Proceedings of the Tenth Seminar of the IATS, 2003, Volume 7 Text, Image and Song in Transdisciplinary Dialogue (Brill's Tibetan Studies Library) (v. 7)

TEXT, IMAGE AND SONG IN TRANSDISCIPLINARY DIALOGUE

BRILL’S TIBETAN STUDIES LIBRARY edited by HENK BLEZER ALEX MCKAY CHARLES RAMBLE VOLUME 10/7

TEXT, IMAGE AND SONG IN TRANSDISCIPLINARY DIALOGUE PIATS 2003: Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Tenth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Oxford, 2003. Managing Editor: Charles Ramble.

EDITED BY

DEBORAH KLIMBURG-SALTER, KURT TROPPER AND CHRISTIAN JAHODA

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2007

Cover photo: Detail of a painting, ‘Bodhisattva king’, Tabo monastery, main temple, ambulatory, ca. 1042 (photo J. Poncar, WHAV JP01 A264a) This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A C.I.P. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

ISSN 1568-6183 ISBN-13: 978 90 04 15549 7 ISBN-10: 90 04 15549 X © Copyright 2007 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface ................................................................................................ vii ERNST STEINKELLNER—Introduction: Trans-disciplinary Research in the Western Himalayas .................................................

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DEBORAH KLIMBURG-SALTER—Reflections on the Contribution of Art History to Transdisciplinary Research in Vienna: The Example of the Nako Sacred Compound ....................

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VERENA WIDORN—The Documentation, Archiving and Dissemination of Visual Resources: An Introduction to the Western Himalaya Archive Vienna .................................................. 27 PASANG WANGDU—Ke ru lha khang: Cultural Preservation and Interdisciplinary Research in Central Tibet ............................... 45 HORST LASIC—Fragments of pramåˆa Texts Preserved in Tabo Monastery ............................................................................. 63 HELMUT TAUSCHER—The Rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don Manuscript of the ‘Gondhla Kanjur’.................................................. 79 KURT TROPPER—The Historical Inscription in the Gsum brtsegs Temple at Wanla, Ladakh .................................................... 105 RENATE PONWEISER—A Hitherto Unidentified Narrative Composition in the Ambulatory of the Cella in the Main Temple at Tabo (Himachal Pradesh) ................................................ 151 CHRISTIANE PAPA-KALANTARI—The Art of the Court: Some Remarks on the Historical Stratigraphy of Eastern Iranian Elements in Early Buddhist Painting of Alchi, Ladakh ................... 167 CHRISTIAN JAHODA—Documenting Oral Traditions: Methodological Reflections .............................................................. 229 VERONIKA HEIN—A Preliminary Analysis of Some Songs in Tibetan Language Recorded in Spiti and Upper Kinnaur................. 235

PREFACE The papers in this volume all result from fieldwork associated with the research program conducted by the Interdisciplinary Research Unit (Forschungsschwerpunkt = FSP) The Cultural History of the Western Himalayas from the 10th to 14th Centuries, sponsored by the Austrian Science Fund. The Research Unit has been directed by Deborah Klimburg-Salter and consists of five subprojects: Coordination, Art History, Inscriptions, Codicology, and Architecture, directed by Deborah Klimburg-Salter (the first two), Ernst Steinkellner, Helmut Tauscher, and Holger Neuwirth respectively. The papers in this volume are related to the research activities of the first four subprojects as well as to the Austrian Science Fund financed project Documentation of Oral Traditions in Spiti and Upper Kinnaur, directed by Dietrich Schüller, and closely associated with the Research Unit since its inception. The history of the Interdisciplinary Research Unit and its expanding transdisciplinary modalities are found in the contributions of Steinkellner and Klimburg-Salter to this volume.1 While the research goals were established within the framework of transdisciplinary research, each scholar approaches scientific problems according to the methodologies associated with their respective disciplines: philology, philosophy, history, art history, linguistics, and cultural anthropology. In order to facilitate the dissemination of research results databases will eventually be linked to a digital ‘map’. This is one of the long-term goals of the Research Unit and a first report on this undertaking was delivered during the panel by Elisabeth Posch. Her presentation could not be included in this volume because the research product was not suitable for the printed media. Articles by Steinkellner, Klimburg-Salter, Widorn, and Jahoda explicate the structure, methods, and advantages of transdisciplinary research, reflecting the interactive dialogue with scholars who attended the almost day-long session at Oxford. These articles serve as an in__________ 1 See also n. 1, p. 1, in D. Klimburg-Salter, “Ribba, the Story of an early Buddhist temple in Kinnaur”. In D. Klimburg-Salter and E. Allinger (eds) Buddhist Art and Tibetan Patronage, Ninth to Fourteenth Centuries. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, vol. 7. Leiden 2002: Brill.

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troduction to the examination of specific problems in different aspects of the culture and history of the Indian Himalayas and Central Tibet. Lasic and Tauscher discuss problems of textual genesis and transmission on the basis of manuscripts discovered in Tabo (Spiti) and Gondhla (Lahaul) respectively—a canonical pramåˆa text and a noncanonical sËtra anthology. Pasang Wangdu, Tropper and Ponweiser each examine a Buddhist monument from a different perspective: the manuscript ‘library’ at Keru (TAR), the historical inscription at Wanla (Ladakh), and the narrative painting at Tabo. Papa-Kalantari defines the artistic representations of royal figures in the monasteries of the period and the extended region, and Hein analyses the evidence provided by the oral traditions from Spiti and upper Kinnaur. A basic hypothesis of the panel entitled “Transdisciplinary Research” was that the initial phases of field research and documentation of multidisciplinary research teams are easily understood within the usual parameters of ‘basic’ or ‘theoretical’ research (Grundlagenforschung). In the next analytical phases transdisciplinary methods enable more flexible interpretive models. Transdisciplinary research results provide the additional advantage of being easily configured as ‘applied’ research and as such adapted to a variety of programmes responding to the needs of the communities where the research is conducted, as in the case of Nako Monastery (Kinnaur) discussed by Klimburg-Salter. Renate Ponweiser’s contribution was originally presented in the panel “History, Literature, Archaeology and Art of Western Tibet and the Western Himalaya” organised by Amy Heller. Horst Lasic delivered his paper in the panel “Philosophy” chaired by Pieter Verhagen. As their research results derive from fieldwork conducted with the FSP and the resources of the WHAV (see Widorn’s article in this volume), they decided to publish their contributions here. The various spellings of many Tibetan names of places and persons that can be found in both Western and Tibetan sources have not been unified by the editors and the individual articles reflect the preferences of each author. Where appropriate, the anglicised form is followed by a transliteration of the Tibetan version or vice versa. In order to provide the best possible reproduction of the plates, the colour images are represented in a CD accompanying the volume. They can also be accessed on http://www.univie.ac.at/fsp-programm. Vienna, May 2006

D. Klimburg-Salter, K. Tropper, Ch. Jahoda

INTRODUCTION: TRANS-DISCIPLINARY RESEARCH IN THE WESTERN HIMALAYAS ERNST STEINKELLNER (VIENNA) The papers presented in this panel on ‘trans-disciplinary research’ are meant to demonstrate the advantages of this kind of approach as inherent in the efforts of a group of scholars at Vienna University who focus in their research on the cultural past of Western Tibet. The members of this group have begun their research at different times and for different reasons, but have recently become connected formally in a common Interdisciplinary Research Unit (Forschungsschwerpunkt) ‘The Cultural History of the Western Himalaya’ which is supported financially by the Austrian Science Fund. What does ‘trans-disciplinary’ mean for us? It refers to the ideal of looking beyond the rims of one’s own discipline, ‘discipline’ being understood as any kind of research on a certain subject by using a methodology—with appropriate variations—that has been developed within this research and that is sanctified by success and tradition. Now, if one and the same subject, or different subjects belonging to one and the same cultural context, can be studied by different disciplines, the different methodologies of these disciplines are brought into play. An illustrated manuscript, for example, may be studied by a philologist concerned with the text and the ideas it contains, by an art-historian concerned with the illustrations, a palaeographer with the writing styles and forms, a chemist with the nature of the material, a physical engineer with its age, and so on. Each of us has been educated within a certain discipline. We have learned to apply its specific methods in order to be trusted with regard to our results. But whenever we make an effort to understand a larger context, quite naturally we become trans-disciplinarians. Of course, within our own discipline we have a primary methodological model which we can adapt to our changing subjects, but we cannot be so parochial as to consider this method to be the only one able to produce reliable results and to not introduce notions and results into our work that we would not have been able to come up with using

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only our primary method. This, in my eyes, is a ‘trans-disciplinary’ attitude which can always be chosen by anybody, but is more easily developed in larger groups of researchers interested in the same subject from different angles. This is what is happening in Vienna. It is also evident, however, that this sort of trans-disciplinary attitude does not constitute a methodology of its own; no meta-method, so to speak, has been developed beyond the methods of the participating disciplines. Still, its results are more than the mere sum of the individual results. This is due to the dialectical movement which starts as soon as one looks at and makes use of somebody else’s questions, or their progress and results. Why then is it important, if there is nothing unusual about transdisciplinary studies, to stress this point? A number of answers are possible. Yet, without trying to be blunt, my first answer is that a main reason is socio-political. Many of the social institutions that finance research today no longer trust the traditional disciplines to be able to develop new ‘useful’ approaches from within their own theoretical set-up. Although in fact, e.g., no philology would be worth its name if it didn’t include a consideration of the context of its texts, present-day societies continue to ask for new programmes, mostly under the influence of theories from Social Anthropology, with the aim of transforming traditional disciplines into more up-to-date Cultural Studies. True philology in general, of course, has no need of such pressures. Particularly within Tibetan Philology and Tibetan Social Anthropology it has always been clear, and has to a large extent been accommodated, that texts, written or oral, have functions, on the one hand, and that many social phenomena in Tibet have texts, on the other. Nevertheless, it seems necessary nowadays, as a measure of research-propelling wisdom, to inform the institutions providing financial backing that we are not incarcerating our searching minds into methodological prisons, but are open for trans- or multi-disciplinary approaches. If this first answer had given the impression of being tinged by slightly cynical despair, that was not my intention. I would rather defend the necessity of our societies’ steering the research they are paying for. What I object to is that when this is done only in generalising or simplistic ways, or by changing merely the labels, or, in particular, by devaluing the specific methods developed within the disciplines for their specific objects.

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My second answer is based on the practical results of such a transdisciplinary approach in research. This is, in fact, not only the more important reason, but it is also a good and worthy one. The research that has been conducted in Tabo, Spiti (Himachal Pradesh) by cooperating international groups of historians, art-historians, architects, socio-anthropologists, and philologists has not only motivated the locals, the monks of the thriving monastery and the villagers, to strengthen their already quite strong consciousness and feeling of responsibility for the cultural treasure in their midst, but has also made the Indian government and the world more aware of the uniqueness of this cultural complex. The effects of the considerable research work invested in the Tabo complex have also clearly been felt at the economic level by the villagers. In these individual research efforts, Tabo is valued as a case in which the roughly thousand-year-old contexts can still be traced and identified from what remains today, can be related to information attained through different approaches, and finally interpreted as a living whole, in which all the individual facts, data, and documents receive their meaning from a real or at least hypothetical understanding of their actual social functions. This enterprise in Tabo is still going on, of course, with matters of monument preservation in the hands of the Indian government (Archaeological Survey of India). This is not the case in Nako, Kinnaur (Himachal Pradesh). Nako is not among the monuments protected and maintained by the Archaeological Survey of India. However, its four twelfth-century temples are the focus of the ‘Nako Research and Preservation Project’, a sub-unit of the Interdisciplinary Research Unit mentioned above. Two of these temples still contain wall paintings and sculptures from their original building period. But earthquakes, roof and water damage seriously threaten the fragile remains. The villagers’ attempts to repair the damage proved futile. Thus the art historians who studied these temples have joined forces with Indian architects and conservation specialists in London, New Delhi, and Vienna. On the basis of the site documentation, tests and analyses, as well as the study of the chronology of the decoration, methods and a plan of preservation can now be implemented in the Nako conservation-cum-restoration programme. Without trans-disciplinary communication this work of saving the temples of Nako would not have come about. But what is ‘trans-dis-

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ciplinary’ in the real sense of the word, going beyond all the academic disciplines involved so far, is the fact that the specialists who are involved are continuously engaged with the local community and the Buddhist community organisations. They aim at not only incorporating the still-available local expertise and other local capacities into the work process, but also at finding simple and mutual solutions for problems as they arise. In this way the population of Nako can easily realise their own intentions and hopes for the spiritual centre with the best modern methods offered them by these foreigners. The enterprise began as art-historical research, extended to other disciplines, and now assumes the character of ‘translational’ research in its worthy final move to bring the results to an overall beneficial practical fruition.

REFLECTIONS ON THE CONTRIBUTION OF ART HISTORY TO TRANSDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH IN VIENNA: THE EXAMPLE OF THE NAKO SACRED COMPOUND DEBORAH KLIMBURG-SALTER (VIENNA)

INTRODUCTION From the outset there was a recognition that all participating scholars shared a common interest in Tibetan and Indo-Tibetan culture—and used compatible methodologies in our respective disciplines. Each scholar worked with documents of various kinds—literary, visual, oral, material—as the primary object of study. And each of us used in the first instance a comparative and analytical approach to the document which emphasised a careful analysis of the constituent parts in order to approach a more precise understanding of the original—an essentially analogous method is called by the philologists a text critical method. In most instances there followed a second phase in the study—an attempt to achieve a synthesis of the results of a multi-faceted inquiry—in order to understand the meaning and function of the document. An essential motivation for the research unit was the common interest in defining a larger cultural historical context for our individual enquiries. The most noteworthy result of this transdisciplinary method was the study of Tabo monastery in the 10th/11th centuries. Prior to the beginning of this research by scholars of the Vienna team in collaboration with Italian scholars at IsMEO (now IsIAO), the monastery had been scarcely studied (Tucci 1935, Klimburg-Salter 1982). The five areas of research—art history, history, codicology, wall inscriptions, Buddhist studies—developed over the years into the projects which became the Interdisciplinary Research Unit. The scientific monographs (East and West 1994, vol. 44/1) made possible the first steps towards a more synthetic cultural history based largely on the art historical evidence and aimed at the general public (Klimburg-Salter 1997). This more popular book was published together with two scientific

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studies on the wall inscriptions (Petech and Luczanits 1999) and Pilgrimage of Sudhana (Steinkellner 1995, 1996), one of the three narrative cycles represented in the Assembly Hall. Further studies were published three years later in Tabo Studies II (Scherrer-Schaub and Steinkellner 1999a). The intention of the Interdisciplinary Research Unit has been to continue this collaborative research but in a more structured scientific environment. The first challenge was to find an appropriate focus for our inquiry. The spatial and geographic focus had to be large enough to allow for an adequate volume of primary research material, but narrow enough to permit a meaningful synthesis of the results. And of course, there had to be important documents available for all research interests. It was also logical that we exploit the experiences and results of the previous years’ fieldwork. We thus decided to remain in the Western Himalayan region during the 9th to 14th centuries. Within this contiguous zone, smaller regions were identified of which two regions along the Indian side of the Indo-Tibetan border were particularly important: Cog la, the ancient name for the region around Tabo (for the discussion of this region see references in KlimburgSalter 1997: 276), and the neighbouring region in the lower Spiti and upper Kinnaur districts, Himachal Pradesh, India (roughly speaking this area extends from Lari in Spiti Valley, the south-eastern most village in Cog la, to Pooh [ancient Spu] in Kinnaur). According to the literary sources and the archaeological/art historical remains, there was an exceptionally large number of temples and monasteries founded during the ‘Second Diffusion of Buddhism’ throughout the latter region. Of these, the most important surviving Buddhist complex, with its original decoration intact is located in the village of Nako in Kinnaur. Thus, once again, a physical monument was to serve as the focus of our research. But in contrast to Tabo, the Nako temples, despite their large size and the high quality of the artistic decoration, had not yet been identified in any literary source. In addition, the inscriptions in the temple could not yet be read due to their much ruined condition. Thus, the largest body of primary evidence for the cultural history of the region was, again, the art historical record and thus, the important role of the art historians (Steinkellner this volume). Although Nako lacked also the largely historical inscriptions and name captions found in Tabo we were able to expand our evidence for the

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history of the Sacred Compound from a new vantage point—conservation research (see below). Recently the art history monographs published by this research group (e.g. Klimburg-Salter and Allinger 2002) have been described as constituting ‘A Vienna School’ of Tibetan art history.1 It is interesting therefore to begin to try to define the method employed and to determine if this ‘non-European art history’2 can be seen as a descendent of the scientific traditions identified with the well known ‘Vienna School of art history’ until now considered only in a euro-centric context. A second, related question is to what degree the scholarly work of the present group of art historians is a product of a specific Vienna academic climate. The team of art historians participating in the Interdisciplinary Research Unit (FSP = Forschungsschwerpunkt) financed by the Austrian Science Fund that I direct, works primarily on the art of the Western Himalayan regions, most particularly but not exclusively on Buddhist art. Thanks to their generous and long term financing, which began in 1986, all art historians could work exclusively from originals by virtue of being able to conduct extensive fieldwork, often long and complicated in nature. One of the functions of this fieldwork is to document the material culture. This documentation could be identified and scientifically archived in the Western Himalaya Archive Vienna (WHAV) so that now a statistically large body of primary visual documentation exists as the basis for primary research ‘Grundlagenforschung’ (Widorn this volume).3 Until now, each of the many art historical monographs have centered on an art object, or group of objects—a temple, sculptures, wall paintings, or __________ 1

As almost all the monuments discussed are actually in India I would prefer a larger designation Indo-Tibetan and Tibetan. 2 This term is a direct translation of ‘Außereuropäische Kunstgeschichte’, the Austrian name for the field as it is established in the Institute of Art History, University of Vienna. I have retained this term for the purposes of this article, although I do not agree with the euro-centric viewpoint. However, nothing better represents the dichotomy between Europe and the rest of the world in the Institute of Art History. 3 It is no exaggeration to say that the financing from the Austrian Science Fund created the field of art historical study on South Asia and Tibet at the University of Vienna. The large and scientifically archived WHAV, also funded completely by the Austrian Science Fund ensures the primary research materials for future generations, despite the precarious future of these ancient monuments.

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miniature paintings. Topics of inquiry have ranged from mural paintings (Klimburg-Salter 1997) to sculptures in clay (Luczanits 2004) or wood (Widorn 2001, forthcoming), textile arts (KlimburgSalter 1996b, Wandl 1997, 1999a, 1999b) and motifs as a platform for broader discussions on the meaning of ornament (Papa-Kalantari 2000, 2002). Manuscript illustration, a surprisingly little studied aspect of Tibetan and Indo-Tibetan art, is a major concern in Vienna (Klimburg-Salter 1994b, Allinger 2001). The codicological methods developed by Scherrer-Schaub (1999) have proved particularly important in the development of a methodology for the study of Sanskrit and Tibetan manuscripts of the 11th-12th centuries. A comparative formalist method is the primary analytical tool which then allows larger questions to be approached within a chronological and historical context. This method has proved reliable for the Indo-Tibetan monuments such as Nako and Tabo because of a relatively clear understanding of the chronological development of Indian Buddhist art. For the later periods of Tibetan art however after the ca. 15th century, the use of comparative stylistic analysis to determine chronology becomes more complicated (Klimburg-Salter 2000). Recently the descriptive and analytical parameters could be expanded through the addition of conservation research—technical studies. Thanks to the methodological discussions introduced by Bacher (1989, 1999, NRPP Report 2004) translational research led to a comprehensive plan for the preservation of the Nako sacred complex.4 THE VIENNA SCHOOL OF ART HISTORY The Vienna School of art history is such an important topic within the historiography of the field that it would be hopeless to attempt even a sample bibliography here. Rather the reader is referred to the historical review by Hans Aurenhammer (2002, 2005), to the website of the Institute of Art History, University of Vienna, and to the recent publication of a special issue of ‘Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstge__________ 4 The Nako Research and Preservation Program is part of the Research Unit but until now largely financed by the World Monument Fund under a Wilson Challenge Grant and contributions from the Shelley and Donald Rubin Foundation.

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schichte’ (Wiener Schule 2005), and other introductions (e.g. Wood 2000). Here I present merely reflections on the question of a distinctive ‘non-European art history’ and the question of its Viennese roots. Only time will tell if the work of the Vienna team remains only a footnote or is deemed worthy of a more rigorous examination. The present discussion will first present a very limited and superficial review of the ‘non-European art history’ at the University of Vienna, especially South Asian Art History. I will consider only one example, Stella Kramrisch, whose work reflected the ideas of the Vienna School of the early 20th century. A relatively new discipline emerging in the 19th century, the history of art was in essence euro-centric. At the beginning of the 21st century, as a result of the plurality of approaches that now characterize the art historical discipline, the permitted subjects of art historical inquiry have expanded to include the visual culture of the entire globe from the beginning of history to the present. At the beginning of the 20th century, the middle point of this short historiographic narrative, stands Strzygowski (1862–1941; Prof. from 1909–1933) and his rather particular view of a kind of Euro-Asian diffusionist art history. Prior to WWII Strzygowski was the internationally best known Austrian art historian. However, he energetically opposed the ‘Vienna School of art history’ as represented by Schlosser and Dvorak and in contrast is far less important in the 21st century (Aurenhammer 2002). Despite Strzygowski’s polemical style and the racist overtones of his wideranging theories he did broaden the horizon of the Vienna art history tradition (ibid.). Sixty-two years after Strzygowski’s ‘Lehrkanzel’ (Academic Chair) was abolished—the chair of ‘non-European art history’, Außereuropäische Kunstgeschichte, was established at the Institute for Art History in 1996. Since that time the present writer is Professor of ‘non-European’ Art History. Although Strzygowski’s passionately argued theories exerted significant influence on his contemporaries, it was the second generation of Viennese historians of Islamic and Asian art, who produced the first fundamental studies in their respective areas of specialisation and their work reflects in most instances the theories of other influential Austrian and German art historians of the early 20th century, specifically Riegl (1858–1905), Dvorak (1874–1921) and the Hungarian Antal (1887–1954). As can be seen from the work of Stella Kramrisch (1896–1993), the first to dedicate her studies to the art of South Asia, an art-historical

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method evolved that was rooted in both the art historical and philological methods she studied at the University of Vienna. She was trained in both disciplines art history and Sanskrit and Vedic studies and both disciplines influenced her extensive scholarly writings. As can be seen from her magnum opus The Hindu Temple (Kramrisch 1946) she employed a systematic formalist method where she attempted to identify and carefully analyse the morphology and semantic structure of the visual language. Her study demonstrates not only her command of the technical and philosophical Sanskrit literature but more importantly her ability to demonstrate how this literary tradition was transformed into a living physical presence—the Hindu Temple. Almost one hundred years after Kramrisch began her studies, a close association between the two disciplines characterises the study of the art history of the region at the University of Vienna. Students are expected to have a good working knowledge of Sanskrit and Tibetan or another, for them relevant, Asian research language. The goal is not only to be able to read the written word but to learn how the text is to be studied. It is inevitable that years of working together (even generations) leads to a shared intellectual climate. This I would postulate is the source of the shared text-critical method to the study of documents—visual or literary—which has distinguished the studies of South Asia and Tibet5 at the University of Vienna. One example taken from the present research program of the FWF Interdisciplinary Research Unit serves to support my basic hypothesis that there is no ‘non-European’ art historical method as distinct from an European art historical method, neither in Vienna nor elsewhere. The choice of methodology is not dictated by the geographic origin of the work of art—Western or not, but rather by the questions one asks and the character and function of the visual object that serves as the subject of analysis. The central thesis of this discussion is that to the degree that certain fundamental concepts and methods articulated by prominent members of the Vienna School influenced the development of the study of European art history in the early 20th century, these same ideas influenced also non-Western art history. __________ 5 The terminology used here follows that currently in use in Vienna. Tibetan art history is included neither in South Asian nor in Central Asian art history, as done elsewhere, but is termed a field in its own right.

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During the period of the Austrian Empire, due to the lack of colonies in the Near and Far East, there was only a relatively modest interest in the collecting of Asian and Islamic art both privately and in national museums, when compared to the collections found in the national museums of the colonial powers such as England and France. Despite this fact or perhaps in compensation, at this time the manifest interest in non-European cultures found a fruitful audience in Austrian universities. It has been claimed that Josef Strzygowski, Stella Kramrisch’s ‘Doktorvater’, held the first chair of Oriental art established in Europe (Miller 1983: 7). In fact a glance at the astonishing diversity of doctoral subjects supervised by Strzygowski from 1898 onward shows that in addition to teaching Asian art, he also taught early Christian art and was particularly interested in the art of the Near and Middle East. Many of the students trained in Vienna played an important role in the establishment of Islamic and Asian art history, principally in the United States and England, but also ‘beyond Europe’ such as in Turkey (Diez, Otto-Dorn) and India (Kramrisch). In 1902 Ernst Diez earned a doctorate with a thesis on the miniature paintings in the Arabic annotated Greek manuscript of Dioscordius in the ‘Österreichische Nationalbibliothek’. Diez became Prof. of Islamic Art History at Bryn Mawr College in 1929, Maurice Diamond (doctorate 1916) became head of the Islamic Dept. of Metropolitan Museum New York; Katharina Otto-Dorn (doctorate 1934) was Professor of Islamic Art History at the Univ. of California, Los Angeles. Only Diez was Assoc. Prof. (1938–1943) and later Otto-Dorn taught as Guest Professor in Vienna. Stella Kramrisch (doctorate 1919) was Prof. at Calcutta Univ. for more than 20 years in addition to teaching for one semester in each of three years at the Courtauld Institute (1937–40). In 1950 she became Professor of South Asian Art History at the University of Pennsylvania and later also Professor at the New York University and Curator in the Philadelphia Museum of Art. The attempt in 1952 to invite Kramrisch to Vienna as a Guest Professor was rejected by the Ministry of Education. Stella Kramrisch must certainly be considered among the most influential of the early pioneers of South Asian art history, she is also

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the most internationally recognised of these early scholars whose work continues to be important to contemporary students of the field.6 Despite the loss of the Vienna trained scholars, the study of ‘nonEuropean art history’ was never totally abandoned in Austria. In Austria through the 1960’s, due to the social and economic stresses resulting from the two world wars and the turbulent inter-war period, there were few possibilities for scholars interested in non-European studies. Surveys in non-European art were offered in part by Heinrich Gerhard Franz in Graz but more systematically by Karl Maria Swoboda, and subsequently Herbert Fuchs, a specialist in Chinese art trained in Vienna who became Director of the Museum of Applied Arts (MAK) and was Lecturer in Islamic and Asian Art History. Adapting the methods they learned from their distinguished Professors—Otto Pächt (1902–1981), Otto Demus (1902–1981), and Renata Wagner-Rieger (1921–1980)—Vienna trained students have become acknowledged scholars in ‘non-European art history’.7 Kramrisch’s long career as a teacher and scholar extended from 1922 until her death in 1993. Kramrisch’s students report that she placed great emphasis on a systematic formalist approach to the analysis of the work of art. However, neither she, nor to my knowledge any of the second generation of Viennese scholars of Islamic or Asian art history, were interested in defining a normative art historical methodology applicable to ‘world art history’. Kramrisch’s own concepts have been summarised by others on the basis of interviews with her, most recently interviews made by the eminent Indologist Barbara Miller in 1980/81 and published in 1983 from which the following quotes are taken. __________ 6 Among her many awards Kramrisch received the ‘Österreichische Ehrenkreuz für Kunst und Technologie erster Klasse’. 7 Dorothea Duda continues the study of the illustrated Islamic Mss. in the National Library into the 21st century, now a multi volume catalogue raisonée, Max Klimburg received an Habilitation in the Institute of Ethnology and has published extensively on Afghan tribal art of the 19/20th centuries. In the Institute of Art History Ebba Koch (Habilitation 1992) has made significant contributions to the study of Mughal architecture. The present writer received an Habilitation in 1989 but was trained at Harvard University in Islamic and South Asian art history—with Oleg Grabar, John Rosenfield and Benjamin Rowland; Sanskrit with Masatoshi Nagatomi, Classical Persian with Annemarie Schimmel.

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Kramrisch considered herself a student of both Strzygowski and Max Dvorak despite the fact that the two were arch enemies and literally did not acknowledge each other’s presence (Aurenhammer 2002). She studied Sanskrit first with Heinrich Gomperz at the Orientalisches Seminar in Vienna and later with D.R. Bhandarkar and others in Calcutta. During Kramrisch’s years in India she was deeply immersed in an intellectual society which included some of the greatest Indian scholars of her day, such as Tagore. A serious Indologist, Kramrisch was well versed in the methodical philological approach still associated with Vienna Indology. Indeed for Kramrisch, Strzygowski’s writings were ‘speculative rather than systematic’ (Miller 1983: 7). Riegl’s influence is clearly discernable in her emphasis on the precise analysis of formal elements and in her conviction of the importance of stylistic analysis as an analytical tool. In her discussion of the sculptural decoration of the Hindu Temple (1946), Kramrisch’s description of the ‘rhythmical’ interplay of primary form, image, and ground and her precise analysis of the interaction and the function of decorative forms as the basic vocabulary of the temple echoes Riegl’s analysis of late antique and ‘barbarian’ art. Kramrisch considered herself to have been most influenced by Max Dvorak (Miller 1983: 8) and particularly his stress on the importance of a ‘rigorous historical methodology’ (ibid.). But other ideas inherited from the ‘Vienna School’ often took precedence. “... [Kramrisch] stresses the religious spirit of Indian art in terms that reflect the theories of the Vienna School. For Kramrisch, a meaningful art object is not merely a metaphysical symbol; it is also vital in its manifest form” (ibid.: 27). “In analogy to Dvorak’s distinction between the naturalistic and the idealistic realms of art, she introduces the distinction between d®!"am and ad®!"am, manifest and unmanifest” (ibid.: 13). (Reference here is to Dvorak’s essay “Idealismus und Naturalismus in der gotischen Skulptur und Malerei” written between 1915–1917 when Kramrisch was his student.) An important influence at the time when Kramrisch travelled regularly between London and Calcutta was Antal, who had received his doctorate some 5 years before Kramrisch. They met again when Kramrisch also joined the Courtauld Institute in the late 1930’s. She was deeply impressed by the philosophical and methodological debates instigated by Antal. An interest in topics which lead to discussions of the social dimensions of ‘arts and crafts’ marked her later

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work. She did not accept the notion of aesthetic hierarchy with a class of ‘fine arts’ at the pinnacle. She was the first to encourage the study of village crafts and proto-historic terracotta figurines in her art history lectures, and subsequent publications (e.g. Kramrisch 1968). Nonetheless, it is a reflection of the contemporary intellectual climate that Kramrisch is today sometimes criticised for the failure to adequately explore the historical contexts for the art she studied. It is precisely the emphasis on a metaphysical interpretation which is the least appreciated aspect of Kramrisch’s work today. Her student, subsequently the distinguished Professor of Indian art at the University of Calcutta, Niharranjan Ray, criticised “his teacher’s overreliance on priestly scholastic texts, ... his own approach is more socio-economic and political” (Miller 1983: 31). Ray, as many scholars of his generation, was much influenced by Marxist historians such as D.D. Kosambi who were sceptical about the actual correspondence between real monuments and the ßilpaßåstra (Kosambi 1968: 198). What today is most appreciated about Kramrisch’s contributions to South Asian art history is her profound understanding of the Indian Sanskrit tradition as a living reality. She succeeded in integrating different methods from different disciplines to reveal many facets of Indian visual culture. A systematic analysis of the formal qualities of the object was the basis of each of her monographic studies. At the centre of each study always stood the object. In this she remained faithful to her early training in Vienna. To study an object meant to study it “in the original” which meant—in the case of the Hindu Temple to take only one example—field research. Her field methods were influenced not only by the classical archaeology she had studied in her youth but perhaps more importantly by the anthropologist Malinowski’s field research techniques. For her the Hindu Temple was not only to be seen and studied “in the flesh” but to be experienced —“Works of art in India are known as existent (vastu) and concrete (mËrti). They are approached, comprehended, seen and touched” (ibid.: 29). “She devoted her energy and scholarly skills to building Indian art history as an intellectual discipline in which formal history, archaeology, iconography and religion all had legitimate roles to play.” (ibid.: 12) Following this short summary the parallel approach by the Vienna team becomes obvious. The Vienna art historians use a comparative

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method where style remains the principle analytical tool. However, the evolution and function of the stylistic features of a given document are seen as historical phenomena. Thus, both formal features and iconography are examined in order to understand the function and the meaning of the work of art. The initial studies of a given art object necessitate both the available documentation of a large enough corpus of relevant objects to serve as a basis for a comparative study and ideally, access to traditional written sources. “The working method of this ‘school’ of Tibetan art history emphasizes a well-rounded approach to art historical studies. The authors bring to bear sophisticated stylistic observation, comparisons with other sites and traditions, a study of inscriptions, healthy emphasis on field work, collaboration across disciplines (oral traditions, philology, architecture, textiles), coordinated fieldwork by teams of scholars, utilization of literary and inscriptional evidence...” (Linrothe 2004: 161). THE STUDY OF THE NAKO SACRED COMPOUND Which brings us to the present. Again a temple in India but this time a complex of Buddhist temples, not Hindu temples. The geographic terrain and the physical structure of the monument is totally different—the central Indian temples studied by Kramrisch are symbolically (and almost literally) cosmic monuments. Built of stone and brick, the most important decorative surfaces and a part of the ritual activity occurs outside. However, the Nako temples, mud and wood buildings with stone foundations, are different in every visible aspect from the monumental stone Central Indian Hindu temples studied by Kramrisch. Nako Buddhist complex in Himachal Pradesh, India, near the Tibetan border lies high above the Sutlej river at 3550 meters. It is roughly contemporary with the temples of Khajuraho (11th/12th centuries) studied by Kramrisch. Both the Buddhist and the Hindu temples were built to serve as dwellings for the gods to whom the respective temple is dedicated and both temples are intended as the focus for private and community worship. Kramrisch’s methodology still provides useful perspectives for the study of the Hindu and Buddhist temple in India. However, many of the concepts, such as the proportional systems and their symbolic meaning have been discussed on

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the basis of more specific examples in comparative and historical contexts (e.g. Meister 1983, 1985), and the analytical framework has been broadened (e.g. Inden 1992: 242–62). Presently known Tibetan architectural treatises date from a much latter period (e.g. Gyatsho 1979). Other than the basic conceptual orientation of both temples as cosmic diagrams—expressed as maˆ#ala (Khosla 1979), no detailed analysis comparing the architectural and textual record has yet been conducted for any Indo-Tibetan temple. Here we will consider only the present work on the Nako temple complexes from two perspectives—the art historical and the translational research which was oriented toward the preservation of the Nako complex. Thus, in the case of Nako, the point of departure was an art historical study of the monument which provided the basic biography of the temples. As a first hypothesis (Tucci 1935, KlimburgSalter 1994a), the two oldest temples could be dated to the 11th/12th century and subsequently a date in the early 12th century was proposed (Klimburg-Salter 2003, Luczanits 2003). Nako is particularly important because it contains the earliest examples of fully developed Vajrayåna iconography known in India (Klimburg-Salter 1999, Luczanits in press). On the basis of a comparative formal analysis of the artistic programme it may be suggested that Nako was founded about 100 years after Tabo monastery. The Tibetan inscriptions and clothing of the patron confirm that Nako belonged within the Tibetan cultural sphere, and thus belonged to the earliest group of monuments built under Tibetan patronage in India. The nature of this patronage is however still obscure. There is no indication that the patron belonged to the Tibetan aristocracy who patronised nearby Tabo (Klimburg-Salter 1996a). Rather other elements raise the possibility that the patron was a local nobleman who had adapted the Tibetan Buddhist culture of the rulers of the region, the Kings of Purang-Guge. However, it is also possible that the patron was a west Tibetan nobleman—as the ’Bro family who were the patrons of Alchi. At present it is not possible to decide between these possibilities. However, the strong Indic component in the iconography and style (Allinger 2005, Luczanits in press) suggests rather the persistence of local Indic traditions. For instance the deities in the outer ring of the maˆ#ala follow pan-Indic traditions, while in the older sgo khang paintings in Tabo, the representations are closer to the 11th century images in the sgo khang at

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Zhalu or the older images from Central Asia attributed to the Tibetan period. The dancing green Tårå next to the donor is purely Indian. The architectural traditions show a similar pattern—only the temples of the sacred compound are built in the western Tibetan style while all other buildings follow local traditions found throughout Kinnaur (Klimburg-Salter 2003). Theoretically in order to understand these temples we should turn to earlier and contemporaneous Indian and Tibetan artistic and literary sources. Here is where the contributions of other research team members is critical (Steinkellner this volume). The concepts, practices and methods of temple building elsewhere in Kinnaur (Klimburg-Salter 2002, Klimburg-Salter in press), as far as can be determined, were largely derived from Indic sources. Both, the complex interaction of Brahmanical and Buddhist traditions and the influence of Kashmiri culture on the monuments of the Western Himalaya have been discussed in many contexts (most recently Meister forthcoming). No specific study has yet been conducted that would attempt to evaluate if the Nako temples, plan and superstructure can be related to the sacred Indic texts. But the few studies on the architecture of the region demonstrate that the sacred texts continued to be used in neighbouring Kashmir and Chamba only a few hundred years before Nako was built (Meister, Dhaky et al. 1988). The dynamic process by which the distinctive Indo-Tibetan culture of the region evolved is unclear. The temple at the time that it was built in the early 12th century was an expression or concretisation of a specific world view. A comparison of the architectural reality with the known architectural treatises should assist us in better understanding this cultural perspective. Both the specific historic and the universal aspects of the temple can be revealed and understood through a systematic analysis of the structure and its decoration. The next step would be a careful comparison to the sacred texts that prescribe everything from the symbolic meaning of the superstructure and decoration to the testing of the soil, to the type of building materials to be used and the approved consecration ceremonies at the beginning and at the end of the building process. These texts define for us the ancient and sanctified practice. But to that comes pragmatic experience, also not neglected by Kramrisch. Earlier surveys of Buddhist architecture (e.g. Mitra 1971) do not include Himachal Pradesh. Only now that the architecture conservation team under the direction of Romi Khosla (unpublished NRPP reports 2003, 2004) has completed their

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detailed analysis of the temples of the sacred compound are adequate measurements available for such a comparative study. Thanks to many years of extensive fieldwork, we are able to examine the living temples from different disciplinary perspectives (see FSP website http://www.univie.ac.at/fsp-programm). For the study of the art of South Asia, the art historian must also use archaeological evidence and methods. Thus, in the case of Nako, the art historian/archaeologist has to work back through 900 years of human activity. To the traditional analytical tools of these disciplines we have recently added another methodological dimension, translational research. Conservation research was conducted on the architecture as well as the different forms of interior decoration—paintings and sculptures—(Khosla, Bogin, Rickerby, Krist, Bacher, Beseler, see FSP website). These reports provide an additional analytical tool which allows us to better describe the temple’s many successive historical levels up to the present. The historical reconstruction of the painted ceiling panels and their chronology has permitted a discussion of the symbolic character of the ceiling decoration (PapaKalantari unpublished). A precise analysis of the chronological layers of the wall paintings in the Translator’s Temple is a necessary first step in an analysis of the architectural decoration and the development of the iconographic programme over the centuries (KlimburgSalter unpublished). THE NAKO RESEARCH AND PRESERVATION PROJECT As the conservation research on the architecture and the architectural decoration are only now in their final phase, it will be the future task of art historians to exploit this extensive body of primary information. It is to be expected that the continued collaboration between the University of Vienna art historians and the conservation specialists at the University of Applied Arts, Conservation Department, under the direction of Gabriela Krist, will result in academic publications parallel to the preservation of the monument. This programme is consistent with a unique feature of the ‘Vienna school of art history’ that is, the active participation of the art historian in the process of monument preservation. The interaction between the fields of art history and conservation remains a hallmark of the education of both

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disciplines in all Austrian institutions as well as in the administrative structure of the Austrian Federal Office for the Preservation of Monuments. Thus, the art historians’ contribution to the NRPP can be understood within the long-standing tradition of the ‘Vienna school’. The active involvement of art historians in the preservation process finds its theoretical roots in the writings of Alois Riegl at the beginning of the 20th century (Bacher 1995). Ernst Bacher (doctorate 1967), Univ. Dozent at the Vienna Institute of Art History, was for many years Chief Curator of the Österreichisches Denkmalamt. As Chairman of the Advisory Comm. of the NRPP he was the guiding force behind the methodological integration of the three parts of the NRPP.8 Bacher has made fundamental contributions to both the study of Riegl’s writings and the relevance of Riegl’s views to the 20th/21st century intellectual concerns (Bacher 1989). Bacher’s work has until now appeared mostly in German and thus has had less of an impact outside the German speaking world than the quality of his thought and experience warrant. Bacher ably summarised two fundamental theoretical positions articulated by Riegl (the following is summarised from the German text Bacher 1989): (1) The historical relativity of the work of art (or monument)—thus both the art object and the beholder are conditioned by their position in time and place (Geschichtlichkeit des Kunstwerks). The repercussion of this viewpoint in this context is that (2) each artwork is conditioned by its material character and is thus in a constant process of change. Ultimately every art object is transient in nature. This is a particularly congenial concept for a restoration project centred on a Buddhist monument. A basic tenet of Buddhism is precisely “everything that is created, dies; or manmade things have both a beginning and an end”. According to Riegl the processes of change arise from two causes, the transient nature of all material things and the inevitability of human intervention (passive or active) through time. This then leads to: __________ 8

The three parts of the NRPP are: architecture conservation; painting and object conservation; art history. At the time of his untimely death a lecture course on Riegl together with a joint seminar on transdisciplinary methodology in art history was planned.

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(a) the idea that an ‘original condition’ is theoretical, since as soon as the image is completed it begins to change/deteriorate and (b) there is no objective hierarchy of value (aesthetic or functional) pertinent to a work of art. Thus, it is inherent in the nature of artistic monuments that their appearance changes as well as their historical character and function. Thus the ‘original condition’ is only a theoretical concept, as the historical reality essentially precludes such a notion (“.. theoretischen Begriff, den die historische Realität praktisch ausschließt”) (Bacher 1989: 822). Once the historical relativity of the art work is acknowledged it follows automatically that there can not be a priori a hierarchy of historical value, that is the greater relative value of one historic phase over another. This notion has a profound impact on the discussions as aimed at deciding which historical moment of a monument should be preserved relative to another historical moment. The goals and purposes of each preservation phase must be negotiated according to the circumstances. This functional and historical relativity appears to us very important. We were constantly challenged to rethink our historical values over the years as we have shared the ritual life of the monks and villagers in both the Nako and Tabo temples. We have thus come to appreciate that it is not only the preservation of the ancient layers of the artistic experience which is important (the frozen moment of the past) but the discovery of the many layers of experience imbedded in the ever changing presence of the living monument. Thus it is not a question of the conflict between the preservation of the past and the reality of the historic present, but rather the subtle understanding of the continuity brought through, not despite of, change. The symbolic and emotional values of the monuments for many different constituencies are also factors that must be considered together with the great aesthetic pleasure that visitors of the temples have experienced throughout the last 900 years. The understanding of all of these layers of perception and reception is part of our task as art historians. CONCLUSION In closing I should like to return to the question posed at the beginning: art historical studies conducted within the framework of the research made possible by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) usually

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privilege a method similar to that used by earlier generations of Viennese art historians—a systematic formalist approach which places the object at the centre of the inquiry. But this inquiry as conducted by the present generation of scholars in Vienna is seen as a means, not an end in itself. Ultimately for us, the art or architectural object is seen as an historical document, the evidence derived from the study of the image is then combined with evidence obtained from other sources—archaeological, literary, social—the ultimate goal can be broadly interpreted as cultural history. However, as I noted at the beginning of this discussion the essential question is to choose the method appropriate to the question asked. We examined the problem of determining the cultural contexts in which the oldest Nako temples were produced. I suggested that an appropriate avenue of research would be to attempt to determine if the plan and architectural decoration corresponded with the prescribed measurements and proportions found in the relevant Indic and Tibetan literature. I further noted that such a study is only now for the first time possible, as a result of the precise data accumulated through the translational research on the Nako temples. One last reflection: it seems to me that one reason that students of South Asian and Tibetan art history continue to find the basic tools of our trade defined in the 20th century and practiced by Kramrisch and others, such as the detailed documentation and study of the original art work, the philological analysis of the grammar and structure of the image, and a systematic comparative formal analysis, to be useful—is that the corpus of material to be studied today is not very different from that which confronted the European art historian 150 years ago—a bewildering mass of unidentified images, in Tibetan art increasingly without context. However, since the 19th century thousands of scholars have classified, analysed and explored the art and architecture of Europe, but South Asian and Tibetan art history can claim only a few dozen scholars working in an area far more ethnically and linguistically diverse and more extensive geographically and temporally than Europe. Not only are the great collections of art and architecture largely undocumented but also the essential historical, religious, and literary primary sources remain unedited, even undiscovered. It seems to me that this is one of the reasons why some, but of course not all, of the questions still important to ‘non-European’ art historians are best approached with the traditional tools of

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our trade some of which were inherited from the ‘Vienna School’ among others. The present group of art historians at Vienna work within a global community and benefit from intensive interaction with their peers. If there is anything distinctive in their research it must certainly result from two factors, the assembled academic resources in Vienna University where both philological and art historical studies have long and rich traditions, and where South Asian art history and philology have always been closely associated with each other. And the second factor is the generous and long term financing9 which supported the documentation and archiving of primary source materials for philological, art historical and historical research, and the interaction within transdisciplinary and translational contexts at all scientific phases—from field research to production of results. BIBLIOGRAPHY Allinger, E. 2001. Narrative paintings in 12th-13th century manuscripts: an examination of photographs taken by Råhula Så!k®tyåyana at the ‹or Monastery, Tibet. Journal of Bengal Art 6, 101–15. —— 2005. An unusual depiction of A"#amahåbhaya Tårå in Nako - Himachal Pradesh as compared with other representations of the same Tårå in the Western Himalaya. In C. Jarrige and V. Lefèvre (eds) South Asian Archaeology 2001: Proceedings of the 16th International Conference of the European Assiociation of South Asian Archaeologists, Paris, July 2001, Vol. 2. Paris: Édition Recherche sur les civilisations, 355–62. Aurenhammer, H. 2002. 150 Jahre Kunstgeschichte an der Universität Wien (1852–2002). Eine wissenschaftshistorische Chronik. Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für vergleichende Kunstforschung in Wien 54, 1–15. —— 2005. Das Wiener Kunsthistorische Institut nach 1945. In M. Grandner et al. (eds) Zukunft mit Altlasten: die Universität Wien 1945 bis 1955. Innsbruck: Studien Verlag, 174–88. Bacher, E. 1989. Kunstwerk und Denkmal. In I. Lavin (ed.) World Art: Themes of Unity in Diversity. Acts of the XXVIth International Congress of the History of Art, vol. III. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 821–26. —— 1995. Alois Riegl und die Denkmalpflege. In E. Bacher (ed.) Kunstwerk oder Denkmal? Alois Riegls Schriften zur Denkmalpflege. Studien zu Denkmalschutz und Denkmalpflege XV. Vienna: Böhlau, 11–33.

__________ 9 Both students and professors have been able to have yearly, extended field work as well as scholarly exchange at all annual conferences and above all the constantly expanding resources of the Western Himalaya Archive Vienna (see ScherrerSchaub and Steinkellner 1999b and the introductions to Klimburg-Salter 1997 and Luczanits 2004).

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—— 1998. Authentizität – Was ist das? Arbeitshefte des Bayrischen Landesamtes für Denkmalpflege 100, 79–81. —— 1999. Der Alterswert – Zur Inszenierung der Vergangenheit. Römische Historische Mitteilungen 41, 27–40. Bruce-Gardner, R. 2004. Eyes wide shut. Orientations 36(1), 125–26. Denwood, P. 1972. The Tibetan temple art in its architectural setting. In W. Watson Mahayanist Art after 900. London: School of Oriental and African Studies, 42–55. De Rossi Filibeck, E. 1987. Alcune illustrazioni riguardanti le prescrizioni architettoniche nei testi Tibetani del Vinya. In P. Mortari Vergara and G. Béguin (eds) Dimore Umane, Santuari Divini. Rome and Paris: Il Bagatto, 99–106. Gutschow, N. 1991. Restaurierung und Rekonstruktion. Gedanken zur Gültigkeit der Charta von Venedig im Kontext Südasiens. Deutsche Kunst und Denkmalpflege 49(2), 156–60. Gyatsho, T.L. 1979. Gateway to the Temple: Manual of Tibetan Monastic Customs, Art, Building and Celebrations, translated by D.P. Jackson. Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar. Inden, R. 1992. Imagining India. Oxford-Cambridge: Blackwell. Khosla, R. 1979. Buddhist Monasteries in the Western Himalaya. Bibliotheca Himalayica, series III, vol. 13. Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar. Klimburg-Salter, D.E. 1982. The Silk Route and the Diamond Path: Esoteric Buddhist Art on the Trans-Himalayan Trade Routes. Los Angeles: UCLA Art Council. —— 1994a. Tucci Himalayan archives report, 2: the 1991 expedition to Himachal Pradesh. East and West 44(1), 13–82. —— 1994b. Indo-Tibetan miniature painting from Himachal Pradesh (report on 1991 expedition). In P. Kvaerne (ed.) Tibetan studies. PIATS 1992: Proceedings of the 6th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Fagernes 1992, vol. 1. Oslo: Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture, 1994, 441–54. —— 1996a. Style in Western Tibetan painting: the archaeological evidence. East and West 46(3–4), 319–36. —— 1996b. Some remarks on canopies in Båmiyån. In Convegno internazionale sul tema La Persia e l’Asia centrale da Alessandro al 10. secolo, Roma, 9-12 nov. 1994. Atti dei convegni lincei, 127. Rome: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 473–87. —— 1997. Tabo, a Lamp for the Kingdom. Early Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Art in the Western Himalaya. Milan: Skira (repr. New York: Thames and Hudson 1998). —— 1999. The Dharmadhåtu-våg¥ßvara-mañjußr¥-maˆ#ala. Tabo ’Du kha$. I n C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 299–320. —— 2000. Some thoughts on style in Tibetan art. The Tibet Journal XXV(4), 83–90. —— 2002. Ribba, the story of an early Buddhist temple in Kinnaur. In D. KlimburgSalter and E. Allinger (eds) Buddhist Art and Tibetan Patronage, Ninth to Fourteenth centuries. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, vol. 7. Leiden: Brill, 1–28. —— 2003. The Nako Preservation Project. Orientations 34, 39–45. —— In press. Kha-che lugs and the wood sculptures from Charang. In The Pandita and the Siddha. Tibetan Studies in Honour of E. Gene Smith, Boston. Klimburg-Salter, D.E. and Allinger, E. (eds) 2002. Buddhist Art and Tibetan Patronage, Ninth to Fourteenth centuries. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth

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Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, vol. 7. Leiden: Brill. Klimburg-Salter, D.E., Nalesini, O. et al. 1994. Abbreviated Inventory of the Tucci Himalayan Photographic Archive 1928-35. Synopsis of the Complete Catalogue Kept in Museo Nazionale d’Arte Orientale Photographic Archives. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. Kramrisch, S. 1946. The Hindu Temple, 2 vols. Calcutta: University of Calcutta. —— 1968. Unknown India: Ritual Art in Tribe and Village. Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art. Linrothe, R. 2003. Review of Buddhist Art and Tibetan Patronage, Ninth to Fourteenth Centuries, Deborah Klimburg-Salter & Eva Allinger (eds.). Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000. Leiden: Brill, 2002. The Tibet Journal 28(1–2), 161–72. Luczanits, C. 2003. The 12th century Buddhist monuments of Nako. Orientations 34(5), 46–53. —— 2004. Buddhist Sculpture in Clay: Early Western Himalyan Art, Late 10th to Early 13th centuries. Chicago: Serindia. —— In press. On the depiction of Hindu and pan-Indian deities in the Lo-tsa-ba lHakhang at Nako. In E.M. Raven (ed.) South Asian Archaeology 1999: Proceedings of the 15th International Conference of the European Association of South Asian Archaeologists, Leiden, July 1999. Meister, M.W. 1983. Geometry and measures in Indian temple plans: rectangular temples. Artibus Asiae 44, 266–96. —— 1985. Measurement and proportion in Hindu temple architecture. Interdisciplinary Science Reviews 10, 248–58. —— 1989. Reading monuments and seeing texts. In A.L. Dallapiccola (ed.) Shastric Traditions in Indian Arts, vol. 2. Stuttgart: Steiner, 167–74. —— Forthcoming. Mountain Temples and Temple-mountains: Masrur. Meister, M.W., Dhaky, A. and Deva, K. 1988. Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture. North India. Foundations of North Indian Style: c. 250 B.C. – A.D. 1100, vol. 1, pt. 1. Princeton: Princeton University Press. —— 1991. Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture. North India. Period of Early Maturity: c. A.D. 700-900, vol. 2, pt. 2. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Menon, A.G.K. 1989. Conservation in India: a search for direction. Architecture and Design VI(1), 22–27. —— 1994. Rethinking the Venice Charta: the Indian experience. South Asian Studies 10, 37–44. Miller, B.S. 1983. Exploring India’s Sacred Art: Selected Writings of Stella Kramrisch. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Mitra, D. 1971. Buddhist Monuments. Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad. Pächt, O. 1977. Alois Riegl. In J. Oberhaidacher et al. (eds) Methodisches zur kunsthistorischen Praxis: ausgewählte Schriften. München: Prestel, 141–52. Papa-Kalantari, C. 2000. Die Deckenmalereien des gSum-brtsegs in Alchi. Studie zu den Textildarstellungen eines frühen buddhistischen Tempels aus dem westtibetischen Kulturkreis. MA thesis, University of Vienna, Vienna. —— 2002. The ceiling paintings of the Alchi gsum brtsegs: problems of style. In D. Klimburg-Salter and E. Allinger (eds) Buddhist Art and Tibetan Patronage, Ninth to Fourteenth centuries. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, vol. 7. Leiden: Brill, 85–113.

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Petech, L. and Luczanits, C. (eds) 1999. Inscriptions from the Tabo Main Temple. Texts and Translations. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXIII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente. Riegl, A. 1995. Entwurf einer gesetzlichen Organisation der Denkmalpflege in Österreich. In E. Bacher (ed.) Kunstwerk oder Denkmal? Alois Riegls Schriften zur Denkmalpflege. Vienna: Böhlau, 49–99. Scherrer-Schaub, C.A. 1999. Towards a methodology for the study of Old Tibetan manuscripts: Dunhuang and Tabo. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 3–36. Scherrer-Schaub, C.A. and Steinkellner, E. (eds) 1999a. Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente. —— 1999b. Preface. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, VII-X. Steinkellner, E. 1995. Sudhana’s Miraculous Journey in the Temple of Ta pho: the Inscriptional Text of the Tibetan Gaˆ#avyËhasËtra Edited with Introductory Remarks. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVI. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. —— 1996. A Short Guide to the Sudhana Frieze in the Temple of Ta pho. Published on the Occasion of the Monastery’s Millennium. Vienna: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien. —— 2000. Manuscript fragments, texts and inscriptions in the temple of Tabo. In J.A. Silk (ed.) Wisdom, Compassion and the Search for Understanding. The Buddhist Legacy of Gadjin M. Nagao. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 315–31. Tucci, G. 1935. I templi del Tibet occidentale e il loro simbolismo artistico. Parte I: Spiti e Kunavar. Indo-Tibetica III.1. Rome: Reale Accademia d’Italia. Wandl, E. 1997. The representation of costumes and textiles. In D.E. Klimburg-Salter Tabo, a Lamp for the Kingdom. Early Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Art in the Western Himalaya. Milan: Skira, 179–87. —— 1999a. Painted textiles in a Buddhist temple. Textile History 30(1), 16–28. —— 1999b. Textile depictions from the 10th/11th century in the Tabo Main Temple. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 277–98. Widorn, V. 2001. Die Holzskulpturen des Lha kha! in Johling, Studie zur Einordnung zweier Buddhastelen aus Lahul in einen chronologischen und kulturellen Kontext. MA thesis, University of Vienna, Vienna. —— Forthcoming. Forgotten Lahaul. The wooden Buddhas from Johling temple. Orientations. Wiener Schule. Erinnerung und Perspektiven. 2005. Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 53(2004). Wien: Böhlau. Wood, C.S. 2000. The Vienna School Reader: Politics and Art Historical Method in the 1930s. New York: Zone Books.

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Nako Research and Preservation Project (NRPP) Reports and Publications (see details Nako website http://www.univie.ac.at/fsp-programm/wmf) Bacher, E. Unpublished. NRPP reports 2004. Vienna. Bogin, S. 2004. A technical study of the early Buddhist wall paintings at Nako, Himachal Pradesh, India. MA thesis, Courtauld Institute of Art, London. Khosla, R. Architectural restoration. Final Reports, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005. —— Unpublished. NRPP reports 2003 and 2004. Vienna and New Delhi. Klimburg-Salter, D. Unpublished. Final reports for World Monument Fund 2003 and 2004. Krist, G. Restoration activities. University of Applied Arts Vienna, Restoration Department, two reports 2004 and 2005. Papa-Kalantari, C. Unpublished. Final report for World Monument Fund 2004. Rickerby, S. 2003. The Nako temple complex, Himachal Pradesh, India. Preliminary inspection of the wall paintings: a report for the Nako Preservation Project. Courtauld Institute, London.

THE DOCUMENTATION, ARCHIVING AND DISSEMINATION OF VISUAL RESOURCES: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE WESTERN HIMALAYA ARCHIVE VIENNA1 VERENA WIDORN (VIENNA) Documentation is like sex: when it is good, it is very, very good; and when it is bad it is better than nothing. (Dick Brandon) BTN Archiving—‘Better Than Nothing Archiving’ is the name of a project by the Union College, Schenectady, NY, and the attempt to archive, store and retrieve institutional websites for the future.2 This project is just one reaction to the increasing demand on museums, archives and other collections for providing our computer-oriented society with easily accessible data. The internet has become the most convenient medium for retrieval of all kinds of information and to communicate and interact with our environment. The Union College is accounting for this development by creating an archive for webbased material. This initiative seems to be a brand new development in our time but the primary reason for such projects hardly differs from the tasks and purposes of traditional archives. Collecting, archiving, preserving and making the material accessible for our and future generations are the main responsibilities of archives. The access to archive material is no longer considered as mainly restricted to scientists and scholars. There has never been such a great demand for the dissemination of and public access to our cultural heritage. This paper emphasises the importance of archiving and working with archive material with specific regard to scientific research in the Indo-Tibetan cultural area in the Western Himalaya. A few examples of historiographic and visual records will point out to what extent the __________ 1 My participation in the tenth seminar of IATS in Oxford was financed by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF). I would like especially to thank Deborah KlimburgSalter for her encouragement and her comments on this work, and also Patrick McAllister for his valuable suggestions. 2 http://www.union.edu/PUBLIC/LIBRARY/wwwarchive/examples.htm#BTN

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researchers, especially art historians, working in the Western Himalayan region have to rely on archival evidence. We will further present the Western Himalaya Archive Vienna (WHAV) and show the ideas, practices and procedures of the organisation of our image collection and our efforts in preserving this visual documentation. Written, visual and audio-visual records are vital components of the intellectual capital of our cultural heritage and of great value to researchers, now and in the future. Old documents such as letters, diaries, unpublished records or hand-written notes provide us with information about events, persons or areas that played an important role in history. Photographs are the most reliable resources, because even if they do not deliver an overall view they are at least true copies of reality. Visual resources illustrate clearly the changes in appearance and condition of monuments and objects over a period of time. But since photography was only invented in the 1830s, we must refer to other records. Mankind’s oldest known media are rock drawings and petroglyphs. Within the Western Himalayan area, we find rock carvings and drawings with figurative and other concrete representations in Ladakh, Zangskar and Lahaul-Spiti (Francke 1902).3 Most of the artefacts have survived in situ, but are exposed to the weather. The change of climatic conditions accelerates their slow decay. J.Ph. Vogel was among the first scholars to undertake a detailed study and documentation of stone carvings and rock inscriptions in Chamba and Lahaul (Vogel 1911). Whereas the photographs of rock reliefs from G. Tucci taken between 1928 and 1935 concentrate on the area of Ladakh and Spiti (Klimburg-Salter, Nalesini and Talamo 1994). Nowadays a large number of these stone objects have been moved, at best to local museums, whilst some have been destroyed or forgotten, covered by earth and dirt (Plates 1 and 2). The FSP-subproject “Inscriptions of Western Tibet”, directed by Ernst Steinkellner,4 has already documented more than one hundred historical and religious inscriptions in over fifty places in the Western Himalayan area. The survey of epigraphic material also comprises stone slabs with mantras and dhåraˆ¥s. __________ 3 A.H. Francke first mentioned these ancient objects in 1902, but since then only small advances have been made in the investigation and dating of these documents. See also Orofino 1990. 4 http://www.univie.ac.at/Tibetan-inscriptions/

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Other historiographic documents like old manuscripts or chronicles of the local rulers are also important sources for the researcher. Many of them have not been fully translated and deciphered yet. For example, several manuscripts of the chronicle of the rulers of Ladakh were studied by Francke (1926). Not all of them have survived. The texts provide essential information about the local political and dynastic circumstances in Ladakh and its relationship to the neighbouring areas. Quite recently another significant source for the religious and historical development between the 10th and the 15th centuries in the kingdom of Gu ge, Spiti and the Upper Kinnaur has emerged. The chronicle of the early West Tibetan kings, Mnga’ ris rgyal rabs draws special attention to the second diffusion of Buddhism (bstan pa phyi dar) and Ye shes ’od, who played a central role at that time (Vitali 1996). Another example of the numerous sources for historians, anthropologists or art historians is the biography of the great translator Rin chen bzang po that relates his life and the foundation of several monasteries during his lifetime (Snellgrove and Skorupski 1980: 83–116). Such important resources gather dust often undiscovered for many centuries in old archives or private libraries. Therefore, the codicological project on Western Tibetan Manuscripts5, directed by Helmut Tauscher, aims to document and identify manuscripts produced in the area of former Western Tibetan kingdoms. This extensive photographic collection, produced in the course of field research mostly in Lahaul-Spiti and Kinnaur, is kept at the Institute of South Asian, Tibetan and Buddhist Studies and consists of more than twenty thousand items. In the past, significant progress in collecting and translating historiographic material has been made by the members of the Herrnhuter Brüdergemeine from the second half of the 19th century onwards. The legacy of the Moravian missionaries, who had erected their first station in Kyelong in Lahaul, consists of notes, letters, reports, diaries and sporadically pictures or drawings, apart from their linguistic and religious studies. The material is scattered around different libraries and archives all over the world like the British Library in London, Staatsbibliothek (National Library) in Berlin and the University Library in Leipzig. For example, the archive of the Herrnhuter Brüder__________ 5

http://www.univie.ac.at/fsp-programm/7.html

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gemeine in Germany holds the travel impressions of Eduard Pagell and August Wilhelm Heyde, among the first foreigners to enter this region, and some unpublished drafts by August Hermann Francke.6 In the Himalayan region, which is highly threatened by specific climatic and geographical conditions like earthquakes and landslides, these documents are sometimes the only remaining evidence of monuments and artefacts that would otherwise have fallen into oblivion. A great deal of the history of this remote area is obscure due to the lack of appropriate sources and there is no possibility of carrying out archaeological examinations. We therefore depend on all alternative resources.7 It is fortunate for an art historian if pictures and drawings of former centuries, especially from ancient monuments and artefacts, have survived. The medium of photography has existed for little more than 170 years and has become the optical memory of our world. Visual resources maintain the views and appearances of our environment throughout the ages. Principally their substantial value is the documentation of the original object. With regard to the Western Himalayan area only a few collections comprise useful material for our research. The photo archive of the Archaeological Survey of India in Delhi houses visual documentation produced during various expeditions and inspections in the Northern and Southern Circle of India by mainly British commissioners and officials. The Center for Art and Archaeology of the AIIS (American Institute of Indian Studies) in Gurgaon, India houses a collection of more than 120000 photographs and colour slides (including around hundred thousand black-and-white prints) documenting Indian art and archaeology. A database, a joint co-operation with the Digital South Asia Library, provides easier access to these comprehensive resources.8 Duplicates of the holdings of this collection are also kept in the South Asian Archive at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia.9 __________ 6 A first attempt to bring all these references together to create an inventory of Francke’s unpublished work was made by Hartmut Walravens and Manfred Taube in 1992, and provides a useful guide. 7 A detailed study of the most important reports, gazetteers and travelogues for the Western Himalayan area focused on Spiti and Kinnaur are listed in Jahoda 2003. 8 http://dsal.uchicago.edu/ 9 http://oldsite.library.upenn.edu/etext/sasia/aiis/index.html

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Some material including photographic records of J.Ph. Vogel, who had various positions within the Archaeological Survey of India between 1901 and 1914, is stored in the Kern Institute in Leiden, Netherlands. This archive was among the first that started to digitise the images and construct a database.10 A long-range visual documentation of diverse known and unknown photographers can also be studied at the Asian, Pacific and African Collection in the British Library, London. In particular the pictures of Henry Lee Shuttleworth turn out to be most helpful for art historians since they not only show black and white images of landscapes and people, but also interiors of monuments are now either endangered or in ruins. To take only two examples from the research in Lahaul, a view of the main wall of the small Buddhist village temple in Gumrang, Lahaul, reveals the original hanging of the clay sculptures that are nowadays just placed behind the shrine11 (Plate 3). Another image of two wooden sculptures standing side by side in the now totally destroyed temple of Johling, Lahaul, helped us to determine the provenance of the sculptures that are now exhibited in different Museums (Widorn 2001 and forthcoming)12 (Plates 4 and 5). We should not forget the Tucci Archive of the IsIAO (previously ISMEO) in Rome, which keeps the photo-documentation of Tucci’s twelve expeditions to the Western Himalayan area and Central Tibet from 1929 onwards (Nalesini 1994). Giuseppe Tucci was accompanied by Eugenio Ghersi, also an excellent photographer, on three occasions. The pictures of both focus on the documentation of the art historical regional distinctions and archaeological sites of this region. They derive from a period when tourism and well-meant but badly conducted restoration were hardly known in this area, and represent a __________ 10 11

1994.

http://www.iias.nl/iiasn/19/regions/sa5.html Photo in the British Library, London, H.L. Shuttleworth. See also Luczanits

12 The picture was taken by Shuttleworth in 1923 and sent to J.Ph. Vogel. Prints of this image are kept in the British Library, London, and the Kern Institute, Leiden. The photographs depict a wooden Buddha Amitåbha and a Buddha Íåkyamuni under the Bodhi tree sitting side by side in front of a stone wall. It shows that both objects were found at least together. But the references on the reverse of the pictures do not allow for the determination of the location. This missing link is adduced by handwritten notes by August Hermann Francke probably from 1907 and stored in the Archive in Herrnhut. These lines concerning villages and sacred monuments in Lahaul contain also a brief description of a ruined temple and two wooden images.

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reliable visual resource. A print of the interior of Dunkar, taken by Ghersi in 1935, already shows the poor condition of some clay sculptures, depicting the historical Buddhas. Sixty years later, when a team of the Vienna University visited the temple, only fragments of the figures existed (Plates 6 and 7). There are many other institutions especially museums that own interesting and also accessible photographic collections focusing on the Western Himalaya and/or Tibet, such as the Pitt Rivers Museum in Oxford, to mention just one. All the collections named above make great efforts to archive and preserve the records but also to guarantee the best possible access for scientists. Several of them have started to digitise the images and integrate them into databases. Unfortunately the process of archiving these materials often turns out to be very complicated since some of the information concerning the author, origin or date is missing. We are often confronted with no biographical references at all, so that the image is almost useless for the researcher. In many cases the photographer is the only one who would have been able to identify the image. WESTERN HIMALAYA ARCHIVE VIENNA For the reasons given above, it has always been the intention of the members of the Interdisciplinary Research Unit “The Cultural History of the Western Himalaya”, directed by Prof. Deborah KlimburgSalter,13 to produce a detailed and long-range photographic documentation of monuments and artefacts that is identified and classified accurately in a way useful for researchers. BTN-Archiving is thus no alternative solution for us. On the contrary, it is of high priority to identify each image according to its provenience and content. The initials of the photographer are part of the image’s signature in order to recognise and assure the efforts and intellectual property of the author. The year when the picture was taken—also part of the signature—enables one to discern changes, modifications or the destruction of buildings and artefacts. Images taken by researchers on their travels and field trips to India and Tibet are usually kept in private collections. Normally they are __________ 13

http://www.univie.ac.at/fsp-programm/

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not handed over to the public, but support one’s own research. However, the Western Himalaya Archive Vienna (WHAV)14 at the Institute of Art History at the University of Vienna is a collection that unites the documentation of various researchers. The WHAV is currently financed by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) and is a centre of documentation and scientific research that focuses on the art and cultural history of the Western Himalayan area, the Tibetan Autonomous Region, and South and Central Asia. The WHAV consists of more than seventy thousand slides, numerous photos, maps, architectural plans and drawings. This currently represents the most extensive collection in the world of visual documentation concerning the Western Himalayan region. A great deal of the material was collected by members of the art history project during their research trips in the last fifteen years.15 Special emphasis is placed on the region of present Himachal Pradesh (Kinnaur, LahaulSpiti, Chamba), Jammu-Kashmir (Ladakh) and the Tibetan Autonomous Region (West Tibet). The archive also comprises contributions and long-time loans made available by international scholars for research purposes, like the fabulous documentation of the Alchi and other monuments from the photographer Jaroslav Poncar or images from various sites in Ladakh from the Indian Architect Romi Khosla. Thousands of images from Central Asia, especially Afghanistan, photographed by Deborah Klimburg-Salter and Max Klimburg in the 1970s before the destruction and devastation of important historical sites and monuments, serve as material for comparative analysis for the art of our research area. The images are of special value. They give testimony of cultural heritage that is lost forever due to blind vandalism caused by the political circumstances.16 Sometimes damages occur without man having a hand in this matter. Due to heavy rain and a leaking roof, the Prajñåpåramitå figure from the lotsåba lha khang in Nako was badly damaged in 1998. Images that were __________ 14 15

http://www.univie.ac.at/fsp-programm/whav.html The documentation of the subprojects “Western Tibetan manuscripts” directed by Prof. Helmut Tauscher and “Inscriptions of Western Tibet” directed by Prof. Ernst Steinkellner is kept with the members of these research groups at the Institute of South Asian, Tibetan and Buddhist Studies and comprises some ten thousand images. 16 Within a co-operation with the Kabul Museum and UNESCO it is planned to support the work of the Kabul Museum with visual resources of the WHAV as well as scientific and technical knowledge of the members of the Archive.

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taken four years before this misfortune reveal the erstwhile beauty of the clay sculptures and will help to restore the object. (Plate 8, before the damage 1994, Plate 9 after damage 2004, and during restoration 2005). Considering the ongoing Nako Research and Preservation Project17 it is needless to say that the high value of the extensive and detailed documentation of the monuments dated from earlier visits. Even though fifteen years of research and documentation seems to be very unimpressive in contrast to the more than one thousand years of artistic tradition and local handicraft, most of the changes have happened in the last decades. The influence of the ‘modern’ Western world and increasing tourism have led to a building boom with the new favourite construction material, concrete. The traditional methods have given way to modern comforts and are beginning to vanish. For art historians only the reconstruction of original structures on the basis of photographs or other sources remains (Plates 11 and 12). One main objective of our archival work is the systematic identification and classification of records with enduring value. We concentrate on the maintenance of records according to their original source and on the arrangement of material in an order that reflects the original creation. The images are the primary resources and a fundamental necessity for an art historian. Photographs cannot replace the original object but they are indispensable surrogates for material artefacts. The Viennese archive is the centre and heart of the art historical subproject of the Interdisciplinary Research Unit and provides the scientist with all essential material. The archival work has the essential custodial task to facilitate the research of visual resources. A hybrid system of analogue pictures and digital data optimises the usability of records. Providing best possible access tools, including electronic ones, renders a service to researchers who visit the archival repository and responds to the need for quick, easy access. A digitisation programme and the establishment of a database have already increased these efforts and will also provide better access to external scholars. Further, only digitisation permits the eco__________ 17 The NRPP is a joint undertaking of local authorities, Indian architects, international and Austrian conservation experts and members of the International Research Unit. The project is largely financed by the World Monuments Fund/Robert W. Wilson Challenge and the Shelley and Donald Rubin Foundation (see NRPP website http://www. univie.ac.at/fsp-programm/wmf/index.html).

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nomic exchange of a large base of visual resources amongst widely separated scholars in the project as well as with external scientists. Digital images are essentially the same as tangible images. The content is identical, only the format for delivery and preservation is different. But it is worth remembering that analogue possessions constitute intellectual capital, and that as digital surrogates are created, research, teaching or economic value of the originals should not be depleted. The WHAV considers itself not only as an efficient research tool, but also sees preservation as a key component of visual resources management. The combination of archive and research and the challenge to fulfil both tasks satisfactorily can conflict. An archive is a collecting depot of documents and information with the aim of protecting and preserving them, whereas research demands unrestricted access to all these resources. The WHAV is anxious to ensure that its collection is available to future generations by practising a preventive conservation. Photographs are very fragile materials. Great knowledge and efforts are required to archive and preserve them. We must be aware that all photographic material will inevitably deteriorate over the years because of a continuing chemical process within the photograph. The deterioration is a natural process and cannot be avoided, but it can at least be slowed down by proper storage and handling. For a non-profit organisation whose funds are limited, it is hardly possible to store records in the appropriate environment (Kramer 1993).18 Nevertheless, some improvements can be achieved without great expenses. Photographic material requires careful handling. The crucial rule for preserving images is to treat originals carefully from the very beginning and to avoid damage, dirt, dust, scratches and fingerprints. Such defects are particularly annoying if the image, especially a slide, is published and reproduced as a print in books or articles. A functional method of treating original photographic materials in a responsible way is to make working duplicates. These duplicates are produced in case an image is likely to receive extensive handling or is supposed to be projected in lectures and presentations outside of __________ 18 http://www.klaus-kramer.de/Richt/ric_top.html. Slides for example should be kept in the dark, the storage temperature should not exceed 24° C and the relative humidity should be kept as low as possible.

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the archive. Access to digital images can also supersede the need for researchers to use sensitive slides. In this way heavily used material can benefit from faithful digital copies. Traditional analogue records and electronic media require different preservation strategies. Tangible material must be protected from excessive exposure and should only be used when it is absolutely necessary. Digital files must always be controlled, backed up and transferred in respect of the latest innovation of data transfer. We often misconceive that photographs and digital data or prints are arbitrarily reproducible. In case of duplicating or converting an image into a different media the quality of the image diminishes and information gets lost. The maintenance of the images as originals is of primary importance (Dobrusskin et al. 2001). Thorough archival work demands financial means and a tremendous expenditure of human labour that is often underestimated. Unfortunately the requirements cannot always be provided. Like other archives, due to economical measures we often have the additional problem of maintaining a trained staff capable of identifying and archiving the material properly. Not only is an extensive knowledge of the art history of the region necessary but so also is a working knowledge of the related languages, primarily Sanskrit and Tibetan. Nevertheless, as mentioned in the beginning, every effort in preserving any valuable information that concerns our cultural heritage is better than archiving nothing. However, we must always consider that the protection and preservation of documentation material will always lie in the hands of the archives. But the development, analysis, evaluation and interpretation of these resources indicate a joint field of activity for both archive and research. BIBLIOGRAPHY Dobrusskin, S., W. Hesse, M. Jürgens, K. Pollmeier and M. Schmidt2001. Faustregeln zur Fotoarchivierung: ein Leitfaden. Rundbrief Fotografie, Museumsverband Baden-Württemberg, Esslingen. http://www.foto.unibas.ch/~rundbrief/ sh1.htm Francke, A.H. 1902. Notes on rock-carvings from Lower Ladakh. The Indian Antiquary XXXI, 398–401. —— 1926. Antiquities of Indian Tibet. Part (Volume) II: The Chronicles of Ladakh and Minor Chronicles. Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series,

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Vol. 50. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing India (repr. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1992). Jahoda, Ch. 2003. Sozio-ökonomische Organisation in einem Grenzgebiet tibetischer Kultur: Tabo - Spiti Tal (Himachal Pradesh, Indien) – Geschichte und Gegenwart. Ein Beitrag zum Konzept der ‘peasant societies’. PhD dissertation, University of Vienna, Vienna. Klimburg-Salter, D.E., O. Nalesini and G. Talamo 1994. Inventory of the Tucci Photographic Archives, 1926-1935: Western Himalayas, Nepal, Tibet. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. Kramer, K. 1993. Allgemeine Richtlinien zur Langzeitarchivierung von fotographischen Materialien in Museen und Archiven. http://www.klaus-kramer.de/Richt/ ric_top.html Luczanits, C. 1994. Another Rin chen bza! po temple? East and West, 44(1), 83–98. Nalesini, O. 1994. Pictures from the roof of the world. Reorganization of the Giuseppe Tucci photographic archives. East and West, 44(1), 185–210. Orofino, G. 1990. A note on some Tibetan petroglyphs of the Ladakh area. East and West 40(1–4), 173–200. Petech, L. 1977. The Kingdom of Ladakh: c. 950-1842 A.D. Serie Orientale Roma LI. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. Snellgrove, D.L. and Skorupski, T. 1980. The Cultural Heritage of Ladakh. Vol. II: Zangskar and the Cave Temples of Ladakh. Warminster: Aris & Phillips. Theuns - De Boer, G. 2001. Photographic prints at the Kern Institute, Leiden: the Bhandars of Sarahan. IIAS Newsletter Oneline 24. http://www.iias.nl/iiasn/24/ index.html Vitali, R. 1996. The Kingdoms of Gu.ge Pu.hrang: According to mNga'.ris rgyal.rabs by Gu.ge mkhan.chen Ngag.dbang grags.pa. Dharamsala: Tho ling gtsug lag khang lo gcig stong ’khor ba’i rjes dran mdzad sgo’i go sgrig tshogs chung. Vogel, J.Ph. 1911. Antiquities of Chamba State. Part I: Inscriptions of the PreMuhammadan Period. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing. Walravens, H. and Taube, M. 1992. August Hermann Francke und die WesthimalayaMission der Herrnhuter Brüdergemeine. Eine Bibliographie mit Standortnachweisen der tibetischen Drucke. Stuttgart: Steiner. Widorn, V. 2001. Die Holzskulpturen des Lha kha! in Johling, Studie zur Einordnung zweier Buddhastelen aus Lahul in einen chronologischen und kulturellen Kontext. MA thesis, University of Vienna, Vienna. —— Forthcoming. Forgotten Lahaul. The wooden Buddhas from Johling temple. Orientations.

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Plate 1: Fountain stone in Sissu, Lahaul, Himachal Pradesh (photograph Ch. Luczanits, WHAV CL91 08,05)

Plate 2: Fountain stone in Sissu, Lahaul, Himachal Pradesh (photograph V. Widorn, WHAV VW04 21,01)

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Plate 3: Main wall of the Gumrang Temple (photograph V. Widorn, WHAV VW02 23,45)

Plate 4: Wooden sculptures from Johling Temple (photograph H.L. Shuttleworth, Kern Institute, Leiden P-039236)

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Plate 5: Śākyamuni from Johling Temple, Bhuri Singh Museum, Chamba, H.P. (photograph V. Widorn, WHAV VW04 02,01)

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Plate 6: Buddhas, Dunkar, Cave 2, West Tibet (photograph E. Ghersi, Tucci Photographic Archive, Neg. Dep. 6020/14)

Plate 7: Fragments of Buddha images, Dunkar Cave 2, West Tibet (photograph J. Poncar, JP93 8,03)

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Plate 8: Prajñāpāramitā, west wall, lotsāba lha khang, Nako, Kinnaur, H.P. Before damage in 1998 (photograph Ch. Luczanits, WHAV CL94 135,33)

Plate 9: Prajñāpāramitā, west wall, lotsāba lha khang, Nako, Kinnaur, H.P.; after damage in 1998 (photograph V. Widorn, WHAV VW02 8M6H0876)

Plate 10: Prajñāpāramitā, west wall, lotsāba lha khang, Nako, Kinnaur, H.P.; during the restoration work in 2005 (photograph P. Müller, WHAV PM05 384620,11)

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Plate 11: Old Badri Narayan Temple in Batseri, Sangla Valley, Kinnaur, H.P. (photograph Ch. Luczanits, WHAV CL96 27,13)

Plate 12: New Badri Narayan Temple in Batseri, Sangla Valley, Kinnaur, H.P. (photograph V. Widorn, WHAV VW03 27,10)

44 VERENA WIDORN

KE RU LHA KHANG: CULTURAL PRESERVATION AND INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH IN CENTRAL TIBET PASANG WANGDU (TIBETAN ACADEMY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, LHASA) The monastery of Ke ru lha khang is located in an area called ’On and now belongs to Nedong County of Lhokha Prefecture, Tibet Autonomous Region. This monastery is very famous both in Tibet and beyond for its historical significance and for the ancient art objects and texts that are preserved there. In 2001 this monastery became a state level cultural relic, according to the order of the State Council. Before 1959 or 1966 a wealth of ancient statues and manuscripts were kept here; unfortunately many were destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. The restoration of the monastery began in 1990 and is currently being continued. Now there are three main chapels: the assembly hall which includes a dri gtsang khang, the Vairocana chapel and a small chapel where Atißa is said to have spent one month. The main statues are located in the dri gtsang khang. These comprise a statue of Buddha Íåkyamuni and his eight disciples (Bodhisattvas) and two wrathful forms of Hayagr¥va and Vajrapåni and two statues that are considered to be Byang chub sems dpa’ yab yum according to Dungkar Rinpoche. Before I started my project the manuscripts were in considerable disorder and were piled up around the statues. In my paper I give an outline of the project concerning these manuscripts that I initiated after two research surveys in 1995 and 2000. THE MANUSCRIPTS OF KE RU I first went to Ke ru in 1995 and I was deeply impressed by the manuscripts I saw there, some of which presented a very archaic writing form that can be attributed to the period before the 9th century. It was only in 2000 that I was able to make a detailed survey of the monastery and its precious contents. On this occasion I went together with Professor Deborah Klimburg-Salter and Professor Cristina ScherrerSchaub, respectively a renowned art historian and a renowned codi-

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cologist; these two scholars were able to call on their experience of having worked on comparable materials in Tabo monastery, in northern India. On the basis of their expertise it was possible to raise some questions concerning the dating of the monastery, to which I shall return later, and to give some instructions to the monks on how to start the difficult task of ordering the loose folios. I soon realised that a proper systematic conservation project was needed. In order to make it possible I contacted the Cultural Relics Office of Lhokha and explained my plan. They welcomed it but there were still some financial difficulties in getting it started. So I decided to ask friends abroad for help. In particular I was able to count on the financial support of the organisation “Future Generations” and of the anthropological project “Tradition and Modernity in Tibet and the Himalayas” funded by the Austrian Science Fund. Once the institutional framework and the funding were secured I was able to start the work. In 2001 I took three master degree students of Tibet University to the monastery. We stayed at the monastery for a couple of weeks; together with the monks we made a plan on how the folios should be ordered so that they were able to continue the work alone after we left. In five months the monks had completed the work. However we still need to make a detailed catalogue and this is a rather difficult task since the volumes are incomplete, often lacking title and colophon. In order to do this we are hoping to invite a specialist who will help in identifying the texts. Furthermore, we are also hoping to make a better wooden structure to preserve the volumes. After a thorough examination of the extant materials I came to believe that before the Cultural Revolution in 1966, there must have been three or four sets of the Bka’ ’gyur. I was told that during the Cultural Revolution many of the volumes were piled together and burnt. I was also told that the monks took whatever was left and wrapped them in yellow cloth. These were the bundles that we were able to see and that looked approximately like 200 volumes. However, these ‘volumes’ were made of folios in absolute disorder. After carrying out my preliminary project it was possible to put together the folios according to the original volumes they belonged to. Altogether we can now count 210 volumes; all are incomplete. According to the writing form we can infer that most of them belong to the 11th century. However, among them there are two volumes of the Prajñåpåramitå that can be attributed to the dynastic period, as

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they are very similar both in content and writing to the Dunhuang documents and to the stone-inscriptions. Some of the folios are beautifully illuminated. Among these illuminations we find an image of Vairocana on a folio that presents very archaic writing features. Perhaps this is, so far, the earliest text illumination to be found in Central Tibet. Prof. Xiong Wen Bin, a researcher in Buddhist Studies attached to the China Centre of Tibetology, suggested that the drawing of an enthroned Vairocana (Plates 1 and 2) is similar to the image of Vairocana found in the 9th century inscription of Brag g.yab that goes back to the kingdom of Khri Lde srong btsan (r. 800?–815 AD). These manuscripts have long folios (60–70cm x 20–25cm) with two separate holes for the strings that held together the volume and around the holes we see two red circles. Each page has from six to eight lines. The most striking characteristics of the writing form on these ancient materials are: the reverse gi gu, ma with ya btags and the presence of numerous da drag. Most texts are Prajñåpåramitås. This material is very precious; both for the study of ancient writing forms and for the ancient history of translations of Buddhist texts. So far, we know that there are comparable materials to be found in the Sgrol ma lha khang in Snye thang.1 IS KE RU KWA CHU? WHEN WAS IT BUILT? WHO BUILT IT? Concerning the temple we can say, with certainty, that it is very ancient. It is remarkable, however, that we do not find any mention of this temple in Lde’u chos ’byung and Nel paˆ!ita chos ’byung which mention extensive lists of temples that go back to the dynastic period. Currently this temple is sometimes officially called Brag dmar Ke ru but this name does not appear in ancient literature. Of course we know that Brag dmar is a common place name but Brag dmar in this case is clearly used to define the area around Bsam yas. However Ke ru is quite distant from Bsam yas; there are two mountain ridges in between. The local people call this temple ’On Ke ru as it is located in the ’On area. We therefore think that the name Brag dmar Ke ru is probably mistaken. How did this mistake come about? __________ 1

The place where Atißa passed away; cf. Bka’ gdams pha chos, p. 287.

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From dynastic sources we know that Khri Lde gtsug btsan built five temples and one of them was called Kwa chu. Later some texts started to call this temple Brag dmar Kwa chu. In the 14th century in the Rgyal rabs gsal ba’i me long we find that the words Kwa chu were changed into Ka ru.2 The Fifth Dalai Lama in his book transformed this name into Brag dmar Ke ru.3 But can we consider ’On Ke ru and Brag dmar Kwa chu to be the same? Some scholars consider Kwa chu and Ke ru to be two names for the same temple4 but we do not believe that this is the case. In fact in the vicinity of Bsam yas we find the ruins of a temple that is still called Kwa chu, which is most likely the Kwa chu built by Khri Lde gtsug btsan and the village where the ruins are located is also still called Kwa chu. From the description of the construction of the five temples we understand that they were all built in the vicinity of Bsam yas. In contrast to this, Lde’u chos ’byung mentions a Khra snag lha khang5 that was built by Mu ne btsan po in the 9th century and in Atißa’s biography we find mention of ’On Khra snag lha khang as a place where he stayed for one month.6 This could provide a clue to the mystery. In the colophon at the end of one text of the Prajñåpåramitå in 100,000 verses found in Ke ru lha khang there is an interesting passage: “In the world, in this land of Bod, high mountains, pure earth, surrounded by snow mountains, among the places the best came to be ’On mo klung rings, among the people the best came to be the lord (mnga’ [b]dag) Mgon ne, among the ministers the best came to be Zhang ston Sbra ban, among the monasteries the best came to be Ke(r) ru lha khang, among the religious masters the best came to be Dge shes ’Or ston”7 (Plates 3a-e). __________ 2 3 4

Rgyal rabs gsal ba’i me long, p. 197. Dpyid kyi rgyal mo'i glu dbyangs, p. 140. Vitali 1990: 1–35. Note in particular pages 1 and 25, fn. 8, and 30 and fn. 110 where Vitali also cites Tucci’s and Richardson’s identifications of ‘Ke ru’. 5 Lde’u chos ’byung, p. 366. 6 Bka’ gdams pha chos, p. 162; Mkhas pa’i dga’ ston, p. 687. 7 ’dzam gling mnga’ ris bod kyi rgyal khams ’dir // (Plate 3e) ri mtho sa gtsang gangs kyi rgyud kyis bskor // (Plate 3a) yul las khyad par ’phags pa ’on mo klung rings ’dir // (Plates 3a, 3b, 3d) myi las khyad par ’phags pa mnga’ mdag mgon ne byung // (Plates 3c, 3d) zhang blon khyad par ’phags pa zhang ston sbra ban byung // (Plate 3c)

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From these verses we gather four important pieces of information. Firstly, the name of this area was ’On mo klung rings. Secondly, the lord Mgon ne mentioned here can be identified, according to the Lde’u chos ’byung,8 with the sixth generation descendant from Yum brtan who was the son of King Dar ma. Mgon ne’s father was called Tshal na Ye shes rgyal mtshan. He was a famous lord of Bsam yas and the surrounding area during the 10th century and supported the Buddhist deeds of the Dbus Gtsang mi bcu. Thirdly, we can tentatively identify the minister Zhang ston Sbra ban as a member of the Sna nam clan since from the colophon of another text we know that this area belonged to the Sna nam clan. Fourthly, this text provides strong evidence that this monastery in the 11th century, and probably earlier, was already called Ke(r) ru lha khang and was considered to be located in ’On (Plates 4 and 5). As we have seen, Mkhas pa’i dga’ ston mentions that Atißa stayed one month at ’On Khra sna. Khra sna was a relatively common name, but ’On Khra sna definitely refers to the area in which Ke ru lha khang is located. According to Ne’u Paˆ!ita Mu tig btsan po, the younger brother of Mu ne btsan po, founded Khra sna’i lha khang.9 We may therefore tentatively suggest that Ke ru lha khang could be identified with this temple. Thus the original foundation of the temple may be attributed to the 9th century. However, this does not mean that the present three chapels and the sculptures necessarily date to this time. These questions take us beyond the scope of the present article. REFERENCES Bka’ gdams pha chos. Zi ling: Mtsho sngon mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1993. Dpyid kyi rgyal mo’i glu dbyangs. Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1988. Lde’u chos ’byung. Lhasa: Bod yig dpe rnying dpe skrun khang, 1987. Mkhas pa’i dga’ ston. Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1986. Rgyal rabs gsal ba’i me long. Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1981. Sngon gyi gtam me tog phreng ba. In Bod kyi lo rgyus deb ther khag lnga. Lhasa: Bod ljongs bod yig dpe rnying dpe skrun khang, 1990. Vitali, R. 1990. Early Temples of Central Tibet. London: Serindia.

__________

8 9

chos skor khyad par ’phags pa lha khang ker ru byung // (Plate 3e) chos mkhan khyad du ’phags pa dge bshes ’or ston byung // (Plates 3a, 3e) Lde’u chos ’byung, p. 389. Sngon gyi gtam me tog phreng ba, p. 23.

Plate 1: Prajñāpāramitā text with drawing of enthroned Vairocana, ca. 9th century

50 PASANG WANGDU

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Plate 2: Drawing of enthroned Vairocana, ca. 9th century (detail Plate 1)

51

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Plate 3a

Plate 3b

Plate 3c

KE RU LHA KHANG

Plate 3d

Plate 3e

Plates 3a-e: Text of the Prajñāpāramitā with the colophon reported in the article

53

Plate 4: Colophon of a text from Ke ru lha khang

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Plate 5: Colophon of a text from Ke ru lha khang

KE RU LHA KHANG 55

Plate 6a: Illumination with Rma bya chen mo in the dhāraī text Rig sngags kyi rgyal mo rma bya chen mo

56 PASANG WANGDU

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57

Plate 6b: Illumination with Rma bya chen mo in the dhāraī text Rig sngags kyi rgyal mo rma bya chen mo (detail Plate 6a)

Plate 6c: Illumination with ’Jam dbyangs in the dhāraī text Rig sngags kyi rgyal mo rma bya chen mo (detail Plate 6a)

Plate 7a: 10th/13th century illuminated manuscripts found at Ke ru lha khang

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Plate 7b: Buddha (detail Plate 7a)

Plate 7c: Buddha (detail Plate 7a)

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Plate 8: 10th/13th century illuminated manuscripts found at Ke ru lha khang

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Plate 9: 10th/13th century illuminated manuscripts found at Ke ru lha khang

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FRAGMENTS OF PRAMÓÔA TEXTS PRESERVED IN TABO MONASTERY* HORST LASIC (VIENNA) Of the huge number of manuscripts extant at Tabo monastery in Himachal Pradesh, which have been investigated in situ, registered and to a certain extent also filmed mainly between 19911 and 1998, I would like to draw attention to a certain group, namely Tibetan translations of Sanskrit texts dealing primarily with logic and epistemology. Up to now we have been able to identify the following texts: Dharmak¥rti’s Pramåˆavårttika, his own V®tti on the anumåna chapter, Íåkyabuddhi’s commentary Pramåˆavårttika†¥kå, Dharmak¥rti’s Sambandhapar¥k!å together with his own V®tti thereon, Vin¥tadeva’s Sambandhapar¥k!冥kå,2 Vin¥tadeva’s Nyåyabindu†¥kå, and Dharmottara’s commentary with the same title. None of these texts is extant as a complete manuscript in Tabo. On the contrary, with the exception of the Sambandhapar¥k!å which is almost complete, all the texts are represented rather fragmentarily. Again with the exception of the Sambandhapar¥k!å, none of the manuscripts mentions the title of the text. When, with the purpose of attesting their identity, I cursorily read through the fragments,3 those registered with the reel numbers 48/13 to 48/16 and 89/29 to 89/32 immediately aroused my special interest. __________ * I would like to express my thanks to Cynthia Peck-Kubaczek who kindly improved the English text of this article. 1 Cf. Steinkellner 1994: 116f. 2 Cf. Tauscher 1994. 3 I am grateful to both Cristina Scherrer-Schaub for putting Xerox copies of photos of these materials at my disposal and Helmut Tauscher for the computer scans that he provided.

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These fragments are the remainders of two manuscripts of Dharmottara’s Nyåyabindu†¥kå, a text which was not only very influential in Western scholars’ approach to Buddhist logic and epistemology, but which was also of great importance for the adaptation of the Indian Buddhist pramåˆa tradition in Tibet, as its early translation into Tibetan, confirmed by its inclusion in the Lhan kar catalogue, shows. What makes the Tabo fragments of this text really outstanding is the great number of important divergences from the canonical versions. Of the two manuscripts, which I call A and B, manuscript A consists of three folios—folios 3, 5, and 9—with seven lines to each page. Each line contains on average 60 syllables. Manuscript B also consists of three folios—folios 5, 7, and 9—with six lines to each page. Each line contains on average 64 syllables. As for their dimensions, material, colour and so on, I would like to refer the reader to the catalogue being prepared by Prof. Cristina Scherrer-Schaub and Prof. Paul Harrison. Both manuscripts are written in fine dbu can script. As for palaeographic peculiarities, inverted gi gu (ï) occurs in Ms. A,4 but not in Ms. B; the combinations st and sp are written vertically in Ms. A, but horizontally in Ms. B. mi and me are palatalised without exception in both manuscripts. The use of da drag can also be observed in both manuscripts, but in Ms. B it occurs much more often than in Ms. A. Of special interest is the occurrence of dond in Ms. B 7a5. In his study of the Sambandhapar¥k!å, Helmut Tauscher has presumed that the use of the da drag with don, lan and yin “might be an indication of a manneristic use of an archaic feature without being quite familiar with the correct application”.5 However, understanding ‘manneristic’ as ‘bizarre’, ‘stylised’ or ‘individualised’, I am sceptical whether we should use this term to describe this usage of the da drag with don, nor do I see it as strictly incorrect. First, the abundant occurrence of the phrase ces don to as equivalent to ity artha˙ in the canonical block prints of many translations seems to indicate that the da drag was widely accepted as an original part of the word. Second, the fact that in manuscript B dond __________ 4 Of the 48 cases of inverted gi gu in Ms. A, there are only 4 that are not in the phonetic ‘i-breaking’ context described by Miller (1981); they are dus kyï ngo bo (3a5), phyogs kyï chos (5a2), tshig gï don (5a4), yul nï khong du (9b2). 5 Tauscher 1994: 176f.

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occurs only once, whereas in all other cases don is written, does not speak for a tendency of this scribe to use mannerisms. In this case a more constant application would be expected. And finally, when particles with varying forms follow don, they appear in the form which they usually have after da drag. So we find don tu (A 3b5, 5a3, 9b5; B 5b3[twice]), don kyi (A 9b7, B 7b4), don ces (A 9b7), and don to (A5b1). Another orthographic peculiarity is the indiscriminate use of ci ltar and ji ltar in A.6 In my mind, both manuscripts manifest a scribal style that shows diligence and patience—there are no omissions or abbreviations—but does not aim at splendour. It is also characterised by orthographical correctness—there are no cases of confused prescripts or postscripts, no missing aspiration indicators, etc.—although it does not aim at consistency. When we arrange the folios of the two manuscripts according to the text they contain, in order to compare them with the canonical versions7 of the Nyåyabindu†¥kå, we arrive at the following sequence: A3, B5, A5, B7, B9, A9. However, we do not arrive at a continuous, uninterrupted text, except in the case of folios B5 and A5 where there is an overlap of 5 lines. __________ 6

See the following table for the distribution of ci/ji: Sanskrit NBÈ Ms. A Ms. B katham 46,1 ji ltar 5b5 kuta˙ 49,1 ci ltar 7a4 yathå 25,3; 25,4; 25,6 ci ltar ... bzhin 3a2, 3a3, 3a4 40,1 ci ltar ... bzhin 5a3 ji ltar ... bzhin 5b3 67,4 ji ltar ... lta bu 9a1 yadi 39,1 ci ste 5a5 46,1 ji ste 5b5 48,8; 52,3; 63,2; ci ste 7a3, 7b4, 65,4 9b2, 9b5 7 I use G: Ganden (Xerox copies of the reprint of the so-called ‘Golden Tanjur’ published by the China Nationality Library, Beijing in 1988. I am thankful to Dr Helga Rebhan from the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek for providing the copies, and to Prof. Jens-Uwe Hartmann, who helped in locating the volumes, as there is no longer a specialist at the library for the Tibetan collection since the retirement of Dr Günter Grönbold); N: Narthang (digital photos of the Snar thang print kept in the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, for which I would like to express my gratitude to Dr Gerhard Ehlers, who immediately responded to my request); Q: Peking (The Tibetan Tripitaka, Peking Edition. Ed. D.T. Suzuki. Tokyo-Kyoto); C: Cone (Microfiche Edition, The Institute for Advanced Studies of World Religions, New York); D: Derge (Sde dge Tibetan Tripi†aka bstan ˙gyur – preserved at the Faculty of Letters, University of Tokyo, ed. J. Takasaki, Z. Yamaguchi, Y. Ejima, Tokyo).

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Before going into details, let us first consider some of the differences that might occur in two witnesses of a given text. There are the common divergences resulting from mistakes during oral and scribal transmission. These include: misreading, misunderstanding, scribal errors, unintentional omissions, unintentional repetitions, incorrect interpretation of abbreviations, etc. Then there are those resulting from an attempt to repair such mistakes. We may add here the case of someone mistaking for an error something that is in fact correct, and of altering the transmitted text with the aim of correcting it. Common to all these manipulations is the fact that they alter the wording of the text. Another source for differences is the application of different orthographic standards: the words remain the same, but their spelling changes. Differences and correspondences in these aspects are useful for establishing the relationship of the witnesses of a given text, thereby reconstructing the lines of its transmission and diffusion. Of a distinctly different kind are correspondences and divergences between witnesses of various texts. This sounds obvious and might at first glance not be considered worth mentioning, but as we are dealing with translations it might be a good idea to keep this point in mind. That two witnesses represent two different translations of the same text might not always be obvious, especially when one translation is heavily dependent on the other. In Tibet we have the special case that many of the translations made in an early period underwent a revision at a later time. When this process was not restricted to the application of a certain orthographic standard and, indeed, the wording was altered, we are entitled or—more accurately—are obliged to consider the result of the revision to be a new translation, albeit heavily influenced by the older translation. Neglecting this differentiation during an attempted constitution of a critical edition inevitably leads to the production of a contaminated version of the text. This means that the result might be more intelligible or it might correspond better with the Sanskrit text, but it also means that it is of no historical value. Used carefully, an earlier translation may be of help in making emendations to a later translation, or may help to decide which of the extant variant readings should be accepted. The later translation may, of course, yield the same assistance with regard to the earlier translation. The extent and nature of the differences between the Nyåyabindu†¥kå transmitted in the Tabo fragments on one hand, and the corresponding parts of the canonical versions on the other hand, indi-

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cate that we are indeed being confronted with two different Tibetan translations. Since we know the standard translation of Blo ldan shes rab (1059–1109) and Sumatik¥rti to be the revised version of an earlier one produced by Dharmåloka with the help of Jñånagarbha in about 800,8 it is a natural guess that the Tabo fragments are the remainders of this earlier translation. In the following, I would like to give you some examples which to my mind clearly show that the Tabo text is in fact Dharmåloka’s unrevised translation. Some of these examples will also provide clues to understanding how the revised translation was produced and how it ended up in the form in which it is preserved in the main canonical Tanjur collections. I will furnish the Sanskrit texts of the Nyåyabindu†¥kå (NBÈ) and the Nyåyabindu (NB) as they are printed in the edition prepared by Dalsukhbhai Malvania (DhPr). Variants are given only if they have any bearing on our discussion. Since the notation of the variants is often ambiguous in this edition, I sometimes had to guess at what was meant. The sigla are those used by Dalsukhbhai Malvania. As for the two translations, that found in Tabo I will call T, and the other, which is transmitted in the five collated Tanjurs, V(ulgata). As for the canonical translation, I give the folio and line numbers of the Derge edition. The English translations are based on the Sanskrit. NBÈ 24,1: yac ca tena pradarßitam, tad eva tena1 pråpaˆ¥yam. 1

tad eva tena AB : tad eva CD

T (A 3a1): des bstand pa gang yin pa de ni des na phrad par ’gyur ba yin no | V (D 38a7): gang zhig des rab tu bstan pa de1 nyid des thob par bya ba yin te | 1

de om. CD

(Translation:) And only that which is shown by this [cognition] can be made obtainable through it. If we compare the two Tibetan translations of this sentence, we observe the use of different terminology. T renders pradarßitam with bstand pa, V with rab tu bstan pa. We meet the same situation in the __________ 8

Cf. Steinkellner and Much 1995: 68.

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following sentence. Further, T renders pråpaˆ¥yam with phrad par ’gyur ba, V with thob par bya ba. In the extant material, we find several cases in which derivations of pråp, referring to one of the main concepts dealt with in this context, are rendered in T with ’phrad, but in V with thob.9 The use of bya ba in thob par bya ba might perhaps be understood as indicating that Blo ldan shes rab has understood pråpaˆ¥yam in the causative sense, which would be an improvement over Dharmåloka’s rendering. tena of the second clause, which is found only in the manuscripts C and D, is rendered in T with des na, presumably with the purpose of excluding the possibility of the cognition being understood as the agent of ‘obtaining’. In V it is rendered with des, which allows the cognition to be understood as the agent of ‘making obtainable’. Another difference between the two translations consists in the different renderings of the relative clause. In T, gang is one of the two patient participants of an equation construction, the other patient participant being des bstand pa. In V, on the other hand, gang zhig forms the patient participant of the event expressed by the transitive verb (rab tu) bstan.10 We note further that the restrictive particle eva has no equivalent in T, but is represented by nyid in V, whereas the sentence-connecting ca is rendered in T by ni, but has no representation in V. Finally, in T the passage closes with the final particle (rdzogs tshig) no, whereas V uses the conjunction (lhag bcas) te, to connect the passage to the following one. I should note here that T connects the preceding sentence to this one with the help of te, whereas V uses the final particle at that point. The connection of passages with a conjunction in one version at a point where the other version concludes with a final particle and vice versa occurs several times in the extant material. NBÈ 24,1: arthådhigamåtmakaµ hi pråpakam1 ity uktam. 1

arthådhigamåtmakaµ hi pråpakam : arthådhigamåtmakatvaµ hi pråpakatvam CD :

__________ 9 pråpaˆ¥ya˙ (NBÈ 71,1; 71,3) is rendered in T with phrad pa (A 9b4, 9a5), but in V with thob par bya ba (D 44b1); pråpakam (NBÈ 24,1) is rendered in T with phrad par byed pa (A 3a1), but in V with thob par byed pa (38a7); pråpayitum (NBÈ 71,3f.) is rendered in T with phrad pa (A 9b5), but in V with thob pa (D 44b2). 10 For the grammatical terminology, cf. Beyer 1993: 255ff.

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arthakriyåsamarthavastvadhigamåtmakatvaµ hi pråpakatvam B : arthådhigamåtmakaµ hi pråpaˆam N

T (A 3a1–2): don rtogs pa’i bdag nyid ni phrad par byed pa zhes smras so | V (D 38a7): de thob par byed1 pa nyid ni don rtogs pa’i2 bdag nyid yin no zhes brjod pa zin pa yin no ||3 1 byed GNQD : bya C 2 don rtogs pa’i N : don thob pa rtogs pa’i QG: don thob pa rtogs pa nyid ni don thob pa’i CD 3 || om. C

(Translation:) It is said that a [cognition] which causes [an object] to be obtained has the character of a definite cognition of an object. T seems to be a verbatim translation of the Sanskrit text as it is printed. In V the word order is changed, clarifying that arthådhi-gamåtmaka(tva)m is the predicate and not the subject of the proposition. The de in the beginning of the sentence has no equivalent in the Sanskrit. nyid after thob par byed pa possibly indicates that the Sanskrit manuscript used by Blo ldan shes rab had more correspondence to the manuscripts C and D than to the others. Note also the different renderings of uktam in the two translations. NBÈ 25,1–2: tatra pradarßitåd anyad vastu bhinnåkåram, bhinnadeßam, bhinnakålaµ ca. viruddhadharmasaµsargåd dhy anyad vastu. deßakålåkårabhedaß ca viruddhadharmasaµsarga˙. T (A 3a2): der bstand pa las gzhan pa’i dngos po rnam pa tha dad pa dang | yul tha dad pa dang | dus tha dad pa rnams ni myi ’thun pa’i chos dang ’dre ba’i phyir yul dang | dus dang | rnam pa tha dad pa’i dngos po gzhan dag ni myi ’thun pa’ï chos dang ’dre ba yin te | V(D 38a7–38b1): de la yul tha dad pa dang1 | dus tha dad pa dang | rnam pa tha dad pa ni rab tu bstan pa las dngos po gzhan nyid de ’di ltar dngos po gzhan nyid ’gal ba’i chos dang ldan pa las yin la | yul dang | dus dang | rnam pa tha dad pa yang ’gal ba’i chos dang ldan pa yin no || 1

tha dad pa dang NQCD : tha dad pa {dad} {pa}11 dang G

(Translation:) There, a thing different from the one shown [by this cognition] is one which has a different shape, one which belongs to a different place, or one which belongs to a different time. The thing is __________ 11

The curly brackets {} indicate three dots above the syllable.

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namely different on account of its being connected with a property (dharma) incompatible [with the other thing]. And a difference of place, time and shape is a connection with an incompatible property. In the Sanskrit we see here three distinct sentences. The first sentence enumerates the kinds of things different from the one shown by the cognition. The second gives a general explanation of what the difference consists of. Finally, the third sentence states that the enumerated kinds of different things fall under this model. In T this structure is not visible. I would understand rather: “There, since the things different from the one shown, [namely] those with a different shape, those belonging to different places, and those belonging to different times, are connected with incompatible qualities, the other things which are of a different place, time, and form, are connected with incompatible qualities”. In V the structure of the Sanskrit is once again easily discernible. Although not each and every element of the Tibetan text has a corresponding element in the Sanskrit text, it is beyond doubt that this version could never have been produced solely following the earlier translation with no reliance on the Sanskrit text. The same is true for V’s phrad pa’i rgyu in the place of T’s phrad pa. NBÈ 29,1 reads pråpti˙ in conformance with T. But V’s translation has its correspondence in manuscript C which reads pråptihetu˙. The next example displays an interesting deviation in terminology. NBÈ 27,2: kåraˆaßabdopådåne tu puru!årthasiddhe˙ såk!åtkåraˆaµ gamyeta. T (A 3a7): byed rgyu’i sgra smos na ni skyes bu’i don ’grub pa’i mngon sum gyi rgyu yin par shes par ’gyur ro || V (D 38b6): rgyu’i sgra smos na ni skyes bu’i don ’grub pa’i dngos kyi rgyu yin par shes par ’gyur ro || (Translation:) If [Dharmak¥rti] were to have used the word ‘cause’, one would understand the direct cause for the fulfilment of a man’s aim.

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kåraˆa is rendered in T with byed rgyu, an expression identified in the Mahåvyutpatti12 (Nr. 2269) with kåraˆahetu. V, however, uses the more literal equivalent rgyu. såk!åtkåraˆa is rendered in T with mngon sum gyi rgyu. V, on the other hand, renders it with dngos kyi rgyu. We find the same diverging terminology in the rendering of såk!åtkåraˆa of NBÈ 28,2 and of såk!åddhetu of NBÈ 28,4. NBÈ 40,4f.: tatra tayo˙ pratyak!ånumånayor iti samudåyanirdeßa˙. T (A 5a4; B 5b4): mngon sum dang rjes su dpag pa de gnyis la | de la zhes spyir bstand1 nas | 1

bstand B : bstan A

V (D 40a6): de1 la ste mngon sum dang rjes su dpag pa de gnyis la zhes tshogs pa bstan pa yin no || 1

de GNQD : da C

(Translation:) ‘among those’ [means] ‘out of those, namely perception and inference’. The whole group is indicated [by the expression ‘among those’]. Note the different renderings of samudåyanirdeßa in T and V. T seems to emphasise that tatra refers to the more general concept of valid cognition, which includes perception and inference. V’s rendering is more literal. Note also the different syntactic solutions. T places the paraphrase directly before the expression being paraphrased. The advantage of this solution is that it puts the expression “among those”, which is being explained, closer to “the whole group is indicated”, which is the explanation of its function. V, on the other hand, uses the more common manner of translating such phrases, placing the paraphrase after the expression being paraphrased, in this way following the word order of the Sanskrit more closely. NBÈ 40,6f.: tatra pratyak!am1 anËdya kalpaˆåpo"hatvam abhråntatvaµ ca vidh¥yate. 1

pratyak!am : pratyak!atvam BDPEHN

T (A 5a5; B 5b5): de la mngon sum nyid bstand zind1 nas | rtog pa dang bral zhing ma2 ’khrul pa3 nyid brjod par bya ste | 1 bstand zind B : bstan zin A tsheg B

2

ma inserted under the line B

__________ 12

Cf. Ishihama and Fukuda 1989.

3

pa A : pa’ plus a space and a

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V (D 40a7): de la mngon sum nyid rjes su brjod nas | rtog pa dang bral zhing ma ’khrul pa nyid sgrub pa yin te | (Translation:) Referring out of them to perception, [Dharmak¥rti] attributes the [characteristics of] being free from conceptions and of being unerroneous [to it]. Both translations seem to presuppose the reading pratyak!atvam. The set expression x anËdya y vidh¥yate is rendered in T with rather nontechnical expressions. V on the other hand uses etymologically motivated renderings. NBÈ 41,1f.: kalpanåpoåhåbhråntatvaµ ced aprasiddham, kim anyat pratyak!asya jñånasya rËpam avaßi!yate, yat pratyak!aßabdavåcyaµ sad anËdyeta. T (A 5a6; B 5b6): rtog pa dang bral zhing ma ’khruld1pa nyid ma grub pa yin na | mngon sum gyï 2 shes pa’i ngo bo gzhan ci zhig lus te |3 gang zhig mngon sum gyi sgra des brjod par bya ba yod do zhes stond4 par byed 1

’khruld B : ’khrul A

2

gyi B : gyï A

3

te | B : te A

4

stond B : ston A

V (D 40b1): rtog pa dang bral zhing ma ’khrul pa1 nyid ma grub pa yin na mngon sum gyis shes pa’i ngo bo gzhan ci zhig lus te | gang zhig mngon sum gyi sgras brjod par bya ba yin na rjes su2 brjod 1

pa GQCD : ba N

2

rjes su GQCD : rjesu N

(Translation:) If the [characteristics of] being free from conceptions and of being unerroneous are not established, which other characteristic of the perceptual cognition is left, which, being expressible by the word ‘perception’, could be referred to [by the very word ‘perception’]? Note the difference in the rendering of the participle phrase pratyak!aßabdavåcyaµ sad which states the condition under which a characteristic could be referred to by the word ‘perception’. T conveys the condition with the help of the adverbial zhes. V on the other hand integrates the condition via the particle na. Besides yielding some glimpses of different stylistic and interpretational approaches used by Tibetan translators, these examples may suffice to show that we are indeed dealing with different translations. Having accepted this, how shall we—without taking refuge in the ex-

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planation of it being a case of mere coincidence—account for the fact that at certain points T shares thought-provoking correspondences with one or the other of the canonical versions. We find ’ba’ shig (B 5a6) in Tabo, Ganden, Narthang and Peking in contrast to ’ba’ zhig of Cone and Derge. On the other hand we find rtog pa dang bcas pa’i mtshan nyid in Tabo (A 5a1, B5b1), Cone and Derge in contrast to ’dra ba’i mtshan nyid13 of Ganden, Narthang and Peking. One solution would be to explain the correspondences in terms of later contaminations. But another explanation seems more reasonable to me. These matching readings have their origin in the very manuscript of the earlier translation used by Blo ldan shes rab while producing the revised translation, and they survived by being reproduced into the final fair copy. Eventually, some of them were corrected in one tradition or the other. To corroborate this hypothesis we can refer to another interesting passage. NBÈ 25,3f.: tasmåd anyåkåravadvastugråhi1 nåkåråntaravati vastuni pramåˆam, yathå p¥taßa#khagråhi ßukle ßa#khe. 1

anyåkåravastugråhi BCD

T (A 3a2–3): de bas na ci ltar dung dkar po la dung ser por ’dzin pa bzhin du | rnam pa gzhan gyi dngos po ’dzin pa ni | rnam pa gzhan dang ldan pa’i dngos po la tshad ma ma yin no || V (D 38b1–2): de’i phyir rnam pa gzhan dang ldan pa’i dngos po ’dzin pa ni rnam pa gzhan dang ldan pa’i dngos po la tshad ma ma1 yin te | dper na dung dkar po la ser por ’dzin pa bzhin no ||2 1

ma om. CD 2 bzhin no || NQ : bzhino || G : bzhin no || rnam pa gzhan gyi dngos po ’dzin pa ni | rnam pa gzhan dang ldan pa’i dngos po la tshad ma ma yin no || CD

(Translation:) Therefore, a [cognition] which grasps a thing of one shape is not a valid cognition with respect to a thing of another shape, as a [cognition] which grasps a yellow shell [is not a valid cognition] with respect to a white shell. A glance at the Tibetan translations shows that Blo ldan shes rab has replaced Dharmåloka’s translation completely.14 Of particular interest __________ 13 14

Cf. sårËpyalak!aˆam NBÈ 39,5. Note that rnam pa gzhan dang ldan pa’i dngos po ’dzin pa V corresponds with anyåkåravadvastugråhi, and rnam pa gzhan gyi dngos po ’dzin pa T with anyåkåravastugråhi BCD.

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is the fact that Cone and Derge have preserved a part of the earlier translation. This gives us a hint of the manner in which Blo ldan shes rab executed his work. His changes must have been written directly into a manuscript of the earlier translation. While copying this manuscript with the changes made by Blo ldan shes rab in order to produce a fair copy of the new translation, the old passage was included into the new translation by mistake. In the same way, misreadings and orthographic variants not corresponding to the standard were copied from the working manuscript into the fair copy of the new translation. Some of these irregularities were then eliminated in the transmission process which has led to the different canonical block prints. Actually, the scribe of the fair copy very often happened to copy not only a sentence as it was newly formulated by Blo ldan shes rab, but together with it, copied a part of the older sentence that Blo ldan shes rab intended to have replaced. This happened repeatedly in connection with explanations of compounds. In his commentary, Dharmottara makes use of conventional formulations in order to show what kind of compound Dharmak¥rti has used in a given case. Translated into another language these explanations lose much of their information. In fact, translations that imitate the structure of the original can be fully understood only by someone who is acquainted with the specific style used by Sanskrit commentators. NBÈ 58,4: sa sahakår¥ yasyendriyajñånasya tat tathoktam. T (B 9a1): de ni dbang po’i rnam par shes pa gang yin pa dang | lhan cig byed pa de la de skad ces bya’o || V (D 42b7–43a1): de ni dbang po’i rnam par shes pa gang yin pa dang lhan cig byed pa de dbang po’i rnam par shes pa gang la yod pa de la de skad ces bya’o || This is an explanation of the expression svavi!ayånantaravi!ayasahakåriˆendriyajñånena (“by a sensual cognition which has the object [phase] following immediately on its own object [phase] as a support”) of NB 1.9. The explanation says: “a sensual cognition, which has this as support, is called in that way”. T’s rendering makes good sense: “This is said to a sensual cognition which is supported by this”. But the grammatical analysis of the Sanskrit original is lost. In V we have a sentence that cannot be understood in the way it is transmitted. Evi-

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dently, Blo ldan shes rab replaced part of the earlier translation with his own rendering, the scribe incorporated this replacement, but did not leave out the part which Blo ldan shes rab thought to replace. We should therefore remove the part beginning with de ni and ending with dang. The remaining lhan cig byed pa de dbang po’i rnam par shes pa gang la yod pa de la de skad ces bya’o renders the sense and the grammatical analysis of the original. NBÈ 59,3f.: samaß cåsau jñånatvena, anantaraß cåsåv avyavahitatvena, sa cåsau pratyayaß ca hetutvåt samanantarapratyaya˙, tena janitam. T (B 9a3–4): mtshungs pa ni shes pa nyid du’o | de ma thag pa ni bar ma chod pa’o || de ni rkyend kyang yin te rgyu yin pa’i phyir mtshungs pa de ma thag pa’i rkyend des bskyed pa’o || V (D 43a3): mtshungs pa ni shes pa nyid du’o || ’di ni1 shes pa¥nyid kyis mtshungs pa yang yin la bar ma chod pas de ma thag pa yang yin2 no || de’ang yin la rgyu nyid kyis na rkyen3 kyang yin pas4 de ma thag pa’i rkyen te des5 bskyed pa’o || ni shes pa nyid du’o || ’di ni GNQ : mi CD 2 yin : ma yin G rkyon? C 4 pas NQD : pa’i CD 5 des GCD : nges Q (N is unreadable) 1

3

rkyen GNQD : skyon/

This is an explanation of the expression samanantarapratyayena (by the homogeneous immediately preceding condition) of NB 1.9. First samanantara- is explained by Dharmottara as being a karmadhåraya-compound15: “As a cognition it is homogeneous, and, as not being separated, it is as well immediately preceding”. T’s rendering gives only part of this information. It explains the way in which the cognition under discussion is homogeneous and immediately preceding but no information is yielded as to which kind of compound we are dealing with. V, on the other hand, yields the full information of the Sanskrit original. Here again, we should remove mtshungs pa ni shes pa nyid du’o, as it is part of the passage which Blo ldan shes rab intended to replace. Then, in the Sanskrit original, samanantarapratyaya˙ as a whole is explained as being a karmadhåraya-compound: “It is so (lit.: this) (namely a homogeneous immediately preceding one) and, because it __________ 15 sama° instead of the expected samå° is explained in DhPr 59,22f. with reference to Vårttika 4 on Påˆ 6.1.94 (cf. VyMBh 75,19).

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is a cause, it is a condition as well”. T, again, omits the information as to which kind of compound it is, stating simply: “Because it is a cause, it is a condition as well”. V, on the other hand, gives the full information as to the kind of compound it is, by clearly translating the two nominal predicates as predicates: “it is so (lit.: this), and, because it is a cause, it is a condition as well”. In the Sanskrit text, the expression samanantarapratyaya˙ is syntactically construed as an apposition to its constituent parts used in the explanation. T seems to imitate this. Through the use of phyir, V might well indicate that the given explanation is the reason for this condition to be so named. But since instead of the expected expression mtshungs pa de ma thag pa’i only de ma thag pa’i is transmitted, we may wonder whether the first scribe had again misunderstood Blo ldan shes rab’s notes. It could well be that C and D preserve the older reading yin pa’i, being a remainder of yin pa’i phyir mtshungs pa of the earlier translation. yin pas of N and Q could then be explained as being an attempted correction. Next in the Sanskrit text, the syntactic role of the expression samanantarapratyaya in NB 1.9 is shown by tena: produced by this. T renders this by placing des attributively after rkyen. V clarifies the structure of the Sanskrit text by inserting the conjunction (lhag bcas) te. The cited samples give us an impression of how Blo ldan shes rab executed his revisional work. He was apparently very concerned to replace some of the termini technici used by Dharmåloka. The fact that we find not all but only some instances of a certain terminus replaced might indicate that by making only some alterations Blo ldan shes rab was indicating that this should be done throughout the text, but that his assistants did not take the hint. Another aim was a more lucid representation of the structure of the Sanskrit text. We know from the colophon that Blo ldan shes rab used a Sanskrit manuscript from Magadha and we have seen that this manuscript must have been different in some readings from the one used by Dharmåloka. The manner of executing the revisional work directly into a copy of the earlier translation opened up a source for errors. An awareness of this particular mode of producing revised translations might help all those who, in their effort of establishing critical editions, reflect on the possible genesis of corruptions in addition to their considerations of the content.

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The question of how and when the Nyåyabindu†¥kå manuscripts or their antecedents came to Tabo is, at least at the moment, impossible to answer. In any case, I would be inclined to suppose that any person who intentionally brought a translation of a pramåˆa text to Western Tibet, provided he had to choose between different translations, would have opted for that translation which was accepted as the standard. My second guess is that Blo ldan shes rab’s translation was already regarded as being the standard translation during his lifetime. Further studies on the Tabo manuscripts may address questions of possible relationships of the Nyåyabindu†¥kå fragments to other manuscripts, for instance, whether they are part of a collection that was intentionally built up or whether they found their way to Tabo per chance. Investigations of this kind will be greatly facilitated as soon as the descriptive manuscript catalogue is available. BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS Beyer, S.V. 1993. The Classical Tibetan Language. Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications. DhPr Dalsukhbhai, M. (ed.) 1971 (2nd edn.). Paˆ"ita Durveka Mißra’s Dharmottaraprad¥pa. [Being a sub-commentary on Dharmottara’s Nyåyabindu†¥kå, a commentary on Dharmak¥rti’s Nyåyabindu]. Patna: Kashiprasad Jayaswal Research Institute. Ishihama, Y. and Fukuda, Y. (eds) 1989. A New Critical Edition of the Mahåvyutpatti. Sanskrit-Tibetan-Mongolian Dictionary of Buddhist Terminology. Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko. Miller, R.A. 1981. Phonemic theory and orthographic practice in Old Tibetan. The Journal of the Tibet Society 1(1981), 45–62. NBÈ Dharmottara’s Nyåyabindu†¥kå (cf. DhPr) Steinkellner, E. 1994. A report on the ‘Kanjur’ of Ta pho. East and West 44(1), 115–36. Steinkellner, E. and Much, M.T. 1995. Texte der erkenntnistheoretischen Schule des Buddhismus. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Tauscher, H. 1994. Tanjur fragments from the manuscript collection at Ta pho monastery: Sambandhapar¥k!å with its commentaries V®tti and È¥kå. East and West 44(1), 173–84. VyMBh Kielhorn, F. (ed.) 1972 (3rd edn.). The Vyåkaraˆa-Mahåbhå!ya of Patañjali. Revised and furnished with additional readings, references, and select critical notes by K.V. Abhyankar. Vol. 3. Poona: Bhandakar Oriental Research Institute.

THE RNAL ’BYOR CHEN PO BSGOM PA’I DON MANUSCRIPT OF THE ‘GONDHLA KANJUR’ HELMUT TAUSCHER (VIENNA) Nowadays Gondhla is an inconspicuous little village in Lahaul, Himachal Pradesh, some ten km east of the confluence of the rivers Chandra and Bhaga. In the old days, however, its importance as the centre of the principality of Ti nan must have been much greater; the partly ruined, but still impressive tower of the Thakur’s castle is now the only obvious remainder of those better days. Another such remainder—but not as easily seen—is the manuscript collection in the possession of the Thakur, a set of 35 partly illuminated volumes. An additional volume, containing works such as the Lalitavistara and the mahåsËtra Måyåjåla,1 was viewed and partly photographed by D. Klimburg-Salter and Ch. Luczanits in 1991, but it cannot be traced anymore. Although no Tibetan Buddhist would hesitate to call this collection a Kanjur, technically speaking it is not, in the sense of an homogenous body with, e.g. running volume-numbering; such numbering is found only within the sets of the Ratnakˆa (six vols.), the Buddhåvataµsaka (originally four vols., one missing) and the MahåparinirvåˆasËtra (two vols.). The Gondhla collection also seems to pre-date the compilation of the Tibetan canon at Narthang/Zhalu at the beginning of 14th century.2 Nevertheless, although it was not necessarily produced as one set in its totality, it appears to form a unit, with all the volumes being very much alike with regard to size (67–69 x 19–21 cm, 10–11 lines), palaeography, orthography, and the style of __________ 1 2

See Skilling 1997a: 198f. Without any inclination to contribute to the ongoing discussion about whether and to what extent or in which context it might or might not be justified to speak of a Tibetan ‘canon’, I use the term in the general sense of “a ‘normative collection of texts’ which should not be subject to alteration” (Eimer 2002: 7) and refer it to both Kanjur and Tanjur. The discussion mentioned above and the present state of Kanjur research is reflected, e.g., in the papers collected in Eimer 1997 (s. in particular Skilling 1997b) and Eimer and Germano 2002.

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the miniatures. 34 of these 35 volumes contain in mdo mangs-style units the greater part of all texts commonly recorded in the mdo sections of the various Tibetan Kanjur editions, a few texts that are included in the rgyud section of Peking and Derge, four texts (Lokaprajñapti, Kåraˆaprajñapti, Kuˆålåvadåna, Li’i yul lung bstan pa) that occur in the Tanjurs of Peking and Derge as well as in some editions of the Kanjur (e.g. Stok Palace and Ulan Bator), and one noncanonical text (Rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don), with ten texts still to be identified: 277 titles in total, 24 of them duplicated or even triplicated. One volume contains 101 dhåraˆ¥s. All the texts are complete or almost complete; quite a number of folios, however, were replaced in later times, probably the 19th or even the 20th century. There is, however, not a single sher phyin text. Local rumours have it that the extant collection at Gondhla is only half of the original one, and that the other part, probably containing sher phyin and rgyud texts, is kept in Phukthar monastery in Zanskar.3 If this local information is based on fact, this collection could quite appropriately be called a ‘Proto-Kanjur’, representing a pre-canonical attempt to gather all of the words of the Buddha, that is, a rather extensive form of the smaller collections of texts which all Kanjurs ultimately go back to.4 As such, it could be either the copy of a similar ‘Proto-Kanjur’ or an original attempt towards such a compilation, which made use of existing mdo mangs volumes. Corruptions within some of the volumes make clear that the arrangement of the texts within them was taken over from older models: some of the texts have been separated into several parts, interrupted by passages from other texts that merge into each other without any indication; in some cases the beginning of the text appears more than 100 folios after its end. The only plausible explanation for this is that the volume was copied with its folios in disorder. Some of these mix-ups were detected by some later reader, and indicated as ‘error in the texts’ (or similar) in dbu med script; unfortunately but naturally without any reference to the correct text. __________ 3 4

Personal communication of Tshering Dorje, Keylong. See Eimer 2002: 4. For such attempts at pre-canonical collections of manuscripts see, e.g., Tucci 1988: 69f., and the short statement in Rin chen bzang po’s biography, reporting that he equipped even his smaller foundations with three volumes/copies (?) each of mdo mang(s) and seven volumes/copies (?) of ’Bum (Tucci 1988: 115, fol. 13a7–b1).

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The question of dating the manuscripts poses some problems. On the basis of the stylistic evidence of the illuminations they have been dated to the 11th-12th centuries.5 From palaeographic and orthographic features one could tentatively date them to the second half of the 13th or early 14th century. Of course, it is highly problematic to restrict the dating of any Tibetan manuscript to a period of some fifty years on this basis alone. In the case of West-Tibetan manuscripts it is virtually impossible; too little material has been investigated as yet to justify any dating other than tentative and within a wider margin. The Gondhla manuscripts do present archaic elements that could—according to the classification established by ScherrerSchaub6—allow for an earlier date, but they do not occur consistently, and the ‘classical’ forms are to be found as well; even the negation med occurs without a ya btags, and the spelling myed is probably the most long-lived of all archaic forms. The particular mixture of old and new orthographic and palaeographic features seems to speak against an earlier dating; it cannot, however, be completely ruled out. These archaic features will not be discussed at this point; they have been dealt with sufficiently elsewhere,7 and some of them will be mentioned later in this paper. The pagination system, however, deserves special mention. In general, the system typical for the time and the area is used: the letters na, ma, nga subscribed to the letter of the volume signature and followed by the numerals 1–100 indicate hundreds from fol. 101 onwards. This system is used even if the ‘set’ consists of only one volume; in general these one-set volumes bear the signatures Ka (1–100), Ka-Na ([10]1–200), Ka-Ma ([20]1–300), Ka-Nga ([30]1–400). There are, however, a few exceptions. In one case the hundreds are indicated by the letters ka, kha, ga plus numerals; once ka-ma does not appear, and ka-nga is used instead to denote fols. 201+; once ka-nga is replaced by ka-wa, however on folios replaced much later.8 __________ 5 6 7

Klimburg-Salter 1994: 59, and personal communication of Ch. Luczanits. Cf. Scherrer-Schaub 1999. See, e.g., Steinkellner 1994, De Rossi Filibeck 1994, Tauscher 1994, ScherrerSchaub 1999. 8 This usage seems to be very rare, but it is not unique. One such instance is to be found also among the Tabo manuscripts (see Steinkellner 1994: 125).

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A precise answer to the question of date could be given by historians if they knew the dates of Rdo rje pa la, the second chief of Ti nan according to the “Chronicles” and the genealogical tree of Ti nan published in Francke’s Antiquities of Indian Tibet.9 He is mentioned in dedication poems in two texts. The 12th chief, Ha ri ya, a contemporary of the Kullu king Bahådur Si!gh, has been dated to the middle of the 16th century by Francke.10 Francke’s estimate and an allowance of an average reign of 25 years for each chief places Rdo rje pa la in the last quarter of the 13th century. If, on the other hand, the manuscripts—and thus Rdo rje pa la—are not later than the 12th century, an average reign of at least 35 years would follow, which seems unlikely. Or one has to assume that the genealogical lists are incomplete, and at least three or four chiefs are missing from them; but there is not particular evidence for this. The dedications offer additional information that might turn out to be valuable in one respect or other; they mention the chief’s palace as Sa de’u chung nal ze sku mkhar,11 and they give the names of donors and the scribe (Rdo rje rtse). In addition, they make clear that ‘Gondhla’ was originally the name of a sacred mountain, a mountain to the north of the village Gondhla, also known as Dril bu ri. The spellings “Ghan dha la” and “Gan da la” reflect the recent local pronunciation of the name when it is referred to the monastery that is commonly known as Guru Ghantal;12 when referred to the village, the pronunciation follows the modern Indian spelling. As a place-name the dedications give only Ti nan; it is, however, not clear whether this refers to the village or to the principality as a whole. The non-canonical text mentioned earlier, the Rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don, is an anthology of sËtra quotations, very much in the style of the SËtrasamuccaya, in answer to 88 questions that were obviously considered to be relevant for the “practice of mahåyoga” (rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa) and occur subsequent to the initial and __________ 9 Francke 1926: 211ff.; there, the name appears in the forms Rdo rje pha la and Rdo rje pål (= Rdo rje dpal?). 10 Ibid.: 214 (notes). Francke follows “Dr. Vogel’s investigations” in a work which he quotes as “Vogel, Jean Phillippe, Triloknåth etc”. It is not accessible to me. 11 sku mkhar Nal rtse in the Chronicle of Ti nan, Francke 1926: 212f. 12 Francke 1926: 215 derives ‘Gondhla’ as the name for the principality “from the important and ancient monastery of Gandhola, which is situated within its boundaries” (my emphasis).

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crucial question: “How is the perfection of insight, which is homogeneous by nature and unitary, differentiated?” (shes rab kyi pha rold tu phyind pa rang bzhin gyis mnyam zhing tshul gcig pa las so sor gyes pa ci lta bu zhe na). A Dunhuang MS (PT 996) names the author: Spug Ye shes dbyangs.13 This text also sets the context with regard to religious history. It starts with Nam ka’i snying po,14 his spiritual lineage (A rtan hywer - Be’u sing Hwa shang - Man Hwa shang - Nam ka’i snying po), his virtues, and a hymn composed by him in praise of the path of yoga. The following section, entitled Theg pa chen po rnam par myi rtog par bsgom pa’i lam,15 contains a biographical sketch of Spug Ye shes dbyangs and names him as the author of the Rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don. Although the actual relation between the two masters is not stated—Spug Ye shes dbyangs is only said to have died in the hermitage of Nam ka’i snying po—the structure of the text suggests a rather close one. Accordingly, his work can safely be associated more generally with the dhyåna - gcig car pa tradition commonly connected with Hwa shang Mahåyåna. Bu ston even attributes the Rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don to Hwa shang Mahåyåna in his Chos ’byung; 16 considering the evidence of the much older manuscript from Dunhuang, this seems highly questionable. However, the catalogue of the 5th Dalai lama’s library at ’Bras spungs, too, lists the manuscript of a “Mdo sde brgyad cu’i khungs composed by Hwa shang mahå ya na”.17 In the Gondhla collection it is preceded by the KußalamËlaparidharasËtra (Q 769) and followed __________ 13 771–850 acc. Okimoto 1993 (s. Otokawa 1999: n. 1). In view of Bka’ thang sde lnga Nga 66b5–67a1 (quoted in Okimoto 1993: 18), however, this date appears problematic and possibly too late. This passage—following a report of the foundation of Bsam yas, and placed between the lists of 76 primarily Indian scholars and of the sad mi mi bdun—tells about a text which strikingly resembles our Rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don: it is called a (?) Rnal ’byor chen po sgom pa’i lung which consists of 88 chapters of questions in four bam po and contains quotations from 80 sËtras; as its additional title Rin chen phreng ba is given. The author of the text is not mentioned, but the 88 questions are closely and directly attributed to King Khri Srong lde btsan. 14 Possibly identical with the Nam mkha’i snying po mentioned in Bka’ thang sde lnga (Nga 67a1) among the sad mi mi bdun; cf. Tucci 1958: 13. 15 3b5ff. (Lalou 1939: 520–522). 16 Szerb 1990: 35f. 17 ’Bras spungs dpe rnying dkar chag: 1655, No 018810. On this alternative title of the Rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don see below.

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by the Paramårthadharmavijaya (Q 912) and DånapåramitåsËtra (Q 849). Until now this text was extant only in fragments from Dunhuang (PT 818 and ST 705)18 and Tabo (provisional numbers 36 and 89).19 The Dunhuang material, together with other texts of this tradition, has been studied by Lalou 1939 (including a facsimile edition of PT 996, referred to by its provisional number 202), Imaeda 1975 and Okimoto 1993; the Tabo fragments were recently presented in Otokawa 1999. The present paper does not intend to touch upon the content or the religious significance of the Rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don, but concentrates on technical and structural aspects relevant for the editing of the text, which is in progress. The full title of the text is given four times at the beginning of the bam pos: Rnal ’byor chen po/por/pos bsgom pa’i don (|) theg pa chen po’i mdo’ (sde [zab mo]) las btus pa. At the beginning and the end of the MS it is referred to as Mdo sde brgyad bcu khungs and Brgyad bcu khungs, respectively; this title is also given in PT 996 (4a5: Mdo sde brgyad bcu’i khungs) and by Bu ston (see above). As the expression mdo (sde’i) khungs ni brgyad bcu zhig bzhugs (“the sËtra-testimony comprises 80 [texts quoted]”) appears in the text itself, Otokawa argues that this cannot be taken as the title of a work;20 he nevertheless accepts PT 996 as evidence for Spug Ye shes dbyangs being the author of the Rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don. In addition, what is given as the title in PT 996 and by Bu ston and affirmed by the Gondhla manuscript is not Mdo sde’i khungs brgyad bcu, but (Mdo sde) brgyad bcu(’i) khungs (“[having] 80 sËtras [as its] source”, or similar), and thus the Gondhla manuscript makes it fairly clear that this is the alternative title of the Rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don. For the sake of convenience it will henceforth be referred to by the short title Brgyad bcu khungs. The text commences with a verse section, and the opening lines read: __________ 18 Thanks to Burkhard Quessel for making all the Dunhuang material mentioned available to me. 19 Fragments of a third manuscript of this text have been identified among the Tabo materials (provisional number 149) after the completion of the present paper; its variant readings could not be taken account of. 20 Otokawa 1999: 102f.

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“The purpose of practising yoga is, in short, [to find out] how the homogeneous and unitary [perfection of] insight is differentiated. In order to explain this unity, there are 88 chapters of questions. The sËtra-testimony comprises 80 [texts quoted]”. (rnal ’byor bsgom don mdor bsdus na || shes rab mnyam nyid tshul gcig las || so sor gyes pa ci lta bu || tshul gcig de’i don bstand phyir || zhus pa’i le’u brgyad bcu brgyad || mdo’i don ni brgyad bcur bsdus ||) Then follow, also in verse, the 88 questions that will be dealt with. This “[list of] 88 chapters of questions” (zhus pa’i le’u brgyad bcu rtsa brgyad{pa}, see Appendix A) is followed by a list of the sËtras that will be quoted (see Appendix B). It comprises 82 titles; three of them, Nos. 66 (duplication of 30), 72 and 76 (duplication of 25) on the list, are added as corrections in the margin. Some of these titles, however, are duplications, either through the Tibetan and the Sanskrit titles of the same text being given (Dam pa’i chos pad ma dkar po’i mdo’ and Pun dha ri ka’i mdo’, Nos. 6 and 26; Da sha bu myi’i mdo’ and Sa bcu’i mdo’, Nos. 78 and 79), through simple repetition (’Byung ba m(y)ed pa’i mdo’, Nos. 30 and 66), or through superficially diverging names being given (De bzhin gshegs pa’i gsang ba’i mdo’ and Gsang ba’i mdo’, Nos. 13 and 48; Glang po dang mtshungs pa’i mdo’ and ’Phags pa glang dang mtshungs pa’i mdo’, Nos. 25 and 76; Dkon mchog brtsegs pa’i mdo’ and Dkon mchog brtsegs pa chen po’i mdo’, Nos. 33 and 57). In one case actually alternative titles of the same text are cited (Ting nge ’dzind rgyal po’i mdo’/SamådhiråjasËtra and Zla ba sgron ma’i mdo’/Candraprad¥pasËtra, Nos. 55 and 64);21 Zla ba mar mye’i mdo’ (No. 65) is most probably an alternative translation of the same title. In the same way Tshangs pa kun ’dris kyi mdo’ and (’Phags pa) Tshangs pas zhus pa’i mdo’ (Nos. 22 and 82) also seem to be different translations of the same title (Brahmaparip®cchåsËtra). In the Brgyad bcu khungs proper, too, all these alternative forms appear, together with some additional ones (e.g. Zla ba’i le’u for Zla ba’i snying po’i mdo’ [No. 7] or Sdong po(s) bkod pa’i mdo’ for Gsdong [= Sdong] pos brgyand pa’i mdo’ [No. 43]22) which are not listed separately. Three titles cited but not appearing on the list, how__________ 21 22

On these alternative titles see, e.g., Dutt 1941: I-X; Tropper 2005: 51f. See Steinkellner 1995: 16ff.; Tropper 2005: 45.

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ever, seem to be additional texts rather than alternative titles or translations, namely, Tshangs pa khyad par sems kyis zhus pa’i mdo’, Ki sin lon gyi mdo’, and Theg chen sa chen gyi mdo’. Together with the 82 titles of the list this amounts to 85 titles referring to some 76 texts (see Appendix B). However, the duplications of titles and texts reflect the rather mechanical way in which the author took the quotations over from various sources, and due to this some uncertainty remains as to how many texts are actually referred to as Prajñåpåramitå (Shes rab kyi pha rold tu phyind pa’i mdo’), Ratnakˆa (Dkon mchog brtsegs pa [chen po]’i mdo’), and Buddhåvataµsaka (Sangs rgyas phal po che’i mdo’). At the present stage this question cannot be decided, as the identification of the greater part of the quotations remains to be done. Under the title Shes rab kyi pha rold tu phyind pa’i mdo’ we find quotations from the Pañcaviµßatisåhasrikå and the Prajñåpåramitåh®daya, and citations from other Prajñåpåramitå texts cannot be excluded. Dkon mchog brtsegs pa’i mdo’ refers to the Kåßyapaparivarta in most of the identified quotations, but also to the Maitreyamahåsiµhanåda in one case; in the remaining quotations additional texts from the Ratnakˆa collection might be referred to, but also sËtras already listed individually. The Gaˆ!avyËha is quoted in both ways, under its individual title (Gsdong pos brgyand pa’i mdo’/Sdong pos bkod pa’i mdo’) and as Buddhåvataµsaka (Sangs rgyas phal po che’i mdo’), which might also refer to other texts of this collection. As many quotations are still to be identified, the sources for the quotations are also not yet clear in most of the instances; however, Spug Ye shes dbyangs seems to have made extensive use of the SËtrasamuccaya. In some cases his quotations are much closer to the SËtrasamuccaya version than to the canonical versions of the respective texts; others, however, deviate from both. The SËtrasamuccaya and the Brgyad bcu khungs have corresponding sections and occasionally even quotations in the same order. Apart from the SËtrasamuccaya the Brgyad bcu khungs also seems to depend on what Otokawa refers to as “some Chinese apocryphal text(s)”.23 __________ 23 Otokawa 1999: 103 and 112–117. In particular he mentions a Chinese anthology provisionally called Zhujing yao chao, which exists only as a fragment. Cf. PT 996: 4a3–5 (Lalou 1939: 521), where it is stated that the text was composed making use of the precepts and instructions of skilled Indian, Chinese and Tibetan experts on samådhi as well as of Mahåyåna sËtras of explicit meaning (... rgya gar

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The Brgyad bcu khungs proper commences with the initial question already mentioned. In accordance with the verse text, the following 88 chapters of questions generally consist of one question each. As an exception, Question No. 21 is split into two. The versetext reads: “As direct, intuitive knowledge is the object consisting in the meaning, what is it like to be attached to words, not knowing the meaning of direct, intuitive knowledge?” (rang rig dond kyi spyod yul phyir || rang rig don ni ma rig nas || sgra la chags pa ci lta bu), and this is represented with: “What is it that a yogi has to follow for the sake of direct, intuitive knowledge?” ([de la] rnal ’byord pa rang gis rig pa’i don kyi phyir ’brang bar bya ba gang [zhe na]) and: “Of what kind is the fault of adhering to words?” (sgra ci bzhin du song ba’i nyes pa ci lta bu [zhe na]). Four of the chapters (29, 30, 58, 81) seem to be sub-divided by additional questions that are formally identical with the 88 main questions, but are not represented in verse. They are taken over from the respective source-text, where they function as introductions to the immediately following quotations only. In three of the cases this source-text is the SËtrasamuccaya; in one case it could not be identified, but an analogous situation can be assumed with some certainty. In a quite unique manner these 88 chapters are presented in groups of—theoretically—11, with the chapter numbers mentioned at the end of each group: 11, 22, 33, etc. This, of course, is helpful with regard to checking and—when necessary—establishing the correct flow of the text (see Appendix A, questions No. 44–49), but the actual, inconsistent execution of this system also poses a problem. The indication “chapter 11” appears after the tenth question, and this sequence is confirmed by the Tabo fragments. This could mean that the initial question is counted by mistake, although it clearly should not be (see Appendix A). As a consequence, one of the following groups should contain 12 questions. In fact, the group ending with the indication “chapter 66” after question 64, again, contains only 10, and the following two groups contain 12 questions each. As this grouping, too, seems to be confirmed by the Tabo manuscripts, it could be a rather old corruption; however, there is no obvious break to indicate __________ dang | rgya dang | bod kyi bsam gtan mkhan nyams can rnams kyi lung dang | man [MS nam] ngag dang | de dag gi don dang | theg pa chen po’i mdo sde nges pa’i don du gsungs pa rnams kyi khungs dang yang gtugs nas | ...).

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disorder in the flow of the text. Probably the easiest solution is to assume that it is a slip of the author himself. The Gondhla manuscript comprises 40 folios (plus two lines), from Ka-Na 99a10 to Ka-Ma 40a10, with one folio bearing a double number (Ka-Ma 15/16). Although no folio is missing, the text is not complete. The equivalent of slightly less than one folio (probably one folio of the recension copied) is missing; it could also not be detected mixed into one of the other texts of this volume, in the manner mentioned above. Fortunately this missing passage is totally covered by the Tabo fragments. However, this is not the only corruption in the Gondhla manuscript. At least in one case the sequence of the text is in severe disorder, but it could be re-established.24 Until now, the investigation of almost all the manuscripts from western Tibet has revealed considerable independence, and we tend to speak of a “West Tibetan manuscript tradition”. This, of course, implies not only independence from other traditions, but also some relation between the manuscripts of the area. The present text seems to be suitable for an enquiry into the question of such an interdependence, and the Gondhla manuscript [G] has been compared with the available fragments for this purpose. PT 818 and ST 705 comprise 12 folios of a manuscript which must originally have consisted of some 70–72 folios. Although these fragments are kept in distinct collections, they clearly belong to the same manuscript [D].25 The following folios are extant: D = G D = G Ka 4 (PT 818) Ka-Ma1a5–b4 19 (PT 818) 9b7–10a4 5 (PT 818) 1b5–2a6 22 (ST 705) 11a6–b6 9 (PT 818) 4a2–b4 25 (PT 818) 12b9–13a10 11 (PT 818) 5a6–b9 27 (PT 818) 14a2–b4 13 (ST 705) 6b1–7a2 33 (ST 705) 17b2–18a4 15 (ST 705) 7b3–8a 36 (ST 705) 19a9–20a1 __________ 24 Ka-Na 99a10–Ka-Ma 21a7; 22b3–24a6; 21a10–22b3; 21a7–10[!]; 24a6ff. Essentially, this corruption can be explained by the exemplar copied having had its folios in disorder; the reason for the misplacement of less than three lines (21a7–10), however, is unclear. 25 Cf. Otokawa 1999: n. 2. According to the Gondhla manuscript the two folios of PT 818 that are partly broken and without pagination can be identified as fol. 4 and 11.

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Tabo 36 [T(A)] consists of 9 out of approximately 35–36 folios for the entire manuscript. Of Tabo 89 [T(B)] we have only three folios. Their paginations, Ka 3, 16 and 22, are clearly legible, but they cannot be correct, unless the equivalent of at least ten folios was already missing from its model when the manuscript was produced; 3, 26 and 32 would suit much better, as “folio 22” contains the end of the text, with only two to three lines left to follow. As each of the three folios contains only slightly more text than the Gondhla folios do, it simply is not possible that the entire text can be covered by 22 folios + 2–3 lines. T(A) Ka 3 10–11 15 (a1–8) 18 25 27–29

=

G 1a6–2a10 9b7–12a1 15/16b2–10 19a5–20a9 27a8–b10 29b3–33a4

T(B) Ka 3 16 22

=

G 1b5–2b8 32b3–33b8 39a5–40a7

In the two passages extant in both fragments (equivalent to G 1b5– 2a10 and 32b3–33a4), T(A) and T(B) show only some insignificant variants; they can therefore be assumed to represent the same tradition, and for the present purpose they are treated as one manuscript [T]. The following sections of G are represented in both the other manuscripts, T and D: 1a6–2a6; 9b7–10a3; 11a6–b6; 19a9–20a1—the equivalent of about three folios altogether. With regard to palaeography, all three manuscripts are similar, with very few exceptions: the gi gu log, for example, is quite frequent in D, but appears only two to three times in T and only once in G; in G the ligature sp occurs in its ‘classic’ form as well as in the horizontal type, in the most extreme form in the combination spy(o); st takes, in the majority of cases, its ‘classic’ form. Still, there are some general orthographic differences: in T the da drag appears slightly more frequently than in G and particularly D,26 and the spelling ji is used where G and D generally have ci. The su__________ 26 D consistently spells pha rol du phyin pa instead of pha rold tu phyind pa, the usual form in T and G.

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perabundant ’a rjes ’jug is much more frequent in G than it is in T and D, particularly in the word mdo(’); D, on the other hand, uses it more often with the particles pa(’) and na(’). However, none of the manuscripts is really consistent in any of these respects, and these features are certainly not relevant for establishing or rejecting any relation between the manuscripts; in the present comparison they are disregarded. Taking into account all the other variants, regardless of how insignificant they might be (i.e. including all sorts of orthographic variants, the placing of the shad, etc.), G appears to be closer to T than to D: in the—admittedly very short—passages covered by all three manuscripts, G agrees with T against D in some 44% of all the variant readings, in some 38% T and D agree against G, and only 12% show an agreement of G and D against T; in the remaining 6% all three disagree. In the majority of the more substantial variants, however, T and D agree against G. A few examples will suffice: Ka-Ma 1b1: ’thun mthun tu gsungs pa (G) : ’thun ’thun du bsdu ba (DT), 1b2: phyir (G) : slad du (DT), 1b8: rdzogs pa’i byang chub par (G) : rdzogs par (DT[A and B]), 2a5: nang nas (G) : steng du (DT[A and B]), 11b4: bkri ba’i mdo sde’i don (G) : bkri ba’i don kyi mdo sde (DT), 19b2: las dang po bya’i byang chub sems dpa’ (G) : las byed pa’i byang chub sems dpa’ (DT). Occasionally G is closer to T than D: 1b9: stong gsum gyi stong chen po’i ’jig rten gyi khams (G), stong gsum gyi ’jig rten gyi khams (T[A and B]) : stong gi khams (D), or it represents a mixture of the two: 1b10: yi ge tshig tsam thos pa (G), yi ge ’di tshig gcig tsam thos pa (T[A and B]), yi ge ’di tsig [sic] gcig thos pa’i tsam (D). At least in one instance G and D largely agree against T: 11b2: nye bar zhi ba mthong la | (D ba) rang bzhin gyis snyoms par mthong ba (DG) : nye bar zhi ba mthong ba (T); T corresponds to the canonical versions (Peking and Derge) of the text quoted (Bodhisattvapi†aka), as well as to the version of the SËtrasamuccaya (Peking and Derge). It has, however, to be noted that variants consisting of omissions of words and phrases do not necessarily indicate a different textual

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tradition if they appear in only one manuscript—and quite a number of variants within these three manuscripts are of this kind; occasionally they might even point to a common model. In the list of sËtras to be quoted, D does not list the—duplicated—’Phags po glang dang mtshungs pa’i mdo, and in G it was inserted later by a second hand. This might be sheer coincidence, but it could also mean that neither of the manuscripts copied for G and D respectively had it, and that the addition in G reflects an editorial effort. In a similar way, something that at first glance appears to be a variant reading might point to a relation between G and D. Instead of myi gnas par (G 7b6), D reads myi dmyigs par, however with an n subsequently inserted between the g and s, so that we have the rather strange combination of dmyigs and (d)myi gnas in one word. This could be a—not very successful—attempt to correct myi dmigs par to myi gnas par. Strong evidence for any manuscripts belonging to the same tradition is provided by the occurrence of common obvious mistakes that are not likely to happen twice independently: In one case G gives the title of the present text as Rnal ’byor chen po bsgoms pa’i mdo’ las btus pa, instead of Rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don | theg pa chen po’i mdo’ (sde) las btus pa (10a4). Essentially the same reading with only insignificant variants (chen por : chen po, bsgom : bsgoms, mdo sde : mdo’) is found in T; unfortunately this passage is not extant in D. To sum up the preliminary results of this investigation, which are still very hypothetical, remaining to be proved or disproved by future studies: l The independence of the ‘Gondhla Kanjur’ from the mainstream Kanjur tradition(s) is, in the present case, shown by the mere existence of the Brgyad bcu khungs within a mdo mangs collection. l All three manuscripts of the Brgyad bcu khungs, D, T and G, depend on a common archetype. Given the scarcity of the material, it cannot be decided whether this archetype might be the autograph or a derivate thereof. l At least T and G represent distinct branches of the same tradition.

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APPENDIX A: ZHUS PA’I LE’U BRGYAD BCU RTSA BRGYAD With regard to orthography, the versions of Gondhla are retained; variant readings of any other sort have been tacitly incorporated where it seemed appropriate. In the case of unsupported corrections the respective versions of the manuscript are added in round brackets; unsupported amendments are in square brackets. Question No.

Verse

Prose text rnal ’byor chen po (MS pos/por) bsgom pa’i don | theg pa chen po’i mdo’ sde zab mo las btus pa | || le’u brgyad bcu’ rtsa brgyad pa || bam po dang po ’o ||

rnal ’byor bsgom don mdor bdus na || 0. shes rab mnyam nyid tshul gcig las || so sor gyes pa ci lta bu ||

shes rab kyi pha rold tu phyind pa rang bzhin gyis mnyam zhing tshul gcig pa las so sor gyes pa ci lta bu (1a8) – tshul gcig de’i don bstand phyir || ... bstand te | mdo sde’i khungs ni brgyad bcu zhig zhus pa’i le’u brgyad bcu brgyad || bzhugs || the tsom zhus pa’i le’u ni brgyad bcu rtsa brgyad do || (1a10) mdo’i don ni brgyad bcur bsdus || 1. mdo btus bstond gnang ci lta bu ||

mdo’ sde’i don kyi mdo’ btu zhing sems can la stond tu gnang ba’i gtan tshigs ci lta bu (1b4) 2. ’jig rten spruld gshegs ci ltar bka’ || sangs rgyas spruld pa’i sku ’jig rten du gshegs shing chos bstond par dka’ ba ci lta bu (1b10f.) 3. myi lus khom ldan ci lta bu || myi lus thob cing chos spyod pa dang ldan pa’i dus dka’ ba ci lta bu (2a4) 4. myi lus myi rtag ci ltar gyur || myi lus thob pa myi rtag pa ci lta bu (2a6f.)

RNAL ’BYOR CHEN PO BSGOM PA’I DON

5. myi lus thob nas ci ltar dad || 6. dad nas byung ba’i yon tan ci || 7. sangs rgyas rang bzhin de bzhin nyid || bdag gnyis la ni ci ltar yod || 8. de las ’khruld te ci ltar khyams || 9. ci byas pas ni rig par ’gyur || 10. dang por sems bskyed sems can gyis || [.........................]

11. cig car rig pa ci lta bu || 12. rig nas gcig car ci ltar ’dag (MS bdag) || 13. rim gyis ’dag (MS bdag) la ci lta bu || 14. shes bya’i sgrib pa ’ang gang zhig lags || 15. zag pa myed pa’i ye shes la || skad cig nyon mongs yod dam myed || 16. zab la ’bad pas ci ltar spyad || 17. bla myed sems bskyed ci lta bu || 18. de’i yon tan gang zhig lags || 19. sems bskyed de la rnam pa tu ||

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myi lus thob nas sangs rgyas kyi chos la dad pa ci lta bu (2b1) dad nas rab tu byung ba’i yon tan dang legs pa ci lta bu (2b7) rab tu byung nas sangs rgyas kyi rang bzhin bdag la yod par ci ltar yod (3a5) sems can la sangs rgyas kyi rang bzhin de ltar yod pa las ci ltar khruld (3a10) sangs rgyas kyi ngo bo nyid de ltar ’khruld pa de da ci byas rig (3b8) sangs rgyas kyi ngo bo nyid dang po sems bskyed pa’i sems can gyis mthong du rung ngam myi rung(4a3) le’u bcu gcig pa’o (4a9) cig car rig pa’i phyi mo’i tshor ba ci lta bu (4a9) rigs pa’i byin kyis bag chags cig car ’dag pa ci lta bu (4b5f.) dngos po ni cig car ’dag pa ma yin te | rims kyis dag par ’gyur ba ci lta bu (5a9) de la shes bya’i sgrib pa ci lta bu (6a6) zag pa myed pa’i ye shes la ye shes skad cig ma dang | nyon mongs pa yod dam myed (6a9f.) mdo’ sde zab mo la dad pa dang | mos pas sdig pa byang ba ci lta bu (6b7) zab mo la dad pas bla na myed pa’i byang chub tu sems bskyed pa ci ltar (7a4) dang po’i sems bskyed pas chos rig pa de’i yon tan dang sems can gyi don byed pa’i mthu’ ci lta bu (7b6f.) dang po byang chub tu sems bskyed pa la rnam pa tu (8b3)

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20. zab la dad par gang phyir ’brang ||

zab mo la dad pa’i byang chub sems dpa’ gang gi phyir ’brang bar bya (8b9) 21. rang rig dond kyi spyod yul phyir || a) rnal ’byord pa rang rig pa’i don rang rig don ni ma rig nas || kyi phyir ’brang bar bya ba gang (9a2f.) sgra la chags pa ci lta bu || b) sgra ci bzhin du song ba’i nyes pa ci lta bu (9a9) le’u nyi shu rtsa gnyis pa’o (10a4) rnal ’byor chen po bsgoms pa’i [don | theg pa chen po’i] mdo’ las btus pa | || bam po gnyis pa’o || || 22. ye shes phyir ’brang gang zhig lags || 23. ye shes de nyid ci lta bu || 24. rnam shes phyir ’brang gang zhig lags || 25. ci bzhin sgra phyir ma song bar || nges don mdo phyir ci ltar ’brang || 26. bkri phyir ’brang ba yang gang zhig lags || 27. stong ba’i ’du shes ci lta bu || 28. chos nyid phyir ’brang gang zhig lags || 29. dkon mchog gsum ni tshul gcig pa || mchod pa rim ’gro ci ltar bgyi || 30. dam chos ’dzind pa ’ang gang zhig lags || 31. de’i snying rje ci lta bu || 32. bshags pa de yang ci lta bu ||

ye shes kyi phyir ’brang ba gang (10a5) ye shes de nyid ci lta bu (10b2) rnam par shes pa’i phyir myi ’brang ba ci lta bu (10b7) sgra ci bzhin du ma song bar nges pa’i don kyi mdo’ sde’i phyir ’brang bar bya ba gang (11a6f.) bkri ba’i don kyi mdo sde’i phyir myi ’brang bar bya ba gang (11b4) stong ba’i ’du shes can ci lta bu (12a9) chos nyid kyi phyir ’brang gi | gang zag gi phyir mi ’brang (MS ’brang mi) bar bya ba gang (12b7) dkon mchog gsum tshul gcig cing | dmyigs su myed pa la mchod pa rim ’gro’ ci ltar bya (13a7) dam pa’i chos ’dzind pa gang (13b3) tshul gcig pa’i snying rje chen po gang (13b8) tshul gcig pa’i bshags pa ci lta bu (14a4) le’u gsum bcu rtsa gsum pa’o || || (14a8)

33. bsod nams de yang ci ltar bsngo’ || tshul gcig pa’i sngo ba ci lta bu (14a9)

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34. de ltar tshul cig lam bsgoms pas || nyan thos kyi ni sdom par dang || dbyangs la brten pa dgongs myi dgongs ||

theg pa chen po dmyigs su myed par tshul gcig pa’i lam bsgoms pas | nyan thos kyi phyi’i sdom pa dang | gnyed pa sbyangs pa’i yon tan la brtend dgos sam myi dgos (14b9f.) 35. sbyangs pa nyid ni ci lta bu || sbyangs ba’i yon tan ji lta bu (T[A] 15b9, missing in G) 36. dge ba’i bshes gnyen ci ltar brten || tshul gcig par dang po sems bskyed pas dge ba’i bshes nyen la brtend na | dgos sam myi dgos (17a3f.) 37. ci lta bu la brtend par bgyi’ || dge ba’i bshes gnyen la brten dgos na | ci lta bu la rtend (17b5) 38. myi dge bshes gnyen gang zhig myi dge ba’i bshes gnyen ci lta bu lags || (17b10) 39. sdig pa’i grogs po ci ltar spang || sdig pa’i grogs po spang ba gang (18b3) 40. dge ba’i grogs po ci ltar brtend || ’di ltar sdig pa’i grogs po spangs nas | dge ba’i grogs po dang gnas pa ci lta bu (18b9f.) 41. bstand pa yang ni ci ltar ’jig || sdig pa’i dge slong gis | de bzhin gshegs pa’i bstand pa ’jig pa ci lta bu (19a5f.) 42. chos la rma’byind gang zhig lags || tshul gcig pa’i don ma rig nas dge ba’i bar chad byed cing rma ’byind pa ci lta bu (19b4) 43. byang chub sems bskyed de dag byang chub sems dpa’ de dag la legs la || par byas pa’i bsod nams che ba ci lta legs bya bsod nams ci lta bu || bu (20b7f.) le’u bzhi bcu rtsa bzhi pa’o || || (22b5 !) rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don theg pa chen po’i mdo las btus pa | || bam po [gsum pa’o] || 44. tshul khrims dang ni lta nyams pas || yon gnas myi ’gyur gang zhig lags | 45. ci tsam gyis na yon gnas ’gyur ||

tshul khrims nyams pas yon gnas su myi ’gyur ba ci lta bu (22b7 !) ci tsam gyis na | yon gnas su ’gyur (23a1 !)

96

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46. rang gis rig pa’i don mthong nas || chos stond gnang ba ci lta bu ||

yang dag pa’i don rang gis rig nas | gzhan la chos bstond tu gnang ba ci lta bu (23a8f. !) 47. thos pa’i shes rab gang zhig lags || thos pa’i shes rab ci lta bu (21a10 !) 48. bsam pa’i shes rab ci lta bu || bsam pa’i shes rab ci lta bu (21b10 !) 49. sgom pa’i shes rab de’ang gang || bsgoms pa’i shes rab ci lta bu (22a6f. !) 50. theg gsum de yang ci lta bu || tshul gcig pa’i theg pa gsum gyi khyad par dang | myi dmyigs par ro gcig pa ci lta bu (22b2) 51. theg pa gcig tu ci ltar ’du || theg pa gcig ces bya ba de nyid ci lta bu (24a6) 52. theg pa gcig la bslabs pa yis || theg pa gcig la bslabs shing bsgoms chos rnams kun las ci ltar grol || te | chos thams cad grol bar bshad ci ltar ’gyur (24b2f.) 53. theg pa gcig la zhugs pa’i || byang chub sems theg pa gcig la sgyu ma lta bu’i ting ’dzind gang || zhugs pa’i sgyu ma lta bu’i ting nge ’dzind gang (24b7f.) 54. chos rnams tshul cig ci lta bu || chos thams cad tshul gcig ro gcig ces bya ba de nyid ci lta bu (25a4) le’u lnga bcu rtsa lnga pa’o || || (26a2) 55. tshul gcig don ni ma gtogs par || chos spong nyes pa ’ang gang zhig lags || 56. tshul gcig zab la dad pa’i || bsod nams khyad par ci lta bu ||

myi dmyigs pa’i tshul gcig pa’i don ’di ma rtogs nas | chos spong ba’i nyes pa ci lta bu (26a2) de lta bu’i tshul gcig pa’i zab mo la dad pa’i bsod nams kyi khyad par ci lta bu (26b5) 57. byang chub sems ni gang zhig de lta bu’i tshul gcig pa’i byang chub lags || kyi sems ci lta bu (27a3) 58. thams cad mkhyend pa ’ang ci lta rnam pa thams cad mkhyend pa nyid bu || du sems bskyed pa ci lta bu (27b8) 59. myi dmyigs par ni tshul gcig pa’i || myi dmyigs par tshul gcig pa’i tshul tshul khrims dang ni ting ’dzind khrims ting nge ’dzind shes rab phun dang || sum (MS gsum) tshogs pa gang shes rab ci ltar phun sum (MS (28b1) gsum) tshogs || 60. ting’dzind nyid ni gang zhig lags || ting nge ’dzind gang (28b5) 61. de’i shes rab ci lta bu || shes rab kyi pha rold tu phyind pa la spyod pa ci lta bu (29a2f.) 62. rnam’thard gsum gyi sgo ni gang || shes rab kyi pha rold tu phyind pa myi dmyigs par tshul gcig pa’i rnam par thard pa’i sgo gsum ci lta bu (30a4f.)

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par thard pa’i sgo gsum ci lta bu (30a4f.) 63. rang bzhin gyis ni ci ltar stong || shes rab kyi pha rold tu phyind pa’i tshul gcig pa’i don de ci ltar rang bzhin gyis stong (31a1) 64. stong nyid dag pas myi ’gyur ba || stong pa nyid ci ltar rang bzhin gyis [ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ] (?) rnam par dag pas myi ’gyur ba yin (31b1) le’u drug bcu rtsa drug pa’o || (31b8) rnal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don | theg pa chen po’i mdo sde las btus pa | bam po bzhi pa || || 65. ci lta bu’i stong nyid la || dang po nyid nas brtend bsgoms na | thams cad lhund kyis ci ltar ’grub || 66. de ltar zab mo bsgoms pa’i || bdud kyi las kyang gang zhig lags || 67. mu stegs lta ba ci lta bu || 68. tshul gcig pha rold phyind drug gang || 69. pha rold phyind drug rnam par dag || shes rab kyis ni ma zind nas || ’khor gsum ma dag nyes pa ci || 70. ’dus byas kyi ni bsod nams kyis || brgyud pa’i rgyud yang ci ltar ’gyur ||

de lta bu’i chos kyi dbyings stong pa nyid la dang po sems bskyed pa’i byang chub sems dpas brten te | bsgoms na chos thams cad rdzogs shing lhund kyis grub par ’gyur bar ci mngon (31b9f.) dang po sems bskyed pas shes rab kyi pha rold tu phyind pa zab mo la tshul gcig pa la bsgom pa’i bdud kyi las ci lta bu (32a6f.) mu stegs kyi lta ba rgyang phan pa ji lta bu (32b2) de myi dmyigs par tshul gcig pa’i pha rold tu phyind pa drug ci lta bu (32b5) de ltar pha rold tu phyind pa drug shes rab kyis ma zind te | ’khor gsum ma dag pa’i nyes pa ji lta bu (33a3f.) de ltar shes rab kyis ma zind pa’i ’dus byas dmyigs pa’i bsod nams kyis mya ngan las ’das ba’i mngon sum gyi rgyur myi ’gyur na | rgyud pa’i rgyu tsam du yang myi ’gyur ram (33b4f.)

98

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71. dbu ma’i lam ni ci lta bu ||

theg pa chen po myi dmyigs par tshul gcig pa’i dbu ma’i lam ’di ci lta bu (34a6 ) 72. chos dang gang zag bdag myed theg pa chen po’i chos dang gang cing || zag la bdag myed pa ci lta bu (34b3) 73. myi skye bzod pa gang zhig lags || myi skye ba’i bzod pa ci lta bu (34b6) 74. dang po pas ni sems bskyed nas || dang po sems bskyed pa nas myi myi dmyigs tshul du bsgom pa la || dmyigs pa bsgom pa las sar ci ltar ’phar (34b8) 75. brten cing ’breld par gang ’byung rtend cing ’brel bar ’byung ba rang ba || bzhin gyis ma skyes pa ci lta bu rang bzhin ma skyes ci lta bu || (34b5f.) 76. kun rdzob don dam bden (MS kun rdzob dang | don dam pa’i bden dben) pa gang || pa ci lta bu (35b1) le’u bdun bcu rtsa bdun pa’o || || (35b10) 77. phyi nang gi ni chos rnams kun || sems las ci ltar spruld te ’byung || 78. myi dmyigs tshul gcig bsgoms pa yin || ’phags pa’i bden pa bzhi las rtsogs || chos rnams kun ni ci ltar rdzogs || 79. mtshan nyid gsum yang ci lta bu ||

ci nang gi chos thams cad sems ’khruld pa las ci ltar ’byung (35b10) tshul gcig tu myi dmyigs pas ’phags pa’i bden pa bzhi las stsogs pa chos thams cad rdzogs par ’gyur ba ci lta bu (36a5f.)

chos lnga dang mtshan nyid gsum tshul gcig pa ji lta bu (36b4) 80. gnyis su myed pa ’ang gang zhig dmyigs pa’i tshul gcig par gnyis su lags || myed pa ci lta bu (36b8) 81. thabs dang shes rab ci ltar ’breld || myi dmyigs pa’i tshul gcig pa’i thabs dang shes rab zung du ’breld pa ci lta bu (37a4) 82. zhi gnas lhag mthong ci lta bur || zhi gnas dang lhag mthong gang (38a1) 83. mya ngan ’das lam gang zhig theg pa chen po’i myi dmyigs pa’i lags || tshul gcig pa’i mya ngan las ’das pa ci lta bu (38a4f.) 84. mya ngan ’das las stsogs pa’i || mya ngan las ’das pa las stsogs pa’i chos rnams thams cad ci snyed pa || chos thams cad rmyi lam lta bu ci ltar yin (38b5) 85. ’bras bu sku gsum ci lta bu || mya ngan las ’das pa’i ’bras bu’i sku gsum ci lta bu (39a2)

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86. shes rab spyan gyis ci ltar gzigs ||

de bzhin gshegs pa rnams kyi dmyigs pa myed pa’i shes rab kyi spyan ji lta bu (39a10) 87. de bzhin gshegs pa rnams dang ni || de bzhin gshegs pa rnams dang | byang chub sems dpa’ thams cad byang chub sems dpa’ sems dpa’ kyi || chen po de dag gis dgongs pa mi dgongs pa rnams ni myi mnga’ mnga’ bar sems can gyi don mdzad bar || pa’i che ba’i yon tan ci lta bu sems can gyi ni don mdzad pa’i || (39b3f.) 88. sangs rgyas zhing ni ci ltar dag || byang chub sems dpa’ dang | sangs rgyas rnams kyis sems can gyi don yongs su mdzad pa’i yid yongs su dag pa ci lta bu (40a3f.)

APPENDIX B: TEXTS QUOTED Titles in round brackets indicate alternative forms, as they appear in the Brgyad bcu khungs. No.

in the list

1 2 3 4 5 6

Shes rab kyi pha rold tu phyind pa’i mdo’ Sangs rgyas kyi mdzod kyi mdo’ ’Dul ba bzhung pa’i mdo’ Gser ’od dam pa’i mdo’ Phyogs su rgyas pa’i mdo’ Dam pa’i chos pad ma dkar po’i mdo’ = 26

7 8 9 10 11

Zla ba’i snying po’i mdo’ Bskald ba bzang po’i mdo’ Yang dag par ldan pa’i mdo’ Gcig las ’phros pa’i mdo’ Dri ma myed par grags pa’i mdo’

12 13 14 15 16 17 18

Mtshan ma bzang po’i mdo’ De bzhin gshegs pa’i gsang ba’i mdo’ = 48 Yid gnyis yang dag par ’joms pa’i mdo’ Dad pa stobs bskyed pa’i mdo’ ’Jam dpal gnas pa’i mdo’ Rdo rje ting nge ’dzind kyi mdo’ De bzhin gshegs pa’i snying po’i mdo’

in the text 28 1 2 3 4 5 (Pad ma dkar po’i mdo’) 6 (Zla ba’i le’u) 7 8 9 10 (Dri ma myed pa/pa’i/par/pas bstand pa’i mdo’) 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

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HELMUT TAUSCHER

19 Lang kar gshegs pa’i mdo’ 20 Gtsug tor chen po’i mdo’ 21 Rdo rje gcod pa’i mdo’ missing missing 22 Tshangs pa kun ’dris kyi mdo’ 23 Chos kyi rgyal po’i mdo’ 24 Shing then wang pa zha’i mdo’ 25 Glang po dang mtshungs pa’i mdo’ 26 Pun dha ri ka’i mdo’ 27 Par ne rwan gyi mdo’

= 82 ? = 76 =6

28 Rta skad dbyang byub sems dpa’is dris pa’i mdo’ 29 Bsam gtan gyi bsgo’i mdo’ 30 ’Byung ba myed pa’i mdo’ = 66 31 Byang chub kyi sde snod kyi mdo’ 32 Sa de’i mdo’ 33 Dkon mchog rtsegs pa’i mdo’ = 57 34 Shes rab bdun brgya’ ba’i mdo’ 35 Rnam par myi rtog pa’i mdo’ 36 De bzhin gshegs pa mdzod kyi mdo’ 37 Rgyal po ma skyes sgra’i mdo’ 38 Sangs rgyas phal po che’i mdo’ 39 Rab kyi rtsald kyis rnam par gnond pa’i mdo’ 40 Rin po che’i phung po’i mdo’ 41 Dkon mchog sprin gyi mdo’ 42 Lhag pa’i bsam pas bskul ba’i mdo’ missing 43 Gsdong pos brgyand pa’i mdo’ 44 45 46 47 48

Se’u ta la’i mdo’ Byams pa seng ge sgra’i mdo’ Blo gros rgya mtshos zhus pa’i mdo’ Tshul brgya lnga bcu ba’i mdo’ Gsang ba’i mdo’

= 13

18 (Lang ka’i mdo’) 19 (Gtsug tor gyi mdo’) 20 21 Tshangs pa khyad par sems kyis zhus pa’i mdo’ 22 Ki sin lon gyi mdo’ 24 25 26 27 (Gleng po mtshungs pa’i mdo’) –– 23 (P/Bar ner pan/r gyi mdo’) 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 (Ma skyes sgra’i mdo’) 39 40 41 42 43 44 Theg chen sa chen gyi mdo’ 45 (Sdong po[s] bkod pa’i mdo’) 46 47 (... sgra’i le’u) 48 49 ––

RNAL ’BYOR CHEN PO BSGOM PA’I DON

49 50 51 52

Dpal gyi ’phreng ba’i seng ge’i sgra’i mdo’ Chos yang dag par bsdud pa’i mdo’ Khyim bdag dpal sbyin gyis zhus pa’i mdo’ Sgo drug pa’i gzungs kyi mdo’

53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60

Byang chub kyi [tshul] khrims kyi mdo’ Dge ba’i lam gyi mdo’ Ting nge ’dzind rgyal po’i mdo’ = 64 = 65 ? Dpal ’byung ba’i mdo’ Dkon mchog rtsegs pa chen po’i mdo’ = 33 Rnam par rold pa’i mdo’ Rnam par ’thag (MS dag/dag theg) pa’i mdo’ Nges pa dang ma nges pa ’jug pa’i phyag rgya’i mdo’ Mtshan ma myed pa’i le’u yi mdo’ Bden pa [po]’i le’u yi mdo’ ’Dus pa chen po’i le’u yi mdo’ Zla ba sgron ma’i mdo’ = 55 = 65 ? Zla ba mar mye’i mdo’ = 64 ? ’Byung ba med pa’i mdo’ = 30 Khye’u rin po ches byin pa’i mdo’ Blo gros myi bzad pa’i mdo’ Ma dros pa’i mdo’ Chos kyi tshig gi mdo’ Gdon myi za ba’i ’dul ba’i mdo’ Rin po che rtsegs pa’i mdo’ Dkon mchog mtha’i mdo’ Nam mkha’ mdzod kyi mdo’ Bstand pa brjod pa’i mdo’ ’Phags pa glang dang mtshungs pa’i mdo’= 25 Sems kyi rgyal po’i mdo’ Da sha bu myi’i mdo’ = 79 Sa bcu pa’i mdo’ = 78 Bdud ’dul ba’i mdo’ De bzhin gshegs pa’i skye ba srid pa’i mdo’

61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81

82 ’Phags pa tshangs pas zhus pa’i mdo’ = 22 ?

101

50 51 52 53 (Sgo drug pa’i mdo’/gzungs) 54 55 56 57 –– 58 59 60 61 62 63 –– –– –– 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 –– 73 74 –– 75 76 (... skye ba sdig pa’i mdo’) ––

102

HELMUT TAUSCHER BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bka’ thang sde lnga Bka˙-tha"-sde-l"a. Zhö edition, reproduced by Lokesh Chandra from the collection of Prof. Raghuvira. New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture, 1982. ’Bras spungs dpe rnying dkar chag ’Bras spungs dgon du bzhugs su gsol ba’i dpe rnying dkar chag. Ed. Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib ’jug khang, 2 vols. Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 2004. De Rossi Filibeck, E. 1994. A study of a fragmentary manuscript of the Pañcaviµßatikå in the Ta pho library. East and West 44(1), 137–60. Dutt, N. 1941. Gilgit Manuscripts. Vol. 2. Calcutta: Calcutta Oriental Press. Eimer, H. (ed.) 1997. Transmission of the Tibetan Canon. PIATS 1995: Proceedings of the Seventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Graz 1995, vol. 3. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press. —— 2002. Kanjur and Tanjur studies: present state and future tasks. Introductory remarks. In H. Eimer and D. Germano (eds) The Many Canons of Tibetan Buddhism. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, vol. 10. Leiden: Brill, 1–12. Eimer, H. and Germano, D. (eds) 2002. The Many Canons of Tibetan Buddhism. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, vol. 10. Leiden: Brill. Francke, A.H. 1926. Antiquities of Indian Tibet. Part II: The Chronicles of Ladakh and Minor Chronicles. Texts and Translations, with Notes and Maps. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing. Imaeda, Y. 1975. Documents tibétains de Touen-houang concernant le concile du Tibet. Journal Asiatique 263, 125–46. Klimburg-Salter, D. 1994. Tucci Himalayan archives report, 2: the 1991 expedition to Himachal Pradesh. East and West 44(1), 13–82. Lalou, M. 1939. Document tibétain sur l’expansion du Dhyåna chinois. Journal Asiatique 231, 505–23. Okimoto, K. 1993. DaijØ mufunbetsu shËjËgi jobun (Pelliot 996) ni tsuite. Hanazono Daigaku KenkyË KiyØ 25, 1–23. Otokawa, B. 1999. New fragments of the rNal ’byor chen por bsgom pa’i don from Tabo. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 99–161. Scherrer-Schaub, C.A. 1999. Towards a methodology for the study of Old Tibetan manuscripts: Dunhuang and Tabo. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 3–36. Skilling, P. 1997a. MahåsËtras: Great Discourses of the Buddha. Vol. 2. Oxford: Pali Text Society. —— 1997b. From bKa’ bstan bcos to bKa’ ’gyur and bsTan ’gyur. In H. Eimer (ed.) Transmission of the Tibetan Canon. PIATS 1995: Proceedings of the Seventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Graz 1995, vol. 3. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 87–111. Steinkellner, E. 1994. A report on the ‘Kanjur’ of Ta pho. East and West 44(1), 115–36. —— 1995. Sudhana’s Miraculous Journey in the Temple of Ta pho: the Inscriptional Text of the Tibetan Gaˆ!avyËhasËtra Edited with Introductory Remarks. Serie

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Orientale Roma LXXXVI. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. Szerb, J. 1990. Bu ston’s History of Buddhism in Tibet. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press. Tauscher, H. 1994. Tanjur fragments from the manuscript collection at Ta pho monastery: Sambandhapar¥k#å with its commentaries v®tti and †¥kå. East and West 44(1), 173–84. Tropper, K. 2005. Die Jåtaka-Inschriften im skor lam chen mo des Klosters Zha lu. Einführung, textkritische Studie, diplomatische Edition der Paneele 1-8 mit Sanskritparallelen und deutscher Übersetzung. Vienna: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien. Tucci, G. 1958. Minor Buddhist Texts, Part II. Serie Orientale Roma IX. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. —— 1988. Rin-chen-bza"-po and the Renaissance of Buddhism in Tibet Around the Millenium, edited by Lokesh Chandra. Íata-pi†aka series, 348. New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan. [English translation of Rin c’en bza" po e la rinascita del buddhismo nel Tibet intorno al mille. Indo-Tibetica II, Rome: Reale Accademia d’Italia, 1932].

THE HISTORICAL INSCRIPTION IN THE GSUM BRTSEGS TEMPLE AT WANLA, LADAKH* KURT TROPPER (VIENNA)

PRESENT STATE OF RESEARCH The inscription that forms the subject of this paper has already been referred to in several publications, but its complete text has not yet been edited, translated and studied. It was first mentioned by Francke (1914: 97) who made a few stray remarks on it and reported that he had sent someone to the Wanla temple “to copy any ancient inscriptions he could discover in it”. From his brief comments it becomes clear that Francke actually must have received a copy of the inscription, but the whereabouts of these transcripts are unknown1 and Francke apparently never published the epigraph. A partial edition covering approximately the first 25 percent of the inscription (i.e., up to verse-line 36) was provided by Dkon mchog bsod nams (1980: Vol. III, 90–93),2 and an almost complete rendering of the inscriptional text can be found in the short description of the Wanla temple by Dkon mchog bkra shis (1995: 664–71). While both __________ * I am grateful to Christian Luczanits, who originally intended to publish the inscription and generously made his preparatory work available to me; moreover, he provided valuable information on the art work of the Wanla temple. I am also obliged to Anne MacDonald, Ernst Steinkellner, Jampa L. Panglung and Bruno Lainé for their most helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper. The fieldwork for this study was done within the framework of the interdisciplinary research project “The Cultural History of the Western Himalayas, 10th to 14th centuries” which is directed by Deborah Klimburg-Salter and generously funded by the Austrian Fonds zur Förderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung. 1 The list of Francke’s numerous unpublished works provided by Walravens and Taube (1992: 93–140) does not include any entries pointing to an inscription in Wanla. 2 Dkon mchog bsod nams (ibid.: 93) states that due to the blackening of the panel the inscription was illegible after verse-line 36: “’di man mchod khang zhal ba nag po song nas mthong mi ’dug lags so” [sic].

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of these editions must be considered deficient in various respects,3 they are nevertheless potentially valuable sources for passages where the inscription is now damaged. Each of the two authors also furnishes a brief introduction including some comments4 on the history of the gsum brtsegs temple.5 Most recently, selected passages of the inscription have been the object of two studies by Vitali (1996) and Luczanits (2002). The former provides an edition, translation and discussion of verse-lines 15–17, 32–39, 43–45, 58–62, 85–87, 112–115, 117 and 119–120,6 while the latter renders the Tibetan text of verse-lines 36–39, 59–63, 70–71, 118–1207 and paraphrases their contents. Luczanits also delineates the temple’s site and its layout8 as well as the inscription’s position, which he describes as “immediately to the left of the Maitreya niche”9 (cf. Fig. 1 below). GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE INSCRIPTION The inscriptional panel is of a brownish grounding and framed by a thin red line. It measures ca. 60 x 44 cm (height/width) and its lower edge is situated approximately one metre above the ground. The text is written in black dbu can-letters and comprises 48 lines. Except for a few very short passages at the beginning and at the end it is entirely of a metrical structure, breaking down into 133 verse-lines. Because __________ 3 Apart from omissions of various dimensions and a fair share of wrong readings, they both contain a large number of emendations that are not identified as such. Thus, irregular spellings have been standardised in all but a few cases and grammatical inconsistencies are often ‘rectified’ (exchanging, e.g., gi for gis and vice versa). Finally it is particularly telling that neither Dkon mchog bsod nams nor Dkon mchog bkra shis has a single lacuna in their respective renderings of the inscriptional text, not to mention any information on uncertain readings. 4 On which see below. 5 Nowadays the temple is usually referred to as Bcu gcig zhal (khang) after its main statue, an eleven-faced Avalokiteßvara. 6 Vitali 1996: 385–90. As has been indicated already by Luczanits (2002: 116, n. 1), Vitali’s edition needs to be corrected in a fairly large number of places. As a result, his translations and some of the conclusions he draws from these passages must also be amended. 7 Luczanits 2002: 117 (n. 4), 121 (n. 11) and 123 (n. 17 and n. 18). 8 Ibid.: 115 and 117f. 9 Ibid.: 118.

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the inscription is damaged in some places, the number of syllables per verse-line cannot always be established with certainty, but almost all the verse-lines that have been sufficiently preserved are composed of eleven syllables. As the few exceptions to this occur completely at random,10 it is clear that they must be the result of some mistake, either by the scribe or even by the author.11

Fig. 1: Sketch plan of the gsum brtsegs temple’s ground floor (scale ca. 1:150)12

In August 2002 the inscription was recorded with a digital videocamera, which provided the basis for the edition presented below.13 From the video-sequences more than 300 single exposures were extracted and they can now be viewed at http://www.univie.ac.at/ Tibetan-inscriptions.14 __________ 10 There are only nine syllables to verse-lines 37, 67 and 115. Verse-line 118 is partly damaged, but it appears to have contained thirteen syllables. On the special case of verse-line 5, seemingly also made up of thirteen syllables, cf. the edition and the translation below. 11 Provided that the scribe and the author were not one and the same person. 12 The temple’s design and its construction have been studied for a number of years already by a group of architects under the direction of Holger Neuwirth (Technical University of Graz, Austria). For detailed plans and drawings see, e.g., Kozicz 2002. A monograph on the temple’s art and architecture by Neuwirth and Luczanits is presently being prepared for publication. 13 The camera allows for close-ups of less than 2 cm and has a nightshot function of 0 lux. Both features proved to be particularly useful, as the letters of the inscription are on average smaller than 1 cm and as the use of an artificial light source was problematic for various reasons. 14 Links: ‡ Ladakh ‡ Wanla ‡ bCu gcig zhal khang ‡ Inscr. 01. There the pictures are arranged line by line with varying degrees of overlapping. In cases of doubtful readings it might thus be helpful to look at the pictures of the lines above and below the passage in question as well. A CD-copy (CD Wanla 1) and the video-

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DATING Due to some slight damage to the inscription the name of its chief character is no longer preserved in full, but it most likely read “’Bhag dar skyabs”.15 According to Dkon mchog bkra shis (1995: 663), this local ruler had invited the translator Rin chen bzang po (958–1055)16 to the area and prompted him to build the Wanla temple.17 Similar statements presenting ’Bhag dar skyabs as a contemporary of Rin chen bzang po can be found in Dkon mchog bsod nams 1980: Vol. II, 13,18 Shakspo 1993: 15 and Vohra 1995: 220. However, the information provided in these sources seems to be mainly based on oral traditions19 and, as will be shown in the following, there are different pieces of evidence which contradict such an early dating of ’Bhag dar skyabs and of the gsum brtsegs temple’s founding. In addition, the inscription itself leaves some room for interpretation as to whether the

__________ documentation itself (DVC 11.2002 and 12.2002) is kept at the WHAV (Western Himalayan Archive Vienna), presently located in the Institute for Art History at Vienna University. 15 Cf. the edition and the translation of verse-line 15. On the different spellings in various secondary sources, see n. 222. 16 For these dates and an account of the major events in his life see, e.g., Petech 1997: 234ff., Snellgrove and Skorupski 1980: 86ff. 17 The passage reads: “blon po bhag dhår skyabs kyis lo tså ba rin chen bzang po gdan zhus te / lha khang ’di nyid bzhengs bcug par mdzad /”. 18 Also cf. Dkon mchog bsod nams 1980: Vol. III, 90. 19 Vohra explicitly states that his paper “attempts to present legends based on folk lore of the local population of Ladakh” which “cannot, at the present state of our knowledge, be fully integrated with scientific history” (Vohra 1995: 215). Dkon mchog bkra shis and Shakspo do not provide any references with regard to the sources for their statements, but they also rather seem to rely on oral traditions. Dkon mchog bsod nams (1980: Vol. II, 12f.) cites a rnam thar of Dkon mchog rang grol nyi ma (19th c.), the 27th chos rje of Lamayuru. On my two visits to the monastery in the summer of 2003 the rnam thar was ‘not available’, however, and I have not yet been able to procure a copy of this rare biographical text (for a brief sketch of Dkon mchog rang grol nyi ma’s life see Dkon mchog bkra shis 1995: 644f.). As it is a comparatively recent document, its authority on questions connected with the lifetime of ’Bhag dar skyabs must also be questioned, though. Finally, it should be noted that while oral traditions are of course not necessarily inferior to textual sources, there nowadays appears to be a tendency in Ladakh to attribute almost anything to the times of Rin chen bzang po—for whatever reasons.

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temple was actually founded by ’Bhag dar skyabs or whether he just expanded and embellished a previous construction on a large scale.20 According to Vitali (1996: 388) the temple’s “images are stylistically close to those of Bla.ma g.yu.ru Seng.ge.sgang and a date to about 1240 is sound”. Luczanits (2002: 124) argues—partly also on the basis of art-historical evidence—that the earliest possible date for the foundation of the temple is the end of the thirteenth century but that it “most likely took place sometime during the first half of the fourteenth century”. While these statements are not in complete agreement with each other and leave us with a maximum range of about hundred years, the period obviously does not coincide with the times of Rin chen bzang po.21 Another clue for the dating problem is provided by the inscription’s orthography and palaeography. At present this has to be considered a fairly rough instrument, but the evidence is rather in agreement with the time-frame resulting from the dates proposed by Vitali and Luczanits. The following peculiarities are of particular interest:22 1) Frequent occurrence of superabundant ’a rjes ’jug,23 2) several cases of ’a sngon ’jug instead of ma sngon ’jug,24 __________ 20 Cf. the edition and the translation of verse-lines 54–58 and also see Vitali 1996: 346 and 385. The inscription makes it fairly clear, however, that the present form and appearance of the temple is largely due to the activities of ’Bhag dar skyabs. 21 Of course ’Bhag dar skyabs still could have erected the temple during the late tenth or early eleventh century, while the paintings and the inscription were added at a later date. The inscription’s internal evidence discussed below excludes this possibility as well, though. 22 Cf. particularly the chronological classification provided in Scherrer-Schaub 1999: 25. Also cf. De Rossi Filibeck 1994: 139ff., Eimer 1991: 251ff., Luczanits 1999: 99ff., Steinkellner 1994: 124f. and 1995: 11f., Steinkellner and Luczanits 1999: 13f., Tauscher 1994: 175ff. and 1999: 31ff., Tropper 1996: 30ff. and 2005: 88ff., all of which provide studies on the palaeography and orthography of comparable material (inscriptions as well as manuscripts in codex form) from Western Tibet (Tabo, Alchi, Guge) and western Central Tibet (Zhalu). It needs to be stressed again, however, that at present the dating of textual documents solely on the basis of these features cannot be expected to be more than an approximation. One has to especially bear in mind that palaeographic and orthographic peculiarities do not necessarily have to correspond to exactly the same chronological patterns in different places. 23 bde’ (verse-line 3; bde’ in v.-l. 2); mdo’ (v.-l. 25, 80); gso’ (v.-l. 29); bzo’ (v.-l. 62, 86, 88; bzo’ in v.-l. 104); dpe’ (v.-l. 64, 65), dbu’ (v.-l. 70; dbu’ in v.-l. 75); gtso’ (v.-l. 72), dge’ (v.-l. 91), mdzo’ (v.-l. 101), mngo’ (for ngo; v.-l. 111) (for the editorial signs see below).

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3) only a single case of da drag,25 4) no occurrence of ya btags before i and e, 5) no occurrence of gi gu log, 6) no occurrence of horizontal ligatures. Apart from the ‘standard’ cases listed under 1) - 3), the inscription contains many other examples where the spelling is not in agreement with ‘classical norms’.26 While such a propensity for irregular spellings is a typical feature of early documents, it is often difficult to decide whether a particular form reflects a practice that was common at a certain place and time or whether it is merely the result of a scribe’s idiosyncrasies, carelessness or poor education. Thus little can be deduced from these individual cases until more extensive studies on a larger body of comparable material have been carried out. Finally, and most importantly, there is the internal evidence of the inscription. As has been pointed out by Vitali (1996: 389) and Luczanits (2002: 123) already, verse-lines 119–120 refer to the ’Bri gung school27 which—as is well known—was founded by ’Jig rten mgon po (1143–1217) and spread to Western Tibet from 1215 onwards.28 What is decisive in regard to the dating of ’Bhag dar skyabs, however, is that starting from verse-line 112 the inscription gives an account of the ruler’s four sons, of whom the youngest is reported to have thrown himself at the feet of a ’Bri gung master (or masters).29 __________ 24 ’tshams (v.-l. 17); ’jal (v.-l. 18); ’dzangs (v.-l. 47, 49, 121); ’tshungs (v.-l. 62; ’tshung= in v.-l. 65); ’chog (v.-l. 87). 25 rold (v.-l. 80). 26 Here this term is used for spellings not to be found in the dictionaries of Das (1985), Jäschke (1992) or Zhang (1993). In some cases it cannot be determined with certainty if the spelling is irregular or if the grammar of the passage is just somewhat unusual. Thus kyang in verse-line 34 could equally be an erratic form of bskyangs or the concessive particle. Clear cases of spellings not in agreement with ‘classical norms’ are listed in the appendix to this paper. 27 Vitali, however, largely misreads the passage as “Phun.sum tshogs.gyi rgyal.mtshan ’Bri.gung...[lacuna] chos.rje’i zhabs.la gtugs”. In the text provided by Luczanits (“thu cungs shag kya rgyal tshan ’bri gung byon nas ni // chos rje’i zhabs pad btugs”) there appears to be only one reading that needs to be corrected (tha instead of thu; see the edition for details). 28 Cf., e.g., Petech 1977: 19f. 29 Cf. the annotated translation of the passage for details.

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The passage makes it clear, then, that ’Bhag dar skyabs cannot have been a contemporary of Rin chen bzang po. This is further corroborated by the combined evidence of verselines 11–14 and a short paragraph in the La dwags rgyal rabs: the latter states30 that the castle in Wanla was built by king Lha chen nag lug (“c. 1110–1140 A.D.” according to Francke 1926: 96)31 and in the former the castle is mentioned as the home of ’Bhag dar skyabs and his three brothers. In addition to these clues, there is another passage of the inscription (verse-lines 70–71)32 that refers to a group of thirteen papermâché sculptures on the second floor of the temple. The first five of these sculptures can be identified as Rdo rje ’chang (Vajradhara), Tilopa, Naropa, Mar pa and Mi la ras pa,33 whereas the ones completing this lineage exhibit few idiosyncratic features.34 What is of importance here is that the inscription states that the figures represented include the Bka’ brgyud masters “up to (the one) being present (i.e. alive) now”. While the passage does not provide any reference to a particular Bka’ brgyud school, verse-lines 119–120 (cf. above) make it seem likely that the figures represent the ’Bri gung lineage. Thus the thirteenth brgyud ’dzin in the array of statues could well be Thog kha ba Rin chen seng ge (1227–1285),35 who followed

__________ 30 31

Edition of Francke 1926: 36. Also cf. Francke 1999: 65, where the dates for the king are given as “about 1150–1175”. In any case, these dates have to be considered as somewhat rough estimates. The relative chronology that can be gleaned from the La dwags rgyal rabs makes it clear, though, that Lha chen nag lug has to be dated well after Rin chen bzang po. 32 Already briefly mentioned in Luczanits 2002: 123. 33 Oral communication, Christian Luczanits. In August 2003 the temple’s art work was documented extensively by Luczanits; he is presently working on the identification of the various murals, statues and carvings as well as on the iconographic concept of the temple. 34 Luczanits (2002: 123) also notes that the lineage is represented several times in the temple’s paintings, some of which are unfortunately not completely preserved any more. Of the two representations which are still entirely intact, one shows twelve and the other thirteen figures. 35 For the dates see, e.g., Grags pa ’byung gnas and Blo bzang mkhas grub 1992: 811f.

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Gcung Rdo rje grags pa (1211–1279).36 But regardless of which major or minor lineage of the various Bka’ brgyud sub-schools still in existence or already extinguished is represented: one arrives at a date somewhere around the turn from the thirteenth to the fourteenth century for the inscription, as Mi la ras pa is generally reported to have died in 112337 and as one can roughly assume an average of 20 to 25 years per generation. GENERAL NOTES ON THE EDITION AND THE TRANSLATION The edition is based on the documentation prepared in August 2002 and presents the text of the inscription as it appeared at that time. All conjectures and emendations38 have been relegated to the apparatus criticus,39 including adjustments of irregular spellings to ‘classical norms’.40 Divergent readings in the aforementioned previous editions are usually not quoted.41 Only in those cases where the text had been obliterated were earlier renderings of the inscription taken into account.42 Due to the detailed documentation of the inscription I believe that the edition is fairly accurate and represents an improvement on previous attempts, but I am fully aware that the translation and the annotations are occasionally rather tentative. Sometimes the best that could __________ 36 Ibid.: 518. ’Jig rten mgon po, the founder of the ’Bri gung school, was the disciple of Phag mo gru pa who followed Mi la ras pa’s chief disciple Sgam po pa. For an outline of the ’Bri gung lineage after ’Jig rten mgon po, see Roerich 1979: 608ff. 37 Cf., e.g., Grags pa ’byung gnas and Blo bzang mkhas grub 1992: 660, Roerich 1979: 436, Dung dkar blo bzang ’phrin las 2002: 907 and Tucci 1970: 50. According to Ehrhard and Fischer-Schreiber 1992: 153, Mi la ras pa died in 1135. 38 Because the two terms are often not clearly distinguished, it should perhaps be noted that I use ‘conjecture’ for proposed readings where the text has become illegible, whereas I use ‘emendation’ if words which are still legible are altered. 39 There the reading of the inscription is first repeated and then the respective conjecture or emendation is given after the colon, e.g.: “’pha=s : ’phags” or “bdan : gdan”. 40 No emendations are provided for irregular “sandhi”-forms (ba : pa, etc.). 41 As the documentation of the inscription is widely available (cf. above for details) and as these previous efforts contain several hundred readings which are obviously not correct, their inclusion would have unnecessarily inflated the edition. 42 The readings of Dkon mchog bkra shis, Dkon mchog bsod nams, Luczanits and Vitali are marked with the sigla Kk, Ks, L and V, respectively.

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be done was to present different alternatives. The difficulties arise not only from the irregular spellings and the fact that the text has been damaged in some places, but also from the inscription’s metrical structure with its usual ambiguities. Most importantly, there are hardly any other textual sources which refer to this particular time and place, resulting in little background information and but a few reference points.43 All the more, the inscription has to be regarded as an important document that sheds at least some light on this obscure period, and hopefully our understanding of the epigraph’s wider context will improve in due time. EDITORIAL SIGNS {1} * / µ a = xxxaxxx

beginning of a line dbu shad bindu uncertain reading illegible ‘letter’44 illegible letter insertion below the line

In the annotations to the translation the following signs are used for quotations from the inscription: < > { } « »

conjectures emendations deletions

__________ 43 Cf. the remarks of Petech (1977: 21) who states that except for a few sundry details this period in the history of Ladakh is “absolute darkness” for us. On the difficulties in identifying early toponyms in Ladakh, see particularly Snellgrove and Skorupski 1980: 94 (n. 34) and 97 (n. 45). 44 Following Steinkellner and Luczanits 1999: 15 (n. 12) ‘letter’ means “any combination of letters in the Tibetan alphabet that occupy in vertical arrangement of the letter sequence the space of a single grapheme”, while letter “refers to the single signs for consonants or vowel modification only”. Thus a ‘letter’ can be composed of up to four letters.

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EDITION {1} ** // ص sva sti sidhaµ45 // 1 2 3 4

rtog med spros bral gsal stong dbyer med chos kyi sku // zag med bde’46 chen ’od gsal ’gag med longs spyod sdzogs47 // {2} bde’48 stong dbyer med thugs rje’i nus ldan sprul pa’i sku // sku gsum dbyer med dpal ldan bla ma rnams la ’dud // ky„„49 legs50

5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

gling mchog khyad du ’phags {3} pa lho’i ’dzam bu gling // sangs rgyas bstan pa dar ba spu rgyal bod kyi yul // khyad par gangs kyi rgyal po ti se’i byang phyogs su // chu bo seng ge kha ’bab ’brug pa’i {4} g.yon phyogs su // sa ’cha51 khol du gton52 pa brgya shing lha’i gnas // yang dgos53 ’bur du stod54 pa wan la rdo rje’i bdan55 // pad ma spungs pa lta bu mkhar kyi rtse mo la // {5} rin chen ze ’bru bzhin du nyen drung bskor ba’i dbus // rigs bzhi dpa’ bo bzhin du blon sras sku mched bzhi // thugs dgongs rtse gcig mdzad nas mnyam pa nyid du {6} bzhugs // sku mched bzhi’i gchen56 po khri dpon ’bhag dar skyab= //57

__________ 45 sidhaµ : siddhaµ (sidhaµ could be the transliteration of a Prakrit form [cf. Salomon 1998: 67], but here it rather appears to be one of the frequent irregularities to be found in Tibetan transliterations of Sanskrit words). 46 bde’ : bde 47 sdzogs : rdzogs 48 bde’ : bde 49 Written with a double ’greng bu and an ’a chung, this tsheg bar probably has to be understood as an abbreviation of the reduplicated syllable ky„. For the regular kyee (i.e., without the ’a chung) see, e.g., Das 1985 s.v. kye kye. 50 ky„„ legs does not seem to be part of the verse proper, or else verse-line 5 would have more than eleven syllables. The interjection rather appears to form a caesura separating the opening verse from the main body of the inscriptional text, the absence of a (double-)shad after the short phrase notwithstanding. 51 ’cha : cha 52 gton : ’don or bton 53 dgos : sgos 54 stod : dod 55 bdan : gdan 56 gchen : gcen or chen

HISTORICAL INSCRIPTION

16 17

115

s-on58 tshe bsod nams bsags pas dal ’byor mi lus thob // las kyi ’tshams ’byor59 bzang bas {7} blon sras gong mar ’khrungs // smon lam rnam par dag pas d==’i60 chos dang ’jal61 // khams dang rlung rta dar bas rje rgyal gong ma byams // za kha dbang thang che bas {8} bu bran ’og mas bkur // sngon kyi las kyi brel62 pas mi sde’i gtso bor skos63 // ’phral gyi bya ba mkhas pas nye ring kun kyang smon // dam pa’i lha chos phyogs {9} su lus ngag yid gsuµ brtod64 // ’phags pa spyan ras gzigs la rtag tu yidaµ65 mdzad // mdo’66 rgyud lung rigs man ngag bstan chos thugs su chud // nyi zla gza67 ’dzin {10} la sogs phyi nang dus ’khor mkhyen // ’byung ba gab tse’i rtsis kyis snang srid bstan68 la ’bebs // ’gro ba mi lus kun kyi ’byung zhi69 ’khrugs pa la // gso’70 ba {11} rig pa’i dpyad kyis tsha grang sdug bsngal sel // mkhyen pa’i yon tan bshad na ’jam dbyangs sprul pa ’dra // dam pa’i chos la mos pa shin tu ngo mtshar che // {12} skye bo mi chos phyogs su lhag par phun sum ’tshogs71 // pho lo gsuµ bcu -on72 nas yab mes rgyal srid ni // wan la’i go73 byas rgya shing lung pa thaµs cad kyang74 // {13} gzhan la shor ba ’khugs75 nas chab srid legs par mnan // wa kha mkhar po che dang kan ji nam su ru //

18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36

__________ 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75

skyab= // : skyabs // (skyabs // Kk, skyabs / Ks, “skyabs / (lacuna)” V). s-on : sngon (sngon Kk, Ks, V) ’tshams ’byor : mtshams sbyor The inscription is damaged above the letter d; d==’i : dam pa’i (dam pa’i Kk, Ks). ’jal : mjal brel : ’brel skos : bskos brtod : gtod or gtad? yidaµ : yid dam or yi dam mdo’ : mdo gza : gza’ bstan : gtan zhi : bzhi (cf. verse-line 98) gso’ : gso ’tshogs : tshogs -on : lon (lon Kk, Ks, V) go : ’go kyang : bskyangs? ’khugs : ’khrugs?

116

37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56

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en sa a lci mang rgyu mnga’ ’og mdzad //76 kha ce’i77 {14} yul du skyod nas khri dpon mnga’ gsol byas // byang gyi ru ba bzhi nas khral thud mang du sdus78 // dpa’ rtsal79 ldan pa’i skyes bu gar phyin g.yul las rgyal / // {15} dmag spyan80 che ’bring gsuµ dang ’gran gyi do med byas // ’gran gyi do byas thams cad rims81 kyis ’cham la ’phabs82 // sbal ti ’brog pa lasogs83 phran tshegs {16} gzil kyis mnan // gu ge pu hrangs tshun chad mnga’ ris bskor gsum la // ci bsam don du grub pa’i bsnyan84 pa khyed la grags / dpa’ bo’i -as85 stabs {17} rtsis na tshad dang grangs las ’das // ’dzangs86 pa ’phrul gyi gros la gzhan gyi gran87 zla bral // ngan song gsum la =jigs88 nas skyabs gnas dkon mchog brten // {18} dpa’ ’dar89 ’dzang=90 gsum ldan pa’i skyes bu dam pa des // ’jig rten chos brgyad thams cad snying po med par rtogs // skye rga na ’chi’i sdug bsngal bsam gyis {19} mi khyab ci=91 // kun kyang ’chi ba’i chos can mi rtag thugs la shar // bsags pa’i nor rdzas thams cad sgyu ma bzhin du dgongs // ’jig brten92 phyi ma dran nas rgya ma {20} ’di ltar mdzad // ’byung ba rims93 bzhin rtsegs94 pa’i ri rab zur bzhi’i steng // sna tshogs rdo rjes mtshan pa brten95 gyi gzhal yas khang //

__________ 76 77 78 79

There are only nine syllables to this verse-line. ce’i : che’i sdus : bsdus The first two syllables of verse-line 40 seem to have been wiped out; only very faint traces remain. 80 spyan : phran 81 rims : rim 82 ’phabs : phab 83 lasogs : la sogs or las sogs 84 bsnyan : snyan 85 -as : las (las Kk) 86 ’dzangs : mdzangs 87 gran : ’gran 88 =jigs : ’jigs (’jigs Kk) 89 ’dar : dar 90 ’dzang= : mdzangs (mdzangs Kk) 91 ci= : cing (ces Kk) 92 brten : rten 93 rims : rim 94 rtsegs : brtsegs 95 brten : rten (also cf. verse-lines 76 and 125)

HISTORICAL INSCRIPTION

57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72

117

gru bzhi rin chen {21} du ma’i brgyan96 kyis mdzes par spras // rtse mo yid bzhin nor bu’i tog gis nye bar bryan97 // skyes bu g.yas g.yon gnyis dang ya them ma them dang // mchod pa’i98 {22} lha mo rnaµs dang rin chen sh-r99 ru100 dang // rta babs chos kyi ’khor lo bkra shis brdzas101 brgyad rnaµs // rkos102 dang ’bur ma lasogs103 =l104 po’i bzo’105 dang ’tshungs106 // ’og {23} gzhing107 bkod pa khyad ’pha=s108 gsar rnying lha ’tshogs bzhengs // bar khang rnam par rgyal ba’i khang zangs109 dpe’110 bzhi=111 la112 // yang thog zhal113 med khang {24} ’dra’i dpe’114 dang ’tshung=115 pa lags // wan la’i bkra shis gsum rtsegs116 e ma ngo mtshar che // kun kyis lta bas mi ngoms khyad par ’phags //117 {25} brten pa lha’i dkyil ’khor bsam gyis mi khyab cing // re re’i mtshan nas brjod na dpag gis mi lang te // rdo rje ’chang gis dbu’ mdzad da ltar bzhugs {26} kyi bar // bka’ rgyud bla ma rnaµs kyi sku gzugs thog mar bzhugs // pho brang dbus kyi gtso’118 la ’phags pa spyan ras gzigs //

__________ 96 brgyan : rgyan 97 bryan : brgyan (also cf. verse-line 74; perhaps a particular form of bskungs yig) 98 The letter ’ is inserted below the line. 99 The inscription is damaged above the letter sh; sh-r : shar (shar Kk, L) 100 ru : bu (on the variation ru/bu cf. Hahn 1996: 187) 101 brdzas : rdzas 102 rkos : brkos 103 lasogs : la sogs or las sogs 104 =l : bal (bal Kk, V; bal L) 105 bzo’ : bzo 106 ’tshungs : mtshungs 107 gzhing : gzhi or zhing 108 ’pha=s : ’phags (’phags Kk) 109 zangs : bzang 110 dpe’ : dpe 111 bzhi= : bzhin (bzhin Kk) 112 la : lags? 113 zhal : gzhal 114 dpe’ : dpe 115 ’tshung= : mtshungs (mtshungs Kk) 116 rtsegs : brtsegs 117 There are only nine syllables to this verse-line. 118 gtso’ : gtso

118

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phyag stong ’khor lo {27} bsgyur ba longs spyod rdzogs pa’i sku // rin chen bryan119 gyis spras shing byin rlabs che bar bzhugs // ==n120 pa’i bdag pos dbu’121 mdzad byams pa’i mgon {28} la sogs // sku gsung thugs kyi brten122 la ris su bris pa dang // blugs su blugs pa rnaµs dang ’bur du gtod lasogs123 // rgyud sd-124 chen po bzhi’i lha tshogs {29} thams cad dang // ==ng125 bsngags126 gsar rnying rnaµs kyi dkyil ’khor ’tshang127 ba bzhugs // ’dul ba mdo’128 sde mngon pa pha rold129 phyin pa dang // theg pa chen po {30} ===========-u== //130 thugs dgongs rnam par dag pa’i thugs dam rim par bzhugs // sangs rgyas stong sku’i zhing khams bkod pa rnaµ {31} ====== ====131 bcu gnyis rnaµs kyi phra zhib ngo mtshar che // bhi sho kar ma’i sprul pa legs pa blo gros dang // ’jam dbyangs sprul pa lha bzo’132 sod {32} =======-is //133

74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86

__________ 119 120

bryan : brgyan (cf. verse-line 58) ==n : gsang Kk (this reading would make good sense, but the last letter rather seems to be an n); read sbyin or bstan? 121 dbu’ : dbu 122 brten : rten (cf. verse-line 56 and 125) 123 lasogs : la sogs or las sogs 124 The inscription is damaged above the sa mgo; sd- : sde (pa Kk) 125 ==ng : gsang (gsang Kk) 126 bsngags : sngags 127 ’tshang : tshang 128 mdo’ : mdo 129 rold : rol 130 In line 30 as well as in the following ones the beginning appears to have been rubbed off intentionally. Kk reads verse-line 81 as “theg pa chen po’i mdo sde rnam pa sna tshogs dang //”, but the inscription does not show any traces of an ’ or an i after po. Perhaps the end of the verse-line read bzhugs. 131 rnaµ {31}========= : rnam {31} par mdzes // mdzad pa? The right side of the thin red line framing the inscriptional panel is covered by a layer of soot and dust at the end of line 30. Thus the last syllable could also have read rnaµs (or perhaps rnams). Kk reads verse-lines 83 and 84 as “sangs rgyas stong sku zhing khams bkod pa rnams // mdzad pa bcu gnyis rnams kyi bkod pa phra zhib ngo mtshar che //”. This is not only contradicted by what could still be read in 2002, but it also results in the two verse-lines containing nine and thirteen syllables respectively. 132 bzo’ : bzo 133 Kk reads verse-line 86 as “’jam dpal sprul pa lha bzo bsod nams kyis”, which is again not supported by what remained of the text in 2002 and results in only nine

HISTORICAL INSCRIPTION

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87 88 89 90

lha’i sprul pa kon ’chog134 ldor ba pha’u135 gsuµ // lha bzo’136 rig pa’i ’byung gnas mkhyen pa can rnams kyis // ma yengs {33} ====137 ldan par sku gsung thugs kyi rten // rkyen dang138 bar chod med par thugs =gongs139 grub par bzhengs // 91 de ltar phun gsum140 tshogs pa’i dge’141 las chen {34} po=di142 // 92 drin can yab yum gnyis -yi143 drin lan gsab pa dang // 93 las ’brel sems la chags pa’i ’grogs144 kyi don du bzhengs // 94 ’di bzhengs dge {35} =-i145 rtsa bas ’gro drug sems can rnaµs // 95 rigs lnga rgyal ba’i zhing khams myur du bs-od146 nas kyang // 96 sku bzhi ye shes lnga’i dngos grub thob par shog // 97 gnam {36} bzhag147 ’bul ba’i lugs kyang zur rtsam brjod pa la // 98 rkang zhi148 dud ’gro’i rgyal po cang shes rta pho yang // 99 che chung thon149 dman med par gsum bcu so bdun {37} ’phul // 100 gser dngul dar gos spel ba de bas lhag pa tsam // 101 g.yag lug mdzo’150 lasogs151 pa =ng152 phran bsam mi khyab // 102 zang zing snam gos {38} lasogs153 ri bo bzhin du spungs // __________ syllables for this verse-line. Moreover, the instrumental particle does not seem to make much sense here. 134 kon ’chog : dkon mchog 135 pha’u : pha bu 136 bzo’ : bzo 137 ==== : brtan por Kk 138 dang : ngan Kk (the inscription clearly reads dang, but ngan would also make sense here) 139 =gongs : dgongs (dgongs Kk) 140 gsum : sum 141 dge’ : dge 142 chen {34} po=di : chen {34} po ’di (de mtshar che Kk) 143 -yi : kyi (kyi Kk) 144 ’grogs : grogs 145 =-i : ba’i (bas Kk) 146 bs-od : bskyod? (there are no traces of a ya btags, however; the letter below the sa mgo could have read k, kh or g; bskor Kk) 147 gnam bzhag : rnam gzhag, rnam bzhag or nam zhag? (Cf. verse-line 103 and also see Zhang 1993 s.v. rnam gzhag and nam zhag rgyun gtan) 148 zhi : bzhi (cf. verse-line 28) 149 thon : mthon 150 mdzo’ : mdzo 151 lasogs : la sogs or las sogs 152 =ng : chung Kk 153 lasogs : la sogs or las sogs

120

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dge’154 bshes gong ma rnaµ=155 la gnam zhag156 rim par ’phul // lha bzo’157 mkhyen pa can rnams ’jig rten dbul ba sel =158 {39} che brjod rtsom ba po la yon du rta cig159 byin // nyin160 drung dag161 ’dogs khan162 rnaµs thar pa’i lam la bkod // yul mi nye -i=163 rnaµs kyi snang ba chos la bsgyur // phyogs {40} rigs164 ’dron165 po rnaµs la bkra shis dga’ bston166 byas // long sprod167 ma nus pa rnaµs bkres skom sdug bsngal sel // zang zing nor gyi ’byed lugs====== {41} yongs la grags //168 ’phags pa chos la gtong ba shin tu mngo’169 mtshar che // 170lha’i bu cung171 ’dra ba’i sras po bzhi yis kyang // yab kyi drin lan gsob phyir lha gang172 rim bzhin bzhengs=173 {42} nyo== stag lung ==du174 spur khang steng du yang // mchod rten bzhengs nas mchod pa’i ma shi175 btsugs //

__________ 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163

dge’ : dge rnaµ= : rnaµs (rnams Kk) Cf. verse-line 97. bzo’ : bzo sel = : sel // (ste // Kk) cig : zhig or gcig nyin : gnyen dag : dge Kk; the inscription shows no traces of an e, though. khan : mkhan yul mi nye -i= : yul mi nye ring? (Kk reads yul mi nye ba, but this is not supported by what remained of the last syllable) 164 rigs : ris 165 ’dron : mgron 166 bston : ston 167 While the second letter can either be read as b or p and the last one as ng or d, the subscript is clearly an r. Most likely, the syllable must be emended to spyod (sbreng Kk [adding in brackets: bkren]) 168 Kk reads this verse-line as “zang zing nor gyis sngon lugs yongs la grags //”. Aside from being partly contradicted by what could still be read in 2002, this results in only nine syllables. 169 mngo’ : ngo 170 Here there is a notable change to a smaller and finer script, which gradually becomes larger and thicker again in the next two lines. 171 cung : chung 172 gang : khang (cf. verse-lines 117 and 123) 173 bzhengs= : bzhengs // (bzhengs // Kk) 174 Kk reads this verse-line as “nyo stag lung mdo spur khang steng du yang”, which is partly contradicted by what could still be read in 2002 and results in only nine syllables.

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116 chen po a li dar skya176 rig pa’i gnas lnga mkhyen // 117 nu bo’i don du lha gang177 bkra shis {43} mthong178 sman179 bzhengs // 118 o==dar dang ’o180 zer ’bum nyis181 pho rtsal phun suµ tshogs //182 119 tha183 cungs184 shag kya rgyal tshan185 ’bri gung byon nas ni // 120 chos rje’i zhabs pad btugs nas chos khrid mang du {44} zhus // 121 ’dzangs186 dang yon tan ldan pas kun kyis smon pa’i // 122 on cong187 sprul pa ces ma kha tun sbrong188 mo gnyis ==189 123 lha gang190 rim bzhin zhabs stog191 zas rnaµs bdud rtsir bsgyur // 124 {45} =-on192 rnaµs nges193 pa’i gnam za194 rim bzhin ’phul ba195 legs // 125 brten196 dang brten par bcas pa’i lha’i pho ’brang ’di // 126 dkon mchog gsum gyi bden pas byin rlabs che {46} ===197 // 127 shåkya’i bstan pa gnas par ’gro ba’i don mdzad nas // __________ 175 176 177 178 179

ma shi : ma she Kk (adding in a footnote: “ma she = shas mar”) skya : skyabs (as in the name of ’Bhag dar skyabs)? gang : khang (cf. verse-lines 113 and 123) The vowel sign could also be an i or an e (thang Kk) The inscription is damaged above the line; thus it cannot be ruled out with certainty that the syllable did not read smin or smon (perhaps even smen) (sman Kk). 180 ’o : ’od? 181 nyis : gnyis 182 Kk reads this verse-line as: “e ma dar dang bkra shis bu gnyis pho rtsal phun sum tshogs //”. Yet the first ‘letter’ clearly reads o and bkra shis bu gnyis is also not tenable. In any case, the verse-line appears to have contained thirteen syllables. 183 The syllable has become slightly obliterated and cannot be read with absolute certainty any more, but tha is also to be found in Kk. On closer inspection in situ (summer 2003) most of what L read as u appeared to be a small crack on the surface of the panel (cf. n. 27 above). 184 cungs : chung 185 shag kya rgyal tshan : sha kya rgyal mtshan 186 ’dzangs : mdzangs 187 The syllable could also have read ces, ceng, ced, cos or cod (ces Kk). 188 The syllable could also have read sprod, sprong or sbrod (sbrong Kk). 189 == : // (// Kk) 190 gang : khang (cf. verse-lines 113 and 117) 191 stog : tog 192 =-on : dpon Kk 193 nges : des? 194 gnam za : na bza’ or mna’ za? (mna’ za Kk) 195 ba : la Kk 196 brten : rten (cf. verse-lines 56 and 76) 197 === : ba yin? (bar ’gyur Kk)

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byams pa’i bstan la ’ang ’gro ba’i don byed shog // shå kya’i dge slong byang chub bzang po bdag {47} ==ni198 // thos pa chung ba’i skyon kyis tshig sdebs199 ma mtshal200 yang // skye bo blun po rnaµs kyis shes par mi ’gyur gyis // phal pa rnaµs kyis gzigs kyang {48} dphya201 ba=-i202 rigs kyis // kun mkhyen rnams kyis ’khrel203 na no==204 pa bzod par ==l205 //

mang gha laµ b- ==

// = //206 207 ص a˙ huµ // TRANSLATION

Oµ svasti siddham.208 1

The dharmakåya, (which is) nonconceptual, without fabrication, of clarity indivisible from emptiness, the sambhoga(kåya), (which

__________ 198 199 200 201 202

==ni : gis ni (gis ni Kk) sdebs : sdeb or bsdebs mtshal : ’tshal dphya : ’phya or dpya ba=-i : bar mi? Kk reads verse-line 132 as: “phal pa rnams kyis gzigs na phan sems gyis //”, but this is partly contradicted by what could still be read in 2002 and results in only nine syllables. 203 ’khrel : khrel 204 no== : nongs (nongs Kk) 205 ==l : gsol (gsol Kk) 206 mang gha laµ b- == // = // : mangga laµ bha wantu Kk. There is a very indistinct circle immediately to the right (and not above) the la. Below and to the right of the b there are traces of letters which cannot be read with a reasonable degree of certainty any more, but they do not contradict Kk’s reading bha wantu. Between the two double-shad there are traces of what appears to have been an ornamental sign. 207 What follows is written in a small cursive script and missing in Kk; possibly a very recent addition. 208 In his translation of a votive-tablet from Khalatse Francke (1907a: 608) renders this phrase as “Om, seid vollkommen glücklich” and in a similar way Martin (1980: 35) has “(May there be) perfect well being”, both of which insinuate that siddham is to be taken together with svasti. Although this is possible from a grammatical point of view—svasti is used not only in the feminine but also in the neuter gender (cf., e.g., MW s.v.)—the formula probably rather has to be broken down into three separate syntactical units (i.e.: oµ, svasti, siddham—which can be rendered as “Oµ! Hail! Success!”) as each of the three words frequently also appears on its own or paired with only one of the two others at the beginning of inscriptions and manuscripts; cf., e.g., Sircar 1966: 222, 310, 331, Sander 1986 (passim), Regmi 1983 (passim), Salomon 1998: 67, 115, 274f. and Denwood 1980: 140f. and 149.

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is) uncontaminated, of great bliss, radiant, without obstruction, the nirmåˆakåya, (which is) of bliss indivisible from emptiness, endowed with the power of compassion—homage to the glorious teachers of the three indivisible bodies.209 Oho, excellent! 5

In the best continent, which is especially exalted, in the rose-apple continent (Skt. Jambudv¥pa) of the south,210 where the teaching of the Buddha spread,211 in the country of spu rgyal-Tibet212,213

__________ 209 Rather than “homage to the three bodies, (which are) indivisible, glorious, supreme”, since sku gsum bla ma is the usual translation for trikåyaguru ‘the guru of the three kåya’ (i.e., the guru who is the three kåya); dpal ldan, however, could also be taken as a second attribute of sku gsum. 210 Referring, of course, to its position to the south of Mt. Meru, the centre of the universe in Buddhist cosmology and thought of as being surrounded by four continents (cf., e.g., Kloetzli 1989: 24f.). 211 sangs rgyas bstan pa dar ba can either be taken as an attribute of lho’i ’dzam bu gling or as a nominalised antecedent of spu rgyal bod kyi yul. 212 For spu rgyal cf., e.g., Zhang 1993 s.v.: “(snying) bod yul”, i.e. “(old [for]) the country Tibet”. For the alternative spelling spur rgyal see ibid. and Das 1985 s.v., where the term is also explained as “an ancient name of Tibet” and where two different etymological explanations are provided according to which the first syllable (spur) has to be understood either in the sense of ‘dead body’, ‘corpse’ or as deriving from the town of Spu’o brag, the capital of king Gri gum btsan po. Haarh (1969: 302), however, is of the opinion that Das “is wrong in principle when defining sPurgyal as a name of Tibet”. He contends that spu rgyal rather “signifies the Ruler of sPu, while the country is sPu-rgyal-Bod” (ibid.) and goes on to demonstrate that “sPu”, containing “the idea of the Dead” indicates that the ruler “besides being King of the Tibetans ... is particularly distinguished by his origin from, and dominion over, the Realm of the Dead” (ibid.: 325f.). Chab spel tshe brtan phun tshogs (1993), in an article exclusively devoted to the etymology and meaning of the term, draws on a passage from the rdo ring in front of the Lhasa Gtsug lag khang as well as on manuscript material from Dunhuang. He argues that the original spelling was spu rgyal and that the meaning of the first syllable approximates “skal ba ldan pa”, “’os pa”, “res su babs pa”, or “skabs su babs pa” (semantically oscillating between ‘fortunate’, ‘worthy’, ‘opportune’, and ‘timely’) while rgyal is short for rgyal po and refers to the ancient kings of Tibet. In this case spu rgyal bod would approximately mean ‘Tibet of the worthy kings’. Finally, according to Dung dkar blo bzang ’phrin las (2002: 1272) the term ‘pur rgyal bod’ possibly originated as an appellation for the places that had come under the power of Pu de gung rgyal, the son of Gri gum btsan po. As it cannot be decided with certainty which of these explanations is correct, spu rgyal is left untranslated here. 213 The semantic context hardly allows for taking these two verse-lines as nominal sentences (i.e.: “The best continent, which is especially exalted, [is] the

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specifically214: to the north of the King of the Snow, (Mt.) Tise,215 on the (proper) left side of the thundering Indus river, in a place set aside, at the divine place of Brgya shing,216 even more in __________ rose-apple continent of the south; [the place] where the teachings of the Buddha spread, [is] the country of spu rgyal-Tibet”). Ruling this alternative out, then, the only other option is to relate the particle su at the end of the next line to the preceding place-names as well. (To connect them with byang phyogs su would mean that the latter had to be understood in the sense of ‘to the north of’ in regard to gangs kyi rgyal po ti se and as ‘in the northern part of’ in regard to ’dzam bu gling, since it does not seem tenable that Wanla is reported here as being located outside [i.e. to the north of] ’dzam bu gling; in addition, Wanla can hardly be said to be situated ‘to the north of’ or ‘in the northern part of’ Tibet, regardless of the fact that the latter is a political, cultural and geographical entity that has always been somewhat ill-defined.) In fact, the whole description is obviously zooming in on Wanla, starting with ’dzam bu gling as the largest unit. It thus becomes fairly clear that at the time the inscription was composed this area of Lower Ladakh was considered to be—somehow or other—part of Tibet, at least by the author of the inscription. (On the relevance of this cf. n. 243 below.) 214 Or: “to the north of the pre-eminent King of the Snow, (Mt) Tise”; yet the context as well as the following yang {s}gos suggest that khyad par has to be understood as being metrically short for khyad par du rather than khyad par gyi. 215 Tise is already to be found in Dunhuang manuscripts as an appellation for Mt Kailash (see Namgyal Nyima 2002: 14 for details). Strictly speaking Wanla is rather situated to the northwest of it. 216 During my brief visit to Wanla in August 2002 several local informants stated independently that Brgya shing (for the alternative spelling without the prefixed b see verse-line 34) is another name for Wanla and the area surrounding it. The etymological explanations that were offered differed, however. According to the caretaker of the Wanla temple the term has to be understood in the sense of shing sna brgya (i.e. ‘a hundred kinds of trees’) which tallies well with the fact that the village and its surroundings feature an exceptionally large variety of trees. (In support of this explanation one might also quote a short passage from a Ladakhi folk song translated in Khan 1997: 26, where the abundance of trees, though not necessarily of a different kind, features as a particularly positive feature of a place called Saliskot: “Hundreds of trees put forth buds, gladdening hearts, Thousands [sic] of plants send their shoots”; Khan also notes [ibid.: 25] that in Ladakh “[e]xtremely fertile, picturesque valleys are believed to be valleys of gods or ‘mysterious’ valleys”, which would match up nicely with the expression “brgya shing lha’i gnas” used in the inscription. Similarly, cf. the SvayaµbhËnåth stËpa’s name “Noble All [Kinds of] Trees” [’phags pa shing kun] and the explanation provided in Ehrhard 2002: 147, n. 1, according to which the expression “reminds Tibetan pilgrims of the former presence of Någårjuna” who “had cut off his hair and while scattering it around made the wish that all kinds of trees should grow at this noble stËpa”.) Another villager contended that the appellation is a synonym of shug pa (i.e. ‘juniper tree’) which would rather support the reading rgya shing (see, e.g., Zhang 1993 s.v. and cf. also Das 1985 s.v. rgya shug) and seems to be of equal probability, as the area also boasts a large number of juniper trees. Finally, a student from the nearby village of Lamayuru

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detail: on a projecting protrusion, at the vajra-seat217 of Wanla, resembling a heap of lotus flowers,218 on the pinnacle of a castle, __________ proffered that brgya shing was a garbled form of Brgya byin, the Tibetan word for Indra, and that the region around Wanla took its name from this god. Turning to the textual sources, the latter explanation is corroborated, although rather indirectly, by a similar etymological deduction that can be found in Francke 1926: 97 according to whom a certain “Rgya-źin” was a local ruler in Khalatse, which is located only a few miles to the north of Wanla: “The last vassal kings of Kha-la-rtse were apparently Rgya-źin (Brgya-byin, Indra) and Íi-ri-ma (Ír¥mån)”. References to this king are also made in Francke 1999: 48 and 57, of which the latter is of particular interest: “[A]t Kalatse the name of rGya shin (the name of Kesar’s heavenly father) occurs not only in a king’s name but also in the names of other men, as is proved by rock-inscriptions. Also the name of the ancient castle at Spadum contains the same word. It was called Spa dum rgya zhin pholad sku mkhar”. Here Francke seems to refer to inscription C in Francke 1906a: 239 and inscriptions 32, 34 and 48 in Francke 1906b: 7f. and 14, although in the latter the name of the castle in Padum is actually given as “Rgya byin pho lad sku khar spa dum” (also note the different spelling of the king’s name with “ź” [Francke 1926: 97] and “sh” [Francke 1906a: 239, 1906b: 7 and 1999: 57]). It is difficult to decide whether Francke’s etymological deduction is correct (as he does not provide any textual sources for his explanation, it also seems to be based on the report of some informant or on his own inferences). Moreover, the inscriptions of Khalatse leave some doubt as to whether Rgya shin (or Rgya zhin) was just a proper name or rather the name of a whole clan of local rulers. But the vicinity of Wanla and Khalatse makes it seem likely that Brgya shing/Rgya shing, as it occurs in the Wanla inscription, is just a garbled version of this name, even more so because—according to a short passage in the La dwags rgyal rabs (edition of Francke 1926: 36)—the castles of Wanla and Khalatse were both built by the same ruler, Lha chen Nag lug (ca. 1110–1140; according to Francke 1926: 96), the son of Lha chen Utpala. Lastly, Vitali (1996: 385 and 386, n. 618), who slightly misreads verse-line 34 as “Wan.la’i gtso byas rGya.shing.lung thams.cad kyang” renders “rGya.shing.lung” as “the rGya woodland” and—somewhat incongruous with this—“the rGya.shing land” relating it to “the people of the rGya kingdom”. Yet he neither provides compelling evidence for these translations nor mentions the reading with the prefixed b in verseline 9. Pending further evidence none of the etymological explanations and translations provided above can be proved or disproved with certainty. The exact meaning of the expression (b)rgya shing lha’i gnas thus remains unclear. 217 rdo rje {g}dan could refer to an actual seat or throne, but here it rather seems to be used as a eulogistic epithet of Wanla. Further examples for this usage of the term are Stag sna rdo rje gdan (cf., e.g., ’Jam dbyangs rgyal mtshan 1995: 42), Mtho lding rdo rje gdan (Chos ngag 1999: 1), Ka˙ thog rdo rje gdan (Bla brang skal bzang 1995: 1), Gangs dkar rdo rje gdan (ibid.: 91), and Gong dkar rdo rje gdan (Dung dkar blo bzang ’phrin las 2002: 528f.). 218 The passage is semantically and syntactically slightly ambiguous. This is partly due to its metrical form which makes it possible to understand the syntactic

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there resided, like an anther of jewels, a centre surrounded by relatives and near ones, like the heroes of the four families,219 the sons of a blon po,220 four brothers, with minds in singlepointed concentration (and) in perfect equanimity. Because the oldest of the four brothers, khri dpon221 ’Bhag dar skyabs,222 had collected merit in his previous life, he obtained a

__________ structure in at least two different ways: 1. All the antecedents and appositions in verse-lines 9 and 10 can be taken as nominal subjects of an elliptic sentence lacking an existential verb like yod, i.e.: “... , on the (proper) left side of the thundering Indus river, (there is) a place set aside, the divine place of Brgya shing, even more in detail: a projecting protrusion, the vajra-seat of Wanla”. (It is just a variant of this, if one takes the first of these two verse-lines in that way and reads the second one together with what follows [as in 2. below].) 2. Verse-lines 9 and 10 can be understood in a locative sense, either by a) relating them to the particle la at the end of verse-line 11 or by b) simply positing a metrical shortening after wan la rdo rje {g}dan. While the latter distinction is not of particular importance in itself, it does have some bearing on the explanation of pad ma spungs pa lta bu, which could semantically relate to either wan la rdo rje {g}dan, blon sras sku mched bzhi or to mkhar. The latter possibility seems somewhat less likely from a syntactic point of view (one would rather expect lta bu’i in this case, which would metrically also be possible), while the first two alternatives are of similar probability if one takes what precedes pad ma spungs pa lta bu along the lines of 2a). In contradistinction to this, the simile can only be related to blon sras sku mched bzhi if one resolves the passage as in 2b). 219 dpa’ bo (Skt. !åka) probably has to be understood as the male form of mkha’ ’gro (Skt. !åkin¥) here, thus alluding to the mkha’ ’gro rigs bzhi; on the latter cf. Dung dkar blo bzang ’phrin las 2002: 429 s.v. 220 Petech (1977: 156), referring to a period much later than the one the Wanla inscription relates to, suggests that “in the case of Ladakh it is utterly improper to translate the term blon-po as ‘minister’, which is its usual meaning in Central Tibet”. Following this suggestion, the term is left untranslated here, particularly as its exact meaning is even less clear for the earlier parts of the second millennium. 221 For the meaning of khri dpon see below (verse-line 38). 222 The name can be found with a number of different spellings in various secondary sources. In Dkon mchog bkra shis 1995: 663ff. it is consistently given as Bhag dhår skyabs and explained (albeit without any supporting evidence) in the following way (ibid.: 664, n. 2): “bhag dhår skyabs [empty space] bhag ni skal pa dang bsod nams la ’jug [empty space] dhår ni ’dzin pa’i don yin / des na skal ’dzin skyabs zhes so /” i.e.: “Bhag dhår skyabs: As for bhag (i.e. Skt. bhaga) it refers to good fortune (skal pa) and merit (bsod nams); as for dhår (i.e. Skt. dhåra), it is (of) the meaning of upholding. Therefore he is the ‘protector upholding good fortune’”. Other spelling variants include “Brag-dar Skyaps” [sic] (Vohra 1995: 220), “Bhag rdar skyabs” (Dkon mchog bsod nams 1980: Vol. II, 13), “Bhag dhar skyabs” (ibid.) and “Bhagdar-skyabs” (Shakspo 1993: 15). These different spellings notwithstanding, the name seems to be at least partly non-Tibetan, but one certainly cannot draw too many con-

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human body of (the eight) freedoms and (the ten) riches.223 Because of good karmic conjunctions he was born as the first son of the blon po; because of completely pure prayers, he met with the sacred dharma. Because the territory and the fortune grew, the foremost lord(s) and ruler(s)224 were affectionate (towards him); because he was very prosperous and powerful,225 he was esteemed by (his) sons, servants and subordinates. In consequence of (his) previous karma he was appointed chief of the laity. Because he was skilled in temporal matters, he was sought after near and far, everywhere! He pegged226 body, speech and mind, the three, into the direction of the sacred divine dharma. 227 He made the noble

__________ clusions from this with regard to the ethnic or linguistic characteristics of its bearer or his family. For Ladakh, and especially Lower Ladakh, has been a melting pot of different ethnic groups from very early on. Thus the family of ’Bhag dar skyabs may well have belonged to the Tibetan-speaking part of the society for many generations already, still keeping a (partly) non-Tibetan name. Of particular interest in this connection is the following statement of Petech (1977: 19) about King Utpala (“c. 1080– 1110” according to Francke 1926: 96) and his successors: “Utpala who appears as a forceful ruler and a conqueror, bears a Sanskrit name; moreover, those of his first two successors Nag-lug and dGe-bhe have a foreign look, even if superficially clothed in Tibetan garb. After dGe-bhe, we meet again with purely Tibetan names only. ... An explanation for this foreign-looking intrusion can be tentatively offered. As already suggested by Tucci, there is the likelihood that Utpala belonged to the same group of Aryan-speaking clans which in about the same period broke into Western Tibet, founding new dynasties in Gu-ge and sPu-ra". ‘We do not know whether this family adapted itself to the new surroundings so as to be completely Tibetanized (as the invaders of Gu-ge seem to have done) or if after Utpala the old rulers of Ladakh ousted the newcomers’” (the last sentence being a quote from Tucci 1956: 109). It does not seem unlikely, then, that ’Bhag dar skyabs was one of the descendants of these “Aryan-speaking clans”. 223 Cf., e.g., Zhang 1993 s.v. dal ba brgyad and ’byor pa bcu; see also Dung dkar blo bzang ’phrin las 2002 s.v. dal ’byor and dal ’byor mi lus. 224 Probably referring to one or several of King Utpala’s later successors; cf. Petech 1977: 17f. and 20 for a tabular list of these rulers. 225 The expression za kha dbang thang che ba is not attested in the dictionaries. According to Panglung Rinpoche (oral information) it probably has to be broken down into za kha che ba and dbang thang che ba and should be translated as above, although za kha che ba generally has a pejorative connotation. 226 Read “turned”? 227 On lha chos as an appellation for Buddhism (in contradistinction to bon chos and mi chos) see, e.g., Tucci 1970: 190 (n. 1a).

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Avalokiteßvara permanently (his) tutelary deity. SËtra and tantra, scriptures and arguments, (oral) instructions and (written) treatises were internalised in his mind. He knew the eclipses of the sun and the moon and so forth, the inner and the outer kålacakra.228 By calculations of the astrological charts of the elements229 he ascertained all that appears and exists.230 When the four elements of the entire body of a human being231 were disturbed, he removed the sufferings of cold and heat by way of medical treatment.232 Speaking of his qualities of knowledge: He was like an incarnation of Mañjugho#a. (His) devotion to the sacred dharma was utterly amazing. In regard to the secular ethics of mankind he was especially excellent. After he had reached (the age of) thirty years in his manhood233 he acted as the leader of the dominion of his forefathers,

__________ 228 The explanation of the eclipses of the sun and the moon is part of the outer kålacakra; cf., e.g., Newman 1987: 447. 229 ’byung ba gab tse is taken as a compound here. 230 Verse-lines 27–29 obviously relate to the preceding reference to the inner and outer kålacakra, where the correlation of the elements of the cosmos and the body is strongly emphasised. 231 The syntactic structure of this verse-line is not completely clear. Various breakdowns of the construction seem possible. Thus ’gro ba mi lus could be an appositional formation having specifying force, i.e. ‘(moving) beings, (specifically, namely, that is) (those having) human bodies’ or mi lus could perhaps also mean ‘without remainder’, ‘without exception’ (i.e. like the more common ma lus). Most probably, however, mi and lus have to be taken separately, the beginning of the verse-line thus breaking down into ’gro ba mi (cf., e.g., Zhang 1993 s.v. and Goldstein 2001 s.v.) and lus kun (or lus a n d kun [k y i]). Finally, ’byung {b} zhi can either be understood as a ‘referential accusative’ (cf., e.g., Hahn 1996: 55), i.e. ‘stirred up with regard to the four elements’, or as the ‘subject’ of the sentence. 232 While dpyod literally means ‘to examine’, ‘to investigate’, dpyad (pa) is also often used in the sense of ‘treatment’; cf., e.g., Jäschke 1992 s.v. dpyod pa: “smandpyád byéd-pa to treat medically” and “dpyad má-la bya then the mother (not the child) must be placed under medical treatment”. 233 Das (1985 s.v.) notes that pho ‘male’, ‘man’ can also have the meaning “a father (not however commonly)”. If it were to be understood in this sense here (i.e.: “When [his] father had reached [the age of] thirty years, he [’Bhag dar skyabs] acted ...”) this would make ’Bhag dar skyabs a rather young ruler. Yet one has to bear in mind that in the Tibetan cultural realm social adolescence has always been somewhat accelerated, as can be seen from the well-known fact that the Tibetan kings usually were enthroned at the age of thirteen (cf., e.g., Hoffmann 1975: 40f.). Interestingly, a similar case taking place as late as the nineteenth century in Baltistan (which is not very far away from Wanla and has been culturally Tibetan from very early on) was

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Wanla; the whole region of Rgya shing234, too, (previously) lost to others,235 was accrued236 and then he ruled (it) tightly in an excellent way. He subjugated Wa kha(,) Mkhar po che237 and Kan ji,238 Nam su ru,239 En sa,240 A lci, Mang rgyu.241 __________ pointed out by Francke (1926: 187), who reports that “Muhammad-’Al¥ -Khån was placed on the inauguration stone when he was 13 years of age”. On the other hand, cf. Jäschke 1992 s.v. pho: “p’o lo l"á-b`cu-pa, men of the age of fifty”, where pho lo rather seems to be a compound (as, e.g., the German ‘Mannesjahr[e]’). Unambiguous examples of this usage of pho lo in contemporary literary Tibetan can be found in Lhag pa don grub 1995: 24 (“kha lo ba de ni pho lo nyer bzhi nyer lnga tsam la son pa’i pho gzhon zhig yin”) and Bsod nams 2001: 219 (“pho lo sum cu so gnyis la slebs kyang khos sngar bzhin tshe gang gtan grogs kyang las dbang gis ’ded nas rang phyogs su ’khor yong snyam ste gcig pur bsdad” and “pho lo so lngar slebs shing da dung kho la dga’ rogs ’grig mkhan ma byung”). 234 Cf. n. 216 above. 235 Or (accepting the emendation bskyangs): “he protected the whole region of Rgya shing; what had (previously) been lost ...”; “wan la’i {’}go byas rgya shing lung pa thaµs cad” could perhaps also be understood as “the whole region of Rgya shing, starting from Wanla”. 236 Here ’khugs is taken as a variant (perfect-)form of khug ‘to get’, ‘to obtain’, ‘to accrue’, but emending it to ’khrugs ‘to be disturbed’, ‘to be stirred up’ seems equally justifiable. 237 For the geographical position of Wa kha in the immediate vicinity of Dngul ’bigs (Mulbekh) see the map facing page 148 in Francke 1926. Also cf. the brief description of Francke (1914: 101), who visited “the ruins of the old castle and town” there and describes them as being “of considerable extent”; thus mkhar po che (‘the great castle’) could simply refer to this fortress, the first five syllables of the verse-line forming a compound meaning ‘the great Wa kha castle’. Alternatively mkhar po che could refer to a distinct place of its own, perhaps the present-day village of Mkhar bu which also features extensive ruins of an old castle and is situated about half way between Wa kha and the “Pho-tho-la” (spelling according to the map in Francke 1926). While I was in Lower Ladakh in the summer of 2003 two other phonetically similar places with remnants of an old fortress, viz., Dkar po mkhar and Dkar rtse, were suggested to me as likely candidates for the inscription’s mkhar po che, but my ensuing visits of these places (both located in the Suru valley) did not produce any evidence to support these suggestions. Furthermore, Francke’s map (s. above) shows a place by the name of “Íim-ßa-mkhar-bu” (situated some 10 km to the west of Kargil) about which the following information can be found in Francke 1914: 105: “There is an extensive ruin of a castle at Shimsha Kharbu above the bungalow. When I asked the inhabitants, if they knew who built it, they said it had been the property of the Khri Sultans of Sod (near Kargil)”. I have not been able to visit the place yet, but it is doubtful that evidence more compelling than in the cases of Dkar po mkhar and Dkar rtse can be found there. Finally, an informant in Nurla (situated on the northern side of the Indus river between Alchi and Khalatse) told me that there is a Ladakhi folk song in which some mkhar po che figures prominently. He was unable to provide any further information about this song and its contents,

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__________ but he may have been referring to “Song no. 40” in Khan 1997: 128f. which has the title “Kharmang Biama (The Sands of Kharmang)”. A line from the first half of this song reads (transcription and translation by Khan): “Yahya Khan Juk se dia Phongs po Khar pho chhe khar basing ngasang dia tho tso ret.” “The Rock (being) graced by Yahya Khan Greater than the. [sic] ‘Great Castle!’ is to me!” In a footnote referring to the ‘Great Castle’ Khan adds: “The Castle of Skardu known as Khar pho chhe [sic]”. Skardu (which now belongs to Pakistan) is not too far away from Wanla and easily accessible (geographically speaking) by following the Indus river downstream. According to Dani (1991: 218), however, the castle there (to which he variously refers as “Kharpocha” and “Kharpochu” [cf. ibid.: 18 and 221]) was only founded in the late fifteenth or early sixteenth century. 238 The settlement is nowadays also spelled Rkan bzhi and located some fifteen to twenty km to the West of Wanla. 239 Vitali (1996: 386, n. 619) translates kan ji nam su ru as “Kan.ji otherwise Su.ru” which seems rather doubtful not only from a grammatical point of view (as one would rather expect kan ji’am su ru in this case) but also because Kan ji and Su ru (roughly 100 km to the west of Wanla) are quite obviously two different places which are far apart from each other. The map facing the imprint in Francke 1914 shows the small place of “Namsur” on the eastern side of the Suru river (south of Kargil) right across from the much larger settlement called “Suru”. On visiting the place in the summer of 2003, I was shown the site of the former mkhar of “Namsur” (nowadays the sign with the place-name reads “Namsuru”), which is situated in a part of the village called “Birukhar” (oral information from various local informants). Although there is practically nothing left of the castle, its erstwhile existence points to some previous power, which—in combination with the obvious similarity of the toponyms—leaves little doubt that this is the nam su ru of the inscription. 240 The identification of the place is problematic. The most obvious choice seems to be phonetically identical Dben sa, a hermitage which is located to the west of Panamik in the Nubra Valley. But apart from the different spelling there are three issues which are more or less in contradiction with this identification: 1) Dben sa is just a small monastic retreat with no village or any other habitation near it and it also does not show any signs of a former settlement. 2) According to ’Jam dbyangs rgyal mtshan 1995: 262f. it was founded (by Shes rab bzang po) around 1430 (“gnas ’dir byang sems shes rab bzang pos phyi lo 1430 tsam nang dgon pa’am sgrub phug cig gsar du bzhengs”), thus at least a hundred years after the date proposed for the inscription. 3) The geographical location of Dben sa (which is separated by the huge Ladakh Range from Wanla and the other places that can be identified with a reasonable degree of certainty, i.e. Wa kha, Kan ji, Nam su ru, A lci and Mang rgyu) would make it a rather remote and isolated conquest, effectively turning it into the odd one out. Two places which are phonetically at least similar to the inscription’s en sa and which are quite close to Wanla are the tiny settlements of E su and He bzang. The former is situated on the (true) left side of the Indus river, less than five km to the east of Khalatse. The latter is a hamlet of only two or three “houses” which is not

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__________ shown on any map and can be reached by about an hour’s walk due west from Sumda Do. Neither place shows any sign of former glory or importance, except—perhaps—for the fact that E su is not far away from the old castle and tollhouse of Balutkhar on the (true) right side of the Indus river. A more likely candidate for the inscription’s en sa is probably present-day Henasku (in Tibetan variously spelled He nas ku [cf., e.g., Francke 1926: 41, line 20], He nas sku [ibid.: 45, line 20] or He gnas sku [Dkon mchog bkra shis 1995: 680f.]). The village is located about 15 km to the northwest of Wanla and features impressive ruins of a castle that was home to an old clan of local rulers (for the latter see Francke 1926: 45, line 20; also cf. Francke’s translation [ibid.: 121] and his “Note” [ibid.: 276]) . While (s)ku could simply be a later addition, the first two syllables of the contemporary place-name might either be the result of a consonant shift or gnas could be a substitution for the synonymous sa. That the inscription’s en sa is not a toponym at all but simply has to be understood as ‘isolated place’, ‘unpopulated area’ (i.e. as an irregular spelling of dben sa) is another possibility that has to be taken into consideration. But apart from the fact that the other places mentioned in verse-lines 36–37 are very specific settlements, it does not seem to be a particularly heroic or noteworthy feat to subdue some (or several) isolated, unidentified place(s), and taking en sa in this sense together with a lci (i.e. ‘the isolated place A lci’) does not appear to be very convincing either, as A lci must have had a rather different status already at the time the inscription was composed. However, probably the most important (albeit rather cryptic) clue for the identification of en sa is a short rock inscription near the A lci fort. The epigraph was published by Denwood (1980: 158) together with a photographic reproduction (ibid.: 160). The text and the translation provided by Denwood are as follows: “Ōm ma ˆi pad me hËm bag dar skyas zhangs e nu sa khar zla ba ‘Om mani padme hum! (Written by ?) Bag-dar-skyas-zhangs e-nu (?) in the fourth month’”. It should perhaps be noted that the photo shows an additional sign, which looks like a diagonally written s and is placed immediately to the left of the space between line 1 and 2. But irrespective of this sketchy sign, the meaning of the short text is already far from being unambiguous, as Denwood’s question marks clearly show. What is obvious, though, is the similarity of bag dar skyas with the name of the chief character in the Wanla inscription (in this connection mention should also be made of verse-line 116 in the Wanla inscription where the name of the ruler’s oldest son is given as A li dar skya [i.e. without any post-script in the last syllable]). Furthermore it is of importance for the present argument that the photo does not show any tsheg between e and nu, and thus one should rather read enu sa instead of e nu sa. In either case, however, the similarity with the inscription’s en sa is again striking and therefore it seems questionable if sa khar zla ba is an irregular spelling of sa ga zla ba as Denwood’s translation (“in the fourth month”) seems to suggest. In the light of the Wanla inscription one could rather be tempted to understand enu sa khar as one expression, taking khar for mkhar and relating it to the nearby fort of which little re-

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On going to the land of Kashmir,242 the authority of a khri dpon was conferred (on him).243 From (the) four northern nomad-

__________ mains today and which is therefore known as mkhar ’gog (‘ruined castle’) (also cf. Denwood 1980: 155 as well as the sketch map and the photo of the area around the fort provided ibid.: 156). Either way, the meaning of zhangs is uncertain, and so is zla ba, if one does not want to follow Denwood’s (tacit) emendation. The latter two syllables could be a personal name (perhaps of the scribe) and zhangs an irregular spelling of zhang (po) ‘uncle’, ‘mother’s brother’ or of bzhengs ‘to erect’, ‘to create’, ‘to put into place’. If zhangs stands for bzhengs, it probably must either refer to the ubiquitous mantra of line 1 or to the inscription as a whole (which could then be translated as: “Oµ maˆi padme huµ. Created by Bag dar skya. Enu sa-castle. Zla ba”). For, according to Denwood 1980: 155 there is “no doubt” that the above-mentioned fort next to the Indus river is the foundation of Skal ldan shes rab, as one of the inscriptions in the A lci chos ’khor reports that he built a fort and a bridge (rdzong dang zam pa mdzad [edition of Denwood 1980: 129]; note, however, the following passage in Vohra 1995: 215 [probably based on oral traditions]: “Then there is the ruler Bandel from near Saspol who is reputed to have constructed the ancient fort at Alchi called Alchi mKhar gog”). Concluding this enquiry into the meaning and the location of en sa, the following quote from Snellgrove and Skorupski 1977: 23 aptly explains and illustrates one of the main reasons for the sometimes considerable variations in the spelling of many toponyms in Ladakh and the resulting difficulties in identifying some of the places: “Unlike most place-names in Tibet proper, Ladakhi place-names can seldom be interpreted intelligibly, because although written in Tibetan script from presumably the 10th century onwards, many of them must be pre-Tibetan place-names, of which the Tibetan spelling can be only an approximate phonetic version. Recently the Chinese have been producing their versions of Tibetan place-names in Tibet itself with exactly analogous results. Similarly Himalayan place-names have often been written in English or more recently in Hindi forms with similarly distorting results”. It is difficult to say whether en sa is the result of a similar distortion, but its meaning and location still must be considered unclear. 241 Mang rgyu is located about 10 km to the west of A lci and like the latter it is also considered to be a foundation of Rin chen bzang po in the local tradition. 242 Or “to the land(s) of the Muslim(s)” (which probably amounts to the same) unless kha ce(’i) is some misspelling for another place like Khwa tse/Kha tse (on which see, e.g., Thub bstan dpal ldan 1995: 49). 243 The map facing p. 148 in Francke 1926 shows a place named Khri dpon which is situated to the west of Wanla (and would thus be on the way from Wanla to Kashmir), but it seems rather unlikely that verse-line 38 refers to this little village (i.e.: “On going to the land of Kashmir, he was offered the power over Khri dpon”). Thus khri dpon, as in verse-line 15, most likely has to be understood as a title here. In both cases, however, the meaning of this title is uncertain. It is commonly known as an appellation for the leaders of the thirteen khri skor (‘district of 10,000’) which were created in Tibet during the Yuan period, but this administrative system certainly never included Kashmir. Whether Lower Ladakh was ever part of it is doubtful and different secondary sources seem to contradict each other in this regard,

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__________ at least partly. In Dung dkar blo bzang ’phrin las 2002: 399, for instance, the following information can be found: “rab byung lnga pa’i sa ’brug (1268) lor yon rgyal rabs kyi gong ma hu pe li (hË bì liè) se chen han gyis mngags pa’i gser yig pa a kon dang mi’i gling gnyis bod du ’byor nas dbus gtsang mnga’ ris yongs su them dud zhib bsher byas / de nas lo ngo lnga song ba chu sprel (1272) lor gong gsal zhib bsher byas pa’i dud grangs gzhir bzung nas khri skor bcu gsum du phye nas khri skor rer khri dpon re bskos ...”; i.e.: “In the earth dragon year of the fifth rab byung[-cycle] (1268) the envoys A kon and Mi’i gling, the two, who had been commissioned by the emperor of the Yuan Dynasty, Hu pe li ([Chin.] HË bì liè [i.e. Mong. Qubilai]) Se chen han [i.e. Mong. Sečen Khan], arrived in Tibet, and then all over Dbus, Gtsang and Mnga’ ris [my emphasis; K.T.] a census of the households was conducted. Then, when five years had passed, in the water monkey year (1272), taking as a basis the number of the households of the conducted census mentioned above, they were divided into thirteen khri skor and to each khri skor there was appointed one khri dpon ...”. Petech (1977: 22), however, states that Mnga’ ris “was not subjected to the two censuses carried out by the Mongols in Tibet in 1268 and 1288” and refers to Tucci (1949: 13–14 and 252) as his source for this contention. There, in turn, we find the following statements: “A typical case is that of m‹a’ ris skor gsum, which is not censed; it is excluded from the k’ri skor ... . The only text including m‹a’ ris among the 13 k’ri skor is the eulogy of gNas rñi"; see n. 552 on the Chronicles of the fifth Dalai Lama (Part four)”. In a later study, however, Petech first points out that “[t]he number of thirteen k’ri skor is consecrated in the tradition” but that “their list varies in the several sources” (Petech 1990: 51). Explicating this, he adds: “The myriarchies are usually divided into two groups, six situated in gTsang cum m‹a’-ris, six in dBus, and one across the border between dBus and gTsa"”, and: “In gTsa" and m‹a’-ris: A,B,C. – m‹a’ris sKor-gsum, the three myriarchies (skor gsum) being Gu-ge, Pu-ra" and Ma"-yul” (ibid.: 51f.; the other three khri skor in Gtsang and Mnga’ ris, viz., D, E and F, are given as La stod byang, Chu mig and Zha lu). Finally he states (ibid.: 52, n. 59): “Ma"-yul is often confused with Mar-yul, i.e. Ladakh, but this is certainly not the case here”. While all this leaves some doubt as to whether Ladakh (and especially Lower Ladakh) was ever part of the khri skor bcu gsum scheme, the last of Petech’s statements quoted above seems to exclude this possibility. This would make it impossible to understand khri dpon in that particular sense in verse-line 15 already. On the other hand, the author of the inscription of course could have credited ’Bhag dar skyabs with the title khri dpon in order to illustrate the power of this ruler by comparing him to the leaders of the khri skor bcu gsum system, thus merely using the term as a means of glorification. In addition, it is by no means impossible that in (Lower) Ladakh the title khri dpon was used independently of the khri skor bcu gsum system, perhaps even before the latter was created. In this context the following statement of Petech (1990: 50) is of particular interest: “The words k’ri sde (equivalent to k’ri skor) and k’ri dpon were not unknown in the monarchy period. They are found in the documents of the 8th-9th centuries from Central Asia, and seem to have been used only for the

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clans244 he collected tax in the form of milk products245 in great quantities. Wherever the courageous man went, he was victori__________ Central Asian dependencies and not for subdivisions of Tibet proper”. Also note Francke 1926: 273 according to which khri dpon is “a synonym of Khri-rgyal” which “later on changed to Khri-Sultån” (but also cf. ibid.: 295 where khri dpon is stated to be “probably [my emphasis; K.T.] a synonym of Khri-rgyal”; moreover, Francke does not provide any further evidence for his explanation[s] nor does he seem to be aware of the common usage of this title in the khri skor bcu gsum scheme). Finally also cf. Dkon mchog bsod nams 1980, Vol. II: 13, where “’Bhag dhar skyabs” is referred to as spyi dpon, which Zhang (1993 s.v.) explains as “thun mong gi dpon” (i.e. ‘common leader’). In whatever way khri dpon is used here, the whole passage is very much reminiscent of the famous Bho††a Riñchana (aka Riñchana Bho†i or Rainchan Shåh) mentioned in Jonaråja’s Råjatara"giˆ¥ (for an English translation of the passage see Dutt 1997: 16ff. or Francke 1908: 182–186). As Francke has noted (ibid.: 187), this ruler of Kashmir from 1320–23 is probably identical with prince Rin chen who is briefly mentioned in the La dwags rgyal rabs as the son of the Ladakhi king Dngos grub. Here it seems worthwhile to quote some of Francke’s remarks (ibid.: 187): “According to Jonaråja, v. 157, it was the murder of Riñchana’s father, a Vakatanya, by a tribe of Kålamånyas that caused his departure from Tibet. The word Kålamånya probably stands for ‘men of Kharmang’, Kharmang being the capital of a tribe of Baltis. And it looks almost as if the Baltis had at that time tried to overthrow the Ladakhi dynasty. The term Vakatanya may refer to the Castle of Vaka near Mulbe, which was in the hands of the Ladakhi kings. We shall hardly, however, ever get beyond conjecture with regard to the political state of Western Tibet of those days”. There is some evidence which makes it unlikely that ’Bhag dar skyabs and Rin chen are one and the same person. While in both cases the appellation could be an alias, a title or an epitheton rather than a name, the Wanla inscription refers to the father of ’Bhag dar skyabs as a blon (po) (cf. verse-lines 13 and 17) whereas Dngos grub, the father of Rin chen, is addressed as a king (rgyal po) in the La dwags rgyal rabs (cf. the edition of Francke 1926: 36, line 9). Moreover, the names of ’Bhag dar skyabs’ sons given in the Wanla inscription (cf. verse-lines 116–120) and of Rin chen’s/Bho††a Riñchana’s progeny (cf. La dwags rgyal rabs, edition of Francke 1926: 36, line 14, and Jonaråja’s Råjatara"giˆ¥, translations in Dutt 1997: 23 and in Francke 1908: 186) are obviously not the same. However, provided that Francke’s identification of Bho††a Riñchana with Prince Rin chen is correct, it could well be that ’Bhag dar skyabs was part of the retinue following the ruler to Kashmir and that he was appointed some major leader there. 244 On byang gi ru ba bzhi cf. Vitali (1996: 386, n. 620), who relates this to a “geographical classification of the four La.dwags Byang.thang districts” to be found in Thub bstan dpal ldan 1985: 4f. There, however, no mention is made of the term ru ba bzhi and it remains somewhat doubtful whether the classification in this recent description of Ladakh is in any way connected with the expression in the inscription. In this case one would perhaps also rather expect ru (‘part’, ‘division’, ‘district’) instead of ru ba, for which Zhang (1993 s.v.) provides the following explanations: “’brog pa’i them dud dang shog khag – míngcí. mùjiå, mùhù, xùmù bùluò (i.e.: Noun. Herdsmen, family of herders, clan [my emphasis; K.T.] of herdsmen/nomads”.

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ous in battle. He acted unrivalled with armies (that were) small, large, middle, the three; all those who had acted as his rivals he gradually brought down into an agreement. He overpowered Sbal ti,246 ’Brog pa247 and other little ones. In Mnga’ ris bskor gsum, up to Gu ge (and) Pu hrangs, you are famous for accomplishing your wishes!248 Calculating the measure of (his/your) heroic deeds: they have exceeded measurement and counting. Being wise, (he was/you were) not rivalled by others in (his/your) ingenious advice. Afraid of (being reborn in) the three lower realms of existence, (he/you) relied upon the (three) precious gems as a place of refuge. That eminent man, endowed with courage, youth and wisdom, the three, understood that all the eight worldly conditions (Skt. a#†alokadharma)249 are without substance. He realised that the sufferings of birth, old age, sickness and death are inconceivable and that everything has the nature of dying (and is) impermanent. He considered all (his) accumulated possessions like magical illusions. Thinking of (his) next life, he accomplished a great work250 in this way:

__________ 245 khral thud probably rather has to be understood in the sense of a karmadhårayathan a dvandva-compound, as one can assume that the nomads paid their taxes in the form of natural produce. 246 I.e. Baltistan (cf. Francke 1926: 304 and the references listed there), although it is impossible to define its exact demarcations during the time of ’Bhag dar skyabs. 247 Nowadays the people and the area around the Dard settlements of Dha and Hanu are called ’Brog pa in Ladakh (see, e.g., Phuntsog 1997: 213, n. 4) and the term already seems to have been in use for this region during Francke’s time (cf. Francke 1926: 273 and 292). As the area borders on Baltistan it seems most likely that the inscription’s ’brog pa (lit.: ‘nomad’) also refers to this particular tract of land. 248 This is the only unambiguous case where the chief character of the inscription is addressed in the second person. As the rest of the text does not contain any vocative particles or second person pronouns, there are no other passages which would immediately lend themselves to be understood as a form of (literary) address. In continuation of “... khyed la grags” the following three verse-lines can also be taken as a second-person narrative, though. 249 Cf. Edgerton 1993 s.v. lokadharma. 250 The translation of the expression rgya ma mdzad is somewhat uncertain, but the meaning of the verse-line is obviously that ’Bhag dar skyabs—with a view to his next life—improved his karma by his work on the Wanla temple, which is then described in detail in the following verse-lines. Thus rgya ma could perhaps also be taken in its more common meaning as ‘balance’ here (i.e.: “he created the/a [counter]balance in this way:”), as the simile of filling up one scale in order to bring about the rise of

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On square Mount Meru,251 where the elements are heaped up successively,252 he beautifully decorated with ornaments of many jewels the square divine mansion of a shrine having the mark of a vißvavajra.253 The tip he thoroughly adorned with the top(-ornament) of a wish-fulfilling jewel.254

__________ the other would be a most apt means to illustrate the “weight” of his work. In a similar vein, Buffetrille (2002: 9) describes the following practice performed on a particular rock (for pictures of which see ibid.: photos Nr. 6 and 7) on the circumambulation path of Mt. Kailash: “In order to ‘weigh’ their sins, pilgrims cling to it as if to the beam of a scale”. However, also cf. Francke 1926: 36 (line 19), 39 (line 17 and 18), 99, 107 and 108, where rgya ma is rendered as “reputation” and “fame”, as well as Vitali 1996: 114, 120, and 122, where the term is translated as “extraordinary deeds”, “great works”, and “great deeds”. While all these meanings certainly make sense in verse-line 54, they are not supported by the dictionaries and neither Francke nor Vitali provides any source attesting their respective renderings. Panglung Rinpoche (oral communication) has kindly informed me that he does not know of any other example in Classical Tibetan, where rgya ma has the denotations Francke and Vitali ascribe to the term, but that they seem to be more likely in this passage than the usual ‘balance’. 251 This apparently refers to the hill on which the gsum brtsegs temple is situated, thus equating the latter with the gzhal yas khang of the gods on top of the mythical mountain, which forms the centre of the universe. 252 On the conceptions of Mount Meru’s layout see, e.g., Brauen 1997: 18, 22ff. and 52f. 253 The passage is syntactically and semantically ambiguous. Here «b»rten gyi gzhal yas khang is understood as an explicative genitive (i.e. “the divine mansion that is a shrine/support”) and sna tshogs rdo rjes mtshan pa as a second “attribute” of gzhal yas khang, resulting in only one genitive form instead of two (i.e. sna tshogs rdo rjes mtshan pa’i «b»rten gyi gzhal yas khang). In addition, gru bzhi is also taken together with gzhal yas khang, implying a case of enjambement. In any case, sna tshogs rdo rjes mtshan pa obviously refers to the cruciform outline of the temple’s groundfloor resembling the form of a double-vajra, whereas the temple’s inner space that is created in this way has an almost square outline (as has been noted already in Kozicz 2002: 128; also cf. fig. 1 above). Thus the temple’s layout as well as its delineation in the inscription are evocative of a maˆ!ala-palace (for the latter cf. e.g. Brauen 1997: 69–75 and the illustrations provided there), an analogy which also seems to resonate in verse-line 72 where the temple is referred to as pho brang (i.e. ‘palace’). What is most conspicuous, however, is that the passage does not clearly state that the temple was founded by ’Bhag dar skyabs, thus leaving some room for interpretation as to whether he merely upgraded a previous, less elaborate structure or whether he built the temple from scratch. 254 yid bzhin nor bu’i tog again is understood as an explicative genitive (i.e. “the top[-ornament] that is a wish-fulfilling jewel”). Most likely, this refers to the square and lantern-like little structure forming the third floor of the temple.

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The great beings, both right and left,255 as well as the lintel and the threshold, the offering goddesses,256 the precious shar ru (shar bu),257 the (superstructures of the) portal(s),258 the dharma-

__________ 255 While g.yas g.yon gnyis could relate to the temple as a whole, the following ya them ma them rather suggests that it refers to the two door-posts, which are embellished by figurative carvings. A detailed study of the gsum brtsegs temple’s rich artistry is presently being undertaken by Christian Luczanits. According to him, however, the carvings on the door-posts are not “like the fabrications of the Nepalese” (for which cf. verse-line 62, below). 256 They are represented several times in the murals of the groundfloor (oral communication Christian Luczanits), but there could be more depictions of them in other parts of the temple, too. Most of the walls are covered by a thick layer of soot which makes it impossible to identify many of the themes. Recently the Achi Foundation has initiated a project aiming to clean the affected walls and hopefully this will eventually allow for a study of the murals at large. 257 It is difficult to decide what is exactly meant by shar ru/shar bu here. In Zhang 1993 the following two explanations can be found s.v. shar bu: “(1) gzhal yas khang gi rgyan zhig [i.e. decoration of a divine mansion]—yánpíng. gØngdiàn huò sìmiào wË shàng dàoxuán yánkôu, chéngyîn wËmiàn yûshuî de píngzhuàng shìwù [i.e.: eaves-bottle. Opening of the eaves suspended obversely on the buildings of palaces or temples, bottle-like decoration to collect and deflect the rainwater of the roof-covering] (2) dra ba dra phyed / [i.e.: lattice-pendants] liúsË. bànmân y¥ngluò, xuånshuí zhuångshìpîn. [i.e.: tuft; latticed tassel, suspended decorative articles]” (for an illustration of the latter [dra ba dra phyed] see the picture in Zhang 1993 [after p. 3294]). While the inside of the temple displays various decorative hangings (resembling—more or less—the one shown in Zhang 1993) it seems very doubtful that they date from the time the inscription refers to. Neither could I discover any ancient “bottle-like decorations to collect and deflect the rainwater” (the definition in Zhang 1993 probably refers to some variation of a makara [Tib. chu srin] as they can be found on the corners of the roof on the Gtsug lag khang in Lhasa). According to the Rangjung Yeshe Dictionary, however, the term shar bu can also have the meaning ‘cornice’, ‘frieze’. If no previously existing appendage to the temple has vanished by now, the inscription’s shar ru thus perhaps refers to the very distinct cornices protruding from the outside walls above each floor of the temple (cf. figures 2, 3 and 4 in Kozicz 2002: 129 and 132f. as well as plates 36, 37 and 91 in Klimburg-Salter and Allinger 2002 [after p. 136]). 258 In accordance with the definitions provided in the dictionaries, rta babs could simply refer to the slightly raised and roofed porch, the construction and ornamentation of which Luczanits (2002: 117f.) considers to be preserved in its original form (for a description of its architectural design and for visual reproductions again see Kozicz 2002: 129 and 132ff., as well as plates 91 and 92 in Klimburg-Salter and Allinger 2002 [after p. 136]). In the light of the above-mentioned allusion to a maˆ!ala-palace, however, rta babs (Skt. toraˆa) could also relate to the superstructures of the palace’s four portals, the latter thus having their equivalents in the temple’s apsis, the two side niches and the porch (cf. fig. 1 above). While the roofed porch practically amounts to a portal in the true sense of the word, it is of particular interest that the roof-constructions of the apsis and of the two side niches in each case form a rather

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cakra,259 the eight auspicious things,260 the engravings and reliefs, etc., they are like the fabrications of the Nepalese. (At) the lower stratum he set up an excellent arrangement, assemblies of deities, new and old.261 The middle storey (is) like a model of the Vaijayanta-palace262 (and)263 the top floor is one that is like a model resembling a celestial mansion. The Bkra shis gsum (b)rtsegs (i.e. the felicitous three-storied [temple]) of Wanla, oh, it is amazing. Nobody gets enough of looking at it (and it is) excellent.264 The supported (artifacts/objects),265 the maˆ!ala of the deities—they are inconceivable, and if one is to name each of them (the names) are beyond measure.

__________ capacious blocked-up space. As Kozicz (2002: 131) has noted, for this unusual feature “[n]o suitable explanation has so far been found in the field of aesthetics and geometry”. In view of the analogy with the set-up of a maˆ!ala-palace, it perhaps has to be understood as a design that tries to mirror the superstructures of the palace’s portals. 259 Nowadays the Wanla temple does not feature any of the large representations of the dharmacakra, as they can be seen on the roofs of most of the big monasteries in Central Tibet. Small depictions may be found among the numerous murals and wood-carvings of the temple. 260 Perhaps erroneously for ‘the eight auspicious signs’ (bkra shis rtags brgyad) which are displayed in the form of wood-carvings on the struts connecting the two beams in the upper front-part of the veranda’s roof-construction. 261 Or (reading zhing instead of gzhi): “Below he set up (Buddha-)fields which are excellent with regard to their arrangement, assemblies of deities, new and old”. 262 I.e. the castle of Indra. 263 Either la has to be emended to lags, or the verse-line must be understood as an elliptic construction lacking a linking verb after bzhin. 264 While lta bas mi ngoms is a common phrase (cf., e.g., Zhang 1993 s.v. ngoms pa), the construction with the instrumental case (kun kyis) is unusual, suggesting that this incomplete verse-line contained an additional verb-form in the master copy of the inscriptional text. 265 Cf. Zhang 1993 s.v. rten dang brten pa: “gnas pa dang gnas mkhan te / rten gzhal yas khang dang / brten pa lha lta bu’o” i.e. “the dwelling and the one who dwells: like the support (rten) (being the) ‘divine mansion’ and the supported (brten pa) (being the) ‘deities’”. Similarly see Goldstein 2001 s.v. rten dang brten pa: “the chapel/temple and the religious artifacts within it”, and also cf. verse-line 125, below.

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Uppermost266 reside the images of the Bka’ brgyud bla ma, headed by Vajradhara (and) up to (the one) being present now.267 As the main figure of the palace’s centre there resides the noble Avalokiteßvara268 (with) a thousand arms,269 the cakravartin, the sambhogakåya,270 adorned with precious ornaments and (being) of great blessings. There are, headed by ...271, Maitreya(nåtha),272 etc., painted in pictures as supports for body, speech and mind, cast statues and reliefs, etc., all the assemblies of deities of the four great tantra sections, and the entire maˆ!ala of the secret mantra, new and old. Vinaya, SËtrånta, Abhidharma, Prajñåpåramitå and Mahåyåna...273 there are, successively, the thugs dam of completely pure thoughts. The arrangement of the realm of the thousand Buddha figures274 ...275 the subtle details of the twelve ...276 are amazing.

__________ 266 This can be understood in a metaphorical as well as in a local sense. Cf. the introduction for the thirteen paper-mâché statues on the second floor of the temple and the several painted Bka’ brgyud lineages. 267 Grammatically bzhugs pa’i would be preferable. For a similar phrase cf. Blo bzang thub bstan 1995: 40. 268 The main statue in the central niche of the temple. 269 Nowadays the statue features only eight arms, suggesting that the original discoidal appendage which is typically used for the representation of the smaller ancillary arms was removed at some point in time. Alternatively, Christian Luczanits has suggested to me that the arms may have been painted on the wall behind the statue, as the paintings there are not original. 270 Especially in the Rnying ma tradition Avalokiteßvara is frequently referred to as sambhogakåya as part of a triad he forms with Amitåbha (dharmakåya) and Padmasambhava (nirmåˆakåya) (cf., e.g., Kunsang 1993: 29). According to the well-known concept of the five jina- or dhyåni-Buddhas, Amitåbha is considered as sambhogakåya of the ådi-Buddha (dharmakåya), and Avalokiteßvara as an emanation or spiritual son of the former. 271 Read “the lord of secrets” (i.e. Vajrapåni [a representation of the bodhisattva can be found immediately above the inscription]), “the donor” or “the lord of the teachings”? 272 Cf. Lokesh Chandra 1990 s.v. byams pa’i mgon po. 273 Perhaps something like “Mahåyåna- as well as Tantrayåna-texts are present;”? 274 Referring to the murals of the Thousand Buddhas (as described in the BhadrakalpikasËtra) on the entrance wall. 275 Read “is most beautiful;”? 276 Read “deeds [of the Buddha]”? According to the information of Christian Luczanits scenes from the life of Buddha Íåkyamuni are depicted on a painted band

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The incarnation of Vißvakarman,277 Legs pa blo gros,278 and the incarnation of Mañjugho#a, the artisan (B)sod ... ,279 the divine incarnation (D)kon (m)chog ldor ba, father and sons, the three, (men) possessing knowledge on the sources of the science of making (images of) deities, they produced—endowed with ...280 non-distraction—supports for body, speech and mind, without calamities and interruptions, in such a way that the wishes were fulfilled. Thus this great, excellent virtuous work has been produced for the sake of returning the kindness of both the benevolent father and mother as well as for the sake of friends of karmic connections (and) mental bonds.281 And282 after the beings of the six realms (of existence), because of the virtuous roots of producing this, have quickly ...283 the realms of the Jinas of the five families, may they attain the realisation of the five kinds of primordial knowledge284 of the four kåya.285

__________ starting to the right of the niche on the temple’s southeastern side and ending to the left of the one that extends to the northwest. 277 I.e. the divine artisan and architect. 278 Or (much less likely because of its tautological character): “the good incarnation of Vißvakarman, Blo gros”. 279 Perhaps lha bzo’ was followed by a name of four syllables (for an example of the spelling sod nam instead of bsod nams cf. Denwood 1980: 142) and gnyis, although the latter would stylistically be a little awkward in view of the following gsuµ. While names of five syllables are rather uncommon, sod could refer to the chieftainship of that name in “Pu-rig” (cf. Francke 1926: 306), thus designating the origins of the bearer of a following quadrosyllabic name (e.g. Pad ma bkra shis of Sod). 280 Read “firm”? 281 Or: “... friends attached to the attitude connected with the work”. 282 On the combination of two particles cf. Hahn 1996: 201f., although no particular examples for nas kyang after a verbal stem are provided there. Cf., however, the edition of the Catu#pari#atsËtra in Waldschmidt 1962: 223, 241, 243, 245, 263 and 267 where the Tibetan text reads mthong nas kyang, respectively, while the Sanskrit has d®#†vå ca punar or d®#†vå ca. Thus kyang simply seems to have connective force there. 283 Read “gone to” or “done the rounds of”? 284 Cf., e.g., Edgerton 1993 s.v. jñåna. 285 Four bodies of the Buddha are known in tantric Buddhism, where the last and highest one is usually called svabhåvikakåya / ngo bo nyid kyi sku but also comes under other names; cf., e.g., Wilkens 2001: 22 (n. 107) and 23, as well as the literature cited there.

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As for expounding a little bit the approach of offering (permanent) gifts(?), too: Thirty-seven of the intelligent kings of the four footed animals, (that is) stallions, (all) of the same size, were also given.286 The extensive (amounts of) gold, silver, silk(, )garments (was/and) a little bit more than that, the yaks, sheep, mdzo, etc., ...287 are inconceivable; the material things, the woollen clothing, etc., it was heaped up like a mountain. 103 To the superior dge bshes he successively offered (permanent) gifts (?).288 He removed the worldly poverty of those possessing the knowledge of making (images of) deities. To the composer of praise289 he gave, as a gift, a horse. Friends and attendants who were genuine and attached290 he put on the path to liberation. 107 He turned the feelings of the region’s people, near ...291 towards the dharma. He organised felicitous banquets for his visiting factionaries. He removed the sufferings of hunger and thirst of those not in a position for sensual enjoyments. He was famous throughout ... (for his) approach of unlocking (his) material wealth. (His) giving for the noble dharma was utterly amazing. 112 (His) four sons resembling the small children of a god, too, successively erected (a) temple(s) in order to repay the kindness of (their) father. At the spur khang292 in ... Stag lung ...293, too, a __________

286 Lit. “without (there being any) high (and) low (with regard to their) size” or “without (there being any) big, small, high (and) low”. 287 Read “the small and little things”? 288 Cf. verse-line 97. 289 Possibly referring to the author of the inscription. 290 Emending dag to dge, the expression could be translated as “which were virtuous and attached” or “which were attached to virtue”. 291 Read: “and far,”? 292 As Brauen (1982: 324) explains, in Ladakh spur khang has the particular meaning of “funeral hut”, designating the little structure in which a deceased person is cremated. 293 While Stag lung is a fairly frequent toponym, there is no place of that name near Wanla. Moreover, there are hardly any place-names in Ladakh that begin with Nyo and the few regular Tibetan words starting with these two letters do not seem to make much sense here either. Remarkably, however, there are two sites named Nyoma and Staglung, which are situated to the north of Mtsho mo ri ri and presently within the restricted area close to the Chinese border. They are described at some length in Francke 1914: 56–58 and 60, who reports the existence of “ancient mchodrten” in both places and attributes the ones in Nyoma to the times before Seng ge rnam rgyal (“c. 1590–1635 A.D.” according to Francke 1926: 108) whereas he found

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stËpa was erected, and then eternal worship was established (there).294 116 The older brother, A li dar skya(bs?),295 knew the five branches of science; for the sake of (his) younger brother(s) he erected the temple Bkra shis mthong sman.296 O...dar and ’O(d) zer ’bum, the two, were excellent with regard to their manly prowess. The youngest, Sha(g) kya rgyal (m)tshan, after the arrival at / of (the)

__________ “cremation tablets of clay, painted red” in two of the larger mchod rten in Staglung. Apart from this, very little is known about the early history of the area and it remains doubtful whether it is in any way connected with the partly damaged passage of the inscription. If spur khang refers to the “funeral hut” of ’Bhag dar skyabs, it would certainly mean that after going to Kashmir and being appointed khri dpon there (cf. verse-line 38) he would have had to return to Ladakh, implying that the narration of the inscription might more or less follow a chronological order. Of course, this would also beg for the question why the spur khang was not in Wanla then. 294 The meaning of mchod pa’i ma shi btsugs is uncertain. In Lokesh Chandra 1990 (s.v.) ma shi ba is given as an equivalent for Skt. am®ta, and thus the passage can literally be translated as: “the eternity of worship was established”. Taking into account some of the other meanings of am®ta, viz., ‘ambrosia’, ‘nectar-like food’, ‘unsolicited alms’, ‘water’, ‘milk’ ‘clarified butter’, ‘food’ (cf. MW s.v.), ma shi might also refer to some sort of offering in connection with a death ritual or ancestor worship. In Brauen 1982 (passim) various such offerings are described, some being made “with liquid (melted) butter” (ibid.: 327). Kk’s reading (ma she) is not attested in the dictionaries, but in a footnote he provides the following explanation: “ma she = shas mar”. While the latter term is not attested either, its last syllable could also point to some sort of offering made of butter. Alternatively, Panglung Rinpoche has suggested to me (oral communication) that shas mar might be an irregular spelling of she mar, i.e. “the fee in butter received per head of leased animals” (cf. Goldstein 2001 s.v. she mar) which could have provided the monetary basis for certain rituals. He also proposed that ma shi—apart from having the meaning provided in the translation above—could be an irregular spelling of ma gzhi ‘basis’ (i.e.: “... established the basis for worship). To relate ma shi to ma shi ka, “name formed from the Hebrew ma©îa˙ for Christ” (Jäschke 1992 s.v.) seems out of the question here, but considering that ’Bhag dar skyabs appears to have had a wife from Kashmir (cf. verse-line 122 below), that his oldest son was called A li (cf. verse-line 116 and n. 300 below) and that the place where he died is unclear, it cannot be ruled out with certainty that ma shi is a garbled transliteration of masjid ‘mosque’ (cf. the list of “[b]orrowed UrdË (or Persian) words” provided in Francke 1926: 145f.). 295 Cf. n. 300 below. 296 There is a monastery named Bkra shis mthong smon in Sme ru (to the north of Rgya) but according to ’Jam dbyangs rgyal mtshan 1995: 185 it was founded around 1620 by Bla ma Stag tshang ngag dbang rgya mtsho.

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’Bri gung,297 touched the lotus feet of the dharma-master(s) and then he requested religious instructions in great numbers. 121 The one(s) called298 incarnation(s) of On cong,299 desired by all because of being endowed with wisdom and virtues, Kha tun(,) (and) Sbrong mo, the two,300 they turned—(in their) successive service (for) the temple—the food (offerings) into nectar; ... which were successively given ...301 were excellent. 125 This divine mansion furnished with support and supported (artifacts) ...302 great blessings, because of the truth of the triratna. After it has brought benefit to the living beings while the teach__________ 297 ’bri gung can be understood either in a locative sense (i.e. metrically short for ’bri gung la) or as having the same meaning as ’bri gung pa (rnams). On the spread of the ’Bri gung sect in western Tibet cf. the introduction. According to a passage in the La dwags rgyal rabs (cf. Francke 1926: 36) the practice of novices from Ladakh going to Dbus and Gtsang (rab tu byung ba dbus gtsang du ’gro ba’i srol) was introduced during the times of Lha chen Dngos grub (“c. 1290–1320” according to Francke 1926: 98). In either case, the passage suggests that the youngest son had become a monk. 298 Here ces ma is understood as the female form of ces pa. Alternatively, one can emend ces to gces (as in Kk) or take ces and ma (‘mother’) separately. 299 Wencheng? The Chinese wife of king Srong btsan sgam po is venerated all over the Tibetan cultural realm because of her virtues and erudition. That she was particularly well-known and esteemed in Ladakh may be gathered from the popular tale summarised in Francke 1914: 103, according to which Srong btsan sgam po sent a certain Rig pa can from Shargola (Lower Ladakh) to China to bring his queen in spe to Lhasa. 300 The grammatical structure of verse-lines 122 and 123 is somewhat uncertain. Perhaps the most natural interpretation is to take Kha tun and Sbrong mo as the names of ’Bhag dar skyabs’ two wives and what precedes as qualifying either the first one (i.e. Kha tun) or both of them; kha tun (UrdË ‘lady’, ‘queen’) is included in the list of “[b]orrowed UrdË (or Persian) words” provided in Francke 1926: 145f. and much like the Latin regina it appears to have been used as a proper name as well. In the history of Ladakh the (foreign) wives of several kings are called Kha tun (cf. Francke 1926: 295 and the places cited there). Assuming that one of ’Bhag dar skyabs’ wives was from Kashmir and the other one from Ladakh could also explain the fact that some of their offspring had purely Tibetan names, while the oldest son was called A li. 301 I am unable to determine the meaning of the verse-line with any degree of certainty. Accepting Kk’s reading for the first syllable, dpon rnaµs could perhaps be the subject of ’phul ba (i.e. “.... which were successively given by lords were excellent”). What is meant by nges pa’i gnam za I can only guess. The emendation des pa’i mna’ ma (i.e. gentle daughters-in-law) is perhaps too far-fetched, but gnam za (‘heavenly food’?) is not attested and Kk’s reading (or probably rather emendation) mna’ za (‘to disregard an oath’) does not seem to make much sense either, unless the term has an unusual meaning here. 302 Read “is of”?

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ings of Íåkya(muni) continue to exist, may it bring benefit to the living beings during the time of the teachings of Maitreya, too. 129 Although I, Byang chub bzang po, monk of Íåkya(muni), did not know to combine the words because of the shortcoming of (my) low education, it will not be realised by foolish people. The ordinary ones will see it, but it is not proper (for them) to criticise (it/me). If the omniscient ones are disgusted (with it/me), I ask that (they) tolerate the mistakes. ma"galaµ ... . ص a˙ huµ. APPENDIX Irregular spellings:303 kon ’chog : dkon mchog (v.-l. 87) rkos : brkos (v.-l. 62) skos : bskos (v.-l. 21) kha ce’i : kha che’i (v.-l. 38) khang zangs : khang bzang (v.-l. 64) khan : mkhan (v.-l. 106) khol du gton pa : khol du ’don pa or khol du bton pa (v.-l. 9) ’khrel : khrel (v.-l. 133) gang: see lha gang go : ’go (v.-l. 34) gran : ’gran (v.-l. 47) dga’ bston : dga’ ston (v.-l. 108) dgos: see yang dgos ’grogs : grogs (v.-l. 93) brgyan : rgyan (v.-l. 57) mngo’ mtshar : ngo mtshar (v.-l. 111) bsngags: see ng bsngags cung: see bu cung cungs: see tha cungs __________ 303 I.e. spellings not to be found in the dictionaries of Das (1985), Jäschke (1992) or Zhang (1993). Not included are cases of bskungs yig, superabundant ’a rjes ’jug, da drag, and ’a sngon ’jug instead of ma sngon ’jug (for which see the introduction).

HISTORICAL INSCRIPTION

gchen po : gcen po or chen po (v.-l. 15) ’chog: see kon ’chog ’jig brten :’jig rten (v.-l. 54) nyin : gnyen (v.-l. 106) nyis : gnyis (v.-l. 118) bsnyan : snyan (v.-l. 45) gton: see khol du gton pa stog: see zhabs stog stod: see ’bur du stod pa brten : rten (v.-l. 56, 76 and 125; also see ’jig brten) bstan : gtan (v.-l. 27) tha cungs : tha chung (v.-l. 119) thon : mthon (v.-l. 99) bdan: see rdo rje’i bdan ’dar : dar (v.-l. 49) ’dron po : mgron po (v.-l. 108) rdo rje’i bdan : rdo rje’i gdan (v.-l. 10) sdus : bsdus (v.-l. 39) sdebs : sdeb or bsdebs (v.-l. 130) gnam zhag : rnam gzhag, rnam bzhag or nam zhag? (v.-l. 103) gnam bzhag : rnam gzhag, rnam bzhag or nam zhag? (v.-l. 97) spyan : phran (v.-l. 41) pha’u : pha bu (v.-l. 87) phun sum ’tshogs : phun sum tshogs (v.-l. 32) phun gsum tshogs pa : phun sum tshogs pa (v.-l. 91) dphya : ’phya or dpya (v.-l. 132) ’phabs : phab (v.-l. 42) bu cung : bu chung (v.-l. 112) brel : ’brel (v.-l. 21) ’bur du stod pa : ’bur du dod pa (v.-l. 10) rtsegs : brtsegs (v.-l. 55 and 66) tshan: see shag kya rgyal tshan mtshal : ’tshal (v.-l. 130) ’tshang ba : tshang ba (v.-l. 79) ’tshogs: see phun sum ’tshogs sdzogs: see longs spyod sdzogs brdzas : rdzas (v.-l. 61) zhabs stog : zhabs tog (v.-l. 123) zhal med khang : gzhal med khang (v.-l. 65)

145

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zhi : bzhi (v.-l. 28 and 98) gzhing : gzhi or zhing (v.-l. 63) zangs: see khang zangs gza ’dzin : gza’ ’dzin (v.-l. 26) yang dgos : yang sgos (v.-l. 10) rims : rim (v.-l. 42 and 55) longs spyod sdzogs : longs spyod rdzogs (v.-l. 2) shag kya rgyal tshan : sha kya rgyal mtshan (v.-l. 119) sa ’cha : sa cha (v.-l. 9) ng bsngags : gsang sngags (v.-l. 79) gsum: see phun gsum tshogs lha gang : lha khang (v.-l. 113, 117 and 123) BIBLIOGRAPHY Beyer, S.V. 1992. The Classical Tibetan Language. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Bla brang skal bzang 1995. Bod kyi ris med dgon sde khag gi lo rgyus mes po’i gces nor. Delhi: L. Kalsang. Blo bzang thub bstan (Ba ku la rin po che) 1995. Srid pa’i ’khor lo / rgyal chen bzhi / dur khrod / ’dul ba’i dpe ris bcas kyi mtshon don. In ’Jam dbyangs rgyal mtshan (ed.). Dgon rabs kun gsal nyi snang / The History of Ladakh Monasteries. Leh, Ladakh: All Ladakh Gonpa Society, 38–40. Brauen, M. 1982. Death customs in Ladakh. Kailash. A Journal of Himalayan Studies IX(4), 319–32. —— 1997. The Mandala: Sacred Circle in Tibetan Buddhism (transl. by M. Willson). London: Serindia. Bsod nams 2002. Rtswa thang me tog gi dri zhim. Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang. Buffetrille, K. 2002. The circumambulation of Mount Kailash. In K. Buffetrille and R. Kostka Gangs rin po che. Kailash: Map of the Holiest Mountain in the World. Vienna: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien, 6–13. Chab spel tshe brtan phun tshogs 1993. Spu rgyal zhes pa’i tha snyad la dpyad pa tsam byas pa. In Chab spel tshe brtan phun tshogs Chab spel tshe brtan phun tshogs kyi gsung rtsom phyogs bsgrigs. Beijing: Krung go’i bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang, 188–94. Chos ngag 1999. Stod mnga’ ris kyi dgon sde’i lo rgyus dag gsal mthong ba’i me long. Lhasa: Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang. Dani, A.H. 1991. History of Northern Areas of Pakistan. Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research. Das, S.C. 1985 [1902]. A Tibetan-English Dictionary. Kyoto: Rinsen. De Rossi Filibeck, E. 1994. A study of a fragmentary manuscript of the Pañcaviµßatikå in the Ta pho library. East and West 44(1), 137–60. Denwood, P. 1980. Temple and rock inscriptions of Alchi. In D.L. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski The Cultural Heritage of Ladakh. Vol. II: Zangskar and the Cave Temples of Ladakh. Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 117–63.

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Dkon mchog bkra shis 1995. G.yung drung thar pa gling. In ’Jam dbyangs rgyal mtshan (ed.) Dgon rabs kun gsal nyi snang / The History of Ladakh Monasteries. Leh, Ladakh: All Ladakh Gonpa Society, 633–90. Dkon mchog bsod nams 1980. La dwags dgon pa rnams kyi lo rgyus padma’i phreng ba / A History of the Various Religious Establishments of Ladakh called “A Rosary of Lotuses”. Volumes II and III. Bir, H.P.: D. Tsondu Senghe. Dung dkar blo bzang ’phrin las 2002. Dung dkar tshig mdzod chen mo. Beijing: Krung go’i bod rig pa’i dpe skrun khang. Dutt, J.C. 1997 [1879]. Kings of Kashmira: Being a Translation of the Sansk®ita Works of Jonaråja, Shr¥vara, and of Pråjyabha††a and Shuka. Delhi: Low Price Publications. Edgerton, F. 1993 [1953]. Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary. Vol. II: Dictionary. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Ehrhard, F.-K. 2002. The register of the reliquary of lord Ra"-rig ras-pa. Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens / Vienna Journal of South Asian Studies XLVI, 146–67. Ehrhard, F.-K. and Fischer-Schreiber, I. 1992. Das Lexikon des Buddhismus. Grundbegriffe und Lehrsysteme, Philosophie und meditative Praxis, Literatur und Kunst, Meister und Schulen, Geschichte, Entwicklung und Ausdrucksformen von ihren Anfängen bis heute. Bern: Barth. Eimer, H. 1991. Einige Bemerkungen zu Handschriftenfunden aus Guge/Westtibet. Zentralasiatische Studien 22, 244–55. —— 1992. Ein Jahrzehnt Studien zur Überlieferung des tibetischen Kanjur. Vienna: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien. Francke, A.H. 1906. Archæology in western Tibet. Khalatse. Indian Antiquary 35, 237–41. —— 1906b. First Collection of Tibetan Historical Inscriptions on Rock and Stone from West Tibet. Erste Sammlung tibetischer historischer Inschriften auf Felsen und Steinen in West Tibet. [Kyelang]. —— 1907a. Historische Dokumente von Khalatse in West-Tibet. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 61, 583–614. —— 1907b. Second Collection of Tibetan Historical Inscriptions on Rock and Stone from Western Tibet. Zweite Sammlung tibetischer historischer Inschriften auf Felsen und Steinen in West Tibet. [Kyelang]. —— 1908. References to the Bhottas or Bhauttas in the Rajatarangini of Kashmir: translations and notes on the Sanskrit texts by Pandit Daya Ram Sahni. Notes from the Tibetan Records by A.H. Francke. Indian Antiquary 37, 181–92. —— 1914. Antiquities of Indian Tibet. Part I: Personal Narrative, with Map, 45 Plates and 4 Text-illustrations. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing. —— 1926. Antiquities of Indian Tibet. Part II: The Chronicles of Ladakh and Minor Chronicles. Texts and Translations, with Notes and Maps. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing. —— 1999. A History of Western Tibet. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass (corrected reprint 1907). Grags pa ’byung gnas and Blo bzang mkhas grub 1992. Gangs can mkhas grub rim byon ming mdzod. Lanzhou: Kan su’u mi rigs dpe skrun khang. Goldstein, M.C. 2001. The New Tibetan-English Dictionary of Modern Tibetan. Berkeley-Los Angeles: University of California Press. Haarh, E. 1969. The Yar-lu" Dynasty: a Study with Particular Regard to the Contribution by Myths and Legends to the History of Ancient Tibet and the Origin and Nature of its Kings. Copenhagen: Gad.

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Hahn, M. 1996. Lehrbuch der klassischen tibetischen Schriftsprache. Siebte, korrigierte Auflage. Swisttal-Odendorf: Indica et Tibetica. Hoffmann, H. 1986 [1975]. Tibet: a Handbook. Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies. ’Jam dbyangs rgyal mtshan (ed.) 1995. Dgon rabs kun gsal nyi snang / The History of Ladakh Monasteries. Leh, Ladakh: All Ladakh Gonpa Society. Jäschke, H.A. 1992 [1881]. A Tibetan-English Dictionary: with Special Reference to the Prevailing Dialects. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Khan, K.S. 1997. Ladakh in the Mirror of her Folklore: a Comprehensive Survey of the Folklore of Ladakh, with Translations and Transliterations of One Hundred Selected Folksongs Including one Hymn. Kargil, Ladakh: Kacho Publishers. Klimburg-Salter, D.E. and Allinger, E. (eds) 2002. Buddhist Art and Tibetan Patronage, Ninth to Fourteenth Centuries. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, vol. 7. Leiden: Brill. Kloetzli, W.R. 1989 [1983]. Buddhist Cosmology: Science and Theology in the Images of Motion and Light. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Kozicz, G. 2002. The Wanla temple. In D.E. Klimburg-Salter and E. Allinger (eds) Buddhist Art and Tibetan Patronage, Ninth to Fourteenth Centuries. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, vol. 7. Leiden: Brill, 127–36. Kunsang, E.P. (transl.) 1993. The Lotus-Born. The Life Story of Padmasambhava by Yeshe Tsogyal. Boston, Mass.: Shambala. Lhag pa don grub 1995. Mi mngon pa’i ’ching thag. Lhasa: Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang. Lokesh Chandra 1990 [1959–1961]. Tibetan-Sanskrit Dictionary. Kyoto: Rinsen. Luczanits, Ch. 1999. Minor inscriptions and captions in the Tabo gtsug lag kha". In L. Petech and Ch. Luczanits (eds) Inscriptions from the Tabo Main Temple. Texts and Translations. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXIII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 95–187. —— 2002. The Wanla Bkra shis gsum brtsegs. In D.E. Klimburg-Salter and E. Allinger (eds) Buddhist Art and Tibetan Patronage, Ninth to Fourteenth Centuries. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, vol. 7. Leiden: Brill, 115–25. Martin, D. 1980. Sa-skya Paˆ$ita’s advice for Tibetan contemplatives. The Tibet Society Bulletin 15, 33–44. MW: Monier-Williams, M. 1993 [1899]. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Namgyal Nyima 2002. The Tibetan view. Gangs ti se’i skor. In K. Buffetrille and R. Kostka Gangs rin po che. Kailash: Map of the Holiest Mountain in the World. Vienna: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien, 14–15. Newman, J.R. 1987. The Outer Wheel of Time: Vajrayåna Buddhist Cosmology in the Kålacakra Tantra. PhD thesis, University of Wisconsin - Madison. Petech, L. 1977. The Kingdom of Ladakh: c. 950-1842 A. D. Serie Orientale Roma LI. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. —— 1990. Central Tibet and the Mongols: the Yüan Sa-Skya Period of Tibetan History. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. —— 1997. Western Tibet: historical introduction. In D.E. Klimburg-Salter Tabo, a Lamp for the Kingdom. Early Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Art in the Western Himalaya. Milan: Skira, 229–50.

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Phuntsog, S. 1997. Sacrificial offerings to local deities in Ladakh. In H. Osmaston and N. Tsering (eds) Recent Research on Ladakh, 6: Proceedings of the Sixth International Colloquium on Ladakh, Leh 1993. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 213–14. Rangjung Yeshe Dictionary. 2003. The Rangjung Yeshe Dictionary of Buddhist Culture. Version 3. Kathmandu (CD-edition): Rangjung Yeshe Publications. Regmi, D.R. 1983. Inscriptions of Ancient Nepal. 3 vols. Delhi: Abhinav. Roerich, G.N. 1979 [1949]. The Blue Annals. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Salomon, R. 1998. Indian Epigraphy: a Guide to the Study of Inscriptions in Sanskrit, Prakrit, and the Other Indo-Aryan Languages. New York: Oxford University Press. Sander, L. 1986. Oµ or siddham – remarks on openings of Buddhist manuscripts and inscriptions from Gilgit and Central Asia. In G. Bhattacharya (ed.) Deyadharma: Studies in Memory of Dr. D.C. Sircar. Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications, 251–61. Scherrer-Schaub, C.A. 1999. Towards a methodology for the study of Old Tibetan manuscripts: Dunhuang and Tabo. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 3–36. Shakspo, N.T. 1993. An Insight into Ladakh. Edited by Francesca Merritt. Sabu-Leh, India: Nawang Tsering Shakspo. Sircar, D.C. 1966. Indian Epigraphical Glossary. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Snellgrove, D.L. and Skorupski, T. 1977. The Cultural Heritage of Ladakh. Vol. I: Central Ladakh. Warminster: Aris & Phillips. —— 1980. The Cultural Heritage of Ladakh. Vol. II: Zangskar and the Cave Temples of Ladakh. Warminster: Aris & Phillips. Steinkellner, E. 1994. A report on the ‘Kanjur’ of Ta pho. East and West 44(1), 115–36. —— 1995. Sudhana’s Miraculous Journey in the Temple of Ta pho: the Inscriptional Text of the Tibetan Gaˆ!avyËhasËtra Edited with Introductory Remarks. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVI. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. Steinkellner, E. and Luczanits, Ch. 1999. The Renovation Inscription of the Tabo gtsug lag kha". In L. Petech and Ch. Luczanits (eds) Inscriptions from the Tabo Main Temple. Texts and Translations. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXIII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 9–28. Tauscher, H. 1994. Tanjur fragments from the manuscript collection at Ta pho monastery: Sambandhapar¥k#å with its commentaries V®tti and È¥kå. East and West 44(1), 173–84. —— 1999. The «Admonitory Inscription» in the Tabo ’du kha". In L. Petech and Ch. Luczanits (eds) Inscriptions from the Tabo Main Temple. Texts and Translations. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXIII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 29–94. Thub bstan dpal ldan 1985. La dwags: a Cultural History of Ladakh with an Account of its Monasteries. Leh: Thub bstan dpal ldan. —— 1995. Lo chen rin chen bzang po. In ’Jam dbyangs rgyal mtshan (ed.) Dgon rabs kun gsal nyi snang / The History of Ladakh Monasteries. Leh, Ladakh: All Ladakh Gonpa Society, 44–52. Tropper, K. 1996. Die Ak#obhyavyËhasËtra-Inschrift in Alchi. Ein Beitrag zur Kanjurforschung. MA thesis, University of Vienna. Vienna. —— 2005. Die Jåtaka-Inschriften im skor lam chen mo des Klosters Zha lu. Einführung, textkritische Studie, diplomatische Edition der Paneele 1-8 mit Sanskrit-

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A HITHERTO UNIDENTIFIED NARRATIVE COMPOSITION IN THE AMBULATORY OF THE CELLA IN THE MAIN TEMPLE AT TABO (HIMACHAL PRADESH)1 RENATE PONWEISER (VIENNA) The aim of this paper is to present an exact description of an 11thcentury narrative painting located in the ambulatory of the cella in the main temple (gtsug lag khang) at Tabo, as well as to identify its theme. After describing the narrative paintings I will discuss possible identifications of the theme. Methods adopted to identify the theme of the narrative: a) Comparison of the paintings with canonical sources that are extant elsewhere at Tabo in pictorial form; e.g. the Gaˆ!avyËhasËtra in the assembly hall (’du khang) and the BhadrakalpikasËtra, situated in the ambulatory of the cella; b) Using fragmentary manuscripts extant in the library of Tabo to discover the theme of the composition; c) An analysis of possible connections between the narrative painting at Dunhuang and this narrative painting; d) Comparison with the reliefs at Borobu!ur in Java (c. 8th century) which show the Vajradhåtumaˆ!ala, narrations of the life of the Buddha and the Gaˆ!avyËhasËtra as found at Tabo, as well as comparison with representations of Jåtakas and Avadånas, and with other hitherto unidentified reliefs. Finally I shall propose an hypothesis for an explanation of the paintings based on the historical context and the inscriptions in the temple at Tabo. The temple at Tabo in the Spiti valley of the Indian Himalayas has been well documented in Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter’s book Tabo, a Lamp for the Kingdom (1997). Her study (1997: 71–171) provides the basis for my work on the narrative painting in the ambulatory. __________ 1 I would like to thank Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, Ernst Steinkellner, Christian Luczanits and Eva Allinger for their support and helpful criticism.

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DESCRIPTION The lower part of the outer east, south and north walls of the cella ambulatory is covered by a continuous painted frieze which starts from the left of the entrance to the cella, finishing at its right (Plate 1). The frieze is roughly 42 cm high and its lower edge is approximately 70 cm above floor level. The total length of the frieze is approximately 15,3 metres (Plate 2). The present working hypothesis is that the paintings of the frieze were created during the period of renovation under Byang chub ’od, referred to in the so-called ‘Renovation Inscription’. This inscription relates that “earlier, in the monkey year, the ancestor, the Bodhisattva [i.e. Ye shes ’od], erected this temple. Then, after 46 years, the greatnephew lHa btsun pa Bya" chub ’od, motivated by the thought of enlightenment, restored this temple” (Steinkellner and Luczanits 1999: 21). These indications have been interpreted to mean that the temple was erected about 996 and the restoration was carried out around 1042. “However 984 and 1008 would also be theoretically possible” (Klimburg-Salter 1997: 46). The painted composition consists of narrative units accompanied by framed inscriptional panels, which are, however, empty. A brief summary of the paintings will suffice to convey the events represented in the pictorial narrative. It begins on the east wall as would a sËtra, with a Bodhisattva asking a Buddha to preach. In the next scene a Buddha is preaching, adored by three monks on his right and a deity and three laymen on the left (Plate 3). Following the frieze to the corner and to the south wall, there is a figure wearing western Tibetan dress, adorned with a nimbus and wearing a Bodhisattva crown with ribbons and earrings. We will find this protagonist in every scene from now on (Plate 4). In the next scene the hero is chasing after an antelope (Plate 5). In one of the next scenes he meditates then turns towards a group of Buddhas, adoring them (Plate 6). After that he visits a house in a town, and in the following scene we see him listening to an ascetic (Plate 7). The last two recognisable scenes on the south wall show a house inhabited by a man and three women, together with four horse-drawn vehicles. This group of vehicles is headed by a man and a woman and the protagonist with a woman, followed by two women in each remaining car.

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On the north wall the protagonist sits in front of a stËpa’s gateway, while later he presents Indra with a budding flower (Plate 8). The protagonist is then depicted three times around the figure of a Bodhisattva (Plate 9). Particularly noteworthy is the last scene on the north wall showing a deity making a sign to the protagonist. Three times the hero is depicted displaying gestures familiar from religious debates in a present-day Tibetan monastic context (Plate 10). In addition to a comparative analysis of the iconography of relevant visual narratives I also attempted to identify the theme of the narrative on the basis of: a) comparison to the paintings based on canonical sources that are found in the assembly hall, in particular the BhadrakalpikasËtra, which is also situated in the ambulatory. These comparisons were not successful. When compared with the pilgrimage of Sudhana narration from the Gaˆ!avyËhasËtra in the assembly hall it is clear that the subject of the ambulatory narrative is different. There are also significant differences with regard to composition and figure style (KlimburgSalter 1997: 155). However, there are a number of similarities. At first sight, the protagonist in the frieze in the ambulatory resembles the hero in the Sudhana frieze in the assembly hall. Like Sudhana, he is depicted as a western Tibetan layman, but he also has the characteristics of a Bodhisattva, i.e. a nimbus and crown with ribbons and earrings (Plate 4). However, as we know, Sudhana’s path towards his ultimate goal finishes at the end of the west wall in the assembly hall with his final encounter with Samantabhadra and thus the ambulatory painting cannot be a continuation. Like the scenes in the Sudhana frieze, the narrative unfolds in a Tibetan setting, a circumstance clearly indicated by the architecture and the figures who are clad in typical western Tibetan dress: heavy, loose and most probably made of woollen cloth. A number of animals are nearly identical to animals depicted in the Sudhana paintings, for example the gazelle (Plate 11, Sudhana frieze, assembly hall and Plate 5, ambulatory). b) reference to fragmentary manuscripts extant in the library at Tabo. “The Tabo collection contains a considerable amount of fragmentary texts which represent a version of the translations that never entered the mainstream tradition of the Tibetan canonical transmission.

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This means that here we have the remains of an independent textual tradition derived from proto-canonical collections, which goes back in part to the same original translations dating to the period of the great revision of translation methods in the early ninth century” (Steinkellner 1997: 317). This ‘library’ “also contains some really new material (...), e.g., (...) ten folios of a text called rNal ’byor chen por bsgom pa’i don (‘Meaning of the practice consisting in Mahåyoga’) (...), which is a collection of citations from various sËtras in response to a series of questions. This text played an eminent role in the ‘debate of bSam yas’ and is commonly alluded to by later authors as a ‘rDzogs chen’ text” (ibid.: 322; see also Otokawa 1999: 99–103). The last scene on the north wall in the ambulatory is a depiction of a debate, probably not that of Bsam yas, but a ritual discussion familiar from present-day Tibetan monastic life. Studies of parts of the Tabo collection by C. Scherrer-Schaub, D. Klimburg-Salter, P. Harrison, T. Tomabechi, B. Otokawa, H. Eimer, A. Saito, E. De Rossi Filibeck, H. Tauscher, E. Steinkellner, all published in 1999 in Tabo Studies II (Scherrer-Schaub and Steinkellner 1999), offered no real assistance in identifying the theme of the composition in the ambulatory. Two versions of a debate, one written, the other pictorial, are the only occurrences worth mentioning. c) The next step was an analysis of possible connections between narrative paintings in Dunhuang and Tabo. In the course of her study on the Tabo ‘Kanjur’ Cristina ScherrerSchaub [1999a: 3] has identified numerous parallels to the Tibetan manuscripts from Dunhuang—in language, style, orthography and technique. Unfortunately, a comparison with the photographs of the Dunhuang paintings preserved at the Dunhuang archive in Princeton yielded no results. d) The proposed existence of a common tradition in north-east India led to comparisons with the Borobu!ur reliefs in Java (c. 8th century) which depict the Vajradhåtumaˆ!ala, the Life of the Buddha and the Gaˆ!avyËhasËtra, as at Tabo (Klimburg-Salter 1997: 18). Comparisons with representations of Jåtakas and Avadånas, as well as with descriptions of both identified and as yet unidentified reliefs did not yield useful results.

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Given the present state of our knowledge, the only sources that might possibly provide an explanation are the historical context and the inscriptions in the main temple (gtsug lag khang) at Tabo. The assembly hall at Tabo contains depictions of parts of the Gaˆ!avyËhasËtra and the K"itigarbhasËtra. The Gaˆ!avyËhasËtra text is contained in inscriptional panels which form an integral part of the narrative pictorial frieze covering the lower part of the east, south and west walls up to the ambulatory of the apse. “In short: the sËtra propagates the practices, life, and aims of a true bodhisattva demonstrated by means of the ‘pilgrimage’ of the boy Sudhana under the guidance of Mañjußr¥” (Steinkellner 1999: 254). As I have already mentioned, the story of Sudhana ends at the west wall in the assembly hall. The section from the K"itigarbhasËtra, the so-called ‘Admonitory Inscription’ is located on the southern side of the west wall separating the main hall from the apse. It consists of five passages “all of a kind that supports the initial statement, namely that a monk of whatever moral status and behaviour may not be touched, even if this were to be in accordance with worldly law, and that even the wearing of a monk’s robe is sufficient to make the wearer sacrosanct” (Steinkellner 1999: 252). This quotation does not help us to identify the narrative in the ambulatory but does give us an impression of the historical background. Steinkellner states as a working hypothesis that “the need to renovate the temple after only 46 years may be connected with disturbances in the local society that not only resulted in a certain amount of destruction within the temple but also in aggressive acts against the monks” (ibid.: 253). CONCLUSION Numerous authors have examined in detail Ye shes ’od’s ideological position and his attempts to enforce a more conservative, Indian Mahåyåna Buddhism as appears to have been popular during his lifetime (Klimburg-Salter 1997: 220; Karmay 1980a: 155; Seyfort Ruegg 1984; Steinkellner 1999: 256–58). In conclusion, the Bodhisattva ideal was the principal programme of the kings of Purang-Guge, a circumstance abundantly confirmed

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by artistic and textual evidence. Viewed in the context of contemporary sources it is evident, as Cristina Scherrer-Schaub states in her article “Was Bya" chub sems dpa’ a posthumous title of King Ye ßes ’od?” that the king assumed the title dpal lha btsan po byang chub sems dpa’ (Scherrer-Schaub 1999: 218). “The ideological orientation of these kings and leaders of the Buddhist clergy expresses itself in the title Bya" chub sems dpa’, Bodhisattva. This title stands for somebody who sets his mind on the attainment of final enlightenment with the intention of remaining in the web of worldly affairs thereafter in order to guide all other beings to the same liberated state” (Steinkellner 1999: 258). In the ‘Renovation Inscription’ (cf. Steinkellner and Luczanits 1999) Ye shes ’od is twice called ‘Bodhisattva’. This idea is also “visible elsewhere in statements of his successors which imply references to him (cf. Karmay 1980b: 5 and 6). And the same Ye ßes ’od himself refers to the early Tibetan kings as bodhisattvas in his famous ordinance to the tantricists of Central Tibet (...) (Karmay 1980a: 156 and 153). Ye ßes ’od attaches himself in this way to the idea that some of the early Tibetan kings are to be taken as emanations of bodhisattvas, an idea that is already clearly expressed in the first verse of Buddhaguhya’s Bho†asvåmidåsalekha, which was written between 780 and 790 A.D.” (Steinkellner 1999: 258–59). The ambulatory is a prominent place for this composition and thus the narrative must be important, possibly a religious message appropriate to the politico-religious situation of the time. It seems reasonable that this narration should be connected with the kings and royal monks who were the patrons of the monastery. It has earlier been suggested that the story of Sudhana travelling from teacher to teacher in search of enlightenment fairly represents Ye shes ’od’s own pilgrimage (Klimburg-Salter 1987: 702). Sudhana’s path towards his own goal of ultimate realisation ends with his final encounter with Samantabhadra, whereupon he becomes a Bodhisattva. The hero in the ambulatory is depicted like Sudhana as a western Tibetan layman, but with the characteristics of a Bodhisattva, i.e. with a nimbus and a crown with ribbons and earrings. As this painting has no known comparison and there is no known reference to any contemporary painting such as that in the ambulatory, a working hypothesis might propose that the uniqueness of the painting results from the specific historical circumstances. The small

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Tibetan ruling class had only recently, in the second half of the 10th century, consolidated its political power in the western Himalaya and some anti-Buddhist sentiments are not to be excluded. However, the ‘Renovation Inscription’ states only that Byang chub ’od ‘regarded the works of the ancestors as old’ (Tauscher 1999: 47). There must have been an important reason to write the K"itigarbhasËtra on the temple wall. “The demand of the «Admonitory Inscription» to honour and respect Buddhist monks is certainly not directed against King Bya" chub ’od, but rather against his officials and—in the first place—against the people of the area. Although the inscription is not formulated as a royal command, it has to be assumed that it was at least in accordance with the king’s intentions” (ibid.: 47). This difficult situation was perhaps the reason for painting over the existing paintings. (The fragments of the first phase of painting underneath the present 11th-century narrative murals were exposed as a result of cleaning by the ASI). In an analysis of the descent from the heaven of the 33 gods at Såµkåßya on the east wall of the ’du khang in Tabo, Allinger (1993) has demonstrated that the Tabo artists used traditional Indian elements but created a new and original pictorial representation uniquely suited to the needs of the new Tibetan community in India. Similarly, the painters in the ambulatory used the story of Sudhana as a model and adorned the protagonist in part like a Bodhisattva but with western Tibetan dress. Thus I would suggest that the painting was executed in honour of ‘the ancestor, the Bodhisattva Ye shes ’od’ and perhaps shows the path to his final goal. The characterisation of Ye shes ’od as a Bodhisattva, his piety and endeavours to restore Indian Mahåyåna Buddhism, perhaps moved the donors of this narrative painting to have Ye shes ’od’s path depicted in a similar fashion to that of Sudhana’s pilgrimage. Thus, the latter paintings in the main assembly hall served as a model for the paintings in the ambulatory. Can it be inferred that the ambulatory paintings were painted directly after the Sudhana paintings were completed or were they painted later in the 11th century? There were several painting phases identified in the ambulatory. An important task for the future is to determine if the ambulatory paintings continue the simpler style of the last and latest paintings of the Sudhana cycle, or if they are contemporaneous with the latest paintings in the cella and the ambulatory.

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Comparing the narrative frieze in the ambulatory with the painting of a donor of the cella paintings, probably Zhi ba ’od on the north wall of the cella (Klimburg-Salter 1997: fig. 151) and his retinue, they share a black outline, but the narrative scenes are more vivid and not so static as the donor painting. Klimburg-Salter (1997: 150) states that this donor picture is contemporary or slightly later than the renovation period paintings. Looking at the picture of Byang chub ’od and the Tabo sa#gha (ibid.,: fig. 139) the narrative frieze is, in my opinion, nearer to the Byang chub ’od picture than to the donor of the cella paintings. A simpler style, perhaps another atelier, but not so stiff and schematic as the donor picture. These facts would suggest that the narrative may have been done during the renovation phase. BIBLIOGRAPHY Allinger, E. 1993. Studie zu einer Episode aus dem Leben des Buddha. Der Abstieg aus dem Trayastriµßa Himmel nach Såµkåßya. MA thesis, University of Vienna, Vienna. Bailey, H.W. 1951. Bhadrakalpikå-sËtra. In H.W. Bailey (ed.) Khotanese Buddhist Texts. Cambridge Oriental Series, 3. London: Taylor’s Foreign Press, 76–90. De Rossi Filibeck, E. 1999. A manuscript of the “SËtra of Golden Light” from western Tibet. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 191–204. Eimer, H. 1999. A fragment of the Tibetan MahåparinirvåˆasËtra found in Tabo. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 163–74. Harrison, P. 1999. Philology in the field: some comments on selected mDo mang texts in the Tabo collection. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 37–54. Karmay, S.G. 1980a. The ordinance of Lha Bla-ma Ye-shes-’od. In M. Aris and Aung San Suu Kyi (eds) Tibetan Studies in Honour of Hugh Richardson. Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 150–62. —— 1980b. An Open Letter by Pho-brang Zhi-ba-’od to the Buddhists in Tibet. The Tibet Journal 5(3), 3–28. Klimburg-Salter, D.E. 1985. The Tucci Archives preliminary study, 1: notes on the chronology of Ta pho ’Du kha#. East and West 35(1–3), 11–41. —— 1987. Reformation and renaissance: a study of Indo-Tibetan monasteries in the eleventh century. In G. Gnoli and L. Lanciotti (eds) Orientalia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata. Serie Orientale Roma LVI,2. Rome, 683–702. —— 1997. Tabo, a Lamp for the Kingdom. Early Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Art in the Western Himalaya. Milan: Skira.

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—— 1999. The Dharmadhåtu-våg¥ßvara-mañjußr¥-maˆ!ala. Tabo ’Du kha#. I n C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 299–320. Otokawa, B. 1999. New fragments of the rNal ’byor chen por bsgom pa’i don from Tabo. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 99–161. Saito, A. 1999. Remarks on the Tabo manuscript of the Bodhisattvacaryåvatåra. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 175–89. Scherrer-Schaub, C.A. 1999a. Towards a methodology for the study of Old Tibetan manuscripts: Dunhuang and Tabo. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 3–36. —— 1999b. Was Bya" chub sems dpa’ a posthumous title of King Ye ßes ’od? The evidence of a Tabo colophon. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 207–25. Scherrer-Schaub, C.A. and Steinkellner, E. (eds) 1999. Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente. Seyfort Ruegg, D. 1984. Problems in the transmission of Vajrayåna Buddhism in the Western Himalaya about the year 1000. Acta Indologica 6, 369–81. Steinkellner, E. 1999. Notes on the function of two 11th-century inscriptional sËtra texts in Tabo: Gaˆ!avyËhasËtra and K"itigarbhasËtra. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 243–74. —— 2000. Manuscript fragments, texts and inscriptions in the temple of Tabo. In J.A. Silk (ed.) Wisdom, Compassion and the Search for Understanding. The Buddhist Legacy of Gadjin M. Nagao. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 315–31. Steinkellner, E. and Luczanits, C. 1999. The Renovation Inscription of the Tabo gtsug lag kha#. In L. Petech and C. Luczanits (eds) Inscriptions from the Tabo Main Temple. Texts and Translations. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXIII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 9–28. Tauscher, H. 1999. The «Admonitory Inscription» in the Tabo ’du kha#. In L. Petech and C. Luczanits (eds) Inscriptions from the Tabo Main Temple. Texts and Translations. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXIII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 29–94. Tomabechi, T. 1999. Selected Tantra fragments from Tabo monastery. In C.A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds) Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 55–98.

Plate 1: Tabo main temple, ambulatory (after Klimburg-Salter 1997: 155)

Plate 2: Tabo main temple, ambulatory, east and south walls (photograph Jaroslav Poncar, WHAV JP01 A23a)

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Plate 3: Tabo main temple, ambulatory, east wall, narrative scenes with preaching Buddha (photograph Jaroslav Poncar, WHAV JP01 A223a)

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Plate 4: Tabo main temple, ambulatory, north wall, lower section, detail, narrative scenes (photograph Jaroslav Poncar, WHAV JP01 A264a)

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Plate 5: Tabo main temple, ambulatory, south wall, narrative scene (photograph Jaroslav Poncar, WHAV JP01 A229a)

Plate 6: Tabo main temple, ambulatory, south wall, narrative scene (photograph Jaroslav Poncar, WHAV JP01 A232a)

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Plate 7: Tabo main temple, ambulatory, south wall, narrative scene (photograph Jaroslav Poncar, WHAV JP01 A239a)

Plate 8: Tabo main temple, ambulatory, north wall, lower section, narrative scene (photograph Jaroslav Poncar, WHAV JP01 A273a)

Plate 9: Tabo main temple, ambulatory, north wall, lower section, narrative scene (photograph Jaroslav Poncar, WHAV JP01 A278a)

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Plate 10: Tabo main temple, ambulatory, north wall, lower section, narrative scene (photograph Jaroslav Poncar, WHAV JP01 A285a)

Plate 11: Tabo main temple, assembly hall, south wall, Pilgrimage of Sudhana (photograph Jaroslav Poncar, WHAV JP01 D12a)

THE ART OF THE COURT: SOME REMARKS ON THE HISTORICAL STRATIGRAPHY OF EASTERN IRANIAN ELEMENTS IN EARLY BUDDHIST PAINTING OF ALCHI, LADAKH1 CHRISTIANE PAPA-KALANTARI (VIENNA) Up until the 13th century, courtly representations in Western Himalayan art, in particular depictions of costumes and textiles, display a remarkable complexity which reflects the artistic and cultural interaction in this region. Ladakh in particular functioned as a crossroads for the transmission of luxury goods of both the Buddhist and the Islamic tradition and thus also for the artistic themes and motifs associated with these highly valued items. This article will propose a preliminary classification of donor depictions and the rich and diverse material culture reflected in this genre and will attempt to demonstrate that the definition of distinctive Indo-Tibetan and Central Asian modes of self-representation facilitates the elucidation of a constituent component in the formative process of Western Himalayan im__________ 1

I dedicate this article to my father, Djamschid. The research for this article was conducted within the Interdisciplinary Research Unit (FSP) “Cultural History of the Western Himalaya” which is directed by D. Klimburg-Salter and generously funded by the Austrian Fonds zur Förderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung. I am grateful to Prof. R. Goepper who encouraged me to examine the Western Himalayan courtly art of Ladakh. Prof. B. Marshak discussed with me my ideas, doubts and conclusions on the Iranic components in Alchi. I am also grateful to Arch. Romi Khosla who inspired me to take a closer look at the textile culture of Inner Asia as well as function and meaning of the Alchi ceiling compositions and their relationship to the architecture. This article would not have been possible without the constant and tireless scholarly support and friendship of Christian Luczanits and Eva Allinger. I wish to thank H.C. Negi, O.P. Negi and Shamsher and their families at Shimla, Pooh and Nako as well as Tinley Dorje from Tabo for their contribution to our research and their constant support for our fieldwork. I am very grateful to Prof. Ernst Steinkellner for his kindness and generosity; just in time he provided me with valuable remarks and constructive criticism; and to Dominika Glogowski for the drawings in this work.

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agery, namely the conscious use of signs and symbols of the status and royal supremacy of the ruling elite.2 Previous historical studies in this field have shown the interrelations between small kingdoms and their patrons who established new centres of Buddhist thought and life during the second diffusion of Buddhism in the Western Himalaya.3 Following an era of persecution in the 9th century and a shifting of political power to the western regions of the Tibetan cultural world, the Purang-Guge (Pu rang - Gu ge) kingdom became the starting point for the renewal of Buddhism in Tibet as a whole (Petech 1999: 2ff.). The monasteries of this kingdom represented a new factor in the political and economic structure of the region. The close relationship and reciprocal alliance between Buddhist community and lay world, the king or landed noblemen is exemplified in the royal foundation of Samye (Bsam yas), the first monastery of 8th-century Tibet (Tucci 1980: 25; cf. also Chandra 1961, Chayet 1990: 109–19). The purpose of this study is to further elucidate the relationship between courtly culture and Buddhist art and thought and its transformation as reflected in the early temples of Western Tibet. A distinctive artistic style reflecting the needs of the ruling elite emerged in each geographic and cultural unit. By establishing commonalities as well as differences in the pictorial evidence of secular imagery one can elaborate the significant features of Western Tibetan culture in each monument and elucidate changes in patronage and visual aes__________ 2

Within the still limited literature on the art of the Western Himalaya, studies of the depiction of lay persons in different contexts have already proved to be an important subject in attempting to interpret contemporaneous culture. Tucci 1973, Pal and Fournier 1982, Flood 1991 and Papa-Kalantari 2002 focussed on the Central Asian components and luxury themes in donor depictions in Western Himalayan art, Karmay 1977, Klimburg-Salter 1987, 1996b, 1997 have discussed the setting of donor scenes, textiles and costumes. Wandl 1997, 1999 has differentiated different cultural backgrounds of costumes and garments and has proposed possible techniques of textile decorations that have been imitated in the paintings of the main temple at Tabo. 3 E.g. Francke 1906, 1907, 1925; Tucci 1934, 1935; Petech 1997: 229–55, Klimburg-Salter 1997. The term Western Himalaya here refers to the regions of Kinnaur and Spiti (historically part of Mnga’ ris skor gsum) in Himachal Pradesh as well as Ladakh and Zangskar in Jammu-Kashmir. I cannot get into the details of the history of trade, which is of eminent importance to fully understand the rise of economic patterns and artistic traditions in this region.

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thetics.4 This article aims at defining more closely the specific Eastern Iranian cultural affinities and the adoption of the Alchi school of painting of an Iranicate language of kingship from Central Asia which represents the latest phase in this artistic period up to the 13th century.5 The research is based on field studies of historical monuments in Kinnaur and Spiti, Ladakh as well as the Írinagar Valley in Kaßm¥r.6

__________ 4 Klimburg-Salter 1987, 1996b, 1997 examined changes in style and content in the monastic art of this region. She described the social, political and religious context of narrative art as well as different cultural orientations of patronage. 5 An important aspect of the phenomenon of Eastern Iranian cultural affinities at Alchi is the depiction of Iranian courtly symbolism. The latter can be identified at various stages of time, both on the level of motifs and composition thus leading to the hypothesis, that this school of painting might stand in the tradition of an ‘IranianBuddhist’ art in the Western Himalaya. Various predecessors of the strong and lasting force of this cultural synthesis can be found in early Buddhist art of Central Asia and in the cave temples of Bamiyån in particular. Tucci (1973) was one of the first Western scholars who drew attention to the Central Asian character of the ‘royal drinking scene’ and its Iranian elements. Pal and Fournier (1982: 28–29) suggested that the material culture reflected in these depictions illustrates courtly art of Kaßm¥r, and the model could have been Ghazni. Klimburg-Salter (1987: 695) argues with reference to Pal’s proposal: “While there is no doubt that the courtly fashions of the contemporary Iranian and Turkic Islamic princes ultimatly derived from the same Central Asian cultural milieu as much of the masculine lay attire depicted in the [Alchi] ’du-khang and the gSum-brtsegs, it is a bit difficult to imagine that the Ladakhi prince was inspired by the iconoclast Muslims—‘the model court at the time (mid-eleventh century) was perhaps Ghazni’ (Pal and Fournier 1982: 28–29)”. On the basis of previous extensive studies by Flood (1991) and Goepper (1993, 1995) it will be shown in this article, that luxury art and courtly symbolism transcended confessional boundaries and thus provide a paradigm case for the study of the complex cultural interaction in this region. 6 The photographic documentation is kept in the Western Himalaya Archive Vienna (WHAV) of the Interdisciplinary Research Unit (FSP) “Cultural History of the Western Himalaya” (http://www.univie.ac.at/fsp-programm). A sub-project of the FSP is the Nako Research and Preservation Project (NRPP), co-ordinator architecture conservation: Arch. Romi Khosla, manager on site Arch. Sweena Berry; head of the conservation of painting and sculpture team: Prof. Gabriela Krist, and the late Prof. Ernst Bacher (University of Applied Arts, Vienna): the aim is to contribute to the study and preservation of the 900 years-old temple complex in Nako/Kinnaur, India (http://www.univie.ac.at/fsp-programm/wmf). I am indebted to the conservation teams who generously supported my scientific investigations and photographic documentation during the campaigns of the NRPP in 2002 and 2004 at Nako.

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METHODOLOGICAL PREMISES The Buddhist art of Ladakh shows a fascinating affinity with Western traditions, namely Iranicate7 courtly art. These components were adapted independently and creatively at different stages in time. I will take a closer look at the so-called ‘royal drinking scene’ as well as other sets of Central Asian courtly motifs and ornamental traditions and attempt to elucidate the semantic fields, i.e., its artistic and thematic contexts. In his seminal book Arte narrativa tra India e mondo ellenistico (1993) Maurizio Taddei proposes a methodological framework for the study of artefacts with a complex stratigraphy that one encounters at the merging-point of cross-cultural economic paths. In that paper he defined the genesis of linear narrative art in Indian art and argued that both the mode of narrative in Gandhåran art and the stylistic repertoire were Hellenistic. But the concept of the depiction of a religious message in the dimension of human life is a purely Indian creation. M. Taddei shows that the idea of the spiritual biography is the result of a Buddhist mode of thinking. Thus Indian art is not influenced by Hellenistic art but rather a distinctive Indian Buddhist art arose at a certain time with specific aims and theses. The result of this approach is a structural analysis of the phenomenon of Gandhåran art that integrates social, art and religious history as well as economic history. This is an ideal example of trans-disciplinary methodology. In order to strengthen the notion of the independent and innovative character of Himalayan art and to deal with the complexities of style and composition I propose to adopt what archaeologists call a stratigraphy. This method is used to define the context of an object. The archaeologist Boris Marshak proposed applying this analytical tool to the historical analysis of cultural artefacts as well. He suggests that one could speak of different layers within the object itself, as it were. The ultimate purpose is to distinguish what is ancient from what is new in an object in the particular regional context to which it belongs. This theoretical model implies the co-presence of layers, par__________ 7 O. Grabar (1993: 20) used the term ‘Iranicate’; and this neologism is used here in order to distinguish between the numerous components of Iranian origin found in Central Asian, Tibetan and Indian culture.

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allel or contradictory forces and interdependencies as components of the visual artistic whole. The adoption of an appropriate attitude or perspective is crucial in order to achieve greater historical proximity to the object as well as faithfulness to the complexity and uniqueness of the artefact. THE CENTRAL ASIAN RITUAL BANQUET AT ALCHI The notion of monastic royalty is a characteristic of Himalayan culture until the 13th century illustrating the close relation between royal power and religious order in this region. In Alchi two monks, Skal ldan shes rab and Tshul khrims ’od, are recorded in inscriptions as having founded the ’du khang, and the latter the gsum brtsegs. Inscriptions inform us further that Skal ldan shes rab was educated in Nyarma (Snellgrove and Skorupski 1977, 1980). According to Petech (1999: 2) at the end of the 10th century two kingdoms, Purang-Guge and Maryul, Upper Ladakh had become separate political entities as part of one dominion as the aftermath of the collapse of the Tibetan monarchy after 842. Two descendants of ’Od srungs lost their hold in Central Tibet and migrated to the West. The founders of Alchi belong to the prominent ’Bro clan that already played a major role during the period of the Tibetan kingdom in Central Tibet (cf. Petech 1977: 14– 16). Scriptural sources from Tibet’s imperial period indicate that members of the ’Bro family were also active in Central Asia and were among the most powerful clans under the king Khri srong lde btsan and his successors; their members often occupied the position of blon po chen po (chief minister), (Wangdu and Diemberger 2000: 29). The date of the gsum brtsegs has been established by Roger Goepper as late 12th or early 13th century and further supported by Luczanits on the basis of stylistic and iconographic evidence (cf. Luczanits 1998). On the entrance wall of the ’du khang at Alchi we find compositions based on concepts of princely assemblies that point to a distinctive cultural orbit in Western Himalayan art (cf. Singer 1996). Hitherto mainly the so-called ‘royal drinking scene’ has been studied by scholars, however there are further sets of courtly assemblies that have not been looked at in detail; further, it is not yet clear if this group of lay imagery in the ’du khang might form a narrative cycle.

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Three types of lay imagery in the Alchi ’du khang will be described in the following as well as their relative location to each other:8 1. The royal banquet scene 2. The monastic and courtly assembly frieze 3. The noble horserider 1. The royal banquet scene The figures of the so-called ‘royal drinking’ or banquet scene (Plates 1 and 2) can be identified as members of the aristocratic family who founded Alchi (Snellgrove and Skorupski 1977: 31). The relatively small scene measures ca. 44 x 35 cm and is situated near the left corner of the entrance door between a panel above that contains a Mahåkåla deity, while a large assembly frieze is positioned below. A fourpointed frame defines the general layout of the banquet.9 The frame is a reminiscence of both architectural thrones; the latter is a characteristic feature in the Western Himalaya that defines space of religious figures (for a comparison see the five-pointed arch framing a clay sculpture in the niche in the same temple, Luczanits 2004: 131), as well as the textile drapery that is a constituent element in monastic as well as courtly scenes in the chronologically earlier donor depictions of this artistic tradition such as Tabo and Dunkar (Dung dkar) (Klimburg-Salter 1996b: 330–31). (I will come to these types later.) The composition consists of three registers: the main scene with a couple and side figures, a lower panel with the entourage and a group of warriors are depicted above the middle scene. The queen in a local Tibetan costume with multiple necklaces and a specifically Tibetan hair ornament10 is holding a footed cup, raising it to her vis-à-vis, the __________ 8

Single lay figures are further depicted in narrative cycles like the Buddha life, mainly engaged in offering scenes, but they cannot be discussed in this context. 9 A symmetrical composition with five bows might have been intended initially, but the scene did not fit into the allotted space. 10 The braids are decorated with turquoises and it is possible that they are woven into the hair. The head ornament seems to be an early variant of the perak (be rag) worn in Ladakh, and other regions in the Western Himalaya, including parts of Kinnaur and Nepal. Clarke (2004: 20) mentions that the custom of plaiting the hair into the auspicious Buddhist number of 108 braids hanging to the waist and attaching strings of turquoises to the front braids on either side of the face is a custom that continues to our time. He posits a connection between this tradition and the paintings at Tabo and Alchi.

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king in a distinct Central Asian manner.11 (At Mangyu [Mang ryu] the couple wear dyed cotton clothing and the queen is further adorned with a light-fabric shawl similar to female figures in the gsum brtsegs, thus maybe representing a later chronological stage of painting). A significant element that distinguishes Alchi from the earlier courtly scenes in Mnga’ ris is also the depiction of luxurious garments of the king with large-scale patterns and motifs that display Central Asian royal symbolism, as well as carefully depicted armour and shields of the subordinated figures represented above. The composition contrasts with the hierarchic ‘Western Tibetan’ mode at Tabo with its formal rigour. The Alchi type appears at first sight like a genre scene, full of details from contemporary daily life. However, the typology in the ’du khang stands in the tradition of the Eastern Iranian banqueting scene, the ceremonial feast of the local aristocracy. The footed cup offered by the queen is held with her right thumb and a forefinger in the direction of the king, while the small finger is stretched away. Both at Mang rgyu and Alchi the king, looking at his wife, joins two fingers (the thumb and middle finger) and stretches away its forefinger and small finger (Plate 2), whereas the mudrå of donors in the Tabo cella can be read as a gesture of offering and the composition is clearly subordinated to the flanking Vajrasattva deity in clay (cf. Plate 7). Y.A. Sher (1966: 67, cited in Hayashi 2003) thought that Sogdian artists intended to represent with this manner of holding a vessel and hand gesture the aristocratic background of a portrayed person.12 The Alchi school shares this set of representational imagery with the (Hephtalite or Turkic) donor depictions at Båmiyån. A royal couple in painted clay (ca. 7th8th century) with large roundels on the caftan of the impressive male sculpture derives from the Buddhist art of Fondukistån (Afghanistan) __________ 11 At Båmiyån donors hold various objects in a gesture of offering in niche ‘i’, soffit (cf. Klimburg-Salter 1989: fig. 3) and in the 38 m Buddha niche. Royal symbolism is a very prominent notion at this Buddhist site and various royal Såsånian elements are integrated. For colour photographs see also Tarzi (1977: 9, 27). Eva Allinger drew my attention to the mode of scenes in narrative paintings at Ajanta. Stella Kramrisch (1983: 3–36) has called groups of figures that form a pictorial unit through interaction ‘magic boxes’. 12 A Buddha image at Kakrak/Afghanistan is depicted with the left hand that join two fingers, while the small finger is stretched away (Hayashi 2003: fig. 5).

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(Plate 4).13 In contrast, at Tabo and Nako, the donor’s arms hang down; overlong sleeves cover the hands. As for the identification of the models for this artistic tradition in Alchi, the study of genre details will be fruitful, such as a comparative analysis of the drinking vessels.14 Footed cups of a similar type were in use for ceremonial gatherings in Kafiristan, present NËristan (northern Afghanistan), until the end of the 19th century (cf. Klimburg 2004: 365–86), (Fig. 1).15

Fig. 1: Silver vessels, 18th-19th c., NËristan (Afghanistan), private collection (formerly Kabul Museum) (drawing by D. Glogowski after a photo by M. Klimburg, 1970s)

Comparison with an example from Balalyk-tepe near Termez in West Turkestan/Uzbekistan (Plate 3, Fig. 2) (although one cannot postulate a direct genetic link with Alchi) ought to demonstrate how strongly the Alchi painting is reminiscent of the Central Asian type. This early Central Asian wall painting (7th century)16 was found in a fortress to the south of Afrasiab (Samarkand) and shows the wide__________ 13

For images see Hackin et al. 1959: 189–191. Of course, the iconographic context in Alchi and Fondukistån differs. 14 The similarity to excavated metal objects in Balalyk-tepe makes it clear that the reddish outlines on the cups at Alchi can be identified as chased work and notches on silver objects. On one panel different cups are arranged around a carafe, below a covered table for offerings. 15 These relatively large footed cups are used on occasion of social gatherings and ceremonies in NËristan (Max Klimburg, personal communication). D. KlimburgSalter has drawn my attention to the formal parallels. 16 At first L.I. Al’baum dated the site of Balalyk-tepe to the 5th-6th centuries, but now most scholars date the paintings of Balalyk-tepe to the end of the 6th or beginning of the 7th century (Belenitskii and Marshak 1979: 35; Azarpay 1981: 49, 88).

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Fig. 2: Balalyk-tepe (West-Turkestan/Uzbekistan) wall painting with courtly reception (after Al’baum 1960: fig. 99)

spread type of the banqueting scene of local nobility, dressed in presumably Såsånian courtly textiles of silk (similar cloths have been found at Antinoë); the same characteristic manner of holding the cup is shown there, but the armour differs: in Alchi the king is holding a battle axe while in Balalyk-tepe the nobleman is wearing a belt with a money purse and a small dagger hung on it.17 There are various examples of kings in feasting scenes in wall paintings of the Sogdian town of Panjikent (e.g. Sims et al. 2002: fig. 23). Even the borrowing of this subject for Buddhist religious imagery is not unusual. Due to their mobility, luxury objects might have been the medium of profusion of this theme up to the 13th century: a post-Såsånian silver cup with gilding and a Sogdian inscription shows a bride and bridegroom at a wedding feast together with Indian personage;18 we will deal with __________ 17 Russian archaeologists documented these paintings with pastel drawings before covering the excavations. A later stage survived in situ at Panjikent, with a depiction of Sogdian noblemen wearing sumptuous garments, jewellery and armour in a tent (7th-8th c.). Cf. also Ghirshman 1962: fig. 433. 18 For images cf. Stavisky 2003: fig. 9.

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possible models for the Alchi type below (cf. Allchin and Hammond 1978: fig. 5.6.). The composition of the drinking scene differs significantly from the earlier donor depictions in Spiti and Kinnaur: at Alchi the ‘inner unity’19 of the composition is mainly achieved by the interaction between the royal couple whereas at Tabo and Nako the definition of spatial order is obtained through structured figural compositions as well as textile covers, baldachins and ephemeral structures of textiles of different types as will be shown below. Naturally the ‘royal drinking scene’ reflects a wide-spread topos in Central Asia, however the specific meaning of the royal couple in affectionate interaction at Alchi has not yet been studied. The Dionysian theme appears to be only one component of this gracious scene; the offering aspect is also present. It can be tentatively proposed that this distinctive kind of self-representation of the nobleman and his wife aims at underlining their function as guarantor of the prosperity of the kingdom as well as a protector of the Buddhist doctrine. 2. The monastic and courtly assembly frieze On the right-hand side of the entrance wall we find a type of ceremonial feast that shows a synthesis of the Western Tibetan assembly scene, the earliest example of which is to be found at Tabo (Plates 6, 7) and the Iranian courtly reception (Figs 2–3, Plate 5).20 The oblong frieze occupies the whole lower right wall of the entrance and is articulated in different horizontal zones. Valances are depicted on the horizontal border above the monastic scene that can be read as ornamental variants of earlier textile draperies and baldachins that demarcate assembly scenes at Tabo (Plates 6, 7), Nako (Plate 8) and Dung dkar (Plate 9), (cf. Klimburg-Salter 1996b: 319–36). Comparable, but simpler assemblies with regard to the overall composition, can be found in Mang rgyu (Íåkyamuni temple, entrance wall). At Alchi, a complex configuration of multiple meeting scenes with monastic and lay people is depicted, each of them is tending towards a __________ 19

The term ‘inner unity’ is adopted here from the formal classification of group portraits by the Austrian art historian Alois Riegl (1931). 20 It has not yet been examined if this scene together with the royal drinking scene might form a narrative cycle.

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Fig. 3: Alchi, ’du khang, banquet scene, detail of the assembly frieze (drawing by D. Glogowski after photo by J. Poncar, 1983.9.5, WHAV)

symmetrical type of composition. (I will look only at selected elements of this frieze; the analysis of this painting cycle as a compositional unit is a desideratum for future research). The whole frieze (ca. 330 cm long) is divided into three horizontal parts and each of these parts into three vertical sections. Every panel contains a complete composition with figural depictions, the uppermost (3rd panel on the right side) of which consists of monks flanking a religious figure with a patchwork robe and a flat hat. This rather symmetric composition stands in the tradition of assembly scenes at Tabo. Below this section a royal ceremony is depicted, whereby the royal couple is engaged in the ritual banquet, flanked by their entourage, orientated towards the centre. The noblemen are dressed in robes similar to the reception scene previously discussed while the head ornaments differ: both the king and his warriors wear a hat with a wide, upturned brim. This type of hat is comparable to secular imagery at Tabo and Mangnang (Mang nang).21 The lowest frieze shows a row of riders on horseback. This scene might be interpreted as performing a game, maybe archery or horse __________ 21

Karmay (1977: 69) has drawn attention to the similarity between Tabo and the Tibetan ‘dress code’ at Dunhuang, 8th century.

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racing on the occasion of the ceremony or assembly (some of them are executing the so-called Parthian shot) reflecting the important role of the horse in the nomadic cultures of the steppe and high grasslands. At Mang rgyu one archer is aiming his bow at a yak and might represent a hunter (however the scene is in poor state of preservation and needs to be further examined on site), whereas at the later Tsaparang assemblies rather a horserace is depicted. If we draw conclusion from these later assembly scenes in Guge (ca. 15th century) where assemblies are surrounded by scenes with musicians and female dancers, one would assume a similar function, namely a feast on the occasion of a ritual ceremony or consecration to be represented at Alchi as well. The horse is the sign of prestige in steppe regions and mountain plains. A great number of depictions of warriors and horsemen exist on rock carvings along the Indus in Northern Pakistan, some of them bearing inscriptions in Sogdian, a language that belongs to the Eastern group of the middle Iranian languages.22 V. Thewalt23 (1984: 211) assumes a possible ritual function of the images of horsemen and found parallels between a specific type of bridle on rock carvings at Thalpan Bridge, Sogdian wall paintings as well as the Alchi gsum brtsegs (Pal 1975: 5, 8, 44). Rock carvings in Drangtse near Leh show hunting scenes on horseback with bow and arrow; among the animals of prey are deer (also to be found on the painted ceiling textiles in the gsum brtsegs), ibex and yak; according to A.H. Francke (1925) these depictions are accompanied by Sogdian inscriptions. This only ought to demonstrate that Central Asian motifs of the nomad and steppe people existed long before the advent of the ’Bro clan in the Western Himalaya. A comparative analysis of arms and shields will supply further clues concerning the identification of the Alchi type of rider on horseback. On a symbolic level, mounted horsemen depicted in Parthian shooting might stand in the tradition of the royal hunt, a topos in the Islamic world and one of the most characteristic themes of Såsånian luxury art; initially such depictions had been the privilege of royal workshops but were later to be widely used outside this context. __________ 22

Sogdian served as a language for both merchants and Buddhist literature in Central Asia. 23 Thewalt 1984; for images see fig. 7. Kalhaˆa’s Råjatara!giˆ¥ reports on the raids of mounted Dards.

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The overall composition of the frieze integrates both worship and ceremony, namely Western Tibetan hierarchy and symmetry as well as the Eastern Iranian theme of ritual banquet. A strong Eastern Iranian component can be seen in the combination of the borrowed, though transformed ‘hunting scene’ and the banqueting enthroned prince (the Iranian razm-u-bazm).24 The horizontal division of assembly scenes is not unknown in earlier Western Himalaya art, but it is the combination of the subjects and the mode of overall composition that point to the primary themes of Iranian imagery. The latter is usually found in different media, e.g. on frontispieces of medieval Islamic manuscripts of various kinds. The combination of formally arranged figures in reception mode are to be found in roughly contemporary Iranian wall painting (Plate 10), 12th-13th century (cf. Sims et al. 2002: fig. 38). The use of registers to organise the composition is another feature frequently seen in Eastern Iranian and Sogdian paintings.25 3. The noble rider on the horseback A significant and widespread theme in Central Asia is the royal figure or nobleman on horseback. Here he is represented above the donor scene (Plate 11), in the interstices of the Mahåkåla image above the entrance, and represents the important aspect of military power in nomadic cultures, as well as the mobility of the court (see Al’baum 1975: pl. 13). The function and meaning of this depiction in an iconographic unit with the protector deity is hitherto unknown to me and needs further investigation. It is important to note here that the heraldic character of the composition, the royal attire made of luxurious garments and details such as the sceptre in his right hand as a symbol of royal power, demonstrates a distinctive Eastern Iranian cultural orientation in early Western Himalayan art.26 __________ 24 25

Sims et al. 2002: 11. However the term is Arabic in origin. In a courtly reception to the left of the assembly frieze just described, an attendant is holding his shawl under the cup and offering it to the nobleman, thus linking the vertically separated sections. 26 Cf. Plate 7: A painting on cloth from Dunhuang shows Såsånian pearl medallions with ducks at their centres on the costume of the Tibetan minister at the Tang court. This demonstrates that this type of cloth had courtly status in Tibet at a very

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The riding horse was much valued; this is demonstrated by archaeological evidence with horse remains from monumental burial sites in Mnga’ ris as well in a more geographic and chronological distance in the Tibetan imperial tombs of Dulan.27 (Today the horse-riding skills of Ladakhi people are inter alia demonstrated in contemporary polo play.) The royal horse, an emblem of prestige and status in nomadic cultures is further a significant feature at Nako, Kinnaur (roughly early 12th century): in the lotsåba lha khang (west wall)28 the horse is fully bridled and accompanied by a man on foot to the left of the donor depiction (Plate 12). The cloud-like motifs on the saddle, together with other characteristic elements such as the horse’s bridle and the heavy white boots of the guide (or warrior)29 with their cross-gartering up to the knee are presumably reminiscent of Central Asian aesthetics and still need to be identified in respect of their cultural background.30 In narrative Gaˆ"avyËha scenes (Pilgrimage of Sudhana, Tib. Nor bzang) in the Tabo ’du khang, four bridled horses are depicted; their meaning in this context is hitherto unknown (for images see Klimburg-Salter 1997: 122ff.). In contrast to Nako, at Alchi the rider on horseback is representational and heraldic in character. The latter might be a reminiscence of the famous Sogdian ambassadors in Panjikent and Afrasiab, old Samarkand (Fig. 4), and in a more remote tradition the Såsånian topos of the royal horseman. __________ early stage. Reynolds (1997: 122) sees Alchi as evidence for the revival of this textile tradition in the 13th century. 27 In the Dulan necropolis (Qinghai province) where Tibetan tombs of the 8th to 9th century have been recovered 87 complete skeletons of horses have been buried, together with vast quantities of textiles, banners and reliquaries (cf. Heller 2003). 28 The riderless horse fully bridled is depicted at Afrasiab, guided by a man with padams (pieces of textile before the mouth), an indication of the horse’s ritual function and its sacred nature (for images see: http://www.orientarch.uni-halle.ce/ca/afras). 29 The boots might be of wool with footwear consisting of a leather sole and laced leather bands (see Sharma and Singh 1997: fig. A. 26). At Nako men still wear long, thick woven socks in combination with (modern) leather shoes on festivities. 30 At the tenth seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies (Oxford 2003) a few contributions dealing with the pre-Buddhist culture in Western Tibet have been presented. The archaeological studies (of residential buildings, burial sites that contain inter alia horses) as well as historical sources suggest a strong impact of a refined pre-Buddhist culture in this region, the mythical Zhang zhung (cf. Aldenderfer in print).

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Fig. 4: Afrasiab (Samarkand) (after Al’baum 1975)

The ceremonial and static figure is placed in a broader iconographic ensemble representing the retinue of the protective deity and obviously represents the same person as in the banquet scene. Here his whole attire is visible, the coat decorated with large lion roundels like a Central Asian caftan in combination with baggy trousers and boots reminiscent of the dress of nomadic steppe people.31 The robe is laid symmetrically across in front to make a V-neck, secured with a belt. Following Western Tibetan customs, the monarch is adorned with a necklace and earrings consisting of alternating pearls and turquoises32 __________ Cf. Knauer 1999; especially paintings from Dalverzin-tepe, 7th century (fig. 18), as well as Kirish (Xingiang), 8th century (ibid.: fig. 19). 32 An image of 1937 with three officials in Lhasa wearing the ornaments said to date from the period of the ancient kings is published in Clarke 2004: 22; this special set of jewellery (ring rgyan) comprises large corals, turquoises and amber beads and adorns the New Year costumes. 31

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while a turban with floating ends covers his long braids. (Interestingly these seemingly indigenous elements, such as the long braids and the necklace, are absent in lay imagery of the gsum brtsegs.) This type of robe is comparable to the Tibetan costume at the time of the kings of the Yar klung dynasty as depicted in the royal persons in Dunhuang, Chinese Central Asia. A scroll painting attributed to Yen Liben (627– 673), court painter and official of the Tang dynasty, shows blon po Mgar, Srong btsan sgam po’s famous minister, with the emperor. Mgar wears a long robe with pearl roundels (Plate 13). In both examples the head ornament is a simple band that encircles the head and the long hair. However, the design of the robe at Alchi is more streamlined and shorter than the coat at Dunhuang and suited to riding on horseback. Further examples of this type of robe are worn by the donor in the lotsåba lha khang of Nako as well as in Mang nang, where the collar is falling back over the shoulders in a manner comparable to the Tibetan Emperor at Dunhuang (cf. Karmay 1977: pl. 8, 10); further in the Tabo Nor bzang (Skt. Sudhana) cycle in addition a third type can be found where the collar is triangular in shape. At Alchi the tiråz-strips33 (after the Persian word for embroidery; in the Islamic sphere the term tiråz signifies bands with Qur ’an-inscriptions or ornaments on textiles produced in royal workshops) on the forearms with Kufic pseudo-inscriptions are an allusion to Western Central Asian traditions of courtly textiles previously unknown in the Western Himalaya. A tiråz-strip is also found on a falcon hunter in ‘flying gallop’ on the dhot¥ of a monumental statue in the gsum brtsegs (Plate 14), comparable to Neyshåbur/Nishåpur (Fig. 5) in Khoråssån, the famous trade city on the Silk Route. The medallions containing lions can be read as widespread symbolic and conventional motifs of royalty. Post-Såsånian roundels containing figural motifs are the leitmotiv in the repertoire of motifs found on luxury textiles from late antiquity to medieval times. The profusion of such textiles was due not only to their renowned quality, but also to the imperial character of the motifs as representing a set of aesthetic values that connoted power and luxury. These were adopted in various cultural contexts (cf. Suriano 1996). Pearl medallions adorn __________ 33

made.

Tiråz, taråz; the word means also the places in Persia where they are generally

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Fig. 5: Mounted falconer, drawing of a large figure painted on the wall of a building in Neyshåbur (Nishåpur, Iran), ca. 10th c. (after Sims et al. 2002: fig. 38)

Tibetan robes very early on, one example being the coat of the Tibetan minister (in the centre of these medallions are ducks) as has been already shown. It would go beyond the scope of this text to go into the question of the identification of possible textile models for this widely used type of garment at Alchi (Papa-Kalantari 2000: 87ff.). The banqueting scene as well as the nobleman on horseback may depict specific historic moments; however, the compositions follow a rather archaic type of courtly culture in Central Asia in contrast to the later gsum brtsegs. I propose that these scenes could have a retrospective function as they represent an older layer of Eastern Iranian art. We have no real evidence for the ethnic background of the royal donors, but such adaptations of a specific mode of representation to suit another culture’s needs is often motivated by the donors’ striving for a distinct identity vis-à-vis their geographical neighbours, or to differentiate themselves from the prevailing cultural strata or to maintain their own ethnic identity. We know almost nothing about the politico-religious concept behind the conscious adoption and transformation of Eastern Iranian motifs in the ’du khang of Alchi to date.

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THE INDO-TIBETAN ASSEMBLY AT TABO GTSUG LAG KHANG A comparison of the Alchi type of presentation with the monastic royal assembly at Tabo shows how much more at Tabo elements of hierarchy and symmetry structure the scene.34 Chronologically the paintings at Tabo can be placed between 996, the date of the founding of the monastery by Ye shes ’od, and 1042, when the temple was presumably renovated (Klimburg-Salter 1996b: 323). In this temple, one of the earliest Buddhist foundations by the kings of Purang-Guge (besides Tholing, Kojarnath and Nyarma), different monastic scenes have survived. One of these images is depicted at the entrance to the cella of the ambulatory above the renovation inscription (Plate 6).35 The central figure shows the royal lama (lha bla ma) Byang chub ’od, a descendant of the ancient Tibetan monarchy whose successors migrated to the West in the 10th century. Characteristic of this scene in terms of composition is the iconic, hieratic mode of the central figure, who is sitting on a carved throne. Also at Alchi certain symmetry is emphasised by an umbrella in the __________ 34

Klimburg-Salter presented a descriptive typology of what can be defined as the Tibetan assembly scenes in her 1987 article as well as in 1997. In 1997 (pp. 85–88) she distinguished between three types of non-devotional images: religious and lay historical personages, religious narratives, and genre figures. These three types are classified as narrative depictions in contrast to devotional imagery. A significant type of donor depiction, the ‘Great Assembly’ was defined by her (1996b: 328) as “one of the most distinctive iconographic features of the Indo-Tibetan artistic school”, “an important local institution in which all the principal social groups (...) gathered around the royal lamas or prince. (...) The ideology propagated by such assemblies was clearly central to defining the independent political and social character of the kingdom”. Her 1987 text gives a description of compositional principles and characteristic motifs such as elements of Tibetan material culture, as well as the relationship of these scenes to the artistic programme of the temple. Concerning the setting of these scenes, Klimburg-Salter drew attention to the textile drapery behind the protagonist as a consistent feature in this type of imagery. Associated inscriptions indicate that these scenes represent the ruling elite of Purang-Guge (Klimburg-Salter 1996b: 328). 35 Further scenes of this type are to be found on the entrance wall of the ’du khang—these paintings are today in a sad state of preservation. In the sgo khang the founder of the temple, Ye shes ’od, is depicted. The portrait of a nobleman shows a robe that is patterned with lotus blossoms, the only Tibetan coat with patterns of flowers at Tabo. (For an image see: Klimburg-Salter 1997: 87.) Simplified depictions of lotus flowers can also be found on the canopy above the temple’s founder Ye shes ’od (ibid.: fig. 2).

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centre of the banquet scene, however this centre is quasi ‘empty’ at Alchi. The symmetrical type of composition at Tabo is comparable to the tradition of the Indian iconic mode of representation. The royal lama is sitting on a cushion and is wearing a Western Tibetan coat of wool with long sleeves (comparable to the contemporary phyu pa), black boots and a monastic robe. He is placed in front of a textile drapery and is additionally distinguished by an umbrella. The throne of the royal lama is further defined by a flag (ba dan), mainly an emblem of war in the Tibetan iconography of symbols, but also a sign indicating an auspicious place (Tib. dar chen), (Beer 2003: 175) to the left and an umbrella (Tib. gdugs, traditionally a symbol of royalty and protection) to the right. The use of a textile drapery as a defining spatial element is a consistent feature in this group of images.36 Located over the main entrance of the ’du khang is a scene containing the temple’s protectress, Wi nyu myin (Rdo rje chen mo), together with her entourage (Klimburg-Salter 1997: 93–95; figs 55, 56). The drapery behind the deity is decorated with rows of eight-petalled lotus blossoms depicted frontally, i.e., as rosettes.37 To the left of the lama the Tabo sa!gha (monastic community), and to the right lay people, maybe members of the ruling elite are depicted, each of them with characteristic head ornaments: like at Alchi we find the brimmed hat as well as a royal person with a flat, rolled ring or head cloth leaving the crown bare that is also shown in a donor scene at Nako. Both types are comparable to Dunhuang examples of __________ 36

The frieze depicting the Sudhana legend at Tabo contains lay imagery, namely a royal couple, each of which is seated in a tent-like structure. Cf. also KlimburgSalter 1987, 1997: fig. 123. 37 Comparable complex motifs can be found on the ceiling cloths of the ’du khang and the ambulatory (Klimburg-Salter 1997: 94, 138). I propose that a distinctive type of ritual cloth is depicted, in contrast to textiles used for robes. The cloths defining these throne scenes can be related to Central Asian luxury textiles connotated with royalty and thus are late examples of the Tang International Style in the Western Himalaya. Monumental lotus rosettes interspersed with quatrefoil motifs based on Såsånian motifs are a dominant decorative theme in the Tang caves from the Tibetan phase at Dunhuang (e.g. caves 158, 159) as well as in Zha lu monastery (Papa-Kalantari forthcoming). For images of ceilings, robes and textile coverings of the Tang period see Whitfield 1995: vol. 1, 96–103. A further image of the protective deity of the main temples, the goddess Wi nyu myin, is depicted in the sgo khang, where a textile with plain stripes is draped behind her (for images see KlimburgSalter 1997: fig. 38ff; fig. 55ff.).

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Tibetan royal imagery (Karmay 1977: fig. 5). In the donor depiction on the north wall of the Tabo cella (Klimburg-Salter 1997: fig. 151) the textile drapery is positioned above the protagonist, probably Zhi ba ’od, seemingly representing a baldachin or a tent (Plate 7). The hieratic donor figure is oriented towards the main clay image in the cella to which he is offering a flower, presumably a padma with three buds.38 On the entrance wall of the ’du khang, yet another type of assembly survived in a poor condition; however it is unclear whether a group of lay people or an assembly of priests is depicted in this scene. THE PRINCELY COURT AT NAKO In the following a description of the different modes of donor depiction that are to be found at Nako, Kinnaur, will be presented. I focus on a specific and hitherto little studied topic that might be related to this set of motifs, that is the Tibetan residential tradition of the royal camp. The paintings at the Nako lotsåba lha khang (Plate 8) represent a later stage in the development of donor depictions, which have been roughly dated to the 12th century.39 One scene is depicted on the lower section of the west wall, below a representation of a female deity, a sculpture of a Prajñåpåramitå;40 there is also a depiction of Tårå in an elaborate palace above the scene.41 Further scenes with lay figures are found on the entrance wall (sadly in poor condition) as well as in the lha khang gong ma. In the latter the donors (Fig. 6) are engaged in an offering ritual on either side of a set of votive objects including lamps, vessels, metal stands (still to be found today in __________ 38

For a detailed description of the artistic programme of the Tabo cella see Klimburg-Salter 1997: 137–53. The earliest assembly scene with lay imagery in Tabo is presumably to be found in the sgo khang of the main temple (cf. Klimburg-Salter 1997: fig. 50). 39 Little has been published on the history of the Buddhist temples of Nako to date. Among the more recent works: Klimburg-Salter (2003), Luczanits (2003, 2004, forthcoming), Papa-Kalantari (2004, forthcoming). 40 The study of this sculpture is the subject of an ongoing MA thesis by P. Müller at the University of Vienna. 41 Romi Khosla has observed during his assessment of the condition of the Nako temples (Austro-Indian conservation campaign 2002) that there is a continuous frieze with narrative imagery running around the cella.

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Fig. 6: Nako, lha khang gong ma, main wall with Tårå and donor depiction below (drawing by D. Glogowski, 2005)

NËristan, Afghanistan, Fig. 7) and flasks that is to be found below the depiction of a A!"amahåbhaya Tårå (cf. E. Allinger 2005). This compositional type of offering ritual is common in contemporary book illumination, e.g., the depiction of a Prajñåpåramitå in an 11th century manuscript from Tholing, as well as in the panels that are placed in the interstices of the maˆ"ala depictions at the Alchi ’du khang.42 As at Tabo, the subject in the ’du khang of Nako adorns the wall adjoining a niche that houses the main icon of Vairocana. A new mode of donor scene emerged at Nako with seemingly naturalistic elements.43 The iconic character of the protagonist at Tabo is followed by a more ‘naturalistic’ type of donor depiction that reflects in__________ 42 The miniature from the Tholing MS may be viewed at: http://huntingtonarchive. osu.edu/exhib/circleofbliss/exhibition.html. 43 The models for the costumes of religious imagery in the maˆ"ala depictions can be found in Northwest India as well as in the adjoining regions of Chamba, Lahaul and Lower Kinnaur; cf. Sharma, and Sethi 1997. For images of Nako see also Luczanits (2003) and the website of the Nako Research and Preservation Project: http://www.univie.ac.at/fsp-programm/wmf, designed by the author.

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Fig. 7: Metal stand, NËristan (Afghanistan), Kabul Museum (drawing Ch. PapaKalantari, after photo by M. Klimburg, 1970s)

teresting indigenous features. According to Klimburg-Salter (2003: 39) a secular figure, a minister or a member of the local aristocracy is depicted; he is sitting on a carved throne in front of a textile drapery while his retinue is arranged in a relatively loose composition around him. His entourage is smaller in scale and organised in such a way that a certain depth of pictorial space is achieved. The costume of the monarch is carefully depicted: the heavy woollen coat suited to the climatic conditions in this region, a broad belt; underneath this is a second layer, a patterned costume that is visible at the collar and the cuffs of the overlong sleeves.44 Wall paintings in cave 159 (Middle Tang, 781–784) from the Tibetan phase at Dunhuang depict a procession of rulers from different ethnic communities. Below the debate of the Buddhist scholar Vimalak¥rti on his throne is an impressive portrait of the Tibetan emperor and his retinue (Whitfield 1995: fig. 257). Comparable to Nako is the long white coat with broad collars, its sleeves reaching almost to the ground.45 This type of costume continued to be __________ 44 It is also possible that the dress is lined with a different fabric so that the collar appears in a contrasting pattern. In the summer of 2004 at Nako, Dr Kalpana Sahni pointed out that this garment might have been decorated using the Ikat technique. At Nako this pattern is found solely on the donor’s dress; this might be an indication of a royal prerogative. Ikat is a technique used widely in textile decoration throughout Central Asia. The earliest examples on the Indian subcontinent can be found in the cave temples of Ajanta. 45 His retinue is grouped around him and a servant is holding a baldachin, the symbol of royalty over his head. A further portrait of the Tibetan emperor once ex-

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the prevalent type of Western Tibetan royal dress and demonstrates a certain unity of the Tibetan tradition from early times on. The headgear in the shape of a circular braid of wool is yet another characteristic for Spiti and Kinnaur and can be traced back to royal Tibetan imagery at Dunhuang as well (cf. Karmay 1977: fig. 5); an intermediate stage might be represented at Zhalu (Zha lu) monastery (in particular the phase from the early period, ca. 11th century) in Central Tibet.46 THE TIBETAN ROYAL CAMP IN THE ICONOGRAPHY OF SACRED SPACES

The textile hangings at Tabo (the textile drapery as well as the baldachin) and Nako are extremely significant for the interpretation of the historical context of the donor scene. At Nako the details of the poles and the roof with valances on the front edge are carefully depicted and suggest the reading as a tent. The chronologically later cave 2 at Dung dkar (around 1200) shows a further step in this development in a set of panels with monastic imagery depicted on the lowest section of the west wall (Plate 9). The protagonist of each scene is placed in a large (open) tent with his retinue subordinated. At Dung dkar the tent is further used as a pictorial device to connect a group of people.47 The textile drapery is the central component of the inner unity of the whole scene both at Nako and Dung dkar, whereas at Tabo the ritual space is mainly defined by a hierarchic configuration of persons of differing status. __________ isted in cave 158, of which only a photography has survived (Whitfield 1995, vol. 2: 324); this painting had an inscription: bod hi btsan po. The robe is patterned with lotus blossoms; the only Tibetan coat with patterns of flowers at Tabo is in the portrait of a nobleman in the sgo khang (Klimburg-Salter 1997: fig. 50). Padma can also be found on the canopy above the ‘portrait’ of the temple’s founder, Ye shes ’od, in the sgo khang (ibid.: fig. 2). 46 Ch. Jahoda and D. Schüller have documented comparable head ornaments in costumes in Sangla and Kanam villages, Kinnaur, where these hats are worn at festivals for local deities. 47 We will find a further abstraction of interior space at Alchi, where the valances become almost ornamental.

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As far as the cultural background of the scene is concerned it is the sum of the above-mentioned motifs that points to a possible interpretation. The monarch or hierarch depicted beneath a textile drapery as well as other elements of this set of motifs can tentatively be read as the royal camp, a specific form of mobile residence with a long tradition in Tibetan culture. The tent serves both as the delimination of royal space as well as its definition. Thus it can be assumed that the curtain or textile drapery behind the royal lama at Tabo and the historical personage at Nako reflect contemporary courtly traditions and maybe indigenous ceremonial practices as well as—in a more remote tradition—the culture of ephemeral residence of the old Tibetan monarchy.48 The tent is only one aspect of the wide range of ephemeral spaces and textile traditions that this region shares with the nomadic and semi-nomadic cultures in Inner Asia and in Western Tibet in particular.49 Due to geographical and political factors the court of the Tibetan monarch was mobile. According to Chinese sources, in ancient Tibet both the aristocracy and the laity led a partially nomadic life. The mobile residences made of felt were surrounded with walls and had various social and economic functions.50 We know from Dunhuang texts that the Tibetan royal tents which served as summer __________ 48 Eric Haarh (1969) shows in his Yar-lu! Dynasty that Tibetans adopted burial practices which were in use in imperial Iran, where the tombs were called ‘houses of perfection’ and contained tents and precious garments. Fragments of a monumental cloth (probably a tent) have recently been discovered in an Imperial Tibetan tomb (see Heller 1998). For the study of Tibetan funeral customs and royal treasure see Tucci 1950. Giuseppe Tucci reports that the corpse of the king was buried with precious objects and his royal attire; further studies on this topic are to be found in Haarh 1969. 49 A further aspect can be mentioned here, namely the function of textiles as a delineation of courtly space in the tradition of the face cover. A face cover made of silk was found in a Yar klung tomb, and it can be assumed that at the time of the old Tibetan monarchy—comparable to medieval Iranian customs—it was not permitted to look at the king. Even today, when H.H. the Dalai Lama moves between his winter and summer residences, a textile curtain is draped to shield him. (Kurt Tropper has drawn my attention to this contemporary practice.) 50 A. Róna-Tas (1978) has studied the tent camps of the Tibetan court and their function in relation to fiscal policy. In general there is very little new research on this topic to my knowledge. I am grateful to G. Hazod and Ch. Jahoda who discussed this topic with me and supplied me with important bibliographical references.

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residences for the Tibetan king were called fu lu (Stein 1993: 128), a rendering of the word phru ma in Tibetan, meaning ‘palace’ or ‘military camp’. According to P. Denwood (1990: 77) the Tibetan word pho brang usually translated as ‘palace’ is associated with the court of a king who moves around seasonally and “... a centre where diplomatic ceremonies are held and from which official orders are made and issued” (cf. also Diemberger 2002: 33–58). The strong and lasting force of this courtly tradition continues up to the time of the Dalai Lamas (Plate 15). It can therefore be concluded that the symbolism of ephemeral structures that had developed against the background of the ‘Tibetan cultural empire’ shared the same elevated status as built constructions (Papa-Kalantari, in preparation). Giuseppe Tucci (1973) suggests there was a strong impact from inherited residential traditions on the development of a specific Western Himalayan vernacular and religious architecture. Western Tibet shares various aspects of textile tradition in architecture with various cultures due to its location on the trade routes, the so-called silk roads that connected Tibet with India, China and Central Asia.51 It is clear that the formal characteristics of the royal camp in particular possessed high status in the ‘iconography’ of residential traditions (cf. also Chayet 1988). I propose that the mobile residence of the Tibetan court could have served as the model for a pictorial convention in Western Himalayan art. However, these observations are mainly based on the pictorial evidence and therefore need to be studied in a more extensive context, including epigraphy, social history and textual analysis. Ephemeral structures (like tent camps) that define sacred space are a paradigm case of the relation of landscape and built

__________ 51

The preoccupation in ceiling decorations that imitate textiles is a constant artistic phenomenon in the earliest phase of Indo-Tibetan temples in this region and demonstrates the strong impact of international trade on the development of this artistic tradition as well as on the close relationship between textiles and the evolution of indigenous architecture. The evolutionary history, function and symbolism of ceiling compositions in early Western Himalayan painting and the transformation of visual aesthetics from the 13th centuries onwards is the subject of a forthcoming publication by the author.

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constructions and their spatial order (e.g. maˆ"ala).52 The ephemeral culture and patterns of spatial order in assemblies and courtly receptions add to the body of concepts of ordered space significant for the cultural landscape of the Western Himalaya.53 The study of the close interrelation and reciprocity between local culture and religion and the artistic tradition is a desideratum for future research and will help to better understand the function and meaning of material culture represented in the art of this region. To sum up, the following main steps in the development of donor compositions in early Western Himalayan art can be distinguished: the Tibetan Buddhist type of the royal assembly at Tabo, characterised by hieratic and symmetrical compositions. The second type can be defined as the royal camp that defines courtly space. At Alchi we find the co-existence of the Iranian banquet and Tibetan assembly scene as well as the ritual banquet in the tradition of Iranian ceremonial feast, a court reception as a specific genre in Central Asia. The latter represents a distinctive cultural orbit in the Western Himalayan region of Ladakh.54 ON THE RITUAL FUNCTION OF ROYAL ASSEMBLIES IN THE WESTERN HIMALAYA Royal symbolism plays an important role in Indo-Tibetan rituals of various types. D. Snellgrove (1959: 204) has well described the ancient relation between kingship and Buddhism and how universal do__________ 52

The volume Sacred Landscape of the Himalaya (Michaels et al. 2003) is an indepth study of concepts referring to the sacredness of space, landscape and nature in the present-day culture of the Himalaya region. The authors follow a methodology known since the early 1970s as architectural anthropology, however the concept of the royal camp has hardly been described in recent literature. Furthermore, the concept of ephemeral and mobile structures in contrast to solid buildings corresponds to the notion of the numinal in the worldly representation of sacred space as well as the concept of the ‘impermanent’ in Buddhist doctrine. 53 Ch. Jahoda concludes from fieldwork conducted in the Western Himalaya over the past few years that various aspects of nomadic traditions play only an insignificant role in present-day life, e.g. mountain pastures have been given up by the peasant society of the Spiti valley only recently (cf. Jahoda 2003: 309). 54 The conceptual background of donor depictions varies according to the historical context.

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minion (the ideal of the cakravartin) and Buddhahood “... were conceived as parallel goals, one pre-eminent in the worldly sphere, and the other in the other-worldly”. It can be assumed that the ceremonies depicted in the donor depictions of the Western Himalaya record specific historical events in relation to the Buddhist cult of the temple.55 Seyfort Ruegg (1997) has studied the politico-religious ideology influenced by Buddhist concepts and the relationship between religious order and temporal power in thirteenth-century Tibetan society and polity as reflected in the link between the lama as reverend donee (mchod gnas) and his princely or royal donor (Tib. yon bdag). As far as the relationship between the royal camp and Buddhist ritual is concerned, the scene under the tent might depict a specific type of consecration outside the temple, e.g. of the auspicious ground on which the religious dwelling is to be erected. Y. Bentor (1996: 18) informs us that consecration rituals also serve the purpose of “the localization of the divine power” of a place.56 A didactic poem by Atißa (982–1054), the Bengali scholar-priest who journeyed to Western Tibet at the invitation of the royal lama of Tabo, Byang chub ’od, describes the ritual concerning the localisation of the place for the ordination of a monk and the complex ritual of purification and adornment with ritual ornament (cf. Eimer 1978). 57 It is noteworthy that at Nako donor depictions occur in pictorial ensembles with female deities. Ch. Jahoda has worked on the interaction of monastic Tibetan Buddhism and the cult of local deities and demonstrated in his article (Jahoda in print) that the latter had a high status in the cultural tradition of Spiti and Upper Kinnaur. Ch. Luczanits (2004: 81ff.) has observed the significance of female deities in the iconography of both Nako and Alchi. The close physical relationship to these depictions makes a religious connotation of the donor scene even more plausible and it is not impossible that the fe__________ 55

Structured assemblies of lay and monastic persons can still be found today when official or religious gatherings are held in the region. Here it is important to note that this type of ritual space exists independently of built or architectural structures. 56 However, it has to be borne in mind that the sources are not contemporary. 57 I thank Eva Allinger for this reference.

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male deities played a prominent role in the consecration ritual of the temple in their function as protector goddesses. The structured setting of the scene with the royal lama at Tabo and the assembly is comparable with the depiction of the local protectress of the temple in front of a textile drapery on the entrance wall of the ’du khang (see Klimburg-Salter 1997: figs 55 and 56) as well as the west wall of the Entry Hall, sgo khang (ibid.: figs 38 and 39). These themes would thus seem to be closely connected in respect of their cultic function.58 In contrast to the self-contained female protector deity at the entrance to the main temple at Tabo, we find in the lha khang gong ma at Nako (Fig. 6) a compositional unit that consists of the sculpture representing the main icon, identifiable as a Prajñåpåramitå according to Ch. Luczanits (2004: 84; fig. 83), the protector deity (Tårå) and the donors. This compositional unit is exemplary for the central position of female deities in early Western Himalayan art. A shift of iconography of the protector deity can be observed: what we find here can tentatively be identified as the ideal of the Bodhisattva, who works for the salvation of all living beings. In the function of a protector the female Bodhisattva at Nako might be subordinated to the central deity and related to the donors in the function of a Yidam (personal meditation deity of the adept). Examples of this scheme can be found in thangka painting only in a later period.59 Whereas there is no historical evidence concerning the relation of the donors to the protector, the local deity at Tabo, the close relation to the donors is relatively clear at Nako as well as in the gsum brtsegs at Alchi as will be shown below. Further interdisciplinary studies of the pictorial and inscriptional evidence as well as local traditions will be necessary in order to specify this relationship.

__________ 58 On the occasion of various kinds of processions and ceremonies special ritual settings are arranged for portable images of local deities (‘devta’) in Himachal Pradesh: these ephemeral shrines may consist of a protecting umbrella as well as other textile covers like tents (cf. Aryan and Gupta 1993: image on the frontispiece). 59 For an example see Essen and Thingo 1989: 67ff. The question of the relation between Prajñåpåramitå and Tårå in the function of a consort in the Western Himalaya is the subject of ongoing studies by E. Allinger.

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CHANGE OF VISUAL CULTURE AT ALCHI: THE INTERNATIONAL NORTH-WEST INDIAN AND IRANIAN-CENTRAL ASIAN STYLE AROUND 1200 I now wish to turn to a comparison with the gsum brtsegs at Alchi, where the typology of royal imagery is further elaborated and here the costumes indicate a different cultural background from that in the ’du khang. In the latter the donor depictions covered the lower section of the entrance wall (which is the lowest realm in the hierarchy of spatial order of a sacred realm). In the chronologically later gsum brtsegs (beginning of the 13th century) the vertical tendency in the spatial hierarchy of the iconography dominates, in contrast to the horizontal movement in the ’du khang. The direction is clearly that of ascent. A symptom of this characteristic is that royal imagery can be found on the lowest section of the whole dwelling. In the inner space the view of the practitioner onlooker is directed from the lower to the upper storeys, which together with the decorated ceilings form a sacred space of incredible richness and colourful splendour. In the (east) niche of the right-hand wall donors or noblemen in symmetric compositions are depicted (Plate 16). The visually complex and dense scene of a king and his two wives (see also Goepper 1996: 110) and another with the queen in the centre, show the protagonists residing in a space that is mainly defined by the symmetrical arrangement of the persons organised in rows. Furthermore, the location is defined by an architectural frame, which resembles an ornamental wooden palace or throne and admits the gaze on the royal realm. This can be interpreted as the continuation of the Indo-Tibetan concept of the throne portal as symbol of both the seats of the deity as well as border to the supramundane. The architectural ornament depicted has a built equivalent in the wooden veranda of the gsum brtsegs; the latter clearly stands in the architectonic tradition of Kaßm¥r (Khosla 1979: 57) and once might have functioned as a monumental border. In the wall painting the wooden throne allows the gaze into the courtly sphere. However the theme and characteristic hand gestures of the ‘Iranian ritual banquet’ is no longer as pronounced as in the so-called

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royal drinking scene of the ’du khang, also the combination with noble horsemen or horse racings are absent.60 The courtly figures as well as the ornamental style of textiles in the gsum brtsegs differ from the ’du khang and may belong to a later Central Asian stratum (Plate 17): presumably the king and his companion (a prince?) are depicted, subordinated to Tårå in the west niche of the temple; the king is wearing a brimmed conical hat (comparable to the falconer in Nishåpur) and his long caftan displays rich polychrome textiles with large motifs, some of them most probably printed silks (cf. R. Goepper 1995, 1996: figs 72–85). There is evidently great interest on the part of the artist(s) in the illusionistic depiction of the motifs, which are presented in loving detail. However, the robes are treated without volume or movement like flat pieces of fabric, the dimensions of the character of the fabric other than the pattern thus remaining obscure. B. Marshak assumes there was great faithfulness and naturalism in the depiction of costumes in Central Asia. He argues that in a culture of luxury art where textiles were among the most important commodities, the realistic depiction of costumes was of special relevance and a major aim of the artist in his role as craftsman.61 However the relationship between actual forms and their representation in the realm of art varies greatly.62 Interestingly, in the gsum brtsegs precious garments with royal imagery are also depicted on religious imagery. __________ 60 A roughly contemporary courtly reception can be found at Rayy (for illustrations see Pope 1993) on a panel of a stucco relief revetment (dated 1195). There one finds the central image of the enthroned prince holding a cup, with his retinue clad in densely ornamented kaftans subordinated to him in symmetrical rows. The figures are ‘bound’ to a continuous grid of ornament that adds a two-dimensional order to the whole composition. 61 Verbal communication from Boris Marshak (2003). In the feast of Sogdian merchants in Panjikent the garments and vessels all have different shapes and the artist has rendered the fabric of the kaftans in meticulous detail. B. Marshak has identified Chinese damasks (the latter have striking similarities with the textile depictions at the Ghaznevid Lashkari Bazar), Såsånian pearl roundels and borders with small-scale patterns that in my opinion could well be Indian printed textiles. In Båmiyån we also find a range of all sorts of luxurious garments. These were most likely traded at that time and include possibly also Indian cotton cloth in the predominant colours of red and blue. 62 This question needs to be analysed individually and set in the context of the artistic expression or ‘Kunstwollen’ the urge or impulse towards art.

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THE QUESTION OF THE CULTURAL TRANSMISSION OF EASTERN IRANIAN ELEMENTS In the 12th-13th centuries, the Alchi paintings are strongly reminiscent of Sogdian as well as Islamic East Iranian paintings. This problem is subject of a controversial scholarly debate (Snellgrove 1977, Pal and Fournier 1982, Flood 1991; the latter focuses in his article on the filiations of post-Såsånian motifs in the hunting themes of the Alchi gsum brtsegs ceilings) initiated by Giuseppe Tucci (1973: 181) who considered the royal scenes to be the work of Tibetan painters established in Kaßm¥r, perhaps following Iranian models from Central Asia. Traces of Iranicate art in Ladakh are few. It is known that the Sogdians, the main representatives of Iranian and post-Såsånian culture in Central Asia, were present in Ladakh only two centuries before the founding of Alchi (Francke 1925: 367, Flood 1991: 25), and Ladakh had already had previous contact with Iranian-influenced culture in the time of the Tibetan expansion into the Tarim Basin from the 8th century onwards (Pal and Fournier 1982: 28–29). “In a more direct temporal and geographical proximity to the temples of Alchi Chos-’khor there existed the large Muslim empire created by the Ghaznevids [a Turkic military dynasty, 977–1186]” (Flood 1991: 32). From 1001 to 1023 Kaßm¥r bordered the domain of Mahmud of Ghazni, patron of the Persian poet Firdausi (940–c.1020, born in Tus, Khoråssån) and al-Biruni, and knowledgable of Indianism and the culture of Kaßm¥r (Naudou 1980: 23ff.).63 As J. Naudou (1980: 23) states, the Turkic Ghaznevids encouraged Iranian culture, holding court with the magnificence of Iranian monarchs, and patronised the Shåh Nåmeh (Book of Kings, comprising 60,000 couplets), the history of pre-Islamic Iranian kings. A popular theme in Firdausi’s text is the princely hunt (e.g. Bahråm-Gur). “The Perso-Islamic Samanids had established a court culture in their capital, Bukhara, in the old Iranian tradition that constituted the initial horizon for the Ghaznevid dynasty in their quest for legitimacy and prestige within the greater Islamic world” (Pancaroglu 2005: 72). Thus from the 12th century on__________ 63

When Mahmud died in 1030, the territory of the Ghaznevid Empire was at its largest extension, reaching from Khoråssån in the West to Lahore in the East.

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wards, especially since the shift of the Ghaznevid capital from Ghazni to Lahore, we may assume that the Ghaznevid dynasties and their successors had a strong impact specifically also on the art and culture of Northwestern India including Kaßm¥r (cf. Holt et al. 1970: 156).64 The overall impression of the courtly costumes in the gsum brtsegs is comparable to the garments with tiråz-strips depicted in the murals of the ruined Ghaznevid palace of Lashkari Bazar in Afghanistan, built by Mascud I in the 11th century as has been proposed by P. Pal and Fournier (1982: 29) and discussed in greater detail by Flood (1991). In both examples there is a great interest in the detailed depiction of long precious robes, the motifs on the textiles are complex and large-scale, but no identical motifs can be found. Some robes might represent Chinese silk damasks comparable to 8th century examples from Panjikent, Sogdia (cf. Sims et al. 2002: 121, fig. 37). The armour is also different; in Alchi a dagger is stuck in the belt on the right hip and the ceremonial axe is a specific contrasting element. At Lashkari Bazar we see Iranian attire with suspended swords, purses and hanging strips of metal or cloth. In their basic appearance the sultans remained to a large degree Turkic condottieri whereas at Alchi the regal attire has features that differ consistently from the Ghaznevid type. At the palace of Mascud III at Ghazni we also find further themes of courtly imagery comparable to the ’du khang as well as the gsum brtsegs ceiling textiles, namely depictions of the royal hunt on a marble slab (Allchin and Hammond 1978: fig. 6.11.), but in general the pictorial evidence is not so significant as to allow us to postulate a genetic link. Significant commonalities in themes (mounted falcon hunters, horsemen and trappery in accordance with Såsånian, Sogdian and Ghaznevid practices) can also be found in the Eastern Iranian Nishåpur (Neyshåbur), Khoråssån, which was ruled in the 10th century by an Iranian dynasty. (The Samanids were the first native dynasty to arise in Irån after Muslim Arab conquest.) This art shows a blending of Iranian and Turkic aesthetics and represents the earliest body of Iranian painting of the Islamic period that survived (for images cf. Sims et al. 2002: 26). By this time the Turkic presence has __________ 64 A detailed comparative analysis of Ghaznevid art and its successors will be necessary in order to define more precisely how this cultural stratum was adopted into the concepts and aesthetics of Western Tibetan Buddhist art.

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profoundly affected the material culture of riding peoples of the steppes and mountain regions in Central Asia and the Islamic world (ibid.: 23). We have almost no remains from the courtly art of Kaßm¥r in the 12th centuries, but it is clear, that post-Såsånian luxury art has influenced Kaßm¥ri art on various levels and from very early times on, as testify the ornamental relieves of Avantisvåmin temple. Textile depictions on bronze sculptures (see Flood 1991: 33; Goepper 1995) provide further comparative material. ORNAMENT AT ALCHI: THE ART OF ELABORATION AND VARIATION Textiles and luxury objects can be regarded as one of the most important media in the dissemination of Iranianising aesthetics up to the 13th century.65 The courtly culture of Ladakh was especially receptive to the international language of luxury art. The study of costumes, textiles and ornament provides a paradigm case for the study of crosscultural transmission of motifs and themes in this region. The association of ornament with luxury objects such as precious garments, which are readily portable and thus constitute an ideal object for trade, offers one of the best media for the diffusion of themes. It was the love of precious and exotic wares that stimulated the circulation of these objects in the first place and provided ample incentive for copying of motifs (cf. Trilling 2001, 2003). In his seminal works on the Alchi textile ceiling depictions, R. Goepper (1993, 1995) has drawn attention to the royal themes of the hunt and overlapping rampant lions. As the art of Kaßm¥r shows comparable themes on stone carvings in the above mentioned Avantisvåmin temple in Avantipur, he concluded that the Alchi textiles were produced in Kaßm¥ri workshops, thus assuming that these paintings display evidence of the contemporary courtly tradition of Kaßm¥r (Goepper 1993: 67). However, neither traces of this tradition nor any early Kaßm¥ri silks have been identified to date. In the following it is the aim to define the specific courtly art and ornamental culture of the later phase of the Alchi school of painting __________ 65 The appreciation of ornament throughout history has been described in various seminal works by J. Trilling, the ‘guru of ornament’. In his publications as well as his teachings he encourages re-learning the language of ornament.

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in the gsum brtsegs as a mirror of what can tentatively be called a ‘International Courtly Style’ around 1200.66 This attempt to specify the ornamental styles will facilitate understanding of the wider artistic and cultural context of the later (13th century) Alchi paintings.67 This style presumably derives from a shared cosmopolitan TurkicIranian cultural milieu in this region around 1200, including North India and Kaßm¥r in particular. The stratigraphy of Central Asian components in the scenes of courtly life has an equivalent in the textile depictions: among the most prominent motifs are post-Såsånian pearl roundels. One type on the ceiling panel on the upper storey of the gsum brtsegs (Goepper 1996: Panel 23) shows self-contained patterns with religious or secular imagery in large roundels and ornamental interstices reflecting a rather archaic type of medallion.68 In contrast to this mode are textiles in the fashion of contemporary garments, decorated with extensive medallions (Plate 18). Characteristic for this style is the effect of repetition that allows the arrangement of the configuration to function as ornament while at the same time diminishing the religious/symbolic explicitness of the imagery. The great innovators with regard to complex surface patterns at that time were Western-Central Asian artists. One of the earliest examples of the __________ 66 The visual art of ornament in the Western Himalaya has been very little studied to date. In an article (2002) I have tried to point out that the imitation of textile motifs is only one aspect of the complex evolution of ornamental tradition at Alchi. The Austrian scholar Alois Riegl stressed the importance of the study of ornamental styles in his work Stilfragen. Grundlegung zu einer Geschichte der Ornamentik (Berlin 1893). 67 The visual idiom of symbols and geometric abstraction has a long tradition in Indian and Tibetan history. Taddei (1993) has described the function of aniconism in the art of Gandhåra. He concludes that the juxtaposition of narrative scenes and absence of the Buddha in anthropomorphic form is one of the main artistic achievements of this period. Symbols and signs represented the Buddha without the illusion of physical reality. Irwin points out that until a relatively late period the cosmic deities were never worshipped in human form, while lower terrestrial deities such as tree-spirits, water-spirits and guardian deities were (Irwin 1990: 61). However, I suggest that this aniconic position found continuity in the visual art of ornament in later Buddhist culture, particularly in Tibet. I have discussed a number of aspects of the visual art of ornament in the Western Himalaya in my article (2002); nevertheless an evaluation of the different styles and functions of ornament in this region has not yet been attempted. 68 In this style ornamental form and religious or secular meaning coexist, comparable with Tabo; the models of this Iranianising phase can be found in Kaßm¥r art of the 8th century (Avantisvåmin temple, Avantipur).

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latter type can be found on a 13th-century Iranian or Mongolian cloth of gold (nasij) (Plate 19), a symbol of imperial authority under the Mongols (Watt and Wardwell 1997: 18), while a Mongolian Kesi,69 also dating from the 13th century, provides another comparable example (Plates 20, 21). The textile models for luxury garments are in general different from Tabo, as well as Nako (Goepper 1993, 1995, Wandl 1997, 1999, PapaKalantari 2002). A group of textile depictions on the ceilings of the Tabo ’du khang70 shares compositional principles and the characteristic (cross-shaped) lotus buds in the interstices with High Tang silks, the so-called karahana motifs which provide the dominant design patterns during the Tibetan phase of the Buddhist cave temples at Dunhuang (roughly 8th century), both on ceilings and as borders in the wall paintings (e.g. cave 112; for images see R. Whitfield 1995: 252).71 This decorative style has been called ‘Duke of Lingyang’, after the head of the imperial workshop in Szechuan.72 Zha lu (from the 11th century) and Tabo most likely share common models of Chinese Central Asian luxury textiles still of high value and appreciation at that time. Thus this type of textiles in the medium of painting at Tabo can be regarded as a late evidence of the Tang International Style in the Western Himalaya. The impact of the latter on the evolutionary history of early Buddhist art in this region has hitherto been little studied. In the cella a hybrid ornamental style can be found that combines ornamental features of Kaßm¥ri metal frames, for example in bronze (Pal 1975: fig. 11) and Indo-Tibetan iconography (Plate 22).73 Early prototypes __________ 69

The technique is also called slit-weave tapestry, a method of decoration “that rivalled painting in the subtleties of modulated colour” (Linrothe 2004: 31). 70 For images see Klimburg-Salter 1997: fig. 193. 71 For a group of textile depictions at Tabo, Erna Wandl (1997, 1999) has found parallels with examples from the important textile producing centres in Rajasthan and Gujarat. 72 The style of this workshop is characterised by the adoption of ‘Western’ patterns, in particular from Persia (Watt and Wardwell 1997: 24). A child’s pants sewn of Tang silks with karahana motifs together with a damask coat with Sogdian medallions are said to have been preserved in Tibet (cf. ibid., Cat. no. 5) and thus might be a rare set representing the period early Tibetan courtly culture. 73 Klimburg-Salter (1997: 49) suggested that the ceiling decorations in the ambulatory might have been painted between 998 and 1042. However, on the basis of comparative stylistic analysis it can be concluded that the ceilings in the sanctum and

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of the ceiling composition with the lotus as central design pattern can be found in the Mirkulå Dev¥ temple of Lahoul as has been suggested by Linrothe (verbal communication). At Tabo complex figural textiles distinguish the ‘sanctum sanctorum’ (cella) from the main hall of the temple. This is a clear indication for the significance of precious textiles in their function as delineation of sacred space and the definition of hierarchy of spatial order in the Buddhist temple (PapaKalantari forthcoming).74 At Alchi, in contrast, there is a strong Eastern Iranian orientation with regard to ornamental style. The dense ornamental fillings in the Alchi roundels with ‘Parthian riders’ are reminiscent of contemporary ceramics of the Iranian world, one example of this widespread type of luxury art in Central Asia stems from Rayy, 12th century (Fig. 8) and displays characteristic floral scrolls growing out of the frame. Many paintings on ceramics of this type display birds as space fillers like in the interstices of the Alchi medallions and animals of prey in a rather decorative manner.75 Luxury objects like lustre ware are easily portable and might have functioned as a medium of dissemination like precious garments. Ornament is the art of elaboration and variation and enhances the sacredness of ritual space in the gsum brtsegs. Precious garments with motifs in the international language of luxury art reinforce this rich overall atmosphere in the gsum brtsegs. I have shown elsewhere (2002) that the ornamental culture of Ladakh is an artistic milieu, which created a rich variety of mature stylistic expressions; in fact the vitality of this art lies in the very notion of mutation and variation.76 The capacity to blend the given elements, thereby focusing on pattern and arrangement, is a phenomenon typical of a rich and highly __________ the ambulatory and the early paintings in the sgo khang certainly belong to the same chronological phase in the founding period (end of 10th century). 74 Emile Mâle (1978: 341–42) has described a comparable function of garments in medieval European churches: “In Gaul, from Merovingian times, Eastern tapestries were the most magnificent ornaments of Christian basilicas. They were hung before the doors and between the columns; they enclosed the sanctuary making it inaccessible like the holy of holies”. (I thank Sue Andrew for this reference). 75 I wish to thank Markus Ritter for this observation. 76 Boris Marshak (verbal communication) has compared this fascinating creative profusion with that displayed by the verses of the Shåh Nåmeh.

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Fig. 8: Rayy, Iran, 12th c., ceramic plate (after Soustiel 1985: 91)

developed artistic milieu (Trilling 2003). In fact, it is an expression of luxury. On the other hand religious content and Eastern Iranian ornament connotated with luxury enhance one another, and in this function ornament is of itself a means of religious symbolism. There is a constant and close relationship between textile reflections of status and legitimacy of kingship and those of Buddhist supremeness in Tibetan culture and particular in Western Himalayan art. The intimate relation between royal and monastic law corresponds to an ancient local relationship between kingship and Buddhism and is best illustrated in the figure of Ye shes ’od, the royal lama (lha bla ma) of Tabo. This emphasis on courtly symbolism is specifically characteristic for the latest artistic phase of this painting tradition, and the gsum brtsegs in particular.

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CONTINUITY AND TRANSFORMATION OF TURKIC-IRANIAN BUDDHIST ART IN THE WESTERN HIMALAYA The co-presence of the religious and courtly spheres are to be observed in the Buddhist cave paintings of Central Asia very early on, e.g. in the art of Qyzil (Eastern Turkestan, e.g. in the ‘Måyå cave, zone 2’) and the Iranicate Buddhist art of Båmiyån (ceiling of the 38 m Buddha-niche). In Alchi we find this notion on various levels, especially on the painted wooden ceilings with their depictions of dancers, hunting scenes, animals in combat and predatory animals: all these themes can also be found in roughly contemporary Fatimid art. This fascinating co-presence is not unusual in this period and can also be found in the contemporaneous Capella Palatina in Palermo, Italy, built by the great Hohenstaufen monarch Frederick II, ruler of Sicily and Normandy. In conclusion: there is ample evidence for an Eastern Iranian stratum in the early Buddhist art of Ladakh. Communities with Iranian language and culture still exist today. The Dards of Ladakh are more ancient than the Tibetan component of the population and might have had a natural affinity with their northern neighbours. Inscriptions at Khalatse (cf. Francke 1906) indicate that the Dards had monumental structures before the advent of Ladakhi kings (cf. also Pal and Fournier 1982, and Vohra 1988, 1989). But it is in the pictorial tradition of this region that one can best assess the import of Eastern Iranian components. Comparison with early Buddhist art in Himachal Pradesh shows a set of emerging modes of composition in the art of Ladakh which contrast significantly with the Western Himalayan artistic tradition. In Ladakh the phenomenon of the merging of Ghaznevid and older Iranian elements (e.g. Sogdian) can be observed in different historical phases, the definition of these components as well as of the different historical stages in the integration of the international language of Iranicate courtly art is a crucial task for future research. The Kaßm¥r courtly tradition, in its reciprocal relationship with the Turkic-Ghaznevid heirs of Iranicate art, forms one stratum in the various stages of western Central Asian inspiration. I submit that Alchi is the last example of Eastern Iranian Buddhist culture that flourished with close links to the wide range of Indo-Tibetan artistic schools which survived in the Western Himalaya. The variety of donor depictions in each political and regional unit of the Western Himalaya dem-

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onstrates the cultural diversity of this tradition, by means of which each region strove for a distinct identity. It can be tentatively assumed that the adoption of Iranicate features is a reflection of a cultural stratum and not only a change in fashion associated with new political power. However, these features were also creatively adapted to the demands of Western Tibetan Buddhism and aesthetics. It will be an important task for future research to further define this relationship. In order to enforce the epistemological gain, co-operation and confrontation with other historical disciplines and social sciences is crucial. H. Francke, R.A. Stein and G. Tucci were among the pioneers of Tibetan studies in the West who combined these perspectives, thus ensuring the broad, holistic view necessary in dealing with the complexity of religious art in this region transcending both geographic and religious boundaries. BIBLIOGRAPHY Al’baum, L.I. 1960. Balalyk-Tepe. Ta©kent: Izdatel’stvo Akademii Nauk UzSSR. —— 1975. Zhivopis’ Afrasiaba. Ta©kent: Izd. Fan Uzbek. SSR. Aldenderfer, M. In print. Defining Zhang zhung ethnicity: an archaeological perspective from far western Tibet. In A. Heller and G. Orofino (eds) PIATS 2003: Proceedings of the Tenth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Oxford 2003. Leiden: Brill. Allchin, F.R. and Hammond, N. (eds) 1978. The Archaeology of Afghanistan: from Earliest Times to the Timurid Period. London: Academic Press. Allinger, E. 2005. An unusual depiction of A!"amahåbhaya Tårå in Nako - Himachal Pradesh as compared with other representations of the same Tårå in the Western Himalaya. In C. Jarrige and V. Lefèvre (eds) South Asian Archaeology 2001: Proceedings of the 16th International Conference of the European Assiociation of South Asian Archaeologists, Paris, July 2001, Vol. 2. Paris: Édition Recherche sur les civilisations, 355–62. Aryan, S. and Datta Gupta, R.K. 1993. Crafts of Himachal Pradesh. Ahmedabad: Mapin. Azarpay, G. 1981. Sogdian Painting: the Pictorial Epic in Oriental Art. Berkeley: University of California Press. Belenitskii, A.I. and Marshak, B.I. 1979. Voprosy khronologii zhivopisi rannesrednevekovogo Sogda [The problems in the chronology of the early medieval Sogdian paintings]. Uspekhi sredneaziatskoy arkheologii (Leningrad) 4, 32–37. Bentor, Y. 1996. Consecration of Images and StËpas in Indo-Tibetan Tantric Buddhism. Leiden: Brill. Beer, R. 2003. The Handbook of Tibetan Buddhist Symbols. Chicago-London: Serindia. Bellezza, J.V. 2001. Antiquities of Northern Tibet: Pre-Buddhist Archaeological Discoveries on the High Plateau. Delhi: Adroit Publishers.

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Chandra, L. 1961. The Samye Monastery. Íata-pi†aka series, vol. 14. Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture. Chayet, A. 1988. Le monastère de bSam-yas: sources architecturales. Arts Asiatiques 43: 19–29. —— 1990. Contribution aux recherches sur les états successifs du monastère de bSam-yas. In F. Meyer (ed.) Tibet: civilisation et société. Paris: Éd. de la Fondation Singer-Polignac, Éd. de la Maison des sciences de l’homme, 109–19. Clarke, J. 2004. Jewellery of Tibet and the Himalayas. London: V&A Publications. Denwood, P.T. 1990. Tibetan Pho-brang in the early period. In T. Skorupski (ed.) Indo-Tibetan studies: Papers in Honour and Appreciation of Professor David L. Snellgrove’s Contribution to Indo-Tibetan Studies. Tring: Institute of Buddhist Studies, 75–80. Diemberger, H. 2002. The people of Porong and concepts of territory. In K. Buffetrille and H. Diemberger (eds) Territory and Identity in Tibet and the Himalayas. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, vol. 9. Leiden: Brill, 33–58. Eimer, H. (ed.) 1978. Bodhipathaprad¥pa. Ein Lehrgedicht des Atißa (D¥paµkaraßr¥jñåna) in der tibetischen Überlieferung. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Essen, G.W. and Thingo, T. 1989. Götter des Himalaya. München: Prestel. Ewing, S. 2002. Hearth and cloth: dwelling practice and production in eastern Tibet. The Journal of Architecture 7, 115–34. Flood, F.B. 1991. Mobility and mutation: Iranic hunting themes in the murals of Alchi, Western Himalaya. South Asian Studies 7: 21–35. Francke, A.H. 1906. Archæology in Western Tibet. Khalatse. Indian Antiquary 35, 237–41, 325–33. Francke, A.H. 1925. Felseninschriften in Ladakh. Sitzungsberichte der Preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Philosophisch-historische Klasse XXXIV. Berlin, 366–70. Ghirshman, R. 1962. Iran: Parthes et Sassanides. Paris: Gallimard. Goepper, R. 1993. Early Kashmiri textiles? Painted ceilings in Alchi. Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society 56(1991–1992), 47–73. —— 1995. Dressing the temple. Textile representations in the frescoes at Alchi. In J. Tilden (ed.) Asian Art. The Second Hali Annual. London: Hali, 98–117. Goepper, R. (text) and Poncar, J. (photogr.) 1996. Alchi. Ladakh’s Hidden Buddhist Sanctuary: the Sumtsek. London: Serindia. Grabar, O. 1993. The aesthetics of Islamic Art. In Türk ve Islam Eserleri Müzesi In Pursuit of Excellence: Works of Art from the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts, Istanbul. Istanbul: Ertug, 19–36. Gutschow, N. et al. (eds) 2003. Sacred Landscape of the Himalaya. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press. Hackin, J. et al. 1959. Diverses recherches archéologiques en Afghanistan: 19331940. Mémoires de la Délégation française en Afghanistan, 8. Paris: Presses universitaires de France. Haarh, E. 1969. The Yar-lu! Dynasty. Copenhagen: Gad. Hayashi, T. 2003. Sogdian influences seen on Turkic stone statues. Focusing on the fingers representations. In M. Comparetti et al. (eds) Ērån ud An„rån. Studies Presented to Boris Ilich Marshak on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday. Transoxania Webfestschrift Series I. http://www.transoxania.org/Eran/Articles/ hayashi.html Heller, A. 1998. Two inscribed fabrics and their historical context: some observations on esthetics and silk trade in Tibet, 7th to 9th century. In K. Otavsky (ed.)

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Entlang der Seidenstrasse: frühmittelalterliche Kunst zwischen Persien und China in der Abegg-Stiftung. Riggisberger Berichte, 6. Riggisberg: Abegg-Stiftung, 95–118. —— 2003. Archaeology of funeral rituals as revealed by Tibetan tombs of the 8th to 9th century. In M. Comparetti et al. (eds) Ērån ud An„rån. Studies Presented to Boris Ilich Marshak on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday. Transoxania Webfestschrift Series I. http://www.transoxania.org/Eran/Articles/heller.html Holt, P. et al. (eds) 1970. The Cambridge History of Islam. Vol. 1: The Central Islamic Lands. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jahoda, Ch. 2003. Sozio-ökonomische Organisation in einem Grenzgebiet tibetischer Kultur: Tabo - Spiti Tal (Himachal Pradesh, Indien) – Geschichte und Gegenwart. Ein Beitrag zum Konzept der ‘peasant societies’. PhD dissertation, University of Vienna, Vienna. —— In print. Bemerkungen zur Tradition einer weiblichen Schutzgottheit (srung ma) in Tabo (Spiti Tal, Himachal Pradesh, Indien). In A. Gingrich and G. Hazod (eds) Der Rand und die Mitte. Sozial- und kulturgeschichtliche Beiträge zu Tibet und den tibetisch-sprachigen Himalaya-Regionen. Vienna. Jackson, D.P. 1984. The Mollas of Mustang. Historical, Religious and Oratorical Traditions of the Nepalese-Tibetan Borderland. Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives. Karmay, H. 1977. Tibetan costume, seventh to eleventh centuries. In A. Macdonald and Y. Imaeda (eds) Essais sur l’art du Tibet. Paris: Librairie d’Amérique et d’Orient, 64–81. Khosla, R. 1975. Architecture and symbolism in Tibetan monasteries. In P. Oliver (ed.) Shelter, Sign & Symbol. London: Barrie and Jenkins, 71–83. —— 1979. Buddhist Monasteries in the Western Himalaya. Bibliotheca Himalayica, series III, vol. 13. Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar. Klimburg, M. 2004. The arts and societies of the Kafirs of the Hindu Kush. Asian Affairs XXXV(III), 365–86. Klimburg-Salter, D. 1987. Reformation and renaissance: a study of Indo-Tibetan monasteries in the eleventh century. In G. Gnoli and L. Lanciotti (eds) Orientalia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata. Serie Orientale Roma LVI,2. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 683–702. —— 1996a. Some remarks on canopies in Båmiyån. In Convegno internazionale sul tema La Persia e l’Asia centrale da Alessandro al 10. secolo, Roma, 9-12 nov. 1994. Atti dei convegni lincei, 127. Rome: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 473–87. —— 1996b. Style in Western Tibetan painting: the archaeological evidence. East and West 46(3–4), 319–36. —— 1997. Tabo, a Lamp for the Kingdom. Early Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Art in the Western Himalaya. Milan: Skira. —— 2003. The Nako Preservation Project. Orientations 34, 39–45. Knauer, E.R. 1999. Les vêtement des nomades eurasiatiques et sa postérité. Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, comptes rendus des séances de l’année 1999. Paris: De Boccard, 1141–87. Kramrisch, S. 1983. A Survey of Painting in the Deccan. New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation (orig. published 1937, London: The India Society). Linrothe, R. 2004. Paradise & Plumage: Chinese Connections in Tibetan Arhat Painting. Catalogue of the Rubin Museum of Art. New York: Rubin Museum of Art, Chicago: Serindia.

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Luczanits, Ch. 1998. On an unusual painting style in Ladakh. In D. Klimburg-Salter and E. Allinger (eds) The Inner Asian International Style 12th-14th Centuries. PIATS 1995: Proceedings of the Seventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Graz 1995, vol. 6. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 151–69. —— 2003. The 12th century Buddhist monuments of Nako. Orientations 34, 46–53. —— 2004. Buddhist Sculpture in Clay: Early Western Himalyan Art, Late 10th to Early 13th Centuries. Chicago: Serindia. —— Forthcoming. On the depiction of Hindu and pan-Indian deities in the Lo-tsa-ba lHa-khang at Nako. In E.M. Raven (ed.) South Asian Archaeology 1999: Proceedings of the 15th International Conference of the European Association of South Asian Archaeologists, Leiden, July 1999. Mâle, E. 1978. Religious Art in France. The Twelfth Century, a Study of the Origins of Medieval Iconography. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Naudou, J. 1980. Buddhists of Kaßm¥r. Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan. Otavsky, K. (ed.) 1998. Entlang der Seidenstrasse: frühmittelalterliche Kunst zwischen Persien und China in der Abegg-Stiftung. Riggisberger Berichte, 6. Riggisberg: Abegg-Stiftung. Pal, P. 1975. Bronzes of Kashmir. Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt. Pal, P. (text) and Fournier, L. (photogr.) 1982. A Buddhist Paradise: the Murals of Alchi, Western Himalayas. Vaduz: Ravi Kumar. Pancaroglu, O. 2005. The emergence of Turcic dynastic presence in the Islamic world. In D.J. Roxburgh (ed.) Turks: a Journey of a Thousand Years, 600-1600. Exhibition catalogue, Royal Academy of Arts, London 22 January-12 April 2005. London: Royal Academy of Arts, 70–102. Papa-Kalantari, Ch. 2000. Die Deckenmalereien des gSum-brtsegs in Alchi. Studie zu den Textildarstellungen eines frühen buddhistischen Tempels aus dem westtibetischen Kulturkreis. MA thesis, University of Vienna, Vienna. —— 2002. The ceiling paintings of the Alchi gsum brtsegs: problems of style. In D. Klimburg-Salter and E. Allinger (eds) Buddhist Art and Tibetan Patronage, Ninth to Fourteenth centuries. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, vol. 7. Leiden: Brill, 85–113. —— 2004. Painting on wood. Unpublished report. In Nako Research and Preservation Project Report and Application Submitted to the World Monuments Fund November 2004, Vienna: FWF Interdisciplinary Research Unit “Cultural History of the Western Himalaya”, 1–13, figs. 1–24. —— Forthcoming. From textile dress to vault of heaven: some observations on the function and symbolism of ceiling decorations in the western Himalaya Buddhist temples of Nako. In South Asian Archaeology 2005: Proceedings of the 18th International Conference of the European Association of South Asian Archaeologists, London, July 2005. —— In preparation. The Tibetan ‘pho brang’: the ceremonial tent in the representation of sovereignty in early western Himalaya painting. Petech, L. 1977. The Kingdom of Ladakh: c. 950-1842 A. D. Serie Orientale Roma LI. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. —— 1997. Western Tibet: historical introduction. In D.E. Klimburg-Salter Tabo, a Lamp for the Kingdom. Early Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Art in the Western Himalaya. Milan: Skira, 229–55.

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—— 1999. Historical introduction. In L. Petech and Ch. Luczanits (eds) Inscriptions from the Tabo Main Temple. Texts and Translations. Serie Orientale Roma LXXXIII. Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 1–8. Pope, A.U. (ed.) 1993 [1938]. A Survey of Persian Art: from Prehistoric Times to the Present. Vol. 15: Bibliography of the pre-Islamic Persian Art to 1938. Ashiya (Japan): SoPA. Reynolds, V. 1997. Luxury textiles in Tibet. In J.C. Singer and Ph. Denwood (eds) Tibetan Art: Towards a Definition of Style. London: Laurence King in association with Alan Marcuson, 118–31. Riegl, A. 1931. Das holländische Gruppenporträt. Vienna: Verlag der österreichischen Staatsdruckerei. —— 1992. Problems of Style: Foundations for a History of Ornament. Princeton: Princeton University Press. (Translation of Riegl, A. 1893. Stilfragen. Grundlegung zu einer Geschichte der Ornamentik. Berlin: Siemens.) Róna-Tas, A. 1978. On a term of taxation in the old Tibetan royal annals. In L. Ligeti (ed.) Proceedings of the Csoma de Kőrös Memorial Symposium Held at Mátrafüred, Hungary 24-30 September 1976. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 357–63. Schlumberger, D. 1952. Le palais Ghaznévide de Lashkari Bazar. Syria: revue d’art oriental et d’archéologie XXIX, 251–70. Seyfort Ruegg, D. 1997. The preceptor-donor (yon mchod) relation in the thirteenth century Tibetan society and polity and its Inner Asian precursors and Indian models. In H. Krasser et al. (eds) Tibetan Studies. PIATS 1995: Proceedings of the Seventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Graz 1995, vol. 2. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 857–72. Sharma, K.P. and Sethi, S.M. 1997. Costumes and Ornaments of Chamba. New Delhi: Indus. Sher, Ya.A. 1966. Kamennye izvayaniya Semirech’ya. Moscow: Izd-vo Nauka. Sims, E. et al. (eds) 2002. Peerless Images: Persian Painting and its Sources. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Singer, J.C. 1996. Early portrait painting in Tibet. http://www.asianart.com/articles/ portrait/ Snellgrove, D.L. 1959. The notion of divine kingship in Tantric Buddhism. In International Congress for the History of Religions The Sacral Kingship: Contributions to the Central Theme of the VIIIth International Congress for the History of Religions (Rome, April 1955). Studies in the history of religions IV. Leiden: Brill, 204–18. Snellgrove, D.L. and Skorupski, T. 1977. The Cultural Heritage of Ladakh. Vol. I: Central Ladakh. Warminster: Aris & Phillips. —— 1980. The Cultural Heritage of Ladakh. Vol. II: Zangskar and the Cave Temples of Ladakh. Warminster: Aris & Phillips. Soustiel, J. 1985. La céramique islamique. Fribourg: Office du Livre. Stavisky, B.Y. 2003. Once more about peculiarities of the Sogdian civilization of the 4th-10th centuries. In M. Comparetti et al. (eds) Ērån ud An„rån. Studies Presented to Boris Ilich Marshak on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday. Transoxania Webfestschrift Series I. http://www.transoxania.org/Eran/Articles/stavisky.html Stein, R.A. 1993. Die Kultur Tibets. Berlin: Edition Weber. Suriano, C.M. 1996. Language of kingship: textiles in the Bargello Museum Florence. Hali 88, 79–87. Taddei, M. 1993. Arte narrativa tra India e mondo ellenistico. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente.

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Tarzi, Z. 1977. L’architecture et le décor rupestre des grottes de Båmiyån. Paris: Imprimerie nationale. Thewalt, V. 1984. Pferdedarstellungen in Felszeichnungen am oberen Indus. In J. Ozols and V. Thewalt (eds) Aus dem Osten des Alexanderreiches. Völker und Kulturen zwischen Orient und Okzident: Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Indien. Köln: DuMont, 204–18. Tucci, G. 1935. I templi del Tibet occidentale e il loro simbolismo artistico. Parte I: Spiti e Kunavar. Indo-Tibetica III.1. Rome: Reale Accademia d’Italia. —— 1950. The Tombs of the Tibetan Kings. Serie Orientale Rome I. Rome: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. —— 1973. Tibet. Archaeologia mundi. Geneva etc.: Nagel. —— 1980. The Religions of Tibet. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Tucci, G. and Ghersi, E. 1934. Cronaca della missione scientifica Tucci nel Tibet occidentale (1933). Rome: Reale Accademia d’Italia. Trilling, J. 2001. The Language of Ornament. London: Thames & Hudson. —— 2003. Ornament: a Modern Perspective. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Vohra, R. 1988. Ethno-historicity of the Dards in Ladakh-Baltistan: observations and analysis. In H. Uebach and Jampa L. Panglung (eds) Tibetan studies. PIATS 1985: Proceedings of the Fourth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Munich 1985. Munich: Kommission für Zentralasiatische Studien, Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 527–46. —— 1989. The Religion of the Dards in Ladakh: Investigations into their pre-Buddhist 'Brog-pa Traditions. Ettelbruck: Skydie Brown International. Whitfield, R. 1995. Dunhuang, Caves of the Singing Sands: Buddhist Art from the Silk Road, 2 vols. London: Textile & Art Publications. Wandl, E. 1997. The representation of costumes and textiles. In D.E. KlimburgSalter Tabo, a Lamp for the Kingdom. Early Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Art in the Western Himalaya. Milan: Skira, 179–87. Wandl, E. 1999. Painted textiles in a Buddhist temple. Textile History 30(1), 16–28. Wangdu, P. and Diemberger, H. 2000. dBa’ bzhed: the Royal Narrative Concerning the Bringing of the Buddha’s Doctrine to Tibet. Beiträge zur Kultur und Geistesgeschichte Asiens, Vol. 37. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press. Watt, J.C.Y. and Wardwell, A.E. 1997. When Silk was Gold: Central Asian and Chinese Textiles. Exhibition catalogue Cleveland Museum of Art and Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art in cooperation with the Cleveland Museum of Art. Yatsenko, S.A. 2003. The late Sogdian costume (the 5th-8th cc. AD). In M . Comparetti et al. (eds) Ērån ud An„rån. Studies Presented to Boris Ilich Marshak on the occasion of his 70th birthday. Transoxania Webfestschrift Series I. http://www.transoxania.org/Eran/articles/yatsenko.html

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Plate 1: Alchi, ’du khang, ‘royal drinking scene’ (photograph J. Poncar, WHAV 1981.84.16)

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Plate 2: Alchi, ’du khang, entrance wall, ‘royal drinking scene’, detail (photograph J. Poncar, WHAV 1983.8.5.3)

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Plate 3: Balalyk-tepe, (West-Turkestan/Uzbekistan) (after Al’ baum 1969: fig. 116)

Plate 4: Fondukistan (Afghanistan), princely couple (after Hackin 1959: fig. 192)

Plate 5: Alchi, ’du khang, entrance wall, royal and monastic assembly frieze (photograph J. Poncar, WHAV 1989.9.6.8)

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Plate 6: Tabo, ’du khang, Western Tibetan assembly at the entrance to the cella of the ambulatory (photograph Ch. Luczanits, WHAV LCH94 68,35)

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Plate 7: Tabo, gtsug lag khang, cella, north wall, Vajrasattva flanked by a donor scene to his left (photograph Ch. Luczanits, WHAV LCH94 66,16)

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Plate 8: Nako, lotsāba lha khang, west wall, camp of a local prince (?), (photograph Ch. Papa-Kalantari 2004, WHAV)

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Plate 9: Dung dkar, cave 2, west wall, ‘great assembly’ in a ceremonial tent (photograph J. Poncar WHAV 1993.8/11)

Plate 10: Nishāpur (?), Princely assembly, one register of a fragmentary wall painting, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 52.20.1 (after Sims et al. 2002: 121)

Plate 11: Alchi, ’du khang, entrance wall, noble horse rider, interstices of the Mahākāla depiction (photograph J. Poncar, WHAV 1991.11.2.4)

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Plate 12: Nako, lotsāba lha khang, west wall, bridled horse to the left of the donor depiction (royal camp?) (photograph Ch. PapaKalantari 2004, WHAV M6H5876)

Plate 13: Dunhuang, male company of the Tibetan minister ’Gar (Mgar) Stong btsan yul zungs (bzung), scroll painting attributed to Yen Liben (after Reynolds 1997: fig. 105, p. 120)

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Plate 14: Alchi, gsum brtsegs, royal falcon scene on the dhotī of a monumental clay sculpture (photograph J. Poncar 1989, WHAV)

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Plate 15: Tibetan tent camp. XIV Dalai Lama, plain of Lhasa, 1939 (after Stein 1993: pl. 7, photograph H. Richardson)

Plate 16: Alchi, gsum brtsegs, assembly, east niche (photograph Ch. PapaKalantari, 2000)

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Plate 17: Alchi, gsum brtsegs, donors flanking Tārā, west niche (photograph J. Poncar, WHAV 1981.17.4.10)

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Plate 18: Alchi, gsum brtsegs, painted ceiling plank, ground floor (photograph J. Poncar, WHAV JP83 27.6.13)

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Plate 19: Cloth of gold with winged lions and griffins, Central Asia or Iran, 13th c. (after Watt and Wardwell 1997: pl. 35, p. 142)

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Plate 20: Alchi, gsum brtsegs, painted ceiling plank, ground floor (photograph J. Poncar, WHAV JP 1748)

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Plate 21: Mongolian or East Iranian Kesi (slit weave tapestry), lions with palmettes, 13th c. (after Watt and Wardwell 1997: pl. 19, p. 80)

Plate 22: Tabo, cella, ceiling painting with flying deities (photograph J. Poncar, WHAV JP 1984.394)

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DOCUMENTING ORAL TRADITIONS: METHODOLOGICAL REFLECTIONS* CHRISTIAN JAHODA (VIENNA) This paper presents some methodological reflections concerning the contribution of cultural anthropology and linguistics to the documentation and analysis of oral traditions. These methodological reflections were fundamental to the research into oral traditions in the Tibetanspeaking areas of Northwestern India as carried out mainly by Veronika Hein (see following paper) and to a small degree by myself (cf. Jahoda in press and forthcoming).1 This is preceded by a short discussion of August Hermann Francke’s and Giuseppe Tucci’s pioneering research in Spiti and upper Kinnaur in the first half of the 20th century and their respective methodologies. Oral traditions in Spiti and upper Kinnaur are passed on mainly in Tibetan language, i.e. in the local Tibetan dialect of the area. These oral traditions include songs, stories, epics, tales, founding legends and other kinds of oral texts of different length as well as statements by religious persons or lay people, also trance-mediums, that contain social, religious, political, historical, etc. knowledge or transport a certain Weltbild and appear mainly in contexts defined by special religious, social or other criteria. Due to the cultural, religious and ethnic diversity characteristic of Spiti and upper Kinnaur both in the past and present, the oral traditions also feature non-Tibetan as well as non-Buddhist influences. It has, of course, been one of the goals of the Oral Traditions project and the co-operation with the Interdisciplinary Research Unit to recognise and identify these influences or at least to establish criteria __________ * The research for this article was made possible by the Austrian Fonds zur Förderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung (FWF). 1 Hein conducted her research as member of the FWF research project “Documentation of oral traditions in Spiti and upper Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh, India” (together with D. Schüller, director, and C. Huber), Phonogrammarchiv, Austrian Academy of Sciences. This project was affiliated with the FWF Interdisciplinary Research Unit “Cultural history of the Western Himalaya”, University of Vienna, of which the author is a member.

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that may lead to their identification. Field research in recent years has proved that, contrary to the views held by Francke and Tucci, it is difficult to define and sometimes impossible to identify these elements or relate them with any certainty to cultural or religious traditions or languages known from other regions or earlier periods, e.g. Bon, Zhang zhung, etc. How can we describe Francke’s and Tucci’s methodologies and research concepts regarding the oral traditions of these areas? Francke’s occupation with songs etc. was not founded on an interest in oral tradition per se but was related to his efforts to identify the pre-Buddhist religion of Tibet, in his earlier articles often equated with a form of Bon religion which, in a later major publication (Francke 1923) he termed gling chos (after Ge sar of Gling). In his view, in Western Tibet and Ladakh, original elements and traces of this pre-Buddhist religion could still be found mainly in the folklore i.e. the Ge sar epic, gling glu (songs related with figures of the Ge sar epic) and wedding songs. A further category were songs performed during harvest festivals. Therefore, nearly all the festivals of the ‘Old Tibetan religion’, another designation he used, were in his view associated with the Ge sar epic. His research method regarding these songs was based on versions in Tibetan script written down for him by local scribes. Therefore, information regarding the ethnic or linguistic affiliation of the singers is often missing in his publications, as is a description of the festivals, the social context, etc. This was also the case with the songs of the Shar rgan festival in Pooh in upper Kinnaur, which in his view were of great importance “with regard to the study of the pre-Buddhist religion of Kanawar as well as of Tibet in general” (Francke 1914: 21). Tucci’s expedition to Spiti and upper Kinnaur in 1933 set out “to gather together manuscript, artistic and epigraphic material” (Tucci and Ghersi 1996: ix) in order “to complete and verify the conclusions reached by Francke” (ibid.: x) concerning the ancient Buddhist culture of the area. During his short stays in villages, he also collected “the manuscript renderings” of songs (e.g. praises to local gods) and hymns. These songs and hymns, as well as cults preserved as part of annual festivals, or thanksgiving ceremonies for the birth of the firstborn son were identified by him as remains of ancient beliefs “which

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Buddhistic missionaries included generically in the term ‘Bon’” (ibid.: 199). Regarding the before-mentioned Shar rgan songs, he held the view that they “are of the greatest interest on account of the linguistic and religious s t r a t i f i c a t i o n which they present; alongside the doctrines of the Buddha and the supreme law place is given to the B o n as in the teaching of Can rgan Apo, and Kesar is recorded as the protector of strong young men”. In Tucci’s view, these hymns were “the sole survival of an a b o r i g i n a l religion now almost completely vanished” (ibid.: 200; my emphasis). Tucci’s method of dealing with oral tradition material was, like Francke’s, almost exclusively based on written versions of textual material. Like Francke, he was not much concerned with the wider ritual or social context associated with these songs, hymns, etc. As to the linguistic aspect, e.g. the influence of Kinnauri, his interpretation—like Francke’s before him (see Francke 1914: 10) —followed early, now obsolete, linguistic judgements that this language, “though largely influenced by Tibetan, still betrays in its grammatical structure its muˆ!a origin” (ibid.: 198). In cultural anthropology, Robert Redfield developed concepts and methodologies from the late 1930s onward for the study of peasant societies whose local village cultures in his view were always characterised by the interaction between ‘great’ and ‘little’ traditions—in our context mainly Tibetan Buddhism and pre-Buddhist?, non-Buddhist?, aboriginal? beliefs and cults. Redfield’s general suggestion was to investigate this interaction with regard to various dimensions, i.e. the Weltbild or “content of thought”, the organisation of functionaries and the structure of tradition. This includes what he called the “‘cultural media,’ the ceremonies, songs, dances, dramas, recitations and discourses” (Redfield 1955a: 20). As far as modern linguistics is concerned, it is considered essential to treat oral texts as spoken language and they therefore need to be documented and recorded adequately, with primary sound recordings and phonetic transcription providing the basis for analysis. The subsequent production of written versions in Tibetan script may be helpful but is inadequate as a method of original recording. In a few cases in Spiti and upper Kinnaur, the existence of both oral and written (manuscript) versions of songs makes possible comparative studies on the relationship between written and oral texts. Especially in the case of upper Kinnaur, the influence of Kinnauri languages is rele-

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vant, and relevant linguistic research, also conducted within the project “Documentation of oral traditions in Spiti and upper Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh, India”, is taken into account for the analysis of the material in the adjacent Tibetan-speaking areas in an attempt to contribute to a comprehensive reconstruction and understanding of the cultural history of these areas. From what has been summarised above, a few conclusions may be drawn for the study of oral traditions, especially with regard to the contributions of cultural anthropology and linguistics as necessary supplements to Tibetological analysis: in the first instance, wherever possible a documentation of the full cultural, religious, social, economic, historical, etc. context of oral tradition, at the time of the actual performance, is necessary (cf. also Aziz 1985: 129). In addition to minimum technical requirements such as high-quality sound and video recordings as well as relevant photographic documentation, this includes information regarding the singers, ethnic affiliation, festivals, dances, agricultural system, local calendar, etc. BIBLIOGRAPHY Aziz, B.N. 1985. On translating oral traditions: ceremonial wedding poetry from Dingri. In B.N. Aziz and M. Kapstein (eds) Soundings in Tibetan Civilization (Proceedings of the 1982 Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Columbia University). New Delhi: Manohar, 115–32. Francke, A.H. 1914. Antiquities of Indian Tibet, Part I: Personal Narrative. A.S.I., New Imperial Series, Vol. XXXVIII. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing (repr. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1992). ––— 1923. Tibetische Hochzeitslieder. Hagen i. W-Darmstadt: Folkwang Verlag. Jahoda, Ch. In press. Bemerkungen zur Tradition und Funktion einer weiblichen Schutzgottheit in Tabo, Spiti Tal, H.P., Indien. In A. Gingrich and G. Hazod (eds) Der Rand und die Mitte. Sozialanthropologische und kulturgeschichtliche Beiträge zu Tibet und den tibetischsprachigen Himalaya-Regionen. Vienna. —— Forthcoming. Tibetischsprachige mündliche Überlieferung in Spiti und im oberen Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh, Indien. In G. Lechleitner and J. Ahamer (eds) Feldforschung in Theorie und Praxis. Vienna. Redfield, R. 1941. The Folk Culture of Yucatan. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ––— 1955a. The social organization of tradition. The Far Eastern Quarterly XV(1), 13–21. ––— 1955b. The Little Community. Viewpoints for the Study of a Human Whole. The Gottesman Lectures 5. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell. ––— 1965 [1956]. Peasant Society and Culture. Chicago-London: University of Chicago Press.

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––— 1967 [1953]. The Primitive World and its Transformations. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press. Tucci, G. 1966. Tibetan Folk Songs from Gyantse and Western Tibet. Artibus Asiae, Supplementum XXII. Ascona, Switzerland: Artibus Asiae. Tucci, G. and Ghersi, E. 1996. Secrets of Tibet. Being the Chronicle of the Tucci Scientific Expedition to Western Tibet (1933). New Delhi: Cosmo. (English transl. of Tucci, G. and Ghersi, E. 1934. Cronaca della missione scientifica Tucci nel Tibet occidentale (1933). Rome: Reale Accademia d’Italia.)

A PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS OF SOME SONGS IN TIBETAN LANGUAGE RECORDED IN SPITI AND UPPER KINNAUR*

VERONIKA HEIN (BERNE) “The scientific study of Tibetan folk music may [...] be said hardly to have begun”. What was thus stated nearly thirty years ago by P. Crossley-Holland (1967b: 9) is still valid today, and may also be applied to the study of folk songs. This is largely due to the fact that research in this field is based on a comparatively small number of published sources from various regions collected and published in different ways (cf. Crossley-Holland 1967a: 170–72). In most cases, the word-texts of certain types of songs have been collected (in written form or rendered to writing) and published together with translations (see e.g. van Manen 1922, Namkhai Norbu 1967, Snyder 1972). Substantial contributions focussing on local or regional song traditions had as their object songs of Lhasa (Samuel 1976, although based on research among refugees in Nepal and India), folk songs of Gyantse and Western Tibet, i.e. in fact Spiti and Pooh in upper Kinnaur (Tucci 1966), marriage ceremony songs of Ru thog (Shastri 1994) and the cycle of the Victory Song (rgyal gzhas) from Spong rong (Ramble 2002). In addition, two important Tibetan language collections of songs have been published (Zhang zhung srid pa’i gre ’gyur 1996, Karma Khedup 1998) which provide new material or new versions of songs from Western Tibet. As regards the folk music and songs of Ladakh, due to its peripheral situation also open to ‘non-Tibetan influences’ (Crossley-Holland 1967a: 174), a great amount of material was collected, translated and annotated by Francke in the early 20th century in more than a dozen publications (see ibid.: 182–84). More recently, classifications of the folk songs of this area have been attempted (e.g. Shakspo 1985). __________ * The research for this article was made possible by the Austrian Fonds zur Förderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung (FWF).

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FIELD RESEARCH Regarding the method of documentation, most of the previous publications represent oral collections of textual material (rendered into writing) or written versions of songs while in our case sound recordings (together with a documentation of contextual information) was the method used (see the contribution by Christian Jahoda in this volume). With the exception of a few but important cases, written versions of the songs, locally often referred to as dang po’i glu (i.e. songs dating from previous periods), do not exist. It is the aim to provide here an overview of the songs recorded (so far more than 150). Most of the songs being analysed at present were recorded by myself together with my field assistant Sonam Tshering from Tabo (Spiti) during four fieldtrips between October 2001 and July 2003.1 Most of the recording was done in exploratory sessions with village men and women from local Chazhang2 (tÇ·a´Åa´´Ñ, WT cha zhang) families usually at their homes in different Tibetan-speaking villages of upper Kinnaur and lower Spiti. Whenever possible, the texts of the songs were transcribed and translated into English on the spot with the help of the singers. For the transcription the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) is used to render the spoken local Tibetan dialect.3 The aim of the project also includes the documentation of the festivals or ceremonies with which some of the songs are related. This could be carried out in September 2002 at the Namkan festival at Tabo and at some Pingri (presentation of the heir) and wedding celebrations at different villages of lower Spiti in winter 2002/03.

__________ 1 The research was carried out in the framework of the research project “Documentation of oral traditions in Spiti and upper Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh, India” (directed by D. Schüller, Phonogrammarchiv, Austrian Academy of Sciences). 2 The land-owning high-caste families in Spiti call themselves by this term. In order to show the corresponding position in the Hindu caste system, the Hindi term rājput is sometimes given as an explanation. 3 Cf. the Appendix of this paper. In the text of the paper there is also IPA for the spoken form of a word or term in the local Tibetan dialect, sometimes followed by the Written Tibetan form (WT). Names of places or festivals are rendered in a romanised form. The local Tibetan dialect is categorised as Western Innovative Tibetan in Roland Bielmeier et al. 2002.

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CATEGORIES OF SONGS So far about 90 songs have been made accessible through transcription and translation.4 With the help of the local singers the following nine categories have been established: 1) Songs sung at village festivals 2) Dancing songs 3) Songs about local deities 4) Songs about religious figures 5) Songs about religious monuments 6) Songs related to pilgrimages 7) Kangna songs 8) Wedding songs 9) Songs about local villagers These nine categories will now be commented on, and then examples of two of them will be presented in somewhat more detail. 1) Songs sung at village festivals The village festivals found so far at which songs play a role are Losar (loÙsa´r, WT lo gsar), lit. New Year, which is celebrated in early December in the area and Namkan (naÙmka´n, WT na mkhan5), celebrated in August and September after harvesting barley. In the Pooh area of upper Kinnaur there is Shuktok (WT zhugs thog6) instead of Namkan. The two festivals appear to be related, as the same songs have been found to be central. Another important festival is Dachang (ndaÙtÇa´Ñ , WT mda’ chang) celebrated in spring. Although no specific Dachang songs that get passed on orally have been found yet, a Dachang song is recited from a manuscript in Demul (Spiti). In other places, general Temdrel songs (te´m”e´l, WT rten ’brel, usually the auspicious opening songs) are sung at the beginning of Dachang. At Tabo there is also Lachang (la´tÇa´Ñ, WT lha chang), or Lasöl (la´sø´l , WT lha gsol), celebrated in __________ 4

All the recordings are archived in the Phonogrammarchiv, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna. 5 The etymology of the name is not clear yet. 6 The WT form is not confirmed yet.

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the same month. But no songs have been found specifically for Lachang. Again at Pooh, upper Kinnaur, there is a further autumn festival as well, which is called Sherkan (Çe´rka´n, WT shar mkhan?) and which also starts with the recitation of a song from a manuscript. Sherkan was mentioned by both Francke (1914: 22) and Tucci (1966: 61) and spelt shar rgan and shar gan respectively. 2) Dancing songs The most popular dance is Shabro (ÇaÙbro´, WT zhabs bro). Shabro songs are widely known and sung and the dance does not appear to be restricted to certain places, occasions or specific social groups. Other dances are Shon (Çø´n, WT shon?), Tashi (“a´Çi´, WT bkra shis) and Kar (kaÙr, WT gar). Kar is only danced by rājput men e.g. at a wedding or Pingri (piÙÑri´, a presentation of the heir) ceremony where only low-caste musicians called Beda (beÙta´) sing the songs. 3) Songs about local deities An example of this category is a song about Rio Purgyal (riÙo´ pu´r∆a´l, WT ri bo spu rgyal) at Nako. Rio Purgyal is a high peak above Nako and the local deity who provides water to irrigate the fields. Purgyal7 or Purgyül (pu´r∆y´l ) as a local deity of Nako is unique and worth further investigation.8 4) Songs about religious figures Reincarnate lamas to whom songs are dedicated are Lochen Tulku (Rinchen Zangpo) and Lama Gobind, who is compared with Milarepa and greatly worshiped by the local population of lower Spiti. There are several songs dedicated to Lama Gobind and about him, but also songs he is said to have given to the local people. In the case of Rinchen Zangpo, some songs have been composed recently in order to honour the present reincarnation, and other songs refer to ear__________ 7

Cf. Haarh 1969. Haarh discusses spu or spur in the concept of the ‘ancestor

king’. 8 Francke (1914: 37) mentions the mountain as called Purgyul and gives a ditty he collected in the village of Namgya: “Kailasa is the king of glaciers, Purgyul is the king of mountains, Manasarowar is the king of lakes”.

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lier reincarnations or places where he was born in previous lives (e.g. Nako). 5) Songs about religious monuments Religious monuments praised in songs are Tashi Thokyang Monastery at Chango, but also more remote sites such as a monastery at Rutok or even the great centres of Potala in Lhasa or Tashilunpo in Shigatse. 6) Songs related to pilgrimages Some of the places of pilgrimage about which there are songs are outside the project’s area of research, but they constitute very important centres such as Rewalsar or Triloknath. Others are of rather more local importance, such as Terasang (a sacred cave in Hangrang connected with the local gods of Spiti) or Somang (a hermitage near Tashigang on the Satluj). 7) Kangna songs Kangna (ka´Ñna´, WT ka kha na) are always religious songs but made in a specific manner in order to help the lay people remember the text. The stanzas or the verses follow the Tibetan alphabet, i.e. each stanza starts with a new letter, first ka, then kha, ga [kaÙ] etc. 8) Wedding songs Wedding songs are still sung in the more remote villages. At weddings these specific songs are sung in a kind of singing competition when the party of the bridegroom is approaching the bride’s house. This category has not been studied in detail yet, because this is the only category of which there is a strong indication that the texts are passed on through manuscripts in many places. Whenever manuscripts were brought to our attention, they were said to be wedding songs. As a consequence, it is possible in the future to work with the manuscripts of wedding songs of three different Spiti villages and it might prove fruitful to study the relationship between written and oral traditions and their interaction with this material.

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9) Songs about local villagers These songs are about ordinary people who are praised for some hardship they endured or for a good example they set in their lives, e.g. the boy who renounced the world and devoted his life to the dharma or the girl who got married off to a different village and had to leave her parents’ place. This category is locally known as Detlu (deÙtlu´, WT bsdad glu), lit. sitting song, and was sung in the old times when people were sitting together in the evening. In upper Kinnaur and lower Spiti there are four such songs which are very famous; their titles mention the villages and the persons’ names: Kibber Ngardzom (ki´be´r Ña´rzo´m), Tankar Penma (“aÙ Ñka´r pa´nma´), Lari Palki (la´ri´ pa´lki´), Hango Dela (ha´Ñgo´ deÙla´). There are other songs of this type only known in some parts of the area, because they have come from adjacent regions: Shipki Pomo (ªi´pki´ poÙmo´, about a girl who went from the village of Shipki to Tholing Monastery) or several songs about girls from Ladakh who got married in Spiti. Comparison of two types of songs From the categories just presented one type of festival song and one type of dancing song will now be shown in some more detail as there is already a sizeable number of texts, i.e. about 25 of each type. First the Shabro (cf. Category two: Dancing songs) will be discussed, because they deal with a greater variety of topics. But in this variety there are some recurring themes and structures. A large number of Shabro songs have a tripartite structure: The first stanza is about the top part of a mountain, a monastery or even the human body. The second stanza describes the middle part and the third stanza finally is about the lower part. Another type of Shabro text consists of more elements, but they are also mostly taken from the environment. Usually the first part of this type is ‘the blue, high sky with sun and moon’. Again the description goes down from the top: part two is ‘the high snow mountain with the snowlion’, next is ‘the beautiful monastery with protectors and lama’ and finally ‘the great square house with the parents’. This type can also have more stanzas. Other elements can be: ‘the castle with the ruler (WT dpon po)’, ‘the rock with the vulture’ and ‘the fair ground with the young-

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sters’. The first four parts are usually the same. An example of this type of Shabro can be seen in the Appendix to this paper. Instead of the four vertical stages just shown, some songs are about the four directions (on a horizontal plane). A further structuring device is three or four precious substances, e.g. objects of gold, silver, turquoise and sometimes conch. A last group of Shabro songs go through the different parts of everyday objects of traditional life like the rosary, the tent of the nomads, different kinds of incense, the walnut. The second type discussed in greater detail are the songs sung at the Namkan festival. The Namkan songs are more limited in their topics than the Shabro, as they take up elements that play some role in the celebration of Namkan, the autumn festival. The festival is an offering ceremony for the local deities after the harvest is finished. In many places horses are used for the procession to the Yulsa (jyÙlsa´ , WT yul sa), the seat of a local deity, and in some places for a circumambulation of the fields and the Chorten (tÇ·o´kte´n, WT mchod rten). So at Namkan there are specific offering songs, riding songs (pa´Ñ ko´r lu´, WT spang skor glu9), songs about growing and harvesting the crops, and songs about the villagers who go up to the high mountain, the middle part and the lower part. In upper Kinnaur there is one more element to Namkan which is not found in Spiti: picking flowers in the mountains and offering them. As we have just seen in the song about people going up to the mountains, in the Namkan songs this tripartite structure appears as well. In the flower songs, three sorts of flowers are picked on the high mountain, on the rocky plain and in the valley. In the offering songs at Tabo, Poh and Pooh the gods are addressed: the Lha (la´, WT lha) of heaven and (in the Poh version) their king Angpo Gyabzhin (a´Ñpo´ ∆aÙbÅi´n, WT Dbang po brgya byin) or Lord Indra (cf. also Francke 1915: 75), the Tsan (tsa´n, WT btsan) of the middle realm with King Yama Yaptsyn (ja´ma´ ja´ptsy´n) and finally the Lu (lu´, WT klu) below and Matro Siljam (ma Ù“o´ si´ldÅa´m).10 In other __________ 9 Lit. ‘pastures circumambulation songs’. These songs describe different horses, saddlery and riding upwards and downwards, i.e. the process of circumambulating the mountain pastures on horseback. 10 The names of the kings of the Tsan and the Lu have not been analysed yet.

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offering songs, the young people are admonished to offer at the Tise mountain (Mount Kailas in Tibet), at Lake Mapham (Manasarovar) and at the local Yulsa, places which can again be associated with the gods above, on Mount Kailas, the Nagas or Lu in the water of the lake and the local gods of the human world at the village. The Tabo version of a Namkan song is also added in the Appendix to this paper. CONCLUDING REMARKS The division of the world into the three realms or spheres of existence which is made explicit in the Namkan offering songs seems to be reflected in a large number of songs and looks like a very fundamental structural principle underlying them. This structure was also found by Tucci in his analysis of the songs of the dgra lha (Tucci 1966: 61ff). He also identified the same structuring elements as we have found in numerous Shabro songs: the high sky with the sun and the moon, the snow mountain with the lion, the castle with the ruler, the monastery with the lama. Tucci has demonstrated the integral role of these elements in his analysis of the festival celebrated at a ground at Pooh, upper Kinnaur, especially with regard to the underlying cosmological scheme. His analysis led him to the following conclusion: “... there is no doubt that these festivals, and the songs which are sung in the occurrence, preserve a great deal of aboriginal beliefs and rituals which Buddhism, as it always did in its diaspora, did not refuse to accept, though giving them a Buddhist turn.” (Tucci 1966: 61). Although we have collected a good number of songs connected with the Namkan festival, it has so far proved difficult to get an equally coherent picture of the rituals and the cosmic order they are placed in. Compared with Tucci’s dgra lha songs, our collection consists of unrelated short pieces from different villages. That might be one reason why, despite the numerous occurrences of the same motives and structures, a clear picture does not emerge so easily. REFERENCES Bielmeier, R. et al. 2002. Comparative Dictionary of Tibetan Dialects. University of Berne. Preprint. Crossley-Holland, P. 1967a. The state of research in Tibetan folk music. Ethnomusicology XI(2), 170–86.

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—— 1967b. Form and style in Tibetan folksong melody. Jahrbuch für musikalische Volks- und Völkerkunde 3, 9–69 and 109–26. Francke, A.H. 1914. Antiquities of Indian Tibet, Part I: Personal Narrative. A.S.I., New Imperial Series, Vol. XXXVIII. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing. ——1915. gLing chos. In J. Hastings (ed.) Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, Volume VIII. Edinburgh: T & T Clark (repr. 1994), 75–78. Haarh, E. 1969. The Yar-lu Dynasty. Copenhagen: Gad. Karma Khedup (Karma Mkhas grub Srib skyid). 1998. Mnga’ ris rong chung khul gyi glu gar phyogs bsgrigs. (English title: A Collection of Ancient Songs of Ngari Ronchung.) Dharamsala: Karma Khedup (Srib.skyid). van Manen, J. 1922. Three Tibetan repartee songs. Journal & Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal XVII (n.s., 1921), 287–318. Namkhai Norbu D. 1967. Musical tradition of the Tibetan people. Songs in dance measure. In V.S. Agrawala et al. (eds) Orientalia Romana. Essays and Lectures 2 (Serie Orientale Roma XXXVI). Roma: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 205–347. —— 1995. Drung, Deu and Bön. Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives. Ramble, C. 2002. The victory song of Porong. In K. Buffetrille and H. Diemberger (eds) Territory and Identity in Tibet and the Himalayas. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, vol. 9. Leiden-Boston-Köln: Brill, 59–84. Samuel, G. 1976. Songs of Lhasa. Ethnomusicology XX(3), 407–49. Shakspo, N.T. 1985. Ladakhi folk songs. In B.N. Aziz and M. Kapstein (eds) Soundings in Tibetan Civilization (Proceedings of the 1982 Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Columbia University). New Delhi: Manohar, 97–106. Shastri, L. 1994. The marriage customs of Ru-thog (Mnga’-ris). In P. Kvaerne (ed.) Tibetan Studies. Proceedings of the 6th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Fagernes 1992. Oslo: Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture, 755–67. Snyder, J. 1972. Some popular songs of Tibet, with a selection of original texts transcribed by Lobsang Dorje. Malahat review 21, 20–39. Tucci, Giuseppe. 1966. Tibetan Folk Songs from Gyantse and Western Tibet. Second, revised and enlarged edition. Ascona: Artibus Asiae. Zhang zhung srid pa’i gre ’gyur. (English title: History and Ancient Songs of Shang Shung.) 1995. Mnga’ ris sa khul rig gnas rgyang bsgrags brnyan ’phrin cus nas bsgrigs. [Bod-ljongs]: Bod dmag khul khang par ’debs bzo grwas dpar btab.

APPENDIX 1 Shabro song Recorded April 20, 2002 at Tabo. Singer: Ane Trimet (63). c·ø´tnampa guıÑø´n t·ø´npo´ You all, high blue skies, su´´Ñ jaÙlani ÑiÙnampa ñiÙlda´ ñi´:wo´ we all, sun and moon, the two of us,

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guÙÑtaÑ ñiÙlda´ ñi´:wo´ su´´Ñ jaÙlani ndzoÙm se´mpa´ jiÙtla miÙnduk tyÙ:k·a´´Ñ11 diÙru ndzoÙmdzo´m su´Ñ jaÙlani ta´ndu ndzoÙmdÅe tÇuÙÑna

the high sky and sun and moon, the two of us, it is not in my mind that they can meet, getting together at this party hall, if we could always get together.

c·ø´tnampa kaÙÑdø´t t·ø´npo´ su´´Ñ jaÙlani kaÙÑraÑ taÙrsa´´Ñ12 ñi´:wo´ kaÙÑraÑ taÙrsa´´Ñ ñi´:wo´ ndzoÙm se´mpa´ jiÙtla miÙnduk tyÙ:k·a´´Ñ diÙru ndzoÙmdzo´m su´´Ñ jaÙlani ta´ndu ndzoÙmdÅe tÇuÙÑna

You all, high snow mountains, high mountain and snowlion, the two of us, mountain and snowlion, the two of us, it is not in our mind that they can meet, getting together at this party hall, if we could always get together.

c·ø´tnampa goÙndÅu´Ñ “·a´mo´ su´Ñ jaÙlani Ñiınampa goÙndÅu´Ñ “·a´mo´ goÙndaÑ13 jeÙrn”e´n la´mo´ ndzoÙm se´mpa´ jiÙtla miÙnduk tyÙ:k·a´´Ñ diÙru ndzoÙmdzo´m su´Ñ jaÙlani ta´ndu ndzoÙmdÅe tÇuÙÑna

You all, beautiful monasteries, we all, the beautiful monasteries,

c·ø´tnampa pa´lk·a´´Ñ “uıbÅi´ ÑiÙnampa ja´bju´m p·a´ma´ pa´ldaÑ ja´bju´m ñi´:wo´ ndzoÙm se´mpa´ jiÙtla miÙnduk tyÙ:k·a´´Ñ diÙru ndzoÙmdzo´m su´Ñ ja^lani ta´ndu ndzoÙmdÅe tÇuÙÑna

You all, beautiful square houses, we all, father and mother, house and parents, the two of us, it is not in our mind that they can meet, getting together at this party hall, if we could always get together.

the monasteries and the Yerndren Lamo14 it is not in our mind that they can meet, getting together at this party hall, if we could always get together.

__________ 11 12 13 14

The form expected here is dyÙ:k·a´´Ñ derived from WT ’dus pa, ‘gathering’. Lit. ‘the lion of the ice’, the second syllable must be an assimilated form of si´´Ñ. goÙn can also stand for WT mgon po, ‘protector’. This deity has not been identified yet.

SONGS IN TIBETAN LANGUAGE

245

c·ø´tnampa toÙÑra´15 “uıbÅi´ ÑiÙnampa dÅoÙÑ”o´ ndzoÙmpo´ toÙÑtaÑ dÅoÙÑ”o´ ndzoÙmpo jaıÑ se´mpa´ jiÙtla miÙnduk tyÙ:k·a´´Ñ diÙru ndzoÙmdzo´m su´Ñ jaÙlani ta´ndu ndzoÙmdÅe tÇuÙÙÑna

You all, beautiful square dance grounds, we all, young friends assembled, ground and assembled young friends, again it is not in our mind16 getting together at this party hall, if we could always get together.

c·ø´tnampa “aÙkri´ t·ø´npo´ ÑiÙnampa tÇaÙrca´l gøıtpo´ “aÙktaÑ tÇaÙrca´l ñi´:wo´

You all, high rocky mountains, we all, the vultures, rocky mountains and vultures, the two of us, it is not in our mind that they can meet, getting together at this party hall, if we could always get together.

ndzoÙm se´mpa´ jiÙtla miÙnduk tyÙ:k·a´´Ñ diÙru ndzoÙmdzo´m su´Ñ jaÙlani ta´ndu ndzoÙmdÅe tÇuÙÑna

2 Tabo Namkan song Text provided by Meme Rinzen (October 2002) su´´Ñ tyÙ:su´m teÙri´Ñ tÇi´k na´mla ka´rma´ zaÙÑ jo´: la´le´m ka´rma´ zaÙÑ

Today at the three times, the stars in the sky are very important, the stars are very important.

su´´Ñ tyÙ:su´m teÙri´Ñ tÇi´k sa´la ñiÙma “oÙ jo´: la´le´m ñiÙma´ “oÙ

Today at the three times, there is hot sun on the ground, there is hot sun.

su´´Ñ tyÙ:su´m teÙri´Ñ tÇi´k zaÙka´r p·y´nsu´m ts·o´ jo´: la´le´m p·y´nsu´m ts·o´

Today at the three times, the constellations are perfect, they are perfect.

__________ 15 In another version of this song from Pooh, the dance ground is called toÙkra´, which corresponds well with Tucci’s dog ra in the dgra lha songs (Tucci 1966: 64). 16 This line differs from the other stanzas. I consider it to be a variation put in by the singer spontaneously.

246

su´Ñ sa´ÑtÇi´k so´lo´ so´lo´ kaÙÑka´r ti´ktse´ru jo´: la´le´m ti´ktse´ru su´Ñ ÅoÙnpa´ sa´Ñsø´l tÇi´k k·e´wa´ maÙji´nte jo´: la´le´m k·e´wa´ maÙji´nte su´´Ñ kaıÑka´r ti´ktse´ tÇi´k sa´Ñki sø´lsa´ jiın su´Ñ “·y´:tÇi´k so´lo´ so´lo´ ts·o´mo´ maÙa´Ñtu jo´: la´le´m maÙa´Ñtu su´Ñ ÅoÙnpa´ la´sø´l tÇi´k

VERONIKA HEIN

Make an incense offering at the white Tise17 mountain, at Tise. The youngsters making an incense offering, are not very skilful, are not very skilful. The white Tise mountain is the place to offer incense.

jo´: la´le´m sø´lsa´ jiÙn

Do a ritual washing at Lake Mawang,18 at Mawang. The youngsters making an offering to the gods are not very skilful, are not very skilful. The Lake Mawang is the place for a ritual bath, it is the offering place.

su´Ñ la´tÇi´k so´lo´ so´lo´ ku^kla´ tse´su´mdu19 ÅoÙnpa´ la´sø´l ta´Ñ k·e´wo´ maÙji´nte jo´: la´le´m maÙji´nte su´Ñ kuÙkla´ tse´su´m tÇi´k la´i sø´lsa´ jiÙn

To one god do (offering) at the three stupas.20 The youngsters doing offering are not very skilful, are not very skilful. The three stupas are the god’s offering place.

tyÙ:su´m teÙri´Ñ tÇi´k goÙnki k·a´n”o´ tÇ·ø´t

Today at the three times, offer to the Khandro21 of the monastery,

k·e´wa´ maÙji´nte jo´: la´le´m maÙji´nte su´Ñ ts·o´mo´ maÙa´Ñ tÇi´k “·y´:ki sø´lsa´ jiÙn

__________ 17 18 19 20

Tise (Ti se) is another name for Mount Kailas. Manasarovar in Indian sources. More likely would be ku´ laÙptse´ su´m, WT sku lab tse gsum. laÙptse´ is not a proper stupa but can be a simple heap of stones marking a sacred place, in this case, according to a local monk, the seat of the local deity or jyÙlsa´. 21 Khandro stands for k·a´n”o´(ma´), WT mkha’ ’gro (ma), ākiī in Sanskrit.

SONGS IN TIBETAN LANGUAGE

jo´: la´le´m k·a´n”o´ tÇ·ø´t su´Ñ tyÙ:su´m teÙri´Ñ tÇi´k goÙnki tÇ·ø´:co´Ñ tÇ·ø´t jo´: la´le´m tÇ·ø´:co´Ñ tÇ·ø´t

offer to the Khandro. Today at the three times, offer to the protectors of the monastery, offer to the protectors.

247

BRILL’S TIBETAN STUDIES LIBRARY ISSN 1568-6183 1.

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Martin, D. Unearthing Bon Treasures. Life and Contested Legacy of a Tibetan Scripture Revealer, with a General Bibliography of Bon. 2001. ISBN 90 04 12123 4 Blezer, H. (ed.). Tibet, Past and Present. Tibetan Studies I. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12775 5 Blezer, H. (ed.). Religion and Secular Culture in Tibet. Tibetan Studies II. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12776 3 Ardussi, J., & H. Blezer (eds.). Impressions of Bhutan and Tibetan Art. Tibetan Studies III. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12545 0 Epstein, L. (ed.). Khams pa Histories. Visions of People, Place and Authority. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12423 3 Huber, T. (ed.). Amdo Tibetans in Transition. Society and Culture in the PostMao Era. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12596 5 Beckwith, C.I. (ed.). Medieval Tibeto-Burman Languages. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12424 1 Klimburg-Salter, D. & E. Allinger (eds.). Buddhist Art and Tibetan Patronage Ninth to Fourteenth Centuries. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12600 7 Klieger, P.C. (ed.). Tibet, Self, and the Tibetan Diaspora. Voices of Difference. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12555 8 Buffetrille, K. & H. Diemberger (eds.). Territory and Identity in Tibet and the Himalayas. 2002. ISBN 90 04 125973 Eimer, H. & D. Germano. (eds.). The Many Canons of Tibetan Buddhism. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12595 7 Pommaret, F. (ed.). Lhasa in the Seventeenth Century. The Capital of the Dalai Lamas. 2003. ISBN 90 04 12866 2 Andreyev, A. Soviet Russia and Tibet. The Debacle of Secret Diplomacy, 19181930s. 2003. ISBN 90 04 12952 9 Joseph, U.V. Rabha. 2007. ISBN-10: 90 04 13321 6, ISBN-13: 978 90 04 13321 1 Opgenort, J.R. A Grammar of Wambule. Grammar, Lexicon, Texts and Cultural Survey of a Kiranti Tribe of Eastern Nepal. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13831 5 Opgenort, J.R. A Grammar of Jero. With a Historical Comparative Study of the Kiranti Languages. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14505 2 Tolsma, G.J. A Grammar of Kulung. 2006. ISBN-10: 90 04 15330 6, ISBN-13: 978 90 04 15330 1

5/5 Plaisier, H. A Grammar of Lepcha. 2006. ISBN-10: 90 04 15525 2, ISBN-13: 978 90 04 15525 1 6. Achard, J.-L. Bon Po Hidden Treasures. A Catalogue of gTer ston bDe chen gling pa’s Collected Revelations. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13835 8 7. Sujata, V. Tibetan Songs of Realization. Echoes from a Seventeenth-Century Scholar and Siddha in Amdo. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14095 6 8. Bellezza, J.V. Spirit-mediums, Sacred Mountains and Related Bon Textual Traditions in Upper Tibet. Calling Down the Gods. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14388 2 9. Bray, J. (ed.). Ladakhi Histories. Local and Regional Perspectives. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14551 6 10/1 Beckwith, C.I. (ed.). Medieval Tibeto-Burman Languages II. 2006. ISBN 90 04 15014 5 10/2 Klieger, P.C. (ed.). Tibetan Borderlands. 2006. ISBN-10: 90 04 15482 5, ISBN-13: 978 90 04 15482 7 10/3 Cuevas, B.J. & K.R. Schaeffer (eds.). Power, Politics, and the Reinvention of Tradition. Tibet in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. 2006. ISBN-10: 90 04 15351 9, ISBN-13: 978 90 04 15351 6 10/4 Davidson, R.M. & C.K. Wedemeyer (eds.). Tibetan Buddhist Literature and Praxis. Studies in its Formative Period, 900–1400. 2006. ISBN-10: 90 04 15548 1, ISBN-13: 978 90 04 15548 0 10/5 Ardussi, J.A. & F. Pommaret (eds.). Bhutan. Traditions and Changes. 2007. ISBN-10: 90 04 15551 1, ISBN-13: 978 90 04 15551 0 10/6 Venturino, S.J. (ed.). Contemporary Tibetan Literary Studies. 2007. ISBN-10: 90 04 15516 3, ISBN-13: 978 90 04 15516 9 10/7 Klimburg-Salter, D., Tropper, K. & C. Jahoda (eds.). Text, Image and Song in Transdisciplinary Dialogue. 2007. ISBN-10: 90 04 15549 X, ISBN-13: 978 90 04 15549 7 11. Karmay, S.G. The Great Perfection (rdzogs chen). A Philosophical and Meditative Teaching of Tibetan Buddhism. Second edition. 2007. ISBN-10: 90 04 15142 7, ISBN-13: 978 90 04 15142 0 12. Dalton, J. & S. van Schaik. Tibetan Tantric Manuscripts from Dunhuang. A Descriptive Catalogue of the Stein Collection at the British Library. 2006. ISBN-10: 90 04 15422 1, ISBN-13: 978 90 04 15422 3