Presidents in Retirement: Alone and Out of the Office

Presidents in Retirement

Presidents in Retirement Alone and Out of Office

Paul B. Wice

LEXINGTON BOOKS A division of ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC.

Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK

LEXINGTON BOOKS A division of Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200 Lanham, MD 20706 Estover Road Plymouth PL6 7PY United Kingdom Copyright © 2009 by Lexington Books All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Wice, Paul B. Presidents in retirement: alone and out of office / Paul B. Wice. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-7391-2741-4 (cloth: alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-7391-2741-1 (cloth: alk. paper) ISBN-13: 978-0-7391-2742-1 (pbk.: alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-7391-2742-X (pbk.: alk. paper) ISBN-13: 978-0-7391-3493-1 (e-book) ISBN-10: 0-7391-3493-0 (e-book) 1. Ex-presidents—United States. I. Title. JK606.W53 2009 973.09'9—dc22 2008045651 Printed in the United States of America

⬁ ™ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48–1992.

This book is affectionately dedicated to Larry and Molly Goldberg whose love and support have sustained me throughout the completion of this volume as well as all of my previous endeavors. Their continuous acts of kindness are deeply appreciated.

Contents

Part I 1

Presidents and Retirement: An Introduction

3

2

Transition Period: Life as a Lame Duck

15

3

Immediate Concerns

31

Part II 4

Partisan Political Activities

51

5

Political Advisor

69

6

Public Service

85

7

Economic Pursuits

107

8

A Life of Leisure: Ex-Presidents Relaxing

133

9

Health Concerns and Final Days

155

Part III 10

Conclusions and Critical Issues

175

Notes

191

Bibliography

201

Index

207

About the Author

215 vii

I PART I

1 Presidents and Retirement: An Introduction

Retirement is a desirable goal for most Americans, offering freedom from the constraints of full-time employment. Yet, for many, retirement presents difficult challenges such as surviving financially without a regular income as well as developing interests and activities to fill in your many hours of free time. For a former president, the enormity of the transition from world leader to private citizen offers challenges of an even greater magnitude. In a recent article in New Yorker Magazine (September 18, 2006) David Remnick examined Bill Clinton’s experience as an ex-president. Given access to travel with Clinton, they criss-crossed Africa on a seven country tour visiting HIV-AIDS programs supported by the former president’s Global Initiatives Foundation. Remnick wrote that Clinton thought he had two options in his retirement: “you can sit there and feel sorry that you’re not president anymore, or you can find some way to use what you know, and what you know about how to do things, and go out there and do all the good you can. The one thing I made a very determined decision about, even before I got sick—with heart disease, in 2004—was that I would not leave the White House and spend the rest of my life wishing I were still president.”1 Remnick also reported that during his first days out of office “According to many of his aides, Clinton enjoyed having time to read and play golf at home in Westchester, dropping in at Lange’s Deli or the local Starbucks, taking walks with his chocolate lab. But he had difficulty adjusting to his powerlessness and the instant loss of an Executive Branch staff numbering in the thousands. He also had to adjust to the reality that he would never in the rest of his years be able to accomplish what he could have done in a single week as president.”2 3

4

Chapter 1

This volume will describe and analyze the retirement behavior of Bill Clinton and all of the other thirty-three ex-presidents who were faced with deciding how to make the most of their new lives as private citizens. Rather than simply present a chronology of presidential retirement behavior, the book explores the variety of retirement activities topically with chapters on partisan politics (running for office), relationships with a successor, public service, economic pursuits, leisurely activities, and health concerns. Attention to the import of the historical context of the retirement period will also be examined as an important factor influencing the former presidents during their final years. It should be understood, however, that this is a social-psychological analysis of presidential retirement instead of simply a historical narrative. The book’s emphasis is on the range of social-psychological factors affecting the behavior of ex-presidents once they leave the White House. I am interested in learning what these men did in retirement, why they pursued particular avenues of endeavor, and the degree of satisfaction derived from their varied choices. It is hoped that discernible patterns of behavior can be identified which can be of predictive value in understanding the retirement behavior of future ex-presidents. The passage of the Former Presidents Act in 1958 which provided an annual pension—at the time $25,000—as well as staff assistance and security protection, was a significant change in the government’s attitude toward retired presidents. Prior to the passage of the Act several former presidents, including nearly all of the founding fathers (Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe), suffered financially during their retirement years, narrowly avoiding bankruptcy. Another interesting phenomenon is the attempt by former presidents who experienced difficult one term presidencies, defeated in their reelection campaign, to devote their retirement years to resurrect a tarnished image. Former presidents John Quincy Adams, Herbert Hoover, and Jimmy Carter all exemplify this type of retirement behavior. Their successful exploits following their White House years vindicated their unsuccessful presidential performance, restoring their reputation as intelligent, dedicated public servants. A final factor influencing the ex-president’s attitude and behavior during his retirement is the degree to which he enjoyed his time in the White House. Teddy Roosevelt, for example, had a difficult retirement because of his inability to deal with his loss of power while Rutherford Hayes, William H. Taft, and Calvin Coolidge experienced enjoyable retirements following their challenging years as leaders of their country. This book offers a unique opportunity to examine the personalities and beliefs of our presidents in a relatively pristine setting. The reader can observe these former Chief Executives without having to discern the influence of staff and advisors upon their behavior. Did the president actually favor a particular policy or was he coerced into his position by a senior staff advisor, critical cabinet members, or a longtime trusted friend? Retirement

Presidents and Retirement: An Introduction

5

grants a personal freedom to engage in activities and express oneself without over concern with political repercussions. Thus, the ex-president as retiree presents himself in a way that is more likely to reflect his true feelings. Additionally, once out of the White House, ex-presidents are no longer trapped or encapsulated by political crises which may have circumscribed their behavior. Viewing LBJ, Jimmy Carter, or James Buchanan after leaving office means a chance to view them as private citizens unencumbered by the Vietnam War, Iran hostage crisis, or an approaching Civil War, respectively. Retirement is therefore a period in one’s life where a person is more likely to express his true inner feelings and behave in a manner consistent with these beliefs. This book focuses on a period in one’s life which offers wider possibilities. Freed from the dictates of a job, retirement offers freedom and enjoyment, to live your final years in comfort and happiness or under stressful conditions caused by economic and/or health concerns. Although the step down from the presidency may be much greater than the average person’s experiences upon entering retirement, the relative problems and rewards are only of a qualitative difference. The major difference is likely to be the difficulty for former presidents to be able to experience their retirement outside the spotlight of public scrutiny. This situation has been growing more obtrusive in recent years, although some presidents such as George H.W. Bush, who has attempted to maintain his privacy during his retirement years, has been relatively successful in avoiding publicity. In contrast, Bill Clinton has chosen to re-enter the world of politics as a key advisor in his wife’s campaign for the presidency.

PLANNING FOR RETIREMENT Most people have a rough idea of when they want to retire or at least envision a time when they believe their finances will permit them to do so. It therefore appears that two critical factors must be evaluated in planning the retirement decision—a pragmatic analysis of one’s financial condition and a realistic understanding of one’s physical and emotional state with regard to terminating work. Gerontologists generally define the retirement phase in one’s life as the period between the end of full time work and the final stage of life marked by frailty and declining health. It is a fairly recent creation of modern industrial society, described by Eugene Friedman and Harold Orbach as “an emerging pattern of social life that is without historical precedent.”3 They explain the confused nature of retirement as a product of a “lack of clearly defined social role and socially defined positions and behaviors . . . at best it is an emerging role in the process of being institutionalized.”4

6

Chapter 1

By the beginning of the twenty-first century, however, retirement has become an expected phase of one’s life course. David Ekerdt, a leading scholar in the field, writing in The Encyclopedia of Aging states that presently (2001) “people expect, and are expected to retire . . . succeeding cohorts of older workers by and large have welcomed these developments: average age of retirement has dropped and the cultural acceptance of retirement has increased.”5 Presently, people in their mid-fifties begin to plan for their retirement. They are guided by a series of what Ekerdt categorizes as “external cues” leading to a growing awareness of this new phase of their lives. Ekerdt explains, “health problems and diminished work capacity are a well established prompt to retirement. Some have identified a subjective switch that takes place in the minds of people in their fifties. Having previously assumed an unbounded future, adults come to focus on the finiteness.”6 Based upon my own experience as well as the gerontological and socialpsychological literature, the most challenging aspect of the pre-retirement planning process is resolving a series of very difficult questions. Where should I live? Should I remain near my current friends and family or relocate to warmer climates, which may reduce my health concerns? How much money will I need to live comfortably and for how long? Can I stop working completely or do I need to get a part-time job? What will I do to fill the many hours previously devoted to my job? The answers to these perplexing questions are not easily forthcoming, and may shift depending on changes in one’s health as well as sharp alterations in the stock market; all factors beyond our control. Attempting to resolve these issues can produce an angst, which easily leads to procrastination or avoidance, compounding the inherent difficulty of committing oneself to an uncertain and complex future course of action. Since the mid-twentieth century, more and more individuals are retiring and at an increasingly earlier age. Potential retirees therefore contemplating terminating employment have an expanding number of possible role models. The experience of recent retirees may provide practical answers and financial guidelines for the current group of individuals planning their future.

ADAPTING TO RETIREMENT Despite the anxiety during the planning period, once the decision is made, the adaptation to retirement by most people is an easy process. The large majority of retirees experience a pleasant life, fulfilling nearly all of their positive expectations. Recent surveys indicate that retirees “value most their new status . . . a feeling of emancipation that they express with the words

Presidents and Retirement: An Introduction

7

‘time to do what I want to do’ and ‘freedom’ from daily schedules for personal pursuits.”7 There are, of course, many retirees suffering from economic, health, or emotional concerns who do not enjoy their retirement. Limitations resulting from financial and medical issues can surely diminish the retirement experience. Retirement in most cases means a reduction in income, but it can be counter-balanced by reduction in the costs of employment such as commuting and the buying and cleaning of new clothes. Financial planners advise retirees that their retirement income should be able to replace approximately 65% to 75% of their full-time employment salary. The source of retirement income usually is derived from social security, pension plans, personal savings (as well as investment), and part-time work. If one chooses to make adjustments to his standard of living by moving to less expensive parts of the country or downgrading the size of one’s home, economic problems can be further diminished. Even though some retirees may miss the structured schedule and expectation required by full-time employment, most retirees appear to prosper under their new, more flexible lives. Their increased leisure time allows for travel and other delayed avocational interests. Additionally, increasing numbers of retirees work part-time to supplement their income or simply to experience a new vocational opportunity. Many also do volunteer work and public service for both personal satisfaction as well as to fill their idle hours. The best part of planning these varied activities is the freedom to choose what they are and when they are to be done, counter-balanced by the increasing time devoted to leisure and recreational activities. Recent studies have challenged the persistent myth that terminating work and entering retirement will cause physical and emotional damage. The underlying premise of such beliefs assumes that the increase in leisure hours will decrease mental activity and physical strength. Additionally, traditionalists assert that by leaving full-time employment and spending more time around the house, marital and social problems are likely to be exacerbated. Medical and social research, however, invalidate these theories, endorsing a positive experience resulting from greater leisure and freedom. The conclusion supported by research is that most individuals are satisfied with retirement and no longer contemplating leaving full-time work with apprehension and doubt.8 It is difficult to definitively catalogue all of the positive and negative aspects of the retirement experience. Each retiree presents a unique prism for dealing with the myriad of concerns to be confronted. The Encyclopedia of Aging summarizes the intricacies of the retirement experience when it states, “the impact of retirement on the individual’s activity pattern is complex and varied depending literally on his health, socioeconomic and

8

Chapter 1

marital status, ecological or social involvement and previous lifetime patterns of adaptation.”9

PRESIDENTIAL RETIREMENT—A UNIQUE SITUATION Thus far, retirement has been discussed in very personal as well as general terms based on national surveys and research by gerontologists. This volume will examine retirement for a select group of individuals facing a unique and precipitous departure from their full-time employment position—Presidents of the United States who were required to step down from one of the most powerful positions in the world! On the day following the inauguration of their successor, they reappear as private citizens who must face the remainder of their lives having to deal with the same mundane daily problems confronting the rest of society. It is true that since the passing in 1958 of the Former President’s Act, most of the extreme financial difficulties have been resolved. Nevertheless, their retirement as private citizens raises many difficult issues which require immediate resolution. Beyond financial and health questions, such basic issues as where to live and what to do with all of his free time must soon be answered. Hopefully, many of these problems may have been resolved and at least partially analyzed during the lame duck period extending from the November presidential election to the inauguration. (Initially inaugurations were held in late March but the twentieth amendment passed in 1933 moved the date back to January 20th, shortening the lame duck period considerably.) Retirement from the presidency came prematurely for fourteen presidents who were unsuccessful in seeking re-election. Four of this group— Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, Andrew Jackson, and Chester Arthur— were unable to be re-nominated by their own party, while an additional ten were nominated but defeated in the November general election by the opposition party. This group of fourteen therefore was electorally coerced into early retirement at least four years before they contemplated departure. This involuntary and premature retirement obviously creates a significant number of emotional issues in addition to the already noted health, financial, and miscellany of retirement problems previously noted. It is one thing to return to private life voluntarily but to have retirement forced upon you by the national and/or party electorate is a brutal reality. It is in effect a rejection of a president’s term of office, a clearly personal disavowal of his leadership. Although it could be argued that leaving office in this manner is more analogous to being fired rather than voluntarily retiring from one’s posi-

Presidents and Retirement: An Introduction

9

tion, the uniqueness of the position as the nation’s chief executive plus several additional factors makes the president’s forced departure more akin to moving into retirement. Factors contributing to a feeling of retirement are the age of the fourteen presidents when forced to step down following their electoral defeat. The average age is in the mid-sixties, a normal time for most people to seriously consider retirement. Additionally, stepping down from so esteemed and powerful a position as president of the United States limits the range of possible jobs or career changes that an ex-president could select. It would be inconceivable, for example, to expect Harry Truman to return to the haberdashery store in Kansas City where he worked and resurrect his career as a salesman. Former presidents are extremely aware of the propriety and implications of future vocational choices. Succeeding chapters will depict the various retirement opportunities available to ex-presidents. Their choice of opportunity is dependent upon their consideration of the public’s perception and acceptance of their decision. Possible conflict of interest issues as well as the perceived propriety of each opportunity are carefully considered. The idea of making a profit or gaining an unfair advantage as a result of the ex-president’s former position is viewed as unethical and has therefore emerged as a restrictive force upon his economic choices in retirement. In the modern age for example, presidents who were trained in law such as Cleveland, Taft, Wilson, and Nixon were all careful in the selection of a law firm or a particular client. The power of their name and previous position may be easily viewed by the public as gaining an unfair advantage in the courtroom or governmental office. Some Presidents more than others may feel constrained by these ethical and possible legal limitations, but they all are keenly aware of the public consequences and their personal reputations. Finally, regardless of the age of the defeated ex-president, the arduous nature of his past position and weighty responsibilities can make retirement an attractive and often necessary choice. The physical changes in presidential visages during their term in office is convincing evidence of how the high pressure duties of the chief executive can manifest themselves in visible physical change. The most startling example of change is probably Lincoln during the Civil War in which he aged so drastically. Photographs of President Clinton, especially following his recent open heart surgery, show him gaunt and his hair turned completely white. This contrasts to his presidential years, where he was always on the heavy side and his brown hair had only scattered patches of grey. A large, overwhelming percentage of presidents commented in their final days in office how much they looked forward to retirement and leaving the intense pressures of the oval office behind them.

10

Chapter 1

The manner in which each president utilizes this lame duck period varies considerably among the chief executives. Many variables affect the vigor with which a president utilizes his last few months in office. Having to turn the presidency over to the opposition party often sparks a flurry of last minute partisan political activity by the outgoing chief executive. Adams’ last minute appointment of John Marshall to the Supreme Court is one of the most blatant examples of this type of last minute decision making. In this case, Adams was able to insert a federalist partisan in the judicial branch with a lifetime appointment as chief justice. Marshall was a successful obstacle to Jefferson and the Republican plans for reducing the power of the national government in favor of the states. Most recent presidents have rejected the last minute activism of Adams, opting for a resigned, less confrontational period of passivity allowing for the new administration to enter office with a smooth, benign post-election transition. Lyndon Johnson, for example, had a chief justice position on the court to fill with Earl Warren’s retirement but chose to allow Nixon to make the appointment following the clear-cut defeat of Democratic nominee Hubert Humphrey. Although the custom of a self-imposed two-term limit was followed from Washington for the next 140 years, presidents were not constitutionally limited to serving only eight years. Thus, presidents even in retirement after serving two terms could contemplate re-entering the political arena. Van Buren, Grant, and Theodore Roosevelt contemplated re-entry into a presidential campaign as his party’s nominee but were all unsuccessful. F.D.R., however, with his four presidential election victories, convinced the nation that a constitutional amendment was necessary to limit the nation’s chief executive to two terms. Thus, in 1951, the Twenty-second Amendment was passed, thereby ending the possibility of any future F.D.R. imitators. For the past fifty years, therefore, second term presidents may begin their lame duck period increasingly earlier in their second term if they so desire. Obviously, presidents who make their own choice of when to retire (that is, declining to run for a second term) may have allocated a decent amount of time in which to plan for their upcoming retirement. Their experience in office, their popularity at the conclusion of their tenure, and a significant shift in their party’s popularity may also influence the enthusiasm with which a president confronts critical retirement issues requiring clarification and resolution. (These varied concerns will be discussed more thoroughly in chapter 2.) Stepping down from a position of such power and importance, as the leader of an entire nation, to become a private citizen, may be either a positive or negative experience depending on both the quality of his life during his time in office as well as his attitudes toward the future. Several presidents such as Hayes, Harrison, Taft, and Coolidge looked forward

Presidents and Retirement: An Introduction

11

to getting out of Washington. These ex-presidents could enjoy leisure activities that were often denied them during their years in office. Eisenhower, settling into his comfortable home in Gettysburg was able to golf, paint, and relax without the weight of the world on his shoulders. After fifty years of serving his country as a military and political leader, he relished the quiet time away from the glare of the public spotlights and pressured demands of his various positions. For a few presidents, retirement meant the opportunity to pursue another career. Taft, for example, was able to finally achieve the position he always sought: Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court. He was appointed by President Harding approximately ten years after leaving office, and served with distinction for another decade. As the nation’s life expectancy continues to rise, we can expect more presidents leaving office at increasingly earlier ages, thereby making their life in retirement significantly longer, allowing for even more opportunities for post-presidential careers. The experience of Hoover and Carter illustrate the potential for engaging in productive lives, serving the nation and the world. In order to better grasp the magnitude of the move into retirement from the presidency, it is useful to examine the life of a star professional athlete in one of our country’s major sports, i.e., baseball, basketball, or football. The president may be limited to eight years in office, but he is typically in his early sixties, having been in public service for over thirty years. The professional athlete, however, because of the intense physical demands of his profession, is fortunate to play for ten to fifteen years, the last five usually on the downside of his career. In only his mid-to-late thirties, the athlete is forced to either choose a new career or simply live a life of leisure for the next forty years. The sad stories of athletes’ retirement woes stretch beyond mismanaged finances to physical and emotional deterioration. The dizzying distance between life at the top and retirement experience is what makes this new challenge so potentially difficult for both groups.

GOVERNMENTAL ASSISTANCE: A RECENT PHENOMENON Nearly all presidents nearing the completion of their terms have varying financial concerns, ranging from minimal to severe. Economic problems consistently plagued the earliest group of presidents in retirement, from Washington through Monroe. It is therefore surprising that the federal government did not attempt to deal with this problem until the passage of the Former Presidents Act (FPA) in 1958. A grateful Harry Truman was the first president to take advantage of the Act, which provided him with an annual lifetime pension and office allowances administered by the General Services Administration. Secret Service protection is guaranteed for both the

12

Chapter 1

President and his spouse by a separate statute (18 U.S.C. 3056). Surviving spouses of former Presidents receive protection until remarriage. The first effort to provide financial assistance for presidents was initiated by a private source outside of government. Wealthy industrialist and philanthropist Andrew Carnegie offered a plan in 1912 to establish a pension plan of $25,000 annually. A slightly embarrassed Congress discussed the feasibility of such private philanthropy for retired presidents and declared it inappropriate. A bill was proposed the same year to establish a presidential pension, but it was defeated. The proposed bill was dormant for forty-six years. The movement toward passage of the Former Presidents Act began in 1955 when a financially troubled Truman requested congressional assistance in hiring an office staff as he worked on his memoirs. Former presidents are currently (2005) paid an annual salary of $180,000, while a presidential widow will receive $20,000 a year. The FY2006 budget request under the FPA statute is for $2.95 million, which covers pensions and allowances for the former presidents. As noted earlier, the FPA provides several other benefits in addition to the pensions. Probably the most costly benefit is money for sufficient office staff and adequate office space decently furnished and equipped. The office can be located anywhere within the United States the president chooses. In 1961, the Comptroller General of the United States ruled “that the FPA also applies to the office supplies such as stationery and local long distance telephone service.”10 President Nixon’s resignation in 1974 raised an interesting and hopefully unique question about his ability to obtain full benefits under the Former Presidents Act. The assistant attorney general, Mary C. Lawton of the US Justice Department, resolved the problem by declaring that resignation differs from impeachment, which requires forfeit of one’s pension and related pensions and benefits as authorized under the FPA for former presidents.11 The staff and office allowances have proven to be the most meaningful benefits for former presidents. In recent years, most presidents have been actively engaged in writing projects as well as active participants in nonpartisan public service projects. Jimmy Carter’s writing projects, including a successful novel about the Revolutionary War as well as his work in Habitat for Humanity, is the most obvious example of a busy president needing staff and office allowances. Because the FPA limits the aggregate staff salaries to $96,000, most ex-presidents must utilize private funds to supplement staff compensation or hire additional employees. The FPA will review the costs of the office space, equipment, and supplies at any location selected by a former president. The retired presidents are prohibited by law (108 Stat. 2410 Treasury Postal Service) from using their public FPA funds for “partisan political activities.”12

Presidents and Retirement: An Introduction

13

Retired presidents presently also receive a few additional benefits to assist them in difficult times. They and their spouses and children are entitled to full treatment in military hospitals for medical problems. (This is authorized because of their status as secretarial designees, authorized to receive these benefits by the Secretary of Defense.) If he wishes, a former president is granted a state funeral. Since Herbert Hoover, every former president except Nixon has had a presidential library managed by the National Archives and Record Administration. A new statute, the Presidential Transition Act, makes funding available to the outgoing president and vice president for seven months immediately preceding the January 20th inauguration in order to ease their move to private life.

PREVIEW OF THE BOOK The purpose of this book is to examine and hopefully better understand the experiences of our presidents during their retirement years. I hope to offer an explanation of what factors appear to either enrich or undermine the quality of a president’s life after leaving office. The book will not be a historical chronology of the presidents in retirement. I am not a historian and do not pretend to describe in precise detail how these ex-presidents lived their final days. Instead, I wish to attempt to better understand the pressures and factors which can explain the quality of life once they left office. How important was their health or financial situation at the time they were required to retire? What impact did the quality of their presidential years have upon their retirement experience? For example, if it was unsatisfactory, did they utilize their retirement as a mechanism for resurrecting their reputation in the manner of Jimmy Carter or Herbert Hoover? Similarly, of what significance was an unsuccessful presidential campaign during their retirement years? The retirement issue will therefore be examined through the analysis of a series of substantive topics such as economic pursuits, medical and emotional concerns, partisan political involvement, non-partisan public service, travel and other leisure activities, and memoir writing including the formulation and operation of presidential libraries. The retirement experiences of all presidents will fall within the scope of this book. Grover Cleveland is in the unique position of having two retirement experiences, one temporary before running for a second term and then a final retirement following his second term in office. Obviously, the eight presidents who died in office (W.H. Harrison, Taylor, Lincoln, Garfield, McKinley, Harding, Franklin Roosevelt, and John Kennedy) will not be included in this study. All presidents will be selectively utilized to provide insights into the issues of retirement behavior noted previously. The book is divided into the following four topics: (1) life as a lame duck; (2) immediate concerns upon

14

Chapter 1

leaving office; (3) retirement activities such as running for political office, public service, economic pursuits, or health concerns; and (4) conclusions and critical questions. The final chapter will examine the important questions of how to better utilize the former presidents, evaluate the importance of the historical period in which they retired, and identify the critical factors affecting the quality of their retirement.

2 Transition Period: Life as a Lame Duck

Retirement from the position of President of the United States appears to be fairly certain, given the specific length of office (four years) and since 1951, the constitutionally mandated two term limit. Nevertheless, reviewing past presidencies, there are several factors making the retirement date less certain. For the twelve presidents who retired after serving two terms, it is likely that they had ample opportunity to contemplate numerous retirement issues such as where they would live and what they would do. Prior to 1951 (when the 22nd Amendment constitutionally limited a president to only two terms) our earliest presidents—Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe—established the strong tradition of a self-imposed twoterm limit. It was not until the remarkable presidency of FDR serving during the Great Depression and the Second World War that this tradition was broken, as Roosevelt was selected to both a third and fourth term. The nation reacted to Roosevelt’s four terms by passage of the 22nd Amendment, during the Truman presidency. Another eight presidents decided that one term in office was sufficient, choosing not to run for re-election. How early in their initial term one of these presidents realized that four years in the White House was all that they desired is difficult to discern. Several appear to have made the decision fairly early in their term and would have several years to plan their retirement. Presidential historians and biographers have depicted John Tyler, Rutherford Hayes, and Calvin Coolidge as knowing they would not seek reelection a year or two after their inauguration.1 Coolidge, for example, appeared to lose his enthusiasm for the office immediately after his son died in the late summer of 1924. Coolidge formally announced his decision not to run again on August 2, 1927, eighteen months before he was slated to 15

16

Chapter 2

leave office. At the time, reporters conjectured that Coolidge’s own poor health was the primary reason for his rejection of running for a second term. Lyndon Johnson typifies the other extreme: unable to make his decision until March of 1968, when public opinion polls conducted during the winter Democratic primaries clearly indicated his unpopularity. By the spring, Johnson’s public support was at an all-time low, as he rarely ventured outside of the White House for the duration of his presidency. For fourteen presidents their retirement decision was made by the American electorate or their own political party, denying them their party’s nomination. Ten presidents were defeated in the November national election, while four failed to win nomination at their party’s summer convention. In both categories, each president had a number of months of lame duck status in which to formulate his immediate retirement plans. Eight presidents died in office either through natural causes (William Henry Harrison, Zachary Taylor, Warren Harding, and Franklin Roosevelt) or as a result of assassination (Lincoln, Garfield, McKinley, and Kennedy). The remaining president, Richard Nixon, left office through the historically distinctive process of resignation. Facing likely impeachment and probable criminal charges of obstruction of justice resulting from the Watergate scandal, Nixon stepped down in August of 1974. Hopefully Nixon’s retirement will be a historical anomaly, but the Lewinsky affair involving Bill Clinton makes one wonder about future scandals and premature retirements.

LAST DAYS IN OFFICE By early November, at the conclusion of a president’s term in office, it is clear that retirement will commence in late January of the forthcoming year, less than three months ahead. From 1804 until 1933, presidents had an even longer period of time to consider their upcoming retirements since the inauguration was set for March 4th. Unfortunately, lame duck presidents during the post-election period are usually plagued by several pressing problems such as last-minute appointments, attempting to gain passage of critical legislation, granting of pardons, and dealing with an immediate range of domestic and international concerns. Additionally, the outgoing president has a responsibility to assist the incoming chief executive, ensuring that the transition will be smooth. It is hoped that this final responsibility will be accomplished in a bi-partisan fashion, placing the needs of the country above personal or party politics. Since the passage of the Presidential Transition Act in 1951, the federal government has made funding available to the outgoing president and vice-president for seven months, beginning one month before the January 20th inauguration. The stated purpose is to “facilitate their relocation to private life by paying for suitable office

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space, staff compensation, communications services, and printing and postage associated with the transition.” In the most recent transition in 2004–2005, the president requested $7.7 million, which was authorized by Congress.2 Recent presidents have resisted making significant last minute appointments although ambassadorships, mid-level departmental positions and regulatory board members have been appointed during this late period. The most famous late appointment was John Adams’ decision to nominate John Marshall for the Chief Justiceship of the Supreme Court replacing John Jay. Marshall was named during the last month of Adams’ presidency and would prove to be the most important appointment of his term. The new chief justice was able to continue the federalist’s agenda throughout the subsequent administrations of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. Landmark decisions by Marshall such as Marbury vs. Madison, McCullough vs. Maryland, and Gibbons vs. Ogden guaranteed a strong national government despite two decades of Jeffersonian Republicans hoping to strengthen the state governments while diminishing the power of federal institutions. Marshall was able to dominate the court throughout his entire thirty-four-year tenure as chief justice. As an example of how 20th and 21st century presidents have avoided the political tenuousness of partisan last minute appointments, lame duck president Lyndon Johnson opted not to appoint a replacement for retiring Chief Justice Earl Warren even though he resigned in the spring of 1968. Since the more important appointments require the approval of the Senate, the President, particularly one of declining popularity, discreetly usually chooses not to confront his congressional opposition. President Bill Clinton, and to a lesser degree two of his late-twentieth century predecessors (George Bush and Ronald Reagan), have utilized the presidential power to pardon as a last minute act of compassion toward individuals convicted of criminal acts. Broadly defined within Article II of the Constitution, the president’s pardoning power may extend to anyone suspected, accused, or convicted of any crime for any reason without explanation. Presidential pardons are final and cannot be overturned. Only a president’s conscience and his evaluation of the political consequences of these acts of clemency serve as limitations on the pardoning power. The first use of the pardoning power of historical significance was Jefferson’s decision to pardon any persons prosecuted under the Alien and Sedition Act which he declared “a constitutional nullity.” The power was rarely used until the conclusion of the Civil War when its popularity necessitated the creation of the Office of Pardon Clerk. The position was transferred to the Justice Department in 1893 where it was renamed the Office of the Pardon Attorney. The current pardon attorney, Roger Adams, was appointed in 1998 and commands a staff of fourteen attorneys and paralegals. Title 28 of the U.S. Code of Federal Regulations outlines the function of the office,

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which is only advisory, and for the internal guidance of the Department of Justice and the President. Recent presidents such as Ford, Bush, and Clinton have not always consulted the Office of the Pardon Attorney, although most requests for pardons are directed to the Justice Department and are based on the petitioner demonstrating good conduct for a substantial period of time after conviction and service of sentence, typically at least five years. Probably the most noteworthy use of the pardon power was President Gerald Ford’s full pardon of his disgraced predecessor Richard Nixon for all actions taken by the former president while he was in office. The impact of the pardon eliminated the possibility that Nixon would be tried as a private citizen for the illegal activities stemming from the Watergate scandal. Nixon’s resignation came as the House and Senate were poised to impeach him and the Supreme Court had just ordered him to turn over the highly culpable White House tapes. Ford justified the pardon as necessary in order to bring the nation together and move beyond the divisive scandal. Ford argued that the specter of a former president on trial for criminal activity (primarily obstruction of justice) would prevent the country from beginning the necessary healing process. Critics of Ford’s decision speculated that the promise of a pardon was the only way to convince Nixon to resign from office and avoid a constitutional deadlock between the executive and judicial branches of government. It is interesting to contemplate what the consequences would have been if Nixon chose to pardon himself before he resigned. President Clinton in the final days of his administration during January 2001 granted clemency to one hundred and forty individuals. The unusual number of pardons included several of his political supporters. The most questionable benefactor of a pardon was wealthy financier Marc Rich, who was a fugitive being sought by the U.S. Justice Department on serious criminal charges. Rich’s ex-wife Denise was a frequent White House guest and extremely generous contributor to the Democratic Party as well as Hillary Clinton’s Senate campaign. In a 1998 election campaign luncheon at her 5th Avenue New York City apartment, Denise Rich raised three million dollars. She also gave nearly a half-million dollars to the Clinton presidential library. In addition to the Rich pardon, Clinton granted clemency to his half brother Roger who was facing charges from the Justice Department alleging illegal lobbying efforts. All of Clinton’s pardons were made without the advice of the Attorney General’s pardon attorney. Clinton’s numerous pardoning decisions in the last days of his administration were unprecedented and caused a public outcry, tarnishing his reputation just as he was about to vacate the White House and enter private life. In an article in Vanity Fair magazine by Robert Sam Anson, Clinton told the author that he did not understand the harsh reaction to his excessive pardoning behavior, stating “There is not a single shred of evidence to show that I did anything wrong.

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. . . Or that money changed hands. And there’s certainly no evidence that I took any of it.”3 When President George W. Bush entered office in January of 2001 there were still 3000 pending clemency cases. Given the widespread negative reaction to Clinton’s questionable pardoning decisions, it is unlikely that future presidents will follow his unprecedented and seemingly self-destructive example. The last days in office can also involve the president in an effort to have important legislation passed. These bills, stuck in Congress, can be an important legacy of the outgoing administration and demand the president’s full attention. An early example was the conclusion of Madison’s successful two-term presidency when as his last official act he vetoed the Bonus Bill. This controversial bill allocated a $1.5 million bonus to be paid by the Bank of the United States along with future dividends on its stock, for a canal and road building scheme. Madison believed that Congress had exceeded its power to regulate.4 Andrew Jackson provides an even more blatant example of a president actively pursuing the passage of legislation during his final days in office. He was extremely pleased that the Senate in the winter of 1833 bent to his wishes, deciding to recognize the Republic of Texas. Jackson kept in the background as much as possible during the debate over annexation, fearing that if he were overtly aggressive, he could ignite a sectional struggle that was likely to undermine the incoming president, Martin Van Buren, a political ally and personal choice as successor. Jackson was also victorious in a long-raging fight with Henry Clay. The specific proposed legislation was a bill calling for the expunging of certain statements made by Clay in 1833 when he and his fellow members of the “Great Triumvirate” (Webster and Calhoun) and their supporters attempted to censure the president. In March, just prior to leaving the White House, Jackson supporters were able to defeat Clay. They were rewarded with what Jackson declared “a grand dinner for the expungers.”5 Jackson’s final legislative battle ended on a discordant note with his veto of an attempt by Congress to rescind his Species Circular order forbidding the General Land Office from accepting paper for payment of public lands. One factor affecting a president’s decision to aggressively pursue his legislative agenda into the waning hours of his administration is whether his successor is likely to support his position or reverse favored policies. As Cleveland’s second term was about to conclude, he knew that his Republican successor, William McKinley, would likely halt his trust-busting efforts under the Sherman Anti-Trust Act. Thus, during the final months of his administration, Cleveland pursued a renewed, vigorous prosecution of these trusts and monopolies. Historian Allan Nevins writes in his biography of Cleveland that “thanks to the increased aggressiveness of the Department of Justice in 1896–1897, the administration thus went out of office with a far more creditable record against the trusts than had seemed possible in

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1895.” Nevins also noted that in his last week in office “Cleveland was compelled to take action upon the difficult question of immigration restriction, and in his veto of the Lodge Bill for a literacy test is evinced a resolution that is easily underestimated.”6 Although specific legislation can create a difficult lame duck period for retiring presidents, even more significant problems can be posed by a domestic and/or international situation confronting the nation as the chief executive is about to step down. Social and economic unrest as well as wars, international crises, and national disasters are all forces that can dominate the president’s last days in office, requiring immediate action. A president has no choice but to deal with these problems. Additionally, his success or failure in resolving these serious dilemmas will likely have a major influence in defining the legacy of a president’s administration. Future historians, journalists, and politicians will often formulate their evaluations of a president’s worth based on his final acts in office. It may be unfair, but presidents such as James Buchanan, Herbert Hoover, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, and Jimmy Carter have all been harshly criticized based on their ineffective closing months dealing with a major problem, despite having noteworthy accomplishments earlier in their administration. The earliest example of this phenomenon is probably John Adams. Adams not only was trying to preserve the federalists’ desire to maintain a strong national government, which included both a viable congress as well as executive branch, but to also formally conclude the peace treaty with France. (The treaty was actually signed on October 3, 1800, but news of this did not reach Washington until after the November elections.) The 1800 election was the first between political parties; it was bitterly contested with both sides cognizant of the high stakes. David McCullough in his biography of John Adams described the presidential election as “a contest of personal vilification surpassing any presidential election in American history.”7 Bitterness between the two parties extended beyond the election, casting a dark cloud over the final months of Adams’ presidency. The decade preceding the Civil War was an emotional period fraught with tensions affecting Presidents Pierce and Buchanan throughout their entire terms in office, and even influencing the quality of their retirement. Both men were harshly criticized in the north for failing to prevent the ensuing war as well as not taking a sufficiently strong position against the Southern slaveholding states as they began to secede from the Union—caught between the two embattled sides in this seemingly intractable national crisis, both presidents appeared weak, frozen by indecision. Their lack of resolve antagonized both groups of protagonists to extreme positions, unwilling to compromise. Pierce is described by historian Gideon Welles and Roy Franklin Nichols as “a very vain, showy, and pliant man who by his errors and weakness

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broke down his administration and his party throughout the country.”8 Pierce may have been more popular in the South than the North even though he was from New Hampshire. He spent a great deal of time and energy gaining the passage of the controversial Kansas-Nebraska Act, but was unable to maintain the peace in “bloody Kansas.” He believed that holding the Union together was his primary objective even if it allowed for the continuation of slavery in the South and its expansion to the West. Pierce was a strong supporter of states’ rights and commanded federal authorities to withhold federal troops from Kansas unless it was absolutely necessary to preserve order. By 1856 Pierce was supported by a number of Southern Democrats but was distrusted by Northerners, to the point of being accused of disloyalty. It was clear by the spring of 1856 that he was unelectable and would be denied re-nomination by his party. Pierce would go on to have an unhappy retirement, especially during the war years as his neighbors continued to question his loyalty to the Union cause. James Buchanan’s presidency was equally difficult due to the escalating tension leading up to the Civil War, as southern and northern states grew increasingly embittered. Like Pierce, Buchanan thought it was critical to hold the Union together at virtually any cost, even if this meant caving in to Southern demands for the continuation of slavery. Buchanan had no chance for re-nomination in 1860 and was anxious to leave the capital city. Postmaster General Montgomery Blair summarized the ineptness of Buchanan’s domestic policy in the following caustic terms: “In 1860 the rebels were encouraged by the contempt they felt for the incumbent presidency. . . . Mr. Buchanan’s policy had, I think, rendered collision inevitable, and a continuance of that policy will not only bring it about, but will go far to produce a permanent division of the Union.”9 Similar to Pierce, Buchanan’s retirement was an unhappy, bitter experience. After moving back to Lancaster, he devoted a great deal of his time trying to defend his administration, writing a book on the subject published in 1866 entitled Mr. Buchanan’s Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion. He lived a very private existence, quietly supporting the Union and the Lincoln administration. The Reconstruction Period following in the wake of the Civil War also proved to be the downfall of an incumbent president, causing his impeachment and denial of renomination by his party. Andrew Johnson’s desire to bring the nation back together after the brutal war angered many Northerners who wished to punish the South. His support of the Reconstruction program also won him few supporters in the South. Barely escaping conviction in the Senate following impeachment, Johnson retired to Tennessee as his party nominated U. S. Grant. He remained active in state politics and was eventually elected to the Senate in January 1875. Although Johnson’s electoral victory and pending return to Capitol Hill gave the former president a

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reassuring sense of vindication, he became gravely ill, dying in July 1875. He only had the opportunity to give one speech on the floor of the Senate, but it was a stinging attack of the Grant administration’s reconstruction policies. Another president plagued by a severe domestic crisis was Herbert Hoover who had the misfortune to serve during the Great Depression. Although popular thought places the origin of the country’s worst economic crisis on the October 29, 1929, stock market crash (known as “Black Friday”), historians and objective analysts recognize its earlier roots in Europe as an aftermath of the First World War as well as the economic problems of the farmers in the plains due to drought conditions in the mid-1920s. Nevertheless, Hoover’s tepid response to the crisis and his stubborn belief in the power of socially responsible corporate capitalism created a public image of the president as insensitive to depression victims as well as inable to admit he had made a mistake. The election of 1932 produced a convincing victory for FDR, and the Democrats confirmed the nation’s rejection of Hoover and his passive economic program. Essayist William Allen White lucidly described Hoover’s plight in 1932 writing: “Hoover will be known as the greatest innocent bystander in history . . . full of courage and patriotism, undaunted to the last . . . a brave man fighting valiantly, futilely to the end.”10 Hoover was the last president to serve the lengthy lame duck period from his electoral defeat in November 1932 until FDR’s inauguration in March 1933. It was not a pleasant time as most Americans placed blame on him for the nation’s economic collapse. Hoover biographer Joan H. Wilson noted that symptomatic of the public’s displeasure, when the president “returned to California in November to vote in the presidential election. . . . The crowd that gathered to greet him in San Francisco spitefully released stink bombs as his entourage made its way slowly up Market Street.”11 During this four-month lame duck period, Hoover made an energized yet unsuccessful attempt to battle what he thought was the true root of the depression—the economic collapse in Europe following World War I. He urged Congress to enact legislation which would provide the worst hit countries with financial assistance as well as urge cooperative programs with Europe through diplomacy. He tried to enlist Roosevelt’s support in these ventures but was rebuffed. The two men appeared to disagree on virtually every issue, especially those related to the economic recovery of the nation. Hoover would become one of the harshest critics of the New Deal, stating that it was a failure and only the Second World War pulled America out of the depression. The Vietnam War consumed President Lyndon Johnson’s full term in office; early in his final year, on March 31, 1968, he declared that he would not run for re-election. The nation was sharply divided over the conflict with many Americans blaming the president for the military debacle. Johnson’s popularity was at an all-time low. The president still believed

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he had the best chance to defeat the obvious Republican nominee, Richard Nixon. Even though his vice president, Hubert Humphrey, was the likely Democratic Party nominee, Johnson felt that Humphrey was not a strong choice and would probably distance himself from LBJ’s Vietnam policies. As the Democratic Convention approached, Johnson appeared to be considering the possibility of running if he could control the convention. Robert Dallek reported that on July 24th, Johnson met with Nixon, asking him to “remain inflexible on Vietnam in exchange for Nixon’s promise not to promise an early end to the war.”12 Employing longtime friend John Connally as his on-the-spot manipulator, Johnson effectively managed the convention but was unable to stir any last minute movement to draft the sitting president. His major accomplishment was having the party platform adopt his plank on Vietnam. Johnson had become so unpopular by the summer that he wisely decided not to visit Chicago for the convention, remaining a virtual prisoner in the White House. It proved to be an intelligent decision given the violent struggles that occurred in Chicago between the police and anti-war demonstrators. Even though Johnson was able to coerce the party into passing a platform plank supporting the Vietnam War, it proved to be a major hurdle for presidential nominee Humphrey to overcome as he tried to distance himself from the past administration’s pursuit of the war. The plank only served to further divide an already fragmented party, virtually assuring the Republicans of a presidential victory in November. President Johnson realized that his support of Humphrey might cause Humphrey more harm than good. As November approached and his popularity improved to a 45 percent approval rating, Johnson finally began to actually campaign for Humphrey. Nevertheless, Humphrey lost in a close contest. A disappointed Johnson blamed the anti-war journalists for the party’s defeat, casting himself as a misunderstood and rejected leader who was given little credit for presidential gains—especially in the area of civil rights and the war against poverty. Overall, he believed his hard work had been repudiated and rejected by the American electorate.13 He was completely frustrated as well as physically exhausted by his years in office. The lame duck period after the election was a relatively quiet period for Johnson as he prepared to return to his ranch on the Pedernales and regain his strength. Richard Nixon offers a unique example of a president being trapped by an overwhelming political issue. The Watergate scandal forced Nixon to resign from office, not merely choose not to run for re-election or gracefully retire. For over a year, Nixon and his White House staff had been embroiled in the Watergate affair. By the summer of 1974, following Judge Sirica’s order to release the White House tapes, Nixon’s impeachment and probable conviction on obstruction of justice charges appeared imminent. Finally

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succumbing to public pressure on the evening of August 8th, Nixon presented his emotional resignation speech. He would step down the next day and immediately fly to his California estate at San Clemente. Stephen Ambrose in his comprehensive biography of Nixon characterized the speech as primarily being “devoted to self-justification of one sort or another. The reaction of the country was primarily one of relief. He soon gave his promise that he intended to come back, to be resurrected one more time. He was no stranger to black despair or bitter defeat.”14 Although Nixon had come back from two major electoral defeats in the past (presidency in 1960 and the California gubernatorial race in 1966), to resign in disgrace, with possible criminal charges still pending (the question of whether his successor Gerald Ford promised Nixon a pardon as an inducement to obtain his resignation has never been definitely answered), was a personal setback of significantly greater magnitude. Watergate had placed Nixon in an unprecedented struggle with both the judicial and legislative branches of the federal government. Despite the pride Nixon took in his ability to survive earlier crises in his life, in August of 1974, the release of the Watergate tapes precipitated a series of events which left him no choice but to resign. He would spend the bulk of his retirement years trying to resurrect his reputation and establish himself as a respected elder statesman. The current presidency of George W. Bush (2006) is reminiscent of the serious problems caused by an unpopular and divisive war. Similar to Vietnam and the Civil War, the Iraq War has created a seemingly unbridgeable chasm between proponents and critics of the invasion. President Bush has seen his popularity drop as the war drags on. Other presidents placed in a similar dilemma such as Tyler, Pierce, Buchanan, and Lyndon Johnson were physically exhausted and emotionally drained by their ineffective efforts and relieved to depart the White House for the more peaceful solitude of the family home. The significance of the critical events and crises plaguing presidents at the conclusion of their terms in office upon their upcoming retirement is a question to be more fully analyzed in subsequent chapters. At this point, however, it is useful to see a variety of retirement behaviors influenced by the tumultuous events occurring at the conclusion of a president’s term. Adams and Jefferson, despite the bitterness of their partisan party differences, were able to renew their friendship as both men reached old age. They corresponded frequently in their final years, rekindling their warm, spirited feelings toward each other. Pierce and Buchanan suffered through the difficult years leading up to the Civil War—their efforts at holding the nation together, which often forced them to placate Southern pro-slavery interests in order to prevent their secession from the Union, drew the ire of abolitionists and most Northerners. By the time both men left Washington, they were ready for an extended period of lassitude, spent in isolation. They

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retired to their homes in Pennsylvania and New Hampshire respectively where even the local citizenry failed to welcome them. Frustrated and exhausted, Pierce and Buchanan withdrew entirely from the political scene. Hoover and Nixon, however, set out to resurrect their reputations through an active public life. Hoover served on many humanitarian commissions, the most noteworthy being his efforts with refugees from the Second World War. Additionally he headed two major commissions charged with reorganizing the federal executive branch. His work on these commissions, which bear his name, was completed under Presidents Eisenhower and Truman, and may be the capstone achievement of his fifty-five years of public service. Nixon, beginning with his resignation speech, vowed to return to politics in order to create a more positive legacy and re-institute his place in the pantheon of foreign policy experts. He wished to advise subsequent administrations on world affairs so they could benefit from his extensive knowledge and experience. Within a few years he was making active strides toward elevating his status from a political embarrassment to a senior advisor in world affairs, lecturing around the world, writing numerous books, and communicating with world leaders. One of the critical factors making for a smooth transition from one president to another during the lame duck period from election to inauguration is the personal relationship between the two presidents. This relationship has ranged from warm and cordial to passive and occasionally becoming openly hostile. The type of transitional relationship is greatly influenced by the political tensions existing between the incumbent and his successor. When both individuals are of the same party and are in basic agreement over the current political issues of the day, it is likely that there will be a positive relationship. Occasionally, the incumbent strongly supports his successor, even campaigning for him or lobbying for his selection at the party convention. At the other end of the continuum, when the incumbent is defeated in a re-election effort or when his successor is elected on a platform critical of the incumbent’s policies, there is likely to be a somewhat frosty relationship. Whenever there is a change in the party controlling the White House, it is probable that there may be a contentious relationship between the two presidents, although there are several exceptions. The first presidential succession from Washington to Adams went fairly smoothly although according to historian James Flexner, Adams had been deeply jealous of Washington for a long time; forced to be obscured in his shadow for many years, the last eight as vice president. Flexner wrote that Adams thought he possessed a superior intellect and was now ready to have the spotlight on himself as the country’s second president. The 1800 presidential campaign between federalist John Adams and his former vice president, the Republican Thomas Jefferson, has been characterized

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as a “contest of personal vilification surpassing any presidential election in American history.” It was the first national election where political parties played a major role in dividing the electorate. Adams represented the proponents of a strong central government while Jefferson represented those espousing the retention of power by the individual states. Although Jefferson never directly attacked Adams, his associates, in particular James Thompson Callender, viciously assailed Adams. Adams’ anger at Jefferson for permitting the attacks while silently standing by caused a chasm between the two men for many years after the election although they ultimately resolved their differences and grew friendly again in their later years.15 The next three Republican presidents were fellow Virginians and close friends so it was no surprise that the passage of power from Jefferson to Madison to Monroe went smoothly without any apparent personal or political tension. The smoothness of the transitions is influenced in large measure by whether the incumbent and successor are of the same party, and share at least part of the political agenda. Andrew Jackson was pleased to have his vice president, John Quincy Adams, succeed him, actively campaigning for him prior to the election. For Jackson, the defeat of the “Great Triumvirate”—Clay, Calhoun, and Webster—as well as their allies was of paramount importance, exceeding even his sectional bias. An even closer relationship between the incumbent and the president-elect developed during the election of 1908 with Taft replacing Teddy Roosevelt. Roosevelt convinced a hesitant Taft to run for the top spot, believing that he could be trusted to carry on Roosevelt’s progressive policies such as trust busting and conservation. Unfortunately for Roosevelt, Taft fell under the influence of the conservative wing of the Republican Party, and Teddy witnessed the dismantling of his program. Angered by what he viewed as a betrayal by Taft, he ran against him as head of his newly formed Bull Moose Party in the 1912 election. The two men split the Republican vote and Woodrow Wilson emerged the victor. At the other extreme of the friendly to hostile relationship spectrum are the rather tense transfers of power from Hoover to Roosevelt, Truman to Eisenhower, and Carter to Reagan. Hostility may be largely due to a rejection of the incumbent’s policies rather than a strong clash over personalities. The electoral defeat may also be especially grating if the president is somewhat thin-skinned, a personality trait exacerbated by pressures of transition. Herbert Hoover was a relative newcomer to politics when he became president and was perceived to be overly sensitive to real and imagined slights. Hoover believed he was harshly repudiated by the American electorate in 1932, blamed for the devastating depression that had crippled the nation’s economy. Roosevelt did little during the campaign to dispel this idea. Hoover had invited Roosevelt to the White House several times after the November election, but Roosevelt appeared only twice for brief meetings. Roosevelt refused to share responsibility for any decisions or actions

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during this lame duck period citing as his reason his lack of constitutional authority as president-elect. This only made the relations between the two men even more distant. On inauguration day as the two men rode from the White House to Capitol Hill, Roosevelt tried to make polite conversation but Hoover remained silent. The final slight was Roosevelt’s refusal to provide secret service protection for Hoover after the inauguration during his trip to New York City. Richard Norton Smith reported that while in New York, “Hoover did receive a death threat and the Brooklyn police arrested a deranged veteran carrying a gun. Hoover’s fears of an angry America were not based totally in paranoia or sensitivity.”16 The rejection of Harry Truman’s liberal democrat policies with the election of Republican Dwight Eisenhower also created a somewhat tense transition period. After one of the few meetings between the men during this time, Truman wrote in his memoirs that “when the general and his aides left, I was troubled—I had the feeling that, up to this meeting in the White House, General Eisenhower had not grasped the immense job ahead of him. There was something about his attitude during the meeting that I did not understand. It may have been that this meeting made him realize for the first time what the presidency and the responsibilities of the president were. He may have been awestruck by the long array of problems and decisions that the president had to face.”17 The most blatant slight occurred on inauguration day. Truman had hoped that Eisenhower would honor the tradition of calling on him and Bess at the White House and have lunch with them. The Eisenhowers declined because Ike did not wish to enter the house until he officially became president. Truman, it was reported, felt insulted. When the Eisenhowers arrived at 11:30 a.m. to pick up the Trumans for the drive up to Capitol Hill they refused an invitation to come in for a cup of coffee. McCullough, in his definitive biography of Truman, wrote that Eric Sevarerd, the CBS correspondent, remembered the scene vividly: “it was a shocking moment, Truman was gracious and he had just been snubbed. He showed his superiority by what he did . . . from the way the two men looked as they drove off recalled Lincoln J. B. West ‘I was glad I wasn’t in the car.’”18 Relations between the two men improved from this low point, as the Eisenhower presidency began. He was appreciative of Truman’s efforts to bring his son, Major John Eisenhower, back from Korea so he could attend his father’s inauguration. The final example of strained relations involves Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan. Most of the tension was a by-product of Carter’s difficult presidency and his lack of popularity when he left office after being soundly defeated by Reagan. Carter was frustrated by losing to a man he thought “was immoral to the core . . . unprincipled, insincere, and hypocritical and that he had ridden into the White House on the dangerous themes of abhorrence of government, xenophobia, and massive tax cuts.”19 In an interview

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with Carter in 1995 Brinkley listened to the frustrated former president declare, “Allowing Ronald Reagan to become president was by far my biggest failure in office.”20 In response to Carter’s antipathy toward him, Reagan remained stoic, regally assuming the presidency with dignity and poise.

INAUGURATION DAY: TENSIONS IN TRANSITION The formal passing of power from one president to the next occurs on inauguration day. For the first 145 years this date was set on March 4th following the November election, creating an extended “lame duck” period of approximately four months. In 1933, with the passage of the 20th Amendment, this period was appreciably shortened with the inauguration now taking place on the twentieth of January. Despite hard fought electoral campaigns and personal animosities between the outgoing and incoming presidents, the inauguration has usually been a cordial affair. There have, however, been a few notable exceptions to this norm. Both John Adams and his son, John Quincy Adams, chose not to attend their successor’s inauguration. The presidential campaign of 1800 between Adams and Jefferson has been characterized as one of the bitterest in our nation’s history. On inauguration day, Adams chose to skip the event and left the same day for his home in Quincy, Massachusetts. There would be hard feelings between the men for many years. The only ameliorating factor to note is that at this time there was no tradition of a defeated president appearing at the new president’s inauguration as we have today.21 Like his father, John Quincy Adams did not appear at his successor’s swearing in ceremony. Adams and Andrew Jackson had been engaged in a mean-spirited electoral campaign and both believed it would have been hypocritical to pretend that their mutual hostility had miraculously disappeared. Jackson did his part to add to the animosity by refusing to pay the customary courtesy call to the outgoing president just before the inauguration. The most tragic occurrence during an inauguration took place during Millard Fillmore’s attendance at his successor’s (Franklin Pierce) swearing in ceremony. Fillmore’s wife caught a cold during the ceremony which progressed into pneumonia and she soon passed away. Fillmore was distraught and uncertain of where to go and what to do during retirement. He had made no clear plans and was described by biographer Robert Rayback as “wanting to be sure it was of proper propriety but he was not wealthy and had no land or family backing.”22 In recent years only two inauguration day incidents occurred, neither of major significance. The first was the previously noted snub by Dwight Eisenhower of President Truman’s offer to come in for a cup of coffee before driving up to Capitol Hill for the swearing-in ceremony. The second in-

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volved Jimmy Carter who clearly did not like his successor, Ronald Reagan. Carter upstaged the new president on the ride back down Pennsylvania Avenue by stepping out of his limousine and walking the rest of the way back to the White House. This unexpected flouting of formal tradition excited the spectators along the parade route, cheering loudly as Reagan was upstaged for one of the rare times in his presidency. Many expected James Buchanan and his successor Abraham Lincoln to behave in a hostile manner toward each other at the inauguration. It was thought that after the harsh electoral campaign of 1860, serious animosity existed between the two men, but the inauguration went off smoothly without incident. Thousands observed the two men being driven to the Capitol, engaged in a pleasant, affable conversation most of the journey. Historian Philip Klein did note however that “Buchanan looked pale and tired but he beamed, relieved to have the crushing, difficult job that had caused him great anxiety.

FINALIZING FUTURE PLANS: LAST MINUTE DECISIONS As inauguration day approaches, outgoing presidents must make important decisions on where they are going to live and what they are going to do: either a planned vacation, or a specific type of vocational activity. It is interesting to note that with the solitary example of John Quincy Adams, all presidents chose to leave Washington. Most returned immediately to their family home; although recently, several have selected an entirely new locale for their retirement years. The departure from the capital was often immediate, while the remainder only stayed briefly, being entertained by a round of farewell parties for a few days and then departing. Nearly all of the earliest presidents, prior to the Civil War, returned to their family homes: Washington to Mt. Vernon, Adams to Quincy Massachusetts, Jefferson to Monticello, Madison to Montpelier, Jackson to the Hermitage are the most prominent examples. Beginning in the late nineteenth century a modest number of presidents chose not to return to an earlier home, instead selecting a locale which would be more compatible with their future plans. Grover Cleveland moved to Princeton, New Jersey, instead of returning to Buffalo. His close friend Andrew West was a classics professor at Princeton and Cleveland quickly became immersed in university affairs as a member of the Board of Trustees. Herbert Hoover moved to New York City where he lived and worked out of an apartment on one of the top floors of the Waldorf Astoria. Bill Clinton decided not to return to his home in Arkansas where he had served numerous terms as governor. He and Hillary purchased a home in Chappaqua in rural Westchester County while Bill set up an office in Harlem. Dwight Eisenhower and Gerald Ford

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both devoted their retirement years to leisurely activities and were financially comfortable. They therefore chose idyllic areas to enjoy life. Eisenhower went to a beautiful farm near Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, where he could golf, paint, play bridge, and take long walks. Ford, a former athlete, loved to ski and settled in a beautiful condo in Vail, Colorado. He also had a second home in Rancho Mirage, California, where he could write and play golf, another longtime hobby. A second pressing question for retiring presidents was what type of activity they would initially pursue. For the earliest presidents, they all faced pressing financial obligations that had to be resolved. Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe all confronted immediate economic difficulties that had to be resolved usually by selling off their land. In the post–Civil War era, presidents varied widely in their choice of what to do, with many taking extended trips such as Grant’s two year worldwide retirement tour in Europe and Teddy Roosevelt’s year and a half safari in Africa. A handful of presidents typified by John Quincy Adams, Herbert Hoover, and Jimmy Carter vowed to devote their retirements to vindicate their less than successful presidencies; all three losing bitter re-election campaigns. In the upcoming chapters the range of public, private, and leisurely retirement activities immediately after leaving Washington will be examined in greater detail.

3 Immediate Concerns

This chapter will focus upon the immediate concern facing a former president upon exiting the White House. They had to resolve where they would reside after leaving Washington as well as dealing with health problems, financial crises and several other issues requiring timely solutions. Although these varied areas of concern will be dealt with in greater detail in part two of this book, this chapter will describe how the ex-presidents attempted to solve their problems during the first year or two out of office. Following the swearing in ceremony on inauguration day, nearly all presidents vacated Washington within a day or two. Many left the same day, taking trains or planes back to their family homes or the new homes they had selected for their retirement. If they did stay a few days, it was to attend a round of farewell parties given by their friends. The reason given by most for their speedy departure was to allow the incoming president to flourish in the inaugural spotlight, without the distraction of an outgoing chief executive. Only three presidents, John Quincy Adams, Millard Fillmore, and Woodrow Wilson, remained in Washington for an extended period of time. Adams moved two miles from the White House, settling in a house on Meridian Hill for a few months while he wrote a treatise defending his administration. Once this task was completed he returned to the family homestead in Quincy, Massachusetts. Millard Fillmore’s extended stay in Washington was due to the unfortunate fate of his wife who caught pneumonia during the inauguration day ceremonies and lingered in failing health before passing away a few weeks later. Fillmore had planned on returning to Buffalo and practicing law but he had procrastinated in finding a suitable home. He also had trouble deciding exactly what he wanted to do in retirement. He lacked personal wealth and had no land or adequate 31

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support system, although many of his friends urged him to consider running for re-election in 1856. With his wife’s death, Fillmore was forced to break out of his doldrums and make some basic decisions about his retirement. He would move back to Buffalo and live in a modest home on Gay Street. Still suffering from the loss of his wife, Fillmore lived a measured existence, with few expenses. He also chose not to resume the practice of law, explaining, “I have been to the pinnacle and I ought to be content.”1 The only president to reside in Washington permanently until his death was Woodrow Wilson. Wilson had suffered a serious stroke during his second term and left the White House still weakened from its effects. He was also upset by the smashing Republican victory with Harding replacing him. Wilson’s wife along with a select few cabinet members ran the federal government during his last two years of office. The Wilsons were able to find a suitable house on S Street NW near Massachusetts Avenue. His doctors prescribed complete rest, but Wilson still suffered a series of medical setbacks during the first few months of retirement. Wilson remained in this state of invalidism until his death three years later. Equally tragic was the fate of James Polk, who presently holds the record for the shortest retirement in presidential history. Polk left Washington on March 4th immediately after the inauguration ceremony. He began a month long southern trip down the Atlantic Seaboard, then turned west across the Gulf states, stopping briefly in New Orleans before turning north up the Mississippi River to his home state of Tennessee. Unfortunately he contracted cholera in New Orleans and died at his home in Nashville on June 15th, just three months after he left Washington. The southern tour proved very taxing on his weakened system, forced to participate in festivities honoring him as he wound his way home. He complained of stomach and intestinal problems on the last leg of the journey while becoming increasingly weaker once he arrived in Nashville, passing away in June a short time later. On his final day in office, Polk made the following entry into his diary: “I feel exceedingly relieved that I am now free from all public areas. . . . I am sure I will be a happier man in my retirement than I have been during the four years I have filled the highest office in the gift of my countrymen.”2 Unfortunately, Polk had little opportunity to experience the joys of retirement to which he looked forward to with genuine optimism.

HEALTH ISSUES Most presidents began retirement in fairly decent health with the exception of Woodrow Wilson (stroke), James Polk (cholera), and Chester Arthur

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(kidney disease). Wilson, who suffered a stroke in his second term, never fully recovered. He tried to practice law and do some writing, but his stamina and eyesight were failing, preventing him from following these pursuits. Polk, as was just noted, contracted cholera on an extended trip through the south and died shortly after reaching his home in Nashville. His postpresidential life of only three months is the shortest in history. Chester Arthur suffered from Bright’s disease, a kidney related illness, during his last year in office but kept it a secret. Many Republicans wanted him to run for re-election in 1884 against James Blaine, a strong candidate. Arthur told his close friend Frank Conger to notify his colleagues and party supporters that he did not want the nomination but was unwilling to disclose his reason. His biographer Thomas Reeves noted that “he had nearly as many delegates going off to the convention in Chicago to support his candidacy. It was obvious however that there was no leadership or money with the Arthur forces. . . . Blaine gained the necessary votes (411) required for victory. Arthur learned of his rejection by telegram at the White House. He was relieved and vowed ‘his earnest and cordial support of the Blaine candidacy.’”3 Arthur’s health continued to deteriorate after his presidency. He also was afflicted with an enlarged heart, likely caused by high blood pressure, a byproduct of Bright’s disease as well as persistent malarial infection contracted while president. In February 1886 he experienced acute attacks from his kidney disease and died nine months later on November 18, 1886. Despite being bedridden the final months, he continued to optimistically declare that he would be fine. Unfortunately his positive attitude only masked serious kidney and heart problems which dominated his entire short-lived post-presidential retirement. Several presidents had a medical history that might have curtailed or influenced their retirement, but nearly all of these men pursued active lives for several years before their bodies broke down. Dwight Eisenhower, who had earlier suffered from serious stomach and heart problems, and LBJ, who had an earlier heart attack (1958), were able to live for an additional eight and four years, respectively. George Washington, despite his fairly sound physical condition as well as imposing image as a commanding general during the Revolutionary War, was haunted by a premonition of death. This may have accounted for his rather dour disposition as he confronted his numerous economic problems. Andrew Jackson, who had been in general good health during the eight years of his presidency, suffered from a bad cold which led to severe hemorrhaging during his last days in office leaving him in a semi-conscious condition. He remained bed-ridden for two months after leaving office but fortunately, he soon had a complete recovery and lived for another eight years.4 Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, in their book The Final Days, characterized Richard Nixon during his last days in office before his August 1974

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resignation as being on the verge of a nervous breakdown. Kissinger described a scene the night before he left office in which Nixon was prostrate on a rug, crying despondently, deeply frustrated by the inevitable embarrassment to be experienced the next day. Once Nixon left Washington and landed in his San Clemente, California home, his emotional condition appeared to improve. As his mental health improved, however, he contracted phlebitis requiring his hospitalization. Although this was a serious circulatory illness with the possibility of blood clots, he soon recovered and was able to return home. A number of presidents were physically and/or emotionally exhausted by the conclusion of their presidency. They all looked forward to exiting the White House, returning home immediately or commencing on a lengthy trip. This was especially true for presidents who had been defeated in an unsuccessful attempt at re-election such as John Adams, Martin Van Buren, William Taft, Herbert Hoover and Jimmy Carter. A handful of presidents were emotionally drained by having to face difficult crises during their final year in office. Presidents serving prior to the Civil War, trying to hold the nation together such as John Tyler, Franklin Pierce, and James Buchanan typify individuals physically drained by a series of intractable crises. In summary, only one-fourth of our retiring presidents were plagued by health issues. As we continue to experience improved medical care, we can expect more presidents to leave office in a healthy condition, looking forward to a lengthy retirement. (Our rising mortality rate offers additional proof of this phenomenon.) The fact that presently we have three pastpresidents alive (Carter at 81, George H. W. Bush at 81, and Clinton at 59) is further testimony to this perceptible trend.

FINANCIAL CONCERNS The financial concerns facing a retiring president vacating office may range from a financial crisis requiring immediate resolution to virtually no problems whatsoever because of their wealth. Prior to the passage in 1958 of the Former Presidents Act, which provided a decent annual pension as well as money for staff and administrative expenses (in addition to secret service protection), the federal government offered no economic assistance to retiring presidents. Truman, after leaving office in January 1953, was facing hard times. In 1955, he requested congressional assistance in hiring an office staff as he worked on his memoirs. Presently (2005), a retired president receives $180,000 annual pension with additional money for staff and adequate office space decently furnished and equipped. For fiscal year 2006, under the Former Presidents statute, $2.95 million has been appropriated (see chapter 1 for greater detail).

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Our earliest presidents from Washington through Monroe faced the direst financial problems upon leaving office. George Washington, just prior to inauguration day tried to convince John Adams to purchase much of the furniture he had been forced to buy in order to furnish the first presidential home. A miserly Congress had refused to assist Washington in this endeavor; and he had been forced to spend a great deal of money in order to ensure that the first presidential mansion was not an embarrassment to visitors, especially those coming from overseas. Adams was unwilling to assist Washington by purchasing the furniture, choosing instead to bring in his own pieces. The two eminent figures squabbled over some minor paintings and furnishings, making Washington’s departure even more pathetic. Beyond the sizeable loses incurred during the eight years in office as Washington tried to live in a fashion becoming the first citizen of this new country, he also faced serious economic problems at his home in Virginia which he was unable to supervise adequately during his years in office. Much of the land surrounding Mt. Vernon had gone fallow, necessitating the sale of thousands of acres during the next few years. As he returned to his once beautiful estate, and roamed the grounds, he discovered that nearly every structure was in need of repair, exacerbating his already depressing financial situation. Jefferson’s financial condition was even more desperate than Washington’s as he prepared to return to Monticello. Despite appealing to backwoodsmen and farmers as a man of the people, Jefferson had highly refined, expensive tastes, heightened during his lengthy stay in France. He had served his government without adequate compensation for the past forty years. He was now sixty-five and yearned to return to his farming. After Madison’s inauguration he sent a cavalcade of wagons from Washington to his home. It was a difficult trip lasting three days as he and his possessions fought through a late winter snowstorm. Willard Sterne Randall wrote that “after Jefferson drew his final federal check—expense money owed him since 1789—he wrote one friend that he had added not a penny to his fortune from all his years in office.”5 Upon arrival at Monticello he confided to his daughter that he had plummeted thirty thousand dollars deeper into debt as president declaring, “my own personal wants will be almost nothing beyond those of a chum of the family.”6 Before leaving the nation’s capital, Jefferson had spent his last months securing loans to pay off his most pressing debts which totaled more than $11,000. Upon reaching Monticello, he met with his loyal overseer, Edmund Bacon, to attempt through the sale of land and other means a reasonable solution to his financial problems. Dumas Malone reported in the final volume of his six-volume biography of Jefferson, that in 1809 he held slightly more than ten thousand acres. Jefferson valued this property at approximately two hundred thousand dollars, additionally, at this time he

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owned two hundred slaves. He and Bacon estimated that his income from the sale of tobacco would provide the $2,500 a year which combined with his income from the Albemarle County property would provide enough cash to cover his living expenses. The Bedford land would hopefully be used to pay off his many debts but it never lived up to his expectations.7 His final asset was two gristmills which went into operation during his second term but unfortunately the manufacturing mill was rented and never produced the expected income. Jefferson would spend the next seventeen years seemingly “trapped not only by his debts but also by his passionate affection for Monticello,” according to biographer Fawn Brodie.8 He would continue to work closely with his advisor Edmund Bacon to maximize the production of his plantation and gristmills. They were in constant communication over the years although Jefferson became increasingly involved in his own correspondence and less focused upon farming. Bacon concluded that overall, Jefferson’s property “was not a profitable estate . . . it was too uneven and hard to work.”9 Given Jefferson’s mounting debt incurred during his presidency and the numerous loans necessary to appease his debtors, his first years out of office were difficult ones financially. Madison appeared to be very pleased with his return to his beloved estate at Montpelier. His two-term presidency was viewed positively by nearly all his colleagues. Although he was plagued by similar farming problems as Jefferson, Madison was a frugal individual and entered retirement without outstanding loans or any significant debt. He owned five thousand acres of farmland which would be a financial drain as well as a profligate son-in-law he continually had to extricate from a series of bad decisions, but overall he survived the economic depression which was crippling the grain market. Montpelier was a large, comfortable home which he had shared with only two permanent residents—his wife and aged mother. He was a fairly successful farmer, shifting his production to wheat and various grains while also utilizing a large tobacco crop for cash. His typical day, described by historian Ralph Ketcham, had Madison rising for breakfast at eight, then relaxing on his portico with guests, often gazing through his telescope at nearby plantations and mountains. The afternoon would be spent riding his favorite horse, Liberty, about his plantation. Madison believed, according to Ketcham, that “human effort, right principles and proper institutions were vital adjuncts to the bounties of nature, separating the free prospering part of mankind from the degraded part.”10 The last two years of Monroe’s second term were characterized as “the Era of Bad Feelings.” This period, leading up to the election of John Quincy Adams in 1824 undermined nearly everything Monroe had accomplished during his first six years in office. His policies were challenged and his personal integrity questioned. Monroe hoped to leave Washington immedi-

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ately after the inauguration but unfortunately his wife’s illness forced a three-week delay in their departure. He was anxious to leave the political squabbles behind him, and return to his beloved home, Oak Hill, where he could attend to his sick wife, and begin trying to improve his financial affairs which were on the brink of disaster. He studiously avoided all political involvements, devoting himself to his farm, organizing his books, private papers, and pursuing the companionship of his family and friends. Similar to Jefferson and Madison, he turned to the necessary outdoor pursuits both for their economic returns as well as his physical and emotional well-being. He also had to pressure Congress to repay him the $95,000, which it owed him. He worked hard on his farm to make it productive, increasing his stock of animals and reducing his debt. Like Monticello and Montpelier, Oak Hill was a warm, comfortable home safely apart from the swirling partisan political controversies of the day.11 The first five presidents, with the possible exception of John Adams, faced the most difficult financial situations upon leaving office. Although other presidents might have also had difficult times, they are widely dispersed across the next 180 years of presidential history. Why were these early chief executives so financially strapped upon leaving office? The question will be more fully examined in the concluding chapters of this book, but it does appear that initially our federal government, in particular Congress, was unconcerned with the economic plight of these founding fathers. It is almost as if the nation expected these men to willingly suffer financial disaster without any sense of an obligation to assist them in the hard times once they left office. Following Monroe, nearly all presidents—with the exception of Andrew Jackson—left office without major concerns about their future financial condition, until the 1870s. Jackson entered the presidency as the oldest president until Dwight Eisenhower 125 years later. Many thought Jackson, because of his age and health, would not last one term but he served both and lived for another eight years during his retirement. While serving as president Jackson made the mistake of turning over the management of his lands to his son, Andrew Jr., who was incompetent. The elder Jackson was aware of his son’s poor business sense and frequently lectured him to be less naïve in his business dealings. During Jackson’s eight years in Washington, his son badly mismanaged the farm. Robert Remini described the tense father—son relationship in the following terms: The young man had no head for business, and the more the father reprimanded and warned him the more the son committed monumental errors of judgment. Either Andrew was stupid or he just did not care. Probably both . . . Jackson had badgered his son for years about his poor business sense and his indolent habits. Young Andrew never seemed to complain or answer back.

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He offered excuses and then went right back to his old habits. . . . He was regularly fleeced by greedy entrepreneurs who took advantage of his naiveté, and he had the dreadful habit of signing promissory notes for any friend who might ask for help.12

Compounding Andrew’s inability to learn from his mistakes or follow his father’s sage advice, the son soon developed a drinking problem which grew more serious over the years. His other weaknesses were chasing women and hunting. Hunting resulted in his premature death in 1865 when he accidentally shot himself in the foot and subsequently died of lockjaw. The massive debts accrued by his son saddened and frustrated Jackson, but the ex-president viewed them as his own responsibility, attempting to pay them off as quickly as possible. Unfortunately the Panic of 1837 and ensuing depression made it a very difficult task. Jackson’s health was weakened even more by the slow, tedious albeit triumphant train ride from Washington to the Hermitage, the family home near Nashville. Cheering crowds greeted the former president at nearly every stop, resulting in demonstrations, parades, and most taxing of all, honorific dinners. As he drove from Nashville to Hermitage, his carriage was surrounded by large groups of old men who had served with him and boys who were the children of his soldiers. They were all ready to be guided by his leadership. At this point the Nashville Union reported that Jackson “broke down, his entire body shook and tears streamed down his creased cheeks. ‘I could have stood all but this,’ he stammered, ‘it is too much, too much.’”13 Jackson was fortunate the depression remained mainly in the eastern cities affecting investment and commerce interests most severely. Agricultural areas such as the South were relatively spared and cotton production, now commanding a world market, continued to prosper. During his first year of retirement he was able to produce enough cotton to get through the difficult time and even began to pay off some of the debt incurred by his incompetent son. Unfortunately, Jackson’s commitment to reducing the debt and diligent work habits adversely affected his health. By the conclusion of 1837, his fragile condition deteriorated to the point that he had to be bedridden, suffering from a series of hemorrhages. By early 1838, the hemorrhages became more regular and were accompanied by headaches and a persistent ache in his side. For the first few months after leaving office, U. S. Grant and his wife Julia spent time primarily with friends and relations in Washington and Philadelphia before departing on an extended world tour which lasted more than two years. The trip most likely was funded by friends and foreign governments because Grant was never a wealthy man, living almost entirely off federal salaries earned as president and military officer for the previous forty years. Upon his return to the United States, Grant was faced with the practical need of earning a respectable living. He also felt pressured to find

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a position which would be commensurate with his notoriety and prestigious past positions. His initial efforts involved investment schemes in a Mexican railroad but the venture soon failed. He next joined his son, Buck, and his partner Ferdinand Ward, who operated a New York investment house that appeared to be successful at the time. Unfortunately, Ward and several others engaged in questionable business tactics, borrowing on grossly optimistic estimates of future profits. The end result made Grant even more desperate to radically improve his woeful economic condition. He was befriended by Samuel Clemens who guided him in the writing of his highly successful memoirs, a project that occupied most of his time until his death in 1885. Grant’s major concern was providing a comfortable living for his wife. This feeling grew more intense as his physical condition worsened. He finished his work as his health gave out, but the memories did provide an acceptable standard of living for his widowed wife. Rutherford B. Hayes was more than happy to depart Washington after serving a single term, turning the White House over to fellow Republican James Garfield in 1889. During his presidency Hayes earned $50,000 a year but he and his wife entertained lavishly which resulted in his leaving the nation’s capital $25,000 in debt. Fortunately, Hayes would return to a large estate in Freemont, Ohio, worth an estimated $250,000. Just before leaving office he announced that “I shall leave here in debt from 20,000 to 25,000 dollars but with good credit, plenty of property, and in no sense needing pecuniary aid or sympathy. If the times continue good a few years longer, I am sure of a competency—a happy independence.”14 A few months later Hayes was able to refinance his debts with a low interest loan for nearly thirty thousand dollars which he confidently said, “it will be my only debt. I am always punctual in interest and cash.”15 He had little problem in paying off the loan and settled comfortably into his home, Spiegel Grove, although the train ride from Washington to Ohio did provide some excitement when Hayes’ train crashed into two locomotives traveling toward Washington, DC. No one in Hayes’ party was seriously injured, but two passengers on the train were killed and the damage to the engines was extensive. As he settled into the comfort of his home, Hayes contemplated on the proper life of a former president in retirement: “Let him promote the welfare and the happiness of his family, his town, his state and his country . . . that work would yield more individual contentment and gratification than (public life).”16 Most of the presidents following Hayes at the end of the nineteenth century and throughout the twentieth century did not face serious economic concerns, although Truman, Nixon, Carter, and Clinton did confront temporary financial difficulties that needed timely resolution. Truman believed in the mythical leader Cincinnatus of Rome who returned to his farm after leading his troops through many successful military victories. While he was

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president, Truman often commented that he would never forget who he was, where he came from, and where he would return. When asking himself the basic question of what he would do with the rest of his life after leaving the White House, he candidly answered, “God only knows.”17 He had no income or support of any kind except for his World War I army pension of $112 a month. He was able to save money during his second term from his $100,000 annual salary. Once back in Missouri he and Bess lived in the family home which he inherited. They did possess a large amount of family farmland around Independence, and like the earliest presidents, used the sale of portions of this property to provide a modest degree of financial security. In the spring of 1953 he signed a book contract with Life Magazine for $600,000 for his memoirs, which solidified his economic circumstances, allowing him and his wife to travel to Hawaii on what he termed a “dream vacation.” In the mid-1950s, he lobbied Congress and the president to provide funding for office space, staff assistance, and expense worries. With Eisenhower’s support, the Former Presidents Act was passed in 1958, with Truman being the first benefactor of a respectable annual pension as well as the desired staff and office assistance. (Additionally, he and his family also received secret service protection.) Richard Nixon’s post-presidential experiences present a unique picture of a disgraced person, forced to resign from office in order to escape from an almost certain impeachment and conviction rising out of Watergate and the ensuing investigation. Prior to leaving Washington for San Clemente on August 10, 1974, Nixon had little time to consider resolving several major financial and political issues. These concerns were overridden by his severe depression and his greatly troubled emotional and physical state. When he arrived in California, he spent the weekend in near seclusion, described by friends as being close to being in a state of shock. Nixon was involved in several legal battles at the time, which he renewed, vigorously hiring a new team of lawyers. One irritating problem was his failure to convince the IRS that his donation of his vice presidential papers in 1974 was worth an $800,000 tax deduction. He appealed their decision, decrying his mistreatment, being singled out for abuse. Additionally, he was being subpoenaed to appear before Judge Sirica in Halderman’s and Ehrlichman’s criminal trials for obstruction of justice. Ehrlichman’s attorney, William Frates, gave an opening speech to the jury that placed blame for the cover-up completely on Nixon. Confusion over possession of Nixon’s personal papers versus those of a more public nature had the GSA and Nixon’s staff battling months. Finally Nixon was angered when his request to President Ford for $850,000 in transition expenses was reduced in the House, as they allowed only $200,000. This was ultimately reduced even further as Congress cut back his request even more drastically, leaving him with only $60,000 to pay his staff which had risen to twenty-two persons.

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Not all the news was bad. Nixon was able to sell the rights to his memoirs for $2.5 million advance. Of equal significance, his old friends from Florida, Bebe Rebozo and Robert Ablanalp, flew out of California to assist him in straightening out his finances. Their initial strategy was to have Nixon sell his Biscayne properties, which would bring in approximately $1 million; he had purchased the homes with their assistance five years earlier for only $250,000. Nixon was fortunate to generate these revenues because his medical and legal expenses were rapidly rising. Stephen Ambrose outlined the rough parameters of these varied expenses in the following terms: Long Beach Memorial Hospital ($23,000), legal fees incurred in defending himself against various lawsuits, current and expected (projected at $500,000), partly to make further payments on his back taxes (he still owed $148,000 on the illegal deduction of the gift of his vice presidential papers, plus back income taxes due the state of California totaling more than $75,000). In addition there were the costs of maintaining La Casa Pacifica, where the taxes alone amounted to $37,300 per year.18

In his memoirs, Nixon wrote that he had spent over $1.8 million in legal fees during his eighteen year protracted legal struggle, which was primarily directed at what he termed the “protect my rights” area. In 1974, the Presidential Records Materials Preservation Act became law. It specified that the federal government should have complete possession and control of Nixon’s presidential papers, endowing the National Archives with the power to hold the papers and determine their accessibility and uses. Nixon vowed that whatever the cost, he would continue to legally challenge the Act, regardless of the expense. In 1977, the US Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the act, yet Nixon continued to fight its implementation for the next seventeen years. Ambrose summarized Nixon’s first five months in California after his resignation as a tumultuous period in which he had avoided having to appear in court. But he also had nearly lost his life. He had taken a severe financial beating. He apparently lost control of his presidential papers and tapes. According to Julie, “Christmas 1974 was the lowest point in my father’s life.”19 Jimmy Carter also faced severe financial problems upon his return to Plains, Georgia, although nothing approaching the magnitude of the Nixon plight. While President, Carter had placed his assets such as the Carter Peanut Warehouse into a blind trust. Unfortunately, he discovered the Warehouse was now bankrupt and his family was a million dollars in debt. Carter was only able to resolve the problem by selling the business and signing several lucrative book contracts. Within months he had extricated his family from indebtedness and was able to commence his new life as an economically secure private citizen. He could depend upon his annual pension of $69,630 plus an additional $150,000 a year for staff expenses during a thirty-month post-presidential adjustment period.20

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After Carter, the only president to face immediate financial troubles was Bill Clinton. Reagan, Ford, and Bush were very comfortable economically and have enjoyed their retirement. Clinton, however, faced sizeable attorney expenses from his lengthy legal struggles in the Whitewater affair (along with his wife) as well as the impeachment proceedings. Although these fees did reach several million dollars, Clinton, similar to Carter, was able to sign a highly profitable book deal with Knopf Publishers, which reportedly paid him a record-setting $12.5 million advance.21 Several presidents were unsure of their financial future, but nearly all were confident their assets such as property, family businesses, and future earning potential would provide for an economically comfortable future. Now that the government provides a decent annual pension and publishers clamor for presidential memoirs, it is unlikely that current and future presidents will be faced with dire financial constraints during their retirement years. As stated by most presidents, their only real concern was selecting financial opportunities that will not be an embarrassment to their former position of esteem and public trust. Avoiding conflict of interest issues, political opportunism and miscellaneous improprieties are just some of the possible pitfalls former presidents must carefully avoid.

EMOTIONAL ISSUES Thus far our survey of immediate concerns of a retiring president has focused only upon tangible issues such as medical concerns, financial problems, and the practical considerations of where to live and what to do with vast amounts of free time. Of even greater importance to a president as he steps down from his office is a wider range of emotional issues that are intricately related to the practical questions just discussed. Examples of the range of dispositional positions of a retiring president are whether he has an optimistic or pessimistic outlook facing retirement, based largely upon whether the presidential experience was positive or negative. Several presidents began retirement hoping to vindicate or rebuild their political reputations if their tenure had been a negative experience, especially if they had been rejected by the electorate. These presidents often had a sense of unfinished business, leaving office both frustrated and agitated. These men often believed they still had political responsibilities, trying to unify the party for another run for the presidency in the near future. Several retiring presidents were disappointed leaders of a party’s minority faction, hoping they could rebuild their followers into a majority party. At the other extreme, several presidents were anxious to leave the presidential hot seat and pleased to depart Washington in hopes of escaping the glaring spotlight. They were often exhausted from the presidential experience, seeking relaxation and

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rest, hopefully reuniting with friends and family. The remainder of this section will examine in greater detail each of these emotional issues, offering specific examples from the experience of ex-presidents as they embarked upon their retirement. George Washington, leaving office after two exhausting terms, trying to hold the young nation together, despite both domestic chaos and foreign intrigues, looked forward to spending a quiet retirement with his family at Mount Vernon. Looking back over his four decades of public service to his country, Washington summarized them as “little more than vanity and veneration.” He was more than ready to “view his life in the calm light of mild philosophy.”22 As John Adams assumed the presidency, observing Washington as he exited the White House, he thought to himself that Washington must have been saying to himself, “I’m fairly out and you fairly in. See which one of us will be happiest.”23 Although Adams was depressed by his failure to win a second term, he was nevertheless happy to be leaving the White House, even though he was uncertain as to exactly what he would be doing during his retirement. The past four years had been a harsh, debilitating experience. Despite losing to William Henry Harrison, Van Buren thought he had accomplished a great deal during his presidency. He was able to keep the nation at peace in spite of European intrusions. Economically, he left the country with a sparse yet solvent treasury while developing a sound system of managing public funds. Recently widowed and without a family home, Van Buren immediately purchased the Van Ness Mansion in Kinderhook, New York. He expended much time and energy improving the property. During his long life as a public servant Van Buren continually had to live in temporary quarters. He now relished the opportunity to act as patriarch of his large family, based in a lovely Hudson River Valley estate. John Tyler’s marriage to Julia Gardiner, daughter of David Gardiner, a wealthy landowner and New York state senator, during the last year of his presidency set a positive, uplifting tone to his retirement. (His first wife had died two years earlier.) Julia was a beautiful young woman, thirty years younger than her husband. John Tyler worried whether his urbane new wife would adjust to the rural life at his homestead, Sherwood Forest, in rural Virginia. Fortunately, there were no serious problems as Tyler saw his large family grow by an additional six children, making him the most prolific president in our nation’s history with fourteen children to his credit. His wife’s family’s wealth allowed him to avoid financial problems, subsidizing her ever- expanding family whenever it became necessary. Tyler was able to become involved in Virginia politics while not having to worry about economic uncertainties. Similar to Adams, Tyler, and Polk, James Buchanan survived an extremely contentious presidency, continuously facing the conundrum of southern

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secession and the northern abolitionist’s demand for the end of slavery. On inauguration day, Lincoln and Buchanan engaged in friendly banter to the surprise of most who imagined that there was genuine animosity between the two leaders. Buchanan was described as looking pale and tired yet showing a relieved countenance, palpably pleased to be withdrawing from the intractable problems now facing Lincoln. As their carriage approached the capital. Teddy Roosevelt looked forward to retirement which would begin with a long-anticipated hunting safari to East Africa with his son Kermit. Teddy was a healthy, vigorous man in his early fifties. He was pleased with hand picking his successor, William H. Taft; a person who Roosevelt confidently expected would carry on his progressive politics, protecting the environment, and battling the big trusts. Patricia O’Toole in her detailed study of T. R.’s post-presidential life noted the energized effort by Teddy to ensure a Taft presidential victory: “the victory all knew would be Roosevelt’s as well as Taft’s. It was Roosevelt who guided Taft, a political naïf, through the thickets of a presidential campaign.”24 Teddy wished to leave the country in order to return to the invigorating outdoor life he had cherished so passionately but he also wished to remove himself from the spotlight, thereby allowing Taft the opportunity to assume the mantle of leadership without sharing it with his predecessor. Roosevelt was besieged with retirement opportunities ranging from a $300,000 offer to star in a Wild West extravaganza to becoming the president of Harvard University, but he was resolute in his desire to travel to Africa with his son and experience the thrill of big-game hunting. James Polk’s post-presidential life was the most abbreviated in our nation’s history lasting just three months. What makes Polk’s retirement even more tragic was the degree to which he was looking forward to escaping from the pressures of the White House. Writing in his diary on the day he left office, Polk gleefully noted. Presidents such as Taft and Coolidge who did not lust after the top position but were somewhat coerced by friends and party leaders were generally the most pleased to be leaving the office. Taft, whose presidency began with the strong support of Roosevelt and ended in an acrimonious electoral campaign was happy to begin experiencing a new sense of freedom. He knew that it was likely that this was the conclusion of his public life and he looked forward to his years as a professor at Yale Law School. He thought his major failing as president was “an indisposition to labor as hard as I might, a disposition to procrastinate and enjoy the fellowship of other men more than I should.”25 The New York Times accurately assessed the major weakness in Taft’s presidency as being “the victim of too much Roosevelt.”26 Relations between the two former presidents remained distant for many years, Taft referring to Roosevelt as “the most dangerous demagogue in history.”27 Coolidge,

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referred to as “Silent Cal” because of his supposed taciturn nature, was actually a pleasant, outgoing person once he shed the weighty responsibilities of office which he inherited as a result of Harding’s death. He found the presidency an extremely demanding job and disliked the isolation. Happy to return to New England, although uncertain of what he would do, he told the Washington press, “the best thing I can do for the new Hoover administration is to keep my mouth shut.”28 Coolidge had a difficult time planning his future, fretting over the propriety and ethical issues certain to arise. He concluded that his business opportunities were limited because “whatever influence I might have came to me because of my position I have held, and to use that influence in any competitive field would be unfair. People are not hiring Calvin Coolidge but a former president.”29 The Vietnam War made LBJ’s final year in office a painful experience, ultimately forcing him to abandon plans to seek re-election in 1968. At a final farewell party at Clark Clifford’s Georgetown home following Nixon’s inauguration, his many friends saw an exhausted ex-president “shedding tears of relief and sadness.” Johnson was deeply conflicted over his departure from his beloved Washington. He would be returning to his ranch on the Pedernales but he had invested a lifetime in the capital city. His daughter Luci thought he had sacrificed his life for the war in Vietnam, angrily describing it as political suicide, “and since politics was his life, it was like committing actual suicide.”30 Time magazine commented that by inauguration day, Johnson was “so exhausted by the presidency that it took him nearly a full year to shed the fatigue in his bones.”31 Once settled into the comfort of his Texas ranch, he could now indulge himself without the press constantly peering over his shoulder, ready to criticize or demean. Robert Dallek wrote that now Johnson could drink whisky and exhibit bad manners, no longer caring about the press forcing him to behave. . . . He was tired of indulging people he did not care about. He greatly looked forward to indulging his appetites . . . smoked 2–3 packs of cigarettes a day, and ate rich food . . . he soon grew fat eating countless hamburgers.32

A handful of presidents such as John Quincy Adams, Herbert Hoover, and Jimmy Carter, who had experienced difficult unsuccessful presidencies, failing in their attempt to win re-election, approached retirement with a strong commitment to resurrecting their reputation and vindicating their presidencies. All three men worked diligently during their retirement in a series of important and generally successful endeavors. In fact, all three clearly elevated their reputations as concerned, capable individuals who willingly rejected a leisurely retirement for a series of significant accomplishments for the public good. John Quincy Adams returned to Washington one year after his

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unsuccessful re-election campaign to serve in the House of Representatives for the next seventeen years. He was a major force in the abolitionist movement and in 1841 argued successfully before the Supreme Court of the United States in the landmark Amistad decision which granted freedom to slave mutineers aboard a Spanish ship sailing from Africa to the United States. His speeches on the floor of the House earned him the nickname of “Old Eloquent.” Herbert Hoover, blamed for failing to deal adequately with the financial catastrophe of the Great Depression, re-emerged during World War II as the chairman of relief organizations for Poland, Finland, and Belgium. In 1946, President Truman appointed him to head an international effort to provide food for the starving refugees of post-World War II Europe. Additionally, he headed two commissions, in 1947 to 1949 for Truman and in 1953 to 1955 for Eisenhower, which recommended major changes in the federal government. Over two-thirds of Hoover’s recommendations were implemented, the impact being the creation of our modern federal bureaucracy. Jimmy Carter’s presidency was undermined by the energy crisis, inflationary prices, and most significantly the Iran hostage crisis. Following his re-election defeat in 1980, Carter returned to Georgia where he began a constant campaign to promote better housing for poor people through his involvement in Habitat for Humanity. He also was soon traveling the world trying to preserve peace in the Middle East as well as observe elections worldwide in the hopes of promoting free democratic elections. He has been a relentless advocate of human rights, traveling worldwide for this cause. It is interesting to note that although many believe that redeeming his presidential legacy was the primary motivating factor behind his whirlwind of retirement activities, Carter himself believes that his years in the White House do not need redemption, and in time will be viewed in a positive light. Most presidents, especially those who failed in their re-election campaigns or served difficult periods such as the years leading up to the Civil War, generally were eager to leave office, exhausted from their disappointing efforts, anxious to escape the public spotlight and return to the normalcy of life to be enjoyed with friends and family. Keeping a low profile was not always easy, as well wishers and opportunities were often in close proximity, hoping to profit from their association with a former chief executive. Before the advent of secret service protection beginning in 1958, former presidents often had difficulty in warding off unwelcome intrusions. William Allen White found that after Coolidge returned to his home in Northampton, Massachusetts, he found he was unable to wander around town and window shop like he used to do because of constantly being bothered by people coming up and shaking his hand and making comments. His law office was merely a downtown loafing place.33

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A handful of twentieth-century presidents left office with a sense of unfinished business. That may be a motivating factor behind Carter’s frenetic retirement activities, but earlier Teddy Roosevelt was seriously contemplating presidential runs in 1916 and 1920, while Nixon wrote and spoke continuously in the hopes of returning to the world stage as an esteemed, knowledgeable expert on world affairs, anxious to offer advice to whoever would listen. Our most recent ex-president, Bill Clinton, has also made it clear that he wishes to make meaningful contributions to public causes. Only in his late fifties, and apparently not suffering long-term medical limitations from his recent open-heart surgery, he has committed his energies to various worldwide health concerns, such as AIDS and African River blindness, as well as serving along with George H. W. Bush as prominent fundraisers for tsunami and Hurricane Katrina relief efforts. As health care continues to improve and we live longer, former presidents may have an increased period of time in which to plan and implement their retirement activities, be it public or private.

CLARITY OF THE FUTURE: UNCERTAIN PLANS Once having resolved their diverse array of immediate concerns upon leaving office, former presidents were widely divided as to what they would do during the remainder of their retirement. Nearly all of the earliest presidents up through the Civil War were content to focus upon maintaining their farms and devoting more times to their families. In the second half of the nineteenth century, several of the presidents—Johnson, Grant, and Cleveland—sought a continuous role in partisan politics. Andrew Johnson had just returned to the U.S. Senate when he died unexpectedly, while Grover Cleveland, after a four-year hiatus from office, ran successfully in 1892, becoming the only president to serve two non-continuous terms (and therefore in fact, experiencing two retirement) periods. Upon leaving office in 1896, he vowed to remove himself from politics, living a quiet life in Princeton, New Jersey. His primary activity was his involvement in Princeton University affairs as a member (and then president) of the Board of Trustees. During the twentieth century, ex-presidents are divided between those with a clear vision of their retirement years and those unable to formulate a blueprint for their future plans. Although Taft eventually wound up on the Supreme Court, a position he desired even more than the presidency, it was not until a decade after he had left the White House. Herbert Hoover would eventually have an extremely productive retirement, heading numerous federal commissions and live for three more decades, but in March of 1933 as he rode a train from Washington to his new home in the Waldorf Astoria

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Hotel in New York City, he had no clear idea what he would be doing during his lengthy retirement. Similarly, Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton, once they resolved their immediate economic concerns, lacked long range plans for their retirement, although ironically both have been extremely busy working on international problems ranging from human rights violations, monitoring elections, to disaster relief. Carter in particular has established a level of retirement productivity equaled only by John Quincy Adams and Herbert Hoover. Wilson’s serious health concerns resulting from his debilitating strokes in 1919 severely limited his retirement options, while Coolidge, Eisenhower, LBJ, Ford, Reagan, and H. W. Bush planned modest retirements devoted mostly to their family and leisure time activities such as golf, painting, and farming. These men made rare public appearances and generally refrained from commenting to the media about current events. Their graceful retirement period may appear boring, but their many years of public service had been a demanding experience and drained them of the desire to remain in the public spotlight hoping to influence future generations. They were exhausted, desiring only to turn over the reins of power to the new leader and relax comfortably in their twilight years. The following six chapters comprising part two will examine in detail the specific array of retirement activities indulged in by all of the former presidents.

II PART II

4 Partisan Political Activities

Retiring from the presidency and leaving the White House does not automatically mean that a former president will be permanently abandoning partisan politics. A sizeable minority of these men will have continued to play an active role in national politics. This chapter will explore the varying types of political activity selected, their relative degree of success or influence in these activities, and the timing of their decision to re-enter the political fray. The most obvious political activity is to run for office again, with five campaigning for the presidency while an additional trio sought nonpresidential offices at the national or sectional level (Confederate House of Representatives). Five out of this group of eight former presidents had been forced into retirement as a result of losing a bid for re-election (John Quincy Adams, Martin Van Buren, Millard Fillmore, Andrew Johnson, and Grover Cleveland) while only three were successful in their subsequent reelection efforts: Cleveland to the presidency in 1892, J. Q. Adams to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1830, and Andrew Johnson to the U.S. Senate in 1875. It is likely that many former presidents contemplated reentering the political arena in some capacity. Often encouraged by friends and supporters as well as prompted by their egos, nearly all of these men eventually chose to resist the temptation of a return to political power. The majority of former presidents were involved in a less direct form of political activity during their retirement years. A number sought to lead or be a significant player in their party’s leadership or within a factional group challenging or critiquing this group. Examples of involvement in splinter groups are Van Buren and the Free Soil Party, Millard Fillmore and the Know-Nothings, and Theodore Roosevelt and the Bull Moose insurgents. Evaluating the overall success of these different electoral efforts indicate 51

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mixed results. John Quincy Adams and Grover Cleveland were the most successful. Van Buren, Roosevelt, and Fillmore failed in their efforts while Andrew Johnson and John Tyler met with mixed results. It is difficult to measure a former president’s success as an advisor or influence upon his party or political faction although a large number of former presidents did engage in this type of activity with widely varying results. Their efficacy within a party or political faction once they left office usually declined with the passage of time. Several presidents chose to initially be supportive and relatively silent, giving the new president a chance to prove himself during his honeymoon period. This seemed to be especially true if both presidents, successor and retiree, were from the same party. The timing variable of how long to stay out of the political spotlight can be observed in a number of presidents. The clearest example of such a calculation was U. S. Grant’s decision to go on a nearly two-year worldwide trip, visiting many dignitaries and receiving continuous accolades and honorific awards. The lowest level of partisan behavior, simply offering advice or consulting with his successor, was the most frequently engaged in political activity. This advice giving was either requested by the new president or a member of his administration or most commonly, was unsolicited. The tone and style of the advice, as well as whether it was offered privately or for public consumption designed to influence a broader spectrum of listeners, were directly affected by the type of relationship existing between the current administration and the former president. Unsolicited and often critical advice was most likely to be forthcoming if the two presidents were of different parties or of contesting factions within the party. Hoover and Carter provide blatant examples of the former while Cleveland and T. R. represent the opposite extreme.

ANOTHER TRY FOR THE PRESIDENCY Although many former presidents may have considered returning to the political arena for another run at the presidency, only five actually attempted to return to the White House. Grover Cleveland was the only retired president to successfully win a re-election campaign, returning to the White House in 1892 after a four year absence. Martin Van Buren attempted three consecutive unsuccessful presidential campaigns (1840, 1844, and 1848), while Millard Fillmore suffered through a pair of abortive runs in 1852 and 1856. U.S. Grant tried to win his party’s nomination in 1880 after traveling around the world for two years. He and his supporters had been planning his return to politics since the day he left office in March of 1877 but they failed to gain the Republican Party’s nomination. Grant was in the lead for

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the first 35 ballots at the convention, coming within 66 votes of becoming the first president to be nominated for a third term. Grant did support eventual winner James Garfield. Ex-president Theodore Roosevelt hand picked William Taft as his successor. Early in Taft’s administration Roosevelt observed disturbing signs that his protégé was turning away from the political agenda he had planned for him, particularly in the area of trust busting and conservation. Teddy, nominated by the Progressive or Bull Moose Party, challenged Taft for the Republican nomination but both lost to Democrat Woodrow Wilson in November 1912. Roosevelt was nominated again by the Progressives in 1916 but declined. Instead Theodore Roosevelt chose to support the Republican Party candidate and close friend Charles Evans Hughes. Roosevelt was the last former president to attempt to return to the White House after retirement. The passage of the 22nd Amendment in 1951 limited a president to two terms and has probably had a significant impact on this phenomenon, although several one-term presidents such as Hoover and Carter who failed in their re-election efforts have likely contemplated a subsequent campaign. Ultimately both men instead chose to devote themselves to non-partisan public affairs. In examining these five men and their subsequent presidential campaigns in greater detail, their electoral efforts will be discussed in chronological order beginning with the numerous campaigns of Martin Van Buren. Van Buren initially wished only to return to New York State to build a family estate at Kinderhook. He desired a respite from politics, but was unable to discontinue his correspondence with political allies, keeping informed of both state and national politics. Without permanently closing the door to future nominations, Van Buren made it clear he would not be actively maneuvering to become a candidate. He wanted to be a disinterested statesman, not a perpetual office seeker meddling behind the scenes. Fate intervened, however, with the unexpected death of President Harrison. Tyler as the new president was soon drawn into a battle with the Whig majority in Congress led by Henry Clay. Van Buren, a vigorous fifty-nine years of age, began contemplating the possibility of running again in the upcoming election (1844). He still waffled on whether he would be a candidate, implying that he would run if asked. He was described in the press as “the most conspicuous non-candidate in the nation” following a five month trip west, meeting with Andrew Jackson and other Democratic leaders.1 Van Buren faced strong party opposition from John Calhoun and his southern and western pro-slavery supporters. Beside slavery, the annexation of Texas was also a critical issue for the Democrats. The party convention held in Baltimore found Van Buren an early front runner but he could not retain Buchanan’s support who offered himself as a compromise candidate. Calhoun and Tyler failed to control the leadership; van Buren, without any formal organization, began to fade with James Polk slowly emerging as the

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party’s front runner aided by strong support from Andrew Jackson, a fellow Tennessean. Van Buren was prepared for defeat and endorsed the victorious Polk who would triumph over Whig candidate Henry Clay in the November election. Van Buren returned to New York, campaigning for Polk, offering him advice on cabinet appointments which was universally rejected. Hoping to soothe the irritated Van Buren’s feelings, Polk offered him the mission to England (after first offering it to Calhoun and others who rejected it). Disappointed and insulted, Van Buren turned down the appointment. Van Buren, now sixty-three, decided to narrow his political focus to state politics and enjoy a quiet life with friends and family at his Lindenwald mansion. By 1847, however, New York State was embroiled in a bitter struggle between two factions of the Democratic Party, split over the question of the extending slavery into new territories and the related issue of the annexation of Texas, risking war with Mexico. Van Buren was a leader of the “Barnburners” who opposed the extension of slavery while the opposing faction was known as the “Hunkers.” As 1848 approached, Congress passed the controversial Wilmot Proviso, an amendment to an administration bill appropriating money ($3 million) to facilitate negotiations with Mexico for territorial adjustments and more importantly, prohibiting slavery in the new territory. Van Buren and his fellow Barnburners who were not moral abolitionists opposed slavery for economic reasons. They desired free land from the government for homesteading, while southerners wanted more land in order to perpetuate the slave-based plantation system. Van Buren wrote a major manifesto for the Barnburners clarifying their position as well as the major elements of the Free Soil Party. The paper’s purpose was to broaden the party’s base by awakening supporters nationwide. In the summer of 1848 at the Free Soil Party’s convention in Buffalo, Van Buren allowed his normally cautious nature to be overwhelmed by the ardent enthusiasm of the party’s leaders and emerged as their nominee for the presidency with Charles Francis Adams as his vice-presidential running mate. Van Buren had become increasingly alienated from the Whigs and abolitionists as well as the dominant southern wing of the Democratic Party which would nominate General Lewis Cass, a conservative and expansionist who endorsed his party’s platform which denied Congress the power to interfere with slavery in the states and criticized any attempt to bring the slavery question before the national legislature. The Whigs nominated popular Mexican War hero, General Zachary Taylor. Van Buren only garnered 291,000 votes, failing to carry a single state but the Free Soil Party was instrumental in Taylor’s victory by splitting the Democratic ranks. Van Buren received 120,000 votes in New York to 114,000 for Cass allowing Taylor to carry the state.2 After the election, Van Buren returned to Lindenwald where he spent his time riding horses, fishing for bass, and working

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on a scholarly history of American political parties. This quiet time was marred by the death of his wife and one of his sons. By 1852, the Free Soil Party was disbanded and Van Buren would no longer involve himself in national politics. Millard Fillmore, vice-president to General Zachary Taylor who died after two years in office, had a difficult time holding the Whig Party together. He also could not make his mind up about running for re-election or even whether he would abandon the party. Supporters encouraged him to continue as the party’s nominee, but after a protracted convention battle lasting fifty-three ballots, General Winfield Scott was chosen. The Democrats behind Franklin Pierce easily defeated the Whigs. The party disintegrated shortly after the 1852 election, as William Seward and the New England anti-slavery wing refused to further compromise their principles. At Pierce’s inauguration, Fillmore’s wife caught pneumonia and died in Washington. Without any specific plans for his retirement and deeply grieving the loss of his wife, he returned to his modest home in Buffalo and led a quiet life despite the urgings of his friends to become politically active again and consider running for president in 1856. In the spring of 1854, he was able to break out of his malaise, taking a five month trip through the south and west. It was at this time that a new political party emerged from the nativist movement known as the Know-Nothings although officially it was called the American Party. Its creation was a by-product of the fears of the working class reacting to the increase in immigration from Europe, believing their jobs would be in jeopardy to these foreigners who would accept lower wages. Additionally, because so many of these new immigrants were Catholic, there was a fear that the Pope could control American political institutions and policies. Its name grew out of its early origins as a secret society whose members called themselves the Order of the Star-Spangled Banner. Whenever the members were queried about their organization they would answer “I know nothing.” Soon Horace Greeley christened them the Know-Nothings.3 Fillmore was drawn to the “Know-Nothings” because he viewed it as a vehicle toward achieving sectional peace and maintaining national unity. It could be a compromise party bridging the broadening chasm between the pro-slavery Democrats of the South and the abolitionist Republicans newly formed in the North. He saw the new party stressing “Americanism,” rather than emphasizing its negative side. He called it the American Party although the press continued to refer to it as the “Know-Nothings,” hoping that unaffiliated, dislodged Whigs from both regions would join the new party under his guidance. His return to politics was evident after the fall elections of 1854. By the next year his involvement and evolving leadership of the party was evident. Fillmore next embarked on a year long tour of

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Europe while his backers sang his praises, seeking to broaden the base of support from the Nationalist wing of the now defunct Whigs. He returned in the summer of 1856, ready to be his party’s nominee, opposed by James Fremont of the adamantly anti-slavery new Republican Party and James Buchanan of the badly divided Democrats who rejected President Franklin Pierce’s bid for re-election. Fillmore during his campaign downplayed his party’s anti-Catholic reputation, arguing that the nation needed a firm wall between church and state. The anti-immigration nativist position was also diminished as Fillmore attempted to re-create the Silver Grey National wing of the Whigs, hoping to dissuade them from joining the more radical Republican and Democratic parties clashing over the emotional issues of slavery and secession. Despite Fillmore’s established reputation as a reasonable Whig leader, nearly all the former Whigs joined the Republican or Democratic parties depending upon their stance on the slavery question. As this shift occurred, Fillmore’s chances for victory evaporated. He continued to employ a political style which emphasized restraint and minimal speechmaking. Most of Fillmore’s friends abandoned him for Buchanan and the Democratic Party which was viewed as the best antidote to the radical sectionalism of the Republican Party. It was a close three-way race which could have been decided by the House if only three or four states had gone for Fillmore. Buchanan won by half a million votes over Freemont and 960,000 over Fillmore who was able to carry only one state, Maryland. Historian Marie Hecht describes the import of the election in the following statement: The election of Buchanan proved disastrous to the nation, but Fillmore only said that he did not envy his successful rival and if his successor restored “peace and harmony to the nation,” he forgave his enemy’s slurs. At 56, Fillmore put aside any further political aspirations forever. The uneasy alliance between the ex-president and the American party was dissolved by mutual consent. It had been no more than an empirical necessity.4

In contrast to Martin Van Buren and Millard Fillmore, whose re-election attempts during retirement were based in factional third parties (Free Soil and Know-Nothings) with narrow electoral bases, President Grant chose to make his re-election effort with the Republican Party, one of the two prominent parties at the time. Even more unique, Grant’s attempt to be re-elected in 1880 was the first time a president sought a third term. The only other President to seek a third term (and eventually a fourth term) was Franklin Roosevelt in 1940 as the Second World War was beginning in Europe. Grant’s two term presidency was marked by a series of embarrassing scandals. Although he was never directly linked to any of the corrupt activities, it nevertheless indicated an inept style of management that cast his entire

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administration in a bad light. Many of the culprits were close friends of Grant, including his personal secretary, Orville Babcock, who was involved in the Whiskey Ring conspiracy of 1875 where hundreds of distillers and federal officials were suspected of diverting millions of dollars in liquor taxes into their own pockets. Other scandals involved delinquent tax corruption where the special agent in charge of collection, John Sanborn, was able to retain 50 percent of the revenue collected, and the infamous Credit Mobelier fiasco in 1872 with the holding company skimming off huge profits in the federally subsidized construction of the Union Pacific Railroad. Credit Mobelier tried to block a federal investigation by bribing key congressional leaders including future president James Garfield, then a representative from Ohio.5 Despite his tainted presidency, Grant contemplated running for a third term. He realized that he would have to delay his candidacy until 1880, allowing time for the air to clear and his reputation as a war hero to resurface. His wife was strongly opposed to another term, but party leaders such as Roscoe Conkling encouraged his return to the presidency. Grant wavered between a quiet retirement devoted to building a secure financial future and a return to politics where he could re-establish his tarnished reputation. As his second term ended, following Hayes’ inauguration, Grant succumbed to his presidential aspirations, following the advice of Conkling and others to go on an extended worldwide tour, returning shortly before the 1880 election campaign. The ideal timing for Grant’s return would be for him to cross the Pacific and reach the west coast approximately six months before the election. Conkling and other Grant supporters envisioned Grant landing in San Francisco, followed by a cross-country tour marked by boisterous receptions along the way. Their plans were foiled by Mrs. Julia Grant who was still in the dark about her husband’s political aspirations. She became concerned about the children, pressuring the entourage for a premature conclusion to their triumphant foreign travels, overriding mild protests from her husband’s political advisors. Historian William Hesseltine estimates that if Grant could have delayed his return for six months he might have received the Republican nomination, but instead he arrived in California nine months before the conventions in June, 1880.6 The trip across the country lasted nearly six months and extended into every region. Grant played the dangerous game of continually denying that he was seeking a third term while meeting with regional supporters who were encouraged to commit convention delegates to his cause. The public did not appear to be fooled by the chicanery. He did appear to pick up growing support in the South as he tried to impress the electorate that he was even more capable of leading the entire nation and would become a better manager of his administration, which would be free of corruption.

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The opposition, particularly within his own party, continued to raise the issue of an unprecedented third term. Serious rivals such as James Blaine, George Edmunds, and John Sherman developed potent organizations effectively blocking Grant from gaining convention delegates. As the summer approached, Grant and his supporters realized that he did not have sufficient votes to win the nomination. Their only hope was to convince the convention’s rules committee to adapt the unit rule of voting which committed the entire state delegation to the majority vote. If this reform was approved Grant would have garnered 378 delegates instead of the 306 pledged to him at the convention and would have gained the nomination. Unfortunately, Blaine and other opposition leaders were able to prevent the adoption of the unit rule, which guaranteed Grant’s failure. Following a rousing speech by New York Senator Roscoe Conkling, nominating Grant and arguing that only the former president could give the Republicans a victory in the fall, the balloting began. On the initial ballot Grant led all candidates with 306 votes but failed to gain the necessary majority while Blaine was second with 284 and Sherman third with 93. Ballot after ballot failed to achieve the required 370 majority, with Grant stuck between 302 and 309. On the second day of balloting, it became clear that dark horse James Garfield of Ohio was beginning to gain momentum, as the Blaine camp began to weaken. Finally, on the thirty-fifth ballot, Garfield reached 399 votes, earning the Republican nomination. Grant was bitter about the loss, especially the withdrawal of support from individuals he considered lifelong friends such as Elihu Washburne. He had grown weary of the protracted struggle for the nomination. He was bitter toward Blaine who he saw as only interested in ensuring that a non-Conkling was nominated. Grant was deeply wounded by his party’s rejection but was able to overcome his bitter disappointment and support the successful candidacy of Garfield. Following the election of Garfield in November, Grant squelched rumors that he was being considered for a cabinet or foreign minister post by declaring “I have great hopes of being able to do [service to the country] by advice in relation to our affairs in Mexico and the East, especially China and Japan. There is a great future for the commerce of this country by a proper understanding with these countries.”7 It was now time for Grant to return to the challenge of gaining financial security for himself and his family. Grover Cleveland was the only U.S. President to successfully win re-election after leaving office. Cleveland first ran for re-election in 1888, losing to General Benjamin Harrison in an extremely close race. If Cleveland could have carried his home state’s thirty-six electoral votes (New York), he would have won the election. He did carry the popular vote by 100,000 but New York City’s Tammany Hall Democrats, angered by his civil service reforms which weakened their lucrative patronage system, undermined Cleveland’s campaign

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throughout the state. Except for New York, the Harrison-Cleveland campaign was described by veteran political observer A. K. McClure as the cleanest election in memory with both sides acting “with greater dignity and decency” than he had ever observed.8 The election turned largely on the tariff question with the Republicans endorsing a high protective tariff along with the repeal or reduction of taxes while the Democrats focused on a reduced tariff as well as defense of the Cleveland administration. Cleveland accepted the defeat rather philosophically. He told a reporter that “it is not proper to speak of my defeat. It was a contest between two great parties battling for the supremacy of certain well-defined principles. One party has won and the other has lost—that is all there is to it.”9 A deeper examination of the election shows that Cleveland’s campaign managers were disorganized and ineffectual while his Republican opponents were backed by wealthy industrialists who conducted an aggressive and intelligent campaign relying on numerous interest groups and trade associations such as the affluent Protective Tariff League. The treachery of the New York Mugwumps led by Governor Hall and key bosses from Tammany Hall all contributed to Cleveland’s narrow defeat. Leaving the White House did not seem to trouble the Cleveland family. Husband and wife both looked forward to a retreat from the public eye. He told friends that he had become weary from the weighty responsibilities of the office and believed that his administration had achieved considerable success in reforming the federal government. As a recently married man, who would soon become a father for the first time, he looked forward to leaving the chaos of Washington politics for the comfort and calm of family life. He now turned to the immediate questions of where his family would live and what he would do to financially support them. Cleveland decided the family would move to New York City where he would practice law with the prestigious firm of Bango, Stetson, Tracy and MacVeagh. To help ease his financial situation he sold his farm, Oak Hill, in a Washington suburb for $100,000. Would he be planning an eventual return to Washington? Cleveland gave little clue, but as his wife exited the White House, she is supposed to have turned to Jerry Smith, an old White House servant and said, “Now, Jerry, I want you to take good care of the furniture and ornaments in the house, for I want to find everything just as it is now when I come back again. We are coming back just four years from today.”10 Cleveland appeared to initially enjoy his new freedom and the pleasure of spending time with his family. For the first year out of office he refrained from offering his opinions or making pronouncements on political questions, continuing to emphasize his joy in no longer being a prisoner in the White House. When pressed by reporters he stated “present personal interests are all against my appearing in the political field.”11 Privately he found Harrison’s administration to be plagued by a series of missteps and poor

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decisions. The first hint that he was considering a return to the campaign trail in 1892 was a speech given in December, 1889 before the Merchants Association in Boston urging ballot reform and a commitment to honesty in government. His enthusiasm for seeking another term was heightened the next year as the Democrats made significant congressional gains in the 1890 off-year elections. Cleveland believed their success represented a national rejection of the McKinley tariff which he had consistently attacked. He also became increasingly vocal, criticizing President Harrison for perverting government to the benefit of special privilege. Beyond the persistent topics of tariff reform and civil service reform, the silver money issue had become pre-eminent. It was a potentially damaging issue for Cleveland who steadfastly opposed the coinage of silver despite its widespread support by congressional Democrats, especially those from the South and West. The opposition from his home state “Mugwumps” led by Governor McKinley was an even more troublesome problem for Cleveland to resolve. Governor David Hill of New York, a slippery politician, tried to evade the silver coinage issue by endorsing a bi-metallic standard, while Cleveland continued to support sound money through maintaining the gold standard. Governor Hill and his New York State supporters posed a major threat to Cleveland’s candidacy. Hill’s friends who controlled the state’s Democratic Committee met unexpectedly early in the year on February 22, 1892, nominating Hill delegates to the party’s summer convention. Anti-Hill forces who favored Cleveland held their own convention in Syracuse later in the spring, sending supporters out to twenty-four state conventions, assuring that the former president’s re-election campaign would gather a national momentum. William C. Whitney, Cleveland’s campaign director, set up an effective organization, designed to ensure the former president’s nomination. As the convention opened in Chicago, it was soon apparent that Cleveland was not likely to face any serious opposition. He was nominated on the first ballot and selected Adlai Stevenson of Illinois as his vice-presidential nominee. The Republicans had earlier in June chosen incumbent President Harrison over James Blaine, causing a serious split in the party which was never repaired. Following the convention, the Cleveland campaign smoothly managed by Whitney continued to gain momentum. The only hitch was the nagging hostility of the Tammany Hall Democrats which was never completely healed but failed to be a very significant factor in what was described as one of the cleanest, most sane presidential campaigns during the last fifty years.12 Harrison proved to be an uninspiring candidate, unable to bring together his badly divided party. Cleveland coasted to a landslide victory, gaining strong support from nearly all regions of the country; the most decisive presidential triumph since Abraham Lincoln in 1864. Cleveland’s popular vote exceeded Harrison by a half million while his electoral vote was nearly

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twice that of the incumbent president. It was a decisive, triumphant victory for Cleveland, a reward for his dignified, responsible conduct during the campaign. Journalist Laurence Godkin acknowledged his laudatory campaign behavior by writing “here was an example of Roman constancy under defeat, and of patient reliance on the power of deliberation and persuasion on the American people.”13 Theodore Roosevelt was the fifth and final president to have sought an additional term of office after retiring. Immediately upon leaving office, however, Roosevelt had no thoughts about making another try for the presidency. He had been instrumental in convincing his good friend and trusted ally William Taft to succeed him in the White House, pledged to carry on Roosevelt’s agenda of progressive programs. Shortly after leaving Washington, Roosevelt and his son Kermit went on an extended African safari which lasted over a year. The trip served as an opportunity to bond closely with his son, but of equal importance, it removed Teddy from the spotlight, allowing Taft to assume center stage without distractions from the Roosevelt aura. When the Roosevelts returned from their lengthy overseas trip, Teddy was disturbed to find that Taft had drifted into the conservative wing of the party. He angered Roosevelt by failing to retain any of the men Teddy had recommended for his cabinet as well as reneging on his promise to continue his trust busting and conservation policies. By the summer of 1909, the split in the Republican Party between the conservative and progressive or insurgent wing of the party was seemingly unbreachable. Roosevelt decided to remove himself from the political chaos, going on an eleven-month trip to Europe where he was feted by royalty across the continent. By the time he returned in June, 1910, he was urged by friends to run for president in 1912, hopefully reuniting the badly splintered party. Roosevelt was urged by Lafollette to lead the new Progressive party, but T. R. thought that this new faction could not only fail to defeat the old guard GOP leadership but would only ensure a Democratic victory. Throughout this period, the tension between T. R. and Taft remained constant. Taft did make a few gestures for T. R. to visit the White House for a possible reconciliation but Roosevelt rejected the invitations. Teddy settled in Oyster Bay on Sagamore Hill to pursue his many interests. He was upset by the poor Republican showing in the 1910 offyear elections. Because he was still only in his mid-fifties, he planned to skip the 1912 elections, conceding the nomination to Taft and instead run for the presidency in 1916. By early 1912, however, he began to change his mind. He was growing increasingly frustrated with Taft and his conservative party supporters. He felt it would be irresponsible of him to wait on the sidelines for another four years. The insurgents led by Lafollette continued to urge Teddy to join their reform movement but

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Roosevelt chose to go after convention delegates by participating in a carefully selected group of primaries. By successfully gaining supporters from across the nation, he hoped to create a popular mandate calling for his return to Washington. As the convention approached, T. R. and Taft intensified their bitter relations. Roosevelt had done well in several primaries and appeared to have a comfortable lead going into the convention which was to convene on June 7th in Chicago. The conservative wing controlled the party’s national committee which decided the numerous contested seats, challenged by insurgent delegates. They awarded all 238 places to Taft delegates as he now took an insurmountable lead. The nomination of Woodrow Wilson by the Democrats also undermined Teddy’s plans since he would likely siphon off many progressive votes. Nevertheless, Roosevelt decided to join the new third party stating he would accept their nomination if offered to him. The new Bull Moose Party, led by Hiram Johnson of California, held their convention in Chicago on August 5th. On the third day, Roosevelt was nominated by acclamation with Johnson selected as his running mate. Roosevelt fought an aggressive campaign but his chances of victory were slim from the beginning, never really gaining any momentum in the final months. The most noteworthy event during this period was an assassination attempt in Milwaukee on October 14th. He was shot just before he was to give a speech after a testimonial dinner. The bullet hit him in the chest, but Teddy refused to go to the hospital until he gave his speech. He notified a shocked crowd that Friends, I shall have to ask you to be as quiet as possible, I do not know whether you fully understand that I have been shot, but it takes more than that to kill a Bull Moose. The bullet is in me now, so that I cannot make a very long speech. But I will try to do my best.14

Roosevelt was pleased to come in second to Wilson ahead of Taft, who was able to win only two electoral votes compared to Teddy’s eighty-eight. T. R. also surpassed Taft in the popular vote by nearly 700,000 votes. Biographer Nathan Miller summarized the campaign by writing Roosevelt had destroyed his disappointing successor and had led what was probably the most dramatic campaign in American history. It had almost cost him his life. . . . Why did Roosevelt, who seemed to know from the start that he would lose, decide to run? It was not enough apparently, for the ex-president to be certain of Taft’s defeat. . . . He had the need to participate in the defeat and, at the same time, show that he would surpass him in the struggle.15

The third term issue arose sporadically during the campaign, though it never reached the organized opposition stage of Grant’s unsuccessful effort

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in 1880 to gain his party’s nomination. Technically, T. R. could argue that he had served only one complete term as a result of an electoral victory in 1904. (He did serve over three years, commencing in 1901 following McKinley’s assassination.) Roosevelt himself blamed his 1912 defeat on the strength of the Democratic candidate and the puerile state of the Progressive party which was also plagued by insufficient funding. Shortly into the Wilson presidency during the summer of 1913, Roosevelt was sufficiently angered by the new president to begin considering the possibility of another run in 1916. He also mellowed in his feelings toward Taft, characterizing their estrangement as merely political and was willing to heal the wounds. The Progressive Party tried to convince him to run for governor of New York State in 1914, but he told them he was still weak from malaria which he contracted during his South American travels immediately after the 1912 election. He did view himself as a viable candidate in 1916, being able to unite reformers and conservatives. It soon became apparent that Justice Charles Evans Hughes, a former governor of New York, was the preferred GOP candidate. Teddy grasped the situation, backing Hughes, informing his supporters that he was leaving the race. He now saw as his main mission to try and awaken the nation to the “unpleasant facts” of world affairs. In reviewing the efforts of former presidents attempting to regain the White House after they retired, only President Cleveland was successful, as well as the only one to win his party’s nomination. Both Grant and Van Buren were unable to gain their party’s nomination while Fillmore, Roosevelt, and Van Buren were forced to lead a third party. Former presidents are possible third party candidates because they can offer an aura of prestige and personal loyalty from a group of party partisans. The party leadership is less likely to remain enamored of these men who have outlived their usefulness to the party leadership and may have proven difficult to control. Roosevelt, Van Buren and Fillmore all moved away from the party’s mainstream politics. Their popularity and persona as leaders guaranteed that a number of voters would follow them, despite warnings from the party’s national organizational leaders.

SEEKING OTHER POLITICAL OFFICES Three former presidents sought to return to political office albeit not in the executive branch. John Quincy Adams successfully served in the House of Representatives for seventeen years following his presidency, while Andrew Johnson was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1875 after unsuccessful campaigns for the House (1871) and the Senate in 1873. One former president’s return to active politics occurred during the period prior to the Civil War as the

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South was in the process of seceding from the Union. John Tyler served the Confederacy in several significant positions before being elected in 1861 to the Confederate House of Representatives. Similar to the former presidents campaigning for another term in office, nearly all of the ex-presidents seeking legislative positions were unsuccessful one term presidents who failed to win re-election. John Tyler was the only one from this second group who voluntarily returned after one term in office. A native Virginian, Tyler’s return to partisan politics developed several years after his presidency, with the approach of the Civil War and the formation of the Confederacy. John Quincy Adams lost a bitter presidential campaign to Andrew Jackson in 1824. He vowed to devote the remainder of his life to defend and vindicate his reputation. Contributing to Adams’ depressed state of mind was the death of his son, George, in a tragic accident, washed overboard as he was sailing for Washington on April 30th, just five weeks after Jackson’s inauguration. John Quincy started several writing projects, including a history of American political parties, but lacked the interest and energy to complete any of them. He spent most of his time wandering across his land as well talking with his many friends who visited him during this difficult time. During this period he was able to establish a Latin academy in keeping with his father’s wishes as well as surveying Quincy, recently purchased lands from his father’s estate. He visited Washington, strolling its streets but was unable to rise above his sagging spirits, returning to Massachusetts by August where he remained despondent. By the winter of 1829 to 1830, John Quincy had begun to sense a groundswell of support for his return to Washington, representing his congressional district. Editorials also appeared in the Boston papers encouraging his return to Congress. His wife was initially opposed to his resuming a political life but she soon relented. Adams remained silent during the summer, refusing to commit himself to a run for the House. By the fall, however, he became an active candidate, although remaining nervous about a last minute challenge in his Plymouth District from the Jackson Democrats. Fortunately no opposition candidate surfaced as Adams won a lopsided victory over his Democratic opponent. Adams was gratified by his congressional victory stating that “no election or appointment conferred upon me ever gave so much pleasure.”16 Not only would the election victory provide for the first step in vindicating his ineffectual presidency, but it would also offer structure and direction to a life that was lacking focus and meaning. On New Year’s Day 1831, Adams and his wife, Louise, entertained guests followed by a series of informal discussions with congressional members strategizing for the upcoming session. A strong foe of secret societies, Adams was drawn into a current controversy over the Masons, their secret rituals, and powerful membership. He was nearly nominated as the Anti-Mason Party’s candidate for the presi-

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dency but fortunately his close friend, William Wirt, was chosen instead. (The fact that Andrew Jackson was a Mason only complicated and personalized a sensitive situation.) The first significant issue meriting his attention was the newly developing theory of nullification endorsed by Vice President Calhoun and his southern supporters. It provided a theoretical rationalization for a state to declare a federal law null and void within its borders. It realistically allowed South Carolina and other southern states to defy a national majority on the critical issues of a protective tariffs and the expansion of slavery. Adams’ appointment as Chairman of the Committee on Manufacturing drew him into the center of congressional debates over tariff reduction and maintenance of the national bank. Continued battles over states’ rights and nullification began to frustrate and discourage Adams but he remained a stalwart combatant. The demise of his wayward son John also contributed to his despair, who died of alcoholism in 1833 at the age of thirty-one. During Adams next fifteen years in Congress, he focused on two major issues: the right to petition as related to the slavery question and the establishment of a federal institution devoted to scholarship. The latter question grew out of a large grant of money from Englishman George Smithson. Adams made no effort to join the abolitionist movement but was an impassioned foe of slavery. He aggressively fought against the gag rule which Southern congressmen had used so effectively to thwart Northern opposition. On April 30, 1839 before the New York Historical Society on its celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of George Washington’s inauguration, Adams spoke out on the issue of universal human rights, urging the pending Constitutional Convention to “put aside the irresponsible despotism of state sovereignty and create a Union based on the self-evident truths espoused by the Declaration of Independence.”17 Adams’ health began to decline, but he continued to actively fulfill his many congressional responsibilities. In May 1840, he fell on the House floor, dislocating his shoulder but making a quick recovery. In the fall of 1841, Adams became Chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Relations as well as the Committee to Oversee the Smithsonian bequest. Early the next year, Southern congressmen mounted a vicious campaign to censor Adams because of his unrelenting attacks upon slavery, including the gag rule. Adams successfully thwarted the censure efforts and was finally able to have the gag rule rescinded by the House in December, 1844. By now, he was growing so weak as to be unable to write more than a few lines, unable to stand for sufficient periods of time in order to give speeches—though frail and feeble, he still maintained widespread respect. Fittingly, the end came on February 21, 1848, Adams collapsing on the floor of the House, most likely from a stroke. His last words were thought to be “This is the end of the earth but I am content” although others on the floor thought he said “This is the last of earth I am composed.”18

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He had served seventeen years in the House following his presidency. His drive to resuscitate his reputation and vindicate presidential blunders was commendable as well as successful. Paul Nagel summarizes this accomplishment at the conclusion of his fine biography, writing His reputation has been firmly established not an attainments in literature, science or statecraft but on what a bruised ego and thwarted ambition drove him to do. Adams’ stubborn courage in denouncing slavery and censorship has drawn the gratitude and admiration of his country.19

Richard Nixon was arguably the only president to leave the White House under a darker cloud than Andrew Johnson who was impeached by his own party, coming within one vote of being convicted in the Senate. The radical Republicans thought Johnson was undermining their plans to punish the South. They denied him the opportunity to run for re-election in 1868, opting to give the nomination to General U. S. Grant. Johnson, deeply frustrated by this rejection, returned to his home in Tennessee, vowing to return to Washington in his previous position as senator. He spent his first year at home straightening out his business affairs but he soon grew bored and by the summer of 1872 Johnson entered a race for congressman-at-large running as an independent. The three-cornered election was won by Democratic nominee Maynard, a former confederate officer. Johnson made a strong showing, his popularity as a leader of the common man reestablished. Positive returns from the central and western regions of the state also encouraged Johnson to try another campaign in the immediate future. However, illness delayed his plans because he contracted Asiatic cholera. He never fully recovered from the serious illness but was anxious to run for the Senate, feeling strong enough to challenge a group of former confederate generals who comprised his major competition. In the summer of 1874 he announced his candidacy for the U.S. Senate seat of William Brownlaw. He campaigned widely and aggressively across the state. Met by large, raucous crowds of supporters, his hostility was directed toward Grant and other former friends who Johnson believed had betrayed both himself and the State of Tennessee. The State legislature met in January, 1875 and after fifty-five ballots Johnson emerged victorious over an array of opposition candidates. It appeared that in the six years since he left Washington in disgrace, the country had grown more sympathetic toward him and more receptive to his beliefs. Grant’s corrupt administration, which Johnson had predicted, also contributed to the warmth of his reception on Capitol Hill. The press found that he had changed little during his absence from Washington. A New York Times reporter wrote “He went out of the White House as poor as he entered it and that is something to say in these times. We shall not be sorry to see him again in public life.”20

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The Senate chamber was tense when Johnson made his first appearance on the Senate floor during a special interim session called by President Grant shortly before the formal commencement of the new term. The presiding officer was Vice President-Elect Henry Wilson of Massachusetts, a radical Republican who had voted for Johnson’s conviction. Upon entering the chamber, Johnson went directly to Wilson, showing no signs of embarrassment, and shook hands. The gallery burst into boisterous applause as Johnson returned to his seat which was now piled high with flowers from friends and colleagues. During the brief interim session Johnson had a chance to oppose Grant on many issues, especially the president’s decision to send General Sheridan to New Orleans during the violent Louisiana State elections, indicative of the bitter factional strife erupting across the South. On March 22nd, Johnson delivered a long awaited, impassioned speech attacking Grant’s handling of the Louisiana debacle. He declared that the president’s motive “was to inaugurate a system of terrorism throughout the country and thus ride into a third term. . . . And when that is done, farewell to the liberties of this country.”21 The interim term soon ended. Johnson returned home. He rested during the summer, still weak from the cholera attack, anxious to return to Washington in the fall. Unfortunately, in late July he suffered a fatal stroke visiting his daughter, passing away thirty-six hours later. John Tyler was the only former president in our nation’s history to affiliate formally with an enemy of the United States, elected to the Confederate House of Representatives in 1861 although he died before he could serve on January 18, 1862. Tyler’s presidency ended in 1845, succeeded by James Polk who he thought shared his political vision, but soon proved his allegiance to the Jackson wing of the party. Tyler thought briefly about running for president in 1848 but soon realized he lacked the necessary party (Democratic) support, especially in the North and withdrew from the contest. For the next decade Tyler became immersed in managing his large plantation, playing a larger role in the operation of William and Mary College where he was a member of the Board of Visitors and Governors, and enjoying his still growing family which would soon number twelve children. By October 1859 his popularity in Virginia and other border states had grown so markedly, endorsing his moderate position of holding the Union together while allowing for the continuation of slavery, that Tyler thought of running for the Democratic nomination. Unfortunately his popularity faded as quickly as it had risen and he removed himself from consideration. With the siege of Charleston during the winter of 1860 to 1861 and the impasse over slavery, it was clear that war was inevitable. Tyler still hoped that a compromise was possible as Virginia continued to oppose secession.

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Tyler was one of three delegates sent to Washington in December (1860) from Virginia to attend a peace conference. Tyler optimistically thought that as long as Buchanan was in office there was little chance of federal military action in the South. In February, 1861, Tyler was unanimously chosen as the presiding officer of a peace convention in Richmond. The convention passed several resolutions aimed at a national compromise which would prevent armed conflict, although the issue of slavery’s expansion in the West was to be allowed along the lines of the Missouri Compromise. Tyler met with President-Elect Lincoln at the Willard’s Hotel. Lincoln failed to act upon the convention’s resolutions. It was apparent that once Lincoln was inaugurated war would follow. Tyler, frustrated in his efforts at avoiding the armed conflict, finally recommended to the conference in his final report that Virginia must secede. A few months later he took a seat in the Provisional Congress of the Confederacy where he gave a strong speech urging secession. In November of 1861 Tyler was elected to the Confederate House of Representatives, but he became gravely ill and died before he had an opportunity to serve.

5 Political Advisor

Rather than engage in partisan politics by running for office during their retirement years, most presidents opted to continue their involvement in public affairs during retirement by trying to influence their political party or a newly developing faction. The degree of involvement in party or factional affairs varies greatly among the large number of former presidents reviewed in this section. A few presidents purposefully sought leadership roles while the majority merely wanted to affect a specific public issue or electoral campaign. Tradition has bestowed the role of party leader upon a retiring president, especially if his party was defeated in the previous election. There are, however, several exceptions to this practice, where a former president rejects such a responsibility upon leaving office. The nation’s first president, George Washington, hoped to retire to Mount Vernon, leaving political decisions to his successor Adams while he tried to rebuild his crumbling finances. Despite serious economic pressures, Washington could not isolate himself from the difficult problems facing Adams and his complex relations with the new French Directory. The Federalist Party tried to enlist George Washington’s support in convincing Adams not to send an American Ambassador to France in 1798 as tension escalated between the two countries. Although Washington agreed with the Federalist position, he chose to remain silent, declaring that “the vessel is afloat or nearly so, and considering myself as a passenger only, I shall trust to the mariners whose duty it is to watch, to steer it into a safe port.”1 Unfortunately, the public perceived Adams’ decision as pro-French, which was sufficiently unpopular to lead to his electoral defeat in 1800 to Jefferson. The heated presidential campaign in 1828 between incumbent John Quincy Adams and his long-time rival Andrew Jackson drew two former 69

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presidents into the fray. Neither Madison nor Monroe wished to be involved in the bitter contest. Despite their desire to remain neutral, both expresidents had been appointed electors for Virginia on the Adams ticket. They were lifelong friends of Adams, but after much anguish they mutually agreed to resign as electors. They took the high ground stating it would be better if they remained on the sidelines as spectators. They were confident Andrew Jackson would be victorious and neither wished to unnecessarily antagonize the newly elected president. (Monroe, who was involved in a lawsuit against the government to recover personal diplomatic expenses, was especially careful not to unnecessarily antagonize Jackson.)2 Madison and Monroe were again drawn briefly into politics a year later (October, 1829) serving as members of the Virginia constitutional convention. Monroe, in failing health, served only two years, devoting his energies to getting a compromise on the slavery issue, arguing for a minimal land ownership requirement.3 Andrew Johnson’s protracted campaign to return to the Senate had the ex-president battling the dominant wing of the Republican Party, which urged harsh reconstruction measures against the South. Johnson was able, however, to generate sufficient support in the western portions of Tennessee to be elected to the Senate in 1875. His success in carving out a niche in his party between his northern Republicans and reconstituted Democrats was short lived. It was likely a function of his longtime popularity in his home state. Johnson’s unexpected popularity, so late in his career, was in defiance of the mainstream political parties, yet his charisma, integrity, and persistence allowed him a measure of personal gratification. Following his one term presidency, Rutherford Hayes was content to leave the White House, taking little part in the 1880 Garfield campaign. Hayes evolved into a social reformer, believing that education was the ultimate solution to most domestic problems. By 1890 he had been elected the President of a Conference on the Southern Education of Blacks. He grew increasingly critical of the conservative, mainstream Republicans who espoused social Darwinism. He spoke out against McKinley in 1892, urging a national program designed to provide educational and economic opportunities for all. Without such opportunities for its citizens, Hayes argued, crime, ignorance, and poverty would spread across the country. His ideas were ahead of their time. It would be another two decades before Robert Lafollette and the Progressive Party would echo his deeply felt sentiments. Grover Cleveland had the unique experience of two retirements. His first retirement was a four year hiatus after losing an extremely close race with Benjamin Harrison. He remained politically active during this period, ultimately waging a successful presidential campaign in 1892 defeating James Blaine. (The campaign is described in greater detail earlier in chapter 4.) In contrast to his first retirement where Cleveland felt pleased by what he had

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accomplished as president, he began his second retirement in March of 1889 rather depressed. Allan Nevins wrote that he felt like the most unpopular man in America. He imagined there were many voters in the South and West who hated him over his stand on free silver while many easterners thought he was badly out of step with the times. He became increasingly isolated, declining numerous requests for writing or speaking.4 Cleveland settled into the academic atmosphere at Princeton, becoming increasingly involved in university affairs as a member of the Board of Trustees. Despite his efforts to recede into obscurity, he was still viewed by many as the leader of the Gold Standard Democrats and therefore the most logical opponent to Free Silver Democratic candidate William Jennings Bryan. By 1900 Cleveland was receiving numerous invitations to represent the Gold Standard Democrats against Bryan. He refused to support Bryan’s unsuccessful campaign against McKinley bemoaning “what a choice for a patriotic American.” Bryan’s defeat in 1900 encouraged Cleveland to reinvigorate his ties to the Democratic Party, optimistically believing that populism and Bryanism would no longer dominate the party. The next four years appeared to heighten the Democrats’ chances. Some party leaders tried to convince Cleveland to run for a third term. He rejected their overtures but was pleased by his return to prominence while Bryanism continued on its decline. Although flattered by his renewed popularity, Cleveland realized that at seventy, he was physically incapable of running for office. He sent his friend George F. Parker to the 1904 Democratic Party convention with a letter clearly stating his unwillingness to accept the party’s nomination. Cleveland supporters nevertheless were vocal in their enthusiastic endorsement of the former president. The Democratic nominee, Judge Alton B. Parker, came out strongly for gold, rejecting Bryanites. Cleveland’s poor health prevented him from playing any role in the campaign, but very little could have been done to improve the party’s chances. The Democrats suffered a devastating defeat and the Bryan wing was able to creep back into the picture during the next four years. The twentieth century provides numerous examples of former presidents involving themselves in partisan politics. Teddy Roosevelt’s efforts in 1912 and 1916, which resulted in his bolting the Republican Party for the Progressives and his personalized Bull Moose Party, represent one extreme, while other presidents in retirement such as Hoover, Truman, Eisenhower, and Nixon limited their partisan activities primarily to endorsing and/or supporting party candidates. The amount of energy devoted to campaign activities varied among these men, but none approached the hyperactivity of Teddy Roosevelt in his pursuit of power and influence. Herbert Hoover’s lengthy retirement stretched over three decades. He rose from the abyss of his 1932 defeat to FDR to his re-emergence a decade later as an elder statesman of the party, whose advice was eagerly sought by the

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leadership of the Republican Party. He refused to remain a pariah within his own party, speaking out during the 1936 campaign supporting Al Landon. Many Republicans rejected Hoover’s overtures to run as a compromise candidate in 1940 and 1944 because of reminders of his failed 1932 re-election effort. He seemed to enjoy the discomfiture he caused the party’s old guard. The party kept him on the sidelines in 1936 and 1940, muzzled until the final month of the campaign. Dewey adroitly attained the 1944 Republican nomination, and despite Hoover’s hesitant willingness to take an active role in the campaign, he again found himself closeted except for rare opportunities during the final months. In 1948, Hoover finally achieved the status of elder statesman. He was given the opportunity to address the convention where he delivered a rousing speech warning against the growing communist threat. Two years later, he was approached by party backers of Eisenhower, but Hoover preferred Taft at this time. Hoover remained neutral during the 1952 convention, but after Ike’s nomination, he offered his services to the campaign which were readily accepted. Despite still preferring Taft in 1956, he graciously supported Eisenhower’s successful re-election campaign. Eisenhower, at the nominating convention, stated that “Hoover represented the dignity and spirit of the Republican Party.”5 1960 was Hoover’s final convention appearance, making an emotional, generalized speech urging “compassion and patriotism.” Harry Truman busied himself on a wide range of personal projects during his first years of retirement. He spent a great deal of time writing his memoirs as well as creating a presidential library to store his papers. Returning from a series of vacation trips in the spring of 1956, he renewed his interest in party politics and the upcoming presidential electoral campaign. Initially he supported Averill Harriman but when his efforts failed to generate support for the New York governor, he campaigned actively for the Adlai Stevenson ticket. Feeling isolated and somewhat ignored, Truman began to speak out on political issues. In 1960 he supported his longtime Senate friend Stuart Symington from Missouri, believing that John F. Kennedy was too young and should wait his turn. Once Kennedy was nominated by the party, Truman was willing to campaign for him, despite his deep antipathy toward his father, Joe. His final campaign activity was at the 1964 Democratic convention where he gave a rousing speech. Truman had made it clear that he would remain active in party politics but would not run for office himself. Although he initially backed an unsuccessful candidate in 1956 and 1960, he remained a loyal party supporter vigorously campaigning for the party’s nominee. Even as Dwight Eisenhower departed the White House in 1961, his popularity was so great that he might have easily won a third term if not for the Twenty-second Amendment’s prohibition. Eisenhower became the titular

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head of the Republican Party, a centrist maintaining a moderate position anchoring the conservative and liberal wings of the party. During Kennedy’s presidency, Eisenhower rarely dictated to the new Republican central committee but did offer frequent criticism of the new president’s foreign policy decisions. In 1962, he went on a six city tour blasting the Kennedy record. He characterized the new Democratic administration as “sophisticated nonsense.”6 As the election year of 1964 approached Eisenhower wished to reconstitute the party more in his own image which he termed “responsible progressivism.” He shied away from reactionary candidates such as eventual nominee Barry Goldwater the conservative, saber rattling Senator from Arizona. He preferred Nelson Rockefeller from New York but realized that as long as Nixon remained a serious contender, he felt obligated to back his former vice-president. Just prior to the 1964 summer convention, Eisenhower appeared to be courting Bill Scranton, popular governor of Pennsylvania. Goldwater had recently won the California primary and appeared to be moving toward the party’s nomination. Eisenhower did not want to appear to be spearheading a “dump Goldwater” campaign, thereby sending a confusing series of signals to Scranton regarding his support. After Goldwater voted against a civil rights bill which undermined advances made during the Eisenhower administration, Ike began to send Scranton messages indicating his support but it was too late to stop the Goldwater bandwagon. During the fall campaign, Eisenhower was physically unable to play an active role, but he did make one television appearance designed to give the impression of the former president’s, albeit rather tepid, support. Soured by the 1964 experience, Eisenhower chose to play an even more subdued role in the 1968 campaign. He felt compelled to support Richard Nixon who appeared to be a fairly strong front runner entering the party convention, giving an important speech urging party unity, returning quietly to Gettysburg. Unfortunately, he suffered a series of heart attacks forcing him to cancel his plans. Ike had tried to appear neutral, stating his willingness to support any candidate the party selected. Finally, from his bedside at Walter Reed Hospital just before the convention, Eisenhower endorsed Richard Nixon, stating how much he had meant to his two terms in office as well as “for his personal qualities. He is a man of great reading, a man of great intelligence, and a man of great decisiveness.”7 Eisenhower realized that by remaining neutral at this time it would seriously weaken Nixon’s chances in the fall election. As Eisenhower was trying to recuperate, Nixon used Ike’s endorsement to urge his party to “win this one for Ike.” His heart condition continued to worsen until a final severe attack in March of 1969 ended his life. Despite his March 31, 1968, declaration that he would not run for another term, Johnson still believed he was more capable of defeating Nixon

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than Humphrey. His delusion continued until the convention when he finally acquiesced to the inevitable nomination for his vice president, Hubert Humphrey. Robert Dallek wrote that Johnson met with GOP nominee Richard Nixon on July 24, offering a promise to him, that he (Johnson) would remain inflexible in Vietnam in exchange for Nixon’s promise not to end the war. Anti-war protesters in Chicago prevented Johnson from personally attending the convention. He did use John Connally, his long-time friend from Texas, to micromanage much of the convention, especially making sure the party’s platform plank on Vietnam would be acceptable to him. These efforts only served to further divide the party, significantly reducing Humphrey’s chances in the fall. Johnson, as the party’s pariah, was forced to distance himself from candidates in order not to taint them with his rapidly declining popular support.8 Johnson retired to his Texas ranch, abandoning any role as a party leader. By 1972, with the nomination of George McGovern, a vocal opponent of the war, final evidence of the complete repudiation of LBJ and his policies was apparent. Similar to LBJ, Nixon’s departure from the presidency was tainted and an embarrassment to the party. Although Nixon would eventually resuscitate his expertise and reputation in the field of foreign policy, his immediate post-Watergate status prevented his involvement in Republican Party affairs. Beginning in 1985 and extended for the next five years, Nixon was able to develop an image of himself as the party’s elder statesman. In this period he published three books, traveled the world, offering advice to world leaders. Historian Stephen Ambrose describes how he re-created himself, without offering any apologies or admitting any wrongdoing. It was a “carefully crafted campaign featuring hard work, willpower, brass and political skill.”9 Despite the flurry of activity, Nixon was never able to influence President Reagan during his two terms in office. They were candid toward each other but Nixon was never able to penetrate Reagan’s inner circle of advisors. Nixon’s relationship with Bush was similar to Reagan, polite yet without genuine warmth, unable to exert any viable influence. Whether these somewhat strained relationships between Nixon and the two later presidents was the product of personal antipathy, or simply careful political distancing, is difficult to discern.

RELATIONSHIP WITH SUCCESSOR: ADVISOR, CONFIDANT, OR CRITIC When analyzing the relationship between a former president and his successor, two variables are critical. First is their prior political relationship, while the second is the type of interaction. Their prior relationship is affected by such factors as are they of the same or different party, are they of

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the same faction within a party, did one serve as vice-president under the former, and the worst case scenario, did they oppose each other in a campaign for the presidency. Turning to the type of interaction, there is also a range of possibilities, although most have to do with advice being given by the former president. It is critical to determine whether the advice was requested by the incumbent or was unsolicited criticism. Occasionally a former president will spontaneously offer verbal assistance on behalf of his successor. Such gestures are typically more ceremonial and symbolic gestures rather than being substantially meaningful. It is often difficult to determine which of the two men is being exploited or manipulated in these awkward and sometimes duplicitous interactions. This seems especially true if the initiative is taken by the incumbent president, although occasionally a retired president may need to vindicate himself with a popular successor. The remainder of this final section will examine these two variables in greater detail by providing numerous examples of the complex array of presidential behavior problems. George Washington happily abandoned the presidency and its weighty responsibilities. He needed to return to his beloved Mount Vernon in order to rebuild his depleted financial resources. Unfortunately, rising tensions with France required his assistance. During the winter of 1797 to 1798, Washington conferred with members of Adams’ cabinet, most of whom had served under the first president. He thought war should be declared only if the French actually presented a clear threat of invasion. Washington indicated in letters to the Cabinet that if American protests failed to discourage the French from sending troops, he would be willing to leave Mount Vernon and take command of the country’s armed forces. Adams was pleased to offer the position to Washington. Now, the former president attempted to select his general staff which turned into a political nightmare with Hamilton, Pinckney, and Knox all jockeying for top position. Fortunately, the French backed down and war was avoided, but the unpleasantness of the entire episode left an unhappy Washington declaring that in the future he would never go more than ten miles from Mount Vernon. It also created a precedent for future involvement of retired presidents in subsequent administrations which would not always end as uneventfully as this one.10 Adams had actively sought Washington’s assistance in the imbroglio with France as well as his advice on a number of less serious matters. A far different situation existed once Adams was defeated by Jefferson in a bitterly contentious struggle. It would be many years before the two would re-build their once close friendship. In 1804, Jefferson again trounced Adams’ Federalists in an even more convincing re-election campaign. Adams still suffered from the wounds of his defeat, hoping to rebuild his reputation. Although he suffered the Republican barbs in silence while he was in office, he now abandoned restraint, hoping to enlighten contemporaries as to the

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many sacrifices he made during his presidency. Adams turned seventy-five in 1810 and was finally ready to forgive and forget his grievances with Jefferson. Both men were pleased to renew their friendship for the last sixteen years of their lives, ironically dying on the same day, July 4, 1826. Because of his close friendship with Madison, Jefferson was concerned that Madison might become overly dependent upon him for advice during his presidency. Jefferson therefore made a conscious effort not to meddle in the new president’s affairs, busying himself with family and financial affairs at Monticello, a hundred miles south of the capital city. The war of 1812, however, found Jefferson breaking his self-imposed vow of silence. He was deeply concerned over the protection of the Chesapeake Bay from the British Navy. He suggested to Madison that American gunboats be used to keep the bay open as well as allowing neighboring coastal states, such as Virginia, to remain productive. Madison accepted the suggestions graciously but chose not to implement the plan. Jefferson, who distrusted the British for many years, was an ardent supporter of Madison’s war efforts, encouraging him to take aggressive measures against the hated foe. A second area of involvement for Jefferson was the growing bitterness between Monroe and Madison. The tension between the two reached its apex during the election of 1812 when Monroe decided to oppose Madison’s reelection effort. Jefferson was able to reconcile the conflict between his protégés and calm was restored. When Monroe was about to present his famous doctrine of hemispheric protection, he first consulted both Madison and Jefferson for their guidance and support. When the document was completed, Jefferson was happy to find it included his desired closing of the western hemisphere to European colonization. Following the example set by Jefferson and Madison, Monroe did not try to influence his successor, removing himself from partisan politics, concentrating on improving his family’s finances. On rare instances, he would support an applicant for a position in the John Quincy Adams administration. He had always been on good terms with Adams, feeling comfortable with an occasional endorsement. Nevertheless, Monroe was aware that if he met with Adams too often, it would antagonize Andrew Jackson and his supporters who were building momentum for a successful presidential campaign in 1828. Andrew Jackson’s declining health throughout his retirement limited his involvement in politics as well as the relationship with his successor. Jackson was seventy when he left office but old Hickory could still command an audience, speaking out occasionally on national issues that concerned him such as the annexation of Texas. His close friend and vice president Martin Van Buren had been defeated in the election of 1840 by William Henry Harrison; Jackson feared that Harrison and his fellow Whigs would reverse Jackson’s Democratic reform program. Despite continued debilitat-

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ing health problems, Jackson actively campaigned for the annexation of Texas, arguing that it had always belonged to the U.S. as result of the Louisiana Treaty of 1803. He engaged in a vigorous letter writing campaign to many congressmen, as well as important political friends around the country. His efforts were rewarded with the Treaty of Annexation being signed in the White House in April, 1844, with the Senate ratifying it a short time later. As the election of 1844 approached Jackson chose to play the role of kingmaker, talking John Tyler out of running for re-election while convincing his longtime friend, James Polk, to make a successful run for the presidency. Before leaving Tennessee for his inauguration, Polk had lengthy visits with Jackson on a wide range of topics. Jackson continued to correspond with the new president until his death at the Hermitage in Nashville, on June 8, 1845, just two and a half months after Polk’s inauguration. In the two decades leading up to the Civil War, according to historian Marie Hecht, there was little indication of ex-presidential influence on administrations during this period of intense sectional strife. . . . The retirees wrote letters of congratulations to incumbent Presidents, occasionally asked for the favor of an appointment for a friend or relative but otherwise confined their comments to their friends and diaries.11

One exception to this pattern of ex-presidential restraint was the badgering of James Polk, the unexpected winner of the 1844 presidential campaign. Two of his immediate predecessors, Martin Van Buren and John Tyler, spoke with him extensively, initially at Polk’s request but soon offered unsolicited advice concerning patronage positions and policy issues. Polk was a relative newcomer to the inner circle of Washington politics, and therefore receptive to assistance from both former presidents; Van Buren who had designs on the office and Tyler whose refusal to run for a second term opened the door for his surprising victory. Van Buren was an experienced national politician, familiar with the Washington scene. He was pleased to offer Polk recommendations for several Cabinet positions. Polk did not follow a number of his suggestions, irritating Van Buren. Tyler also thought that Polk was desirous of his suggestions concerning several patronage positions. He had, however, underestimated the close ties Polk had with the Jackson faction of the party; thus Tyler was unable to place his supporters within the new Polk administration. Tyler still harbored lingering hopes of possibly running again for president in 1848. It was therefore important for him to keep his supporters in New York and Pennsylvania content with patronage positions. With Polk going his independent way, Tyler saw his presidential aspirations diminish. Tyler supporters within the Polk administration were now losing their patronage

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jobs. Because of his inability to define the sectionalism and reduce the increasing agitation over the slavery questions, Tyler believed the Polk administration was a failure. He soon abandoned hopes of returning to Washington, instead becoming active with Virginians who wished to avoid war, yet be able to maintain slavery in the South and West. Although Cleveland never lobbied McKinley directly, he made it abundantly clear that he opposed the new administration’s “splendid little war” with Spain. Cleveland viewed himself as a private citizen with the obligation and personal freedom to express his views on American imperialism. The only time Cleveland spoke directly to McKinley was the night before his inauguration. McKinley’s final words to Cleveland as he was departing were: Mr. President, if I can only go out of office at the end of my term, with knowledge that I have done what lay in my power to avert this terrible calamity, with the success that has crowned your patience and persistence, I shall be the happiest man in the world.12

No president experienced a more dramatic shift in personal relations with his successor than Theodore Roosevelt with his handpicked replacement and longtime friend, William Taft. Roosevelt purposefully went on a year long safari in Africa with his son Kermit in order to permit Taft not to have to share the spotlight or appear to be a puppet of the forceful expresident. Confident that Taft would continue to implement his progressive reform agenda, Roosevelt was shocked to learn upon his return from Africa that the new president had moved sharply to the right, under the control of the conservative, plutocratic wing of the Republican Party. Roosevelt was especially upset by Taft’s failure to keep his promise to retain members of the cabinet faithful to T. R.’s program. The bitter struggle resulted in the removal of Clifford Pinchot from the Interior Department, dismantling Roosevelt’s conservation program and symbolizing the growing chasm between the two. Taft would make several overtures to T. R. to visit him in the White House, but they all were rejected. It would be another six years before the two would reconcile. It happened in May, 1918 when unexpectedly both men happened to spot each other in the dining room of the Blackstone Hotel in Chicago. Roosevelt, in town for a speaking engagement, was dining alone when he looked up and spotted Taft moving toward his table. Greeting each other cordially, Taft sat down at Roosevelt’s table and the two engaged in a warm conversation for the next half hour. Deeply moved by the apparent reconciliation, Roosevelt commented, “I never felt happier over anything in my life. It was splendid of Taft.”13 For his part, Taft had been anxious to repair their friendship. He told his friend Gus Karger, “I see no sense in carrying about these animosities.”

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Roosevelt’s relationship with Wilson went in the opposite direction. Initially Roosevelt supported Wilson’s policy of neutrality as well as agreeing with most of the president’s New Freedom domestic policies. By 1915–1916, Roosevelt had grown increasingly bellicose, spending the next years touring the country, campaigning for America to begin an aggressive preparedness program. He became increasingly hostile to Wilson’s neutral stance, urging America to enter the war on the side of the Allies. Biographer Nathan Miller noted that by this time “His (Roosevelt) loathing toward Wilson grew to an almost psychopathic intensity. Once the Lusitania was sunk, T. R. really became an aggressive interventionist and looked forward to challenging Wilson in 1916.”14 The final and most brutal blow to the T. R.Wilson relationship occurred when war was finally declared in April, 1917. Roosevelt immediately asked Wilson’s permission to raise a division and lead it into battle. The proposal was quickly rejected by Wilson, completely demoralizing the hero of San Juan Hill. Patricia O’Toole describes the painful depths of the rejection writing, But when Wilson and Baker (Secretary of War) rejected the Roosevelt division, they inflicted a wound that would never heal. T. R. had been declared superfluous. Powerlessness could be survived—he had proved that—but uselessness?15

Hoover’s retirement stretched over three decades. During this period he compiled a number of impressive accomplishments, primarily in the areas of humanitarian relief and governmental organizational reform. While Roosevelt was in office, however, from 1933 to 1945, the two men were hostile toward each other. Hoover, who had always maintained a dour personality, was easily offended, sensitive to perceived slights. His sound trouncing by Roosevelt in 1933, in which he felt the American electorate blamed him for the depression, only exacerbated his hostility toward Roosevelt, who had stoked these sentiments during the campaign. Hoover’s relationship with Roosevelt was marked by a stoic silence, hiding his deep anger. Hoover complained to his friends about his treatment in the press and by the new administration’s policies, but publicly he refused to speak. Unexpectedly, FDR’s successor Harry Truman was very open to a positive working relationship with Hoover, and the two men experienced a warm friendship during the seven year period. Hoover was drawn to Truman’s honest, open manner and shared an antipathy toward Roosevelt. Hoover’s first opportunity to assist Truman was his work as Chairman of the Famine Emergency Committee, charged with trying to deal with starvation in post–World War II Europe. He plunged energetically into his new post, flying to Europe and South America. Proud of the organization’s efforts, Hoover concluded that “only by re-sorting the building blocks of economic

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productivity would peace be assured and communism warded off.”16 His next assignment was to head the Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch of Government, which soon became known to the public as the Hoover Commission. His assignment was to make the federal government less corrupt and more efficient. Controlling over twenty separate task forces, he worked for two years in an effort to minimize the red tape strangling the federal bureaucracy. Hoover’s commission was able to also modernize and improve the operation of the White House and related executive offices. During this period, Hoover commuted between Washington, DC, and New York. Once the commission’s report was completed, Truman enthusiastically supported its numerous recommendations. Although he preferred Robert Taft, once Eisenhower was nominated and then elected, Hoover felt very comfortable with the former general who soon created a second “Hoover Commission” to further streamline government. Hoover happily plunged back into work and even though he was closer to Truman, he enjoyed his continued access to the White House. Ike provided transportation to assist Hoover in his lengthy New York to DC commute. In 1955 when the report was finalized, it marked fifty-five years of public service by Hoover. Hoover, who had worked with John Kennedy’s father, Joseph Kennedy, on both commissions, met with JFK in Key Biscayne, Florida, prior to his inauguration. Initially he liked the youthful president, although he soon grew critical. Kennedy did offer him the position as honorary chairman of the National Advisory Committee to the Peace Corps, which Hoover rejected because of his health and too many prior commitments. Hoover’s brief relationship with LBJ was affable. Johnson courted the favor of all the ex-presidents—Hoover, Truman, and Eisenhower—and Hoover was appreciative of his kindness. (Shortly before his death, Hoover wrote to LBJ suggesting the creation of a third government commission.) Despite the warm feelings between Truman and Hoover, Truman was unable to develop a close relationship with his successor, Dwight Eisenhower. Tensions between the two men began just prior to the inauguration when Ike rejected an invitation to lunch. In his memoir Mr. Citizen, Truman noted a hostile exchange between the two men on the ride from the White House to the Capitol on inauguration day. Eisenhower was reported as saying “I did not attend your inauguration in 1948 out of consideration for you because if I had been present I would have drawn attention away from you.” Truman responded by sharply saying “You were not here in 1948 because I did not send for you. But if I had sent for you, you would have come.” The two men remained silent the rest of the drive.17 Truman believed that their mutual hostility grew out of a comment made by the expresident, chastising Ike for his failure to defend General George C. Mar-

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shall after he was called a traitor by Senator McCarthy. Truman refused to make peace with the president, declining numerous invitations to White House functions. Truman referred to Eisenhower during his two terms as simply “the fellow that succeeded me.” Truman thought a former president should refrain from commenting publicly about political affairs, giving advice only when solicited, but he did not always follow his own words of wisdom. Truman did hope that Ike would ask him to participate in some projects but it never happened. Eisenhower thought the 1960 defeat of Nixon was a repudiation of his presidency by the American electorate. Despite some initial negativity toward the new president, he was soon a supporter of Kennedy’s foreign policy. Kennedy had purposefully and systematically courted all three expresidents (Hoover, Truman, and Eisenhower) devoting special attention to Eisenhower, whose continued popularity could help deflect rabid Republican criticism. Eisenhower and Kennedy worked amicably during the transition period from election day until the inauguration. Kennedy showed his gratitude by creating an additional staff for the former president to assist him with the tremendous volume of mail which he continued to receive. Kennedy also successfully supported legislation restoring Eisenhower to his former military rank. He notified Ike immediately after the bill’s passage writing, “The legislation constitutes a reaffirmation of the affection and regard of our nation for you.”18 Following the Bay of Pigs fiasco, the first major blunder of the Kennedy administration, Eisenhower visited the new president at Camp David to discuss Cuba. Eisenhower continued to publicly support Kennedy, urging bipartisan backing during this difficult time. Ike also endorsed Kennedy’s policies regarding the Berlin crisis, foreign trade negotiation and foreign aid. Kennedy was also able to employ Eisenhower’s support during the Cuban Missile Crisis and the administration’s efforts to obtain a treaty limiting nuclear tests. Given Eisenhower’s continued popularity, the radical wing of the Republican Party was hesitant to launch a virulent attack against Kennedy’s foreign policy. Domestic policies were a separate problem, and Eisenhower never ceased criticizing them. After assuming office following Kennedy’s assassination in 1963, Lyndon Johnson continued to court the former presidents. Eisenhower responded positively to Johnson’s overtures. He enjoyed visiting with Johnson at the White House, offering him advice on a wide range of topics. Johnson, like Kennedy, was anxious to use Eisenhower’s support of his foreign policy, particularly the escalating conflict in Vietnam. LBJ maintained a physical as well as emotional distance from Washington following the Nixon triumph in 1968. Surprisingly, both men got along with each other. Nixon courted Johnson’s support of his Vietnam policy,

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keeping in fairly close contact with the former president until the 1972 campaign.Johnson died the day after Nixon’s second inauguration, on January 22, 1973. With the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, Richard Nixon was now ready to re-emerge as a senior statesman, willing and able to advise the newly elected president. After several trying years following his humiliating resignation in 1973, Nixon had been assiduously devoting himself to rebuilding his reputation as he re-invented himself in a new and improved image. Although he did have a series of talks with Reagan about his foreign policy, it appeared that the new president was merely being publicly polite. There never was any true personal affection between the two men despite Nixon’s persistent efforts. Carter was another president who had been rejected by the voters in his 1980 attempt at re-election. He had indeed been repudiated by the electorate after a difficult and at times ineffective presidency. In the twenty-five years since his inglorious departure from the White House, he has arguably been the most productive former president since Herbert Hoover. Carter’s significant post-presidential achievements in human rights and international diplomacy will be chronicled in subsequent chapters. His accomplishments were achieved without the assistance of sitting presidents, and in several instances, in defiance of their wishes. In 1995 reflecting back on his presidency, Carter lamented that he had lost to a man (Reagan) who “was immoral to the core, insincere, and hypocritical.”19 Reflecting on his failed presidency, Carter stated that “allowing Ronald Reagan to become president was by far my biggest failure in office.”20 Reagan was aware of Carter’s antagonistic feelings toward him and responded by excluding him from any role in his administration. With the election of Clinton, a moderate Democratic president in 1992, one who had also been a southern governor, Carter was optimistic about a meaningful relationship with the new administration, especially with regard to foreign affairs. Unfortunately it never fully materialized. The new administration, especially the State Department, was continually threatened by Carter’s forays to the world’s trouble spots. Despite successful trips to Haiti and Bosnia, Clinton’s foreign policy advisors labeled Carter an “unconscionable glory hog” on CNN.21 Carter had battled the State Department when he was president, and he did not shy away from taking on Foggy Bottom after he left the White House. While president he was quoted as saying that “they (the State Department) had not produced a new idea in twenty years.”22 The Carter-Clinton relationship never seemed to function smoothly, probably due in part to their contrasting styles. Carter preferred the direct approach, moving from problem to solution, while Clinton was comfortable drifting and changing direction as the shifting unpredictable world of international affairs changed without warning. Douglas Brinkley in his excellent book on Carter’s post-

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presidential experience conjectured that Clinton may have never forgiven Carter for his decision to send Cuban refugees (Marrelitos) to Fort Chaffee, Arkansas which may have cost him the gubernatorial race in 1980.23 George H. W. Bush was deeply disappointed by his loss to Bill Clinton in 1992. Nevertheless, he did not allow his bitterness to affect his relations with the new president, acting graciously during the inauguration. He even went so far as to leave a supportive note for Clinton. Bush explained that “I don’t want to be overly dramatic but I did want him to know that I would be rooting for him.”24 The two men rarely interacted after the inauguration as Bush began a quiet, uneventful existence at his comfortable Texas ranch. In 1998, however, Clinton thoughtfully proclaimed that the CIA headquarters would be named the Bush Center for Intelligence. As a former Director of the CIA, Bush was pleased to attend the dedication ceremonies on April 26, 1999. In November of 2000 George H. W. Bush was placed in the historically distinctive position of having his son, George W., elected president. It is logical to expect that the elder Bush would have an influence upon his son, particularly with regard to foreign policy. Because there is no public record of the private conversations between father and son it is impossible to evaluate or document the senior Bush’s influence. The elder Bush has made a conscious effort to establish distance from his son’s presidency. An exception was George W. sending his father as a personal representative to London to a memorial service for British citizens who were killed in the World Trade Center tragedy of September 11, 2001. It has been rumored that the elder Bush had helped to soften his son’s attitude toward Israel. His son’s decision to invade Iraq has been his most criticized policy initiative but as expected his father has remained mute, causing some speculation by the media that the senior Bush did not endorse his son’s actions. Again, these conjectures will have to be solved by future historians with access to the papers and correspondence of both men. All we know presently is that father and son speak on the telephone twice a week, according to New York Times correspondent Elizabeth Bumiller.25 In reviewing the relationship between former presidents and their successors, it is difficult to tell whether the ex-presidents are manipulating the incumbents to assist them in their attempt to vindicate their earlier presidency or the reverse. Certainly Kennedy was adroit at utilizing the former presidents for his own purposes. Hoover, Truman, and Eisenhower all enjoyed and benefited from their continued involvement in national politics regardless of what benefits were accrued to the Kennedy administration. Generally, the influence of the former presidents was ceremonial, supportive, and insignificant. Even in the case of hostile former presidents attacking a partisan rival, their impact has been minimal. A sitting president’s command of the spotlight is no match for a disgruntled, aging

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former president publicly airing his displeasure with the current administration. On the other hand, former presidents are not mere pawns. They comprehend the use of power at the highest level of government. When facing repudiation of their political record or simply in response to a minor slight, they are usually aware of the strategies needed to manipulate public opinion in their favor. Hoover, Truman, Nixon, and Carter are all positive examples of the efficacy of former presidents successfully rebuilding a tarnished presidential image.

6 Public Service

Although the previous two chapters described a small number of ex-presidents continuing their involvement in partisan politics during retirement, the majority chose a wide array of non-partisan public service activities after leaving office. They served on various commissions and boards, spoke out on public issues, and established presidential libraries and a myriad of other types of public service opportunities. Only a few former presidents opted for a retirement unencumbered by non-partisan public service. This group including Pierce, Buchanan, Coolidge, and Ford were content to retire to their homes and spend their last years with their family and friends, rarely leaving the hearth. They did not particularly enjoy their single term of office, pleased to leave the White House for a more hospitable environment. Turning to those former presidents who were active during their retirement—John Quincy Adams, Rutherford Hayes, William Taft, Herbert Hoover, and Jimmy Carter— they all experienced ineffective one term presidencies. With the exception of Hayes, all of these ex-presidents were driven by a strong desire to repair a tarnished image. They had all been defeated in an attempt to win a second term. This rejection by the American electorate challenged their self-esteem, motivating them to vindicate their presidencies. All five were successful in their post-presidential careers filled with numerous public service accomplishments which restored their prestige and public image.

SPEAKING OUT: DEFENDING ONE’S RECORD Several presidents upon retiring from office vowed to abstain from partisan politics. They often chose to remain silent, allowing their successor to enjoy 85

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full exposure in the national spotlight. They believed it would be an unfair distraction if they continued to comment on political issues. The newly elected president had earned the right to address these problems without being second-guessed by his predecessor. The majority of presidents, however, believed that after a brief honeymoon period, they had an obligation to speak out, either defending their earlier positions or simply critiquing current developments. John Quincy Adams represents an ex-president who devoted his retirement to defending and vindicating his reputation. He explained, “I was born for a controversial world and cannot escape my destiny. . . . I shall be hunted down in privacy as I have been in public. My life must be controversial.”1 Although John Quincy Adams would best be remembered for his strong anti-slavery position, it was his opposition to the Free Masons which first drew his attention and ire. The Masons were an elitist secret society whose membership at one time included many powerful Americans including George Washington. Many of his Massachusetts neighbors were wary of the supposedly powerful and secretive group. Adams felt compelled to join the anti-Mason movement although he chose not to become its presidential nominee. He did give speeches and write articles attacking their antidemocratic principles. The anti-Masons became the first third party in U.S. history but by the election of 1836 had declined, soon to be absorbed by the Whigs. John Quincy Adams’ opposition to slavery was a passion which fueled his speeches and writing for the rest of his life. As the South began to defend its slave-based economic system on a states’ rights rationale and Calhoun’s doctrine of nullification, which granted states the power to declare a federal law null and void within its borders, John Quincy spoke out forcefully against the southern effort to sustain and expand slavery into Western territories. On July 4, 1831, in Quincy, Massachusetts, Adams gave an impassioned address calling the claim of sovereign statehood a “hallucination,” warning that it could eventually lead to a war between individual states and the federal government. Adams’ most successful speech on human rights was given before the New York Historical Society on April 30, 1839. He argued that America’s greatest achievement occurred fifty years earlier when the founding fathers rejected the “irresponsible despotism of state sovereignty” to create a nation based on the self-evident principles of the Declaration of Independence.2 Adams gained his greatest notoriety as an articulate opponent of slavery when he successfully defended a group of slaves in the 1841 Amistad case before the U.S. Supreme Court. He was able to gain their freedom after they had been transported as slaves in a Spanish ship and had successfully mutinied. Their ship was captured off the coast of Long Island and transported to New London. Adams convinced the Court to declare the Africans free

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men to be returned to their homeland. He eloquently argued that these men were not property but human beings who had been unlawfully seized in Africa. Universal concepts of human rights trumped current American property rights and maritime laws. Andrew Jackson was also willing to speak out on issues that he felt strongly about, such as the annexation of Texas. He was deeply concerned over the possibility that Harrison and the Whigs would dismantle most of his reform programs, particularly those geared toward promoting the Western expansion of the nation in Texas, California, and Oregon. Despite being in poor health, Jackson campaigned actively, corresponding with many Congressmen and politicians from around the country trying to elicit their support. His efforts were rewarded on April 12, 1844, when the Treaty of Annexation of Texas was signed. The election of his close friend James Polk to the presidency further pleased Old Hickory as his physical condition deteriorated. Millard Fillmore was initially perplexed by what he should do during his retirement, having made no specific plans prior to leaving office in March, 1853. When his wife unexpectedly died a few months later, he snapped out of his doldrums and was prepared to devote himself to the important social and political issues of the day. The major concern for Fillmore was to develop a compromise party which could hold the nation together. It would be an alternative to the radical abolitionist Northern Republicans and the equally extreme pro-slavery Democrats of the South. He believed that the Know-Nothing Party stressing “Americanism” or Nativism could provide a refuge for the disillusioned Whigs and Democrats. In the spring of 1854, Fillmore embarked on a five month trip through the South and West delivering a series of speeches designed to promote sectional peace and the preservation of the nation. Unlike many who were drawn to the KnowNothings because of its anti-immigrant and anti-Catholic undertones, Fillmore emphasized its appeal as a unifying force drawing the American working class together, extricating them from the extremist parties in the North and South who were dividing the nation, possibly to the point of civil war. After the 1912 electoral debate, Teddy Roosevelt stepped down from his “bully pulpit” and returned to the family home in Sagamore Hill. When World War I began in August 1914, however, Roosevelt re-entered the political arena. At first he was supportive of Wilson’s policy of neutrality, but he soon grew increasingly more bellicose. By the time of the sinking of the Lusitania on May 7, 1915, Roosevelt was making speeches calling for America to enter the war on the Allies’ side, demanding that we must fight until the Huns have unconditionally surrendered. He also continued his demands for increased military preparation for the inevitable conflict. When war with Germany was finally declared on April 6, 1917, Roosevelt asked Wilson to allow him to command his own division. He envisioned himself

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as a battlefield commander of the “Roosevelt Division,” a handpicked group of veterans who could immediately be sent to Europe. The Roosevelt division would begin fighting while additional divisions would be trained and soon join them on the front. Unfortunately, Wilson did not share Roosevelt’s vision and rejected his offer. Roosevelt’s frustration and anger toward Wilson grew as all of his sons went off to battle. (His son Quentin was killed in action, shot down over France in July 1918.) Roosevelt now shifted his war efforts to the saner task of touring the country, raising “Liberty Loans” in record numbers. From the large, enthusiastic crowds which greeted his every public appearance, it was obvious that he remained immensely popular. He even discussed the possibility of running for president in 1920, but his health began to deteriorate, requiring hospitalization for a month in February 1918. Even though he continued to urge the country to buy the war bonds, his time at the bully pulpit had expired. Richard Nixon, as a result of his ignominious and unprecedented resignation, felt the need to devote his retirement years to a re-invention of himself as an elder statesman whose opinions on world affairs were to be valued. He was well equipped to make such a comeback, given the earlier dark periods in his life over which he eventually triumphed. His most famous book, Six Crises, is a self-aggrandizing description of his ability to rise from seemingly implacable depths, re-emerging triumphantly. In August of 1974 as he flew in disgrace from Washington to his home at San Clemente, he had reached an all-time low point in his political career. It would take several years for him to begin his successful journey back to respectability. It would be nearly four years before he would begin rebuilding his reputation. At first he focused on explaining and defending his Watergate actions, but soon he would move to re-establish himself as a wise and prudent voice on foreign policy that could not be ignored. Through a carefully formulated plan comprised of speeches, press conferences, and numerous books, by the time Nixon moved back to the East Coast in 1979, he had constructed a firm foundation of respectability. The road back was emotionally and physically exhausting, but he had regained his health and spirit. Nixon gave his first speech at a Republican fundraiser in October 1977. In early 1978, his memoirs were published and he had made a significant first step back into the limelight. During the fall of 1978 he traveled overseas for the first time since his resignation and was honored by the heads of state in England and France. He was no longer an embarrassed recluse but was emerging in the role of an embattled yet experienced statesman whose opinion was soon to be valued by world leaders. In 1979, he visited China. His newest book also appeared later in the year. Titled The Real War, it was a best seller, offering a selective history of the Cold War. It offered him an

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opportunity to criticize his enemies as well as mount a harsh attack upon the Soviet Union. With the election of Ronald Reagan in November, 1980, Nixon sensed an even greater opportunity to regain his stature as an important influence upon the new president’s foreign policy. Stephen Ambrose described the new Nixon as a self-proclaimed senior statesman who “after five years in near reclusion was clearly back in circulation, following a carefully scripted comeback. He hosted dinner parties for his influential friends and opinion makers. Nixon wanted more than respect and rehabilitation, he wanted influence.”3 Throughout the eighties Nixon published several additional books on foreign policy including an “I told you so” entitled No More Vietnams. Although he was never really able to gain President Reagan’s attention as a confidant or advisor, he continued his peripatetic travels around the world, giving speeches and meeting with world leaders. His health improved along with a confident mental outlook. His hard work had paid off, and by the end of the decade his resurrection was complete. On July 19, 1990, Nixon dedicated his own library and birthplace—two monuments to the glorification of a president who had risen from the depths of the Watergate scandal to the lofty position of a respected elder statesman. Jimmy Carter’s presidency did not end as ingloriously as Nixon’s, yet he felt painfully rejected by the American electorate in the fall of 1980. Contributing to his malaise was the fact that he lost to Ronald Reagan, a man who he felt was an insincere, hypocrite and “immoral to the core.” Only fifty-seven years old and in excellent health when he exited the White House, Carter realized that he had many years to devote to re-building his reputation through public service. At first Carter had to devote time to recovering from a nearly bankrupt peanut growing business. Within a year Carter returned to public life, beginning a post-presidential career which is arguably the most significant in our nation’s history. He has been an outspoken champion of human rights and is credited with the release of approximately 50,000 political prisoners around the world. He has been a vocal spokesperson for Habitat for Humanity which built more than 100,000 homes in sixty countries for impoverished families. He has assisted the United Nations in serving as a mediator and observer of elections in countries experimenting with democracy. His work in assisting in Nicaraguan and Panamanian elections helped these countries toward a transition into becoming viable democratic states. Carter, utilizing his remarkable spiritual strength, practical organizational skills, and international experience has been a relentless force for world peace. Continuing his success from the Camp David talks during his presidency, Carter has pushed relentlessly toward establishing peace in the Middle East. Recognition of his remarkable accomplishments in these areas resulted in his being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002. In his acceptance speech Carter declared “I am not here

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as a public official but as a citizen of a troubled world who finds hope in a growing consensus that the goals of society are peace, freedom, human rights, environmental quality, the alleviation of suffering and the rule of law.”4 Carter’s tireless pursuit of peace and the utilization of free democratic elections during his retirement have sent him to the four corners of the world. Historian David Brinkley describes the breadth of Carter’s diplomatic efforts which include the following: “foreign disputes, civil wars, and political transitions in such troubled lands as Ethiopia, Sudan, Somalia, North Korea, Haiti and Bosnia.” He had also monitored elections in Haiti (1987, 1990, 1995), the Dominican Republic (1990), Zambia (1991), Guyana (1990–1992), Paraguay (1993), the West Bank/Gaza (1996), Liberia (1997), and Jamaica (1997).5 As a result of all of these activities, Carter maintained a high profile in the world press. Sitting presidents Reagan, Bush, and Clinton were not always pleased to share the public spotlight with this “diplomatic maverick.” Clinton became especially annoyed by Carter’s exploits in Haiti and Bosnia. Carter’s comments on CNN during the Haitian election, defending defeated President Cedras, prompted Clinton administration officials to demean his efforts as mere egotistical publicity forays into a delicate situation requiring greater professional expertise, not an ego-driven dogooder amateur. Moving next to Bosnia, causing a head-on conflict with Clinton’s State Department was an even more highly publicized, contentious adventure. Carter, a long-time critic of the “Foggy Bottom” from his days in office, did not back off confrontations with these professional diplomats. He believed they were trapped in a careerist mentality, bound to guard their fiefdoms of expertise, reluctant to take a chance on something new. Their fear of the unknown, of making mistakes, caused them to be overly protective of the status quo.6 Beyond his work toward seeking peace through diplomacy, Carter has used his missionary spirit to work toward protecting human rights. Carter’s focus on Africa, a continent of seemingly little interest to recent administrations once the Cold War ended, offers numerous examples of his dedication to humanitarian ideals. He has worked hard to fight against apartheid in South Africa, successfully championing the cause of Nelson Mandela. Carter supported Norman Borlaug as they gained world awareness with their “Green Revolution” designed to bring modern agricultural science to the Third World. By the early nineties Carter was able to develop a strategy for dealing with the health and economic problems of underdeveloped countries, many located in sub-Saharan Africa. Brinkley explains that Carter’s strategy was to initially “win entry into a country with public health or agricultural assistance, and then, once you earn trust, push for democratic elections. Here (Ghana) it worked, and Ghana became a haven

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of stability amid the political and economic class of Nigeria, Ethiopia, Togo, Sierra Leone, and Liberia.”7 Carter has replaced Herbert Hoover as our most peripatetic former president, traveling thousands of miles around the world. His frenetic pace has slowed down only slightly as he reached eighty, but his writing and speechmaking have continued. Carter has equaled the two most prolific former presidents, Teddy Roosevelt and Richard Nixon, in his literary production, recently reaching twenty volumes. His books have ranged from candid memoirs, to foreign policy critiques, best selling novels, and even a well received book of poetry. His wife Rosalynn has also enjoyed the literary life, writing four books including a New York Times best selling autobiography. The six presidents just discussed do not represent an inclusive list of former chief executives who spoke out on public issues during retirement. Several other retired presidents would occasionally sound off through speeches, books or most often correspondence, but the six selected represent the most vocal and persistent men attempting to address important policy problems. Additionally, with the exception of Jackson, they were eager to rebuild what they perceived as a damaged image or simply a rejection by the American electorate. Former presidents are blessed with many opportunities to make their opinions known to a broad audience. Their prior status as a chief executive ensures that the public will be listening to their comments and endows their comments with salience and influence. Most ex-presidents are reluctant to use this power to influence policy and events, yet a sizeable minority has come forward. As we have seen, they are usually presidents who felt rejected by the electorate or driven to rebuild a damaged reputation. Given the technological advances in the past years in the communication industry, future ex-presidents will continue to have ready access to the “Bully Pulpit” and a worldwide stage.

SERVING ON COMMISSIONS AND BOARDS Several presidents devoted at least part of their retirement to serving on boards or commissions. Although most of these institutions focused on political problems such as reforming a state constitution or reorganizing the federal bureaucracy, they were decidedly non-partisan in their approach. An additional group of organizations were philanthropic such as feeding refugees during and after World War II, to assisting Third World countries in their struggle to improve the health and economic well-being of their countrymen. Recently, concern over human rights violations has also gained the attention of recent ex-presidents. Finally, a handful of former presidents have joined institutions dedicated to one of their avocational

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interests. For example, Calvin Coolidge developed an interest in antiques and became president of the American Antiquarian Association, while Herbert Hoover’s deep interest in children sparked an active role in the Boys Clubs of America for several decades. Several early nineteenth century presidents—John Adams, James Monroe, and John Tyler—were delegates to state constitutional conventions, lending their expertise and experience to the re-drafting of these important documents. In 1820, John Adams at the age of eighty-five was selected as a delegate to the Massachusetts constitutional convention, charged with revising the original document which Adams had drafted forty years earlier. It was a memorable event for two reasons. First, when he arrived at the convention, the delegates greeted him with a rousing ovation. Secondly, the convention was the scene for his last public speech. Adams unsuccessfully proposed an amendment guaranteeing complete religious freedom within the state. He had long argued that “all were equal before God” and therefore must be free to worship God as they pleased. Adams described his emotional state as he was about to address the delegates in the following modest statement: “I feel not much like a maker or mender of constitutions, in my present state of imbecility. . . . But I presume we shall not be obliged to carry windmills by assault.”8 Similar to Adams, James Monroe’s final act of service was to serve as a member of the Virginia constitutional convention meeting in Richmond in October of 1829. He was the only member of the famous group of Virginia elder statesmen (i.e., Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Marshall) to attend. It was obvious that Monroe’s health was poor and in decline, yet he made the long trip from Loudoun-Fairfax to Richmond for two months with regularity. Several friends tried to convince him that he was too weak for the rigors of the travel and the intensity of the hotly debated constitutional issues. The convention was necessary because of growing tensions between the under-represented western counties and the conservative, older slave holding countries of the eastern half of the state (tidewater). The major problems to be resolved were the equalization of representation, suffrage expansion, and the reorganization of the governor’s office. Monroe’s prime reason for attending the convention was to be a voice of reason, trying to obtain a workable compromise so that the highly agitated western counties would not secede. Additionally, the former president also hoped to ultimately eliminate slavery, although presently he adopted a more moderate position on the minimal land ownership voting requirement leading to an expansion of suffrage. By December, Monroe’s health had deteriorated so badly that he was forced to resign from the convention which was still far from resolving its critical issues. John Tyler was a member of two important conferences just prior to the Civil War. In November of 1860, Tyler and the majority of Virginians were still opposed to secession, hoping to avoid a catastrophic civil war. He op-

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timistically believed that a compromise was still possible. He therefore was willing to be one of five delegates from his home state to attend a peace conference in December in Washington. In January he was also named Virginia’s special commissioner to President Buchanan in addition to his position at the Peace Conference. The Peace Conference convened in February where Tyler was unanimously elected president of the Conference, but as the situation in Charleston Harbor intensified, the prospects for the conference deteriorated. By April, the conference presented its report which continued to argue for a united union, but a disillusioned Tyler wrote his own minority report endorsing the secessionist position. In late January 1861, Tyler was elected as a delegate to an emergency session of the Virginia State Convention scheduled for mid-February in Richmond. By this time Alabama declared a meeting of all seceded states in Montgomery to establish the Confederate States of America. With Lincoln’s inauguration Tyler became increasingly convinced that civil war was inevitable and Virginia must join the ranks of the secession states. The state convention began on the 28th of February. Although he had been elected as a moderate back in January, by the time Tyler took the floor on March 13th, he had become increasingly bellicose, delivering a stirring speech urging secession. He demanded Lincoln recognize the Confederacy and approve commercial negotiations and defensive alliances with the newly created Southern government. He knew that these proposals were unlikely to be granted by Lincoln, but would at least push his home state to secede. With the fall of Fort Sumter in April, 1861, peace efforts were abandoned and Virginia finally joined the Confederacy. Tyler was elected to the Confederate States’ House of Representatives in November but died before he could serve in January, 1862. As might be expected, Calvin Coolidge experienced a quiet retirement, declaring upon leaving office “The best thing I can do for the new Hoover administration is to keep my mouth shut.”9 He returned to his home in Northampton, Massachusetts, after the election with little idea over how he would spend his retirement years. His notoriety as a former president prevented him from what he enjoyed doing most which was to wander around town, chatting with old friends. He was also very cautious about going into some type of business endeavor which might not be proper for a former president. Removing himself from politics at any level, he began to become interested in studying transportation. He also pursued his interest in historical artifacts, joining the American Antiquarian Society. He regularly attended all of the society’s meetings and was soon elected president. His interest in the Society continued until his death in 1933. Herbert Hoover’s record as a participant in both private and public boards and commissions is unequaled by any other former president, even Jimmy Carter being a distant second. The majority of Carter’s impressive

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resume of retirement activities were done individually, outside any formal commission or organization. While Hoover operated within the purview of an organizational structure, (it should be noted that he usually ran the operations as a one man show, directing large numbers of subordinates) Hoover probably devoted the longest period of time to one of his favorite charities, the Boys Club of America, beginning in 1936. Encouraged to join the organization by his friend Jeremiah Milbank, he was soon elected chairman and worked diligently to raise money, expanding the number of clubs from 140 in 1936 to over 600 by the time he died in 1964. He sent succinct, direct letters to potential donors stating “I am not a professional beggar but this is one cause where I break my rule.”10 Twice a year he chaired the annual fund-raising dinner in New York, held at the University Club. He tried to be present at the dedication ceremonies of every new Boys Club. His own difficult childhood, losing his own father when he was only six, may have influenced his strong commitment to this cause. In addition to the Boys Club, Hoover also devoted time and energy to several other charities including the American Child Health Organization, the American AntiCancer Committee, and the Belgian American Educational Fund. Hoover gained his greatest fame as a humanitarian for his lifelong efforts assisting refugees in war torn Europe during both World Wars. After his presidency, with Germany beginning its conquest of Europe, Hoover was drawn again into providing food and medical assistance for the overrun countries. He was influential in the creation of the Commission for Relief in September 1939, addressing thousands the next month in New York’s Madison Square Garden. Speaking before Polish-American groups across the country, Hoover and his associates raised over a million dollars. In December after Russia invaded Finland, Hoover was asked by the Finnish government to help raise money to help war casualties and refugees. He willingly accepted a leadership position and immediately began fund raising efforts. Even though he opposed entry into the war and thoroughly disliked FDR’s efforts to draw America into the conflict, Hoover continued his work to feed the millions of refugees by heading the recently formed Committee to Feed the Small Democracies which now included Holland, Belgium, and Norway in addition to Finland and Poland. Following Pearl Harbor and our entrance into the fighting on both the European and Pacific fronts, Hoover was prevented by FDR from playing any meaningful role in his traditional war relief efforts. It would be nearly four years before Hoover would be able to renew his efforts to feed and rebuild a devastated post-war Europe. With FDR’s death in April 1945, Hoover was finally freed from isolation by FDR’s successor, Harry S. Truman. Truman and Hoover formed an unexpected friendship, joined by a common dislike of FDR. It also helped that Secretary of War Henry Stinson was a longtime Hoover supporter who had the new president’s ear. By early

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February 1946, Hoover was named by Truman to be the honorary Chairman of the Famine Emergency Committee. In making the appointment the new president declared: “I have a job for you [Hoover] that nobody else in the country can do and you know more about feeding nations and people than anybody in the world.”11 Three days later Hoover left for an inspection tour of Europe in order to assess the famine problem firsthand. One of the most significant aspects of the trip was meeting Pope Pius XII and convincing him to direct his cardinals around the world to support Hoover’s program. He was able to uncover nineteen million dollars worth of warehoused food that he would use to form the basis for his Children’s Feeding Program that would provide three to five million children with a hot meal once a day. In addition to Hoover’s numerous humanitarian endeavors, his work on reorganizing the Executive Branch would prove to be his most impressive achievement during his fifty years of public service. After leaving the White House, Hoover became a vocal critic of the red tape confusion and inefficiency encumbering the Federal bureaucracy. When he approached President Truman in early 1947, volunteering to work on a comprehensive reorganization of the executive branch, Truman was eager to initiate the project with Hoover at the helm. The Republicans in Congress also were anxious to begin the project, quickly passing a law creating the Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch of Government—soon to be known simply as the Hoover Commission—on July 7, 1947. The commissioner’s mandate was to make the executive branch both less corrupt and more efficient. Hoover created nineteen specialized task forces; each assigned a special area of the federal bureaucracy. The Hoover Commission would take two years to complete its report. Throughout this period, Hoover would commute weekly between New York and Washington conducting lengthy, contentious hearings and writing numerous reports. Biographer Richard Norton Smith explains his tight control over the massive enterprise was a result of his ability to devote all his time and formidable intellect to the work at hand. Combined with a forceful assertion of authority, and a crafty willingness to keep other commissioners too busy to interfere with his own oversight, Hoover was soon in complete control, his mastery subject only to the occasional dissents of Vicechairman Acheson and other liberals.12

Critically examining every aspect of the federal bureaucracy, Hoover focused not only on reducing inefficiency and red tape, but also on modernizing and improving the operation of the White House and related executive offices. His reforms created a General Services Administration which would not only have a central records facility capable of cutting in half the

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unnecessary paperwork but also of saving a quarter of a billion dollars a year while reducing inventories by a thousand per unit. An equally significant recommendation created the precursor to the Office of Management and Budget, which would for the first time regularize as well as rationalize the complex budgetary process. Hoover estimated that by adopting the commission’s recommendations, which were soon passed by Congress in the Reorganization Act of June 20, 1949. The Act authorized the president to reorganize the executive branch subject to Congressional approval. Hoover attended Eisenhower’s inauguration in January 1953, pleased to see the GOP return to the White House. He appeared to be getting along fine with the new president but soon realized they would not be nearly as close as he was with Truman. Eisenhower granted him open access to the White House, but the Truman warmth was lacking. Eisenhower with Hoover’s encouragement did create a second commission to improve the federal government which Congress authorized in the spring. Hoover optimistically thought Eisenhower had given him a carte blanche to reform “everything except the Congress and the Judiciary. We are even authorized to make recommendations to the Constitution.”13 Although Eisenhower did supply a plane to fly Hoover back and forth from New York to Washington, the new president did not appear to support the final recommendations of the fourteen task forces under Hoover’s direction. Hampered by vague guidelines and enormous breadth, the second Hoover Commission Report was a relative disappointment, especially to the former president. The final report was issued in May 1955, but Eisenhower, in contrast to Truman, did little to implement the multitude of reform proposals. Hoover’s completion of the report marked the conclusion of a life in public service that had extended to over forty-three years. He would devote his final years to his friends and personal writing projects. Gerald Ford’s retirement was not distinguished by active pursuits although he occasionally did devote time to public service. In 2002, however, at age eighty-nine, in what would be his final act of public service, he joined with Jimmy Carter to co-chair of National Commission on Federal Election Reform. Its purpose was to conduct a non-partisan study and offer recommendations for electoral reforms in the wake of the Florida fiasco of November, 2000. The report, issued in July 2002, called for comprehensive reforms to guarantee accurate and fair elections, but there appears to be little actual implementation. Although Carter has been extremely active in his retirement devoting countless hours to both national and international problems, most of his work has been personal diplomacy. Carter, however, has been active on the boards of several important organizations such as Amnesty International, Habitat for Humanity and the Carter Center at Emory University. Carter is

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not merely an important name on the board of Habitat, a non-profit organization building homes for the poor, in the United States and around the world, but each summer he personally directs a “Jimmy Carter Work Project” that devotes a week to building homes in a new locale. In the twenty years since its creation in 1976, the organization has built over 100,000 homes in sixty countries. The Carter Center, opened in October 1986, has held conferences on such critical topics as arms control, health policy, natural resources, and international conflict resolution. Carter wanted the center to serve as “a duplicate of Camp David in Atlanta . . . as a neutral forum within which hostile groups could meet to explore common approaches to problems.”14 Carter joined with wealthy Texan Dominique de Menil in 1986 to create the Carter-Menil Foundation to promote human rights worldwide. The foundation assists the Carter Center’s human rights program by annually presenting an award of $100,000 to any individual, group, or organization for their “courageous and effective work in furthering the crusade for justice.” The Carter Center is also designed to serve as a nerve center for communicating high level appeals to heads of state on behalf of prisoners whose human rights have been violated. It should also be noted that Carter is an inveterate joiner and is an active member in numerous and diverse associations such as the Brotherhood of Joiners and Carpenters of America, the No Nuke Coalition, Trouts Unlimited, The American Poetry Association and the Stock Car Racing Association.15 One-third of the former presidents were involved in the field of education in some capacity during their retirement. Taft, Ford, and Carter actually taught while other ex-presidents served on the Board of Trustees or made sizeable financial gifts to educational foundations. A trio of early Virginians—Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe—combined to help establish their state’s prestigious university and then served on the governing board. Jefferson in retirement became increasingly convinced that education could teach future generations the intellectual skills necessary to improve morality, change attitudes, and spread civilization. Shortly after leaving the White House he stated, “A part of my occupation is the direction of studies of such young men as ask it.” He opened up his home to young men studying to be lawyers. The students lived in boarding houses in nearby Charlottesville as Jefferson assisted them in their legal studies, making his excellent library readily available. Jefferson’s greatest educational achievement was the creation and development of the University of Virginia. It was of such importance to Jefferson that he insisted that the epitaph on his grave marker list his three greatest accomplishments: “Author of the Declaration of Independence, and of the Statute of Religious Freedom, and Father of the University of Virginia.”16 Although the university opened in 1824, Jefferson had devoted eight years

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preparing for the first commencement. He was deeply involved in every aspect of its development from funding, design of the campus, selection of the faculty, and formation of an acceptable curriculum. His goal was to build a university that would be “the most eminent in the United States where Virginians could learn from characters of the first order of science from Europe as well as our own country.”17 Jefferson spent a great deal of time designing the campus and its buildings. This “academic village” became the model for many other colleges and universities around the country. The most prominent building was the domed library modeled after the Pantheon, designed by the famous Roman architect Palladio. A rector, Jefferson attempted to recruit a distinguished faculty. His efforts to hire high quality educators from New England were unsuccessful, but Jefferson was able to lure a handful of esteemed European scholars to the new university. Jefferson also plunged into both the academic curriculum as well as a wide array of administrative issues, all quickly ratified by the Board of Visitors. His curriculum offered courses in modern as well as ancient languages, architecture, pure mathematics, astronomy, optics, philosophy, mineralogy, natural history, belle-letters, law and fine arts.18 Consistent with his distrust of nearly all religious sects Jefferson purposefully omitted religious instruction, although he made an exception for the related study of ethics. Jefferson summed up his conception of the university as an institution which “will be based on the illimitable freedom of the human mind. For here we are not afraid to follow truth wherever it may lead, nor to tolerate error as long as reason is left free to combat it.”19 Madison joined Jefferson at virtually every critical juncture in the early development of the university. He attended and served as one of the commissioners appointed to meet at Rockfish Gap in August 1818, to choose a site for the new university. The next year he joined the Board of Visitors who elected the school’s first president, or rector, as it was initially denoted. Deferring to Jefferson’s expertise on the planning and construction of the university, Madison contributed significantly to its curriculum also assisting in the hiring of faculty. Madison offered an even more open-minded approach to the philosophy of Jefferson, who tried to shelter students from being influenced by certain “poisonous ideas,” especially in the realm of sectarian religious beliefs. He was appointed to the university’s first Board of Visitors along with James Monroe and eventually succeeded Jefferson as rector (president). The university was Madison’s major interest during his retirement, with him continually traveling to Charlottesville for board meetings, even as his health began to decline. Madison’s belief in the power of education was verbalized in an 1822 speech declaring it is universally admitted that a well-instructed people alone can be a permanently free people. . . . The American people owe it to themselves, and to the cause of free government to prove by their establishments for the advancement

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and diffusion of knowledge, that their political institutions . . . are as favorable to the intellectual and moral improvement of man, as they are comfortable to his individual and social rights. What spectacle can be more edifying or more seasonable than that of Liberty and learning each leaning on the other for their mutual and surest support?20

Monroe also was a member of the university’s Board of Visitors and visited Charlottesville regularly on university business, but his level of involvement never approached the complete dedication of Jefferson and Madison. John Quincy Adams, who many historians believe to be our most intellectually gifted president, maintained a close relationship with Harvard University throughout his life. Before plunging into national politics, Adams had been offered the presidency of the highly esteemed university. Always concerned with education, one of his first projects after leaving the White House was to establish a Latin Academy in Quincy in compliance with his father’s will. Throughout the 1840s until his death in 1848, Adams renewed his involvement with Harvard, helping in the development of a viable alumni association as well as playing an important role in the building of a new library. John Tyler in the late 1850s became interested in the affairs of William and Mary College, the second oldest college in the country located in Williamsburg, the capital of colonial Virginia. He was appointed rector of its Board of Visitors and Governors in 1854 and in six years was elevated to the lofty position of chancellor. He became involved in the renovation of the physical plant and selection of new faculty as well as the stabilization of the institution’s finances. He was very proud of the honorary LLD degree awarded to him by the college in 1860, an honor he said that made him “as proud as any other ever conferred upon me by my fellow men.” He enjoyed traveling to the campus from his home in Sherwood Forest, giving speeches before enthusiastic students.21 Benjamin Harrison and Rutherford B. Hayes were both deeply concerned with the education of African-Americans in the South. Harrison devoted a significant amount of his retirement years in philanthropic work to this cause. Hayes had diverse interests in education. He was an active member of the Board of Trustees at three universities: Ohio State, Ohio Wesleyan, and Western Reserve. Once retired, he also became deeply involved in the public education of minority children. He was an active trustee of the Peabody Educational Fund and served as head of the Slater Fund, which aided black children in the South. He believed that the fund should be used to assist those minority children “who help themselves” and to support schools providing some form of industrial education. Hayes had been frustrated during his presidency by a Congress which reflected the blatantly racist attitudes of southerners and the passive racism of the northerners.

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Now that he was out of the White House, he tried to achieve the social reforms he desired through the means of education. His optimism in the speed with which the nation would diminish its racism may appear to be naïve, but he was willing to commit his retirement years to the difficult problem of race relations and education in this country. As Grover Cleveland contemplated late in 1896 where he should live after leaving Washington, longtime friend Andrew West, a classics professor at Princeton, urged him to move to the beautiful college town, only forty miles from New York City. Cleveland visited Princeton and found it ideal. He located a beautiful home which he named Westland, in honor of his friend. Cleveland had many friends on the Princeton faculty and was soon elected to the prestigious Nassau Club. He enjoyed visiting and chatting with the professors at his new home. In 1899, he was given a lectureship on public affairs requiring only one or two presentations a year, but it further cemented his close relationship with the university. Two years later he became a trustee, a position he would hold until his death in 1908. Taft became increasingly involved in a wide range of university problems, pleased to be elected chairman of the governing board in 1904. Academic life also beckoned to William Taft after his bitter loss in the 1912 presidential election. He initially thought he would return to Cincinnati, possibly practicing law, but he worried that he had been away from law for too long. He also knew that he disliked the requisite adversarial aspects of legal practice. Fortunately Yale University offered him a professorship in their law school. He looked forward to teaching and leaving the chaos and pressure of politics. It would be the kind of pleasant and dignified retirement that he needed. He enjoyed the new sense of freedom. Yale placed minimal teaching responsibilities upon him, allowing him to travel whenever he pleased. The eight years at Yale provided a pleasant interlude in his life until he was named by President Harding to the Supreme Court in 1921. Of our more recent presidents, several were offered the opportunity to teach on a part-time basis through a prestigious lecturing professor position. Jimmy Carter at Emory University and Gerald Ford at his alma mater, the University of Michigan, took advantage of these opportunities to speak with students. Lyndon Johnson and Herbert Hoover chose to establish important centers for the study of public policy. Johnson was a major force in the creation of a school of public policy at the University of Texas bearing his name. Hoover, after completing his second report on reorganizing the federal bureaucracy in 1955, devoted a large amount of time helping his alma mater, Stanford University, create a major center for peace studies at the institution named for him. The Carter Center, which has held many important conferences on world peace and conflict resolution, is purposefully located on the campus of Emory University with several of its faculty holding joint positions.

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ADDITIONAL PUBLIC SERVICE ENDEAVORS The concluding section of this chapter will briefly examine the varied acts of public service by former presidents which do not fall within the broad topics—speaking out on public policy questions, defending one’s reputation, serving on public commissions or boards, and working in the field of education—discussed earlier. Several presidents were drawn back into public service, usually out of a sense of personal responsibility enhanced by political necessity. George Washington’s reluctant return to public service was caused by an impending war with France and President Adams’ urgent request that he serve as Commander-in-Chief. Washington spoke with members of the cabinet, urging them to go to war only if the French forces mounted a formidable invasion. Fortunately the war with France was avoided but not before Washington became involved in an ugly, complicated political struggle over who would be on his general staff and their rank order of importance. Upon returning to Mount Vernon, he vowed never to go more than ten miles from his Virginia home. The entire unpleasant affair showed the worst side of the great man. Biographer Flexner concluded that Washington overreacted, making a medium sized disagreement into a major issue: “The brilliant pragmatist seems to have lost contact with reality.”22 Benjamin Harrison and William H. Taft had much better experiences than Washington when they returned to public service. Harrison served briefly with distinction on the International Court of Law while Taft had an illustrious career on the U.S. Supreme Court where he sat for nearly a decade. Benjamin Harrison left the White House following Cleveland’s inauguration in March, 1993, returning to Indianapolis where he vowed to abandon politics forever, declaring that “the repugnance to further public service deepens within me every day.”23 By 1897 Harrison recovered somewhat from his depression, energetically renewing his law practice where he would distinguish himself as an international law expert of worldwide acclaim. He gained much notoriety for his representation of Venezuela in their border dispute with England over British Guiana, as chief counsel in the case which lasted over a year; he argued the case in Paris. Although he was not successful—the court was supposedly stacked in England’s favor— he emerged from the case with his reputation even more enhanced and his practice flourished. He was growing weary, reducing his caseload, but in 1900 was honored to be appointed by McKinley to the international court where he would serve with distinction until his death the following year. Harrison would be regarded by his contemporaries as the greatest lawyer to serve as president. Taft’s defeat in 1912 was the worst drubbing a presidential incumbent had ever received. He carried only two states (Vermont and Utah), finishing

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a distant third behind Wilson and T. R. He was surprised by the magnitude of his defeat, blaming Teddy for the debacle. He stated shortly after the election that he received only “The irreducible minimum of the Republican Party that was left after Roosevelt got through with it . . . Roosevelt was the most dangerous man that we have had in the country since its origin.”24 Once Taft left Washington, he sensed great relief and his normally easygoing temperament returned. Initially he thought he would join an established Cincinnati law firm but when he was offered a distinguished professor position by Yale Law School, he readily accepted. Taft held the prestigious Kent Chair of Constitutional Law for the next eight years. He enjoyed teaching and was given an opportunity to lecture across the nation as well as write widely in magazines and newspapers. During this period Taft remained active in public affairs, endorsing Charles Evan Hughes for President in 1916. He supported Wilson’s policies toward our involvement in World War I and was appointed by him to become co-chair of the National War Labor Board in 1918. With the war’s conclusion, Taft supported Wilson’s proposed League of Nations, traveling across the country in a futile attempt to arouse public support for the League as well as warn the nation of the evils of isolationism. Taft had a long-standing wish to join the U.S. Supreme Court. Taft hoped Roosevelt would appoint him to the Court instead of pressuring him to succeed Roosevelt as president in 1908. With the election of Republican Warren Harding in 1920 and a vacancy on the Court created by the death of Chief Justice Edward White, Taft’s hopes for appointment resurfaced. Taft had supported Harding during the recent campaign. In December 1920 he visited the president-elect at his home in Ohio and was asked to join the Court as soon as a Justice passed away, allowing Taft to satisfy his lifelong ambition. Taft proved to be an effective chief justice during his nine-year reign in office. His abilities as an effective administrator were more noteworthy than his opinions, which were usually congruent with the Court’s economic conservatism. The Court supported “freedom of contract,” limiting governmental efforts to regulate business for the public good. The most important decision which he authored and directly affected the power of the presidency was his majority opinion in Myers v. US. The 1926 decision declared that the president possessed the inherent constitutional power to remove officials of the executive branch. Even though Taft’s titular position as head of the Court was impressive, it gave him no special prerogatives. Taft recognized his intellectual limitations as well as the strengths of his fellow justices, delegating and deferring to other justices when appropriate. His leadership abilities allowed the Court to maneuver thorough a period of difficult cases facing an increasingly divided Court. He also had to manage bitter personality clashes between the

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justices. The most trying was the anti-Semitic baiting of Justice McReynolds toward the Court’s first jewish Justice, Louis Brandeis. Taft himself was initially opposed to the Brandeis appointment, but once on the court, Brandeis was protected from McReynold’s diatribes by the chief justice. Taft was only marginally successful in bringing harmony to the Court, but he did accomplish significant administrative reforms, most notably improving the Court’s ability to deal with its growing calendar in an efficient manner. Taft’s active advocacy of the Judiciary Act of 1925 resulted in granting the Court more discretionary power in selecting cases and managing the caseload. The Act paved the way for the modern Supreme Court’s ability to deal with its steadily rising caseload. Although most twentieth century chief justices served as informal presidential consultants, Taft may have been the most active in the broadest range of activities. Supreme Court scholar David O’Brien writes that “He [Taft] helped shape the 1924 Republican Party platform and regularly advised Presidents Harding and Coolidge on everything from patronage appointments and judicial reform to military expenditures and legislation.”25 Taft was increasingly worn down by his responsibilities on the divided Court. His weight had now ballooned to 325 pounds, causing digestive disturbances and increasingly severe heart problems. His last years on the Court were relatively tranquil except for the continuing bitter dissent which he was unable to defuse. Growing increasingly tired and uncomfortable, Taft resigned from the Court on February 3, 1930 and died one month later. Taft loved his years on the Court, writing in 1925 that these last years on the Court provided a fulfillment that “had eluded him in the White House.”26 Several of the former presidents devoted significant amounts of their time to philanthropic endeavors. Rutherford B. Hayes and Jimmy Carter, however, clearly distinguished themselves from their presidential colleagues, in the breadth and degree of commitment to numerous charitable causes. Hayes maintained a long lasting interest in social justice issues, working to improve the conditions of Native-Americans, speaking out against capital punishment, as well as urging humane reforms in the operation of prisons and working to improve the lives of veterans by increasing their benefits. (His work in the field of education of minorities in the South has already been discussed.) Seemingly far ahead of his time, Hayes spoke out continuously and passionately against the robber barons of his era, attacking the monopolies and trusts, especially Standard Oil. He believed that the issues of equality and education were inextricably linked, arguing that the unequal distribution of wealth in America must be corrected. Jimmy Carter’s record as a tireless campaigner for peace, fair democratic elections, and human rights has been chronicled earlier in this chapter. In addition to his world travels on behalf of those issues and his willingness to speak out to heads of state and the world, Carter also contributed large amounts of

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time to a number of charitable organizations who supported his favorite causes. Examples of these groups include Habitat for Humanity, Amnesty International, the Carter Center and the Jimmy Carter Work Project. Two recent former presidents, George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton, have also devoted a portion of their retirement toward aiding charitable causes. The two men joined together to work for the Tsunami Relief efforts, speaking out on television as well as traveling to the devastated sites in South Asia and Malaysia. Additionally, Bush has devoted many hours to the Anderson Cancer Center while Clinton has become a prominent voice in fighting AIDS worldwide, and especially in Africa and the Caribbean. He has also been outspoken in his campaign to force drug manufacturers to reduce their prices so his recently created foundation can effectively inoculate families in third world countries. He has traveled across the globe giving speeches and writing op-ed articles espousing his cause. Before his openheart surgery in 2004, he visited the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Bahamas, Mozambique, Rwanda, and Tanzania. Clinton vows that this campaign to rid these countries of AIDS, River Blind Sickness, and other diseases will be his primary focus during his retirement. While the emphasis of most former presidents’ public service has been on national or worldwide issues, Millard Fillmore, much maligned as an ineffective president, spent most of his retirement years working diligently on civic improvement projects for the city of Buffalo, his longtime home. For the final decade of his life, he strove to help the city grow and prosper while improving the quality of medical, cultural, and educational institutions in the city. Among his favorite projects were the following: (1) Working with the Board of Trade to help promote the city; (2) developing an impressive new facility for the city’s YMCA and assisting in membership drives; (3) helping bring into existence the Buffalo Fine Arts Academy; (4) giving unstintingly to the development of the Buffalo Historical Society; (5) contributing financially to the creation of the Governor Library and the Society of Natural Sciences; and, (6) fundraising for the construction of the University of Buffalo Medical School and Hospital. His record of improving the quality of life in his hometown of Buffalo is unequaled by any former president in terms of working for the betterment of one’s local community! Several of the presidents worked on specialized projects during their retirement, which gave them pleasure as well as benefited the general public. Examples range from Jefferson’s numerous botanical experiments, which often had a scientific impact, to the effort made by John Quincy Adams to create a national observatory in Washington.27 During the past fifty years, nearly every president has devoted large amounts of time creating presidential libraries to house their personal and public papers, serving as a major research center for future scholars studying their lives and administration. It is somewhat paradoxical that the first former president to be

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involved in the creation of a library was Thomas Jefferson, who sold his extensive personal library at Monticello to the government. This was the initial step in the creation of the Library of Congress, a project which Jefferson personally brought to fruition. Jefferson, ironically, did not wish to have his personal correspondence made public. Beginning with Harry Truman, most of the subsequent presidents spent time establishing their own presidential library. Gerald Ford, Lyndon Johnson, and Jimmy Carter have their presidential libraries located at academic institutions (i.e., University of Michigan in Ann Arbor for Ford, University of Texas in Austin for Johnson, and Emory University in Atlanta for Carter). Richard Nixon, from the time he resigned, was in a protracted legal struggle with the Federal Archives and the U.S. government over the ownership and control of White House documents from his administration. Concern over future litigation related to Watergate as well as other questionable actions taken by Nixon while president, such as the bombing of Laos and Cambodia, also contributed to the lengthy legal process. It was not until July 19, 1990, that Nixon was able to dedicate his own library in Whittier, California. It was privately funded and along with his birthplace museum cost $25 million—it appears to be less of an academic research facility than a monument glorifying the former president.

7 Economic Pursuits

Leaving the White House and returning to the life of a private citizen requires former presidents to face the same economic realities confronting the general public. No longer receiving a governmental salary or any of the additional perks of office, the ex-president must plan the next stage of his life. Since the passage of the Former Presidents Act in 1958, which pays them a fairly generous annual pension as well as additional monies for staff and office, the financial concerns of recent presidents in retirement have been significantly lessened. It is important, therefore, in this chapter to examine the financial problems facing former presidents before the passage of the 1958 Act and compare their economic hardships with presidents who retired after 1958. Harry Truman provides a most interesting contrast because he had to survive nine years into retirement before becoming a beneficiary of the federal pension. There are three basic factors which directly impact the quality of a president’s life in retirement, particularly his economic self-sufficiency. The three factors are most significant at the moment a former president begins his retirement. The trio of variables is the president’s health, his age, and his current financial status. Woodrow Wilson and Andrew Jackson were both in poor health when they left the White House and were therefore unable to actively pursue their respective vocational interests in law and farming. At the other extreme, Teddy Roosevelt, Rutherford Hayes, and John Tyler were in excellent health, in their early fifties, and capable of choosing a wide range of vocational pursuits. Closely related to health, age can also be a serious limiting factor as seen with Ronald Reagan (seventy-seven), Andrew Jackson (seventy) and James Buchanan (seventy). 107

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A president’s financial situation at the moment he is leaving the White House is probably the most critical of the factors. It serves to motivate the expresident into seeking viable work opportunities that will permit him and his family to live a comfortable existence, appropriate for a former Chief Executive. Nearly all of the earliest presidents from George Washington through James Monroe faced near bankruptcy after stepping down from the presidency, forced to sell parcels of land in order to survive economically. U. S. Grant also faced serious financial problems which actually grew worse after a few speculative endeavors failed. In recent years, both Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton, owing large legal fees, were forced to devise writing and speaking projects which would generate income. At the other end of the financial spectrum, Rutherford Hayes, Teddy Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson, Ronald Reagan, and George H. W. Bush retired from the White House without economic concerns. Viewing these financial trends historically, the early presidents through the Jackson period faced the most serious financial problems upon leaving office. No president in the past century contemplated the necessity of returning to work in order to provide a decent income for his family. The passage of the Former Presidents Act in 1958 further contributed to the elimination of economic problems for these men. This did not mean that they all chose a life of leisure to be spent with their families. As we have seen, many of these former presidents led active lives engaged in important public service and private philanthropic endeavors. If a president contemplated a return to work in order to provide for his family, he was aware that his choice of activity was limited. As a former president, one had to be concerned with the propriety of his future job. There were many positions that would be improper for an ex-president to hold. Additionally, a former president had to be concerned with whether his new position would necessitate his misusing his previous presidential powers, giving him a perceived unfair advantage over others. Given the growth of presidential power and prestige in the past seventy-five years, it makes it extremely difficult to find an acceptable avenue of enterprise that would withstand intense public scrutiny. It is no wonder that so many of our recent ex-presidents have opted for writing books and memoirs, in addition to public service, in order to satisfy these elevated standards. Following the historical trends noted earlier, the first presidents were engaged in farming and land speculation. After the Civil War, continuing until World War I, several ex-presidents joined the boards of corporations and financial institutions, while a handful engaged in speculation as part of managing their personal assets. Nearly all presidents attempted some type of writing project, usually either a memoir or political polemic. Beginning with U. S. Grant and continuing with nearly all of the recent presidents (i.e., Johnson, Carter, Nixon, and Clinton) the writing of a memoir has been

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both lucrative as well as satisfying, allowing a president to explain or justify political decisions made during his term in office.

FARMING AND LAND SPECULATION Despite his greatness as a president and military leader, George Washington left office facing a rather desperate financial situation. Even while receiving his presidential salary and the additional money generated by his farms and the collection of rents on the western edge of his holdings, Washington was unable to meet expenses during his eight years in office. Now in retirement, without his meager salary, Washington was in dire straits. His situation was exacerbated by the failure of Congress to furnish the president’s residence in a manner befitting the nation’s chief executive. Washington therefore had little choice but to decorate his presidential home out of his own pocket, forcing him to bring in family furniture and paintings of his own choice. During his eight years as president, Washington’s land holdings at Mount Vernon and beyond had deteriorated and were in deplorable condition. He complained that his eight year presidency had not only “despoiled my buildings but also deranged my private affairs.”1 Although he was fortunate to have acquired thousands of acres which he now estimated to be worth nearly a half-million dollars (a tidy sum for the nineteenth century), his many years as an absentee landlord allowed much of his property to deteriorate, necessitating massive renovations. He now engaged in modest land speculation, buying and selling increasingly larger amounts of property on Virginia’s western frontier. Washington was fortunate to avoid the pitfalls of land speculation which had destroyed several of his friends and associates. Robert Morris, his personal financial advisor, and once described as the richest man in America, was now in a debtor’s prison along with his friend Governor Henry Lee of Virginia. The former president proved to be a fairly astute speculator, an effective bargainer who was able to take advantage of the current economic situation as well as his prestige and long friendships. He is also depicted as a fair and sensitive financier who would allow sentiment to affect his business decisions, occasionally lending money without charging interest. His one losing venture was investing in the development of the Potomac Canal which never materialized. He had hoped to use the profits from the canal project to form the basis for the creation of a national university, and was deeply disappointed when they failed to materialize. He continued to worry about his economic condition until his death although realistically, profits gained through the sale of his holdings allowed him a comfortable retirement.2

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Despite Washington’s complaints about his financial situation during his retirement, he was relatively in much better economic shape than the three Virginians—Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe—who succeeded him. Thomas Jefferson, because of his extravagant tastes as well as the steep costs of maintaining Monticello, left the presidency $30,000 in debt. Once back at his beautiful Virginia estate, he felt dutifully obliged to support his family, which had now grown to twelve. This obligation exacerbated his financial plight to an even more worrisome level. One of the first public signs of Jefferson’s indebtedness occurred in 1814. After the British burned down the Library of Congress during the War of 1812, Jefferson offered to sell his beloved 6,500-volume library, which had taken him over fifty years to accumulate, to Congress. Washington bookseller Joseph Milligan was sent down to Monticello to appraise the collection. Estimating the value at $3.50 per book, the Congress paid Jefferson nearly $24,000 for the entire collection. It was a painful moment for the lifelong bibliophile, who vowed to friends that he would soon begin to replace his favorite volumes. Tragically, the collection was two-thirds destroyed when a fire destroyed the rebuilt Library of Congress building in 1851. During Jefferson’s final years, following the panic of 1819 and a series of crop failures, he realized that his hope of eliminating his debt and being able to support his family were not going to be realized unless radical actions were taken. Fawn Brodie describes the depressing situation in the following assessment: His failure to face his own indebtedness, his chronic optimism about next year’s bumper crop, unexpected disasters such as the flood that destroyed his mill dam, all contributed to the inexorable slippage toward bankruptcy.3

In January, 1826, Jefferson was shocked to learn that his brother-in-law, Thomas Mann Rudolph, former Governor of Virginia, had been forced to sell his estate at auction in order to pay off his creditors. Throughout the 1820s across Virginia, gentlemen farmers like Randolph and now Jefferson who had been living on cash-poor, land-rich farms were no longer able to sell their lands. Jefferson was now over one hundred thousand dollars in debt and was additionally obligated for two $10,000 loans which he foolishly co-signed for his old political ally Wilson Carey Nicholas. Nicholas died shortly after Jefferson co-signed, obligating the former president to pay off his friend’s creditors. Desperate to pull himself out of his financed difficulties, Jefferson reached out to his longtime friends, the former presidents Madison and Monroe. Unfortunately their economic situations were nearly as bad as his and so they would be unable to offer assistance. Madison told Jefferson that since his return to private life “such have been the unkind seasons and the

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ravages of insects that I have made but one tolerable crop of tobacco and but one of wheat.” Madison concluded that he had no resources and he had been living on loans, which if called in would place him in economic straits equal to Jefferson.4 In late January, 1826, confined to his house for several weeks because of his declining health, Jefferson had an inspiration. He would propose a lottery that would allow him to sell off his nail-making mills as well as a thousand acres of land. Jefferson had long opposed lotteries or gambling of any kind, but as all of his efforts to sell his land had failed, he realized that a lottery might be his sole chance to escape his mounting indebtedness. The only problem was he first needed the approval of the State’s General Assembly in Richmond. Jefferson immediately wrote to his many friends in the General Assembly as well as sending his grandson, Jeff Randolph, to Richmond to introduce the necessary legislation. Jeff reported back to his grandfather that he was having trouble getting the bill introduced as his friends turned timid and indecisive. Luckily, four judges from the State Supreme Court came forward in support of the lottery, and on February 9th a motion to introduce the bill was narrowly passed by only four votes. Two weeks later the bill gained some momentum and was passed by the House by a more encouraging two-to-one margin and the Senate by three to one. Jefferson was at first pleased but then learned that his original proposal had been amended by the Assembly requiring him to sell all of his property, including Monticello and its furnishings, not just the nail mills and selected acreage. He could live in Monticello until his death while the lottery was conducted but his daughter Martha would have to move out in two years after his death. Once Jefferson died, Monticello was sold and remained outside the family for fifty years. It has never been preserved as a national shrine although the family presently maintains ownership.5 As death approached, Jefferson had hoped to free his slaves but they became his only liquid asset and he was forced to sell them. His land, which had previously been valued at between $50 and $100 an acre, had plummeted to one-fifth of its original value. When his indebtedness became public knowledge, several friends and admirers from around the country sent money. Mayor Philip Hone of New York City sent $8,500 on behalf of his city while Philadelphia raised $5,000 and Baltimore $3,000. When Jefferson’s daughter, now penniless, was forced to leave Monticello after his death, the legislators of South Carolina and Louisiana each sent her $10,000. Despite these last-ditch efforts, Jefferson’s estate was unable to cover his remaining debts. Similar to Jefferson, Madison was also deeply in debt, confessing that if his loans were called in he would be in the same desperate situation as his old friend. Madison’s home, Montpelier, was an elegant yet modest estate. In retirement it housed only James, his wife Sally, and his elderly mother.

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Madison hoped that his farm lands would provide a decent income but the recent economic doldrums diminished the likelihood of such a positive upturn. Banks were commonly rejecting loans based on the use of farm land as collateral. Madison had no choice but to remain an active farmer throughout his retirement, forced to sell nearly half his property. Fortunately, he was a competent farmer, enjoying the rugged outdoor work. He cultivated tobacco as his primary cash crop while shifting production from wheat to a variety of other grains. Madison’s acumen as an innovative farmer was recognized in 1818 when he was elected President of the Albemarle Agricultural Society. He was one of the first Virginia farmers to utilize contour plowings, especially in the cultivation of Indian corn. Biographer Ralph Ketcham noted Madison’s creative measures: “he pointed out the futility of continued working of exhausted fields. . . . Madison also spoke learnedly, and in great detail, of the benefits of various kinds of animal manure and of the relative merits of grain chaff and corn stalks as soil rejuvenators.”6 Additionally, Madison recommended that Virginia farmers employ irrigation, change from horses to oxen for most heavy work, and eliminate the use of “scraggly animals,” discovering that the expense of feeding them outweighed any benefits to be derived from their use. His intelligence and diligence, however, did not protect him from agricultural depression ravaging the area. Madison’s plight was exacerbated by a series of poor harvests, the depletion of the soil, and competition from the rich farmlands to the west. Madison valiantly survived the depression by living frugally off the savings from his presidential salary of $25,000. In contrast to Jefferson, with his extravagant tastes and large family to support, Madison had a small family of three and modest lifestyle. Although Madison was able to accumulate five thousand fertile acres at Montpelier, a thousand acres in Kentucky, stock in a turnpike company, and a house in Washington, he eventually was forced to sell his Kentucky lands, dispose of his stock and other assets as well as mortgaging half of his Montpelier property. Even with all of these difficult measures, he barely avoided bankruptcy. Madison wrote to Jefferson in 1826, that he had “no resources but in the earth I cultivate. I have been living very much on borrowed means.”7 Monroe also faced serious financial difficulties during his retirement, although not as severe as Jefferson or Madison. He worked hard to maximize the return from his Oak Hill farmlands. The fields were planted with wheat, rye, and other grains, with a large portion set aside for his sheep. He regularly rotated the fields, adding clover, and steadily increased the size of his sheep from 360 in 1817 to nearly a thousand. Using a work force of approximately twenty slaves, he directly supervised all of the various agricultural pursuits as well as building a mill, a distillery, and a larger barn. Biog-

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rapher Harry Ammon summarizes Madison’s years at Oak Hill as falling into “the comfortable domestic routine of a Virginia plantation.” Beyond his farming endeavors, devoting time to the development of the University of Virginia, and alleviating family concerns, Monroe expended a great deal of energy attempting to reduce a $75,000 debt which seriously burdened his Oak Hill estate. Monroe’s economic situation grew so desperate just prior to his leaving the White House, he feared that if his debt was not significantly reduced, he would be forced to sell nearly all of his property. After selling off nine hundred of his best Albemarle acres, Monroe was able to reduce his debt by a third, but he had exhausted his resources. He now had no choice but to pursue money he thought the federal government owed him for his last European mission in 1794. These expenses were accumulated in England and Holland. The interest from this costly period, according to Monroe, reached $53,000. His claim would need a congressional reimbursement, but remained unsettled during his second term in office. Jackson failed to take interest in Monroe’s claim and several members of Congress opposed the measure when it was re-introduced. In February 1830, the House of Representatives finally caved in to public pressure and granted fifteen thousand to Monroe, only after he had written the Speaker of the House, reminding him of his long-delayed request. Fortunately the Senate was more amenable to his claims and restored the claim to its original amount. The House yielded to the Senate’s amended amount, approving on the last day of the session, a payment of $29,513. Even with congressional reimbursement, Monroe’s financial obligations were still not met, forcing him to sell off large amounts of land. His close friend John Quincy Adams, visiting Monroe in his last year noted in his diary that with a long and distinguished career in public service he had “received more pecuniary reward than any other man in the existence of the nation. He was now dying at the age of seventy-two in retched and beggary.”8 Andrew Jackson while president had turned over the operation of his farm to his incompetent son, Andrew Jr. who was not only lazy but lacked any business sense. By the time the senior Jackson retired from the presidency and moved back to Hermitage, he was seventy years old and in failing health. His alcoholic son had allowed the farm to be run into the ground. Jackson’s financial problems were further worsened by the Panic of 1837, a serious national depression resulting in a sweeping series of bankruptcies. Jackson spent a large part of his retirement settling the debts accrued by his son, regarding them as his own responsibility. Jackson’s only recourse was to sell off as much of his land as was necessary. His political enemies blamed him for the national depression and enjoyed seeing the old war hero struggle for his own economic survival. Jackson’s beloved home, The Hermitage, also suffered from inattention—there simply was no money for paint or repairs as his son’s debts continued to rise. Jackson’s

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friends in Washington soon learned of his desperate financial situation and were able to have Congress pass a bill which would reimburse him for a fine imposed on him in New Orleans by Judge Dominick in 1815. On February 27, 1844, Jackson received a check from the U.S. Treasury department for $2,732.90 representing the principal and interest which had occurred since 1815. Jackson had a new will drawn up which stated “that his debts were to be paid out of his estate . . . he bequeathed the Hermitage to his son along with all of his slaves except two.”9 Martin Van Buren, unsuccessful in his bid for re-election in 1840, looked forward to building an estate in the Hudson River Valley. He had never had a permanent residence. This new home would be fashioned after Jackson’s Hermitage, where he could entertain noteworthy visitors as well as provide a comfortable, secluded place for his sons and their families. Located in Kinderhook, New York, he named it Lindenwald and devoted the first years of his retirement to its enlargement from a modest brick farmhouse to an elegant estate with a wine cellar and library, which were both well stocked. For the next seven years, however, Van Buren was intermittently involved in state and national politics, at one point being nominated for president by the Free Soil Party. By 1853, with politics behind him, Van Buren traveled to Europe for nearly a year. Upon his return he became interested in farming. He greatly enjoyed the re-vitalizing outdoor work, growing many crops including prize-winning potatoes. Van Buren was never in any financial difficulties during his retirement, farming being more of a pleasurable pastime. In his will he declared “I Martin Van Buren . . . for the last and happiest years of my life a farmer in my native town.”10 John Tyler was the last of the Virginia presidents who returned to their large estates, relying on their ownership of a large amount of farmland to guarantee their financial stability. Tyler’s finances were not nearly as dire as those faced by the earlier group of Virginians. He was concerned about his new wife’s spending habits as well as her adjustment to rural life at their new home, Sherwood Forest. Julia Gardiner Tyler was a wealthy Boston socialite with expensive tastes. She made a smooth transition to her new, secluded existence but her costly purchases for her new domicile as well as a series of extravagant trips concerned her new husband. Tyler was forced to negotiate a loan from the Washington banking establishment of Corcoran and Riggs, using one-fourth of his coal and timber lands as security. Under his careful and patient management, the plantation’s productivity rose steadily over the years. Although cautious by nature, he was willing to experiment with new techniques, reading the latest scientific journals on farming such as Lieby’s “Chemistry in its Application to Agriculture and Physiology” published in 1841. He tried to improve the lime deficiency in his soil, as well as experiment with various types of wheat seed from Africa and California. His first major crop of

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corn and wheat was successfully harvested in 1845 but he knew that farming was an unpredictable enterprise in which the weather could always undermine one’s efforts. Rather than make a heavy financial investment in the latest advances such as McCormick and Hussey’s mechanical reaper, Tyler relied on the continued use of slave labor, their purchase financed with long-term loans from a Richmond bank.11 After Tyler, it would be another 140 years before a former president faced economic difficulties involving farming. In November 1980, just before Jimmy Carter returned to Plains, Georgia, he learned from his lawyer, Charles Kirbo, that his peanut warehouse, a family business inherited from his father and placed in a blind trust while he was president, was a million dollars in debt. Following Reagan’s inauguration, Carter was back in Plains, realizing that the only way to get out of the red while holding on to the family farm was to sell the entire commercial enterprise. His lawyer was able to find a wealthy benefactor, Dwayne Harris, who made a fortune in feed grain and who enjoyed bailing out politicians with immediate cashflow problems. (The benefactors stretched from Tom Dewey through Ronald Reagan.) Carter felt badly that by liquidating the family business, he had let down his family as well as the Plains agricultural community. Carter was also deeply upset over his loss of an opportunity to return to peanut farming, a bucolic enterprise that brought him close to nature in a way that was for him, almost a spiritual experience. Carter would also miss the application of scientific experimentation toward solving local agricultural problems. Carter’s father Earl during the Great Depression was one of the area’s first farmers to utilize modern farming techniques such as crop rotation, use of insecticides, and replacing the traditional mule-drawn plow with a tractor. He had also been involved in establishing a University of Georgia agricultural experiment station near Plains. Even with the sale of the peanut warehouse, Carter still was on shaky ground. As shall be described later in the chapter, he followed the lead of many other former presidents in similar financial predicaments and began plans to write his memoirs as well as a number of other literary projects. Lyndon Johnson had always managed his finances shrewdly. Even though he had to place his investments in a blind trust during his presidency, once he left Washington he consolidated his holdings and turned a vast part of his estate into cash. Without any financial concerns, Johnson directed his attention and abundant energy to the management of his ranch. In contrast to the early nineteenth-century former presidents, whose farming enterprises were critical to their economic survival, Johnson’s ranching activities were a primary source of enjoyment during his short retirement years. The Stonewall Ranch was a satisfying diversion which in retirement began a “full time avocation” according to biographer Robert Dallek. Johnson’s brother Tom is quoted as saying “He started running that ranch the

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way he had his presidency—involved in every piece of it. . . . In a sense, rather than running the government he was running another little set of responsibilities—not little, they were big responsibilities.” According to ranch manager Dale Malechek, LBJ was awake by six, ready to work. He installed two-way radios so he could reach the farm hands any time during the lengthy work day. He rewarded his men lavishly, giving them cars, clothing, and watches. Dallek concluded that the ranch had become an extension of LBJ, and everything about it had to be not adequate or good but the best—a model of what other ranchers would try to emulate, a remarkable achievement that would command attention and demonstrate Lyndon Johnson’s mastery.12

Reviewing the farming experiences of former presidents, as a group, they are all from the South, with only two non-Virginians. They returned to their homes and farms following their presidencies deeply in debt. Not only were they unable to save anything from their presidential salaries, but in their absence, their land and property holdings deteriorated. Upon returning home, men who were past their physical prime were forced to sell off large amounts of their land in order to pay off their debts. John Tyler and James Monroe were the only two of this group who actively returned to farming. They were both willing to experiment and achieve a modicum of success in their agricultural endeavors.

BUSINESS VENTURES Prior to the Civil War, several former presidents were forced to sell parts of their land in order to reduce their indebtedness. The earliest group, nearly all land-rich and cash-poor Virginians, typify this type of business enterprise. Their years in public service, stretching from the founding of our nation to the Jacksonian era, did not provide them the financial resources necessary to maintain their large estates and support their extended families. Preceding the industrial revolution which would urbanize and industrialize the country in the mid-nineteenth century, these talented ex-presidents were forced to rely upon farming and land speculation as a source of income. After the Civil War, however, and continuing through the twentieth century, several former presidents pursued careers in business. Their choice of retirement vocation was influenced by their financial solvency upon leaving office as well as the perceived propriety of the position. All presidents upon leaving office are extremely sensitive to the public’s perception of their new career. There are many vocations which are of insufficient status to be un-

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suitable to a former president. Also complicating the problem is the fear that the prestige of ex-president would endow him with unfair advantages in certain types of business dealings—which might also tarnish his public image. A final reason why so many former presidents pursued business opportunities, especially during the twentieth century, was because they were already in a comfortable financial position. Their retirement business activities were designed to simply supplement their incomes and keep them minimally busy. The overall financial situation was improved for all former presidents with the passage in 1958 of legislation providing them with a decent annual pension as well as money for an office and staff assistance. Yet even in recent years, a handful of ex-presidents have still felt it necessary to pursue a variety of money-making ventures. Obviously, each president constructs his own imagined acceptable standard of living. Thus champagne tastes and minimal savings may force current and future former presidents into pursuing a variety of income producing enterprises in order to generate additional money beyond their pension allotment. U. S. Grant spent a great deal of time during his retirement trying to find investment opportunities that would solve his economic problems. When he vacated the White House in March, 1877, his savings and investments appeared capable of providing a comfortable life for himself and his wife. He had savings of approximately $100,000 invested in railroad bonds and stocks, which initially paid substantial dividends. He had also received money generated by public subscriptions purchased by appreciative friends. Grant was also the beneficiary of real estate gifts, land and property given to him in Washington, Philadelphia, and Galena, Illinois, his hometown. Reviewing his financial resources at this time, Grant thought he would be able to satisfy a lifelong ambition and take an extended trip around the world. His political advisors also endorsed the idea because it would remove him from the political spotlight and when he returned in a year or two, he would be in a good position to make a run for a third term in November 1880. It would hopefully give the aroma of corruption which had tainted his administration time to evaporate from the public’s consciousness. Grant returned from his two-year travels minus a large portion of his savings. Once it became clear that he would be unable to win a third term, Grant had to find business opportunities that would allow a former president to live a comfortable life. He was fortunate to have his friends George W. Childs and A. J. Drexel loan him money to buy an impressive house at 3 East 66th Street in New York City, a fashionable address. His initial investment in a dubious Mexican railway venture soon ended in failure. Grant now turned to his son, Buck, who was working with Ferdinand Ward and James D. Fisk. With his son’s encouragement he became a silent partner in

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the firm, investing nearly all of his savings in their speculative ventures. Father and son joined the new Wall Street brokerage firm of Grant and Ward in 1881 with dreams of prosperity. Grant never attempted to investigate the operations of the new firm, trusting his son’s judgment. He only insisted that the company should avoid involvement in government contracts because of its possible impropriety. After a promising beginning, Grant and Ward quickly went downhill. On May 6, 1884, the senior Grant was notified by his son that both the brokerage firm and the bank they created had failed. Ward, with the cooperation of Fisk, who was also the president of the Marine Bank, was making loans against inadequate security. This type of illegal financial chicanery was called “rehypothecating”—that is, borrowing against securities improperly by pledging the same stocks to support more than one bank loan. A few days before the collapse, Ward talked General Grant into approaching his friend William Vanderbilt for a loan of $150,000 without security. Vanderbilt loaned Grant the money, but it was earmarked solely for Grant and not the firm which had collapsed beyond repair. Grant was now forced to turn over title to all of his property as well as all of his son’s money which had been invested in a new bankrupt firm. The entire family had been ruined. At this time Grant and his wife Julia calculated their available cash. They had only $210 between them. Biographer William McFeely describes the dire situation in the following quote: Grant was destitute and on display as an object of national pity. Friends came to the sixty-sixth street house to offer their condolences as if someone in the family had died. . . . He had lowered himself—if not to the depth he had reached at Fort Humboldt, then to as great a degree of embarrassment as any nineteenth century president had suffered. Not even Andrew Johnson, impeached, had been as humiliated.13

Destitute, desperate, and embarrassed, Grant was thrown a lifeline by longtime friend Adam Badeau, acting on behalf of Robert Johnson, associate editor of Century Magazine. The magazine had been interested in having Grant write his war memoirs for the magazine since he returned from his world travels in 1879. Grant had rejected the offers, lacking confidence in his writing ability, hoping that his investment with his son’s brokerage firm would provide all the income he would need. Now, in financial ruin, he accepted the magazine’s generous offer. Badeau assisted Grant in his initial article, acting as his literary agent for future projects. Several publishers immediately proposed lucrative offers and Grant had Badeau move permanently into the household to guide his new career. In his last years with the assistance and encouragement of Sam Clemens (Mark Twain), Grant worked diligently on his memoirs, finishing them on his death bed. The many creditors of Grant and Ward continued to hound the former pres-

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ident and his son, making their lives miserable. At one point, Grant considered selling his numerous ceremonial swords and other mementos obtained during his worldwide travels but William Vanderbilt again came to his rescue, devising a plan where he would temporarily hold them as the main creditor, and then deed of them all (in addition to his home) to Mrs. Grant, making her guardian. The proud general and his equally defiant wife eventually rejected the offer. As Grant’s health rapidly deteriorated, by 1885 there began to grow an unexpected wellspring of sympathy for the humiliated war hero. There had been several earlier unsuccessful efforts in Congress to restore Grant to his rank of general and provide him with the retirement pay to which he would now be qualified to receive. Congress finally relented, sensed the public’s need to honor their flawed yet courageous military leader, and passed the bill only months before his death. No former president experienced a retirement so fraught with financial problems. His entire life had been a recurring series of comebacks from difficult situations beginning with Fort Humboldt and his dismissal from the army to his frustrations in trying to rejoin the army at the start of the Civil War. His presidential years were clouded by corruption, and when he hoped his retirement would allow him to finally have the wealth to which he believed a two-term president and war hero deserved, bad investments plunged him and his family to the brink of bankruptcy. Only Richard Nixon’s roller coaster ride of a political career approaches the breathtaking peaks and valleys in Grant’s tumultuous life. Grover Cleveland began his first retirement in 1889, unsure of where to live and how to earn a decent income. He had a lovely house, Oak View, in Washington but he did not wish to remain in the capital city. His longtime friend Francis Lynde Stetson was a managing partner in the successful New York City law firm of Bango, Stetson, Tracy and McVeagh and offered him a position which he gladly accepted. In order to avoid accusations of impropriety and possible conflict of interests, Cleveland chose not to be a named partner, becoming instead an associate of the firm which allowed him use of their impressive suite of offices including its impressive law library, conference rooms, and the assistance of the firm’s competent office staff. He was hesitant to represent clients, so he restricted his work to offering consultation to the firm and serving as a court-appointed referee in cases needing mediation. Shortly after settling into his new residence in New York, the Victoria Hotel on Madison Avenue, he sold his Washington home, making a profit of $100,000. He was now in a comfortable financial situation, enjoying leisurely, unpressured lawyering responsibilities, and preparing for another run at the presidency in 1892, just a few years off. As he departed Washington to begin his second retirement beginning in March, 1897, Cleveland had compiled a modest fortune of nearly

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$350,000. He moved to the pristine academic community of Princeton, New Jersey, becoming deeply involved in university affairs as a member of the Board of Trustees. Living comfortably, without the need to earn additional income, he re-entered the business world in 1905 to direct the reorganization of the Equitable Life Assurance Company. The company had been badly divided by an internal dispute over its management. As the board of directors broke into warring factions, rumors of corruption and irresponsible speculation were made public as the New York State insurance department began an investigation. Cleveland was then invited along with Justice Morgan J. O’Brien and George Westinghouse to reorganize and reform the company. The three person team worked long hours to improve the operation of the company, especially its bloated and ineffectual governing board. Not only were they successful in re-invigorating the company and markedly improving its tarnished public image, but the task also proved to be lucrative as well. Cleveland viewed his work with Equitable Life as public service although he enjoyed the notoriety and monetary gain derived from the experience. Cleveland was followed by several former presidents who were also lawyers. Benjamin Harrison, Cleveland’s first term successor, is reputed to be the finest lawyer among all the former presidents. Overall, Harrison was in good financial shape. His return to the practice of law would be limited to only cases paying a retainer of less than $500 and he would only serve in the capacity of an associate counsel. He vowed to limit himself to only very important cases and he would make few personal appearances in court. Like Cleveland, he was very conscious of his elevated status as an expresident, carefully managing his public image. Even with a reduced caseload, Harrison was able to earn approximately $50,000 a year from his law practice, although his earnings from his investments and lectures probably surpassed his legal fees. Harrison enjoyed a comfortable retirement, purposefully staying outside of the public spotlight. His reputation as an international lawyer drew him back into politics in 1897 when he was hired by Venezuela to defend their position in a border dispute with England over British Guiana. The case was argued before an International Arbitration Court stacked with pro-British judges in 1899. Serving as chief counsel, Harrison labored tirelessly on the case for fifteen months before making an oral argument appearance at the Foreign Office in Paris. Harrison described the large amount of energy being expended on the case to Venezuelan Minister Judge Andrade writing: I have given myself absolutely and so constantly to the case since my employment that I have felt recently as if I was on the verge of a breakdown. For one year now I have taken no rest and have not even had the diversion that would

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have come from other professional engagement. . . . My confidence in the case grows with the increasing study of it.14

Unfortunately Harrison’s optimism was unwarranted and England prevailed. Despite the verdict, Harrison’s reputation continued to rise and his practice flourished. He was forced to turn away a growing number of potential clients. He did, however, accept an appointment to the International Court, learning that it actually had a rather light caseload. Harrison continued with his legal work until early in 1901 when he contracted pneumonia from which he never recovered, passing away on March 13, 1901. William H. Taft had the most illustrious legal career following his presidency, teaching for eight years at Yale Law School and then serving as Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court for over nine years with much distinction and praise for his leadership abilities. Taft was fairly well off financially throughout his retirement, never feeling it necessary to augment his income by joining a firm or handling special clients. His successor in the White House, Woodrow Wilson, was also an attorney and when Wilson finished his two terms, he hoped to return to the practice of law, having recently been granted a license by the District of Columbia bar. Wilson was able to convince his former secretary of state Bainbridge Colby to become his law partner. The plan was for the partnership to have offices in Washington and New York with Colby staying in Gotham most of the time occasionally coming to DC, where Wilson was to reside permanently. Wilson’s poor health prevented him from taking a viable role in the partnership. The impact of his earlier stroke, as well as other maladies suffered early in his retirement, kept him an invalid, restricting him to his new home on Massachusetts Avenue. Wilson’s doctor limited his legal activity to only one hour a day with clients and his partner was required to meet with him in his home. Wilson’s strong sense of propriety also limited the practice. He insisted on excluding any case involving the government or any client whose interests were overtly political. These rigid limitations on what could have been a lucrative practice for the partnership drove Colby to comment to Wilson’s wife, “Day after day I sit in my office and see a procession walk through—thousands and thousands of dollars—and not one to put in our pockets.”15 The unworkable partnership was dissolved in a year. Wilson had somehow earned $5000 while Colby who had been paying all the bills was left with a sizeable debt. Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton are both recent presidents with law degrees who chose not to practice law upon leaving the White House. Nixon had practiced briefly with the prestigious New York Law Firm of Rose, Mudge, Alexander and Guthrie after he lost the presidency in 1960, followed by the California gubernatorial race in 1962. After his resignation, however, Nixon never returned to practice law, devoting himself to rebuild-

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ing his reputation as elder statesman as well as repairing his battered body and mind after the Watergate debacle. Clinton, a graduate of Yale Law School had taught at the University of Arkansas Law School for a few years but never pursued a private practice. In retirement since January 2001, Clinton has rejected the practice of law, devoting his time to writing, speaking, and philanthropic endeavors. It might also be noted that Nixon was disbarred and Clinton suspended relating to legal problems they had while in office. Gerald Ford and George H. W. Bush both left the presidency in comfortable, excellent financial shape. Although both men serve on a variety of corporate boards, their primary income is derived from investments and holdings. Both men appear to devote the majority of their time to relaxing with their families, rather than engaging in any meaningful economic pursuits.

WRITING AND SPEAKING FOR PROFIT Whether a former president is in need of money or merely wishes to tell his side of the story, nearly every one has chosen to engage in some type of writing enterprise during their retirement years. It is the type of activity which is sufficiently dignified to satisfy even the most sensitive former president concerned with his public image and the proper respect for his previous lofty position. In economic terms, it allows an ex-president to utilize his most marketable asset—his years in office as leader of the nation. In retirement a former president can employ a variety of categories of writing projects. The most common form of writing is the memoir, which may concentrate on only a president’s time in office or narrowly focus on an earlier period, such as Grant’s choosing to write only about his war years and famous battles, or Jefferson’s which only covered the period up until the drafting of the constitution. Two presidents—John Quincy Adams and Rutherford Hayes—maintained diaries throughout their lives but chose not to have them published. Several presidents including Teddy Roosevelt, Herbert Hoover, Richard Nixon, and Jimmy Carter have written scholarly, even polemical works analyzing important policy issues. These works often defend or vindicate policies endorsed by the former president during his term of office, although they have also sought to influence important political issues that have arisen during their retirement. Their experience as president obviously provides a legitimacy for comment on critical public issues as well rebuilding or sustaining their image as elder statesmen. Hoover, Nixon, and Carter have all taken the opportunity to express their views on policy problems through numerous volumes. Former presidents have even extended their retirement writing into books of poetry, novels, and a wide range of historical and scientific tomes. It should also be noted that several recent presidents have also joined the lucrative lecture circuit, speaking for

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significant fees. Bill Clinton can command $50,000 for a lecture lasting an hour or two. There are several reasons beyond merely making money why writing projects have become so popular for presidents in retirement. Writing provides an opportunity for a former president to clarify or explain policies implemented during his time in office. Especially for unpopular presidents, unsuccessful in re-election attempts, they can try to vindicate, justify, or even second-guess earlier missteps. It can also provide a chance to tell a successor “I told you so!” from the bully pulpit. For presidents unsure of what to do with themselves during retirement, it is an excellent way to keep busy, yet still maintain a private, comfortable lifestyle. For several presidents with an intellectual bent who have always enjoyed putting pen to paper, it is an enjoyable process, with little fear of not being able to have the book published. In fact, in recent years publishers have sought out former presidents, enticing them with multi-million-dollar deals. Economic success is guaranteed simply by having an ex-president’s name on the title page. Presidents rarely abuse this golden opportunity, for no national leader would wish to embarrass himself and his former leadership position, simply to make a few bucks and have his name in print. John Adams was the first president to try his hand in the literary world. He was initially reluctant, but his son, John Quincy, as well as his close friend Dr. Benjamin Rush encouraged him to write his memoirs. Adams complained that “it would be too painful; I cannot but reflect upon scenes I have beheld.”16 Nevertheless, Adams temporarily put aside his deep-seated fears and began working on his autobiography. After a year of intermittent work he had reached the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776 but ran out of steam, shelving the project for two more years. In 1804 he began writing again, tracing his life during the war years when he traveled through Europe negotiating trade contracts and diplomatic treaties on behalf of the new nation. His interest in his memoirs quickly waned and the project would end at this point, far from completion. Thomas Jefferson, like John Adams, was hesitant to write his memoirs despite encouragement from family and friends. He finally bent to family pressure in 1821 at the age of seventy-eight. His memoir was intended primarily for his family. Jefferson devoted six months producing a compact book on his views of the world until the French Revolution of 1789 to which he devoted most of the manuscript. The brief volume also contains a careful, controlled description of the discussions during the composing of the Declaration of Independence. In contrast to Adams’ anecdotal style, Jefferson includes very little of his private life and is written in a somewhat depersonalized style. Jefferson had always been a cautious politician, unwilling to commit his plans or beliefs to paper, and the same guarded mentality

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limited his interest in writing anything that disclosed his inner thoughts or intentions. James Monroe enjoyed spending much of the retirement in his 3,000volume library. The collection was primarily comprised of books on politics, economics, law, and history, as well as a surprisingly large number of titles dealing with natural history. In the comfort of his library, Monroe drafted a treatise on political theory, a subject he had been contemplating for several years. The book bore the overbearing title of The People, the Sovereigns: Being a Comparison of the Government of the United States with Those of the Republics which Have Existed Before, with the Causes of Their Decadence and Fall. The book’s purpose was to present “in a clear and distinct light the difference between the government and the people of the United States, and those in other countries ancient and modern, and to show that certain causes which produced disastrous effects in them.”17 Monroe’s son-in-law, John Hay, was shown a draft of the ponderous book. After reading the volume he convinced Monroe to abandon work on the manuscript and instead begin work on his autobiography. Monroe was pleased with the new project, working on it at great length until shortly before his death. The memoir was written in the third person and offers few insights that cannot be gained by simply perusing public documents. Like Jefferson, Monroe was reluctant to disclose his private life. The result was a rather dry manuscript of four hundred pages which concludes far short of his presidential years. It is somewhat surprising that John Quincy Adams, who many historians consider our nation’s most intelligent president, never turned to writing during his busy, yet lengthy retirement. Initially, upon his return to Quincy, Massachusetts, after losing the election of 1828, he planned to work on a history of American political parties. This project was abandoned after a few months as Adams grieved over the recent death of his son. He was soon convinced to run for Congress. He held the congressional seat for seventeen more years, leaving little time to engage in subsequent writing projects. Martin Van Buren’s autobiography suffered from the same weaknesses plaguing Jefferson and Monroe, by his refusal to delve into personal details of his life which might entertain and educate the reading public. He did not begin work on the project until he was seventy-one and living in Italy. The book concentrates on New York politics and the Jackson administration, ending before Van Buren began his presidency. The work is based primarily on letters and records, Van Buren stating he did not trust his own memory to give an accurate accounting of the period. His writing style was described as “stilted and over considering,” never wandering far from the official documents.18 Van Buren had also contemplated two additional writing projects of a historical nature but by 1858 with his health in decline, he was forced to abandon them.

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James Buchanan had a difficult presidency trying to hold the nation together on the eve of the Civil War. His retirement during the war and after was also unpleasant as he became the scapegoat for the war, criticized by the Republicans for his ineffectiveness. Congress went so far as to revoke the franking privilege (free mail service) for ex-presidents, a measure Buchanan believed was aimed at silencing him. Buchanan devoted much of his retirement years to vindicating his policies as well as his reputation. He began to write a book which would defend and explain his administration, using documents and private letters collected from his presidency. The book was completed (with the assistance of General Winfield Scott) in 1862 but was not published until 1866, two years before his death. It was entitled Mr. Buchanan’s Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion. Its major theme was that the Civil War was the inevitable product of fifty years of continued hostility between the North and South. Buchanan also began an autobiography with the assistance of William Reed, a close friend, but never finished. In contrast to the earlier presidents whose books were highly selective memoirs, scholarly treatises, or designed to repair or defend a damaged reputation and were not intended to bring monetary rewards, U. S. Grant’s memoirs were written as he was dying of throat cancer with the primary goal of making enough money from royalties to allow his soon to be widowed wife, Julia, to escape from their monetary debt and live out her final years comfortably, without financial concerns. In the summer of 1884 while vacationing at Long Branch, New Jersey, Grant had written two articles for Century Magazine, each describing a famous Civil War battle (Vicksburg and Shiloh). He was paid $500 for each one. Although Grant never viewed himself as a writer, the magazine’s editor, Robert Johnson, was pleased to see how well they were written and immediately made plans to have Grant write a book about his whole life, with special emphasis on his experiences during the Mexican and Civil Wars. Samuel Clemens, a longtime admirer and friend of Grant, learned of Century’s proposed offer at a 10 percent rate for royalties. The next day, Clemens appeared at Grant’s New York home with a much more lucrative offer. He would arrange to have the book published and would guarantee either a 20 percent royalty commission or 75 percent of the profits. It was an offer that the grateful Grant could not refuse. Despite extreme discomfort from his cancerous throat, Grant worked assiduously on the book, first in the library of his New York City home on 66th Street, and finished it on the porch of a summer resort cottage in Mount McGregor, New York, just north of Saratoga. Grant worked on the book, correcting page proofs from the first volume and putting final touches on a rough draft of the second volumes right up to his death on July 23, 1885. Clemens sent a stenographer to assist Grant in the final days. William McFeely describes the

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general “Each day, wrapped in a blanket on the porch, or settled in a chair in the house. Grant with pencil and pad wrote his strong, quiet prose.”19 The two-volume memoir focused on his military campaigns, totaling 1200 pages which he wrote in only eleven months. The work achieved both literary and financial success. It was a clearly written, insightful account of his pre-presidential years. His goal was to write a truthful history and this objective was seemingly accomplished. It was also a financial success, selling 300,000 copies in two years while earning his grateful widow $450,000. When Samuel Clemens presented Julia with her first royalty check of $200,000, it was the largest royalty check ever written. Unfortunately, Grant did not live to see the volumes in their published form. It was a painful ordeal for him to complete the work, telling his doctor (Dr. John Douglas) “I had been adding to my book and to my coffin. I presume every strain of the mind or body is one more nail in the coffin.”20 The spirit of the courageous enterprise, whose primary objective was to rescue his wife from a life of poverty and embarrassment over unpaid debts, is found in the touching conclusion to the book’s preface: “I would have more hope of satisfying the expectation of the public if I could have allowed myself more time. I have used my best efforts. . . . With these remarks I present these volumes to the public, asking no favor but hoping they will meet the approval of the reader.”21 The volumes are simply dedicated to the American soldier and sailor. Theodore Roosevelt was the most prolific writer in presidential history, completing over twenty volumes during his lifetime. He wrote ten books throughout his ten year retirement. The subject matter was far ranging as indicated by the following books all written after he left office: African Game Trails (1910); The New Nationalism (1910); History as Literature and other Essays (1913); Theodore Roosevelt: An Autobiography (1913); Through the Brazilian Wilderness (1914); Fear God and Take Your Own Part (1916); The Foes of Our Own Household (1917); and, National Strength and International Duty (1917). Roosevelt began writing while on his African safari with his son. The trip commenced shortly after he left the White House and lasted for over a year. The book helped to pay for the expensive excursion although the Smithsonian Institution paid the bulk of the costs. After losing the bitter 1912 presidential election, Roosevelt turned his frenetic, high energy disposition into numerous writing projects, including his autobiography which was published in 1913. It was a rather selfserving work which offered little insight into the inner workings of the Roosevelt administration. It was published piecemeal by Outlook Magazine which may partially explain its opinionated style as well as its uneven focus. Within the next few years, Roosevelt drove himself to complete six more books while maintaining a frenzied involvement in state and national politics. Given the Roosevelt family wealth, money was not

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a motivating factor in his impressive compilation of volumes. Biographer Patricia O’Toole accurately describes the forces which fueled his passion for writing: “Roosevelt sought escape from all of it—mortality, defeat, his tangles political and domestic—by working at his writing with an intensity that left little time for brooding.”22 Woodrow Wilson as a former academician—professor of politics and president of Princeton University—was naturally drawn toward writing projects. After his abortive efforts to practice law, Wilson turned increasingly toward writing. He was able to complete a handful of articles during his last two years which were moderately praised, such as his last written work, “The Road Away from Revolution” published in the Atlantic Monthly. Nevertheless, August Heckscher explains Wilson’s frail body and shattered nerves made it impossible for him to concentrate. . . . Believing that history would vindicate him, Wilson never contemplated writing anything about himself. But as the days in S Street lengthened, his mind turned to nebulous schemes for returning to his old fields of scholarship.23

Shortly after leaving the White House, Calvin Coolidge was besieged by numerous publishers and editors hoping to entice him into writing for them. The Cosmopolitan Book Corporation emerged victorious from the competition, signing Coolidge to a contract for his memoirs at $5 a word, a very substantial offer at the time. He soon began work on the book which was published in 1929. He received $75,000 for his literary efforts. Like most presidential memoirs, and befitting Coolidge’s personality, the book is rather bland, containing few insights into his private life although William Allen White believes that it was revealing in its implications. Between many lines he disclosed himself, his deep sentimentality, his sense of his shortcomings. He knew that he was sometimes brusque and mean and unwittingly cruel and let that knowledge shine forth almost unconsciously in what he wrote.24

Similar to Teddy Roosevelt, Herbert Hoover had an extremely active retirement, devoting much time to writing. He completed nine books during his retirement including a three-volume set of memoirs and a four-volume history entitled The American Epic. He is unique thus far in presidential history being the only president to write a book about another president under whom he served. The book published in 1958 is titled The Ordeal of Wilson. It is a very balanced, and at times compassionate, analysis of Wilson’s struggles to have the United States join the League of Nations following the end of World War I. Hoover’s mammoth three-volume set of memoirs was published in 1951. The first volume, which covered his childhood and

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career as an engineer, was written much earlier (1915–1916) when he was traveling throughout Europe for Belgian Relief. The final volume covers the Great Depression, focusing in great detail on the election of 1932. Much of this volume is criticized for its dogmatic tone and negative view of the Roosevelt administration’s efforts to remedy the economic crisis. It reflects Hoover’s anger at being made the scapegoat for the depression as well as his frustration at being ignored by his successor. When the second Hoover Commission Report was published in 1955, Hoover had finished forty-three years of public service. At eighty-one years of age, Hoover decided to devote most of the remainder of his life (nine more years) to writing. He settled into the familiar surroundings of Stanford University where he began his first project, a four-volume chronicle of his involvement in relief efforts during World War II. He told his sister that he wanted the books to shed proper light on America’s role in fighting famine in Europe during this period. It was in the middle of this project that Hoover felt compelled to write about Wilson’s problems following World War I. Hoover’s impressive productivity was never economically driven; he simply was a person of deep beliefs. This was information that the public needed to know. Hoover was the first of a group of twentieth-century presidents who radically altered the process by which presidential memoirs as well as other writing projects were completed during their retirement. The change was likely influenced by the 1958 Former Presidents Act allocating considerable funding for staff and offices to be used at the ex-president’s discretion. Marie Hecht in her excellent book on presidents in retirement explains the change in memoir writing by stating: No longer does the author take quill or pen in hand to start his laborious task. Instead, a team of experts surround the project with expertise, system and all the modern research tools. At stake is not only the former President’s future reputation but also a large advance from the publisher and the expectation of enormous sales.25

Harry Truman has been praised for his candor, honesty, and principle. These traits are visible in his two volume memoirs, Years of Decisions (1955) and Years of Trial and Hope (1956). The volumes provide a detailed, insider’s look at his tumultuous two terms in office. He also wrote Mr. Citizen, giving the public an opportunity to learn more about his private life. The memoirs were a difficult task for Truman, beginning first as a series of question and answer sessions with his Kansas City staff. The dictated material was transcribed, carefully documented, fact-checked until finally given to Truman for his review of the copy, with the assistance of his wife, Bess. The memoirs were an arduous task for Truman who declared early in the proj-

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ect that “I am not a writer!” He answered questions into a tape recorder while his twelve person staff delved into the voluminous White House documents for pertinent information. It was not always a smoothly functioning operation. When Truman looked over an early draft he shouted “Good God, what crap.”26 The memoirs were both a financial and critical success. The initial contract with Life Magazine was for $600,000. Historian Allan Nevins praised them for their distinction, inclusiveness, and shrewdness. Nevins concluded his review by writing “There was greatness in the man and the flavor of the greatness comes over into the book.”27 The memoir appears to have played a significant role in the public’s increasingly positive view of this outspoken Midwesterner who unexpectedly became president at one of the most critical junctures in our nation’s history. Dwight Eisenhower, like Truman, also wrote a two-volume memoir focusing on his eight year presidency. He also followed Truman’s example and wrote a more informal, candid work subsequently entitled At Ease: Stories I Tell to my Friends. The memoirs took four years to complete. They were neither a monetary success nor very well received. They were criticized for being rather self-serving and not particularly informative. Biographer Stephen Ambrose describes Eisenhower at this time as “finding it difficult to relegate himself to an observer’s role. His major concern, however, was less with shaping the future, more with justifying the past, and specifically his own administration.”28 Lyndon Johnson’s White House memoirs mirrored Eisenhower’s in their disappointing sales and negative reviews. The Vantage Point: Perspectives of the Presidency, 1963–1969 was written in typical collaborative fashion with a group of prominent figures from LBJ’s White House staff including Walt Rostow, his former special assistant for national security affairs; William Jordan, White House spokesman for the peace talks; and Harry Middleton and Robert Hardesty, former speech writers. Johnson tried to defend his unpopular war, giving the book an argumentative edge. Critics also assailed the credibility of the volume, further undermining its profitability. Johnson, like Truman, did not enjoy the process of putting together his memoirs, despite his strong wish to present his side of the story defending his policies and reputation. When he sat down in front of the tape recorder he froze. He refused to disclose anecdotes and stories that would breathe life and color into the contentious, bloodless description of his administration. Popular historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, another member of the writing team, observed that in front of the tape recorder “his language became artificial and he insisted on having sheaves of memos on his lap before he’d say a word. The audience was too far away, too abstract, too unknown.”29 Richard Nixon joined Teddy Roosevelt, Herbert Hoover, and most recently Jimmy Carter, as one of the most prolific presidential writers during their retirement. Only one of Nixon’s volumes qualifies as a memoir while

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the additional six volumes are attempts at re-establishing his reputation as a prominent world statesman whose views on past, current, and future world affairs deserve to be heard and appreciated. The titles of several of these volumes indicate the importance of their topics: The Real War (1980); Leaders (1982); Real Peace: Strategy for the West (1984); No More Vietnams (1985); and 1999: Victory without War (1988). Most of his books were financial successes, especially his memoirs for which he received a $2.5 million advance from Warner Paperback. After completing his memoirs in 1978, he next published The Red War which was also a best seller. It presented a theme that would be repeated in several of his subsequent efforts— a highly selective history of the Cold War, attacking his enemies in Washington as well as the Soviet Union. By the time he published his last book in 1990, In the Arena: A Memoir of Victory, Defeat, and Renewal—a book which appeared to be a patching together of speeches and essays—the sales were in decline and the critical reviews more negative. In retrospect, Nixon’s writing career during his coerced retirement accomplished two important objectives. First it provided an immediate and continuing source of income. His legal fees and extravagant life style required more money than his annual pension could provide. Profits from book contracts were able to satisfy all of his financial obligations. Secondly, the books were an important element in his efforts to re-invent himself as an elder statesman. The quality of the books declined over the years, but they allowed him to speak out on important world affairs with a degree of credibility. Only Teddy Roosevelt can match Jimmy Carter for the diversity of topics covered in his retirement writing endeavors. Not only has he written a bestselling memoir, Keeping the Faith, but he is the only president to write a novel as well as a book of poems entitled Always a Reckoning. Carter’s novel, The Hornet’s Nest, takes place during the Revolutionary War in his home state of Georgia. The book received generally positive reviews and lingered briefly on the best seller lists. As of 2006, Carter has written eighteen books while his wife Rosalynn has coauthored two with him and another four of her own. The eclectic nature of his numerous volumes ranges from a guide for caregivers to the mentally ill to childhood reminisces. Nearly all of the books were written for lucrative publishing contracts and have therefore provided financial security for the rest of their lives. Upon stepping down from office, Bill Clinton faced a serious financial crisis caused by extensive legal fees from Kenneth Star’s Whitewater investigation as well as from his impeachment trial. It was estimated that they totaled several million dollars. Clinton has been able to dig himself out of this financial hole by signing a contract with Alfred Knopf to publish his memoirs for a record $12.5 million. The weighty autobiography is nearly nine hundred pages in length. It received modest reviews but has been on

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the best-seller list for a while. It is criticized for being rather circumscribed with few new insights into some of the controversies plaguing his second term in office. Typical of the majority of presidential memoirs, it tends to be both self-serving and dull. A second source of immediate income for Clinton, in order to ease his cash flow problems growing out of legal fees and the purchase of a multi-million dollar home in Westchester County, New York, has been his appearance on the lecture circuit where he can command fees of $50,000 or more for an hour or two of his time. In his first year of retirement it was estimated that he made several million dollars from public speaking. As his monetary situation improved and his involvement in various philanthropic activities has monopolized more of his time, his lecturing has significantly declined.

CONCLUDING REMARKS This chapter has shown that our earliest presidents from the federalist period suffered serious economic consequences from their years as president. Their only available asset to help them reduce their debts during retirement was to sell portions of their land. Monroe and Madison were also able to turn their expertise as farmers into a means of meeting financial obligations. Following the Jacksonian period, extending to present times, only President Grant faced the same degree of indebtedness as our earliest presidents. Several recent presidents such as Nixon, Carter, and Clinton confronted immediate financial difficulties upon retirement, but their hefty publishing contracts and guaranteed annual pension quickly assuaged their problems. Since 1958, the annual pension as well as the allocation for office and staff has given former presidents a comfortable financial base. Given their previous lifestyle and the rising cost of living, recent presidents have often needed to supplement their pension. Writing and lecturing for profit appears to guarantee lavish fees and contracts. We have also had former presidents who invested wisely before reaching office having no viable financial concerns. Lyndon Johnson, Gerald Ford, Ronald Reagan, and George H. W. Bush are recent examples of presidents who fall into this category of sound financial planners. The only negative consequence of being a president in retirement who wishes to improve his financial condition is a self-imposed limitation caused by his former office. Limitations caused by a concern for propriety and a respect for the office have plagued all presidents considering an economic opportunity. Their choice of vocation must not demean the lofty position just held. Writing memoirs is both a lucrative and acceptable field of endeavor explaining why so many former presidents have

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turned to this type of work. One can imagine how easy and enticing it might be for an ex-president to allow his name to be associated with a particular investment or product. Thus far, ex-presidents have resisted temptation; unforeseen personal economic disasters may have future former presidents wavering on the brink between financial salvation and the demeaning of one’s reputation.

8 A Life of Leisure: Ex-Presidents Relaxing

For most, retirement means the cessation of work. They will now have the opportunity to relax after a long career which may have been arduous or tedious and occupied them for eight to ten hours a day. If economically feasible, retirement can mean the chance to travel, pursue a hobby or avocation, or simply enjoy the pleasures of spending time with one’s family. Obviously, the health and financial condition of the retiree will influence the type of leisure and recreational activities possible. For the overwhelming majority of persons facing retirement, studies have shown it to be a much anticipated time in one’s life, a time of relaxation and personal freedom. The transition for presidents into the retirement phase of their lives may not be so smooth for several reasons. First, their retirement may not have been their choice but an electorally mandated decision by the populace. Secondly, with a two-term limit on the presidency, we are finding former presidents to be increasingly more youthful, often in their fifties. This means that they may have at least twenty more productive years if they remain healthy. Although several presidents have entered retirement with a planned agenda of activity such as trying to improve a dire economic situation or continuing to play an active role in partisan politics, most do not have a clear conception of what they are going to do after leaving the White House. They may have a vague idea about spending more time with their families and friends or traveling, but they probably do not comprehend the radically different life they are about to confront. The transition from a presidential existence, with its omnipresent responsibilities and pressures in which they are surrounded by a White House staff devoted to assisting them in every conceivable facet of their existence, to their new lives as private citizens, is 133

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difficult to imagine. The speed with which the change occurs on inauguration day only serves to exacerbate the new situation. It may be like riding in a powerful car traveling at great speed which is forced to suddenly deaccelerate or brake, coming to a jarring stop. The shock to one’s nervous system in both instances can be severe. Prior to the passage in 1958 of the Former Presidents Act, which provides continued albeit reduced secret service protection as well as appropriations for continued staff assistance, presidents began their retirement without any of the perquisites of their exalted former position. Nearly all ex-presidents chose to leave the capital city almost immediately, returning in most instances to their former home. Wilson because of health reasons was the only one to remain in Washington until his death less than three years later, confined for the most part to his home on Massachusetts Avenue. The majority of ex-presidents eased into their new life as private citizens spending time with family and friends or in several instances going on an extended trip or vacation. This chapter will show that many presidents soon grew restless with a life of leisure, re-entering partisan politics or pursuing nonpartisan public service opportunities, such as Herbert Hoover and Jimmy Carter. For those wishing to devote the majority of their retirement to leisurely activities, former presidents engaged in a variety of activities ranging from the previously noted traveling and spending time with their families to varied avocations and hobbies. This chapter will explore the wide range of leisurely retirement activities as well as describing how the former presidents accommodated themselves to their new life as private citizens. It will be an opportunity to observe these formerly powerful individuals functioning in a disarmingly difficult environment, devoid of nearly all of their perquisites of power and prestige. The chapter humanizes these important personages more than any other part of this volume, showing them as caring family men, golfers battling par, and occasionally, as avid correspondents re-uniting with old friends. Similar to all retirees, they had to determine how to fill the many idle hours now made available to them. What will give them pleasure and satisfaction, while allowing them to continue to hold the public’s admiration?

ENJOYING FAMILY AND FRIENDS Washington experienced a trying eight years in office. He expectantly looked forward to retiring to Mount Vernon despite the serious economic problems he would have to resolve. He promised himself “more real enjoyment than in all the business with which I have been occupied for upwards of forty years.” He found this entire period to be “little more than vanity and vexation.”1 Washington believed deeply in the sanctity and im-

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portance of marriage, describing it as the most important event in a man’s life. His wife Martha who was slightly older than her husband, unfortunately, was in declining health. She enjoyed being able to copy the letters he drafted for her but she became increasingly “distressed and fatigued.” After several months of retirement, he wrote to his friend and presidential secretary Tobias Lear that “I am alone at present and shall be glad to see you this evening. Unless someone pops in unexpectedly, Mrs. Washington and myself will do what I believe had not been done within the last twenty years by us that are to set down to dinner by ourselves.”2 His boredom was even more apparent in a letter to his nephew Laurence Lewis, complaining that “As both your aunt and I are in the decline of life and regular in our habits. . . . I required some person (fit and proper) to ease me out of the trouble of entertaining company, particularly of nights. . . . In taking these duties off my hands, it would render me a very acceptable service.”3 Washington expended much concern over his grandson and namesake Washington Custis. The boy was lazy and despite being given the chance to attend first the University of Pennsylvania and then Princeton, neglected his studies and was required to return to Mount Vernon. The former president, distressed by his grandson’s abysmal performance, hoped that under his close supervision and tutelage the boy could be reformed. Washington kept his grandson on a short leash, restricting him to his room to study, following a strict schedule. Once his vigilance relaxed, the boy reverted to his indolent and irresponsible ways. Washington soon conceded defeat, admitting that to try to control him was “as idle as the endeavor to stop a rivulet that is constantly running.” Washington was basically a gregarious individual, in contrast to the somber public demeanor he so often exhibited as a general and president. Unfortunately, many of his old friends had either died or moved away. Although he was fairly busy trying to repair Mount Vernon and reduce his debt, Washington complained at this time (fall, 1797) he was worn out in a manner by the tails of my past labor. I am again seated under my vine and fig tree. . . . It is a matter of sore regret when I cast my eye toward Belvoir, which I often do, to reflect that the former inhabitants of it, with whom we lived in such harmony and friendship, no longer reside there; and that the ruins can only be viewed as the memento of former pleasures.4

John Adams suffered through a tempestuous one-term presidency, rejected by the voters in 1800. He returned to his homestead in Quincy, Massachusetts, disappointed and embittered, not knowing what he was going to do with himself. He vowed that he was finished with elective politics. Dejected, after six months of retirement, Adams bitterly declared that if he could live his life over again, he would have been a shoemaker. The one

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silver lining to his forced retirement was reuniting with his wife, Abigail and the rest of his family. Abigail had been unable to stay with John in Washington during his presidency because of health concerns growing out of the capital city’s swamp-like environment. The two had earlier suffered through long separations during Adams’ extended diplomatic missions to Europe before and during the Revolutionary War. Although he would eventually engage in lengthy correspondence with Dr. Benjamin Rush, Thomas Jefferson, and other friends, initially he spent most of his time supervising the work on his farms and reading. He visited with his old Quincy friends, taking lengthy strolls, and enjoying his grandchildren. He became a homebody, rarely traveling outside of his immediate vicinity, visiting Boston only on rare occasions. Adams remained in good health although Abigail continued to weaken. He still harbored ill feelings toward past adversaries, brooding over earlier slights. Always overly sensitive, he felt a need to be vindicated, or at least appreciated for the many sacrifices that he had made during his lifetime as a public servant. Throughout his retirement Adams maintained a vigorous life. Arising at five or six in the morning, Adams wrote Dr. Rush he began work on his stone wall, “I call for my leavers and iron bars . . . to split rocks and for my wagons to cart seaweed for manure upon my farm. I mount my horse and ride on the seashore, and I walk upon Mount Wollaston and Stonyfield Hill.”5 He took great pride in the accomplishments of his son John Quincy who was now serving in the U.S. Senate. It was a happy time for him until 1818 when his wife contracted what appeared to be typhoid fever, dying on October 28th. John Adams lived for another eight years, enjoying a house alive with friends and family. He continued to stroll across his property, overseeing the work on his farms. Inside his home, he moved into his library where he spent his time reading, thinking, or letting his mind wander as he gazed out the window. His family and circle of friends were a constant relief from his solitude. Thomas Jefferson, like Washington and Adams, had devoted his entire adult life to public service. In 1809, as he left Washington for his cherished Monticello, he was deeply in debt but he yearned to return to his home and family after a twenty year absence. The remaining seventeen years of his life would be spent in the warm confines of his home, encapsulated with his large family of children and grandchildren. He wrote John Adams in 1812 “I live in the midst of my grandchildren” and by 1820 he informed Maria Conway that he now had “about half a dozen great grandchildren and was living like a patriarch of old.” His affection toward the children was reciprocated many-fold. His grandchild Ellen wrote “Our grandfather read our hearts to see our invisible wishes.” Biographer Willard Sterne Randall describes their warm relationship writing,

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He bought his granddaughters their first silk dresses, and they were married in the drawing room. He walked and talked in the gardens with them, taught them games, handicapped their footraces, dropping his handkerchief at the start and giving prizes of fruit at the finish.6

Jefferson became very close to his grandson Thomas Jefferson Randolph, entrusting him with the management of Monticello. As he grew older, Jefferson rarely left his home except for occasional trips to Charlottesville for meetings of the Board of Overseers. He enjoyed puttering in his gardens, conducting botanical experiments. He also relished the opportunity to work European epicurean discoveries into the daily life of Monticello such as ice cream, macaroni, capers, olives, and fine white wines. He became increasingly removed from politics, instead corresponding with old friends such as Adams who had drifted apart following earlier bitter political battles. Although he had sold his library to Congress out of financial necessity, he now returned to his passion as a bibliophile, reading extensively. He admitted to Adams that he could not live without books and soon began to replenish his collection. The one thing that gave Jefferson pleasure in the last years of his retirement was writing letters to his many friends. It helped him fight loneliness and boredom. Biographer Fawn Brodie described his effort as resulting in the outpouring of several thousand letters from 1809 to 1826 which contribute in her opinion to “his continuing legacy to the American people; they also appeased his insatiable appetite for communication and for proof that he was still revered and loved.”7 Following his two terms in office, James Madison retired to Montpelier, feeling satisfied with what his presidency had accomplished, looking forward to a pleasant retirement. Montpelier was an attractive, comfortable estate which would be populated primarily by his wife Dolly, James, and his elderly mother, although periodically his children and grandchildren would visit for months at a time. Economic exigencies required Madison to remain an active farmer throughout much of his retirement. He maintained a busy daily schedule which began with breakfast at around eight or nine. He would then relax on Montpelier’s grand portico with his frequent guests. If by himself he would gaze through a telescope at the nearby countryside. Afternoons were usually spent on horseback, riding about his plantation. Madison began declining in the late 1820s, becoming less active, devoting much of his time collating and organizing his correspondence. These letters formed a multivolume collection of his papers which his wife eventually sold to Congress for $30,000. James Monroe, like his predecessor Madison, was pleased to step down from the presidency, believing he was turning the government over to John Quincy Adams in relatively good shape. Also like the earlier Virginia presidents, he was facing serious financial problems. He returned to Oak Hill,

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prepared to busy himself with his farm as well as having to assist his wife recuperate from a series of illnesses. On the positive side, retirement would give him the opportunity to read, correspond with friends and family. In order to maintain his health, he followed a rigorous schedule of outdoor pursuits, devoting large amounts of time to riding. In 1830, his failing health required him to move to New York City where he died the following year. Following several unsuccessful forays back into politics, Martin Van Buren spent the last half of his retirement back at Lindenwald, his serene thirty-room mansion and two hundred–acre farm. He spent most of his time raising potatoes, fishing in the Hudson River, and entertaining friends and family. He especially enjoyed spending time with his children and grandchildren. He remained in fairly good health except for an occasional attack of gout. He thought about writing his memoirs, but devoted his time to bass fishing, riding horses, and reading from his impressive library. The retirement of John Tyler began shortly after the honeymoon from his second marriage. His first wife Letitia had suffered a stroke just before his election (as vice-president under William Henry Harrison who died after serving only one month in office) and died in September 1842 after experiencing a severe second stroke. Tyler met his new wife Julia Gardiner at a White House reception in January 1842 and they began dating a few months after his wife died. They were married on June 26, 1844. Despite the thirty years difference in age, they appeared to have a warm, happy marriage. Because she was from a wealthy urbane Boston family, Tyler was worried about her adjustment to his home, Sherwood Forest, in rural Virginia. His fears were unjustified as they enjoyed a pleasant life raising their steadily increasing family. He had an additional six children with Julia in addition to the seven older children from his first marriage. Julia remained with John at Sherwood Forest until his death in 1862 when she moved north to New York City. She returned to Virginia to be with her grown children in 1873 following the economic depression that left her destitute. Similar to John Tyler, Millard Fillmore lost his first wife and remarried within a few years. For each man, the second marriage also provided financial security, removing the possibility of a retirement mired in economic uncertainty. Fillmore’s wife caught a bad cold at Franklin Pierce’s inauguration. It soon progressed into pneumonia. She died just three weeks later on March 30, 1853. Within sixteen months of leaving office, not only had Fillmore’s first wife died but also his daughter. The traumatic events convinced him to take an extensive trip around the South and Midwest, followed by a thirteen month tour of Europe. When he returned to the United States in June, 1856 he ran unsuccessfully against James Buchanan as the nominee of the Know-Nothing Party. His sound defeat convinced him to abandon politics and return to his hometown of Buffalo, New York, dedicating him-

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self to civic affairs (see chapter 6). Only fifty-six, Fillmore was lonely and depressed; he complained that it is a national disgrace that our presidents . . . should be cast adrift, and perhaps be compelled to keep a corner grocery store for subsistence. . . . We elect a man to the presidency, expect him to be honest, to give up a lucrative profession, perhaps, and after we have done with him we let him go into seclusion and perhaps poverty.8

His solution was to have Congress provide a pension for former presidents, a reform that would take a hundred years to become a reality. Fortunately his luck soon took a turn for the good. Shortly after his return to Buffalo, Fillmore met Ms. Caroline McIntosh, a wealthy widow who he married in February 1858. She turned over her estate for him to manage. They bought a large home on fashionable Niagara Square. The home became a gracious hub for the social elite of Buffalo as well as a meeting place for influential local citizens planning important civic improvements for their city, including a new university medical school, public library and historical society. Fillmore, despite pressure from old friends to re-enter the national political scene, kept his promise to remain a private citizen and focused only upon local affairs, working to help the city prosper both financially as well as culturally. His retirement would be blessed with good health, a happy marriage, and a sense of accomplishment. Biographer Robert Rayback summarizes this period as a time when Fillmore could look “upon his personal world and smile benignly. It had been kind to him and generous with its material and spirited wealth. The years passed in unhurried, comfortable living.”9 Rutherford Hayes enjoyed his four years as president. He was pleased to turn the reins of office over to fellow Republican James Garfield. Upon reaching his home in Spiegel Grove, Ohio, surviving a train wreck in Severn, Maryland, he offered the following prescription for a former president to follow in retirement: “Let him promote the welfare and happiness of his family, his town, his state, and his country. This work would yield more individual contentment and gratification than public life.”10 Although devoting a large part of his retirement to numerous charitable organizations with special interest in educational reform, especially black schools in the South, most of his time was spent in Spiegel Grove where he was involved in church and community affairs. Even with his many philanthropic and civic activities, he spent a great deal of time with his friends and family. His spare time was filled with books and companionship. He maintained a general interest in politics, describing himself as a mere onlooker with the exception of issues involving education and social justice. In the midst of Benjamin Harrison’s unsuccessful re-election campaign against Grover Cleveland, his wife became seriously ill with tuberculosis.

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From the time it was diagnosed on September 4, 1892, until her death seven weeks later on October 25, Harrison never left her side. Cleveland, in deference to his opponent’s difficult position, voluntarily chose not to engage in an active campaign. Even with Cleveland’s gentlemanly gesture, he still emerged victorious while Harrison departed Washington with a heavy heart. Despite being deeply depressed, he was happy to be back in his hometown of Indianapolis where he declared “I made no mistake in coming home at once—There are no friends like the old ones.”11 He had trouble settling into a domestic routine. His most pleasurable time was spent playing with his two grandchildren. Harrison was in solid financial shape. An excellent lawyer, he carefully selected only the most interesting cases. Following the example of John Tyler and Millard Fillmore, Harrison was psychologically ready to remarry if he met the right woman. Shortly after his return to Indianapolis he met Mary Dominick, a widow who was the sister of his first wife. They fell in love and were married three years later in April of 1896. Although in his early sixties, Harrison and his new wife had a daughter, Elizabeth, ten months after they were married. (This placed Harrison into a very small group of former presidents having children during their retirement.) He was encouraged to run for president in 1896, but quickly rejected the notion. He was thoroughly enjoying life with his new family. He commented that “I do not see anything but labor and worry and distress in another campaign or another term in the White House.”12 Instead, he took his family on a vacation to the seashore at Long Branch, New Jersey (a spot favored by six other presidents). Returning to Indianapolis after the summer, he continued to isolate himself from politics stating “the repugnance to further public service deepens with me every day.”13 The next summer he decided to vacation in the Adirondacks, far removed from the public spotlight where he would fish, hunt, write a few articles, and entertain his grandchildren and friends. He enjoyed the invigorating outdoor life of upstate New York so much that he built a rugged camp the following summer which he called “Berkeley Lodge.” It would be a comfortable, secluded retreat from the bustling world of politics for many years to come. Grover Cleveland claims title to two unique presidential facts. He is the only president to be married in the White House as well as the only one to have a child born in the executive mansion. He met his future wife on the day she was born. Her father was a lawyer who had been a longtime close friend. Cleveland, 28 years older than his wife, Francis Folsum, had maintained an avuncular interest in her for a long time. While she was in college the relationship changed into a romantic one. They were secretly engaged for nearly two years before they were married on June 2, 1886, at the White House. Cleveland was also the only president to have a child born in the executive mansion, his first child Ruth who died unexpectedly from diphtheria at age twelve. He and his wife were able to have three more children—

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Esther, Marion, and Richard who all lived full lives. The marriage and subsequent children did much to placate many Americans who were bothered by Cleveland’s well-publicized affair (which he acknowledged) with Maria Halpin and her son. Mrs. Halpin’s sad life is well documented. She was unable to care for the child, began drinking heavily, and was placed temporarily in a mental institution while her son was sent to an orphanage. Cleveland paid the child’s expenses at the orphanage. After Mrs. Halpin was released from the asylum, Cleveland set her up in a small business which soon failed. She waged a protracted legal battle to recover custody of the child but was rejected by the courts. Much of Cleveland’s first retirement was devoted to his successful reelection campaign against Harrison in 1892. After serving his second term, Cleveland retired to Princeton, New Jersey where he and his young family enjoyed a relaxed, bucolic life in the picturesque college town. Cleveland referred to his second retirement as his “golden years.” Surrounded by his family and friends, he became involved in university affairs and maintained an interest in public issues. Many of his closest friends were on the Princeton faculty. He was soon elected to the highly selective Nassau Club. He and his wife regularly entertained at their new home. Always a rather formal, serious individual, Cleveland was finally able to relax and enjoy a continuous stream of visitors and dinner guests. Their idyllic life included Cleveland and his wife going on rides, taking in the gently rolling hills and picturesque countryside. He would occasionally venture up to New York City, forty miles to the North, but he and the family rarely traveled long distances. For fun, Cleveland played billiard and cribbage, although trout fishing became his favorite pastime. He corresponded with his many friends but never felt motivated to write his memoirs. His favorite entertainment as he grew older was to sit in the piazza of his home and watch his children play or simply read a book. Princeton students grew fond of him, creating an annual tradition of serenading from his front lawn on his birthday. All things considered, Cleveland experienced one of the most stress-free, enjoyable retirements of any American president. Teddy Roosevelt was dedicated to his family and enjoyed spending time at his lovely home on Sagamore Hill, but his frenetic personality and relentless politicking limited his involvement in leisurely family activities. Roosevelt was only fifty years old when he stepped down from the presidency in March, 1909. Energized and vigorous, yet wishing to get out into the fresh air and keep out of Taft’s limelight, Roosevelt organized a yearlong safari to Africa, accompanied by his twenty-year-old son. Together with a large entourage of porters and support staff, father and son stalked various wild game, the highlight being the shooting of two charging lions. Three years later Kermit again joined his father for an exciting trip in Brazil down the Amazon River.

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When Roosevelt returned to Sagamore Hill after his African adventure, he was faced with the stark reality confronting all former presidents. Denuded of all of his presidential power, Patricia O’Toole described him as now a private citizen with no privacy, an opinion maker who had promised not to opine—at least for a while—and an ex-president who had entrusted his legacy to the wrong heir. For the first time since his exit from the White House, Teddy Roosevelt was eye to eye with his powerlessness, it was not a condition he cared to contemplate, so he hurled himself into action.14

Roosevelt continued at a manic pace for the rest of his life. His involvement in politics and other projects kept Teddy Roosevelt from any appreciative relaxing time with his family. He would not slow down until just before the tragic death of his son Kermit in World War I. An aviator, Kermit was shot down over France in July 1918. Roosevelt complained that he felt horrid and unimportant. He finally turned his back on politics and the war, surrendering to his wife Edith. They retired for a period of time to the quiet life of Sagamore Hill where he anxiously followed the brutal war. Even after his son’s tragic death, Roosevelt thought he could make one last run for the presidency in 1920. The spirit was willing, but the body could no longer muster the strength. He had no choice but spend the final year with his family, sensing his physical decline, frustrated by his impotence. Bill Clinton faced a unique family situation when he exited the White House after serving two roller-coaster terms marred by sex scandals and a possible impeachment. At age fifty-four he was the youngest ex-president since Theodore Roosevelt. He had little idea of what to do as a private citizen other than writing his memoirs in order to help pay off his mounting legal fees. What made his personal situation even more unusual was the recent election of his wife, Hillary, to the United States Senate in November 2000. There were already whispers of her making a run for the presidency in 2008. The Clintons purchased a beautiful home in Chappaqua, New York, although Hillary would be spending nearly all of her time in Washington while their daughter Chelsea completed her college education at Stanford University on the West Coast. The first year out of office, Clinton moved about the large, empty house like a pariah in exile. He would call his friends at all hours of the day or night, complaining about the latest investigation (by Kenneth Starr) or attack by political opponents. Clinton would soon remove himself from this quagmire, but it would be done without the comfort and assistance of his family. In reviewing the experience of presidents in retirement, it is significant to note how few settled into a quiet life “on golden pond,” enjoying the pleasure of spending large amounts of time with their family. The handful of presidents whose retirement life approximated the idealized vision just de-

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scribed includes Hayes, Cleveland, Harrison, Truman, Eisenhower, and George H. W. Bush. The remaining presidents’ family life experiences can best be grouped into three historical periods. The earliest presidents, Washington through Jackson, all returned to comfortable estates, forced to deal with pressing financial difficulties to be resolved primarily through loans, farming and land speculation. They all were the beneficiaries of large families and many nearby longtime friends whose combined companionship certainly eased their troubling monetary difficulties. A second group of presidents serving in the highly contentious period before and after the Civil War were also unable to find a peaceful, idyllic retirement blessed with supportive family members. This collection of former presidents stretched roughly from John Tyler through U. S. Grant. They brooded over their ineffectiveness in preventing the brutal war or their inability to work out the complex reconstruction policies designed to rebuild the South and heal the deep physical, emotional, and economic wounds. Most twentieth century former presidents have chosen to remain active in either partisan politics such as Teddy Roosevelt, or non-partisan public service activities such as Hoover and Carter. They all have some type of personal agenda to either restore their reputation or simply pursue meaningful public service projects which satisfies their personal sense of self worth for significant amounts of time. It appears to be a nearly impossible task, stepping down from the White House experience, replete with all of the power, responsibilities, and pressure of arguably the most challenging job in the world to become a private citizen, nestled in isolation with your spouse and family, contemplating how best to live out the rest of your life.

TRAVEL One possible answer to the question posed at the end of the previous section is for the president (and his wife and family if he chooses) to travel. Many presidents have selected this option, taking extended trips either around the United States or go on a grand tour overseas. Such trips are frequently taken shortly after a president has stepped down from office. Traveling offers several advantages. It gives the former president time to gather his thoughts and begin to plan his retirement years. Secondly, it removes him from the public spotlight now re-focusing upon his successor. Third, if the president’s popularity sagged at the conclusion of his term in office, traveling out into the friendly confines of a distant locale or foreign country where his reception is likely to be warm, can do much to restore his damaged self-esteem. Fourthly, it provides a critical break from the oppressive rigors of Washington’s omnipresent political pressure, offering an

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opportunity for much needed physical and emotional healing. Finally, it is even possible that an ex-president may utilize his travels as a stepping stone in rebuilding his political future, a first step in an attempt to return to the White House in four years. As noted previously, most of the earliest presidents chose to simply return home to deal with their economic problems and reunite with their family. Travel at this time was also hindered by poor roads while no mechanized form of travel would appear until the 1840s. Andrew Jackson was the first president to travel a great distance during his retirement. Jackson went from his home in Tennessee to New Orleans to celebrate the twentyfifth anniversary of his victory there at the conclusion of the War of 1812. He was deeply moved by his reception as thousands came to see him. They continued to pay homage, following him back to the Hermitage where he was continuously besieged by additional admirers. Martin Van Buren was the first American president to travel overseas during his retirement. Van Buren visited Europe five years before his presidency and greatly enjoyed the experience. This time he had a more serious reason for reaching the continent. His son, Martin Jr., had been ill with tuberculosis. Van Buren was told by his American doctors that European physicians practicing in London and Paris had achieved promising results fighting the deadly disease. He also hoped that a change of climate might improve his son’s chances of recovery. Father and son left in April 1853, reaching London in mid-May. Because of his unique status as the first former president to visit England, Van Buren was entertained lavishly, receiving impressive honors throughout his visit. Van Buren’s longtime friend Lord Palmerston, currently Home Secretary, assisted him in his travel plans in England and across the continent. After ensuring that his son would be well cared for by physicians in London and Paris, Van Buren began his extensive European travels. The first step was to visit Dublin, then cross back over Scotland, and finally cross the North Sea, stopping in Belgium and Holland. While at The Hague he traced his Dutch family ancestors in the national archives. Van Buren visited the town of Buren where he spoke fluent Dutch with several townspeople. Leaving the Low Countries, Van Buren next visited Paris, where he stayed until late August when he would depart for Italy. The rich French cuisine played havoc with his gout as he began to gain an uncomfortable amount of weight. By November, he had reached Rome, where an audience with the Pope had been arranged. He was treated gloriously in Italy as he traveled around the countryside, attending numerous balls and galas held in his honor as a visiting head of state. In Naples he met King Ferdinand and Queen Maria. During the spring and summer, Van Buren rested in a beautiful palazzo on a hillside above Sorrento and the sea. He was reunited with his family in Switzerland in the fall by Lac Leman. Unfortunately his son,

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who made the trip from London, began to show a recurrence of his tuberculosis, and was rushed back to London to meet with his doctors. After a relaxing stay in Nice and along the Cote D’Azur, Van Buren tried to have his son come down to visit him but learned he was too weak to make the trip. Early in 1855, Van Buren rushed back to Paris where he found his son growing weaker. He stayed by his son’s bedside until he died at age forty on March 19, 1855. He remained in Paris for two months before returning to London where he visited with former president Millard Fillmore, who was just beginning his grand European tour. With a heavy heart, Van Buren sailed for America on June 20, 1855. Although the trip had been a positive experience, helping Van Buren regain his self-esteem as a national leader, it was overshadowed by his son’s declining health and ultimately his death. It would be his final trip abroad. Millard Fillmore’s retirement plans were unclear and when his wife died shortly after Pierce’s inauguration, they became even more uncertain. He had planned to take an extended trip through the South where he hoped he and his wife would be wined and dined by political supporters. Her death canceled these plans. Fillmore was not wealthy, lacking valuable property or family. He would mourn his wife’s death in his hometown of Buffalo where he could engage in a limited legal practice. After several months, Fillmore decided to revive his travel plans. He first visited the South for ten weeks and then extended his travels to the west for another two and a half months. Fillmore devoted much of his trip to giving speeches, endorsing the KnowNothing Party as a means of providing sectional peace to both the North and South, thereby avoiding a civil war. Shortly after returning to Buffalo he met his second wife. They were soon married and with her financial resources, began considering more elaborate travel plans. Millard Fillmore was the second former president to cross the Atlantic. The trip was recommended by his political advisors so they could organize plans to place him at the head of the Know-Nothing Party for the 1856 election. Before leaving, Fillmore grew concerned over how a former president should be properly treated in Europe with its many traditions and titled aristocracy. He confided to his senior advisors “You will understand that while I have no personal pride for any social distinctions in Europe, I would not knowingly place myself in any position where my country would be degraded or insulted through me.”15 Explaining his decision to take a yearlong visit across the continent with stops in England, Ireland, France, Italy, Egypt, Turkey, and Prussia, he told reporters as he boarded the steamship Atlantic, “it is better to wear out then rust out, and as my political life has unfortunately deprived me of my profession, perhaps I can do nothing better than to diversify my pursuits by traveling.”16 It would also remove him from the political maelstrom that was sweeping the country. Abolitionism and nativism were two issues that his political advisors could deal with while he repaired his image as a former head of state.

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Although traveling as a private citizen, he was no mere tourist. Beginning in England and continuing across the continent, Fillmore was the guest of honor in numerous receptions. Everywhere he went, he impressed the European aristocracy with his dignified bearing and composure. In England, one observer commented that “no American . . . ever received more attention in the mother country than Mr. Fillmore. His noble presence, his mild and courtly manners, about which there was the beauty of repose . . . combined to charm the English people.”17 In early November, Fillmore left for France to visit the International Exposition, where he met with Napoleon III and convinced him to release Horace Greeley from a French debtor’s prison. He next traveled through southern France and northern Italy before arriving in Rome where he was presented to the Pope. He next travailed east to Cairo, Jerusalem, and Constantinople before moving northward to Berlin where he impressed the King of Prussia. Fillmore proved to be an excellent goodwill ambassador for the United States during his twelve month travels. His bearing and grace charmed the European leaders, helping to change their stereotypical impression of Americans as brash and uncouth. Franklin Pierce and his wife could not leave Washington fast enough following Buchanan’s inauguration. His wife was depressed and still in mourning over the loss of their son in a train accident only months earlier. Pierce was in comfortable financial shape and hoped that a lengthy European trip would help restore his wife’s spirits. Their first destination was the island of Madeira where they spent the winter, a pleasant change from the harsh New England climate. They next traveled to Spain, Portugal, France, Germany, Austria, Belgium, and England. In the summer of 1858 they reached Lake Geneva and then traveled on to Rome where they spent the winter. Here, Pierce was able to reunite with his old friend, Nathaniel Hawthorne. Venice and Trieste were the final stops before returning to the United States in August, 1859. In contrast to Fillmore’s earlier European venture where he gloried in his representing his country at various receptions before the nobility, the Pierces traveled as private citizens without public ceremony or fanfare. He would be the last ex-president to be able to enjoy such a luxury in an international excursion. No president traveled as much in his retirement as Ulysses Grant until Herbert Hoover began his global diplomatic and humanitarian missions. In many ways, Grant’s travels as a former president closely paralled Fillmore’s lengthy peregrinations. Both men had ineffective presidencies and hoped that an extended global tour would rekindle their popularity. They both intended upon their return to run in the forthcoming presidential election. In their absence, loyal supporters would work toward engineering their renomination. In contrast to Van Buren who wished to travel quietly as a private citizen, Fillmore and Grant enjoyed the endless receptions and dinners, meeting kings and queens across the continent.

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With no place to go nor set plans for the future, except to run for a third term in 1880, the Grants departed the White House on March 4, 1877, and turned west, traveling all the way to Chicago. Grant’s wife Julia describes the trip as filled with “dinners, receptions, and serenades . . . many and charming” in Cincinnati, St. Louis, Salina, and Chicago, and then on to Harrisburg and finally back to Washington where in a hotel “our parlors were thronged all day long. And at night it was like the President’s levees.”18 Shortly after their return to Washington on May 17, 1877, Ulysses, his wife Julia, and their son Jesse departed on the first leg of their two and a half year trip. The New York Herald sent along John Russell Young to keep America informed through a continuous flow of articles. The trip would be a lifelong dream come true. Grant had saved $25,000 for the trip while his son Buck was able to add $60,000. Their first destination would be England where Grant would be toasted and dined by British royalty. All of Europe was anxious to meet the modest Civil War hero who went on to serve two terms as his nation’s chief executive. Grant had long felt somewhat under-appreciated, embarrassed by a series of corruption scandals plaguing his administration. The trip restored his self-confidence and pride, as he dreamed of serving an unprecedented third term. Biographer William McFeely provides an excellent summary of his global excursion: Grant left Philadelphia, sailing on the Indiana. . . . Two years later, after having been nodded to by almost every crowned head in Europe, after touring fjords in Norway and ruins in Pompeii, after riding donkeys into a city in upper Egypt, and the afternoon train from Paddington Station to spend the night as Queen Victoria’s guests at Windsor, after conversing with Prince Bismarck and Disraeli during the Congress of Berlin, and with Gorchakor in St. Petersburg, after visiting Russia, India, Siam, and China and receiving a handshake from the emperor of Japan, they came home. Julia and Ulysses had looked at the whole wide world. Theirs was perhaps the grandest tour an American couple had ever made.19

Their typical day started with a luncheon followed by an afternoon reception, followed by a dinner, followed by another reception. The routine would be repeated day after day and the general and his wife seemed to enjoy every minute of it. There were many high and a few low points. Grant was greatly impressed by the Alps, but the pyramids were even more memorable. One of the highlights was meeting Bismarck in Berlin on several occasions where they enjoyed each other’s company. Rome and China were slight disappointments, but his stay in Japan, meeting the emperor, was probably the most memorable of his trip. He found Japan to be “a beautiful country with charming people. . . . My reception has been the most extravagant I have ever known or read of.”20 Following a series of farewell ceremonies, Grant and his family embarked on The City of Tokyo from

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Yokohama Harbor for the long trip home. They arrived in San Francisco to wild cheers from an adoring crowd. They extended their travels by visiting all the natural wonders of California and the Northwest. Their global excursion ended in Philadelphia before another wildly cheering crowd on December 16, 1879. Grant’s political strategists thought that his two and a half years’ hiatus would allow the stigma of a corrupt administration sufficient time to dissipate. He probably should have stayed away for another six months, visiting Australia and the South Pacific as was originally planned. Unfortunately, his wife and son were growing homesick and it was impossible finding steamship service from Japan to Australia. The party convention would not meet for another nine months. He could not sustain the welcoming home enthusiasm. There was serious concern over the third-term issue as well as doubts over his leadership and a reputation tarnished by his administration’s corruption. He continued his travels across the country but the response was diminished, the warrior general was part of the past. There was no reason to place him as the future head of state. Only Teddy Roosevelt’s immediate post-presidential travels rival the global excursion of Grant. Roosevelt had been highly influential in engineering Taft’s path to the presidency in 1908. Roosevelt was confident that his successor would carry on his policies. By taking a lengthy trip to far distant locales he would not only remove himself from the political spotlight, allowing Taft to get a good start on his own, moving out from Teddy’s large shadow, but it would also permit T.R. to reunite with his family. First he would spend a year with his son Kermit on an East African safari and then they would join the rest of the family for a festive excursion across Europe. The African expedition would be sponsored by the Smithsonian Institute. He and his son would not only bring back 500 animals but an impressive collection of flora and fauna. The trip would be partially financed by a series of articles for Scribners written by Roosevelt. He would also write a twovolume book describing the safari in even greater detail. Teddy and Kermit sailed from Hoboken on March 23, 1909, less than three weeks after Taft’s inauguration. They changed boats in Naples, sailing on a German ship to Mombassa in present day Kenya. The safari group moved across Kenya, hunting and killing a wide variety of animals. (Teddy was adamant in pointing out that all the animals were killed for science or food, never sport.) One highlight of the trip was a 160-mile trek from Lake Victoria down the Nile where they would successfully hunt the white rhinoceros. By February the team of hunters and naturalists was on the home stretch of their adventure. They moved down the Nile to Khartoum where Teddy, who had grown increasingly homesick, would be reunited with Edith and Ethel. For the next six months the Roosevelts toured Europe in grand style. Teddy had long been a figure of great interest to Europeans with his altru-

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ism, ceaseless energy, and charisma. By the time they had reached England and were about to return home, Roosevelt whined, “Confound these kings; will they never leave us alone.” Not only royalty but the common folk were anxious to see this remarkable American. There were a few diplomatic tangles in Germany and the Vatican, but overall the trip was a success. Teddy’s sense of adventure was not satiated by his African safari and European travels. In November, 1913 Teddy, joined again by his son Kermit, set off on another adventure, this time into the Brazilian wilderness, traveling north through the Amazon valley. He would be joined in this expedition by Colonel Candido da Silva Rondon, an explorer for the Brazilian Telegraphic Commission who had discovered the headwaters of the mysterious River of Doubt. Together, Roosevelt and Rondon hoped to descend the river. Roosevelt’s team was sponsored by the American Museum of Natural History. It was staffed with a number of naturalists who would gather remarkable specimens for their collection. They collected over 250 animals including the jaguar, giant anteater, marsh deer, tapers, and thousands of birds never before seen in the United States. On December 12, Roosevelt joined Colonel Rondon on the Brazilian border. They struggled through dense, wild terrain inhabited by hostile Indians. They ultimately reached the headwaters and cautiously began their descent. They planned for a fifty-day trip in seven canoes. It was a tortuous, physically draining expedition although the countryside was beautiful. Their journey ended on April 27 at San Joao, 1,500 kilometers from the headwaters of a river that had been previously uncharted. Roosevelt and his crew kept diaries, took photos and made astronomical observations to verify the unknown river’s specifications. Roosevelt returned to New York on May 19, 1914, exhilarated by his successful jungle foray, but physically debilitated by the exhausting trip. It was estimated by his friend William Roscoe Thayer to have taken ten years off his life. His injured thigh never healed while the jungle conditions worsened his chronic rheumatism. He later told friends that he had never recovered from his Brazilian fever and his throat bothered him enough to prevent him from speaking. Even with all of the resulting maladies, he still pronounced the trip a grand adventure and basked in its glory. He soon completed an exhaustive volume on the trip which further enhanced the Roosevelt legend. Truman looked forward to his return to life as a private citizen. At the end of March 1953, he took his wife Bess and daughter Margaret on a dream vacation to Hawaii. He described it as paradise. During their month long visit, Truman “swam, loafed, read and thoroughly enjoyed the wonderful people of the islands.”21 He had recently purchased a new black Chrysler and felt the need to be on the move again. He missed his friends in Washington, especially in the Senate. In late June he convinced Bess to join him for the drive to Washington. In contrast to contemporary presidents surrounded by

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Secret Service agents, this was five years before the Former Presidents Act would provide such protection. One can only imagine the startled look of waitresses and gasoline attendants as they served the elderly couple with the very familiar faces. They had a good time in Washington, but the trip had been somewhat exhausting and they agreed to go by airplane on future lengthy trips. In addition to domestic travel, Truman yearned to visit Europe. He had been there serving in World War I and briefly during the Potsdam Conference, but had never had the opportunity to sightsee. The official reason for his going was to receive an honorary degree from Oxford University. The trip would allow him to play the role of tourist while also affording him the opportunity to renew his friendship with a number of European dignitaries including kings, queens, and heads of state. He and Bess toured Europe by train visiting France, Italy, Austria, West Germany, Brussels, the Netherlands, and England. Despite the rather damp weather, they had a wonderful seven weeks. The highlight of the fifty-three-day trip was a reunion with Churchill, Eden, and Atlee, although receiving an honorary degree from Oxford which read “truest of allies, direct in your speech and in your writings and even a pattern of simple courage,” was a close second. It had been an enjoyable trip but he was happy to return. In 1958, the Trumans returned to Europe with their friends Judge and Mrs. Samuel Rosenman. They visited only France and Italy, successfully evading reporters and the populace most of the time. President Eisenhower made a triumphant return to Europe during the summer of 1962. He and Mamie brought along their two grandchildren and a helpful staff. Ike told reporters he wanted to travel as a private citizen, visit old friends and simply have a good time. He attended only one official function, giving a speech at Stockholm at the International Teachers Conference. The Eisenhowers also traveled to England, France, and Germany where Ike was met by enthusiastic crowds. He returned with his family on the ocean liner America. He was impressed by the tremendous progress that Western Europe had made since he had left after World War II, but he was a little disappointed that he could not spend more time quietly wandering around looking at statues and other tourist attractions. It should be noted that Hoover and Carter traveled extensively during their retirement, but it was in the performance of a public service responsibility, not merely a vacation activity.

HOBBIES AND OTHER AVOCATIONS This book has described the various activities undertaken by former presidents during retirement. By its very nature, however, retirement is filled

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with abundant idle hours, often spent in seclusion or in the company of family and friends. This concluding section of chapter 8 will review the myriad of ways former presidents occupied themselves during these quiet times. John Adams and his son John Quincy both enjoyed taking long walks. John would stroll over his property and surrounding countryside in Quincy while his son enjoyed early walks in Washington while serving in the House of Representatives. Possibly the most renown presidential walker was Harry Truman who would take his daily constitutionals at a brisk pace. He continued this form of exercise throughout his retirement. The townspeople of Independence enjoyed seeing him out early every day. It was comforting to see this modest, diminutive former president meld back into the community. He was one of them despite his accomplishments on a national stage. It was during these walks that he exhibited the “small-town genuineness” that was so endearing. For the first few years Truman walked either by himself or with a friend but after 1958 he was always accompanied by a bodyguard, former town police officer Mike Westwood. It took Lyndon Johnson some time to acclimate himself to the slower pace of retirement and appreciate its virtues. Rather than taking walks, Johnson loved racing around his large ranch in his convertible. Biographer Robert Dallek explains that he was re-discovering the basic enjoyment of just having fun. He now was free to do whatever he wanted without worrying about what the press, Congress, or the nation thought about it. He began smoking again, drinking whiskey more freely and ate all the rich, unhealthy foods he desired. He even let his hair grow long and took a family vacation in Acapulco. It was his last fling and he was going to have a good time. The earlier presidents such as Madison and Monroe enjoyed riding over their large estates and surrounding countryside. When they returned home from their equestrian activities, they would spend large amounts of time reading and corresponding with close friends. Adams, Jefferson, and Madison were serious bibliophiles, building impressive libraries. Jefferson had to sell his collection to Congress to alleviate his growing debt but in a short time, he was again building a new collection. Truman and Hoover were also enthusiastic readers, building impressive libraries. The early former presidents also spent a great deal of time corresponding with friends. The letters of Jefferson and Adams provide a fascinating glimpse at life during their lengthy retirement years. With the assistance of Dr. Benjamin Rush, the two men renewed their friendship in 1812; they continued to write each other until their death fourteen years later. A common retirement pastime is to putter around the house. Most presidents did not engage in such a mundane activity directly, but may have supervised others. Jefferson, in particular, never stopped making improvements on Monticello, which was always in a state of continual repair.

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Jefferson was accused of enjoying the building process more than the final result. When Jimmy Carter retired to the family home in Plains, Georgia in January 1981 a youthful fifty-six years old, friends and family wondered how such a high energy person would adjust to a slower pace. A group of former White House staffers joined together to present Carter what they hoped would be the perfect retirement gift—a complete home woodworking shop. Phil Wise, the brains behind the gift, said “the woodworking shop proved very therapeutic for Carter for it gave him useful hours to put his presidential years behind him and to think about the future.” For the first year of his retirement Carter spent considerable time on his woodworking projects, but he would soon move on to more significant diplomatic and humanitarian endeavors which would take him far from his sedate Plains home. Several presidents enjoyed passing time in the outdoors either hunting or fishing. Cleveland in his later years would go trout fishing with his friends, although he also played cribbage and billiards for relaxation. His successor, Benjamin Harrison, re-discovered the great outdoors during his retirement. He traveled to the Adirondacks to hunt and fish each summer, eventually building his own camp, “Beverly Lodge.” Teddy Roosevelt’s hunting exploits in Africa, South America, and the western states have already been described. It was the type of manic activity that appealed to this highly energized former president. His home on Sagamore was filled with stuffed trophies from these virile exploits. Hoover and Eisenhower represent twentieth-century presidents who were fishing enthusiasts. One friend described Hoover’s fondness for fishing as reaching “an almost spiritual intensity.” Eisenhower would travel to western Colorado to fish for trout in the Gunnison River. Eisenhower enjoyed golf and bridge—playing all activities that biographer Stephen Ambrose writes “gave him a minted rejuvenation he could get nowhere else. It was characteristic of Eisenhower that when he needed to escape his daily cares (even in retirement) he wanted to participate actively, not passively, in the escape.”22 One of the most popular leisure activities for twentieth-century retired presidents is playing golf. Beginning with William Taft (whose portly body bent over a golf ball presents an intriguing image) to Bill Clinton taking “Billigans” on nearly every hole, creating barely believable scores, the links have offered a blend of exercise and competition which has made the sport so appealing. Entire retirement communities are built around golf courses, making the sport even more accessible to those who can afford it. Don Van Natta Jr. has recently written a fascinating book about presidential golfers from Taft to Clinton. The book divides the golfing abilities of the presidents into three categories—the purists, the hackers and the cheaters with a concluding section on George H. W. Bush and his son. Eisenhower and Ford are

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classified under the purists. Eisenhower enjoyed playing as a diversion from the annoyances of life. He was a serious golfer who did not want to disclose his score to reporters. Ford who was often caricatured as a bumbling klutz was in fact a graceful athlete, starring for the University of Michigan football team. He was a decent golfer who had the misfortune to occasionally hit someone in the gallery who crowded the course in order to view the former president in action. A reporter was always nearby to record the embarrassing incident. Van Natta describes Taft as a corpulent carefree hacker who was not troubled by the mediocrity of his game. Before his stroke, Wilson was nearly as hopeless but Coolidge is described by Van Natta as the “worst of them all.” Van Natta writes that “his game was a disheveled, chaotic mess” and concludes that Coolidge was “the only president to play the game with pure apathy.”23 The final category, the cheaters, includes unflattering golfing portraits of Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton. Nixon tried to emulate his predecessors’ love of the game, but lacked the coordination to conquer its frustrating challenges. Nixon did have the grit and determination to continue his lifelong goal of trying to break eighty, but as Van Natta observes, the only way he could accomplish this feat was to cheat on his score with mulligans and gimmes from long range. Bill Clinton was a vigorous ex-president in his mid-fifties when he left Washington. He had always enjoyed the game and now he had the time to improve. He was initially frustrated because several Westchester County golf clubs rejected his membership application, probably hoping to avoid the publicity which would be an inevitable by-product of having an ex-president regularly playing your course. Nevertheless he did pursue his passion, even allowing author Van Natta to accompany him on a round of play. After watching his style of allowing himself countless do-overs after an errant shot, Van Natta concluded that “no president has suffered through more skepticism about the veracity of his golf score than Bill Clinton, who heard howls of disbelief from millions of American golfers after claiming to break 80.”24 The most unusual as well as dangerous pursuit by a former president has been George H. W. Bush’s desire to jump out of airplanes. His parachute jump was made on March 25, 1997, over the Army’s Yuma Proving Ground in Arizona from the height of 12,500 with a free fall of 8,000 feet. It was the fulfillment of a promise that Bush had made to himself during World War II where he served as a naval pilot. He was seventy-two years old at the time, the only president to accomplish such a feat—a record that will likely stand the test of time. To celebrate his seventy-fifth birthday three years later, Bush jumped again, landing on the lawn of his presidential library located at Texas A&M University in College Station, Texas. In recent

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years, Bush has returned to golf, on one occasion playing a round with former Presidents Ford and Clinton. One of the key factors influencing a former president’s type of leisure activity is his age and health. As one grows older and health declines, activities are limited and become more sedentary. The next chapter will follow this aging process to its inevitable conclusion.

9 Health Concerns and Final Days

An obvious factor affecting the quality of a president’s retirement is his health. No president has had to leave office: because of health problems, although eight presidents died in office: four from assassination (Lincoln, Garfield, McKinley, and Kennedy) as well as four from natural causes (William Henry Harrison, Taylor, Harding, and Franklin Roosevelt). A few presidents suffered serious illnesses while in office but none chose to resign. Woodrow Wilson came the closest, and probably should have formally relinquished the presidency after suffering a serious stroke in 1919. Instead, his second wife Edith served as steward of the executive branch. She screened all matters of state, choosing which items were sufficiently important to bring to the bed-ridden president. She along with Wilson’s physician carefully kept the public and government officials in the dark as to the president’s condition during his final seventeen months in office. Dwight Eisenhower and Lyndon Johnson suffered heart attacks, while Ronald Reagan was shot. In contrast to Wilson’s secretive recuperative period, the lines of authority are now quickly and clearly set in place by the White House staff during the most recent medical emergencies. Presently, exhaustive media coverage as well as the 25th Amendment, (ratified in 1967) which clarified the issue of presidential succession resulting from death or incapacitation, guarantees that there should be no recurrence of the Wilson experience. In contrast to my personal experience in which a series of heart attacks prompted my retirement from teaching, presidents have all retired as a result of the conclusion of their term in office. Other than the eight presidents who died in office, none has been forced prematurely for health reasons. (Nixon’s resignation was necessitated by his imminent impeachment and trial for perjury and obstruction of justice.) Nevertheless, former presidents 155

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have had their retirements significantly affected by health concerns, both physical and emotional. This chapter will first focus on medical problems during retirement followed by sections on their emotional dispositions, and their final days.

HEALTH CONCERNS: ABBREVIATED RETIREMENTS One measure of a former president’s health during his retirement is the relative length of time between stepping down from office and his death. Six presidents experienced retirements of four years or less—Washington, Polk, Arthur, Wilson, Coolidge, and LBJ. Washington retired in good health, and looking forward to returning to Mount Vernon promising himself “more real enjoyment than in all the business with which I have been occupied for upwards of forty years.”1 Yet, when he did not keep his mind active and became overly contemplative, he was troubled by a strong premonition of death. He threw himself into the much-needed repairs of his estate. Despite his seemingly active, pleasant retirement, on December 12, 1799, less than two years after leaving office, Washington complained of a sore throat. His condition quickly worsened to where he could barely speak. Doctors were called in and they applied the traditional remedies of bleeding, blisters, and purges but his condition continued to deteriorate. The attending physicians, Doctors Craik and Braun, agreed that Washington was suffering from quinsy—an extreme form of tonsillitis. They continued their treatment of blisters and bleeding which only weakened him further. A third doctor, Elisha Dick, argued that Washington was suffering from a violent inflammation of the membranes of the throat, recommending surgery to open the trachea below the infection. He was overruled by the two more senior doctors, and bled a fourth time. By now Washington could hardly speak, asking only that he be allowed to die without further medical attention. As evening passed into night, he asked to be elevated in bed. By midnight he had died. He had been stricken by some virulent bacteria (streptococcus) inflammation which if contracted today could have easily been cured by antiiotics or surgery.2

James K. Polk holds the record for the briefest presidential retirement, dying just three months after leaving office. Polk, a close friend of Jackson, chose to retire after only one term in office. Polk noted his pleasure in leaving office in his diary on his final day as president, writing “I feel exceedingly relieved that I am now free from all public areas. . . . I am now sure I will be a happier man in my retirement than I have been during the four years I have filled the highest office in the gift of my countrymen.”3 In good spirits, immediately after Taylor’s inauguration, Polk went on a month-long

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tour of the South, going down the Atlantic Seaboard, west across the Gulf states, reaching New Orleans before heading north up the Mississippi River to his home in Tennessee. He had just purchased a beautiful estate from Senator Grundy in Nashville. The trip was filled with continuous festivities honoring the former president. By the time he reached New Orleans he was exhausted. Even more ominous, the city was overrun with an epidemic of cholera. As he began the final leg of his journey, he became ill, complaining of a “derangement of his stomach and bowels.” He became increasingly weaker and easily fatigued as he returned to his new home. During his final weeks, he organized his papers and continued the remodeling of his new home but his health continued to deteriorate. Polk died on June 15, 1849, less than three months into the retirement to which he had looked forward to with great optimism. Polk was only fifty-three at the time of his death. Chester Arthur, who was only fifty-six when he vacated the White House, had the second shortest retirement. He died approximately twenty months after his term ended. He looked forward to his retirement, enjoying his last months in office. When asked about his future plans, Arthur smiled and answered: “Well, there doesn’t seem anything else for an ex-president to do but go into the country and raise pumpkins.”4 Few people knew of his serious medical problems that worsened as his retirement grew near. He suffered from Bright’s disease, a debilitating form of kidney disease. Despite his optimism toward retirement, his last weeks in office were painful. Unaware of his condition, Arthur had to fight off his Republican friends who wanted him to run for Roscoe Conkling’s Senate seat. He mustered enough strength to attend Cleveland’s inauguration ceremonies, making a brief appearance at the ball that evening—he told the press and friends that he would practice law during his retirement in New York City but his health limited his involvement. He mainly served as counsel, receiving a monthly salary of a thousand dollars a month. As the months rolled by his condition worsened, and he was often too weak to leave his home. He now also began to suffer from advanced heart disease as a side effect of his kidney problems. His last year was spent as an invalid, either resting in bed or propped up in a reclining chair. Despite brief periods of remission, he grew weaker until he suffered a massive hemorrhage, dying the next day, November 17, 1886. His last words were to warn his son to never become involved in politics. Similar to Chester Arthur, Woodrow Wilson left the White House in a weakened condition, attempted to practice law and experienced a brief retirement of less than 3 years. Wilson survived a seriously debilitating stroke in 1919. He was able to complete his second term of office with the assistance of his second wife Edith and medical support team. When he retired from the presidency in March 1921, he was still weak from his stroke and depressed by the triumphant Republican victory in November 1920. He

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had been silent during his final months in office and continued his taciturn demeanor during most of his retirement. He appeared to biographer August Heckscher as “a former forgotten figure. He was hated by many. He had asked for no pity and had received none. From the common people in who he had so often expressed his faith he had withdrawn in his weakness and spiritual agony.”5 Wilson lived his final years in a comfortable house off Massachusetts Avenue at S Street, an isolated example of a former president choosing to spend his retirement in Washington. His doctors ordered complete rest, which Wilson described as a “routine of convalescence” although outside observers depicted more negatively as “invalidism.” Wilson initially remained optimistic about his chances of recovery. He made plans to resume the practice of law when his strength returned, although his doctors initially forbade visitors, ordering all of his meals to be taken in his bedroom. During warm weather he was allowed to lie in the garden, stretched out on a comfortable lounge chair, wrapped in blankets. The family gave the impression that his health was improving, and a more public life was possible in the future. Reality was not so positive. Wilson suffered numerous physical setbacks including digestive disorders, most likely caused by a series of small strokes. Wilson contacted his friend Bainbridge Colby, a prominent New York lawyer who would assist Wilson in forming a partnership operating out of New York while Wilson would work in DC. Arrangements were made to have Wilson accepted into both the Washington and New York bar, but he was never able to engage in legal pursuits because of his continuing health problems. Wilson then turned to literary pursuits, but again his weakened physical condition limited his writing to a few short journal articles. These pieces were well received, but he had to give up plans for writing anything lengthier such as his memoirs, a project that he hoped to complete. Many literary requests reached Wilson during his last two years as prefaces for political or scholarly volumes as well as articles on current events, but they all had to be rejected. Wilson’s frail body and shattered nerves made it impossible for him to concentrate, although he continued to hope that somehow he could produce some scholarly pieces. He did not believe, however, that it would be necessary for him to write articles in order to defend himself. Throughout his retirement he stubbornly held to the belief that in time, history would vindicate his record, and place him within the pantheon of great presidents. Wilson maintained his silence until the summer of 1923. He and his wife labored tediously over a 1500-word essay entitled “The Road Away from Revolution,” which appeared in the August issue of Atlantic Monthly magazine. The entire writing process was exhausting for both Wilson and Edith, who began to sense her own health failing. Wilson tried to continue to be

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productive, but his health began to decline more precipitately. His dictation with his secretary, John Bolling, would fade out unevenly as unsigned letters and memos began to accumulate on his bed stand. His friends, Cleveland Dodge, Jesse H. Jones, and Cyrus McCormick, joined together to create an annuity to relieve him of any financial worries during his final year. On January 31, 1924 Wilson complained of severe indigestion. He grew steadily weaker. On February 1st he uttered his last words: “I am a broken piece of machinery. When the machinery is broken . . . I am ready.”6 He cried for his wife the next day and finally died on February 3, 1924, at 11:15 a.m. Wilson’s faith in history’s vindication of his idealistic views on internationalism proved correct, his public image improving even before his death, evolving from arrogance and pettiness to altruistic and forward looking. Scholarly works were being written endorsing Wilson’s agenda, and an important foundation in his name was created by Rockefeller and others to ensure that his spirit and goals would guide future generations. Calvin Coolidge’s retirement lasted only a year longer than Wilson’s, although he was fortunate to not suffer the serious physical maladies which plagued Wilson throughout his years out of office. Coolidge had very modest plans for his retirement, possibly going into some type of business but with no clear idea as to how he would spend his time. He did some writing, completing an autobiography and several magazine articles. He was comfortable financially and very happy to be far removed from the chaos of Washington. As the depression began to affect the country, he became troubled by the plight of his friends and the country in general. He would sit in his office, staring out the window for long periods of time. By 1932, he had just turned sixty and was becoming increasingly depressed over the economic state of the nation. Many of his former advisors and influential Republican friends were now being criticized by the rest of the country. Barely aware of his declining health, his friends began noticing a growing weariness. He was forced to take two naps a day and began to suffer from stomach distress as well as severe asthma attacks in the summer, which weakened his heart. He continued to lose weight and grew more fatigued. He showed no interest in the Hoover campaign, his partisan spirit and loyalty to the party withering away as his own body grew frailer. In the morning on January 5, 1933, he complained of difficulty breathing as well as indigestion and overall weakness. He worked briefly on a jigsaw puzzle and died quietly at 12:45 p.m. Four days earlier, Coolidge, sensing the end was near, stated “I am very comfortable because I am not doing anything of real account. But any effort to accomplish something goes with me. I am too old for my years. I suppose carrying responsibility takes its toll. I am afraid I am all burned out.”7 The final president to experience an abbreviated retirement was Lyndon Johnson. Although Johnson’s retirement lasted four years, the final

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three years were plagued by health problems, most related to his heart condition. Johnson had suffered a serious heart attack in 1955. Health concerns influenced his decision to accept the vice-presidency in 1960 with John Kennedy, although his heart and general physical condition remained steady during the next ten years. Johnson was rather upbeat when he left the White House in January 1969, declaring “The long, hard effort was over now, and I was glad to see it end.”8 His initial retirement plans involved returning to his Texas hill country ranch where he would begin work on his memoirs, lecture at various universities, and complete plans for the LBJ Library and School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas in Austin. LBJ enjoyed his escape from the pressure and frustration of the presidency yet he never could commit himself to any of the new projects, especially the memoirs which he found increasingly difficult. He did, however, enjoy his return to his ranch, micro-managing its operation. Spending more time with his family and friends who would visit him at the ranch was also a source of great satisfaction. Doris Kearns Goodwin, who was with LBJ for much of this time, in an unsuccessful effort to have him complete his memoirs, observed that Johnson appeared to be at peace: “Yes there was much love and warmth and pleasure in his final years and at times there seemed some truth to Johnson’s claim of him being happier in retirement than he had ever been.”9 Johnson exhibited his emotional calm and relaxed attitude by conducting his life without concern for critical public attention. With his newfound freedom, he allowed his hair to grow long, reaching shoulder length, while he indulged himself in eating and drinking without restraint, gaining weight without concern for his heart condition. He drove around the ranch and outlying districts at great speeds, scaring his passengers. Unfortunately, his new carefree lifestyle was short-lived. He began to suffer from chest pains, necessitating a visit to the hospital in March 1970. His health continued a downward spiral from this point on for the next three years as doctors found a progressive hardening of his arteries. There was little that could be done, although Johnson made some faltering efforts to correct his diet and exercise more regularly, but he knew that his fate was inescapable. In June 1972, while visiting his daughter, he suffered a severe heart attack from which he never fully recovered. He refused to live his final months as an invalid, continuing to visit with his friends at the ranch and maintaining a rigorous work schedule, overseeing the operation of the ranch. He now had to rely increasingly on the use of an oxygen tank as well as taking nitroglycerin tablets to relieve the angina pain. Johnson’s final heart attack came on June 22, 1973. He had been napping when he was jarred awake with chest pains. He was able to summon a secret service agent but died en route to the hospital.

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MEDICAL PROBLEMS DURING RETIREMENT Although most former presidents experienced retirements extending over ten years, and seven were fortunate to live more than twenty years after leaving office, several presidents did suffer from serious medical problems during their retirement. Among those most seriously incapacitated during this time period were James Madison, Andrew Jackson, Andrew Johnson, Ulysses Grant, Teddy Roosevelt, Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and Bill Clinton. During the first years of his retirement, Madison kept busy working on his farm as well as joining with Jefferson in planning the University of Virginia, both men playing key notes in the university’s early development. Throughout this period Madison was in relatively good health, but by the end of the 1820s he began a steady decline. His medical problems began with a harsh attack of influenza followed by a series of stomach problems which limited his travels. By 1830, Madison also developed painful rheumatism throughout his body with his hands being most severely afflicted. He was now forced to remain in Montpelier, becoming a semi-invalid. Madison’s final years were spent primarily organizing his papers and correspondence, occasionally writing brief papers reflecting upon past events. During his last two years, Madison was able to complete the compilation of his papers which his wife sold for domestic publication rights under the supervision of Congress in 1840 for $30,000. In April 1835, he composed his final will giving generous donations to colleges, universities and a variety of philanthropic institutions in addition to bequests to his wife and family. He continued to decline, the last six months forcing him to recline on a couch, unable to walk. The end came peacefully on June 28, 1836. After suffering through a number of “bilious attacks” during his final month, Madison died quietly of heart failure. He had hoped to make it to the Fourth of July, joining Adams and Jefferson who had both died on that date five years earlier but it was not to be, coming up six days short. His last words were a response to his niece’s query “What’s the matter, Uncle James,” to which he replied “Nothing more than a change of mind, my dear.”10 Andrew Jackson was seventy years old when he retired from the presidency, one of only four presidents to be in their seventies when completing their term of office. He would live for another eight years, but suffer from a variety of health concerns during the entire period. By the time Jackson left Washington, he was already frail, suffering from a variety of maladies which kept him in continuous pain and discomfort. Jackson had turned the operation of his large farm over to his son who was an alcoholic, slothful and ignorant. Combined with the national depression

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of 1837, Jackson’s financial woes increased while his health continued to deteriorate. Biographer Robert Remini noted that for the first six months of 1838 Jackson hemorrhaged regularly and he endured constant headaches and a constant pain in his side. Sometimes a threatened hemorrhage was averted by the application of the lancet and cathartics; most times they took their natural course and after the hemorrhage subsided he was freely bled.11

He complained of weakness and difficulty in breathing after the loss of so much blood but miraculously was able to live for another six years. At this point, he joined the Presbyterian Church, turning to organized religion for the first time in his life. He maintained his interest in national politics, especially vocal over the annexation of Texas and Van Buren’s defeat by William Henry Harrison. His final years were endured, eased by opiates, suffering from chronic tuberculosis which destroyed one of his lungs. He also lost sight in one eye due to cataracts and constantly suffered from diarrhea. On June 2, 1845, Dr. Esleman of Nashville operated on him in order to drain an abscess in his abdomen. Six days later, passing in and out of consciousness, Jackson woke up, lost consciousness, and died quietly the same morning, June 8, 1845 at age seventy-eight. Despite the many maladies afflicting Jackson throughout his eight-year retirement, he never lost his will to live. Physically weakened, he remained intellectually alert, maintaining a continuous interest in the operation of his plantation as well as important political events. His body may have become swollen and weak but his mind remained sharp. He planned his funeral to exacting detail. His last words were addressed to his children who cried at his pitiful condition. Jackson turned toward them, gently telling them “not to cry—be good children and we will all meet in heaven.”12 Fellow Tennessean, Andrew Johnson, also suffered from health problems, but nevertheless pursued an active partisan political life, running unsuccessfully for the Senate in 1871, the House in 1873, and finally successfully for the Senate again in 1875 (although he died in office a few months later). His medical problems began in the summer of 1873 following the failed congressional race. Eastern Tennessee experienced an outbreak of Asiatic cholera which claimed over a hundred lives in Johnson’s Green County. Johnson refused to leave town, courageously nursing the sick. He was soon stricken with the disease, coming close to death. Thinking he was about to die, Johnson wrote All seems gloom and despair, I have no fear. Approaching death to me is the mere shadow of God’s protecting wing. Here I know no evil can come; here I will rest in quiet and peace beyond the reach of calumny’s poisoned shaft; the influential, evil, and jealous enemies; where treason and traitors in States,

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where backsliders and hypocrites in the church, can have no place, where the great fact will be realized that God is Truth, and gratitude the highest attribute of man.13

Johnson was able to survive the attack but his recuperation was lengthy and his health never fully returned. What did appear to improve more rapidly was his popularity, especially among the common people in the central and western regions of Tennessee. Johnson’s close friend and campaign manager Sam Mulligan died in the spring of 1874, motivating Johnson to make one final run for the Senate, hoping to vindicate the besmirched reputation of both men. It would take fifty-five ballots in the state legislature on January 26, 1875, but Johnson finally pulled away from the crowded field and was elected. The country had grown increasingly sympathetic toward the former impeached president who left office in disgrace six years earlier. The New York Times somewhat magnanimously commented “He [Johnson] went out of the White House as poor as he entered it, and that is something to say in these times. We shall not be sorry to see him again in public life.”14 Unfortunately, Johnson’s return to the Senate was rather short-lived. On July 23, 1875, Johnson suffered a stroke while visiting his daughter. He regained consciousness but he was felled by a second stroke which proved fatal. He lingered on for two more days before dying on the 31st at 2 a.m. Ulysses Grant was a youthful, spry fifty-five-year-old when he left the White House in March, 1877. He was desirous of running for a third term but knew that he must remove himself temporarily from the nation’s capital until the negative vibes of his administration had dissipated. Numerous charges of corruption and malfeasance tainted key members of his cabinet during his second term, although none had been directed at Grant personally. He and his wife would travel around the world on a triumphant twoyear trip, returning in time to begin a third term election campaign. Unfortunately, his plans never materialized, and he was plunged into a financial quagmire from which he would not be rescued until after his death. Although his health remained good until the last year of his eight year retirement, the final twelve months would be a difficult, painful conclusion to a remarkable life. In the summer of 1884 as he was vacationing in Long Branch, New Jersey, by the seashore, Grant bit into a peach during lunch and felt a sharp pain in his throat. He did not realize that this seemingly minor discomfort was a cancerous growth which would kill him in less than a year. It would be a difficult, painful eleven months. Compounding his serious medical condition was the necessity for him to complete his memoirs before his death. With the benevolent assistance of Mark Twain, Grant’s war memoirs would provide the much needed financial assistance for his wife Julia to live comfortable while also paying off

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most of their mounting debts. Grant’s cancer grew at an alarming rate so that by the time he met with a New York specialist it was inoperable. The entire nation watched as Grant valiantly worked on the book, in constant pain, virtually withering away as he lost over fifty pounds in less than a year. Despite growing steadily weaker, Grant kept on writing, finishing the book just weeks before his death. Biographer William McFeely describes how the nation was granted the privilege of observing Grant’s painful demise: Not until General Eisenhower’s bowel movements gained public notice a century later were the American people given such graphic details about the health of a president. . . . Each day, wrapped in a blanket on the porch, or settled in a chair in the house, Grant with pencil and pad wrote his strong, quiet, prose.15

Even after Grant finished a clean draft of the book, he continued to work on revising the page proofs, correcting minor errors as the first volume was in press. Grant died on July 23, 1885, at Mount McGregor, New York just outside of Saratoga Springs. During his last month he had completely lost his voice, forcing him to communicate through written notes. His final note on the 22nd of July stated, “My life is precious of course to my family and would be to me if I could entirely recover. There never was one more willing to go than I am.”16 Grant’s retirement years may have begun in a grand note with his world tour but the final year, struggling to finish his memoir, his throat ravaged by cancer, was a painful conclusion to a courageous life. Similar to Grant, Teddy Roosevelt moved into retirement at a relatively early age. At fifty-five, in fact, Roosevelt is the youngest former president and although he was blessed with good health for most of his ten year retirement, the final years were both difficult and painful. His plight was likely exacerbated by the need to project a virile, strong image, still believing that he might run again for the presidency in 1916 and even 1920. Teddy had been a frail child but he had devoted himself to becoming a robust, virile adult, an image that was further enhanced by his aggressive style of oratory as well as his adventurous travels into the jungles of Africa and South America. Ironically, it was from his South American trip during the winter of 1913 to 1914 through the Amazon River basin, in the Brazilian wilderness that Roosevelt’s health began to first deteriorate. Four weeks into their journey on the uncharted “River of Doubt,” Roosevelt fell out of his canoe, and during the attempt to secure him from the fast moving current, he smashed his leg against a boulder. This was the same leg he had injured several years earlier in a carriage accident. Its weakened condition made the leg susceptible to infection. It soon became covered with ulcerated sores as it was attacked by sand flies and other jungle insects. His temperature climbed to 104 degrees as he grew delirious. He soon grew anemic, losing

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a great deal of weight. His health was compromised even earlier in his 1,500-mile expedition when he contracted malaria. Roosevelt was troubled by the recurrences of the malaria and the leg infection during his final years. He was also plagued by painful inflammatory rheumatism and a serious ear infection that developed into mastoiditis, causing deafness in one year. Despite these various maladies, Teddy Roosevelt continued to present himself as a possible future presidential candidate and became an increasingly vocal critic of President Wilson’s war policies. Once the United States formally entered the war, he traversed the country selling liberty bonds to aid the war effort. By the end of 1917 it was clear to his wife Edith and other close friends that Teddy had lost his vigor; his health was visibly failing. In February 1918 he was hospitalized in order to have an operation to treat abscesses on his leg and thigh. He remained hospitalized for a month. When he left the hospital he was barely able to walk, blind in one eye, and half deaf. Despite his weakened condition, NY Republican supporters, ignoring his physical infirmities, urged him to run for governor in 1919 but Roosevelt insisted his focus would remain on only the national political scene. On October 27, 1918, Teddy Roosevelt turned sixty and bragged to his son how good he felt, telling him about his return to rowing regularly. Despite his sanguine assessment of his renewed health, Roosevelt continued to deteriorate. He experienced recurrences of his malarial fever while his rheumatism caused his feet to be so badly swollen he was unable to wear shoes. By the late fall of 1918, he was ordered to bed by his physicians and in November was hospitalized for seven weeks. He could hardly walk after his release, appearing stiff, pale, and very weak. He and Edith would occasionally take short trips in the car in order to get fresh air. On New Year’s Day 1919, his temperature climbed to 103 degrees. He was confined to the sofa, too weak to eat with the rest of the family. Teddy Roosevelt awoke on January 5th complaining of shortness of breath. A doctor was summoned as his breathing became more irregular. His doctors had focused primarily upon his rheumatism and the inflammation of his joints, but an unexpected blood clot had dealt the fatal blow. A nurse was called at 4 a.m. but he had already stopped breathing, quietly passing away. His son Archie cabled his brothers, stating simply “The old lion is dead.”17 The first half of William Taft’s retirement was pleasant and fairly relaxed. He continued to remain interested in politics, speaking on behalf of the conservative wing of the GOP. In 1913, he was appointed Kent Professor of Law at Yale University where he lectured on government and taught courses in international law. In June 1921, he was appointed Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court, a position that he had always desired. He served for nine years on the court, retiring in 1930 and dying a month later on March 8th. Taft’s only health problem was his obesity. As he grew older

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and his metabolism slowed down, his weight cascaded over three hundred pounds, tapping out at 330. He was a fairly tall man at six foot two inches, but as his life grew more sedentary, his weight began to exert an unhealthy burden on his heart. He periodically went on diets, losing seventy-five pounds the first two years he was president, but he loved to eat and had soon added all the poundage back. He was the first president to play golf but it appeared to have little impact on his dieting. One can imagine how difficult it was for him to see the ball lurking below his sizable paunch. The weight began to cause serious medical problems during his last five years. He began to suffer from both digestive disorders and heart problems. He enjoyed a quiet life on the court; the only difficulty was dealing with interjustice tensions and acerbic dissenting opinions. His health continued to decline, causing him to grow increasingly weaker and more tired. By 1928 he was suffering from arteriosclerosis (hardening of the arteries), high blood pressure, and an inflammation of the bladder. He resigned from the court on February 3, 1930. His condition deteriorated rapidly as he was unable to eat, drifting in and out of consciousness. He died quietly in his sleep on March 8, 1930. No president ever left the White House in a more despondent, emotionally drained condition than Richard Nixon. Various journalists and authors have described his psychological condition during his final days in office as verging on psychotic, delusional, or suicidal. Kissinger wrote in his memoirs that on the evening before his resignation, Nixon was in a near fetal position on a rug, emotionally distraught. Somehow Nixon rallied as he gave his brief address before boarding a plane with his family for his departing flight to San Clemente. He stated the principal reason for his resignation was to help the nation get through a difficult time, never addressing the issue of his guilt in the Watergate cover-up. Once back in California, he spent the weekend in seclusion, appearing to some observers as being in a state of shock. During his first week in exile, as the impact of his resignation lessened, his mood swung widely from deep sadness and contrition to bitterness and anger, accusing President Ford of double-crossing him. He was also deeply troubled by the possibility of a grand jury indictment in the coming months. Public opinion polls indicated that the majority of Americans wanted him to stand trial for his role in the cover-up.18 Nixon had wanted to take his presidential papers with him to San Clemente but President Ford, on the advice of his chief of staff, Al Haig, and his legal staff refused to release the documents. The legal struggle over these papers, tapes, and miscellaneous records would drag on for twenty more years. Ford did dispatch White House counsel Benton Becker to discuss the papers as well as the forthcoming pardon. Upon his return to Washington, Becker reported that not only did Nixon appear suicidal but appeared to be “the most depressed human being I have ever

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met.”19 In addition to the persistent emotional tension, Nixon’s physical health began to deteriorate. In October of 1974, just before the Congressional elections, Nixon experienced a recurrence of his phlebitis which caused a massive blood clot in his leg, necessitating a lengthy hospitalization. Under pressure to testify in the upcoming Halderman and Ehrlichman criminal trials, his doctors decided that he was far too weak to travel. The swelling in his leg grew worse, resulting in surgery. Following the operation Nixon remained unconscious, in cardiovascular shock, with a significant amount of internal bleeding. Nixon’s recovery was painfully slow. It was not until June 1975, nearly nine months later, that his health appeared to be improving. He still seemed exhausted, walking with a limp and sleeping twelve hours a day. He resumed work on his memoirs, assisted by numerous aides. He also tried to physically regain his strength by taking long walks and swimming in the pool after working on his memoirs. Friends could see a change in his disposition as he began a nearly twenty-year struggle to rebuild his reputation and re-emerge on the world scene as a senior statesman whose wisdom merited the world’s attention. For most of these years, Nixon remained in remarkably good health until his death on April 22, 1994. Ronald Reagan left the White House in January of 1989, at seventy-eight years of age, retiring as the oldest president in our nation’s history. When he died fifteen years later, he surpassed Adams (90) and Hoover (90) as the oldest president at ninety-three years. He appeared fairly energetic as he returned to his California home in Bel Air. Unfortunately, while on vacation in Mexico in July of 1989, he fell from a horse. Initially, the injuries appeared minor resulting in a few bruises and superficial abrasions. A few months later in September he went to the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota for what was described as a routine physical. During the course of his examination, it was discovered that he had fluid on his brain, probably the result of the fall. He underwent a successful operation to drain the fluid. Upon returning to California he resumed a fairly active life for the next three years, giving numerous speeches, making appearances at party fundraisers and other public ceremonies. His last significant public appearance was at President Nixon’s funeral on April 27, 1994. By this time it was apparent that Reagan was in the throes of Alzheimer’s disease. For the next decade until his death on June 6, 2004, he would disappear into seclusion at his California estate, under the watchful care of his wife Nancy. Bill Clinton retired after two terms at the relatively young age of fifty-four. He immediately began an active campaign to restore his financial security by giving numerous lectures at inflated prices while also completing his memoirs, which he sold for a staggering multi-million dollar publishing contract. Clinton had always had a weight problem and a reputation for eating junk food. These unhealthy habits caught up to him in the fall of 2004

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when he experienced a serious heart attack requiring open heart surgery. Because of relative youth and his recuperative powers, Clinton’s by-pass surgery was successful and he resumed his active public life in approximately four months. Looking appreciably thinner with a moderately curtailed lifestyle, Clinton appears to have made a full recovery, although it is hoped that he will heed the cautionary warning of surviving a heart attack.

A NEGATIVE RETIREMENT EXPERIENCE: PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS Thus far this chapter has examined a range of medical problems affecting the quality of a president’s retirement experience. The final section will shift focus to a number of psychological factors which have also had a significant impact on a president’s ability to enjoy himself after leaving the White House. It appears fairly obvious that presidents forced into retirement because of a failure to be re-elected or even gain their party’s nomination are likely to be unhappy vacating the White House. It is also logical to expect that they will begin their forced retirements with a less than positive outlook. A former president’s negative disposition during retirement can also be affected by medical problems, financial uncertainty, and a sense of unfinished business. In recent surveys of the general public, researchers discovered that approximately two-thirds of retirees were happy in retirement and found their positive expectations fulfilled.20 It appears, however, that American presidents in retirement are unable to reach the same level of satisfaction as the average citizen. Six presidents have been selected to represent individuals, whose retirements were at least partially marred by psychological factors, resulting in a negative emotional disposition after completing their terms of office. Pierce, Buchanan, Grant, and Roosevelt had unpleasant retirements from beginning to end, while John Adams and Herbert Hoover only had to suffer through a difficult period of a few years immediately after stepping down before moving on to a more enjoyable retirement experience. Although the second half of John Adams’ retirement was an overall positive experience, especially after his reconciliation with Jefferson, the first few years were unpleasant. Adams, by nature a thin-skinned, acerbic, and irascible individual, was angered by the bitter, unsuccessful 1800 election campaign. Jefferson allowed his supporters to vilify Adams’ character in one of the ugliest political campaigns in presidential electoral history. Adams returned to his Quincy, Massachusetts home, not even bothering to attend Jefferson’s inauguration ceremonies. Adams remained publicly silent, but it

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was obvious for the first few years that he was depressed and bitter, angry over his rejection by the electorate. After six months, Adams commented that if he could live over again he would have been a shoemaker. He chose not to write his memoirs, protesting that “it would be too painful; I cannot but reflect upon scenes I have beheld.”21 He refused to travel, spending most of his time working on the farm and taking long walks. After a few rough years, Adams moved beyond his melancholy and bitterness, but as biographer David McCullough explains, it was not an easy struggle: During his presidency he had been subjected to a serious of malicious attacks, beset by personal disloyalty and political betrayal, suffering the loss of his mother, the near-death of his wife, the death of his son, tormented by physical ailments, he had more than weathered the storm. His marriage, his humor, and a great underlying love of life were all still very much intact.22

By 1810, with the assistance of Dr. Benjamin Rush acting as a mediator, Adams and Jefferson renewed their friendship, both men ready to ignore old wounds. For the remaining sixteen years of his retirement, Adams had a pleasant, somewhat uneventful conclusion to his illustrious life. The retirements of both Franklin Pierce and James Buchanan were marred by the failure to prevent the Civil War. Because both men were not strident abolitionists, choosing instead to place greater emphasis upon reconciling the sectional tensions between the North and South, they were viewed by their respective neighbors in New Hampshire and Pennsylvania as traitors to the Union cause. Pierce was believed to be unelectable by his own party (Democrats) because of his support of the Kansas-Nebraska Act as well as his failure to maintain peace in Kansas. It was thought that Pierce was willing to allow slavery to continue in the South and West if it would keep the union together. In late 1857 when he returned to his home in Concord, New Hampshire, many of his friends and supporters had abandoned him. Pierce declared his loyalty to the Union but was critical of other politicians (both Democrats and Republicans) who he believed had not worked hard enough to keep the country united. By opposing the war, Pierce angered the Lincoln administration, particularly Secretary of State Seward who accused him of treason. Most of Pierce’s retirement was unhappy and spent alone. His wife died in December, 1863 further isolating him. He knew that he was detested for his unpopular views, often accused of being disloyal to the nation he served and loved. Always a heavy drinker, after his wife’s death he verged on alcoholism, suffering from both dropsy and a damaged liver. He became increasingly bitter during the war years, criticizing nearly every act of the Lincoln administration. When the war ended in April, 1865 as townspeople celebrated the victory, several marchers threatened

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to burn down Pierce’s home because he failed to display the requisite patriotic flags and banners from his front porch. Pierce died four years later, bitter and alone. It would be another fifty years before his home state would erect its first monument honoring their native son. Buchanan’s position on the war mirrored Pierce’s, and his retirement years were nearly as unpleasant. Initially upon his return to Lancaster, Pennsylvania after Lincoln’s inauguration, his neighbors gave him a hero’s welcome. For the first few months he enjoyed strolling about his estate, happy to be free of the political turmoil raging in Washington. Once the war began in full force, however, he was faced with angry criticism. He received countless insulting, threatening letters. As the local citizens became embittered, Buchanan was unable to venture from his estate at Wheatland into Lancaster proper. He soon became the scapegoat for the Lincoln administration. Biographer Philip Klein described the difficult period: For the next five years Buchanan faced a lone struggle against overwhelming odds to counteract the lies about him which filled northern newspapers. Even Lincoln made a number of subtle charges against him. Most of the charges were too vague to rebut, and Buchanan chose not to make any public defense while the war lasted.23

It was during this period that Buchanan began to suffer from a series of painful stomach disorders, likely produced by the stressful situation. Republicans in Congress were brutal in a campaign of “character assassination,” engaging in a series of petty harassments including the removal of the franking privilege for ex-presidents, a thinly disguised strategy to limit Buchanan’s ability to answer their charges. He believed that time would look more favorably upon his presidency. Speaking from his deathbed in 1868, Buchanan defiantly stated “I have always felt and still feel that I discharged every public duty imposed on me conscientiously. I have no regrets for any public act of my life and history will vindicate my memory.”24 Ulysses Grant’s retirement began grandly with his two-year world tour following his two terms in office. But when he returned expecting a triumphant welcome that would catapult him toward a successful third term in 1880, he was deeply disappointed to learn that his re-election plans were not feasible, and even more disturbing, all of his savings had been lost through unwise investments made by his son and associated stockbrokers. Practically destitute, the proud Grant had to borrow money from friends which he could only repay through the profits from the sale of his memoirs. Struggling to complete the two volumes before he succumbed to a terminal case of throat cancer, Grant worked himself to near exhaustion. He died only a few weeks after completing the volumes.

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Teddy Roosevelt approached his retirement with all of the gusto that he brought to his entire life. There were many highs during these years such as his rousing trips to Africa and the Amazon basin in South America, but overall it was an extremely frustrating period in his life. Once he stepped down from the “Bully Pulpit” of the presidency in 1909 and handed the reins of government over to his handpicked successor, William H. Taft, he would never regain the political power that was necessary for his lifeblood. Beginning with Taft’s failure to continue to carry out his agenda, through the Bull Moose fiasco and the two term elections of Wilson, Roosevelt experienced one major disappointment after another. He could not even convince Wilson to allow him to form his own military division and rescue the Allies from the rampaging Huns. He kept busy up until his final years, selling Liberty loans and drumming up possible support for a run for the White House in 1920, but his body gave out at the relatively young age of sixtyone. The cumulative effect of the multitude of defeats and disappointments during his thirteen-year retirement must have taken its toll on his strong constitution, but he never weakened until the very end when he could no longer walk. Patricia O’Toole concludes her excellent examination of Teddy Roosevelt’s post-presidential life by writing: Teddy Roosevelt dared greatly to the last, contending against grief and pain, contending for the fair treatment of all Americans and contending for a return to power. Great triumphs eluded him after the White House but to say that he failed would be to miss the point of the man.25

Herbert Hoover’s retirement did not get off to a good start. His request for government protection was denied by FDR even after he received death threats from a deranged veteran living in Brooklyn who was quickly arrested by the police. The mutual dislike existing between Hoover and FDR would continue for another twelve years. He settled briefly in New York, residing at the Waldorf Astoria. After two weeks he and his wife took a train back to his family home in Palo Alto. He said upon his return to California that he believed he was now entitled to a long rest which he hoped would last twenty years. He refused to comment on any political issues, maintaining his silence for several years. Friends found him bitter and depressed, complaining about Roosevelt’s orchestrated attacks on his character and policies. He spent most of this brief period taking long walks around the beautiful Stanford campus as well as occasional car trips of modest duration. He studiously awarded public appearances and the media. His only true enjoyment was in his favorite pastime, fishing which he approached with “an almost spiritual intensity.”26 By 1935 Hoover began to shed his malaise and became active again in national politics. Even though he failed to secure his party’s 1936 presidential

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nomination, Hoover broke his brooding silence and began publicly attacking Roosevelt’s policies, directing his most venomous critique toward the badly flawed court packing plan which would soon self-destruct. For the next three decades Hoover would devote himself to a wide range of philanthropic and governmental reform issues that would distinguish him as among the most productive of any former president. Only Jimmy Carter and John Quincy Adams had post-presidential lives approximating Hoover’s noteworthy achievements. The six presidents examined in this final section were victimized by unhappy retirements. Whether the product of a trying historical period or debilitating physical ailment, they were unable to enjoy the numerous pleasures generally associated with the relaxed life of a retiree. It is perhaps also the result of their burden as former powerful political figures leading an entire nation who suddenly are forced to shift gears into a new life as a private citizen. Their past prestige and notoriety became fleeting memories, as they faced the mundane challenges of making a living, caring for loved ones, and trying to maintain a healthy lifestyle.

III PART III

10 Conclusions and Critical Issues

Retirement is generally an idealized period of life when work ends and relaxation can begin. It often means leaving a highly routinized existence where personal freedom is constrained by workplace obligations. Additionally, it can also mean abandoning a job that is physically demanding, tedious or has become unchallenging and mundane. Work for most is primarily a means to an end—offering a salary which allows one to provide shelter, food, and other of life’s necessities for one’s family, hopefully including funds set aside to sustain a livable retirement. From my own experience and those of other Americans as reported in gerontological and sociological studies, the primary advantage offered during retirement is the freedom from various time constraints and pressures of full-time employment. The ability to get up each day when you choose, to schedule your day according to whatever whimsical activity you wish to engage in, or to simply choose to do nothing and pull the covers back over your head—the personal independence and freedom of choice is a powerful liberating force that most people have rarely experienced during their work years. There are, however, a number of factors which can significantly affect the quality of one’s retirement experience. The variety of circumstances leading to retirement is often critical to this equation. We have seen in this volume the impact upon presidents of whether their decision to retire was voluntary or coerced. Losing an election or being denied a party’s nomination is not only ego deflating but can be a depressing way to begin a retirement. Involuntary retirements are also likely to be unplanned. An unexpected dismissal from a job or serious medical issue are typical causes of involuntary retirement for the general public. On a personal note, one day I was playing tennis and lecturing my classes and the next morning I was undergoing 175

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triple bypass open heart surgery, never to return to the classroom again. In the case of unexpected, involuntary retirement there is likely to be little planning for the future years. Even many people who have a fairly clear timetable for their retirement are often negligent in formulating definite plans for this upcoming period. Where one will reside, how one can economically survive, and what one will do to pass the time are difficult questions that many individuals choose to ignore or procrastinate in their resolution. Presidents mirror the general public in their inability to confront these same critical issues. This final chapter will discuss the wide range of activities engaged in by former presidents, assessing the relative import of various factors influencing the quality of their retirement. Based on presidential retirement experiences, a number of conclusions will be drawn, including the challenging question of whether there is a better way to utilize ex-presidents for the public good.

A WIDE RANGE OF PRESIDENTIAL RETIREMENT ACTIVITIES It is clear from earlier chapters in this book that former presidents engage in a wide range of activities during their retirement. It is not surprising to find that nearly a quarter of our presidents have attempted to re-enter politics, running not only for their former position of chief executive, but also running for Congress as well as state governor. John Tyler of Virginia, initially heading a delegation to a peace conference in Washington hoping to head off the Civil War, eventually was elected to the Confederate legislature representing his home state. John Quincy Adams served seventeen distinguished years in the U.S. House of Representatives, while Andrew Jackson was able to serve only a few months in the Senate before dying in office. Former presidents such as Martin Van Buren, Millard Fillmore, U. S. Grant, and Teddy Roosevelt devoted a great deal of their time and energy attempting to reclaim the presidency during their retirement years. Eventually they would realize their time as a viable candidate had passed, and conclude their retirement years without partisan political involvement. William Taft provides a unique example of a former president who was able to enjoy his retirement by shifting from the contentious executive branch of politics to the more cerebral and subdued life as a member of the U.S. Supreme Court, a position he had always desired, even more than the presidency. Many presidents did not wish to spend their retirement quietly outside of politics. They engaged in a wide range of partisan activities ranging from the titular leader of their national party—this was most common if their party was out of power—to serve on important governmental boards and commissions. Benjamin Harrison’s work on the International Court and Her-

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bert Hoover’s direction of the reorganization of the federal bureaucracy for Presidents Truman and Eisenhower are good examples of such continued involvement. Former presidents can also continue to play a meaningful role in national politics by advising their presidential successors or simply using their prestige to address the nation. Richard Nixon devoted most of his retirement to resurrecting his reputation as a world statesman. He published numerous volumes on international diplomacy while also using conferences and the national media to advertise his opinions of world events. Former presidents since Teddy Roosevelt still have an omnipresent “bully pulpit” from which to advocate their position and many have taken advantage of this inherent power. Most former presidents since the Civil War have devoted large amounts of time to non-partisan public service as well as philanthropic activities. Jimmy Carter has been remarkably active in a wide range of public service and philanthropic pursuits, including his work on Habitat for Humanity and his relentless pursuit of peace and the utilization of free democratic elections. He has mediated foreign disputes and civil wars in Ethiopia, Sudan, Somalia, North Korea, and Bosnia, while monitoring elections in Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Zambia, Guyana, Paraguay, Liberia, West Bank, and Jamaica. Several other ex-presidents including John Adams, James Monroe, John Tyler, Benjamin Harrison, and Herbert Hoover worked on state and federal commissions and constitutional conventions hoping to improve the quality and effectiveness of governmental performance. Additionally, a number of former presidents have devoted significant amounts of their retirement to philanthropic and humanitarian pursuits. Most recently Presidents George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton have worked together for tsunami relief. Benjamin Harrison and Rutherford Hayes were deeply involved in the education of African-Americans in the South. Hayes served as head of the Slater Fund, which assisted minority children in their efforts to receive a decent education, and trustee of the Peabody Educational Fund. Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe all played important roles in the creation and development of the University of Virginia. Herbert Hoover rivaled Jimmy Carter in the amount of time and energy devoted to humanitarian causes. He gained much notoriety for his lifelong efforts on behalf of refugees in war torn Europe following both World Wars. Once retired, Hoover joined efforts to assist Polish and Finnish refugees, helping to create the Commission for Relief in 1939. As the war progressed he also headed the Committee to Feed the Small Democracies which now included Holland, Belgium, and Norway. Domestically, Hoover’s favorite charity was the Boys Club of America. As national chairman in 1936, Hoover worked diligently to raise funds and expand the number of local clubs nearly fivefold by the time of his death in 1964. Losing his own father at an early age may explain his lifelong commitment to the Boys Clubs. Additionally,

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Hoover worked on behalf of the American Child Health Organization, and the American Anti-Cancer Committee. Just because an ex-president is retired does not mean that he will not have to consider working during this period either out of economic necessity or simply to keep himself busy. Paralleling the general public, presidents are entering retirement at relatively earlier ages. This factor only intensifies the necessity for dealing with long-term financial concerns or simply a means of filling growing amounts of time. Working during one’s retirement may be pleasurable or necessary but it is usually a part-time endeavor that is not overly taxing. Nearly all of the earliest presidents, Washington through Monroe, faced serious economic difficulties when they left office. They were land rich and cash poor, and in most instances their property had fallen into disrepair during their time in office. All of these men had to sell large portions of their land holdings in order to gain solvency. Their time in the White House may have been rewarding in terms of the prestige and power which they commanded, but it was costly to their personal finances. Washington and Jefferson, in particular, had to devote much time and energy in order to regain their financial equilibrium. It was not until 1955, when a financially troubled Harry Truman requested congressional assistance in order to hire an office staff to help him write his memoirs, did the federal government begin to provide financial assistance to former presidents. The Former Presidents Act passed in 1958 under the Eisenhower administration pays retired presidents an annual salary which is presently (2005) at $180,000. Money is also provided for office staff and adequate office space decently furnished and equipped. Since 1961, the Comptroller General ruled that the act also applies to office supplies such as stationery, postage and long distance telephone calls. Even with the monies provided by the Former Presidents Act, some recent presidents, most notably Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton, have faced serious economic difficulties in retirement, primarily the result of massive legal fees accumulated during their terms of office. Both men have spoken extensively as well as written best selling memoirs in order to regain financial stability. Even though the annual salary appears acceptable to the average citizen, former presidents are not only accustomed to living a fairly lavish lifestyle but are expected by the American public to be able to continue to maintain lofty standards during their retirement. From the Civil War until the passage of the Former Presidents Act, nearly all of the ex-presidents were able to retire without serious financial problems. Most of the former presidents devoted only a portion of their retirement to economic pursuits. A few practiced law while several others were on the boards of banks, corporations and insurance companies. The only president plagued by severe economic problems since the Civil War was U. S. Grant. He lost all of his savings in his son’s brokerage firm through

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questionable speculative ventures. Grant was forced to accept loans from friends, which he was able to repay through the profits from his war memoirs, an exhausting project completed shortly before his death. In recent years, former presidents have spent much of their retirement time on writing projects, which have proven to be not only lucrative but a means to further sustain or rebuild their reputation. Teddy Roosevelt was a prolific writer of widely divergent topics from travel memoirs on his trips to Africa and South America to treatises on natural history. Hoover, Truman, Eisenhower, Nixon, Carter, and Clinton have all written extensive memoirs which became best sellers significantly supplementing their income. Carter and Nixon, following Teddy Roosevelt’s example, have also written many additional volumes on a wide range of topics. Carter has been the most impressive in his breadth of effort, completing volumes of poetry, history, world affairs, personal philosophy, and a novel about the Revolutionary War. Most of Nixon’s numerous books were focused upon world affairs and diplomacy. From my own experience, working on a writing project is an ideal retirement activity. It is an endeavor that is not physically taxing yet provides intellectual stimulation and satisfaction. It can also be done in the comfort of one’s home, a leisurely activity done at whatever pace the author chooses. Most important, writing offers an opportunity to clarify your beliefs and leave a permanent record on whatever topic you select. Depending upon an ex-president’s desire to continue in partisan politics, engage in non-partisan public service, or improve their finances, all presidents have also tried to devote a portion of their retirement to leisurely activities. Nearly all former presidents looked forward to spending more time with their families. Jefferson, Madison, Tyler, Cleveland, Roosevelt, Eisenhower, and Bush devoted much of their retirement to reuniting with family and friends. The chaotic White House years deprived presidents of the simple pleasures of watching their children and grandchildren grow and mature. Simply sitting on the front porch observing his young family frolic before him is a blessed retirement activity, long anticipated and a welcome relief from the pressures of office. Many presidents began their retirements by traveling immediately after leaving the White House. They often took an extended vacation trip to some distant region of the country. These were usually triumphant affairs, each day filled with enthusiastic supporters providing parades, receptions, and other forms of adulation. Especially for presidents whose terms in office ended unpleasantly, these trips offered a reassuring embrace and a return of self-esteem. Martin Van Buren was the first former president to travel internationally after leaving office, enjoying a long trip across Europe being lavishly entertained by dignitaries in each country. The most elaborate as well as longest global excursion was by Grant and his wife. For two years they traversed the world, honored and entertained by royalty in one country

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after another. Leaving the presidency under a cloud of corruption, yet wishing to try for a third term, Grant’s worldwide trip was a two-year hiatus which allowed him to regain his self-esteem as a national leader. Teddy Roosevelt also engaged in globe-trotting excursions which not only allowed him to spend time with his son, but to also keep himself in the news while providing material for future writing projects. Roosevelt’s adventurous trips to Africa and South America also allowed him to collect numerous botanical and biological specimens for the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, which had helped fund his costly expeditions. In recent years several presidents enjoyed traditional avocational pursuits such as hiking, fishing, and golf. Cleveland, Harrison, Hoover, and Eisenhower all enjoyed the outdoors, building cabins in secluded mountain locations where they often spent long summer retreats. Hoover and Eisenhower were the most ardent fishermen, traveling to distant regions of the country to engage in trout fishing. Taft was the first president to play golf, although he did it more for health reasons than a love of the game. Eisenhower, Ford, Bush, and Clinton were all golfers hitting the links as much as possible. Eisenhower was criticized while in office for playing too much golf, but retirement at Gettysburg offered unlimited opportunity without public scrutiny. The most unusual, as well as dangerous, pastime of a former president is George H. W. Bush’s infatuation with parachute jumping.

FACTORS AFFECTING THE QUALITY OF RETIREMENT There are a number of critical factors that affect the quality of a former president’s retirement. A few of these factors impact the enjoyment of everyone’s retirement years such as health concerns and financial problems, but there are also several which are unique to a former president once he has left the White House. A successful presidency does not guarantee an enjoyable retirement. The intrusion of health and financial concerns can limit the quality of a president’s retirement. However, presidents who were pleased to leave the White House and did so on their own terms generally experienced pleasant retirements. Presidents such as Rutherford Hayes, Benjamin Harrison, Grover Cleveland (the second retirement), Calvin Coolidge, Harry Truman, Dwight Eisenhower, and Gerald Ford left office with a sense of having fulfilled their public service obligation and were ready to relax and abandon the pressures of the presidency. Their retirement activities were spent primarily in leisurely pursuits with friends and family with occasional forays into public service or philanthropic activities. For the presidents such as John Adams, John Quincy Adams, Franklin Pierce, Millard Fillmore, James Buchanan, U. S. Grant, Andrew Johnson, William Taft, Herbert Hoover, Richard Nixon, and Jimmy Carter, their

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tenure in the White House ended in either an unsuccessful bid for re-election or an overall ineffectual presidency. The tenor of the times can also contribute to a frustrating presidency. Difficult economic times, the harbinger of war, or administration corruption and scandal have all contributed to unpleasant presidential experiences. The response to a problematic presidency has been either to wage a campaign to vindicate one’s reputation or to simply remove and isolate oneself, far from the public spotlight. In several cases a former president has initially sought a subdued, private existence, but after a few years reentered the political scene in hopes of rebuilding his tarnished image. Since the 1950s, increased media attention has generated continued public interest in former presidents as national icons, making it difficult to maintain a private life without public exposure. Ex-presidents are currently forced into celebrity status, pursued relentlessly by the press. It is a trend that is unlikely to be altered. The relationship of a former president with his successor can also prove to be an important factor in the quality of his retirement. Positive relationships with one’s successor can elevate an ex-president’s self-esteem, making him believe he may still contribute to the nation’s welfare. Since the nation has never formally created a mechanism or institution designed to utilize the individual or collective wisdom of ex-presidents, each relationship has developed on an ad hoc basis, heavily dependent upon the personal chemistry developed between the two presidents. Reviewing past relationships, there are many surprises, in both a negative and positive direction. Merely being of the same party is of minor significance in the nature of these relationships. Hoover was welcomed into the Truman administration after being snubbed by FDR for over twelve years. After George W. Bush decided to invade Iraq, his father, former president George H. W. Bush, ceased advising him about international politics, limiting their discussions to more mundane family matters. The son had embarked on an aggressive, solitary path for the United States which clashed with his father’s more internationalist inclinations. The tension between Teddy Roosevelt and his successor, William Taft, has been well documented. Their clash serves as an excellent example of when a former president believes his successor will continue to implement his policies and then learns that his successor has veered off course, following the advice of a rival group. Relationships between an unsuccessful president in a re-election effort and the victorious incumbent are frequently strained, especially if the electoral campaign was bitterly disputed. Examples of such antagonistic relationships are Adams and Jefferson, Buchanan and Lincoln, Taft and Wilson, Hoover and FDR, Truman and Eisenhower, and Carter and Reagan. In all cases, the former president had little opportunity or interest in working with the new administration. Dramatic shifts in party leadership usually intensify the bitterness and isolation of the former president.

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The historical context during the transition period from one president to his successor can be an additional factor influencing a former president’s retirement. The different years leading up to the Civil War had a negative effect on the retirements of Tyler, Pierce, and Buchanan. They were all blamed for their inability to halt the inexorable path toward the civil strife between the North and South as well as the nation’s failure to resolve the slavery question. Pierce and Buchanan were labeled as southern sympathizers by abolitionists and the newly formed Republican Party. Both men returned to their homes, cut off from the mainstream of their party, scapegoats for the ensuing Civil War. Similar blame was placed upon Hoover and Carter for their inability to resolve the economic crises crippling the nation during their presidencies. Both men, however, did not remain passive or sulk in isolation. They engaged in personal struggles, distinguished by triumphant achievements in the fields of international diplomacy and humanitarian service. Despite estranged relationships with their immediate successor, Carter and Hoover engaged in personal campaigns of selfless and indefatigable public service. It is likely that our current president, George W. Bush, will experience a similar fate to Lyndon Johnson in his difficult retirement years. Both have been plagued by a divisive, unpopular military operation respectively in Vietnam and Iraq. The shadow of misconduct and corruption has also undermined the retirement of several presidents, most notably Grant, Nixon, and Clinton. Nixon and Clinton seem to have moved beyond the stigma of their final presidential years (both facing impeachment), striving to resurrect their reputations, but the first years of retirement were difficult. As noted earlier, health and financial concerns affect former presidents’ retirements just as they do all citizens. Polk, Grant, Arthur, Wilson, and Reagan all suffered from serious medical issues which prevented them from enjoying their retirements. Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Grant, Nixon, and Clinton all faced economic crises during their retirements. Fortunately Truman, Nixon, and Clinton were only temporarily troubled by financial problems immediately upon leaving office. Within two years, however, all three ex-presidents, aided by annual pensions from the Former Presidents Act, were able to overcome their financial difficulties and complete their retirements without further economic concerns.

MAKING BETTER USE OF OUR FORMER PRESIDENTS Our nation has permitted former presidents complete freedom in deciding how they will spend their retirement years. This volume has shown that expresidents have engaged in a wide spectrum of activities, ranging from the leisurely, relaxed retirement of Calvin Coolidge to the frenetic work pace of

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Jimmy Carter. Given the increasing life span and continued advances in medicine, there are likely to be more former presidents, living healthier for longer periods of time. Our two most recent presidents, Bill Clinton and George H. W. Bush, left office at the age of fifty-four and sixty-eight respectively. If this trend continues, former presidents can be expected to have ten to twenty years of productive life after leaving the White House. Given their wisdom and experience after serving four- or eight-year terms, should we not be able to make better use of this small elite group of former chief executives? Given the current celebrity status of former presidents combined with the degree of intensive media scrutiny which makes it impossible for them to live in obscurity, why not formalize a mechanism by which our nation can profit from their collective wisdom? As appealing as such a proposal for formalized use of former presidents may initially appear, there are several drawbacks. Some former presidents may not wish to join such a group, preferring to maintain complete freedom of choice over retirement activities and public involvement. These expresidents may desire to defend their place in history, repair a damaged reputation or simply give their side of the story through memoirs, articles, and public appearances. It is obvious that modern day presidents possess strong egos while also being sensitive to perceived slights. Thus, thrusting these strong-willed personalities together in what could easily become partisan bickering may not be an appealing way to spend one’s retirement, especially after just completing a difficult term in office. Historian Marie Hecht who has studied former presidents in great depth, has concluded that any artificial position that would be created for a retired president would upset the constitutional balance and cause awkwardness and possibly embarrassment to the elected president. . . . The proper use of ex-presidents is to let them determine the disposition of their twilight years according to their own preferences and abilities.1

There has been surprisingly little discussion of the topic of better usage of former presidents during their retirement years, but the following historical review of the few comments on the issue indicate a lack of support for developing any type of formal institution for their utilization. Benjamin Franklin at the Constitutional Convention was the first public figure to comment on the issue. He did not think it would be a good idea because “In free government the rulers are the servants and the people their superiors and sovereigns. For the former therefore to return among the latter was not to degrade them but to promote them.”2 Harry Truman stated that he always kept Franklin’s words in mind both when he was in the White House as well as when he completed his presidency and was promoted to being a private citizen again.

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The first president to react to a suggestion for a formalized use of former chief executives was Rutherford B. Hayes. Upon hearing a proposal to have ex-presidents become lifetime members of the United States Senate, Hayes replied that the Senate was already becoming “the rich man’s place and to add life members would be inconsistent with the principle of popular government.”3 Grover Cleveland’s response to a similar proposal was even more sarcastic, stating (hopefully tongue in cheek) that the best idea was to round up ex-presidents and simply shoot them. On a more serious note, he added that One thing I cling to with special pleasure—the memory or rather the contemplation of the course of the last administration and the assurance that after all we were able to do something for our country. And with this comes the thought of the devotion and affection of the men, good and true, who stood with us, and I ask myself, is not this after all enough for one life.4

Despite being unsuccessful in his numerous campaigns for the presidency, William Jennings Bryan nevertheless thought that the problem could best be resolved by giving former presidents a non-voting seat in the Senate. William Taft sardonically criticized the idea by stating that there was no need to add “the lucubrations of ex-presidents because there was already too much talking occurring in the Senate.” Taft further suggested a dose of chloroform to be followed by a funeral pyre . . . it would secure the country from the troublesome fear that the occupant could ever come back . . . it would also fix his place in history, and enable the public to pass on to new men and new measures.5

In the early 1960s, two United States Senators proposed legislation for alternative ways to utilize former presidents. Senator Claiborne Pell offered a bill establishing former presidents as non-voting Senators at-large with the power to speak on the floor as well as participate on committees. Senator Mike Mansfield of Montana proposed legislation allowing retired presidents to be permanent members of a consultative council of state, which would meet and carry out any tasks which the sitting president would propose. Although President Kennedy did not react to either proposal directly, his chief of staff Larry O’Brien commented at a press conference that President Kennedy thought the proposals were directed at a legitimate objective, but he would not comment on the legislation because it might be construed as being self-serving on his part. Kennedy also believed that the Mansfield proposal for a consultative council might limit the individual freedom of former presidents and makes them “more or less duty bound to the administration that is in office.”6

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I believe it would be useful to develop some type of consultative council to assist the incumbent president on appropriate issues. Membership on such a council would have to be voluntary in order to preserve the independence and freedom of retired presidents. The council would not preclude any former president from advising the new president. The advice given could be either solicited or unsolicited, as we have seen in the relationship between former presidents and their successors. By working within the confines of a consultative council, the friction between strong personalities might be lessened, advice being offered by the group without the patina of personal animus. Having such a council might also assist those former presidents who are having difficulty determining what type of retirement activity is both meaningful and appropriate to their prestigious position as an ex-president.

CONCLUDING THOUGHTS The most significant change for an ex-president departing the White House and moving into retirement is loss of power. As the power of the presidency has expanded during the past seventy-five years, retirement has meant an even more dramatic change from world leader to private citizen. For some presidents, especially during the nineteenth century and early twentieth, the relinquishment of such weighty responsibilities was a welcome relief. Pierce, Hayes, Harrison, Taft, and Coolidge viewed retirement as a welcome opportunity to escape from the position of national leadership. At the other extreme several presidents such as Teddy Roosevelt, Herbert Hoover, Jimmy Carter, and Richard Nixon were deeply affected by their loss of power, spending much of their retirement trying to regain their political influence as well as restore their reputations as effective leaders. Patricia O’Toole in her excellent biography of Teddy Roosevelt’s retirement wrote that “Roosevelt’s sense of himself as a man summoned was intimately connected to his love of power.”7 O’Toole recognized the critical role power played in Roosevelt’s very essence: Like many powerful men who give themselves to public service rather than the pursuit of wealth, Roosevelt often mistook the sirens of personal ambition for the trumpets of duty. He could easily admit that he enjoyed power but could not admit, perhaps could not even see, how much he needed power in order to feel fully engaged.8

Jimmy Carter’s retirement has not been motivated by an attempt to retain an influence over world affairs but toward a more idealized goal of trying

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“to find some way to continue the unfinished business of his presidency.”9 Douglas Brinkley believes that Carter used the presidency as a stepping stone to the status of elder statesman. It is more accurate to say that instead of abandoning his agenda when he lost badly to Reagan in 1980, he chose to continue working toward programs and policies he believed in, in office or out of it.10

Before the passage of the Former Presidents Act, when an ex-president left the White House, all aspects of his power were abandoned, including all of the trappings of office such as staff, security protection, and annual salary. It is difficult to imagine the earlier presidents as they began their retirements, suddenly without political power or any of the other perquisites of office having to solitarily face the mundane yet challenging problems of solving financial problems and restoring their neglected homes and farms. Respected, successful presidents such as Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson were immediately confronted with serious economic and personal issues upon leaving the White House. They were now adrift without governmental assistance, forced to rely on their own ingenuity as well as the generosity of friends. Even with the financial assistance provided after 1958, several modern presidents have faced temporary fiscal crises. For those presidents anxious to retire into relative obscurity outside of the public spotlight, such a desire is no longer feasible. Presidents during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries did have the opportunity to live a quiet retirement with minimal public intrusion. In recent years, however, former presidents have remained public personalities, fair game for the omnipresent and sometimes bothersome media coverage. The days of Calvin Coolidge gossiping with friends at his Northampton office or Harry and Bess Truman driving cross country by themselves without any secret service protections are incidents never likely to repeat themselves. A few recent former presidents, George H. W. Bush and Gerald Ford, for example, have purposefully removed themselves from the political scene, enjoying leisurely retirements with family and friends. They have been relatively successful in keeping themselves out of the news. However, presidents desiring to remain active either through public service or public appearances, commenting on political issues, are guaranteed pervasive media coverage leading to inevitable scrutiny and commentary. One of the most interesting discoveries in this examination of presidential retirement is the somewhat paradoxical finding that nearly all of the most productive former presidents were rather ineffective while they were in office. The three most prominent examples are John Quincy Adams, Herbert Hoover, and Jimmy Carter. All three men had a difficult time in

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the White House and failed to win re-election, losing handily to their successors. Adams returned to public life, serving with distinction for seventeen years in the United States House of Representatives, while Hoover and Carter engaged in countless diplomatic and humanitarian projects elevating their status as world statesmen. Other presidents such as Andrew Johnson, Richard Nixon, and Bill Clinton have also devoted their retirements to resurrecting their damaged images—all three were mired in impeachment proceedings at the conclusion of their term in office. These three men appear to have been relatively successful in this effort. Johnson was subsequently elected to the United States Senate, Nixon regained his stature as a respected world statesman, and Clinton has been somewhat successful in reestablishing his credibility as a humanitarian and knowledgeable public policy expert. Another surprising finding in this analysis of former presidents is to learn of the exceptional accomplishments of several men whose presidential performance was far surpassed by their retirement successes. Millard Fillmore, who most historians consistently place in the lowest echelon of presidents, retired to his hometown in Buffalo, New York, where he devoted nearly twenty years to civic improvement, helping to found a municipal library and historical society as well as hospitals and educational facilities. Rutherford Hayes, following his undistinguished presidency, became deeply involved in a wide range of humanitarian, educational, and social welfare projects which aided AfroAmerican children in the South, Native-Americans in the West, and overworked and under-paid blue collar workers everywhere. Benjamin Harrison and William Taft both survived difficult presidencies to distinguish themselves in the field of law. Harrison practiced international law and was named to the International Court of Justice while Taft was Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court. The inevitable conclusion after surveying both groups of former presidents, who led distinguished careers after leaving the White House, is that success in the White House is no predictor of a productive retirement. Conversely, successful presidents are not guaranteed rewarding retirements. This was made evident with several of our earliest presidents, but more recently Wilson and Reagan experienced difficult retirements following relatively successful presidencies, both men, unfortunately suffering from serious medical problems. Presently, Bill Clinton and his wife Hillary present a unique and fascinating issue in this discussion of retirement behavior. Although several presidents have been married to strong, politically savvy spouses— Abigail Adams, Dolly Madison, Eleanor Roosevelt, and Rosalynn Carter are just a few of the most prominent examples—Hillary Clinton is the first wife to enter the political arena once her husband retired. Currently serving as United States Senator from New York, she has been mentioned as a

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possible Democratic candidate for president in 2008. A recent article in the New York Times (May 23, 2006) described the “Clintons’ dedicated dance of married and public lives.”11 Patrick Healy, author of the article, concludes that in choosing to keep their public lives separate, people around the Clintons say, there is a political calculus at work, beyond the natural evolution in a marriage that has had plenty of stresses and betrayals. . . . Mrs. Clinton may be the only Democrat in America who cannot look at Bill Clinton as an unalloyed political asset. He is a complicated figure for his wife, who has grown from a controversial first lady, while intertwined with him, into a popular senator by standing on her own two feet.12

While this volume has revealed a wide range of retirement activities by former presidents, there are a number of limitations—real and imagined— placed upon what a president can do as a private citizen. These limitations have likely grown in recent years due to the extensive media coverage. All ex-presidents have been aware of certain retirement activities that are deemed inappropriate or damaging to the prestige of their former exalted position. The most frequent time a president has had to consider these limitations is when he is presented with a business opportunity. Former presidents realize the inherent benefits and advantages derived from allowing their name to be associated with a business venture. Working for a particular law firm or being a member of the board of a certain corporation imbues these organizations with what the general public would likely perceive as an unfair advantage. The possible economic consequences developing from such an association would be troubling to most. Therefore in the past forty years, most presidents have been reluctant to engage in such questionable financial endeavors. A related issue relates to the former president’s freedom to speak out on public issues, particularly if his comments are critical of the incumbent president. Offering unsolicited advice is certainly within an ex-president’s First Amendment rights as are granted to all citizens, but his statements are eminently newsworthy, guaranteed to be amplified by the mass media. Presently former presidents such as George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton have carefully guarded their criticism of their successors, but several presidents have not been as circumspect in speaking their mind. Carter’s outspoken judgments of the Reagan administration’s policies illustrate a former president who rejects the possible impropriety of being politically outspoken. Most former presidents such as Teddy Roosevelt, Hoover, Truman, and Eisenhower granted the incumbent a grace period of a year or two before speaking their minds. For the average person, their retirement is the long awaited prize following a lifetime of hard work. They are now granted the precious freedom of

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awakening each day and deciding what to do, no longer bound by the prior restrictions imposed upon them by their job. Unfortunately, the former president is deprived of this most basic benefit of retirement. Although future ex-presidents are unlikely to face the financial crises affecting our earliest presidents, they are likely to have a difficult time evading the public spotlight and its unwanted intrusions into their newly acquired private life. What lessons may be learned after reviewing the collective retirement experiences of all thirty-five men? Will this study be of predictive value for evaluating future presidential retirement behavior? Given the wide range of retirement activities and experiences described in this volume, I am not very confident of its prognosticating potential. Nonetheless, assessing our current president, George W. Bush, as he is about to enter the final year of his presidency in terms of his future probable retirement activities, should prove to be an interesting intellectual exercise. The first and most obvious comparison is to the only other father and son presidential duo, John and John Quincy Adams. Both Adams suffered through difficult one-term presidencies and were convincingly defeated in their attempt to be re-elected. The elder Bush, George H. W., also endured a contentious first term and was soundly defeated by Bill Clinton in 1992. Given that all three men were contending for a second term, it is unlikely that they engaged in much meaningful retirement planning. George W. Bush, the son, however, was able to plan his retirement in advance. Both John Adams and the elder George Bush did not continue in partisan politics or public service, preferring a leisurely, contemplative retirement, spending most of their time with friends and family. The younger Adams, however, returned to active partisan politics, serving seventeen years as an influential member of Congress. Based upon newspaper accounts and journalistic commentary, I have developed what I hope is a credible understanding of the president’s personality, work habits, and lifestyle. Applying my assessment of President Bush to the wide-ranging retirement experiences of his presidential predecessors, an attempt will be made to forecast his forthcoming post-presidential patterns of behavior. I believe it is highly unlikely that George W. will remain in partisan politics like John Quincy. I also do not feel he will pursue public service in the manner of Herbert Hoover, Jimmy Carter, or even Bill Clinton. It seems most plausible that he will follow his father’s example and return to his Texas ranch where he has vacationed so extensively during the past seven years. Following the example of his father, he will avoid the political spotlight, instead devoting large amounts of time to his family and friends. It is conceivable that he will follow the model of most recent presidents and write his memoirs, but it is not a project he needs to engage in because of financial exigencies. He has presented himself as a plain-spoken, downto-earth person with almost no intellectual pretensions. If George W. Bush

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does choose to write his memoirs, it is likely to be a ghost-written enterprise composed by his White House staff. He does not appear to have any need to make money so he will likely serve on the board of a select group of corporations but not work on a full-time basis. It is somewhat ironic that so youthful an ex-president will not be more active in politics or business, but I believe he has no desire to continue in these fields. The family’s wealth, mainly from successful investment in oil and gas exploration, guarantees a comfortable life. His youth also appears to grant him good health without any nagging medical concerns. I sense that he is not interested in travel such as engaged in by Van Buren, Grant, Roosevelt, and Truman, especially given the escalation of worldwide terrorism where he would probably envision himself a tempting target. He has no real track record in public service or philanthropic pursuits, but that is a possibility. His father appears to have become increasingly involved in charity work and this interest could easily be passed down to his son. How accurate are these predictions? Only time will tell. George W. Bush has numerous presidential models to follow and a wide range of possibilities, but I believe his father’s low-keyed, sedentary retirement offers the most likely scenarios for his currently rather beleaguered son. Will he engage in aggressive Nixon-esque struggle to rebuild his reputation as a world leader? I do not believe so, because he appears to be a much more modest, less ego-driven individual who is capable of finding happiness without having to remain in the spotlight of world affairs.

Notes

CHAPTER 1 1. David Remnick. “The Wanderer: Bill Clinton’s quest to save the world, reclaim his legacy—and elect his wife,” The New Yorker. (September 18, 2006) 46. 2. Remnick, 47. 3. Eugene Friedman and Harold Orbach. American Handbook of Psychiatry. Vol. 1, 2nd ed. (New York: Basic Books, 1974) 609. 4. Friedman and Orbach, 609. 5. David J. Ekerdt. The Encyclopedia of Aging. Vol. 4 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2002) 1217. 6. Ekerdt, 1218. 7. Ekerdt, 1219. 8. Friedman and Orbach, 630. 9. Friedman and Orbach, 629. 10. Stephanie Smith. “Former Presidents: Federal Pension and Retirement Benefits.” Congressional Reference Service (CRS) Report for Congress (Washington, DC: The Library of Congress, April 27, 2005) 1. 11. Ms. Lawton explained her decision in a letter from the Office of Legal Counsel, August 15, 1974 in which she concluded “The FPA (Former Presidents Act) provides certain benefits to former presidents. A former president is defined in Section (F) as a person who has been president, is not currently president and who was not removed from office pursuant to impeachment and conviction in the Senate. The statutory language is unambiguous and Mr. Nixon clearly meets the statutory definition of a former president.” 12. Smith, 3.

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Notes on Pages 15–32

CHAPTER 2 1. Robert Seager II. And Tyler Too: A Biography of John and Julia Gardiner Tyler. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1954); Ari Hoogenboom. Rutherford B. Hayes: Warrior and President. (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1985) and William Allen White. A Puritan in Babylon. (New York: Macmillan, 1938). 2. Stephanie Smith. “Former Presidents: Federal Pension and Retirement Benefits.” Congressional Reference Service Report for Congress (Washington, DC: Library of Congress, April 27, 2005) CR-2. 3. Robert Sam Anson. “Bill and his Shadow” Vanity Fair. June 2004, 226. 4. Robert A. Rutland. James Madison: The Founding Father. (New York: Macmillan, 1987) 238. 5. Robert Remini. The Life of Andrew Jackson. (New York: Harper and Row, 1988) 312. 6. Allen Nevins. Grover Cleveland: A Study in Courage. (New York: Dodd Mead, 1933) 724. 7. David McCullough. John Adams. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001) 543. 8. Ray Franklin Nichols. Franklin Pierce: Young Hickory of the Granite Hills. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1931) 533. 9. Nicolay and Hay, 215–216. 10. Joan Hoff Wilson. Herbert Hoover: Forgotten Progressive. (Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, 1992) 163. 11. Wilson, 167. 12. Robert Dallek. Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson and his Times, 1961–1973. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998) 571. 13. Dallek, 593. 14. Stephen Ambrose. Nixon: Ruin and Recovery. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991) 443. 15. David McCullough, 243. 16. Richard Norton Smith. An Uncommon Man: The Triumph of Herbert Hoover. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984) 164. 17. Harry S. Truman. Memoirs: Years of Trial and Hope. (New York: New American Library, 1956) 573. 18. David McCullough. Truman (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992) 921. 19. Douglas Brinkley. The Unfinished Presidency. (New York: Viking Press, 1998) 20. Brinkley 21. McCullough. Adams, 564. 22. Robert Rayback. Millard Fillmore (Newton, CT: American Political Biography Series, 1998) 362.

CHAPTER 3 1. Robert Rayback. Millard Fillmore. (Newton, CT: American Political Biography Press, 1998) 385.

Notes on Pages 32–46

193

2. Allan Nevins. Ed. Polk: Diary of a President 1845–1849. (New York: Capricorn, 1968) 388. 3. Thomas Reeves. Gentleman Boss. (Newton, CT: American Political Biography Press, 1991) 376. 4. Robert V. Remini. The Life of Andrew Jackson. (New York: Harper and Row, 1988) 327. 5. Willard Sterne Randall. Thomas Jefferson: A Life. (New York: Harper Perennial, 1994) 585. 6. Randall, 586. 7. Dumas Malone. Jefferson and His Time: The Sage of Monticello. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1981) 36. 8. Faun Brodie. Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History. (New York: Bantam Books, 1981) 9. Malone, 36. 10. Ralph Ketcham. James Madison: A Biography. (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1990) 622. 11. Harry Ammon. James Monroe: The Quest for National Identity. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1971) 546. 12. Remini, 337. 13. Nashville Union, March 25, 1837. 14. Ari Hoogenboom. Rutherford B. Hayes: Warrior and President. (Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas Press, 1995) 464. 15. Hoogenboom, 464. 16. Hoogenboom, 466. 17. David McCullough. Truman. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992) 927. 18. Stephen Ambrose. Nixon: Ruin and Recovery. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991) 475. 19. Ambrose, 476. 20. Douglas Brinkley. The Unfinished Presidency. (New York: Viking Press, 1998) 46. 21. Robert Sam Anson. “Bill and his Shadow.” Vanity Fair. June, 2004, 177. 22. Flexner, 333. 23. Philip Klein. President James Buchanan: A Biography. (University Park, PA: Penn State Press, 1962) 402. 24. Patricia O’Toole. When Trumpets Call. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005) 2. 25. Henry Pringle. The Life and Times of William Howard Taft. Vol. II. (Norwalk, CT: Easton Press, 1986) 852. 26. Pringle, 852. 27. Pringle, 858. 28. William Allen White. A Puritan in Babylon. (New York: Macmillan, 1938) 416. 29. White, 415. 30. Robert Dallek. Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson and his Times. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998) 601. 31. Dallek, 601. 32. Dallek, 602. 33. White, 421.

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Notes on Pages 53–70

CHAPTER 4 1. John Nixon, Martin Van Buren: The Romantic Age of American Politics. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983) 488. 2. Richard Morris. Ed. Encyclopedia of American History. (New York: Harper, 1961) 209. 3. Marie Hecht. Beyond the Presidency: The Residues of Power. (New York: MacMillan, 1976) 79. 4. Hecht, 83. 5. William A. Degregorio. The Complete Book of U.S. Presidents. (New York: Wings Books, 1993) 271. 6. William B. Hesseltine. Ulysses S. Grant: Politician. (New York: Harper and Row 1935) 432. 7. U. S. Grant to James Garfield Sept. 19th and November 11, 1880. Garfield Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC. 8. A. K. McClure. Our Presidents and How We Make Them. (New York: Harper and Row, 1902) 332. 9. Paul Jeffries. An Honest President: The Life and Presidency of Grover Cleveland. (New York: William Morrow, 2000) 224. 10. Hecht, 89. 11. Hecht, 89. 12. Allan Nevins. Grover Cleveland: A Study in Courage. (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1933) 493. 13. Nevins, 508. 14. Patricia O’Toole. When Trumpets Call. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005) 111. 15. O’Toole, 113. 16. Paul Nagel. John Quincy Adams: A Public Life, A Private Life. (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1997) 326. 17. Nagel, 371. 18. Nagel, 414. 19. Nagel, 419. 20. Lately Thomas. The First President Johnson. (New York: William Morrow, 1968) 630. 21. Hecht, 123.

CHAPTER 5 1. James Thomas Flexner. George Washington: Anguish and Farewell. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972) 429. 2. Marie Hecht. Beyond The Presidency: The Residues of Power. (New York: Macmillan, 1976) 119. 3. Harry Ammon. James Monroe: The Quest for National Identity. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1971) 565.

Notes on Pages 71–90

195

4. Allan Nevins. Grover Cleveland: A Study in Courage. (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1933) 493. 5. Hecht, 140. 6. New York Times, October 16, 1962. 7. New York Times, July 19, 1968, 1. 8. Robert Dallek. Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson and His Times. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998) 572–75. 9. Stephen Ambrose. Nixon: Ruin and Recovery. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991) 555–56. 10. Flexner, 391. 11. Hecht, 158. 12. George F. Parker. Recollections of Grover Cleveland. (New York: The Century Co., 1909) 249. 13. Patricia O’Toole. When Trumpets Call. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005) 367. 14. Nathan Miller. Theodore Roosevelt: A Life. (New York: William Morrow, 1992) 543. 15. O’Toole, 313. 16. Richard Norton Smith. An Uncommon Man: The Triumph of Herbert Hoover. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984) 363. 17. Harry Truman. Mr. Citizen. (New York: Bernard Geis Associates, 1960) 19. 18. Hecht, 176. 19. Max Skidmore. After The White House. (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2004) 145. 20. Douglas Brinkley. The Unfinished Presidency: Jimmy Carter’s Journey Beyond the White House. (New York: Penguin, 1998) 3. 21. Brinkley, 433. 22. Curtis Wilkie. “Carter’s Memoirs: The Other Version” Boston Globe October 17, 1982. 23. Brinkley, 354. 24. Herbert Parmet. George Bush: The Life of a Lone Star Yankee. (New York: Schribners, 1997) 510. 25. Elizabeth Bumiller. “White House Letter: Did President 43 Say to 41 You be Dad and I’ll be Son,” New York Times September 16, 2002. A14.

CHAPTER 6 1. Paul C. Nagel. John Quincy Adams: A Public Life, A Private Life. (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1997) 328. 2. Nagel, 371. 3. Stephen Ambrose. Nixon: Ruin and Recovery. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991) 540. 4. Jimmy Carter. The Nobel Prize Lecture. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2002) x–xi.

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Notes on Pages 90–111

5. Douglas Brinkley. The Unfinished Presidency. (New York: Viking Press, 1998) xvii. 6. Curtis Wilkie, “Carter’s Memoirs: The Other Version.” Boston Globe October 17, 1982. 7. Brinkley, 193. 8. David McCullough. John Adams. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001) 631. 9. William Allen White. A Puritan in Babylon. (New York: Macmillan, 1938) 416. 10. Richard Norton Smith. An Uncommon Man: The Triumph of Herbert Hoover. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984) 231–32. 11. Smith, 352. 12. Smith, 376. 13. Smith, 410. 14. Max Skidmore. After the White House. (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2004) 146. 15. Brinkley, 215. 16. Fawn Brodie. Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History. (New York: Bantam Books, 1981) 604. 17. Willard Sterne Randall. Thomas Jefferson: A Life. (New York: Harper Perennial, 1994) 587. 18. Brodie, 603. 19. Jefferson to William Roscoe, December 27, 1820. Writings, Land B XV, 303. 20. Robert Rutland. James Madison: The Founding Father. (New York: Macmillan, 1987) 244. 21. Robert Seager II. And Tyler Too: A Biography of John and Julia Gardiner Tyler. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963.) 22. James Thomas Flexner. George Washington: Anguish and Farewell (1793–1799). (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972) 404. 23. Harry Sievers. Benjamin Harrison: Hoosier President. Vol. 3. (Newton, CT: American Political Biography Press, 1996) 259. 24. Henry Pringle. The Life and Times of William Howard Taft. Vol. II. (Norwalk, CT: The Easton Press, 1986) 840. 25. David O’Brien. Storm Center: The Supreme Court in American Politics. (New York: Norton, 2005) 87. 26. Skidmore, 107. 27. See Dumas Malone’s Jefferson and His Time: The Sage of Monticello, pages 45–48 which discusses his ideas in crop rotation and experimentation in botanical gardens at Monticello and the University of Virginia in Charlottesville.

CHAPTER 7 1. Marie Hecht. Beyond the Presidency. (New York: Macmillan, 1978) 188. 2. James Thomas Flexner. George Washington: Anguish and Farewell (1793–1799). (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972) 371–72. 3. Fawn Brodie. Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History. (New York: W. W. Norton, 1981) 614. 4. Hecht, 193.

Notes on Pages 111–137

197

5. Willard Sterne Randall. Thomas Jefferson: A Life. (New York: Bantam Books, 1994) 590. 6. Ralph Ketcham. James Madison. (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1990) 622. 7. Ketcham, 624. 8. Hecht, 197. 9. Robert Remini. The Life of Andrew Jackson. (New York: Harper and Row, 1988) 347. 10. Hecht, 203. 11. Robert Seager II. And Tyler Too: A Biography of John and Julia Gardiner Tyler. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963) 298–99. 12. Robert Dallek. Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson and his Times. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998) 614. 13. William S. McFeely. Grant: A Biography. (New York: W. W. Norton, 1981) 493. 14. Harrison to Andrade, February 27, 1899 (L.C.) Vol. 174 (Also Sievers, 269). 15. Gene Smith. When The Cheering Stopped: The Last Years of Woodrow Wilson. (New York: William Morrow, 1964) 208. 16. David McCullough. John Adams. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001) 586. 17. Harry Ammon. James Monroe: The Quest for National Identity. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1971) 563. 18. Hecht, 294. 19. McFeely, 509. 20. Hecht, 297. 21. U. S. Grant. Personal Memoirs. Vol. I. (New York: Charles Webster, 1885) 9. 22. Patricia O’Toole. When Trumpets Call. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005) 235. 23. August Heckscher. Woodrow Wilson. (New York: Macmillan, 1991) 650. 24. William Allen White. A Puritan in Babylon. (New York: Macmillan, 1938) 422. 25. In Hecht, 304. 26. David McCullough. Truman. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992) 936. 27. In Hecht. 28. Stephen Ambrose. Eisenhower The President. Vol. II. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984) 632. 29. In Dallek, 608.

CHAPTER 8 1. James Thomas Flexner. George Washington: Anguish and Farewell, (1793– 1799). (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972) 239. 2. Flexner, 346. 3. Flexner, 346. 4. Flexner, 355. 5. David McCullough. John Adams. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001) 586. 6. Willard Sterne Randall. Thomas Jefferson: A Life. (New York: Harper Perennial, 1994) 586.

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Notes on Pages 137–162

7. Fawn Brodie. Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History. (New York: W. W. Norton, 1981) 599. 8. Robert Rayback. Millard Fillmore. (Newton, CT: American Political Biography Series, 1998) 416. 9. Rayback, 443. 10. Ari Hoogenboom. Rutherford B. Hayes: Warrior and President. (Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas Press, 1995) 466. 11. Harry Sievers. Benjamin Harrison: Hoosier President. Vol. III. (Newton, CT: American Political Biography Press, 1996) 254. 12. Sievers, 257. 13. Sievers, 259. 14. Patricia O’Toole. When Trumpets Call. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005) 93. 15. Marie Hecht. Beyond The Presidency. (New York: Macmillan, 1976) 226. 16. Rayback, 396. 17. Rayback, 397. 18. William McFeely. Grant: A Biography. (New York: W. W. Norton, 1981) 448. 19. McFeely, 450. 20. Adam Badeau. Grant in Peace. (Hartford, CT: S. S. Scranton and Co., 1887) 518. 21. David McCullough. Truman. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992) 932. 22. Stephen Ambrose. Eisenhower the President. Vol. II. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984) 28. 23. Don Van Natta, Jr. First Off the Tee. (New York: Public Affairs Press, 2003) 153–34. 24. Van Natta Jr., 181.

CHAPTER 9 1. James Thomas Flexner. George Washington: Anguish and Farewell, (1793– 1799). (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972) 339. 2. Flexner, 458–59. 3. Allan Nevins. Ed. Polk: Diary of a President, 1845–1849. (New York: Capricorn, 1968) 388. 4. Thomas Reeves. Gentleman Boss: The Life and Times of Chester Alan Arthur. (Newton, CT: American Political Biography Press, 1991) 412. 5. Reeves, 420. 6. August Heckscher. Woodrow Wilson. (New York: Macmillan, 1991) 645. 7. Gene Smith. When the Cheering Stopped. (New York: William Morrow, 1964) 237–38. 8. William Allen White. A Puritan in Babylon. (New York: Macmillan, 1938) 440. 9. Doris Kearns. Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream. (New York: Harper and Row, 1976) 353. 10. Kearns, 357. 11. Ralph Ketcham. James Madison. (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1990) 670.

Notes on Pages 162–188

199

12. Robert V. Remini. The Life of Andrew Jackson. (New York: Harper and Row, 1988) 339. 13. Remini, 358. 14. Lately Thomas. The First President Johnson. (New York: William Morrow, 1968) 626. 15. Thomas, 630. 16. William McFeely. Grant: A Biography. (New York: Norton, 1981) 509. 17. Richard Goldhurst. Many are the Hearts: The Agony and the Triumph of Ulysses S. Grant. (New York: Readers Digest Press, 1975) 226–27. 18. Nathan Miller. Theodore Roosevelt: A Life. (New York: William Morrow, 1992) 566. 19. Stephen Ambrose. Nixon: Ruin and Recovery. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991) 452. 20. Ambrose, 460. 21. Eugene Friedman and Harold Orbach. American Handbook of Psychiatry. Vol. 1. 2nd Ed. (New York: Basic Books, 1974) 630. 22. David McCullough. John Adams. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001) 585. 23. McCullough, 565. 24. Philip Klein. President James Buchanan: A Biography. (University Park: Penn State Press, 1962) 409–10. 25. Klein, 427. 26. Patricia O’Toole. When Trumpets Call. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005) 405.

CHAPTER 10 1. Marie Hecht. Beyond the Presidency. (New York: Macmillan, 1978) 312–13. 2. Hecht, 311. 3. Charles R. Williams. The Life of Rutherford B. Hayes: Nineteenth President of the U.S. Vol. 2. (Columbus: Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society, 1928) 336. 4. Allan Nevins. Grover Cleveland: A Study in Courage. (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1933) 449. 5. Henry Pringle. The Life and Times of William H. Taft. Vol. II. (New York: The Easton Press, 1986) 845–46. 6. Hecht, 311. 7. Patricia O’Toole. When Trumpets Call. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005) 2. 8. O’Toole, 2. 9. Douglas Brinkley. The Unfinished Presidency. (New York: Viking Press, 1998) xvi. 10. Brinkley, xvi. 11. Patrick Healy. “For Clinton, Delicate Dance of Married and Public Life.” New York Times. May 23, 2006, 86. 12. Patrick Healy, 86.

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Index

abbreviated retirement, 156–60 Ablanap, Robert, 41 abolitionists, 24 Adams, Abigail, 136, 207 Adams, John: disappointing early retirement period, 135, 168–79; emotional issues, 43; Massachusetts Constitutional Convention of 1820, 92; Peace Treaty with France, 20; taking long walks; writing projects, 123 Adams, John Quincy, 191; Amistad case, 86–87; Anti-Mason party, 64–65; anti-slavery advocate, 86; committee to oversee the Smithsonian, 65; established National Observatory, 104; Harvard University, 99; House Committee on Foreign Relations, 65; House of Representatives, 63–64; New York Historical Society, 65; returning to Washington, 45–46; taking long walks, 151; tarnished image, 186–87; writing projects, 122, 124 Adams, Roger, 17 adapting to retirement, 6–8 age as a factor in retirement, 107

Alien and Sedition Act, 17 Alzheimer’s disease, 167 Ambrose, Stephen, 24, 41, 74 American Anti-Cancer Committee, 94 American Antiquarian Association, 92 American Child Health Organization, 94 American Party. See Know-Nothing Party Amistad Case. See John Quincy Adams Ammon, Harry, 113 Amnesty International, 96 Anson, Robert Sam, 18 Anti-Mason Party, 64, 86 Arthur, Chester: abbreviated retirement, 156–57; Bright’s disease, 33, 157 assassination, 16, 63, 81, 155; attempts, 62 Babcock, Orville, 57 Bacon, Edmund, 36 Bango, Stetson, Tracy and McVeagh (law firm), 59, 119 “Barnburners,” 54 Bay of Pigs, 81 Becker, Benton, 166 Bel Air, California, 167

207

208

Index

Belgian American Educational Fund, 94 Berkeley Lodge, 140. See also Chester Arthur Bernstein, Carl, 33 better use of former presidents, 182–85; Benjamin Franklin’s advice, 183; formalized council of former presidents, 184–85; Larry O’Brien’s comments, 184; Marie Hecht, 183; Rutherford B. Hayes’ advice, 184 Blaine, James, 33, 58, 60, 70 Blair, Montgomery, 21 Bolling, John, 159 Borlaug, Norman, 90 Boys Club of America, 92, 94, 177 Brinkley, David, 90 Brodie, Fawn, 36, 110, 137 Brownlaw, William, 66 Bryan, William Jennings, 71 Buchanan, James, 20–21; difficult time during civil war, 170; election of 1856, 56; emotional concerns, 43–44; writing projects, 125 Bull Moose Party, 26, 53, 62, 71 Bumiller, Elizabeth, 83 Bush, George H. W., 5; charitable activities, 104; relationship with Bill Clinton, 83; relationship with his son, George W., 83; skydiving, 153 Bush, George W., 189–90; Iraq War, 24; relationship with his father, 83 business ventures, 116–22 Calhoun, John, 53 Carnegie, Andrew, 12 Carter, Jimmy, 82–83, 96–97; appointed as lecturing professor at Emory University, 100; Carter peanut warehouse, 41, 115; clashing with U.S. State Department, 82; cochair of National Commission on Federal Election Reform, 96; critical of President Reagan, 82; Habitat for Humanity, 12, 46, 89; immediate post-inaugural concerns, 46; Iran hostage concerns, 46; Keeping the Faith, 130; monitoring elections, 90;

non-partisan public service, 177–78; relationship with Bill Clinton, 82; repairing his tarnished image, 185–86; transition difficulties with Reagan, 26; winner of 2002 Nobel Peace Prize, 89–90; working to establish peace in the Middle East, 89; writing projects, 129–30 Carter, Rosalynn, 91, 130, 187 Cass, General Lewis, 54 Century Magazine, 118, 125 Chicago, Illinois: anti-war demonstrators, 23 Childs, George, 117 Churchill, Winston, 150 Civil War, 20, 24 Clark, Clifford, 45 Clay, Henry, 19, 53 Clemens, Samuel (Mark Twain), 39, 118, 125–26 Cleveland, Grover, 13, 29, 47, 51–52, 58, 78; economic pursuits, 119–20; first retirement, 58, 70–71; leisurely activities, 140–41; Princeton University, 100, 141; re-organization of Equitable Life, 120; successful reelection 1892, 58–61; trout fishing, 141, 152; trust-busting, 19–20 Clinton, Bill, 3–4, 121–22, 142, 188; Global Initiative Foundation, 3; golfing enthusiast, 152; health concerns, 167–68; immediate financial concerns, 39, 42; lecturing, 123; leisurely activities, 142; philanthropic activities, 104, 177; relationship with Jimmy Carter, 82; use of pardoning power, 17–18; writing memoirs, 130–31 Clinton, Hillary, 18, 29–30, 142, 187 Colby, Bainbridge, 121, 158 Committee to Feed the Small Democracies, 94 Comptroller General, 12, 178 concluding thoughts on presidential retirement, 185–90 Confederate House of Representatives, 51, 64, 67, 68

Index Conkling, Roscoe, 57 Connally, John, 23, 74, 82 Coolidge, Calvin, 4, 15–16, 44; abbreviated retirement, 93, 159; American Antiquarian Association, 92, 93; final days, 159; ineffective golfer, 153; retirement frustrations, 45; writing projects, 127 Custis, Washington, 135 Dallek, Robert, 23, 45, 74, 115 defending one’s presidential record, 85–91 Dick, Elisha, 156 Drexel, A. J., 117 Ekerdt, David, 6 Edmunds, George, 58 Ehrlichman, John, 40, 167 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 33; golfing enthusiast, 30, 152; leader of the Republican party, 72–73; medical concerns, 33; painting, 30; relationship with Truman, 27; retiring to Gettysburg, 30; trout fishing, 152; Eisenhower, John, 27 Emory University, 96, 100, 105 Encyclopedia of Aging, 6–7 enjoying family and friends, 134–43 Equitable Life Assurance Company, 120 Era of Bad Feelings, 36 factors affecting quality of retirement, 107, 180–82; age, 107; finances, 107; health, 107. See also quality of retirement farming and land speculation, 109–16 FDR, 15, 22, 71, 79, 94, 171, 181, Fillmore, Millard, 51–52; civic improvements in Buffalo, 104, 187; Know-Nothing Party, 87, 138, 145; remarried, 139; retirement, 28, 31; tour of Europe, 138, 145–76; wife contracting pneumonia, 31 Final Days, 33–34 finalizing future plans, 29–30

209

Fisk, James D., 117, 118 Flexner, James, 25, 101 Ford, Gerald: co-chair of National Commission on Federal Election Reform, 96; living in Vail, Colorado, 30; and the University of Michigan, 100 former presidents: business ventures, 116–22; creating research centers, 104–5; economic pursuits, 107–32; establish presidential libraries, 104–5. See also presidents in retirement Former Presidents Act, 4, 11–12, 34, 40, 107–8, 128, 134, 150, 178, 182, 186 Franklin, Benjamin, 183 Frates, William, 40 Free Silver Democrats, 71 Free Soil Party, 51, 54–55 Friedman, Eugene, 5 Galena, Illinois, 117 Garfield, James, 13, 16, 39, 53, 57, 58 General Land Office, 19 General Services Administration, 11, 95 Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, 30 Gibbons vs. Ogden, 17 Gold Standard Democrats, 71 Goldwater, Barry, 73 Grant, Buck, 117–19 Grant, Julia, 57 Grant, U. S., 21, 190; economic pursuits, 178–79; emotionally troubled, 170; health problems, 119, 163–64; last days, 164; loans from friends, 117–18; memoirs, 126; running for a third term, 52, 56–58; travel during retirement, 146–48; world-wide tour, 57–58; writing articles, 118 “Great Triumvirate,” 19, 26 Greeley, Horace, 55, 146 Green Revolution, 90 Habitat for Humanity, 12, 46, 89 Haig, General Al, 166

210

Index

Halderman, Robert, 40 Harding, Warren G., 11, 13, 16, 32, 100, 102, 103, 155 Harriman, Averill, 72 Harris, Dwayne, 115 Harrison, Benjamin, 101; appointment to International Court, 121; chief council for Venezuela, 101, 120–21; legal career, 119; relaxing at Berkeley Lodge, 140; remarriage, 140; working on education of Southern African-Americans, 99 Harrison, William Henry, 16, 43, 76, 138, 155, 162 Hayes, Rutherford B., 39, 70, 184; active in higher education, 99–100; critic of robber barons, 103; head of the Slater Fund, 99; inauguration, 57; leisurely activities, 139; Peabody Educational Fund, 99 health concerns and final days, 155–72 health issues, 32–34 Hecht, Marie, 56, 77, 183 Heckscher, August, 127 historical trends in presidential finances, 108 hobbies and avocations, 150–54 Hoover Commission, 80, 95–96, 128 Hoover, Herbert, 171, 189; advising presidents, 79–80; American AntiCancer Committee, 94; American Child Health Organization, 94; Belgian American Educational Fund, 94; center for peace studies, 100; chairman of Commission on Organization of Executive Branch, 80; Committee to Feed the Small Democracies, 94; death threats, 27, 171; Famine Emergency Committee, 79, 95; Great Depression, 22, 46; National Advisory Committee, 80; nonpartisan public service, 177–78; relationship with FDR, 79, 171; repair his reputation, 186–87; writing projects, 127 Hughes, Charles Evans, 53, 63

Humphrey, Hubert, 10, 23, 74 “Hunkers,” 54 immediate concerns, 31–48; emotional, 34, 37, 40, 42–47; financial, 31, 34–42; health, 32–34 inauguration day, 28–29 International Arbitration Court, 120 Iran hostage crisis, 5, 46 Jackson, Andrew, 37; Bank of the United States, 19; financial difficulties, 113; health concerns, 33, 161–62; mismanagement of family farm, 37–38; Panic of 1837, 38; settling debts of son, 113; travel, 144; Treaty of Annexation of Texas, 87 Jefferson, Thomas, 104; advising President Madison, 76; correspondence with friends, 151; financial concerns, 35–36; indebtedness, 112–13; Monticello, 35–36; relaxing with his family, 136–37; sale of personal library, 151; University of Virginia, 97–98; writing projects, 123 Johnson, Andrew: and the U.S. Senate, 63; final days, 163; health concerns, 161, 162–63; impeachment, 21, 66 Johnson, Lyndon B., 74: abbreviated retirement, 159–60; final days, 160; heart problems, 160; hobbies, 151; immediate concerns, 45; memoirs, 129; role in 1968 Democratic convention, 74; role in Vietnam War, 22–23, 45; Stonewall Ranch, 115–16 Jordan, William, 129 Kansas-Nebraska Act, 21, 169 Karger, Gus, 78 Kearns Goodwin, Doris, 129, 162 Kennedy, John F., 72, 73, 80, 81, 83, 155, 160, 184 Ketcham, Ralph, 36, 112 Kinderhook, New York, 43 Kissinger, Henry, 34

Index Know-Nothing Party, 51, 55, 56, 87, 138, 145 Lafollette, Robert, 61, 70 lame duck period, 10, 15–30 Lang’s Deli, 3 last days in office, 19, 29–30 last minute appointments, 17 Lawton, Mary C., 12 leisure activities of former presidents, 133–54 family and friends, 134–43; hobbies, 150–54 travel, 143–50 Lewinsky, Monica, 16 Lewis, Laurence, 135 Library of Congress, 110 Long Branch, New Jersey, 125 Louisiana Treaty of 1803, 77 Lusitania, 79, 87 Madison, Dolly, 137, 187 Madison, James: advisor to John Quincy Adams, 69–70; indebtedness, 111–12; innovative farmer, 112; monetary concerns, 36; medical problems, 161; president of Albemarle Agricultural Society, 112; riding horses, 151; University of Virginia, 97, 98, 177 Malechek, Dale, 116 Malone, Dumas, 35 Mandela, Nelson, 90 Marbury vs. Madison, 17 Marshall, Chief Justice John, 10, 17 Massachusetts constitutional convention, 92 McClure, A. K., 59 McCullough, David, 20, 27, 169 McCullough vs. Maryland, 17 McFeely, William, 118, 125, 147, 164 McGovern, George, 74, 81 McIntosh, Caroline, 139 McKinley, William, 13, 16, 19, 60, 63, 70, 71, 78, 101, 155 medical problems during retirement, 161–68.

211

See also health concerns and final days Middleton, Harry, 129 Miller, Nathan, 62, 79 Milligan, Joseph, 110 Missouri Compromise, 68 Monroe, James, 36; advisor to John Quincy Adams, 69–70; farming endeavors, 112–13; financial difficulties, 37, 112–13; leisurely activities, 137–38; Oak Hill, 137–38; riding horses, 151; University of Virginia, 97, 98, 177; writing projects, 124 Monticello, Virginia, 35 Montpelier, Virginia, 36 Morris, Robert, 109 Mount Vernon, Virginia, 43 Mr. Citizen, 80 Mugwumps, 59–60 Nagel, Paul, 66 Nashville, Tennessee, 32–33 Nassau Club, 100 National Archives: Nixon’s presidential papers, 41 negative retirement experience: psychological factors, 168–72 Nevins, Allan, 19, 20 New York Historical Society, 65 Nicholas, Wilson Carey, 110 Nixon, Julie, 41 Nixon, Richard M.: advising President Reagan, 82; dedicating his library, 89; emotional state after resignation, 40, 166; financial problems, 40–41; golfing enthusiast, 153; health concerns, 167; impeachment, 24; legal struggle with GSA, 40; No More Vietnams, 89; pardon, 18; resignation, 12, 18, 34; Six Crises, 88; travels, 88; Watergate, 23–24; writing projects, 129–30 Oak Hill, Virginia, 37, 59 O’Brien, Larry, 184 Orbach, Harold, 5

212

Index

O’Toole, Patricia, 44, 79, 127, 142, 171, 185 Outlook Magazine, 126 Oyster Bay, New York, 61 Panic of 1837, 38, 113 Parker, Judge Alton B., 71 partisan political activities, 51–68 Peabody Educational Fund, 99 Pell, Claiborne, 184 Pierce, Franklin, 20, 55; anger toward Lincoln administration, 169; difficult years during Civil War, 169–70; travel during retirement, 146 Pinchot, Clifford, 78 planning for retirement, 6 Polk, James: abbreviated retirement, 32, 44, 156; cholera, 32; health concerns, 32 post-inauguration, 31 Presidential Records Materials Protection Act, 41 presidential succession, 25–26 Presidential Transition Act, 13, 16 presidents in retirement: business ventures, 37, 116–22; concluding thoughts, 185–90; finalizing future plans, 29–30; governmental assistance, 11–13; health concerns and final days, 155–72; hobbies and other avocations, 150–54, 180; immediate concerns, 31–48; keeping silent, 85–86; last days in office, 16–28; leisurely activities, 133–54, 179; loss of power, 185; political advisor, 69–84; public service, 85–105; running for another term, 52–64; seeking other political offices, 64–69; serving on commissions and boards, 91–100; traveling, 143–50, 179–80; uniqueness, 8–11; writing projects, 179 Princeton University, 29, 47, 71, 100, 120, 127, 135, 141 productive retirements, 187

Progressive Party, 61–63 Protective Tariff League, 59 Provisional Congress of the Confederacy, 68 psychological factors affecting retirement, 168–72 public service endeavors, 85–105 quality of retirement, 180–82; financial concern, 180, 182; health concerns, 180, 182; historical context, 182 Quincy, Massachusetts, 28 Randall, Willard Sterne, 35 Reagan, Ronald: Alzheimer’s disease, 167; health concerns, 167–68; transition difficulties with Carter, 27–28 Rebozo, Bebe, 41 Reconstruction Period, 21 Reeves, Thomas, 33 relationship with successor, 74–84, 181 Remini, Robert, 37, 162 Remnick, David, 3 retirement, 6–13; adapting, 6–8; benefits for spouse and children, 13; business opportunities, 9 Rich, Denise, 18 Rich, Marc, 18 Roosevelt, Eleanor, 187 Roosevelt, Franklin, D., 13, 16, 56, 155. See also FDR Roosevelt, Kermit, 44, 61, 78, 141, 142, 148 Roosevelt, Theodore, 185, 190; advice to Taft, 78; advice to Wilson, 79, 87–88; Bull Moose Party, 53; frustration with Taft, 26; health concerns, 164–66; illness from Amazon trip, 149; immediate business opportunities, 45; leisurely activities, 141–42; Liberty Loans, 88; safari trip, 141; Taft in 1912 campaign, 61–62; unsuccessful 1912 campaign, 61; writing projects, 126

Index Rose, Mudge, Alexander and Guthrie (law firm), 121 Rostow, Walt, 129 Rush, Dr. Benjamin, 136, 151, 169 Sagamore Hill, New York, 61, 87 Sanborn, John, 57 San Clemente, California, 24, 34, 40, 88, 166 Scott, General Winfield, 55 Scranton, William, 73 serving on boards and commissions, 91–100 Sherman Anti-Trust Act, 19 Sirica, Judge John, 23, 40 Six Crises, 88 Slater Fund, 99 Smith, Richard Norton, 95 Spiegel Grove, Ohio, 39 Stanford University, 100 Stevenson, Adlai, 60 Stinson, Henry, 94 Symington, Stuart, 72 Taft, William H., 184, 187; battle with obesity, 165–66; Chief Justice of U.S. Supreme Court, 102; difficult succession from Roosevelt, 26; golfer, 153; immediate concerns, 45; Yale University School of Law, 100–2, 165 Tammany Hall, 59 Taylor, General Zachary, 13, 16, 54–55 Thayer, William Roscoe, 149 Treaty of Annexation of Texas, 87 Truman, Bess, 27 Truman, Harry S.: advise for President Eisenhower, 80–81; Hoover Commission, 95; immediate concerns, 40–41; political advisor, 72; reunion with Winston Churchill, 150; taking long walks, 151; transition problems with Eisenhower, 27; travel during retirement, 149–50; writing projects, 128–29

213

Tyler, John: advising Polk, 77–78; agricultural experimentation, 114; Confederate House of Representatives, 67, 93; Peace Conference, 67–68, 93; Virginia State Convention, 93; William and Mary College, 99 Tyler, Julia Gardiner, 43–44, 114 University of Georgia, 115 University of Michigan, 100 University of Virginia, 97–98 U.S. Code of Federal Regulations, 17 U.S. Constitution, 17 U.S. Secret Service, 12 Vail, Colorado, 30 Van Natta, Don, 154–55 Van Buren, Martin: advising Polk, 77; Free Soil Party, 51; immediate emotional issues, 43; leisurely activities, 138; Lord Palmerston, 144; meeting world leaders, 144; presidential election of 1844, 53–54; rebuilding family estate, 114; travel during retirement, 144; writing projects, 124 Vanderbilt, William, 118 Vanity Fair, 18 Waldorf Astoria Hotel, 29, 47–48, 171 Ward, Ferdinand, 39, 117 Washington, George: advising President John Adams, 75; concern over grandson, 135; death premonition, 33; family and friends, 134–35; farming and land speculation, 111–12; fatal illness, 158; immediate concerns, 109–10; Mount Vernon, 43; Washington, Martha, 135 Watergate, 16, 18, 23 Welles, Gideon, 20 West, Andrew, 102 West, Lincoln B., 27 Whig Party, 55–56

214 White, William Allen, 22, 46, 129 Whitney, William C., 60 Wilmot Proviso, 54 Wilson, Edith, 155 Wilson, Henry, 67 Wilson, Joan H., 22

Index Wilson, Woodrow: attempt to practice law, 32; health concern, 32–33; remaining in Washington, 31–32; stroke, 155, 157–58; wife, 155; writing projects, 127 Woodward, Bob, 33

About the Author

Paul B. Wice is Professor Emeritus of political science at Drew University in Madison, New Jersey. He retired June 2006. He received his undergraduate degree from Bucknell University and his doctorate from the University of Illinois. Professor Wice has published ten previous books, including the award winning Ruben “Hurricane” Carter and the American Justice System, as well as over forty articles and monographs mainly dealing with the American legal system. The recipient of several teaching awards, he has held visiting scholar positions at the U.S. Department of Justice, the Center for the Study of Law and Society at the University of California–Berkeley, and the New Jersey Supreme Court.

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