, the shen'a, the canonical law of Islam, and the kdnun, the secular law emitted by the sultan. Suleyman was therefore to remain in Ottoman Turkish tradition as the Kdnuni, the one who at one and the same time formulated laws and supervised their application. In fact, the creation of a code of general law for the empire was attributed to him. It is preserved in several manuscripts copied during his reign or afterwards. Nevertheless, it has been demonstrated that most of the provisions included in it in reality went back to the code of laws of Mehemmed II (H. Inalcik, Suleyman the lawgiver, 117-36). The legislative works of the Kdnuni were therefore marked not so much by their originality but more by the effort exerted in compilation, systematisation, adaptation and diffusion. The kingpin in this enterprise was the nishdna^i Djelalza.de Mustafa, the so-called "great" nishdndfi, the celebrated chancellor of Suleyman. Inasmuch as the Ottoman kdnun was given a new slant under Suleyman, it moved towards the reinforcement of centralisation. This implied for the sultan an increased hold on the land and on the recdyd there which could not be used without his express mandate. The acquisition of land was made possible in a limited way by large-scale, meticulous campaigns for registration on the ground, from which resulted the registration collections (tahnr defteri) which made the reign of Suleyman the Golden Age for Ottoman land registration in pre-modern times. The general land registrations of the sand^ak of Anatolia and of Rumeli in 1528, or of Eastern Anatolia in 1540, of Hungary in 1545-6, of Syria and Palestine in 1525-6 and 1538, were all launched in this way (for the list of the documents of land-registry, tapu ve tahrir defteri, kept in the archives of the presidency of the council in Istanbul, see Ba§bakanhk Osmanh ar§ivi rehberi, Ankara 1992, 190-221). Such centralisation required the affirmation of the authority of the sultan over all his agents, as opposed to their being involved in the habitual process of forming private clienteles (M.T. Gokbilgin, Kanuni Sultan Siileymanin timar ve zeamet tevcihi ile ilgili fermanlan, in Istanbul Universitesi Edebiyat Fakultesi Tarih Dergisi, xvii [1967], 35-48, and Topkapi Saray Kiitiibhanesi, KK 888, fols. 338b, 357a, 366b, 393a). Conquests or new registrations gave him the opportunity to draw up codes of the provincial laws of Hungary, Syria and Egypt (the Grand Vizier Ibrahim Pasha, the defterddr Iskender Celebi and Djelalzade Mustafa all participated in these), and also of Diyarbakir and of Erzurum. The effort of codification and diffusion of the kdnun was coupled with the unprecedented exaltation of the sheri'a, and more generally, of the Sunni Muslim characteristics of the state, while only according a limited and marginalised position to the title of caliph in Suleyman's rhetoric. Suleyman clearly played his role of "servant of the two holy sanctuaries" (khddim al-haramayn al-shanfayn] to the full by his pious bequests to Mecca and Medina and the care which he took to protect the Pilgrimage. On a wider front, by his titles and by his monumental inscriptions he proclaimed his pre-eminence over all the sovereigns in the world, and at the same time his supremacy within the bosom of Islam associated with the evidence of divine predilection which
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had singled him out. In fact, this primacy in the Muslim world also laid on him the obligation of coming to the aid of less important Muslim sovereigns. Another reason which could equally explain the insistence of Suleyman on Muslim orthodoxy in his empire was the rivalry inherited from his father with the Safawids of Persia and the threat of political and religious subversion inherent in their influence on the kizllbash Tiirkmens of Anatolia. This threat was evident in the great political and religious revolts of the first years of the reign of Suleyman: the revolt of Baba Dhu '1-Nun in 1526, and the revolt of Shah Kalender in 1527 (H. Sohrweide, Der Sieg der Sqfaviden in Persien und seine Riickwirkungen auf die Schiiten Anatoliens im 16. Jahrhundert, in Isl. xli [1965]; A. Allouche, The origins and development of the Ottoman-Sqfavid conflict 906962/1500-1555, Berlin 1983). The right-hand man of the sultan during this trend in increasing the Sunnf nature of the state was Ebu c Su ud Efendi, the mufti of Istanbul from 1545 to 1574 (see ABU 'L-SUCUD, and R.C. Repp, The mufti of Istanbul, Oxford 1986, 272-96). The application of the sheri'a in its Hanafi form (notably according to the treatise of Ibrahim al-Halabi, the Multakd, Istanbul 1309; cf. §.S. Has, The use of the Multaqa 3l-Abhur in the Ottoman madrasas and in legal scholarship, in Osmanh Ara§tirmalan, vii-viii [1988], 393-418) was stipulated for the kadi and, as it were, regulated by the writings of the mufti himself, his fetwds and his ma'rudat (ME. Diizdag, §eyhiilislam Ebusuud Efendi fetvalan, Istanbul 1972; P. Horster, ^jir Anwendung des islamischen Rechts im 16. Jahrhundert, Stuttgart 1935), but the cleavage between the kanun and the sheri'a, on that point perceptible in several areas such as landed property, fiscal and penal matters, was reduced or blurred by the task of justifying and reformulating the kanun according to the sheri'a. The sultan supervised the formation and the orthodoxy of the culamd by the institution of numerous medreses. Besides this, in a decisive way he reinforced the tendency which had already arisen during the preceding reigns to make the 'ilmiyye into a structural hierarchical body dependent on the state (I.H. Uzuncars,ili, Osmanh devletinin ilmiye te§kilati, Ankara 1994; R.C. Repp, op. cit., 27-72; H. Inalcik, The Ruznamce registers of the Kadiasker of Rumeli as preserved in the Istanbul Mufiuluk, in Turcica xx [1988] 251-75). But Ebu Su'ud (and through him the office of the mufti of Istanbul, which in that period was more often referred to by the tide of mufti el-endm than by that of sheykh ul-isldm, which was imposed later) was put at the head of the order of clerics which was being formed (M. Zilfi, Sultan Siileymdn and the Ottoman religious establishment, in Suleyman the Second, 112 ff.). There are still more dimensions to the politics of the increasing of the Sunn! nature of the state. A firman in 944/1537-8 arranged for the building of a mosque in every village (Ma'm^dt, in Milli Tettebu'ler Mea^imu'asi, ii, 338), while a policy of religious persecution was being conducted on a grand scale. But this in no way affected Christians or Jews who were conversely protected by their status as dhimmis, which was completely respected; rather, it concerned all forms of heresy or clissidence within Islam. Persecution took very different forms; as, for example, a lawsuit where dissidents were examined by the highest culamd, if necessary in the presence of the sultan, like those who brought an action against Molla Kabid [q.v.] (1527), or various sheykhs of the Melamf-Bayramf tdrika or of the gulsheni branch of the Khalwetis (A.Y. Ocak, Les reactions socio-religieuses contre I'ideologie ottomane et la ques-
tion de zendeqa ve ilhdd (heresie et atheisme] au XVIe suck, in Turcica, xxi-xxiii [1991], 71-82; idem, Ideologie officielle et reaction populaire: un aperfu general sur les mouvements et les courants socio-religieux a I'epoque de Soliman le Magnifique, in Soliman le Magnifique et son temps, 185-92). "The Magnificent" Contemporary Christian observers who were more aware of the conquests of the Great Turk, of his personality and above all, of the matchless splendour of his court, accorded him the epithet "the Magnificent". Before the morose austerity of his old age, Suleyman was indeed an incredible patron, by encouraging expert craftsmanship through the group which he supported in his Topkapi palace, or by giving external commissions to craftsmen in the capital, the provincial centres (Bursa, Iznik) or abroad (Venice, Brussels). This expertise encompassed skills concerning books (calligraphy, book-binding, illuminations, miniatures) as well as metal-working, wood carving, textiles, ceramics, sculpture in stone, and skills in setting precious stones. As a collector, he assembled in his palace Chinese porcelain from the Yuan dynasty and the beginning of the Ming dynasty as well as works of art picked up as booty during his conquests. He himself was a poet in the manner of his father Selfm and his greatuncle prince Djem [q.v.], and composed a diwdn in Ottoman Turkish with some pieces in Persian under the pseudonym of Muhibbr "he who loves with affection" (von Hammer, vi, 248). His work was dominated by the figure of his beloved, the khdsseki Khurrem, and many of his verses became popular. However, it was in the realm of architecture where the sultan exercised his greatest, most spectacular and most constant patronage, since, even after he had abandoned the other arts, he continued building, with the closest possible scrutiny of operations, in a way which characterised classical Ottoman architecture. He commissioned in his own name or for his family a great number of buildings for manifold purposes; religious, charitable, utilitarian and military buildings were constructed both in Istanbul and in the rest of his empire. However, it was the capital, the historic cities of Islam and the eastern provinces that were more favoured by his patronage than European places (see the attempt at an inventory, though far from being exhaustive, made of buildings commissioned by the sultan in his own name and in that of his family by A. Kuran in Soliman le Magnifique et son temps, 217-25). Most of these constructions were the work of Micmar Sinan [q.v.] (mi'mdr bashi] from 1539 to 1588). The most grandiose of the buildings of Suleyman, the complex of the Siileymaniyye mosque and its subsidiary buildings, were constructed between 1550 and 1558; they cost 897,350 gold florins, which amounted to one-tenth of the budget for the empire in 1527-8. The campaign of Szigetvdr The old sultan sprang one last surprise on the world in the circumstances surrounding his disappearance. His health had begun seriously to deteriorate from the end of the 1540s onwards, and during this time, periodic announcements were given out that he had died. But he was in no way daunted, and after more than ten years of military activity, he embarked on a new campaign in Hungary, driven, it would seem, by his last Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha [q.v], who wanted to obliterate from memory the badly-failed siege of Malta in 1565; also, he wanted to react spectacularly to the encroachments attempted by the new emperor Maximilian II. Suleyman was in pain, was irritable and in the worst of physical conditions, but nevertheless he per-
SULEYMAN sonally led the campaign of Szigetvar. On the way, he received his now adult protege John Sigismund Szapolyai "the son of King John" with great pomp and circumstance. But on the night of the 20-1 Safer 974/6 September 1566, in his tent under the walls of the fortress of Szitgetvar, which was being defended by Miklos Zrinyie, he breathed his last. He had begun the siege of this fortress on 5 August, and on the day after his death it fell. It seems that the remains of the sultan were eviscerated and were provisionally buried in secret under his tent. There then followed what could be called the posthumous life of the sultan, which was organised with remarkable composure and authority by the Grand Vizier Sokollu, who was assisted by some very reliable followers (Selanikl, ed. Ip§irli, 35-53). After the disagreement which took place in Belgrade between Selfm and the Janissaries, Sokollu protected the body of Suleyman from any further anger of the mutineers by hastily despatching it to Istanbul, in the custody of the advance guard of the army accompanied by the vizier Ahmed Pasha, by the governor of Egypt, £ Alf Pasha, by the former mirdkhur Ferhad Agha, by Nur ul-Dfn-zade and his Sufis, and by a modest escort of 400 cavalrymen. Suleyman was buried according to his wishes in the cemetery of the Sulemaniyye, in a mausoleum built by Sinan. Its position, beside that of Khurrem, had been decided in his lifetime, but, in accordance with custom, this was probably not carried out on the orders of his son and successor Sellm II until after the interment (for a discussion on the chronology of this edifice, see N. Vatin and G. Veinstein, Les obseques des sultans ottomans., in Les Ottomans et la mort: permanences et mutations, Leiden 1996, 233-5). The ceremony involved a reading of seven stanzas of a merthiye by Bakf [q.v.], and this, according to Selanikl, "caused the entire nation to lament". Bibliography: 1. O r i e n t a l s o u r c e s . From Suleyman's time, the surviving Ottoman archives become very rich. Numerous of the sultan's original acts, including fermans, berdts, kanun-names, cahdndmes or treaties, tapu ve tahnr dejteri or land registers and other military land and fiscal registers have survived, of which only a small part were given in J. Matuz, Herrscher-Urkunden des Osmanensultans Suleyman des Prachtigen. Ein chronologisches Verzeichnis, Freiburg im Br. 1971. The main collections are in the Ba§bakanhk Osmanh Ar§ivi in Istanbul (cf. the Rehber, Ankara 1992), esp. the first six vols. of the Muhimme defteri (vols. iii, v-vi, publ. in transcription with facs. by the General Directorate of Archives, Ankara), and several other series (625 acts of Suleyman in the Alt Emiri tasnifi). Other important collections in the Topkapi Museum, incl. two registers of dlwan orders prefiguring the Muhimme defterleri; see also U. Altindag, Topkapi Sarayi Mu'zesi Osmanh Saray ar§iv katalogu. Fermanlar, i, Ankara 1985, 7-13, ii, 1988, 108-12. To these one should add pieces preserved in the si^ilh [q.v.] of local kadis of the time (for Turkey, see A. Akgiindiiz (ed.), §er'iye sicilleri, i, Istanbul 1988, 83-215, and art. s.v.), and the collections of Ottoman documents in foreign archives, the main ones for this period being in Sofia (see B.A. Cvetkova, Sources ottomanes en Bulgarie ..., in Studi preottomani et ottomani, Naples 1976, 79-99), in Venice (M.T. Gokbilgin, Venedik devlet arjivindeki vesikalar kiilliyatinda Kanuni Suleyman devri belgeleri, in Belgeler, i/2 (Ankara 1965), 119-220), in Warsaw (Z. Abrahamowicz, Katalog dokumentow tureckich, Warsaw 1959, docs. nos. 19-189) and in
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Vienna (A.C. Schaendlinger, Die Schreiben Suleymans des Prachtigen an Karl V., Ferdinand I. und Maximilian II. aus dem Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchive zu Wien, Vienna 1983; idem, Die Schreiben... an Vasallen, Militdrbeamte, Beamte und Richter. ..., Vienna 1986), amongst the many collections containing relevant material, the best known is that of Ferfdun Beg, Munshe3dt-i seldtln, Istanbul 1275, i, 500 ff., ii, 1-86, giving notably accounts of the first eight campaigns, some of them cited above. As well as those mentioned in connection with particular points, the main Ottoman chroniclers covering all or part of the reign are: Riistem Pasha, Ta'nkh dl-i C0thmdn, tr. L. Forrer, Leipzig 1923; Djelal-za.de Mustafa, Tabakdt ul-memdlik we deredjdt iil-mesdlik, facs. ed. P. Kappert in Geschichte Sultan Suleyman Kanunis von 1520 bis 1557, Wiesbaden 1981; Lutfi Pasha, Tewdnkh-i dl fOthmdn, ed. S.M. Tay§i, Istanbul 1990; Mustafa cAlI, Kiinh ul-akhbdr, rukn 4, mss.; Ferdl, Ta3nkh-i Sultan Suleyman (up to 1552), Fliigel no. 998; Muhyf al-Dln, in Tewdnkh-i dl-i f Othmdn, ed. Giese, Breslau 1922, 138-53 (up to 1553), Selanikl Mustafa Ef., Ta'rikh, ed. M. ipsjrli, Istanbul 1989, see also T.-i Selanikl. Die Chronik des Selaniki, Freiburg 1970. Later historians: PecewT, Ta'rikh, Istanbul 1284, and ed. F. Derin, Istanbul 1980, and B.S. Baykal, Ankara 1981-2; Kara Celebizade, Suleymdn-ndme (continuation of Sacd al-Dln's Tddj. al-tawdnkh) and Rawdat al-abrdr, both Bulak 1248; Solak-zade, Ta'rikh, Istanbul 1298, and ed. V. Gabuk, Ankara 1989; Mimedjdjim-bashi, Sahd'if al-akhbdr, iii. Numerous shdh-ndmes and huner-ndmes dedicated to the sultan have survived, inc. the Suleymdn-ndme of the official historiographer cArifi" (covering 1520-58), splendidly illustrated, publ. in E. Atil, Suleymanname. The illustrated history of Suleyman the Magnificent, Washington-New York 1986. 2. The s o u r c e s in W e s t e r n l a n g u a g e s include the correspondence and reports of envoys from the main powers to the Porte. See esp. E. Alberi, Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneziani alSenato durante il secolo decimosesto, ser. 3, Florence 1840-55; E. Charriere, Negociations de la France dans le Levant, Paris 1848-55; I. de Testa, Recueil des traites de la Porte ottomane avec les puissances etrangeres, i, Paris 1844, 15-99; A. von Gevay, Urkunden und Actenstiicke zur Geschichte der Verhdltnisse zwischen Osterreich, Ungarn und der Pforte im XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderte, 3 vols. (years 1527-41) Vienna 1841-2; M.S. Dzaja and G. Weiss, Austro-Turcica 1541-1552. Diphmatische Akten des habsburgischen Gesandtschaftverkehrs mit der Hohen Pforte im ^eitalter Suleymans des Prachtigen, Munich 1995. There are also many travel accounts, treaties and pamphlets. See C. Gollner, Turcica. Die europdischen Turkendrucke des XVI. Jahrhunderts, Baden-Baden 1961-78; St. Yerasimos, Les voyageurs dans ['Empire ottoman (XIVe-XVIe siecles). Bibliographic, itineraires et inventaire des lieux habites, Ankara 1991. 3. There are various biographies of Suleyman, e.g. J.B. Merriman, Suleiman the Magnificent, New York 1944; H. Lamb, Suleiman the Magnificent, Sultan of the East, New York 1951; R Sertoli Salis, Tkish. tr. Muhte§em Suleyman, Ankara 1963; Gy. Kaldy-Nagy, Szulejman, Budapest 1974; A. Clot, Soliman le Magnifique, Paris 1983. These are of very unequal quality, but none reflect completely the state of historiography, and this place is in one sense better taken by three collective, commemorative works: Kanuni armagam, Ankara 1970; G. Veinstein (ed.), Soliman le Magnifique et son temps, Paris 1992; and H. Inalcik and C. Kafadar (eds.), Suleyman
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the Second (sic) and his time, Istanbul 1993. The EP art. by J.H. Kramers and, still more, the IA one by M.T. Gokbilgin, remain of value, as well as various general works, older and more recent, such as Zinkeisen, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches in Europa, Gotha, 1854, repr. Darmstadt 1963, ii, 611936, iii, 1-380; lorga, GOR, ii-iii, Gotha 1909; LH. Uzuncar§ili, Osmanh tarihi, ii, 4Ankara 1983 and iii/2, 2Ankara 1977; Von Hammer, GOR2, v, 152047, vi 1547-74; VJ. Parry, The Ottoman Empire 15201566] Inalcik, The Ottoman Empire. The classical age, London 1973; R. Mantran (ed.), Hist, de I'Empire ottoman, Paris 1989, 139-225; Inalcik and D. Quataert (eds.), An economic and social history of the Ottoman Empire, 1300-1914, Cambridge 1994, 9-409. For n u m i s m a t i c s , see I. Artuk, Kanuni Sultan Suleyman adina basilan sikkeler, Ankara 1972. 4. Special studies. On relations with Hungary: G. Perjes, Az orszagut szelere vetett orszag, Budapest 1976; S.B. Vardy, Clio's art in Hungary and in HungarianAmerica, New York 1985, 157-9; G. Veinstein, La politique hongroise du sultan Siileyman et d'Ibrdhim pacha a travers deux lettres de 1534 au roi Sigismond de Pologne, in Acta Historica, xxiii/2-4 (Budapest 1987), 177-91. On the siege of Rhodes: E. Rossi, Assedio e conquista di Rodi ml 1522. Secondo le relazione edite ed inedite del Turchi, Rome 1927; idem, Miove ricerche sulle fonti turche relative all'assedio di Rodi nel 1522, in RSO, xv/1 (1934), 97-102; N. Vatin, L'ordre de SaintJean de Jerusalem, I'Empire ottoman et la Mediterranee orientale entre les deux sieges de Rhodes, 1480-1522, Louvain-Paris 1994, 343-56. On the campaigns into Hungary: F. Tauer, Histoire de la campagne du sultan Suleyman ler contre Belgrade en 1521 Prague 1924; idem, Additions a mon ouvrage "Histoire de la campagne du sultan Suleyman ler contre Belgrade en 1521", in ArO, vii (1935), 191-6; A.C. Schaendlinger, Die Feldzugstagebucher des ersten und zweiten ungarischen Feldzug Suleymans /., Vienna 1978; H.G. Yurdaydin, Kanuni'nin ciilusu ve ilk seferleri, Ankara 1961; Gy. Kaldy-Nagy, Suleimans Angriff auf Europa, in AO Hung., xxviii/2 (1973), 163-212; Kemalpasha-zade, Mohacndme, ed. M. Pavet de Courteille, Paris 1859; G. Perjes, Mohacs, Budapest 1979; G. Barta, An d'illusion (notes on the double election of kings after the defeat of Mohacs), in AO Hung., xxiv (Budapest 1978), 1-39; report of the embassy of Laski in Hurmuzaki, Documente privitoare la istoria Romdnilor, ii, 1, 1451-1575, Bucarest 1891; G. Veinstein, Some views on provisioning in the Hungarian campaigns of Suleyman the Magnificent, in Osmanistische Studien zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte in memoriam Vanco Boskov, ed. H.G. Majer, Wiesbaden 1986, 17785; A. Bernhauer, Suleiman des Gesetzgebers (Kanuni) Tagebuch auf seinem Feldzug nach Wien im Jahre 935/6 d.H. = J. 1529 n. Chr. (Originaltext und Ubersetzung), Vienna 1858; Tauer, Soliman's Wienerfeldzug, anonyme persische Darstellung nach der Istanbuler Handschriften Selim Aga 769 (A) und Aja Sofia 3392 (B), in ArO, vii (1935), Suppl.; Wien 1529. Die erste Tiirkenbelagerung, Hist. Mus. der Stadt Wien, Vienna 1979. On the relations with the Safawids: J.-L. Bacque-Grammont, Les Ottomans, les Safavides et leurs voisins. Contribution a I'histoire des relations internationales dans I'Orient islamique, Istanbul 1986. On the campaign of the two e l r a k s : Ferfdun Beg, i, 584-5; Gokbilgin, Arz ve raporlanna gore Ibrahim Pasamn Irakeyn seferindeki ilk tedbirleri vejutuhati, in Belkten, XXI (1957), 449-82; H. Yurdaydin, Nasuhu's Silahi (Matrakci) beyan-i menazil-i sefer-i Irakeyn-i Sultan Suleyman Han, Ankara 1976.
On the Grand Vizier I b r a h i m Pasha: Uzungar§ih, Kanuni Sultan Suleymamn Vezir-i Azam makbul ve maktul Ibrahim Pa§a Damadi degildi, in Belkten, xxix (1965), 355-61; M.£. Ulugay, Osmanh sultanlanna a§k mektuplan, Istanbul 1950, letter no. 1. On the naval power of Suleyman: A.C. Hess, The evolution of the Ottoman seaborne empire in the age of the oceanic discoveries, 1453-1525, in Amer. Hist. Review, vii (1970), 1892-1919; C.H. Imber, The navy of Suleyman the Magnificent, in Archivum Ottomanicum, vi (1980), 211-82; Veinstein, Les preparatifs de la campagne navale franco-turque de 1552 a trovers les ordres du divan ottoman, in ROMM, xxxix/1 (1985), 35-67; on Barbarossa and the corsairs, Muradl (Seyyid Murad), Ghazawdt-i Khayreddin Pasha, Bibl. Univ. Istanbul, no. TY 2490, 2639, BNF, Suppl. turc, no. 1186; A. Gallotta, Le Gazavit di Hayreddin Barbarossa, in Studi Maghrebini, iii (1970), 79-160; idem, art. KHAYR AL-DIN (KHIDIR) PASHA, in El2; A. Rieger, Die Seeaktivitaten der muslimischen Beutefahrer als Bestandteil der staatlichen Expansion im Mittelmeer im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, Berlin 1994. On the r e l a t i o n s w i t h F r a n c e : J. von Hammer, Memoire sur les premieres relations diplomatiques entre la France et la Porte, in JA, l er serie, x (1827), 19-45; E. Charriere, Negociations de la France dans le Levant, i Paris 1848, and ii, Paris 1850; V. Bourrilly, La premiere ambassade d'Antonio Rincon en Orient, 15221523, in Revue d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, ii (1900-1), 23-44; idem, L'ambassade de La Forest et de Marillac d Constantinople, 1535-1538, Rev. Historique, Ixxvi (1901), 297-328; J. Ursu, La politique orientale de Francois 1", Paris 1908; M. Holban, La premiere ambassade d'Antonio Rincon en Orient et sa mission apres du voyvode de Transylvanie Jean ^apolya (1522-1523), in Revue Roumaine d'Histoire, xxiii/2 (1984), 101-16; Veinstein, Les campagnes navaks Jranco-ottomanes en Mediterranee au XVF siecle, in La France et la Mediterranee. Vingt-sept sucks d'interdependance, ed. T. Malkin, Leiden 1990, 311-34; text of the capitulations of 1536 in I. de Testa, Recueil des traites de la Porte ottomane avec les puissances etrangeres, I France, I, Paris 1864, 15-23; discussion of their authenticity in Inalcik, art. IMTIYAZAT, in El2; J.P. Laurent, Les celebres articles franco-ottomans; la transmission de leur texte; leur caractere, in Ordonnances des rois de France, regne de Francois 7er, viii (Paris 1972), 503-74; J. Matuz, A propos de la validite des capitulations de 1536 entre Vempire ottoman et la France, in Turcica, xxiv (1992), 183-92. On the campaign in Moldavia of 1538: A. Decei, Un fetih-ndme-i Karabugdan (1538) de Nasuh MatraJqi, in Fuad Kopriilii armagam, Istanbul 1953, 113-24; M. Guboglu, ^inscription turque de Bender...; idem, Kanuni Sultan Suleyman'in Bogdan seferi ve zaferi (1538 M. 945 H), in Belkten, 1 (1986), 727-805; N. Beldiceanu and G. Zerva, Une source relative d la campagne de Suleyman le Legislateur contre la Moldavie (1538), in Acta Historica, i (1959), 39-55; I. Bidian, Moldova in tratativek polono-otomane intr-un document din anul 1538, in Studii si Materials de Istorie Medie, vi (1974), 310-14; M. Berindei and Veinstein, L'Empire ottoman et Us pays roumains, 1544-1545, CambridgeParis 1987; eidem, Reglements Jiscaux et fiscalite de la province de Bender-Aqkerman (1570), in Cahiers du Monde Russe et Sovietique, xxii/2-3 (1981), 251-328. On the t r e a t y of 1540 with Venice: Archives of Venice, Documenti Turchi, busta I, fasc. 50, pezzi 25; B.N. Paris, ms. or. Suppl. turc 727; L. Bonelli, // trattato turco-veneto del 1540, in Centenario della nascitd di Michele Amari, ii Palermo 1910, 323-63; W. Lehmann, Der Friedensvertrag zwi-
SULEYMAN schen Venedig und der Tiirkei vom 2. Oktober 1540, Bonn 1936. On the campaigns of 1541-47: L. Fekete, Budapest a torokkorban, Budapest 1944; Gy. KaldyNagy, Suleimans Angrijf..., 191-2; Berindei and Veinstein, ... Les pays roumains ...; Tarih-i feth-i §iklo§ Estergon ve Istulni Belgrad, attributed to Sinan Qavu§, Istanbul 1987; M. Ipcioglu, Kanuni Suleyman'm Estergon (Esztergom) seferi 1543. Teni bir kaynak, in Osmanh Ara§tirmalan, x (1990), 137-59; E.D. Petritsch, Die Ungarnpolitik Ferdinands L bis zu seiner Tributpflichtigkeit an die Hohe Pforte, diss. Vienna 1979, unpubl.; idem, Der Habsburgisch-osmanische Friedensvertrag des Jahres 1547, in Mitteilungen des osterreichischen Staatsarchivs, xxxviii (1985), 49-80. On the naval campaigns in the West: L. Dorez, Itineraire de Jerome Maurand d'Antibes a Constantinople (1544), Paris 1901; J. Deny and J. Laroche, L'expedition en Provence de I'armee de mer du sultan Suleyman ... (1543-1544) (d'apres des documents inedits), in Turcica, i (1969), 161-211; miniatures in the ms. attributed to Sinan Cawush, Tdnkh-i feth Shiklosh Estergon we Istulni Belgrad, Topkapi, Hazine, no. 1608, publ. Istanbul 1987; Seyyid Murad, Ghazayi Franca, BNF, Suppl. turc, no. 1186, fols. 20b2la; Ch. Monchicourt, L'expedition espagnole de 1560 contre I'ile de Djerba. Essai bibliographique, recit de I'expedition, documents originaux, Paris 1913; A. Bombaci, Lefonti turche della battaglia delle Gerbe (1560), in RSO, xix (1941), 193-218, xx/2 (1942), 279-304; §. Turan, art. Piyale Pa§a, in I A. On the personality of Suleyman and the imperial ideology: Physical descriptions from 1520 by the Bailo Tomaso Contarino, in Mario Sanudo, Diarii, 29, col. 391; from 1555 by Busbecq, in The Turkish letters of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, Imperial ambassador at Constantinople 1554-1562, ed. Forster, Oxford 1968, 65-6; A. Jenkinson, in R. Hakluyt, The principal navigations, voyages, traffiques and discoveries of the English nation, Glasgow 1904, 107-8; notice in the Kiydfetii l-insdniyye f i §emd3ili l-fOsmdniyye by Lokman, 1579. Qualities of the sultan in Ahmed b. cAbd Allah Fewn, Akhldk-i Suleymdm, ONB, Fliigel, no. 665; Western items of information in G. Postel, De la Republique des Turcs, Poitiers 1560, 87; B. Navagero, 1533 and Andrea Dondolo, 1562, in Alberi, iii/1, 73 and iii/3, 164; A. Geuffroy, Estat de la court du Grant Turc, Paris-Antwerp 1542, Giovio, Hist., xxxvi, 330; repeated by Montaigne in De la praesumption; B. Fleming, Der Garni1 ulMeknundt: eine Quelle 'Ali's aus der %eit Sultan Suleymans, in Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Vorderen Orients. Festschrift Jur Berthold Spuler zum 70. Geburtstag, 79-92; eadem, Sahib-kiran und Mahdi: Tiirkische Endzeiterwartungen im ersten Jahrzehnt der Regierung Suleymans, in Between the Danube and the Caucasus, Budapest 1987, 43-62; C. Fleischer, The Lawgiver as Messiah: the making of the imperial image in the reign of Suleyman, in Soliman le Magnifique et son temps ..., 159-77. On K h u r r e m : Report on the marriage of Suleyman, in B. Miller, Beyond the Sublime Porte: the grand Seraglio of Stambul, New Haven 1931, 93-4; on Khurrem, cf. Gokbilgin, art. Hurrem Sultan, in IA; M. Sokolnicki, La sultane ruthene: Roksolanes, in Belleten, xxiii (1959), 229-39; N.R. Uctum, Hurrem ve Mihruma Sultanlann Polonya Kirali II. ^igsmund'a yazdiklan mektuplar, in Belleten, xliv (1980), 697-715; L.P. Pierce, The Imperial harem, women and sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire, Oxford 1993, 57-90. See also KHURREM. On the sons of S u l e y m a n : §. Turan, Kanuninin oglu §ehzade Bayezid vak'asi, Ankara 1961,
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208-10; idem, Sehzade Bayezid'in babasi Kanuni Sultan Suleyman'a gonderdigi mektuplar, in Tarih Vesikalan, i (1955), 118-27; C. Oztelli, Kanuni'nin oglu §ehzade Bayezid'in babasma son mektubu, in VIII. Turk Tarih Kongresi, 11-15 ekim 1976, Ankara 1981, 1105-12. On the legislative work of Suleyman and its place in the Islamic world: M. cArif, Kdnunndme-yi dl-i fOthmdn. Sultan Sulaymdn Khan Kanuni emriyle ajem'i ve telfik olunan Kdnunndme ..., Suppl. to TOEM, iii/4, Istanbul 1329/1911; Petis de la Croix, Canon du sultan Soleiman II, represante a Sultan Murad IV, ou etat politique et militaire tire des archives les plus secrettes des princes ottomans et qui servent pour bien gouverner leur empire, Paris 1735; J. von Hammer-Purgstall, Des osmanischen Reiches Staatsverfassung und Staatsverwaltung, i, Vienna 1815, 384-427; Uzuncar§ili, On altina asir ortalannda ya§ami§ olan iki buyuk sahsiyet Tosyah Celalzdde Mustafa ve Salih felebiler, in Belleten, xxii (1958), 391-441; Matuz, Das Kanzleiwesen Sultan Suleymans des Prdchtigen, Wiesbaden 1974, 30-1; O.L. Barkan, XV ve XVI inci asirlarda Osmanh impartorlugunda zirai ekonominin hukuki ve mall esaslan. I. Kanunlar, Istanbul 1943, 62-72, 130-9, 211-16, 220-7, 22930, 296-7, 303-6, 354-87; Budin kanunndmesi ve Osmanh toprak meselesi, ed. S. Albayrak, Istanbul 1973; list of the census registers in the archives of the Presidency of the Council in Istanbul, from the time of Sulayman, including the provincial kdnunndme in Ba§bakanhk Osmanh Ar§ivi rehberi..., 222-5; for a rich publication of Suleyman's legal enactments, cf. Akgiindiiz, Osmanh kanunnameleri, iv-vii, Istanbul 19924; H.A.R. Gibb, Lutfi Pasha on the Ottoman Caliphate, in Oriens, xv (1962), 287-95; Inalcik, The Ottomans and the Caliphate, in Camb. hist, of Islam, i, Cambridge 1970, 320-3; F. Siimer, Yavuz Sultan Selim s'est-il proclame calife? in Turcica, xxi-xxiii (1991), 343-54. Description of the intitulatio/'unwdn in A.C. Schaendlinger, Die Schreiben Suleymans des Prdchtigen..., pp. XIX-XXI; inscription of Bender published by M. Guboglu, in op. cit.; inscription of the mosque constructed for Mihrimah, in Hafiz Hiiseyin Ayvansarayl, Hadlkat ul-a^evdmic, ii, Istanbul 1281, 186-7; Inalcik, The origins of the Ottoman-Russian rivalry and the Don-Volga canal, in Annals of the ^University of Ankara, i (1947), 50, n. 14; A. Asrar, Kanuni Sultan Suleyman devrinde Osmanh devletinin dinin siyaseti ve Islam alemi, Istanbul 1960; R. §ah, Afi Padi§ahi Aldaddini'in Kanuni Sultan Suleyman'a mektubu, in Tarih Ara§tirmalan Dergisi, v/8-9 (1967), 373-409; numerous references to letters from sovereigns and dignitaries of the Islamic world addressed to Suleyman, preserved in the Topkapi archives, in T. Gokbilgin, art. Suleyman /., in IA\ O.L. Barkan, Caractere religieux et caractere seculier des institutions ottomanes, in Contributions a I'histoire economique et sociale de VEmpire Ottoman, ed. J.-L. Bacque-Grammont and P. Dumont, Louvain 1983, 2-24; Inalcik, Islamization of Ottoman laws on land and land tax, in Festgabe an Josef Matuz: Osmanistik. Turkologie. Diplomatik, ed. C. Fragner and K. Schwarz, Berlin 1992, 101-16; H. Gerber, State, society and law in Islam. Ottoman law in comparative perspective, New York 1994, 88-92. On religious topics: A. Refik, On altina asirda Turkiye'de Rafizilik ve Bekta§ihk, Istanbul 1932; C.H. Imber, The persecution of the Ottoman Shi'ites according to the Muhimme Defterleri, 1565-1585, in Isl, Ivi (1979), 245-73; A. Demir, Kanuni Sultan Siileymanin terki saldt edenlerle ilgili fermam, in Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi, ii (1984), 46-53. On artistic production, etc.: Uzuncar§ili, Osmanh saraymda Ehl-i hiref (Sanatkdrlar) defteri, in
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Belgeler, xi/15 (1981-6), 23-76; Veinstein, A propos des ehl-i hiref et du dev§irme, in Studies in Ottoman history in honour of Professor V.L. Menage., ed. C. Heywood and C. Imber, Istanbul 1994, 351-67; on the visits which the sultan is said to have made to the workshop of one of his nakkdsh, Shah Kuli, cf. Mustafa cAlf, Menakib-i Hiinerveran, Istanbul 1926, 65; see also the rich and important catalogues of three great exhibitions of objets d'art from the reign: E. Atil, The age of Sultan Siileyman the Magnificent, New York 1987; J.M. Rogers and R.M. Ward, Siileyman the Magnificent, B.M. London, 1988; M. Bernus et alii, Soliman le Magnifique, Paris 1990; H. Sohrweide, Dichter und Gekhrte aus dem Osten im osmanischen Reich, in Isl, xlvi (1970), 263-302; A. Karahan, Sur I'epoque de Soliman le Magnifique dans la poesie classique turque et sur quelques poetes peu etudies, in Etudes Balkaniques, vii (1967), 221-34; Topkapi archives, E. 738; Rogers, in ibid., 267; on the mss. preserved in Istanbul of the Diwdn-i Muhibbl, cf. Istanbul Kitaphklan tiirtye yazma divan katalogu, Istanbul 1947, 147-52; esp. precious ms. of Hamburg, Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe, no. 1886.168 (Haase 1987), from Reblc II 961/April 1554, with illuminations done by the nakkdsh Kara Memf, and which, equally highly decorated, stems from Ramadan 973/May 1566, Topkapi Museum, Revan 738; C.P. Haase, Der dritte Divan Siileymans des Prdchtigen. Eine Handschrift aus dem Istanbukr Hofatelier, in JbMKG, v (1987), 2739; T.S. Halman (tr.), Siileyman the Magnificent, poet. Sekcted poems, Istanbul 1987; O.L. Barkan, Siileymaniye Cami ve Imareti in§aati (1550-1557), 2 vols. Ankara 1972-9; K.E. Kiirciioglu, Siileymaniye vakfiyesi, Ankara 1962; G. Necipoglu-Kafadar, The Siileymaniye complex in Istanbul: an interpretation, in Muqarnas, iii (1985), 92-117; U.U. Bates, The patronage of Sultan Siileyman. The Siileymaniye complex in Istanbul, in EFAD, ix (1978), 64-74.—Siileyman seems also to have been the prime mover behind the last masterpiece of Sinan, named to become the Sellmiyye at Edirne: F. Th. Dijkema, The Ottoman historical monumental inscriptions in Edirne, Leiden 1977, 58-9 and pi. no. VII; cf. also H. Stierlin, Soliman et I'architecture ottomane, Paris 1985, 200. On Siileyman's death: Gokbilgin, art. Mehmed Pa§a Sokollu, in IA\ idem, Kanuni Suleyman'tn 1566 Szigetvdr seferi, sebeleri ve hazirhklan, in Tarih Dergisi, xxi (1968), 1-14; Ferldun Beg, Nuzjiat al-akhbdr dar safar-i Sigetwar, Topkapi Museum, Hazine, no. 1339. (G. VEINSTEIN) SULEYMAN II, the twentieth Ottoman sultan (1099-1102/1687-91). Siileyman IPs succession to the throne came about in his middle age as the result of the forced abdication of his half-brother Mehemmed IV [q.v.] in 1099/ 1687. He inherited rule over an empire facing severe internal problems and external challenges. The financial position of the empire at this time (after four years of unremitting war with Austria) was dire and, according to the contemporary historian Mewkufatl, writing about the period just after Siileyman's demise (see BibL), even during periods of peace regular state expenditures exceeded revenues by about 72 million akces. The treasury deficit was made worse (by a further 137 million akces) due to pressures, irresistible in periods leading up to major military involvements, to expand Janissary enrollments. Given the magnitude of the problems which he faced and the brevity of his reign, Siileyman IPs achievements were impressive. Progress during the first year and a half of his rule was effectively blocked by the turmoil in the capital
led by Janissary "rebels" who agitated for enhancement of their (already extensive) privileges and for payment of the pay bonuses customarily awarded at the accession of a new sultan. Their activities were mirrored in the provinces by recalcitrant troop mobilisers, such as Yegen 'Othman Pasha, whose final suppression was achieved only at the close of winter in 1100/1689. But once these obstacles were removed, and especially during the grand vizierate of Kopriiliizade Fadil Mustafa Pasha beginning in Muharram 1101/October 1689, recovery was swift and in 11012/1690 the Ottomans launched a successful counteroffensive against the Habsburg armies in both Serbia and Transylvania. Apart from these military successes (which made a significant difference to the dispirited Ottoman rankand-file), Siileyman's reign is especially noteworthy for its initiatives for fiscal and bureaucratic reform. A significant narrowing of the budget gap was achieved (in part) by the introduction of new taxes on the sale and consumption of luxury items such as tobacco, but in addition a number of more radical measures (some more successful than others) were attempted. In general, it may be said that Siileyman's reign was a time of considerable experimentation with new monetary (e.g. the introduction of copper coinage) and general fiscal policies. But above all it is in the realm of administrative reform that Siileyman left his most enduring legacy. The sultan's preoccupation with record-keeping is clear from the massive scale of the work he commissioned Mewkufatl to write; Mewkufatf's account of his reign lasting less than four years takes up the better part of two volumes covering more than 1,100 pages of text. Siileyman appears to have been committed to the goal of closer coordination of policy with provincial authorities, and he devised a means for monitoring the performance (and compliance) of his governors. Documentary evidence suggests that he was the first sultan to introduce the pioneering concept of separate and duplicate registration, according to region, of outgoing orders (fermdns) sent by the Imperial Council to the dtwdns of key provincial governors. The wildyet ahkdm defterleri were later more fully systematised and regularised, but that the institution existed in Siileyman IPs time is clear from a register for Aleppo preserved in the Damascus archives (see BibL). Comparison of the lag in time between a fermdn's promulgation in the capital and its registration in the provinces (in this case, Aleppo) reveals the state's interest in maintaining a cumulative as well as current record of problem-solving at the provincial level. As a result of such changes in governing procedure, Siileyman was able to bequeath to his successors—at the time of his premature death from a condition associated with anasarca in Ramadan 1102/June 1691—a stabler, more solvent and better-administered empire. Bibliography: 1. Sources. Mewkufatf, Wdkicdt-i ruz-merre, 3 vols., Topkapi, Revan Ko§kii mss. 1223-5, cf. Karatay's cat., i, 271-2 (on the work, see R. Murphey, Biographical notes on "Mevkufati", a lesser-known Ottoman historian of the late seventeenth century, in Prof. Dr. Bekir Kutukoglu'na armagan, Istanbul 1991, 193-204); the parts relevant to Siileyman's reign are all of vol. i (331 fols.) and fols. 1-244 of vol. ii, whilst vol. iv, Siileymaniye, Esad Ef. 2347, fols. 257a-258b, contains a summary report (telkhis) on the size of Ottoman treasury deficits in this period. The Damascus State Directorate of Archives, Aleppo, Awdmir-i sultdniyya series, i, 1-118 = copies
SULEYMAN II — SULEYMAN PASHA (siiret) of imperial fermans received and recorded at Aleppo in 1101-2/1689-91. 2. Studies. R. Murphey, Continuity and discontinuity in Ottoman administrative theory and practice during the late seventeenth century, in Poetics today, xiv (1993), 419-43, esp. 429-31. On the wildyet ahkdm defterleri (in the 18th century), see A. Cetin, Ba§bakanhk Ar§ivi hlavuzu, Istanbul 1979, 62-5, and H.G. Mayer, Das Osmanische Registerbuch der Beschwerden (§ikayet Defteri) von Jahre 1675, Vienna 1984, 17. (R. MURPHEY) SULEYMAN CELEBI, O t t o m a n prince and eldest son of Bayezfd I [q.v.], ruler in Rumelia and a considerable part of northern and northwestern Anatolia in the confused years after BayezTd's defeat and capture by Tlmur at the Battle of Ankara in 804/1402, b. P779/1377, d. 813/1411. He is heard of in 800/1398, when his father sent him against the Ak Koyunlu Kara Yiiliik at Sivas, and he fought at Bayezfd's side, together with his brothers, at Ankara. He managed to escape to Europe with his retainers by being ferried across the Bosphorus by the Genoese. He had to make peace with the Venetians, the Genoese, the Knights of Rhodes and the Byzantines, ceding lands along the Black Sea and Thracian coasts plus Salonica to Manuel II Comnenus and renouncing the requirement of tribute. But he was still a powerful force in Rumelia, with the Serb Stefan Lazarevic as his vassal, and when Tfmur left Anatolia in 1403, Siileyman began to reconquer the former Ottoman lands in northwestern Anatolia as far as Ankara in the east and Aydin in the south. He was now in strenuous rivalry with his younger brothers Mehemmed in Anatolia and Musa in Rumelia, and was unable to maintain himself in Anatolia; by 1410 Mehemmed was in control there and began his first reign as sultan Mehemmed I [q.v.]. In Rumelia, Musa Celebi had mixed success against Siileyman in 1410, and Siileyman endeavoured to secure Byzantine support by marrying a princess of the Palaeologi; but subsequently Musa managed to surprise Siileyman in his capital at Edirne and then capture him at the village of Doghandjilar as he fled towards Constantinople, executing him on 22 Shawwal 813/17 February 1411. Musa was thus now dominant in Rumelia, but became engaged in warfare there, which involved Stefan Lazarevic and Siileyman's son Orkhon, released by the Byzantine Emperor to harass Musa; he fended off attacks from Anatolia by Mehemmed, but was finally captured and killed by the latter after a battie near Sofya in 816/1413 [see MUSA CELEBI]. Bibliography: The early historical sources include the Anonymous chronicle in Neshrf, cAshikpasha-zade and Liitfi Pasha; see also Sa'd al-Dln, Tdaj al-tewdrikh, i, 218-20, and S'O, i, 42. Of studies, see von Hammer, GOR2, i, 217-300; lorga, GOR, i, 325 ff.; E.A. Zachariadou, Siileyman felebi in Rumili and the Ottoman chronicles, in Isl, Ix (1983), 268-90; N. Vatin, in R. Mantran (ed.), Hist, de I'empire ottoman, Paris 1989, 53, 56-61; C. Imber, The Ottoman empire 1300-1481, Istanbul 1990, 41, 52, 54, 56-9, 63-9; IA art. Siileyman felebi (M. Tayyib Gokbilgin). (C.E. BOSWORTH) SULEYMAN 6ELEBI, DEDE (P752-826/13511422), Ottoman poet, author of Wesilet el-neajdt (Vesiletii'n-necat) ("Means of salvation"), a mathnaun [q.v.] in honour of Muhammad completed in 812/1409, referred to in Turkey as the Mewlid ([q.v], and see Necla Pekolcay, Mevlid, Ankara 1993, 1-3), Mewlud, or Mewlid-i Sherif ("The [noble] birth"). Sources provide little biographical information, but
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show his forbears as religious scholars and bureaucrats closely connected with the Ottoman dynasty. The identity of his father Ahmed Pasha is obscure. His (maternal?) grandfather Shaykh Mahmud lectured at an Iznik madrasa, and is credited with poetry and a commentary on the Fusus of Ibn al-cArabi. Siileyman was born in Bursa and is described as having been a disciple of Emir Sultan [q.v], the "patron saint" of Bursa (and son-in-law of Bayezfd I) and as having served as imam to Bayezfd. After the latter's death (1403), he became chief imam of the Great Mosque in Bursa, where he died and was buried. His precise birth date remains in debate. A reference to his completing the Mewlid when he was sixty led Ahmet Ate§ to posit his being born in 752/ 1351 (Vesiletii'n-necdt, Ankara 1954, 25 ff.). Pekolcay, who earlier questioned that date (IA, art. Siileyman Celebi], now agrees (Mevlid, 36). Tradition claims that the Mewlid was composed to counter statements of a popular preacher that Muhammad was not superior to Jesus (Gibb, HOP, i, 232-5). Whatever his inspiration, Siileyman displayed a familiarity with the Muslim corpus of works concerning the Prophet, and the Mewlid shows influence from the Ghanb-ndme of cAshikpasha [q.v] and echoes some of the verses interposed by Mustafa Darfr (an Erzurum Turk writing in Mamluk Egypt) in his life of the Prophet (Siyeru'n-nebewi) (see A. Bombaci, La letteratura turca, Milan 1969, 211-12, 301-4). Many later Ottoman mewlids appeared, but Siileyman's remained the favourite, becoming part of the official celebration of Muhammad's birth (12 Rablc I) introduced under Murad III (d'Ohsson, Tableau general, ii, 358-68), and continues to be recited by Turks celebrating the Prophet's birth, marking the fortieth day after bereavement, fulfilment of a vow, etc. A vivid description of its place in Ottoman life occurs in the novel The clown and his daughter by Halide Edib Adivar [see KHALIDE EDFB]. Manuscripts (the earliest from the 10th-l 1th/16th17th centuries) and printed editions vary in length (from about 260 to some 1000 bayts) and topics covered. The work has been translated into a number of languages, including Albanian, Greek, Serbo-Croat and Kurdish, and Schimmel has noted an echo of it in a work by Abu CA1I Kalandar, an 8th/14th-century Indian poet (Mystical dimensions in Islam, Chapel Hill 1975, 216-7). F. Lyman McCallum's 263-bayt English translation (The Mevlidi Sherif of Siileyman Chelebi) appeared in London in 1943; and an annotated English translation of the text published by Ate§ (op. cit.) formed the Senior Thesis of Stephanie R. Thomas at Barnard College in New York 1988. This text, a compilation from five manuscripts, omits the well-known Merhaba ("Welcome") section (McCallum, 23-4). A devout work, the Mewlid has a short prose prologue in Arabic, then follows a typical mathnawi format with praise of Allah, apology, prayer for the author, etc. The main narrative is preceded by a discourse on the Light of Muhammad [see NUR MUHAMMAD], then includes not only Muhammad's birth and the wonders preceding it, but his virtues, attributed miracles, the Mi'rddj [q.v], his final illness and death. The metre is the hexametric ramal, and the language is a simple Ottoman that is both lyrical and moving. Bibliography: For mss. and further studies, see Pekolcay's 1993 work quoted. (KATHLEEN R.F. BURRILL) SULEYMAN PASHA (?-758/?-1357); son, probably the eldest, of the second Ottoman ruler, Orkhan [q.v.]. He was the first member of the dynasty to establish Ottoman rule on the European side of
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SULEYMAN PASHA — SULEYMAN PASHA, MALATYALI
the Straits of Gallipoli and, as such, occupies a revered position in Ottoman tradition and historiography. However, the earliest Ottoman accounts of his deeds appear in the chronicles composed in the second half of the 9th/15th century and, although these contain obvious allusions to real historical events, they belong to the genre of popular epic (ddstdri), and cannot serve as historical sources. The only contemporary and seemingly reliable references to events in Suleyman Pasha's life appear in the Byzantine chronicle of John Cantacuzenus (ed. L. Schopen, Corpus scriptorum historiae byzantinae, xx, vols. i-iii, Bonn 1828-32). References to Suleyman Pasha therefore inevitably occur in the context of Cantacuzenus' own relations with Suleyman Pasha's father, Orkhan. In 747/1346, Cantacuzenus formed an alliance with Orkhan and, with his help, seized the Byzantine throne in the following year. The first reference to Suleyman Pasha dates from 749/1348, when Cantacuzenus sought help from Orkhan against the Serbian Tsar, Stephen Dushan, who had occupied Thessaly. Orkhan sent "over ten thousand" troops under the leadership of Suleyman and his other sons, but when this force reached Macedonia, and learned that it was Dushan from whom they were to recover the Thessalian cities, they deserted "and started plundering and killing" (iii, 32). The second reference to Suleyman recalls a similar event. In 751/1350, Cantacuzenus called on Orkhan to give assistance in recovering Thessaloniki from the rebel Alexius Metochites. Again, Orkhan sent Suleyman with a force of "twenty thousand horsemen", and again these deserted. The reason, Cantacuzenus claims, was that Orkhan had recalled them to fight a war against a neighbouring prince in Anatolia (iii, 111). A similar incident occurred in 753/1352, when the co-Emperor, John V Palaeologus, attacked Cantacuzenus' son, Matthew, near Adrianople/Edirne [q.v]. Cantacuzenus again called on Orkhan, who once again sent Suleyman Pasha with "at least ten thousand cavalry". On this occasion, Suleyman Pasha was victorious, leading John V to try unsuccessfully to win him over to his cause (iii, 248). These events have left no echoes in the Ottoman tradition, which remembers Suleyman as, above all, the conqueror of Gallipoli and parts of Thrace. It is again Cantacuzenus who provides what appears to be the most accurate account of these events. In 753/1352, the Turks occupied the fortress of Tzympe (Bolayir?) in Thrace. It seems that Cantacuzenus himself had invited them there so that the soldiers would be more easily at his disposal, and that he had granted them, in return for military service, the right to tax the inhabitants (N. Oikonomides, From soldiers of fortune to Gazi warriors: the Tzympe affair., in C.J. Heywood and C. Imber (eds.), Studies in Ottoman history in honour of Professor V.L. Menage., Istanbul 1994, 239-48). The Turks in Tzympe were, it seems, under the command of Suleyman Pasha. When Cantacuzenus asked Orkhan to abandon the fortress, Orkhan replied that it was his son, Suleyman, who had control of Tzympe and, if he were to abandon it, he would require compensation. Cantacuzenus provided a thousand gold pieces, and the Turks "sent men to hand over the stronghold to him" (iii, 277). This was in February 755/1354. On 2 March a violent earthquake destroyed Gallipoli and the surrounding towns. The Greek inhabitants fled, and Suleyman Pasha, ignoring the agreement to abandon Tzympe, crossed the Dardanelles from his base at Pegai on the Asiatic shore, and settled Gallipoli and the abandoned towns and villages with Turks from Anatolia. He restored
the fortifications of Gallipoli, making them stronger than before, and left a large garrison. Suleyman Pasha never restored to the Emperor Gallipoli and the other places which he had occupied. Cantacuzenus sought them from Orkhan, but Suleyman refused to abandon them, "replying that he had not conquered the cities by force, but merely occupied abandoned and ruined ones". Orkhan, however, eventually persuaded his son to hand over the towns for 40,000 gold pieces, but the agreement foundered when Orkhan failed to meet Cantacuzenus at Nicomedia/Izmid to finalise the arrangement (iii, 277-81). In the summer of 755/1354, Suleyman Pasha also led an army eastwards, capturing the towns of Crateia/ Gerede and Ankara [q.v.], but from whom he took them is not clear (iii, 284). He died in 758/1357 (Q.N. Atsiz, Osmanh tarihine ait takuimler, Istanbul 1961, 25). Bibliography: Given in the article. All modern accounts of the reign of Orkhan (see BibL to that article) contain references to Suleyman Pasha, but these tend to be essentially romantic re-workings of the apocryphal materials in the Ottoman chronicles. (C. IMBER) SULEYMAN PASHA, MALATYAU, DAMAD, SILAHDAR, KOF^A, (ca. 1016-98/1607-87), Ottoman Grand Vizier under Sultan Mehemmed IV [q.v.]. Born in Malatya [q.v] of non-Muslim parents, possibly Armenians, he was educated in the dewshirme [q.v] establishment of the Ibrahim Pasha palace at Istanbul upon the instigation of his relative, the Kapu Aghast [q.v] Isma'fl Agha, and made his career in the palace service (see ENDERUN). From being Diilbend agha, he became Miftdh shdgirdi in the Seferli odasi and the Khdss oda [q.v], and in 1050/1640 became Silahddr [q.v] to the sultan. Six months later he was raised to the rank of Kubbe weziri [q.v]. On 12 Djumddd I 1054/17 July 1644 he was appointed beglerbegi of Sfwas [q.v., i.e. Rum], and two years later, of Erzurum [q.v]. He was able to suppress the Djeldll [see DJALALI, in Suppl.] revolts in his governorships at this time. Recalled to the capital, he was appointed military governor of Sakiz [q.v] or Chios and entrusted with the transport of troops from Ceshme to the theatre of war in Crete [see KANDIVA; IKRITISH] in 1057/1647. After this, he was restored to his position of Kubbe weziri. He was made Grand Vizier upon the suggestion of the influential ex-Agha of the Janissaries, KaraHasanzade Huseyin Agha on 16 Shawwal 1065/19 August 1655 and married to the princess 'A'ishe Sultan, a daughter of Sultan Ibrahim [q.v], who had previously been the wife of Ipshir Mustafa Pasha [q.v]. The new "supremo" turned out to be unable to get a grip on affairs. It was a particularly difficult juncture of events, with the "War of Candia" going from bad to worse, revolts raging in the Crimea as well as in Anatolia, and the imperial finances out of control. The Grand Vizier confessed later to having been unable to break up the corrupt networks of patronage and protection of the leading personalities of that period of the "sultanate of women" (kadmlar saltanatl [see WALIDE SULTAN]). Nor was he able to reduce the size of the Kapu Kulu corps. His financial policy consisted of the farming out, two to three years in advance, of certain items of taxation, the sale in rapid succession (every six to seven months) of offices and a debasement of the coinage. The Kapu Kulu troops, however, refused to accept their pay in the new "cingene" or "meykhdne" akcesi. The Ddr al-Sacdde Aghasi, after a long hesitation of the leading circles, advised the Walide Sultan, Turkhan Khadldje Sultan, to dismiss Suleyman Pasha (2 Djumada I 1066/28 February
SULEYMAN PASHA, MALATYALI — SULH 1656). The Pasha's life was spared during the bloody revolt in Istanbul known as the Wakca-yl Wakwdkiyye or Cinar Wak'asi (8-12 Djumada I 1066/4-8 March 1656). Suleyman Pasha was appointed Beglerbegi of Bosnia for eight months in 1066/1656. Two years later, he was made kd'im-makdm [q.v.] at Istanbul (1069/1659). A year later, after a great fire had raged for 49 days in Istanbul, he was dismissed and transferred to the government of the province of Silistre at Oczakow [see ozi)], where he had to tackle the maritime raids of the Cossacks of the Don. After a not-too-successful tenure of office in these border areas, he was recalled to the capital to become ka'im-makam once more (1075/1665). Fires again devastated the capital in that year; the sultan came to see the damage, and dismissed the kd'im-makam as being the responsible authority (29 Rablc I 1076/12 October 1665). Suleyman Pasha retained his rank, and in spring of the next year accompanied the Walide Sultan to Edirne. He was made beglerbegi of Erzurum in 1076/ 1666. Dismissed a year later, he was given the status of ma'zul and retained all his vizierial khdss estates (1077/1667). For the remaining twenty years of his life, Suleyman Pasha lived as a private person, dying aged around eighty on 15 Rablc II 1098/28 February 1687. His career may be seen as characteristic of a decent, not very talented statesman, helped along by the intisdb network of patronage to which he belonged. Bibliography: B. Kutiikoglu's art. in I A, xi, 197200, forms the basis of the above and contains extensive references to unpublished sources. See also
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Three kinds of settlement are recognised under the Shari'a. First, the defendant can, by ikrdr, acknowledge the settlement. Secondly, he can, by inkdr, dispute or reject it. Thirdly, he can, by sukut, say nothing. The three kinds of settlement, however, are not recognised without differences among the schools of law. From the early classical period, the principal founders of the schools of law, especially Abu Hanlfa (d. 150/ 768) and al-Shaficr (d. 204/820), have differed as to which of the three kinds of settlement is binding. Abu Hanffa maintained that competence to negotiate a sulh settlement by the parties, i.e. that they should have attained their majority, bulugh, is not essential. But sulh by ikrdr is not binding; it must be by ikrdr and sukut. Al-ShafTf set no qualifications, and held that, by ikrdr, a sulh is binding. He also set no conditions about the claimed object, as he divided the settlement into sulh al-ibrd3, by virtue of which the object would be a hiba (donation), and sulh al-mucdwada, when the claimed object is replaced by another. The caliph cUmar is reported to have opined that all kinds of disputes should be considered as settled, irrespective of any qualifications, and his opinion seems to have been accepted by the Companions. Like sulh between two believers, the sulh between the community of believers in the ddr al-Isldm (territory of Islam), and the community of unbelievers in the ddr al-harb (territory of war), is also considered a legal cakd (a treaty), called muhddana or muwddcfa, consisting of all the terms and stipulations agreed upon between the two sides which will become the law governing the relationship between them. Such a treaty is not intended to supersede the normal "state of war" existing between the ddr al-harb and ddr al-Isldm as envisaged by the early Muslim scholars. The period of such a treaty is limited in duration not to exceed 10 years (a limit set on the basis of the Prophet Muhammad's first treaty with the people of Mecca in 2/624), although it can be renewed for one or more terms. The early Muslim scholars and founders of the schools of law, however, differed in their views as to the relationship between the two ddrs. Abu Hanffa, and even more Abu Yusuf and al-Shaybanf, held that a "state of war" (war in the legal sense, not in the sense of fighting) had existed between the two ddrs, but they made no explicit statements that the djihad [q.v.] was a war against such non-Muslims as Christians and Jews solely on account of their disbelief in Islam, because they believed in God and repudiated idolatry. For this reason, they were not denounced as the people of kufr, but they were often referred to as dhimmis, the protected people who lived under Islamic rule [see DHIMMAH]. This was also the position of alAwzacf in Syria, and Malik in the Hidjaz. It was alShafi'f who first formulated the doctrine that the djihad was intended to be a permanent war on the unbelievers, not one merely when they came into conflict with Islam, on the basis of Kur'an, ix, 5, which commands believers "to fight unbelievers whenever you may find them" (K. al-Umm, iv, 84-5). When conditions in the ddr al-Isldm began to change from the 4th/1 Oth century, and the expansion of Islam had come to a standstill, Muslim scholars began to argue that the Shari'a did not require performance of the d^ihdd duty unless the ddr al-Isldm were threatened by foreign forces. Ibn Taymiyya [q.v.] held that Islam should not be imposed by force on unbelievers who made no attempt to encroach upon the ddr al-Isldm. He said, "If the unbeliever were to be killed unless he becomes a Muslim, such an action would constitute
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SULH — AL-SULI
the greatest compulsion in religion," and this would be contrary to the Kur'an, in which it is stated that "no compulsion is prescribed by religion" (II, 257). But when unbelievers from the ddr al-harb (e.g. the Mongols and the Crusaders) menaced the ddr al-Isldm, such a situation required every Muslim to fulfill the ajihdd as an individual duty. It follows that sulh as a concept of peace and harmony was not applied by the ddr al-Isldm to the ddr al-harb in regard to territorial rule, but in regard to a community or a group or even one person in their relationship with Islam. Three specific categories were acknowledged by the Shari'a: (1) When the dhimmls—Christian, Jews, Sabians and other who claimed to have a scripture—had passed under Islamic rule, under an agreement, a permanent peace was established between them under certain conditions; for these, see DHIMMA. (2) Non-Muslims who believed in more than one God and worshipped idols were denounced as kuffdr or unbelievers; for their position, see KAFIR. Any convert who had renounced Islam after the death of the Prophet was denounced as a murtadd or apostate; for his position, see MURTADD. (3) Sulh under an amdn. Despite occasional conflicts between the Byzantine and the Islamic empires, under both the Umayyads and the 'Abbasids, a number of treaties and agreements were reached between the two sides to maintain periods of peace and also to facilitate occasional commercial and cultural relationships. As the two ddrs were in principle in a state of war, the entry by non-Muslims from the ddr al-harb into the ddr al-Isldm was made possible by the granting of amdn, a pledge of security by virtue of which the person from the ddr al-harb, called a harbl, was at peace with Islam during his visit to the ddr al-Isldm. No longer at war with Islam, the harbi would become a musta'min, and he would be entitled to protection by the Muslim authorities (for details, see AMAN). The institution of amdn, like a passport to facilitate peaceful relationship among nations today, may accordingly be considered as a factor promoting sulh in the relationships between the ddr al-Isldm and the ddr alharb. Bibliography: Abu Yusuf, K. al-Khardaj, Cairo 1352/1933, 207-17, tr. A. Ben Shemesh, Taxation in Islam, Leiden 1969, iii, Abu Yusuf's Kitdb al-Khardj, ch. 6; idem, al-Radd cald siyar al-Awz,dci, Cairo 1357/1938; Shafi'I, Umm, Cairo 1325/1907, vii, 303-36 (his comments on Abu Yusuf's text of Awzacf's Siyar); ShaybanT, Abwdb al-siyar f, ard alharb (on the relations of Islam with the ddr al-harb, unpubl. Feyzullah ms., Istanbul, tr. M. Khadduri, The Islamic law of nations: Shaybdm's Siyar, Baltimore 1966; SarakhsT, Sharh K. al-siyar al-kabir, ed. S. alMunadjdjid, Cairo 1971, 4 vols., vol. v ed. £A.CA. Ahmad, Cairo 1972; Tabarl, K. al-Djihdd wa-K. alDjizya wa-ahkdm al-muhdribm rain K. Ikhtildf al-jukahd', ed. J. Schacht, Leiden 1933, 14 ff. Mawardl, al-Ahkdm al-sultdniyya, ed. Enger, chs. 4-5; Kasani", K. Badd3ic al-sand'ic Ji tartib al-shard3ic, Cairo 1328/1910, ch. on sulh, 39-55; Muhammad Hamidullah, The Muslim conduct of the state, 3Lahore 1953; J. Hatschek, Der Musta'min, Berlin 1920; H. Kruse, Islamische Vb'lkerrechtskhre, Gottmgen 1953; Muh. TaTat al-Ghunaymf, Kdnun al-saldmfi 'l-Isldm, Alexandria 1988; M. Khadduri, War and peace in the law of Islam, 2Baltimore 1955. See also HUDNA. (M. KHADDURI) SULH-i KULL, the central principle in the religious thought of the Mughal Emperor Akbar (d. 1014/1605) and his counsellor Abu '1-Fadl, appar-
ently developed under the influence of Ibn cArabi's ideas. As a farmdn of Akbar from 999/1590 (publ. in Desai, 545) puts it, the highest station of spiritual attainment is muhabbat-i hull, absolute love, where only unity remains. A lower station is sulh-i hull or absolute peace, which constitutes a recognition of diversity and calls upon one to be benevolent to all. By 989/1581, the doctrine of sulh-i hull was dominant at Akbar's court, as reported by a letter from his counsellor Abu '1-Fath to Sharif Amull (Ruka'dt, 150), where it is taken to mean "accommodating oneself to people, good and bad, and regarding oneself, with all one's defects, as a necessary part of this world." In Akbar's mind, sulh-i hull most strongly implied the necessity of tolerance of all the different and contradictory religious beliefs. As he moved away from Muslim orthodoxy after the theologians' mahdar of 987/1579, which had admitted him to be an authoritative interpreter of the Shari'a, he came to occupy, at almost the same moment, "the sovereign seat of sulh-i hull" and so assumed as an obligation, the tolerance of "all the idle-talkers" against his religious views, according to the official history of the Emperor, written by Abu '1-Fadl (Akbar-ndma, iii, 271). In 1000/1591, while holding the Muslim prayers and fasts to be mere ritualistic exercises, Akbar forbade his son Murad from prohibiting or interfering with them on the explicit ground that it was "incumbent on sovereigns and administrators to keep to sulh-i hull with all the world and its denizens" (Akbarndma, early version, fol. 389a). Sulh-i hull was stressed as a basic article in Akbar's preaching to his own spiritual followers (see Djahanglr's statement of these "articles" in his Tuzuk, 28). Sulh-i hull is not heard of after the early years of Djahanglr's reign (1014-37/ 1605-27). Perhaps it was too early for its time. Even some of the religions which Akbar protected under its umbrella, were not impressed. The Jesuit Monserrate wrote (1581) that Akbar "cared little that, in allowing every one to follow his own religion, he was in reality violating all religions" (Commentary., 142). Bibliography. Abu '1-Fadl, Akbar-ndma, fragments of early version in B.L. Add. 27, 247, standard version, ed. Ahmad 'All, Calcutta 1873-87; Abu '1-Fath Gflanf, Rukacdt, ed. M. Bashfr Husayn, Lahore 1968; Djahangfr, Tuzuk, ed. Syed Ahmad, Ghazlpur and 'Allgafh 1863-4; Fr. Monserrate, Commentary, tr. J.S. Hoyland, annotated S.N. Banerjee, London 1922; Mohanlal Desai, Jain sahityano samkshipt itihas, n.d., incs. text of Akbar's farmdn of 999/1590. (M. ATHAR ALI) AL-SULI, ABU BAKR MUHAMMAD B. YAHYA b. al'Abbas b. Muhammad b. Sul, man of letters, court companion of several caliphs, expert on poetry and chess, d. 335/947. As a prolific author, collector of poetry, and as an often-quoted authority for reports on caliphs and poets, he holds a place of eminence in classical Arabic literature. Since he himself mentions that he attended—and disliked—the lectures of Ibn Abl Tahir Tayfur (d. 280/893-4 [q.v.]) at Basra in the year 277/890-1 (Akhbdr al-shucard3 almuhdathln, 210), the year of his birth may be placed about twenty years earlier, i.e. around the year 257/874 (for further evidence, see Nucman, Sharh alSuli, i, 70, n. 1). He was born into an illustrious Baghdad! family; his great ancestor, "Sul the Turk", had held Djurdjan at the time of its conquest (alTabarf, iii, 1323-5). In the course of events leading to the 'Abbasids' rise of power, his family became closely linked to the new dynasty. Muhammad b. Sul, who must have joined the da'wa at an early date, was
L-SULI appointed governor of Mawsil and Adharbaydjan under the caliph Abu 'l-cAbbas al-Saffah. Another member of the family, Abu cAmr Mas'ada b. Sa'fd b. Sul, served in the chancellery of al-Mansur and the Barmakids (Yakut, Irshdd, vi, 88), as did his son cAmr (d. 217/832) at the beginning of his career; cAmr was later given several high offices under al-Ma'mun (D. Sourdel, Le vizirat 'abbdside, Damascus 1959-60, i, 234-8; Shawkr Dayf, Ta'nkh al-adab al-carabl, al-casr al'abbdsi al-awwal, Cairo 1966, 552-8). From the time of al-MaJmun until al-Mutawakkil there had flourished also his great-uncle, Ibrahim b. al-cAbbas b. Muhammad al-Suli, who was one of the famous secretarypoets and a master of ornate prose and poetry in badif style (d. 243/857; cf. Sezgin, GAS, ii, 578-80). Abu Bakr al-Sulf himself never held any administrative post, but mainly served as nadlm [q.v.] and tutor, positions which did not provide him with a secure rank and income, a fact reflected in his frequent requests directed to the addressee of his panegyrical poetry (e.g. Akhbdr al-Rddl wa'l-Muttaki, 14 11. 6-12; 23 11. 3-5; 153 11. 5-7). Biographical dictionaries name the famous Abu Dawud al-Sidjistam, Tha'lab and al-Mubarrad as his teachers, but the authorities most often quoted by him are cAwn b. Muhammad al-Kindl, al-Hasan b. cUlayl al-cAnazf and Muhammad b. Zakariyya al-Ghalabf. At first admitted to the madjlis of the caliph al-Muktafi" for his praised mastery of chess, as it seems (al-Mascudf, Murudj., ed. Pellat, § 3471; quoted by Ibn Khallikan, ed. 'Abbas, iv, 35960), his excellence in literary matters was soon recognised, and al-Muktadir entrusted to him the education of two of his sons. One of them, Muhammad, the later caliph al-Radf (in succession to al-Kahir, from the year 322/934), was a gifted poet and particularly attached to al-SulT. This relationship, which lasted until the caliph died (329/940), gave him a privileged position at court. With the succession of al-Muttakl, who did not entertain literati and court-companions, al-Suli had to find a new sphere of activity and went to Wash, where he was generously received by Badjkam [q.v.], the later Amir al-Umard3, as he himself reports (Akhbdr al-Rddl wa'l-Muttaki, 193-4). In the reign of al-Mustakfi, al-Sulf tried to find admission to court again, but did not succeed, and, according to a short note of Ibn al-Nadlm (al-Fihrist, ed. Tadjaddud, 167) and others, was subsequently accused of 'Alid sympathies. He then retired to Basra, where Abu 'All al-Tanukhi [q.v] attended his reading of his Kitdb al-Wuzard' in the year 335/946-7 (al-Faradj. bacd al-shidda, Kisas 111, 113, 140, 276, 326, 402). Here he died in the month of Ramadan of the same year, again according to the testimony of al-Tanukhf (no. 328); biographical literature, beginning with alMarzubanf (d. 384/994), has also 336 as the year of his death (Mu'ajam al-shucard3, ed. Krenkow, 465). It is not clear, in how far this accusation should be understood as a reflection of his Shf c f leanings, but al-SulI has become part of the Shi c l tradition (cf. Agha Buzurg al-Tihram, Tabakdt a'ldrn al-shfa. Nawdbigh alruwdtfi rdbi'at al-mfdt, Tehran 1971, 214), and it is most likely that he was on good terms with cAlids and their traditions, as his Wak'at al-D^amal (cf. Sezgin, i, 331) may suggest. Al-SulI had a multitude of written sources at his disposal, since he possessed an impressive library of many volumes, well arranged and with marvellous bindings. However, a strong bias against reliance on books as a sole source of transmission prevailed at his time, and even Ibn al-Nadlm mentions that his library was considered to be a stain on his scholarly
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reputation (168). Al-Suli claimed, as recorded by his pupil Abu Bakr Ibn Shadhan (Tctrikh Baghdad, iii, 431), that in the course of his studies he had attended "the reading" of all the books he possessed. In spite of this attempt at self-defence, verses defining his library as the only source of his knowledge spread widely. A few other critical voices attack his reliability as author, for example Ibn Abi 'l-cAshshar, who disqualifies the transmission of al-Sulfs materials by Abu Ahmad al-cAskan as lies, and disqualifies al-Sulfs transmission from al-Ghalabf as well (Ibn Hadjar al'Askalanl, Lisdn al-mizdn, v, 428). Also, Ibn al-Nadlm accuses him of plagiarism (see below). In any case, those of his writings mainly concerned with history and poetry won recognition among his colleages. Al-MascudT refers to al-Sulfs main work, the Kitdb al-Awrdk, as a collection of accounts (akhbdr) about the 'Abbasid caliphs and their poetry, and about their secretaries, ministers and poets, and appreciates the originality of the information and literary quality of its contents (op. cit., § 11). Al-Khatfb al-Baghdadf made extensive use of this source (cf. al-cUmarf); and traces of this and other works of al-Sulf are scattered in adab literature, such as the works of al-Husrf, al-Murtada, and al-Tanukhf. Al-Marzuba.nl, the excellent connoisseur of poetry and adab tradition, considered al-Sulf as his master (op. cit.) and quoted him extensively in his K. al-Muwashshah. Abu '1-Faradj al-Isfahanf refers more than four hundred times to al-SulI for materials on poets and poetry in his Aghdnl (cf. Fleischhammer). Only some of his works listed by Ibn al-Nadlm (loc. cit.) are preserved. Traces of them may be identified from exact quotations. As mentioned above, alTanukhf studied the K. al-Wuzard3 with the author, and Abu Sacld al-Samcanf copied from his own teacher al-Djawalfkf two large volumes of al-Sulfs Amdll, not mentioned by Ibn al-Nadfm (al-Ansdb, ed. al-Barudf, iii, 567); the Kitdb al-Anwdc, which seems to have dealt mainly with poetry and poets, is quoted by al-Baghdadf (Khizdnat al-adab, Bulak, iii, 53). Further quotations from al-Suli are gathered by I. Kratschkovsky in his £/' art. s.v.; Brockelmann S I, 218-19, and Sezgin, GAS, i, 330-1 (with further references). See also the footnotes to al-Dhahabf, Ta'rikh al-Isldm, ed. cUmar c Abd al-Salam Tadmurt, years 331-50, pp. 131-2. The extant works give a vivid impression of his literary production. His K. al-Awrdk included under its heading (cf. Ibn Shakir al-Kutubi, Fawdt al-wafaydt, ed. cAbbas, iii, 354) a number of his books as enumerated by Ibn al-Nadlm. These depict many sides of the culture of his time dealing with the—mostly literary—aspects of courtly life and poets, and also include a few autobiographical notes. The edition of the parts entitled Akhbdr al-Rddl wa'l-Muttakl, Ash'dr awldd al-khulafd3; Akhbdr al-shu'ard3 al-muhdathln (ed. J. Heyworth-Dunne, London 1934-6) did not cover all the parts preserved in manuscripts. A new and completed edition has now been announced at St. Petersburg (cf. Chalidov). His handbook for secretaries, Adab al-kuttdb (ed. Muhammad Bahdjat al-Atharf, Cairo 1341), which deals with the technical requirements of the secretarial profession, namely, appropriate writing tools, the right formulae of address, some administrative expertise and orthography, also contains anecdotes and shows a strong interest in the aspects of etiquette. His writings assign much space to the poetry of "the modern" poets (muhdathun). The study of this poetry was obviously his main literary interest, which he pursued with the collection, arrangement and edi-
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AL-SULI — SULLAM
tion in the form of diwdns. This scholarly work is an important contribution to Arabic literature, mainly because most of the diwdns he collected, as they appear in the listing of Ibn al-Nadlm, belong to poets of the 3rd/9th century or contemporary poets, e.g. Abu Shura'a al-KaysI, 'All b. al-Djahm, Di'bil b. CA1I, Khalid b. Yazld al-Katib and al-Sanawbarf. Al-Suli's redactions of these diwdns seem not to have survived in separate manuscripts; some are referred to in works of Arabic literature, such as those of Abu 'l-Shls (cf. Sezgin, GAS, ii), Ibn Tabataba and Ibn al-Ruml (ibid.}. Excerpts from his scholarly work are preserved in the diwdns of Ibn al-Muctazz and, probably, of Muslim b. al-Walld. Whereas his redaction of the poems of Abu Nuwas has survived in many manuscripts (cf. Wagner), the poetry of the above-mentioned Ibrahim b. al-cAbbas al-Suh" is preserved only in his redaction (cf. al-Maymam); the redaction of the diwdn of Abu Tammam is preserved along with his commentary (Shark Diwdn Abi Tammdm, ed. Nucman). In addition to the mere transmission of poetry, alSull collected narratives of the events which supposedly had inspired or provoked the poets' verses, and occasionally explain and evaluate the poems themselves. In this vein, the Akhbdr Sudayf b. Maymun and Akhbdr al-Sayyid al-Himyari are mentioned as parts of the K. al-Awrdk (Ibn al-Nadlm, loc. cit.); elsewhere we find mentioned the Akhbdr shifard3 Misr (Yakut, Irshdd, v, 454), the Akhbdr al-Abbas b. al-Ahnaf, used by Abu '1-Faradj (cf. Sezgin), and more may be found scattered in Arabic literature, as Salih al-Ashtar has demonstrated with the collection of the Akhbdr al-Buhtun (Damascus 1958). In the Akhbdr Abi Tammdm (ed. Muhammed cAbduh cAzzam), al-Sulf gives a detailed and elaborate defence of the latter's poetic style; moreover, he presents, in his Risdla to Muzahim b. Fatik— edited together with the Akhbdr—a critical analysis of the position of those who rebuked the new style of Abu Tammam, along with a thoughtful comparison between the art of the Moderns and the Ancients. The critical remarks of Ibn al-Nadlm, who accused him of plagiarism from a work of al-Marthadl (143, 168), and suspected him of having produced the poetry ascribed to Ibn Harma himself (181), cannot be corroborated. In any case, they may indicate al-Suli's strong inclination to defend the qualities of "modern" poetry. For his contribution to the literature on chess and his role as a master player, see SJIATRANDJ. Bibliography. Ibn al-Muctazz, Diwdn., ed. B. Lewin, part IV, Istanbul 1945 (Bibliotheca Islamica 17 d), 6; Abu Nuwas, Diwdn, parts 1-4, ed. E. Wagner and G. Schoeler, Cairo-Beirut-Stuttgart 1958-86 (Bibliotheca Islamica 20 a-d); Anas B. Chalidov, Der nichtverqffentlichte Teil des "Kitdb al-Awrdq" von as-Suli in einer unikalen St. Petersburger Handschrift, in Ibn al-Nadim und die mittelalterliche arabische Literatur, Beitrdge zum 1. Johann-Wilhelm-Fuck-Kolkquium (Halle 1987), Wiesbaden 1996, 73-7; M. Fleischhammer, Quellenstudien zum Kitdb al-Aghdni, Halle (Saale) 1965 (unpubl. ms.); Diwdn Ibrahim b. al-fAbbas al-Sull, in al-Tard'ifal-adabiyya, ed. cAbd al-cAz!z al-Maymanl, Cairo 1937, 117-94; Marzubam, al-Muwashshah, ed. C A1T Muhammad al-BadjawI, repr. Cairo n.d.; Muslim b. al-Walld, Diwdn, ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1875; Khalaf Rashld Nu'man, Dirdsa wa-tahkik Sharh alSuli li-Diwdn Abi Tammdm, i-ii, Baghdad 1978; Kitdb al-Shatranaj (containing selections of the books of al-cAdlI and al-SulI et al.), Frankfurt 1986 (Publ. of the Inst. for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science); D. Sourdel, Fragments d'al-Suli sur I'histoire des vizirs c abbasides, in BEO, xv (1955-7), 99-108; Suzanne
Pinckney Stetkevych, Abu Tammdm and the poetics of the cAbbdsid age, Leiden 1991, 38-48; Tanukhi, alFaraaj bacd al-shidda, ed. cAbbud al-Shalidjr, Beirut 1398/1978; Ahmad Djamll al-'Uman, Abu Bakr al-Suti, Cairo 1973; Akram Diva3 al-cUmari, Mawdrid al-Khatib al~Baghdddi, Beirut 1395/1975, 148-51; E. Wagner, Die Uberlieferung des Abu Nuwds-Diwdn und seine Handschriften, Wiesbaden 1958 (Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse Jahrgang 1957, Nr. 6), 341-56. (S. LEDER) SULLAM (A.), Scala, denoting a b i l i n g u a l Coptic-Arabic v o c a b u l a r y , and by extension, a ms. of a Coptic-Arabic philological miscellany. As Arabisation progressed in Egypt, and the usage of Coptic, the latest form of Ancient Egyptian, diminished [see KIBT], local scholars put together bilingual (and even trilingual, with Greek) vocabularies, composed to respond to the need of social adaptation or the preservation of the ancient patrimony. At the outset, the lexicographical work was a prolongation of the earlier, rich local tradition, which had already mingled the Pharaonic and Hellenistic heritages. But from the 13th century A.D. onwards, within the framework of the philological movement marking the intellectual and literary Coptic renaissance, one aspect of which was the birth of Coptic grammar of Arabic inspiration [see MUKADDIMA] , new directions appeared. The oldest and most represented genre in this lexicography is that called "onomasiological" (sc. the classification of words by subjects or themes). Editions by Munier and Kircher, unfortunately defective and incomplete, based on single mss., have brought to light the most developed of these vocabularies: the anonymous and composite Greco-Copto-Arabic one called "Book of degrees" (pifJAiov TCQV pa9^icov, K. Daraaj. al-sullam) and the "Scala magna" (al-Sullam al-kabir), a Copto-Arabic work by the encyclopaedist Abu '1Barakat Ibn Kabar (d. 1324 [q.v.]). But many others exist (incl. Greco-Arabic lexica), still unpublished, which served either directly or indirectly as models for later compilations, whose archetypes may go back to the pre-Islamic period, in the form of monolingual "onomastica", Greek or Coptic, or also bilingual, GrecoCoptic. Apart from a less numerous type of vocabulary, of the glossary type, analysing Biblical and Christian liturgical texts, and another dealing with homonyms (kaldm mushtabih), not to speak of those of a hybrid character, there exist rhymed (mukaffa) alphabeticallyarranged lexica on the Arabic pattern. These are owed to two other polymaths of the 7th/13th century: Abu Shakir Ibn al-Rahib and al-Mu'taman Ibn al-cAssal [q.vv.]. The first has not survived, but its existence and its method of arrangement are known to us thanks to the prologue preserved with the grammar which served as an introduction (mukaddimd) to it, whilst the second was edited by Kircher, in the same poor conditions as those mentioned above. Independent of their intrinsic value in regard to Coptic lexicography, these mediaeval vocabularies proved very useful to European scholars of the last century for discovering and getting to know the ancient language of the hieroglyphs; but they also contain precious information on the lexicon of the Greek koine and the mediaeval Arabic used in the Nile Valley. Bibliography. 1. Editions of texts. A. Kircher, Lingua aegyptiaca restituta, Rome 1643; H. Munier, Lascala copte 44 de la Bibliotheque National de Paris, Cairo 1930.
SULLAM — SULTAN 2. Studies. Graf, GCAL, ii, 371-446 passim; A. Mallon, Cat. des scales de la J5JV. de Paris., in MFOB, iv (1910), 57-90; A. Sidarus, Bibliographical introduction to medieval Coptic linguistics, in Bull. Soc. d'Archeol. Copte, xxix (1990), 83-5; idem, Coptic lexicography of the Middle Ages, in R. McL. Wilson (ed.), Thejuture of Coptic studies, Leiden 1978, 125-42; idem, Les lexiques onomasiologiques greco-copto-arabes du Moyen Age et leurs origines anciennes, in R. Schulz and M. Gorg (ed.), Lingua restituta orientalis (Festschrift Julius Assfalg), Wiesbaden 1990, 348-59; idem, Onomastica aegyptiaca ou la tradition des lexiques thematiques en Egypte ..., in Histoire, Epistemologie, Langage, xii/1 (1990), 7-19; idem, Manuscrits sahidiques de philologie greco-copto-arabe, in MME, vii (1995). (A. SIDARUS) SULTAN (A.), a word which is originally an abstract noun meaning "power, authority", but which by the 4th/10th century often passes to the meaning "holder of power, authority". It could then be used for provincial and even quite petty rulers who had assumed de facto power alongside the caliph, but in the 5th/llth century was especially used by the dominant power in the central lands of the former caliphate, the Great Saldjuks [see SALDJUKIDS. II, III.l], who initially overshadowed the 'Abbasids of Baghdad. In the Perso-Turkish and Indo-Muslim worlds especially, the feminine form sultana evolves to denote a woman holder of power. A denominative verb tasaltana was formed, with the somewhat contemptuous diminutive mutasaltin for a petty prince, whilst in Spanish Muslim sources, sulatdn was used to designate Alfonso VII of Castile after he had come to the throne as a child only (Dozy, Supplement, i, 674). 1. In early Islamic usage and in the central lands of Islam. The native Arabic verb salata "to be hard, strong" (cf. Akkad. saldtu "to have power") often occurs in ancient poetry, but not in the Kur'an. Sultan, on the other hand, occurs frequently in the Kur'an, with the denominative verb sallata Juldnan caldfuldnln "to empower s.o. over s.o." appearing in IV, 92/90, and LIX, 6. Sultan has there most often the meaning of a moral or magical authority supported by proofs or miracles which afford the right to make a statement of religious import. The prophets received this sultan from God (cf. e.g. sura XIV, 12, 13) and the idolaters are often invited to produce a sultan in support of their beliefs. Thus the dictionaries (like TCA1, v, 159) explain the word as synonymous with huajaja and burhdn. There are also six passages in the Kur'an where sultan has the meaning of "power", but it is always the spiritual power which Iblfs exercises over men (XIV, 26; XV, 42; XVI, 101, 102; XVII, 67; XXXIV, 20). Now it is this meaning of power, or rather of governmental power, which is attached to the word sultan in the early centuries of Islam. The word and its meaning were undoubtedly borrowed from the Syriac shultdnd, which has the meaning of power, and, although rarely, also that of the wielder of power (Payne-Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, col. 4179; Noldeke, Beitrdge zur semitischen Sprachwissenschajt, Strassburg 1910, 39; A. Jeffery, The foreign vocabulary of the QuSdn, Baroda 1938, 176-7). The Kur'anic sense of the word may probably also be derived from the meaning of power (some lexicographers try to explain it as the plural of salit, "olive oil"). Later, an attempt was made to connect the title sultan with the meaning of "argument", and it was paraphrased as dhu 'l-huajaja (TCA, loc. cit.). In the literature of Hadlth, sultan has exclusively the sense of power, usually governmental power (the
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sultan is the wall for him who has no other wall, alTirmidhr, i, 204) but the word also means sometimes the power of God. The best-known tradition, however, is that which begins with the words al-sultdn gill Allah f i 'l-ard "governmental power is the shadow of God upon earth" (cf. Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, ii, 61, Eng. tr. ii, 67, and idem, Du sens propre des expressions Ombre de Dieu, Khalife de Dieu, pour designer les chefs dans Tlslam, in RHR, xxxv [1897], 331-8). Al-cUtbr quotes this tradition at the beginning of the Kitdb alTamim, and his commentator al-Manml says that it was transmitted by al-Tirmidhl and others as going back to Ibn cUmar (al-Fath al-wahbi, Shark al-Tamim, Cairo 1286, i, 21). This tradition later played a part in the theories of the Sultanate because an allusion to the title was wrongly seen in it. Apart from Hadfth, Arabic literature to the end of the 4th/10th century only knows the word sultan in the sense of governmental power (among the many examples, cf, e.g. alYa'kubi, Kitdb al-Bulddn, 346, 349; Ibn cAbd al-Hakam, Futuh Misr, ed. Torrey, 183, where it is said that in ancient times the residence of the sultan of Ifnkiya was Carthage, and Ibn Hawkal, ed. de Goeje, 143, where al-Mawsil is called the residence of the sultan and of the diwdn of al-Djazfra) or of the person who at a particular time is the personification of the impersonal governmental power, as opposed to amir, which is rather in the nature of a title. This last meaning, which is sometimes more completely rendered by Dhu 'l-Sultdn (e.g. in Hadfth), and is totally different from the first, is found as early as the Egyptian papyri of the first century (for the governor of Egypt, cf. Becker, Beitrdge zur Geschichte Aegyptens, 90, n. 6) and in the following centuries sometimes also for the caliphs (the caliph al-Mansur is called Sultan Allah in a khutba, al-Tabarf, iii, 426; the caliph al-Muwaffak is called Sultan, ibid., iii, 1894; and again in 997 the caliph alKadir, al-cUtbf, op. cit., 265). This practice of designating a person by the word which indicates his dignity has parallels in all languages (see e.g. for Turkish official language, H. Ritter, in Islamica, ii [1927], 475); it even appears that the Assyrian form siltdn was applied to foreign sovereigns (according to Ravaisse in ZDMG, Ixiii [1909], 330). The meaning of "power, government", has been maintained in Arabic literature to the present day. The transition in meaning from an impersonal representative of political power to a personal title is a development the stages of which are difficult to follow. Authorities writing later than this development make statements which can only be accepted with reserve. Thus Ibn Khaldun (Mukaddima, ed. Quatremere, ii, 8, tr. Rosenthal, ii, 8-9) says that the Barmakl Djacfar was called sultan because he held the most powerful position in the state and that, later, the great usurpers of the power of the caliph obtained lakabs like amir al-umard3 and sultan. The same thing is recorded of the Buyids (A. Miiller, Der Islam in Morgenund Abendland, i, 568) and of the Ghaznawids. Ibn al-Athfr (ix, 92) says that Mahmud of Ghazna obtained the title of sultan from the caliph al-Kadir. This statement is not confirmed by al-cUtbf, who, in giving the various alkdb conferred on Mahmud by the caliph (op. cit., i, 317), makes no mention of this title. It is, however, true that al-cUtb! himself always calls Mahmud al-Sultdn, giving in explanation the fact that Mahmud had become an independent sovereign (op. cit., 311); but to al-cUtbf sultan cannot yet have been an official title, since he gives the same epithet to the caliph (see above). The first Ghaznawid on whose coins the title appears is Ibrahim b. Mas'ud (451-92/1059-99),
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apparently stimulated by the extensive use of the title by the Great Saldjuks to the Ghaznawids' west (see C.E. Bosworth, The titulature of the early Ghaznavids, in Oriens, xv [1962], 222-4). We find the Fatimids using the epithet Sultan al-Islam (Ibn Yunus, Leiden ms.) and in the same period we find the lakab of Sultan al-Dawla among the Buyids of Fars (Sultan al-Dawla, Abu Shudjac, 403-15/1012-24 [q.v.]). The same lakab was borne by the last Buyid al-Malik al-Rahlm at Baghdad at the time when the usurping Saldjuk Toghril Beg received from the caliph in 443/1051 the lakab of al-Sultan Rukn al-Dawla (al-Rawandl, Rdhat al-sudur, ed. M. Iqbal, 105; cf. also Ibn Taghribirdl, al-Nuajum al-zahira, ed. Popper, 233). Toghril Beg was also the first Muslim ruler whose coins bear the epithet or rather title Sultan., and that in the combination al-Sultan al-Mucazzam (S. LanePoole, Cat. of oriental coins in the Brit. Mus., iii, 28-9). This fact makes it very probable that the Saldjuks were the first for whom Sultan had become a regular title for a ruler; the qualification by al-Mu'aggam was necessary to lift the word definitely out of its use as a more or less impersonal common noun. This development would at the same time explain why the word Sultan immediately became the highest title that a Muslim prince could obtain, while in the centuries preceding, any representative of authority could be so designated. The adjective al-Mucazzam, essential for the titie, was soon omitted in unofficial language. Thus with the Saldjuks, Sultan became a regular sovereign titie. Neither the provincial lines of the Saldjuks (among whom, however, we find the proper name Sultanshah) nor the Atabegs after them bore the tide sultan', they were content with titles like malik and shah. It was only after the end of the Great Saldjuks in the middle of the 6th/12th century that the Khwarazmshahs assumed it. The caliph al-Nasir was, however, able to take advantage of the weakness of Djalal alDln Khwarazmshah by refusing to recognise his claim to this tide (al-NasawI, Vie de Djelal-eddin Mankobirti, ed. Houdas, 247). Soon the Saldjuks of Rum also called themselves Sultan (on coins from Kilidj Arslan II, r. 551-88/1156-92, onwards). Almost at the same time the tide is applied in literature to the early Ayyubid Salah al-Dln (Ibn Djubayr, Rihla, ed. Wright and de Goeje, 40), although Sultan never appears on the coins of the Ayyubids, whose official titles were all combined with al-Malik. By the literature of the 7th/ 13th century, Sultan had become a title indicating the most absolute political independence. Ibn al-Athfr (xi, 169) speaks of Baghdad and its environs as the territory where the caliph reigned without a sultan. It is not certain if in the last period of the cAbbasids in Baghdad, the caliph was already regarded as the only authority who could confer the titie sultan. We see, however, that after the fall of the caliphate an increasing number of Muslim potentates arrogated the title to themselves. In official use, the titie was very often followed by an adjective like al-A'zam, al-fAdil etc. (a complete list is given in O. Codrington, A manual of Musalman numismatics, London 1904, 81-2). During the 7th-9th/13th-15th centuries, the Mamluk sultans of Egypt added the greatest lustre to the titie of Sultan', after them came the Ottoman sultans. Sultans, having thus become potentates whose absolute independence was generally recognised, jurists and historians set themselves to construct theories to find a justification in law for the existence of such potentates, for whom there had been no place in the old conception of the Muslim caliphate [see KHALIFA]. We find these theories as early as al-Mawardl (who
wrote in the time of the later Buyids), for whom sultan had not yet any other meaning than governmental power, as is evident from the titie of his book alAhkdm al-sultdniyya. This same author says (ed. Enger, Bonn 1853, 30-1) that the caliph may remain in office even if he is dominated by one of his subordinates, provided that the latter's actions are in conformity with the principles of religion. Al-cUtbf, who quotes the tradition that the sultan is the shadow of Allah on earth (see above), does so very probably to justify the independent position of Mahmud of Ghazna, to whom he always gives the epithet al-Sultan', but this allusion to the well-known tradition is perhaps rather a play upon words than the theory of a jurist. To al-Ghazalr, the "Sultans of his age", of whom he has a very low opinion (Goldziher, Streitschrift des Gazali gegen die Bdtinijja-Sekte, Leiden 1916, 93), are in general the representatives of temporal power. It is only under the Mamluk sultans of Egypt that a definite theory is laid down by Khalll al-Zahin (^ubdat kashf al-mamdlik, ed. Ravaisse, 89-90), who says that it is only the caliph who has the right to grant the tide of sultan and that, in consequence, this title only belongs in reality to the sultan of Egypt. The Mamluks called themselves in their inscriptions Sultan al-Isldm wa 'l-Muslimin (M. van Berchem, Inschriften aus Syrien, Mesopotamien und Kleinasien, Leipzig 1909). About the same time, Ibn cArabshah in the biography of Sultan Djakmak (JRAS [1907], 295 ff.) calls the sultan the Khalifa of Allah on earth in affairs of government, while the culamd3 are the heirs of the Prophet in matters of religion; this statement contains, like that of al-cUtbI, an apt allusion to the tradition (in another form). Lastly, al-Suyutf (Husn al-muhddara, ii, 91 ff.) gives a definition of the titles of sultan (he in whose possessions there are maliks) of al-Sultan al-Aczam and of Sultan al-Saldtm, which is the highest title. In the time of the Mamluks there were actually quite a number of Muslim potentates who called themselves Sultan', some of these, in keeping with al-Zahirfs theory, had even asked the permission of the faineant cAbbasid caliph in Cairo to bear the titie. From the beginning of the use of the titie, we may say that all the great rulers who bore it were Sunnfs. It is therefore not a mere coincidence that this development went parallel with the religious revival in Islam in the period of the Crusades; the great sultans became at the same time the defenders of SunnI Islam, and the originally pagan Mongol rulers, after having in general embraced this form of Islam, assumed this very titie. This Sunn! significance of the tide is specially noticeable in the Ottoman sultanate. It appears that some coins of Orkhan [q.v.] already bear the tide sultan (S. Lane-Poole, Cat. or. coins, viii, 41), although the first Ottoman princes were generally regarded as amirs (Ibn Battuta, ii, 321). Bayezfd I is said to have been the first to obtain from the caliph in Cairo the right to call himself Sultan (von Hammer, GOR, i, 235). After the taking of Constantinople, Mehemmed II [q.v.] assumed the title of Sultan al-barrayn wa 'l-bahrayn (GOR, i, 88), but even in the Ottoman empire itself as the titie of the sovereign it was never as popular as those of Khunkdr and Padishah. In the official protocol, on the other hand, it occupies an important place, e.g. in the formula al-Sultan ibn al-Sultan, etc., before the names of the rulers. After the extinction of the Mamluk sultanate by the conquest of Sellm I, Ottoman rulers had become indisputably the greatest sultans in Islam. The Safawids of Persia were called Shah and the opposition SultanShah henceforth corresponded to that between Sunms
SULTAN and Shi'is. It is true that officially the Safawids also called themselves Sultan., e.g. on their coins (R.S. Poole, Catalogue of the coins of the Shahs of Persia in the British Museum, London 1887, index, 313, s.v. Sultan]., but they were only known by the title of Shah. In general under the Safawids, sultan was a title of deputy governors in the provinces (see K.M. Rohrborn, Provinzen und ^entralgewalt Persiens im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, Berlin 1966). In Ottoman Turkey, Sultan was always an elevated title. In addition to rulers, it was borne by princes, and one of the causes why the Grand Vizier and favourite of Siileyman I, Ibrahim Pasha [q.v.], was disgraced is said to have been that he had taken the tide of Ser'asker Sultan (GOR, iii, 160). In the time of c Abd al-Hamfd II, the petty chiefs who were appointed sultan in their own country (e.g. in Hadramawt) were not allowed to use the title when they visited Istanbul. In Turkish, the title sultan was always placed before the name of the sovereign or of the prince, showing its foreign origin. The really popular use of the word in Turkish is with the meaning of princess (see e.g. the story Soleyme Sultan, in G. Jacob, Hilfsbuch, ii, 59, and the use of the word in erotic poetry). It is by this usage that the practice of placing sultan after the word when it means princess is to be explained, as in Walide Sultan, Khasseki Sultan (cf. also cAlI, Kunh al-akhbdr, v, 16). For the same reason. Sultan is added after the name when it is applied to a mystic (see 4. below). In Persia, on the other hand, as noted above, sultan was used as a title for officers and governors ('All, loc. cit., in ZDMG, Ixxx [1926], 30). Ewliya Celebi speaks of the sultans of Persia as minor governors (Siydhat-ndme, ii, 299-305). The only case in which the sovereign has been given the tide Sultan is that of the last Kadjar Ahmad Shah, who received it on his accession in 1327/1909 after the Constitutional Revolution. In Egypt, the title had disappeared with the last Mamluks, but was revived for the short period (19141922) of the reign of Sultan Husayn Kamil and the beginning of the reign of Fu'ad [see KHIDIW] . The number of dynasties whose rulers have borne or bear the title Sultan is very great. Only in North Africa did it appear relatively late; in Morocco the dynasty of the Filalf Shurafa' or Shorfa3 [q.v.] (since the second half of the 12th/18th century) was the first to assume the title Sultan. Bibliography (in addition to references given in the article): G. Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, Mannheim 1848, ii, 345; A. von Kremer, Geschichte der herrschenden Ideen des Islams, Leipzig 1868, 421; W. Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion, 271; C.F. Seybold, Mis&llen, in £DMG, Ixii (1908), 563 ff.; 714 ff.; idem, Mochmals Sultan, in ^DMG, Ixiii (1909), 329 ff.; C.H. Becker, Barthold's Studien iiber Kalif und Sultan, in Islam, vi, esp. 356 ff.; A. Mez, Die Renaissance des Islams, Heidelberg 1922, 133; T.W. Arnold, The caliphate, London 1924, esp. 202 ff.; P. Wittek, Islam und Kalifat, in Archie fur Sozialwissenschajt und Sozialpolitik, 1925, liii, esp. 414 ff.; E. Tyan, Institutions du droit public musulman. ii. Sultanat et califat, Paris 1956, 7-79; R. Levy, The social structure of Islam, Cambridge 1957, 269, 369, 377-8; E.I.J. Rosenthal, Political thought in medieval Islam, Cambridge 1968, index. (J.H. KRAMERS-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) 2. In South-East Asia. Muslim rulers in the South-East Asian archipelago did not automatically adopt the title of a sultan after
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their conversion to the Prophet's religion. They usually maintained the tide of a raja, or maharaja, or similar titles rooted in their respective cultural and tribal tradition. In Malaysia, the traditional Malay tide Tang di-Pertuan (he who is made Lord) is still used officially. Together with the titles, pre-Islamic religious and mystical conceptions legitimated by mythology were continued. The true king can only fulfill his task, i.e. to safeguard prosperity and harmony in the cosmos he rules, after he has reached a kind of mystical union with the Divine power which works through him and expresses itself as his sakti (magical power, in Islamic times also called keramat). Thus the king appears as the dewa raja, the representative of the Divine. Dynasties which had adopted Hinduism, or even Buddhism, legitimated their rule by linking their genealogical lineages with the heroes of the Indian mythical past. Since the ruler is the manifest representative of Divinity, and thus also of Divine Law, he on his own authority may issue the laws of the country and adjust them to changing circumstances. On the part of his people, absolute obedience is demanded. He should not be adored like a god, but certain rituals to strengthen his sakti, and that of his regalia were usual and frequent. The religious and dynastic traditions out of which the Malayan sultanates developed, were rooted in Srfvijaya, the Mahayana Buddhist maritime empire which declined in the 7th-8th/13th-14th centuries. These traditions were supported by those Muslims who participated in the establishment of the first Islamic principalities. They originated from Persia or Northern India and the Dakan (Deccan), had a Sufi" background and were influenced by the dynastic ideologies which had developed in the eastern parts of the Islamic world since the 4th/IOth century, and which reactualised old Iranian conceptions in a cultural setting in which the influence of Mahayana Buddhism still was present. The famous hadtth that the sultan is the gill Allah f i 'l-cdlam "God's shadow on earth," fitted well with this understanding, and again bestowed absolute power to the ruler, to which his people had to respond with absolute obedience and loyalty; this made them a bangsa (nation), indissolubly linked to their ruler. With regard to the first Islamic dynasty in the archipelago, that of Samudra (later Pasai [see PASE]) in northern Sumatra, which had turned from Shf'ism to Sunnism in 683/1285, the official chronicle (Hikdyat Raja-raja Pasai) narrates that its first ruler, al-Malik al-Salih (d. 696/1297), was converted to Islam in a dream in which the Prophet himself magically transferred the basic knowledge of Islam to him and presented him with the title of sultan. Shortly after that dream, a messenger "from the caliph of Mecca" arrived and installed him indeed as a sultan, while a mystical preacher from India, who came with the same vessel, is said to have taught Islam to the people. This story gives importance to the fact that the title of sultan should be bestowed by "the caliph". There seems to have been, however, only scanty knowledge about that person. When an embassy of the rulers of Aceh [see ATJEH], who at that time were still consolidating their position among the Malayan sultans, visited Istanbul ca. 1562, it asked for military equipment but not for the title of sultan for their king (Lombard, 1967, 37). Sultan Agung of Mataram in Java (see below), however, prided himself on the fact that he had obtained this title in 1641, again through a direct delegation from Mecca, despatched by the fulamd3, and from the "Meccan caliph" (Ricklefs, 1974, 17).
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The founder of the once most influential sultanate of Malacca [q.v.], Paramesvara, a refugee from the Sailendra court in Palembang [q.v.], had maintained the Buddhist court etiquette of Srivijaya, even after his conversion to Islam (ca. 816/1413) on his marriage with a daughter of the sultan of Pasai. Thus during the years of his rule and that of his sons, the centre of the court was again shaped according to the Hindu and Buddhist symbol of the windrose, thus representing the order of the cosmos in which the sultan takes the centre, his main aids and highest dignitaries (after himself) being the bendahara or Chief Minister; the penghulu bendahari, responsible for maintaining the sacred traditions; the temenggung, responsible for security; and the laksamana, as the supervisor of the fleet. Below these "Big Four" was the next level of eight dignitaries, followed by others accordingly (Winstedt, 1961, 63 ff.; Hashim, 1990, 147 ff.). This structure was later taken over by most of the succeeding Malay sultanates, and in most of them it exists until the present, although more or less significant adjustments may have taken place in the course of time. Since the emperor of the Ming dynasty of China had acknowledged his authority already in 1405, Paramesvara and his sons continued to use the Sailendra tide of Sri Maharaja. In the Sejarah Melayu, the court chronicle of the Malaccan sultans and their descendents in Johore, the necessary genealogical legitimation of this dynasty was established by linking them to Alexander the Great, or Iskandar Dhu '1-Karnayn, who is said to have journeyed to Andelas (an old name of Sumatra, not al-Andalus!), established there the Sailendra dynasty and is thus the ancestor of the Malaccan dynasty. Logically, Paramesvara had already used, after his conversion, the name of Iskandar Shah. But only his third, or fourth successor, Raja Kasim (Kasim) or Sultan Muzaffar Shah (850-63/1446-59), whose mother was the daughter of a Tamil merchant, established Islam firmly as the religion of his dynasty and upgraded the use of the tide of sultan. A policy of intermarriage with the major principalities in the archipelago introduced this title more firmly as a notion of a Muslim ruler; usually it is combined with an Arabic name, preferably with a theophoric meaning, such as e.g. Sultan £Abd al-Rahman. On the Malayan peninsula, nine Islamic kingdoms have survived until the present, two of them not using the title sultan for their rulers: Perlis (Raja) and Negeri Sembilan (Yang di-Pertuan Besar). In contrast to Indonesia with its centralised republic, the existence of these Islamic kingdoms demanded the formation of a federal Malayan state after independence from the British was achieved. Malay "nationalism", kebangsaan, still could not separate itself from the basic loyalty of each Malay bangsa towards its ruler (cf. Omar, 1993, passim). Thus the Constitution of the Federation of Malaysia (1963) provided that, on one hand, the authority of the rulers in all matters related to religion (Islam) should remain untouched; they remain the Heads of the Islamic religion in their states (art. 3.2). Also in the Federation, Islam was proclaimed to be the official religion, although freedom of religion is guaranteed to all non-Muslims. For all Muslims in the Federation who do not live in a sultanate or Islamic kingdom, i.e. who live either in Penang, Malacca, Sabah, Sarawak or one of the Federal Territories, the Head of State (of the Federation), or Yang di-Pertuan Agong, elected by the nine rulers— who constitute the "Conference of Rulers"—from among themselves for a period of five years, acts as their religious-legal head and protector (art. 3.3).
The position as head of the religion (Islam) gives much influence on the practice and interpretation of Islamic law to the rulers, sometimes resulting in conflict with other legal or constitutional institutions and their representatives. On the other hand, as natural members of the "Conference of Rulers", which is a particular chamber provided by the Constitution (art. 38) whose membership is limited to them, the rulers may exercise some influence also on federal politics. One of their major privileges, a natural legal immunity with regard to the federal law, has, however, been abolished recently (1993) on the initiative of the Prime Minister, Mahathir bin Mohamad. But perfect loyalty (kesetiaan) to the Ruler (Raja) and the state is still the second of the Five Basic Principles (Rukunegard) of the Federation. While the sultanates in North Sumatra, Malaya, North Borneo and up to the Southern Philippines were dynastically and ideologically linked to Malacca and its tradition, those in South Sumatra, South and East Borneo, Sulawesi, Eastern Indonesia and Java came under the influence of the Central Javanese Islamic kingdoms, starting with Demak (1474-1546) and climaxing with Mataram (since 1582). The West Javanese Hikdyat Hasanuddin reports that the third ruler of Demak, Terengganu (r. [1505-18 ? and] 1521-46), had been offered the title of sultan by Seh Nurullah (Shaykh Nur Allah, also known as Mawlana Makhdum, Sunan Gunung Jati etc.) in 1524; the shaykh, originating from Pasai, was said to have completed his haajaj before he came to Java and thus seems to have been entitled to bestow such a title (cf. H.J. de Graaf and Th.G.Th. Pigeaud, 1974, 50-1). The most eminent ruler of Mataram, Agung (r. 16131646), after having his dynasty legitimised according to the criteria of the last Hindu empire of Majapahit, and thus as its successor, obtained the tide of sultan by a special delegation dispatched by the Meccan c ulamd\ in 1641. But only after the division of Mataram in 1755 into the two main principalities Surakarta and Yogyakarta [q.vv.~\ did the ruler of the latter one resort to it again and, moreover, add the titles of kalipatulah (khalifat Allah), panatagama (regulator of religion), and sayidin, thus even claiming descent from the Prophet. All of his successors until the present one, who is the tenth one (in office since 1986), have born the title Sultan Ngabdurrahman Hamengku Buwono ("holding the universe in his lap"). Again, the position of the sultan, being the representative of the Prophet who is the representative of God, is understood according to Sufi traditions. The sultan has obtained the highest mystical insight into God and His Will, not only externally according to the written shari'a but internally. To underline the religious and social importance of his person, he is usually the kibla of his courtiers, particularly in times of leisure or meditation. While all other sultanates in Indonesia lost their political power either in the colonial period or in the years immediately after independence (1945), the sultanate of Yogyakarta still exists to some degree as an independent administrative entity or daerah istimewa ("special district") in the Republic of Indonesia, the sultan taking a similar position to that of a governor in other provinces. This exceptional position is due to the late Sultan Hamengku Buwono IX's active support given to the "Republican government" under Soekarno during the times of military confrontation with the Dutch colonial administration (1946-9). For many Javanese, the Sultan thus gave proof of being a kind of ratu adil (just king), with the kesaktian (cf.
SULTAN sakti] of his rule still being active, and so he strengthened his personal and particularly his religious/spiritual authority. The only sultanate in South-East Asia which still has maintained its independence is that of Brunei [q.v. in Suppl.]. Bibliography: A.H. Hill (ed. and tr.), Hikayat Raja-raja Pasai, in JMBRAS, xxxiii (1960), part 2; R. Winstedt, The Malays. A cultural history. London and Boston 1947, 61961, 63 ff.; C.C. Brown, Sejarah Melayu. "Malay Annals", with introd., R. Roolvink, Kuala Lumpur 1970; D. Lombard, Le sultanat d'Atjeh au temps d'Iskandar Muda 1607-1636. Paris 1967; HJ. de Graaf and Th.G.Th. Pigeaud, De eerste moslimse vorstendommen op Java, 's-Gravenhage 1974 (= VKI 69); M.C. Ricklefs, Jogjakarta under Sultan Mangkubumi 1749-1792. A history of the division of Java, London 1974; Tun Moh. Suffian, H.R. Lee and F.A. Trindade (eds.), The Constitution of Malaysia. Its development 1957-1977, Kuala Lumpur 1978; A.C. Milner, Islam and Malay kinship, in JRAS (1981), 48-70; Y.A.M. Raja Azlan Shah, The role of constitutional rulers in Malaysia, in F.A. Trindade and H.P. Lee (eds.), The Constitution of Malaysia. Further Perspectives and developments. Singapore 1986, 76 ff.; M.R. Woodward, Islam in Java. Normative piety and mysticism in the Sultanate of Togyakarta. Tucson 1989 (= The Association for Asian Studies Monograph, XLV); Muh. Yusoff Hashim, Kesultanan Melayu Malaka. Kuala Lumpur 1990; Arifin Omar, Bangsa Melayu. Malay concepts of democracy and community 1945-1950, Kuala Lumpur 1993. (O. SCHUMANN) 3. In West Africa. The least one can say is that, in West Africa, as in other parts of the Muslim world, the term is very rich and varied in meaning. In Moorish tribal society in general, the dominant personality is called, in Hassaniyya Arabic, Sultan or Shaykh in an interchangeable manner, with the term thus expressing the idea of power. In one of his writings called Naajm al-ikhwdn ("The star of the brethren"), the great fighter for the faith Usuman Dan Fodio [see 'UTHMAN B. FUDI], gave validity to the idea that the terms khildfa, imdma, imdra and saltana, and consequently the titles khalifa, imam, amir and sultan, are all authorised in the Shan'a. What the founder of the most powerful politico-economic system in the Central Sudan during the 19th century wished thereby to say, was, according to his interpreters, that it was not so much that there were no nuances in the fields of the exercise of power by those who claimed one or other of these titles, but rather that, whatever might be the title adopted by a person who claimed to rule in the name of Islam, he had to disassociate himself from the anti-Islamic tradition of royal power (mulk), which had no foundation of religious legitimacy. Nevertheless—and in this they resembled the greater part of their contemporaries—those who in practice directed the Sokoto [q.v.] caliphate until the colonial conquest, most often styled themselves amir al-mu3mimm "commander of the faithful", in Hausa, Sarkin Musulmi. When sultan was used to designate them, it was usually in combination with other honorific titles, notably that of amir al-mu'mimm. After the colonial conquest, the British, who retained pre-colonial political structures as part of the policy of "Indirect Rule" and within the context of the political system of Sokoto, designated its head as Sultan, a tide which continues to be used substantially today in order to refer to the person who is considered as the
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supreme Muslim religious authority in contemporary Nigeria. A certain number of the heads of Islamicised political structures in West Africa also claimed this title of Sultan. Thus the Air had a Sultan based in Agades, as also in Damagaram (or the sultanate of Zinder), based in Zinder. Al-Hajj Umar Said Tall (1774-1864), the founder of an ephemeral empire in the Western Sudan on the eve of the colonial conquest, is styled sultan of the Tidjanf state by his biographer Muhammad al-Tidjanf and his son and successor Ahmadu likewise claimed the title of sultan. But according to F. Dumont, the title of sultan attributed to al-Hadjdj 'Umar by Muhammad al-Hafiz was more a feature of style, since there emerges clearly from al-Tidjanf's work that al-Hadjdj cUmar was in no way swayed by the idea of temporal power but sought to combat it and render it subordinate to the faith. One should mention a polemical point raised by contemporary writers on the state created by Usman dan Fodio. The authors who consider him as endowed with Islamic legitimacy call this last a caliphate and consider those who directed it as above all amir almu'mimn, reserving the term sultan for political systems which were fairly strong and based on absolute rule such as Kebbi, Gobir and Zamfara (Last, 1967), whilst others who classify it as a state just like all the others call it an empire and its heads sultans (Johnson, 1967). Bibliography: D.M. Last, The Sokoto caliphate, London 1967; H.A.S. Johnson, The Fulani empire of Sokoto, London-Ibadan-Nairobi 1967; N. Levtzion, Muslims and chiefs in West Africa. A study of Islam in the middle Volta basin in the precolonial period, Oxford 1968; J. Lombard, Autorites traditionelles et pouvoirs europeens en Afrique Moire, Paris 1969; A. Salifou, Le Damagram ou Sultanat de Binder au XIXe sieck, in Documents des Etudes Nigeriennes, xxvii (1971); C. and E.K. Stewart, Islam and social order in Mauritania. A case study from the nineteenth century, Oxford 1973; L. Brenner, The Shehus of Kukawa. A history of alKanemi dynasty of Borno, Oxford 1973; F. Dumont, L'anti-sultan ou Al-Hajj cUmar Tall de Fouta, combattant de lafoi, Dakar-Abidjan 1974; Muhammad al-Hafiz al-Tidjam, Al-Hadji Omar Tall (1794-1864), Sultan de I'Etat tiajanite de I'Afrique occidentals (tr. from Arabic by F. Dumont), Abidjan 1983; M. Hiskett, The development of Islam in West Africa, London 1984; E. Gregoire, Les Alhazai de Maradi, Paris 1986; J.R. Willis, In the path of Allah. The passion of al-Hajj c Umar, London 1989; J.O. Hunwick, Arabic literature of Africa. II. The writings of Central Sudanic Africa, Leiden 1995. (OUSMANE KANE) 4. In mysticism. This use of the word is not earlier than the 7th/13th century, and it spread particularly in Asia Minor and the countries influenced by Ottoman civilisation. The beginning of the development of the use of the word may have been titles like Sultan al-cashikm given to the mystical poet Ibn al-Farid [q.v.] and Sultan al-culamd3 borne by Baha' al-Dln Walad, father of Djalal al-Dln Rum! [q.v.]. But this mystical epithet was no doubt also influenced in its development by the conception frequently expressed in mystical poetry that the mystic obtains the rank and power of a sovereign in the spiritual world. It is through the same order of ideas that the title of Khunkar (cf. the name of the Ottoman province Khuddwendigdr) may be explained. Ewliya Celebi (Siydhat-ndme, iii, 367-8), in bracketing the names of Sultans Mehemmed II and Bayezid II with the names of two mystics, says that all were great sultans.
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This was the origin of names like Dede Sultan and Baba Sultan. The Shaykh Badr al-Dm b. Kadi Samawna [q.v.], leader of the religious revolutionary movement in Asia Minor in the early 9th/15th century, was also called Sultan by his adepts; Babinger (in IsL, xi, 74) sees in this an indication that he was considered a real sovereign. It appears that the surname of Sultan was especially borne by the Bektashfs. It did not, however, indicate a particularly high rank in the order; thus Babinger (loc. cit.) was probably right, in any case for the latter period, in regarding it as simply a hypercoristic or term of affection. Bibliography: See that for TASAWWUF. (J.H. KRAMERS) SULTAN AL-DAWLA b. Baha' al-Dawla Flruz, Abu Shudjac, Buyid ruler in Pars, and at first in 'Irak also, 403-15/1012-24, succeeding his father [see BAHA3 AL-DAWLA, in SuppL] at Shfraz. Much of his reign was spent in conflict with his brothers, including Abu '1-Fawaris Kawam al-Dawla, who eventually became ruler in Kirman as Sultan alDawla's subordinate, and Abu CA1I Hasan, with whom he disputed control of 'Irak. By 412/1021 the latter was able to secure recognition as ruler in clrak with the honorific of Musharrif al-Dawla (he had already declared himself Shdhdnshdh "king of kings"), and in 413/1022 there was a formal division of territories, with Musharrif al-Dawla reigning over clrak and Khuzistan and Sultan al-Dawla over Fars and Kirman. Sultan al-Dawla died at Shfraz in Shawwal 415/ December 1024 at the age of 32, six months before Musharrif al-Dawla's own death, and he was succeeded in Fars by his son and heir Abu Kalldjar Marzuban [q.v.~\. Bibliography: The main primary sources are Ibn al-Djawzf and Ibn al-Athfr. These are utilised in Mafizullah Kabir, The Buwayhid dynasty of Baghdad (334/946-447/1055), Calcutta 1964, 92-8; H. Busse, Chalif und Grosskonig, die Buyiden im Iraq (945-1055), Beirut-Wiesbaden 1969, 91-8, 171. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SULTAN HUSAYN, SHAH, Safawid r u l e r , reigned 1105-35/1694-1722, the eldest son and successor of Shah Sulayman [q.v.], born in 1080/166970 to a Circassian mother, and died in 1139/1726. He was crowned Shah on 7 August 1694, nine days after his father's death after divisions of opinion at court over the succession. Shah Sultan Husayn resembled his father in having grown up in the confines of the harem and in coming to power with limited life experience and virtually no training in the affairs of state. Exceedingly devout, he immediately fell under the spell of the religious forces, led by the zealous Shaykh al-Islam of Isfahan, Muhammad Bakir MadjlisI, seen in the proclamation, directly following the accession, of a series of decrees that proscribed the production and consumption of wine, and popular practices such as gambling and pigeon flying, but as was customary, these bans soon fell into desuetude, and before long the Shah was given to drinking as much as his predecessors. Sultan Husayn came to power at a time when Persia's long-standing outward stability was breaking down, with rebellions in Georgia and Kurdistan, and Omani and Balucf incursions. The Shah made some efforts to counter these problems: he strengthened the eastern border, sent an army to quell the revolt in Georgia and made an (abortive) attempt to respond to Omani aggression, but subsequent historians without exception have criticised him for being a faineant and a weakling, while
some have blamed him personally for the demise of the Safawid state. It is certainly true that he was even more removed from statecraft than his father had been. Withdrawn and disconnected, he spent most of his time amid his immense numbers of eunuchs and women, and in this climate factionalism and peculation were allowed to thrive as never before. Corruption became so widespread that local officials became accomplices in highway robberies. Taxes went up and became particularly onerous for the Armenians and Indians, two groups with a disproportionally large role in the economy. The Shah, meanwhile, built pleasure gardens and palaces, the money for which was extorted from merchants and court officials, and expended riches on the restoration of the catabdt \_q.v. in Suppl.], the Shlcf shrines in 'Irak, as well as on costly pilgrimages to Kum and Mashhad. After 1710 the signs of distress rapidly multiplied, with bread riots in urban areas. Revolts broke out in various border regions with alienated Sunn! populations. The greatest pressure came from the east, where the Afghan Ghilzay tribe, led by Mir Ways, extended control over Kandahar, while their Abdall rivals expanded into Khurasan, taking Harat in 1717. In 1721 Mahmud Ghilzay, Mir Ways's son, invaded Persia, reached Isfahan virtually unopposed and defeated a hastily-assembled Safawid army at the battle of Gulnabad, subsequently besieging the city. Sultan Husayn's third son, Tahmasb Mfrza, managed to escape to the old Safawid capital of Kazwfn, where he proclaimed himself Shah. After a six month's siege, Sultan Husayn left Isfahan on 23 October and went to the Afghan camp and surrendered to Mahmud. Instead of killing him, Mahmud imprisoned him in his harem, from which he was forced to proclaim the Afghan conquerer as legitimate ruler of Persia. Mahmud was assassinated in 1725 and succeeded by his cousin Ashraf. Faced with Ottoman support for Tahmasb, he ordered the killing of Sultan Husayn on 9 September 1726. Bibliography: 1. Sources. The main Persian ones are Muhammad Ibrahim b. Zayn al-cAbidm Nasirl, Dastu'r al-shahriydrdn, Tehran 1373/1994; Mfrza Abu Talib b. Mfrza Big FindiriskI, Tuhfat al-cdlam, Univ.' Lib. of Tehran, Ms. Or. 2465 (ed. by Ihsan Ishrakf forthcoming; for excerpts, see idem, Shah Sultan Husayn dar Tuhfat al-cdlam, in Tdrikh, i/1 (2535/1976), 74-102); Mfrza Muhammad Khalfl Mar'ashl Safawf, Maajrna' al-tawdnkh dar tdnkh-i inkirdd-i safawiyya, ed. cAbbas Ikbal, Tehran 1362/ 1983. A recent study containing newly-found primary documents is Rasul Dja'fariyan, ellal-i bar uftddan-i Safawiydn. Mukdjat-ndma, Tehran 1372/1993. Primary Western-language sources. Anon., A chronicle of the Carmelites, 2 vols., London 1939; Cornelis de Bruin (French, Le Brun), Reizen over Moskovie door Persie en Indie, Amsterdam 1711 (also in Eng. and Fr. tr.); P.P. Bushev, Posol'stvo Artemiya Volynskogo v Iran v 1715-1718 gg., Moscow 1978; G.F.G. Careri, Giro del mondo del dottor D. Gio. Francesco Gemelli Careri, 6 vols., Naples 1699; Anne Kroell, Nouvelks d'Ispahan 1665-1695, Paris 1979; Father Krusinski, The history of the late revolutions of Persia, 2 vols., London 1728, repr. New York 1973. 2. Studies. 'All Dawanf, 'Alldma Mad^lisi. Buzurgmard-i'ilm wa din, Tehran 1370/1991; W. Floor, Bar uftddan-i safawiydn, bar dmddan-i Mahmud Afghan, Tehran 1365/1986; idem, Commercial conflict between Persia and the Netherlands 1712-1718, Durham N.C. 1988; Dja'fariyan, Din wa siydsat dar dawra-yi safawiyya, Tehran 1370/1991; L. Lockhart, The fall
SULTAN HUSAYN — SULTAN SEHAK of the Safaui dynasty and the Afghan occupation of Persia, Cambridge 1958; R. Matthee, The East India Company trade in Kerman wool, 1658-1730, in Etudes safavides, (ed.) J. Galmard, Paris-Tehran 1993, 343-83; Panahl Simnanf, Shah Sultan Husayn Safawi. Tra^hidi-yi natawdni-yi hukumat, Tehran 1373/1994. (R. MATTHEE) SULTAN ISHAK [see SULTAN SEHAK]. SULTAN MUHAMMAD SHAH [see MAHALLATI]. SULTAN ONU, the ancient name of a region in n o r t h w e s t e r n Anatolia with its centre at Eskishehir [q.v.]. As an Ottoman administrative unit, it meant the first Ottoman sana^ak [q.v.], more or less identical with the Sakarya River bend and the present provinces (it) of Eski§ehir and Bilecik. It was already under the Rum Saldjuks a subashilik. cOthman Ghazr was given the district by Sultan cAlaJ al-Dm Kay Kubadh III (d. 1307). According to the chronicle of Idrfs-i BidlisI, cOthman granted the province of Kara Hisar, otherwise known as Sultan Onii, to his eldest son Orkhan (H. Inalcik, Oman Ghd&'s siege of Nicaea, in E. Zachariadou (ed.), The Ottoman emirate (1300-1389), Rethymon 1993, 87). During the Ottoman centuries the liwd or sana^ak of Sultan Onii was part of the beglerbeglik (later eydkt) of Anadolu [q.v.]. The registers of the 16th century have indifferently Eskishehir (with Karadja shehir), Seydl GhazI, Giinyiiz, Inonii and Biledjik as ndhiyes of the province. HadjdjI Khalifa's Dfihdn-numd has a long chapter on the province (631-3). The sand^ak existed until the Tangimdt administrative reforms. Shemsii '1-Dln Sam! underlines its role as "the cradle of the Ottoman dynasty", which preserved the name for a long period (Kdmus al-acldm, Istanbul 1888-98). In no other region of the empire did there exist a special category of musellem [q.v], such as the toyffi d^emd'ati, which enjoyed exemption from taxes in exchange for the breeding of horses for the royal stables (khdss akhlri). A statute (kdnun) for them dating from 1034/1624 was published by I.H. Uzuncarsili (Osmanh devktinin saray te§kildti, Ankara 1945, 500). It has been suggested that the spelling Sultan Onii, though exclusively used in post-15th-century sources, may have replaced an earlier form Sultan byugii "Sultan's tumulus". But the form Sultan Onii appears as early as ca. 1180 in the travel book of al-Harawf [q.v] (ed. and tr., J. Sourdel-Thomine, Damascus 1952-7) for hot springs in the region (al-Thirmd/aw garni). Al'Umarf's Masdlik al-absdr fi mamdlik al-amsdr (ed. F. Taeschner, Leipzig 1929, 39) has a ductus without dotting, Sultan ^jl). The word formation Sultan + onii corresponds to a number of place-names in Turkey (e.g. Eminonii, Hammamonii, Hanonii, Inonii). The foundation act of the amir Djadja-oghlu Nur alDm of 1272 (ed. Ahmet Temir, Ankara 1959, 61 1. 538) has mahrusa Sultdnyugi obviously for the town of Eskishehir. Ibn Battuta [q.v] mentions the name Sultan Onii only in the form of the nisba of two persons in Iznik (324) and Kastamonu (342). Bibliography:]. Kramers, EP art; Ahmed Refik [Altinay], Fdtih dewrinde Sultan Eyiigii, in TTEM, xiv/3 (Istanbul 1340/1924)', 130-2; T. Baykara, Anadolu'nun tarihi cograjyasina giri§. I. Anadolu'nun idari taksimati, Ankara 1988; H. Dogru, XVI. yuzyilda Eski§ehir ve Sultanonii sancagi, Istanbul 1992; 438 Numarah muhdsebe-i wildyet-i Anadolu defteri (937/1530). 1. Kiitahya, Kara-hisdr-i Sahib, Sultanonii, Hamid ve Ankara liualan, dizin ve tipkibasim, Ankara 1993. (K. KREISER) SULTAN SEHAK, a historical figure of the highest importance to the sect known as Ahl-i
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H a k k [q.v], who lived in the 15th century (textual variants: Sehak, Sihak, Sohak, Sohak) a name of Biblical origin (Isaac) but incorporated into the Islamic tradition and attested in the Kur'an in the form Ishak. The uncertainties which remain concerning the dates of Sultan Sehak have recently been to a great extent clarified and resolved, following the discovery of original sources and the publication of studies assiduously conducted over the past forty years (see Bibl.) The mystical and biological genealogy of this individual is, however, better attested in regard to his close ancestors then in regard to his direct successors. The tradition of the sect presents him as the fourth great theophany (or rather avatar or, indeed, in the language of the sect, magjiar "Manifestation of God on earth", as well as d^dma (Persian) or dun (Turkish) corporeal "habit" into which the Essence of Truth has entered, and yort/yurt (Turkish) "place" wherein God has dwelt). The first Theophany is said to be that of Ya, at the time when God, the Khawandgar (GodCreator), inhabited the primordial gleaming white pearl (al-durra al-baydd') in which He was enclosed, with his angels, this after concluding a pact of fidelity and submission to the conditions inherent in human life during his forthcoming appearances in the world; the second, that of CA1I, son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad; the third that of Shah-Khoshm, in an episode which is said to have taken place in Luristan on Mount Yafta-kuh around the 4th/10th century, again according to the vague information concerning the sect. In view of the approximate contemporaneity of the historical founders of the Ahl-i Hakk with those of other circles and fraternities, the transformation from "mystical chain" to "sect" as correctly defined, for numerous connected social and circumstantial reasons, in spite of their secrecy which has surrounded them until recent times, can be fairly reckoned to have taken place around the end of the 17th and start of the 18th century, the oldest credible documents (manuscripts previously jealously preserved) dating back no earlier than these dates. On the historical and social climate of the time, See AHL AL-HAKK, HURUFIYYA, NAKSHBANDIYYA, NURBAKH-
SHiYYA and SHAHRUKH. This article will be confined to essential information. It was precisely from the time of Shahrukh and of his fellows in other provinces of the kingdom that conflicts of ideas under the rubric of mysticism took on other dimensions and a more rapid pace than in earlier years. The renowned Sayyid Muhammad Nurbakhsh, claiming to be the awaited Mahdl of a messianic movement, preoccupied for some time the mind of Shahrukh, who was more moderate than his father and proclaimed himself the defender of an integral but not fundamentalist Islam. This mystical Master was still alive after the death of Shahrukh and was the leader of a renowned mystical fraternity, the Nurbakhshiyya, which was capable of surviving over the centuries, numerous scholars, poets and authors being counted among its supporters. As a counterpart to the movement of the Nurbakhshrs which appeared to the east of Persia, in Turkistan and Transoxania, and that of the Hurufis in the north-west of Persia, there appeared some years later another subversive and extremist movement, in Khuzistan and the Djazayir (marshy regions between the town of Wash and lower 'Irak, which was centred on Hawiza (Hawlza/Huwlza) in Khuzistan. Its founder, Sayyid Muhammad Mushacshac, son of
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SULTAN SEHAK
Sayyid Falah, born in Wash, was able to gather around him a host of Bedouins, villagers, low-caste workers and, especially, members of the numerous Arab tribes nomadising in the plains and valleys situated near the ancient Karkha canal and between Basra and Wasit. Finally, he chose for his capital the town of Hawlza: initially he claimed to be "the place" and "the veil" (hi^db/pardd) of the Hidden Imam, later, by gradual stages, the Mahdl and then, hesitantly, the Essence of God. He disseminated his doctrine as far as Luristan, and sometimes in the course of his travels took refuge in the mountains of this province, which bordered on Hawfza and Wasit. But his son, Mawla 'All, more ambitious than he, courageous, bellicose and bloodthirsty, and usually successful in battle, eclipsed his father and took power into his own hands. Not content with claiming to be the Mahdl, he openly declared himself, before his adherents, the Essence of God itself. In the meantime, Plr-Budagh, having eliminated Mawla 'All and having rebelled against the Kara Koyunlu Djahanshah in Baghdad, was defeated by the latter and killed by his brother, Muhammadf, who was in his turn killed by his rival Uzun Hasan [q.v.] head of the Ak Koyunlu. The Mushacshacls, descendants and followers of Sayyid Muhammad b. Falah, controlled a part of Khuzistan and of clrak, and survived even after the execution of the two brothers by Shah Isma'fl almost to the present day, as conventional governors on behalf of the Persian state [see further, MUSHACSHAC] . Sultan Sehak, the founder or rather the reformer of the Ahl-i Hakk, was born in this historical and politico-religious climate. Birth. Relative lack of interest in regard to dating as well as simple modesty and effacement are at the root of a reluctance even to engrave the dates of deaths on tombstones, in particular among the Khamushf, one of the eleven (or twelve) khdnaddn "families" of the sect; see on this subject M. Mokri, Etude d'un litre de propriete du debut du XVIe suck, in JA (1963), 229-56 and other sources mentioned in the Bibl. In Ahl-i Hakk tradition, it is accepted as a constant fact that the manifestation of each theophany on the earth should appear in the form of a miraculous birth. The great avatars representing the Divine Essence are born, in fact, of virgin mothers and are foretold by mysterious signs. Certain categories of miraculous births date back to Altaic origins distinct from Indo-European beliefs, if account is not to be taken of the universality of this theme. The first miraculous birth related by the tradition of this sect is that of Shah-Khoshfn, according to them the first great avatar after CA1T. For the birth of Sultan Sehak, the same procedure applies, with more details and precision. He was born of a virgin mother named Khatun Dayrak. Ahl-i Hakk tradition applies to this event accounts conforming to their own meta-historical myths. According to them, at the time of his disappearance Shah-Khoshln had promised his faithful companions (incarnate angels) that he would re-appear many times in this world, in particular shortly before the birth of Sultan Sehak. It was for this reason that Plr-Binyamin (a manifestation of the Angel Gabriel), net in hand, searched through time and space for the divine being, the Royal Eagle, occupying the form of an unwitting believer. In the pursuit of their quest, the four angels had a presentiment of the imminent arrival in the world of the Essence of God, in the shape of the Royal Eagle. Having uncovered his traces, they convened near a spring in Awraman, at the foot of the
mountain of Shahu in the Dalahu [Zagros] range. Then the divine being, still in the form of an eagle, appeared to them and commanded them to marry the daughter of Husayn Beg Djald of the Djaf tribe to Shaykh clsl who lived in Barzandja. He also ordered the planting of an orchard under the supervision of Iwat Hushyar ("Iwat the Perspicacious"), and the planting within the orchard of a clump of dried-up mulberry bushes. When this should once again be green, the Royal Eagle perching on it, they would know this was the moment of the Manifestation of the Divine Being. When all this had been done and the time of the confinement of Khatun Dayrak arrived, the Royal Eagle re-appeared and rubbed against the legs of the young woman. He was then transformed into a bright and handsome boy later named Sultan Sehak. This bizarre birth is by no means a unique case in the tradition of the Ahl-i Hakk. History. The date of the birth of Sultan Sehak is an object of controversy and has yet to be fixed definitively. V. Minorsky located it broadly in the 14th century, solely on the basis of testimony of members of the Ahl-i Hakk. For his part, C J. Edmonds (Kurds, Turks and Arabs 184), relying on notes written by a former Ottoman official which were drawn to his attention, written in Turkish and sometimes translated into Kurdish (which he entities the Tadhkira), gives the year 671/1272-3 as the birth date of Sultan Sehak. Numerous ethno-historical enquiries conducted on the ground by M. Mokri since 1942 and his decipherment and publication of numerous original manuscripts (see Bibl.) have contributed to the relative elucidation of ambiguities on these dates. The author of the Shdhndma-yi hakikat offers no precision, but muddles and complicates the assumptions of this question. It proposes the year 612/1216 as the date of his arrival, as a means of crediting this individual with a suitably prestigious antiquity, but to palliate the startling fantasy of this arbitrary date he gives him three centuries of life with the object of adjusting to the facts. This date is still earlier than that in the Tadhkira placed at the disposal of Edmonds. It is true that this period is obscure on account of the lack of precise historical documents. Numerous former enquiries conducted in various places from 1942 to 1949 have even produced a date later than the 15th century, whfch marks a new stage of the sect. If there is such a lapse of time (from the 15th or from the 16th century to the present day) it may be wondered whence come all these ancient riches of legend, custom, stories and thought. On the assumption that the union of clsl and Khatun Dayrak was some years previous to the death of Shaykh Musi and the marriage of his widow to c lsf in 828/1424-5, it may be inferred as a primary estimate that the birth of Sultan Sehak took place shortly before 846/1442 (thus at the end of the first half of the 15th century, and not, at the 7th/13th dates mentioned above, nor yet at that vague and arbitrary date in the 14th century proposed by certain members of the sect). The (manuscript) treatise cAlam-i hakikat written by religious representatives of Ahl-i Hakk in the tribe of the Guranls (the three great dervishes Ka-Turab, KaRahfm and Ka-Bashar, two of whom were questioned extensively between 1942 and 1949), speaks of the date of the birth of Sultan Sehak, apparently with some lack of precision, but with more eloquence and plausibility than are possessed by previously-mentioned sources, as follows: "As for the date of the arrival of Sultan Sehak, it is not known to us. But it seems, in
SULTAN SEHAK — SULTAN AL-TALABA relation to the year in which we are now living, 1322/1943, to be approximately five hundred years previous" (meaning 1443). In giving the reasons for the choice of this date, the treatise cites the evidence of the deed of ownership of Anzala (studied and published in JA [1963]), a village offered to Baba Yadigar by a noble neophyte of Zehab named Kamam alDln, son of Faklh 'Uthman Kurd!, following a dream in which his release from prison in Baghdad was foretold. This document bears the date 933/1526. On the assumption that this offer was made when Baba Yadigar had attained a certain age, and that the Sarana period (the time when Baba Yadigar established himself in Sarana in Zarda) was some years subsequent to the Pirdlwar period (the properly defined period of Sultan Sehak and of the spread of his ideas), the birth of Sultan Sehak could well have _taken place, according to this treaty, in 1443-4. The cAlam-i hakikat assumes an interval of 83 years between the birth of Sultan Sehak and the date of the composition of the Anzala document, to arrive at its round figure of 500 years before the year 1943, this figure being only approximate. Thus an agreement is reached, more exact than that of the other sources, between the date suggested by the Guranls and that of the genealogical treatise, undoubtedly written one or two centuries previously. Other historical data tend to corroborate this last date. There is no doubt that the two brothers Shaykh Tsl and Shaykh Musi were the sons of Sayyid Baba C A1I Hamada.ni, the great mystic of Hamadan. It is he who was the master of Khwadja Ishak Khuttalanl, in his turn the master of Sayyid Muhammad Nurbakhsh. Sayyid Baba 'All, a mystic whose paternal genealogy extends as far as the Imam Musa Kazim, the seventh ShI'I Imam, was the son of CA1I b. Shihab Hamadanl and was also related to the Prophet through seventeen generations in the maternal line, according to the Mad^dlis al-mu'mimn, 301. Once the paternity of Sayyid Baba 'All Ramadan! over Shaykh Tsa and Shaykh Musa is accepted, the ascendant genealogy of Sultan Sehak poses no further problems, the lineage of dignitaries and mystics of Hamadan playing an important role in history. But the same does not apply to the descendants of Sultan Sehak. From a historical point of view there is considerable confusion, with various traditional accounts vitiated by the lack of reliable documentation and by the intervention of numerous persons claiming to be the offspring of Sultan Sehak, a common phenomenon in the case of eminent individuals in a period for which valid registers do not exist, such that the way is open for families to believe in their descent from a known patronym. Some of the numerous brothers of Sultan Sehak have even been regarded as his own sons, while various other records, including the genealogical treatise of Ashrafiyya Bahr-al Ansab, declare that he died childless. According to the khdnakah of Tut Shami (the religious centre of the Gurams) the last great manifestation of the Ahl-i Hakk is that of Haydarl, under the leadership of Sayyid Braka, the son of Sayyid Mansur, who lived in Dul Dalan (Tut Shami), was born in 1210/1795 and assassinated by one of his kinsmen in 1290/1873. The latter's era is considered the most brilliant period of the Ahl-i Hakk, known as the period of the Ten tarn (Triad), since in the opinion of his disciples Sayyid Braka was the incarnation simultaneously of Dawud, Yadigar and Sultan Sehak; he was shah mehmdn, meaning that "he was host to the Divine Essence". The latter's son, Sayyid
857
Rustam Haydan Guran, one of the major figures of the Ahl-i Hakk, was a man of great eminence in western Persia, giving his support to the Constitution of 1906. There is no proof that the heads of the five "families" (khdnaddn), to which six more were to be added over the course of time, are genuinely the direct descendants of Sultan Sehak. No reliable historical document supports this proposition, only later tradition, and even this is imprecise. Bibliography. For the earliest studies, reference should be made to V. Minorsky's detailed bibl. to AHL-I HAKK.
In addition to the sources cited in the text of this article, see idem, Notes sur la secte des Ahle Haqq in RMM, xl-xli (1920), 19-97, xliv-xlv (1921), 205302; idem, Jihan-shah Qara-qoyunlu, in BSOAS, xvi/2 (1954); CJ. Edmonds, Kurds, Turks and Arabs, London 1957; W. Ivanow, The Truth-worshippers of Kurdistan, Ahl-i Haqq texts, Leiden 1953; Kadi Nur Allah Shushtarl, Maajdlis al-mu3minin, lith. Karkhana-yi Hadji Ibrahim Basmaci Tabrlzl, n.d., 301. Studies by M. Mokri. Numerous studies concerning the dialects, tribal organisation and hierarchy of the sect of the Gurans, extended to other regions where members of the Ahl-i Hakk reside, as well as their guides and their religious procedures, were conducted by M. Mokri between 1942 and 1951, and verification of these notes and observation of new developments within the sect has continued to the present day. Le Chasseur de Dieu et le mythe du Roi-Aigle (Dawra-y Ddmydn), ed., tr. and annotated, Wiesbaden 1967; La grande assemble des Fideks de Verite au tribunal sur le mont £agros en Iran (Dawra-y Diwdnd-gawra], Paris 1977; Cinquante-deux versets de Cheikh Amir, in JA (1956); L'idee de ^incarnation chez les Ahl-i Haqq, in Akten des XXIV International Orientalisten-Kongresses, Miinchen 1957, Wiesbaden 1959; Le symbok de la perle dans le folklore persan et chez les Kurdes Fideks de Verite, in JA (1960), 463-81; La naissance du monde chez les Kurdes Ahl-i Haqq, in Trudl XXV Mezdunarodnogo Kongressa Vostokovedi, Moscow 1963, ii, 159-63; Etude d'un litre de propriete du debut du XVP s. provenant du Kurdistan "Qabdla-y Anzala ", in JA (1963), 229-56; L'esoterisme kurde. Apercus sur le secret gnostique des Fideks de Verite, Paris 1966; Kaldm sur UAigk divin et le verger de Pirdiwar, in JA (1967), 36174; Le Kalam gourani sur (
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SULTAN AL-TALABA — SULTAN WALAD
beneficiaries were the foreign students in the madrasas of the Karawiyym [q.v.]. A central feature of the feast was the election of a mock sultan for a week (whence the name), the office being auctioned; in 1923, the bidding reached 22,500 Fr. This was financed by an interested party, since the mock sultan enjoyed the privilege of asking the real sultan of Morocco for certain favours (e.g. release of prisoners, exemption from taxation). The makhzan or government provided aid in the form of tents, food and cash, and awarded the sultan al-tolba the royal insignia. After the week had passed in feasting, singing, dancing, etc., the two sultans might sometimes meet ceremonially on horseback, and a burlesque khutba was delivered by the mock muhtasib who had been appointed by the mock sultan (for two specimens, see E. Doutte, La khot'ba burlesque de la fete des Tolba au Maroc, in Recueil de mem. et de textes publies en rhonneur du XIVe Congr. des Orientalistes, Alger 1905, 197-219). The origins of the festival are linked by local tradition with the founder of the 'Alawl dynasty, Mawlay Rashld, and his overthrow of a tyrannical Jewish chief, Ibn Mash'al. E. Laoust considered this to be pure fable, and saw in the festival an ancient rite involving the personification of a god of vegetation (see Hesperis, i [1921], 290). P. de Cenival, however, whilst discarding the patently legendary motifs, thought there was some truth in the story, since native Moroccan historians agree on it, as also three independent, nearcontemporary European accounts (see his La legende du Jutf Ibn Mech'al et la fete du Sultan des Tolba a Fes, in Hesperis, v [1925], 137-218, esp. 150-1, 216). But this still leaves unexplained the special relationship between this sultan and the Fas students, unless this is seen as part of his general favour towards learning. The appearance of similar festivals in other parts of Morocco, e.g. at Marrakesh in the late 18th century, for a while at Casablanca and amongst some tribes in the Gharb and Djibala regions, is clearly derivative. Bibliography: De Cenival's article (see above) is the most comprehensive study. Of subsequent studies, see P. Marty, Le Maroc de demain, Paris 1925, 43-9; N. Slouschz, Travels in North Africa, Philadelphia 1927, 394, 405, 407-13, 416-17; R. Ricard, La fete du Sultan des Tolba et la "fiesta del obispillo" en Espagne, in Hesperis (1937), 138-9 (Spanish parallel); R. le Tourneau, Fes avant le Protectorat, Casablanca 1949, 466-9; G. Deverdun, Marrakech des origines a 1912, Paris 1959, i, 570-1, H.Z. Hirschberg, A history of the Jews in North Africa, Leiden 1981, ii, 243-6, 251-2. See further, TALABA. (P. SHINAR, shortened by the Editors) SULTAN WALAD, BAHA' AL-DlN MUHAMMAD-! Walad (623-712/1226-1312), eldest son of Djalal alDln al-Ruml [q.v.], poet and Sufi, is one of the founders of the Mawlawiyya [q.v] order. He was born on 25 Rablc II 623/24 April 1226 in Laranda, present-day Karaman, south of Konya. He was given the name of his grandfather Sultan al'ulama' Baha3 al-Dm Walad (Aflakl, Manakib, ii, 785, 994; on Baha' see F. Meier, Baha'-i Walad, Leiden 1989). Mawlana Djalal al-Dln al-Ruml himself looked after Sultan Walad's education, sending him, together with his brother cAla3 al-Dm Muhammad, who was one year younger than him, to Aleppo and Damascus to study the religious sciences. Sultan Walad was very close to his father and is said to have resembled him so greatly that they were thought to be brothers. From his boyhood he was on
intimate terms with the circle around Mawlana and had close ties with the latter's friends, in contradistinction to his brother 'Ala3 al-Dln who was, probably falsely, accused of having been involved in the death of Shams-i Tabriz! [q.v]. It was Sultan Walad who, after Shams's disappearance on 21 Shawwal 643/1 March 1246, was sent by Mawlana to bring him back from Damascus to Konya (Mathnawl-yi Waladi, 47 ff., Farldun Sipahsalar, Risdla-yi Sipahsalar, 133, Aflakl, op. cit., ii, 695-6). The oldest known manuscript of the Makalat of Shams-i Tabriz! is in Sultan Walad's hand. At the behest of Mawlana, Sultan Walad married Salah al-Dln Zarkub's [see DJALAL AL-D!N AL-RUM!] daughter Fatima Khatun. He had two daughters by her and one son, Djalal al-Dln cArif (Ulu 'Arif Celebl, d. 719/1320), who was to become his successor. In 683/1284, after the death of Celeb! Husam al-Dln Hasan (see ibid.}, who had held the tide khalifa when Mawlana was still alive, Sultan Walad, at the insistence of his entourage, took up the succession which, at his father's death, he had declined in favour of Husam al-Dln. The report that Karlm al-Dln Bektemiir was khalifa of the Mawlawiyya from 683/1284 until his death in 690/1291 and that Sultan' Walad took up office only after his demise cannot be found in Aflakl nor in Sipahsalar, but only in the Waladndma and in later silsila-namas of the Mawlawiyya. The role played by Karlm al-Dln Bektemiir in the history of the order does not become transparent from the sources on the Mawlawiyya. On the basis of the testimonies, it has been suggested that he served as a kind of spiritual guide to Sultan Walad. With Sultan Walad begins the history of the Mawlawiyya order in the true sense of the word; he gathered the murids of his father around himself and organised the order. He had a mausoleum erected for Mawlana which was to become the centre of the order. He sent out nuwwdb and khulafa3 and established branches outside Konya. Contrary to earlier assumptions that it had been Sultan Walad who had established firm rules for the samdf [q.v], it has now been shown that the samdc received its final form for the first time under Plr cAdil Celebl (d. 864/1460) (A. Golpmarh, Mevlana'dan sonra Mevlevilik, Istanbul 1983, 100). The solemn triple circumambulation at the beginning of the ceremony is called dawr-i Waladi devr-i Veledi (Sultan Veled devri) in memory of Sultan Walad. He died at the advanced age of nearly ninety years on 10 Radjab 712/12 November 1312 in Konya and was buried next to his father. For nearly fifty years he had lived in the shadow of his famous father, whose personality had determined the life and work of his son even beyond his death. His works, of which there exist numerous manuscripts, have, with the exception of a mathnawi, all been printed (Ritter, op. cit., 229 ff.). Four poetic and one prose work in Persian are known. The first three poetic works contain, apart from some early Turkish verse, also some Arabic and a few Greek lines. 1. Diwdn-i Waladi contains ghazaliyydt, kasd3id, mukatta'dt, tarklbdt, and rubd'iyydt. It was published for the first time by F.N. Uzluk, Dwdm Sultan Veled, Istanbul and Ankara 1358/1941 and later by Sacld Nafisi, Diwdn-i Sultan Walad, Tehran 1338/1960. 2. Three mathnawls which were composed after the Diwdn: (a) Ibtidd3-ndma, also called Walad-ndma or Mathnawiyi Waladi. Composed between Rablc I and Djumada II 690/1291, it is written, like Sanaa's Hadikat alhakd'ik, in the metre khajif. It constitutes an important source for the biographies of Baha' al-Dln and
SULTAN WALAD — SULTANIYYA Mawlana as well as for the early history of the order. Edition by Djalal-i Huma'I, Walad-ndma, Mathnawi-yi Waladi bd tashih wa mukaddama, Tehran 1315-16/1936-37. (b) Rabdb-ndma, composed, at the behest of a notable, within five months of the year 700/1301 in the metre ramal of his father's Mathnawi. It contains explanations to ideas in the Mathnawi and to general Sufi notions. Edition by 'All Sultanf-i Gurdfaramarzf, Rabab-ndma, Tehran 1359/1980 (see F.T. Ocak, Sultan Veled'in Rebdbndme'si, in Erdem, iv, [1988], 11). (c) Intiha3-nama. Like the Rabab-ndma written in ramal, completed on the last day of Dhu 'l-Kacda 708/1309. It was composed for parenetic purposes, and is a kind of summary of the first two mathnawis. 3. Macdrif-i Waladi, also called al-Asrdr al-ajaldliyya. It is a prose work in a style approaching the spoken language and containing accounts of Sultan Walad's thoughts and words. The title is an evocation of his grandfather's work by the same tide. An uncritical edition appeared as an appendix to an undated Tehran print of Mawlana's Fihi ma fih; a scholarly edition was prepared by Nadjrb Mayil-i Hirawi, Ma'drif, Tehran 1367/1988. The Turkish verses in the Diwdn (129), the Ibtidd3ndma (76), and the Rabab-ndma (162 or 157) are among the oldest examples of Anatolian Turkish literature and are the most extensive testimony of this early stage of the language. Their language is simple and easily comprehensible. It has been suggested that they served the purpose of propaganda for the Mawlawiyya. From the beginning these verses have attracted the attention of European scholars. Hammer, Wickerhauser, Behrnauer, Radloff, Kunos, Smirnov, and Salemann have dealt with them (see J.H. Kramers, art. Sultan Walad, in El1). The verses have been collected by Veled Celeb! (Izbudak) and Kilisli RiPat, Divdn-i turki-i Sultan Vekd, Istanbul 1341/1925, cf. Fuat Koprulii, in Turk dili ve edebiyati hakkinda ara§tirmalar (1934), 162-73, and TM, ii (1928), 475-81, and Mecdut Mansuroglu, Sultan Veled'in Ttirkfe manzumeleri, Istanbul 1958. Translations: Ibtiddndme, tr. Abdiilbaki Golpmarh. Istanbul 1976; La Parole secrete. Uenseignement du maitre soufi Rumi, tr. Djamchid Mortazavi and Eva de VitrayMeyerovitch, n.p. 1988; Maitre et disciple. Kitdb alMa'drif, tr. eadem, Paris 1982; Madrif, tr. Meliha Tankahya, Ankara 1949. Bibliography: See also AflakI, Mandkib al-drifin, ed. Tahsin Yazici, 2Ankara 1976-80; Farfdun Sipahsalar, Ahwdl-i Mawlana Djaldl al-LHn-i Mawlawl, Tehran 1325/1947; Djami, Nafahdt al-uns, ed. Mahmud-i c Abidf, Tehran 1370/1992; J.H. Kramers, E/1 art. s.v.; Badfc al-Zaman-i Furuzanfar, Risdla dar tahklki ahwdlu zindagdm-i Mawlana Djaldl al-Din Muhammad, Tehran 1315/1937, 41361/1982; H. Ritter, Philologika XL Mauldnd Galdladdin Rumi und sein Kreis, in IsL, xxvi (1942), 116-58, 221-49; Tahsin Yazici, art. Sultan Veled, in IA\ cAbd al-Husayn-i Zarrmkub, Palla palla td muldkdt-i khudd. Dar bdra-i zindagi, andisha u suluk-i Mawlana Djaldl al-Dtn-i Rumi, Tehran 1371/ 1992. For the Turkish verses, see references in text, and also W. Bjorkmann, Die Altosmanische Literatur, in PTF, ii, Wiesbaden 1964, 403-426. For the Greek verses, see P. Burguiere et R. Mantran, Quelques vers grecs du XIIIe siecle en caracteres arabes, in Byzantion, xxii (1952),_63-_80._ (GUDRUN SCHUBERT) SULTANABAD, the name of various places in Persia. 1. The best-known one is the town presently known in Persia as Arak lying in long. 49° 41' E. and lat. 34° 5' N. at an altitude of 1,753 m/5,751 feet, 284
859
km/176 miles to the southwest of Tehran. It lies in the southwestern corner of the plain of Farahan, adjoining the Zagros massif. The popular (and now official) name Arak must come ultimately from Trak, in the sense of Trak-i cAdjam or Persian Trak, the mediaeval Djibal [q.v.~\. The modern region of Arak lies within the bend of the Kara Su. Its rural districts include that of Kazzaz, which seems to be identical with the mediaeval Karadj Abl Dulaf (see Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 197-8; Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, 575-8; AL-KARADJ), and Dargazfn on the left bank of the Kara Su, with which two viziers of the Great Saldjuks in the early 6th/12th century were connected, Abu '1-Kasim Nasir and Abu '1-Barakat Dargazlnl Ansabadhf. Sultanabad was founded in 1223/1808 by Fath 'All Shah Kadjar as part of a plan to overawe the local chiefs, and it was laid out on a rectangular plan, with defensive walls and towers, by the commander Yusuf Khan GurdjI. In the later 19th century, Sultanabad began to grow in importance as a centre for carpet-weaving, and it became, at least until the 1940s, Persia's most important centre for commercial carpet manufacture. It also acquired under Rida Shah Pahlavl [q.v.] various other industries. Its importance was further enhanced when it became a major station on the Trans-Persian railway, at the point where the line from Khuzistan emerges from the Zagros. Arak is now the chef-lieu of a shahrastdn or district of the same name in the Central Province, and in 1976 had a population of 114,500. Bibliography. For older bibl., see Minorsky's El1 art. and that to AL-KARADJ. Also Admiralty Handbooks. Persia, London 1945, 98, 553-8; Razmara (ed.), Farhang-i djughrdfiyd-yi Irdn-zamin, ii, 6; H. Dermet-Gregoire and P. Fontaine, La region dArak et de Hamadan: cartes et documents ethnographiques, Cahiers de Studia Iranica 6, Paris 1988; and the detailed bibls. to EIr art. Ardk (C.E. Bosworth and X. de Planhol). 2. The Mongol II Khan Oldjeytii [q.v.] founded in 711/1311-12 at Camcamal, at the foot of the Blsutun mountain in the region of eastern Kurdistan-western Djibal, a town which was called Sultanabad (Mustawfi, Nuzha, ed. and tr. Le Strange, 107, tr. 106; d'Ohsson, Hist, des Mongols, iv, 545; H.L. Rabino, Kermanchah, in RMM [1920], 14), and this same ruler founded Oldjeytii-Sultanabad in the Mukan [q.v.] steppe in Arran near the Kur river (B. Spuler, Iran in Mongolenzeit1, Leipzig 1939, 450). 3. There are several other villages of this name in Adharbadjan, Khurasan, Kirman, Khuzistan, etc. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SULTANIYYA, a town in the mediaeval Islamic province of northern Djibal some 50 km/32 miles to the southeast of Zandjan [q.v.] (lat. 36° 24' N., long. 48° 50' E.). 1. History. Sultaniyya was founded towards the end of the 7th/13th century by the Mongol II Khanids and served for a while in the following century as their capital. The older Persian name of the surrounding district was apparently Shahruyaz or Sharuyaz/Sharubaz (which was to be the site, adjacent to Sultaniyya, of the tomb which the II Khanid Abu Sacld [q.v] built for himself, according to Hafiz-i Abru). It was originally a dependency of Kazwm. The Mongols called this district Kongkur Oleng ("the pasture ground of the Alezans"; there is still a village called Oleng to the southeast of Sultaniyya). Sultaniyya is about 5,0005,500 feet above sea-level. The coolness of its climate
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in summer and the richness of the high plateau in pasturage and game must have had a special attraction for the Mongols. Arghun began the construction of a town, the wall of which (bam) was 12,000 paces in circumference. His son and later successor Oldjeytii (704-16/1304-16 [q.v.]), to celebrate the birth of his son Abu Sacfd, began in 705/1305 to enlarge the new town (up to 30,000 paces in circumference) and made it the capital (or, more accurately, the chief seasonal residence) of his kingdom. The sovereign and his ministers vied with one another in embellishing Sultaniyya. The vizier Rashid al-Dfn alone built a quarter of 1,000 houses, the rabc-i Rashldi (d'Ohsson, iv, 486; Hammer, Geschichte d. Ikhane, ii, 184-6; Sheila S. Blair, Ilkhanid architecture and society: an analysis of the endowment deed of the Rabc-i Rashldi, in Iran JBIPS, xxii [1983], 67-90). The building of the town was finished in 713/1313 and was solemnly celebrated. After his conversion to the ShI'a, Oldjeytii thought of bringing to Sultaniyya the remains of the caliph CA1I and of the Imam Husayn. Hamd Allah Mustawfi says that nowhere except Tabriz could so many splendid buildings be seen as in Sultaniyya and he makes the five great roads (shdh-rdh) radiate from Sultaniyya as the centre of Iran (miydn-i Irdn-zamiri). The exaggeration in the last statement is apparent; the site "so inconvenient" (P. della Valle) of the town was the main cause of its decline (cf. Minorsky, Geographical factors in Persian art, in Iranica, twenty articles, Tehran 1964, 47). Oldjeytii died in Sultaniyya and was buried in the famous mausoleum there. The kurultay [q.v.] of Abu Sa£Id was held in Sultaniyya, but the fact that C A1I Shah, this ruler's minister, began to build a magnificent mosque in Tabriz seems to indicate that pride of place was returning to the old capital. European envoys and merchants were nevertheless to be found there, and in 1318 the Pope created an archidiocese at Sultaniyya, still in existence at the beginning of the 15th century. After the fall of the II Khanids, Sultaniyya often changed hands and its possession was disputed between the Cubanids [q.v.], the Djalayir [q.v.] and the Muzaffarids. A former captain of Shaykh Uways Djalayir called Sarik cAdil fortified himself in Sultaniyya in 781/1379. He inflicted a defeat upon the Muzaffarid Shah Shudjac, but finally submitted to him and kept his position. A little later, Sarik cAdil proclaimed Bayazld Djalayir as sultan at Sultaniyya; his brother sultan Ahmad complained of this to Shah Shudjac, who removed Sarik cAdil from Sultaniyya. Timur's troops took Sultaniyya from the sons of Ahmad in 786/1384. At the same time, Tlmur reestablished Sarik £Adil as governor there and seems to have respected the tomb of Oldjeytii (cf. Olearius). Among the villages built by Tlmur around Samarkand with the names of celebrated towns, there was one called Sultaniyya (Barthold, Ulugh-beg, in Four studies on the history of Central Asia, Leiden 1958-62, ii, 41). In 795/ 1393 Sultaniyya formed part of "the fief of Hiilegii" conferred by Timur on his son Mlran Shah, see Sharaf al-Dm Yazdl, ^afar-ndma, i, 388, 399, 623. Clavijo, who visited Sultaniyya in 1404, says that Mlran Shah (from 798/1395 afflicted with madness, which showed itself in the destruction of monuments, £afar-ndma, ii, 221), had plundered the town and citadel (alcazar) and profaned the tomb of Oldjeytii ("e el Cabellero que yacia enterrado mandolo echar fuera"). In spite of this, the ambassador of Henry III of Castile adds that the town had many inhabitants and that its trade was greater than that of Tabriz. Under the Safawid Shah Tahmasp I, the mausoleum was restored and
Pietro della Valle and Olearius found it in good preservation. Trade, however, gradually went back to Tabriz, and the removal of the political centre to Isfahan completed the ruin of the old capital of Oldjeytii and caused it to become forgotten. It only experienced a brief revival of favour when, in the reign of the Kadjar Fath CA1I Shah, when the court followed the old custom of moving to a summer residence, a hunting-palace was built near Sultaniyya with materials taken from the old city. This new Sultanabad was also abandoned after the Russo-Persian war of 1828. The splendid mausoleum then rose from the centre of a wretched little village. In 1880 HoutumSchindler counted 400-500 houses there, but the place has in the present century increased somewhat in size and importance because of its position near the Kazwin-Zandjan-Tabrlz highway. The modern Sultaniyya is now in the province of Zandjan; in 1991 it had a population of 5,114 (Preliminary results of the 1991 census, Statistical Centre of Iran, Population Division). Bibliography. Hamd Allah Mustawfi, Nuzjiat alkulub, ed. Le Strange, 55 and index; HadjdjI Khalifa, Djihdn-numd, 292; d'Ohsson, Hist, des Mongols, iii, 505, iv, 59, 486; von Hammer, Gesch. d. Ikhane, Darmstadt 1841-3, ii, 244 and index; Howorth, History of the Mongols, iii, 628-33; Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 222-3; Clavijo, Historia d. Gran. Tamorlan, Seville 1582, tr. Le Strange, Embassy to Tamerlane 1403-1406, London 1928, 158-64; P. della Valle, Viaggi, 1619, French tr. Rouen 1745, iv, 62; Olearius, 1637, Ausfiihrliche Beschreibung d. Reyse, Schleswig 1663, ch. 28 (with pi.); Tavernier, Les six voyages, Paris 1692; Chardin, Voyages, 1671, Paris 1811, ii, 376 and pi. xii of the atlas; Cornelis de Bruin, Reizen over Moscovie door Persie, Amsterdam 1714, 125; J. Morier, Journey through Persia, London 1812, 257-9; Jaubert, Voyage en Armenie et en Perse dans les annees 1805 et 1806, Paris 1821 (ArdabllKhalkhal-Zandjan-Sultaniyya); Ker Porter, Travels, London 1822, ii, 275-6; Texier, Description de I'Armenie, etc., Paris 1842, i, pis. 53-8, ii (SultaniyyaHamadan); Flandin, Voyage en Perse, Relation du voyage, Paris 1851, i, 202-5; Flandin and Coste, Voyage en Perse. . . . pendant les annees 1840 et 1841, Perse moderne, Paris n.d., pis. 11-12; H. Schindler, Reisen im nord-westlichen Persien, in £eit. Gesell. Erd. (Berlin 1883), 332; Mme. Dieulafoy, La Perse, la Chaldee et la Susiane, Paris 1887, 89; E.G. Browne, A year amongst the Persians, London 1893, 75; Stahl, Von d. Kaukas. Grenze nach Kazuuin, in Peterm. Mitt. (1902), 60-4 (map); Barthold, An historical geography of Iran, Princeton 1984, 210-13; Feuvrier, Trois ans d la com de Perse, Paris 1906, 96; B. Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran1, Leipzig 1939, index; J.A. Boyle, in Camb. hist. Iran, v, 399-400; G. Hambly, A note on Sultdniyeh/Sultanabad in the early 19th century, in AARP, ii (Dec. 1972), 89-98; D. Krawulsky, Iran—Das Reich der Ilhdne, Wiesbaden 1978, 315-16; D. Morgan, The Mongols, London 1986, 171-2, 186-7; Sheila S. Blair, The Mongol capital of Sultaniyya, "The Imperial", in Iran JBIPS, xxiv (1986), 139-51. (V. MINORSKY-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) 2. Monuments. Like most Persian cities, Sultaniyya was composed of an inner citadel surrounded by a moat and an outer city surrounded by ramparts. The square citadel was built of dressed stone and articulated with sixteen towers, a machicolated parapet, and an iron gate, all visible in the earliest depiction of the city, a painting in an Ottoman manuscript recounting the stages
SULTANIYYA — SULUK of the journeys of Sultan Siileyman the Magnificent composed by Matrakl Nasuh in 944/1537-8 (Istanbul University Library, Yildiz T 5964, fols. 31b-32a; facs. reproduction by H.G. Yurdaydin, Nasuhii's-Silahi (Matrdtyi), Beydn-i Mend&l-i Sefer-i Trdkeyn-i Sultan Suleymdn Han, Ankara 1976). Much of the citadel survived until the 1780s, and traces are still visible (Muhammad Mihryar, Ahmad Kabfrf and Fa'ik Tawhfdf, Bar-rasi wa paygardi-yi mukaddamati: Buraj wa bdru-yi arg-i shahr-i kadim-i sultaniyya (zimistdn 1364), in Athdr, xii-xiv [13457 1988], 209-64). The centrepiece of the citadel and the major building to survive is the tomb of Sultan Oldjeytii (Iranian National Monument 166). Oriented almost cardinally, it is an enormous octagon (diameter 38 m) with an adjoining hall (15 x 20 m) on the south. The central domed chamber (height 50 m; diameter 25 m) is supported by heavy, 7-m thick walls and ringed by eight towers. On the interior the walls are pierced by eight tall and deep bays, and on the exterior a gallery, reached by staircases in the north-east and north-west corners, encircles the building below the base of the dome. In addition to its size and sophisticated handling of spaces, the tomb is remarkable for its decoration. The exterior was decorated with inventive patterns of tile mosaic, and the interior was decorated twice; a lower layer of glazed brick and tile combined with carved stucco and terracotta was covered by a second layer, largely of painted plaster, with smaller areas of cuerda-seca tiles, applique plaster, and plaster-stiffened cloth ornaments. The building was apparently dedicated in its original state in 713/1313-14, but redecorated shortly before Oldjeytii's death three years later. Several explanations have been proposed for the quick redecoration, most of them dealing with Oldjeytu's religious conversions or political aspirations, but none of them is entirely convincing. Even more speculative are attempts (e.g. P. Sanpaolesi, La Cupola di Santa Maria del Fiore ed il Mausoleo de Soltanieh, in Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, xvi/3 [1972], 221-60) to connect this remarkable domed structure with contemporary innovations in vaulting in Europe. Like most other major II Khanid funerary complexes, Oldjeytu's tomb was part of a pious foundation that included places for prayer, Kur'an reading, meditation, and residence. The ensemble had four iwdns connected by arcades around a court and was set in an elaborate garden. It had one of the largest pious endowments of its time; according to Shams alDln Arnull, a mudarris there, it exceeded 100 tumdns. The fittings and furnishings for the tomb complex were the finest that money could buy. The contemporary panegyrist Abu '1-Kasim Kashanl waxes eloquent about the lavish materials used, including marble, mukarnas, gold, and silver. The windows and doors had elaborate grilles, and three ball joints (diameter 13 cm) made of bronze inlaid with gold, silver, and a bituminous material and inscribed with Oldjeytu's name may have come from his tomb or other buildings at Sultaniyya. The largest copy of the Kur'an made in the period, a gigantic (72 x 50 cm) 30-part manuscript transcribed at Baghdad between 706 and 710 (1306-13), was also endowed to the tomb (D.James, Qur'dns of the Mamluks, London and New York 1988, no. 40). Other II Khanid buildings in the citadel have not survived but can be reconstructed from descriptions and depictions by historians and travellers. There was a large congregational mosque with a monumental portal leading to a large central court with four iwdns
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and a domed sanctuary. The sultan's enormous palace had a large marble court and suites of rooms. The inner city also boasted numerous bazaars, hostelries for merchants, and palaces and gardens for notables. The vizier Rashfd al-Dm, for example, built an entire quarter that housed a large pious foundation with a madrasa, hospital, and khdnakdh announced by a large entrance portal with minarets flanking an iwdn. His rival Tadj al-Dm vied by building a bazaar of stone and baked brick and a lavish palace costing 10,000 dinars. One pair of II Khanid buildings located several hundred metres southwest of Oldjeytu's tomb survives from the many public and private structures in the bustling outer city: an octagonal tomb tower (Iranian National Monument 167) and an adjacent khdnakdh. Although commonly known as the tomb of Celebi Oghlu, the tomb tower (diameter 12 m) actually marks the grave of Shaykh Burak, a leading Sufi who was killed during Oldjeytu's invasion of Gflan in 706/1306. The tomb was built at royal command soon after the Shaykh's death, and the site served as an important Sufi centre at least until the succeeding generation when Khwadja Shams al-Dfn Muhammad Kazwfnl (re)built the adjacent khdnakdh and had an inscription dated 733/1332-3 carved in the plaster near the mihrdb announcing his endowment of water to the Shamsiyya khdnakdh that he had built at Kazwln. Near these buildings is the tomb of Mulla Hasan Kashf Shfrazf, a theologian, orator, and poet of the early Safawid period. The tomb (Iranian National Monument 168) is an octagonal building with four iwdns leading to a square tomb chamber (6.22 m) surmounted by a tall dome. An inscription in abdjad at the base of the dome records that the tomb was built in 963/1565-6; another inscription on the drum give the names Muhammad b. Fathf, the builder, and Hadjdjf Banna', probably the person responsible for the tile decoration. A third inscription at the base of the mukarnas dome in the interior records that the building was restored under the Kadjar ruler Fath c Alf Shah. Bibliography: A. Godard, The mausoleum of Oljeitu at Sultdniya, in Pope, Survey, 1103-18; idem, Le tombeau de Mawldnd Hasan Kdshi a Sultaniye, in Arts Asiatiques, i (1954), 24-38; D. Wilber, The architecture of Islamic Iran: the Il-Khdnid period, Princeton 1955, repr. New York 1969, nos. 47, 80; Soltdniye III, Quaderni del Seminario di Iranistica, Uralo-Altaistica e Caucasologia deirUniversitd degli Studi di Venecia, ix (1982); Sheila S. Blair, The Mongol capital of Sultaniyya "The Imperial", in Iran, xxiv (1986), 139-51 (with references to most of the primary sources about the city); eadem, The epigraphic program of the tomb of Uljaytu at Sultaniyya: meaning in Mongol architecture, in Islamic Art, ii (1987), 43-96, Eleanor G. Sims, The "iconography" of the internal decoration in the mausoleum of Uljaytu at Sultaniyya, in Content and context of visual arts in the Islamic world, ed. P.P. Soucek, University Park, PA 1988, 13976; Sheila S. Blair, The Ilkhanid palace, in Ars Orientalis, xxiv (1994), 235-44. (SHEILA S. BLAIR) SULU [see PHILIPPINES]. SULUK (A.), a t e c h n i c a l t e r m in Islamic political and mystical t h o u g h t . Suluk is a verbal noun derived from the root s-l-k "to travel or follow a road". Depending on the context, connotations of the term in Islamic literature include "progression", "method", "behaviour", "comportment", "demeanour", "wayfaring", "conduct", and "manners". 1. In political theory. Here the term usually carries the implication of "conduct" or "comport-
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PLATE XVI
Sultaniyya, tomb of Oldjeytii, view of vaults in the second-story gallery (photo: Sheila S. Blair and Jonathan M. Bloom, 1977).
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ment". A Persian treatise by Fadl Allah b. Ruzbihan Khundjf [q.v.], composed in 920/1514, concerning the proper comportment which various types of leaders in the religious and political sphere should observe, is appropriately entitled The conduct of kings (Suluk almuluk, ed. M.£A. Muwahhid, Tehran 1362 ^./1983). In the same fashion, a Sufi author like Nadjm alDfn Razf (d. 654/1256) devoted all eight divisions (fast) of the final chapter of his monumental conspectus of Sufi doctrine, the Mirsad al-cibdd (ed. M.A. Riyahi, Tehran 1352 Sh./l973, 409-548), to the "proper conduct (suluKf to be observed by kings, ministers, deputies, the learned classes, the rich, landowners, merchants, businessmen and artisans. 2. In mysticism. From the standpoint of comparative religion, suluk is the Islamic version of the archetypal motif of the "journey" which mystics of different religious traditions have used to describe the various steps which must be taken to leave illusory selfhood behind and realise union with the divine. In the particular lexicon of Muslim mysticism, suluk denotes methodical progress on the via mystica or tarika, the process of ascension and advancement—psychical, ethical and spiritual—which the Sufi "wayfarer" (sdlik) experiences in his pursuit (talab) of God. Constituting the main "course of practice" on the Sufi Path, it involves an integral method of spiritual progress based on spiritual warfare (mud^dhadd) and inner "unveiling" (kashf), combining what in Christian mystical theology are known as the via purgativa and the via illuminativa into a broad-based mystical highway. In this way, the term suluk designates—as J.S. Trimingham (The Sufi orders in Islam, London 1973, 140) aptly put it—"the scala perfectionis of the orders". Su'ad Hakim (al-Muc^am al-suji, Beirut 1981, 720) points out that the term al-tank (way) referred to throughout the Kur'an (e.g. XLVI, 30—although the exact construction suluk does not occur in the Kur'an, there is one reference to salaka, XX, 53) is more or less equivalent to the later Sufi conception of suluk:, RazI introduces the term in this sense in the exordium of the Mirsad (ed. Riyahi, 11), where he states that his work is devoted to "expounding the modes of proper conduct on the Sufi Path" (baydn-i suluk-i rdh-i tarikat). Suluk is the not merely proper "wayfaring", but "spiritual correctness" (as is conveyed by the modern Persian expression husn-i suluk, "becoming conduct"), the "travelling-manners"—appropriate spiritual attitude and proper ethical comportment—which the roadwise Sufi" "wayfarer" (the term sdlik is defined by £Abd al-Razzak Kasham, Istildhdt al-sufiyya, ed. Muhammad Ibrahim Dja'far, Cairo 1981, no. 259, as "one who is travelling towards God, being midway between the novice [al-mund] and one who has attained the end of the Path [al-muntahi]") must possess to traverse the stations of the Way. It would appear that, with the rise of institutional Sufism in the early 5th/llth century, the traditional technical usage of the term denoting the progression of the mystic pilgrim on his path came to the fore. The conspicuous omission of suluk from Massignon's Essai sur les origines du lexique technique de la mystique musulmane (Paris 1928) is symptomatic of the term's absence from nearly all the early—3rd-4th/9th-10th century—classical Sufi texts written in Arabic. Suluk is notably not featured in either Nicholson's index of technical terms to his critical edition of al-Sarradj's Lama1, nor in the Ta'arrufby al-Kalabadhr, nor in the Kut al-kulub of Abu Talib al-Makkf, nor in the Tabakdt al-sufiyya of al-Sulaml, nor in the Hilydt al-awliyd3 of
Abu Nucaym al-Isfaham, nor in the Risdla of alKushayri, nor in (both the Persian and) the Arabic writings of cAbd Allah Ansarf—those key works which played a formative role in the literary blossoming of 6th/12th-century Sufism. Neither does any mention of suluk occur in the oldest Persian treatise on Sufism, namely the Kaskf'al-mahdjub of Hudjwfri (d. 463/1071). Perhaps the earliest known usage of the term to describe the proceeding of the mystic on the Path under the supervision of a teacher is to be found in al-Kushayrl's Tartib al-suluk (see F. Meier, Qusayn^ Tartlb as-suluk, in Oriens, xvi [1963], 1-39). As an integral part of the Sufi lexicon of technical terms, suluk is later regularly featured throughout early 6th/12th-century mystical literature in Arabic and Persian. In his Ihyd3 culum al-din, K. Kasr al-shahwatayn, Bk. 23, al-Ghazalf gives a detailed description of the practical requirements of suluk in Sufi discipline taught to neophytes, and this mystical usage is further underlined by £Ayn al-Kudat Hamadhanf (d. 525/1131, the famous pupil of Abu Hamid's brother, Ahmad alGhazalf) in his Tamhiddt (ed. CA. Osseiran, Tehran 1962, 71, 4) who draws a distinction between "the people of religion on the religious way" (ahl-i din dar rdh-i din) and "the people of spiritual conduct who follow the mystical method" (ahl-i suluk dar rdh-i suluk). According to cAyn al-Kudat, suluk principally relates to the "conduct" of the elect who tread the Sufi" tonka, and is only secondarily treated as an affair of the Shari'a (which is shared in common among all Muslims). A few decades later, Ibn Munawwar in his Asrdr al-tawhld (composed between 553-88/1158-92), ed. M. Shaft cr-KadkanT, Tehran 1987, 4, used the term in exactly the same sense to describe the saintly manner of "conduct on the course of the Sufi Path" (suluk-i tarik-i tarikat) observed by the holy companions of Abu Sacld b. Abi '1-Khayr. In the poetry of 'Attar (d. 618/1221 [q.v.]), an ethical dimension of suluk figures prominently, referring, in a more general sense, to the mystic's "proper conduct" amongst all creatures, ranging from the lowliest ant unto the highest human being. The Sufi should relate to all creation from what might be called suluk's "transcendent ecological perspective", he or she should comport him or herself with all creatures equally through viewing all beings sub specie aeternatis. 'Attar thus recounts how 'All encountered an ant on the road which aroused in him a state of terror, and was later informed by the Prophet in a dream of the ant's exalted spiritual rank (Ildhi-ndma, ed. H. Ritter, Tehran 1359 Sh./\98Q, 54, w. 2, 10). Other technical taxonomies of the science of suluk attempt to integrate the term into an entire programme of mystical behaviourism and spiritual pedagogy through underlining the importance of the varieties of psychological types of human beings. Despite rather strict requirements for suluk in Sufi spiritual discipline, scope for individual variation in "conduct"—due to contrasting types of character differentiation—is theoretically unlimited. Thus there cannot be said to exist any single, exclusively "correct" form of conduct on the Path, insofar as much divergence in "mystical procedure" is usually tolerated. Abu '1-Mafakhir Yahya Bakharzl (d. 776/1261) thus devotes an entire chapter of his lengthy treatise on Sufism, the Fusus al-dddb (ed. Iradj Afshar, Tehran 1358 6&./1979, 55-6) to the subject of the ikhtildf al-masdlik the "divergent ways" among the Sufis, citing some nine different approved methods of suluk or Ways of spiritual conduct. First, states Bakharzl, comes the way of the devotee: "One group base their conduct on the path of
SULtJK — SU'LUK devotion (suluk-i tank-i cibadat), focusing their practice on water [for ritual ablutions] and the prayer niche, occupying themselves intensively with dhikr, supererogatory works of obedience and litanies". His categorisation continues to that of: (2) "the ascetic" to (3) "the solitary", to (4) the "itinerant traveller and voluntary exile", to (5) the way of service and charitable preference of one's Sufi brethren over oneself to (6) the way of spiritual struggle, to (7) the way of self-humiliation and self-abasement before people, to (8) the way of [conscious] helplessness and weakness, and lastly, to (9) the way of teaching [religious] knowledge and keeping the company of scholars, listening to the "traditions" [of the Prophet and his companions] and preservation of knowledge. Bakharzf is careful to emphasise that each of these suluk types has its own proper conditions and etiquette (dddb) to be observed "exactly as the masters have taught or else the wayfarer will be halted and never reach the goal". Perhaps the most comprehensive treatment of the entire human/divine continuum and spectrum of meanings of suluk can be found in the Risdla dar baydn-i suluk written by Bakharzf's contemporary and fellow Kubrawi shaykh, cAz!z Nasafi (d. between 1281-1300, see his K. al-Insdn al-kdmil, ed. M. Mole, Tehran-Paris 1962, 80-99). In many Sufi works, suluk is contrasted, on the one hand, to "attraction" (dj.adhba) and to "spiritual travel" (sayr) on the other. Sometimes paired as two different polar opposites to suluk., and sometimes coupled to the term for the sake of rhetorical effect, the term takes on interesting nuances: D}adhba/suluk. "Attraction" (ajadhba) by God before undergoing suluk, states Tadj al-Dm Khwarazmf (d. 8407 1436-7), "is the quality of beginners", whereas "the experience of 'attraction after suluk1 belongs to the most advanced and perfect adepts" (Sharh-i Fusus alhikam... Ibn 'Arabi, ed. N.M. Harawl, Tehran 1989, 235). Mahmud Kashanf (d. 735/1335) in his Misbdh al-hiddya wa-miftdh al-ktfdya also describes suluk as an initial stage leading to ajadhba. Only two sorts of mystics are worthy to become guides on the Sufi Path, he affirms: 1. "The 'wayfarer who later becomes an ecstatic' (sdlik-i magjdhub), must first traverse all the deserts and perils of the qualities of the lower passions with the feet of suluk, until by grace of divine attraction (ajadhabdt) he surpasses all the degrees of the heart and hierarchical levels of the spirit, attaining to the realm of mystical unveiling and certitude (kashf wa yakirif'''. 2. "The 'ecstatic who later becomes a wayfarer' (maajdhub-i sdlik), who by grace of divine attraction crosses the wide expanse of the stations (makdmdt), attains to the world of unveiling and direct vision (iydri), only later re-experiencing the stages and levels of the Path (tank) through pedestrian suliik, finding the reality of his spiritual disposition in the form of knowledge. In a similar vein, al-Tahanawf (Kashshdf istildhdt al-funun/A dictionary of the technical terms used in the sciences of the Musalmans, 686) contrasts suluk with the personal "effort" (kushish) of the sdlik and djadhba with the fore-ordained "pull" (kashish) of God. Sayr/Tayr/Suluk. Contrasted with suluk in Sufi terminology are terms such as sayr ("visionary voyage") and tayr ("spiritual flight"), denoting higher degrees or levels of the same spiritual journey. The terms "sayr vs. suluK\ "flight of spiritual vision" vs. "methodical progression" on the Path belong to those popular linguistic pairs of opposites whose alliterative rhyming was manipulated to great rhetorical effect by the Sufi writers. What is interesting here is not only the typological difference of sayr and suluk but also their
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analogical relationship, aimed at creating an equilibrium between such apparently polar opposites. Thus Mahmud Kasham, Misbdh, 110, observes that "The visionary voyage (sayr) of lovers through the hierarchical levels of the spiritual stations (makdmdt) cannot be undertaken except by correct methodological order and graduation. As long as the lover has not fulfilled the requirements of a lower station he or she cannot attain to a higher one. . . . Hence no progress (tarakki) will be made unless each station is traversed step by step in proper methodological order by following [the process of] the 'journey within' (sayr) and 'conduct without' (suluk). Then and only then shall his conduct (suluk) be transformed into divine attraction (ajadhba) and his inner voyage (sayr) culminate in spiritual flight (tayr). ..." The sayr/suluk relationship is thus complementary rather than hierarchically distinct; instead of considering the former as a higher stage of the latter, each should be seen as depending on the other, sayr being the fruit of the tree of suluk. Other Sufis, however, such as Nasafi, op. cit., 12-13, did not discriminate between sayr and suluk and considered them as synonyms. Descriptions found in Sufi writings of the terminus of the makdmdt of suluk are unanimous on one point: the end of suluk is the attainment of fand3 fi 'lldh, annihilation of the temporal selfhood in God, and the realisation of the perfection of existential Oneness (tawhid) which pertains to the level of the "transconscious" (khafi). Nonetheless, the mystics varied considerably in their comportment whilst bidding "farewell to wayfaring". Some, like Tadj al-Dm UshnawT (d. ca. 610/1213) could pronounce philosophically: "This station [fond3 Ji }ldh] is the farthest point of the suluk of the wayfarers, and the ultimate desideratum of the seekers (tdlibdn), for beyond this station there is no wayfaring (suluk), wayfaring being but a derivative part of existence (wuajud), and when existence, which is the principle, is annihilated, how should the derivative ever remain?" (Madjmu'a-yi dthdr-i farsl.. . Shaykh Tdaj al-LHn Ushnawi, ed. N.M. Harawl, Tehran 1368 Sh./\989, 93); others, such as £Ayn al-Kudat, in his Tamhiddt, 317, voiced their realisation more stridently. Bibliography (apart from the references already cited): 'All Akbar Dihkhuda, Lughat-ndma, s.v. suluk. As an example of typical usage of the term in mediaeval Persian Sufism, see Sa£Id al-Dm alFarghanf, Mashdrik al-dardn, Sharh-i Td3iyya Ibn Fdrid, ed. Djalal al-Dm Ashtiyanl, Tehran 1979; suluk: 61, 71, 73, 84, 166, 185, 187, 205, 209, 216, 217, 232, 234-6, 261, 274, 277, 285, 287, 306, 309, 312, 315, 340, 356, 369, 383, 395-7, 459, 476, 526, 572-3, 610, 612; &adhba/suluk: 307-10; sayr/ suluk: 60, 72, 77, 108, 144, 147, 150, 175, 203, 261, 271, 292, 337, 380, 511, 544, 573, 590. For a somewhat idiosyncratic usage of the term in the Persian hikmat tradition, incorporating its technical Sufi sense into traditional Shfcf theosophical thought, see the Persian tract on suluk ascribed to Sayyid Muhammad Mahdl Bahr al-cUlum (d. 1212/1797), a famous Shf c f scholar with strong Sufi sympathies, Risdla-yi sayr u suluk-i mansub bi-Bahr al-cUlum, ed. S.M.H. Tihranf, Tehran 1360 ^./1981.
(L. LEWISOHN) SUCLUK (A.), pi. safdlik, brigand, brigand-poet and mercenary in time of need. The sa'dtik owe their place in history mainly to their poetic talents which were without equal at the time of the Didhiliyya and until the end of the Umayyad regime. It is not at all easy to unravel the problem posed by the existence of this group, on account of the
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absence of contemporary documents. On the other hand, later authors, in copying ancient texts, have replaced the original terms with those in use in their own time: the sa'dlik mentioned by al-Baladhurf (Futuh, 310-11) become dhu"dr ("thieves") in the same text as recorded by Yakut (Bulddn, s.v. Sisar). I. Equivalents. It is impossible to speak of synonyms as such; the majority of relevant terms refer to categories or certain behavioural patterns of the sa'dlik. Al-aghnba or aghribat al-cArab ("the crows of the Bedouin") is not the equivalent of sucluk, it was used to designate poets of negroid maternal ancestry. On this basis, according to the texts, the aghriba/sa'dlik poets were represented by three individuals: Khufaf b. Nudba, al-Sulayk b. al-Sulaka and al-Harith b. Sharld (Hibat Allah al-Hilll, al-Mandkib al-mazyadiyya fi akhbdr al-muluk al-asadiyya, 'Amman 1404/1984, 170). Also mentioned are dhu'bdn ("wolves"), khula'd3 (sing. khalf; originally it signified one who has been disowned by his kinsmen for fear of accepting the consequences of his crimes; very soon, it acquired the meaning of shdtir, a rebel who makes a conscious decision to practise evil; al-Ffruzabadf, Kdmus, s.v. kh.l.c, tells of a fakhidh of the cAmir d. Sacsaca which was nicknamed al-Khulaca°, since they refused to submit to anyone's authority, wa-li-annahum kdnu Id yu'tuna ahadm tdcatan), radjliyyun, futtdk (sing. Jatik "killer"; cf. the hybrid Juttdk al-Arab, Ibn Kutayba, al-Shifr wa 7shucard3, 438; al-Amidi seems not to know the term su'luk and systematically usesfdtik in al-Mu3talif wa 'l-mukhtalif, Beirut 1411/1991, 70, 81), lusus [see LISS] ("brigands"), shudhdhddh ("miscreants"; the word is not attested in Djahilf and Umayyad poetry) and al-dhuccdr ("thieves"). II. Sa'alfk in pre-Islamic times. (1) Meanings of the term. A discrepancy exists between the poems attributed to the D^ahiliyya which evoke these individuals on the one hand, and the texts which claim to sketch their biographies on the other. Rather than evoking honourable brigands, a significant number of the quotations attributed to these poets use the term in the sense of "poor" (al-Kahlaba Hubayra b. cAbd Manaf: cald l-samdhati suclukm wa-dhd mdli "my generosity whether I be stfluk or the possessor of camels" [Abu Zayd, al-Nawddir, Beirut 1894, 154, 1. 7]); Hatim al-Ta'i and al-Acsha make comparisons in their verses between wealth (ghind) and tasacluk, in this case, poverty (Diwdn shi'r Hatim b. (Abd Allah al-Td3l, Cairo 1411/1990, 203, v. 15; al-Mufaddaliyydt, Oxford 1918-21, 342, 1. 6; alBakri, Simt, 928, 1. 7; al-Acsha, Diwdn, London 1928, 61, v. 16). This meaning is also attested in Umayyad poetry: it is found in the work of Acsha Hamdan (alAghdni3, vi, 44, 1. 6; al-Akhtal, Diwdn, Beirut 1891, 8, 1. 4; 122, 1. 4). This meaning is that used in the prose texts which record pre-Islamic events, but which were put into writing at a much later date (Wensinck, Concordance, iii, Leiden 1955, 313b; al-Zubayn, Nasab Kurqysh, Cairo 1953, 177-8). What remains evokes an eventful existence: the su'luk tells in verse of his temerity, his solitude and the dangers he has surmounted (Hatim al-Ta'I, op. cit., 226-7, w. 38-42; al-Sulayk b. al-Sulaka was nicknamed al-ri3bdl ["the lion"], Thuwaynl and 'Awwad, al-Sulayk b. Sulaka, akhbdruhu wa-shifruhu, 18; al-Baladhurl, Ansdb al-ashrdf, v, Jerusalem 1938, 293, 1. 19; £Urwa b. alWard, Diwdn, Beirut 1412/1992, 48, 11. 3-6), and expresses mordant criticism of the su'luk who demeans himself by accepting the crumbs thrown by wealthy sayyids (al-Buhturf, Hamdsa, Beirut 1910, 127-8, § 634, al-Mubarrad, Kdmil, 298).
(2) The socio-tribal background. The process of exclusion (khalc) constituted a sentence pronounced against a fellow-tribesman guilty of a crime leading to dishonour. Such opprobrium damaged the pact instituted by fasabiyya [q.v.] ("loyalty to the group"), since it almost invariably rebounded on the tribe. Since this culpable act constituted a threat to the economic existence of the whole, impairing any enterprise where solidarity was required, the khalic was banished and his blood could be shed with impunity. Thus rejected, his survival was precarious; if he was fortunate he might receive ajiwdr [q.v.], the protection of another tribe, but even this was a highly problematical status, the ajar ("protected one") being constantly threatened by the potential loss of goods and of honour. At other times, those excluded were banished to Hadawda. According to Yakut, this mountain is located in western Arabia; the Bedouin of the Djdhiliyya banished their undesirables there (kdnat al'Arabfi 'l-Bfiahiliyya tanfi ilayhi khulacd3aha [Yakut, Bulddn, s.v. Hadawda}). The strongest and most determined either constituted or joined a band of brigands and became sa'dlik. Thus Kays b. al-Hudadiyya of the Salul b. Kacb b. cAmr (Khuzaca) was banished by his kinsmen for involvement in the murder of a fellowtribesman. He gathered around himself other khulacd3 and shudhdhddh. Dirar b. al-Khattab, a poet of the Banu Fihr (Kuraysh), assembled a group of clients and rebels (murrdk); he carried out raids (yughir), practised abductions (yusbi) and stole camels (al-Djumahr, Tabakdt Juhul al-shucard3, Cairo 1394/1974, i, 250-1). The texts describe them by the name of sacdlikat alc Arab. Aghriba were integrated into these bands; most often, they gained admittance by shedding their own blood. Finally, some have identified a third distinct category, that of impoverished individuals who opted for sa'laka in order to survive. Such was the case of Fahm, of Hudhayl and of the brigands who gathered around c Urwa b. al-Ward. (3) The activities of Djahill sacdllk. These marginal characters conducted armed incursions and, if their poems are to be believed, they seem to have possessed to a high degree the qualities required for this type of activity (see below, 4. The poetry). Little information survives regarding the places where the sacdlik operated. They were numerous, and active, in the western sector of the mountainous region of Sarat, bordering on Tihama, to the south of Mecca (al-Sidjistam, K. fuhulat al-shucard3, Cairo 1411/1991, 121; al-Bakrl, Mu'djam, i, 88); the sources mention other regions ravaged by these troublesome elements; the Sarat of the Banu Fahm raiding the region of alTa'if, the diydr of Badjlla, the Djawf Murad in the region of SabaJ (al-Aghdm\ ii, 352; al-Sulayk, 15, 50), Turba and Blsha, two regions belonging to Khath(am (Aghdm; xiii, 51-2), Yathrib and the valleys surrounding it (cUrwa, Diwdn, 62-4) and the Nadjd (al-Aclam al-Hudhall and his two brothers pillaged al-Sitac, a day and a half's journey to the south of Mecca [alSukkan, op. cit., i, 233, 243]). As for the targets of their plunder, camels (amwdl) were their prime objective. Sa'dlik of this category were known as khdribs ("camel-thief;" wa-huwa sank alibil khdssa, he is above all a camel-thief [al-Aghdm, xiii, 3])'.' In other instances, they invaded agricultural regions with the object of pillage: al-Sulayk, with a gang drawn from the Taym al-Ribab, was active in the arydf (cultivated and fertile regions) around Fakhkha
SU'LUK (Ibn Habib, Mughtalin, 226), as were Ta'abbata Sharran and Abu Khirash al-Hudhali; according to cUrwa b. al-Ward, the booty coveted was dates (cUrwa, Diwdn, 89, v. 4). Whatever the case, whether it was camels or dates that were involved, the sa'alik seem to have acted with the complicity of the major tribes; cUrwa sold the goods obtained by theft to members of the Banu '1-Nadfr; in times of drought, the latter approached him (al-Suhayll, al-Rawd al-unuf, Cairo 1332, ii, 180). There is very little surviving evidence regarding attacks on caravans, markets and sanctuaries. One isolated tradition relates that al-Nucman b. al-Mundhir was accustomed to sending a camel laden with musk and silk (latima) to the market of cUkaz [q.v.], where the merchandise was to be sold: the sayyid of Mudar guaranteed him protection against attacks from the sa'dlik (al-Aghdm, xxii, 57). However, indirect details are of crucial importance, alluding to a certain level of activity on the part of these brigands against caravans and markets: a tradition owed to al-Djahiz (alSandubl, min K. fadl Hashim cald cAbd Shams, Cairo 1352/1933, 70-1) testifies clearly to the importance of this menace; it is said that Hashim imposed taxes on the chiefs (ntus) of the tribes in order to protect the inhabitants of Mecca against attack by the dhu'ban al-cArab wa-sacdlik al-ahyd3 ("Bedouin wolves and the brigands of the tribes"). Furthermore, numerous important individuals and members of the leading mercantile families of Kuraysh gave shelter and assistance to sa'dllk, probably with the aim of gaining their favour and thus protecting commercial routes and merchandise; the KurashI patrons most often mentioned are c Abd al-Muttalib b. Hashim (al-Marzubam, Mu'ajam alshucard\ Cairo 1354, 375), Harb b. Umayya (al-Aghdni, xxii, 56), the Banu Makhzum (ibid., xii, 49), al-Zubayr b. cAbd al-Muttalib (Ibn Kutayba, Shi'r, 229) and alc Abbas b. Mirdks (Djawad cAlf, 622; Khulayf, 138-9). Finally, certain sa'dlik seem to have lent their services in the pursuit of vendettas and the struggles which ensued: Zayd al-Khayl appealed to the shudhdhddh al-kabd'il to avenge him on his enemies the Banu cAmir (al-Aghdnl, xvii, 52); Zuhayr b. Djanab al-Kalbl did the same at the time of his campaign against the Bakr and the Taghlib (ibid., xxi, 96). These activities have been diversely interpreted according to the mood of the times; the romanticism of the 19th century, although diluted, persists in current research. Some regard these brigands as socialists before their time, their acts of violence as expressions of class struggle and the financial support offered to some of the poor as socialist-inspired redistribution of wealth (Khulayf, 47, 143-4; Hifm, 334-50; Djawad 'All, iv, 563-5; ix, 66). (4) The poetry. Pre-Islam is the golden age of the poetry of the sa'dlik, who seem to have preserved the best of the ancient poetic tradition. Besides the suspicions and doubts which are legitimately expressed concerning the authenticity of much of this material (Brahim Najar, Maajma' al-dhdkira aw shu'ard3 'abbdsiyyun mansiyyun, i, Tunis 1987, 47, 52-5, 66-8), serious problems of attribution are raised, but such is to be expected in dealing with archaic texts. Several parameters may be observed in the endeavour to decipher the diverse meanings of these poems. The apologetic p a r a m e t e r : this poetry is often presented as an intimate journal. Here the poet tells of his life with particular emphasis on his poverty; but this is a case of poverty overcome by virtue of his endurance, his courage and his determination; this
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insistence on his personal qualities allows him to deploy justificatory themes and to underline his beneficent pretensions. This aspect is crucial in the poetry of alShanfara [q.v.], of Ta'abatta Sharran and of cUrwa b. al-Ward (Diwdn, 51-2, 67-70, 83). It is also a vigorous element in that of the Hudhall sa'dlik (al-Sukkari, op. at., i, 315; al-A'lam, iii, 1198-1204, 1231-2, Abu Sakhr). The lyrical p a r a m e t e r : the su'luk poet, more than any other, has succeeded in endowing his discourse with sentimentality of the very highest order. The desert, its topography, its fauna and flora, have often been evoked by these poets. All of this is integrated into the theme of a journey, combining travel with a description of the desert and its toponymy and of the silence of the night; accompanied by members of his band, the poet attacks and loots. All of this is evoked with a passion seldom equalled in Arabic poetry. Having withdrawn to his markaba ("mountain refuge") for the night, close to the sky and the stars, he lords it over nature (al-Sukkan, op. cit., ii, 571, v. 24-6; cAmr Dhu '1-Kalb, iii, 1222-3; Abu Khirash; al-Shanfara; al-KalT, Amdli, ii, 119; al-Bakn, op. cit., ii, 393; cAmr b.' Barraka, i, 316; cAbda b. al-Tablb, iii, 1012; Abu Khirash). In these poems, weapons are likewise idealised. The t h e r a p e u t i c p a r a m e t e r : despite its pronounced lyrical aspect, an ambience of death usually dominates the verse of the khula'd3. Other taboo subjects are likewise addressed; these individuals break down all the barriers, setting ambushes, conducting raids, committing abductions. In most cases, they thoroughly enjoy this behaviour. Dangers confronted and temporary triumphs give to these characters, who are currently outside the law, a sense of power, clearly visible in the work of all the su'luk poets without exception. This is in fact an artificial power. This liminal zone is by its very nature precarious. Here, the transition fails, and is absent. Implacable death lies in wait. The transitory svfluk is thus doomed to a period of expiration of greater or shorter length; he succumbs or delivers himself with pleasure to a violent death. The poetry here responds to a triple need: (i) the poet thumbs his nose at death, being thus better equipped to deal with it; (ii) the poem serves as a means of surmounting the difficulties which are bound to be faced in the course of this phase; and (iii) it also enables the poet to cleave to the group which has marginalised him. III. The mukhadramun and Umayyad sa'alfk. The emergence of the new religion presented to the sa'dlik an unexpected opportunity to improve their situation. According to Ibn Sacd (Tabakdt, i, 278) the Prophet had promised to spare the lives of the brigands of Kinana and Muzayna in the region of Tihama on condition that they converted; furthermore, they were permitted to keep all the spoils hitherto amassed. The Kur'an definitely prescribes severe punishment for brigands: crucifixion, death, amputation or banishment (v, 33-4). Among the sa'dllk who embraced Islam were Abu Khirash, al-Uhaymir al-Sacdr, Djurayba b. al-Ashyam al-Fakcasf, etc. After the death of the Prophet, a situation favourable to the sa'dlik came into being: with the Ridda and the major upheavals of the fitna, the sa'dllk, in return for a share of the spoils, placed very valuable additional forces at the disposal of the belligerents (Khizdna, ii, 156-61). At the time of the Battle of the Camel, two partisans of the assassinated caliph cUthman, Hasaka b. 'Attab al-Habatr and clmran b. Fudayl al-BurdjumT (Tamfm), had obtained the support of reinforcements
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from sa'alik al-cArab\ after their defeat they withdrew, still accompanied by these troops, to Sidjistan and subsequently to Zalik. Even during the period of the great conquests, bands of sa'alik were fighting the Byzantines under the command of their own chieftains (for example, cAbd Allah b. Sabra al-Hurashf, al-Hamasa, 239); among those who died for Islam at this time was Yazld b. al-Sikkfl al-cUkaylf, otherwise renowned as a camel-thief (al-Mubarrad, al-Kdmil, 59). For the sa'allk of the mukhadramun, camels were still the favourite form of booty. (1) The Umayyad period, the great age of sa'laka. Under the Umayyads, the need to consolidate a properly structured central power and to guarantee freedom of movement on roads frequented by pilgrims and caravans, induced the caliphs of Damascus to treat with the utmost severity the gangs causing instability on these routes. Henceforward they were classed as liss, i.e. common thieves. This term seems to have been seldom used in Djahilf poetry to denote these outlaws; at this time, and for a certain category of brigands, it replaced stfluk (Djarfr, Dlwan, Cairo 1354/1935, 90, v. 7, 126, v. 1; al-Hamasa, 42, 769; al-Mubarrad, al-Kamil, 454, 1. 1; al-Agham, xi, 371, 1. 5; Ibn Kutayba, Shucard\ 293, 1. 6, 448, 1. 9). For others, few in number, the old appellation survived. (i) The activity of these lusus became intensified and diversified; furthermore, their number seems to have risen in comparison with the earlier period. Organised bands took the place of freelancers and controlled certain regions. Cases which could be cited include that of Abu '1-Nashnash al-Nahshalf and his band of outlaws (shudhdhddh al-cArab) who attacked caravans on the Damascus-Hidjaz route (al-Asmaciyydt, 124; al-Hamdsa, 156-7), that of al-Samhan b. Bishr al-cUklI (al-Bakrf, Dhayl simt al-la>dli\ 38) and those of Malik b. al-Rayb al-Mazinf and of Djahdar b. Malik al-HanafT who caused panic among travellers in the Hidjaz (al-Tabarl, ii, 178; al-Aghdm, xix, 163); Tahman b. cAmr al-Kilabf (Diwdn, 54) was active in Yamama; Shazzaz al-Dabbf pillaged sites in the neighbourhood of Basra, and Mukatil b. Rabah opposed the Taghlib in Djazlra (al-Wahshiyydt, 93). The nature of spoils was significantly diversified; these consisted primarily of the luggage of pilgrims, but also targeted were camel markets and communal pasturages such as those at Nahik in the outskirts of Basra. Al-Uhaymir al-Sacdf deserves special mention. Alongside verses in which he boasts of his acts of depredation against herds of livestock, he is the first of the outlaw poets to evoke his assaults on merchants (al-tu^jjflr). Accompanied by his gang, he plundered stocks of silk (baz£) in Trak, and items of streaked silk originating from Yemen (matdrif [al- Wahshiyydt, 34; alKall, Amdlt, i, 48; al-Bakrf, Simt, 1961]); luxury articles, perfumes (Ibn Kutayba, fUyiin, 181-2) and leatherwork are also mentioned. (ii) The state authorities pursued policies of repression. Systematically hunted, these men disappeared, going into hiding in the remotest corners of the realm. Although their clans rejected them, the system of khalf no longer applied. The governors of the time refused to absolve the clan of its responsibilities even after repudiation; considerable pressure was applied on the collective group to hand over the outlaw, or induce him to surrender himself. Among the khulcfd3 handed over by their own kinsmen the following are mentioned: Ibrahim b. Hani3 b. Muslim b. Kays alias Yacla al-Azdf, cUbayd b. Ayyub al-cAnbarf, Mascud b. Kharasha al-Tamlm! and al-Kattal al-Kilabi.
(iii) Certain outlaws were known as al-sacdhk alfuttdk. In the texts of the time, the fdtik was an indomitable man, refusing to submit to the wielders of power (fdtik Id yu'ti al-umard3 tdca [al-Baladhun, Ansdb, v, 290]). Members of this group were opposed to the authorities and mounted armed resistance to them, not solely for the sake of financial profit. Undoubtedly, in the course of these struggles they were induced to commit acts of banditry, but neither the texts nor those in power seem to have regarded them accordingly. On the contrary, they were admired: the most illustrious name is that of cUbayd Allah b. al-Hurr al-DjuefT, the most famous of all Arab heroes according to al-Djahiz. cAbd Allah b. al-Hadjdjadj of the Kays 'Aylan was considered one of the finest warriors of Mudar; he is said to have shown great courage, whether in his capacity as a member of the sa'dlik al-Arab or when participating in rebellions (kdna shu^dcan suclukan min sa'dlik al-cArab mutasarrican ild al-fitani [Aghdrii, xiii, 158; Ibn Habrb, al-Muhabbar, Haydarabad 13617 1942, 231]). Finally, Abu Djilda al-Yashkurf, who had taken part in the revolt of Ibn al-Ashcath [q.v.], earned the same title (al-Nahshall, op. cit., 126). What is striking about these three sddlik is the respect which they seem to have enjoyed on the part of the wielders of power. (2) The poetry of the Umayyad sa'dlik. This is as rich in diverse resonances and as personal as that of their pre-Islamic forebears. It appears in the form of short fragments and constitutes an emotional and artistic response to a situation confronting the brigand-poet. The poetry is less cultivated and its poetic language is clear and transparent. The su'luk uses it in order to stay alive, or to avoid captivity and torture, and therefore his poetic discourse needs to be easily comprehensible. Furthermore, this body of work is firmly rooted in space by means of intensive use of names of places and of water-sources, and evocation of the precise details (fauna and flora) which characterise a given environment. The apologetic parameter. In this context, the poets stress their poverty as a justification for banditry. It might be wondered whether this is not rather a case of creative poverty, since the literary treatment of the issue is identical to that previously expressed by their Djahilr predecessors. The Umayyad sa'dlik, in their celebration of their tenacity and determination, are simply continuing an established tradition, although two original themes emerge within this framework: their refusal to bow in the face of official repression (al-Mubarrad, al-Kdmil, 118; al-Hamdsa, 30-3, 325-6, 326-7, Sa'd b. Nashib declares his determination to continue in his way after the demolition of his home) and of the torture inflicted in prisons (al-Taban, ii, 771; al-Kattal al-Kilabi, 75-7). Henceforward, themes of captivity occupy a significant place in the discourse of the brigand-poets. The 22-verse poem of Djahdar b. Mucawiya al-cUkli on his imprisonment brings together in a single text the entire range of humiliating punishments reserved for captives; but nothing lessens his determination to pursue his career as an outlaw (al-Kall, Amdli, i, 281-2). The lyrical parameter. The desert takes on an ambivalent aspect. In the work of some poets, it is described as a dreadful place infested with injurious creatures (i.e. a treatment identical to that attested in the previous era); others insist on the irresistible appeal of its vast spaces. Thus al-Kattal al-Kilabl sings of the romantic space of the 'Amaya, the protectress and mother of fugitives (umm hull tand}\ in this interminable expanse, mounted on his camel, he enjoys a liberty
SU'LUK which nothing and nobody can shackle (al-Kattal al-Kilabr, 45). Whether fugitives or captives, these people have memories of a place and its inhabitants, and of a time, the past. This territorial nostalgia (al-hanin ild al-awtdn] represents the most important contribution of the mukhadramun and Umayyad sa'alik to the poetry of the period (see A. Arazi, al-Hamn ild al-awtdn entre la tydhiliya et I'Islam, in ^DMG, cxliii [1993], 300-3). This nostalgia is all-consuming and ever-present. Ya'la b. Muslim al-Azdl, Yazld b. al-Tathriyya, Darradj b. Zurca al-Kalbl, Djahdar b. Mucawiya al-'Ukll, alKhatFm al-cUkl! and cUtarid b. Karran pine for the urban landscapes and enchanted suburban sites of their youth. Furthermore, this parameter has given to Arab culture the martyr of hanln, Malik b. al-Rayb al-Mazinl, who died at Tabasan devastated by statelessness, the memory of the abandoned hearth, of lost loves and the beloved city of Basra. The t h e r a p e u t i c p a r a m e t e r . This disappears almost completely from the verses of post-Muslim scfalik. The phenomenon of rejection (khalf] having become inoperative as a result of official Umayyad policy, the liminal phase itself is rendered obsolete. All is reduced to lamentation and recrimination against the clan which has surrendered them to the agents of authority. The tribe has failed them (al-Kattal alKilabl, 39, 55, 85; al-Aghdm, xxi, Leiden 1305/1888, 19-25, al-Samhan al-'Ukll). IV. Sa'allk in the 'Abbdsid era. (1) Sa'laka as a sociological p h e n o m e n o n . New activities gave different connotations to the term su'luk. Researchers have established equivalences between sa'dlik, fitydn, shuttdr, cayydrun [see CAYYAR] and mukaddun [see MUKADDI]; and hitherto unknown synonyms also came into existence, such as zawdkil [q.v.]. This sudden proliferation of terms denotes a complex reality which is not always easy to disentangle. In 132/750, Ibn Hubayra, besieged for several months in Wash, saw his supporters gradually dwindling in number; in the end, according to a tradition attributed to Abu '1-Sarf and quoted by al-Tabarf, only the sa'dlik and thtjitydn remained loyal (al-Tabarf, iii, 66). This association of the two terms, which is in any case unique, seems somewhat enigmatic; it could signify either equivalence or divergence. The text suggests that what is involved here is the rabble which remained following the disengagement of warriors from the Kaysiyya and the Yamaniyya. On the other hand, texts of the 2nd-3rd/8th-9th centuries avoid mention of the sa'dlik, cayydrun and shuttdr together. The latter two have nothing in common with the sa'dfik, being urban or suburban troublemakers; there is no question of any kind of equivalence between them, in spite of certain resemblances in matters of detail, such as a shared appetite for plunder and armed robbery. Important texts containing precise details on the diverse activities of the sa'dlik feature in various chronicles. At the time of the civil war between al-Amfn and Ma'mun, reinforcements comprising Bedouin of the desert (a'rab al-bawddt), some sa'dfak al-Djibdl and heterogeneous elements joined the army of cAlr b. clsa b. Mahan (al-Taban, iii, 798). The same sa'alik al-tyabal (var. of Djibal) are encountered again in a khabar on the armies which assembled in 213/828-9 to put down the insurrection of Babak (al-Azdl, Ta'rikh al-Mawsil, 386); a third instance of this expression will be analysed below. The mention of Djibal is very instructive. In the early years of the cAbbasid regime, this region
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was swarming with sa'dhk, who succeeded eventually in controlling the entire region as well as Slsar [q.v.], the provincial capital. According to al-Baladhuri, in the reign of al-Mahdi it became necessary to send a powerful army (ajqysh ca^Tm) to the place under the command of two persons of the very highest importance since they were mawld Amir al-Mu'mimn; they were charged with the task of constructing a fortified town for the accommodation of livestock, herdsmen and soldiers. The enterprise seems to have lasted some time; after the destruction of Slsar by the sa'dlik, the caliph sent in a permanent garrison of 1,000 men commanded by Khakan al-khddim (Futuh, 310-1; alHamadhanT, Mukhtasar K. al-Bulddn, 239-40). Numerous concordant indications (al-Mascudf, alTanblh wa 'l-ishrdf, 361-2; idem, Muru& ed. Pellat, § 2683; al-Taban, iii, 1677-8; al-Azdl, Ta'rikh, 34, 345, 385; Ibn al-Muctazz, Tabakdt al-shu'ard* al-muhdathm, Cairo 1956, 177) confirm the impression that this term denoted quasi-military units composed of Arabs who invested a province, established themselves there and practised brigandage on a major scale, and with such success that garrisons of regular troops were unable to dislodge them. At times of civil war or armed struggle, their services were sought; they took part in operations in a mercenary capacity. On conclusion of these operations, they were expected to return to their homes. In his homily, the mukaddl Khalid b. Yazfd takes pride in the fact that at one time in his life, he had been a member of the sa'dlik al-^ibdl and of the zawdkil al-Shdm. The two terms seem to be equivalents; in fact, in both cases it is a reference to seasoned Arab forces playing a dual role as mercenaries and brigands (an equivalence accepted by D. Ayalon, The military reforms of Caliph al-Muctasim; their background and consequences, 13-20, especially n. 32, at p. 18, in Islam and the Abode of War, Variorum, London 1994). (2) Literary activity. This disappears almost completely. New activities, the cessation of persecution and imprisonment and the acceptance of these people into respectable society seem to have dried up the wells of their inspiration. Only one poet is cited for this period, Bakr b. al-Nattah (d. 211/826-7); a single verse expresses some vague notions about the ideals of the outlaw (al-Aghdm, xix, 107), about the need to seize what one needs rather than be reduced to the status of a beggar. Bibliography (in addition to references in the article): al-Kattal al-Kilabi, Diwdn, Beirut 1961, 29, 33, 39, 41, 45, 51, 55, 68, 73, 75-6, 85, 184-95; Tahman b. cAmr al-Kilabi, Diwdn, Baghdad 1968, 19-27, 35-40, 54, 59-62; Ibn Hablb, K. man nusiba ild ummihi min al-shucard3, in Nawddir al-makhtutdt, Cairo, i, 1392/1972, 86-7, 89, 91; idem, Asmd3' almughtdlin, in Nawddir al-makhtutdt, ii, 1393/1973, 215-7, 220, 226-9, 231-2, 240-3^ 247-8, 250-5, 268; Ibn Kutayba, 'Uyun al-akhbdr, Cairo 1963, i, 175-8, 182-3, 237; Abu Tammam, al-WahsJiiyydt, Cairo 1963, § 36-44, 50, 143; idem, al-Hamdsa, Bonn 1828; Abu '1-Faradj al-Isfaham, Agidm, Cairo 192778; Yazld b. Muhammad al-Azdl, Ta'rikh al-Mawsil, Cairo 1967, 279', 345, 349; Tabarl, ii, 135, 305, 388, 463, 771, iii, 66, 798, 843-6, 1677-8; Baghdadf, Khizdnat al-adab wa-lubb lubdb lisdn al-cArab, Cairo 1409/1989; Lammens, Le berceau de I'Islam, Rome 1914, 159-60; idem, La cite arabe de Td'if, in MUSJ (1922), 260; Cl. Cahen, Movements populates et autonomisme urbain, in Arabica, vi, (1959), 35-6, 47; Blachere HLA, 132, 285, 267, 287, 409-12; Sezgin, GAS, ii, 133-45; C.E. Bosworth, The medieval Islamic
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underworld., Leiden 1976, index and 34-46; Amikam Elad, The siege of al- Wdsit: some aspects of 'Abbasid and c Alid relations, in Studies in Islamic history and civilization in honour of Professor David Ayalon, Jerusalem-Leiden 1986, 68-9; idem, Characteristics of the development of the 'Abbdsid army, Jerusalem 1986, 332-4 (diss., unpubl. [in Hebrew]) (two important studies on the c Abbasid period su'lufa)', Cambridge history of Arabic literature, Cambridge 1987, i, 31, 65, 395; B. Lewis, The crows of the Arabs, in Islam in history, Chicago and La Salle, 111. 1993, 247-57; Suzanne Pinckney Stetkevych, The mute immortals speak. Pre-Islamic poetry and the poetics of ritual, Ithaca 1993, 55-157; T. Fahd, Uhomme vu par les poetes preislamiques, in Quaderni di StudiArabi, x (1992), 3, 8, 9, 10-11, 15, 16; A. Jones, Early Arabic poetry. I. Mardthi and Su'luk poems, Oxford 1992, 127-247; Ahmad Amm, al-Sa'laka wa 'l-jutuwwa fi 'l-Isldm, Cairo 1952; Djawad 'All, al-Mufassal fi ta'rikh al-cArab kabl al-Islam, n.p. 1413/1993, iv, 563-5, ix, 560, 601-54; Yusuf Khulayf, al-Shucard3 al-sacdlikfi >l-asr al-^dhili, Cairo 1959; cAbd al-'AzIz al-Halaff, Udabd3 al-sudj_un, Beirut 1963; Adonis, Mukaddimat al-shicr al-carabi, Beirut 1971, 19; cAbduh Badawf, al-Shucard3 al-sud wa-khasd'isuhum fi 'l-adab al-carabi, Cairo 1973, 40-8 cAbd al-Muncim alMalluhf, Ashcdr al-lusus wa-akhbdruhum, in RAAD, xlix (1974),' 362-76, 595-608; Hatim al-Damin and Yahya al-Djubbun, Kasd3id nddira min K. Muntahd al-talab min ashcdr al-(Arab li-Ibn Maymun, in al-Mawrid, ix/1 (1400/1980, 144-52 (two unpubl. pieces of Hadjiz b. cAwf al-Azdr), 157-62 (two other, better-known ones; Husayn cAtwan, al-Shucard3 al-sacdlik fi 'l-casr al-isldmi, Beirut 1407/1987; idem, al-Shucard3 al-sacdlik fi }l-casr al-cabbdsi al-awwal, 'Amman 1408/1988; c Abd al-Halfm Hifnf, Shi'r al-sacdllk: manhadj.uhu wakhasd'isuhu, Cairo 1987; Hasan Isma'il cAbd alGhani, £dhirat al-kidya fi 'l-adab al-'arabi, Cairo 1411/1991, 28-32; Muhammad Rida Mruwweh, alSa'dlik fi }l-fasr al-d^dhili: akhbdruhum wa-ashcdruhum, Beirut 1990; cAbd al-Kadir Fayyad, al-Sa'laka cind c Arab al-Djdhiliyya, in al-Macrifa, xxxi, (1992), 65-82.
(A. ARAZI) AL-SUCLUKI, the name of a family of influential legists in 4th-5th/1 Oth-11 th-century Nlshapur. 1. Abu Sahl Muhammad b. Sulayman b. Muhammad b. Harun b. clsa b. Ibrahim b. Bishr al-Hanafi (nasaban) al-'ldjll, al-Imam al-Ustadh. A Shafi'f legist during Shafi'ism's formative period, al-Suclukf was born in Isfahan in 296/908 and studied there with his father. He first "audited" hadith at the age of 9. After studying hadith with his father, he travelled to Basra in 320/932. At this time, from an account in the Bahr al-muhit (i, 150), it seems he must have met and associated with the theologian Abu '1-Hasan alAsh'ari [q.v.]. Since Abu Ishak al-Marwazf praised his merits in his madjlis, and since Ibn Khallikan says that Abu Sahl was al-Marwazfs student, it appears that Abu Sahl must have gone also to Baghdad. Thereafter, he went to Isfahan, where he taught, and studied fikh. At some point, according to al-SamcanI (in al-Nawawf, 242), he also toured Khurasan, studying with various prominent figures there. He returned to Nlshapur at the death of his uncle Abu '1-Tayyib Ahmad—himself a prominent legist—in 337/948-9. There he spent the rest of his life until his death on 15 Dhu 'l-Kacda 369/2 June 980. Abu Sahl was acclaimed as the intellectual leader of Nishapur throughout his life there. He taught fikh and kaldm sequentially on days appointed for the topic. He refused, however, to teach hadith until 365/975-6. He was also a poet of note (al-Thacalibf, iv, 483-4).
He defended the doctrine of the "vision of God" (ru'yat Allah] using "intellectualist" (cakll) arguments, namely that one yearns to see God, and yearning implies the possibility of achievement (al-Subkl, iii, 172). His memory is praised by al-Marwazf, al-Kaffal al-Shashi, Abu Bakr al-Sayrafi", and other formative figures in speculative ShafTism. He seems also to have been part of the nascent Sufi movement. He was an associate of the Sufis al-Shibli [q.v.] and Abu cAlf alThakafi. He is mentioned by Abu '1-Kasim al-Kushayrf [q.v.] as an associate of al-Sulaml [q.v.], who reports a story of Abii Sahl's having worn a woman's garment after he gave his only djubba to a poor man during the winter. When summoned to ride out in welcome to some dignitaries, the commander of the army was affronted by Abu Sahl's wearing of women's dress. The measure of his asceticism may be seen in his declaration to al-Sulami (al-Subkf, iii, 170) "I have never made a contract, I never had a lock or key, I never pocketed gold or silver at all." He seems firmly to have believed in a hierarchy of master and teacher; al-Sulaml reports that when al-Sulaml one day asked Abu Sahl, "Why? (li-md)" he retorted, "Haven't you learned that anyone who asks his professor 'why?' will never succeed?" (al-Subkf, iii, 171). He also said "the disobedience to parents is effaced in forgiveness; nothing effaces recalcitrance to professors." Most biographies seem to be dependent on that of al-Hakim al-Nlsaburl [q.v.]. The most complete biography is in al-Subki (iii, 167, no. 138). 2. Abu '1-Tayyib al-SuclukI, Sahl b. Abi Sahl Muhammad. He succeeded to leadership in Shafi'I circles in Nlshapur after his father's death. He seems to have been both less accomplished and more prominent than his father. It appears that his legal positions are never subsequently cited, but in his time he was not merely mufti of Nlshapur, but was addressed as "Imam", a title which he accepted. It was said also that he "gathered together leadership of this world and the next" (Ibn Khallikan, s.v.). His death date is disputed; Muharram 38 7/January-February 997 and early in 402/1011, Radjab 404/January 1014 are both cited. Bibliography. 1. Sources. Tha'alibi, Tatimat aldahr, Beirut 1403/1983; Ibn 'Asakir, Tabyin kadhib al-muftan fi-md nusiba ild Abi 'l-Hasan al-Ashcan, Damascus 1347/1928, 211-14; Nawawl, Tahdhib alasmd3 wa 'l-lughdt, Beirut, n.d. (Abu Sahl: i/2, 2412, no. 363; Abu '1-Tayyib Sahl: i/1, 238-9, no. 239); Ibn Khallikan, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, Beirut 1972 (Abu Sahl: iv, 204, no. 578; Abu '1-Tayyib Sahl: ii, 435, no. 284); Subki, Tabakdt al-shdficiyya al-kubrd, Cairo 1384/1965 (Abu Sahl: iii, 167-73, no. 138, and see biographical sources cited there); Zarkashf, al-Bahr al-muhit fi usul al-fikh, Kuwait 1992. 2. Studies. R.N. Frye (ed.), The histories of Nishapur, The Hague, etc. 1965; R.W. Bulliet, The patricians of Nishapur, a study in medieval Islamic social history, Cambridge, Mass. 1972, ch. 9, esp. 115-18 and sources cited at 132. (A.K. REINHART) SUMANAT, the spelling in the Indo-Muslim sources for the ancient Indian town of SOMNATH, properly Somanatha "lord of soma" (the hallucinogenic drink of the early Indo-Iranians), referring to Siva (Shiva), and, by extension, "lord of the moon". It is now an ancient ruined town on the southwestern coast of the Kathrawaf peninsula of western India, in what was the older Indo-Muslim sultanate of Gudjarat [q.v.]. Recent excavations have revealed settlement there dating back to 1500 B.C., and Somnath plays a part
SUMANAT — SUMANIYYA in the story of the death of Krsna (Krishna) in the Mahdbhdrata. In the 8th century A.D. Somnath^was ruled by the Cavada Radjputs, vassals of the Cawlukyas. Its fame in Islamic history arises from the famous attack on its temple, mounted from Multan, by Mahmud of Ghazna [q.v.] in 416-17/1015-16. The sultan desecrated the shrine and destroyed its idol, pieces of which were reputedly sent to Mecca and Medina to be trodden underfoot by the true believers; the whole event vastly enhanced Mahmud's reputation in Islam as the hammer of infidels. This was nevertheless essentially a plunder raid, and Kathfawaf reverted to Hindu control in the persons of the Vadja Radjputs. In 697/1298, in the reign of the Dihlr Sultan cAlaJ al-Dm Khaldjf, the shrine was again sacked by the commander Ulugh Beg, but only came under prolonged Muslim control in 875/1470 when the sultan of Gudjarat, Mahmud I, conquered Djunagafh or Girnar from its Radja [see MAHMUD i, SAYFAL-DFN, BEGARHA]. It was eventually conquered by the Nawwabs of Djunagafh, and in British Indian times it fell within their princely state. The modern port of Patan-Somnath or SomnathPatan (lat. 20° 58' N., long. 70° 28' E.), on the old town site, is in Junagadh District of the Gujarat State in the Indian Union, and in 1971 had a population of 64,618, but it is now overshadowed by the adjacent port of Veraval. Bibliography: Imperial gazetteer ofIndia2, xxiii, 74-5; Sir T.W. Haig, in Camb. hist, of India, iii, 23-6; M. Nazim, The life and times of Sultan Mahmud of Gtofl,'Cambridge 1931, 115-21, 208-24; Mohammad Habib, Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznin2, Delhi 1952, 51-8. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SUMANIYYA, the name given to the Buddhists by several Muslim authors. In this survey, first the Arabic word will be examined, then the doctrines of the sumaniyya according to Muslims will be discussed, and finally the Buddhist heritage in Persia and references to Buddhists in Muslim writings will be presented. The Arabic word is here given in its usual vocalisation, though it sometimes appears as samaniyya, and this is based on the information spelt out literally by al-Djawhan, Sihdh, Bulak 1282/1865, ii, 283, and cited by Ibn Manzur (LA, xiii, 220a). It is now generally acknowledged that the first origins of this term are to be found in Sanskrit sramana, which with some phonetic modification has come to mean a Buddhist monk in the languages of Central Asia (particularly in Sogdian); it is from there that it passed into Arabic. To all appearances it is the same word which in its form Eoc^iccvaioi is found previously in Hellenistic Greek (Alexander Polyhistor, Porphyry) and as saman at the end of the 3rd century in the Middle Persian inscription of Kacba-yi Zardusht (Gignoux, 46, 69). However, "shamanism", despite the homonymy, is derived from the Tungus word saman/saman, which certainly does not come from an Indian language and has nothing to do with the sumaniyya. Several doctrines have been attributed to the sumaniyya by the mutakallimun, some of which are very vague. It was said that they were idolaters and that they believed the world was eternal. Moreover, they were accused of professing transmigration (tandsukh). In this connection, al-Makdisf has two passages of great interest but which in reality describe a belief that is common to all Indians and not one distinctive of the sumaniyya. These last al-MaturfdT credits with a very remarkable theory, inasmuch as they claimed to know that the whole earth "is hurtling indefinitely
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into the void" (Gimaret). Al-Nazzam is said to have objected to this theory when he observed that if a pebble is dropped it falls to the ground; but the earth is in contrast much heavier than a pebble and therefore it would fall faster than a pebble. The conclusion is that such a pebble would never be able to catch up with the earth if it really were falling. However, Muslim theologians regularly associate the name sumaniyya with another thesis, which concerns a scepticism which "limits certain knowledge to perceptible knowledge". This is the general attitude but it is in fact presented in different ways. Sometimes it comes within the scope of a debate about our knowledge of God and sets out the controversy between Djahm b. Safwan [q.v.] and the sumaniyya according to two accounts with diverging purposes. On other occasions it takes on a universal value but comprising two variants, the second of which seems to be a dialectical refinement of the first. The first takes its support from given facts derived only from the five senses and is said to deny the probative power of information (akhbdr), including the khabar mutawdtir. The second variant, which became a recognised subject of refutation by the Ash'arfs, essentially sees in the scepticism of the sumaniyya the systematic denial of the value of speculative reasoning (na^ar) and inference (istidldl). Any conclusion from a careful study of these bookish discussions is invariably restrictive. Like the doctrines of the bardhima which were contrasted with them, the doctrines of the sumaniyya which the theologians note are most often fictitious. The presumptions made about their proponents serve to give more substance and more shame to the positions rebutted by the mutakallimun, or at least by some of them. Any traces of Buddhism within Muslim culture must be sought elsewhere. The expansion of Buddhism towards the north-west of India is an acknowledged fact but its extent has not always been recognised. Modern archaeological discoveries and recent studies of toponyms in Zabulistan, Transoxiana and Khurasan now seem to show clearly that Buddhism "largely embraced the eastern half of the Iranian world, even if it is improbable that it was ever the exclusive religion there" (A.S. Melikian-Chirvani, in Le Monde iranien et I'Islam, iii [Paris 1976], 3). This Buddhist presence, which varied in intensity with place and time, lasted for about a thousand years, from the 2nd century B.C. to the 8th century. From the end of the 3rd century it dwindled in the face of the vigorous influence of Mazdaism, the state religion of the Sasanids, at the very time when Indian Buddhism was progressively losing its impetus under the Gupta dynasty. This double evolution explains why the Muslim empire was able to eliminate the Buddhist religion rapidly from its territory, and why Muslims had hardly any contact with it in India. But the Eastern Iranian world had been experiencing a long permeation of Buddhism which could not disappear so easily. The accepted ideals and established literary and plastic aspects of Buddhist art were for centuries incorporated into the poetry and arts of Islamic Persia. Even the name hot that was given to the "idol" of the poet, by which is meant the object of his affection, the "moon-face" (mdhruy) which describes him, his physical type in pictorial art, many other recurring details as well as the compassionate sentiment which penetrates the epic of Firdawsl, can have no other origin. The Persian word nawbahdr, from Sanskrit nava-vihdra, "the new monastery", is still today the name of several villages in the region of Nishapur, but it has chiefly remained associated with the memory of
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SUMANIYYA — AL-SUMAYL
the great monastery of Balkh, destroyed by the Muslims in 42/663. Its superior had as his descendants the Barmecides [see AL-BARAMIKA and NAW BAHAR]. The last monastic sites at Bamiyan [q.v], right in the centre of present-day Afghanistan, were devasted as late as 257/871 and the two enormous faceless rock Buddhas, 53 m and 35 m high, continue to call on men silently to go beyond all external scrutiny. The paucity of references and imprecision in Muslim writing on the subject of Buddhism can be explained from what has been mentioned previously. Yet they should not be the subjects of undue criticism. Leaving aside the theologians and their conceptual plots, genuine scholars were hindered by the proper name Budhasf (a corruption of the original Sanskrit bodhisattva). Al-MascudI (Muruaj, §§ 535, 1371) and Ibn al-Nadfm confused it with the Buddha, and several scholars annoyingly linked it with the so-called Sabaeans [see AL-SABI'A]. But the majority (included in Muruaj, §§ 1371, 1375) described the geographical area of Buddhism very correctly, and the person of the Buddha (al-Budd] is clearly recognised by several as the founder of the Buddhists or the sumaniyya [see BUDD]. Nevertheless, only two authors made any connection with Buddhism which even begins to resemble actual and doctrinal reality. One of these was alShahrastanf. He very clearly distinguishes the previous Buddhas, the historical Buddha and the boddhisattua. Then he gives the list of ten sins enumerated by the Buddhist tradition, and then the list (a little Islamicised) of the ten types of virtuous behaviour which should be acquired. For his part, Rashfd al-Din Fadl Allah, in his ^dmic al-tawdrikh, has on the subject a whole section of about thirty pages preserved in Persian and also in Arabic, and for this he went to one of the best sources, that of a Buddhist scholar who, thanks to the unprecedented situation prevailing there at the end of the 7th/13th century, came to Iran. The paths of Buddhism and Islam crossed again for several decades during the Mongol domination of Persia [see ILKHANS and BAKHSHI] . For the extraordinary fortunes of a Buddhist theme, including its ups and downs in several Arabic versions and several different languages, see BILAWHAR WA-YUDASAF (= Budhasaf).
Bibliography: 1. Main Arabic texts. MatundT, al-Tawhid, Beirut 1970, 152 ff.; MakdisI, al-Bad3 wa 'l-ta'nkh, Paris 1899-1919, i, 187-8, 197-9; iv, 19; Ibn al-Nadlm, Fihrist, Tehran 1350 A.H.S./1971, 400, 408, 410-11, 413, 414, Eng. tr. B. Dodge, The Fihrist of al-Nadim, New York 1970; Blruni, dAthdr al-bdkiya, 206, tr. Sachau, The chronology of ancient nations, London 1879, 188 ff.; idem, Tahkik ma li-l-Hind, Haydarabad 1377/1958, 15-16, 206, 479, tr. Sachau, Alberuni's India, London 1888, i, 21, 249, ii, 169; Shahrastam, 446 ff., tr. G. Monnot in Livre des religions et des sectes, Louvain-Paris 198693, ii, 530-3; K. Jahn, Die Indiengeschichte des Rasid al-Din. Einkitung, vollstdndige Ubersetzung, Kommentar und 80 Texttafeln, Vienna 1980. 2. Other texts and studies: Ph. Gignoux, Les quatre inscriptions de Kirdir, Paris 1991; D. Gimaret, Bouddha et les Bouddhistes dans la tradition musulmane, in JA, cclvii (1969), 273-316; Eveline Lot-Falck, A propos du terme chamane, in Etudes mongoles et siberiennes, no. 8, Paris 1977, 7-18; A.S. Melikian-Chirvani, Revocation litteraire du bouddhisme dans ITran musulman, in Le monde iranien et I'lslam, ii (Geneva 1974), 1-72; idem, art. Buddhism among Iranian peoples. II. In Islamic times, in EIr, iv, 496-9. (G. MONNOT)
SUMATRA, after Borneo [q.v.] the second largest island of the Malay Archipelago and the w e s t e r n m o s t island (area 473,606 km 2 / 182,859 sq. miles). In pre-Islamic times, the kingdoms in Sumatra were strongly Hinduised in culture and religion (Buddhism and Sivaist Brahmanism). Islam had appeared in Sumatra by the end of the 14th century, since Marco Polo in 1292 mentions the northern Sumatran ports of Perlak (as Ferlec), Samudra (from which the name Sumatra probably derives; Marco calls the island "Java the Lesser") and Lambri, and he says that Muslim merchants had implanted the faith at Perlak (YuleCordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, London 1903, ii, 284 ff.). These merchants doubtless traded from Malacca [q.v.] in the Malay peninsula, the first great Muslim city-state of the region. Thereafter, Islam spread, especially under the impetus from the 16th century onwards from the kingdom of Aceh or Atjeh at the northwestern tip of Sumatra. Hence see for the subsequent history of Sumatra, ATJEH; INDONESIA, v; MINANGKABAU; and see also SUMATRA in El1. (ED.) AL-SUMAYL b. Hatim b. Shamir b. Dhi '1-Djawshan al-Kilabl, l i e u t e n a n t and confidential adviser to the last governor of alAndalus before the establishment of the Umayyad dynasty, Yusuf al-Fihrl (129-38/746-56 [q.v.]). AlSumayl is presented by the sources as chief of the Mudar Kays faction, openly opposed to the Yemenis, in a confrontation which seems to be an accurate reflection of events in the East (see Patricia Crone, Were the Qays and Yemen of the Umayyad period political parties? in Isi, lxxi/1 [1994], 1-57). However, as will be shown, circumstances in al-Andalus were very different and it does not seem that tribal differences played such an important role; indeed, al-Sumayl is seen at one moment supporting the exercise of government by a Yemeni and at another moment one of his fellowtribesmen. Al-Sumayl was the direct descendant, probably the grandson, of Shamir b. Dhi '1-Djawshan, one of the killers of al-Husayn b. CA1I [q.v] at Karbala' in 61/680. His family was obliged to flee Kufa, its town of origin, and to settle in Kinnasrfn. He joined the expeditionary force sent, under the command of Kulthum b. 'lyad [q.v] to suppress disorder instigated by Berbers in North Africa. The survivors of the defeat suffered at Oued Sebou (WadI Sabu) in 123/741 succeeded, under the leadership of Kulthum's nephew, Baldj b. Bishr, in reaching al-Andalus. Among these al-Sumayl established himself, with his ajund of Kinnasrm, in the region of Jaen (Djayyan), and more specifically in the locality of Jodar (Shawdhar). Shortly after, during the governorship of Abu '1Khattar al-Kalbl [q.v.], al-Sumayl took over the leadership of those opposing the policies of the wall, and the latter was defeated at the battle of Guadalete (Wad! Lakka) in 127/745, by an army composed of both Mudar and Yemen. For reasons of his own, which remain unclear, al-Sumayl deemed it inappropriate to take power personally, leaving this to the Yemeni Thawaba b. Salama al-Djudharm. But Thawaba died soon afterwards, and al-Sumayl engineered the appointment of a Finn, Yusuf b. cAbd al-Rahman, who definitively defeated Abu '1-Khattar at the battle of Secunda (130/747 [see SJJAKUNDA]) and retained nominal power, with al-Sumayl as his lieutenant and counsellor. Two years later, Yusuf sent al-Sumayl to Saragossa (Sarakusta) to govern the Thaghr or Frontier. This decision was not welcomed with alacrity by al-
AL-SUMAYL — SUMAYSAT Sumayl, representing as it did a form of disguised exile, but he accepted it without demur. During al-Sumayl's residence at Saragossa, two Mudarfs (non-Kaysfs), cAmir b. £Amr al-'AbdarT and al-Hubab b. Rawaha al-Zuhrl, rebelled and laid siege to the city, placing him in an almost desperate situation. He appealed to Yusuf for assistance, but the latter being unable, or unwilling, to provide it, he had recourse to the Arabs of his own ajund of Kinnasrfn and of the neighbouring one of Damascus. Although there was not total unanimity between them, they succeeded in mustering a contingent of some 400 horsemen, including around thirty Umayyad clients. More warriors joined them on the way and, on their approach, the rebels raised the siege of Saragossa, leaving al-Sumayl to join forces with those who had come to his rescue, with whom he returned towards Cordova. On the way, the Umayyad clients informed al-Sumayl of the intention of cAbd al-Rahman b. Mu'awiya [q.v.] to travel through al-Andalus and appealed for his support, but he asked for time to consider. The following spring (137/755), Yusuf and al-Sumayl organised a campaign against the rebels of Saragossa, who had taken control of the city on al-Sumayl's departure. At the approach of the army, the inhabitants handed over the two leading insurgents, who were later to be executed. But this campaign was also the occasion of a more significant development: the Umayyads once again raised with al-Sumayl the question of cAbd al-Rahman b. Mucawiya; having initially indicated his agreement, he reconsidered and informed them that at the most he would allow the Umayyad to establish himself in al-Andalus as a privileged exile, but without any access whatsoever to power. Soon afterwards, during the return of the victorious army, came news of the landing of cAbd al-Rahman b. Mucawiya. Although al-Sumayl was in favour of a rapid reaction, giving the Umayyad no time to consolidate his strength, the fatigue of the troops persuaded Yusuf to withdraw to Cordova, whence he sent a delegation to cAbd al-Rahman, with presents and an offer of matrimonial alliance. But confrontation was inevitable. The Umayyad claimant and his supporters would settle for nothing less than absolute power. Taking advantage of the winter, which prevented Yusuf and al-Sumayl from attacking them, they built up their army and obtained pledges of allegiance from numerous local chieftains. In the spring the two armies met near Cordova and the battle ended with the triumph of cAbd al-Rahman b. Mu'awiya (10 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 138/14 May'756) and the flight of Yusuf and of al-Sumayl. Some months later, in the village of Armilla near Granada, Yusuf and al-Sumayl surrendered to cAbd al-Rahman on condition that their lives and their property be guaranteed. They established themselves in Cordova, but intrigues on the part of Yusuf's supporters induced him to make a further attempt to regain power, which led finally to his death. Although al-Sumayl was totally uninvolved in the rebellion, cAbd al-Rahman seized the opportunity to be rid of him and confined him to prison where he died soon after (142/759), officially as a result of excessive consumption of alcohol; there was widespread suspicion that he had been strangled on the orders of the sovereign. Bibliography. 1. Sources. The most detailed source is constituted by the Akhbar madjmifa, ed. and tr. E. Lafuente Alcantara, 56-100, which may be supplemented by the information supplied by Ibn cldhan, al-Baydn al-mughrib, ii, 34-50, al-MakkarT,
871
Najh al-tib, ed. I. 'Abbas, especially iii, 23-36, 52-3, and the Path al-Andalus, ed. L. Molina, 6197, in addition to other sources for the history of the period, such as Ibn al-Kutiyya, Ta'nkh Iftitdh al-Andalus, Ibn al-Athir, al-Kdmil, Dhikr bildd alAndalus, etc. Biographies of him are included in the registers compiled by Ibn al-Abbar, al-Hulla alsiydrd3, ed. H. Mu'nis, i, 67-8, and Ibn al-Khatfb, al-Ihdta, ed. M.CA. Tnan, iii, 345-9. 2. Studies. Dozy, Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, remains useful for its detailed account of events. Other general works: Levi-Provengal, Hist. Espagne musulmane; P. Chalmeta, Invasion e islamizacion, Madrid 1994, 335-48. On the influence of the tribal element, there are divergent opinions on the part of P. Guichard, Structures sociales "orientales" et "occidentals" dans l}Espagne musulmane,, Paris-The Hague 1977 (Sp. version Al-Andalus. Estructura antropologica de una sociedad isldmica en Occidente, Barcelona 1976), and M. Cruz Hernandez, La estructura social del periodo de ocupacion isldmica, in Awrdq, ii (1979), 25-43. Analysis of the most important sources in E. Manzano, La rebelion del ano 754 en la Marca Superior, in Studia Historica—Historia Medieval, iv (1986), 185-203. (L. MOLINA) SUMAYSAT, a mediaeval Islamic town of upper al-Djazfra, classical Samosata, Ottoman Samsat, modern Turkish Samsat in the il or province of Adiyaman (lat. 37° 30' N., long. 38° 32' E.). Not to be confused with Shimshat [q.v.] (Arsamosata) further up the river to the north-east, it lies on the right bank of the Euphrates' northwards bend at an important crossing of the north-south route to Edessa or Urfa, 50 km/30 miles to the south of Sumaysat, and the east-west one from Mardfn. It may have had a bridge over the river in Antiquity, and the present village preserves Roman vestiges at least in the city walls. It was taken by Tyad b. Ghanm in 18-19/63940 (al-Baladhurf, Futuh, 179-80; a variant account attributes this to Abu Musa al-Ashcan), but wras thereafter often endangered by Byzantine raids, e.g. in 242/856 and 245/859 (al-Tabari, iii, 1434, 1447). At the time of the 'Abbasid revolution, it was at first defended for the Umayyads by Ishak b. Muslim al-cUkaylf. Under the early cAbbasids, its inhabitants were amongst those implanted at the newly-founded al-Hadath [q.v.] in 169/785-6 (see C.E. Bosworth, The city of Tarsus and the Arab-Byzantine frontiers in early and middle 'Abbdsid times, in Orient, xxxiii [1992], 272 ff.). Byzantine attacks intensified in later cAbbasid and Hamdanid times until in 347/958 it was finally conquered by John Tzimisces (see Honigmann, Die Ostgrenze des Byzantinischen Reiches, 78, 81). It became an episcopal see and residence of the Greek Protospatharios of the Euphrates towns, and it was from there that Byzantine forces recaptured Edessa in 1031 (see J.B. Segal, Edessa, the "Blessed City" Oxford 1970, 217-18). Briefly in Saldjuk possession, it was then held by Armenians and was a fief of Joscelin de Courtenay's in the County of Edessa. Regained by the Artukids, it was seized once more from the Greeks in 546/1151 by the Rum Saldjuks and then passed under Nur al-Dm Zangf's control followed by that of Salah al-Dln. It remained a bishop's seat at least until the end of the 12th century (see J.M. Fiey, Pour un Oriens Christianus Movus, Beirut 1993, 263), and Yakut still mentions an Armenian quarter (see his Bulddn, ed. Beirut, iii, 258). But without its border function, it sank into insignificance by Ottoman times and became little more than a village. At the end of the 19th century, Cuinet estimated its population as 800 (La Turquie
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SUMAYSAT — SUMM
d'Asie, ii, 379). After 1920 the Armenian element disappeared and the population is now largely Kurdish. Bibliography (in addition to references in the text): Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 108; Caetani, Annali, iv, 43; R. Grousset, Hist, de I'Armenie, Paris 1947, 493; Canard, H'amdanides, 280; Fikret I§iltan, Urfa bolgesi tarihi, Istanbul 1960, 6688; Elisseeff, Mr al-Din, Damascus 1967, I, 140-1, 161-3, 456; F.M. Donner, The early Islamic conquests, Princeton 1982, index; Turt Ansiklopedisi, i, Istanbul 1981, 207, 22_3, 239. (C.P. HAASE) AL-SUMAYSATI [see AL-SHIMSHATI] . SUMERA or SUMRA, the name of a Radjput tribe of Lower Sind in mediaeval Islamic times. Their origins are shrouded in mystery, but they are first mentioned in Muslim historians' account of Mahmud of Ghazna's return from his attack on Somnath in 416/1026 [see SUMANAT]. For the next three centuries, they were the leading power in Lower Sind, but in the 8th/14th century their domination was challenged by the rival tribe of the Sammas [q.v]. Despite attempts by the Tughlukid Sultan of Dihll, Ffruz Shah (III), to aid the Sumeras, the Sammas finally emerged triumphant over their rivals in 752/ 1351. The early Sumeras may have been affected by the Ismacflism current in early Islamic Sind, but they do not seem to have been strong Muslims, if Muslims at all, and have left no monuments behind. Bibliography: M. Habib and K.A. Nizami (eds.), A comprehensive history of India. V. The Delhi Sultanate (A.D. 1206-1526), Delhi etc. 1970, 1118-23. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SUMM, SAMM (A.), poison, venom, pi. sumum, adj. sdmm, poisonous; Pers. zahr. Al-sdmm or al-sdmma was also a term for "death". Sources of poison included bites or stings of venomous creatures, especially vipers and scorpions; and substances of plant, animal, or mineral origin, accidentally ingested or deliberately administered. Arabic writings on poisons concentrate largely on detecting and avoiding them, on their origins, identification, and most importantly, treatment and remedies. Early Islam. The poison from scorpions and snakes was recognised in pre-Islamic times, and treatment of a basic kind would be given. Other poisons must have been known and sometimes used. Several hadiths relate how after Khaybar [q.v] in AH 7, the Prophet was given a poisoned sheep, of which he began to eat a piece, but spat it out because of its evil taste. Although he recovered, he said that the effects remained with him and eventually would lead to his death (Ibn Hisham, Sira, Cairo 1936, iii, 532; Ibn Ishak, tr. Guillaume, 516; al-Bukhari, Tibb, 55). According to one version, he was treated by cupping, hiajama, the aim being to expel the poison from the blood (al-Tibb al-nabawi, 192-3, tr. 94-5). Another hadith states that a fly has "poison in one of its wings, and healing, shifd3, in the other"; here "poison" would seem to indicate infection. Another claims that to eat seven dates from Medina, in the morning, protects against poison and magic (samm wasihr] for that day (al-Bukhan, Tibb, 52, Atcima, 39, 45, 47; al-Tibb al-nabawi, 165/71). Some followers of the Prophet are said to have cured a Bedouin chief of a scorpion sting, when all the tribe's efforts had been in vain, by reciting the Fdtiha (al-Bukhan, Tibb, 33; al-Tibb al-nabawi, 241/133). Medical writings. (i) Non-Arabic. The Arabs derived knowledge of toxicology from the Indians, especially the book of
Shanak on poisons, which was translated first into Persian and later into Arabic, under al-Ma'mun (Ullmann, Medium, 324; Islamic medicine, 20). Greek sources translated into Arabic include Rufus of Ephesus, K. al-Adwiya al-kdtila or K. al-Sumum (Sezgin, GAS, iii, 66-7; Ullmann, Median, 75). The Arabic version of Dioscorides contains a sixth chapter on poisons, a translation of additional material wrongly attributed to Dioscorides; this is referred to in several places by Ibn al-Baytar, under the name of Muddwdt aajnds al-sumum. Dubler and Teres omit this "suplemento apocrifo" from their edition (La Materia Medica, ii, p. vii). Galen's two works on Theriac and one on Antidotes were translated by Hunayn b. Ishak: K. al-Tirydk ild Bisun and ild Bamfuliydnus, and K. al-Adwiya al-mukdbila Ii 'l-adwd3 (Sezgin, iii, 121; Ullmann, Median, 49). (ii) Arabic writings on poisons. A work attributed to Ibn Wahshiyya [q.v.], probably written in the first half of the 4th/IOth century and claiming to be a translation from one al-Nabatf ("The Nabataean"), quotes Indian writings, and discusses in considerable detail the nature and action of poisons and also remedies, with specific and general antidotes. A work entirely on poisons, attributed to Djabir b. Hayyan [q.v], dates from probably the late 3rd/9th or early 4th/1 Oth century. Sources of poison are classified: (a) animals, including gall of viper or tiger, tortoise tongue, "sea hare", Spanish flies, frogs; bites or stings of scorpion, hornet, spider, and tarantula, (b) plants, include Aconitum, bish; ergot, kurun al-sunbul; opium, ajyun, extracted from hyoscyamus or henbane, banaj; and numerous others including hellebore, kharbak', the Euphorbiaceae, yattucdt; Anamirta cocculus or Menospirmum c., known in Persian as "fish poison", mdhi zahrah; Ecballium elaterium, kiththd3 al-himdr, oleander, difld; and mandragora, luffdh or yabruh. (c) minerals, including verdigris, zinajdr, yellow lead, martak', and arsenic, shakk. Using the translations available, and referring to their own experience, most Arabic physicians included at least a chapter on poisons in their general medical works. The emphasis would be on treatment. The primary concern, and the first to emerge, according to al-Madjusf, was to counteract poisons from the bites and stings of vipers and other reptiles, insects, and rabid dogs, followed by treatment for the effects of other poisonous substances (Kdmil, ii, 256-31). cAlf b. Sahl al-Tabarf devoted a chapter of his Firdaws alhikma to the indication of, and treatment for, various poisons, mentioning the use of a tourniquet, and cautery (445-8). This is followed by a chapter on tirydk and compound remedies. According to Thabit b. Kurra, poison comes from bites or stings, or else is drunk. He refers to the Aconitum (bish, or the Akunitun [q.v. in Suppl.]) as an example of poisons which kill "by their essence" bi-o^umlat ajawharihd. Compound poisons of mineral origin are particularly deadly, "poison of one hour", samm sdca. The worst kinds are those which oppose the very constitution, mizdaj, of the human body (al-Dhakhira, 143-8). Other prominent physicians who described poisons include al-Razf in the 8th book of his K. al-Mansun and at various places in K. al-Hdwl (cf. Ullman, Medium, 331). Ibn Sma deals with poisons in the 6th fann of the 4th book of the Kdnun. Maimonides wrote for alKadr al-Fadil the Risdla al-fddiliyya f t cildaj_ al-sumum wa-dhikr al-adwiya al-nafica minhd wa-min al-nuhush, also known as K. al-Sumum wa 'l-mutaharriz min al-adwiya al-kattdla (tr. M. Rabbinowicz, Traite des poisons, Paris 1865; Brockelmann, I2, 645).
SUMM — SUNC ALLAH Some general themes emerge from these works on poisons: (a) Classification by source. Animal or insect bite or sting; bite of mad dog, kalb kalib; tarantula, rutqyld'; hornet, zunbiir, vipers, afdci\ serpents, hayydt, substances of animal, plant or mineral origin. (b) The action of poisons. By upsetting the humours, akhldt, or the whole constitution (cf. Thabit); by cold or heat, etc. (cAlf b. Sahl al-TabarT). (c) Remedies. These may be physical: cautery, tourniquet, (ibid., 445), cutting around a bite, causing emesis; or by administering medicines to counteract the poison. Chief of these remedies was the tirydk, which could be used as a prophylactic; one could take tirydk regularly (Thabit, 146), or "accustom oneself to poison" and thus build up immunity (al-Taban, 448). These elaborate remedies were generally the property of kings or rulers, a famous early example being the antidote used by Mithridates VI of Pontus (120-63 B.C.), after whom the mithrudhitus theriac was named. Despite all precautions on the part of individuals and the care taken by physicians, poisons were developed and used, and a number of persons are thought to have been despatched in this way. The death of the Eighth Imam CA1I al-Rida [q.v] was suspected of having been caused by poison, administered in a pomegranate or in pomegranate juice. Naturally, such poisons are neither specified nor well-documented. But the attention paid to antidotes and the identification of poisons make it likely that poison played more part in the political life of the Islamic world than is generally realised. Bibliography: Ibn al-Baytar, al-Qdmi' li-mufraddt al-adwiya wa 'l-aghdhiya, Cairo 1874; CA1I b. c Abbas al-Madjusf, Kamil al-sindca al-tibbiyya, Cairo 12947 1877; CA1I b. Sahl al-TabarT, Firdaws al-hikma, ed. M.Z. Siddiqi, Berlin 1928; Thabit b. Kurra, K. alDhakhlrafi cilm al-tibb, ed. G. Sobhy, Cairo 1928; B. Strauss, Das Giftbuch des Sdndq, in Quellen u. Studien d. Naturwissenschaften u. Median, 4, 1935, 89-152; Ibn Hisham, al-Slra al-nabawiyya, Cairo 1936; C.E. Dubler and E. Teres, La Materia Medica de Dioscorides, ii. Tetuan 1952; Das Buck der Gifte des Gdbir ibn Hayydn, tr. A. Siggel, Wiesbaden 1958; M. Levey, Medieval Arabic toxicology. The Book on Poisons of Ibn Wahshlya and its relation to early Indian and Greek texts, Philadelphia 1966; M. Ullmann, Die Medium im Islam, HdO, Leiden-Koln 1970; idem, Islamic medicine, Edinburgh 1978, esp. 19-20; Ibn Kayyim alDjawziyya, al-Tibb al-nabawi, ed. A.A. al-Kalcadjf, Cairo 1978, tr. P. Johnstone, Medicine of the Prophet, Cambridge 1997. (PENELOPE JOHNSTONE) AL-SUMMAN_ [see AL-SAMMAN]. AL-SUMNANI [see AL-SIMNANI]. SUMNUN (or SAMNUN) B. HAMZA (or CABD ALLAH), Abu Bakr (or Abu '1-Hasan or Abu '1-Kasim, nicknamed al-Muhibb "the Lover," well-known Sufi of the Baghdad! school, died 298/910-11 (Ibn alDjawzi, Muntazam vi, 108); he was a disciple of San al-SakatT [q.v], Muhammad b. cAlf al-Kassab (d. 2757 888-9), Abu Ahmad al-Kalanis! (d. 270/884) and Abu Ya'kub al-SusI (second half of the 3rd/9th century). Sumnun became famous for his love of God. In that, it is said, he followed his own peculiar approach and even placed the love of God above the knowledge of God (ma'rifa) (thus al-Kushayrl, 161, 9, = Sendschreiben 48, 16, and 'Attar, fadhkira, ii, 69, -3 f.). At any rate, he has added a new, emotionally active, dimension to Sari's idea that God, in order to measure the truth of the lovers' pretentions with their steadfastness (sabr), puts them through well-nigh unbear-
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able trials. In the ecstasy of love, he chafes his legs down to the bare bone; he aspires to fill the whole world with his cry of love; and, finally, he challenges God to a match between Divine tribulation and human sabr. Taken up by God on his challenge with a case of urine retention, he does not pass his test with flying colours and, from that day onward, chides himself as "liar" (al-kadhdhdb) instead of "lover". This has, however, not affected his postumous fame negatively (al-Kushayrl, 23, 19-25, = Sendschreiben, 1.31). With his irrepressible temperament, Sumnun developed the heritage of his master into extreme forms of thought and behaviour in other respects, as well. Thus he advocated a remembrance of God (dhikr) in which everything but God is forgotten, so that all experiential moments are filled by it and one, thus, turns entirely into remembrance of God (al-Sulaml, Hakd'ik, ad sura II, 152; cf. also al-Sarradj, 58, 1112). He was also convinced that already a small part of God's forbearance would suffice on the Day of Judgment to let all evildoers join the ranks of the just. He even persuaded his master al-KalanisI to match a rich person's gift of 40,000 dirhams in alms with an equal number of rakca$>, which they proceeded to perform together without interruption. In general, Sumnun was a tactful man, witty as well as modest, but also a great wielder of words, in prose as well as in poetry. A striking example is his six-line kitca in which he describes his cognitio Dei experimental (al-Sarradj, 250, 10 ff. = Schlaglichter, 92.9). With regard to the love of God, he thought that it was too subtle to be described, but he knew to speak about the states and experiences of the lovers of God in such a moving way that even the dumb and inanimate creation is said to have fallen into a trance (al-Kalabadhr, 125, -8 f.; al-Kushayrl, 160, -17, = Sendschreiben 48/12). It goes without saying that, for a notorious enemy of the Sufis' "love of God" like Ghulam Khalll (d. 275/888-9), Sumnun's activities were a thorn in his side; they may even have been the trigger for the case he brought against the school of Sari (al-Sarradj, ed. Baghdad, 498-9; Hudjwfrf, 173, 3 ff.; cAttar, ii, 71, 6 ff.; also Gramlich, Alte Vorbilder, i, 383* ff.). Bibliography: Sarradj, K. al-Lumac fi 'l-tasawwuf, ed. Nicholson, London-Leiden 1914, Cairo-Baghdad 1380/1960, tr. R. Gramlich, Schlaglichter uber das Sufitum, Stuttgart 1990; Abu Nucaym al-Isfahanl, Hilyat al-awliyd\ Cairo 1351-7/1932-8; Sulaml, Tabakat alsufiyya, ed. Pedersen, Leiden 1960; idem, Hakd'ik al-tafsir, ms. B.L. London, Or. 9433; Kalabadhf, alTa'arruf li-madhhab ahl al-tasawwuf, ed. Arberry, Cairo 1934; Abu Talib al-Makkl, Km al-kulub, Cairo 1351/1932, tr. Gramlich, Die Nahrung der Her&n, i-iv, Stuttgart 1992-4; KushayrT, al-Risdla, Cairo 1359/1940, tr. Gramlich,'Das Sendschreiben al-Qusayns iiber das Sufitum, Wiesbaden 1989; Ibn al-DjawzI, Sifat al-sqftjua, Haydarabad 1388-92/1968-72; Hudjwm, Kashf al-mahajub, ed. Zhukovskiy, Leningrad 1926; cAbd Allah Ansarr, Tabakat al-sufiyya, Kabul 1340 A.S.H.; Farld al-Dm cAttar, Tadhkirat al-awliya\ Tehran 1336 A.S.H.; R. Gramlich, Alte Vorbilder des Sufitums, i, Wiesbaden 1995; B. Reinert, Sumnun alMuhibb, Asiatische Studien 51, 1997. (B. REINERT) SUMRA [se_e SUMERA]. SUNC ALLAH B. DJACFAR AL-CIMADI, Ottoman Shaikh al-Isldm [q.v.], d. 1021/1612. Born in 960/1553, the son of the kadi casker [q.v.] Djacfar Efendi, a first cousin of Abu 'l-Sucud Efendi [q.v.], Sunc Allah studied under Molla Fudayl al-
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Djamah and afterwards under Abu 'l-Sucud, then Shaykh al-Isldm, whom he served as mu'id and through whom he becarn,e muldzim [q.v.] in 977/1569-70. Because of his family connections, his first madrasa appointment (Ramadan 978/February 1571) was at the 40-akces level. He passed through the ranks of the madrasas until, with his appointment to the post of kadi of Bursa in Dhu 'l-Kacda 998/September 1590, he entered the highest stream of learned offices, the mewlewiyyafc [q.v.], in due course becoming Rumeli kadi fasker in Shawwal 1001/July 1593. Retiring with a pension in Djumada I 1003/early 1595, he succeeded Khodja Efendi [q.v.] as Shaykh al-Isldm in Rabf c I 1008/October 1599, the first of an unprecedented four occasions on which he held that post. Koci Beg [q.v] notes admiringly that "though he was removed several times, he still spoke the truth and showed no compromise in the business of religion and the state" (A.K. Aksiit, Koci Bey risalesi, Istanbul 1939, 35); and Sunc Allah's first two periods of office were indeed marked by contentious involvement in state matters. His first came to an end when he persuaded Mehemmed III [q.v] to order the unwilling Grand Vizier Yemishdji Hasan Pasha [q.v] to go out on campaign, for which the latter, in revenge, secured Sunc Allah's dismissal in Safar 1010/August 1601. Brought back as Shaykh al-Islam in Radjab 1011/January 1603 in an attempt to mollify the sipdhls, then rebelling largely because of the deteriorating situation in Anatolia resulting from the revolts of the Djaldlts [q.v. in Supplement] but also because of Hasan Pasha's alleged military incompetence, Sunc Allah— sympathetic to the Dialdlis, and in particular to Kara Yazidji [q.v]—issued a fatwd for the execution of Hasan Pasha but was himself ousted and forced to go into hiding (Sha'ban 1011/February 1603) (for these events, see NaTma, Ta'rikh, Istanbul 1281-3, i, 307 ff.). Having held the office twice more, somewhat less eventfully (Muharram 1013/June 1604 to Rabl' I 1015/July 1606 and Radjab 1015/November 1606 to Safar 1017/June 1608), Sunc Allah retired fully from public life with a pension of 750 akces daily and died in Istanbul on 8 Safar 1021/10 April 1612. Bibliography: New'I-zade 'Ata'I, Hadd'ik alhakd'ikfi takmilat al-Shakd3ik, Istanbul 1268, 136-7, 552-7, and the references in the article. (R.C. REPP) SUNAN (A.), pi. of sunna [q.v], "norm", "custom", is used separately in the literature of hadith and fikh [q.vv] as referring to several important collections of traditions and legal p r o n o u n c e m e n t s (= akwdl), thus resulting in this plural being used as a generic book tide of such works, as was the case with the term Sahih [q.v]. The oldest collections called Sunan or Sunan fi 'l-jikh have not come down to us, and are only known from references to them in a work like Ibn al-Nadrm's Fihrist, cf. ed. Rida Tadjaddud, index vol., 123, right col., such as the Sunans by Makhul (d. 112-16/730-4), Ibn Djuraydj (d. ISO/ 767) and Muhammad b. cAbd al-Rahman Ibn Abf Dhi'b (d. 159/776). Sunan works are arranged according to the musannaf [q.v] principle, i.e. separate chapters divided into paragraphs on cibdddt [q.v] and mu'dmaldt, just as we find in fkh literature. The earliest such works available in printed editions are the pre-canonical collections by Sacld b. Mansur (d. 227/842) and c Abd Allah b. cAbd al-Rahman al-Darimf (d. 255/869). Of the six canonical Books, four are entitled Sunan, namely the collections of Abu Dawud al-Sidjistanf (d. 275/888); Muhammad b. Tsa al-Tirmidhf (d. 279/ 892), whose collection acquired the tide al-I£amic al-
sahih; Ahmad b. Shu'ayb al-Nasa'T (d. 303/915), whose Kitdb al-Sunan al-kubrd was later abbreviated by the author in his K. al-Sunan, also called al-Mudjtabd; and Muhammad b. Yazfd al-Kazwfnf Ibn Madja (d. 273/ 886). Other prestigious collections known by this title and available in print are those of £Alf b. cUmar alDarakutm (d. 385/995) and Ahmad b. al-Husayn alBayhakl (d. 458/1066). Bibliography: Given in the article. (G.H.A. JUYNBOLL) SUNBADH (also Sunfadh), Zoroastrian supporter of Abu Muslim al-Khurasanf [q.v] and leader of a rebellion seeking to avenge his death. He originated from a village near Nlshapur, and is described as a man of wealth and a friend and associate of Abu Muslim. Two months after the murder of the latter by the caliph al-Mansur (Sha'ban 137/February 755), he rose with the backing of Abu Muslim's followers and, according to the main historical tradition, seized Nlshapur. According to another, probably more reliable tradition (al-Mada'im), he had been stationed in Hulwan and from there set out for Khurasan. Abu cAbda ('Ubayda) al-Hanafi, the governor of Rayy, who was under orders not to allow Abu Muslim's followers to return to Khurasan, detained him. He escaped, however, and rebelled. He defeated and killed the governor and seized control of Rayy. Returning to his Magian religion, he committed atrocities against the Muslims and adopted the title Ffruz Ispahbadh. He seized Abu Muslim's arsenal and treasure in Rayy and sent part of it to the Dabuyid Khurshld, the Zoroastrian Ispahbad of Tabaristan, with whom he formed an alliance. His following is said quickly to have swelled to 100,000 men, coming mostly from Djibal and Tabaristan. The king of the Daylamls, to whom he wrote that the reign of the Arabs had come to an end, joined him with his men. He defeated the governors of Dastaba and Kumis. Then he set out with a massive army, predicting that he would destroy the Ka'ba. But at Djardjanban between Rayy and Hamadan, he was heavily defeated by Djahwar b. al-Marrar al-Tdjli, who was sent by al-Mansur; 30,000 or 60,000 of his men are said to have been killed. Sunbadh fled, trying to join the Ispahbad Khurshld. He was killed, however, by Khurshfd's cousin Tus, allegedly because he did not show him due respect. Khurshld sent the heads of Sunbadh and his brother to Djahwar, but refused to surrender his treasury to al-Mansur. The revolt had lasted only seventy days. According to Nizam al-Mulk, Sunbadh told his followers that Abu Muslim had not been killed but had, by reciting the greatest name of God, turned into a white dove and flown away. He was now dwelling in a brazen castle together with the Mahdl and Mazdak. All three would soon reappear and Abu Muslim would rule with Mazdak as his vizier. When the Rafidls (Shf'Is) and the Khurramiyya heard mention of the Mahdl and Mazdak, they joined Sunbadh in large numbers. He would tell the Khurramiyya that Mazdak had become a Shl'I and was ordering them to make common cause with the Shfca. Nizam al-Mulk's account is evident fiction designed to establish a pedigree of Mazdakite teaching and activity for the Isma'Iliyya, whom he portrayed as a neo-Mazdakite subversive heresy. From the early reports, it is clear that Sunbadh was leader of an anti-Arab and anti-Islamic rebellion aiming at the restoration of Iranian kingship and religion, and not a sectarian chief teaching a syncretistic religious doctrine. The heresiographers, however, mention the Sunbadhiyya as the name of one of the
SUNBADH — SUNBULIYYA extremist factions which arose out of the cAbbasid revolutionary movement [see KHURRAMIYYA] . Bibliography: Baladhurf, Ansdb al-ashrdf, iii, ed. al-Durl, Wiesbaden 1978, 246-7; Ya'kubl, ii, 441-2; Taban, iii, 119-201; Mas'udf, Murudj, v, 188-91 = §§ 1952-4; Balcamr, Tdnkh-ndma-yi Taban, ed. Muhammad Rawshan, Tehran 1366/1987, 1093-4; Ibn alAthfr, v, 368-9; Nizam al-Mulk, Siyar al-muluk, ed. H. Darke, Tehran'1968, 279-81, Ibn Isfandiyar, Tarikh-i Tabaristdn, ed. CA. Ikbal, Tehran 1944, 174; Gh.H. Sadighi, Les mouvements religieux iraniens, Paris 1938, 132-49; CA. Zarrmkub, Du karn-i sukut, Tehran 1345/1967, 152-9; E.L. Daniel, The political and social history of Khurasan under Abbasid rule 747-820, Minneapolis 1979, 126-30. (W. MADELUNG) SUNBUK [see MILAHA; SAFINA]. AL-SUNBULA [see MINTAKAT AL-BURUDJ]. SUNBULIYYA, in Tkish.' SUNBULIYYE, a mystical b r o t h e r h o o d derived from the Khalwatiyya [q.v.], which emerged and developed in the Ottoman empire from the final years of the 15th century onwards. Its founding saint, Yusuf Sinan b. CA1I b. Kaya Bey, nicknamed Sunbul Sinan or Sunbul (Sunbiil) Efendi, was born in Merzifon (or in the region of Merzifon) ca. 1475-80. Having begun his studies in his region of origin, he made his way to Istanbul where he was the pupil of Efdal-zade (d. 903/1497-8) and was associated with the shaykh Celebi Mehmed Djamal al-Dm, known as Celebi Khalife, who was then directing the first KhalwatT tekke, recently founded in the Ottoman capital. On receiving the latter's khildfe, he was sent to Cairo with the object of disseminating his master's teaching. Some years later, ca. 899/1493-4 or 903-4/ 1497-9, after Celebi Khalife had informed him that he was performing the Pilgrimage to Mecca and hoped to meet him there, Sunbul Sinan arrived in the Holy Places, where he heard of the death of his shaykh, as well as his last wishes: that he should marry his daughter and succeed him as director of the tekke of Kodja Mustafa Pasha in Istanbul. Thereafter, and until his death in 936/1529, he supervised this establishment which became the centre of a specific Khalwatf network, the Sunbull one, marked by his personal influence. He was also a preacher (wa'iz) in the prestigious mosques of Fatih and Aya Sofya and enjoyed the honour of delivering the first sermon in the Selimiyye mosque. According to Bursali Mehmed Tahir ('Othmanli mu'ellifleri, i, 78), he is said to have left, besides a few ilahis, two works, the Risdlat al-Atwdr, concerning degrees of mystical initiation, as well as a treatise on the licit nature of dewrdn and of samdc (Risdlat alTahkikiyya, of which an abridged version exists under the title Risdlat-i Sunbul dar hakk-i dhikr u dewrdn (1st. Univ. Ktp. TY 3868). This latter work must have been written when he was obliged to reply on this subject to the attacks of certain of the 'ulamd3 of Istanbul. The close links forged by Celebi Khalffe with the political authorities of the empire (sultan Bayezfd had invited the shaykh to leave Amasya and move to the capital) and maintained by Sunbul Sinan and his successors gave added vigour to the Sunbuliyya, especially in the 16th century, with the exception of the brief and perhaps rather less favourable period of the reign of Sellm I (1512-20). In fact, leading dignitaries assisted the expansion of this Khalwatl network by founding tekkes for the khalifes of Sunbul Efendi, following the example of the mother of the sultan Suleyman I who had built at Manisa (in western Anatolia) a complex, in which the tekke was directed
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for some time by the eminent shaykh Merkez Efendi (before the latter himself founded a tekke in the capital); the same example was set by the daughter of Sellm I, Shah Sultan, who founded two Khalwatl establishments in Istanbul, or indeed by the ketkhudd Ferrukh Agha (Farrukh Agha) who arranged for the construction of a tekke in the Balat quarter. During this "golden age" of the 16th century, the Sunbuliyya had a tendency to supplant its mother-tarika, the Djamaliyya (one of the four principal branches of the Khalwatiyya) which had been founded by Celebi Mehmed Djamal al-Din, the shaykh of Sunbul Efendi. In Istanbul, besides the tekke of Kodja Mustafa Pasha (also known as Sunbul Efendi Tekkesi), the heart of the network, eleven other tekkes were founded during this period. While it is true that the brotherhood had a distinctly metropolitan character, its network also extended at the same time into Anatolia and Rumelia. Its diffusion in the Asiatic provinces has yet to be studied; it is, however, known that shaykhs of Istanbul were sent not only to Manisa, but also to Akshehir in the region of Konya, to Cavdarlu near Kiitahya and even to Amasya. As for the European provinces, two future shaykhs of the dsitdne of Kodja Mustafa Pasha were principally responsible for the expansion of the brotherhood in certain regions: Yackub Germiyanl (d. 979/1571-2) founded a tekke at Yanina in Epirus, and Hasan cAdlI (d. 1026/1617) another house at Serez (Serres) in Macedonia. Both appointed numerous khallfes who guided the faithful in zawdyd founded in localities more or less close to these two new centres. The Sunbull network in Rumelia also extended to cities such as Hayrabolu, Baba Eski, Edirne and Tekirdag, and as far as the frontier regions of Hungary and Bosnia, on both sides of the Temeshwar/Sarajevo-Belgrade-axis, as well as to Kefe in the Crimea. In the 18th century, the Sunbuliyya experienced a period of renewed expansion, especially in the Ottoman capital where more tekke?, were founded and others affiliated to it. Until the mid-19th century, it was to remain the branch of the Khalwatiyya best represented in Istanbul, with 22 houses; only the Shacbaniyya [q.v.] was to overtake it in the last decades of the empire. Its network was one of the most durable, all the more so in that from the second half of the 17th century onwards, families of shaykhs were founded to head each one of these houses, forging bonds among themselves by means of marital ties. After the disintegration of the Ottoman empire and the proscription of the tarikas by Mustafa Kemal (Atatiirk) in 1925, the Sunbuliyya witnessed the gradual disappearance of their last spiritual masters, and even though there still exist today a few individuals who adhere to Sunbull teaching, it does not figure among the currently active brotherhoods. In the context of doctrine and practice, the SunbulTs insisted, as do most of the Khalwatfs, on the practice of spiritual retreat (khalwa [q.v.]), as well as on the initiation by the seven names (al-asmd3 al-sabca). Their dhikr was of the dewrdn type, performed by turning in an upright position, and this attracted criticism to which they were obliged to respond, particularly at the beginning of the 16th century, as has been seen. For their part, certain Sunbuli shaykhs, including Yusuf Sinan b. Ya'kub Germiyanl (d. 987/1579) and Mehmed cAmikI (d. after 1023/1614-15), wrote letters denouncing the heterodoxy of the Malaml-Hamzawfs (cf. AbdOlbaki Golpmarh, Melamilik ve Melamiler, Istanbul 1931, 74-6). It may also be mentioned that there existed a particular prayer, called Sunbuli saldtl, in the
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beste form (vocal composition in four verses each followed by the same melodic passage). Sunbulf circles in Istanbul, especially those of the tekke of Kodja Mustafa Pasha, were in fact very supportive of the development of Sufi music. In this respect, as in other aspects of Sufism and popular Islam, this house remained for centuries one of the most prestigious tekkes, if not the most prestigious, of the Ottoman capital. Evidence of this is the affluence, far greater than that of the other tekkes, which it has always enjoyed and still enjoys on the occasion of the feast of the Ashure ('Ashurd*), 10 Muharram, as well as the number of visits to the ttirbes of Sunbul Efendi and his successors. In terms of costume, it should be noted that the Sunbuli tdaj varies slightly from the other Khalwatf tdajs with its decidedly pointed shape. Bibliography (in addition to references given in the text): Mahmud Djamal al-Dm al-Hulwf, Lemezati hubiyye ez Lemezat-i ulviyye, ed. Mehmed Serhan Tay§i, Istanbul 1993; Abdiilkadir Ozcan (ed.), §akaiki Nu'maniyye ve zeyilleri, Istanbul 1989 (in which numerous biographies of Sunbull shqykhs are to be found); Yusuf Sinan Efendi ibn-i Yackub, Mendkibi shenf ve tankatndme-yi plrdn ve meshdyikh-i tarikat-i c Aliyye-i Khakvetiyye (or Tedhkire-yi Khalwetiyye], Istanbul 1290; Mehmed Nazmi, Hadiyyat al-ikhwdn, Siileymaniye Libr., Re§id Efendi 495; Sadik Widjdanf, Tomdr-i turuk-i 'aliyyeden Khalvetiyye silsile-ndmesi, Istanbul 1338-41, 59-61; Zakir §ukn Efendi, Die Istanbuler Derwisch-Konvente und ihre Scheiche (Mecmu'ai tekdyd), ed. M.S. Tay§i and K. Kreiser, Freiburg 1980; HJ. Kissling, Am der Geschichte des ChalvetiyyeOrdens, in £DMG, ciii (1953), 251-81; T. Yacizi, I A, art. Sunbuliye; idem, Fetih'ten sonra Istanbul'da ilk halveti §eyhleri: felebi Muhammad Cemaleddin, Sunbul Sinan ve Merkez Efendi, in Istanbul Enstitusu Dergisi, ii (1956), 87-113; E. I§m, arts. Siinbulilik and Tusuf Sinan Efendi, in Diinden bugune Istanbul ansiklopedisi, Istanbul 1994; B. Tanman, art. Sunbul Efendi tekkesi, in ibid. On the Sunbuliyya in Rumelia, see N. Clayer, Mystiques, etat et societe. Les Halvetis dam I'aire balkanique de la Jin du XVe siecle a nos jours, Leiden 1994, index. (NATHALIE CLAYER) SUNBUL-ZADE WEHBI (modern Tkish. Sunbiilzade Vehbi), Mehmed b. Rashid b. Mehmed Efendi, Ottoman poet, scholar and bureaucrat born in Mar'ash [q.v] probably in 1133/1718-19, died in Istanbul 14 Rablc I 1224/29 April 1809, his life spanning the rule of eight Ottoman sultans, and is thought to have been buried outside Edirne Kapi (see Siireyya Ali Beyzadeoglu, Sunbulzdde Vehbi, Istanbul 1993, 7, 20-1). 1. Life. The Siinbul-zade family was a prominent one. His grandfather Mehmed was mufti in Marcash and author of several works on Islamic law. His father Rashid (or Reshfd), also a poet and scholar, is said to have named his son after the poet and kddi Seyyid Wehbl (Wehb-i ewwel), as whose assistant he was working in Aleppo when Siinbul-zade Wehbl was born. Wehbf was educated in Marcash, then went to Istanbul, where his writing of kasidas and chronograms gained him influential patrons, securing him the rank of mudems [see MADRASA, I, 7], then that of kadi, in which he was to serve for seventeen years or more in a number of locations in the Balkans, in Rhodes and al-Manisa, and with the Imperial Army in the Edirne, Sofya and Nish areas. He also served for seven years in the Ottoman scribal institution, rising to the rank of khwdaje [see KHwADjEGAN-i D!WAN-I HUMAYUN]. In 1187/1775, early in the reign of cAbd al-Hamfd I
(1774-89), Wehbi (having an excellent knowledge of Persian) was sent as envoy to Isfahan to investigate complaints that Karfm Khan Zand [q.v.] had lodged against 'Omer Pasha governor of Baghdad, whom Wehbl found culpable. But the governor's influence threw Wehbl into disfavour, and he went into hiding in Scutari. His well-known Kaside-yi tanndna ("Resonant Ode"), in which he extravagantly eulogises the sultan, describes his Persian journey and ranks things Turkish high above those Persian, helped him regain c Abd al-Hamld's favour (Gibb, HOP, iv, 249). Controversy, however, dogged him. While kadi on the island of Rhodes he supported the harsh decision to execute Shahih Giray Khan [q.v.], and in his Kaside-yi tayydre ("Ode on the wing") he praised the sultan and abused the victim (ibid., iv, 250). Siinbul-zade himself claimed that his subsequent seizure and detention when serving in Stara Zagora (Eski Zaghra) was revenge on the part of Shahfn Giray's supporters. Others say that he and his assistant (ketkhudd), the poet Surun [q.v.], had aroused the indignation of the local populace by dissolute conduct, and that they were both arrested on this account (Beyzadeoglu, 14-17). Wehbl spent the last years of his life in Istanbul, reportedly writing and merrymaking but, at least in the last seven years, troubled with gout, failing sight and perhaps unsound mind. 2. Works. Influenced especially by Nabf, Thabit (on whose poems he wrote a number of nazlras) and Nedfm [<7.w.], Wehbl was honoured with the title Sultan alShu'ard3 "Sultan of Poets" and highly regarded as a poet by his contemporaries. Today he is not judged to have been endowed with great artistic imagination or poetic sensitivity. More than once his questionable reputation, which he did little to disavow, resulted in dismissal from appointments, and he also had financial worries (Ali Canib Yontem, Sunbulzade Vehbi, in Turk Dili ve Edebiyati Dergisi, i/2 [1946-7], 88-9). This resulted in a number of poems lamenting his situation and requesting help, and in 1205/1790-1 he dedicated his Turkish diwdn (some mss. of which include a few poems in Arabic and his small Persian collection) to Sellm III (1789-1807), whose valuable patronage he enjoyed to the end of his life. The Lutfiyye is an akhldk work, a mathnawi giving advice to his son Lutf Allah (who died of the plague within five years of its being composed). It owes much to Nabl's Khayriyye, and its value lies more in its contribution to social history than in its literary value. (For an interesting study of Wehbi the man, and of this work in particular, see Danuta Chmielowska, Lafemme turque dans I'ceuvre de Ndbi, Vehbi et Vdsif, Warsaw 1986, 39-48.) Two other mathnawis, the Tuhfe-yi Wehbi and Nukhbeyi Wehbi were educational and used for many years in Ottoman schools. The former, a rhymed PersianTurkish vocabulary written in 1197/1783 for his son in imitation of a similar work by the 10th/16th-century writer Shahidl, contains an introductory mathnawi, a series of kit'as presenting the vocabulary, a second mathnawi on a selection of expressions (istildhdt) and and epilogue (recent ed. Numan Kiilekci and Turgut Karabey, Siinbukade—Tuhfe, Erzurum 1990). The second is an Arabic-Turkish counterpart. The Shewk-engiz, a mathnawi of some 775 beyts in the remel metre, features a disputation in very free language between a libertine womaniser and a pederast comparing male and female beauties and the pleasure they afford. Unable to agree on which makes the stronger case, the contenders consult a man of religion (the Sheykh
SUNBUL-ZADE WEHBI — SUNKUR of Love) who upbraids them for knowing only carnal desire and shows them the way to pure and absolute love (see Gibb, iv, 252-4, and J. Schmidt, Sunbiilzade Vehbi's §evk-engiz,, an Ottoman pornographic poem, in Turcica, xxv [1993], 9-37). Bibliography: also the arts, in EI{ and I A. (W. BJORKMAN-[KATHLEEN R.F. BURRILL]) SUNDA ISLANDS, the geographical denotation of the Southeast Asian islands s t r e t c h i n g from Sumatra to Timor and the Aru islands, first introduced by the Portuguese; divided in the Greater and Smaller Sunda Islands, the latter—and those dealt with here—beginning with Bali and stretching to the East. The name originates from Sunda or Pasundan (= West Java), and the Straits of Sunda between Java and Sumatra. In Indonesian, the Smaller Sunda Islands are called the Nusa Tenggara (Southeastern Islands). While Bali maintained its predominantly Hindu character and only in its Western parts experienced some cultural, religious and ethnic influences from neighbouring Madura [q.v.] and East Java (both predominantly Islamic), in Lombok [q.v.] the Sasak people in the eastern part of the island were able to protect their Islamic identity. Among the islands further to the east, only Sumbawa experienced a significant impact of Islam on the history of its people. Already in preIslamic times, this island had been visited by trading vassals from Malacca [q.v.] and Java on their ways to the Moluccas. The Islamisation of its various kingdoms was, however, conducted by Makassar [q.v.]. This kingdom, after having been united and established as a sultanate in 1607, launched first a ajihdd against the neighbouring Buginese kingdoms and, after the surrender of the last one of them, Bone, in 1611, turned overseas to the south, where it subdued, in the course of three expeditions, the kingdoms of Sumbawa. Except the kingdom of Sanggar, which accepted quite quickly the new religion and therefore was granted a vassal kingdom status, the other kingdoms, particularly Dompu, Bima and Sumbawa (originally only the name of the western part of the island) resisted fiercely. Sumbawa, which surrendered in 1626, was able to improve its position when, in 1650, its king married a half-sister of the karaeng (king) of Tallo* (Makassar). Bima gave up its resistance in 1621 when a new king ascended the throne. In 1632-3 a visiting Dutch expedition, however, found the capital city burned by the Makassarese, who thus reacted to the rebellious people who had abducted their king to an island as a protest against the newly-imposed religion. But in 1640 king cAbd al-Kahir established himself as sultan, after having married a sister-in-law of Sultan c Ala3 al-Dfn of Gowa (Makassar). Following the military conquest of Sumbawa, some religious teachers originating from the tradition of the Javanese waits, were sent via Makassar to teach Islam among the people. After the Dutch conquered Makassar in 1669, their Bugis ally Arung Palakka, becoming king of Bone in 1672, waged a series of campaigns in South Sulawesi which caused many Buginese and Makassarese to flee to other islands, including Sumbawa, where they established their own communities, sometimes with a semi-autonomous rule. In Bima they represented a large number of the populace. In 1662 the Sultan of Bima claimed suzerainty over Sumba and Komodo, and expanded his influence to Manggarai on Western Flores. He and his successors maintained the pre-Islamic tradition which linked this place to Bhima, the third brother of the Pandavas, the heros of the Hindu epic of the Mahdbhdrata. They claimed that the royal family were their descendants.
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The sultan himself was considered to be ritually pure and infallible, and represented the highest, untouchable authority. The administration rested on three pillars: the administration proper, supervised by the Prime Minister, the legal department supervising the application of the (Islamic) Law, and a third department concerned with the customary or adat law. The sultanate of Bima remained until in 1950, when it was abolished, together with the other remaining sultanates, by the new government of the Indonesian Republic. Since independence, many Muslims originating from elsewhere in Indonesia have settled down in the whole region of the Nusa Tenggara as civil servants, soldiers, traders etc. Bibliography. M. Hitchcock, The Bimanese Kris. Aesthetics and social value, in BKI, cxliii (1987), 12540; J. Noorduyn, Makasar and the Islamisation of Bima, in ibid., 322-42 (extensive bibl.). (O. SCHUMANN) SUNDARBAN, a thick forest region on the coastal region of the Gangetic delta mainly in the southernmost part of the present division of Khulna in Bangladesh and in the district of 24 Parganas in the West Bengal state of India. Once extending much deeper into the mainland, Sundarban bears traces of early human settlement. Non-Aryan nomad aborigines roamed in this region, who were gradually influenced by Hinduism, Buddhism (through rulers such as Dummanpal around the 12th century), and finally, by Islam. The ancient Harikela kingdom (known to Muslim geographers as Harkand, from which comes Bahr al-Harkand, the early Arabic name for Bay of Bengal) once extended up to Sundarban. To the east, a Hindu kingdom Candradvfpa (Deva dynasty) emerged in the 13th century, which was gradually absorbed in the Mughal empire in the early 17th century. It was Khan Djahan CA1I (d. 863/1459, see Mohammad Yusuf Siddiq, Arabic and Persian texts of the Islamic inscriptions of Bengal, Watertown, Mass. 1992, 65-7), a charismatic saintly figure and a great commander, who consolidated Islam in this region, mainly through his massive public welfare works such as roads, ponds, wells, hostels, etc. His most impressive architectural work is the Shaykh-Gumbad Masdjid in Bagerhat, one of the biggest mosques in South Asia. Islam spread rapidly during this period as people started settling massively in the region through clearing the forest (as reflected in the names of the villages with the suffixes kdti-i and -dbdd meaning clearing, e.g. Sharoopkati). At present, it remains a vast natural sanctuary of birds, fishes and wild animals such as the famous royal Bengal tigers, deers, monkeys and crocodiles, and the largest forest region of Bengal. Bibliography: A.F.M. Abdul Jalil, Sundarbaner itihas, Dhaka 1986; R.M. Eaton, The rise of Islam and the Bengal frontier, Berkeley 1993.
(MOHAMMAD YUSUF SiDDioJ SUNKUR or SONKOR, the name of a district and of a present-day small town in western Persia (town: lat. 34° 45' N., long 47° 39' E.). It lies in the Zagros Mountains between modern Kangawar [see KINKIWAR] and Sanandadj [q.v] or Sinna, within the modern province of Kirmanshah. In mediaeval Islamic times, it lay on the road between Dfnawar [q.v] and Adharbaydjan, and must correspond approximately to the first marhala on the stretch from Dfnawar to Slsar, the name of which is read al-Djarba (al-MukaddasI, 382), Kharbardjan (Ibn Khurradadhbih, 119; Kudama, 212), etc. which was 7 farsakhs from Dlnawar (the actual distance between the present ruins of Dfnawar and Sunkur is, however,
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not more than 24 km/15 miles). Sunkur might therefore correspond to the district of Maybahradj (alBaladhurf, Futuh, 310), which was detached from Dfnawar under the caliph al-Mahdl and joined to Slsar [q.v.]; cf. Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, iv, 477-9. If, however, we are to recognise in the name of the Kurd tribe Payrawand (Pahrawand) a reminiscence of the old name Pahradj ("custodia, vigilia"), this tribe must have been driven westwards for it now occupies the west face of Mount Parrau (= Bfsutun), lying to the southwest of Dmawar (cf. Rabino, Kermanchah, in RMM, xxxviii [1920], 36). The easy pass of Mele-mas on the line of heights from Dalakham to Amrula separates Sunkur from Dmawar. On the northeast, Sunkur is bordered by mount Pandja-cAlI (Mustawfi", Nuzjiat al-kulub, ed. Le Strange, 217: Pandj-Angusht), behind which runs the direct road from Ramadan to Sanandadj. Sunkur is watered by the upper tributaries of the river of Dmawar, which ultimately joins the Gamas-ab (Karkha). Sunkur in the strict sense is adjoined by the more northern district of Kulya'f on the upper course of the Gawa-rud, the western dependencies of which are Bflawar and Niyabat (on the Kirrnanshah-Sanandadj road; cf. Rabino, op. cit., 12, 35). The importance of Sunkur lay in the fact that it was on the road followed by Muslim pilgrims from Tabriz to Kirmanshah; to avoid the Kurdish territory of Sanandadj the road made a detour by Bfdjar (Garrus) and Sunkur, from which Kirmanshah could be reached in a day's march. The population of the district is made up of two distinct elements. The town (1991 population figure: 37,772) is peopled by Turks, who are said to have come there in the Mongol period. Their chief Sunkur was a vassal of the Mongols of Shfraz (?). The district, on the other hand, is inhabited by Kurd agriculturists whose chiefs belong to the tribe of Kulya'f. The Khans in control there until the early 20th century were said to be the descendants in the eighth generation from San" Khan who lived in the time of the latter Safawids. In 1213/1798, CA1I Himmat Khan and his brother Baba Khan (of the Nanakalf tribe) supported the pretender Sulayman Khan and were executed by Path CA1I Shah (Sir Harford Jones Brydges, History of the Kajars, London 1833, 58-9, 67). The Kulya'I speak a Kurd dialect resembling Kirmanshahl and are suspected of Ahl-i Hakk [q.v.] religious tendencies. Bibliography: Given in the article, but see also Razmara (ed.). Farhang-i o^ughrafiya-yi Iran-zamin. (V. MlNORSKY*)
SUNNA (A. pi. sunan; see above, s.v. SUNAN, for a different connotation), an ancient Arabian concept that was to play an increasingly important role during the formative centuries of Islam, acquiring a range of interrelated nuances. Eventually, some time after the preaching of Islam had begun, the term sunna came to stand for the generally approved standard or practice introduced by the Prophet as well as the pious Muslims of olden days, and at the instigation of al-Shaficr, the sunna of the Prophet was awarded the position of the second root (asl) of Islamic law, the shari'a, after the Kur'an. Not long after that, sunna came to stand for the all-encompassing concept orthodoxy, which is still in use today. Out of this there grew the dichotomy between Sumri (orthodox) and Shr'f (heterodox) Islam. During the first three centuries of Islam, the term sunna, standing alone or in various genitive constructions with other words, displays an evolution in meaning which will be sketched in more detail in the following. For
the technical shan'a term, see 2. below. 1, In classical Islam. In the ^ahiliyya^ the concept sunna originally stood for a way or manner of acting, whether good or bad, hence (dis)approved custom or norm of previous generations, al-awwalun, cf. esp. Bravmann, in Bibl. The verbs used for laying down a sunna are sanna and istanna. During the 1st/7th century when, after the death of Muhammad, the Muslim community was ruled first by the khulafa3 rdshidun and then the Umayyads, the term sunna was used in debates on legal and ritual issues to indicate any good precedent set by people of the past, including the Prophet. Moreover, various pre-Islamic sunnas were accepted into Islam with or without modification. In certain ancient texts, the term was occasionally also used for any bad or indifferent precedent. It turned up in political debates too, for which see further down. During Muhammad's lifetime and immediately after that, when faced with problems to solve, people reminded each other in their discourse (hadtth) of how the Prophet and his first faithful followers had acted under particular circumstances. This resulted in an as yet unstructured, oral transmission of more or less correctly remembered practices and customs, sunnas. Towards the end of the 1st/7th century, when the need thereto arose, these memories began to be transmitted in a more standardised manner after the introduction of a newly-developed authentication device, the isnad [q.v.]. The first reports (hadiths) of sunnas that eventually found their way to one or more of the hadith collections compiled in the course of the 2nd/8th century and later, originated in the final quarter of the 1st/7th century. Recent isnad analytical research has established that, initially, these first sunnas, were on the whole few and disparate. Next to hadiths of sunnas supported by isnads that allegedly went back all the way to the Prophet, which in other words were marfuc [see RAFC. 2], there circulated hordes of other ones whose isnads ended in a Companion, the mawkuf strands, or even a Successor [see MURSAL] . These three types of sunna reports existed side-by-side and were supposed to register more or less faithfully what the pious forebears, al-salaf al-sdlih, during and since the lifetime of the Prophet had said or done. But the Companion reports, as well as the Successor reports, did not necessarily contain opinions exclusively modelled on what the Prophet was supposed to have decided in a given situation, but often represented what these authorities thought about a particular issue themselves. They were the fukahd3. Rather than basing themselves all the time upon a pious practice attributed to someone from the past, they sometimes preferred to exercise their own judgment, their ra3j>, and their personal opinions, ara\ were occasionally also granted the status of sunna. Personal ad hoc problem-solving, without recourse to precedent, developed alongside searching for precedents, for which the general term cilm, lit. knowledge, was used. Thus cilm consisted of sunnas which had originated at the hands of pious forebears and which were eventually moulded into hadiths. (Ilm seekers, c ulamd3 (pi. of fdlim), were often antagonistic towards those who resorted to their ra'y, the ahl al-ra3y, and this gave way to an ongoing dialogue, or bitter dispute, between, on the one hand, a basically religious, precedent-centred point of view and, on the other hand, a somewhat secular stance with, according to some culama\ far too little religion mixed in with it. It is clear that, at least during the first three centuries of Islam, hadith and sunna cannot be equated
SUNNA but are just related concepts. The former is the initially orally transmitted and later written registration of, among other things, the revered practice of the pious forebears, with at their head the Prophet and the earliest Muslims, while the latter is an abstraction which encompasses the revered practice of anyone of the past, although despised or indifferent practices are also occasionally referred to with the term. At the turn of the lst/7th century, the Umayyad caliph cUmar b. cAbd al-cAzIz (d. 101/719-20 [q.v.]) was allegedly the first to single out the sunna of the Prophet among the sunnas of others. Thus it happened that, after hadith had begun to comprise a sizeable number of sunnas supposedly introduced increasingly often by the Prophet rather than by the khulafd3 rdshidun or other well-known Companions, the concept sunna began to shed its broad meaning of "any precedent" and the connotation "any laudable precedent" started to prevail. But sunna as a more vague concept did not die out. Moreover, next to the term emerging in debates on legal and ritual issues, it played a significant part in the political discussions of the lst/7th century. When the confrontation between 'All b. Abl Talib and Mucawiya b. Abl Sufyan [q.vv.] at Siffin (37/657 [q.v.]) was concluded with an arbitration agreement, the kitdb Allah and al-sunna al-fddila al-djdmi'a ghajr almufarrika, i.e. the Book of God and the just sunna that unites rather than disperses, had to be consulted in order to find a solution for the dilemma that had arisen. Sunna in this document refers to the still broad term: the approved practice in political and administrative matters instituted by the leaders of the past (synonymous in fact with sira [q.v.], cf. Bravmann in Bibl), and the substitution of the term sunna in one version of this agreement by the genitive construction "the sunna of the Prophet" is a spurious, later interpolation, cf. the penetrating analysis of Martin Hinds in his The Siffin arbitration agreement, in JSS, xvii (1972), 93-129. It has to be stated that, in the earliest extant Islamic documents in which the term sunna crops up frequently, one must always reckon with the possibility that the equation of sunna with sunna of the Prophet was achieved at the hands of anonymous transmitters or copyists through—in many cases—no longer traceable interpolations of the genitive "of the Prophet". That this is the case can often be shown by carefully collating the various versions in which these documents have come down to us. Towards the end of the 2nd/8th century, the jurist al-Shaficr (d. 204/820 [q.v.]) began to throw new light on the position of the sunna of the Prophet, in preference to that of any ancient authorities. He came to consider it the second most important root of Islamic jurisprudence after the Kur'an, hence his predilection for sunnas recorded in hadtths that were marfuc, i.e. whose isndds went all the way back to Muhammad. Thus al-sunna began to be felt as tantamount to sunnat al-nabi "the good example of the Prophet"; that is what most texts that were written during and after al-Shafi'I's lifetime convey. For a survey of the reception in later years of al-ShaficI's ideas on sunna, see Wael B. Hallaq, Was al-Shdfti the master architect of Islamic jurisprudence?, in IJMES, xxv (1993), 587-605. Although the term sunna occurs a number of times in the Kur'an, it refers nowhere to the exemplary example of the Prophet or his contemporaries, but mostly to the manner in which God chose to deal with the peoples of old who rejected the conversion endeavours of prophets sent to them. In early tafsir
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literature there are no attempts to equate certain terms from scripture with sunna or sunnat al-nabi either. It was al-Shafici who was the first to try and link up an important Kur'anic term with sunna, in an attempt to provide scriptural evidence for his insistence that sunna should be equated automatically with sunnat alnabi. The word chosen by him was hikma "wisdom", but even after his lifetime this identification does not seem to have caught on with other jurists. And, finally, the verse that comes to mind most readily as offering a good opportunity for tracing the concept sunna of the Prophet and/or that of his faithful followers in the Kur'an, namely XXXIII, 21, "You had in the Messenger of God a perfect example, etc.", was not even hinted at by al-Shaficf in his Risdla. It is Ahmad b. Hanbal (d. 241/855 [q.v.]) who mentions the verse (cf. his Musnad, ii, 15 = ed. A.M. Shakir, no. 4641) in connection with sunna. Identification of the traditionist responsible for the gloss in which the verse is cited as pertaining to the sunna of the Prophet has as yet proved fruitless. The only person for whom a case could conceivably by made is Sufyan b. cUyayna (d. 198/813), cf. al-Mizz! [q.v], Tuhfat al-ashrdf, vi, no. 7352. The relationship of Kur'an and sunna has long been a matter of debate, formulated in the question of whether a sunna could abrogate a Kur'anic verse. It has always been realised in Islam that the Kur'an was more in need of elucidation, e.g. through sunnas, than that sunnas required explanation from scripture. Even so, the debate was couched in cautious terms, lest a sunna, which is after all a custom instituted by man, was too readily taken to be capable of abrogating scripture—which is after all of divine origin— or modified the Kur'an's prima facie interpretation. In the first chapter of the Sunan of al-Dariml (d. 255/869 [q.v]) a number of traditions and opinions on sunna vis-a-vis the Kur'an are listed. The statement: al-sunna kddiyatm cald }l-Kur3dn wa-laysa al-Kur'dn bi-kddm fald 'lsunna (i.e. sunna may determine the Kur'an but not vice-versa) is ascribed to an early authority but is probably al-Darimf's own handiwork, cf. i, 153, no. 587. The term sunna emerges also in the dogmaticpolitical discussions among the doctors of theology, the mutakallimun; see CILM AL-KALAM. During the time that these disputes of, for example, adherents of the Kadariyya, Murdji'a, Rafida or Muctazila [q.vv] with their opponents occupied increasingly large numbers of theologians from the middle of the 1st/7th century until after the mihna [q.v], the so-called "inquisition" instituted by the 'Abbasid caliph al-Ma'mun, which ended in 234/848, the hadith people or ahl alhadith [q.v], busily searching for sunnas, were out of their depth and constituted no match for them. Among these theologians they even acquired the derogatory nickname haskwiyya [q.v] lit. "those that stuff", predominantly because of their credulity in respect of certain traditions, which they collected alongside sunnas, containing anthropomorphic descriptions of God [see also NABITA]. On the other hand, the ranks of sunna seekers were swollen by large numbers of traditionists suspected and/or accused of harbouring one or more of these innovative dogmatic ideas (bidcas [q.v]), but as long as they did not propagate them in their traditions by slipping such ideas into the reports they were instrumental in transmitting, they were on the whole tolerated. In retrospect, it can be surmised that, if the ahl al-hadlth, while transmitting sunnas, had shunned the participation in this activity of all those known to harbour a predilection for one or more of those bidcas, they would have been so few
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in number that the total bulk of what became known as Islam's canonical hadith would have attained a mere fraction of its present size. So traditions containing descriptions of sunnas gradually multiplied. This growth may in part be due to a hadith ascribed to the Prophet, but for the wording of which the Basran muhaddith Shu'ba b. alHadjdjadj (d. 160/776 [q.v.]), who is the undeniable common link of its isndd bundle, may be held responsible: "He who introduces in Islam a good sunna will be given the ensuing merit and the merit accruing to all those who practise/adopt it after him, but he who introduces in Islam a pernicious sunna will have to carry its burden and that of those who practice/adopt it after him", cf. al-Mizzi, Tuhfat al-ashrdf, ii, no. 3232. Shu'ba need not necessarily be assumed to be the first person to have thought of this saying, for it may be considered to have been foreshadowed in a differently worded tradition, without the crucial term sunna. On the basis of its isndd bundle, that tradition can safely be ascribed to al-Acmash (d. 147-8/764-5 [q.v.]), incidentally an alleged sympathiser of the Shfca(!) from Kufa, who transmitted it to, among others, his junior hadith colleague Shu'ba: "He who draws attention to a good (practice), he will enjoy the same reward as those who adopt that (practice)," cf. al-Mizzf, ibid., vii, no. 9986. Traditions in this vein became numerous (cf. al-Tirmidhf, al-D}dmic al-sahlh, ed. A.M. Shakir et alii, v, 41-5) but, judging by their isndds, all these originated much later than al-Acmash and Shucba. Be that as it may, the adherents to the sunna, or ahl al-sunna as they were increasingly often called, were thought of during the heyday of theological disputes as living in concealment, as strangers in their own home, that is in any case how al-Hasan b. CA1I alBarbahan (d. 329/941 [q.v.]), the author of an early Islamic creed, expressed it, cf. Ibn Abl Yacla, Tabakat al-Handbila, ii, 29, 11. 2-6. The appellative ahl al-sunna is found already in a well-known early statement on the origin of the isndd requirement attributed to the Basran muhaddith Ibn Sinn (d. 110/728 [q.v.]). This man yielded to Islam's indomitable tendency to divide society up into categories, e.g. ahl al-..., ashdb al-..., or formed by attaching a feminine nisba ending to the name of a person associated with a controversial doctrine, long before this alleged group formation constitutes a historically plausible description of the actual situation, if ever. Thus Ibn Sinn divided the people of his days into two categories, the ahl al-bidca or ahl al-bidac and the ahl al-sunna. The latter appellative became later, to be more precise at the earliest as from the beginning of the second half of the 2nd/8th century and more especially after the suspension of the mihna, that of the orthodox in Islam. Various contemporary sources convey the impression that they began to constitute the majority in Islam only after the theological squabbles culminating in the mihna had been decided in favour of Ibn Hanbal, its most notorious victim. His influence spread rapidly thereafter and he became in the eyes of the public the centre of the henceforth steadily multiplying ahl al-sunna. One individual from among the ahl al-sunna was called a sahib sunna. Probably the earliest definition of a sahib sunna is attributed to Ibn al-Mubarak (d. 181/797 [
as typical of a man who is among the first theoreticians of the ahl al-sunna. His definition of sahib sunna is found embedded in al-Barbaharf's creed which is quoted in Ibn Abl Ya'la's Tabakat al-Handbila, ii, 40, 11. 11 -20. This definition may at the same time be considered as a concise creed of Islam as a whole and constitutes in fact a polemic against the ahl albidaf, based upon a famous vaticinatio post eventum couched in the sa-tajtariku tradition. It foretells that the Islamic community will be torn asunder into 73 factions, only one of which, the ahl al-djamd'a, will eventually attain salvation, the 72 other factions ending up in Hell. The appellative ahl al-dj.amdca, lit. "the people of the community," is a well-known alternative of the appellative ahl al-sunna wa 'l-dj.amdca, an early, mainly political, designation of one of the warring parties at Siffin mentioned above. This designation survived in a number of biographical notices devoted to 2nd/8th and 3rd/9th century traditionists who were labelled as sahib sunna or sahib sunna wad}amdca. The prophetic tradition which contains the said vaticinatio had recently been brought into circulation. The numbers 1:72 may very well be considered as reflecting a symbolic, albeit somewhat hyperbolic, approximation by the ahl al-sunna of their own limited numbers, vastly outnumbered as they initially were by the ahl al-bidca. Only in the course of the second half of the 2nd/8th century does the number of people, who are provided in the biographical lexicons with the label sahib sunna, show a marked increase. Beside the collective ahl al-sunna, sahib sunna has two plurals, ashdb sunna and ashdb al-sunan, lit. "people of sunnas." On the basis of the latter plural, one may be forgiven for being struck by the coincidence that the majority of hadith transmitters found in the biographical lexicons as being described by the term sahib sunna emerge at the same time as prolific common links, each responsible for (the wording o f ) a number of traditions listed in the canonical collections. Viewed from that angle, the plural ashdb alsunan permits of the connotation "originators of sunnas." Some time later, in the course of the 3rd/9th century, one finds increasingly frequently the word sunni, plural sunniyyun, being used for members of the ahl al-sunna. As an investigation of the biographical data on a number of transmitters labelled sahib sunna makes clear, the appellatives sahib sunna and sahib hadith are by no means mutually interchangeable. Many belonging to the first category had their handling of traditions frowned upon, some were even accused of kadhib, i.e. mendacity in hadith, while many belonging to the second were known for their support of one or more bid'as (cf. Juynboll, in JSAI, x, in Bibl). But with the multiplying of Muslims defined as orthodox, sunna and Islam came eventually to be felt, by some at least, as virtually synonymous, as is witnessed in the remark of the pious Bishr b. al-Harith (d. 227/842, cf. TT, vii, 67-80): al-sunna hiya 'l-isldm wa 'l-isldm huwa 'l-sunna, i.e. sunna and Islam are in essence identical, cf. Ibn Abl Ya'la, i, 41, ult. In the writings of Abu '1-Hasan al-Ashcan (d. 324/936 [q.v.]) the orthodox of Islam finally found their niche. In his Makdldt, appellatives like ahl al-sunna alternate with ahl al-d^amd'a as well as several other genitive constructions. Curiously, probably as a consequence of the ever expanding influence of a growing sunni faction, the appellative ashdb al-isldm in this source seems to have a wider range of meaning, comprising next to the sunniyyun an assorted number of people from heterodox denominations, which may differ in each occurrence of the term and are more often than not left unspecified. It
SUNNA — SUR is as if in this—as it were—tolerant stance the definitive defeat of the ahl al-bidca is reflected now that the ahl al-sunna had started to constitute everywhere the majority. For a survey of the Sunn! creed which is still in force today, see CAKTDA. From the 4th/10th century onwards, the term sunna did not acquire new connotations or nuances. 2. As a technical term in the shan'a. Various customs, legal injunctions and a host of (mostly supererogatory) ritual prescriptions etc. received in the course of time the predicate sunna. This labelling is not supposed to indicate that the issue was due to the Prophet or the people of old, but is rather meant to express the desirability to adopt or practise it. On the scale of qualifications developed in Islamic jurisprudence, ranging from absolutely compulsory via indifferent to strictly forbidden, the so-called ahkdm khamsa, sunna came to be used in the second grade of desirability following compulsory and more or less synonymous with mandub [q.v.\ and mustahabb [q.v.], all three indicating "recommended". Anyone observing a rule labelled sunna will be awarded, but neglecting it will not automatically entail punishment. Bibliography: Ibn AbT Yacla, Tabakdt al-Handbila, ed. Muhammad Hamid al-Fiki", Cairo 1952; I. Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Halle 188990, ii, 12-27; J. Schacht, The origins of Muhammadan jurisprudence, Oxford 1950, ch. VII; idem, An introduction to Islamic law, Oxford 1964, 121 and index s.v.; idem, Sur Expression "sunna du Prophete", in Melanges d'orientalisme offerts a Henri Masse., Tehran 1963, 361-5; M.M. Bravmann, The spiritual background of early Islam. Studies in ancient Arab concepts, Leiden 1972, 123-98; Zafar Ishaq Ansari, Islamic juristic terminology before Safii: a semantic analysis with special reference to Kufa, in Arabica xix (1972), 255300; Patricia Crone and Martin Hinds, God's caliph. Religious authority in the fast centuries of Islam, Cambridge 1986, ch. V; T. Nagel, Rechtleitung und Kalifat. Versuch iiber eine Grundfrage der islamischen Geschichte, Bonn 1975, index s.v.; idem, Staat und Glaubensgemeinschaft im Islam, Zurich-Munich 1981, i, chapter III; M.A. Cook, Early Muslim dogma, a source-critical study, Cambridge 1981, index s.v.; for sunna vis-a-vis the practice Carnal] of Medina, see Yasin Button, Sunna, hadith and Madinan camal, in Journal of Islamic Studies, iv (1993), 1-31; idem, cAmal v. hadlth in Islamic law: the case of sadl al-yadayn (holding one's hands by one's sides) while doing the prayer, in Islamic Law and Society, iii (1996), 13-40; G.H.A. Juynboll, Some new ideas on the development of sunna as a technical term in early Islam, in JSAI, x (1987), 97-118; for cUmar b. £ Abd al-cAz!z and sunna, see Darimf, Sunan, ed. F.A. Zamarll and Kh. S. al-cAlamI, Beirut 1987, i, 1256, and Juynboll, Muslim tradition. Studies in chronology, provenance and authorship of early hadfth, Cambridge 1983, ch. I; for Ibn Sinn's statement, see idem, Muslim's introduction to his Sahlh. Translated and annotated with an excursus on the chronology of fitna and bidca, in JSAI, V (1984), 263-311. (G.H.A. JUYNBOLL) 3. In the modern Islamic world. Sunna has become the central point of debate in modern Muslim discussions of religious authority. Controversy centres on three issues: (i) The authenticity of hadith. In the 19th century, Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Muhammad cAbduh [q.w.] began to express doubts about the authenticity of the hadith literature (Ahmad Khan, Makdldt, i, 25-9, 48-9, ii, 187, 190, 363-8, 419; cAbduh, Risdlat al-Tawhid, 223). In the early 20th century, the doubts of these
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modernists gave way to dogmatic rejection of hadith among the Ahl-i Kur'an of Lahore and Amritsar. Antihadith views were elaborated by Aslam Dj ayradjpurf, Ghulam Ahmad Parwfz and Ghulam DjflanT Bark, and independently by Mahmud Abu Rayya in Egypt. These authors, labelled munkifin-i-hadith by their opponents, argued that traditions were not collected in writing until the 9th century; oral transmission of hadith is untrustworthy; forgery of hadith rendered the collections irredeemably corrupt; and hadith criticism was inadequate to sift authentic traditions from forged. Conservative scholars have responded with a vigorous campaign in defence of hadith (e.g. al-Sibacf, al-Sunna wa-makdnatuhd, Cairo 1961). (ii) Prophetic authority. Ciragh CA1I and 'All cAbd alRazik limit prophetic authority to spiritual matters, implicitly rejecting much of sunna. The Ahl-i Kur'an held that Muhammad's activity as prophet was limited to the Kur'an; his other actions are not binding on later generations. An Egyptian, Muhammad Tawfik Sidkl, voiced similar arguments, but Rashid Rida [q.v.] pressured him to recant (Mandr, ix [1906], 515-24, x, 140). Rida himself argued for the subordination of sunna to the Kur'an, and he has been followed by some revivalists (Mandr, xii, 693-9; Muhammad alGhazalf, al-Sunna al-nabawiyya bayna ahl al-fikh wa-ahl al-hadith, Cairo 1989). Other revivalists limit the scope of prophetic authority by distinguishing human activities of Muhammad from divinely-inspired prophetic sunna (Mawdudl, Tqfhimdt, 16Lahore 1989, 98-113). (iii) The relationship of sunna to hadlth. Seeking to salvage sunna from the ravages of hadith criticism, S.M. Yusuf and Fazlur Rahman defined sunna as the idj.mdc of the early Muslims, reflected in hadith, not derived from it (Rahman, Islamic methodology in history, Karachi 1961, 6, 18; S.M. Yusuf, in 7Q, xxxvii [1964], 271-82, xxxviii [1964], 15-25). Hadith, while not strictly historical, represents "the interpreted spirit of the Prophetic teaching" (Rahman, op. cit., Karachi 1961, 71). Later generations of Muslims must duplicate this interpretive process, not by a literal application of hadith, but by discovering the spirit of the prophetic example for themselves. While such revisionist views have not gained a wide following, they have nevertheless exerted enormous influence on modern Muslim discussions of religious authority, giving rise to a plurality of definitions of sunna reminiscent of the formative period of Islamic thought. Bibliography: G.H.A. Juynboll, The authenticity of tradition literature, Leiden 1961; Madjid, Ghulam Jildm Barq, M.A. thesis, McGill Univ. 1962; CJ. Adams, in Essays on Islamic civilization presented to Myazi Berkes, Leiden 1976, 24-57; D.W. Brown, Rethinking tradition, Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of Chicago 1993, incl. full bibl. (D.W. BROWN) SUNNI CALI [see SONGHAY]. SUR (A.), pis. aswdr, sirdn, the wall of a town or other enclosed u r b a n or b u i l t - u p space. The present article treats of town walls and fortifications in the central Islamic lands. The development of urban fortification may be divided into two main traditions: (1) the Mediterranean region, descended from Hellenistic and Roman fortifications, characterised by stone and fired brick fortifications with regular projecting towers, a type first seen in the 4th century B.C., and itself probably derived from Mesopotamian city fortifications, such as are represented in Assyrian reliefs, and (2) the Middle East, which inherited Mesopotamian and Iranian traditions, typified by massive pise (beaten earth) ramparts up
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to 20 m thick. One can also define a general chronological distinction between the earlier Islamic period, where fortifications were more or less direct descendants of ancient traditions, and the high mediaeval period, when urban fortifications are influenced by the casde-building of the Crusading period. Finally, it should also be noted that frequently a city's fortifications evolved slowly over the centuries, from before Islam up to the modern day; in many cases, such as Istanbul and Damascus, fortifications constructed before Islam continued to be used with littie modification. In addition the design of new gates and towers was constrained by the necessity to adapt to what already existed, and by long-standing local traditions in construction and materials, which dictated basic forms. At the beginning of Islam, not all cities were fortified. While the digging of a khandak (fosse) to defend Medina in the time of the Prophet was considered to be an innovation, the early amsdr at Kufa, Basra and Fustat [q.vv. and see MISR. B] were initially unfortified. Echos of the amsdr can also be seen in the absence of fortifications from Baghdad [q.v.] in the 2nd/8th century, except for the Round City, and Samarra5 [q.v.] in the 3rd/9th century. However, on the frontiers, the caliph Mu'awiya fortified the cities of the Mediterranean coast (al-Baladhurf, Futuh, 128, 143), and the cities of the thughur, the Anatolian frontier [see THUGHUR. 1], were refortified from the reign of £Abd al-Malik onwards (ibid., 165 ft0.). At Anazarbos in Cilicia (Ar. cAyn Zarba), two successive defensive circuits with regular projecting square stone towers dating from the reigns of al-Mutawakkil (3rd/9th century) and the Hamdanid Sayf al-Dawla (4th/10th century), have been identified. They replaced late Roman walls on a smaller circuit. In early new urban foundations, fortification played a mainly symbolic role. The Umayyad sites at cAndjar (Lebanon), cAkaba and 'Amman Citadel (modern Jordan) were fortified with regular half-round or square towers, similar to the light fortifications of the Umayyad kusur or "desert castles". According to the texts, the Round City of Baghdad was fortified with a double ring of walls of mud-brick, on the model of Constantinople, but in the year-long siege of Baghdad in 196-8/812-13, the Round City itself only resisted for 24 hours, owing to a defective water-supply. The surviving imitations of the Round City at Rakka [q.v.] (built by al-Mansur in 155/772) and the Octagon of Kadisiyya at Samarra3 (built by Harun al-Rashfd before 180/796) have respectively double and single mud-brick curtain walls with regular U-shaped towers. In all these cases, larger, usually circular, towers were built at changes in the line of the walls, while the wall towers are often reduced almost to the status of buttresses. The gates have single passages, flanked by a tower on each side, or, during the 2nd/8th century, the passage way was built into a single tower. Only in the Round City of Baghdad does the device of a bent entrance with a right-angled turn incorporated, seem to have been used (Creswell EMA, ii, 1-38). Most late Roman cities in the Near East did not have citadels in their fortification circuits (although their Hellenistic predecessors had); consequently, their early Islamic successors did not either. However, citadels or forts in Sasanid cities were quite common, for example, Sfraf (D.B. Whitehouse, in Iran JBIPS, ix [1971], 1-17) in southern Persia, and Karkh Fayruz at Samarra3 in Trak (see Northedge, in Mesopotamia, xxii [1987]). In the latter case, the fortifications are composed of a square fort, and a curtain wall of pise about 5 m wide, strengthened by regular half-round
solid towers. However, apart from the examples cited, no well-preserved examples of early Islamic fortifications in the East are known, although unexcavated pise circuits are known at Nfshapur and Sirdjan (4th5th/10th-llth centuries) in Persia. A further specific characteristic of eastern construction was the use of fortifications to encircle a whole oasis, such as at Bukhara, a fortification type intended to hinder nomad incursions, in the same way as linear defences such as Alexander's Wall in the Gurgan plain, and more distantly, Roman limes fortifications such as Hadrian's Wall in Northern England. In the Maghrib and al-Andalus, a tradition of square towers predominated. The fashion for U-shaped towers characteristic of late Roman western Europe and the Middle East from the 3rd-4th centuries onwards, was limited to the East under Islam, and square towers are already known in the fortifications of the Byzantine reoccupation of Tunisia (6th century). Traces of early circuits have survived at Sousse in Tunisia, where projecting square towers alternate with smaller buttresses (245/859), at the citadel of Merida (220/835) and at Madlnat al-Zahra3 outside Cordova in Spain (founded 324/936). In the 5th/llth century, the tradition of regular projecting towers was continued in the first phase of the citadel of Damascus, and in the extension of the walls of Cairo begun by Badr al-Djamali in 480/1087 (Creswell, MAE, 166-206). The three fine surviving gates of Bab al-Nasr, Bab al-Futuh and Bab Zuwayla, are each flanked by a pair of square or U-shaped towers, 20.89 and 22 m high with three storeys, and much larger than the wall towers. The period of the Crusades led to considerable change. Large citadels were built or rebuilt in the major cities of the Near East, in Cairo, Bosra, Damascus and Aleppo. The citadel of Aleppo is best known for its magnificent entrance, a single massive square tower with an interior passage with five right-angled turns, built by al-Malik al-Zahir Ghazf in 606/120910, and approached by a bridge across the moat from a forecastle built by Kansuh al-Ghawn in 913/1507. The slope of the mound was partly revetted by a glacis of stone, and the summit ringed by a wall with regular projecting towers. The city walls themselves date to the Ayyubid period and later, with an extension to the east built in the second half of the 9th/ 15th century. In Cairo, the citadel built in 572-9/117683 by Salah al-Dln is composed of two enclosures fortified by massive round towers added by al-Malik al-cAdil in 604/1207-8. There was a substantial increase in the size of towers, whether square or circular, built mainly of fine ashlar masonry, often incorporating re-used column drums, and they were now placed irregularly, to conform to the terrain and tactical requirements. At Diyarbekir in Turkey, massive 6th/12th-century towers are U-shaped and placed at changes in the line of the walls. At Baghdad, the gate-towers of the later circuit, of fired brick with stone fittings, are built on the far side of bridges across the moat. Although only the Bab al-Wastanl is preserved, the now-disappeared Bab al-Tilsiman (618/1221) was decorated with relief-carved serpents. Relief-carved decoration was also characteristic of the walls of Konya. A late version of this type is to be seen in the restoration and reconstruction of the walls of Jerusalem by the Ottoman sultan Suleyman Kanunf in 943-7/1537-40. In this case, there are few towers, probably because the objective was the pious act of protecting a holy city, and no great military activity was envisaged.
SUR — SUR In southeastern Persia, well-preserved defences dating from the Safawid period have survived at Bam, with a citadel with massive U-shaped brick towers and a brick curtain wall. At Bukhara, the system of defences in its present form dates from the 18th century, partly based on massive earlier pise ramparts, but with at least one gate flanked by half-round towers, while the new Ark was built on the site of the old citadel. New defences of the traditional type continued to be built even in the 19th century. In the 1830s, as a result of a pious donation to develop the Shf c f sanctuary, Samarra1 was fortified with a brick wall having occasional projecting solid towers. The developments in artillery fortifications typical of Europe from the 17th century onwards, star-shaped fortifications with low gun bastions projecting from the main curtain, do not find a direct reflection in the Islamic world, although in Mughal military architecture, such as the Red Fort at Agra (ca. 1635), cannon loopholes are incorporated. Bibliography. J. Sauvaget, La citadelle de Damas, in Syria, xi (1930), 59-90, 216-41; K.A.C. Creswell, Early Muslim architecture, 1st ed., vol. ii, Oxford 1940, 2nd ed., vol. i, pts. 1 and 2, Oxford 1969; idem, Fortification in Islam before A.D. 1250, in Procs. of the British Academy, xxxviii (1952), 89-125; idem, The Muslim architecture of Egypt, 2 vols. Oxford 1952-9; A. Abel, La citadelle eyyubite de Bosra Eski Cham, in AAAS, vi (1956), 93-138; H. Hellenkemper, Burgen der Kreuzritterzeit in der Grqfschqft Edessa und im Kb'nigreich Kleinarmenien, Bonn 1976; R.N. Frye, The Sasanian system of walls for defense, in M. Rosen-Ayalon (ed.), Studies in memory of Gaston Wiet, Jerusalem 1977, 7-15; J. Lander, Roman stone fortifications. Variation and change from the first century A.D. to the fourth, British Archaeological Reports, Oxford 1984; Murhaf Khalaf, Die 'Abbasidische Stadtmauer von ar-Raqqa/arRafiqa, in DaM, ii (1985), 123-31; Hellenkemper, Die Stadtmauern von Anazarbos/'Ayn ^arba, in W. Diem, and A. Falaturi (eds.), XXIV. Deutscher Orientalistentag vom 26. bis 30. September 1988 in Koln, Stuttgart 1990, 71-6; W. Lyster, The Citadel of Cairo, a history and guide, Cairo 1993; A. Northedge, et alii, Studies on Roman and Islamic cAmman, i, History, site and architecture, British Academy Monographs in Archaeology 3, Oxford 1993; Northedge, Archaeology and new urban settlement in early Islamic Syria and Iraq, in G.R.D. King and A. Cameron (eds.), Studies in Late Antiquity and early Islam, ii, Settlement patterns in the Byzantine and early Islamic Near East, Princeton 1994, 231-65; P. Cressier, La fortification islamique au Maroc: elements de bibliographie, in Archeologie islamique, v (1995), 16396; R.D. Pringle, The defence of Byzantine Africa from Justinian to the Arab conquest, British Archaeological Reports S99, 2 vols. Oxford 1981. See also the Bibls. to BURDJ, HISAR, HISN and KASABA. (A. NORTHEDGE) SUR, the Arabic name for Tyre, coastal city of southern Lebanon, regional capital of the kada3 of the same name. Built on an off-shore island, it was in the Phoenician period one of the most powerful commercial centres of the Levant. The Bible mentions a king Hiram who, a contemporary and ally of Solomon, supplied him with cedar-wood for the construction of the Temple of Jerusalem, as well as with highly skilled and esteemed masons, carpenters, goldsmiths and stone-cutters (I Kings v. 15-32). Tyre established flourishing colonies in the western Mediterranean, and its mariners were among the most adventurous of the time; it was they who, at the behest of the Pharaoh Necho, achieved the first
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circumnavigation of the African continent. The conquest of the city by Alexander was marked by the construction of a causeway linking the island to the mainland, which became over time a veritable isthmus on which the city developed. Covering an area of 15 ha, Tyre presents today the largest archaeological site of the Eastern Mediterranean coastland. Among the features excavated, one of the most significant is the main street, 175 m in length and fringed by a portico, which led to the harbour. A hippodrome and a necropolis are located on the mainland. Since 1984, the city has been designated a world heritage site by UNESCO. The Arab conquest did not trigger off a decline of the city, since Mu'awiya, governor of Damascus and founder of the Umayyad dynasty, is said to have installed there Persian colonists from Bacalbakk, Hims or Antakiya, the bulk of the population being constituted by Hellenised elements and Arab soldiers. According to al-Baladhun, the caliph Hisham had the arsenals of cAkka transferred there and built warehouses and docks; the city subsequently became, under the Marwanids, the operational base of the Muslim fleet in place of cAkka. It was very well fortified, and accessible from the mainland only by a bridge. The ancient aqueduct, fed by the well of Ra's al-cAyn or al-Rashfdiyya, still supplied water to the city, according to al-Mukaddasf. Nasir i-Khusraw, who visited the city in 1047, mentions its houses, five or six storeys high, and a richly ornamented mashhad. The inhabitants were mostly Shl c f, but the kadi was a Sunnl. The merchants of the town resented their status as vassals of great empires controlled from distant capitals, and in 388/988 the people of Tyre, led by a peasant named Alaka, rose in rebellion against the Fatimid caliph al-Hakim. When the governor of Syria sent land and naval troops against the city, Alaka appealed for help to the emperor of Byzantium, but the latter's ships were sunk, and the city was taken and sacked. In 1089, the vizier Badr al-Djamalf seized the town from the Saldjuk sultan of Damascus Tutush, and his successor al-Afdal Shahanshah punished a new uprising in 490/1097 with a fearful massacre; this was the same year that the Crusaders set out from Constantinople. The city allied itself with cAkka and Tarabulus against the invaders. In 1107 King Baldwin camped under the walls of the city for a month, only withdrawing in return for a ransom of 7,000 dinars. The Egyptian fleet, arriving too late to save Tripoli or Tarabulus, made its base at Tyre. In 1111, Baldwin resumed his siege of the town, which was relieved by Tughtakfn, sent with an army from Damascus. The Crusaders made a fresh attempt in April 1124. Venetian ships blockaded the port to keep the Egyptian fleet at bay, and after a stubborn resistance, starvation forced the people of Tyre to submit. They were offered the choice of leaving the city with their property or staying on payment of a ransom; in July, they abandoned the city, settling either in Damascus or in Ghazza. The city remained in the hands of the Franks until 1191. At this time, al-Idrisf speaks of the flourishing industries of glassware, ceramics and high quality textiles which produced the wealth of the city. On the sea side, the port was accessible by way of a narrow inlet flanked by two tall towers; it was the finest port of the entire Levantine coast. On three sides, the port was enclosed within the ramparts of the town, and on the fourth there was a wall and a kind of archway under which ships were docked. This
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port within a city could be sealed by a huge chain deployed between the two towers. After the capture of Jerusalem and the majority of coastal sites, Salah al-Dm arrived to lay siege to Tyre in November 1187, but without success. Tyre remained, with the castle of Beaufort, the last place still held by the Franks: the knights released by Salah al-Dm after each of his victories gathered there, and prepared to lay siege to cAkka. On 19 April 1192, Conrad, the deposed king of Jerusalem who resided in Tyre, was assassinated by Isma'flrs. His successor Henry of Champagne, concluded the treaty of Ramla with Salah al-Dm (September 1192); under the terms of this treaty the coast between Jaffa and Tyre remained in the hands of the Franks. The city was devastated by two earthquakes, in 1201 and 1203. Although the treaty signed in 1229 between Frederick II and al-Malik al-Kamil of Egypt maintained Frankish domination of Tyre and numerous coastal towns, the Crusaders were weakened by internal strife and rivalry between Venice and Genoa. The Mamluk sultan Baybars launched two expeditions against the city, in 1266 and 1269, but in 1270 he agreed to a treaty with the prince of the city under which the neighbouring territories were divided between them, part being placed under joint administration. Marguerite of Tyre bought from the sultan Kalawun a peace lasting ten years in return for sacrificing half of her revenues and a guarantee not to restore the city's fortifications. But after the capitulation of cAkka in 1291, the other coastal cities were incapable of resisting much longer; the city was taken by Khalfl b. Kalawun, who destroyed it. Some of the inhabitants were sold into slavery, others were put to the sword. The city remained unoccupied for several centuries, and neither the Druze amir Fakhr al-Dm Maenl in the 17th century, nor the governor of Acre Djazzar Pasha in the 18th, succeeded in restoring its dynamism. From 3,000 inhabitants in 1840, the population had grown to 6,000 by 1900; half of these were Muslims, the remainder Maronites, Greek Catholics and Jews. In 1920 the Treaty of Sevres, which dismantled the Ottoman Empire, incorporated Tyre and the Djabal c Amil into Greater Lebanon, placed under French mandate by the League of Nations. The population of the south, Shlcf for the most part, felt excluded from this Lebanese state, where it was represented by only a few families of dignitaries, wealthy quasi-feudal landowners who rallied to the new system. But in fact, the region constituted the northern sector of Upper Galilee, the southern being in Palestine under British mandate, with the major port of Jaffa for an outlet. The destiny of Tyre, already constrained by this mandatory frontier, was overturned by the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, with Zionist leaders claiming territory extending as far as the Litani river, the waters of which they wanted to control, and 14 Lebanese border villages were to be occupied until 1949. From 1967 onwards, despite the non-participation of Lebanon in the Six-Day War, southern Lebanon became engulfed in a spiral of violence from which it has yet (1996) to be extricated, and which has seriously handicapped the role which Tyre could have played in regional affairs. Another important phenomenon has been the progressive consolidation of the Shi c f community, led by the Imam Musa Sadr, who took up residence in Lebanon in 1960. Seeking to inspire the Shi'f community,
marginalised in spite of efforts made during the presidency of Shihab (1958-64) to develop the infrastructures of the south, he founded in 1973 the Movement of the Dispossessed, then in 1975, in Tyre, the Amal political party. In January 1969, in response to the destruction by Israel of Lebanese civilian aircraft, a general strike paralysed Tyre and Sidon (Sayda), with the demand that the Lebanese state introduce conscription to combat the Israeli threat. Amal was originally allied with the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), which controlled the camps surrounding the city: Rashldiyya (some 14,000 inhabitants in 1975), Burdj al-Shimali (some 10,000 inhabitants in 1975) and Bass (about 5,000). In fact, the sovereignty of the Lebanese state was challenged by Palestinian guerrilla groups, taking up residence in southern Lebanon after their expulsion from Jordan in 1971. The region of Tyre was one of their bastions, and the Lebanese army tried in vain to take control of the camps. The process which was to lead to the nationwide conflagration of 1975-6 was well advanced. In September 1972 Israel launched its first intervention in South Lebanon, and after the first phase of the civil war, in 1976, it inaugurated its policy of the "good border"; by way of numerous frontier posts, the villagers were induced to work in Israel, while the region was inundated with Israeli produce; the destruction of orchards, infrastructures and hostile villages facilitated the economic integration of the region into Israel, to the detriment of Tyre, isolated and cut off from the rest of the country. In March 1978, to halt Palestinian incursions into its territory, Israel launched "Operation Litani"; when its army withdrew in June, it retained control of a border strip of Lebanese territory, 5 to 10 km in width, in defiance of Resolutions 425 and 426 of the Security Council of the UN demanding Israeli withdrawal and creating UNIFIL, initially a contingent of 6,000 men acting as a buffer between the Syrian army deployed to the north of the Litani and the frontier zone occupied by the pro-Israeli militia of the Maronite Major Sacd Haddad, who had defected with his troops from the Lebanese army; in April 1979, he prevented the latter from re-occupying Tyre. The city of Tyre was then effectively under the control of the PLO and the Amal movement. To eradicate the Palestinian presence in Lebanon after the Camp David accords with Egypt, and to induce the Lebanese state to sign a separate peace in its turn, Israel once more invaded Lebanon on 6 June 1982; this was Operation "Peace for Galilee", in which Tyre was the target of 57 air-raids. The city was occupied, but resistance to the Israeli presence was stubborn: in September 1982 250,000 Shf'Is demonstrated in Tyre to mark the fourth anniversary of the disappearance of the Imam Musa Sadr, and in November 1983, Amal shelled the Israeli headquarters in the city. In June 1985 Israel withdraw, retaining control only of the "security zone", some 850 km2, through the intermediary of the Southern Lebanese Army of General Antoine Lahad, and Amal took over the city. But competition between Amal and the PLO for supremacy in the South led to the eruption in 198586 of the "war of the camps", the Shr'is being supported by Iran, which sent weapons and instructors to Tyre. The war between Shf'fs and Palestinians resumed on 22 October 1986, and it was not until 4 January 1988 that Amal raised the siege of the Rashfdiyya camp. Israel has continued to make incursions
SUR — SURA into South Lebanon, as in May 1988, and periodically to shell Tyre and its Palestinian camps, disrupting commerce and preventing marine fishing. The city of Tyre comprised some 54,000 inhabitants in 1980, about a quarter of the population of the kadd3, but demographic estimates are not easily confirmed on account of the high level of mobility of the population, the result of insecurity and of a traditionally substantial trend towards emigration. In 1975, the civil war raging in Beirut impelled the ShT'T population to seek refuge in the South, while the Israeli invasions of 1978 and 1982 provoked an exodus in the opposite direction. The annual demographic increase is at all events very high, of the order of 44 per thousand, as against 25 for Lebanon as a whole, and 34 per thousand for Sayda, regional capital of the muhdfaza of South Lebanon. Emigration, especially towards West Africa, has affected a substantial proportion of the Shf c f population (a quarter ?), and communities settled in clusters from Senegal to Nigeria retain close links with their region of origin. During the civil war, although cut off from the rest of the country, Tyre experienced a reasonable degree of economic prosperity, owed to remittances from these expatriates and the continuing operation of the port. But the destruction of olive and orange groves by the Israeli army, as well as, from the 1980s onward, the return of emigrants from the Gulf and Black Africa fleeing violence there, has aggravated unemployment. Before the war, in 1973, the region produced annually 280,000 tonnes of agricultural produce. The Kasimiyya canal irrigated nearly 7,000 ha, and an additional 4,000 ha were watered by some hundred wells. During the 1990s, the return of a precarious peace, interrupted by Israeli bombardments and hampered by blockade of the port, has permitted a modest economic revival, based on a boom in construction and agricultural redevelopment. The city, which had grown on the promontory joining the former island to the mainland, was the object in 1964 of a development scheme. This permitted the opening of roads in the zone bordered to the west by recent house construction and the east by the archeological excavations of al-Bass (al-Raml quarter). The port of Tyre is protected by a quay to the north, and matches the contour of the coast to the south: on one side are five small docks for fishing vessels, on the other a dock for merchant shipping. One of the main concerns of the development scheme has been the clearing of all the spaces invaded and disfigured by illegal construction, in particular on the isthmus, and the conservation of the beaches to the north and especially to the south of the city which, along with Tyre's cultural attractions, have the potential to constitute a profitable resort area. Bibliography: Baladhurl, Futuh, 116 ff., 143; MukaddasI, 163; Kudama, 255; Nasir-i Khusraw, ed. Schefer, 11, Eng. tr. Thackston, Ndser-e Khosraw's Book of Travels, 16; Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, 342-5; L. Lucas, Gesch. der Stadt Tyrus zur £eit der Kreuzzuge, Berlin 1896; W.B. Fleming; The history of Tyre, New York 1915, 80-132; A.R. Norton, Amal and the Shia. Struggle for the soul of Lebanon, Austin 1987, Annie Laurent and A. Basbous, Guerres secretes au Liban, Paris 1987; Jamal Arnaout, Permanence et mutation de I'espace littoral: cos du littoral libanais sud, diss. Paris I, 1987, unpubl.; Nadine Picardou, La dechirure libanaise, Paris 1989; Ahmad Beydoun, Le Liban, itineraires dans une guerre incivile, Paris 1993; G. Khoury, La France et I'Orient arabe. Naissance du Liban moderne 1914-1920,
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Paris 1993; Fadia Kiwan (ed.), Le Liban aujourd'hui, Paris 1994. (M. LAVERGNE) SURA, the designation used for the 114 independent units of the K u r ' a n , often translated as "chapter". The suras are distinct units, unlike the frequently arbitrary divisions of the books of the Bible made by later editors. They are also unlike the topical, chronological and other types of major divisions of other books called "chapters". Thus it seems best to leave the term "sura" untranslated, treating it as a technical term, similar to "mishnah", "seder", "sutra", "upanishad" and other terms for units of sacred writings that European languages have adopted from various religious traditions. As distinct literary units of scripture that are best not regarded as "chapters", the suras of the Kur'an have a parallel in the Psalms of the Bible. 1. Derivation and K u r ' a n i c usage. The fact that the early Muslim commentators and lexicographers offered a wide variety of opinions on the origin of the term sura, normally seeking an Arabic root (see al-Raghib al-Isfaham, Mufraddt, 248; Noldeke, Gesch. des Qor., i, 31 n. 1), shows that its derivation was not known. The older European majority view, accepted also by Noldeke (ibid., i, 30-1), derived the Arabic sura from the Hebrew shurd, used in the Mishnah for "row, series". For a discussion of a variety of imaginative theories that derive sura mostly from various Hebrew terms, along with arguments against each of these, see A. Jeffery, The foreign vocabulary of the Qur'an, Baroda 1938, 180-2. Jeffery (182) and Bell-Watt (58) conclude that sura entered the Kur'an as a technical term, most likely derived from the Syriac word for "a writing" and "a portion of scripture", thus making it parallel to kur'dn, kitdb, and other Kur'anic terms of Syriac origin that are associated with revelation or scripture. Opinions will no doubt continue to differ on the origin of this term. Regardless of its derivation, the view that its earliest usage occurs in the Kur'an is the most plausible assumption. The term sura occurs in the Kur'an nine times in the singular and once in the plural (suwar), all probably in Medinan contexts. It is useful to make a distinction between the usage of this term in the Kur'an during Muhammad's lifetime and its later usage after the compilation of the completed Islamic scripture. Within the Kur'an the term sura is best interpreted simply as "a unit of revelation", making it synonymous with some Kur'anic usages of kur3dn, ay a, and kitdb [see KUR'AN, l.b, esp. at 402a]. In most contexts the term sura seems to refer to a short unit, possibly just a few verses, such as IX, 64, in which the Hypocrites [see MUNAFIKUN] are said to be afraid "lest a sura be sent down against them, telling [Muhammad] what is in their hearts". Cf. IX, 86, 124, 'l27 and XLVII, 20, which also to refer to specific commands or information being "sent down" to Muhammad, suggesting short units of revelation, rather than the present suras. Three other contexts refer to accusations from Muhammad's opponents that he had been forging or inventing revelations. The Kur'an responds with challenges that may provide insight into the history of the suras and of the text of the Kur'an during Muhammad's lifetime. The context that appears to be trie earliest of these three is XI, 13: "Or do they say, 'He has invented it' (iftard-hu)? Then bring ten suwar like it, invented, and call upon whomever you are able apart from God, if you speak the truth." This verse is later repeated verbatim in X, 38, with one significant change: "Then bring a sura like it, ...."
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This challenge to produce only one sura equal to those recited by Muhammad is then repeated verbatim in II, 23. It is quite possible that the challenge in XI, 13, to produce ten suras equal to Muhammad's revelations reflects the period when the Kur'an consisted of a collection of mostly short recitations (see Bell-Watt, 137-41), whereas the other two verses reflect the later period in Medina when the Prophet was combining and expanding earlier revelations to form longer suras as parts of a written scripture for his followers [see KUR'AN, 5.c, at 417b-418a]. Regardless of whether this hypothesis is accepted, it seems certain that most, if not all, occurrences of the term sura in the Kur'an refer to units of revelation that were shorter than the present, long suras in which this term appears. 2. Composition and literary types. To say that the suras are distinct units does not mean, however, that they are all alike in their literary form and contents. The Kur'an contains a wide variety of literary or didactic types, but very few suras consist of a single type or treat a single topic. Those that do are notable as exceptions to the nature of the vast majority of suras. Three of the most striking of these exceptions, the first sura (a short prayer addressed to God) and the last two (charms for driving away evil powers [see AL-MUCAWWIDHATANl]), were not considered to be parts of the revelation by at least one of Muhammad's closest Companions (al-Suyutf, Itkdn, i, 64; 'Gesch. des. Qor., ii, 39-42; Jeffery, Materials, 21). For a discussion of these three distinctive suras, see Gesch. des Qor., i, 108-14. Another exception is the unique Sura of the All-Merciful (LV), which consists almost entirely of a litany, in which the refrain, "O which of your Lord's bounties will you two [human kind and the djinn] deny", occurs 31 times as a separate verse, usually every other verse. The Sura of Joseph (XII), is another exception, unique in several ways, e.g. it is the only long sura that consists almost exclusively of a single narrative, the longest narrative in the Kur'an. Virtually all other suras contain more than one major theme and literary type, the longer suras containing several of each. The issue of the composition of the suras leads to questions regarding the classification of literary types, the unity of the suras, and the chronology of the text of the Kur'an, issues that are so closely related that it is difficult to treat them separately. For a variety of reasons, classical Muslim scholars made several attempts to determine the chronological order of all of the suras, but in a number of cases could not agree even on whether a sura was Meccan or Medinan (Itkdn, i, 10-11). The order that came to be most widely accepted is now indicated in the headings to the individual suras in the Egyptian standard text of the Kur'an. The classical scholars devoted some attention to the literary forms of the suras in attempts to determine their chronological order, but the main criteria in this effort involved the contents of the suras and the traditional accounts of their historical setting or "occasions of revelation" (asbab al-nuzul) [see KUR'AN, 5.b, at 415-16]. European scholars developed a keener interest is the Kurgan's literary types. In his Historisch-kritische Einleitung in den Koran (1844), Gustav Weil stressed literary form as a major criterion in his rearrangement of the traditional chronological order and his division of the suras into "early Meccan", "middle Meccan", "late Meccan" and "Medinan" periods. For instance, he placed all short suras considered to be of the kdhin style [see KUR'AN, 7.a, 421-2] in his "early Meccan"
period. Th. Noldeke refined Weil's system in the 1st ed. of his Gesch. des Qor. (1860), and R. Blachere arranged the suras in Noldeke's order, with a few exceptions, in his first translation of the Kur'an into French (2 vols., Paris 1949-51). For a description of this four-period system, see Gesch. des Qor., 2 i, 74234; Blachere, Le Goran, Paris 1966, 11-23; KUR'AN, 5.c, 416-18, which includes a critique. The first modern attempt to classify all of the major literary types in the Kur'an was made by H. Hirschfeld, in his New researches into the composition and exegesis of the Qoran, London 1902. His categories include "confirmatory, declamatory, narrative, descriptive, and legislative", along with "parables, political speeches, and passages on Muhammad's domestic affairs". Hirschfeld surely went too far in concluding that the Meccan revelations occurred in the order of his first five categories (36, 143-5). Also, other conclusions and assumptions, along with the general tenor of his writing, are now outdated. The lasting contribution of his New researches is his convincing demonstration that any classification of literary types and themes within the Kur'an must, with some exceptions, involve parts of suras rather than suras as wholes. In her Studien (see Bibl.), A. Neuwirth classifies parts of Meccan suras according to ten thematic types: oaths, "when" passages, other sura beginnings, eschatological passages, lessons from history, hymnic passages, exhortations to the Prophet or to particular believers, polemic passages, affirmations of the revealed nature of the Kur'an, and closing summons or closing imperatives (187-201). She concludes that, except for a few isolated cases, the middle and late Meccan suras are "three-part compositions" similar to the three sections of the classical Arabic kasida, and that by far the most common sura type is "the revelation-confirmation-framed sura with a narrative comprising the middle part" (7). She cites as primary examples of this type suras VII, XI, XII, XV, XVIII, XX, XXVI, and XXVII (242). While these suras do contain stories and have references to the revelation near the beginning and end, they are far more complex than Neuwirth's presentation suggests. (For a critical review of Neuwirth's book, see A.T. Welch, in JAOS, ciii/4 [1983], 764-7; for examples of other classifications of literary types in the Kur'an, which are not intended to be exhaustive, see Bell-Watt, 75-82, and KUR'AN, 7., at 421-5.) One should also note Bell's view that references to the revelation, frequently to "the Book", that occur at the beginning of many suras are parts of introductions that were added to previous, frequently Meccan, revelations when Muhammad was preparing a scripture for his followers in the early Medinan years (see, e.g., the introductions to suras XI and XV and the captions at the beginnings of suras X, XII, XIV, etc., in Bell's Translation]. Bell completed only the preliminary research for a modern critical understanding of the composition of the suras, showing that they are far more complex than is assumed by the traditional view, which regards the suras as unities (each revealed all at one time or completed before the next one was begun) and holds that it is possible to determine the chronological order of the suras as wholes. It is now clear that some suras contain units of varying length that date from different times. Others show signs of having been revised and expanded, possibly when Muhammad recited them on later occasions or dictated them to his secretaries (see Wensinck, Handbook, 129; Bell-Watt, 37-8). W.M. Watt presents Bell's view of "The Shaping of the
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Bibl}, al-Zarkashi develops al-Razi's approach to the Qur'an", including evidences of revision and reshapnazjn of the Kur'an further through his discussions of ing of the suras, and provides a partial critique in the interrelationships (mundsabdt} among verses and Bell-Watt, ch. 6. For Bell's own descriptions of the suras (see, e.g., his second chapter, Ma'rifat al-mundcomposition of the suras, see the introductions to the sabdt bayn al-dydt, Riyad 1980, 35-52). Al-Suyuti's Itkdn suras in his Translation and his Commentary on the Qur'dn contains a chapter similar to al-Zarkashl's called Fi (see Bibl.), the latter being the long lost "Notes" to mundsabat al-dydt wa 'l-suwar, and he wrote an entire his translation. For explanations of Bell's view of the book on the order of the suras (Tartib suwar al-Kur'dn, history and compilation of the suras, see KUR'AN, 5.c, Beirut 1986). These classical writers, unlike some modat 417-18, and Merrill (in Bibl.}. Indirect support for ern commentators, provide descriptive analyses of the Bell's conclusions regarding the internal divisions within internal arrangement of the suras, without attempting the suras can be seen in AJ. Arberry's The Koran interto develop elaborate theories that argue for the organic preted 2 vols., London 1955, where the sura divisions unity or thematic coherence of individual suras and into sections or paragraphs are frequently identical groups of suras. with Bell's (see, e.g., XIX, XXIV, XXV, XXVII, A number of collective names for groups of suras XXX-XL and most of the shorter suras, LX-CXIV). occur frequently in the classical writings. Examples Blachere also acknowledges that many suras contain include al-sabc al-tiwdl ("the seven long ones", rangsections that are earlier or later than their present ing from 300 to over 700 lines in a modern printed contexts (see his Le Goran, 1969 ed.). text): II-VII and IX; al-mi'un ("the hundreds", all suras 3. A r r a n g e m e n t . The classical writers devoted other than "the seven long ones" with over 100 verses): considerable attention to the arrangement or order X-XII, XVI-XVIII, XX, XXI, XXIII, XXVI, and (nagm) of the Kur'an's words, phrases and suras, usuXXXVII; al-musabbihdt (those that begin with the forally in the context of discussing its inimitability (fd^az}. mula "All that is in the heavens and the earth gloAmong those who stressed the arrangement of the rify God", beginning with sabbaha li-lldh or yusabbihu Kur'an as a proof of its i'd^az, three stand out: Abu li-lldh): LVII, LIX, LXI, LXII, and LXIV; al-hawdmlm Sulayman al-Khattabl (d. 338/998), al-Bakillanf or al-hawdmimdt (those that begin with the initials hd(d. 403/1013), and cAbd al-Kahir al-Djurdjanl (d. 471/ mim): XL-XLVI; al-tawdsin (those that begin with the 1078). The best known of these three, al-Bakillanl, letters ta-siri): XXVI-XXVIII; al-kaldkil (those that begin devotes the majority of his famous book Fd^azi alwith kul, "Say:"): LXXII, CIX, and CXII-CXIV; and Kur'an to nagm, which he identifies as one of the three al-mucawwidhatdn ("the two [suras] for seeking refuge major proofs of the Kur'an's divinely-inspired inim[with God from Satan]"): CXIII-CXIV (mentioned itability. The wide variety of senses he gives to nazjn above). These are purely descriptive names, unlike the makes it difficult, however, to determine precisely what sura pairs and sura groups proposed by al-Farahf and he means by the term (a problem discussed by Bint Islahi, discussed below. al-Shati5 in her al-I'd^az al-baydni li 'l-Kur'dn, Cairo The commonly held and frequently repeated view 1971, esp. 100). Al-Khattabl discusses nazjn in his j that the suras are arranged in the order of their K. Baydn i'ajdz al-Kur'dn, and al-Djurdjanl in his Dald'il length, from the longest to the shortest, is misleadal-i'd^az, the latter published several times (see Bibl.). ing, since over half of the suras are significantly out These three writers employ the concept of nagm in of the order in which they would occur if descendrelation to the Kur'an's eloquence (baldghd) and its ing length were the sole criterion (see Bell-Watt, 206various literary devices involving grammar, special 12). Other conspicuous and equally important criteria word usage, and, in particular, the interrelationship involve groups of suras—such as the hawdmimdt, the (mundsabd) of words and phrases in the Kur'an, rather tawdsin, and the group of short, Medinan suras, LVIIthan treating specifically the coherence or unity of individual suras. LXIV, that include the musabbihdt (see above)—that appear together despite their widely varying lengths. Later classical writers such as al-Zamakhsharf Regarding the order of the suras within the Kur'an, (d. 538/1144), Fakhr al-Dln al-RazI (d. 606/1209), see KUR'AN, 4.a, at 410a. al-Nlsabun (d. 728/1327), and al-Zarkashi (d. 794/ 1391) continued to stress the importance of under4. Unity and c o h e r e n c e . The idea of viewing standing the nazjn of the Kur'an as an essential comthe suras as organic unities is not entirely a modern c ponent of its i dj.dz, while extending the concept to innovation. Abu Ishak al-Shatibf (d. 790/1388) wrote, include the relationships among verses, groups of verses "No matter how many subjects the sura deals with, within the suras, and groups of suras within the it is a single discourse; the end is linked to the beginKur'an. This expansion of the concept of the Kur'an's ning, and the beginning is linked to the end, and the nazjn can be seen in al-Zamakhsharf's well-known whole is devoted to a single aim" (quoted in K. Zebiri, commentary al-Kashshdf (see Bibl}, in which he relates Mahmud Shaltut and Islamic modernism, Oxford 1993, the concept to the ways rhetorical devices, sentence 143). Still, it has only been in modern times that structure, and the relationships among phrases, verses, scholars have devoted special attention to arguments and suras convey complex meanings (see Darwfsh alsupporting the structural unity and thematic "coherDjundf, Nazjn al-Kur3dnfi Kashshdjal-^amakhshari, Cairo ence" of individual suras. The Indian Kur'an com1969). Al-Razi is possibly the first commentator to mentator Ashraf cAlf Thanawf (d. 1943), whose Tafsir apply the concept of nazjn to the whole of the Kur'an, was first published in 1908, was one of the first scholarguing that it is through its exquisite arrangement ars of the modern age to emphasise the organic unity of words, phrases, and verses that the text reveals the of the suras. This same emphasis can be seen in subtlety (latifa) of its meanings. Al-RazI stresses the M. 'Abduh and M. Rashrd Rida's Tafsir al-mandr (see progressive development of ideas within the suras, Bibl.)) especially at the end of the commentary on showing how each verse leads to the next, and someeach sura where its subject matter is summarised. The times he points out similar relationships among suras. concept of the unity of the sura is prominent in Sayyid Al-Nlsabun, in his Ghard'ib al-Kur'dn (see Bibl.}, builds Kutb's commentary Fi zjldl al-Kur'dn (Cairo and Beirut, on al-Razi's approach by dividing a sura into a numseveral eds.), in which he frequently refers to the cenber of passages and linking these passages by contral theme or aim of a sura, often called its gill (metanecting their dominant ideas. In his al-Burhdn (see phorically signifying its purpose or overall character)
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or mihwar (core or axis), which unites its various sections into a harmonious whole. Mahmud Shaltut also takes for granted throughout his Tqfsir (see Bibl.) that the suras are coherent, well-ordered structures, each being a perfectly balanced whole (Zebiri, op. cit., esp. 152-5, 171-5). Hamfd al-Dm al-Farahl (d. 1930) and Amfn Ahsan Islahf (b. 1906) made the unity and coherence of the suras the primary principle of their interpretations of the Kur'an. In his Dald'il al-ni^dm, Aczamgafh 1968 al-Farahl begins by re-defining the key term nagm (or nizdm) to mean coherence, rather than simply order or arrangement. Every sura is said to possess this coherence, which consists of three essential elements, order (tartlb), proportion (tandsub), and unity (wahdaniyyd). Each sura also has a central theme, called camud, around which the entire sura revolves. Islahf adopted al-Farahfs ideas and developed them further in his eight-volume commentary, Tadabbur-i Kur'dn, Lahore 1967-80, in which he also asserts that most of the Kur'an consists of "sura pairs" (II & III, VI & VII, X & XI, XII & XIII, XVI & XVII, XVIII & XIX, XX & XXI, XXII & XXIII, etc.) that have closely related central themes. These pairs are then said to constitute seven "sura groups". Islahf found support for his innovative theory in the Kur'an by interpreting the much-debated expression sabcan min al-mathdni in XV, 87 (see Gesch. des Qor., i, 114-16; Bell-Watt, 134-5) to mean "seven (groups) of the (sura) pairs", and in the Haditji by interpreting the expression sab'at ahruf (which can be taken to refer to the seven readings of the Kur'an, though most kurrd3 deny this; see Gesch. des Qor., i, 48-51; Bell-Watt, 48-9) as referring to his seven sura groups. For further explanation and a critique of the theories of al-Farahf and Islahr, see M. Mir, Coherence in the Qur'dn, and JTie sura as a unity, in Bibl.). It is unlikely that these imaginative theories will be widely accepted. The subjectivity of these and other modern attempts to demonstrate the unity of the suras is seen in the fact that various writers, including al-Farahf and Islahr, identify different central themes for the same sura. This is only to be expected, since the majority of the suras treat several disparate topics. This new emphasis on the unity of the sura was inspired partly by a reaction to the verse-by-verse approach of the classical commentators, which often stressed grammatical and linguistic details and yielded little insight into the larger themes of the suras, and partly by a reaction to Western criticisms of the Kur'an as being disjointed, repetitious and contradictory. An equally elaborate and imaginative theory that purports to demonstrate the unity of the suras has been developed by Neuwirth in her Studien. She quotes Bell-Watt, 73, "... many suras of the Qur'an fall into short sections or paragraphs. These are not of fixed length, however, nor do they seem to follow any pattern of length. Their length is determined not by any consideration of form but by the subject or incident treated in each" (175), and then states that it is the goal of her book to disprove this view of the structure of the suras. One major thesis of her book is that the Meccan suras consist of groups of verses that are arranged in numerical patterns, often in balanced proportions, e.g., 5 + 9//6 + 6 + 6//9 + 5 in LXXIX, 6 + 5 + 5 + 6 in LXXXV, 4 + 6 + 6 + 4 in XC, and 24//20 + 20//24 in the medium-length XLIII. Most suras are not said to consist of such perfectly balanced groups of verses, but she sees definite numerical patterns in all of them (175-321). One problem is that her balanced proportions are often based on
changes which she makes in the traditional verse divisions in her ch. 1 (14-63). For this and several other reasons, her argument (314-15) that these numerical patterns show that the Meccan suras are unities going back to the time they were first recited by Muhammad is not convincing (see Welch review, loc. cit., 766). The modern critical view of the structure of the suras presented in Bell-Watt (73, 86-101) remains essentially intact. For a concise summary of the current critical view of the development and composition of the suras during Muhammad's lifetime, see KUR'AN, concluding paragraph of 5.c, at 418b-19. This view regards the suras as composite in nature, with significant components from both the Meccan and Medinan periods. It thus rejects any attempt to date and arrange the suras as wholes, including the traditional division into "Meccan" and "Medinan" suras, as well as the modern western arrangement of the suras into four periods, three Meccan and one Medinan. Questions regarding the composition, unity, and coherence of the suras are among the most disputed issues in modern Kur'an studies. These differences of opinion, however, often stem from varying assumptions and approaches—theological, historical, literary, etc. Some approaches, literary as well as theological, are synchronic, assuming the unity of the present suras and of the Kur'an as a whole. Other approaches, linguistic as well as historical, are diachronic, seeking to trace the development of the language and teachings of the Kur'an during Muhammad's lifetime. Studies based on this diachronic approach have led to the conclusion that the suras were fluid during Muhammad's lifetime, that he recited parts of some suras differently on later occasions in response to the changing needs of his followers, and that the compilers of the Kur'an after his death were loathe to omit any attested revelations and thus placed alternative passages together. This view is not inconsistent with some early Muslim traditions (see Wensinck, Handbook, 129, 131) and with the Kur'an itself (II, 106, XIII, 39, XVI, 101, etc.). Amfn al-Khulf, in his Mandhidj. taajdid (see Bibl.), and M. Arkoun, in his Lectures du Goran, 2 Tunis 1991, have called for the application of modern historical and literary studies of the Kur'an. Such studies would follow in the tradition of the classical commentators, who applied the literary and linguistic methods of their times. Studies that yield strong evidence that the suras underwent revision and expansion need not be rejected as undermining belief in the divine origin of the suras. Nor is this diachronic approach antithetical to synchronic studies. The two approaches to analysis of the suras can, and some would say should, exist side-by-side within a single modern discipline of Kur'an studies. The art. KUR'AN treats other aspects of the suras: their names (at 410), their rhymes and rhyme formulas (at 420), the formula called the basmala that precedes them (at 411-12), and the so-called "mysterious letters" that occur at the beginning of 29 of the 114 suras (at 412-14). Bibliography (besides works cited in full in the text and those in the list of standard abbreviations): c Abduh and Rida, Tqfsir al-Kur'dn al-hakim, 11 vols. Cairo 1325-53/1907-34, repr. as Tqfsir al-mandr, 12 vols. Cairo 1367-75/1948-56; Bakillanf, I'fiaz al-Kur'dn, Cairo 1963, 1972; R. Bell, The Qur'an, translated, with a critical re-arrangement of the Surahs, Edinburgh 1937-9; idem, A commentary on the Qur'dn, ed. C.E. Bosworth and M.EJ. Richardson, 2 vols. Manchester 1991; R. Blachere, Introduction au Goran,
SURA — SURA Paris 1947, 1959, 1977; idem, Le Goran, Paris 1966; Abd al-Kadir al-Djurdjam, Dald'il al-icajdz, ed. MA. al-Muncim, Cairo 1969; A. Jeffery, Materials for the history of the text of the Qur'dn, Leiden 1937; M. Khalaf Allah and M. Zaghlul Sallam (eds.), Thaldth rasd'ilfi i'djdz al-Kur'dn, 2nd printing, Cairo 1968; Amfn al-Khulr, Mandhidj tajdid f t l-nahw wa 'l-baldgha wa 'l-tafsir wa 'l-adab, Cairo 1961; J.E. Merrill, Dr. Bell's critical analysis of the Qur'dn, in MW, xxxvii (1947), 134-48, repr. in R. Paret, Der Koran, Darmstadt 1975, 11-24; M. Mir, Coherence in the Qur'dn, Indianapolis 1987; idem, The surah as a unity: a 20th-century development in Qur'dn exegesis, in G. Hawting and AA. Shareef (eds.), Approaches to the Qur'dn, London 1993, 211-24; A. Neuwirth, Studien zur Komposition der mekkanischen Suren, Berlin 1981; Nfsaburf, Ghard'ib al-Kur3dn wa-raghd'ib al-furkdn, 30 vols. Cairo 1381-91/1962-71; al-Raghib al-Isfahanf, al-Mufraddtfi ghanb al-Kur'dn, Cairo 1318/1900 and several eds.; MA. al-Sabum, Idjdz al-bqydn fi suwar al-Kur'dn, Damascus 1978; M. Shaltut, Tqfsir alKur'dn al-Kanm, 11 vols., Cairo 1988; SuyutT, alItkdnfi 'ulurn al-Kur'dn, 2 vols. Cairo 1935, 'l951, and several eds.; W.M. Watt, Bell's introduction to the Qur'dn, completely revised and enlarged, Edinburgh 1970; Zamakhsharf, TafsTr al-Kashshdf can hakd'ik ghawdmid al-tan&l, 4 vols. Cairo and Beirut, and several eds.; Zarkashl, al-Burhdn f t 'ulurn al-Kur'dn, 4 vols. Cairo 1957, 1972, and 3rd ed. Saudi Arabia [? Riyad] 19_80. (A.T. WELCH) SURA (A.), image, form, shape, e.g. siirat al-ard, "the image of the earth", surat himdr, "the form of an ass" (Muslim, Saldt, trad. 115), or face, countenance (see below). Tasdwlr are rather pictures; see for these, TASWIR. Sura and taswira are therefore in the same relation to one another as the Hebrew demut and selem. 1. In theological and legal doctrine. The Biblical idea according to which man was created in God's selem (Gen. i. 27) has most probably passed into HadFth. It occurs in three passages in classical Hadlth', the exegesis is uncertain and in general unwilling to adopt interpretations such as Christian theology has always readily associated with this Biblical passage. In al-Bukharf, Isti'dhdn, bdb I (cf. Muslim, Djanna, trad. 28) it is said "God created man after ('aid) his sura: his length was 60 ells". On this, al-Kastallani (ix, 144) says: "the suffix 'his' refers to Adam; the meaning therefore is that God created Adam according to his, i.e. Adam's form, that is, perfect and well-proportioned" (see also LCA\ vi, 143-4). But there are also other explanations. Another tradition says: "One should not say 'May God make thy face hateful and the faces of those who are like thee', for God created Adam after his sura". In this tradition, the possessive pronoun obviously refers to the person addressed. Others say that the possessive pronoun refers to God, for in one version the tradition runs: "God created Adam in the shape of al-Rahman", i.e. as regards his qualities, knowledge, life, hearing, sight, etc., although God's qualities are incomparable. The theologians are divided into two groups on the exposition of this tradition; the one refrains from any interpretation through dread of anthropomorphism, whilst the other explains the expression as an indication of Adam's beauty and perfection, an iddfat taknm wa-tashnf (like ndkat Allah, Eayt Allah says al-NawawI, see below). The second passage in which the tradition occurs is Muslim, Bin, trad. 115: "If a man fights with his brother, he ought to spare his face, for God created man after his sura'"'. Al-Nawawfs commentary on this
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tradition coincides in part with the already-quoted section in al-Kastallanf. We need only quote the following here: al-Mazarf says, "Ibn Kutayba has interpreted this tradition wrongly by taking it literally". He says, "God has a sura, but not like other suwar". This interpretation is obviously wrong, for the conception sura involves putting together, and what is put together is created (muhdath); but God is not created, therefore is not composed, therefore he is not musawwar. Ibn Kutayba's interpretation is like that of the anthropomorphists, who say, "God has a body, but not like other bodies". They quote in support the orthodox pronouncement "The Creator is a thing (shay), but not like other things". "This is, however, reasoning by false analogy, for shay3 does not involve the conception of coming into existence (huduth) and what is associated with it. Body and sura, on the other hand, involve joining together and composition and therefore also huduth", etc. We have further to deal with the concept sura in connection with the prohibition of images, which, in so far as it is known in the West, is traced to the Kur'an, like most Muslim institutions. Although this idea is one of the numerous popular errors about Islam, it cannot be denied that the prohibition of images is based on a view which finds expression in the Kur'an. In Kur'anic linguistic usage, sawwara "to fashion" or "form" is synonymous with bara3a "to create". Hence sura VII, 10, "and We have created you, then We have fashioned you, then We have said to the angels, etc.". Ill, 4: "It is he who forms you in the mother's womb as he will". XL, 66: "It is God who has made the earth for a home for you and the heavens for a vault above you, shaped you and formed you beautiful" (cf. LXIV, 3). In LIX, 24, God is called al-khdlik, al-bdri3 and al-musawwir, i.e., according to al-Baydawf, "He who takes the resolution to create things according to His wisdom, who creates them without error, who calls their forms and qualities into existence, according to His will". This linguistic usage shows complete synonymity between the concepts "to fashion, to shape", and "to make, to create". In the older Hebrew literature also, Yahweh as creator is called Tom, i.e. the potter. The roots s-w-r and y-s-r are ultimately connected. If, then, God according to the Kur'an is the great fashioner, it follows in Hadith that all human fashioners are imitators of God and as such deserving of punishment: "Whosoever makes an image, him will God give as a punishment the task of blowing the breath of life into it; but he will not able to do this" (al-Bukhan, Buyuc, bdb 104; Muslim, Libds, trad. 100). "Those who make these pictures will be punished on the Day of Judgment by being told, Make alive what you have created" (al-Bukhan, Tawhld, bdb 56). "These whom God will punish most severely on the Day of Judgment are those who imitate God's work of creation" (Ahmad b. Hanbal, vi, 36). Such are called the worst of creatures (al-Nasa'T, Masdajid, bdb 13), cursed by Muhammad (al-Bukhan, Buyuc, bdb 25), compared to polytheists (al-Tirmidhl, Qiahannam, bdb 1). Houses which contain images, dogs and ritually impure people are avoided by the angels of mercy (al-Bukhari, Bad3 al-khalk, bdb 17, etc.). The latter statement is illuminated by the story of how cA3isha once purchased a cushion (numruka) on which were pictures; when Muhammad saw it from outside the house, he stood at the door without coming in. When A'isha saw repugnance expressed on his countenance, she said, "O Messenger of God, I turn full of penitence to God and His Messenger, but what law have I bro-
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ken?" He replied, "What is the meaning of this cushion?" She said, "I purchased it for thee to sit upon and use as a cushion". Then the Messenger of God answered, "The makers of these images will be punished, and they will be told, Make alive what you have created". And further, he said, "A house which contains images is not entered by the angels" (Muslim, Libds, trad. 96; cf. 85, 87, 91-9; al-Bukhari Libds, bab 92; Ahmad b. Hanbal, vi, 172). Muhammad is said to have removed the images and statues from the Ka'ba (al-Bukharf, Maghd^i, bab 48). There are also references to this in the Sim. Here we need only quote one more remarkable tradition, which has some resemblance to the St. Christopher legend. cAh~ relates, "I and the Prophet walked till we came to the Kacba. Then the Prophet of God said to me, 'Sit down'. Then he stood on my shoulders and I arose. But when he saw that I could not support him, he came down, sat down and said, 'Stand on my shoulders'. Then I climbed on his shoulders and he stood up, and it seemed to me as if I could have touched the sky, had I wished. Then I climbed on the roof of the Kacba, on which there was an image of copper and iron. Then I began to loosen it at its right and left side, in front and behind, until it was in my power. Then the Prophet of God called to me, 'Throw it down'! Then I threw it down so that it broke into pieces like a bottle. I then climbed down from the Kacba and hurried away with the Prophet, till we hid ourselves in the houses for fear some one might meet us" (Ahmad b. Hanbal, i, 84; cf. 151). According to the Shari'a, it is forbidden to copy living beings, those that have a ruh. Al-Nawawf in his commentary on Muslim's Sahih to Libds, trad. 81 (Cairo 1283, iv, 443) gives the following summary: The learned men of our school and other culamd} say: The copying of living beings is strictly forbidden and is one of the great sins, because it is threatened with the severe punishment mentioned in the traditions. It does not matter whether the maker has made the copies from things used in little esteem or from other things, for the making of them is in itself hardm, because it is an imitation of God's creative activity. From this point of view, it makes no difference whether the image is put upon a piece of cloth, carpet, coin, vessel or wall, etc. The copying of trees, camel-saddles, and other things apart from living creatures is not forbidden. Thus far the legal prescriptions affecting the copying itself. As regards the use of articles which have on them images of living creatures, if these are hung on a wall or are on a garment which is worn, or on a turban or other article which is not treated lightly, they are hardm. If the reproductions, however, are on carpets which are walked upon, on cushions and pillows, etc., which are in use, they are not hardm. Whether the angels of mercy avoid houses which contain such articles will be discussed immediately, if God wills. In all these cases, it makes no difference whether the reproductions have a shadow or not. Some of the older jurists say: Only what has a shadow is forbidden; there are no objections to other reproductions. But this is an erroneous view. For the reproduction on the curtain was condemned by the Prophet, and it certainly had no shadow. The other traditions should be remembered which forbid all images of whatever nature. Al-Zuhrl says: Images are without exception forbidden, as well as the use of articles on which there are images or the entering of a house in which there are images, whether embroidered on a cloth or not embroi-
dered, whether they are put on a wall, on a cloth or carpet, to be trodden upon or not, on the authority of the literal interpretation of the tradition about the numruka (pillow) which Muslim records (see above). This is a very strict point of view. Others say: What is embroidered on a piece of cloth, whether for lowly use or not, whether hung on a wall or not, is permitted. They regard as makruh images which have shadows, or reproductions on walls, whether embroidered or not. They rely for this view on Muhammad's words in several traditions in the Bdb concerned: "except what is embroidered on cloth". This is the attitude of Kasim b. Muhammad. The consensus or iajmdc [q.v.] forbids all representations which have shadows and declares their defacement wdajib. The Kadi (clyad) says: "Apart from little girls playing with dolls and the permission for this". Malik, however, declares it makruh for a man to buy his daughter a doll. And some say that the permission to play with dolls was abolished by the traditions (447-8). These traditions lay it down without any ambiguity that the representation of living creatures is strictly forbidden. As regards representations of trees and such-like without a ruh., neither their making nor purchase is thereby forbidden. Fruit trees in this respect are the same as other trees. This is the view of all the culamd3 except Mudjahid [q.v.], who considers the representation of fruit-trees makruh. The Kadi (clyad) says: Mudjahid is alone in this view. He relies on the tradition, "Who is more unrighteous, than he who imitates my creation?" (Muslim, Libds, trad. 101; al-Bukhan, Tawhid, bab 56), while all the others quote the tradition, "Then it shall be said to them, put life (ahyu) into that which ye have made," for ahyu means, make living creatures (hayawdri) with a ruh. Thus far al-NawawI. In spite of the opinions of theologians and jurists, breaches are not rare, as in the case of the prohibition of wine; as, e.g., the frescoes in the bath-house of Kusayr cAmra [see ARCHITECTURE], the miniatures in Persian and Turkish manuscripts [see TASWIR. 1] and the postage stamps of the great majority of Islamic countries [see POSTA]. There have even been pictures of Muhammad in recent times. But this does not affect the fact that, among Muslim peoples, there has been neither painting nor sculpture to any considerable extent. Arabesques and calligraphy [see ARABESQUE and KHATT] may be regarded as a substitute for it. Objections were for long made to photography (see Snouck Hurgronje, Verspreide Geschriften, ii, 432-3); now these seem, in certain circles at least, no longer to be so strong or even to have been quite overcome. In the Museum of al-Dawha in Katar, one may see, in one of the rooms, rows of photographs of celebrated members of the ruling family, despite the fact that this is Wahhabl. In Cairo there appeared early an illustrated weekly al-Musawwar, produced entirely on western lines, and illustrated magazines and journals are now general in the Islamic world. This does not, however, mean that the old opinions have entirely disappeared. Chauvin gave examples of the horror of being photographed [see TASWIR. 2.], examples which still have their counterparts in the modern western world. Here too we find people objecting to being photographed because they feel as if something were being stolen from their persons or spirits. We also find the second commandment quoted literally in the West against pictures, although the usual interpretation regards it only as prohibiting the worship of idols. It may be asked whether the Muslim interdiction of images was influenced by the Jewish
SURA interpretation of the second commandment. From the literature (Flavius Josephus) on the one hand, and the coins on the other, it is evident that the Jewish extension of the prohibition of images was exactly the same as the Muslim: no living creatures, only plants and other objects. On the one hand, we may assume Jewish influence on the Muslim prohibition of images, on the other hand recognise that the foundations for this transference can already be found in the Kur'an. The Biblical idea of the creation of man by the making of an image and breathing the breath of life into it as found in the story of the Creation is also found in the Kur'an (XV, 29; XXXVIII, 72), and it is this very idea which has had great influence on traditions and legal literature. To the information from Tradition, some items of historical information may be added. When the Meccans rebuilt the Kacba after it had been damaged by a fire, they painted on its pillars pictures (suwar) of the prophets, trees and angels. Amongst these pictures, there were ones of Abraham, the Friend of God, in the shape of an elderly man drawing out the divinatory arrows [see ISTIKSAM], and ones of Jesus the son of Mary and his mother. On the day of the conquest of Mecca (the Fatty, the Prophet went into the Ka'ba, ordered a garment (thawb) to be brought, dipped it in the waters of Zamzam and commanded that all the pictures should be rubbed out except for that of Jesus and his mother, which he covered with his two hands, saying at the same time, "Rub out all the pictures apart from the ones which I am covering with my hands!". Then, raising his eyes, he saw the picture of Abraham and said, "May God cause them to perish! They have represented him as drawing out the divinatory arrows. What has Abraham to do with arrows?" (al-Azrakf, Akhbdr Makka, ed. Wiistenfeld, 111). cAta> b. Abl Rabah relates that he saw in the Kacba a picture of Mary painted (muzawwak) on the pillar at the building's entrance (ibid., 111-12). There are two items of information concerning the Prophet's revulsion at the sight of any kind of picture or image. Al-Tabarf, i, 1788, related that the Messenger of God had a shield (turs) with the head of a ram carved on it. He disliked this intensely. Hence one clay, God made it disappear. Ibn Sacd records via cAsisha a conversation which took place between the Prophet's wives, who had gathered round him when he was ill. They were speaking about a church in Abyssinia, dedicating to Mary, whilst admiring its beauty and its images (one should note that Umm Salama and Umm Habfba had been in Abyssinia with the first group of Muhammad's followers who emigrated thither). The Prophet interrupted them and said, "Those people erect on the tomb of one of the just persons amongst them an oratory (mas^id), then they paint these kind of pictures. Such people are the worst of creation" (Tabakdt, ii/2, 34). Paintings were to be found in houses. One text leads us to think that they had a propitiatory effect. c Abd Allah (or cUbayd Allah, both of these being sons of Ziyad b. Abfhi) had a dog, a lion and a ram painted in the entrance porch (dihliz), and said, "A dog which barks, a ram which buts with its horns and a grim and menacing lion" (Ibn Kutayba, cUyun, ii, 147). Another story, arising out of the legend of al-Zabbas (Zenobia) makes one think of a usage current within social relations. This queen sent a skilful painter to make for her a portrait of her enemy cAmr b. cAdI
891
(al-Taban, i, 762 ff.). A similar tale is told about Muhammad, to whom Kisra is said to have sent a painter in order to make a portrait for himself (alIbshfhf, Mustatraf, ii, 177; al-Nuwayrl, Nihdya, iii, cited in Fahd, La divination arabe, 471-2). Finally, I. Goldziher (%um islamischen Bildewerbot, in ZDMG, Ixxiv [1920], 288) drew attention to Kur'an, V, 110, where it is said that God gave Jesus the power of forming (khalakd) out of mud the figure of a bird, into which he was able to breathe (nafakha) life. This verse must have been the departure point for theological discussions which took place over the question of images in Islam. The question of the licitness or otherwise of the representation of living forms has recently been considered by historians of Islamic art, endeavouring to go beyond the blanket assertion in many textbooks that Islam was theologically and legally opposed to all such representation. A useful discussion is to be found in Oleg Grabar's ch. "Islamic attitudes towards the arts" in his The formation of Islamic art., New Haven and London 1973, 75-103. He examines the exiguous Kur'anic references as a document for the arts, finding nothing comparable to the categorical message of Exod. xx. 4 "Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven images or any likenesses of anything that is in heaven or that is in earth beneath or is in the waters under the earth", but notes that the early Islamic attitudes, as developed in Hadith, clashed with authentic information about the presence of beautiful objects with figures—mainly textiles and metalwork— in the Prophet's immediate environment, so that some adjustment and amelioration of a blanket prohibition was evolved in Tradition. Grabar sees a possible explanation of the whole question in the initial confused attitude of awe and admiration on the one hand, and contempt and jealousy on the other, towards the art and architecture of the Byzantine and Eastern Christian worlds, which passed to downright hostility towards representation of living things, conceivably in part under the influence of Judaic thought and arguments, but primarily as a reaction to, and a need for differentiation from, the overwhelming impact of the sophisticated system of Christian art, so that Islam could preserve it own unique quality. Islamic iconophobia seems also to reflect a fear of the magical, potentially evil power of images as deception, an attitude deeply embedded in the folk culture of the Middle East. Bibliography: Th.W. Juynboll, Handleiding tot de kennis van de mohammedaansche wet, Leiden 1925, 157 ff.; V. Chauvin, La defense des images chez les Musulmans in Annales de I'Acad. d'arch. de Belgique, ser. 4, viii, 229 ff., ix, 403 ff.; Snouck Hurgronje, Verspr. Geschnjten, ii, 88; idem, Kusejr cAmra und das Bildewerbot, in ZDMG, Ixi, 186 ff. = Verspr. Geschr., ii, 449 ff.; idem, Mekka, ii, 219 and n. 3; AJ. Wensinck, The Second Commandment, in Med. Ak. Amst., lix, series A, 6; the material of classical Hadith in idem, Handbook of early Muhammadan tradition, Leiden 1927, under IMAGES; Legal doctrine: Abu Ishak al-Shrrazf, Kitdb al-Tanblh, ed. A.W.T. Juynboll,' Leiden 1879, 206; Ibn Hadjar al-Haytaml, Tuhfa, Cairo 1282, iii, 215; Ghazall, Kitdb al-Wadfiz, Cairo 1317, ii, 36. See also I. Goldziher, £um islamischen Bilderverbot, in ZDMG, Ixxiv (1920), 288. For a traditional Muslim view of the Islamic attitude towards the arts, see Ahmad Muhammad Isa, Muslims and Taswir, in MW, xlv (1955), 250-68, and for a standard Western statement of the question, Sir T.W. Arnold, Painting in Islam, Oxford 1928. For collections and analyses
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of hadith and legal texts, see R. Paret, Textbelege zum islamischen Bildewerbot, in Das Werk des Kiinstlers. Studien H. Schrade dargebracht, Stuttgart 1960, 36-48; idem, Das islamische Bilderuerbot und die Schia, in E. Graf (ed.), Festschrift Werner Caskel, Leiden 1968, 224-32. (AJ. WENSINCK-[T. FAHD]) 2. In philosophy. For sura as ei8o<;, form, see HAYULA.
SURAKA B. MIRDAS AL-ASGHAR, Umayyad poet and contemporary of Djarfr and al-Farazdak [
ers. In 1755 he adopted again the title of sultan, once held by Agung, the greatest ruler of Mataram (161346), by a special act of conferment from Mecca, and as Hamengkubuwono I he became the ancestor of the formally still ruling dynasty of (Nga) Yogyakarta Hadiningrat, with its present Sultan Hamengkubuwono X (since 1988). Thus in 1755 the unity of Mataram came to its end, and was replaced by two rival kingdoms: the Kasunanan Surakarta Hadiningrat, and the Kasultanan (Nga) Yogyakarta Hadiningrat. Both, however, experienced a further partition: to the still rebellious Raden Mas Said, younger brother of Paku Buwono II, some areas of the Surakarta kingdom had to be ceded where, since 1757, he and his descendants ruled as Mangku Negara, their palace being also in Surakarta, while the British, in 1812, handed over some districts of the Yogyakarta sultanate to the Paku Alam. The influence of Islam was much less apparent in Surakarta court culture than, e.g., in Yogyakarta. The hereditary title of the ruler, Paku Buwono, means "nail of the universe" and points to his cosmic position. Priority was given to what was thought to be the authentic Javanese traditions in art, dance, gameIan music, court etiquette, batik weaving, etc., expressing the cosmic harmony. Literary life flourished with Pangeran (prince) Ranggawarsita (1802-73), who combined Javanese and Islamic mystical traditions in his philosophy. After 1830, Dutch rule over the Javanese principalities, including Surakarta, was formally indirect, using the susuhunan as highest local authority, to whom also the appanage of the leased territories had regularly to be handed over. In 1905, Javanese Muslim Batik traders in Surakarta founded the Serikat Dagang Islam ("Islamic Trading Company") against the growing competition of Chinese Batik traders who were obviously supported by the court. After a reshuffle in 1911, it developed, as "(Partai) Sarekat Islam (Indonesia)", into the most influential nationalist organisation during the two decades to come [see SAREKAT ISLAM], Great poverty and social unrest made the area of the kasunanan and its eastern neighbourhood a focus for Communist agitation. After World War II and the end of colonialism in Indonesia, the young Paku Buwono XII, who had been enthroned just a few weeks before the declaration of the independent Republic of Indonesia (on 17 August 1945), tried to maintain his sovereignty, albeit now under the umbrella of the Republic, by declaring his kingdom to be an "extraordinary region" (daerah istimewd] ruled by him, the susuhunan. Growing security problems caused by the Communists, the alleged lack of sufficient support to the republican defenders of independence against the returning Dutch (after 1946), and a general dislike of the feudal image of the kraton, resulted in the gradual reduction of the susuhunan's authority to the area of his palace, while in 1950, the city and territory of the former kingdom, together with that of the Mangku Negara, were included in the province of Central Java, Surakarta maintaining only the status of a capital city of a residency (kabupaten). Nevertheless, it is still considered as a dominant centre of Javanese traditional culture, to which some institutions of higher education have been added. Bibliography: EI\ art. Surakarta; M.C. Ricklefs, Jogjakarta under Sultan Mangkubumi, 1749-1792. A history of the division of Java, London 1974; idem, A history of modern Indonesia. London 1981, 91 ff.; H.J. de Graaf, Geschichte Indonesiens in der ^eit der Verbreitung
SURAKARTA — AL-SURAYDJIYYA des Islam und wdhrend der europdischen Vorherrschaft, in HO, III. 1,2 Liefg., 1-118, esp. 34 ff.; Paku Buwono XII, Keraton meniti arus zaman, in TEMPO weekly, Jakarta, 24 Nov. 1990, 51 ff.; C.E. Bosworth, The new Islamic dynasties, Edinburgh 1996, nos. 183-5. (C.C. BERG-[O. SCHUMANN]) SURAT, a city and port of w e s t e r n India, on the south bank of the TaptI and some 16 km/10 miles upstream from where the river debouches into the Gulf of Cambay (lat. 21° 10' N., long 72° 54' E.). The geographer Ptolemy (A.D. 150), speaks of the trade of Pulipula, perhaps Phulpada, the sacred part of Surat city. Early references to Surat by Muslim historians must be scrutinised, owing to the confusion of the name with Sorath (Saurashtra), but in 774/1373 Ffruz Shah Tughluk III built a fort to protect the place against the Bhlls. The foundation of the modern city is traditionally assigned to the beginning of the sixteenth century, when its prosperity was restored by Gopf, a rich Hindu merchant, and in 1514 it was already an important seaport. The Portuguese burnt the town in 1512, 1530, and 1531, and the present fort was founded in 947/1540 by Khudawand Khan, a Turkish officer in the service of Mahmud III of Gudjarat. In 980/1572 it fell into the hands of the Mrrzas, then in rebellion against the Mughal Emperor Akbar, who besieged and took the place in the following year. It was plundered in 1018/1609 by Malik c Ambar [q.v], the Habashf wazir of the Nizam Shahfs of Ahmadnagar [
893
with the coming of railways. It is now the administrative centre of a District of the same name in the Gujarat State of the Indian Union, with a population in 1971 of 470,000. Monuments include the mosque built by Khudawand Khan (947/1540) and that of Sayyid Djacfar 'Aydarus (1049/1639 [see CAYDARUS. no. 8]. The present population is mainly Hindu, but there is a significant Parsee community, with fire temples, and the Muslims include a significant community of the Bohora IsmacTlfs. The head of the Da'udl branch of the Bohoras, called the Ddci al-Mutlak or Mullddji Sahib, has his headquarters in Surat although he normally resides in Bombay [see BOHORAS]. Bibliography: Sir James Campbell (ed.), Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, i/1, History of Gujarat, Bombay 1896, repr. New Delhi 1989; Imperial gazetteer of India2, xxiii, 150-69; A. Wright, Early English adventures in the East, London 1914; idem, Annesley of Surat and his times, London 1918; Gazetteer of India, Gujarat State, Surat District, Ahmedabad 1962; K.N. Chaudhuri, The English East India Company, London 1965; idem, The trading world of Asia and the English East India Company, 1660-1760, Cambridge 1978; Ravinder Kumar, Western India in the nineteenth century. A study in the social history of Maharashtra, LondonToronto 1968, 275-7; B.C. Gokhale, Surat in the seventeenth century, London and Malmo 1978. (T.W. HAiG-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) SURAT AL-ARD (A.), lit. "the form or shape of the earth", the term serving as the title for two early Islamic geographical works covering the world as it was then known, that of Muhammad b. Musa al-Khwarazmr (d. ca. 232/847 [q.v]) and that of Ibn Hawkal (d. after 362/973 [q.v.]). See further DJUGHRAFIYA.
AL-SURAYDJIYYA, AL-MAS'ALA, "the question of [Ibn] Suraydj", a term in the Islamic law on divorce. The jurists term this one of the formulae of the "conditional divorce" (al-taldk al-mucallak cald shart), a type of divorce admitted by the majority of jurists and consisting of the husband addressing his wife with a formula of the kind "If you go into this house, you are divorced". In most of the Jikh treatises, extended developments of a casuistic nature are devoted to the different forms of this type of divorce, forms distinguished from each other by the particular conditional particle used (man, in, idhd, matd, etc.) in the formula of divorce or by the terms of the condition evoked. The mas'ala suraydjiyya envisages the case of a divorce formula in the following terms: "When I divorce you, you will have already been divorced, before this divorce, three times" (matd tallaktuki fa-anti tdlikm kablahu thaldthm). Different jurists, including the Shafi'f Ibn Suraydj (d. 306/918 [q.v])—after whom this question is named—considered that a formula like this remained invalid (i.e. realisation of the condition did not entail that of that which was made conditional), since, they said, "affirmation of a divorce leads to its negation". There is a "circular argument" (dawr) here, as alSubkl notes, because in this case, when a husband divorces his spouse, one must consider whether this act is already a third one (hence irrevocable), and if one considers that the woman is already divorced in that fashion, the taldk pronounced (or the realisation of the condition) lacks any object and cannot therefore have the effect of provoking a threefold divorce. Certain jurists held that a simple (not threefold) divorce resulted, whilst others, that a threefold divorce depended entirely on this form of conditional divorce.
894
AL-SURAYDJIYYA — SURT
Bibliography. Shirazi, al-Mudhahhab, ed. Dar alFikr, ii, 99; Subkr, Tabakdt, ed. al-Tanahl and alHilu, ix, 245-6. (£.' CHAUMONT) SURGUN [see Suppl.]. SURRA (A.) lit. "purse", a sealed purse containing coins. In this meaning it is found in early Arabic papyri. It stands for the late Roman sacculwn signatum or greek follis (see Hendy). The surra was used for monetary transactions. Purses with a defined amount of money were sealed, because coins usually differ in weight (see Goitein). In 9th/15th century Mamluk Egypt, surra is used for a purse of money distributed as a gift by the ruler. Ibn lyas mentions foremost the purses annually given to the culamd3 and fukahd* as well as the gifts given to the Sharif of Mecca on the occasion of the HOQ^Q^. Before this period, the general terms in'am [q.v.] or sadakat were applied for those gifts. After 922/1516 the Ottoman sultan became the protector of the Holy Cities. Surra developed into a financial and administrative term (Tkish. sum}. It defined all expenses of the Pilgrimage caravan, payments to the Bedouin tribes for its safe-conduct, payments to the Sharif in Mecca, as well as payments to the people connected with the services in religious institutions in Mecca and Medina, and later in Jerusalem too (see Shaw). From the 19th century, several descriptions of the connected office of the amm al-surra by amirs of the Pilgrimage and European travellers are known (see Peters, Stratkotter, Landau). Bibliography: Ibn lyas (d. 930/1524), Bada'i' alzuhur ft wakd'i' ad-duhur, 5 parts, Cairo 1983-4, indices 4 parts, Cairo 1984-2; S.D. Goitein, A Mediterranean society, i, Berkeley-Los Angeles 1967, see 231-4; M. Hendy, Studies in the Byzantine monetary economy c. 300-400, Cambridge 1983, see 33844; J. Landau, The Hejaz Railway and the Muslim Pilgrimage, Detroit 1971; F.E. Peters, The Hajj. Princeton 1994, see 268-9; SJ. Shaw, The financial and administrative organization and development of Ottoman Egypt 1517-1798, Princeton 1962, see 253-71; R. Stratkotter, Von Kairo nach Mekka, Social- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Pilgerfahrt nach den Berichten des Ibrahim Rif'at Bdsd: Mir'dt al-Haramain, Berlin 1991. (S. HEIDEMANN) SURS or SURI dynasty, a line of Dihll Sultans (947-62/1540-55) founded by the Afghan commander Shir Shah Sur b. Miyan Hasan [q.v.], who had been in the service of the preceeding LodI sultans [q.v.]. This brief Indian dynasty's period of rule spanned the interval between the first reign of the Mughal Humayun [q.v] (937-47/1530-40) and his second reign and the final consolidation of Mughal rule (962/1555). From a base in Bihar, Shir Shah in the 1530s made himself master of northern India, including Bengal, and twice repelled invasions from Agra by Humayun, so that in 947/1540 he assumed the sultanate (for details of his career and reign, see SH!R SHAH SUR). When he was killed in warfare at Kalindjar in 952/ 1545, he was succeeded by his younger son Islam Shah (952-61/1545-54), who managed to hold the sultanate together in the face of ambitious Afghan nobles, whose landed power he endeavoured to reduce; but on his death in autumn 960/1553, the throne was seized by Mubariz Khan, who murdered Islam Khan's son Flruz Shah and assumed royal authority as Muhammad cAdil Shah. The next year was filled with anarchy and strife as the central authority in Dihll, and the sound administrative and financial system of Shir Shah and Islam Khan, collapsed. Various members of the Sur family such as Ibrahim, Ahmad
and Muhammad Khans contested the throne from such bases as Lahore and Bengal, with the commander Tadj Khan Karara.nl rebelling at Gwaliyar. Assuming the throne in Dihll, Ibrahim Khan soon had to yield power to Sikandar Khan; an important additional figure in these power struggle was the Hindu general of the Surs, Hemu, who was eventually killed combatting the Mughals at the second battle of Panlpat [q.v]. This confusion within the Sur family enabled Humayun to reappear in 962/1555, occupying Lahore, defeating the Afghans at Sirhind [q.v] and entering Dihll in 4 Ramadan 962/23 July 1555. Bibliography: For both primary and secondary sources, see the Bibl. of SHIR SHAH SUR, to which should be added R.C. Majumdar (ed.), The history and culture of the Indian people. VII. The Mughul empire, Bombay 1974, 68-103; I.H. Siddiqui, Sher Shah Sur and his dynasty, Jaipur 1995; C.E. Bosworth, The New Islamic dynasties, a chronological and genealogical manual, Edinburgh 1996, no. 160. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SURT, a mediaeval city of Libya, also known today as al-Mudayna or Madlna Sultan, lies 55 km/34 miles east of the modern city of Sirt. It was originally a Punic emporium called Charax. Later, in Roman times, it was called Iscina and became the site of a Jewish colony. In many Berber revolts against Byzantine authority the city seems to have been destroyed. After the Umayyad conquest of North Africa, the town has no recorded history except for the fact that the Mindasa, Mahanha, and Fantas branches of the Butr confederation of Berbers began to settle there. To the east of them, the Mazata and the Lawata Berbers were settling, and to the west of them and beyond Tawarga up to Tripoli [see TARABULUS AL-GHARB] were the Hawwara Berbers of the rival Baranis confederation. All these settlers from Adjdabiya [q.v] to Tripoli seem to have been converted to IbadI Kharidjism around the mid-2nd/8th century. KharidjI affiliation made these townships independent of the newly-established cAbbasid caliphate. These settlements are mentioned by the Muslim geographers al-Ya'kubl, Ibn Khurradadhbih and al-MukaddasI, but the most detailed description is given by Ibn Hawkal, who passed through Surt in 336/947 on his way to the Fatimid capital al-Mahdiyya [q.v]. He describes Surt as lying a bow-shot away from the sea, built on hard, sandy ground with strong walls of mud and brick. It was inhabited by Berber tribes who owned farms there. They had cisterns to store rainwater and they harvested sufficient dates, grapes and other fruit. They bred goats and camels and mined alum, which they exported. The city grew wealthier than the neighbouring Adjdabiya and paid tribute to the Fatimid caliph. Ibn Hawkal mentions the walls and cisterns, but not a mosque or forts. A Muslim community without a mosque is not imaginable, and one must have been built by the original IbadI settlers. The forts were probably built later by the Fatimid caliph al-Mucizz (341-65/952-75 [q.v.]) in preparation for the final march of his general Djawhar [q.v] for the conquest of Egypt. Al-MakrlzI gives the date 355/965. In the period after the Fatimids' shift of their capital to the newly-built city of Cairo, the entire Syrtic region became a battleground between the Fatimids of Egypt and the new Berber rulers, the Zlrids [q.v] of Kayrawan. For a time, the Zanati Berber Banu Khazrun of Tripoli, who declared themselves independent of the Zlrids, controlled the Syrtic region and brought it into a temporary alliance with the Fatimids. Also at this time (429/1037), we read about the settlement of the Arab Bedouin tribe of Zughba
SURT — SURURI
895
He was well educated, noted for his command of and later of Riyah and Kurra, all members of the Arabic and Persian, as well as Urdu, and excelled in Hilal group, in this region, and this later exploded calligraphy. He was also an expert musician. He was into the great Hilalian invasion of 443/1051, in the trained in poetry by a pupil of Suz [q.v.], Nawazish. aftermath of which we have the report of al-Bakrl He was a friend of the poet Ghalib [q.v.], who regarded (d. 476/1083), "It is a large city by the sea and enhim as the leading, Urdu prose writer of his age. closed by a wall of bricks. It has a mosque, a bath Apparently, Surur fell foul of the Nawwab of Lucknow and bazaars. It has three gates: Kibll [i.e. southeast], Ghazf al-Dln Haydar Shah, and had to leave for Djawfi [i.e. landwards], and a small one facing the Cawnpore and Benares, where he wrote his mastersea [i.e. north]. This city has no suburbs around it, piece, the romantic novel Fasdna-yi Ca^d3ib. For furbut possesses date-palms, gardens, sweet-water springs ther information about this work, see KISSA, 5. In and many cisterns. Its animals are goats and their Urdu, at vol. V, 202. The tide of the work is apt, meat is juicy and tender, the like of which is not meaning "Story of wonders", as it contains "plenty found in Egypt." The new elements are a mosque, of necromancy and witchcraft, spiced with adventures the bath, and bazaars. Al-Bakn's report was the basis in charmed forests and duels with demons and wizards" of the modern excavations in this area. He hints at (Saksena). It is an archetypal ddstdn or fairy-story in the existence of Arab, Berber, Persian and Coptic the tradition of the old mathnawis [q.v.]. Two features merchants, whose commercial practices he criticises. must, however, be stressed. Firstly, the prose style In the later Fatimid period, Surt began to be tends to be ornate with much rhyme. But Muhammad abandoned, being probably no longer a junction of Sadiq does concede that "whenever the story interest east-west and north-south trade routes. The decline predominates ... he comes quite close to the spoken of Surt and Adjdabiya is attested by al-Idrfsf (d. 561/ language of the day, and is racy and idiomatic". 1166), who seems to have visited the Syrtic region. Secondly, considerable light is shed on contemporary In the next century, CA1I b. Sacid al-Maghribl (d. Lucknow life, seen in the long introduction. Surur 685/1286) talks of Surt's forts having survived. In the played an important role in the rise of the Urdu 19th century, the Ottoman writer Ahmad al-Na'ib alnovel. He was imitated and, at times, satirised. Future Ansarf also mentions Surt, but mainly on the basis developments were to come from European—chiefly of al-Bakrfs report. English—influences. Although written in 1824, FasdnaThe city withered away between the 6th/12th and yi Cad[d3ib was not published until nearly twenty the early 19th centuries. It is at this time that westyears later. In the meantime, Surur, had returned to ern exploration and modern archaeology revived Lucknow, and had been appointed a court poet to knowledge of it. The Beachey brothers visited it in Wadjid cAlr Shah, Nawwab of Awadh or Oudh who 1821; Heinrich Barth in 1846 (whose ideas were was, however, exiled by the British to Calcutta in restated by Karl Miiller); G.A. Freund in 1881; Luigi 1856. Surur was left destitute, but later enjoyed the Cerrata in 1931; and Richard Goodchild in 1950. patronage of the Maharadjas successively of Benares, Later explorations by cAbd al-Hamfd Abu 'l-Sacud Alwar and Patiala. He died in Benares. in 1963-4, Muhammed Mustafa in 1965-6, H. Blake, The position of Surur in Urdu literary history is A. Hutt, and D. Whitehouse in 1971, and by Geza c that his fame is in one form only, the novel; indeed, Fehervari, Abu 'l-Sa ud and Geoffrey and Joan King, c almost entirely in one work. Yet, he excelled in sevas well as Mas ud Shaghluf and E. Chin, in 1978, eral fields, and this was recognised by his contemhave covered four seasons of excavations revealing poraries. Unfortunately, little of his vast output is walls that encompassed the city during the time of 2 readily available in print. This is attested by Saksena, Ibn Hawkal within 184,003 m , the mosque, the forts, writing in 1927. Among works mentioned are a review the cisterns, and the roads and gates. No trace of the of Ghalib in rhymed prose, and an adaptation of the harbour remains, but as evidence of trade, 20 Fatimid Arabian Nights, Shabistdn-i Surur. There is also a conlustre fragments and a coin of the time of the caliph, al-Mucizz have been discovered. gratulatory ode on the marriage of Prince Edward, later King Edward VII. Very little of his works, apart Bibliography: 1. Sources. Ya'kubl, Bulddn, 3446; Ibn Khurradadhbih, vi, 85, 86, '224; MukaddasI, from his prose, has survived, and of that, his works on calligraphy and music have been forgotten. As for iii, 245; Ibn Hawkal, ii, 67-8, tr. Kramers-Wiet, 63-4; Bakrl, al-Mughrib fi dhikr bildd Ifnkiya (= part j his poetry, although it must have been of a high of his al-Masdlik wa 'l-mamdlik) ed. de Slane, Algiers order, no diwdn is to be found. Some poems are avail1857; CA1I b. Sa'fd al-Maghribl, al-Mughrib Ji hula able in his prose works and in various anthologies. 'l-Maghrib, quoted in Abu '1-Fida3, 149; Makrfzf, According to Saksena, though he was a member of 3 M'dz al-hunafd , ed. Dj. al-Shayyal, Cairo 1967, 59the Lucknow school, he followed an independent path, 96; Ibn cldhan, i, 230, 243-5; 251-2 Ahmad alscorning artificiality and bombast. On the whole, c Na'ib al-Ansarf, al-Manhal al- adhbfi ta'nkh Tardbulus Saksena's account of Surur is one of the best parts al-gharb, Tripoli n.d. 119-20. of his History of Urdu literature, though at times verbose Studies. R.G. Goodchild, Medina Sultan (Charaxand inconclusive. It does show him as a controverIscina-Surt), a preliminary note, in Libya Antigua, i (1965), sial figure who merits further study. c 132-42; Abd al-Harmd Abu '1-Sa'ud, Early mosque Bibliography: Surur's letters describing his travels at Madinet Sultan, in ibid., iii-iv (1966-7), 155-60; in northern India were published, and are praised H. Blake, A. Hutt and D. Whitehouse, Adjdabiya in by Saksena. For further information, reference the earliest Fatimid Architecture, in ibid., viii (1971) 105should be made to KISSA. 5, and also to Muhammad 20; A. Hamdani, Some aspects of the history of Libya Sadiq, A History of Urdu literature, Oxford 1964, and during the Fatimid period, in Libya in history, Beirut Ram Babu Saksena, History of Urdu literature, Alla1970, 321-48, and Suit the city and its history, in The habad 1927. _ (J.A. HAYWOOD) Maghreb Review, vi/1-2 (1991), 2-17. SURUR, NADJIB [see NADJIB MUHAMMAD SURUR]. (A. HAMDANI) SURUR, MIRZA RADJAB £ALI BEG (ca. 1787-1867) early writer of Urdu fiction, born in Lucknow, for which city he retained great affection all his life.
SURURI (SURURI), the p e n - n a m e (makhlas) used by several Ottoman poets, of whom the following two are the most remarkable: 1. MUSLIH AL-DlN MUSTAFA, a d i s t i n g u i s h e d
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philologist and commentator, born in Gallipoli in 897/1491 the son of the merchant Sha'ban. After studying with learned men of renown, he became a mulazim of Fenarf-zade Muhyi '1-Dfn Efendi [q.v], who appointed him bdb nd'ibi in 927/1521 when he was kadi of Istanbul. After an interval in his career during which he became a derwish of Nakshbendf Mahmud Efendi, the sheykh of the Emir Bukharf zdwiye, Sururi became muderris in 930/1523-4 of the Saridja Pasha medrese in Gallipoli, then of the Pin Pasha zjawiye in Istanbul in 933/1526-7, and in 944/1537-8 he became the first muderris to teach at the medrese which (Giizeldje) Kasim Pasha [q.v.] had Sinan build in the quarter of Istanbul named after him. Although he resigned in 954/1547 to resume the life of a derwish, he later returned to the Kasim Pasha medrese (lecturing also on Djalal al-Dln Rumf's Mathnawi-yi ma'nawt in the Kasim Pasha mosque in the afternoons). In 955/1548 he was appointed tutor to Mustafa [see MUSTAFA. 3], the ill-fated son of Siileyman the Magnificent, for whom he wrote some of his best-known works. Upon the execution of this prince in 960/1553, he withdrew into private life, teaching in the mesdjid he had had built in the Kasimpasha quarter of Istanbul. (The author of the Kiinh el-akhbdr, 'All [q.v.], also a native of Gallipoli, was a pupil of his here in 965/1557-8.) He died on 7 Djumada I 969/13 January 1562 and was buried at his own mesajid (but nothing remains of either his tomb or mesdjid). The works of Sururf, who was mainly a commentator and translator, treat a great variety of topics, such as exegesis of the Kur'an, prophetic tradition, Islamic law, logic, astrology, medicine, grammar, and literature. Of over thirty commentaries of his (some in Arabic or Persian) his Hdshiya on al-Baydawf's Anwar al-tanzil and his sharks on al-Bukharf's al-Sahih, on the Isdghudjl [q.v.], and on al-Mutarrizf's al-Misbdh are among the best-known. Especially remarkable among his translations is that of al-Kazwfnfs cosmography 'Adid'ib al-makhlukdt, a synopsis with the title Kitdb el-'adj.d'ib we 'l-ghard'ib. As to literature, his commentaries on Sacdfs Bustdn and Gulistdn and even more so those on Hafiz's Diwdn and on the Mathnawiyi ma'nawl are famous, that on the Mathnawi having even earned him the epithet of Shdrih-i Methnewi. Among his original works, Bahr el-macdrif, a compendium of prosody, rhyme, rhetoric elements, and terms of dlwdn poetry (with samples from Arabic and Persian poetry), which he wrote for prince Mustafa in Turkish, was deservedly held in the highest esteem over the centuries. Surun is also the author of a Turkish diwdn (he remarks himself that he wrote the majority of his 500 ghazek in his youth), but the fragments of his poetry that have reached us are not remarkable. Bibliography: The tedhkires of Sehl, Latffi, cAshik Celebi, Kinali-zade Hasan Celebi, Beyani, Riyadf and Kaf-zade; 'All's Kiinh el-akhbdr; Ewliya Celebi, Seydhat-ndme, Istanbul 1314, i, 426; cAtaT, Dheyl to the Shakd'ik al-nucmdniyya, Istanbul 1268, 23-5; Hammer-Purgstall, GOR, iii, 318; idem, Geschichte der Osmanischen Dichtkunst, ii, 287-9; Huseyin Aywansarayl, Hadlkat el-ajewdmi', Istanbul 1281, ii, 4-5; Siajill-i 'othmdnl, iii, 12; 'Othmdnli mii'ellifleri, ii, 225-6; Brockelmann, II2, 579, S II, 650; F. Babinger, art. in El1, s.v.; C. Baltaci, XV-XVI. asirlarda osmanh medreseleri, Istanbul 1976, 214-6; O.F. Akiin, art. in I A, s.v. Sururi; Ba§langicmdan gunumu'ze kadar biiyiik tiirk kldsikleri, iv, Istanbul 1986, 165-7; A. Qelebioglu, Kanuni Sultan Siileyman devri tiirk edebiyati, Istanbul 1994, 114, 117.
2. SEYYID 'OTHMAN, the greatest O t t o m a n writer of chronograms (tdnkhs), which mastery earned him the epithet Muwerrikh, the chronogrammatist. He was born in Adana on 25 Rablc I 1165/11 February 1752 as the son of Hafiz Musa. He came to the capital in 1193/1779 encouraged by Yahya Tewfik Efendi, who later became Sheykh el-Isldm, and who the same year changed the poet's pen-name from Hiiznf (which he had already used six years) to Surun. Through his intercession, Sururf became a miildzim of Sheykh el-Isldm Escad-zade Mehmed Sherif Efendi; as such, he had to live in straitened means until his several appointments as kadi starting 1195/1781. During the years 1203-4/1788-90 he was the htkhiidd of his close friend the poet Siinbiil-zade Wehbf Efendi [q.v] in Eski Zaghra (Stara Zagora, in southern Bulgaria, where the latter was kadi). He died on 11 Safar 1229/2 February 1814 and was buried beside Siinbiilzade Wehbl Efendi outside Edirne kapisi in Istanbul; neither grave exists today. Sururf's talent as poet was not all-encompassing (his kasldes and ghazels are not remarkable) but restricted to the writing of chronograms, where however he showed such mastery that he earned for himself the position of unrivalled master of the Ottoman tdnkh. He stands apart from all other Ottoman poets who wrote chronograms before and after him, having written an incomparably greater number of tdrikhs (nearly 2,000) on an unlimited variety of topics, commemorating events ranging from the historic to the most trivial everyday occasion, often with a touch of humour. His admirable ease of composition is especially evident not only when he commemorates one and the same event with a great number of tdrikhs but also when he inbeds an amazing number of chronograms in one and the same hemistich or verse. Sururi's Diwdn, which he called Neshdt-engiz, was printed at Bulak in 1255/1839. He is also the author of Hezeliyydt (humoristic and satirical poems) under the makhlas Hawa'I; these were printed twice in Istanbul (undated) and include about 100 tdnkhs. Especially often lampooned by Sururl was Siinbiil-zade Wehbl Efendi [q.v], who retaliated in like manner. Sururf's predilection for the chronogram is also shown by his putting together a collection of tdnkh mlsrdfs (chronogram hemistichs; this includes but a very few tdnkh verses) from his own work as well as from that of poets who were his predecessors or contemporaries. This collection, which had been enlarged through additions by the poet Kecedji-zade [see CIZZET MOLLA] and the official historiographer Escad Efendi [q.v], was printed by Djewdet Pasha [q.v] in 1299/1881-2 at Istanbul with the title Surun medjmu'asr, about half of the ca. 2,300 tdnkhs in this collection are by Sururi. Bibliography: Fatm, Tedhkire, Istanbul 1271, 18990; Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte der osmanischen Dichtkunst, iv, 489-94; Djewdet Pasha, Beldghat-i cothmdniyye, Istanbul 1299, 185-98; Ebiizziya Tewfik, Surun-i miiwerrikh, Istanbul 1305; Mu'allim NadjI, Surun, in Medjmuca-yi Mu'allim, 1305, 111-6; Sidjill-i cothmdm, iii, 13; Gibb, HOP, iv, 265-78; 'Othmdnli mu'ellifleri, ii, 238; Babinger, GOW, 379; idem, art. in £/', s.v.; O.F. Akiin, art. in IA s.v.; I. Yakit, Tiirk-isldm kiiltiiriinde ebced hesabi ve tarih dii§iirme, Istanbul 1992, 198-210. (EDITH G. AMBROS) SURURI KASHANl, the pen-name of Muhammad Kasim, Persian l e x i c o g r a p h e r of the 10thllth/ 16th- 17th century. His father, HadjdjI Muhammad, is said to have been a shoemaker. Sururl, during his early youth, practised the same profession but, later turned to
SURURI KASHANl — SUS scholarship. According to a tradition, he was endowed with a prolific memory and could recite thirty thousand verses by heart. He chose to reside in Isfahan, and there he is reported to have met the traveller Pietro de la Valle, who visited the city in 1032/ 1622-3. Sururl made a journey to India and was in Lahawr during the reign of Shah Djahan in 10367 1626-7. From there he went on a pilgrimage to Mecca, but died on the way. Sururl was the author of the famous Persian-toPersian dictionary, the Madjmac al-Furs "A collection of words from the Persian language", also known as Farhang-i Suriiri. In the preface of the book (see Farhangi maajma' al-Furs, ed. Muhammad Dabfr Siyakl, Tehran 1338/1960, i, 1-6), the author states that he compiled his dictionary after consulting a number of works, gives the names of many of these works, and dedicates his production to Shah c Abbas I [q.v.]. Several years later, he prepared an enlarged edition of his book after he had come into possession of Djamal alDfn Husayn Indju's dictionary, the Farhang-i Djahdngm, a copy of which was brought to him from India, and from which he was to benefit in the revision of his own work. In the meantime, Sururl had compiled a concise version of Maajmac al-Furs, named Khulasat alMaajmac, the preface of which carries an endorsement to Ftimad al-Dawla Hatim Beg, minister of 'Abbas I. It must have been composed not later than 1018/160910, since the Catalogue of the Sipah Salar Library refers to a copy of the work in a private collection bearing that date (see Fihrist-i Kitdbkhdna-yi Madrasa-yi c Ali-yi Sipah Sdldr, Tehran 1316-18/1938-40, ii, 222). Sururl's Maajma' al-Furs is a useful piece of Persian lexicography; for the meaning of its terms, which are arranged according to their initial and final letters, it provides illustrative examples from the works of the poets. Surun was also a poet, and some of the verses composed by him are cited by Muhammad Tahir Nasrabadl in his Tadhkira, ed. Wahid Dastgardr, Tehran 1361/1982, 291. Bibliography: In addition to references in the text, see also H. Blochmann, Contributions to Persian lexicography, in JASB, xxxvii/1 (1869); P. de Lagarde, Persische Studien, repr. Osnabriick 1970; Rieu, Catalogue of Persian manuscripts in the British Museum, ii, Add. 7681; Blochet, Catalogue des manuscrits Persans, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, i-ii, 995; Sayyid Muhammad 'All Dacl al-Islam, Farhang-i M^dm, Tehran 1364/1985, v; Dihkhuda, Lughat-ndma, s.v. Surun; Muhammad Mu c fn, Farhang-i Fdrsi, v, Tehran 1371/ 1992; Sacld NafTsI, Tdrikh-i nagm u nathr dar Iran wa dar zabdn-i FdrsT, i, Tehran 13_63/1984; Dhablh Allah Safa, Tdrikh-i adabiyydt dar Iran, v/1, Tehran 1372/1994; Muhammad 'All Tabriz!, (Mudarris), Rayhdnat al-adab, ii, Tabriz (?) 1328/1949; Shahriyar Nakwf, Farhang-nawm-yi Fdrsi dar Hind u Pakistan, Tehran 1341/1962; J. Rypka et alii, History of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968; Ahmad Gulcin-i Macani, "Madjmac al-Furs", in Maajalla-yi adabiyydt u culum-i insdni, Ddnishgdh-i Firdawsi, x/1 (Mashhad 1353/ 1974)._ (MUNIBUR RAHMAN) SURUSH, MUHAMMAD CALI KHAN, p r o m i n e n t Persian poet of the K a d j a r period. He was born around 1228/1813 in Sidih, a district of Isfahan. His ancestors were artisans and farmers, and his father was reportedly a butcher by trade (see Diwdn, i, introd., 2). About 1243/1827 Surush moved to Isfahan after his father's death. There he completed his education and also discovered his poetic vocation. In 1247/1831 he left Isfahan to find suitable patron-
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age, and travelled to various cities. Finally, he settled down in Tabriz, where he gained access to the heirapparent, Nasir al-Dln. When the latter came to the throne in 1264/1848, Surush accompanied him to Tehran, and after the death of Ka'anl in 1270/1854, succeeded the latter as the foremost poet of Nasir alDln Shah's court. The monarch awarded him the title of Shams al-Shucaras and later elevated him to the rank of Khan. He died at Tehran in 1285/18689 and was buried in Kum. In his poetry, Surush was a follower of old masters like Anwarl, Mu'izzl and Farrukhl [^.y^.]. His main field of literary activity was the kasida, in which he is reckoned among the leading exponents of his age. Besides kasidas, he composed several mathnawi?,, of which Urdibihisht-ndma "Book of Urdlbihisht" and Rawdat al-asrdr "Garden of mysteries" are perhaps the most significant. The former, which comprises over 9,000 couplets, represents an account of the Prophet's life. The second mathnawi, Rawdat al-asrdr, comprises a little over 1,150 couplets. It was first published in 1286/1869-70, and deals with the tragic events that took place at Karbala'. The poet is also credited with the composition of a mathnawi, modelled on Firdawsi's Shdh-ndma and describing the history of the Kadjar dynasty from its inception to the time of Nasir alDln Shah. Another achievement for which Surush is remembered relates to his involvement in the translation of Thousand and one nights into Persian. This rendering, made by Mulla cAbd al-Latlf TasudjI, owed its verse extracts to the efforts of Surush, who replaced the Arabic originals either by substituting them with verses drawn from the works of Persian masters or, where it was not possible, by translating them himself. Bibliography. Surush, Diwdn, ed. Muhammad Dja'far Mahcpub, Tehran 1339-40/1960-1, i-ii; Rida-kuli Khan Hidayat, Madjma' al-fusahd\ ed. Mazahir Musafta, ii/1, Tehran 1339/1960; Sayyid Ahmad Diwan Beg!, Hadikat al-shucardy, ed. cAbd al-Husayn Nawa'I, i, Tehran 1364/1985; Muhammad Kazwfni, Wafaydt-i mucdsinn, in Tddgdr, v/1-2; Muhammad CA1I Tabriz! (Mudarris), Rayhdnat aladab, Tabriz (?) 1328/1949, ii; Djalal al-Dln Huma'I, Surush Isfahan!, in Makdldt-i adabi, Tehran 1369/ 1990, i; Rida-zada Shafak, Tdrikh-i adabiyydt-i Iran, Tehran 1321/1942; Ibrahim Safa5!, Nahdat-i adabiyi Iran dar casr-i Kddjdr, Tehran (?) n.d.; J. Rypka et alii, History of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968; Muhammad Djacfar Mahdjub, Ddstdnhd-yi cdmiydnayi Fdrsi, in Sukhan, xi/1; Yahya Aryanpur, AZ Sabd td Mmd, Tehran 1350/1971, i; Muhammad Muc!n, Farhang-i Fdrsi, Tehran 1371/1992, v; cAbd al-Rafi c Haklkat (Rafi c ), Farhang-ishufard3, Tehran 1368/1990. (MUNIBUR RAHMAN) SURYA [see AL-SHA'M]. SUS (A.) "licorice", i.e. the root, and more specifically the decoction from the root of Glycyrrhiza glabra L. var. (family Fabaceae), a perennial herb indigenous to southern Europe and western Asia. Arabic synonyms of sus (a common Semitic word corresponding to Akkadian shushu and Aramaic shushd) include fud al-sus and shaajarat al-furs, whereas the Persian mahak/ mathak seems to reflect Sanskrit madhuka; the Greek name yta>X\>PPlCa5 of which licorice is a corruption (< late Latin liquiritia], literally means "sweet-root". From ancient times, the herb has been cultivated throughout the Mediterranean. It grows up to one metre, with four to eight egg-shaped leaves, and axillary bunches of blue flowers. The long, thin underground roots are flexible, fibrous, easily cut, coloured yellow inside, and have a distinctively sweet taste. The
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SUS — AL-SUS
powder obtained from the dried root is supposed to hold cathartic properties, and was added to beverages and cataplasms. The evaporated juice extracted by boiling the root (succus liquiritiae) is mainly used as an expectorant in the form of lozenges or syrups, but it is also considered useful against pain in the stomach, kidneys, and bladder; besides, it serves as a mask for bitter medicines, and the sweetmeat known as licorice candy or black sugar is made from it. Bibliography: I. Low, Die Flora derjuden, ViennaLeipzig 1924, ii, 435 ff.; W. Schmucker, Die pflanzliche und mineralische Materia Medica im Firdaus al-Hikma des Tabari, Bonn 1969, 253 no. 409; idem, Ein Beitrag zur indo-arabischen Arzneimittelkunde und Geistesgeschichte, in £MDG, cxxv (1975), 77; Ibn alBaytar, al-^dmic li-mufraddt al-adwiya wa 'l-aghdhiya, Baghdad n.d., iii, 42-3. (O. KAHL) AL-SUS, the early Islamic form for the ancient site of Susa in the south-west Persian province of Khuzistan, modern Persian Shush. It lies on the plain between the two main rivers of Khuzistan, the Karun and the Kerkha [q.w.], which were once connected by canals, and the Shawur river runs along the western side of the site. From at least the second millennium B.C., it was the capital of the Elamite kingdom, destroyed by the Assyrian Ashurbanipal in the 7th century B.C., but rebuilt by the Achaemenids and a flourishing town under the Sasanids; Syriac sources show that it was the seat of a Christian bishop in the years A.D. 410-695. Sus fell into the hands of the Arabs in 17/638 (or the next year), when Abu Musa al-Ashcarf [q.v.] carried through the conquest of Khuzistan. The forces there, commanded by the Persian governor Hurmuzan, apparently offered little resistance to the Muslim troops (cf. the Syriac Chronicle, ed. Guidi, in Actes du 8e Congres Intern, des Orient., in JA [1891], 32, and history of the Armenian Sebeos of the 7th century; see Hubschmann, in %MDG, xlvii [1893], 625). The older historians alBaladhurf, Futuh, 374 ff., and al-Tabarl, i, 2561-7, know nothing of severe fighting with the natives and a destruction of the city by Arab troops, mentioned by al-Mukaddasf (and cf. Loftus, op cit., 344). Under Islam, Sus remained for several centuries more a populous flourishing city—we have coins struck in it (cf. W.K. Loftus, Travels and researches in Chaldaea and Susiana, London 1857, 400)—but it was no longer the capital of the whole region of Khuzistan or Ahwaz; this role now fell to the city of Ahwaz (more precisely Suk al-Ahwaz; see AL-AHWAZ). Sus was now merely the capital of one of the seven (and at times more) divisions of this district. To the district of Sus belonged several smaller towns, notably Karkha (Syriac Karkha dhe Ledhan), which is well known from Syriac literature. Sus was surpassed in importance not only by the capital Suk al-Ahwaz but soon also by other places in Khuzistan, e.g. Shushtar [q.v.] or Tustar and cAskar(a)Mukram [q.v}. All these three places lay on the river Karun, towards which during the caliphate the political and economic centre of gravity of the region moved. The Arab geographers emphasise the busy industries of Sus, notably weaving, which was highly developed. Its silk was famous (cf. the Diwdn of Ibn Kays al-Rukayyat, ed. Rhodokanakis, in S.B. Ak. Wien, cxliv [1902], 63 v. 8, and R.B. Serjeant, Islamic textiles. Material for a history up to the Mongol conquest, Beirut 1972, 40-1, 44-5). The lemons grown here were held in particular esteem; in the Middle Ages a good deal of sugar was grown around the town and still more was refined in the town. According to al-Mukaddasf, in his time (end of the 4th/IOth century), the town
proper had already fallen into ruins; the population lived in a suburb. Al-IdrfsI (tr. Jaubert, Paris 1836, i, 381, 384) makes Sus still thickly populated at the middle of the 6th/12th century, and Benjamin of Tudela, who travelled through the Near East a few years later, says that there were no less than 7,000 Jews here with 14 synagogues. The two banks of the river "Ulai"—the Shawur (see above) must be meant— were united by a bridge; on the west bank was the quarter of the poor (cf. Ritter, Erdkunde, ix, 305; Loftus, op. cit., 320). The Persian geographer Hamd Allah Mustawfi, writing in the 8th/14th century, describes Sus as still a flourishing town. But we are justified in doubting whether this is really accurate at this late period and was not simply taken from earlier writers. It is certain that Sus became more and more completely deserted from the 15th century, and this agrees with the results of the French excavations, according to which most of the remains of the Arab period discovered in Sus belonged to the 14th and 15th centuries (see de Morgan, Memoires de la Delegation en Perse, Paris 1900 ff., viii, 32). Dizful [q.v.], to the north-east of Sus, which only appears to have come into prominence since the Mongol period, and is now an important town in Khuzistan ('Arabistan), may be in some way considered the successor of the mediaeval Sus. The very extensive ruins at Sus have been under investigation since the time of the British scholar W.K. Loftus in 1851-2, in the 20th century above all by French archaeologists (for a good survey of the site, see Sylvia A. Matheson, Persia, an archaeological guide, 2 London 1976, 147-52). The site includes the tombmosque of the Prophet Daniel [see DANIYAL] , called by the local people Plr or Payghambar Daniyal. According to Arabic sources, the sarcophagus and bones of Daniel were found after the capture of the town by the Arabs (al-Baladhun, 378; al-Tabart, i, 840, 2566), although another tradition held that Daniel's sarcophagus was found at Shushtar, so that the two towns disputed over possession of the saint's relics, which were highly venerated for their curative properties (see al-Mukaddasf, 417, who accounts this rivalry amongst the casabiyydt of Khuzistan). The country round Sus suffers for nine months of the year from the glowing heat of the South Persian sky. In January, however, a luxurious, almost tropical, vegetation springs up after the winter rains. The rich pastures that then cover the soil attract the nomads thither. In the spring it is mainly Arabian Bedouins that camp here and, indeed, they are in the majority in Khuzistan generally, so that this district is actually often called 'Arabistan by the Persians. The region of Sus is particularly visited by the tribes of CA1I Kathfr and Bam Lam [q.v.]. On the CA1I Kathfr, who migrated hither over three centuries ago from Nadjd in Central Arabia, cf. A.H. Layard, in JRGS, xvi (1846), 33, 56, 90; Loftus, op. cit., 327, 331, 356, 358, 381-2, and Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, 417. Of the great tribe of CA1I Kathfr, we are here mainly concerned with two of its subdivisions, the Kacb and Zabba (cf. Layard, op. cit., 33). The Kacb [q.v.] were originally members of the powerful Kacb tribe leading a nomadic life on the lower Karun; see Layard, op. cit., 37-9, 41-5, and Loftus, op. cit., 285-6, 381, 390. Lur nomad tribes are often found in the plain of Sus. At the beginning of May all is again as quiet as the grave. Even the guardian of the tomb of Daniel leaves the district, which is filled with miasma from the swamps and the heat now becomes unendurable. The site of al-Sus is now marked by the town of Shush, the chef-lieu of a bakhsh in the shahrastdn of
AL-SUS — AL-SUS AL-AKSA
Dizful. In ca. 1950 it had a population of around 5,000, which had risen by 1991 to 48,134 (Preliminary results of the 1991 census, Statistical Centre of Iran, Population Division). Bibliography: For a detailed bibl. of early travellers and researchers, see El1 art. s.v., and in addition to references given in the article, see Noldeke, Geschichte der Perser und Amber, Leiden 1879, 58; Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 240-1; Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, 313, 358-64; Admiralty Handbooks, Persia, London 1945, 82, 86, 228-31, 298, 426-7; A. Gabriel, Die Erforschung Persiens, Vienna 1952, 29-30, 135, 236-9 and index; F.McG. Donner, The early Islamic conquests, Princeton 1981, 216-1_7. _(M. STREGK-[C.E. BOSWORTH]) AL-SUS AL-AKSA, a district in the s o u t h of M o r o c c o , forming a triangular plain about 120 miles long by 25 to 26 miles broad with an area of about 7,500 square miles. On the west it is bounded by the Atlantic Ocean and on the north by the last slopes of the Great Atlas and on the south by the Anti-Atlas, gradually narrowing till it reaches the junction of these two ranges. It is watered by the Wad! Sus and its tributaries. The Arab geographers of the Middle Ages usually distinguish between al-Sus al-aksd, "Farther Sus" and al-Sus al-adnd "Hither Sus". Al-Sus al-adnd seems in those days to have meant the whole of northern Morocco with Tangier as its capital, and al-Sus al-aksd, the whole of the massif of the two Atlases. According to Yakut, the distance which separated the two Sus was two months' journey. The term al-Sus al-adnd seems in any case to have been very early ousted by that of Gharb. The same geographers praise the excellence of the products of Farther Sus and describe it as a thickly populated country. AlIdrfsf speaks of the cereals which grew there—wheat, barley and rice, fruits of all kinds in abundance— nuts, figs, grapes, quinces, pomegranates, lemons, peaches, apples and, particularly, an incomparable sugar-cane. When he wrote, a sugar was made in the Sus that was celebrated throughout almost the whole world. Cloth which enjoyed a good reputation was also made there. The same author gives some notes on the people, who were a mixed race of Masmuda Berbers. He charges them with a lack of urbanity, coarseness and insolence. The dress of the men consisted of a kisd3 of wool which enveloped them entirely, with a mi'zdr of wool around the waist which they called dsfdkis. They were armed with short spears with steel heads. They drank a liquor made from the must of sweet grapes which they called an&z and considered it a permitted beverage as it did not bring about drunkenness. 1. History. These notes show clearly that the term al-Sus aladnd was then applied to a much wider area than at the present day; it included not only the valley of the Wadf Sus but also the mountainous country towards the Hawz of Marrakesh, the Dra (Darca) and the Tafilalt. Farther Sus, as a province of the Maghrib, has always been closely connected with the history of the whole country and with the histories of the different dynasties which have successively established themselves there. In 117/735 it was conquered and converted to Islam by Hablb b. Abf 'Ubayda, the grandson of 'Ukba b. NafT. Under the IdrTsids it passed on the death of Idns II in 213/828 to his son cAbd Allah, at the same time as the massif of the Great Adas with the towns Aghmat and Nafis. It was next one of the main objectives of the
899
Almoravids [see AL-MURABITUN] when they thrust their way northwards. In 451/1059 the general Abu Bakr b. cUmar seized the towns of Massat and Tarudant but the authority of the Almoravids was never very secure in the Sus, in spite of the submission of the province to Yusuf b. Tashfin in 478/1085. The Sus played a prominent part in the early days of the Almohad movement in the Maghrib. It was, along with the plain of Marrakesh, the centre of Almoravid resistance against the attempts at expansion by the companions of the Mahdl Ibn Tumart beyond the massif of the Grand Atlas where the movement began. A son of the Almoravid ruler 'All b. Yusuf, Baggu, organised the resistance there and it was only in 535/1140-1 that the caliph {Abd al-Mu'min definitely conquered the whole of the Sus. During the whole period of the Almohad dynasty it was one of the most important provinces of the empire. On its decline in the reign of al-Murtada (646-65/124866), it was the scene of a rebellion on a great scale fomented by the agitator 'All b. Yaddar. This individual, a former dignitary of the Almohad court, wishing to found a little independent kingdom in the Sus, appealed to the Arab tribes settled between Tlemcen and the Rif, the DawT Hassan and the Shabbanat of the Ma'kil group. He was able to hold out against the Almohad governor of Tarudant, but his success was not of long duration. In 1266 the Almohad prince Abu Dabbus, with the help of MarTnid contingents, regained the province from him and seized Tfzakht and Tlyunlwln. Nevertheless, the independent kingdom of the Sus was able after the final fall of the Almohads to maintain some sort of independence in the period of the early Marfnid sultans until the reign of Abu '1-Hasan cAlf, who broke it up for ever. In 1504 the Portuguese gained a footing on the coast of Sus in the bay of Agadfr [q.v] and founded the fortress of Santa Cruz; it was a strategic point of great importance, the gateway to a rich hinterland and at the same time an excellent harbour, one of the best on the Atlantic coast of Morocco. The people of the country tried in vain to dislodge the garrison; in order to harass it unceasingly and to blockade it by land they established quite close to the Portuguese station, a ribdt or concentration point and residence of the "volunteers of the faith" who used to come there in relays to deliver open attacks on their Christian foes or prepare murderous ambushes for them. Between the sea and Tarudant, a zdwiya was soon formed to take charge of the local d^ihdd, the zdwiya of Teds!, the cradle of the Sa'dian [q.v.] dynasty. It was founded by some Hasan! Shurafd3 [q.v.], whose ancestor Ahmad b. Muhammad b. al-Kasim, had come in the 12th century from the Hidjaz and settled in the valley of the Wad! Dar'a, at Tagmadart. His descendants then migrated to the Sus near Tedsi, settled there and took up a position in the country which daily increased in importance. At the beginning of the 16th century, the head of the zdwiya, Muhammad b. cAbd al-Rahman, became the real leader in the holy war in the Sus; assisted by his two sons, Ahmad al-Acradj and Muhammad al-Shaykh, he displayed great activity and denounced the impotence of the ruling dynasty to the people. He was not long in achieving his object; the tribes of the Sus proclaimed him their sultan in 1510. He died soon afterwards, leaving his son to continue his work. The eldest, al-Acradj, who had assumed the title of king of the Sus in the lifetime of his father, established himself as sovereign in Tarudant and in 1541 succeeded in driving the Portuguese finally out of Agadlr.
900
AL-SUS AL-AKSA
We see from the above what a large part the Sus played in the history of the first of the two Shanfian dynasties of Morocco. The Sa'dians also always kept a watchful eye on this vital part of their empire. Muhammad al-Shaykh al-Mahdl was the first to extend the cultivation of sugar in the Sus and thus created an important source of revenue for the treasury. It was in the reign of the great prince Ahmad al-Mansur that this province saw its greatest revival of prosperity. A regular army, formed of citizens recruited in the Sus, at this time formed the garrison of Marrakesh and relations between the capital and the province were never closer. But after the death of alMansur, when anarchy once more reigned throughout the empire, the Sus did not escape the various rebellions which broke out on all sides. Prince Zaydan, a claimant to the throne, made his headquarters there. A few years later, the Sus fell into the hands of a powerful rebel, Abu '1-Hasan CA1I al-Samlalf, called Abu Hassun, who made an alliance with the Fllalf Sharif of Sidjilmasa. But this alliance was only ephemeral, and the early days of the second Shanfian dynasty of Morocco were marked by the struggle between Abu Hassun and the cAlawid pretenders of Talffalt. He was succeeded on his death by his son Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad, who was soon brought to terms by the 'Alawid sultan al-Rashld. In 1670 the latter led an expedition to the very heart of the Sus and captured the stronghold of nigh. Next year, the people of the Sus sent a deputation to him at Marrakesh to offer their submission. The latter was not of long duration, for in 1677 Sultan Mawlay Ismacfl had to send an expedition to the Sus and another in 1682. The country was finally pacified, and at the end of his reign when Mawlay Hasan divided his empire among several of his sons, the Sus fell to Muhammad al-cAlim, with Tarudant as his capital. But this prince only went to his domain to set up as a pretender to the throne, and from this time onwards, we find each successive cAlawid sultan forced to suppress one or more rebellions in the Sus during his reign. We may just mention the expeditions to put down rebellions sent by Mawlay cAbd Allah (1733), Mawlay Sulaiman (1802) and particularly those of Mawlay al-Hasan in 1882 and 1886. The Sus was not definitively brought under the control of the Protectorate administration till the 1930s. 2. The present position. Climatically, the Sus is clearly an arid region, with an average annual rainfall of less than 250 mm. From April to October, in particular, precipitation is totally absent. The water courses are unable to supply this because the affluents of the Wad! Sus only have water when they come down from the mountains, and even the main channel dries up through seepage into the ground. It is only through use of the underground water-table that surface cultivation for human needs there has been possible. Downstream from Tarudant, in the Huwwara country, as likewise between the Wad! Sus and Tiznit, amongst the Shtuka, wells are numerous, with their water in previous times raised by animalpower but now by diesel pumps, except where the waters held back by the dam completed in 1973 on the Wad! Massa have not changed everything. Nevertheless, only one-fifth of the surface area of the Sus is used for agriculture, a proportion by no means the least of all the lowlands of Morocco. In addition to winter barley and a little maize in summer, the traditional peasant cultivates vegetables for his own use and also for market. He also has orchards of olive trees, almonds, figs and pomegranates. Within
the modern sector of the economy, there are important citrus fruit plantations irrigated from pumps, all along the Wad! Sus and near the coast, and early produce, above all tomatoes, which arrives on European markets out of the normal season. Otherwise, it is bare plain which, towards the north and east, blends with the wooded slopes of the same kind as in the High Atlas and Anti-Adas, the open forest land of the argan trees. The argan is exploited by man, who presses from its fruit an edible oil which is appreciated and who leads up goats to browse on the foliage. 3. The towns. The main town of the Sus is no longer Tarudant [
AL-SUS AL-AKSA — SUSA
admit them to petty trading activities; since the 1980s, a minority of them, who have become entrepreneurs, have jostled with the Fas! bourgeoisie for positions, above all in the agricultural, food-producing sector. Bibliography: Idrfsf, Sifat al-Maghrib, ed. Dozy and de Goeje, text, 61 ff., tr. 71 ff.; BakrT, Description de I'Afrique septentrionale, 356; Yakut, s.v.; Ya'kubT, Bulddn, 136; Abu '1-Fida3, Takwim al-bulddn, index; E. Fagnan, Extraits inedits relattfs au Maghreb., Algiers 1924, index; Ibn Khaldun, Kitab al-clbar, Histoire des Berberes, tr. de Slane, Tableau geographique and indices; E. Levi-Provencal, Documents inedits d'histoire almohade, Paris 1927, index; all the Muslim historians of the Maghrib, passim; G. Ma^ais, Les Arabes en Berberie du XP au XIVe siecles, Paris 1913, index; H. de Castries, Les sources inedites de I'histoire du Maroc, Paris 1905 ff., passim., numerous documents relating to the political history and economic of the Sus; de Foucauld, Reconnaissance au Maroc, Paris 1888; A. Berbrugger, Itineraires et renseignements sur le pays de Sous et autres parties meridionales du Maroc, in Renou, Description geographique de I'empire du Maroc; V. Demontes, La region marocaine du Sous, in Bulletin de la Societe de Geographic d'Alger (1901), fourth trimestre, 536-82; A. Le Chatelier, Tribus du Sud-Ouest marocain: bassins cotiers entre Sous et Draa, Paris 1891; R. de Segonzac, Excursion au Sous, avec quelques considerations preliminaires sur la question marocaine, Paris 1901; idem, Excursion dans la vallee de I'Oued Sous (Maroc), in C.R. de I'Academie des Inscriptions et BellesLettres, Paris (1900), 162-73; L. Thomas, Voyage au Goundafa et au Sous, Paris 1919; G. Rohlfs, Voyage au sud de I'Atlas; P. Schnell, L'Atlas marocain; R. Basset, Relation de SidiBrahim de Massat, Paris 1883; S. Gauvet, La culture du palmier au Sous, in RAfr., no. 292 (1914), 29-87; Delhomme, Les armes dans le Sous Occidental, in Arch. Serb. (1917), ii, 123-9; H. Dugard, La colonne du Sous (janvier-juin 1917), Paris 1918; L. Justinard, Un petit royaume berbere: le Tazerwalt. Un saint berbere: Sidi Ahmed ou Moussa, Paris 1954; P. Pascon and M. Najji, Le Makhzen et le Sous al-aqsa. Correspondance politique de la maison d'lligh (1821-1894), Paris 1988; M. Soussi, al-Macsul, 20 vols., Casablanca 1961; idem, Siis al-cdlima, Rabat 1984; R. Basset, La dialect berbere de Taroudant, in GSAI, viii (1895), 1-63; H. Stumme, Dichtkunst und Gedichte der Schluh, Leipzig 1895; idem, Mdrchen der Schluh von Tazerwalt, Leipzig 1895; idem, Handbuch des Schilhischen von Tazerwalt, Leipzig 1899; E. Laoust, Cours de berbere marocain: dialectes du Sous, du Haut et de I'Anti-Atlas, Paris 1921; E. Destaing, Etude sur la tachelhit du Sous. I. Vocabulaire franfais-berbere, Paris 1920; E. Gerenton, Les expeditions de Moulay el Hassan dans le Sous, in Revue de I'Afr. francaise, c (1924), 269-86; D. Nordmann, Les expeditions de Moulay Hassan, in Hesperis-Tamuda (1980-1). 123-52; L. Justinard, Notes d'histoire et de litterature berbere, in Hesperis (1925), 227-38; idem, Notes sur I'histoire du Sous au XIX™ siecle, in ibid. (1925), 265-76, (1926), 545-53; idem, Poemes chleuhs recueillis au Sous, in RMM (1925), 63-108; P. Galand-Pernet, Recueil de poemes chleuhs, Paris 1972; E. Laoust, Pecheurs berberes au Sous, in Hesperis (1923), 237-64; R. Montagne, Une tribu berbere du Sud-Marocain: Massat, in ibid. (1924), 357-403; idem, Les Berberes et le Makh&n dans le Sud du Maroc, Paris 1930; idem, Naissance du proletariat marocain, Paris 1951.
(E. LEVI-PROVENIAL-[CL. LEFEBURE]) SUSA, the Tunisian town of Sousse. 1. Site. Susa is built on a 40 m high hill which dominates the Kasba. It is delimited by two wadis, to the north
901
and the north-west by Wadi Bhban and its affluent Wad! '1-Kharrub, and to the south by Wad! '1-Halluf, near the Sabkhat Susa. The subsoil is essentially of sedimentary origin with ancient alluvial deposits, while to the north and the south, near to the sea, the alluvial deposits are recent. Like other neighbouring settlements, such as al-Kalca al-Kabfra, al-Kalca al-Saghlra, Akuda and others, Susa has always had a defensive character. It lies on the Mediterranean coast in the eastern-central part of Tunisia at 35° 51' lat. N. and 10° 36' long. E. Winters are therefore mild; the average rainfall is limited to 69 days per year, while the region has a reduced cloud cover and a great deal of sunshine. Susa lies in the centre of the Sahil, in an agricultural, industrial and heavily populated region. Due to its commercial port, the town is the outlet of a large area in central Tunisia, especially of the steppes around al-Kayrawan [q.v.] and Kasrfn. It is also a junction of roads and railways, and as such, it connects the northern and southern parts of the country. 2. History. Founded by the Phoenicians around the 9th century B.C. (see Tissot in Bibl), it had developed into an important town at the height of Carthage. After 146 B.C., Susa, known to the Romans as Hadrumetum, became the county town of a Roman colony. In the 3rd century A.D., it was the capital of the province of Byzantium. After the Vandal period, Susa was reconquered by the Byzantines and renamed Justiniapolis. The Arabs, under command of £Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr, conquered and destroyed the town in 27/647. The Christian basilica, built in the 4th century, was razed to the ground. Between 158-797 775-96, Yazld b. Hatim, the 'Abbasid governor of alKayrawan, had the first small fort built on part of the foundations of the basilica. In 821 the Aghlabid Ziyadat Allah destroyed the south-western tower of the fort and constructed a ribdt [q.v.] instead. The Great Mosque was built in 237/851—in later times it was to be restored several times, most recently in 1964—and the ramparts of ancient Hadrumetum were restored in 245/859 and again in 602/1205. From that time onwards, the ribdt lost its military function and remained just a dervish convent. Another much higher watch tower, the Burdj Khalaf, was constructed at the south-western corner of the town wall, on the highest spot of the site together with a new kasba. The Aghlabids also provided Susa with a powerful arsenal; it was from this port that Asad b. al-Furat, kadi of al-Kayrawan, undertook the conquest of Sicily [see SIKILLIYA. 1], According to the Arab geographers, the town counted many bazars with a multitude of merchandise, fruit, meat, and textiles. After this period of prosperity, Susa knew a relative decline, due to plundering by Arab nomads who, between the 5th/llth and the 8th/14th centuries, arrived from Upper Egypt. Susa regained a certain importance under the Turkish domination. After alMahdiyya [q.v.] had been ruined in the 9th-10th/15th16th centuries, Susa remained the most important town of the Sahil, with a population of ca. 15,000 inhabitants. European travellers such as Peyssonnel describe Susa as a town which lived largely on the products of the soil. Many inhabitants were landowners, and most of its industries depended upon rural products: oil-works, soap factories, pottery, fabrication of sandals (balgha), weaving of burnouses and blankets. But Susa was also a town of trade: local commerce
902
SUSA — SUTRA
in the suks and at the weekly Sunday market (suk al-ahad), which took place near the Bab al-Gharbi, as well as trade with Europe and the Orient. To a great extent, this trade depended upon al-Kayrawan, which served as an entrepot of the steppes and of a part of the al-Kaf region in the north-west. Towards the end of the 13th/19th century, Susa, with some 7,000 inhabitants, was the most active town after the capital Tunis; but its role then became strictly regional. 3. The modern period. At the beginning of the French Protectorate, towards the end of the 19th century, the urban structure of the Sahil had already become evident. For a very long time, Susa had been surrounded by urban settlements whose industries were exclusively agricultural. Two of these, Kala Kebira and Msaken, were more densely populated than Susa itself. The Protectorate immediately reinforced the tertiary character of Sousse by establishing Civil Control, enlarging the port and developing public transport, especially railways. Between 1896 and 1911, Susa was linked by railways with Tunis, Kayrawan, Moknin, Mahdiyya, Henshir Suwatir and Sfax. Food industries and public facilities were set up, serving both the town of Susa and the Sahil as a whole. After Tunisia became independent in 1956, Susa was made the seat of a wildya and developed into a regional metropolis. These transformations have had their influence on the demographic, spatial and functional growth of the town: (a) The population increase was spectacular. It grew from 8,577 in 1885 to 134,835 in 1994. Susa now is the third largest city of Tunisia, after Greater Tunis and Greater Sfax. (b) The spatial extension is no less important. Until the first years of the Protectorate, the entire population of Susa lived inside the medina, whose walls were right on the seaside. Already before 1939, a modern city in the European style was constructed around the old centre, but between 1926 and 1946 the developed site remained thinly populated. Between December 1942 and May 1943, in the fighting between the armier of the Axis powers and the Allies, Susa suffered 39 bombardments which wrought great havoc, and in 1946 priority was given to reconstruction. After independence, Susa developed in all directions. The urban perimeter, only 29 ha (71.66 acres) in 1881, had grown to 3,100 ha (7,660 acres) in 1992. (c) The functional growth of Susa is almost exclusively secondary and tertiary, primary activities being limited to fishing. More than 45% of the working population is active in secondary functions, such as textile and leather industries, in the fabrication of mechanical, electrical and electronic devices, in construction and chemicals. The real importance of Susa, however, is to be found in its tertiary function (administration, education up to higher academic level, health and other social activities, trade, communications, banking) which occupies more than half of the working population. As a port, Susa is surpassed by Sfax, but it is important for the tourist industry. Bibliography: Beside the mediaeval Arab geographers and travellers and the Bibl. to TUNISIA, see Ch. Tissot, Geographic comparee de la province d'AJrique, 2 vols., Paris 1884; Cagnat and Saladin, Voyage en Tunisie, Paris 1884; Rapport des Affaires IncUgenes, Ville de Sousse, 07/10/1885, Archives du chateau de Vincennes, Paris; Abbe Leynaud, Les catacombes d'Hadrumete, in RT, xviii (1911), 147-66; J. Despois, La Tunisia orimtak, Sahel el basses steppes, Paris 1955; Direction de I'Amenagement du Territoire de la
Tunisie, Sousse 73: perspectives d'amenagement, Tunis 1973; M. Jedidi, Croissance urbaine de la ville de Susa dans k Sahel tunisien, les probkmes qui en decouknt et ks moyens d'y remedier (in Arabic), in Revue Tunisienne de Geographic, v (1980), 5-19; idem, Croissance economique et espace urbain dans k Sahel tunisien depuis I'independance, unpubl. diss., 2 vols., Tunis 1986. (MOHAMED JEDIDI) SUSAN or more often SAWSAN, iris or lily; generally Iris Jbrentina L., or Lilium sp. Of Middle Persian origin, from sosan, it is related to Hebrew shushan, and is possibly originally a loan-word from Egyptian (I. Low, Die Flora der Juden, Vienna-Leipzig 1924-34, ii, 1-4, 160-84). The susan asmdno^uni (Pers. asmdn-guni "sky-coloured") was the blue iris; other colours were white and yellow. In the Arabic Dioscorides, irisa, a "type" of sawsan, is equated with the Greek iris; zahr al-sawsan with lily (krinon] (see M.M. Sadek, The Arabic materia of Dioscorides, Quebec City 1983). Ibn al-Baytar lists three varieties: white or azjdd\ wild; and cultivated. (Djdmi' al-mufraddt, Cairo 1874, iii. 43-4). He quotes Dioscorides, Galen, and others: its "power" is mainly dessicative (tadjfif} and dissoluent (tahlil). Its roots, seeds and leaves were used as an oil or a juice. External use was for skin complaints such as scab (ajarab), scalds, burns and ulcers; internally, it could be chewed for toothache, or drunk for vermin bite and cough (al-Ghafikf) or to sharpen the intellect and remove "yellow water" (Ibn Sfna). Ibn Rabban alTabarf says that the wild and the white varieties relieve pain in muscles or nerves ((asab). Precise identification of species is not practicable (see W. Schmucker, Die pflanzliche und mineralische Materia Medica im Firdaus al-Hikma des Taban, Bonn 1969, 253-4). W. Ainslie refers to Iris Jbrentina, or Orris root, as used by Arabs and Persians as suppurative and deobstruent; and in Europe formerly as a cathartic in dropsy (Materia Indica, London 1826, i, 182, 284). Iris is still sometimes used in herbal-based medicine. Bibliography: Given in the article, see also Maimonides, Shark asmo? al-cukkdr, ed. M. Meyerhof, Cairo 1940, 29; M. Levey, The medical formulary or Aqrdbddhin of al-Kindi, Madison 1966, 289; Kazwml, 'Afia'ib al-makhlukdt, ed. Wiistenfeld, i, 286-7; Blrum, K. al-Saydana, ed. al-H.M. Sacld, Karachi 1973, 238-40 (Arab.), 194-95*. (P.C. JOHNSTONE) SUTRA (A.), covering, protection, shelter, especially at the saldt, where sutra means the object which the worshipper places in front of himself or lays in the direction of the kibla, whereby he shuts himself off in an imaginary area within which he is not disturbed by human or demoniacal influences. "The fictitious fencing off of an open place of prayer, the sutra, seems to have had among other objectives that of warding off demons" (Wellhausen, Reste2, 158). In one tradition, the man who deliberately penetrates into this imaginary area is actually called a shaytdn (al-Bukhari, Saldt, bdb 100; cf. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, iv, 2; al-TayalisI, Musnad, Haydarabad 1321, no. 1342). The word is not found in the Kur'an. In Hadith, the root often occurs in the expression satara (tasattara, istatard) bi-thawb in traditions which describe the ritual ablution, in which one conceals one's nakedness or causes it to be concealed by a cloak or curtain (e.g. al-Bukharl, Sayd, bdb 14; Ghusl, bdb 21; Muslim, Hayd, trad. 70, 79; Abu Dawud, Tahdra, bdb 123; Mandsik, bdb 37). Similarly, sitr is the name given to the curtain by which Muhammad concealed his women from the gaze of the world (al-Bukharf,
SUTRA — SU'UD, AL
903
cessive states inspired by Wahhabi doctrines: the first Sucudr-WahhabI state, 1159-1233/1746-1818, with its centre in Nadjd, but controlling much of central and northern Arabia at its greatest extent; the second such state re-established in Nacpd, 1240-1305/1824-87; the third state restored with its capital in al-Riyad [q.v.] from 1319/1902 and culminating in the modern kingdom of Su'udl Arabia [q.v.] from 1351/1932. The Islamic basis of the rule of the Al Sucud is evidenced by their assumption of the title imam, denoting their spiritual headship of the community, in addition to the temporal rank of amir, although the two titles were on occasion held by different members of the family. The founder of the dynasty, Muhammad b. Sucud (1159-79/1746-65 [q.v.]), is chiefly'remembered for lending his support to the reform efforts of Muhammad b. cAbd al-Wahhab from his power base as amir of al-Dirciyya [q.v], seeking to enforce a Hanbalf interpretation of Shari'a and to root out perceived unIslamic innovation, bid'a, notably as represented in the cult of saints. In exchange, his rule acquired religious legitimacy, but for twenty years he was engaged in a struggle with forces opposed to the creation of the new theocratic state. During his reign, military campaigning had been entrusted to his capable and dedicated son cAbd al'Azfz, who assumed office as the new imam on his death in 1179/1765, embarking on an energetic thirtyeight year period of rule, ending with his assassination by a Shf'f, or possibly Sufi, assailant in 1218/1803. During his time the power of the Al Su'ud was consolidated in Nadjd and extended to al-Hidjaz with the capture of the Holy Cities, while raids were made deep into al-clrak, Karbala3 being sacked in Dhu '1-Hidjdja 12157April 1801 as part of the Wahhabl attack on ShT'ism. Much of the coastal region of eastern Arabia was brought under Sucudf control, including for some time the island of al-Bahrayn [q.v]. Both c Abd al-cAz!z and his son Su'ud (1218-29/1803-14) have been widely regarded as capable rulers and strategists, respected among their Wahhabf followers for their strict adherence to the principles of the faith and their readiness and ability to ensure justice and security among the Bedouin in areas that had suffered from blood feuds and lawlessness. Understandably, they were not so appreciated by the Ottomans, whose authority and status as Muslims they challenged, and by the settled Hidjazfs and the eastern Arabian and Trakf Shf'a. c Abd Allah b. Su'ud (1229-33/1814-18) inherited a difficult situation, which he was less well-equipped to handle than his predecessors, lacking their strategic skills. The Ottomans were determined to end Sucudf and Wahhabf hegemony in Arabia and the threat posed by them to the region. In 1222/1807 Muhammad CA1I [q.v] as viceroy of Egypt had received orders from the Ottoman sultan Mustafa IV to launch an expedition against the Su'udl imam. However, it was not until 1226-7/the winter of 1811-12 that the Egyptian forces were able to wrest control of the Holy Cities from Sucud, and only in 1232/early 1817 that Muhammad 'All's son, Ibrahim Pasha [q.v], led a fresh expedition into central Arabia. There has frequently been criticism of cAbd Allah's tactics in choosing to hold out in al-Dirciyya rather than to attack Ibrahim's vulnerable lines of communication more effectively. Yet he was also faced with the problem of treachery by those tribes who succumbed to Egyptian financial inducements to turn against the Al Sucud. Nevertheless, he was able to withstand a six-month siege before surrendering the town in Dhu 'l-Kacda
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12337September 1818. The first Su'udi state had come to an end and al-Dirciyya was razed to the ground. £ Abd Allah himself was sent for execution to Istanbul. Many of the Al Su'ud had been killed in the fighting and a number of others were deported to Egypt. It was several years before the second Sucudf state could be recreated in Nadjd by Turk! b. cAbd Allah (1240-9/1824-34), a cousin of Su'ud and grandson of Muhammad b. Su'ud. Abandoning hope of reviving al-Dirciyya, he made his new capital to the south of it in al-Riyad, which he captured from the Egyptians, who subsequently withdrew to al-Hidjaz. Turk! was noted for his just government and efforts to maintain order, also for his guaranteeing safe passage to nonWahhabl pilgrims passing through his territories. He effectively restored the Su'udl position in eastern Arabia, but became the victim of intrigues within the Al Sucud, being assassinated by a nephew in 12497 1834. However, his son Faysal took prompt action against the assassins and succeeded in establishing his rule, until a second Egyptian expedition invaded Nadjd, forcing him to surrender and taking him as captive to Cairo. A period of Su'udl weakness and instability followed, Khalid b. Su'ud (1253-7/1837-41), brother of the late Imam 'Abd Allah, being returned from his exile in Egypt and imposed as ruler by Muhammad 'All's forces. He had little popular support and briefly gave way before a rebellious relative, cAbd Allah b. Thunayyan (1257-9/1841-3), who also proved unpopular owing to harsh taxation and inability to preserve security and assert his authority. Real independence was asserted by the Al Sucud with the escape of Faysal b. Turk! from his captivity in Egypt and his successful return to his homeland. His second reign (1259-82/1843-65) marked a high point in Su'udl fortunes. The British Political Resident in the Gulf, Lt. Col. Lewis Pelly, visited him shortly before his death and noted him as "a just and stern ruler", who was interested in encouraging the Bedouin to adopt a more settled life and to pursue agriculture and trade. Unfortunately, his death ushered in a time of fratricidal struggle between his sons cAbd Allah and Su'ud, cAbd Allah ruling twice, from 128288/1865-71 until his deposition by Su'ud (1288-91 / 1871-4), then again from 1291-1305/1874-87 when he lost power to the Al Rashld [see RASH!D, AL] of Djabal Shammar in northern Nadjd. Thus the second Su'udl state came to an end, its fall owed both to internal power struggles and to the temporarily greater dynamism and political skill of the Rashldls. Faysal's youngest son, cAbd al-Rahman, tried to hang on to a limited local authority, but, after a disastrous defeat at the battle of al-Mulayda in 1309/1891, was forced to leave al-Riyad accompanied by his family, among them his young son cAbd al-cAzIz, the future king of Sucudl Arabia. £ Abd al-cAz!z b. cAbd al-Rahman b. Faysal Al Su'ud [q.v.] began his long reign with his return from exile in al-Kuwayt and bold recapture of al-Riyad in 1319/ 1902. There followed many years in which he sought to establish Sucudl control over Nadjd and extend his power eastwards to al-Ahsa5 by a combination of military and diplomatic tactics, confronting challenges from the combined forces of the Ottomans and Al Rashld as well as the dissension of relatives, rebellious tribes and the growing power of the amir of Mecca, the Sharif Husayn b. CA1T. He was also well aware of the advantages of gaining British support, while preserving the maximum degree of independence, and the treaty he signed with Britain in Safar 1334/Decem-
ber 1915 assured him of a regular subsidy and assistance in the event of aggression against him. In 1339/ 1921 he crushed the Rashldl power in northern Nadjd, taking their centre of Ha'il [q.v.] and assumed the title of sultan of Nadjd. After years of soured relations and occasional hostilities with the Sharif Husayn, now king of al-Hidjaz, cAbd al-cAziz invaded his territory in 1343/1924, being provoked by the Sharif's claim to the caliphate and his refusal to allow WahhabI pilgrims to perform the Hadjdj. In 1344/1926 he assumed the title of king of al-Hidjaz for himself, an un-Islamic title disliked by the Wahhabls. His father c Abd al-Rahman had held the spiritual position of imam until his death in 1346/1928, when it devolved on to cAbd al-cAz!z, although he had informally been so addressed earlier. Those who met cAbd al-cAz!z seem invariably to have been impressed. Thus Gertrude Bell in a letter of 1916 wrote of him as "one of the most striking personalities I have encountered. He is splendid to look at, well over 6' 3", with an immense amount of dignity and self-possession". However, assessments vary as to the importance of his character and personality in building the power of the Al Su'ud in Arabia, from eulogy of him as the key figure in the enterprise to judgment of his role as overrated and his being no more than fortunate in his historical circumstances. As a Muslim leader, he was pious and conscientious in the performance of his religious duties, convinced that Islam must triumph and dedicated to its promotion. This may be witnessed in his policy of establishing the hid}ar [q.v.], agricultural religious settlements for the WahhabI Ikhwan [q.v] and his systematic implementation of the Shari'a in al-Hidjaz after its conquest with the same strictness as in Nadjd. Yet there were those among the Ikhwan for whom his religious zeal was insufficient and who condemned him for his dealings with the unbelieving British, his use of infernal innovations such as cars and telephones, his allowing the tribes of Transjordan and al-Trak to graze their herds on the lands of true WahhabI Muslims and his failure to impose Wahhabism among the Shlca of al-Ahsa3. While noted for the traditional Arab virtues of generosity and magnanimity to defeated enemies, cAbd al-cAz!z could also be implacable if angered and utterly ruthless, as is evidenced by his final suppression of the Ikhwan in Sha'ban 1348/January 1930. To the end of his life, even after the commercial exploitation of his country's vast oil reserves, he retained his simple and austere lifestyle. The same could hardly be said of his son and successor, Su'ud b.
SU'UD, AL — AL-SUCUDIYYA, AL-MAMLAKA AL-CARABIYYA promoting pan-Islamic policies even before his accession to the throne. In 1382/1962 he encouraged _the founding of the Islamic World League (Rdbitat al-cAlam al-Isldmi] in Mecca dedicated to the worldwide promotion of the faith, sponsoring the work of da'wa and aiding Muslim minorities. As king, Faysal urged Muslims to work for the liberation of Jerusalem and, following an Australian Christian's attempt to set fire to al-Aksa Mosque in 1389/1969, called for a ajihdd against Israel and organised an Islamic summit in Rabat, Morocco. In Muharram 1390/March 1970 he held an Islamic conference of foreign ministers in Djidda, leading to the establishment of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (Munazzamat al-Mu'tamar al-Islami). Faysal's successor, Khalid b. cAbd al-cAzTz (13951402/1975-82), was already elderly at the time of his accession and plagued by poor health. During his reign, his Islamic credentials were challenged by a revolt organized by neo-Ikhwan with the takeover of the Great Mosque at Mecca on 1 Muharram 1400/21 November 1979 [see MAKKA. 3] and by unrest among the Shf c a of al-AhsaJ. In both cases, the incidents were brought under control, but the Al Sucud became increasingly sensitive to the need to re-establish respect for their Islamic leadership at both the domestic and international levels. Fahd b. cAbd al-cAz!z (acceded 1402/1982) had considerable experience in government when he became king on Khalid's death. He sought to strengthen the Islamic Wahhabf character of the state, and in Safar 1407/October 1986 assumed the title of khddim alharamayn, thus seeking to enhance Su'udf religious legitimacy. The Al Sucud today are estimated as numbering between 4,000 and 7,000, of whom several hundred are direct descendants of cAbd al-cAz!z. They are intermarried with many traditionally important tribal families, notably the Sudayrfs of northern Nadjd, and with the Al al-Shaykh, the descendants _of Muhammad b. c Abd al-Wahhab. Members of the Al Sucud who have been prominent in government include full brothers of Fahd, especially Sultan, Minister of Defence from 1382/1962, Na'if, Minister of the Interior from 1395/ 1975 and Salman, governor of al-Riyad from 1382/ 1962. Bibliography: c Uthman b. Bishr (d. 1288/1871), 'Unwdn al-maajdfi ta'nkh Nadj.d, Mecca 1930; Amm Rayham, Muluk al-cArab, Beirut 1929; H.St.J. Philby, Sacudi Arabia, London 1955; Salah al-Dm al-Mukhtar, Ta^nkh al-mamlaka al-sucudiyya fi mddlhd wa-hddirihd, Beirut 1957; R. Bayly Winder, Saudi Arabia in the nineteenth century, London 1965; Khayr al-Dm Zirikll, Shibh al-ajazira fi cahd al-malik cAbd al-cAztz, 4 vols., Beirut 1970; G. Troeller, The birth of Saudi Arabia: Britain and the rise of the house of Sacud, London 1976; B. Lees, A handbook of the Al Sacud ruling family of Saudi Arabia, London 1980; C.M. Helms, The cohesion of Saudi Arabia, London 1981; M. Abir, Saudi Arabia in the oil era, regime and elites: conflict and collaboration, London and Sydney 1988; J. Kostiner, The making of Saudi Arabia 1916-1936: from chieftaincy to monarchical state, Oxford 1993; L. McLoughlin, Ibn Saud, founder of a kingdom, Basingstoke 1993. (ELIZABETH M. SIRRIYEH) AL-SUCUDI, ABU 'L-FADL AL-MALIKI, theologian of the 1 0 t h / 1 6 t h c e n t u r y . He wrote a controversial work finished in Shawwal 942/April 1536 against the Christians (and the Jews), which has been edited from manuscripts of Leiden and Oxford by F.J. van den Ham (Disputatio pro religione Mohammedanorum adversus Christianos, Leiden 1877-90) and is in substance
905
an extract (muntakhab) from a book by Abu '1-Baka3 Salih b. Husayn al-Djacfan (wrote in 618/1221) entitled TakhajTl man harraf al-Indjil. He is probably to be identified with Abu '1-Fadl al-Malikf, the servant (khddim] of the Sufi Shaykh Abu 'l-Sucud al-Djarihf (died some years after 930/1524), see al-Shacranf, Lawdkih al-anwdr fi tabakdt al-akhydr, Cairo 1317, iii, 113-14), who wrote, according to Hadjdjf Khalifa (iv, 557, no. 9521) a commentary on the Hamziyya of al-Busfrf [q.v.]. For al-Sucudf refers in his polemic (146, 14, 147, 4) to Abu 'l-Sucud as his master (ustddh), and al-Shacram (op. cil, ii, 113, 5 ff.) mentions Abu '1-Fadl al-Malikf as a devoted adept of Abu 'l-Sucud, from whom he probably derives his nisba al-Sucudf. According to van den Ham (Praefatio of his edition, 6), his book contains many passages occurring word for word in a manuscript commentary on the Hamziyya preserved in Gotha (Pertsch, Die Arab. Handschriflen . . . zu Gotha, iv, 294, no. 2295), in which the author's name is Fadl Allah al-Malikf. Bibliography: In addition to the works mentioned above: Hadjdjf Khalifa, Kashf al-zunun, ed. Fliigel, ii, 249, no. 2736; Steinschneider, Polemische u. apologetische Literatur in arabischer Sprache (Abh. f. d. K. d. M., vi/3), Leipzig 1877, 36 (no. 17), 141 (no. 121), 409; F. Triebs, Liber decem quaestionum contra Christianos auctore Saliho ibn al-Husain, thesis Bonn 1897, pp. v-vii; Brockelmann2, I,' 553, II, 432, S II, 456. (C. VAN ARENDONK) SUCUDI (or ABU 'L-SUCUD) B. YAHYA B. MUHY! 'LDlN AL-MUTANABBI AL-'ABBASI AL-SHAFl'l AL-DlMASHKJ,
a man of l e t t e r s , who died in Damascus in Safar 1127/February 1715. He studied several branches of Islamic knowledge, and one of his preceptors was c Abd al-Ghanf al-Nabulus! [q.v.]. Al-Muradf mentions his Diwdn entitled Madcfih al-hadardt bi-lisdn alishdrdt and gives specimens of his poetry. According to the same author, al-Muhibbf gives an article on him in his Nafhat al-rayhdna wa-rashhat tild3 al-hdna (cf. Brockelmann2, II, 379). A muwashshah in praise of Damascus from his pen is extant in a manuscript of the Preussische Staatsbibliothek (Ahlwardt, Ver^eichnis, no. 6090, We 1120, fol. 78a, cf. no. 8174, 2). Bibliography: MuradT, Silk al-durar fi acydn alkarn al-thdm fashar, Bulak 1301, i, 58-62, M. Hartmann, Das arabische Strophengedicht. I. Das Muwassah, Semitist. Studien, ed. C. Bezold, Heft 13/14, Weimar 1897, 83; Brockelmann2, II, 360. (C. VAN ARENDONK) AL-SUCUDI, SAYF AL-Dm CABD AL-LATIF B. CABD ALLAH, a t h e o l o g i a n who died in 736/1335-6. Biographical data do not seem to be known hitherto. He contested the tenets of Ibn cArabf [q.v.] in some kasldas occurring in al-SakhawI's work al-Kawl almunabbi3 can Tarajamat Ibn fArabi (ms. in Berlin, Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis, 2849, cf. 7846, 4) and is mentioned (op. cit., 8379, cf. 3658) as the author of a prayer (ducd>). Bibliography: Brockelmann2, II, 10. (C. VAN ARENDONK) AL-SITUDIYYA, AL-MAMLAKA AL^ARABIYYA, the modern Saudi A r a b i a n kingdom, declared on 16 December 1932. It emerged from the transformation of the Sucudi chiefdom, located in the central Arabian province of Nadjd, into a more organised, expanded and territorially-defined state. The chiefdom itself passed through three historical stages: there was the first Saudi chiefdom based on an alliance, struck in 1744, between the House of Sucud, and its Bedouin tribes, with the religious leader Muhammad Ibn cAbd al-Wahhab [q.v.]. This alliance was expressed through territorial expan-
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AL-SUCUDIYYA, AL-MAMLAKA AL-CARABIYYA
sion into neighbouring territories, accompanied by an attempt to rid Muslim society of unlawful innovations (bidac). These attempts, however, resulted in the chiefdom's destruction in 1818-21 by Muhammad 'All's Egyptian forces on behalf of the Ottomans. A subsequent second Su'udf chiefdom was continuously immersed in internal struggles, leading to internal warfare and disintegration in 1891. A third Su'udl chiefdom emerged in 1902, when the new leader of the Sucudr family, cAbd al-cAz!z b. cAbd al-Rahman, returned from exile in Kuwayt to reoccupy the city of al-Riyad and its vicinity, reinforcing Su'udl rule there in the ensuing years [for details, see SUCUD, AL]. The transformation of this Sucudl chiefdom had two stimulating factors. One was a drive, attributed to cAbd al-cAzfz and other family members, to restore the ancestral first and second Su'udl states, thereby reactivating the Wahhabf movement aimed at giving the Shari'a a position of supremacy in society and at purifying Islam from bidaf [see WAHHABIYYA]. This motive, while it explains the desire to re-establish a third Sucudf chiefdom, with its raison d'etat, does not shed light on the need to transform the chiefdom as it evolved after 1902, without defined borders, minimal government based on ad hoc arrangements among the ruling elite, main tribal groups and townspeople, and the persistence of tribal loyalties, into a more organised state, nor on the dynamics of this process. The second motive, which accounts for these developments, concerns the principles of evolution of states in tribal societies. It was articulated in cAbd al-cAziz's skill in responding to new challenges by increasing the Sucudf chiefdom's cohesion, governmental centralisation and territorial expansion. This motive became evident during and after the First World War when, by facing the challenges of British and Ottoman rivalry, the Arab Revolt led by the rival Hashim clan, economic hardships and floating tribal groups, the Su'udl leader was nevertheless able to muddle through and develop state-like attributes for his dominions. The process of state formation in tribal societies has several characteristics; first it evolves in stages. As the transformation comes about in response to challenges of a certain period, its effect is also relatively limited, until new challenges arise, requiring new responses. Since 1902, the Sucudf state has undergone three stages of state-building. Responding to the earliermentioned challenges of the First World War period, the Sucudf chiefdom turned into a conquest movement which, in the 1920s, expanded over large parts of the Arabian peninsula, and secured British protection, from which it obtained full independence in May 1927. Then, responding to the establishment of the Arab state system and British regional dominance, it strengthened its territorial definition and internal consolidation in the 1930s. New challenges, emanating from the use of oil wealth and coping with regional radical waves, prompted a third stage, marked by institutionalisation and welfare, in the 1960s. The actual attributes of state building evolved through these stages. The territorial-framework and borders were already completed during the first and second stages, i.e. by the mid-1930s. The Su'udr occupation in 1913, of former Ottoman Turkish al-Ahsa' on the Persian Gulf shores, rather than being an allout campaign, had specific aims, i.e. to draw British attention and finally to reach an alliance with Britain as the new great power in the Gulf, a goal which was achieved in December 1915. The Sucudfs were then involved in mainly tribal skirmishes with the Hashiml rulers of the Hidjaz and the Al Sabah rulers
of Kuwayt. Only in 1920, faced by an alliance of regional rivals, did £Abd al-cAzIz embark on organised expansionist campaigns, leading to the capture of the Rashldf chiefdom of Djabal Shammar in 1921, northern cAsfr in 1923, and the Hidjaz, with its holy shrines, in 1924-5. The southern parts of cAsfr (including Djizan and Nadjran) were occupied during the Saudi-Yemeni war in 1934. The new state's borders were mostly fixed by a series of international treaties: the protocol of 'Ukayr in 1922 and the treaties of Bahra and Hadda' in 1925 basically determined the borders with Kuwayt, 'Irak and Transjordan, with some areas remaining undelineated. The border with Yemen was fixed in the 1934 Ta'if treaty. Saudi Arabia's borders with the Gulf states and Yemen were established mainly according to the 1913 "blue line" agreement between Britain and the Ottoman Empire, which had marked Britain's sphere of influence over the coastal chiefdoms, and in 1935-6 was employed to demarcate the Gulf States' borders from Saudi Arabia. A second process of state building concerned the evolution of central government. A most conspicuous aspect of centralization was subjugation of opposition. The Ikhwan tribal groups, notably the Mutayr, parts of the cUtayba and the cUdjman, who favoured the continuity of the chiefdom system (including the tribes' own choice of markets, raiding, and political conduct according to their own zealous interpretation of the Wahhabf code), were defeated and subjugated in a series of battles during 1929-30. The formation of political parties, and any kind of political opposition, were subsequently forbidden. Centralisation was accompanied by the establishment, between 1926 and 1929, of a new, minimal, physical infrastructure of communications, several main roads leading from Nadjd to the new occupied territories, a radio telegraph system at the leaders' disposal, and new markets in the Gulf coast cities of Hufuf and Djubayl. Centralisation was also evident in economic change: from 1924 cAbd alc Azfz began to use civilian taxation and pilgrimage income (ca. £100,000 annually in the late 1920s, declining by two-thirds during the 1930s economic recession) to establish a central treasury. The forbidding of raids into neighbouring states was also laid down during this period. Two new governmental formations then emerged: the Shari'a, in its Wahhabf interpretation, was a substitute for a constitution and the primary source of daily law. In a series of conferences of 'ulamd3 and Ikhwan with cAbd al-cAz!z and his aides during 192730, the ruler was able to establish the principle that, while the senior culama3 remained the main interpreters of the Wahhabl principles of Islam, as in the 18th and 19th centuries, their religious rulings would defer to the policies of the ruler and the state. A form of state Islam thereby emerged: the senior fulama\ incorporated within a Supreme Council, were responsible for judicial and religious rulings (fataw) but appointed by the ruler and representing state interests. A further sphere of centralisation was seen in institution-building. In 1932, there was a ca. 43,000-strong army, and a police force of indeterminate size (probably several thousand), acting in the cities and provinces. Several government departments were inaugurated between 1925 and 1933, notably internal and foreign affairs, finance, pilgrimage and health, the whole functioning as a Council of Ministers from 1932. There were two main provincial judicial and administrative systems, one in Nadjd and the other in Hidjaz. In view of its religious importance and separate history,
AL-SUCUDIYYA, AL-MAMLAKA AL-CARABIYYA a Basic Law detailing arrangements for the governance of Hidjaz was promulgated by cAbd al-cAziz in 1926. An Advisory Assembly, representing Hidjaz's elite families, had existed since 1926. The law of the state derived from the Shari'a, notably criminal and personal law, although customary law (curf), was exercised when it was not contradictory to the Shari'a. c Abd al-cAziz was given formal allegiance (bay'd) in 1926, by the inhabitants of Nadjd and Hidjaz and assumed the tide of King (malik) in 1927; he ruled the central and provincial governments, sanctioned by the culamay, unrestricted by any elected or appointed bodies and limited only by the Sharfa. In reality, until the 1960s, the centralisation policies encapsulated chiefdom practices and did not result in full institutionalisation and bureaucratisation. Tribal and townspeople's groups co-existed, through fighting and/or bargaining, with the new army and police forces. New offices were headed by the king's patrimonial appointees: cAbd al-cAzfz's son Su'ud was governor of Nadjd, and his other son Faysal was governor of Hidjaz and minister of foreign affairs. The King ruled as a modern head of state and, at the same time, as a tribal arbiter, consulting royal family members, 'ulama3 and tribal leaders; and he was also as an Imam, head of the Wahhabf community. Policies were not carried out in a bureaucratic, rational form: tribal rebellions were usually stemmed by the payment of arbitrary financial subventions to the head of the turbulent tribal group, and no separation between the royal and tribal purse was introduced. In addition, while the government was able to quell tribal political autonomy, tribal groups remained the source of group identity, the individual's livelihood and security. The royal family, in fact, consisted of a chain of political marriages between the members of the House of Sucud and other notable families, nomad or urban, thereby forming a biological elite of the state's major families. However, the process of encapsulation reached a deadlock in the 1950s. cAbd al-cAzfz's death in 1953, and the reign of his son King Sucud (1953-64), were marked by the government's need to utilise the growing oil income; to tackle a new type of worker's opposition (which erupted in strikes in 1953 and 1956); to confront radical, anti-royalist Pan-Arabism in the Middle East, led by the Egyptian President Djamal c Abd al-Nasir; and cope with the implications of East West rivalry. All of these were treated with indecisiveness, when a more resolute and institutionalised ruling system was required. Only during the third stage of Saudi state formation, did the reforms of King Faysal (1964-75) and King Khalid (1975-82), have the effect, in Max Weber's terms, of transforming the Saudi state from a crude monarchical government, incorporating chiefdom practices, into a "routinised", bureaucratic system. To be sure, the King's absolute position was uncompromised by any constitutional arrangements as some liberal elements suggested. Furthermore, Faysal, utilising modern administrative planning (initially formulated by a Ford Foundation Committee in 1963) enlarged the council of ministers into twenty ministries, including petroleum, public works, education, planning, commerce and industry, which used new methods of planning and calculated decision-making. A ministry of justice was established in 1970 to control the judicial system. A civil service, which grew from 62,000 to 336,000 personnel between 1960 and 1980, extended the government's influence to all spheres of public life throughout the realm; the state organism gained full control.
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From 1970, economic development evolved through "Five-year plans," focusing both on diversification and growth. Through administrative outreach and economic means, the state established centralising networks, including schools and seven universities (the number of graduates rose from 1,700 in 1975 to ca. 17,000 in 1985); 24,000 km of roads connected the main towns with each other; and ca. 226,000 houses, telecommunication and medical facilities were built. Centralisation was also evident, through a policy of "divide and rule", in the evolution of two separate bodies of armed forces: the regular army, composed of volunteer recruits from the entire Saudi society, under the command of the minister of defence and aviation (currently Sultan Ibn cAbd al-£Aziz, Bung Fahd's full brother) and the National Guard, which functions as a militia maintaining internal order, composed of conscripted recruits from the main Nadjd tribes (such as the Mutayr and cUtayba) with longestablished contacts with the royal family, under the command of the crown prince (currently cAbd Allah b. cAbd al-cAz!z, King Fahd's half-brother). In itself, this division attests to a factional division within the royal family, which King Faysal was able to balance, so as to ensure the functioning of the Saudi royal family in its role as the Kingdom's central-governing elite. He established a policy of co-operation between Fahd and his six full brothers, sons of cAbd al-cAzfz and Hasa bint Ahmad al-Sudayrl (who therefore became known as the "Sudayn seven") who are now principal ministers, with a group of other princes, descendents of cAbd al-cAzfz and various mothers, led by Crown Prince cAbd Allah, with the effect that the factions' candidates alternate as Kings and as Crown Princes. Thus during the reigns of Faysal and Khalid, the centralisation of the Saudi state reached its peak. Saudi Arabia underwent another process of state building, which concerns its socio-political cohesion. Unification under Saudi rule of the different territories and segments, which until 1932 were known as Nadjd, Hidjaz and their dependencies, did not mean full assimilation, but rather the introduction of a loose, unifying framework of tribal groups, which remained socio-economically autonomous. It showed society's compliance or acquiescence with Saudi rule, and warweariness with the effects of territorial expansion and Ikhuodn fighting. This loose unification was demonstrated by the King's functioning, in tribal tradition, as an arbiter between the two main provinces of Nadjd and Hidjaz, reflecting each region's interests vis-a-vis the other, and symbolising their readiness to co-operate. Su'ud's and Faysal's appointments as governors of Nadjd and Hidjaz respectively, further signified the role of the Su'udl family as the principal unifier of the kingdom. The imposition of the Shan'a, in its Wahhabf interpretation, as the legal norm of the entire realm, was another step in this loose unification, although followers of other legal schools continued to practice their own doctrines (notably Shf'is in al-AhsaJ and ShafTls in Hidjaz). Finally, £Abd al-cAzfz used unification as a means to foster feelings of regional loyalty to the central government, amidst economic recession and several tribal uprisings in Northern Hidjaz and 'Asfr during 1930-4. After enlisting the support of various tribal leaders and prominent businessmen, on 16 September 1932, cAbd al-cAz!z declared formal unity among Saudi-ruled territories, under the newly-named Saudi Arabian Kingdom (al-Mamlaka al-cArabiyya al-Sucudiyyd). However, the provinces were ruled separately, according to traditional principles of allegiance to tribal
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AL-SUCUDIYYA, AL-MAMLAKA AL-CARABIYYA — SUWAC
chiefs, based on a complex system of subventions and taxation. Only during the reigns of Faysal and Khalid were all parts of society technologically made more accessible to each other and more dependent on the central government, adding a sense of a state-based, bureaucratic identity to their cohesion. However, reforms also had disruptive socio-political effects, emanating from the impact of modernisation. Relying on financial and oil sales reserves, which in 1981-2 reached a peak of ca. $165 billion, Saudi Arabia became urbanised: its population, which in the 1930s was 70% nomadic, was in the 1980s about 90% urban. Djidda and Mecca in Hidjaz, and alRiyad in Nadjd, became megalopolises of over one million people each. Five new civil-military city-bases (notably Yanbuc, Djubayl, and Khamfs Mushayt) were built and other older centres were renovated and enlarged. Society became more stratified, divided into a wealthy businessman elite, a professional middle class and a lower class of manual workers, including several millions of imported Asians and Africans. An atmosphere of materialism and consumerism disoriented the formerly more austere and rather egalitarian Saudi society. However, Islamic and tribal principles remained effective as value systems, even after the tribal groups became sedentarised. Thus the norms of Wahhabf conduct remained dominant, both through the role which the 'ulama3 continued to play as teachers (notably in girls' schools), judges, prayer-leaders and religious instructors (mufti], and, most notably, as legalpolitical advisers to the government. Religious zealots continued to operate as a "moral police", for "the promotion of good and abrogation of evil" (known as Hay3at al-nahy min al-munkar wa'l-amr bi }l-macruf], whose duty is to supervise public conduct and punish offenders. Moreover, tribal, kin-based co-operation is upheld as the guiding principle of intermarriage, administrative appointments, business enterprises and for building political support. Finally, a welfare system of free health and education services, subsidised food, electricity and water, combined with free, weekly access of the lower classes to a provincial governor or cabinet minister for allaying grievances, maintained internal balance and a sense of cohesion and stability in a rapidly-changing Saudi society. Events in the 1990s indicate that the political and socio-economic dynamic which has characterised Saudi Arabia's state-building since the days of King Faysal, resulting in centralisation and cohesion, may have exhausted itself. Lower oil prices and huge military expenses (both as assistance to 'Irak in its war against Iran in the 1980s and for the Desert Storm operation in 1990-1) caused a decline in state revenues. The fast-growing population (at a rate of 4% annually, reaching ca. 13 million Saudis and over three million foreign workers) has made it difficult for the government to provide for employment and welfare services. Islamic and tribal values stimulate opposition movements rather than generate support for the government. Even terrorist attempts have occasionally erupted. Consequently, there is a growing need for a new stage of state-building which will create a new order and stability. Bibliography: 1. Works in Arabic. Salah al-Dln al-Mukhtar, Ta'nkh al-Mamlaka al-Sucudiyya al-cArabiyya fi mddihd wa-hddirihd, 2 vols. Beirut 1958; Wahba Hafiz, Dia&rat al-cArab fi 'l-karn al-fishnn, Cairo 1961; Khayr al-Dm al-Ziriklf, Shibh al-ajazira fi cahd al-Malik cAbd d-'A&z, 3 vols. Beirut 1970. 2. In western languages. Amin Rihani, Ibn Sa'oud of Arabia, his people, his land, London 1928;
C.A. Nallino, L'Arabia Sa'udiana, in Raccolta di scritti, i, Rome 1939; H.B. St. J. Philby, Arabian jubilee, London 1953; K.S. Twitchell, Saudi Arabia, with an account of the development of its natural resources, New York 1958; G.A. Lipsky, Saudi Arabia, its people, its society, its culture, New Haven 1959; L.P. Goldrup, Saudi Arabia 1902-1932. The development of Wahhabi society, diss. UCLA 1971, unpubl.; M. Iqbal, The emergence of Saudi Arabia, Singhar 1977; H. Lackner, A house built on sand, London 1978; J.P. Piscatori, The role of Islam in Saudi Arabia's political development, in J.L. Esposito (ed.), Islam and development. Religion and socio-political change, Syracuse 1980, 123-38; W. Ende, Religion, Politik und Literatur in Saudi-Arabien. Der geistesgeschichtliche Hintergrund der heutigen religio'sen und kulturpolitischen Situation, in Orient, xxii (1981), 377-90, xxiii (1982), 21-35, 378-93, 524-39; D. Silberfarb, The Treaty of Jidda of May 1927, in MES, xviii (1982), 276-85; A. Lavish, Ulama and politics in Saudi Arabia, in N. Hepper and R. Israeli (eds.), Islam and politics in the modern Middle East, New York 1984, 29-63; J. Goldberg, The foreign policy of Saudi Arabia: the formative years, 1902-1918, Cambridge, Mass. 1986; N. Safran, Saudi Arabia, the ceaseless quest for security, Cambridge, Mass. 1986; M. Abir, Saudi Arabia in the oil era, Boulder, Colo. 1987; R. Schulze, Islamischer Internationalismus im 20. Jahrhundert, Leiden 1990; P.S. Khoury and J. Kostiner, Tribes and state formation in the Middle East, Berkeley, etc. 1990; Kostiner, The making of Saudi Arabia: from chieftaincy to monarchical state, Oxford 1993. 3. Archival sources. These may be found at the Public Record Office, London (esp. Fo 371, 882, 886, 905, Co 725, 727, 730, Air Ministry 23 series; India Office Library and Records, L/PaS/10 and 12, R15/1, R15/2, R15/5 series; Philby's papers at the Middle East Centre, St. Antony's College, Oxford; U.S. National Archives, State Dept. files, 790F, 890F series. (J. KOSTINER) SUWAC, the name of one of the five gods dating from the time of Noah mentioned in the K u r ' a n (LXX, 23), together with Wadd, Yaghuth, Yacuk and Nasr [
SUWAC — AL-SUWAYDI Kalbi and Yakut's notice, cited above. That Suwac was worshipped with female features by the Hamdan, according to commentators cited by Krehl, loc. cit., comes from a very late Arab tradition, one not confirmed in South Arabian inscriptions (those adduced by Derebourg and Glaser are not listed in Ryckmans, Les noms propres sud-semitiques). We have probably a confusion between Suwac and Suc, the name of a Yemeni tribe which appears in a deformed guise in the Dtwdn of al-Nabigha al-Dhubyam (ed. Derenbourg, Paris 1906, 79; cited also in TCA, v, 384, 11. 4-5). As for the association of Suwac and Wadd, admitted by Robertson Smith (Kinship and marriage, 293) on Krehl's affirmation, it is merely in reality based on the sideby-side enumeration of the two names in the Kur'anic list and in the onomastic of Hudhayl (cf. Wiistenfeld, Tabelkn, Gottingen 1853, 5, where is found cAbd Wadd b. Suwac). The absence of the name Suwac from Semitic inscriptions confirms its essentially HidjazT character. Like Hubal, it was a god peculiar to the Hudhalf pastoralists, represented by a stone (al-Tabarl, i, 16489) like all the primitive Arabian deities. Its sanctuary was destroyed by cAmr b. al-£As at the same time as that of al-cUzza in the year 8. In the face of the god's powerlessness to protect itself, its sddin became a Muslim (Ibn Sacd, ii/1, 105). Bibliography. See essentially, Fahd, La pantheon de I'Arabie Centrale a la veille de I'hegire, Paris 1968, 154-6, with references; one may cite H. Derenbourg, Le dieu Souwdc dans le Goran et sur une inscription sabeenne recemment decouverte, in Bull. Real. Acad. de la Historia, Madrid (July-Sept. 1905), 72-8; E. Glaser, Suwdc und al-cUzzd und die jemenitischen Inschriften, Munich 1905. (T. FAHD) SUWAR (P.), Pahlavi aswdr, Old Persian asabdra-, in Muslim Indian usage sawdr, "horseman", but assigned a special technical meaning in the bureaucratic organisation of the Mughal nobility instituted by Emperor Akbar (r. 963-1014/1556-1605). The hierarchical rank given to every noble was represented by two numbers, one designed dhdt "person" and the other sawdr. The sawdr rank determined the mounted retainers (tdbmdn, so spelt) and horses the mansabddr [see MANSAB] was required to maintain. The amount sanctioned to cover the pay against the sawdr rank was termed talab-i tdbmdn. In 981/1573-4 Akbar first introduced a numerical system of ranks, but with a single rank only, i.e. the rank determined only by the number of cavalry (sawdr) the noble was expected to maintain. A payment at a rather low rate began to be made in advance for a contingent of a size, generally less than the titular rank. This came to be known as bar-dwardi ("by estimate"). Ultimately, the bar-dwardi defined the number of the second or sawdr rank, and payments for this were made according to complex rules. The rate per unit of bar-dwardi/sawdr under Akbar initially ranged from between 12,000 dam?, (rupees 300 per unit) of sawdr rank per annum and 9,600 dams (rupees 240). Subsequently, payments were adjusted in accordance with the actual number of horsemen and horses presented at muster [see ISTI'RAD], and this was called the asp-i ddghl payment, set at a uniform rate of 15,360 ddrm, (rupees 384) per annum for every unit of sawdr rank. This system, modified by succeeding rulers, could work best so long as mounted archers formed the bulk of the Mughal army, but with the increasing use of musketry [see BARUD, vi], the military significance of cavalry became less and less, and in any case, administrative laxity after Awrangzfb's death contributed to a break-
909
down of the entire system of Mughal ranks. In the Indian Army of British Indian times, sowar was the designation for troopers in cavalry regiments (see Yule and Burnell, Hob son-Job son, a glossary of AngloIndian colloquial words and phrases, 2London 1903, 857, and also the Bib 1. to SIPAHI. 3). Bibliography: W.H. Moreland, Rank (Mansab) in the Mughal state service, in JRAS (1936); M. Athar Ali, The Mughal nobility under Aurangzeb, Bombay 1966; Irfan Habibj The Mansab system, 1595-1637, in Procs. of the Indian History Congress, Patiala Session, 1967; Shireen Moosvi, The evolution of the Mansab system under Akbar until 1596-97, in JRAS (1981); Habib, Mansab salary scales under Jahangir and Shah Jahan, in 1C, lix (1985); Athar Ali, The apparatus of empire, Awards of ranks, offices and titles to the Mughal nobility, 15741658, Introd. New Delhi 1985. (M. ATHAR ALI) AL-SUWAYDI (also IBN AL-SUWAYDI), Tzz AL-DiN ABU ISHAK IBRAHIM b. Muhammad b. Tarkhan, Arab physician (b. 600/1204 in Damascus, d. there 690/1292). He was a student of Ibn al-Baytar and a friend of Ibn AbT Usaybica [.]. The latter reports that al-Suwaydl was an excellent writer of poetry and prose (see 'Uyun al-anbd3, 267, for some verse) and, in addition, an outstanding calligrapher who penned his own books in the "well-proportioned script" (alkhatt al-mansub] devised by Ibn al-Bawwab [q.v.] or in clear Kufi script. Three works of al-Suwaydl are extant in manuscript: 1. K. al-Tadhkira (al-hddiyd). It consists of a collection of excerpts concerning remedies from about 400 Islamic, Greek, and other authors whose names are mentioned at the end of the book. Al-Suwaydl proposes to include only such remedies as have (allegedly) been confirmed by experience (al-muajarrabdt). The book has, however, only a limited value as a source of information, since the remedies are only mentioned, but not described in detail. 2. K. al-Simdt fi asmd3 al-nabdt ("The characteristics concerning the names of plants"), al-Suwaydl's main work. His autograph is preserved in the ms. Paris, BN, arab. 3004 (= Suppl. 877). The book is probably the most comprehensive of all the writings on synonyms and a lexical treasure trove for the plant names in use in the 7th/13th century. In addition to the Arabic names, the author gives the Greek, Syriac, Persian, Mozarabic (latini), and Berber equivalents. The sheer size leads one to expect a comprehensive pharmacognostic encyclopaedia. But a look at the text very soon shows that one-third, if not one-quarter of its size would have sufficed, if, under the appropriate synonyms, the author had simply referred to his discussions under the main entry, i.e. the most common name of the drug. Instead he offers the same or a similar text again under the synonyms which naturally swells up the text enormously. This uneconomical procedure is mutatis mutandis also true for the Tadhkira. Both works are products of unchecked literary transmission. 3. In addition to these two pharmacognostic works, al-Suwaydf also composed a small mineralogical work with the title K. al-Bdhir fi 'l-^awdhir (also known as K. Khawdss al-ahd^dr min al-yawdkit wa }l-^_awdhir). It treats of twenty-six minerals. Being a late compilation, without any originality, it is interesting only for the authors quoted. 4. A work cited by Ibn Abi Usaybi'a (cUyun, ii, 267), al-Dhakhira al-kdfiya fi }l-tibb, has not yet been found.
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AL-SUWAYDI — AL-SUWAYRA
Bibliography: Ibn Abi Usaybi'a, cUyun al-anba3, ed. A. Miiller, Cairo-Konigsberg 1882-4, ii, 266-7; Brockelmann, I, 493, S I, 900; M. Meyerhof, Un glossaire de la mature medicak compose par Maimonide, Cairo 1940, introd. p. xxii (important and groundbreaking); M. Ullmann, Die Medium im Islam, LeidenKoln 1970, 284-5, 291; idem, Die Natur- und Geheimwissenschqften im Islam, Leiden 1972, 129; A. Dietrich, Aus dem Drogenbuch des Suwaidi, in P. Salmon (ed.), Melanges d'lslamologie, volume dedie a la memoire de Armand Abel, Leiden 1974, 91-107 (translation samples). (A. DIETRICH) AL-SUWAYDIYYA (modern Tkish. Samandag), nowadays an important town and headquarters of the sub-province (ilfe) of Samandag. It is situated 26 km/16 miles south-west of Antakya (Antakiya [
situation was taken advantage of at a very early period. In spite of the lack of precision in the sources, it is probable that we should seek at Mogador the site of one of the five Phoenician colonies founded by Hanno (5th century B.C.). Pliny records that at the end of the 1st century B.C. the king Juba II founded purple dye-works on the Purpurariae Insulae, apparently islands and islets opposite al-Suwayra. Getulic purple, which was celebrated at Rome, was supplied by the molluscs abundant on this coast. In the 5th/llth century, according to al-Bakn, Amogdul, a very safe anchorage, was the port for all the province of Sus. We see in the name that of a local saint, Sldf Mogdul, still venerated in this region, whose tomb is on the bank near the mouth of the Wadi '1-Ksob. It is however possible that the saint gets his name from an old Berber place-name. Mogador is only a Spanish or Portuguese transcription of Mogdul, through the for'ms Mogodul, Mogodor, which we sometimes find in the texts. The harbour and the island bear the name Mogodor or Mongodor on a series of portolans of the 14th and 15th centuries (publ. by Ch. de la Ronciere, La decouverte de I'AJhque au Moyen-dge, Paris 1925) but there was not a town here, when in September 1506, the king of Portugal Dom Manuel I commanded a gentleman of his court, Diogo d'Azambuja, to build a fortress here which was called Castello Real of Mogador. Built with great difficulty, the Portuguese stronghold did not long resist attacks from the local tribes. It seems that at Mogador they came up against strong resistance, probably organised by the old Berber marabout body of the Ragraga. The garrison had to remain blockaded in Castello Real, revictualled with difficulty from Portugal and Madeira, until in 1510, the tribes were strong enough to seize the fortress. This old Portuguese castle situated on a rocky promontory supporting the western mole of the modern harbour, survived till 1764 or 1765 and was only destroyed when the town of al-Suwayra was built (see below). In spite of the lack of success of the Portuguese attempt, this privileged situation continued to attract the envy of European nations. At the beginning of the 17th century, Spain thought of seizing it to protect the route to the Indies. At the same time, English agents were thinking of making Mogador a base against Spain. In France, Richelieu and Pere Joseph were drawing up schemes for a colonial policy. The Chevalier de Razilly in 1626 suggested to them the occupation of Mogador and the organisation of a factory and fisheries there. He had it reconnoitred in 1629, but found it impossible to take it by surprise. In spite of so many projects and attempts against it, the island and the shores remained practically deserted. Ships, however, frequented the roadstead. It was through Mogador that in the first quarter of the 17th century, the greater part of the trade between Marrakush and Holland took place. Later, in the time of Mawlay Isma'fl, the harbour was mainly used as a refuge for corsairs who came there to rest and repair their vessels. Shortly after 1750, Sldl Muhammad b. cAbd Allah, having become sultan and having made Marrakush his capital, decided to found a town at Mogador and to conduct all the commerce of the south of his kingdom through it. The harbour also served as a base for the corsairs who, through the menace they offered to the fleets of Europe, forced the Christian nations to conclude treaties with the sultan. In order to populate the town and start business in it, he demanded
AL-SUWAYRA that European consuls and merchants should settle there and have houses built at their own expense. It is from the autumn of 1764 that the foundation of the town really dates; it was given the name alSuwayra (Swfra), the little fortress; the name Mogador was only used by Europeans. We also find a Berberised form (Tasuirt). The English provided the sultan with an architect. They sent him a French "engineer", a native of Avignon, called Nicolas Cournut, who had made the plans for the fortifications of some places in Roussillon. He was an adventurer who, after working in France as a contractor, had entered the English service during the Seven Years' War. The sultan did not gain much by his services and sent him back to France at the beginning of 1767. None of the present buildings in Mogador can be attributed with certainty to Cournut, for after him a number of European architects and masons worked for the sultan, notably a Genoese architect who built the battery called the skdla situated on the western rampart facing the sea. Suwayra owed to its builders the narrow streets, massive gateways and bastions of European type, the like of which cannot be found in other Moroccan towns and which give it quite a specific character as an "orthagonal medina". Sfdf Muhammad also built outside the town a country palace which still stands half buried in sand opposite the little village of Diyabat. The dreams of the sultan were only imperfectly realised. The prosperity of al-Suwayra remained insignificant under Sidl Muhammad and declined under his successors. The situation of the town, a long way from great cities and main roads, made it frequently used in the 19th century as a political prison and compulsory place of residence for high officials in disgrace. Mogador remained, however, the starting-place for the caravans to the Sus, Mauritania and the Sudan, and retained from this position a certain commercial importance, to which the opening of the port of Agadir to commerce was to cause considerable harm. On 15 August 1844, a French squadron commanded by the Prince de Joinville, who had just bombarded Tangier, came and bombarded al-Suwayra likewise. It was intended to make an impression on Mawlay c Abd al-Rahman by striking at a town which belonged to him personally and from which he drew considerable revenues. A three hours' bombardment silenced the batteries; the French army then disembarked on the island, the garrison of which, entrenched in the mosque, made a vigorous defence until the next morning. On 16 August, a detachment of 600 men went to spike the guns, throw the gunpowder into the sea and destroy the last defences of the town. Under the French Protectorate, the town now called Mogador became the seat of a controle civil. In the 1926 census, it had 18,401 inhabitants, including 7,730 Jews. This important community progressively decreased, and on the eve of independence was reduced to only 1,341. During the colonial period, Mogador became an important fishing port, furnished with canning factories, on the impulse of Breton entrepreneurs. A commercial port was set up, and dealt with the agricultural products of the town's hinterland: cereals, almonds, cummin, wax, woollens, hides and gums. In 1956, the town re-assumed the name of al-Suwayra. The drying-up of the oceans' resources and the development of better-equipped ports both to the north (Safi) and to the south (Agadir and then Tan Tan) brought to a precipitate close the industrial activities of processing fish, throwing part of the working population into unemployment, a quarter of which had worked in the fishing industry and its ancillaries. It
was Morocco's third fishing port in 1970, with over 40,000 tonnes of fish landed annually, but this fell to 20-25,000 tonnes after 1982 and down to 6,000 tonnes in 1991. Commercial activity in the port became negligible. Its administrative significance (al-Suwayra is the chef-lieu of a province), the presence of a largescale and a petty commerce serving the Chiadma (Shiyadma) region, and the survival of workers in marquetry (of national importance, starting from working with the thuya or arbor vitae wood), have enabled it to survive with difficulty. The industry benefited from some incoming capital and employed 4,600 persons in 1993 (Ministry of Industry statistics). But al-Suwayra remains above all a town whose tertiary sector has withered away. Despite an exceptionally mild summer and winter climate, an original countryside mingled with sand dunes, forests of argan trees and a splendid, diversified coastline, al-Suwayra has not been able to grow into a residential centre for international tourism. It is mainly frequented by Moroccan town-dwellers, especially those from Marrakush (Marrakech), in search of bathing and an unusual coolness. It has become a refuge for "hitch hikers" and, at times, for groups of hippies, so that its image as a tourist centre has been impaired. On the other hand, its unspoilt appearance has meant that it is frequently used as a stage for shooting films: "Saharan desert" scenes, utilising the surrounding massive sand dunes; urban and seaport settings for Orson Welles' Othello; and, more recently, for a film on Rimbaud (L'homme aux semelles de vent] by Marc Riviere. In these conditions, population growth has remained relatively modest. From 30,000 inhabitants in 1971, there were 42,000 in 1982 and 56,000 in 1994. The rate of annual increase of the twelve years 1982-94 has been 2.4%, whilst the urban population of the economic region of Tensift, in which al-Suwayra is situated, has grown by 3.6% during the same period. As a town isolated amid the dunes, poorly connected with its hinterland (which is in any case poor), away, as it always has been, from the great axial road connecting Safi with Agadir, al-Suwayra cannot compete with the two towns between which it is situated. It appears today as the archetype of a medium-sized Moroccan town in crisis, at the end of the world as it were, and a town turned inwards with the memories of its rich past. Bibliography: See the index to R. Roget, Le Maroc chez les auteurs anciens, Paris 1924; St. Gsell, Histoire ancienne de I'Afrique du Nord; Bakrf, Description de rAfrique septentrionale, ed. and tr. Slane, 1911-13; Damiao de Gois, Cronica do felicissimo rei D. Manuel., ed. D. Lopes, Coi'mbra 1926; H. de Castries, Sources inedites de I'histoire du Maroc:, Zayyanf, ed. and tr. O. Houdas, Paris 1886; Nasin, Kitdb al-Istiksd, tr. E. Fumey, in Archives Marocaines, ix and x; see also Duarte Pacheco Pereira, Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis, ed. Epiphanio da Silva Dias, tr. R. Ricard, in Hesperis (1927), 249; [Bide de Maurville], Relation de Vaffaire de Larache, Amsterdam 1775, 224; G. Host, Nachrichten von Marokos und Fes, Copenhagen 1781 and Den Marokanske Kajser Mohammed ben Abdallah's Historie, Copenhagen 1791; Chenier, Recherches historiques sur les Maures, Paris 1787, iii; Lempriere, Voyage dans I'Empire de Maroc, tr. Sainte-Suzanne, Paris 1801; Jackson, An account of the empire of Morocco, London 1809; H. de Castries, Le Danemark et le Maroc, in Hesperis, (1926), 342-5; E. Doutte, En tnbu, Paris 1914, 352-8; Latreille, La Campagne de 1844 au Maroc; J.-L. Miege, Le Maroc et VEurope (1830-1894), Paris 1961; D.J. Schroeter, Merchants of Essaouira. Urban
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society and imperialism in southern Morocco, Cambridge 1988; Miege, Entre desert et ocean. L'espace economique d'Essaouira an XIX™ sieck, in Maroc-Europe, Rabat, iv (1993), 45-60; Essaouira, memoires et empreintes du present, Actes des journees d'etudes d'octobre 1990, Publs. de la Fac. des Lettres et Sciences Humaines d'Agadir, 1994, pp. 414 (Arabic), pp. 82 (Fr.). (P. DE CENIVAL-[J.-F. TROIN]) AL-SUWAYS or SUEZ, a seaport in Egypt, located at the northern end of the Red Sea (lat. 29° 59' N., long. 32° 33' E.). The town centre is situated closely south to the ancient town of Kulzum [q.v.] which continued the Ptolemaic settlement of KAuofia or KXeiajia at the western shore of the bay of Suways and of which only a few ruins remain, known as Kum al-Kulzum. The foundations of al-Suways were laid after the formerly famous trading centre al-Kulzum (al-MakrfzI, KhitaL i, 213) had been fallen into decay in the 5th/llth century because of severe problems in supplying the inhabitants with fresh water and the difficulties in using the place as a permanent harbour, which had been effected by increasing silting up of the coast. AlIdrlsf still mentioned al-Kulzum on his map of the world (Charta Rogeriand) dated 1154. Yakut says that "today", al-Kulzum is ruined and the newly-founded al-Suways, which al-MukaddasI had already mentioned nearly two centuries before "was also like ruins where only a few people lived" (Bulddn, iv, 388). In earlier times, al-Suways had just been one of several wells which had been used to supply the inhabitants of alKulzum with fresh water. In the Middle Ages, alSuways served as a modest harbour for pilgrims travelling to Mecca and Medina by sea, as a trading place for Bedouin tribes and as the point of departure for the Egyptian annual tribute for the Hidjaz (see ibid., iii, 286). At al-Suways, the old pilgrim road from Cairo and the caravan track through the Wadf '1-Tlh ended. The use of the seaport was limited, although at the end of the 9th/15th century, the Mamluks tried to restore the importance of the place as a military harbour. In Ottoman times, however, al-Suways became a supply centre for ships of the Ottoman Red Sea naval forces which were lying in the roads. In addition, the Ottomans built a fortress which, however, fell into decay. Prior to the urban extension works of the 19th century, the old town, covering 0.15 km2, enclosed 11 quarters (hard) with a total of 112 residences, 2 mosques, a mill, several ovens, some 18 larger shops and khans, six markets with 120 shops and workshops and a zawiya. Two new quarters named SalFmiyya and al-Munsha'a were built in the 1810s as Muhammad CA1I promoted a small ship-building industry in order to facilitate the transportation of troops to the Hidjaz during the Egyptian-WahhabI wars (1811-18). This already anticipated the urban development of the 19th century, when al-Suways experienced a remarkable refoundation, and, after Alexandria, became Egypt's second trading centre. In 1838 al-Suways was connected to the new post road to Cairo and Alexandria, and also became the starting point for the new steamship liners to Bombay, with steam now allowing the all-yearround use of al-Suways as harbour. Its importance grew when, during the Crimean War, the telegraph link between Egypt and Aden was laid. In the early 1840s, Ferdinand de Lesseps (1805-94) made further investigations into the possibility of digging a new canal from the Mediterranean to the Red Sea. He elaborated earlier plans published by J.P. Le Pere (1808) and Linant de Bellefonds (1821),
and, after earlier measurings, according to which the level of the Red Sea was about 9 m/30 feet higher than that of the Mediterranean Sea (Lepere 1798), had been corrected, de Lesseps finally submitted a proposal to the then wall of Egypt, Sa'Id Pasha [q.v.]. He supported the opinion of Bellefonds' Saint-Simonist study group and of an Egyptian-European commission which had been set up in 1846, according to which the building of a canal through the Isthmus of Suez was possible. On 5 January 1856, Sacld signed the concession, hoping that the canal would strengthen his ambitions of making Egypt more independent of the Ottoman Empire. After three years of fund-raising and political quarrels, which involved the question of Ottoman sovereignty, the Suez Canal Company was founded with the support of Napoleon III in Paris in 1858. In the course of time, French entrepreneurs bought more than 50% of the shares. Sacld Pasha himself, who had originally acquired 21 % of the shares, had to sell some of them already in 1860. Finally, canal construction started on 22 April 1859. The Egyptian government recruited 25,000 peasants to work in the Canal region. Simultaneously, a sweet water canal was dug from Cairo to the region of Ismacrliyya. This canal followed the old canal which had linked the Red Sea with the Nile in Late Pharaonic times and which had been restored several times till the 2nd/8th century [for details, see El1 art. Suez\\ it took five years to dig this canal. After 1863 and the introduction of machines, the infrastructure and working conditions were considerably improved. When on 16 November 1869 the Canal was opened, construction costs had reached about 19 million pounds sterling, one-third of which had been paid by the Egyptian government. The Canal was now owned by the Companie Universelle du Canal Maritime de Suez, which controlled further property along the Canal. As a result of severe financial problems the Egyptian Khedive Ismacll Pasha [q.v.] was forced to sell his shares in the Suez Canal Company to the British government. Following the digging of the Canal (185969), two new permanent artificial harbours (formerly called Port Ibrahim and Port Tawfik) were built 3 km/2 miles to the south of Suez at the entry into the Canal. The Convention of Constantinople (29 October 1888) guaranteed the freedom of shipping through the Canal even in time of war. This treaty was again recognised by the Egyptian government on 24 April 1952. When opened, the Canal had a length of 164 km and a breadth of 52 m; in 1982, the length was 195 km and its breadth 164 m, now allowing even larger tankers (up to 150,000 registered tons in 1980) to pass through. In 1858, Suez was connected to the railway network, and the railway was used to import fresh water into Suez, which gradually turned into a town. Having become the southern port of entry into the Canal, its population has steadily increased (1860: 4,160; 1897: 17,500; 1992: 388,000), being nowadays the sixth largest town of Egypt. From 1882 to 1954, the Canal Zone remained a British military deployment area. Following the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 10 October 1954, the British were to demilitarise the zone within 20 months; on 26 July 1956, the Egyptian government nationalised the canal. Until 1960, Suez formed part of the Canal Governorate, but in that year it became the centre of a separate province (muhdfa^d). From 1956 to 1967, the sharp increase in oil shipment favoured an economic boom of the town, and the Canal was dredged out several times in order to bring the depth into line with the steadily increasing
AL-SUWAYS — AL-SUYUTl tonnage of tankers. Suez severly suffered from the wars and military activities from 1948 to 1973. During the Suez Crisis in 1956, Suez was not occupied and only a few bombing attacks hit the town. The EgyptianIsraeli Wars of 1967 and, in particular, of that of 1973, however, devastated Suez, destroying up to 7080% of it. The town only slowly recovered from the damage. From 1967 to 1975 whilst the Canal was blocked, Suez was almost a dead city. After 1975, there were ambitious plans to reconstruct Suez and it was projected as an urban agglomoration of nearly 1 million inhabitants by the year 2000, although only a few of these plans have since been realised. Refineries have been established, and a production pipeline now links the town with Cairo, and some chemical industries and an aluminium works constitute the present industrial importance of Suez. Bibliography: Apart from the sources mentioned in £/' art. Suez, see cAlf Mubarak, al-Khitat al-tawfikiyya al-^adida, Cairo 1886-8, xii, 69-95; R.M. Burton, Personal narrative of a pilgrimage to Al-Madinah & Meccah, London 1893, i, 160-85; A. von Kremer, Aeg)>pten, Leipzig 1863, ii, 173-206; R. Maunier, Bibliographie economique, juridique et sociale de I'Egypte moderne (1798-1916), New York 1918, 177-212; F. de Lesseps, Percement de I'isthme de Suez. Expose et documents ojfwiels, 5 vols., Paris 1855-60; L'Isthme de Suez, in Journal de I'union des deux mers, 1856-69; J. CharlesRoux, Uisthme et le canal de Suez, Paris 1901; Hussein Husny, Le canal de Suez rt la politique egyptienne, Montpellier 1923; Muhammad Fahmf Luhayta, Ta'rlkh Misr al-iktisddi f i 'l-cusur al-haditha, Cairo 1944, 24959; B. Ch. Boutros-Ghali, Le Canal de Suez 18541957, Alexandria 1958; D.A. Farnie, East and west of Suez. The Suez Canal in history 1854-1956, Oxford 1969; Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal, Kissat al-Suways, Beirut 1977; H. Bonin, Suez, Paris 1987; K. Kyele, Suez, London 1991. (R. SCHULZE) SUYAB, a s e t t l e m e n t in the S e m i r e c y e region of Central Asia [see YETI su] mentioned in the history of the Early Turks and their connections with the adjacent Islamic lands. It apparently lay slightly to the north of the Cu river valley, hence just north of the modern Kirghizia-Kazakstan border. Minorsky suggested that the name means "canal (db) on the Cu". At the time of the Arab incursions into Central Asia, the chief ordu or encampment of the Tiirgesh ruler Su-lu was located at Suyab; it was sacked by the incoming Chinese army in 748, and then in 766 the site was occupied by the Karluk [q.v.] when they migrated southwards and westwards after the fall of the Western Turkish empire. The Hudud al-faldm, tr. Minorsky, 99, mentions 20,000 warriors as coming from it, but Gardlzl, %ayn al-akhbdr, ed. cAbd al-Hayy Habfbf, 279, has the more modest figure of 500. The author of the Hudud placed it, in his time (late 4th/ 10th century), in the country of the Tukhsi, who may have been remnants of the Turgesh. Thereafter, however, it fades from mention; it does not e.g. appear in Kashgharf's Diwdn lughdt al-turk. Bibliography: Hudud al-cdlam, comm. 287, 289, 299 (map vi), 303; Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion*, 195, 301; idem History of the Semirechye, in Four studies on the history of Central Asia, i, Leiden 1956, 82-5. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SUYURGHATMISH [see KUTLUGJ-KHANIDS] . SUYUT [see ASYUT]. AL-SUYUTI, ABU 'L-FADL CABD AL-RAHMAN B. ABI BAKR b. Muhammad Djalal al-Dm al-Khudayrf, f a m o u s E g y p t i a n s c h o l a r , at present recog-
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nised as the most prolific author in the whole of Islamic literature. 1. Life. Through his father, al-Suyutf was of Persian origin. He himself states that his ancestors lived at alKhudayriyya, one of the quarters of Baghdad (hence his second nisba). In the Mamluk period his family settled in Asyut [q.v.], where its members were engaged in important religious and administrative duties. AlSuyutf was born on 1 Radjab 849/3 October 1445 in Cairo, where his father taught Shafi'f law and acted as substitute kadi. An anecdote prefigures Djalal al-Dln's fertile career: his mother, a Circassian slave, is said to have borne him while she found herself in the family library. To this, al-Suyutf owes the surname "son of books" (ibn al-kutub) (A. al-Aydarusf, Ta'fikh al-nur al-sdfir can akhbdr al-karn al-fdshir, Baghdad 1934, 51). His father died prematurely in 855/1451, and so the son had several teachers. At the age of fourteen, he deepened his education in the various religious sciences (tafsir, hadith, Shafi'f law, etc.) as well as in Arabic. Among his numerous teachers were c Alam al-Dm al-Bulkfnf, Sharaf al-Dln al-Munawf and Muhyf al-Dm al-Kafyadjf. Al-Suyutf includes among them Ibn Hadjar al-cAskalanf [q.v.], but he attended only once his courses, and that at the age of three (Ta3nkh al-nur al-sdfir, 54). He studied hadith under the aegis of a dozen women specialising in this discipline (M. al-Shakca, ^aldl al-Dm al-Suyuti, masiratuhu al-cilmiyya wa-mabdhithuhu al-lughawiyya, Cairo 1981, 35-40). In 867/1463, hardly eighteen years old, he inherited his father's position, taught Shafi'f law in the mosque of Shaykhu and gave juridical consultations in which he handled various sciences in a brilliant way (an example of a complex fatwd given at that early age is reported by S. Abu Djlb in Hay at Dialdl al-Dm al-Suyuti mac al-cilm min al-mahd ild 'l-lahd, Damascus 1993, 189-93). In 872/1467 al-Suyuti took up again the tradition of dictating (imla) hadith in the mosque of Ibn Tulun, where his father had been a preacher. This method had been interrupted twenty years earlier at the death of Ibn Hadjar. As a result, al-Suyuti obtained in 877/1472 the post of teacher of hadith at the Shaykhuniyya. Though nominated by his teacher al-Kafyadjf, it seems that he obtained this post because of the support of a Mamluk amir. From 891/1486 he was also in charge of the Baybarsiyya khdnkdh [q.v.]. These obligations left him time to write his works and to see to their spread outside Egypt. Before he had reached thirty years of age, his works were sought after in the entire Near East, and later circulated from India to Takrur in Sahilian Africa, where he, from Cairo, played the role of counsellor in matters of Islamisation (see the As'ila wdrida min al-Takrur, in the Hdwl presented below, i, 377-85). In fact, his career developed much more smoothly abroad than in Egypt. Here he found himself in the middle of numerous polemics: the intransigence and arrogance he displayed certainly contained elements which irritated his colleagues and stirred up their jealousy. These controversies touched upon questions of theology and law as well as mysticism, and the Hdwi li 'l-fatdwd (new ed. Beirut, n.d.), through the titles of thefatwds and chapters which the work brings together, attests that al-Suyutf must have refuted (al-radd cald...) many times the views of his adversaries. His main detractor was Muhammad al-Sakhawf (d. 902/1497 [q.v]), a traditionist who took offence at the fame of his colleague (as is admitted by al-Shawkanf in alBadr al-tdlic bi-mahdsin man bafd al-karn al-sdbif, Cairo 1348/1929-30, ij 328-35). Al-Sakhawf's acrimony
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AL-SUYUTI
appears in the pages which he reserves for al-Suyuti in al-Daw3 al-lamic fl a'ydn al-karn al-tdsic (Beirut n.d., iv, 65-70). The tension came to a head when alSuyuti, probably in 888/1483, pretended to have reached the degree of mudjtahid mutlak muntasib, that is to say that he exercised iajtihdd [q.v.] by following the method of one of the four imams, in this case that of imam al-Shafici. He thus does not present himself as an "independent" muajtahid (mustakill). In alRadd cald man akhlada ild }l-ard (Algiers 1907), he reminds the reader that iajtihdd is a collective duty (ford kifaya], underlined not only by the masters of the Shaficl school but also by Ibn Taymiyya. He also affirms that his iajtihdd is not at all limited to the Shari'a but also applies to the disciplines of the hadtth and of the Arabic language. Al-Suyuti's allegations aroused a real fitna (this term is used by Muhammad Abu '1-Hasan al-Bakrf; cf. al-Shacram, al-Tabakat al-sughrd, Cairo 1970, 78), and so it becomes understandable that alSha'ranf devoted the greater part of his entry on alSuyutf, whom he venerated, to the justification of the latter's points of view with regard to iajtihdd (op. cit., 17-36). In consistency with his pretentions to idjtihdd, al-Suyutl, two or three years before the year 900/1494, announces himself as the renewer of Islam (muajaddid) [q.v.] for the 9th century of the Hiajra (see his epistle on this subject in the Hdwi, ii, 248 ff. and his autobiography with the tide al-Tahadduth bi nicmat Allah, ed. E.M. Sartain, Cambridge 1975, 215-27). From 891/1486, at the age of about forty, al-Suyutf decided to retire from public life. Progressively he resigned his functions and stopped delivering fatwas. Apart from the resentment of his colleagues towards him, the reasons he put forward were corruption in the milieu of the 'ulamd' and their ignorance. Indeed, the decline of the cultural level at the end of the Mamluk period was manifest. At the same time, alSuyutl's relations with sultan Ka'it Bay [q.v.] became more acrimonious. He refused to pay a visit to the sultan at the beginning of each month: frequenting the wordly rulers, he profounded, was condemned by the first Muslims (cf. his epistle Ma rawdhu al-asdtln fi cadam al-madjic ild 'l-saldtin, Tanta 1991). On several occasions, he clashed with Ka'it Bay (see hisfatwd in the Hdwi, ii, 154-79) and declined the offer made later by sultan al-Ghawn [q.v] to assume direction of his madrasa. Al-Suyuti always rejected peremptorily the de facto power of the Mamluks whom he, following the example of al-clzz Ibn £Abd al-Salam (d. 660/1261), considered as "slaves" (mamluk). He never missed the opportunity to point this out in one or the other of his fatwds (Ham, i, 206-10). He reproached sultan Baybars [q.v] for having weakened the Shafi'f rite— and, beyond that, Islam—by designating a grand kadi for each of the three other rites. Conversely, the cAbbasid caliphs were for him the incarnation of legitimacy, for they were the best guarantors of the revealed Law and of the prophetic Sunna (see J.C1. Garcin, Histoire, opposition politique et pietisme traditionaliste dans le Husn al-muhddara de Suyuti, in AI, vii [1967], 33-88; see also Le sultan et le Pharaon, in Hommage d Francois Daumas, Montpellier 1986, 261-72). The indestructible support al-Suyutf gave to the caliphate is also explained by the bonds which his father wove with the caliphs residing in Cairo, and from which he himself profited: in 902/1496, he succeeded in having himself nominated "supreme kadi" by al-Mutawakkil, but the latter had to retract when faced with the hostility of the 'ulamd3. Al-Suyutf's complete retreat into his house on Rawda island took place in 906/1501, following the
conflict which opposed him to the residents of the Baybarsiyya. For him, who venerated the masters of tasawwuf, the residents of that khdnkdh were only pseudo-Sufis. Forced to reduce their salaries, he was obliged to hide in order to escape the persecution of sultan Tuman Bay, who supported his adversaries. He was then dismissed from his functions, but, as E.M. Sartain has shown in her Jaldl al-Din al-Suyuti, biography and background, Cambridge 1975, 101, this certainly did not happen because of mismanagement of the finances of the establishment. In his house on Rawda, he concentrated on the editing and revision of his works. He died there on 19 Djumada I 911/18 October 1505. His reputation as a scholar and the aura of godliness which were already his during his lifetime, then reached their zenith; his clothes were bought as if they were relics (Ibn lyas, Badd'i al-zuhur fl wakdY fal-duhur, Istanbul 1934, iv, 83). 2. A l - S u y u t f as a scholar, and his works. The self-confidence of al-Suyutf was based on his being aware of his own gifts. He had a prodigious memory (he knew by heart all the hadithi, which had come to his knowledge, namely 200,000) and his remarkable synthetic mind enabled him to edit or to dictate several works at the same time. He certainly did not lack ambition (at the age of twenty, during the Pilgrimage, he asked God to grant him more knowledge in fikh and in hadlth than the two great scholars of his time had in these disciplines; cf. alNur al-sdjir, 55), and this prompted him to write on the most clivers subjects. He olid not want to remain ignorant in any field of knowledge (see Goldziher's judgement on this matter, in J.O. Hunwick, Ignaz Goldziher on al-Suyuti, in MW, Iviii (1978), 94, 96). He asserted, however, that it was not a question of pride on his side, but of concern for bearing witness to the blessings with which God had favoured him (al-tahadduth bi-nicmat Allah; cf. also Hdwi, ii, 562). Moreover, we know that he led a rather frugal life. He was convinced that he had been invested with a mission which prevailed over every other consideration, in particular, over the opinion others had of him. This mission consisted in assembling and transmitting to coming generations the Islamic cultural patrimony before it might disappear as a result of the carelessness of his contemporaries. In fact, he quotes in his works numerous ancient texts which are now lost, in particular in the field of the Arabic language. Al-Suyutf represents the apex of mediaeval science (among others, David King makes this point with respect to al-Suyuti's treatise on cosmology (al-Hayca alsaniyyafi 'l-hay'a al-sunniyyd] in his review of A. Heinen, Islamic cosmology, Beirut-Wiesbaden 1982; cf. JAOS, cix/1 [1989], 125, and D^amcal-a^awdmif, Cairo 1984, 9 vols., al-Suyutf's great—unfinished—compilation of the prophetic tradition). At the same time, he prefigures the modern period by certain aspects, such as being partly an autodidact, presenting to a public, which he wanted to be widened, manuals which were centred around precise themes (this is, e.g., the case with his Itkdnfl culum al-Kur'dn (many editions), which remains a work of reference wherever Kur'anic sciences are taken up. Moreover, his epistles and fatwds are often the fruits of a request from the public, Egyptian or foreign. In the same spirit of vulgarisation, he epitomised the works of others, as well as his own (e.g. al-D^ami' al-saghir, a summary of the Djam' al-ajawdmic quoted above). For all that, al-Suyutf cannot be considered as a mere compiler. He indeed takes up themes which were usually neglected in Islamic literature. He is the first to have introduced Muslim mystics into
AL-SUYUTl the field of the fatwa (in this, he was to be followed by other Shafi'I scholars of the 10th/16th century, such as Nadjm al-Dm al-Ghaytr and, above all, Ibn Hadjar al-Haytaml [q.v.]. As for the form, al-Suyuti's procedure is scientific in so far as he quotes his sources with precision and presents them in a critical way. In the introduction to a work, he often defines the method which he is going to follow. His works benefit from a clear structure, and he often broke new ground by expounding his material according to its alphabetical order. Regarding the number of his works, Arab and Western authors have brought forward different figures, and these go up parallel to our knowledge. A study of 1983 mentions up to 981 works (A. alKhazindar and M.I. al-Shaybanl, Dalil makhtutdt alSuyutl wa-amdkin wud^udiha, Cairo), whereas al-Suyutf lived only for sixty solar years. In our days, his manuscripts are published with great success, and from this point of view, he has won the battle which laid him open to his detractors. Al-Suyuti's versatility is the illustration of the Islamic ideal, according to which there is no really profane science. He explored geography as well as lexicography, pharmacopeia, dietetics and erotica. Certain works of his are studded with the most anecdotal details, which in his eyes are all worthy of interest (cf. al-Kanz al-madfun wa 'l-fulk almashhun, Cairo 1991—if this indeed is his—or "The hundred questions" to which he answers in his Hdwl, ii, 527-67). More profoundly, his approach of a subject is often multidisciplinary. The purpose of his small treatise al-Ahddith al-hisdn Ji fadl al-taylasdn is to prove to sultan Ka'it Bay that wearing the taylasdn is a sunna, but he does not deprive himself of introducing philological expositions. Moreover, he asserts that, at the elaboration of his al-Khasd'is al-kubrd, on the specific virtues of the Prophet (Beirut 1985, 2 vols.), he made use of the sciences of tafslr, hadith, law and its foundations (usul), of Sufism, etc. (S. Abu Djlb, op. cit., 52). However, a well-defined main line of al-Suyuti's attachment to the Prophet and his Sunna stands out from this versatility. In his field of vision he includes the most scattered sciences as long as they do not contradict the Revelation which has come down upon Muhammad. That is why he condemns in several texts Hellenistic logic (al-mantik) (cf. in particular Sawn al-mantik wa 'l-kaldm canfann al-mantik wa 'l-kaldm, Cairo 1947). He is a man of Tradition, and for him every speculation is submitted to it. From this comes alSuyuti's salafi aspect, which explains why he often walks in the footsteps of Ibn Taymiyya, although he dissociates himself from him in certain points (cf. E. Geoffroy, Le soufisme en Egypte et en Syrie, IFEAD, Damascus 1995, 448-9). Among the disciplines which he says he controls (Husn al-muhddara fi akhbdr Misr wa }l-Kdhira, Cairo 1968, i, 238-9; al-Tahadduth, 204), that of the hadith prevails, for its impregnates the greater part of his works. The various sciences which are related to the Arabic language perhaps represent his favourite subject (this is what he asserts in alAshbdh wa 'l-nazd'irfi 'l-lugha, Haydarabad 1940, i, 3-4), but the influence of cilm al-hadith is quite distinctly to be noticed in his major work on the language, alMuzjiir fi culum al-lugha wa-anwdcihd (see e.g. B. Weiss, Language and tradition in medieval Islam: the question of alTariq ild Ma'rifat al-Lugha, in IsL, Ixi [1984], 98-9), and al-Suyutl himself acknowledged this in the prologue of his Muzftir (Beirut 1986, i, 1). In the same way as he did for the hadith, al-Suyutl reintroduced the "dictation of the language" (imld3 al-lugha) after
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this had been interrupted for almost five hundred years (Hunwick, op. cit., 92). It is worthwhile to note that, in his other works on language, al-Suyuti follows the method of the religious sciences, that of the usul al-fikh, in al-Iktirdh fi cilm usul al-lugha, and that of fikh in al-Ashbdh wa 'l-na^ir Ji 'l-lugha, which he puts side-to-side with al-Ashbdh wa 'l-nagd'tr fi fkh alimdm al-Shdficl (Cairo 1959). Though claiming that he innovated the science of the "foundations of the Arabic language" (usul al-lugha), he worked as a philologist rather than as a linguist. Another pole of alSuyutr's work are the Kur'anic sciences (about twenty works), and if the above-mentioned Itkdn gives a generous share to language and rhetoric, al-Suyutfs main commentary, al-Durr al-manthur fi 'l-tafsir bi 'l-ma'thur (Beirut 1990, 8 vols.) is exclusively supplied with hadith and the sayings of the first Muslims. In this field should also be mentioned the very practical Tafslr alDj.aldlayn (many editions), the commentary begun by Djalal al-Dm al-Mahalll (d. 864/1459 [q.v.]), one of al-Suyutfs teachers, and perfected by the latter. Brockelmann wrongly identified this work with the Lubdb al-nukul fi asbdb al-nuzul, which deals with the "circumstances of the revelation" (Cairo n.d.; see El1 art. al-Suyutl, at IV, 573b). If in al-Suyutfs eyes the discipline of the hadith represents "the noblest of sciences" (Husn al-muhddara, i, 155), this is because it is related to the prophetic model, which for him is the only way leading to God. In this field, al-Suyutl completes Ibn Hadjar's contribution by establishing the chain of guarantors and the degree of reliability of certain traditions introduced by his precursor. Here al-Suyutfs key work is perhaps Tadrib al-rdwi fi sharh taknb al-Nawawi (Beirut 1979), which deals with the terminology of hadith (see e.g. the extensive use made of it by S. Salih in his cUlum al-hadith wa-mustalahuhu, Beirut 1982), but many others could be quoted. The prophetic model evoked previously cannot be transmitted exclusively by bookish science; it must be vitalised from inside. Al-Suyuti, who claimed to have seen the Prophet more than seventy times while awake (al-Shacranf, op. cit., 29; al-Suyuti justifies this faculty in a long fatwd in Hdwl, ii, 473-92), assures people that, during a vision, one may be entertained directly by the Prophet about the validity of a hadith (Tahdhir al-khawwds min akddhib al-kussds, Beirut n.d., 50). He attached importance to the complementarity between the esoteric and exoteric aspects of the Prophet in a work with the explicit title al-Bdhir fi hukm al-nabi (S) bi 'l-bdtin wa 'l-gdhir (Cairo 1987). As a Sufi, al-Suyutl found in the Shadhiliyya [q.v.] a just equilibrium between the Law and the Way (cf. his Ta'yid al-hakika al-caliyya wa-tashyid altanka al-shddhiliyya, Cairo 1934). As master, he had a shaykh of this order, Muhammad al-Maghribf (d. 910/ 1504), and his principal disciple, who served him for forty years, was called cAbd al-Kadir al-Shadhill. In accordance with this personal engagement, al-Suyuti profited from his fame as cdlim and jurisconsult to spearhead a clear-sighted apology for Sufism and its masters. He saw the highest form of adoration in the dhikr, showed that one must interpret the sayings of the Sufis and not stop at their first appearance, maintained that the saints had the gift of ubiquity, put the initiatory hierarchy of the saints back into a Sunn! perspective, defended the orthodoxy of Ibn al-Farid and Ibn al-cArabf, etc. (the relationship between alSuyutl and Sufism is treated in detail in the abovementioned Le soufisme en Egypte et en Syne). Among the supernatural favours attributed to al-Suyutl we may cite his predictions on the first Ottoman period (Ibn
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AL-SUYUTI — suzi CELEBI
lyas, op. cit., v, 218; al-Shacram, op. tit, 30-2). Moreover, the eschatological dimension is very much present in his work (see the many fatwas in his Ham, e.g. ii, 213-56, 358-66, etc.; see also Bushrd al-ka'ib bilika3 al-habib, Cairo 1969). Finally, it should not be forgotten that al-Suyuti also was a historian and biographer. In this field, he took up theory (e.g. al-Shamdrikh f i cilm al-ta'nkh, but above all he wrote on several concrete subjects, such as a history of the caliphs (Ta'rikh al-khulafd3, Cairo 1964), a history of Egypt (Husn al-muhddara, quoted above), and a great number of biographical collections, chosen according to specialities (tabakdt of commentators, traditionists, grammarians, poets, etc.). He did not neglect literature, but this was hardly ever an end in itself. He took it up, in particular, under its historical angle (al-Musia^raf rain akhbdr al-ajawdri, Beirut 1963) or under its erotic one (his Rashf al-zuldl min al-sihr al-haldl has been translated by Rene Khawam under the title Nuits de noces, Paris 1988), and his poetry is dedicated to the praise of the Prophet. Bibliography: Add to the sources quoted in the article, al-Suyutf's biography, written by his disciple cAbd al-Kadir al-Shadhilf, Bahajat al-cdbidin bitarajamat Djaldl al-Din (mss. in London, Dublin, Kuwayt), as well as Shams al-Dm al-Dawudf, Tarajamat al-Suyuti (ms. Tubingen); Nadjm al-Dm al-Ghazzf, al-Kawdkib al-sd}ira bi-dydn al-mi3a al-cdshira, Beirut 1945, i, 226-31. E.M. Sartain, Jaldl al-Dm al-Suyuti, remains the most complete study in a Western language; see also eadem, Jaldl al-Dm asSuyuti's relations with the people of Takrur, in JSS, xvi (1971), 193-8. In his bibliography, S. Abu Djfb mentions several studies in Arabic (op. cit.., 331-2). In his Muhammad's birthday festival (Leiden 1993, 4570), NJ. Kaptein presents and translates al-Suyutf's fatwd which validates the practice of the mawlid nabawT. (E. GEOFFROY) SUZ, SAYYID MUHAMMAD MIR (1133-1213/172098), Urdu poet, was born in Dihli. His father was descended from a Gudjarati saint, but the family originally hailed from Bukhara. The poet had the broad education and training typical of the noble classes. He was an excellent archer and horseman, and generally skilled in the martial arts and noted for his physical strength. He was an expert calligrapher, and excelled in all the seven different types of ornamental writing. After a licentious youth, he became a dervish. As a writer, whilst a number of tadhkira authors refer to him and quote from his verse, there is a lack of firm detailed information. Mir Hasan [q.v.] asserts in his Tadhkira that Suz wrote prose as well as poetry: but none of this has survived; not even, regrettably, his book on archery. His skill as a poet is recognised, but while the salient points of his poetry are well-known, we lack an authoritative dlwdn. He was known for his emotional recitation, which contrasted with the more common taht al-lafe method, which perhaps placed phonology before feeling. His Urdu poetry is dominated by ghazal, but also includes mathnawl, rubd'i and mukhammas. He at first used the takhallus Mir, but, to avoid confusion with Mir Takr Mir [q.v.], changed it to Suz (= "passion, burning"). He was the first Urdu poet to achieve fame for rekhti verse, that is, using women's language, in which Rangln later became better-known. Spontaneity, simplicity, avoidance of high-flowing similes and obscure allusions, all these, according to Saksena (op. cit. in Bib I., 60), are among his characteristics. He does not make excessive use of Persian expressions: and, unlike his contemporary, Sawda [q.v],
he has no penchant for virtuosity in prosody, such as rich and difficult rhymes. It is all very tantalising, and from what we know of his life and works, one is tempted to ask, "Is this a genius manque?" Though essentially a Dihll poet, he was, like others, driven by Marafha and Afghan incursions to leave the city, and after a stay in Murshidabad, seat of the Nawwabs of Bengal, he became mentor of the Nawwab Asaf al-Dawla in Lucknow in 1797, but died the following year. A pleasant, witty and courteous gentleman, he did not take easily to patronage, but won a niche for himself as a "prince of amorous style" (Saksena, 60). It must be admitted, however, that it contains more pathos than passion. Bibliography: Kudrat CA1I Shawk, Tabakdt alshifard*, ed. Nithar Ahmad Farukl, Lahore 1968, 231-40, contains a short account and useful examples of Suz's poetry. This should be taken together with Abu '1-Layth Siddlkl, Lakhnaw kd dabistdn-i shd'iri, Lahore 1955, 'l35-8. Ram Babu Saksena, A history of Urdu literature, Allahabad 1926, 59-60, is helpful. In addition to Kudrat CA1I Shawk's work mentioned above, the tadhkiras of the following authors merit reference: Mushafi [q.v.]', Nassakh, Sukhan-i shu'aro?', and Mir Hasan [q.v.]. (J.A. HAYWOOD) SUZANI (better Sozanf), Muhammad b. £Alf (or Mas'ud?) al-Samarkandf, Persian satirical poet of the 6 t h / 1 2 t h c e n t u r y . A native of Nasaf (Nakhshab), he eulogised several of the Karakhanid rulers of Samarkand, from Arslan Shah Muhammad II (495-cfl. 523/1102-w. 1129) up to Kilic famghac Khan Mascud II (ca. 556-7 4/ca. 1161-78), but also several of the Burhanid sadrs of Bukhara [see SADR. 1], the Saldjukid Sandjar [q.v] and others. Dawlatshah, who appears to have seen Suzanf's grave in Samarkand, says that he died in 569/1173-4, and adds that before his death he repented his many sins and turned his hand to devotional poetry. However this may be, Suzanf is now remembered mainly as the author of vehemently abusive invectives and of pornographic (mostly homoerotic) facetiae. For modern scholars (as already for the mediaeval Persian lexicographers) their interest resides largely in the fact that they contain many examples of the Samarkand dialect and of unusual slang expressions. The poems were collected, together with a good number of scurrilous anecdotes, by the Safawid antiquarian Takl KashI [q.v] in his Khuldsat al-ashfdr, from which virtually all of the manuscripts purporting to contain Suzanfs diwdn are apparently derived, and a selection of these mediocre manuscripts forms the basis of the published edition by N. Shah-Husaynl, Tehran 1338 *$£./! 959. However a fair number of Suzanfs poems are contained in a textually superior form also in anthologies of the 7th-8th/13th-14th centuries. Bibliography: 'Awfi, Lubab ii, 191-8; Mustawfi, Tdnkh-i gu&da, ed. NawaT, Tehran 1339 Sh./\96Q, 733-4; Dawlatshah, Tadhkira, 100-3; Takr Kashl, Khuldsat al-as_hfdr, B.L. ms. Or. 3506, fols. 36 la396a; Browne, LHP, ii, 342-3; de Blois, Persian literature, v, 546-50 (with further references); R. Zipoli, / Carmina Priapea di Sudani, in Annali di Ca} Foscari, xxxiv/3 (Venice 1995), 205-56. (F.C. DE BLOIS) SUZI CELEBI, Mehmed b. Mahmud b. cAbd Allah, Ottoman poet who lived in the second half of the 9th/15th century and the first decades of the following one, d. 931/1524. Born at Prizren [q.v] near Uskiib [q.v] (Skoplje), he became secretary to Mfkhal-Oghlu [q.v] cAli Beg,
SUZI CELEBI — SWAHILI and after the latter's death in 913/1507, secretary to Mlkhal-Oghlu Mehmed Beg up to 918/1512. From a wakfiyye of his dated 919/1513, it appears that Sultan Sellm I granted him the farm of Grajdanik with a temlik-ndme, and that he left the service of Mehmed Beg. He settled down in Prizren and established a mesajid and a school in the Khodja Ilyas district, becoming an imam and mu'edhdhin and teaching there. He probably remained there till his death, and was buried in the graveyard of his own mosque near the grave of his elder brother Neharf. The tedhkires quote two elegies by him and a few couplets, but do not mention whether he composed a complete Diwdn. However, it seems that he composed a Ghazawat-name of 15,000 couplets in mathnawl form, describing and lauding CA1I Beg's campaigns in Rumelia, but only 1,795 couplets survive today. In its first part are narrated the campaigns of the MlkhalOghlu, and in its second the love affair of CA1T Beg and Meryem, daughter of Erdel Beg, so that the work can be considered as a hybrid epic-romance. The extant four ms. have been critically edited by Agah Sirn Levend, together with a facsimile of the Millet ms. manzum 1339 (Gazavat-nameler. Mihaloglu All Bey'in Gazavdtndmesi, Ankara 1956) and with an extensive study on this type of literature in general and of cAli Beg's Balkan campaigns. At the end, Levend includes some new information on Suzf Celebi from Olesnicki's biography in Serbo-Croat (Uskiip 1934). Bibliography: See also Sehl, Tedhkire, ed. Giinay Kut, Cambridge, Mass. 1978,_272; Latlfi, Tedhkire, Istanbul 1314/1896-7, 194-6; cAshik Celebi, Meshdhir ul-shucard\ ed. Meredith-Owens, London 1971; Siajill-i Vthmdm, iii, 114; 'Othmdnll mu'ellifleri, ii, 231; F. Babinger, GOW, 34-5. (GONUL A. TEKIN) SUZMANl [see LUL!]. SVISTOV [see ZISHTOWA]. SWAHILI, a language extensively used on the coastland of East Africa (< Ar. sawdhil "coastlands"). 1. Language. Swahili, also known as Kiswahili, belongs to the Bantu family of languages which are spoken in the southern third of Africa, from Cameroon and Kenya to South Africa. The languages share striking features of grammar—all nouns, for example, belong to one of a number of concord-classes, with characteristic prefixes and agreements—and a considerable common lexicon. Swahili is spoken as a mother-tongue on the east coast of Africa, from the southern part of Somalia to the northern areas of Msumbiji (Mozambique), including the islands of the Lamu archipelago off the coast of Kenya, Pemba, Zanzibar, Mafia, and Kilwa off the coast of Tanzania, and on the Comoro islands. The location of the region on the rim of the Indian Ocean basin has enabled it to engage in maritime trade with other countries across the seas. The anonymous Greek traveller of ca. A.D. 50 (thus dated by Casson) notes such trade with Arabia in his Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. He also observed that the Arab captains and agents, as he called them, did not merely possess a superficial acquaintance of the coastal towns but were familiar with the people, intermarried with them, and that they knew the whole coast and understood the language. The coast also traded with Siraf and Shfraz in Persia. Trade was followed in time by the introduction of Islam to the coast by at least the 10th century. In the 12th century, al-Idrfsf gives a Swahili word waganga "practitioner of white magic", and four centuries later, Ahmad b. Madjid [see IBN MADJID] speaks of the lughat al-^anaj, presumably Swahili. With the appearance of
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Islam on the coast arose the necessity to learn the Arabic alphabet in order to read the Kur'an, a practice which gave rise to a certain amount of literacy, especially among the urban population; this, in turn, prepared the ground for the development of poetry. Islam also widened the contact with the Middle East, initiating a continual flow of migration to the East African coast of scholars and learned persons with a good command of Arabic. Consequently, the influence of Arabic on Swahili has been semantically extensive in religious and commercial fields. Three ways have been suggested whereby Islamic concepts and Arabic religious terms entered the language: (i) the original Arabic term was Swahilised, e.g. ruh ("soul") became who; (ii) the original Arabic term was Swahilised but a Bantu synonym was also used, e.g. rasul "messenger" was realised both as rasuli and as mtume "the one sent"; (iii) the original Arabic term was not adopted as such but its concept was realised through the use of a pre-existing Swahili word, e.g. Allah was rendered by the Swahili Mngu. Words of Arabic origin in commercial discourse include the word for "trade", which is a combination of the Arabic words for "buying" and "selling", bay' and shird3, Swahilised as biashara; others are soko ("market"), faida ("profit"), bidhaa ("goods"). The Swahili word for "contract", mkataba is formed out of the root k-t-b, which has also supplied kitabu ("book"), katiba ("constitution"), katibu ("secretary"), maktaba ("library"). The importance of Swahili as a language complementary to Arabic has long been recognised by some scholars. One such, Sheikh Abdulla Saleh al-Farsy (d. 1982), deliberately employed Swahili in his sermons, radio broadcasts and writing. The use of an African language was to him a legitimate medium for the expression of Swahili Islam, a necessity for a fuller assertion of one's identity. His translation of the Kur'an, originally serialised in a Zanzibari weekly newspaper, Mivongozi, is a major contribution in this field. Al-Farsy's ideas are being continued today by his pupils, notable among whom is Sheikh Saidi Musa (b. 1944), who writes extensively from his headquarters at Ugweno, Moshi, on mainland Tanzania. The outcome is that Swahili has today made inroads in areas previously reserved for Arabic. The Friday sermon, for example, is now preached in Swahili, though Arabic is employed in the "formulaic" parts which require reading from a set text. The way in which the two languages complement each other is best exemplified in the adoption of what is known as the "Swahili-Arabic script" as the orthography of the coast. The script was used extensively prior to the introduction of the Latin script by the Germans, and remains in limited use among Swahili Muslims of the coast. Thus the earliest phase of Swahili literature—16th to the 19th centuries—is given expression in this script. It is a phase dominated by poems written on religious themes. The poets drew their inspiration from the life of the Prophet: the earliest extant work is the Hamziyah, composed in 1652 by Idarus Othman, which is a translation in verse of the Kaslda Hamziyya of al-Busm (d. 1296 [q.v. in Suppl.]). But while the earlier poets projected themselves to the Arabia of the 7th century for their inspiration and themes, later poets expressed their understanding of Islam through local idioms and imagery. An interesting example is the Swahili poem al-Inkishafi by Sayyid Abdallah Nasir (d. 1820), in which the poet uses the deserted city of Pate [q.v.] as an image of the transitoriness of life, a theme often invoked in Muslim literature.
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SWAHILI — SWAT
Gradually, both language and literature spread beyond the coast, moving inland more rapidly and deeply in Tanganyika than in Kenya. Trading caravans from around 1800 onwards diffused Swahili upcountry, creating settlements (e.g. at Tabora and Ujiji) where the language and its Muslim culture took root. Christian missionaries of various nationalities and orders also used Swahili in their evangelical work, in both oral and written media, including the translation of the Bible. The early missionaries contributed significantly to the study of the language through their scholarly works. Ludwig Krapf (of the Church Missionary Society) published the first grammar of Swahili in 1850, to be followed by his dictionary in 1882, Bishop Edward Steere of Zanzibar (of the Universities Mission to Central Africa) produced a Handbook of Swahili in 1870, and, a few years later, Fr. Charles Sacleux (of the Holy Ghost Mission in Zanzibar and Morogoro) started his studies of the dialects of Swahili which culminated in the publication of his SwahiliFrench dictionary in 1891, "a dictionary in which there is a wealth of dialectal and verse material not available elsewhere" (Whiteley, 1968, 13). Mention must also be made of the Rev. W.E. Taylor, who collaborated with a local Swahili scholar, Mwalimu Sikujua, in the 1880s in collecting and preserving the work of the Swahili poet Muyaka bin Mwinyi Haji (d. 1840). Another factor which aided the spread of Swahili and its consolidation as a lingua franca in Tanganyika was its use by the colonial powers as the language of administration, police and education. The German administration of Tanganyika (1891 to 1918) laid the foundations upon which the British (1918-61) continued to build. A far-reaching decision was taken in 1930 to select the Swahili spoken on Zanzibar as the "standard" language to be used officially in education and for all publications to be written in a standard Latin orthography. In Tanganyika, Swahili was adopted by early manifestations of organised labour which grew into the political parties that fought for independence; in Kenya, the future President, Jomo Kenyatta, chose to speak in Swahili to raise his originally local Gikuyu organisation into a national movement. In both countries, the language contributed to the creation of a sense of unity. In recognition of this fact, the independent government of Tanganyika (1961) declared it a national language; and, together with English, Swahili is an official language in Kenya. At least 40 million people speak it today. Its extensive use in Tanzania [q.v.] (the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar) has given rise to a group of mother-tongue speakers of Swahili whose parents use the language as their common medium of communication. Not all of them are Muslims. Whereas a century or so ago, to be a Swahili was synonymous with being a Muslim on the coast, that equation is increasingly being challenged and debated. A crucial factor of change has been the use of Swahili as a home-tongue by families belonging to different nationalities, different ethnic communities and different faiths. Bibliography: J.W.T. Allen, Arabic script for students of Swahili, Dar es Salaam 1945; B. Krumm, Words of oriental origin in Swahili, London 1961; L. Harries, Swahili poetry, Oxford 1962; W.H. Whiteley, Swahili. The rise of a national language, London 1969; E.G. Martin, Notes on some members of the learned classes of Zanzibar and East Africa in the nineteenth century, in African-Historical Studies, iv (1971), 525-45; J. Knappert, Swahili Islamic poetry. Leiden
1971; M.H. Abdulaziz, Muyaka. 19th century Swahili popular poetry, Nairobi 1979; J. Maw and D. Parkin (eds.) Swahili language and society, Vienna 1985; R.L. Pouwels, Horn and crescent. Cultural change and traditional Islam on the East African coast, 800-1900, Cambridge 1987; G.S. Freeman-Grenville, The Portuguese on the Swahili coast: buildings and language, in Stadia (Lisbon), xlix (1989), 244-53; J. Middleton, The world of the Swahili. An African mercantile civilization, New Haven 1992; F. Topan, Swahili as a religious language, in Jnal. of Religion in Africa, xxii/4 (1992) 331-49; A.M. Mazrui and I.N. Shariff, The Swahili. Idiom and identity of an African people, New Jersey 1994; See also EP art. Zanzibar II. The Swahili population (Alice Werner). (FAROUK TOPAN) 2. L i t e r a t u r e . This is covered in detail in the following articles: HAMASA. vi, in Suppl.; KISSA. vii; MADIH, MADH. 5; MARTHIYA. 5; MATHAL. 5; Ml'RADJ. 3; SHAABAN ROBERT.
See als_o TAJR!KH. East Africa: SWAT, a region of the North-West Frontier region of what is now Pakistan, lying roughly between lats. 34° 30' and 35° 50' N. and long. 72° and 73° E. It is bounded on the north-west by Citral, on the west by Dlr, on the east by Buner and Hazara and on the south by Mardan. It comprises essentially the basin of the Swat River, from its headwaters down to the Malakand Pass, after which it runs into the Kabul River below Peshawar and near Nawshera. The northern part of the basin, Swat Kohistan, includes high mountains, but Kuz or lower Swat is the alluvial basin of the river, fertile and intensively cultivated. In classical times, Lower Swat may well have been traversed by Alexander the Great and his army. Swat must originally have been peopled by speakers of Indian or Dardic languages. By the 16th century, the majority of the Swatls were incoming (displacing Dilazaks) Pashto-speaking Yusufzay and other Pushtuns, although there remain Dardic-speaking Torwals and Garwls in Swat Kohistan [see DARDIC and KAFIR LANGUAGES]. Also by this time, Swat became Muslim, and its history since then, into the 20th century, has been inextricably linked with that of Dlr, Citral and Badjawr [q.vv.]. Dfr and Swat were centres of the Rawshaniyya movement [q.v.] of the late 16th century, and the whole region north of the Kabul River was never really controlled by the Mughals or by Ahmad Shah Durrani [^.zw.]. Arising out of the mu^dhidin movement led by Sayyid Ahmad of Bareilly (killed 12467 1831) in the early 19th century [see AHMAD BRELWI and MUDJAHID. 2], the Akhund cAbd al-Ghafur (d. 1877) in 1835 established himself as a religious leader at Saydu in lower Swat, and the shrine at Saydu Sharif later became one of the holiest Islamic sites in northern India. Although British rule was imposed on the Peshawar valley after 1849, British influence was only fitfully exercised in the lands further north. Swat and the adjacent petty states were the targets of the British Indian Army's punitive campaign of Ambela in 1863, and Swat (but not Dlr) was involved in the Malakand rising of 1897 led by Mulla Sacd Allah Sartor ("The Madman"). It was shortly after this, in 1901, that a railway branch from Nawshahra (Nowshera) to Dargai at the foot of the Malakand Pass was completed. Temporal rule in Swat had been exercised until his death in 1857 by the Padishah Sayyid Akbar of Sitana, patron of Sayyid Ahmad Brelwl and leader of warfare against the Sikhs. After the death of the Akhund cAbd al-Ghafur and, shortly afterwards, those of his two sons, Sayyid Akbar's family again had tern-
SWAT — SZECHUAN poral power in Swat, whilst the spiritual succession was disputed amongst the Akhund's four grandsons, the Miyanguls. Swat was recognised by the Government of India as a princely state in 1917. It was not until 1926 that one of these grandsons, Miyangul Gul Shahzada cAbd al-Wadud, succeeded in finally excluding Sayyid Akbar's descendants and in consolidating the Swat valley under his leadership. He was recognised by the Government of India as Wall or ruler of the Swat princely state; by his death he had extended the State northwards and eastwards into Indus Kohistan and had taken over Buner. His son Miyangul Djahanzfb succeeded in 1949. After Partition, Swat remained a princely state within Pakistan, with the Wall independent in regard to internal affairs and ruling with a partially-elected Advisory Council, until 1969, when Swat was peacefully integrated within the regular administration of Pakistan. A demographic trend there has been the steep rise in the population of the valley, now dense, with pressure on resources there. Bibliography: Imperial gazetteer of India2, xxiii, 183-7; C.C. Davies, The problem of the North-West Frontier 1890-1908, Cambridge 1932, index; F. Earth, Indus and Swat Kohistan, an ethnographic survey, Oslo 1956; Sir Olaf Caroe, The Pathans 550 EC-AD 1957, London 1958, 383-5, 427-8 and index; Earth, Political leadership amongst Swat Pathans, London 1959; J.W. Spain, The Pathan borderland, The Hague 1963, 153-4, 223; D. Dichter, The North-West Frontier of West Pakistan. A study in regional geography, Oxford 1967, 48-60; Earth, The last Wali of Swat, an autobiography as told to F.B., New York 1985. (C.E. BOSWORTH) SYLHET [see SILHET]. SZECHUAN (also spelled as Ssu-ch'uan in the Wade and Si-chuan in the Pin-yin systems) is a province in the south-west of the People's Republic of China. Geographically, the four grand rivers (Min, T'o, Chialing and Wu; three of them are tributaries of the Yangtze River) flowing north-southward give the modern name of Sze-chuan (meaning "four rivers") to the province. The whole province is a huge basin, some 75,000 square miles in extent. The mountains on all sides bar easy access to the outside world. The azure mountains of the Tibetan borderland rise in the west, crossed only by the road to Lhasa and penetrated by only a few trails. The T'apa and Tsinling ranges run across the north, traversed by a single road and one railway. These mountains continue south-eastward and close to the Yangtze Gorges. Terrain which is difficult to cross surrounds the basin in the south, next to Kweichou and Yunnan provinces. The Szechuan basin is also known as the "Red Basin" because of its underlying soft sandstone and shales, ranging from red to purple in colour. In ancient times, the region was called "Pa Shu," denoting the original non-Han cultures of this region. The geographical isolation of the region has made its culture unique, and distinct from that of inland China. Various aboriginal cultures still exist today. Modern studies suggest that the ancient Chinese silk industry was invented by the Ti and Ch'iang peoples in Szechuan. According to the Han Annals, Ch'iang Ch'ien, the Han envoy sent by Emperor Wu to the Central Asian countries, found Szechuan silk, crafts and other industrial products in the country of T'a Hsia (modern Afghanistan) around 139-126 B.C. Apparently, a trade route between Szechuan and Central Asia existed in ancient times. The ancient south-western silk road was probably the earliest com-
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munication route between China and Hsi Yu ("the western countries": Central and Western Asia). This route is supposedly 700 years older than the northern one, which was discovered by Ch'ang Ch'ien on his mission to the Huns in Central Asia. The south-western silk road started from Ch'engt'u city, which has been, throughout history, the cultural, economic and political centre of Szechuan; and then split into two routes: the eastern river way along the Min river entered Yunnan province to Kunming city; the western land route, running from the ancient steelmaking centre of Ch'iunglai through various valleys, entered western Yunnan to T'ali city, then the two routes joined at T'ali and, following the traditional horse caravan route, entered Burma and ended in India. This road is the so-called ancient Shu Junt'u T'ao ("Szechuan—Indian Path"). From India, it then went in two directions: either southward via the Indian Ocean to the Persian Gulf, then to Arabia; or northward by land to Central Asia. The south-western silk road was often used by Muslims of Yunnan and Szechuan as the caravan trade route to India or as the Pilgrimage route to Mecca before modern transport became available. From the Han period (195 B.C.-A.D. 220), the Han culture gradually permeated Szechuan and was imbibed by the local people, with subsequent syncretisation. In spite of its existence in China during the T'ang and Sung periods, Islam never appeared in Szechuan until the Mongol conquest of the province. According to Chinese sources, the first appearance of Islam here took place probably in the year A.D. 1253, when a Muslim contingent of the Mongol Tamaci army was sent by Kubilay Khan [q.v.] to conquer Szechuan and Yunnan. After the conquest, Muslim troops stayed there to cultivate the conquered lands. From then on throughout the Mongol-Yuan (12781368), Ming (1368-1644) and Manchu-Ch'ing (16441911) dynasties, Muslims, mostly from the northwestern provinces of Kansu, Shensi and Ninghsia, and some from inland provinces, continued to migrate into the region either for trade or for military campaigns. Islamic communities were thus formed and mosques built in the main cities all over the province. The Ku-ch'ie Lou mosque in Ch'engt'u city, which was built in the Ming period and reconstructed in the 17th century, is apparently the oldest of those still in existence. It is known for its traditional architectural design and use of local construction materials. The Muslim population in Szechuan grew rapidly during the Ch'ing period, especially when the Muslim rebellions of Ma Hua-lung [q.v.] in Shensi and Kansu and T'u Wen-hsiu [q.v.] in Yunnan failed and a great number of Muslims fled the Manchu massacres to Szechuan. The Nakshbandiyya-Djahriyya order thus spread into Szechuan. However, the Kadiriyya and Nakshbandiyya-Khafiyya orders had existed in the province from early in the 17th century, and the Kadiriyya are reported to have set up seven shrines in the province. The indigenous Chinese Sufi order called Hsi-T'ao-Tang and founded by Ma Ch'i-hsi in Lin-t'an-Kansu at the beginning of the 20th century, also set up its branch zawayd, which also served as their trading and preaching centres, in the north-west of the province. The order probably entered the region mainly through Muslim traders. At the present time, the Muslim population of Szechuan is about 109,000 (2.2% of the provincial minority population), according to the rather laconic report of the 1990s official census. During the last three decades, due to the Communist central government's assimilation policy
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SZEGHUAN — SZEKESFEHERVAR
towards the national minorities, Szechuan Muslims have increasingly been integrated into Han-Chinese society. Nowadays, it is not easy to distinguish Muslims from ordinary Chinese, apart from pork avoidance. Bibliography. Hu Shih-wen, Ch'eng-t'u hui-min hsien chuang ("Muslims in Ch'eng-t'u city") in Tukung, vii/4 (1936); Huang Ch'in-yeh, Shu-yu jih-chih ("Journey in Szechuan") in Hsiao-fang hu-chai i-ti ts'ung ch'ao, Taipei 1956 repr. of Chu-i t'ang (Shanghai) ed.; Chu Wen-djang, The Moslem rebellion in northwest China 1862-1878, The Hague 1966; Chu li, T'ien-ju chih-kuo, Ssu-ch'uan ("Szechuan, the kingdom of paradise") Hong Kong 1976; Liu Chihp'ing, Chung-kuo Ti-ssu-lan chiao chwn-chih ("Chinese Islamic architecture"), Urumchi 1982; Meng Mo et al., Ssu-ch'uan k'u-t'ai shih-k'ao ("History of Szechuan from ancient times to the Ch'ing period"), Ch'engt'u 1988; Ch'ao T'ing-k'uang (ed.), The Silk Road in southwest China, Kunming 1992; Hu Chen-hua (ed.), Chung-kuo hui-tsu ("Chinese Muslims: Szechuan section"), Ninghsia 1993. (CHANG-KUAN LIN) SZEGED (Ottoman, Segedm), a town and centre of a sand^ak in the Great Plain of Hungary, along the river Tisza. First mentioned in a 1183 charter, Szeged acquired town privileges in the 13th century and became a civitas ("free royal town") in 1498. After being ransacked by the Ottomans in 1526 and by the Serbian militia of "Tsar" Yovan in 1527, it enjoyed peaceful years until 1541. Since the town had some ruinous remnants of a mediaeval castle only, it was unable to show resistance, and was easily taken by the Ottoman Pasha of Buda early in 1543. A sand^ak was created immediately around Szeged, which was to extend over a large territory later, and whose first mirliwd, Derwfsh Beg, was an active participant in the 1543 campaign. By 1547-8 the castle was rebuilt by the Ottomans. In 1552 Mihaly Toth and his haiducks, as well as the mercenary troops of Bernardo de Aldana, made an abortive attempt at regaining Szeged. After this event, Ottoman rule remained uninterrupted until September 1686. Following the 1596 establishment of the wilayet of Eger, the sand^ak of Szeged was transferred to its territory, though its governor occasionally resided in Bacs (Serbian Bac). The Hungarian population of the town reached approximately 10,000 souls both in the 1520s and the 1540s, thus being among the three largest places in Ottoman Hungary. After a sudden and significant drop by 1560, when 700 hearths were found instead of 1,350, due to the migration of the wealthiest elements to Kecskemet and to towns of Habsburg Hungary, a period of stagnation followed. The high annual number of Catholic baptisms registered in the second half of the 17th century—160 on the average with an increasing tendency—suggests that there was no population fall among the Christians in 100 years. Economically, Szeged was a traditional centre of salt transportation. Cattle and sheep breeding stood in the foreground of agricultural activities, while locallyproduced grain and wine could not cover the needs of consumption. Export-oriented trade concentrated on cattle. The role of handicrafts was modest. Bibliography: T. Halasi-Kun, Sixteenth century Turkish settlements in southern Hungary, in Belleten, xxviii (1964), 1-72 (the article deals with—mostly converted—Muslims in Southern Slav villages); Szeged tortenete 1. A kezdetektol 1686-ig. ("The history of Szeged. From the beginnings to 1686."), ed.
Gy. Kristo, Szeged 1983, 499-738, relevant part by F. Szakaly; G. Bayerle, Kanun-Name of the Sanjak of Segtdin of 1570, in Archivum Ottomanicum, xiii
(1993-4), 55-84. (G. DAVID) SZEKESFEHERVAR (Ottoman, Istolnl/Ustolnl Belghrad [from Serbian stolni belgrad "white capital castle"]; German, StuhlweiBenburg; Latin Alba Regia), a town and centre of a sanajak in Transdanubia, Hungary, and one of the main royal and ecclesiastical centres from the time of St. Stephen (1000-38), where several kings were crowned and buried. Realising its strategic and spiritual importance in the Buda-Esztergom-Szekesfehervar triangle, the Ottomans took the town and its castle, which fell without considerable resistance, on 3 September, during the 1543 campaign, two years after they had captured the Hungarian capital and had created a new beglerbegilik there [see BUDIN]. Except for a short interval in 1601-2, Szekesfehervar remained under Turkish rule until May 1688, when it surrendered to the Austrians after a long blockade. A sanajak of extensive territories was established around Szekesfehervar, including some western regions which were not actually in Ottoman possession; out of the 591 towns and villages registered in the ia^mdl defteri of 1570, only some 250 paid the ajizye in 1563-5. Among its sandgak begk, significant personalities can be found such as Hamza Beg, who spent most of his life in Hungary, as well as Kasim Pasha, who served also as beglerbegi of Buda and Temesvar, and Ibrahim Pecewf [q.v.], the famous chronicler, in the years 1632-5. The castle underwent restoration in 1545-6, before 1550, in 1572 (this time, more than 1,000 workers and 650 carts were employed), and finally in the period 1640-60. Otherwise, only a few Ottoman buildings were erected: two ajdmi's or mesa^ids and two baths. Following the usual pattern in administrative centres, the original Hungarian population—estimated at 7-8,000—diminished to 1,200-1,500 by 1563-5 and to some 500 by the time of the rule of Murad III. The number of Ottoman garrison soldiers, which was nearly 3,000 in 1543, fell to 1,400 by 1568-9; besides, some 1,000 timariots lived here in the 16th century, including their d^ebdus and families. Apart from occasional fluctuations, Szekesfehervar preserved its economic importance, at least in the 16th century. This is proved by financial sums in customs lists and the high number of shops. The town was a significant place on the transit route of cattle exported to Austria, Germany, and Italy. However, due to lack of sources the 17th century history of the town is almost unknown. Bibliography. Szekesfehervar evszdzadai 3, Torb'k kor. ("The centuries of Szekesfehervar. 3. The Ottoman Period.") Szekesfehervar 1977; Die Steuerkonskription des Sandschaks Stuhlweiflenburg aus den Jahren 1563 bis 1565. Unter Mitwirkung von I. Hunyadi bearbeitet von J, Matuz (Islamwissenschaftliche Quellen und Texte aus deutschen Bibliotheken, hrsg. von K. Schwarz. Band 3.), Bamberg 1986; G. David, Timar-Defter oder Dschizye-Defter? Bemerkungen zu einer Quelknausgabe fur den Sandschak Stuhlweifienburg (Rezensionsartikel), in W^KM, Ixxxi (1991), 147-53; E. Vass, Forrdsok a Szekesfehervdri szandzsdksdg tortenetehez 15431688 ("Sources for the History of the sand^ak of Szekesfehervar"), in Fejer Megyei Tb'rteneti Evkbnyv, xix, Szekesfehervar 1989, 69-200 (unreliable). (G. DAVID)