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taetoria with Off. 3, 61: lege Plaetoria; N.D. 3, 74, on that N.D. 3, 66-93, containing Roman cxempla dating between 110 and 82 B.C., dolus mains, with Off. 3, 61 (with the was written by Cicero at the age of same idea); N.D. 3, 75; malitiam with twenty-four or twenty-five, and taken up Off. 3, 71: malitiam; N.D. 3, 76: Sol and by him into his latest work. Bruwacnc's Phaethon, Neptune, Theseus, and Hipcase is much weakened by the fact, polytus, with Off. 3, 94 (the same which he has to admit, that the assumed figures).
22
INTRODUCTION
to fill out the still unpublished section of the N.D. 3, 67-71, with materials from Roman law, in other words, that the third book of the N.D. and the third book of the De Officii* were being worked on more or less simultaneously (perhaps also with the De I^egibus)% possibly at some time in December, 45, when we know that he had gone from Rome to Puteoli,1 Pompeii or Formiae,2 and Tusculum. 3 The parallels are, indeed, striking, and there may have been use of some of the same materials, but it is not therefore necessary to suppose that Qcero was writing both books at the same time, but rather that he had twice used the same notes, as he inadvertently used the same prooemium for the De Gloria and for the third book of the Accukmica.* THE DEDICATION
9. The dedication to M. Iunius Brutus is made in the simplest form,* and he is not later referred to. To Brutus, at the time about forty years old,· Qcero had dedicated the Orator^ the Paradoxa Stoicorum, the De Finibus, and the Tuscu/ans; he is also a speaker in the Brutus. His philoso phic interests arc discussed below; 7 at the end of the Tuscu/ans 8 Qcero speaks of him as one a quo non modo inpu/si sumus ad philosophiae scriptiones verum etiam iacessiti. THE TYPE OF DIALOGUE
10. The type of dialogue β practiced by most members of the Platonic Academy, continuing the tradition of Socrates, was regarded by Plato's pupils as the established vehicle for bestowing living form upon esoteric philosophy,10 and involved real participation in the discussion by several of those present, with comparatively short speeches, frequent expressions of assent or dissent, and an attempt to make the emerging opinion s o 1 Att. 13, 52. It tieraJ scripsit% ad me autem, etiam cum ■ Fam. 9, 12. rogat aliquid, contumacitert adroganter, άχοι* Att. 13, 42 (the end of December). νονοήτως solet scribere. * Att. 16, 6, 4 (24 July, 44). · On the dialogue as a literary t y p e * N.D. 1, 1: turn perdi/fidlis, Brute, see especially R. Hirzcl, Der Dialog 1 quod tu minime ignores, et perobscura quaestio (1895), in which pp. 457-552 deal w i t h est de natura deorum. Cicero in general, and pp. 528-535 w i t h * M. Gclzcr in P.-W. 10 (1917), 973- our work. w\ Kiaulchn, De scaenicc 974. Dialogorum Apparatu (in Diss, pbiiol. 7 1, 1, n. (Brute); Fin. 1, 8; 5, 1; Sen. Ha/enses, 23 (1914), 175-184—on C i c e r o ) Ep. 95, 45; Quintil. Inst. 10, 1, 123; adds nothing important. So also H . M. Schanz-C. Hosius, Gesch. d. rbm. Lit. Schlottmann, Ars Dialog, componendorusn 1* (1927), 396. etc. (1889), 38-48. l0 * 5, 121. But Cicero writes (Att. 6, 1, W. Jaeger, Aristotle (Engl. tr. 1 9 3 4 ) . 7) of Brutus: qui de me ad te humanissimas 27.
INTRODUCTION
23
far as possible the accepted resultant of their common thought. This sort of dialogue, though involving less repetition than the type which Gcero here uses, was obviously better adapted to a protreptic, a maieutic, or a polemic work than to one of a descriptive or historical character.1 Aristotle, who had a powerful influence upon Qccro, 1 thus began in his early works, following the Platonic tradition, but later invented a new kind of literary dialogue, namely the dialogue of scientific discourse,2 no longer satisfied with question and answer, but, by an inevitable transition to another stage,3 matching monologue against monologue. In this style the author states "fully from the standpoint of those who hold them views which are finally rejected." 4 In a very important letter δ Gcero reviews his own practice in dialogues, saying that he had originally intended, like Heraciides Ponticus, to include in them only persons no longer living, but that at the desire of Varro to receive notice from him he had decided to revise the Academica% giving a part to Varro and answering it himself, so that he might not be a mere κωφον πρόσωπον, as he had been in the De Oratore^ the scene of which was laid in his boyhood.· Hoc in antiquis personis suaviter fit, ut et Heraciides in multis et nos (in) vi Dt Re Pub lie a libris fecimus? In his more recent writing, however, he had followed the custom of Aristotle, in which the speeches of others are brought in only in such a way as to keep the initiative in the discussion in the hands of Aristotle himself.8 If we examine Gcero's principal dialogues we shall find that the De Oratore (55 B.C.) has a scene 1 Cf. A. S. Pease in Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 44 (1913), 34, n. 46. Even Plato's later dialogues tend to the perpetua oratio of the chief figure; cf. R. Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1186. * Jaeger, op. cit.% 28; Philippson, op. rit.t 1186-1188. ' Jaeger, ibid.
4
Jaeger, op. cit., 29. C. Lamb, Ep. 86
(1801), remarks: "Many eloquent dialogucs have been written (such as Bishop Berkeley's Minute Philosopher) but in all of them the Interlocutors are merely abstract arguments pcrsonify'd; not living dramatic characters, as in Walton." • A. D. Nock in Class. Rev. 57 (1943), 78, who compares with Cicero's method that employed in several of the works of Philo. Cf. also Fat. 1: quod autem in aliss libris feci qui sunt de natura deorum . . . ut in utramque partem perpetua explicaretur oratiot quo facilius id a quoque probaretur quod cuique maxime probabile videre/ur, id
in fjac distutatione de fato casus quidam ne facerem impedivit. · At/. 13, 19, 3-5 (30 June, 45); in sect. 3: sic enim constitueram neminem inc/udere in dialogos eorum qui viverent. ' Att. 13, 19, 4: puero me bic sermo inducttur, ut nuliae esse possent partes meae. · Ibid. On the Hcraclidcan dialogue
cf. Q.Ft. 3, 5, 1: commovit mt et eo magis quod maximos motus nosirat civitatis attingere non potcram quod erant inferiores quam illorum aetas qui loquebantur; R. Hirzcl, Der Dialog* 1 (1895), 321-331; 547-550. · Att. 13, 19, 4: quae autem bis temporibus scripn Άριστοτέλειον morem babent in quo ita sermo induct tur ceterorum ut penes ipsum sit principals; Pam. 1, 9, 23 (Dec, 54): scripn igitur Arisiotelio more, quern ad modum quidem volui, tris libros in disputatione ac dialogp De Oratore . . . abhorrent enim a communibus praeceptis atque ornnem antiquorum et Aristoteliam et Iso-
24
INTRODUCTION
laid in 9 1 ; l the De Republican) in 129; the Academicapriora (45) between 63 and 60; 2 the Hortensius (45) in 65-60; the De Finibus (45) has for its three dialogues the dates 50, 52, and 79; the De Senectute (44) is laid in 150; the De Amicitia (44) in 129. With settings essentially contem poraneous are the Brutus (46), the De Divinatione (44), and the De Fato (44). 3 The De Natura Deorum stands somewhat between the historical setting of Heraclidcs and the contemporary one of Aristotle, in that Qcero is himself present in it, though the speaking parts are given to persons already dead.
T H E SCENE
11. The scene of the dialogue is laid at the house of C. Aurelius Cotta,4 possibly a villa in the country,6 though I have given some reasons below β for thinking that it may have been his town house. In determining the assumed date it must be remembered that the author is careful t o avoid anachronisms,7 so that allusions to actual events may be given their full value. Cicero at the time is apparently a youngish man, not expected to take an active part in the dialogue. 8 The date is set later than cratiam rationem oratoriam complectuntur • On 1, 15, n. (apud); cf. R. Hirzcl, (Cicero seems here not yet to have dis Der Dialog, 1 (1895), 529, n. 2. The tinguished the Aristotelian from the work of E. Becker, Technik u. S^enerie Heraclidcan type, as he later did in Att. d. ciceron. Dialogs (1938), has not been 13, 19, 3; but cf. E. A. Robinson in accessible to me. Noticeable is the casual CI. Weekly, 39 (1936), 116). way in which Cicero drops in at the 1 The dates given I take—with one start and that in which all disperse at exception—from M. Schanz-C. Hosius, the end, which seems more fitting for Gescb. d. rbm. Lit. V (1927). a city call than for a country house1 Cf. J. S. Reid, cd. of Academica party. 7 (1885), 41. Cf. Q.Fr. 3, 5, 2: commovit me, ef eo 3 Uncertainty as to the date of the magis quod maximos motus nostrae civitatis De Legibus makes pointless its citation attingere non poteram, quod erant inferiores here. The Tusculans arc essentially time quam illorum aetas qui loquebantur\ also less, with anonymous speakers and no Brut. 218. On possible anachronisms ir. developed setting. For a classification other dialogues cf. R. Hirzcl, Der Dialog, of Cicero's dialogues cf. R. Philippson 1 (1895), 511-512; 519-520; the examples in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1187. In Fam. 9, 8,1, he cites are not seriously conspicuous. Cicero writes to Varro: puto fore ut, When discussing temple-robbery ( 3 , 83cum legeris, mirere nos id locittos esse inter 84) Cicero cannot mention Verrcs, but nos quod numquam locuti sum us; sed nosti cites the other famous Sicilian case ot" morem dialogorum. Dionysius. « N.D. 1, 15. • Almost a κωφον πρόσωπον; cf. η. * As Wolf and Schomann suggest, in 7, p. 23. Yet he was not so young a s in view of the holiday season. W. Kiaulchn, the De Oratore, when he was but a lad, De scaenico Dialog. Apparatu (1915), 180- but rather old enough so that Vclleius 181, thinks this uncertainty an indication is apprehensive that he may support of the unfinished character of the work. Cotta (1, 17).
25
INTRODUCTION 1
the visit of Posidonius to Rome in 86 B.C., later than a series of events leading up to the death of Q. Scaevola in 82, 2 at a time when Q. Catulus was already a pontifex,3 and after the passing of the lex Cornelia testamentorum (ca. 78 B.C.).4 Since Cotta is described merely as pontifex, it must be before his election to the consulship in 75. This space between 78 and 75 is further narrowed by the absence of Cicero himself in Greece and the East from 79 to 77, on his return from which journey and its philosophic studies he would have been a natural participant in such a conversation. Between 77, then, and his quaestorship in Sicily in 75 seems to lie the assumed date of the dialogue.6 Cicero would then have been from twenty-nine to thirty-one years of age, old enough and sufficiently trained to have reported accurately the discussions of his elders. THE DRAMATIC DATE
12. The advantages of throwing the dialogue back to such an early period were several, (a) References to embarrassing political questions associated with Pompey, Caesar, and others are thus largely avoided,® as arc allusions to his own consulship 7 and to the speeches of the years 57-56, in which certain religious questions of a purely legalistic sort are prominent.8 (b) Necessity of alluding to or passing judgment upon the theological works of his friends Varro and Nigidius Figulus is also removed. So likewise with the writing of Philodcmus, close as is Cicero's treatment to his at various points,· and, most strikingly of all, with Lucretius, whom it might have seemed hard to avoid mentioning in a dialogue set after his date.10 (c) By placing the discussion in the past 1 Cf. 1, 123, n. {familiarit omnium not/rum Pondonius). 1 Cf. 3, 80. * He was probably made pontifex ca. 80 B . C ; cf. 1, 79, n. {huiut collegae et familiarit nottri). * 3, 74. * Somewhat later than the assumed date of the third dialogue in the De P'inibut; cf. J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1* (1891), xli; R. Hirzel, op. ci/., 1, 528 and n. 4. Many of these evidences for the assumed date arc stated by K. Baicr in Jahrb. / . Philol. u. Paed. 1 (1826). 342. * Cf. n.8,p. 23, above; R. Philippson in P.- W. 7 A (1939), 1153. Guarded allusions to the dictatorship of Caesar (1, 7) fall, not in the dialogue, but in the proocmi-
urn. Marius is unfavorably mentioned in 3, 80-81, but nothing is said of Sulla, who had died in 78. shortly before the assumed date. 7 How this fared in a dialogue with contemporaneous setting may be seen in the De Divina/ione; perhaps even Cicero felt that with its large part there it might well be avoided in the De Natura Deorum. β E.g., De Domo sua and De Harutpicum Retponto. · Cf. R. Philippson in Symb. Osloenset, 19 (1939), 40, who observes that he mentions instead the older Zeno and Phaedrus. l0 Though it should be noted that wc perhaps have a veiled allusion to him
26
INTRODUCTION
and its words in the mouths of others the author may secure himself against some part of the odium theoiogcum likely to be aroused by the controversial nature of the subject.1 The sceptical Cotta might then be, like some character in drama, the vehicle for Gcero's own ideas of a much later date.2 A comparison here with the Socratic dialogues of Plato might be suggested. DEFECTS OF COMPOSITION
13. In the hasty composition of these troubled years it is not surprising that defects in the structure of the dialogue have been noted. Most obvious is an inconsistency in time. There is no reason to doubt 3 that the author finally intended the discussions of the three books to be thought of as all occurring on one day, for (1) the second book follows immediately after the first and the third after the second with no sign of any intermission, and (2) there is but one prooemium to the whole work, as contrasted with the three which introduce the three separate dialogues of the De I'inibus* Yet in N.D. 2, 73, we read (with clear reference to 1, 8): velut a te ipso hesterno die dictum est, and in 3, 18 (referring to Book 2 in general): omniaque quae a te nudius tertius dicta sunt. These allusions can best be understood if we consider them as relics of an earner plan for the whole work,5 in which, in a series of four days, Book 1 fell on the first, Book 2 on the second, and Book 3 on the fourth, the third day being left unoccupied. That these are an indication, as (cf. n. 1, p. 7, above), and that in the other dialogues which do have contemporary setting he docs not name Lucretius; D u- ι * ·» ι c*i ι · »i R. Hirzcl, op. at., 1, 531, n. 1, justly observes thaf Cicero's judgment of Lucrctius was probably quite different from ours. D. van Berchcm (Museum Helvet. 1946, 26-39) thinks that Lucrctius's poem was not published till 43 B.C. 1 Cf. R. Hirzcl. Der Dialog, 1 (1895), 532; A. S. Pease in Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 44 (1913), 27-30; M. Y. Henry, Re/, of Dogmatism and Scepticism in tin pbi/os. Treatises of Cic. (1925), 38; R. Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1152; 1156; also W. W. Fcnn (Hart: theol. Rev. 4 (1911), 466) for a similar device by David Hume in his Dialogues concerning natural Religion, in which he conveniently escapes responsibility for views expressed by characters in the discussion. So too Jean Bod in in his dialogues; cf. G. H. Sabine in Essays in Honor of G. L.
Burr (1931), 290. ι Q{ Pease, op. cit., 27, η. 13. , . c Wf , f Though F. A. Wolf (Utter. Analek,« ,-,x , « , , , . , , 4 0 *»· \. < 817>« 3 0 6 > f " ™ ■ ? * " * t h a t c άι € 1S r c a l | d * *}°«" y '*"buted over thrcc days ' 4 Cf. R. Hirzcl, op. at., 1, 529, n. 3; R· Philippson, op. at., 1152. · F. Orsini (1581) seems first to have remarked upon this: credipotest Ctctrorum in animo babuisse tribus libris trium ditrum disputationem referre . . . mox id mutasse, relictis prions vestigiis; cf. also R. Hirzel, op. cit., 1, 529-530, n. 3; O. Plasberg, cd. maior. (1911), on 2, 73; R. Philippson, op. cit., 1152. I. Hcinemann (Poseidonioi metapbys. Scbr. 2 (1928), 146-147) speculatcs what the original arrangement may have been. Plasberg thinks that bene paratum venire (3, 2) implies meeting again after an interval—another relic of the original plan.
INTRODUCTION
27
some have supposed, that the work was not completed for publication it would be rash to assert. For an anachronism in referring to the year of 365 1/4 days cf. the note on 2, 49 (circumitus . . . orbium); for another possible anachronism 3, 49, n. {pubiicani). Other slips in the dialogue form are the expressions in 2, 65: ut supra dixi (where see the n.); 2, 166: quales supra commemoravi\ and 3, 59: quam . . . supra diximus, the word supra obviously belonging to a written rather than to a conversational style. Yet the same mistake is to be found at several other places in Cicero's dialogues,1 and probably indicates a settled habit of mind rather than a temporary inadvertence, though his carelessness in other works has been remarked.2 A more serious defect is that some parts of the works, notably 3, 43-60, approach more nearly to the style of a mythological dictionary, like Hyginus, than to a conversation between friends, while the intrusion of long extracts from his Aratea into 2, 104-114, like the corresponding insertion from his De Consulatu in the De Divinatione, 1, 17-22, are a further strain upon the realism of the dialogue. Inconsistencies of subject matter, arising from the author's having employed a later and more up-to-date source for positive ex positions than those used for their rebuttal,3 and errors of statement, from whatever cause, not directly affecting the form of the dialogue, will be discussed in the notes on the passages in which they occur.4
CHARACTERS IN THE DIALOGUE
14. The characters of the dialogue δ are but four (Ocero himself, whose part is only trifling, C. Aurelius Cotta the host, C. Vellcius, and 1 Cf. Div. 1, 72; Rtp. 2, 9; Tusc. 2, 53; is hardly possible to exaggerate its his3, 52; 5, 67; Am. 15; 48. torical importance as contributing to our 1 For instances cf. Alt. 12, 6, 3 ; 16, 6, knowledge of the religious philosophy 4; Cell. 15, 6, 1-4; Pease, cd. of Div. 1 of the ancients, yet, regarding it as a (1920), 28-29. whole, it is impossible to call it a work ' Cf. a similar situation between Div. of art, it is impossible to say that the due 1, 9 and 2,13; Pease, cd. of Div. 1, 22-23; proportions of the subject have been R. Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1156. observed." On p. xvi he thinks that the J. B. Mayor (cd. of N.D. 3 (1885), doxographic section "docs not contain xiv-xv) similarly objects to the doxoa single strictly accurate statement or a graphic sections in 1, 25-41. single intelligent criticism." For a more 4 E.g., 2, 45, where sec n. on rtstat. temperate criticism cf. J. S. Reid, quoted Mayor {pp. cit., 3, xiii-xiv) assembles a in n. 2, p. 19, above, considerable number of slips, and re'Cf. R. Hirzel, op. cit. 1, 528-530; marks: "while allowing that we have W. Ax, ed. (1933), iv-v; also below, 1,15, in this treatise a great deal of excellent nn. {C. Cottam; C. Velleio; Q. Lud/ius sense, admirably expressed, and that it Balbus).
28
INTRODUCTION
Q. Lucilius Balbus), and they are duly introduced to the reader at 1, 15. 1 Against the charge that he ought not to bring into his dialogues the figures of distinguished men 8 Qcero defends himself in the Academica\ 3 of his use of persons no longer alive I have already spoken. 4 Roman statesmen in his hands turn into Greek philosophers, as Hirzel has remarked,5 but if he could take that liberty with them he could easily go one further step in characterizing the schools which he set them to represent rather than the beliefs held by individuals.· Whether, despite the vote cast by Gcero in 3, 95, he intended to have Cotta regarded as the mouthpiece of his views has been much disputed; my own view is set forth above. 7 In temperament the three speakers are well contrasted:8 Velleius, impulsive, polemic, dogmatic,· and rather impatient; 10 Balbus, learned, professorial, discursive, leisurely, and rather dependent upon Stoic syllogistic arguments; 11 and Cotta,courteous and complimentary in manner,12 but, like a lawyer, keenly detecting the weak points in his adversary's armor, and, above all, well illustrating in his own person that segregation of traditional ideas from the sceptical inquiries of 1 Most of what we know of Velleius and Balbus we owe to this work; Cotta is better known and had already appeared in the De Oratore; cf. A. S. Wilkins's ed. (1892), 20-21. Cotta was already dead when Cicero wrote, and perhaps Balbus and Velleius were also. * personas tarn grains. 1 2, 6. « Cf. Att. 13, 19. 3. * Op. cit., 1, 534. * Cf. F. A. Wolf, Utter. Analekten, 1 (1817), 292. On occasional lack of cor respondence between the real and the assumed beliefs of Cicero's characters cf. Pease, cd. of Dip. 1 (1920), 17, n. 74. A study of his accuracy in characteri zation has been made for six dialogues— not including ours—by R. E. Jones in Am.Journ. of Pbilol. 60 (1939), 307-325, who finds him sometimes truthful, at other times distorted. ' At n. 6, p. 9; cf. also Pease in Trans. Am.philol. Assoc.44 (1913),36-37 (especi ally 27, n. 13), to which add Mayor's n. on 1, 59 (cum Athenis essem); Μ. Υ. Henry, op. n't., 39, n. 329 (who docs not believe that Cicero intended to have his views identified with those of Cotta); L. Gueuning in Nova et Vetera, 7 (1925), 329, who thinks that Cotta docs repre
sent Cicero as against the extremes of Epicurus and the Stoics (and cf. the works he cites); A. J. Festugiere, La Revil. a"Hermes Trism. 2 (1949), 380381. " I. Hcincmann, Poseidonios* metapbys. Scbr. 2 (1928), 145, gives a good cha racterization of the three. At p. 147 he thinks Cicero more interested in de picting Scbultypen than in representing the systems of the different schools. • K.g., 1, 18. 1β At 1, 56, he apologizes for the length of his short speech; cf. 3, 2. Velleius is mentioned in De Or. 3, 78. 11 Balbus was also a speaker in the Hortensius, according to R. Hirzel, op. at., 1, 529, but this statement seems due to a misunderstanding of Hortens. fr. 81 MuUer ( = Aug. C. lulian. Pelag. 4, 72), where the allusion to Balbus really refers to the second book of the N.D. Cicero's Brutus* 154, speaks of him: Balbi docti et eruditi bominis . .. consideratam tarditatem\ Digest. 1, 2, 42, names him among the more influential pupils of Q. Mucius Scaevola. 11 1, 57-59; 3, 1; 3, 4; 3, 95. We need not press too far the questionable etiquette of having a host demolish t h e arguments of two of his guests.
INTRODUCTION
29
Greek philosophy l which we have already remarked in the case of Gccro himself.' N o one of these would properly be called judicial in disposition,3 and Gcero's own function in the dialogue is little more than that of a senator pedarius in the senate,4 voting but not speaking.
PROOEMIUM
15. The arrangement of the whole work is fairly simple.5 The first book starts with a prooemium (which I shall call A) by the author,6 which serves, not for that book alone,7 but for the entire work. Of this prooemium the beginning and a later portion 8 are closely concerned with the difficulty of the study of theology and the importance of correct beliefs upon it for regulating man's secular life.· In the middle of 1, 5,
1 Notably in 3, 5-6. Mayor, ed. of 115; 2, 73-153; 3, 65-79; (4) consulere N.D. 3 (1885), xxiv-xxv, interestingly eos rebus bumams — 1, 53-56 and 115-124; compares the figure of Cotta with that 2, 154-168; 3, 79-93. Hoyer's work of Trajan and some other later statesmen. suffers from assuming (from 2, 3) this * Cf. nn. 1-2 p. 13; 6, p. 26, above. four-fold division and then neglecting 1 Cf. 2, 1: corona tibi et indices defuenmt; the effects of heterogeneous Greek 3, 95: disserere malui quam iudicare (said by sources upon Cicero's plan. He also Cotta); Aug. Ep. 118, 16: retries assumes (p. 54) in each book a negative Epicureos et Stoicos inter se acerrime dimi- and a positive section, apparently cutting cantes; eorum vero litem conantes diiudicare across the lines described above (nega Piatonicos, occultantes sententiam vert talis, tive: 1, 61-121; 2,1-72; 3, 7-64; positive: et i//orurn vanam in fahitatefiduciamcon- 1. 18-56; 2, 73-168; 3, 65-90), and be lieves that the negative sections deal vincentes et redarguentes. 4 predominatingly with dii, the positive His vote (3, 95) causes rather than with a deus. To justify this opinion breaks a tie, thereby illustrating not Velleius must appear (p. 48) in 1, 18-41 only the difficulty of the subject ( 1 , 1 ; as a sceptic, in 1, 42-56 as a dogmatist, 1, 60; 3, 93) but also the lack of an and Cotta as not being a sceptic in 1, Academic dogma upon it; cf. A. S. Pease in Trans. Am. pbilol. As sec. 44 61-64; 1, 96; 1, 102; 1, 116; 1, 121; 1, 123. For criticism of Hoyer's view (1913), 35-37; A. J. Fcstugicrc, La sec also Gianola, op. cit. (1904), 10-11, Rati. d%Hermit Trism. 2 (1949), 383-384. * The four-fold arrangement which n. 6. Uri, on the other hand {op. cit. (1914), 85) holds that the four-fold R. Hoycr (Rb. Alus. 53 (1898), 40-51; division is common to all theologies, 53-54) would find running through all and tries to find it in the positive Epicu three books (occurring twice in Book 1), rean exposition of Book 1. though helpful and suggestive, cannot be taken too rigidly. He believes that • 1, 1-17. Cf. the use of prooemia by there arc four main divisions (which in Aristotle; R. Philippson in P.-W. 7A Books 2 and 3 arc obvious, but in Book 1 (1939), 1187-1188. by no means so, without assuming many 7 As he says (Att. 4, 16, 2) was the expansions and contractions): (1) esse dtos --- 1, 18-45 and 61-64; 2, 13-44; practice of Aristotle; cf. W. Jaeger, Aristotle (Engl. tr. 1934), 29, n. 2. 3. 7-19; (2) quale* sint di - 1, 46-49 9 and 65-90; 2, 45-72; 3, 20-64; (3) mundum 1, 1-5 (through vera nt) and 1, 13-14. ab bis administrari = 1, 49-52 and 90• 1, 3-4; 1, 14.
30
INTRODUCTION
this appropriate introduction is interrupted by a section l in defence of Gcero's philosophic studies, and, in particular, of his adherence to a school so neglected and outmoded as the Academy. This intrusion has little connection with theology, and we may easily guess that it was written by Qcero without particular reference to the present work and later taken by him from that volumin prooemiorum from which, as he wrote to Atticus,* he was in the habit of drawing when composing some treatise. Finally three sections 3 give in brief form the setting of time, place, and characters, and an apology for not including with the three schools mentioned any spokesman for the Peripatetics.* DOXOGRAPHIC SUMMARY
16. After this introduction Velleius, who had already started to discuss with Cotta the tenets of the Epicureans,5 is induced to begin again, for the benefit of Qcero who has just entered.· Since his prospective adversaries are Academics or Stoics, he devotes seven sections 7 (which we may call part B) to a rather contemptuous attack 8 upon the doctrines of Plato and the Stoa. Next he presents, through the sections which follow · (part C), a doxographic account, in roughly chronological sequence, of the views of twenty-seven Greek philosophers, from Thales to the Stoics,10 upon the existence and the nature of the gods, 1 1, 5 (beginning qua quidem)-\2. If this passage be omitted, 1, 13 follows very easily after 1, 5; cf. Plasbcrg, cd. maior.
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'
"*"*
Λ\Λ \* i Λ J t criticisms is lessened by thc fact that tam Λ \ ' / ^ ™"y ^ *hc views attacked were long quod babeo volumen prooemiorum. ex eo ^ obsoI and aUo b Q^J% eltgere soleo cum altquod σύγγραμμα tnstitut. . . . . . _ ,, iQX . ' f , .. . * , ,, · 1 rC u initial warning (1, 18) turn Ve/teius, Cf. the collection of Demosthenic Γ ι » ' / LI » c , . . . . c ... _ ndtnter sane, ut soleni ts/ι. whit tam verent προοίμια δημηγορ^ for which sec F ^ rg „& dubitafe al Blass, Die attache Beredsamkeit, 3, 1" 'r ι q 4 (1893), 322-328. It is natural that Cicero ' *' β should have imitated in this respect his *· Z5"4*· l0 great Greek model. A. G. Gillingham, Cf. thc somewhat similar review of in an unpublished Harvard dissertation the physical opinions of philosophers in (The Prooemia in the Treatises of Cic. on Ac. 2, 118, and thc briefer doxography Pbilos.and Oratory (1950)), compares the of divination in Div. 1, 5-6. Such pasgeneralities in this prooemium with the sages arc Cicero's substitute for a more very similar ones in Off. 2, 2-8; id. in formal history of Greek philosophy. Harv. Stud, in ci. Phiiol. 60 (1951), 298. Min. Fcl. Oct. 19, has a similar catalogue Cf. also below, 1, 1, n. (cum multae)\ of poets and philosophers; cf. also below, 1, 5, n. (qua quidem, etc.). 1, 25, n. (quaJia, etc.). Thc attempt of * 1, 15-17; called by Plasberg thc R. Hoycr (op. cit.% 49) to find a thrceexordium as distinguished from the fold division here—Prcsocratics, Acaprooemium. demies, and Stoics—adds little to the 4 1, 16. understanding of the passage.
INTRODUCTION
31
after which, in very hurried manner, he touches on the erroneous mythology found in the Greek poets, 1 the superstitious views of the adherents of the Oriental religions, 2 and the ignorant opinions of the populace. EPICUREAN DOCTRINE AND ITS CRITICISM IN BOOK I
17. Continuing with high praise of Epicurus,3 Velleius unfolds (part D), in a remarkably condensed fashion, the positive Epicurean doctrine concerning the existence and form of the gods, and of man's compre hension of them. This important division of the work covers but fourteen sections,4 as contrasted both with the sixty-eight sections used by Cotta (part E) for its refutation and with the one hundred and sixtyfive sections in the second book, 5 in which the positive dogmas of Stoicism are developed by Balbus. Such disproportion in space probably reflects, not so much Gcero's own likes and dislikes in relation to the Epicurean and Stoic schools respectively,· as the use of diverse sources, themselves of differing conciseness or prolixity.7 The final section of the first book (part E) contains Cotta's attack upon the Epicurean doctrines, in which two typical feelings on Gcero's part toward Epicu reanism are noticeable, as has been remarked by Uri 8 (a) a sarcastic contempt for its foolishness (as in sections 66, 69, 70, 72, 74, 84, 89, 1 The reasons for giving the doxographic section to Velleius are these: (1) the use of an Epicurean source; (2) the fact that if this resume had been put earlier, in the prooemium, in the mouth of Cicero himself, it would have been difficult for him to suspend his judgment sufficiently upon all the points involved; (3) had the doxography been taken away from Velleius his part in the dia logue would have been absurdly short, so that, in the interest of padding out his part, he is assigned this portion which is of general importance to the whole work. Its position as it stands, a little after the beginning of the work, recalls the place of the Catalogue of the Ships in the second book of the Iliad.
» 1, 43. 1
Ibid. Cicero begins with Epicurean ism as perhaps the easiest body of doctrine (cf. R. Hirzcl, Der Dialog, 1 (1895), 533) and one well known to him {Fin. 1, 16). Also it should be observed that the chronological order
is Epicurean and Stoic rather than the reverse; cf. N. W. DeWitt in Trans. Royal Soc. of Canada, 3 scr., 2, 36 (1942), 34. 4 1, 43-56. • 2, 4-168. • Cf. n. 5,p. 16, above; A. S. Pease in Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 44 (1913), 25. In the De Finibus the first two books devoted to the exposition of Epicure anism correspond to the third and fourth similarly concerned with Stoicism. It is true, however, that Cicero is less favorable to the Epicureans than to the Stoics; cf. Fam. 7, 12, 1-2 (where he speaks disparagingly to the recent Epi curean convert Trcbatius); Legg. 1, 39. C. Thiaucourt (/zsiai sur Its traitts pbilos. de Cic. (1885), 212) suggests that Cicero was afraid of giving too much space to the Epicurean views and ended by giving too little. 7 The sources will be discussed below. 8 Op. ci/., 112-113.
32
INTRODUCTION
97,104,107, 108, 109, 123), and (b) an aversion to its theory of pleasures, which here become obscenae voluptates (1, 111). Of the religious revolution produced by Epicureanism as contrasted with the legalistic, contractual religion of the state (cf. C. Vicoi in Ephtm. Dacoromana, 10 (1945), 246) Qcero shows little conception. BOOKS II AND III
18. The second book (the most scientific part of the work, dealing with cosmology, astronomy, zoology, anatomy, physiology, psycho logy, etc.), after some transitional paragraphs l to carry over the setting of the dialogue from the first, is devoted to Balbus's exposition of the Stoic theology, divided into four heads set forth in 2, 3; cf. also 2, 35, n. (res/at). Despite its length Balbus complains of lack of time to deal adequately with all questions (e.g., 2, 3; 3, 94), thus contrasting with the short speech of the Epicurean who had apologized for it because of its length (1, 56). The third book, after a similar transition from the second, 2 contains Cotta's refutation of the Stoics, probably arranged in somewhat similar order to that used in the second book, though in the mutilated state in which the work has reached us much of the second, third, and fourth heads has been lost.3 The two final sections of the third book 4 complete the frame of the dialogue, which is brought to an end by the approach of evening. 5 With conventional compliments and hopes of continuing the theme at a later date,8 the company disperse with an informal expression of sentiment in which they divide two against two, not, of course, on the subject of the existence or non-existence of the gods but upon the probability or improbability of the Stoic theo logy, 7 which has been the topic of two-thirds of the entire work. OMISSIONS
19. A modern writer dealing with the same theme would probably have emphasized certain aspects of theology which Cicero largely or completely neglects. Of syncretistic phenomena he has a good deal to say,8 but of the individual cults by which the gods are worshipped 1 2, 1-3. ' 3, 1-4. * Cf. R. Philippson in P.-VP. 7A (1939), 1155. 4 3, 94-95. * 3, 94: quoniam advesperascit; cf. the similar device in Virg. Eel. 1, 82-83; 2, 66-67. R. Hirzel, Der Dialog, 1 (1895), 534-535, compares also Tac. Dial. 42, 1;
Lucian, Attach. 40; and A. Gudcman on Tac. Dial. 42, 3, cites additional parallels including Min. Fel. 40, 2 (undoubtedly influenced by our work); Philostr. Heroic, p. 219 Kayscr; and many from Augustine and later Fathers, · Cf. Hirzcl and Gudcman li.ee. 7 3, 95. · 3, 42-60.
INTRODUCTION
33
very little.1 Again, though the connection of the Roman religion with politics and the state is clearly noted, its relation, if any, to individual or social ethics is passed over in silence. The calamities endured by good men and the prosperity of the wicked are duly observed,2 but we find no indication that Cicero or those of whom he writes were conscious of any deeper problem of the origin of evil, or of any sense of personal sin and of attempts to free themselves from its stain. In the field of re vealed religion the Eleusinian and Samothracian mysteries are mentioned,3 but no hint is given of any mystical experiences or communion with deity in connection with them.4 The soul and its immortality are admittedly related to the question of the nature of the gods, 5 but the treatment of that theme had been dealt with in the Tusculansy and therefore is little considered here. Hence the picture of religion is, from the point of view of a modern, rather incomplete, even allowing for the slight chance that some of these gaps may have received negative attention in the large block of text lost in the lacuna at 3, 65. On the other hand, it should be stated that, despite the opportunities offered by the ample quotations from Aratus,8 Cicero keeps very free from allusions to astro logy 7 and magic, doubtless because he included both those fields among the superstitions which he is so careful to differentiate from true religion, and in spite of his omissions we can perhaps agree with the view of J. W. Duff; 8 "If in Cicero we discover no true feeling of 'piety* in a modern sense, no deep assurance of divine aid, no clear hope of im mortality, we do find the inspiration of a noble and sincere ideal in his views of deity." CONCLUSION OF BOOK III
20. Why at the conclusion of the third book ■ Cicero states that the opinion of Balbus appeared to him the more probable has been much discussed, from antiquity to the present,10 and three principal types of 1 Thus the question of idolatry, so immortality by the use of the simple important in the Jewish-Christian traformula of gloria ( = the immortality dition, is ignored. of fame), and cites Pro Rab. 29-30; Pro 1 2. 167; 3, 65-93. Arch. 28-30; Pro Sest. 47; Att. 2, 5, 1; » 1, 119. 10,8, 8; 12, 18, 1: longumque Mud ttmpus * On the contrary, it is definitely cum non ero magis me movet quam hoc r e stated (1, 119): qmbus explicatis ad ratio- guum; and his two books De Gloria, β nemque revocatis return maps natura cognos2, 104-114. 7 Discussed in Dip. 2, 87-99. citur quam deorum. * 1, 1: ad cognitionem animi putcherrima ■ Class. Rev. 52 (1938), 178. est. T. Frank, Life and Ut. in the Rom. · 3, 95. l0 Rep. (1930), 218, detects in Cicero an Cf. the summary of views by A. S. adaptation of Greek mystical views of Pease in Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 44
3
34
INTRODUCTION
explanation have been advanced. A) Gcero, though using Cotta as his mouthpiece, at this place, either from fear of charges of atheism l or from unwillingness to undermine the politically convenient state reli gion, 2 deliberately lies, in order to deceive his readers. The answer to this view, if we wish anything more than his own statement 8 in the De Divination*, is that he need not have published at all, had he really felt these fears. Also, his books, though influencing some readers,4 probably had no such wide circulation as his vanity would suppose, and so would hardly have started a religious revolution among the general public. If he had had such a fear he would hardly have revealed so clearly as he does the difference between exoteric and esoteric beliefs (1913), 27-37, which I here follow, in ullo Cicero quam a Cicerone vebementius considerable part. The opinion of F. refutari; 2, 8, 53-55; De Ira, 11, 9: Guglielmino {Religto, 10 (1934), 142) Tullius tertio de natura deorum libro dissoluit that Cicero's inclination at the end to publicas religiones. Arnobius (3, 6), how side with Balbus is one of the heart, not ever, from the point of view of one of the reason, appears unlikely, in view rejoicing in the discomfiture of the pagan of his emphasis upon the importance of gods, declares: Tullius Romans disertissithe weight of argument (1, 10). mus generis nullam veritus impietatis invidiam 1 So Aug. CD. 5, 9: etiam Mud ten- ingenue const ante r et libere quid super tali tavit quod scrip turn est: Dixit insipiens in opinaiione sentiret pie tate cum maiore moncor at suo: Non est Deus; sed non ex sua ttravit. C. Thiaucourt, Essai sur Us persona, vidit enim quam esset invidiosum ettraites pbilos. de Cic. (1885), 248, gives molesturn ; ideoque Cot tarn fecit disputantemanother, rather doubtful, explanation: de hoc re adversus Stoicos in /ibris de deorum"pour etre athee et s'avouer a soi-meme natura, et pro Luciiio Balbo, cut Stoicorum son atheisme il faut une certaine fcrmeti partes defendendas dedit, maluit ferre sen- d'intelligcncc dont Ciceron parait avoir tentiam quam pro Cotta, qui nullam divinam toujours manque." naturam esse contend/1. in libris veto de 1 Lact. Inst. 2, 3, 2: intellegebat Cicero divination* ex se ipso apertissime obpugnat falsa esse quae homines adorarent. nam cum praescientiam futurorum. .. . aut enim esse Deum negat, quod quidem inducta alterius multa dixisset quae ad eversionem reliponum persona in libris de deorum natura facere valerenf ait tamen non esse Ma vulgp dismolitus est; aut ή esse confitetur Deum . . . putanda, ne susceptas publice religiones disetiam sic nihil dicit aliud quam quod Me di putatio extinguat. xit insipiens in cord/ suo: Non est Deus • Div. 1, 8: ptrlegi, inquit, tuum pau/o (cf. 4, 30: Cicero augur inridet auguria . . . ante tertium de natura deorum, in quo disnee quod in bac disputatione disertus insonatputatio Cottae quamquam labefactavit senmuttire auderet in populi contione). See also tentiam meam non funditus tamen sustu/it. Lactantius, who, though at times praising optime vero, inquam; etenim ipse Cotta sic the religious views of Cicero {Inst. 1,2, 3; disputa J ut Stoicorum magis argumenta con 1, 5, 24-25), elsewhere declares that this fute t quam bominum deleat religionem. turn work would overthrow all religion; Quintus-, dicitur quidem istuc, et vero saepius, {Inst. 1, 15, 16-27; 1, 17, 4: totus liber credo, ne communia iura migrare videatur; tertius de natura deorum omnes funditus sed studio contra Stoicos disserendi mihi religiones evertit ac delet; 2, 3, 2-7 (2, 3, 5: videtur funditus tollere. In Div. 2, 28, nimirum Socratis carcerem times ideoque Cicero would retain haruspicine rei pupatrocinium veritalis suscipere non audes); blicae causa com munisque religions s. 2, 8, 10-13, ending: nee enim potuit ab * 1, 6; 1, 8; Div. 2, 5; Of. 2, 2.
INTRODUCTION
35
1
among Roman statesmen, nor would he have supposed that the mere literary device of using Cotta as a character in the dialogue would completely relieve the author from responsibility. That Cotta's views were, in fact, often held to be Cicero's may be seen from Arnobius, Lactantius, and Augustine.* B) Gcero is sincere, and though he does not accept all Stoic tenets, yet, as an eclectic with Stoic sympathies,3 he would feci that probability lay on the side of Balbus. The arguments of Cotta are sometimes fri volous, at other times less sound than they at first appear,4 and might easily have been answered in a Stoic rebuttal.6 Arguments against this view are: (1) that it is not the principles of the Stoics but the argument {disputatid) of Balbus which Cicero is said to consider the more probable; (2) while we have the arguments of Balbus in full, a considerable (and perhaps the most important) part of the reply of Cotta is lost in the lacuna at 3, 65, so that we arc hardly in a position to appraise the results of the discussion; (3) Cicero takes especial pains to class himself as an Academic β and to praise Academic methods of arguing on both sides of a question; 7 and (4) the arrangement of the dialogue, with the Acade mic speaker having the finaJ word, is an indication of the author's sympathies. C) The descriptive rather than polemic 8 aim, which I have already suggested, is well served by (1) Academic rebuttal to neutralize the partisan exposition of Epicurean or Stoic doctrines which Cicero doubtess found in his sources; · (2) by the central connecting figure of Cotta; 1 1, 61. directly answered from the speech of • In n. 1, p. 34, above. Balbus." ■ E.g., of the school of Antiochus. · 1, 17. 7 a . also A. S. Pease, op. ci/.t 30, n. 25; 1, 1; 1, 11-14. A. B. Drachmann, Atheism in pagan ' In this differing from Sextus EmpiAntiq. (1922), 115; L. Gueuning in ricus, who, however, contains some of Novae/ Vetera, 7 (1925), 331; F. Solmscn the arguments appearing in Cicero (cf. in CI. Weekly, 37 (1944), 159-160; Lact. K. Rcinhardt, Poseidonios (1921), 209Inst. 1, 2, 3; Marcus Tullius quamvis 210); Scxt. Pyrrhon. 3, 2: ούκοϋν έπεί Academicae disciplinae defensor esse/, de Οεόν είναι δραστικώτατον αίτιον ol providentia gubernatriee rerum e/ mul/a πλείους άπεφήναντο, πρότερον περί θεοΰ e/ saepe disserui/ Stoicorum argumenta con- σκοπήσωμεν, προειπόντες δτι τω μέΐ firmans e/ nova ipsa adferens plurima,' quod βίω κατακολουθουντες άδοξάστως φαμέν foci/ cum in omnibus pbilosophiae suae libris είναι θεούς καΐ σέβομεν θεούς καν turn maxime in iis qui stmt de na/ura deorum. προνοεΐν αυτούς φαμέν. προς δε την 4 Cf. \Χ. G. Tcnnemann, Gescb. d. προπέτειαν των δογματικών τύίδε λέPhilos. 5 (1805), 121; J. Β. Mayor, ed. γομεν. of Λ·'. A). 3 (1885), xxiii-xxiv; also what · Cf. Div. 1, 7: faciendum vide/ur u/ Cicero himself says in 3, 65; Div. 1, 9. diligen/er etiam atque etiam argumenta cum • Cf. 3, 94-95; J. B. Mayor, op. cit. argument!s comparemns, tit fecimus in iis 3, xxiv: "In some instances they may be tribus libris quos de natura deorum seripiimus.
36
INTRODUCTION
and (3) by a recognition that, historically and objectively, the classic arguments against various theological views were as proper for study and enumeration as the views which they refuted.1 Qcero desires to give the impression of impartiality, which would not be produced by two Academics voting alike at the end. He also wishes to show to the reader an example of Academic method rather than of a dogma which might have been (even though wrongly) inferred from the consensus of two Academics, and to suggest that an Academic might use his individual liberty to select and accept any practical working principle, no matter from what school. 2 SOURCES: GENERAL
21. Modern study ot the De Natura Deorum has been rather more occupied with the detection of its sources than with interpretation of its contents or its purpose—a fact which itself bears significant testimony to the importance of Cicero as a transmitter of certain philosophic ideas not elsewhere well attested. Since few of the probable sources are named 3—save for some acknowledged quotations from Plato and Aristotle—the question of few or multiple sources is naturally important. In view of the haste with which Cicero was producing the series of works in 45-44 B.C., it might seem unlikely that he made careful comparison of many authorities, and more probable that he followed one source at a time,4 condensing, expanding, rearranging, adding remarks from 1 The pros and cons arc also in For he avoided that violation of decorum; keeping not only with Cicero's Academic he had observed, in common life, that methods but also with his habit as a all persevered in their sects, and mainlawyer of seeing (and perhaps arguing tatned every nostrum without reserve." to himself) both sides of a case; cf. Fat. 3: Minucius Felix, in a work relying largely cum hoc gtnere philosophiae quod not sequimur on the De Natura Deorum\ ends with the magnam habit orator sOcietatem; Att. 2, 3, conversion of the pagart disputant. 3; P. Boyancc in Rev. des et. /at. 14(1936), " C f W. W. Jaeger, Nemesios von 290. The method is less appropriate in a Emesa (1914), 33: Es gchort zum Stil judge whose duty it is to render a deder Doxographic, den Namen zu nenncn, cision. zum Stil des Abschrcibcns, ihn zu ver· ■ Cf. A. S. Pease, op. ct't., 37, and works schweigen. 4 there cited in n. 56; also n. 6, p. 9, above. Cf. P. Boyanci in Rev. des it. /at. 14 Richard Bcntlcy acutely observed (Works* (1936), 291-292, for arguments pro and 3 (1838), 420-421; called to my notice by con. The criteria for determining whether Professor E. A. Robinson): "in all the Cicero used a single source H. Uri {Cic. disputes he [Cicero] introduces between u. d. epik. Philos. (1914), 3-5) would rind the various sects, after the speeches are in the presence or absence of an organic ended every man sticks where he was unity in the result. This somewhat subbefore; not one convert is made (as is jeetive test needs great care in its applicommon in modern dialogue), nor cation, brought over in the smallest article.
INTRODUCTION
37
his own reading or experience, and then shifting, when it seemed to him desirable, to some other source.1 From the comparatively small number of Greek sources known to us by quotations in other authors or merely by name * scholars have ascribed to Cicero nearly all possible combina tions, but it should never be forgotten that these works arc only a part of the handbooks which must have existed in his day, so that an Aca demic suspense of judgment at certain points is probably the wisest course. I shall try, however, to deal with the more important suggestions which have been made,3 and to do this most simply shall for the first book take up its main sections in order. 1 O. Plasbcrg, Cic. in seinen Werken u. (1880), xlii-liv (Book 1), with biblio graphy at xlii, n. 1; 2 (1883), xvi-xxiii Brie/en (1926), 161, says that in the Cice ronian studies of the last decades man das (Book 2); W. Scott, Frag. Herculan. sogenannten Einqucllenprinzip fast (1885), 43-46 (Book 1); C. Thiaucourt, durchweg aufgegeben hat: d.h. Cicero Essai sur Its traites pbilos. de Cic. (1885), folgt scinen Vorlagcn immcr nur cine 200-227 (Book 1); 228-239 (Book 2); Strecke wcit, um dann Stuckc andcrer 239-250 (Book 3); H. Usener, Epicurea Hcrkunft damit zu verbinden odcr darin(1887); lxv-lxviii; P. Wcndland in Arcb. zuschicben; cr konntc auch, wo ihm der f. Gesch. d. Pbilos. 1 (1888), 200-210 (Book Gegcnstand gelaufig war, den Vorlagcn 2); L. Rcinhardt in Brest, pbilol. Abb. 3, 2 cntratcn und mit den Erinncrungen aus (1888). 1-33 (Book 1); 33-55 (Book 2); seiner Studienzeit, aus Untcrhaltungcn 56-68 (Book 3); A. Schmekel, Die mit andcren, aus viclfacher Lckturc Pbilos. d. mittl. Stoa (1892), 85-104 schaltcn. Cf. H. Uri, op. cit., 4-5 for (Book 2); H. Sauppc, Ausgew. Schr. Cicero's not following a single source in (1896), 387-403; VC\ Michaelis, De Origta slavish manner. For Cicero's own view nibus Indicts Deorum Cognominum (1898), of his liberty in rendering cf. Fin. 1, 6: 4-6; 29 (Book 3); R. Hoyer in Rhein. quid si nos non inter pre turn fungimur munere,Mus. 53 (1898), 37-65; II. Diels, Elemensed tutmur ea quae dicta sunt ab eis quos tum (1899), 3, n. 0 (Book 2); C. Giamprobamus, tuque nostrum judicium et nostrum bclli in Boll, di filol. class. 6 (1900), 204scribendi or dine m adiungimus? 205 (Book 2); C. H. Vick in Hermes, 37 2 (1902), 228-232 (Book 1); 232-248 (Book Our knowledge of some of which wc do know rests upon only one or two 3); C. Giambclli in Riv. difilol.31 (1903), 450-462 (Book 2); A. Gianola, De Com chance allusions. • Among the more important treat pos, et Font/bus Cic. Lib. qui sunt de N. D. (1904); II. von Arnim, Stoic, vtt. Frag. 1 ments (in addition to the introductions (1905), xxx (Book 2); F. Zuckcr in of various editions) may be cited: A. B. Κ rise he, Die tbeol. Lebre d. gr. Denker Pbilol. 64 (1905), 468-469 (on 1, 63; 1, (1840); B. Lcngnick, Ad emend, explic. 117-119); A. Gocdcckcmcycr, Gescb. d. Cic. Ub. de Λ'.Ζλ (1871), for Book 1; gr. Skepticism™ (1905), 67, n. 2; D. R. Jiirzcl, Untersucb. ^. Cic. pbilos. S'cbr. 1 Heeringa, Quaest. ad Cic. de Div. Lib. (1906), 25-27 (Book 2); 37-38 (Book 3); (1877), 1-45 (for Book 1); 191-244 W. Croncrt, Kolotes u. Menedemos (1906), (Book 2); H. Diels, Dosogr. Gr> 176 (Book 1); P. Cropp, De Auctoribus (1879; 2 cd. 1929), 119-132; 529-550; P. Schwenke in Jahrb. f. el. Pbilot. 119 quos strutus Cic. in Lib. de N.D. Acad, (1879). 8, n. 4 (Book 2); 49-66 (Book 1); nov. Tbeologiam reddidit (1909)—and re views by A. Lorchcr in Burs, fabresb. 162 129-142 (Books 2-3); T. Schichc in fabresb. d. pbilol. Vereins ξ. Berlin, 6 (1913), 13; C. H. Vick in Berl. pbilol. Wocb. 32 (1912), 1217-1221 —; F.. Ka(1880), 362-383 (reviews of Hirzcl and garow in Hermes (Russian), 11 (1912), Schwenke); J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1
38
INTRODUCTION SOURCES OF THE PROOEMIUM
22. That the first section (A), constituting the prooemium l of which I have spoken, 2 is the work of Gcero himself and not derived from some other source is clear from its highly personal character and its lack of learned materials lying outside the writer's own experience. The second part (B), 3 with attacks upon Platonic and Stoic tenets, seems not to be from the same source as the more systematic catalogue of views of philosophers (part C) from Thales to Diogenes of Babylon,* the scale and plan of which are quite unlike it. 6 Further, part C itself contains a critique of the views of Plato β and the Stoics 7 which does not particularly resemble that in part B. It has been suggested by Krische 8 that Gcero himself composed part B, with a free use of Lu cretius,9 to whom it shows some likeness, 10 and L. Reinhardt n has in 309-312; W. W. Jaeger, Nemtrios von Emesa (1914), 106, n. 3 (Book 2); H. Uri, Cic. u. d. epik. Philos. (1914), 89-116 (Book 1); R. Philippson in Hermes, 51 (1916), 568-608; id., in Berl. pbilol. Woch. 36 (1916), 110; H. von Arnim in P.-W. 10 (1917), 1971-1973 (Book 3); K. Svoboda in Listj β/ο/. 46 (1919), 3-13 (with bibliography); 153-161; R. Philippson in Hermes, 55 (1920), 230 (Book 1); K. Reinhardt, Poseidonios (1921), 215-262 (Book 2); H. von Arnim in P.-W. 11 (1922), 659 (Book 3); M. Pohlenz in Got ting. gel. Αηχ. 184 (1922), 126; 168-169 (cf. 188 (1926), 273-306 on Book 2); A. Lorchcr in Burs. Jahresb. 200 (1924), 112-120; 135137; P. Gcisslcr in Gnomon, 1 (1925), 241 (Book 2) ; K. Reinhardt, Kosmos u. Sympatbie (1926), 61-177 (Book 2); M. Schanz-C. Hosius, Gesch. d. rom. Lit. 1* (1927), 510-511; I. Hcincmann, Po seidonios* metaphys. Schr. 2 (1928), 144162 (Book 1); 162-224 (Books 2 and 3>— and against him W. Thcilcr in Problemata, 1 (1930), 79, n. 3; 104; M. Pohlenz in Gotting. gel. Αηχ. 192 (1930), 138-156 (Book 2); A. Lorchcr in Burs. Jahresb. 235 (1932), 39-53 (Book 2); L. Edclstcin in Studi ital. di β/ο/, cl. N.S. 11 (1934), 131-183 (Book 2); M. Pohlenz, Ant. Fuhrertum (1934), 95, n. 1 (Book 1); id., in Gotting. Nacbricbien, N.F. 1 (1934), 22, n. 1 (Book 3); E. von Ivanka in ligyetemes pbilol. Koxlony, 59 (1935), 10-21^ (Book 2); P. Boyancc in Rev. des
et. lat. 14 (1936), 288-295; J. Hausslcitcr in Burs. Jahresb. 255 (1937), 24 (Books 2-3); M. van den Bruwaenc, La tbiologit de Cic. (1937), passim, R. Philippson in P.-V7. 19 (1938), 2462 (Book 1); 7A (1939), 1153-1154 (Book 1); 1154-1155 (Book 2); 1155-1156 (Book 3); id., in Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 15-40 (Book 1); 20 (1940). 21-44 (Book 1); W. Ax in Gotting. gel. Arrr. 1939, n. 1, 41 (Book 2); F. Solmscn in Cl. Pbilol. 39 (1944), 46 (Book 3); R. Philippson in Symb. Osloen ses, 24 (1945), 16-47; C. Vicol in Epbtm. Dacoromana, 10 (1945), csp. 249-250; 265-266; A. J. Fcstugicrc, La Ret>le. d'Heresm Trism. 2 (1949), 366, n. 1; A. di Girolamo in Giorn. ital. di filol. 4 (1951), 43-58. 1 1, 1-17. 1 nn. 6-9, p. 29; 1-4, p. 30, above. » 1, 18-24. • 1, 25-41. • Cf. R. Hirzcl, op. est., 1 (1877), 17-19; P. Schwcnkc, op. cit., 49; C. Thiaucourt, op. cit., 210. R. Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1153, thinks that if Cicero here used Philodemus it was a different pan of his work from that which parallels our section C. • 1, 30; independent of the account in 1, 18-20. 7 1, 36-41. • Op. cit., 22. • 5, 110-234. 10 Cf. 1, 21-22, with Lucr. 5. 165-175; 1, 23, with Lucr. 5, 156-167. Hirzcl,
INTRODUCTION
39
part adopted this assumption, without insisting, however, upon Lucre tius as a source. Thiaucourt l would assume Phacdrus, for whose books on the gods Gcero asked Atticus on 5 August, 45, 2 but there has been a greater inclination among modern scholars 3 to find the source in Zeno of Sidon, whom Gcero knew and considered the leading Epicurean of his age,4 to whom Cotta compares Vclleius, 5 and whose violently pug nacious habits of debate fit much better than the milder manners of Phacdrus β with the contemptuous character of section B.7 Others, perhaps more cautiously, would be contented to assume some unspecified Epicurean writer.8 SOURCES OF THE DOXOGRΑΡΗ Υ 23. In part C · there is a doxographic account of the theological op. cit., 1, 9-10 refutes the view that Cicero here borrows from Lucretius; R. Philippson (in Got ting. gel. Απ%. 1937, 473; id., in Sjmb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 18; id., in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1153) thinks that Lucretius, Actius, Plac. 1, 7, 5-10 (Doxogr. Gr* 299-301), and Cicero probably all derive from the same ulti mate source, viz. Epicurus, De Natura, Book 12 (fr. 82-87 Uscncr), but perhaps under the influence of criticisms by Carncadcs. » Op. cit., 7. 1 Op. cit., 213. While there may possibly have been reason for so sup posing when it was thought that the work περί ευσέβειας was by Phacdrus (sec J. Haytcr's view, as explained by J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), xliii-xlvi; H. Dicls, Doxogr. Gr* (1929), 530), there seems little when that work is ascribed to Philodcmus (cf. R. Hirzcl, op. cit., 1, 26-27). 1 Att. 13, 39, 2. But R. Philippson (Sjmb. Oslotnses, 19 (1939), 15) remarks that in a letter of 4 August, 45 (Att. 13, 38, 1) he was already writing contra Bpicureos, and so had already passed to part Ε of our book. Further, just before the reference to Phacdrus in Att. 13, 39, 2, Cicero says: libros mihi de quibus ad te antea scripsi velim mittas, which Phi lippson (in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1153) thinks may have been theological works of Philo dcmus, since Atticus stood in intimate
relations with all the Epicureans in Italy. 3 E.g., C. Petersen, ed. of Phacdrus Epicureus (1833), 45; Hirzcl, op. cit. 1, 27-32; Schwcnkc, op. cit., 56-57; Thiau court, op. cit., 214, who thinks Zcno was the source of both Philodcmus and Cicero, the latter retaining the pugnacious quality of his original and the more polished Philodcmus omitting it. 4 1, 59: Zenonem, quern Philo noster coryphaeum appellare Izpicureorum solebat, cum A them's essem audiebam frequenter (Cotta speaks, but apparently tells of Cicero's experience); Tusc. 3, 38: hoc Hit acriculus me audiente Atfjenis senex Zeno, is torurn acutissimus, contendere et magna voce dicere solebat. » 1, 59. • 1, 93; cf. Hirzcl, op. cit. 1, 29. 7 In which sarcasm and a dozen or more indignant rhetorical questions are prominent. R. Hoycr (in Rhein. Μus. 53 (1898), 52) remarks that there arc about 200 questions in this book, and points out their unsuitability for sceptical doctrine, and Mayor, ed. of N.D. 3 (1885), xvi, observes that the answers to them may often be distinctly given in the words of the treatise criticized. • R. Philippson (Sjmb. Oslotnses, 19 (1939), 17) thinks perhaps from some Epicurean work on the origin of the world, this being the subject especially discussed in 1, 18-24. • 1, 25-41.
40
INTRODUCTION
beliefs of philosophers from Thales to Diogenes of Babylon.1 That this is not compiled by Gcero himself but borrowed from some Greek source is universally admitted, and many scholars 2 have remarked upon its striking resemblances to Philodemus, De Pietate? the apposite parts of which are conveniently printed, in parallel columns with N.D. 1, 25-41, by H. Diels in his Doxographi Craed.* While the fragmentary condition of the papyrus of Philodemus accounts for his not mentioning several philosophers in Cicero's list,6 and there are some slight divergences of order in the names of those who are selected,· yet the parallels in some of the philosophers 7 are noteworthy, as is the fact that the same works arc often cited. 9 The omission by Gcero of Heraclitus and Prodicus, who appear in Philodemus, is explained by Diels · as due to the likeness of their views to those of the Stoics and Persacus, respectively.10 Other differences between Cicero and Philodemus are also enumerated by Schwenke.11 Philodemus may seem more courteous in tone than 1 Which Krischc,0/>.r/7.,24; Lengnick, op. cit., 4-5; Hirzcl, op. cit., 1, 22-23; Thiaucourt, op. cit., 209-213; and Gianola, op. cit., 8, consider to be an after thought on Cicero's part, intruded be tween 1, 24 and 1, 42 (or possibly the second sentence of 1, 43); but cf. L. Rcinhardt, op. cit., 5-6. Indeed in 1, 2, the words ut eorum infinitum sit enumerare sententias might suggest that when writing them Cicero did not intend to furnish a long doxography, and if 1, 25-41 were deleted the sense would continue un broken. Yet, as pointed out by J. B. Mayor {CI. Rtv. 3 (1889), 357) the histo rical summary is prepared for byphrases found in 1, 1; 1, 2; 1, 3; and it is clear that 1, 63; 1, 91-92; and 1F 94 regard part C as an essential portion of the whole work, while exposui (1, 42) naturally refers to part C, though Hirzcl (p. 22) would relate it to 1, 24. The list is very similar, in form and content, to that in Ac. 2, 118, though each list has its own specialities. For a comparison of the two see A. J. Fcstugicrc, La Rail. d'Hermes Trism. 2 (1949), 366. 1 On the development of this fact cf. H. Sauppc, Ausgew. Scbr. (1896), 387-389 (reprinting a programme of 1864); R. Hirzcl, op. at., 1, 4-5 (refuting doubts of G. F. Schocmann); H. Diels, Doxogr. Gr.% (1929), 121-122.
a
Pp. 65-84 Gomperz. 2 cd. (1929), 531-550. On the rela tions of the two works sec also B. Leng nick, op. cit., passim; J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1, xlvi-1. • Thales, Anaximandcr, Alcmacon, Empedoclcs, Plato, Xcnocrates, Hcraclides Ponticus, Thcophrastus, Strato, Ariston. • E. g., Protagoras. 7 H. Diels, op. cit., 122, cites as especial ly convincing those dealing with Aris totle, Persacus, Chrysippus, and Dioge nes of Babylon. Elscwhcxc (p. 126) he discusses Cicero's amplification of some passages. § So R. Hirzcl, op. cit., 1, 5 (followed by C. Thiaucourt, op. cit., 206) calls attention to Antisthenes, Pbysicus (1, 32), the third book of Aristotle's De PAi/osopbia (1, 33), the first book of Chrysip pus, De Diis (not named in 1, 39, as it is in Philodemus, yet clearly used), and Diogenes, De Minerva (1, 41). Both also* draw from Xcnophon, Memorabilia 0.31). • Op. cit., 125-126. 10 Heraclides is alluded to by Cicero in 1, 74 and 3, 35; Prodicus in 1, 118— all these, of course, outside the limits of the present passage. " Op. cit., 50-51. 4
INTRODUCTION
41
Gccro in part C,1 and expresses rather little of criticism, 2 whereas the non-historical parts are strongly anti-Stoic, 3 but Philippson 4 suggests that Cicero has perhaps somewhat exaggerated the vituperative character of his source in order to make it appear more typically Epicurean. 6 T o explain both the likenesses and the divergences of Cicero and Philodemus various theories have been advanced. Given the friendly relations known to have existed between the two, it is very improbable (1) that Philodemus copied Cicero; β possible (2) that Cicero copied Philodemus's De Pietate? in which case there are a few discrepancies to be explained; 8 not unlikely (3), as Philippson β supposes, in view of Cicero's brevity, that he used an epitome of Philodemus, prepared for him cither by an assistant (to whom some of the errors might then be ascribed) 10 or by Philodemus himself; ,x and entirely possible (4) that Cicero, Philodemus, and perhaps others, 12 derive from some common source. This archetype 1 H. Dicls, Doxogr. Gr* 122-123. (L'scncr, Epicurea, 356, no. 385a) refers Yet cf. the impressive list of vituperative to Philominus . . . in epitomis suis, where expressions collected by Philippson editors have emended to Philodemus. {Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 28-30) from For Cicero's use of such epitomes the writings of Philodemus. Philippson (p. 36) compares H. Usencr, 1 Epicurea (1887), Ixv. Cf. A Lorchcr in Cf. H. Dicls, op. cit., 123; A. LorBurs Jahresb. 200, 2 (1924), 124; 134. chcr, op. cit., 137. 10 • Hirzcl, op. cit., 1, 24. I.. Rcinhardt, op. cit., 19; cf. Mayor, • In P.-W. 7A (1939), 1153. cd. of N.D. 3 (1885), lxx. 11 • Cf. 1, 18; 1, 93-94; 2, 73: vestra enim R. Philippson in Symb. Osloenses, 19 solum legitis, vestra amatis, ceteros causa incog(1939), 37. Considerations of anachro nita condemnatis; also Dicls, σ/>. r/V., 123. nism prevented citing Philodemus di rectly as a source {id., 40). • Cf. Thiaucourt, op. cit., 209; also 11 R. Philippson in P.-W. 19 (1938), Cf. J. B. Mayor in CI. Rev 3 (1889), 2445-2446; P. H. and E. A. DcLacy, 357; R. Philippson in Hermes, 55 cd. of Philodemus, De Si gnu — Philol. (1920), 230 (citing J. Dictze in Jahrb. f. Monographs, 10 (1941), 4-5, citing Fin. ct. Philol. 153 (1896), 223) for a common Epicurean source for these two works, 2, 119; also Ascon. in Pison. 68: Philodemum significat, qui fut't Epicureus ilia the Epicurean Damon in Lucian, tup. aetate nobilissimus. There would be no Trag., and various Christian apologists, particularly Clement's Protrepticus. This obvious motive for Philodemus to source would have fallen in the second borrow from Cicero, and if he did we century, and may have had two parts: should still have to explain cither how (a) poets, mythologists, and the populace, Cicero was able in his hasty composition and (b) the philosophers, this being the to compile such a doxography or from what other source he borrowed it. order in Philodemus, De Piet. pp. 5-65 7 Cf. R. Philippson in Symb. Osloenses Gomperz, which corresponds to N.D. 1, 42-43. The apologists, like Vcllcius in 19 (1939), 31. Cicero, object to the views of the philos • Cf. n. 1, p. 41, above. • In Hermes, 51 (1916), 568; Berl. ophers as being inconsistent with one pbilol. Wocb. 36 (1916), 109; Symb. another and in some cases with them selves, and to the opinions of the poets Osloenses, 19 (1939), 36-40; at 38-39 he gives the text of a fragment {Pap. Here. (Homer, Hcsiod, ct al.) as unbecoming and leading men to vice under the pre 168) which he attempts to identify with this epitome. Ambros. Ep. 63, 13 text of imitating the gods.
42
INTRODUCTION
would be dated later than Diogenes of Babylon, the latest name in the doxography, who died about 150 B.C.,1 and Dicls * suggested that it might well be Phaedrus's περί θεών, while Schwenke s and Cronert 4 hold to Zeno of Sidon.5 Mayor,· with good reason, inquires why the historical review stops at the middle of the second century B.C., and suggests that we may trace Zeno's criticisms back to his predecessor, Apollodorus, ό κηποτύραννος, who flourished in the late second century and was a voluminous writer; yet this is somewhat conjectural.7 It is noteworthy, however, that this Epicurean source does not take the opportunity to criticize the theological arguments of that doughty opponent, Carneades. The theory of Gianola 8 that an Academic rather than an Epicurean source was used for both parts C and D is more ingenious than convincing. SOURCES OF THE EPICUREAN
DOCTRINE
9
24. Part D, the brief but abstruse exposition of positive Epicurean theological views, has been traced to quite diverse sources. Krische 10 and Lorcher n think it made up by Gcero from his general knowledge of Epicurean tenets, Hoyer 12 further remarking that it contains only generalities for which no special source need be sought. 13 On the other 1 M. Wcllmann in P.-W. 5 (1905), 774. » Doxogr. Gr.* 126-127. Mayor (cd. of N.D. 1, lii, n. 1) dissents. • Op. cit., 56-57; so also Thiaucourt, op. cit., 214-216. 4 Op. cit., 176, who thinks that Phacdrus, Philodcmus, and Cicero derive from Zeno, the first two directly, Cicero through Phacdrus. • In whose time Philippson (op. cit. (1939), 27) would place it. He was a hearer of Carncadcs (Ac. 1, 46), with whom Diogenes, the last in the list, was contemporary;cf. Fcstugicrc,op. cit., 366. • Ed. of N.D. 1 (1880), lii. 7 Cf. Thiaucourt, op. tit., 215, n. 0. ■ Op. cit., 6-13. On p. 6 he holds that in 1, 29, an I Epicurean would have been more respectful toward Dcmocritus (yet cf. 1, 93); that in 1, 37, the ex pression deus tile quern mtnte nosctmus is inappropriate in the mouth of an Rpicurcan (yet cf. 1, 49: mtnte cernatur). • 1, 43-56. " Op. cit., 33.
11 In Burs. Jabresb. 200, 2 (1924), 135136, who thinks that Cicero arranged the material as in Book 2 and took it from Epicurus himself rather than from a later Epicurean. » Op. cit., 50. I$ It is hard to sec how 1, 49-50, which at their best may be a reasonably correct rendering of a highly technical passage and at their worst a complete misunder standing by Cicero of the Epicurean position, can be thus explained, Hirzel (op. cit., 1, 12) remarks that Cicero must have studied Epicurus deeply in order to have been able to quote directly from three of his books (1, 43; 1, 45; 1, 49), which conflicts with his statement in Τ use. 2 , 8 : Hpicurum auttm et Metrodorum non fere praettr suos quisquam in man us sumit. Uri (op. cit., 86-88) thinks the unity of part D—which is superior to that of part Ε—is an indication that it is not from Cicero himself but from a Greek source.
43
INTRODUCTION 1
2
3
δ
hand Hirzel, Schwenke, Thiaucourt, L. Reinhardt,* and Uri support Zeno of Sidon as the original, wh'lc Philippson β has gradually developed the likely theory that, while the doctrine in 1, 50-56 is all teaching of Epicurus, yet it is also to be found in the writings of his followers, and most of it in Philodemus, so that although it is not probable that part D was from Philodemus's De Pietate it may well have come from his περί θεών or its supplementary books περί θεών διαγωγής, perhaps used by Cicero in the form of epitomes (such as Pap. Here. 168?). SOURCES OF C O T T A ' S CRITICISM OF THE EPICUREANS
25. The final section (E), 7 with Cotta's disproportionately long re futation of Epicurean views, despite Schoemann's opinion H that it is, like Book 3, all from Clitomachus, contains, as almost all students now recognize, an admixture of elements from the Academy (Clitomachus reproducing the doctrines of Carneadcs) with others from Posidonius.· Certain scholars l0 assume a single sectarian source, with infiltrations from Gccro's own reading; others would discover two distinct sources. 1
Op. cit., 25-32. Op. cit., 56-57. a Op. cit., 214-216. • Op. cit.% 42-56. • Op. cit., 84-89. So apparently also Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1, li-lii. • First in his dissertation De Philodemi Libra . . . περί σημείων. . . et Epicureorum Doctrina logica (1881), 71; cf. id., in Hermes, 51 (1916), 607-608; id. in Bert, pbihl. Woch., 36 (1916), 110; id., in Symb. Osloemes, 19 (1939), 34-36; id., in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1153-1154.
the gods for men; cosmopolitanism of the sapientes). And even back in 1, 80, there is a jesting reference to the Aca demy, which, though not impossible for an Academic, comes more naturally from one of another school. Heincmann {op. cit., 2, 147-148) argues that in 1, 4, Carneadcs is called the opponent of the Stoics, so probably the criticism of the Epicureans is by someone else, like Philo; cf. 1, 17; 1, 59; 1, 113. 10 Heincmann {op. at., 2, 147, n. 1) notes that Hirzel {op. cit., 1, 32-45) and 7 Gocdcckcmcycr {op. at., 67, n. 2) found 1 , 57-124. ■ Ed. 4 of N.D. (1876), 18. Carneadcs the source in Clitomachus (cf. also H. is, to be sure, named in 3, 29 and 3, 44, von Arnim in P.-W. 10 (1917), 1971; P.-U". 11 (1922), 659, for Clitomachus), but never in part E. while Schwenkc {op. n't., 57-66), Thiau • L'ri {op. n't., 89) remarks: sic bccourt {op. cit., 219-220; 227), and ginnt echt akadcmisch, und dcr Schluss Schmckel {op. cit., 85-104) decide upon sicht ganz stoisch aus. Among the Stoic Posidonius. Also P. Wendland {Berl. elements arc: 1, 87 (the wonders of the universe); 1, 92 (traces of teleology pbihl. Woch. 12 (1892), 841-842) favors in nihil supervactuxnturn; 1, 95-96 (the uni Posidonius, as docs C. H. Vick {op. cit., 228-232, who points out likenesses verse possibly divine); 1, 100 (a tcleobetween Cicero and Sextus Kmpiricus, logical passage, suggesting those in 2 , 95; 2, 98-99); 1, 103 {aetheriis ignibus, Adv. Pbys. 1 (discussed also by R. Philipp cf. 2, 101); 1, 104 {naturae accommodatum); son in Symb. Osloenses, 20 (1940), 26-32), 1, 110 {virtus autem actuosa); 1, 116 (pietas which Vick believes derive from Posido nius. and sanctitas defined); 1, 121 (care of 1
44
INTRODUCTION
Thus L. Reinhardt * assigns to Clitomachus 1, 57-102 2 and to Posidonius 1, 103-124; 3 Cropp 4 thinks that 1, 57-114 are by a Stoicizing Academic, 5 the remainder by Posidonius; Uri · that Qccro used mainly materials from a Stoic source,7 probably one used by him in Book 2, 8 with a few distinctly Academic arguments taken from the source of Book 3 (Clitomachus), all of which material he attempted to work over, from his Academic standpoint, to answer the Epicurean doctrines set forth in part D, with some Academic phraseology added; · Hcinemann,10 maintaining that Gcero knew of no published Academic criticism specifically directed against Epicurean theology, and therefore fused together pieces from Philo's critique of the Epicurean system in general and a polemic by Posidonius against atomistic views on theology; and Philippson n that most is from Academic sources, but 1, 123-124 from Posidonius. An obstacle to the acceptance of a single source is the contradiction between 1, 85-86 (where sec the notes on nonnullis vidert and deos esse putat)12 and 1, 123, for in the one case Epicurus is called a believer in gods—in fact, a very superstitious believer—, in the other, on the authority of the fifth book of Posidonius's work on the gods, he figures as an atheist under the garb of religious conformity. These can hardly derive from the same source,13 though in Sextus Empiricus, who presents some parallels to our first book, a similar contradiction has been pointed out.14 So varied and so inconsistent arc 1 Op. cit., 20-33. • With 1, 63-64 (on atheists) intcrpolated by Cicero from elsewhere; cf. Uri, op. cit., 109. • With 1, 106-108 (Roman and other illustrations) and 1, 117-120 (condemnation of apotheosis) similarly interpolatcd by Cicero from a source other than Posidonius. • Op. cf/., 22-23. 1 So Hover (op. cit., 54) thought Ε derived from Antiochus, who wrote περί ϋεών (Plut. Lucull. 28, 7); but sec the doubts of Gianola (pp. (it., 10-13), who prefers to believe Philo the source; cf. 1, 17; 1, 59; 1, 113; Fam. 9, 8, 1, on Philo as an adversary of the Rpicurcans; also Cropp, op. cit., 20-23; Hcinemann, op. cit., 2, 147-153; and Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1154. Hcinemann (op. cit., 151-153) observes that the whole Epicurean system is here attacked, while Book 3 criticizes only the theology of the Stoics.
· Op. cit., 89-113. 7 Cf. 1, 100, n. (tot vituperabas), below, * At pp. 100-101 he compares 1, 77102 with 2, 45-72. Sec also the views of Hirzcl {pp. at., 1, 33-34) and Philippson (op. cit., 39-41; 44). · E.g., 1, 66; 1, 84; 1, 94. ,0 Op. cit., 2, 153-162 (especially 161162). » In Symb. Osloenses, 20 (1940), 25-26; 31; cf. P.-W. 7A (1939), 1154; C. Vicol in Rphtm. Dacorom. 10 (1945), 265-266, who stresses the correspondence, point by point, of sections D and LI, as against the separatist view of Uri. » Also Schmckcl, op. cit., 101-102. " Cf. Hirzel, op. at., 1,35-36; Philippson, op. cit., 43. u Cf. Adv. Phys. 1, 58: xsl 'Επίκουρο; δέ κατ' ίνίους ώς μέν προς τους πολλο·>; απολείπει Οεόν. ώς δέ προς τήν φύσιν των πραγμάτων ουδαμώς;; 1, 64: τάχχ δ* οι άπό των κήπων, ώς αϊ ρΊηταΙ του 'Επικού· ρουλέζειο μαρτυροϋσι, θεόν άπολείπουσιν.
45
INTRODUCTION
the opinions of scholars on this question—to quote Cicero's own re marks l—that it seems prudent to adopt a certain Academic suspense of judgment concerning them. One additional consideration, however, has been especially developed by R. Philippson,2 who observes that the original views of Epicurus were attacked by Carneades; then, to meet these criticisms, some modifications were made by Xcno and other later Epicureans, and these appear in Philodemus. For the positive Epicurean doctrine in part D Cicero has used this later material, but for the refutation of it by Cotta in part Ε he has employed, at least in considerable measure, an earlier argumentation deriving from Carneades, though perhaps through Philo, the pupil of Clitomachus.3 Hence the vulnerable points in D are not very effectively attacked in E, while Ε tries to refute arguments not advanced in D. 4 This inconcinnity between exposition and rebuttal may be paralleled in the De Divinationey where the defense of divination in Book 1 is based on Posidonius and is more up-to-date in its arguments than the rebuttal in Book 2, which derives from earlier polemics of Carneades against the Stoic views. 6 SOURCES OF BOOK II
26. In studying the probable sources of Book 2 wc may first segregate certain sections which are certainly or probably the work or the insertion of Cicero himself, such as the dialogue-framework (2, 1-3; 2, 168), the Roman illustrations and the conclusions drawn therefrom (2, 6-12; 2, 165; in 2, 8, Coelius is cited, doubtless through Brutus's epitome; cf. Att. 13, 8 (8 June, 45): epitomen Bruti Coelianorum velim mihi mittas et a Philoxeno Παναιτίου περί προνοίας). Ciceronian are probably the statements introduced by ut t patre audivi (2, 11; 2, 14); quotations from Accius (2, 89-90), Pacuvius (2, 91-92), and the reference to the 21 letters of the Roman alphabet and the Annates of Ennius (2, 93-94); above all, the lengthy quotations from his own Aratea (2, 104-115). No Greek source would have included any of this matter, which amounts to about 30 of the 168 sections of the book. Though Cicero had read and studied many Greek authors, yet, considering the speed with which the present work was composed, it R. Philippson in P. W. 7 A (1939), 1154. That Carneades at times used the arguments of one dogmatic school to refute those of another is well recognized; cf. W. C. Greene, Moira (1944), 348, n. 96. 1 pj.D. 1, 1. 1 In A V . 7A (1939), 1154, and more particularly in Symb. Ot/oenses, 20 (1940).
31-41. 3 Q^ ^f
41
* Philippson (op. «/.. 41) cites as an '""«ration 1. 113. See also 1, 77, n. (Ρ"'"), below. · Cf. Pease, ed. of Div. 1 (1920), 22-23; 28-29.
46
INTRODUCTION
is likely that he employed few rather than many sources,1 and that allusions to Plato and Aristotle (from the latter of whom many of the biological data cited ultimately derive) as well as to Zeno, Cleanthes, and Chrysippus (all of whom are cited, the last named being often recognizable by the very syllogistic character of his argument) were made through the medium of a few later writers. P. Schwenke (Jabrb.f. Pbiiol. 119 (1879), 129-140, especially 139-140), followed by P. Wendland (Arch. J. Gesch. d. Phil. 1 (1886), 206), J. B. Mayor (edition, 2 (1883), xvi-xxiii), A. Goethe (edition (1887), 17), H. Diels, Elementum (1889), 2; and C. Giambelli (RJv. di β/ο/. 31 (1903), 450-463), would assert a single source for essentially the whole book, namely, Posidonius, περί θεών, a work in five books, to the first four of which Schwenke would relate the four-fold division in 2, 3. Especially favoring Posidonian authorship is K. Reinhardt, Poseidonios (1921), 224-239; id., Kosmos u. Sympathie (1926), 161-177, who ascribes to Posidonius rather than to Panaetius 2, 115-153 (but cf. I. Heinemann, Poseidonios' metaphys. Schriftent 2 (1928), 207-209). Arguments adduced in this connection include the admiration of Posidonius for Plato (2, 32), which is attested by Galen, Hipp, et Piat. Plac. 4, 7 (V, 421 K.), and for Aristotle (2, 42-44; 2, 95), which is noted by Strabo, 2, 3, 8—in each case in contrast with most other Stoics, so that allusions to these two philosophers may well come through Posidonius rather than directly (a point urged by I. Bywater \s\Joum. of Phihi. 7 (1877), 76). Again, Posidonius is named in 2, 88 (though as inventor rather than as author), and many other passages in the second book agree with views ascribed to him by other writers; e.g., the vitalistic passage in 2, 82-85, for which cf. M. Pohlenz in Gotting. gel. An^. 192 (1930), 145; W. Ax in the same, 201 (1939), 41-42; note also the allusion to Rhodes in 2, 165. A variant form of the belief in a single source is that of R. Philippson (in Philol. Woch. 54 (1934), 190; id.y P.-W. 7A (1939), 1155), who, be cause of likenesses to Scxtus Empiricus, Diogenes Lacrtius, Aetius, Theon, and Arius Didymus, argues that Cicero here used a Stoic hand book which included materials from Panaetius and Posidonius, and therefore must have been by a contemporary of Cicero. M. Pohlenz (Gnomon* 21 (1949), 116) believes this view possible yet not necessarily exclusive of a direct use of Panaetius also. L. Edclstein {Stud. ital. di filol. cl. 11 (1934), 131-183) thinks inconsistencies and inconcinnity are due to Cicero himself and do not permit us to assume differing sources in this book. 1 For which reason 1 find it difficult to accept the mosaic of sources main-
taincd by P. Finger in Rh. St us. 80 (1931). 151-200; 310-320.
INTRODUCTION
47
27. Other scholars would detect in the Second Book more than one source. Its four main topical divisions (outlined in 2, 3) arc: (A) 2, 3-44 (esse deos); (B) 2, 45-72 (quales sin/); (C) 2, 73-153 (mundum ab his administrari); (D) 2, 153-167 (consulere eos rebus humanis), but I. Heinemann, op. cit.t 2, 167, points out that much in the book ill corresponds to these four headings. R. Hirzcl (Untersuchungen %. Cic. phiI, Schr. 1 (1877), 191-244, especially 224) assigns A and D to Posidonius, περί θεών, Β to Apollodorus, περί θεών, and C to Panaetius, περί προνοίας, allowing for casual reference by Cicero to other works. H. Uscner, Tipicurea (1887), lxvii, thinks that for A Cicero stupidly mixed up excerpts from Poseidonius with remains of an Academic handbook of Carncadean tone, which he had perhaps used when a young student at Athens. Against this view cf. L. Reinhardt (in Bresl. philol. Abh. 3, 2 (1888), 54-55), who himself believes that A and Β derive from Chrysippus, C from Panaetius, and D from Posidonius. P. Finger (Rh. Mus. 80 (1931), 151-200; 310320) divides into much smaller units drawn from Posidonius, Panaetius, and Antiochus. Again, part C may be divided into parts, and M. Pohlcnz (Go/ting, gel. An^. 184(1922), 168-170; 188 (1926), 279-288 (against K. Reinhardt's Kosmos u.Symp atbie); 192 (1930), 144-145; id., in Gnomon, 21 (1949), 116; W. Theiler in Gnomon, 23 (1951), 224, and I. Heinemann, op. at., 2 (1928), 208-209) recognize 2, 115-153 as derived from Panaetius, περί προνοίας. Supporting this ascription are such arguments as: (1) Cicero's request for the loan of Panaetius's book (Att. 13, 18, quoted above); (2) the interest shown in comets, etc. (cf. Sen. N.Q. 7, 30, 2); (3) praise of the etesian winds (2, 31; cf. Anon, in Arat. p. 97 Maass); (4) belief in the permanence of the world and doubt about the orthodox Stoic view of a world-conflagration (much hinges upon whether nihil ut fere intereat aut admodum paultdum (2, 118) represents a single, unified thought, as maintained by K. Reinhardt (Kosmos u. Sympathie (1926), 164, n. 1; cf. R. Philippson in Philol. Woch. 54 (1934), 189-190) or op p o s i n g alternatives of Panaetius on the one hand and the orthodox Stoics on the other, as argued by M. Pohlcnz (Gotting. gel. An%. 188 (1926), 279-280; cf. I. Heinemann, op. at., 2, 206); (5) likenesses between 2, 147-153 and Off. 2, 9-20 (from Panaetius; cf. Heinemann, op. at., 2, 2 1 1 - 2 1 2 ) ; (6) the derivation of the physiological matter beginning in 2, 135 from Erasistratus as an ultimate source, rather than from Praxagoras whom Posidonius followed (cf. M. Pohlcnz in Gbtting. gel. An^. 188 (1926), 282-283). So also 2, 98-103 show Panactian traits; cf. M. Pohlcnz in Gotting. gel. An^. 192 (1930), 145). The objections of K. Reinhardt (Kosmos u. Sjmpathie (1926), 161-177)
48
INTRODUCTION
seem less convincing than the arguments of Pohlenz and Heinemann. 28. Whether Book 3 should be (more logically) arranged to match the divisions in Book 2 or Book 2 so arranged as to be more conveniently refuted in Book 3 is the dilemma which apparently confronted Cicero; cf. 1. Heinemann, op. cit.t 2, 163-164; 219-220 (but see, in opposition, P. Fingerin Rh. Mus. 80 (1931), 318-319; also 2,153 ,n. (quid, etc.), below). As the books stand, the arrangement, save for Gceronian intrusions, like 2, 104-114, and the material in 3, 53-60, is essentially the same (cf. Heinemann, op. cit., 2, 220).
SOURCES OF BOOK III
29. In Book 3 we may ascribe to Cicero himself the frame-work of the dialogue(3, 1-15; 3, 94-95), allusions to deified Roman heroes (3, 39) and abstracts (3, 63), to the capedunculae of Numa (3, 43), to Furina (3, 46), Circe and Circeii (3, 48), and to Roman tax-collectors (3, 49); also a personal observation at Athens (3, 49), the types of cases in Roman law-courts (3, 74), and the unmerited sufferings of certain Romans (3, 80-81; 3, 86). Obviously inserted by Cicero are quotations from Ennius (3, 24; 3, 40; 3, 65-67; 3, 75; 3, 79), Pacuvius (3,48), Caecilius (3, 72-73), Terence (3, 72), and Accius (3, 41; 3, 68; 3, 90). Some passages may contain his own independent and usually obvious answers to argu ments advanced in Book 2, yet for the larger part of the rebuttal of Stoic arguments we may probably assume Carneades as an ultimate source, directly cited in 3, 29-34 and 3, 44-50, and often recalled by the likeness of Cicero's reasoning to that in Scxt. Emp. Adv. Phys. 1; cf. in detail, Mayor's ed., 3 (1885), lxi-lxx; C Vick in Hermes, 37 (1902), 228-248. This use of Carneades is recognized by most scholars; e.g., R. Hirzel, Untersuch. ^ Cic. phil. Schr. 1 (1877), 243; P. Schwenke {Jahrb.f. cl. Philol. 119 (1879), 140); J. B. Mayor, I.e.; L. Reinhardt (Bresl. philol. Abh. 3, 2 (1888), 56-68); D. Heeringa, Quaest. ad Cic. de Div. Ub. (1906), 37-38; M. Schanz-C. Hosius, Gesch. d. rom. Lit. I 4 (1927), 511; R. Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1155-1156; yet cf. also P. Cropp, De Auct. quos secutus Cic. . . Acad. Nov. Theol. reddidit (1909), 26-36. But since Carneades left no writings of his own (Diog. L. 4, 65) Cicero may have employed his arguments through the medium of his pupil, the Carthaginian Hasdrubal (commonly known as Clitomachus), to whom we may perhaps ascribe the allusion to Carthage in 3, 9 1 . Yet, since Clitomachus seems to have attacked dogmatism generally rather than single philosophic schools, R. Philippson (P.-W. 7A (1939), 1155-1156) would derive his arguments from his pupil (Cicero's teacher),
INTRODUCTION
49
Philo, whom Cicero names in 1, 6; 1, 17; 1, 59; 1, 113; cf. 3, 29, n. (Carneades\ below. (In Ac. 2, 78, however, Cicero considers Clitomachus a better authority for the views of Carneades than cither Philo or Mctrodorus.) 30. Λη exception to Carneadean authorship is pretty certainly found in the sections on homonymous gods (3, 42; 3, 53-60), which are not paralleled in Sextus Empiricus and seem to form an intrusion in the discussion of Book 3; cf. 3, 60: sed eo iam inde hue digressi sumus revertamur. That this material derives from some Alexandrian compilation (cf. 3, 60: ex vetere Graeciae Jama colkcta sunt) is the view of L. Reinhardt, op. cit., 62-63; 68; cf. R. Hirzcl, Ber. d. sdebs. Ges. d. Wiss. 48 (1896), 303-304; W. Michaelis, De Orig. Indicts Deorum eognominum (1898), 4, who supposes the source to be a Rhodian Peripatetic of the second century, B.C.; W. Bobeth, De Indicibus Deorum (1904), 24, who believes Varro the source. CICKRO'S OWN CONTRIBUTIONS
31. That, whatever his sources at any particular point of the work, and however he may have compressed or expanded his original,1 Cicero made additions of his own 2 is undeniable. As noted by Schanz,3 these occur especially in the form of moral commonplaces or of illustrative mythological or historical exemp/a.* The latter arc found in all three books, though perhaps most frequently, like the poetic quotations, in 1 and its culture arc more cogent than On his methods of translating sec what he says in Fin. 1, 6: quod si nos non those drawn from a distant time or place, and II. V. Canter {CI. Journ. 32 interpretum fungimur murine, sed tuemur ea quae dicta stmt ab eis quos probamus, (1936), 39-41), on Cicero's use of mytho eisque nostrum iudicium et nostrum scribendilogy, finds in him few myths about ordinem adiungimus; Off. 1, 6: seqttemur gods, more about heroes, used for il . . . Stoicos non ut interpretes sed, ut soiemus,lustration rather than for embellishment. e fontibus eorum iudicio arbitrioque nostro, They occur to some extent in the N.D., quantum quoque modo videbitur, haurremus. but most commonly in the Tuscu/ans a The programme of C. Cromc, Quid (1 should also add the De Divinatione; Graecis Cic. in Pbi/os., quid nbi debuerit, cf. Pease, cd. of Div. 1 (1920), 26-28; 135-136). On Cicero's use of historical I have not seen. 3 M. Schanz-C. Hosius, Gescb. d. rom. exempla cf. H. Schocnbcrgcr, Beispiele aus dtr Gescb. in Cic. Reden (1910); Ut. I 4 (1927), 528. 4 O. Plasberg, Cic. in seinen Werken u. H. W. Litchfield in Harv. Stud, in cl. Pbilol. 25 (1914), 6; 27; 36-38; R. Helm Brie/en (1926), 161, remarks upon Cicero's in Hermes, 74 (1939), 133; also for the c u s t o m of replacing Greek exempJa by borrowing of such from Cicero by R o m a n in his philosophical works. The Valerius Maximus sec M. Schanz-C. customary division of books of exempla, Hosius, op. cit.t 1*, 590. In 2, 8 certainly l i k e Valerius Maximus, into domestica (and possibly throughout 2, 6-14) Cicero a n d externa is doubtless an indication makes use of Coclius, and in Att. 13, 8 that illustrations from one's own country
4
50
INTRODUCTION
Book 3, and lend a more distinctly Roman color to the whole work.1 Typical instances are those drawn from the Gracchi,2 from Roman priests and theologians, 3 the canon ot Roman heroes and villains,4 Roman legal cases,5 and distinctively Roman cults.· Also added from Cicero's own experience are illustrations from his travels in Greek lands,7 where his own observations corroborate statements made on the authority of others. If some of these illustrations at times seem to in terrupt rather than forward the discussion, they at least help to maintain the atmosphere of a slightly rambling and reminiscent conversation as distinguished from a more systematic and formal treatise. His quo tation of passages from the old Roman poets is quite in accordance with his practice in his other philosophical works,8 and usually is fairly apposite,9 though thclong passage from his Aratea™ suggesting the large intrusion from the De Consulate in the De Divinatione*1 must be considered as an artistic and a logical blemish. Again, the mythological section 12 is far too factual, not to say pedantic, to be in keeping with a dialogue such as this. RESULTS OF THE WORK
32. Altogether, then, irrespective of all attempts of scholars to discover (8 June, 45 B.C.) says: epitomtn Bruti Cotlianorum vtlim mihi mittas. Might the use of this epitome in our work be a delicate compliment to Brutus, to whom the N.D. is dedicated? 1 Cf. R. Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1190. 1 1, 106; 2, 10-11; 2, 165. 1 1,71; 1, 115; 1, 122; 3, 5; 3, 14-15; 3, 43. 4 2, 7-11 (where Greek instances are followed by Roman); 2, 165; 3, 11; 3, 80-81 (Roman cases followed by Greek in 3, 82-84); 3, 86 (Rutilius). • 3, 74. • E.g., 1, 82; 1, 84; 2, 7-11; 2, 14; 2, 61-62; 2, 66-68; 3, 11; 3, 13; 3, 46-48; 3, 52; 3, 62; 3, 63; 3, 88. 7 E.g., 1, 59: cum Athenis essem; 3, 49: cuius Atlmtis et delubrum vidimus', 3, 50 (Alabanda); also Pease, ed. of Div. 1 (1920), 28, n. 147, for similar cases. • Cf. Pease, ed. of Div. 1 (1920), 28, n. 148; also E. Schollmcycr, Quid Cic. de Pottis Rom. iudicavtrit (1884); W. Zillingcr, Cic. u. d. altrbm. Dichter (1911); M. Schanz-C. Hosius, Gesch. d. rbm. Lit. 1«, 538; H. Hagcndahl in Eranos, 45
(1947), 114-122. • Among the cases may be mentioned 1, 13 (Caecilius); 1, 63 (Lucilius); 1. 79 (Lutatius); 1, 97 (Ennius); 1, 119 (Ennius and lines from an uncertain author); 2, 4 (Ennius); 2, 49 (Ennius); 2, 64-65 (Ennius; Euripides translated); 2, 89 (Accius); 2, 91 (Pacuvius); 2, 159 (Cicero's Aratea); 3, 10 (Ennius); 3, 24 (Ennius); 3, 40 (Ennius); 3, 41 (Accius)| 3, 65-68 (Ennius; an unknown poet; Accius); 3, 72-73 (Terence; Caecilius; Terence); 3, 75 (Ennius); 3, 79 (Ennius); 3,90 (Accius). A reference to Ennius also occurs in 2, 93. 10 2, 104-114. 11 1, 17-22; this passage is a little more successfully integrated with its context. Each of these quotations is put in the mouth of another speaker and is intro duced by a fulsome compliment to Cicero the poet—a considerable portion of whose poetic fragments we owe to his having taken the precaution of embed ding sections in the form of quotations in his prose works; cf. Pease on Div. 1, 17, n. {quo potius utar). 11 3, 42-60.
INTRODUCTION
51
feu· or many sources, the present work contains within it, at first or second-hand, ideas derived from a wide range of thinkers, and perhaps with more reason than any other extant work of Greek or Latin literature may claim attention from those modern students who approach the philosophy of religion by historical and comparative methods. The problems of the work, though perplexing and often exasperating, arc seldom unworthy of the study which has been (and may yet be) devoted to them by keen minds, and the exposition, in spite of careless and hasty composition, raises philosophical writing from the dull level into which it seems to have fallen among the Greeks * to a literary form which may well arouse the admiration and challenge the imitation of modern popularizcrs in this field. PUBLICATION
33. For the publication of the De Natura Deorum the following facts are fundamental: (1) that in his famous catalogue of his own philosophical writings, 2 after mentioning the Hortensius, the four books of Academica, the De Finibus, and the Tuseulan Disputations, Cicero remarks: quibus rebus editis tres libri perfecti sunt de natura deorum, in quibus omnis eius loci quaesho contine tur. quae ut plane esset cumulateque perfecta, de divinatione ingressi sumus his libris scribere; quibus, ut est in animo, defato si adiunxerimus erit abunde satis factum toti huic quaestioni; (2) that in Book 1 of the De Divinatione 3 Gccro makes his brother Quintus say: perlegi, inquit, tuum paulo ante tertium de natura deorum; (3) that in Book 2 of the same work 4 he remarks: quod et in iis libris dictum est qui sunt de natura deorum et hac disputatione id maxime egimus; (4) that near the beginning of the extant part of the De Fato * he writes: quod autem in aliis libris feci, qui sunt de natura deorum, itemque in iis quos de divinatione edidi. J. B. Mayor · raised the question whether our work was published during Gccro's lifetime, emphasizing the traces of hasty and unrevised composition,7 and trying to distinguish between the words editis and perfecti in the first and between feci and edidi in the fourth. He thinks that editi means actually "published," perfecti and feci being used of works merely prepared for 1 Cf. R. Philippson in P.-U?. 7A (1939), 1188. 1 Div. 2, 3. » 1, 8 (and Pease's n. on/>«-/<£/);cf. 1,9. 4 2, 148. * Fat. 1. • Ed. of N.D. 3(1885), xxv-xxvi. The work of O. i\l. Mullcr, Cic. Libris de
N.D. non extremam Manum acctssisst (1839), 1 know only from its rejection by P. Stamm, De Μ. Τ. Cic. Lib. de D. N. Interpolatiombus (1873), 2, n. 2. 7 Especially the conflicting statements about the day or days on which the dialogue was held; cf. nn. 3-5, p. 26. above.
52
INTRODUCTION
publication. This view has been followed by T. W. Dougan, 1 O. Plasberg, 2 and M. Pohlenz, 3 the third of whom tries to equate * some of the materials in Book 3 of the De Natura Deorum with similar themes in the third book of the De Officiis. The opposite view, however, has been ably supported by P. Schwenke 6 and R. Philippson,· the latter of whom points out that other Qceronian dialogues contain similar blemishes,7 and also that the different phraseology {editi and perfecti) is used merely for the sake of variety.8 That the author should have intended the work for posthumous publication seems improbable, in view of his references to it in the De Divinatione and the De Fa to.9 SUBSEQUENT INFLUENCE
34. The history of the De Natura Deorum subsequent to its publication is a complicated one, for which no adequate study exists as a guide, 10 and which can here be only briefly sketched. As with other ancient works, the later influence of this dialogue may be seen not only (1) in direct borrowing of its contents but also (2) in some larger imitations of its literary form and (3) in excerpts made by lexicographers and gram marians. Many quotations which definitely cite Cicero as a source and some where identity of phraseology cannot result from chance are 1 Ed. of Tusc. 1-2 (1905), xvi-xvii. « Ed. min. (1917), iv; id., Cic. in semen Werktn u. Brie/en (1926), 168. • Ant. tiiltrertum (1934), 8. 4 Op. cit., 8, n. 2. Pohlenz thinks that N.D. 3, 66-71, is followed by a variant on the same theme in 3, 72-79, and that 3, 74-76, uses the same materials as Off. 3, 60-73; 3, 94. Granted the similarity, and even the use of the same source, in this latter case, it docs not follow from this alone that Cicero might not have employed that same source at two different dates. • Burs. Jabresb. 47 (1888), 284. • Berl. philol. Wocb. 38 (1918), 409; id., in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1151-1152. 7 E.g., Ac. 1. " Even of the Tusculans he says {Dip. 2, 3): quibus rebus (not quibus libris) editis, so that Philippson thinks edtre here perhaps — proponere. A similar problem arises in regard to the De Divinatione, which W. Sander (Quaest. de Cic. Lib. ... de Div. (1908), 1-6; ans wered by D. Heeringa in Philol. 68
(1909), 562-568; rejoinder by Sander in Philol. 75 (1918), 388-389), because of similar defects, supposed to have been posthumously published. • Cf. also Ac. 1, 2: intemperantis . . . arbitror esse scribere quod occultari velit (said by Varro). Yet E. A. Robinson, Date of Cic. De Legibus (unpublished Harvard dissertation, 1950), 254, n. 36, suggests that the failure of Cicero in the De Officiis to mention the theological treatises might indicate that they had been withheld from publication till then (Nov., 44 B.C). 10 P. Dcschamps, Essai bibliogr. sur Cic. (1863), deals at length—but inconve niently and superficially—with mss, editions, etc.; E. Norden, Die ant. Kunstprosa, 2 (1898), 708-710, n. 1; T. Ziclinski, Cic. im Wandel der fabrbimderfe* (1929), a useful book, but inadequate for the detailed study of the later history of any particular Ciceronian work; L. Laurand, Ciceron* (1935), 203-217—a brief sketch; R. Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1190-1192—brief but excellent.
INTRODUCTION
53
easy to recognize, but other parallels in thought may indicate either borrowing from Cicero, the use of a common source,1 or—more rarely— independent inventions of different authors. Though many of the last type are cited in the commentary below, it has here seemed wisest to restrict the treatment to cases in which the nature of the indebtedness is reasonably clear. Of use in Cicero's own day there is little trace, though a fragment of Tiro, preserved by Gellius, 2 seems to show the influence of N.D. 2, 111. More clear is a fragment of the Etyma of Cornificius Longus, 3 preserved by Macrobius,* which quotes from Cicero's etymology of lanus in TV. D. 2, 67, but the lack of extant works of analogous subject-matter prevents quotations of significance for the theological content of the work until we come to the Christian apologists, 6 and it has been suggested that Stoic and Ncoplatonic doctrines were more to the taste of the age than was Academic scepticism.6 Yet Valerius Maximus finds several incidents to extract from the De Natura Deorum? and Hyginus in two places in his De Astronomia 8 employs lines from parts of the Aratea quoted by Cicero in our work ; a similar quotation in Fab. 14, p. 21 Rose, though it contains an entire line of the Aratea found in our second book, 9 follows it by others which seem to indicate that he quoted directly from a complete ms of the poem. Pliny in his Natural History includes our work among those excerpted by him 10 for some information about animals; Quintilian's interest, on the other hand, as is not surprising, is in the coining of the words beatitas^na beatitudo.n For Tertullian's borrowing cf. G. Lazzati in Atenee Roma, 8 (1939), 153-166. With Mi1 Thus arc doubtless to be explained the striking likenesses to our second book which arc found in Thcon, Progymnas. 12, especially pp. 126-127 Spcngcl. • 13, 9, 4. • Dated by F. Munzcr in P.-W. 4 (1901), 1630, as later than our work and before Vcrrius Flaccus. 4 Sat. 1, 9, 11. • R. Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1190-1191. • ld.% 1190. 7 Thus 1, 1, 3 (N.D. 2, 10-11); 1, 1, ext. 3 (N.D. 3, 83-84); possibly 1, 1, ext. 7 (N.D. 1, 63); 1, 4, 3 (N.D. 2, 7); 1, 8, 1 (N.D. 2, 6); 1, 8, ext. 6 (N.D. 3, 70); 1, 8, ext. 18 (N.D. 2, 126); possibly 8, 15, ext. 1 (N.D. 1, 10). Cf. F. Zschech, De Cic. et UP. Val.
Max. Fontibus (1865)—not seen by mc; B. Kricgcr, Quibus Fontibus Val. Max. usus sit (1888); w". Thormcycr, De Val. Max. tt Cic.Qmtst. cut. (1902), 72-75. · 3, 29, p. 94 Buntc (N.D. 2, 111); 4,3, p. 103 (N.D. 2,108); cf. F. Wicck in Berl. philot. Wocb. 21 (1901), 1064. · N.D. 2, 114. I0 Thus 2, 16 (N.D. 3, 63—where the passage in Pliny is indispensable in emending); 8, 112 (N.D. 2, 127); 10, 63 (N.D. 2, 125); 10, 115 (N.D. 2, 124); 10, 196 (N.D. 2, 122); 19, 247 (N.D. 2, 111). Pliny paraphrases so freely that in some instances certainty of borrowing is obscured, as in 10, 155 (cf. N.D. 2, 124). On Pliny's sources cf. M. SchanzC. Hosius, Cesch. d. rom. Lit. 2« (1935), 773-774. » Inst. 1, 5, 72; 8, 3, 32 (N.D. 1, 95).
54
INTRODUCTION
nucius Felix comes even more serious use of the De Natura Deorum, and, not forgetting the indebtedness of Ambrose to the De Officiis% of Lactantius to our work, and of Augustine to Varro, it may fairly be questioned whether any single work of the Latin Fathers is under more obligation for thought and form to any single pagan work than is the Octavius to the De Natura Deorum} NaturalJy Minucius, like subsequent apologists, uses particularly the positive theistic arguments of the second book rather than the sceptical portions of the work. The doxography in 1, 25-41 he employs 2 in the opposite sense from Gcero, since Velleius calls the theistic beliefs enumerated non philosopborum iudicia sed delirantium somnia? but Minucius concludes from the same data 4 that the testimony of all philosophers points to the belief that God exists and that he is a spirit, thus illustrating the fact that Octavius was in the habit of refuting the philosophers with their own weapons. 5 Some likenesses in the Quod Idola Dii non sint of Cyprian probably derive from Minucius and Tertullian rather than directly from Cicero." Arnobius, who declares 7 that ante omnes Tullius disertissimus generis nullam veritus impietatis invidiam ingenue constanter et libere qui super tali opinatione sentiret pietate cum mas ore monstravit, a little later 8 gives a revealing hint of the reason for the silence of the pagans toward our work: turn sciam esse non paucos qui aversentur et fugiant libros de hoc eius nee in aurem velint admittere lectionem opinionum suarum praesumpta vincentem, cumque alios audiam mussitare indignanter et dicere oportere statui per striatum aboleantur ut haec scripta quibus Christiana reliffo comprobetur et vetustatis opprimatur auctoritas. quinimmo9 si fiditis exploratum vos dicere quicquam de diis vestris, erroris convincite Ciceronem. Arnobius himself makes use of the De Natura Deorum at various 1 Parallels arc given in many notes on the text and need not here be repeated, but in general cf. E. Bchr, Der Octavius J. Μ. M. Felix in seinem Verhdltnis χπ Cic. Bucb. d. N.D. (1870); A. Ebcrt, Abb. d. sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. 5 (1870), 328-329; 353-354; 365-368; K. J. Neumann in Rhein. Mus. 36 (1881), 155-157; P. Schwenke in Jahrb. f. prot. Tbeoi. 9 (1883), 263-294; F. Wilhclm, De Min. Fel. Oct. et Tert. Apol. = Breslamr pbilol. Abb. 2, 1 (1887), 1-8 (with a good list of parallels to the N.D. on p. 4); F. Kotek, Anklange Ciceros de N.D.beJ Min. Fel. u. Tert. (1901); A. Beltrami in Atti del la r. ace. d. sc. di Torino, 55 (1919), 179-187; R. Beutlcr, Pbit. u. Apol. bei Min. Fel. (1936), especially
72-82; A. D. Simpson in Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 72 (1941), 379, n. 50. M. Schanz {pp. sit., 3 1 (1905), 273) thinks that a speech of Fronto to which Minucius (9, 6; 31, 2) refers may have used our work. « Oct. 19, 4-15. » N.D.t 1, 42. 4 Oct. 19, 3. · Oct. 39. · Cf. M. Schanz, Gescb. d. rom. Lit. 3· (1905), 375. F. Kotek (op. cif., 48) thinks Minucius and Tertullian used Cicero independency of each other, Minucius quoting verbally but Tertullian never verbatim. ' 3, 6; cf. n. 1, p. 34, above. ■ 3, 7.
INTRODUCTION
55
points.1 Some seventeen lexicographic citations by Nonius are noted by W. M. Lindsay in his edition of that author,2 but whether the commentarii by Marius Victorinus on the dialogues of Cicero 3 included our work there seems no evidence. Several definite citations, however, are made by Scrvius.4 Firmicus Maternus, in his De Errors profanarum Religionum, without naming Cicero as his source, has several passages which may well derive from him,6 as also an allusion in the prooemium of the first book of his Ma/hesis* But to no author should we be more grateful than to Lactantius, the "Christian Cicero," as he was called by Pico dclla Mirandola,7 for not only does he quote from the De Natura Deorum more than seventy-five times,8 but also—and far more important —it is to him that we owe the preservation of either the text or the sub stance of nearly all our fragments of the lost parts of the third book— incidentally an indication that the mutilation of that volume in our mss derives from an archetype later than his time.9 Though recognizing 1 0 that Cicero in his third book dissoluit publicas religionesy he remarks that
1 E.g., 2, 56-58 (N.D. 1, 1-5); 3, 6 ■ Sec the index auctorum in S. Brandt's edition, 2, 2 (1897), 246-248. Additional (N.D. 3, 65 fr.); 4, 14-15 (N.D. 3, allusions may be found in Inst. 1, 2, 3; 53-59); 6, 21 (N.D. 3, 83); cf. A. Rbhrich, Die Seelenlebre d. Arnob. nach 2, 8, 53-55; Epit. 4, 3. For general works see S. Brandt in Wiener Stud. 13 tbren Quellen (1893), 25; O. Jirini in (1891), 255-292; B. Barthcl, Ueber d. Ustjfilol. 35 (1908), 83-88; W. Kroll in Benut^ung d. pbilos. Schr. Cic. durch Lactan\ Rb. Mus. 72 (1917), 63-112. (1903), with very little on the N.D.; « 3 (1903), 935; also possibly cf. p. F. Fesslcr, Benut\ung d. pbilos. Scbr. Cic. 51 M. (p. 72 L.) with N.D. 2, 68. 3 durch Lactanx (1913), especially the lists Hier. Adt>. Ruf. 1, 16. of parallels on pp. 42-54; II. Laughton « E.g., Atn. 1, 270 (N.D. 2, 98); 1. in Eranos, 49 (1951), 39-45 on the ac 297 (N.D. 3, 56); 3, 284 (N.D. 2, 51); 3, 600 (N.D. 2, 18); 4, 379 (N.D. 1, 2; curacy of Lactantius. • Whether before Augustine or not 1, 63); 4, 577 (N.D. 3, 56); 6, 893 it is hard to say, though he seems to cite (N.D. 2, 142-144, inexactly reproduced); G. 1, 111 (N.D. 2, 110). There may be no fragments from the lost parts. From the confusion at 3, 8-9, of contuear and here noted a puzzling fragment of N. D. 3, preserved by the Schol. Veron. in coniueam it might perhaps be argued that the archetype of our mss was written Aen. 4, 95 (on Clcomenes). • E.g., 4, 1 (N.D. 2, 66); 14, 2 (N.D. in rustic capitals (say, not much later 2, 68); 17, 1 (N.D. 2, 68); 17, 2 (N.D. than S. V), in which style such a con fusion would be most easy palacogra2, 69; 2, 66); 17. 3 (ND. 2, 69). phicallv. • 1, 3-4. 10 De Ira, 11, 9; cf. Inst. 1, 17, 4: totus ' Cf. M. Schanz, Cesch. d. rom. Lit. 3» liber tert/us de natura deorum omnes funditus (1905), 474. flier. Ep. 70, 5, 2, remarks, religiones ever tit ac delet; 2, 3, 2: cum multa of the De Ira and the De Opificio Dei, quot si legere volueris, dialogorum Crceronisdixissei quae ad eversione m religionum valeέττιτομήν repperies; in fact, in De Opif. rent; 2, 8, 53: cum enim suscepisset disputationem qua deorum naturam tolleret . . . omDei, 1, 13-14, Lactantius says of his nem divinitatem ignorantia peri putavit esse work that it is a supplement to Legg. 1 tollendam. and N.D. 2.
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INTRODUCTION
neither he nor any other was able to introduce the true religion, of which he was ignorant. Usually Lactantius praises Qcero as a frank adversary of the established polytheism, though in at ]east one place * he condemns what seems his apparent rejection of all providential care for men. It may be remarked that for the apologists in general Cicero was a valuable weapon against pagan polytheism, but one which had to be used with great caution, lest its arguments might weaken all theistic belief. By a careful selection, then, of some of his arguments and the suppression or refutation of others he became an extremely important factor in the Praeparatio evangtlica.2 Ambrose, though drawing heavily upon the Dt Officiis* made definite but far less frequent use of the Dt Natura Deorum* Ammianus Marcellinus likewise cites him but rarely,6 as do the gram marians Probus, 6 Charisius,7 and Diomedes. 8 Macrobius makes Praetextatus, as a pious pagan, speak unfavorably of our work, 9 and else where 10 seems to show some influence from it, though perhaps through Cornificius rather than directly.11 Jerome has a few allusions,12 but, as with the Dt Divinationt™ the use made of the Dt Natura Dtorum by Augustine is much more significant. His estimate of Qcero as a philo1 Inst. 2, 8, 10-13, concluding: nunc —an otherwise unattested fragment). quasi proditor aliquis aut transfuga providen- See also H. Karbaum, De Orig. Exempt, tiam conatm est toliere .. . nee enim potent quae ex Cic. Scrip/is a Cbarisiot Diomede, ab uilo Cicero quam a Cicerone vebementius Arusiano Aiessio, Prisciano . . . atiis Gram. re/utari. Lat. allata sunt (1889). • Cf. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 3 (1891), iv. • Sat. 1, 24, 4: cum ipse Tutlius, qui non Such a result, however, was surely minus professus est philosopbandi studium rather far from Cicero's own intentions! quam toquendi, quotiens aut de natura deorum 1 See the works cited by M. Schanz, aut de fato aut de divinatione disputa t, gloGescb. d. rom. Lit. 4, 1 (1904), 310, to riam, quam oratione conflavit, incondita which add M. B. Emencau in CI. Weekly, rerum relatione minuat. 10 24 (1930), 49-53. E.g., Sat. 1, 9, 11 (N.D. 2, 67). 11 • De Cain et Abel, 1, 13 (N.D. 1, 77). Cf. nn. 2-3, p. 53, above. On the • 20, 8,11 (N.D. 1,4); 21,1,14 (N.D. sources of Macrobius cf. M. Schanz, 2> 12); some other, more doubtful, cases GescL d. rom. Lit. 4, 2 (1920), 194-195. 11 arc cited by H. Michael, De Amm. Marc. Cf. F.. Luebeck, Hier. quos novtrit Studiis Cictron. (1874), 33-34; cf. G. B. A. Scriptcres, etc. (1872), 145-146—a very Fletcher in Rev. de pbiloi. 63 (1937), 377incomplete work; C. Kunst, De S. 381. Hier. Studiis Ciceron. in Diss, phi hi. • Gram. Lat. 4, 212 K. (N.D. 2, 143); Vindob. 12(1918), 109-219. The following cf. also in works ascribed to Probus, instances may be noted: possiblv Ep. 60, such as De u/t. Syll. in Gram. Lat. 4, 223 5, 2 (N.D. 1, 120); 119, 11, 1, and (N.D. 2, 112); in Virg. Buc. 6, 31, p. 334 Comm. in Galat. prol. pp. 367-368 Vail. Hagcn (N.D. 2, 66); p. 339 (N.D. 2, (N.D. 1, 10); Comm. in Tit. p. 691 Vail. 117-118); pp. 341-342 (N.D. 2, 91); pp. (N.D. 1, 21); Adv. Ruf. 1, 6, p. 462 Vail. 342-343 (N.D. 2, 68-69); in Georg. 1, 138 (N.D. 1, 18); perhaps 1, 30, p. 487 Vail. (possibly from N.D. 2, 111). (N.D. 1, 20). 1 Inst.gram. 1, p. 137 K. (N.D. 2,157). » Cf. A. S. Pease, cd. of Dir. 1 (1920), • Art. gram. 1, p. 313 K. (N.D. 3, 65 31.
INTRODUCTION
57
sopher is high, though he cannot approve of all his views, 1 and his opinion on our present work I have touched on above. 2 In many other places are found allusions of considerable value,3 sufficient in bulk to indicate—with the support of others in Minucius, Nonius, and Lactan tius—that our texts of the work do not differ markedly from those employed by these writers.4 The use of the work by Salvian may at times be through Lactantius as intermediary.6 References to single passages by scholiasts and grammarians include those by the PseudoAcro, e the Servian corpus, the scholiast on Juvenal,7 possibly the First Vatican Mythographer,8 and the Auctor De dubiis Nominibus* while in Priscian there are five definite citations 10 from the De Natura Deorum and of thirteen others noted by him as Cicero in Arato II six arc wholly or partly to be found in N.D. 2, 106-112. Since others, however, lie outside this work it is likely that Priscian took all directly from some then extant ms of the Aratea. The glosses of Placidus contain two quotations from the De Natura Deoruru™ and Isidore has occasional citations; 13 after him, for a time, there seems little trace of the influence of this work.14 The formation by a West Frankish presbyter named 1 C. Acad. 1,8; note also C. Jul. Pe/ag. 4, 72; 4, 76; 5, 33. ■ Note 1, p. 34, above. 3 E.g., Ep. 118 is a letter filled with many allusions to our work (especially sections 23-27, recalling N.D. 1, 26-29; 30 (N.D. 1, 109; 1, 114); 31 (N.D. 1, 110; 1, 65)); CD. 2, 23 (N.D. 3, 80-81); 4, 30 (ΛΛ D. 2,70-72); 5,9 (see n. 1, p. 34, above); 7, 27 (N.D. 1, 119); C. Acad. 2, 24 (N.D. 1,17; 1,16);C. Iul. Pe/ag. 4, 58 (N.D. 2, 128; 2, 136; 2, 138); 4, 72 (reference to Book 2); 4, 76 (N. D. 2, 32); 5, 33 (N.D. 2, 141); 6, 44 (N.D. 1, 49); DeCons. Evang. \t32(N.D. 1,119); 1,34 (N.D. 2, 64); Serm. 240-243 (many allu sions). On Augustine's text of Cicero cf. A. Souter in CI. Rev. 14 (1900), 264. 4 A student of mine, Mr. J. R. Grant, in 1938, made a study of these tcstimonia, and found no evidence for a text differing essentially from the archetype of our mss, save, of course, for the lacunae in Book 3. Mayor (ed. of N.D. 3 (1891), xliii) thinks that Priscian and Probus may have possessed texts better than the archetype of our mss; yet cf. Plasbcrg-Ax, pracf. xii-xiii. • E.g., Gub. 1, 1, 4 (N.D. 2, 77); 1, 2 (N.D. 1, 27); W. A. Zschimmcr, Salvia-
nus d. Presbyt. von Aiassilia u. seine Schr. (1875), 61-62. • In Hor. Epod. 3, 1 (N.D. 2. 101). 7 On 15, 3, he quotes N.D. 1, 101. » 218 (N.D. 3, 83, though the bor rowing is so free that it may not be direct). • Gram. Lat. 5, 575 K. (N.D. 3, 25). 10 Gram. Lat. 3, 533, for list. 11 Gram. Lat. 3, 531, for list. 11 P. 142, 46 Goctz (N.D. 2, 72); p. 154, 22 (N.D. 2,72). » E.g., Etym. 371, 1-2 (N.D. 2, 68); 10, 234 (N.D. 2, 72); 10, 244 (N.D. 2, 72); 11, 1, 39 (N.D. 2, 143); De Nat. Rer. 14,1 (N.D. 1,18);24,1 (N.D. 2,68). 14 Cf. M. Manitius, Gescb. d. lat. IJt. d. Mittelalters, 1 (1911), 481-483, on Cicero in authors of the seventh to the tenth century; T. Ziclinski, op. cit., pas sim; J. I). A. Ogilvy, Books known to Anglo-l^atin Writers from Aldbelm to Alctan (670-804) (1936), 26-28, who in discussing Cicero makes no reference to the N.D. A somewhat uncertain case of borrowing is by Rcmigius of Auxcrrc in his commentary on Scdulius (Corp. Set. eccl. Lat. 10 (1885), 323, 31), sug gesting N.D. 2, 68, but perhaps in directly derived.
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INTRODUCTION
Hadoardus from thirteen works of Gcero l of a collection of excerpts which appear in a ms of the tenth century 2 bears witness alike to the expcnsiveness of the works in question s —which led to their being condensed in this way—and also to the desire to eliminate references to polytheism, Epicureanism, and other views undesirable from a Chris tian standpoint.4 It further suggests that the basis for these excerpts may have been a corpus of the philosophic writings of Cicero, and various writers consider that the corpus of eight works * of which traces are found in a goodly number of mss,· receives in these excerpts its oldest testimony. R. Mollweide, however,7 in view of the fluctuating number of works contained in different mss, believes that there were in the early Middle Ages at least two corpora, one of which, normally with eight component works, is represented by the Leyden corpus,8 the other, usually with twelve, by the excerpts of Hadoardus, both, to be sure, ultimately deriving from the same source. At any rate, by the ninth or tenth century wc come to our oldest extant mss, which will be discussed below. Returning to citations, we find that Peter Abelard seems in one place to quote from the De Natura Dtorum* as does Thomas Aquinas,10 that John of Salisbury clearly knew the work, 11 and that Roger Bacon 1 Lucullus, Tuscuians, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Fato, De Senectute, De Amicitia, De Officiis, ParaJoxa, De Lepbus, Hortensius, Timaeus, De Oratore\ cf. M. Manitius, op. cit., 1, 478480. ■ Cod. Vat. Rcgin. 1762, discussed by P. Schwenke in Pbiiol. 5 Supplbd. (1886), 397-588 (with collation of the excerpts from our work on pp. 540-547) cf. also E. Narducci in Atti d. r. ace. d. Uncei, 3 scr., 7 (1882-1883), 147; R. MoU weide in Wiener Stud. 33 (1911), 274-292 34 (1912). 383-393; 35 (1913), 184-192 36 (1914), 189-200; 37 (1915), 177-185 and, especially and most convincingly C. H. Bccson in CI. Pbiiol. 40 (1945), 201-222, who shows (p. 222) that since Hadoardus derives from codex F (still extant) and it from two extant codices (A*B%) the textual importance of the excerpts is almost negligible; cf. § 39 below. • A. Hortis, Μ. T. Cic. nelle opere del Petrarca e del Boccaccio (1878), 17, thinks that many of Cicero's works were not cited in the Middle Ages largely because
their number made it impossible to acquire so many. 4 The discussion, with bibliography, by A. S. Pease, ed. of Dip. 1 (1920), 3233, is now superseded by that of Bceson cited above. • Dt Natura Deorttm, De Divinatione, Timaeus, De Fato, Paradoxa, Lucullus, De Legibus, Topica. • Most important are A (Leid. Voss. 84), Β (Leid. Voss. 86), F(Florcnt. Marc. 257) for all eight; Μ (Monac. 528) and V (Vindob. 189) for all but the Topica. Cf. A. C. Clark, The Descent of Manuscripts (1918). 325; M. Manitius, Handscbr. ant. Autoren in mittelalt. Bibliotbekskata/ogen (1935), 19. 7 Wiener Stud. 33 (1912), 278. • Codd. A, B, and F. • Tbeol. Christ. {Opera, 2 (1859 cd.), 385, referring to N.D. 2, 77). »· Summa Tbeol. 1, 103, 1, 3 (N.D. 2, 15). » Poller. 2, 22, p. 449a; 5, 12, p. 571c (N.D. 1, 10); C. Schaarschmidt, Jo hannes Sarisb. (1862), 87; 92-93.
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1
makes intelligent use of it. Petrarch, when speaking of the opinion held of Cicero in his own day, remarks: fama rerum celeberrima atque ingens et sonorum no men, perrari autem studion* yet that he himself read our work is shown by his notes on various passages, as reported by P. de Nolhac 3 and A. Hortis. 4 The same is true of Boccaccio, particu larly in his De Genealogia Deoruw.6 Leonardo Bruni copies a statement of Aristotle about the poems of Orpheus, apparently through the medium of Cicero; β William of Malmesbury wrote a paragraph in a Cambridge ms of the work of 1444,7 which also has annotations by an anonymous Englishman. 8 In the same yearLucio Marineo cites the treatise.9 Erasmus10 cites Aristotle through the medium of Gcero, and Luther, in his Tischredent2S73tu remarks: "Denn Gcero hat die feinsten und bestenQttaesHones in der Philosophia gchandelt; ob cin Gott sei? Was Gott sci? Ob er sich auch menschlicher Handel annehme, oder nicht? und es musse ein cwig Gcmuthe scin, usw." In Montaigne's essays, P. Villcy, Les sources . . . des essais de Montaigne> 1 (1908), 101, finds 45 references to or bor rowings from our work, especially in 2, 12. Fran501s Rabelais in his Pantagruel uses a passage from Cicero on the parentage of Pan; l 2 passages from our work and others were compounded into a spurious set of fragments of Galen published in 1562; 13 John Calvin u singles out for quotation a small but characteristic phrase which he would hardly have picked up save by his own reading of the De Natura Deorum\ similarly 1 Op. maius, 1, 2 (N.D. 1, %3);Quaest. found especially in De siu ipsius et aliorum supra primum Metapbys. Aristot. fol. 57 Ignorantia. b2, p. 185 Steele (ND. 2, 87); Metapby» A. Hortis, op. at., 73; 81-82. net, 8, fol. 109 a2, p. 294 Steele {N.D. 2, · N.D. 1, 107; cf. H. Baron, Leonardo 32); also De Viciis contract, in Stud. BruniAre/ino,humanist.-philos.Schr.(\92A), Tbeol. fol. 26 b 1, p. 21 Steele: recurrendum 133, n. 1. 7 est ad morales philosophos et libros torurn ; M. R. James, Twoanc. English Scholars ut ad libros De Offiais . . . in libra (1931), 21- 22; sec Cod. Cantabr. Dd. Divinacionum, in libris de Natura Dearurn, XIII, 2. β Id., 24-25. in Tbimaeo Ciceronis. » Ep. de Reb. Jam. 24, 4 (which E. · Cf.C. Lynn in Speculum, 6 (\93\), 131. 10 Nordcn, Die ant. Kunstprosa, 2" (1909), Preface to the fourth volume of 710, n. 0, considers a statement true Jerome (cf. J. Jortin, Life of Erasmus, 3 for all the Middle Ages). (1808), 235), citing N.D. 1, 107. > Petrarque et rbumanisme, 1» (1907), » Werke, 62 (1854 cd.), 341. 156; 183, n. 7; 233, n. 1; 238-244 (241, '« Pantagruel, 4, 28 (N.D. 3, 56). w n. 1, quotes Petrarch on Cicero's use H. O. Schroedcr, Caleni in Plat. Tim. of Balhus as a mouthpiece: t>ere autem Comm. Frag. (1934), append. 1 (cf. W. tuum sit quod, Platonicum secutus morem, A. Hcidcl in Am. fount, of Pbiloi. 56 alteri tribuere tuasque sententias proferre (1935), 424). H ficto alterius ore matueris); 2 (1907), 102, In Evang. Ioann. 15, 1 (Opera, 47, n. 3; 183; 185; 294. 339), quoting from N.D. 3, 86: sicuti 4 Λ/. 7". Cic. nelle opere del Petrarca e del quum Cicero pauperum agellos et viticulas Boccaccio (1878), 46; 83-88; citations arc coniitngit.
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INTRODUCTION
Francis Bacon in the Advancement of1jeaming^ at several points, is familiar with N.D. 1, 18; 1, 22; 2, 62; and 3, 89; and Milton in his Areopagttica quotes N.D. 1, 63. More and more, however, the work came to be the special pasture for philosophic writers, including such diverse names as Ralph Cudworth,1 Benedict de Spinoza,2 Sir Thomas Stanley,3 Pierre Bayle,4 Viscount Bolingbroke, 5 Anthony Collins,6 and other English deists,7 David Hume, especially in his Dialogues concerning natural Reli gion 8 but also in other works.· Voltaire speaks in high terms of this treatise of Cicero.10 Hegel occasionally ll cites it, though he speaks of Cicero's superficiality as a philosopher.12 Many later users of the work I need not here enumerate, save to mention the curious fact that in 1811 P. Seraphinus (a pseudonym for Hermann Heimark Cludius) published at Bologna a fourth book of the De Natura Deorumy purporting to be drawn from a very old ms, in which not only is anachronistic quotation made of the famous line primus inorbedeos fecit timor™ but various doc trines of Judaism and Catholicism are discussed.14 Here this hasty and incomplete summary may close. Many more 1 True inteli. Syst. of the Universe, 2 de mepriser Ciceron"; id., 19 (1879 cd.), (1845 cd.), 121-129, and in many other 142: "son livrc de la Nature des dieux, lc places there are quotations from the mcilleure liurc peut-etrc dc toutc l'antiN.D. quite, si cc n' est eclui des devoirs dc 1 Sec various parallels cited by H. A. rhomme, appcle les Offices"; cf. R. Wolfson, Tbe Philos. of Spinoza, 2 (1934), Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1192, 196. for Voltaire and Frederick the Great. 1 11 In his History of Pbilos.; cf. T. F. E.g., Werke, 16 (1928 ed.), 401 (on Mayo, Epicurus in England (1934), 52. Cicero's references to consensus gentium); 4 Dictionnair», passim, e.g., s.v. Leu17, 45 (on the doxography in Book 1); cippe. 17, 225 (N.D. 1, 25). » E.g., Works (1809 cd.), 3, 72 (N.D. 18 "Das schonc Latcin des Cicero kann 2, 5); 4, 191 (N.D. 1, 77); 5, 270 (N.D. sich nicht in ticfe Spckulation einlasscn." 1, 29); 5, 405, n. (N.D. 2, 62). » Pctron. fr. 27, 1; Stat. Tbeb. 3, 661. • T. Ziclinski, Cic. im Wandel d. fahr14 Cf. also T. F. Dibdin, Intr. to tbe bunderte* (1908), 276-280. Knowl. of Edd. of tlje Classics, 1« (1827), 7 Id., 260-287; A. S. Pease in Han. 462; J. W. Moss, Man. of cl. Bibliogr. I 1 theol. Rev. 34 (1941), 198-199. • E.g., Works, 2 (1854 cd.), 460 (N.D. (1837), 343; J. A. Farrcr, Literary For 1, 19); cf. A. C. Clark, Engl. Lit. and geries (1907), 10-12. In a different cate gory belongs the four-book division the Classics (1912), 140. • E.g., Works, 4, 241 (N.D. 1, 116); 4, of the work made cither by designating Div. 1, 1-106 as N.D. A (as in Cod. 469 (N.D. 1, 82). 10 Mcrmn. 311; cf. Pease, ed. of Div. 2 Diet, pbilos. 18 (1879 cd.), 181: ,4si (1923), 607) or by dividing N.D. 1 vous faitcs reflexion que e'est la cc meme into two books (1, 1-65, and 1, 65-124) Romain qui lc premier introduisit la philosophic dans Rome, que scs Tuscula- as in the Fcrrara Cod. 386; cf. F. Crcunes ct son livrc de la Nature des dieux sont zcr's cd. (1818), 93, n. 53, rin.; the nature of the four books in the sixteenthles deux plus beaux ouvrages qu'ait jamais cents la sagesse qui η'est qu'hucentury Rimini Cod. II, 11 I have not maine . . . il sera encore plus malaise ascertained.
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61
illustrations might be adduced, yet from the data already presented we may fairly conclude, with /lielinski,1 that the period of the rise and spread of Christianity viewed Cicero primarily as a philosopher, and extracted from his philosophic works positive arguments, like the classic ideological discussions of Book 2, in support of Christian beliefs; that the Renaissance saw Cicero especially as an individual personality, most clearly portrayed in his lMters% and possessing a style to be admir ingly imitated; and that the Age of Enlightenment adopted particularly the negative and sceptical elements in his writing—for example Book 3 of the De Natura Deorum—, as well as interesting itself in his political achievements, as shown in his orations and his political tractates. At all periods, however, the work might be used for other incidental purposes, lexicographical, grammatical, historical, or otherwise illustrative. MANUSCRIPTS
35. Further testimony to the presence, if not to the use, of the De Xatura Deorum during the Middle Ages is found in the existence of mss written in that era and in mediaeval library-catalogues listing copies which in many cases are no longer extant. Many data relating to these catalogues have been conveniently compiled by Max Manitius,2 whose treatment, with a few additions, I shall here follow. In Italy, at Monte Cassino, a ms of the N.D. is attested in the eleventh century, and one of it and the De Divinatione in the fifteenth; 3 at Pavia, in 1426, * five different mss contained it, in one case alone, in the others combined with two or more additional works. At Urbino, before 1482,* there were two copies, probably both identifiable with two Vrbinates now in the Vatican; at Fiesole, in the fifteenth century, one; β while the libraries of Petrarch in 1337 7 and Eugene IV in 1445 8 each contained one, the library of Cosimo de'Medici (S. XV) four,9 and that of Sixtus IV, in 1471, two. 10 1 Op. cit., 315. (repeated by Manitius, op. cit., 34-35, * Gt$ch. d. /at. Ut. d. Mittela/fers, 1 who gives the date as 1431); p. lxiν states (1911), 480-481; but especially id., that alter the defeat of Ludovico Sforza Handschrijten ant. Autoren in mittelalt. at Novara most of the mss in this Bibliotfxkskatalogen (=-67 Beibtft ^. catalogue were taken to Paris, where Ztntralbl. f. Bibliotbtkswtsen (1935), the some, at least, arc probably now in the part dealing with Cicero being pp. Bibliothcquc Nationale. 19-39. * Manitius, op. cit., 37-38. 1 Manitius, op. ci/., 33; also the note · Id., 38. 7 on Codex / / . below. Id., 34. * Cf. the Indagini . . . sulla Lrbreria * Id., 35-36. I 'iscontto-sfor^esca del Casttllo di Pavia · Id., 36-37. 10 (1875), nos. 191, 206, 604, 617, 625 Id., 37.
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INTRODUCTION
In France the books given by Philip, Bishop of Bayeux, to the church at Bee, in the twelfth century, contained * this work. The Biblionomia of Richard de Fournival (ca. 1250) mentions a codex of the De Natura Deorum alone,2 and another was in the Sorbonne in 1290,3 two at Avignon in 1311,4 and one at Reims in the fifteenth century.5 In Spain a fire at the Escorial in 1671 destroyed a ms containing this and several other philosophical treatises and orations.6 In Germany the De Natura Deorum appears in catalogues of libraries at Luttich in the eleventh century,7 Neumunster near Wiirzburg in 1233,8 Hamerslevcn in the thirteenth century,· Amclungsborn in 1412,10 Chur in 1457,11 and Fulda in the six teenth century,1* as well as two codices in a list by Amplonius of Ratinck in 1412.13 In England it is found in lists from Canterbury in the fifteenth century,14 and from the nunnery of Syon at Isleworth in Middlesex in the sixteenth century.16 In general, before the period of the Italian humanists the preservation of the work was more noteworthy in France and Ger many than in Italy, Spain, or England. 1 · Identification of mss named in these catalogues with codices now extant is complicated by the fact that rather seldom has a library continued to exist on the same spot from the Middle Ages until the present,17 or has a large part of a mediaeval library been incorporated in a neighboring modern one. 18 In the following list of mss, then, such identifications must be made with some reserve. CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS
36. The following list of mss, similar in arrangement to that in my edition of the De Divinatione> 2 (1923), 604-619—upon which, with some additions and corrections, 1 have here drawn—, is intended not so much for the foundation of a primarily critical edition as for a continuation 1 Id., 27; also J. G. Baiter, Cic. Op. 11 (1869), 56. • /
" Id., 33. The catalogue is now in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (cf. M. Batcson, Cat. of the Lib. of Syon Monastery (1898), 20-21), and mentions a ms containing the De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Legibus, Academica, De Finibus, De Petit. Cons., De Fato, Timaeus, Somnium Scipionis, and some nonclassical works. The book was given ca. 1510 by Dr. Richard Reynold, Fellow of Corpus Christi College. »· Manitius, op. cit., 39. 17 As in the rare instance of St. Gallon. ,e Manitius (op. n't., 9) cites the case of the transfer of the books of Reichenau to Karlsruhe. w
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63
and amplification of the preceding chapters on the history and later influence of the De Natura Deorum. It naturally suffers at various points from the incomplete and unsatisfactory character of the sources from which it is compiled, and in view of the large number of mss of this work and of the inadequacy of library catalogues it is not unlikely that others, especially of the fifteenth century, should remain still unlisted. In a few instances two separate items in the list should perhaps be considered as identical, but I have been cautious about such identifications. The codices arc arranged by centuries, in each century definitely dated mss being followed by less definitely assigned codices, usually classified alphabeti cally by their towns. At the end arc some more poorly identified mss. Localities are those in which the mss were found before the Second World War; their present situations it is not always easy to state. 189 S. IX. Vienna, Hofbibliothck φ —- ( = V). Parchment. Quarto. 128 folia pre served, the ms being mutilated at beginning and end. De Natura Deorum (ff. l'-40*, including 2, 16, bum to 2, 86, quae ex; 2, 92, noctnt to 3, 95), De Divinatione, Timaeus, De Fato, Paradoxa, Lucullus. In S. XV it belonged to the Falcontini monastery at Antwerp, then to Theodor Poelmann, "Crasnigcnsis," by who it was given in 1563 to Johannes Sambucus, "Tirnaviensis Pannonicus." To the kindness of Professor C. H. Bccson, of the University of Chicago, I owe the information that the corrections in this ms agree with those used by Lupus of Fcrrieres in S. I X ; cf. Sister Luannc Meagher, The Gellius MS of Lupus of Ferrieres (1936), especially 21-29; C. H. Bccson in CI. Pbilol. 43 (1948), 190-191; also M. L. W. Laistncr, Thought and Utters in W. Europe (1931), 269, n. 1. S. Endlichcr, Cat. Cod. pbiloi. Lat. Bibl. Palat. Vindob. (1836), 26-27, n. LV; K. Halm, Zur Handsebriftenkunde d. ciceron. Scbr. (1850), vii, and n. 9; D. Dctlcfscn in Sitzb. d. k. Akad. *. Wien, Phil-.hist. Kl. 21 (1856), 110-129; J. G. Baiter, cd. of N.D. (1861), 370 (using the collation of C. Schenkl); Tab. Codd. mss. . . . in Bibl. Palat. Vindob. asservatorum, 1 (1864), 26, no. 189; C. F. W. Mullcr in Neue Jahrb. 10 (1864), 144 (who thinks it our nearest approach to the archetype of existing mss); J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), Ixx; E. Chatclain, Paliogr. des class, lat. (1885), pi. XXXVIII, 1, and p. 10, with facsimile off. 24' (N.D. 2, 1683, 4); P. Schuenke in Philol. Supplbd. 5 (1889), 524; id. in CI. Rev. 4 (1890), 349 (he collated it in 1887); F. Boesch in Schedae philol. H. Usenero . .. oblatae (1891), 83; O. Plasbcrg, ed. min. of N.D. (1917), vi; id., cd. min. of Acad. (1922), xxi S. IX/X. Leyden, Voaeiaxius 84 ( = A). Parchment. Folio. 120 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. lr-36T), De Divinatione, Timaeus, De Fato, Topica, Paradoxa, Lucullus, De Legibus (the same list as Voss. 86 and Marcianus 257). Probably written in France by four copyists; cf. O. Plasbcrg, Cicero: Op. pbilos. Cod. Leid. Voss. Lat. Fol. 84 pbototypice editus (1915), lv, who states that W. Fricdrich tried to distinguish five hands. According to a partly obliterated inscription on fol. l r , it was given by Bishop Rodulfus to some unknown recipient; L. Traube (Neues Arcbiv. d. Ges.f. dlt. deut. Geschichtskunde, 27 (1902), 269) emends a similar note in Voss. Q. 20, fol. 68 r to read: de
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by Alexander Pctavius, to whom it is agreed that this ms belonged, since it appears in a catalogue of his books in Voss. Lat. Q. 76 (made between 1630 and 1640). Apparently in 1650 Pctavius sold many of the books which he and his brother Paul had collected to Queen Christina of Sweden, and in May, 1651, this book went to Stockholm. At her abdication in July, 1654, Christina commissioned Isaac Voss to transport her books to Rome, but he appropriated many (cf. J. Arckenholtz, Mem. concernant Christine, Reine de Snide, 1 (1751), 272-273), including this one. After the death of Voss in 1689 his executors carried his 762 mss from Oxford to Holland (cf. J. E. Sandys, Hist, of class. Scholarship, 2 (1908), 322-323), where this and others came to the library of the University of Leydcn. The date, erroneously placed by J. G. Baiter (ed. of N.D. (1861), 369) and J. B. Mayor (cd. of N.D. 1, lxx) as S. XI, is by Ρ las berg {op. at., xi) set not later than S. X., and most probably at the end of S. IX or the beginning of S. X, as P. Schwcnke (in Class. Rev. 4 (1890), 348) supposed. On the forms of letters, com pendia, punctuation, and correctors cf. Plasberg, op. at., v-xiv; also C. H. Beeson in CI. Philol. 40 (1945), 219-220, who thinks that as early as S. X it and Β were in the same library, where they were corrected prior to the copying of F, and that this library was probably at Tours. The ms has been used by many editors, and collated by G. H. Moscr, K. Halm, H. Deiter, et al., the best separate collation being by P. Schwenke (see below). It has been reproduced in full by Plasberg, op. at., vol. 19 of the scries Codices Graeci et La tint. Since Halm it has been commonly known as A. Baiter and J. Forchhammcr (Nord. tidskr. / . filologi, N.S. 5 (1880), 31) think it the best re presentative of the archetype. Cat. Libr. Bibl. pubI. Univ. Lugd.-Batav. 2 (1716), 374; J. G. Baiter, ed. of N.D. (1861), 369; J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), Ixx; H. Deiter, De Cic. Codd. Voss. LXXXIV et LXXXVI denuo excussis, I (1885), 1; 12-35 (collation of A and B, reviewed by W. Fricdrich in Philol. Arrr, 15 (1885), 515-519); E. Chatclain, Paleogr. des class, lat. (1885), pi. XXXVIII A and p. 29, with facsimile off. 27' (N.D. 2, 163-164); P. Schwenke in Philol. Supplbd. 5 (1889), 523-524; id., CI. Rev. 4 (1890), 347-348; 400-404; 454-457; 5 (1891), 12-17; 143-146; 200-205; 302-305; 408-412; 458-461; L. Havct, Man. de crif. vtrbale (1911), 303 (on its transpositions); O. Plasberg, Cicero: Op. pbilos. Cod. Leid. Voss. Lat. Fol. 84 phototypice editus (1915) = Codd. Gr. et Lat. 19; id., cd. min. of N.D. (1917); repeated in cd. 2 by W. Ax, 1933, vi. S. X. Leyden, Voeeianue 86 ( = B). Parchment. Folio. 192 folia. De Natura Deorum (fi. l f -59 r ), De Divinatione, Timaeus, De Fato, Topica, Paradoxa, Lucullus, De Legibus (as in Voss. 84 and Marcianus 257). The history of this ms is not altogether certain, but it seems at one time to have belonged to Alexander Pctavius. J. G. Baiter (cd. (1861), 369) and J. B. Mayor (ed. 1 (1880), lxx) wrongly date it as late as S. XII. It is commonly known as B, and has been used by many editors. O. Dieckhoff, De Cic. Libr. de N.D. recensendis (1895), 44-45, considers it, despite its inferior age, as a ms superior to A, because derived from an original earlier and nearer the archetype than was the common source of AHPV. Cat. Libr. Bibl. pub/. Univ. Lugd.-Batav. 2 (1716), 374; J. G. Baiter, cd. of N.D. (1861), 369; J. B. Mayor, ed. of N.D. 1 (1880), lxxi; H. Deiter in Rh. Λ/«/.37(1882). 314-317; id., De Cic. Codd. Voss. LXXXIV et LXXXVI denuo excussis (1885). 12-35 (collation of A and θ ; reviewed by W. Fricdrich in Philol. Αηχ. 15 (1885), 515-519); R. Chatclain, PaleOgr. des class, lat. (1885), pi. XXXIX, 1, and p. 11 (facsimile of f. 44 = N.D. 2, 165-168); L. Havct in Rev. de philol. 10 (1886), 188 (criticizing the inadequacy of the collations by Baiter and Deiter); P. Schwenke in Pbilul. Supplbd. 5 (1889), 524; id., CI. Rev. 4 (1890), 348 (and for other pages see under codd. A and H);0. Dieckhoff. De Cic. Lib. de N.D. recensendis (1895),
INTRODUCTION
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22-55; Ο. Plasbcrg, ed. min. of N.D. (1917), vii-ix; id., ed. min. of Acad. (1922), xxi-xxii; A. Lorchcr in Burs. Jabresb. 208 (1926), 23-25. S. X. Florence, Marcianua 257 ( = F). Parchment. Quarto. 90 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. 1-27*), De Divination*, Timatus, De Fato, Topica, Paradcxa, Lucullus, De Legtbus (as in Voss. 84 and 86). A note on the first page reads: Werinbarius eps. ded. see. Marie; one on another leaf: covet us S. Marci de Floa. ordis. pdic. De bereditate Nicolas nicoli viri dottissimi flo retint. P. Schwenke thinks that this once belonged to the cathedral at Strassburg to which Bishop Werinharius (1001-1029) had given it, and that it was brought to Italy by Poggio in S. XV. He also recognized that the De Natura Deorum and De Divinatione in it were copied from Lcid. Voss. 86 (B). A. Rciffcrscheid thought that it came to Italy through Poggio, was given by him to his friend Niccolo Niccoli, and at his death came to the library of S. Marco. B. de Montfaucon, Bibl. Bibl. 1 (1739), 426, no. 122; A. Rciffcrscheid in Rbein. Mus. 17 (1862), 295-296 (dating it in S. XI); H. Ebcling in Pbilol. 43 (1884), 705-707 (dating in S. XI); P. Schwenke in Burs. Jabresb. 47 (1888), 271; id., in Pbilol. Supplbd. 5 (1889), 524; id., in CI. Rev. 4 (1890), 348-349; E. Chatelain, Paleogr. des class, lat. (1885), pi. XXXVU, and p. 10 (dating in S. IX; the plate shows f. 21 = N.D. 2, 161-3, 2); R. Mollwcidc in Wiener Stud. 33 (1911), 278-279; O. Plasbcrg, cd. min. of N.D. (1917), xi; id., ed. min. of Acad. (1922), xxiii; C. H. Bccson in CI. Pbilol. 40 (1945), 206, n. 19. A. C. Clark, The Descent of Manuscripts (1918), 8, emphasizes its descent from B, since it twice omits entire lines of B. Cf. n. 2, p. 58, above. S. X. Rome, Vat. Palatinue 1519 (=-- P). Parchment. Oblong folio. 88 folia extant (once 126), containing 1, 27-1, 75. De Natura Deorum (ff. 1-40), De Divinatione, Walafrid Strabo, Carmina de Hortorum Culture. The age of this codex, written by several copyists, has been variously assigned from S. IX to S. XI; E. Monaci (ap. Plasbcrg, ed. min. of N.D. (1917), ix) thought that it could not be later than the middle of S. X. Considerable parts are lost, by the disappearance of whole leaves (N.D. 1, 1-27; 1, 75-2, 16; 2, 59-63; 2, 68-111; 2, 156-162; 3, 1-6). K. Halm, Ober d. HSS des Cic. (1849), 176; id., Zur Handscbriftenkunde d. aceron. Scbr. (1850), 17; J. G. Baiter, cd. of N.D. (1861), 369-370 (using the collation of L. Schmidt); J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), lxx; H. Ebcling in Pbilologus, 43 (1884), 702-705 (who remarks that the ms was used by P. Pithou and J. Gruter); E. Chatelain, Paleogr. des class, lat. (1885), pi. XL, 1, and p. 11 (who dates it in S. IX); P. Schwenke in Pbilol., Supplbd. 5 (1889), 540; id., in CI. R'v. 4 (1890), 349 (dating it S. XI, and believing it copied, for the N.D. and De Div., from Voss. 86 (B); O. Plasbcrg, cd. min. of N.D. (1917), ix (repeated by W. Ax, cd. min. (1933), ix); A. C. Clark, The Descent of MSS (1918), 324-325; 460 (following Schwenke in dating it in S. XI). S. XI. Leyden, Bibl. Publ. Lat. 118 ( = / / , i.e., Heinsianue). Parchment. Folio. 102 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. lr-52T), De Divinatione, De Legtbus. In Bcncvcntan script, probably written at Monte Cassino, where Petrus Diaconus (Mon. Germ. Hist. Scriptons, 7, 747) says that Dcsidcrius, abbot from 1058-1087, codices . . . nonnullos in hoc loco describi praecepit, quorum nomina haec sunt, later mention ing Ciceronem de natura deorum. P. Schwenke (in CI. Rev. 4 (1890), 348) thought that this was probably our codex H\ if so it may also be the ms described in the index of books at Monte Cassino in 1532 (in Cod. Vat. 3961): Lib. de natura deorum inc. Cum multae res. Divinationum (cf. Bibl. Casinensis, 1 (1873), lxxxv; n. 3, p. 61, above). As evidence that our ms once belonged to the library at Monte Cassino is a some what obscure inscription on f. 9*,. where, in letters of S. XI1I/XIV, in the margin, 5
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we read: Siatis of / monacos mo / .. cannl q / qb beram* / sit mains / homo, etc. This Heramus is unknown, unless it be a mistake for Herasmo, there having been at Cassino after 1240 a learned monk of that name. From Italy, perhaps in 1649 or 1654, it may have gone northward, and in some way not now clear have come into the possession of N. Heinsius, whose signature stands at the bottom of f. 1'. In the catalogue of the Ley den library in 1674 it may appear as no. 170 of the Latin mss, but in the catalogue of 1716 it was numbered 118, as at present. By Plasberg in his editions of 1911 and 1917 it was called H, as here. The ms is in its text closely related to Codd. D (Harl. 2622) and G (Burncianus 148). Heinsius seems to have made little use of it, but after 1690 in the library at Lcyden it is often named in connection with the Vossiani 84 {A) and 86 (B). G. H. Moscr and F. Creuzer, ed. of N.D. (1818), xiii; J. G. Baiter, cd. of N.D. (1861), 369; J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), lxx; H. Dcitcr, De Cic. Cod. Leid. no. CXVIII denuo collato (1882), 3-7; E. Chatclain, Palhgr. des class, /at. (1885), pi. XXXV1I1, 2, and p. 10 (facsimile of f. 39» = N.D. 2 167-3, 4); P. Schwenke in CI. Rev. 4 (1890), 347-348; 400-404; 454-457; 5 (1891), 12-17; 143-146; 200-205; 302-305; 408-412; 458-461; O. Plasberg, Cicero: De Natura Dtorum, De Divinatione, De Legibus Codex Heinsianus (Lcidensis 118), pbototypice editus (1912), in the scries Codices Graeci et Latins, 17, with reproduction of the entire ms and description of hands, compendia, correctors, etc.; E. A. Loew, The Beneventan Script (1914), 17; O. Plasberg, ed. min. of N.D. (1917), ix; A. Lorcher in Burs. Jabresb. 208 (1926), 25-26. S. XI. London, Britieh Museum, Harleianue 2622 (= D). Parchment. Quarto. 27 folia. Paradoxa, De Natura Dtorum (ff. 9 r -27\ ending in 1, 114, after nee). Perhaps written in Flanders or Germany. Once the property of Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford (1661-1724). Cat. oftbe Harl. Coll. of MSS\ 2 (1759), no. 2622; Cat. of tbe Harl. MSS in tbe Brit. Mus. 2 (1808), 704 (dating it in S. Villi); H. Allen, ed. of N.D. (1836), vi (who dates it in S. X); J. H. Swainson ap. J. B. Mayor, ed. of N.D. 1 (1880), 46 (Swainson's collations are given by Mayor, who calls it K, and dates it S. XI ex.); O. Plasberg, ed. min. of N.D. (1917), ix (repeated by W. Ax, cd. min. (1933), ix), A. C. Clark, Tbe Descent of MSS (1918), 458, who lists it as of S. XII. S. XI. Munich, Univ. Lib. 528 ( = M). Parchment. Quarto. 153 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. l'-52T), De Divination*, Timaeus, De Fato% Paradoxa, Lucullus, De Legibus. By two or three hands, with some corrections and notes by Iohanncs Avcntinus (J. Turmair). On the inner cover a note of S. XVI/XVII reads: fuit bie liber out Aventini aut ad tempus monasterium Biburgenst (in Lower Bavaria) /'/// commodaret, dietiones mm in libri marginibus manu Aptntini sctiptat sunt. Later the ms belonged to the Jesuit college at Ingolstadt, then to the university library at Landshut, from which it finally came to Munich. F. Ast, Zeitschr.f. Vissenschaft u. Kunst, 3 (1811), 89-124 (with collation of the De Legibus); G. H. Moscr and F. Creuzer, ed. of N.D. (1818), xv (calling it "Cod. Landeshut."); K. Halm, cd. of philosophical works (1861), pracf. i; J. B. Mayor in fount, of Pbilol. 12 (1883), 249; P. Schwenke in Philol. Supplbd. 5 (1889), 524; id., in CI. Rev. 4 (1890), 349 (he collated it in 1883); O. Dicckhoff, De Cic. Ubr. de N.D. recensendis (1894), 73-78; O. Plasberg, ed. min. of N.D. (1917), xi; id., cd. min. of Acad. (1922), xxiv. S. XI/XIII. Oxford, Corpus Christi College, 283. Fragment De Nunrero, De Diff. aritbmet., geometr., et musicae Artis, De Solis Aquationibus, De Natura Deorum (ff. 6-30), Cic. ad Varroncm aliosquc Epistolae, and various works of other authors.
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A ms in several parts, of different dates. Once owned by Willclmus dc S. Clara; then by St. Augustine's monastery at Canterbury; later, by the gift of Christopher Wasc, Fellow of Corpus Christ i College, it passed to the library of thai institution. H. O. Coxe, Cat. Codd. mss qui in Coll. Aulisque Oxon. hodie adservantur, 2 (1852), 121-124. S. XII. Edinburgh, University Library D. b. IV, 6. Vellum. 8V> x 5'/, inches. 243 folia. Biblia abbreviata. Liber Ttstimoniorum Yndori contra judtos, Chalcidius, tr. of Tim., Man. Cap. 1-2, Macrob. Somn. Scip. (part), De Natura Deorum (ff. 180-192; from 1, 11), nam si, to 3, 95, propensior), excerpts, [Apul.] De Deo Socr., Chalcid. in Tim., Dicta Albumassar. An English ms. On f. 243· a S. X11I inscription reads: iste fiber estfratris dementis Rocba (?) ordinis praedicatorum. C. R. Borland, Descr. Cat. of the Western Mediaeval MSS in Edinb. Univ. Libr. (1916), 21-22. S. XII. Florence, Bibl. S. Marci Dominicanorum. Parchment. De Natura Deorum, De Ltgibus. P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 136, who also mentions an undated ms of these same works in the same library; may they perhaps be identical? S. XII. Paris, Bibl. Nat. Nostradamensis 17812 (olim 178; - N). Parchment. Folio. 50 folia. Lucullus, De Natura Deorum (ff. 13'-46r), De Fato, Epistles (8 books), Dares. From the library of Notre Dame. P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 177 (who thinks it of S. XIII); L. Dclislc, Invent, des mss lat. de Notre-Dame et d'autres fonds (1871), 69-70; O. Plasbcrg, cd. min. of N.D. (1917), vi (repeated in 2 cd. by W. Ax (1933), vi), who dates it S. XII. S. XII ex. Oxford, Merton. 311 (or H. 2. 11; =-■ O). Parchment. Small folio. 134 folia. De Officiis, Epitaphia Ciceronis, De Natura Deorum (ff. 37r-69*), De Divinatione (incomplete and called the fourth book of the N.D.), Philippics, 1-3, and part of 4; then, in different hands of S. XIII, Palladius (which was originally in a separate Merton ms). E. M. Thompson (ap J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 3 (1885), xlv) thought this written in England. Thomas Trillek, Bishop of Rochester from 1364-1372, sold it to William Readc, Fellow of Merton and Bishop of Chichester (1368-1385), who gave it to Merton College, as stated in a note on the fly-leat. J. S. Reid considered this the most important English ms of the philosophical works and the best of
any of these works save ABV, being superior even to H. E. Bernard, Cat. Libr. mss Antf. et Hibern. 1,2 (1697), 23, no. 778, 311; J. Davics, 2 cd. of De Div. (1730), praef.: H. O. Coxe, Cat. Codd. mss qui in Coll. Aulisqut Oxon. bodie asservantur, 1 (1852), 123; J. B. Mayor in Joum. of Philol. 12 (1883), 248-255 (reprinted in his edition of the N.D. 3 (1885), xliv-liv, who calls it *Oxf.'\ His collations of it arc given as follows: Book 1 in vol. 3, li-liv; Book 2 in vol. 2 295-319; Book 3 in vol. 3, 42-58); J. S. Rcid in fount, of Philol. 17 (1888), 294-302 (cf. P. Schwcnke in Burs. Jahresb. 76 (1898), 228); P. Schwenkc in CI. Rev. 4 (1890), 350; O. Plasbcrg, cd. min. of N.D. (1917), vi; F. M. Powickc, The medieval Books of Merton Coll. (1931), 180, no. 565. S. XII ex. Paris, Bibl. Nat. Fonds lat. 15085. Seneca, Ep. and some treatises, De Officiis, parts of De Natura Deorum (ff. 190-213). From the Abbey of St. Victor. L. Dcslislc, Jmtnt. des mss de Tabbaje de Saint-Victor (1869), 71.
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S. XII/XIII. Tours, 688 ( = T). Parchment. 38 X 27 cm. 63 folia. Fragments of Acadtmka 11', De Natura Deorum (ff. 9-26; giving 1, ch. 37 to 2, ch. 63; 3, ch. 33 to end), De Fato, part of Ad Familiarts. A very mutilated ms. The date is determined by L. Dcslislc. From the Abbey of Marmoutier, 110. I have collated photostats from 1, 102-2, 16, and find that it agrees very closely with Ν though occasionally with Ο against N. A. Dorangc, Cat. des mss dt la bibl. de Tours (1875), 341; Cat. gen. des mss des bibl. pubi. de France, 37, 1 (1900), 548. S. XIII. Eecorial, Q.I. 21. Parchment. Folio. De Natura Deorum, De Divination** De Fato, De Officiis. G. Hacncl, Cat. Libr. mss (1830), 942. Apparently not in G. Antolin, Cat. de los codices latinos de la R. bibl. del Escoriai. S. XIII. Eecorial, S. I. 18. Parchment. Folio. 190 folia. De Inventione, Ad Herennium, De Natura Deorum (ff. 73-104*; beginning with 1, 17, nicbil scire didicistis), De Divinatione, De Fato, De Officiis, Macrob. Sat. 7. On f. 1: emi hoc volumen apud librarium vesontinum qui una cum aliis . . . libris bum quoqut librum emerat ex vetere bibliotbeca Stephani de Vans. 1593./. Cbiffletius medicus vesontinus. On f. 2: ex bibliotbeca Jo. Jac. Cbiffletii; on f. 190: iste liber est carolo de Vans burgundo. The ms comes from la biblioteca del Conde-Duquc dc Olivarcs. G. Antolin, Cat. de los codices latinos de la R. bibl. del Escoriai, 4 (1916), 24. S. XIII. Florence, Bibl. Laurent. L. 27. Parchment. I,argc folio. 105 folia. De Inventione, De Officiis, Tusculans, De Natura Deorum (ff. 62T-73»), Quintil. Inst. Collated for Cicero bv H. Lagomarsini, 9 July, 1740, and called no. 31. A. M. Bandini, Cat. Codd. Lat. Bibl. Med. Laser. 2 (1715), 514-515 (who thought that he saw in some of the marginal notes the hand of Petrarch); P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 121. S. XII1. Paris, Bibl. Nat. Lat. 6339 (olim Mazarinaeus). Parchment. De Natura Deorum (the beginning lost), De Divinatione. Cat. Codd. mss Bibl. Reg. 3, 4 (1744), 231; G. II. Moscr and F. Crcuzcr, cd. of N.D. (1818), xiii; P. Deschamps, E>sai bibliogr. (1863), 153. S. XIII ex. Eecorial, V. ΙΠ. 6. Parchment. Folio. 240 folia. Uicullus, De Natura Deorum (ff. 21T-59V), Tusculans, Timaeus, De Legibus, De Finibus, De Divinatione, De Fato, some orations, and some non-Ciceronian works. Formerly the property of D. Antonio Agustin, Archbishop of Tarragona. G. Hacncl, Cat. Libr. mss (1830), 941; \X'. von Hartcl, Bibl. Patrum Lat. Hispaniensis, 1 (1887), 252; G. Antolin, Cat. de los coatees lat. de la R. bibl. del Escoriai, 4 (1916), 181-182.
S. XIII ex. London, Brit. Mus. Bumeianus 148 (=-. G). Parchment, Quarto. 84 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. 3-57), De Legibus. H. Allen, ed. of N.D. (1836), vii; Cat. of MSS in the Brit. Mus., n.s., 1, 2 (1840), 51; J. H. Swainson ap. J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), 45 (who called it "B'\ and thought it the best of the British Museum mss of our work; his collations arc given in Mayor's edition); O. Plasbcrg, cd. min. of N.D. (1917), ix (repeated by W. Ax in 2 cd. (1933), ix). S. X1H/XIV. Pari·, Bibl. Nat. 4588 (olim Colbertinue). Parchment. Non-classical works, followed by De Natura Deorum (beginning at 1, 17, nihil scire didicistis), Verrines, Apul. De Habit, et Doctr. Platonis. Apparently written partly in S. XIV, partly in S. XIII. Cat. Codd. mss Bibl. Reg. 3, 3 (1744), 611; G. H. Moscr and F. Crcuzcr, cd. of N.D. (1818), xiii; P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 149.
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S. XIV (1329). Verona, Capit. 168 (155). An anonymous florilcgium, with extracts from several of the philosophical uorks, including the De Officiis, De Natura Deorum, Tusculans, De Divinatione, De Ligibus% De Finibus, De Senectute, De Amicitia, Paradoxa, Somnium Scipionis, Academica posteriora. R. Sabbadini, Le scoperte dei rod. lat. e gr. ne' secoli XIV e XV, 2 (1914), 90-97. S. XIV (1381). Rome, Vat. Lat. 1918 (olim 2178). Parchment. 266 χ 180 mm. ix 4- 102 folia. Val. Max., Anon. De Praenominibus, and on f. 102* excerpts from De Natura Deorum, 2, 147; 2, 153. B. Nogara, Bib/. Apost. Vat. CoAd. mss" recensiti, 3 (1912), 353-354. S. XIV. Cambridge, St. John's College 97 (D. 32). Vellum. In Willielmi Poliistor. Defloratio, on f. 164 excerpts from the rhetorical works and from De Natura Deorum, De Divination, and Aeademiea. From St. Augustine's, Canterbury. M. R. James, Descr. Cat. of the MSS in the Ubr. of St. John*s Coll., Camb. (1913). 128. S. XIV. Madrid, Bibl. Nac. Parchment. Folio. De Natura Deorum (fT. 75-128). H. H. Grubbs, Suppl. to the ms Book Coll. of Spain and Portugal (in E. C. Richard son, Union Cat. of ms Books, 5 (1935), 184). S. XIV mcd. Milan, Ambroeianue E. 14. inf. Parchment. De Officii*, Tusculans, De Natura Deorum, Timaeus, De Senectute, De Amicitia, De Divinatione, De Fato, De Legibus, De Finibus, Somnium Scipionis, several of the rhetorical works, orations, and books of the Letters. The first part is almost a twin of Ambros. E. 15. inf., written by the same person, Marcus dc Raphancllis. Sabbadini thinks it probably written at Milan. R. Sabbadini in Athenaeum, 1 (1913), 13-16, reprinted in his Storia e crit. di testi lat. (1914), 93-94. S. XIV mcd. Milan, Ambroeianue E. 15 inf. Parchment. 198 folia. De Officiis, Tusculans, De Natura Deorum (fT. 73-102'), Timaeus, De Senectute, De Amicitia, De Divinatione, De Fato, De Legibus, De Finibus. A note reads: Marcus de Raphanellis scripsit, and R. Sabbadini thinks that it was probably written in Milan. In its contents and history almost a twin of Ambros. E. 14 inf. It at one time belonged to Francesco Cicercio. R. Sabbadini in Athenaeum, 1 (1913), 13-16 (repeated in his Storia e critica di testi lat. (1914), 93-94; 152). S. XIV. Pane, Bibl. Nat. Anc. Fonda Lat. 6283. Parchment. Folio. Chalcidius in Tim., De Natura Deorum, Timaeus, De Laude ac Defens. Philos. (— Acad.), De Divinatione, De Fato. Cat. Codd. mss Bibl. Reg. 3, 4 (1744), 224; G. H. Moscr and F. Crcuzcr, cd. of N.D. (1818), xiv; P. Dcschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 152. S. XIV. Paris, Bibl. Nat. Lat. 6334. Parchment. Tusculans, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, Timaeus. Cat. Codd. mss Bibl. Reg. 3, 4 (1744), 231; G. H. Moscr and F. Crcuzcr, cd. of N.D. (1818), xiv; P. Dcschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 152; T. W. Dougan, ed. of Tusc. 1-2 (1905), xxix. S. XIV. Paris, Bibl. Nat. Lat. 6340. Parchment. De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione (Book 1). Cat. Codd. mss Bibl. Reg. 3, 4 (1744), 231; G. H. Moscr and F. Crcuzer, cd. of N.D. (1818), xiv; P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 153.
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S. XIV. Paris, Bibl. Nat. 6375. Parchment. De Laud* ac Defens. Pbilos. ( = Acad.), De Natura D torurn. De Ftmbus. Written by more than one hand. Cat. Coda, mss Bibl. Rig. 3, 4 (1744), 235; G. Η Moser and F. Crcuzer, ed. of N.D. (1818), xiv; P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863). 156-157. S. XIV. Paris, Bibl. Nat. Lat. 7698. Parchment. De Imentione, Ad Heretmium, De O/ficiis, De Amicitia, De Senectute, Tusculans, Paradoxa, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Fato, and some works of Seneca. This seems to match fairly well the volume in the Pa via list of 1426 (Indagtni .. . suila iibreria Visconteo-s/or^esca del Caste/Ιο di Pavia (1875), 19, no. 191), numbered Sig. DCXXIII, which came from the Sforza library at Pavia to Paris in the reign of Louis XII. Cat. Codd. mss Bibl. Reg. 3, 4 (1744), 385; G. H. Moser and F. Creuzer, ed. of N.D. (1818), xiv; P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 162; T. W. Dougan, cd. of Tusc. 1-2 (1905), rxx. S. XIV. Rome, Vat. 3242. Parchment. 77 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. 1-43), De Divinatione. P. De Nolhac, La Bibl. de Fulvio Orsini in Bibl de / » . des bautes itudes, Philol.hist. scr., 74 (1887), 192 and n. 3 ; 366, no. 103. S. XIV. Rome, Vat. Chie. H. 7. 222. De Natura Deorum (alone?). I owe this reference to Dr. J. P. Elder. S. XIV. Troyes (Cod. Trecensis 552), Municipal Library QQ. ΠΙ. 10. 335 folia. Hicr. in lob and other works, De O/ficiis, Tuscidans, De Natura Deorum (ff. 187210), "De Divinationibus," De Fato, De Amicitia, De Senectute, Paradoxa, Academica priora, De Legibus, De Oratore, ct al. Two volumes bound in one, of which the Cat. gen. etc., 2, 239, thinks the first part of S. IX (I), while the second part—it is not stated where this begins—is in Italian minuscule of S. XIV. There arc notes dating from after 1344 (P. De Nolhac, Petrarque et Γ humamsme, t (1907), 228) and others added by Petrarch himself {id., 196, n. 5; 197, n. 1). An inscription reads: Cod. oratoriiCo/legii Trecensis. G. H. Moser, ed. of De Div. (1828), xx, says that P. Pithou entered readings of a codex (of which he gives no account) in the margin of Lambinus's edition preserved in the library at Heidelberg (cf. W. Christ, cd. of De Div. (1861), 481). Since Pithou (1539-1596) was a native of Troyes, and since this ms is from the library of the college at Troyes, anc. fonds Pithou 1. E. 2, it would be of interest to learn whether this may have been the ms from which these readings were derived. P. J. Grosley, Vie de P. Pithou, 2 (1756), 281; G. Haenel, Cat. Libr. mss (1830), 489; Cat. gin. des mss des bibl. pub/, des dipartm. 2 (1855), 238*240; G. Valcntinclli, Bibl. mss ad S. Marci Venetiarum (1868), 9, and n. 6; R. Sabbadini in Rendic. del r. istit. lomb. di sc. e left. 39 (1906), 374-375; P. Dc Nolhac, I.e.-, R. Sabbadini, Le scoperte deicod. lat. egr. ne' secoli XIV e XV, 2 (1914), 115-121. S. XIV. Venice, S. Marc. X. 2 (Z. L. CCCCLXK). Paper. 287 χ 221 mm. Tim. trans, by Chalcidius in Tim., "Λί. Tullii Ciceronis ad Brut urn de natura deorum, libri primi capitula dmdecim non absoluta" (ff. 58-59), Apul. Apol.; other works. Contains in two or more places the name of Antonius de Romagno dc Feltro. On f. 144 arc notes on his family, partly written at Tragurium in 1387-1400. G. Valcntinclli, Bibl. mss ad S. Marci Venetiarum, 4 (1871), 1-2. 124 S. XIV. Vienna, Hofbibliothek φ —. Parchment. Folio. 227 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. 1'-30*: De Natura Deorum Libri IV), De Divinatione, Timaeus, De Fato, De O/ficiis, Tusculans, Epitapbia, frag, of De Ripublica 3 ap. Lact.
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Jfh/. 6, 8, Somnium Scipionis, part of Ad Familiares 2, 2, Albert us Magnus, De Meteorit and De Mineralibus, Cic. Pro Marcello, Pro Ligario, Pro Deiotaro, Invectives, In Catilinam. Like Vienna 189 (10» this book once belonged to Iohanncs Sambucus (15311584). S. Endlichcr, Cat. Codd. pbilol. Lot. Bib/. Palot. Vindob. (1836), 27-28, n. LVI; Tabulae Codd. mss ... in Bib/. Pa/at. Vindob. assenatorurn, 1 (1864), 18, no. 124. S. XIV. WoLfenbuttel, Guelfcrbytanus 4306 (Gudianus 2). Parchment. Folio. 256 folia. De Officiis, De Senectute, De Amicitia, In Catilinam, Tusculans, De Oratore, Orator, Rbttorica, Ad Herennium (part), Paradoxa, De Legibus, De Natura Deorum (If. 113·133*), De Dh'inatione, De Fato, various orations and invectives, Sjnonyma Tulliana, Partitiones oratoriae, Timaeus, De Finibus, Academica IV, Philippics, 1-5, Bocthius in Top., Macrob. Somn. Sap. Written in France, and thought by P. Schwcnkc (Class. Rev. 4 (1890), 350) to be probably derived from Vindob. 189 {V). On f. 1 a S. XVII hand has written: Derocbefor. The ms belonged to the library of M. Gude (1635-1689), and may also have been in the possession of F. A. Wolf (cf. G. H. Moscr, cd. of De Div. (1828), xxii). G. H. Moscr and F. Crcuzcr, cd. of N.D. (1818), xvi; G. H. Moscr, cd. of De Div. (1828), xxii; A. O. L. Gicse, cd. of De Div. (1829), viii; K. Halm, Zur Handscbriftenkunde d. ciceron. Schr. (1850), 7, no. 25; J. S. Reid, cd. of Acad. (1885), 66; P. Schwenke, I.e.; T. W. Dougan, cd. of Tusc. 1-2 (1905), xxxiv; O. von Hcincmann, Die HSS d. herzogl. Bibl. Wolfenhuttel, 4 (1913), 78, no. 4306. S. XIV. London, Brit. Mus. Add. MSS 19586. Vellum. Folio. De Inventione, Ad Herennium, De Oratore, Orator, De optimo Genere Oratorum, Parti tiones oratoriae, De Officiis, De Amicitia, De Senectute, Tusculans, Timaeus, "De Divinationibus", De Natura Deorum (ff. 221-251), orations. Finely written; probably preserved in France in the same library as A (P. Schwcn kc in CI. Rev. 4 (1890), 347). Cat. of Add. to the MSS in the Brit. Mus. for 1848-1853 (1868), 256; J. B. Mayor, ed. of N.D. I (1880), 47 (who calls it O, and says that it was collated by Mr. Bicklcy of the British Museum and compared by himself); J. F. Lockwood in CI. Quart. 33 (1939), 153-154. S. XIV/XV. Leyden, Perizonianus 25. Parchment. Folio. 325 folia. De Officiis, De Finibus, Academica posteriora, Tusculans, De Natura Deorum (if. 233»-267r), De Divinatione, De Fato, De Legibus, Prophetia de Caro/o Magno, De Senectute, De Amicitia, Paradoxes. Handsomely written in Gothic characters. Gccl and Bocsch date it as S. XV, Plasbcrg as S. XIV/XV. Bocsch states that in the De Natura Deorum, De Divina tione, De Fato, and De Legibus this ms closely agrees with Vindob. 189 (V), which K. Halm thought came from Holland to Austria. It once belonged to one Abbot Scllarius, then to the Bibliothcca Hulsiana. 1. Gecl, Cat. Libr. mss qui indt ab Anno 1741 Bibl. iMgd.-Batav. accesserunt (1852), 134-135, no. 445; F. Bocsch in Scbedae pbilol. H. Usenero . .. oblatae (1891) 76-87 (with a full description of the N.D. on pp. 82-83); T. W. Dougan, ed. of Tusc. 1-2 (1905), xxxix; O. Plasbcrg, cd. min. of Acad. (1922), xvi-xvii. S. XV (1404). London, Brit. Mus. Harlcianus 2511. Parchment. Quarto. 168 folia. De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione (Book 2 called De Fato, and dated 1404), Timaeus. A worthless ms, written in Italy by an ignorant scribe. Cat. of the liarl. Colt, of MSS, 2 (1759), no. 2511; Cat. of the Harl. MSS in the Brit. Mus. 2 (1808), 697; H. Allen, ed. of N.D. (1836), vii; J. H. Swainson ap.
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J. Β. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), 46 (his collations of it arc given by Mayor, who calls it / ) . S. XV (1416). Breelau, IV. F. 180 (formerly at Glogau). Paper. Small folio. 244 folia. Part 1, litae Patrum (1420); Part 2, De Natura Dtorum (ff. 1-59), De Finibus. The subscription to De Fin. 3 is dated 1416. Brought to the Drcslau library by order of the King of Prussia ca. 1825 {Museum crit. 1 (1826), 277). This article thinks it not earlier than S. XII (!), and says that Professor Hciddcmann of Breslau collated it for his pupils. "It is transcribed from an original much more perfect than any hitherto known to be in existence. . . The readings which it exhibits arc excel lent, and the lacunae are all supplied." Museum crit., i.e.; L. F. Heindorf, ed. of N.D. (1815), v-vii (who rates it highly); T. F. Dibdin, Intr. to the Κno»I. of Edd. of the Classics, 1« (1827), 462-463; C. E. C. Schneider, Cod. Glogav. in Cic. de Fin. . .. Lectio (1841), iii-iv (the best description of the ms); J. G. Baiter, cd. of Fin. (1861), 75; id., ed. of Fin. (1863); ix; J. B. Mayor, ed. of N.D. 1 (1880), Ixxi. S. XV (1426). Milan, Ambrosianue D. 113. Paper. 157 folia. Tusculans, De Natura Deorum (ff. 61'-109*), De Divinatione, De Fato; interspersed with extracts from Suetonius (on ff. 61-64; 110-112). Three subscriptions show that the ms was written during June and July, 1426 (the N.D. in June) by Modesto Dcccmbrio (died 1430; the oldest of the sons of Ubcrto Dcccmbrio). His brother Pier Candido refers to this ms in a letter quoted by Sabbadini, p. 178. R. Sabbadini, Storia e critica di testi /at. (1914), 176-178. S. XV (1434). Faenza, Bibl. Comun, 30. Paper. 254 χ 195 mm. Somnium Scipionis. De Natura Deorum (up to 3, 39, nihil sit quod). Dated on Non. Nov. A.D. 1434. A very corrupt and worthless ms. G. Mazzatinti, Invent, dei mssti delle bibl. d'ltaiia, 6 (1896), 243; A. Mancini in Studi ital. di filol. class. 19 (1912), 20-21 (who calls it liber nulliuspretii); A. Sorbelli, Invent, dei mssti delle bibl. d'ltalia, 26 (1918), 11, no. 30. S. XV. (1435). Rome, Vat. Chie. H . 6. 99. De Natura Deorum (alone?). Dr. J. P. F.ldcr has told me of the existence of this ms. S. XV (1444). Cambridge, Univ. Lib. Dd. XUI. 2. Vellum. U r g e folio. 309 folia. De Senecfute, De Natura Deorum (ff. 9*-51v), De Divinatione, De Fato, Lucullus, De Republica (fragment), Timaeus, Paradoxa, thirteen orations, invectives. Philip pics, De Officiis, Tusculans. Fol. 45 is followed, without loss of text, by fol. 50. A subscription reads: per martus Tinodorici Nycolai Werken dt Abbtnbroeck (in South Holland) liber explicit anno domini MCCCCAA, alias 1444. The Dutch writer seems to have written in Kngland. The ms was given to the library by Archbishop Rotherham nearly four centuries ago. On the margins arc many notes ascribed to William of Malmesbury (died ca. 1142), nearly all in the first person, so that it appears that this ms is derived from one annotated by William himself. J. Davics, 1 cd. of De Div. (1721), praef.; 2 ed. (1730), pracf.; J. O. HalliwcllPhillips, The ms Rarities of the Univ. of Camb. (1841), 95; Cat. of MSS preserved in ibeLibr. of the Univ. of Camb. 1 (1856), 507; J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), 47; J. S. Rcid, cd. of Acad. (1885), 66-68; T. W. Dougan, ed. of Tusc. 1-2 (1905), xl-xli. S. XV (1459). Oxford, Bodleian 2497. Parchment. De Officiis, De Senectute, De Amicitia, Paradoxa, 5omnium Scipionis, Tusculans, De Finibus, Academica I, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Fato, De Ltgibus, Timaeus.
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A note reads: istud voiumen jcriptum et compost turn fuit opera Vespasian/ library Florentine in dpi fate F/orentia de anno 1459. E. Bernard, Cat. Libr. mss Angliae et Hibern. 1, 1 (1697), 129, no. 2497, 2; P. Dcschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 142; J. N. Madvig, 3 cd. of De Fin. (1876), xiv; J. B. Mayor, ed. of N.D. 1 (1880), Ixxi; J. S. Rcid, ed. of Acad. (1885), 65; T. W. Dougan, ed. of Tusc. 1-2 (1905), xlii; F. Madan and H. H. 1·. Crastcr, Summary Cat. of western MSS in the Bod/. Libr.. Oxford, 2, 1 (1922), 397. S. XV (ca. 1460). Dresden, Dc. 106. Parchment. Folio. 342 folia. De Finibus, De Natura Deorum (ff. 59-103), De Divinatione, De Officii s, De Amicitia, De Senectute, Paradoxa, Tusculans, De Fato, De Legrbus, Academica, De Re pu blico (Book 4), Somnium Scipionis. Written in Italy. Inscribed: e bibl. Wertheriana. A. O. I.. Gicsc, cd. of De Div. (1829), ix; F. Schnorr von Carolsfcld, Katal. d. HSS d. kgl. offentl. Bibl. ^u Dresden, 1 (1882), 311. S. XV (1461). Rome, Vat. Ottobonianus 1242. Paper. De Natura Deorum (alone?). Dated at the end of Book 3. G. H. Moser and F. Creuzcr, ed. of N.D. (1818), xvi; P. Dcschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 114, who mentions two S. XV Codices Ottoboniani of the N.D. S. XV (1463). Toledo (Spain), 100, 18. Parchment. Quarto. 156 folia. De Natura Deorum (ft. l'-90 r ), De Divinatione. At the end of the De Div.: per me P. Por. scriptus fuit'. In Anno MCCCCLXUl die Villi septembris. Also inscribed: Equitis Antonij Aiariae Bont\ 3. 6. G. Hacncl, Cat. Libr. mss (1830), 994; J. M. Octavio dc Toledo, Cat. de la libr. del Cabildo Toledano, 1 (1903), 75, no. cxlii. S. XV (1465). Munich, I. 277. Folio. 193 folia. Epttaphia, Tusculans, "De Divinationibuf*, fragment of Macrob. Somn. Scip., De Natura Deorum (ft. 118-191; by another hand), Hor. Carm. 4, 7. Written at Padua in 1465. A note reads: liber H. Schedelii ex bibl. electoral!. G. H. Moscr and F. Crcuzcr, ed. of N.D. (1818), xvi; G. H. Moser, cd. of De Div. (1828). xx; Cat. Codd. Lot. Bibl. Reg. Monac. 1, 1* (1892), 7 1 ; T. W. Dougan, ed. of Tusc. 1-2 (1905), xl. S. XV (1466). Erlangen, Univ. Lib. 847 (38). Paper. Folio. 467 pp. De Of fiats, In Catilinam, In Pisonem, invectives, Timaeus, De Divinatione libri III (Book 3 = De Fato), De Natura Deorum (fT. 111M53'). De Finibus, Lucullus, four orations; then, in another hand, De Amicitia, De Senectute, Paradoxa. In a Gothic hand. A note in the front reads: Uber beate marie virginis im fjaylsbrun, and one at the end: Liber S. marie in fonte salutis (a Cistercian abbey at Hcilsbronn, 20 miles west of Nurnbcrg). On f. 35 is this note: expliciunt libri ires marci tulii dceronis scripti per me bembardum groschedel de remingen. Anno 1466 proxima feriaii die post bartbolomei; on the last page: comparatus est hie praesens liber per fratrem conrad baunolt in studio beydelbergensi pro VI quasi ft. vel ultra anno 1466. Written at Heidel berg it agrees closely with Palat. 1525 in the Vatican. It was collated for the De Divinatione, De Natura Deorum, and De Fato by A. Flcckeisen. Baiter in his edition (1861), calls it E. G. H. Moser and F. Crcuzcr, cd. of N.D. (1818), xvi; K. Halm, Zur Handscbriftenkunde d. riceron. Scbr. (1850), 2-3, no. 8; J. C. Irmischcr, HandschriftenKatalog d. kgl. Univ.-Bibl. ?u Erlangen (1852), 219-220; J. G. Baiter, cd. of N.D. (1861), 369; J. N. Madvig, 3 cd. of De Fin. (1876), xv-xxi (who uses it as the basic ms for the De Finibus); J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), Ixx; J. S. Rcid, cd. of Acad. (1885), 66.
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S. XV (1467). Florence, Bibl. Magliabechiana, VI. 27 (now in R. Bibl. Naz.). Parchment. Octavo. De Natura Dtorum. At the end: M. T. Ciceronis, De Natura Dtorum liber tertius et ultimas explicit feliciter. Sex it us Nicolaus scripsit domi Canusianorum die III* mentis marfit (M)CCCCL XVII. G. Mazzatinti and F. Pintor, Invent. Jet mssti delle bibl. a"Italia, 12 (1902/3), 131; A. Galante, Index Codd. class. Latin, in S/udi rial, di β/ο/, dais. 10 (1902), 330, n. 11 (in his catalogue of the Biblioteca Magliabechiana). S. XV (1467). Rome, Vat. Palat. 1525. Paper. Folio. 438 folia. De Officiis, De Finibus, De Invention*, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Fato, Timaeus, Lucullus, various orations, De Senectute, Paradoxa, Philippics, Tusculans. Dated on f. 215 as 1467. Chatclain calls it Italian writing, but in his addenda (p. 34) corrects this statement to German writing. K. Halm, Uber d. HSS des Cic. (1849), 165-171; E. Chatelain, Paliop. des class, /at. (1885), pi. XXV, and pp. 7; 34. S. XV (1467). Seville, Bibl. Columbina, 5. 5. 19 (olim BB. 150. 3). De Natura Deorum, De Officiis, De Senectute, followed by other miscellaneous items. Finished 25 May, 1467. L. Laurand in Rev. des et. /at. 11 (1933), 109-110; id. Ciciron, 2 (1934), 261. S. XV (1469). Florence, Laurent. Medic. 83, 3. Paper. Large folio. 107 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. lr-24f), De Divinatione, De Finibus, Tusculans, Servius in Aen. A note at the end of the De Divinatione reads: Mara Tulli Cic. de divin. liber sec. explicit 18 Julii 1469 (wrongly given by B. de Montfaucon, Bibl. Bibl. 1 (1739), 401, as \5 Julii, 1596). A. M. Bandini, Cat. Codd. Lat. Bibl. Med. Laur. 3 (1776), 207-208 (dating it in S. XIV); P. Dcschamps, Bssai bibliogr. (1863), 130 (dating it in S. XIV). S. XV (1470). Kaseel, Landeabibl. 4to, no. 6. De Natura Deorum (alone?). Dr. J. P. Elder tells me of the existence of this ms. It is not noted by W. Hopf, Die Landesbibl. Kassel, 1580-1930 (1930), though he lists other Cicero-mss. S. XV (1471). Private ownership. Paper. Quarto. 112 folia. Chalcid. Tim., Spera Apulci platonici, De Natura Deorum (ff. 41-104). Pro Marcello, works of other authors. Inscribed: Anno 1471 die Marcy ultima. E. Narducci, Cat. di mssti ora posseduti da D. Baldassare Boncompagni (1862), 133, no. 304. S. XV (ca. 1485). N e w York, Morgan Library, 497. Parchment. 32 X 21 cm. 272 folia. De Natura Deorum (pp. 1-56), De Divinatione, De Officiis, De Amicitia, Paradoxa, De Senectute, Frag, of Academica I, Timaeus, Somnium Scipionis, De Legibus, De Fato, and an inventory of books by Niccolo Niccoli (this Last by another hand). Probably written at Florence for King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary (died 1490), whose arms it bears; later in the library of Cardinal York at Frascati, and then the property of the Collcgio Romano at Rome. Obtained from Imbert in 1912; in Cat. 12 (1913) of T. de Marinis at Florence, 14, no. 10. R. P. Robinson in CI. Pbilol. 16 (1921), 251; S. De Ricci in Pbilol.Quart. 1 (1922). 102; S. De Ricci and W. J. Wilson, Census of meJ. and ren. MSS in the U.S. and Canada, 2 (1937), 1461-1462, no. 497 (with history and full bibliography).
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S. XV. Mt. Athoe, Library of the Μόνη Ιβήρων, 4203. Paper. Octavo. 270 folia. A miscellaneous ms, mostly in Greek, in which, however, item 11 contains Latin excerpts from various authors, including (rf. 257T-262T) the De Natura Deorum, Tusculans, and De Officiis, while later pans of the ms have similar excerpts from the De Lepbus and the De Divinatione. S. P. Lampros, Cat. of the Greek AISS on Alt. Atbos, 2 (1900), 11-12. S. XV. Bologna, Univ. Lib. 1096 (2228). Parchment. Folio. 370 folia. De Officiist De Amicitia, De Stnectute, Paradoxa, Tusculans, De Finibus, De Natura Deorum (rT. 215'-264·), De Divinatione, De Fato, De Ley bus, frag, of Academica, Timaeus, Somnium Scipionis. Bought at Venice by P. Fabrctti, 11 Jan., 1532. L. Frati, Indict dei codici /at. conservati nella R. bibl. univ. di Bologna in Studi ital. di filol. class. 17 (1909), 11.
S. XV. Brcslau, Rchdigcranue 64 (XXXV - S. I. 4. 15). Paper. Folio. 187 foua.
De Natura Deorum (ff. lf-28T), De Divinatione, De Fato, Timaeus, Somnium Scipio nis, Tusculans. Perhaps written in Italy. Belonged in S. XVI to Thomas von Rchdigcr. L. F. Heindorf, cd. of ND. (1815), vii; T. F. Dibdin, Intr. to the Knonl. of Fdd. of the Classics, 1* (1827), 462-463; G. H. Moser, cd. of De Div. (1828), xx; J. B. Mayor, ed. of N.D. 1 (1880), lxxi; K. Zicglcr, Cat. Codd. Lot. class, qui in Bibl. urbica Wratislavienn adservantur (1915), 29-30.
S. XV. Cesena, XVIII. 1. Parchment. 334 folia. Tusculans, De Finibus, De Divinatione, De Natura Deorum, De Senectuie, De Amicitia, De Officiis, Paradoxa. R. Zazzcri, Sui codici . . . del la bibl. Malatestiana di Cesena (1887), 401. S. XV. Dublin (?), formerly the property of Samuel Allen. Parchment. Small quarto. De Natura Deorum (alone?). "Injured by late corrections, which often make it impossible to decipher the original reading." Collated by J. B. Mayor, who calls it T. J. B. Mayor, ed. of N.D. 1 (1880). lxx. S. XV. Escorial, Τ. ΠΙ. 17. Parchment. Quarto. 155 folia. De Natura Deorum (fT. 1-85), De Divinatione. Written in Italy. A note reads: Zanes Alarcus clarissimi simulatque callidissimi scriptons Petri Strocii discipulus Parmae oriundus velocissime celeb <er> rimeque ac etiam lubentissime Rainaldo scripsit. It belonged to D . Antonio Agustin, Archbishop of Tarragona. G. Hacncl, Cat. Ubr. mss (1830), 941 (who dates it in S. XIV); G. Antolin, Cat. de los codices latinos de la R. bibl. del Escorial, 4 (1916), 150. S. XV. Eecorial, S. ΙΠ. 28. Folio. 72 folia. De Natura Deorum. From the library of the Condc-Duquc de Olivarcs. G. Antolin, Cat. de los codices lat. de la R. bibl. del Escorial, 4 (1916), 79-80. S. XV. Ferrara, Bibl. Com una!«, 386. Parchment. 32 χ 23 cm. 40 folia (no. 40 empty). De Natura Deorum. In four books, the words (1,65) quae primum nullae sunt being called the beginning of the second book (cf. note 14, p. 60, above). G. Procacci in Studi ital. di filol. class. 19 (1912), 47, no. 40. S. XV. Florence, Laurent. Medic. 83, 4. Parchment. Quarto. 126 folia. De Natura Deorum (fT. 1-64), De Divinatione, De Fato. A. M. Bandini, Cat. Codd. Lat. Bibl. Ated. Laur. 3 (1776), 208; P. Dcschamps,
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Essai bibliogr. (1863), 131; perhaps also M. Manitius, HSS ant. Autortn in mittelalterl. Bibliotbekskataiogen (1935), 36, no. 22: Τ alio de natttra deorum, de divination* et fato in Utttra antica (though this might equally well apply to Laur. Med. 83, 6). S. XV. Florence* Laurent. Medic. 83, 6. Parchment, Quarto. 126 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. 1-66), De Divination*, De Fa to. A note at the end reads: Bernardo Portinario Johannes Arretinus plurimam salutem dicit. Vale din felixque sir. A. M. Bandini, Cat. Codd. Lot. Bibl. Med. Laur. 3 (1776), 208-209; P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 131. S. XV. Florence, Laurent. Medic. 83, 7. Parchment. Quarto. 267 folia. De Natttra Deorum (ff. 1-85), De Divinatione, De Fato, De Legibus, Somnium Scipionis, Academica. A. M. Bandini, Cat. Codd. Lat. Bibl. Med. Law. 3 (1776), 209; P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 131. S. XV. Florence, Laurent. Medic. Fesulanus 188. Parchment. Folio. 239 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. 1-209*), De Divinatione. A. M. Bandini, Bibl. Leopoldina Laurenfiana, 3 (1793), 129; possibly the same described by P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 137. S. XV. Florence, Bibl. Gaddiana (in the Laurentian Library), LXXXX, 78. Paper. Folio. 214 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. 1-71), De Divinatione, De Fato, De Legibus, Academica, Timaeus, Somnium Scipionis. A note on p. 1 says that it belonged to Bcrnardus de Puccinis. A. M. Bandini, Cat. Codd. Lat. Bibl. Med. Laur. 3 (1776), 662; P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 132. S. XV. Florence, Bibl. Magliabechiana (now in R. Bibl. Naz.) XXI. 30. Paper. 29 χ 20 cm. 162 folia. De Finibus, De Fato, Academica I, Timaeus, De Natura Deorum (ff. 102-162). A. Galante in Studi ital. di filol. class. 15 (1907), 145, no. 82. S. XV. Florence, Bibl. S. Crucie ΧΧΠΙ Sin. Cod. 5. Parchment. Quarto. 166 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. 1-115r), De Fato, De Divinatione (only Book 1). Collated by Girolamo Lagomarsini 27 D e c , 1740. A. M. Bandini, Cat. Codd. Lat. Bibl. Med. Laur. 4 (1777), 170; P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 133, who dates it in S. XIV. S. XV. Florence, Laurent. Strozzianu· XLV. Paper. Large octavo. 146 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. 1-83"), De Divinatione. A. M. Bandini, Bibl. Leopoldina Laurentiana, 2 (1792), 383. S. XV. Laon 454. Paper. Quarto. De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, Timaeus. Cat. gen. des mss des bibl. pub I. des dipartm. 1 (1849), 240. S. XV. London, Brit. Mue. Harleianue 2465. Parchment for 21 folia, the rest paper. De Natura Deorum, Timaeus. Written in Italy. A leaf at the end (part of a legal instrument) is dated 1418. Cat. of the Harl. Coll. of MSS, 2 (1759), no. 2465; Cat. of the Harl. MSS in the Brit. Mus. 2 (1808), 694 (calling it a ms of S. XIV); H. Allen, ed. of N.D. (1836), vi-vii; J. H. Swainson in J. B. Mayor's cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), 45-46 (who calls it H, and whose collations of it are given by Mayor). S. XV mcd. London, Brit. Mue. Add. MSS 11932. Paper. Quarto. De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Faio, Timaeus. Written in S. Germany or N. Italy. From the library of Bishop Butler.
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Cat. of Add. to the MSS in the Brit. Mus. 1841-1845 (1850), 19; J. H. Swainson ap. J. B. Mayor, ed. of N.D. 1 (1880). 46 (whose collations of it arc given by Mayor and who calls it N)\ J. F. Lockwood in CI. Quart. 33 (1939), 153-154. S. XV. Naples, Borbonicue IV. G. 3. Parchment. Quarto. De Natura Dtorum, De Divinatione. C. Janclli, Cat. Bib/. Lat. . . . mss qui in R. Neapol. Mus. Borbon. adtervantur (1827), 214, no. 311. S. XV. Oxford, Balliolensie CCXLVIII. Parchment. Contains nearly all Cicero's works. Beautifully written, in Italy, after 1450. J. Davies, cdd. 1 and 2 of De Div. (1721, 1730), iii; J. J. Hottinger, ed. of De Div. (1793), xi; J. B. Mayor, ed. of N.D. 1 (1880), lxxi; J. S. Rcid, ed. of Acad. (1885), 65; T. Vi\ Dougan. ed. of Tusc. 1-2 (1905), xliii.
S. XV. Oxford, Lincoln College, Lai. 38. Parchment. Folio. De Oratore, Tuscuians, De Senectute, Paradoxa, Somnium Scipionis, Ad Q. Fratrem de Mag. ger., Academica, De Natura Deorum (fT. 81r-109r), De Divinatione, De Legibus, Topica, Synonyma, De Fafo, Timaeus, De Harusp. Response, De optimo Genere Oratorum, Partitiones oratoriae. Inscribed: ex dono R. Flemmyng; Ttuc. is dated 17 Oct., 1420. B. Bernard, Cat. Libr. mss Angl. et Hibtrn. 1, 2 (1697), 39, no. 1299, 12; H. O. Coxc, Cat. Codd. mss qui in Coll. Aulisque Oxon. hodie asservantur, 1 (1852), 30; J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), lxxi; T. W. Dougan, ed. of Tusc. 1-2 (1905), xliii. S. XV. Paris, Bibl. Nat. Suppl. Lat. 9320. Parchment. Academica, De Natura Deorum (rT. 22-58), De Divinatione, translation of Aristotle's Htbics by Leonardo Arrctino, etc. L. Dclislc, Invent, des mss lat. (1863), 27; P. Dcschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 172. S. XV. Pavia, Univ. Library, 194. Paper. 240 χ 169 mm. 52 + 132 folia. De Natura Deorum (if. 1-52), Macrob. Sat. ^OC'ith many marginal notes which may be by Guarino Veronese (1374-1460). L. de Marchi and G. Bertolini, Invent, dei mssti dtlla R. bibl. Univ. di Pavia, 1 (1894), 108. no. 194. S. XV. Pistoia, A. 14. Parchment. Quarto. 60 folia. De Natura Deorum. G. Ma2zatinti, Invent, dei mssti delie bibl. d'ltalia, 1 (1890), 242. S. XV. Rome, Vat. Lat. 1758 (olim 2018). Paper. 307 χ 211 mm. 108 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. 1-71). De Legibus. Bears the arms of Paul V and of Scipio Borghcsi. B. Nogara, Bibl. Apostol. Vat. Codd. mss recensiti, 3 (1912), 223. S. XV. Rome, Vat. Lat. 1759. Parchment. 282 X 217 mm. 173 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. 1-49'), De Divinatione, Timaeus, De Fa to, De Finibus, Timaeus (again), Modcstus, De Re militari. B. Nogara, Bibl. Apostol. Vat. Codd. mss recensiti, 3 (1912), 224. S. XV. Rome, Vat. Chie. H. 7. 221. De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Fatot Academica, Somnium Scipionis. Dr. J. P. Elder has told me of the existence of this ms. S. XV. De In G.
Rome, Vat. Ottobonianua 1372. Paper. Natura Deorum, De Divinatione. a small hand, with many compendia. H. Moser and F. Creuzcr, ed. of N.D. (1818), xvi.
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S. XV. Rome, Vat. Ottobooianus 1414. Parchment. Folio. De Natura Deorum, De Legibut, Academica, Topica, Somnium Scipionis, De Divinationt. G. H. Moser and F. Creuzcr, cd. of N.D. (1818). xv-xvi. S. XV. Rome, Vat. Ottobonianue 1622. Parchment. De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione. Either this or no. 1372 above may be the same as Cod. Petav. 468, noted by B. de Montfaucon (Bib/. Bib/. 1 (1739), 90) as containing these two works and being from the library of Alexander Petavius. The Codices Ottoboniani include some Rcgincnscs and the latter some of the books of Petavius. Cf. also the Rcgincnsis of the N.D., formerly owned by Petavius, which is noted by P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 113. G. H. Moscr and F. Creuzcr, ed. of N.D. (1818), xvi. S. XV. Rome, Vat. Ottobonianue 1944. De Natura Deorum. G. H. Moser and F. Creuzer, ed. of N.D. (1818), xv; P. Deschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 114, for Codd. Ottoboniani of S. XV. S. XV. Rome, Vat. Palatinue 1518. De Natura Deorum (ff. l-7 r ), De Divinatione, De Fato. K. Halm, Ober d. HSS des Cic. (1849), 176. S. XV. Rome, Vat. Palatinue 1524. Parchment. Folio. 337 folia. De Amicitia, De Senectute, Paradox a, De Finibus, De Officiis, Tuscu/ans, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Fato, De Legibus. K. Halm, Ober d. HSS des Cic. (1849), 177. S. XV. Rome, Vat. Urbinas Lat. 312 (olim 456). Parchment. 287 χ 187 mm. 60 folia. De Natura Deorum. This seems to match no. 437 in an Urbino catalogue before 1482 (M. Manitius, HSS ant. Autoren in mittelalterl. Bibliotbekskatatogen (1935), 38): M. Tuili de natura deorum iterum. C. Stornajolo, Codd. Urbinates Latins, 1 (1902), 274. S. XV. Rome, Vat. Urbinas Lat. 319 (olim 594). Parchment. 326 x 205 mm. 207 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. 2-59r), De Divinatione, De Legibus, Academica, Timaeus, De Fato. A note on the margin of f. 53 reads: hie deficit in vetustissimo codice. This ms some what suggests no. 425 in an Urbino catalogue before 1482 (M. Manitius, op. cit., 37): Λ/. Tulliui de natura deorum. De fato stu divinatione. Di It gibus. De Academicis. De cae/o et mundo. But Stornajolo would identify it with no. 444 of (perhaps an other) old Urbino catalogue. C. Stornajolo, Codd. urbinates Latini, 1 (1902), 277-278. S. XV. Rouen, O. 47. Paper. 216 χ 140 mm. 199 folia. Philippics, De Legibus, miscellany, Topica, De Natura Deorum (if. 140-199; Book 3 ending at 3, 14, Λ pbilosophis debeo discere). From St. Oucn dc Rouen (O. 19). Cat. gen. des mss des bib/, pub/, de France, 1 (1886), 261-262. S. XV. St. Gallen, 850. Parchment. Folio. 420 folia. 'lusculans, De Finibus, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione. Handsome Italian writing. Once the property of E. Tschudy. G. Haenel, Cat. Libr. mss (1830), 713; G. Scherrcr, Ver^eichnis d. HSS d. Stiffsbib/, von St. Gal/en (1875), 288, no. 850.
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S. XV. Saint Omer, 652. Paper. Quarto. Fragments of Hicr. in Gala J., Tusculans, De Natura Deorum, De Divination*, De Fa/o, Lucullus, Timaeus, Pbitippics, [Apul.] Asclep. In Gothic cursive. From the abbey of St. Bertin. Cat. gen. des mss der bibl. publ. dts dipartm. 3 (1861), 283. S. XV. Sandaniele del Friuli, Bibl. Comun. 62. Paper. Folio. De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Fato, De Legibus, De Partition* oratorio. In Catilinam, invectives, Epitapbia Ciceronis. G. Mazzatinti, Invent, dei mss delle bibl. d'ltalia, 3 (1893), 119. S. XV. Siena, Bibl. Publ. H. VI. 14. Paper. 294 χ 216 mm. iii + 145 folia. Excerpts from De Natura Deorum, 1-2 (f. l r ), Anon. De Cic. Oration/bus, De Finsbus, Philippics, 12-13. From the monastery of Monte Oliveto Maggiorc. N. Tcrzaghi in Studi ital. di β/ο/, class. 11 (1903), 413. S. XV. Toledo (Ohio), Museum of Art. Vellum. 26 χ 18 cm. 170 folia. De Natura Deorum (pp. 1-188), De Divinatione. Beautifully written ms by an Italian scribe; complete, but with a few leaves transposed. The former owners arc noted by De Ricci in order: Dr. Anthony Askew (sale 7 Mar., 1785); Lowes; added by Sothcby to Jonathan Toup Sale (10 May, 1786); bought by Michael Wodhull; J. E. Scvernc sale (11 Jan., 1886); B. Quaritch (noted in several of his catalogues); sold by Sothcby to B. Quaritch (24 June, 1907); sold by Sotheby to Alfred Bull (9 Dec, 1909); Cat. 25 of A. Bull (1915), no. 322; Cat. 13 of J. Martin (1917); Bought by Rdward Duff Balken, of Pittsburg, Pa.; Maggs cat. 542 (1930), no. 141; Toledo Museum of Art. B. Quaritch, Cat. 138 (1893), 49, no. 101; and other catalogues noted above; B. L. Ullman in Pbilol.Quart. 5 (1926), 153; S. De Ricci and W. J. Wilson, Census ofmed. and ren. MSS in the U.S. and Canada, 2 (1937), 1976, no. 33. S. XV. Venice, S. Marc. X. 118 (Z.L. CCCCXTV). Parchment. De Natura Deorum (ff. 1-70), De Officiis. A pretty but inaccurate codex. Formerly owned by Cardinal Bcssarion and given by him in 1468 to St. Mark's. G. Valcntinclli, Bibl. mss ad S. Marci Venetiarum, 4 (1871), 80; H. Omont, Invent, des mss gr. et lat. donnes a Saint-Afarc de Venise par le Cardinal Bessarion en 1468 (1894), 50, no. 235. S. XV. Venice, S. Marc. X. 148. Paper. A miscellaneous ms having on f. 10 "Notanda in libris M. T. C. Pbilippicarum, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione.** G. Valcntinclli, Bibl. mss. ad S. Marci Venetiarum, 4 (1871), 102. S. XV. Vienna, φ
. Parchment. Quarto. 130 folia. 146 De Natura Deorum (ff. 1-87), De Ugibus. Once owned by Iohanncs Sambucus (1531-1584). S. Endlicher, Cat. Codd. pbilol. Lat. Bibl. Palat. Vindob. (1836), 30, no. Ix. S. XV. Washington, Folger Shakespeare Library, SM 9. Parchment. 23 χ 17 cm. 156 folia. De Legibus, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Fato, Timaeus, Somnium Scipionis, Academica I. An elegant and well-preserved ms, written in Italy, probably about 1460, and sent from Rome in 1715 by J. F. von Uffcnbach to Zach. Conrad von Uffenbach, whose bookplate it bears (cf. A. Mai, Cat. Bibl. Uffenbacbianae [at Frankfurt! (1720), 222, no. IV. 161). It came into the possession of Henry Allen (Alanus), of Dublin, probably after 1839 (since it is not used in his cd. of the De Div. in that year).
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and from him to his son, Capt. Samuel Allen. It was sold (30 Jan., 1920) to T. Thorpe, who sold it (March, 1920) to W. T. S medley of London. From his col lection it was bought about 1924 by Henry Clay Folger, and by him was left to the Folger Shakespeare Library. It has been collated by J. S. Rcid and J. B. Mayor (cf. Mayor, ed. of N.D. 1 (1880), Ixx; he calls it U). Probably not identical with the S. XIV parchment quarto Cod. UfTenbachianus which belonged to Hartmann and F. Crcuzer (who used it in his ed. of the N.D. (1818), calling it G; sec pp. xiv-xv) and which was collated for editions by Gocrenz and Moscr, though it contains the same works which that ms did. K. Halm, ed. of Acad. (1862), 56; J. B. Mayor, I.e.; J. S. Reid, ed. of Atad. (1885), 64; O. Plasbcrg, ed. min. of Acad. (1922), xvii, n. 6; S. De Ricci and W. J. Wilson, Census of med. and rtn. MSS in the U.S. and Canada, 1 (1935), 443. S. XV. Wolfenbtittel, Cod. Augueteius 22,7. Parchment. 21 x 13.5 cm. 124 folia. De Natura Deorum (ff. l'-112»), Di Fato. Given by Carolo Dati to N. Heinsius. O. von Heincmann, Die HSS d. berxogl. Bib/, ?u Wolfenb&tUl, 2, 4, (1900), 312, no. 3261. S. XV ex. London, Brit. Mus. Harlcianue 4662. Parchment. 173 folia. De Natura Deorum (if. 1-106), De Divinatione, fragment of Macrob. Sat., Paradoxa. Written in Italy. It contains an argument to the N.D. and a fragment of an argument to the De Div. not found in the editions. Cat. of the Harl. Coll. of MSS ...in the Brit. Mus. 2 (1759), no. 4662; Cat. of the Harl. MSS in the Brit. Mus. 3 (1808), 186-187; H. Allen, cd. of N.D. (1836), vii; J. H. Swainson ap. J. B. Mayor, ed. of N.D. 1 (1880), 46 (who calls it L, and whose collations of it are given by Mayor); J. F. Lock wood in CI. Quart. 33 (1939), 153-154. S. XV ex. London, Brit. Mus. Harleianus 5114. Parchment. Folio. De Legibus, Lucullus, De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Officiis. Written in Italy. Cat. of the Harl. Coll. of MSS ...in the Brit. Mus., 2 (1759), no. 5114; Cat. of the Harl. MSS in the Brit. Mus. 3 (1808), 247; H. Allen, ed. of N.D. (1836), vii: "facile crediderim, tunc etiam ex impresso libro descripturn esse"; J. H. Swainson ap. J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), 46 (who calls it M, and whose collations of it are given by Mayor). S. XV ex. Rome, Bibl. Angelica 1511 (V. 3. 18). Paper. Quarto. Ff. 1-101 contain excerpts from the orations, De Natura Deorum, De Divination*, De Fato, Academica. E. Narducci, Cat. Codd. mss in Bibl. Angelica (o/im Coenobii S. Augustini in Urbe)t 1 (1893), 652. S. XV/XVI. Pari·, Bibl. Nat. Lac. 2243 (de la Valliere). De Natura Deorum (alone?). Handsomely written, but with many errors. G. H. Moser and F. Creuzcr, cd. of N.D. (1818), xiv. S. XVI. Rimini, D. Π. 11. "De Natura Deorum Libri IV". G. Mazzatinti, Invent, dei mssti delle bibl. d'ltalia, 2 (1892), 144. S. XVII. London, Brit. Mus. Sloane 3861. De Natura Deorum, excerpts (ff. 26'-29 r ). E. J. L. Scott, Index to the Sloane MSS in the Brit. Mus. (1904), 111.
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For the following mss I lack precise information as to date. Cambridge, Bibl. publ. 93. De Senectute, De Natura Deorum, De Divination*, De Fato, Academica. E. Bernard, Cat. Libr. mss Angl. et Hibern. 1, 3 (1697), 167, n. 2273, 93; P. Dcschamps, Bssai bibliogr. (1863), 145. Florence, Bibl. Fratrum Minorum Ceeenae (olim Malateetinua). De Natura Deorum. P. Dcschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 137. Florence, Bibl. S. Mariae. De Natura Deorum. Written at Naples by Marino Tomaccllo. P. Dcschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 135. Milan, Ambrosianus 0.209. sup. Paper. De Natura Deorum, De Fafo. I owe this reference to Dr. J. P. Elder. P. Dcschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 140, states that there arc five codices of the N.D. in the Ambrosian Library. Milan, Ambrosianue. Parchment. Quarto. De Natura Deorum. In the Index IJbr. Bibl. B. Caroli (in Cod. Ambros. I. 112. inf.) it is noted as among the books of S. Carlo Borromco: "De Natura Deorum ex pergameno. Vol. I in 4° *·. A. Saba, La bibl. di S. Carlo Borromeo — Fontes Ambrosianae, 12 (1936), 58. Naples, Bibl. Olivetanorum. De Natura Deorum. P. Dcschamps, Essai bibliogr. (1863), 114. Rome, Vat. Palatinue 1900. De Natura Deorum (alone?). Dr. J. P. Rider writes (1939): "undated; and cannot locate the item in Invent. Cat.—did not try to examine.** Rome, Vat. Reginensis Lat. 1473. De Natura Deorum (alone?). Dr. J. P. Elder has told me of the existence of this ms. Rome, Vat. Reginensis Lat. 1481. De Natura Deorum (alone?). Dr. J. P. Elder has told me of the existence of this ms. The following mss are cited by older editors. ,,Codices Elienses.'* J. Davics <3 cd. of N.D. (1733), iv-v) observes that John Moore, late Bishop of Ely, had given him the use of a copy of the edition of Stephanus (1539) with marginal collations of two mss which he cites as Eliensis primus and Elientis seemdus. On the history of these (and of an Eliensis tertius which Davics used for the Tusculans) cf. J. H. Swainson mjourn. of Pbilol. 5 (1873), 152; J. B. Mayor in Academy, 17 (1880), 86-87 (and cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), lxvii-lxix); A. S. Pease, ed. of Dip. 2 (1923), 619. These mss are not in the remains of Bishop Moore's library, which came to the University of Cambridge in 1715. One or more of them Da vies cites for the De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, Tusculans, and De Leg/bus. „Codex Meadianus,** a parchment ms lent to J. Davics by Dr. Richard Mead; cf. Davics's 2 cd. of De Div. (1730). iv; id., 3 cd. of N.D. (1733), v. Davics considered the ms to be about 300 years old, and used it for the De Natura Deorum, De Divina tione, Tusculans, and De Legibus. Cf. J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1 (1880), Ixvii; Ixx; A. S. Pease, cd. of Div. 2 (1923), 614. 6
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INTRODUCTION
London, Cod. Regius, belonging to St. James's. Parchment. The order of the works is uncertain, but it contained at least De Natura Deorum, De Legibus (to the middle of Book 2), Acadtmica% De Divinatione, De Fa to. R. Bcntlcy, in April, 1694, offered to send to J. G. Gracvius variant readings ex duobus vetustisnmis codicibus ex Bibliotbeca Regia Sancti Jacobi, but whether they were sent is uncertain. J. Da vies (3 ed. of N.D. (1733), v) says that Bcntley mihi copiam fecit. These mss seem not to be in D. Caslcy's Cat. of the MSS of the King's Library (1734), and when the King's Library was moved to the British Museum in 1752 they apparently did not go with it. It has been suggested that they may have been injured or destroyed by fire at Abingdon House in 1731 (cf. J. H. Monk, Ufe ofBent/ej, 2 (1830), 308); sec J. B. Mayor in Academy, 17 (1880), 87 (and his ed. of N.D. 1 (1880), Ixix; on p. lxxi he speaks of one such codex as now lost). „Cod. Norimbergeneis prior." With all the De Natura Deorum. „Cod. Norimbergensie alter." The De Natura Deorum in fragmentary form. These two were used by G. H. Moscr and F. Creuzcr in their ed. of the N.D. (1818), xv, with the collations of K. F. Rinck. A "perantiquui Sigonii liber" is occasionally cited by Manutius; cf. Plasbcrg-Ax, ed.» (1933), xi. COMBINATIONS WITH OTHER WORKS
37. If we summarize the results of the preceding list, omitting mere collections of excerpts and also mss for the complete contents of which we lack adequate data, it will be seen that the De Natura Deorum does not appear alone until S. XIV (one case) and S. XV (seven cases), while later mss and those of uncertain date account for four more cases. Philosophical works appearing with this naturally most often include its pendants, the De Divinatione and the De Fato, the former in 65 mss (43 in S. XV alone), the latter in 46 (28 in S. XV). These are followed, in order of frequency, by the Academica (or parts), Timaeus, and De Legbus (each in 30 mss), the De Officii* (26), Tusculam (25), Paradoxa (20), De Senectute (18), De Finibus (17), De Amicitia and Somnium Scipionis (each 14), and Topica (6). The De Divinatione\ De Fato, Academica, Timaeus, De Legibus, Paradoxa, and Topica are found in combination with the De Natura Deorum from the time of our earliest extant mss, these eight appearing in Codd. Voss. 84 {A), Voss. 86 (B), and Marcianus 257 (F), but not again recurring complete in this precise combination, though sometimes approximating it.1 The De Finibus and Tuscu/ans seem not to combine with the De Natura Deorum until S. XIII, and the De Amicitia, De Senectute, and Somnium Scipionis not before S. XIV. 1 Cf. p. 58, above, for the theory of an eight-treatise corpus. A detailed study of the combinations of Cicero nian works—philosophic, oratorical,
rhetorical, and epistolary—in extant mss might throw some useful light upon the use and vogue of the different works at various dates.
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83
RELATION OF THK MANUSCRIPTS
38. However far removed these mss may be from Cicero's autograph copy, their close resemblance to one another is observable in their com mon errors, in certain transpositions—especially in the second book—, and particularly in their common lacunae, such as those at 1, 25; 1, 65; 1, 85; 2, 118; 2, 123; 2, 137; 3, 13; 3, 42; 3, 63; 3, 65. Under errors may be mentioned, from Book 1 alone, some 27 points at which it has seemed necessary to replace the readings of these mss by those of deteriores l employed by earlier—usually sixteenth century—editors, and 34 more at which readings attested by no mss at all must be admitted by emendation. Among the lacunae particularly notable is that at 3, 65, commonly suspected of being the work of a Christian reader of the archetype, who tore out quaternions containing the more destructive parts of the sceptic criticism of the theistic arguments of Balbus, which perhaps supplied the basis for Augustine's view of Cicero as atheistic; cf. CD. 4, 30; 5, 9. Since this lacuna begins and ends in the middle of sentences, it is likely that quaternions were torn out of an already com pleted text rather than that the copyist, in writing it, omitted distasteful portions. That the archetype of our mss may have been written in rustic capitals is suggested by such a passage as 1, 59, where ACPNO read acciderat but Β has accidebat^ a confusion of b and r less likely to occur in minuscules.2 Further, since Arnobius, Lactantius,3 and the Verona Scholia to Virgil (S. IV?) evidently possessed intact copies—for it is to them that we owe our scanty remains of the contents of the great lacuna at 3, 65—it is clear that mutilation could not have occurred earlier than the fourth century. At some time between that date and our earliest mss in the ninth or tenth century the hitherto rather unified tradition diverges somewhat into groups, the earliest representatives of which are A (S. IX-X), V (S. IX), and Β (S. X). These hardly differ sufficiently in their readings to be considered as separate families, yet they contain various transpositions due to external accidents which put into one column the groups headed by A and V and into another that headed by 1 E.g., in 1, 68, where these mss read quia, though qtiod is plainly demanded by the sense and has been employed by the Roman and Venice editions from cor rected deteriores, the error probably arose from confusion of very similar abbre viations for quod ana quia; cf. Λ. Cappclli, Dizionario di abbrev. lot. ed ital. (1929), 302.
* Cf., however, O. Plasbcrg, ed. mitt. of Cic. Acad. (1922), xxiv; also P. Schwcnke {Class. Rev. 4 (1890), 347), who thinks that the archetype was writ ten in a minuscule hand, probably in Gaul, with which some of its best des cendants (ABF) arc definitely associated. But sec also n. 9, p. 55, above. ' Cf. p. 55, above.
84 1
INTRODUCTION %
Β. The agreement of AVB —and where V fails, as in all of Book 1, of its descendants Ν and Ο—furnishes our most probable approach to the reading of the archetype (j2)·8 When the large groups differ, it seems likely that the tradition of A and V (with such others as conform to them) is generally superior to that of B, and both C. F. W. Muller * and A. Lorcher6 would go farther and recognize V as our best ms in respect of age and worth (save for its large lacunae), rather than B, to which O. Dieckhoffβ and O. Plasberg 7 attach superior importance. Also notable are the close affinities of a group designated by Plasberg as C,8 the members of which are Η and D of the eleventh and G of the thirteenth century, all deriving, as Plasberg · observes, from the same copy of the archetype as A Vt but showing less reliability than those mss. The same is true of Ρ (S. X), a codex (copied from Bt according to P. Schwcnke in CI. Rev. 4 (1890), 349), which has suffered many accidents, and rarely 10 is our sole evidence for an obviously correct reading. ACPNO are often closely related; cf. the omission of quasi corpus out quid sit at 1, 71. Ν and O, of the twelfth century, are closely related n descendants of Vt after it had undergone the corrections of \f*% butO12 is much more inaccurate in all respects than Λτ. Τ (S. XII-XIU) is very closely related to iVand slightly less so to O. F(S. X) is a carefully written copy of 2?,13 after that ms had been corrected by 2?2,14 and from B, 1 A. Lorcher (Burs. Jabresb. 208 (1926), 37) finds in these transpositions no convincing evidence that Β belongs to a different family from A V, and thinks (p. 34) that Plasberg was unjustified in equating it in value with A+V. ■ Cf. Lorcher, op. cit., 38. • Called £ by A. C. Clark, Tbe Descent of Manuscripts (1918), 341-355. 4 Neue Jabrb. 10 (1864), 144. • Op. cit., 34; cf. Muller, op. rit., 145; J. S. Rcid in Journ. of Pbiloi. 17 (1888), 295; 302. • De Cic. Lib. de N.D. recensendis (1895), who remarks (p. 45): putot tin l B paulo inferioris quam A aetatis sit, tamtn β, unde oripnem duxitt vetustiortm priusque ex arcbetypo codicum nostrorum omnium derivatum esse quam a, ex quo ACPV fluxerunt. 7 Ed. min. of Academica (1922), xxiv. • To be distinguished from the codex which Mayor et al. call C, which is Hcins. 118 (Plasbcrg's H). • Ed. min. x.
Ue E.g., 1, 65: docs; 3, 90: a nepotibus— both rather obvious corrections demanded by the readings of the other mss at these points, " For VO cf. P. Schwenke in Burs. Jabresb. 76 (1898), 228. Yet the blocks omitted by TV in 1, 34; 1, 85; 1, 105-106 (of 46, 93, and 65 letter», respectively) bear little relation to those omitted by Oat 1,29(59letters)and 1, 70 (32 letters) as evidence for Ν and Ο having derived from a common immediate source. » Though responsible for the accepted reading varietasque at 2, 158. » I.e., for the N.D. u Out of many examples cf. 1, 1, where B%FM insert ut\ in 1, 12, F omits a whole line of Β (so at 2, 81; cf. C. H. Beeson in CI. Pbiloi. 40 (1945), 215); in 1, 58, FM agree with B% in reading crasso and dilucide; at 1, 62, where B% adds deorum above F copies it but in the wrong order. Beeson (op. cit.t 206) thinks A and Β were in the same library and were corrected by the same hand (A*B%) before the copying of F.
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INTRODUCTION 1
with intermixtures from other sources, is descended M. Since Β is at most points available, the importance of F and Μ is correspondingly diminished. The calculations of A. C. Clark,2 on the basis of omitted or trans ferred units, as to the length of lines, number of lines in a column, and number of columns on a page in the originals of our mss and in their archetype, j2, lead him to suggest * that Q had the equivalent of 13 1/2 lines of Teubner text to a column, and hence 27 to a page, about 54 to a folium, and about 430 to a quaternion. On the possible date of Q see n. 9, p. 55, above. Most editors have not attempted to publish a stemma of the mss above noted, but Mayor in his edition 4 provides one which is somewhat inadequate for our purposes, since it omits several codices, adds several unimportant fifteenth-century ones, and employs sigla conflicting with those in modern use. With much hesitation 1 subjoin a stemma modified in these (and some other) respects from that of Mayor. Q
'
V (ix)
I
B(x)
A (ix-x)
P(x) I ' D(xi) N(xii)
1 H(xi)
I
iF«
* |
Hadoardus (x)
M(xi
Ο (xii)
Τ (xii-xiii) 1 In 1, 51, if omits nearly a line of text, which B* adds in the margin and which F incorporates in its text, but which Λ/ omits, indicating that it may derive from a ms copied from Β at an earlier date than F. So in 1, 52, BlAfx read ptbtrnat, BXF gubemet. Yet in 1, 57, BXF have dicamt B*.\f ducam. DicckhofT {pp. a/., 55) thinks many of the changes in
G (xiii) B% arc by the corrector himself. Cf. also J. S. Reid, op. cit., 302; Plasbcrg, cd. min. xi; A. Lorcher in Burs. Jahresb. 208 (1926), 35. 1 The Descent of Manuscripts (1918), 324-363. 3 P. 328. 4 3 (1885), xliii.
86
INTRODUCTION TESTTMONTA
39. Tcstimonia—chiefly patristic l—quoted in the apparatus and notes, at times are helpful as supporting one or another reading, yet play no large part in reconstructing the text, because, like many prose works, the N.D. was more often quoted freely than verbatim. On the excerpts of Hadoardus cf. pp. 57-58, above; Plasberg (ed. min. xi), following Schwenke {CI. Rev. (1890), 349), would derive these from the text of codex F.
ORTHOGRAPHY
40. Since the purpose of this edition is primarily exegetical rather than textual, and since ample materials upon ms readings are furnished by Plasberg, very fully in his editio motor (1911), more crisply in his editio minor (1917) and its revision by Ax (1933), it seems needless to burden the apparatus criticus with a terminal moraine of rejected and often meaningless variants and inept or superfluous conjectures. I have, accordingly, omitted the readings amply furnished by J. H. Swainson in J. B. Mayor's edition from the mss in British libraries, since they have little importance for the establishment of the text, and not a few of the variants of Plasberg and Ax, admitting, however, some voces nihili and other unacceptable readings which yet seem to offer possible evidence in regard to the independence or the relations of the mss here employed. Omitted, moreover, are the common confusions of et aet and oe (save where -que has been deliberately corrected to quae or quae to -que), those of π and ti followed by a vowel, of -/ and -// in the genitive singular of the second declension,2 of -es and -// in accusatives of the third declension, of final d and / (e.g., baud, haut, hau)y most cases of the presence or absence of an initial aspirate (e.g., {/j)arena)t variants in the superlative (e.g., -issumus, -issimus)* in the dative and ablative plural of hicy /χ,4 idem, and deust and, finally, in a few other words of notorious orthographic instability, such as intellego {-igo) and ret{t)ulit. Confronted 1 A. Souter {CI. Rev. 14 (1900), 264) compares the quotations of N.D. in Aug. Ep. 118 with Mullcr's text, but comes to no definite conclusion about the type of Ciceronian text used by Augustine. • Cf. R. Kuhncr-F. Holzweissig, Ausf. Gram. d. lat. Spr. 1" (1912), 452-453. • Note the conflicting evidence, for
example, of Varro ap . Isid. Etym. 1, 27, 15; Quintil. Init. 1, 7, 21; Vel. Long. De Ortbogr. {Gram. Lat. 7, 49 K.). * Cf. H. Zicgel, De it et bic Prottom. quatenus confusa tint apud Antiques (1897). T. Birt {Berl. pbilol. Wocb. 38 (1918), 547-548) disagrees—rightly, I think— with Plasberg on the datives and ablatives plural of trie and /'/.
INTRODUCTION
87
by that bite noire of editors, the assimilation or non-assimilation of pre positional prefixes,1 I have perhaps fallen back too much, where codices differ, upon a rule of thumb, but have comforted myself with the counsel of Lucilius,1 atque accurrere scribas dne an c non est quod quaeras eque labores. Greek words I have regularly printed in the Greek alphabet, though the mss as regularly write them in Latin letters.3 For the spelling of foreign proper names I have given what some readers will consider an unnecessary fulness of variants,4 for it is not always clear how they should be Latinized. APPARATUS CRITICUS
41. To preserve by quotation or reference a farrago of needless and often ill-considered conjectural emendations has seemed neither a kind ness to the reader nor a discriminating compliment to their authors. Ijct it not be supposed, however, from the silence of the apparatus criticus that the editor has not weighed, before rejecting, a large and painful number of such solutions for difficulties real or imaginary. Not a few, in fart, will be found discussed in the cxcgctical notes. Of the 113 definitely identified and the 17 additional uncertain mss noted in section 36 above those selected for particular consideration in this edition are the following: A (1X-X), V (IX), Β (X), F (X), Ρ (Χ), Η (XI), D (XI), Μ (XI), Ν (XII), Ο (XII), occasionally T (ΧΙΙ-Χ11Ι), and G (XIII), all which save G I have examined in photo graphic reproductions, A and Η in the complete facsimiles published 1 As has been done by Plasbcrg; cf. inmorta/ium, conmode, etc. The anonymous his ed. min., xiii. In Schwenkc's col poem De Aug. Dell. Atgypt. (P.L.M. 1, lation {CI. Rev. 4 (1890), 351-355) arc 214-220) exhibits in the papyrus adsidu-, good remarks on the spelling of the mss opsessus and opsidione, exs
88
If^TRODUCTION
by Ο. Plasberg, the others in photostats secured through a grant from the Humanities Fund of Harvard University, and eventually to be de posited in the Harvard College Library. Though copies naturally do not permit such detailed discrimination of different hands as is attempted by Plasberg after his scrutiny of the actual mss, this loss is offset, to some degree, by their greater availability for repeated consultation and verification, and it has in this way been possible to correct various omissions and errors in the apparatuses of Plasberg and Ax and in the collations of other scholars. That additional errors, however, have not during the process crept into my own apparatus is more than human pride has a right to expect. A noteworthy collation of ABFHMPV has been made by P. Schwenke,1 and one of the British mss—mostly late, but including D and Ο—by J. H. Swainson. 2 Other late mss may, of course, derive from originals earlier than those listed above, and almost as exciting as the discovery of a lost decade of Livy would be that of a codex with authentic material from the great lacuna in N.D. 3, 65· Till such is found, however, the mss just noted will necessarily form the basis of our texts,3 and philologists* next step is to trace their probable relations to one another and to their archetype. EDITIONS
42. The difficulties in compiling an accurate list of editions and trans lations of the De Natura Deorum are considerable, since it usually appears, either in editions of the complete works or, less often, with one or more of the other philosophical works, and in the case of complete editions our various bibliographical helps 4 are often incomplete and frequently 1 Class. Ret'. 4 (1890), 347-355; 401404; 454-457; 5 (1891), 12-17; 143-146; 200-205; 302-305; 408-412; 458-461. ■ In the three volumes of Mayor's edition (1880-1885); 1, 49-64; 2, 293319; 3, 41-58. * O. Plasberg (ed. min. (1917), xi) statcs that he has examined a large part of the mss of S. XI1I-XV, and has learned of others from editors. 4 There may be here noted—to be cited hereinafter merely by the names of thc authors—E. Harwood, A I'iew of the various Bdd. of the Cr. and Rom. Classics9 (1790); L. F. T. Hain, Repertorium bibliograpbicum (1826-1838); T. F. Dibdin, Intr. to the Knowl. of Edd. of the Classics4 (1827); J. W. Moss, Man. of cl.
Bibliogr. 1» (1837); J. C. Brunei, Man. du librairet 2· (1861); W. Engclmann-E. Prcuss, Bib/. Scrip/. r/.e (1880-1882); M. Pcllcchct, Cat. gin. des incunab. dts bib/. ptM. dc France (1897-1909); R. Proctor, Index to the early printed Books in the Brit. Mus. (1898) and suppl. (18991902); W. A. Copinger, Suppl. to Hains Repertorium bibliogr. (1895-1902); R. Klussmann, Bibl. Script, cl. (1903-1913); Cat. of Books printed in the XV Cent, now in the Brit. Mus. (1908-1935); Cesamtkat. d. Wiegendrucke (1925-1938); A. C. Klcbs, Incunab. scient. et med. (1938); Μ. Β. Stillwcll, Incunab. in Am. Libraries (1940). More specifically devoted to Ciccro is P. Deschamps, Essai bibl. sur Μ. Τ. Cic. (1863)—a careless and exasperating
INTRODUCTION
89
conflicting in statements, especially in regard to dates and to the number of volumes. 1 The following catalogue, therefore, can by no means be considered as proof against error. Editions here cited without qualification are to be understood as containing the complete works. Mere chrcstomathies are disregarded. Editions and translations marked with an asterisk (*) I have used or inspected. 1471. Rome. Conrad Swcynhcym and Arnold Pannartz. Folio. 2 v. (sometimes bound as one), vol. 1 of 27 April, vol. 2 of 20 Sept. The editto princeps of the whole body of Cicero's philosophical works. The De Natura Deorum is in 2, ff. l r -48\ Cf. Hain, 5231; Dibdin, l 4 , 447; Moss, 1", 335-336; Brunet, 2·, 14; Pcllcchct, 3766; Proctor, 3320; Brit. Mas. Cat. 4, 13; Gesamtkat. 6883; Stillwell, 144. 1471. Venice. Vindclinus dc Spira. Published by Gaignat and Due dc la Valicrc (according to Harwood, 212). Quarto. One vol. 186 folia. Contains the De Natura Deorum (ff. 5r-65'), De Divinatione, De Fato, De Leg/bus, Academica; Lactus, De Re milt tart; and a life of Cicero. Additions by Raphael lovcnzonius. P. Dcschamps, Essai bibliogr. 95-96, says: "Cc fut sur les manuscrits rctrouves et transcrits par Nicolas Niccoli qu'cllc fut exicutcc par Timprimcur allcmand, sous la direction de Raphael Jovenzonius, et non pas, comme on aurait pu le supposcr, d'apres l'edition collective des Opera phiiosophicat imprimec a Rome la mime annic." Hain, 5334; Moss, 1 \ 336-337; Brunet, 2*, 24; Copingcr, Suppl. 1, 5334; Klcbs, 276, 1; Pellechet, 3671; Proctor, 4030; Brit. Mus. Cat. 5, 138; Gesamtkat. 6902; Stillwell, 147. (Cf. 1499). 1475? Without indication of place, printer, or date, but supposed 1475 (Dibdin, 1 \ 451, n.). 144 folia. Listed by Hain (1, 5230) Academica, De Legibus, De Officiis, De Senectute, De Amies tia, Finibus, Tusculans, De Natura Deorum; De Divinatione, De Fato, Pbaenom.
to date about as containing Paradoxa, De Timaeus; Arati,
1490. Milan. Folio. A collection of the rhetorical and philosophical works, ac cording to Hain (1, 5095), who does not make clear whether our work is included. 1494 (18 Mar.). Venice. Cristofcr dc Pcnsis de Mandello (Cristoforo Pincio). Folio. De Legibui, Academica, De Divinatione, De Natura Deorum (ff. 57r-86*), De Finibus, De Petit/one ConsuJatus, De Fato, Timaeus, Somnium Scipionis. Hain, 5340; Pellechet, 3791; Brit. Mus. Cat. 5, 469; Gesamtkat. 6904; Stillwell, 147. work; also the bibliography repeated by the Delphin edition (1819-1830) from the Bipontine edition of 1780-1787 (vol. 1 (1780), pp. bexxi-ci enlarged from J. A. Fabricius, Bib/. La/., as revised by J. A. Fjnesti in 1773, and listing 83 previous editions). Various library catalogues and numerous European lists of second hand books have also been scrutinized, as well as the bibliographies in the Bibliotbeca philol. class., and J. Marouzcau's L'ann/f pbilologiqut. The bibliography in
my edition of the De Divinatione, 2 (1923), 620-634, has been closely fol lowed at many points. 1 Peculiar methods of binding have often gained an apparent but fictitious bibliographic importance. Further, the dates of reprints, especially of stereotyped editions, arc subject to great irregularity, since the different volumes of a set, because of varying demands for different parts, pass out of print (and so require reprinting) at very unequal intervals.
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♦1494 (10 Dec). Bologna. At the press of Bencdictus Hector (Faelli) of Bologna. Folio. De Natttra Deorum (fT. 5'-38»), De Finibus, De Legibus. Hain. 5335; Pellcchet, 3672; Proctor, 6628; Copingcr, 5335; Brit. Mus. Cat. 6, 842; Gtsamtkat. 6906; Stillwell, 147. A handsomely printed edition. 1495. Reggio d'Emilia. Bazalerius de Bazaleriis. Folio. De Natura Deorum. Hain, 5332. (Cf. 1498). 14% (18 Sept.). Venice. Per Symonem Papiensem dictum Biuilaqua. FolioContains De Finibus, De Natttra Deorum (ff. 101Μ 30»), De Divination*, De Lepbus, Academica, De Fato, Timaeus, Somnium Scipionis. Hain, 1, 5232; Proctor, 5399; Copinger. 5232; Brit. Mus. Cat. 5, 521; Gtsamtkat. 6905; St ill well, 147. •1498. Reggio d'Emilia. Bazalerius de Bazaleriis (also spelled Bazelcrius de bazelcriis), of Bologna. Folio. Part 1 with the N.D. (fT. 3r-32*—not numbered) in 1498; other parts with De Divinatione, De Fato, De Legibus, Academica, De Disciplina mtlitan, in 1499; Part 5, with the De Finibuj, etc., by Caligula de Bazaleriis at Bologna, 1499. Hain, 5336; Proctor, 7258 A; 6619 A; Brit. Mus. Cat. 6, 837; 7, 1092; Gtsamtkat. 6903; Klebs, 276, 2; Stillwell, 148. (Cf. 1495). 1498-1499. Milan. Alexander Manutianus. Folio. 4 vols. The editio princeps of Cice ro's complete works. Vol. 4, containing the philosophical works and the frag ments, appeared in 1499, with 8 + 172 folia. Harwood, 161; Hain, 5056; Dibdin, 1*, 389-391; Moss, 1 \ 285-288; Brunct, 2», 6; Deschamps, 49; Cat. gen. des inam. des bib/, pub/, dt France, 2 (1905), 3583. (1521-1525). 1499. Place, editor, and publisher not stated. Folio. Contains De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Fato, De Legibus, De Disciplina miit tan. Perhaps a reprint of the 1471 Venice edition? Or of 1498? Hain, 5336. ♦(After 1500? Magdeburg?). Folio. 61 folia. De Natura Deorum only. Black letter, with occasional variants printed in the margin. One word (άσοματον (sic) in 1, 30) in Greek letters, possibly inserted by hand. Title-page with arms of Pfalz-Sachscn on shield quartered with arms of Sachscn, Thuringcn, Pfalz-Sachsen, and Meissen. *1502-1503. Venice. Aldus. Octavo. 9 vols. The philosophical works occupy vols. 8-9, and date from 1523. After the death of Aldus in 1515, when only the libri oratorii had been completed, the remainder was published by his father-in-law, Franciscus Asulanus, who employed Andreas Naugcrius to superintend a great part of it. Contains De Natura Deorum (vol. 9, fT. 2r-79»—Aug., 1523), De Divina tione, De Fato, Somnium Scipionis, De Legibus, Timaeus, Dt Petitione Consulatus. Dibdin, 1 \ 392; Moss, \ \ 289; Brunct, 2\ 16. (Cf. 1523; 1540-1546). 1507. Paris. Io. Badius Asccnsius. Octavo. The Cat. of Books concerning the Gr. and Lai. Classics in the centra/ pub. librarits, Newcastle-upon-Tyne (1912), 99, cites this edition of the complete works, cum explanation* J. Badii Ascensii. (Cf. 1510-1511). 1508. Venice. Petrus Marsus. Printed by Lazarus Soardus. Folio. De Natura Deo rum and De Divinatione. Plasbcrg and Ax date this 1507; Orelli and the cat. 50 of R. Atkinson (1922) date it 1508. 1510-1511. Paris. In. Badius Asccnsius. Folio. 4 vols, the philosophical works in vol. 4, dating 1511. It seems to reproduce the 1498-1499 Milan edition (Moss, 1», 288; Brunct, 2 s , 6; Deschamps, 50). Dibdin (1·, 391), in dating this 15111522, apparently confuses the Ascensiana prima and Ascensiana secunaa; the New castle-upon-Tyne catalogue cites a 1507 octavo edition. (1507; 1521-1525). 1520. Leipzig. Jacobus Thanncr. De Natura Deorum. Moscr and Crcuzcr's edition of N.D. (1818), xvii. 1521-1525. Paris. Io. Badius Asccnsius. Published by Jchan Petit. Folio. 4 vols. The volume containing the philosophical works and based on the Aldine editions dates from 1521 (according to Moscr's cd. of De Div., xxiii, and the cat. of R. C. Macmahon (1920), no. 56). Moss, 1", 288-289; Brunct, 2», 6. (1507; 1510-1511).
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•1523. See 1502-1523. 1528. Basel. Michael Be η tin us. Published by Λ. Cratandcr. Folio. 3 vols. Dibdin, 1*. 393; Moss, 1», 289-290; Deschamps, 51. 1534. Basel. J. Camcrarius. Published by Johann Herwagcn (Herwagius). Folio. 2 vols. (Moss, 1*, 290) or 4 torn, in 2 vols. (Bipont. index), or 4 vols. (Dibdin, 1*. 393). (1540). •1534-1537. Venice. Petrus Victorius (Vcttori). Published by L. A. Junta. Folio. 4 vols., the De Natura Deorum in 4 (1536), pp. 235-307. In S. XVI several times reprinted (Deschamps, 51). The orations arc in the recension of Naugerius, the other three volumes by Victorius. Gracvius said that Cicero owed more to Victorius than to all later editors combined. Dibdin, l 4 , 394, n.; Brunct, 2', 6. (Cf. 1538-1539; 1540; 1541; 1543-1544; 1546-1551; 1550; 1555; 1559; 1570 ff.; 1578; 1585-1587). •1538-1539. Paris. Petrus Victorius. Published by R. Stephanus (£tiennc). Folio. 4 vols, (the De Natura Deorum in 4 (1538), pp. 184-240); also in 6 torn, in 2 vols. (Brunct, 2·, 7), 4 torn, in 2 vols. (Deschamps, 51), and 3 vols. (Cat. 118 of Hocpli (1898), no. 1560). A copy of the Juntinc edition of 1534-1537. (Cf. 1534-1537; 1543-1544). •1540. Basel. J. Camcrarius. Published by Johann Hcrwagen (Herwagius). Folio. 4 vols. (Moss, 1", 290) or 5 vols, in 2 (the University of Illinois copy). (Cf. 1534). 1540. Lyons. J. M. Brutus. Published by S. Gryphius (Grciff). Octavo. 9 vols. Reproduces the edition of Victorius (1534-1537). Frequently reprinted; cf. 1546-1551; 1550; 1555; 1559; 1570 fT.; 1574; 1585-1587. Dibdin, 1 \ 395. •1540-1546. Venice. P. Manutius. Octavo. 10 vols. The two volumes of philoso phical works (the De Natura Deorum in vol. 2, ff. 2f-79») were published in 1541, and (according to Brunct, 2», 16) republished in 1546, 1552, 1555-1556, 1562, 1565, each time in 2 vols, octavo, with the De Natura Deorum in vol. 2. Dibdin (l 4 , 396) also mentions a reprint of the entire work in 1569-1570. The text re produces that of the Aldinc edition of 1502-1523. (Cf. 1578-1583; 1582). 1541. Strassburg. Johann Sturm. Published by Wendclin. Octavo. ? vols. Vol. 2 contains the De Natura Deorumy De Divinatione, De Fato, Somnium Scipio/us, De Legibus, Timaeus, De Petitione Consulatus. Based on the edition of Victorius (15341537). Utcr reprints in 1548, 1557, 1571, 1574, and 1578. 1543-1544. Paris. R. Stephanus (llticnnc). Octavo, 9 vols, or 13 vols. (Brunct, 2*. 7, and Deschamps, 50), or 12mo, 8 vols. (Dibdin, 1 \ 397; Moss, 1". 292; Deschamps, 50). A copy of the 1538-1539 reproduction of the Juntinc edition (1534-1537). The first work in which Stephanus used the Italic letter (Dibdin, /.<-.; cf. Brunet, 2*, 7). (Cf. 1546-1547; 1554-1555). 1543-1547. Paris. Colinaeus (Simon dc Colincs). 16mo. 10 vols. Brunet, 26, 7, and Deschamps, 51, date this edition 1543-1547, but Dibdin, 1\ 397. 1543-1545. •1546. Venice. P. Manutius. Octavo. 2 vols, of the philosophical works, the De Natura Deorum in 2, ff. 2'-79». 1546-1547. Paris. R. Stephanus. 16mo. 10 vols. (Cf. 1543-1544). 1546-1551. Lyons. J. M. Brutus. Published by S. Gryphius. 16mo. 9 vols. Brunet, 2», 7. (Cf. 1540). 1548. Strassburg. Johann Sturm. (Cf. 1541). 1550. Lyons. J. M. Brutus. Published by S. Gryphius. 12mo. 10 vols, (according to Harwfx>d, 202). ( a . 1540).
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1551. Basel. Octavo. 10 vols, (according to the Bipontinc index). Mayor (ed. of N.D. 3 (1885), lxxi, mentions the Basel commentaries of Marsus and Betulcius in 1550. •1552. Venice. P. Manutius. Octavo. 2 vols., containing the philosophical works (N.D. in 2, ff. 2'-79*). ( a . 1540-1546; 1565). 1554-1555. Carolus Stephanus. Folio. 4 torn, in 2 vols. Dibdin, 1*, 397; Brunet, 2·, 7; Deschamps, 50. Based on P. Manutius (1540-1546). 1555. Lyons. J. M. Brutus. Published by S. Gryphiue (cf. Moss, I 1 , 291). (Cf. 1540). *1555-1556. Venice. P. Manutius. Octavo. 2 vols, of the philosophical works (De Nature Deorum in 2 (1555), 2'-79»). Harwood, 202, mentions a 12mo, 11-volumc edition of the complete works as published by Aldus at Venice in 1555. (Cf. 1540-1546). 1557. Strassburg. Johann Sturm. (Cf. 1541). 1559. Lyons. J. M. Brutus. Published by S. Gryphius. (Cf. 1540). 1560-1568. Lyons. J. Boulierius. Apud J. Frellonium (cf. Moser's cd. of the De Div.; Bipontine index). ♦1560-1562. Venice. P. Manutius. 10 vols. (2 vols, of the philosophical works with De Natura Deorum (1562), in 2, 2'-79»). (Cf. 1540-1546). ♦1565. Venice. P. Manutius. Octavo. 2 vols, of the philosophical works (the De Natura Deorum in 2, ff. 4'-91'). (Cf. 1540-1546; 1552). ♦1565-1566. Paris. Dionysius Lambinus (Dcnys Lambin). Published by J. de Puteo (J. du Puys), Bernard Turrisanus, and P. G. Rouille (Brunet, 2·, 8). 4 vols. (Di Natura Deorum in 4 (1565), pp. 195-254. The first of the numerous Lambinus impressions of Cicero, in spite of some bold alterations the standard sixteenthcentury edition. Brunet (2 s , 7) states that this contained 4 torn, in 2 vols. (cf. Moss, 1 \ 294), and was dated 1565-1566 (Deschamps, 52, says 1565-1567). (Cf. 1572-1573; 1577-1578; 1580; 1581; 1585; 1588, and the n. on that edition). 1566. Antwerp. Ioanncs Loeus. 12mo. De Natura Deorum and De Divination* (Cat. 103 of Brentano (Chicago, 1945), 10, no. 102). 1569-1570. Venice. P. Manutius. Octavo. 10 vols. (2 vols, of the philosophical works, with the annotations of Lambinus, according to Dibdin, 1 \ 396). The Bipontine index gives this edition 9 vols. (Cf. 1540-1546). 1570 ff. Lyons. J. M. Brutus. Published by A. Gryphius. 16mo. 11 torn, in 9 vols, (cat. 50 of Burgersdijk & Nicrmans (1914), 6033). Doubtless the same as the Brutina eoitio which G. H. Moser (ed. of De Div. xxiii) dates in 1571 and Moss (1«, 291) in 1575. (Cf. 1540; 1578). 1571. Strassburg. Johann Sturm. (Cf. 1541). 1571. Florence. Victorius ed. (according to Bipontinc index). 1572-1573. Paris. Lambinus. Published "apud Bcnenatum." Octavo. 8 torn, in 9 or 10 vols. Brunet, 2*, 8, states that the notes of Lambinus have been retained, but a poorer text substituted for that found in his first edition. Upon this edition, however, the later impressions of the Lambinus Cicero arc based. It was super intended by the sons of Lambinus after he himself had died (Dibdin, 1 \ 398, n.). The Bipontine index lists a folio form (1573) and an octavo in 9 vols. (15731580). (Cf. 1565-1566). 1574. Strassburg. Johann Sturm. Published by J. Rihel. 2 torn, in 1 vol. conuin the philosophic works (cat. 253 of Zahn Sc Jacnsch (1913), no. 540). (Cf. 1541). ♦1574. Lyons. J. M. Brutus. Published by A. Gryphius. Octavo. 2 vols, of the philo sophical works (the De Natura Deorum in 2, 3-143). (Cf. 1540).
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1577-1578. Lyons. Lambinus edition. Published by P. Santandrcanus. Folio. 4 torn, in 2 vols. (cat. 50 of Burgcrsdijk & Nicrmans (1914), no. 6034). (Cf. 15651566). •1578-1583. Venice. Aldus (nepos). Folio. 10 vols. {De Natura Deorum in 9 (1583), pp. 1-90. The text is based on that of P. Manutius, but with many errors. Des champs, 53, says that the 10 tomi were usually bound in 4 or 6 vols.; Brunei, 2*, 8 says 4 or 5; the Bipontine index and Cat. 602 of J. Bacr, no. 668, describe one bound in 5 vols. Brunet states that this complete edition of Cicero is merely the union of several volumes published from 1578 to 1583, and now appearing with more general title-pages; cf. Dibdin, 1*, 398-399; S. F. W. Hoffmann, Handb. z- Bucherkunae (1838), 115. The edition is accompanied by a good com mentary; cf. Deschamps, 53. (Cf. 1540-1546; 1582?). 1578. Lyons. J, M, Brutus, Published by A, Gryphius. Ocuvo. Deschamps, 51, speaks of a 1579 edition, which is perhaps a part of this. (Cf. 1670 ff.). 1578. Strassburg. Johann Sturm. Published by J. Rihcl. (Cf. 1541). 1580. Paris. Lambinus edition. Dibdin, 1 \ 397. (Cf. 1565-1566). 1580. Lyons. Lambinus edition. Dibdin, 1*, 398. (Cf. 1565-1566). •1581. Strassburg. Lambinus edition. Published by Jos. Rihcl & Jac. Dupuys. Octavo. 9 vols., the De Natura Deorum in the second volume of the philosophical works, ff. 2'-79». Dibdin, 1 \ 398; Moscr's cd. of De Div. xxiii. (Cf. 1565-1566). 1582. Venice. Manutius edition. Aldus. Folio. 4 vols. (Harwood, 202). (Cf. 15401546; 1578-1583). 1584. Geneva. Fulvius Ursinus (Fulvio Orsini). Folio. 2 vols, of the complete works (the copy in the library of the University of Illinois has 4 vols., as in the 1565-1566 edition). Notes by Lambinus and Ursinus. The Bipontinc index and Dibdin, 1 \ 399, say that the notes had been published at Antwerp, and J. E. Sandys, Hist, of class. Scbol. 2 (1908), 154, dates the notes of Ursinus on Cicero in 1579Γ 1584. Paris. Lambinus edition. Folio. 2 vols. (Cf. 1565-1566). 1585. London. Lambinus edition. Published by J. Jackson & F. Carpenter. Octavo. 9 vols. (Cf. 1565-1566). 1585-1587. Lyons. J. M. Brutus. Published by ;A. Gryphius. Octavo. 9 vols. Deschamps, 51. (Cf. 1540). •1588. Lyons. Lambinus edition, with notes of Gothofrcdus (Denis Godefroy). "Sumptibus Sybillac a Porta." Quarto. 4 vols, or 4 torn, in 1 or 2 vols. De Natura Deorum in vol. 4, columns 171 (j/V; it should be 271)-350. Careless in numbering of pages, etc. This rccditing of Lambinus by Gothofrcdus had several impressions (1594; 1596; 1606; 1608; 1616; 1617; 1624; 1633; 1646; 1659-1660). (Cf. 15651566). 1588. Lyons. Folio. 2 vols. (Dibdin, 1 \ 399). With notes of former commentators, especially Lambinus. 1588. Lyons. Alexander Scot. Published by J. Pillcpottc. 12mo. An edition of this date is noted by the Bipontinc index and Sandys, op. at., 2 (1908), 146. •1590. Frankfurt. Published by the heirs of Andreas Wcchcl. Octavo. 10 vols, in 9 (9 vols, in 8, according to cat. 50 of Burgcrsdijk &. Nicrmans (1914), 6035). The De Natura Deorum is in the second volume of the philosophical works, pp. 1-111. Based on the edition of Manutius (1540-1546), "with learned notes and commen taries" (Dibdin, 1 \ 400). Reprinted in 1603; 1606; 1609. 1594.
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1596. Geneva. Lambinus-Gothofredus edition. Quano. 1 vol. (cat. 358 of Basler Buch- u. Antiquariatshandlung, no. 1264), or 2 vols. (Bipontinc index). (Cf. 1588). 1603. Hannover. Reprint of the Wcchel edition of 1590. 12mo. ♦1606. Hannover. Wcchel. Philosophical works. 12mo. 2 vols. "Ad Minutianam et Brutinam conformata". The De Natura Deorum is in vol. 2, pp. 3-179. 1606.
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"1642. l>cydcn. Published by Elzevir. 12mo. 10 vols, in 9 (the De Natura Deorum in torn. 8, pp. 5-155. Based on Grutcr (1618-1619), according to Brunct (2 s , 8). Reprinted in 1665. (Cf. 1658-1659). 1646. Geneva. Lambinus-Gothofrcdus edition. Published by S. Chouct. Quarto. 1 vol. (cat. 358 of Basicr Buch- u. Antiquariatshandlung, no. 1265), or 4 torn, in 2 vols. (Bipontinc index). Is this the same as the Lambinus-Gothofrcdus edition of 1646, quarto, 4 vols., <Paris>, noted in cat. 379 of Kerler, no. 10024; cat. 221 of Licbisch (1914), p. 68, no. 35? (Cf. 1588). ■1658-1659. Amsterdam. Published by J. Blacu 24mo. 10 torn, in 9 vols, (the De Natura Deorum in vol. 8, pp. 3-167). Based on the Elzevir edition of 1642? 1659-1660. Geneva. Lambinus-Gothofrcdus edition. Published by S. Chouct. Quarto (cat. 221 of Licbisch (1914), no. 36 also mentions an octavo Geneva edition of 1660). (Cf. 1588). 1659. Basel. Quarto edition (Bipontinc index). *1660. Paris. Pctrus Lcscalopcrius, S. J. Ilumanitas tbeolopjca. Published by S. Cramoisy. Folio. 712 pp. An edition of the De Natura Deorum, with prolix and often inapposite notes. See J. B. Mayor, cd. of the N.D. 3 (1885), Ixxi, for judgments of this curious work. *1661. Amsterdam and Lcydcn. Cornelius Schrcvelius (K. Schrcvcl). Elzevir press. Quarto. Opera omnia in 1 vol. (of 1339 pages + indexes; sometimes (as by Brunct, 2*, 9) counted as two, but with continuous pagination; cf. Dibdin, l 4 , 401-402. The De Natura Deorum on pp. 1111-1149. Based on Grutcr's edition (16181619), with notes of Gruter and Schrcvelius. Reprinted in 1687. 1661. Basel. The same, published by L. Chouct and J. A. Cramer (Bipontinc index). 1665. Amsterdam. Published by L. fit D. Elzevir. Quarto. 2 vols. Brunet, Suppl. 265. (Cf. 1642). 1677-1761. Amsterdam, the Hague, Oxford, and Cambridge. Variorum edition. Octavo. 21 vols. Begun in 1677 but not finished till S. XVIII. The original plan of Gracvius was continued by Burman and Pcarcc and completed by Da vies. The text is largely that of Grutcr (1618-1619). Brunet, 2, 9-10; Deschamps, 54. (Cf. 1718; which may be considered a part of this work). •1680-1681. London. Thomas Gale. Published by Dunmore, Dring, Tooke, Sawbridge, and Mearnc. Folio. 4 torn, in 2 vols. {De Natura Deorum in 2 (1680), pp. 404-439. According to Brunct, 2*, 10, a less correct impression of the Wilhclm and Grutcr edition of 1618; cf. Dibdin, l 4 , 400. (Cf. 1757). "1687. Basel. C. Schrevclius. Published by L. Chouct {sic) and J. A. Cramer. Quarto. 4 vols., paged continuously, De Natura Deorum on pp. 1165-1203. (Cf. 1661). 1687. Venice. C. Schrcvelius. Quarto. 4 vols. (Bipontinc index). (Cf. 1661). 1689. Paris. Dclphin edition. Published by C. Thiboust. Quarto. Moss, l 1 , 337338, distinguishes a genuine and a pirated form, the former (by F. ΗοηοΓέ) containing the Academica (86 pp.), De Finibus (172 pp.), Tuscuiasts (196 pp.), De Natura Deorum (160 pp.), and De Officii* (55 -f 32 pp.), the whole being indicated on the title-page as vol. 1; the second volume never appeared. The latter edition has the Academica (86 pp.), De Finibus (171 pp.), Tuscu/ans (195 pp.), De Natura Deorum (59 pp.—sic; should it not be 159 pp.?); the De Officiis is missing. The former edition has each work separately paged; the second has continuous pagination. Bipontinc index; Brunct, 26, 16. •1692. Lcydcn (Harwood, 162, says Amsterdam). After Wilhclm and Grutcr (1618) by J. Gronovius. Published by i \ van dcr Aa. Quarto. 4 torn, in 2 vols. {De Natura Deorum in 2. 1204-1246), though the Cat. 163 of W. Heffcr (1917), says 11 vols.; Harwood, 202, says 12mo. in 11 vols.
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•1718. Cambridge (England). John Da vies. University Press. Octavo. De Natura Deorum. With variorum notes and emendations by John Walker. Later editions at Cambridge in 1723; 1733; 1744; and at Oxford in 1805; 1807. (Cf. 1677-1761). ♦1721. Paris. L'Abbc Lc Masson. Publ. by C. Jambert. N.D. Latin with French tr. and notes. *1723. Cambridge (England). University Press. Second printing of Davics's edition. (Cf. 1718). *1724. Amsterdam. Isaac Verburgius. Published by R. & G. Wctstcn. In several forms: folio, 2 vols.; quarto, 4 vols.; octavo, 11 vols., 11 vols, in 12, 12 vols., or 12 vols, in 16 (De Natura Deorum in vol. 9, pp. 2879-3107). A variorum edition, the text based on that of Grutcr (1618), with notes by Victorius, Camcrarius, Ursinus, Manutius, Lambinus, Guiliclmus (Wilhclm), Grutcr, J. F. and J. Gronovius, Gracvius, ct al. (Cf. 1731). 1731. Venice. Verburgius edition. Octavo. 12 vols. Bipontine index; EngelmannPreuss, 127. (Cf. 1724). 1733. Cambridge (England). Third printing of Davies's edition of 1718. University Press. Octavo. 1736 if. Cambridge (England). John Davics. Edition of the philosophical works, Octavo. 6 vols. Not completed because of Davies's death. Cf. S. F. W. Hoffmann. Handb. χ. Bucberkitnde (1838), 126-127. 1737-1739. Leipzig. J. A. Erncsti. Octavo. 6 vols, (according to Dibdin, l 4 , 403; Moss, 1", 296) or 5 vols, (according to others, but perhaps not reckoning the Clavis Ciceroniana). An important edition, often republished, though in less satisfactory form; cf. 1756-1757; 1774-1777; 1776-1777; 1804; 1810; 1814-1821; 1815-1817; 1816; 1819; 1820; 1820-1824; 1827. •1740-1742. Paris. Josephus Olivctus (P. J. de Thoulic, S.J.). Published by Coignard. Guerin, Dcsaint, & Guerin. Quarto. 9 vols. (De Natura Deorum in 2, pp. 495-651). Based on Victorius, Manutius, I-ambinus, and Gracvius, from whom Olivctus chose the readings which he preferred (Brunct, 2*, 11). The edition became more popular than it perhaps deserved, with many reprints; e.g., 1743-1746; 1745-1747; 1748-1749; 1753; 1758; 1772; 1773; 1783; 1787; 1797; 1820. Of the first edition 650 copies were printed (Brunct. 2*, 11; Deschamps, 55). ♦1741. Glasgow. R. l-'nulis press. 12mo. De Natura Deorum. With readings and conjectures of Boherius (J. Bouhicr) and Da vies. Dibdin, l 4 , 457; Moss, 1', 342. 1742. Padua. J. Facciolati. Octavo. 11 vols. (Cf. 1753; 1772). 1743-1746. Geneva. Olivctus edition. Published by the Cramer heirs and F. Philibcrt. Quarto. 9 vols. (Cf. 1740-1742). ♦1744. Cambridge (England). Fourth printing of Davics's edition of the De Natura Deorum of 1718. University Press. Octavo. 1744. Berlin. J. Wippel. De Natura Deorum. 12mo. 1745. London. I. P. Miller. Octavo. 4 vols, of the philosophical works. EngclmannPrcuss, 151. (Cf. 1772). 1745. Cambridge (England). Zachary Pcarcc. De Officiis and De Natura Deorum, with notes (Bipontine index). ♦1745-1747. Amsterdam. J. Wctstcn. Olivctus edition. Quarto. 9 vols. (De Nature Deorum in 2 (1745), pp. 495-651). (Cf. 1740-1742). 1746 ff. Oxford and Cambridge. Rhetorical and philosophical works. Octavo. 9 vols, in 8. 1747. Berlin. Grutcr edition. Octavo. Bipontine index; Dibdin, l 4 , 400.
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•1748-1749. Glasgow. Olivctus edition. Published by R. and A. Foulis. 12mo. 20 vols. {De Nature Deorum in 14 (1748), pp. 3-245). Brunei, 2», 12. (Cf. 17401742). 1753. Padua. J. Facciolati. Quarto. 9 vols. Based on the Olivctus edition. Brunct, 2*, 11. (Cf. 1740-1742; 1742; 1772). 1756-1757. Halle. Ernesti edition. Octavo. 4 vols, in 5 or 6 parts. Dibdin, 1*. 403, and Moss, l 2 , 296-297, date it in 1758; Brunct, 2», 12, in 1757. (Cf. 1737-1739). 1757. Berlin. Copy of 1680-1681 edition (according to Bipontinc index). Octavo. •1758. Geneva. Third Olivetus edition (according to title-page). Dclphin edition (Engclmann-Prcuss, 127). Published by Cramer Bros, (yet cf. Brunct, 2, 12). Quarto. 9 vols. De Natura Deorum in vol. 2, pp. 495-651). (Cf. 1740-1742). "1768. Paris. J. N. Lallcmand. Published by Saillant, Desaint, & Barbou. 12mo. 14 vols. {De Natura Deorum in 9, pp. 129-344). The text is that of Olivctus (1740-1742), with some variants and corrections (Dcschamps, 57). 1772. Berlin. Published by Haudc it Spcncr. 4 vols, of the philosophical works, following Miller's edition (1745). Octavo. 1772. Halle. Ernesti edition. Octavo. 9 vols. (Cf. 1737-1739). 1772. Venice. J. Facciolati. Published by A. Graziosi. Quarto. 9 vols. Reproduces the Olivctus edition (1740-1742; cf. 1742). Brunct, 2», 11. "1773. Padua. Olivctus edition. Published by J. Manfrc. Octavo. 16 vols. {De Natura Deorum in vol. 5, pp. 1-196). Harwood, 203, dates this 1772. (Cf. 17401742). "1774-1777. (Leipzig and) Halle. Ernesti edition. Published "In Orphanotropheo." Octavo. 4 or 5 vols, in 5, 6, 7, or 8 parts. {De Natura Deorum in vol. 4, pt. 1, pp. 468-609). Brunct, 2», 12. (Cf. 1737-1739). 1776. Padua. Olivctus edition. Octavo. 16 vols. (Cf. 1740-1742). 1776. VC'iirzburg. Published by J. J. Stahcl. Octavo. 8 vols. An inaccurate text (Bipontinc index). Dibdin, 1 \ 405. (Cf. 1740-1742). 1776-1777. Leipzig. Ernesti edition. Editio minor. 5 vols. Engclmann-Prcuss, 128. (Cf. 1737-1739). * 1780-1787. Zweibruckcn. Socictas Bipontina; cf. J. E. Sandys, Hist, of class. Scbol. 2 (1908), 397. Octavo. 13 vols. De Natura Deorum in vol. 11 (1781), pp. 3-170. Dibdin, 1«, 407; Moss, 1«, 299 (who dates it 1780-1791). (Vol. 1, lxxxi-ci contains a valuable catalogue of editions, referred to in this list as the "Bipontinc index.") ■1783. Oxford. Clarendon Press. Quarto. 10 vols., with an eleventh containing notes from the Paris edition of Olivetus. De Natura Deorum in vol. 2, pp. 397-519. Brunei, 2 \ 12, says that this edition lacks many important features of the Olivctus edition. There are added collations of 24 Oxford and 2 York mss. Vol. 10 contains Erncsti's Clavis. (Cf. 1740-1742). 1783-1787. Leipzig. 20 torn, in 10 vols. Cat. 405 of Fock, no. 1934. 1783-1823. Mannheim. Published by Loffler. Octavo. 20 vols. (5 vols, dating from 1823, according to Engelmann-Preuss, 152). The volume containing the De Natura Deorum, De Dhinationr, and De Fato dates from 1823 (EngelmannPreuss, 158). 1783-1821. Paris. Olivetus edition. Quarto. 9 vols. (Cf. 1740-1742). 1787. Padua. Olivctus edition. Octavo. 16 vols. Poorlv printed, according to Brunct, 2», 11. (Cf. 1740-1742). 7
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1790. Vienna. An edition of the philosophical works "Αι us. iuventut. Acad." Octavo. 2 vols. Cat. of Klincksicck (1910), no. 773; Fngclmann-Prcuss, 151. (Cf. 18001803). •1796. Leipzig. Erncsti edition of the De Nature Dtorurn, with notes by C. V. Kindervater (who in 1790 had published some German notes on our work, parts of which are here Latinized). Published by C. Fritsch. Octavo. Dibdin, l 4 , 459. 1797. Madrid. Olivctus edition, "operas dirigenJe P. I. Perejra." Royal Press. Quarto. 14 vols. Contains also Erncsti's Clavis. Brunct, 2 \ 12. 1799. Braunschweig. J. C. F. Wetzel. Annotated edition of the De Natura Deorum. Octavo. 2 vols. 1800-1803. Vienna. Published by Beck. The philosophical works. Octavo. 2 vols. Engclmann-Prcuss, 151. A reprint of the 1790 edition. 1802. Vienna. 16 vols. Text and German translation. Engelmann-Preuss, 127. ♦1804. Rotterdam. Erncsti edition. Published by Looy fie van Spaan. 12mo. 3 vols. The De Natura Deorum in vol. 3, pp. 1-166. (Cf. 1737-1739). 1804. Ley den and Amsterdam. Erncsti edition. Published by Luchtmans fie P. den Hcngst. 12mo. 3 vols., containing the philosophical works. Engclmann Preuss, 151. (Cf. 1737-1739). ♦1804-1820. Halle. The philosophical works edited by R. G. Rath, recditcd after hi< death by C. G. Schiitz. Published by C. A. Kiimmel. Octavo. 6 vols. The Dt Natura Deorum in vol. 6 (1820), pp. 3-454, with critical notes on pp. 455-550 Brunct, 2', 16 (dating it 1804-1818). 1805. Oxford. John Davies. Reprinting of his edition. Dibdin, 1*, 456; Brunct 2·, 10. (Cf. 1718). 1806. Magdeburg. Hulscmann. De Natura Deorum. Dibdin, l 4 , 460-461. 1807. Oxford. John Davies. Octavo. Reprinting of his edition. (Cf. 1718). 1807. Niirnbcrg. Ricgcl fit Wiessner. 12mo. Edition of the De Natura Deorum ♦1810. Oxford. Erncsti edition. Published by Collingwood fie Co. Octavo. 4 tom in 7 vols., with the Clavis in an eighth volume. De Natura Deorum in vol. 6, pp 396-514. Brunei, 2·, 13. (Cf. 1737-1739). 1811. Hclmstadt. Erncsti edition, edited for schools by F. A. Wiedcburg. Editior of De Natura Deorum. Octavo. Dibdin, 1«, 462; Moss, 1», 343. ♦1811. Bologna. P. Scraphinus (— Hermann Hcimark Cludius). De Natura Deorun (a pretended fourth book only; cf. section 29 above). Octavo. Dibdin, l 4 , 462 "an edition to be shunned, as the editor boasted to have found a fourth book"} Moss, 1·, 343. According to Brunct, 2*, 25, reprinted in London, 1813. 1813. London. Scraphinus cd. (Cf. 1811). 1814-1821. Leipzig. Erncsti edition. Published by Tauchnitz. 12mo. 12 vols (Cat. 42 of Bangcl Ac Schmitt (1919), 2040; is this perhaps the same as the 12mr 11-volumc edition of 1814-1821 noted in cat. 405 of Fock, or as the Tauchnit: 12mo 12-volume edition of 1815 rf. listed by Engelmann-Prcuss, or as the 24m< 13-volume edition of 1816-1822(?), with the philosophical works (1820) in vols 10-13, of the Harvard College Library?) (Cf. 1737-1739). ♦1814-1823. Leipzig. C. G. Schutz. Published by G. Fleischer, Jr. Octavo. 20 torr in 16, 20, or 28 vols. {De Natura Deorum in vol. 15 (1816), pp. 3-268). Engclmann Preuss, 128. J. E. Sandys, Hist, of cl. Scbol. 3 (1908), 46, n. 4, dates this cditio: in 1814-1821, as docs Cat. 602 of J. Bacr, no. 675a; Dibdin, 1 \ 408, says 1814 1818; Brunct, 2 \ 13, and the catalogue of the Harvard College Library gi\ 1814-1823. The elaborate index extends through four volumes. Brunct consider this an ill-printed edition, marred by many conjectures.
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♦1815-1817. Boston. Erncsti edition, published by Wells &. Lilly. Octavo. 20 vols. (De Natura Deorum in vol. 15, pp. 267-460); 12mo, 32 vols, (according to Engelmann-Preuss, 128; Deschamps, 57, who dates it 1818); octavo, 16 vols. (Dibdin, 1 \ 404). On the title page: %xEditio prima Americana" Erroneously thought by Dibdin (I.e.) to be the first ancient classic printed in the New World, for an edition of the De Offieiis appeared at Philadelphia in 1793. (Cf. 1737-1739). •1815. Leipzig. L. F. Hcindorf. Published by J. A. G. Wcigcl. Octavo. De Natura Deorum. J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 3, Ixxii, who dates this in 1817, considers this the first important edition after that of Davics. 1815 ff. Leipzig, Erncsti edition revised by C. F. A. Nobbc. Published by Tauch nitz. 16mo. 10 vols. (De Natura Deorum in vol. 9, part 28). (Cf. 1737-1739). 1816. Oxford. Erncsti edition. Octavo. 8 vols. Moss, 1", 300. (Cf. 1737-1739). •1816-1822. Uipzig. Tauchnitz. 24mo. 13 vols. (De Natura Deorum in vol. 11 (1820), pp. 113-250). 1816-1818. Paris. French translation with Latin text. Published by Fournicr. Octavo. 29 vols. (Engclmann-Prcuss, 128); Moss, 1*, 361, says 26 vols, in 1818. *1818. Leipzig. G. H. Moser & F. Crcuzer. Published by Hahn. Octavo. Ediiio maior\ after Erncsti. With variorum notes. The De Natura Deorum. 1819. London. Erncsti edition. Published by Dove (apud R. Priestley). Octavo. 8 vols. An elegant but incorrect text, according to Brunct. Moss, 1", 301; Brunet, 2», 12. (Cf. 1737-1739). 1819-1830. London. Valpy's Dclphin Classics. Octavo. 12 parts in 17 vols, (the philosophical works in vols. 14-16). •1820. Cf. 1804-1820. ♦1820. London. After Olivctus and Erncsti. Published by Rodwcll & Martin. 24mo. 12 vols. (De Natura Deorum in vol. 3, pp. 204-435). "The Regent's Classics." (Cf. 1737-1739; 1740-1742). 1820-1824. Leipzig and Halle. Erncsti edition. Octavo. 5 torn, in 8 vols. Is this the same as the octavo, 10-volume 1820 edition of Halle and Berlin, mentioned by Dibdin, 1*, 403? (Cf. 1737-1739). *1821. Leipzig. G. H. Moser, editio minor, with cxcgctical notes but with the textual notes largely omitted. Published by Hahn. Octavo. The De Natura Deorum only. 1821-1825. Paris. J. V. LcClcrc. Published by Lcfcvre. Octavo. 30 vols. Latin text and French translation. Deschamps, 106; Engclmann-Prcuss, 128. (Cf. 1823-1825; 1823-1827). 1823. Mannheim. Sec 1783-1823. 1823-1824. Turin. Octavo. 16 vols. Cat. 602 of Bacr, no. 677. 1823-1825. Paris. J. V. IxrClcrc (text and notes) and J. A. Amar (arguments, etc.). Published by Lcfcvre. 12mo. 18 vols. Latin text and French translation. (Cf. 1821-1825; 1823-1827). 1823-1827. Paris. LeClerc edition, reprinted by A. Lcquicn. 12mo. 35 vols, in 36. Latin text and French translation. Engclmann-Prcuss, 128. (Cf. 1823-1825). 1826-1829. Milan. F. Bcntivoglio, continued by P. Marotti. Octavo. 10 vols. 1826-1838. Zurich. J. C. Orclli. Published by Fucsslin & Co. Octavo. 4 torn, in 7 or 8 vols. {De Natura Deorum in vol. 4). Later volumes (with J. G. Baiter) con tained the scholiasts (1833), the Onomasticon (1833-1838), etc. An important critical edition, using a dozen of the more valuable earlier editions. Brunct, 2·, 13-14. (Cf. 1845-1862; 1851-1858).
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1826 rT. Milan. Published by Bcttoni. Octavo. 40 vols. Latin text and Italian trans lation, with notes. Engelmann-Preuss, 128. ♦1827. Leipzig. C. F. A. Nobbc. Published by Tauchnite. Quarto. One vol. of the complete works (De Natura Deorum pp. 976-1011). Also 24mo. 10 vols. (De Natura Deorum in 9, pp. 1-148). (Cf. 1815 ff.). ♦1827-1832. Paris. J. W. Rinn, J. V. LcClcrc, and N. Bouillct. Published by Ν. Ε. Lemaire. Octavo. 20 vols. De Nature Deorum (edited, according to EngelmannPreuss and Brunei, 2», 13, by Bouillet), in 12 (1831), pp. 7-384. Cf. Deschamps, 57-58, who reckons 19 vols, in 5 parts. 1828. C. F. A. Nobbe. Published by Tauchnitz. 16mo. 33 vols. S. F. W. Hoffmann, Handb. ?. Bucberkunde (1838). 116. 1829. Brussels. L. Tcnce. 12mo. The first three volumes of an edition of the com plete works (Engelmann-Preuss, 128), but whether these included our work 1 have not ascertained. 1829. Munich. F. Ast. Octavo. De Natura Deorum 1, ch. 1 to 2, ch. 41. Engelmann, 431; J. B. Mayor, ed. of N.D. 3 (1885), luiii. 1830-1837. Paris. Panckouckc scries. Octavo. 36 vols. Latin text and French translation by various hands. (Cf. 1840; 1866-1874; 1872-1892). ♦1830. London. Valpy. After Erncsti, with Delphin notes. Octavo. 12 vols. (De Natura Deorum in 9, pp. 795-1064) or in 17 vols. (De Natura Deorum in 15, pp. 795-994, and 16, pp. 995-1064. Brunei, 2·, 13. 1834. Prag. Ign. Scibt. Published by Eggenberger. Ocuvo. School edition of De Natura Deorum. W. Engelmann, Bib/. Scr. class. (1858), 431; J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 3 (1885), lxxii. ♦London. Henry Allen (Alanus). Published by B. Fellowes. De Natura Deorum, with collations of six British Museum mss. 1840. Paris. Panckouckc series. Octavo. 36 vols. Latin text and French translation. (Cf. 1830-1837). 1840-1841. Paris. D. Νisard series. Dubouchet & Cic. (Didot). Octavo. 5 vols. Latin text and French translation by various hands. (Cf. 1852; 1859). ♦1845-1862 (1863). Zurich. J. C. Orelli, J. G. Baiter, and K. Halm. Published by Fuesslin 6c Co. Octavo. 4 torn, in 6 vols. De Natura Deorum (after the death of Orelli in 1849 edited by Baiter) in vol. 4, pp. 369-479, and dated on the titlepage in 1861, though the preface is dated 1862. With a useful apparatus. (Cf. 1826-1838). ♦1846. Philadelphia and Boston. C. K. Dillaway. Published by Perkins & Purves (Philadelphia) and B. Perkins (Boston). 12mo. 2 vols. The De Natura Deorum. With rather elementary notes. 1848-1863. Venice. Antonelli. Quarto. 9 vols. A. Pagliaini, Cat. gen. de/la Libreria Ital. 1 (1901), 550; cat. 421 of Fock, n. 2293. ♦1849-1850. Leipzig. C. F. A. Nobbe. Tauchnitz. 24mo. 11 vols, in 19 (the De Natura Deorum in vol. 9, pp. 1-159) or in 35 fascicles (the De Natura Deorum in fasc. 30). (Cf. 1827). 1850. Leipzig. C. F. A. Nobbc. Tauchnitz. Quarto. 1 vol. Brunct, 2», 14. (Cf. 1827; 1849-1850). ♦1850. Leipzig. G. F. Schocmann. Published by Weidmann. Octavo. The De Natura Deorum. An influential edition, thrice reprinted (1857; 1865; 1876). ♦1851-1858. Leipzig. R. Klotz. Tcubncr. Octavo. 6 torn, in 11 vols. The De Natura Deorum in Part 4, vol. 2 (1855), pp. 1-126. The text based chiefly on Orelli (18261838). Various reprints, e.g., 1859-1886; 1868-1872; 1879.
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1852. Paris. Nisard scries. Octavo. 5 vols. Latin text and French translation. (Cf. 1840-1841). •1857. Leipzig. G. F. Schoemann, second edition. Wcidmann. Octavo. The De Natura Deorum. (Cf. 1850). 1859. Paris. Nisard scries. Published by Didot. Octavo. 5 vols. Latin text and French translation. (Cf. 1840-1841). •1859-1886. Leipzig. R. Klotz. Published by B. G. Tcubncr. Octavo. 5 torn, in 11 vols. (De Natura Deorum in part 4, vol. 2 (1859), pp. 1-126. (Cf. 1851-1858). •1860-1869. Leipzig. J. G. Baiter and C. L. Kayscr. Published by Tauchnitz. Octavo. 11 vols. (De Natura Deorum, edited by Baiter, in 7 (1864), pp. vii-xiii; 1-122). A well-known critical edition. 1863. Naples. Octavo. Opera omnia with an Italian translation (A. Pagliaini, op. at., 1 (1901), 550). 1864-1882. Paris. Nisard scries. Published by Didot. Quarto. 5 vols. Latin and French translation (De Natura Deorum in 4 (1875), 79-177). 1865. Leipzig. G. F. Schocmann, third edition. Wcidmann. Octavo. De Natura Deorum alone. (Cf. 1850). 1866-1873. Leipzig. C. F. A. Nobbc. Published by Holtzc. 16mo. 11 vols. (De Natura Deorum in 9 (1866-1869)). (Cf. 1827). •1866-1874. Paris. J. V. LcClerc and L. Crousl*. Published by Gamier frcrcs. 12mo. 20 vols. Latin text and French translation by several hands. De Natura Deorum in vol. 18, pp. 277-518. Later impressions, e.g., 1891. (Cf. 1830-1837). 1868-1872. Leipzig. R. Klotz. Tcubncr. Octavo. 5 torn, in 10 vols. (EngclmannPreuss. 131, say 11 vols., 1869-1874). 1869. Leipzig. C. F. A. Nobbc. Tauchnitz. Quarto. 1 vol. (Cf. 1827). 1876. Berlin. G. F. Schoemann, founh edition. Wcidmann. Octavo. De Natura Deorum. (Cf. 1850; 1881). •1878-1898. Leipzig. C. F. W. Muller. Tcubncr. Oaavo. 4 torn, in 10 vols, (the De Natura Deorum in Part 4, vol. 2 (1878), pp. iii-xiv; 1-412). Long a standard edition; stereotyped and bearing many dates according to the various rcimprcssions, e.g., 1890; 1898; 1903; 1905; 1915. •1879. New York. R. Klotz. Published by Harpers. 12mo. One volume, with the De Natura Deorum (pp. 1-143), De Divinatione, and De Fato. (Cf. 1882). •1879. Berlin and Leipzig. H. Diets, Doxograpbi Graeci, containing on pp. 529-550 a text of N.D. 1, 25-41, printed in parallel columns with Philodcm. De Pietate. (Cf. 1929). •1880-1885. Cambridge (England). J. B. Mayor. Cambridge University Press. Octavo. 3 vols. De Natura Deorum. With J. H. Swainson's collations of mss in Great Britain. Mayor's commentary has remained up to now the standard. A reimprcssion in 1891. •1881. Paris. Nisard scries. Didot. 5 vols. (De Natura Deorum in 4, pp. 79-177). Latin text and French translation. (Cf. 1840-1841). •1881. Boston. A. Stickney. Published by Ginn & Heath. Octavo. Translation and editing of G. F. Schocmann's fourth edition (1876). (Cf. 1885). •1882. New York. R. Klotz. Harpers. 12mo. 1 vol. containing De Natura Deorum (pp. 1:143), De Divination, and De Fato. (Cf. 1879). 1885. Paris. E. Maillct. Published by Bclin. 12mo. De Natura Deorum, Book 2, with introduction, text, and notes.
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•1885. Boston. A. Stickncy. Published by Ginn 6t Heath. Reprint of 1881 ed. 1886. Paris. C. Thiaucourt. Published bv Hachctte. 16mo. De Natura Deorum, Book 2. Cf. H. Deiter in Berl.pbilol. Vfoc'b. 6 (1886), 1018; J. B. Mayor in CI. Rev. 3 (1889), 163-164. Reprinted in 1897. 1886. Paris. F. Picavct. Published by F. Alcan. 12mo. De Natura Deorum, Book 2. Cf. H. Deiter in Bert, pbilol. Wocb. 6 (1886), 1017-1018. 1886. Paris. L'Abbe Rodillon. Published by Poussielgue. De Natura Deorum, Book 2, with text, philosophic notes, and introduction. 1886. Paris. M. Joly. Published by Delalain. 12mo. Latin text and French trans lation of Olivetus. •1887. Leipzig. A. Goethe, Tcubncr. Octavo. De Natura Deorum. A very sensible school edition. 1890. Leipzig. Muller edition. (Cf. 1878-1898). 1891. See 1866-1874. 1892. Leipzig. Muller edition. (Cf. 1878-1898). 1896-1904. Turin. C. Giambclli. Loescher. Octavo (?) De Natura Deorum (Book 1, 1896; Books 2-3, 1904). A school edition; very unfavorably reviewed by O. Plasbcrg in Wocb. /. kl. Phitol. 1905, 823-826. 1897. Paris. Thiaucourt edition. (Cf. 1886). 1898. Leipzig. Muller edition. (Cf. 1878-1898). 1903. Leipzig. Muller edition, ( a . 1878-1898). ♦1905. Leipzig. Muller edition. (Cf. 1878-1898). *1911. Leipzig. O. Plasbcrg. Teubncr. Octavo. Editio motor o( the De Natura D torurn, with full critical apparatus (up to now the standard). (Cf. 1917; 1933). 1911. Leipzig. Muller edition. (Cf. 1878-1898). •1912. Lcyden. O. Plasbcrg. Published by Sijthoff. Large folio. In the scries Codices Graeci et Latins, a facsimile of Cod. Lcid. Hcinsianus 118, with introduction on the history and palaeography of the ms. *1915. Lcydcn. O. Plasbcrg. In the same scries a facsimile of Cod. Lcid. Voss. 84, with similar introduction. 1915. Leipzig. Muller edition. (Cf. 1878-1898). M917. Leipzig. O. Plasbcrg. Tcubncr. liditio minor of the De Natura Deorum. (Cf. 1911; 1933). ♦1929. Berlin and Leipzig. H. Dicls, Doxograpbi Craea* (sec 1879). *1933. Leipzig. \V. Ax. Tcubncr. Second edition of 1917 with exegetical app. *1933. London and New York. H. Rackham. Loeb Classical Library. Octavo. De Natura Deorum (pp. 1-409), Academica. Text and English translation. 1937. Turin. M. S. Zanctti. Soc. cd. intern. De Natura Deorum, Book 3. A school edition. *<1935>. Paris. C. Appuhn. Gamier frcrcs. Octavo. De Natura Deorum. Text, French translation, and notes. 1936. Milan. A. M. Pizzagalli. Published by Signorelli. De Natura Deorum, Book 2. A school edition based on Plasberg-Ax; cf. S. Oddo in II mondo clasnco (1936), 265. On the edition of Frcund, Schulcr-Bibliothck, cited by J. B. Mayor, edition of N.D. 3, Ixxii-lxxiii, I have no further data.
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Judgments of the more important editions are expressed in the Bipontine edition, 1 (1780), Ixxxi-ci, and by J. B. Mayor, edition of the N.D. 3 (1885), lxx-lxxiii. From an inspection of the list given above it will be seen that for four and a half centuries there has seldom been a decade (and for the last century and a half seldom a half-decade) without the publication either of a specialized volume containing the De Natura Deorum or of a complete edition of Cicero containing it. Though among so many it is inevitable that some have been overlooked, especially among reimpressions of earlier editions, correction of the error would increase rather than diminish the number and the frequency.
TRANSLATIONS
43. Translations of the De Natura Dtorum are as follows: 1581. Paris. G dc la Boderic. French translation of the De Natura Deorum. Γ. Hcnncbcrt, Hiit. dts traducteurr franc, d'auteurs gr. et lai. (1858), 75, n. 2. 1670. Paris. P. du Rycr. 12mo. 12 vols. French translation of the complete works. Moss, 1", 361; cat. 50 of Burgcrsdijk & Nicrmans (1914), no. 6074. *1683. London. Anon. Published by Joseph Hindmarsh. English translation of the De Natura Deorum. 12mo. \Xith a preface of 141 pages. (S. XVII. London. Brit. Mus. Add. MSS 21456. Paper. Quarto. Ms English translation of N.D. 1, ch. 6 to 3, ch. 7. Presented by the Rt. Hon. J. W. Crokcr.) 1721. (Bologna. "Trattcnimcnti di Cicerone sopra la natura degli Dei." A paper folio ms of 177 folia in the Bibl. comun. dell' archiginnasio at Bologna, no. A 2810. 2 vols, with dedication to the king of France, dated 30 March, 1721. With preface, tabic of Greek philosophers, etc. A. Sorbclli, Invent, dei mssti delle bibl. d'/ta/ta, 47 (1931), 186.) "1721. Paris. L'Abbe Lc Masson. Published by C. Jombcrt. Octavo. 3 vols. De Natura Deorum. Text and French translation. 1721. Paris. J. Olivctus (P. J. dc Thoulie, S.J.). French translation. J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 3 (1885), Ixxi. (1732; 1749). 1732. Paris. J. Olivctus (sec 1721). •1741. London.
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1816-1818. Paris. Published by Fournicr. Octavo. 29 vols. (Moss, 1", 361, says 26 vols., 1818; A. Yon, cd. of De Fato (1933), lxiii, says 31 vols.). Text and French translation. Engclmann-Preuss, 128. 1821-1825. Paris. J. V. LcClcrc. Published by Lcfcvrc. Octavo. 30 vols. Text and French translation by various hands. Dcschamps, 106; Engclmann-Preuss, 128; A. Yon, ed. of De Fato (1933), lxiii. (1823-1825; 1823-1827). 1823-1825. Paris. J. V. LeClerc and J. A. Amar. Published by Lefcvrc. 12mo. 18 vols. Text and French translation of the complete works. (1821-1825.) 1823-1827. Paris. LcClcrc translation of the complete works, reprinted by Lequicn. 12mo. 35 vols, in 36. (1821-1825). 1826 fT. Milan. Published by Bcttoni. Octavo. 40 vols. Latin text and Italian trans lation. Engclmann-Preuss, 128. 1827-1830. Prenzlau. E. W. Eckermann ct al. Published by Ragorczy. 12mo. 18 vols. German translation of the complete works, that of the De Natura Deorum by E. W. Eckermann. ♦1827-1843. Stuttgart. Published by J. B. Metzler. 16mo. 19 vols, in 79 fascicles. German translation of the complete works, that of the De Natura Deorum, G. H. Moser, in vol. 1 (1829), 1418-1727. (1855). ♦1829. London. Thomas Francklin, D.D. Published by William Pickering. Octavo. De Natura Dtorum. (1741). 1829. Munich. C. F. Michaclis. 12mo. Translation of the De Natura Deorum. With notes. 1830-1837. Paris. Panckouckc scries. Octavo. 36 vols. Text and French translation of the complete works by several hands. (1840). M832. Frankfurt. J. F. von Meyer. Published by F. Barrcntrapp. Octavo. German translation of the De Natura Deorum, with notes. (1806). Pp. viii -)- 238. 1840-1841. Leipzig. Edited by R. Klotz. Octavo. 2 vols, in 6 parts. German trans lation of the philosophical works, the De Natura Deorum by J. F. Schrocder being in vol. 1 (1839). J. B. Mayor, cd. of ND. 3 (1885), lxxiii, who dates it 1841. 1840-1841. Paris. D. Nisard scries. Dubochet & Cic. (Didot) Octavo. 5 vols. Text and French translation of complete works; by various hands. (1852; 1859). 1848-1863. Venice. Antonclli. Quarto. Text and Italian translation of the complete works (cat. 421 of Fock, no. 2293). Note also the octavo 2-volumc translation of the philosophical works by several hands published at Venice by Antonclli in 1856-1857 (A. P. Pagliaini, Cat. gen. dtlla libreria ital. 1 (1901), 550). 1852. Paris. D. Nisard scries. Octavo. 5 vols. Text and French translation. (18401841). •1853. London. C. D. Yonge (and F. Barham). H. G. Bohn. Octavo. English trans lation of the De Natura Deorum (pp. 1-140), De Divinatione, De Fato, De Rtpublica, De Legibus, and De Petitione Consulatut. The De Natura Deorum a revision of Francklin's translation (1741). (1872; 1878; 1887; 1907). 1855. Stuttgart. Published by J. B. Mculcr. 16mo. 4 vols. German translation of the complete works, the De Natura Deorum by G. H. Moser in vol. 4, pp. 323531. (1827-1843). 1859. Paris. D. Nisard scries. Didot. Octavo. Text and French translation of the complete works. (1840-1841). 1863. Naples. Octavo. Text and Italian translation of the complete works (A. P. Pagliaini, op. cit. 1 (1901), 550).
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1863. Stuttgart. See 1868. 1863. Berlin. R. Kiihncr. I.angenschcidt scries. German translation of the De Na tura Deorum (sec 1868). •1864-1882. Paris. D. Nisard scries. Octavo. 5 vols. Text and French translation of all Cicero, by various hands {De Nature Deorum in 4 (1875), 79-178). (18401841). •1866-1874. Paris. Published by Gamier frercs. 12mo. 20 vols. {De Natura Deorum in 18, pp. 277-518). Text with French translation by various hands. Several reprints, e.g., 1891 (revised by J. V. LeClerc and L. Crousle). 1868. Stuttgart. Published by C. Hoffmann. 16mo. German translation of Cicero, the De Natura Deorum by R. Kiihncr in fascicles 53-58. Possibly also at Stuttgart in 1863. 1869. Stuttgart. Published by J. B. Mctzlcr. 16mo. 19 vols. German translation of the complete works; the De Natura Deorum bv G. H. Moscr in fascicles 12-13. (1827-1843). •1872. London. C. D. Yongc. Published by G. Bell. Octavo. English translation of the De Natura Deorum (pp. 1-140), De Divinatione, De Fato, De Rtpublico, De Leg/bus, and De Petition* Consulatus. (1853). 1872-1892. Paris. Gamier edition. 12mo. 20 vols. The complete works. Text with French translation by various hands {De Natura Deorum in vol. 18 (1891), pp 279-518, by J. Olivctus, revised by J. V. LeClerc and L. Crousle). (1866-1874)] Ί874. Poznin. E. Rykaczcwski. Published by Nakladcm Bibliotcki Kornickicj. Octavo. Polish translation of Cicero {De Natura Deorum in vol. 7 (1874), pp. 487-630). A few footnotes. *1874. Leipzig. J. H. von Kirchmann. Published by Diirr. German translation of the De Natura Deorum. In the Philos. Bibliothck, vol. 23, pp. xxii 4- 240. Bib/. pbilol. cl. 1 (1874), 117; J. B. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 3 (1885), lxxiii, who calls it very ignorant and unscholarly. 1875. Sec 1864-1882. •1878. London. C. D. Yongc translation (sec 1853). G. Bell & Sons. 1881. Paris. D. Nisard scries. Didot. Octavo. 5 vols. {De Natura Deorum in vol. 4, pp. 79-178). Text and translation by various hands. (1840-1841). 1884 (?) London. H. Owgan. Published by Cornish. 12mo. English translation of the De Natura Deorum. 1885. Paris. E. Maillct. Published by Bclin. 12mo. French translation of Book 2 of the De Natura Deorum. Bib/, pbilol. cl. 14 (1887), 57. 1886. Paris. L'Abbe Rodillon. Published by Poussiclgue. 18mo. French translation of Book 2 of the De Natura Deorum. 1887. Boston. C. D. Yongc translation (sec 1853). Published by Little, Brown dc Co. Octavo. 1890 (?) Naples. T. C. Malvczzi. Published by Chiurazzi. 16mo. Italian translation of the De Natura Deorum. Bibl. pbilol. cl. 17 (1890), 180. •1891. Sec 1866-1874. French translation and Ijtin text in vol. 18, pp. 277-503. M896. London, F. Brooks. Ntcthucn & Co. Octavo. English translation of the De Natura Deorum. •1907. London. C. D. Yongc translation. G. Bell Ac Son. Octavo. (1853). 1908. Berlin. R. Kuhncr. Published bv Langcnschcidt. Fascicle 56 of the complete works, pp. 177-224. German translation. Bibl. pbilol. cl. 35 (1908), 104. (1868).
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*1933. London and New York. H. Rackham. Loeb d. Library. Octavo. Text and English translation of the De Natura Dtorurn (pp. vii-xix; 1-396) and Acadtmica. 1935. Milan. A. Dc Zuccoli. Published by Signorclli. lulian translation of the De Natura Deorum, Book 1, with introduction and notes. *(1935). Paris. C. Appuhn. Gamier frercs. Octavo. Text and French translation of the De Natura Deorum, with notes. ♦1950. Chicago. Η. Μ. Potcat. University of Chicago Press. Octavo. English trans lation of the Brutus^ De Natura Deorum (pp. 175-333), De Divination*, and De Officiis.
BOOK ONE Ei δέ έστιν, ώσπερ δή καΐ έστι, το θεΐον απάντων τιμιώτατον, ομοίως και ή θεολογική τών άλλων εστί τιμιωτάτη επιστημών, περί τ6 θεΐον γένος Ισται ή τιμιωτάτη περί το τιμιώτατον. Alex. Aphrod. in Mttapb. 5,2, p. 447, 5-7 Hayduck.
SIGLA codicum qui ad librum primum recenscndum adhibcntur A (s. ix-x) Leidensis Vossianus 84 ι D (s. xi) Londinicnsis Harleianus 2622 {deficit r j· mir I post prius nee (1, 114))
C = consensus iodicum DHG
H
^
χ^
^ ^ ,
Heinsunus
118
I G (s. xiii ex.) Londinicnsis Burncianus 148 Ρ (s. x) Vaticanus Palatinus 1519 {deficit usque ad ccnsuit (1, 27) tt post species ( l f 75) [V (s. ix) Vindobonensis 189 {deficit usque ad dcum (2, 16)] Ν (s. xii) Parisinus Nostradamensis 17812 Ο (s. xii) Oxonicnsis Mcrtonianus 311 Τ (s. xii-xiii) Turoncnsis 688 Β (s. x) Leidensis Vossianus 86 F (s. x) Florcntinus Marcianus 257 Μ (s. xi) Monaccnsis 528 dett. — deteriorts Had. — Hadoardi execrpta
EDITIONVM SIGLA Ald(ina) 1523 Asccns(iana) 1507, 1511 Dav(ics) 1718 Ern(esti) 1737
Hcind(orf) 1815 Lam(binus) 1565-1566 Man(utius) 1541 Mar(sus) 1508
Pl(asberg) 1911, 1917 Rom(ana) 1471 Vcn(eta) 1471 Vict(orius) 1538-1539
Μ. TVLLI CICERONIS DE NATVRA DEORVMl LIbER PRIMVS
1 1 CVM multac res in philosophia nequacjuam satis adhuc 1 dc natura dcorum P(m. rec.) NO et Cicero ipse, e.g. Dip. 1, 7; 1, 8; 2, 3 ; 2, 148; Fat. 1, de dcorum natura ADHBFM et testimonia p/eraque.
1. D E N A T V R A DEORVM: should the title appear in this form, or as De Deorum Natura? In favor of d.n. is the common practice of placing the genitive first, as in Lucretius, De Rerun Natura, Cato, De Agri Cultura, and Cicero, De Haruspicum Responsis; yet contrast De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum and De optimo Genere Oratorum. Supporting n.d. is euphony, which avoids the repetition di di- (although T. Birt {Kritik u. Mermen. (1913), 154; id., Berl. pbilol. Woch. 38 (1918), 545-546) thinks euphony is not always sought in titles). The more important evidence may be summarized as follows: (1) Among the best mss ADFGH read d.n., BlMx have d.n., though page-headings and in Β ζ later initial title read n.d.; V in the explicits of Books 2 and 3 has d.n.; PO (ap parently by later h a n d s ) ^ read n.d. The best ms evidence, then, is strongly for d.n. (2) Earlier citations, especially S. IV-V: Nonius 17 times (sec Lindsay's ed., 3, 935), all d.n.; Charisius twice (pp. 117; 137 K.), both d.n.; Diomcdcs (p. 313 K.), d.n.; Lactantius once (Inst. 1, 11, 48) d.n., but 6 times (Inst. 1, 5, 24; t, 12, 3; 1, 15, 5; 2, 8, 10; 4, 28, 3 ; De Opif. 1, 13) n.d.; Scrvius 7 times (Aen. 1, 270; 1, 297; 3, 284; 3, 600; 4, 379; 4, 577; 6, 893) all d.n.; Probus in Bel. 6, 31 (pp 334; 339-342 Hagcn) d.n.; Schol. Vcron. Aen. 5, 95, n.d.; Augustine, CD. 5, 9, d.n.; Priscian 4 times (Inst. 3, p. 105 K.; 7, p. 299; 8, p. 432; 9. p. 456) n.d., but in Inst.
6, p. 259, d.n. These citations, then, favor d.n. by about three to one. (3) If we pass to Cicero's own use of the phrase, outside the title of this work— disregarding the case of natura, the presence or absence of prepositions, and those instances, as in N.D. 1, 17, where the two words arc separated by others— we find the following situation (the figures based on H. Mcrguct, Lex. Z- d. philos. Schr. 1 (1887), 668-669) for combinations of natura and deorum'. d.n., 6 cases {N.D. 1, 45; 1, 63; 1, 9 1 ; 2, 12; 2, 33; Tim. 8); n.d., 23 cases (1, 1; 1, 13; 1, 29; 1, 32; 1, 34—of the work of Xcnocratcs—; 1, 49; 1, 57; 1, 6 1 ; 1, 7 1 ; 1, 94; 1, 120; 1, 122; 2, 60; 2, 77 (bis); 2, 168; 3, 93; 3, 95; Div. 1, 5; 1, 110; 1, 117; Tusc. 5, 70; Off. 3, 52; cf. also De Or. 2, 71). Cicero evidently preferred, for reasons of eupho ny or emphasis or both, the order n.d. (cf. J. Tolkichn in Berl. pbilol. Woch. 42 (1922), 479). (4) Most convincing of all arc Cicero's own citations of titles. The works of Chrysippus (N.D. 1, 41) and Posidonius (1, 123) περί θεών are rendered by him de natura deorum, and in the 5 places (in Div. 1, 7; 1, 8; 2,3; 2, 148; Fat. 1) in which he alludes to his own recently written work he con sistently calls it de natura deorum. No other evidence, however impressive, can stand against the testimony of the author, though it must be granted that the order d.n. in the title of this work probably stood in the archetype of our mss, and
110
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was well established as early as our fourth-century testimonia. On the whole question see J. Vahlcn in Ztitscbr. f. us/. Gymn. 24 (1873), 241-242, n. ( = Ges. pbiloL Scbr. 1 (1911), 566, η.); Τ. Birt, ll.ee, W. KroU in Glotta, 11 (1921), 137; 13 (1924), 160, who notes that the clausula produced by n.d. is better than that with d.n.\ J. Tolkichn in Btrl. pbilol. Wocb. 42 (1922), 477-479; M. Schanz, Gescb. d. rom. Lit. 1« (1927), 510; H. Diels, Doxogr. Gr* (1929), 121, n. 3; R. Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1152. D E : common in the pattern of Cice ro's titles, especially for the ethical and theological works: De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum, De Officii*, De Senectute, De Amicitia, De Gloria, De Virtuiibus, De Divinatione, De Fato, De Auguriis. NATVRA DEORVM: Greek writ ers usually entitled works of this sort simply περί θεών ; e.g., Protagoras, Clcanthcs, Pcrsacus, Chrysippus, Metrodorus (cf. A. Kortc in fabrb. f. Pbilol. Supplb. 17 (1890), 541), Thcodorus of Cyrcnc (Diog. L. 2, 97), Apollodorus, the Athenian grammarian (Macrob. 1, 17, 19), Antiochus (Plut. Lucull. 28, 7), Phacdrus (Att. 13, 39, 2), Nicolaus of Damascus (Simplic. Pbys. 1, 4, p. 151, 21, 22 Diels), and Posidonius (yet cf. F. A. Wolf, Kl. Scbr. 1 (1869), 500). The title of Cornutus is given by codd. GW as θεωρία περί της των θεών φύσεως, but that is not the best attested form. Such a title, for which De D(e)is would be the natural Latin equivalent, gave little clue to the contents, and might logically, though not in general practice, include (1) a thcogony, like Hcsiod's— but despite the etymology of natura and passages like N.D. 3, 42; 3, 53-63 Cicero's work is not that; (2) a mytho logical account of deeds of the gods, as in the Homeric Hymns—but our work has almost nothing of that sort; (3) an explanation of cults and ceremo nies, like Ovid's Fasti—these, again, arc scarcely noticed; or (4) theories as to the divine existence, form, and characteristics (cf. N.D. 1, 2; 1, 46; 1, 50; 2, 3 ; etc.). This last is what
Cicero undertakes to treat, and what he regards (1, 3) as the primary inquiry of theology. In the catalogue of 66 uses of φύσις and natura by A. O. Lovejoy and G. Boas, Primitivism and related Ideas in Antiquity (1935), 447-456, the following categories (pp. 447-448) seem to approximate the meaning intended by this title: (3) "any distinguishing characteristic of anyone or anything"; (8) "the permanent and fundamental character (of a person), in contrast with transient manifestations or superficial appearances"; (9) " . . .the intrinsic and permanent quality . . . of (physical) things, 'what things really arc' ". Mart. Cap. 5, 512, says: catacbresim etiam Graeci, quant nos abusionem, ut cum perbibemus 'naturam deorum* pro % substantia ; cf. Act. Plac. 1, 6 (S.V.F. 2, 1009—a passage thought by Von Arnim to derive from Posidonius): ορίζονται δέ την του θεού ούσίαν ol ΣτωΙχοΙ ούτως, κτλ. Allowing for this meaning it is true that the phrase at times fades into a peri phrasis for di, so that M. van den Bruwacne. La tbiologie de Cic. (1937), 179, citing as an example N.D. 2, 77, where natura deorum and deus seem synonymous, would make this equation: dei — deus natura deorum — natura. It should be observed that a similar fading of natura occurs in the phrases mundi . . . natura (N.D. 2, 58), animi natura (N.D. 1, 23). and especially bominis natura, which occurs 26 times in the philosophical works (Mcrguct, op. cit. 2 (1892), 173), apposite passages being N.D. 1, 112; locupfetior . . . hominum natura ad beatt vivendum quam deorum; 2, 14; 2, 39; 2. 153: docuisse videor lw minis natura quantο omnis anteiret animantes', cf. Off. 1, 96; 1,105, and especially Fin. 5, 33: hoc intelle· gant, si quando naturam bominis dicam, bom in em dicere me; nihil enim IJOC differt. The view of E. V. Arnold, Rom. Stoicism (1911), 218, that "the 'gods,' according to the Stoics, form a natura, a department of the universe, a category including one or more individuals, hence the title of Cicero's work de natura deorum, that is, 'of the class of beings called gods,' seems unlikely. c u m multae: Cicero speaks (Att. 16,
1,1
111
cxplicatae sint,1 turn perdifficilis, Brute, quod tu minime ignoras, et perobscura quaestio est de natura deorum, quae ct ad 2 cogni1
sunt DN
* ad om. AlMl
6, 4; July, 44) of having a volumen I'usc. 5, 113; Off. 3, 5. With the phraseo prootmiorum. ex to eligtre ιο/eo cum aliquid logy especially cf. Off. 1, 4: cum multa σύγγραμμα institui, and says that he had sint in pbilosophia . . . accurate copioseque just carelessly used for the De Gloria a phiΊοsophis disputata. the same proocmium as for Academica 3. pbilosophia: freely used in this It is tempting to assign to this volumen treatise, without the apology thought some general material in the present necessary in Dt Ot. 1, 9: earn, quam introduction, e.g., the second and third φιλοσοφίαν Graeci vocant; cf. N. Stang sentences of this section and especially in Symb. Os/otnsts, 11 (1932), 82-93, for l t 5 (beginning at qua quidem)-\,\2. Cicero's use of pbilosophia and philosopbus. Further, the likeness between the present nequaquam satis adhuc: the heaping introduction (especially 1,5-1,12) and up of adverbs is noteworthy. With that of Dt Officiis 2 is striking; e.g., satis . . . txplicatae cf. Off. 2, 1. satis explicatae (1, 1) cf. Off. 2, 1, libris perdifficilis . . . et perobscura: cf. nostris quos compluris (1,6) cf. Off. 2, 2; Fin. 3, 36: perfacilis tt perexpedita; Div. non modo discendi std etiam scribtndi studia 2, 40: perlucidos tt perflabilis; Rtp. 1, 18: (1, 8) cf. Off. 2, 2; admirantium unde hoc periucundus tt ptrgratus. With perobscura pbilosopbandi studium extitisset (1, 6) cf. cf. 1, 17. Off. 2, 2; cum otio langueremus (1, 7) cf. Brute: for M. lunius Brutus Cicero Off. 2, 2; unius consilio atque euro gubtrnarihad named his dialogue the Brutus, and (1, 7) cf. Off. 2, 2; a primo tempore aetatis to him he dedicated the Orator, the (1,6) cf. Off. 2, 4; ut bate tarn sero litteris Paradoxa Stoicorum, the Dt Finibus, and mandaremus (1, 7) cf. Off. 2, 5; ad banc the Tusculans. Brutus, a man well pottsnmum confugissem (1, 9) cf. Off. educated in philosophy (cf. Plut. Brut. 2 , 6 ; admirantur nos banc potissimum disci- 24, 1) and of serious theoretical interests plinam secutos (1, 11) cf. Off. 2, 7; nee (cf. H. Gclzcr in A-IP. 10 (1919). 974; tamen fitri pottst ut nihil babeani quod Plut. Brut. 40, 1), had dedicated to Cicero sequentur (1, 12) cf. Off. 2, 7; probabilta, a treatise De I 'irtute {Fin. 1, 8; Tusc. etc. (1, 12) cf. Off. 2, 7-8; ttmeritatt (1, 1) 5, 1). For his literary influence on Cicero cf. Off. 2, 8; contra omnts pbilojophos tt cf. I). M. Schullian, External .Stimuli to pro omnibus dictrt (1, 11) cf. Off. 2, 8; literary Production in Rome (1932), 49. bis quattuor Acadtmicis libris satis rtspon- On such dedications cf. R. Graefcnhain, mm videtur (1, 11) cf. Off. 2, 8; cf. A. G. De More Libros dedicandi apud Scriptores Gillingham, 77* Prooemia in Cicero's Graecos et Romanos obvio (1892), especially Works on Philosophy, Politics, and Rhet. 42-44; W. W. Jaeger, Aristotle (Fngl. tr., (unpubl. Harvard doctoral dissertation 1934), 56: "The dedication of dialogues (1949), 71-77). See also 1, 5, n. {qua and treatises belongs to the literary quidtm, etc.); introd. 15. custom of Hellenistic courtesy; no such J. S. Rcid (in Mayor's cd. ad loc.) artificial usage was known to the better period. With Aristotle [Protrepticus] the remarks that "in nearly all the passages address to a particular person is still where cum .. . turn is used by Cicero the living expression of the mood of there is a contrast between a general earnest ethical exhortation. It is organic statement and a particular case, whether the clause with cum contains an indicative to the prntrcptic style as such." ad cognitionem animi: the less well (as in Div. 1, 7) or a subjunctive" (as attested variant agnitionem, though ac here). For the subjunctive in such clauses cf. Fin. 1, 19 (and Madvig's n.); cepted by various editors and defended
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tionem * animi pulcherrima est et ad moderandam religionem 1
agnitioncm
A*DHNOM
by G. F. Schocmann (Opusc. acad. 3 (1858), 292-294), occurs nowhere else in Cicero, and, in this meaning ( = cognitiomm, though Schocmann dissents; often confused in mss with cognitionem, according to F. A. Wolf, Litter. Analekten, 1 (1817), 280), not before Quintil.
baberemus; Aristot. fr. 10 Rose (ap. Scxt. Emp. Adv. Pbys. 1, 21): ύπενόησαν ol Ανθρωποι είναί τε θείον, τό καθ' εαυτό έοικός τη ψυχή; Sail. Cat. 1, 2; Min. Fel. 17, 2: ut nisi dignitatis rationem diligenter excusseris, nescias bumani tatis; Hippol. Pbilosopbum. 10. 34; Mclet. De Inst, 1, 1, 25 (cf. Tbti. Ling. Ut. 1 Nat. Horn. (Cramer, Anted. Oxon. 3, (1900), 1351), whereas cognitio is not only 143); J. Calvin, Inst. 1, 1; and many frequent in Cicero (cf. Merguct, op. cit. other passages cited by Pease on Diw. 1 (1887), 440-441; A. Pittct, Vocab. pbihs. 1, 110; also Μ. Υ. Henry, Rel. of Dogma deSenkque, 1 (1937), 183-184, who quotes tism and Scepticism in tbe pbilos. Treatists of Ciceronian passages neatly equating it Cic. (1925), 9, who remarks that our with κατάληψις), but is also used by passage implies a divine quality in the him with animi (Fin. 4, 36; Tusc. 1, 71). soul, cither as being divinae particula T. Bin's explanation {Bert, phiI. Vocb. 38 aurae (Stoic) or in the Platonic όμοίωσις τω θεω, capability of attaining likeness (1918), 547) of animi as a subjective genitive seems improbable. Plasbcrg (cd. to God. maior.) suggests emending to ad cognosWith the construction ad cognitiomm cendam [or agnoscendam; cf. 1, 91: deorumcf. 2, 87: ad speciem pulcbriores; also 1, 97: cognationem agnoscerem] cognationem [or adfiguram quae vasttor; 2, 151: ad ornatum agnationem; cf. Legg. 1, 23: ut homines decoras; 2, 155: nulla .. . ad rationem . .. deorum agnatione et genie teneantur; 1, 24:praestamtior; Tbes. Ling. Lat. 1 (1900), agnatio nobis cum caelestibus]. Though this541-543. With the thought cf. Top. 8 1 : idea is appropriate enough for Cicero, quaestionum ... duo genera sunt; unum it seems unnecessary to emend cognitiocognitionis, alterum actionss (the latter here rum. For the thought cf. Fin. 2, 114; corresponding to ad moderandam religio 5, 57; Tusc. 1, 65: animus ... divinus est nem); also De Or. 3, 111. ... si deus out anima aut ignis est, idem est pulcherrima: cf. Aristot. Metapb. 10, animus bominis; 1, 70: ut dtum adgnoscis ex 1064 b 1: τρία γένη των θεωρητικών επι operibus eius, sic ex memoria rerum et στημών έστι, φυσική, μαθηματική, θεο inventione et ce/eritate motus omnique pul- λογική, βέλτιστον μέν ούν τό των θεω cbritudine virtutis vim divinam mentis ρητικών επιστημών γένος, τούτων 8* adgnoscito; 5, 38: bumanus autem animus αυτών ή τελευταία λεχθεΐσα· περί το decerptus ex mente divina cum alio nullo τιμιώτιχτον γάρ έστι τών βντων; id., De nisi cum ipso deo, si hoc fas est dictu, corn- An. 1, 402 a 3: τήν της ψυχής Ιστορίαν parari potest; 5, 70: ut ipse se mens agnoscat ευλόγως άν έν πρώτοις τιθείημεν. δοκεΐ coniunctamque cum divina mente se sentiat; δέ καΙ προς άλήθειαν άπασαν ή γνώστς Rep. 6, 26: deum te igitur scito esse . .. et αυτής μεγάλα συμβάλλεσθαι, μάλιστα δέ ut mundum ex quadam parte mortalem ipse προς τήν φύσιν; 1, 402 b 16; Alex. deus aeternus, sic fragile corpus animus sem- Aphrod. in Metapb. 5, 2, p. 447, 5-7 piternus movet; Legg. 1, 24: generis bumani, Hayduck (quoted above as the motto quod sparsum in terras atque satum divino for this book); also the Christian view auctum sit animorum munere .. . animum of theology as the "queen of sciences." esse ingeneratum a deo\ Div. 1, 110: natu- On pulrber (at other than physical beauty ram deorum, a qua, ut doctisnmis sapien- cf. R. Fischer, De Usu Vocab. ap. Cic. et tissimisque placuit, Ijaustos animos et libatos Senecam (1914), 11-12. In Ac. 2, 66 and babemus; 2, 26: ex divinitate unde omnes Off. 1, 18 it is offset to turpis. animos baustos aut acceptos aut libatos moderandam religionem: since it is
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necessaria. De qua tarn * variae sunt 2 doctissimorum hominum 1
quod tarn NO, < c u m > tarn Bait.
1
sint AG IP NOB Μ
f r o m cognitio deorum that pittas a n d its p . 7 ) : διοίσουσιν (sc. φιλόσοφοι) άλλήits connected virtues arc derived; cf. 2 , 153. 53. λ<ω>ν τε καΐ εαυτών νυν ή νυν . . .; T r u e knowledge of the gods permits lits Philo, De Ebriet. 199-205; Diod. 2, 29, a p r o p e r mean between neglect o r con on6 ; Sen. Ep. 88, 45-46; Quintil. Dec/. t e m p t and superstition; cf. 1, 4 5 ; 1, 777; 7 ; min. 268, p. 94 Rittcr; Sext. L m p . 1, 117; 2, 6 3 ; 2, 7 1 ; Dip. 2, 149. Religio igio Pyrrbon. 1, 8 7 : el δέ τα αυτά διαφόρως seems here used in the meaning of κινεί παρά τήν διαφοράν των ανθρώπων, " a t t e n t i o n t o religious observances."' είσάγοιτ' αν εΐκότως και κατά τοϋτο ή necesearia: Lucian, De Hist, conscr. tcr. ε π ο χ ή ; 1, 8 8 : καΐ ούτως άνεπικρίτως 63, speaks of the importance of concili iliστασιάζοντες αύθις ήμδς εις τήν έκοχήν ating t h e listener by explaining t h e size, zc, περιστήσουσιν; 3, 3 ; 3, 3 0 : Οτι τοίνυν necessity, appropriateness, o r utility of αεταί είσιν ακατάληπτοι ράδιον συνιδεϊν the subject t o be treated; cf. Inv. 1, 223: 3: έκ της περί αυτών γεγενημένης διαφωή demonstrabimus ea quae dicturi erimus nus νίας παρά τοις δογματικοϊς; Adv. Phys. magna, nova, incredibilia esse . . . aut ad 1. 2 9 ; 1, 191-192: έφ* οίς ή τών σκεπdeos immor talis aut ad sum mum rei pubiicae cae τικών εποχή συνεισάγεται, και μάλιστα pert mere; De Or. 1, 3 0 ; Brut. 2 5 . προσγενομένης αΰτοΐς και της από τοΰ d e q u a : might grammatically refer fcr κοινοΰ βίου περί θεών ανωμαλίας, κτλ.; cither t o quaestio, natura deorum, cogttiρ»/Adv. Math. 9; Lucian, /up. Trag. 42: tionem, o r re/igionem; S c h o e m a n n a nndd συνίδοι τις αν ώς ουδέν βέβαιον ό περί Mayor think quaestio, but as g o o d a case asc θεών λόγος Ιχει, κτλ.; /carom. 5; Diog. c o u l d be made for natura deorum, since ice L. 7, 129; Ccnsorin. 19, 4; Tat. Ad Gr. that phrase is more significant than tan 3; Just. Mart. Col>ort. ad Gr. 5 ct al.; quaestio, and is the subject of the "whole ole 2 Apol. 13; Tert. De An. 2; Arnob. w o r k ; Goethe explains it as quaestio de 2, 10; 3, 3 7 ; Lact. /nst. 1, 1, 18; 3, 4, 3 : natura deorum. in multas sectas philosophia divisa est et tarn variae eunt: so DH%B*\ the :he omnes varia sentiunt. in qua ponimus veritabetter attested subjunctive seems difficult ult tern? in omnibus certe non potest', 3, 15, 2; w i t h o u t the addition made by Baiter of 5, 3, 1; Ambr. Exam. 1, 1, 4; Euscb. cum (which might also soften the omission on Pr. Ev. 14, 16, 11; Firm. Math. 1, 1, 3 ; o f ut before magno argumento), t h o u g h T T.. Alex. Aphrod. De Fato, 2; Aug. Ep. Birt {Berl. philol. Woch. 3 8 ( 1 9 1 5 ) . 5 4H>) 6) 118, 1 1 : non opus est ei cognitione dialogorum tries t o justify it as in a causal relative ive Ciceronis, et collectione emendicatarum disclause. But sint may have arisen t h r o u gh gh cordantium sententiarum a/ienarum procuthe influence of sint in the previous >us rari audi tores', 118, 16: reperies Epicureos sentence, and if cum be added here, then icn et Stoicos inter se acerrime dimicantes; eorum the first t w o sentences begin a little tic vero litem conantes diiudicare Pla/onicos, monotonously with cum . . . sint. T 'he he occultantes sententiam veritatis, et illorum vo emendation by M. L. Earlc {CI. Papers mers nam in fa/sitaie fiduciam convincentes et rtd(1912), 203) to
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tamque discrepantes sententiae magno * argumento esse * debeat [causa]3 principium philosophiae esse
of philosophy," etc. (cf. H. Dcitcr in magno argumento: one might have Neue Jahrb. 133 (1886), 780-781), or expected an ut introducing this clause, l (b) reading causam et principium, with B* and B FM and various editors insert and C. G. Schuctz, Opusc. (1830), 223, one. Yet examples are not wanting in and understanding the two words as Latin, as in English, of a coordinated nearly synonymous (against this view clause replacing a subordinated member introduced by ut and expressing result; cf. G. F. Schoemann, Opusc. acad. 3 e.g., Hor. S. 1, 1, 13-14: cetera de gerure (1858), 295, on the ground that it is an hoc adeo sunt multa loquacem f delassare unwarranted identification of αίτια and άρχή): o r (2) to regard one of the two valent Fabium; and other cases cited by G. M. Lane, Latin Grammar (1899), nouns as a gloss upon the other; thus 5 1700. With the phrase cf. Fin. 2, 29: (c) causam {id est principium], with I. J. G. maximo argumento esse; Div. 1, 119: Schcllcr, Observ. in prise. Script. (1785), maximo est argumento, quod; Sen. 78: 207, R. Mollwcidc in Vim. Stud. 36 magno ... esse argumento; and the similar (1914), 193, et al.. and with L. F. phrases satis argumenti est, maximum Heindorf (Bib/, crit. 2, 1 (1780), ix), argumenturn est, etc. [Mcrguet, Lex. Z- d- followed by Mayor, considering id est principium philosopbiae as a gloss upon pbilos. Scbr. 1 (1887), 235]. Academicos adsensionem cobibuisse; or (d) esse, etc.: the words esse debeat . .. sententias (in 1, 2) arc omitted by ACN, [causa] principium philosopbiae esse inscien and A. C. Clark, The Descent of Manu tiam, with J. Forchhammcr in Nordisk scripts (1918), 328; 341, maintains that Tidskri/t for Fi/ologi, 5 (1880), 31-33, this omitted unit was one column of the who thinks causa was in the archetype archetype of our mss. a gloss on principium, but not put into debeat: for the subjunctive in a its syntactical construction (cf. J. N. guarded statement, less common with Madvig, Adv. critica, 1 (1871), 62); or verbs of obligation, yet not lacking, cf. (c) the reading of an unidentified ms 1, 43: ea qui consideret . . . debeat; Tusc. cited by F. Orsini, which omits causam 2, 66; debeas existimare; In Catil. 1, 19: through scientiam, continuing prudenter nonne impetrare debeat; Fam. 3, 11, 3; Academicos, etc.—an easy reading if it and other cases in R. Kuhner-C. Stcg- could be attested and if the critical re mann, Ausf. Gram. d. fat. Spr. 2, l 1 putation of Orsini were not so dubious (cf. Mayor, ed., 1, 67, n. 1); or (f) other (1912), 174. rather arbitrary emendations, especially principium: our only important mss l by older scholars, which do not merit here are BFM, of which B reads causa perpetuation; or (g) the frank obelizing principium, B* causa et principium, Μ causam id est principium\ and F causa of some part of the sentence, as by Lambinus, Plasbcrg, Ax, and others. principium. Of possible combinations there arc several, such as (1) to keep A further complication immediately both causa and principium, cither (a) appears: between philosopbiae and scien making causa look backward, perhaps tiam Bl, in a space suitable for four inserting an ea before it with Plasbcrg, letters, reads ad h or ad hoc, changed by and interpreting "that reason should be B* to ad hanc; Μ reads esse, but F has a strong argument that the foundation no intervening word. May the archetype
1,1 tcrquc Academicos * a rebus
2
115
incertis adsensionem cohibuissc.
1
achadcmicos Η (m. rec. in mg.) Λ/, achademici Bx(?)Ft achadcmia B* rebus Η (m. rec. in rug.) of these mss perhaps have contained pbilosopbiae esse * scientiam? This meaning, however, seems unlikely, for scientia is properly the goal (τέλος) rather than the beginning (αρχή) or the cause (atria) of philosophy, which naturally starts from consciousness of and dissatisfaction with ignorance; cf. Plat. Thtatt. 155d: μάλα γάρ φιλοσόφου τοΰτο τό πάθος, τό θαυμάξειν ού γάρ άλλη αρχή φιλοσοφίας ή αύτη; Aristot. Metapb. 1, 982 b 19: είπερ διά το φεύγειν την δγνοιαν έφιλοσοφησαν φανερόν δτι δια τό κΐδέναι τό έπίστασθαι έδίωκον. From these pas sages one might naturally desire to read here not scientiam but inscientiamt and this reading was printed by Manutius, sup ported by Da vies from a codex Elieniis, and adopted by some later editors, e.g., Schocmannand Mayor; for the omission of in- cf. L. Ha vet, Manuel de crit. verbale (1911), 255, § 1067). Mayor argues (1) there is no reason for any reference here to the origin of philosophy; (2) present discrepancy of opinion is no argument as to the origin of philosophy; (3) the origin of philosophy is uncon nected with Academic suspense of judgment; (4) inscientia could not mean τό φεύγειν τήν 4γνοιαν; and (5) principium pbilosopbandi would have been a more suitable phrase (cf. 1,6: pbilosopbandi .. . studium). F. A. Wolf, Litter. Ana/ekten, 1 (1817), 282, and in his Kl. Scitr. 1 (1869), 502503, distinguishes insnentia ( = nibiJ scire% as in 1, 17; Ac. 1, 16; 2, 74 of Academic scepticism (εποχή); cf. also Sen. Ep. 88, 46; Min. Fcl. 13, 2) from inset tia (mere ignorance, e.g., Ac. 1, 41), in which he is followed, more or less independently, by J. S. Rcid (in Mayor's cd., ad /oc), who explains that "the true theory of philosophy is that which denies επιστήμη, in other words that which the Academics oppose to the Stoics," and by J. A. Kleist (CI. Journ. 8 (1912), 81-83), who believes that Cicero urges the acceptance of mere probability as the basis of any system of philosophy,
* de
inscientia meaning "lack of certainty," as opposed to scientia (cf. Ac. 1, 41-42, where the term is used for sensations not subject to the Stoic καταληπτική φαντασία). J. Jortin's emendation (Misc. Observ. upon Authors anc. and mod. 2 (1732), 68-70) of principium pbilosopbiae inscientiae scientiam, and Plasbcrg's sug gestion (cd. maior.), principium pbilo sopbiae sciendi nihil scientiam, aim at the same idea by different phraseologies. The assumption of a longer lacuna is made by P. Petit (Misc. Observ. 1 (1682), 17), who emends to principium pbiloso pbiae
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Quid est enim temeritate turpius l aut quid tarn temerarium 1
turpius Η (m. rtc. in mg.)t Imtinat forcius BF, fortius Μ
whole work is here suggested in its ex his ilia nuessario nata est εποχή, id first paragraph, and the vote taken at its est adsensionis retentio; cf. Plut. Cic. 40, 2: end (3, 95), with Academics on two εκείνος γάρ έστιν . . . ό καΐ τήν φαντασίαν . . . καΐ τήν έποχήν καΐ τήν κα· sides of the question, indicates that the τάληψιν . . . ά^λα τε πολλά των τοιού antidogmatic principles of that school των έςονομάσας πρώτος ή μάλιστα 'Ρωhave been well maintained. μαίοις; Lact. Inst. 3, 29,7: is qui dicit rebus incerti·: cf. Div. 2, 43: quid igitur minus a pbysicis did debet quam adsensus esse retinendos, quod stulti sit bominis rebus incognitis temere assentire. For qw'cquam certi significari rebut incertis; the idea cf. Att. 6, 6, 3 (έπέχειν, εποχή) Sen. 68: quid enim est stu/tius quam incerta pro certis habere, falsa pro peris? M. 6, 9, 3 (έπέχειν, εποχή); 13, 21, 3 (εποχή); 15, 21, 2 (εποχή); Fin. 3, 3 1 : summum Aurcl. 8, 7: φύσις δέ λογική εύοδεΐ, έν munus sapientis obsistere visisadsensusque/irme μέν φαντασίαις μήτε ψευδεΐ μήτε άδήλω συγκατατιΟεμένη; Aug. C. Acad. 1, 7: sustinere; Ac. 1, 45: neque adsensione apsi incertis rebus esset assensus (cf. Plasberg'sprobare . . . ab utraque parte adsensio cd. of Cic. Ac. (1908), p. 59); 2, 11: sustineretur; 2 48:, sustinere se ab ornni ex quo confici ut nuJ/i etiam res sapiens adsensu; 2, 53; 2, 57: retenturum adsensum assentiatur; erret enim necesse est, quod neque umquam ulli viso adsenswum; 2, 62: sublata ... adsensione; 2, 68: sustinenda est sapienti nefas est, si assentiatur rebus inpotius omnis adsensio; 2, 78: omnium adcertis. sensionum retentio; 2, 94: cobibes adsensum; adsenetonem cohibuisec: the term 2, 98: quattuor eius [sc. C/itomachi) libri εποχή, for Academic suspension of sunt de sustinendis adsensionibus; 2, 104: judgment, was apparently introduced from the scepticism of Socrates {Tusc. 1, duplies ter did adsensus sustinere sapient em \ 2, 108; 2, 148: έποχήν Warn omnium 99; a/.) by Pyrrho; cf. Diog. L. 9, 61: δθεν γενναιότητα δοκεΐ φιλοσοφήσαι, το rerum comprobans; Div. 2, 150; Philo, De Ebriet. 205: άσφαλέστατον τό έπέ της άκαταληψίας καΐ εποχής είδος είσχειν elvai; Sen. Ep. 108, 21: iudidum αγαγών (sec Suid. s.vv. εποχή, ΙΙυρqmdem bonum sustinere; J. S. Rcid on ρώνειοι); 9, 76: ή δέ "παντί λόγω" καΐ Ac. 2, 59; P. Couissin, Uorigine et αυτή συνάγει την έποχήν των μέν γαρ πραγμάτων διαφωνούντων, των δέ λό revolution de Γ ΕΠΟΧΗ (in Rev. des it. gr. 42 (1929), 373-397); A. Pittct, γων ΙσοσΟενούντων άγνωσία της αλη Vocab. phitos. de Sonique, 1 (1937), 119; θείας επακολουθεί (sec Scxt. Emp. R. Philippson in Symb. Os/oenses, 20 Pyrrhon. 1, 10; Adv. Math. 6; Adv. (1940), 35 (for later Epicurean attacks Phys. 1, 29: τό γαρ πολύτροπον της αποφάσεως την άγνωσίαν του [παντός] on εποχή). άληΟοΰς επισφραγίζεται, πολλών μέν adseneionem: cf. Ac. 2, 37: nunc de δυναμένων είναι τρόπων της τοΰ Οεοΰ adsensione atque adprobatione, quam Graeνοήσεως, τοΰ δέ έν αύτοϊς άληΟοϋς μή ci συνκατάΟεσιν vacant (and Rcid ad καταλαμβανόμενου; Phot. Bib/, p. 169 loc). Bckk.], and continued by Arccsilas temeritate turpius: turpius is the (Scxt. limp. Pyrrhon. 1, 232, says he reading only of certain deteriores and of asserted τέλος μέν είναι τήν έποχήν). the Juntine cd., while Β reads forcius. Important for the origins of scepsis is Emendations arc various. Nearest palaeoR. Hirzcl, Untersuch. ξ. Cicero's pbilos. graphically is fortius, which F. A. Wolf Schr. 3 (1883), 22-39. The idea occurs in (A7. Schr. 1 (1869), 504-505) very unChrysippus (S. 1 \F. 2, 36, 29; 2, 39, 3), convincingly defends; cf. G. F. Schocand various later writers (e.g., Arr. mann, Opusc. acad. 3 (1858), 296-297, Epict. 1, 4, 11; Galen, 1, 40 K.), and is Next closest seems foedius of P. Manutius, in Latin first defined by Cic. Ac. 2, 59: followed by Lambinus, and wc may cite
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tamque indignum sapientis gravitate atque constantia quam aut as parallels Τ use. 4, 35: quid attttm est non γοΰν οΰσης καΐ της περί Οεοΰ άγνοιας, miserius solum sed foedius etiam et deformius ίντος δέ μεγίστου κακού καΐ τοϋ μή «Iqttam aegritudine quis adflictus, debilitatus, δέναι τόν τρόπον της του θεού θερα iacens; 4, 52: quid Acbille Homerico foedius, πείας καΐ της είς αυτόν εύσεβείας; quid Agamemnon* in iurgio; 5, 80: quid enim A mob. 2, 57: inanissima igitur res est . . . ea [sc. vita beata] foedius, quid deformius aeceptare pro vero id quod forsitan non sit; sola relic la \ Legg. 1, 51: quid enim foedius Aug. De Trin 10, 11: erroris dedecus. Of these various readings foedius is avaritia; Off. 1, 159; 3, 36: quibus nihil net taetrius nee foedius excogitari potest'; attractive, but, as Schocmann (op. eit., 3, 115: fiagitiosa, foeda, turpia. C. G. 3, 358) remarks, unduly strong, while Schuctz (Opusc. (1830), 227) emends turpius has so evident an affinity for the to futilius, with which may be compared faults of ignorance and temeritas that Ac. 2, 59: quid enim est tarn futtile quam the chances seem to favor it here. quicquam adprobare non cognitum? H. Temeritas (and the adverb temere) are Dciter (Pbilol. 58 (1899), 303) suggests frequently used by Cicero of rash, un tefertius, comparing 2 Verr. 3, 202: considered action, especially of youths, iam refertius erit aerarium — no close as opposed to mature prudentia (Sen. 20) parallel. F. Walter (Wien. Stud. 48 (1930), or sapientia (Off. 2, 8). 3, 61 infra associa 77-78) proposes <de>formius, and cites tes it with inconstantia; for other cases cf. Tusc. 4, 35 (sec above; and add 5, 80); Ac. 1, 42; 2, 66 (and n. of Reid, who Rep. 1, 51: nee ulla deformior species est equates it with προπέτεια); 2, 68; 2, 108; atntatts. T. Birt (Berl. phil. Woeb. 38 2, 120; Fin. 3, 72; Tusc. 4, 80; Off. 1, 18; (1918), 547) emends: importunius. Q. Cic. Comm. Petit. 39: Έπιχάρμειον The favorite reading with editors illud teneto, nervos atque artus sapientiae has been turpius, conjectured by Lambinon temere credere [for the Greek of nus and later found in several deteriores, this cf. Att. 1, 19, 8]; Sen. N.Q. 7, 30, 1; for this adjective is often used by Cicero Galen, III, 74 Κ.: δια προπετη συνκατάin such connections; e.g., 1, 70: hoc Οεσιν. In Off. 1, 94, Cicero remarks: falls, dicere turpius est quam, etc, Ac. 1, 45: errare, labi, decipi tarn dedeeet quam delirare neque hoc quidquam esse turpius quam cogni et mente esse cap turn; in Ac. 2, 29, he says tions et perceptions adsensionem adprobatio-that one of the two chief matters in nemque praecurrere; 2, 66: pro veris probare philosophy is iudicium veri. falsa turpissimum est; 2, 114: cum me in sapientis gravitate: cf. Off. 1, 67: ut cognito adsentiri vetes idque turpissimum esse nihil . . . discedas . . . a dignitate sapientis dieas et plenissimum temeritatis; Dip. 1,7: robusti animi est magnaeque constaniiae; Ac. temeritas in adsentiendo errorque turpis est; 2, 66: nihil est ab ea cogitatione quam habeOff. 1, 18: labi aut em, errare, nescire, mus de gravitate sapientis, errore, levitate, decipi et malum et turpe ducimus; Inv. 2, 9: temeritate diiunctius. Cicero frequently in parum cognito stulte et diu perseverasse couples gravitas and constantia (e.g., turpe est; Orat. 120: quid est enim turpius Fin. 3, 1; Tusc. 4, 57; 4, 60; 5, 13; quam .. . controversiarum patroeinia suscipere Ac. 2, 53; Off. 1, 72; 1, 112; Mortens. cum sis legum et civilis iuris ignarus; Phil. 7,9; fr. 64 Mullcr), and, though appropriate other examples in Mcrguct, Lex. ?. d. for all Romans, these qualities especially pbilos. Sebr. 3 (1894), 715-716. Turpis befit the philosopher; cf. Ac. 2, 53; Fin. is in the ethical works constantly con 2, 100; 5, 13: ea quae desideratur a magno trasted by Cicero with bonestus, and philosopho gravitas; 5, 14; Tusc. 5, 46; Plato (Pbaedr. 277 d-c) describes igno Π. Rcmy, Ije concept etc. de la xgravitas? rance as a disgrace (cf. Theaet. 194c: in Nova et Vetera, 1 (1921), 5-14; W. τύ 8έ ψεύδεσθαι αίσχρόν) while in the Kroll, Die Kultur d. etc. Zeit, 1 (1933), Minos, 318c, the impiety of wrong 27 (who considers gravitas nearly syn notions of the gods is stressed; cf. Ijegg. onymous with constantia and opposed 10, 888b; Orig. C. Cels. 4, 65: έν κακοϊς to the levitas Graecorum); M. Hadas in
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falsum scntire aut quod non satis explorate perceptum sit ct cognitum sine ulla dubitatione dcfcndere? 2 Velut in hac quaestione plerique, quod maxime veri simile est et quo omnes [sese] l 1
sese del. Λί\ om. Η (m. rec. in mg.)
CI. foum. 31 (1935), 17-24; H. Wagen- evertere, cum alii deos <non> esse dicani voort. Imperium (1941), 103-125 (on [N.D. 1, 2), alii esse quidem sed nihil procurare definiant [N.D. 1, 2-3], alii et esse gravitas and maiestat). falsum: assent should be withheld et rerum nostrarum curam procurationtmqm from falsa and incognita (non satis cognita); susapere, et tanta sint bi omnes in varietate cf. Div. 1, 7; Ac. 1, 45; 2, 29; 2, 59; et dissensione versati (N.D. 1, 2J ut longum el alienum sit [N.D. 1, 2] . . . nngulorum 2, 68; Fin. 3, 72. explorate: cf. Fam. 6, 1, 5: exploratius enumerare sententias [N.D. 1, 2J. nam alii .. . promtttere; 10, 8, 6: explorate iudicare. et figuras bis pro arbitrio suo Iribuunt, et loca adsignant [N.D. 1, 2], sedes etiam 16, 8, 1;J2- FT. 2, 14, 3; Att. 14, 14, 6. Mayor (ad toe.) thinks the adverb here constituent et multa de actibus eorum vi toque has a half-technical sense, and compares describunt [N.D. 1, 2J et omnia quae facta et constituta sunt [N.D. 1, 2] ipsorum Ac. 2, 129. Such phrases as babtre exploratum (1, 51; Div. 2, 60; Off 3, 75; arbitrio regigubemarique pronuntiant [N.D. Parad. 17; Am. 97) and esse exploratum 1, 2); alii nihil moliri, nihil curare [N.D. 1, 2] et ab ornni administrations cura (Ac. 2, 54; Sen. 67; Fin. 2, 92; Tusc. 2, 17; Div. 1, 117) arc favorites with vacuos esse dixerunt [N.D. 1, 2]. Others Cicero; cf. also 2, 64: explorata ratio divided believers into two classes, those who recognized divine intervention in (as in 2 Verr. 1, 15). See A. Cuny in the world and those who, like the Mil. offerts ά L. Havet (1909). 85-106, Epicureans, did not; cf. 2, 3; 2, 164-165. especially 90-91. plerique: Cicero as an Academic perceptum . . . et cognitum: else makes a more modest claim than the where coupled; e.g. Ac. 2, 18; 2, 23; dogmatist Vclleius (1, 43: in omnium 2, 103; 2, 109; Fin. 5, 76; Legg. 1, 60. sine ulla dubitatione: cf. Tusc. 3, 5; animis eorum [sc. deorum] notionem imFam. 1, 5b, 2; Att. 14, 13b, 5; 16, 7, 1; pressisset ipsa natura, etc.; 1, 44; 1, 46; answered by Cotta in 1, 62, who himself 16, 16a, 6; 16, 16b, 9; also Augustine's uses the softened phrase omnibus fere) ridicule (CD. 6, 2) of Cicero's descrip and the dogmatist Balbus (2, 4: adsensu tion (Ac. (1932 cd.) p. 25, 9 Plasberg) of Varro as sine ulla dubitatione doctissimo, omnium-, 2, 12: omnibus enim innatum though writing in the Academica, ubi est . . . esse deos; cf. Cotta's objections in 3, 8; 3, 11, 3, 17; also Div. 2, 106: cuncta dubitanda esse contendit. 2 velut: often employed in passing adsumunt "sunt autem di" quod ipsum non from a general statement to a particular ab omnibus conceditur), both of whom rely upon an assumed consensus gentium illustration; e.g., 1, 69; 1, 101; 2, 73; (a method of argument found in Plat. 2, 124; Tusc. 5, 28; 5, 34; Legg. 2, 47. On the following three-fold division Legg. 10, 886a; cf. L. Gueuning in Nova of believers, agnostics, and atheists cf. et Vetera, 7 (1925), 326, n. 7; H. Pinard dc la Boullayc, LVt. comp. des relig. 1· Sext. Emp. Adv. Pbys. 1, 50: των ούν (1929). 20), for which sec Pease on περί υπάρξεως θεοΰ σχεψαμένων ol μέν Div. 1, 1. Cicero, like his fellow Aca εΤναί φασι θεόν, ol δέ μή είναι, ol δέ μή demic Cotta and like Sextus Empiricus μάλλον είναι ή μή είναι; Firm. Math. 1, (Adv. Pbys. 1, 50-51: είναι μέν [sc. θ«6ν] 1, 3-4 (a passage strongly recalling the present: cum sciamus inter ipsos quanta ol πλείους των δογματικών καΐ ή κοινή sit <de> ipsa deorum natura dissensio τοΰ βίου κρόληψις, κτλ.), makes asser [N.D. 1, 2] quantisque disputationum tions, not about all men, but only argumentis vim totam divinitatis conantur about the majority. Just below, (quo
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duce natura venimus, deos esse dixerunt, dubitare se Protagoras, omnti .. . venimus), however, he speaks more boldly; cf. 'fuse. 1, 30: nemo omnium tarn sit inmanis cuius menttm non imbuerit dtorum opinio . .. omnes tamen esse vim et naturam divinam arbitrantur; Lt&&- 1» 24: in hominibus nulla gens est tarn mansueta tuque tarn /era quae non% etiamsi ignoret qua/em habere deum deeeat, tamen habendum sciat; cf. Aristot. De Caelot 1, 3, 270 b 5: πάντες γαρ άνθρωποι περί θεών εχουσιν ύπόληψιν. In De Div. per Somn. 1, 462 b 14 Aristotle uses a modified form of the argument from consensus: το μέν γάρ πάντας ή πολλούς υπολαμβάνειν Ιχειν τι σημειώδες τα ενύπνια, κτλ. Gucuning (op. cit.% 327) suggests that Cicero here seems to admit that one might, to gain an idea of the origins of religion, study the religious state of foreign (especially primitive) peoples, and thinks that Plato (Legg. 10, 886a) was the first to grasp the importance of this and build upon it the doctrine of consensus. veri simile: it is appropriate that this work, strongly illustrative of Aca demic method, should start with re cognition of the probability of the exist ence of the gods, just as in its last sen tence (3, 95) Cicero considers the Stoic defence of them as ad veritatis sim'litudinem . . . propensior. omnes: BFM1 read omnes sese (sese deleted by Λ/1), and Plasbcrg (ed. motor) suggests emending cither to omnes sese
marg. sese] / dixerunt (assuming narrow columns with about 25 letters to the line). The gloss sese is inappropriate as a variant for esse, but Clark has not noticed that it is very apt as a variant for st in the line below those which he quotes (cf. R. Philippson in Pbilol. Wocb. 54 (1934), 188), and if written marginally half-way between the two lines its proximity to a terminal esse might easily have suggested to a copyist that it was a correction for that word of somewhat similar sound. Its mere pre sence in the margin is insufficient evidence for considering it superior to se, but since it appears merely a variant on that word we may delete it. duce natura: a favorite phrase, cither in the ablative absolute as here (cf. 2, 128; Fin. 1, 7 1 ; 2, 32; 2, 109; 5, 69; Tusc. 1, 30; 3, 2; Legg. 1, 20 (bis); Off. 1, 129; 2, 73; Pro Rab. Post. 4; Varr. L.L. 8, 10; Fcst. p. 372 M. (510 L.); Plin. N.H. 10, 155; Apul. De Plat. 2, 2; De Μundo, 28; Arnob. 1, 33; lul. Sever. Praecept. 5 (Rhet. Lat. 357 Halm): natura duce .. . pervenitur) or with the two words otherwise combined (Fin. 4, 10; 5, 42; Off. 1, 22; 1, 100; Am. 19; Sen. 5; Brut. 204; Orat. 58; Varr. L.L·. 6, 3; Sen. Phaedr. 481; Dial. 7, 8, 1; possibly Ep. 90, 4; Stat. Theb. 12, 645; Quintil. Inst. 4, 5, 3). The words duce natura probably render φύσει, since there seems no common Greek phrase which is translated by duce, though ακολούθως τη φύσει (secundum naturam) occurs. H. Lciscgang (Phil. Woch. 58 (1938), 1309) finds in this and similar expressions a strongly monistic meta physics, like that of Panaetius, Antiochus, and Posidonius; man, if he docs not resist, is led by nature to his destiny. On natura duce cf. M. van den Bruwacne, La tljeol. de Cic. (1937), 222-230. With the thought cf. also Tert. De Sped. 2: nemo negat, quia nemo ignorat, quod ultro na tura suggerit, deum esse universitatis conditorem. venimus: we need not prefer vehimur (with the figure of a ship) of the deteriores or trabimur of C. G. Cobet (Var. Lect.
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cults; a charge made by pagans against (1873), 460), who compares Off. 1, 18. Jews, as in Piol. Tetrab. 2, 3, and more The tense is probably present, of a often against Christians; e.g., Julian. general truth. Ep. 22, 429d—though Julian was him esse, etc.: cf. Scrv. Aen. 4, 379: Cicero in libris de deorum natura tripiicem self considered by the Christians as an de diis dicit esse opinionem: deos non esse .. . ;atheist: Suid. s.vv. Ιουλιανός, Μάρις —; esse et nihil curare, ut Ε pi curd ; esse et curare, Athenag. Suppl. pro Christ. 3; Just. Martyr, 1 Apol. 5-6; 2 Apol. 3; Eus. ut Stoici. H.E. 4, 15, 19; 4, 16, 3 ; 5, 1, 9; Arnob. dubitare: cf. Philo, De Opt/. Mundi, 1, 29; A. Harnack in Texte u. Untersucb. 170: πρώτον μεν δτι ϊστι τό θείον καΐ N.F. 13, 4 (1905), 8-16 (important for υπάρχει, δια τους άθεους, ων ol μέν the first three centuries); (3) denial ένεδοίασαν έπαμφοτερίσαντες περί της of the accepted gods as morally un υπάρξεως αύτοΰ, ol δέ τολμηρότεροι καΐ worthy of worship (1, 42-43) and the κατεθρασύναντο φάμενοι μηδ' δλως είναι; substitution of purer conceptions, such Scxt. Emp. Adv. Pbys. 1, 59: ού μάλλον as of aniconic for anthropomorphic δέ είναι ή μή είναι θεούς δια τήν των gods, of monotheism for polytheism, αντικειμένων λόγων Ισοσθένειαν Ελεζαν and of spiritual for material deities ol άπό της σκέψεως. (cf. Eus. Pr. Et: 10, 4, 32; Clem. Protr. Protagoras: these three philosophers are again cited by Cotta in 1, 63 to dis 2, 24, 2, who says that clear-minded men, prove consensus of belief in the gods. like Euhcmcrus, Nicanor, Diagoras, Hippo, and Theodorus, were charged The selection of one agnostic and two with atheism because they realized atheists out of a larger number who popular errors about the gods, whereas might have been named may be due to the real atheists are those ignorant of the two considerations: (1) that these are true god (id., 2, 23, 1; cf. Just. Martyr, stock examples of the two types; and 2 Apol. 3)); (4) as an inaccurate slogan, (2) that Cicero thus secures a rhetorical appearing as early as Eur. Hel. 1148, group of three illustrations (sec Pease raised against any who differed from the on Dip. 1, 3). Compare the triads of atheists in Philodem. De Pie/, p. 112 accuser, and among the Christians applied with freedom both to pagans Gompcrz — Usencr, Epicurea, 127, 27 (Harnack, op. cit., 3-7) and to heretics (Prodicus, Diagoras, Critias); Plut. De (##/., 7-8; also Greg. Naz. Or. 2, 37 comm. Notit. 31 (Theodoms, Diagoras, (Sabellius); Hier. C. loan. Hieros. 9; Hippo); Ρlac. Pbilos. 1, 7 — Doxogr. Suid. s.v. Άέτιος (Aetius)). Atheism Gr.% 297, repeated by Thcodorct, Gr. as a criminal offence in the eyes of the Aff. Cur. 2, 112; 3, 4 (Diagoras, Theo law seems limited to Athens (cf. E. doms, Euhcmcrus); [Galen,) De Phil. Dcrcnnc, Let proch d'impir'te (1930), Hist. 8 (Proragoras, Theodorus, Euhe265) from about the beginning of the mcrus); Acl. Hist. An. 6, 40 (Hippo, Pcloponncsian War to the close of the Diagoras, Herostratus); Min. Fcl. 8, fourth century B.C. (Drachmann, op. 2-3 (who copies the three here named by Cicero but in the order Theodorus, cit., 6-7; cf. C. M. Bowra in CI. Phil. 33 Diagoras, Protagoras); loan. Chrys. (1938), 367). Among those philosophers In 1 Cor. Homil. 4, 5 (Protagoras, Dia accused, in their own day or later, of denial of the gods Drachmann (op. cit., goras, Theodorus); Li ban. Decl. 1, 153-154 (Anaxagoras, Protagoras, Dia 13; cf. T. Thalhcim in P.-W. 2 (1896), goras). 1529; F. Zuckcr in Philol. 64 (1905). 468-469) lists as a canon Xcnophanes, On the history of atheism cf. A. B. Anaxagoras, Diogenes of Apollonia, Hippo Drachmann, Atheism in pagan Antiquity of Rhegium, Protagoras, Prodicus, Critias, (1922). Charges of atheism might be Diagoras of Melos, Socrates, Antisthcncs, based upon various grounds: (1) ab Plato, Aristotle, Thcophrastus, Stilpo, solute theoretical denial of the existence Theodorus, Bion, Epicurus, and Eubemerus of any gods; (2) denial of the accepted (those italicized being denoted as £θεοι. popular gods in the interest of foreign
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T o these may be added Aeschylus (Acl. auiem qui providentiam mundi curioiius V.H. 5, 19; cf. Drachmann, op. ci/.t 54), vestigant et impensius deos celebrant eos vero pulgo mages nominent. At other times Euripides (Ar. Tbesm. 450-451; Satyr us, religious heretics were accused of Vit. Eurip. in Pap. Oxyrb. 1176, frg 39, col. x. pp. 153; 177; [Galen], De atheism; e.g., Asclep. in Aristot. Metapb. Hist. Pbil. 8; E. Mullcr, Eurip. Deorum p. 285, 18-19 (of the Manichacans). It would appear that Protagoras was pop. Conttmtor (1826)), Leucippus and the first to treat the existence of the Democritus (Apul. Apol. 27), Hcrostragods as a debatable problem which tus (Ael. Hist. An. 6, 40), Ahstarchus might (on purely rational grounds; of Samos (Plut. De Fade, 6), Philippus cf. T. Gomperz, Gr. DenJker, l l (1922), (no. 44 in P.-W.\ Philodem. De Piet. p. 493, quoting C. A. Lobcck) conceivably 86 Gomperz), Damis the Epicurean be solved in the negative (Drachmann, (Lucian, lup. Trag. 4; 17), Nicanor of op. at. 42), but the statement at the Cyprus (Clem. Protr. 2, 24, 2; Arnob. beginning of his περί θεών (1, 63 infra; 4, 29), and miscellaneous Epicureans Euseb. Pr. Ev. 14, 3, 7): περί μεν θεών (Suid. s.v. 'Επίκουρος).). For ancient ούχ Εχω είδέναι ούθ' ως είσίν, ούθ' ως lists sec Acl. I'.H. 2, 31; Scxt. Emp. Pyrrbon. 3, 218; Adv. Pbys. 1, 51-59; ούκ είσίν, οΰθ' όποΐοί τίνες Ιδέαν. πολλά γαρ τα κωλύοντα είδέναι. ή τ* άδηEustath. in Od. 3, 381. Maximus of λότης καΐ βραχύς ων ό βίος τοΰ άνθρωπου Tyre, 11, 5, emphasizes the comparative rarity of atheists. At Rome criminal [cf 14, 19, 10; Diog. L. 9, 51] makes, as Τ. Gomperz {op. cit., I 1 (1922), 371), action against them seems unknown, points out, a clear distinction between because of Roman indifference to theo belief and knowledge—note the repeated retical inquiry in cases where established use of είδέναι—, and there is little cults were not disturbed. Among the Jews Joscphus (C. Ap. 2, 180) says evidence that Protagoras failed to con form to the externals of the state religion atheists were not found— Ps. 14, 1 (cf. Drachmann, op. cit.t 41-42; Dercnnc. should probably not be urged against him. A few Ethiopian atheists, however, op. cit., 45-46). As our accounts become more distant chronologically from his arc recognized by Diod. 3, 9, 2 (but cf. time and reflect the outcome of his trial Strab. 17, 2, 3); for those in Egypt cf. F. Cumont, L'£gypte des astrologues rather than the evidence presented at it, writers become more severe in condem (1937), 135. Accusations of atheism ning his views. On the whole subject were brought especially against philo sophers; cf. Inv. 1, 46: buius modi sunt cf. 1, 63 nn.; Plat. Tbeatt. 162d: θεούς . . . ούς έγώ Εκ τε τοΰ λέγειν καΐ τοΰ probabilia . . . eos qui pbilosopbiae dent operant non arbitrari deos esse; also perhaps γράφειν περί αυτών, ως είσίν ή ως ούκ είσίν, εξαιρώ; Eupol. frg. 146 Kock: Dion. Hal. Ant. 2, 68, 2; Just. Martyr, 1 Apol. 4; Arnob. 1, 31: audimus enim Πρωταγόρας . . . / 6ς άλαζονεύεται μέν quosdam pbilosopbandi studio deditos partim άλιτήριος περί τών μετεώρων; Diog. it/lam negare vim use divimm partim an Ocnoand. p. 19 W.: ΙΙρωτχγόρβς δέ 6 Άβδηρείτης τη μέν δυνάμει την αυτήν sit cotidie quaerere. The populace were ήνενκε Διαγόρα δόξαν, ταϊς λέξεσιν δέ prone to accept religious customs with έτέραις έχρήσατο. ως τό λείαν Ιταμόν out question, and the physical, often αύτης έκφευξούμενος; Max. Tyr. 11, 5: esoteric, inquiries of the philosophers καν μη είναι φής (sc. τό θεΐον), ώς Δια were supposed, by outsiders, to lead to γόρας, κάν άγνοεϊν τι φής, ώς Πρωταγό more or less illicit results; cf. Apul. Apol. 27: bate ferme com muni quodam ρας; Philostr. Vit. Sopb. 1, 10: τό δέ errore imperitorum pbilosopbis obiec/antur, άπορεΐν φάσκειν, είτε είσΐ θεοί, εΓτε ούκ ut partim eorum qui corporum causas meras etείσί, δοκεϊ μοι Πρωταγόρας έκ της Περ nmplicis rimantur irreligiosos putent toque σικής παιδεύσεως παρανομήσαι; Liban. Decl. 1, 154: Πρωταγόραν έξεκηρύζατ* aiant deos abnuert, ut Anaxagoram et καλώς καΐ προσηκόντως ζητοϋντα περί Leudppum et Democritum et Epicurum ceterosque rerum naturae patronos, partim θεών είτ' είσίν είτ' ούκ είσί; Epiphan.
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nullos esse omnino Diagoras Melius et Theodorus Cyrcnaicus Homil. 4. 5 {Pair. Gr. 61, 36); Cyril. Adv. Han. 3, 2, 9 (Doxogr. G'.* 591): Alex. C. Iulian. 6, p. 190 {Pair. Gr. 76, Πρωταγόρας 6 τοΰ Μενάνδρου 'Αβδηρί 789); Suid. s.vv. άποπυργίζοντας, Δια της Ιφη μή θεούς είναι μηδέ Ολως ύπάρχειν; Lact. Inst. 1, 2, 2: Protagoras qui γόρας, ίακχος, πυργίσκοι, Σωκράτης ό dtos in dubium vocavit et postea Diagoras Μήλιος; Fustath. Comment. 530 (Geogr. qui exclusit et alii nonnulli qui non puta- Gr. man. 2, 320); Apostol. 6, 4 (Paroem. verunt deos esse ; De Ira, 9, 1: cum sentential Gr. 2, 365; but E. Dcrcnne, Les proces pbilosopborum prions temporis de provi- d'impiete (1930), 64, n. 3, does not be lieve that the name Diagoras was ever dentia consensissent ... primus omnium used as generic term for "atheist"). Protagoras extitit temporibus Socratis qui Diagoras was a poet (Sext. Emp. Adv. sibi diceret non liquere utrum esset aliqua dsvtnitas necne . . . de cuius sententia non Pbys. 9, 53; Steph. Byz. p. 450 M.; est opus disputare, quia nihil certi pronun- fragments quoted by Philodera. De Piet. p. 85 Gomperz). According to some tiavit; Thcodorct, Gr. Aff. 2, 13: accounts (Aristoxcnus ap. Philodem. περί μέν ούν των Θεών ούχ οίδα ούτε εΐ είσίν, ούθ' ώς ούκ είσίν, οΰθ* όποιοι τίνες I.e.) he was originally a pious believer, but lost his faith in the gods because of τήν Ιδέαν είσίν; 6, 6; Schol. Plat. Rep. 1, the betrayal of a trust by a friend and 600c (p. 273 Greene): είπε γαρ περί θεών ούχ έχω εΐδέναι ούτε ώς είσιν the failure of the gods to punish the perjury (Schol. Ar. Nub. 830; Schol. ούτε ώς ούκ είσιν; Suid. s.v. Πρωταγό Clem. Protr. 2, 24, 2; Suid. s.v. Δια ρας; P. Dccharmc, La critique des trad, γόρας), wrote a recantation of his reli relig. chez les Grecs (1904), 120; Drachmann, op. at., 39-42; Dercnnc, op. at., gious beliefs called the άποπυργίζοντες λόγοι; (Suid. s.vv. άποπυργίζοντας, Δια 45-55; W. C. Greene, Moira (1944), 249, γόρας, πυργίσκοι; Ε. Dercnnc, op. cit., who thinks that Protagoras, as a huma 59-61), perhaps to be identified with a nist and relativist, did not intend to work called Φρύγιοι λόγοι, mocked deal with theology, and that the omis at the mysteries ([Lys.] 6, 17; Joseph. sion of it is not inconsistent with ortho C. Ap. 2, 266; Schol. Ar. Aves, 1072; doxy in matters of cult. Tatian, I.e.; Athenag. I.e.; Suid. s.v. nullos esse omnino: cf. 1, 117: Διαγόρας), burned a statue of Heracles omnino dtos esse negabant. for firewood (passages collected by L. Diagoras Melius: more than any Stcrnbach in Wien. Stud. 10 (1888), 236; other proverbial as an atheist; cf. 1, 63; cf. B. Kcil in Hermes, 55 (1920), 63-67), 1, 117; 3, 89; Ar. Ran. 318-320 and was condemned to death for impiety schol.; Aves, 1071-1075 and schol.; Nub. 828-830 and schol.; [Lys.l 6, 17; about 415 B.C. (Diod. 13, 6, 7), and fled from Athens to Pcllcnc, with a price Epic. De Natura, 14, frg. 87 Us. (ap. Philodem. De Piet. p. 112 Gompcrz); on his head (Ar. Apes, 1072-1075 and
Diod. 13, 6, 7; Joseph. C. Ap. 2, 266;
schol.; Joseph. l.c.\ Ammon. Diff. 56;
Plut. Plac. 1, 7, 1 {Doxogr. Gr* 297); De Superst. 13; Ael. V.H. 2, 23; 2, 31; Hist. An. 6, 40; frg. 33 H. (ap. Suid. s.v. Ιρρε); Athen. 13, 611b; Diog. Oenoand. p. 19 W.; Max. Tyr. 11, 5; Aristid. Or. 45, 60; Sext. Emp. Pyrrbon. 3, 218; Adv. Pbys. 1, 51-53; Tatian, Ad Gr. 27; Athenag. Supp/ic. 4; Clem. Protr. 2, 24, 2 and schol.; Lact. Inst. \,2,2, De Ira, 9, 7; 10, 47; Arnob. 4, 29; Aug. C. Litt. Petil. 3, 25; Theodoret, Gr. Aff. Cur. praef. 9; 6, 6; Liban. Decl. 1, 153-154; loan. Chrys. in 1 Cor.
Liban. Decl. 1, 15A). His ακμή, given by Eus. Cbron. Ol. 78 as ca. 466 B . C , is hard to reconcile with the date given by Diodorus, and other parts of the story arc doubted by various scholars. Cf. further T. Munchcnberg, De Diagora Melio (1877), 25-30; U. v. WilamowitzMocllendorfT, Die Textgescb. d. gr. Lyriktr (1900), 80-84 (who on pp. 83-84 reconstructs his life and activities); P. Dccharmc, La critique des trad, relig. che^ I" ^ecs (1904), 131-135; E. WeJlmann in P.-V. 5 (1905), 310-311;
1,2
123
putaverunt. Qui vero deos esse dixerunt tanta sunt in varietate H. W. Smyth, Gr. melic Potts (1906), 345-346; B. Kcil in Hermes, 55 (1920), 63-67 (with an important scholium to Aristidcs bearing on Diagoras); T. Gompcrz, Gr. Denker, 1« (1922), 432; A. B. Drachmann, Atheism in pagan Aniiq. (1922). 31-34; 155-156; E. Dcrenne, Us procis d'impiete (1930), 57-70. For Diagoras's nickname άθεος cf. 1, 63, n. (athtos). Theodorus: of Cyrcnc, to be dis tinguished from another Thcodorus of Gyrene, the geometrician (P.~W. 5A (1934), 1811-1825), was chiefly notorious as an atheist; cf. 1, 63; 1, 117; Philo, Quod ornn. Prob. lib. 127: Θ. . . . τδν έπικληθέντα άθεον; Plut. Pboc. 38, 2: θ τω άθέω; De Tranq. 5: θ . . . . δ κληθείς άθεος; [GalenJ, De Phil. Hist. 8 (XIX, 250 K.); Athcn. 13, 611b; Min. Fcl. 8, 2; Clem. Protr. 2, 24, 2; Lact. De Iray 9, 7; 10, 47; Scxt. Emp. Pjrrbon. 3, 218; Adv. Pbys. 1, 51; 1, 55; Diog. L. 2, 85 (listing him as the head of the Thcodorcan branch of the Cyrcnaic school; cf. Suid. s.v. Θεόδωρος); 2, 97-103 (our fullest account); 2, 116; 4, 52; 4, 54; 6, 42; 6, 80 (Diogenes the Cynic wrote a dialogue called Θεόδωρος); 6, 97: Θ. τον έπΐκλην άθεον; Arnob. 4, 29; Hier. Chron. ann. 1697; 1708; Epiphan. Adv. Haer. 3, 2, 9, 24 (Doxogr. Gr.1 591): Θεόδωρος ό άθεος έπικληΟεΙς έςιη ληρον εΤναι τους περί τοΰ θεοΰ λόγους, ώετο γαρ μή είναι θείον καΐ τού του ένεκεν προύτρέπετο πάντας κλέπτειν έπιορκεΐν άρπαζε LV καΐ μή ύπεραποθνήσκειν πατρίδος, κτλ.; loan. Chrys. in 1 Cor. hlomil. 4, 5 (Pair. Gr. 61, 36): ό λεγόμενος άθεος. Thcodorus was probably born before 340 (K. v. Fritz in P.-VP. 5A (1934), 1825), was a pupil of Aristippus (Diog. L. 2, 86) and Anniccris (Diog. L. 2, 98), and the teacher of Euhcmerus; left Cyrenc for political reasons (E. Dercnne, Les procis d'impiiti (1930), 206), and came to Athens (Diog. L. 2, 103), but for his religious and moral views (Diog. L. 2, 99: κλίψειν τε καΐ μοιχεύσειν καΐ Ιεροσυλήσειν έν καιρώ [sc. τον σοφόν]· μηδέν γαρ τούτων φύσει αίσχρδν
είναι) was forced to leave Athens (Diog. L. 2, 102; Philo, I.e.—the sutcmcnt of Athcn. 13, 611a that he was executed seems incorrect), and stayed at the court of Ptolemy, by whom he was sent as ambassador to Lysimachus (Diog. L. 2, 102). Stories are told of his bold and outspoken expressions {Tusc. 1, 102; 5, 117; Philo, op. cit., 127-130; Val. Max. 6, 2, cxt. 3; Sen. Dial. 9, 14, 3; Plut. An Vitiositas, 3; De Exil. 16; Stob. 3, 2, 32, p. 185 H.; Gnomol. Vat. 352 (in W'ien. Stud. 11 (1889), 46)). His περί θεών was said to be the source of much of Epicurus's writing on the subject (Diog. L. 2, 97). Sec further P. Dccharmc, La critique des trad, rtlig. cbe^ l*s Grecs (1904), 173-174; A. B. Drachmann, Atheism in pagan Antiq. (1922), 75-76; E. Dcrcnnc, op. at.; 206-214; K. v. Fritz in P.-W. 5A (1934), 1825-1831 (and works cited). Cyrenaicus: three Latin adjectives arc derived from Cjrene: Cyrenaeus, Cyrenai· crir, and Cyrenensis, the first two being borrowed from the Greek. All three arc used by Cicero, but the form here attested by the best mss is that particu larly employed—as adjective or sub stantive—for members of the philoso phic school of Cyrcnc; e.g., DeOr. 3, 62; Off. 3, 116; Ac. 2, 20; 2, 131; 2, 142; Fin. 1, 23; 1, 39; 2, 39; 2, 114; Tusc. 1, 83; 3, 28; 3, 3 1 ; 3, 52; 5, 112. For Cyrenaeus cf. Tusc. 1, 102: Cyrenaeum Tbeodorum; 4, 5 (of Carncades); Ac. 2, 76—respectable evidence but insufficient to lead us to adopt here Cyrenaeus of the deter/ores. in varietate: cf. 1, 29 in maximo errore versatur; 1, 31: sunt isdem in erratis; 1, 37: magno in errore sententia est; 1, 43: in maxima inconstantia . . . versantur; Firm. Math. 1, 1, 3: tanta sunt bi ornnes in varietate et dissensione versafi ut longum . . . sit . . . enumerare sententias. dissensione: the repetition of this word twice below in this section is not without parallel in Cicero's somewhat hasty writing; cf. 2, 98 (repetition of altitudines); Pease on Div. 1, 3; also
124
1,2
et dissensione ut eorum molestum l sit enumerare * sententias. Nam et defigurisdeorum et de locis atque sedibus et de actione * 1 molestum B*H (m. rec. in mg.), turn Bl * enumerare dett. Dav., innumerare Blt dinumcrare B*FH (m. rec. in mg.) * de actione] actione AC NO Μ
d e : the fourfold use of de has been Β. L. Ullman in Am. J. Pbilol. 81 questioned, and AC Ν omit it before (1950), 408-409). molestum: turn of B1 makes no sense, actione. Such an omission, however, but the correction molestum of B* gives would injure the symmetry of a rheto a phrase frequent in Cicero (e.g., 1, 17; rical group of three members, each distinct in meaning (locis atque sedibus 1, 24) and sometimes found with a subject infinitive as here: 1, 99; Am. 45: forming a natural unit; cf. 1, 45, n. aliens s nimis implicare molestum esse; (formam, etc.); also the instances in Sen. 47: molestum est carere; Fin. 4, 52: Tbes. Ling. Lat. 2 (1906), 1054, 48 ff., where diversity of conjunctions cor asperum esse dolere, molestum, odiosum; 2 Verr. 3, 155: molestum est . . . suadere; responds to a diversity of relations, so that atque may unite two members Imp. Pomp. 46: erat molestum . . . esse missum; Har. Resp. 41; Fam. 2, 1, 1; more closely joined than the others), and would produce two poorly balanced Att. 5, 9, 1; 8, 3. 5; 11, 6, 2; 11, 22, 1. groups: (1) forms; (2) places, abodes, Plasberg's
1,3
125
vitae multa dicuntur, deque his summa philosophorum dissensione certatur; quod vero maxime rem causamque continet, utrum nihil agant, nihil moliantur, omni l curatione et administratione rerum vacent, an contra ab iis et a principio omnia facta et constituta sint et ad infinitum tempus regantur atque moveantur in primis [quae] * magna dissensio est, eaque nisi diiudicatur3 in summo errore necesse est homines atque in maximarum rerum ignoratione 4 versari. 2 3 Sunt enim philosophi et fuerunt qui omnino nullam habere censerent rerum humanarum procuratio1
B*F
an ab omni AlF * quae om. dttt. Man., que DHNFM * ignorantia OM, ignorantue A/ 1 / 7
pression may mean "the places of their abode." actione vitac: cf. 1, 45 n. (formam, etc.)\ 1, 103; Rcid on Ac. 2, 62. hie: the least objectionable choice of readings; Plasberg's deque is rests on the first hand of no major ms and in troduces an unlikely divergence of form from ab iis just below. For a severe cri ticism of Plasberg's varied spellings of // and hie in the dative and ablative plural sec T. Birt in Berl. phi/. Wocb. 38 (1918), 547-548. quod: for de eo quod, depending upon dissenno est. rem causamque: cf. Fam. 2, 6, 5: rem atque causam; 12, 4, 2. Res is the fact, causa the point of dispute; cf. Tusc. 4, 65: una res videtur causam continere; Pro Catc. 11: multa enim quae sunt in re, quia remota sunt a causa, praetermiftam. Curatione et administratione: cf. Rtp. 1, 35; also 1, 3, below. [quae]: this word interrupts the syntax of the clause (despite the attempt of T. Birt in Bert. phi/. Woch. 38 (1918), 548-549 to retain it by changes in punc tuation and by understanding in sense a second certatur before utrum), and its presence is plausibly explained by Λ. C. Clark, The Descent of Manuscripts (1918), 357, as a variant for -que added in the margin but intended to apply to eaque just below. magna dissensio: cf. 1, 16; Tusc. 1, 18: magna dissensio est; Fin. 2, 49; 3, 44;
* diiudicetur
5, 16: magna dissensio est; 5, 76; Legg. 2, 32. In Off. 3, 56 the mention of a dissensio is followed by the words quae diudicanda sunt. in summo errore, etc.: cf. 1, 29: non in maximo errore versatur\ 3, 25: in eodem . . . errore versantur\ Ac. 2, 34: simi/i in errore persontur; Tusc. 1, 107; 5, 43; Off. 1, 91; Parad. 50. Error here probably means "uncertainty" rather than "misukc"; cf. 2, 2: non errantem et vagam . . . sententiam; Off. 2, 1: non enim sumus ii quorum vagetur animus errore; Plaut. M.G. 793: erro quam insistas viam\ Liv. 1, 24, 1: nominum error manet, utrius popuii Horatii, utrius Curiatii fuerint; Sen. Agam. 144: ubi animus errat optimum est casum sequi. 3 sunt . . . fuerunt . . . censerent: on the sequence of tenses cf. H. Lievcn, Die Consecutio Temporum des Cic. (1872), 45 (cited by Mayor ad loc. but not seen by me); G. S. Sale in CI. Rev. 3 (1889), 7; F. E. A. Traycs in Greece and Rome, 5 (1936), 99. The imperfect here represents an action partly past, partly continuing. Of such expressions as sunt . . . et fuerunt P. Parzingcr, Beitr. z- Kenntn. d. ciceron. Sti/s (1910), 27, collects many examples. nullam habere: the philosophers here in question would include, of course, all atheists (Dion. Hal. Antiq. 2, 68, 2) and the consistent atomists, but in Cicero's day were chiefly the Epicureans, whose beliefs were based upon the first of Epicurus's κύριαι
126
1,3
ncm deos. Quorum si vera sententia est, quae potest esse pietas,1 quae sanctitas, quae religio? Haec enim omnia pure atque caste 1
pietas] uirtus A
δόξαι (cf. 1, 45; 1, 85; also 1, 51; 1, 56; (1936), 210, who thinks the terms 1, 102; 1, 115-116; 1, 123; 3, 3; 3, 79; almost synonymous, and finds that Dh>. 2, 40 (and Pease ad loc.); Ljtgg. 1, 21; each has an underlying moral content Off. 3, 102; Pro Mil. 83; H. Usener, as well as a religious significance, though Epicurea (1887), 241-257; Virg. Eel. 8,35; these are not easily separable. Μ. Υ. Henry, Rtl. of Dogmatism and Scepticism Aen. 4, 379 (and Scrvius; also Pease ad loc.)\ Lucan, 7, 454-455: mortalia in the philos. Treatises of Cic. (1925), 38, ntdli I sunt curata deo [and schol.]; Quintil. compares 1, 4: fides . . . socittas ... Inst. 5, 6, 3: cum ttiam pbilosopbi qutdam iustitia. sint rtptrti qui deos agere rerum bumanarum PieJos is defined in 1, 116: est enim curam negarent; Tac. Ann. 6, 22, 2 pietas iustitia adversum deos; cf. 1, 117: (contrasting Epicureans and Stoics, as religio nem, quae deorum cultu pio confinetur; here); Acl. frg. 11 H.; [AcroJ in Hor. 2, 153: cogrutionem deorum e qua oritur Carm. 1, 34, 2; 3, 3, 35; Ambros. De pietas; In». 2, 66: pietatem, quae erga Noet 100: pbilosopborum quorundam opini- patriam out parentes aut alios sanguine ones qui negent dium curam habere super coniunctos of fidurn conservare moneat; Top. homines; Oonat. in Aen. prooem. p. 6 90: atquitas tripartita didtur esse: una Gcorgii; Greg. Na2. Or. 4, 44; Hicr. ad supero* deos, altera ad manes, tertia ad In Is. 14, 18, p. 285 Vail.; In Εχ. 3, 9, p. homines pertinere. prima pietas, stcunda 99 Vail.; Tract, de Ps. 93 {Anecd. Mareds. sanctitas, tertia iustitia et aequitas nominatur; 3, 2, 83): qui cum Epicuro ab bumanis rebus Fin. 3, 73: pietas adversus deos; also Dei curam dicitis separatam; Tract, in Is. 6 [Plat.] Definit. 412c: ευσέβεια δικαιοσύνη {Anecd. Mareds. 3, 2, 110); Iul. Vict. περί θεούς; 415a: δσιον θεράπευμα θεούArs rbet. 6 (/?/*/. Lat. 405 Halm); άρεστόν θεώ; Pease on Virg. Aen. 4, 393 id., p. 406: inter Stoicos et Epicureos solet and works there cited. The fundamental rogari providentiane mundus guberrutur; notion seems to be that of devotion, also Stob. Eel. 1, ch. 2. Among the "man's reverent attachment to the sour Jews similar beliefs of the Sadducecs ces of his being and the steadying of his are noted by Joseph. Bell. Iud. 2, 164; life by that attachment," as defined by Antiq. 13, 5, 9; Hippol. Pbi/osopbum.9, G. Santayana (The Life of Reason, 3 24. (1928), 179; cf. Aristot. Etb. Nic. 8, 12, procurationem: cf. 1, 2: curattone; 1162 a 4-9; 9, 2, 1165 a 21-24), and it is naturally directed towards parents and 2, 44; 2, 130 (of the analogous care of kinsmen, fatherland, and gods, e.g., man for cultivated plants and domesti cated animals). C. Michel, Rec. d'inscr. grecques (1900), quae potest: cf. 1, 123: quae potest esse no. 735, 213-214: τύπον δ*έ ευσέβειας ήν θεοϊς χαΐ προγόνοις είσφέρειν δσιον; sanctitas si dii bumana non curant? pietas . . . sanctitas . . . religio: id., no. 731: προς τε τους θεούς όσίως καΐ εύσ<εβώ>ς προφέρεται; also id., no. 689 combined in 1, 14 and the first two ( = I.C II, 477 b): ευσέβειας Ενεκα και again discussed in 1, 115-116 (sec M. φιλοτιμίας ήν έχων διατελεί προς τού; Knbbcrt in P.-W. 1A (1920), 574, 16); cf. also 1, 56: pie sancteque; 2, 71; Off. θεούς. 2, 11; Aug. De catecht\. Rudibus, 29. Sanctitas is defined in 1, 116 as sdentia The first two correspond to ευσέβεια colendorum deorum', cf. 2, 5: deorum cultus and όσιότης, and arc often closely religfonumque sanctitas\ also the passages linked, like pietv and holiness today; collected by W. Link in P.-W. 1A cf. J. C. Bolkestein, δσιος en ευσεβής (1920), 2248. In Plat. Euthypbr. 6e
1, 3
127
tribuenda deorum numini ita sunt si animadvcrtuntur ab iis et si est aliquid a deis inmortalibus hominum x generi tributum; sin autem dei neque possunt 2 nos iuvare nee volunt, nee omnino curant, nee quid agamus animadvertunt, nee est quod ab iis ad hominum om. Bl, humano B%
possint A
F.uchyphro attempts to define δσιον as deorum numini: a frequent phrase; what is τοις Οεοϊς προσφιλές, or θεοφιλές. e.g., 2. 7; 2, 95; 3, 92; Div. 2, 29; 2, 35; Cf. also ύ. D. Hadzsits in Trans. Am. 2, 47; 2, 124; Fin. 3, 64; Rep. 1, 12; pbiiol. Assoc. 39 (1908), 82, n. 1; W. W. Legg. 2, 15; Mar. Resp. 19; Phil. 11, 28. Fowler, Re/. Exp. of the Rom. People For the longer form deorum immortalium (1911), 4*3-464; 470, n. 27. numen sec the passages cited by F. Prisicr in P.-W. 17 (1937), 1274, who Re/iffo: on the etymology and use of discusses Cicero's use of the term numen, this word cf. Pease on Div. 2,148, and works there cited. Like the two previous always in the sense of a property of the deities (especially their might) rather words this much discussed term may than of deity itself or of a particular describe both our obligations to the gods and those to our fellows (cf. Fcst. deity. For the word in other authors p. 278 M. {-- 348 L.): religiosus est non sec Poster's treatment; also H. Wagcnmodo deorum sanctitattm magni aesiimans voort, Imperium (1941), 73-85. H. J. sed etiam officiosus adversus homines), and Rose, Prim. Culture in Italy (1926), 7 (cf. id. in Harv. thiol. Rev. 28(1935), 237) 1, 4 infra shows that Cicero is awake has compared numen with the Mclancsian to the unhappy social implications of a general abandonment of thcistic beliefs. mana, which docs not, however, seem to apply closely to the present passage. In view of the allusion in 1, 4 to CarWith the general thought cf. Sisenna, neades and the likeness of this passage fr. 125 Peter (ap. Non. p. 133 M. to the argument in 1, 115, R. Philippson (Symb. Os/oenses, 20 (1940), 24) supposes 192 L.): utrumne divi cultu erga se mortaCicero to have drawn all this informa lium lottiscant an superna agentes bumana tion, more or less indirectly, from Car- neglegant. ita sunt si: "only if," as in Off. 1, 28: neades. pure atque caste: cf. Div. 1, 121: hoc ipsum ita iustum est . . . // est volun castus animus purusque; frg. IX, 12 tary urn. neque possunt . . . nee volunt: cf. Muller (ap. Lact. Inst. 3, 19, 6): castos autem [animos], puros, integros, incorruptos in the eighth fragment of this work, . . . addeos . . . pervolare; A. Pittct, Vocab. quoted by U c t . De Ira, 13, 20-21, the repeated antithesis of vult and potest-, philos. de Seneque, 1 (1937), 159-160. Cf. L*gg. 2, 24: caste iubet /ex adJre ad also Min. Fel. 12, 2: deus .. . non vult deos, ammo videlicet, in quo sunt omnia. out non potest opitulari suis\ Julian, Orat. 4, 142d: πάντα γάρ απερ βούλεται ταΰτα tribuenda: the reciprocal expression, ίστι καΐ δύναται καΐ ενεργεί- ούτε γάρ emphasizing the contractual relation between gods and men, should be noted: δ μη ίστι βούλεται ο·">τε δ βούλεται δράν ού σΟένει ού0" δ μή δύναται ένερtribuenda deorum numini . . . a deis . . . hominum generi tributum; cf. 1, 115: cur γεϊν έθέλει; Max. Tyr. 38, 6d. The cli deos ab homimbus co/endos dicas cum dei .. .max in these five clauses introduced by homines non colon t; G. D. Hadzsits in nee should not be overlooked, the justi Trans. Am. pbiiol. Assoc. 39 (1908), 81- fication for man's neglect of the gods 83; L. Gucuning in Nova et Vetera, 1 being in inverse proportion to their attention to him and his interests. (1925), 338, n. 2.
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1,3
hominum vitam permanare * possit, quid est quod ullos deis inmortalibus cultus, honores, preces adhibeamus? In specie autem fictae simulationis sicut reliquae virtutes item 2 pietas inesse non 1
permanere
AlDGBlt
pcrmanc
Nl
p e r m a n a r e : from the E p i c u r e a n intermundia t o t h e e a r t h , as M a y o r s u g g e s t s . q u i d est q u o d : cf. 1, 1 6 : nihil est quod . . . desideres; 1, 2 2 : quid autem erat quod concupiscent; 1, 115: quid est enim cur; 1, 117: quid est autem quod deos veneremur; 3 , 7: quid est . . . cur. Since primus est deorum cultus deos credere [Sen. Ep. 9 5 , 5 0 ; cf. Hebr. 1 1 , 61, the usclcssncss of w o r s h i p o n t h e part of u n b e l i e v e r s is often s t r e s s e d ; e.g., 1, 116; 1, 1 2 3 ; 1, 1 2 4 ; Legg. 1, 4 3 : a/que si natura confirmatura ius non erit, < virtutes omnes> tollentur; ubi enim liberalitas, ubi patriae caritas, ubi pietas, ubi aut bene merendi de altera aut referendae gratiae voluntas pot erit existere? . . . non solum in homines obsequia sed etiam in deos caerimoniae reliffonesque tolluntur, quas non metu sed ea coniunctione quae est homini cum deo conservandas puto\ Γ am. 7, 12, 2 : quo modo autem tibi placebit Iovem laptdem iurare cum scias Iovem iratum esse nemini posse; Sen. De Ben. 4, 4, 1-3; also Plat. Legg. 10, 8 8 7 b - c ; O v . Ex P. 2, 9, 232 4 : numquid erit quare soli to dignemur honorefnumina si demas veile iurare deos; Arr. E p i c t . 1, 12, 5-6: ct γ α ρ μή είσΐν θεοί, π ώ ς έστι τέλος ί π ε σ θ α ι θ ε ο ϊ ς ; εί δ^εΐσΐν μέν, μηδενός δ' έπιμελούμενοι, και ο*»τως π ώ ς υγιές ϊ σ τ α ι , κ τ λ . ; Μ . A u r c l . 6 , 4 4 : el δ'δρα περί μηδενός βουλεύ ονται (πιστεύειν μέν ούχ δσιον), ή μηδέ Ούωμεν, μηδέ εύχώμεθα, μηδέ όμνύωμεν, κ τ λ . ; Hicrocl. Comm. in Aur. Carm. (Fr. Phil. Gr. 1, 442 Mullach): π ώ ς γ α ρ οίον τε ταΐς Ιεραΐς Ικετείαις Οεοπρεπώς χρήσασθαι, μ ή πρόνοιαν καΐ δίκην έφοραν τά ανθρώπινα τιθεμένους; Apul. De Deo Socr. 5: nullus, inquis, deus humanis rebus intervenit; cut igitur preces adlegabo? cut votum nuncupabo? cut victimam caedam? . . . quern denique . . . iuri ittrando arbitrum adhibebo; Lucian, I up. confut. 6: σοφιστών, ot μηδέ προνοεϊν ήμας [sc. θεούς] τ ω ν ανθρώπων φ α σ ί ν εκείνοι
* i t e m (m in ras.) B, ita
Ν
γοΰν τά τοιαύτα έρωτώσιν ύπ* ασεβείας, άποτρέποντες καΐ τους άλλους θύειν καΐ εΰχεσθαι ώ ς είκαΐον 6 ν ; ; lup. Trag. 1 8 : εί δ'ούτοι πεισθεϊεν ή μ η δ έ όλως η μ ά ς (sc. θεούς] είναι ή δντας άπρονοήτους είναι σφών αυτών, άθυτα καΐ α γ έ ραστα και α τ ί μ η τ α ήμΐν ί σ τ α ι τ ά κ γ η ς ; Bis accus. 2; [Clem.] Recogn. 8, 1 2 : quid enim colas eos a quibus promereri nihil possir; Lact. De Ira, 6, 2 : neque bonos ullus deberi potest deo si nihil praestat colenti; 8, 2 : // enim deus nihil euiquam boni trjbuit . . . quid tarn vanum, tarn stultum quam temp/a aedificare, sacrificia facere, dona conferre . . . ut nihil adsequamur . . . quit bonos deberi potest nihil curanti et ingrato; E u s . Pr. Ev. 6, 2, 2 : τί δέ χ ρ ή λοιπόν εύσεβεΐν καΐ τους θεούς προσχυνεΐν καΐ θεραπχύειν, μηδέν οίους τε καθόλου μηδέ έαυτοϊς έπαρκεϊν; 6, 3 , 3 : τί δέ δεΐ λοιβής τε κνίσης τε και τό έκ τού τ ω ν γ έ ρ α ς τ ο ι ς μηδέ τ ο ύ τ ω ν άξίοις άπονέμειν, εί κ α τ ' ουδέν η μ ά ς ώ φ ε λ ε ϊ ν δύ ν α ν τ α ι ; 14, 27, 9. T h e q u e s t i o n here raised is a n s w e r e d , from the E p i c u r e a n s t a n d p o i n t , in 1, 4 5 ; 1, 116; cf. G . D . Hadzsits in Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 39 (1908), 73-88, especially 82-83. c u l t u s , h o n o r e s , p r e c e s : F . A . Wolf (Kl. Schr. 1 (1869), 508) w o u l d refer these three to sanctitas, reliffo, and pietas respectively, b u t there seems little indi c a t i o n that Cicero here i n t e n d e d m o r e t h a n a rhetorical g r o u p of t h r e e . F o r the term preces cf. G. Appcl, De Precationum Romanarum Sermone (1908), 69. L. G u c u n i n g (in Nova et Vetera, 7 (1925), 234, n. 7) s u g g e s t s that cultus ( " r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e s " ) is here explained b y honores and preces, as colere in 1, 119, by precari venerarique. s p e c i e . . . f i c t a e s i m u l a t i o n i s : an illogical b u t effective p l e o n a s m , w i t h which cf. Leg. agr. 2, 10: aliud spe ac specie simulationis ostentant; Pro Cat). 14: specie quadam virtutis adsimulatae; Off.
1,3
129
potest *; cum qua simul sanctitatem et religionem tolli neccssc est, quibus sublatis perturbatio vitae sequitur et magna con1
potcrunt A
3, 39: fictam et commtnticiam fabulam; Ac. 2, 140: fallax imitatio simulatioque virtutis\ Ter. Eun. 200: tuque me finxisse fain qmcquam [Oonat. ad loc.: out "dixisse" debuit dicere aut abundat "fa/si"]; Petron. 3, 3 : ficti adulatores [where Buchelcr brackets ficti]', Tac. An». 6, 45, 5: nmulationum . . . falsa; Hcrodian, Hist. 1, 4, 5: κολακείας προσποιητού; [Hier.] Ep. 148, 30, 2: ficta adulatione decipere; Cod. Ϊustin. 5, 12, 30: ficti divortii falsa simulation*·, E. Lofstcdt, Syn tacttea, 2 (1933), 176-177 (comparing Maximinus, C. Ambros. 10: sub specie fa/sae voluntatis); P. Burmann on Quintil. Inst. 8, 2, 10; J. K. Schonbcrgcr in Phil. Woch. 55 (1935), 1242. The attempt of H. Kraffert (Beitr. ζ. Krit. u. Erkl. lat. Autoren, 3 (1883), 123) to delete simulations, and that of [G. H.?J Hcidtmann {Beitr. χ. Krit. u. Int. d. Schr. ... de Nat. D. (1858), 16) to emend to venerations s (comparing 1, 45) arc both unnecessary. With the thought cf. Arr. Fpict. 2, 20, 23: ότι θεοί οϋΥ είσίν, ε( τε καΐ είσίν, ούκ επιμελούνται ανθρώπων ουδέ κοινόν τι ήμΐν έστι προς αυτούς τό τ* ευσεβές τοϋτο καΐ όσιον παρά τοις πολ λοίς άνθρώποις λαλούμχνον κατάψευσμά έστιν αλαζόνων ανθρώπων καΐ σο φιστών; Scxt. Emp. Adv. Pbys. 1, 123: εί γχρ μη είσΐ θεοί, ούκ ϊστιν ευσέβεια. In Fam. 1, 4, 2, Cicero refers to a nomen indueturn fictae religionis; in Har. Resp. 8-9 (cf. De Domo 107) he attacks those who pretend to defend a religion whose principles they themselves outrage; cf. L. Gueuning in Nova et Vetera, 7 (1925), 242. In Off. 2, 43, he is similarly opposed to insincerity. Μ. Υ. Henry {op. cit., 38) remarks that Cicero here "detaches himself from his Academic spokesman, Cotta, who later in the dialogue expresses his entire satisfaction with the mere forms of religion." sicut . . . item: for the correlation of ut and item cf. 1, 28; 1, 96; 2, 38; 3, 30;
3, 45; and nine other cases noted by Merguet, Lex. χ. d. pbil. Schr. 2 (1892), 405; for similar phrases cf. Madvig on Fin. 3, 48. reliquac virtutee: cf. Phot. BibI. cod. 243, p. 356a Bckk.: οίχεται μέν αρετή πάσα τοις Επικούρου λογοις καΐ δόγμασιν. quibus sublatis: the phrase quibus . . . confusio might fit well at the end of the sentence, after tollatur, to which position it was transferred by [G. H.?j Hcidtmann {Zur Krit. v. Interp. d. Schr. desCic.de Nat. D. (1858), 16), J. Forchhammcr {Nordisk tidskrift f filologi, N.S. 5 (1880), 37), and M. L. Earlc {Proc. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 33 (1902), lxx = CI. Papers (1912), 203), but this disagrees with the quotation by Lact. De Ira, 8, 6, and hardly improves the sentence as a whole. For the repetition {tolli . . . sublatis . . . sublata . . . tollatur) cf. P. Stamm, De M.T.C. Libr. de Deor. Nat. Interp. (1873), 4; Pease on Dip. 2, 123; with the structure of the sentence cf. Off. 3, 28. perturbatio vitae: cf. Tusc. 3, 73: perturbatio vitae . . . consequatur; Fin. 1, 25: totam rationem evertit si ita res se habeat; 2, 117: quanta perturbatio rerum omnium consequatur, quanta confusio; 3, 50: confunderetur omnis vita; 5, 15; 5, 28: vitae est eversio; Ac. 2, 99: sequitur omnis vitae ... eversio [cf. 2, 31]; Legg. 3, 3 ; Plat. Rep. 4, 442b: ζύμπαντα τόν βίον πάντων άνατρέψη; Corg. 481c: άλλο τι ή ημών ό βίος άνατετραμαένος 3ν εΐη τών ανθρώπων; Scxt. Emp. Adv. Log. 1, 369: άνέστραπται τά πράγματα; Diog. L. 9, 104: ol δογματικοί φασιν καΐ τόν βίον αυτής άναιρεϊν; I-act. De Ira, 8, 6: qua sublata [sc. religione] confusio ac perturbatio vitae seqstetur; Aug. CD. 5, 9; L. R. Farncll, Higher Aspects of Gr. Relig. (1912), 107-108. Perturbatio is considered by G. Kilb, Ethische Grmdbegriffe der a/ten Stoa, u.s.w. (1939)—known to me Q
130
1,4
fusio. 4 Atque haut scio an pietate ad versus deos sublata fides etiam et societas generis humani et una excellentissuma virtus only from a review in CI. \Peekly> 34 τόν δρκον, όμνύς κατά τοϋ μή προσέ(1941), 160—as a translation of πάθος. χοντος ώς έπιμελουμένου τών ανθρώ πειων πραγμάτων; Quintil. Inst. 5, 6, 3 ; 4 haut: on this form cf. F. Leo, Plant. Forscbungen* (1912), 249-251; R. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1235: ούτω κατα φρονώ τους Ορκους- θεοί γαρ ουκ Kuhncr-F. Holzweissig, Ausf. Gr. i. είσίν; J. C. Bolkestein, όσιος en ευσεβής lat. Spr. 1» (1912) 35; Tbet. Ling. Lat. 6 (1936), 203; Α. J. Fcstugicrc, La Ref (1938), 2558. pietate ad versus deos: cf. 1, 115; lation d'Hermis Trism. 2 (1949), 378, who remarks that the falsity of the 1, 116: est enim pie tas iustitia adversum conclusion indicates the falsity of the deos; Fin. 3, 73; Part. oral. 78; L. thesis. Gueuning in Nova et Vetera, 1 (1925), 237, n. 4. societas generis humani: "human sublata: cf. Ait. 7, 2, 4: si baec [i.e., society"; cf. Fin. 3, 62; 4, 4; 5, 6 5 ; Off. 1, 50; 1, 53; 1, 153; 1, 157; 3, 2 1 ; 3. 28 parental affection] non est nulla potest bomini esse ad bominem naturae adiunctio, (where the reasoning is the reverse of that here expressed: if society is over qua sublata vitae societas tollitur. fides: cf. 2, 153: cognitionem deorum, thrown the virtues, including justice, e qua oritur pietas, cut coniuncta iustitia est are destroyed, and those who destroy reliquaeque virtutes. The social and political them arc to be judged as impious to wards the gods); 3, 118; Tusc. 1, 64; importance of religion as a guarantee Am. 20. See also Aristot. Rbet. 1, 15, of the sacredness of oaths (cf. 1, 14) is 1376 b 11-14, on the importance of law discussed in Legg. 2, 16: utilis esse autem bas opiniones quis neget, cum intellegat (νόμος) and contracts (συνθηκαι), ώστε quam multa firmentur iure iurandoy quantae άκυρων γιγνομένων αναιρείται ή προς saluti sint foederum religiones, quam multos αλλήλους χρεία τών ανθρώπων. divini supplicii metus a scelere revocarit% excellentissuma . . . iustitia: for the quamque sancta sit societas avium inter ipsos praise of justice cf. Off. 1, 20: iustitia, diis inmortalibus interpositis turn iudicibus, in qua virtutis est splendor maximus; 1, 62: turn testibus; cf. Plat. Legg. 10, 885b: nihil enim bonestum esse potest quod iustitia θεούς ηγούμενος είναι κατά νόμους ου vacat; 2, 38: iustitia ex qua una virtute viri born appellantur\ 3, 28: baec [sc. δείς πώποτε ούτε έργον άσεβες είργάσατο εκών ούτε λόγον άφήκεν άνομον, iustitia] enim una virtus omnium est domina άλλα έν δή τι των τριών πάσχων, ή τοϋτο et regrna virtutum; Rep. 6, 16; Aristot. δπερ είπον ούχ ηγούμενος, ή τ6 δεύ Eth. Nic. 5, 3, 1129 b 25: αύτη μέν ούν τερον όντας ου φροντίζειν ανθρώπων, ή δικαιοσύνη αρετή μέν έστι τελεία . . . ή τρίτον εύποραμυθήτους είναι θυσίαις πολλάκις κρατίστη τών αρετών είναι δο « καΐ εύχαΐς παραγόμενους [sec F. Solmκεϊ ή δικαιοσύνη . . . καΐ τελεία μάλιστα scn, Plato's Theology (1942), 28; 132]; αρετή [sc. δικαιοσύνη]; Pol. 3, 13, 1283 a Plut. Adv. Colot. 3 1 : πόλις άν μοι δοκεϊ 38: κοινωνικήν γαρ άρετήν εΓναί φαμεν μάλλον εδάφους χωρίς ή πολιτεία της τήν δικαιοσύνην, ή πάσας άναγκαϊον άκολουθεΐν τάς άλλας. For the danger to περί θεών δόξης ύφαιρεθείσης παντά«ασι σύστασιν λαβείν ή λαβοΰσα τηρήσαι. justice from atheistic views cf. Sext. τούτο μέντοι το συνεκτικόν άπάσης κοι Emp. Adv. Pbys. 1, 126: καΐ μήν είπερ νωνίας καΐ νομοθεσίας έρεισμα καΐ καΐ ή δικαιοσύνη κατά τήν έπιπλοκήν τών ανθρώπων προς τε αλλήλους και βάθρον. προς θεούς είσηκται, εί μή είσΐ θεοί Atheism, however, destroys the foun dation of oaths; cf. Philo, De Decologp, ουδέ δικαιοσύνη συστήσεται· Οπερ άτοπον; 1, 131: δεήσει μή Οντων θεών μηδέ 91: εΐ μέν ούν άγνοών, άθεος τις εΤ, πηγή δέ πάντων αδικημάτων άθεότης· δικαι&σύνην ύπαρκτήν είναι, υπαρκτή δέ έσην ή δικαιοσύνη· ^ητέον άρα καΐ προς δέ τώ άΟέω καΐ καταστρατηγείς
1,4
131
iustitia tollatur. Sunt autem alii philosophi, et hi quidem magni atque nobiles, qui deorum mente atque ratione * omnem mundum administrari et regi censeant, neque vero 2 id solum, sed etiam ab isdem hominum vitae consuli et provided; nam et fruges et reliqua quae terra pariat et tempestates3 ac temporum varietates 1
orationc ANOB1
* uerum Bx
•ad. θεούς ΰπάρχειν; Ambros. De Parad. :tus 18: nulla enim abundantiores videtur fructus habere virtus quam aequitas atque iustitia-, tia; A m m . M a r c . 2 0 , 8, 1 1 : excellentissimam ^am virtutum omnium advtrte iustitiam; Hicrocl. >cl. in Aur. Carm. 10 {Frag. Pbilos. Gr. 1, 1, 433 Mullach): δικαιοσύνης . . . τελειό :ιοτατης ούσης πασών αρετών και περι :ριεκτικής τώνίλλων, ώς οίκείων μερών. Εΰν. T h e phrase una excellentissima virtus may iay be added here for emphasis (J. B. Hofofmann, Lat. Synt. u. Stilistik (1928), 6 118) 8) or to improve the clausula (Ax, appen L-ndix, 161). sunt autem alii: the Stoics arc here, xc, as repeatedly by Cicero and others, :rs, contrasted with the Epicureans (1, 33:: sunt enim philosophi)', cf. Pacuv. 3172 72 R i b b . : sunt autem alii philosophi qui, etc. etc. et hi quidem: cf. Off. 1, 43: sunt unt autem mu/ti, et quidem cupidi splendoris . . . qui, etc. magni atque nobiles: cf. Ac. 2, 17: 17: quidam e philosopbis, et it quidem non non mediocre s; 2 , 7 6 : Cyrenaici . . . miniime me contempts philosophi; Div. 2 , 1 5 0 : philoso nophi [sc. Stoics] . . . nee ii quidem contempnptissimi; A u g . CD. 1 1 , 5 : isti phiiosophos >bos ceteros nobilitate atque auttoritate uicerimt. mt. On Cicero's regard for the Stoics, whose DSC lofty utterances on morality attracted ted him more than their barren dialectic :tic repelled him, cf. J. S. Rcid, cd. of the Academica (1885), 17. Offset to them arc the philosophers of the non-Socratic itic tradition, whom in Tusc. 1, 55 he calls alls plebeii. ing mente atque ratione: for the coupling of these words (including 1, 98; 1, 104; 34; 2, 38: 2, 46; 2, 88; 2, 115), which in Tusc. 5, 39, seem completely equated, cd, cf. T. Wopkcns, Advers. crii. 1 <1828), 18), 7 7 ; A . Y o n , Ratio et les mots de la fa miille lie
* tempestas AxHlG,
tempestatcm H%
de reor (1933), 233-234. T h i s idea s e e m s n o t unlike that o f providentia deorum in 2, 73-75; cf. Fin. 4 , 12: divina mente atque natura mundum universum atque tins maximas partis administrari; Diog. L. 7, 138: τόν δη κόσμον διοικεΐσΟαι κατά νουν και πρόνοιαν, καθά φησι Χρύσιππος τ' έν τώ πέμπτψ Ιίερί προνοίας καΐ Ποσειδώνιος έν τ ώ τ ρ ί τ ω
Περί
θεών; ΑΓΓ.
Epict. 2 , 14, 1 1 : λέγουσιν ol φιλόσοφοι ότι μαΟεϊν δει πρώτον τούτο, οτι ί σ τι θεός καΐ προνοεί τ ώ ν δλων. A r n o b i u s , 2, 56, notes four shades in the spectrum of belief: deos nonnulli esse abnegant; prorsus dubitare se alii an sint uspiam dicunt; alii vero existere neque bumana curare ; immo alii perhibent et rebus interesse mortalium et terrenas administrare rat tones. T h c o n , Progymnasm. 1 2 (Rhet. Gr. 2, 121 Spcngel) cites as an example of a theme for discussion, εί θεοί προνοούνται του κόσμου. The general subject is that of the third division of the Stoic theodicy (2, 3; 2, 73-132), and the next point here mentioned {hominum vitae consuli et provideri) is at 2, 3, its fourth division, which is elaborated in 2, 132-167. For the combination of the two cf. 2, 65. consuli et provided: cf. 2, 164: nee vero universo generi hominum solum sed etiam singulis a dis inmortalibus consuli et provider! sole/; also 2, 58: consul/rix et provida. quae terra pariat: Latin lacks a single word for vegetable life—a striking example of the undeveloped state of the Latin philosophic and scientific vocabu lary; cf. 1, 8. In Greek, despite the common use of φυτά, periphrases arc frequent, e.g., Hippocr. De prise. Med. (XXI, 26 Κ.): τά έκ της γης φυόμενα fcf. De Nat. Pueri (XXI, 405; 414 K.]; Plat. Symp. 186a; Epin. 981d; Xcn. Symp. 2, 25; Aristot. De An. 3, 12,
132
1,4
caelique mutationes, quibus omnia quae terra gignat maturata pubescant, a dis inmortalibus tribui generi humano putant, multaque quae dicentur in his libris colligunt, quae talia sunt ut ea ipsa l dei inmortales ad usum hominum fabricati paene videantur. 1
ci ipsi B*F
tempestatee: cf. 3, 16: ex perturbatio434 a 26: πβσι τοις φυομένοις [cf. Hist. An. 5, 11, 543 b 24, and H. Bonitz's nibus tempestatum; Div. 2, 89: cum tempore index, 833 a 2); Epist. 1 {Epist. Gr. anni tempestatumque caeli cornerstones commutationesque tantae fiant; Parad. 51: 172 Hercher): των έχ γης φυομένων; Muson. fr. 18a, p. 95 Hense: έχ των nee tempestatum nee temporum perturbationt mutatur. Tempestas usually applies to φυομένων έχ γης; Simplic. in Epictct. smaller units, like changes of weather, p. 37 Diibncr: κατερριζομένα [Procl. in and ttmpus to larger and more regular Tim. p. 281A (p. 135 Diehl)). In Latin berbae do not include arbores, ones, like seasonal variations (as in 1, 100; 2, 155; Tusc. 1, 68; Hier. Ep. arborum et stir piurn {Phil. 2, 55), and 100, 10, 2; Aug. CD. 5, 6). In 3, 16-17 stirpes alone (as in 2, 36; 2, 130) is in the per turbattones tempestatum seem to be frequent in this sense; sata = cultivated plants (cf. A. S. Pease in Cl. Weekly, 21 contrasted with the temporum ordo. caeli mutationes: cf. 2, 13: caeli (1928), 127), and planta means a "slip" temperat/one; Dip. 2, 89; 2, 94; Tusc. 1, rather than a "plant"; cf. Madvig on Fin. 4, 13. Consequently many periphra 68; the expression probably refers to the ses arc employed, e.g., 1, 4 (just below): clear, cloudy, or rainy phases of the sky. maturata pubeecant: cf. 2, 50: quae terra gignat [cf. 2, 130; Fin. 5, 33; 5, 39]; 2, 26: quae terra . .. ipsa ex se pubescant maturitatemque adsequantur; Sen. generata stirpibus infixa contineat; 2, 28: 53: dein maturata dulcescit; Pease on Virg. ea quorum stirpes terra continentur; 2, 83: Aen. 4, 514. It is unnecessary to suppose quae a terra stirpibus continentur [cf. 2,127]; with W. Fricdrich {Jahrb.f. cl. Pbilol. 127 2, 29: earum rerum quae gignuntur e terra (1883), 422) that emendation is needed, [cf. 2, 33; 2, 120; Fin. 4, 13; 5, 10; 5, 26; or with Goethe {ad loc.) that the present Off. 2, 11; Ac. 1, 26]; 2, 50: quae oriuntur phrase is a case of hystcron protcron. a dia: cf. 2, 13, where these blessings e terra; Sen. 52: quae generantur e terra; Off. 1, 22: quae in terris gignantur; Tusc. arc considered an argument for the 5, 37: quod ita orturn esset e terra ut stirpibus existence of deity. in his libris: 2, 154-162. suss niteretur; Div. 2, 30: earum rerum colligunt: cf. Div. 1, 39: Cbrynppm quas terra procreet; Fam. 7, 26, 2: terra nata. Other writers have the same multis et minuiis somniis colligendis; 2, 33: difficulty, e.g., Lucr. 2, 940: terraque multa enim Stoici colligunt; and for the creatis; Plin. N.H. 12, 1: terra edita; interest of the Stoics in the accumulation 13, 31: arbor/bus, immo potius omnibus of arguments Pease on Div. 1, 6 {Postquae terra gignat; Gell. 2, 24, 7: quidquid donius). esset natum e terra; Ccnsorin. 4, 9; [Apul.] ea ipsa: the reading ea ipsi was Asci. 1, 4; [Aug.] XXI Sentent. 16 (p. favored by Ernesti, Heindorf, and 730 Mignc); Boeth. in Isag. Porpbyr. ed. Forchhammcr {Nordisk tidskrift f. filol. 2, 1, 1 {C.S.E.L. 48, 136): berbarum 6 (1880), 33), and were it attested by mss atque arborum et quicquid terrae radicitus would without question be retained, but adfixum tenetur; Isid. Etym. 17, 6, 1. the principle of the lectio di/ficilior sup Seneca {N.Q. 2, 1, 2) says that the juris ports ipsa. consults used the expression de omnibus fabricati paene: cf. 1, 20: non modo quae solo continentur. See also below natum mundum ... sed etiam manu paene 1, 99, n. (bomine ... arbore). factum; Ac. 2, 87: esse aliquam vim ...
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Contra quos Carneades ita multa disseruit ut excitaret homines non socordes ad veri investigandi cupiditatem. 5 Res enim nulla est de qua tantopere non solum indocti sed etiam docti dissentiant; quorum opiniones cum tarn variae sint tamque inter se dissidcntes, alterum fieri ' profecto potest a ut 1 aliorum fieri B1, aliutrurn fieri Dls3*t alterum nemo fieri TV profecto Η
■ potest
quae finxerit vel, ut tuo verbo utar, quae 23: ita multa sunt incommoda in vita ut fabricata sit bominem. qua/is ista jabrica [though Mayor there equates ita multa est, 2, 119; 2, 121; Tusc. 1, 47; 1, 62; with tot]; 1, 54: ita late longeque perealso the verb macbinor (2, 128; 2, 149; grinatur ut; Sen. 12: cuius sermon* ita Tim. 9). God is the fabricator {Ac. 2, 120; cupidt fruebar quasi; Att. 6, 2, 8: inclusum Tim. 6, rendering ό τεκταινόμενος; in curia senatum babuerunt Salaminium ita Manil. 5, 31; Quintil. Inst. 2, 16, 12; multos dies ut interierint nonnulli fame; Chalcid. in Tim. 29; Firm. Mat. Math. 2 Verr. 2, 8: magistratuum . . . iniurias 7. 1, 2; 8, 1, 3), opi/ex (1, 18 - δημιουρ ita multorum tulerunt ut numquam ... ad γός; 2, 142), or artifex (2, 58; Tim. 6 = aram legum . . . confugerint; Tac. Germ. δημιουργός); his workmanship and its 16: quaedam loca . . . illinunt terra ita product are called fabrica (1, 19; 1, 47; pura at splendente ut picturam . . . imitetur. socordes: here probably "stupid" 1, 53; 2, 121; 2, 138; Off. 1, 127), fabricatio (2, 133), or construetio {Ac. 2, 86). rather than "lazy"; yet cf. Brut. 239: Carneades: cf. 1, 11, n. {Carneade); secors ipsius natura neglegensque. veri investigandi: cf. Tusc. 5, 68: 2, 162: Came ides lubenter in Stoicos in· vebebatur; 3, 44; Tusc. 4, 53: licet insec- ad investigandam verita tern studio incitato; temur istos [sc. Stoicos), ut Carneades sole- Fin. 1, 3: nee modus est ullus investigandi bat; 5, 83: /'/ [i.e., Carneades] ut contra veri; 4, 20: veri investigandi cupidus; Stoicos quos studiosissime semper refellebat; I lortens. fr. 32 Mullet: amor iste in5, 84: ut Carneades contra Stoicos disserebat. vestigandae veritatis. On the discovery of truth as an aim of the Academics cf. His attitude was doubtless prompted 1,11; Fin. 1,13: verum enim invenire volumus by a feeling that the Stoics were the keenest opponents of Academic scepsis; [and Reid's n.]; Rep. 3, 8; Off. 2, 7-8. 5 tantopere . . . dissentiant: cf. Ac. A. Gocdcckcmcyer, Gescb. d. gr. Skeptiysmus (1905), 66. Cf. also Diog. L. 4, 2, 132; 2, 147; elsewhere tantum dissentio 62: τά των Στωικών βιβλία άναγνούς επι {Fin. 1, 5; Pro Font. 30). μελώς <καΙ μάλιστα> τά Χρυσίππου, επι indocti . . . docti: Cicero frequently εικώς αύτοϊς άντέλεγε καΐ ευημερεί το thus contrasts men on the basis of their σούτον ώστε έκεινο έπιλέγειν εί μη possession or lack of an education; e.g. γαρ ήν Χρύσιππος, ούκ αν ήν έγώ. Other 3, 5: oratio aut docti aut indocti; Ac. 1,4; accounts make Carneades take doses of Fin. 5, 89: docti et indocti; Tusc. 2, 43: hellebore before replying to the works inter omnis igitur hoc constat, nee doctos of the Stoics (Val. Max. 8, 7, cxt. 5; homines solum sed etiam indoctos; Sen. 75; Plin. N.H. 25, 52; Gcll. 17, 15, 1-2). Rep. 1, 56. The language of 1, 44 infra The results of his negative criticism are {constat inter omnis non philosophos solum to be seen in our third book, of which he sed etiam indoctos) indicates that docti —through the agency of his pupil, the here probably — philosophi; cf. N. Stang recorder of his doctrines, Clitomachus— in Symb. Osloenses, 11 (1932), 91. is in large measure the ultimate source. tarn variae: cf. 1, 1, n. {tarn variae sunt). ita multa disseruit: ita seems to modify disseruit rather than multa; cf. 1, alterum fieri, etc.: for this common-
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earum * nulla, alterum ccrtc non potest ut plus una vera * sit. 3 Qua quidem in causa et benivolos obiurgatorcs placare s et invidos vitupcratores coniutarc possumus, ut alteros reprehen1
uetearum Bl, et earum A
■ ucra add. A
* placerc A1
intrusion of Cicero's own experiences place—naturally most appropriate in the mouth of an Academic—cf. Ac. 2, 115: and beliefs into the course of an argu nostra, inquies, sola vera sunt, arte sola, si ment which in 1, 4-5 emphasized the vera; plura enim vera disere pantia esse non wisdom of Academic suspense of judg ment, in view of the disagreement of possunt; 2, 117: quern unum e pbyncis other philosophic schools, and at 1, 13 potissimum probabit? nee plus uno potent; 2» 147: pbilosopborum qui . . . tanto optre he returns to the same topic, suggesting discrepant ut, cum plus uno verum esse non the use in this intrusion of his volumen possit, iaeere necesse at tot tarn nobilis sen-prooemiorum (cf. introd. 15; 1, 1, n. tentias; De Or. 2, 30: ut uterque nostrum (cum multae), above). benivolos obiurgatores: cf. Am. 88: eadtm de re alias aliud de/endat, cum plus uno verum esse non possit; Plut. Platon. et monendi amid saepe sunt et obiurgandi, Quaest. 1, 2: ώς μαρτυρά των αΙρέσεων et bate accipienda amice, cum benevol* τό πλήθος, ών άν άριστα πράττη φιλο fiunt; Off. 1, 58; Div. 1, 111: ut obiurgaσοφία, μίαν έχει κατορθοΰσαν, οΐόμενος tores suos convineeret; Fin. 1,2: pbilosopbiae δέ τάς άλλας άπάσας καΐ μαχόμενος vituperatoribus [cf. Τ use. 2, 4J. The προς τήν άλήθειαν; Sen. Ep. 102, 13: rhyming balance between benivolos obiur//// placet verum, veritatis una vis, una facies gatores placare and invidos vituperatores est, etc.; Lucian, Hermot. 14: τό δέ γε confutare should be noted. C. V. Kinderαληθές, οΐμαι, πάντως που £ν ήν αυτών vater (Anmerk. u. Abb. . . . u. Cic. [the philosophers] άλλ* ού πάντα διά Buebern v. d. Nat. d. Goiter 1, (1790), φορα γε βντα; 65: τό δ' αληθές άλλο τι 57-58), followed by F. A. Wolf (AT/. είναι προς μηδενός αυτών πω εύρημένον; Scbr. 1 (1869), 509-510), identifies the Galen, De Cuiusque An. Pecc. Dignot. 1 benivolos with the Stoics and the invidos (V, 60-61 K.): xal τών άποφηναμένων with the Epicureans, and Heindorf φιλοσόφων υπέρ αγαθών τε xal χαχών (ad loc.) with Balbus and Vcllcius, but άλλήλαις μαχομένας δόξας ούχ έγχωthis seems unduly precise; cf. A. S. ρεϊ, φασίν. άπάσας αληθείς είναι, δύνασθαί Pease in Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 44 γε μήν Γσως είναι ψευδείς άπάσας; ΑΓ(1913), 37, n. 57. Other passages in nob. 3, 40: ita enim labant sententiae alte- which Cicero classifies different types raque opinione ab altera convellitur ut aut of critics arc Ac. 2, 5-8; Fin. 1, 1 (cf. nihil ex omnibus verum sit aut si ab alt quo Rcid's n.); Off. 2, 1-8. His own method dieifur, tot rerum diversitatibus nesciatur; (Tusc. 2, 5) professes refellere sine pertiAug. CD. 19, 2: non enim veram plus nana et refelli sine iracimdia. quam unam vera ratio esse permittit. More alteros, etc.: cf. Isocr. Paneg. 130: appreciation for the "broken lights" of χρή δέ κατηγορεΐν μέν ήγεΐσθαι τους truth is to be found in the passages cited έπί βλάβγ; τοιαύτα λέγοντας, νουθετεΐν by Mayor from Legg. 1, 47; Philodcm. δέ τους έπ' ωφελεία λοιδοροΰντας; De Piei. p. 109 Gomperz; Lact. Inst. Joseph. C Ap. 1, 3: περί τούτων απάν 7, 7, 2-4. των ώήθην δεΐν γράψαι συντόμως, τών μέν λοιδορούντων τήν δυσμένειαν καΐ qua quidem, etc.: Mayor's transpo sition of this sentence to the middle of την έκούσιον έλέγξαι ψευδολογίαν, τών δέ τήν άγνοιαν έπανορθώσασΟαι, δι1, 6, after susctptum, has rightly been δάξαι δέ πάντας όσοι τάληθές είδέναι rejected by subsequent editors, for it βούλονται; Gnom. Vat. 361 (VTien. Stud. is more logical where it stands. Yet 11 (1889), 50): Ισοκράτης άχρόασιν even at best the sections from this ποιούμενος είπε τριών έστοχάσθαι- τους point through 1, 12 form a kind of
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disse paeniteat, alteri didicisse se l gaudeant; nam qui admonent amice docendi sunt, qui inimice * insectantur repellendi. 6 Multurn autcm fluxisse video dc libris nostris, quos compluris s brevi tempore edidimus, variumque sermonem partim admirantium 1
sc add. Β
* inimici A1
· Cum pluris ANBt
συνετούς ώφελήσαι, τους απείρους δ*ιοαξοα, τους φθονερούς λυ7τησαι; Clem. Ptudag. 1, 66, 1: £μφω μέν γάρ 6νει£ίζετον, και 6 φίλος χαΐ ό μή, άλλ* ό μέν εχθρός έπιγελών, ό δέ φίλος εύνοών; Aug. De An. 2, 1: didicisst te quod ignorabas gratias egeris; C. Acad. 2, 12: homini enim bomo falsus docendus, fallax cavtndus debit videri ; quorum prius magistrum bonumt posterius disdpu/um cautum desiderat; Thcmist. Or. 22, p. 277a Hard ο u in (p. 336 Dind.)· repellendi: cf. De Or. 2, 72: armatus othersarius qui sit et feriendus et repeliendus. 6 multum: continued by variumque below. Varius is by Cicero often com bined with another adjective, especially with multus; e.g., Ac. 2, 4 1 ; Fin. 1, 65 (cf. 4, 13); Tusc. 1, 47; 5, 1; 5, 111; Off. 1,67; Rep. 3, 14. fluxisse: commonly explained of the spreading of rumors; Francklin renders: " . . . t h e several books which 1 have lately published have occasioned much noise." The nearest parallel appears in Tusc. 4, 2: Pytlmgorae outem doctrina cum longe tateque flueret, permanaviste mihi videtur in banc civitatem. On the influence of his philosophical works cf. 1, 8; Div. 2, 5; Off. 2, 2; A. S. Pease in Trans. Am. pbilol. ASSOC. 44 (1913), 29, n. 22. nostris: for nos and noster in the sense of ego and meter cf. R. S. Conway in Trans. Camb. pbilol. Soc. 5 (1899), 1-79 {nos in Cicero's Letters); R. Kuhner and C. Stcgmann, Ausf. Gram. d. /at. Spr. 2,1* (1912). 87-88; F. Slotty in Indog. Forscb. 44 (1926), 264-305; W. S. Maguinncss in Mnemos. 3 ser., 7 (1938), 148-156 {nos in Catullus); id. in CI. Quart. 35 (1941), 127-135, who, discussing nos in Virgil, classifies into plurals of (1) proprietorship, (2) social and do mestic use, (3) authorship—to which
cum piures CO
the present seems to belong—, (4) modesty, (5) pleading, and (6) pathos, self-pity, or complaint. compluris: cf. Div. 2, 1: quod comp/uribus iam libris me arbitror consecutum; Off. 2, 2: libri nostri complures non modo ad legends sed etiam ad scribendi studium excitaverunt. In the famous list of his philosophic works (Div. 2, 1-4) he mentions certain (De Republican De Oratore, Brutus, and Orator) which date before the death of Tullia (February, 45), and then names the Hortensius (1), Academica (4), De Finibus (5), Tusculans (5), De Natura Deorum (3), Consolatio (1), De Senectute (1), and De Divinatione (2), or a total of 22 books, falling between February, 45 and March, 44. To these should probably be added the Paradoxa (1), Timaeus (1), De Fato (1), De Amicitia (1), De Officiis (3), De Gloria (2), De Virtutibus (1), and possibly the De Legibus (3?), to make at least 35 philo sophical books composed between Fe bruary, 45 and December, 43, during the latter part of which time he was much occupied with public duties and oratory (e.g., the Philippics). In Off. 1, 3, he says that his philosophical writings were nearly as numerous as his orations; cf. also Fin. 1, 11; Top. 1; Sen. 3; Off. 3. 4. varium . . . sermonem: cf. Fin. 5, 1: vario sermone sex . . . stadia confecimus; Sen. 46: noctem vario sermone produximus; Ac. 2, 41: varia oraltone de/endunt; also especially Fin. 2, 10: varietas enim Latinum verbum est, idqite proprie quidem in disparibus colorihus dicifttr, sed transfertur in multa disparia: van urn poema, varia oratio, varii mores, varia forttma, voluptas etiam varia did solet. partim: T. Bin (Bert, pbiloi. Wocb 38 (1918), 549^ points out that three
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unde hoc philosophandi nobis subito studium extitisset, partim quid quaque de re certi haberemus scire cupientium. Multis etiam sensi mirabile videri earn nobis potissimum probatam esse philosophiam l quae lucem eriperet et quasi noctem quandam rebus offunderet,1 desertaeque disciplinae et iam pridem relictae 1
philosophic Bx
* cffunderct DO
των καταχέας ουδέν έ$ προφαίνεσβαι; questions arc raised by critics: (1) why Sext. Emp. Pyrrbon. 1, 20: tl γαρ τοιού he should study philosophy at all; τος άπατεών έστιν 6 λόγος ώστε καΐ τα (2) what his philosophic opinions are; φαινόμενα μόνον ούχΙ των οφθαλμών and (3) why he should select the Acade ημών ύφαρπάζειν; Lact. Inst. 3, 15, 3 ; mic school. These three points are Hicr. Adv. Rufin. 2, 10: /'/// enim omnium treated in sections 6-9» 10, and 11-12 pbilosopborum invidiam non ferentes qmd respectively. veritatem e vita tollerent, verisimilia reptreadmirantium: cf. 1, 11; Off. 2, 2: mirenturque in ea [sc. pbilosopbia) tantum runt, ut ignorant tarn rerum probabili assertione temperarent'; Aug. C. Acad. 2, 29: me operae et temporis ponere. antequam stilum nostrum tenebrae occupent subito: this point is answered in the quae patronae Acadtmicorum solent esse; next sentence. De Op. Monaco. 3: conantur et sibi et quid . . . certi: answered in 1, 10. With the phrase cf. 1, 14: aliquid certi; ceteris caliginem obducere. For the phrase cf. Pro Rose. Am. 150: lucem . .. eripere Div. 2, 8. The inquisitive public cannot realize that Cicero has not, despite his cupiot; Liv. 10, 32, 6; Tib. 1, 9, 35-36. U. Nottola (La similitudine in Cicerone sceptical principles, some private dog (1896), 16 — known to me only through matic beliefs. Cf. also Div. 1, 11: aveo the review of A. Cima in Boll, di filol. audire de divinationt quid stntias. potissimum: cf. 1, 9: banc potissimum class. 3 (1897), 102-105) finds in the (so 1, 11); 2, 58; Juv. 1, 19: cur tamen philosophic works one simile in every hoc potius iibeat decurrere campo. Excuses ten pages, in the rhetorical works one in sixteen, in the orations one in forty, arc more often made for entering Hclds and in the letters one in one hundred already crowded (e.g., Virg. G. 3, 2-9) pages. than for attempting unpopular subjects. noctem . . . offunderet: cf. Τ use. 5, lucem eriperet: this accusation, doubt 6: bate indoctorum animis offusa caligp less deriving in part from the state est; Pro Rose. Am. 91: si offusa ret ment of Socrates that the one thing which he knew was that he knew publicae tempiterna nox esset. Theodoret, Gr. Aff. 8, 7: την της απιστίας καταnothing (Plat. Apol. 21 ά\ was frequently κεχυμένην έχων άχλύν. Neopythagorcanmade against philosophers, particularly the sceptics; cf. Ac. 2, 16: posleaquam ism claimed to do the opposite; Iambi. De comm. Math. Scient. 34, p. 96 Fcsta: Arcesilas, Zenoni . .. obtrectans . . . dum Indus definitions lab*jac tare volt, conatus πδσαν άφελεϊν την άχλύν την έπισχο· est clarissimis rebus tenebras obducere; τοΰσαν τοις πράγμασιν, ώστε είλικρινώς 2, 30: quid enim facturum putem .. . qui την άλήθειαν αυτήν Θεάσ6αι; and cf. lucem eripere conetur; 2, 61: isti autem quosthe claims of Gnostic and other types tu probas tantis offusis tenebris ne santillam of revelation. quidim ullam nobis ad dispiciendum relique- deseTtac . . . e t . . . relictae: cf. 1, 11: runt; 2, 105: non enim lucem eripimus; desertarum relictarumque rerum patrodm'um; Philo, De Poster. Cains, 58: τόν νουν . . . Mayor remarks: "desertae refers to deser 6ς έν άνθρώπω τω βραχεΐ κόσμω μή tion by an adherent, such as Antiochu? άνατείλας . . . πολύ σκότος των oV relictae to general neglect." For the 'ark
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patrocinium nccopinatum a nobis esse susceptum. Nos autem nee subito coepimus philosophari nee mediocrem a * primo tempore aetatis in eo studio operam curamque consumpsimus, et cum minime videbamur turn maxime philosophabamur; quod et orationes declarant, refertae philosophorum sententiis, et doctissi1
a om. Β
.. . philosopbiae numquam intermissum a of contemporary interest in the Academy cf. Ac. 1, 13: relic tarn a te veterem illam, primaque adulescentia cut turn et semper auctum; De Consul, ap. Div. 1, 22: tnquit, tractari autem novam; 2, 11: Pbilonem . . . bomo sane in ista philosophic quae e quibus [the studies of the Academy and mate prop* dimissa revocatur, probatus et the Lyceum] ereptum primo iam a flore nob His; 2, 129: omit to ilia quae relicta iuventae / te patria in media virtutum mole iam videntur, ut Erilium; Fin. 2, 35: locavit; Fam. 4, 4, 4: etsi a prima aetafe nam Pyrrbo, Arts to, Erillus iam diu me omnis ars et doctrina liberalis et maxime abiectt [cf. 2, 43]; 5, 23: iam explosae philosopbia delectavit, tamen hoc studium eiectaeque sententiae Pyrrbonis, Art's fonts, cotidie ingravescit, credo et aetatis maturitate Erilli (cf. Off. 1, 61; Legg. 1, 38: iam ad prudentiam et his temporum vitiis ut nulla tamen fractam et convict am sectam secuti res alia levare am mum molestiis possit. sunt; Tusc. 5 87: qui deserfum illud Car- On Cicero's early philosophic studies, first as a boy, probably before 90 B.C., neadtum curent defendere; Sen. N.Q. 7, under the Hpicurean Phacdrus, sec 32, 2: Academici et veteres et minores nullum antistitem reliquerunt; quis est qui Fam. 13, 1, 2. Also as a boy he svudicd tradai praecepta Pyrrbonis; Aug. C. Acad. under the Stoic Diodotus (Ac. 2, 115: Diodoto . . . quern a puero audivi, qui mecum 3, 41: Antiocbus . . . auditis Pbilone Academico et Mnesarcho Stoicoy in Aca- vivit tot annos, qui habitat apud me, quern demiam veterem, quasi vacuam defensortbus et admiror et diligo), then, cum princeps . . . velut adiutor et civis irrepserat . . . post Academiae Philo cum At/jeniensium optiilia tempora non longo intervaJlo omni per- matibus Mitbridatico hello domo profugistet vicacia pertinaciaque demortua, os illud Romamque venisset totum ei me tradidi Platonis . . . dimotis nubibus erroris emicuit, admirabili quodam ad philosophiam studio maxime in Plotino; J. S. Re id, cd. of concitatus [Brut. 306; cf. Tac. Dial. 30]; Academica (1885), 15-16; R. Hoycr, later (79 B.C.) at Athens he heard AnDie Heils/ehre (1897), 57. Cicero {Tim. 1) tiochus, who had brought the Academy back to a more dogmatic form {Brut. and Seneca {N.Q. 7, 32, 2) similarly note the eclipse of the Pythagorean 315; Fin. 5, 1; Tusc. 5, 22; Plut. Cic. school. 4, 1-2), and, finally, at Rhodes in 77 or perhaps at Rome even earlier, he had patrocinium: cf. 1, 11; Fin. 2, 67; become acquainted with Posidonius Ac. 2, 17; 2, 105; Div. 2, 150; Rep. 3, 8; (Plut. Cic. 4, 4). For this succession of Parad. 15; 2 Verr. 4, 81; Phil. 7, 3—in his teachers, to each of whom he seems some of these cases the word is used to have continued personally attached, with tuscipto. a primo tempore aetatis: cf. Off. 2, 4: cf. R. Philippson, in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1174-1177. in bis sfudiis ab initio versafus aetatis-, Tusc. 5, 5: cuius [sc. philosopbiae] in sinum opcram curamque: coupled in Off. 1, 19; 1, 141; 3, 4; Tusc. 5, 2; Hortens. cum a primis temporibus aetatis nostra voluntas studiumque nos compulisset; Rep. fr. 97 Miillcr. For operam consumo cf. 1, 7: studiorum in quibus a pueritia vixeram Fin. 1, 1; Tusc. 1, 103; 4, 23; Rep. 1, 35. refertae philosophorum sententiis: [cf. Fat. 2]; De Or. 1, 2: eas artis qidbus as in Div. 2, 4, he reckons his writings a pueris dediti fuimus; Brut. 315: siudium
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morum hominum familiaritates, quibus semper domus nostra floruit, et principes illi, Diodotus, Philo,1 Antiochus, Posidonius, 1
philo / / , pililo ANO, Β in mg.t phililo Fin mg.
of philosophers cf. Ac. 2, 115: Epicureos on rhetoric as appropriate parts of his totmeos /amiHares; Tusc. 3, 22: Peripatetic!, philosophic corpus, so he here and in Off. 1, 155 emphasizes the philosophic famiHarts nostri; W. Allen and P. H. DcLacy in Class. Pbilol. 34 (1939), 61-63. elements in his orations, though, as Other philosophers whom Cicero des Mayor remarks, he may mean little more than the use of ethical common cribes is/ami/tares include the Academic Cotta (1, 15), Cratippus the Peripatetic places. Cf. Orat. 12; Att. 15, 13, 6: nos bic φιλοσοφουμτν—quid enim aJiud?—ft (Dip. 1, 5; 2, 107), Siro and Philodemus τά icepl τοϋ καθήκοντος magnifice expli- the Epicureans (Fin. 2, 119), Antiochus camus προσφωνοϋμενφκ» Ciceroni. Passages (Ac. 1, 13; 1, 43; 2, 137; Fin. 5, 75; Legg- 1, 54), and Posidonius (1, 123; of somewhat philosophic character are 2, 88; Fin. 1, 6). The noun and adjective listed by Reid in his edition of indicate a considerable degree of inti the Academica (1885), 9, n. 6; id. in macy, and some of the persons in ques Mayor's cd. ad loc. (to which add Pro Mil. 83-84); H. Ranft, Quaest. pbilos. ad tion—notably Diodotus—had actually lived as members of Cicero's household; Orat. Cic. pertinentes (1912). When in exile Cicero asked his friends to call cf. E. Bignone, Storia della left, latina, 2 (1945), 167. him not an orator but a philosopher (Plut. Cic. 32, 5). In De Or. 1, 83 he domus . . . floruit: cf. Orat. 142: says that qui esset eloquent eum virtutes bominumque clarissimorum disciftulis florueomnet habere atque esse sapientem; but in runf domus; Phil. 9, 4: earn /amiHam quae Off. 1, 3, he thinks that no Greek, save postea viris /ortissimis floruit; Pro Rose. perhaps Demetrius of Phalerum, has Am. 15. won distinction both as an orator and principes: i.e., scholarchs; a term as a philosopher. Mayor remarks that naturally not applicable to all his philo "Cicero was one of those who led the sophic friends. way in bringing about that transfusion Diodotus: the chief passages relating of Roman technicalities by the spirit of to him are: Ac. 2, 115 (quoted in note Greek philosophy which made Roman on a primo tempore aetatis above), for law so important a factor in our modern Cicero's study of rhetoric under him (cf. civilization." R. Philippson (in P.-IF. 7A Tac, Dial. 30); Tusc. 5, 113: Diodotus (1939), 1177) comments upon the fre Stoicus caecus multos annos nostrae domi quency with which such philosophic vixit . . . cum fidibus Pjtbagpreorum more thoughts appear in his letters, though uteretur cumqut ei libri noctes et dies legerenCicero naturally docs not here allude tur . . . geometriae munus tuebatur verbis to those, since they were neither pub praecipiens discentibus wide quo quamque lished nor intended to be published. lineam scriberent; Brut. 309: eram cum With the form of expression cf. Brut. Stoico Diodoto, qui cum babitavisset apud 65 [of Cato]: refertae sunt orattones am- me mecumqm vixisset, nuper est domi meae plius centum quinquaginta . . . et verbis mortuus . . . buic ego doctor/ et eius artibus variis atque multis ita eram deditus ut ab et rebus inlustribus. exercitationibus oratoriis nullus dies vacuus familiaritates: Cicero clearly re cognized his own debt to his teachers; esset; Fam. 9, 4; 13, 16, 4: domi meae cum cf. Off. 1, 155: nosque ipsi, quicquid ad rem Diodoto Stoico, bomine meo iudicio eruditissimo, mu/tum a puero /uit [sc. P. Crassus]; publicam attulimus, si modo aliquid attu/imus, a doctoribus et doctrina instruct! ad Att. 2, 20, 6 [July, 59 B.C.1: Diodotus earn et ornati accessimus. On his patronage mortuus est; reliquit nobis HS /ortasse
1,6 cent/ens. F o r t h e extent of his influence o n C i c e r o cf. P. Boyance in Rev. des et. lot. 14 (1936), 294-295. P h i l o : cf. 1, 1 7 ; 1, 5 9 ; 1, 113 (all these in t h e m o u t h of C o t u ) . T h i s A c a d e m i c , a native of Larissa, c a m e as an exile t o R o m e in 88 B.C., a n d his influence t h e r e was s t r o n g , especially u p o n C i c e r o , w h o several times refers t o h i m by n a m e ; e.g., 1, 1 7 ; Brut. 306 ( q u o t e d in n o t e o n a primo tempore aetatis a b o v e ) ; Ac. 2, 11-12; 2 , 1 7 : Clitomacho Philo vester operant multos armos dedit. Pbilone autem vivo patrocinium Academiae non de/uit; 2, 18; 2, 6 9 : Antiocho qui baec ipsa quae a me defenduntur et didicit apud Ρ hilone m tarn diu et constare t diufius didicisse ntminem\ Tusc. 2 , 9 : Pbilo, quern nos frequenter audivimus, instituit alio tempore rhetorurn praecepta tradere, alio philosophorum; 2, 2 6 ; Acad. Philos. Ind. Her enJan. p. 16 Meklcr: Φ ί λ ω ν δ' 6 διαδεξά<με>νο{ι]ς Κ λ ε κ τ ύ > μαχ<ον>; Plut. Cic. 3 , 1: α π α λ λ α γ ε ί ς δέ τ ω ν έν παισΐ διατριβών Φίλωνος ήκουσε του έξ Ά κ α δ η μ ε ί α ς , δν μάλιστα ' Ρ ω μαίοι τ ω ν Κλειτομάχου συνήθων (cf. E u s . Pr. Εν. 14, 9, 1) και δια τόν λογον έβαύμασαν και διά τόν τρόπον ή γ ά π η σ α ν ; Lucull. 42, 3 : Ά σ κ α λ ω ν ί τ η ν Ά ν τίοχον, δν π ά σ η σπουδή ποιησάμενος φίλον ό Λούκουλλος καΐ σ υ μ β ι ω τ ή ν άντ έ τ α τ τ ε τ ο ι ς Φίλωνος άκροαταΐς, ώ ν καΐ Κ ι κ έ ρ ω ν ήν. S o m e c o n s i d e r e d his s c h o o l the " F o u r t h A c a d e m y " a n d that of A n t i o c h u s the " F i f t h Academy" (F.us. Pr. Ev. 14, 4, 16). F o r f u r t h e r in f o r m a t i o n cf. K. v. Fritz in P.-W. 19 (1938), 2535-2544 (with b i b l i o g r a p h y o n 2 5 4 2 - 2 5 4 4 ) ; R. P h i l i p p s o n in Rh>. di filol. 66 (1938), 248. A n t i o c h u s : of Ascalon ( w h i c h he early left a n d n e v e r r e v i s i t e d ; Tusc. 5, 107), was a pupil at A t h e n s of P h i l o (Ac. 2, 4 ; 2, 1 1 ; 2, 6 9 ; F u s . Pr. Ev. 14, 9, 3 ; A u g . C. Acad. 3 , 41), and later his s u c c e s s o r as head of the A c a d e m i c s c h o o l , in w h i c h capacity he b e c a m e t h e friend a n d for six m o n t h s t h e teacher of C i c e r o {Brut. 3 1 5 ; Ac. 2, 1 1 3 ; Plut. Cic. 4, 1; A n o n . De Vir. ill. 8 1 , 2 ) , as well as t h e friend of Lucullus {Ac. 2, 4 ; Plut. Lucull. 42, 3), Atticus {Ltgg. 1, 54), a n d M . B r u t u s {Brut. 315). R e a c t i n g
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against the scepsis of Philo, ostensibly in the d i r e c t i o n of the O l d A c a d e m y {Ac. 1, 13), he a d o p t e d m a n y of the tenets o f the Stoics {Ac. 2, 6 7 ; 2, 132: An Hoc hum, qui appellabatur Academicus, erat quidem, si perpauca mutavis set, germanissimus Stoicus; 2, 133: ipse Antiochus dissentit qui busdam in rebus ab bis quos amat Stoicis; Plut. Cic. 4, 1: φιλοτιμία τινί και διαφορφ προς τους Κ λ ε ι τ ο μ ά χ ο υ καΐ Φ ί λ ω νος συνήθεις [cf. Ac. 2, 69-70] τόν Σ τ ω ϊ κόν έκμεταβολής θεραπεΰων λογον έν τοις πλείστοις). His influence upon Cicero is t o be seen at v a r i o u s p o i n t s ; H . v. A r n i m in P.-W. 1 (1894), 2494, m e n t i o n s especially the iifth b o o k of the De Finibus; Top. 6-78; Ac. 2, 17-60. F o r a b i b l i o g r a p h y cf. v. A r n i m , op. cit., 2493. P o s i d o n i u s : of A p a m e a in Syria. In 77 Cicero had heard h i m lecture o n p h i l o s o p h y at R h o d e s (Plut. Cic. 4, 4), a n d later speaks o f him as his teacher (here and in Fin. 1, 6 ; Fat. 5: magjistri) a n d intimate friend ( 1 , 1 2 3 ; 2, 88—in these t w o cases Cotta speaks but indi cates that the intimacy includes t h o s e p r e s e n t — ; Div. 2, 4 7 ; Fin. 1, 6 ; Tusc. 2, 6 1 : nosier Posidonius, quern et ipse saepe vidi). H e was a pupil of Panactius {Div. 1, 6 ; Suid. s.v. Ποσειδώνιος), from w h o m , h o w e v e r , he reverted in the d i r e c t i o n of greater o r t h o d o x y , a n d was a man of wide and varied informa t i o n , w h o m G a l e n calls the m o s t learned of the Stoics {Quod Animi Mores, 11, vol. 4, 819 K.; De Hipp, et Plat. Plac. 8, 1, vol. 5, 652 K.), a n d in w h o m m a n y m o d e r n scholars have tried, often by subtle m e t h o d s of source-analysis, t o d i s c o v e r the o r i g i n of m a n y philosophical d o c t r i n e s e x p o u n d e d n o t merely by C i c e r o but also by s u b s e q u e n t w r i t e r s ; cf. R. P h i l i p p s o n in Ρ.-Ψ. 7Α (1939), 1176, w h o p o i n t s o u t , h o w e v e r , Cicero's o w n lack of acceptance of s o m e of P o s i d o n i u s ' s views. A brief factual a c c o u n t of his life a n d w o r k is fimnd in A. Schmekel, Die Philos. d. mittl. Stoa (1892), 9-14; an old and c o n s e r v a t i v e collection of his fragments was p u b lished by J. Bake (1810); t o the w o r k s n o t e d in F . L u b k c r , Reallexikon d. kl. Alt* (1914), 847-848, many o t h e r s may
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a quibus instituti sumus. 7 Et si omnia philosophiae praecepta referuntur ad vitam, arbitramur nos et publicis et privatis in rebus ea praestitisse quae ratio et doctrina praescripserit. 4 Sin autem quis requirit quae causa nos inpulerit ut haec tarn sero litteris mandaremus, nihil est quod expedire tarn facile possimus.1 Nam cum otio * langueremus et is esset' rei publicae status ut earn 1
possumus/? 1
■ otio] orationc NO
* esse
AxGBl
now be added, notably K. Gronau, [i.e., pbilosopbiam] amplissimam omnium Pos. u. d. judiscb-cbristl. Genesisexegese artium, bene pipendi disci plinam; 5, 5: (1914); W. W. Jaeger, Nemesios port ο pitae philosopbia dux; Ac. 2, 23: sa Emesa (1914); K. Reinhardt, Poseidonios pientiam, artem pipendi; Off. 1, 153; Rep. (1921); /
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unius consilio atque cura * gubernari necesse esset, primum ipsius 1
cura) iura Bl
bebescere et languere nolumus sed etiam utviderim, omnem meam curam atque operam plurimis prosimus enitimur; Τ use. 1, 1: ad philosopbiam contulisse; 4, 9, 2: omnia cum de/ensionum laboribus senatorUsque mu-enim delata ad unum sunt, is utitur consilio neribus . . . liberatus rettuli me . . . ad ea ne suorum quidem sed suo; 7, 28, 3: nee studia; 2, 1; 5, 121: ubi enim melius uti vero nunc quidem culpa in eo est in cuius possumus hoc cuicuimodi est otio; Div. 1,11; pote state omnia sunt; Att. 8, 3, 2: si maneo Off. 2, 4; 3, 1-4; Att. 1, 17, 5; 1, 20, 7; et ilium comitatum optimorum et clanssi morum avium desero cadendum est in unius 4, 10, 1; Fam. 9. 6, 5; also Polyb. 3, 59, 4: άπολελυμένων δέ και των πρακτικών potestatem; Tac. Ann. 4, 33, 2; Mcmnon, 60, 4: της 'Ρωμαίων ηγεμονίας είς Ινα ανδρών της περί τάς πολεμικάς κ»ί ποπεριισταμένης άνδρα, Γάϊον Ίοΰλιον λιτικάς πράξεις φιλοτιμίας, έχ δέ τού Καίσαρα; Dio Cass. 43, 45, 2; 44, 8, 4; των κολλάς καΐ μεγάλας άφορμάς είληKrzanic, op. cit.t 37-38; Μ. Gelzcr in φότων είς τό πολυπραγμονεϊν καΐ φιλοP.-W. 7A (1939), 1030, 30, who notes μαΟεΐν.. On the idea oiotiumd. 1. Krzanic, De Μ. Ί. Cic. Philosopbiae Studio (1897), a greater resignation on Cicero's part in the present passage. F. A. Wolf, especially 36-57; W. Kroll, Die Kultur d. Utter. Analekten, 1 (1817), 296, con ciceron. Zeit, 1 (1933), 5-6; M. Krctschmar, O/ium, Studia Litterarum, Pbilosopbie, trasts his guarded language here with u. βίος θεωρητικός im Leben u. Den ken that used after Caesar's death. With the expression cf. Rep. 1, 43: cum regeretur Ciceros (1938)—not seen by mc. On the phrase otio langueremus cf. 1, 67: unius nutu ac modo. gubernari: a frequent metaphor; nisi plane otiolangueat[sc. deus\; Off. 3, I: duae res quae languortm adferunt ceteris e.g., Rep. 1, 2; 1, 45; 1, 52; 2, 51; 3, 47; Legg. 3, 28; Off. 2, 2; 2, 74; 2, 77; Inv. ilium acuebant, otium et solitude. 1, 4; De Or. 1. 8; 1. 46; Pro Rose. Am. rci publicae statue: a frequent phrase; 51; Pro Mur. 74; De Domot 24; Har. cf. H. Mcrguet, Lex. ξ. d. philos. Schr. Resp. 4\,Pro Sest. 20; 46; 99; Phil. 1,35; Cic. 3 (1894), 418. 2, 113; 7, 7; Fam. 9, 2, 5; Lucr. 1, 2 1 ; unius consilio: the only reference in Li v. 24, 8, 13; Val. Max. 7, 6, 1; 9, 15, 5; this work to Caesar. The first fourteen Victorin. in Rfjet. 1, 3 (Rbet. Lat. 167 sections would be the only place where Halm—on the figure); Lucian, Iup. Trag. he could be introduced without ana 46; Mart. Cap. 5, 512; Rumen. Or. 5, 3 chronism, and the circumspeciness with which Cicero here writes places the date {Panegyr. Lat. 251 Bachrcns); Einnod. Ep. 2, 13; CA.L. XII, 103 (Dessau of the work before the Ides of March, 44 3528). Elsewhere (e.g., 1, 52, and n. (contrast Div. 2, 7). Caesar's dictatorship left no place in public life for Cicero, as (gubernet); 2, 15) it is used of the divine governance of the universe, like κυβερ is indicated by several passages: Div. 2,6: mibi quidem explicandae philosopbiae causamνάν in Proclus and Simplicius. For such adtulit casus gravis civitatis, cum in armis expressions in Greek (perhaps beginning with Parmcnides Β 12, 3 Dicls: δαίμων civilibus nee tueri meo more rem pubiicam nee nihil agere poteram . . . cum esset in ή πάντα κυβερνά) cf. Pind. Pyth. 5, 122; Eur. Suppl. 880; [Aristot.] De Mundo, unius potestate res publico neque ego me abdidi neque deserut; Off. 2, 2: cum autem 6, 400 b 7; Dcmctr. De Bloc. 78: ασφαλώς ούν έρεΐ καΐ ό τόν στρατηγόν dominatu unius omnia tenerentur neque esset usquam consilio aut auctoritati locus; Tusc.κυβερνήτην λέγων της πόλεως; Theo5, 5: bis gravisamis casibus in eundem porturn dorct, De Prov. Or. 2 (Pair. Gr. 83, ex quo eramus egressi . . . confupmus; Fam. 576 A-C); Gr. Aff. 4, 65; 4, 7 1 ; 6, 2; 4, 3, 4: posteaquam Hit arti ad studueram Ammon. in Aristot. De Interpr. 9, p. 131, nihil esse loci neque in curia neque in forο 5-6 Bussc; Liban. Or. 18, 158; 52, 26;
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rei publicac causa * philosophiam nostris hominibus explicandam putavi, magni existimans interesse * ad decus et ad laudem civitatis res tarn gravis tamque praeclaras Latinis etiam litteris contineri. 1
causam Bl
* interesse om. Μ
Choric. 6, 1 (C. Graux, Les textts grecs Phil. 2, 20; Fam. 9, 2, 5; Att. 14, 13, 4; (1886), 20); Inscr. Lot. stl. 8845 Dessau; the view of Cicero's friend Athcnodonis on God as helmsman J. GefTcken, Zwei quoted in Sen. Dial. 9, 3, 3 ; Pease on Div. 2, 1; and, for Cicero's view of gr. Apologeten (1907), 210, n. 9. necesse esset: a cacophony by no such study as a substitute for his pre vious public life, Ac. 1, 11; De Or. 1, 2; means avoided by Qccro; e.g., Off. 3, R. Philippson in P.-W. 7 A (1939), 1183, 22; 3, 49; 3, 112; Rep. 1, 11; Fat. 32; 33; also with esse: Ac. 2, 24; 2, 120; 44. Cicero shrewdly offsets patriotic motives against that common Roman Fin. 4, 46; Tusc. 2, 1; 3, 32; 3, 55; suspicion of philosophy which may be Legg. 2, 23; Div. 2, 92. p r i m u m : the second clause is in 1, 9: seen in Off. 2, 2: qmbusdam bonis viris bortata etiam est. Goethe compares 1, 43; pbilosopbiae nomen sit invisum; cf. Tac. 2, 140; sec also A. Romizi in Rip. di Agr. 4, 4; Suet. Nero, 52. Bocthius (in Categ. 2, init. {Pair. Lot. 64, 201)) Filoi. 18 (1890), 243-245. rei publicac causa: on Cicero's pa somewhat similarly views the reponsibility of teaching his countrymen Greek triotic and altruistic motives—a favorite theme in his prefaces—cf. Div. 2, 1: philosophy. quaerenti mibi . . . quanam re possem prophilosophiam . . . explicandam: cf. desse quam plurimist ne quando intermitteremDiv. 2, 6: explicandae pbilosopbiae causam; consulere rei publicae% nulla motor occurrebatAc. 1, 4: cum philosophiam viderem dili quam si optimarum artturn vias tradtrem gentissi me Graecis litteris explicatam; Att. meis civibus; 2, 4: quod enim munus rei 13, 45, 2: ut eos dies consumam in pbilosopbia publicae ad/erre maius meliusve possumus explicanda. quam si docemus atque erudimus iwentutem\ nostris hominibus: often of Romans; 2, 7: bate studia renovare coepimus, ut et e.g., 1, 15; 2, 74; Fin. 2, 116; Tusc. 4, 1; animus mo/estiis hoc potissimum re levaretur4,2; Off. 1, 1; 2, 55; Legg. 1, 6. et prodessemus civibus nostris qua re cumque decus et . . . laudem: cf. Fin. 5, 63: possemus; 2, 148; Ac. 2, 6: ut plurimis ad laudem et ad decus nati; Tusc. 3, 18; prosimus enitimur; Legg. 1, 5: non solum Rep. 5, 6; also Off. 3, 101; Tusc. 2, 46. mibi videris eorum studiis qui tuis litteris Latinis . . . litteris: cf. Tusc. 1, 1: delectantur sed etiam patriae debere boc boc mibi Latinis litteris inJustrandum putavi', munus, ut ea quae salva per te est per te Div. 2, 5: magnificum illud etiam Romaniieundem sit ornata; Fin. 1, 10: quoniam que hominibus gloriosum ut Graecis de pbilo forensibus operis . . . non desertdsse mibi sopbia litteris non egeant-, Ac. 1, 12: pideor praesidium in quo a populo Romano Brutus .. . sic philosophiam Latinis litteris locatus sum, debeo profecto . . . in eo quoqueperseqmtur nihil ut iisdem de rebus Graeca elaborare ut sint opera, studio, labore meo desideres. Some of Cicero's readers, doctiores cives mei; Tusc. 1 , 5 : pbilosopbia however, distrusted and disliked all ... inlustranda et excitanda nobis est, ut Greek literature and philosophy; others, si occupati profuimus aliquid civibus nostris, trained in Greek philosophy, preferred prosimus etiam, si possumus, otiosi; Off. 1,1: not to study it at second hand in Latin; magnum attulimus adiumentum hominibus cf. Ac. 1, 4: existimavi si qui de nostris nostris, ut non modo Graecarum litterarum eius studio tenerentur, si esstnt Graecis rudes sed etiam docti aJiquantum se arbitrenturdoctrinis eruditi, Graeca potius quam nostra adeptos et ad dicendum et ad iudicandum; lectures; sin a Graecorum artibus et discipli1, 22; 1, 52; 2, 5; Div. in Caecil. 7; nis abhorrerent, ne haec quidem curaturos.
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8 Eoque me minus instituti mei paenitet, quod facile sentio quam multorum non modo discendi * sed etiam scribendi studia commoverim. Complures enim Graecis institutionibus eruditi ca quae 2 didiccrant cum civibus suis communicare non poterant, quod ilia quae a Graecis accepissent Latine did posse diffiderent; quo 1
discendissct BlF*, dcsccndi sed Fl
■ ct quae Bx
quae sine eruditione Graeca intellegi non Greek complaints of such difficulties possunt; 1, 5; 1, 8; 1, 10; 2, 5: sunt enim arc not lacking; cf. Plato's apology in mult ι qui omnino Graecas non ament litteras, Tbeaet. 182a for coining ποιύτης, and plures qui pbilosophiam, reliquit etiam si Galen's for the necessity of making new bate non improbentt tamen earum rerum technical terms; De Sjmpt. Diff. 1, VII, disputationem principibus civitatis non ita 45-46. K. K. von Fritz {Pbilosopbie u. dee oram putent; Fin. 1 , 1 : erunt etiam, et spracbl. Ausdruck bei Demokrit, Plato, bi quidem eruditi Graecis litteris, contemu. Aristoteles (1938), 9) observes that nentes Latinos, qui se dicant in Graecis the Greeks arc the only European people legendss operam malle consumere. to draw their philosophic and scientific vocabulary from their own language. 8 instituti mei: cf. Aft. 4, 17, 1: In I^atin the difficulties involved were oblilum . . . instituti mei. clearly recognized by Lucretius; cf. 1, quam multorum: cf. Off. 2, 2: quamquam enim libri nostri complures non 136-139: nee me animi fall it Graiorum modo ad legend/ sed etiam ad scribendi studi- obscura reperta f difficile inluslrare Latinss um excitaverunt, tamen interdum vereur ne versibus esse, } mu/ta novis verbis praesertim quibusdam bonis viris philosophiae nomen sitcum sit agendum /propter egestatem linguae invisum mirenturque in ea tantum me et rerum novitatem; 1, 830-832: homoeooperae et temporis ponere. It seems diflficult merian / quam Grai memorant nee nostra to identify precisely any of those who dicere lingua / concedit nobis patrii sermonis Cicero says were stimulated by him, egestas; 3, 258-260: nunc ea quo pacto inter sese mixta quibusque J compta modis though Mayor would guess Brutus vigeant rationem reddere aventemf abstrahit (cf. Ac. 1, 12; Quintil. 10, 1, 123), and invitum patrii sermonis egestas; 5, 336-337. Rcid, who thinks Brutus had the start Cicero refers to this matter at many of Cicero in writing, suggests Varro points; e.g., 1, 9 1 : aer—Graecum illud (cf. Ac. 1 , 9 : pbilosophiam .. . inchoasti ad impellendum satis, ad edocendum parurn). quidem sed perceptum iam tamen usu a commoverim: cf. Tusc. 4, 6: cuius nostris; tritum est enim pro Latino; Ac. libris editis com mot a multitude; Fin. 1, 2: 1, 4 (in the mouth of Varro]: ne haec feritus ne movere fjominum studia viderer, quidem curaturos quae sine eruditione Graeca retinere non posse. intellegi non possunt; 1,14: satisne ea com Graecis . . . eruditi: cf. Ac. 1, 4: mode dici possint Latine; 1, 24; 1, 25: Graecis licebit utare, cum voles, si te Latina Graecis doctrinis eruditi. c u m civibus . . . communicare: cf. forte deficient; 1, 26; Fin. 1, 4; 2, 12; Am. 70: impertiant ea suis communicentque 2, 13: saepe quaerimus verbum luitinum par Graeco et quod idem valeat; 3, 40; 3, 51: cum proximis. quod nobis in bac inopi lingua non conceditur; accepissent: meaning didicissent; the 5, 96: quae enim dici Latine posse non arbiconverse of trado (as in 1, 70). trabar, ea dicta sunt a te, nee minus plane dici posse: the creation of a philo sophic vocabulary is difficult in any quam dicuntur a Graecis; Tusc. 2, 35: haec duo Graeci illi, quorum copiosior est language, particularly in one so resistent lingua quam nostra, uno nomine appellant to new abstract nouns and new compound [sc. laborem et dolorem] . . . ο verborum words as was classical Latin. Even in
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inops interdum, qmbus abundare te semper Cicero) in naturalizing Greek thought putas, Graecia; Fat. 1; Tim. 13; Rep. 1, at Rome; e.g., Div. 1, 1: nos melius multa 65; De Or. 3. 95: non bate ita statuo atque quam Graeci, where see the various paral decerno ut desperem Latine ea . . . tradi lels to Cicero's somewhat chauvinistic ac perpo/iri posse, patitur enim et lingua expression collected by Pease, to which nostra et natura rerum veterem Mam . .. add: Ac. 1, 12; Fin. 1, 10: Latinam lin prudentiam Graecorum ad nostrum usum guam non modo non inopem, ut imJgp putarent, moremque transferrin sed bominibus opus estsed locupletiorem etiam esse quam Graecam; eruditis, qui adbuc in hoc quidem genere nulls3, 5: nos non modo non vinci a Graecis verfuerunt; sin quando exstiterint etiam Graecis borum copia sed esse in ea etiam superiores; erunt anteponendi; Pro Caecin. 51: nostra Tusc. 1, 5; 2, 5-6; Legg. 1, 5: ut in hoc lingua quae did fur esse inops. etiam genere Graeciae nihil cedamus; Div. 2, 5: magnificum illud etiam Romanssque For apologies by other Latin writers hominibus gloriosum, ut Graecis de philosopbia for new coinings or allusions to the litteris non egeant, quod adsequar profecto si poverty of their native vocabulary sec Pease on Div. 2, 11 (si ntcesse sit, etc.), to instituta perfecero; Brut. 254; Cic. ap. which add: Sen. Rhet. Controv. 1, proocm. Dion. Cass. 44, 26, 2; Sen. Rhet. Suas. 3; 7, 1, 27; Manil. 2, 694; Quintil. Inst. 7, 10: injuriam ilium [sc. Ciceronem] foeturum populo Romano cuius linguam
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in genere tantum profecisse videmur ut a Graecis ne verborum quidcm copia vinceremur. 9 Hortata etiam est ut me ad haec conferrem * animi aegritudo, fortunae magna et gravi commota 1
confcram NO
387-400; L. Laurand, £t. sur le style des vinceremur: the sequence not from discoursde Cic. (1907), 61-62; 71-76; K. C. videmur but from the intervening Rciley, Studies in the philosophic Terminology profecisse; cf. F. A. Wolf, Kl. Scbr. 1 of LUCY, and Cic. (1909); R. Fischer, De (1869), 512-513; R. Kuhner and C. Usu Vocab. ap. Cic. et Sen. Graecae Philos. Stcgmann, Ausf. Gram. d. lat. Spr. 2, 2" Interpretes (1914); F;. Cocchia, Introd. (1914), 183-184. H. Licvcn, Die Consestor. alio studio d. lett. Lat. (1915), 322- cutio Temporum des Cic. (1872), as quoted 329; W. Kroll, Stud. Z. Verstdndnis d. by J. S. Rcid ap. Mayor ad loc., cites rom. Ut. (1924), 4, n. 0; J. S. Rcid on 22 cases of this construction from the De Fin. 1, 10 (1925); E. Nordcn in Neue present work, so that the suggestion of Jabrb. f. Wissenscb. u. fugendbildung, 1 Ax (appendix, 161) that this form is (1925), 35-46; F. Peters, T. Lucr. et M. chosen ob clausula m seems unlikely. Cic. quomodo Vocab. Gr. Epicuri Disciplinae 9 etiam: cf. 1, 7, n. (primum). propria Latine verierint (1926); M. O. animi aegritudo . . . commota: for Liscu, Iztude sur la langue de la philoj. mo the rather poetic hypallagc, by which rale de Cic. (1930), with bibliography on commota is transferred from its logical pp. 299-304; J. F. D'Alton, Rom. lit. agreement with animi to a grammatical Theory and Crit. (1931), 203207 (es agreement with aegritudo, cf. 1, 119: pecially 203, n. 2); A. Yon, Ratio et les gentes orarum ultimae; 2, 113: posteriore mots de la famille de reor (1933), 219; . . . vi corporis; Tusc. 2, 21: vim coruscam N. Stang in Symb. Osloenses, 13 (1934), fulminis; Div. 1, 62: tranquillitati mentis 93-102; F. Gaffiot in Rev. des et. gr. 47 quaerenti vera; Fat. 42: adsensio non possit (1934), 21-25; A. Pittct, Vocab. philos. fieri nisi commota viso; Legg. 1,8: occupata dt Seneque, 1 (1937), 1-2; M. O. Liscu, opera; De Imp. Cn. Pomp. 22: eorum (sc. ^expression des idees philos. cbex Cic. membrorum] collectto dispersa; R. Kuhncr(1937); G. Kilb, Etb. Grundbegriffe d. C. Stcgmann, Ausf. Gram. d. lat. Spr. 2, alt. Stoa u. ihre Ubertragung durcb Cic. 1* (1912), 220-221. The third book of im dritten Buch De Fin. (1939)—this the Tusculans is on the theme de aegritudine last not seen by me. lenienda (cf. Div. 2, 2). dirHderent: the subjunctive expresses fortunae . . . iniuria: the death of the reason alleged by the objectors Tullia in childbirth in February, 45 (Atticus? cf. Fin. 5, 96) rather than by greatly affected Cicero, since this daugh ter was apparently the dearest and most the author. congenial to him of all his family. tantum profecisse: cf. Off. 1, 3 : quantum in utroqtu profecerimus aJiorum Other references to his loss arc: the sit indicium; Att. 5, 11, 5: proficimus Consolatio (cf. W. W. Fowler, Rel. Exp. of the Rom. People (1911), 388); Ac. 1, 11: aJiquantum. In Off. 1, 1, he notes that even Greeklcss readers may now be fortunae gravissimo percussus vulnere; et administratione rei publicae liberat us mediciskilled in philosophy. verborum . . . copia: cf. Ac. 1, 26; nam a philosophia peto et otii oblectationem Fin. 3. 5; Tusc. 2, 3; 2, 30; Pro Caecin. 51; banc honestissimam iudico; Tusc. 5, 5: Auct. Ad Herenn. 3, 38; Quintil. Inst. his gravissimis cast bus; 5, 121: nostris 2, 7, 4; 10, 1, 5; 10, 1, 6 1 ; M. Wicgandt, quidem acerbissimis doloribus variisque et De Metaphorarum Usu quodam Ciceroniano itndiqtu circumfusis molestiis alia nulla (1910), 41-45, who cites Plat. Parm. potuit invent ri levatio; Div. 2, 7: ut animus molestiis bac pottssi mum re levaretur; 137a: πλήθος λ^γων.
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iniuria; cuius si maiorem aliquam levationem reperire potuissem, non ad hanc potissimum confugissem. Ea vero ipsa nulla ratione melius frui potui quam si me non modo ad legendos libros sed etiam ad totam philosophiam pertractandam dedissem. Omnes l autem eius partes atque omnia membra turn 2 facillume noscuntur cum 3 totae quaestiones scribendo explicantur; est enim admirabilis 1
omnis AHNB1
* membra tunc TV, mcmbrorum Bl
■ cum] turn Bl
Off. 2, 4: exists mavi honestissime molestias solum ad intuendum verum etiam ad imiposse dtponi ή me ad pbilosopbiam nitidis* tandum; Off. 2, 2: libri nostri eomplwes urn; Fam. 4, 6, 2 [April, 45J: hoc tarn non modo ad legends sed etiam ad scribendi gravi polnere etiam ilia quae consanuisse studium excitaverunt. videbantur recrudescunt; non enim ut turn totam philosophiam: just how early me a re publico maestum domus excipiebat the thought came to Cicero of supple quae levaret, sic nunc domo maerens ad rem menting his hitherto scattered writings publicam confugere possum et in eius bonis on philosophic subjects to make a com adquiescam; 12, 23, 4: ut pbUosopbiae prehensive encyclopaedia covering the magnam babeam gratiamt quae me non whole Held is not altogether clear, but modo ab sollicitudine abducit sed etiam contranot long after this time, in Div. 2. 4, omnis fortunae impetus armat; Att. 12, after enumerating his philosophic trea 14, 3 [March, 45]—too long to quote tises so far written, he remarks: adbuc in full, yet note the words totos dies haec erant; ad reliqua alacri tendebamus scribo, non quo profidam quid, sed tantisper animo sic parati ut, nisi quae causa gravior impedior; 12, 15; 12, 18, 1; 12, 20, 2; obstitisset, nullum pbUosopbiae locum esse 12, 21, 5; 12, 38a, 1: banc aberrationem a pateremur qui non Latinis litteris inlustratus dolore delegerim quae maxime liberalis pateret\ cf. Re id, cd. of Academica sit doc toque bomine dignissima; Plut. Cic. (1885), 23-24; S. Hafner, Die lit. Plane 41, 5. On Tullia cf. L. Maurin, £tudes Ciceros (1928). antiques (1884), 37-205; and for Cicero's partes . . . membra: Mayor observes methods of work in this period of his that Cicero accepted the three-fold grief Pease, cd. of De Div. 1 (1920). division of post-Aristotelian philosophy 9, n. 2. into ηθική, διαλεκτική (with which the levationem: applied to aegritudo in rhetorical treatises may be classed; cf. Tusc. 1, 119: agamus bate et ea potissimum Ac. 1, 32), and φυσική (to which belong quae levationem babeant aegritudinum; 3, 33:the De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, levationem autem aegritudinis in duabus rebusand De Fato)\ cf. Ac. 1, \9:fuit ergo iam pom't, ovocatione a cogitanda molestia et accepta a Pla tone pbihsopbandi ratio triplex, revocatione ad contemplandas voluptates; una de vita et moribus, altera de natura et 5, 121 (quoted above); cf. Fam. 4, 4, 4: rebus occultis, tertia de disserendo [where nulla res alia levare animum molestiis possit. sec Rcid's note]; 2,114; 2, 116; Fin. 4, 4: totam pbilosopbiam tris in partis diviserunt; potieiimum confugissem: cf. Off. 2, 6: declarandum fust cur orbati ret publicae De Or. 1, 68: pbilosopbia in tris partis est muneribus ad hoc nos studium potissimum tributa, in naturae obscuritatem, in disserendi contulissemus; Tusc. 5, 5: in eundem portum subtilitatem, in vitam atque mores', also . .. confugimus; Fam. 4, 6, 2: maerens ad 1, 20, n. (physiologiam), below. With rem publicam confugere possum; 6, 12, 5: membra cf. De Or. 2, 79: quinque .. . quasi membra eloquentiae; Fam. 5, 13, 3: membra est unum perfugium doctrina ac litterae re i publicae; A mm. Marc. 16, 5, 6: omnia quibus semper usi sumus. non modo ad legendos: cf. Pro pbilosophiae membra. Arch. 14: quam multas nobis imagines, non totae quaestiones: as he has just
1, 10
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quaedam continuatio scricsquc rcrum, ut alia ex alia l ncxa 2 et omnes inter se aptae conligataeque vidcantur. 5 10 Qui autem requirunt quid quaque 3 de re ipsi sentiamus, curiosius id faciunt 1 alia ex aliis (olim alias?) B, alic ex aliis NO ' quod qucquc Η
* ncxe NO, ncxa rationc A*
spoken of to/am pbilosopbiam so now he In Tusc. 2, 1, Cicero remarks: difficile est enim
148
1, 10
quam necesse est; non enim tarn auctoritatis l in disputando quam rationis momenta quaerenda sunt. Quin etiam obest pierumque iis qui discere volunt auctoritas eorum qui se docere profitentur; desinunt enim suum iudicium adhibere, id * habent ratum quod ab eo quern probant iudicatum vident. Nee vero 1
auctoritas Had., auctore A1,
auctores A%CNOM
» idque Ο
curiosum; Att. 2, 4, 4; Quintil. Inst. 8, 3, Pomp. 51: ο missis auctoritatihus ipsa re 55. ut a diiigenti curiosus et a religion* super-ac ration* exquirere possumus veritatem; stitio distat; Suet. Aug. 27, 3. The type but in Ac. 1, 34 the two words axe com bined: Platoms rationem auctoritatemque. of such a busybody (περίεργος, πολυOn the meaning of auctoritas cf. F. Tcichπράγμων) is seen in Chremes in Terence's miiller, Grundbegriff u. Gebraucb von Hautontimorumenos (cf. Fin. 1, 3). In Tusc. 5, 11, Cicero says ut nostram ipsi auctor u. auctoritas (1898); R. Hcinze sententiam tegeremus, errore alios levaremus;in Hermes, 60 (1925), 348-366, especially and in 2,2, below, Cotta rebuffs the clum 362; id.. Von Geist d. Romerturns (1938). 278-284; F. Furst, Die Bedeutung d. sy attempt of Balbus to discover his opinions; cf. Hor. Ep. 1, 1, 13-14; auctoritas (1934), 28-29; J. C. Plumpc, Wesen u. Wirkung d. Auctoritas Maiortarn Hicr. In Is. 11, prol., pp. 451-452 Vail.: quibusdam forte non plactat qui non anti- bei Cic. (1935). For the preference of quorum opiniones sed nostram sententiam reason to personal influence cf. Rep. scire desiderant', A. S. Pease in Trans. 1, 59: apud me, ut apud bonum iudictm, Am. philot. Assoc. 44 (1913), 35, n. 49. argumenta plus quam testes vaient; Plat. But R. Hirzcl suggests (Der Dialog, 1 Charm. 161c: ού τοΰτο σκεπτέον, δστις αύτδ είπεν, άλλα πότερον αληθές λέ (1895), 533) that by siding with Balbus at 3, 95, Cicero answers these queries γεται ή οΰ; Varr. Sentent. 22 (Menipp. cd. Riesc, p. 266); Min. Fel. 16, 6 : cum of his readers. auctoritatis: three readings arc here non disputantis auctoritas sed disputationis found, each perfectly intelligible: (1) ipsius Veritas requiratur; Aug. CD. 19, 3: quid ad nos, qui potius de rebus ipsis iudicare auctoritatis of BF (depending upon momenta), (2) auctoritas (of the excerpts debemus quam pro magno d* bominibus quid of Hadoardus; cf. R. Mollwcidc in Wien. qutsqu* senserit scire-, Auct. Imit. Cbristi, Stud. 35 (1913), 316-317), and (3) auctores 1 , 5 : non quaeras quis hoc dixerit sed quid of A%CNOM, followed by various dicatur attende; also 1, 7, n. (ratio et editors, to which may be added (4) doctrina), above. rationis momenta: "weight of ar HcindorPs emendation auctoritates (quite gument"; cf. Ac. 1, 45: porta contrariit unnecessary). Auctoritas and ratio arc similarly contrasted at the end of 1, 10, in partibus momenta rationum; 2, 1, 4: contrariarum rationum porta momenta; but in a way which proves nothing for Orat. 47: argumentorum momenta; Rep. the present passage, where it seems 3, 12: verborum momeniis; Li v. 3, 12, 6; advisiblc to follow BF, thus securing a neat balance of auctoritatis and rationis. Arnob. 4, 31: rerum momenta. obest . . . auctoritas: cf. Ac. 2, 60: The same contrast between ratio and auctoritas is expressed in Tusc. 1, 49: an in eo auctoritas nihil obest? ut enim rationtm Plato nullam adferret ... docere profitentur: the word pro ipsa auctoritate me frangeret; Ac. 2, 60: fessor being post-Augustan. cur celatis . . . sententiam vestram? ut qui desinunt: cf. Legg. 1, 36: aut iu is es audient, inquit, ration* potius quam aucto qui in disputando non tuum iudicium sequare ritate ducantur; Div. 1, 62: */ rationem sed auctoritati aliorum pareas. non redderent, auctoritate tamen bos minutos id habent ratum: cf. the charge pbilosopbos vincerent; Legg. 1, 36; De Imp. brought by Cotta (1, 66) that Velleius
1, 10
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probare soleo id quod de Pythagoreis accepimus, quos ferunt,1 si quid adfirmarent in disputando, cum ex iis quaereretur quare ita csset, respondere solitos 'Ipse dixit*; ipse autem erat Pythago1
fucrunt Bl
relics on the asutoritas of Epicurus, whom τός Ιφα λέγειν εΐώθησαν, πάσης απο he has elected to follow. On this use of δείξεως ίσχυροτέραν καί είναι νομίratum cf. A. Yon, Ratio et les mots de la ζοντες καί έχειν κελεύοντες την Πυjamille de reor (1933), 78. With the Οαγόρου φωνήν ; Amm. Marc. 22, 16, thought cf. Ac. 1, 9: nam quod dicunt 21: quicquid dixit [sc. Pythagoras] aut omnia se credere ei quern iudicent fuisse voluit auctoritatem esse instituit ratam; sapientem, probarem si id ipsum rudes et Hier. Ep. 119, 11 [cf. In Galat. p. 367 indocti iudicare potuissent (statuere ens'm Vail.]; Hermias, Irrisio% 8 {Pair. Gr. 6, qui sit sapiens vel maxime videtur esse 1177a - Doxogr. Gr.* 655, 16): Πυθα sapientis). γόρας καί ol τούτου συμφυλέται, σεμ eo qucm probant: cf. Fin. 1, 6: νοί καί σιωπηλοί, παραδιδόασιν £λλα μοι δόγματα, ώσπερ μυστήρια, καί τού tuemur ea quae dicta sunt ab eis quos proτο δή τό μέγα καί απόρρητον τό αυτός bamus. ipse dixit: cf. Val. Max. 8, 15, cxt. 1: ίφη; Greg. Naz. Or. 4, 102 (Patr. Gr. Pjtbagorae tanta veneratio ab auditoribus 35, 637a): ol παρ* ύμΐν τα Πυθαγόρου tributa est ut quae ab eo acceperant in dispu- φιλοσοφοϋντες, οίς τό αυτός Ιφα τό tationem deducere nefas existimarent. quin πρώτον καί μέγιστόν έστι τών δογμά etiam interpellate ad reddendum causam hocτων; 27, 10 (Patr. Gr. 36, 24b): βάλλε solum respondebantt ipsum dixisse; Quintil. μοι Πυθαγόρου . . . την περί τό αυτός Inst. 11, 1, 27: nee hoc oratori contingtre ίφα καινοτέραν ά>αζονείαν; Cyril. Alex. Comm. in Is. 32 (Patr. Gr. 70, 708a): inter adversaries quod Pjtbagorae inter disdpulospotest, "ipse dixit"; Ael. I'.H. 4, φασί γοΰν δτι τοις Πυθαγόρου μαθηταΐς λαλοϋσιν ίσθ' δτε ψυχρά τε καί 17; Clem. Strom. 2, 24, 3: τους μέν Πυ καταγέλαστα . . . ίθος ήν λέγειν τού θαγόρου τοΰ Σαμίου ζηλωτάς των ζη το, αυτός ίφατο, τοΰΥ ίστι, σίγα, καί τουμένων τάς αποδείξεις παραιτούμε διδοΰ τω τοΰ δόγματος εύρετη καί άβανους το αυτός ίφα πίστιν ήγεϊσθαι σανίστως την πίστιν; Cod. Coislin. 387, καί ταύτη άρκεϊσθαι μόνη τη φωνγ; προς την βεβαίωσιν ών άκηκόασι; Orig. C. 9 (Anecd. Paris. 4, 414 Cramer — Elias, Proleg. Phil. 9, p. 23, 31-33 Bussc): Cels. 1, 7: καί τίνες μέν άκούοντες Πυ αλλ' επειδή οΰτε Πυθαγόρας ερωτώ θαγόρα ώς αυτός ίφα; Diog. L. 8, 46: μενος αποκρίνεται οϋτε ol μαθηταί τέταρτος . . . έφ' ου καί τό αυτός ίφα αύτοϋ άλλο τι αποκρίνονται ή οτι αυ παροιμιακόν είς τόν βίον ήλΟεν; Schol. τός Ιφα, τήν άπόφασιν τοΰ διδασκά Aristoph. Nub. 195; Chalcid. in Plat. Tim. 126 (Fr. Phil. Gr. 2, 210): denique λου υπέρ άπόδειξιν ηγούμενοι; Hicrocl. non frustra de Pythagora dictum "ipsum in AUT. Carm. 20 (Fr. Phil. Gr. 1, 464); dicere," proptereaque ultra quaeri non opor- Olympiod. I it. Plat, fin., (p. 387, 62 tere\ Julian, Ep. 20, 452 b ; Iambi. Vit. Wcstcrmann); Bocth. De Xtus. 1, 33: Pyth. 82: £στι δέ ή μέν των άκουσμα- nunc vero quod erat Pythagoricis in morem ut cum quid a magistro Pythagora diceretur, τικών φιλοσοφία ακούσματα άναπόδειhinc nullus rationes petere audebat, sed erat κτα καί άνευ λόγου, δτι ούτως πρακei ratio docentis auctoritas\ Diogcnian. τέον, καί τάλλα δσα παρ' εκείνου έρρέθη. ταϋτα πειρώνται διαφυλάττειν 3, 19 (Paroem. Gr. 1, 216): αυτός <φα· έπί τών αναφερόντων & λέγουσιν έπί ώς θεια δόγματα: Porphyr. ap. Eus. Pr. Εν. 10, 3, 7: Thcodoret, Gr. Aff. 1, 56: τινας; Apostol. 4, 39 (Paroem. Gr. 2, 318); Suid. s.v. αυτός ϊφα· τοΰτο πα καί ol έκεΐνον διαδεξάμενοι, cf τις ροιμιακόν έπί Πυθαγόρου τοΰ φιλοσόάπήτησε των λεγομένων άπόδειξιν, αυ
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ras; tantum opinio praeiudicata poterat ut etiam sine ratione φου εισήλθεν ε(ς τόν βίον. ούτος γάρ Philostr. Vit. Apollon. 3, 12. Thus Pythagoras was called not only αυτός, άποοεμνύνων τόν έαυτοΰ λόγον καΐ βίον έν ταϊς όμιλίαις ίλεγεν αυτός έφα as in this phrase, but also εκείνος (Iambi. Vit. Pytb. 53; 88: είναι *έ αντί του είκεν. ούκ έμός & λόγος, φησίν, άλλα του θεού; id., s.v. εκείνος* πάντα εκείνου του ανδρός· ττροσαγο. . . καΐ τδ αυτός ϊφα παρά τοις Πυθα- ρεύουσι γάρ ούτω τόν Πυθαγόραν καΐ ου καλοΰσιν ονόματι; id., 255; De γορείοις;; Euscath. in //. 1, 43, p. 37. 35; 5, 604, p. 586, 26; in Od. 2, 174; comm. Math. Sc. 25, p. 77 Fcsta; cf. 3, 203; Michael Acominat. Monod. in Theodoret. Gr. Aff. 8, 1), and αυτός is used of Protagoras (Plat, Prot. 314d), Eustatb. (Pair. Gr. 140, 347e); Ioann. Saresb. Policr. 5, 12, 571c; ionium namqm Socrates (Aristoph. Nub. 219; in 195 he is called 'κείνος, which the scholia opinio pratiudicata poterat ui nicbil consay is a term applied κατ* εξοχήν; valesctret ab opposite, dum hoc ipst dixixse diceretur, et ex usu adquiescentium vox ipsa compare its use for Jesus in 1 John, 2, 6; pronominis Pitagpram indicabat. cum enim 3, 3 ; 3, 5; 3, 7; 3. 16; 4, 17), Aristotle (Alex. Aphrod. in Top. p. 80 = Arist. simpliciter dicebatur "ipse hoc dixit " ex praicepta auctoritate, teste Tullio, Pitagpram fr. 51 Rose), while Origcn (C. Cels. 4, 9) intelligi oportebat; Arscn. Violet, p. 85 applies the phrase αυτός έφα to the utter Walz; A. Dclattc, £t. sur la Hit. pytbag. ance of deity. Dixit renders the original (1915), 279, n. 2; id. in Mem. de Γ Acad, Doric form ϊφα, attested by nearly all the Greek passages, though Hcrmias roy. de Belg. 17 (1922), 142, n. 9. May reads ϊφη, Cyril the Homeric form τί φής, ώ Πυθαγόρα (£tym. Gud. s.v. Ιφατο, and Eusebius (rather freely) φής) be an allusion to this saying? renders είττών. Jeremy Bcntham (Deon Aristippus ap. Diog. L. 8, 21, says that Pythagoras was so named because tology, 1 (1834), xx, 321) coined the words "ipsedixitism" and "ipscdixitist." he uttered the truth as infallibly as did the Pythian oracle, and Philostratus Against such blind reliance on the (Vit. Apoll. 1 , 1 ; repeated in Suid. s.v. authority of another sec the Academic Πυθαγόρας) says δ τι άποφήναιτο ό Πυ protests, as in 1, 17; 1, 67; Ac. 2, 8 θαγόρας νόμον τοϋτο ol όμιληταΐ ήγουν - (and Reid's n.); 2, 9: quod dicuni omnia το καΐ έτίμων αυτόν ώς έκ Διός ήκονse credere ei quern iudicent fuisse sapientem, τα. For the essential deification of probarem si id ipsum rudes et indocti iudicare Pythagoras cf. Scxt. F.mp. Adv. Arithm. potuissent—statuere enim qui sit sapiens 2; Philostr. in Rpist. Gr. p. 602 Herchcr; pel maxime videtur esse sapientis \ Tusc. Iambi. Vit. Pytb. 6, 23; 19, 78. 1, 38; 5, 83; Rep. 1, 70; also the natural It should be observed that the earliest instincts of Hor. Ep. 1, 1, 14: nullius of these references is that in Cicero, who addictus iurare in verba magistri; Quintil. may have learned of the tradition from Inst. 3, 1,22; Sen. Ep. 33,4; Dial. 7 , 1 , 4; his erudite friend, P. Nigidius Figulus, 8, 3, 1 ; 9, 1, 16. The dogmatic methods of whose revival of Pythagorean ism he of Pythagoras in dealing with incom speaks in Tim. 1. Later, perhaps through pletely educated and immature pupils the general interest in a more developed arc defended by S. Ccntofanti (Opere, 1 Ncopythagorcanism, allusions become (1870), 405), as quoted by A. Gianola, more frequent. La fortuna di Pitagora presso i Romans (1921). 207. Ipse, like the Greek αυτός, was used ipse autem erat Pythagoras: a phrase by slaves of their masters (e.g., Tcr. suspected by Walker (in the appendix Andr. 360), and αυτός, or more rarely to Schuetz's edition (1816), 457) and έκεΐνος, by students of their teachers or the heads of their schools; cf. also [G. H.(?)] Heidtmann (Zur Krit. u. Eustath. ad //. 5, 604, p. 586, 26: ώς περ Inter p. d. Scbr. d. Cic. de Nat. Deor. (1858), 19) as being too obvious to be necessary. ή αυτός αντωνυμία δηλοΐ έΌτιν Οτε ύπεροχήν τίνα, ώς τό αυτός Ιφατο; One might perhaps compare the language
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valeret auctoritas. 11 Q u i 1 autem admirantur ' nos hanc potissimum disciplinam secutos, his quattuor Academicis libris satis responsum videtur. Nee vero desertarum relictarumquc rcrum patrocinium suscepimus; non enim hominum interitu sententiac quoque occidunt, sed lucem auctoris fortasse desiderant. Ut haec 1
q u i a ut A1
" admiratur
Ν
of S c h o l . A r i s t o p h . Nub. 195: [xal παρά Ιΐυθαγορείοις τό αύτος Ιφα, τ ο υ τέστιν ό Πυθαγόρας]. Yet it is unsafe t o delete f r o m the text all s u c h e x p l a n a t o r y p h r a s e s ; cf. P. S t a m m , De M. 7". C. Libr. de Deor. Nat. Interpolationibui (1873), 5. o p i n i o p r a c i u d i c a t a : cf. Hicr. Ep. 1 1 9 , 11, 1: nee tux/a Pytbagprae discipulos praeiudicata doctons opinio sed doctrinae ratio ponderanda est; In Galat. prol. pp. 3 6 7 - 3 6 8 Vail.: neque vero more Pytbagorico quidquid responderam rectum putabaJ; nee sine ration* praeiudicata a pud eum valebat auctoritas. 11 a d m i r a n t u r : cf. 1, 6, n. (admirantium). h a n c p o t i s s i m u m : cf. 1, 6, n. (potissimum). q u a t t u o r A c a d e m i c i s l i b r i s : t h e first e d i t i o n , in t w o b o o k s , the Catulus a n d t h e Lucullus, was c o m p l e t e d as early as 13 M a y , 45 (Att. 12, 4 5 , 1; Rcid, c d . of Acad., 30). Cicero was dissatisfied, h o w e v e r , w i t h various details, and d u r i n g a stay at A r p i n u m , b e g i n n i n g in late J u n e , rccditcd the w o r k in four b o o k s , w i t h a d e d i c a t i o n t o V a r r o , and c o m p l e t e d it by J u l y {Att. 13, 2 3 , 2 ; cf. R c i d , op. cit. 3 2 - 3 7 ; the t e s t i m o n i a collected by P l a s b c r g , c d i t i o maior (1908), 2 8 - 3 3 ; M . S c h a n z - C . H o s i u s , Gesch. d. rom. Ut. 1« (1927), 501-502, and w o r k s t h e r e ci t e d ) . P r o b a b l y in part t o h o n o r V a r r o a n d yet m o r e t o d r a w a t t e n t i o n t o the improved e d i t i o n , Cicero thereafter c i t e d t h e f o u r - b o o k e d i t i o n (Tusc. 2, 4 ; Div. 2, 1; Att. 16, 6, 4), of w h i c h the f o r m a l title was Academica {Off. 2, 8 ; Tim. 1; Att. 13, 13, 1; 13, 19, 5), t h o u g h he s o m e t i m e s refers t o t h e w o r k as Academics libri (as here and in Tusc. 2, 4 ; Div. 2, 1; cf. Att. 16, 6, 4), o r by
o t h e r descriptive expressions (Rcid, op. cit., 3 7 ; S c h a n z - H o s i u s , op. cit., 1, 501). s a t i s r e s p o n s u m : cf. Fin. 1, 2 ; 2, 8 2 ; Rep. 2, 65. d e s e r t a r u m r e l i c t a r u m q u c : cf. 1, 6, n. (desertae . . . et relic toe). p a t r o c i n i u m : cf. 1, 6, n. (patrocinium). In Fin. 5, 2 1 , Cicero m e n t i o n s sex ... sen tentiae, duae sine patrono, quattuor defensae. non . . . sententiae . . . occidunt: cf. M. Aurcl. 7, 2 : τα δ ό γ μ α τ α π ώ ς άλ λ ω ς δύναται νεκρωΟήναι, έχν μή αϊ κ α τάλληλοι αύτοϊς φαντασίαι σβεσΟώσιν; A r n o b . 1, 40, w h o c o m p a r e s the persis tence of Christ's d o c t r i n e s after his death w i t h t h e survival of the teachings of P y t h a g o r a s a n d Socrates. It was, in fact, not even necessary that a p h i l o s o phical t h e o r y s h o u l d e v e r have been e x p o u n d e d , a n d V a r r o (ap. A u g . CD. 19, 1) listed 288 philosophical sects, non quae iam essent sed quae esse possent. T h e s e philosophical d o c t r i n e s p e r h a p s possessed, in the eyes of Cicero, s o m e t h i n g of t h e indestructibility of t h e Platonic i d e a s ; cf. Philo, Quod Deterius Potiori, 7 5 : ώσπερ γαρ μουσικού τινός ή γ ρ α μ μ α τ ι κ ο ύ τελευτήσαντος ή μέν έν τοις άνδράσι μουσική καΐ γ ρ α μ μ α τ ι κή συνέφΟαρται, αϊ δέ τούτων ΐδέαι μένουσι καΐ τρόπον τινά βιοΰσιν Ισοχρόνιοι τ ω κ ό σ μ ω . κτλ. Augustine (C. Acad. 2, 1) remarks, omnis profecto Academicorum vel calumnia, tvl pertinacia, vel pervicacia, vel, ut ego interdum arbitror, congrua ills tempori ratio, simul cum ipsius Cameadis Ciceronisque corporibus sepulta foret. l u c e m a u c t o r i s : not necessarily of the original f o r m u l a t o r , b u t of s o m e living expositor; cf. Off. 2, 8: in antiquissima nobilissimaque philo so phi a Cratippo auctore versaris.
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in philosophia ratio contra omnia disserendi nullamque rem αληθέστερους (cf. N.D. 1, 59]; Hippol. contra omnia disserendi: expanded below as contra ornnes pbilowphos et pro Pbilosopbum. 1, 23, 1 (Doxogr. Gr* 572): omnibus dicere; an Academic practice to αΐρεσις . . . Άκαδημική δια το έν τη which Cicero makes frequent allusion; 'Ακαδημία τάς διατριβάς αυτούς ποιc εϊσθαι, ών άρξας ό Πύρρων . . . την «8·» Off' 2, 8: contra autem omnia disputatur a nostris, quod hoc ipsius probabile άκαταληψίαν απάντων πρώτος είσήγαelucere non posset nisi ex utraque parte cau- γεν, ώς έπιχειρεϊν μέν είς έκάτερα, sarum esset facta contentio; 3, 89: in utramque μή μέντοι άποφαΐνεσθαι μηδέν; Lact. partem disputat; Ac. 1, 7; 1, 16; 1, 45; Inst. 7, 7, 2: ut ipse Varro de omnibus 2, 7: neque nostrae disputationes quidquam dubitare quam aliquid affirmare maluerit; aliud agunt nisi ut in utramque partem di- Aug. C Acad, passim. cendo et audiendo e/iciant .. . aliquid quod Yet this method had a much longer out vtrum sit aut ad id quam proxime history, for it probably originated with accedat; 2, 60; Fin. 2, 2; 5, 10: ab Aristo- the ELeatics (A. E. Taylor, Varia Socrate/eque principe de singulis rebus in utramquetica (1908), 93-128), was developed by partem dicendi exercitatio estinstitutatutnon Protagoras and Gorgias (Brut. 46-47; contra omnia semper\ sicut Arcesi/as, diceret; Sen. Ep. 88, 43; Quintil. Inst. 3, 1, 12) Tusc. 2, 9: Peripateticorum Academiaeque in the treatment of commonplaces, consuetude de omnibus rebus in contrarias especially in the lost ΆντιλογΙαι of partis disserendi [which pleases Cicero Protagoras (Diog. L. 9, 55), is illustrated both as a means of discovering truth in the anonymous ΔισσοΙ λόγοι (Frag, and as a good exercise in speaking]; d. Vorsokr. 2» (1935), 405-416), which 5, 11; Div. 2, 150: cum autem proprium probably date soon after 404 B.C. (A. sit Academiae .. . quid in quamqut sen ten- Levy in Am. fount. Pbilol. 61 (1940), tiam diet possit expromeret nulla adtributa 292-306), is ascribed to Plato (Ac. 1, 46). sua auetoritatet iudieium audientium relin- is recognized by Aristotle (Aristot. Top. quere integrum ac liberum; Fat. 1: quod 1, 2, 101 a 34-36; cf. Rhet. 2, 24. 1402 a autem in aliis libris feci qui sunt de natura 20-29; Cic. Fin. 5, 10; H. von Arnim, deorum itemque in its quos de divination· Leben u. VPerke d. Dio von Prusa (1898), edidi, ut in utramque partem perpetua ex- 85-87), and is much employed by Scxtus plicaretur oratio quo faei/ius id a quoque Empiricus. At first it seems to have been probaretur quid euique maxime probabile used "chiefly as a weapon in the armoury videretur; 4; De Or. 1, 84: hie enim mos of the orator" (W. Jaeger, Paideiat 1 erat patrius Academiae adversari semper (Engl, tr., 1939), 312), and as such omnibus in disputando; 3, 67; 3, 80: qui played an important part in the training Aristotelio more de omnibus rebus in utram of the lawyer; cf. Orat. 46; Att. 9, 4. que partem possit dicere \ 3,107. Cicero here 2-3; Quintil. Inst. 12,2,25: Academiam connects this method especially with quidam utilissimam credunt, quod mos in Socrates and the Academics, and with utramque partem disserendi ad exercitationem that school it is by others most frequently forensium causarum proxime accedat. Philo associated; e.g., Acad. Pbilos. Ind. Herc.t sophy might thus become the tool of col. 20, p. 72 Mekler: <προτείνων ερω oratory; cf. P. Boyancc in Rev. des τήσεις ά>ποφαινό< μένος δ' αυτό > ς ουδέ et. lai. 14 (1936), 297, who cites De Or. Ιν, μόνον δέ τάς £λλας έλεγχων αίρέ1, 54-59; Orat. 11-19; 113-114; Part, σεις; Quintil. Inst. 12, 1, 35; Scxt. Emp. orat. 139, but thinks that Cicero was a Pyrrbon. 1, 18; Galen, De opt. Doctr. 1 person philosophically interested, who (1, p. 41 Κ.): τους δλλους τους Ά χ β - engaged in administration and politics, δημιακούς επαινεί [sc. ό Φαβωρϊνος], rather than a politician dabbling in προσαγορεύοντας μέν έκατέρω των αν philosophy (therein refuting the view τικειμένων άλλήλαις λόγων, επιτρέ of E. Havet in Stances et travaux de Γ Acad, ποντας δέ τοις μαθηταΐς αίρεΐσθαι τους des sc. polit. et morales, 121 (1884), 660-
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aperte iudicandi, profecta a Socrate, repetita ab Arcesila, confirmata a Carneade, usque ad nostram viguit actatem; quam nunc 671); cf. K. Reinhardt, Poseidonios (1921), mant; Fin. 2, 2: qui mos cum a posterioribus 211-212. It may be remarked, however, non esset relentus Arcesilas eum revoPavit that the Academic habit of weighing instituitque ut it qui se audire ve/lent non de se the pros and cons of every question, quaererent sed ipsi dicerent quid sentirent; and of ending in probability rather than quod cum dixissent ille contra [as in Tusc. certainty, was, in Cicero's case, at least, 1, 9]; 5, 10 (quoted on contra omnia an excellent parallel to the lawyer's use disserendi above); 5, 94: Arcesilas tuus, of the same balance of arguments. etsi fuit in disstrendo pertinacior, tamen aperte iudicandi: Mayor takes this noster fuit\ De Or. 3, 80; Acad. Philos. "of speaking frankly, not imitating the Ind. Herculan. p. 72 Mcklcr [of Arcesilas]: Socratic ειρωνεία", and cites several <ά>ποφαινό<μένος δ* αύτό>ς ουδέ Ιν, passages, especially from Aug. C. Acad. μόνον δέ τάς &λλας έλεγχων αΙρέσεις; Plut. Adv. Colot. 24: τους περί Άρκε3, 41-43, to indicate the belief of some σίλαον 'Ακαδημαϊκούς, ούτοι γαρ ήσαν outsiders that the Academics really and οι περί πάντων επέχοντες; Mela, 1, 90: inwardly cherished certain dogmatic Pitanen illam quae Arctsilan tulit, nihil views. In the light of 1, 57, however {mihi enim non tarn facile in mentem venire ad/ir mantis Academiae clarissimum an· tisti/em; [Galen,] De Phil. Hist. 3 (Doxosolet quart verum sit aliquid quam quart fa/sum), I believe that the phrase applies gr. Gr* 599-600): του δε Κράντορος ακουστής ήν Άρκεσίλαος, Ος τήν μέσην to positive, dogmatic statement as ΆκαδημΙαν έπινενόηκεν . . . τούτου δέ opposed to non-committal utterances (εποχή: cf. 1, 1, n. {adsensionem cobibuisse)) Καρνεάδης κατέστη διάδοχος; Diog. L. or qualified and tentative acceptance of 4, 28: Άρκεσίλαος . . . ΙΙιτάνης της probability, as in 3, 95: ad veritatis Λίολίδος. ούτος έστιν ό της μέσης simi/itudinem viderttur esse propensior. Άκαδημείας κατάρξας, πρώτος έπισχών τάς αποφάσεις δια τας έναντιόprofecta . . . repetita . . . confirmata: τητας των λόγων, πρώτος δέ καΐ είς cf. 1 Cor. 3, 6. έκάτερον επεχείρησε; Min. Fel. 13, 3: Socrate: cf. Ac. 1, 16: Socrates . . . in omnibus fere sermonibus . . . ita disputat hoc fonte [i.e., from the ignorance of Socrates] defluxit Arcesihe et multo post ut nihil adfirmet ipse, refellat alios, nihil se scire dicat nisi id ipsum toque praestare Cameadis et Academicorum p'urimorum in ceteris quod illi quae nesciant scire se putent, summis quaestionibus tuta dubitatio, quo ipse se nihil scire id unum sciat; 1, 44; genere philosopbari ei caute indocti possunt Tusc. 1, 8: Socratica ratio contra alterius et docti gloriose; Bus. Pr. Ev. 14, 8, 15: opinionem disserendi-, 1, 99; 5, 11; Div. ό Άρκεσίλαος . . . έπετήδευε τήν είς 2, 150: tenebimus banc consuetudinem a έκάτερα έπιχείρησιν, κα'ι πάντα άνεSocrate tradttam; Min. Fel. Oct. 13, 1-2; σκεύαζε τά ύπ^» των 5λλων λεγόμενα; Lact. Inst. 3, 4, 11: Arcesilas Academiae Plut. Adv. Colot. 26, who says that Arccsilas ascribed the custom of εποχή conditor reprehemus inter se omnium col legit t o Socrates, Plato, Parmcnidcs, and confessiontmque ignorantiae clarorum philo Heraclitus; cf. also J. Stcnzel in P.-VP. sopherum armavitque se adversus ornnes [and 3A (1927), 823. 3, 5 of the same is directed against his views]; llicr. Adv. Ruftn. 2, 10, p. 498 Arcesila: of Pitanc in Acolia, who Vail.: Arcesilam aut Carneadem pules, lived from about 316-241 B.C. He was the qui omnia interta pronun/iavit; Aug. CD. founder of the Middle Academy, and 19, 1; H. von Arnim in P.-W. 2 (1896), renewed the Socratic method of refuting 1164-1168, especially 1166. Cicero re assertions made by others; cf. Ac. 1, 43; 1, 45-46; 2, 15; 2, 59: ex his ilia necessario gularly uses for him the form Arcesilas ma/a est εποχή id est, adsentationis rttentio, rather than the Attic Arcesilaus (cf. Ac. in qua melius sibi consti tit Arcesilas, si 1, 43; 1. 46; 2, 16; 2, 60; Ugg. 1, 39). Carneade: cf. 1,4, n. (Carneades); De vera sunt quae de Carneade non multi exists·
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prope modum orbam esse in ipsa Graecia intellego. Quod non Academiae vitio sed tarditate hominum arbitror contigisse. Nam si l singulas disciplinas percipere magnum est, quanto maius * omnis; quod facere his 3 necesse est quibus propositum est veri reperiendi causa et contra omnes philosophos et pro omnibus dicere. 12 Cuius rei tantae tamque difficilis facultatem consecutum esse4 me non profiteor, secutum esse prae me fero.* 1 si om. Ο * maius] magis BM * mc pracfcro Η
• is Bx
4
esse . . . secutum om. CO1
Or. 3, 68: bate rectntior Academia . . . in to revive this doctrine in a foreign land, qua exstitit divina quadam ctltntatt ingenii without any strong native tradition in dicendique copia Carneades. As a successor its favor. tarditate hominum: cf. 1, 12; 1, 24; of Arccsilas and an opponent of dogma tism (H. von Arnim in P.-UT. 10 (1917), Tusc. 5, 68: tardis enim mentibus virtus 1964-1985), he exhibited his prowess non facile comitatur; Legg. 1, 51: quid in a famous public performance at Rome abiectius tarditate et stultitia did potest; De Or. 1, 127; 2, 117: tardi ingenii; Leg. in 155 B.C., in which he delivered a a r i - 3, 6: tardo ingenio; Quintil Inst. speech, in the presence of Galba and 1, 3. 2; Aug. De Anima, 4, 7; De Pecc. Cato the Censor, in praise of justice, std idem disputationem suam postη die con- Meritis, 3, 16; C. Julian. Pelag. 2, 11; C. lulian. Op. imperf. 1. 71; 6, 9; 6, 16; traria disputatione subvertit, et iustitiam, quam pridie laudaverat, sustulit, non quidem 6, 17; Isid. Etym. 2, 8, 2. Pan of the philosophi gravitate . . . sed quasi oratorio neglect came from those who found it easier to condemn or deride philo exercitii genere in utramque partem disserendi; quod ilte facere so/ebat ut alios quid- sophic teachings than to learn them; cf. Pease on Div. 1, 105, n. (disertam negleAbet adserentes posset refutare [Rep. 3, 9, ap. Lact. Inst. 5, 14, 3-4; cf. Quintil. gentiam); Pers. 1, 131-133; Iambi. De Myst. 3, 19; Macrob. Somn. 1, 213; Inst. 12, 1, 35; Hicr. Ep. 50, 2, \\. Fronto, Rutin, prcf. to Orig. De Princip. 3: ita 1, p. 48 Haines, says that his pupil Clitomachus (— Hasdrubal), by whom fit ut res difficiles et obscuras malint homines his ideas were reduced to writing, was per terneritatem et inscientiam condemnore quam per diligentiam et studium discere. anctps in dubium vocare omnia. On the other hand, the case of learning orbam: cf. 1, 6, n. (desertae .. . et the Epicurean doctrines, at least as set relictae). This situation had arisen after forth by C. Amafinius, is mentioned in the death of Philo, about 86/85 n.c. Tusc. 4, 7. (K. v. Fritz in P.-W. 19 (1938), 2536), or some forty years before Cicero was quanto maius omnis: cf. Lact. Inst. writing these words. Cf. Sen. N.Q. 7, 3, 14, 13 [apostrophizing Cicero): stu32, 2: itoque tot familiae pbihsopborum sine duisti nempe phiiosophiae et quidem sic ut successore deficiunt; Academici et veteres nullus umquam diligentiust quippe qui omnes et minores nullum antistitem reliqutrunt; cognoveris disciplinas, sicut ipse gloriari soles, quis est qui tradat praecepta Pyrrbonis? eamque ipsam Latinis litteris inlustraveris. On the metaphor cf. Brut. 330: post veri reperiendi causa: the aim and Hortensii . . . mortem orbae tloquentiae quasi the justification of Academic procedure; Mores relic ti sumus; also the use of cf. Ac. 2, 7. Αρφανός as applied to a doctrine in Plat. 12 rei . . . facultatem: cf. Off. 1, 9: Tbeaet. 164e. facultates rerum; 2, 1: earum rerum ... in ipsa Graecia: it was the more facultatem. striking that Cicero should be attempting coneecutum . . . secutum: for this
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Nee tamen fieri potest ut qui hac ratione philosophentur hi nihil habcant quod sequantur. Dictum est omnino de hac re alio loco diligentius, sed, quia nimis indociles quidam l tardique sunt, admonendi videntur saepius. Non enim sumus ii quibus nihil verum esse videatur sed ii qui omnibus veris falsa quaedam adiuncta esse dicamus tanta similitudine ut in iis nulla insit certa 1
quidem Bl
contrast between attainment and pursuit cf. V a l . C c m . Ep. ad Monacbos (Patr. Lat. 52, 7 5 6 d ) : quern (i.e., Pau/um) sequi cupimus etsi consequi non valemus; t h e case in Fin. 1, 32 is less apt. S u c h differences in m e a n i n g b e t w e e n a simple v e r b a n d its c o m p o u n d arc discussed by J . Mar o u z e a u , Traiti de stylistique (1935), 123124. T h e idea here expressed s u g g e s t s t h e Stoic π ρ ο κ ο π ή o r p r o g r e s s t o w a r d v i r t u e ; cf. 1, 15, n. (progressus); also Pbilipp. 3 , 1 2 : ούχ δτι ήδη ίλαβον ή ή δ η τετελείωμαι, δ ι ώ κ ω δέ εΐ και κ α τ α λ ά β ω . In Off. 1, 3 he r e m a r k s : nos autem quantum in utroque profecerimus aliorum sit judicium, utrumque eerie secttti sumus; cf. Reid o n Ac. 2, 70, for this use of sequor. W h i l e t h e repetition of consecutum a n d secutum m a k e s an effective c o n t r a s t , that b e t w e e n secutum and sequantur ( w i t h a different m e a n i n g ) seems a w k w a r d ; but cf. 1, 1 3 : inventus . . . invenerit; 2, 1 3 5 : depu/sum . . . depellit; 1, 3 4 : Div. 1, 7 8 : fluminaque in contrarias partes fluserint et in amnes mare influserit.
nihil habeant quod sequantur; cf. Off. 2, 7 : non enim sumus ii quorum vagetur animus errore nee habeat umquam quid sequatur; Ac. 2, 6 6 ; 2, 1 0 3 : ait vehementer errare eos qui dieant ab Aeademia sensus eripi, a quibus numquam dictum sit aut colorem aut sapor em aut sonum nullum esse, il/ud sit disputatum non inesse in its proprium, quae ntdiquam alibi esset, veri et certi no tarn; 2, 1 0 9 : proinde quasi nullum sapiens aliitd decretum habeat et sine decretis vitam agere possit; Q u i n t i l . Inst. 12, 1, 3 5 : neque enim Aeademici, cum in utramque disserunt partem, non secundum alteram vivunt; Scxt. F m p . Pyrrbon. 1, 1 3 ; Adv. Log. 1, 3 0 :
Ιδεί τόν ά π ο ρ η τ ι κ ώ ς φίλοσοφοοντα, μ ή εις το παντελές άνενέργητον βντα καΐ έν ταϊς κατά τόν βϊον πράξεσιν άπρακτον, ίχειν τι κριτήριον αίρέσευ ως άμα και φ Υήζ· τουτέστι το φαινόμενον. T h e objection of the o p p o n e n t s of t h e A c a d e m y (in Ac. 2, 24) uses similar p h r a s e o l o g y : quomodo suscipere aliquam rem aut agere fidenter audebit cum certi nihil sit quod sequatur; cf. Ac. 2, 8 ; 2, 3 3 ; 2, 3 6 ; 2, 99. W i t h the use of sequor cf. the G r e e k of Scxt. E m p . Pyrrhon. 1,17: άκολουΟοϋμεν γ ά ρ τινι λ ό γ ω . o m n i n o . . . s e d : for this concessive use of omnino cf. utrumque omnino durum sed; 1, 1 0 7 : a Democrito omnino haec licentia sed; Ac. 2, 8 4 : pugnas omnino sed; Off. 1, 1 2 0 ; 2 , 6 2 ; 2 , 7 1 . E l s e w h e r e we find omnino . . . autem (Am. 98), omnino . . . tamen (Off. 1, 79), a n d omnino . . . verum (Off. 1, 133). a l i o l o c o : in the Aeademica, e.g., 2, 98-111. tardi: cf. 1, 11, n. (tarditate /wminum). n o n e n i m s u m u s i i : cf. Off. 2, 7 ( q u o t e d a b o v e ) ; 3 , 1 2 : quodsi is esset Panaetirtf qui . . . sfd cum sit it qui; Ac. 2, 6 6 : nee tamen ego is sum qui nihil umquam falsi adprobem; Tusc. 3 , 50. Cicero in Div. 2, 1, takes especial satisfaction in e m p h a s i z i n g t h e constantia of t h e Aca d e m y , as o p p o s e d t o that confusion of t h o u g h t w h i c h its o p p o n e n t s ascribed t o it; cf. Ι Λ « . Inst. 3 , 6, 10-20. veris falsa . . . a d i u n c t a : t h r e e p r i n cipal attitudes t o w a r d t h o s e sensations u p o n w h i c h s o m u c h of k n o w l e d g e d e p e n d s are represented by E p i c u r e a n s , Stoics, and Sceptics. E p i c u r e a n s c o n sidered all sensations as t r u e (e.g., 1, 7 0 ; Fin. 1, 2 2 ; Ac. 2, 7 9 , and Rcid's n o t e ;
156
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iudicandi et adsentiendi* nota. Ex quo exsistit2 et 3 illud, multa 1
ct adsentiendi] sentiendi D
* exstitit D, extitit M1
· et om.
ACN
αν γένοιτο ψευδής, άλλα πάση τη δοC. Bailey, The Greek Aiomists and Epi κούσγ) άληθεϊ καθεστάναι ευρίσκεται curus (1928), 238-245), errors of man being due not to the sensation but to τις απαράλλακτος ψευδής, γενήσεται τό κριτήριον έν κοινή φαντασία τοΰ τε his misinterpretation of it. The Stoics άληθοϋς καΐ ψεύδους; 1, 252; 1, 415: held some sensations to be true, others deceptive (1, 70), the true (καταληπ- είπερ προσαρμόζεται τη καταληπτική τικαί φαντασίαι, visa comprehendibilia; cf. φαντασία ή ακατάληπτος φαντασία, ούκ Ac. 1, 41; 2, 17; 2, 18; 2, 3 1 ; 2, 145; αν εϊη κριτήριον αληθείας ή καταληπ E. V. Arnold, Roman Stoicism (1911), τική φαντασία; 1, 438: διαβάλλοντες τήν καταληπτικήν φαντασίαν Ιφασκον 129-134) being separated from the false μη είναι κριτήριον ταύτην της αλη on the basis of clearness of presentation (ενάργεια or perspicujtas, as in Ac. 2, 45). θείας τω καϊ άλλας απαράλλακτους πχρακεϊσθαι αύτη ψευδείς; Galen, De Plot. Sceptics, however, held that while some Hipp, et Plat. 9, 7 (5, 782 K.); Lucian, sensations were probably true, yet, Hermot. 49; Aug. De divers. Quaest. 9: from lack of any means of knowing which these were, all must be rated as illud certe nemo est qui non cogatur fateri nihil esse sensibile quod non habeat simile untrustworthy, and reasonings based upon them as leading, not to truth, but falso ita ut intemosci non possit', C. Acad. merely to probability (Ac. 2, 99). Cf. 3. 23. Ac. 2, 103: Aeadtmicos p/acere esse rerum adsentiendi: = συνκατατίθεσθαι; cf. eius modi dissimilitudines ut aliae probabiles A. Pittct, Vocab. pbilos. de SMqut, 1 videan/ur, aliae contra; id autem non esse (1937), 119; also 1, 1, n. (adsensionem satis cur alia posse per dpi dicas, alia non cohibwsse) above. posse, propterea quod multa falsa prohahilia nota: cf. Ac. 2, 33: // nihil interest sint, nihil autem falsi percepturn et cognitum [sc. inter verum et falsum], nulla regula est, pessit esse. nee potest is, cut est vino veri falsique com On the confusion of true and false munis, nil urn habere iudicium out ullam through likeness in their appearance cf. omnino veritatis notam; 2, 34: in eo autem Ac. 2, 36: /// visis inter quae nihil interest si erst com muni tas cum falso, nullum erit aequaliter omnibus abrogatur fides; 2, 42: iudicium, quia proprium com muni signo notari iis omnibus quae visa sint veris adiuncta non potest; 2, 36: ut enim confidant notum esse falsa quae a veris nihil differant; ea its esse debebit insigne veri, quo obscuro et cum taJia sint, non posse comprebendi; 2, 44:oppresso quod tandem verum sibi videbuntur sumunt . . . primum esse quaedam falsa visa attingere; 2, 58: sublata veri et falsi nota; . . . deinde ibidem inter falsa visa et vera 2, 84: eiusmodi visum quod percipi non posset nihil interesse; 2, 58; 2, 83: nullum esse quia nulla verum distinguebaiur a falsa [and visum verum a sensu profectum cut non sec Reid's n.J; 2, 110: si in hoc haberet adpontum nt visum aliud quod ah eo nihil cognitionis notam; 2, 111: sed probands intersit, quodque percipi non possit; Cell. species est, percipiends signum nullum babe11, 5, 4: omniumque rerum fidem verita- mus; Dip. 1, 64: in quibus tamquam intemque mixtis confusisque signis veri atque signitae notae veritatis appareant [and falsi ita inprensibilem videri aiunt ut quisquis Pease's n.]; 2, 128; De Or. 3, 115; homo est non praeceps . . . his uti verbis Sen. De Clem. 1, 3, 1. These technical insigne, and debeat quibus auctorem philosopbiae istius terms (nota, notum ... Pyrrbonem esse usum tradunt: ού μάλλον signum) represent the Greek σημεϊον, which is, however, a word of several ούτως έχει τόδε ή έκείνως ή ούθετέρως; Numcn. ap. Eus. Pr. Εν. 14, 8, philosophic meanings (sec Liddcll-ScottJoncs, s.v.), used by both Stoics (ac 6-7; Sext. Emp. Adv. Log. 1, 164: έπεί cording to Diog. L. 7, 14, Zcno wrote ουδεμία εστίν αληθής τοιαύτη οΤα ούκ
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157
a book περί σημείων) and Epicureans and some editors have accepted the less (cf. its frequent use in Philodem. περί well attested reading tx{s)titit (cf. G. F. σηκειώσεων). Schocmann, Opusc. acad. 3 (1858), 297exeistit . . . rcgeretur: a sentence 298); yet cf. 1, 40: idemque disputat grammatically irregular, yet not so un aetbera esse eum quern homines Iovem appel paralleled in Cicero as to justify Hcindorf lortnt; Div. 2, 96; Ac. 2, $6: ilia praeclara, (followed by Orelli and Baiter) in deleting quanto artificio esset sensus . .. fabricata it; cf. F. A. Wolf. Kl. Scbr. 1 (1869), 515; natura [and the parallels in Reid's note also the defence of the passage by R. on that passage and on 2, 104J; Fin. 2, Klotz, Adnot. crit. ad Μ. Τ. Cic. Lib. de 21; 2, 34; 2, 42; 3, 67 (and the note of Nat. Deor. primum, 3 (1868), 5-8, and Madvig, who remarks: in quam incon P. Stamm, De M. 7. Cic. Ltb. de Nai. stantiom saepissime incidit . . . cum philoDeor. Interpolationibus (1873), 6-9. The sopborum veterum decreta reddit); 4, 20. objections, as summarized by Mayor, So R. Klotz {op, cit., 3 (1868), 7) suggests are these: (1) the shift from the nomi that illud here carries the thought back native quae to the ablative his, perhaps to a past time; cf. the case from the in order to use the weaker passive Academica quoted above and one in regeretur instead of the more personal De Or. 1, 63. and vigorous active (cf. P. Mihailcanu, (4) Hcindorf further objected to the De Comprehensionibus relativis apud Cic. use of the masculine visits instead of (1907), 90), the relative in such cases visum, which he thinks is Cicero's being sometimes attracted to the sub usual rendering of φαντασία cf. Ac. ordinate clause; e.g., 3, 35, and n. {qui 1, 40; 2, 18 (though Macrob. Somn. Scip. quoniam quid diceret [quod] intellegi noluit); 1, 3, 2, says that Cicero used visum for Fin. 2, 2: qui mos cum a posteriority non φάντασμα). Visus is, in Cicero, a rare esset re tentus Arcesilas eum revocavit. For word, occurring, by emendation only, the careless construction Ax (appendix, in 1, 85, and in a fragment cited by 162) compares Rep. 1, 7: /'/ enim fueram Plin. N.IL 7, 18, though it is found cut cum licertt . . . fructus capere . . . non elsewhere (e.g., Plin. N.ll. 22, 16), dubitaverim. especially of human appearance. F. A. (2) If quae = et ea% and if the clause Wolf {op. cit. 516) cites other pairs of in direct discourse ran mu/ta sunt proba- verbal nouns, such as census and censum, bi/ia, quae . . . percipiuntur . . . habtnt . . . nexus and nexum, event us and even turn, regitur, one might in indirect discourse peccatus and peccatum; cf. also actus and have expected regi. Yet cf. 1,106: ttt autem actum, dictus and dictum, etc. To visio, [sc. diets] . . . imagines remanere quae in Capi- rather than to visum, Plasberg (ed. maior.) tolium cum pervenerint turn ad animum meumwould liken the meaning of iv'/itr, comparireferantur [instead of easque . . . referri]; ing Ac. 2, 33, where both visio and visum 2, 44: Aristote/es .. . censuit .. . moueri . . . occur (for the former sec also 1, 105 omnia; quae autem natura moverentur bate below), and explaining visum quendam . . . out pondere deorsum aut levitate in sublime insignem et inlustrem as meaning ένάργειαν. ferric quorum neutrum astris contingeret; (5) The sentence is not superfluous, Dip. 1, 46: Mercurium . . . sanguinem as Heindorf charged, but essential to visum esse fundere ; qui cum terram aitigisset protect the Academics from the accusa refervescere videretur [instead of quern tion that nihil habeant quod sequantur. Cf. Ac. 2, 99: quicquid acciderit specie refentscere]; Madvig on Fin. 1, 30; also other cases collected by Rcid on Ac. 1,41, probabile, si nihil se offeret quod sit probabiliwho remarks that "in relative clauses in tati illi contrarium, utetur eo sapiens ac sic oratio obliqua Cicero allows himself a omnis ratio vitae gubernabitur. Nor is the certain latitude of choice between in sentence unduly obscure for Cicero's finitive and subjunctive." explanation of the Academic view, since he is here merely reminding {admonendi (3) The sequence of tenses, by which videntur, as Plasberg emphasizes), not imperfect subjunctives follow exsistit giving a formal exposition. (the reading of the best mss) is irregular,
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esse probabilia, quae, quamquam non perciperentur, tamen, quia visum * quendam haberent insignem et inlustrem, his sapientis * vita regeretur. 6 13 Sed iam, ut omni me invidia liberem,' ponam in medio sentcntias philosophonim de natura deonim. Quo quidem loco convocandi omnes videntur qui quae sit earum vera iudicent; 1
usum Dx
* tapicntibus Ν
■ libcrarcm Bl
The reasons, then, for rejecting the fuiosa . . . sed de illustri et fadIt ... lo whole sentence arc inadequate, both on quitur. The adjective seems to represent the Greek εναργής which is also often the ground of contents and on that of rendered by perspicuus (e.g., Ac. 2, 45); expression. cxeietit . . . illud: cf. Fin. 5, 67: ex cf. Scxt. Emp. Adv. Log. 1, 161: έν fipa τω άπό της έναργείας πάθει της ψυ it s/i/ Mud ut; Fat. 18: ex quo exsistet ut χής ζητητέον εστί το κριτήριον; 1, . . . fiat. 171; 1, 257; Goedcckemeycr, op. cit. 60, probabilia: πιθανά; cf. Off. 2, 7-8: nos autem ut ceteri alia certa alia incerta n. 4. esst dicunt sic ab his dissentientes alia proba 13 invidia: the word is used of un biliay contra alia dicimus; 3, 20: nobis popularity in general {Tusc. 4, 16: autem nostra Acadtmia magnam licentiam invidia non in eo qui invidet solum dicitur dat ut quodcumque maxime probabile occurratsed etiam in eo cut invidetur), but includes, id nostro iure liceat de/endere; Ac. 2, 99: as here, an odium tbeologfcum or philosoduo placet esse Canuadi genera visorurn, phicum; cf. 1, 123: quae is de deis inmortaliin uno banc divisionem: "alia visa esse quaebus dsxerit invidiae detestandae gratia dipercipi possint, alia quae non possint". in xisse; 3, 3: tanium modo negare deos esst altero autem: "alia visa esse probabilia, non audet, ne quid invidiae subeat aut crimialia non probabilia" . . . tale visum nullum nis; Div. 2, 28: soli sumus; licet verum exesse ut perceptio consequeretur', ut autem quirere sine invidia; Ac. 2, 105 [where probatio multa; 2, 105; Tusc. 5, 11; A. invidiosa is used]; Arnob. 1, 29; 3, 6: Goedcckemeycr, Cescb. d.gr. Sktptt\ismus Ί ullius . .. nullam veritus impietatis in (1905), 60-65; also Sext. F.mp. Pyrrbon. vidiam . .. quid . . . sentiret pietate cum maiore monstravit; Aug. C. Acad. 1, 12: 1, 19: δταν δέ ζητώμεν cl τοιούτον έστι τό ύποκείμενον όποιον φαίνεται, το μέν bine ess (the Academics! invidia magna 6τι φαίνεται δίδομεν, ζητοϋμεν δ* ού confiata est; videbatur enim esse constquens περί τοϋ φαινομένου άλλα περί εκείνου ut nihil ageret qui nihil approbaret; Lact. δ λέγεται περί τοϋ φαινομένου. Inst. 3, 6, 17: se ipsum calumniae invidia perciperentur: of sure and accurate liberasset; A. Goedeckemeycr, Gescb. d. gr. Skeptt\ismus (1905), 146, n. 1; comprehension of a thing, like that E. Wistrand in Eranos, 44 (1946), 355produced by the Stoic καταληπτική φαν τασία; cf. perceptio in Ac. 2, 99, quoted 369 (on the semasiology of this word); I. Odelsticrna in Upsala Univ. Arsskrift above. (1949), no. 10. ineignem: cf. Ac. 2, 101: movetur ponam in medio: cf. 1, 1, n. (tarn mente% movetur sensibus, ut ei vera mulfa variae stmt). videantttr neque tamen habere insignem Mam omnes: of the reading public, who et propriam percipiendi notam; also 2, 80, arc to judge between the views of con below: deos, quorum inngntm vim et in flicting schools (as the following line? of lustrem facitm videremus. inlustrem: cf. Ac. 2, 94: etiam a Caecilius would imply), rather than, as certis et inlustrioribus cobibeo adsensum; Schocmann thinks, of all the dogmatists Fin. 2, 15: nee de re obscrtra . . . aut arti- themselves, as opposed to the Acadc-
1, 13
159
turn demum mihi procax Academia videbitur, si aut consenserint* omnes aut erit 2 inventus aliquis qui quid 3 verum sit invenerit. Itaque mihi libet exclamare ut 4 in Synephebis 6: 1 a 4 conscnticrint D ■ aut crit] aucrtit Bl quicquid Bl ter mg. B, 6 ut tcrentius Λ/ insync fcbis A, in sinefcbis DHOBxt insinc plcbis Nt in cphebis B*M
mics, for in that case Cicero would name; cf. Com. Att. Frag. 3 (1888), 131 himself in effect be acting as judge. The Kock, Tusc. 1, 3 1 ; Sen. 24); see E. implication here, as in the doxographic Bcrtrand in Ann. de Tuniv. de Grenoble, 9 sections (1, 25-41), is that the inquiry (1897), 181, n. 1; W. Zillingcr, Cic. u. d. is not limited to the three schools altrbm. Dicbter (1911), 174-175, for (Epicureans, Stoics, and Academics) Cicero's poetical quotations in this more specifically represented in this work. Quintil. Inst. 1, 8, 11, remarks work. upon his use of Ennius, Accius, Pacuvius, procax: used of shameless boldness; Lucilius, Caecilius, and others. One of Varro's Menippean Satires was entitled here of a group which might presume Synepbebus (lines 511-515 Buchelcr); for to set up its negative views against the the frequent occurrence of συνέφηβος positive dogmatisms of the rest of the world; cf. 1, 69: tam inpudenter resistere; in inscriptions cf. Poland in P.-IF. 4A (1932), 1357-1360. The catalectic tro Div. 2, 109: at impudentes sumus, qui, cum tam perspicuum sit, non concedamus; Ac. chaic tetrameters include two complete lines (accepting Manutius's doubling of 2, 115: utrum igitur nos impudentts, qui labi nolumus, an Mi adrogantes, qui sibi omnium as replacing a loss by haplopersuaserunt scire se solos omnia; 2. 126; graphy), some phrases with a metrical basis (in civitate . . . capitalia), and a Tert. De An. 17: quid agis, Academia fourth nearly complete line. Of the procacissimaf toturn vitae s tat urn tier tis. various emendations of the last two The last passage, with an apparent lines a few only may be here mentioned. reminiscence of ours, supports the (1) T. Bergk, Opusc. 1 (1884), 384, devel reading procax against the emendation oped by O. Ribbcck, Com. Rom. Frag. by J. 5. Rcid (on Ac. 1, 44 and in Mayor's ed., ad loc.) to pervicax—a word not (1898), 81: . . . in civitate fiunt facinora found in Cicero (though pervicacia occurs capitalia: j
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'pro deum, popularium omnium, < o m n i u m > l adulescentium clamo, postulo, obsecro, oro, ploro, atque inploro fidem,' non levissuma de re, ut queritur ille in civitate fieri facinora capitalia: 'ab amico amante argentum accipere meretrix non vult/ (14) sed ut adsint, cognoscant, animadvertant, quid de religione, pietate, sanctitate, caerimoniis, fide, iure iurando, quid de templis, 1
< omnium > add. Man.
men together and to the gods; on this indemnatum atque intestatum me abripi! use of it in appeals for help cf. E. Whatever may have been the reading of Fracnkel in Rh. Mus. 71 (1916), 193-194; Caecilius, it seems unsafe to change R. Heinzc, Vom Geist des Romerturns Cicero's text for the last two lines, for he was probably here giving a free (1938), 42-47; 284. paraphrase rather than a careful quo popularium: cf. Tcr. Ad. 155: ob tation. secro, Populares, ferte . .. auxilium, where pro deum . . . fidem: for a variety Donatus remarks: popularitas in omnis of similar expressions cf. Plaut. Ampb. rei consortium sumitur; nunc autem lPopu 455: di inmortales, obsecro vostram fidem; lares* cives dint. amico amante: on the hiatus cf. 1130: di, obsecro vostram fidem [ = True. T. Birt in Berl. pbilol. \Pocb. 38 (1918), 805]; Capt. 418: di, vostram fidem [ = Trin. 591]; Epid. 580: pro deum atque 550; W. Ax, De Hiatu qui in Frag, hominumfidem[= Cure. 694]; Men. 999: prise. Poesis Rom. invent fur (1917), 38; opsecro vostramfidem\ Most. 77: pro di for the phrase cf. Naev. 90 Ribb.: inmortales, obsecro vostram fidem \— 530; amico amanti arnica. Poen. 967]; Enn. Sat. 18 Vahlcn: pro 14 ut adsint cognoecant animad divum fidem; Tcr. Andr. 237: pro deum vertant: clearly not part of the quotation fidem; 246: pro deum atque hominum fidem from Caecilius (as was thought by J. J. Schlueter, De Caecilii Statii Frag. [= Haut. 61]; Phorm. 351: pro deum inmortalium; Eun. 943: pro deum fidem; (1884), 20—a work not accessible to Hec. 198: pro deum fidem atque hominum; me—; refuted by W. Zillinger, op. cit. Ad. 746: pro deorum fidem; Cic. Τ use. 148, n. 3), but resuming Cicero's own 5, 48: pro deorum atque hominum fidem; thought in convocandi omnes above. With Am. 52: pro deorumfidematque hominum; the asyndeton Goethe compares Pro Oecon. fr. 8 Muller: pro deum inmortalium; Quint. 75: adsunt, defendunt; Div. in Pro Font. 4: deorum hominumqut fidem; Caec, 11; adsuntt queruntur; 2 Verr. 1» 3: Pro Q. Rose. 23: pro deum hominumqut adsit, respondeat; also Pro Sull. 4: qui adsunt, qui laborant. fidem [ = 5 0 ; Div. in Caec. 1\; 2 Verr. 1, 25: deum atque hominumfidemimplorabis; religione, pietate, sanctitate: cf. 1, Q. Fr. 2, 10, 3: ne imp/ore/ fidem Iovis; 3, n. {pittas ... sanetitas . . . religio); 1, Sail. Cat. 20, 10: pro deum atque hominum 115: de sanctitate, de pietate. fidem; Li v. 3, 67, 7: pro deumfidem[ = 44, fide: cf. 1. 4, n. {fides). 38, 10]; Quintil. Dee/, motor. 16, 9, 1: templis: cf. 3, 94, n. {templis atque fidem deorum hominumqut; 17, 18: fidem delubris); Varr. L.L·. 7, 6: tempium tribus deorum; 18, 11: fidem hominum deorumque; modis dicitur: ab natura, ab auspicando, a Bocth. in Cic. Top. 2, p. 292 Orelli: similitudine;
1, 15
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delubris, sacrificiisque sollemnibus, quid de ipsis auspiciis, quibus nos praesumus, existimandum sit, haec enim omnia ad hanc de dis inmortalibus quaestionem referenda sunt. Profecto eos ipsos, qui se aliquid certi* habere arbitrantur, addubitare 2 coget doctissimorum hominum de maxuma re tanta dissensio. 15 Quod cum saepe alias turn maxime animadvert! cum apud 1
cenc Η
" a t dubitare
ADB1
fimtus\ Gell. 14, 7, 7: tmpla csrt ptr form of personal allusion cf. Div. 1 , 2 : augurti consti tuta ut in its senatusconsulta quibus nationibus prae/uimus ipsi. After more majorum iusta fieri possent. inter quae ambitions to enter the augural college id quoque script urn reiiquit [sc. I 'arro) non (Att. 2, 5, 2) and nominated by Pompey omnes aedes sacras temp/a esse ac ne aedem and Hortensius (Phi/. 2, 4; cf. 13, 2), quidem I'estae ttmplum esse; E. Norden, Cicero was coop ted as an augur in 53 Aus a/trom. Prietterbiicbem (1939), 16; B . C , succeeding the younger Crassus 27-31 (on the connection with τέμενος, after his death at Carrhae (Plut. Cic. 36). as something marked off). He not infrequently refers to this office delubris: cf. Schol. Dan. Aen. 2, 225: (e.g., Div. 1, 25; 1, 30; 1, 72; 1, 105; I arro auttm rerum divinarum libro | Λ 7 Λ ' Brut. 1; Phil. 14, 14), and his researches delubrum esse dint aut ubi plura numina sub (Fam. 3, 9, 3) and proficiency in the art itno tecto sunt, ut Capitolium, aut ubi arc attested both by himself (e.g., Fam. praeter aedem area sit adsumpta deum causa, 6, 6, 3-12) and by his friend Nepos ut in Circo F/aminio lovi Statori, aut in (Ncp. Att. 16), as well as by his work quo loco dei dicatum sit simulacrum . . . De Auguriis (the fragments in C. F. W. Masurius Sabinus delubrum, effigies . . . Muller's edition, 4, 3, 312), though this alii delubrum dicunt templum ab eo quod in no way prevented his attack upon all nulli tuncturn aedificio pluvia diluat/a·; Serv. divination, augury included, in the Aen. 2, 225: delubrum dicitur quod uno second book of the De Divinatione. For tecto plura complectitur numina, quia uno the tolerance of Roman priests toward tec to diluitur, ut est Capitolium, in quo sceptical theological discussions cf. 1, est Minerva, luppiter, Juno, alii, ut Cincius, 61, infra. dicunt delubrum esse locum ante templum referenda sunt: cf. 1, 3-4. ubi aqua currit, a diluendo. The earliest aliquid certi: cf. 1, 6, n. {quid ... occurrence seems that in the Argeiorum certi)\ Scxt. F.mp. Pyrrhon. 1, 3: εύρηSatrifida ap. Varr. L.L. 5, 52, where it χέναι μεν βοκοΰσιν ot Ιδίως καλούμενοι appears to mean a portion (a chapel?) δογματικοί. of the temple of Deus Fidius. A. Waldcaddubitare: "to be inclined toward I. B. Hofmann, Lat. etym. Worterb.xt doubt," i.e., to be weakened in their s.v., derive the word from deluo, "wash own dogmatic convictions, as contrasted away" (comparing pollubrum), and think with the Academics, whose attitude it originally was a place with running would be better represented by the water near a shrine, where the necessary simple verb dubitare. ablutions might take place before sacri doctissimorum . . . maxuma . . . fices; cf. G. Wissowa in P.-VP. 4 (1901), tanta: a characteristically Ciceronian 2702-2703; id., Rel. u. Kultus d. Romer* expression; cf. Div. 1, 59: magnificen(1912), 469. tissimum . . . optumo et clarissumo .. . sacrificiisque sollemnibus: cf. Τ use. frequentissimo .. . incredibili clamore et I, 113: ad sollemne et statum sacrificium; plausu. dissensio: cf. 1, 1, n. {Jam variae sunt). Legg. 2, 35: sollemni sacrificio ac publico. 15 cum saepe alias: cf. 1, 57: idque quibus nos praesumus: with the
162
1, 15
C . l Cottam familiarem meum accurate sane et diligenter de dis 1
c.)
g
ACNBM
cum saepe turn cum te audirem paulo ante parteien (1920), 312-313, and especially contigit; Dip. 1, 8: quibus de rebus et alias 326-327. He was the nephew of P. saepe et paulo aceuratius nuper; Ac. 2, 9: Rutilius Rufus (3, 80; De Or. 1, 229; quibus de rebus et alias saepe nobis multa cf. Att. 12, 20, 2), and was born about quaesita et disputata sunt et quondam in 120 B.C. {Brut. 301), so that at the time Hortensi villa; Tusc. 4, 7: quod cum saepe of this dialogue he would have been in alias turn nuper in Tusculano egimus; 5, 11:the forties and Cicero about twenty-nine facimus et alias saepe et nuper in Tusculano ; or thirty. He is thought of by Cicero as Am. 2; cum saepe multa, turn mtmini not yet consul (an office he held in 75 domi . .. sedentem; Fat. 2: et saepe alias B.C.; sec the evidence in Klebs, op. at. et quondam liberiore quam solebat et magis 2483), but as already a pontifcx (1, 61; vacuo ab interventoribus die cum ad me tile 2,168; 3, 6; 3, 43; cf. also Veil. 2, 43, 1). ventsset; Off. 3, 86: cum saepe alias; Tim. 1: His official cursus (cf. Klebs, op. cit., multa sunt a nobis et in Academicis con- 2483) need not here concern us; as a lawyer he was often paired with P. scripta contra pbysicos et saepe <cum> P. Nigidio ... disputata; Brut. 144: Sulpicius as one of the most distinguish idque cum saepe alias turn a pud centumvirosed of his generation (De Or. 1, 25; 3, 31; ... cognitum est. The sentence makes, as Brut. 183; 201-204; Ascon. p. 13; Veil. in the similar cases cited, an easy tran 2, 36, 2), being described by Cicero sition from a general truth to a specific (De Or. 2, 98) as acutissimum et subtilissidiscussion of it by characters in a mum dicendi genus .. . constcuius; cf. De Or. 3, 31: limatus . . . et subtilis, rem dialogue. apud: this might refer either to his explrcans propriis aptisque verbis; baeret in town house or to a villa in the country. causa semper et quid iudici probandum sit In view of the holiday season F. A. acutissime vidit, omisns ceteris in eo mentern Wolf (Kl. Schr. 1 (1869), 519) and orationemque defigit; cf. 3, 9, infra. No Schoemann (cd., p. 21) suggest that this speeches of his were published, though in the fragments of Sallust's Historiae dialogue was probably placed in the country, and the former thinks that an there is one put by Sallust into his mouth. exedra would have been more appropriate Cotta was also given a part in the De Oratore (De Or. 1, 25, and passim.; Att. in the greater space of a country house. 13, 19, 4), and Atticus later hinted The evidence seems hardly adequate to (Att. 13, 19, 5) that Cicero match off determine the question, but the manner Cotta and Varro in the second edition in which Cicero arrives (though by of the Academica; cf. Hirzcl, op. cit.t 532. invitation) in the midst of the discus This Cicero rejected for the Academica, sion and that in which the company because it would make the author himself disperses at the end (3, 95: discessimus) seem to favor a town house rather than a κοοφον πρόσωπον—essentially the role which he plays in the De Natura Deorum. anything like a house-party in the As for his philosophical interests, Cicero country; cf. R. Hirzcl, Der Dialog, 1 (De Or. 3, 145) makes him say me qmdem (1895), n. 2. Videmus and vides in 2, 61, in Academiam totum compulisti, and, again, are probably figurative. C. Cottam: C. Aurclius Cotta, M.f., numquam conquiescam neque defatigabor one of three famous brothers, C , L., antequam illorum ancipitis vias rationesque and M.; cf. Ascon. p. 59. For his life et pro omnibus et contra omnia disputandi cf. Mayor, cd. of N.D. 1, xl-xli; E. percepero. Hired (op. cit., 1, 534) well re Klebs in P.-W. 2 (1896), 2482-2484; marks that in Cicero's hands Roman for his pedigree and his relationship statesmen tended more and more to to Julius Caesar F. Munrcr, Rom. Adels- turn into philosophizing Greeks.
1, 15
163
inmortalibus disputatum est.1 Nam cum feriis 2 Latinis ad eum ipsius rogatu arcessituque venissem, offendi eum scdcntem in exedra et cum C. 3 Velleio4 senatore disputantem, ad quem turn 1 disputatum sit ACNO&M, AC Ν * ucllclo AH
disputatumst PI.
■ fcris Ax% ferus β1
* C] g
Plaut. Stick. 327; Amm. Marc. 31, 10, 3 ; accurate sane: cf. Div. 1, 8 (quoted above); Fin. 1, 13: accurate anient ... and here), used only in the ablative; defensa est Epicuri sententia de vo/uptate; cf. our expression "by invitation." Off. 1 , 4 : accurate copioseque a pbiJosopbis exedra: this word and its diminutive dispu/ata; 2, 6: accuralius disputari soIent\ exedrium {Fam. 7,23,3) are well discussed 3, 7: Panaetius . . . de officiis accuratissimt by Tyrrell and Purser, cd. of Cic. Up. 2* disputavit. With the meaning of sane (1906), 272-273; and by A. Mau in cf. 1, 18: fidenter sane; 1, 57: nihil sane; P.-W. 6 (1909), 1581-1583, who men tions some at Pompeii. It is defined by elsewhere it often has a slightly con cessive force; cf. 1, 68; 1, 103; 1, 109; the Tbes. Ling. Laf., s.v., 1318, 73, as 3, 26; M. van den Bruwacnc, La tbeologie an extensive room, especially of semi circular shape, provided with scats, de Cic. (1937), 134-135. dis inmortalibus: T. Birt {Deri, which was, for conversations or dis pbiiol. Wocb. 38 (1918), 550) thinks the cussions, built in houses beside the portico of the peristyle. Vitruvius adjective is here conveniently inserted mentions it in several passages, es by Cicero to avoid juxtaposing cits and pecially 5, 11, 2 [describing, to be sure, disputatum. exedrae in the pa/aesfra): constituantur feriis Latinis: on this movable holiday period, gradually increased to four days autem in tribus porticibus ex/jedrae spatiosae, (Plut. Cam://. 42, 5), which occurred, babentes sedes in quibus pbi/osopbi, rhetores, reliquique qui studiis de/ectantur sedentes coincidently with rites on the Alban dispufare possint. in dup/ici autem porticu Mount, in various parts of the year but con/ocentur fusee membra, ep/jebeum in medio, with a tendency toward May, June, and Julv, cf. C. Werner, De Feriis Latinis hoc autem est exbedra amp/issima cum (1888); F. Samtcr in P.-W. 6 (1909), sedibus, quae tertia parte longior sit quam 2213-2216; Pease on Div. 1, 18, n. lata [on the proportions cf. also Vitr. 6, 3, 8; Inscr. Lat. sel. 4621 Dessau for {Albano in monte). A festival period one 30 X 25 feet]. Cicero elsewhere gave an opportunity for that otium (2, 3) speaks of exedrae in private houses; which busy lawyers and statesmen lacked in their daily life; hence the De Republica cf. De Or. 3, 17: in earn exedram renisse is represented {Rep. 1, 14; 1, 33) as a in qua Crassus post to lectu/o recubuisset; Fin. 5,4 [at Athens]: ego ilia movtor exedra, dialogue taking place during these same modo enim fust Cameadis. As the deri holidays (cf. Plato's Republic as laid on a vation shows, these rooms were pri holiday; 1, 327a), the De Oratore finds marily for sitting (notice sedentem in this its occasion on the days of the Ludi passage) rather than for reclining, and Romans {De Or. 1, 24), the Octavius of were built out from some main building. Minucius Felix is laid during a harvest Tyrrell and Purser {I.e.) point out that festival {Oct. 2, 3), and the Saturnalia they at times corresponded to university of Macrobius shows by its title (as well class-rooms (citing Strabo, 17, 1, 8; as by 1, 1, 1-3) its supposed occasion. Cod. Theod 15, 1, 53); in fact, T. FranckA discussion of religious or theological lin in his translation of our passage questions on such an occasion seems quaintly renders exedra as "study." particularly appropriate. A bemicyclion might be similarly used for ad eum: cf. apud C. Cottarn above. conversations; cf. Am. 2 (perhaps sugarcessitu: a rare word (only in
164
1, 15
Epicurci l primas ex ■ nostris horoinibus dcferebant. Aderat ctiam Q. · Lucilius 4 Balbus, qui tantos progrcssus habebat in 1
cpicuri ACNBM
■ ex] et
Η
» quintusADHNBM
· lucius Η
gested by Plat. Rep. 1, 328c); Plat. (1906), 58: ot re Στωικοί πάντβς ώς Protag. 317d-e; PoφhyΓ. Vit. Pytb. 9. CIKCIV τα πρωτβΐα της αγωγής άπονεIn Greece έξέδραι might be in the μουσκν αύ>τώι. schools of the philosophers {Acad. nostris hominibus: cf. 1,7, n. {nostris Pbiloi. Ind. Here. 100, col. 29, 41. as bomimbus). Q. Lucilius Balbus: one of two often emended by S. Mekler; cf. pp. 103-104), or, as here, in private houses (Galen, confused Balbi described in De Or. 3, 78 De Antid. 1, 3 (14, 18 K.)). It is perhaps as Roman Stoics. This one was intimate with Posidonius (2, 88), and was either not intentional, yet not altogether in appropriate, that a dialogue based so a correspondent of Antiochus or the recipient of a dedication from him largely on Greek doctrines should be given this Greek clement in its scene. (1, 16). Two references to his father ( 2 , 1 1 ; 2,14) tell us little. The assumption C. Velleio: a native of Lanuvium (1, 82: illam vestram Sospitam, who was of C. F. A. Nobbc (ed. of Cic. 10 (1849), there worshipped), was a friend of L. 369, followed by J. G. Baiter and C. Halm (cd. of Cic. 4 (1861), 980) and by Crassus, the orator (1, 58), though him R. Hirzcl {Der Dialog, 1 (1895), 499), self not a finished speaker; De Or. 3, 78: hoc dicendi exerei tattone, in qua Velleius that Balbus was a speaker in the Horten est rudis [yet cf. 1, 58, below]. F. Prechac sius rests upon a misunderstanding of Aug. C Iuiian. Pelag. 4, 72, as had been {Rev. de pbiloi. 37 (1913), 121-131), by a well shown by A. B. Krischc, Gbtting. variety of evidence, tries to show that it was Velleius who converted C. Tre- Stud. 1, 2 (1845), 128, n. 1. Mayor's batius Testa to Epicureanism {Fam. account is superseded by F. Milnzcr in P.-Vr. 13 (1927), 1640. 7, 12, 2). progrcssus: cf. 1, 12, n. {constcutum turn: at the time of Cicero's writing ... secutum); Ac. 1, 20: progressio quaedam there might have been other claimants ad virtutem [and Reid's n.]; Fin. 3, 6: for this honor, such as Lucretius and several others named as important cum baec ad te scribam qui cum in pbilosopbia Epicureans by P. H. and E. A. De Lacy, turn in optimo genere pbilosopbia* tantum Pbilodemus on Me/bods of Inference (1941), processeris', 3, 48: qui processit aliquantum ad virtutis babitum; 4, 17; 4, 66: babent 4, n. 16. primas . . . deferebant: sc. partes-, ad virtutem progressions aliquantum; 4, 67: cf. Ac. fr. 20 Muller (ap. Aug. C Acad. vestri autem progressionem ad virtutem fieri 3, 15): Academico sapienii ab omnibus aiunt; Tusc. 4, 1; 4, 44: pbilosopbia* deceterarum sectarum, qui sibi sapientes videntur,nique ipsius principes numquam in suit secundas partes dart, cum primas sibi quemque studiir tantos progressus sineflagranticupivindicate necesse sit; Brut. 183: ex bis Cotta ditate facere potuissent; 4, 44; Off. 3, 14: et Su/picius . .. facile primas tu/erunt; progression discendi; 3, 17: si qua ad vir Orat. 18: M. Antonius, cut veI prima elo~ tutem est facta progressio; E. V. Arnold, quentiae patrum nostrorum tribuebat aetas\ Rom. Stoicism (1911), 326-327, for the 29: Pericles ... cut primae sine controversia Stoic notion of προκοπή, or progress deferebantur; Div. in Caec. 49: si AJienus toward virtue, though the use of προ . . . sibi primas in dicendo partis concesserit; κοπή and προκύπτω also occurs among Aug. CD. 9, 5: Zenonis et Chrysippi, qui the Epicureans; cf. Philodem. De Gratia, col. 16, 5 {Here. Voll. Coll. prior, 10, 31) buius sectae primas babuerunt; cf. the Greek πρωτεία (e.g., Philod. De Stoieis, for προκοπήν ποιεϊν; Gnom. Vat. 408 in W. Croncrt, Kolotes u. Menedemus {Wiener Stud. 11 (1889), 64). For its
1, 16
165
Stoicis ut cum excellentibus in eo genere Graecis compararetur.1 Turn, ut me Cotta vidit, "Peroportune," inquit, "venis; oritur enim mihi magna de re altercatio cum Velleio,2 cui 3 pro tuo studio non est alienum 4 te interesse." 7 16 "Atqui 5 mihi quoque videor," inquam, "venisse, ut dicis, oportune. Tres enim trium disciplinarum principes con1
Ax
comparcrctur Ml/ 1 , comparetur Η * adqui A% atquc
D1HG
appearance among the Peripatetics cf. Suid. s.v. αρετή. excellentibus . . . Graecis: cf. 1, 8, n. {diet posse). With Cicero's fulsome judg ment of the philosophical attainments of a friend cf. Dip. 1 , 5 : Cratippus . . . familiaris nosier, quern ego parem jummis Peripateticis iudico. Aug. CD. 4, 30, is less complimentary toward Balbus: istt Balbus velut balbutiens. in Stoicie: probably neuter here and in Brut. 114: prope perfectus in Stoicis; but Rcid (on Fin. 2, 39) would hold our case to be in the masculine. ut me . . . vidit: for the resumption of a dialogue interrupted by a fresh arrival cf. Rep. 1, 17. peroportune: a rather rare adverb, occurring in 2 I'err. 5, 39: cum te peroportune fortuna attulisset; De Or. 2, 15; Liv. 1, 42, 2, and resumed in 1, 16 by the simple oportune. Cf. Macrob. Sat. 1, 2, 16: quos adventsse peroportune vides.
Cicero's late arrival allows the dialogue to start with less of unnecessary prelimi nary. altercatio: of a dispute or controversy, and, in law, of the part of the argument immediately before the decision. In the philosophical works it is found only here, but cf. Fam. 1,2, 1; Att. 1, 16, 8; 1, 16, 10; 4, 13, 1; A. Pittet, Vocab. pbtlos. de Se'neque, 1 (1937), 80. Cf. also the phrase in Legg. 1, 55: inter eos de re maxima . . . dissensio. pro tuo studio: cf. 1, 6, n. (a prima tempore aetatis); Cicero was already, in spite of his youth, recognized as one
* ucllclo^A/
a
qu\Bl
4
alunum
who, even if he did not act as the spokes man for any philosophic view, yet was interested and intelligent enough to appreciate the discussion. 16 inquam: this verb appears seven times in 1, 15-17, and with comparable frequency in 2, 1-4 and 3, 1-5; cf. also Tusc. 3, 12. For its equivalent in modern quotation marks cf. A. S. Pease in Italica, 15(1938), 129. trium disciplinarum: the addition of the Peripatetics—here omitted to avoid duplication, since Cicero, like Antiochus, probably considered their theological views akin to those of the Stoics (yet cf. R. Hirzcl, Der Dialog, 1 (1895), 543, n. 1)—would furnish the four standard schools, for the time of the dialogue, though by the date of writing the Aca demy had declined and the Pythagoreans had gained P. Nigidius Figulus as a notable representative (cf. Tim. 1). For the four cf. Ciris, 14-15: si me iam sum ma sapientia pangeret arce, / quattuor antiquis heredibus edita consors; Sen. Bp. 88, 5; Lucian, Hermot. 16; Greg. Naz. Or. 25, 6 (Patr. Gr. 33, 1205a). Philostr. Vit. Sopb. 566 says that Marcus Aurclius assigned to Herodcs Atticus the selection of four Regius Professors at Athens representing these four schools. principes: prominent representatives, though not formal heads of their schools; cf. 3, 5: quemquam principem Stoicorum; Hobein in P.-W. 4A (1931), 43, 10. In Fin. 5, 7, however, it is used for Plato and Aristotle.
166
1,16
venistis. M.* enim Piso si adesset, nullius * philosophiae, earum3 quidem quae4 in honore6 sunt, vacaret · locus." Turn 7 Cotta: "Si," inquit, "liber Antiochi nostri, qui ab eo 1 m.] g C * nullus Β DH(?) · honorem Bl
· earum] qui earum (qui del.) B, erum A1 · uaret Bx ' tunc Β
* qua
cf. 1„ 6, n. (destrtae . . . */ relie toe). Μ. enim Piso: for the repetition of liber Antiochi: Ac. 2, 12, in speaking enim after its use in the preceding section of Antiochus, says: nee se tenuit qtdn cf. Pro Mil. 12; also the occasional repe tition of adversative conjunctions in contra suum doctorem librum etiam ederet qui cuccessive clauses; e.g., Hor. Serm. Sosus insertbitur, and some scholars have tried to identify that with the book 1, 3, 32-33. F. A. Wolf, Lin. Analektent 1 (1817), 307, detects an ellipsis here, here mentioned; thus A. B. Krische in and explains: trium dieo, non omnium Getting. Stud. 1, 2 (1845), 168; E. Zcller, quattuor qui nunc sunt in honore% Λ/. enim Die Pbilos. d. Griechent 3,1· (1923), 619, Piso. With the word-order cf. De Or. n. 2. But that the book here mentioned 1, 40: C. ipsum Carbontm; 2, 263: Servius docs not tit the descriptions of the Sosus has been more convincingly main iile Galba. tained by F. A. Wolf, Kl. Scbr. 1 (1869), M. Pupius Piso Frugi, son of a Cal520; R. Hirzcl, Untersuch. χ. Cicero's purnius, and adopted by M. Pupius, at the date of this dialogue had been a pbilos. Scbr. 3 (1883), 273-274 (who thinks the book mentioned in our pas quaestor of L. Scipio (consul in 83 B.C.). sage was probably the source used by His other offices and services—praetor, proconsul in Spain, triumphator in 69 Cicero in Books 4-5 of the De Finibus), (In Pis. 62), service against the pirates and A. Locrchcr, De Compos, et Font* Lib. Cic. qui est De Fato (1907), 44, n. 2, and Mithridates, consulship (61)—arc who believes it the source of only briefly discussed by F. Lubkcr-J. Geffckcn-E. Zicbarth, Reafle.xikon d. kl. Alt* Book 4 of the De Finibus. Still another, though less likely, explanation might (1914), 873. Asconius, p. 14, says: fuit . . . Pupius Piso eisdem temporibus quibus identify the books with Antiochus** Cicerot sed tanto aetate motor ut adult scen- itcpl θεών, mentioned by Plut. LuculL tulum Ciceronem pater ad eum deduceret, 28, 7. In that case Antiochus might be maintaining the kinship of the Stoic quod in eo et antiquae vitae similitude et multae erant litterae; orator quoque melt or and Peripatetic theologies, while Balbus would be insisting on the dissimilarity quam frequentior habitus est. Brut. 236 of the Stoic and Peripatetic ethics. gives a full appraisal of his oratorical ability. The Peripatetic Stascas of NcapoAntiochus of Ascalon, founder of the lis lived with and doubtless influenced so-called "Fifth Academy," was born him (De Or. 1, 104), and in the fifth in the latter part of the second century book of the De Finibus Piso (already B.C., and studied at Athens under Philo dead, before that book and the present of I*arisa, whom he followed to Rome were written, as is clear from Att. in 88 B.C. Later he reverted from the 13, 19, 4) is the spokesman for the Peri scepticism of Philo to views which patetics (cf. Fin. 4, 73). Cicero appears purported to be those of the Old Aca to have forgiven a sharp difference demy (Ac. 2, 11-12), and still later be between him and Piso over the lattcr's came the head of the Academic school attitude in his consulship toward Clodius. in Athens, where Cicero for six months attended his lectures in 79-78 (Brut. 315; in honore sunt: with the expression Fin. 5, 1). He died about 68 or 67; cf. cf. Fin. 3, 52; Tusc. 1, 5; 2, 4; Off. 2, 65; Ac. 2» 61: bate Antiochus . . . mu/to etiam F. Klose, Die Btdeutung von honos u. bonestus (1933), 55; 85; with the thought adseverantiust in Syria cum esset meaum.
1, 16
167
nuper ad hunc Balbum missus est, vera loquitur, nihil est quod Pisonem, familiarcm tuum, desideres; Antiocho enim Stoicil cum 1
stoicum D
agreement of Stoics—especially of so pau/o ante quam est mortuus; H. von Arnim in P.-1V. 1 (1894), 2493-2494. who scientifically minded a man as Posidonius—and Peripatetics cf. Fin. 3, 10: remarks that his return to the Old vide, ne magis, inquamt tuum fuerit, cum re Academy is in reality a transition to a dogmatic eclecticism, in which Antio- idem tibi quod mihi videretur, non nova te rebus nomina imponere; 3, 41: Cameades .. . chus sought to combine in a new system Academic, Peripatetic,and Stoic teachings pugnare non destitit in omni hoc quaestione quae de bonis et ma/is appelletur non esse which met his approval. rerum Stoicis cum Peripateticis coni'roverηam ad hunc Balbum: possibly merely of a book sent as a present, but more likely sed nominum; 4, 78: re eadem defendunt [sc. of one addressed or dedicated to Balbus; Stoici] quae Peripatetici, verba tenent morcf. Div. 2, 3: liber is quern ad nostrum dicus; 5, 74: Stoici restant . . . totam ad Atticum de senectute misimus; Sen. 3 : hunc se nostram philosophiam transtu/eruni', atque //brum ad te de senectute misimus; Am. 4: ut reliqui fteres earum rerum quas ceperunt in Catone maiore, qui est scriptus ad te signa commutant, sic illi, ut sententiis nostris de senectute; Ac. 1, 2: babeo opus magnumpro sttis uterentttr, nomina tamquam rerum in manibus . . . ad hunc enim ipsum .. . notas mutaverunt; 5, 75 (where Piso is quaedam institui; Fin. 1, 8: libro quern ad clearly following the view of Antiochus); Tusc. 5, 32: inter Zenonem et Peripateticos me de virtute misisti; Ait. 8, 12, 6: Demetrii Magnetis librum quern ad te misit nihil praeter verborum novitatem inieresse; de concordia; 14, 20, 3 [of the Orator ad 5, 120; Galen, De Libr. propr. 11 (19, M. Hrutum]: scripsissem ad eum de optimo 41 Κ.): μικρά μέν δή πώς έστιν ή παρά τοις Περιπατητικοΐς διαφωνία, μεγάλη genere dicendi. Such a work, attempting δέ παρά τοις Στωικοϊς καΐ Πλατωνιto bridge the gaps between different κοΐς; Julian, Ep. 4, 385d; also Rcid on schools of Socratic derivation, might Ac. 1, 37. For the denial of the likeness well be addressed by a non-sceptical of these two schools sec note on interesse Academic to a Stoic. nihil est quod: cf. 1, 3, n. {quid est plurimum, below. Such likenesses were at times found between Academics and quod). desideres: cf. Ac. 1, 12: sic philoso- Peripatetics (e.g., Ac. 1, 17: Academicorum et Peripateticorum, qui rebus congruentes pbiam Latinis /Uteris persequitur nihil ut eisdem de rebus desideres; Tusc. 1, 24: nominibus differebant; 1, 18; 2, 15; Peri pateticos et Academicos, nominibus differenamplius quod desideres nihil erit. tes, re congruentes, a quibus Stoici ipsi Stoici cum Peripatcticie: most of the later schcxils dcri%'cd from Socrates; verbis magis quam sententiis dissenserunt; cf. De Or. 3, 61: proseminatae stmt quasi Fin. 4, 5; Off. 1, 2; 3, 20; Legg. 1, 38; fami/iae dissentientes inter se et multum Clem. Strom. 6, 27, 3 ; Porphyry (Suid. disitmctae et dispares, cum tamen omnes se s.v. Πορφύριος) wrote a book περί τοϋ μίαν είναι την Πλάτωνος και Αριστο pbilosopbi Socraticos et diet vellent et esse τέλους αιρεσιν), and between the nonarbitrarentur; Off. 1, 2; Fin. 5, 7. It is sceptical branch of the Academy and not surprising, if one may reason from the Stoa {Ac. 2, 132: per ipsum Antiothe history of religious sects, that at certain times doctrinal lines should be chum, qui appellabatur Academicus, erat sharply drawn, while at other times quidem, si perpauca mutavisset, gcrmanissimus Stoicus; Ijegg. 1, 53-54; also Acnesiand by other philosophers rapproche demus ap. Phot. Bib/. 213, p. 170a ments between two or more schools Bekker). should be attempted. On the essential
168
1, 16
Pcripateticis re concinere videntur, verbis discrepare; quo de libro, Balbe, velim scire quid sentias." "Egone," inquit ille, "miror Antiochum, hominem in primis acutum, non vidisse interesse l plurimum inter Stoicos, qui honesta a commodis non nomine sed genere toto diiungerent,* et 1
interesse om. Η
* disiungerent
D*OB*FM
longeque plurimum tribuere bonestati, std re . . . verbis: the ovcrfamiliar Greek tamen et in corpore et extra esse quaedam antithesis of έργψ and λόγψ, rendered bona-, 4, 2: an parum disserui non verbis by Gccro in various ways, e.g., re ... verbo {Tusc. 2, 29; Off. 3, 83; Parad. 7; Stoicos a Peripateticis sed universa re et De Consul, ap. Div. 1, 17; Pbil. 2, 11; tota sententia dissidere; 4, 49; Tusc. 5, 119: 7, 9), re ... verbis (1. 85; Fin. 4 , 2; 4, 60; alii tantam praestantiam in bonis am mi 4, 72; Fat. 22; 44; Legg. i, 54; Fam. esse dscemt ut ab bis corporis et externa 13, 6a, 4; Pro Sest. 86; Manil. 52; cf. obscurentur; alii autem bate ne bona quidem Fin. 4, 78), rebus . .. verbis {Pro Scaur. ducunt, in animo reponunt omnia; Gell. 18, 1, 5; Aug. CD. 9, 4. But it should be 3, 3; cf. Legg. 1, 55), re vera ... verbo observed that the sectarian differences (2 Vert. 1, 72; Pro Ciuent. 54), re .. . fall in the field of ethics rather than in oratione (1, 124; Att. 4, 16, 1), re ... vocabulo (Tusc. 1, 62), re . . . vocabulis that of physics, with which the present (Fin. 4, 5), rebus ... vocabulis (Ac. 1, 37), work is concerned, and Balbus does not re . . . nomen (Div. 1, 28), re ... nominibus here attempt a theological differentiation (Ac. 2,15), rebus ... nominibus (Ac. 1,17; of the two sects. honesta a c o m m o d i s : virtues and cf. Fin. 3, 41), reapse . .. speciem (Div. material goods are, for the stricter 1, 81). For the musical metaphor in concinere ... discrepare sec Rcid, edition Stoics, incommensurablcs, so that no increase in one can produce any increase of the Academica, p. 161, to which add Off. 1, 145: ne forte quid disere pet .. . quo in the other, and they differ, not in motor . . . concentus est; 3, 83: verbo inter degree, as the Peripatetics held, but in se discrepare, re unum sonart [where Holden kind (not magnitudine et quasi gradibus but genere; J. S. Reid ap. Mayor, ad loc. compares Plat. Pbaedo, 92c: ούτος . . . ό λόγος έκείνω πώς ξυνάσεται;]; Fin. notes that similar phrases are found in Fin. 3, 45-50). As opposed to the com 4, 60: re concinebatt verbis discrepare. egone: cf. 3, 8; Fin. 3, 11; Legg. 1, 14; mon classification of things into mala, 2, 32. This use of -ne expresses surprise neu/ra, and bona, the Stoics insisted on a five-foLd division into mala (also called at being suddenly asked a question, or at times a reluctance to answer; cf. R. fotda, lurpia, or inbonesta = κακά), mKlihner-C. Stegmann, Ausf. Gram. d. commoda (also called remota or reiecta = άποπροηγμένα), neutra ( = άδιάφορ*), /at. Spr. 2, 2 1 (1914), 508. hominem . . . acutum: cf. 3, 83: commoda (also called producta, promota, homo acutus; and 13 other cases in the praecipeta, prostata, praeposita, or sumenda = προηγμένα), and bona (also called philosophical works (H. Mcrguct, Lex. *. d. pbilos. Scbr. Cic. 1 (1887), 36; pulcbra or bonesta — καλά), of which only the first and the last named have Pbil. 2, 28). moral significance. Yet Diog. L. 7, 103; interesse plurimum: insistence on the differences between these two 7, 128 asserts that Panactius and Posidonius admitted health and wealth among schools occurs in several places; e.g., Fin. 2, 68: pugnant Stoici cum Peripateticis. goods; cf. M. Pohlcnz in Got ting. Nacbr. Phil-hist. Kl., N.F. 1 (1934), 4. alteri negant qw'cquam esse bonum nisi quod For the various terms here used cf. bonestum sit, alteri plurimum se et longe
1, 17
169
Peripateticos, qui honesta commiscerent cum commodis, ut ea inter se magnitudine et quasi gradibus, non genere, differrent. Haec enim est non verborurn parva sed rerum pcrmagna dissensio. 17 Verum hoc alias; nunc quod coepimus, si videtur." "Mihi vero," inquit Cotta, "videtur. Sed ut hie qui intervenit," me intuens, "ne ignoret quae res agatur, de natura agebamus deorum, quae cum mihi videretur l perobscura, ut semper videri 1
u i d e r e n t u r M,
uidctur
DGB1
Fin. 3 , 1 4 ; Rcid o n Ac. 1. 3 6 - 3 7 ; E . V . A r n o l d , Rom. Stoicism (1911), 2 9 0 ; for bomsta in particular M. O . Liscu, (itude SUT la langut de la philos. morale chr^ Cic. (1930), 150-152; F . K l o s c , Die Bedeutung von bonos u. honestus (1933), 1 0 4 - 1 0 8 ; for commoda cf. A. Pittct, I ocab. philos. de Sineque (1937), 196-197. honesta c o m m i s c e r e n t : the emen d a t i o n s of H c i n d o r f t o honesta sic, a n d M. L. Earlc (Proc. Am. philol. Assoc. 33 (1902), Ixxi; r e p r i n t e d in his CI. Papers (1912), 204) t o honesta ita arc u n n e c e s sary, for the result-clause may f o l l o w easily after the v e r b w i t h o u t any such preparatory adverb. g r a d i b u s . . . g e n e r e : cf. De opt. Gen. Or. 4 : id fit non genere sed gradu. n o n v e r b o r u r n : cf. A u g . C. Acad. 2, 2 4 : non est ista, inquam, mihi crede, ver borurn sed rerum ipsarum magna controversia. T h i s subject is discussed at l e n g t h in B o o k s 3-4 of t h e De Finibus. 17 h o c a l i a s : sc. tractabimus o r s o m e similar v e r b . F o r t h e ellipsis cf. 1, 1 9 : longum est ad omnia; 1, 4 7 : Cotta meus modo hoc modo illud; 1, 121: quant ο Stoici melius', 2, 1: sed ad ista alias; 3, 5: pauca de me; Tusc. 1, 2 3 : nunc, si videtur, hoc, illud alias; 3 , 10: sed id alias, nunc quod ins tat; 3 , 2 5 : sed cetera alias, nunc . . . depellamus; 3 , 7 3 : sed de hoc alias, nunc illud satis est; Div. 2,7: sed bate alias pluribus, nunc . . . revertamur; 2, 19: de quo alias, nunc quod necesse est; 2, 2 0 : si omnia fato, quid mihi divinatio prodest . . . vultis autem omnia fato; Am. 1: sed dt hoc alias, nunc redeo ad augurem; Brut. 2 9 2 : quorsus, inquam, istuc? T h e s e ellipses are especially c o m m o n w i t h such v e r b s as diceret
facere, agere, iudicare, etc.; cf. R. KuhncrC. Stcgmann, Ausf. Gram. d. lat. Spr. 2, 2 · (1914), 551-553. ei v i d e t u r : cf. Ac. 1, 1 4 ; Fin. 4, 2 1 . m i h i v e r o : cf. repetam vero b e l o w ; 2, 4 ; 2, 2 7 ; 3 , 6 5 : mihi vero, inquit I >/leius, valde videtur; Div. 2, 100: mihi vero, inquit, placet; Fat. 3 : tu vero, inquam; Am. 16: mihi vero erit gratum; Ac. 1, 14: mihi vero, ille. i n t e r v e n i t : of a caller or of o n e w h o d r o p s in o n a c o n v e r s a t i o n ; cf. Rep. 1 , 1 8 : intervenit vir prudens . . . SV.Manilius; Att. 16, 4, 1: Libo intervenit; also Fat. 2: vacuo ab interventoribus die. ut . . . n e : in a final clause with w o r d s separating t h e c o n n e c t i v e and negative parts of the c o n j u n c t i o n ; cf. M a d v i g o n Fin. 2, 1 5 ; K u h n c r - S t e g m a n n , op. cit. 2, 2» (1914), 209. m e i n t u e n s : cf. 2, 104: hoc loco me intuens, utar, inquit, carminibus Arateis; Brut. 2 5 3 : cum ad te ipsum, inquit, in me intuens; 3 0 0 : sed tu, inquit, in me intuens. W i t h this type of parenthesis cf. Ac. 1, 2 : me autem dicebat [and parallels in Rcid's n o t e ] ; Isocr. Panathen. 2 1 5 : σΰ μέν πεττοίησαι τους λόγους (έμέ λ έ γ ω ν ) . n e i g n o r e t : cf. M a c r o b . Sat. 1, 2, 1 9 : atqui scias oportet eum inter nos sermonem fuisse. q u a e res a g a t u r : a legal e x p r e s s i o n ; cf. Fin. 2, 3 : praescribere . . . quibusdam in formulis EA RES AGETVR, ut inter quos disseritur convent at quid sit id de quo disseratur; 5, 7 8 : qui acute in causis videre so/eat quae res agatur; Tusc. \, 10. p e r o b s c u r a : cf. 1, 1, n.(perdi/ficilis ... et perobscura); 1, 60.
170
1, 17
solet, Epicuri ex * Velleio sciscitabar * sententiam. Quam ob rem," inquit, "Vellei, nisi 8 molestum est, repete quae eoeperas." "Repetam vero, quamquam non mini sed tibi hie venit adiutor; ambo enim," inquit adridens, "ab eodem Philone nihil scire didicistis." Turn ego *: "Quid didicerimus Cotta viderit *; tu β autem nolo existimes me adiutorem huic venisse sed auditorem,7 et quidem 1 s e Ν * sciscitabor A1 nisi] nihil Ν 7 • tu] turn DG auditorem] adiutorem CBX
nisi molestum eet: a frequent ex pression of politeness and of delicacy in intruding one's own interests or re quests into the conversation of others; cf. Ac. 1, 14; Fin. 1, 28; 2, 5; Tusc. 1, 26 (cf. 5, 82); Rep. 1, 46; Sen. 6; Pro Cluent. 168; Phil. 2, 4 1 ; Brut. 20: qua ret si tibi est commodum, ede ilia quae eoeperas et Bruto et mihi; also Plaut. Pen. 599; Poen. 50; Rud. 120; Tcr. Ad. 806; C.I.L. X, 5371 ( = Dessau 7734); Arnob. 4, 4; Hier. Vita Pauli, 12. Similar expressions arc si tibi non est molestum (Fat. 4; Fam. 5, 12, 10; cf. Plaut. Epid. 461; Mart. 1, 96, 1), si forte non molestum est (Catull. 55, 1), numquidnam tibi molestumst . . . //' (Plaut. Asin. 830; cf. Hier. In Eph. 2, p. 622 Vail.), ne . . . vobis molestus sim (Fin. 5, 8), ne . . . molestum me . . . putares (Hier. Ep. 49, 1, 1), ubi molestum non erit (Tcr. Eun. 484), nisi forte molesti intervenimus (De Or. 2, 14), si tibi est commodum (Brut. 20), // ita vobis est commodum (De Or. 2, 367), nisi tibist incommodum (Plaut. Most. 807), si grave non est (Att. 13, 42, 1; Hor. Serm. 2, 8, 4), si videtur (see above; Fin. 4, 2), nisi quid . .. videtur secus (Legg. 1, 17), si vacas animo (Div. 1, 10), si forte vacas (Hor. Ep. 2, 2, 95), nisi quid te detinet (Hor. Ep. 1, 2, 5). Similar phrases occur in Greek, e.g., Plat. Tim. 17b: el μή τί σοι χαλεττόν; Phaedo, 96a: έγώ ούν σοι δίειμι . . . έάν βούλη; Prot. 310a: ct μή σέ τι κωλύει; Philostr. Nero, p. 220 Kayser: ct μή τι σπου3άσαι 8ι<χνοη Ιτερον. ab eodem Philone: cf. 1, 6, n. (Philo). Fvcn at this early date in Cicero's life he is represented as being already rec
* ego om. D
%
uidcret A1
ognized as an adherent of the sceptic Academy—an anachronism discussed by R. Hirzcl, Untersucb. ξ. Cicero's pbilos. Schr. 3 (1883), 488-489; n. 1; id., Der Dialog, 1 (1895), 511-512; 534, n. 1. nihil scire: cf. 1, 1, n. (principium); Ac. 1, 16 ; 2, 74; Fin. 5, 76: an turn discere ea mavis quae, cum plane perdidicerit, nihil sciat; Lucr. 4, 469-470; Sen. Ep. 88, 44: Academici qui novam induxenmt scientiam, nihil scire \ Lact. Inst. 3, 14, 15; De Ira, 1, 6. Cotta viderit: with this use of the future perfect cf. 3, 9: quam simile istud sit, inquit, tu videris; Ac. 2, 19; Fin. 1, 35: quae fuerit causa mox videro; Tusc. 1, 23; 5, 34; 5, 120; Am. 10: viderint sapientes; De Or. 1, 246: //// viderint [where Wilkins remarks that this is "a formula by which the solution of a difficult problem is passed on to someone else"]; 2, 235: viderit Democritus; 2, 351; Brut. 297; Orator, 152; Phil. 2, 118; 3, 17; 5, 33; Fam. -8, 13, 2; R. Kiihner-C. Stcgmann, Ausf. Gram. d. lat. Spr. 2, l 1 (1912), 149. nolo . . . auditorem: the logical meaning is nolo existimes me adiutorem huic venisse sed
1, 17
171
1
aequum, libero iudicio, nulla cius modi adstrictum necessitate ut mihi velim nolim sit certa quaedam tuenda sententia." 1
accum A, cum Λ/, frctum C
seniiar; Div. 2, 34: concentu atque consensu; stricti ut etiam quae non probare soleant Brut. 38: suavis . . . videri maluit quam ea cogantur constantiae causa defendere; gravis; and what Cicero says in Orator, 38: 4, 7: nos instituium tenebimus nulUsqut et ut pariter extrema [sc. verba] terminenlur unius disciplinae legibus adstricti quibus in eundemque rtferant in cadendo sonum. The philosophia necessario pareamus, quid sit custom becomes all too frequent in some in quaque re maxime probabile semper relater authors, such as Augustine, who quiremur, 4, 47; 5, 82; Hor. Ep. 1, 1. seems (C. Acad. 2, 24) at one place ac 14-15: nullius addictus iurare in verba tually to have had our passage in magistri, j quo me cumque rapit tempestas mind: video enim te non tarn accusatore/a quam deferor hospes; Galen, De propr. An. 8 adiutorem fore. (V, p. 42 Κ.): τό μή προπετώς άπό μιας αίρέσεως άναγορεΰσας σαυτόν, άλλα et quidem: the phrase carries the έν χρόνω παμπόλλω μανΟάνων τε και original meaning further, in cither a κρίνων αύτάς, ούτως προς απάντων μέν serious or, sometimes, an ironical ανθρώπων επαινείται. Cicero's statement spirit; cf. 1, 55; 1, 59; 1, 78; 1, 82; 1, 83; of the freedom of individual judgment 1, 89; 1, 100; also in Greek καΐ ταύτα. on the part of the Academics serves as a libero iudicio: cf. Div. 2, 150: cum autem proprturn sit A cade miae nulla ad preparation for 3, 95, where the two hibita sua auc torHate judicium audientium members of the school, Cotta and Cicero, relinquere integrum ac liberurn; Γ use. 4 , 7 : vote on opposite sides of the question; sunt enim iudicio libera. In other terms the cf. R. Hirzcl, Der Dialog, 2 (1895), 1516; A. S. Pease in Trans. Am. philol. Academics praise their own freedom, e.g., Ac. 2, 8: boc autem liber/ores et soluti Assoc. 44 (1913), 35. ons sumus% quod Integra nobis est iudicandi velim nolim: Cicero is apparently the potestas; 2, 9; Off. 3, 20: nobis autem earliest extant user of this form of a com nostra Academia magna m licentiam dat ut mon proverbial phrase, which occurs in quodcumque maxime probabile occur rat id various tenses, persons, and numbers nostro iure liceat defendere\ Τ use. 4, 47. (the form in Tcr. Phorm. 950 is rather different in meaning). For variations cf. This freedom contrasts with the crcdal velim nolim (Sen. Rhct. Controv. 9, 3, 8; restraints of some other schools, particu larly the Epicureans (1, 66; Fin. 2, 20: Querolus, p. 21 Peip.; Hier. Ep. 130, 19, 1; In Ezecb. 1, prol. pp. 777-778 Vail.), quis enim vestrum non edidicit Epicuri velis nolis (Mart. 8, 44, 16; Incert. Panegyr. κυρίας δύ;ας), over whom even Stoics Maxim, et Constant, 1,1, p. 220 Baehrens; might boast (cf. Sen. Ep. 33, 4), but also as compared with the Stoics {Ac. Querolus, p. 20 Peip.; Donat. in Ter. 2, 120; Τ use. 5, 33: cum a His is to modo qui Andr. 214: proverbiale hoc est, qualia sunt If gibus impost fis disputant; nos in diem fas nefas, ve/is nolis; Hier. Ep. 118, 5, 5; vivimtts; quodcumque nostros animos proba- Adv.'lorin. 2, 21; Aug. De An. 4, 32; bilitate percussit id dicimus, itaque soli sumus C. Julian. Pelag. 2, 33; C. Julian. Op. imp. 3, 138; 4, 122; Salvian, De Gub. Dei, liberi)y Pythagoreans (1, 10), and even the 5, 59 {bis)\ Greg. Mag. JJom. in E^eeh. followers of Antiochus {Ac. 2, 137). 1, 9, 34), velit nolit {Q. Pr. 3, 8, 4; Petron. nulla . . . adstrictum necessitate: cf. Ae. 2, 8: nee ut omnia, quae praescripta a 71, 11; Sen. Dial. 7, 4, 4; Apocoi 1, 2; Donat. in Tcr. Ad. 839; in Eun. 1058; quibusdam et quasi imperata sint defenHier. Ep. 45, 7, 1; Auson. Comm. Prof damus necessitate ulla cogimur; 2, 137; Tuse. 2, 5: quod ii ferunt animo iniqtto, qui Burdig. 19, 14, p. 66 Peip.; Cent. nupt. certis quibusdam destinalisque sententiis quasip. 219 Peip.; Dionys. F.xig. De Great. Horn. 23 (Patr. \ΛΙ. 67, 385); Collect. addicti et consecrati sunt eaque necessitate con-
172
1, 18
8 18 Turn Velleius, fidenter sane, ut solent isti, nihil tam Avellan. p. 433, 7; 434, 9), vtlimus nolimus (Paul. Nol. Ep. 16,5; Hicr. Ep. 54,14, 2; 60,14, 3; Tract, in Ps. 133 {Anted. Martds. 3, 2, 255); Aug. Serm. 128, 11; De Nat. et Grat. 57; Salvian, Dt Eecl. 1, 26), vtlitis nolitis (Hicr. Ep. 49, 11, 3; In Hiertm. 5, 29, 2; Aug. C. Iulian. Op. imp. 3, 19), velint nolint (Sen. Ep. 117, 4; Pun. Pantgyr. 20; Arnob. 1, 43; Lact. Inst. 5, 20, 9; Sulp. Sev. Dial. 2. 1. 9; Hicr. Ep. 49, 19, 3; 57, 9, 1; Adv. lovin. 2, 17; Aug. Serm. 1, 2; 9, 3; Dt um'co Bapt. 10; In loam. Ev. 9, 13; Rcmig. in Scdul. Ptucb. Carm. 5 (C.S.E.L. 10, 352); Collect. Avellan. p. 397, 17), vellet nollet (Sen. Ep. 53, 3); in neo-Latin writers nolens volens was so used. Variants of the thought but without asyndeton arc: velim nolimve (Val. Max. 3, 7, 3), velis nolisve (Aug. CD. 6, 6), sive velit sive no lit (Gaius, Inst. 2, 153), nolis velisne (Prud. Peristepb. 10, 170), velitne annon (Ter. Hec. 509; 558), vtlit an non velit (Plaut. Merc. 452), velis ac nolis (Tert. De An. 58), velint nolintque {Collect. Ave I Ian. p. 380, 15), volentes nolentesque (Greg. Mag. Horn, in Evang. 15, 2), quid velint\ quid non velint (Plaut. Merc. 7), nequt quid velim ntque nolim (Plaut. Asin. 214), invito volensque (Dracont. Romul. 5, 117), dum volo dum nolo {Anth. Lat. no. 279, 19 Riesc). Corres ponding Greek expressions are: θέλεος άθέλεος (Acsch. Suppl. 862), θέλεις ου θέλεις (Arr. Epict. 3, 9, 16), θέλει ου θέλει (Arr. Epict. 3, 3, 3; Μ. Aurcl. 11, 15), ούχ έχων εκών (Eur. I.T. 512, but in a somewhat different sense), είθ* έχων είτ* £κων (Liban. Or. 54, 14), άκων εκών (Liban. Decl. 36, 9), κάν θέλης κάν μή θέλης ([Lucian,] Ocypus, 133; Pap. Gr. magic. 1 (1928), no. 4, 2324 Prcisendanz), ού θέλων re καΐ θέλων (Eur. Hec. 566), έάν TC θέλωμεν έάν τε μή θέλωμεν (Sext. Emp. Adv. Aritbm. 47); in English "will you nill you" (Shakesp. Tam. of the Sbre*>, 2, 1, 273), "will he nill he," etc. For the formation of the phrase cf. the English "willy-nilly" and "shilly shally." For its appearance and different forms in Latin sec also E. Wolff!in, in
Rbein. Mus. 37 (1882), 87-89; A. Otto, Die Spricbworter . . . d. Romer (1890), 362; A. Sonny, in Arcbhf f. lat. Lsx. 9 (1894), 78-79; C. Wcyman in Arcbiv f. lat. Ux. 13 (1903), 402; J. Marouzcau, Traite de stjlistique (1935), 233, who lists paraUels in form, such as par impar, hue illuct uitro citro, etc. 18 turn Velleius: after the general introduction there begins here the dis cussion of Velleius, directed first (1, 181, 24) against Platonic and Stoic theories of the gods and of creation; second (1, 25-1, 41) against philosophers in general, arranged in doxographic fashion; thirdly (1, 42-1, 43) against various literary, barbarous, and popular misconceptions; after which (1, 43-1, 56) the views of the Epicureans arc set forth, to be fol lowed (1, 57-1, 124) by the destructive criticisms of Cotta. Mayor remarks that Cicero "commences with the Epicureans as being the easiest to deal with, so as to leave the ground clear for the more serious struggle between the Porch and the Academy," and compares Fin. 1, 13: ut autem a fociHimis ordiamurt prima veniat in medium Epicuri ratio, quae pierisque notissima est. Note also Fin. 1, 27: ilia perdiscere ludus esset\ Ac. 1, 6; Tusc. 4, 6: illis siientibus C. Amafinius extitit dicens, cuius libris editis commota muftitudo contuiit se ad earn potissimum disciplinam sive quod erat cognitu f>erfacilist sivtt etc. fidenter sane: for sane cf. 1, 15, n. {accurate sane); with the phrase cf. Fin. 2, 21: ille [sc. Torquatus, the Epicurean) non ptrtimuit, saneque fidenter . . . inquit. The cock-sure beginning of Vcllcius's speech contrasts with the more mellow and dispassionate introduction of Cotta's in 1, 57, and conveys the impression of a one-sided and enthusiastic devotee (cf. 1, 56: elatus studio) of Epicureanism, possibly even the zeal of a convert (cf. 1, 66). This contrast of speakers sym bolizes the deeper contrast between dogmatism and scepsis, the former a characteristic of the Epicureans, Epi curus himself having said (Diog. L. 10, 120): τον σοφόν . . . δογματιεΐν τι καΐ ούκ άπορήσειν, though others than
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verens quam ne dubitare aliqua de re videretur,1 tamquam modo ex deorum concilio et ex Epicuri 2 intermundiis 3 descendisset,4 1 uidctur Η * cpicurei D * inter mundus C, internuntiis B*F, intcrnunciis A/ * descendisset sed Dt descendis sed A, dcscendcns scd C
the philosopher might not enjoy this meus modo hoc modo illud; (54) curiosum privilege (Plut. Adv. Colot. 19: fcv γάρ deum; (55) aniculis et bis quidem indoctis; έστι των 'Επικούρου δογμάτων, το μη tanta inbutremur superstitione. This con δέν άμ*ταπ*ίστως πεπκΐσΟχι μηδέν* temptuous attitude is clearly recognized πλην τον σοφόν. Again, we may sec here by Cotta at 1, 94: tu ipse . . . cum tamquam the contrast between a somewhat narrow senatum pbilosophorum recitarest summos adherent of a materialistic philosophy viros desipere, delirare, dementis esse dicebas; (cf. Div. 2, 29: Democritus . . . ut pbyncus, and in 1, 93 Cotta cites examples of quo genere nihil est adrogantius; and Pease's other Epicureans (Epicurus himself, Mcnote), and a shrewd but broad-minded trodorus, Hcrmarchus, Leontium, Zeno, lawyer, whose conclusions concerning Albucius, and Phacdrus) distinguished science were largely negative (1, 60: for their sarcasm or their rudeness in maxime in physicss quid non si/ citius quam debate; cf. also 2, 162: nihil tarn inridef quid nt dixerim). The dogmatism of the Epicurus quam pratdictionem rerum futuraStoics, as represented by Balbus in Book rum; Lucian, Alex. 25: Επίκουρος . . . 2, is strikingly set forth, but as Balbus πάντ« ταύτα έν γέλωτι xatl παιδιςΐ τι shows greater courtesy and less of θέμενος. R. Philippson (fymb. Osloenses, sarcasm toward his opponent, so his 19 (1939), 29) cites a list of contemptuous views arc treated with more considera expressions from a couple of books by tion, even while they arc being refuted. Philodcmus which interestingly parallel In the phraseology of Vcllcius Cicero those 1 have given from the following tries to show his general tone of pitying sections, and show convincingly that contempt for others: (18) futtilis comPhilodcmus was quite in the tradition menticiasque; opificem; anum fatidicam; of the arrogant and abusive language rotundum, arden/em, volubi/em; portenta et which Cicero here represents as an miracula; somniantium [this section sets Epicurean characteristic, and the exis the tone of the discussion in an exagger tence of which makes it needless to sup ated form]; (19) optata magis quam inpose, with Mayor, that Cicero is here renta; ilia palmaris; (20) manu paene imitating the figure of Thrasymachus in factum; primis . . . labris gustasse \ (22) Plato's Republic. On the quarrels of Pronoea vestra cessaverit ; deus . . . tamquam Epicureans with Platonists and Stoics aedilis; gurgustio; (24) eorum tarditatem\ cf. R. Helm, Lucian u. Menipp (1906), (28) multa eiusdem monstra; (29) turpissime 149-150, who notes Varro's Mcnippcan labitur\ (30) inconstantia (cf. 1, 35; 1, 43); satire named ΛογομβχΙ», which is falsa perspicue; (31) eadem fere peccat; perhaps a travesty of such. (34) puerilibus fabulis refersit libros; (37) ne dubitare . . . videretur: cf. Sil. quasi delirans; (38) quo quid absurds us; leal. 7, 471: metnit dubitasse videri; also (39) Stoicorum somniorum . . . interpres; the quotation of our passage by F. Bacon, tamquam turbam . . . deorum; (41) ut Adv. of Learning, 1 (1826 cd.), 38. Nt . .. veterrimi poetae . . . Stoici fuisse videanttir; aliqua is a little more emphatic than ne (42) delirantium somnia; absurdiora; (43) . . . qua. poetarum .. . errore; portenta magprum; ex deorum concilio: a frequent lit Aegyptiorum . . . dementiam. These phrases erary conceit; cf. P. Moellcr, Deos consilioccur in the introductory and doxoantes qua Ratione Lucilius . . . aliique graphic parts of Velleius's speech; in effinxerint (1912); M. Hammond, on the positive exposition of Epicurean concilia deorum from Homer to Dante beliefs they arc much rarer: (47) Cotta (Stud, in Philol. 30 (1933), 1-16); also
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Off. 3, 25: Herculem ilium quern bominum different Epicurean mundi, cf. Epic. Ep. 2 Jama . . . in concilia catltstium collocavit; (ap. Diog. L. 10, 88-89): κόσμος εστί Dip. 1, 49: Hannibaltm ... visum esse περιοχή τις ουρανού, Αστρα τε καΐ γην in somnis a love in deorum concilium vocari; καΐ πάντα τα φαινόμενα περιέχουσα . . . Quintil. Inst. 11, 1, 24: in carminibus 6τι δέ καΐ τοιούτοι κόσμοι είσίν Απει ροι (N.D. 1, 53) τό πλήθος Ιστι καταutinam pepercisset [sc. Cicero] quae mm disierunf car pere maligns .. . lovem ilium a λαβεϊν, καΐ Οτι καΐ ό τοιούτος δύναται quo in concilium deorum advocatur .. . quae κόσμος γίνεσθαι καΐ έν κόσμω καΐ μεsibi We secutus quaedam Graecorum exemplaτακοσμίω, 6 λέγομεν μεταξύ κόσμων διάστημα, έν πολυκένω τόπω καΐ ουκ permiserai. The idea of heaven-descended έν μεγάλω είλικρινεΐ καΐ κενώ, καθάπερ informants occurs in other forms; e.g., Har. Resp. 62: nolite enim id putare accidere τινές φασιν; Philodcm. De Morte, 4 posse . . . ut deus aliqui delapsus de caelo {Wien. Sit\ungsb. 110 (1886), 8-9): την coetus bominum adeat; De Imp. Cn. Pomp. μετακόσ<μιον χώραν>; 323, 24: μετα41: Pompeium sicut aliquem .. . de caelo κοσμ<. . .>; Div. 2, 40: deos enim ipsos delapsum intuentur; Q. Fr. 1, 1, 7; Plut. iocandi causa induxit Epicurus . . . babitantis Quaest. com. 8, 9, 2: μή καινόν αέρα tamquam inter duos lucos sic inter duos mundos καΐ ξένον ύδωρ . . . έξ έτερων τινών propter me turn ruinarum [but cf. A. Manκόσμων ή μετακοσμίων άποφήναντι δεΰzoni in Boll, di filol. class. 27 (1921), ρο νυν πρώτον έπιρρεοΰσας; Plin. Ν. Η. 186-189, for other reasons for so placing the gods]; Fin. 2, 75: individua cum 26, 13 [of Asclepiades]: non alio modo quam si caelo demissus adventsset; Lucian, dicitis et intermundia, quae nee sunt ulla Iup. Trag. 45; Icarom. 2: Μένιππος nee porsunt esse intellegimus; Lucr. 3, 18ήμϊν διοπετής πάρεστιν έξ ουρανού; 6: 24; 5, 146-147; Philo, De Sornn. 1, 84: ώσπερ έκ των αστέρων καταπεσόντες τών μέν λεγόντων ότι πάν τό ύφεστώς μεγέθη τε αυτών καΐ σχήματα διεξήχώραν τινά κατείληφε, καΐ Αλλων Αλεσαν; Nazar. Paneg. 14,5, p. 167 Baehrens: λην απονεμόντων, ή εντός τού κόσ /'///" caelo lapsi, illi divinitus missi; Inccrt. μου ή έκτος αυτού μετακόσμιόν τίνα; Paneg. Cons/ant. 19, 1, p. 246 Baehrens: Sen. De Ben. 4, 19, 2: in medio intervalio te ipsum . .. quern ut caelo delapsum intue-buius et alterius catli desertus, sine be mine, bantur; Eus. Pr. Ev. 14, 27; just. Mart. sine re, ruinas mundorum supra se circaque Cohort, ad Gr. 5: Πλάτων μέν γάρ, ώς se cadentium evitat [sc. deus]', 7, 31, 3: Ανωθεν κατεληλυθώς, καΐ τα έν ούραalius iilos [sc. deos] extra mundum suum νοΐς άπαντα ακριβώς μεμαθηκώς καΐ έω- proicit; Quintil. Inst. 7, 3, 5: Epicurus, ρακώς . . . λέγοι; Hicr. Ep. 60, 19, 1: qui bumanam ei formam locumque inter quasi e caelo descendentes paulisper nostra mundos dedit; Plut. Quaest. conv. 8, 2, 731 d: videamus; also many additional cases έξ έτερων τινών κόσμων ή μεταχοσcited by A. Otto, Die Spricbwbrter .. . der μίων; 734c; Atticus ap. Eus. Pr. Εν. Romer (1890), 62. In Fin. 1, 63 the regula 15, 5, 800b: ίξω που τού κόσμου καθί δρυσε [sc. τους θεούς]; Dionys. Alex, (κανών) of Epicurus is described as quasi delapsa de caelo {cf. Plut, Adv. ap. Eus. Pr. Εν. 14, 27, 782d-783a; Colot. 19: τους διοπετεΤς . . . κανόνας]; Hippo I. Pbilosopbum. 22, 3 (Doxogr. Gr.% also in 2, 20 below (of the κύριαι δόξαι): 572): καθησθαι γάρ τόν θεόν έν τοις in quo . . . quasi oracula edidisse sapientiae μετακοσμίοις ύπ* αυτού· Ιξω γάρ τι τού κόσμου οίκητήριον τού θεού ίθετο εί dicitur; Lucr. 5, 110-112. The humor of ναι λεγόμενον τα μετακόσμια; Achill. the situation is increased by the fact that, Isagog. 9 (Comm. in Arat. 39 Maass): according to the teachings of Epicurus, ol δέ Έπικούρειοί φασι μένε ι ν τόν κόσno one cither from among the gods or μον άνακοπτόμενον υπό τού αέρος τού from the intermundia could have pene έν τοις μετακοσμίοις. μετακόσμια δέ trated into a human discussion like this. έστι τα μεταξύ τών κόσμων διαστήμα Epicuri intermundiie: for the phrase τα; Alex. Aphrod. De Fat. 37: cl και cf. Hicr. Adv. Rufin. 1, 6: de ... interσυγχωρηθείη τούτο τε καΐ τό κόσμο; mundiis Epicuri. On the intermundia είναι καΐ κόσμου δντος θεούς, καίτοι (μετακόσμια), or spaces between the
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"Audite," inquit, "non futtilis1 commenticiasque sententias, non opificem aedificatoremque2 mundi, Platonis de Timaeo deum, 1
fuit tilis Bl, futtilcs DB*, futilis IIOM, facilis G
* acdificarcmque A1
R. Philippson (Symh. Osloenses, 19 (1939), κατ' Ίίττίκουρον έκτος δντας αυτούς; Aug. Ε p. 118, 28: Epicurus . . . ponit 29) compares the use in Philodcm. De .. . deos quos humana forma non in aiiquo Poem. col. 25, 29 of διεψευσμένα. mundo sed extra mundos atque inter rnundos opificem: a word related to artificem constituit; Cedren. p. 161 P. (Corp. .Script. somewhat as "artisan" or "mechanic" is Hist. BJZ. 33, 283): τό δέ οίκητήριον to "artist," and used chiefly of banausic τοϋ Oeov *ξω τοΰ κόσμου είναι λέγει, occupations; eg, 2, 150; Ac. 2, 144; έν τοις μετακοσμίοις ούτω καλούμεFin. 3, 4; 5, 52; Tusc. 1, 34; 5, 34: νοις τόποις. Mayor would trace a deve Zeno . . . ignobilis verborum opifex; Off. lopment from the Homeric Olympus, 1, 150: opifices . . . omnes in sordida arte rationalized by Aristotle (De Cael. 2, 1, versantur [cf. Plut. Ρlac. Phil. 1, 7 (Doxogr. 284 a 12-13), and forced into the system Gr.1 300): κακοδαίμων δ* άν εΓη (sc. of Epicurus; perhaps a place should also ό θεός) εργάτου δίκην καΐ τέκτονος be found for the thought of Aristoph. αχθοφόρων καΐ μερίμνων είς την τοϋ Pax, 207-209: αυτοί δ' άνωκίσανΟ* δπως κόσμου κατασκευήν]. Hence, some edi άνωτάτω, / ίνα μή βλέποιεν μαχόμενους tors think, Velleius uses the word to ύμας έτι / μηδ' άντιβολοΰντων μηδέν describe the less dignified role of the αίσθανοίατο; C. Bailey, The Gr. Atomists demiurge or creator, whom Cicero in and Epic. (1928), 467-468. On the forma Tim. 6 translates artifex [cf. 7: aedification of the words μετακόσμιον and tore\. Yet in some other passages opifex infermundiurn cf. J. VX'ackernagel, i 'or/es. contains no slur; e.g. 1, 77: pictores, u. Syntax, 2 (1924), 241; on Greek and poetae, opifices; 2, 81; 2, 142: quid opifex Latin allusions to them cf. F. Peters, praeter naturam; Ov. Met. 1, 79: ille T. Liur. et M. Cic. quo modo I ocab. Gr. opifex rerum; Chalcid. in Tim. 26 (Frag. Epic. Discipl. propria La tine verterint Phil. Gr. 2, 186); 138 (Frag. Phil. Gr. (1926), 17. For the likeness of the inter2, 212): quid ergo dicit dens? dii deorum, mundia and their tranquillity to the quorum idem opifex paterque ego; 265; 271; Garden of Epicurus and the "ivory Lact. Inst. 2, 8, 48; and the title ot his tower" which he aimed to inhabit cf. De Opificio Dei; Auson. Fphem. 55, p. 7 P. E. More, Hellenistic Philosophies (1923), Pcip.: ipse opifex rerum; Prud. Hamart. 42-44. 116: ipse, opifex mundi; Avit. Poem. 1, 76 [where God is compared to an opifex]; futtilis: the spelling // seems from ms J. J. Wctstcin on Hebr. 11, 10. evidence the more likely; cf. the verb aedificatorem: cf. 1, 21: mundi aedifieffuttio (1, 84; 2, 94). The adjective is several times used by Cicero; e.g., Ac. catores; Tim. 1; Ac. 2, 126: ne exaedifica2. 59; Div. 1, 36; Fin. 3, 38; Tusc. 4, 37; tum quidem hunc mundum divino consilio existimo. Elsewhere God is called a 5, 16; cf. also Gcll. 11, 13. 10; 12, 2, machinator (Min. Fcl. 5, 7) or Λ fabricator title; 13, 25,19; 16,12,1; J. Whatmough (Hier. In Dan. p. 624 Vail.: apud Plain CI. Philol. 33 (1938). 321, who re fonem fabricatorem mundi deum; Aug. marks that this is "a racy, conversational Serm. 241, 8; inventmus eundem Ρ la tone m word, if any ever was." . . . in libra quodam suo quern scrips/1 de commenticias: "imaginary"; cf. 1, 94: sunt tota commenticia; 2, 70: co mmen- constitution mundi inducere deum fabrica tinos et fictos; 3, 63: commenticiarum fabu- torem deorum, facientem scilicet deos caelarum; Div. 1, 68: commenticiam rem; lestes, Stellas omnes, solem et Imam; Is id. De Nat. Rerum, 12, 5: rationabile Plato 2. 27; 2, 113; Reid on Ac. 2, 125, on its use for philosophical theories; also fabricatorem mundi opus insinuat). On the the use of commenta (2, 5; Rep. 6, 3). Epicurean denial and Stoic acceptance
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nee anum fatidicam, Stoicorum Pronoeam, quam Latine licet of a divine builder cf. Prod, in Tim. p. 81 f. (p. 266 Diehl). mundi: regularly used for the Greek κόσμος. The Greek term, meaning primarily "order" or "decoration" (es pecially of women's ornaments), was apparently first used in a metaphorical manner by Pythagoras to mean an allinclusive universe (Act., Plac. 2, 1, 1 {Doxogr. Gr* 327); cf. [Galen,) Hist. Pbil. 44 {Doxogr. Gr* 621); Iambi. Vit. Pytb. 138), though Diog. L. 8, 48 (cf. Phot. Bib/. 249, p. 440 Bekk.) says that Pythagoras called the heaven the uni verse (cf. also [Philo,] De Aetern. Mundi:, 3-4; Hygin. Aslron. 1, 1, p. 22 Bunte; Serv. G. 1, 240). Yet Actius admits that Thcophrastus ascribed this terminology to Parmcnidcs and Zcno to Hesiod. Its meanings become rather varied, in cluding the firmament, the earth, some region in the universe, the sphere centred in the earth and including the sun, and that which contains the fixed stars. The Stoics recognized a three-fold use of the term (Diog. L. 7, 138; Suid. s.v. κόσμος): (1) God; (2) the orderly arrangement of the heavens; (3) the whole of which 1 and 2 arc parts. Later uses applying to the inhabitants of the cosmos (Aug. In Ep. loan», ad Partb. 2, 12), to the οίκουμένη, and to the world as opposed to heaven or to the church do not here concern us. W. Kranz {Philol. 93 (1939), 430-448), in a study of the history of κόσμος as a philosophic concept, thinks (p. 433) Anaximandcr (fr. 9, 10, and 11 Dicls) the first to use it for parts of the whole. Latin mundus shows many of the same meanings. It is connected by A. Waldc, Lat. etym. VPorterb.1 (1906), 399, with the adjective mundus, "neat," and passes from the sense of "decoration" to most of the meanings noted above, as well as to a peculiar one applied to the underworld, as in the phrase mundus patet. The view of V. Pisani (in Rendie. d. r. ace. dei Lincei, Sci. mor., 6 scr., 4 (1928), 353-355) that the Latin word developed in the reverse direction, from "heavens" (cf. W. Κ roll in Festschrift/. ...P. Kretscbmer (1926),
125-127) to "feminine decorations/' seems unlikely. Velleius here uses it either as a technical term quoted from the Stoics, for which he feels no respon sibility, or, as in 1, 53, in the Epicurean sense of a universe resulting from chance rather than from purposeful ordering; cf. C. Bailey, Tbe Gr. Atomists and Epic. (1928), 359. Platonis de Timaeo: cf. Plat. Tim. 28b-29c, especially the phrases τον . . . ποιητήν καΐ πατέρα τοΰδε τοϋ παντός . . . δ τεκταινόμενος αυτόν άπειργάζετο . . . δ τε δημιουργός καλός. This work, of Cicero's translation of which we possess a large fragment, was well known to our author, though Jerome {In Amos, 2, p. 283 Vail., perhaps recalling Fin. 2, 15) remarks: obscurisrimus Platonis Τ imams liber est, qui ne Cicerom's quidem aureo ore fit planior. Though in Tusc. 1, 63 Cicero says: ille qui in Timaeo mundum aedificavit, Platonis deus, yet the phrase de Timaeo need not here be suspected; cf. Tusc. 3, 53: bi poterant ornnes eadem ilia de Andromacba deplorare: "bate omnia ridi"; Off. 3, 82: in ore semper Graecos versus de Pboenissis babebat-. Rip. 1, 30: in ore semper erat ille de Ipbigtnia Achilles; Legg. 1, 1: ut ait Scaevola de fratris met Mario. It should be noted that Velleius here, as in 1, 21 {ab utroque), combines Platonists and Stoics as the objects of his attack; cf. E. Bignonc in Ann. d. r. scuola norm. sup. di Pisa, scr. 2, 2 (1933), 350, n. 84; id., VAristotele perduto, 2 (1936), 430. anum fatidicam: cf. 1, 55: aniculis; 2, 73 (answering our passage); 3, 92: ani/ifer; Dip. 2, 19: anile sane et plenum superstitionis fats nomen ipsum (where see Pease's note); Plut. No» posse suavifer, 21: διαβάλλοντες τήν πρόνοιαν, ώσπερ παισίν "Εμπουσαν ή ποινήν άλιτηριώδη και τραγικήν επιτετραμμένη ν; Pro Nobilit. 12: ούτοι ol τήν πρόνοιαν τήν άχγίνουν μάλα γραΰν μητέρα καλούντες τούτου τοϋ παντός; 13: εκείνη υμετέρα πρό νοια χρησμολόγος γραϋς; De Def. Orac. 19: Επικούρειων δέ χλευασμούς καΐ γέ λωτας ούτι φοβητέον, οΤς τολμώσι χρή-
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Providentiam dicere, neque vero mundum ipsum, animo et sensibus praeditum,1 rotundum,* ardcntem, volubilcm deum, portcnta 1
praedictum Ml
* rutundum Bl
σϋαι καΐ κατά της προνοίας μΰΟον αυ 71; Pro Mur. 74; Pro Sest. 36; Pro Catl. τήν συναποκαλοϋντες; Lucian, lup. conf. 11; F. Hand, Tursellinus, 4 (1845), 141; 10: ήδέως S' άν και τοϋτο έροίμην σε, J. B. Hofmann, Lat. Synt. u. Stilistik τίς ή πρόνοια ύμΐν αύτη εστί, μοϊρά τις (1928), 663. ή και υπέρ ταύτην θεός ώσπερ άρχουσα animo et sensibus praeditum: the καΐ αυτών εκείνων; Orig. C. Cels. 1, 8; idea of an animate world was widely 1, 13: προς 'Κπικουρείους δεισιάαιμοheld among ancient philosophers, ex νίαν έγκαλούντας τοις είσάγουσι πρόcept, of course, the atomists (Act. νοιαν, καΐ θεόν έςκστασι τοις όλοίς; Plac. 2, 3, 1-2 (Doxogr. Gr.* 329-330 =» Mart. Cap. 2, 213: Zeno ducebai feminam [Galen.] De Hist. Phil. 19, 264 K.): providentem; Maximin. Taurin. C. Pagaο Ι μέν άλλοι πάντες ίμψυχον τόν κόσnos, p. 723 (Patr. Lat. 57, 783a): fato μον . . . Δημόκριτος δέ καΐ Επίκου didι omnia fieri? sed stultus stttlta loquitur ρος καΐ δσοι τα άτομα εισηγούνται . . . et cor eius vana intelligit, et sicut Hie aiebat οϋτ' ϊμψυχον ούτε προνοία διοικεΐσθαι; I ullius in Hortensio dieens: "avia mea dicebatalso NX/. Crbncrt, Kolotes u. Menedemos hoc quod diets, fato omniafieri; mater autem, (1906), 130; l,ucr. 5, 65; 5, 114-125). mulier sapiens, non existimavit." For If we concede that divinity implies con fatidicam cf. Varr. L.L. 6, 52: qui futura sciousness, then in the following cata praedivinando so/eant fari fatidici [sc. dicti]. logue (1, 25-42) a belief in the conscious In 2, 73 Balbus replies that Pronoca is ness of the mundus or mundi is attested for not quasi quaedam dea singular! s, but is Anaximander (1, 25: deos . . . innumeused as an abbreviation for procidentia rabilis esse mundos), Alcmaeon (1, 27: soli deorum; cf. 2, 80. et lunae reliquisque sideribus . . . divinitatem Pronocam: cf. 1, 20; 1, 22; 2, 58; dedit), Plato (1, 30: mundum deum esse 2, 73; 2. 161; H. J. Rose xnjoum. Hell. et . . . astra), Xcnophon (1, 31: so/em . . . deum dicere), Aristotle (1, 33: mundum Stud. 41 (1921), 108. In Greek it is used for divine providence as early as Hdt. ipsum deum esse), Xcnocrates (1, 34: deos . . . eos qui in stellis vagis nominantur 3, 108: του θείου ή προνοίη [cf. Soph. O.C. 1180], and the name became at . . . septimum solem adiungit octavamque tached in a quasi-adjectival sense to lunam), Heraclidcs Ponticus (1, 34: Athena (like Athena Nike and Athena errantibus . . . stellis divinitatem tribuit), Pcitho), probably, however, through Theophrastus (1, 35: divinum tribuit confusion with Athena Προναία ("before principatum . . . sideribus . . . caelestibus), the shrine") at Thebes; cf. L. R. Farnell, Zeno (1, 36: astru hoc idem tribuit), Cults of the Gr. States, 1 (1896), 306-307. CIcanthes (1, 37: ipsum mundum deum dicit esse . .. divinitatem omnem tribuit This fact perhaps made easier and more plausible the jibe of the Epicureans, astris), and Chrysippus (1, 39: ipsumqut whose objections both to fate and to mundum deum dicit esse . . . solem, lunam, divination (as implying fate) were well sidera). Not all the others named op known (2, 162; also the passages cited posed the view of a conscious mundus, by Ritter and Prcllcr, Hist. Pbilos. Gr.i9 though the agnostic Protagoras (1, 29), the atomists Democritus (1, 29) and (1934), 469c). F.picurus (not named), Strato (1, 35: licet — dicere: a phrase used in apo vim divinam . . . careat omni et sensu et logizing for Latin translations of Greek figure), and Aristo (1, 37: neque in dis terms; e.g., Fin. 3, 15; 3, 26. neque vero: in the sense of multo sensum esse dicat dubitetque omnino deus minus, emphasizing a previous negative animans necne sit) seem pretty clearly clause; cf. Tusc. 5, 93; Inv. 1, 4; Orator, opposed. Significant among other pas12
178
1, 18
ct miracula non disserentium philosophorum sed somniantium. molibus, sine stnsu deum conveniat insages defending the consciousness of the mundus are: (1) in general, Doxogr. Ullegi, qui a/ienot mm suo, motu feratur; Prod, in Tim. p. 178c (p. 127 Diehl); Gr* 301-306; (2) for the Platonists: lsid. Etjm. 3, 31, 1: caelum pbilosopbi Rep. 6, 15: quae globosae et rotundae, dsvinis animatae men tibus, circulos suos rotundum·, volubile, atque ardens esse dixeorbesque conficiunt; Plat. Tim. 30b: δει runt; id., De Nat. Rerum, 14, 1: dicentes rotundum ac volubilem adque ardentem esse λέγειν τόνδε τόν κόσμον ζφον ίμψυχον ίννουν τε τη αληθείς διά τήν τοϋ θεοΰ orbem caeli—passages perhaps supporting γενέσθαι πρόνοιαν (cf. Pr<x:l. in Tim. the remark of F. A. Wolf (Kl. Scbr. 1 (1869), 522) that one would logically proem, p. 2a (p. 4 Dichl); p. 112b (p. 368 Dichl); p. 125c (p. 413 Dichl); expect that order of adjectives rather p. 139d (p. 1 Dichl); [Galen,] De Hist. than the one in our text, unless the con fused arrangement be an attempt by Pbil. 35 (19. 336 K.); (3) for Aristotle: (Galen,) De Hist. Phil. 19, 336 K.; Cicero to show the excitement and the (4) for the Stoics: 2, 21-22 (Zcno); almost contemptuous incoherence of Velleius. Spherical heavenly bodies, 2, 39 (Chrysippus); 2, 45-49; Sext. Emp. Adv. Phys. 1, 104; 1, 107; Lact. Inst. some of which might be worshipped as gods, Avill be discussed at 2, 49, n. (glo2, 5, 28; and other cases in H. von bosa forma). For the sphere as the perfect Arnim, Stoic, vet. Frag. 2 (1903), 168form for a god cf. 2, 46-49 (Stoics); 169 (nos. 527-528); 191-194 (nos. 633Aristot. De Caelo, 2, 3, 286 b 10-11; 636; 638); Manil. 1, 484-485; 2, 63-64; [Aristot.J De Afeliss. Xenopb. Gorg. 3, [Apul.] Ascl. 29; M. Aurel. 4, 40; Dio Chrys. 36, 30; Chalcid. in Tim. 92; 112; 977 b 1-20; 4, 978 a 7-9 (Xenophanes; 11 A 28 Dicls); 4, 978 b 8-10 (ParmcniSolin. 23, 20; Achill. Isagog. 5 (Comm. des; Dicls, ibid.); Hippol. Pbilosopbum. in Arat. Reliq. p. 35 Maass); Bocth. in Isagog. Porpbyr., cd. 2, 5, 3 (C.S.E.L. 48 1, 14 (Xenophanes; Doxogr. Gr.% 565); Plat. Tim. 33b. Pap. Here. 1055, col. 21 293); Suid. s.v. κόσμος. Objections to (W. Scott, Frag. Hercui. 251) says that assuming an animate universe arc also other philosophers did not hold this found on the part of the Stoic Bocthus view, and Aug. Enarr. in Ps. 113, 2, 5, (Diog. L. 7, 143) and especially among asserts one could more easily believe the Christians; thus Diodorus of Tarsus wrote a work κατά των λεγόντων ζωον in divine anthropomorphism than think God in the form of a spherical sun. τόν ούρανόν (Suid. s.v. Διόδωρος μο ardentem: not Platonic, as observed νάζων). by Mayor, but taken by the Stoics from rotundum: cf. 2, 24: quae vero vita tribuitur isti rotundo deo; 2, 46: dicat [sc. Hcraclitus; cf. 2, 23; 2, 35, and notes; Epicurus] se non posse intellegere qtutlis sit also the ardor cat lestis (1, 37; 2, 30-32; valubilis et rotundus deus\ 2, 47 (a Stoic 2, 41). defense of the sphere as the most perfect volubilem: cf. 1, 24: quae vero vita solid form); 2, 49. The spelling rutundtis, tribuitur isti rotundo deo? nempe ut ea celeriprinted here and elsewhere by Plasberg tate contorqueatur cui par nulla ne cogitari (after Bl) and found in some other quidem possit. Cicero here refers to the writers (e.g., Non. p. 164 M. — 241 L.) common belief in a geocentric system; conflicts with its derivation from rota cf. Philodcm. De Deis% 10, 7: ούτε γάρ (A. Walde. Lat. etym. Wbrterb.* (1906), οίητέον ίργον μηΟέν έτερον έχειν αυ 530). Sec also W. M. Lindsay, Lat. Lang. τούς τ?} διά της απειρίας <τ>ών όδώ<ν (1894), 201; 545, on the frequent ten περ>ιι6<ντας άεί δΊνεΐσθαι έγκυκλί>ως· dency to assimilate the vowel in an ου <γάρ> ευτυχής ό <£υ>μβονώμ<εν>ος initial syllabic to that in a following one. άπαν<τα> τόν βίον. Isid. De Nat. Rerum, With our passage cf. Ambr. Exam. 1,1, 14, 1, combines these three epithets: 4: siquidem mundi aestimatione volubilem, rotundum . . . volubilem . . . ardentem. rotundum, ardentem, quibusdam incitatum portenta et miracula: R. Philippson
1, 19
179
19 Quibus enim oculis [animi] 1 intueri potuit 2 vester Plato 1
del. I 'en. et a/., animum Ν
■ portuit Bl
(Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 29) aptly compares Philodcm. De Piet. 2 7 , 9 ( T . G o m p e r z , Hercui. Stud. 2 (1866), 147): <ο>1 δέ μύθους μέν είσήγον άμέλει καΐ τερατείας; sec also l , 4 3 , b e l o w ; 3 , 9 1 : portent a enim ab ut risque et ftagitra dicuntur; Ac. 2 , 1 2 3 : portenia videntur; Fin. 4 , 7 0 : por tenia baec esse dicit; Att. 14, 21, 1; Juv. 15, 1-2: qualia demens f Aegyptus por tenia colat; Μ in. Fcl. 2 5 , 1 9 ; monstra is also thus used, as in 1, 2 8 ; Tusc. 4, 5 4 ; Att. 4, 7, 1; 9, 11, 4 ; Plat. Hipp. maior% 283c: τέρας λέγεις καΐ θαυμαστών. e o m n i a n t l u m : cf. 1, 39, η. (Stoieorum somniorum). O u r passage was perhaps in the mind o f Favon. ad Somn. Scip. p. 401 Orclli: significans baec quae de animae inmortalitate dicerentur caeloque somniantium pbilosopborum esse comment a. 19. q u i b u s . . . o c u l i s : cf. Max. Tyr. 38, 3 : ού γάρ πω σαφώς ήπίσταντο ol 4νθρωποι τήν ψυχής περιπόλησιν, ουδέ οΐστισιν όφθαλμοϊς έκαστα όράν; Liban. Dec/am. 6, 5 7 : ποίοις δμμασιν Ι δ ω ; 14, 3 5 : τίσιν όφθαλμοΐς ταύτα δψομαι; 2 1 , 1 3 ; A u g . C. lull an. Pelag. 1, 12: quibus eos oculis intueberis? Also CD. 8, 7: mult urn mirari so/eo cum pulcbros dicunt nor% esse nisi sapientest quibus sensibus corporis istam pulchritudinem viderint, qualibus oculis carnis for mam sapientiae decusque conspexerint; Liban. Dec/. 40, 4 0 ; 46, 3 8 : τίσιν οφθαλμοΐς; 4 9 , 1 8 ; Etbop. 3 , 4, p. 380
Focrstcr.
Diogenes
Laertius
(6» 53)
records Plato's reply t o a sceptical y o u t h : οίς μέν γάρ κύαθος καΐ τράπεζα θεω ρείται οφθαλμούς έχεις- ψ δέ τραπε ζ ί τ η ς και κυαθότης βλέπεται νουν ούκ έχεις. T h e Epicureans naturally depend hca%'ily upon physical e y e s i g h t ; cf. Lucr. 3 , 359-369. o c u l i s [ a n i m i ] : the metaphor o f the eye o f the mind (heart, or soul) is an easy c o r o l b r y o f the use o f όράω or video in the sense o f "understand"; cf. Aristot. Top. 17, 108 a 1 1 : ώς βψις έν όφΟαλμω νους έν ψυχή; Eth. Nic. 1, 4 , 1096 b 2 8 ; Lucr. 4, 750-751: qualenus hoc
simile est illi, quod mente videmus / atqut oculis; Cic. frag. ap. Quintil. Inst. 9, 2, 4 1 : quae non vidistis oculis animis cernere po tt stis; Philo, De special. Leg. 3 , 194: δοκεΐ γάρ μοι μηδέν ούτως ό θεός ε μ φανές αφανούς άπεργάσασΟαι μίμημα ώς βψιν λογισμού; De Opif. Murtdi, 5 3 : δπερ γάρ νους έν ψυχή τούτ' οφθαλμός έν σώματι; De Virtut. 11-12; De Prop. 2, p. 53 Auchcr; De Animal, p. 136 Aucher; Frag. pp. 635-636 Mangey; Plut. De Soil. Anim. 3 : λέλεκται "νους όρή και νους ακούει- τάλλα κωφά καΐ τυφλά" ( — F.picharm. fr. 17 Dicls; cf. Aristot. Probl. 1133, 903 a 2 0 - 2 1 ; Julian, Orat. 8, 247a; Basil, Ep. 366 fin.; and many other quotations and allusions collected by A. O . F. Lorcnz, Leben u. Schr. d. Koers Epicharmos (1864), 2 5 6 ) ; Orig. De Prim ip. 1, 1, 9 : frequenter enim sennbilium membrorum nomina ad animam referuntur, ita ut oculis cordis videre dicatur, id est, virtute intelligentiae a/iquid intellectu al coniicere. This metaphorical use is widespread; cf. 2, 4 5 : aciem mentis (cf. Div. 1, 6 1 ; Tusc. 1, 4 5 ; 1, 7 3 ; Hortens. fr. 97 Mullcr); Phil. 12, 3 : aciem animi; Fin. 4, 3 7 : aciem animorum; Orat. 1 0 1 : mentis oculis (cf. De Or. 3 , 1 6 3 ; Sen. 42). In other writers: Empcdocles (B, 17, 21 Diels): τήν σύ νόω δέρκευ, μηδ' βμμασιν ήσο τεθηπώς; more definite arc Acsch. Earn. 104: εύδουσα γάρ φρήν βμμασιν λαμ πρύνεται; Plat. Rtp. 7, 5 1 9 b : τήν της ψυχής δψιν [and Shorey's n . ] ; 7, 533d: τό τής ψυχής δμμα; Symp. 219a: ή τοι τής διανοίας δψις; Sophist. 254a: τά γάρ τής των πολλών δμματα; [Hipp.] Ars, 11: δσα γάρ τήν τών ομμάτων δψιν έκφεύγει. ταύτα τή τής γνώμης δψει κεκράτηται [cf. Τ. Gomperz in Wien. Sityrngsb. 120 (1890), 9, 166-167]; Aristot. Eth. Nic. 6, 13, 1144 a 30 (cf. [De Afundo], 1, 1 ) ; [Aristot.] Rhet. ad Alex. 1, 1421 a 2 1 - 2 3 ; Lucr. 4, 7 5 0 ; O v . Met. 15, 6 4 : oculis . . . pectoris-, Colum. 3, 8, 1: mentis oculis; Philo, De Opif. Aiundi, 7 1 : τό τής διανοίας δ μ μ α ;
180
1.19
Quod Dtus immut. 46; De Congress. 143: Exam. 1, 17; 4, 1; 4, 27; 5, 86; De lacob. ή ψυχή . . . εστίν οφθαλμός μέν οφθαλ 2,3; De Parad. 58; Hier. Tract, in Ps. 145 μών; De Somniis, 1, 164; 1, 199; De {Anted. Mareds. 3. 2, 291); In Eccl. p. Mutat. Norn. 5; De Abrab. 57; 70; De 395 Vail.; In Is. p. 580 ValL; In EZecb. Con/. Ling. 92; 100; De Sacr. Ab. et pp. 468; 513; 591 ValL; In Dan. p. Cains, 36; 69; De Poster. Cairn, 118; 626 ValL; In loel, p. 173 ValL; In Epb. Quod Det. Potion, 22; De special. Leg. 1, 1, p. 563 ValL; Aug. De Ord. 2, 11; 49: τήν του κόσμου . . . θέαν, ήν ού De vera Rel. 37; 60; 61; De Trin. 9, 11; σώματος όφθαλμοΐς άλλα τοις διανοίας 11,7; 11, 12; 11, \5; De Grat. Cbr. 1,8; άκοιμήτοις βμμασι συμβαίνει καταλαμDe Pecc. Merit. 1, 38; 2, 5; De An. 4, 39; βανεσθαι; 3, 4; 3, 6; 4, 191; De Decal. C. Mendac. 36; C. Faust. 22, 54; C. 68; Quod omnis Probus, 5; De Provid. 9; Iulian. Op. imp. 3, 119; 3, 121; 6, 17; C. Ep. Parm. 3, 9; 3, 23; De Bapt. c. Hicrocl. in Carm. our. {Frag. Phi/. Gr. 1, 480); Plut. Quatst. conv. 8, 2, 1: τό μυρί Don. 2, 12; C. Adimant. 28, 2; Mar. ων άντάξιον ομμάτων [Plat. Rep. 7, Merc. tr. of Nestorius {Patr. Lat. 48, 527c] όργανον ψυχής καΐ φέγγος άττόλ944c); Claud. Mamert. De Stat. An. λυσιν, φ μόνω θεατό ν έστι τό θείον; 1, 23 {C.S.E.L. 11, 83); Prod, in Tim. De sera Num.'Vind. 22; Manil. 4, 195; p. 63a (p. 204 Diehl); p. 63e (p. 206 Thcophil. Ad Auto/. 1, 2: M. Aurel. Dichl); in Alcib. pr. 12, p. 37 Creuzcx; 4, 29; Just. Mart. Dial. c. Trypb. 4; 67, p. 194 Creuzcr; in Parmen. 1, p. 617 Lucia n, Vit. Auct. 18; Scxt. Emp. Cousin; in prim. Euclid. Lib. prol. 1, Adv. Gram. 306; Clem. Protr. 6, 68, 4; p. 46 Fricdlcin; Syrianus in Metapb. 12, Paedag. 2, 1, 1, 3; Strom. 1, 28, 178, 1; 3, p. 96, 13 Κ roll; Simplic. in Categ. p. Apul. De Plat. 1, 9; 2, 11; 2, 22; De 8, 5 Kalbfleisch; David, Prolegom. Pbilos. Mundo, 30: rex omnium et pater quern 24, p. 79, 14-15 Bussc; Stob. Antb. 3. 1, tantummodo animae oculis nostrae cogitationes p. 83 Hcnsc; Bocth. Cons. 5, pros. 4; vident; Flor. 2; Corp. Hermet. 10, 4b; 13, Cassiod. Inst. 1, 24, 3: oculis interioribus; 14; 13, 18; Porphyr. Vit. Pytb. 47; Orion, p. 173Sturz; Isid. Etym. 11,1,12; Novatian, De Trin. 3 {Pair. Lat. 3, 892); Barlaam et loasapb, 121; Eustrat. in Orig. C. Cels. 3, 14; 4, 31; 7, 33; 7, 39: Etb. Nic. 1, 1, p. 26, 15-16 Hcylbut; σαρκός άποστραφέντες όφθαλμόν τόν 6, 5, p. 311, 34-35; 6, 9, p. 345, 4-5; τήζ ΨυΧήζ εγείρετε, μόνως ούτω τόν 6,12, p. 382, 22-23; 6,13, p. 393, 23; al.; θεόν όψεσΟε; 7, 44; In Ep. ad Rom. 9, 3: G. Kaibcl, Epigr. Gr. no. 853, line 4; menti, quae est interior ocu/us; [Clem.] Shakcsp. Hamlet, 1, 2, 185; Much Ado Recogn. 3, 30; Homil. 3, 3; Chalcid. in about Nothing, 4, 1, 230; cf. also below, Tim. 336 {Frag. Phil. Gr. 2, 253); 1, 49, n. {non sensu sed mente); W. Jaeger, Arnob. 4, 23; Alex. Aphrod. in Metapb. Paideia, 2 (Engl. tr. 1943), 283-285. 12, 9, p. 784, 32-33 Hayduck; Lact. Similarly we have allusions to blind Inst. 2, 3, 9; 3, 27; 14; 7, 9, 4: deus non ness of heart (soul, mind); e.g., Dcmocr. aspectu nobis . .. comprebendendus est sed175 Dicls; Plat. Phaedo, 99c; Lucr. 2, 14 mentis oculis intuendtu cum opera cms . . . (and note of Ernout and Robin); Epb. videamus; 7, 13, 11; De Opif. Dei, 1, 7; 4, 18; Lact. Inst. 3, 18, 14; Aug. De Iambi. Vit. Pytb. 31; 70; Julian, Ep. 62; Nat. et Grat. 24; C. Iulian. Pelag. 5, 8; Epiphan. Adv. Haeres. 1, 2, 33, 3 {Pair. 5, 9; 5, 10; 5, 12; C. Iulian. Op. imp. Gr. 41, 557d); Cassian. Conlat. 14, 9 , 7 1, 47; 4,112; 4, 125; 5, 56. The frequency {C.S.E.L. 13, 409): cordis oculo; Euscb. of this metaphor is perhaps due to the Pr. Ev. 3, 11, 111b; 14, 27, 11; H.E. fact chat the phrase expresses what we 2, 14, 4; Rurln. Apol. 1, 4; Basil, Horn, in mean by the "imagination." Ps. 1, 5 {Patr. Gr. 29, 224a); Greg. Nyss. In the present passage animi was De Horn. Opif. 6 {Patr. Gr. 44, 140a); omitted by the Venice edition of 1471, Greg. Naz. Carm. mor. 34, 27 {Patr. Gr. and has been by many scholars considered 37, 947a): νους S* ίστιν όψις ένδον, ού a marginal remark added by some de περίγραφος; Syncs. Ep. 153 {Patr. Gr. 66, fender of Plato as a literal answer to 1556d); Mart. Cap. 2, 203; Ambros. the rhetorical question of Velleius. Cf.
1,19
181
fabricam illam tanti operis, qua l construi a deo 2 atque aedificari mundum facit? Quae molido, quae ferramenta, qui vectes, quae qua] quam Ν
deos Bx, dcis Β (m. rec.)
HeindorTs edition (1815); K. W. Die trich, Comm. crit. (1850), 10; [G. H.(?)J Hcidtmann, Z. Krit. u. Inttrp. d. Scbr. d. Cic. dt Nat. Deorum (1858), 31-32; P. Stamm, De M.T.C. Lib. dt D.N. Interpolationibus (1873), 10-11; T. Bin, Krit. H. Hcrm. (1913), 157. With the intrusion of such marginal remarks cf. 2, 131: [tt tamen multa dicuntur]; 3, 40: \mibi quidem sant multi videntur\; Div. 2, 21: [certe potuit]; Off. 3, 29: [minime vero . . . gratia], Animi has also been defended by various scholars; e.g., F. A. Wolf, Kl. SC/JT. 1 (1869), 522; Plasberg, ed. motor. Objections to the word are of several sorts: (1) it seems, as Goethe remarks, to be insufficiently motivated by anything in the previous discussion; (2) by qualification it weakens the force of the interrogative quibus', (3) if oculis animi be taken as a single idea, meaning "imagination," Vcllcius makes no effective attack upon, any improper use of that intuitional method; in fact, one who in 1, 49 declares that the true nature of the gods non sensu std mtntt ctrnatur was hardly in a position to object to the use by opponents of a similar method. intueri . . . fabricam: the Platonic deity is supposed to have in his mind a model by which he frames the world (Plat. Tim. 28 a; Cic. Tim. 4); but cf. Act. Ρlac. 1, 7, 4 (Doxogr. Gr* 299): Πλάτων . . . εΙπών "ό θεός έπλασε τδν κόσμον προς έαυτοϋ υπόδειγμα" ίζει λήρου βεκκεσελήνου; and Lucr. 5, 181183 asks, as Vcllcius docs here, exemplum porro gignendi rebus et ipsa / notifies divis bominum unde est in sita primum, f quid vellent facere ut scirent animoque viderent; cf. R. Philippson in Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 18; 20. veeter Plato: vester rather than tuus, since he regards both the Stoic Balbus— who in 2, 32 calls Plato quasi quendam deum philosopborum—and the Academics
Cotta and Cicero as inheritors of the Platonic tradition. fabricam: cf. 1, 4, n. (fabrica ti paene); 1, 47; 1. 53; 2, 121; 2, 138; Off. 1, 127; Ac. 2, 87: qua/is ista fabrica est? ubi adbibita? quando? cur? quo mode? For the construction fabricam ... qm construi ... facit cf. Vitruv. 1,1,1 .fabrica est continuata ac trita usus meditatio, qua manibus conficitur e materia cuiuscumque generis opus est ad propositum deformationis. On facto meaning "represent" cf. 3, 41: quern tamen Homerus a pud inferos conveniri facit ah U/ixe; Tusc. 4, 35: poetae impendere apud inferos saxum Tanta/o faciunt; De opt. Gen. Orat. 17: fsocratem, quern . . . Plato laudari fecit ab Socrate; Virg. Aen. 8, 630-631; Ov. Met. 6, 108-109. quae . . . quae . . . qui . . . quae . . . qui: on such repetitions as characteristic of the style of Kpicurus himself cf. H. Diels in Berl. Sitywgsb. 1916, 2, 890; also, for repeated interrogative clauses, A. G. Langc, Vermischte Scbr. u. Reden (1832). 95-96. With the thought cf. Philo Byz. De septem Orbis Spectac.A, p. 14 Orclli; [in looking at the Colossus of Rhodes]: έπαπορεΐ γαρ ό θαυμαστής των θεωρούντων, ποίαις πυράγραις ή πηλίκαις ύποστάσεσιν ακμόνων, ή ποταπαϊς υπηρε τών £ώμαις τά τηλικαϋτα βάρη των οβε λίσκων έχαλκεύΟη; Our passage is imitated by Lact. Inst. 2, 8, 60: idem qttotiens Epicureus est ac non xmlt a deo factum esse mundum, quaerere solet quibus manibus, quibus macbinis, quibus vectibus, qua mo/ifione tan turn boc opus fecerit; 2, 8, 66: idem profecto de domo quaerens quod nunc de mtmdo requiris, quibus manibus, quibus ferramentis homo tanta esset opera molitus; cf. Chalcid. in Tim. 26 {Frag. Phil. Gr. 2, 186): quorum animis sic institutis difficile persuadeatur mundi esse auctorem Deum, nisi enm tamquam opifex aliquis manibus ceterarumque artium molitione construxerit. molitio: cf. 1, 23; 2, 133. Plato is na-
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machinac, qui ministri tanti muneris l fuerunt? Quern ad modum autem oboedire ct parere voluntati architecti aer, ignis, aqua, terra potuerunt? Unde vero ortae 1 illae quinque formae, e x 8 quibus reliqua formantur, apte cadentes ad animum efficiendum * pariendosque sensus? Longum est ad omnia, quae talia sunt ut 1 muneri Bl ■ ortae om. Ν afnciendum Scbotmann
· e DNOBFM,
turally imaginative rather than literal in his picture of the process which Vcllcius here describes as so laborious, agreeing in this respect with the Jewish and Christian view of creation, as in Gen. 1, 3-27; Ps. 33, 9; Ambros. Exam. 1, 3, 8. Mayor suggests for this and the fok lowing terms: "his mode of building, tools, levers, scaffolding." tanti muneris: of a public building or work (as in Tim. 4; Veil. Pat. 2, 48, 2; 2, 130, 1); cf. 2, 90: archtectum tanti opens /antique muneris; Tusc. 1, 70: moderator tanti opens et muneris; Orig. De Princip. 2, 1, 4: ad tanti operis mo/em; Lact. /nit. 7, 3, 12: quae ratio fuerit tanti operis fabricandi. oboedire et parere: two verbs com bined also in Fin. 3, 75; Tusc. 5, 36. architecti: on God or nature as an architect cf. 2, 90; 2, 141; Vitruv. 9, 1, 2; Chalcid. in Tim. (Frag. Phi/. Gr. 2, 212); Lact. De Opif. 6, 5-6. In Greek the architect of the universe (αρχιτέκτων) seems to be usually replaced by the δημιουργός. aer, ignis, aqua, terra: for the four elements cf. 1,29, n. (quattuor ... naturat). illae quinque formae: false explana tions were discarded and clarity brought to this passage by G. F. Schocmann, Opusc. acad. 3 (1858), 280-281, who compared Plat. Tim. 53c-56c (a part not included in Cicero's translation), where it is argued that of the first five regular polyhedrons—the "Platonic solids"—, the tetrahedron or pyramid (representing the molecule of fire), cube (earth), octahedron (air), and icosahedron (water) furnish the basis for the four elements, while the dodecahedron God "used up" (κατεχρήσατο) in his decoration of the
ae A
* crnciundum Λ/,
universe, perhaps in the twelve signs of the Zodiac. In the Epinomis (981c) a fifth clement, ether, appears, corres ponding to the dodecahedron. By this explanation formae; as applied to the elemental units, receives an appropriate significance in its emphasis upon shape as well as substance (note the figura etymologica in formae . .. formantur\ God having generated all these solids from two types of rightangled triangles (Tim. 63d). Goethe compares similar classifications in modern crystallography, and T. Gomperz (Zeitscbr. f ost. Gyrnn. 18 (1867), 213) thinks that in Pap. Hercul. 1148 (/
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optata magis quam inventa vidcantur; (20) sed ilia palmaris, quod, qui non modo natum mundum introduxerit sed etiam manu paene factum, is eum dixerit fore sempiternum. Hunc censes of the copula in such short phrases where analogous to that employed with verbs of duty, necessity, propriety, possibility, emphasis is thrown upon the pronoun cf. 1, 25: baec quidem ves/ra; 2, 115: nee etc., in the apodoses of conditions ordi narily requiring the subjunctive; cf. vero baec solum admirabilia; 2, 126: ilia possum in 1, 101; 2, 121; 2, 126; 2, 131; etiam no/iora .. . a/que ilia mirabilia; also 1, 84: helium era/; 1, 89: opus era/. 3, 80: sed baec ve/era e/ alia permul/a; For Greek expressions cf. Liban. Or. and many other cases collected by Reid 16, 48: xl δεΐ μακρολογεϊν; 18, 172: on Ac. 2, 86. Palmaris is, of course, ironical as in its only other Ciceronian μικρόν αν είη λέγειν; Decl. 50, 14: τί occurrence in Phil. 6, 15. δει τό πολλά λέγειν; On the ellipsis of the verb of saying cf. 1, 17, n. (verum quod . . . dixerit: instead of quod .. . hoc alias); Am. 32; R. Kiihncr-C. Steg- dixit, the verb being probably attracted mann, Ausf. Gram. d. la/. Spr. 2, 2* to the mood of the intervening in/ro(1914), 552-553; E. Lofstcdt, Syniac/ica, duxerit; cf. Rep. 1, 11: mirum videri 2 (1933), 246. n. 1. sole/ quod, qui /ranquillo mart gubemare ad omnia: ad of speaking against, as se negen/ posse . .. iidem ad gubemacula se in 2, 1; Dip. 2, 8; Ac. 2, 17; Pro Tull. 37. accessuros profi/ean/ur excita/is maxime optata . . . inventa: with this as an fluc/ibus. On the illogicality of drawing expression for wishful thinking cf. Ac. the verb of statement into the construc 2,121: rum docen/issed op/an/is; Tusc. 2, 30: tion oiora/io obi ι qua cf. Reid on Fin. 1, 24. op/are hoc quidem es/, non docere; Fa/. 46: manu paene factum: cf. 1, 4: fabriop/are hoc quidem est, non dispu/are; Am. ca/i paene (and note). Plato represents 18: non ea quaefingun/urau/ op/an/ur; Leg. Zeus as saying (Tim. 41a-b): α δι* έμοΰ agr. 1, 1: u/rum cogi/a/a sapien/ium an γενόμενα άλυτα έμοΰ γε μή έΟέλονop/a/a furiosorum viden/ta-, Plat. Rep. 6, τος. τό μέν ούν δή δεΟέν παν λυτόν, τό 499c: εύχαϊς δμοια λέγοντες; 7, 540d; γε μήν καλώς άρμοσΟέν και έχον ευ Aristot. Pol. 4, 12, 1331 b 35-36: τό λύειν έΟέλειν κακοΰ· δι* & καΐ έπείπερ μέν γάρ λέγειν ευχής έργον εστί, τό γεγένησΟε, αθάνατοι μέν ούκ έστέ ούδ* δέ συμβήναι τύχης; Scxt. Emp. Adv. άλυτοι τό πάμπαν, ου τι μέν δή λυθήE/b. 208; Pyrrhon. 3, 244: ευχόμενων σεσΟέ γε ουδέ τεϋξεσϋε θανάτου μοί μάλλον ή τάληΟή λεγόντων. ρας, της έμής βουλήσεως μείζονος έτι 20. ilia palmaris: emended by Da vies δεσμοϋ και κυριωτέρου λαχόντες εκεί in his first edition to ilia palmaria (an νων οίς όΥ έγίγνεσθε ξυνεδεΐσΟε. awkward phrase, in view of the single The Stoics, of course, took no such reason adduced, though defensible on literal view; cf. Galen, Quod Qualit. the analogy of 2, 126: ilia mirabilia quod; incorp. 6 (19, 478 K. - S. V.F., 2, 323a): 2, 147: quan/o . . . ilia sun/ quod; Ac. 2, οΰτε γάρ ποιητήν εϊναί φασι καθάπερ 86; ilia praeclara quan/o; 2, 102 [and τινά χειροτέχνην τόν Δία, άλλ' όλον Reid's n . j ; Phil. 5, 17; J. N. Madvig, δι* όλης της ύλης διεληλυθότα πάντων Opusc. acad* (1887), 292, n.). In his δημιουργόν γεγονέναι; and for the second edition Da vies substituted the thought cf. 2 Cor. 5, 1: οίκοδομήν έκ emendation illud palmare es/, and T. Birt θεοΰ ίχομεν, οίκίαν άχειροποίητον αΐώ(Berl. philol. Woch. 38 (1918), 551) has νιον έν τοις ούρανοϊς (contrasted with proposed res ilia palmaris est. It seems the ναοί . . . χειροποιητοί of Mark, 14, safer to retain the ms reading Ufa pal 58; Ac/s, 7, 48; 17, 24; 2 Cor. 5, 1); maris, and to understand sen/eniia as [Clem.] Homil. 16, 12: ή δέ σοφία . . . being somewhat loosely suggested by ήνωται μέν ως ψυχή τω θεω, εκτείνεται sen/en/ias in 1, 18; cf. F. A. Wolf, Kl. δέ άπ* αύτοΰ, ώς χείρ. δημιουργούσα τό Scbr. 1 (1869), 521-522. For the omission πάν; also Aristot. fr. 18 Rose.
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primis,1 ut dicitur, labris2 gustassc physiologiam,8 id 4 est naturae 1 primus Bl " libris Ο 4 idem A logiam Ο
* phisiologiam ANM,
fysiologiam BF, philio-
primie . . . labris gustasse: cf. De this division was retained by the Stoics Or. 1, 87: quae isti rbetores ne primoribus (Diog. L. 7, 39-40) under the titles of qusdem labris attigissent; Pro Cael. 28: το φυσικόν, τ6 λογικόν, and το ηθικόν; qui primoribus labris gustossent genus boc cf. 1, 9, n. {partes . .. membra), above. vitat, Hortens. fr. 93 Muller: in primoribus The first of these, pbysiologia, or natural ... ut aiunt, labris■; Virg. Aen. 1, 737: philosophy, for both Stoics and Epicu sum mo tenus attigit ore; Quintil. Inst. reans included theology (cf. the ύμνοι 12, 2, 4: qui lit/eras primis, ut aiunt, labris φυσιολογικοί of Fmpcdoclcs), though Aristotle, Metapb. 10, 7, 1064 b 2-3, degustarit; Fronto, p. 62 Nabcr ( = p. 2 Haines): primoribus, ut dicitur, labiis separates φυσική, μαθηματική, and θεο delibasse; Apul. Met. 9, 23: ut primurn . .. λογική; cf. 1, 32, n. {pbjsicus), below; incboatum gustum extremis labiis contingebat; Aristot. Metapb. 11, 6, 1071 b 26-27; 11, Hicr. Adv. Rufin. 1, 30, p. 487 Vail.: 10, 1075 b 26-27; Ammon. in Porphyr. qui oratoriam vix primis labris . . . AIsag. p . 12, 8-9 Bussc; in Categ. p. 5, 4-5 gustasti; Aug. Conf. 9, 18 (literally); Bussc; cf. p. 6, 18-20. For others who C. Faust. 32, 7: iiquorem vix summis, ut differentiated theology and physics cf. aiunt, labris attingas; Cassiod. V'ar. 2, 3, 3: Iambi. Vit. Pyth. 90; Ccdren. p. 94b non primis, ut aiunt, labris eloquentiam {Corp. Script. Hist. Byz- 33, 165b); and consecutus; Ennod. p. 7, 11 Vogcl: quibus pbysio/ogia seems to have been a favorite scientiam non primoribus labris ipsa contule-term with the Epicureans (A. A. Scotti rini; p. 76, 12: qui doctorurn epistulas . .. in Hercul. Voll. 4 (1832), 12, n.; R. summis labiis vix libabat; p. 133, 15: sapo- Hirzcl, Untersucb. ^. Cicero's pbilos. Scbr. rem vitat labris primoribus contingenti. 1 (1877), 155-160); e.g.. 1, 4 1 ; Epic, Similarly in Greek: Philo, De X'irtut. 99: κύριαι δόξαι, 11, 12; Philodem. De Deis, τίς ούκ άν είποι των μή χείλεσιν 5κροις 1, col. 2, 5 ( p . 10 Dicls); 1, col. 8, 25 άπογευσαμένων της νομοθεσίας; 188: (p. 15 Dicls); 1, col. 17, 24 (p. 30 Diels); των ή μή γευσαμένων σοφίας ή χείλεσιν Vi\ Scott, Frag. Herculan. (1885), 208; ακροις; De special. Leg. 1, 37: οί μή χει 210; 222; F. Peters, T. Lucr. et M. Cic. λεσιν άκροις γευσάμενοι φιλοσοφίας [ = quo modo Vocab. Gr. Epic. Discipl. propria Latine vtrterint (1926), 23. On Cicero's 4, 92]; Lucian, Apol. 6: άπ' άκρου χεί λους φιλοσόφων; Babr. 107, 6-7; Antb. use of Greek words cf. A. Font, De Cic. Graeca Verba usurpante (1894); J. MarouPal. 15, 13, 1-2: εΐ U γε Μούσης / 3ακτύλω άκροτάτω άπεγεύσαο [and David, zeau, Traite de stylistique (1935), 161-162; Prolegom. Pbilos. 1, p. 1, 4, Bussc; on their rendering in the Greek or the Paroem. Gr. 2, 5, no. 29 and note of Latin alphabet cf. W. Nieschmidt, v. Lcutsch]; also the proverb πολλά με Quatmus in Scriptura Romans Utteris ταξύ πέλει κύλικος καΐ χείλεος άκρου Graecis usi sunt (1913), 40-42. In the mss {Paroem. Gr. 2, 84, no. 95; 2, 617, no. the words arc regularly in the Latin 46, and notes of v. Lcutsch). Sec H. alphabet. id est naturae rationem: cf. Div. 1, Genthc, De Proverb, a Cic. adbibitis {Comm. pbilol. in Hon. T. Mommseni (1877), 269); 90: naturae rationem, quam φυσιολογίαν A. Otto, Die Spricbworler .. . der Rimer Graeci appellant; 1, 130: banc quidem ra tionem naturae; 2, 37: physiologiam to tarn (1890), 181-182; and, for this use of primis, Tyrrell and Purser on Fam. 3, perveriitis; Vitruv. 1, 1, 7: de rerum 6,2. natura quae Graece φυσιολογία dicitur physiologiam: philosophy was com pbilosopbia explica t; also below, 2, 23: monly divided by the older Academics ration/bus pbysicis, id est naturalibus. Mainto three major parts {Fin. 4, 4), and nutius, Heindorf, and others have
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rationem, qui quicquam quod ortum sit putet * aeternum esse 1
putat F
o m i t t e d this clause as a gloss u p o n pbysiologiam; unjustifiably, since s o m e of the passages cited a b o v e s u p p o r t it, as well as similar definitions of G r e e k w o r d s e l s e w h e r e ; e.g., 1, 36 (tbeogowam); 1, 4 3 (πρόληψις); 1, 50 (Ισονομία; cf. 1 , 1 0 9 ) ; 1, 55 (ειμαρμένη); 1, 55 ( μ α ν τ ι κ ή ; cf. Div. 1, 1); 1, 8 3 (physicus); 1, 85 (κυρίας δ ό ξ α ς ; cf. Fin. 2, 2 0 ) ; 2, 47 (σφαϊραν and κύκλος); 2, 58 a n d 2, 73 {Pronoea); 2, 94 (ποιότης); 2 , 111 {Hyadas); 2, 114 (Procyon);\ 15 ( σ τ ρ α τ ή γ η μ α ) ; 3 , 28 (συμπάθειαν). O n such e x p l a n a t o r y phrases in Cicero cf. R. Klotz, Adnot. crit. ad M.T. Cic. Lib. de Nat. Deor. / , 4 (1868), 5-9 ( p p . 9-12 c o n t a i n m a n y examples from other p h i l o s o p h i c a l w o r k s ) ; Rcid o n Ac. 1, 3 2 , w h o o b s e r v e s that Cicero s e l d o m , save in t h e Letters, i n t r o d u c e s a G r e e k w o r d w i t h o u t c o m m e n t o n its m e a n i n g , unless the w o r d has been t h o r o u g h l y n a t u r a l ized. o r t u m . . . a e t e r n u m : cf. 1, 6 8 : si ortui est deorum interims sit necesse est, ut tu pauio ante dt Platonis mundo disputabas; P r o d , in Tim. p . 90a (p. 243 D i c h l ) : εΐ γ α ρ τό γενητόν φθαρτόν. κ τ λ . O n t h e v a r i o u s logical possibilities here i n v o l v e d cf. S c h o l . Od. 1, 2 6 3 : δόξαι φέρονται περί τού κόσμου, ών ή μέν γενητόν και φθαρτόν τοϋτον υποτίθεται, ή 8έ γ ε νητόν μέν, άφθαρτον δ έ · ή δέ ά γ έ ν η τον μέν, φθαρτόν δ έ · ή δέ άγένητον καΐ άφΟαρτον, ής δόξης φαίνεται είναι
τοϋ κόσμου τέσσαρες δόξαι τ ω ν φιλο σ ό φ ω ν / ή μέν αυτόν άγένητον, άφθορον δ ο γ μ α τ ί ζ ε ι · / άλλη δέ λέγει, γ ε νητόν φθαρτόν τε πεφυκέναι· / ή δέ πάλιν άγένητον πλην τ ω ν φΟαρησομέν ω ν / άλλη δέ πάλιν γενητόν, αλλά θεοϋ προνοία / άφθαρτον γενησόμενον, ως παν τ ώ ν ά ιδίων* / αύτη τοϋ Π λ ά τ ω νος έστι δοκώ καΐ Νυθαγόρου. Sec also N o c k ' s e d i t i o n of Sallustius, De Diss (1926), lx-lxii. A c t i u s , Plac. 2, 4, 1-14 (Doxogr. Gr.2 330-331) discusses at length the views of different p h i l o s o p h e r s o n this q u e s t i o n ; for m o d e r n studies cf. J. Baudry, Le prohl. de Torigine et de Tetemite du monde dans la philos. gr. de Plat on α Γ ere chretienne (1931), w i t h b i b l i o g r a p h y o n p p . 308-322. G . Santayana, The IJfe of Reason, 3 (1928), 240, r e m a r k s : " T h e G r e e k g o d s . . . c o n t i n u e d t o have genea logies, and the fact of h a v i n g been b o r n is a bad a u g u r y for i m m o r t a l i t y , b u t o t h e r religions, a n d finally the G r e e k p h i l o s o p h e r s t h e m s e l v e s , conceived u n b e g o t t e n g o d s , in w h o m the h u m a n rebellion against mutability was ex pressed a b s o l u t e l y . " P l a t o ' s view, w h i c h chiefly here c o n cerns u s , finds an e x c e p t i o n t o the prin ciple that what is b o r n o r created m u s t eventually perish by a s s u m i n g that the C r e a t o r wills t o keep his created universe in existence and that his will p r e v a i l s ; cf. Plat. Tim. 3 2 c : ώστε . . . άλυτον υπό του άλλου πλην ύπό του ξυνδήσαντος
καΐ "Ομηρος; Schol. Dan. Ccorg. 2, 336:
γενέσθαι; 33a; 41a-b: Oeol θεών, ών
tecutus Epicurum qui ait omnia quae orta occidunt et aucta senescunt. Varro autem in satura quae inscribitur de salute ffr. 84 Buchelcr] sic: mtmdum baud natum esse neque mori; Plato autem non natum aut mori; Metrodorus autem, neque natum neque mori; Zenon ex hoc mundo quamvis aliqua intereant tamen ipsum perpetuo manere\ A u g . C. Acad. 3, 2 3 : scio mundum . . . aut semper fuisse et fore; out coepisse esse minime desiturum; aut ortum ex tempore non habere sed habiturum esse finem; aut et manere coepisse et non perpetuo esse manjurum, T z e t z . Cbil. 10, 5 2 7 - 5 3 3 : περί
έ γ ώ δημιουργός π α τ ή ρ τε έργων, άλυτα έμοΰ γε μή έΟέλοντος. τό μέν ούν δή δεΟέν παν λυτύν, τό γ ε μην καλώς άρμοσθέν και έχον ευ λύειν έΟέλειν κ ά κου, δι* ά καΐ έπείπερ γεγένησθε, αθά νατοι μέν ούκ έστέ ούδ' άλυτοι τ ό π ά μ παν, ου τι μέν δη λυΟήσεσΟέ γε ουδέ τεύξεσθε θανάτου μοίρας, της έμής βουλήσεως μείζονος έτι δεσμού και κ υ ρ ι ο τ έ ρ ο υ λαχόντες εκείνων οΓς όΥ έγίγνεσΟε ξυνεδεϊσΟε; Rep. 8, 546a: νενομένω παντί φθορά έστιν; Arist. De Caelo, 1. 10, 280 a 2 8 - 3 2 : είσΐ γ ά ρ τίνες οίς ένδέχεσΟαι δοκεϊ καΐ ά γ έ -
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posse? Quae est enim coagmentatio * non dissolubilis, aut quid est cuius* principium aliquod 3 sit, nihil sit extremum? Pronoea vero si vestra est, Lucili, eadem, requiro quae paulo ante, ministros, 1
coacmentatio ACMt coaugmcntatio B*F
* cuius] cui BM
' aliquid Ο
Sen. 72: opus ipsa suum eadem quae coagνητόν τι ον φθαρήναι καΐ γενόμενον mentavit natura dissolvit; Plat. Tim. 41a: άφθαρτον διατελεΐν, ώσπερ έν τφ Τιτό μέν ούν δή δεΟέν πάν λυτόν; Aristot. μαίω- έκεϊ γάρ φησι τόν ούρανόν γε De Caelot 1, 10, 279 b 29: συνεστώτα νέσθαι μέν, ού μήν άλλ' ίσεσβαί γε τόν λοιπόν del χρόνον; Tusc. 1, 79: volt enim διαλυθησεται; Ocell. Lucan. 3: τό γε (sc. P/ato), quod nemo negat, quicquid natumνέσεως αρχήν είληφός καΐ διαλύσεως sit interire; Pro Marcfit. 11: nihil est enim όφεϊλον κοινωνησαι; Sen. Ep. 30, 11: opere et manu factum quod non conficiat quicqtad composuit resolvit; Diog. L. 4, 65 et consumat vetustas; Ac. 2, 119; Philo, (quoting Carncadcs): ή συστήσασα φύσις De Aetern. Mundi, 17: πατέρα δέ τοϋ καΐ διαλύσει (cf. 4, 66); Athcn. 15, 670b: λύεται παν τό δεδεμένον; Tcrt. De An. Πλατωνείου δόγματος ένιοι νομίζουσι τόν ποιητήν "Ησίοδο ν, γενητόν και 9: dissolubile autem ornne compositicium et άφβαρτον οΐόμενοι τόν κόσμον ύπ' εκείνου strucfile; Anth. Lat. no. 785b, 3 Ricse: Νέγεσβαι; Sen. Dial. 11, 1, 1; Act. dissolvit tern pus quidquid product t aJesse; Prudent. Catbem. 10, 13-16; Procl. in Plac. 2, 4, 2 (Doxogr. Gr* 330-331): Tim. p. 116d (pp. 382-383 Diehl): ΙΙλάτων φΟαρτόν μέν τόν κόσμον φύσει, αίσβητόν γαρ είναι, διότι καΐ σώματι - σύνθετόν έστι πάν τό γενητόν. Unκόν ού μήν φθαρησόμενόν γε προνοία compounded things, on the contrary, are καΐ συνοχή θεοΰ; (Galen,] De Hist. unchanging and indestructible; cf. Plat. Ρhatdo, 78a. Coagmentatio is a word used Phil. 11, p. 265 Κ., who says that this is the view of Pythagoras and Plato; by Cicero at 2, 119 and Tim. 17; disso Just. Mart. Cohort, ad Graecos, 23; Min. lubilis appears again in 3, 29; for the Fcl. 21, 10: moritur omne quod nascitur; latter cf. N. Stang in Symb. Oslotnses, 17 (1937), 71, who collects Cicero's different Atticus ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 15, 6, 8-15, 802b-803d; Chalcid. in Tim. 26 (Frag. methods of rendering the Greek alpha Phil. Gr. 2, 186): cuncta quae gignuntur privative. pereunt; Sallustius, De Diis, 7: παν τό principium aliquod ait, nihil sit γιγνόμενον φθείρεται [cf. 2]; Comment. extremum: for the adversative asyn Lucani, 8, 459, p. 274 Uscncr ( = deton, which, as Mayor says, is equiva S.V.F. 2, no. 587): initium enim habere lent to clauses introduced by μέν and δέ, non potest quod non hahet finem\ Lact. cf. below, mortalem . . . mundumt non . .. Inst. 7, 1, 6: Plato, qui de mundi fabrication* sempi/emum; 1, 21: exstiterint, innumeradisieruit . . . in perpetuum dixit esse fabri- btlia laecla dormiennt; 1, 23: sapientes ,. catum; 7, 3, 17: quodsi ei (sc. Platoni) ratio leniant, stulti nee ... possint; Ac. 1, 16; quadraref, intellegeret periturum esse quia Parad. 2. foetus est; Ambros. Exam. 1, 3; Mar. Pronoea . . . vestra: in contrast to Merc. tr. of Ncstorius, Serm. 1, 8 (Pair. Plato tester in 1, 19, the vocative Lucili Lat. 48, 761): incarnatus est quidem deus seems to narrow the application of sed non est mortuus; Procl. in Tim. p. 90a vester to the Stoics alone; cf. 1, 19: (p. 243 Dichl): τό γενητόν φθαρτόν; Stoicorum Pronoeam. Boeth. Consol. 2, poet. 3, 17-18: constat Lucili: he is sometimes addressed by aeterna positumque lege est / ut constet his no men (cf. 1, 25; 1, 47) and sometimes genitum nihil. T. Gompcrz, Greek Thinkers by his cognomen (1, 16; 1, 22; I, 36; 1, 50; (Engl, tr.), 1 (1901), 534, points out 3, 1; 3, 5), and is referred to in the third that Buddhism recognizes the possi person in both ways; cf. H. L. Axtell bility of perishable gods. in CI. Phil. 10 (1915), 403, n. 2. coagmentatio non diesolubilis: cf. eadem: the attempts of Heindorf,
1, 21
187
machinas, omnem * totius operis dissignationem 2 atque apparatum; sin alia est, cur mortalem fecerit * mundum, non, quern ad modum Platonicus deus, sempiternum. 9 21 Ab utroque autem * scisci1 omnem cnim Ο
om.
D
' designationem
Η NO Μ
· fecit A1
* autem]
S c h o c m a n n , and others to add another eadem ( w h i c h m i g h t have b e e n o m i t t e d b y h a p l o g r a p h y ) o r t o c h a n g e the o r d e r o f w o r d s in this clause seem u n n e c e s s a r y ,
gests E p i c u r e a n o r Sceptic criticisms of the Platonic t r a d i t i o n , a n d w h i c h appears strikingly in Lucr. 5, 1 6 8 - 1 7 5 : quidve novi potuit tanto post ante quietos j
the sentence as it stands being both
tnlicere ut cuperent vitam mutare priorem?
g r a m m a t i c a l a n d clear. T h i s m a y p o s sibly b e a case in w h i c h eadem d o c s d o u b l e d u t y , as n o m . sing. fcm. a n d as ace. pi. ncut. d i s s i g n a t i o n e m : cf.l , 2 6 : dissignari; 3 , 8 5 . T h i s w o r d , in t h e sense o f " d i s p o s i t i o n " or " a r r a n g e m e n t , " a n d the v e r b dissigno arc in mss often confused w i t h dt ή gnat to, " d e s c r i p t i o n , " a n d designo, b u t the c o m p o u n d w i t h dise x p r e s s e s m o r e accurately t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f p a r t s a n d functions. c u r m o r t a l e m : since the Stoic mundus is periodically t e r m i n a t e d by a conflagrotto; cf. 2, 118. 2 1 . a b u t r o q u e : cf. 1, 18, n. (Platonis de Timaeo). W i t h t h e g r o u p i n g o f t w o o p p o n e n t s , here Plato and Lucilius, R. P h i l i p p s o n (Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 20) c o m p a r e s Act. Ρ lac. 1, 7, 7 (Doxogr. Gr.* 3 0 0 ) : κοινώς ούν άμαρτάνουσιν αμφότεροι. s c i s c i t o r : cf. 1, 1 7 : sciscitabar. c u r : cf. Ac. 2, 8 7 : qualis ista Jabrica est? qiutndo? cur? quo modo? 2, 1 1 9 : nulla fuerit novo consilio inito tarn praeclari operis inceptio. H o w and w h y G o d s h o u l d ever h a v e b e g u n t o create the u n i v e r s e is a q u e s t i o n associated by W. A. Elcidcl (Proc. Am. Acad. Arts and Sci. 48 (1913), 722) with that of P a r m e n i d e s (fr. 8, 9-10 D i e l s ) : τι δ' 5v μιν καΐ χρέος ώ ρ σεν / ύστερον ή πρόσθεν, τοΰ μηδενός άρξαμενον φΰν; Plat. Tim. 29d-30b [followed by A u g . CD. 1 1 , 21] asserts as t h e reason for creation that G o d desired the c o s m o s t o be g o o d a n d like himself, t h o u g h this docs n o t explain why t h e process b e g a n rather t h a n h a v i n g always existed—a q u e s t i o n w h i c h s u g
I . . . / . . . red cut nil accidit aegri j tempore in anteacto, cum pulchre degeret aevom, / quid potuit novitat is amorem accendere tali? j at, credo, in tenebris [cf. N.D. 1, 22] vita ac maerore iacebat, j donee diluxit rerum genitalis origo. T h a t e i t h e r Cicero o r Lucretius here b o r r o w e d f r o m the o t h e r is u n l i k e l y ; p r o b a b l y b o t h d r e w cither from P h i l o d c m u s or from E p i c u r e a n c o m m o n p l a c e s w h i c h he also u s e d ; cf. R. Hirzcl, Untersuch. ξ. Cicero's phi/os. Schr. 1 (1877), 9 - 1 1 ; A. fcrnout and L. R o b i n o n l.ucr. 5, 156 fT. ( p p . 25-26). Cf. also Aristot. De Caelo, 1, 12, 283 a 11-12: τί μάλλον επί τ ώ δ ε το» σ η μ ε ί ω άεί ον πρότερον έφΟάρη ή μή όν άπειρον έγένετο; P h i l o , De Abrahamo, 163: ει δέ δή καΐ γέγονεν ο κόσμος, υπό τ ί νος γέγονε καΙ τίς 6 δημιουργός κ α τ ' ούσίαν ή ποιότητα καΐ τί διανοηθείς έποίει καΐ τί νΰν πράττει, κ τ λ ; Act. Plac. 1, 7, 8-9 (Doxogr. Gr* 300-301); [ C l e m . ] , Recogn. 8, 3 4 : sed dices: "quando mundus foetus est, et quart tarn tardet" hoc possis obtendere etiamsi ante factus fuisset ; diceres enim, "cur non et ante hoc?" et ita immensa saecula transcendens semper possis requirere, ''cur non et ante hoc?"; A u g . Con/. 11, 10; 1 1 , 12: nonne ecce pltni sunt vet ustalis suae qui nobis dicunt: "quid faciebat deus, ant tqua m faceret caelum et terram? si enim vacabat," inquiunt, "et non operabatur a liquid, cur non sic semper et deinceps, quemadmodum retro semper cessavit ab opere? [cf. N.D. 1, 22] // enim ullus motus in deo novus extitit et voluntas nova ut creaturam conderet, quomodo iam vera aeternftas uhi oritur voluntas quae non erat? CD. 1 1 , 4 ; De divers. Quaest. 2 8 , o n t h e t o p i c quart Deus mundum facere voluerit;
188
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tor cur mundi aedificatores repentc exstiterint, innumerabilia saecla dormierint; non enim l si mundus nullus erat saecla non erant. Saecla nunc dico non ea quae * dienim noctiumque numero 1
nunc enim Η
* qua A1
Plac. 1, 7, 8 (Doxogr. Gr* 300): ό θεάς, De Gen. c. Manicb. 1, 3: dicunt [sc. Mant'cbaei): si in principio aliquo temporis 6v λέγουσιν, ήτοι τόν έμπροσθεν αΙώνα ουκ ήν δτε ήν ακίνητα τά σώματα ή fecit Deus caelum et terram% quid agtbat antequam faceret caelum et terram? et quid ατάκτως έκινεϊτο ή έκοιματο ή έγρηei subs to placuit facere quod nunquam antea γάρει ή ούδέτερον τούτων . . . εί γάρ fecerat per tempora aeterna? also Theodo- έκοιματο έξ αιώνος 6 Θεός, έτεθνήκει, αιώνιος γάρ ύπνος θάνατος έστιν; Athcn. ret, Gr. Aff. 7, 48. It may be replied that for God there is no past or future, 6, 253c; Arnob. 4, 4: ubit quatso, iamdudum all being equally present; cf. Greg. Naz. Pellonia bate fust cum apudfurculas Caudinas Poem, dogmat. 4, 71-73; F. E. Robbins, decus publicum subiugatum tst . . . ? dormieTbe Hexaemeral Literature (1912), 40. batt siertebat? Aug. CD. 2, 22: baec nuWith the question here raised cf. the minum turba ubi erat cum . . . β Gallis complementary one noted by Philo, Roma capta et incensa est? an praesentts De Aetern. Mundi\ 39: πυνθάνονται γάρ · forte dormiebantl . .. nisi salttm anseres τίνος ένεκα τόν κόσμον φΟερεΐ 6 θεός; dis dormientibus vigilarent; In Ioann. Evang. aedificatores: cf. 1, 18: opificem aedi- 20, 2: //// enim carnal/ter accipientes sabbati ficatoremque mundi. The shift to the plural observationem putabant Deum post laborem here expresses an ostentatious ignorance fabricati mundi usque ad bunc diem quasi of the identity of the supposed divine dormire; also 1 Kings, 18, 27: "pcradven source of creation, and the following ture he slcepcth and must be awakened"; phrase, repente exstiterint, seems to contrast Ps. 121, 3-4. describe an almost indecently sudden saecla nunc dico: here apparently of appearance; with it cf. Div. 1, 58; 2, 50. time in general rather than of measured exstiterint . . . dormierint: an ad units of time, as Goethe well recognizes. versative asyndeton. non ea quae: the obvious fact that innumerabilia saecla: cf. Div. 1, 2; our units of time—years, months, days, 2, 147; Legg. 1, 1. The word saeculum and, by implication, fractions or multi ples of them—are ultimately based upon (or saeclum; Cicero uses both forms) is recurrent positions of the heavenly defined by Varr. L.L. 6, 11, as a period of a hundred years, dictum a sene[\], bodies, and therefore are dependent upon (and hence must be subsequent to) the quod longisnmum spatturn sentsctndorurn homotions of those bodies is remarked byminum id putarunf\ cf. Censorin. 17, 2: saeculum est spatium vitae humanae longis-many ancient writers, e.g.. Gen. 1, 14: simum partu et morte deftnitum, quart qui "And God said, Let there be lights in annos triginta saeculum putarunf multum the firmament of the heaven, to divide videntur errasst; 17, 4 says that Epigenes the day from the night; and let them be set the longest human life at 112 years, for signs, and for seasons, and for days, Berosus at 116, others at 120. Cicero and years"; Hcraclit. ap. Plut. Quatst. Plat. 8, 4, 1007d (100 Dicls): ούτως here, however, lays no emphasis on any exact number. The etymology of saeculum ούν άναγκαίαν προς τον ούρανον έχων συμπλοκήν καΐ συναρμονήν 6 χρόνος is too uncertain to form a sound basis ούχ απλώς έστι κίνησις, άλλ* ώσπερ εϊof argument. Just below the word is ρηται κίνησις έν τάξει μέτρον έχούστ) used, not so much with reference to καΐ πέρατα καΐ περιόδους- ών ό ήλιος human life, as to the motions of the επιστάτης ών καΐ σκοπός όρίζειν καΙ heavenly bodies. βραβε-ύειν καΐ άναδεικνύναι καΐ άνϊdormierint: on sleeping gods cf. Act.
1,21 φαίνειν μεταβολάς καΐ ώρας, at πάντα φέρουσι, καθ' Ήράκλειτον, ουδέ φαύ λων ουδέ μικρών άλλα τών μεγίστων xal κυριωτάτων τ ω ήγεμόνι καΐ π ρ ώ τ ω θεώ γίγνεται συνεργός; Plat. Tim. 37c: ημέρας γαρ καΐ νύκτας καΐ μήνας καΐ ένιαυτοϋς ουκ Οντας πρίν ούρανόν γ ε νέσθαι, τότε άμα έκείνω ξυνισταμένω τήν γένεσιν αυτών μηχανάται. ταύτα δέ πάντα μέρη χρόνου, και τό τ' ήν τό τ' έσται, χρόνου γεγονότα είδη [cf. Philo, De Aetern. Mtmdit 52]; 38b. χρόνος δ" ούν μετ' ουρανού γέγονεν, ίνα άμα γεννηθέντες άμα καΐ λυΟώσιν; 38c: ές ούν λόγου καΐ διανοίας Οεοϋ τοιαύτης προς χρόνου γένεσιν. Γνα γεν νηθώ χρόνος, ήλιος καΐ σελήνη καΙ πέντε άλλα άστρα, έπίκλην έχοντα πλανητά, εις διορισμών και φυλακήν αριθμών χρό νου γ έ γ ο ν ε ; 47a: νυν δ* ήμερα τε καΐ νύξ όφθεΐσαι μ-^νές τε και ένιαυτών περίοδοι μεμηχάνηνται μέν αριθμόν, χρόνου δέ ίννοιαν . . . ίδοσαν; [Plat.], Definit. 4 1 1 b : χρόνος ηλίου κίνησις, μέτρον φοράς; Aristot. De Gen. el Corr. 2, 10, 337a 23-24: αδύνατον χρόνον χωρίς κινήσεως είναι, συνεχούς άρα τί νος αριθμός ό χρόνος; De Caeloy l , 9, 279a 11-12: ουδέ τόπος ουδέ κενόν ουδέ χρόνος εστίν ϊ ξ ω τοϋ ουρανού; Phys. 4, 11, 219 a 1: ούτε κίνησις ούτ* άνευ κινήσεως ό χρόνος; 4, 11, 219 b 1-2: τούτο γάρ έστιν ό χρόνος, αριθμός κι νήσεως κατά τό πρότερον και ύστερον [cf. S t o b . 1, 8, 40, ρ. 103 Wachsm. = Doxogr. Gr* 4 4 9 ] ; 4, 11, 219 b 5-8: αριθμός άρα τις ό χρόνος, έπεί δ* αριθ μός έστι διχώς {καΐ γάρ τό αριθμούμενον καΐ τό άριθμητόν αριθμόν λέγομεν, καΐ ψ άριθμοΰμεν), ό δέ χρόνος εστί τό άριθμούμενον καΐ ούχ ω άριθμ ο ύ μ ε ν ; 4, 11, 219 b 15-16: "ακολουθεί . . . τώ μέν μεγέθει ή κίνησις, ταύτη δ' ό χρόνος [cf. 4, 12, 220 b 2 5 - 2 6 ] ; 8, 251 b 2 8 : χρόνος πάθος τι κινήσεως; also several related passages in the Physics and the c o m m e n t s of Simplicius; Z c n o ap. Stob. 1, 8, 40c, p. 104 Wachsm. ( = Doxogr. Gr* 461 = S.V.F. 1, no. 9 3 ) : Ζήνων Ιφησε χρόνον είναι κινή σεως διάστημα. Cleanthes wrote a work περί χρόνου ( D i o g . L. 7, 174); further, in S t o b . 1, 8, 42, pp. 105-106 Wachsm. similar definitions arc ascribed to Chry-
189
sippus ( = 5.V.F. 2, n o . 509) and Posidonius, and A p o l l o d o r u s (S.l'.F. 3, 260, no. 8) expands to χρόνος δ* εστί της τοΰ κόσμου κινήσεως διάστημα; cf. Varr. L.L. 6, 3 : lempuf esse dicmt in
190
1, 21
annuis cursibusconficiuntur; nam1 fateor ea sine* mundi conversione 3 effici non potuisse; sed fuit quaedam4 ab infinito tempore aeternitas, quam nulla circumscriptio temporum metiebatur,· spatio 1 nan A*t non A1 mctiebantur Ο
■ sine] si
Λ
• conuenicntia Ο
* quidam Bl
Htque enim ullum tempus fuisse ante mundi mundum esse non potuit, cum nihil aliud exornationem dieique et nocturnal vices quibustempora nisi cursus solis afficiat [which Urn pons spatia dimensa sunt; [Clem.], R. Philippson in Sjmb. Οslocusts, 19 Recogn. 1, 28; Ccls. ap. Orig. C. Ce/s. 6, (1939), 26, believes derived from Posido60: μαχρώ δ* εύηθέστερον τό καΐ ημέ nius); Procl. in Tim. p. 85a (p. 277 ρας τινάς έπιδιανεΐμαι τη κοσμογενία Dichl); p. 170a (p. 100 Diehl); p. 242bπρίν clvai ημέρας' ουρανού γαρ οΰπω 244d (pp. 13-20 Diehl); Nonn. 38, γεγονότος ουδέ γης πω έρηρεισμένης 250-251 [of the sun]: ατέρμονα κύχλον όοεύω, / τίκτων μέτρα χρόνοιο; Anon. ούδ* ηλίου ποΰ τηδε φερομένου πώς Hermippus, 1, 42; Lyd. De Mens. 3, 15: ήμέραι ήσαν; [Apul.], Ascl. 30: terrenum autem tempus aeris quaJitate, aestuum frigo- ό γαρ χρόνος έκ τών τού ουρανού κι risque varietate dinosdtur, cae/este vera νήσεων πρόεισιν; 4, 154: έχ τής ουρανού reversionibus siderum od eadem /oca tempo-<κινήσε>ως ό χρόνος; Ioann. Philop. raria conversione currentium; Eus. Pr. Ev. De Opif. 1, 3 : ούκ ήν άρα χρόνος πρίν ουρανών ύποστηναι; Schol. Od. 19, 306: 3, 10, 25: είτε γαρ χρόνος η ς είη ό ό ηλιακός δρόμος τό τού χρόνου συμΚρόνος Ουρανού πεφυκώς γέννημα, είτε δή άμα ούρανω συνυπέστη χρόνος, περ^ διάστημα; F. Ε. Robbins, The εΓη τε αυτός ό Κρόνου πατήρ Ουρανός Hexaemeral Literature (1912), 44; W. καΐ χρόνος μετά τούτον; Ambr. Exam. Gent, Die Pbilos. d. Raumes u. d. Zeit 1, 16; 1, 20: tempus enim ab hoc mundo, (1926), 1-9 (through Aristotle); id.. non ante mundum; Basil, Adv. Eunom. Das Problem d. Zeit (1934)—an historical survey; not seen by me; H. Chemise, 1, 21, 557c-560a: χρόνον τοίνυν εΤναί φησι ποιάν τίνα κίνησιν αστέρων, ηλίου Aristotle*s Grit, of presocrat. Pbilos. δηλονότι καΐ σελήνης καΐ τών λοιπών (1935), 215-217. dierum noctiumque: cf. Epic. Ε p. [the argument continuing like that of 1, 72-73: μόνον φ συμπλέχομεν τό Ιδιον Celsus above]; Hicr. In Titum, p. 691 Vail.; ante bate igitur mundi tempera aeter- τούτο καΐ παραμετρούμεν μάλιστα έπαnitatem quondam saeculorum fuisse creden- λογιστέον . . . Οτι ταϊς ήμέραις χαΐ dum est; Aug. De Gen. c. Manicb. 1, 3: ταΐς νυξΐ συμπλέκομεν* καΐ τοις τού etsi in principio (emports Deum fedsse των μ£ρεσιν; Ε. Bignonc, Epicuro (1920), caelum et terram credamus, debemus utique 104, n. 1; C. Bailey, Epicurus (1926), inttlltgtrt quod ante principium temporis 241-243. Did the books of Varro 1 * non erat tempus. Deus enim fecit et tempora ; Antiqfdfates with the subtitle De Ternet ideo antequam facerit tempora non erant paribus (cf. H. Dahlmann in P.-UT. 6 Supplbd. (1935), 1233) perhaps treat tempora; De Gen. ad Lift. Lib. imperf 8: quomodo potuerunt dies esse antequam this same question? tempus esset, si a cursu luminarium tempus annuis cursibua: cf. 1, 87; 2, 50; exorsum est quae quarto die dicuntur esse and, in another sense, Legg. 2, 20. facta; Macrob. Sat. 1, 8, 7: ex quo inmundi: as noted by Mayor, here used tellegi po/unt cum chaos esset tempora non in the narrower sense of "the heavens"; fuisse, siquidem tempus est certa dimensio cf. Alex. Aphrod. in Metapb. 2, 2, quae ex caeli conversione colligitur; Somn. p. 196, 33 Hayduck. For its conversio 2, 10, 9: mundum quidem fuisse semper cf. Tusc. 5, 69; Rep. 6, 19. pbiiosopbia auctor est conditore quidem deot ab infinito . . . aeternitaa: prior to sed non ex tempore siquidem tempus ante all things eternal there exists eternity
1,21
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tamen qualis ea fuerit intellegi potest,1 quod nc in cogitationem * quidem cadit ut fuerit tempus aliquod nullum cum tempus esset. non potest NO
■ cogitatione
Ν
(α(ών), and prior to all things temporal use of non have been well set forth by there exists time (χρόνος), according Mayor: the inappropriatcness of having to Proclus, Inst, tbtol. 53; 200. Cf. Mar. an Epicurean stress the inconceivability Victorin. in Cic. Inv. 1, p. 79 Orclli: of infinite time prior to creation, and tempus semper futrit neeesse est nve ante the infelicity of both tamen and igitur if mundum nve post mundum nve cum non be inserted. It is not necessary, how mundo . . . hoc tempus generale, quia ever, with (G. H.(?)J Heidtmann (Beitr. ntc initium ntc finer» babtt, aeternitaj est Z. Knt. u. In/erpr. d. Schr. des Cic. dt Nat. quam Craeci αΙώνα appellant. Plut. Sept. Deorum (1858), 36-38), followed by Sap. Conv. 8, p. 153a, says that time Mayor in his notes (though in vol. 3, is the oldest thing, and in view of the lxxviii, he, like D. \X'yttcnbach in the confusion of Κρόνος and χρόνος (2, 64 appendix to Crcuzcr's cd. (1818), 723, infra) the proverb πρεσβύτερος Κρόνου would transpose the phrase to a place (Com. Att. Frag. 3, 563, no. 895 Kock) after non potuisse), to consider the words may carry the same implication. Cf. quod ne . . . tempus esset as a marginal the note on tempus . .. cum nullum tempus gloss, added by a Platonist or Aristotelian esset below. to refute the Epicurean doctrine ex pressed in the words quam nulla tempocircumscriptio temporum: cf, Arnob. 2, 62: nullius tern ports circumscriptionerum circumscriptio metiebatur. Elsewhere finstus; 3, 29: quis enim annum ignorat (Cl. Rev. 3 (1889), 358) Mayor thinks the awkwardness of this phrase suggests temporis esse circumscriptionem statam. "an ill-understood Greek original, say, intellegi potest: the insertion of by Phacdrus." P. Stamm (De ALT. Cic. non between these words, as found in Lib. de Deor. Nat. Interpolationibus NO and adopted by Hcindorf, Schumann (1873), 15, n. 1) holds it to be spurious. (Opusc. acad. 3 (1858), 299-301, and in The sense, however, as I have indicated his edition), Birt (Berl. pbilol. Woch. 38 it above, seems consistent and adequate, (1918), 551), and others, abandons the best mss and entirely changes the mean and these proposals, like the extensive ing (cf. A. Goethe in fabrb. /. cl. Pbilol. changes in word-order suggested by F. A. Wolf (Λ7. Schr. 1 (1869), 524-526), 129 (1884), 30-31). Retaining the standard need not here detain us. On the passage ms reading we may explain that by cf. also A. Eussner in Bl.f d. bayer. Gymsaecia Vellcius does not mean definite nanalscbulwesen, 24 (1888), 77-78. measures of time, ultimately derived from days and nights, which could not For intellegp meaning "conceive" have existed before the creation of the Heidtmann (op. cit.t 36-37, n. 4) compares heavenly bodies, but rather that there 1, 73; 2, 54; 3, 38; Fin. 1, 17; 4, 38; must have been an eternity from infinite 5, 33. past time, even without units to measure in cogitationem . . . cadit: cf. 2, 77: it. Even without these (tamen) we can minime cadit in maiestatem deorum \ Off. 1, form some concept of its nature, be 9; 3, 17: honestum quod in nostram intelcause we cannot even conceive how legentiam cadit \ and other parallels in (or that; sec note on ut fuerit below) Thes. Ling. Lot. 3 (1906), 31, 17-72. there could have been any period (tem ut fuerit: this may retain its sense of pus) when there was no such thing as a question ("how there could have time, either in the sense of extension or, been"), or it may perhaps better be at least, in that of order of succession; regarded as an example of the brachysec note on tempus . . . cum nullum tempus logical use of ut with a verb of saying esset below. The arguments against the or thinking omitted. Thus R. Kuhncr
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22 Isto igitur tam immenso spatio quacro, Balbe, cur Pronoea vestra cessaverit. Laboremne fugiebat? At iste l nee attingit* 1
ista NO
* ne attingit
Ν
and C. Stegmann, Ausf. Gram. d. lat. Εσταΐ' τό δέ ήν καΐ Ισται χρόνου μό ρια, ώστε ήν χρόνος δτε ούκ ήν χρόνος Spr. 2, 2» (1914), 246-247, n. 6, explain the phrase as equivalent to fuisse tern pus και Ισται δτε ουκ ϊσται; 4, 10, ρ. 703,4-6; 4, 10, ρ. 704, 10-11; 8, 1, ρ. 1158,32; ρ. existimemus, and compare, among many 1163.25 ;ρ. 1183,9-13; Zacharias, Scbolast. other illustrations, 1, 75: pugnare te species ut quatdam nt deorum [= ut species pp. 106-107 Boissonadc. Cf. also A. quatdam esse existimetur]; 1, 95: retinendum Covotti in Ann. d. r. scuola norm. sup. di hoc tfft dtus ut btatus nt [ = ut dtum btatum Pisa, 12 (1897), no. 4,153-217, on theories of time up to and including Aristotle; tsst crtdamus). P. Tillich in Journ. of the Hist, of Ideas, tempus . . . nullum cum tempue 5 (1944), 61. esset: cf. n. on inttlltgi potest above. J. B. Mayor (CI. Rev. 3 (1889), 163) Desire for an effective oxymoron of the agrees with A. Goethe in thinking the χρόνω άχρόνω type has here led Velphrase to mean "that there could have leius (or rather Cicero) into a confusing been a time when there was no (previous) use of tempus in two different meanings time", comparing the argument in ("period" or "occasion," and "dura Aristot. Phys. 8, 1, 251 b 19-27. But this tion"). Time is to most philosophers— Platonists excepted—άγένητος (Act. Plac. seems too much to read into our passage. K. Mras (in Abb. Berl. Akad. 1933, VI, 1, 22, 8-9, in Doxogr. Gr* 318); 40-41) supposes the concept to be per cf. Aristot. Phys. 3, 6, 206 a 9-11; 8, 1, haps derived from Posidonius. Rev. 10, 252 a 19-23 (concluding ανάγκη acl είναι χρόνον); Meta ph. 11, 6, 1071b 7-10; 6, looks in the other direction to a time Scxt. F.mp. Pyrrhon. 3, 141: δνά δέ τούτο when χρόνος ούκέτι Ισται. 22. spatio: of time within which, as ήν ποτέ χρόνος δτε ούκ ήν χρόνος, tempore infinito below or hoc interim spatio πρδ τοΰ άρξαο-Oat αυτόν, και Ισται ποτέ in Dt Or. 2, 353; cf. also Di». 2, 147: χρόνος δτε ούκ Ισται χρόνος, μετά τό λήξαι αυτόν, δπερ άτοπον [cf. Adv. innumerabilibus paent saeculis. All these are Phys. 2, 189-190]; Philo, De Aetem. distinguished from continuous duration, as in 1, 21: innumerabilia saecla dormierint. Mundi, 53: πάντων δ* άτοπώτατον ύποPronoea vestra: cf. 1, 20. νοεΐν 6τι ήν ποτέ χρόνος ήνίκα ούκ ήν cessaverit: applied, like αργία, both χρόνος [codd.: κόσμος]; Aug. CD. 11, to absolute loafing and to holiday en 5; 12, 16: nam si non omni tempore fuit tempus erat ergo tempus quando nullum eratjoyments; cf. 1, 102: pueri etiam cum tempus . . . erat tempus quando nullum erat cessant exercitatione aliqua ludicra dejecta»· tur; deum sic feriatum volumus cessation* tempus quis vel insipientissimus dixerit [cf. 11, 5-7]; De Trinit. 5, 17: non enim tor pert ut si se commoverit vereamur nt btatus tsst non possit; 2, 59: nee ctssantium erat tempus antequam inciptrent temporal Thcmist. in Aristot. Phys. 3, p. 91, 11-14 deorum ntc ta quae agant molientium cum Schenkl: τοΰ τε γαρ χρόνου ϊσται τις labore\ 3, 93: cur tam multos dtos nihil αρχή καΐ τελευτή, πράγμα των πάντων agere et cessare patitur; Orig. Dt Princip. 3, 5, 3: solent nobis obiictrt dicentts, "si άμηχανώτατον · τό γαρ λέγειν ώς ήρξατό ποτέ γίνεσθαι χρόνος ουδέν άλλο coepii mundus ex temporet quid ante faciebat Deus quam mundus inciperet? otiosam enim εστίν ή δτι χρόνος ήν δτε χρόνος ούκ ήν [cf. 8, ρ. 211, 24-26 Schenkl]; Simplic. et immobilem dicere naturam Dei impium est simul et absurdum"; Aug. Conf. 11, 12: in Phys. 3, 5, p. 491, 15-18 Diels: εΐ γαρ μή Ιστιν άπειρος ό χρόνος, ϊσται τις si enim vacabat, inquiunt. et non operabatur αρχή χρόνου καΐ τελευτή, εΐ δε τούτο, aliqujd, cur non sic semptr tt deinceps% quernadmodum retro semper cessaverit ab opera ; ήν δτε ούκ ήν χρόνος καΐ Ισται δτε ούκ
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deum nee erat ullus,1 cum omnes naturae numini * divino, caelum, ignes, terrae, maria, parerent. Quid autem erat quod concupisceret deus mundum signis et luminibus tamquam aedilis ornare? Si 1
nullus Ν
■ nomini
Bl
CD. 11, 5: cur in eis ab ο pert Deus cessavtrit\ 12, 18: cuius retro fuerit aeterna cessatio. laborem: cf. 1, 52, where Vcllcius considers the god of the Stoics as laboriosissimum, for which 2, 133 {ionium iaboraist) might give some support, though the language there may be largely rhetorical rather than exact. attingit: for parallels in the sense of "affect" or "apply t o " cf. 3, 38: quorum deum nihil attingit \ Holden on Off. 1, 18; Tbes. Ling. Lat. 2 (1906), 1146, 27-55. nee erat ullue: cf. Sallustius, De Diis, 9: τήν δέ τοιαύτην περί τόν κόσμον έπιμέλειαν ουδέν βουλευο μένους ουδέ πονοϋντας τους θεούς ήγητέον ποιεΐσθαι, άλλ* ώσπερ των σωμάτων τά δύναμιν έχοντα αύτω τω είναι ποιεί & ποιεί . . . ούτω πολύ μάλλον ή τών θε ών πρόνοια αύτη τε άπόνως καΐ τοις προνοουμένοις έπ* άγαθώ γίνεται; Aug. Enarr. 1 in Ps. 103, 7 (Pair. Lat. 37, 1340-1341); Ioann. Philop. De Opif. Mundi, 3, 17: δυνατόν μέν ο&ν ύττηρχεν ώς άπειροδυνάμω τω Οεω όμοΰ πάντα παφαγχγεΐν μόνω βουλήματι; also Ps. 33, 9, and similar passages. naturae: elements or στοιχεία, as in 1, 29 (where cf. n. on quattuor ... naturas); 1, 103; 2, 28; 2, 83; 2, 84; 3, 34; 3, 36; Ac. 1, 39; Tusc. 1, 66; cf. also 1, 19, n. {Mae quinque formae) above. Mayor suggests that the singular caelum is of the simple clement; the plurals, in a more grandiose, half-ironic, style, of the lands and seas which constitute our globe. There appears to be no standard order for citing the elements. On caelum — aer cf. Lucr. 4, 132; Plin. N.H. 2, 102. On the four elements in general cf. J. Laminnc in Mem. de tacad. r. ... de Belgique, 65, 2 (1904), 1-194. numini divino: F. Phstcr (in P.-W. 17 (1937), 1274,37) compares for this phrase Ac. 2, 121; Fin. 1, 41; 5, 49; Pro Mil. 83;
De Prov. cons. 34; De Domo, 140; cf. also Div. 1, 106. With numini ... parerent cf. Div. 1, 120: quanto id deo est facilius, cuius numini parent omnia-, 2, 36: deorum enim numini parere omnia. signis et luminibus: as suggested by Erncsti, there is probably a facetious allusion here in the comparison of the constellations {signa, as in 1, 35; 2, 52 (cf. 2, 53); Lucr. 1, 2 (cf. 5, 691)) to statues and the luminibus of the stars to illuminations put up by aediles on Roman public buildings on festival days. J. M. Miller, Die Beleucbtung im Alter tbum, 2 (1886), 48, compares with our passage 2 I''err. 1, 58 [where see Asconius); 1, 141. For such adornment by the aediles (as superintendents of build ings) cf. Liv. 9, 40, 16: inde natum initium dicitur fori ornandi ab aedi/ibus cum tensae ducerentur; Suet. Iul. 10; also Cic. De Domo, 111; and for the il lumination of public buildings or the stage of the theatre Lucil. 146 Marx (—148 Warmington): Romanis ludis forus olim ornatus lucernis', Cic. Orat. 134, where the lumina of speech arc said to be similia Mil quae in amplo ornatu scaenae aut fori appellantur insignia [where cf. Sandys's n.]; Marx on Lucil. 146. Cf. Philo, De special. Leg. 1, 66: τό μέν άνωτάτω . . . ΰρόν Οεοΰ νομί ζειν τδνσύμπαντα χρή κόσμον είναι, νεώ μέν έχοντα τό άγιώτατον της των δντων ουσίας μέρος, ούρανόν. αναθήματα δέ τους αστέρας. On lumina and sigilla in private houses cf. Dig. 7, 1, 13, 7. P. Boyancc ( £ / . sta le songe de Scipion (1936), 117) would here detect Epicurean ridicule of Plato's notion {Tim. 37c) of the cosmos as των άΐδίων θεών γεγονός άγαλμα. While the stars are sometimes viewed as intended to give light to the world (e.g., Ov. fr. ap. Lact. Inst. 2, 5, 24; I^ct. op. cit., 7, 5, 12), they also often appear as primarily decorative (hence the
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ut* dcus ipse melius habitaret, antea videlicet tempore infinito 1
ut] id Ν
use of the terms κόσμος and mundus), ταύτα μηδαμή προσαγέσθω, άλλ' αλει e.g., Plat. Rep. 7, 529c: τά έν τω ούρανώ τούργητος διατηρείσθω καΐ έν τη πάση ποικίλματα; Tim. 40a: νείμας περί πάν μακαριότητι; Dionys. Alex. ap. Eus. τα κύκλω τόν ούρανόν, κόσμον άληθιPr. Εν. 7, 19, p. 334b: τοϋτό γε άτο νον αύτω πεποικιλμένον είναι καθ' πον ομοίως άνθρώποις χρυσοχοεϊν καΐ όλον; Lys. 201a; Eur. He/. 1095-1096: λιθουργεΐν καΐ κατά τάς £λλας τέχνας προς ούρανόν / . . . tv* οικείς αστέρων . . . χειροκμητεϊν τόν θεόν; F. Peters, ποικίλματα; Critias, Sisypb. ap. Sext. Τ. Lucr. et Μ. Cic. quo modo Vocab. Gr. Epic. Disci pi. propria Latine verterint Emp. Adv. Pbyt. 1, 54 ( = Β 25, lines 33-34 Diels): τό τ' άστιρωπόν ου (1926), 16. For the duties of the aediles ρανού δέμας, / Χρόνου καλόν ποίκιλμα; in the cura urbis cf. J. W. Kubitschelc in [Hippocr.] περί έβδομ. (cf. Ε. PfcifTer in P.-W. 1 (1894), 454; 462. Cicero himself ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΑ. 2 (1916), 31, n. 2); Enn. had held the aedilcship in 69 B.C.; cf. Ann. 29: qui caelum versat sttllis fulgentibus M. Gelzer in P.- IF. 7A (1939), 846; apium; 339: bine Nox processit stellis 852-853; L. R. Taylor in Am. Journ. ardtntibus apt a; cf. Lucr. 5, 1205; 6, Pbilol. 60 (1939), 194-202. For a similar figure cf. Philo, De Prov. 2, p. 80 Aucher. 357-358; Virg. Aen. 4, 482; 6, 797; 11, 201-202); Sen. De Ben. 4, 23, 4: si ut: an ellipsis for si ornavit ut; cf. 1, in decorem sparsa; Plut. De Is. et Os. 47, 99: ή [sc. redundat] ut; 3, 8 1 : si [sc. p. 370a: Ώρομάζης . . . τόν ούρανόν periit] quia; Div. 2, 55: si enim [sc. tarn Αστροις έκόσμησεν; Athenag. Leg. pro obscura fuerunt] ut. Cbrist. 23; Lact. Inst. 2, 9, 3: sustm vero deue: the repetition of deus has dis babitaculum distinxit clans luminibus et turbed some scholars and led to its implevit, sole scilicet et iunae orbe fulgenti deletion by Ernesti, Schuetz, H. Schwarz et astrorum micantium splendentibus signis {Misc. phitologica (1878), 28), and M. L. adornavit [repeated by Isid. Etym. 3, 31, Earlc {CI. Papers (1912), 204). But such 2]; [Clem.] Homil. 5, 22: ούκοϋν πρό repetitions are not rare in Cicero; e.g., τούτου ούκ ήσαν αστέρες μέχρις δτε 2, 75 {partes); 2, 133 {mundum); 3, 64 άσελγείας προφάσει ύπό μοιχών ό ουρα {disinmortalibus); 3, 71 {opinio); Ac. 1, 46 νός Λστροις έκοσμήθη; Recogn. 1, 28; {Arceeiia); Tim. 37 {deorum ... deos); Chalcid. in Tim. 119: eumque [sc. globum] Div. 1, 129 {animi); Fin. 1, 3 (and ornnem buiusmodi luminibus exornasse (cf. Madvig's note); Tusc. 4, 64 {metus); 129); Ambros. Exam. 2, 4, 15: caelum, Legg. 2, 60 {lege); 3, 41 {rempublicum . . . quod ουρανός Graece dicitur, Latinet res publico). quia impressa stellarum lumina velut signa tempore infinito: time during which, babeat, tanquam caelatum appella/ur; Greg. and hence differing from ab infinito Naz. Poem, dogma/. 4, 62 (Pair. Gr. 37, tempore in 1, 21. 420): είδεσι κοσμηΟηναι; Cosmas Indie. ut . . . melius habitaret: a contra 3, p. 143D. Also cf. 2, 58, below: ut diction to the often expressed notion in eo [sc. mundo] eximia pulchri/udo rit that God enjoys perfect happiness and has atque omnis ornatus. no wants; e.g., Xen. Mem. 1,6,10; Philo, aedilie: E. Bignonc, L'Aristote/e perDe I 'irtut. 9: έστι γαρ ό μέν θεός άνεττιdu/o, 2 (1936), 375, n. 6, remarks that δεής, ούδενός χρεϊος ών, άλλ* αυτός the divine care of the cosmos is com αύταρκέστατος έαυτω; De Plan tat. 3 3 : pared to a λειτουργία, which is quite τίνος γαρ ένεκα, είποι τις 4ν; ίνα contrary to Epicurus's own notions of ένδιαιτήσεις εύαγώγους ίχη [sc. ό θεός]; the deity; cf. Epic. Ep. 1, 76: μήτε Plut. Comp. Aristid. et CatAt 2: άπροσλειτουργούντος τινός νομίζειν δει γε δεής μέν γαρ απλώς ό θεός; Zcncb. 1,17: νέσθαι; 2, 97: καΐ ή Θεία φύσις προς άνενδεής ό θεός· παροιμία (cf. C. G r a u x .
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in tenebris tamquam in gurgustio habitaverat. Post autem varietatene eum delectari putamus, qua caelum e t l terras exornatas videmus? Quae ista potest esse oblectatio deo? Quae si esset, non ea tarn diu carere potuisset. 23 An 2 haec, ut fere dicitis,3 1
ct om. Ν
* an] nam B1
* dicis F
Textes grecs ine'dits (1886), 129, no. 45); pauperie et paene inopia, abditus modico Apul. De Deo Socr. 12: qui potest videri gurgustio; Apul. Met. 1, 23: brevitatem perfectus fuisse qui a priore statu ad alium gurgustioli nostri ne spernas peto. The use of such a word, of low associations, rectiorem statum migrat; Athcnag. Leg. continues the ironic tone already noted. pro Christ, 16; 29; Lact. Inst, 7, 5, 3; mundum non propter se deus fecit quia varietatcne: cf. 2, 17: tantam varietacom modi s eius non indigef, sed propter homi-tem pulcbritudinemque rerum caelestium; ntm qui eo utitur; also Acts, 17, 25; Zacha- 2, 98; also the note on signis et luminibus above. In Tim. 35 Cicero translates rias, Scholast. p. 115 Boissonadc: ct δ* πεποικιλμένον by varietate distinctutn. αγαθός ων έβουλήΟη είναι τα όντα, ού For -ne postponed in its clause cf. Legg. δεόμενος αυτών προς το εΐναι (ήν γαρ 2, 12: id estne numerandum; for -ne fol :τρό τούτων ώς τέλειος και ούθενός δεόlowing a short e cf. 3, 4: responderene; μχνος), κτλ. also the examples cited by A. Harant in in tenebris: cf. Catull. 55, 2: demon s/res ubi sint tuae tenebrae; Varr. Afenipp. Rev. de philol. 4 (1880), 25-29; E. Thomas in Rev. de philol. 8 (1884). 134; " T . " in 435: in tenebris ac suili vivunt; Lucr. 5, Rev. de philol. 9 (1885), 151; O. J. Todd 174-175: at, credo, in tenebris vita ac maerore iacebat, j donee diluxit reritm geni in CI. Quart. 36 (1942), 30, n. 2. quae si esset, non ea: for qua, si talis or/go; Apul . Met. 6, 5; Aug. De Gen. c. Manicb. 1, 6: in tenebris ergo erat esset, non. P. Mihaileanu, De Comprelnndeus antequam faceret lucem; T. Birt in sionibus relativis apud Cic. (1907), 90, compares 1, 12: quae quamquam ... his Berl. philol. Vocb. 38 (1918), 552. . . . vita regeretur; Pro Cluent. 33: quae gurgustio: a word of uncertain etvmology (cf. A. \X'aldc-J. B. Hofmann, cum se esse respondisset ab ea petivit (for l a qua cum se]; Phil. 1, 38: quae potestas, Lat. etym. Worterb. l (1938), 628-629), si . . . [let, utar [for qua potestate, si . . . used for a small, dark, dirty, or dis reputable hut; e.g., Paul, ex Fcst. p. 99 fiet, utar]; Part. orat. 69: quod cum latum M. (p. 88 L.): gurgustium genus habitations genus esse potest . . . unum ex eo delegimus angustum, a gurgulione dictum ; Gl. Ansil. [for f.v quo cum id, etc.]. G V 37: gurgustio: loca tabernarum tenebrosa 23 ut fere dicitis: cf. Tin. 1, 14: ut ubi com-ivia turpiafiunt; G V 38: gurgustium: fere fanmt qid ab eo diisentiunt; fuse. 1, 19: cellula modica; GV 39: domus pauperis; Gl. animum autem alii animam, ut fere nostri; Aa, G 224: gurgitium [sic]: alii pupinam 5, 85: quod fere faciunt. With this Stoic [i.e. popinam] sordidam, alii ubi inc/uduntur view of the universe as made for the porn putant; Gl. Sangall. G 99 (M. Warren sake of man cf. 2,133; 2, 154-162. This theory was especially attacked by the in Trans. Am. philol. Assoc. 15 (1885), Epicureans; cf. Lucr. 5, 156-167: dicere 160): gurgustium: teguriumumile et tenebroso. Cf. In Pison. 13: meministine, porro hominum causa wluisse parare / caenum, cum ad te quarta fere bora cum C. praeclaram mtmdi naturam . . . / . . . / . . . / ... I ... I ... f ... I cetera de genere hoc Pisone venissem, nescio quo e gurgwtio te prodire involuto capite soleatum, et, cum isto adfingere et addere, Memmi, / desiperest. quid enim inmortalibus atque beatis / gratia ore foetido taeterrimam nobis popinam inba lasses, excusatione te uti valeJudinis\ nostra queat largirier emolument/', ( ut nostra Suet. De Gram. 11: P. Valerius Cato . . . quicquam causa gerere adgrediantur; Aet. vixit ad extremam senectam, sed in sum ma Plac. 1, 7, 7 (Doxogr. Gr* 300) κοινώς
196
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hominum causa a deo constituta sunt? Sapientiumne? Propter paucos igitur1 tanta est rerum facta rnolitio. An stultorum? At 1
agitur Bl
ούν άμαρτάνουσιν αμφότεροι δτι τόν μούνται Ζήνων τε καΐ Κλεάνθης καΐ θεδν εποίησαν έπιστρεφόμενον των αν Χρύσιππος xal ol λοιποί τών άπο της θρωπίνων καΐ τούτου χάριν τόν κόσμον αίρέσεως, πας δε φαύλος αγνοία κρα κατασκευάζοντα; R. Hirzcl, Untersucb. τείται, κτλ.; Lucian, Timon, 25; Porphyr. ^ Cicero's pbilos. Scbr. 1 (1877), 10, n. 1; De Abst. 3, 2: σοφός μεν γάρ ή είς ή καΐ P. Shorcy in CI. Pbilol. 18 (1923), 91-92. δύο κατ* αυτούς γεγόνασιν, έν οίς μόsapientiumne: the early Stoics divided νοις & λόγος χατώρθωται, ol δέ άλλοι mankind into the two classes of sages φαύλοι πάντες; R. Hirzcl, Unttrsuib. ζ· and fools, largely synonymous with the Cicero's pbilos. Scbr. 2 (1882), 279-298 good and the evil. Sages were so highly (who notes the gradual softening of these idealized as to be rarely, if ever, found views in the middle Stoa and the accep in the actual world (Sen. Ep. 42, 1 and tance of the notion of προκύπτοντες, Alex. Aphrod. De Fatot 28 compare or persons progressing toward virtue, their infrequency to that of the phoenix); even though they may not have attained cf. 3, 70: si mens voluntasque divina idcircoit); J. Heinemann {Poseidonios* metapbjs. consuluit hominibus quod Us est larpta ratio- Scbr. 2 (1928), 75) and C. Blum {Studies nem, Us solis consuluit quos bona ration* in the Dream-book of Artemidorus (1936), donavit, quos videmus si mode ulli sint esse 61-62) consider as a Posidonian trait per paucos \ 3, 79: sapientiam autem nemo the strong contrast of the few philo adsequitur; Div. 2, 61: si quod raro fit sophers and the many common people. id portentum putandum est, sapientem esse Others are even more pessimistic; cf. porten turn est; saepius enim mulam peperisseBias 73a: ol πλείστοι άνθρωποι καχοί; arbitror quam sapientem fuisse ; Tusc. 2, 51: Hcraclit. Β 104 Dicls: ol πολλοί κακοί, in quo veri erit perfecta sapientia {quern adbucολίγοι δέ αγαθοί (cf. Prod, in Alcib. nos quidem vidimus neminem); Off. 3, 16; prim. p. 525 Cousin). While the Epi Fin. 4, 65: nee tamen tile erat sapiens {quis cureans emphasized the importance of enim hoc aut quando aut ubi out unde?); the προλήψεις of all men, learned and Ac. 2, 145: scientiam talem esse dicebat, unlearned alike (1, 43-45), the more cuius com potem nisi sapientem esse neminem.aristocratic Stoics, whose opinions seem sed qui sapiens sit aut fuerit ne ipsi quidem here to be ironically assumed by Vcllcius, so lent dicere; Sen. Dial. 9, 7, 4: ubi enim were not pleased that tantas res opiniont isturn [i.e., the sapiens] invenies, quern tot stultorum iudicari (3, 11); cf. Lact. Inst. saeculis quaerimus\ Plut. Decomm. Not. 33, 2, 19, 4: quis autem nesciat plus esse moment» p. 1076b: Ιστι δ' ούτος [sc. ο σοφός] in paucioribus docUs quam in pluribus ούδαμού γής ούτε γέγονεν άπλετοι inperitis (a view not far distant from Sc μυριάδες ανθρώπων κακοδαιμονοϋνStoic belief). τες έπ* άκρον έν τη τοΰ Διδς πολιτεία rerum . . . rnolitio: cf. 1, 19: quae καΐ άρχη την άρίστην έχούση διοίκησιν; Quintil. Inst. 1, praef. 19; Juv. 13, 26 rnolitio; 2, 133: tantarum rerum rnolitio facta sit. [and Mayor's n.]; Scxt. Emp. Pjrrb. 1,91: an etultorum: Mayor remarks upon τοΰ παρ* αύτοΐς όνειροπολουμένου σο the "absence of compassion, contempt φού; 3, 240: έπεί γαρ φρόνησίς έστιν αρε for ignorance and weakness, despair τή, τήν δέ άρετήν μόνος εΤχεν 6 σοφός, ol Στωικοί μή ίντες σοφοί ούχ ίξουσι τήν of reformation" which characterized περί τόν βίον τέχνην^Γ Adv. Eth. 181]; the old aristocratic philosophies, Epi curean and Stoic alike, in contrast to Adv. Log. 1, 432: μέχρι δεΰρο ανεύρε the teachings of Christianity [e.g., 1 Cor. του καθεστώτος τοΰ σοφού; 1, 433: έπεί 1, 27]. In the case of paucos above and γαρ τοις φαύλοις κατ' αυτούς έγκαταριθof mistrrimi here, ideas in this book put
1,23
197
primum causa non fuit cur de inprobis bene mereretur; deinde quid est adsecutus, cum omnes stulti sint sine dubio miserrimi, maxime quod stulti sunt (miserius enim stultitia quid possumus dicere?), deinde quod ita1 multa sunt incommoda in vita ut ea sapientes commodorum conpensatione leniant, stulti nee vitare venientia2 possint3 nee ferrc praesentia. 10 Qui vero mundum ipsum4 animantem sapicntemqueδ esse dixerunt, nullo modo vide1 ita om. Ο om. Μ
■ lenientia O 1
' possum Λ/1
into the mouth of the Epicurean Velleius reappear in 3, 70 and 3, 79, respec tively, as spoken by the Academic Cotta, from which we might perhaps assume that they arc Ciceros* own contribution as author, rather than being drawn from a particular source. deinde . . . deinde: an awkward re petition, the first instance continuing primum and the second giving an addi tional argument after that introduced by maxime. omnes stulti . . . miserrimi: to the important passages collected in S. Y'.F. 3, nos. 671-676, add: Fin. 1, 59: nemo igitur <stu/tus> non miser; 3, 60: apparet . . . offidum . . . stulti manere in vita, cum sit miser [cf. 3, 61]; Plat. Symp. 204a: αύτδ γαρ τοΰτό έστι χαλεπόν άμαΟΙα, τό μή οντά καλόν κάγαΟόν μηδέ φρόνιμον Soxciv αΰτω είναι Ικανόν; Aug. C.D. 9, 15: //' autem . . . omnes homines, quamdiu morta/es sunt, etiam miseri sint necesse est; 21, 14: non enim parva poena tit ipsa insipitntia vtt imperitia; also Fin. 4, 64: nihil igitur adiiwat procedere et progrtdi in virtute quo minus miserrimus sit. incommoda: whether the Epicurean speaker is here using a technical term of Stoicism (άττοπροηγμένα; cf. A. Pittct, Voeab. pbilos. de Senlque, 1 (1937), 196197) because speaking to a Stoic, or whether the word is here used in a more popular sense (cf. Ac. 1, 23: muftis vitae commodis, and Rcid's n.), is not clear. R. Philippson (in Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 18) would compare Lucr. 5, 199: tanta stai praedita culpa. conpensatione: cf. Τ use. 5, 95: hoc
4
ipsum om. Μ
· que
usurum compensation sapientem ut et voluptatem fugiat, si ea maiorem dolorem effectura sit, et dolorem suscipiat maiorem efficientem voluptatem; also Epic. ap. Fin. 2, %: compensabatur . . . tamen cum his omni bus animi laetitia quam capiebam memoria rationum inventorumque nostrorum. leniant . . . possint: Da vies, Erncsti, Walker, and some other editors have been troubled by the somewhat awkward parataxis, and have emended in various ways. But the meaning seems to be, as translated by H. Rackham, "there are so many troubles in life that, though wise men can assuage them by balancing against them life's advantages, fools can neither avoid their approach nor endure their presence." Cf. 1, 20: cuiusprincipium aliquod sit, nihil sit extremum; 1, 74; 1, 86; 2, 87; 3, 32; Fin. 1, 15 (and Madvig's note for other parallels); Virg. Aen. 6, 324: di emus iurare et fallere numen. F. A. Wolf {Kl. Schr. 1 (1869), 527-528) defends our text and cites Greek paral lels; G. F. Schocmann (ad loc.) remarks that concessions or assumptions arc often introduced, without the conjunc tions natural to them, before clauses containing the essential fact of the sen tence. vitare . . . ferre: cf. Virg. Aen. 6, 892: quo quemque modo fugiatque feratque laborem. mundum ipsum animantem: cf. 1, 18, n. (animo et sensibus praeditum). sapientemque: on the mundus as sapiens cf. 2, 2 1 ; 2, 22; 2, 30; 2, 32; 2, 36; 2, 39; 2, 46; 3, 2 1 ; Ac. 2, 119; S.V'.F. 2, nos. 633-645.
198
1,24
runt animi natura1 intellegentis * in quam figuram cadere posset.3 Dc quo dicam equidem paulo post. 24 Nunc autem hactcnus: admirabor eorum tarditatem * qui animantem 6 inmortalem ct 1 naturam CNOB*FM * intellegentes AlNOFM, intellcgcntcr Β * possit Η tarditate A * animantem mundum (mundum del.) M, animant {del.) cnim x mortalem D , autumam cum D (m. ret.)
4
natura: naturam\ found in CNB%, might be explained as a case of prolepsis (cf. Div. 2, 103; and Pease's note), but natura is better attested. Animi natura seems 2 periphrasis for animus', cf.
or passing to a new topic, are frequent in Cicero; e.g., Div. 2, 53: sed bate bacttnus; nunc ad ostenta veniamus; 2, 76: sed de hoc loco plura in aliis, nunc bactenus; Fat. 20: std bate bacttnus; alia vidtamus; above, title, NATVRA DEORVM; Ac. 2, 36; Fin. 4, 14: sed bate bactenus; nunc vidtamus; 4, 80: quoniam .. . advts1, 44: omnium natura; 2, 24: caloris natu ram; 2, 60: aliat naturae deorum; 2, 133: perascit .. . nunc quidem bactenus; Τ use. bumanae naturaefigura;2, 136: a/pi natura; 3, 84: bate quidem bactenus; cetera quotiensFin. 5, 33: intelUgant si quando naturam cumqut voletis; 4, 65: de malorum opinion* bominis dicam bominem dicere me; also 58 bactenus; vidtamus nunc; Off. 1, 92: std Lucretian passages [cf. Merrill on Lucr. bate quidem bacttnus. illud autem; 1, 140: 3, 43]; Plat. Pbaedo, 87e: την φύσιν της sed baec bactenus; 1, 160: bate quidem ασθενείας; Plut. Adv. Colot. 11, p. bactenus. pate foetus enim locus est; 3, 6: sed baec bactenus; multa enim saept . . . I l l 2d: Κωλώτου φύσις αυτός ό Κωλώseripsimus; Parad. 41: sed baec bactenus. της έστιν άλλο δ* ουδέν; C. Bailey, ed. of Lucr. 1 (1947), 142-143. On the emphatic Hie vidtat; Am. 24: bactenus mibi viator position of natura, standing before the de amicitia . . . dicere; si quae praeterita phrase in quamfiguram,sec J. B. Hofmann, sunt; 55: sed baec bactenus; Brut. 52; Att. 6, 2, 1. In the present passage, as noted Lat. Umgangsspracbe (1926), 105. in quam figuram: cf. Lucr. 5, 126- by [G. H.(?)] Heidtmann (Beitr. - . 127: quippe elenim non est, cum quovis Krit. u. Interp. d. Sehr. d. Cic. de Nat. corpore ut esse ( posse animi natura putetur Deorum (1858), 44), nunc is needed with consiliumque; 5, 132-133: sic animi natura admirabor, to make that word refer to nequit sine corpore oriri f sola neque a ntrvis the immediate present, as contrasted et sanguine longiter esse. Vclleius naturally with dicam ... paulo post (C. L. Kayscr, in the Baiter-Kayser edition (1864), here anticipates the Bpicurcan views on divine anthropomorphism, to be set emended to admiror), and so, if we re tain bactenus (which Heidtmann thought forth at 1, 46-48; cf. 1, 76-102. One may also compare [Plat.] Definit. 415a: might have originated from the marginal note of one who had read up to that άνθρωπος ζωον άπτερον, δίπουν, πλαpoint—a use which Mayor says actually τυώνυχον δ μόνον των βντων επιστή μης της κατά λόγους δεκτικόν έστιν; occurs in a Harlcian ms—, and which Anon. Vit. Homeri (in T. Gale, Opusc. T. Birt (in Berl. pbilol. Woeb. 38 (1918). 552) improbably explains as a dittomyth., pbys. et etb. (1688), 336): ουδέν δέ άλλο σώματος είδος [for the gods] ή τοϋ graph y of autem), the phrase must look forward rather than back. For the future άνθρωπου δεκτικόν έστιν επιστήμης καΐ λόγου, προσεικάσας έκαστον των θεών. admirabor where one might expect a present cf. Div. 1, 132: testabor; De Or. cadere poseet: cf. Div. 2, 93: confitendum sit Hit's eos qui nascuntur eodem 3, 148: censebo; Fam. 11, 7, 2: volam; tempore posse in dissimilis incidere natural; Att. 12, 32, 2: praestabo; Q. Fr. 3, 1, 3: also 1, 19, n. (apte cadentes), below; G. P. praestabo; H. Sjogren, Comment. Tullianae (1910), 150-153. Shipp in CI. Rev. 51 (1937), 209-212. 24 nunc autem hactenue: such tarditatem: cf. 1, 11, n. (tarditate phrases, abruptly closing a discussion hominum).
1,24
199
eundem beatum rotundum* esse velint, quod ea forma neget rutundum AlB*,
rudum Bx
ο τον ε£η, τώ δέ παντί προσεικάζων εύanimantem: here a substantive. The κυκλον έποίει (the idea was parodied in two qualities predicated by Vellcius of Old Comedy, according to Act. P/ac. this animate god of the Platonists and Stoics (1, 18)—whom he here, either 1, 7, 4 (Doxogr. Gr* 299). For other sarcastically and for the sake of ar expressions of this thought cf. Diog. gument, or sincerely (cf. 1, 36) accepts— L. 8, 35: καΐ των σχημάτων τό κάλλιστον arc the two fundamentals assumed by σφαΐραν είναι των στερεών, των δ* επι the Epicureans in 1, 45: ut eos aeternos πέδων κύκλον [the view of Pythagoras]; et btatos babtremusy which Vellcius finds Parmcn. 8, 42-44 Diels: αύτάρ έπεί πεί ρας πύματον, τετελεσμένον εστί / πάνincompatible with the spherical form which he here derides; cf. Sen. Apocol. τοΟεν, εύκύκλου σφαίρης έναλίγκιον Ογ8, 1: 'Επικούρειος θεός won potest esse κω, / μεσσόθεν (σοπαλές πάντη (cf. .. . Stoicus? quomodo potest rofundus esse, Aet. P/ac. 1, 7, 26 (Doxogr. Gr* 303): ut ait I 'arrot sine capitet sine praeputio? ΙΙαρμενίδης τό άκίνητον καΐ πεπερασμένον σφαιροειδές [sc. τόν Οεόν]; Boeth. Ambr. Exam. 1, 1, 4 (quoted on quae Cons. 3, pr. 12); Aristot. De An. 1, 2, vita, below). Lact. De Opif. 5, 1, remarks 405 a 11-12, who says that Dcmocritus that when God made the animals noluit ea in rotundum formae speciem conglobareτών . . . σχημάτων εύκινητότατον τό atqut colligere. E. V. Arnold, Rom. σφαιροειδές λέγει (cf. 'Act. P/ac. 1, 7, 6 (Doxogr. Gr.1 302): Δημόκριτος νουν Stoicism (1911), 222, n. 36, observes that "in connexion with the association of τόν Οεόν έν πυρί σφαιροειδεΐ); De Cae/o, God with the universe we may say (but 2, 4, 286 b 10-11: σχήμα δ* ανάγκη σφαιonly in a secondary sense) that God has ροειδές έ'χειν τόν ούρανόν τοϋτο γάρ spherical form," and compares Pap. οίκειύτατόν τε τη ουσία καΐ τη φύσει πρώ Hercul. 1055, col. 16, in S. 1 \F. 2, no. τον; [Aristot.] Probl. 16, 10,915 a 35-36: 1060 (Frag. Hercul. p. 250 Scott): τό δέ σχήμα τούτο [the sphere] κάλλι κόσμου Θε6ν ούδ' ήέλιον τ' άκάμαντα στον, τό αυτό αύτω όμοιότατόν; Quintil. σελήνην τε πλήΟουσαν [//. 18, 484) ΣτωInst. 1, 10, 41: orbem, quae forma est in ικώ δέ καΐ Περιπατητικώ τοΰτ' έξεστιν plants maxime perfecta; Act. P/ac. 1, 6, 3 λέγειν . . . πώς γάρ Ιδίαν έχει μορφήν (of the Stoics): σφαιροειδής γάρ ό κόσ τό σφαιροειδές; άλλως 0' οι τοϋτο λέ μος, 6 πάντων σχημάτων πρωτεύει, μόνον γοντες ού βλέπουσιν διότι της φύσεως . . . γάρ τούτο της έαυτοϋ μέρεσιν όμοιοϋneget . . . Plato: cf. Tim. 33b: τω δέ ται· περιφερής δ* ων έχει τά μέρη πε [sc. τω κόσμω] τά πάντ* έν αύτώ ζώα ριφερή; Lact. De Opif. 8, 4: the head ττιριέχείν μέλλοντι ζωω πρέπον αν εϊη is spherical, quod orbis rotundstas perftctae σχήμα τό περιειληφός έν αύτω πάντα rationis est ac figurae (cf. Syncs. Calvit. όπόσα σχήματα, διό και σφαιροειδές. Encom. 8: τί δ* άν σφαίρας γένοιτο έκ μέσου πάντη προς τάς τελευτάς Γσον φαλακρότερον; τί δέ θεσπεσιώτερον;); άπέχον. κυκλοτερές αύτ6 έτορνεύσαProcl. in Euclid. Pro/. 2, p. 82 Friedlein: το, πάντων τελεώτατον όμοιότατόν τε φύσει κρείττων ό κύκλος καΐ ή περί αυ αυτό έαυτω σχημάτων, νομίσας μυρίω τόν πράγματα τής τών ευθυγράμμων ου κάλλιον βμοιον άνομοίου; 34a-b: ούτος σίας τε καΐ γνώσεως, κτλ.); Macrob. δή πάς βντος άεί λογισμός Οεοϋ περί τόν Somn. Sap. 1, 14, 9: solisque trust vel in ποτέ έσόμενον θεόν λογισθείς λειον capite spbaerae simi/itudo, quam formam καΐ όμαλόν πανταχή τε έκ μέσου ίσον και diximus so/am mentis capacem\ Hier. In όλον καΐ τέλεον έκ τελέων σωμάτων σώ E^ech. 12, p. 498 Vail.: per rotundum ... μα έποιησε; 40a: του μέν ούν θείου τήν ascendimus tempi/ cenaculum, quae figura πλείστην Ιδέαν έκ πυρός άπειργάζετο. infer omnia σχήματα a philosophis quoque όπως ό τι λαμπρότατον Ιδεΐν τε κάλλι buius saecuii pulcbrior approbatur (citing
200
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ullam esse pulchriorem Plato. At mihi vcl cylindri vel quadrati vcl coni vel pyramidis 1 videtur esse formosior. Quae vero vita tribuitur isti rotundo * deo? Nempe ut ea 3 celeritate contorqueatur 1
pyramides ABl, piramidis HO
* rutundo AXBX
as illustrations the heavenly bodies, the human head, etc.); Zacharias, Scbolast. p. 121 Boissonadc; Eustath. in Od. 17, 209. Cf. also Porphyr. ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 3. 9, 4. at m i h i : cf. 2, 47: conum tibi ass et cylindrum et pyramidem pulcbriorem quam spbaeram videri. novum ttiam oculorum indicium babetis. Vellcius here follows Epicurus; cf. Act. Plac. 2, 2, 3 (Doxogr. Gr* 329): Έττίκουρος οέ ένδέχεσθαι μέν σφαιροειδεΐς τους κόσμους, ένδέχεσθαι δΐ κ α Ι έτέροις σχήμασι κεχρήσθαι. Ο. Brendel {Rom. Mitt. 51 (1936), 35) thinks that Cicero is here assailing theories of the mystical symbolism of the sphere. cylindri: Anaximander thought the earth cylindric (Hippol. Pbi/osopb. 1, 6, 3 (Doxogr. Gr.* 559); Act. Plac. 3, 10, 2 (Doxogr. Gr.* 376); cf. Eus. Pr. Ev. 3, 7, 4; Basil. Hex. 9, 1, 188c; Ptol. Syni. math. 1, 4, p. 15 Hcibcrg (who denies that it is so shaped); T. L. Heath, Aristarcbus of Samos (1913), 25). Others thought the moon cylindric (Act. Plac. 2, 27, 4 (Doxogr. Gr* 358); [Galen,] Hist. Pbilos. XIX, 280 K. ( = Doxogr. Gr* 627', no. 68)). coni: a shape assigned by some to the cosmos ([Galen,] Hist. Pbilos. XIX, 264 K. ( = Doxogr. Gr* 621, no. 45); Achill. Tat. Isag. 6 (Comm. in Arat. p. 37 Maass)), by others to the sun (Porphyr. ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 3, 7, 4), and by Cleanthes to the stars (sec S.V.F. 1, no. 508; 2, no. 682). pyramidis: constructed of triangles, which, if equilateral, produce the tetra hedron (Plat. Tim. 55a; cf. 56b). All solid figures, save pyramids themselves, are composed of pyramids, according to Aristotle, De Caelo% 3, 5, 304 a 14-15 (cf. Plut. De Def. Orac. 32, p. 427c), and των μέν σχημάτων τμητικώτατον ή πυραμίς, των δέ σωμάτων το πΰρ [ [id., 3,5,
* CA&NO
304a 11-12]; cf. Plut. De Ε apud Delpb. 11, p. 390a: *ιό δή καΐ τα πέντε καΐ κάλ λιστα καΐ τελεώτατα σχήματα των έν τη φύσει κατανοήσας, πυραμίδα καΐ κύβον καΐ όκτάεδρον καΐ είκοσάεδρον καΙ δωδεκάεδρον, Ικαστον οίκείως έκάστω προσένειμεν. Also cf. Plat. Pbiltb. 51c on the beauty of straight lines, circles, planes, and solids. quae vita: the lot of a swiftly and constantly revolving god, especially if he has to keep in coercive control a heaven with its own natural impulses, is compared by Aristotle (De Caelo, 2, 1, 284 a 34-35) to that of a sleepless Ixion on his wheel of punishment; cf. Greg. Naz. Orat. 38, 8 (Patr. Gr. 36, 36a); and with the whole passage Ambr. Exam. 1,1,4: inter has dissensiones eorum quae potest vert esse atstimatio cum alii munium ipsum deum esse dicantt quod ei mens divina, ui putant, inesse videatur, alii partes e/us, alii utrumque, in quo nee quaefigurasit deorum nee qui numerus nee qui locus aut vita possit aut cura eonprebendi, siquidem mundi aestimatione vo/ubilem rotundum ardentem quibusdam ittcitatum motibus sine sensu deum conveniat inteliegi, qui alieno non suo motu feratur. In 1, 52, infra, Vellcius uses a similar denial against Stoic tenets of a revolving deity. nempe ut: i.e., tiusmodt ut. celeritate: if a geocentric universe be here assumed, as seems probable, the speed of motion of the heavens would be such as completely to encompass the earth every twenty-four hours. contorqueatur: cf. 2, 54: ut vi sua Stellas eomplexa contorqueat; Lucr. 5, 725-726 [of the moon]: inde minutaiim retro con torque t et aufert f luciferam partem glomeraminis atque pilai; Hier. Ad». Iovin. 2, 14: Diogenes . . . cum . . . st contorqueret in dolio voiubilem se habere domum iocabatur et se cum ternporibus immutantem.
1,24
201
a
cui par nulla ne * cogitari quidem possit; in qua non video ubinam 3 mens constans et vita beata possit insistcre. Quodque in nostro corpore si minima ex parte significetur molestum sit, 1 nc] ncc O 1 4/.), ubi FM
1
cogitarc AtBFlMl
%
ubinan A*t ubi non AX(?)B (non
nc cogitari quidem: cf. Fuse. 1, 68: idemque; 120: cumque; J. B. Hofmann, cum vidimus . . . caeli .. . comtrsionis celerita- Synt. v. Sti/istik (1928), 656. tem tantam quantam cogitate non possumus; minima ex pane: cf. Off. 1, 76: ne Ac. 2, 82: qui tanta incitatione fertur ut ce/e- minima quidem ex parte . . . conferends sunt. rifas eius quanta sit ne cogitari quidem possit, PUsberg well suggests that the phrase may be here contrasted with maxumas non video: P. H. and Ε. Λ. Dc Lacy reffones in the next sentence. {Am. philol. Assoc., Monographs, 10 (1941), 155, n. 69) note as other in eignificetur: obelized by some editors stances of the appeal to inconceivability and by other scholars emended, for 1, 25; 1, 30; 1, 36; 1, 43; 1, 46; to which example, to minima in parte sentiatur add 1. 34. (J. Davics" (1733), ad /oc.)t sensu percipiamens constans: fur the phrase cf. tur (L. F. Mcindorf (1815), ad ioc.)t sic Tusc. 4, 54, where it is contrasted with incite tur (K. Lac h ma η η (1850) on Lucr. perturbata mens. The swift motion of an 6, 30), sic afficiatur (G. F. Schocmann, unresting god is repugnant to the pri Opusc. 3 (1858), 283-285), carnificetur mary notion of the Epicureans that deity (H. Uscncr, Hpicurea (1887), 240), is beatus and free from ntgotium; cf. 1, 34;
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cur hoc idem non habcatur molestum in deo? Terra enim profecto, quoniam mundi pars * est, pars est etiarn dei; atqui terrae maxumas regiones inhabitabilis atque incultas videmus, quod pars earum 1
pars add. NK)*
is wide-spread. Cicero recognizes them; molestum: R. Reitzenstein ap. Ax e.g., Τ use. 1, 45: et habitabiles regiones et (appendix, 164) compares Pro CatI. 44; Fam. 7, 26, 1; also Catull. 51, 13; Hor. rursum ornni cuitu propter vim frigoris aut caloris vacantis; 1, 69: ceteras partis in Ep. 1, 1, 108. para est etiam dei: cf. Aug. CD. 4, cultas, quod aut frigore rigeant aut urantur 11: cum dicunt omnia sidera partes lovis esse. colore; Rep. 6, 21: cernis autem tandem terram quasi quibusdam redimitam et circuminhabitabili·: two adjectives identi datam cingulis, e quibus duos maximt inter cal in form have directly opposite mean se diversos et cae/i verticibus ipsis ex utraque ings, as with a scries of other compounds of in: inauratus, incoctus, incorporates, in- parte tubnixos obriguisse pruina videst medium cruentatus% indictus, infltxus, in/ractus, in- autem ilium et maximum solis ardore torreri. Climatic conditions limit the concept of frenatus, iniunctus, innatus, innutritus, inquintus, insessus, insuetus, inustus, investi- the οικουμένη (cf. F. Gisingcr in P.-W. 17 (1937), 2128-2129); as sample ex gabilis, and invocatus. So one form, derived from inbabito, means "habitable," pressions of this idea at different periods may be cited the views of Anaxagoras the other (used here) is the negative of babitabilis (as in Mela, 1, 11; 3, 7 1 ; (A 67 Dicls = Act. Ρlac. 2, 8, 1 {Doxogr. Gr.* 338): α μέν άοίκητα γένηται Α δέ Plin. N.H. 2, 245; 6, 53 - άοίκητος.) οίκητά μέρη τοΰ κόσμου κατά ψϋξιν καΐ Cf. N. Stang in Sjmb. Osloensest 17 έκπύρωσινκαΐεύκρασίαν; Xen. An. I, 7, (1937), 72; 75 (on Cicero's rendering 6; Cyrop. 8, 6, 2 1 ; Aristot. Meteor. 2, 5, of alpha privative). 362 b 7-9; 2, 5, 362 b 25-27; Ephorus in Mayor considers it an absurd exagge Fr. Hist. Gr. 1, 257, no. 78; Polyb. 34, ration to suppose that slight degrees of 1, 10; Lucil. 666 Marx (654 Warmingheat or cold have this effect upon us, ton); Lucr. 5, 204-205: inde duos porro yet admits that "the ancients, in their ignorance of geography, really believed prope partis ftn>idus ardor ( adsiduusque geli that human life was insupportable except casus mortalibus aufert; Virg. G. 1, 233239; Hor. C. 1, 22, 17-22; 3, 3, 55-56; in the temperate zones." Yet \X\ W. 3, 24, 36-40; Diod. 1, 40, 2; 3, 38. 1-2; Tarn (in CI. Quart. 33 (1939), 193) Mela, 1, 4 ; 1, 11; 1, 23; 3, 7 1 ; Hygin. asserts that "the old view that the torrid Astro». 1, proem, p. 20 Buntc; 1, 8, p. 27; zone was uninhabitable had been dis Heraclit. Myth, AUeg, Homer. 50, p. 340 pelled once for all by the discoveries of Matranga: αϊ μέν δύο τελέως άοίκητοι the Alexander-expedition and the early δια τό κρύος . . . δμοίως δ' έν αύτοΐς ή Ptolemaic exploration southward διακεκαυμένη καθ' ύπερβολήν της ττυand though the third-century writers on geography are mostly lost, the habita- ρώδους ουσίας ούδενΐ βατή ζώω; Ον. Μ. 1, 49-50; 7>. 3, 4, 5 1 ; Strab. 2, 5, 6; bility of the equatorial belt must have been a commonplace long before Era 2, 5, 8; 2, 5, 26; 2, 5, 34; 2, 5, 43; Philo, tosthenes crystallized it for ourselves," Quis Rer. div. Her. 147; De Prov. 2, and he points out (on the basis p. 98 Auchcr; [Tibull.] 3, 7, 151-164; of Clcomcd. 1, 6, pp. 56-58 Zicglcr — Plut. De Is. et Os. 41; De Fac. in Orb. 25; Posidon. fr. 78 Jacoby) that Posidonius Plin. N.H. 4, 88; 5, 15; 6, 53; Tatian, already recognized the tropics as habi Or. ad Gr. 20; Clcomcd. 1, 2, p. 22 table; cf. M. Pohlenz in Gotting. gel. Zicglcr (cf. p. 154); Aristid. Or. 48, 14, Ληχ. 198 (1936), 518, η. 1. The theory p. 269 Kcil; [Galen,] Hist. Pbil. XIX, of such uninhabitable zones, however, 269 K. {Doxogr. Gr.* 623, 51); Lucian,
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adpulsu * solis exarserit, pars * obriguerit3 nive pruinaque4 longinquo solis abscessu; quae,5 si mundus est deus, quoniam mundi partes sunt, dei membra partim ardentia, partim refrigerata ducenda β sunt.7 25 Atque haec quidem vestra, Lucili; qualia vero * est,8 ab 1 s appulsus B1, pulsu DxNO * parsquc Ο obriguit Η 7 pruinaque ct H* · quae] quo Η · dicenda C sint A X NB (del.), est ut O, alia sint B* {add. sup.) FM
Dt Dipsad. 1; Ampcl. 1, 4; Tcrtull. Ad Nat. 2, 5; Achill. Tat. hag. 29, p. 62 Maass; Chalcid. in Tim. 66; Censorin. fr. 2, 2 Hultsch; Prob. in Virg. G. 1,233, p. 362 Hagen; Procl. in Tim. pi. 38a (p. 122 Dichl; cf. p. 123, citing Orpbica, fr. 94 Kern); Alex. Aphrod. in Ale/tor. 2, 5, p. 101, 7-8 and 25-35 Hayduck; 2, 5, p. 104, 3-11; p. 105, 3; Mart. Cap. 6, 602; Cosmas Indie. 2, p. 89B; 6, p. 324B; Isid. Etym. 3, 44, 1; De Nat. Rer. 10, 1; 10, 3; Phot. Bib/, no. 223, pp. 210 b 39; 211 a 12; also Anon. 1 in Maass, Comm. in Arat. p. 96; Anon. II in the same, pp. 124-125; 132-133 (also p. 317); Anon. Geogr. Expos. 2 (Geog. Gr. min. 2, p. 494). adpulsu: Plasbcrg equates with προσ βολή (as in Acl. N.A. 13, 23: ταΐς δέ τοϋ ηλίου προσβολαϊς); cf. 2, 141: ut omnes ictus omnesque nimios et frigoris ef caioris adpu/sus sentire possimus. Rcid's suggestion (on Ac. 2, 105) that we should here read a pulsu seems improbable. exarserit . . . obriguerit: the sub junctives arc probably correctly ex plained by Mayor as due to the indirect discourse introduced by vidimus. solis abscessu: cf. Plin. N.H. 18,218; Anon. De I'entis, 22 (Poet. Lat. min. p. 384 Bachrcns); Claud. Mam. De Statu Anim. 1, 9 (C.S.E.L. 11, 49). quae, si mundus: on the unusual order of phrases here cf. P. Mihailcanu, De Comprclxnsionibus relat. apud Cic. (1907), 105-106. mundi partes: it is unnecessary with A. du Mcsnil (Erkl. Beitr. z- lat. Scbulscbriftstellem (1896), 12) to emend to dei partes. dei membra: cf. Lact. Inst. 7, 3, 7:n"
* pruna 771, " est AC-
bate omnia quae vidimus dei membra sunt, iam insensibilis ab bis constituitur deus, quoniam membra sensu carent, et mortalis, quoniam videmus membra esse m ortalia; Aug. CD. 4, 13: quid infelicius credi potest quam Dei partem vapulari cum puer vapularet\ Ioann. Damasc. Barlaam et loasapb, 241: ol δέ νομίζοντες την γη ν είναι Οεάν έπλανήθησαν. όρώμεν γάρ αυτήν ύπδ των αν θρώπων ύβριζομένην . . . έάν γάρ όπτηΟη γίνεται νεκρά, κτλ., Lact. Inst. 7,3,9, remarks that one cannot plow sine laceratione divini corporis. 25 vestra: probably applies to the Stoic views, though possibly also to those of the Platonists; cf. 1, 19, n. {vester Plato). For the omission of sunt cf. 1, 20, n. (ilia pal maris). R. Philippson (Sjmb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 16) notes the paral lelism between the present phrase and 1, 36 (Zeno autem, ut iam ad testros, Balbe, veniam), and suggests that Cicero is in the two passages following two different sources, each with its own argument; J. B. Mayor, in CI. Ret: 3 (1889), 357, also observed the inconsistency; at vol. 1, p. 1 he notes the view of A. B. Krischc and R. Hirzel that 1, 25-41 was added as an afterthought. qualia, etc.: sections 25-41, placed somewhat like the catalogue of the ships in Iliad 2, contain an elaborate historical summary of the views of 27 Greek philosophers concerning the existence and nature of the gods. Since Cicero wrote no specific work on the history of philosophy as a whole, such rcsumds for particular branches are found in some of his specialized treatises; e.g., Div. 1, 5-6; Ac. 2, 118 (starting, like this, with Thales); cf. introd. 16, above.
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So also in later writers (e.g., Plut. Strom. ap. Eus. Pr. EP. 1, 8, 1-12; Scxt.Emp. Adv. Pbys. 1, 49-74; Min. Fcl. 19, 4-14; Clem. Protr. 5, 64-66; Aug. CD. 8, 2), yet particularly in more specialized works, inspired by Aristotle and by the 18-book δόξαι φυσικών of Theophrastus, and continuing into the Christian litera ture. These are gathered by H. Diels in the Doxograpbi Grata* (1929). On pp. 531-550 Diels edits the present passage, in parallel columns with its closest ana logue, the De Pietate of Philodcmus. That such a review should be found in the mouth of a Roman (cf. 1, 91), not to say of an Epicurean—one of a sea re putedly contemptuous of the opinions of other schools—has occasioned some surprise (2, 73: pestra enim solum legitis, pestra amatis, ceteros causa incognita condemnatis; In Pison. 70; R. Hirzcl, Untersucb. z- Cic. pbilos. Scbr. 1 (1877), 6, n. 1). Yet a comparison with Philodcmus suggests that some later Epicureans used such reviews to attack the doctrines of their opponents, particularly of the Stoics. In fact, Philodcmus had written a large historical work on philosophers (Diog. L. 10, 3; S. Mcklcr, Acad. Pbilos. Ind. Herculan. (1902), xxxii); cf. also L. Edclstein in Trans. Am. philol. Assoc. 71 (1940), 83. In the hands of Peripatetics such doxographic passages arc largely objective and unpartisan (e.g., Aetius), but in the present list most of the views have a sarcastic criticism added, as noted by Diels, who failed, however, to see that these additions arc not original with Cicero but derive from Philodcmus himself (cf. R. Philippson in Symb. Osloensts, 19 (1939), 28-30), of whose work this seems like an epitome (Philippson, op. cit., 28). Placing the criticisms in the mouth of an Epicurean relieves Cicero himself from the odium which might have attached to him had his fellowschoolman Cotta attacked so many distinguished figures, and transfers this odium to the Epicurean spokesman; cf. 1, 94. C. Josscrand (UAntiq. class. 4 (1935), 144, n. 2) thinks that Cicero makes his own the doxography of Vclleius, since he does not give to the criticism of Vclleius by Cotta any state
ment affecting the exactness of his infor mation. For an attempt to disengage the Greek dogmata from possible inaccu racies of Cicero or his sources cf. A. B. Krische, Die tbeol. Lebren d. gr. Denker (1840). Though T. Bin {Berl. philol. Vocb. 38 (1918), 572 observes that after Thalcs the next four names begin alphabetically with At yet the catalogue is for the most part chronological rather than topical (thus involving some repetition of ar guments and refutations), and includes the chief Presocratics (except Heraclitus and Prodicus, each of whom appears later in our work; cf. R. Hirzcl, op. cit. 1, 7-8), Socrates, and representa tives of the schools derived from him. The way is prepared for it by previous allusions (1, 1; 1, 2; 1, 13) to the diver sities of opinion among philosophers; cf. J. B. Mayor in CI. Rev. 3 (1889), 357. Ctiticisms are derived chiefly from the two fundamental axioms of Epicurus that the gods must be conceived as eternal and happy (1, 45). Immaterial gods, Vcllcius objects, lack powers of sensation (cf. note on si dei possunt esse sine sensu below), hence cannot experience pleasure and cannot be happy, while gods with material bodies arc liable to destruction and therefore not eternal. Cf. Philod. De Piet. p. 96 Gompcrz: διδ κβΐ μόνο<ι> μεγίστην εύσέβειαν έζηλωκέναι φασί <κ»1> δοξίζειν όσι<ώ>τ»τ* irepl θεών κα<1> τ<ών 5>λλων τάναντ<ία κατ>ιχγεινώσκου<σ>ιν ώς άν ύπεναντί<»> τη προλήψα δογματιζόντων. Further ob jections are found to agnostic views (Protagoras in 1, 29) and to the incon sistency in assuming gods of heteroge neous and incommensurate types (Plato in 1, 30; Xcnophon, 1, 31; Antisthcncs, 1, 32; Aristotle, 1, 33; Xcnocrates, 1, 34; Heraclides Ponticus, 1, 34; Thcophrastus, 1, 35; Zcno, 1, 36; Cleanthes, 1, 37; Persaeus, 1, 38; Chrysippus, 1, 39-41), caused—though Vclleius docs not, of course, recognize the fact—by an attempt to reconcile conflicting deities of quite diverse popular origins. qualia vero . . . est: the lacuna has been treated in various ways. B% to qualia vero first added sint% and then an-
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ultimo repetam superiorurn.1 Thales enim Milesius, qui primus * de talibus rebus quaesivit, aquam dixit esse initium rerum, deum 1
superiorurn om. D
* primis Bx
πρώτος σοφός ώνομάσθη άρχοντος Ά θ ή other ancient corrector added alia, making qualia vero alia sin/. But alia seems weak νη<π Δαμασίου [582 B.C.]; id., 1, 24: for the elaborate treatment which fol πρώτος δέ καΐ περί φύσεως διελέχΟη, ώς lows, and G. F. Schoemann (Opusc. 3 τίνες; Tcrt. Apol. 46; Hippol. Pbiloso(1858), 305; 359) and T. Bin (Berl. phum. 1, 1 (Doxogr. Gr.* 555): Θαλήν pbiloL Wocb. 38 (1918), 570) proposed τόν Μιλήσιον ένα τών επτά σοφών [cf. cetera (yet cf. Hirzel, op. n't. 1, 18, n. 2). Schol. //. 18, 128) πρώτον έπικεχειρηThese emendations are inconsistent» as κέναι φιλοσοφίαν φυσικήν; Hicr. Cbron. Mayor has observed, with the fact that ann. Abr. 1376 (Diels, Vorsokrat. no. 1 much of the subsequent polemic is A 7); Asclcp. in Aristot. Metapb. p. 24, directed at the Stoics. J. Marquardt 37-38 Hayduck: Θαλής . . . ό αρχηγός (Zeitschr. /. d. Altertumswiss. 4 (1837), της τοιαύτης φιλοσοφίας (cf. Alex. 483) emended to qualia vero, ut ab ultimo Aphrod. in Metapb. 1, 3, p. 24, 8-9 repetam superiorurn; L. Doedcrlein {PbiloL Hayduck); p. 26, 20-21; Prosp. Aquit. BeytrUge aus d. Scbvei^, 1 (1819), 252) Cbron. 693; Schol. Plat. Rep. 600a; qualia vero superiorurn ab ultimo repetam; A. Suid. s.v. Θαλής), though Mela, 1, 86, Wcidner (Pbilol. 38 (1879), 89) quaiia vero says, ΜHe turn . . . patriam Tbaletis astrologi . . . et Anaximandri pbysici, Themist. vetera sin/. A. Goethe (Neue Jahrb. 129 Orat. 26, p. 317c says that Anaximandcr (1884), 32) assumes a lacuna, and in his edition (1887) proposes qualia vero was the first to publish a book on nature, sint, quae singuii statuerint, i/a exponam and P. Tannery (Pour Vhist. de la science ut ab ultimo repetam superiorurn, and Plas- Mien. (1887), 53; 75) and others have bcrg (cd. maior.): qualia vero < vetera sint considered Greek science as really quorum unumquidque longissime remotumbeginning, not with Thalcs, but with a vero> est, ab ultimo repetam superiorurn— Anaximandcr. His dates arc from about an omission possibly due to homocotc- 624 to about 546 (W. Nestle in P.-W. 5A (1934), 1211). Though a Milesian lcuton of lines (vero . .. vero). If the by residence he is said by Herodotus lacuna be as long as this it may well be longer, and it seems wisest to obelize (1, 170) and others (e.g., Diog. L. 1, 22; the passage, though Mayor retains the Thcodorct, Gr. Aff. 1, 24) to have been % reading of B and renders: "Such is a of Phoenician descent or even birth. general statement of the Stoic doctrines Cicero in the present catalogue mentions the nationality of a philosopher only . . . to show what their character is, I in cases like this and those of Alcmaeon, will trace back their history to its earliest Diogenes of Apollonia, Hcraclidcs, and source." M. Atzcrt (Gotting. gel. An%. Diogenes of Babylon, in which there 197 (1935), 277) would restore: qua<si would be possible ambiguity if it were fami> lia. not stated. The philosophic succession ab ultimo repetam: cf. Div. 1, 2: ut ab ultimis auc/oritatem repetam; Fin. of Thales, Anaximander, Anaximenes, 1, 65: ab ultima antiquitate repetitis; Legg. and Anaxagoras appearing here is also 1, 8: ab ul/imis; Inv. 1, 28: ab ultimo found in [Galen,! Hist. Phil. 3 (ΧΪΧ, 225 K. - Doxogr. Gr.* 599); cf. also repe/etur. superiorurn: cf. Ltgg. 1, 17; Orat. Philo, De Prov. 1, pp. 11-12 Auchcr. cnim: perhaps parallel to the use of 120; and other cases in H. Merguet, nam in 1, 27 (where sec the note) and Lex. χ. d. philos. Scbr. Cic. 3 (1894), 620. 1, 28. Thalcs . . . Mileeiue: regularly listed de talibus rebus: cf. 2, 2; Aristot. as the first of the philosophers (qui primus de talibus rebus quaesivit'; Diog. L. 1, 22: Metapb. 1, 3, 983 b 20-21: Θαλή; μέν ύ
206
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autem earn mentem quae ex aqua cuncta fingeret (si dei l possunt * sic dci
ACBFM
Nemes. 5, 44; Aug. CD. 8, 2: aquam τής τοιαύτης αρχηγός φιλοσοφίας; Simtamen putavit rerum esse principium .. . pUc. in Pbjs. 1, 2, p. 23, 29-32 Dicls: Θαλής δέ πρώτος παραδέδοται τήν περί nihil autem buic operi quod mundo considerato φύσεως ΙστορΙαν τοις "Ελλησιν έκφήναι, tarn mirabile aspicimus ex divina men/* πολλών μέν καΐ άλλων προγεγονότων, praeposuit; Schol. Pind. Ol. 1, 1; Schol. ώς καΐ τ φ θεοφράστω δοκεϊ, αυτός δέ Plat. Rep. 600a; Achill. I sag. 3, p. 31 πολύ διενεγκών εκείνων, ώς άποκρύψαι Maass; Serv. Eel. 6, 3 1 ; Aen. 11, 186; πάντας τους πρό αύτοΰ. Schol. Dan. G. 4, 379; Prob. in Eel. 6, 31 (p. 344 Hagcn); Alex. Aphrod. in aquam . . . initium rerum: cf. Ac. 2, 118: princeps Tbales, unus β stpttm ... ex Metapb. 1, 3, p. 26, 22; 1, 5, p. 45, 17-18 aqua dixit constare omnia; Aristot. Metapb. Hayduck; 11, 1, p. 670, 2 1 ; Asclcp. in Metapb. p. 24, 37-38 Hayduck; p. 4 1 , 1, 3, 983 b 20-27; De Cae/of 2, 13, 294 a 6-7; Syrianus in Metapb. 2, 1, p. 11, 37 28-33; Lucr. 1, 708 [not mentioning Kroll; Simplic. in Pbys. (1, 6, p. 203, Thales by name]; Vitruv. 2, 2, 1; 8, pracf. 1; Sen. N.Q. 3, 14, 1; Act. Plac. 2 Diels; 2, 1, p. 274, 23; 3, 4, p. 452, 1, 3, 1 {Doxogr. Gr* 276); Plut. Strom. 30-31; 3, 4, p. 458, 25; 3, 5, p. 484, 1 1 ; Cedrcn. p. 157 P. (Corp. Script. Hist. ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 1, 8, 22b; Heraclit. Alleg. Horn. 22; Galen, In Hipp, de Nat. BjZ- 33, 275). That water as the origin Horn. 1 (Doxogr. Gr.*4S\ = XV, 25 K.); of all things may have been suggested to Thales by Homer (//. 7, 99; 14, 201 25 (XV, 69 Κ.)ί In Hipp, de Hum. 1 (XVI, 37 K.); [Galen,] Hist. Pbil. 18 ( = 14. 302); 14, 246) is hinted by various authors; e.g., Aristot. Metapb. (Doxogr. Gr* 610 = XIX, 243 K.); 1, 3, 983 b 30-33; Ircn. C. Haeres. 2, 14, Justin, Cohort, ad Gr. 3 ; Diog. Ocnoand. p. 10 W.; Ircn. C. Haeres. 2, 14, 2; 2; Thcodoret, Gr. Aff. 2, 9; cf. also A the nag. Leg. pro Christ. 18; Schol. Diog. L. 1, 27: αρχήν δέ των πάντων Dan. G. 4, 379. For this use of initium ύδωρ ύπεστήσατο; Tert. Adv. Marc. 1, (αρχή) cf. Div. 2, 11: initio rerum; Ac. 13; Clem. Protr. 5, 64, 2; Strom. 1, 11, 52, 4; 2, 4, 14, 2; [Clem.] Recogn. 8, 15; 1,39; Fin. 5 , 9 ; Tusc. 1.91; 5, 7. Min. Fcl. 19, 4 [based on our passage]: deum . . . mentem: the statement is sit Tbales Miiesius omnium primus, qui inconsistent with most ancient t c s t i m o primus omnium de caelestibus disputavit. nia, which make Thales a hylozoist (cf. is autem Miiesius Tbales rerum initium T. Gompcrz, Greek Thinkers (Engl, tr.), aquam dixit, deum autem earn mentem quae1 (1901), 534; J. Burnet, Early Greek ex aqua cuncta formaverit; Arnob. 2, 9; Pbilos.* (1920), 50; W. Nestle in P.-V.. Censorin. frg. 1, 1 H.; Hippol. Pbiloso5A (1934), 1211, 47); yet cf. Act. Plac. pbum. 1, 1 (Doxogr. Gr.* 555); Chalcid. 1, 7, 11 (Doxogr. Gr.* 301-302): Θαλής in Tim. 278 (Fr. Pbil. Gr. 2, 241); νουν τοΰ κόσμου τόν θεόν, το δέ παν 323 (p. 249); 330 (p. 252); Lact. Inst. έμψυχον άμα καΐ δαιμόνων πλήρες* διή1, 5, 16: Tbales Miiesius\ qui unus e κειν δέ καΐ δια του στοιχειώδους ύγροϋ septem sapientium numero fuit quique primusδύναμιν βείαν κινητικήν αύτοϋ; [Galen,] omnium quaesisse de causis naturalibus tra- Hut. Pbil. 35 (Doxogr. Gr.* 618 = diturt aquam esse dixit ex qua nata sint XIX, 251 Κ.): Θαλής δέ νουν τοΰ κόσ omnia, deum autem esse mentem quae ex μου τον βεόν ήγήσατο; Athenag. Leg. aqua cuncta formavtrit. ita materiam rerum pro Christ. 23; Isid. Etym. 8, 6, 18: posuii in umore, principium causamque nas- alii vero spirt taliter intellexerunt mentem cendi constituit in deo; 2, 9, 18; Filastr. esse deum, ut Tbales Miiesius; L. R. Haeres. 96 (C.S.E.L. 38, 55-56); Eus. Farnell, Higher Aspects of Gr. Relig. Pr. Ev. 7, 12, 1; Ambr. Exam. 1, 6; (1912). 143-144. Against any attempt Mart. Cap. 2, 213: ardebat Heraclitus, to emend (as by J. S. Rcid ap. Mayor, udus Tbales; Thcodoret, Gr. Aff. 2, 9; ad loc., who would read earn et men/em.
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esse sine sensu). Et mentem * cur aquae 2 adiunxit,3 si * ipsa mens 1 mente ADNOB*FM * sicuti C
%
curaque DB* FM, cura quae A
and translate "That water was the rirst principle, and that it (water) was God and the mind which produced all things out of water") stand the testimonia in Minucius and La eta η ti us quoted above. Mayor seems to suppose that Cicero intentionally makes Vcllcius speak non sense, yet, as Goethe observes, the com pliments given to him by Cotta in 1, 58, make this unlikely, and it seems possible that Philodcmus—not extant at just this point—may be responsible for the error. Deus is here used in a generic rather than a particular sense, i.e., of deity or divine power rather than of a specific g o d ; cf. the use of θεός (and sometimes even of ό Θεός) as discussed by W. H. S. Jones in CI. Rev. 27 (1913), 252-255; \i. Lcitzkc, Moira u. Gottbtit im aiten gr. Epos (1930), 52-56. fingeret: both Minucius and Lactantius here read formaverit, so that we may suppose that the former paraphrased Cicero and the latter followed the para phrase (unless they both drew from a common source). si dei possum esse sine sensu: probably to be punctuated parentheti cally, as a scornful llpicurcan comment on the view of Thalcs (cf. 1, 36: si intellegi potest nihil sentient deus; Lucan, 8, 458-459), though most mss read sic (retained by R. Philippson in Berl. philol. W'och. 38 (1918), 412; T. Birt in Berl. philol. Woeh. 38 (1918), 570, who puts an interrogation mark after sensu, and by T. Schichc in Zeitschr. f. Gymnasialwesen, 54 (1900), 299, who emends possunt to possent). A. Weidncr in Philol. 38 (1879), 89, proposes sed nee di possunt. For defence of the mss and citation of parallels cf. O. Plasbcrg in Rhein. Mus. 53 (1898), 86-89. The shift from deum (T^V Oe^v) of Thalcs to dei of Vcllcius— who is neither monothcist, pantheist, nor hylozoist—should be noted. If all matter consists of water, but deity is
s
adiunxit om.H
immaterial intelligence, what powers of sensation can deity possess? But without sensation what chance for happiness? This objection is repeatedly raised below: 1, 27: aperta simplexque mens nulla re adiuncta quae sentire possit; 1, 28: nihil neque sentiens neque conjunct urn; 1, 28: nequt senium quisquam suspicari potest; 1, 29: sensu omni carere; 1, 29: quern sensum habere potest; 1, 30: careat enim sensu neeesse est; 1, 33: omni ilium sensu privat\ 1, 34: qui quo sensu beat/ esse possint in tellegi non potest; 1, 34: sensuque deum privat; 1, 35: caret omni et sensu et figura; 1, 36: //' intellegi potest nihil sentiens deus; 1, 37: neque in dis sensum esse dicaf, also note on qualia, etc., above. The sigmatism of the phrase is notable. N. Stang (Symb. Osloenses, 17 (1937), 69) thinks that sine sensu renders αναίσθητος, but R. Philippson (Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 30) compares rather Philod. De Piet. p. 65 Gomp. (of Anaximcnes): έστερη<μένος πάσης αίσ>Οήσεως. Ρ. Stamm, De Μ.Τ. Cic. Lib. de Deor. Nat. Interpolationibus (1873), 16-21, discusses at length various previous emendations, and himself emends to // dis possunt esse sine sensu et corpore, mentem cur aquae adiunxit? et mentem: J. van Wageningcn (Mnemosyne, 39 (1911), 135-136) rather temptingly emends to sed (i.e., <s>et) mentem; but et may be used here of an indignant question. mentem cur aquae adiunxit: men tem of B% is to be preferred to mente of l B and the other mss, and it seems unnecessary to insert after adiunxit some additional phrase, such as menti autem cur aquam adiunxit, with Baiter and Mayor. "If intelligence," says Vellcius, "can exist incorporcally, why did Thalcs fasten it down to water?" This sentence seems perfectly plain without the in sertion of a parallel phrase. As A. Stickncy says in his edition (1881), 185, the two suppositions //' dei possunt esse sine
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constarc potest vacans corpore? Anaximandri autem opinio est l nativos esse deos longis intervallis oricntis occidentisque, eosque * 1
opinio est] opinione Ν
* Occident is eosque O*
sensu and si ipsa mens cons tarβ potest vatansαπείρους κόσμους καΐ πάλιν φθείρεσθαι; corpore are the same in substance, with 1, 4, 6 {Doxogr. Gr.* 331); 1, 7, 12 the conclusion drawn in the question {Doxogr. Gr.* 302):'Αναξίμανδρος άπεmen tern cur aquae adiunxit? φήνατο τους άπειρους ουρανούς θεούς; 2, 1, 3 {Doxogr. Gr.* 327); 2, 1, 8 {id., The form adiuncxit, found also in Ambr. De Jacob, 1, 1, 4, was retained 329); Plut. Strom, ap. Eus. Pr. Ei>. by Plasberg in his ed. maior, and has 1, 8, 2 {Doxogr. Gr* 579); Tcrt. Ad*. been defended by T. Birt {Berl. pbilol. Marc. 1, 13; Justin, Cohort, ad Gr. 3 ; Wocb. 38 (1918), 571) on the basis of [Galen,] Hist. Pbiios. 35 {Doxogr. Gr* epigraphical examples of ex listed in 618): 'Αναξίμανδρος δέ τους απείρους C.I.L. VIII, p. 1111. ουρανούς θεούς είναι νομίζει; cf. 18 = Doxogr. Gr* 610; Diog. L. 2, 1; HippoL ipsa m e n · : the mind alone; Goethe compares 2, 122: dentibus ipsis; 2, 138: Pbiiosopbum. 1, 6, 1 {Doxogr. Gr* 559): ούτος αρχήν Ιφη των βντων φύσιν τινά ipso ab spiritu; 3, 92: mente ipsa. του απείρου, έξ ής γίνεσθαι τους ουρα constarc: ύπαρχειν. vacans corpore: cf. 1, 65; Div. 1,129; νούς καΐ τους έν αύτοΐς κόσμους; Cyril. Alex. C. lulian. 1 {Pair. Gr. 76, 545a-b): Tusc. 1, 50; 1, 78; also the adjective 'Αναξίμανδρος θεόν διορίζεται είναι τους ασώματος (1, 30). Anaximandri: of Miletus, friend, απείρους κόσμους; Thcodoret, Gr. Aff. hearer, and successor of Thalcs {Ac. 2, 2, 9; Aug. CD. 8, 2: quae rerum principia 118; Agathem. 1, 1 {Geogr. Gr. min. singuiarum esse credidit infinita, et innumera2, 471); Strab. 1, 1, 11; Hippol. Pbi/o- biles mundos ffgnere et quaecumque in ejs sopbum. 1, 6, 1 {Doxogr. Gr* 559); oriuntur; eosque mundos modo dissolvi, modo Clem. Strom. 1, 14, 63, 2; Eus. Pr. Ev. iterurn gigni existimavit ... nee ipse aJiquid 10, 14, 11; Simplic. Pbys. 24, 13 {Vorso- divinae menti in bis rerum operibus tribuens; krat. no. 2, 9); De Caei. 615, 13 {VorsoSimplic. in Pbys. 1, 2, p. 24, 13-18 Dicls; krat. no. 2, 17); Eustath. Comm. {Geogr. 3, 4, p. 452, 30-31; p. 458, 25; De Cael. Gr. min. 2, 208); Suid. s.v. Αναξίμαν p. 615, 13 (no. 2, 17)—all important but δρος). His dates arc 610 to shortly too long to quote here; Cedren. p. 157 P. after 547 (E. Wcllmann in P.-W. 1 {Corp. Script. Hist. Βχ. 33, 276). F. M. (1894), 2085). Of his work περί φύσεως Cornford {CI. Quart. 28 (1934), 1-16) (Themist. Or. 26, p. 317c; Suid. i.e.) points out that it is improbable that little is known. His initial principle Anaximandcr in the middle of the sixth (αρχή) was an eternal άπειρον; cf. Ac. century stated a doctrine of innumerable 2, 118: is enim infinitatem naturae dixit worlds which docs not reappear till esse, e qua omniaffgnerentur.Out of the the latter half of the fifth century, and infinite all things are born and into it which would not be suggested by a view all are again resolved. According to of nature, but only by a priori argument, Aristotle {Pbys. 3, 4, 203 b 13), this as by the atomists, and he thinks (p. 11) άπειρον was what Anaximandcr really that Cicero's source misunderstood considered τό θείον, rather than the απείρους ουρανούς (or κόσμους) of co 1 heavenly bodies, which arc born and existent worlds in the Epicurean sense; perish {orientis occidentisque). But cf. yet cf. R. Mondolfo, Uinfinito nel pensiero Act. P/ac. 1, 3, 3 {Doxogr. Gr* 277): dei Greet (1934), 138. 'Αναξίμανδρος δέ ό Μιλήσιός φησι των longis intervallis: διαστήμαστν; cf. ο"ντων τήν αρχήν elvai τό άπειρον έκ T. L. Heath, Aristarehus of Samos (1913), γάρ τούτου πάντα γίνεσθαι και είς τού 28, who thinks them intervals of space το πάντα φθείρεσθαι- διό xal γεννάσθαι rather than of time, while the opposite
1,26
209
1
innumerabilis esse mundos. 26 Sed nos deum nisi sempiternum intellegerc qui 2 possumus? Post 3 Anaximenes aera deum 1
mundus H*
* quid D
* sed post Ο
19-20 Dicls; Suid. s.v. Άναξιμένης), is maintained by E. PfcirTcr, Stud. 3 . ant. Stemglauben (ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΑ, 2 (1916), 84), flourished ca. 546 and died ca. 528-524 B.C. (E. Wcllmann in P.-W. 1 (1894), in his account of Anaximander's cos 2086; Eus. and Hicr. Chron. place his mology; but cf. Cornford, op. cit.% 12 (against J. Burnet). M. L. Earlc's emen floruit ca. 560; cf. Suid. I.e.). Keeping Anaximander's idea of the infinite, he dation {CI. Papers (1912), 204) deos eosque innumerabilis esse mundos longis in-applied it more specifically to the clement ttrvallis or it ntis occidentisque is unnecessary. of air, boundless and ever in motion; cf. Ac. 2, 118: Anaximenes infinitum aera, Cf. also 1, 29, n. {nasci et extingui). orientie occidentieque: E. Rohde sed ea quae ex ea orerentur definita; gigni (Psyche, 2* (1907), 187, n. 2) observes autem terram, aquam, ignem, turn ex bis that both Anaximander and Anaximenes omnia; also (Aristot.J De Meliss. 2, admitted the perishability of the gods 975 b 24; Act. Plac. 1, 3, 4: Άναςιμένης but not of το θείον; most philosophers, δέ ό Μιλήσιος αρχήν τών βντων αέρα however, demanded, as did the Epicure άπεφήνατο, έκ γαρ τούτου πάντα γίνεσθαι καΐ είς αυτόν πάλιν άναλύεσθαι (cf. ans (1, 45), that the gods should be Justin, Cohort, ad Gr. 3); 1, 7, 13; Plut. eternal; cf. Suid. s.v. ανάγκη: ομοίως Strom, ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 1, 8, 3 ( άναγκαΐον καΐ το τον θεόν άφθαρτον εί Doxogr. Gr.* 579-580): Άναξιμένην Μ ναι. If the gods were thought of by Velleiφασι την τών δλων αρχήν τόν αέρα είπεΐν, us as identified with heavenly bodies or καΐ τούτον είναι τώ μέν γένει άπειρον, systems, these participles, of course, ταϊς δέ περί αυτόν ποιότησιν ώρισμέwould have especial fitness. νον, κτλ. [cf. Eus. Pr. Εν. 7, 12, 1]; Diog. innumerabilis . . . mundos: whether Ocnoand. p. 10 W.; Galen, In Hipp, de there existed one or many universes was a typical subject for learned discussion; Nat. Horn. 1 (XV, 25 K.); (Galen,] Hist. cf. 1, 53, n. {innumerabiles ... mundos), Pbilos. 18 {Doxogr. Gr.* 610 = XIX, below. On Anaximander as the first to 243 K.); Diog. L. 2, 3: ούτος αρχήν αέρα είπεν καΐ το άπειρον; Clem. Protr. use κόσμος of the entire universe cf. W. Kranz in Pbilologus, 93 (1938), 433-435. 5, 64, 2: καΐ Άναξιμένης ό καΐ αυτός eempiternum: cf. n. on qualia, etc., Μιλήσιος τόν αέρα, ·ο Διογένης ό Άπολλωνιάτης κατηκολούΟησεν; Tert. Adv. above; also 1, 45. Marc. 1, 13; Hippol. Philosophum. 1, 7 intellegere: cf. 1, 27: intellegentiae. % A. J. Fcsrugicrc, La Revelation d'Her mis {Doxogr. Gr. 560): Άναξιμένης δε καΐ αυτός ων Μιλήσιος, υΙός δ' ΕύρυστράTrism. 2 (1949), 366, n. 1 (after A. του, αέρα άπειρον έφη τήν αρχήν είναι, Lorchcr in Burs. Jabresb. 162 (1913), έξ ού τα γινόμενα καΐ τα γεγονότα καΐ 28-29) remarks that the historical re sume of Scxt. Emp. Adv. Phys. 1, 12, τα έσόμενα καΐ θεούς καΐ θεία γίνεσθαι, τα δέ λοιπά έκ τών τούτου απογόνων al. is set by the problem of the knowledge of God (πώς ευθύς έννοιαν έλάβομεν [followed by Ccdrcn. p. 158 P., in Corp. Script. Hist. Byz- 33, 277]; Hcrmias, Οεου . . . πώς νόησιν Θεών ίσχον άνθρω ποι), and thinks that here, as at 1, 57 Irrino, 7 {Doxogr. Gr.* 653); Min. Pel. 19, 5: Anaximenes deinceps et post Apollobelow, Cicero, like Philodemus, cmniates Diogenes aera deum statuunt infinitum ployed Clitomachus as a source. 26 Anaximenes: of Miletus, the et inmensum; horum quoque similis de divinitate consensio est; Chalcid. in Tim. 323 hearer and successor of Anaximander {Fr. Pbilos. Gr. 2, 249); Lact. Inst. 1, 5, (Ar.2,\\8; Plin. N.H. 2, 187; Diog. L. 19: Cleanthes et Anaximenes aethtra esse 2, 3 ; Aug. CD. 8, 2; Thcodorct, Gr. dicunt summum deum; Alex. Aphrod. in Aff. 2, 9; Simplic. in Pbys. 1, 2, p. 41, «4
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statuit, eumque gigni esseque inmensum et infinitum et semper in motu; quasi aut aer sine ulla forma l deus esse possit, cum 1
forma] fortune add. Ο
Metapb. 1, 3, p. 26, 22 Hayduck; p. θεωρεί τ<οιοϋτο>ς [Anaximenes's air] 27, 6-7; 1, 5. p. 45,16-18; 2, 4, p. 224,12; έστερημ<ένος πάσης αΙσ>θήσεως <εΙ 8έ> 9, 2, p. 612, 15; Thcmist. in De An. πάντα τα γενόμ<ενα καΐ τά> γινόμενα 1, p. 8, 23-24 Hcinzc; Asclcp. in Metapb. καΐ <τά έσ>όμενα καΐ <το πάν έξ αέρος p. 25, 19 Hayduck; p. 54, 1; p. 58, 26; εστίν, γίνεται ό θεός καΐ φθε(ρεται>. p. 148, 20; p. 204, 14; Olympiod. De On the theology of Anaximenes cf. Arte soar. Lapid. Ρkilos. 25 {Vorsokrat. Pfciffcr, op. cit., 41-43. no. 3 Β 3 Dick): μίαν δέ κινουμένην The word aer Ennius {Ann. 148; cf. άπειρον αρχήν πάντων των Οντων δό Epicbarm. 54-55) finds it necessary to ξαζα Άναξιμένης τόν αέρα; Nemes. explain, but by Cicero's time its use De Nat. Horn. 5, 45; Prob. in Eel. 6, 31, in Latin is common. p. 344 Hagcn; Aug. CD. 8, 2: iste Anaeumque gigni: this statement that ximenem discipulum et successorem rcliquit,air had a beginning in time seems in con qui ornnes return causas aeri infinito deditt flict with other reports of the views of nee deos negavit aut tacuit; non tamen ab Anaximenes, and Diels (Doxogr. Gr.% ipsis aerem factum sed ipsos ex aere ortos 123) thinks that Cicero, quae ipse melius credidit-, Ep. 118, 23 [with extended re seiebaf, nmulata ignoratione ea Y'elltium miniscences of our passage; cf. K. Svo- /also explicantem induxit; A. B. Krischc, boda in Op. Fac. philos. Univ. Masaryk Die tbeol. Lebren d. gr. Denker (1840), 55, Brunensis, 35 (1933), 144]: utrum reft I lends that there was a confusion between the causa .. . Anaximeni Cicero obiecerit for- divine air and the subordinate gods mam et pulcbritudinem deum habere opor- produced from it; Mayor (adloc.) that the tere .. . verissime dixerit quod deum pulcber- difficulty is due to "a misunderstanding rima specie deceat esse . . . ait ille gigni of the Greek άήρ πάντα γίγνεται, "passes aerem quern tamen deum esse censebat .. . into all forms;" T. Bin (Berl. pbilol. cum autem dicitur aer esse semper in motu; Wocb. 38 (1918), 571) suggests that in Theodorct, Gr. Aff. 2, 9: Άναξιμένης the source of Hippol. Pbilosopbum. 1, 7 . . . καΐ Διογένης ό Άπολλωνιάτης τον (quoted above) Cicero had wrongly con αέρα συμφώνως αρχήν προσηγορευσάstrued γίγνεσθαι as the predicate of αέρα. την; Simplic. in Pbys. 1, 4, p. 149, 7-8 Birt also suggests that Cicero may have Dicls; p. 149, 30; p. 151, 20-21; 1, 6, written not eumque gigni but deumque gigni p. 203, 2; 2, 1, p. 274, 23; 3, 4, p. 452, (θεούς και θεία γίνεσθαι), yet the repe 30-31; 458, 25. Other allusions to air tition of deum after such a short interval as a god, without mention of Anaxi would seem rather harsh. In any case, menes, are found in Philemon, 91, 4 the error is most probably due to Cicero's (2, 505 Kock); Enn. Epicbarmus, 54-58 hasty composition. Vahlen; Lucr. 1, 707-708; Filastr. inmensum et infinitum: coupled in Haeres. 70 (C.S.E.L. 38, 57-58). 2, 15; Div. 2, 91; cf. also 1, 54: inmensam For the source of our passage cf. et interminatam. The two words arc not Philod. De Piet. p. 65 Gomperz (Doxogr. precisely synonymous, since one means Gr* 531-532): οΐετ<αι . . . τό>ν αέρα "unmeasured," the other (and stronger) θεό<ν . . . εΙναιδς> Οεωρεϊτ<αι. . ·>έστε"without end." [Plat.] Sisypb. p. 389a ρη<μένος της α1σ>θήσεως <έξ ού πάν- says: ούκοΰν καΐ περί τοΰ αέρος Ά ν α τα> τα γενόμ<ενα καΐ τά> γινόμενα καΐ ξαγόραν τε καΐ Έμπε&οκλέα καΐ τους <τά έσόμενα> καΐ . . .; or, as R. Philipp- άλλους τους μεταρσιολέσχας απαντάς son (Symb. Osloenses% 19(1939), 30—re οίσθα ζητοΰντας πότερον ίπειρός έστιν placing an earlier restoration by him in ή πέρας έχων; Hermes% 55 (1920), 366—restores: <π>ώς semper in motu: cf. Tuse. 1, 53: ex
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praescrtim deum αοη modo aliqua sed pulcherrima specie deceat esse, aut non omne quod ortum sit mortalitas * consequatur. 11 Inde Anaxagoras, qui accepit ab Anaximene disciplinam, 1
mortalia A1
quo ilia ratio nata est Platonis, quae a Socrate est in Pbaedro (245c-246a] explicata, a me autem posita est in sexto libro de republica [6, 27].- "quod semper movetur aeternum est% etc." Mayor compares Simplic. in Phys. 1, 2, pp. 24, 31-25, 1 Dicls: κίνησιν Si xotl ούτος dtSiov ποιεί δι* ήν καί τήν μεταβολήν γίνεσΟαι. quasi: sarcastic, as in 3, 86; Div. 2, 45; 2, 46; 2, 48; 2, 56; 2, 59; 2, 81; 2 Verr. 5, 169; Pro Plane. 62; H. C. Nutting in Univ. of Calif. Pub I. in cl. Pbilol. 5 (1922), 217. cum praeeertim: cf. 2, 88: praesertim cum. Mayor points out the logical ellipsis in the preceding clause: "as if we could possibly believe air to be a god." For what follows cf. Aug. Ep. 118, 23 (quoted above in note on Anaximenes). mortalitas: in Cicero used only here. For the thought cf. 1, 20, n. {orturn .. . aeternum). Anaxagoras: cf. Clazomcnac, pupil of Anaximcncs (Strab. 14, 1, 36; Harpocr. s.v. Άναξανόρας; (Galen,] Hist. Phil. 3 (Doxogr. Gr* 599 --- XIX, 225 K.); Diog. L. 2, 6; Hippol. Philosophum. 1, 8,1 {Doxogr. Gr.* 561); Clem. Strom. 1, 14, 63, 2; Aug. CD. 8, 2; Simplic. Phys. 1, 2, p. 27, 1-2 Dicls {Doxogr. Gr.* 478)), the last great philosopher of the Ionic school, 2 friend of Pericles (cf. Brut. 44) and Euripides, was forced to leave Athens on the charge of atheism (Diod. 12, 39, 2; Joseph. C Ap. 2, 265; Plut. Nic. 23, 3; Quomodo quis suos, 15; De Superstit. 10; Diog. L. 2, 12; 2, 15; Lucian, Timon. 10; Aug. CD. 18, 4 1 ; Olympiod. in Meteor. 1, 3, p. 17, 19-23 Stiivc {Y'orsokrat. 46 A 19); Antb. Pal. 7, 95. 1-4; Suid. s.v.*Αναξαγόρας; Α. Β. Drachmann, Atlnism in pagan Anliq. (1922), 155; W. Jaeger, Paideia 1 (Engl. tr. 1939), 336; F. Solmscn, Plato'g Theo logy (1942), 37, n. 29. L. R. Farncll, Higher Aspects of Gr. Relig. (1912),
121, calls this the isolated case in Greek history of the persecution of science. Ircn. C. Haeres. 2,14, 2 says Anaxagoras was called the atheist. In his exile he went to Lampsacus, where he died ca. 428 B.C. (E. WcUmann in P.-W. 1 (1894), 2076). To mere matter, as postulated by his predecessors, he added a second, spiritu al, principle, νους, as the cause of order in the universe, and thus he became the founder of a philosophic dualism later developed by Plato and Aristotle. From his insistence on the importance in the world of a directive intelligence he was himself nicknamed Νους; cf. Plut. Pericl. 4, 4: 'Αναξαγόρας . . . ό Κλαζομένιος, 6ν ol τότ* άνθρωποι Νουν προσηγόρευον, είτε τήν σύνεσιν αύτοΰ μεγάλην είς φυσιολογίαν και περιττήν διαφανεΐσαν θαυμάσαντες, είΟ' δτι τοις δλοις πρώτος ου τύχην ούδ' ανάγκην διακοσμήσεως αρχήν, άλλα νουν επέ στησε καΟαρόν καΐ 5κρατον έν μεμιγμένοις πάσι τοις άλλοις, άποκρίνοντα τάς όμοιομερείας; llarpocr. s.v. 'Ανα ξαγόρας- Νους δ' έπεκαλεΐτο, έπεί ΰλην τε καΐ νουν πάντων φρουρόν είπεν; Diog. L. 2, 6 [quoting Timon]: καί που Άναξαγόρην φάσ' ϊμμεναι, άλκιμον ήρω, / Νουν, 6τι δή νόος αύτω, δς έξαπίνης έπεγείρας / πάντα συνεσφηκωσεν όμοϋ τεταραγμένα πρόσΟεν; Acl. V.H. 8, 19: δτι καί βωμός αύτω ίσταται καί έπιγέγραπται ol μέν Νου ol δέ 'Αληθείας; Schol. Plat. Alcib. 118c;Ccdrcn. p. 158 P. {Corp. Script. Hist. Byz- 33, 278); Suid. I.e. In De Or. 3, 138, he is highly praised: non declamator aIt qui . . . sed, ut accepimus, Clafomenius Hie Anaxagoras fir summits in maximarum rerum scientia. accepit. . . disciplinam: cf. Div. 2,9: ah haruspicibus accipiunt earum tractationem; De Or. 1, 114: qui haec pulet arte accipi posse. J. Burnet {Tiarly Gr. Philos* (1920), 253, n. 1) compares διήκουσε, but observes that Anaximcncs probably
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primus omnium rerum discriptionem l et modum * mentis inflnitae 1
descriptionem NO, Aug. Ep. 118, 24, discreptionem Η
* mo turn Ο Had.
died before the birth of Anaxagoras, who 'Αναξαγόρας τε γαρ μηχανή χρήται τφ νω προς την κοσμοποιίαν; 13, 4, 1091 b would, in that case, have continued the tradition of his school. 12; Theophr. fr. 46 Wimm. ap. Simplic. primus: consistent with the best Pbys. 1, 2, p. 27, 15-17 Dicls: της δέ evidence, yet in contradiction, as Mayor κινήσεως καΐ της γενέσεως αίτιον επέ observes, to what Velleius has in 1, 25 στησε τόν νουν ό 'Αναξαγόρας ύφ* ου said of Thalcs. Omnium probably modifies διακρινόμενα τους τε κόσμους καΐ τήν των £λλων φύσιν έγέννησαν; Oc. Ac. rerum rather than being connected with primus, and omnium rerum refers to the 2, 118: Anaxagoras materiam infinitum, sed universe. ix ta pafticulat, ήmilit inter te, minuias, tas diecriprionem: NO read descriptionem ; primum confusas, postea in ordintm adductas Min. Fel. 19, 6: Anaxagprae vtro a mente divina; Philo, De Fuga et Invent. 10; Aet. Plac. 1, 3, 5 (Doxogr. Gr* descriptio et mo/us [so Meursius and Rigaltius; metus P, modus ed. princ] 279-280); 1, 7, 5 {Doxogr. Gr.* 299); infinitae mentis dtus dicitur; Aug. Ep. 118, 1, 7, 15 (Doxogr. Gr.* 302): 'Αναξαγό 24: mani/estum est enim omnium rerum ρας νουν κοσμοποιόν τόν Θεόν; Plut. descriptionem et modum ab iliafierieamque Strom, ap. Eus./V. Εν. \, S, \9; De Is. et non incongrue did infinitum. But discriptio Os. 48; [Galen,] Hist. Pbii. 34 {Doxogr. Gr.* 618 = XIX, 250-251 Κ.): Α ν α better agrees with the idea of distribution ξαγόρας δέ τόν θεόν επί τό διατεταχέor arrangement (διακόσμησις, or, as Goethe thinks, διάταξις, comparing 1, ναι τόν κόσμον παρειληφώς έστηκότα τά σώματα κατ* αρχάς διακεκοσμηκέναι 92; 2, 110; 2, 115 infra); cf. F. Buchclcr φασί, νουν δ* είναι τόν πεποιηκότα ταύ in Rbein. Mus. 13 (1858), 599-600). See τα ύπέλαβεν; Tcrt. De An. 12; Clem. also Philod. De Piet. p. 66 Gomperz (Doxogr. Gr.* 532): xal <νο>ΰν άπειρα Protr. 5, 66, 1; Strom. 2, 4, 14, 2: 'Ανα ξαγόρας πρώτος επέστησε τόν νουν τοις βντα τά μείγμ(εν]ατα σύμπαντα διακοσπραγμασιν; Min. Fel. 19, 6 (quoted μή<σαι>. This doctrine was expressed at above); Hippol. Pbi/osopbum. 1, 8 (Do the beginning of Anaxagoras's Περί φύ xogr. Gr.* 561): ούτος Ιφη την παντός σεως, as quoted by Diog. L. 2, 6: πάντα αρχήν νουν καΐ 6λην, τόν μέν νουν ποιχρήματα ήν όμοΰ. εΐτα νους έλθών αυτά διεκόσμησεν [cf. Scxt. Emp. Adv. Phys. οϋντα, τήν δέ δλην γινομένην. Οντων γαρ πάντων όμοΰ νους έπελθών διε 1, 6]. For other expressions of this view cf. Plat. Pbaedo, 97b-c: άλλ* άκουσας μέν κόσμησεν; Hermias, Irrisio, 6 (Doxogr. Gr* 652); Lact. Inst. 1, 5,18: Anaxagoras ποτέ έκ βιβλίου τινός, ώς Ιφη, Άναξαγόρου αναγιγνώσκοντος καΐ λέγοντος deum esse dicit infinitum men tern quae per se ipsam moveatur; Eus. P. Ev. 10, 14, 12: ώς £ρα νους έστιν ό διακόσμων τε καΐ ήν γάρ αρχήν, φησί, τά πράγματα όμοΰ πάντων αίτιος; Cratjl. 400a: ού πισ πεφυρμένα· νους δ* είσελθών αυτά έχ τεύεις 'Αναξαγόρα νουν καΐ ψυχήν είναι τήν διακοσμούσαν καΐ ίχουσαν; Legg. 12, της αταξίας είς τάξιν ήγαγεν; 14, 14, 8; 14, 16, 2; 14, 16, 11; Thcmist. Or. 26, 967b; Aristot. Pbjs. 1, 4, 187 a 22-30; p. 317 Η.; Aug. C.D. 8, 2: Anaxagoras 1, 4, 188 a 7-17; 3, 4, 203 a 19-33; 8, 9, vero eius auditor barum rerum omnium quas 265 b 22-23: τδν νουν δέ φησιν Αναξα γόρας διακρίνειν τόν κινήσαντα πρώτον; videmus effectorem divinum animum sensit et dixit ex infinita materia . . . singula De An. 1, 2, 404 a 25-28; Metapb. 1, 3, 984 b 15-18: νουν δή τις εΙπών ένεΐναι, fieri, sed animo faciente din no; Ep. 118, 2 4 (see above); Sidon. Carm. 15, 89-90: καθάπερ έν τοις ζωοις, καΐ έν τη φύσει τόν αίτιον του κόσμου καΐ της τάξεως quartur Anaxagoras Tba/etica dogma/a servat, / sed divinum animum sentit qui πάσης οίον νήφων έφάνη παρ' είκη λέ γοντας τους πρότερον; 1, 4, 985 a 18-19: fecerit orbem; Alex. Aphrod. in Metapb.
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vi ac 1 ratione dissignari2 et confici voluit. In quo non vidit neque motum sensu 3 iunctum * et [in] 6 continentem infinito · 1 vi ac]uiae ABFAI, ac ratione ac ui Ο sensui, H*FM, Aug. * uinctum HF omino Ν
1,3, p. 32, 9 Hayduclc; al.\ Asclcp. in Metapb. p. 25, 27-28 Hayduck; p . 54, 5; p. 55, 7; Simplic. Phjs. 1,4, p. 154, 29-31 Dicls (I orsokrat. no. 46 A 64); 2, 2, p. 300, 27 {Vorsokrat. no. 46 Β 13); 8, 9, p. 1318, 29-30; Ioann. Philop. De Aetem. MunJi, 6, 20, p. 183 Rabc; Ccdrcn. p. 158 P. {Corp. Script. Hist. By^. 33, 278); Suid. s.v. Αναξαγόρας. While Anaxagoras is thus the father of philosophic dualism (though W. Jaeger, Paideia, 1 (Engl, tr., 1939), 292, rinds him, apart from the axiom of mind as a guiding force, completely mechanis tic in his interpretation of nature; cf. Plat. Pljaedo, 98c; H. Hausc, Gott babtn (1939), 46), he seems hardly to have been, as some have claimed, the founder of ideological thcistic arguments, such being first formulated by his pupil, Diogenes of Apollonia; cf. W. Thcilcr, Zur Gescb. d. teieol. Naturbetrachtrmg bis auf Aristoteles (1925), 4; A. S. Pease in Harv. tbeol. Rev. 34 (1941), 163-164. On his theology cf. also W. Jaeger, Tbtol. o/tbe early Gr. Pbilosopljers (1947), 155-164. mod urn: the reading of AB, attested also by Aug. Ep. 118, 24, both in the phrase descriptionem et modum and in the expansion ordinatricem et moderatricem rerum omnium. Motum is found in Hadoardus and was proposed here by Da vies (following N. Rigault on Μ in. Fcl. 19, 6) and adopted by Schocmann, com paring Aristot. Pbys. 8, 1, 250 b 24-26: φησί γαρ εκείνος όμοΰ πάντων oVrcov καΙ ήρεμούντων τόν άπειρον χρόνον, κίνησιν έμποιήσαι τόν νουν καΐ διακρΐναι, but has been amply refuted by various scholars (B. Lcngnick, Ad emend, exp/ic. Cic. Lib. de Nat. Deor. (1871), 17-18; R. Hirzcl, Untersucb. ^. Cic. pbilos. Scbr. 1 (1877), 91-97; J. Dcgcnhart, Krif.-exeg. Bemerk. χ. Cic. Scbr. de Nat. Deor. (1881),
' designari CO * [inj om. NO
* sensus Bl9 · in infinito H,
46; cf. O. Plasberg, ed. maior, ad loc). Discriptionem et modum may be under stood as hendiadys, meaning "the orderly disposition" (as Rackham translates it). vi ac ratione: cf. Legg. 1, 21: deorum . .. vi, natura, ratione, etc. Cicero inclines, w hen using the ablative ratione, to couple another ablative with it. dissignari: cf. 3, 85: ut enim nee domus nee res publico ratione quadam et discip/ina dissignata videatur. voluit: "wished to make out"; cf. Tusc. 1, 42; 5, 28; etc. non vidit: cf. 1, 27: non sensit; ibid.: non vidit. motum sensu iunctum: sensus of Bl is meaningless; sensui of β* is attested by Aug. Ε p. 118, 24: ait non eum vidisse neque motum sensui iunctum et continentem (though the / of sensui may be caused in Cicero and in Augustine copying him by dittography arising from the initial ι of iunctum); sensu, the ablative, is kept by Plasberg, who finds a parallel in 2, 109: temone adiunctum; cf. J. B. Hofmann, Ut. Synt. u. Stilistik (1928), 429, for the ablative with verbs of joining. A further possibility is, with T. Birt (Berl. pbilol. Wocb. 38 (1918), 571), to construe sensu as an occasional though less fre quent form of the dative; cf. KuhncrHolzwcissig, Ausf. Gram. d. lat. Spr. 1* (1912), 395-396. As observed by Goethe {ad loc.), motion and sensation are the two charac teristic properties of spirit in general and of the divine spirit in particular; cf. Aristot. De An. 1, 2, 403 b 25-27: το ίμψυχον δή τοΰ άψυχου δυοΐν μάλιστα διαφέρειν δοκεϊ, κινήσει τε και τ<Τ> αίσβάνεσΟαι. The objection of Vclleius seems based upon the Epicurean presuppositions that there can be no motion or sensation in the universe itself, because (so Epicurus
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ullum esse posse, neque sensum omnino quo non ipsa natura pulsa sen tire t. Deinde si mentem istam quasi animal aliquod six mss are unanimous in reading tota held) motion and sensation require a body (corpus) or at least a quasi corpus for ipsa, ipsam for istam, and esse voluit (1, 49); further, if the mens infinita be for voluit esse). Mayor proposed omnino coextensive with the universe there can in eo quod non ipsa natura pulsa sent/ret; exist no external cause to produce upon T. Birt (Arcbiv f. lat. Lex. 15 (1908), it any impact leading to a sensation. 83-87; id., in Berl. pbilol. Wocb. 38 (1918), In addition, however, is the more ge 571) would explain quo as a dative; cf. nerally recognized impossibility of per 2, 37 in AV\ Fam. 3, 13. 2 (cod. A/); petual rectilinear motion (cf. Aristot. Apul. Met. 7, 3 (quovis), and many other Pbys. 8, 8, 262 a 13-15) infinitely con cases cited by Birt, chiefly from the tinued motion being possible only when anteclassical period or from the spoken rotary {pp. cit., 8, 8, 261 b 27-28; 8, 8, language; cf. Kiihner-Holzwcissig, op. 265 a 8-10; 8, 9, 265a 25-26). Aug. Ep. cit. 1* (1912), 611. Mayor's proposed 118, 24, speaks of Cicero as . . . studio emendation of omnino quo to omnino in refellendi quantum vidttur propter adversaries eo quod seems unlikely and unnecessary. corporalster sentientes negat infinito aliquid Preferable is the explanation of J. S. iungi posse, quia ex ea parte qua quidquam Reid (ap. Mayor, ad loc.) that quo non = adiungitur necesse esse in corporibus aliquemquin (cf. J. van Wagcningcn in Mnemosyne, finem. 39 (1911), 136-137). Further, the case of ipsa natura pulsa has been disputed. continentem: in before this word is omitted by NO and most editors; H, Schoemann considers natura pulsa as also T. Birt (Berl. phiiol. Wocb. 38 (1918), ablative absolute, and for ipsa inclines 571) and various editors place it before to substitute ipsius: "a feeling with which infinite, from which position other mss it would feel without its own nature might have omitted it by haplography. being moved." Most editors, however, Continentem, here used intransitively and understand ipsa is nominative. Reid (I.e.) in the sense of συνεχής, is understood renders: "nor can there be sensation by Mayor cither, like iunctum, with the at all, without the sentient creature be dative (sensu; cf. 2, 117: buic . . . continens coming sentient by an impulse from aer . . . mart continuatus et iunctus est), or without"—a simpler and clearer ex in an absolute sense, meaning "conti planation than most others from Augus nuous" (in space or in time); the latter tine to the moderns. seems preferable in sense, though Aug. pulsa: cf. 2, 144: sensus ab bis pulsus; Ep. 118, 24, explains iunctum et continen Ac. 2, 30. tem as continua copulatione adhaerentem. mentem istam: contemptuous. infinito: cf. Aug. I.e.: id est infinitat ret quaii animal aliquod: cf. 3, 36: . . . quasi de corporibus ageret, quibus nihil animam unde animantium quoque constet iungi nisi perfineslocorum potest. This view animus, ex quo animal dicitur; Tim. 10: is followed by R. Hirzcl (op. cit., 1, 94), intellegentiam in animo, animum inclusit in who understands infinito of the infinite corpora . . . quam ob causam non est cuncuniverse rather than of the mens infinito tandum profiteri .. . bunc mundum animal to which Mayor would apply it. Rack- esse-, Tusc. 1, 21; Aristot. Pol. 1, 5, 1254 a ham's translation ("in that which is 34-35: τό δέ ζώον πρώτον συνέστηκεν infinite") preserves the ambiguity of the έκ ψυχής καΐ σώματος; Sen. Ep. 113, 2: Latin. animum constat animal esse, cum ipse efficiat quo non ipsa: cf. Aug. Ep. 118, 24: ut simus animalia, cum ab illo animalia sic autem addidit: "neque sensum omnino, nomen hoc traxerint. The argument quo non tota natura pulsa sentiret" [on the seems to be: if he meant the mens infinita evidence of the Augustine text cf. A. to be a sort of animate being, it muse Soutcr in CI. Rev. 14 (1900), 264; the have that within it by reason of which
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voluit esse, erit aliquid interius ex quo illud animal l nominetur; quid autem interius mente? Cingatur igitur corpore externo; (27) quod quoniam non placet, aperta simplexque mens nulla re adiuncta, quae 2 sentire possit, fugere intellegentiae nostrae vim et notionem videtur. Crotoniates autem Alcmaeo, qui soli et lunae 1
anima AC
' qua Aug.
id est, nullo corpore adiuneto per quod sentire it is called animate; but there is nothing farther inside within the mind; therefore possit, fugere intelligentiae nostra* vim et it must be enclosed in an exterior body. notionem videtur. nihil verius quam fugere Since he will not admit this, the mind hoc vim et notionem intelligentiae Stoicorum must be exposed and bare, with no et Epicureorum, qui nisi corporal/a cogitare adjunct by which it may possess sen non possunt. quod autem ait nostrae, humanae sation—which is a rtduetto ad absurdum. intelligi voluit; et bene non ait "fugit" sed "fugere videtur" hoc enim Hits videtur, This sentence is quoted and discussed by Aug. Ep. 118, 25. neminem hoc posse intelligere, et ideo nihil tale esse arbitrantur; sed quorundam inerit aliquid: the future of a logical telligentiam, quantum bomini datum est, consequence, found most often in the non fugit esse apertam simplicemque sapienconclusion of a syllogism. Goethe com pares 2, 21: effiaetur; 3, 93: contemnet; tiam atque vtritatem, quae nullius animantis 'fuse. 3, 14: non cadet; 3, 15: vacabit. sit propria, sed qua eommuniter omnis, quae id potest anima, sapiens et verax efficitur; 27 aperta simplexque: for the com Ioann. Philop. Pe Opif Mundi, 5, 1, bination of these adjectives cf. Off. 1, p. 206 R.: ουδέν δέ των απλών έστιν 109; 3, 57; Fin. 1, 57; Rep. 3, 26; Sen. ίμψυχον, ουδέ τά στοιχεία άρα. Ep. 48, 12; 95, 13; for the thought and quae sentire: Augustine's qua, which its refutation Tusc. 1, 66: nee vero deus he further paraphrases by per quod, is ipse, qui intellegitur a nobis, alio modo attractive and has been adopted by some intellegi potest nisi mens soluta quatdam et libera, segregata ab omni concretion* mortal!,editors, but lacks manuscript authority omnia tentiens et movens ipsaepte praedita for Cicero. fugere . . . notionem: cf. De Imp. Cn. motu sempiterno; Diog. L. 10, 65-66: Pomp. 28: quae huius viri scientiam fugere και μήν καΐ λυομένου του όλου αθροίσ ματος ή ψυχή διασπείρεται και ούκέτι possit. I irti et notionem is hendiadys for vim noscendi. έχει τάς αύτάς δυνάμεις ουδέ κινείται, Alcmaeo: a physician of Croton; cf. ώσπερ ούδ* αΓσβησιν κέκτηται, οΰ γαρ οίον τε νοεΐν ιύτό αίσθανόμενον μή έν 1, 25, n. (Tbalei . . . AlHesins); Aristot. τούτω τω συστήματι καΐ ταΐς κινήσεσι Metapb. 1, 5, 986 a 27; Hist. An. 7, 1, ταύταις χρώμενον; Orig. C. Celt. 4, 14: 581 a 16; Diog. L. 8, 83; Ccnsorin. 5, 2; ουδέ γάρ δεδύνηνται ούτοι τρανώσαι τήν Clem. Protr. 5, 66, 2; Strom. 1, 16, 78, 3; ςυσικήν του θεοΰ Ιννοιαν, ώς πάντη άφ Chalcid. in Tim. 244 {Frag. Philos. Gr. θαρτου καΐ άπλοΰ καΐ άσυνθέτου καΐ αδι 2, 233); Alex. Aphrod. in Metapb. 1. 5, αιρέτου; De Prine. 1, 1, 6: non ergo aut p. 42, 3 Hayduck; Thcmist. in Aristot. corpus aliquod aut in corpore esse putandus De An. 1, p. 13, 30 Hcinze. He is re est Deus, ted intellectualis natura simplex, puted to have been a younger contem nihil ornnino in se adiunetionis admitfens . . . porary and pupil of Pythagoras (Aristot. propter quod natura ilia simplex et tola mens Metaph. 1, 5, 986 a 29-30; Diog. L. 8,83; ut moveatur . . . nihil dilationis .. . habere cf. Schol. Plat. Ale. 121c; yet sec the potest, etc.; Aug. Ep. 118, 25-26: aperta sober criticisms expressed by W. A. simplexque mens nulla re adiuncta qua [note Heidcl in Am.Journ. of Philol. 61 (1940), the variant from Cicero] sentire possit. 3-7), was in physieis exercitalus, practised
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reliquisque sideribus animoque praeterea divinitatem dedit, non sensit sese mortalibus rebus inmortalitatem dare. Nam Pythagodissections of the human body, including the eye (ChaJcid. in Tim. 244), and is thought to have been the first to compose a φυσικός λόγος (Favorinus ap. Diog. L. 8, 83; Clem. Strom. 1,16,78,3; fragments in Vorsokrat. no. 14 Β 1-5). soli et lunae: cf. Aristot. Dt An. 1, 2, 405 a 32 [the view of Alcmaeon]: κινείσ6αι γαρ χαΐ τά θεια πάντα συνεχώς act, σελήνην, ήλιον, τους αστέρας xal τον ούρανόν δλον [that is, the stars have eternal self-motion and are themselves divine; cf. Diog. L. 8, 83]; Clem. Protr. 5, 66, 2: ό γάρ τοι Κροτωνιάτης Άλχμαίων θεούς ώετο τους αστέρας είναι έμψυχους δντας. Naturally many others ascribed to the stars not only life (cf. Achill. I sag. 13: ct ζώα oi αστέρες, in Comm. in Aral. 40-41 Maass) but also divinity; so in the following passage such a belief is cited for Parmenidcs (1, 28), Plato (1, 30 and note on caelum et astro), Socrates—in Xcnophon (1, 31), Xenocratcs (1, 34), Heraclides Ponticus (1, 34), Thcophrastus (1, 35), Zcno (1, 36), Cleanthes (1, 37), and Chrysippus (1, 39), to whom might be added the Egyptians (Eus. Pr. Ev. 1, 6, 1; Thcodoret, Gr. Aff. 3, 6; 3, 23), the Hindus and Phrygians (Clem. Protr. 2, 26, 1), and Pythagoras (Diog. L. 8, 27). Numerous anonymous holders of the same view arc mentioned; e.g.; Ac. 2, 116; Rep. 6, 15; Philo, De Decal. 53; De Vit. contempl. p. 33 Conyb.; Act. Plac. 1, 6, 11 (Doxogr. Gr.* 296): βλέποντες δΐ τους αστέρας άεΐ θέοντας αΙτίους τε τοΰ θεωρεΐν ημάς ήλιον χαΐ σελήνην θεούς προσηγόρευσαν; Apul. De Deo Socr. 2: tuque de tuna nrqut de sole qmsquam Graecus aut barbarus facile cunciaverit deos esse', [Clem.] Recogn. 5, 16; Prud. C. Symm. 1, 309-310; 1, 442-443; Eus. Pr. Ev. 1, 2, 7; Enoch, 80, 7 (p. 245 Charles); Wisdom of Solomon, 13, 2; M. P. Nilsson, The Origin of Belief among the Greeks in the Divinity of the HeavtnJy Bodies (Harv. theol. Rev. 33 (1940), 1-8). animoque: cf. Aristot. De An. 1, 2, 405 a 29-405 b 1: παραπλησίως 8έ τού
τοις xal 'Αλχμαίων Ιοιχεν ύπολαβεΐν περί ψυχής, φησί γάρ αυτήν άθάνατον είναι Side το έοικέναι τοις άθανάτχκς, τοϋτο 8' ύπάρχειν αύτη ώς αεί κινούμε νη · κινεΐσθαι γάρ καΐ τά θεία πάντα συν εχώς άεί, κτλ. [sec above note on soli et lunae); Act. Plac. 4, 2, 2 (Doxogr. Gr.* 386): Άλκμαίων φύσιν [sc. της ψυχής] αύτοκίνητον κατ* άΐδιον κίνησιν, καΐ 8ιά τοΰτο άθάνατον αυτήν καΐ προσεμφερή τοις θεοϊς ύπολαμβάνεΐ; Bocthus ap. Eus. Pr. Εν. 11, 28, 9: εις δπερ άπιδών καΐ ό Κροτωνιάτης φυσικός είπεν άθά νατον αυτήν ούσαν [sc. τήν ψυχήν] και πάσαν ήρεμίαν φύσει φεύγειν, ώσπερ τά θεία των σωμάτων; Diog. L. 8, 83: ίφη δέ καΐ τήν ψυχήν άθάνατον καΐ κινεϊσθαι αυτήν συνεχές ώς τόν ήλιον. Democritus (fr. 171 Dicls) speaks of ψυχή οίκητήριον δαίμονος. divinitatem dedit: R. Philippson (Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 30) compares Philod. De Piet. p. 66 Gomperz, where he would emend νασκευαζ to < φαίνεται ούν το θείον ά>νασκευάζ<ειν>. aeneif: much like censust (Rcid on Ac. 1, 22, who notes that in our passage the two words occur in successive sentences with the same meaning. In other words, sentio means not only "entertain an opin ion'* but also "express an opinion." inmortalitatem dare: a necessary corollary, at least in Vcllcius's mind, of divinitatem dedit. nam: a copulative and continuativc use of this particle, found sometimes in transitions, especially those intro ducing a new proper name, and possibly to be connected with the ordinary causal use, if we may assume an ellipsis: " < I need hardly m e n t i o n . . . > for." Other examples include 1, 28: nam Parmenides; 1, 63: nam Abderites . . . Prota goras, 1, 93: nam Pbaedro; 2, 67: nam Vestae nomen; 3, 13: nam de Sagra; 3, 15: nam Fauns' vocem; 3, 38: nam iustitia; 3, 6 1 : nam men tern; Div. 2, 3 : nam quid ego de Consolatione dicam; 2, 65: nam de angue illo; 2, 67: nam Dionysii equus, 2, 68: nam quod eodem tempore; Ac. 1, 34
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ras, qui censuit* animum esse per naturam rerum omncm' 1
censuit] tie incipit Ρ
* omnium CMX
[and Re id's n.]: nam Strato\ Fin. 1, 3: ista capiatttr\ Lact. Inst. 1, 5, 17: Pytl)anam ut ... Chremes', Tusc. 4, 52: nam gpras ita definivit quid esset deus: animus Aiacem\ 4, 71: nam Anacreontis; Brut. 48: per universas mtmdi partes omnemque natu nam Lysiam; 60: nam Plautus\ 81: nam ram commeans atqtu diffusus, ex quo omnia et A. A/binur; 109: nam de '/'. Flaminino; quae nascuntur animalia vitam capiunt\ De Ira, 11, 14: Pythagoras quoque unum 161: nam censuram sine Scaevola gessit [sec Jahn's n.]; 175: nam Sex. fraJer eius; deum confitetttr dicens incorporalem esse mentern quae per omnem rerum naturam diffusa 178: nam O/ella; 179: nam T. Aufidius; 222: nam M. Drusum; 22&: nam Q. Hor- et intenta vita/em sensum cunctis animantitensi\ 233: nam . . . C. Fimbria \ 239: bus tribuaf; Salvian, De Gub. Deit 1, 1, 2: nam . .. M\ Glabrionem; Quintil. Inst. Pythagoras philosopbus . . . de natura ac 8, 6, 38; 10, 1, 12; 10, 1, 23; 10, 1, 50; beneficiis Dei disserens nc locutus est: 10, 1, 83; 11, 3, 2 1 ; Tac. Ann. 3 P 73, 1; animus per omnes mundi partes commeans 3, 74, 1; Juv. 10, 204 [and Mayor's n.J; atque diffusus, ex quo omnis quae nascuntur Suet. Jul. 44, 1; De I ir. ill. p. 30 RcirT.: animalia xntam capiunt \ lsid. Etym. 8, 6, 19: quidam animum in omnibus comanentem nam Adtlpborum principium; Min. Fcl. 19, 13 [in a doxography imitating Cicero [commeantem edit. Arcvaliana] et lucidum, ut Pythagoras', also Sext. Emp. Adv. in our passagcj; also perhaps the use of enim in 1, 25, above; A. Dracgcr, Hist. Phys. 1, 127: ot μέν ούν περί τόν ΠυΟαSynt. d. /at. Spr. 2" (1881), 157-158; γόραν . . . φίσΐ μή μόνον ήμΐν προς αλ P. Schiwy, Die syntakt. Functionem d. λήλους και προς τους θεούς εΤναί τίνα κοινωνίαν, άλλα και προς τα άλογα των Partikel nam (1932), 66-88; R. Lofstcdt, ζώων. έν γάρ ύπάρχειν πνεύμα το δια Coniectanea, 1 (1950), 55-56; G. H. παντός του κόσμου διήκον ψυχής τρό Poyser in CI. Rev. 66 (1952), 8-10. πον, το καΐ ένοΰν ημάς προς έκεΐνα; Similar uses of γάρ are found in Clem. Alex. Polyh. ap. Diog. L. 8, 27-28: Protr. 5, 66, 2: ό γάρ τοι Κροτωνιάτης και άνΟρώποις είναι προς θεούς συγγέΆλκμαίων; .Strom. 7, 3, 19, 4: οι νομοί νειαν, καΐ το μετέχειν άνΟρωπον θερ γάρ. κτλ.; 7, 17, 107, 1: Μαρκίων γάρ. μού· διό καΐ προνοεϊσΟαι τόν Οεόν ημών Pythagoras: of Samos, mathemati . . . είναι δέ τήν ψυχήν απόσπασμα αι cian, scientist, moral reformer, and θέρος καΐ του θερμού καΐ τοϋ ψυχρού founder of a philosophical or religious . . . άΟάνατόν τ' είναι αυτήν, έπειδήπερ sect (cf. Legg. 2, 26), who travelled καΐ τό αφ* ου άπέσπασται άθάνατόν έστι; widely and established at Croton a lustin, Co/jort. ad Gr. 19 {Pair. Gr. 6, community of aristocratic tendencies. 275b); Cyril Alex. C. Iulian. 1, p. 30 Diog. L. says (8, 45) that his acme fell (Patr. Gr. 76, 547r>d). in the sixtieth Olympiad (540-537). With the views here expressed cf. Stn. 78: Whether these doctrines were expres audiebam Pythagoram Pytbagoreosque . . . sed in a work περί θεών (Iambi. Vit. numquam dubitasse quin ex universa mentePyth. 90) or in part of a larger σύγγραμ divina delibatos animos haberemus; W. K. C. μα φυσικόν (Diog. L. 8, 6), or, inasmuch Guthrie, The Greeks and their Gods (1950), as some held that he left no writings 140, n. 1, compares the phrase φησί γάρ (cf. Philod. De Piet. p. 66 Gompcrz: τήν ψυχήν έκ του δλου ε Ισιε ναι άναπνε- <Πυ>Οαγόρας δ' αύτοϋ γ' ουδέν φασί όντων φερομένην ύπό τών άνεμων in τινε<ς> είναι των άνα<φε>ρομένων πα Arist. De An. 1, 410 b 28-30 (cf. ///., ρά . . . ; Iambi. Vit. Pyth. 199; Joseph. C. Orpbeus and Gr. Relig. (1935), 94). For Αρ. 1, 163; Plut. Alex. Fort. 1,4; Galen, copies of the present passage cf. Min. In Hipp, de Nat. Horn. 1, 25 (XV, 67-68 Fcl. 19, 6: Pytbagorae deus est animus per K.); Diog. L. 8, 6—who disagrees with universa m rerum naturam commeans et this view), in purely oral form, is intentust ex quo etiam animalium omnium obscure. For Stoic views of a πνεϋμα
218
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intentum et commeantcm, ex quo nostri animi carperentur,1 non vidit distractione humanorum animorum discerpi et lacerari deum, 1
capcrcntur Ρ
βιήκον δι' δλου cf. Act. Plac. 1, 7, 33; έκ της ήμβτίρας ψυχής εκείθεν ούσης Galen, Medic. 9 (XIV, 698 K.); Alex. αποσπάσματος; also other passages cited Aphrod. De Mixt. p. 216, 14; 223, 25 by A. S. Pease on Dip. 1, 70; 1, 110. For the heavenly origin of the soul and the Bruns. part of the Pythagoreans in establishing animum . . . commeantcm: cf. Scxt. this doctrine see, among others, J. Adam, Emp. Adv. Pbys. 1, 127: πνεύμα τό δια Cambridge Praelections (1906), 29-67 (Pin παντός τοϋ κόσμου διήκον. Ε. Zeller {Die Pbilos. d. Gr. 1, 1* (1892), 416, n. 3; dar to Plato); P. Boyance, Etudes sta 417, n. 1) points out that this doctrine le songt de Scipion (1936), 129-133; M. van den Bruwaenc, La theologie de Cic. (1937), is a modincation of exoteric Pythagorean 190, n. 2. views by later Stoic pantheism. Intentum is stretched "like the warp in the fabric" distractione: the first of four objec (Mayor); cf. also Plat. Tim. 34b: ψυχήν tions raised by Velleius is that the sepa δέ είς τό μέσον αύτου θείς δια παντός ration of human souls from the universal τι {τείνε; A. Dclattc in Mem. de Pacad. soul must cause a tearing and wounding r. de Belgique, Lcttres, etc. 2 scr. 17 of the god. Cf. Arnob. 3, 35: ut enim homo (1922), 125, nn. 2-3. On com meant em unus nequit permanente sui corporis integricf. Reid on Ac. 1, 28. tate in homines multos sands, neque homines carperentur: cf. Sen. 78 (quoted in rursus multi disiunctionis differentia in unius note on Pythagoras, above); Tusc. 5, 38: stnsus f simplicitatemque conflari, si ita humanus autem animus decerptus ex mente munduj unum est animal et unius mentis divina cum alio nullo nisi cum ipso deo, si agitatione motatur, nee in plura potest mthoc fas est dictu, com par art potest [the author mina dissipari nee si eius particulae dii of this view is not named]; Dip. 1, 110: sunt, in unius animantis conscientiam cogi animos bominum quadam ex parte extrin- atque vertier. Further, if our souls arc secus esse tractos et baustos (ex quo intelle- bound up with the divine as integral gitur esse extra divinum animum humanus parts of it, by the doctrine of συμπάθεια unde ducatur)—the view of Cratippus; (cf. Pease on Div. 2, 34) God must per 2, 26: ex divinitate unde omnes animos ceive their every motion and action, and baustos aut acceptos aut libatos haberemus; hence at times suffer from so doing, Rep. 6, 15: Usque animus datus est ex Hits according to Arr. Epict. 1, 14, 5-6. sempiternis ignibus quae sidera et Stellas Lact. Inst. 7, 3, 9, introduces a reductio vocatis[on these passages cf. H. Krocger, ad abntrdum: et hoc parum est si membris De Cic. in 'Catone maiore* A uc toribus suis non par at deus, nisi etiam homini liceat (1912). 74, n. 1]; also Legg. 1. 24; Virg. a liquid in dei corpus: maria extruuntur, G. 4, 219-227; Manil. 2, 116; 4, 884-885; monies exciduntur et ad eruendas opes Sen. Ep. 66, 12: ratio autem nihil aliud interiora terrae viscera effodiuntur. quid quod est quam in corpus bumanum pars divini ne arari quidtm sine laceration» divini corporis spiritus mersa; Arr. Epict. 1, 14, 6: al potest? ut iam sce/erati atque impii simus ψυχαΐ . . . συναφείς τω θεω &τζ αύτοϋ μό - qui dei membra violemus. To avoid this ρια ούσα ι xal αποσπάσματα; 2, 8, 11; Μ. difficulty D. Ruhnkcn (followed by Aurcl. 5, 27: ό δαίμων δν έκάστω . . . ό Baiter) for distractione conjectured de Ζευς Ιδωκεν, απόσπασμα έαυτοϋ; Scxt. traction», involving separation without Emp. Adv. Pbys. 1,127 (quoted in note on injury. But απόσπασμα (Diog. L. 7, 143; Pythagoras, above); Alex. Polyh. ap. 8, 28, quoted in notes on Pythagoras and Diog. L. 8, 27-28 (quoted in note on carperentur, above), not to speak of Pythagoras); Diog. L. 7,143 [Stoic views]: discerpi et lacerari below, certainly implies Ιμψυχον δέ (sc. τόν κόσμον), ως δήλον a painful or violent separation. Aristotle,
1, 28
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et cum miseri animi essent, quod plerisque contingeret, turn dei partem esse miseram, quod fieri non potest. 28 Cur autem quicquam ignoraret animus hominis, si esset dcus? Quo modo porro deus iste,1 si nihil esset nisi animus, aut infixus aut infusus esset in 2 mundo? Turn Xenophanes, qui mente adiuncta omne s 1
istc] cssct C
■ in om. D
■ omncm
NBl
Pbys. 3, 5» 204 a 33-34, on more sober, genus et una substantia est? ipsae saltern philosophic, grounds, blames the Pytha praeseientes sempiternum vinculum suum goreans, άμα γαρ ούσίαν ποιούσι τό nempe timebant, nempe maerebant% aut ή άπειρον καΐ μερίζουσιν; cf. Epiphan. ipsae boe futurum neseiebant pars dei vestri Adv. Haeres. 1, 1, 5, 1 {Pair. Gr. 41, provide erat, pars improvida. 201 a-b), of the Stoics: . . . φάσκοντες quo modo: the fourth objection: if είναι νουν τ6ν ϋεόν . . . μερίζονκη . . . the god is immaterial animus he could τήν μίαν θεότητα είς ττολλάς μερικάς ου neither have been implanted in the σίας, είς ήλιον καΐ σελήνην και άστρα, universe like a solid nor poured into it εις ψυ/ήν και αέρα και τα άλλα . . . μέρος like a liquid. δέ Οεοϋ καΐ άθάνατον τήν ψυχήν ηγούνται. Xenophanes: of Colophon {Div. 1,5; diecerpi: alluding to the simple verb Aristot. De Caelo, 2, 13, 294 a 23-24; carperentur above. Cf. Tusc. 1, 71: nee Plut. Reg. Apopbth. p. 175c; Strom. 4, secerns nee dividi nee ώseer pi nee distrabi ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 1, 8, 4 {Doxogr. Gr* potest [sc. animus]'. Fin. 1, 50: nee divelli 580); Hippol. Pbilosophum. 1, 14, 1 nee distrabi possint. {Doxogr. Gr.1 565); Scxt. Emp. Pyrrbon. contingeret: the second objection— 2, 18; 3, 30; Adv. Log. 1, 14; 1, 48; Adv. the more ethical corollary of the doc Gram. 257; 289; Diog. L. 1, 111; 9, 18; trine of sympathy—, that human suf Athcn. 2, p. 54c; 9, 368c; 10, 413f; ferings affect the divine happiness (a Ccnsorin. 15, 3 ; Eus. Cbron. Ol. 56; peril against which the Epicureans pro Clem. Strom. 1, 14, 64, 2; 5, 14, 109, 1; vided by placing their gods in the Theodoret, Gr. Ajf. 4, 5; Simplic. intermundia, out of touch with things Pbys. 1, 2 p. 22, 27-28 Diels; Olympiod. human), is further enhanced by that De Arte saer. 24 (I 'orsokrat. no. 11 A 36); fundamental Epicurean pessimism which Schol. Hippocr. ad Epid. 1, 13, 3 {Vorsomay be seen so clearly in Lucretius. krat. no. 11 Β 35)—Diog. L. 9, 20, says Contingeret (cf. προσήκειν) refers to the that he wrote a poetic κτίσις of Colo occurrence of something, cither good phon). Diog. L. I.e. places his acme in or bad, which is to be expected in the Ol. 60 (540-537), Eus. Cbron. at Ol. 56 natural course of things; e.g., 1, 26; (556-553), Hier. Cbron. in both Ol. 56 2, 44; 3, 87; Div. 1, 34; 1, 113; 1, 129; and Ol. 60, and Scxt. Emp. Adv. Gram. Am. 8; 72; Phil. 14. 24; Fam. 5, 16. 5. 257—perhaps not seriously—in Ol. 40. 28 cur autem: the third objection Ccnsorinus says (15, 3) that he lived to rests upon an assumption by Vcllcius be over a hundred. Banished from his of divine omniscience (cf. also 3, 90, n. native city, he came to Zandc, Catana (inseientiae)). Yet how could an Epicurean (Diog. L. 9, 18), and Elca, where he logically insist upon such omniscience begins the series of Eleatic philosophers if he placed the gods in places like the (Plat. Sopb. 242d; Clem. Strom. 1, 14, intermundia, where they would be quite 64, 2; Theodoret, Gr. Ajf. 4, 5; cf. Aris unaffected by a knowledge of mundane tot. Rhet. 2, 23, 1400 b 6). things? C(. Aug. C. Faust. 21, 16: quid, Cicero elsewhere {Ac. 2, 118) says: Mae ipsat animae in globo ligandae nonne Xenophanes* paulo etiam antiquior [i.e., than et ipsae membra dei vestri erant? nonne unum Anaxagoras], unum esse omnia neque id esse
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musabiU et id tsst deum neque natum umquamδμοιον είναι πάντη, όράν τε xal axouciv, et sempiternumt conglobatafigura;Div. 2,33: τάς TC άλλος αισθήσεις έχοντα πάντη. . . .pbjiicts, tisqm maxume qui omne quod ει γάρ μη, κρατεϊν αν καΐ κρατεΐσθαι ύπ' tsstt unum esse dixerunt\ De Or. 3, 20: αλλήλων τα μέρη θεού Οντα* Οπερ αδύ veteres ills ... qui omnia bate quae supra νατον, πάντη δ* δμοιον Οντα σφαιροειδη et tubter unum esse et una pi atque [una] είναι· ού γάρ τη" μέν τη δ* ού τοιούτον είναι (άλλα πάντη. άίδιον δ' Οντα καΐ consensione naturae constrictae esse dixerunt. ένα καιΐ σφαιροειδη ούτ' άπειρον ούτε Xcnophancs, though in part agnostic (cf. Ac. 2, 74; E. Zeller. Die Pbilos. d. πεπεράσΟαι . . . 18-20: κατά πάντα δέ ούτως έχειν τόν θεόν, άίδιόν τε καΐ Gr. 1» (1892) 548-550, who notes his ένα, δμοιον τε καΐ σφαιροειδη όντα, ού contribution to the rise of scepticism; cf. A. B. Drachmann, Atheism in pagan τε άπειρον ούτε πεπερασμένον, ούτε Antiq. (1922), 18-21; W. A. Heidcl in ήρεμεΐν ούτε άκίνητον είναι (in what follows the author refutes the views of Am. Journ. Philol. 64 (1943), 266-277), Xcnophancs, though on quite different centred his attack upon the anthropo grounds from those taken by Vcllcius]; morphic polytheism of Homer (cf. [Galen,] Hist. Phil. 7 (Doxogr. Gr.* 604 = Aristot. Poet. 25, 1461 a 1), with the low ethical standards which it ascribed XIX, 234 Κ.): Ξενοφάνην μέν περί πάν to its gods (cf. 1, 42, below; W. Jaeger in των ήπορηκότα, δογματίσαντα δέ μόνον A. Schweitzer Jubilee Book (1946), 397- τό είναι πάντα 6ν καΐ τούτο ύπάρχειν 424), proclaiming instead a single deity θεόν πεπερασμένον λογικόν άμετάβλητον; cf. id. 3 (Doxogr. Gr.* 601 = XIX, identical with the whole spherical uni 229 Κ.); Plut. Strom, ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. verse. The whole, for him, is one; cf. Plat. Soph. 242d [repeated by Eus. Pr. Ev. 1, 8, 4; Timon ap. Scxt. Emp. Pyrrbon. 14, 4, 8]: τό δέ παρ* ήμϊν Έλεατικόν Ιθ1, 224: θεόν έπλάσατ' Ισον άπάντη. / νος, άπό Ξενοφάνους τε καΐ {τι πρόσθεν <άτρεμή>, άσκηθη, νοερώτερον ήέ νόη άρξάμενον, ώς ενός δντος των πάντων μα; Scxt. Emp. Pyrrbon. 3, 218: Ξενοφά καλουμένων οΰτω διεζέρχεται τοις μύνης δέ σφαϊραν άπαθη [sc. τόν θεόν θοις; Aristot. Metaph. 1, 5, 986 b 21-24: είναι]; in two passages (Adv. Log. 1, 49; Ξενοφάνης δέ πρώτος τούτων ένίσας 2, 326; cf. Hippol. Pbilosophum. 1, 14, 1 (ό γάρ Παρμενίδης τούτου λέγεται μα — Doxogr. Gr* 565) he makes Xcno θητής) ούΟέν διεσαφήνισεν . . . άλλ* είς phancs express rather agnostic senti τόν δλον ούρανόν άποβλέψας τό εν είναι ments; Hippol. op. cit.y 1, 14, 2 (Doxogr. φησι τόν θεόν; Thcophr. fr. 45 Wimm. Gr* 565): λέγει δέ δτι ουδέν γίνεται (Doxogr. Gr.1 480): μίαν δέ την αρχήν ουδέ φθείρεται [cf. V'orsokrat. no. 11 A ήτοι 6ν τό δν καΐ πάν και ούτε πεπερασ12-13] ουδέ κινείται καΐ δτι έν τό πάν μένον ούτε άπειρον ούτε κινούμενον έστιν ίξω μεταβολής, φησί δέ καΐ τόν ούτε ηρεμούν Ξενοφάνη τόν Κολοφώνιον θεόν είναι άΐδιον καΐ ένα καΐ δμοιον πάν τόν ΠαρμενΙδου διδάσκαλον ύποτίθεσθαί τη καΐ πεπερασμένον καΐ σφαιροειδη καΐ φησιν ό Θεόφραστος [for the relation πάσι τοις μορίοις αίσθητικόν; Min. Fel. here between Thcophrastus and his later 19, 7: Xenopbanen no turn est omne infi borrowers cf. Dicls, Doxogr. Gr.* 140]; nitum cum mente deum tradere; Clem. [Aristot.] De Me/isso Xenopb. Gorg. 3-4 Strom. 5, 14, 109, 1: . . . διδάσκων δτι [written, according to Dicls, I'orsokrat. εις κα-l ασώματος ό θεός; Thcodoret, no. 11 A 28, by an eclectic Peripatetic Gr. Afi. 2, 10; 4, 5; Cosmas Indie. 2, of the first century after Christ, and very p. 117 A; Simplic. in Pbys. 1, 2. p. 22, important; excerpts only follow]: 977 a 30-31 Diels. On his theology cf. also W. 23-26: εΐ δ' Ιστιν ό θεός απάντων κράJaeger» Tbeol. of the early Gr. Philosophers τιστον ένα φησίν αυτόν προσήκειν είναι, (1947), 38-54; 208-215. He is mentioned εΐ γάρ δύο ή {τι πλείους εΐεν, ούκ άν with Parmcnides and Empcdocles by Ιτι κράτιστον καΐ βέλτιστον αυτόν εί Philo De Prov. 2, pp. 74; 76 Aucher. ναι πάντων . . . 34-35: ώστ* είπερ εΓη τε Whether Xcnophancs should be clas καΐ τοιούτον εΐη θεός, ίνα μόνον είναι sified as a monothcist or rather as a τόν θεόν . . . 36—977 b 3: ένα δ* βντα pantheist has been disputed; for a sum-
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practerea, quod esset infinitum, deum voluit * esse, de ipsa mente item2 reprehendetur3 ut ceten, de infinitate4 autem vehementius, in qua nihil neque sentiens neque coniunctum potest 1 3 noluit Η * ita NO reprehendetur dttt. Ven., rcprchenditur NOB*FM, reprehenderet B1, rcprchcndcretur AC, Ρ propter labem incertum 4 infinite Dx, 1 infirmitateiO^f
praeterea to propterea: "Xenophancs's mary of the opinions of previous scho lars (e.g., J. Frcudcnthal, Ober die Theol. God was God just because he had no dcrinitc organs (ούλος όρα, κτλ.) like d. Xenopb. (1886), E. ZcUcr, and H. the anthropomorphic Gods/' under Diels), cf. N. Mavrokordatos, Der Monostanding infinitum as rendering άπειρον tbeismus d. Xenopb. (1910) who rinds in the sense of "indefinite." iMinucius, (41-44) a sharp opposition to polytheism however, in his paraphrase of Cicero but a monotheism rather inclined toward pantheism. The views of Xenophancs, (19, 7; quoted above), seems to have though marking a distinct elevation of understood the passage to mean that theological thought, were too alien to the entire intelligent infinite was deity. the current orthodoxy to escape censure, K. von Fritz (in CI. Philol. 40 (1945), and he was accused of ασέβεια; cf. W. 228-230) discusses the meaning of νους Cronert, Kolotes u. Menedemos (1906), in Xenophancs, and rinds God to be the 128, in a much restored passage; also all-seeing, all-hearing, altogether νοών. Cf. also Simplic. Phys. 1, 2, p. 23, 14-16 Suid. s.v. ίρρε φθείρου, where he is Dicls (I 'orsokrat. no. 11 A 31, 8): listed with Diagoras, Hippo, and the Epicureans; A. B. Drachmann, Atheism Νικόλαος δέ ό Δαμασκηνός ως Λίιτειρον in pagan Antiq. (1922), 18 21, who thinks [Cicero's infinitum] καΐ άκίνητον λέγοντος that he was not in antiquity classed αύτοΰ την αρχήν έν τω Περί θεών απο among the άθεοι—yet cf. Suidas, above μνημονεύει, Αλέξανδρος δε ώς πεπε—, but believes that he should be techni ρασμένον αυτό καΐ σφαιροειδές; R. Λίοηcally so classified. For his attacks upon dolfo, L·infinite nel pensiero dei Greet anthropomorphism (which the Epicu (1934), 270. Plasberg (ed. maior.) suggests rean Vclleius prudently passes over in that adiuneta [cf. 1, 25: mentem cur aquae silence but the arguments of which adiunxit; 1, 27: nulla re adiuneta] and Cotta, without naming his source, uses praeterea arc used intentionally, so that in 1, 77) sec his famous fragments 15-16 from these might be clear the great (I'orsokrat. no. 11 Β 15-16); also Diog. error of one who was convinced that L. 9, 19: ούσίαν θεοΰ σφαιροειδή, μηδέν there existed anything except τό παν. With omne quod esset cf. Div. 1, 33. όμοιον Εχουσα» άνΟρώττω. ut ceteri: as Thalcs (1, 25) and Anaxaomne: τό πάν; equivalent to universum; cf. J. B. Hofmann in Mil. J. Ma- goras (1, 26) were blamed for combining mind and infinity and for supposing that rouxeau (1948), 287. the incorporeal could possess sensation. practerea: the traditional punctua de infinitate . . . vehementius: as tion, here retained, was changed by Mayor suggests, for the Epicurean Schocmann (Jabrb. f. el. PhiloL 111 (1875), 687) so as to read: omne, praeterea "vacancy is the only infinite, and in this quod esset infinitum, deum voltut esse, underthere can be no feeling and no con standing praeterea quod in the (unparal nexion [coniunctum] with anything ex leled) sense of praeterquam quod, and ex ternal (such as mind) since it includes plaining that Xenophancs taught that all things in itself." Coniunctum reechoes the omne, endowed with intelligence, adiuneta above. nihil . . . sentiens: cf. 1, 26: neque was not only infinite but was also God. J. S. Rcid (ap. Mayor, ad loc.) emended senium omnino.
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esse. Nam Parmenides quidem commenticium * quiddam: coronae * similem 8 efficit (στεφάνην * appellat) continentem aidorum * 1 commenticium dett. Rom. Ven.t conucnticium ADHPOBFM, conuentium Ν * coroncs Bl * simile Ο Μ \ similitudinem Ρ * stephanen A*DGPt stephanc l A H, istephanen B\ ct stephanen MOt ct stefanen B*Ft stephanium Ν · ardorum Bl, ardorcm cett.
nam: cf. 1, 27, n. {nam). Parmenidee: of Elca (Plut. Strom. 4, ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 1, 8, 5 {Doxogr. Gr* 580); Diog. L. 9, 2 1 ; Censorin. 4, 7, 8; Clem. Protr. 5, 64, 2; Strom. 5,14, 138,1; 6, 2, 23, 3 ; Iambi. Vit. Pjth. 166; Procl. in Parm. 1, p. 619, 7 Cousin (Vorsokrat. no. 18 A 4); Alex, in Mttapb. 1, 3, p. 31, 8-9 Hayduck; Phot. Bibl. no. 249, p. 439 a 36-37 Bckk.; Suid. s.v. ΙΙαρμενίδης), a pupil or companion of Xcnophanes (Aristot. Metapb. 1, 5, 986 b 22; Plut. I.e.; Diog. L. I.e.; Theodorct, Gr. Afi. 2, 10; Asclcp. in Metapb. p. 40, 24 Hayduck; p. 41, 27; Simplic. Pbys. 1, 2, p. 22, 27 Dicls; Suid. I.e.), and an older contemporary of Socrates, with whom he appears in Plato's Parmenides. Diog. L. 9, 23 puts his acme in Ol. 69 (504-501), though cf. Hicr. Cbron. ann. Abr. 1561 and 1581. He was the author of a didactic poem περί φύσεως (fragments in Vorso krat. no. 18 Β 1-19), in which the views here stated may well have found a place. Philod. De Piet. p. 67 Gompcrz starts as though to parallel the present passage, but stops after the words Παρμενείδης δέ, continuing, after a lacuna [p. 68; I follow the reading of Diels in Doxogr. Gr.* 534]: <{>οικ<ε δ>ή τόν τε πρ<ώ>Ttxv θ>εόν 4ψυχον ποκε>ΐν τ<ούς> τε γεννωμένους ύπό τούτου τά μέν αυτά τοις πάΟεσιν τοις περί ά\τθρω<πον>— paralleling discordant, etc., below. commenticium: rather a favorite word with Cicero; cf. 1, 18, n. {commenticias). APB read conventiciumy adopted by Plasberg in his ed. motor\ and favored by R. Philippson {Berl. philol. Woch. 38 (1918), 412), but in Plasbcrg's ed. win. discarded for the present reading of the deteriores and most editors, the adjective appropriately describing the fanciful character of the phenomena here set forth (yet cf. R. Philippson, I.e.).
coronae similem: cf. Aet. Plot. 2, 7,1 {Doxogr. Gr.* 335): Παρμενίδης στεφάνας είναι περιπεπλεγμένος επαλλήλους, τήν μεν έκ τοϋ άραιοϋ [i.e., fire] τήν δέ έκτου πυκνοΰ [i.e., earth], μιχτάς δέ αλ λάς έκ φωτός καΐ σκότους μεταξύ τού των* καΐ τό περιέχον δέ πάσας τείχους δίκην «ττερεόν ύπάρχειν, ύφ* L πυρώδης στεφάνη- καΐ τό μεσαίτατον πασών περί δ πάλιν πύρωσης· των δε συμμιγών τήν μεσαιτάτην άπάσαις τοκέα πάσης κινή σεως χαΐ γενέσεως ύπάρχειν, ήντινα καΐ δαίμονα κυβερνητιν καΐ κληδοϋχον επο νομάζει δίκην τε καΐ ανάγκην [Η. Rich ardson, in CI. Quart. 20 (1926), 125. thinks this quite consistent with X'orsokrat. no. 18 Β 10, 6-7 and with the view of ανάγκη ascribed by Aet. Plac. 1, 25, 2, to Pythagoras]; [Galen,] Hist. Phil. 50 {Doxogr. Gr.* 622 = XIX, 267 K.): Παρμενίδης στεφάνους είναι πεπλεγμένους προς αλλήλους τόν μεν έκ του άραι οϋ τόν δέ έκ τοϋ πυκνοΰ- καΐ τό περιέ χον δέ τό πάν στοιχεϊον δίκην στεφά νου στέρεου είναι, πρώτον πϋρ, είτα αΐΰέρα, μεθ' δν αέρα, μεθ' &ν ύδωρ. Cf. Η. Dicls, Parmenides (1897), 104-105. who discusses the two types of στεφάναι in the cosmos: (1) those of pure ele ments of fire and earth; (2) between the centre and the circumference a second zone with strata not separated but mixed, where are the sun, moon, and planets. T. Heath, Aristarcbus of Samos (1913), who thinks (p. 66) these "wreaths" arc borrowed from Anaximandcr's "hoops," discusses (68-69) their shape, and sug gests that they are "not cylinders, but zones of a sphere bisected by a great circle parallel to the bounding circles." As Mayor observes, Cicero seems mis taken in making Parmenides ascribe divinity to the orbem qui cinpt caelum; it is rather the innermost fiery circle around the globe of the earth which is divine.
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[lucis] l orbem, qui cingit caelum, quern appellat deum; in quo neque figuram divinam neque sensum quisquam suspicari potest. Multaque eiusdem monstra, quippe qui bellum, qui discordiam, qui cupiditatem, ceteraque generis eiusdem 2 ad deum revocat,3 lucis deleft
* cius Dl
a
revocat codd. (P evanidum), rcuocct Orelli
στ€φάνην: cf. H. J. Rose in Jottrn. of (1934), 218; 261, compares the notion HelUn. Stud. 41 (1921), 110, for the use of a θείον περιέχον. of the Greek term; also W. Nieschmidt, cingit: there is no need to assume Quaienus in Scripiura Romani Utttris oratio obliqua and change to cingai, with Graecis usi sint (1913), 40-42. Erncsti and others. quem appellat deum: a view not ardorum [lucis] orbem: ardorum is the l reading of B , ardorem of ACNB*. Da vies otherwise attested for Parmcnidcs, and, emended to contintnte ardort lucis orbem, as Schoemann suggests, perhaps con fused with the Stoic theories set forth in which he has been followed by in 1, 37. various editors, including Dicls in % neque sensum: R. Philippson (Symb. Doxogr. Gr. 534 and Mayor, though Ostoenses, 19 (1939), 30) would equate in CI. Rev. 3 (1889), 163, Mayor agrees with this the words <0>εόν ϋψυχον with H. Deiter (Rhein. Mus. 37 (1882), 314) and Goethe in reading continentem ποκοΐν in Philod. De Piet. p. 68 Gomperz (see note on Parmenides, above). ardorum lucis orbem, which is also the eiusdem: referring to Parmcnidcs; reading of Plasbcrg and of Ax, and cf. the use of idem for the authors of translates "an unbroken ring of shining views in 1, 29; 1, 30; 1, 36; 1, 38 (eius flames." Rackham renders: "an unbroken ring of glowing lights." That ardor may dem Zenonis); 1, 40. The term emphasizes be used with little or no implication of more strikingly the inconsistency of heat and chief emphasis upon light different tenets held by the same philo would appear from Div. 1, 18: concursus- sopher. The emendation by Heindorf of eiusdem <modi>, though accepted by que gravis stellarum ardore micantii . . . claro tremulos ardore come tas \ In Catil. 3, Dicls (Doxogr. Gr.% 534), is needless 18: faces ardoremque caeli; Catull. 62, 29; and makes awkward the following for other cases cf. Thes. Ling. Lot. 2 quippe qui. Moreover, bellum, discordia, (1900), 490, 18-22; id. 482,87-483.48 for and cupidiias, though of the same class corresponding uses of ardere. But since (eiusdem generis) with one another, are not this meaning of light without heat is a in the same category as the corona secondary and much less frequent use described above. than that which involves heat or even monstra: cf. Philod. De Piet. p. 147 combustion, it seems likely that Cicero Gompcrz: <ο>1 δέ μύθους μέν είσηγον wrote merely continentem ardorum orbem, άμέλει και τερατείας. For this use of monstra cf. 3, 44; also 1, 18, n. (portenia and that lucis is a gloss to explain in what et miracula). sense ardorum is used. 1 have therefore bellum . . . discordiam . . . cupidi bracketed lucis, rather than accepting tatem: Πόλεμος . . . Νεΐκος . . . "Έρως. Plasbcrg's suggestion (ed. maior.) of referred to in Philodcmus, I.e., as r i μέν ardorum <et> lucis (which involves an awkward shift from the plural to the αυτά τοις πάΟεσιν τοις ττερί 4ίν0ρω<πον>. It is tempting to ascribe these views singular), or Dicls's view (Doxogr. Gr.% to Hmpedocles, who is next mentioned 534) that orbem qui cingit caelum is inter in our passage and whose well-known polated from 2, 101 (although not there antithesis of Νεΐκος and Φιλία (or Φιso phrased). With the thought R. Mondolfo, L'infinito tut pensiero dti Greet λότης) as describing forces of repulsion
224
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quae vel morbo vel somno vel oblivione vel vetustate delentur; eademque d e l sideribus, quae reprehensa in alio * iam in hoc omittantur.3 12 29 Empedocles autem multa alia peccans in ■ alia Ν
■ omitantur 2Ϊ*, omittatur Plt comi-
and attraction (cf. Vorsokrat. no. 21 Β 16-22; 26-27; 30; 35-36) might seem to suggest these words. Yet Empedocles may have borrowed the idea from Parmenides, whom he had heard (Suid. s.v. 'Εμπε&οκλής) and emulated (Simplic. Pbys. 1, 2, p. 25, 20 Diels = Vorsokrat. no. 21 A 7). And for this doctrine in Parmcnidcs cf. Aristot. Mttapb. 1, 4, 984 b 23-27: ύποπτεύσειε δ' άν τις Ήσίοδον πρώτον ζητήσαι τό τοιούτον, καν cf τις άλλος έρωτα ή έπιΟυμίαν έν τοις ούσιν έθηκεν ώς αρχήν, οίον καΐ Παρμε νίδης* ούτος γαρ κατασκευάζων τήν τοΰ παντός γένεσιν, "πρώτιστον μέν," φησιν, "{ρωτά θεών μητίσατο πάντων" (— Vorsokrat. no. 18 Β 13; also ascribed to Parmcnidcs by Plut. Amat. 13, 756 f; Scxt. Emp. Adv. Pbys. 1, 9; Asdcp. Metapb. p. 29, 12-14 Hayduck; Simplic. Pbys. 1, 2, p. 39, 18 Diels); Cramer, Anted. Paris. 1, 388: Παρμενίδης γάρ φησι τον ίρωτα τόν θεΐον δημιουργήσαι το πάν. That Parmcnidcs in this matter imitates Hcsiod's Tbeogpny is shown by W. Jaeger, Tlxol. of tin early Gr. Pbi/osopbers (1947), 93. cetcraque: Mayor suggests δίκη and ανάγκη, found in passages from Actius quoted in the note on coronae ήmi/em, above. rcvocat: so ACNB (P is here illegible), kept by Plasbcrg in both his editions, but corrected to the more normal revocet by Orclli and most editors, including Mayor, Diels, and Ax.Quippe qui with the indicative occurs in Plautus, Lucretius, Sallust, Ncpos, frequently in Livy, and occasionally elsewhere in the Empire, but in Cicero only here (R. KuhnerC. Stegmann, Ausf. Gram. d. /at. Spr. 2* (1914), 294). The ms evidence, however, and the principle of the lectio difficilior favor retaining the indicative, and Cicero has as much right as other writers to
occasional άπαξ λεγόμενα; cf. W. G. Hale, Die Cum-Konstruktiontn (1891), 133-134, and n. 1. With the phrase ad . . . revocat cf. 1, 119; Div. 2, 66; Fin. 2, 43; Off. 3, 84; De Demo, 15. vel . . . vel: with the fourfold repe tition cf. 1, 24; 3, 34; and four other cases in the philosophical works; H. Mcrguct, Lex. ξ. d. pbilos. Scbr. 3 (1894), 738. In Rtp. 1, 6, there is an eightfold occurrence of this conjunction. eademque: sc. dicit; cf. 1, 17, n. (verum hoc alias). The identity would seem to mean that ndera ad dtum revocat, though we have no other indication that he did so. in alio: Alcmeaon (1, 27). 29 Empedocles: of Acragas (Lucr. 1, 716; Act. Plat. 1, 3, 20 (Doxogr. Gr.· 286); Plut. Strom, ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 1, 8, 10; Gell. 17, 21, 14; Diog. L. 8, 51; 8, 54; 8, 62-63; 8, 67; 8, 7 2 ; Acl. V.H. 12, 32; Athcn. 1, 3c; Clem. Strom. 6, 3, 30, 1; Iambi. Vit. Pytb. 135; Simplic. Pbys. 1, 2, p. 25, 19 Diels (Doxogr. Gr.* 477); Suid. s.v. Ε μ π ε δοκλής), often called 6 φυσικός (e.g., De Or. 1, 217: Empedocles pbysicus; Lydus, De Mens. 1, 34; Suid. /.r.), was a pupil of Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, or Parmc nidcs (Diog. L. 8, 54-56; Simplic. I.e.; Suid. i.e.). For conflicting evidence for his date cf. E. Wcllmann in P.-W. 5 (1905). 2507, 56-2508, 16, who decides on ca. 494-434 B.C. On his traditional death in the crater of Etna cf. A. S. Pease in Harv. Stud, in cl. Pbilol. 53 (1942), 19-20, and nn. 147-155. Of his works that which chiefly here concerns us is the two-book poem περί φύσεως the fragments of which, amounting to over 150 lines—Wcllmann, op. cit. 2508, 56, for some reason estimates ca. 340— arc collected in Vorsokrat. no. 18 Β 1-19.
1 de om. F, e {del.) Μ tantur OB1
1, 29
225
deorum opinione turpissime labitur. Quattuor enim naturas, ex ments and Ionian philosophy appears The accusation of teaching atheism, made against him by Thcophil. Ad Autol. somewhat superficial). Vitruv. 2, 2, 1; 8, pracf. 1; Diog. L. 8, 25; and Hippol. 3, 2, seems unfounded. alia peccane: perhaps referring to Pbilosopbum. 6, 18, claim four for Pytha his famous doctrine of the conflicting goras, and Clem. Strom. 6, 2, 17, 3-4, forces of attraction and repulsion (*Έρω? says that Athamas the Pythagorean was in this dextrine imitated by Empcdoclcs. or Φιλότης and Νεΐκος), to which several On the four elements in Egypt cf. R. of his fragments (16-22; 26-27; 30; 35-36 Lcpsius in Abb. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss. Diels) and various tcstimonia allude; Berlin. Phil.-hist. Kl. 1856, 181-234. e.g., Scxt. Emp. Adv. Phys. 1, 10: σύν The Hindus recognized five elements γάρ τοις τέσσαρσι στοιχείοις τό Νεΐκος (O. Bdhtlingk in Ber. sachs. Get. d. κ*1 τήν Φιλίαν καταριθμείται, τ>,ν μέν Wiss., phil.-hist. Kl. 52 (1900), 149-151; Φιλί αν ως συναγωγόν αίτίαν, τό δέ Νεΐ yet for a four-fold Hindu classification κος ώς διαλυτικήν; Diog. L. 8, 76: έδόκει δ' αύ-rtT) τάδε· στοιχεία μέν είναι cf. W. Kranz in Pbilol. 93 (1939), 443τέτταρα, πϋρ, ύδωρ, γην, αέρα· φιλίαν 444), and among the Greeks a fifth, ether, was added by Aristotle; cf. [De 0' ή συγκρίνεται καΐ Νεΐκος ω διακρίνε Mundo], 2, 392 a 8-9; 3, 392 b 35; Cic. ται; Hippol. Pbilosopbum. 1, 3, 1. For Tusc. 1, 22; 1, 65; Galen, Introd. 9 the possible relation of that doctrine (XIV, 698 K.); also [Plat.] Epinom. to the teaching of Parmcnidcs cf. 1, 28, n. 981 b-c; Plut. De Ε αρ. Delpb. 11; (bellum . .. discordiam . . . cupidifatem), [Clem.] Recogn. 8, 15; Orig. C. Cels. 4, above. 56; De Print. 3, 6, 6; Achill. Isag. 3, deorum opinione: cf. below, opinionem eius; Div. 2, 75: divinationis opinione; p. 31 Maass; Philostr. Vit. Apoll. 3, 34; 2 I'err. 3, 121: coniecturam to tins provin Thcodorct, Gr. Aff. 4, 11; 5, 21; Simplic. in Pbys. 8, 1, p. 1164, 14-15 cial; Pro Catdn. 9: iuris dubitatio. But in Diels; Stob. vol. 1, p. 18 Wachs.; 3, 11, below: opinio de dis. labitur: cf. Off. 1, 18: lain . . . trrare, Olympiod. in Meteor. 1, 1, p, 2, 13-21; 1, 1, p. 14, 25-28 Stiive; W. Jaeger, nescire, decipi; 1, 94: fa//i, errare, labi, Aristoteles (1923), 142, who thinks this decipi \ also the use of peecat in 1, 31. was discussed as early as the De Pbilosoquattuor . . . naturae: naturae here = phia. Beyond these in number lie the ούσίαι; or στοιχεία; cf. 1, 19, n. {illae bomoeomeriae of Anaxagoras and the quinqut formae)\ 1, 22, n. {naturae}; Ac. limitless atoms of the atomists. 1, 26; 1, 40; 1, 42. For the four elements of Empcdocles From the single clement postulated (baec pervolgata et nota quattuor, as Cic. by some Ionian philosophers (1, 25-26, Ac. 2, 118, calls them), cf. fr. 6 Diels above; (Galen.l Hist. Philos. 18 (Doxogr. {Vorsokr. no. 21 Β 6, ap. Act. Plac. Gr.* 610 - XIX, 243 K.)), or the two 1, 3, 20 - Doxogr. Gr.* 286-287; Hippol. elements of Xenophancs, Hippo, and Pbilosopbum. 10, 3; Prob. in Eel. 6, 31): Ocnopidcs ([Galen,] I.e. and Alcrnacon τέσσαρα γάρ πάντων ρΊζώματα πρώτον (Isocr. Antid. 268)), to the three of Ion (Isocr. I.e.; Philop. De Gen. et Corr. p. 207, £κουε· / Ζευς αργής "Ηρη τε φερέσβιος ήδ' Άιδωνεύς / Νηστίς 0', ή δα18 Vitclli), Hcraclitus, and Onomacritus ((Galen,] i.e.), we pass to four (earth, κρύοις τέγγει κρούνωμα βρότειον; Isocr. Antid. 268: Εμπεδοκλής δέ τέτταρα, water, air, and fire) in Fmpcdocles; cf. W. Jaeger, Tbeol. of the early Gr. Philo καΐ Νεΐκος καΐ Φιλίαν έν αύτοΐς; Aristot. Top. 1, 14, 105 b 16-17; Pbys. 1, 4, sophers (1947), 137-143. W. A. Hcidcl 187 a 27; De Gen. et Corr. 1, 1, 314 a 16; (Am.Journ. Pbilol. 61 (1940), 2) observes 28-29; 2, 3, 330 a 30; b 19-21; De An. that Diog. L. 8, 19, is incorrect in as 1, 2, 404 b 11-15; Metapb. 1, 3, 984 a 8-9; cribing four to Xenophancs. The article of R. I-cnoir in Rev. des et. gr. 40 (1927), 1, 4, 985 a 32; 1, 7, 988 a 27-28; Lucr. 1,714-716; Act. Plac. 1, 3, 20 (see above); 17-50 on the doctrine of the four ele
226
1, 29
quibus omnia constare censet,1 divinas esse vult; quas et nasci ct extingui a perspicuum est et sensu omni s carere. Nee vero 1
cesset Bl
* quas nasci extinguique Η
1, 7, 28 (Doxogr. Gr.* 303—the name of Empedoclcs has dropped out); 1, 13, 1 {Doxogr. Gr* 312); 2, 6, 3 (Doxogr. Gr* 334); 5, 22, 1 (Doxogr. Gr.* 434); Plut. Quomodo Adulat. 22; Strom. 10, ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. (Doxogr. Gr* 582); Hcraclit. Quaes/. Horn. 24; Galen, De Subst. Fac. natural. (IV, 762 K.); De Constit. Art. mtd. 7 (I, 248 K.); 8 (I, 253 K.): «<m ίέ ταϋτα γη καΙ Οθωρ και άήρ καΐ πΰρ, άττερ άπαντες ol μη φεύγοντες άπόδειξιν φι λόσοφοι στοιχεία των γεννωμένων τε καΙ φΟειρομένων έφασαν είναι; In Hipp. De Nat. Horn. 1, 2 (XV, 32 Κ.); [Galen,] Hist. Phil. 126 (Doxogr. Gr.* 645 = XIX, 337 K.); Diog. Ocnoand. p. 10 W.; Scxt. Emp. Adv. Pbys. 1, 10; Diog. L. 8, 76 (these two quoted on alia peccans, above) ; Justin, Cohort, ad Gr. 4; [Clem.] Recogn. 8, 15; Hippol. Pbilosopbum. 7, 17; Achill. Isag. 3, p. 31 Maass; Clem. Protr. 5, 64, 2; Chalcid. in Tim. 216 (Fr. Pbii. Gr. 2, 226); 280 (2, 241); Lact. Inst. 2, 12, 4: Empedocies . . . quattuor elementa cons titut t, ignem, aerem, aquam, terram, fortasse Trismegistum secuius, qui nostra corpora ex bis quattuor elementis constituta esse dixit a deo [cf. Stob. vol. 3, p. 437 Hcnse]; Eus. Pr. Ev. 7, 12, 1; Serv. Eel. 6, 3 1 ; Alex. Aphrod. in Metapb. 1, 3, p. 27, 11-12 Hayduck; Thcmist. in Aristot. Pbys. 1, p. 13. 23 Schcnkl; Thcodorct, Gr. Aff. 2, 10; Philop. De Gen. etCorr. p. 207,18 Vitclli; Asclep. in Metapb. p. 25, 21 Hayduck; Simplic. in Pbys. 1, 2, p. 25, 20-22; p. 31, 20-21; 1, 8, p. 239, 33-34; ct al. Diels. After Empedoclcs the notion of four elements becomes more or less common property for all philosophers save the atomists, being especially adopted by the Stoics (e.g., 2, 25-27; 2, 66; 3, 30; 3, 34; 3, 65; Fin. 4, 12; S.V.F. 2, nos. 412-438; L. Stein in Berl. Stud. f. cl. Pbilol. 3, 1 (1886), 29, n. 33), and it becomes associated with the theory of four bodily humors (for which cf. Hippocr. De Nat. Horn. 5
* omni om. Ο
(p. 352 Kiihn) al.; Ammon. in Porphyr. I sag. p . 8, 3-4 Busse; in Anal. pr. 1, proem, p. 5, 19 Wallics; Olympiod. in Categ. 7, p. 108, 37-109, 2 Busse; J. van Wageningen in Mnemosyne, 46 (1918), 374-382), etc.; cf. W. Jaeger, Paideia, 3 (Engl. tr. 1944), 16. o m n i a constare: cf. Τ use. 1, 42: borum quattuor generum, ex quibus omnia constare dicuntur. divinas esse: Empedoclcs, in his deification of the four elements (unless, as Schoemann suggests, this be mere poetic personification, such as Lucretius uses), called fire Zeus or Hephaestus and water Nestis. Whether Hera = air and Aidoncus = earth (as Theophrasrus sup posed), or, as Crates of Mallus and others interpreted, Aidoneus = air and Hera — earth, was disputed; cf. Hcraclit.£«<*///. Horn. 24; Act. Plac. 1, 7, 28 (Doxogr. Gr.* 305); E. Wellmann in P.-V. 5 (1905), 2509-2510. In addition to the elements he deified the two active principles ΝεΤκος and Φιλότης = 'Αφροδίτη in fr. 17; 22; 86; 87; cf. Aristot. De Gen. et Corr. 2, 6, 333 b 20-22: θεοί δ*έ καΙ ταύ τα), the all-including sphere (Σφαΐρος; fr. 27-28), and Necessity (Ανάγκη). Jewish and Christian writers, of course, later vigorously attack the deification of physical elements; e.g., Philo, De Decal. 53; Tert. Ad Nat. 2, 3; Adv. Marc. 5, 4; Aristid. Apol. 3-5; Lact. Inst. 2, 5, 4; 2, 6, 2; Ioann. Damasc. Barlaam et Ioasapb, 27. Another, more plausible, explanation (cf. V. E. Alfieri, Gli atomisti (1936), 110, n. 270) is that Cicero (or his source) confused in such cases the by no means synonymous words θείος and Θε6ς. To the four divine elements arc related the four forms of divination noted by Varro ap. Schol. Dan. An. 3, 359: geoman/is, aeromantis, pyromantis, bydromantis; cf. Isid. Etym. 8, 9, 13; T. Hopfncr in P.-W. 14 (1925), 1265, 63. nasci et extingui: cf. Aristot. De
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Protagoras, qui sese negat omnino de deis habere ! quod liqueat,2 sint, non sint,3 qualesve sint, quicquam videtur 4 de natura 1 habere om.x AC Ρ Ν • uideatur Bx
■ liqueat scire NO, liquea A
Cae/o, 2, 3, 286 a 32; 3, 6, 304 b 26; Lucr. 1, 753-758: hue accedit item, quoniam primordia rerum f mollia constituunt, quae nos nativa vidimus j esse et mortali cum torpore funditus, utque f debeat ad nilum iam rerum summa rnerti / de niloque renata vigescere copia rerum; / quorum utrumque quid a vero iam distet habebis; 1, 782-797; 5, 235-243; Aristid. Apol. 3-5; Hippol. Philosopbum. 7, 17. But Empcdoclcs, in opposition to this difficulty, asserts (fr. 8): φύσις ούδενός έστιν απάντων / θνητών, ουδέ τις ούλομένου θανάτοιο τελευτή, / άλλα μόνον μίξις τε διάλλαζίς τε μιγέντων / εστί, φύσις δ" έπί τοις ονομάζεται άνθρώποισιν; cf. fr. 12. Extingui is here perhaps middle,: "go out of existence"; cf. E. F. Claflin in Am. Journ. Philol. 67 (1946), 217. On the long-lived (δολιχαίωνες) but not immortal gods of Empcdoclcs cf. W. Jaeger, TbeoL of the early Gr. Philosophers (1947), 33; 206-207. perapicuum est: a frequent phrase in the philosophical works; e.g., 2, 23; 2, 44; 2, 146; 3, 8; 3, 9; 3, 11. eeneu omni carere: and hence are without intelligence or the requisites for happiness. Protagoras: cf. 1, 2, n. {Protagoras); 1, 63; 1, 117. sese: since ACPN omit habere, J. Forchhammcr {Nordisk tidskr. f. filologi, n.s., 5 (1880), 27) emends to esse; but the reading of Β here seems prefer able. Habere literally renders έχω in the Greek of several passages quoted in the note on sint non sint, below. liqueat: cf. 1, 117: cut neutrum licuerit; 2, 3 : // haberem aliquid quod liqueat; Div. 1, 6: de quo Panaetio non liquet; Ac. 2, 94: si babes quod liqueat; Pro Cluent. 76 [for the legal phrase NON LIQUET]; also 3, 64, below: babeo ipse quid rentiam. sint non sint: two forms of this famous statement of Protagoras are noted by* Diels {Doxogr. Gr.* 535):
" s i sint non sint Dl
(1) a shorter form, as in 1, 63, below: de divis nequt ut sint neque ut non sint habeo dicere; 1, 117: Protagoram . . . cut neutrum licuerit, nee esse deos nee non esse; also Plat. Theaet. 162d: έρεϊ Πρωταγόρας . . . δημηγορεϊτε συγκαΟεζόμενοι, θεούς τε είς το μέσον άγοντες, ους έγώ έ*κ τε του λέγειν και τοΰ γράφειν περί αυτών, ως είσίν ή ως ούχ είσίν, εξαιρώ; Diog. L. 9, 51: περί μέν θεών ουκ ίχω είδέναι ούΟ' ώς είσιν ούΟ* ως ούκ είσίν; Philostr. Vit. Soph. 1, 10: τό δέ άπορεΐν φάσκειν ε(τε είσί θεοί είτε ούκ είσί, δοκεϊ μοι Πρωταγόρας έκ της Περσικής παιδεύσεως παρανομήσαι; Hcsych. ap. Schol. Plat. Rep. 600c: εΐπε γάρ· περί θεών ούκ ϊ'/ω είδέναι ούτε ώς είσιν ούτε ώς ούκ είσιν; Thcodorct, Gr. Aff. 6, 6: φάναι γαρ αυτόν είρήκασιν ούκ είδέναι ούτε είττερ είσί θεοί ούτε εΐ παντάπασιν ούκ είσίν; Suid. s.v. Πρωταγόρας· λόγον ποτέ είπεν ούτως άρξάμενος· περί θεών ούκ ίχω είδέναι ούτε ώς είσίν ούτε ώς ούκ είσί; and (2) a form expanded, as here, by the phrase qualesve sint or an equivalent, which corresponds to the second part of the Stoic discussion in our work; cf. 2, 3: deinde quales sint. Of this longer form examples are: Timon, Silli, fr. 5, 3-6 (Diels, Poet. Philos. Fr. (1901), 186; from Sext. Emp. Adv. Phjs. 1, 57): ίθελον δέ τέφρην συγ γράμματα θεϊναι, / δττι θεούς κατέγραψ' ούτ* είδέναι ούτε δύνασΟαι / όπποΐοί τι νές είσι καί οι τίνες άθρήσασθαι, / πάσαν ίχων φυλακήν έπιεικείης [cf. Τ. Gompcrz in Wien. Stud. 32 (1910), 4-6, who defends against Diels this phra seology); Philodem. De Piet. p. 89 Gompcrz {Doxogr. Gr.1 535): ή τους άγνωστον <εΓ> τίνες είσί θε<οί> λέγ<ον>τας ή ποϊοί τινές ε<ί>σιν (the fragment in p. 69 Gomperz, which R. Philippson {Hermes, 55 (1920), 368) thinks refers to Protagoras requires too much emen dation for any certainty); Val. Max. 1,1, ext. 7: Protagoras pfrilosophus . . . scripserat
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dcorum suspicari. Quid? Democritus, qui turn * imagines corumqui cum B* ignorari an di estent, ac si tssent quoits tsstnt non posse sari; Thcophil. Ad Auto/. 3, 7: Πρωταγόρας ό 'Αβδηρίτης λέγων εΓτε γάρ είσι θεοί ού δύναμαι περί αυτών λέγειν, ούτε όποΐοί είσι δηλώσαι- πολλά γάρ έστι τά χωλύοντα; Scxt. Emp. Adv. Pbys. 1, 5 6: 6 8έ Πρω ταγόρας βητώς που γράψας- περί δέ θιών ούτι cl elolv οΰθ' όποΐοί τινές ιίσι δύναμαι λέγειν πολλά γάρ έστι τά χω λύοντα με; Eus. Pr. Εν. 14, 3, 7: λέγεται γοΰν τοίφδε κεχρήσθαι εισβολή έν τω Περί θεών συγγράμματι [cf. Vorsokrat. no. 74 Β 4 ] : περί μεν θεών ούχ οίδα οΰθ* ώς είσΐν οΰθ' ώς ούχ είσΐν ούθ' όποΐοί τίνες ίδέαν (cf. Thcodorct, Gr. Aff. 2, 113]; 14, 19, 10: περί μέν ούν θεών ούχ οϊδα οΰθ' ώς είσΐν οΰθ' όποΐοί τίνες ίδέαν πολλά γάρ έστι τά χωλύοντα με έκαστον τούτων είδέναι. Diog. Ocnoand. p. 19 W. grossly misreports the saying: έφησε γάρ μή είδέναι εί θεοί είσιν. τού το 8' εστίν τό αυτό τω λέγειν είδέναι ότι μή είσιν; cf. loan. Chrys. in 1 Cor. Homil. 4, 5 (Patr. Gr. 61, 36): Πρωταγόρας . . . επειδή έτόλμησεν είπεΐν Οτι ούχ οίδα θεούς, ού τήν οίχουμένην περιιώνχαΐ κηρύττων, άλλ* έν μι^ πόλει περί τών έσ χατων έκινδύνευσε. And Acl. V.H. 2, 31, remarks that barbarians do not in quire περί θεών άρά γέ είσιν ή ουκ είσιν, χαΐ άρά γε ημών φροντίζουσιν ή ού. The agnostic attitude of Protagoras is not, of course, limited to opinions about the gods, but is explained by his general feeling toward certain and ob jective truth; cf. Sen. Ep. 88, 43: Protagoras ait de omni re in utramque partem disputari posse ex aequo et de bac ipsa, an omnis res in utramque partem disputabilis sit. Democritus: of Abdera; cf. 1, 120; also Aristot. Meteor. 2, 7, 365 a 18-19; De Gen. An. 4, 1, 764 a 6-7; Labcrius ap. Cell. 10, 17, 4; Aet. Plac. 1, 3, 16 (ap. Thcodorct, Gr. Aff. 4, 9 — Doxogr. Gr.* 285); Plut. Strom. 7, ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 1, 8, 7 (Doxogr. Gr* 581); Hippol. Phihsophum. 1, 13 {Doxogr. Gr* 565);
Acl. V.H. 4, 20; Ptolem. Apparit. p. 13, 19 Wachsmuth»; Diog. L. 9, 34 (who says that some also thought him a native of Miletus); [Lucian,] Macrvb. 18 (who says that he died at the age of 104); Ccnsorin. 4, 9; 15, 3; Schol. Juv. 10, 50; A then. 2, p. 46c; 4, p. 168 b; Epiphan. Adv. Haeres. 3, 2, 9 (Doxogr. Gr* 590); Cyril. Alex.C.Iulian. 1,p. 13(Vorsokrat. 1, no. 55, A 4 = Patr. Gr. 76, 522); Julian, Ep. 69, p. 413 a; [Synes.] Ad Dioscor. (Vorsokrat. no. 55 Β17); Simplic. Pbys. 1, 2, p. 28, 15-16 Diels (Vorsokrat. no. 55 A 38); Suid. s.vv. Δημόκριτος, Διαγόρας, Τηλεχλχίδου, 'Ιπποκράτης (Hippocrates his pupil). Philostr. Vit. Sopb. 10, says that Protagoras was his pupil; cf. [Galen,] Hist. Pbil. 3 (Doxogr. Gr* 601 = XIX, 229 K.). His birth U variously placed from 470/469 to 460/ 456 B.C. (cf. E. Wellmann in P.-IP. 5 (1905), 135, 49-58). Why Cicero here omits Dcmocritus's older friend (and perhaps fellow-townsman) Lcucippus (cf. 1, 66) is discussed by R. Hirzel, Untersucb. z- Cic. pbilos. Scbr. 1 (1877), 184, n. 1, who thinks that Leucippus may have given only an outline of the atomistic system which Democritus more thoroughly developed; cf. Ac. 2, 118. Philodem. De Piet. p. 69 Gompexz, which probably parallels our passage, is unfortunately mutilated: ού φαίνεται & έμοί Δημόκριτος ωσπερ ένιοι τόν—. Some of the views here expressed, how ever, Cicero reports below in 1, 120; cf. also Min. Fcl. 19, 8: Democritus, quamvis atomorum primus inventor, norote plerumque natteram quae imagines fundat et intellegentiam deum loquitur; Aug. Ep. 118» 27: Democritus . . . qui deos esse arbitraretur imagines, quae de solidis corporibus fluerent, solidaeque ipsae non essent [cf. 1 , 49, below], easque bac atque bac motu proprio circumeundo atque illabendo in animos bominum [cf. 1, 105, below J facere ut vis divina cogifetur [cf. 1, 49, below]; cum profecto illud corpus, undt imago flmret.
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que circumitus in deorum numero refcrt, turn illam naturam quae imagines fundat ac mittat, rum sententiam x intellegcntiamque 1
scientiam Ο
quanto solidius est, tanto preusiantius quoque σαν είναι θεόν, μηδενός άλλου παρά esse iudicetur. ταύτα δντος Οεοϋ [τοΰ] άφθαρτον φύσις imagines conimque circumitue: έχοντος. only dtteriores read earumque, and Cicero is in deorum numero: Lambinus, fol probably here loosely thinking of the lowed by later editors, emended numero gender of είδωλα (cf. Fin. 1, 21: imagines to numerum; cf. 1, 34: refert in deos\ Div. quae είδωλα nominant). Plasbcrg and 2, 4: in . . . numerum referendi. Yet the Ax compare similar grammatical lapses, ms reading seems admissible; cf. Pro e.g., 2, 92: bi tanti igrits . . . si mota loco Rose. Com. 5: in codice . . . relatum; sint (as though he had written sidera\\ Catull. 17, 5-6: in palimpsesto relata; 2, 128 [where pauca refers to fetus]; Rep. Hygin. Fab. 177: in stellarum numero 1, 46: ex tribus istis modis rerum publirettulit; and with repono in the ablative is carum velim scire quod optimum iudices more frequent;cf. 1,37; 2,54;3,23; 3, 51. (where quod might refer to a generibus quae imagines fundat: cf. Clem. in the writer's mind] 1, 53-54 (where Strom. 5, 12, 87, 3: καθόλου γοΰν την quod resumes format}; Att. 9, 7B, 1: περί τού" θείου Ιννοιαν Ξενοκράτης ό epistulam . . . ex quibus (where his Καλχηδόνιος ούκ απελπίζει καΐ έν τοις thought shifts from epistulam to /itteras); άλόγοις ζώοις. Δημόκριτος δέ, καν μη Luc. 2, 164-167 (where artus probably θέλη, ομολογήσει δια την άκολουθίαν suggests membra and is taken up by των δογμάτων τα γάρ αυτά πεποίηκεν confusa); C.I.L. VIII, 18214 ( - Dessau είδωλα τοις άνθρώποις προσπίπτοντα 6847): flaminat<us> perpet
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nostram, nonnc in l maximo crrore a versatur? Cum idem omnino, quia nihil semper suo statu maneat, neget 3 esse quicquam sempiternum, nonne deum omnino ita tollit4 ut nullam opinionem eius reliquam faciat? Quid? Aer,* quo β Diogenes 7 Apolloniates 1 4 in add. Η * errore om. D ■ negat Bx tollat A1, tollit omnino qua nihil semper Nl, tollit omnino ut nullam opinionem N* · aer] ait(7) D • quo] qui Ο ' diogencs DF\ diogenis AHPNOBF*M
sententiam intellegentiamque is used for a Phrygian. For his connection with concrete am mum sentientem et intellegen- Apollonia cf. Act. Plac. 1, 3, 26 (Doxogr. tem, yet perhaps Cicero felt that sentential Gr* 289); Plut. Strom. 12, ap. Eus. sentio = intellegmtia: intelUgo, and it seems Pr. E». 1, 8, 12 (Doxogr. Gr.* 583); Sen. N.Q. 2, 20; 4, 2, 28; Galen. Comm. in here safer to hold to the definite ms tra Hipp. Epid. 2. 49 (XVII A, 1006 K.); dition, rather than admit emendation. [Galen,] Hist. Pbilos. 18 (Doxogr. Gr.* With the thought cf. Act. Plac. 1, 7, 16 (Doxogr. Gr.* 302): Δημόκριτος νουν 610 = XIX, 243 K.); Diog. L. 6, 81; τον θεόν έν πυρ Ι σφαιροειδεϊ; [Galen,] 9, 57; Diog. Ocnoand. p. 10 W.; HeroHist. Phil. 35 (Doxogr. Gr* 618 = XIX, dian, rapl μον. λέξ. 1, p. 7 (Vorsokrat. 1, no. 51 Β 10); Ccnsorin. 6, 1; 9, 2; Min. 251 Κ.): Δημόκριτος δένουν έν πυρίσφαιFel. 19, 5; Clem. Protr. 5, 64, 2; Paedag. ροειδεΐ την τοϋ κόσμου ψυχήν ΰπολαμβάvei; Min. Fel. 19, 8: intellegentiam deum 1, 6, 48, 3; Strom. 1, 11, 52, 4; Schol. loquitur; V. Ε. Alfieri, op. cit.% 110, n. 270 Ap. Rhod. 4, 269, p. 277 Wcndel; Thcodoret, Gr. Aff. 4, 12; [Clem.] (after E. Zcller, Die Philos. d. Gr. \* Rtcogn. 8, 15; Mcx.Quaest. 2, 23 (Vorso (1919), 1120, n. 7) suggests that Cicero krat. 1, no. 51 A 33); Simplic. Pbys. 25, 1 and his Epicurean source perhaps con (Doxogr. Gr.* 477 = Vorsokrat. 1, no. sidered among the gods of any philo 51 A 5); 151, 20 (Vorsokrat. 1, no. sopher all that he had, even broadly, 51 A 4). Of his exact dates we know no designated as divine; cf. Vorsokrat. 1, thing, save that he may be placed in the no. 55 Β 112, where Dcmocritus uses fifth century (cf. E. Wellmann in P.-W. 5 the phrase θείου νοϋ. (1905), 764). In many of the passages in . . . errore versatur: cf. 1, 2, n. (in summo errore . .. versari); 3, 25; Ac. just cited he is mentioned—sometimes as a follower of Anaximencs; cf. 1, 26, n. 2, 34. (Anaxsmenet)—as one of those who omnino: cf. 1, 117. postulated air as the primal clement; neget: so the mss except B*t which has negat—m reading adopted by Plasberg. cf. also Aristot. De An. 1, 2, 405 a 21-25; Metapb. 1 3. 984 a 5-7; Thcophr. fr. 41 The causal notion here seems to justify Wimm.; cf. De Sens. 39 and 46 (Doxogr. the subjunctive. Cf. J. Lcbrcton, Iztudes Gr.* 510 and 512); Alex. Aphrod. in sur la langue ... de Cic (1901), 328. Metapb. 1, 3, p. 26, 22 Hayduck; p. 27, aempiternum: Dcmocritus's gods are 6-7; 1, 5, p. 45,16-18; Asdcp. in Metapb. of imperishable atoms, but arc themselves p. 25, 19 Hayduck; Simplic. in Phys. 1, 2, liable to destruction by the rcassortment p. 25, 1-8; 1, 4, p. 149, 8; p. 151, 20-21; of those atoms, since he had not, like 151, 28-29; 3, 4, p. 452, 30-31; 458, 25; Epicurus, placed them in intermundiay apart from disintegrating influences; 3, 5, p. 475, 7-8 Dicls. His doctrines he set forth in his work περί φύσεως, still hence they arc, as Scxtus Empiricus extant in the time of Simplicius (in (Adv. Pbys. 1, 19) says, δύσφθαρτα μέν, Pbys. 1, 2, p. 25, 1-8; 1, 4. p. 151. 2β-29 ούκ & φθαρτά δέ. Dicls), for the fragments of which see Diogenes: of Apollonia, probably in Vorsokrat. 1, no. 51 Β 1-10. Crete (Stcph. Byz. p. 106 Mcincckc), Further, that Diogencs considered air though Acl. V.H. 2, 31, thinks him a
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utitur deo, quern sensum habere potest aut quam formam dei? 30 lam de Platonis inconstantia longum est dicere, qui in Timaeo as divine may be seen in his fifth frag quem sensum: cf. 1, 28 (for Parmeniment (Vorsokrat. 1, no. 51 Β 5): χαί μοι des); 1, 29 (for Empedoclcs). δοκχϊ τό τήν νόησιν έχον είναι, ό άήρ quam formam: cf. 1, 26 (for Anaxi καλούμενος υπό των ανθρώπων, καί υπό menes); 1, 28 (for Parmcnidcs). τούτου πάντας καί κυβερνάσθαι καί πάν 30 iam: transitional, and used in a των κρατεΐν αυτό γάρ μοι τοδτο θεός series of illustrations, nearly in the sense δοκεϊ είναι* καί επί παν άφΐχθαι καΐ πάν of deinde; cf. 2, 50; 2, 67; 2, 68; 2, 127; τα διατιθέναι καΐ έν παντί ένεΐναι . . . 2, 129; 2, 132; 2, 141; 3, 52; 3, 54; καΐ πάντων των ζώων δέ ή ψυχή τό Seyffcrt on Am. 45; J. B. Hofmann in αυτό έστιν, άήρ θερμότερος, κτλ. (W. Tins. Ling. Lat. 7 (1934), 121, 64-65, Jaeger, Tbtoi. of the early Gr. Philo for other Ciceronian examples. sophers (1947), 165-166; 204; 243-244); Platonis inconstantia: the present cf. also Philemon, fr. 91 (2, 505 Kock criticism of Plato forgets entirely that lorsokrat. 1, no. 51 C 4), in which by Vellcius in 1, 18-20, and derives from Diogenes is not named but άήρ is iden a different source; cf. A. B. Krische, tified with Zeus (for Diogcnes's rela Die tbeol. Lehren (1840), 23; R. Hirzcl, tion to Ar. Nubes cf. W. Thcilcr, Zur Untersuch. ^ Cic. phil. Schr. 1 (1877), 18. Gescb. d. teleol. Naturbetrachtung bis auf In the former passage it is the incredibili Aristot. (1925), 8), also his allusion ty rather than the inconsistency of Plato 2 (Thcophr. De Sens. 42 = Doxogr. Gr. which is uppermost, this same inconstan 511) to ό εντός άήρ as μικρόν ών μόριον tia being also charged against Thcophrasτοϋ θεού Philodcm. De Pie/, p. 70 tus (1, 35) and against all popular theo Gomperz (Doxogr. Gr.* 536): Διοlogy (1, 43). The present passage may be <γέ>νης έπαι<νεΐ> τόν "Ομηρον, ώς <ού> related to Philodcm. De Pietate, but that μυ0ικ<ώς> άλλ' αληθώς <ΰ>πέρ τ<οΰ> work is not preserved at this point. For θείου διειλε<γ>μένον. τόν αέρα γάρ Plato's inconsistency cf. also Justin, αυτόν Δία νομίζειν φησίν, επειδή πάν Cohort, ad Gr. 1: ό γοΰν Πλάτων ποτέ μέν εΐδέναι τόν Δία λέγει καί—; Act. P/ac. τρεις αρχάς τοϋ παντός είναι λέγει . . . 1. 7, 17 (Doxogr. Gr.* 302, on God): ποτέ δέ τεσσάρας . . . καί αύθις τήν ύλην Διογένης καί Κλεάνθης καί Οίνοπίδης άγέννητον πρότερον είρηκώς ύστερον τήν του κόσμου ψυχήν; Min. Fel. 19, 5: γεννητήν αυτήν είναι λέγει. After other Anaximenes deirueps et post Apolloniates examples he continues: τί τοίνυν αίτιον τοϋ μή προς αλλήλους μόνον άλλα καί Diogenes aera deum statuunt infinitum et inmensum ; horum quoque simi/is de divinitateπρος εαυτούς στασιάζειν τους παρ' ύμιν consensio est; Clem. Strom. 1, 11, 52, 4: νομισθέντας γεγενησθαι σοφούς; Min. στοιχεία δέ σέβουσι, Διογένης μέν τόν Fel. 19, 14: Platoni apertior de deo et rebus αέρα, Θαλής δέ τό ύδωρ, κτλ. ; Aug. ipsis et nominibus oratio est et quae tota esset C.D. 8, 2: Diogenes quoque Anaximenis caelestis, nisi persuasionis civilis nonnumquam alter auditor aerem quidem dixit rerum esse admixtione sordesceret; Hippol. Philosomateriam, de qua omniafierent;sed eum esse phum. 1, 19, 6-7 (Doxogr. Gr* 567-568), eompotem divinae rations s, sine qua nihil ex citing Platonic utterances both in favor eo fieri posset; Sidon. Carm. 15, 91-93: of monotheism and in support of poly tumor huic iunctus residet collega, sed idem / theism ; Clem. ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 2, 6, 23materiam cunctis creatwis aera credens J 24; Eus. Pr. Ev. 13, 14, 6: δια δή ταύτα iudicat inde deum, faceret quo cuncta, tulisse. άπολειπτέος ήμΐν ό φιλόσοφος, ού κατά φιλόσοφον, ούδ' αυτός αύτω συμφώνως, For the use made by the Stoics of these τάς μυθικάς των ποιητών γενεαλογίας views cf. W. Thcilcr, op. cit., 59-60; also for Diogenes as a very significant figure καθυποκρινάμενος; Phot. Bibl. 48, p. 11 in early tcleological theistic beliefs id., b 18 Bckkcr: δείκνυσι δέ έν αύτοϊς προς 13-16; A. S. Pease in Harv. thecl. Rev. εαυτόν στασιάζοντα Πλάτωνα. A sum mary of Plato's various views about 34 (1941), 164-166.
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patrem huius mundi nominari ncgct posse, in Legum autem l libris quid sit omnino deus anquiri * oportcrc non a censeat. 1
autem am. D
* inquiri ΛΡ, an qucri Ο
· non] nos C
difficile*n\ Orig. C. Cels. 7, 42 [too long God is given by Act. Plac. 1, 7, 31 to quote]; Lact. De Ira, 11, 11: ncut (Doxogr. Gr.% 304-305); cf. the study by F. Solmsen in Cornell Stud, in cl. Plato in Timaeo et stnsit et docuit; cuius maiestaUm tantam esse dularat ut mc mente Pbilol. 27 (1941). Stobacus (vol. 2, 55 conprebendi nee lingua exprimi possit [cf. Wachsmuth) defends Plato against simi lar charges of inconsistency in other Inst. 2, 16, 6: deus . . . neque nomine, cum fields by saying Πλάτων πολύφωνος ών, solus siJ, eget]; Lact. Plac. in Stat. Tbeb. 4, 516: dum δημιουργόν, cuius scire nomen ούχ ώς τίνες οίονται πολύδοξος; cf. Prod, in Tim. p. 297c (p. 190 Diehl); non licet\ Clem. Strom. 5, 12, 82, 1: καν W. Jaeger, Paideia, 2 (Engl. tr. 1943), όνομάζωμεν αύτο ποτέ, ού κυρίως κα 415, n. 39b: "It was the diversity of λούντες ήτοι εν ή τάγαθόν ή νουν ή aspects and forms of the Divine in αυτό τό δν ή πατέρα ή 6εδν ή δημιουρPlato's philosophy that bewildered the γόν ή κύριον, ούχ ώς δνομα αύτοΰ προφερόμτνοι λέγομεν, ύπό δέ απορίας όνοHellenistic critics—not only these, but μασι καλοΐς προσχρώμεθα, έν' Ιχη ή modern scholars even more, who ex διάνοια, μή περί άλλα πλανωμένη, έπε· pected to find one God in Plato, and ρείδεσβαι τούτοις; Cyril. Alex. C. not πάντα πλήρη θεών. It was the same lulian. 1, pp. 30-31 (Parr. Gr. 76, 548d); with Aristotle's lost dialogue On Philo sophy, which obviously resembled Plato's Corp. Herm. 5, 10: ό θεός ονόματος κρείττων. Η. Chadwick (Cl. Rev. 63 theology in this respect." For various (1949). 24) well points out that our estimates held by later philosophers of Plato's theology cf. R. E. Witt, Albinus passage refutes the claim of H. A. Wolfand the Hist, of middle Platonism (Camb. son that Philo first enunciated this doc trine; cf. R. Marcus in Rev. of Relig. class. Stud. 7 (1937)), 69, n. 5. longum est: cf. 1, 19, n. (longum est). (1949). 378. Plato says that to discover God is a hard task and to show him to in Timaeo: 28c: τόν μέν ούν ποιητήν all men is impossible; Cicero says that καΐ πατέρα τούδε του παντός εΰρεΐν τε God cannot be named—a rather dif έργον καΐ εύρόντα είς πάντας αδύνατον ferent assertion. λέγειν; translated by Cic. Tim. 6: atque nominari: T. Bin (Berl. pbilol. \Tocb. ilium quidem quasi parentem huius univer38 (1918), 574), to heighten the con sitatis invenire difficile, et cum iam invenerit indicare in vulgus nefas; Joseph. C. trast between these two clauses and to bring the passage into closer likeness Ap. 2, 224: αύτος δέ Πλάτων ώμολόto that in Plato's Timaeus, emends to γηχεν δτι τήν άληθη περί θεοϋ δόζαν είς τήν των βχλων άγνοιαν ούκ ήν ασ patrem huius mundi nominari
1.30
233
Quod veto sine corpore ullo deum vult esse (ut Graeci dicunt, is the statement reversed but its form and so perhaps independently, docs), has suffered other gradual changes, as is or else would delete it altogether. Mayor indicated by H. Dicls {Doxogr. Gr* 124), feels that the change of order would more from Xen. Mem. 4, 3, 13 to Philod. effectively juxtapose the inconsistent Dt Pitt, p. 71 Gomperz (these two statements of the first and third sen passages quoted on 1, 31, n. (Xtnopbon), tences (of the ms order), the first asser below), and from it to Cicero's jormam ting that God cannot be named and dii quatri non oporttre (1, 31), where should not be sought, and the third— Cicero has added the idea of non oporttre, introduced by idem, which, as in 1, 31 probably to make that passage agree {eundem); 1, 121, and Off. 1, 84, empha with anquiri oporttre non censeat here assert sizes the inconsistencies of one and the ed of Plato, since in 1, 31, he considers same philosopher—frankly identifying Xcnophon's views isdem in errat is fere various tangible and intangible objects qui bus ta quae de Ρla tone dicimus. Closer with deity. Goethe feels the same temp to the thought of Cicero is {Xcn.j Ep. 1 tation to transpose the two sentences as {Epistol. Gr. 788 Herchcr): βτι μέν γαρ docs Mayor, but more prudently resists τά θεία υπέρ ημάς παντί δήλον άπόχρη it, pointing out that in 1, 97 {an quicquam Ac τώ κρείττονι της διανοίας αυτούς σέ... vidimus) a clause similarly interrupts βειν οίοι δέ είσιν ούτε εύρεΐν £αδιον the course of the thought. But, such οΰτε ζητεΐν Οεμιτόν. with which cf. Fus. changes as Mayor's bring the need for ap. Stob. vol. 2, 8 Wachsmuth: θεοί οίοι further adjustments, and, as Plasbcrg 2ασιν ου χρή δίζεσΟαι· αύτόΟεν δέ άρι remarks, quite as striking would seem στον πεπιστευκέναι; Lact. De Ira, 11, to be the inconsistency between the 13: apud Xenopbontem Socrates disputans second sentence, with its assertion of ait for mam dei non oportere conquiri, et Plato the incorporeal character of God, and in Legum iibris, quid omnino sit dens non essethe third, which assigns to him defini quaerendum, quia nee inveniri possit nee tely physical types of existence; cf. enarrari [where Lactantius has reversed Iambi. De Myst. 1, 17: πώς γαρ δή ήλιος the order of his citations from our pas τε και σελήνη κατά τόν σόν λόγον καΐ sage]. The general thought is a common τί έν ούρανω εμφανείς έσονται 0εο(, εΐ place; cf. Job, 11, 37: "Canst thou by ασώματοι είσι μόνως ol θεοί; it may be searching find out G o d ? " granted that this contrast is somewhat blurred by the gloss-like parenthesis F. Gugliclmino (Re/igio, 10 (1934), 130, n. 1) thinks that in our passage Cicero /// Graeci dicunt άσώματον, and by the rcassertion of the Epicurean objection is not deliberately representing Vclleius that what lacks sensation must lack as misquoting Plato, but that the blun ders arc due to Cicero's unverified re prudentia and hence lack pleasure, and hence cannot satisfy the prerequisites collections and his hasty methods of for deity. But such awkwardness of composition. expression is not unparalleled in Cicero, anquiri: cf. 1, 45. non censeat: cf. Div. 1, 82: non cen- and is by no means an adequate reason sent\ Off. 1, 39: non censuit; 3, 101; the for transposition. sine corpore: translating ασώματος, phrase may be compared with οΰ φημι since the word incorpora/is does not and with the colloquial Fnglish "doesn't occur until Seneca and Quintilian, and think." incorporeus is found first in Gcll. 5, 15, 1: quod vero: this sentence, through eonprehendimus,). Forchhammcr {Nordisk incorporeum. hoc enim vocabulum quidam tidskrift f. filol. N.S. 5 (1880), 34-37) finxerunt proinde quod Graece dicitur άσώ ματον. In Ac. 1, 39, Cicero renders the considers an interruption of the thought, idea by ea quae expers esset corporis and by and hence would either transpose it to the end of this section, after repug- non corpus; in Tusc. 1, 50 he speaks of nantia (as Mayor, without naming him, animus . . . paeans corpore, but more
234
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άσώματον),1 id quale esse possit intellegi non potest; careat enim 2 scnsu nccesse est,3 careat etiam * prudentia, careat voluptate; quae omnia una cum deorum notione conprehendimus. Idem δ et in Timaeo β dicit et in Legibus et mundum deum esse et caelum 1 asomaton ACNBFM, asamathon O, auxosomaton Ρ * cnlmadd.O * est] et Ax * etiam] et tarn B*t enim NO, quare D ■ item A1 · timaeo eo (co del.) Β
often he employs sine corpore; e.g. 1, 33; Tusc. 1, 37: quae sine corporibus nee fieri posstnt nee intellegi; Ltgg. fr. 1 (ap. Ι Λ « . Inst. 3, 19, 2); cf. Sen. ap. Aug. CD. 6, 10; Tert. Apol. 47; Min. Fcl. 11, 7; also N. Stang in Symb. Osloenses, 17 (1937), 69, for Cicero's translations of alpha privative. Prod, in Tim. p. 24 f (p. 77 Diehl) contrasts ασώματος with σωματικός. Plato does not himself in the Timaeus say that God is ασώματος (cf. Diels in Doxogr. Gr.x 128; 537), though others recounting his opinions attribute that view to him; Dicls {op. cii. 537) cites Diog. L. 3, 77; 5, 32; Hippol. Pbilosophum. 19, 3 (Doxogr. Gr* 567); Fus. Pr. Ev. 15, 14, 1; [Galen,] Hist. Pbil. 16 (Doxogr. Gr.* 608 - XIX, 241 K.): άλλ' ό μέν Πλάτων 6ε6ν άσώματον, Ζή νων δέ σώμα; Sen. ap. Aug. CD. 6, 10: Platonem aut . . . Stratonem, quorum alter fecit deum sine corpore, alter sine ammo; Apul. De Plat. 1, 5: incorpoream . .. sine corpore. Plato uses the adjective ασώμα τος in other connections; e.g., Pbaedo, 85e. The term is applied to God by various other philosophers; e.g., [Aristot.] De Zertone, 979 a 4-9: Ζήνων . . . σώμα λέγει είναι τον Οεόν . . . ασώματος γάρ ων πώς άν σφαιροειδής είη επιμόνως . . . έπεί δέ σώμα έστι, τί άν αυτό κωλύοι χινεΐσθαι ώς ελέχθη; Scxt. Emp. Pyrrbon. 3, 3: τών δογματικών ol μέν σώμα φασιν είναι τον Θεόν, ol δέ άσώματον; Orig. De Princip. 1, praef. 8-9; 4, l,27;Plotin. 6, 1, 26; Iambi. Protr. 21, p. 120 Pistclli: φιλοσοφεί καΐ ασωμάτους προ παντός ήγοΰ θεούς ύπάρχειν; Julian, Ep. ad Sacerd. 293b: ασώματοι δέ είσιν αυτοί; Corp. Herm. 5, 10: ούτος ό ασώματος, ό πολυσώματος, μάλλον δέ παντοσώματος; cf. Procl.
in Cratyl. 63 (p. 35 Pasquali); Steph. in Arist. Rhet. 3, 2, p. 314, 12 Rabe. Porphyry wrote a work called περί ασω μάτων (Suid. s.v. Πορφύριος). Η. Gomperz (Hermes, 67 (1932), 155-167) em phasizes the connection between the incorporeal and the infinite. ut Graeci dicunt άσώματον: a gloss might easily take this form, and some editors, from Hcindorf on, have deleted the phrase. But Cicero often gives the Greek original for a Latin term or a Latin translation of a Greek one, so that there seems no good reason for denying him that privilege here; cf. 1, 20, n. (id est naturae rationem). For his use of such Greek words cf. H. J. Rose in Journ. Hell. Stud. 41 (1921), 96. intellegi non potest: cf. 1, 2 5 : in· tellegere qui possumus; 3, 34: quod quale sit ne intellegi quidem potest; Ac. 2, 124: Humerus nullo corpore, quod intellegi quale sit vix potest. For similar trains of argu ment cf. 1, 33: cum autem sine corpore idem vult deum omni ilium sensu privat, etiam pru dentia; 1, 48 [human sense organs con duce to reason, reason to virtue, virtue to happiness]. careat . . . sensu: cf. Porphyr. ap. Stob. vol. 1, p. 344 Wachsmuth: απαθή £ητέον παντελώς τά ασώματα. d e o r u m notione: cf. 1, 4 3 ; 2, 13; 3, 16. c o n p r e h e n d i m u s : καταλαμβάνομεν; cf. A. Pittct, Vocab. pbilos. de Seneque, 1 (1937), 211. in Timaeo: 34b: δια πάντα δη ταΰτα εύδαΐμονα Θεόν αυτόν έγεννήσατο; 40a: ούράνιον θεών γένος; 40d; 41a; 92c: βίε ό χόσμος . . . ζώον όρατόν τά ορατά περιέχον. in Legibus: 7, 821b: μεγάλων Θεών, ηλίου τε άμα καΐ σελήνης; 7, 821c:
1, 30 et astra et terram et animos * et eos 1
animus Ax
* eos add. Dl
235 2
* maiorum
περί θεών τ ω ν κ α τ ' ούρανόν; 10, 8 8 6 d : τ α ύ τ α αυτά προφέροντες, ήλιόν τε και σελήνην καΐ άστρα καΐ γην ώς θεούς καΐ θεία « ν τ α ; 10, 8 9 9 b ; 12, 950d. m u n d u m d c u m e s s e : part of P l a t o ' s alleged inconsistency lies in m a k i n g o n e g o d (the universe) include w i t h i n him self other g o d s (caelum, astra, terra, ammi, e t c . ) ; cf. 1, 3 3 , n. {caelum mundi . . . partem), b e l o w ; also the o b j e c t i o n s raised b y E u s . Pr. Ev. 3 , 9, 1 2 : Α ι γ υ π τ ί ω ν δέ ό λόγος, π α ρ ' ών καΐ Ό ρ φ ε ύ ς τ η ν θεολογίαν έκλαβών τόν κόσμον είναι τόν θεόν ωετο, έκ πλειόνων θεών τ ώ ν αυ τού μερών (ότι και τά μέρη τοΰ κόσμου θεολογοΰντες έν τ ο ϊ ς πρόσθεν α π ε δ ε ί χ θησαν) ; A u g . CD. 7t6: de opinione \'arronis, qua arbitratus est deum animam esse mundi, qui tamen in parlibus snis habeat am mas multas quorum divina natura sit. E l s e w h e r e t h r o u g h t h e Timaeus Plato a d o p t s the view of a w o r l d - s o u l , and Act. Ptac. 1, 3 , 21 (Doxogr. Gr.* 288) s u m m a r i z e s this by saying ό δέ θεός νους έστι τοΰ κόσμου [cf. Ac. 1, 2 9 , a n d t h e view of C h r y s i p p u s in 1, 39, b e l o w ; P r o d , in Tim. p . 289c (p. 164 D i c h l ) : τόν κόσμον τότε θεόν αυτός έχάλεσεν ότε ψ'-»χήν α ύ τ ώ πρώτον έπέστησεν] — a t h e o r y attacked bv A r i s t o t . De Caelo, 2, 1, 284 a 27-35. M a c r o b . Sat. 1, 18, 17 says mundi atttem men tern so/em esse opinantur attctores. c a e l u m et astra: cf. 1, 1 8 ; 1, 2 7 , n. {toii ft Imac). M. P. Nilsson (in Harv. theol. Rev. 3 3 (1940), 4-5, d i s c u s s i n g the o r i g i n of the G r e e k belief in t h e d i v i n i t y of the heavenly bodies) r e m a r k s that t h o s e bodies were t h e m s e l v e s d i v i n e a c c o r d i n g t o Plato ( w h e t h e r the Epinomis be a u t h e n t i c o r not Nilsson h o l d s that it r e p r e s e n t s P l a t o ' s t h o u g h t ; cf. p p . 9 8 3 c ; 9 8 3 e ; 9 8 4 d : θεούς δέ δή τους ορατούς, μ έ γ ι σ τ ο υ ς καΐ τ ι μ ι ω τ ά τ ο υ ς . . . τους π ρ ώ τ ο υ ς τήν τ ώ ν ί σ τ ρ ω ν φύσιν λβκτέον; 9 8 6 b - c ; 9 8 7 b ; also Apol. 2 6 d ; Phileb. 28e; Rep. 6, 508a a n d S h o r c y ' s n o t e ; Cratyi. 3 9 7 c - d ) , for they well satisfied the d e m a n d for o r d e r and l a w ( N i l s s o n ,
quos maiorum
3
institutis
A*H(?)PBF
op. cit. 3), a n d t h e p o p u l a r a n d p h i l o s o phical beliefs p a v e d t h e way for a later astrological d o c t r i n e of their d i v i n e p o w e r s . " T h e divinity of the stars was an article of the Platonic faith w h i c h it c o u l d n e v e r o c c u r t o Aristotle t o d o u b t , " r e m a r k s W . K . C. G u t h r i e (intr. t o his cd. of Aristot. De Caelo (1939), xxxiv). O t h e r a u t h o r s a t t e s t i n g Plato's view of the d i v i n i t y of these bodies arc Act. Plac. 1, 7, 31 (Doxogr. Gr.* 3 0 5 ) : αισθητά δέ τοΰ π ρ ώ τ ο υ Οεοΰ ϊ κ γ ο ν α ήλιος, σε λήνη, αστέρες, γ η , καΐ ό περιέχων π ά ν τ α κ ό σ μ ο ς ; At he nag. Leg. pro Christ. 6 : εΐ δ' οίδεν (sc. ό Π λ ά τ ω ν ) καΐ άλλους, οίον ήλιον καΐ σελήνην καΐ αστέρας, άλλ' ώ ς γεννητούς οίδεν αυτούς; T e r t . Adv. Marc. 1, 13: deos pronuntiavermt .. . ut Plato sidera, quae genus deorum igneum appellat, cum de mundo. a n i m o s : cf. Plat. Ugg. 10, 8 9 7 b : οϊς ψυχή χ ρ ω μ έ ν η , νουν μέν προσλαβοΰσα άεΐ, οίον ορθώς θεός; 10, 8 9 9 b : επειδή ψυχή μέν ή ψυχαΐ π ά ν τ ω ν τ ο ύ τ ω ν αίτιαι έφάνησαν, άγαθαΐ δέ πασαν άρετήν, θε ούς αύτάς είναι φήσομεν, εΓτε έν σ ώ μ α · σιν ένοΰσαι, ζ ώ α Οντα, κοσμοΰσι π ά ν τ α ούρανόν είτε ό π η τε και ό π ω ς ; 12, 9 5 9 b : άθάνατον . . . ψυχήν . . . παρά θεούς άλ λους άπιέναι; Tim. 41c, w h e r e the soul is called θείος rather t h a n θεός; C i c . Rep. 6, 15: usque [sc. bominibus] animus datus est ex illis sempiternis ignibus quae sidera et Stellas vocatis; Philo, De Opif. 7 3 : ol αστέρες· ούτος γ α ρ ζ ω ά τε είναι λέ γονται και ζ ώ α νοερά, μάλλον δέ νους αυτός έ κ α σ τ ο ς ; De Gigant. 8 : καΐ γ α ρ ούτοι [sc. ol αστέρες] ψυχαΐ δλαι δι' Ολων ακήρατοι τε καΐ θεΐαι, παρό καΐ κύκλω κινούνται τήν συγγενεστάτην ν ώ κίνησιν; T e r t . Apol. 4 7 ; De An. 12. m a i o r u m i n s t i t u t i s : for the phrase cf. 2, 7 9 ; Dip. 2, 148 (and Pease's n o t e ) ; Tusc. 1, 2 ; 4 , 1 ; Rep. 3 , 6 ; 5 , 1 ; Off. 1 , 1 1 6 ; a n d for t h e t h o u g h t J. C. P l u m p c , Wesen u. Wirkung der Auctoritas Maiorum bei Cic. (1935); H. Roloff, Maiores bei Cic. (1938). In several of the p h i l o s o p h i e s criticized for inconsistency, notably in
236
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accepimus. Quae ct per se sunt falsa perspicue et inter se l vehementer repugnantia. 31 Atque etiarn Xenophon paucioribus 1
se add. D·
videri posse et ideo quaeri non oportere; Lact. Stoicism, it is the attempt to reconcile De Ira, 11, 13: apud Xenopbontem Socrates popular gods with philosophically de disputans ait formam dei non oportere confensible deities which leads to most of the confusion. Thus Plato remarks (Tim. quiri [these last two writers evidently 40d): περί δέ των άλλων δαιμόνων copy Gccro at this point]. It will be είπεΐν καΐ γνώναι τήν γένεσιν μείζον ή observed that Xenophon docs not say καθ' ή μας, πειστέον δέ τοις είρηκόσιν what Cicero represents him as saying (cf. H. Sauppc» Auspw. Scbr. (1896), έμπροσθεν, έχγόνοις μέν θεών ούσιν, ως Ιφασαν, σαφώς δέ που τους γε αυτών 391-392), for he makes no assertion that Socrates discouraged the search for God προγόνους είδόσιν, κτλ. accepimus: cf. 3, 5: opiniones quas a but merely that he advised men to infer maioribus accepimus de dis inmortalibus . . . the existence of God from his works opinion* quam a maioribus accept d* cultu rather than to wait, perhaps vainly, for dtorum inmortalium; 3, 47: quos colimus a thcophany. Nor does Xenophon say et accepimus; Legg. 2, 26: patribus that the sun and the soul arc gods, but acceptos dtos [also 2, 19, by emendation]; rather he compares man's inability to DIP. 1, 86: divination* quam ... a patribus gaze upon them with his similar inability accepimus; Off. 3, 44: praeclarum a maiori to look upon God. Whether this mis representation is due to Cicero or to his bus accepimus morem. falsa perspicue: cf. Ac. 2, 60; Pro Epicurean source may appear obscure. Yet the parallel passage in Philodcmus, Cael. 26. so far as it extends, is much closer than vehementer repugnantia: for the Cicero to Xenophon, and contains the phrase cf. Ac. 2, 44; Fin. 5, 77. idea—lacking in Cicero—that if we 31 Xenophon: Mem. 4, 3, 13-14: ότι δέ αληθή λέγω καΐ σύ γνώση, αν μή cannot sec God's form wc can at least sec his works. Had the Epicurean been αναμένης £ως αν τάς μορφάς τών θεών attempting to misrepresent Xenophon he ίδης άλλ' έζαρκή σοι τα ϊργα αυτών όρwould hardly have conceded to him so ώντι σέβεσθαι καΐ τιμαν τους θεούς . . . respectable an argument as this. Diels έννόει δ' Οτι καΐ 6 πάσι φανερός δοκών (Doxogr. Gr.1 124) believes that the είναι ήλιος ούκ επιτρέπει τοις άνθρώfault is wholly Cicero's, and that when ποις εαυτόν ακριβώς όράν . . . άλλα μήν he speaks of paucioribus verbis he is not καΐ άνθρωπου γε ψυχή, ή είπερ τι καΐ excerpting but amputating his original, άλλο τών ανθρωπίνων τοΰ θείου μετέ for in Philodem. p. 72 Gomperz, Diels χει, δτι μέν βασιλεύει έν ήμϊν φανερόν, όράται δέ ούδ' αυτή [a passage cited also thinks it possible to detect a further by Clem. Protr. 6, 71, 3 ; Strom. 5, 14, remnant of the doctrine of Xenophon, in words which he emends to read: 108, 5; Eus. Pr. Ev. 13, 13, 35; Cyril. Alex. C. Iulian. 1, p. 32 (Patr. Gr. 76, <ά>φαν<εϊς> . . . κερκυνόν κ>αΙ πνεύ552a); Stob. vol. 2, p. 15 Wachsmuth]; ματ<α>, with which cf. Xcn. Mem. 4, 3, 14: καΐ τους οπερέτας δέ τών θεών εύPhilodcm. De Piet. p. 71 Gomperz ρήσεις αφανείς όντας- κεραυνός τε γέρ (Doxogr. Gr* 537-538): <έν τοίς Ξ>εότι μέν άνωθεν άφίεται δήλον . . . όρά· νοφώ<ντος άπομνη>μονε<ύμ>α[ι]<σιν ούχ> ται δ' οΰτ' επιών ούτε κατασκήψας ούτε όράσθ<αί> φη<σιν τοΰ> θεού <τή>ν <μορφήν> άλλα τάργα . . . Ομως είναι [Ε. ά π ι ώ ν καΐ άνεμοι αυτοί μέν ούχ όρώνται. Nordcn, Agrtostos Tbeos (1923), 25, n., Apparently, then, Philodemus reprodu would insert between τάργα and όμως ced both more fully and more accurately the word ορατά]; Min. Fel. 19, 13: nam the words of Xenophon, Cicero, on the Socraticus Xenophon formam dei vert negat other hand, labors to produce more or
1, 32
237
verbis eadem fere peccat; facit enim in his quae a Socrate dicta rettulit Socratem disputantem formam dei quaeri l non oportere, eundemque et solem et animum deum * dicere, et modo unum, turn autem plures deos; quae sunt isdem in crratis fere quibus ea quae de Platone dicimus.3 13 32 Atque etiam Antisthenes,4 in 1
quaere/ 7 1
* deum add. A
a
diximus Jet/.
* antisthenis AD HP
cular gods. Variation in such usage is by less exact agreement between Plato and no means peculiar to Xcnophon, for Xcnophon, as in the words quaeri non oportere, below. On the religious views occasional traces of rhis sort appear all through Greek literature (cf. H. Haas in of Xenophon sec also R. VCalzer in Ann. d. r. scuola norm, sup. di Pisa, Lett., Arcbiv f Religionswiss. 2 (1900), 52-78; Stor. c Philos. 2 scr. 5 (1936), 17-32. 153-183, for Homer, Hcsiod, Pindar, and eadem fere peccat: cf. 1, 29: mttlta alia Aeschylus; E. V. Arnold, Roman Stoicism peccans. For the thought sec below: isdem (1911), 220, and the numerous works cited by E. Peterson, Der Mono/beismus in erratis. disputantem . . . dicere: both depen als politisches Problem (1935)), particularly dent on facit, as in Tusc. 5, 115, where the among the more thoughtful; cf. Oros. Adv. Pag. 6, 1, 3: undt etiam nunc pagans' two constructions arc again combined: Polypbemum Homerus cum ariete conloquen- . . . non se plures deos sequi sed sub uno deo magno plures ministros venerari fateantur; iem facit eiusque laudare for tunas [and also [Plat.] Ep. 13, 363b: της μέν γάρ Dougan and Henry's n.]. σπουδαίας επιστολής θεός άρχει, θεοί quaeri non oportere: cf. 1, 30, n. {in Legum . . . libris). P. Schwcnkc's δέ της ήττον. Cicero himself has been emendation {Berl. phihi. Woch. 8 (1888), charged with similar inconsistency; cf. 1308) to formam dei <non videre et> quaeri L. Laurand, Ciceron, 1" (1935), 127-129. sunt isdem in erratis: cf. 1, 2: in seems interesting but hardly necessary, sum mo errore . . . versari; 1, 37: magno despite the phraseology in Minucius, in errore sententia est; Ac. 2, 34: simili on which he relies. With the thought cf. Philemon, fr. 166 Kock: τί έστιν ό θεός in errore versantur; also for such phrases with in sec 1 , 2 : tanta sunt in varietate et οΰ θέλει σε μχνθάνειν- / ασεβείς τόν ού dissensione; 1, 36: in optatis\ Madvig on Οέλοντχ μχνθάνειν θέλων. Fin. 2, 47; Rcid on Ac. 2, 45; id., on eundemque: cf. the use of idem in 1, 30, where see the note on quod vero. Fin. 2, 47. quibus: for the omission of in cf. solem et animum: cf. note on Xeno 3, 25, n. (quo); Tusc. 1, 94: in eadem prophon, above. m o d o . . . turn: cf. 1,33; 1,34; 1,35; pemodum brevitate qua illae bestiolae re2, 102; E. Wolfflin in Arcb.f /at. Lex. 2 periemur, and many other illustrations in R. Kuhncr-C. Stcgmann, Ausf. Gram, (1885), 240. unum . . . plures deos: in Mem. 4, 3, d. lat. Spr. 2, 1» (1912), 581. dicimus: diximus of certain deteriores 13, Xcnophon speaks of ό τόν δλον κόσwould be a trifle more natural, but μον συντχττων τε καΐ συνεχών, just be fore which he had spoken of ol. . . άλλοι dicimus—"those about which we are (sc. θεοί). But the shift of number is speaking" — is well attested by the mss and supported by the principle of the easy (cf. 1, 25), since even by a polythcist lectio difficilior. the singular might be used for the su 32 Antisthenes: of Athens (Diog. preme god as contrasted with lesser L. 6, 1; Suid. s.v. Αντισθένη:), a fol deities, or also at times for deity in the lower of Socrates (Xcn. Mem. 3, 11, 17; abstract, isolated, for purposes of dis Symp. 4, 43-44; 8, 4-5; Diop. L. 6, 2), cussion, from the personalities of parti
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eo libro qui Physicus inscribitur, popularis deos multos, naturastood or as a substantive, i.e., "the and the founder of the Cynic school scientist" (cf. the μαθηματικός of Speu(Diog. L. 6, 2: κατηρξε πρώτος τοϋ κυ sippus (Diog. L. 4, 5), the νομοθέτης, νισμού) was mentioned by Plato (P. διδάσκαλος, and μαιευτικός of Hcrillus Natorp in P.-W. 1 (1894), 2543, 22(Diog. L. 7, 156), and Pliny the Elder's 2544, 31), and is alluded to by Cicero (A//. 12, 38a, 2), who had read his Studioa tres (Plin. Ep. 3, 5, 5; Gell. 9, 16, 2)) is not clear; for the work itself Cyrus and other works, and calls him bominis acuti (cf. 1, 16, n. (bominem ... cf. Natorp, op. at. 1, 2543, 11-17. Theo logy belonged in the province of τό φυ aeutum), above) magis quam eruditi. For σικόν; cf. Plut. De Stoic. Repugn. 9, p. his life and work cf. especially Diog. L. 1035b: των δέ φυσικών έσχατος είναι ό 6, 1-19; 6, 15-18 lists his writings. With περί των Θεών λόγος; Scxt. Emp. Adv. the present passage cf. Philodcm. De % Pitt. p. 72 Gompcre (Doxogr. Gr. 538): Logic. 1, 23: τελευταίαν δέ έπάγειν την φυσική ν ΘεωρΙαν θειοτέρα γάρ έστι; <π>αρ* Άντισθένει δ* έν μέν <τ>ώ ΦυVictorin. in Cic. Rbet. 1, 2 (Rbet. Lat. σικώ λέγεται τό κατά νόμον είναι πολ min. 160 Halm): pbysica est quae de divinis λούς Θεούς, κατά δε φύσιν ε\κα>; Min. Fel. 19, 7: notum est . . . Antisthenen Popu agit, ethica quae de bumanis disserit; yet lares deos multos sed naturalem unum\ Lact. cf. opposing views quoted at 1, 20, n. Inst. 1, 5, 18: Antistbenes multos quidim (pbysio/ogiam), above. Among those called esse Populares deos, unum tamen naturalem,φυσικός were Hcraclitus ([Apoll. Tyan.,] id est, summae totius artificem; Epit. 4, 2: Ep. 18 in Epistologr. Gr. 113 Hcrchcr), Parmenides {Isag. bis excerpta 14, p. 318 Antistbenes unum esse dixit naturalem deum, totius summae gubernatorem; De Ira, Maass), Empedocles (Lyd. De Mens. 1, 11, 14: Antistbenes autem in Pbysico unum 34; Schol. Eur. Pboen. 18), and Archclaus esse naturalem deum dixit, quamvis gentet (Stob. vol. 3, p. 429 Wachsmuth); for more general references cf. Varr. L.L. 10, 55; et urbes suos babent Populares deos. Galen in Hippocr. De Nat. Horn. 1, 9 libro qui . . . inecribitur: with this (XV, 44 K.); De Humor. 1, 1 (XVI, phrase introducing the title of a book cf. 1, 41; Dip. 2,1; Ac. 2,12; Tusc. 1, 57; 37 K.>; 3, 17 (XVI, 423 K.); [Justin Mart.] De Resurr. 6: ol τοϋ κόσμου φυ Off. 2, 31; 2, %l\Sen. 13; 59. σικοί σοφοί λεγόμενοι Lyd. De Mens. 4,64; physicus: the title is attested by Philode m us, just quoted, but does not 4, 94; Brev. Exp. in Virg. G. 1, 3%; 1, 498; Isid. Etym. 8, 6, 18: theologi autem appear in this form in the list of the ten rolls of his works in Diog. L. 6, 15-18, idem sunt qui et pbysici. Popularis . . . naturalem: see note on though one of the titles in the second Antistbenes, above. Other philosophers, roll is περί ζώων φύσεως, and two in in their distinction between exoteric and the seventh roll are περί φύσεως α' β' and esoteric doctrines, doubtless stressed ερώτημα περί φύσεως β'. this same point; cf. 1, 61, below. Thus Aristotle (according to Simplic. in Aug. CD. 4, 27: relatum est in litteras Pbys. 3, 4, p. 458, 19-20 Diels; cf. 1, 2, p. 40, 30-41,1) limited the use of φυσικός doctisnmum pontificem Scaevolam disputasse tria genera deorum: unum a poetis, alterum to such men as Thales and Hippo (cf. Themist. in Aristot. De An. 1, p. 8, 4-7 a pbilosophis, tertium a principibus avitatis. As befitted his position he considered Heinze), and Cicero uses the term for a the first type nugatorium, and the second philosopher concerned with the first of the three major divisions of philoso either superfluous or subversive. Again, in CD. 6, 5, Augustine quotes Varro as phy (φυσικόν, ηθικόν, λογικόν; cf. 1, making a three-fold division of types 20, n. (pbysiologiam); S.V.F. 2, nos. 35-44), e.g., 1, 35; 1, 66; 1, 77; 1, 83; of philosophy: mytbicon appellant quo 2, 48; 3), 18). But whether in this title of maxime utuntur poetae, pbysicon quo pbiloAntisthenes we are to explain φυσικός sopbi, civile quo populi. The first of these Varro condemns, the second he toleas an adjective modifying λόγος under
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l
lem unum esse dicens tollit vim ct naturam deorum. Nee multo sccus Speusippus, Platonem avunculum subsequens, et vim quandam dicens, qua omnia regantur, eamque animalem, evellere ex 1
unum om. Ο
rates, rtmovit /amen hoc genus a foroy id Platonem avunculum subsequens: es/, a populis; scbolis vero et partetibus cf. Ac. 1, 17: cum Speusippumt sororis clatait. On the whole subject cf. Lact. filium, Plato philosophiae quasi beredem Inst. 1, 11, 37: hoc errore decepti etiam re/iquisset; Diog. L. 3, 4; 4, 1; Ammon. philosophic quod ea quae de love feruntur mi 17/. Aristot. (Βιογράφοι, p. 400 Wcstcrnime convenire in deum videbantur, duos mann): μετά δέ τήν τοϋ Πλάτωνος τεloves fecerun/t unum na/ura/em, alterurn λευτήν διαδέχεται τήν τούτου σχολήν fabulosum. That the mysteries further Σπεύσιππος ό άδελφιδοϋς αυτού· υΙος emphasized the difference between exo γάρ ήν ούτος Ποτώνης της τούτου αδελ teric and esoteric teachings may be φής (cf. Ι //. Aristot. in Rose's frag seen in 1, 119, below. ments, pp. 429; 435); Numcnius ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 14, 5, 1: Σπεύσιππον tollit vim: i.e., of the anthropo τον ΙΙλάτωνος μέν άδελφιδοϋν; Iambi. morphic gods of Epicurus and of the Tbeologum. Aritbm. p. 82, 10 De Falco; people, as Mayor observes. vim ct naturam: cf. Pease on Div. 1, 1 Suid. s.v. Σπεύσιππος Εύρυμέδοντος · άδελφιδους Ιΐλάτωνος του φιλοσόφου (ad deorum vim). άπό ΙΙοτώνης της αύτοϋ αδελφής, ακου nee multo eecus: for the phrase cf. Ac. 2, 138; Fin. 5, 38; Tusc. 5, 85; Legg. στής αΰτοΰ Πλάτωνος καΐ διάδοχος γε νόμενος της Άκαδημείας επί της ρή 2, 5; Fam. 4, 9. 2; Att. 9, 9, 3; Q. Fr. Ολυμπιάδος; Anth. Pal. 7, 101, speaks of 1. 1,13. his suicide, in spite of his kinship to Speusippus: of Athens, son of PoPlato. Cf. also Hicr. Cbron. ann. Abr. tonc the sister of Plato (Ac. 1, 17; De 1672 (Ol. 108, 4): Plato moritur, post Or. 3, 67; ct al.), pupil of Plato (Alex. Aphrod. in Aietapb. 6, 2, p. 462, 34 quern Academiam Speusippus tenuit [cf. Hayduck), and, as successor of Plato, ann. Abr. 1621; 1678]. subsequens: of a succeeding head of a the head of the Academy for eight years, school; cf. Div. 1, 6; also consequent in beginning in Ol. 108 (348-344 B.C.), as 1, 41, below. Diog. L. 4, 1, states (sec also the next vim quandam dicens: sc. deum; cf. note). In Fin. 5, 2; 5, 7 (cf. 4, 3 ; Suid. Min. Fcl. 19, 7: Speusippum iam \natus.v. Πλάτων) he is mentioned in the succession to Plato as followed by Xeno- ralem] animalem, qua omnia regantur^ deum noise, Stob. voL 1, p. 35 Wachsmuth states: cratcs, Polcmo, and others. A list of his works is given by Diog. L. 4, 4-5; Σπεύσιππος τον νουν ούτε τω ένΐ ούτε τώ άγαΟώ τόν αυτόν, Ιδιοφυή δέ; and of the titles that which most suggests Aristot. Aietapb. 11, 7, 1072 b 30-34 re the doctrines here mentioned is his futes the views of the Pythagoreans and ncpl θεών. Speusippus that supreme beauty and Philodcm. De Piet. p. 72 Gomperz goodness are not present at the begin (Doxogr. Gr* 538-539) says of Speusip ning, but only at a higher stage of devel p u s : ψυχάς των κα<λώ>ν <κά>γα0ών θείας opment. This might perhaps not leave λέ<γ>ω<ν> δυνάμεις, πολύ <δέ κα>ταδεεστέρας καΐ έλλεΐ7τούσα<ς>, which, a place for a supreme and perfect in though δυνάμεις and vim quondam may be telligence, creative from the very outset. But to what extent these allusions can be related, does not seem very close to the connected with our passage is not en Latin, and suggests that Philodcmus was tirely clear. a good deal more full in his treatment animalem: here = am man tern, but in than Cicero.
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animis conatur cognitioncm deorum. 33 Aristotclesquel in tertio de philosophia libro multa turbat a magistro suo a Platonc 1
que del. Η
■ suo deit. Dap., uno ACPNOBF,
post Platonc Μ
2. 91; 2, 136; 3, 34, it = spirabilem, and and from Book 3 (his own views) N.D. 2, 42; 2, 44; 2, 95; and perhaps 2, 51 has reference to the element of air. cvellere ex animi·: cf. Pro Cluent. 4: and Ac. 2, 119; cf. J. Bernays, Die evellam ex animis bominum /an/am opinio- Dialog* des Aristot. (1863), 95-115; W. Jaeger, An stoicUs (1923), 125-170 nem\ De Domo, 34; Pcrs. 5, 92. (who on p. 129 points out that the dia cognitioncm deorum: cf. 1, 36: tut tat as perceptasque cognition** deorum; 1, logue stands midway between the Plato44: eorum [sc. deorum] . .. innatas cogni nizing works of his youth and his ma· tion** babem us \ 2, 140: ut deorum cognitio-turer treatises, and that it remained for nem . .. capere possint; 2, 153: animus antiquity, particularly for Stoics and accedit ad cognitiontm deorum; also many Epicureans, a main source for Aristotle's Weltanschauung, even though in an tinpatristic cases in Tbes. Ling. Lot. 3 developed rather than a matured form; (1912), 1484, 79-1485, 34. Of the Cice ronian instances E. Nordcn (Agnostos cf. p. 140); E. Bignonc, U Aristotele Tbeos (1923), 93-95) believes that in 1, 36 perduto, 2 (1936), 507 and elsewhere. and 1, 44 cognitio surely corresponds to For the later use of our passage cf. Min. έννοια; whether our instance, along Fcl. \9,9:Aristotelesvariatetadsignat/amen with 2, 140 and 2, 153, translates έννοια unam potestatem ; nam interim mentem, mtator γνώσις is uncertain; For γνώσις dum interim deum dicit, interim mundo deum cf. Epic. Ep. 3 (p. 60, 4-5 Usener); Varr. praeficii; Laa. Inst. 1, 5, 22: Ahstoteles Men. p. 210 Biicheler: Pseudulus Apollo quamvis stcum ipse disndeat ac repugnantia sibi et dicat et senttot, in sum mum tamenunam περί θεών διαγνώσεως; [Apoll. Tyan.J Ep. 52 (Epistolog. Gr. 119 Herchcr): mentem mundo praeesse testatur; De Ira, 11, 15: eadem [i.e., as Antisthenes] fere γνώσιν θεών, ού δόξαν. Aristoteles cum suis Peripateticis. 33 Arietotelee: whom Cicero de multa turbat: but E. Bignonc (op. scribes (Tusc. 1, 7) as vir summus ing*niot scientia, copia, and (Tusc. 1,22) longe omnibuscit. 2, 361, n. 0) considers that the con tradiction is only apparent, since belief (Platonem semper excipio) praestans et inin a God who is pure intelligence docs genio et diligentia. For other summaries not exclude that in the existence of of the views of Aristotle about the gods cf. Act. Plac. 1, 7, 32 (Doxogr. Gr.* 305); minor gods in the form of stars, as Plato and the Academics thought. He [Galen,] Hist. Phil. 36 (Doxogr. Gr* compares Aristot. fr. 49 Rose (quoted 618 = XIX, 251 K.). tertio dc Philosophia: cf, Philodem. in note on mentis below) and [Plat.] Epinom. 984d-c (for apparent genera De Piet. p. 72 Gomperz (Doxogr. Gr.* 539): παρ* Άριστοτέλει δ" έν τω τρίτω and ranks among the gods). Περί φιλοσοφίας [at which point the frag magistro euo Platone: three ques ment ends]. What follows in Cicero — tions arise here: (1) should we, with fr. 26 Rose. This lost dialogue contained certain deteriores (such as cod. Rehdigethree books (Diog. L. 5, 22), the frag ranus, used by Heindorf), read suo rather ments of which arc collected by V. Rose than the uno of ACPNB; (2) should we (1886), nos. 1-26; also by R. Walzcr, omit Platone as a gloss upon magistro', Aristotelis Dialogorum Frag. (1934) pp. and (3) should we insert non before 92-93. These include, from Book 1 dissentiens? But (1) uno gives no satis (on early speculations of the Orient factory sense here (cf. Muretus, Variae and of Greece) N.D. 1, 107; from Lectiones, 2 (1791), 202), while suo as Book 2 (on early Greek philosophy, applied to one's teacher or philosophic including Plato) perhaps Tusc. 3, 69; model is appropriate and idiomatic;
1, 33
241
dissentiens; modo cnim mcnti tribuit omnem divinitatem, modo mundum ipsum deum dicit esse,1 modo alium quendam praeficit2 1
esse dixit Ο
* proncit Bx
cf. 1, 9 3 : Nausipbanem magistrum suum; Tusc. 1, 7 9 : Panattio a Plat one sua dissentitntt. (2) The omission of Ρ latent (by Diels, Doxogr. Gr.% 5 3 9 ; A. J. Fcstugicrc, La Revel. d'Hermis Trism. 2 (1949), 243. n. 1, and Mayor) is unnecessary in view o f certain passages cited by Plasberg: Ac. 2, 143: Cleantbe doctore sue; De Fa/o, 1 4 : Cbrysippo placet dissentten ti a magistro Cleant he \ Tusc. 1, 4 1 : magistro concedat Aristoteli; 1, 79 (quoted a b o v e ) ; Orat. 1 5 1 : magister eius Isocrates\ Ε us. Pr. Ev. 14, 9, 3 : εναντία Φίλωνι τω καθηγητή έφρόνησε. (3) T o insert non w i t h the participle, as P. Manutius conjectured and as was done by Lambinus and many subsequent editors (e.g., Da vies, Hcindorf, Orclli, Baiter, Schocmann, Diels, Mayor, Rose (in the fragments o f Aris totle), and Mullcr) appears hazardous, if o n e recalls that the views of the D* Philosopbia, even as here set forth, d o repre sent a movement by Aristotle away from strict conformity to Platonic doctrines. T o be sure, Cicero in Ac. 1,17, speaks of Academics and Peripatetics qui rebus congruentes nominibus differebant\ cf. Fin. 4, 5: Peripateticis Academicisque, qui re consentientes vocabulis dijferebant; Legg- 1, 3 8 ; yet Plut. Adv. Colot. 14, p . 1115a-c, attacks Colotes for sug g e s t i n g any such identity o f views. Further, in the present passage w e have
not merely to consider Cicero's own v i e w s as elsewhere expressed, but also w h e t h e r his Epicurean source probably a g r e e d with those expressions. Like m a n y modern scholars, then, such as Plasberg and Ax, W. Jaeger (Aristoteles ( 1 9 2 3 ) , 142, n. 2), and E. B i g n o n e (in Ann. d. r. Schola norm. sup. di Pisa, Lett., Stor. c Philos. 2 ser. 2 (1933), 2 8 2 - 2 8 3 ; id., L'Aristotele perduto, 2 (1936), 350, n. 1), 1 should decline t o insert non. m o d o . . . t u r n : cf. 1, 3 1 , n. (modo . . . turn). m e n t t : cf. Aristot. Metaph. 11, 7, 1 0 7 2 b 26-29: ή y i p νοϋ ενέργεια ζωή,
εκείνος [i.c.,o θεός] δέ ή ενέργεια . . . φαμέν δέ τόν Οεόν εΐναι ζώον άΐδιον ά>ιστον; 11, 9, 1074 b 33-35: αυτόν άρα νοεί, είπερ εστί τό κράτιστον, καΐ Ιστιν ή νόησις νοήσεως νόησις [cf. Hippol. Pbilosopbum. 7, 7 ] ; Eth. Eudem. 7, 14, 1248 a 24-27: τό δέ ζητούμενον τοΰτ* εστί, τίς ή της κινήσεως αρχή έν τη ψυ χή, δήλον δή, ώσπερ έν τω 6λω θεός, καΐ παν έκείνω. κινεί γάρ πως πάντα τό έν ήμϊν Οεϊον, κτλ.; and, more precisely, fr. 49 Rose (ap. Simplic. in 2 De Caelo, p. 218, 20 Karstcn): ότι γάρ εννοεί τι καΐ υπέρ τόν νουν και τήν οΰσίαν ό 'Αριστο τέλης, δηλός έστι προς τοις πέρασι του περί ευχής βιβλίου σαφώς εΙπών ότι 6 θεός ή νους εστίν ή έπέκεινά τι τοϋ νου [cf. Α. Kail in Diss, philol. Vindob. 11 (1913), 88); Cic. Consol. ap. Tusc. 1, 6 6 : nee vero dens qui intellegitur a nobis alio modo intellegi potest nisi mens soluta quaedam et libera, segregata ab omni concretion* morta/i, omnia sentiens et movens ipsaque praedita motn sempiterno; Μ in. Fcl. 19, 9 (quoted on tertio de Philosophia, a b o v e ) ; Clem. Protr. 5, 66, 4 : και 6 γε της αίρέσεως πατήρ [i.e., Aristotle] των όλων ού νοήσας τόν πατέρα, τόν καλούμενον ΰπατον ψυχήν είναι τοϋ παντός οίεται· τουτέστι τοΰ κόσμου τήν ψυχήν θεόν ύπολαμβάνων αυτός αύτώ περιπείρεται. W. Thcilcr, Zur Gesch. d. feleol. Naturbetracbtung bis auf Aristot. (1925), 83,
compares with this allusion to mens that in Plat. Legg. 12, 966c. tribuit . . . d i v i n i t a t e m : for the phrase cf. 1, 3 4 ; 1, 37; 2, 39. m u n d u m i p s u m d e u m : cf. Aristot. De Caelo, 2, 1, 284 a 2-8: καλώς «χει συμπείΟειν εαυτόν τους αρχαίους καΐ μά λιστα πατρίους ημών αληθείς είναι λό γους, ώς έστιν άΟάνατόν τι καΐ θείον των εχόντων μεν κίνησιν, εχόντων δέ τοιαύτην ώστε μηθέν είναι πέρας αΰτης, άλ λα μάλλον ταύτην τών άλλων πέρας· τό τε γάρ πέρας τών περιεχόντων εστί, καΐ αύτη ή κυκλος>ορία τέλειος ούσα περιέ χει τάς ατελείς καΐ τάς έχουσας πέρας ι6
242
1, 33
mundo eique eas partis tribuit ut replicatione quadam mundi motum regat atque tucatur, turn caeli ardorcm dcum dicit esse, non xal παϋλαν; 2. 3, 286 a 9-12: θεοϋ 8s ενέργεια αθανασία* τοΰτο δ' εστί ζωή άΐδιος. ώστ' ανάγκη τψ θείω κίνησιν atδιον ύπαρχειν. έπεί 8* ό ουρανός τοιού τος (σώμα γάρ τι θεΐον), 8ιά τοΰτο Ιχει τό έγκύκλιον σώμα, 6 φύσει κινείται κύ κλω άεί; Mttapb. 11. 8, 1 0 7 4 a 3 8 - b 3 : παρα8έ8οται δέ παρά τών αρχαίων καΐ παμπαλαίων έν μύθου σχήματι καταλελειμμένα τοις ύστερον Οτι θεοί τέ είσιν ούτοι [i.e., the heavenly bodies] καΐ πε ριέχει τό θεΐον την δλην φύσιν; Aet. Plac. 5, 20, 1 (Doxogr. Gr* 432): Πλά των καΐ 'Αριστοτέλης . . . τα άστρα ζώα λέγεσθαι f τ ο ν κόσμον καΐ τόν f ένθεον, ζώον λογικόν άθάνατον [where Diels emends: <καΙ> τόν κόσμον καύτόν ένθεον]; Clem. Protr. 5,66, 4: τόν κόσμον θεόν ηγούμενος περιτρέπεται, τόν άμοιρον τοϋ θεοϋ θεόν δογματίζων. So [Plat.] Epinom. 977a-b identifies God with the ουρανός. alium . . . praeficit m u n d o : prob ably not the ether or fifth element, since that seems to be the caeli ardor of the next clause; possibly, as J. Degenhart (Krit.-exeg. Bemerk. ζ. Cicero's Schr. de Nat. Deor. (1881), 57) and Mayor would hold, the same as the mens just mentioned, viewed as the First Mover; cf. Aristot. Pbys. 8, 5, 256 b 24-27; Mttapb. 11, 7, 1072 b 1-4; also see H. Bonitz, Index Aristottlicus, 390b, s.v. τό πρώτον κινοϋν άκίνητον; Aet. Plot. 1, 7, 32 (Doxogr. Gr.% 305): 'Αριστοτέλης τόν μέν άνωτάτω θεόν είδος <χωριστόν>, ομοίως Πλάτωνι, έπιβεβηκότα τη σφαίρα τοΰ παντός, ήτις εστίν αίθέριον σώμα, τό πέμπτον ύπ* αύτοϋ καλούμενον. replicatione quadam: quadam, as fre quently, apologizes for a word used in an unfamiliar sense, and replicatione here renders άνείλιζις, used by Plat. Polit. 270d; 286b, of the counter-rotation of the κόσμος. For Aristotle cf. Mttapb. 11, 8, 1074 a 2: καθ* Ικαστον τών πλανωμένων ετέρας σφαίρας μι$ έλάττονας είναι τάς άνελιττούσας καΐ είς τό αυτό άποκοθιστάσας τη θέσει τήν πρώτην σφαϊραν άεί. That Cicero had here any
very clear sense of the meaning of this word and of its applicability in the pre sent passage seems somewhat doubtful; probably he had found the Greek term in his Epicurean source. That the motion of the cosmos should depend upon this subordinate movement of a part is thought by Mayor absurd; yet cf. J. Degenhart, op. cit. 58; H. von Arnim, Die Entstebung d. Gotteslebre des AhstottIts (1931), 4-7; W. K. C. Guthrie in CI. Quart. 27 (1933), 164-165; II. Bignonc in Ann. d. r. scuola norm. sup. di Pisa% Lett. Stor. e Filos. 2 Scr. 2 (1933), 296; id., VAristotelt perdutot 2 (1936). 378380. See also A. J. Fcstugicrc, La Reve lation d'Htrmts Trism. 2 (1949), 245. regat atque tueatur: cf. Sen. 8 1 : pulcbritudintm tutntur et regunt; Legg. 2, 9: tuentis et regentis dei. caeli ardorem: cf. 1, 36, n. {aetbera); 1, 37: Cleantbes . .. undique circumfusum et extremum omnia cingentem atque complexum ardorem qui aether nominetur cer~ tissimum deum iudicat; 2, 41: astra quae oriantur in ardore caelesti qui aether vel caelum nominatur; 2, 64; 2, 91; 2, 92; Ac. 2, 26 and Tusc. 1, 65 [on Aristotle's quinturn genus]. For Aristotle's own view cf. De Caelo, 1, 2, 269 a 30-32: φανερόν ότι πέφυκέ τις ουσία σώματος άλλη παρά τάς ενταύθα συστάσεις, θειοτέρα καΐ πρότερα τούτων απάντων; 1, 3, 270 b 22-25: αίθέρα προσωνόμασαν τόν άνω τάτω τόπον, άπό τοΰ θεϊν άεί τόν άΐδιον χρόνον θέμενοί τήν έπωνυμίαν αύτω. 'Αναξαγόρας δέ κατακέχρηται τ φ ονό ματι τούτω ού καλώς· ονομάζει γάρ αί θέρα αντί πυρός [this view is not infre quently found; e.g., Schol. Arat. p. 512 Maass: ό αίθήρ σφόδρα εστί διάπυρος. Οθεν καΐ ώνόμασται παρά τό αΙΟω; Serv. Aen. 4, 201: aether ignis est; Steph. Byz. s.v. αίθήρ* ό υπέρ τόν αέρα πεπυρ ω μέ νος τόπος]. In Alex. Aphrod. in Meteor. 1, 3, p. 24-25 Hayduck ether is so called άπό τοϋ αίθειν τε καΐ καίειν, ώς πϋρ αν τόν ουρανό v. Aristotle does not say that the ether is itself God (as Euripides, fr. 941 Nauck, translated in 2, 65, below.
1,33
243
intcllegcns caelum mundi esse partem, quern alio loco ipse designarit* deum. Quo modo autem caeli divinus ille sensus 2 in celeritate tanta conservari potest? Ubi deinde 3 ill! 4 tot 5 dii, si numeramus etiam caelum deum? Cum autem sine corpore idem vult esse deum, omni ilium sensu privat, etiam prudentia. Quo porro 1 designaret Ο * deinde] demum Ο
■ sensus ecleritate conscruari potest ubi * illi om. Ν * tot om. Ρ
deinde
add.
Ν
maintained), but merely that it is divine; mentioned, who arc reducible to the cf. W. Jaeger, Aristotelts (1923), 141, mover and the moved, but the Olym who further observes that mundus does pians and other gods of popular belief, not here mean the all-embracing cosmos, localized in the heavens, who would as the Epicurean thinks, but the periphery by the reasoning here refuted become of the heavens, as the Academy had used gods within gods. G. F. Schoemann the term and as it appears in the Epino(Opusc. 3 (1858), 311; also in his edition) mis (but cf. J. Moreau, L'dme du monde would, less plausibly, explain /'///' . . . dii (1939), 117, n. 2). The first publication as the astra within the mundus (cf. J. of Aristotle's fifth element (cf. 1, 29, n. Dcgcnhart, op. cit., 59; also Lact. Inst. (quattuor . .. naturas), above) is probably 2, 5, 39-40, quoted on caelum mundi . . . to be assigned to the De Philosophia partem, above). (Jaeger, op. cit. 141, n. 1). Justin Martyr numeramus: cf. 3, 40; 3, 43; Pro (Cohort, ad Gr. 5; 36) ascribes to Aristotle After. 49; Alt. 7, 1, 3 ; also N.D. 1, 29; the view that God exists, not in fire, but 3, 45: in deorum numero. in the fifth clement; cf. 2, 42, below. cum . . . vult: on <7<*r-clauses of equi caelum mundi . . . partem: cf. 1, 30, valence in Cicero cf. J. Lebreton in Rev. n. (mimdum deum esse); Lact. Inst. 2, 5, 38; de philol. 26 (1902), 182-194, including 2, 5, 39-40: // astra dii sunt, mundus ergo 1, 101: cum ... interficiunt; 1, 122: non deus ted domicilium deorum est. si vero cum . .. ponitis; 3, 63: cum . . . facitis; mundus deus est, ergo ilia omnia quae sunt 3, 90: cum dicitis. in eo non dii sunt sed dei membra, quae utique sine corpore: cf. 1, 30, nn. (sine sola dei nomen accipere non possunt. ntc enim corpore; intellegi non potest) for this ob recte quis dixerit membra bominir unius jection in the case of other philosophers. multos homines esse; Ambr. Exam. 1 , 1 , 4 : Sec also Sext. Fmp. Pyrrh. 3, 218: inter has dis sensiones eorum quae potest peri 'Αριστοτέλης μέν άσώματον εΤπεν εί esse aestimatio, cum alii mundum ipsum deum ναι τόν Οεόν και πέρας τοΰ ούρανοϋ— esse dicant . . . alii partes eius, alii utrumque; a definition not found in the extant Aug. CD. 4, 20: sic ergo posset et unus works of Aristotle; yet cf. De Caelo, Deus coli cuius partes ceteri di putantur\ 1, 9, 278 b 14-15: εΙώΟαμεν γαρ τδ ίσ7, 9: // ergo Janus est mundus et deus est χατον καΐ τό 4νω μάλιστα καλεϊν ούραI anus ι numquid Iovem, ut deus esse possit, νόν, έν ω καΐ τό θείον παν ΙδρϋσΟαί aliquam partem Iani esse dicturi sunt ? φαμεν. seneu privat: cf. 1, 25; 1, 27; 1, 34; ecleritate tanta: cf. 1, 24 and n. (rele Α. J. Festugiore, La Revelation d'Hermh nt a/e), above; 1, 52; Philodcm. De Deist 3, col. 10, 7-11 ( p . 30 Dicls): Trism. 2 (1949), 244, n. 2 (with other ούτε γαρ οίητέον Ιργον μηΟέν έτερον parallels). In his ed. min. Plasbcrg sug ίχειν αυτούς ή δια της απειρίας <τ>ών gests—but docs not admit into the 6&ώ<ν περ>ιιό<ντας άεΐ οΊνεϊσβαι έγκυtext—a repetition of privat, so as to read: κλί>ως· ού <γάρ> ευτυχής ό <£υ>μβονώsensu privat, privat etiam prudentia. Haploμ<εν>ος άπαν<τα> τόν βίον. graphy might account for the omission, illi tot dii: probably not the gods just yet the addition seems unnecessary.
244
1,34
modo l mundus moveri carens corporc aut quo modo semper se f movens esse quietus et beatus potest? 34 Nee vero eius 3 1
modo add. Β
■ se om. Ρ
■ cius om. Η
though it might easily be paralleled; dum as the object of movens; or by reading e.g., 1, 24 {pars est); 3, 5 {semper); semper
1,34
245
condiscipulus Xenocrates in hoc genere prudentior,1 cuius a in libris qui sunt de 3 natura deorum nulla species divina describitur; deos enim octo esse dicit, quinque eos qui in stellis vagis nominan1 prudentior est A*D ACPNO
a
in cuius P, cuius iis N, cytus Bx
where the life of a deity subject to eternal enforced motion is compared to the fate of Ixion. 34 nee vero: cf. 1, 29; 1, 35.
· dej in
Pudore, 11, p. 533c; Hicr. In Osee, p. 5 Vallarsi; also Hor. S. 2, 3, 254 and pa rallels in L. Miillcr's note). The omission of est in nearly all our mss might be condiscipulus Xenocrates: a native paralleled by 1, 35; nee auditndus . . . of Chalccdon {Ac. 1, 17; Diog. L. 3, 46; Strata \ cf. also T. Bin in Deri, philol. Woch. 38 (1918), 575. 4. 6; Athen. 12, 530d; Stob. vol. 1, p. 36 Wachsmuth; Clem. Pro/r. 5, 66, 2; de natura deorum: in the long list Suid. s.v. Ξενοκράτης), a pupil of Plato of his works given by Diog. L. 4, 11-14 {De Or. 3, 67; Tusc. 1, 20; Ac. 1, 17: appears the two-volume περί θεών (4, cum Speusippum, sororis filium, Plato 13), to which reference is here made. philosophiae quasi heredem reliquisset, duo A fuller account of his views is given autem praestantissimos studio atque doctrina, by Act. Plac. 1, 7, 30 {Doxogr. Gr.* 304), Xenocratem Chalctdonium et Aristotelem of which a portion resembling Cicero's Stagiritem, qui erant cum Arts to tele Peri account is quoted in the note on deos . . . patetic! dicti sunt [cf. Legg. 1, 55J; 1, 34; octo, below. For a systematic account Val. Max. 4, 1, cxi. 2; Diog. L. 3, 46; of the teachings of Xenocrates and a 4, 6; Galen, De Meth. Medendi, 1, 2 collection of his fragments (among which this is no. 17) sec R. Hcinzc, Xtnokrates (X, 9 K.); Acl. V'.H. 3, 19 (who says that Plato preferred him to Aristotle), (1892). and the successor of Speusippus as head epeciee: though in Ac. 1, 30 Cicero of the Academy (cf. Fin. 5, 2; 5, 7; equates this with Ιδέα, yet here the Diog. L. 4,14: διεδέζατο δέ Σπεύβιππον notion is merely that of a divine aspect, καΐ άφηγήσατο της σχολής πέντε και cfperhaps—since it is an F.picurean speak κοσιν έτη; [Galen,] Hist. Phil. 3 {Doxogr. ing—of anthropomorphic character. Gr.* 599 --= XIX, 226 Κ.); I-us. Pr. Ev. deos . . . octo: cf. Act. Plac. 1, 7, 30 {Doxogr. C7r.*304): Oeov δ' είναι και τόν 14, 5, I; Thcodorct, Gr. Aff. 5, 19; ουρανών καΐ τους αστέρας πυρώδεις 'Ο Anon. Vit. Arts tot. (Aristot. Frag. cd. λυμπίους θεούς, καΐ έτερους ύποσελήRose, pp. 431; 440); Hicr. Chron. ann. Abr. 1678; Suid. s.vv. Ξενοκράτης, νους δαίμονας αόρατους; Clem. Protr. Πλάτων), dying at the age of 82 (Diog. 5, 66, 2: Ξενοκράτης (Καρχηδόνιος I.. 4, 14; cf. Cic. Sen. 23; Censorin. 15, 2). ούτος) επτά μεν θεούς τους πλανήτας, Victorinus (in Cic. Rhet. 2, 2, p. 258 ίγδοον δέ τόν έκ πάντων των απλανών Malm) remarks: gloria Xenocratis philo- [so Davies on our passage; αυτών Ρ, sophi mot us Artjtoteles philosophiam exer- άστρων Dicls, Doxogr. Gr.1 130, n. 1] cuit. His character and self-restraint arc συνεστώτα κόσμον αίνίττεται: Theophr. mentioned with respect in various places; Metaph. 12 (p. 12 Ross and Fobes): e.g., 1, 72; Rep. 1, 3; Att. 1, 16, 4 Ξενοκράτης . . . άπαντα πως περιτίθησιν (cf. Pro Balb. 12); Hor. S. 2, 3, 254-257 περί τόν κόσμον, ομοίως αίσβητά καΐ (and scholiasts); Val. Max. 2, 10, cxt. 2; νοητά και μαθηματικά και έτι δη τα Οεϊα. Acad. Phil. Ind. Here. p. 39 Mcklcr; For other instances of an ogdoas of gods Diog. L. 4, 6-11; Stob. vol. 3, pp. 495- cf. S. Weinstock in Journ. Rom. Stud. 36 496 Wachsmuth; Suid. s.v. Ξενοκράτης. (1946), 118, n. 102. Some thought him austere or morose i n : for similar—often causal—uses of {Off. 1, 109; Plut. Mar. 2, 3; De vit. in (cf. Gr. έν) sec J. B. Hofmann, Lat.
246
1,34
tur, unum qui ex omnibus sideribus quae infixa caelo sint ex dispersis quasi l membris simplex sit putandus deus, septimum solem adiungit octavamque lunam; qui quo sensu beati esse possint" intellegi 3 non potest. Ex eadem Platonis schola Ponticus 1
quasi] qua A1
■ possunt
NF1
Gram. (1928), 438; but also R. Philippson in PbiloL Wocb. 54 (1934). 188. •tellis vagie: cf. 2, 80; 2, 103; else where called vagantts (2, 68; Div. 1, 17), errantes (1, 34; 2, 51; 2, 119; 3, 51; Rep. 1, 23: errantes et quasi vagae)t erratica* or errones (GcU. 3, 10, 2; 14, 1, 11); cf. Mar. Victorin. in Gram. Lat. 6, 60 Kcil); also cf. Tim. 36: quae ... vaga et mutabili erratione labuntur; C. M. Bernhardt, De Cic. Graecae Pbilos. lnterprete (1865), 12. All these render the Greek πλανηται (cf. other parallels in Pease's n. on Div. 1,17. The emendation of Manutius and of P. P. Dobree {Adversaria, 5 (1874). 4) to vagit which would refer to the plane tary gods themselves, seems unnecessary. M. P. Nilsson (Harp, tbeoi. Rev. 33 (1940), 1-8) discusses the origin of Greek beliefs in the divinity of the heavenly bodies. nominantur: Plasbcrg (ed. motor.') suggests that this represents τους ονο μαζόμενους έπί τοις πλανήταις, and it seems unnecessary to emend to numerantur with Lambinus or to movtntur with J. S. Rcid (in the appendix to the third volume of Mayor's edition). u n u m . . . ex omnibus: cf. [Plat.] Epinom. 987b: ίνα 8έ τόν βγδοον χρή λέγειν, δν μάλιστα τις αν κόσμον προσαγορεύοι, δς έναντίος έκείνοις σύμπασι πορεύεται. We may perhaps sec a polemic against this view of a composite god in Philodcm. De Deis, 3, Col. 10, 36-40 (p. 31 Diels): tv γαρ είναι δει το κινούμενον, άλλ* ού πολλ<ά> επί των έξης τόπων, καΐ τό ζών άεΐ ταύτόν άλλ' ούχ δμοια πολλά, ού μην άλλα τόν ε<1ρνημένον τρ<όπον> ό τοιούτος αμείβει θεός 6<στις έ>κ των αυτών συνεστηκώς μεταλαμβάνε<ι τ>ών—. The expression ex omnibus as offset on the one side to unum and on the other to simplex makes a strong contrast. infixa caelo: Ciceronian expressions
» imclli
A1
for the fixed astra or sidera (corresponding to (αστέρες) έμπεπηγότες τω ούρανω (Achill. Isag. p. 39, 14 Maass) or to ένδεδεμένοι; cf. F. Boll in P.-W. 6 (1909), 2407) include Tusc. 1, 62: astra ... quae sunt infixa certis loess; 5, 69: sidera .. . caelo inbaerentia . . . certis infixa sedibus; Tim. 36: sidera quae infixa caelo non moventur loco; Rep. 6, 17: in quo sunt infixi ills' qui volvuntur stellarum cursus; for phrases in other Latin authors cf. Boll, op. cit.t 6, 2407, 45-59, to which add Macrob. Somn. 1, 18, 5-6. sint: the more usual sunt of the detertores is read by various editors (e.g., Orelli, Baiter, Mullcr, Diels (Doxogr. Gr.% 540), Mayor, and Goethe. But for similar subjunctives Plasbcrg compares 1, 37: qui aether nomine tur; 1, 92; 1, 96; 2, 23; Div. 2, 89: vocentur; Brut. 57: tuierit ... sit; 79: acceperit; in most of which cases there arc variant indicative readings or emendations. Cf. also H. Sjogren, Comment. Tullianae (1910), 148; R. Kiihncr-C. Stegmann, Ausf. Gram. i. lat. Spr. 2, 2· (1914), 173-174; and below, 1. 36, n. (appelletur); J. B. Hofmann, Synt. u. Stilistik (1928), 708-709. dispersis quasi membris: cf. 3, 67: membra . . . dividit ... passim ditptrpt corpus. In 1, 100 below is an allusion to the membra of the mundsu. beati: the same objection raised by Vclleius at 1, 24 (Plato); 1, 27 (Pytha goras); 1, 30 (Plato); 1, 33 (Aristotle); and by implication at other places. E. Bignone (L'Aristotele perduto, 1 (1936), 193-194 and n. 2) believes that here Cicero is not speaking carelessly, but is preserving valuable evidence that the rigorous denial of plaesure to the gods continued in the Academy. intellegi non potest: cf. 1, 30, n. (intellegi non potest).
1,34
247
Heraclides puerilibus fabulis l refers it libros, et tamen modo * 1
famulis Ο
■ mundo ΛΓ1
ex cadem Platonie schola: cf. Legg. 3, 14: Htraclidtsqut Ponticus profectus ab todem Platont', Tusc. 5, 8: auditor Platonis Ponticus Htractidts% vir doctus in primis; Div. 1, 46: Ponticus Heraclides, doctus vir, auditor tt discipulus Platonis; Acad. Pbilos. lnd. Htrculan. col. 6, p. 33 Mcklcr [cf. col. 7, p. 39] and Diog. L. 3, 46 [in each of these is a list of the pupils of Plato]; 5, 86; 'Ηρακλείδης ΕύΟΰφρονος Ήρακλεώτης του Πόντου [cf. Strab. 12, 3, 1], άνήρ πλούσιος. Άθήνησι δέ παρέ λαβε πρώτον μέν Σπευσίππω- άλλα καΐ των Πυθαγορείων διήκουσε καΐ τα Πλά τωνος έζηλώκει* και ύστερον ήκουσεν "Αριστοτέλους, ώς φησι Σωτίων έν Διαδο/αΐς, Simplic. Phys. 3, 4, p. 453, 28-29 Dicls; Suid. s.v. 'Ηρακλείδης Τ. L. Heath, Aristarchus of Samos (1913), 252; but sec Prod, in Tim. p. 281c (p. 138 Dichl): 'Ηρακλείδης μέν ούν ό Ποντικός, ού Πλάτωνος ών ακουστής. For the dif ferentiation of various persons named Heraclides cf. Diog. L. 5, 93-94; A - I F . 8 (1913), 457-499 (ours is no. 45, and is treated by R. Dabritz on Sp. 472484); H. Bloch in Trans. Am. philol. Assoc. 71 (1940), 31-33. The works of Heraclides Ponticus are listed by Diog. L. 5, 86-88, the titles which sccrn most apposite to the present discussion being those under the head of φυσικά (5, 87), particularly the περί φύσεως and the περί των έν ούρανω. Cf. the collection by O. Voss, Dt Heraclidis Pontici Vita tt Scrip/it (1896), 20-34, and the treat ment by Dabritz, op. cit. 8, 474-482, especially 478, 44-52. Sec also Act. Plac. 2. 13, 15 (Doxogr. Gr* 343): 'Ηρακλεί δης και οι Πυθαγόρειοι Ζκαστον των ασ τέρων κόσμον ύπάρχειν γην περιέχοντα αέρα τε και αΙθέρα έν τω άπείρω αίθέρι. ταΰτα δέ τα δόγματα έν τοις Όρφικοΐς φέρεται- κοσμοποιοΰσι γαρ ίκαστον των αστέρων. For a free paraphrase of our passage cf. Μ in. Fcl. 19, 9 (I quote the very perplexed passage as restored by Plasbcrg (td. maior.)): [Aristottlts]
tribuens principatum [Heraclides Ponticus quoque de dto]; divinam mtnttm quamvis vane adserit [adscribit codd.]. Theophrastus tt Ztnon tt Cleanthes sunt et ipsi multi formis, ttc. puerilibus fabulis: R. Philippson (Sjmb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 29) compares the vilifications expressed by Philodemus; e.g., De Pitt. p. 118, 1-3 Gomperz [as restored by Philippson in Hermfs% 56 (1921), 381]: <τούτων> δ* ώς ήβασ<κόντων ή> όνειρώτ<των> καταφρονώ; id., Rlnt. 1, 356, 7 Sudhaus: παιδα<ρ>ιωδώς; and other types to be discussed at 1, 37, n. (delirans). Yet it must be ad mitted that Cicero himself sometimes uses similar phraseology; e.g., 1, 97: an quicquam tarn puerile dici potest; Ac. 2, 33: faciunt puerilittr; 2, 54: similitudines . . . puerilittr constctantur; Fin. 1, 19: cum rts tota ficta sit puerilittr; 1, 72: puerilis est dtltctatio; 3, 19: dicert ornate vtllt putrile est; Legg. 1, 7: in bistoria puerilt quiddam consectatur; Fam. 3, 10, 5: sermo stuitus tt putrilis; Att. 14, 21, 3: consilio puerili; 15, 4, 2: conήHis . . . puerilibus; 16, 8, 1. Similarly disparaged arc old wives' tales; cf. 1, 55, n. (aniculis). That Heraclides tended towards the marvellous or fanciful may be seen from Plut. Camill. 22, 3: μυθώδη καΙ πλάσματίαν oVra τόν Ήρακλείδην; cf. Diog. L. 8, 72: δια παντός έστιν 'Ηρακλείδης τοι ούτος παραδοξολόγος; also note his novclistic work, the Aborts, for which see U. von VCilamowitz-MoellcndorrT, Aristottlts u. Athtn, 2 (1893), 14; Dabritz, op. cit. 8, 476. Epicurean attacks upon him arc discussed by Dabritz op. cit. 8, 483, 33-37. refereit: cf. 2, 63; Tusc. 2, 6. ct tamen: Plasbcrg in his tditio maior places a dash after this word and with the aposiopesis compares 1, 93: sed tamtn, but in his tditio minor he connects tamen more closely with what follows. T. Birt (Berl. philol. Woch. 38 (1918). 575) explains tamtn by saying that it is strange that an author who defended such childish fabulat should also re-
248
1, 35
mundum turn mcntem divinam esse putat, errantibus etiam* stellis divinitatem tribuit sensuque deum privat et eius formam mutabilem esse vult,2 eodemque in libro rursus terram et caelum refert in deos. 35 Nee vero Theophrasti inconstantia ferenda est; modo 1
etiam add. A
* vult] tulit O 1
cognize the divinity of astral bodies. modo . . . turn: cf. 1, 31, n. {modo . . . turn). The views of Heraclidcs seem no more childish than others here related, and E. Bignone (VAristQtcle perdnto, 1 (1936), 191-192) remarks that they arc common to Aristotle in his Platonizing period, to Plato's Laws, and to the Epinomis. mundum: which Heraclidcs declared infinite in extent; cf. Act. Plat. 2, 1, 5, in Doxogr. Gr.% 328. To this word deum has been added by various schol ars, being placed by Da vies before modo; by J. Walker (in the edition of Da vies), followed by Dicls (Doxogr. Gr.% 541), after mundum; and by P. Manutius and Lambinus after men/em and in place of divinam', cf. 1, 37: turn ipsum mundum deum dicit esse. But while the presence of deum would not be objection able if it were attested by the mss, it is hardly needed, and the adjective divinam with men/em makes its absence less felt. eeneu . . . privat: with the implica tion, as usual (cf. 1, 30), that the god is thereby also deprived of prudentia and poluptas. formam mutabilem: especially in the case of the changing phases of the moon and the planets. Mayor compares Plat. Rep. 2, 381b: άλλα μήν 6 θεός γε χαΐ τα τοϋ θεοϋ πάντη 4ριστα ίχεκ. πώς δ* οΰ; ταύτη μεν δή ήκιστα άν πολλάς μορφάς Γσχοι ό θεός. ήκιστα δήτα; James, 1, 17: τοϋ πατρός των φώτων, παρ* L ούκ ενι παραλλαγή ή τροπής άποσκίασμα. refert in deos: cf. 1, 29, n. (in deorum numero). 35 nee vero: cf. 1, 29; 1, 34. Theophrasti: of Ercsus in Lesbos (Diog. I.. 5, 36; Stcph. Byz.s.v. *Έρεσος; Suid.s.v. Θεόφραστος), originally named Tyrtamus, and renamed Theophrastus
by Aristotle because of his graceful style (Diog. L. 5, 38; Steph. Byz. I.e.; Hier. Chron. ann. Abr. 1697; Suid. I.e.). He was a pupil of Aristotle (cf. Fin. 4, 3 ; Diog. L. 5, 36; Suid. I.e.) and his suc cessor, and was the author of very numerous books (Suid. i.e.: βιβλία δε αύτοϋ πάμπλειστα; a list in Diog. L. 5, 42-50), among which were works (5, 43) περί τοϋ διακόσμου (one book), (5, 47) εγκώμια θεών (one book; perhaps noted by Philodcm. De Pitt. p. 73 Gomperz), (5, 48) των περί τό θείον Ιστορίας (six books), περί θεών (three books), and (5, 49), περί της θείας ευ δαιμονίας (one book), in addition to various works on φύσις (5, 46) and περί ούρανοΰ (5, 50). He is highly praised in Ac. 1, 33. inconstantia: for the accusation cf. 1, 30, n. (Platonis inconstantia); 1, 43; T. Gomperz, Greek Thinkers (Engl, tr.), 4 (1912), 579); for the thought, Min. Fel. 19, 10, which, as commonly edited, reads, Theophrastus etiam variat, alias mundo, alias menti divinae tribuens principatum; for a reconstruction of the pas sage cf. 1, 34, n. (ex eadem Ρlafonts schola), above; also Clem. Protr 5, 66, 5: 6 δέ Έρέσιος εκείνος Θεόφραστος ό 'Αρι στοτέλους γνώριμος πχ Μ^ ( ~ "fodo) ούρανόν, πη δέ (=-- turn) πνεϋμα τόν θεόν υπονοεί. W. D. Ross and F. Η. Fobes (cd. of Thcophr. Metapb. (1929), xxvxxvi) consider these statements in har mony with the assumption that Theo phrastus supposed (1) that there was no need to seek for an explanation of move ment (as by an unmoved Mover), since movement belongs to the essence of things that possess it; and (2) that many features in the universe are to be explain ed not telcologically but as the inevitable result of movements of the heavenly bodies.
1, 35
249
enim menti divinum tribuit principatum, modo caelo, turn autem l signis sideribusque caelestibus.1 Nee audiendus 3 eius auditor Strato,* is 6 qui physicus appellator, qui omnem vim divinam in 1 modo autem (turn add. m.x) D, autem add. Β 4 • audiendus est Λ / \ audendus D stratonis Nl
modo . . . turn: cf. 1, 31, n. {modo .. . turn) ; also the passage from Clement quoted in the previous note. menti: cf. Clem. Protr.S, 66, 5 (just quoted). divinum: Minucius here reads divinae, modifying menti, and with this reading certain dttertorts as well as J. Walker and Hcindorf agree. The variations of Minu cius, however, in his paraphrasing of Cicero are numerous enough so that we need not accept them against the evi dence of the best mss. principatum: ήγεμονικόν;; cf. 2, 29. ■ignis sideribusque: pleonastic; cf. 1, 22: signis et luminibus. £. Bignonc (L'Aristotele perdu to, 2 (1936), 486, n. 2), comparing Porphyr. De Ahstin. 2, 5, remarks that Thcophrastus, in his work rccpl ευσέβειας, followed the astral theology of Aristotle in the De Philosopbia rather than that of his later works. nee audiendus: with the thought cf. Ac. 2, 121: nee Stratoni /amen adsen/ior; with the phraseology Fin. 2, 41: nee veto audiendus Hieronymus; Off. 1, 88: nee vtro audiendi qui; Quintil. Inst. 10, 3, 22: non /amen protinus audiendi qui; Aug. CD. 12, 4: nee audiendi sunt qui; and with the omission of est 1, 34, n. (cottdiscipulus Xenoerates); Rcid on Fin. 2, 41. eius auditor Strato: cf. Ac. 1, 34: nam Strato, eius [sc. Tbeophrasti) auditor; 1, 121; Lampsacenus Strato; Fin. 5, 13; Sen. N.Q. 6, 13, 2: Straton ex eadem sehola est, qui banc partem pbiiosophiae maxime co/uit et rerum naturae inquisitor /tat; Suid. s.v. Στράτων Λαμψακηνός φιλόσοφος, Θεοφράστου γνώριμος καΐ διάίοχος; also Diog. L. 5, 53; 5, 56; 5, 58: δκδέξατο δ* αύτοϋ τήν σχολήν Στράτων Άρκ*σιλάου Λαμψακηνός. His emi nence is attested by Plut. Adv. Colot. 14, 1115b: των άλλων Περιπατητικών ό κο-
* que caelestibus om. BF · is] his HlBxt del.H*
ρυφαιότατος Στράτων. He was head of the Peripatetic school from 288/7 or 287/6 to 270/69 or 269/8 B.C. (W. Capcllc in P.-W. 4A (1931), 278, 62-63). On his system cf. H. Dicls in Sit\b. d. Berl. Akad. d. Wiss. 1893, part 1,101-127. physicus appellatur: cf. 1, 32, n. physicus); for the term as applied to Strato cf. Ac. 1, 34: Strato .. . cum maxime neeessariam partem pbiiosophiae quae posita est in virtute et moribus reiiquisset totumque se ad investigationem na turae eontulisset in ea ipsa p/urimum dissedit a suss; Fin. 5, 13: primum Tbeophrasti, Strato, physicum se voluit; Polyb. 12, 25c, 3: Στράτωνι τω φυσικω [a good ex positor of others' views, but unoriginal and dull himself]; Plut. De Soil. Anim. 3, 961a; Galen, De Tremore, 6 (VII, 616 K.); [Galen,] Hist. Phil. 18 {Doxogr. Gr* 611 - XIX. 244 K.; cf. id, 3, p. 601 - XIX. 227 K.); Diog. L. 5, 58: φασικός έπικληΟεΙς άπό τοΰ περί τήν θεωρίαν ταύτην παρ* όντινοΰν επιμελέσ τατα δΊατετρίφέναι; 5, 64: Στράτων . . . διαπρέψας έν παντί λόγων είδει καΐ μά λιστα γε έν τω καλουμένω φυσικω, δπερ είδος άρχαιότεράν τε καΐ σπουδαιότερον; Porphyr. De Absfin. 3, 2 1 ; Simplic. in Pbys. 5, 6, p. 916, 12 Dicls; Suid. s.v. Στράτων; Procl. in Tim. p. 242 f (p. 15 Dichl). The epithet is particularly ap propriate here in view of the following statement vim divinam in natura si tarn esse censet; cf. Ac. 2, 121; T. Gomperz, Greek Tinkers (Engl, tr.), 4 (1912), 503. From the views of Aristotle Strato turned to doctrines variously designated as pantheistic, or positivistic (cf. G. Rodier, IM physique de Straton de Lampsaque (1890)), substituting φύσις for deity; cf. W. Thcilcr, Zur Gesch. d. teleolog. Naturbetracbtung (1925), 103. He wrote, among other works, three books
250
1,36
natura ! sitam esse censet, quae causas gignendi, augendi, minuendi habeat sed careat omni et sensu * et figura. 14 36 Zeno autem, ut iam 3 ad vestros, Balbe, veniam, naturalem legem divinam esse 1
naturam Ν
* omni sensu Ν
utinam Ρ
such cases as this but another name for ircpl θεών (Diog. L. 5, 59). On his phys ical system sec H. Dicls in Sit^b. d. " G o d " ; cf. Sen. De Ben. 4, 7, 1: "natu ra," inquit, "hate mibi pratstat " non in Berl. Akad. 1893. 1, 101-127. Cicero states in Ac. 1, 25 that such words as tellects te, cum hoc diets, mutare nomen dto? pbynca are already treated as though quid enim aJiud est natura quam deus et divina ratio toti mundo partibusque eius Latin. in natura: with the view here ex inserta? But for natura as a blind force pressed cf. Ac. 2, 121: Lampsacenus Strato cf. 2, 81, below; Sen. N.Q. 1, praef. 15: ... negat Optra dtorum se uti ad fabricandum natura nesciente quid facial. mundum. quaecumque sint docet omnia gignendi, augendi, minuendi: for effeeia esse natura; Plut. Adv. Colot. 14, such asyndeta cf. R. Kuhner-C. Stcgmann, Ausf. Gram. d. lat. Spr. 2, 2 1 p. 1115b: Στράτων ούτ' Άριστοτέλει κατά πολλά συμφέρεται καΐ Πλάτωνι τάς (1914), 152-153. εναντίας βσχηκε δόξας περί κινήσεως careat . . . sensu et figura: cf. Sen. περί νοϋ καΐ περί ψυχής καΐ περί γενέ ap. Aug. CD. 6, 10: ego feram out Plaσεως- καΐ τελευτών τον κόσμον αυτόν ού tonem aut Peripateticum Stratonem, quorum ζωον είναί φησι, το δε κατά φύσιν επεσ- alter feat deum one cor pore, alter sine animo? θαι τω κατά τύχην αρχήν γάρ ένδιδόναι 36 Zeno: whose views are also noted το αύτόματον, είθ' ούτω περαίνεσθαι in 1, 70; 2, 20-22; 2, 57-58; 2, 6 3 ; 3, 18; των φυσικών παθών ίκαστον; Min. Fel. 3, 22-23; 3. 63. ut ad vestros . . . veniam: R. Hirzel 19, 8: Straton quoque et ipse naturam [sc. nonnt dtum loquitur]; Lact. De Ira, 10, (Unteriucb. ζ. Cicero*s pbilos. Scbr. 1 1: naturam vero, ut Straton ait, habere in se (1877). 18). L. Rcinhardt {Die Quelle* vim gignendi et minuendi, sed earn nee sensum von Cic. Scbr. de Deor. Nat. (1888), 4-5), habere ullum neefiguram,ut intellegamus omand R. Philippson (Sjmb. Oslotnses, 19 nia quasi sua sponte esse generata, nullo (1939), 16) note the similar language artifice nee auctore [a theory which Mayor with which in 1, 25 {baec quidem vestra, compares to that of evolution]; 10, 34: Lucili) Yclleius closes his introductory at enim, sicut alii dicuni, natura mundus ef remarks against Platonists and Stoics, fectus est, quae sensu et figura caret, hoc vero and believe that Cicero has used two dif multo est absurdius. si natura mundum fecit, ferent sources, without in his haste nnsilio et rationt ftctrit ntctsst tst; is enim attempting to bring them into any facit a/iquid qui aut voluntatem faciendi habet mutual relation. out scientiam. si caret sensu acfigura,quo- naturalem legem divinam: φύσις and modo potest ab ea fieri quod et sensum habeatνόμος were often contrasted by rhetori et figuram'. Max. Tyr. 11, 5: κάν ύπαλλάcians and ethical writers; cf. P. Shorcy ξης τήν 9 υ σ ι ν · <*>ς Στράτων. Tcrt. Ads·. on Plat. Rep. 2, 359c and references there Marc. 1, 13, however, remarks: ut Strato cited. But by Hcraditus natural law and caelum et terram (sc. deos pronuntiavit); divine will arc identified (cf. frags. 2, 32, cf. Capcllc, op. cit. 4A, 291, 64-292, 2, and 113-114 Dicls), and the doctrine was who takes the expression figuratively adopted by the Stoics, to whom the idea rather than literally. It seems clear that of law was very important (cf. G. H. Strato definitely rejected anthropomor Sabine and S. B. Smith, edition of Cic. phic and teleological views of nature; De Republica (1929), 22, n. 38). Cf. Min. cf. Capelle, op. cit. 4A, 291, 30-44. Other Fel. 19, 10: Zenon . . . naturalem legem —~*rs maintain that "nature" is in atque divinam et aethera interim interdumque
1,36
251
censet, eamque vim obtinere recta l imperantem prohibentemque contraria. Quam legem quo modo efficiat animantem intellegcre non possumus; deum autem animantem certe volumus esse. Atque hie idem alio loco aethera deum dicit; si inteliegi potest 1
rectam
Ν
rationem vult omnium esse principium; Lact. Inst. 1, 5, 2 0 : item Zenon natural em divinamque legem [sc. deum nuncupat); D i o g . L. 7, 8 8 : απαγορεύει» εΐωθεν 6 νόμος 6 κοινός, ότ«ρ εστίν 6 ορθός λόγος, διά π ά ν τ ω ν ερχόμενος, ό αυτός ών τ ω Δ ι ί ; 1, η ο . 1 6 2 ) : S c h o l . L u c a n . 2, 9 (S.l'.F. hoc secundum Stoicos dicit qui adfirman t mundum prudentia ac lege firmatum, ipsumque deum esse sibi legem; Cleanthes y lijmn% 3 4 - 3 5 (S.V.F. 1, n o . 5 3 7 ) : ITCCI ούτε β ρ ο τ ο ΐ ς γέρας άλλο τ ι μείζον / ούτε Οεοΐς ή κοινόν άεί νόμον έν δίκη ύμνειν; 1, 4 0 , b e l o w : legis perpetuae et aeternae vim; 2 , 7 9 ; Legg. 1 , 1 8 : lex est ratio stimma innta in natura, quae iubet ea quae facienda sunt prohibetque contraria; 1, 4 2 ; 2, 8: banc igitiir video sapientissimorum fuisse sententiam legem neque bominum ingeniis excogitatarn nee scitum aliquod esse populorum, sed aetemum quiddam quod universum mundum regeret imperandi prohibendique sapientia. ita principem legem illam et ultimam mentem esse dicebant omnia ratione aut cogentis attt vetant is dei\ 2, 1 0 : erat enim project a a rerum natura et ad recte faciendum inpellens et a delicto avocans, quae non turn dent que incipit lex esse rum scripta est sed turn cum orta est; orta autem est si mid cum mente divina ; quam ob rem lex vera . . . ratio est recta sum mi Iovis\ Arius D i d y m u s a p . S t o b . v o l . 2, p . 102 W a c h s m u t h : τοΰ δέ νόμου ο ν τ ο ς σπουδαίου . . . επειδή λόγος ορθός έστι προστακτικός μέν ών ποιητέον, α π α γ ο ρ ε υ τ ι κ ό ς δέ ών ού ποιητέον (cf. vol.* 2, ρ. 9 6 | ; A p u l . De Plat. 2, 2 0 : naturae lege; Clem. Strom. 7, 3, 16, 5: ό π ά ν τ ω ν ήγεμών θνητών τε καΐ αθανάτων . . . νόμος ων όντως κα'ι θεσμός κ«1 λόγος α ΐ ι ό ν ι ο ς ; Schol. Lucan. 2, 9 (S.l'.F. 1, n o . 1 6 2 ) ; J. Kacrst, Die ant. Idee H. Oekumene (1903), 32, n. 2 7 ; E. V . A r n o l d . Rom. Stoicism (1911), 2 2 0 ; 328 ( q u o t i n g W o r d s worth, Ode to Duty). Z e n o w r o t e a w o r k m p l νόμου ( D i o g . L. 7, 4), in
w h i c h this d o c t r i n e may have been expressed. O n t h e Stoic a t t i t u d e t o w a r d the law of n a t u r e and t h e laws of m a n cf. A. Bill, La morale et la loi dans la philos. antique (1928), especially 160-179; 230233. e s s e c e n s e t : a w k w a r d l y repeated after its use in the p r e v i o u s sentence. v i m o b t i n e r e : cf. Legg. 2, 9 : et hoc et alia iussa ac vetita populorum vim habere ad recte facta vocandi et a peccatis avocandi, quae vis non modo senior est quam aetas populorum et civitatium sed aequalis illius caelum terras tuentis et regentis dei. p r o h i b e n t e m q u e contraria: cf. 2, 7 9 : lex quae est recte praeceptio pravique depulsio; Legg. 1, 1 8 ; 2, 10 ( b o t h q u o t e d in the note o n naturalem legem divinam, above). animantem intellegere non possu m u s : a m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g by Vcllcius of the view of Z e n o , w h o did n o t hold t h e law t o be G o d b u t rather G o d t o be t h e law, i.e., the c o n t r o l l i n g principle of the u n i v e r s e . S c h o c m a n n , M a y o r , a n d G o e t h e c o m p a r e his similar m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g s of πρόνοια in 1, 18, with which cf. 2, 73-74. a n i m a n t e m c e r t e : that G o d s h o u l d be a n i m a t e e v e n t h e Stoics t h e m s e l v e s r e q u i r e d ; cf. 2, 45. h i e i d e m : cf. 1, 3 0 ; 1, 3 3 ; also b e l o w , idem astris hoc idem tribuit. The awkward repetition of idem may be n o t e d . a l i o l o c o : in w h i c h of t h e w o r k s m e n t i o n e d by D i o g . L. 7, 4 this view appeared is u n c e r t a i n ; the only title w h i c h especially s u g g e s t s it is περί τοΰ όλου. a e t h e r a : cf. 1, 40, n. (aetfxra esse . . . fovem); Ac. 2, 126: Zenoni et re Iiquis fere Stoicis aether videiur summus deus, mente praeditus, qua omnia regantur\ Tert. Adv. Marc. 1, 13: ut Zeno aerem et aetherem [sc. deum pronuntiavif; A. C. Pearson, Frag, of Zeno and Cleanthes (1891). 9 1 .
252
1,36
nihil sentiens deus, qui numquam nobis occurrit neque in precibus neque in optatis neque in votis. Aliis autem libris rationem quandam per omnium naturam rerum pertinentem ! vi * divina s esse 1 pcrtingcntcm C D*NOBFM
* ui Jet/. Man. Dav.t ut cett.
* diuina PD1B1, diuinam
si intellegi potest: cf. 1, 30, n. (inthinks aerem here a blunder, unless with L. Stein (Berl. Stud. / . cl. Philoi. u. Arch. tellegjt non potest); a conditional clause is sometimes used in a doubting, some 3, 1 (1886), 58, n. 80) we read out in times in a scornful sense; cf. 1, 104: place of * / ] ; Min. Fel. 19, 10: aetbera interdiu omnium esse principium; Diog. L. si modo movetur; Dip. 2, 33: si est ars ul/a rerum incogmtarum; Pro Lig. 3: si illud 7, 147: Άθηνάν δέ κατά τήν είς αΙθέρα διάτασιν τοΰ ηγεμονικού αΰτοΰ. (Euripides imperium esse potest; Fam. 9, 17, 2: si had spoken (He/. 1013-1016) of men's aut hoc lucrum est aut baec pita; 11, 8, 2 : souls as merging after death into the si bic delectus appellandus est; Juv. 3, 289: ether (cf. Pacuv. 90-93 Ribbcck, quoted si rixa est; T. Wop kens, Adpers. crit. 1 in 2, 91, below); for other views of the (1828), 69. ether as divine cf. 1, 33, n. (caeli ardorem); nihil sentiens dcut: another Epicu Tusc. 1, 65: quinta quaedam natura . . . rean misunderstanding of Zcno's views. baec et deorum est et animorum; Aesch. fr. 70 occurrit: cf. 1,46; 1,61; 1, 76; 1, 8 1 ; Nauck (ap. Clem. Strom. 5, 114, 4; probably here used not of a concept Eus. Pr. EP. 13, 13, 41 (cf. Philodcm. occurring to our minds but of a theop. 22 Gomperz); Phcrccydcs ap. Prob. phany presenting itself to our senses. in Virg. Eel. 6, 31, p. 343 llagen; Lact. neque . . . neque . . . neque: with Inst. 1, 1, 62 (Enn. Eubem. 104 Vahlcn): this triple polysyndeton cf. 3, 86; Fat. 34; idque luppiter quod aether \ Hcrmias, Rep. 3» 45; a fourfold one is found in Irrisio, 12 (Doxogr. Gr.1 654); also Paradoxa, 21. among the Stoics, Cleanthcs (1. 37; precibus . . . optatis . . . votis: cf. Lact. Inst. 1, 5, 19: Cleanthes et Anaxi- 1, 122: quod ni ita sit, quid peneramur, menes aethera esse dicunt sum mum deum), quid prtcamur deos . . . quid optamus Chrysippus (1, 39-40; Ace. Plat. 1, 7, 33, a dels inmortalibus, quid twemus; Dip. in Doxogr. Gr. 306 - V. I \F. 2, no. 1027: 1, 129: etiam cum taciti optent quid aut άνωτάτω δέ πάντων νουν έναιθέριον vopeant, non dubitent quin di illud exau[Plut.: έν αΙΟέρι] είναι θεόν; Philodcm. diant; also the phrases in potis (Hor. De Piet. p. 79 Gomperz (Doxogr. Gr.1 S. 2, 6, 1) and in poto (Pers. 3, 49). 546): Δίχδέ τόν α(Οέρα), Boethus (Act. It might be supposed that prayers, Plac. 1, 7, 25, in Doxogr. Gr.* 303 = wishes, and vows would mean little to S. V.F. 3, p. 265: ΒόηΟος τόν αΙθέρα θεόν an Epicurean, yet cf. 1, 45: ut deos pie άπεφήνατο), Arius Didymus (ap. Eus. coleremus . .. babet enim penerationem iustam Pr. Ev. 15, 20, 4: είναι δέ ψυχήν έν quicquid excellit; also G. D. Hadzsits, on τφ δλω φασίν, δ καλοΰσιν αΙθέρα), and worship and prayer among the Epi Artcmidorus (Onirocr. 2, 34 and 2, 35— cureans (Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 39 among θεοί αΙθέριοι—: πϋρ τό αίθέριον). (1908), 73-88; C. Bailey, Proc. Class. Of probably Stoic origin arc (Clem.] Assoc. 19 (1922), 19-25; N. W. DeW'itt Recogn. 10, 34, and two glosses of loan. in Trans. Royal Soc. of Canada, sect. 2, Diac. on Hes. Theog. 453 (p. 331 Flach): 1944, 79-88. Ζήνα τόν αιθέρα οίητέον; 583 (p. 337 rationem quandam. . . pertinentem: Flach): τω Διί, τουτέστι τ<"> αίΟέρι. λόγον τινά . . . διήκοντα; cf. 2, 24: vim Cf. also Eustath. in //. 1, 569. In general . .. per omnem mundum pertinentem; 2, 71: cf. O. Gruppe, Gr. Myth. u. Rel. 2 deus pertinens per naturam cuiusque rei; (1906), 1114, n. 3 ; A. B. Cook, Zeus, 1 Ac. 2, 119; Philodcm. De Piet. p. 74 (1914), 29, and n. 4. Gomperz (Doxogr. Gr.* 542): δεΐ τήν
1,36
253
adfectam l putat. Idem astris hoc idem tribuit, turn annis, mensi1
esse ac perfectam Ο
<δ>ύναμιν, ούσαν συνα<π>τικήν ο(κε<ί>An. 2, p. 35, 32-33 Hcinzc: τοις άπό ως των μερώ<ν> πρό<ς £>λληλα καΐ έκ—; Ζήνωνος σύμφωνος ή δόξα, δια πάσης ου Hcraclit. ap. Act. Plac. 1, 28, 1 (Doxogr. σίας πεφοιτηκέναι τόν θεόν τιΟεμένοις; % Gr. 323): 'Ηράκλειτος ούσίαν είμαρLact. Inst. 4, 9, 2: Zenon rerum naturae μένης άπεφαίνετο λόγον τόν δι* ουσίας dispositorem atque opificem universitaiis του παντός διήκοντα; Virg. G. 4, 221λόγον praedicat; Firm. Mat. Malb. 1, 5, 222: deum namque ire per omnis ( terrasque 10: mens enim ilia divina animusque caelestis irattusque maris caelumque profundum; A en. per omne mundi corpus in modum circuit 6, 724-727; prinnpio caelum ac terram collocatm; Hpiphan. Adv. Hacres. 3, 36 camposque liquentis / lucentemque globum (Doxogr. Gr.* 592) :Ζήνων . . . ίλεγε lunae Titaniaque a sira j spiritus intus alif, δέ πάντα διήκειν τό Οεΐον; L. Stein in totamque in/usa per artus / mens agitat BerL Stud. f. cl. Pbilol. u. Arch. 3, 1 molem et magno se cor pore misee t [cf. Lact. (1886), 35, n. 0; Li. V. Arnold, Rom. De Ira, 11, 5); Sen. Dial. 12, 8, 3: id Stoicism (1911), 71; 219, n. 9; also below, actum est . . . ab illo quisquis Jormator 1, 37, n. (ipsum mundum deum); and John, unit erst fuit, she ille deus est potens omnium\ 1, 1: καί ό λόγος ήν προς τόν θεόν, καί sive incorporalis ratio ingentium operum θεός ήν 6 λόγος. arti/ex, sive divinus spiritus per omnia omnium naturam rerum: certain maxima et minima aequali intentione dif- deteriores and some editors read omnem. fusus; N.Q. 2, 9, 4; Act. Plac. 1, 7, 33 Both expressions occur elsewhere in {Doxogr. Gr.% 306, of the Stoics): xal Cicero, e.g., with omnium-. 2, 36; Ac. πνεϋμα μέν ένδιήκον δι' όλου τοΰ κόσ 2, 114; Fin. 1,61; 2, 16; De Or. 2,317; μου; Μ. Aurel. 5, 32: τον δι' βλης της with the adjective modifying natura (in ουσίας διήκοντα λόγον; Μ. Aurel. 8, 54; various orders): 1, 27; 3, 35; Legg. 3, 3. Diog. L. 7, 134 [Zcno's views]: τό μέν For the difference in meaning of the two ούν πάσχον είναι τήν άποιον ούσίαν τήν expressions, one signifying the mundus, ΰλην, τό δέ ποιούν τόν έν αύτη λόγον τόν the other referring to all its parts, cf. βεόν; 7, 138 [Chrysippus and PosidoJ. Bake on Legg. 1, 61, p. 451 (1843); G. nius]: είς άπαν αύτοΟ [sc. τοΰ κόσμου] F. Schocmann, Opusc. acad. 3 (1858), 361. μέρος διήκοντος του νοϋ, καθίπερ έφ' vi divina . . . adfectam: though vi ημών της ψυχής; 7, 140; Athcnag. Leg. is poorly attested (Λ/"(?) and deft.), it pro Christ. 6 (Pair. Gr. 6, 904a): ot δέ seems necessary here. For the phrase από της Στοάς, καν ταϊς προσηγορίαις vis divina cf. 1, 35; 1, 39; 1, 40; 2, 14; 2, κατά τάς παραλλάξεις της ύλης, δί ης 55; and often in Cicero's other works. φασί τό ττνεϋμ* χωρεϊν τοϋ θεού; Tcrt. With this use of adfectam cf, 1, 38: Apol. 21 [after the views of Zcno]: deorum honore adf\cere\ 2, 41: sensuque haec Cleantbes in spiritum congerit, quern adftcit; and other examples in Thes. Ling. permeatorem universitaiis adfirmat; Μ in. Lat. 1 (1900), 1209-1211, which seem to Fcl. 19, 10: interdumque rationem vult dispel the doubts expressed by G. F. omnium esse principium; Hippol. PhilosoSchocmann, op. cit.t 3, 313, of the pbum. 1, 21, 1 [of Chrysippus and Zeno]: propriety of this phrase when used for δια πάντων δέ διήκειν τήν πρόνοι«ν αυτού a natural attribute. (sc. τοϋ θεού]; Clem. Protr. 5, 66, 3: idem astris hoc idem: an awkward ουδέ μην τους άπό της Στοάς τταρελεύrepetition, especially when the same σομαι δια πάσης ύλης, καί δια της ατι form is used for both subject and object μότατης, τό θείον διήκειν λέγοντας [cf. of the verb; cf. Pease on Div. 1, 3 {videTatian, Ad Gr. 3]; Scxt. Emp. Pyrrbon. retur); and the excellent treatment by 3, 218: Στωικοί δέ πνεΰμα διήκον καί δια A. B. Cook {Cl. Rev. 16 (1902), 155-156) τών είδεχΟων; Thcmist. in Aristot. De of such repetitions in Cicero.
254
1,36
bus, annorumque mutationibus. Cum vero Hesiodi Theogoniam,1 id est, originem dcorum, interpretatur, tollit omnino usitatas 1
theogeniam Β Μ
δέ ό μήν θεός έστι, καΙ ό ένιαυτός αν είη aitrie: cf. 2, 15; 2, 39-44; Arius Didyθεός. σύστημα γάρ έστιν έκ μηνών ό ένι mus ap. Stob. vol. 1, p. 213 Wachsmuth αυτός· ούχΙ δέ γε τούτο· τοίνυν ουδέ ( = S.V.F. 1, no. 120): Ζήνων τόν ήλιόν τό έξ αρχής, σύν τω άτοπον είναι, φασί, φησι χαΐ τήν σελήνην καΐ των άλλων ί σ τήν μλν ήμέραν θεόν είναι λέγειν, τήν δέ τρων έκαστον clvai νοερόν καΙ φρόνιΙω καΙ τήν μεσημβρίαν καΙ τήν δείλην μον; for this view in other Stoics: 1, 37: μηκέτι. Material of this sort for the Cieanibts . .. divinitatem ornnem tribuit astris; 1, 39: Chrysippus ... so/em /imam Hellenistic period is collected by R. ridera [sc. deum did/ esse); Act. Plac. 1,6,11 Reitzenstein, Poimandrts (1904), 257-291. {Doxogr. Gr> 296 = 5\K.F. 2, no. Cf. also Gaiat. 4, 10: ημέρας παρατηρεΐσθε καΙ μήνας καΙ καιρούς και ένιαυ1009): βλέποντες δέ τους αστέρας del τούς [on which see Wctstein's note]; θέοντας αΙτίους Te τοΰ Οεωρεϊν ημάς ήλιον καΐ σελήνην θεούς προσηγόρευσαν; Simplic. CorolL de Tempore, p. 785, 8-9 DicLs: δήλον Οτι ούτος άν είη ό χρόνος 1, 7, 33 {Doxogr. Ο . "306): Στωικοί . . . ό ώς θ€Ος ύπό τε Χαλδαίων καΙ της άλλης θεούς δέ καΙ τόν κόσμον καΙ τους αστέ ίερας άγιστεΐας τιμηθείς; ρ. 795, 6; ρας καΐ τήν γήν (cf. [Galen,] Hist. Phil. 35 {Doxogr. Gr* 618 = XIX, 252 Κ.)); 795, 19 (time deified by Proclus); Orig. C. Cels. 5, 7: έπεί το όλον ό κόσ W. Drexlcr in W. H. Roschcr, Ausf. μος θεός έστιν ήδη καΐ τά μέρη αύτοϋ Lexikon, 1, 2 (1890), 2742-2743 (on θεια [these μέρη he has just mentioned Horogeneis Tbeoi); F. Boll in P.-W. 7 as the sun, moon, and stars); Achill. (1912), 2571, and works there cited; Isag. 10, p. 39 Maass: αστήρ έστι κατά E. Norden, Die Geburt des Kindts (1924), Διόδωρον σώμα θείον ούράνιον [cf. 11, ρ. 31; and, in addition, Lydus, De Mens. 40];Lact. Inst. 2, 5, 38: cum cat leiits ignes 3, 20: δτι δέ τόν ένιαυτόν ώς θεόν άτίμησαν δήλον έξ αυτής της Λυδών βασι ceteraque mundi e/emen/a deos esse adfirment. λίδος πόλεως, κτλ. In Philodem. De annis, meneibui, annorumque mu tationibus: unnecessary are the conjec Pitt. p. 74 Gompcrz {Doxogr. Gr* 542) Dicls would detect a likeness to this tures by which Plasbcrg would read annus sque and R. Rcitzcnstein (in a subject and would read: τήν δ' άνα<τοletter to Plasbcrg (1910), comparing λή>ν ή<λί>ου καΙ κύ<κλησιν> ή περίοδ<ον>. 1, 52: mutationem temporum \ 2, 49: but von Arnim {S.V.F. 1, no. 168) temporum mutationibus) proposes tempoexplains the passage very differently, rumque. On such deification cf. Plat. with reference to allegoric interpreta Legg. 10, 899 b : άστρων δέ δή πέρι πάν tions (see the following note). E. Zellcr των καΐ σελήνης ένιαυτών τε καΐ μηνών {Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics (Engl, tr.» καΐ πασών ωρών πέρι τίνα Αλλον λόγον 1870), 125-126) sees in this deification έροϋμεν ή τόν αυτόν τοΰτον, ώς επειδή of times and seasons a form of the Stoic ψυχή μέν ή ψυχαΐ πάντων τούτων α(τιαι materialization of concepts usually con έφάνησαν, άγαθαΐ δέ πασαν άρετην, θε sidered as abstract; cf. Plut. De comm. ούς αύτάς είναι φήσομεν, είτε έν σώμαNotit. 45, p. 1084d [the view of Chryσιν ένοϋσαι, ζώα όντα, κοσμοΰσι πάντα sippus]: ούχ ή μέν νύξ σώμ* έσ-rlv, ή δ* ούρανόν είτε όπη τε και όπως; Sext. εσπέρα καΙ ό Ορθρος καΙ τό μέσον τής Emp. Adv. Phys. 1, 184 [a reductio ad ab- νυκτός σώματ' ούκ Ιστιν ούδ* ή μέν surdum by Carneadcs]: el ό ήλιος θεός ήμερα σώμ' εστίν ουχί δέ καΙ ή νουμηνία σώμα καΙ ή δεκάτη καΙ πεντεχαιδεκάτη έστιν καΙ ή ήμερα αν είη θεός* ού γαρ καΙ ή τριαχάς καΙ ό μήν σώμ' εστί καΙ τό άλλο τι ήν ή ήμερα ή ήλιος υπέρ γης. εΐ θέρος χαΐ τό φθινόπωρον καΙ ό ένιαυτό;. δ' ή ήμερα εστί θεός, καΙ ό μήν Ισται Theogoniam .. . interpretatur: θεός· σύστημα γάρ έστιν έξ ήμερων, εΐ
1,36
255
perceptasque cognitiones deorum; neque enim Iovem nequc Iunonem neque Vestam neque quemquam qui ita appelletur l 1
apclletur 02?, appellatur Η
the morally-minded were scandalized by whether Zcno wrote a commentary specifically upon the Tbeogony has some such myths]; 2, 63-70, concluding: vidttimes been doubted (e.g., by A. B. tisne igitur ut a pbysicis rebus bent atque Κ rise he, Forsch. auf d. Gebiete d. alt en utiliter inventis tracta ratio sit ad commenPbilos. (1840), 367; G. F. Schoemann, ticios etfictos deos; Hcraclit. Qttaest. Homer. Opusc. acad. 2 (1857), 529), yet that the 1: πάντα γάρ ήσέβησεν εί μηδέν ήλληexunt scholia to the Tbeogony show a γόρησεν [sc. ό "Ομηρος], This use of allegory is by no means original with very definite Stoic influence is indis putable (cf. the abundant material col Zcno, for it already appears in the time lected by H. Flach, Glossen u. Scbolien ξ. of Plato (Rep. 2, 377c-378c; Phaedr. besiodiseben TbeogpnJe (1876), 29-96), and229c-d), and was later employed to reconcile the traditions of the Old Zcno is mentioned in them by name at Testament with Platonism (as by Philo) lines 117, 134, and 139, as is Chrysippus or with Christian ethics; cf. Orig. C. Cels. on lines 135 and 459. Von Arnim (SA'.F. 1 (1905), 71) would derive 1, 17, 18; 4, 48-52 (in 48 Celsus charges: these and similar passages from a work ϊίσχυνομένους έπί τούτοις καταφεύγειν entitled <εΙς 'Ησιόδου Θεογονίαν>, and έπί την άλληγορίαν). For its Greek be to his list of fragments N. Fcsta, / ginnings cf. J. Tate in CI. Rev. 41 (1927), frammenti degli Stoici antichi, 1 (1932), 214-215; CL Quart. 23 (1929), 142-154. id est originem deorum: from the 99-102, would add yet others under this tide. Flach, however, thinks {op. time of P. Manutius some editors have deleted these words as a gloss; but cf. cit., 30) that the matters here explained may have come from Zeno's work περί 1, 20, n. (idest naturae rationem). The some όλου (Diog. L. 7, 4) or from that περί what awkward repetition of deorum φύσεως (Stob. vol. 1, p. 78 Wachsmuth); may easily be paralleled in Cicero; cf. A. C. Pearson, on the other hand (Frag, the note on idem astris hoc idem, above; of Zeno and Cleantbes (1891), 31-32), also 3, 64: dis inmortalibus. suggests as a source the περί ποιητικής usitatas perceptasque: cf. 2, 91: ακροάσεως (Diog. L. 7, 4). perceptum iam tamen usu a nostris; Fin. 3, 5: The purpose of Zeno's interpretations usu percepta stmt. was evidently to reconcile with contem cognitiones deorum: cf. 1, 32, n. porary enlightened thought the crude (cognitionem deorum); 1, 44. and often immoral mythology of 1 lesiod, Iovem . . . Iunonem . . . Vestam: cf. Min. Fcl. 19, 10: idem [sc. Zeno] interin which "ethical forces take their place beside the telluric and atmospheric forces pretando Iunonem atra, Iovem caelum, Nepof nature," and the poet's system "is not tunum mare, ignem esse I 'ulcanum, et ceteros confined to the simple catalogues and similiter vulgi deos elementa esse monstrando family-trees of religious tradition, but publicum arguit graviter et revincit errorem; contains a new creative interpretation of 19, 11. For these interpretations in the the old deities, and freely introduces present work cf. 1, 40 [Iuppitcr and Nepfresh personifications to satisfy the new tunus]; 2, 65-67 [Iuppitcr, Iuno, Ncpurge to abstract thinking" (\ΧΛ Jaeger, tunus, . . . Vesta]. Paideia, 1 (Engl. tr. 1939), 63). This qui ita appelletur: we need not result Zeno attains by an extensive use emend, with H. KrafTert (Beitr. ^. Krit. u. of allegory; cf. 1, 41: (Chrysippus) volt Erkl. lat. Autoren, 1 (1883), 123) to Orphei, Musaei, Henodi, Homerique fabulas qui ibi [i.e., in Tbeogonia] appellatur; accommodare ad ea quae ipse . . . de deis Cicero means a god who is called by any inmortalibus dixerit (1, 42 shows how such personal name. For the subjunctive
256
1,37
in deorum habet numero, sed rebus inanimis atque mutis per quandam significationem haec docet tributa nomina. 37 Cuius discipuli Aristonis non minus magno in errore sententia est,1 qui neque formam dei intellegi posse censeat 2 neque in dis sensum esse dicat dubitetque omnino deus animans 3 necne sit. Cleanthes 1 sententia est A*PNOM%t scntcntias AlDB {ait. s in ras.) FAf, sentias H, sentena tiast PI. ■ censeat] dcccat Ο nc deus amans Ο
1, nos. 333-403 (this passage being no. cf. 1, 34, n. (sint); Η reads the indicative here. 378). signif icationem: the added quandam magno in errore: cf. 1, 2: in sum mo perhaps indicates that this is but an errore; 3, 25: in eodem . . . errore versantur. approximate description, or it may here sententia eat: in the variation of the be used, as often, to apologize for a mss most editors read sententia estt but translation from the Greek. For the Plasbcrg sententiast. For such procope of thought cf. Plat. Rep. 2, 378d: ουτ* έν est, occasional in mss, though tending ύπονοίαις πεποιη μένος ούτε άνευ υπο to be standardized by editors, cf. W. M. νοιών; also Auct. ad Heretm. 4, 53 (67): Lindsay, The Lat. Lang. (1894), 121. significatio est res quae plus in suspicion* formam dei: cf. Min. Fel. 19, 13: relinquit quam ροή turn est in oratione; Socraticus Xenophon formam dei vtri negat Quintil. Inst. 9, 1, 28: buic contraria saepe videri posse et ideo quaeri non oportert, percursio est et plus ad inteliegendum quam Ariston Stoicus conprehendi omnino non dixeris significatio. "A sort of allegorical posse. He may well have held, like Zeno (Diog. L. 7, 147), that God μή είναι . . . meaning" is perhaps what Cicero here άνΟρωπομορφον; cf. Philodcm. De Piet. intends to say. 37 Arietonie: of Chios (cf. 3, 77; p. 82 Gompcrz. Such a belief would Ac. 2, 123; Tusc. 5, 27; Legg. 1, 55; naturally have been distasteful to VelDiog. L. 7,160; and many other citations, lcius. neque in die sensum: rather the he being generally associated with his criticism of Vcllcius than the real view town to distinguish him from the other philosophers of the same name; cf. H. of Aristo; cf. H. Dicls in Doxogr. Cr* 124. von Arnim in P.W. 2 (1896), 953-957), Cleanthes: of Assos (Strab. 13, 57; a friend and pupil of Zeno {Ac. 2, 130; Acl. IV. A. 6, 50; Diog. L. 7, 168; 7, 170 Tusc. 5, 33; Athen. 6, 251c; though Stcph. Byz. s.v. "Ασσος; Suid. s.v. Diog. L. 7, 18 says that Zcno called Κλεάνθης; but cf. Clem. Protr. 6, 72, 1; him a chatterbox), and the teacher of Prob. in Virg. Eel. 6, 31), dated from Eratosthenes of Cyrcne (Athen. 7, 281c; 331/0 to 232/1 or 231/0 (H. von Arnim Suid. s.v. Ερατοσθένης) diverged from in P.-W. 11 (1922), 558), the pupil for the Stoicism of Zcno in the direction nineteen years and the successor of Zcno of Cynicism (cf. von Arnim, op. cit., 957; (Ac. 2, 126: Cleanthes, qui quasi maiorum E. V. Arnold, Rom. Stoicism (1911), 82), confining his philosophy largely to est gentium Stoicus, Zenonis auditor; Tusc. 2, 60; Strab. 13, 57; Sen. Ep. 6, 6; ethics, as a subject lying within our Diog. L. 7, 174; 7, 176; Lucian. Macrob. powers, and not useless, like dialectic, 19: Κλεάνθης δέ ό Ζήνωνος μαθητής καΐ nor beyond our reach, like physics διάδοχος εννέα και ένενήκοντα ούτος γε(Ac. 2, 123; Stob. vol. 2, p. 8 Wachsγονώς έτη, κτλ.; Min. Fcl. 19, 10; Stcph. muth). It is not easy to determine in Byz. s.v. 'Ασσος; Suid. s.v. Κλεάνθης), just which of the works enumerated by and the teacher of Chrvsippus (Sen. Diog. L. 7, 163 these doctrines were Ep. 113,23; Diog. L. 7, 179; Suid. s.v. expressed; for his fragments cf. S.V.F.
1, 37
257
autem, qui Zenonem audivit una cum eo quern proxime nominavi, turn ipsum mundum deum * dicit esse, turn 2 totius naturae menti 1
m u n d u m d e u m deft.
Rom.,
d c u m m u n d u m cett.
Χ ρ ύ σ ι π π ο ς ) , was the a u t h o r of v a r i o u s w o r k s listed by D i o g . L. 7, 174-175, in c l u d i n g o n e (7, 175) περί Οεο,ν. His f r a g m e n t s are collected by A . C . P e a r s o n , Frag, of Zeno ond Cleanthes (1891). 2363 3 0 , a n d by H . v o n A r n i m in S. V'.F. 1, n o s . 4 6 3 - 6 1 9 , a n d in a d d i t i o n t o t h e p r e s e n t passage (no. 530) there are q u o t a t i o n s f o u n d at 2, 1 3 - 1 5 ; 2, 2 3 - 2 4 ; 2 , 4 0 ; 3 , 16-17; 3, 37, below. Cleanthes lived m u c h in p o v e r t y ( D i o g . L. 7, 1 6 8 - 1 7 1 ; Suid. s.v. φρεάντλης), was p i o u s a n d in general d e v o t e d t o the p r i n c i p l e s of Z e n o (for o n e d i v e r g e n c e cf. Ac. 2, 126), but also m u c h influenced by t h e speculations of H e r a c l i t u s . At t i m e s he appears as a dualist, like Z e n o , b u t at o t h e r times as m o r e p a n t h e i s t i c ; cf. I · . V. A r n o l d , Rom. Stoicism (1911), 8 8 - 9 0 ; H . v o n A r n i m in P.-XT. 11 (1922), 568-570. R. Ilirzcl, Untersuch. z- Cicero's phtios. Schr. 2 (1882), 206, a t t e m p t s t o restrict the degree of p a n t h e i s m repre s e n t e d by Cleanthes. a u d i v i t : " a t t e n d e d the lectures of*'; cf. D o u g a n a n d H e n r y o n Tusc. 5, 3 1 . i p s u m m u n d u m d e u m : an a p p a r e n t ly pantheistic u t t e r a n c e ; cf. H i r z c l , op. at. 2, 198-212 (especially 2 0 7 - 2 0 8 ) ; L. Stein in Berlin. Stud. f. cl. Phi/ol. u. Arcb. 3 , 1 (1886), 6 7 , n. 9 8 , w h o c o n s i d e r s C l c a n t h c s ' s Hymn to Zeus (.V. V'.F. 1, n o . 537) as really a h y m n t o p a n t h e i s m . Cf. a l s o 1, 5 2 ; 1, 100; 2, 2 8 ; 2, 4 5 : ut primum bunt ipsum mundum . . . animantem esse et deum iudicem; and for similar views o f o t h e r s n o t e Plato ( 1 , 19; 1, 2 4 ; 1, 30), A r i s t o t l e ( 1 , 33), Hcraclides ( 1 , 34), Z e n o ( 1 , 36, and note o n rat tone m quondam . . . pertinentem); 2, 21), C h r y s i p p u s ( 1 , 3 9 ; 2 , 39), a n d Arius D i d y m u s (ap. B u s . Pr. Ev. 15, 15, 1): δλον δέ τόν κόσμον σύν τοις έαυτοϋ μέρεσι προσαγορεύουσιν Οεόν τοΰτον δέ ίνα μόνον είναι φασι καΐ πεπερασμένον καΐ ζωον καΐ άΐδιον καΐ Οεόν; Ε. V . A r n o l d , op. cit., 219-220. t o t i u s naturae m e n t i a t q u e a n i m o : cf. 1, 3 9 : universae naturae animo atque
■ esse turn) esse c u m
Ο
mente; Ac. 1, 2 9 : quam vim animum esse dicunt mtotdi eandemque esse mentem sapien· tiamque perfect am quam deum appellant; Tim. 4 2 : omnem animum universae naturae [translating Plat. Tim. 4 1 d : την τοϋ παν τός ψυχήν); Varr. a p . A u g . CD. 4, 3 1 : hi soli ei videantur animum advertisse quid esset deus qui credideruni eum esse animam motu ac ralione mundum gubernantem; Philo, Leg. Alleg. 1, 9 1 : ή γ α ρ τών όλων ψυχή ό θεός έστν κατά Cwoiav; Act. Plac. 1, 7, 17 (Doxogr. Gr.* 3 0 2 ) : Διογένης καΐ Κλεάνθης και ΟΙνοπίδης την τοϋ κόσ μου ψυχήν |sc. Οέον]; Sen. De Ben. 4, 7 , 1 : quid enim aliud est natura quam dens et divina ratio toti mundo partibusque tins inserta; Corn u t . N.D. 2 : ώσπερ δέ ήμεϊς υπό ψυχής διοικούμενα, ούτω καΐ ό κόσ μος ψυχήν έχει τήν συνέχουσαν αυτόν, καΐ αύτη καλεί ται Ζευς; λίΐη. 1x1. 19, 10: Cleautfjem enim mentem, modo animum, modo aethera, plerumque rationem deum disseruit; Porphyr. De Abstin. 2, 3 8 ; id., fr. a p . Cyril. Alex. C. Iulian. 8, p . 271a ( - p . 14, n o . 16 N a u c k ) : είναι δέ τόν μέν ά ν ω τ ά τ ω θεόν τάγαθόν, μ ε τ ' αυτόν δέ και δεύτερον τόν δημιουργόν, τρίτην δέ τήν του κόσ μου ψυχήν; i lermias, Irrisio, 14 (Doxogr. Gr.1 654, of C l e a n t h e s ) : την δέ ψυχήν δι' όλου του κόσμου διήκειν; Chalcid. in Tim. 5 3 : haec est ilia rationabilis anima mundi; Schol. //. 16, 2 3 3 : Ζευς γάρ έστιν ή του κόσμου ψυχή, άεροειδής ούσα; E c p h a n t u s a p . S t o b . vol. 4, p . 279 H c n s c : ά τ ω Κ ό σ μ ω ψρόνασις ό θεός έντι; Lyd. De Mens. 4, 5 1 : Διόνυσον δέ ώσανεΐ τόν τοϋ Διός νουν οίονεΐ τήν τοϋ κόσμου ψυ χήν. A w o r k περί ψυχας κ ό σ μ ω fathered u p o n T i m a c u s of Locri is p u b l i s h e d in Frag. Philos. Gr. 2, 38-46. T h e m a c r o c o s m (mundus) s o corres p o n d s t o the m i c r o c o s m (man) that it requires a ruling principle (ήγεμονικόν) a n a l o g o u s t o that in m a n ; cf. Varr. a p . Aug. CD. 7, 6: dicit . . . Varro . . . deum se arbitrari esse animam mundi, quern Graeci vocant κόσμον, et hunc ipsum mun dum esse deum ; sed sicut hominem sapientem.
258
1,37
atque animo tribuit hoc nomen, turn ultimum et altissimum atque undique circumfusum et extremum * omnia cingcntcm atque conplexum ardorem, qui * aether nominetur, certissimum deum iudicat. Idemque quasi delirans s in his libris quos 4 scripsit contra extremum atque Μ
* quia CP
· delibcrans DO
* quasi? 1
cum nt ex corport et ammo, /amen ab animo ουχί άμεΐνους τούτων ol τόν αέρα και το dici sapientem, ita mundum deum did ab περιέχον, μάλλον δέ τόν όλον κόσμον xal animo, cum nt ex animo et corpore; id., ap. τό σύμπαν άξιον ήγησάμενοι της τοϋ θβIsid. Etjm. 8, 6, 21: Varro ignem mundi οΰ ύπβροχής. As noted by A. C. Pearson am mum didt, proinde quod in mundo ignis {Frag, of Zend and Cleanthes (1891), 247). omnia gubernet sicut animus in nobis; Aet. ultimum is the part furthest removed Plot. 1, 3, 4 {Doxogr. Gr.* 278): οίον ή from the earth at the centre of the uni verse. ψυχή, φησίν [sc. ό *Αναξιμένης], ή ημε τέρα άήρ ούσα συγκρατεί ήμας, καΐ όλον undique circumfusum: cf. 2, 9 1 : τόν κόσμον πνεϋμα καΐ άήρ περιέχει; drcumfusa undique; Tusc. 5, 121. Scxt. Emp. Adv. Pbys. 1, 120: έπεί καΐ conplexum: cf. 2, 117: quern complexa ό κόσμος υπό φύσεως διοικείται πολυμε summa pars caeli, quae aetheria didtur . . . ρής καθεστώς, εΐη άν τι έν αύτω το cum aeris extremitate coniungrtur; Rep. 6, κυριεΰον καΐ τό προκαταρχόμενον των 17: [sc. orbis) summus ipse deus, arcens κινήσεων, ουδέν δέ δυνατόν είναι τοιούτον et continens ceteros. ή τήν των Οντων φύσιν, ήτις θεός έστιν. ardorem: cf. 1, 33, n. {caeli ardorem). Ιστιν άρα θεός; R. Hirzcl, op. at., 2, 205; nominetur: for the subjunctive cf. 1, G. P. Conger Theories of Macrocosm and 34, n. {sint); Lambinus, Heindorf, and Microcosm in the Hist, of Pbiios. (1922), M. L. Earle {CI. Papers (1912), 204) 12-13; W. Thcilcr Zur Gescb. d. teleoi. emend to the indicative. Cf. also Diog. L. Naturbetracbtung bis auf Aristot. (1925), 7, 137 [the view of Zcno]: άνωτάτω μέν 22; J. Morcau, L'dme du monde (1939), ούν είναι τό πυρ, 6 δή αΙθέρα καλεϊσβαι, especially 178, n. 0. έν ω ιτρώτην τήν των απλανών σφαΐραν ultimum et altissimum: cf. 2, 91: γεννάσθαι, είτα τήν των πλανωμένων. bunc rursus amplectitur inmensus aether, qui certiesimum deum: cf. Thes. Ling. constat ex a/tissimis ignibus; 2, 101: ultiLot. 3 (1912), 918, 8-11, citing Tcrt. mus et a domid/iis nostris altissimus omnia Ad». Marc. 2, 2: deum cerium et indubitadngens et coercens caeli com plexus, qui idemtum; [Thorn.] Evang. 8, 2 [Cod. Paris.]: aether vocatur, extrema ora et determinatio vere certissimus deus est; also Virg. Aen. mundi; Div. 2, 91: caelum ipsum quod ex- \,328:odeacerte. tremum atque ultimum mundi est; Rep. 6, quasi: apologetic; cf. Ac. 2, 14: quasi 17: novem tibi orbibus . .. conexa sunt om mente indtati. nia, quorum unus est cae/estis, extumus, qui quasi delirans: this verb and its de reiiquos omnes comp/ectitur, summus ipse rivatives, despite occasional similarities deus arcens et continens ceteros; Act. Ρlac. in meaning, are not cognate with λήρος 1, 7, 33 {Doxogr. Gr.* 306): άνωτάτω and ληρεΐν (A. Walde-J. B. Hofmann, δέ πάντων νουν έναιθέριον είναι θεόν; Lat. etyrn. Wbrterb. I 1 (1938), 338), but Plin. Ν. Η. 2, 1: mundum et hoc quocumqueare taken from the language of plough nomine alio caelum appellare libet, cuius dr- ing, and derived from lira, "furrow"; cumflexu teguntur cuncta numen esse credi hence delirare = "to stray from the par est; Diog. L. 7,137 (quoted in note on furrow"; cf. Vcl. Long. De Ortbogr. in nominetur, below); Lact. Inst. 1, 5, 19: G.L.K. 7, 73: non enim, ut quidem existiCleanthes et Anaximenes aetbera esse dicunt mant, a Graeco tracta vox est, παρά τό λη summum deum; Clem. Strom. 7, 5, 28, 2: ρεΐν, sed a lira, id est sulco. ita sicuti bovts.
1, 37
259
voluptatcm,1 turn fingit formam quandam et speciem deorum, turn divinitatem omnem tribuit astris, turn nihil 2 ratione censet 1
voluptatcm A*, uoluntatcm cttt.
■ cum nihil Ο
cum <e a recto actu opens de torserin t, delirarein Lactantius; also Reid on Ac. 2, 14; dicuntur, sic qui a recta via vita* ad pravam Diog. L. 9, 64. That the Stoics did not declinant . . . delirare existimantur; also lack such expressions may be seen from Plin. N.H. 18, 180; Non. p. 17 M. (p. their famous paradox, πας άφρων μαί 26 L.); Bcda, De Ortbogr. (G.L.K. 7, νεται. 270). The literal sense has been com librie . . . contra voluptatcm: Diog. pletely supplanted by the figurative, in L. 7, 87; 7, 175; and Clem. Strom, 2, 22, the meaning "to be in one's dotage" 131, 3, mention his περί ηδονής, to (cf. 1, 34, n. {puerilibus fabu/is); 1, 55, n. which von Arnim in S.V.FA assigns {anicuiis); Sen. 36: ista senilis stultitia quae nos. 552 and 558. del/ratio appellari solet senum levium est, formam quandam: probably in his non omnium; De Or. 2, 75) or "to be anthropomorphic personifications of na mad", and then, very commonly, in the tural powers. Mayor compares in the weakened meaning, "to talk foolishly" Hymn to Zeus (S.V.F. 1, no. 537) lines or simply "to be mistaken" (used es 9-10: τοΐον ίχεις ύποεργόν άνικήτοις pecially of philosophical or theological υπό χερσίν / άμφήκη, πυρόεντα, άειζώadversaries); cf. many examples in Tbes. οντα κεραυνόν. Ling. Lat. 5 (1910), 465-466 (to which speciem: cf. 1, 34: nulla species divina. add Hicr. Bp. 102, 3, 1; C. Ioann. Hierodivinitatem omnem: Mayor explains sol. 11; in Hierem. 6,13, 3). Cicero makes omnem as qualitative ("complete") rather his characters use the verb in 1, 42; 1, 92; than quantitative ("all'). 1, 94; cf. also Ac. frg. 20 Mullcr (p. 61 aetris: cf. Zcno's view (1, 36), which Plasbcrg): roga nunc Stokurn qui sit me/ior, he doubtless followed; also 2, 40-44. Epicurusne qui delirare ilium clamat an One of the four reasons for man's con Acadtmicus qui sibi adbuc de re tanta deli ception of the gods is due to the astrorum berandum esse pronuniiat; Tusc. 1, 10; ordine caelique constantia (3, 16; cf. 2, 15). Div. 1, 35; 1, 53; Off. 1, 94. Sec also the The statement here alluded to was use of deliramentum (frequent in eccle probably in his περί θεών (Diog. L. 7, siastical writers and often applied to the 175) or possibly in his two books περί της tenets of Epicureans), de/iratio {Div. 2, Ζήνωνος φυσιολογίας (Diog. L. 7, 174). 90), and delirus {Div. 2, 141; Tusc. 1, 48; Cleanthcs differed from Zcno in usually often in Lactantius, who in Inst. 2, 8, 49 placing the ήγεμονικόν in the sun (Arius applies it to Epicurus); cf. Tbes. Ling. Didymus ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 15, 15, 7: Lat. 5, 464-467. A large additional stock ήγεμονικόν δέ τοϋ κόσμου ΚλεάνΟει μέν of vituperatives may be found in amens, ήρεσε τόν ήλιον είναι, δια τό μέγιστον demens, desipere, furere, insania, and their των ίστρων ύπάρχειν; Ccnsorin. fr. 1, 4: derivatives, as in Greek with λήρος cuius principalem solem quidam puiant, ut (Galen, De Usu Part. 1, 21 ( = 111, 76 K.) Cleanthes; E. Pfciffcr in ΣΤΟΙΧΕΤΑ, 2 describes the views of Epicurus as (1916), 121, n. 0). Yet he did not accept λήρος μακρός), άνοια, μανία, and παράa heliocentric theory of the universe; κοπος). That such expressions were es cf. Plut. De Fac. in Lun. 6, p. 923. pecial favorites with the Epicureans may nihil ratione . . . diviniue: cf. his be judged both from 1, 93-94 below and hymn to Zeus (S. V.F. 1, no. 537), 12-13: from a selection of phrases culled from ω σύ κατευθύνεις κοινόν λόγον, δς δια Philodemus by R. Philippson in Symb. πάντων / φοίτα, μιγνύμενος μεγάλοις Osioenses, 19 (1939), 28-29; cf. K. Ziegler μικροΐς τε φάεσσι; 21: ώσθ* Ινα γίγνεσθαι (Hermes, 71 (1936), 428-430) for such πάντων λόγον aUv έόντα; Philodcm. De
260
1,38
esse divinius.1 Ita fit f ut deus ille, quern mente noscimus atque in animi notione tamquam in vestigio volumus * reponere, nusquam 4 prorsus appareat. 15 38 At Persaeus, eiusdem Zenonis 1 diuinius esse O, esse diuinis Ax quam om. Ν
* fit *** ut A
* uoluminis Ο
4
nus-
into the footprints or mould of our Pitt. p. 75 Gomperz {Doxogr. Gr.x 544 = S.V.F. 1, no. 531): λόγον ήγούμ<ενον preconceived notion of God. With the phrase cf. Div. 2, 140: intrant enim in τών> έν <τ>ω κόσ<μω>; L. Stein in utriusque nostrum animis vigilantium cogiBerlin. Stud. f. el. Pbilol. u. Arch. 3, 1 tationum vestigia; Tusc. 1, 61: an inprimi (1886), 97, n. 0. As noted by A. C. Pearson {Frag, of Zeno and Cleantbes quasi ceram animum putamust et esse me (1891), 247), this view is in opposition morials signatarum rerum in mente vestigia? to that of Epicurus and the other atomists quae possunt verborum, quae rerum ipsarum of the universe as φύσει . . . άλόγω έκ esse vestigia; Orator, 19; 133; Plat. Rgp. των ατόμων συνεστώτα. With the ex 5, 462a: άρα St νΰν δη διήλΟομεν είς μέν pression cf. Legg. 1, 22: quid . . . in omni το του άγαθοΰ ίχνος ήμϊν άρμόττβι. With in vesJigio ... reponere cf. 1, 29, n. {in catlo atque terra rattone divinius. mente noscimus: cf. 1, 43; 1, 49; deorum numero). ouiquam . . . appareat: Cf. Div. 1, E. Norden, Agnostos Tbeos (1913), 90, 58; Tusc. 2, 66; 3, 2. Similar expressions n. 5, thinks this renders τη διανοία προare often used for the vanishing of gods λαμβάνομεν. animi notione: "preconceived idea"; after a theophany; cf. L. Dcubncr, De cf. 1, 43: in omnium animis eorum notionemIncubatione (1900), 13; A. S. Pease in inpressisset ipsa natura; 2, 13: in animis Harv. Stud, in cl. Pbitol. 53 (1942), 10, n. bominum informatas deorum esse notiones; 72. Prorsus modifies, not the verb, but 2, 45: certa notione animi \ 3, 16: in animis the negation; cf. 3, 21; Am. 57. 38 Persaeus: of Citium (Diog. L. 7, bominum . . . deorum .. . nottones \ also Tusc. 1, 57: insitas et quasi consignatas in 6; 7, 36; Athcn. 4, 162a; 13, 607a and c; animis not/ones quas εννοίας vocant; Ac. Thcmist. Or. 32, p. 358a Hardouin; 1, 32; 1, 42; 2, 30; Fin. 1, 31: naturalem Suid. s.v. Περσαΐος), according to some atque insitam in animis nostris inesse notio a pupil, according to others a slave, of nem-, 3, 33; Of. 3, 76; Top. 31: notionem Zeno {Ind. Stoic. Herculan. 13, 3 {S.V.F. 1, no. 437); Gcll. 2, 18, 8; Dio Chrys. appello quod Graeci turn evvoiav, turn 53, 5; Athen. 4, 162d-c; 13, 607c; Paus. πρόληψιν (on which Bocth. in Top. 3, p. 332 Orclli, remarks: notio est insita et 2, 8, 4; Diog. L. 7, 36; Orig. C. Ce/s. ante percepta cuimqut format cogni/io env 3, 54; Thcmist. I.c.\ Suid. /.r.)> v u dationis indigens). Such a notio probably born ca. 307/6 and died in 243 B.C. hardly differs from the praenotio which (K. Dcichgrabcr in P.-W. 19 (1937), Vcllcius in 1, 44 equates with πρόληψις; 927). Diog. L. 7, 36 lists his works, to cf. also 1, 43; 1, 46. Epicurus thought which should be added his περί θεών, known only from Philodem. De Pitt. that repeated sensations fix in the mind a p. 75 Gomperz {Doxogr. Gr* 544), and πρόληψις or type by which we measure possibly to be considered a part of his any new sensation. For Epicurean προλή ψεις about the gods sec 1, 44-45, below; απομνημονεύματα, as R. Hirzel thinks {{Jntersucb. ξ. Cicero*s pbi/os. Scbr. 2 and for έννοια and πρόληψις in the (1882), 76, n. 2), but surely the place Stoic theory of knowledge F. H. Sandwhere he set forth the views here bach in CI. Quart. 24 (1930), 44-51. mentioned, in which he was under the tamquam in veetigio: the expression influence of Prodicus; cf. Philodcm. De is approximate rather than precise, yet % to accept a god as real we must fit him Piet. pp. 75-77 Gomperz {Doxogr. Gr.
1, 38 544-545): ΙΙερσα<ϊος 8έ> δήλος έστιν . . . ον . . . <άφανί>ζω<ν> τό <δ*>αιμόνιο<ν> ή μηΟέ<ν ύπ>έρ αύτοΰ γινώσκων, βταν έν τω Περί θεών μη <άττί>Θ<χνα λέγη (ρ. 76) φαίνεσΟαι τά περί <τοΰ> τά τρέ φονται και ώφελοΰν<τ>α θεούς νενομίσ<0α>ι και τετειμήσΟ< αι> πρώτ<ο>ν ύπό <Προ>δ*ίκου γεγραμμένα (cf. 1, 118, be low], μ<ε>τά δέ ταΰτα τοιχς εύρ>όντας ή τροφάς ή <σ>κέπας ή τάς ίλλας τέ/νας <ώς Δ>ήμητρα <κ>αί Δι<4νυσον> καΐ τοΟκς> —<καλε>ϊν (?) είς την προεδρίαν, οΰτως έττε<1> πα<ρ>αδέδονταί τίνες <μ>έ<ν> ά>γαθοΙ καΐ εύεργετ<ι>κ<ο>ί, κελεύσειν <τιμ>αν α<ύ>τοϋς θ<υ>σί<α>ις τοι αύταις, αύτος <δ"> υύκ ευξεσΟαι τοις θεο<ΐς>· δωρεάν γάρ <α>1<τεϊν (?) μ>ηβέν διειλ<ηφο>τα περί αυτών <ού πείσειν (?)> έαυτον. In this passage W. Nestle (Pbiiohgus, 67 (1908), 556-558) ukcs πρώτον with the infinitives before it, rather than, as usually explained, with γεγραμμένα, and renders: "It is clear that Pcrsacus did away with the gods when he said in his book On the Gods that not unworthy of credence is the belief expressed by Prodicus that foods and beneficial objects were at first con sidered and worshipped as gods (cf. the mctonymic use of names of deities, as in 1. 40; 2, 60; 2, 62, below], but after that those, such as Dcmcter and Diony sus, who discovered foods or shelter or the other arts." Cf. Min. Fcl. 21, 2: Prodicus adsumptos in deos loquitur qui trrando (Nestle, op. cit., 558, suggests Dcmetcr, Dionysus, and Heracles] inveniis novis /rug/bus utililati hominum profutrunt. in tandem stntentiam et Persaeus pbi/osophatur et adnectit inventas fruges et frugum ipsarum reper tores isdem nominibus\ ut comicus sermo est, I enerem sine Libero et Cerere frigere (cf. 2, 60, below]. Pro dicus, then, would have recognized two stages of religious observance: (1) a fetichistic honor of τά τρέφοντα καΐ ώφελοΰντχ, and (2) the honoring of their inventors and discoverers as divine persons—a stage to which the cult of heroes may have contributed. In 1, 118, below, Cicero ascribes to Prodicus men tion of only the former of these stages, but Philodcmus, if more carefully stud ied, would credit him with a knowledge
261
of both, so that he would become, not the first author to seek the origin of religion (as did Xcnophanes and others) but the first to observe its evolutionary development. It must be admitted, how ever, that the related passages (Scxt. Emp. Adv. Phys. 1, 18; 1, 52; Themist. Or. 30, p. 349a-b JIardouin) collected in Vorsokrat. 2, no. 77 B, 5 do not carry Prodicus beyond the recognition of the first stage; in that event Pcrsacus would seem to be the first to recognize such a religious evolution. The doctrines upheld by Prodicus and Pcrsacus resemble those of the older contemporary of the latter, Euhcmcrus of Mcsscnc, whose Ιερά αναγραφή was written perhaps about 280 B.C:. (F. Jacoby in P.-W. 6 (1909), 953), for which sec 1, 119, n. (Buhemero). Euhemerus held that the gods were deifications of great rulers or political leaders—a view not inappropriate for acceptance by a Stoic like Pcrsacus, who is known to have been a courtier at the capital of Antigonus Gonatas (Hirzcl, op. n't. 2, 76; Dcichgrabcr, op. rit., 19, 927). Such deities may at later times be known by the title of Σωτήρ; for some in the making cf. Virg. Eel. 1, 6-10; Plut. Dion, 46, 1; see also I,act. Inst. 1, 8, 8. The private desire to honor and prolong after death the existence and influence of those held dear, and the communal desire similarly to honor past rulers and benefactors seem to have led to the ascription of immortality, or even, in more meritorious cases, to deification, and reasoning in the reverse order not unnaturally suggested that the cultus of all the gods might have originated in this fashion. The views of Pcrsacus seem not to have been shared by Zeno and Clcanthcs—hence, perhaps, the use of the conjunction at in introducing this section—, but were, to some extent, at least, adopted by Chrysippus (1, 39: eos qui inmortalitatem essent consecuti\ R. Hirzcl, op. cit. 2, 74). Their influence is also to be 5ccn in 2, 60-62; 3, 41; Rep. 6, 26; Ugg. 2,19; 2, 22; 2, 27; Tusc. 1, 28. Mayor compares Cicero's desire to erect a shrine to Tullia after her death (At/. 12, 36, 1); cf. P. Boyancc in Rev. des et. anc. 41 (1939), 93. Lact. Inst. 1, 15. 16,
262
1, 38
auditor, eos esse 1 habitus* deos a 8 quibus aliqua* magna utilitas 1
cm.
eos dicit esse N, dicunt esse Ο ACPN
1
habitatos Β1
· a]e D
* aliqua
ΑΙγύπτιοι . . . θεούς ένόμιζον μέγιστους asserts that Gcero in his Consolatio said deos qui publice colerentur homines fuisse.τους τά προς τήν βιωτικήν χρείαν εύρόντες ή καΐ κατά τι εύ ποιήσαντας τά eos case habitoa deos: with the έθνη, κτλ.; Alex. Rhct. {Rhet. Gr. 3, 6 omission of the main verb of saying Spcngel); Max. Tyr. 2, 1, p. 18 Hobctn; (supplied by Ν and by some editors) cf. 1, 17: turn ego; 1, 28: Parmenides ... Aristcas, Ep. 135-137; Ten. Apol. 1 1 : qtdddam; 1, 85: sapienter id qrndern [and invenisse dicuntur [dei] necessaria ista pitoe, many parallels to this in Ax's appendix, non injtituisse .. . si propterea Liber deus p. 175]; 3, 89: ei qut'dam amicus; Div. 2, 83, quod vitem demonstravit, male cum Lucullo where the names Aemilia and Catcilia actum estt qui primus cerasia ex Ponto introduce indirect discourse; Am. 13: Italiae promulgavit; Arnob. 1, 38; 5, 30: qui ... idem semper; Brut. 2, 5, 4: /'//* me fateor ... mirari audere vos dicere quemquam ex eis atbeum .. . qui deos .. . dies silentio; Att. 15, 13, 1. a quibus . . . utilitas: a thought fre homines fuisse contendant et potestatis alicutuc quently found; e.g., 2, 62 (where see n. et merits causa deorum in numerum relates; on beneficiis excellents viros); Aesch. P. V.t Lact. De Ira, 11, 7; [Clem.] Recognit. 4, where, after a recital of the benefits 30; Macrob. Sornn. Scip. 1, 9, 6; 1, 9, 10; Eus. Pr. Ev. 2, 2, 53: έτερους *έ λέconferred by Prometheus upon mankind γουσιν επίγειους γενέσθαι θεούς, δια (445-468; 476-506), concluding πάσαι δέ τας ε(ς ανθρώπους ευεργεσίας αθα τέχναι βροτοϊσιν έκ ΙΙρομηθέως, he is νάτου τετευχότας τιμής τε και δόξης, called by Ιο (613) the κοινόν ωφέλημα οίον Ήρακλέα, Διόνυσον, Άρισταΐον, θνητοΐσιν; Polyb. 34, 2, 8: ούτω δέ καΐ καΐ τους άλλους; 2, 5, 5; 7, 2, 2; Theoτων θεών ένα έκαστον των χρησίμων doret, Gr. Aff. 2, 97: θεούς ύπετοπασαν τινός εύρετήν γενόμενον τιμασθαι; often . . . ανθρώπων τους εύ τι πεποιηκότας; in Diodorus, e.g., 1, 13, 1; 1, 90, 3 ; 3, 9,1-2; 3, 56, 5; 3, 63, 4; 4 , 1 , 4; 4 , 1 , 7; 3, 24: χρόνω δέ ύστερον τους εύ τι δεδρακότας ή έν πολέμοις άνδραγαθισα4 , 3 , 5; 4 , 3 0 , 3 ; 4, 81, 3 ; 5, 21, 2; 5,64, 2; μένους ή γεωργίας τινός άρξαντας ή 5, 64, 6; 5, 66, 3 ; 5, 67, 5; 5, 71, 5; Ait. Plac. 1, 6, 2 (Doxogr. Gr* 296): τους σώμασί τισι θεραπείαν προσενηνοχότας θεούς διεΐλον [sc. ot Στωικοί] είς τε τό έθεοποίησάν τε καΐ νεώς τούτοις έδείμαντο; Isid. Etjm. 5, 30, 11; cf. the βλάπτον καΐ τό ώφελοϋν- καΐ τους μέν works on such deification cited by P. ώφελοϋντας Δία "Ηραν Έρμήν Δήμητραν; Hor. C. 3, 3, 9-18; Ερ. 2, 1,5-6: Romulus Boyance, Etudes sur le songe de Scipion et Liber pater et cum Castore Pollux, / post (1936), 144, n. 2; also the fundamental Stoic notion of the beneficence of the ingentia facta deorum in templa recepti; Aristcas, Ep. p. 154 Hadas; Plut. De Is. gods (2, 58; 2, 76-78, below; and Ampater's view (Plut. De Stoic. Repugn. 38 et Os. 66, p. 377c-c; Plin. N.H. 2, 18-19: deus est mortali iuvare mortalem et baec ad p. 1051c) that the gods are εύποιητικοί aetemam gloriam via . .. hie est vetustissimus and φιλάνθρωποι); further, in modern referendi bene merentibus gratiam mos, ut times, the idea underlies the Positivist tales numinibus adscribant. quippe et aliorumCalendar of Augustc Comtc. Many cases nomina deorum et quae supra retuli nderum of beneficence leading to deification ex hominum nata sunt meritis; lovem quidem concern inventions (of which several are aut Μercurium aliterve alios inter se vocari noted in this work; e.g., 3, 45; 3, 53; et esse caelestem nomenclaturam quis non 3, 57; 3, 59) or with the discovery of the interpretation naturae fateatur; Philo Bybl. uses of food-plants, drugs, minerals, etc. ap. Bus. Pr. Ev. 1, 29: οίπαλαίτατοι των Works on inventions (περί ευρημάτων) were written by Aristotle, Thcophrastus, βαρβάρων, έζαιρέτως δέ Φοίνικες τε καΐ
1, 38
263
ad vitae cultum esset inventa, ipsasque res utiles et salutarcs deo rum esse vocabulis nuncupatas, ut ne hoc quidem diceret, ilia inventa esse deorum, sed ipsa divina; quo quid l absurdius quam aut res 2 sordidas atque 3 deformis deorum honore adficere aut homines iam morte 4 deletos reponere in deos,6 quorum omnis 1 quo*quid H, quicquid D * aut res] aurcs Λ/1, aut add. Dx quam aut res Ν * morte] lacto (/./. lcto) D * in dcos om. Ο
■ atque]
ree sordidas: if the divine power and and others (cf. Clem. Strom. 1, 16, 77, 1; Schol. //. 1, 449; M. Kremmer, De presence extends through all things it must be present also in the vilest; cf. Catalogs Heurematum (1890)); for in Scxt. Emp. Pyrrhon. 3, 218: Στωικοί δέ ventor-gods in aretalogics cf. A. J. ττνεΰμα διήκον καΐ δια των είδεχθών; Fcstugicrc in Harv. tbeol. Rev. 42 (1949), Clem. Protr. 5, 66, 3: καΐ δια της ατιμό 229; al. τατης τό θείον διήκειν λέγοντας; Strom. aliqua: omitted by AC Ρ Ν and by many editors; yet cf. Fin. 1, 32: magnam 1, 10, 51, 1. Further, many Roman gods aliqua m . . . voluptatem. were of a trivial or unseemly sort (2, 6 1 ; vitae cultum: "civilization;" cf. Fin. 3, 63; and such as Epona, Venus Cloa5, 53; Ttisc. 1, 62; 3, 11; Off. 1, 25; cina, and many others enumerated by Aug. CD. 6, 9); cf. Plin. N.H. 2, 16: 1, 140; 2, 1. ipsasque rce utiles: cf. 2, 80: tarum gentes vero quaedam animalia et aliqua rerum vim quae inestent in omni mundo cum etiam obscena pro dis babeant ac multa dictu magno usu et com modi tate generis bumani; magis pudenda, per fetidos cibos et alia simiHa Philodcm. p. 71 Gompciz (of Prodicus?): [al. fetidas cepas, allia et si miHa] iurantes. τ<χύς μ>έ<ν> ύπ' [ρ]άνΟρώπων νομιζομέdeformis: but to the Epicurean the νους θεούς ούτ* είναί φησιν οΰτ' είδέναι, praestantissima natura should itself be τους 8έ καρπούς καΐ πάνθ* όλως τά χρή pulcberrima (1, 47, below). honore adficere: cf. 1, 36, n. (w σιμα ττ<ρός τόν> βίον τους άρ<χαίους> άγα<σΟέντας> . . . ; Doxogr. Cr.% 126, divina . . . adjectam). where Die Is observes that Cicero omits homines iam morte deletos: not on mention of Prodicus, as perhaps too ly do pagan authors at times protest similar to Pcrsaeus. Also Μ in. Pel. 21, 2 (e.g., Plin. N.H. 7, 188: deumque faciendo (quoted on Persaeus, above); Mcnand. qui iam etiam bomo esse desierit; and per Adelph. fr. 13 K. (ap. Stob. vol. 4, pp. haps the remark of the dying Vespasian, 376-377 Hcnsc) treats this humorously: as recorded by Suet. I 'esp. 23, 4, vae . . . τό yip τρέφον με τουτ* έγώ κρίνω Οεόν. puto deus fio, is a semi jocose protest;
nuncupatas: a word used by Cicero
cf. Min. Fel. 21, 10), but Jewish and
especially in this work (2, 60; 2, 65; 2, 71), according to L. Laurand, Etudes sur le style des di scours de Cic. (1907), 86, because he here had unusual need for words of naming. quo quid absurdius quam: with the double comparison cf. Pease on Div. 1, 87 (hoc turpius quam), to the examples and bibliography of which add: 2 I err. 4, 77; Pro Quinct. 8; Phil. 12, 9; Att. 4, 8a, 2; 8, 9, 3; Uct. Inst. 5, 10, 4. Also, for the phraseology, Div. 2, 98: quo quid diet potest absurdius-, Sen. 66; Fin. 2, 40.
Christian writers continually urge this objection against pagan gods, with the corollaries that idols represent dead men and pagan temples arc the tombs of the dead; e.g., Wisdom of Solomon, 14, 15 (a father makes an image of a dead child, honors him as a god, and estab lishes mysteries in his honor); Epistle of Jeremy, 27 (offerings arc set before the gods as if they were dead men]; 2 Clem. 3, 1: ημείς ot ζώντες τοις νεκροΐς Οεοΐς ού Ούομεν; Didacbe, 6, 3 ; Theophil. Ad Autol. 1, 9; Athenag. Leg. pro Cfmst. 28 [Egyptian gods were
264
1, 39
cultus cssct futurus 1
x
in luctu. 39 lam vero Chrysippus, qui
futuris A
men, their temples are sepulchres]; Μ in. saying is ascribed to Heraclitus]; Athenag. Fcl. 8, 4: temp/a ut busta despiciunt; 21, Leg. pro Christ. 14 [of Egyptians]: 10-12; Tert. Apol. 12: de deis vestris τύπτονται γαρ έν τοις Ιεροΐς τά στήθη κατά τάς πανηγύρεις ώς επί τετελευnomina solummodo video, quorundam ptterum mortuorum et fabulas audio et sacra de τηκόσι καΐ Θύουσιν ώς θεοΐς; Clem. fabulis recognosco; Ad Nat. 2, 7; De Protr. 2, 24, 3 : ών ό μέν τις παρεγγυςί Sped. 13; Cypr. De Idol. Vanit. 1; τοις ΑΙγυπτίοις* εί θεούς νομίζετε μή Arnob. 6, 6: patet .. . pro dis immortalibus θρηνείτε αυτούς μήτε κόπτεσθε· εί δέ mortuos vos colere\ [Clem.J Recogn. 10, 25;πενθείτε αυτούς, μηκέτι τούτους ήγεΐσHomil. 5, 23; Lact. Inst. 1, 15, 15; θε είναι θεούς; Min. Fel. 22, 2; Firm. Mat. De Errore, 2, 6; 7, 9; 8, 4: si dii 1, 15, 25-27, concluding: quis enim tarn sunt quos colitis cur eos lugttis? cur eos annuss demens qui consensu et placito imutmerabilium stultorum aperiri caelum mortuis arbitreiur; luctibus planfftis? ή facrimis ac luctu digns 2, 2, 3-4; 2, 17, 6: simulacra ista quae sunt, cur eos divino bonore cumulatis? C.I.L. coluniur effigies sunt hominum mortuorum;VI, 21521 ( = Carm. Lat. epigr. no. 1109 5, 19, 19: mysteria ilia . . . in memoriam Bucheler), 16-18: desine flere deum, / ne mortuorum constituta; Eus. Pr. Ev. 2, 4, 1: pietat ignara superna sede receptum / lugeat άνοσιον είναι καΐ δυσσεβές τη τοΰ θεοΰ et laedat numina tristitia [and other paral lels in K. Burcsch, Klaros (1889), 118; σεβάσμια προσηγορία τιμαν τους πάλαι C B. Welles in Harv. theol. Rev. 34 έν νεκροϊς κείμενους 0νητο'!>ς άνδρας; (1941), 91]. Cf. also Cic. Phil. 1, 13: an 2, 5, 3; 3, 3, 15-17; 14, 16, 13; Clem. me censetis . . . decreturum fuisse ut parenProtr. 3, 44, 4: νεώς μέν εύφήμως ονο talia cum supplicationibus miscerentur . . . ut μαζόμενους, τάφους δέ γενομένους; 4, 49, 3 ; 10, 91, 1; Firm. Mat. De decemerentur supplicationes mortuof . . . Errore% 6, 1; Hicr. In Is. 18, p. 775 Vail.: adduci tamen non possem ut quernqua m mortuum comungertm cum deorum immortalium eorum deorum qui putantur dii sed mortui sunt. In Matt. 3, p. 123 Vail.; De Vir. ill. religione; ut cuius sepulcrum usquam exstet 22 [citing the deification of Antinous]; ubi parentetur ei publice supp/icetur. Gods and heroes thus worshipped by Aug. De vera Relig. 108: non sit nobis religio cultus hominum mortuorum \ Prud. lamentation (the πένθος Ιερόν of Suid. C. Symm. 1, 191-192: quos fabula manes / s.vv. "Αδωνις, πένθος) include Adonis nobilitat nosier populus veneratus adorat; (Tamrnuz; for whom cf. Philodcm. De also 1,42, n. (interitus) below; 3,53, for the Piet. p. 16 Gompcrz), Attis, Bormus, Daphnis, Hippolytus, Hyacinthus, Hytomb of Zeus in Crete. Pagans brought las, Ino (Lcucothca), Linus, Litycrsc?, similar charges against the worship of Jesus and the Christian martyrs; e.g., Mclkart, Orpheus, Osiris, Pan (according Julian, Ep. 41, p. 438c; Adv. Galil. p. to Plut. De Def. Orac. 17, p. 419b-d; unless we accept the suggestion of S. 335c; Hicr. Ep. 109, 1, 1 [reporting the Rcinach in Bull. Corr. Hell. 31 (1907), 5, accusations of Vigilantius]. reponere in deoe: cf. 3, 47: in deorum who emends Πάν ό μέγας τέθνηκε to <θαμοΰς> πανμέγας τέθνηκε, and thus numtrum reponemus. cultue . . . in luctu: cf. Aristot. Rhet. connects the incident with the death of Tammuz rather than with that of 2, 23, 1400b, 5-8: οΐον Ξενοφάνης ΈλεPan), Phacthon, Priolas, Sabazius, Sceάταις έρωτώσιν εΐ θύωσι τη Λευκοθέα καΐ θρηνώσιν ή μη, συνεβούλευεν εί μέν θεόν phrus, and Zagrcus; cf. O. Gruppc, Gr. Myth. u. Relig. 2 (1906), 961-972; M. P. ύπολαμβάνουσι μη θρηνεϊν, ε Ι δ' ίνθρωNilsson, Gr. Feste (1906), 166-167; 436; πον μή Θύειν [several other allusions in Plutarch are collected in Vorsokrat. 1, J. G. Frazcr, Golden Bough, 4" {The dying God, 1914); especially 1-8; H. J. Rose, no. 11 A 13; in 1, no. 12 Β 127 the
1, 39 Handbook of Gr. Mytbol. (1928), 200; A. D. Nock in Am. Journ. of Arch. 47 (1943), 495. and n. 13. L. R. Famcll, Gr. Hero Cults (1921), 25, remarks: "every 'hero' had of course to die, but only to very few was a ritual of ceremonial mourning consecrated." Yet in a number of the above instances—e.g., Attis, Or pheus, Osiris, and Sabazius—there seems to have been a ritual-enactment of the death of the god, often associated with mysteries (cf. Ptol. Tetrab. 2, 68) or with seasonal festivals connected with the processes of vegetation. The Roman rites of the Parentalia may also be in cluded in the present Epicurean con demnation. On the form of condition (esse/ futuTHs) cf. J. Priem in Pbi/o/ogus, 5 Supplbd. (1885), 337. 39 iam vero: marking the impor tance of the next philosopher, who is treated at more length than any other in the list. Chryeippua: of Soli, the son of a father from Tarsus (Strab. 14, 8; Diog. L. 7, 179; Paus. 1, 17, 2; Orig. C. Ce/s. 5, 57; Suid. s.v. Χρύσιππος; but also Solin. 38, 9), the third head of the Stoic school at Athens, after 232/1 B.C. succeeding Clcanthes, lived from between 281 and 277 to between 208 and 204 (H. von Arnim in P.-W. 3 (1899), 2502). He was so important in the history of Stoicism that a proverbial verse declared cl μή γάρ ήν Χρύσιππος, ούκ άν ήν στοά (Diog. L. 7, 183); cf. Ac. 2, 75: Cbrysippum, qui fulcire putotur porticum Stoicorum. His writings, as named by Diog. L. 7, 189-202, in a classified list, total about 377 books, and these include only his works on logic and ethics; Suidas {I.e.) says that he wrote over 700 books (cf. the Vita Perm). Books 1 and 2 of his three-book περί θεών are cited in 1, 41, below, our passage being S.WF. 2, no. 1077; for other fragments of this work sec S.WF. 3, p. 197. Other quo tations or allusions belonging to his writings and found in our work are in 2. 16; 2, 37-38; 2, 159; 3, 18; 3. 25; cf. 3, 63. The variety and apparent inconsistency of Chrysippus's gods may be in pan
265
explained by his desire to retain, like Zcno, and to reconcile with philoso phically defensible beliefs both the po pular deities and the speculations of earlier philosophers (cf. P. Dc I^acy in Trans. Am. pbiloi. Assoc. 74 (1943), 171, n. 7, and examples there cited). Yet in his defence it may be not unfairly lemarked that Velleius here ridicules as though quite distinct conceptions cer tain expressions which were probably regarded by Chrysippus as synonymous phrases, used—possibly in different works—to describe the same thought, for which no technical theological terms existed. Thus the anima [or animus] mundi seems to be equivalent to (1) vim divinam in ratione . . . post tarn; (2) universae naturae animo atque mente \ (3) eius animi fusionem universam\ and (4) eius ipsius principatum qui in mente et ratione versetur. Again, it is hard to distinguish between ipsum . . . mundum and (1) communem rerum naturam universam atque omnia continentem; (2) universitatemque rerum qua omnia continerentur. Further, very similar are fata/em umbram et necessitatem rerum futurarum and tandem . . . fata/em necessitatem . . . sempiternam rerum futura rum reritatem. Finally, ignem . . . aetbera . . . aquam et terram et aera in 1, 39, arc resumed by aetbera . . . aer per maria . . . terram in 1, 40. By such repetitions— which arc hardly to be explained as due to glosses—Chrysippus's fairly numerous gods arc still further exaggerated in number. Similar variations in expression on the part of Chrysippus may be found in his definitions of fate as given hv Act. Plac. 1, 28, 3 (Do.sogr. Gr.* 323), where, as here, they may be due to ex cerpts having been made from several different works. A pagan might similarly, by misunderstanding and by hypostatizing of attributive titles, have expanded the Jewish and Christian God into many and inconsistent deities. In 2, 73 Balbus protests against Vcllcius's mis understanding of the Stoic Providentia. In the present passage Velleius, to give the impression of disordered thought, has repeated, paraphrased, and confused a few fundamental Stoic concepts: (1) a pantheistic deity, manifested in diverse
266
1, 39
Stoicorum somniorum vafcrrumus l habctur interpres, magnam turbam congregat ignotorum * deorum, atque ita ignotorum ut 1
ucterrimus NO
* ignoratorum Bt ignorum F1
parts of nature; (2) men deified after Pythagoras sommavit; Aug. CD. 11, 5: their deaths; (3) fate; (4) the gods of cum Epicuro sommart. Lucr. 5, 1161-1182, explains the idea of the gods as derived the poets and of popular belief. With the present passage cf. Philodcm. from things seen in dreams; cf. Scxt. Emp. Ash. Pbys. 1, 25. De Pitt. pp. 77-79 Gomperz (Doxogr. Gr.* vafcrrumus . . . interprcs: cf. 2, 16: 545-546): άλ<λά μήν κ>αΙ Χρύσ<ι>ππος . . . <έν με>ν τω πρώτ<ω Περί θεώ>ν Δία Cbrysippus . .. quamquam est actrrimo ingenio; 3, 25: Cbrysippus .. . homo sine φη<σΙν είναι τό>ν 5παντ<α διοικοΰ>ντα λόγον κ<αΙ τήν> τοΰ όλου ψυχή<ν κα>1 dubio vtrsutus et callidus; Div. 1, 6: τη τούτου μ<*τοχ>η πάντα <ζήν?> . . . acerrumo vir ingtnio, Cbrysippus; Ac. 2, 7 5 ; xal τους λίθους, <δ>ιό καΐ Ζήνα καλε<ϊσ>· Off. 3, 42: sate Cbrysippus, ut multa; Tusc. 1, 108: Cbrysippus, ui est in ο mm θαι, Δία δ* <δ>τι <πάν>των αϊτ<ι>ος <καΙ κύ>ριο<ς?>· τόν τε κόσμον Ιμψ<υ>χον bistoria curiosus; Philodcm. De Piet. p. 82 Gomperz {Doxogr. Cr.% 548; of Chryείναι καΐ θεο<ν κ>αί τό ή<γεμονι>κόν sippus): τα των θεών ό<ν>όματα ές>οφ<κ>αΙ τήν 6<λου ψ>υχ<ή>ν καΐ <πρόνο>ιμόττει της δρειμύτατος απολαύων άκοαν (?) όν<ομάζεσ>θαι τόν Δία καΐ τήν κοιπιάτως[and R. Philippson,I.e.]; Ilicr. C νήν πάντων [ρ. 79] φύσιν καΐ είμαρμ<έ>νην καΐ άνά<γ>κην καΐ τήν αυτήν είναι loan. Hier. 4: acutiortm Cbrynppo. For και εύνομίαν και δίκην <κ>αΙ όμόνοιαν the adjective vafer cf. 1, 85: bomim κα<1 ε>1ρ<ή>νην καΐ τό παρ<α>πλήσιον minime vafro. The word usually has a bad παν. καΐ μη είναι θεούς άρρενας μηδέ connotation, like "artful" or " s l y " ; cf. Off. 3, 57; Rtp. 3, 26. θηλείας, ώς μηδ<έ> πόλεις μηδ* άρ<ε>τάς, <ό>νομάζεσθαι δέ μόνον άρρενικώς turbam . . . deorum: cf. Plut. De xal Οη<λ>υ<κ>ώς ταύτα δντα, καθάπερ comm. Notit. 31, p. 1075a-b: άλλα Χρύ σελήνην κα<1 μή>να. σιππος καΐ Κλεάνθης, έμπεπληκότες, ώς Stoicorum somniorum: cf. 1, 18 and Ιπος είπεΐν, τω λόγω θεών τόν ούρανον, n. (somniantium); 1, 42: non pbi/osopborum τήν γην, τόν αέρα, τήν θάλατταν; De Def. Orac. 19, p. 420a: θεών όντων το iudicia sed dtlirantium somnia; 1, 93: istisne jidentes somniis; Ac. 2, 121: somma σούτων τό πλήθος. ignotorum deorum: cf. Arnob. 4, 3 : ctnset bate tsst Dtmocriti, non docentis std optantis; 3, 95: somnia . .. tarn /ei'ia non nobis catervas ignotorum alias indsuitis deo sunt quam est Stoicorum de natura deorum rum. But here not used of conventionally oratio; Rep. 6, 3: somniantium pbi/oso obscure deities, like the "Αγνωστος (θεός) of [Lucian,] Pbilop. 9; Acts, 17, pborum ... commenta; Att. 7, 23, 1; Tcr. Andr. 971-972; Lucr. 1, 104-105; 23; and (in the plural) Paus. 1, 1, 4 Varr. Men. 122 Buchelcr: nemo atgrotus (and other passages cited in Frazcr's quicquam somniat / tarn infandum quod non note); E. Nordcn, Agnostos Tbtos (1913), aliqms dicat pbilosopbus; Philodcm. De 56-83; 116 and n. 1, or like various less familiar Roman indigitamenta, or gods of Potm. col. 2, 29, p. 11 Jensen: όν<ειρ>ώ<τ>των; id., De Pitt. p. 118 Gomperz uncertain sex (sive mas sive ftmina; sive (as restored by R. Philippson in Hermes, dtus sive dea; Aius Locutius; Pales; et 56 (1921). 381; id., Symb. Osloenses, 19 al.), for the beginning of the next sen tence indicates that the divine proletariat (1939), 29]: ήβα<σκόντων ή> όνειρωτhere ridiculed consisted of the various <τόντων>; Hor. Ep. 2, 1, 52; Sen. Rhct. Controv. 2, 1, 33: tantum in Wis abstractions recounted in that and the somniorum est; Pcrs. 3, 83: atgroti veteris following sentences. It will be observed, however, that though Chrysippus col... somnia', Hier. Ep. 60, 4, 2: quod
1, 39
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eos l ne * coniectura quidem informare possimus, cum mens s nostra quidvis videatur * cogitatione posse * depingere. Ait enim vim divinam in ratione esse positam et in β universae naturae animo atque mente, ipsumque 7 mundum dicit esse et eius animi fusionem 8 universam, turn eius ipsius principatum qui in mente 1 e o s add. Dx • in om. Η
7
· nee AHBF que] qucm Bl
3 4 mens om. Η uidctur Bx * infusioncm B*FM
lected more instances of these than his predecessors, yet none o f them, unless perhaps Fate, differs essentially from g o d s already recognized by other philo sophers. As contrasted, h o w e v e r , with the decidedly standardized g o d s o f the Epicureans (cf. 1, 80, b e l o w ) , the panthe o n o f Chrysippus appears extremely heterogeneous. n e c o n i e c t u r a q u i d e m : cf. vie. 2, 4 2 : ne ratione quidem et coniectura ulla res percipi point. i n f o r m a r e : cf. 1, 7 6 ; 2, 13. In 1, 45 Vellcius declares: anquiritanimusetfor mam et vitam et actionem mentis atque agitationem in deo. c o g i t a t i o n e p o e e e d e p i n g e r e : cf. 3 , 4 7 : cogitatione nobismet ipsis possumus fingere; Ac. 2, 4 8 : quae cogitatione depingimus\ 2, 5 1 ; cogitatio being here (as in Pro Mi/on. 79) used like "imagination." VC'ith the thought cf. Div. 2, 1 3 8 : quae est enim forma tarn invisitafa, tarn nulla, quam non sibi ipse fingere animus possit [and Pease's n. o n simul atque ve/imus). v i m d i v i n a m in r a t i o n e : cf. the v i e w o f Z e n o in 1, 36 (where sec the passages cited in the note on rationem quondam . . . pertinentem); Philodcm. p. 77 G o m p c r z (quoted in the note o n Chrysippus, above), especially the w o r d s : <τό>ν απαντ<α διοικούν>τα λόγον; Plut. De Stoic. Repugn. 34, p. 1050d: τούτων οίετχι Χρύσιππος ούτε μικρόν ούτε μέγα περί τόν τοΰ Διός λόγον είναι κχΐ νόμον και δίκην και πρόνοιαν; Min. Fel. 19, 11: eadem fere Chrysippus (i.e., as Z c n o ] : vim divinam, rationalem naturam et mundum interim et fata/em necessitatem deum credidit, Zenonemque interpretation phynologica in Hesiodi, Homeri, Orpbeique car minibus imitatur; Lact. Inst. 1, 5, 2 0 : Chrysippus
* posset
D
naturatem vim divina ratione praeditum, interdum necessitatem deum nuncupat; Epiphan. Adv. Haeres. 1 , 1 , 5, 1: Στωικοί . . . φάσκοντες είναι νουν τόν Otov. u n i v e r s a e naturae a n i m o a t q u e m e n t e : cf. Sen. N.Q. 1, praef. 13: quid est deus? mens universi; also above, 1, 37, n. {totius naturae menti atque animo). i p s u m q u e m u n d u m : cf. the view of Clcanthes (1, 37 and note on ipsum mun dum deum); 2, 3 9 : sapiens est igitur [sc. mundus) et propterea deus; Sen. N.Q. 2, 45, 3 ; Arius Didymus ap. Stob. vol. 1, p. 184 Wachsmuth (Doxogr. Gr.* 465): κόσμον δ' είναί φησιν ό Χρύσιππος σύσ τημα έζ ουρανού και γης καΐ των έν τούτοις φύσεων. . . . λέγεται δ' έτέρως κόσμος ό θεός, καθ' ον ή διακόσμησις γί νεται καΐ τελειοΰται; D i o g . L. 7, 148: ούσίαν δέ θεού Ζήνων μέν φησι τον δλον κόσμον καΐ τόν ούρανόν, ομοίως δέ καΐ Χρύσιππος έν τω προ'ιτω Μερί θεών; loan. Damasc. De Haeres. 1 (S.l'.F. 2, no. 1026): Στωικοί σώμα τό παν δογματίζοντες καΐ αίσΟητόν τούτον τόν κόσμον Οεόν νομίζοντες . . . θεούς δέ καΐ τόν κόσμον και τους αστέρας καΐ τήν γην, τόν δ* ανώτατοι πάντων νουν έν αίθέρι, e i u s : i.e., mundi. a n i m i : Ax compares Tcrt. Apal. 21 (p. 68 Mayor): hunc enim Zeno determinat factitatorem, qui cuncta in disposition formaverit; eundem et fatum vocari et deum et am mum Iovis et necessitatem omnium rerurn; Lact. Inst. 4, 9, 2 : quern [sc. λόγον] et fatum et necessitatem rerum et deum et animum Iovis nuncupat [sc. Zenon). f u s i o n e m : cf. 2, 28: igneum . . . in omni fusum esse natura. N o t h i n g in Philodemus corresponds t o this phrase (H. Dicls, Doxogr. Gr.* 126), unless it might underlie p. 77, 19-22 G o m p c r z : κ<αΙ
268
1, 39
et ratione versetur, communemque rerum naturam universam atque omnia continentem, turn fatalem x umbram ct necessitatem 1
fatclem P\ facilem D
τήν> τοϋ όλου ψυχή<ν κα>1 τη τούτου ριέχον τα περιεχόμενα ώστε έν τι είναι εκείνα; Α. C. Pearson (Joum. of Pbilol. μ<έν ζω>ή (?) πάντα <ζήν>. Rcid (on 30 (1907), 217) compares Galen, De Ac. 1, 29) thinks it represents the Stoic Plenit. 3 (VII, 525 K. = S.l'.F. 2, no. κράσις δι' Ολων. 439): ώς ol Στωικοί, τό μέν συνέχον έτε principatum: ηγεμονικών as in Philodem. De Pie/, p. 77 Gompcrz (Doxogr. ρον ποιοϋσι, τό συνεχόμενον δέ άλλοGr.% 545; quoted in note on Chrysippus, τήν μέν γαρ πνευματικήν ούσίαν τό συ above); cf. 1, 35; 2, 29; principatum au- νέχον, τήν δέ ύλιχήν τό συνεχόμενον, tem id dico quod Graeci ηγεμονικών vocant; δθεν άίρα μέν καΐ πϋρ συνέχειν φασί, γην δέ καΐ ύδωρ συνέχεσβαι; Cleomed. E. V. Arnold, Rom. Stoicism (1911), 891, 1, ρ. 8 Zicglcr: οΰτ' άν υπό φύσεως 90. Diog. L. 7, 139 gives as a view of Chrysippus: τόν Ολον κόσμον ζφον Οντα οΐόν τε ήν συνέχεσθαι καΐ διοικεΐσΟαι τόν κόσμον; Diog. L. 7, 148: φύσιν δέ καΐ έμψυχον καΐ λογικόν, έχειν ήγεμονιποτέ μέν αποφαίνονται τήν συνέχουσαν κόν μέν τόν αΙθέρα, καθά φησιν 'Αντίπα τρος . . . Χρύσιππος δ' έν τω πρώτω τόν κόσμον. If a comma be placed after Περί προνοίας καΐ Ποσειδώνιος έν τω naturam the phrase universam atque omnia Περί θεών τόν ούρανόν φασι το ήγεμονικόν continentem would become an attributive clause, further developing the thought τοϋ κόσμου. of communem rerum naturam by showing communcm . . . rerum naturam uni that it has two aspects, the first an versam: Philodcm. I.e. calls it τήν κοινήν πάντων φύσιν; cf. Plut. De Stoic. emphasis upon its. own completeness, Repugn. 34, p. 1050b: ότι δ* ή κοινή φύ the second its effect upon all other things: "regarded as a whole and allσις καΐ ό κοινός της φύσεως λόγος εΐμαρμένη καΐ πρόνοια καΐ Ζευς έστιν, ουδέ containing." This punctuation renders unnecessary various attempts to obviate τους αντίποδας λέληθε- πανταχού γαρ ταϋτα θρυλείται ύπ' αυτών και τό "Διός construing both communem and universam as directly modifying naturam; e.g., δ* έτελείετο βουλή," τόν "Ομηρον είuniversum (of Orclli and H. Uscner), ρηκέναι φησΙν ορθώς, επί τήν είμαρμέuniversitatemque (of Heindorf); also the νην αναφερόντα καΐ τήν τών Ολων φύσιν, deletion cither of universam (so P. J. F.lκαθ* ήν πάντα διοικείται. With the venich, cited by Plasbcrg, ad loc., and phrase communem . . . naturam cf. Fin. 5, 25: nihil enim prohibit quaedam esse et A. C. Pearson (Joum. of Pbilol. 30 (1907). inter se animalibus reliquis et cum bestits 217), who on pp. 218-219 suggests bomini communia, quoniam omnium est emending univtrsam, etc. to unitattmqut natura communis'. Sen. Dial. 12, 8, 2: rerum qua omnia continerentur—much too duo . . . pulcherrima . . . natura communis bold a course), or of universam atque omnia continentem, which is deleted by et propria virtus. H. Sauppe {Ind. Scbol. Got ting. 1864, 12 omnia continentem: cf. 2, 31: bomines bestiaeque hoc colore teneantur . . . = Ausgeudhlte Schr. (1896), 397) and H. Dicls {Doxogr. Gr* 545). mundum . . . ardore teneatur; 2, 83: terra eadem vi confinetur arte naturae; Div. 1, 64: fatalem umbram: the ms reading, animus . . . quippe qui deorum cognation* though Davies quotes a Cod. Eliensis teneatur; Ijegg. 1, 23: ut homines deorum (really marginal collations in Bp. Moore's agnatione et gente teneantur; Ac. 1, 28: copy of the edition of Stcphanus; cf. partis autem esse mundi omnia quae insint Mayor's edition, 1 (1891), Ixvii-lxix) as in eo quae natura sentiente teneantur. Plas- reading fatalem vim\ which he and various bcrg compares Aristot. Metaph. 4, 26, subsequent editors have adopted. Phi1023 b 26-28: όλον λέγεται . . . τό πε lodemus (sec note on Chrysippus, above)
1, 39 here has εΙμαρμ<έ>νην καΐ άνα<γ>κην, f r o m which it would appear that both Jatalem and necessitatem arc required, and that Cicero has merely rounded out the phrase. Attempts have been made, h o w e v e r , t o s h o w that umbram is corrupted from (1) είμαρμένην—in 1, 55 where this w o r d occurs it appears as marmanemy bimarmaenem, himar mane m, bimarmamemt or bymarmanem, and is given as the Greek for fa talis necessitas—as Allen {ad loc), w h o deletes umbram et, T. Birt in Her I. philol. H'och. 38 (1918), 575, and R. Philippson in Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 30, n. 1, would h o l d ; or (2) from moeram (μοϊραν) read as a gloss on jatalem necessitatem (Mayor ad loc.\ but the suggestion was much earlier made by a German re viewer cited by Moser in Crcuzcr's edition (1818), 6 7 ) ; or (3) from vim (sec above), which J. S. Rcid (in Mayor's note) tries to explain as due to naturam having been written by error from the line above, then the correction vim having been written over it, the whole c o m p l e x developing into umbram; cf. Rcid, edition o f the Academica, p. 165, for almost the converse confusion o f liam for umbram; or (4) from vim ipsam ( K l o i z ) ; or (5) from vim et naturam (sug gested by Plasbcrg in his ed. major); or (6) from normam (Madvig); or (7) from libram (defended by Crcuzcr at great l e n g t h in his edition, pp. 6 7 - 6 8 ) ; or (8) from veritatem (Crcuzer, Pbilosopb. veterum Loci de Providentia divina (1806), 2 6 and Hcindorf), or (9) from orbem ( H . von A r n i m i n S.V.F. 2 (1903), 315); (10) that the whole phrase has been
corrupted from fatalem mcesntatem cf veritatem rerum futurarum (J. H. Swainson in Journ. of Philol. 5 (1873), 152); or (11) that over fatalem necessitatem there were written as a gloss, borrowed from 1, 40, the w o r d s veritatem rerum futurarum (so Diels in Doxogr. Gr* 545). Yet after all these emendations the doubt arises whether fatalem umbram is not satisfactorily defensible (Plasberg retained it in both his editions and M. Atzcrt {Gotting. gel. Αηχ. 197 (1935), 277) defends it, t h o u g h A x has obelized it). Vclleius here speaks o f the Stoic fate in disparaging terms (as in 1, 5 5 :
269
quanti outem bate philosophia aestimanda est cut tamquam aniculis, et bis quidem indoctis, fato fieri videantur omnia), and with this slurring use o f umbra we may c o m pare Fin. 1, 6 1 : //// enim negant esse bonum quicquam nisi nescio quam illam umbram quod appellant bonesturn, non tarn solido quam splendido nomine; Off. 3 , 6 9 : iustitiae soltdam et expressam effigiem nullam tenemus, umbra et imaginibus utimur; Att. 7, 11, 1: qui ne umbram quidem του καλοΰ viderit; In Pison. 57: umbras etiam falsae gioriae consectari; other instances o f this sort may be cited from other authors. In these passages umbra denotes cither a faint semblance o f truth or e v e n an unreality, which is just what an Epicu rean might well feel the Stoic fate to be. 1 should, then, retain the phrase fatalem umbram without any assump tion of corruption, and render it by some such words as "wraith of destiny." T h o u g h Providentia is explained by Balbus in 2, 73-74 as not being an indi vidual deity but a short expression for the providentia deorum, there are passages in which the identity of the Stoic ειμαρ μένη and Zeus is declared; e.g., Philodemus. I.e.; Sen. N.Q. 2, 45, 2 ; Arius D i d y m u s ap. Eus. Pr. Bv. 15, 15, 6: διό δή καΐ Ζευς λέγεται ό κόσμος, επειδή τοϋ ζην αίτιος ήμΐν εστί. καθ" όσον δέ είρομένω λόγω πάντα διοικεί άπαραβάτως ές άιδίου προσονομάζεσθαι είμαρ μένην; Schol. //. 8, 6 9 : ol Στωικοί δέ φασιν ως ταύτόν ειμαρμένη καΐ Ζευς; D i o g . L. 7, 135: εν τ* είναι θεόν καΙ νουν καΐ είμαρμένην καΐ Δ ί α ; Lact. Inst. 4, 9, 2: Ztnon rerum naturae dispositortm atque opificem universitatis λόγον praedicat, quern et fatum et necessitatem rerum et deum et animum lovis nuncupat; Tzctz. o n Hcs. Op. 4 2 ; cf. Hippol. Philosopbum. 21, 1 {Doxogr. Gr.* 571 - S.l'.F. 1, no. 153): Χρύσιππος καΐ Ζήνων, οι ύπέΟεντο καΐ αυτοί αρχήν μέν θεόν των πάντων . . . δια πάντων δέ διήκειν τήν πρόνοιαν αύτοϋ; and other cases cited by L. Stein, Die tzrkennfnistbeorie d. Stoa (1888), 218, n. 4 6 4 ; E. V. Arnold, Rom. Stoicism (1911), 199-204. For the fragments o f Chrysippus's work περί είμαρμένης cf. S.V.F. 3 , p. 196.
270
1, 39
rcrum futurarum, ignem praeterea ct eum quern ante dixi aethera, turn ea quae natura fluerent* atque manarent," ut et aquam et 1
fucrent A1
* mane rent
HlFl
καΐ γη ν γιγνόμενον όρώμεν, τηκόμβνον ignem: the passage in Philodemus δέ καΐ διακρινόμενον αύ ταύτόν τοΰτο does not mention this. Influenced, per πνεύμα και αέρα, ξυγχαυθέντα δέ αέρα haps, by Hcraclitus (cf. 3, 35, below), πυρ, άνάπαλιν δέ πϋρ συγκριθέν καΐ καthe Stoics, from Zeno on, laid great τασβεσθέν ε(ς Ιδέαν τε άπιόν αύθις αέ stress upon the significance of fire in its ρος καΐ πάλιν αέρα ξυνιόντα καΐ πυκνούvarious forms; for its divine character, μενον νέφος καΐ όμίχλην, έκ δέ τούτων in the eyes of some Stoics, at least, cf. Act. Plac. 1, 7, 23 {Doxogr. Gr* 303): Ιτι μάλλον ξυμπιλουμένων £έον ύδωρ, έ£ Ζήνων ό Στωικός νουν κόσμου πυρινόν; ύδατος δέ γην και λίθους αύθις (sug gesting Philodcm. De Piet. p. 77 Porphyr. ap. Eus. Pr. Εν. 15, 16, 1: Gomperz (Doxogr. Gr.* 545): . . . καΐ τόν δέ 0c6v ούχ όκνοΰσι πυρ vocpov είπόντες άίδιον καταλείπειν; Aug. C. τους λίθους; otherwise this clause in Acad. 3, 17, 38: at deum ipsum igpem Cicero is unrepresented in Philodemus); putabat [sc. Zeno]; loan. Damasc. De Act. Plac. 1, 17,4 (Doxogr. Gr* 315); Arius Didymus ap. Stob. vol. 1, p. 129 Haeres. 7 (S.V.F. 2, no. 1026): τινές δέ Wachsmuth (Doxogr. Gr* 458): πρώτης [sc. των Στωικών] έκ της τοΰ πυρός ουσί μέν γιγνομένης της έκ πυρός κατά σύας τήν φύσιν ίχειν αυτόν [sc. θεόν] άπεφήστασιν είς αέρα μεταβολής, δευτέρας ναντο; Ε. V. Arnold, op. cit.t 89. This δ* άπό τούτου είς ύδωρ, τρίτης δ* έτι deification of fire may be considered μάλλον κατά τό άνάλογον συνισταμένου as one part of the pantheistic principle τοΰ ύδατος είς γήν. πάλιν δ* άπό ταύτης by which God permeates all elements, διαλυομένης καΐ διαχεομένης πρώτη μέν even the meanest (our passage enumer ates also ether, water, earth, and air), but γίνεται χύσις είς ύδωρ, δευτέρα δ* έζ ύδατος είς αέρα, τρίτη δέ καΐ έσχατη είς to fire was accorded a certain primacy πϋρ; Aet. Plac. 1,9, 2 (Doxogr. Gr* 307): because of its supposed connection with ol Στωικοί τρεπτήν και άλλοιωτήν και μεvital heat; cf. 2, 23-28; 3, 35-37. ταβλητην και £ευστήν δλην δι* όλης την quern ante dixi aethera: cf. the view ύλην; Zeno ap. Stob. vol. 1, p. 152 of Cleanthcs in 1, 37, and n. (uitimum et Wachsmuth ( = Doxogr. Gr* 469-470 = altisstmum); and, for Chrysippus, Philodem. De Piet. p. 77 Gomperz {Doxogr. S. V.F. 1, no. 102); Schol. Pind. Ol. 1 , 1 : Gr.* 545), as emended by H. Usenet: τό ύδωρ παχυνόμενον ποιεί τήν γ η ν λεπτυνόμενον τόν αέρα* πάνυ δέ λεπτυ<τ>ό<ντ*> αΙΘ<έρα> καΐ τους λίθους νόμενον, τό πϋρ. (cf. Α. Gcrckc in Jabrb.f. Philol. Supplbd. 14 (1885), 707); Arius Didymus ap. With the phrase natura fluerent cf. the Eus. Pr. Ev. 15, 15, 8: Χρυσίππω δέ τόν cases of verbs used with natura (φύσει) αΙΟέρα τόν καθαρώτατον χαΐ είλικρινέ- collected by Rein on Ac. 1, 15. The στατον [sc. τό ήγεμονικόν είναι τοΰ κόσ metaphorical use of fluere docs not ne μου]; Censorin. fr. 1, 4: cuius [sc. mundi] cessarily imply liquidity or even motion, principalem . . . Cbrysippus aetbera [sc. but sometimes only a change in charac putat), cuius motu perentti subiecta teruntur ter, without loss of continuity, through et administrantur. past, present, and future; cf. Die. 1, 125: ea quae natura fluerent: for Hera- ex ornni aeterm'tatefluensVeritas sempiterna; clitus's doctrine of the flux of elements, Tusc. 5, 70: cum rerum causas alias ex cf. 2, 84, n. (ex terra aqua); suffice it here aliis aptas . . . vidett quibus ab aeterno to cite but a few passages: Plat. Tim. 49 temporefluentibusin atternum ratio tamen b-c: πρώτον μέν 6 ση νΰν ύδωρ ώνομάκαmensque moderatur. The verbs fluere and μεν, πηγνύμενον, ως δοκοϋμεν, λίθους manare are also coupled in 2, 50. The
1, 40
271
terram et aera, solem,1 lunam,2 sidera, universitatemque rerum qua omnia continerentur, atque etiam homines eos qui inmortalitatem essent consecuti. 40 Idemque disputat3 aethera esse eum quern homines Iovem appellarent, quique aer per maria 1
ct s o l c m Μ
■ et l u n a m BF
a
shift in tense f r o m the p r i m a r y se q u e n c e above (qui . . . vtrsetur) may be easily paralleled; e.g., 3 , 1 0 : cum caelum suspexissemus statim nos inttlltgere esse aliquod numen quo bate regantur; and other Ciceronian examples cited by R. K u h n c r C. Stegmann, Ausf. Gram. d. /at. Spr. 2, 2» (1914), 194-195. t e r r a m : flux b e i n g w h a t the e x a m p l e s in t h e p r e v i o u s n o t e indicate, t h e r e need be n o objection t o terram o n the g r o u n d of its n o t b e i n g a liquid, and h e n c e n o need, with Hcindorf, H . Sauppe (Ind. Scbol. Cot ting. 1864, 12 = Ausgewdblte Scbr. (1896), 397), and A. Bricgcr (Beitr. X.Krit. einiger pbilos. Scbr. d. Cic. (1873), 10), t o r e a r r a n g e in s u c h an o r d e r as ut et aquam et aera, turn terram, solem, lunam. etc. s o l e m , l u n a m , e i d e r a : cf. 2, 3 9 : bat mundi divinitate perspecta, tribuenda est nderibus eadem divinitas; Philodcm. De Piet. p. 80 G o m p c r z (Doxogr. Gr.x 547): καΐ τόν ήλ<ι>όν <τε> καΐ τή<ν> σελήνην καΐ τους δλλους άστέ<ρ>ας θεούς ο ί ε τ α ι ; A r i u s D i d y m u s a p . S t o b . vol. 1, p . 1 8 5 W a c h s m u t h (Doxogr. Gr* 466): αΙΟέρα . . . έν ω τά &στρα καθίδρυται τά τε απλανή κχΐ τά πλανώμενα, θεία τήν φύσ'.ν δντα και έμψυχα καΐ διοικούμενα κ α τ ά τήν π ρ ό ν ο ι ι ν ; Plut. De Stoic. Re pugn. 3 8 , p . 1052a (from C h r y s i p p u s , π ε ρ ί θεών, B o o k I I I ) : ήλιος μέν γ ά ρ και σελήνη καΐ ol άλλοι θεοί παραπλήσιον Ι χ ο ν τ ε ς λόγον γενητοί είσιν, 6 δέ Ζευς ά ί δ ι ό ς έστιν. F o r physical views of C h r y s i p p u s a n d t h e Stoics a b o u t these b o d i e s see S.V.F. 2, n o s . 6 5 0 ; 681-692. u n i v e r e i t a t e m . . . r e r u m : cf. 1, 120: in universitate rerum; 2, 164: universitatem generis humans; the phrase from universi tatem t h r o u g h continerentur is u n d u l y s u s p e c t e d by Hcindorf. q u a o m n i a c o n t i n e r e n t u r : cf. omnia continentem, a b o v e [from w h i c h S c h o c -
disputant
Nl
m a n n t h i n k s it was a d d e d at this p o i n t ] ; Wisdom of Solomon, 1, 7 [a Stoic infil tration]. i n m o r t a l i t a t e m . . . c o n s e c u t i : as in the d o c t r i n e of Persacus ( 1 , 3 8 ) ; cf. 2 , 6 2 ; P h i l o d c m . De Piet. p . 80 G o m p c r z (Doxogr. Gr.* 547 = S.V.F. 2, n o . 1076): κα<1 άν>ϋρώπους είς θεο<ύ>ς φησι μχ<τ>αβαλεϊ<ν>. 4 0 i d e m q u e d i s p u t a t : cf. P h i l o d c m . De Piet. p p . 79-80 G o m p c r z (Doxogr. Gr* 5 4 6 - 5 4 7 = 5 . 1 / . / · . 2, n o . 1076): <"Η>φ*ιστον δέ πΰ<ρ ε1ν>αι, καΙ Κ ρ όνο ν <μέν τό>ν £εύ<μ>ατος ρ<όο>ν, 'Ρέαν δέ τήν γην, Δία δέ τον αΙΟέρα- τους δέ τόν Ά π ό λ λ ω [ ι ] κα<1> τήν Δ ή μ η τ ρ α γ<ή>ν ή τό έν αύτη πνεύμα, και παιδαριωδώς λέγεσθαι καΐ γρχφεσθαι κα[ε]1 πλάτ<τ>εσθαι <0εού>ς άνθρ<ωποειδεΐς>, δν τρόπον καΐ πόλεις και ποταμούς καΐ τόπους καΐ πάΟ<η· κ>αΙ Δία μέ<ν εΖ>να<ι τόν πε>ρΙ τήν <γή>ν αέρα, <τ>ό<ν> δέ σκο<τει>νόν "Λιδ<ην>, τόν δέ δια της γη<ς κ>αί θαλάτ<τ>ης Ποσ<ειδώ>. C h r y s i p p u s is here f o l l o w i n g in the steps of Z c n o ; cf. 1, 36, a b o v e , and n o t e s ; Min. Fcl. 19, 10 [view of Z c n o ] : interpretando Itmonem aera, Iovem caelum, Neptunum mare, ignem esse Vulcanum. But cf. W . Theiler in Problemata, 1 (1931), 49, n. 1, w h o t h i n k s
Cicero here pbantasiert. aethera e s s e . . . I o v e m : cf. 1, 36, n. (Chrysippus); 2, 4 ; 2, 6 5 - 6 6 ; b u t in 3 , 53 J u p p i t c r is said t o be t h e son of A e t h e r . According to some other traditions J u p p i t c r was the t e r m applied t o the a i r ; e.g., F n n . Izpicharm. 54-59 V a h l c n : istic est is Iupiter quern dico, quern Graeci vocant j aerem, qui ventus est et nubes, imber postea, j atque ex imbre frigus, ventus post fit, aer denuo; Schol. in Arat. 1, p . 335 Maass (S.V.F. 2, n o . 1 1 0 0 ) : τόν αέρα Δία λέγουσιν. ούτος έστιν <ό> δια π ά ν τ ω ν διήκων κατά τους Σ τ ω ι κ ο ύ ς ; A r n o b . 3 , 3 0 ; P r o c l . in Tim. p . 154a (p. 48
272
1, 40
manaretl eum esse Neptunum, terramque earn * esse quae 3 1
mancrct Η
■ cam] eamquc A1
th. Dichl): ό δέ Ζευς άήρ ουράνιος; Eustath. in / / . 17, 2 0 6 ; 2 3 , 2 2 8 ; in Od. 1, 217; 7; ni3 , 2 8 2 ; 9, 1 1 1 ; 20, 98. O n the mctonymical use o f the names of deities and alle legorical interpretations connected there rcwith cf. 1, 36, n. (Iovem . . . lunonem . . . Vestam)\ 2, 65-68; Lucr. 2, 655-660; K); Plut. De Is. et Os. 40, p. 367c; 60, p. 3 7 7 d ; O. Gross, De Metonymiis Set moras nis Latini a Dtorum Nominibus petitis (in Diss, pbilol. Halenses, 19, 4 (1911), 301)1410), w h o rinds (p. 311) this usage much eh c o m m o n e r in Latin than in Greek. :k. Chrysippus discussed this question in his first book περί θεών, but perhaps ips also in his περί Διός; cf. Plut. De comm. Noiit. 6, p. 1061a. Philodelemus {De Pie/, p. 85 Gompcrz) scorn nfully remarks of the Stoics that they icy d o not recognize anthropomorphic lie gods, άλλα άέρα<ς> καΐ π<νε>ύματα τα <κ>αΙ αιθέρας. aer p e r m a r i a . . . N e p t u n u m : cf. cf. jut 2, 7 1 : deus pertinent ptr naturam aausque ret\ per terras Ceres; per maria Neptunus; \u; 3 , 6 4 : Neptunum esse diets am mum cum ^m i'tellegentia per mare pertinentem, idem em de Cerere; Philod. De Pitt. p. 82 G o m p eire rz % {Doxogr. Gr. 549, under the views of D i o g e n e s of Babylon - S. V.F. 3 , p. 217, n o . 33): <εΐ>ν<αΙ> τε τοΰ Διός τό μέν είς τήν θάλατταν διατετα<κ>ός Π oο σειδώνα, τό δ* είς τήν γην Δήμητρα, τό δ* είς <τ>όν αέρα "Ηραν, καθάπερ κτωνα λέγειν; Plut. De Is. et Os. 40, p. 367c: ταΰτα μι ν βμοια τοις >ΐς ύπό τών Στωικών θεολογουμένοις εστί* rl· χαΐ γάρ εκείνοι τό μέν γόνιμον πνεϋμχ μα χαΐ τρόφιμον Διόνυσο ν είναι λέγουσι . . . Δήμητρα δέ καΐ Κόρην τό διά τής γής ής καΐ τών καρπών διήκον, ΙΙοσειδώνα δέ τό διά της θαλάττης [cf. 66, p. 377d; id. d.tt De Vit. Horn. 2, 102]; D i o g . L. 7, 147 47 [the view of Z c n o ] : Ποσειδώνα χατά τήν ήν είς τό ΰγρόν, καΐ Δήμητραν κατά τήν είς ίίς γ η ν ; Cornut. 4 ; Max. Tyr. 4, 8: χάλει Ιει . . τόν δέ Ποσειδώ πνεϋμα διά γής καΐ ;al θαλάττης Ιόν. Xenocrates had already dy said (ap. Stob. vol. 1, pp. 36-37 Wachsis-
1
qua caeres A1 m u t h ) : τήν δέ διά τοΰ ύγροϋ Ποσειδώνα, τήν δέ διά της γης φυτοσπόρον Δήμητραν. ταϋτα δέ χορηγήσας τοις Στωικοΐς τά πρόττρα παρά του Πλάτωνος μεταπέφρακεν; Ο. Gruppc, Gr. Mytb. u. Re/. 2 (1906), 1139, n. 2 ; O . Gross in Diss. pbilol. Ha/ensts, 19, 4 (1911), 385-386. IHippocr.] De Flatibus, 3 ( X X I , 572 K.). recognizes περί τοΰ πελάγους δτι μέθεξιν Ιχει του πνεύματος . . . ού γάρ 4ν ποτέ τά πλωτά ζώα ζωειν ήδΰνατο μή μετέχοντα πνεύματος. For the names Poseidon and Neptunus used (like Nereus) for the sea or for water in general cf. De Or. 3 , 167: Cererem pro frupbus ... poet at Neptunum pro mari\ Philo, De Decai. 12; O . Gross, op. cit.t 3 8 5 - 3 8 6 ; t o which add [Clem.] Recogti. 10, 3 4 ; A r n o b . 5, 4 5 ; A u g . De Doctr. Christ. 3, 1 1 ; Prud. C. Sjmm. 1, 301-302; Schol. / / . 20, 6 7 : διονομάζοντα . . . τό δέ ύδωρ Ποσειδώνα . . . τόν αέρα δέ "Ηραν, καΐ τά λοιπά ομοίως; Schol. Dan. Aen. 1, 126: p/erumque pot tat Neptunum pro man ponunJ', Scrv. Aen. 1, 142: mare enim didtur esse Neptunus; Et. M. s. v. Ποσειδών · σημαίνει γάρ τήν θάλασσαν; L. Delarte in L Antiq. class. 4 (1935), 45. Lucr. 2, 652-657, protests against taking such personifications seriously, A. Brieger (Beutr. ξ. Krit. einigtr pbilos. Scbr. d. Cic. (1873), 10) w o u l d supply between aer and per maria s o m e such words as inter mare et caelum in/eritctus esset lunonem esse, quique [suggested by 2, 66, b e l o w ] , which seems unnecessary in view of the absence of any such expression in Philodemus and also o f the evidence cited above for air as permeating the s e a ; cf. Aristot. De Gen. An. 3 , 11, 762 a 18-20: γίνεται δ' έν γη καΐ έν ύγρώ τά ζ ώ α καΐ τά φυτά διά τό έν γ η μέν ύδωρ ύπάρχειν, έν δ* ύδατι πνεϋμα; Plin. Ν.Η. 2, 1 0 : spin turn quern Grata nostriqm eodem vocabu/o aer a appellant, vitalem bunc et per cuncta rerum meabilem totoqm consertum; 9, 17: in aquam quidem penttrare vitalem bunc tali turn quis m;rttur qui etiam redds ab bis eum cernat.
1, 40
273
Ceres diceretur, similique ratione persequitur vocabula reliquorum deorum. Idemque etiam legis ! perpetuae e t 2 aeternae vim, quae quasi dux vitae et magistra officiorum sit, Iovem dicit esse, eandemque fatalem necessitatem appellat sempiternam rerum 1
leges AlBl
» et om. Η
ccrram . . . Ceres: cf. 2, 67: mater ... a gerendis frugibus Ceres tamquam geres . . . Δημήτηρ quasi γη μήτηρ nominata est (where sec the notes]; 2, 71: per terras Ceres; 3, 64. In Greek sometimes Demeter, sometimes Rhea is the name of the earth-goddess; cf. Philodem. De Pitt. p. 82 Gompcrz (Doxogr. Gr.x 549); Cornut. N.D. 28; Artcmid. Onirocr. 2, 39: τήν Δημήτερα τη γη τον αύτΛν εχειν λόγον 9* σ ^ ν οί σοφοί; Sext. Emp. Adv. Phys. 1, 189; Schol. Arat. 150, pp. 365-366 Maass: αυτήν γάρ είναι τους καρ πούς και τήν μητέρα τήν γην; Hcsych. s.v. ' Αχηρώ · καί Γη και Δημήτηρ ή αύτη; Eitym. Gud. s.v. Δημήτηρ* ή γη; IJiym. ΑΙ. s.v. Δηώ· ή Δημήτηρ γη έστιν; id., s.v. 'Ρέα- Χρύσιππος δέ λέγει την γην 'Ρέαν κεκλήσθαι; id., s.v. Δημήτηρ ;SchoI. Hcs. Tbeog. 135: κατά δέ τον Χρύσιππον ή γη 'Ρέα; Eustath. in Od. 5, 125; in Latin Ceres is so described, e.g., Arnob. 3, 32; 5, 32: pro teihtre Cererem nominal; 5, 35: Cererem . . . pro terra vultis audire; 5, 37: Cerere quae appellata est terra \ Scrv. G. 3, 7: Ceres ipsa est terra; Aen. 6, 603: Ceres ... quia ipsa est terra; Philargyr. in Eel. 5, 79 (on the lemma Cererique]: id est Deae Terraet quae eadem est et Proser pina, eadem est et Vesta; 1 Myth. Vat. 11: Terra, id est Ceres; 12: Ceres ipsa est terra; 2 Myth. Vat. 102; O. Gruppc, op. rit., 2, 1165, n. 5; O. Gross, op. at., 351, for a further metonymical use in the sense of pants or cibus. legis perpetuae: cf. 1, 36, n. (naturalem legem divinam); Philodem. De Piet. p. 77 Gompcrz [as restored by R. Philippson in Hermes, 55 (1920), 372]: και ε<ύν>ο<μ>ίαν όνομ<άζεσ>θαι τόν Δία; id., p. 80 Gompcrz (Doxogr. Gr.% 547): καΐ τους α*λλοι>ς άστέ<ρ>ας θεούς ο(εται καΐ τον ν4μον; id., p. 81 Doxogr. Gr.* 547). καν τω Περί <χ>αρίτων, <έν ψ τ*όν Δία νόμον φησΙ<ν
Hymn., 38-39 (S.V.F. 1, no. 537): ούτε βροτοϊς γέρας 4λλο τι μείζον / ούτε θεοϊς ή κοινόν άεΐ νόμον έν δίκη ύμνεΐν; Aristocles ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 15, 14, 2 {S.V.F. 1, no. 98): τήν δέ τούτων [sc. των λύγων καί αίτιων] έπιπλοκήν καΐ άκολουΟίαν είμαρμένην καί έπιστήμην καί άλήθειαν καί νόμον είναι τών βντων άδιάδραστόν τίνα καί δφυκτον. Chrysippus began his work περί νόμου with the statement (S.V.F. 3, p. 77, no. 314): ό νόμος πάντων εστί βασιλεύς θείων τε καί ανθρωπίνων πραγμάτων; cf. also 3, n. s. 315-326; to which add Sen. Dial. 6,18,1: intraturur es urhem dis hominibus commtmem . . . certis legibus aeternisque divine tarn. Plato, according to Act. Ρlac. 1, 28, 2 (Doxogr. Gr.% 323), spoke ofλόγον άΐδιον τήν ούσίαν της είμαρμένης καί νόμον atδιον της τοϋ παντός φύσεως, with which cf. [Galen,] Hist. Phil. 42 (Doxogr. Gr* 620 - XIX, 262 K.). dux vitae: cf. Tusc. 5,5: ο vitae philosopbia dux; Lucr. 2,172: dux vitaedia voluptas; Sail. Jug. 1 , 3 : dux atque imperator vitae mortalium animus est. Re id (on Ac. 1, 32) remarks that quasi here applies not to dux alone but to the whole clause. magistra officiorum: cf. Tusc. 2, 12: philosophus in vitae ratione peccans hoc turpior est, quod in officio, cuius magister esse vult, labitur. The term o/ficium re presents in the De Officiis and elsewhere the Greek καθήκον (cf. Fin. 3, 20; Schol. Dan. Aen. 1, 548; also Att. 15, 13, 6; 16, 11, 4). See E. Bcrncrt, De Vi atque Usu Vocabuli Officii (1930), especially pp. 25-42 on rhe meaning of the word in the Ciceronian period, and 74-75 on its equation with καθήκον. With this use of magistra cf. Tusc. 2, 16: magistra vitae pbilosopbia; 5, 5: magistra morum et dis cipline fuisti. fatalem necessitatem: cf. 1, 39: fatalem umbram et necessitatem rerum 18
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1,41
futurarum veritatcm; quorum nihil tale est ut in eo vis divina inesse videatur. 41 Et haec quidem in * primo libro de natura deorum; in secundo autem volt Orphei, Musaei, Hesiodi, Home1
quidem B(add. in)
futurarum \ Ac. 1, 29: deum ... omniumqm at that point, Plat. Apol. 41a (like Clem. return . . . quasi prudentiam quondam ... Strom. 6, 2, 15, 2 and Tzctz. Tbeogoma, quam interdum tandem necessitate m appel 28-30) uses the order found in our pas lantt quasi fata/em et immutabilem continua- sage. Ancient evidence discussing the life, relations, and pupils of Orpheus is tionem ordinis stmpiterni. ecmpiternam... veritatem: cf. 1,55: collected by O. Kern, Orpbicorum Frag. ilia fetalis necesntas . . . ut quicquid accidat (1922),. 1-51; the fragments of the soid ex aeterna peri/ate causarumque continue-called Orphic writings are gathered in tione fluxisse dicatis; 3, 14: quod autem the same work, 80-344; for recent dis semper ex omm aeternitate verum fuerit id cussions of these cf. M. P. Nilsson in esse fa turn; Dip. 1, 125: ea (sc. είμαρμένη) Harv. tbeol. Rev. 28 (1935), 181-230; est ex omni aeternitatefluens,peritas sem- I. M. Linforth, Tbe Artsof Orpheus (1941), piterna [and Pease's n.]. who finds no evidence for an organized vie divina: cf. 1, 39 and n. {vim divinam Orphic religion. The name ΟΡΦΑΣ ap pears on a sixth-century metope at in ration*). Delphi (cf. Kern, op. cit.t no. 1), and ineaee videatur: one of Cicero's fa vorite clausula*, which Quintil. Inst. όνομαχλυτόν Όρφήν occurs in Ibycus, 9, 4, 73, calls iam nimis frequens (cf. 10, 2, fr. 10A Bergk4 (ap. Priscian, Inst. 6, 92). 18]. In the present book for the combi The figure of Orpheus is probably nation ~ I videa{n)tur see sections 4, 9, considerably older than the ascription to him of any body of writings, and in 12, 41, 61, 73, 100. and 124. the sixth century, with its increased 41 de natura deorum: we know of interest in the question of sin, puri at least three books by Chrysippus περί θεών; cf. S.V.F 3, p. 197 for the fication, and ritual, as well as in cosmo gony, and with the emergence of reli fragments. in secundo: cf. Philodem. De Piet. gious poetry, it seems likely that "some individual hit on the idea of making a p. 80 Gomperz {Doxogr. Gr.* 547 = prophet out of a legendary singer" (A. S. V.F. 2, no. 1078): έν δ*έ τω 5ευτέ<ρω> D. Nock in CI. Weekly, 35 (1942). 162). τά τ<ε> είς 'Ορφέα <καΙ Μ>ουσαϊον άναφε<ρόμ>ε<ν>α και <τ>ά παρ* <Ό>μήρω Orpheus and Musaeus (often repre καΐ Ήσιό$<ω> καΐ Εύρι<π>1δη κ[ι]αΙ sented as his son or pupil: Diod. 4, 2 5 , 1 ; ποιηταΐς άλλοις, <ώ>ς κα<1> Κλεάνθης, Justin, Cohort, ad Gr. 15; Tatian, Ad <π>ειρ5τα<ι συ>νοικειοϋ<ν> ταΐς δόξαις αύGr. 4 1 ; Clem. Strom. 1, 21, 131, 1 [as τώ<ν>; Min. Fel. 19, 11: Zenonemque emended by Lobeck); Eus. Pr. Ev. 10, interpretatione pbysio/ogica in Hesiodi, Ho II, 30; Scrv. Aen. 6, 667; Hicr. Cbron. merit Orpheique car minibus imi tatto- [sc. ann. Abr. 750; Thcodoric ap. Cassiod. Cbrysippus]. Var. 2, 40, 7; Suid. s.v. Μουσαίος; Orphei: the vexed question of Or- A. Rzach in P.-W. 16 (1933), 761), arc phism cannot here be treated in detail, commonly represented as earlier in date yet a few points demand some notice. than Homer (Sext. Emp. Adv. Gram. 204; Clem. Strom. 1, 21, 107, 4-5; Cicero alludes to Orpheus at 1, 107; at 3, 45 he calls him the son of a Muse; Theodoret, Gr. Aff. 2, 49; in addition and at 3, 58 he mentions sacra Orphica. to several other passages cited by Rzach, In Tusc. 1, 98, he lists, in the order op. cit., 762, and, by implication, Tatian, Orpheus, Musaeus, Homer, and Hcsiod, ap. Eus. Pr. EP. 10, 11, 27-28, and those passages which make Orpheus an Argothe four here named, though his source
1, 41 naut (Kcm, op. cit., nos. 78-80; Linforth, op. cit., A), as well as the statement of Clem. Strom. 6, 2, 26, 1-3, that Homer plagiarized from Orpheus and Hcsiod from Musaeus), and at a late date they are credited with the invention of the dactylic hexameter as a vehicle for theological expression (Mar. Plot. Saccrd. Art. gram. 3 (G.L.K. 6, 502); Mall. Thcod. De Metris, A (G.L.K. 6, 589)). Together or combined with other shad owy figures, such as Linus and Thamyris, they form a sort of canon of early prophetic poets—thtologi (poetae)—, e.g., Ar. Ran. 1032-1033, and schol.; Eur. Rl>es. 944-945; Plat. Rep. 2, 364*; Prot. 316d; Ion, 536b; Diod. 1, 96, 2 ; Plin. N.H. 25, 12; Lucian, De Salt. 15; Acl. V.H. 14, 2 1 ; Paus. 10, 7, 2; Aristid. Or. 4, p. 47 Dindorf; 19, p. 415 Dindorf; Hippol. Pbilosopbum. 5, 15; Orig. C. Celt. 1, 18; Chalcid. in Tim. 126; Clem. Strom. 5, 4, 24, 1; Eus. Pr. Ev. 10, 12, 28; 13, 12, 4-5; Philostr. Heroic, p. 162 Kayscr; Schol. Lond. Dionys. Thr. (Bckk. Anted. 2, 785); Aug. CD. 18. 37; Olympiod. ap. Phot. Bib/. 80, p. 61a, 31 Bekk.; Syrianus in Metaph. 12, 8, p. 148, 1 Kroll; Eustath. in //. 2, 596. Various later writers discussed Orpheus (tcstimonia in Kern, op. cit., nos. 228243), since his name was increasingly revered, especially by Proclus and the later Ncoplatonists, but the Stoics after the time of Chrysippus seem not to have used his supposed writings (W. Capcllc in Neue Jahrb. 15 (1905), 560. n. 5). Other traces of Chrysippus's treatment of Orpheus are found by Kern (pp. at., no. 233) in Plut. De Is. et Os. 25, p. 360d-f (S.V.F. 2, no. 1103); Galen, De Hipp, et Plat. Plac. 3, 3 (V, 308 K.): ώσπερ γαρ έξ 'Ομήρου καΐ 'Ησιόδου βρα χέα παρεθέμην όλίγω πρόσθεν ων ό Χρύ σιππος έγραψεν, ούτω έξ Όρφέως καΐ 'Εμπεδοκλέους και Τυρταίου καΐ Στησι χόρου καΐ Εύριπίδου καΐ έτερων ποιητών έπων μνημονεύει πάμπολλων όμοίαν εχ όντων άτοπίαν, κτλ. [cf. 3, 4, pp. 314315 Κ. - S.V.F. 2, no. 907]. The works of Orpheus with which Chrysippus is here supposed to have dealt were probably the 24 books of Ιεροί λόγοι (cf. Suid. s.v. Όρφεύς),
275
sometimes cited by other names (such as θεογονία, Διονύσου αφανισμός, τό περί Διός καΐ "Ηρας, ol περί της "Ιπτας λόγοι; cf. Kern, op. cit., 141), of which the fragments arc collected by Kern, pp. 140-248 (nos. 60-235); for a biblio graphy cf. Kern, op. at., 63-69; brought down further by M. P. Nilsson in Harv. tbeol. Rev. 28 (1935), 181-182, n. 1. Musaei: ancient traditions about him in Vorsokrat. 2, no. 67A; O. Kern, Orphicorum Frag. (1922), nos. 166-172. Some thought him the son of Orpheus (see the preceding note) and the father of Eumolpus (e.g., Marm. Par. A 27 {Vor sokrat. 2, no. 67 A 8); Schol. Soph. O.C. 1053; Suid. s.v. Μουσαίος). On works ascribed to him sec O. Kern, De Musaei Athen. Frag. (1898), who on pp. 9-11 (nos. 1-11) gives the fragments of his θεογονία; Vorsokrat. 2, no. 67 B; Rzach, op. cit., 763-767; that which chiefly concerns us is his θεογονία (Vorsokrat. 2, 67 Β 1-19; cf. Zicglcr in Roscher, Ausf. Lex. 5 (1924), 1540-1542; Rzach, op. cit., 763-765), which led to his being compared with Hcsiod, as was Orpheus with Homer (e.g., Clem. Strom. 6, 2, 26, 1-3; Phot. Lex. p. 277 Porson; Harpocr. s.v. Μελίτη). Hesiodi: the order by which Hcsiod here precedes Homer (cf. Hdt. 2, 53; Plat. Apol. 41a; Clem. Strom. 6, 2, 15, 2; Tzctz. Tbeogonia, 28-30) is perhaps be cause, as Scxt. Emp. Adv. Gram. 204 says, some writers thought him more ancient than Homer (Gcll. 3, 11, 2 says Accius and Ephorus so believed). On Homer and Hcsiod as the first tlxologi cf. Alex. Aphrod. in Metaph. 1, 3, p. 25, 9-10. The work here discussed was doubtless his Theogony, for the com ment of Zcno on which cf. 1, 36, and n. (Tbeogonian . . . interpretatur), above. For the type of treatment which Chrysippus there used cf. S.V.F. 2, nos. 907-908. Homeri: here too Chrysippus perhaps considered, not only the topics touched upon in 1, 42, below, but also the ele ments of a theogony as seen in //. 14; cf. Zicglcr in Roscher, Ausf. Lex. 5 (1924), 1539-1540. Zcno had similarly written on the Iliad and Odyssey, διδάσ κων 6τι τα μέν κατά δόξαν, τα δέ κατ*
276
1,41
rique fabellas accommodate ad ea quae ipse primo libro de deis inmortalibus dixerit, ut etiam veterrimi poetae,1 qui haec ne * 1
posse poetae Ο
* nee Ο
άλήθειαν γέγραφεν (sc. Όμηρος), δπως also as a teacher of philosophic doctrines. Strabo, 1, 2, 17, asserts: τήν γαρ εκείνου μή φαίνηται αυτός αύτφ μαχόμενος . . . έτι δέ καΐ Περσαΐος ό τοΰ Ζήνωνος κατά [sc. Όμηρου] ποίησιν φιλοσόφημα πάντας την αυτήν ύπόθεσιν γέγραφε καΐ άλλοι νομίζειν; cf. Hcraclit. Quaest. Horn. 23: πλείους (Dio Chrys. Or. 53,4-5 = S. V.F. 1ρ* ούν, el τις θέλει τάληθές έξετάζειν, ουχί καΐ ταϋτα τά στοιχεία παρ* Όμήρω 1, no. 456); cf. what Tatian, Ad Gr. 21 says of the allegorizing of Metrodorus φιλοσοφείται; J. Tate in CL Quart. 23 of Lampsacus. Christians similarly used (1929), 42, who remarks: "early Stoics allegory to explain difficult O.T. nar believed Homer and Hcsiod to have ratives; J. Adam, Relig. Teachers of been original thinkers, who expressed Greece (1908), 14-15, compares Gala/. sound doctrine in the mythical style proper to the primitive times in which 4, 21-31. On Cicero's use of Homer in they lived." Cicero would not have his philosophical works cf. V. d'Agostino in Ilmondo class. 6, Suppl. (1936), 1-14. spoken as he did, continues Tate, "if Chrysippus (like Cornutus) had treated fabeUae: with disparaging force; cf. 3, 12: fabellas amies; 3, 13; Div. 2, 80: the poets as having transmitted scraps nihil debet esse in pbilosopbia commenticiis and shreds of an ancient philosophy which they themselves did not under fabellis loci; Tusc. 1, 114; Pro Cael. 64. stand." Cf. also P. H. De Lacy in Am. accommodare: συνοικειοϋν, as in Philodcm. De Pitt. p. 80 Gompcrz, fount. ofPbiloL 69 (1948), 241; 259, n. 104. On Homer as claimed by the various quoted in note on in secundo, above. The philosophic schools cf. Schol. //. 1, 405 method used by Chrysippus was, if we may judge from Cicero, to reconcile (also Schol. Townl. //. 1, 404): Όμηρος with his own theological dogmas the δ*έ, ώς Στωικός . . . φησιν (cf. Eustath. traditional theology of the poets, rather in //. 1, 404); Sen. Ep. 88, 5: nisi forte tibi Homerum philosophum fussse persuadent, than to construct a theological system upon the data furnished by mythological cum bis ipsis quibus colligunt ntgent; nam modo Sfoicum ilium faciunt, virtu/em solam tradition. dixerit: detertores and some editors un probantem ... modo Epicureum, laudantem statum quietae civitatis ... modo Peripatetinecessarily change to dixerat; cf. 1, 34, n. cum, tria bonorum genera inducentem, modo (sint). Academicum, omnia incerta docentem. appaut . . . veterrimi . . . Stoici . . . videantur: since the Jewish-Christian theolo ret nihil borum esse in illo quia omnia sunt, Heraclit. Quaest. Horn. 23: Γνα τι καΐ gy derived, at least in a considerable ΙΙεριπατητικοΐς φιλοσόφοις χαρίσηται part, from a common O.T.source, its Όμηρος έπεκαλέσατο; Athen. 12, 513a: exempla virtutis and its doctrines were ό 8έ παρά τω Όμήρω 'Οδυσσεύς ήγεμών naturally claimed by Jews and Christians alike; and since modern Christianity δοκεϊ γεγενησθαι 'Επικουρώ της πολυ θρύλητου ήδονης, βσπερ φησίν [quoting stems from prereformation theologians Od. 9, 5-11; cf. Ε. Bignone in Atene t it is natural that Catholics and Protestants Roma, 3 scr., 2 (1934), 16, for other should alike find in them support for their own distinctive doctrines. Similar ancient suggestions that Epicurus derived ly the later philosophical schools derived from Homer his theory of pleasure]; from Socrates appealed to his teaching Eus. Pr. Ev. 13, 12, 13-16, where Aristobulus finds the Sabbath supported and example, and all Greeks resorted to by passages in Hesiod, Homer, and Li Homer, both as the classic depicter of vir nus; Iren. C. Haeres. 1, 9, 4 [of the tues and vices (cf. Hor. Ep. 1,2, 1-31) and
1,41
277
suspicati quidem sint, Stoici fuisse vidcantur. Quern Diogenes Babylonius consequens, in eo libro l qui inscribitur De Minerva, 1
libro add. Β
G n o s t i c s ] : δμοια ποιοϋντες τ ο ι ς υ π ο θέσεις τάς τυχούσας αύτοϊς προβαλλομένοις, έπειτα πειρωμένοις έκ τ ω ν ' Ο μ ή ρου π ο ι η μ ά τ ω ν μελετάν αύτάς, ώ σ τ ε τους άπειροτέρους δοκεΐν έ π ' εκείνης της έξ ύπογυίου μεμελετημένης υποθέσεως "Ομηρον τα £πη πεποιηκέναι, κ τ λ . ; H i p p o l . Pbtlosopbum. 5, 8 : ol θ α υ μ α σ ι ώ τ α τ ο ι γ ν ω σ τ ι κ ο ί , έφευρεταΐ καινής τέχνης γ ρ α μ μ α τ ι κ ή ς , τόν εαυτών προφήτην " Ο μ η ρον ταΰτα προφαίνοντα άρρήτως δοξάζουσι; P h o t . Bibl. 214, p . 173a B c k k . [of H i c r o c l c s ] : ό δέ . . . είς ' Ο ρ φ έ α και "Ομηρον καΐ όσοι άλλοι πρό της Π λ ά τ ω νος επιφανείας έγνωρίζοντο την ΓΙλατωνικήν περί των προκειμένων φιλοσο φία ν άνάπτει; also J. Duffy in CI. fount. 3 8 (1943), 194, n. 4. Similarly M i n . Fcl. 20, 1 : ut quivis arbitretur aut nunc Christianoi pbilosophos esse aut philosopbos fuisse
n a m e (enumerated by D i o g . L. 6, 8 1 ; t o w h o m a d d an E p i c u r e a n p h i l o s o p h e r n a m e d D i o g e n e s w h o also came from Selcucia; cf. A t h c n . 5, 211a); in Off. 3 , 51 Cicero applies t o h i m b o t h titles: Diogeni Babylonia . . . magno et gravi Stoico\ cf. Sen. 2 3 : Diogenem Stoicum. H e was b o r n a b o u t 240 B.C., was a pupil of C h r y s i p p u s {Div. 1 , 6 ; [Galen,] Hist. Phil. 3 (Doxogr. Gr* 600 = X I X , 227 K.; cf. Stoic. Ind. Herculan. 48 {S.V.F. 3 , p . 210, n o . 3)), the head of the Stoic s c h o o l , and o n e of the famous embassy of p h i l o s o p h e r s which came t o R o m e in 155 B.C., at which time Cicero represents Laelius (Sen. 23) as h a v i n g seen h i m . H e died at the age of 88 ([Lucian,] Aiacrob. 20), p r o b a b l y before 150 (the assumed date of t h e De Senectute); cf. M . W c l l m a n n in P.-W. 5 (1905), 774.
iam tunc Cbristianos. Note the use of our His fragments arc collected in S. V.F* 3, passage by F. Bacon, Adv. of Learning, p . 91 (1826 cd.).
2,
T h e «/-clause may be r e g a r d e d as cither final o r c o n s e c u t i v e ; a little m o r e p r o b a b l y t h e latter. s u s p i c a t i . . . s i n t : M a y o r explains t h e s u b j u n c t i v e as in a clause o f charac t e r i s t i c ; it m i g h t , h o w e v e r , equally well be d u e t o attraction t o the m o o d of videantur; cf. 1, 85: fecerit. q u e r n . . . c o n s e q u e n s : cf. 1, 32, and n. (subsequens); Div. 1, 6: quern [sc. Cbrysippum] subsequens mum librum Dioge nes Babylonius edidit; Brut. 225: quos est Sex. Titius consecutus. D i o g e n e s B a b y l o n i u s : a native of Selcucia (cf. S.V.F. 3 , p . 210, n o s . 2-4) b u t k n o w n from the name of his c o u n t r y ; cf. Strab. 16, 1, 1 6 : ώσπερ δέ Β α βυλωνίαν την χώραν καλοϋμεν, ο ύ τ ω καΐ τους άνδρας τους έκεΐθεν Βαβυλωνίους καλοϋμεν, ούκ άπό της πόλεως άλλ' ά π ό τ η ς χ ώ ρ α ς · άπό δέ της Σελευκείας ή τ τον, καν εκείθεν ώσι, καθάπερ Διογένη τόν Σ τ ω ι κ ό ν φιλόσοφον. H e was usually d e s c r i b e d either as Babylonius or as Stoicus, t o distinguish him from o t h e r s of his
p p . 212-243, the most n u m e r o u s being those o n music and rhetoric preserved by P h i l o d c m u s . With the present passage cf. P h i l o d c m . De Pie/, p p . 82-83 G o m p c r z (Doxogr. Gr* 548-549 = S. V.F. 3 , p . 217, n o . 33): Λ<ι>ογένης δ' ό Βαβυλώνιος έν τ ω Περί της 'Αθήνας . . . <εΤ>\καί> τε του Διός τό μέν είς τήν Οάλατταν διατετα<κ>ός Ποσειδώνα, τό δ' είς τήν γήν Δ ή μ η τ ρ α , τό δ* είς <τ>όν αέρα "Ηραν . . . τό δ* είς τό<ν> α<ίθ>έρα Ά θ η ν ά ν τούτο γαρ λέ<γε>σθαι τό "έκ της <κεφα>λ ή ς " καί " Ζ ε υ ς άρρην Ζευς θήλυς." τινάς δέ τ ω ν Σ τ ω ι κ ώ ν φάσκειν Οτι τό ήγεμονικόν έν τ ή κ<ε>φαλή· φρόνησιν γά<ρ> είναι, διό καΐ Μήτιν καλεΐσθαι κ τ λ . ; Min. Fcl. 19, 12: Babylonio etiam Diogeni disciplina est exponendi et disserendi, Iovis par turn et orturn Minervae et hoc genus cetera rerum vocabula esse, non deorum; also W . Ax's pracfatio (1933), iv, and w o r k s there cited. q u i inscribitur D e M i n e r v a : cf. 1, 32, n. (libro qui . . . inscribitur). Other writers o n this t o p i c cited by O . G r u p p c , Gr. Myth. u. Rel. 2 (1906), 1193-1194,
278
1,41
partum Iovis ortumqueL virginis ad physiologiam traducens 1
partu iouis ortuque AD*HP,
partui eius {tort, ex ouis) ortuque Dl
axe Hermippus, 'Αθήνας γοναί (a comedy; the fragments in Com. Att. Frag. 1 (1880), 224-227 Kock); Cornut. N.D. 20; Aristid. Or. 2 Dindorf; III Myth. Vat. 10, 2. For possibly similar Stoic treatises P. Decharme, La ait. des trad, relig. cbez Us Grecs (1904), 260, compares Cleanthes, περί γιγάντων (Diog. L. 7, 175), Chrysippus, Ttcpl <χ>αρίτων (Philodem. De Pie/. p. 81 Gomperz (Doxogr. Gr.* 547)), and Posidonius, περί ηρώων καΐ δαιμόνων (Macrob. Sat. 1, 23, 7); Orclli's emenda tion of Ait. 13, 39, 2, to read iibros . . . ve/im mittas et maxime Φαιδρού περί θεών et Παλλάδος [ΠΛΛΙΔΟΣ codd.\ would bring such a work into the Epi curean field. partum Iovis: cf. 3, 53: qui genuisse Minervam dicitur; though according to another tradition Athena was the daugh ter of Posidon (Paus. 1, 14, 6; Bckk. Anecd. 1, 208; Harpocr., Phot. Lex.t and Suid. s.v. Ιππία ΆΟηνα; Eustath. in Dion. Per. 267; Etym. M. s.v. Ιππία). Our earliest literary accounts of the birth of Athena from the head of Zeus appear to be those in Hymn. Homer. 3, 308; 28, 4-16; Hcs. Theog. 886-896; 924-926; Stcsichorus (according to Schol. Ap. Rhod. 4, 1310): πρώτος Στησίχορος Ιφη σύν δπλοις έκ της τοϋ Διός κεφαλής άναπηδήσαι την ΆΟηναν; Pind. ΟΙ. 7, 35-37: άνίχ* Άφαίστου τέχναισιν / χαλκελάτω πελέκει πατέρος ' Αθηναία κορυφάν κατ' &κραν / άνορούσασ' άλαλαξεν ύπερμάκει βοά; so many writers, while others (e.g., Eur. Ion, 452-457) ascribed the blow to Prometheus, still others (e.g., Eumolpus ap. Philodem. De Pie/, p. 31 Gomperz) call the striker Hephaestus, Palacmon, or Hermes; on these variants cf. Schol. Pind. Of. 7, 66; Eustath. in //. 1, 197; 1, 200; 4, 492; in Od. 24, 230; and especially A. B. Cook. Zeus, 3, 1 (1940), 660-661. In a n the subject had appeared in sixthcentury vases, showing five types: (1) Zeus in labor, with the Ilithyiae at tending; (2) Athena emerging from his
head; (3) a mingling of these two types; (4) Athena armed but not full grown, standing on the knees of Zeus; and (5) a mature Athena armed and standing before Zeus (Cook, op. at.t 662-663; 688). Later the theme became famous, as on the cast pediment of the Parthenon; Paus. 1, 24, 5; Cook, op. cit.% 688-726, with abundant citation of the literature and consideration of various views. For this myth, mentioned by many writers, particularly in later scholiastic sources, though considered by Mcnand. Rhet. {Rbet. Gr. 3, 341 Spengel) as among the stories which are τοϋ άκοϋσαι αηδείς, the ancients offered many alle gorical explanations, summarized by Cook, op. at., 726-727. Thus Chrysippus ap. Philodem. De Piet. p. 83 Gomperz (Doxogr. Gr.* 549): Χρύσιππον δ* έν τ φ στή<0>ει τό ηγεμονικών <ε>Ιναι κάκεΐ τή<ν Ά0>ηνάν γεγονένα<ι> φρόνησιν οδσαν, τ φ <δ>έ τ<ή>ν φωνήν έκ της <κ>εφαλής έχκρίνεσθαι <λ>έγειν έκ της <κ>εφα<λ>ής, ύπ6 δέ Ή<φ>αίσ<του, δι>ότι τ<έ>χνη<ι γί>νεθ' ή φρόνησις, καΐ ΆΟηινάν μέν ο<1>ον Άθ<ρη>ναν είρήσθαι, <Τριτω>νίδα δέ καΐ Τρ<ιτογέν>ειαν δια το την φρόνησιν έκ τριών συνεστηκέναι λόγων, τώ<ν> φ<υσικώ>ν καΐ τώ<ν ή>θικακν κ>αΙ τών λογικών [a somewhat similar view of the three λόγοι is by Schol. //. 8, 39 ascribed to Dcmocritus]; cf. Philo, De Opif. 100; also Galen, De Hipp, et Plat. Plat. 3, 8; Isid. Etjm. 8, 11, 72. For the view of Diogenes sec note on Diogenes Babylonius, above. Further cf, Cornut. N.D. 20: ή δέ'Αθη νά έστιν ή τοϋ Διός σύνεσις, ή αυτή ούσα τη έν αύτώ προνοία. καΟό καΐ Προνοίας Άθηνας Ιδρύονται ναοί. γενέσθαι δ* έκ της Δι6>ς κεφαλής λέγεται, τάχα μέν τών αρχαίων ύπολαβόντων τό ήγεμονικόν της ψυχής ημών ένταϋθ' είναι, καθάπερ και έτεροι τών μετά ταϋτα έδοξασαν, τάχα δ* έπεί τοϋ μέν άνθρωπου τό άνωτάτω μέρος τοϋ σώματος ή κεφαλή έστι, τοϋ δέ κόσμου ό αίθήρ, όπου τό ήγεμονι κόν αύτοϋ έστι καΐ ή της φρονήσεως ού-
1, 42
279
deiungit a fabula. 16 42 Exposui fere non philosophorum iudicia sed deliranσία, and much more. Other more or less allegorical accounts may be found in Diod. 1, 12, 7; Schol. //. 1, 195; Hcradit. Quaest. Horn. 19; Artcmid. Onirocr. 2, 35; [Clem.J Recogn. 10, 20; 10, 33; Macrob. Somn. Sap. 1, 6, 11; Fa von. Somn. Sap. p. 405 Orelli; Serv. Ed. 2, 6 1 ; Aen. 4, 201; Lact. Plac. in Thtb. 2, 715; Myth. Vat. I, 127; II, 39; Procl. in Tim. p. 51c (p. 166 Dichl); Lyd. De Mens. 4, 22; Eustath. in //. 8, 39; also the divergent account by Aristoclcs (cf. Cook, op. «'/., 727). Numerous modern opinions, in cluding those of various "physical" schools, arc reviewed by Cook, op. a/., 727-739 (to the works he cites add J. Krai in Listy fiiol. 12 (1885), 1-40), whose own view (732-739) that the myth combined elements from the slay ing with the double axe of Zcus's re presentative animal, the ox, with the hypothesis developed by J. G. Frazer of the early king as ritually slain before the decline of his physical powcis is somewhat cautiously received by A. \X·'. Pickard-Cambridgc in CI. Rev. 54 (1940), 212. The whole story was naturally derided by Christian writers; e.g., Arnob. 4, 16; Hier. Adv. twin. 1, 42, who compares the birth of Liber from the thigh of Iuppitcr and that of Buddha from the side of a virgin. Alex. Aphrod. in Metapb. 1, 5, p. 39, 8 Hayduck, and Asclcp. in Metapb. p. 36, 16 Hayduck, speak of Athena as άμήτωρ. R. Schneider, Die Geburt ά. Athena (1879) 1 have not seen. With the grammar of the phrase part urn loris cf. 2, 69, n. (in partu Olym piads s adetse). ad phyeiologiam: cf. 1, 20, n. (pbysioiogiam); Varr. ap. Aug. CD. 7, 5; F.us. Pr. Ev. 3» pracf. 1; 3, 1, 1: ίτι μέν ούν ή παλαιά φυσιολογία και παρ' "Έλλησι και βαρβάροις λόγος ήν φυσικός έγκεκρυμμένος μύΟοις, τά πολλά οι' αίνιγμα των καΐ υπονοιών έπίκρυφος καί μυστη ριώδης θεολογία, τά τι λαλούμενα τών σιγωμένων σαφέστερα τοις πολλοίς έχ οντα καί τά σιγώμενα τών λαλουμένων ΰποπτότερα, δήλόν έστιν έν τοις Ό ρ -
φικοΐς επεσι καί τοϊς Αίγυπτνακοΐς καί Φρυγίοις λόγοις; 3, 2, 1; 3, 3, 20; [Clem. J Homil. 6, 2-10; 6, 17-19. deiungit: a rare word, sometimes emended by editors to di(s)iungit. Yet two cases of deiungo occur in Varro (R.R. 2, 6, 4; 2, 7, 12), and it is occasional in later writers, being given by Non. p. 101 M. (p. 144 L.) as a synonym of deiugo, separo, and difsocio. The distinction is here between a symbolic and moralizing myth on the one hand and on the other a merely repellent story with no moral significance. 42 exposui: after the doxographic section (1, 25-41), Vcllcius returns to the theme of the end of 1, 24; cf. R. Hirzel, Vntersuch. ξ. Cicero's pbi/os. Schr. 1 (1877), 22, who recognizes the doxo graphy as from a different source, per haps inserted by Cicero after the rest of the work was finished, and thinks that the rirst sentence here, with its delirantium somnia, resumes the thought announced in 1, 18, by portenta et miracula non disserentium philosophorum sed somniantium. R. Philippson (in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1153) considers 1, 42-43 as a kind of summary of Philodcm. De Piet. pp. 5-65 Gomperz, and in any event its brevity contrasts with the fuller treat ment accorded to the philosophers. With the phraseology cf. Div. 1, 70: exposui quam brevissime pot id somnii et furoris orada; Μ in. Fcl. 20, 1 (at the end of a doxography): exposui opiniones omnium fere philosophorum. The considered judgments (iudicia) of sober thinkers (philosophorum) arc contrasted with the imaginative or wishful thinking (somnia) of the mentally unbalanced (delirantium). For delirantium cf. 1, 37, and n. (quasi delirans); Act. Plac. 1, 7, 3 (Doxogr. Gr.* 299): άνχιρείσΟω γάρ, φησίν, ό ποιητικός λήρος; F.us. Pr. Εν. 3, 15, 1: τών ποιητι κών λήρων; Greg. Naz. Or. 4, 118: ποιητών . . . πλάσματα καί ληρήματα; Aug. CD. 4, 17: deliramenta non apud poetas legebant sed in tern pits colebant. For somnia cf. 1,39, and n. (Stoicorum somnio-
280
1,42
tium * somnia. Nee enim multo a absurdiora sunt ea quae poetarum 1
deliberandum D
* multa D
rum). See also Aiistot. Metapb. 1, 2, pbilosopbi retractant, aliud mytbicum, quod 983 a 3-4: κατά την παροιμίαν · πολλά inter pottos volutetur, tertium gentile, quod ψεύδονται αοιδοί (and Paroem. Gr. 2, populi sibi quisque adoptaverunt ; Varr. ap. Aug. CD. 4, 27: relatum est in literas 128, and parallels in von Lcutsch's doc/issimum pontificem Scaevolam disputasse note). absurdiora: cf. [Justin. Mart.] Cohort, tria genera tradita deorum: unum a poetis, ad Gr. 3: πολλφ γελοιοτέραν της των alterum a pbilosopbist tertium a prinapt bus ποιητών θεολογίας ούσαν; loan. Chrys. civitatis. primum genus nugatorium dicit esse, Horn. 3 in Rom. 3 {Patr. Gr. 60, 414) quod multa de disfingantur indigna ; secundum speaks of τόν όρμαθόν των λήρων τούτων. non congruere civitatibus, quod babeat aJiqua ea quae . . . vocibua fuea: cf. 1, 66: supervacua, aliqua etiam qua* obsit populis or tula fundo \ Dip. 1, 18: oracla furenti / nosse; 6, 5: de tribus gentribus tbeolopa* pectore fundebant; 1, 22; 2, 27; 2, 70: secundum V arrontm. id est uno fabuloso, vaticination* funduntur-, 2, 110: Sibyllae altero naturals', tertioque civili . . . deind* versus ... quos ilia furens fudisse dicitur; ait "mytbicon appellant quo maxime utuntur Ac. 2, 74 land Rcid's n.J; Tusc. 1, 64; poetae, pbysicon quo pbilosopbi, civile quo 3, 42; 5, 73; Fin. 4, 10: aJiud est enim populi?' in 6, 9, he reduces the first poetarum more verba fundere, aliud ea quae and the third of these to practical iden dtcas ration* et arte distinguere; De Or. 3, tity, and in De Consensu Evang. 1, 31, 175; 3, 194; Pro Flacc. 69: vox . . . ef- remarks: deos secundum pbilosopbos in libris Junditur; Veil. 2, 14, 2: effundit vocem; quaerert, secundum pottos in templis adorare; Sen. Ep. 100, 2: non effundere videiur ora-cf. Eus. Pr. EP. 3, 15, 1: ποιητών μέν ούν . . . μύθους περί θεών πλαττομένων, tionem sed jundere; adeo larga est et sin* Dio perturbatione, non sine cursu tamen vtniens. φιλοσόφων δέ φυσιολογούντων; In most of these instances the poet or the Chrys. Or. 12, 44: τριών δη προεχκειμένων γενέσεων της δαιμονίου παρ* άνθρώprophet—each a vates—is thought of as ποις ύπολήψεως, έμφυτου, ποιητικής, νο pouring forth inspired words, for which neither feels a personal responsibility. μικής, τετάρτην φώμεν την πλαστικήν τ* poetarum: the theology of the poets καΐ δημιουργικήν τών περί τα θεια was from as early as Xcnophanes con αγάλματα καΐ τάς είκόνας; Ammon. in trasted with that of the philosophers, Aristot. De Interpr. 13, p. 249,1-4 Bussc; and, later, with that of the state religion; Eustath. in //. 24, 526: ό δέ ποιητής άνcf. Aet. Plac. 1, 6, 9 (Doxogr. Gr.* 295; θρωποπαθεΐς τους θεούς είσάγων, δίδωσιν . . . χώραν πάθεσι περί αυτούς, όπόσα Stoic views, perhaps of Posidonius?): ol τόν περί βίων παραδόντες σεβασμών καΐ άνθρωποι πάθοιεν, κτλ. δια τριών έξέθηκαν ήμϊν ε Ιδώ ν, πρώτον The immoral characters and acts of μέν του φυσικού, δεύτερον δέ τοϋ μυ the gods, here criticized by an Epicurean θικού, τρίτον δέ τού την μαρτυρίαν έκ and in 2, 70 by Balbus the Stoic, result τών νόμων είληφότος. διδάσκεται δέ τό from two principles: (1) divine anthro μέν φυσικόν ύπό τών φιλοσόφων, τό δέ pomorphism (Eustath. in //. 5, 401), μυθικόν ύπό τών ποιητών, τό δέ νομικόν which the Epicureans also accepted ύφ' έκαστης άεΐ πόλεως συνίσταται; (1, 46-48, below) but freed of its im Tcrt. Ad Nat. 2, 1: elegi ad compendium moral mythology by banishing the gods Varronis opera, qui rerum divinarum . . . to the intermundia, and (2) polytheism. commentatus idoneum se nobis scopum expoThe former of these opens the way to suit, bunc si interrogem qui insinuatores deo-passions omniaque traducta ad similitudinem rum aut philosop bos designat aut populos inbecillitatis bumanae (2, 70), as well as aut poetas. triplici enim genere deorum cen-to mortality; the second to disputes of sum distinxit: unum esse physic urny quod jurisdiction, rivalries, and conflicts. The
1,42 moral, and presumably normal, conduct of the g o d s offered little of picturesque incident to the epic poet (as normal moral behavior today is less interesting to the novelist or the journalist), hence the telling of stories—often taken from older popular legend—which could not have seemed moral even in the times when they were related, but which furnish an element of c o m i c relief; cf. C. M. Bowra in Micb. Alumn. Quart. Rev. 43 (1937), 496. The unreliability o f poetic views became proverbial; cf. Alex. Aphrod. in Metapb. 1, 2, p. 18, 4, and Asclep. in Mttapb. p. 2 1 , 16-17 Hayduck: κατά τήν παροιμίαν πολλά ψεύδονται αοιδοί, τουτέστιν ol ποιηταί. T h e poet o f the Odyssey tries t o make the g o d s behave more nobly than in the Iliad (W. Jaeger, Paideia, 2 (Engl, tr., 1943), 213), and against these unbecoming talcs the advancing morality of the philosophers revolted; cf. the view of H. J. Rose (Mod. Methods in cl. Mytbol. (1930). 17-18) that the original idea of a separate set o f moral standards for the g o d s yielded, about the end o f the Persian Wars, to the doctrine of one principle of right and w r o n g for g o d s and men alike, and that the morality o f the gods first came t o be questioned "when the private religious feelings of the best and wisest in Greece w e r e becoming strongly tinged with ethical ideals." Thus Xcnophanes, w h o in fragments 14-16 Dicls justly attacks anthropomorphism as the chief root of t r o u b l e , says (fr. 11, ap. Scxt. F.mp. Adv. Phys. \, 193): πάντα θειοϊσ' άνέθηκαν "Ομηρος 0' 'Ησίοδος τε, / οσσα παρ' άνβρώττοισιν ονείδεα καΐ ψόγος εστίν, / κλέπτειν μοιχεύειν τε καί αλλήλους άπατεύειν; cf. fr. 12 (ap. Scxt. F m p . Adv. Gram. 289; also Aristot. Poet. 1460 b 37). T h c a g c n c s o f Rhcgium, in his περί 'Ομή ρου (cf. Schol. //. 20, 67 := I orsokrat. n o . 7 2 , 2) feels it necessary to allegorize rhc divine figures in Homer, and Socra tes is represented by Plat. Euthyplyr. 6a-c, as unwilling to accept Homer's scanda l o u s stories about the g o d s ; cf. J. Tate in Cl. Quart. 11 (1933). 7 4 ; 1 5 9 ; id., in Cl. Rev. 50 (1936), 3, n. 1. Plato himself declares (Rep. 2, 377e-378d): τό μέγιστον καΐ περί των μεγίστων ψευδός ό εΙπών ου
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καλώς έψεύσατο, ώς Ουρανός TC zlpyi· σατο ά φησι δράσαι αυτόν 'Ησίοδος, ότε αύ Κρόνος ώς έτιμωρήσατο α υ τ ό ν τα δέ δή τοϋ Κρόνου ε*ργα και πάθη ύπό του υΐέος, ούδ1 άν ε Ι ήν αληθή, φμην δεΐν ^αδίως ούτω λέγεσθαι προς άφρονας τε καΐ νέους . . . ουδέ γε, ήν δ' έγώ, τό παράπαν, ώς θεοί θεοϊς πολεμοΰσί τε καΐ έπιβουλεύουσι καΐ μάχονται- ουδέ γάρ αληθή . . . πολλοϋ δει γιγαντομαχίας τε μυθολογητέον αύτοΐς και ποικιλτέον, καΐ άλλας έχθρας πολλάς καΐ παντοδαπάς θεών τε και ηρώων προς συγγενείς τε καί οικείους αυτών . . . "Ηρας δέ δεσ μούς ύπό υίέος καί Η φ α ί σ τ ο υ ρίψεις ύπό πατρός . . . καί θεομαχίας όσας "Ομηρος πεποίηκεν ού παραδεκτέον εις τήν πόλιν, ουτ* έν ύπονοίαις πεποιημένας ούτε άνευ υπονοιών, κτλ., continuing the subject to 3 , 392c; cf. '/'use. 2, 2 7 : rede igitur a Pla tone eicitmtur [sc. poetae] ex ea civitate quam fin.xit Hie; D i o (Jhrys. 53, 2 ; Μ in. Fcl. 2 3 , 2: Plato ideo praeclare Ho~ merttm ilium . . . de civitate quam in sermone instituebat eiecit, hie enim . . . deos vestros . . . in hominnm rebus et act/bus miscidt, hie eorum pari a composuit, sanciavit I 'enerem. Martens vinxity vu/neravit, fugavit, etc.; Tcrt. Ad Nat. 2, 7; Orig. C. Cels. 4, 3 6 ; 4, 50; Aug. CD. 2, 14 (and Philo, De Gigant. 59; De Fibriet. 109-110; Qtds Rer. div. Heres, 169, compares the banishing of painting and sculpture by Moses]. Pindar was unsympathetic to ward the mythological talcs of H o m e r ; cf. C. M. Bowra, op. cit., 491. For Isocrates cf. Busir. 38-40: άλλα γάρ ουδέν σοι της αληθείας έμέλησεν. αλλά ταϊς τών ποιητών βλασφημίαις έπηκολούθησας. οι δεινότερα μέν πεποιηκότας καί πεπονΟότας άποφαίνουσι τού; έκ τών αθα νάτων γεγονότας ή τους έκ τών ανθρώ πων τών άνοσιωτάτων . . . ού γάρ μόνον κλοπάς καί μοιχείας καί παρ* ανθρώπους θητείας αύτοΐς ώνείδισαν άλλα καί παί δων βρώσεις καί πατέρων έκτομάς κα'ι μητέρων δεσμούς, κτλ.; his contemporary, Zoilus, wrote the famous Homeromastix. For the view of Furipidcs cf. fr. 292, 7 Nauck: el θεοί τι δρώσιν αίσχρόν, ουκ είσιν θεοί. Epicurus opposed mythology in general; cf. D i o g . L. 10, 8 1 ; 1 0 , 104: μόνον ό μϋθος άπέστω. 10, 116; 10, 123: άσεβης δέ ούχ ό τους τών πολλών θεούς
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περί τών θείων δογμάτων λεγόμενα; άναιρών άλλ' 6 τάς των πολλών δόξας Suid. s.v. Πυθαγόρας· φασί δ* αυτόν καθεοΐς προσάπτων; 10, 143; and passages τελθόντα είς "Αώου τήν μέν 'Ησιόδου collected in H. Usener, Epicurea (1887), 171-172(nos.228-229;PhUodem. DiPitt. ψυχήν Ιδεΐν προς κίονι χαλκώ δεδεμένην καΐ τρίζουσαν, τήν δέ Όμηρου κρεμάμε pp. 5-65 Gomperz, especially p. 20 (with restorations by R. Philippson in Hermes\ νην άπό δένδρου και οφεις περί αυτήν άνθ* ων είπον περί θεών, id., s.v. Πρόκλος, 55 (1920), 338): θεολόγων <καί π>οητών, έπικδή μ>άλιστα τούτους <έγχω>μιά· says that Proclus wrote on Orphic theo logy and περί τών παρ' Όμήρω θεών. ζουσιν ol <σφόδρ"> ά<ντ>έχοντες ή<μϊ>ν Jewish and Christian writers made much [i.e., the Stoics], ώς άσεβη xal <άσύμ>φο ρά τοις άν<θρώ>ποις δογματκζόν>των; of this congenial topic; e.g., Philo, De cf. id.% περί σημειώσεων, 38, 8-17; Ρ. Η. Opif. 157; De Plantat. 35; De Decal. and Ε. Α. De Lacy, Pbilodemus On Me 55-56; Joseph. C. Ap. 2. 239-249; thods of Inference (1941), 110; on the ac Antiq. 1, 22; [Justin.] Cohort, ad Gr. 3; Tcrt. Ad Nat. 1,10; 2 , 1 ; De Test. An. 1; cord in this respect between Plato and Epicurus N. W. Dc Witt in Trans. Roy. Clem. Protr. 2, 32, 1: άκούετε δή ούν Soc. Canada, Sect. 2 (1944), 85. In Cicero τών παρ' ύμΐν θεών τους έρωτας χαΐ τάς cf. Τ use. 1,11: quid negotii est hate poetarum παραδόξους της άκρασίας μυθολογίας καΐ et pictorum portenta convincere; 1, 36: magniτραύματα αυτών καΐ δεσμά καΐ γέλωτας errores . . . quos auxerunt poetat; 1, 65: καΐ μάχας δουλείας τε Ιτι καΐ συμπόσια fingtbat baec Homerus et humana ad deos συμπλοκάς τ* αύ καΐ δάκρυα καΐ πάθη καΐ transferebat; divina maltem ad nos [cf. Aug. μαχλώσας ήδονάς; 4, 58, 3-4, 59, 2; 7, 73, 1; Strom. 5, 14, 116, 4; Arnob. 4, CD. 4, 26]. Later writers dealing with this theme include Diod. 6, 1,3: τών δε 28; 5, 1; Orig. C. Cels. 1, 16-17; 7, 54; [Clem.] Recogn. 10, 26; 10, 37-38; Homil. μυθολόγων Όμηρος καΐ 'Ησίοδος καΐ Όρ4, 15; Lact. Inst. 1, 9, 8-11; 1, 11, 17; φεύς χαΐ έτεροι τοιούτοι τερατοδεστέ1, 16, 4-6; Eus. Pr. Ev. 1, 10, 40; Filastr. ρους μύθους περί θεών πεπλάχασιν; Aetna, 29-93 (29: Μ quern capiat fallacia Hamt. 125; Theodoret, Gr. Aff. 3. 84; pa turn; 40: turpe est sine pignere carmen; Hicr. Adv. Ruf. 1, 30, p. 486 Vail.: iuxta fabulas poetarum [similarly /* //. 42: impia . . . fabu/a; 74-76: haec est mendosae vulgata licentia famae. f vatibus p. 159 Vail.; In Εχ. pp. 17; 89; 197-198; ingenium est; bine audit nobile carmen, f 599; In Dan. p. 652; In Os. pp. 53-54; plurima pars scaenae rerum est fallacia; In Amos, p. 288; In Ionam, p. 406; In 87-88: norunt bella deum norurtt abscondstaNaum, p. 549]; Aug. CD. 4, 17 [also nobis J coniugia); Sen. Dial. 6, 19, 4:7, see the index to Hoffmann's edition p. 26, 6; Plut. Pericl. 39, 3; De Is. et Os. 25, 722, s.v. poetae); Oros. 6, 17, 8; Syncs. Calvit. Encom. 9; 20; Basil, Serm. de p. 360c-f; Min. Fcl. 23, 1; Hcraclit. legend. Lib. Gentil. 3 {Pair. Gr. 31, Quaest. Horn. 1: πάντη γαρ ήσέβησε / [sc. 569a-b); loan. Chrys. Horn. 3 in Rom. 3 Όμηρος] ει μηδέν ήλληγόρησεν; Hcrmog. (Patr. Gr. 60, 414); Epiphan. Adr. περί Ιδεών, 2, 10 (Rhet. Gr. 2, 407 SpenHaerer. 1, 2, 33, 8 (Patr. Gr. 41, 569b); gel); Lucian, De Sacrif. 5; Philops. 2; Isid. Etym. 8, 11, 29; Suid. s.v. Αδάμ. Scxt. Emp. Adv. Phys. 1, 192-193; In general cf. C. L. Brownson, Reasons Pyrrbon. 1, 154; Aristid. Or. 3, 26, p. 43 Dindorf; Dio Chrys. Or. 12, 62; Thc- for Plato's Hostility to the Poets (Trans. Am. philol. Assoc. 28 (1897), 5-41); O. mist. Or. 32, p. 363b-c Hardouin; Julian, Gruppc, Gr. Myth. u. Rel. 2 (1906), Adv. Galil. 44a-b; 75a-b; 86a; 94a [de 999-1004; J. Adam, Rtlig. Teachers of fending allegorical interpretation and Greece (1908), 34; L. R. Farncll, Higher criticizing the mythology of the O.T.]; Aspects of Gr. Relig. (1912), 6; F. Solmscn Or. 4, p. 137c; Schol. //. 5, 563; 13. 521; Schol. Dan. Aen. 10, 117: pot tice mores in Trans. Am. philol. Assoc. 67 (1936). bominum ad deos refert; Olympiod. Prole- 212 (and Plato's Theology (1942), 15-35): A. C. Schlcsingcr in CI. Journ. 32 (1936), gom. p. 11, 39-12, 4 Busse: άλλα και ποιη19-26 (on the literary necessity of an ταί, μή πάσι βουλόμενοι σαφή καταστησαι thropomorphism); G. M. Calhoun in τά περί τών θείων, μύθοις άπέκρυπτον τα
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vocibus fusa ipsa suavitate nocuerunt, qui et ira inflammatos Tram. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 68 (1937), 16-22 ( w h o distinguishes b e t w e e n the g o d s o f H o m e r ' s o w n religious belief a n d the a n c i e n t g o d s of t h e m y t h o l o g y w h i c h he t o o k o v e r ; an idea further d e v e l o p e d by Calhoun in Am. Journ. of Pbilol. 60 (1939), 1-28); L. A. Post in Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 70 (1939), 169, n . 10; A . D . Noclc in Proc. Am. philos. Soc. 85 (1942), 480. It is n o t e w o r t h y that t h o u g h Philo (De Decaf. 156) links the m a k i n g o f idols a n d t h e acceptance of scandalous literary l e g e n d s , a n d M a c r o b i u s {Sat. 5, 1 3 , 23) asserts that Phidias g o t t h e c o n c e p t i o n of his statue of O l y m p i a n Z e u s f r o m / / . 1, 528-530, Cicero here passes o v e r t h e influence of artists in leading t o idolatry, a p o i n t constantly emphasized in the J e w i s h - C h r i s t i a n t r a d i t i o n ; yet cf. 1, 77 b e l o w , a n d 1. H c i n c m a n n , Poseidonios' metaphys. Scbr. 1 (1921), 149, n. 4 , rinds in P o s i d o n i u s the source of several such criticisms of artists. s u a v i t a t e : cf. Pind. New. 7, 2 3 : σο φία δέ κλέπτει παράγοισα μύθοις; A u g . CD. 6, 6: physicos dixit (sc. 1 arro] utilitatis causa scripsisse, poetas delectationis. n o c u e r u n t : since H o m e r had been largely used in all stages of e d u c a t i o n , t h e effects of his teachings u p o n i m p r e s s i o n a b l e m i n d s m i g h t be p e r i l o u s . Fur t h e r , many w h o wished t o sin a p p a r e n t l y justified their actions by divine prece d e n t s . In a d d i t i o n t o passages cited in t h e n o t e o n poetarum, a b o v e , cf. 1, 102: baec oratio . .. homines inertis effictt, si quidem agens aliquid ne deus quidem esse beatuspotest, Plat. Rep. 2 , 3 7 8 b : ουδέ λεκτέον ν έ ω άκούοντι ώς άδικων τα έ σ χ α τ α ουδέν άν Οαυμαστόν ποιοι, ούδ' αύ άδικ ο ύ ν τ α πατέρα κολάζων παντί τρύπιο, άλ λα δ ρ ώ η άν όπερ θεών οι πρώτοι τ ε καΐ μ έ γ ι σ τ ο ι ; 3 , 391c: ούθ' δσια τ α ΰ τ χ οΰτ* άληΟη . . . και μήν τοις γε άκούουσι βλα βερά · πάς γάρ έαυτώ ξ υ γ γ ν ώ μ η ν ίξει κακό) oVrt, πεισθείς ώς άρα τοιαύτα π ρ ά τ τουσί τε και έπραττον καΐ ol θεών ά γ χ ί σ π ο ρ ο ι . Ζηνός ε γ γ ύ ς ; Legg. I , 6 3 6 d : τοϋτον τον μύθον προτεΟεικέναι κατά του Λιος. ίνα επόμενοι δή τ ω Θεώ καρπ ώ ν τ α ι και ταύτην την ήδονήν; 12, 9 4 1 b :
μηδείς ούν υπό ποιητών . . . έ ξ α π α τ ώ μ ε νος άναπειθέσθω, και κ λ ε π τ ώ ν ή βιαζόμενος οίέσθω μηδέν αίσχρόν ποιεϊν αλλ' άπερ αυτοί θεοί δρώσιν; Eutbyphr. 6a; A r . Nub. 1079-1082: μοιχός γαρ ήν τ ύ χης άλούς, τ ά δ ' άντερεΐς προς αυτόν, / ώς ουδέν ήδίκηκας* εϊτ* είς τόν Δί* έπανενεγκεΐν, / κάκεΐνος ώς ή τ τ ω ν ϊ ρ ω τός έστι και γυναικών · / καίτοι σϋ θνητός ων Οεοϋ π ώ ς μείζον άν δύναιο; Eiur. Ion, 4 4 9 - 4 5 1 : ούκέτ' ανθρώπους κ α κ ώ ς / λέ γειν δίκαιον, εί τα τών θεών καλά / μιμούμεθ', άλλα τους διδάσκοντας τ ά δ ε ; Troad. 981-982; T c r . Eun. 583-591; D i o n . Hal. Ant. 2, 20, 2 ; Sen. Dial. 7, 26, 6: quibus nihil aliud actum est quam ut pudor hominibus peccandi demeretur si tales deos crediderunt \ 10, 16, 5: quid aliud est vitia nostra incendere quam auctores illis inscribere deos et dare morbo e.xemplo divinitatis excusatam licentiam; Joseph. Antiq. 1, 2 2 ; Hcraclit. Quaest. Horn. 6 9 ; J u s t i n , De Monarch. Dei, 6; 1 Apol. 2 1 ; Lucian, Menipp. 3 ; Μ in. Fel. 23, 1: has fab id as
et errores ft ab imperitis partntibus discimus et . . . ipsi studiis et disciplinis elaboramus, carminibus praecipue poetarum, qui plurimum quantum veritati ipn sua auctoritate nocue runt; 23, 7: quae omnia in hoc prodita ut vitiis hominum quaedam auctoritas pararetur; A r n o b . 5, 2 9 ; (Clem.] Recogn. 10, 2 8 ; 10, 3 5 ; Homil. 4, 1 6 ; 5, 1 6 ; 5, 2 9 ; 6, 1 8 ; Cypr. Up. 1, 8 ; Clem. Protr. 2, 3 3 , 6 ; Firm. De Hrrore, 12, 2: adulterio delectatur aliquis; lorem respicit et inde cupiditatis suae /omenta conqiiirit; 12, 4 ; Lact. Inst. 5. 10, 15-18; A u g . Ep. 9 1 , 4 - 5 ; CD. 2, 7 ; 2, 1 2 ; Achill. T a t . 1, 5, 6-7; l o a n n . Damasc. Barlaam et Ioasaph, 2 0 0 ; 244; 248. i r a i n f l a m m a t o B : cf. Τ use. 4, 5 0 : iracundia . . . inflammatum. The use of both ira and lib/dine is taken by R. Philippson (in P.-W. 19 (1938), 2 4 7 2 ; id., in Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 32, n. 1) to point t o w a r d P h i l o d e m u s , the only G r e e k p h i l o s o p h e r w h o did not consider οργή as an επιθυμία. A n g e r by itself is less often m e n t i o n e d as a d i v i n e vice than arc its manifestations in the forms a b o u t to be m e n t i o n e d . Yet cf. such cases as E u r . Baccb. 1348: οργάς πρέπει θεούς ούχ
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et libidine furentis induxerunt deos * fccemntquc ut eorum bella, proelia, pugnas, vulnera, videremus, odia praeterea, discidia, 1
in deos Ο
όμοιοϋσθαι βροτοϊς; Virg. Aen. 1, 11: tantaent am mis caelestibus irae; Eus. Pr. Ev. 15, praef. 2: τώνδέ [sc. θεών] οργάς; Hier. In Malacb. p. 946 Vail.: odisse asttem Deus άνθρωποπαθώς dicitur, ut flere, dolere, ut irasci\ also the O.T. refe rences to the anger of God (but there toward guilty men). libidine furentis: a striking case is //. 14, 294-351, and note Plato's com ment in Rep. 3, 390c; cf. Xen. Cyrop. 6 , 1 , 36; probably something in Philodem. De Pie/, (cf. R. Philippson in Hermes, 55 (1920), 232; 245-249); Cic. Tute. 4, 70: sea poetas ludere sinamus, quorum fabulis in hocflagitioversari ipsum vidimus Iovem; Dion. Hal. Ant. 1, 77, 3 ; Joseph. C. Ap. 2, 244-245; Lucian, Iup. Trag. 20: δταν μέν γάρ πάλιν των ^αψωδών άκούσωσιν, δτι καΐ έρώμεν καΐ τιτρωσκόμεθα καΐ δεσμούμεθα καΐ δουλεύομεν καΐ στασιάζομεν καΐ μυρία δσα πράγματα Ενοαεν καΐ ταϋτα μακάριοι καΐ άφθαρτοι άξιοΰντες είναι; Athcnag. Leg. pro Christ. 21 [with many Homeric illustrations]; Arnob. 4, 26; 4, 28; (Clem.] Recogn. 10, 21-23 and Homil. 5, 12-14 [both with striking lists of the amours of Zeus]; Clem. Protr. 2, 32, 2: κάλε ι μοι τόν Ποσειδώ καΐ τον χορον τών διεφθαρμένων υπ' αύτοϋ [followed by a list; cf. A. S. Pease in Hart'. Stud, in cl. Pbilol. 54 (1943), 77-82); 2, 32, 3 for a similar list of the loves of Apollo; also the cases of divine incest cited by [Clem.] Recogn. 10, 20]; Tcrt. Apol. 11 [numerous parallels in J. Ε. Β. Mayor ad loc. and also on § 21]; Thcodoret, Gr. Aff. 3, 37: ού γάρ δή μόνην τήν άδελφήν άλλα καΐ τήν μητέρα και τήν θυγατέρα γαμετάς έποιήσατο [sc. ό Ζευς], καΐ προς ταύταις άλλαις καΐ θεαΐς καΐ γυναιξί ζυνεμίγη μυρίαις; G. Μ. Calhoun in Am.Joum. of Pbilol. 60 (1939), 18. induxerunt: used of introducing a character on the stage, as in Hor. S. 1, 2, 22; the Greek is είσάγειν; cf. Eus. Pr. EvA3t 13, 43; Thcodoret, Gr. Aff.
3, 36; Schol. //. 5, 563; Philostr. Imag. proem. bella, proelia, pugnas: the indignity increases as the thought passes from the more general and organized to the more invidual and hand-to-hand type of fighting. Such divine wars arc often, of course, the result of hostile tribes or warriors each invoking the support of his protecting deity; at other times they may arise without much reference to human passions and, as Lact. Inst. 1, 3, 17-19, recognizes, as the corollary of polytheism. Among instances may be mentioned the theomachy in //. 21, 385513 (adversely criticized by Dio Chrys. Or. 11, 106), but also //. 5, 593-400 (and schol. on 5, 392); 15, 174-183; 16. 93-94; 20, 54-55; 20, 67-74; 20, 134; Hes. Tbeog. 630-735; Eoeae, 68B, 2-3. p. 198 Evelyn-White; Batracbom. 168-176; Xenophanes, fr. 1, 21-23 Dicls (ap. Athcn. 11, 462 f): οΰτι μάχας διέπειν Τιτήνων ουδέ Γιγάντων / ουδέ <τε> Κενταύρων, πλάσματα τών προτέρων, / ή στάσιας σφεδανάς, τοις ουδέν χρηστον ΙΕνεστι; Pind. 01. 9, 40-41: Ια πόλεμον μάχαν τε πασαν χωρίς αθανάτων; Plat. Rep. 2, 378b-c; Eutbypbr. 6b-c; Philodem. De Piet. p . 26; p. 28 Gompcrz: <π>ολεμή<σα>ντε<ς γο>υν πολλάκις π<ρ6ς α λ λ ή λους ; ρ. 32; Diod. 3,71,3-3,72, 8; Dion. Hal. Ant. 2, 19, 1; Virg. Aen. 8, 698-705 [and Scrv. on 699]; Philo, De Prov. 2, p. 73 Auchcr; Aetna, 87-88; Joseph. C. Ap. 2, 243; Sil. Ital. 9, 290-303; Paus. 8, 10, 9; Lucian, Iup. Trag. 20; Menspp. 3 ; Tatian, Ad Gr. 1; 8; Dio Chrys. Or. 36, 22; Arnob. 4, 33; Clem. Protr. 2, 32, 1; Lact. Inst. 1, 19, 6; Liban. Or. 11, 67; Philostr. Imag. 1, 1; Heroic, p. 162 Kayser; Thcodoret, Gr. Aff. 3, 40; Aug. C.D. 2, 25; Procl. in Tim. p. 53c (p. 172 Diehl); p. 119a (p. 390 Dichl); Nonn. 36, 3-132. Sometimes these fightings were allegorized away; e.g., Heraclit. Quaest. Horn. 52-53 (explained
1,42
285
discordias, ortus, interims, querellas,1 lamentationes, effusas in 1
querelas HOM,
quaere las
NBF
as τήν των επτά πλανήτων αστέρων έν ένΐ ζωδίω σύνοδον); 5 8 ; Schol. //. 2 0 , 6 7 : φυσικήν στοιχείων προς στοιχεία άντίταξιν, χακιών προς άρετάς; Cclsus in O r i g . C. Cels. 6, 4 2 ; the work of Cleanthes called θεομαχία (Plut. De F/uv. 5, 3) was doubtless of this sort. l·.. L·. Sikes (C/. Rev. 54 (1940), 123-124) thinks the divine wars and other human traits arc h u m o r o u s elements in Homer, not re c o g n i z e d by later writers as such. v u l n e r a : a natural corollary o f an thropomorphism and theomachy. In addition to the passages cited in the pre c e d i n g note cf. //. 5, 335-354 [the w o u n d ing o f Aphrodite by DiomedcsJ; 5, 4 1 6 - 4 1 7 ; 5, 855-863 [of Ares by D i o m e d e s and Athena]; 2 1 , 400-408 [of Ares by Athena); Philodcm. De Piet. p. 9 : τρωΟέν<τα . . . τελευ<τησαι>; ρ. 39 G o m p c r z : <τ>ρωϋέντες; ρ. 4 0 : <οΰ>κ άμελήσειν τά τραύματα Οεραπε<ΰ>σ*ς. καΐ δή και τε<ι>τρώσκονται φα<νερώ>ς αύτω καΐ τύπτ<ο>νται καΐ ταΐς σχετλι<ω>τάταις περιπείπτουσιν όδύναις· "Αρης μέν υπό της 'Αθηνάς Άφροδίτη<ι> κατά τον αύτον καιρόν, "Αρτ<εμ>ις δ* υπό της "Ηρ<ας, κ>αΙ ίκπ>ό Δ<ι>ομήδο<υς μ>έν· το<ι> καΐ 'Αφροδίτη και "Αρης (other instances) . . . πά<ντες> δ* ol κατά τήν τιτανομαχίαν κρατηθέντες ή τραύμασιν ή πληγαΐς δήλο<ν ώ>ς περιέπεσον; Hcraclit. Quaest. Horn. 30-31 [allegorizing]; 3 3 - 3 4 ; D i o Chrys. Or. 11, 18: καί δτι μέν πεποίηκεν άλγοϋντας τους θεούς καΙ στένοντας καΐ τιτρωσκομένους καΐ αποθνήσκοντας σχεδόν, £τι δέ μοιχείας και δεσμά καΐ διεγγυήσεις θεών, κτλ.; M a x . Tyr. 13, 6 ; Lucian. lup. con/. 8; lup. Trag. 2 0 ; Thcophil. Ad AutoL 1, 9 ; Tcrt. Apol. 14; Ad Nat. 1, 10; A r n o b . 3 , 2 1 : corripiuntur dii morbis et vulnerari; 4, 2 5 ; 4, 2 8 ; Firm. De Hrrore, 12, 8; C l e m . Protr. 2 , 3 6 , 1 - 3 ; Lact. Inst. 1, 1 9 , 6 ; Liban. Dec/am. 1, 1 2 1 ; Laudat. 1, 10 [allegorizing]; Schol. //. 4, 2 : τέως δέ άνθρωποπαθεΐς εΙσάγει τους θεούς, προρυθμίζων ημάς πληγάς αυτών άκούειν καΐ π ά θ η ; 6 , 1 2 9 ; 1 6 , 1 5 2 ; Schol. Od. 1 1 , 6 0 5 ;
12, 2 2 8 ; N o n n . 47, 6 7 0 ; Phot. Bib/, c o d . 190, p. 147 b 32 Bckk.; cod. 250, p. 444 b 2-5; Eustath. in //. 2 1 , 494. o d i a . . . d i s c i d i a , d i s c o r d i a s : e.g., / / . 1, 493-594; 4, 5-30; other cases col lected by G. M. Calhoun in Am. Journ. of Pbi/ol. 60 (1939), 21-24 ( w h o remarks upon "the incessant quarreling between Zeus and Hera which runs through all the Olympian scenes of the / / / W ) ; Plat. Eutbypbr. 6 b ; Philodcm. De Piet., where R. Philippson (in Symb. Os/oensest 19 (1939), 32) finds by emendation on p. 44 G o m p c r z : <έρί>ζοντας and o n p. 30 G o m p c r z : παντο<δαπαΐς> δ<έ τ>ιμωρί<αις παρ>εισήχασιν <τούς 0ε>ούς συνεχομ<ένους> οίον Αίσχύλο<ς> έν 11ρο<*μ>η0ε<ΐ φη>σιν; Val. F 1 . 1 , 529-530; Iambi. De Myst. 1, 9 : άρ' ούκ αν αΐδεσΟείη περί θεών των αίτιων αύτοΰ δόξαν ϊ χ ω ν άλλοίαν, τομάς τε έν αύτοϊς καΐ άποδίαλήψείς παρείσάγων σωματοείδεΐς τε περιγραφάς [but cf. 1, 19]. Sec Μ. Ρ. Nilsson, Gescb. d. gr. Re/. 1 (1941), 328, but also the criticism of C. Bonner (Am. Journ. Pbi/ol. 65 (1944). 263) that he "scarcely docs justice t o the factor o f courtly frivolity in the audience, or to the curious tendency of many basically religious peoples t o amuse themselves with discreditable stories about their
gods." o r t u s : divine filiation was not native to the Romans, but a m o n g the Greeks thcogonics occur from an early date; cf. 1, 4 1 , and nn. (Orphei; Musaei; Hesiodi ; Homeri). Yet cf. Aristot. Rhet. 2, 23, 1399 b 6 - 8 : o!ov Ξενοφάνης ίλεγεν 6τι ομοίως άσεβοΰσιν ol γενέσθαι φάσκοντες τους θεούς τοις άποθανείν λ έ γ ο υ σ ι ν άμφοτέρως γάρ συμβαίνει μή είναι τους θεούς ποτέ; Philodcm. De Piet. p. 5, 32c: τους γενητ<οϋς θε>ούς καΐ τικτο<μέ>νους ύπό Οεώ<ν>; ρ. 31 Gompcrz de scribes the births of Athena and D i o n y sus; p. 4 6 : καίτοι τό μέν ή γεννηθήναι τήν μορφήν 5τοπον ή τών μερών ύστερον τινι δυστυχήσαι τήν κακίαν έκφεύγειν δύναται, τό δέ <πο>νηροτάτους ε<1σά-
286
1,42
omni intcmpcrantia 1 libidines, adulteria vincula, cum humano 1
omni tempore intemperantia Ο
γ>»ν Ocouc, 6v
1,42 genere 1
concubitus
mortalisque
ex] ct TV, ex inmortalis Hl
287 ex
inmortali l
procrcatos.*
· precrctos P1, prccreatos P*
abscidens et ipse rursus afilioregno potito in vincla comictus, quod genus totum philosophi nescire malunt; Aug. CD. 4, 27; Hnnod. Carm. 101; 102; loan. Damasc. Barloam et loasaph, 49; sec also Ar. Pax, 849: cl πορνοβοσχοϋσ' ώσπερ ήμεϊς ol βροτοΐ. Cf. also Philodcm. De Piet. pp. 10-12 Gompcrz. vincula: particularly unseemly for gods, as putting physical constraint upon superhuman (and by this time consider ably spiritualized) beings. Noteworthy cases of such fettering are those of Hera (//. 15, 16-24; allegorized by Hcraclit. Quaest. Horn. 23: έν οίς ή τάξις ηλληγόρηται των τεττάρων στοιχείων; cf. 4 1 ; 43; 69; Schol. A //. 15,18; Schol. Β //. 15, 21; sec also Plat. Rep. 2, 378J; Kus. Pr. Ev. 2, 7. 7; 13, 3, 6; Thcodorct, Gr. Aff. 3, 41); Phot. Lex. p. 74 Porson: . . . παρά Πινδάρω γαρ ύπό Ηφαίστου δεσμεύεται έν τω ύτ:' αύτοϋ κατασκευασθέντι θρόνω . . . Κλήμεντος ή ιστορία· και παρ' Έπιχάρμω έν Κωμασταΐς ή Ήφαίστω (Com. Gr. Frag. 1, 1 (1899), 106 Kaibel; cf. Suid. s.v. "Ηρας); Schol. A //. 1, 591 ;W. Schercr, De Iunone Attica (1914), 51-54), of Ares taken in adultery (Od. 8, 266-366; see the preceding note; also Plat. Rep. 3, 390c; Schol. Od. 8, 267; [Lucian.j Amores, 13; Pbilops. 6; Themist. Or. 24, p. 306b Hardouin; Nonn. 39, 403-404; allegorized by Hustath. in //. 5, 387; the incident was apparently treated by Philodcm. De Piet. p. 48 Gompcrz), of Arcs bound by Otus and Kphialtes (//. 5, 385-391; cf. Text. Ad Nat. 1, 10; Apol. 14; Clem. Protr. 2, 29, 3 ; Liban. Or. 12,44 \Ep. 1220,6 Foerstcr; Phot. Bib/, cod. 250, p. 444 b 3 Bekk.), or of Cronus by Zeus (2, 63, below; cf. Plat. Rep. 2, 378a; allegorized in 2, 64, below, where sec the notes), or of Pro metheus (Acsch. Prom. I', passim; Phi lodcm. De Piet. pp. 39-41 Gompcrz), or of Dionysus (e.g., Eur. Bacch. 444; Phi lodcm. De Piet. p. 39 Gompcrz; Schol. Pind. Ol. 7, 95; Etym. Gud. and F.tym. M. s.v. Δαμοσκός), or the attempted bind
ing of Zeus himself, from which he was released by Thetis (//. 1, 398-400 (allegorized by Schol. Β on line 399]; cf. Eur. Here. 1317-1319; 1342-1343; Scxt. Emp. Adv. Gram. 290; Hcraclit. Quaest. Horn. 21; 25 [allegorizing]; Schol. Dan. Aen. 6, 287), or the imprisonment of the Titans (e.g., Hcs. Tbeog. 617-620; Philodcm. De Piet. p. 39 Gompcrz, as restored by R. Philippson in Hermes, 55 (1920), 250; Joseph. C. Ap. 2, 240). A related form of bondage noted by Philodcm. De Piet. (sec Philippson, op. cit., 250-251) is that of service by the gods to human masters, as in the case of Apollo serving Admctus (e.g., Philo dcm. De Piet. p. 34 Gomperz; Panyassis fr. 15 Kinkel, ap. Clem. Protr. 2, 35, 3; Μ in. Fel. 23, 5; Tcrt. Apol. 14), and of Posidon and Apollo serving Laomedon (//. 21, 441-445); cf. Philodcm. p. 43 Gompcrz: *ΕΓ<ό>ηνται δ' αύτ<οΐς/> ΰπηρετοΰν<τες <£λ>λοις θεοϊς καΐ <θητεύ>οντες ου μόν<ον Οε>οΐς άλλα καΐ άν<0ρώποις>; Liban. Declam. 1, 121; J. G. Frazer on Paus. 2, 7, 7; id.t Golden Bough*, 4 (1914), 78. cum humano genere: such cases in the mythology arc too numerous to recount, but the idea is already present in Homer (e.g., Od. 5, 118-129; Hymn. Horn. 5, 45-57; 5, 166-167; 5, 249-251); cf. also Hcs. Tbeog. 963-1020; Eur. Ion, 340; Androm. 1253; Catull. 64, 19-21; Philodcm. De Piet. (sec R. Philippson in Hermes, 55 (1920). 245-249 for a re construction of this section); Philo, De Vita contempl. p. 35 Conybcarc (who quotes on p. 196 the Iud. et Christ. Aliercatio, p. 19 Harnack: longe enim remota est divinitas a coitibus humanis nee miscetur complexui); Plut. Numa, 4, 3-4: ώς δέ καΐ σώματος ανθρωπίνου και ώρας εστί τις θεώ καΐ δαίμονι κοινωνία και χά ρις ϊργον ήδη και τοΰτο πεισθηναι; Quaest. conv. 8, 1, 3; Liban. Theses, 1, 4 (vol. 8, 551 Focrstcr): ού γαρ μόνον θεοί Οεαΐς ήξίωσαν μίγνυσΟχι άλλα και μέχρι γης ήλΟον τους ημιθέους σπείρον-
288
1, 43
43 Cum poetarum autem errore coniungere l licet portenta magorum 1
coniugcre N, contingere Dl
τες. Considerable lists of such mixed and Rand [on the Manichaean rejection unions are given by Apollodorus and of the idea of a begotten son of God]. other mythologists; cf. Hygin. Fab. 27043 poetarum . . . errore: yet, as 271; Athen. 13, 566d; Lucian, Deor. N. W. DeWitt {CI. Pbiloi. 31 (1936), 206) Condi. 8; Clem. Protr. 2, 33, 6; Arnob. observes, Epicureans, like other ancient 4, 27; Norm. 7, 110-128; Clem. Protr. moralists, employed quotations from the 2, 32, 4 and Theodorct, Gr. Aff. 8, 16, poets to support their own views. It is a speak of fifty maidens seduced by He striking fact that the greatest extant ex racles in a single night. On the relation position of Epicureanism should be in of the gods to mortals in Homer cf. T. poetic form. Rcibstcin, De Deis in Wade inter Homines The three non-philosophic types of apparent! bus (1911). view—those of poets, magi, and Egyp tians—here follow but in Philodcmus mortalie... ex inmortali: the reading inmortalibus (of the detertores and Da vies) preceded those of the philosophers; cf. R. Philippson in Symb. Osloenses, 19 is unnecessary, for the singular is here generic; cf. Am. 48: inter pecudem et ho- (1939), 31, who has (in Hermes, 55 minem; De Or. 1, 167: istos ... oratoris (1920), 225-278; 364-372; 56 (1921), nomine . . . dignos vix putarim. From 355-410), attempted to restore the da mythological stories like those in Hes. maged parts of the roll. Theog. 963-1020 and lists of such dis portenta: cf. 1, 18, n. (portenta et geniti as in Schol. Β //. 16, 449, to cases miraculd). Used in Rep. 3, 14 and Rulike Plato (Diog. L. 3, 2) and Alexander finus's translation of Origcn, Horn. 4 in the Great (Plut. A/ex. 2, 3-4; Dio Chrys. Exod. 6, of Egyptian and other gods Or. 4, 19; Pease on Div. 2, 135 {quern ... in animal shape. Oiympias alebat)), or like the numerous magorum: on this priestly Persian class of children of virgins by a sup caste, its etymology, development, and posedly divine parent (cf. P. Saintyves principal figure, Zoroaster, cf. especially (— E. Nourry), Les vierges meres (1908); J. Bidez and F. Cumont, Les mages he/leE. S. Hartland, Primitive Paternity (1909- nise's . .. dOpres la trad, gretque (1938); 1910); E. Fchrlc, Die kult. Keuscbbeit also Pease on Div. 1, 46 (magos)-, C. im Altert. (1910), 3-25, especially 23-25; Clemen in P.-W. 14 (1928), 508-518. J. G. Frazer on Apollod. Bib/. 1, 3, 5 Noteworthy are Apul. Apo/. 25: si, (1921); id., on Ov. Fasti, 5, 229 (1929); quod ego apud plurimos /ego, Persarum lin H. J. Rose in Harv. tbeol. Rep. 31 (1938), gua magus est qui nostra sacerdos; Diog. L 128-130), there can be collected a large 1, proem., 2; 6-7 [Lucian,] Macrob. 4 (t number of legendary instances, some due γένος μαντικόν καΐ θεοΐς άνακείμενον); to flattery, others to a tendency to deify Porphyr. De Abst. 4, 16: παρά . . . the mortals thus born or raise them to τοις Πέρσαις ol περί τό θείον σοφοί κχΐ the status of δαίμονες (cf. Plat. Apol. τούτου θεράποντες μάγοι . . . προσχγο27c-d; Rep. 3, 391d; Isocr. Evag. 72; ρεύονται; Philostr. Ep. Apol/on. 17: Arr. Epict. 2, 5, 18), so that Dio Chrys. μάγους όνομάζουσι τους θείους ol ΠέρOr. 7, 147 remarks that if many of these σαι [cf. Ερ. 16]; Hesych s.v.. μάγον τον children of dubious parentage had not απατεώνα, φαρμακευτήν, τον θεοσεβή κχΐ perished nothing would save the world θεολόγον καΐ Ιερέα ol Πέρσαι ούτως λέfrom being overrun by demigodsl On this γουσιν; Suid s.v. μάγοι· παρά Πέρσαις topic see also [Lucian,] De Astro/. 20; ol φιλόσοφοι καΐ φιλόθεοι, ών ήρχε ΖωροTheon, Progymnasm. 6 (Rbet. Gr. 2, 105 άστρης. Cicero mentions the magi in Spengel); Commodian, Instr. 1, 6, 11; Div. 1, 46-47 (1, 46: magos ... quod genus Boeth. De Fide catbol. pp. 54-56 Stewart sapientium et dottorum babebatur in Perns);
1, 43
289
Aegyptiorumque in eodem genere dementiam, turn etiam vulgi 1, 90-91 (1, 9 0 : in Per sis augurantur et divinant magi\ Fin. 5, 87: Pythagoras et Aegyptum lustravit et Persarum magos adiit ; fuse. 1, 108; Legg. 2, 26: magos Persarum, quibus auctoribus Xerses inflammasse temp/a Gratciae dicitur, quod parietibus incfuderent deos qidbus omnia deberent esse patentia ac libera, quorumque bic mundus omnis templum esset et domus [cf. Rep. 3 , 18J. Bide ζ a n d C u m o n t , op. cit., 1, 22, think that C i c e r o ' s s t a t e m e n t s a b o u t the magi arc largely d e r i v e d from P o s i d o n i u s . R. P h i l i p p s o n (Symb. Os/oensest 19 (1939), 32) o b s e r v e s that P h i l o d c m u s has a lacuna at this p o i n t , b u t t h i n k s that m u c h of its c o n t e n t is t o be f o u n d in Clem. Protr. 5, 6 5 , 3-4. O f their t h e o l o g y S t r a b . 15, 3 , 13 says: τ ι μ ώ σ ι δέ και ήλιον, 6ν καλοϋσι Μίθρην, καΐ σελήνην καΐ Ά φ ρ ο δ ι τ η ν και πΰρ και γην και άνεμους καΐ 5δωρ [i.e., the e l e m e n t s j ; cf. Sidon. Carm. 2, 8 3 - 8 4 : iuratur ab Mis \ ignis et unda d*us;C<)T nut. N.D. 17: τοϋ δέ πολλάς καΐ π ο ι κ ί λ α ς περί θεών γεγονέναι παρά τοις π χ λ α ι ο ϊ ς " Ε λ λ η σ ι μυθοποιΐας. ώς ί λ λ α ι μέν παρά μ ά γ ο ι ς γεγόνασιν, ί λ λ α ι δέ παρά ΦρυξΙ καΐ ήδη παρ" ΑΙγυτττίοις, κ τ λ . ; T h c o d o ret, Hist. eccl. 5, 38 (Patr. Gr. 82, 1272c): μάγους δέ καλοϋσιν ol Πέρσαι τους τα σ τ ο ι χ ε ί α Οεοποιοΰντας. A e g y p t i o r u m : the feature of E g y p t i a n religion here censured is d o u b t l e s s its t h c r i o l a t r y , also m e n t i o n e d in 1, 8 1 8 2 ; 1, 1 0 1 ; 3 , 3 9 ; 3 , 4 7 ; Tusc. 5 , 7 8 : Aegyptiorum morem quis ignorat? quorum inbutae mentes pravitatis erroribus quamvis carnificinam prius subierint quam ibim aut aspidem out faelem aut canem aut erocodilum violent\ quorum etiam ή inprudtntes quip pi am fecerint poenam nullam reatsent; Rep. 3 , 14: in ilia . .. gente Aegyptiorum .. . bwem qutndam putari deum, quern Apim Aegyptii nominant, midtaque alia portenia apud eosdem et cuiusqut generis beluas numero consecratas deorum. With our passage cf. I s o c r . Busir. 2 6 ; P h i l o d e m . De Piet. 44 ( p . 16, 19 G o m p c r z ) : <ΑΙγύ>πτιοι Sk καΐ π<άντας?> α π λ ώ ς τους θε<οί>ς όπ>όσους <σέ>βοντ<αι>. T h e sacred animals n a m e d by C i c e r o arc the ibis ( 1 , 82—sec n o t e o n ibim; 1 , 1 0 1 ; 3 , 4 7 ; Tusc. 5, 78), the cat ( 1 , 8 2 —
sec n o t e o n faelem; 1, 1 0 1 ; 3 , 4 7 ; Tusc. 5, 78), the i c h n e u m o n ( 1 , 101—and n o t e o n ichneumonum), the crocodile ( 1 , 82—see n o t e o n erocodilum; 1, 1 0 1 ; 3 , 4 7 ; Tusc. 5, 78), the bull Apis ( 1 , 82—see n o t e o n Apim; 3 , 4 7 ; Rep. 3 , 1 4 ; Tusc. 5, 78), horses, h a w k s , snakes, fishes, d o g s , and w o l v e s ( 3 , 47, a n d n o t e s ) , a n d in 3 , 39 he says: οmne fere genus bestiarum Aegyptii consecraverunt. Many o t h e r s are listed from other sources, E g y p t i a n a n d clas sical, by G . Parthey, edition of Plut. De Is. et Os. (1850), 260-268 (with 57 a n i m a l s ) ; A. W i e d e m a n n in Museon, n.s. 6 (1905), 113-128; id., in Arcbiv.f. Religionsn: 14 ( 1 9 1 1 ) , 6 4 0 - 6 4 1 ; F. Z i m m c r m a n n , Die agypt. Relig. nach d. Darstellung d. Kirchenscbriftsteller, etc. (1912), 91-123; 129-133 (with 30 animals and m u c h evidence from E g y p t i a n s o u r c e s ) ; G . Roeder in Archivf. Religionsw. 15 (1912), 74-75; N . Reich in Wiener Zeitschr. f. Kunde d. Morgenland, 29 (1915), 394-398; T. Hopfncr, Der Tierkult d. alien Agypter (in Dtnkscbr. Akad. Witn. 57, 2 (1915), with 36 k i n d s ; id., in A - I F . 14 (1928), 315-316 ( w h o t h i n k s that many cases cited by p a g a n and Christian a u t h o r s as part of the E g y p t i a n cult b e l o n g rather t o later magical rites); S. Eitrcm in P.-W. 6A (1936), 867-868 ( w h o be lieves that t o the animals e n u m e r a t e d by Hopfncr o t h e r s can surely be a d d e d . M a n y of these were n o t generally w o r s h i p p e d but were associated with parti cular n o m e s o r t o w n s ; cf. Hicr. Adv. Iovin. 2 , 7 : singula» paene in Aegypto dpi fates singulas bestias et monstra venerantur, et quodcumque coluerint hoc inviolabile et sacrum putant; In Is. 13, p . 544 Vail.; also the passages cited by Z i m m c r m a n n , op. cit., 9 0 - 9 1 ; H o p f n c r , Tierkult, 8 (to which add D i o d . 1, 90, 2 ; Mela, 1, 5 8 ; P o r p h y r . De Abst. 4, 9 ; E u s . Pr. Et: 3 , 4, 8), w h o o n p p . 8-9 lists the individual animals associated w i t h each of 42 n o m e s . Plut. De Is. et Os. 72 speaks of the feuds between those w o r s h i p p i m g different animals. T h e origin of E g y p t i a n theriolatry been disputed from antiquity t o present day. H o p f n c r , Tierkult, 6-8, cites various t h e o r i e s : g r a t i t u d e
has the re for *9
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8, 7), and when Egyptian cults were benefits received, fear of injury, deifica later introduced, Varro indignatur Ale tion of symbols, astrology, and fetichism. The original Egyptian religion xandrines deos Roma* coii (Schol. Dan. Aen. 6. 698); cf. L. R. Taylor in CI. knew nothing of it, though it appeared Pbilol. 29 (1934), 225, on the popularity very early, greatly increased, and was eventually recognized by the official of Egyptian cults at Rome at this time. religion (A. Erman, Handbook of Egyp But at best animal-worship appeared to intelligent Greeks and Romans as exotic tian Relig. (Engl. tr. 1907), 23-24), and at worst as repulsive. For various reaching its culmination about 700 B.C. (Hopfner, Tierku/t, 25), yet continuing comments upon it cf. Hdt. 2, 65: Αίγυπ τος . . . ού μόλα θηριώδης εστί· τά δέ as a popular belief as long as the Egyp έόντα σψι δπαντα Ιρά νενύμισται; 2, 66tian religion lasted (A. Wiedemann in Li Musion, N.S. 6 (1905), 115). Following 76; 3, 29 (cf. Polyaen. Strat. 7, 9; Suid. Strab. 17,1.22, Wiedemann {op. at., 117; s.v. πκρώνισεν ); Plat. Gorg. 482b; Manethoi fr. 8, p. 34 Waddcll; fr. 54, cf. Hopfner, Tierkult, 12) distinguishes p. 132; Apollod. Bib/. 1,6,3 (and Frazcr's two classes of sacred animals: (1) the n.);Diod. 1,12.9; 1. 86, 1 — 1, 90. 2; lepol, such as cats, dogs, and crocodiles, Timoclcs ap. Philodcm. De Piet. pp. which were protected, fed, and at their death mummified and buried (cf. Hopf 87-88 Gompcrz [at p. 16 Philodcmus ner, Tierku/t, 20-22), and the Ocol, speaks of Egyptian laments for the which were themselves considered gods deaths of their gods]; Strab. 17, 1, 22; Virg. Aen. 8, 698 [at Actium]: omnige(such as Apis at Memphis, Mncvis at Hcliopolis, and Bucchis at Hcrmonthis), numque deum monstra et latrator Anubis and were honored by temples, priests, [cf. Scrv. Aen. 8, 678; Dio Cass. 50, 24, and definite cults. As in Greece, certain 6]; Ον. Λί. 5, 327-331; Mela, 1, 58; Plut. Quaest. conv. 4, 5, 2; 7, 4, 3; De of these animals had divinatory powers (cf. G. Lafaye, Hist, du culte des divinitis Is. et Os. 44, p. 368 f; 71, p. 379e-f; Lucan, 10, 158-159; Plin. N.H. 2, 16; d'Alexandrie (1884), 105; Hopfner, Tier 30, 99; Tac. Hist. 5, 5; Juv. 15, 1-8: qws ku/t, 17). In Greece theriomorphic traces also nescit, Volun Bithynice, qua/ia demens [note Cicero's term dementia] f Aegyptos portenta occur; for the Mycenaean age cf. A. B. Cook in fourn. of Helien. Stud. 14 (1894), [cf. portenta in our passage] colat? crocodiIon adorat f pars baec, ilia pavet saturam ser81-169, dealing with the ass, lion, bull, stag, horse, goat, and pig; for later pentibus ibin. / effigies sacri nitet aurea cerperiods sec Lafaye, op. at., 106; L. R. copitbeci, / . . . / . . . / illic aeluros, bic Farncll, Greece and Babylon (1911), 79: piseemfluminis,illic / oppida tota canem vt"from the Homeric period onward the nerantur, nemo Dianam [and Mayor's n.]; Stat. SiJv. 3, 2, 113-116; Dio Chrys. Or. higher Hellenic spirit shows itself averse 12, 59; Artcmid. Onirocr. 1, 8; Diog. L. to the theriomorphic fashion of religion; 1, prol. 10-11; Lucian, lup. Trag. 42; yet this never disappeared wholly from De Sacrif 14; Dear. Cone. 10; [Lucian,] the lower circles" and from backward De Astrol. 7; Max. Tyr. 2, 10; Ptolem. districts, like Arcadia {id., 80); A. B. Tetrab. 3, 8; Porphyr. De Abst. 2, 26; Cook, Zeus, 3, 1 (1940), 794; O. Skutsch 3, 16; 4, 6; id., ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 3, 12, and H. J. Rose in CI. Quart. 36 (1942), 19); but cf. also A. D. Nock in Cl.PbiloI. 6: δτι δέ ουδέ τά ζώα θεούς ηγούνται, «Ιχόνας δέ έποιοϋντο χαΐ σύμβολα ταϋτα 38 (1943), 53, n. 14. For a collection of θεών, δηλοΐ τό πολλαχοΰ βοϋς . . . βουinstances sec M. W. de Visscr, De Graecorum Diis non referentibus Speciem huma- θυτεϊν; Iambi. De Myst. 5, 24; Philostr. nam (1900); id.. Die nichtmenscbengesta/- Vit. Apollon. 6, 19. tigen Gutter d. Griecben (1903), 13-16; Against such worship Jewish and 157-209. At Rome, where the original Christian writers protest, from Exod. 8, religion was aniconic, Numa was reputed 26, and the incident of the golden calf to have forbidden cither anthropomor {Exod. 32, 1-20, and various later Bibli phic or theriomorphic cults (Plut. Numa, cal reminiscences; 1, 82, n. {Apim),
1, 43
291
opiniones, quae in maxima inconstantia * veritatis ignoratione % versantur.3 instantia F, c o n s t a n t i a / Z ' O
* ignorantiae DNlO
b e l o w ) and the brazen serpent (Numbers, 2 1 , 6-9, with w h i c h , h o w e v e r , cf. 2 Kings, 18, 4 ; Filastr. Haeres. 21) o n w a r d , e . g . . Wisdom, 1 1 , 1 5 ; 12, 2 4 ; 1 5 , 1 8 ; S t r a b . 16, 2, 35 [says Moses left u g y p t in p r o t e s t against t h c r i o l a t r y j ; P h i l o , De Poster. Caini, 2 ; 158; 165; De 17/. Mosis, 2 3 ; De Decat. 76-80; De rpecial. Leg. 2, 146; De X'ita contempt, p. 37 C o n y b e a r c ; J o s e p h . C. Ap. 1, 2 2 4 - 2 2 5 ; 2 , 6 6 ; 2, 139; Romans, 1, 23 (cf. A u g . Serm. 197, 1; H . J. Rose in Gnomon, 14 (1938), 525J; Aristeas, Ep. 1 3 8 ; J u s t . M a r t . / Apol. 2 4 ; A t h e n a g . Leg. pro Christ. 1; 14; T h e o p h i l . Ad Auto/. 1, 10; A r i s t i d . Apol. 12 (ap. l o a n . D a m a s c . Barlaam et loasaph, 2 5 0 ) ; Min. Fcl. 2 8 , 8 ; T c r t . Apol. 2 4 ; Ad Nat. 2, 3 ; 2, 8 ; ( C l e m . ] Recogn. 5, 2 0 ; Homil. 6 , 2 3 ; 1 0 , 1 6 ; Cypr. De Idol. Van. 4 ; A r n o b . 3 , 15: Aegyptiorum videtis aenigmata quod mutorum animantium formas divinis inseruerint cousts . . . vos effigies fjominum tamquom deorum itneramini pote states; C l e m . Protr. 2, 3 9 , 5 [ w h o in sections 6-8 a t t a c k s instances o f G r e e k t h c r i o l a t r y ] ; Paedag. 3 , 2, 4 ; O r i g . C. Cets. 1, 2 0 ; 1, 5 2 ; 3 , 1 7 ; 3 , 1 9 ; 4, 9 0 ; 4, 9 3 ; 8, 5 3 ; Horn, in E.xod. 4, 6 ; F u s . Pr. Et: 2, 6, 2 0 ; 3 , 5, 2 - 4 ; 8, 9, 10; Lact. Inst. 1, 2 0 , 3 6 ; 2 , 5, 3 6 ; 3 , 20, 1 6 ; 5 ; 20, 1 2 ; Fipit. 5 0 ; Filastr. Haeres. 11-13; 2 1 ; I ' p i p h a n . Ancor. 1 0 5 ; Athanas. C. Gent. 2 3 ; Hier. In Is. 13, p . 544 Vail.; l o a n . C h r y s . Horn. 3 in Rom. 3 (Patr. Gr. 60, 414); A u g . C. D.2,22; P r u d . Perist. 1 0 , 2 5 6 - 2 5 8 ; G r e g . N a z . Or. 34, 5 ; 39, 6 ; Carm. hist. 1 1 , 8 3 9 - 8 4 0 ; N o n n u s A b b a s , Collectio {Patr. Gr. 36, 1072d); Syncs. Calrit. Encom. 1 0 ; T h c o d o r c t , Gr. Ajf. 3 , 2 2 ; 3, 8 5 ; Quaest. in Lev. 1 (Patr. Gr. 80, 3 0 0 b ) ; Suid. s.v. Α δ ά μ ; Z i m m c r m a n n , op. at. 87-91. L e o of Pella w r o t e a w o r k περί τ ω ν κατ* ΑΙγυπτον θεών (fragments in F.I/.G. 2. 331-332), and Philistus of N'aucratis (according t o Suid. s.v.) three b o o k s περί τ η ; ΑΙγυπτίων θεολογίας.
■ ucrsatur
A1
F o r the m o d e r n literature cf. H o p f n e r , Fierku/t, 184-186; A. W i e d e m a n n (Arch, f. Religionsw. 32 (1935), 174-177; t o which add L·. Briem in Α Ρ Α Γ Μ Α (1939), 157-169 (against the view of M. P. Nilsson (Prim. Relig.* (1934), 43) that E g y p t i a n thcriolatry had a t o t e m i c basis). i n e o d e m g e n e r e : cf. 3 , 4 7 ; Fin. 2, 6 3 : cupidus foluptatum et eius generis intetlegens\ 5, 6 8 ; Off. 1, 116. d e m e n t i a m : cf. J u v . 15, 1-2: demens / Aegyptos. v u l g i o p i n i o n e s : cf. the c o n t e m p t u o u s rejoinder of Cotta t o the Stoics in 3, 11: placet igitur fan fat res opinione stultorum iudicari. . . ? Also Div. 2, 8 1 : quasi vero quicquam sit tarn valde quam nihil sapere vulgare, ant quasi tibi ipsi in iudicando placeat multitudol Against mere ac ceptance of p o p u l a r belief for its o w n sake cf. Plat. Crito, 4 4 € : τ ί ή μ ϊ ν , ώ μα κάριε Κ ρ ί τ ω ν , οΰτω της τών πολλών δό ξης μέλει; ot γάρ επιεικέστατοι ών μάλ λον άξιον φροντίζειν, ήγήσονται; loaches, 184e: ε π ι σ τ ή μ η γαρ, οίμαι, δεΐ κρίνεσΟαι άλλ' ού π λ ή θ η : Aristot. Eth. End. 13, 1214 b 34-1215 a 2 : ομοίως δέ ταύταις ουδέ τάς τών π ο λ λ ώ ν εική γάρ λέγουσι σχεδόν περί απάντων; F.picur. Ad Alenoec. a p . D i o g . L. 10, 1 2 3 : άσεβης δέ ούχ ό τους τ ώ ν πολλών θεούς άναιρών, άλλ' ό τάς τών πολλών δόξας Οεοϊς προσά π τ ω ν ; Cleanthcs a p . Clem. Strom. 5, 3 , 17, 6 (Λ. I \F. 1, n o . 559): μή προς δόξαν δρα, έΟέλων σοφός αΐψα γενέσθαι, / μηδέ φοβού πολλών άκριτον καΐ άναιδέα δό ξαν. / ού γάρ πλήθος £χει συνετήν κρί σιν, ούτε δικαίων / ούτε καλών, ολίγοις δέ π α ρ ' άνδράσι τούτο κεν εύροις; Lucr. 6, 5 8 - 7 1 ; Cic. Fuse. 3 , 3 : cum vero eodem [i.e., t o the teachings o f the poets] quasi masimns quidam magister populus arcessit atque omnia undique ad vitia consentiens multitudo, turn plane inficimur opinionum pravitate. T h e inconsistency of here scornfully rejecting the o p i n i o n s of the
292
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Ea qui * consideret quam inconsulte ac temere dicantui vcnerari2 Epicurum et 3 in eorum ipsorum numero de quibus hacc 1
qui] quia Bl
* uulncrarc/VO
» et] ut NO
multitude and yet in 1, 44 appealing to Simpson in Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 72 the agreement inter omnis turn pbilosopbos (1941), 378. Epicurus had himself said solum sed etiam indoctos is perhaps inten (Diog. L. 10, 135): ταΰτα ούν . . . με tionally put into the mouth of the λέτα προς σεαυτόν . . . ζήσεις δέ ώς θεός έν άνθρώποις. ούθέν γαρ Εοικε ΟνηEpicurean speaker. τώ ζφω ζών άνθρωπος έν άθανάτοις άγαea qui consideret: cf. 2, 12: bate ... θοΐς, and had provided for the annual qui videat; 2, 44: quae qui videat. inconsulte ac temere: cf. Sen. De observation of his birthday by his school after his death {Fin. 2, 101; Diog. L. 10, Ben. 1, 1, 1: temere inconsulteque. venerari Epicurum: cf. caelesti Epicu- 18; cf. Plin. N.H. 35, 5; F. Deneken in ri . . . volumine, below; Τ use. 1, 48: soleo Roscher, Ausf. Lex. 1 (1890), 2534; H. saepe mirari nonnullorum insolentiam pbilo- Usencr in Wien. Stud. 10 (1888), 185; F. Sbordonc, cd. of Philod. Adv. Sopb. sopborum qui naturae cognitionem admirantur eiusque inventori et principi gratias exultantes(1947), 155; F. Peters, T. Lucr. et M. Cic. agtmt eumque veneran/ur ut deum; liberaiosquo moAo Vocab. Gr. Epic. Discipl. propria enim se per eum dicunt gravisnmii dominis, Latint verterint (1926), 15, on Ισόθεος ttrrore sempitemo et diurno ac noctumo and similar expressions. metu; Fin. 2, 20: quasi or acuta edidisse Laudation of philosophers, particu sapienttae dicitur (and Reid's n.]; 2, 101; larly of the founders of schools, some In Pison. 59: ut noster divinus ille dixit times takes the shape of an informal Epicurus', Lucr. 1, 733: ut vix bumana canonization (cf. Plat. Sopb. 216c; Diog. videatur stirpe creatus [sc. Epicurus]; 3, 14- L. 4, 22; 10, 135; Clem. Strom. 4, 26, 15: ratio tua . . . / . . . divina mente coorta\ 171, 4; Hicr. In lonam, p. 419 Vail.; 3, 1042-1044: ipse Epicurus obit decurso Syrian us in Metapb. 2, 4, p. 42, 27 Kroll; lumint vitae, / qui genus humanum ingenioLiban. Or. 15, 34; Eustrat. in Etb. Nic. 1, superavit et omnis / restincxit, Stellas exortus 12, p. 106, 18-19 Hcylbut; R. Hirzcl, ut aetberius sol; 5, 8-9: deus ille fuit, deus, Untersmh. z. Cic. pbil. Scbr. 2 (1882), 294; inclyte Memmi, / qui princeps vitae rationem C. Bailey, Phases in the Rel. of one. Rome invenit (cf. C. Bailey in Proc. CI. Assoc. 19 (1932), 139). Noteworthy is the case of (1922), 20-21: Epicurus both σωτήρ and Plato; cf. 2, 32: Platomm quasi quendam παράδειγμα); 5, 49—51: baec igitur qui deum pbilosopborum [where see the note cuncta subegerit ex animoqm / expulerit dictis,on deum]; cf. also the cases of Pytha non armis, nonnt decebit / bunc bominem nu goras (1, 10, n. {ipse dixit); Syrian us mero divom dignarier esse; 6, 7-8: cuius et in Metapb. 12, 1, p. 81, 31 Kroll; Porextinct/ propter divina re perta / divolgata phyr. Vit. Pytb. 20), Socrates (Synanus vetus iam ad caelum gloria fertur; Plut. in Metapb. 2, 4, p. 143, 3 Kroll), EmpcAdv. Colot. 17, p. 1117a: καΐ σεβάσεις docles (Lucr. 1, 733), Hippocrates (Ga έπιθειάσεις; p. 1117b: τα 'Επικούρου len, III, 22 K.; V, 393; Olympiod. in ώς αληθώς θεόφαντα Αργία. Κολώτης δ* Meteor. 1, 9, p. 81, 19 Stuve), Aristotle αυτός άκροώμενος Επικούρου φυσιολο(Prod, in Tim. p. 90d (p. 295 Dichl); γουντος άφνω τοις γόνασιν αύτοϋ προσProl. ΤI in prim. Euclid. Lib. p. 76 Fricdέπεσε, κτλ.; Lucian, Alex. 61:'Επικου lein, et al.; Thcmist. Or. 18, p. 225a; ρώ . . . άνδρΐ ώς αληθώς Ιερώ καΐ θεσ- 20, p. 234d; Simplic. Coroll. de Loco, πεσίω την φύσιν καΐ μόνω μχτ' αληθείας p. 611, 8 Dick; Michael Ephes. in τα καλά έγνωκότι καΐ παραδεδωκότι καΐ Etb. Nic. 5, 1, p. 1. 16 Hayduck; 10. 1, ελευθερωτή τών όμιλησάντων αύτώ γενοp. 529, 4; Syrianus in Metapb. 2, 1, μένω; L. Edelstein in Trans. Am. pbilol. p. 6, 6-7; 13, 6, p. 192, 16 Kroll; et al.), Assoc. 71 (1940), 79, n. 5; 85-86; A. D. Pyrrho (Timon ap. Diog. L. 9, 65:
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quaestio est habere * debeat. Solus enim vidit primum esse deos, 1
haberi NO&F
μοϋνος έν άνθρώποισι θεοΰ τρόπον η γ ε μονεύων), Erasistratus (Galen, De nat. Fat. 2 , 4 (11, 90 Κ . ) : θαυμάζουσιν μέν γ α ρ [sc. ol ' Ερασιστράτειοι] αυτόν ώ ς θεόν καΐ π ά ν τ ' άληθεύειν νομίζουσιν), H e r a c l i t u s and D i o g e n e s (Epict. Encbir. 1 5 ; Simplic. in Epictet. p p . 53-54 D i i b n c r : διό, φησίν, ol ύπεριδόντες τού τ ω ν , ' Η ρ ά κ λ ε ι τ ο ς τε καΐ Διογένης, άξίως θείοι τε ήσαν καΐ έλέγοντο), A r c h i m e d e s ( A m m o n . in Caieg. 7, p . 75, 13 Bussc), P l o t i n u s ( A m m o n . in P o r p h y r . /sag. p . 12, 25-26 B u s s e ; Procl. in Tim. p . 245 D i c h l ; Simplic. in Caieg. 4, p . 7 3 , 27 Kalbflcisch; Syrianus in Mttapb. 12, 4, p . 114, 8 K r o l l ) , I a m b i i c h u s (regularly called θείος by Procl. in Tim., passim; cf. Liban. Or. 52. 2 1 ; 54, 4 7 ; Ep. 574, 2 ; 1466, 4 ; Syrianus in Mtapb. 2, 4, p . 3 8 , 3 8 K r o l l ; A m m o n . in De Interpr. 9, p . 135, 14 B u s s e ; Simplic. Coroli. de Loco, p . 6 3 9 . 2 3 D i e l s ; 642, 1 8 ; Coroli. de Temp. p . 786, 1 1 : 795, 3 ; a l . ; O l y m p i o d . Proltg. in Caieg. p . 19, 36-37 Busse), P r o c l u s (Marin. Vita Procli, 12, p . 2 9 ; A m m o n . in De Interpr. 1, p . 1, 8 B u s s c ; O l y m p i o d . in Meteor. 3 , 6, p . 2 6 6 , 37 Stiive), and perhaps A m m o n i u s (cf. P h o t . Bib/, c o d . 2 5 1 , p . 461 a 32 B c k k c r ) ; cf. also H . Pinard dc la Boullayc, Vet. romp, desrelig. 1» (1929), 2 7 ; and parti c u l a r l y L. Bielcr, Θ Ε Ι Ο Σ A N H P (19351938), w i t h m a n y references. Real o r figurative deification of p h i l o s o p h e r s was m o t i v a t e d by the benefits which they h a d conferred o n their f o l l o w e r s ; cf. Fin. 1, 7 1 ; Tusc. 1, 4 8 ; Arrian, E p i c t c t . 1, 4 , 3 0 - 3 2 ; Julian, Ep. ad T/jemist. 2 6 5 b : el γ ά ρ ορθώς έχει τ6 λεγόμενον. Οτι π έ φυκεν έκαστον ύπό τ ω ν οίκείων γ ν ω ρίζεσΟαι, την θείαν ούσίαν 6 γνωρίσας θ ε ϊ ό ς τις άν είκότως νομίζοιτο; Ε . Big n o n e , Storia della lett. lat. 2 (1945), 177, n . 1, w h o o b s e r v e s that E p i c u r u s had p r o v i d e d not merely for τό ζην b u t for τ ό εύ ζ ή ν ; id., 1 (1942), 5, n. 2 ; A . D . N o c k in Journ. Hell. Stud. 48 (1928), 3 1 , w h o well r e m a r k s : " S u c h an i n d i v i d u a l m i g h t be called a g o d , c i t h e r u n r e s e r v e d l y o r w i t h reference t o yourself, a god to you,** and in n . 51 he cites illustra
t i o n s ; H . J. Rose (Harv. tbeol. Rev. 31 (1938), 128) notes that a θείος άνήρ, while living, w o u l d be expected t o s h o w s o m e s u p e r h u m a n characteristics. Cicero was himself destined t o be called eloquentiae deus and divinissimus, as by G. H a r v e y , Ciceronian/a, p p . 50, 3 4 - 3 5 ; 84, 2-3 Wilson a n d F o r b e s . i n e o r u m i p e o r u m n u m e r o : with this s o m e w h a t whimsical conceit, in which the subject u n d e r discussion sud denly appears in a different a n d quite u n expected c o n n e c t i o n , cf. 1, 1 0 5 : per ipsos deos de quibus loquimur; 2, 147: animum ipsum mentemque bominis consilium prudentiam qui non divina cura perjecta esse perspicit, is his ipsis rebus mibi videtur carere; Div. 2, 8: ego ipse divinarem qui esse divinationem nego; 2 Verr. 4, 105: per deos immor talis, eos ipsos de quorum religione iam diu dicimus'. Plat. Apol. 2 6 b - c : προς αυτών τοίνυν . . . τούτων τ ώ ν θεών, ών νυν ό λόγος εστίν; Pbaedo, 7 3 b : «ύτδ δέ τοΰτο . . . δέομαι μαθεΐν περί ου ό λόγος, άναμνησθηναι; 9 2 c : ούτος ούν σοι ό λόγος έκείνω π ώ ς ξυνάσεται; . . . πρέπει γε είπερ τ ω &λλω λ ό γ ω ξυνωδώ είναι καί τ ω περί αρμονίας; Gorg. 505c: αυτός τοΰτο π ά σ χ ω ν περί ου ό λόγος εσ τί, κολαζόμενος; Manil. 2, 1 1 5 : quis caelum posset nisi caeli munere nosse; Plut. De Fac. in Orb. Lm. 22, p. 9 3 5 d : ω προς αύτης, ϊ φ η , της σελήνης (i.e., a b o u t which we are s p e a k i n g ] ; Clem. Protr. 6, 6 8 , 1: ώ προς αύτοΰ (of w h o m w e are s p e a k i n g ; cf. Oxyrb. Pap. 2 (1899), n o . 215, col. 2, 12); Iambi. De Myst. 3 , 1 8 : ουδέ λόγον περί θεών άνευ θεών λαλεΐν δυνατόν A u g . CD. 7, 3 : an ut iilic esse non posset, nihil aliud etiam ipsa Foriuna nisi adverse m putanda est habuisse for· tunam? Also Antb. Pal. 1 1 , 175, 1-2, w h e r e E u t y c h i d c s stole the g o d himself by w h o m he was a b o u t t o swear. H. KrafTert {Beitr. Z. Krit. u. Erkl. lat. Autortn, 1 (1883), 123) and J. S. Rcid (on Fin. 2, 1) propose in deorum ipsorum numero (as in 1, 36), b u t this seems un necessary. With the phrase cf. Post Red. in Sen. 3 0 : deorum numero colere. d e b e a t : for the subjunctive cf. 1, 1, n.
294
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quod * in omnium animis corum notionem * inpressisset3 ipsa natura. Quae est enim gens aut quod genus 4 hominum quod non 1 quo B* genus Ο
* notione Dt noticionemAf1
* tnpressisses A
* quod genus]
{debtat). A. Ernout and L. Robin, in deos. The doctrine of Epicurus on this their edition of Lucretius, 1 (1925), xvii, subject is given in his letter to Menoeccus call attention to the constant use by (ap. Diog. L. 10, 123-124): θεοί μέν γαρ Lucretius in his argument of debto and είσιν. εναργής δέ έστιν αυτών ή γνώσις· necesst est. The present exposition of the οίους δ* αυτούς πολλοί νομίζουσιν Epicurean theology has several instances ούκ είσίν- ου γαρ φυλάττουσιν αυτούς of these words. οΓους νοοϋστν . . . ού γαρ προλήψεις είσίν, άλλ* υπολήψεις ψευδείς αϊ των πολλών solus, etc.: the account of Epicurean views here starting ( = H. Uscner, Epi- υπέρ θ*ών αποφάσεις. curea (1887), 232-237) extends through notionem: cf. 1, 30, n. (deorum notione); 1, 56—about 4 1/2 Tcubncr pages—, at 1, 37, n. (animi notione). These seem to be the end of which Vclleius apologizes for what axe called in 1, 44 insitas ... vtt speaking at such length (vereor ne longtor potius innatas cognitiones; cf. Top. 31: fuerini). This exposition should be con notionem appello quod Grata turn fvvouxv trasted not only with the length of the turn πρόληψιν. ea est insita et animo praeAcademic refutation of it (1, 57-124; cepta cwusque cognitio enodationis indigens. about 26 Tcubncr pages) but also with the quae . . . gens aut quod genus: on setting forth of Stoic beliefs (2, 4-168; the subject of consensus (κοινή έννοια) cf. nearly 68 Tcubncr pages). Part of the Pease on Dip. 1, 1 (consensu). Stated in its disproportion may be due to the dif most general form by Aristot. Etb. Nic. fering scales of Cicero's sources for the 10, 2, 1172 b 36-1173 a 1, it is: δ γαρ πάσι two parts, but part may probably also δοκεϊ τοϋτ' είναι φαμεν. It may be used be explained by his own rating of the in support of various beliefs, such as importance of the views presented; cf. those in immortality, in fate (cf. Alex. H. Usencr, Ε pi curea (1887), lxvi, who Aphrod. De Fato, 2; 19), in divination thinks that Cicero may have relied on (Dip. 1, 2; 1, 11), or in pleasure as the excerpts or on a summary of the Epicu goal of life, and the appeal may be made rean views made for his use. The rela to the convictions of all mankind, tutored tions of this section are not with Philo- and untutored alike (1, 44), or may be demus's περί εύσεβεΐχς but rather with limited to the agreement of philosophers his rapt θεών or an epitome of it; cf. R. (1, 13; 3, 79; Off. 2, 35; Galen, In Hipp, Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1153dt Alirn. 3, 13 (XV, 303 K.)), among 1154. the latter cases being irs use by the Epi primum esse deos: corresponding to curean Vclleius in 1, 43-46 and by the Stoic Balbus in 2, 5; 2, 12. It encounters the first point in Cotta's answer in 1, 61: quaeritur primum .. . sintne dti necnt tint. opposition from Cotta at 1, 62; 3, 8; 3, The position of esse before deos is empha 11; 3, 17. For its appearance elsewhere in Cicero cf. Tusc. 1, 30: nulla gens tarn tic. The second point, not, as usually, introduced by deinde, follows in 1, 44-45: /era, nemo omnium tarn sit inmanis cuius cons/are illud etiam . . . ut deos beatos et mentem non imbuerit deorum opinio . .. omm autem in re consensio omnium gentium lex inmortales putemus. in . . . animis . . . inpressisset: cf. naturae putanda est; 1, 35; Legg. 1, 24: De Or. 3, 115: cum quaeritur quid in com- in hominibus nulla gens est neque tarn mansue· muni mente quasi impressum n't; also, for ta neque tarn /era quae nont etiam ή ignortt the thought, 2, 12, below: omnibus enim qualem habere deum deceat, tamen habendum innatum est et in animo quasi insculptum essesciat. Among the many other ancient
1, 43
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habeat sine doctrina anticipationem quandam deorum, quam apauthors w h o employ constnsus as a theistic argument may be mentioned: Plat. Legg. 10, 886a: δτι πάντες "Ελληνες τε καΐ βάρβαροι νομίζουσιν είναι θεούς; X c n . Sjmp. 4, 4 7 ; Aristot. De Caelo, 1. 3, 2 7 0 b 5-6: πάντες γαρ άνθρωποι περί θεών έχουσιν ύπόληψιν; Etb. Hud. 1, 6, 1216 b 28-30 [and W. Jaeger, AristotU ( E n g l . tr. 1934), 47-48 on Aristotle and constnsus]; Lucr. 5, 1161-1168 [explaining the omnipresent p h e n o m e n o n o f belief in g o d s ] ; Sen. Ep. 117, 6: dtos esse inter alia boc colligimtu quod omnibus insita de dis opinio est nee ulla gens usquam est adeo extra leges moresque proiecta ut non aliquos dtos credat; Plut. Adv. Colot. 3 1 , p. 1125 d-c; Quintil. Inst. 5, 10, 12; Plin. N.H. 2 , 8: consensu gentium moveor\ 2 , 2 2 ; ' T h e o n , Progjmnasm. 12 (Rbet. Cr. 2, 126 Spcngcl): δτι πάντες άνθρωποι Έ λ λ η ν ε ς τε καΐ βάρβαροι έννοιαν περί των θεών Ιχουσιν ως προνοοΰσιν ημών; D i o Chrys. Or. 12, 2 7 : περί δή θεών της τε καθόλου φύσεως καΐ μάλιστα τοΰ πάντων ηγεμόνας πρώτον μέν καΐ έν πρώτοις δόξα καΐ έπί· νοια κοινή τοϋ ξύμπαντος ανθρωπίνου γένους, ομοίως μέν 'Ελλήνων, Ομοίως δέ βαρβάρων, αναγκαία καΐ έμφυτος έν παντί τω λογικώ γινομένη κατά φύσιν, άνευ θνητού διδασκάλου [ — sine doctrina); 1 2 , 3 9 : της γαρ περί τό Θείον δόςης και ύπολήψεως πρώτην μέν άτεχνώς πηγήν έλέγομεν τήν έμφυτον άπασιν άνθρώποις έπίνοιαν; Artcmid. Onirocr. 1, 8: ουδέν γάρ έθνος ανθρώπων άθεον ώσπερ ουδέ άβασίλευτον, άλλοι δέ άλλους τιμώσι θεούς; Apul. De Mundo, 2 4 : vetus opinio est atqtu cogitationes omnium hominum penitus instdit deum esse originis auctorem; Acl. [■'.//. 2, 3 1 ; Scxt. Emp. Adv. Phys. 1, 3 3 : κοινήν γάρ πάλιν πρόληψιν ί χ ουσι πάντες άνθρωποι περί θεοϋ, καθ* ήν μακάριόν τί έστι ζωον και άφΟαρτον καΐ τέλειον έν ευδαιμονία καΐ παντός κακοΰ άνεπίδεκτον; 1, 50-51: καΐ είναι μέν (sc. τον θεόν) ol πλείους τών δογματικών καΐ ή κοινή τοΰ βίου πρόληψις; ; 1, 60-61 (whore πρόληψις is used for this under standing); Max. Tyr. 11, 5 Hobcin ; Min. Fcl. 18, 11: omnium de isto habeo comensum; Alex. Aphrod. De Fato, 2: τό μέν ούν
είναί τι τήν είμαρμένην . . . ή τών ανθρώ πων συνίστησιν πρόληψις; Arnob. 3, 4 2 ; Julian, Adv. Galil. 52b-c; Clem. Strom. 5, 14, 133, 9 : παν μέν έθνος έφων, πάν δέ έσπερίων άπτόμενον ή<όνων> βόρειόν τε και τα προς τω νότω πάντα μίαν έχει καΐ τήν αυτήν πρόληψιν περί τοΰ καταστησαμένου τήν ήγεμονίαν; Lact. Inst. 1, 2, 4-5 [cf. 2, 8, 48-49); Bocth. Quomodo Subst. p. 44 S t c w a n and Rand: primi boni praesentiam . . . ex omnium doctorum indoctorumque sententia barbararumque gen tium religionibus cognosci potest; Marin. Vita Prodi, 2 2 ; cf. also the use of the same principle by Vincent. Lcrin. Commonit. 2 in his famous definition of ortho doxy as that quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditum est. O n consensus as a doctrine important in Stoicism cf. W. Capcllc in Neuejabrb. 15 (1905), 556, n. 3. For answers to the argument cf. 1, 62-64, especially 1, 62, n. (gentes sic inmanitate efferatas). O n the alliterative pair, gens and genus, \\. Wolfflin, Ausgew. Schr. (1933), 262, compares Accius, 580 Ribbcck. s i n e d o c t r i n a : i.e., closely in confor mity with nature rather than corrupted by tradition; cf. tin. 3, 1 1 : qui sine ulla doctrina naturam ipsam secuti; 5, 4 3 ; 5, 59: nalura . . . ingenuit . . . sine doctrina notitias parvas rerum maximarum; Τ use. 1, 4 8 : e quo inteilegi potest quam acuti natura sint, qttoniam haec sine doctrina credituri jut runt; 2, 13. For the Smic view cf. Act. Plac. 4, 11, 3 : αϊ μέν φυσικώς γίνονται . . . καΐ άνεπιτεχνήτως, al δέ ήδη δι* ημετέρας διδασκαλίας και επιμελείας* αύται μέν ούν έννοιαι καλούνται μόνον, έκεΐναι δέ καΐ προλήψεις; D i o Chrys. Or. 12, 27: άνευ θνητού διδασκάλου; Clem. Strom. 5, 14, 133, 7: έμφύτως καΐ άδιδάκτως a n t i c i p a t i o n e m : the first occurrence in I^atin of this noun, for the coining of which quondam apologizes; cf. M. A. Stewart in Lat. Philol. (1910), 127. It is here used to translate the philosophic term πρόληψις (as in 1, 44) and elsewhere for the rhetorical figure of proltpsis; cf. [Iul. Rufin.] Rbet. Lex. 1. p. 48 Halm; Carm.de Fig. 124, p. 68 Halm = Anth.
296
1,43
pellat prolempsin 1
in G
l
1
Epicurus, id est, antcceptam * animo rci
p r o l e m p s i n BF, ptoicmsin A NO Μ t p r o b l e p s i n DH*, ■ epicuris Λ/ 1 * ante c o e p t a m D
Lat.% n o . 485, 124 Riese. H e r e it ex presses the idea w h i c h in 2, 45 is r e n d e r e d by praesennonem notionemque; cf. also Chalcid. in Tim. 2 4 5 : ab ineunte aetate communis omnium anticipatio. Elsewhere πρόληψις is identified w i t h έννοια a n d t h e Latin notio o r notiiia: Ac. 2, 30 [where see Reid's n . ] ; Top. 3 1 : not tone m apptllo quod Grata turn έννοιαν turn πρόληψιν; ea est insita et praecepta cuiusque rti cognitio enodationis indigent. p r o l e m p e i n : cf. 1, 44. O u r m o s t im p o r t a n t definition is p r o b a b l y in Clem. Strom. 2, 4, 16, 3 : ό ' Ε π ί κ ο υ ρ ο ς . . . πρό ληψιν είναι διανοίας τήν πίστιν ύπολαμβάνεΐ' πρόληψιν δέ άποδίδωσιν έπιβολήν έπί τι εναργές καΐ επί τήν έναργη του π ρ ά γ μ α τ ο ς έ π ί ν ο ι α ν μ η δύνασθαι δέ μ η δένα μήτε ζητησαι μήτε άπορήσαι μηδέ μήν δοξάσαι άλλ* ουδέ έλέγξαι χ ω ρ ί ς προ λ ή ψ ε ω ς ; cf. S c i t . E m p . Αώ, Gram. 1,57; ούτε ζητεϊν ούτε άπορεΐν Ιστι κ α τ ά τόν σοφόν Έ π Ι κ ο υ ρ ο ν Sveu προλήψεως; Adv. Etb. 2 1 ; T h e o d o r c t , Gr. Aff. 1, 9 0 : ό δέ γ ε ' Ε π ί κ ο υ ρ ο ς πρόληψιν διανοίας αυτήν [sc. πίστιν] έκάλεσε- τήν δέ πρό ληψιν, προσλαβοϋσαν τήν γνώσιν, κατάληψιν γίνεσθαι. Different is the account in D i o g . L. 10, 3 3 [copied by Suid. s.v. πρόληψις]: τήν δέ πρόληψιν λέγουσιν οίονεΐ κατάληψιν ή δόζαν όρθήν ή ί ν νοιαν ή καθολικήν νόησιν έναποκειμένην, τουτέστι μνήμην τοΰ πολλάκις έ ξ ω θεν φανέντος, οίον τό Τοιούτον έστιν Ανθρωπος · 4 μ α γ ά ρ τ ω £ηθηναι άνθρωπος ευθύς κατά πρόληψιν καΐ ό τύπος αύτοΰ νοείται προηγουμένων τ ω ν αίσθήσεων. παντί ούν ονόματι τό π ρ ώ τ ω ς ύ π ο τ ε τ α γ μένον εναργές έ σ τ ι · καΐ ουκ άν έ ζ η τ ή σαμεν τό ζητούμενον, ε( μή πρότερον έγνώκειεν αυτό· οίον Τ ό πόρρω έστώς Ιππος εστίν ή βοΰς· δει γ ά ρ κατά π ρ ό ληψιν έγνωκέναι ποτέ ί π π ο υ καΐ βοός μ ο ρ φ ή ν ούδ* Sv ώνομάσαμέν τι μή π ρ ό τερον αύτοΰ κατά πρόληψιν τόν τύπον μαθόντες. εναργείς ούν είσιν αϊ προ λήψεις. T h e difficulties in u n d e r s t a n d i n g Epicurus'β πρόληψις arise from t h e at
problebein HXP,
proplcbs
t e m p t t o reconcile these w o r d s o f D i o genes w i t h the o t h e r e v i d e n c e , since he bases πρόληψις o n reminiscence, whereas its e t y m o l o g y a n d Cicero's u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f it p o i n t in t h e o p p o s i t e d i r e c t i o n ; cf. the phrases sine doctrina anticipationem; antcceptam animo ret quondam informationem; (1, 44) insitas eorum vel potius innatas cognittones; sive anticipationem . . . nve praenotionem deorum. See also other p h r a s e s used by Cicero for πρόληψις a n d collected by F . Peters, T. Lucr. et M. Cic. quo modo Vocab. Gr. Epic. Discipl. propria Latin* verlerint (1926), 1 9 ; M. O . Liscu, L* expression des idees pbilos. cbe% Cic. (1937), 4 1 - 4 2 ; 6 2 ; 114. It s e e m s likely, t h e n , as has been p o i n t e d o u t b y N . W. DcWitt {Trans. Royal Soc. of Canada, 3 Ser., Sect. 2, v o l . 36 (1942), 4 1 ) . that C i c e r o correctly " u n d e r s t o o d t h e w o r d t o d e n o t e an innate c o n c e p t a n t e d a t i n g sense e x p e r i e n c e s , " as a n " a n t i thesis o f recollection as posited in P l a t o ' s d o c t r i n e of άνάμνησις." A m o n g n u m e - . r o u s a n d diverse m o d e r n t r e a t m e n t s o f πρόληψις may be m e n t i o n e d : R. H i r z c l Untersucb. z· Cicero's pbilos. Scbr. 1 (1877), 117-126 ( w h o t h i n k s that E p i c u r u s m a y have g o t his s u g g e s t i o n from D c m o c r i t u s ) ; J. S. Rcid o n Ac. 2, 30 a n d Fin. 2 „ 6 ; E . V . A r n o l d , Rom. Stoicism (1911), 136, n . 5 7 ; W . W i n d c l b a n d - A . B o n h o f f e r . Gescb. d. ant. Pbilos* (1912), 290 (with r e s u m e of several v i e w s ) ; R. P h i l i p p s o n in Hermes, 51 (1916), 5 7 6 ; A . E r n o u t a n d L. R o b i n , edition of Lucretius, 2 ( 1 9 2 6 ) , 2 2 8 - 2 3 0 ; C. Bailey, Proc. Class. Assoc. 1 9 (1922), 1 6 : " T h i s experience of m e n is i m m e d i a t e and c a n n o t be n e g l e c t e d ; it is e v i d e n c e of t h e c o m i n g o f an i m a g e , and the image is evidence o f an o r i g i n a l from w h i c h it is d e r i v e d . T h e r e m u s t b e g o d s because m e n ' s m i n d s are u n i v e r s a l l y conscious of t h e m ; " id.. The Gr. Atomists and Epic. (1928), 245-247 (and w o r k s cited a t 246, n. 2 ) ; 4 1 8 - 4 2 1 ; 4 4 0 ; 5 5 7 5 5 8 ; 5 6 8 ; M. O . Liscu, Et. sur la langm de la pbilos. mor.cbexCic. (1930). 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 ;
1, 43
297
quandam informationem,1 sine qua nee intellegi quicquam nee quaeri nee disputari2 potest? Quoius 3 rationis vim atque utilitatem ex illo caelesti * Epicuri de regula ct iudicio volumine acce1 infirmationcm Ml DHOB*FM, q u o d ius Ν
· dispucati] qucri caclestia BF
Λ/
* quoius
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4
120. E p i c . a p . D i o g . I.. 10, 1 2 3 , says: π ρ ώ τ ο ν μέν τδν θεδν ζώον άφθαρτον καΐ μακάριο ν νομίζων, ώ ς ή κοινή τοϋ Οεοΰ νόησις υ π ε γ ρ ά φ η ; a n d PhilcxJcm. De Pitt. p . 96 G u m p c r z r e m a r k s : διό και μόνο<ι> μεγίστη ν εύσέβειαν έ ζ η λ ω κ έ ναι φασί <καΙ> δοξάζει ν όσι<ώ>τατα περί Θεών xac
and Epiactus says (Arr. Epici. 1, 22, t - 2 ) : προλήψεις κοιναί πάσιν άνθρώποις ε ί σ ί ν καΐ πρόληψις προλήψει ού μ ά χ ε τ α ι (as we m i g h t hold a b o u t axioms] . . . π ό τ ' ούν ή μ ά χ η γ ί ν ε τ α ι ; (2) π€ρί την έφαρμογην τ ώ ν προλήψεων ταϊς ε π ί μέρους ούοίαις. F o r the spelling of the w o r d t h e evi d e n c e of the mss seems in 1, 44 t o p o i n t decidedly t o w a r d πρόληψιν while in this passage it is m o r e strongly inclined t o πρόλημψιν. Plasbcrg and Ax a c c o r d i n g l y read πρόλημψιν here and πρόληψιν in 1, 4 4 — a n inconsistency which, since it i n v o l v e s p r o n u n c i a t i o n as well as spel l i n g , seems difficult b u t n o t impossible in t h e case ol a rare w o r d o c c u r r i n g at s o s h o r t an interval. W . S c h u l / c . Ortljografica (1894), iii-xxvi (on the spelling o f t h i s a n d related w o r d s ) favors prolempsis. So Cicero, Ac. 2, 145, uses κατάλημψιν. i n f o r m a t i o n e m : cf. 1, 4 5 : nature informationem ipsorum deorum dedit; a " s h a p i n g " of the g o d s in o u r m i n d s . s i n e q u a : cf. D i o g . L. 10, 3 8 : ανάγκη γ α ρ τό πρώτον έννόημα καθ* Ικαστον φθόγγον βλίπεσθαι καΐ μηθέν α π ο δ ε ί
ξεως προσδεΐσϋαι, είπερ έξομεν τό ζ η τούμενον ή άπορούμενον καΐ δοξαζόμενον έφ' δ άνάξομεν; O l y m p i o d . in Pbaed. ρ 156, 11-12 N o r v i n : ol δέ Ή π ι κ ο ύ ρ ε ι ο ι τ ά ς προλήψεις ας . . . εί δέ άδιαθρώτους. π ώ ς άλλο τι παρά τάς προλήψεις έ π ι ζ η τοΰμεν; also several passages cited in above. the n o t e o n prolempsint n c c i n t e l l e g i q u i c q u a m , e t c . : cf. Ac. 2, 2 1 : nobis notitiae rerun imprimuntur, sine quibus nee intellegi quicquam nee quaeri disputarive potest. q u o i u s : originally quo-f-us (as in the epitaph of Scipio Barbatus, C.I.L. I, 30 = Dessau 1; like the genitives of alius t illet after, etc.), later s h o r t e n e d , t h r o u g h *quo/-us, t o cuius; cf. R. K u h n c r - F . HolzMUMSsig, Ausf. Gram. d. fat. Spr. 1" (1912), 5 8 7 ; 608. In o u r passage I have retained the form favored by the ms evidence. In C.I.L. I*, 2, n o . 592, col. xxii, 5 1 , we find it used in an inscription of 49 B.C., hence nearly c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s with o u r passage. caelesti . . . v o l u m i n e : cf. n. o n venerari Epicurum, a b o v e ; also Fin. 1, 6 3 : servata ilia, quae quasi delapsa de caelo est ad cognitionem omnium\ regula; Plut. Adv. Colot. 19, p . 1118a: τους διοττετεϊς άνεγνώκει Κανόνας. F o r o t h e r instances of the conceit of a b o o k as h a v i n g fallen from heaven cf. Da vies ad he. d e r e g u l a et i u d i c i o : cf. Sen. lip. 89, 1 1 : locum quern de iudicio et regula ap pellant (sc. Epicurei). In G r e e k the w o r k is called περί κριτηρίου ή Κανών ( D i o g . I.. 10, 27). T h e allusions t o this w o r k are collected bv H. Uscncr, Epicurea (1887), 104-106; cf. Hirzel, op. cit., 1, 162, n. 1; for o t h e r passages from Iipicurus dealing with related matters cf. p p . 177-190. N o t e especially D i o g . L. 10, 3 1 : έν τοίνυν τ ώ Κανόνι λέγων εστίν ό ' Κ π ί κ ο υ ρος κριτήρια της αληθείας εΐναι τάς αίσΟέσεις και προλήψει; καΐ τα πάθη. O n
298
1, 44
pimus. 17 44 Quod igitur fundamenturn huius quaestionis est, id praeclare iactum videtis. Cum enim non instituto aliquo aut more aut lege sit opinio constituta maneatque ad unum omnium firma consensu), intellegi necesse est esse l deos, quoniam insitas eorum vel potius innatas cognitiones habemus; de quo autem 1
ewe om.O
the term κανών cf. H. Oppel in Pbilol. probarei nisi insitum illud in animis habereSupplbd. 30,4 (1937); hid. Etym. 6,16,1, mus; 4. 26: opinationem ... inboerentem et equates it with rtguL·. The Stoics also pent tus inntarn; Tim. 45: convexnontm . . . innatam et insitam; Legg. 1, 18: lex est ratio used the expression ncpl κανόνων καΐ summa insita in natura; Top. 31: ea [sc. κριτηρίων (Diog. L. 7, 41-42). 44 fundamentum . . . iactum: cf. 3, notio) est insita et praecepta cutusque ret 5: fundamenta iecisst ; Ac. 2, 37: iacta sunt cognitio enodatioms indigens; 69: ut antefundamenta; Pro Mur. 14; Pro Cael. 5; ponantur . .. innata atque insita adsumptis Pbii. 1, 1; Fam. 1, 9, 12; Sen. Dial. 6, et adventiciis; 2 Verr. 4, 106: insulam Siciliam to/am esse Cereri et Libera* consecra2, 3 [according to the emendation of Reid on Ac. 2, 37J; Firm. Matb. 5, praef. tam . . . ipsis Siculis ita persuasum est ut in animis eorum insitum atque innatum esse 1; and often in Jerome. non instituto: cf. Τ use. 1, 30: omnes videatur; Pro Sull. 83: hoc natura est in tamen esse vim et naturam divinam arbitran-situm ut quern timueris . . . bunc semper oderis; Pro Sest. 99: propter insitum quentur, nee vero id conlocutio bominum aut consettui effect/, non institutis opinio est con- dam arts mi furore m; Pro Client. 4: tvt/lam fir mata, non leg/bus; omni autem in re con ex animis bominum tantam opinionem, tarn sensio omnium gentium lex naturae putandapenitus insitam; Har. Resp. 55: odium . . . est; Philodem. De Piet. p. 128 Gomperz: insitum penitus et inustum animis bominum 'Επίκουρος φανή<σεται (?)>, καΐ τετηρη- amplisnmorum; Auct. ad Hcrenn. 3, 28: κώς <άπαν>τα (?) καΐ τοις φί<λοις τ>ηρεϊν naturalij est ea [sc. memoria] quae nostris παρεγ<γυηκ>ώς, ου μόνον <διά τ>ούς νό animis insita est et simul cum cogitation* nata; A rnob. 1, 33: quisquamne est bominum μους άλλα δια φυσεικάς <αίτίας>. maneatque . . . firma consensio: cf. qui non cum istius principis notion* diem prima* nativitatis introvertt? cut non sit Min. Fcl. 8, 1: maneat tamenfirmacon sensio [about the existence of gods); ingenitum, non adfixum, immo ipsius paen* Amm. Marc. 20, 4, 14: consensione firmis- in genitalibus matris non impressum, non insitum, esse regem ac dominum cunctorum; sima. ad unum: cf. Am. 86: de amicitia om Oros. Adv. Pag. prol. 3, describing the instincts {natura insitum) of dogs, and nes ad unum idem sentiunt. necesse est esse: cf. 1, 50: necesse their ingenitam quondam oboedientia* formulam. est . . . esse; 2, 35: necesse est esse. Three types of cognitio may logically insitas . . . vel potius innatas: for similar expressions cf. 1, 100: in ant mo be distinguished: (1) congenital (σύμφυ insitam informationem quondam d'i; 2, 12: τος), as in the Platonic teaching, with omnibus enim innatum est et in animo quadits doctrine of άνάμνησις, but obviously insculptum esse deos; 2, 34: a principio in- inappropriate in Epicureanism; G. F. nascitur ratio recta; Fin. 1, 31: aiunt banc Schocmann, Opusc. acad. 4 (1871), 345, quasi natura/em a/que insitam in animis n. 21, followed by Mayor, ad toe., would nostris inesse notionem ut alterum esse class here 2, 34: a principio innascitur, though Reid (on Fin. 1, 31) doubts this; appetendum alterum aspernandum sentiamus; 4, 4: insitam quondam vel potius innatam (2) implanted by nature, sine doctrina, ut atpiditatem scientiae; Τ use. 3, 63: quae nemosome time subsequent to birth (Ιμφυτος);
1, 44
299
omnium natura consentit, id l verum esse necesse est; esse igitur deos confitendum est. Quod quoniam fere a constat inter omnis non philosophos solum sed 3 etiam indoctos, fatemur4 constare illud etiam, hanc nos habere sive anticipationem,6 ut ante dixi, sive praenotionem * deorum (sunt enim rebus no vis nova ponenda 1 id add. Β » rieri ACP patione Η · pracnotionc / /
» sed om. Ν
and (3) inculcated by teaching (insita; perhaps cf. έμφυτεύειν). To which of these three classes docs innatas (which Cicero seems to consider a more appro priate phrase than insitas) here apply? Certainly not to the third. Most scholars have denied its application to the first; e.g., Schocmann, I.e.; R. Hirzcl, Untersuch. z- Cicero*t pbilos. Schr. 3 (1883), 525-532; A. Gocdcckcmcycr, Gesch. d. gr. Skepti^ismus (1905), 148, n. 5; H. von Arnim, in Allg. Ges. d. Phiios. (1909), 206; J. S. Rcid on Fin. 1, 31 (1925); C. Bailey, The Greek Atomists and Epicurus (1928), 557; R. Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1181: "nicmand wird daruntcr (i.e., in the innatas cognitiones) angeborenc Idccn verstchen." Γ.. Zcllcr, on the other hand, had tried to connect them with innate ideas (Die Phiios. d. Gr. 3 a 5 (1921), 76), and N. Vi. DcWitt (Trans. Roy. Soc. of Canada, 3 Scr., Sect. 2, vol. 36 (1942), 41) defends the notion of "an innate concept antedating sense experiences," and explains the reference in Top. 31 as meaning "a potential and not an actual concept in the beginning." That innatas here applies to class 2 seems the safest view, recognizing the marginal possibilities left by Rcid on Ac. 2, 30 (1885), when he says: "if the προλήψεις are conceptions which all men must form at an early age, it is but slightly incorrcc» to speak of them as 'natura insitae* or *ingenitae\ as Cic. docs in so many pas sages." The term was used by the Epi cureans and borrowed from them by the Stoics (Diog. L. 7, 54; E. Grummach in Problemata, 6 (1932), 72-76, on its use in the Stoa, but not even there as referring to congenital ideas), and Dc Witt (op. cit., 41) finds here an example
* fatcamur B*FM
* antici-
of the syncretism of Epicurean and Stoic teaching, in this case Epicurus, according to the testimony of Cicero, having the priority. cognitiones: cf. 1, 32, n. (cognitionem deorum). omnium natura: cf. 1, 23, n. (natura); 1, 36, and n. (natura/em legem divinam); 1. 87: in deorum natura [keeping the reading of AB\ — in diis; Fin. 5, 33; also natura animanlum (-^ animantes] in Lucr. 1, 194; 1, 1038; and similar cases cited by Merrill on Lucr. 3, 43. confitendum est: cf. 1, 44, n. (con fitendum est). fere: perhaps modifying constat ("is pretty well agreed") or else to be taken with omnis, though the order of words makes that somewhat harsher. philosophos . . . indoctos: cf. 1, 5, n. (indocti ... doeti); Τ use. 2, 43: inter omnis hoc constat, nee docto s Ijomines solum sed etiam indoctos', Max. Tyr. 11, 5: ό <σοφός γ.χ\ ό> άσοφος. The contrast here is much like that between "educa ted" and "uneducated." fatemur: "we Epicureans admit," though B, followed by various editors, including Plasbcrg in his editio maior% reads fatcamur, "let us disputants admit." Cotta's reply in 1, 62 (satis magnum argu ment twi esse disisti cur esse deos confiteremtir) points toward the latter meaning. praenotionem: cf. 1, 37, n. (an/mi not/one). novis nova: for the polyptoton cf. 2 \ 'err. 5, 178: lege nova nori iudices; and other cases cited by P. Parzingcr, Beitr. Z- Kenntn. d. Entwuki. d. cic. Stils (1910), 44-48. With the thought cf. 1, 8, n. (dici posse); Fin. 3, 3: imponendaque nova rebus novis nomini; 3, 5; 3, 15; Ac. 1, 41
300
1,45
nomina,1 ut Epicurus ipse prolempsin * appellavit, quam J antea nemo eo * verbo nominarat). 45 Hanc igitur habemus ut deos beatos et inmortales δ putemus. Quae enim nobis natura informationem ipsorum deorum dedit, eadem insculpsit in mentibus ut eos aeternos et beatos haberemus. Quod si ita est, vere exposita ilia sententia est ab Epicuro, quod beatum aeternumque sit id 1 nomina om. O, pomina Dl * pro*plebsin (b add.) B, proplebsin {alt. ρ del.) F.prolcmbsin M, problepsin DH%, problcbsin AGHlP, prolemsin O, prolensim Ν • quem BFM * nemo co) eo add. A, nemeo Mx · inmontales Bl
(sec note on antea nemo, below); with χαράττων ταϊς ψυχαϊς τά νοήματα [and ponenda for the more frequent imponenda, parallels in Conybcare's n.]. ilia sententia: ilia, because the state Tusc. 3, 10. ment was perhaps the most often quoted appellavit: cf. Ac. 1, 25: ut pbilosoof all the words of Epicurus, being the phiam aut rhetoricam aut pbymam aut dialectam appellem; and parallels in Reid's first of his χύριαιδοζαι —cf. 1, 85, below note on appeilem in the sense of "employ —,as found in Diog. L. 10, 139: το μακάριον xal άφθαρτον οΰτε αυτό πράγ the word"; Tbes. Ling. Lat. 2 (1900), ματα έχει ού-rc &λλω παρέχει, ώστε οΰτε 274, 51. antea nemo: cf. Ac. 1, 42: cum eo όργαΐς ούτε χαρισι συνέχεται· έν α verbo antea nemo tali in re usus esstt, plu- σθενεί γαρ πάν το τοιούτον [some forty rimisqw id<m novis verbis—nova enim other quotations of or allusions to this sentence are collected by H. Usenet, diabat— usus est. Epicurea (1887), 394; to which add: nominarat: cf. the syncopated form nominarunt in Off. 1, 108. 1. 68; Fin. 2, 88; [Galen,) Hist. Phil. 5 45 hanc igitur: the complicated (Doxogr. Gr* 609 = XIX, 241 K.); sentence is resolved by anacoluthon. Diog. L. 10, 76; 10, 123; Sext. Emp. Mayor points out the resumptive use Pyrrhon. 3, 4; Adv. Phys. 1, 33; 1, 44; of igitur after a parenthesis, and compares Gnomol. I at. Epic. 1 (see P. von der Fin. 2, 74: quid enim mereri velis . . . quid Miihll, Epic. Epist. (1922), 60); Lact. merearis igitur. For similar instances of Inst. 3, 12, 15; Sallustius, De Diss, 9; Theodorct, Gr. Aff. 6, 6; also Diels's anacoluthon, especially frequent after a long parenthesis, cf. 2,95; 2,133; 3,77; restoration of Philodem. De Diis, 1, col. and other Ciceronian cases noted by R. 2, 9-17, beginning <ώστε> φήσ<αι τ>όν Kuhner-C. Stcgmann, Ausf. Gram. d. θεόν ζωον <άΐδιον και 5φθαρ>τον καΙ lat. Spr. 2, 2» (1914), 587. As Mayor συμπεπλτρρώσθαι εύ>&αιμ<ονΙα>; Jo notes, banc here has the force of talem\ seph. Ant. 10, 278; Fustath. in //. 24, cf. 1, 55: ilia fatalis necessitas . . . ut. 526]. For similar ideas of the combination of divine happiness and immortality beatos et inmortales: varied below (without especial reference to Epicurean by the expressions aeternos et beatos; beatum aeternumque; aeterna . .. et beats s- beliefs) cf. Ar. Apes, 702: πάντων τε sima\ beata inmortalique; beata . . . sem- θεών μχκάρων γένος 4φθιτον; [Plat.] piterna (1, 47); beata .. . et aeterna (1, 49). Defim't. 411a: θεός ζωον άθάνατον, αΰταρχες προς εΰ&αιμονίαν; Tcr. Andr. informationem: cf. 1, 43. insculpsit: cf. 2, 12: in animo quasi 959-960; Antipater ap. Plut. De Stoic. insculptum esse deos; Ac. 2, 2: in animo res Repugn. 38, p. 1051 f.: θεόν τοίνυν insculptas babtbat; Apul. De Plat. 2, 20: νοοΰμεν ζωον μαχάριον καΐ 4 φθαρτό ν in animo eius sculptum sit quod; Philo, De καΐ εύ ποιητικών ανθρώπων; Dion. Hal. Ant. 1, 77, 3; Juncus, DeSenect. ap. Stob. Vita contempl. p. 117 Conybeare: έγ-
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nee habere ipsum negotii quicquam nee exhibere * alteri, itaque 1
ne exhibere Η
vol. 5, 1108 Hense; Act. Plac. 1, 7, 7 [cf. Plat. Legg. 8, 829a; Μ. Aurcl. (Doxogr. Gr* 300); Plut. De comm. 2, 5]. The expression (Jtabere . . . ex Notit. 31, p. 1075a-b [Chrysippus and hibere) corresponds to the language Cleanthcs considered Zeus as the only of Epicurus (κύριαι δόξαι, 1: έχει . . . imperishable god, into whom all others παρέχει). are resolved]; Lucian, lup. Frag. 20 With the thought cf. 1, 51; 1, 56; 1, 85; [satirically]; Scrv. Am. 6, 134; 6, 324; 1, 102; 1, 121-123; 3, 79, and n. (nam si Suid. s.v. Οεόν; F. Peters, T. Utcr. et M. curent); Div. 2, 40: illius enim deus nihil Cic. quo modo Vocah. Cr. Epic. Discipl. habens nee sui nee aliens negoti [and Pease's propria La tine verterint (1926), 16. Re n.); Legg. 1, 21; Off. 2, 36: contemnuntur it ferences to divine happiness, without qui "nee sibi nee alteri," ut didtur; 3, 102: allusion to the eternity of the gods are qui deum nihil Imbere ipsum negoti dicunt, nihil often found in Epicurean writings (cf. exhibere alteri; Philodem. De Piet. pp. H. Uscncr, Epicurea (1887), 241-244; C. 86; 112Gomperz: <μ>ή πράγμα<θ* ή>μεΐν Bailey, The Greek Atomists and Epic. παρέχειν ούδ' ένοχλεΐν; Lucr. 2, 646(1928), 469-475), but also are proverbial, 651: omnis enim per se divum natiira nefrom as early as Homer (e.g., //. 6, 138; cessest j immortali aevo summa cum pace Od. 5, 7; 6, 42-46; 9, 276; 9, 521; Plat. fruatur j semota ab nostris rebus setunctoque Sjmpos. 202c; Plut. Pericl. 39, 3 ; Quo- longe. j nam prirata dolore omni, privata modo Aduiesc. 4, p. 20c-f; Pearson on peridis% ( ipsa sms pollens opt bust nil indiga Soph. fr. 946), as arc references to their noslri, / nee bene promeritis capitur neque immortality (e.g., //. 7, 53; 7, 102; tangitur ira; 2, 1090-1094; 3, 18-24; 5, Od. 3, 147; al.; SaUustius, De Diis, 1-2), 146-155; 6, 58-79 (cf. Hor. .V. 1, 5, 101which is emphasized by Christian as 103); Varr. Menipp. 583 Buchclcr (ap. well as pagan authors; e.g., Tcrt. Adv. Sen. Apoc. 8, 1); Hor. C. 3, 3, 35-36; Nat. 2, 3; Arnob. 7, 2: sequitur at geniti Sen. Ep. 95, 50: hi nee dant malum nee numquam perpetuique ut debeant esse, ex- habenf, Dial. 2, 27, 1; Plut. Non posse trinsecus adpetentes nihil nee carpentes aliquas suaviter, 22, p. 1102c; James, 1, 13: terrene* ex materiae opibus vofuptates; ό γάρ θεός άττείραστό; έστιν -κακών, πει Suid. s.v. £οπή· OeoG μέν ίδιον αθανα ράζει δέ αυτός ούδένα; Scxt. Emp. σία. It may be observed that by his two Pjrrhon. 1, 162: δόγμα μέντοι φιλοσόφων epithets for deity Epicurus separates it απαθές είναι το θεΐον; Tcrt. Ad Nat. on the one hand from atoms, which arc 2, 2; Lact. De Ira, 4, 2: "ex hoc," inquit, eternal but devoid of happiness, and "beatus est et incorruptus, quia nihil curat on the other from man, who may be neque ipse habet negotium neque alteri exhappy but not eternal. hibet;" 17, 1; SaUustius, De Diis, 9: τό γαρ Οεΐόν φασιν [sc. the Epicureans] ncc habere . . . nee exhibere: the ουδέ αυτό πράγματα ίχειν ουδέ άλλοις divine αταραξία must not be disturbed παρέχειν; Mart. Cap. 2, 150; Eus. Vit. by the inflicting or receiving of trouble (Diog. L. 10, 150: μή βλάπτειν αλλήλους Constant. 1, 17; Isid. Etym. 8, 6, 16; 8, 6, 20; Eustath. in //. 24, 526; Pease on μηδέ βλάπτεσθαι), in the one case due Virg. Aen. 4, 379. A. H. Krappc (Rev. to anger towards sinners, in the other des et. gr. 39 (1926), 351-354) would find to the conferring of favor in return for a parallel in Job, 22, 2-4 and 12-16, as benefits received from man's worship. S. Reinach (Rev. des et. gr. 29 (1916), So even the wise man enjoys tran quility; Epic. fr. 79 (p. 118 Bailey): 238-244) in Pbilipp. 2, 6 (by emendation ό ατάραχος έαυτώ καΐ έτέρω άόχλητος to 5πραγμον).
302
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neque * ira neque gratia teneri, quod quae * talia essent 3 inbecilla 1
ita neque Ν
* quaeque Ο
' talia sunt F, ct alia essent D
M. Pohlenz, Vom Zorne Gottes (Forscb. neque ira neque gratia: cf. the pre Z. Re/, u. Ut. d. Alt. u. Neu. Test. 12 ceding note; 1, 121; In Pison. 59: if . . . qui, ut nosttr divinus Hie dixit Epicurus, (1909), 1-156); cf. N. W. De Witt in neque propitii cuiquam esse soient neque Trans. Roy. Soc. of Canada, sect. 2 (1944), irati; Fam. 7, 12, 2: scias Iovem iratum 83-84. esse nemini posse'. Plat. Pbileb. 33b: gratia teneri: because the god, over ούκοΰν εΙκός γε ούτε χαίρειν θεούς ού flowing with all goods (1, 51), needs no τε το εναντίον; Philodcm. De Piet. pp. human contribution to his happiness; 86; 87; 97 Gompcrz; Lucr. 2, 650-651: cf. Aristot. Etb. Eud. 7, 12, 1244 b 8-9: ipsa suis pollens opibus, nil indiga nostri,/ δήλον γάρ ώς ούδενός προσδεόμενος nee bene promeritis capitur neque tangitur iraουδέ ς»ίλου δεήσεται; 7, 15, 1249 b 16: [quoted by Serv. Aen. 6, 376]; Oxyrh. εκείνος γε [sc. ό θεός] ούθενός δεΐται; Pap. 2, no. 215 [an Epicurean fragment], [Apollon. Tyan.] Ep. 26 (Epistologr. Gr. 114 Herchcr): θεοί θυσιών ού δέονται, col. 2, 8-9; Plut. Non posse suaviter, 20, p. 1101 b : ούχ ήττον έστι κακόν άθεότης τΐ ούν άν τις πράττων χαρίζοιτο αύτοΐς; Philodcm. De Diis, 3, col. 7, 15-17: ώμότητος καΐ δοξοκοπίας, είς ήν άγουσιν ημάς ol την χάριν έκ τοϋ θεοΰ μετά τοις δέ θε<οϊς ού>δέν <αν> αγαθόν περιγί<νοατο> διά τών τοιούτων καΐ χωρίς της οργής άναιροΰντες; Pyrrbus, 20, 3: τό δέ θείον άπωτάτω χάριτος καΐ οργής αύ<τ>ών άπαντ* έχουσιν έν εξουσία πά ση τα προς αυτούς; De Musica, 4, col. 4, καΐ του μέλειν ημών είς άπράγμονα βίον καΐ μεστόν εύπαθειών άποικίζοντες; p. 66 Kcmke: τό δαιμονιον μέν ού πρασApul. De Deo 5ocr. 12: debet deus. .. ab om δεϊταί τίνος τιμής, ή μιν δέ φυσικόν έστιν αυτό τιμάν, μάλιστα μέ<ν> όσίαις <ύ>ποnibus animi passionibus liber nee dolere umquam nee aliquando laetari; [Clem.] λήψεσιν, ίπειτα δέ καΐ τοις κατά τό πάτριον παραδεδομένοις; Lucr. 5, 165-167: Recogn. 5, 26; Porphyr. Ad Marc. 18: οργή γάρ θεών άλλοτρία; Arnob. 4, 37; quid enim immortalibus atque beatis / gratia 6, 2; Lact. Inst. 2, 17, 4: quidam putant ne nostra queat largirier emolument!, f ut irasci quidem deum omnino . . . quae per- nostra quicquam causa gerere adgredianiur; suasio veritatem ac religionem funditus tollit Joseph. Ant. 8, 111: άπροσδεές γάρ τό θείον απάντων; [Lucian,] Pbi/ops. 9: [cf. De Ira, 1, 1; 5, 8-9]; 3, 17, 37 [of Epicurus]: si quis in caelo deus est non τουτί μ* έλάνθανέ ποτέ τό καλόν, ώς irascitur cuiquam. aeque stuiti est bene facert, ανθρώπων θεοί ενδεείς είσι; Apul. De quia sicut ira non commovetur ita nee gratia Deo Soer. 3: nullius extrarii boni particitangitur; 5, 10, 12: Epieuri ... censentis patione sed ex sese bonas et ad omnia connee gratia eos tangi nee ira motreri; 5, 20, 14;petentia sibi promptu focili\ Aristid. Apol. De Ira, 2, 9; 3, 1; 5, 1: Stoiei et alii 13; Lact. Inst. 2, 6, 5; 6, 1, 6: nee intelnonnulli . .. aiunt gratiam in deo esse, tramlegunt terrens s opibus deum non indigere; non esse; 11, 16; 15, 6: sed occurrit nobis 7, 5, 4 : "quae utilitas deo in bomine," inquit Epicurus ac dicit: "si est in deo laetitiae ad- Epicurus, "ut eum propter se faceret*'; feetus ad gratiam et odii ad iram, necesse est Julian, Ep. ad Sacerd. 293c; Porphyr. De habeat et timorem et libidinem et cupiditatem Abst. 2, 33: ούτε γάρ χείρους ημών ol ceterosque adfectus qui sunt inbeeillitatis hu-θεοί, ίνα τούτων [sc. θυσιών] αυτοί δέωνmanae"; [Auson.] Append. 5, 16, p. ται, ημών μή δεομένων; Ad Marc. 18: δστις δέ τιμ? τόν θεόν ώς προσδεόμε256 Schcnlcl; also fob, 35, 6-8. Others νον, ούτος λέληθεν εαυτόν δοξάζων του than Epicureans, of course, might hold the deity to be free from anger and pain; θεοΰ κρείττων είναι; Sallustius, De Diis, 15: αυτό μέν γάρ τό θεΐον άνενAlex. Aphrod. in Top. 2, 2, p. 144, 10-11 δεές* αϊ δέ τιμαΐ της ημετέρας ωφελεί Wallics. The whole subject, particularly ας ένεκα γίνονται [cf. Nock's edition. for the patristic authors, is discussed by
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303
cssent omnia. Si nihil aliud quaererermis l nisi ut deos pie coleremus " et ut supcrstitionc liberaremur, satis erat dictum; nam ct praestans 1
quaerimus
ACP,
q u a c r e r i m u s Bx
Lxxxv a n d n . 199J; Hierocles 1, 1, p . 420 0 M u l l a c h ; S t o b . v o l . 3 , 266 H c n s c : Σ ω κ ρ ά τ η ς ϊλεγεν θεοΰ μέν είναι *τό μ η)· δενός δεϊσΟαι, τ δ δ' ώ ς ελαχίστων έ γ γ υ τ ά τ ω θεοΰ; v o l . 5, p p . 9 0 8 - 9 0 9 ; 9 1 4\;; 3 Aiaccab. 2, 9 ; Suid. s.v. κονισμός. ;. Acts, 17, 25 is p e r h a p s t h e most f a m o uiss Biblical expression of this idea; o t h e r■ss arc collected by Iren. C. Haeres. 4 , 1 7 , 1 - 5>.. Y e t , o n the o t h e r h a n d , the do ut des rs t h e o r y of sacrifice (on which cf. G . van n Lccuw in Arcb.f. Religions* iss. 20 (1921), ), 241-253) rests u p o n belief in d i v i n e gra ιt i t u d e ; cf. also J . W . H e w i t t i n CI. /. Weekly, 18 (1925), 148-151. c i s e n t . . . c s s e n t : n o t only t h e s o m e:- w h a t a w k w a r d repetition s h o u l d b e o b> s e r v e d b u t also t h e shift of tense from n sit just a b o v e (in a general p r o p o s i t i o n n o t peculiar t o E p i c u r u s ) t o a s t a t e m e nitt in oratio obliqua o n the a u t h o r i t y of >f Epicurus. i n b c c l l l a : έν ασθενεί of E p i c u r u s;;; cf. 1, 122: quid malt datis cum
1
tolcremus
A
λειότητος αίτίαν. T h e weakness here n o t e d lies n o t merely in that the g o d s w o u l d t h e n b e subject, like m e n , t o o v e r m a s t e r i n g passions (cf. Sen. Dial. 3 , 20, 3 : ira muliebrt maxi me ac puerile piHum est; Tert. Test. Anim. 2; I .act. De Ira, 15, 6, q u o t e d in the note o n neque ira neque gratia, above), b u t also in that t h e occasions for such feelings of a n g e r o r gratitude w o u l d be furnished a n d c o n t r o l l e d by h u m a n beings, to w h o m the gods would thus b e c o m e , in a d e g r e e , s u b o r d i n a t e d . Cf. also A n s e l m , Proslogion, 8. si n i h i l a l i u d : for the simple piety necessary for w o r s h i p a n d for freedom from superstition the first sentence of t h e κύριαι δύξαι w o u l d suffice; since, h o w ever, Vellcius is s p e a k i n g a m o n g philosophically m i n d e d friends, they may well inquire a b o u t the form a n d activities of the deity. p i e : cf. pit late, be l o w ; 1,56: pie sancteque colimus naturam excellentem atque praestantern. O n t h e various m e a n i n g s of/>/«/and pittas cf. Pease o n V i r g . Aen. 4 , 3 9 3 ; the type directed t o w a r d the g o d s is defined in 1, 116, b e l o w : est enim pietas iustitia adversum deos; cf. 1, 1 1 7 ; 2, 1 5 3 ; Top. 9 0 : aequitas triptrtita dicitur esse: una ad superos deos, altera ad manes, tertia ad amines pertinere. prima pietas, secunda sanctitas, ttrtia iustitia aut aequitas nominatur; Fin. 3 , 7 3 ; Off. 2, 1 1 ; A u g . CD. 10, 1: pittas qmque proprie Dei cultus intelligi sole/, quam Graeci ευσέβεια ν vocan/. s u p c r s t i t i o n c : cf. Pease o n Div. 2, 148, n. (superstitione); t o which a d d W . O t t o in Archivf. Rel. 12 (1909), 533-554; S. \X'. F. M a r g a d a n t in Indog. Forscb. 48 (1930), 2 8 4 ; E . M u l l c r - G r a u p a in Glotta, 19 (1931), 6 2 - 6 4 ; E . L i n k o m i e s in Arktos, 2 (1931), 7 3 - 8 8 ; J. PfafT in P.-W. 4 A (1931), 937-939; F . Solmscn in CI. Weekly, 37 (1944), 159-160. F o r its differentiation from religion cf.
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dcorum natura hominum pietate coleretur, cum ct * aeterna esset et beatissima (habet enim venerationem iustam quicquid excellit), 1
c u m et (ct add.)
A
1, 1 1 7 ; Div. 2, 148-149; Partit. oral. 8 1 ; De Domo, 105. satis erat d i c t u m : for the indicative cf. 1, 19, n. (hngum est); R. K u h n c r C. Stcgmann, Ausf. Gram. d. lat. Spr. 2 , 1 2 (1912), 171, b . W h e r e n o such c o n d i tional idea is i n v o l v e d , t h e perfect is r e g u lar {satis dictum est); cf. 2, 2 ; 2, 8 0 ;
2, 167. praestans . . . natura: cf. 1, 4 7 ; 1, 5 6 ; 1, 9 6 ; 1, 100; 1, 116; 1, 121 (bis); 2, 4 6 ; Div. 2, 148. aeterna e s s e t : t h e tense s h o w s clearly that this is part of the E p i c u r e a n d o c trine, n o t necessarily the o p i n i o n of all m e n , which w o u l d here d e m a n d sit. h a b e t . . . v e n e r a t i o n e m : equivalent in m e a n i n g t o a passive of this d e p o n e n t verb; cf. Oral. 1 1 : aliquid .. . admins strationis babifuram; Pbii. 1, 7: plus admira tions s habet; Pro Marc. 2 6 : admirationss plus sit babitura; Ad Brut. ap. Quintil. Inst. 8, 3 , 6: quae admirationem non habet; C F . Nagclsbach, Lat. Stitistik· (1905), § 9 5 ; H. S. McCartney in Phi hi. Quart. 5 (1926), 293-298. J. S. Reid (in Mayor, ad toe.) c o m p a r e s αΙσΟησιν παρέχειν as t h e passive of αΙσΟάνεσΟαι, a n d Schocm a n n (ad toe.) cites such expressions as delectationem, exspectationem, laetitiam, spem, and timorem habere used of things w h i c h give rise t o those feelings. Cf. also the phrase in 3, 9 3 : explicatus baberet. \X ith the t h o u g h t that t h e r e c o g n i t i o n of divine perfection stimulates m a n t o respect and w o r s h i p t h e possessors of that perfection cf. 1, 5 6 ; 1, 85, a n d n. (venerantes); 1, 1 1 5 ; 2, 4 6 ; Plat. Rep. 6, 500c [of the imitation of the άεΐ έ χ ο ν τ α ] ; [Xcn.J Bp. 1 (Epistologr. Gr. 788 Hcrc h c r ) ; F.pic fr. 32 (p. 110 Bailey): ό τ ο υ σοφού σεβασμός αγαθόν μέγα τ ω ν σεβό μενων εστί; P h i l o d c m . De Piet. p . 106 G o m p e r z : <μεγ>άλην τε καΐ σε<μν>ήν ύπειληφέ<ναι> ταύτην τήν φύσιν; ρ. 1 2 8 : προσεύχεσθαι γαρ έν τ ω περί <θεών (?)> οίκεϊον είναι . . . φησίν, ούχ ώ ς <λυ-
που>μένων (?) τ ω ν <θεών> ε( μ ή ττοιή<σομεν> αλλά κατά τήν έπίνοιαν τ ω ν <ύπερβ>αλλουσών <δυνά>μει και σπου<δαιότ>ητι φύσεων; De Diis, 3 , fr. 86a (p. 18 DicLs): τ<ι>μασθαι δ<εΐν> τους θεοΰ<ς> . . . τό γάρ θαυμάζειν τ ο μ έ · γ<ε>θ<ος έκ>πλήξεως καΐ μακαρισμοϋ καΐ π<ροσ>οικειώσεως δραστ<ικόν> λ έ γ<ε>τα<ι>· θαυμάζει δέ καΐ κ α τ α π λ ή τ τε <ται> μα<κ>άρ<ιον όρών> ουδέν ού τ ω ς ώ ς θε<όν>; 3 , col. 1: τοις Οεοις, κ<αί> θαυμάζει τήν φύσιν <κα>1 τήν δ ι ά Οεσιν, και πειράται συνεγγί<ζει>ν α ύ τ η ; 3 , C o l . 1 0 ; Oxyrb. Pap. 2 (1899), n o . 2 1 5 , col. 1, 16-23 [an E p i c u r e a n f r a g m e n t ) : σύ <δ', ώ> άνθρωπε, μακαριώ<τα>τον μέν τ ι νόμιζε τό <διε>ιληφέναι καλώς δ τ ό <παν>άριστον έν τοις ούσι <δια>νοηθηναι δυνάμε<θα> κα<1 θ>αύμαζε ταύτην <τή>ν δ<ι>άληψιν καΐ σέβου; Sen. De Ben. 4, 19, 4 : cur colist "propter maiestatemy\ inquis, "eiuseximiam ac nngularem naturam ;" M. A u r c l . 2, 1 3 : τ α μέν γ ά ρ έκ θεών αίδέσιμα δι* άρετήν; 5, 2 1 : τ ω ν έν τ ω κ ο σ μ ώ τό κράτιστον τ ί μ α · ϊ σ τ ι δέ τοΰτο τ ό πάσι χρώμενον καΐ πάντα διέπον; [Apul.J Ascl. 14; Lact. De Ira, 8, 3 : at enim naturam excellentem bonorari oportet; Iambi. De Afjsf. 1, 1 5 : τελειότητα τ ε θείον ήρεμα προσλαμβάνομεν άπό τοϋ ατελούς. O n t h e general subject of t h e E p i c u r e a n w o r s h i p of t h e g o d s cf. W . S c o t t , Frag. Heradan. (1885), 1 9 4 ; C. Pascal in Rev. di filol. 34 (1906), 241-256; G . D . H a d z sits in Trans. Am. pbi/ol. Assoc. 3 9 (1908). 7 3 - 8 8 ; G . F . M o o r e , / / / / / . of Relig. 1 (1913), 5 1 0 ; C. Bailey in Proc. cl. Assoc. 19 (1922), 9-25; id.. Phases in the Relig. of anc. Rome (1932), 224-225. T h e F p i c u r e a n d o c t r i n e , t h o u g h far s u r p a s s i n g the o r d i n a r y R o m a n r e l i g i o u s ideas o f barter w i t h t h e g o d s for m a t e rial g o o d s , leaves little o p e n i n g f o r m a n ' s mystical c o m m u n i o n w i t h t h e d e i t y ; yet cf. C. Bailey (Proc. cl. Assoc. 1 9 (1922), 21-22); E . Bevan, Sibyls and Seers (1929), 3 2 , w h o c o m p a r e s P r o t e s t a n t
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et metus omnis a vi atque ira deorum pulsus l esset; intellegitur enim a beata inmortalique natura et iram et gratiam segregari; quibus remotis nullos 2 a superis 3 inpendere 4 metus. Sed ad hanc conrlrmandam opinionem anquirit5 animus et formam et vitam · et actionem mentis atque agitationem in deo. 18 46 Ac 7 de forma quidem partim 8 natura nos admonet, partim ratio docet. Nam a natura habemus omnes omnium 1 3 4 pulsum Bx ■ nullus DUN, nullo Bl supcros / " , supcrios Η impederc AlBl, impedire A%NO · inquirit D%P*NO\i · formam et animam et uitam 7 β l (ct animam del.) A hac Ο partem .. . partem PB
{nihil enim. . . negotii deum) with the actio contemplation of the saints. Sec also T. Browne, Religio Medici, 1, 20. mentis atque agitatio—chiefly from the negative aspect of what it is not. For the metus . . . a vi: for similar instances of verbal substantives followed by ab combination of the nouns actio and cf. Liv. 23, 15, 7: metus a praetore; 32, agitatio cf. Off. 1, 17: ad quod est adhibenda 23, 9: metu poenae a Romanis; also Pint. 2, actio quaedam, non solum mentis agitatio. 116: timere a suis; Pro Sull. 59; Pro Mil. 79: With actionem mentis cf. Varr. L.L. 6, 42: ab eisne poenam timeret; Sen. De Ben. 7,1,7 actionum trium primus agitalus mentis, quod (quoted in the next note); and other primum ea quae sumus acturi cogitare debecases noted by R. Kiihner-C. Stcgmann, mus, deinde turn dicere et facere; Sen. Π p. 113, 25: fateor animum animal esse ... Ausf. Gram. d. /at. Spr. 2, 1« (1912), 339. metus . . . pulsus: cf. 1, 54; 1, 56: actiones eius animalia esse nego. Those bis terroribus ab Bpicuro soluti; Fin. 4, 11: who with C. Beicr (on Off. 1, 17) would quo modo Bpicuro videtur, ut pellatur mortis read vitae actionem mentisque—a scarcely et re/igionis metus; Lucr. 2, 19; 3, 37 ; 5, 73; necessary emendation—cite as parallels Sen. De Ben. 7, 1, 7: //* deorum bomi- for vitae actionem 1, 2; 1, 103: actio vitae; numque formidinem eiecit et scit non multumDip. 2, 89; cf. Rcid on Ac. 2, 62. esse ab fjomine tim'ndtim, a deo nihil. The 46 ac de forma: H. L'ri, Cic. u. d. purpose of Lucrctius's poem is, of epik. Philos. (1914), 86, thus outlines course, to free men from such fears of the exposition of Vellcius: (a) the form divine wrath. of the gods (46-50): (1) as anthropomor quibus: — et his; so that an infinitive phic, because (i) this is the most beautiful form (47); (ii) without human form in oratio obliqua is justified in the clause virtue is impossible (48); (2) as constitu {inpendere). confirmandam opinionem: cf. 2, 5; ted not of corpus but of quasi corpus (49-50); (b) the life of the gods (51-56): Tusc. 1, 30; 1, 38; 3, 2. (1) as eternal and blessed, which they formam, etc.: three members here would not be (i) sive mundus deus est (52a); appear, by polysyndeton connected by et, the third of them being divided into (ii) sive in mundo deus inest qui regat (52b); two subdivisions: actionem mentis atque (3) therefore men need not fear them; agitationem—a + b + (c + d). Cf. 1, 2: necessity and divination have no mean et de figuris deorum et de tocis atque sedibus ing; we worship the gods without fear et de actione vitae [in this case the middle (55-56). of three members is thus subdivided); partim . . . partim: cf. 1, 6; 1, 24; Tbes. Ling. Lat. 2 (1906), 1054, 55-69. 2, 81; 2, 151 (bis). In what follows sections 46-50 arc con natura . . . ratio: knowledge is of two cerned with the forma; 50-51 {et qjuaerere sorts: popular, or natural, arising from ... cogitari potest) with the vita; 51-54 πρόληψις, and reflective, or inferential
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gentium speciem nullam aliam nisi humanam deorum; quae1 > qua Η abundantly thereafter, was perhaps caused arising from έπιλογισμός; cf. the note on sptcitm .. . bumanam deorum, below; 1, by anthropoccntric habits of thought 49: non sensu sed mtntt cernatur; also H. (cf. W. Jaeger, Paideia, Engl. tr. (1939), Uri, op. cit.t 26; H. Diels, Pbilodemus u. d. xxiii), and resulted in the comparative absence of mysticism in Greek religion Gotter, 1 (1916), 50, n. 4; A. O. Lovcjoy and G. Boas, A document. Hist, of Primi- and in its strong bias towards hero-cult tivism, 1 (1935), 252, and n. 20; P. H. and the "idolatrous impulse which has left so deep an imprint upon preDcLacy in Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 68 (1937), 318-325; R. Philippson in P.-W. Christian Hellenism and on the Greek 7 A (1939), 1153;P.H.andE.A.DcLacy, Christian Church" (L. R. Farncll, The Pbilodemus on Methods of Inference (1941),higher Aspects of Gr. Relig. (1912), 3). It differed decidedly from the beliefs of 155, who on p. 148 also discuss the in creased interest shown by Epicureans the Persians (cf. Hdt. 1, 131; Clem. from the end of the second to the middle Protr. 5, 65, 3, says that Artaxerxes first introduced among them the cult of of the Hrst century B.C. in problems of logic and methodology; also Fin. 1, 3 1 ; anthropomorphic gods), the more de but cf. 1, 89, below. The hints (admonet) veloped Jewish-Christian religious tra of nature arc supported by the teachings dition (despite early traces of it among (docet) of reason; cf. the distinction drawn the Jews and the later Anthropomorphic in Fin. 1, 30: sentire baec putaty ut calere heresy among the Christians), the early ignem, nivem esse a/bam, me/ du/ce, quorum Roman religion (Clem. Strom. 1,15,71,1: nihil oportert txqtantis rationibus confirmare, έν γοΰν εκατόν καΐ έβδομήκοντα τοις tantum satis esse admonere. interesse enim πρώτοις έτεσι ναούς οίκοδομούμενοι [sc. ol 'Ρωμαίοι] £γαλμα ουδέν ούτε πλαστόν inter argumentum conclusionemque rationis et ούτε μήν γραπτόν έποιήσαντο; C. Bailey, mediocrem animadversionem atque admonitionem ; altera occulta quaedam et quasi involutaPhases in the Relig. of anc. Rome (1932), 109-143; A. D. Nock in Am. fount, of aperirit altera prompta et aperta iudicari\ Tusc. 1, 29: qui nondum . . . physica didi- Pbilol. 65 (1944), 102: "I suspect that, cissent, tantum sibi persuaserant quantum as far back as anything like Latin was natura admonente cognoverant, rationes etspoken, an element of anthropomorphism causas rerum non tenebant. Just below in was attached to some aspects of the our passage this contrast is repeated: supernatural"), and that of the Germans ne omnia ad primas notiones, ratio hoc idem (Tac. Germ. 9). Man's natural tendency ipsa declarat; cf. 1, 5: qui admonent amice to ascribe to deity a human form is well docendi sunt. For the hints of nature cf. described by Arnob. 3, 19: qta'cqwd de also Tusc. 1, 29; 1,36 (the existence of the deo dixeris, quicquid tacitae mentis cogitation* gods shown by nature; what they arc conceperis, in humanam transibit et corrumlike we learn by reason); 5, 102; and pitur sertsum, nee habet propriae significations Epic. ap. Diog. L. 10, 123: ώς ή κοινή notam quod nostris dicitur verbis atque ad negotia humana compost lis. Natural anthro του Οεοϋ νόησις υπεγράφη. pomorphic ideas were further fostered omnes omnium: for the argument by the artists (cf. 1, 77) and by imagina from consensus cf. 1, 43, n. {quae . .. tive writers; cf. 1,42, and n. onpoetarum; gens out quod genus); for the polyptoton Anon. Vita Homeri in T. Gale, Opttsc. 1, 44, n. (novis nova). myth. phys. et etb. (1688), 335-336: speciem . . . humanam deorum: the vogue in Greece of anthropomorphic έπεί δέ έδεϊτο ή ποίησις θεών ενεργούν των, Γνα τήν γνώμην αυτών αίσβήσει των views of the gods, found in art as early έντυγχβνόντων παραστήση. περιέβηκεν as the Minoan culture, and in literature αύτοΐς σώματα, ουδέν δέ άλλο σώματος omnipresent in Homer and Hesiod, and
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enim forma alia occurrit umquam aut vigilanti cuiquam aut dorείδος ή τοϋ άνθρωπου δεκτικόν έστιν επι στήμης καΐ λόγου, προσεικάσας έκαστον τ ω ν θεών; Α. C. Schlesinger in CI. Journ. 3 2 (1936), 19-26; L. A. Post in Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 70 (1939), 169, n. 10. Various thoughtful poets, h o w e v e r , such as Aeschylus (fr. 464, 1-2 Nauck) and Pindar (cf. O. Gruppc, Gr. Myth. u. Rel. 2 (1906), 1053, n. 6; J. A d a m , Relig. Teachers of Greece (1908), 116-117), protested against anthropomorphism, and still more numerous philosophers, particularly Xcnophancs (fr. 11-16; 23 Dicls), Empcdoclcs (fr. 134 Dicls), Aristotle (Aletapb. 11, 1, 1074 b 6), and later thinkers (cf. Gruppc, op. cit. 2, 1053, nn. 4-5), including the Stoics (S.V.F. 2, nos. 1057-1060; for Chrysippus cf. Philodcm. De Piet. p. 79 G o m p c r z : καΐ παιδαριωδώς λεγεσθαι καΐ γράφεσθαι κα[ε]1 πλάτ<τ>εσ0αι <θεού>ς άνθρ<ωποειδεϊς>; D i o g . L. 7, 147: μή εΤναι μέντοι άνΟρωπόμορφον; for D i o genes of Babylon cf. Philodcm. De Piet. p. 82 G o m p c r z : <καΙ> π<αι>δ<αριώ>δες εΙν<αι> θε<ο>ΰς ά<ν>θρωποε<ι>δεΐς λ<έγει>ν και αδύνατον. Of the Stoics in general Philodemus remarks (p. 85): άνθρ< ωποει>δεΐς γάρ έκεΐνοι <ού (?)> νομίζουσιν άλλα άέρα<ς> καΐ π<νε>ύματα <κ>αΙ αΙθέρας. A m o n g the philosophers the Plpicurcans stood out as asserting divine an t h r o p o m o r p h i s m ; the testimonia are collected by H. Usencr, Epicurea (1887), 2 3 8 - 2 4 1 ; t o which add: Pap. Hercul. 1 0 5 5 , col. 10 (W. Scott, Frag. Herculan. (1885), 250): άνθρωπόμο<ρφ>ον κχταλείπομεν <τό>ν Οεόν; id.t col. 1 1 : i v άλλη μορφή δίχα της άνθρωπου, φανερόν ώς καΐ τόν Οεόν άνθρωπόμορφον χρή κατάλείπειν, Ινα καΐ σύν λο<γι>σμφ την ύπόστασιν έ χ η ; Quintil. Inst. 7, 3 , 5; [ G a l e n , ] Hist. Pbil. 16 {Doxogr. Gr.* 608-609 - X I X , 241 K . ) ; Scxt. E m p . Pyrrbon. 3 , 218. Men acquire such conceptions of the g o d s through dreams (cf. Lucr. 5, 11691 1 7 5 ; Sext. E m p . Adv. Phys. 1, 2 5 : 'Επίκουρος δέ έκ τών κατά τους ύπνους φαντασιών οίεται τους ανθρώπους εν-
νοιαν έσπακέναι θεού* μεγάλων γάρ εΐδώλων, φησί, καΐ άνθρωπομόρφων κατά τους ύπνους προσπιπτόντων ύπέλαβον καΐ ταϊς άληθείαις ύπάρχειν τινάς τοιού τους θεούς άνθρωπομόρφους [this sort being derived from what Vcllcius has just called natura]) and also by inference (1, 4 7 ; Philodcm. De Signis, 22, p. 72-74 D e Lacy: ποτέ δέ <άπό τ>ών ούκ <άπ>αραλλάκτων, έ<φό καΙ> καθό μ<ετ>έχει της αύτ<ής γε κο>ινότη<το>ς τών ομοίων <περί αύτ>ά συμπτωμάτων, οίον δτ<ι τινά> μεν άνθρωπο ις μ<όνοις ΐδια>, τινά δέ <κοινά> κα<1> θε<οΐς έστ>ιν· εύστόχω<ς ούν τ>ή έ<κ> ζώ<ων μετ>αβάσει χ<ρησόμεθα> ν<ομίζοντες> ουδέν <κωλύειν, μή σώμα μ>έν άνθ<ρώποις ώμοι>ω<μένον> τόν θεόν ύπ<ά>ρχ<ειν> δ<ιά τό τόν £>νθρωπον φρον<ή>σε<ως μόνον τών> παρ* ήμϊν ζώων δε<κτικόν>, κτλ.), this being what Vcllcius calls ratio; for other cases in which Philodemus uses analogies between g o d s and men cf. P. H . Dcl-acy in Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 68 (1937), 323, n. 34. Also cf. Scxt. E m p . Adv. Phys. 1, 4 3 : κατά τάς ένυπνιδίους φαντασίας τών άνθρωπομόρφων εΐδώλων ένοήθησαν θεοί. O n the conclu sions drawn by Epicurus from his an thropomorphic idea of the g o d s cf. C. Bailey, The Gr. Atomists and Epic. (1928), 468-469. Cotta's objections t o this Epicurean doctrine are expressed at length in 1, 76-102. occurrit: cf. 1, 3 6 : nihil sentiens deust qui numquam nobis occurrit; 1, 7 6 : ut bomini cum de deo cogitet forma occurrat bumana; 1, 8 1 ; A u g . De Doctr. Christ. 1, 8 : quoniam omnes qui de deo cogitant, vivum aliquid cogitant . . . et quaecumque illis forma occurrerit corporis earn vita vivere vel non vivere statuunt. F o r such t h c o p h a nics cf. 2, 6 : saepe visae for mae deorum \ 2, 166: deorum saepe praesentiae; also countless traditional instances, particu larly in connection with incubationoracles (sec Cclsus ap. Orig. C. Cels. 3, 2 4 : πολύ ανθρώπων πλήθος 'Ελλήνων τε καΐ βαρβάρων ομολογεί πολλάκις Ιδεΐν [sc. τόν Ά σ κ λ η π ι ό ν ] ; 7, 3 5 : ού χρεία τοίνυν ήμϊν ώς ούτω ζητοϋσι τόν Οεόν άπιέ-
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mienti? Sed ne 1 omnia revocentur ad primas notiones,* ratio hoc idem ipsa declarat. 47 Nam cum praestantissumam 3 naturam, vcl quia beata est vel quia sempiterna, convenire videatur eandem esse pulcherrimam, quae conpositio membrorum,4 quae conformatio 6 liniamentorum, quae figura, quae species humana 1 nc in ras. F ncmbrorum Bl
■ nationcs D * praestantis summam Bx · format io H, conhrmatio Λ DP At1
4
compositio-
vel quia . . . vel quia: two grounds of ναι δπου ημάς πέμπει ό Κέλσος, είς Τρο the excellence of this divine nature, of φωνίου καΐ είς 'Λμφιάρεω και είς Μόwhich, it may be remarked, Vcllcius does ψου· ίνθα φησιν ανθρωποειδείς θεωρεί not predicate any particular moral supe σθαι θεούς, ού ψευδόμενους άλλα καΐ riority, unless in that the deity is by εναργείς; 8, 45: τοις δ* έναργη παρέ its constitution unmoved by ira and στη φάσματα, μεστός τούτων 6 πας έστι βίος; L. Dcubncr, DeIncubatione (1900); gratia. F. Pfistcr in P.-W. 4 Supplbd. (1924), convenire videatur: two particular 277-323. weaknesses lie exposed in Vellcius's im mediate statement: (1) that that which primas notiones: i.e., anticipations or praesensiones; cf. 1, 37, n. (antmi nottone); is happy and eternal is necessarily beautiful; (2) that the human is the most 1, 43-44. In Greek we have the phrases πρώται ϊννοιαι (cf. Ptolcm. Synt. matb. beautiful form. These weaknesses are glossed over at this point, the former 1, 3, p. 10 Hcibcrg) and πρώτον έννόημα by a seductively disarming understate (Diog. L. 10, 38). ment in convenire videatur (rather than ratio: two considerations arc here presented: (1) the most perfect nature esse necesse sit), the second by the use (a) of the gods must be also most beautiful, of a scries of rhetorical questions instead of an outright assertion, and (b) by an and therefore, since no form is superior appeal to a favorite tenet of one of his to the human, must be in human form chief adversaries, the Stoic school (vos (1, 47-48; refutation in 1, 77-86; 1, 9092; 1, 94-101); (2) there can be no qtadem, Lurili, soletis, etc.). The first weakness is not stressed, but upon the happiness without virtue, no virtue with second Cotta dwells at length in 1, 76-80. out reason, and no reason save resident Cf. also 1, 48, n. (quod si, etc.), below. in human shape (1, 48; refutation in 1, 87-89; 1,98). pulcherrimam: in Fin. 3, 18 Nature is said to produce not only utility (as in 47 praestantissumam nacuram: cf. man's limbs and vital organs) but also 1, 45, n. (praestans . . . natura); Arnob. 3, 6: immortalem praestantissumamque pure beauty; in Lucr. 5, 1170 the images of the gods have egregias . .. facies. naturam. R. Philippson (Hermes, 51 (1916), 577) remarks that we have in quae conpositio membrorum, quae what follows (§§ 47-48) almost a case conformatio liniamentorum: the Gorof the sorites-argument, after the Stoic gianic figure of πάρισον (παρίσωσις) is fashion. With it cf. also Act. Plac. 1, 6,16 noteworthy; for its use in Cicero cf. % (Doxogr. Gr. 297 = \. V.F. 2, no. R. Volkmann-C. Hammer, Rbet. d. Gr. u. 1009): ανθρωποειδείς δ* αυτούς ϊφασαν Rom* (1901), 45; L. Laurand, £t. sta είναι διότι των μέν απάντων τό θείον le style des discours de Cic. (1907), 116-121; κυριοιτατον, των δέ ζώων άνθρωπος κάλ- cf. also E. Nordcn, Die antike Kunstprosa, λιστον, κεκοσμημένον άρετη διαφόρως 2 (1909), 820-821. The figure reaches κατά τήντοΰνοΰ σύστασιν. τοις ούνάρι· a climax in some of the works of Augus στεύουσι τό κράτιστον όμοίωςΐ καί tine. On Cicero's fondness for compounds καλώς έχειν διενοήθησαν. of con- see 2, 19: consenting conspirans
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potest l esse pulchrior? 2 Vos quidem, Lucili, soletis (nam Cotta meus modo hoc, modo illud), cum artificium cflfingitis 3 fabricamquc divinam, quam sint omnia in hominis figura non modo ad usum verum ctiam ad venustatem apta dcscribere.4 48 Quod si 6 1 potest** A1 add. Β
* puchrior Β
continuata cognatio . . . coget . . . conprobare. l i n i a m e n t o r u m : applied t o t h e g o d s i n 1. 7 5 ; 1, 9 8 ; 1, 123. Cf. Cotta's a n s w e r in 1, 80. f i g u r a : M a y o r differentiates figura (the o b j e c t i v e mathematical outline), species ( t h e o u t w a r d appearance as d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m the inner substance), a n d forma ( 1 , 4 8 ; t h e f o r m artistically v i e w e d as s y m b o l i z i n g the inner nature). S u c h a passage as Catull. 6 3 , 62, h o w e v e r , w o u l d allow a wider range of m e a n i n g for figura. Min. Fel. 18, 1, says (of m e n ) : tadtm figura (i.e., general build] omnibus, sed qttaedam unicuique liniamenta (i.e., facial features] deflexa. At 17, 11 he says: ipsa praecipue formae nostrae pulchritude Deum fatetur artificem; cf. Max. Tyr. 2, 3 [ o n i m a g e s ] : τό μέν Έ λ λ η ν ι κ ό ν , τιμάν τους θεούς ένόμισαν των έν γ η τοΓς καλ λίστους, ϋλη μέν καθαρά, μορφή Sk άνΟρωπίνη, τέχνη δέ άκριβεΐ. και ούκ άλόγ ω ς ή ά ξ ί ο σ ι ς των τα αγάλματα κίς άνθρωπίνην ομοιότητα καταστησαμένων ■ ci γ ά ρ άνθρωπου ψυχή έγγύτατον θ ε ώ καΐ έμφερέστατον, ού δήπου εικός τό όμοιο τ α τ ο ν α ΰ τ ω ττεριβαλεΐν, τόν θεόν, σκήνει ά τ ο - ω τ ά τ ω , αλλ' δττερ ίμβλλεν ψυχής άΟανάτοις εΰφορόν τε έσεσθαι, κ τ λ . ν ο β . . . L u c i l i : R. Hirzcl, Un/ersuch. ^. Cicero's phi/os. Schr. 1 (1877), 2 3 , notes a n especial tendency in this discussion o f Vcllcius t o polemic against the Stoics (cf. sections 52, 54, and 55). T h i s is, as N . W. O c >X itt has well e m p h a s i z e d {Trans. Roy. Soc. of Canada, 3 Scr., Sect. 2, v o l . 36 (1942), 34-35), characteristic of later E p i c u r e a n i s m rather than o f the t e a c h i n g s of E p i c u r u s himself. Cotta m e u s : this use of the possessive adjective is most frequent in t h e voca t i v e ; in o t h e r cases it may be applied t o a friend w h o is absent o r deceased
* efTungitis Ρ
4
discribcrc BF
■ si
(e.g., Tusc. 5, 1 2 ; 5, 3 0 ; Legg. 1, 5 3 ; Sen. 84), o r , m o r e rarely, as here, t o o n e present (cf. Fin. 5, 95). m o d o h o c , m o d o i l l u d : for similar phrases describing the A c a d e m i c habit of s p e a k i n g b o t h for a n d against all p r o p o s i t i o n s ( 1 , 11), cf. Ac. 2, 121: modo hoc modo illudprobabilius videtur (and Rcid's n . ] ; 2, 134: turn hoc mibi probabilius, turn illud videtur; Fin. 2, 4 3 : cum Academicis incerta luctatio est; Dip. 1, 6 2 : Carneades concertationis studio modo hoc modo illud ait; Off. 3, 3 3 : turn hoc turn illud probabilius videtur; Am. 13 (of Socrates]: qui non turn hoc turn illud, ut in plerisque, sed idem semper; Ait. 13, 25, 3 : Ο Academiam volaticam et sui similem! modo hue, modo illue; also Tusc. 5, 3 3 : nos in diem vivimus; quodcumque nostros animos percussit, id dicimus. With the o m i s s i o n of the v e r b cf. 1,17, n. {verum hoc alias). c u m a r t i f i c i u m cfTingitis: a subject t o be discussed by Balbus in great d e t a i l ; cf. 2, 133-153. f a b r i c a m : cf. 1, 19, n. (fabricam); Lact. Inst. 2, 10, 16: Stoici animantium fabricam divinae sollertiae tribuunt. u s u m . . . v e n u s t a t e m : cf. 2, 8 7 : mundi partes ita constitutae sunt ut neque ad usum meliores potuerint esse neque ad speciem pulchriores; Min. Fcl. 18, 1: necessitatis causa . . . et decoris; I^act. Inst. 2, 10, 14: H e r m e s says that in the m e m b e r s of the human frame nihil sit quod non tantundem ad usus necessitatem quantum ad pulchritudinem valeat. 48 q u o d si, e t c . : cf. 1, 30, n. (intellegi non potest). In this d o u b l e syllogism (cf. C. Bailey, The Creek Atomists and Epic. (1928), 591) the a r g u m e n t c o n tinues as vulnerable as that in 1,47 ( w h e r e see the note on convenire videatta-). For the theoretical premiss that m a n ' s f o r m sur-
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omnium animantium formam vincit hominis figura, deus autem animans est, ea figura profecto est quae pulcherrima e s t l om nium. Quoniamque * deos beatissimos esse constat, beatus autem esse sine virtute nemo potest, nee virtus sine ratione constare, nee ratio usquam inesse nisi in * hominis figura, hominis esse specie 1
1 pulcherrima est Bl, pulcherrima sit ACPNOBPFM, quoniam quia Ν * in om. ACPNO
passes in beauty those of all other animate things (here rather artfully in troduced in a //-clause rather than in a direct assertion) is easily seized upon for refutation by Cotta (1, 76-78; 1, 96), while the practical conclusions drawn from this syllogism are clearly not those reached by various other ethnic religions (cf. 1, 81-82). Again, the assumption that reason is not found except in human form is equally exposed to attack (1, 76; 1, 84; 1, 87-89; 1, 98). The Stoic speaker in the second book bases his arguments not so much upon human appearance as upon the nice adaptation of man's organs and senses to the uses for which they are needed (2, 133-153), concluding (2, 153): hominis natura quanto omnis anteiret animortfes, whereas the Epicurean assump tion of divine anthropomorphism appears to Cotta (1, 92) as merely superficial and in no way functional. pulcherrima est: the mss read pul cherrima sit (in D corrected from est], but an indicative as a statement of fact rather than a subjunctive of result or of char acteristic seems here in place (cf. Madvig on Fin. 3, 58). Plasbcrg follows Madvig in reading pu/cherrimasf, and compares 1,68: aliquandost; 1, 93: ausast; Parad. 39: denuntiatumst [in all of which instances the mss have corrupted -// to sit], and F. Skutsch (G/otta, 3 (1912), 367) sup ports pulcberrimast on rhythmic grounds. On the beauty of the gods, often mentioned in connection with theophanics (cf. L. Deubner, De Incubatione (1900), 11-13), Plotin. 5, 8, 3, discourses, but judges it to be mental rather than physical: ού γαρ δή ότι αυτών καλά τά σώματα — καΐ γάρ οΐς έστι σώματα ού τοΰτό έστιν αύτοΐς το cTvat Οχοΐς —
pukherrimast
Madvig
άλλα κατά τόν νουν καΐ ούτοι 6co(. καλοί 5ή ol θεοί. This, as Creuzer on o u r passage remarks, is doubtless said with reference to Epicurean doctrines. constat: the πρόληψις of 1, 45 is now treated as generally recognized fact. b c a t u t . . . aine virtute n e m o : a view accepted by Cotta (1, 110) and also by the Stoics; cf. Lact. Inst. 3, 12, 12: et Stoici . .. negant sine virtute effid posse quemquam beatum. More often the related though different thought is expressed that (to quote the title of Tusc. 5) virtutem ad beate vivendum se ipsa esse contentam; cf. parallels in S.V.F. 3. pp. 13-16. nee virtue sine ratione: also a view held by the Stoics; cf. Ac. 1, 38: cumqm superiores non omnem virtutem in ratione esse dicerent, sed quasdam virtutes natura aut mere per/ectas, hie [sc. Zeno] ornnes in ratione ponebat [and cf. Reid's n.J. nisi in hominis figura: cf. n. on quod si, etc., above; Pap. Herculan. 1055, Col. 11 (W. Scott, Frag. HeraJan. (1885), 250): έν 4λλη μ°Ρ?Γ, ^Χ* ""Κ Αν θρώπου, φανερόν ώς καΐ τόν θεόν άνθρωπόμορφον χρή καταλείπειν, Γνα καΐ σύν λο<γι>σμω τήν ύττόστασιν Ιχη; Voll. Here. 7, 23: φασίν γάρ ώς el, δια τό λογισμόν έχειν, άνθρωπομορφός έστιν, καΐ της ζ^ότητος κοιν<ής> ούσης, συνάπτωμεν αύτω <κ>αΙ πολλάς 5<λλας κοι νότητας μορ<φών>, ώσπερ κα<1 χρείας κα>1 δα<πάνας>; Philodcm. De Signis, 22, p. 74 DeLacy: εύστόχω<ς ούν τ>ή" έ<κ> ζώ<ων μετ>αβάσει χ<ρησ6μεθα> ν<ομΙζοντες> ουδέν <κωλύειν μη σώμα μ>έν άνθ<ρώποις ώμοι>ω< μένον> τον θεδν ύπ<ά>ρχ<ειν> δ<ιά τό τόν 4>νθρωπον φρον<ή>σε<ως μόνον τών> παρ' ήμϊν ζώων δε<κτικόν>; Lucr. 5, 126-127: quippe etenim non est cum quovis corpore ut
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deos confitendum est. 49 Nee tamen ea * species corpus est sed quasi corpus, nee habet sanguinem sed quasi sanguinem. 19 1
ea) eas Bl
esse I posse animi nature putt fur consiiiumque; 5, 132-133: sic am mi natura nequit sine cor pore oriri j sola neque a nervis et sanguine longiter esse; D i o Chrys. Or. 12, 59: τ ό δέ έν ώ τοϋτο γιγνόμενόν έστιν ούχ ύπονοοΰντες άλλ' είδότες, έπ* αυτό κ α τ α φεύγομεν, ανθρώπινο ν σ ώ μ α ώς ά γ γ ε ΐ ο ν φρονήσεως καΐ λόγου θεώ προσάτττοντες, ένδεια και απορία π α ρ α δ ε ί γ μ α τ ο ς . h o m i n i e . . . s p e c i e : for the g e n i t i v e s u b s t i t u t e d for an adjective w i t h an ablative of quality M a y o r c o m p a r e s Rep. 2,4$: tyrannus . . . qui quamquam figura est bominis . . . inmanitatt . . . vincit he lms; Caes. B.G. 6, 2 8 , 2 : bi [sc. uri) . . . specie et colore et figura tauri; Li v. 2 1 , 62, 5: in agro Amiterno mult is locis hominum species procul Candida vtste visos. For the answer t o t h e present a r g u m e n t cf. 1, 8 9 . c o n f i t e n d u m e s t : cf. 1, 4 4 ; 2, 7 5 ; 2 , 8 5 ; 2, 1 5 7 ; 3 , 3 2 ; 3 , 4 4 . 49 q u a s i c o r p u s : for a b i b l i o g r a p h y o f 1, 49-50, sec 1, 50, n. (infinita esse dtbert), below. O n quasi corpus cf. 1, 7 1 ; 1, 73-74: istuc quasi corpus et quasi san guinem quid intellegis? . . . corpus quid sit, sanguis quid sit intellegp, quasi corpus et quasi sanguis quid sit nullo prorsus modo intellegp; 1, 7 5 , w h e r e it is c o m p a r e d t o t h e forms in pictures. W i t h this use of quasi cf. De Or. 1, 232: quasi poenae aestimatio; Plaut. Sticb. 5 5 3 : ille quasi ego; S e n . Rhct. Controv. 2, 4 (12), 1 1 : quasi disertus es, quasi formosus es, qua ή dives es; unum tant urn es non quasi, vappa; Sen. Dial. 3 , 2, 5: non est ira sed quasi ira; Apocol. 5, 4 : diligentius intuenti visus est quasi bomo; Plin. Ε p. 8, 16, 1: quasi testamenta; Aug. CD. 8, 5: hoc autem in conspectu talis cogitationis iam non est corpus sed similitude corporis; C. Julian. Pelag. 6, 4 4 : ut in tuam disputationem introduceres fipicurum, qui negavit esse corpus deorum sed tamquam corpus, nee san guinem sed tamquam sanguinem; De An. 4, 2 6 : verumne erat corpus ilia viri similitude annon erat cor put, quamvis habere t similitudinem corporis; 4, 2 7 : quod non est corpus
quasi corpus appareat; Philopon. De Opific. 1, 9 : ούτε σ ώ μ α έστι τ ώ ν αγγέλων ή ουσία ούτε α σ ώ μ α τ ο ς . Cf. also Ac. 2, 2 1 : ea quae non sensibus ipsis percipi sed quodam modo sensibus. G. F. Schoemann (Opusc. acad. 4 (1871), 348) s u g g e s t s a G r e e k original ώσεί σ ώ μ α τ α , a n d o n e m i g h t c o m p a r e P o r p h y r . De Abst. 4, 2 2 : μηδέ βλέπειν μηδέ άκούειν, άλλ' ώσανεί βλέ πειν αυτά καΐ ώσανεΐ άκούειν, μηδέ φ ω νεΐν άλλ' ώσανεί φωνεϊν, μηδέ 6λως ζην άλλ' ώσανεί ζ η ν ; O r i g . C. Cels. 4, 9 2 : ού κακίαν μέν, οίονεΐ δέ κακίαν ούσαν; also T h c o p h r . Η.P. 1, 2, 5 : ώσπερ ίνας. F o r the attributive use of the a d v e r b G o e t h e c o m p a r e s 2, 166: saepepraesentiae; 3 , 1 1 : illud . . . tamquam vestigium. R. Hirzcl (Untersucb. ξ. Cicero's pbilos. Scbr. 1 (1877), 15-16) finds the d o c t r i n e of quasi corpus already present in Lu cretius, t h o u g h he cites n o passage (should we p e r h a p s cf. 6, 76-78, of the simulacra of the g o d s , o r 1, 122-123 of the simulacra of souls?), b u t asserts that there is n o evidence for it in E p i c u r u s himself, and t h i n k s that it is p r o b a b l y d u e t o M e t r o d o r u s . Yet, as R. P h i l i p p s o n (Sjmb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 34-35) p o i n t s o u t , the d o c t r i n e is found in P h i l o d c m . De Diis, 3 , frg. 6-9, in t w o of which it is expressly ascribed t o E p i c u r u s himself. T h e significant passages f o l l o w : <τ>οϋ δ* έν τ ω Περί <όσιό>τητος αποφαινομέ νου τό Οεϊ<ο>ν μήτε <σάρκι>νον εϊνα<ι κα>τ* άναλογίαν <έχ>ον τι <σώμ' δπερ> ηγείται <ά>ναλογ< . . . > . . . πρ<ός> τό σάρκιν<ον>; διαστέλλεται δέ κ<αΙ πε>ρΙ τούτων ό ' Ε π ί κ ο υ ρ ο ς έν τ ω Περί θ ε ώ ν διόπερ καΙ έν οΐς το σάρκινον φθοράς είναι δεκτικόν λέγει τό λαμ^ανόμενον; [9, as restored by P h i l i p p s o n , I.e.]: σαρκΐ τη κυρίως λεγομέν<η. τά δέ Οεϊα> κατά ταϋτην <άνάλ>ογχ καλε<ΐσΟαι> περί μέντοι <γ>ε τα <φ>0αρτοΰ< . . . >. T h e whole topic suggests various Chris tian distinctions, such as that b e t w e e n the σ ώ μ α ψυχικύν a n d the σ ώ μ α πνευματικόν
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Hacc quamquam et inventa l sunt * acutius a et dicta subtilius * ab Epicure· quam ut quivis ea 5 possit agnoscerc, tamen fretus intellegentia vestra * dissero brevius quam causa7 desiderat. Epicurus autem, qui res occultas et penitus abditas non modo β 1 ct inventa] inuenta D ■ sint B* · et acutius Ν 7 • quivis ea] qui iusta D ' intelligentiac uestrae A causam Ο
(2 Cor. 15, 44), that of the Marcionite idea of Christ (e.g., Hippol. Pbilosopbum. 10, 15), and the homocousian contro versy. quasi sanguinem: an idea somewhat more familiar, not only from the icbor of the gods (//. 5, 339-342; Zwickcr in P.-W. 9 (1916), 830)—a term used also in a purely medical sense, as in Hipp. De Capit. Vain. 19—but also from the observation of analogies to blood in other animals; e.g., Aristot. De Part. An. 1, 5. 645 b 8-10; 2, 2, 648 a 2-5; De Gen. An. 4, 1, 765 b 34-35; 766 a 33-34. Similarly in lower animals Aristotle recognizes analogies to flesh; e.g., De Part. An. 2, 5, 651 b 4-5; 3, 5, 668 a 2627; Probi. 13, 4, 908 a 4-5. subtilius: often used by Cicero with verbs of saying. quivis . . . possit agnosccre: cf. Epic. Sent. Vat. 29, p. 110 Bailey: παρρησία γαρ ίγωγε χρώμενος φυσιολογών χρησμωοεΐν τά συμφέροντα πάσιν άνθρώποις μάλλον αν βουλοίμην κάν μηδείς μέλλη συνήσειν, ή συγκατατιθέμενος ταϊς δόξαις καρποϋσΰαι τον πυκνόν τταραπίπτοντα παρά των πολλών Ιπαινον; Ep. (τ. 43, ρ. 130 Bailey: ουδέποτε ώρέχθην τοις πολλοίς άρεσκε ιν. Α μεν γαρ έκεΐνοις ήρεσκεν ουκ ίμαθον Α 8' ή 8ε ι ν έγώ, μακράν ήν της εκείνων αίσθήσεως. Doubtless the distinction made by other philosophers—e.g., Pythagoras and Aris totle—between esoteric and exoteric teachings was largely based on the same feeling. But that a philosopher, even of another school, could not be expected to understand these ideas when duly explained to him is resented (1, 74) by the Academic, whose training led him (1,11) // contra omnes philosopbos et pro omnibus dicer*, and who accordingly
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expresses doubts (1, 109) whether even the Epicureans themselves understand all the views which they champion. That the obscurity here described applies not merely to the preceding quasi corpus but also to the ideas in the sentence which begins Epicurus autem is remarked by P. Schwcnke (in Jahrb. f. cl. Pbilol. 125 (1882), 618). agnosccre: "appreciate"; "feel the force of"; cf. Τ use. 1, 58. fretus intellegentia vestra: cf. Pro Cat I. 19: fretus vestra prudentia; 44: fretus vestra sapientia; 45: quae vestra prudentia est', Fern. 9, 9, 2: pro tua prudentia; 10, 27, 2; 11, 13, 1: qua emm prudentia es. brevius: cf. Parad. 6: dicam brevius quam res tanta did potest. The brevity of Vcllcius's account is indeed noteworthy, whether compared with the Stoic pro lixity of the second book or with the Epicurean scale used by Philodemus, and R. Philippson (in Hermes, 51 (1916), 607; id., in Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 36-38) suggests that Cicero here used as a source not Philodemus in full but epitomes of his theological works, such as are alluded to by Ambr. Ep. 63, 13: sicut Ρhi h minus [an error for Philodemus) eius sectator in epitomis suis disputat. H. Usener (Epicurea (1887), lxvi) thought that this epitomizing was the work of a Graecu/us officiosus, but Philippson (op. cit., 37) thinks that it may have been done by Philodemus himself. Epicurus, etc.: Schoemann here sus pects a hidden iambic tetrameter: Epuiirus autem qui res occultas et penitus abditas. This sentence is the most difficult and disputed in the whole work, if not in all the works of Cicero, despite the fact that the text is not notably corrupt. In its interpretation scholars have fol-
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lowed one of three assumptions: (1) simillimarum imaginum species s< simiHum that Cicero, though usually a very lucid accessio. Schwcnke (p. 617) pertinently writer, is here, in order to discredit a remarks that if Cicero in 1, 105-109 theology to him distasteful, putting has combined with the words here illogical nonsense into the mouth of spoken by Vclleius the criticisms of an Epicurean spokesman, so that Cotta opponents of Epicureanism then the may the more contemptuously refute it later passage cannot authoritatively be in 1, 105-110. In keeping with this theo used to explain doubtful points in 1, ry would be such expressions as 1, 105: 49-50. hoc per ipsos deos de quibus loquimur quale Each of these three assumptions has tandem est\ 1, 107: totaque res vadllat et had some support; the two former make claudicat; 1, 109: at quam licenter; but easier the work of exegesis, but the third against it would be the fact that such seems the most reasonable. failure to treat fairly one of the two most autem: continuativc, where one might important theological doctrines of his have expected igitur, rather than even day would frustrate to a large extent the mildly adversative; cf. 1, 121: censent purpose of the whole work. (2) The autem; 3, 37: alt autem solem; 3, 71: second theory would be that Cicero, iniustitiae autem. This use is especially either through hasty composition or common with a word which has been from lack of thorough understanding, repeated; cf. Tbes. Ling. Lat. 2 (1906), has unintentionally misrepresented a per 1591, 57—1592, 57. fectly sober and logical Greek Epicurean occultas e t . . . abditas: physical phe source. This situation would be not un nomena are frequently so described; e.g., paralleled elsewhere in his philosophic Ac. 1, 15: a rebus occultis et ab ipsa natura works; cf. Hicr. In Is. 12, p. 492 Val- involutes; 1, 19: de natura et rebus occultis larsi: Timaeum .. . ipse qui interprttatus (where see Rcid's n.J; 2, 30: de abditis est Tullius se non intellegere confitetur. It isrebus et obscuris; 2, 127; Fin. 1, 30: hardly necessary to assume this here, occulta quaedam et quan involute; 1, 64: though C. Bailey {The Cr. Atomists and rerum occultarum ignoratione; 3, 37: ilia Epic. (1928), 443-444; cf. his ed. of quae occulta nobis sunt; 4, 18: contemplatione Lucr. 1 (1947), 68, n. 6) declares that rerum occultarum, 5, 9-10; 5, 51: rerum most commentators think so. Among caelestium eorumque omnium quae naturae such critics of Cicero cf. G. F. Schocobscuritate occultantur; Tim. 1: earum rerum mann, Opusc. acad. 4 (1871), 351; R. quae a natura involutae videntur; Brut. 44: Hirzcl, Untersuch. ^. Cicero's phiJos. Scbr. 1reconditis abstrusisque rebus; Lucr. 1, 136: (1877), 76-77; W. Scott in Journ. of Pbilol. Graiorum obsacra reperta; 1, 145: res 12 (1883), 212-213; in reply O. Plasbcrg, quibus occultas penitus convisere possis. ed. motor, ad loc.; C. Vicol in Ephem. Lucretius praises highly the discoveries Dacoromana, 10 (1945), 249. (3) The of Epicurus: 1, 74-77; 3, 9: tu, pater, third possibility is that Cicero docs, in es rerum inventor; 3, 29-30: quod sic natura general, understand his source and tua vi I tarn manifesto patens ex omni parte renders it with reasonable fidelity, and retecta est; 5, 1-54, especially 52-54: cum that 1, 105-110 derives from an entirely bene praesertim multa ac divinitus ipsis / different source, which Cicero in his ver immortalibus de divis dare dicta suerit / sion has to some extent related in phra atqut omnem rerum naturam pandere dictis; seology to 1, 49-50; cf. R. Philippson cf. Philo's praise of Moses (De Opif. in Hermes, 51 (1916), 584. Cotta's answer Mundi, 131). R. Philippson (Hermesi 51 in 1, 105 is by Hirzcl, op. cit., 49, consid (1916), 599), F. Peters (T. Utcr. et M. ered close and exact, but has been Cic. quo modo Vocab. Gr. Epic. Discipl. shown by G. F. Schocmann (Opusc. acad. propria Latine verter'mt (1926), 7), and 4 (1871), 350) and P. Schwcnkc (Jahrb.f N. Stang (Symb. Osloenses, 17 (1937), 68) cl. Pbilol. 125 (1882), 616) to be distinctly would equate these adjectives with divergent at several points, such as Λδηλος. With penitus abditas—completely vim et naturam deorum s< speciem dei and latent rather than superficial—cf. 2, 151 :
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videat animo sed etiam sic tractet * ut manu, docet * earn esse vim et naturam deorum ut primum non sensu 4 sed mente ccraa1 uideac B, uidcrat AGPNOΜ\ uidcrit Man., doceac cttt. * sens us Bl
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L. 10, 139: έν άλλοις δέ φησι (sc. ό Ε π ί κ ο υ ρ ο ς ) τους θεούς λόγω Θεωρητούς, κτλ. N o t only is the physical in visibility of deity a wide-spread popular belief (cf. A. S. Pease in Harv. Stud, in el. Pbiioi. 53 (1942), 1-6) but various philosophers, particularly Plato, made a place in their systems for ideas (as of deity) which were grasped directly by the intellect, without recourse t o sen sations; cf. Empedocles 2, 24-25: ούτως ούτ* έπιδερκτά τάδ* άνδράσιν ούδ* έπακουστά / ούτε νόω περίληπτά [cf. 1 Cor. 2 , 9 ; Plut. Quomodo Adulesc. p. 17c; D i o g . L. 9, 7 3 ; Scxt. E m p . Adv. Log. 1. 123); Plat. Rip. 6, 510e: ζητοϋντες δέ αυτά εκείνα ίδεϊν α ούκ άν άλλως (δοι τις ή τη διάνοια; 6, 511c: καΐ διανοία μέν αναγ κάζονται άλλα μ ή αίσθήσεσιν αυτά Οεασθαι ol Οεώμενοι; Pbaedo, 79a; 8 3 b ; P/jaedr. 2 4 7 c ; Tbeatt. 185d; Soph. 246b; [Aristot.]
De Mmdoy 6, 399 a 30-31: ύ τιάντων ήγεμών τε καΐ γενέτωρ, αόρατος ών ί λ λ ω πλην λογισμώ; Thcophr. Metapb. 1: έν νοητοϊς, ούκ αίσθητοϊς; Philo, De Gigant. 9 [of souls]; De spec. Leg. 1, 46 [ G o d discerned by mind, not by s i g h t ] ; 1, 3 0 2 [heaven]; 2, 165 [God invisible both to the eye and to the m i n d ] ; Sen. N.Q. 7, 30, 4 : ipse . . . effugit oados; cogitatione visendus est; Plut. Numa, 8, 8 [cf. Clem. Strom. 1, 15, 71, 2): N u m a held ούτε έφάπτεσθχι Οεοΰ δυνατόν άλλως ή νοήσει; Artemid. Onirocr. 2 , 3 4 : των θεών οι μέν είσι νοητοί ol δέ αισθη τοί· νοητοί μέν ol πλειους, αΙσθητοί δέ ολίγοι [followed by examples of the t w o types]; Apul. De Plat. 1. 5; Ascl. 16: mente sola intellegibilis summits qui did tur Deus\ Galen, An in Arteriis, 5 (IV, 720 Κ.): των εις γνώσιν άνθρωπίνην ήκόντων τχ μέν αίσθήσει. τχ δέ λόγω φωρχτχι; Iambi. De comm. Math. Sc. 6, p. 27 Testa: όσα λόγω καΐ διανοία λητττχ, Οψει δέ ού; Orphic frag. ap. Eiis. Pr. Εν. 13, 12, 5: ουδέ τις αυτόν / είσορχχ ψυχών θνητών, νώ δ* είσοράατχι; Ru tin. / / / / / . Monach. 1, p. 128 Vallarsi; I.yd. De Mens. 2, 8: ό ασώματος καΐ νοη
τός κόσμος; Onatus ap. Stob. vol. 1, p. 48 Wachsmuth: ό μέν ων θεός αυτός ούτε ορατός ούτε αίσθητός, άλλα λόγω μόνον καΐ νόω Θεωρατός [the idea is of course c o m m o n a m o n g Jews and Chris tians; e.g., Philo, De Mut. Norn. 6; Tat. Adv. Cr. 4 ; Justin, Dial. 3 ; T h c o p h . Ad Autol. 1, 3]. From these passages it is clear that this part of Epicurus's d o c trine, "that reason and intuition are the avenues o f knowledge t o a world of higher certainties than the world of sense-perception" ( N . W. D e Witt in Cl. Philol. 36 (1941), 370), is by n o means peculiar to him, and C. Bailey (The Gr. Atomssts and Epic. (1928), 592) well recognizes the phrase λόγω Θεωρητός as one traditional in Greek philosophy for what is mentally conceived as o p posed t o what is perceived through the senses. For the contrast cf. also Orat. 8: quod tuque oculis ntqut aurtbus tuque uilo sensu percipi potest cogitatione tantum et mente complectimur\ A m m o n . in Anal, pr. 1, 1, p. 25, 14-16 Wallics: ού γαρ ό θεολόγος δύνχται δια των συλλογισμών τα νοητά δεικνύναι. αλλ' αναλογία κέχρη-αι s o l i d i t a t c q u a d a m : quadam indicates that Cicero is rendering a Greek tech nical term by a Latin expression not yet technical. R. Philippson (Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 33) thinks the Greek here was πυκνότης, and compares Philodcm. De Diis, 3 , col. 11, 19: πυκνότητα νοητήν. The construction, as R. Hirzcl (Untersucb. Z. Cicero s pbilos. Schr. 1 (1877), 49) and R. Philippson {Hermes, 51 (1916), 600) have interpreted it, is a predicate ablative of quality, as in 1, 12: /an/a simili/tidine; 1, 8 1 : ea facie novimus; 1, 8 3 : his vocabulis esse deos facimus; 1, 107: imagines ea forma; its use with cernatur, however, is somewhat harsh, and C. Bailey (op. c/t., 445, n. 2), while consider ing it an ablative of quality would c o n strue it with earn esse vim et natitram. Others hold it an ablative of means, or, as J. S. Reid (ap. Mayor ad loc), perhaps
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two-fold deity by emending the scholium correctly, thinks, of cause. As remarked, however, by J. Degenhart {Krit.-txeg. to ού μέν . . . ώς δέ [so P. Gassendi] or in Btmerk. $\ Cic. Scbr. dt Nat. Dear. other ways (e.g., G. F. Schoemann, op. (1881), 7), to assume a piling-up of cit. 356), or else by explaining the phrase different kinds of ablatives {sensu, mente, to mean, not two kinds of gods but two soliditate) would be unparalleled in forms of our knowledge of them; thus R. Philippson in Hermes, 51 (1916), 580 Cicero. For the thought cf. 1, 75; 1, 98; 1, 105: nee esse in ea ullam solids tatem; 1, explains the passage as signifying "in part . . . in part", comparing Plat. 123; and what Balbus says in 2, 59. nee ad numcrum: cf. 1, 105: nequt Pbaedr. 255c: ή μέν . . . ή δέ. P. Schwcnkc tandem ad numerum permanere. The phrase {mjabrb. f. cl. Pbiiol. 125 (1882), 617; is not an idiomatic Latin one but a 628-629), while admitting some likeness in the scholium to the Ciceronian passage, translation of κατ' αριθμόν, which is used yet considers its readings too uncertain by Philodcm. Dt Piet. p. 134 Gompcrz [as restored by R. Philippson in Hermes, 51 if not too corrupt to help in Ciceronian (1916), 583J: <καΙ τ>ή<ν> κατ* αριθμόν exegesis; cf. J. Degenhart, op. cit., 43. It is certainly strange, as Schoemann <σύγκ>ρισιν δτε μέν <τήν έκ τών> αυ {op. cit., 352) remarks, that, if there were τών καλ«ΐ>νι <δτε δ>έ τήν έκ των <δμοίtwo types of Epicurean gods, Cicero ων> καΐ τή<ν τούτων τ>άξιν ού<κ άποshould make no mention of the fact, and βαλλόν>των, ώσ<τε καΙ> τό <ούτω π>ραχθέν <μηδαμώς> άσταθέ<ς εΐναι>; p. 138: further that the opponents of Epicurea <σύγ>κρισιν των <κατ' ά>ριθμόν; De nism (including Cicero's souice for 1, 105-110) should have overlooked such an Diis, 3, col. 10: ταύτό κα<τ* ά>ριθμόν opening for attack, as is remarked by προς τόν αΙώνα; cf. also Aristot. MeP. Schwenkc {op. cit., 628). Again, how tapb. 4, 6, 1016 b 31-35: Ιτι δέ τά μέν κατ' αριθμόν έστιν ίν, τά δέ κατ* είδος, could Velleius have inveighed against the inconsistent and heterogeneous gods τά δέ κατά γένος, τά δέ κατ' άναλογίαν, αριθμώ μέν ων ή ύλη μία, εΓδει δ1 ων of other philosophers, in his doxograό λόγος είς, γένει δ' ων τό αυτό σχήμα phic review, if the Epicureans themselves had recognized two distinct classes of της κατηγορίας, κατ' άναλογίαν δέ δσα gods, as J. Degenhart {op. cit. 42) per έχει ως άλλο προς άλλο [cf. 8, 9, 1051 a tinently inquires? The Ciceronian pas 32-33]; Anal. post. 1, 5, 74 a 31; De An. 2, 415 b 4-5; Schol. Diog. L. 10, 139: sage, then, should be considered as bask, έν άλλοις δέ φησι τους θεούς . . . οΟς rather than the anonymous and much later scholium to Diogenes; cf. P. μέν κατ' αριθμόν ύφεστώτας, οΟς δέ καθ* Schwenkc, op. cit., 629.J Continuing όμοείδειαν, κτλ. [The passage last cited has often been brought into close con examples of κατ* αριθμόν, cf. Galen, Dt Meth. Med. 2, 7 (X, 135 Κ.): τοσούτον nection with ours in Cicero. As it stands . . . δέον τους παλαιούς φιλοσόφους in the mss it indicates two kinds of gods as recognized by Epicurus, and these επαινεί ν ώς μέγα τι καΐ σοφόν έξευρόντας, δτι τό ταύτόν καΐ τό Ιτερον καΐ Mayor {ad loc.% 147, n. 2) thinks may τό Ιν καΐ τό ούχ ίν ού μόνον κατ* αριθ have been the esoteric and the popular. μόν, άλλα καΐ κατ' είδος χρή νοεΐν; Alex. Some scholars frankly accept two types Aphrod. in Anal. pr. p. 180, 33-35 of gods, despite Cicero's silence on the Wallies: αρέσκει γάρ αύτοΐς τό μετά τήν subject; cf. G. F. Schoemann, Opuse. έκπύρωσιν πάλιν πάντα ταύτα έν τω κοσ acad. 4 (1871), 352-355 (with mention μώ γίνεσθαι κατ' αριθμόν, ώς καΐ τόν of the older discussions); H. Dicls, ed. Ιδίως πτοιόν πάλιν τόν αυτόν τω πρόσθεν of Philodcmus, De Diis, 3, part 2 (1917), 29-32; C. Bailey, The Gr. Atomists and είναί τι καΐ γίνεσθαι έν έκείνω τω κοσ Epic. (1928), 459-461 (review of others' μώ; Suid. s.v. ταύτόν; Τ. Waitz, Arisopinions); P. Merlan in Hermes, 68 totelis Organon, 1 (1844), 276-277, for (1933), 196-204; in refutation sec R. such phrases; W. Scott in Joum. of Philippson in Hermes, 53 (1918), 359-360. Pbiiol. 12 (1883), 215-217; R. Philippson in Hermes, 53 (1918), 370-381. Cf. also Other scholars would escape from the
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propter firmitatem στερέμνια ι appellat, sed imaginibus similitudineet transitione 2 perceptis, cum inflnita simillumarum imaginum 1
stercmnia ACPOFM, stcrem*nia B, strenuia Ν
the use of ad in 1, 6 1 : ad veritatem\ 3, 27: ad barmoniam. The expression, then, seems to refer to individual identity, and the Epicureans accordingly would ob tain, not a knowledge of individual gods —if man could know them how could they be ignorant and careless of him?— but of a blessed eternal genus of beings; cf. 1, 109:fluentiumfrequenter transitio fit visionum, ut e multis una videatur\ also Cotta's contemptuous remarks in 1, 80; R. Philippson (in Hermes, 51 (1916), 581; for a somewhat ineffective protest against this view cf. A. Krokicwicz in h'os, 32 (1929), 97, n. 1). C. Bailey (The Gr. Atomiits and Epic. (1928), 148) would com pare with our passage Simplic. De Cael. p. 310, 5 (Vorsokrat. 1, no. 55 A 82): oi δέ Δημοκρίτου κόσμοι εις έτερους χόσμους μεταβάλλοντες έκ των αυτών ατόμων δντας ol αυτοί τω ε(δει γίνον ται, εΐ καΐ μή τω αριθμώ. Hort and Mayor (ed. of Clem! Strom. 7 (1902), 273) note a similar contrast of κατά τήν δύναμιν and κατά τόν αριθμόν. firmitatem: — στερεότης; cf. Epic, ap. Diog. L. 10, 44; also the view of Dcmocritus in Diog. L. 9, 44. It de notes not merely material hardness but also comparative durability, as contrasted with the relatively perishable separate imagines. Cf. the terms concreti (1,75) and babitu solido (1, 123). <ΓΤ€ρ4μνια: the solid objects from which imagines (είδωλα) are given off; cf. Epic. ap. Diog. L. 10,46: τύποι όμοιοσχήμονες τοις στερεμνίοις είσί, λεπτότησιν απέχοντες μακράν των φαινομέ νων; 10, 48: καΐ γάρ ρεϋσις άττό των σω μάτων του έπιπολής συνεχής . . . σώζουσα τήν επί του στερεμνίου Οέσιν καΐ τάξιν των ατόμων επί πολύν χρόνον; 10, 50: μορφή έστιν αύτη τοΰ στερεμνίου; Philodem. De Diis, 3, col. 11, 8-16 [4 oc currences]; fr. 30c. Others had already used the term; cf. Act. Plac. 2, 11, 2: 'Εμπεδοκλής στερέμνιον είναι τ&ν ού-
■ transititne A1
ρανόν [cf. Schol. //. 2, 458; 4, 2; 8, 393; 14, 288] έξ αέρος συμπαγέντος ύπο πυ ρός κρυσταλλοειδώς; 4, 19, 5: 'Αναξα γόρας τήν φωνήν γΐνεσθαι πνεύματος άντιπεσόντος μέν στερεμνίω αέρι, κτλ.; cf. also Schol. Thcocr. 2, 33-34: στερεμνιώτερον . . . τοΰ έν "Αιδου αδάμαν τος; Hesych. and Suid. s.v. στερέμνιον στερεόν, Ισχυρότατον. Eustath. in //. 16, 682, contrasts στερεμνίοις προσώποις with άνυποστάτοις πάϋεσιν. The atom itself was defined by Epicurus as a σώμα στερεόν (which is used by Prod, in Tim. p. 24d (p. 77Dichl);cf. Schol. Dionys. Thr. Gram, in Bckk. Anted. 2, 660. On the use of the Greek technical term here cf. H. J. Rose in Journ. Hell. Stud. 41 (1921), 110. sed . . . intellegentiam capere: in stead of continuing the construction */ primum . .. cernatur Cicero makes this an indirect discourse clause de pendent upon docet, and sed contrasts, as Mayor observes, the following po sitive with the preceding negative de scription of the divine nature. similitudine et transitione: cf. 1, 105: eamque esse tins pisi one m ut similitudine et transitione cernatur; 1, 109: fluentium frequenter transitio fit visionum, ut e mu/tis una vidtatur [this second instance is less in point than the first, as is recognized by A. Briegcr, Beitr. ξ. Krit. einiger pbilos. Scbr. d. Cic. (1873). 12]; Schol. Diog. L. 10, 139 (quoted in note on cum infinita, etc., below). The proper under standing of these two ablatives of means (cf. R. Philippson in Hermes, 51 (1916), 602) is fundamental for the comprehen sion of this passage. They undoubtedly render two Greek terms, and Philodemus is the natural place to search for such. Similitude is often identified with όμοιοτης, as incorrectly by J. Masson, Lu cretius (1909), 149, who thinks αϊ ομοιό τητες means much the same as imagines, then "the divine likenesses," and finally
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ing ill agreeing with mm sensu sed mmte, the gods themselves. R. Philippson and not explaining how this passage (Hermes, 51 (1916), 602; id., Symb. Osbefore the eyes is produced. Mayor lotnsts, 19 (1939), 33; 20 (1940), 33), further thinks that the word is here perhaps correctly, renders transitio et inaccurately used. J. Masson (in CI. Rt». nmilitudo reversing the order—as hen16 (1902), 278, n. 4; id.% Lucretius (1909), diadys for the technical expression μετά142, n. 3( conjectured contmmttom, com βασις καθ* ομοιότητα. Ν. W. De Witt paring Lucr. 4, 87-89; 4, 104-109; 4, (Trans. Roy. Soc. of Canada, 3 scr., sect. 2. vol. 36 (1942), 46) identifies nmilitudo 256-268. C. Bailey (The Gr. AtondsU with αναλογία, used by Epicurus three and Epic. (1928), 448-449; cf. H. Dicls, times in five lines when speaking (ap. ed. of Philodcm. De Diist 3, part 2, 28. Diog. L. 10, 58-59) of the atoms and also n. 1) somewhat hesitantly suggests ύπέρβασις, comparing Philodcm. De of thoughts (Diog. L. 10, 32): έπίνοιαι Diis, 3, col. 9, 20, where the atoms seem πάσαι άπό των αισθήσεων γεγόνασι χατά to have the power of passing over τε περίπτωσιν καΐ άναλογίαν καΐ ομοιό τητα καΐ σύνθεσιν, συμβαλλομένου τι intervening space between the interκαΐ τοΰ λογισμού; also by Philodemus mundia and the human mind. He also, however, admits (p. 448) that the Greek in VolI. Herculan* 1, 126 (as corrected by W. Cronert; cf. C. Bailey, Epicurus word may be μετάβασις (i.e., before (1926), 132, no. 49): των ανθρώπων όσοι man's mind], translating "by images apprehended by their similarity and μήτε την άναλογίαν την κατά τα φαινό succession," or "apprehended by the μενα έ>ν τοις άοράτοις ο<ύσα>ν ήδυναντο συνιοεϊν μήτε τήν συμφωνίαν τήν succession of similars"; Schoemann ταϊς αίσΟήσεσιν ύπάρχουσαν προς τά and Bricger had also understood trans αόρατα; De Signis, 11, 17; 37, 14: itio of the passages of images from the <ό>μοιότης ή άναλο<γ>ία<ι>; frg. 3, 1-5; gods to us. H. Dicls (cd. of Philodem. De Diss, 3, pan 2 (1917), 28, n. 1) while άναλογέω, αναλογίζομαι, άναλογισμός, and ανάλογος arc used in nine accepts μετάβασις, but supposes that Qcero misunderstood the term. More additional cases (cf. the index to De probable than any of these views, how Lacy's edition, 188). DcWitt well re marks (op. cit. 46): "This method of ever, is the assumption that, while μετάβοκσις is the corresponding Greek reasoning by analogy is inseparably word, transitio is here used with no connected with what Epicurus called reference to vision of the imagines or to Ισονομία, an essential part of his phys their motion from the gods to us. ical theory" (cf. 1, 50, below). Τ ransitto R. Hi reel (Untersucb. ξ. Rather the whole phrase means, as R. Cicero'spbilos. Scbr. 1 (1877), 58-59; cf. J. Philippson in several articles (De PbiloDcgcnhart, Krit.-exeg. Bemerk. ζ. Cic. demi Libro qui est περί σημείων, etc. (1881). 34; Rbein. Mus. 64 (1909), 16; Scbr. de Nat. Dear. (1881), 15-17; A. Kocnig, Lucrttii de Simulacr. et d* Visu Hermes, 51 (1916), 601-603; Hermes, 83 Doctr. cum Fontibus comparata (1915), 25) (1934), 171-175; Sjmb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 35-36; 20 (1940), 30) and P. considers to be the άνταναπλήρωσις by Schwenke (in Jabrb. f. cl. Pbilol. 125 which Epicurus (ap. Diog. L. 10,48) says that the loss of panicles streaming off (1882). 613-633, especially 623-624) have as imagines from the surface of bodies shown.andas N. W. DeWitt (op. cit., 46) is constantly offset. W. Scott (in Journ. renders it: "shapes apprehended by o/Pbilol. 12 (1883), 219) believes transitio the method of analogy and inference by induction," or, as he translates it in is the "passage or flux of matter (in the Trans. Am. pbilol Assoc. 70 (1939), 425: form of a scries of images) which is the distinctive mark of the divine beings"; "by analogy and transfer." (C. Bailey's Mayor (ad loc.) thinks it — φορά, and refutation of this interpretation in his Gr. Atomists and Epic. (1928), 593-594 translates it "the passing before the appears unconvincing.) The analogy, as eyes,'* as in Ov. Rem. Am. 616: multaqm corporibus transitione nocent—a meanSchwenke (op. cit., 624) points out, is
1,49 b e t w e e n t h e στερέμνια, k n o w n t o us by the senses, and die Bildtr, durcb welcbe die Cotter wabrgenommen werden, erst durcb einen Analogitscblus^ begriffen, and he re turns t o t h e n o t i o n of quasi corpus as c o n t r a s t e d with t h e corpus of the σ τ ε ρέμνια. H o w far the E p i c u r e a n s w e n t in their use of these analogies is s h o w n in their d o c t r i n e of divine a n t h r o p o morphism. T h i s use of μετάβασις, a " s t e p p i n g o v e r " from the k n o w n t o the u n k n o w n (just as μεταφορά is a " c a r r y i n g o v e r " f r o m a familiar t o an unfamiliar Held) is n o t f o u n d in E p i c u r u s himself, but s e e m s t o c o m e from the later E p i c u r e a n s , particularly, as R. P h i l i p p s o n {De Pbilodemi Libro qui est περί σημείων καΐ σημειώσεων et Epicureorum Doctrina hffca (1881), 34 (not seen by m e ) ; id., Hermes, 51 (1916), 574; id, Symb. Os/oensest 19 (1939), 3 5 ; 20 (1940), 32-33) and P. S c h w c n k e (op. at., 627) hold ( t h o u g h t h e view is a t t a c k e d b y A . L o r c h c r in Burs. Jabresb. 200 (1924), 127; 136), from Z c n o of S i d o n , w h o may have b o r r o w e d it f r o m t h e empirical physicians. T h e t e r m is very f r e q u e n t in P h i l o d c m . De Signis, D e L a c y ' s index ( p . 190) n o t i n g 36 cases of μετάβασις and μεταβαίνειν; especially n o t e w o r t h y are 22, 15-21 [as e m e n d e d by R. P h i l i p p s o n in Rhein. Mus. 64 (1909), 3 0 ] : οίον δτ<ι τινά> μέν άνθρώποις μ<ό νο ις ίδια>, τινά δέ <κοινά> κα<1> θε<οΐς έστ>ιν· εύστόχω<ς ούν τ>ή έ<κ> ζ ω <ων μετ>αβάσει χ<ρησόμεθα> ν<ομίζοντες> ουδέν <κωλύειν, μ ή σ ώ μ α μ>έν άνθ<ρώποις ώμοι>ω<μένον> τον Οεόν ΰπάρχειν, κ τ λ . ; fr. 8 [as e m e n d e d by R. P h i l i p p s o n in Rbein. Mus. 64 (1909), 16-17]: <τήν των θεών έπίνοια>ν δεϊν έπανάγε<ιν επί τα πε>ριληπτικώς τ η < διάνο ία γινό>μενα κατε<ν>αρ<γ>ή<μαθ', & διασαψ>εϊ προφανώς το δ<αιμόνια καΙ> άίδια <ζωα εΙναι>; also cf. Scxt. E m p . Adv. Pbys. 1, 4 5 : ol δέ [sc. the E p i c u reans] καΐ προς τοΰτό φασιν ότι ή μέν αρχή της νοήσεως του εΤναι Οεόν γ έ γονεν ά π ό τ ώ ν κατά τους ύπνους Ινδαλλομένων ή άπό τ ώ ν κατά τόν κόσμον θεωρουμένων, τό δέ άίδιον εϊναι τόν θεόν καΐ άφθαρτον καΐ τέλειον έν ευδαιμονία παρήλθε κ α τ ά τήν άπό τ ώ ν ανθρώπων
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μετάβασιν . . . ούτως ανθρωπον εύδαίμονα νοήσαντες καΐ μακάριον καΐ σ υ μ π ε π λ η ρ ω μένον πάσι τοϊς άγαθοϊς, ε ί τ α ταϋτα έπιτείναντες τόν έν αύτοϊς έκείνοις άκρον ένοήσαμεν Οεόν. p e r c e p t i s : C. Bailey (The Gr. Atomists and Epic. (1928), 584) objects that perceptis is the ordinary w o r d for sensep e r c e p t i o n and not for c o m p r e h e n s i o n as a result of inference. Yet Cicero has warned us (non sensu sed mente) that we must not expect here the ordinary type of sense-perception, and in 1, 105 he definitely states that sped em dei per dpi coptatione non sensu. It may be observed that in this sentence we have cernatur . . . perceptis and in 1, 105 percipi . . . cernatur, from which it w o u l d appear that the t w o w o r d s arc essentially interchangeable. T h e choice of cernere (often applied t o inner sight o r realization) rather t h a n videre (more often o f physical vision) is t o be n o t e d ; cf. A . E r n o u t in Bull, de la soc. de linguistique, 29, 3 (1929), 82-84, w h o also r e m a r k s that it often implies deliberate, active, vision (like the English " d i s t i n g u i s h " ) , t h o u g h at o t h e r times it is absolutely s y n o n y m o u s with videre. De Or. 1, 161, uses b o t h t e r m s ; w h e t h e r differentiated o r as identical is not clear. Ax (appendix, 169-170) e q u a t e s per ceptis w i t h περιληπτά in P h i l o d c m . De Diis, 3 , col. 15, 5-7: περιληπτά μέν διά νοια, τοις δ* αίσθητηρίοις ούχ ύ π ο π ί π τ ο ν τ α ; cf. id., De Signis, fr. 8, 1-3: <τά πε>ριληπτικώς τ η <διανοία γ ι ν ό μενα, κτλ. T h e E p i c u r e a n d o c t r i n e , as interpreted by P h i l i p p s o n , S c h w c n k e , and D e W i t t , a v o i d s the pitfalls i n v o l v e d in the view of D c m o c r i t u s (Scxt. E m p . Adv. Pbys. 1,19) that from great images i m p i n g i n g u p o n men φαντασίαν λαβόντες ol π α λαιοί ύπενόησαν είναι θεόν, μηδενός άλλου παρά ταΰτα ί ν τ ο ς θεοΰ [του] ά φ θαρτον φύσιν έχοντος, and in that as cribed by A u g . Ep. 118, 27-29, t o b o t h D c m o c r i t u s a n d E p i c u r u s : qui [sc. Democritus] deos esse arbitraretur imagines, quae de solidis corporibus fluerrnt, solidaeque ipsae non essent, easque bac atque bac motu proprio circumeundo atque illabendo in animos hominum facere ut vis divina cogitetur.. . Epicurus . . . non vult omnino atiquid praeter
ίΟ
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that reading. It is tempting to think that -pora cogitare; quae /amen ut cogt'/e/, tagines dial ab ipns rebus quas atomis instead of rerum the word atomorum may rmari putat defluere a/que in animum in have originally followed nmillumarum. ure subtiiiores quam sunt ilia* imagines Perhaps someone who did not recognize ae ad oculos veniunt. . . Epicurus . .. atomorum as a feminine then substituted are non vidit non opus esse neefieripossefor it imaginum. The difficulty with imagi incorporeus animus adven/u a/que con- num itself lies in supposing that the atoms :/u corporearum imaginum cogi/tt (and in on their way toward the gods, arc al ready arranged into imagines, even before > he re fleas Cotta's objections in 1, reaching the divine quasi corpus. That 9; 1, 114]. unarranged atoms, however, of very cum infinita, etc.: the artistically inr locked order, infini/a nmillumarum similar sort, should be imagined by men's minds as ever streaming toward (and for a aginum species, should be noted, folwing closely after imaginibus simili/udine moment constituting) the persons of /ransi/ione perceptis, with a somewhat the gods seems not inconceivable. Tiilar structure and making one relucN. W. De Witt (op. cit., 42), in trans it to tamper with it by emendation. lating "an eternal form consisting of ic meaning is by J. Lachelicr (in identical idols," is, literally speaking, n>. de Philol. 1 (1877), 265; followed by somewhat overtranslating nmillumarum, yet for practical purposes the phrase Schwcnkc, op. cit., 625) regarded as seems admissible; W. Scott (Journ. of uivalcnt to imagines infinitae; by A. scthe (ad /or.) as signifying infini/arum Philol. 12 (1883), 213) says "of precisely aginum species. Cf. 2, 98: fon/ium gelidas similar form"; P. Schwcnke (op. cit. 625) "gan^gleicbe." As to what may be meant tnni/a/es. The superlative here, as by "similar" C. Bailey (The Gr. Atomists ted by H. Dicls (cd. of Philodem. De Us, 3, part 2, 29, n. 3), is not paralleled and Epic. (1928), 454) remarks: "All 1, 105 (ex infimtis corporibus ήmilium the normal objects of sense-perception are unities of shifting material of many essio—though since that part of this kinds, and it is just the existence of ok derives from a different Greek urce the shift from superlative to alien matter in them which causes decay and ultimate destruction. The gods too sitive need occasion no surprise) nor are composed of shifting matter, but the anything in the Epicureans, so that els proposes simiHum rerum [imaginum]. matter is always 'similar' and there never enters [sic] into their composition Philippson had already conjectured lermes, 51 (1916), 604) that imaginum the alien and fatal elements." Yet cf. a gloss on rerum, though on p. 605 Orig. C. Cels. 4, 14: οίδέ τοϋ Επικού ρου θεοί, σύνθετοι έξ ατόμων τυγχάνονneeding that it may be a correct τες καΐ τό δσον επί rfj συστάσει αναλυ iding. Philippson also criticizes the aping up in one sentence of imaginibus τοί, πραγματεύονται τάς φθοροποιούς άτόμους άποσείεσΟαι. Α. Lorchcr (in . imaginum . . . imagines, but admits it Cicero may be responsible for these Burs, fabrtsb. 200 (1924), 132) tries to xtitions (which, as a matter of fact, connect our expression with Schol. Diog. : by reason of the changes in case not L. 10, 139: καθ* όμοείδειαν έκ της συν > harsh). In Hermes, 53 (1918), 376, εχούς έπιρρύσεως των ομοίων εΰώλων επί τό αυτό άποτετελεσμένων άνβροilippson further accepts Diels's simim rerum, to which, however, C. Bailey ποει&ώς, which, however, G. F. Schoemann (Opusc. acad. 4 (1871), 357) would he Gr. Atomistsand Epic. (1928), 457, 1) objects, thinking rerum a strange equate with 1, 109:fluentturn frequenter transitiofitvisionum, ut e multis una vidtatur. >rd to express what would be naturally idercd by si milium corporum or simi/is P. Schwenke(o/>.a/.,628, n. 32) observes teriae. W. Ax (appendix, 170) suggests that the simillumae imagines must refer to it in the last syllables of nmillumarum those of (or, rather, "going to form") va rious gods, for there would be nothing iy lurk the word rerum, though he remarkable if all belonged to one god. cs not venture to change the text to
1,49
321
species ex * innumerabilibus individuis * existat3 et ad deos 4 adfluat, cum δ maximis β voluptatibus in eas imagines mentem 1 ex] et Η * turn CBX
* in diuis Nl · m a x i m u m Bl
' existat] constat (del.) D
s p e c i e s : cf. Lucr. 5, 1175-1178: aeternamque dabant pi/am, quia semper eorum / subpeditabatur fades et forma [ c o r r e s p o n d i n g to species in Cicero] manebat, / et tamen omnitto quod tantis viribus auctos / non temere ulla vi convinci posse putabant. A. Bricgcr (Beifr. ζ. Krit. einiger Schr. d. Cic. (1873), 13) emended species t o series, in w h i c h he has been followed by M a y o r , C. Bailey ('/'be Cr. Atomists and Epic. (1928), 456, n. 3 ; 457), a n d o t h e r s — a n unnecessary c h a n g e (cf. R. P h i l i p p s o n in Hermes, 51 (1916), 604), for, as M a y o r a d m i t s , species is the technical t e r m for the mental i m p r e s s i o n p r o d u c e d by imagines', cf. 1, 1 0 7 : fac imagines esse quibus pulsentur animi ; species dumtaxat obidtur quaedam\ Div. 2, 137:
4
deos] eos Bx
ήγορα μηχανησάμενος. In the present w o r k b o t h expressions are used, a p parently w i t h o u t d i s t i n c t i o n : individual 1, 6 5 ; 1, 6 7 ; 1, 7 1 ; 1, 110; 2, 9 3 ; 3 , 2 9 ; atomi: 1, 5 4 ; 1, 6 5 ; 1, 6 8 ; 1, 6 9 ; 1, 7 3 ; cf. F. Peters, T. Lucr. et M. Cic. quo modo Vocab. Cr. Epic. Discipl. propria La tine verterint (1926), 11. F r o m a t o m s arise images ( 1 , 110), cither by floating off from the surface of στερέμνια (Lucr. 4, 6 7 - 7 1 ; Q u i n t i l . Inst. 10, 2. 1 5 ; D i o g . L. 10, 48), o r as they h o v e r in t h e air (Lucr. 4, 129-142). Since the a t o m s arc n u m b e r l e s s , the possibilities of such c o m b i n a t i o n s arc u n l i m i t e d ; cf. 1, 105: neque deficiat umquam ex inflnitis corporibus simiHum accessio; Lucr. 5, 1175-1176: aeternamque dabant vitam, quia semper
quem enim tu Marium visum a me putas?
eorum [the gods] / ikbptditabatur fonts
spedem, credo, eius et imaginem, ut Democrito videtux . . . plena sunt imaginum omnia; nulla enim spents cogitari potest nin pulsu imaginum; Fat. 4 3 : visum obiecturn inprimet illud quidem et quasi signabit in animo suam speciem. According to C. Vicol (Epbem. Dacoromana, 10 (1945), 260), t h i s species constantly r e n e w i n g itself g u a r a n t e e s the eternal είδος o f the g o d . F o r t h e m e t a p h o r in speder . . . adfluat cf. the fluentiurn . . . visionum of 1, 109.
et forma
e x i n n u m e r a b i l i b u s i n d i v i d u i s : cf. 1, 109: innumerabilitas . . . suppeditat atomorum. T h e t e r m individuus—commonly in the n e u t e r , with corpus o r corpusculum expressed o r u n d e r s t o o d — w a s c o i n e d by C i c e r o t o render ί τ ο μ ο ς ; cf. Fin. 1 , 1 7 : atomos quas appellat, id est, corpora individua propter so/iditatem; Plut. Cic. 4 0 , 2 : εκείνος γ α ρ έστιν, ώς φασιν, ό καΐ τήν φαντασίαν . . . και τήν έττοχήν καΐ τήν κατάληψιν, ί τ ι δέ καΐ το άτομον, τδ άμερές, το κενόν, ί λ λ α τε πολλά τ ω ν τοιούτων έξονομάσας πρώτος ή μ ά λ ι στα "Ρωμαίοις, τά μέν μεταφοραΐς, τά δ' οίκειότησιν ί λ λ α ι ς γνώριμα και ττροσ-
manebat.
a d d e o s adfluat: Bl (by h a p l o g r a p h y ) : ad eos. M a n y e d i t o r s , n o t u n d e r s t a n d i n g the text and u n d u l y impressed by 1, 114 (cum sine ulla intermissione pulsetur agiteturque atomorum incurnont sempiterna, cumque ex ipso imagines semper afluant—affluant of AHNB*\ cf. A u g . h'p. 118, 3 0 : cum ex ipso imagines . . . semper adfluant— w h i c h p r o b a b l y rests o n a different s o u r c e from o u r passage), have c h a n g e d the direction of flow of the a t o m s s o as t o m a k e it a deo ( M a n u t i u s ) , a deis (Davics), ad nos (I^ambinus, followed by Schocm a n n , Hirzcl, a n d D c g e n h a r t ) , o r a diis ad nos ( H c i n d o r f ) . But the g o d s arc formed from a t o m s which flow t o w a r d t h e m ; cf. Schol. D i o g . L. 10, 139: έκ της συνεχούς έπιρρύσεως τών ομοίων ειδώλων έπί τό αυτό άποτετελεσμένων άνΟρωποειδώς, where C. Bailey (The Gr. Atomists and Epic. (1928), 458) translates: " o w i n g t o the c o n s t a n t s t r e a m i n g u p of similar idols which arc perfected at the same s p o t " ; R. D. Hicks, translation of D i o g e n e s (1925): " f r o m the c o n t i n u o u s influx of similar images dircc21
322
1,49
ted to the same spot"; but N. W. Dc Witt (op. at., 42): "by the uninterrupted inflow of similar idols wrought to the same shape.*' Cf. also Hippol. Pbilosopbum. 1, 22 (Doxogr. Gr.* 571-572): έκ 8έ των ατόμων συνελθουσών γενέσθαι καΐ τόν Οεόν καΐ τά στοιχεία και έν αύτοΐς πάντα καΐ ζώα καΐ &λλα, ώς μηδέν μήτε γίνεσθαι μήτε συνεστάναι εΐ μή έκ των ατόμων είη. The divine im mortality is assured, not by the reten tion of corruptible atoms, but by un ceasing replacements (1, 105: timilium accesno); cf. R. Philippson in Hermes, 51 (1916), 603-605. There may here be noted the rather famous explanation starting with J. Lachclicr (Rev. de Pbilot. 1 (1877), 264266) and developed by W. Scott (Journ. of Pbilol. 12 (1883), 212-247), who thus (p. 214) expounds our passage: "They (i.e., the gods) arc formed by perpetual successions of 'images,* or material films, of precisely similar form, which, having arisen (in some unexplained way) out of the infinite atoms dispersed throughout the universe, stream to a sort of focus, and then, by their meeting, constitute for a moment the being of the gods; then, streaming away again in all directions, they pass into the (material) mind of man/' According to this view the gods arc of changing ma terial but unchanging form. This formal identity of objects with changing con stituents had been remarked by Hcraclitus in the case of the flowing river: fr. 49a Dicls: ποταμοϊς τοις αύτοΐς έμβα(νομέν τε καΐ ούκ έμβαίνομεν, εΐμέν τε καΐ ούκ εΐμεν; cf. Eus. Pr. Εν. 15, 20, 2; Aristot. Pol. 3, 3, 1276 a 40; Meteor. 2,3,357 b 30-32; Sen. Ep. 58,23. Modern scholars have compared the process in the case of the gods to a waterfall, changing in its individual drops of water but maintaining its form. The attempts of Lambinus and others to change the direction of the flow of the atoms sets a false emphasis in the passage; as J. Lachclicr (op. at., 265) has acutely observed, the question here discussed is not how we are able to know the gods but how the gods come to exist—a problem of physics rather
than of epistemology; cf. also R. Philipp son in Hermes, 51 (1916). 604; C. Bailey (op at. 457, n. 3). Furthermore, if the imagines in divine form, frail and delicate as they must be, could make their way through the vast spaces from the intermundia and directly enter our minds, then some influence of the gods upon human life could hardly be denied. Rather, our mindy concentrating itself with a distinct effort (mentem intentam infixamque nostram) and by the method of inference above described upon the thought of what these divine shapes, atomically formed, must be like, comes to realize what a happy and eternal nature is. For adfluere used in a literal sense, without its often added meaning of abundance (cf. 1, 51: affluentius), see Fin. 1, 39 [and Reid's n.]; £ . Fr. 3, 3, 1; elsewhere for the imagines we find fluere (e.g., 1, 109; Div. 2, 137; 2, 139) or afluere (e.g., 1, 114; Gell. 5, 16, 3); for parallels in Lucretius and for the use of ρ'εϋμα, etc. in Greek sec F. Peters, op. at., 20. voluptatibus: R. Philippson (Hermes, 51 (1916), 606) remarks that Vcllcius here speaks of the aesthetic enjoyment derived from correct views of the gods, and E. Bignone (Atti i. r. ace. d. sc. di Torino, 47 (1912), 675, n. 1) compares Philodcm. Pap. 168, col. 1 [restored by R. Philippson in Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 38]: <"πρός> το μέ<ν ευδαιμον δια τών> σω<ματικών ηδονών ποιόν > κέρ<δος καΐ ού μικρ>όν ο(σ<η· ού μήν προσ8εήσ>ει τού<των ουδέποτε." καΐ πρ>οβάς· "<ήδοντα δ* όρ0ώς> τ<ινα> ζητή<σεις έκ τών σωμα>τ<ων> ώς οω· <μάτα>ν αυτών ·> εΐ <δ* έ>λάττω ά<γα6ά δοκεΐ> τά κατά σάχματ* εΐνχι> έκ τοΰ σώμα<τος ήμΐν ε1σ>φερόμεν<α>, ούκ άθ<ρεΐς σύν> μεγίστη γινόμ<ενα τά 8ι>« μορφής και συμ<μετρΙας> ηδονή; έκ της τ' α<ύτών ά>ναλογΙας άπολήψη<ι καΙ> τήν έκ τών ε(δώ<λων παρά 6εώ>ν ηδονής· ο<ύ> προς <τά μυθικ>ά <ο>ύν δήλον ώς ού<δέ> προς πϊσαν μορφή<ν αυτών> τοιούτω [dual?] προσπ<οιήστ,> ουδέ προς τήν έπ* ϊ<δ>ια το<ύτων βλέ πων, άλλα προς τήν ομοιότητα τών σννεχώς άπ* αυτών έπιρρεόντων εΙδώλων>; Ambr. Ep. 63, 13: atqm bic [sc. Epiatrus\
1, 50
323
intentam infixamque nostram intellegentiam capere quae sit et beata natura et acterna. 50 Summa* vero vis infinitatis2 et 1
summo Bx
* infinita**** Nt infirmitatis Ο
quam alitnus a vero sit etiam bine depreintentam: cf. 1, 54, n. (intendens); 1, benditur, quod voluptatem in homine deo 105: in hate in tenia mens nostra', Ac. 2, 30: auctore creatam adserit principal! ter, sicut mens .. . naturalem vim babel quam intendit Pbi/odemus [filominus codd.J eius sec tator ad ea qui bus movetur; 2, 46: parum defigunt in epitomis stas disputa/, et buius allegat animos et intenduni in ea quae perspicua Stoicos esse auctores sen tentiae (where H. sunt; Lucr. 4, 808-815. Uscner, Epicurea (1887), 356, remarks: intellegentiam capere: though rough senten tiam Epicuri apparel male exceptam ly equivalent to intel/egere (in 1, 105 the esse nee tarn de origine omnis vol itp tatis corresponding expression is putet), yet quam de ilia voluptate dictam juisse quam the phrase probably renders ίννοιαν homo deorum simulacris perceptis sentiret; (or perhaps νόησιν) λαμβάνειν; cf. Act. yet cf. H. Diels in Sit^b. Berl. Akad. Plac. 1, 6, 8 (Doxogr. Gr.* 294); Scxt. (1916), 895). Atticus ap. Bus. Pr. Ev. Emp. Adv. Phys. 1, 34 (cf. 1, 44); P. 15, 5, 8, speaks of the advantage coming Schwcnkc, op. cit., 626-627; also Fin. to men from the gods, and in 15, 5, 9, 3, 21: cepit intellegentiam; H. Diels, cd. continues: τάς γοϋν βελτίονας απόρ of Philodem. De Diis, 3, part 2 (1917), ροιας αυτών φασι τοις μετασχοΰσι με 25, n. 4. R. Philippson (Hermes, 51 γάλων αγαθών παραιτίας γίνεσθαι (the (1916), 605) observes that while the use of παραιτίας rather than of αιτίας nature of the gods, to whose essential should be noted). P. Mcrlan (Hermes, 68 properties immortality and complete (1933), 212 n. 3) punctuates so as to happiness belong, is known to us only take the clause cum maximis voluptatibus by the reason, yet this would give us with what precedes it rather than, as but a nebulous picture of deity were here, with what follows. it not for the revelations due to mental perception; cf. Philodem. De Signis, fr. 8: in eas imagines: not observing the <τήν τών θεών έπΙνοια>ν δεϊν έπανάγε<ιν imagines by direct physical sight nor yet επί τά πε>ριληπτικώς τη <διανοία by subtler but similar impressions upon the mind, but rather by the deliberate γινό>μενα κατε<ν>αρ<γ>ή>μαθ\ 4 διασαφ>εΐ προφανώς το δ*<αιμόνια καί> άίθια process of inference already described. Even if one should accept, however, the <ζώα είναι>. notion of the flow of divine imagines to the beata . . . et acterna: cf. 1, 96: praehuman mind, the mind must itself act, stantissima natura . . . eaque beata et aeas Mayor points out, (1) to distinguish terna; 1, 105: beatam illam naturam et between them, comparing Lucr. 4, 802- sempiternam putet; 1, 107: cur ea beata sit, 804: et quia tenvia sunt, nisi quae contendit cur aelernat C. Bailey (The Gr. Atomists [cf. intentam, below], acute / cernert non and Epic. (1928), 470) remarks that the potis est animus; proinde omnia quae sunt / continuous succession of images might praeterea pereunt, nisi siquae ad se ipse para- well suggest to us the eternity of the vit\ and (2) to interpret them by medita gods, but asks why it should inform tion; κατ* έπιβολήν according to Epic, us of their happiness. In reply he cites ap. Diog. L. 10, 62; cf. 10, 31; 10, 50; Lucr. 5, 1169-1171: quippe etenim iam 10, 5 1 ; 10, 147; also 1, 54, below: in turn divom mortalia saecla j egregias animo quam se iniciens animus et intendens; Lucr. 2, fades vigilante videbant j et magis in somnis 740: animi iniectus; 2, 1047: animi /actus; mirando corporis auctu [cf. Scxt. Emp. 2, 1080; F. Peters, T. Uicr. et M. Cic. Adv. Phys. 1, 25]; 5, 1175-1182: alterquo modo Vocab. Gr. Epic. Discipl. namque dabant vitam, quia semper corurn j propria La tine verterint (1926), 13. subpeditabatur fades et forma manebat, /
324
1, 50 l
2
magna ac diligenti contemplatione dignissima est. In qua intellegi necesse est earn esse naturam ut omnia omnibus, paribus ' paria respondeant; hanc 4 ισονομίαν6 appellat Epicurus,6 id est 1 ac] ct Bl, om. C * diligcntia C * paribus add. Β ACPNBFM, ysonomiam Ο · epicurus om.D
* hant A
· isonomiam
et tamen omnino quod tantis viribus auctos JLucr. 2, 522-531). Accordingly the non temtft ulla vi convinci posst puiabant. / scarcity of a particular kind of animal fortunisque idto long* pratstare putabat, f in one land is offset by its abundance in quod mortis timor bout qutmquam vexaret another; cf. R. Mondolfo, L'infinifo ml eorumt / et simul in somnis quia multa et pensierc dei Greet (1934), 387; 412-413. mira videbant / e/ficere et nullum capere ipsosFrom this Lucr. 2, 541-568 argues the inde I abort m. Their happiness, then, is difficulty of supposing the existence of deduced from their eternity, and " 'the an unica res . . . cut similis toto terrarum blessed and immortal' becomes the nulla sit orbi, since the atoms needed to produce it would be so rare and dis regular Epicurean periphrasis for the divine existence" (Bailey, op. cit.t 4, 71); persed as to prevent the chance of their cf. 1, 45, n. (ilia sententia). But Schwcnkc combining in the infinity of space; cf. {pp. cit.t 625-626) well remarks that Vel- C. Bailey, Tin Gr. Atomists and Epic. leius is not here trying to prove the (1928), 361. happiness and immortality of the gods, contemplatione dignissima: so na these having already been predicated of ture appears in the view of the Stoics them as axiomatic (1, 45), so that et also; cf. 2, 37; 2, 105: quorum contempla beata natura et aeterna is not the goal of tion* nullius expleri potest animus naturae the sentence. Cf. also 1, 68: Mud vestrum constat!tiam vidtre cupientis. On the word beatum et aetemum, quibus duobus verbis contemplatio cf. F. Boll in Sit^b. d. Heidelb. significatis deum. Ak. d. Wss. Phil.-hist. Kl., 11, no. 8 (1920). 25-26. The whole sentence Plasbcrg in his editio maior attempted to translate into necesse est . . . esse: cf. 1, 44. Greek, and this version was revised by earn esse naturam ut: cf. 1, 49: earn Ax (appendix, 170-171) in the light of esse . . . naturam deorum ut. subsequently published discussions: τήν omnia omnibus paribus paria: cf. 1, θείαν φύσιν πρώτον μέν ούκ αίσθήσει, 44, n. (novis nova); 1, 46: omnes omnium; άλλα διανοία θεωρεΐσθαι, ουδέ πυκνήν P. Parzinger, Beitr. ^. Kenntnis d. Entουδέ κατ' αριθμόν όφεστώσαν ώσπερ τά wickl. d. Cic. St Us (1910), 44; 46. Here δια τήν στερεότητα καλούμενα αύτω the polyptoton is both doubled and στερέμνια, άλλ* είδωλα τη καθ' ομοιό combined with chiasmus; cf. J. B. τητα μεταβάσει περιλαμβάνεσΟαι απεί Ilofmann, Lat. Umgangsspracbe (1926), ρου των ομοίων είδους έξ απείρων ατό 121. μων συνισταμένου καΐ επί τους θεούς Ισονομίαν: cf. 1, 109: confugis ad έπιρρέοντος, μετά μεγίστων ηδονών, aequilibritatem {sic enim Ισονομίαν, //' κτλ. For my summary of the whole placet, appellemus), et ais quoniam sit natura passage cf. 1, 50, n. {infinita esse debere), mortalis inmortalem etiam esse oportert below. [perhaps a more exact account, since the emphasis of the argument is not upon 50 iumma . . . vis infinitatis: not numerical equality but upon the fact only is the universe unlimited in extent (Lucr. 1, 958-959: omne quod est igitur that there exist both mortals and im mortals; cf. R. Philippson in Symb. O/nulla regiont riar/im f finitumst), but we loenses, 20 (1940), 33. Cicero here follows must also assume an unlimited amount of matter (Lucr. 1, 1051: infinita opus est Carncadcs's criticism of F.picurus rather pis undique material) and of atoms (1, 105; than the later Epicurean view of Philo-
1,50 demus revised t o meet that criticism]. For the Greek term cf. H. J. Rose in Journ. He//. Stud. 41 (1921), 102. R. Hirzcl (Untersucb. ζ. Cicero's philos. Schr. 1 (1877), 15) thinks Cicero and Lucretius the only ancient authors w h o discuss the idea in this sense (cf. Lucr. 1, 2632 6 4 ; 2, 532-580; 2 , 1112-1119; 5, 3924 1 5 ) ; yet cf. Philodcm. De Diis, 3 , col. 9, 36-40 (with restorations o f R. Philipps o n in Symb. Osloensest 19 (1939), 3 5 : <ο>ύ γαρ ά<ν> φοβεϊσΟαι γειτονεί<αν Ά > πολλόδωρο<ς ε!πε>ν, λέγων μακράν δεϊν <άπέχειν—or perhaps ποιεϊν; sc. τα θεία — άπό> των παρ' ήμα<ς> τα γεννητικά καΐ διαλυτ<ικ>ά παρεχόντ<ων>, ίνα μ ή τούτοις συναναμιγνύμενα προς τήν άφΟαρσίαν έμποδίζηται· των <γ>άρ κατ' άλληλα πιπτόντ<ων> έμποδιστικών μακρά<ν> δει ποιεϊν; frg. 24a, where H. Dicls (Philodcm. De Diis, 3, part 2 (1917), 64) w o u l d sec traces of the same view. Analogous notions arc to be found in other s c h o o l s ; e.g., Plat. Rep. 10, 611a; Pbaedo, 71c, where death and birth arc offset, otherwise χ ω λ ή ϊσται ή φύσις; 72a-b; ε( γαρ μή « Ι άνταποδι· δοίη τά έτερα τοις έτέροις γιγνόμενα . . . οίσΟ* ότι πάντα τελευτώντα το αυ τό σχήμα αν σχοίη . . . καΐ παύσαςτο γιγ νόμενα; 7 2 d ; Tbeaet. 176a: άλλ* οΰτ* άπολέσΟαι τά κακά δυνατόν . . . ύπεναντίον γάρ τι τω άγαθω άεί είναι ανάγ κ η ; Ligg. 5, 7 3 2 b : ώσπερ γάρ τίνος απορ ρέοντος άεΐ δεΐ τουναντίον έηρρεΐν. κτλ,; (Aristot.] De Mundo, 5, 396 a 33b 22, quoting Heraclitus fr. Β 10 Dicls, o n the balance of elements (cf. W . Jae ger, Paideia, 1 (Engl. tr. 1939), 108); Plut. De/. Orac. 34, 428c: είπερ ούν ή φύσις άπαιτεΐ την Ισονομίαν έν π ϊ σ ι , καΐ κόσμους εΙκός έστι μήτε πλείαυς γ ε γονέναι μήτ* έλάττους των παραδειγ μάτων, κτλ.; Orig. C. Cels. 4, 6 3 : ώσπερ κατά τους άφΟαρτον τόν κόσμον τ η ροΰντες τό ίσοστάσιον των στοιχείων ά π ό της προνοίας γίνεται, ούκ έπιτρεπούσης πλεονεκτεΐν τό εν αυτών Γνα μή ό κόσμος φΟαρη; also Tim. Locr. De An. Mundi, 9, p. 99b [of the flux o f elements): έπεί δυνάμει toa έντί πάντα, το Ι λόγοι αυτών έν ισονομία έντί. Isonomia is explained by W. Scott (Journ. of Phi/ol. 12 (1883), 222-223) as "a law of averages or
325
chances; the law, namely, that o f t w o alternatives equally possible, each will occur with equal frequency if an in finite number of cases be taken." R. Hirzcl (op. ci/., 15-17) remarks that there seems inadequate evidence for sup posing isonomia t o have been an idea of Epicurus himself, despite Cicero's state ment banc Ισονομίαν appellat Epicurus, since he may well have ascribed to the founder a view really belonging t o one o f his school; cf. Sen. Ep. 3 3 , 4 : apud istos quicquid Hermarchus dixi/, quicquid Me/rodorus, ad tmum refer tur. Hirzcl further (op. cif., 85-90) observes the lack of agreement between our passage and 1, 109 (is/o modo, quoniam homines mortales sunt, sin/ aliqui inmor/a/es, e/ quoniam nas~ cuntur in /erra, nascan tur in aqua, "e/ quia sun/ quae in/eriman/, sin/ quae conserven/." sin/ sane, sed ea conservent quae sunt; deos is/os esse non sen/io), and p o i n t s out that there arc t w o distinct arguments here involved: (1) the existence of immortals t o match that of mortals; and (2) the balance of destructive and conservative forces.
The course of the discussion is summed up by C. Bailey (op. ci/., 462) thus: " 'isono mia' is the direct result o f infinity; from 'isonomia' follow t w o results, the equa lity of the numbers of things in opposite classes and the equality of the forces of distintcgration and conservation; and both these deductions point in their turn t o the existence of immortal beings." This argument Bailey further attempts (pp. 462-463) t o reduce to terms of 1 epi curean atomism. He follows Mayor (ad loc.) in supposing that since destructive forces prevail in this world conservative ones must prevail in the in/ermundia, or, as Bailey says (464): "the number of mortal beings in the world must be balanced by the number of immortal g o d s outside it." Further, while Lucre tius logically balances creation against destruction, Vcllcius uses the hardly legitimate contrast of destructive and conservative forces, but, Bailey conclu des (p. 466), "in our world the forces of destruction prevail and beings are mor tal, therefore elsewhere the forces o f conservation must prevail and beings must be immortal"—though the phrases
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1, 50 1
aequabilem tributionem. Ex hac igitur efficitur,2 si mortalium tanta multitude» sit, esse inmortalium non minorem, et si quae * interimant innumerabilia sint,4 etiam δ ea quae conservent infinita esse debere. 1 tribulatione Bl · effecitur Bl · quaeque etiam in ras. A, et turn B*, turn F, tarn PM
"in our world" and "elsewhere" go beyond the evidence of Cicero's language. The solution of the problem is perhaps to be found in such a theory as that of W. Scott (Joum. oj Pbilol. 12 (1883), 223) that growth and decay (we might say synthesis and analysis) may occur alter nately in each individual object, re sulting in the constant decay of one set of persons or things and their replace ment by another set (cf. Lucr. 2, 569-572; 3, 964-965: cedit emm rerum novitate extrusa vttustas \ semper, et ex aliis aliud reparare necessest; Hicr. Ep. 100, 12, 4), or the two processes may occur simul taneously in any one object so as to produce an equilibrium, losses being constantly replaced by gains so that the object, by isonomia, remains eternal. With this opposition may be compared Epic. ap. Diog. L. 10, 121 [of the kinds of happiness]: την εύδαιμονίαν δ\χή νοεΐσΟαι, τήν τε άκροτάτην, οία εστί περί τδν Οεύν, έπίτασιν ούκ έχουσαν καΐ τήν <κατά τήν> προσΟήκην καΐ άφαίρεσιν ηδονών.. Here the unchanging divine pleasure is related to the changing human pleasure as the eternal divine life is to the waxing and waning human life; cf. G. F. Schocmann, Opusc. acad. 4 (1871), 344, and n. 20. Scott further reasons that the first of these processes obtains in our world (and, by analogy, in all worlds), the second in the intermundia. Even more complex is the theory of C. Giussani (Studs lucrryani (1896), 252-258), who (as summarized in the words of C. Bailey, op. at., 465-466, n. 4) would recognize numberless "grades in the persistence of matter between the two extremes which arc the two forms of eternity, (1) absolute persistence of matter—the atoms, (2) absolute non-
Ο
* sunt
D(?)HBX
persistence of matter, but only persis tence of form—the gods. Granted in this way the possibility of conditions in which the forces of conservation prevail over those of destruction, then by Ισονμία . . . which is security by the infinity of atomic movements, the num ber of mortals and immortals must be equal," N. W. Dc Witt (Trans. Roy. Sot. of CanaJa, 3 ser., sect, 2, vol. 36 (1942), 46-49) thinks that Epicurus, by a sly borrowing, has taken over something of Aristotle's notion of the graded scries of plants, animals, human beings, and the divine (cf. 2, 33-34, below), and "by the law of isonomy, the corollary of this infinite universe, there must not only be gods but also good and perfect gods, that is, good and perfect gods according to Greek thinking." In Am. Joum. Pbilol. 68 (1947), 319 De Witt translates, not "equal distribution" (as Bailey, Atomists, 461), but "equitable division." tributionem: a rare term; cf. Dig. 14, 4 , 5 : / η butJO fit pro rata eius, quod cutque debetur. With the adjective aequabilem it literally translates Ισονομία, which in 1, 109 is rendered by aequilibritas. ex hac . . . illud efficitur: frequently used of a logical result; e.g., 2, 2 1 ; 2, 32; 2, 42; Ac. 2, 18; Fin. 3, 28; 3, 59; Tusc. 3, 15; 5, 44; Fat. 23; Off. 3, 25; Sen. 62. What is here logically brought about is not primarily the number of the gods but their existence; cf. 1, 109: quoniam sit natura mortalis, inmortalem etiam esse oportere; C. Bailey, op. at., 466, n. 0. infinita esse debere: P. Schwcnke (in Jabrb. f. cl. Pbilol. 125 (1882), 615) remarks that infinita is used (in the sense of unlimited in number) to avoid an awkward repetition of innumerabilia. The whole preceding passage may now
1, 50
327
Et quaerere a nobis, Balbe, soletis quae vita deorum sit quaebc summarized somewhat as follows (I use in part the words of Schwenkc {pp. cit., 627), though differing from him in some important details): "The gods arc of human form, yet possess not body but rather something analogous to body; they are moreover so consti tuted as to be visible not by the senses but only by the mind, and they do not, like the στερέμνια, produce the imme diate impression of bodies, but arc merely through inference apprehended as analogous to such. They arc not severally differentiated, but through in ferences from the continuous appearance arising from numberless atoms and flowing to (form) the gods, our intellect, by intense application, gains a general understanding of what the happy and immortal nature [i.e., the god) is." The more important discussions deal ing with the preceding passage include the following: F. Peter, De Cic. Nat. Deor. 1, 19, 19 (1861)—not seen by me; G. F. Schocmann, Opusc. acad. 4 (1871), 343-358; A. Bricgcr, Beitr. χ. Krit. einiger phi/os. Scbr. d. Cic. (1873), 11-17; G. F. Schocmann in Jabrb. f. cl. Pbilol. I l l (1875), 687-691—review of Bricgcr; id., ed. 4 of N.D. (1876), 263-265; R. Hirzcl, Untersuch. £. Cicero's phi/os. Sthr. 1 (1877), 46-90 (unfavorably reviewed by T. Schichc in the Jahrcsbericht in Zeitschr.j. d. Gjmnasialw. 34 (1880), 363-370); J. Lachclicr in Rev. de Pbilol. 1 (1877), 264-266; F. Bockcmiillcr, Stud. χ. Lukrex u. Epik. 1 (1877), 105-114—not seen by me; J. B. Mayor, ed. of N.D. 1 (1880; reprinted in 1891), 147-148; F. Zcllcr, Die Phi/os. d. Gr. 3, l 3 (1880), 430-438 (3, l 4 (1903), 446-447); J. Dcgcnhart, Krit.-exeg. Bemerk. χ. Cic. Schr. de Nat. Deor. (1881), 5-45; R. Philippson, De Ρhilode//ri Libro qui est περί σημείων xotl σημειώσεων et Η pi curtorum Doctr. logica (1881), especially chapters 4 and 7—not accessible to me; P. Schwenkc in Jabrb. f. cl. Pbilol. 125 (1882), 613-633; W. Scott in foum. of Pbilol. 12 (1883), 212-247; id.. Frag. Herculan. (1885), 181-183; 195196; 202; C. Giussani, Studs lucre^iani, 1 (1896), 252-258; R. Hcinzc in Gbtting.
gel. Αηχ. 160 (1898), 267-268) (review of Giussani); J. Masson in Cl. Rev. 16 (1902), 277-281; 453-459; id., Lucretius (1909), 137-150; R. Philippson in Rhein. Atus. 64 (1909), 16; O. Plasbcrg, ed. maioroi N.D. (1911), 226; R. D. Hicks, in J. Hastings, Encycl. of Rel. and Eth. 5 (1912), 329; H. L'ri, Cic. u. d. epik. Pbilos. (1914), 86-87; R. Philippson in Hermes, 51 (1916), 568-608; H. Diels, ed. of Philodcm. De Diis, 3, part 2 (1917), 27-31; R. Philippson in Hermes, 53 (1918), 358-395; C. Bailey in Proc. cl. Assoc. 19 (1922), 17-19; J. Masson in Cl. Rev. 37 (1923), 149-150 (criticism of Bailey); A. Lorchcr in Burs. Jabresb. 200 (1924), 124-137 (criticism of Philippson's 1916 article); C. Bailey, Epicurus (1926), 348; id., Τ/κ Gr. Atomists and Epic. (1928), 442-467; 588-594 (sum mary of some other views); A. Krokicwicz in Eos, 32 (1929), 91-120; id., Nauka Epikura (1929), 252-253; R. Philippson in Gnomon, 6 (1930). 460-473 (review of Bailey's Atomists); W. Ax, cd. of N.D. (1933), appendix, 168-171 (with helpful notes); P. Mcrlan in Hermes, 68 (1933), 196-217; F. Bignonc in Riv. di β/ο/, cl. 61 (1933), 433-443; R. Philippson in Rhein. Mus. 83 (1934), 171-175 (reply to Merlan); id., in Symb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 32-40; 20 (1940), 33; P. H. and E. A. De Lacy, cd. of Philodcm. De Signis (1941), 155, and n. 67; N. W. De Witt in Trans. Roy. Soc. of Canada, 3 scr., sect. 2, vol. 36 (1942), 41-49; C. Vicol in Ephem. Dacoromana, 10 (1945), 233-260; C. Diano, Epicuri Etbica (1946), 118-119 (a quite different explanation); F. Martinazzoli in La Parola del Passato, 4 (1947), 292 and n. 3. et quaerere: et introducing a new topic of discussion, as in 1, 100: et eos vitiiperabas. soletis: i.e., you Stoics; for the plural with a singular vocative cf. 2, 73: vobis, Vellei, minus notum est', De or. 1, 160: quid est, Cotta . .. quid tacetis (and Wilkins's n.]; Brut. 11: vos vero, .. . Attice, . .. me cura levatis; Catull. 99, 6 [after a vocative Iuventi]: vestrae . . . saevitiae ("peculiar to you and your like," renders
328
1,51
que * ab us * degatur aetas. 51 Ea videlicet qua nihil beatius,3 nihil omnibus bonis affluentius * cogitari potest. Nihil 6 enim agit, 1 q u a e q u c (que add.) Β ■ iis] his AH • nihil . . , inplicatus add. B1, om. Μ
M e r r i l l ] ; V i r g . Aen. 1, 140: vestras, Eure, domos; 9, 525: vos, ο Calliope; precor; 10, 188: crimen, Amor, vestrum \ Tib. 1, 3 , 1: ibitis Aegaeas sine me, Alessalla, per undas; P r o p . 2, 1, 1 [addressing Maecenas]: quaeritis; also Od. 12, 8 2 : Ιθύνετε, φαίδιμ* Ό δ υ σ σ ε ϋ . Such shifts of n u m b e r are c o m m o n in o t h e r types of case (as b e t w e e n g o d a n d g o d s in 1, 3 1 ; 1, 100; 1, 1 0 1 ; 1, 106; 1, 113-114), but seem especially justified w h e n , as here, o n e p h i l o s o p h e r is held responsible for the tenets of his school. q u a e vita d e o r u m : cf. 1, 4 5 : vitam et actionem mentis a/que agitationem in deo. T h i s Epicurean part c o r r e s p o n d s t o the third a n d fourth Stoic topics m e n t i o n e d by Dalbus in 2, 3 : turn mundum ab his administratis postremo consulere rebus bu rn am s [ = 2 , 73-167; especially 2, 7 7 : nihil est autem praeclarim mundi administratione). Yet since the E p i c u r e a n g o d docs n o t interfere in m u n d a n e affairs his per fection m u s t lie in his o w n enjoyment rather than in busy beneficence t o w a r d m o r t a l s , and w o r s h i p of him must consist in a d m i r i n g imitation rather t h a n in barter (i.e., sacrifice, entreaty, and paying of v o w s ) or in t h a n k s g i v i n g . If the Epicu rean a n d the Stoic a c c o u n t s in B o o k s 1 a n d 2 arc c o n t r a s t e d , it will be noted t h a t the E p i c u r e a n c o n t e m p l a t i o n is fixed largely u p o n the g o d s themselves, t h a t of the Stoics u p o n what they have d o n e for man and what man may h o p e for from t h e m . E a c h t u r n s in an un favorable direction the life of the o t h e r ' s g o d s , Vcllcius by representing t h e Stoic g o d s as a n n o y i n g busybodics ( 1 , 51-55), Balbus by s h o w i n g the E p i c u r e a n deities as idle nonentities (2, 59). Cotta further hints at the carnal pleasures of the Epicurean g o d . A. L o r c h e r (in Burs, fahresb. 200 (1924), 135) sees n o point in Epicurean discussions of t h e life of the g o d s , and therefore—rather un-
* bcatus Bx
· afluentibus
Bl
c o n v i n c i n g l y — s u p p o s e s this passage a n anticipation by Cicero t o c o r r e s p o n d t o the S t o i c position in t h e s e c o n d b o o k . F o r a m o r e spiritualized picture of t h e E p i c u r e a n w o r s h i p (based in c o n s i d e r able m e a s u r e o n Lucr. 6, 68-78) cf. C Bailey in Proc. el. Assoc. 19 (1922), 2 1 ; yet cf. J. M a s s o n in CI. Rev. 37 ( 1 9 2 3 ) , 149-150. Aristotle interestingly {Magna Mor. 2 , 15, 1212 b 37-1213 a 8) discusses the q u e s t i o n of G o d ' s activities, b u t reaches n o c o n c l u s i o n . d e g a t u r a e t a s : cf. Fin. 2, 1 1 8 ; 4, 6 ; Tusc. 5, 7 1 ; Off. 1, 1 1 7 ; Am. 87. 51 b o n i s a f f l u e n t i u s : cf. Div. 1, 6 1 : nee inopia enecta nee satietate affluent! \ a n d for t h e t h o u g h t P h i l o d c m . De Diis, 3 , col. 7, 15-17: τοις δέ Οε<οϊς ού>δέν <άν> αγαθόν περιγί<νοιτο> δια των τ ο ι ο ύ τ ω ν [Dicls t h i n k s this m e a n s b y the g a i n i n g of impossible things]* και χ ω ρ ί ς αύ<τ>ών ά π α ν τ ' Ιχουσιν έν εξουσία πάση τά π ρ ο ς α υ τ ο ύ ς ; fr. 7, 12-13: <συμ>πεπληρωμέ\κο>ν <π>ασι τ<οϊς> άγαθοϊς <καί> κ α <χοΰ> παντός άδεκ<τον>; fr. 8 5 : καν χαρίζεσθαι τοιγαροϋν άλλήλοις τους θ ε ούς τ ι θ ώ μ ε ν , ώς ένλείπουσι μετάδοσίν τίνων οίκείων ποιούμενους ού ρ η τ έ ο ν ί π α ν τ κ ς γ>ά<ρ καί> αύτάρκως έαυτοϊς παρασκευαστικοί της τελειότατης ήδο<νή>ς εΙ<σιν>. O n the happy life of t h e g o d s cf. the passages collected bv H . U s e n c r , Epicurea (1887), 241-244.' n i h i l . . . a g i t : cf. E p i c . a p . D i o g . I.. 10, 9 7 : ή θεία φύσις προς ταύτα (the orbits of the heavenly bodies] μ η δ χ μ η π ρ ο σ α γ έ σ θ ω , άλλ* αλειτούργητος 8ιατηρείσθω και έν τ η π ά σ η μ α κ α ρ ι ό τ η τ ι ; 10, 1 2 3 : μηθέν μήτε της αφθαρσίας άλλότριον μήτε της μακαριότητος άνοίκειον αύτίο (sc. τ ω θεω] π ρ ο σ ά π τ ε ; 1, 45, η . {nee habere . . . nee exhibere); Sen. De Ben. 4, 4, 1: itoque non dat deus beneficia, sei seeurus et neclegens nostri, aversus a mundo aliudagit aut, quae maxima Epicure felieitas videtur, nihil agit, nee maffs ilium beneficia
1, 51
329
nullis occupationibus est inplicatus, nulla opera molitur,1 sua sapientia et virtute gaudet, habet exploratum fore 2 se semper 1
mollitur DXN
■ fore om. Η
quam iniuriae tangunt; Aetna, 32-35; Sil. to the singular agit cf. 1, 50, n. (soletis). leal. 15, 57-58: atque idem [sc. deur], nullis . . . inplicatue: cf. 1, 52: est exemplar lenis mortaJibus atvi% f impertur- inplicatus molests s negotiis; Off. 1, 28: bata placidus tenet otia mente\ Ircn. C. studsis quibusdam occupationibusve sic imHaeres. 3, 24, 2; Min. Fcl. 19, 8; Tert. pediuntur; 2, 40: qui . . . contrahendis ... Apol. 47: Platonici quidem curantem rerum, negotiis implicantur; Ac. 1, 11: multis contra Epicurei otiosum et inexercitum, et, officiis implicatum; Am. 45: alienss [sc. ut ita dixerim, neminem humanis rebus; rebus] nimis implicari molestum esse; 85; De An. 46; Ad Nat. 2, 2; Donat. in Philodcm. De Diis, 3, fr. 32a: π<ρός> Tcr. Andr. 959; Salvian, 1, 5: qui sicut το άλλόφυλον άπό πάσης οχλήσεως, κτλ.; voluptatem cum virtute sic deum cum incuriaAct. Plac. 1, 7, 7 (Doxogr. Gr* 300): ac tor pore iunxerunt [sc. Epicurei]; also the το γάρ μακάριον και άφθαρτον ζωον . . . interesting conjecture of S. Reinach όλον δν περί την συνοχήν της Ιδίας ευ (Rev. des et. gr. 29 (1916), 242; id., δαιμονίας τε και αφθαρσίας, άνεπιστρεCultes, mjthes, et relig. 5 (1923), 301-306; φές έστι τών ανθρωπίνων πραγμάτων, κτλ; cf. A. Fridrichsen in Symb. Osloenses, 12 Suet. Tib. 28: implicare nospluribus negotiis; (1933), 52-56), who would read in PhilApul. De Deo Socr. 3: solutum ab omnibus ippians, 2, 6: Ίησοΰ, δς έν μορφ>η Οεοΰ nexibus patiendi aliquid gerendive, nulla υπάρχων ούχ α*πραγμον [codd. άρπαγμον] vice ad alicuius rei mimia obstrictum; and ήγήσατο ~ο εϊνιι ίσα θεώ, κτλ. This the passages collected by Pease on Div. picture of divine happiness as expressed 2, 40, n. (negoti, etc.). by the phrase nihil agere—for which cf. virtute gaudet: cf. Philo, Quaest. et 3, 93; Pease on Div. 2, 6, n. (nihilagere)—, Solut. in Gen. 4, 188, p. 397 Auchcr ascribes to the gods complete attainment ( = S.l'.F. 2, no. 635): ipse . .. creator of the Greek ideal of σχολή (which at universorum . . . ipse in se ipso laetificatus times may seem difficult to differentiate atque in suis virtutibus mundisqw a se from a legally punishable αργία ; cf. H. conditis. Bolkestcin, Wohltatigkeit u. Armenpftege habet exploratum: for the phrase im vorcbristl. Altert. (1939), 283-285), cf. Div. 2, 60; Off. 3, 75; Ac. 2, 85; but which accords well with the Epicu 2, 129; Fin. 2, 92: ipse enim Metrodorus, rean aim of the wise man, λάΟε βιώσας paene alter Epicurus, beatum esse describit (the passages collected by 11. Uscncr, his fere verbis: "CUM corpus bene constiop. cit., 326-329). For Cotta's reply to tutum sit et sit exploratum ita futurum**; this contention of Vclleius cf. 1, 110: Tusc. 2, 17: Metrodorus quidem perfecte eum virtus autem actuosa; et deus vester nil agens ;beatum putet cut corpus bene constitutum expers virtutis igitur; ita ne beatus quidem; sit et exploratum ita semper fore (cf. 5, 27]; 1, 114; 1, 116: an quicquam eximium potest Sen. 67: cut sit exploratum se ad vesperum esse in ea natura quae sua voiuptate laetus esse vidurum; Am. 97; Parad. 17: nihil nihil nee actura sit umquam neque agat quod exploratum habere t permansurum sibi neque egerii? Imitation of the divine unum diem; Pro Caec. 70; Post Red. ad indolence might easily be harmful to Qiar. 15; and often in the Epistles; cf. human worshippers; in a different con W. A. Oldfather, H. V. Canter, and K. nection the Stoics had to combat a M. Abbott, Index Verb. Cic. Epist. doctrine of laziness (άργος λόγος) (1938), 246. The word is especially em arising from too submissive a yielding ployed for sure confidence in the future. to fatalistic doctrines. On the use of habeo as an auxiliary verb For the shift from the plural deorum in such phrases as cognitum, compertum.
330
1, 52
cum x in maximis 2 turn 3 in aeternis voluptatibus. 20 52 Hunc deum rite beatum dixerimus, vestrum vero laboriosissimum. Sive 1
cum] turn Ο
* in maximis] in add. Η
■ turn] cum Ν
explorafum, and perspecturn habere cf. R. ministerio non pollui credamus; Stat. Kuhner-C. Stcgmann, Ausf. Gram. d. /at. Tbeb. 3, 659-660: miseret superum* si Spr. 2, 1" (1912), 763-764. An essential carmina curat / bumanaeque preces; Lucian, part of the gods' happiness is the con Saturn. 7: ού γάρ ήδυνάμην διαρκεϊν πρδς sciousness that it is not, like human ούτω πολλήν τήν αδικία ν των νΰν, άλλ* happiness, liable to termination. άεΐ άναθεΐν {δει άνω καΐ κάτω τον κβmaximis . . . voluptatibus: cf. 1, 49; ραυνον διηρμένον τους επίορκους ή Ιερόσυλους ή βιαίους καταφλέγοντα, xotl and many parallels cited by H. Mcrguct, τό πράγμα πάνυ εργώδες ήν καΐ νεανιχόν; Lex. χ. d. pbilos. Sebr. Cic. 2 (1892), 509. Bis actus. 1-3; Iup. confut. 19; Min. Fcl. With the thought cf. 2, 153. 52 rite: cf. Rep. 1, 48: banc totam rite 10, 5. Others asserted, however, that the divine governance was entirely rem pub/icam . . . appellori putant \ 2, 48: quit enim hunc bominem rite dixerit; Legg. 1, effortless; e.g., 2, 59: nee cessantium deortam 22; Fin. 2, 37; Tim. 33: quod rite dicitur nee ea quae agant molientium cum labore operoso ae molesto; 2, 77: sustinendi muneris tern pus. dixerimus: cf. 1, 60: dixerim; Tusc. propter inbecillitatem difficultas minime cadit 3, 7: bos eosdem motus . . . reetey ut opinor,in maitstatem deorum; Aesch. Suppl. 100: perturbationes dixerimus; J. Ε. Β. Μ (ay or) παν £πονον δαιμονίων; Bum. 650-651: τα δ' <5λλα πάντ' άνω τε καΐ κάτω / στρέ in J. B. Mayor's edition of N.D., 3 φων τίθησιν ουδέν ασθμαίνων μένει; (1885), Ixxx. With the polemic against the Stoics in 1, 52-56 R. Philippson [Aristot.] De Mundo, 6, 397 b 20-24: (Sjmb. Osloenses, 19 (1939), 36) compares σωτήρ . . . απάντων εστί και γενέτωρ . . . ό θεός, ού μήν αυτουργού καΐ επιπόνου Pap. Hcrculan. 1670, which Bignonc ζώου κάματον υπομένων, άλλα δυνάμει conjectured to be by Philodcmus. χρώμενος άτρύτω δι' ής και των ττόρρο> laboriosissimum: cf. 1,22, n. (laboδοκούντων είναι περιγίνεται; Theon, rem). Divine activity in the administra ν tion of the universe suggests to Epicurus Progynm. 12: ότι ρ^δι° έστι τφ θεώ και άνευ πάσης πραγματείας (sc. περί τον only a painful annoyance; cf. 1, 45, n. κόσμον); Sallustius, De Diis, 9, p. 16 (nee habere . . . nee exhibere); Epic. ap. Diog. L. 10, 113: δταν τήν Οείαν φύσιν Nock: τήν δέ τοιαύτην περί τον κόσμον έπιμέλειαν ουδέν βουλευομένους ουδέ μηδαμή λειτουργιών άπολύωσι; Mcnand. πονοϋντας τους θεούς ήγητέον ποιεί Epitrep. 879; Philodcm. De Diis, 1, col. 7, 9-10: άπ<όνους κά>κό<πους είναι > σθαι, άλλ' ώσπερ τών σωμάτων τά δύναμιν έχοντα αύτώ τω είναι ποιεί δ δει <λέγειν οΙ>κε(ω<ς τους θεούς; Aet. ποιεί . . . ούτω πολύ μάλλον ή τών θεών Plac. 1, 7, 7 (Doxogr. Gr* 300): κ*κοπρόνοια αύτη τε άπόνως καΐ τοις προδαίμων δ* άν εΐη εργάτου δίκην καΐ τέκνοουμένοις έπ' άγαθώ γίνεται; Ammon. τονος αχθοφόρων καΐ μερίμνων είς τήν in Ar. De Interpr. 9, p. 132, 19-25 Bussc: τοΰ κόσμου κατασκευήν; Simplic. in τό γάρ ύπολαμβάνειν ως έργώδή τε καΐ Epictct. p. 103 Diibner. Homer's gods άσχολον ποιοΰμεν τόν τών θεών βίον καΐ arc at times disturbed and troubled άμοιρον της τοις θεοΐς προσηκούσης Ιμ(A. C. Schlesingcr in Cl.Joum. 32 (1936), 20); for later views cf. Menand. Bpitrep. φρονος Ραστώνης, έπιμελεΐσθαι τών κα 879 [if the gods care for individuals]: τά μέρος αυτούς αποφαινόμενοι, μή συνεωρακότων εστί τήν ύπεροχήν της τών λέγεις γάρ έπίπονόν τιν* αυτούς ζην <βίον>; Plin. Ν. Η. 2, 20: inridendum θεών γνώσεως τε καΐ δυνάμεως προς τήν ήμετέραν καΐ διά τήν άγνοιαν ταύagere curam rerum humanarum illud quscquid est summttm. anne tarn tristi atque mu/tip/iciτην άξιούντων έκ τών περί ήμας τά κατά
1,52
331
enim ipse mundus deus est, quid potest esse minus quietum quam nullo puncto * temporis intermisso 2 versari circum 3 axem caeli admirabili celeritate? (Nisi quietum autem nihil beatum est.) 1
p u g n o Bl
* intcrmissio
DN
τους θεούς σταΟμασΟαι και την ήμετέραν άσΟένειαν έ π ' εκείνους μετχφέρειν, κ τ λ . W r i t i n g s by Philo and the Christians De Opificio Dei further d e v e l o p the t h o u g h t ; e.g., Lact. De Opt/. 16, 10, a s k s w h y , in view of the speedy m o t i o n o f e v e n m a n ' s m i n d , o n e s h o u l d hesitate t o ascribe similar and greater p o w e r s to God. s i v c . . . m u n d u s d e u s e s t : cf. 1, 36 [for ZcnoJ; 1, 3 7 : Cleanthts . . . ipsum mundum deum dicit esse; 1, 3 9 : Chrysippus . . . ip sum . . . mundum deum dieit esse. p u n c t o t e m p o r i s : cf. 1, 6 7 : minimis temporum punctis; 2, 1 1 ; 2, 9 4 ; and many o t h e r cases cited by S. B . Plainer in CI. Rev. 9 (1895), 259-260, and \ \ . H . K i r k in CI. Phiiol. 22 (1927), 2 2 1 - 2 2 2 ;
to which add Phil. 2, 112; Ugg. 2, 14; V a r r . a p . N o n . p . 392 M. (629 L . ) ; S u l p . Scv. Dial. 1, 1, 4 ; 1, 9. 5 ; 2 (3), 1 3 , 5 ; D o n a t . in T c r . Phorm. 184, w h o s a y s : punctum angustissimum spatium ; Hier. Bp. 118, 1, 1; 119, 2, 3 : in atomo et in punt to temporis atque momento; 119, 5, 5: atomus autem ptmclum temporis est, quod secari et dividi non potest; Bailey o n Lucr. 2 , 2 6 3 . T h e w o r d s punctum and momentum a r c used in this sense nearly i n t e r c h a n g e a b l y , the former being preferred, ac c o r d i n g t o K i r k , by earlier w r i t e r s , the latter in the Umpire, and they c o r r e s p o n d respectively t o έν άκαρεΐ χρόνου (or χρόνω) and έν ροπής καιρώ (e.g., Antb. Pal. 1 1 , 289, 3). έν μια καιρού ροπή (Basil, Hexaem. 6, 10, p . 141b M i g n c ) , έν ακα ριαία χρόνου ροπή (Basil, Hexaem. 5, 5, 104c M i g n c ) , etc. versari c i r c u m a x e m : cf. 1, 2 4 : ut ta celeritate contorqueatur cut par nulla ne cogitari quidem possit; Philodcm. De Diis, 3 , col. 10, 7-11: ούτε γαρ οίητέον Ι ρ γ ο ν μηΟέν έτερον ίχειν αυτούς ή δια τ η ς απειρίας <τ>ών ό$ώ<ν περ>ιιό<ντας άεί δινεΐσΟαι έγκυκλί>ως· ού <γάρ> ευ τυχής ό <£υ>μβονώμ<εν>ος 5παν<τα>
' circum] c u m
Bx
τον βίον. Popular etymologies also reflect this n o t i o n , e.g., αίΟήρ . . . ότι άεί Oct (Plat. Crat. 4 1 0 b ; Aristot. De Caelo, 1, 3 , 270 b 2 3 ; Meteor. 1, 3 , 339 b 2 5 ; De Μ undo, 2, 392 a 8), also Plat. Crat. 397 d : οτε ούν αυτά | t h c heavenly bodies] όρώντες πάντα άεί ιόντα δρόμω και Οέοντα, άπό ταύτης της φύσεως της του Οεϊν θεούς αυτούς έπονομάσαι. a d m i r a b i l i c e l e r i t a t e : cf. 2, 9 7 : impetum caeli cum admirabili celeritate moveri vertique videamus. n i s i q u i e t u m . . . n i h i l b e a t u m : for the tranquillity of the E p i c u r e a n g o d s cf. P h i l o d c m . De Diis, 1, col. 7, 7 : β λ α π <τικόν> ευδίας; Lucr. 2, 646-648: omnis enim per se divom natura necessest j inmortali aevo sum ma cum pace fruatur f semota ab nostris rebus seiunctaqut longt\ 2 , 10931094: nam pro sand a deum tranquil la pectora pace { quae placidum degunt aevom ritamque serenam; 3 , 18-24 [ w h e r e their sedes . . . quietae arc described in t e r m s imitating Od. 6, 4 2 - 4 6 ; cf. also Od. 5, 122: θεοί ρεΐα ζώοντες]; 5, 8 2 : deos securum agere aevom-, 6, 58-78 [in 7 3 they arc placida cum pace quietos]; Virg. Aen. 4, 379-380: ea cura quietos / sollicitat [and Pease's n . ] ; H o r . S. 1, 5, 1 0 1 ; C. 3 , 3 , 35-36: adscribi quietis \ ordinibus patiar deorum; P c d o a p . Sen. Rhet. Siuts. 1 , 1 5 : divumque qtuetas / turbamus sedes; Juv. 6, 394: magna otia caeli; Lact. De Ira, 17, 2 : "ideo" inquit, "incorrupttit est ac beat us, quia semper quietus." . . . quietus esse quomodo potest qui vivit et sentilf nam qtiies out somni aut mortis. By quies, however, Vclleius d o u b t l e s s means tranquillity (ατα ραξία) rather than immobility. Cf. also P h i l o d c m . De Musica, col. 3 8 , 25-30, p . 110 K e m k c : καΐ μυρί<ω κ>ρεΐττ<ον ί χ > · civ τήν εύ<0υ>μίαν ή τή<ν> άχρηστίαν έ<πι>δεικ<ν>υμένους <ή τ>ών άλλων τι των έκ της διεξόδου π<ε>ραίνοντας; T h e o d o r c t , Gr. Aff. 12, 74 (of D e m o c r t tus a n d H p i c u r u s ) : την γαρ τοι ήδονήν
332
1,53 !
Sive in ipso mundo deus inest aliquis, qui regat, qui gubernet,* qui cursus astrorum,3 mutationes temporum, rcrum vicissitudincs ordincsque conservet, terras et maria contemplans hominum commoda vitasque tueatur,4 ne 6 illc est inplicatus molestis * negotiis et operosis. 53 Nos autcm beatam vitam in animi securitate et in omnium vacatione 7 munerum 8 ponimus. Docuit 1 siuc add.M, si ucro C * gubcrnat DXBXM · austrorum Bx * tuetur Bx 7 ■ ncc B*FM · molestiis1 Ν uocationc AXHFX · numerum Ο
the gods; cf. 2, 3: postremo consuJert tos ορισάμενοι τέλος, τα φροντίδας ϊχοντα καί τινας αηδίας παντελώς άττεκήρυξαν. rtbus bumanis\ 2, 133-167; 3, 6; 3, 65-93; Sen. lip. 110, 2: postta videbimus an tanin ipso mundo: Mayor remarks that turn dis vacet ut privatorum ntgotia procurtnt. Cicero has carelessly repeated the em phatic pronoun, which is not needed nc illc: cf. 2, 1: ne tgo .. . incautus; other cases in the philosophical works here, though it seems unwise to delete cited by H. Merguet, Lex. ξ. d. pbilos. it as Schoemann would do. Schr. Cic. 2 (1892), 651; for his other inest: on this divine immanence cf. works cf. In Catil. 2, 6; W. A. Old2, 90. father, H. V. Canter, and Κ. Μ. Abbott, gubernet: cf. 1, 7, n. (gubernari); and with the whole passage cf. 1, 100: cumque Ind. i erb. Cic. Epist. (1938), 358. For temporum ma turi fates mutationes vicissi- this assevcrative particle cf. Diomcd. tudinesqut cognovissent, smpicati essent ali-Art. gram, 1 ( G . L X I, 394); rtdpii quam exctllentem esse . . . naturam quae quoque id ipsum acuto acctntu tlatum finstipa, baec effectsset, movertt, regeret, gubernaret. quotiem είρωνικώς accipimus pro eo quod With the notion of providence, fortune, est apud Graecos ναι rei factae adfirmationt, or nature as a pilot cf. Clcanthcs, Hymn, quod est apud Ciceronem {In Catil. 2, 6) 2 (S.l'.F. 1. 537); Lucr. 5, 77; 5, 107; "ne i//i vebementer errant." adfirmat enim Philo, De Abrafjamo, 70; 84; De Decal. iilos vehementer errare; R. Kuhncr-C. Stegmann, Ausf. Gr. d. lat. Spr. 2, l 1 (1912), S3; Frag.pp.665-666 Mangcy; DioChrys. Or. 12, 34; Acl. fr. 61. p. 213 Hcrchcr; 795-796; J. B. Hofmann, Lat. UmgangsTcrt. Apol. 47; Chalcid. in Tim. 74; spracbe (1926), 28-29. The word has Ambr. Exam. 1, 7; Lact. Inst. 7, 3, 6; been compared to the Greek particles De Ira, 10, 51; Julian, Or. 4, p. 135a; val (often followed by δή. μήν. μά. etc.) Anon. Graf. Act. 10, 2 {Panegyr. Lat. and νή (used especially on oaths com 196); Salvian, De Gubernatione Dei, bined with the names of gods, as ne is especially 1, 3; Suid. s.v. 'Επίκουρος; used with berclt, tdepol, and (m)ecastor in Plautus and with medius fidius in Τ use. Fustath. in //. 9, 7; C.I.L. V11I, Suppl. 1, 74). It usually (in Cicero always) 18219 {--- 2999 Dessau); S. Eitrcm, De Servatort Mwtdi Navis Gubernatore (in precedes a personal or demonstrative pronoun, as here, and often occurs in Collectan. Neotestamentica, cd. A. Frithe apodosis of a formal or implied drichscn (1940), 4, 5-8); A. D. Nock and A. J. Fcstugierc, cd. of Asclepius (1945), condition. 366, n. 80; 373, n. 140). inplicatus: cf. 1, 51: nullis occupationsmutationes temporum: cf. 1, 4: bus est inplicatus. temporum varietates caelique mutationes. 53 animi securitate: cf. Fin. 5, 23: vicissitudincs ordincsque: probably Democriti autem securitas, quae est animi hendiadys for vicisntudines ordinatas. tranquil It tas, quam appellavit εύΟυμίαν. hominum commoda, etc.: the fourth eo stparanda fust ab hoc disputations, quia of the chief Stoic topics connected with ista animi tranquillitas ta est ipsa beata vita;
1, 53
333
enim nos idem qui cetera, natura effectum esse mundum, nihil opus fuisse fabrica, tamque earn rem esse l facilem,2 quam vos effici negetis sine divina posse sollertia, ut innumerabiles natura mundos 3 effectura sit, eflficiat, effecerit.4 Quod quia quern ad 4
1 rem ci D {add. sup.) Ο effigerit Bx
· facile
AP
Off. l f 6 9 : vacafidum autem omni est anitrti perturbation*, cum cupiditate et metu, turn etiam aegritudine et voluptate nimia et iracundia, ut tranquillitas animi et neurit as adsit; 1, 7 2 : tranquillitas animi atque securitas; Am. 4 5 : caput enim esse adbeate vivendum securitatern \ F. Peters, T. Lucr. et M. Cic. quo modo Vocab. Gr. Epic. Disci pi. propria La tint verterint (1926), 10-11. v a c a t i o n e m u n e r u m : a t e r m , like ατέλεια a n d άλειτουργία, a p p l y i n g t o e x e m p t i o n from political d u t i e s ; cf. 2 , 6 ; B. K u b l c r in P.-W. 16 (1933), 648-650, w i t h instances from the Digest (csp. 50, 5) a n d o t h e r legal s o u r c e s ; also F . Peters, op. cit., 1 8 ; L. R. Kind in Stud, in Honor of W. A. Oldfatber (1943), 9 5 , a n d n. 6 ; F . L a m m e r t in P.-W. 7 A (1948), 2028-2032. natura e f f e c t u m : n o t of n a t u r e in the Stoic sense, but in that of a b l i n d a n d i m p e r s o n a l force, as in the view of S t r a t o in 1, 3 5 ; cf. Lucr. 1, 1021-1037; 2, 1 0 5 8 ; 2, 1090-1092; Act. Plac. 2 , 3 , 2 : the cosmos, according to Leucippus, D e m o c r i t u s , and Rpicurus, is φύσει δέ ά λ ό γ ω έκ των ατόμων συνεστώτα. n i h i l o p u e f u i s s e : cf. Div. 2, 1 1 , and parallels in Pease's n. f a b r i c a : cf. 1. 1 9 ; 2, 1 2 1 ; 2, 1 3 8 ; Ac. 2 , 8 6 - 8 7 ; Off. 1, 127. s i n e d i v i n a . . . sollertia: cf. 2 , 110: ut in tantis descriptionibus divina sollertia appareat; Ac. 2, 120: negatis baec tarn polite tamque subtiliter effici potuisse sine divina aliqua sollertia; Lucr. 6, 90-91: quorum ο per urn causa s nulla rat/one videre f possunt et fieri divino numine rentier. i n n u m e r a b i l e s . . . m u n d o s : cf. 1, 2 5 , a b o v e . W h e t h e r the u n i v e r s e was u n i q u e o r universes were infinite in n u m b e r was a s t a n d i n g topic of p h i l o -
mundos . . .
m o d u m natura om. D
s o p h i c d i s p u t e , a m o n g b o t h pbysici a n d logicians; cf. Div. 2, 1 1 : unusne mundus sit an plures .. . pbyncorum est ista pru dentia\ Ac. 2, 125: cum in uno mundo ornatus hie tarn sit mirabilis, innumerabilis supra infra, dextra sinistra, ante post, alios dissimiles, alios eiusdem modi mundos esse; Tim. 12: recte igitur unum mundum diximus, an fust pluris out innumerabiles dictu melius et verius? unus profecto; Fam. 9, 26, 3 : il/e baro te putabat quaesiturum unum caelum esset an innumerabilia; Plin. N.H. 2, 3 ; Achill. Isag. 5, p . 37 Maass (also 8, p . 38 M a a s s ) ; Q u i n t i l . Inst. 7, 2, 6 ; Lucian, Icarom. 8; Galen, De Hipp, et Plat. Deer. 9, 6 (V, 766 K . ) ; 9, 7 (V, 180 K f ) ; De acut. Morb. Vict. 1, 12 ( X V , 434 K.); Ambr. Exam. 2, 5; hp. 45, 15: et unum non multos mundos, ut dicunt pbilosopbi; A u g . C. Acad. 3, 2 3 : quomodo enim inter Democritum et superiores pbysicos de uno mundo et innumerabilibus litem diiudicabimus; CD. 12, 1 2 ; Alex. A p h r o d . in Top. 1, 1, p . 19, 14 Wallics; 2, 5, p . 171, 15-16; Filastr. Haeres. 8 6 ; l o a n . P h i l o p . De Aetern. Mundi 6, 27, p. 213 R. Priscian, Praeexerc. 32 {G.L.K. 3 , 439) cites as an example of ζ positio, o r dis cussion of a general t o p i c , the q u e s t i o n an multi sunt mundi. Philosophical o p i n i o n s are s u m m e d u p by Act. Plac. 2 , 1 , 2 - 3 (Doxogr. <7r. f 327, repeated by T h c o d o r e t , Gr. Aff. 4, 15): Θαλής Πυθαγόρας Εμπεδοκλής Έκφαντος ΙΙαρμενίδης Μέλισσος 'Ηράκλειτος Αναξαγόρας Π λ ά τ ω ν (cf. Tim. 3 1 a - b ; Cic. Tim. 12) 'Αριστοτέλης Ζήνων (to w h o m add Chrys2, n o s . 531-533) ένα τόν i p p u s in S.V.F. κόσμον, Α ν α ξ ί μ α ν δ ρ ο ς Ά ν α ξ ι μ έ ν η ς ' Α ρ χέλαος Ξενοφάνης Διογένης Λεύκιππος Δημόκριτος [cf. Ac. 2, 5 5 ; Fin. 1, 21] Ε π ί κ ο υ ρ ο ς [cf. 1, 5 3 ; 1, 6 7 ; 1, 7 3 ; 2, 4 8 ; 2, 9 4 ; Fin. 2, 102] απείρους κόσμους
334
1,53
modum natura efficcre sine aliqua mcntc possit non videris, έν τω άπείρω κατά πασαν περιαγωγήν; Simplic. in Pbys. 8,1, p. 1121, 5-12 Dicls; (cf. [Galen,] Hist. Pbil. 32 (Doxogr. Gr* 617 = XIX, 249 K.); A. Ernout and L. Robin on Lucr. 2, 1048-1076). For further illustrations of belief in a single universe cf. Plat. Tim. 31b; 55c-d; Aristot. De Caelot 1, 8, 276 a 18-1, 10, 280 a 27; Cornut. N.D. 27, p. 49 Lang; Iambi. De comm. Math. Sc. 7, p. 29 Festa; Basil. Ep. 8, p. 52 Dcferrari; Mart. Cap. 7, 731. The believers in a plurality of universes sometimes asserted merely more than one (cf. Plut. Dtf. Orac. 23-24, p. 423a-d), or some finite number, like the 183 of Hippys of Rhegium (Plut. op. cit. 23, p. 422c), or, on the other hand, especially among the atomists, an infinity of worlds; in addition to the passages cited above cf. W. Kranz, index to H. Dicls, Vorsokratiktr (1910), 331, with many references; F. M. Cornford in CI. Quart. 28 (1934), 1-16. Simplic. in Pbys. 1, 4, p. 178, 23-24 Diels remarks: δσοι μέν κόσμους απεί ρους ύπέθεντο, ώσπερ Δημόκριτος, άναγκαίως καΐ τα στοιχεία άπειρα φασιν εί ναι τω αριθμώ [cf. Elias in Categ. proem, p. 112, 27 Bussc]. The concept of in numerable universes became to Christian thought a heresy (cf. Filastr. De Haeres. 115), being associated particularly with Origen (Hier. Adv. Rsrfin. 1, 17; yet cf. Origcn, De Princ. 2, 3), of whom Je rome says (Ep. 124, 5, 1) that he asserted an infinity of universes, not contem poraneous but in succession. Among other philosophers the doctrine was often somewhat arbitrary, but among the atomists, believers in an infinity of space, time, and atoms, it was a well integrated part of their teaching, and this is attested for Lcucippus (Act. I.e.; Diog. L. 9, 31; [Galen,) Hist. Pbil. 44 (Doxogr. Gr* 621 = XIX, 263 K.); Simplic. De Cael. 202, 16 (Vorsokrat. no. 54 A 20)), Dcmocritus (1, 73; Fin. 1, 21; 2, 102; Ac. 2, 55; Hippocr. Ep. (ΧΧΠΙ, 801 K.); Aristot. fr. 208 Rose; Val. Max. 8, 14, ext. 2; Ael. V.H. 4, 29; Diog. L. 9, 44; 10, 45; [Galen,) Hist. Pbil.l.c.\ Hippol. Philosopbum. 1, 13, 2
(Doxogr. Gr.* 565); Dionys. ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 14, 23, 2-3; Aug. C. Acad. 3, 23; Stob. vol. 1, 376 Wachsmuth), Epicurus (1, 67; 1, 73; cf. 1, 96; 2, 48; 2, 94; Fin. 1, 21; Hortens. ap. Serv. Aen. 1, 331; Epic. ap. Diog. L. 10, 45: ώστε ουδέν τό έμποδΌστατησόν έστι προς τήν άπειρίαν τών κόσμων; 10, 89: ότι δέ καΐ τοιούτοι κόσμοι είσΐν Απειροι τό πλήθος Ιστι κβταλαβεΐν; Lucr. 2, 1048-1066; 1075-1076; Diog. Oenoand. 18, col. 3, p. 24 William; Galen, De cwusque An. Pecc. Dignot. 7 (V, 102 K.); [Galen.) Hist. Pbil. 44 (Doxogr. Gr.* 621 = XIX, 263 K.); AchiU. lsag. 5, p. 37 Maass; 8, p. 38; Hermias, Irris. 18 (Doxogr. Gr.* 656); Dionys. ap. Eus. Pr. EP. 14, 23, 2-3; Hier. In Eccl. p. 391 Vallarsi; Aug. C. Epist. Manicb. 18 (cf. De Haeres. 77); Alex. Aphrod. Quaes!. 3, 12, p. 199, 20 Speng.), Mctrodorus (Aet. Plac. 1, 5, 4 (Doxogr. Gr* 292); AchiU. Isag. 5, p. 37 Maass), and Dioge nes of Oenoanda (for whose letter De Inrmmerabilitate Mundorum see William's edition, 21-27; R. Philippson in P.-W. 5 Supplbd. (1931), 160-161); also, in ge neral, H. Uscncr, Epicurea (1887), 211215. In the Middle Ages the question was still discussed; cf. R. Allcrs in Traditia, 2 (1944), 319, n. 76. eftectura eit, efficiat, eflfecerit: cf. 1, 116: nee attura sit umquam neque agat neqtu egerit; such series more often pass from the past to the future, but the order here given furnishes a certain cli max in that it reverts from mere future expectation to what is regarded as past reality; for similar expressions P. Parzinger, Beitr. ξ. Kenntn. d. Entwickl. i. Cic. Stils (1910), 32-33, compares Die. 2, 97; Inv. 1, 42; 2, 66; De Or. 2, 104; 2, 113; Fam. 7, 11, 2. The necessity for assuming so many universes is because each of them eventually perishes; Lucr. 5, 64-66; 5, 91-96. For the grammatical shift from a secondary sequence intro duced by doeta't to a primary cf. R. Kuhncr-C. Stcgmann, Ausf. Gr. d. /at. Spr. 2, 2* (1914), 194-195. quod quia quem ad modum: Goethe thinks the alliteration intentional to
1, 54
335
ut tragici poctae,1 cum explicare argumenti exitum non potestis, confugitis ad deum. 54 Cuius operam profecto non desidera1
poctae om. FM
r e p r e s e n t the c u m b r o u s n e s s of t h e c o n c e p t i o n of his o p p o n e n t s . s i n e a l i q u a m e n t e : cf. Lact. De Ira, 10, 34-35: at enim, sicut alii dicunt, nature mundus effectus est, quae sensu et figura caret. JJOC vero multo est absurdius. si natura mundum fecit, consilio et ratione fecerit necesse est . . . si caret sensu ac figura quomodo potest ab ea fieri quod et sensum habeat et figuram? ut tragici p o c t a e : cf. Plat. Crat. 425<J: ώ σ π ε ρ ot τραγωδιοποιοί έπειδάν χι ά π ο ρώσιν έπί τάς μηχανάς καταφεύγοιισι θε ούς αϊροντες; A r i s t o t . Metaph. 1, 4, 9 8 5 a 18-20: "Αναξαγόρας τε γαρ μηχανή χ ρ ή τ α ι τ ω νώ προς την κοσμοποιίαν. και δ τ α ν άπορήση διά τίν' αΐτίαν έζ ανάγκης ε σ τ ί , τότε παρέλκει αύτον; Poet. 15, 1454 b 2 - 6 ; D e m . Adv. Doeot. 7 0 , p . 1 0 2 5 , 2 9 : ώσπερ από μ η χ α ν ή ς ; P o l y b . 3 , 4 7 , 8 [of certain historians]: κ α τ χ σ τ ρ ο φ ή ν ού δυνάμενοι λαμβάνειν ούδ* έξοδον τοϋ ψεύδους θεούς και θεών π α ΐ δ α ς ε ί ς π ρ α γ μ α τ ι κ ή ν Ιστορίαν παρεισάγουσιν; 3 , 48, 8 : έξ ων είκότως έ μ π ί π τ ο υ σιν είς τό παραπλήσιον τοις τ ρ α ν ω δ ι ο γ ρ ά φ ο ι ς . και γαρ έκείνοις πάσιν α ϊ καταστροφαΐ τ ω ν δραμάτων προσδέονται θεού καΐ μηχανής διά το τάς π ρ ώ τ α ς υποθέσεις ψευδείς καΐ παραλόγους λαμ βάνειν; H o r . Α. Ρ. 191-192: nee dens intern/, nisi digitus vindice nodus { incident \ P h i l o , De spec. Leg. 1, 2 8 ; 2, 1 6 5 ; Plut. Them. 10, 1: ώσπερ έν τραγωδία μτ,χανήν ά ρ α ς ; Procl. in Plat. Alcib. / , p . 141 C r e u z e r : έν τραγωδίαις έκ μηχανής πολ λ ά κ ι ς θεούς τινας είσάγουσιν ol ποιητ α ΐ τ ω ν παρόντων π ρ α γ μ ά τ ω ν διορΟωτάς; A n o n . Hermipp. 2, 152: π ώ ς ή πόθεν ήκουσαν είς τό σ ώ μ α την ψυχήν ώ ς άπό μ η χ α ν ή ς θεόν έπεισάγουσιν; A s c l e p . in Metaph. p . 32, 2-4 H a y d u c k : μηχανή δέ τ ο ν Ά ν α ς α γ ό ρ α ν είπε τ ω νω χρήσΟαι, ώ σ π ε ρ έν ταΐς τραγωδίαις ol δαίμονες π α ρ ά γ ο ν τ α ι ά π ό μηχανών έν τοις άπόροις (cf. Alex. A p h r o d . in Metaph. 1, 4, p . 3 5 , 1-3 H a y d u c k ) . e x p l i c a r e a r g u m e n t i e x i t u m : cf. 1,
104: ita male instituta ratio exitum reperire non potest; 1, 107: nee vos exitum reperitis; 3, 3 6 ; Ac. 2, 2 7 : quam habebit exitum [and Rcid's n . | ; Fin. 1, 5 4 : w . . . quidem . . . reperire exitum potest; Orat. 116: nee umquam ad exitum perveniri potest; Part, orat. 45-46: argumentationem quaerere viderisy quae est argumenti explicatio . . . (46) explicatio argumenti argumentatio; Pro Cael. 6 4 : velut bare tola fabe/fa . . . quam est sine argumento, quam nullum invenire exitum potest; 6 5 : mi mi ergo iam exitus, non fabulae; A u g . CD. 17, 2 0 ; Voll. Hereulan. 6, 5 3 : <ο>ταν ύπό τών έλεγχων π ι έ ζ ω ν ται τότε καταφεύγουσιν έπί τό διά τοΰτο φ ί σ κ ε ι ν τά συναπτόμενα μή ποιεϊν, οτι ού πάντα δύναται. F o r descriptions of the θεός άπό μηχανής cf. Poll. 4, 126; 4, 1 2 8 ; 4, 130-131; Bckk. Anecd. 1, 2 0 8 ; Suid. s.vv. άπό μηχανής, εύρημα, θεός άπό μηχανής. T h e expression c o m e s t o be used, as here, in a p r o v e r b i a l s e n s e ; e.g., M e n a n d . fr. 227 K . ; Lucian, Hermot. 8 6 ; Aristid. Or. 8, p . 81 D i n d o r f ; 11, p . 1 3 1 ; 49, p . 5 0 9 ; D i o g c n i a n . 2, 84 (Paroem. Cr. 1, 2 1 0 ; cf. 2, 12, n o . 7 8 ) ; Schol. Plat. C/itoph. 407a, p p . 186-187 Greene. n o n p o t e s t i s : logically this s h o u l d be non possun/, with poetae as subject, b u t Cicero here compresses into o n e the clause of c o m p a r i s o n and the principal clause, by the attraction of the verb of the former into the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the latter. c o n f u g i t i s ad d e u m : cf. 3 , 2 5 : sed omnium talium rerum ratio reddendo est; quod IOS cum facere non potestis, tamquam in aram confugitis ad deum; Ac. 2 , 5 5 : dein confugis ad pbysicos; Lucr. 5, 1182-1187: praeterea caeli rationes ordine certo / et varia annorum cernebant tempora verti j nee poterant quibus id fieret cognoscere causis. j ergo perfugium sibi habebant omnia divis / tradere et illorum nutu facere omnia fiecti; O r i g . C. Ce/s. 4, 4 8 : καταφεύγειν έπί την άλληγορίαν; Syrianus in Metaph. 2, 2 ,
336
1,54
retis,1 si inmensam ct interminatam in omnis partis magnitudinem rcgionum * videretis,3 in quam sc iniciens animus et intendcns ita late longeque percgrinatur ut nullam tamcn ο ram * 1
desideratis A1
* regionc Dl
* uideritis Ο
* horam
ANOM
p. 18, 13: καταφεύγουσιν επί τό θείον; 52; against the emendation C. Bailey, also the popular etymology in Etym. M. Epicurus (1926), 273-274]: animaiibus imee s.v. θεός* τναρά τό θέω τό τρέχω, είς δν mentem; also 2, 739-740 [and L. Robin's πάντες τρέχομβν. So Polyb. 36, 17, 2, n.]: si null us tibi forte videtur / posse aninri in the spirit of the "law of parsimony," insectus fieri, procul avius erras; 2, 1047: complains that men ascribe to the god animi iaetus [so Gronovius emended and to chance occurrences of whose foetus] liber quo pervolet ipse. For a cor causes they are ignorant. responding Greek phrase cf. Diog. L. 10, 54 inmensam ct interminatam: cf. 31: έν τοίνυν τω Κανόνι λέγων εστίν ό 2, 15: inmensa et infinite vetustas\ Div. 2, Επίκουρος κριτήρια της αληθείας εί 91: intervalla infinita et inmensa-, and for ναι τάς αισθήσεις καΐ προλήψεις καΐ τά inmensam . . . magnitudinem cf. 2, 92; Τ use.πάθη, ol δ' 'Επικούρειοι καΐ τάς φαν 1, 61. On the boundlessness of the ταστικός έπιβολάς της διανοίας. For universe cf. Fin. 1, 17: Me atomos quas the last three words cf. Epic. ap. Diog. L. appellate id est corpora individua propter 10, 38; 10, 50; 10, 51; 10, 62; 10, 147; soliditatem, censet in infinite inani, in quo Clem. Strom. 2, 4, 16, 3 ; C. Bailey (Epi curus (1926), 259-274; The Gr. Atomists nihil nee summum nee infimum nee medium nee intimum nee extremum sit, ita Jerri ut eon- and Epic. (1928), 559-576) understands it atrsionibus inter se cohaerescant, ex quo as "the apprehension of a scientifically e/fieiantur ea quae sint quaeque eernantur verified concept," and further remarks omnia; 2, 102: baec non erant eius qui in- (Atomists, 574): "the mind is here 'pro numerabilis mundos infinitasque regiones, jecting and straining itself towards (or quorum nulla esset ora, nulla extremitas, into)' the infinity of space." On the commonplace of the traversing of in mente peragravisset; Epic. ap. Diog. L. finite spaces by man's mind see Reid 10, 41: τό πάν άπειρον έστι. τό γαρ πεπερασμένον άκρον έχει . . . <τό δέ πάν> . . . on Fin. 2, 102, and the numerous pas ούκ Εχον άκρον πέρας ούκ έχει. πέρας δέ sages collected by R. M. Jones in CI. ούκ ϊχον άπειρον άν είη καΐ ού πεπε- Pbilol. 21 (1926), 97-113 (but also the ρασμένον; 10, 88: τω δέ τω κόσμω έν reservations about applying this concept ω λήγον ούκ έ*στι καταλαβεΐν; Lucr. to Epicurean dogmas which N. W. De 1, 958-964: ornne quod est igitur nulla re- Witt expresses in Trans. Am. pbilol. gione viarum / finitumst; namque extremum Assoc. 70 (1939), 424-427, reminding us debebat habere. / extremum porro nullius that έπιβάλλειν τόν νουν docs not mean posse vidttur f esse, nisi ultra sit quod finiat; "hurl the mind at" but rather "apply the mind to"); L. Edelstcin in Trans. Am. ut videatur / quo non longius baec sensus natura sequatur. f nunc extra sum mam quo- pbilol. Assoc. 71 (1940), 81; C. Murley niam nil esse fatendum, j non babet extremum,in the same, 78 (1947). 343. caret ergo fine modoque; perhaps Diog. intendens: cf. 1, 49, n. (in/entam); Ocnoand. fr. 6, col. 1 William. Horace Lucr. 4, 802-803: et quia tenvia sunt, nisi is not expressing true Epicurean dogma quae contendit, acute / cernere non potts est in C. 3, 3, 53: quicumque mundo terminusanimus. As we strain the senses to perceive ohstitit. physical objects so we may strain the mind to apprehend what transcends the se iniciens a n i m u s : cf. Pro Mil. 84: cut primum mentem iniecit ut, etc.; Lucr. 2, senses; cf. Ac. 2, 30: ut sensus ad res per1080 [as emended by Lipsius; cf. J. S. eipiendas intenderemus. mens enim ipsa, Reid in Harp. Stud, in el. Pbilol. 22 (1911), quae sensuum Jons est atque etiam ipsa
1,54
337
ultimi vidcat in qua possit insistere. In hac igitur inmensitate latitudinum,1 longitudinum, altitudinum infinita vis innumerabilium 2 volitat atomorum, quae interiecto 3 inani cohaerescunt tamen inter 4 sc et aliae alias adprehendentes continuantur; ex quo efficiuntur cae rerum formae et figurae quas vos effici posse 1
latitudinc Fl
* inuisibiliurn Ο
sensut est, natitralem vim babet quam intendit ad ea quibus movetur. ita . . . u t : " a l t h o u g h . . . y e t " ; ita modifying not late but peregrina/ur. late l o n g c q u e : cf. Legg. 1, 3 4 ; a n d , for m a n y n o n - C i c e r o n i a n e x a m p l e s of t h i s alliterative couplet, E . WoUflin, Ausgeu: Schr. (1933), 263. p c r e g r i n a t u r : cf. Tusc. 5, 114: Democritits . . . cum alii sat pi quod ante pedes esset non viderent. Hie in infinitatem omnem peregrinabatur ut nulla in extremitate consistent; Fin. 2, 102 (quoted in n o t e o n inmensam et interminatam, a b o v e ) ; M c t r o d o r u s in Gnom. Vat. 10 (p. 106 Bailey): μέμνησο ό τ ι θνητός ών τη φύσει και λαβών χρόνον ώρισμένον άνέβης τοις περί φύσεως δ ι α λ ο γ ι σ μ ο ϊ ς ί π ΐ την άπειρίαν καΐ τον α ι ώ ν α και κατεΐδες τ ά τ ' έόντα τά τ ' έσσόμενα πρό τ ' έόντα [the form o f this q u o t a t i o n given by Clem. Strom. 5, 14, 138, 2, is considered by N . W . D e Witt (pp. cit.t 424-425) as c o r r u p t ] ; L u c r . 1, 7 2 - 7 4 ; ergo vivida vis animi pervicit, et extra / processit longe ftammantia moenia mundi / atque omne immensum peragravit mente animoque. n u l l a m . . . o r a m u l t i m i : cf. Fin. 2, 102 ( q u o t e d in n o t e o n inmensam et interminatam, a b o v e ) ; Caccil. fr. 3 Ribb e c k (fr. 1 W a r m i n g t o n ) : oram reperire nullam qua expediar queo\ Lucr. 1, 9809 8 1 : sequar atque oras ubicumque hearts j extremas, quaeram quid telo denique fiat. T h e expression is rather p o e t i c ; t h e ge n i t i v e p e r h a p s partitive ( " n o b o r d e r of what is f u r t h e s t " ) or apposicional ( e q u i v a l e n t t o " n o furthest b o r d e r " ; e d i t o r s c o m p a r e fines montium, " b o u n d a r i e s f o r m e d by m o u n t a i n s " ) . i n s i s t e r e : cf. 1, 24, n. (insistere); Tusc. 4 , 4 1 ; 5, 114. T h e n o t i o n is t h a t of c o m i n g t o rest at the e d g e of a " j u m p t n g ofT-placc."
1
intcriectio O, interiecto BF
* in/5
l a t i t u d i n u m , e t c . : space is defined by its three d i m e n s i o n s . vie . . . a t o m o r u m : cf. 1, 1 0 1 : maximam vim serpentturn; Tusc. 5, 9 1 : magna vis auri; Rep. 6, 14: vim lacrimirum\ Fam. 7, 18, 3 : vim maximam ranunculorum; Pease o n Virg. Aen. 4, 132. It is n o t e w o r t h y that Cicero uses t h e w o r d atomus w i t h o u t a p o l o g y ; cf. C. M . B e r n hardt, De Cic. Graecae Philos. Inter pre te (1865), 9. i n t e r i e c t o i n a n i c o h a e r e s c u n t : cf. Fin. 1, 17 ( q u o t e d in n o t e o n inmensam et interminatam, a b o v e ) ; E p i c , a p . D i o g . L. 10, 4 4 : ή τε γαρ του κενοΰ φύσις ή διορίζουσα έκάστην αυτήν τοΰτο π α ρασκευάζει. T h e v e r b cohaerescunt is used of the m u t u a l e n t a n g l i n g of the a t o m s by which larger a g g r e g a t i o n s arc f o r m e d ; cf. Plut. Amat. 24, p . 769 f: ταΐς κ α τ ' Έ π ί κ ο υ ρ ο ν άφαϊς καΐ π ε ρ ι π λ ο κ α ϊ ς ; D i o g . L. 10, 4 3 : δταν τ ύ χ ω σ ι τ η περιπλοκή κεκλειμέναι ή στεγαζόμεναι παρά τ ω ν π λ ε κ τ ι κ ώ ν ; 10, 99. E p i c u r u s w r o t e a w o r k περί αφής ( D i o g . L. 10, 28). T h e idea is represented in Latin by the v e r b s baerere (Lucr. 1, 608), haerescere ( L u c r . 2 , 477), adhaerere ( L u c r . 6, 4 7 2 ; 6, 897), cofkurere (Lucr. 1, 6 1 0 ; 6, 1010), cobaerescere (Fin. 1, 1 7 ; 1, 20), and t h e n o u n adbaesio (Fin. 1, 19); for these t e r m s cf. F. Peters, T. Uur. et M. Cic. quo modo X'ocab. Gr. Epic. Disci pi. propria Latine verterint (1926), 1 2 ; for the process described cf. H . Uscner, Epicurea (1887), 201-204. aliae alias a d p r e h e n d e n t e s : cf. E p i c , a p . D i o g . L. 10, 9 9 : παρά περιπλοκάς άλληλού/ων ατόμων. c o n t i n u a n t u r : cf. Ac. 1, 2 8 : omni natttra cohaerente et continuata. f o r m a e et f i g u r a e : an alliterative pair found in 2, 1 1 7 ; Fin. 5, 3 5 ; Tusc. 1, 3 7 ; De Or. 3, 3 4 ; 3 , 179; Orat. 9 ; and in
338
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sine follibus et incudibus non putatis. Itaque inposuistis in cervicibus nostris sempiternum dominum, quern dies et noctes l timcremus. Quis enim non timeat omnia providentem et cogitantem et animadvertentem et omnia ad se pertinere putantem curiosum et plenum negotii deum? 55 Hinc' vobis extitit 3 ac noctes B, die ct noctc Ο
ic A1 ■ hie
■ extitit (titit /'* ras.) A
other examples cited by Wolfflin, Ausgew. ne excusatio quidem est inseientiae; Plat. Scbr. (1933), 260; also below, 1, 90: Legg. 10, 901d: πρώτον μεν θεούς άμφότεροί φάτε γινώσχειν χαΐ όράν και format figuram. follibus ct incudibus: cf. 1, 19: quae άκούειν πάντα, λαθεΐν δέ αυτούς ουδέν molitio quae ferramenta qui vectes quae δυνατόν είναι των όπόσων είσΐν αίσθήσεις τε καΐ έπιστημαι; Critias, Sisypb. macbinae. The picture is like that of 17-24 (Vorsokrat. 2, no. 81 Β 25): ώς Vulcan's smithy, as in Virg. Aen. 8, Ιστι δαίμων άφθίτω θάλλων βίω, / νόφ 419-453. τ' άκούων καΐ βλέπων, φρονών τ' 4γαν inposuistJs in cervicibus: cf. Aug. CD. 2, 29: qui tuts ctrvicibus inposuerant / προσεχών τε ταύτα, καΐ φύσιν θείον φορών, / δς πάν τό λεχθέν έν βροτοις . . . ignominiam suam. The preposition άκούσεται, / <τό> δρώμενον δέ παν Ιδεΐν is hardly needed; yet cf. 1, 45: insculpnt δυνήσεται. / έάν δέ σύν σιγή τι βουin mentibus; Plaut. Aul. 386: bate imponentur in foco\ Sail. Jug.61, 1: in eis λεύης κακόν, / τοΰτ' ουχί λήσει τους urbibus . .. praesidia inponit; Hygin. Fab. θεούς- τό γαρ φρονούν / <4γαν> ένεστι; 201: in pecorum ungulis not am imposutt. Dionys. ap. Stob. vol. 1, 55, no. 19 Wachsmuth: 6 της Δίκης οφθαλμός, ώς With the thought cf. also Lucr. 1, 63: oppressa gravi sub religion*; C. Diano, δι* ήσυχου / λεύσσων προσώπου, πάνθ* ό μως άεΐ βλέπει; 1, 62, no. 52: δαίμων γαρ Epicuri Etbica (1946), 114. dominum: cf. Lucr. 5, 87: dominos τις μεγίστη τέτακται, ώ τέκνον, έν μέ σω τοΰ παντός είλουμένη, πάντα περιοarris adsciscunt. ρώσα τα επί γης γινόμενα υπό τών αν dice et noctes: cf. Phil. 2, 116: quae θρώπων. Τ. Browne (Religio Medici, 1, est autem vita dies et noctes timere a suis\ 35) speaks of "the ubiquitary and Ac. 2, 121: quis enim potest', cum existimet curari se a deo, non et dies et noctes divinum omnipresent essence of God." numen borrere et . .. extimescere. curiosum . . . deum: cf. 1, 10, n. qui· enim non timeat: cf. Lact. (curiosius); 1, 97: curiosissimi; De Domo, Inst. 5, 6, 7: quis enim non metueret eum 121; Att. 4, 11, 2; Catull. 7, 11. For the quern arma cingebant. Epicurus, of course, notion of divine inquisitiveness cf. Ac. aimed to remove this fear; cf. 1, 43, n. 2, 121 : ne tile et deum opere magna libtrat et (venerari Epicurum); 1, 56, n. (terroribus me timore. quis enim potest, cum existimet ab Epicuro soluti); Diog. L. 10, 142: curari se a deo% non et dies et noctes divinum ct μηθέν ημάς αϊ των μετεώρων ύποψίαι numen borrere, etc.; Div. 2, 105: negamt ήνώχλουν καΐ α Ι περί θανάτου, μή ποτέ id ess* alienum maiestate deorum. scilicet προς ήμας ή τι . . . ούκ άν προσεδεόμε- casas omnium introspicere ut videant quid Θα φυσιολογίας; Lucr. 1, 62-79; 2, 1090- em'que conducat; 2, 129: utrum sit pro1092: quae bene cognita si teneas, natura babilius, deosne inmortalis . . . concursort videtur f libera continuo do minis privata omnium mortalium qui ubique sunt non modo superbis / ipsa sua per se sponte omnia dis lectos vtrum etiam grabatos, et cum ster ten tern agere expers; 3, 14-17; 6, 35-41; Virg. aliquem viderint obicere Us visa quaedam G. 2, 490-492; Sen. De Ben. 4, 19, 1; tortuosa et obscura; Apul. De Deo Socr. Mart. 4, 21, 1-3. \d:ut sciatis nihil bomins prae istis custodians omnia providentem: cf. 3, 90: deo nee intra am'mum nee/oris esse secretum, quin
1, 55
339
primum ilia fatalis necessitas, quam είμαρμένην * dicitis, ut quicquid 2 accidat id ex aeterna veritate s causarumque continuatione 1 h i m a r m a n e m AGPNOM1, h i m a r m a c n c m M*, h y m a r m a n e m D, Ht m a r m a n e m B, a r m a n c m F ■ q u i c q u i d q u i N, q u i t q u i d A (del.) ueritate 0 , ueritate add. A
omnia curio st Hit part id pet, omnia visit ett omnia intellegat, in ipsis penitissimis mentibus vice conscientiae deversetur; Μ in. Fcl. 10, 5: Cbristiani quanta monstra, quae portenta confinguntl deum ilium suum . . . in omnium mores, actus omnium; verba deniqut et occultas cogitationes diligenter inquirert; discurrentem scilicet atque ubique praesentem; molesturn ilium volunt, inquietum, inpudenter etiam curio sum, etc.; PI in. N.H. 2, 2 0 : inridendum agere curam rerum bumanarum illud quicquid est sum mum. anne tarn tristi a/que multiplici mrnisterio non pollui credamus; Sen. De Ben. 4, 19, 2, p i c t u r e s the self-centred E p i c u r e a n g o d as non exaudiens vota nee nostri curiosus. G o e t h e suggests for curiosum et plenum negotii περίεργον καΐ πολυπράγμον». 5 5 v o b i e : addressed especially t o B a l b u s as r e p r e s e n t i n g the Stoic s c h o o l . p r i m u m : first είμαρμένη, then {sequitur) μαντική, b o t h being results (extitit) g r o w i n g o u t of Stoic beliefs in the d i v i n e g o v e r n a n c e of the u n i v e r s e . T h i s c o s m i c o r d e r , by establishing principles o f cause a n d effect, f o r e o r d a i n s ; a n d if e v e n t s arc f o r e o r d a i n e d the way is o p e n e d for their b e i n g predictable. i l i a fetalis n e c e s s i t a s : cf. 1, 4 0 : fata/em necessitatem. Ilia alludes t o the w e l l - k n o w n character of Stoic p r e d e s t i n a t i o n ; fatalis t o its being based o n the d e c r e e (fatum) of the g o d s , r a t h e r t h a n u p o n any merely actuarial principle f o u n d e d u p o n a law of general a v e r a g e s , s u c h as m i g h t be true for a g r o u p t h o u g h n o t for any individual in it ( A r i s t o t . De Caelo, 2 , 12, 292 a 29, and Cic. Div. 1, 2 3 , a p p r o a c h , t h o u g h they d o n o t quite g r a s p a n d d e v e l o p this aspect o f the q u e s t i o n ) . F r o m any precise individual d e t e r m i n i s m E p i c u r u s a t t e m p t e d t o es c a p e b y his d o c t r i n e o f the clinamen, o r c o s m i c s w e r v e ( 1 , 6 9 , b e l o w ) . In 1, 39 necessitas (ανάγκη) is closely c o n n e c t e d w i t h fate (fatalem umbram\ cf. είμαρμένη);
himarmamem * necessitate
sec P h i l o d e m . De Piet. p p . 77-79 G o m p c r z : τόν Δία καΐ την κοινήν πάν των [79] Φύσιν και Ε1μαρμ<έ>νην καΐ Ά ν ά < γ > κ η ν · καΐ την αυτήν είναι καΐ Εύνομίαν και Δ ί κ η ν <κ>αί Ό μ ό ν ο ι α ν κα<ί Ε>1ρ<ή>νην και *Αφροδ<ί>την καΐ τδ παρ<α>πλήσιον παν [also cf. Plat. Rep. 10, 617c: θυγατέρας της ' Α ν ά γ κης Μοίρας); Rcid o n Ac. 1, 29. € ΐ μ α ρ μ έ ν η ν : for the use of t w o G r e e k t e r m s in this section cf. H . J. Rose in Journ. of Hell. Stud. 41 (1921), 9 9 ; 104. O n the definition cf. Div. 1, 1 2 5 : fatum autem id appello quod Graeci είμαρ μένην, id est, ordinem seriemque causarum, cum causae causa nexa rem ex se gignat; Gcll. 7 (6), 2, 1: fatum, quod είμαρμένην Graeci vocant; [Apul.] Ascl. 19: *** quam fortunam dicunt aui είμαρμένην, quibus inmutantur omnia lege naturae stabilitateqm firmissima, sempi/erna agitatione variata; 39: quam είμαρμένην nuncupamus . .. ea est necessitas omnium quae gerunturt semper sibi catenatis nexibus vincta; 4 0 : είμαρμένη, necesntas, ordo . .. ordo textum servans earum rerum quas είμαρμένη necessitasque disponit; Firm. Math. \, 8, 3 : banc namque quam dicunt bimarmenen volunt naturae f/ominum ceterarumque animantium quadam societate coniungi; Schol. L u c a n . 6, 6 1 2 : causa conexa causae, haec est quae ειμαρμένη appellatur; W . G u n d e l in P.-W. 7 (1912), 2623. F o r p r o p o s e d ancient e t y m o l o g i e s of είμαρμένη ((1) from είρομαι related t o έρώ, cf. fatum {for); (2) from είρμύς " s c r i e s " o r " s e q u e n c e " ; cf. εΐρω, this being the c o m m o n Stoic e x p l a n a t i o n ; or (3) the explanation already a p p e a r i n g in O r i o n , s.v. είμαρμένη a n d usually accepted t o d a y , d e r i v i n g the word from μείρομαι, hence είμαρμένη m e a n i n g "allotted p a n " ; cf. μοίρα), see G u n d e l , op. cit., 2623-2624; W . C. G r e e n e . Moira (1944), 401-402. e x aeterna veritate: cf. 1, 4 0 : eandemque fatalem necessitatem appellat sempi-
340
1,55
ternam rerum futurarum veritatem; 3, 14: 1, 5, 7: causa pendet ex causa; 12, 8, 3: qUod auiem semper ex omni aeternitate verum Jatum et immutabilis causarum inter se Juerit id esse jatum ; Div. 1, 125: ea est cobaerentium series; De Ben. 4, 7, 2: jatum ex omni aeternitatefluensVeritas sempiternanibil aJiud sit quam series inplexa causarum; [and other passages in Pease's n.]; 1, Lucan, 1, 70: jatorum series; Tac. Ann. 126: causa aeterna rerum, cur et ea quae 6, 22, 3: alii Jatum quidem congruere rebus praeterierunt facta sint et quae instant fiant putanf, sed non e vagi's stellis verum apud et quae sequuntur futura sint; Fat. 29: principia et nexus naturalium causarum; ex aeternitate verum; 37; fr. 2 (ap. Scrv. Gcll. 7 (6), 2, 1: 'Jatum est" inquit [sc. Aen. 3, 376): secundum Tullium, qui ait Cbrystppus]t "sempiterna quaedam et inJatum est conexio rerum per aeternitatem declinabilis series rerum et catena volvens se invicem tenens, etc.; Top. 59: ex hoc semetipsa sese et inplicans per aeternos genere causarum ex aeternitate pendentiumconsequentiae or dinesΛ ex quibus apta ntxaque jatum a S totas nectitur. It was from the est;" Cornut. N.D. 13; Diog. L. 7, 149: compulsion of this timeless truth that Ιστι & είμαρμένη αίτια των όντων είEpicurus endeavored to escape; cf. 1, 70, ρομένη, ή λόγος καθ' δν ό κόσμος διεξ below. άγεται; Aristocles ap. Eus. Pr. Εν. 15, 14, 2: τήν δέ τούτων [sc. past, pre causarum . . . continuationc: in ad sent, and future] έπιπλοκήν καΐ άκολουdition to passages cited in the preceding note cf. Ac. 1, 29: jatalem et immutabilem θίαν είμαρμένην και έπιστήμην καΐ άλήcontinuationem ordinis sempiterni; Div. 1, θειαν καΐ νόμον είναι των όντων άδιά127: con/igationem causarum omnium; Fat. δραστόν τίνα καΐ άφυκτον; Alex. Aphrod. 19: interest inter causas jortuito antegressas De Fato, 22 (S.V.F. 2, no. 945): φασίν et inter causas cohibentis in se e/ftcientiamδή τόν κόσμον τόνδε . . . ίχειν τήν τών natura/em; 20: qui introducunt causarum Οντων διοίκησιν άίδιον κατά είρμόν τίνα seriem sempiternam in mentem bominis καΐ τάξιν προιοϋσαν, τών πρώτων τοις voluntate libera spoliatam necessitate Jati μετά ταύτα γινομένοις αίτίων γινομέ devintiunt; Tusc. 5, 70: cum rerum causat νων καΐ τούτω τφ τρόπφ συνδεομένων alias ex aliis aptas et necessitate nexas videt, άλλήλοις απάντων; 25 (S.V.F. 2, nos. quibus ab aeterno temporefluentibusin aeter-948-949); Plotin. 3, 1,2 (S.V.F. 2, no. num, ratio tamen mensque moderator; 946): καί τήν τών αίτίων έπιπλοκήν προς Chrysippus ap. Gcll. 7 (6), 2, 3: φυσικήν άλληλα καί τόν άνωθεν είρμόν καί τό τίνα σύνταξιν των δλων έξ άιδίου των ίπεσθαι τοις προτέροις άεί τα ύστερα, έτερων τοις έτέροις έπακολουθούντων κτλ.; 3, 1, 7 (S.V.F. 2, no. 986): καί καί μεταπολουμένων απαράβατου ούσης πάντων είλημμένων αίτίων ούκ ίστιν της τοιαύτης επιπλοκής; Aet. Plac. Ικαστον μή ού γίγνεσθαι; Sallustius, De Diist 9, p. 18 Nock: είμαρμένη καλείται 1, 27, 2 (Doxogr. Gr.· 322 = S.V.F. 2, no. 916): μη διαφέρειν του είμαρμένου διά τό μάλλον <έν> τοις σώμασι φαίτό κατηναγκασμένον *** κατ' έπιπλο - νεσθαι τόν είρμόν; Iambi, ap. Stob. vol. 1, κήν μερών συνηρτημένην; 1, 27, 4 (Doxo pp. 80-81, nos. 17-18 Wachsmuth; Aug. gr. Gr.· 322 = S.V.F. 2, no. 976): τήν CD. 5, 8: omnium conexionem seriemque δέ είμαρμένην συμπλοκήν αίτιων τεταγ- causarum . . Jati nomine appellant; 5, 9: // certus est ordo rerum certus est ordo cau μένην; 1, 28, 4 (Doxogr. Gr.· 324 = S.V.F. 2, no. 917): ol Στωικοί είρμόν sarum ; Thcodoret, Gr. Aff. 6, 14 (S. V.F. αίτιων, τουτέστι τάξιν καΐ έπισύνδεσιν 2, no. 916): καί Χρύσιππος . . . μηδέν άπαράβατον; Curt. 5, 11, 10 [as emended διαφέρειν είπε τοϋ είμαρμένου τό κατ by J. S. Rcid on Ac. 1, 29]: <equidem ηναγκασμένον, είναι δέ τήν είμαρμέ aeterna continuatione crediderim> nexuque νην κίνησιν άίδιον συνεχή καί τεταγcausarum latentium; Sen. Ep. 16, 6: μένην; Nemes. De Nat. Horn. 37 (S. V.F. Jatorum series in/igatos; 19, 6: qua/em 2, no. 918): ή είμαρμένη είρμός τις ούσα dicimus seriem esse causarum ex quibus αίτιων απαράβατος; Procl. in Plat. Rep. nectitur Jatum; 77, 12; 88, 15: continuus (Anecd. Gr. et Lat. 2 (1886), 126-127 ordo Jatorum; N.Q. 1, 1, 4; 2, 32, 1: Schoell and Studemund); Boeth. in Cic. longum Jatorum sequentium ordinem; Dial. Top. 5, p. 367 Orclli: Jatum enim dicunt
1, 55
341
fluxisse dicatis. Quanti autem haec philosophia aestimanda est l cui, tamquam aniculis, et his quidem indoctis, fato fieri videantur omnia? Sequitur μαντική2 vestra, quae Latine 3 divinatio dicitur, qua tanta inbueremur superstitione, si vos audire 4 vellemus, ut 3
1 aestimanda est B, a e s t i m a n d a sit cett.t 4 latina BF a u d i r e m u s ut Ο
[sc. Stoici\ esse praecedentium causarum subsequentiumque rerum perplexionem quondam atque catenae more continentiam; Lyd. De Aiens. 4, 7 : είμαρμένη οιονεί ε Ιρ ο μένη δ ι ά το χρόνου δεϊσθαι καΐ διαστάσεως ΐνα ό είρμός τ ω ν υποκειμένων σ ώ ζ η τ α ι ; 4 , 8 1 : τήν δέ είμαρμένην φασί σ υ μ π λ ο κήν είναι αίτιων τ ε τ α γ μ έ ν ω ν ; P h o t . Bib/, c o d . 249, p . 440 a 4-5 B e k k c r : διαφέρει δέ της τύχης δτι ή μέν είρμόν έχει καΐ τάξιν και άκολουΟίαν; Suid. s.v. είμαρμένη; Kustath. in / / . 1 5 , 190; W . G u n d e l in P.-W. 7 (1912), 2 6 2 9 . f l u x i e s e : the v e r b emphasizes n o t s o m u c h m o t i o n as c o n t i n u i t y b e t w e e n past, p r e s e n t , and f u t u r e ; cf. Div. 1, 1 2 5 : ex
acstimandast PI.
* manticc codd.
Plat. Gorg. 512c: πιστεύσαντα ταΐς γ υ ναιξίν ότι τήν είμαρμένην ούδ' άν εΐς έκφύγοι [cf. Μ. Aurel. 7, 46); Sen. lip. 94,2: ani Ha . . . praecepta; Μ in. Fcl. 13, 5: anilii . . . superstitio; Lact. Inst. 1, 17, 3 : superstitiones paene amies; 2, 4, 4 : anili ter desipuil; 5, 2, 7: anili superstitione; Firm. De lirrore, 17, 4 : superstitionibus anilibus; Iambi. 1 7 / . Pytb. 1 8 3 ; Hier. Adv. Rufin. 3 , 2 2 : anil turn iurgiorum deltramenta; A u g . CD. 10, 1 1 : quaelibet anicula Christiana; C. Faust. 13, 6: aniculare deliramen turn; Enarr. in Ps. 3 8 : anicularia . . . verba; A m m . Marc. 16, 8, 2: anile incantamentum [cf. 29, 2, 3 ] ; 2 1 , 16, 18: anili superstitione; Claud. M a m e r t . 2, 8 : aniHum opinionum;
oHini dttermtdtt fiuens Veritas sempilerna; linnod. {lip. 1,9, p. 19 llartcl): anilium Tusc. 5, 70 [quoted in the p r e c e d i n g n o t e j ; Sen. N.Q. 2, 3 5 , 2 : fata . .. tar sum irrevocabilem ingressa ex destinato fluunt. q u a n t i : = quantuli, "of how little w o r t h " ; cf. Tusc. 5, 109; Rep. 6 , 2 5 ; Rcid o n Ac. 2, 120. a n i c u l i s : because of their s o m e w h a t sheltered a n d irresponsible lives a s well a s of their failing mental p o w e r s typical o f c r e d u l o u s g o s s i p — 3 , 12, a n d n. (fabellas ani/es), with which cf. 1, 3 4 : putrilibus fabulis—and s u p e r s t i t i o n : cf. 1, 18, n. (anum fatidicam); 2, 7 0 : super stitiones paene ani/es; 2, 7 3 : anum fatidicam; 3 , 9 2 : superstitiose atque aniliter; Div. 1 , 7 : ant!i superstitione; 2, 19: anile sane et pienum superstitionss fati nomen ipsum; 2, 3 6 : haec . . . ne anicuiae quidem exisJiment; 2, 125: inbecil/i animi atque anili s; 2 , 141: an tu censes ullam anum tarn deli ram futuram fuisse ut somniis crederet; Tusc. 1, 4 8 : quae est anus tarn delira quae timeat ista; 1, 9 3 : intptiae paene aniles\ 1, 94: vix digna ttwubratione anicularum; 2, 5: quaeve anus tarn excors inveniri potest quae . . . ex it mescat; De Domo, 105: anili supersJitione;
commenta poetarum; also the etymology in Paul, ex Fcst. p . 6 Muller (p. 5 Lind say) : anus . . . quod iam sit sine sensu, quod Graece dicitur άνους; Λ. Otto, Die Sprichuorter . . . d. Romer (1890), 2 8 ; \V. Aly in P.-W. 14 (1928), 254. s e q u i t u r : r e s u m i n g primum a b o v e . μ α ν τ ι κ ή . . . L a t i n e d i v i n a t i o : cf. Div. 1, 1: divinationem quam Graeci μαντικήν appellant ( — Legg. 2, 32). μαντική was originally an adjective modifying έ7ηστήμτ,; cf. A. Bouchc-Ixxlcrcq, / / / / / . de la Div. 1 (1879), 3, n. 1. Divina tion, which p r e s u p p o s e s s o m e sort of predestination, was naturally rejected by lipicurus; cf. Div. 1, 5: Xenophanes unus qtu deos esse diceret divinationem funditus sustulit; reliqui vero omnes praeter Bpicurum balbutientem de natura deorum divinationem probaverunt', sed non ttno modo; [Galen,] / / / / / . Phil. 105 (Doxogr. Gr.* 639 rX I X , 320 Κ . ) : Π λ ά τ ω ν και ol Σ τ ω ι κ ο ί τήν μαντικήν είσάγουσι . . . Ξενοφάνης και Ε π ί κ ο υ ρ ο ς άναιροϋσι τήν μαντικήν. i n b u e r e m u r s u p e r s t i t i o n e : cf. Fin. 1, 6 0 : super stitio qua qtu est imbutus;
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1,56 1
haruspices, augures, harioii, vates, coniectores * nobis essent colendi. 56 His terroribus 3 ab Epicuro soluti et in libertatem * vindicati nee metuimus 5 eos quos intellegimus nee sibi fingere ullam molestiam nee alteri quaerere, et pie saneteque eolimus 1 augcrcs Bl mus A*CPBl
* coniectores Ρ
crroribus Ο
* libertatc Ο
· mctuc-
Div. 1,93: religion» inbuti. On the meaning On the different types here named of superstitio cf. 1, 45, n. (superstition»); see, for baruspices. Pease on Div. 1, 3, n. Pease on Div. 2, 148, n. (superstitione). (baruspUum discipiina); for augures. Pease, si vos audire vellemus: for the op. cit., 1, 3, nn. (augur; auguribus); for Stoics asserted the reality of divination, hario/i, Div. 1, 4, n. (bario/orum); for and then held it to be an argument to coniectores, id., 1, 132, n. (Isiacos coniec tores). prove the existence of gods, since (2, 12) quorum .. . interpretes sunt eos ipsos esse 56 terroribus ab Epicuro soluti: certe necesse est. cf. 1, 43, n. (venerari Epicurum); 1, 54, n. haruspices, etc.: cf. Div. 1, 132, (quis enim non timeat); 1, 86: nee quemquam where Quintus protests—perhaps in vidi qui magis ea quae timenda esse negaref answer to the present passage—that timeret, mortem dico et deos; Diog. L. the Stoics do not attempt to defend all 10, 81. Some editors have proposed in types of divination, but discriminate Fin. 1» 14, by emendation, to read: between the higher and approved forms Epicurum . . . ego arbitror unum vidisst and the lower types practiced by char verum maximisque terroribus [codd. erroribus] animos bominum liberavisse et omnia latans, the line of demarcation apparently being based upon (1) state recognition tradidisse quae per finer en t ad bene beateque or social standing of the respective vivendum. Cf. also Fin. 1, 63; 1, 71; Voll. types; (2) civil measures to protect Herculan. 4, 13, line 14-15 line 8; Lucr. citizens against the mercenary imposi 5, 49-51: baec [sc. timores, etc.] igitur qui tions of quacks; (3) the professional cuncta subegerit ex animoqut / expuierit jealousies and competition between dictis, non armis, nonne decebit f hunc homidifferent classes of diviners; cf. Pease nem numero divom dignarier esse; Plut. on Div. 1, 132, n. (non me, etc.). The Non posse suaviter, 8, p. 1091c; 21, p. 1101c. R. Philippson (Symb. Osloenses, 19 Epicurean philosophy, of course, made no distinction between different forms (1939), 36) points out the resemblance of an art which it considered to be of our passage to parts of the first book non-existent and for which it expressed of Philodcmus, De Diss. Cotta's reply repeated contempt; cf. 3, 95; Div. 1, 5; to this sentence comes in 1, 117. 1, 87; 1, 109; 2, 39-40; 2, 51; also the in libertatem vindicati: cf. Liv. 3, passages collected by H. Usencr, Epicu45, 11: me vindicantem sponsam in liberta rea (1887), 261-263, no. 395. tem. On the use of the staff called vindicta Such lists of different kinds of diviners in the ceremony of manumission of are not rare; e.g., Div. 1, 132: non babeo slaves cf. E. Weiss in P.-W. 14 (1930). denique nauci Marsum augurem, non vicanos 1366-1371. haruspices, non de circo astro/ogos, non nee sibi fingere, etc.: cf. 1, 45, n. Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somniorum; (nee habere . . . nee exbibere). Philo, De spec. Legg. 1, 60: πάντας δέ pie saneteque: cf. 1, 3, n. (pietas .. . τους κολακεύοντας αυτήν έλαϋνει της sanctitas ... religio); 1, 45: ut deos pie Ιδίου πολιτείας, Οΰτας, καΟαρτάς, οίωeoleremus [and n. on pie]; Philodcm. νοσκοπους, τερατοσκόπους, έπ^δοντας, De PieJ. 76, p. 106 Gompcrz: ττάντα γαρ κλ^δόσιν έπανέχοντας; Arnob. 1, 24. σ<οφόν> καθαρός καΐ ά<κάκο>υς (?) δόξας
1, 57
343
naturam excellentem atque praestantem. Sed elatus studio vereor nc longior fuerim. Erat autem difficile rem tantam tamque praeclaram inchoatam l relinquere; quamquam non tarn dicendi ratio mihi habenda fuit quam audiendi." 21 57 Turn Cotta, comiter, ut solebat, "Atqui,"* inquit, "Vellei, nisi tu 3 aliquid dixisscs nihil sane * ex me quidem audire potuisses. Mihi cnim non tarn facile δ in mentem venire solet 1 incoatam A * facili Ν
· atqui AlB, atque cett.
3
nistu Ν
' nihil quidem sane Ml
έχειν <περί> τοϋ θείου, καΐ <μεγ>άλην 57 turn Cotta: the Academic criti τε καΐ σε<μν>ήν ύπειληφέ<ναι> ταύτην cism of Epicurean views beginning here τήν φύοιν έν δ<έ> ταϊς έορταϊς μ<ά>λιστ\ extends through the book, and has been κτλ. variously traced to Carneadcs (through colimue: cf. 1, 45, n. (habet ventratio- Clitomachus) or to Posidonius; cf. the Introd. 25. That this criticism leaves neni). unanswered some points made by Velelatut studio: cf. Sen. 55: ignoscetis autem ; nam et studio rusttearurn rerum pro leius and attacks others advanced by per tus sum et senectus est loquacior; 83: earlier Epicureans but not asserted by efferor studio; Inv. 1, 85: cupiditate elatus the tradition which Velleius supports es\ Lucil. ap. Tusc. 4, 48: studio atque odio is on account of the use by Cicero of divergent sources, a later one for Vel illius ecferor ira. longior: cf. 1,19, n. (longum est); 1, 43, leius, an earlier for Cotta. In this inn. (solus, etc.); 1, 101: nolo esse longus; Dip. concinnity the situation parallels that 2, 60: ne sim longior; Tusc. 1, 111: eoque in the De Divinatione; cf. A. S. Pease's jui fortasse longior ; Fin. 2, 85: sed in rebus edition, 1 (1920), 22-23. apertissimis nimium longi sumus; 4, 44: comiter: cf. De Or. 1, 35: turn Scaevola nisi . . . iam longiores sumus \ Off. 2, 16: comiter, ut solebat, "cetera," inquit, etc. longiores boc loco sumus quam necesse est; One should contrast Vcllcius's begin Phil. 13, 30: vereor ne longum me in enume-ning; 1, 18, n. (fidenter sane). For Cotta's rando .. . putetis; Fam. 6, 3, 1: quam quo courteous approach cf. 3, 95; and for res ita postularet fui longior; 15, 19, 4: his conciliatory attitude toward his ne longior sim, vale; Q. Fr. 1, 1, 36: longior audience see 3, 5; in De Or. 2, 80 we Jui quam out vellem aut quam me putavi are advised exordiri ita ut eum qui audiat fore; 1, 1, 45: in scribendo sum saepe lon benevolum nobis fact am us et doc Hem et atgior. A. Gianola's view (De Comp. et tentum; cf. Inv. 1, 20-23. With comiter Font. Cic. Libr. qui stmt De N.D. (1904), cf. Rep. 1, 14: quern cum comiter Scipio 8-9) that Cicero carried over this ex appellavisset. pression from some Academic speaking atqui: "and yet"; cf. De Or. 1, 167. of the Epicureans seems unlikely. potuisses: the subjunctive rather than the indicative, because, as Mayor re lantam tamque praeclaram: cf. Dir. 2, 29: natura tanta tamque praeclara. marks, "the ability to perform the action is conditioned, and cannot be inchoatam: "barely begun." viewed absolutely"; cf. Quintil. Inst. dicendi ratio . . . habenda fuit: cf. Ltgg. 2, 29: habenda ratio intercalandi est. 5, 11, 29: xr respondisset . .. potussset; also the examples in R. Kuhner-C. Stcgmann, The sentence is one of a courtesy which Ausf. Gr. d. lat. Spr. 2,2« (1914), 403, n. 2. contrasts with the cocksurcncss of Vcllcius in 1, 18, for here his purpose seems non tarn facile: cf. 1, 60: omnibus fere to be to elicit a reply from his opponents. in rebus . . . quid non sit citius quam quid
344
1, 58
quare verum sit aliquid quam quare falsum; idque cum saepe turn cum te audirem' paulo ante contigit. Roges me qualem naturam deorum esse dicam,2 nihil fortasse respondeam; quaeras3 putemne * talem esse qualis modo a te sit exposita, nihil dicam mihi videri minus. Sed ante quam adgrediar5 ad ea quae a te disputata * sunt de te ipso dicam quid sentiam.7 58 Saepe enim de L. Crasso8 illo 1 audirc C ■ dicam 0 , ducam cett. * quaeres Bl * nc om. A • egracdiar Bl · disputa Ax ' sententiam Bl · L. Crasso om. ACPNO, l lucio BFM, grasso B
sit dixerim [and note on quid non sit);\, but after 54 B.C. he uses a te\ E. Wolfflin 91; 2, 2: "en," inquit, tl obit tut es quid in PbiMogus, 34 (1875), 134. adgrediar ad ea: cf. 3, 7: adgredior initio dixerim, faci/ius me . . . quid non senti. . . ad banc disputationem; Legg. 2, 8: rem quam quid sentirem posse dicere"; Arnob. 3, 17: cum de specie agatur dei, priusquam adgrediamur ad leges singulas. quam perhibetis convincimus non esset etiamsi de te ipso: for compliments to an ad quae sit minus possum us exp/icare. The versary after he has spoken or before one Academic attitude is aporctic rather than begins a refutation of his views cf. 2, 1; dogmatic; cf. Div. 2, 8, and Pease's n. 3, 4; Dip. 1, 132, and Pease's n. {praeclare {nihil ut adftrmem); Favorinus ap. Gell. .. . para/us); 2, 8; Ac. 2, 64; Fin. 4, 1; 20,1,9: sets enim soli turn esse me pro disciplinaHicr. Adv. Pelag. 1, 16; 2, 1. sectae quam colo inquirere potius quam 58 L. Crasso: these words—in the decernere. Christian writers demanded fuller form Lucio Crasso—arc found in Β something more definite than this; cf. {crasso corrected from grasso) and various Greg. Naz. Or. 28, 9 {Patr. Gr. 36, minor mss, but arc omitted in AC Ρ NO 37a): άλλα δει πρδς τω ειπείν ά μή ϊστι (which also reverse the order of illo and κβΐ δ έστιν εΙπεΐν. the word which they give as familiare)% in mentem, etc.: cf. 1, 60; 2, 168; the as by many editors and by J. Forchhammer (in Nordisk Tidsskr. /. FiloL, construction with an indirect question is 2 ser. 5 (1880). 27. J. N. Madvig (on rather less frequent than that with indirect Fin. 1, 16) thinks it strange that Cotta discourse; but cf. Tusc. 5, 81; Fam. 3, 10, 1; Virg. Aen. 4, 39, and Pease's n. should have given as a witness to the comparative proficiency of Greek and {venit in mentem). Roman Epicureans the distinguished roges . . . respondeam; quaeras . . . Roman orator, who in De Or. 3, 77 dis dicam: for such paratactic conditions cf. 1, 60: roges me ... auciore utar Simonide; claims any special philosophical knowl R. Kuhner-C. Stegmann, op. cit. 2, 2* edge, who (he thinks) could scarcely (1914), 165-166, comparing Fin. 4, 69; have had intimate knowledge of Epicu Tusc. 1, 51; Fam. 10, 10, 2; J. B. Hof- reans in Greece, and who would hardly have been described in so distant a style mann, Lot. Synt. u. Stilistik (1928), 770. as by the words illo familiari tuo. Ac Mayor renders the phrase "Should you ask me, I should reply." The reading cordingly Madvig supposes that the name of L. Crassus is here an interpolated ducam has the best ms support, and is perhaps quite as acceptable as dicam. gloss suggested by the fact that in De naturam deorum: cf. title, n. {natura Or. 3, 78, Crassus refers to Vellcius as meus familiaris C. Velleius. Further, Mad deorum). a te: earlier Cicero preferred abs te% vig thinks, the person to whom Cotta
1, 58
345
familiari t u o l videor audisse, cum te togatis 2 omnibus sine dubio anteferret, paucos 3 tecum * Epicureos e Graccia compararet, sed, quod ab eo te mirifice diligi 6 intellegebam, arbitrabar ilium propter benivolentiam uberius id dicere. Ego autem, etsi 1 2 familiari illo tuo A (familiarc) CPNO (tuo add.)M rogatis Η 'at 4 paucos NO tecum) tunc (t)Ml · diligi add. D, dediligi Bxt intclligi D
here alludes, without mention of his name, is the Epicurean Phaedrus, who here, as a Greek, refers to Romans as togatis. But, as Plasberg well remarks (cd. maior.), it seems improbable that the name of the person in question should not have been here mentioned particular ly in the case of a Greek; the term togati may be used by Romans themselves of other Romans (cf. Rep. 1, 36; De Or. 3,43; Virg. Aen. 1,282; Suet. Aug. 40, 5); and, most important, Crassus would not here have been expressing a judgment about Vcllcius as a philosopher but rather as a speaker (c(. 1, 59: distincte graviter ornate), a point upon which Crassus would have been well qualified to speak. Beside these objections of Plas berg it may also be noted that, as obser ved by N. Hapke (P.-W. 13 (1927), 264), Cicero represents various philosophers as friends of Crassus; e.g., the Peri patetic Stascas (DeOr. 1,104), C. Vcllcius (De Or. 3, 78), two Balbi, probably in cluding the Balbus of the present dialogue (DeOr. 3, 78), and M. Vigcllius, a friend of Panactius (De Or. 3, 78). Though statements about Crassus's education arc somewhat conflicting (De Or. 2, 1; 2, 2; 2, 4), he had, during ad ministrative duties in the province of Asia, heard philosophic lectures (cf. De Or. 1, 45-47; 2, 365) by Charmadas, Mctrodorus of Scepsis, and other doctissimi homines (De Or. 2, 365); cf. I Iapke, op. cit.% 256. It is evident, then, that Cicero did not consider Crassus a man incompetent to express an opinion upon the qualifications of philosophers, even in Greece, especially if we allow a certain latitude of expression to a Roman chauvinism such as Cicero himself at times practiced. Plasberg well remarks
that a Roman would have been more likely than a Greek to show such partial ity toward a Roman senator. With the apparent inconsistency by which in De Or. 3, 78, Vcllcius is de scribed as dicendi exerdtatione ... rudis, Plasberg compares the diverse judgments expressed about Ti. Gracchus in De Or. 1, 38 and in Brut. 79. Cotta's compli ments to Vcllcius correspond to his praises of Balbus in 3, 4, and are intended to indicate that Cicero has chosen com petent spokesmen for the two schools in question. videor:sc.w//;/,asin2,117;2, 153; etc.
audisse cum . . . anteferret: for other cases of this construction with audire used intransitively cf. Div. 1, 104; Fin. 5, 54; Parad. 45; 2 Verr. 1,157,3.3: ex bo mitie clarissimo atque eloquentissimo, L. Crassn, saepe audi turn est, cum . . . diceret; Pro Halb. 11; Pro Font. 33; Fam. 3, 7, 4; De Or. 2, 22: saepe ex socero meo audit ι cum is dicere t\ 2, 144; 2, 155: ex eis saepe audivi cum diceret; 2, 365; Brut. 85; 205: saepeque ex eo audivi cum . . . diceret; also the similar constructions videre cumy me mini cumt memoria teneo cum (De Or. 2, 296), and animadversum . . . saepe est cum (2, 24, below); R. Kuhner-C. Stegmann, Ausf. Gr. d. lot. Spr. 2, 2» (1914), 332-333. togatis: cf. note on L. Crasso, above. paucos: note the adversative asyn deton; Plasberg compares Parad. 2; Ac. 1, 16. mirifice diligi: cf. Fam. 2, 14, 1: mirificeque eum di/igo; 12, 12, 4; 13, 6, 2; 13, 15, 1; Att. 6, 2, 2; 12. 34, 2; 16, 16D, 1. The phrase seems especially characteristic of the more colloquial style of the Letters. Cf. also 1, 73: mirifice contemnit.
346
1,59
vcrcor laudare pracscntem, iudico tamen de re obscura atque difficili' a te dictum esse dilucide,, neque sententiis solum copiose s sed verbis etiam ornatius quam solent vestri. 59 Zenonem,4 quern Philo 5 noster coryphaeum * appellate Epicureorum solebat,7 1 difficili * a te AB, difficilia a te P, difficillima NO » delucide PBl, dclulicide A, diluculoW »cupioec£ l «zenomenB 1 · philo Otfi\\o AxNB\f&o A%DHPB*FM * coryfcum ADHPNBF, conphcum O, corifeum Μ ' solebat om. Ο
de re obscura: cf. 1, 60: obscurior; dem aut ipse [sc. Epicurus] doctrinis fuisstt Fin. 4, 1: ista exposuisti ut tarn multa instructior {est enim, quod tibi ita vidtri ne~ memoriter, ut tarn obscura dilucide; Ac. 1,43:cesse est, non satis politus Us artibus quas breviter sane minimeqm obscure exposita est, qui Unent eruditi appellasitur) aut ne deinquam, a te, Varro; Tusc. 4, 33: modo satis terruisset alios a studiis; 1, 14: exists mo te ilia dilucide dixerimus pro rerum obscuritate; . . . minus ab eo [sc. Epicuro] dtlectari Dip. 1, 117: quae a te secundo libro est quod ista Platonis, Arts toteli, Tbeophrasti orationsJ ornamenta neglexerit; Tusc. 1, 6; expiicata dilucide; Inv. 1, 30, where 2, 7: quia profitentur ipsi ills qui eos scribunt dilucide et ornate exponitur is contrasted with obscure . . . et neglegenter; Lucr. 1, [sc. Epicures] se neque distincte neque distri 933-934: quod obscura de re tarn lucida bute neque eleganter neque ornate scribert, pango I carmina. Since Zcno is in 1, 59 lectionem sine ulla delectation* neglego; praised for the same qualities (isto modo Brut. 131: T. Albucius ... per/ectus Epiut tu), some have thought that Cicero cureus evaserat, minime aptum ad dicendum here intended Velleius to represent genus; In Pison. 70: *// autem [sc. Philodemus] ... etiam ceteris studiis quae fere him, but this supposition seems unne Epicureos neglegere dicunt per politus. Cf. cessary. sententiis . . . verbis: cf. 2, 1: neque also 1, 72, below, and notes. enimfium'meconturbor inanium verborum nee 59 Zenonem: of Sidon; mentioned sub tilt fate sententiarum si orationis est in 1, 93; cf. Ac. 1, 46; Diog. L. 7, 35; siccitas; 'fuse. 1, 6: fieri autem potest ut 10, 25 [enumerating the disciples of Epi recte quis sentiat et id quod stntit polite curus): Ζήνων τι ό Σ ιδώνιος, άχροατής eloqui non possit; De Or. 3, 24: a sententiis 'Απολλοδώρου, πολυγράφος άνήρ. Cicero verba seiungunt, quorum sine interitu fieri and Atticus in 78 B.C. had heard his lec neutrum potest. For the combination tures at Athens; cf. Fin. 1, 16: eos quos of copiose (referring to substance of nominavi [sc. Phaedrus and Zeno) cum thought, discovered by inventio) and Attico nostro frequenter audivi', Tusc. 3, 38: ornate (applied to form of expression, hoc ille acriculus me audiente Athenss senex determined by elocutio) cf. De Or. 1, 21; Zeno, istorurn acutissimus. contendere et magna 1, 48; 1, 62; 2, 120; Brut. 21; 294; Orat. voce dicere solebat. Some scholars have 29; De opt. Gen. Or. 12; Top. 67; Tusc. thought, brgely upon the evidence of \,l;Pro Caec. 53; Quintil. Inst. 10, 7,12; the present passage, that Cicero may Tac. Dial. 31, 4; Aug. C. Crescon. 1, 16: have used Zcno as a source for certain copiose ornateque explicare . . . si eloquensparts of the present book; cf. R. Hirzel, ille appellandus est qui non solum copiose etUntersucb. z- Cicero's philos. Scbr. 1 (1877), ornate sed etiam veraciter dicit; Mart. Cap. 27; 178; also, above, Introd. § 22. 5, 508; also such varieties of the idea as For his use by Philodemus cf. Philodem. in Fin. 1, 10. In Parad. 3, Cicero remarks De Signis, 19; R. Philippeon in P.-V. 19 nihil est tarn incredibiie quod non dicendo fiat (1938), 2451; P. H. and E. A. De Lacy, probabile, nihil tarn borridum . .. quod non edition of Philodem. De Signis (1941), 148-149; C. Vicol in Epbem. Dacoromana, splendescat oratione. 10 (1945), 250. quam eolcnt vestri: for Epicurean neglect of style cf. Fin. 1,6: vellem eqttiPhilo: cf. 1. 6, n. (Philo); 1, 17; 1, 113.
1, 59
347
cum Athenis* essem * audiebam frequenter, et quidem ipso auctore 3 Philone,4 credo 5 ut facilius iudicarem quam ilia bene 1 acccpissem cum Athenis Ο Ο, filone re//. * credo add. Μ
csset A*
coryphacum: a term used by Hero dotus, 3, 82, et al., for a "head-man," but most commonly employed in Greek for the leader of a dramatic chorus, from which sense it is here metaphori cally extended. The comparison of a philosophic school or some other group to a chorus is frequent; e.g., Fin. 1, 26: totum Epicurum paene e pbilosophorum choro sustu/isti; Pap. Here. 339, col. 11, 23 (W. Kronen, Kolotts u. Menedemos (1906), 59); Dion. Hal. De Comp. Verb. 24: 'Επικούρειων δέ χορόν; Thcmist. Or. 2, p. 27c {S.\ .F. 3, no. 251): ό έκ της ποικίλης χορός; Ad Aris/oi. Phjs. 4, 113 Schenkl: ό περί Χρύσιππον χορός; Theophylact. Coiloq. 1, 6, p. 170 Idcler; Olympiod. ad Plat. Plxtedon. p. 28 Finckh {S. I './·'. 2, no. 1030): ό φιλόσοφος χορός ό τών Στωικών; Prolcg. in Categ. p . 21, 32 Bussc; C.I.L. X, 2971 (Dessau 7781): ex Epicureio gaudivigente cfwro; Suid. s.v. ΑΙδεσία: ο τε άλλος χορός των φιλοσόφων X3t't 0 κορυφαίος Πρό κλος. Also applied to poets (Liban. Ep. 1089, 2), to grammatici (Eustath. in Od. 23,296), rhetors (Liban. Dec/. 23,30), physicians (Galen, Ad Tbrasyb. 47 (V. 8 % K.)). or to gods (Liban. Dec/. 7, 9), Accordingly the use of κορυφαίος for the leader of a philosophic band is an easy one; cf. Plat. Theae/. 173c; \X. Kronen, Kolo/es u. Menedemos (1906), 59; Plut. Adv. Co/o/. 14, p. 1115b: των άλλων Πε ριπατητικών ό κορυφαιότατος Στρά των; Liban. Ep. 835, 5; 1338, 2 ; Hicr. Adv. Rufin. 1, 9; lonn. Chrys. Horn. 3 in Rom. 3 {Patr. Gr. 60, 414); Thcodorct, Gr. Ajf. 1, 53: Σωκράτην. των φιλο σόφων τόν κορυφαΐον (cf. 12, 26); 4, 72: των προφητών ό κορυφαίος Μωϋσής; 8, 49; Simplic. in Phys. 6, 4, p. 964, 29-30 Diels: τόν κορυφαΐον . . . των 'Αριστοτέλους εταίρων τόν Θεόφραστον; 8, 1. ρ. 1145, 2-3; p. U59, 6; Olympiod. in Ca/eg. 5, p. 68, 34-35
' auctore Bl
* philone
Bussc; p. 68, 39; Phot. Bib/, cod. 214, p. 173 a 19 Bekkcr; Eustath. in //. 13, 824: ών κορυφαίος ό Επίκουρος; also Stob. vol. 1, p. 37 Wachsmuth: Ξενο κράτης . . . χορηγήσας τοις Στωικοϊς. The only other occurrence of the word in Latin cited by the Tbes. /Jng. I*at. 4 (1909), 1082 is in a letter of Gclasius. Procl. in Tim. p. l i e (p. 34 Diehl) simi larly uses χορηγός. Cicero here speedily defines the term by principe Epicureorum. cum Athenis easem: after the death of the orator Cnssus, in September, 91 B . C , Cotta, who had won the ani mosity of the equites, had been indicted, under the Lex X'aria, and, despite a speech in his defence by L. Aclius Stilo {Brut. 205), had been condemned, where upon he went into exile in Greece (cf. De Or. 3, 11; Brut. 303; 305; App. B.C. 1, 37), from which he returned after the victory of Sulla {Brut. 311) in 82. Mayor remarks that although Cicero represents himself in 1, 17, as an im partial hearer, and at 3, 95 casts his vote for Balbus and against Cotta, yet he seems to ascribe to Cotta his own ex periences at Athens in 78 B . C , both here and in 1, 79: turn Athenis essem; 1, 93; 3, 49; sec also the references gathered by M. Gclzcr in A-IT. 7A (1939), 838. audiebam: "usedto attend lectures"; also of hearing a philosopher discuss more informally; cf. 1, 72; 2, 1; 2, 32; 3, 2; and the related use of auditor, as in 1, 35; 1, 38; 1, 72; 3, 2. For audiebam frequenter cf. Tusc. 2, 9; Fin. 1, 16; 5, 8. auctore Philone: cf. Ac. 2, 12: cum et T/erac/itum studiose audirem contra An/iochum disserentem et item Antiocbum contra Academicos\ [Clem.] Homil. 15, 4: ϊτι τε καΐ έκπαιίευΟήναι αυτούς τα Ε λ λήνων καΐ άθεα δόγματα, ίνα μάλλον ώς είδότες ταΰτα άνασκευάζειν δυνατοί ώσιν; Greg. Thaum. In Orig. Or. paneg.
348
1,60 1
rcfellerentur, cum a principe Epicureorum accepissem quern ad modum 2 dicerentur. Non igitur ille ut plerique, sed isto modo ut tu, distincte, graviter, ornate. Sed quod in illo mihi usu saepe venit,3 idem modo cum te audirem accidebat,4 ut moleste ferrem tantum ingenium (bona venia me audies) in tarn leves, ne dicam in tarn ineptas, sententias incidisse. 60 Nee ego nunc 5 ipse β aliquid adferam melius. Ut enim modo dixi, omnibus fere in rebus, sed maxime in physicis, quid non sit citius quam quid sit 1 illc rcfellerentur Ο ■ quam quem ad modum TV β AC Ρ NO nunc in ras. A · ipse om. D
* cuenit Ο
* accidcrat
13: φιλοσοφείν μέν γάρ ήξίου, άναλεγόtantum ingenium: cf. Fin. 4, 62: μενος των αρχαίων πάντα δσα καΐ φιλο tantis ingeniis homines. σόφων καΐ υμνωδών έστι γράμματα πάση bona venia me audies: "if you will δυνάμει μηδέν εκποιούμενους μηδ* απο pardon my saying so;" cf. 1, 79: pace δοκιμάζοντας (ουδέ πω γάρ ουδέ την mibi liceat, caelestest dicere vestra (and note); κρίσιν £χειν έδυνάμεθα), πλην όσα των Div. 1, 25: bona hoc tua venia dixerim \ άθεων εϊη, κτλ. Also Philostr. Vit. L*&&- 3, 34: bona tua venia dixerim; Pro Apoll. 5, 32: αυλητής . . . των πάνυ σο Mil. 103: pace tua . . . dixerim; Pro φών τους εαυτού μαΟητάς παρά τους Marcel/. 4; Off. 3, 41; CatuU. 66, 7 1 : φαυλότερους τών αυλητών έπεμπε μα- pace tua fori liceat; Liv. 28, 43, 7; Fronto, Οησομένους πώς δει μη αύλεΐν. p. 25 Nabcr; Arnob. 1, 4: cum pace hoc facilius iudicarem: cf. Div. 2, 50; vestra et cum bona venia dixerim; Rutin. Comm. in Symb. Apost. 1, p. 51 Vallarsi; Off. 1,146; De Or. 1,8. Mamcrt. Paneg. Maxim. 6, 4 (Paneg. Lat. quam ilia bene: on the word order 267 Bachrcns): bona venia deum dixerim; cf. 1, 33, n. (quo porro modo). also Tusc. 5, 12: pace tua dixerim (so ieto modo ut tu: with ut in place of a relative pronoun cf. R. Kuhncr-C. Steg- Legg. 3, 29; Fam. 7, 17, 1; Hier. Ep. 112, mann, Ausf. Gram. d. lat. Spr. 2, 2" 19, 1; C.I.L. I, 542 = 1X.4672 = Dessau 3410: tua pace rogans te)t and the use of (1914), 449, n.a. παραιτούμαι in Greek (e.g., Dion. Hal. distincte, graviter, ornate: cf. Diog. De Comp. Verb. 24). L. 7, 35: Σιδώνιος τό γένος, φιλόσοφος Επικούρειος καΐ νοήσαι καΐ έρμηνεΰσαι levee . . . ineptas: cf. Pro S. Rose. 52: σαφής. There is not necessarily any sug ilia . . . concedis leria esse atque inepta. gestion of asyndeton sollemne about this 60 in physicis: a division of philo group of three adverbs; cf. Kiihncr· sophy which included theology. On Stegmann, op. cit.t 2, 2", 152-153. Cicero's use of this and similar terms cf. usu saepe venit: cf. Fin. 1, 8; 5, 4; C. M. Bernhardt, De Cic. Graecat Pbilos. Tusc. 1, 73: /// taepe usu vtnit . . . ut; Interprtte (1865), 15. The caution of Off. 3, 15; Sen. 7; Pro Quinct. 49; Pro Cotta as contrasted with the dogmatic S. Rose. 42; 2 Verr. 2, 14; Pro Clutnt. 53; assertions of Velleius—for which cf. Apul. Apol. 16; Kuhncr-Stcgmann, op. 1, 18, and n. (fidenter sane)—should be cit. 2, 1»(1912), 345, n. 3. noted. For Academic feeling, from the accidebat: AC Ρ NO have acciaerat, but time of Socrates onward, that the proper the imperfect is here much more appro study of mankind is man and that the investigation of natural phenomena is priate: "kept occurring to me." The obscure and often unprofitable (Rep. 1, confusion between b and r may well 15) cf. Pease on Div. 2, 30, n. (*/ pbysicus). derive from an archetype in rustic ca pitals rather than from minuscules. quid non sit: on esse and verum esse
1,60
349
dixerim. 22 Roges me quid aut quale l sit deus, auctore utar Simonide, de quo cum quaesivisset hoc idem tyrannus Hiero, 1
quare
NO
(as in 1, 57) as s y n o n y m o u s cf. Rcid o n Ac. 2,10. F o r the t h o u g h t here expressed sec 1, 57, n. {non tarn facile), a b o v e ; 1, 9 1 : utinam tarn facile vera invenire possim quam falsa convincere; Sext. LLmp. Pyrrfjon. 1, 13-15. O u r passage reappears in Lact. Inst. 1, 17, 4 : ait enim [sc. Cicero] facilius posse se dicere quid non sit quam quid sit, hoc est, falsa se intellegere, vera nescire; cf. 2, 3 , 23-24: falsum vero intellegere est quidem sapientiae, sed humanae, ultra bunc gradum procedi ab homine non potest, itaque multi pbilosophorum religiones ut docui sustulerunt; verum autem scire divinae sapienfiae est; homo autem per se ipsum pervenire ad banc scientiam non potest nisi doceatur a deo. ita philosopbi quod sum mum fuit humanae sapienfiae adsecuti sunt ut intellegertnt quid non sit; illud adsequi nequiverunt ut dicerent
quid sit. c i t i u s : cf. Brut. 238: citius . .. diceres; Pbil. 2, 2 5 : citius dixerim. r o g e s — utar: cf. 1, 57, n. {roges .. . respondeam; quaeras . . . dicam). q u i d aut q u a l e : cf. Tusc. 1, 6 0 : si quid sit hoc non vides, at quale sit vides. T h e neuters make allowance for the d i s c o v e r y even of an inanimate g o d . S i m o n i d e : of Ceos, o n e of t h e dis t i n g u i s h e d g r o u p of p o e t s , i n c l u d i n g P i n d a r , Bacchylides, F p i c h a r m u s , X c n o p h a n e s , a n d Aeschylus (cf. W. O t t o in P.-W. 8 (1913), 1502), w h o m Micro 1 o f Syracuse attracted to his c o u r t . F o r ancient a c c o u n t s linking S i m o n i d e s and H i e r o , apparently a b o u t 476 B.C. (J. (ieffeken in Ρ . - Ι Γ . 3Α (1927), 188), cf. X e n . I Hero, passim; (Plat.) Ep. 2 , 311a; A r U t o t . Rbet. 2, 16, 1391 a 8-12; Cham a e l e o n a p . A t h c n . 14, 656c-d (Athcnaeus q u o t e d from a w o r k of C h a m a e l e o n περί Σ ι μ ω ν ί δ ο υ ; m i g h t the s t a t e m e n t in o u r text possibly be derived f r o m an a n e c d o t e in that w o r k ? ) ; T i m a c u s a p . D i d y m . in Schol. Pind. Ol. 2, 2 9 ; Acl. I \H. 4, 1 5 ; 9, 1; 12, 2 5 ; Schol. T h c o c r . 16, pracf., p . 325 W . ; Himer. Or. 14, 29
W e r n s d o r f ; Synes. Ep. 4 9 : π λ έ ω καλά της Σιμωνίδου συνουσίας Ί έ ρ ω ν άπέλαυσεν ή Σιμωνίδης Ι έ ρ ω ν ο ς ; also E u s t a t h . in A . W c s t c r m a n n ' s Βιογράφοι (1845), 9 1 , 4 1 . Cf. Orac. Deor. Gr. 84 ( K . Burcsch, Klaros (1889), 124): δτι Σιμωνίδης, ερωτηθείς υπό τίνος περί τοϋ θείου, επί πολλάς ημέρας άνε^άλλετο καΐ αύθις ερωτηθείς τήν αίτίαν της ΰπερθέσεως- όσον, έφη, μάλλον σ κ ο π ώ περί τοϋ θείου τοσούτον α π έ χ ω είδέναι; Minucius 13, 4, b o r r o w s from C i c e r o : quid, Simonidis melici nonne admiranda om nibus et sectanda cunctatio? qui Simonides, cum de eo quid et quales [should we here read quale?] arbitraretttr deos, ab Hierone tyranno quaereretur primo deliberations diem petiit, postridie biduum prorogavit, mox al teram tan turn admonitus adiunxit. post re mo, cum causa; tantac morae tyrannus inqmrtrtt, respondit Hie quod sibi quantο inquisitio tardior pergeret, tanto Veritas fieret obscurior; cf. 38, 5: Arcesilas quoque et Carneades et Pyrrbo et omnis Academicorum multitudo deliberet, Simonides etiam in perpetuum comperendinet. Tertullian w r o n g l y (cf. F . Kotek, Ankl&nge an Cic. d. n. d. bei . . . Tert. (1901), 10-12) ascribes the incident t o Thalcs: Ad Nat. 2, 2: Tbales Milesius Croeso sciscitanti quid de deis arbitraretur post aliquot deliberandi commeatus, "nibil," renuntiavit; Apol. 4 6 : quid enim Tbales ille princeps pbysicorum sciscitanti Croeso de divinitate cerium renuntiavit, commeatus de liberandi saepe frustratus. O n the whole subject M a y o r cites A r n o b . 3 , 1 9 : quicqnid de deo dixeris, quicquid tacitae mentis cogitatione conceperis, in bumanum fransilit et corrumpitur sensum, nee babel propriae signification»s notam quod nostris dicitur verbis atque ad negotia humana compositis. unus est inminis inlellectus de dei natura certissimus, si scias et stntias nihil de illo posse mortal/ sermone dtpromi; F. Bacon, Apophthegms, n o . 248. F o r examples linking a king with a counselling wise man (Pcriandcr and Thalcs, Pericles
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1,61
deliberandi sibi unum diem postulavit; l cum idem ex eo postridie quaereret, biduum petivit; 1 cum saepius duplicaret* numenim dierum admiransque Hiero requireret4 cur ita faceret, 'quia quanto diutius considero/ inquit 'tanto mihi spes 6 videtur obscurior.' Sed Simonidem arbitror (non enim poeta solum suavis verum etiam ceteroquiβ doctus sapiensque traditur), quia multa venirent in mentem acuta atque subtilia,7 dubitantem quid eorum esset verissimumβ desperasse omnem veritatem. 61 Epicurus vero tuus (nam cum illo malo 9 disserere quam tecum) quid 10 1 4 postulaucro Ρ " putauit B1 · dcclinarct Ν requacrcret Ρ · spes) res NO, add. Μ · ceteroqui dttt. Vict., ceceroque ACPBF, cetera quam NO ' suptilia BF, at subtilia Μ * ucrissimus B\ ucrissim A · mallo APBX 19 quid] qui Bl
and Anaxagoras, Croesus and Solon, 47-48: ώφελεν 6 πλάσσας σε, Σιμωνίδη, ώφελε χαλχφ / συγχεράσαι μέλος ήδύ; et al.) cf. Off. 1, 155; C. Bonner in Harv. tbeol. Rev. 37 (1944), 43-44, es 9, 184, 5: ή TC Σ ι μ ω ν ί δ η γλυκερή σεpecially comparing [Plat.] Ep. 2, 310c- λίς; 9, 571, 1-2: έπνεε τερττνά / ηδυμελεϊ φθ^γγψ μοϋσα Σιμωνίδεω; Suid. 311b. de quo c u m : cf. P. Mihailaneau, De s.v. Σιμωνίδης: δς έπεκλήΟη Μελιχέρτης Comprebennonibus rtlativis ap$td Cic. (1907), δια το ήδύ. 95. ceteroqui: a word nearly confined to Cicero; the Tbes. Ling. Lat. 3 (1912), deliberandi, etc.: by P. Dec ha r me (La crit. its trad, re/ig. cbe\ les Grecs 965, cites nine Ciceronian examples, one (1904), 120, n. 3) and J. Adam (Re/ig. from Gellius, and two from Ulpian. Teachers of Greece (1908), 275-276) this Probably because of its rarity it is in several instances corrupted in the mss. doubt of Simonides is compared with the agnosticism of Protagoras (1, 2, d o c t u · sapiensque: the two epithets, above). The genitive depends on diem referring to acquired learning and innate and doubtless expresses purpose. wisdom respectively, are also combined unum diem: on the gender of dies in Div. 1, 46; 1, 110; Tusc. 2, 39; 5, 64; Rep. 1, 11; Legg. 2, 39; Parad. 23. With cf. J. B. Hofmann in Pbilol. 93 (1938), 265-273,with bibliography on p. 265, n. 1. the thought cf. 1, 6 1 : pbiiosopbia ... mediocri prudentia. biduum: on the form cf. F. Sommer in Arcbiv. f. /at. Lexikogr. 12 (1902), traditur: sc. ftdsse. 582-584. venirent in mentem: cf. 1, 57: in quanto diutius . . . tanto . . . obscumentem venire. rior: cf. A. Gocdcckcmcyer, Gescb. d. gr. verieaimum: contrast the more cau Skepticism us (1905), 153, n. 2; also Job, tious Academic expressions of truth in 11, 7-9; Plut. De Pjtb. Or. 30, p. 409d; 3, 95: uerior . . . ad veritatis nmilitudinem Orig. C. Ce/s. 7, 42. . . . propensior. 61 Epicurua . . . tuus: cf. 1, 87: epee: where NO read res, which some editors have adopted. Either would be quoniam non audes {jam enim cum ipso Epicuro loquar) . . . num quid tale, Epicure, intelligible here, but spes is the better attested, is suggested by desperasse just vidisti; Div. 1, 62: Epicurum igitur audiebelow, and is paralleled in Leg. agr. 2, 66: mus potius\ and for the apostrophe of obscura spe et caeca exspectatione pendere.a philosophic adversary cf. N.D. 1, 87, n. (Epicure). poeta . . . sua vie: cf. Antb. Pal. 2,
1, 61
351
dicit quod non modo philosophia dignum esset sed mediocri prudentia? Quaeritur primum in ea quaestione quae est de natura deorum sintne * dei necne sint. 'Difficile est negare.' Credo , si in contione * 1
sint nee Bl
* contentions Ρ
d i c i t q u o d . . . e s s e t : as M a y o r re m a r k s , the sequence is p o s s i b l y t o be explained by t a k i n g dicit = dixit (cf. 1, 3 9 : dicit . . . fluerent; 1, 4 0 : disputat . . . appellarent; Fin. 3 , 7 1 : defendifur ... tsset), b u t m o r e likely it is a case of s u p p r e s s e d p r o t a s i s : " w h i c h , if it were u s e d , w o u l d b e " ; cf. R. K i i h n c r - C . Stcgmann, Ausf. Gram. d. /at. Spr. 2, 2" (1914), 185. p h i l o s o p h i a . . . mediocri prudentia: cf. 1, 6 0 : docius sapiensque; Div. 2, 130: ad baec mediocri opus est prudentia an et ingenio et eruditions perfecta. Epicurus d i s a v o w e d p h i l o s o p h i c training ( 1 , 7273), a n d here he is n o t c r e d i t e d with "ordinary commonsensc." quaeritur p r i m u m : the s e c o n d point is raised at 1, 6 6 : concedo esse deos; doce me igitur unde sint, etc. n e c n e sine: t h e repetition of t h e v e r b is e m p h a t i c ; cf. 3 , 1 7 : di utrum sint necne sint quaeritur; Tusc. 2, 2 9 : do/earn necne do/earn. difficile est n e g a r e : cf. Div. 2, 7 0 : primum auspicia videamus. di/fici/is auguri locus ad contra dicendum. Marso jortasse, sed Romano facillumus. s i i n c o n t i o n e : the distinction be t w e e n the discussion of religious, philo s o p h i c , political, or o t h e r c o n t r o v e r s i a l m a t t e r s in the presence of an u n t r a i n e d a n d u n i n f o r m e d p u b l i c , liable t o e m o tional prejudice (invidia) and t h a t before a g r o u p of educated experts, h a b i t u a t e d t o t h e calm consideration of a r g u m e n t s o n b o t h sides of a q u e s t i o n , is o n e re peatedly r e c u r r i n g in ancient l i t e r a t u r e ; cf. 1, 30, n. (in Timaeo); 1, 32, n. (Popularis . .. naiuralem); 1, 8 5 : etsi hoc loco non populum metuis sed ipsos deos [and n. on non audes]; 3, 4 2 : interiores . . . litteras; Div. 2, 2 8 : baruspicina, quam ego rer publicae causa com munisque religionis colendam censeo
—sed soli sumus; licet verum exquirere sine invidia, mibi praesertim de p/erisque dubstanti; Tusc. 2, 1: Neoptolemus quidem apud Ennium "philosopbari sibi," ait, "necesse esse, sed paucis; nam omnino baud placere"; 2, 4 : est enim philosopbia paucis conlenta iudicibus, multitudinem consulto ipsafugiens eique ipsi et suspecta et invisa; 3 , 5 1 ; Fin. 2 , 7 4 : quid optimum denique in vita iudices, non audere in convent u dieere; 2, 7 6 : die in qttovis conventu te omnia facere ne doleas; 2, 7 7 ; 4, 2 2 : in contione autem si loqueretur . . . quae est igitur ista philosopbia quae com muni more in joro loquitur, in li bellis sua; 5, 12: de sum mo autem bono quia duo genera librorum sunt, unum populariter scriptumf quod εξωτερικών appellabant, alterum limatius . . . non semper idem dicere videntur; 5, 8 5 ; 5, 8 9 ; Ac. 2, 144: quid me igitur, Luculle, in invidiam et tamquam in contionem vocas; Pro Cluent. 2 0 2 : intellegat in contionibus esse invidiae locum, in iudiciis veritati; Plat. Rep. 6, 493c-494a: φιλόσοφον μέν άρα, ήν δ" έ γ ώ , πλήθος αδύνατον είναι, αδύνατον, καΐ τους φιλοσοφοΰντας 4ρα ανάγκη ψέγεσΟαι ύ π ' αυτών, α ν ά γ κ η ; Legg. 1, 635a; [Plat.] fzp. 2, 314a: εύλαβοϋ μέντοι μήποτε έκπέση ταΰτα είς ανθρώπους απαίδευτους; P o l y b . 6, 56, 6-12 [too l o n g t o q u o t e ] ; Polystr. De iniust. Contemp. (I 'oil. Herculan. 4, 15, lines 20-21): ένεκα τών πλησίον είρωνεύωντχι; Varr. a p . A u g . CD. 4, 31 [ i m p o r t a n t , b u t t o o l o n g to q u o t e ] ; 6, 5: sic alia, quae facilius intra parietes in scbola quam extra in foro ferre possunt aures . . . removit tamen hoc genus a foro, id est, a populis; scbolis vero et parietibus clausit; Auct. Ad Herenn. 4, 2 5 : qui in sermonibus et conventu amicorum verum dixerit numquam, earn sibi in contionibus a mendacio temperaturum; Sen. Fzp. 5, 2 : intus omnia disnmilia sint; frons populo nostra com^eniat; Pcrs. 5, 2 1 : secrete lo-
352
1, 61
quaeratur, sed in huius modi sermone et [in] l consessu f facilli1
[in] om. dttt. Aid.
■ consessu Rom.% consensu codi.
quimur\ Plut. Quaest. eon». 3, 6, 1, p. 653c; schola quam extra in forο ferre postunt aures; 18, 12: secretiore .. . historia; De pera Non posse suaviter, 21, p. 1102b-d; 4 Esdras, 14, 26; 14, 45-46; Joseph. C. Relig. 1: apparet aJiud eos in religione tusAp. 2,169 [copied in Eus. Pr. Ev. 8,8,6]: cepisse cum populo et aliud eodem ipso populo άλλ' ol μέν προς ολίγους φίλοσοφοΰντες audiente defendssse privaiim; Bocth. De Trin. pracf., at some length; Stob. voL 1, είς πλήθη δόξαις κατειλημμένα την p. 278 Wachsmuth ( = W. Scott, Hermetiάλήθειαν του δόγματος έξενεγκεΐν ούχ έτόλμησαν; [Clem.] Recogn. 3, 1; Diog. L. cat 1 (1924), 432-434); Corp. Hermet. 13, 13b, p. 254 Scott: τόν λόγον τούτον . . . 2, 117: Κράτητος τοίνυν αυτόν [i.e., Stilpo] έρωτήσαντος ει ol θεοί χαίρουσι ύπεμνηματισάμην <ούκ είς τους πολλούς>, ΐνα μή <λογισθ>ώμεν διάβολοι τοΰ παν ταις προσχυνήσεσι χαΐ εύχαϊς, φασίν ει τός. Somewhat similar is the feeling in πείν, "περί τούτων μή έρωτα, ανόητε, έν regard to the religious mysteries; cf. όδω, άλλα μόνον"; Clem. Strom. 5, 9, 58, 1: ού μόνοι άρα ol Ιΐυθαγόρειοι και Julian, Orat. 7, p. 239a-b: αυτών τε οΐμαι τούτων ών θέμις φάναι, Ινια προς ΙΙλάτων τα πολλά έπεκρύπτοντο άλλα τους πολλούς σιωπητέον είναι μοι φαί καΐ ol Επικούρειοι φασί τίνα και παρ' νεται. On the condo as a typical expres αυτού απόρρητα είναι και μή πάσιν έπιsion for publicity cf. Reid on Ac. 2, 144; τρέπειν έντυγχάνειν τούτοις τοις γράμto which add: Pro Sest. 1, 132; Pal. μασιν; 5, 9, 58, 3: λέγουσι δέ και ol 'Α 5, 21;Tac. Ann. 11, 1,2. ριστοτέλους τα μέν εσωτερικά είναι των συγγραμμάτων αύτοΰ, τά δέ κοινά If it be asked why Cicero should re τε και εξωτερικά; Orig. C. Ceis. 4, 39: present as esoteric and unsuitcd to po δυνηθώσιν εύρεϊν το βούλημα τοΰ Πλά pular knowledge the views which Cotta τωνος, τίνα τρόπον δεδύνηται τά με is about to express, or else, if they were γάλα έαυτω φαινόμενα δόγματα κρύψαι esoteric, why Cotta should here be μέν διά τους πολλούς έν τω τοΰ μύθου described as publicizing them (cf. Ac. σχήματι, είπεΐν δ' ώς έχρήν τοις εί1, 2: inJemperantis enim arbitror esse scribere δόσιν άπό μύθων εύρίσκειν, κτλ.; Mc- quod occultari vtlit), it may be replied that nand. Rhct. (RJbet. Gr. 3, 337 Spcngel): such phrases merely entice the reader έπιτηρεΐν δέ χρή καΐ μή είς τόν πολύν by that fascination of the illicit which 6χλον καΐ δήμον έκφέρειν τους τοιού has so often been the strongest appeal τους ύμνους· άπιθανώτεροι γαρ καΐ καof heterodoxy. ταγελαστικώτεροι τοις πολλοίς φαίνονcons-eeeu: though the better mss read ται; Eus. Pr. Εν. 8, 8, 53: αυτός δέ consensu there can be little doubt that Πλάτων ώμολόγηκεν δτι την αληθή περί consessu is to be adopted in the text; yet τοΰ Οεοΰ δόξαν είς τήν των Οχλων its exact relationship in the passage is άνοιαν ούκ ήν ασφαλές έξενεγκεΐν; Lact. uncertain, despite Pro S. Rose. Am. 59: Inst. 2, 3, 1-2: quid prodest ad vulgus vestro consessu et hoc conventu\ Τ use. 1, 30: et ad homines inperitos hoc modo eontionari nee vero id conlocutio bominum aut constssus . .. intellegebat Cicero falsa esse quae [by emendation] effecit [perhaps in the homines adorarent. nam cum multa dixisset American slang sense of a "bull ses quae ad eversionem religionum valerent, sion?"]. In his editio motor Plasbcrg reads ait tamen non esse ilia vulgo ditputanda> ne in huius modi sermone et in consessu. But in suseeptas publiee religiones disputatio talis the numerous instances of consessus not extinguat; 3, 20, 12 (of Socrates); Aug. of the act of sitting, but of a gathering CD. 4, 30: nee quod in hoc disputatione of seated persons (cf. Tltes. Ling. Lat. 4 [i.e., Cicero's De Divinatione] disertus in- (1909), 424, 28-425, 3), or a circle of sonat, muttire audertt in populi eontione; friends, like voyfeBpla (Xcn. Afem. 4, 2, 6, 5: sic alia quae facilius intra parietes in 3), in Cicero always, and in other writers
1,62
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mum. Itaque ego ipse pontifex, qui caerimonias religionesque publicas sanctissime ' tuendas arbitror, is 2 hoc quod primum est, esse deos, persuaderi 3 mihi non opinione solum sed etiam ad vcritatem plane velim. Multa enim occurrunt quae conturbent, ut interdum nulli esse videantur. 62 Sed vide quam tecum agam liberaliter: quae communia sunt vobis cum ceteris philosophis 1
sanctissima Bx
x
iis B*F,
his
Η
w i t h very rare exceptions, it is modified either by an adjective or by a g e n i t i v e . Used t h u s by itself it w o u l d be intole rably bald, a n d in n o way d i s t i n g u i s h e d , as it here needs t o be, f r o m a large p u b l i c g a t h e r i n g . A c c o r d i n g l y in his editio minor (followed by Ax) Plasbcrg e m e n ded to read: et in consessu
buius modi to cover both sermon* and consessu; cf. Plat. Laches, 1 9 6 b : τί άν τις έν συνουσία τοιαδε μάτην κενοΐς λόγοις αυτός αυτόν κ ό σ μ ο ι ; Prot. 3 4 7 c : al τοιαίδε συνουσίαι. W i t h constssus may also p e r h a p s be equated σύνεδρε ία. e g o i p s e p o n t i f e x : cf. 2, 168: it ... pontificem esse cogitas; 3, 5; 3 , 6; Veil. Pat. 2, 4 3 , 1: pontifex foetus ert [sc. Caesar) in Cottae consularis locum. O n the toleration by priests of theological q u e s t i o n i n g s cf. 1, 14, n. (quibus nos praesumus); also the case of Q . M u c i u s Scaevola, the pontifex maximus, a n d his d e s c r i p t i o n of the three types of religion ( A u g . CD. 4, 2 7 ; F. W i p p r e c h c , Zur Entwickl. d. rationalist. Mythendeutumg bet d. Cr. 1 (1902); G . Lapointe, Quintus Mucius Scaevola (1926), 73-82). c a e r i m o n i a s . . . t u e n d a s : cf. 3 , 5 : ut opiniones quas a maioribus accepimus de dis immortalibtu, sacra, caerimonias, religio nssque defenderem; Div. 1, 105: ad opiniontm imperi torum fictas religiones; 2 , 2 8 : baruspicina, quam ego ret publicae causa communisque religionis colendam censeo; 2, 70: re tine fur [sc. augurandi scientia) autem et ad opinionem vulgi et ad magnas utilitates
9
pcrsuadcrc
D
rei publicae mos, religio, disciplina, ius au gur um, collegi auctoritas; 2, 7 1 ; 2, 148: maiorum instituta tueri sacris caerimoniisque retinendis sapitntis est; Μ in. Fcl. 6, 1: maiorum excipere disciplinam, religiones tradiias cotere. r e l i g i o n e s : for the plural, m e a n i n g " r i t u a l r e q u i r e m e n t s " cf. M . K o b b c r t in P.-W. 1A (1920), 574-575. i s : r e s u m p t i v e , and here referring t o the first person (ego ipse pontifex); cf. Rep. 1 , 7 : / / enim fueram cut; De Imp. Cn. Pomp. 55: nos quorum maiores Antiocbum . . . superarunt . . . ei nullo in loco iam praedonibus pares esse poteramus; Q.Fr. 1, 6. F o r // referring t o t h e s e c o n d p e r s o n cf. Phil. 2, 76 [in s o m e mss]. o p i n i o n e . . . ad v c r i t a t e m : cf. Aristot. Anal. post. 1, 19, 81 b 18-23: κατά μεν ούν δόξαν συλλογιζομένοις . . . προς δ' άλήΟειαν . . . δει σκοπεΐν. p l a n e v e l i m : Att. 11, 9, 3 ; 16, 7, 8 ; cf. Legg. 1, 5 3 : plane vellem; Att. 16, 6, 3 : plane volo; Rep. 3 , 4 0 : vult . . . plant virtus. n u l l i : " n o n - e x i s t e n t " ; cf. 1, 6 5 : quae . . . mil I at sunt; 1, 9 7 : nulla esse dicamus; and the passages cited by Pease o n Div. 1, 81, n. (nullat). 6 2 a g a m liberaliter: cf. Att. 10, 5, 3 : agit liberaliter (so 13, 6, 2 ) ; A p u l . Apol. 8 9 : liberalius agam; also Pro Cael. 3 6 : sin autem urbanius me agere mavis, sic agam tecum; and below 1, 6 7 : oblitus liberali tat is mtae. q u a e c o m m u n i a s u n t : cf. 1, 6 4 : commune hoc est argumentum aliorum etiam pbilosopborum; Fin. 4, 24: quae sunt igititr communia vobis cum antiquis iis sic ufamur quasi concessis. 23
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non attingam, ut hoc ipsum; placet enim omnibus fere mihique ipsis in primis deos esse. Itaque non pugno; rationem tamen earn quae a t e l adfertur non satis firmam puto. 23 Quod enim omnium gentium 2 generumque hominibus ita videretur, id satis magnum argumentum esse dixisti cur esse deos confiteremur. Quod cum leve per se turn etiam falsum est. Primum enim unde tibi 3 notae sunt opiniones nationum? Equidem arbitror multas esse gentes sic inmanitate efferatas ut apud eas nulla suspicio 1
a te] ante A1
* putgentium
N1
a t t i n g a m : cf. Tusc. 5, 68. p l a c e t . . . m i n i . . . d e o s e a s e : cf. 3 , 6: debto . . . maioribus auttm nostris etiam nulla ratione reddita credere; Scxt. E m p . Pyrrhon. 3 , 2 : οΰκοΰν έπεί θεόν είναι δραστικώτατον αίτιον ol πλείους ά π ε φήναντο, πρότερον περί θεοΰ σ κ ο π ή σ ω μεν, εκείνο προειπόντες δτι τ ω μέν βίω κατακολουθοΰντες άδοζάστως φαμέν εί ναι Θεούς καΐ σέβομεν θεούς καΐ προvoeiv αυτούς φ ι μ έ ν , προς δέ τήν προπέτειαν τ ω ν δ ο γ μ α τ ι κ ώ ν τάδε λέγομεν; Adv. Phys. 1, 4 9 : τ ά χ α γάρ ασφαλέστερος παρά τους ώς έτέρως φιλοσοφοϋντας εύρεΘήσεται ό σκεπτικός, κατά μέν τά π ά τρια ϊ θ η καΐ τους νόμους λέγων είναι θεούς και πάν τό είς τήν τούτων θρησκείαν καΐ εύσέβειαν συντεΐνον ποιών, τό δ* (σον έπί τ η φιλοσοφώ ζητήσει μηδέν προπετευόμενος. n o n p u g n o : cf. 1, 6 7 : nihil repugno; 3, 3 : non magnopere pugnare\ 3 , 9: ratione pugnas; 3 , 13: rumorihus . . . mecum pug nas; 1'usc. 1, 4 9 : quod ut ita sit {nihil enim pugno)\ 2, 50; Div. 2, 4 8 : sed non pugno [and Pease's n . ] ; Ac. 2, 5 4 : quid pugnas igitur; 3 , 57: hie pugnes licet; non repugnabo ; quin etiam concedam; 2, 8 5 : sed pugnare nolo; Fin. 2, 9 0 ; Att. 2, 19, 2 : ego auttm neque pugno. g e n t i u m g e n e r u m q u e : peoples and races; cf. 1, 4 3 : quae gens out quod genus; Accius 580 R i b b e c k : gentum aut generum adfinitas. a r g u m e n t u m . . . c u r : Div. 1, 1 2 8 ; Pease o n Div. 2, 17, n. (notam). d i x i s t i : in 1, 43-44. p r i m u m : w i t h n o very definite cor-
« ibi Ax relative later, unless w e a s s u m e that t h e existence of definite exceptions t o belief in the g o d s constitutes a second p o i n t . u n d e tibi n o t a e : cf. Scxt. E m p . Pyrrhon. 1, 8 9 : ό δέ λέγων δτι τοις πλείστοις δει συγκατατίθεσθαι παιδαριώδες τι προσίεται, ούδενός δυναμένου π ά ν τας τους ανθρώπους έπελθεΐν καΐ δ ι α λογίσααθαι τί τ ο ι ς πλείστοις αρέσκει, ενδεχομένου τοΰ εν τισιν έΌνεσιν, & ήμεΐς ούκ Ισμεν, τά μέν παρ' ήμΐν σ π ά νια τ ο ι ς πλείοσι προσεΐναι τά δέ η μ ώ ν τοις πολλοίς συμβαίνοντα σπάνια ύ π ά ρ χ ε ι ν ; 2 , 4 5 : τήν κατά πλήθος διαφοράν τών κρίσεων, άπειρων τών κατά μέρος α ν θ ρ ώ π ω ν υπαρχόντων καΐ ημών μή δυναμένων απάντων αυτών τάς κρίσεις έπελθεΐν καΐ άποφήνασθαι τ ί μέν ol πλείους τών ανθρώπων απάντων α π ο φαίνονται τί δέ ol έλάττους; 3 , 2 3 4 . O t h e r passages directed against t h e belief in consensus are 1, 1 3 ; 3 , 1 1 ; 3 , 17. These c a n n o t derive from Stoic s o u r c e s , since t h e Stoics also relied u p o n consensus, b u t m u s t be traced t o sceptic o r i g i n s , i.e., t o C a r n c a d c s ; cf. R. Hirzcl, Untersuch. z- Cicero's pbilos. Schr. 1 ( 1 8 7 7 ) , 3 9 ; H. Uri, Cic. u. d. epik. Pbilos. ( 1 9 1 4 ) , 109. e q u i d e m arbitror: cf. Div. 1, 1 2 4 : equidem sic arbitror. g e n t e s sic inmanitate efferatas: Cotta places his o p i n i o n in o p p o s i t i o n t o the d i c t u m of E p i c u r u s as v o i c e d b y Vcllcius in 1, 4 3 , w h e r e sec t h e n o t e o n quae . . . gens aut quod genus. That there m i g h t , h o w e v e r , be tribes s o s a v a g e as t o h a v e n o ideas of deity is a d m i t t e d b y
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deorum l sit. 63 Quid? Diagoras, Atheos qui dictus est, posteaque 2 Theodorus nonne aperte3 deorum naturam sustulerunt? Nam Abderites * quidem & Protagoras, cuius a te modo mentio 1 d e o r u m add. Β * que) q u a e Bx, quid BPF^M, q u i f'x, p o s t q u i q u c TV1 n o n n e a parte AC, n o n ca parte Bx * ct abderites Λ Ό , abderides Bl · qucdem Bl, q u i d e m qui et N, qui et Ο 3
Plut. De (omm. Notit. 3 1 , p . 1075a: Ισως έντύχοι τις αν έΌνεσι βαρβάροις καΐ άγρίοις Οεόν μή νοοΰσι; and D i o d . 3 , 9, 2, says ολίγοι δέ τ ω ν Αιθιόπων καθόλου θεούς οΰ νομίζουσιν είναι; cf. Scxt. l i m p . Pyrrhon. 3 , 2 3 4 ; Simplic. in F p i c t . p. 95 D u b n c r : πάντες γαρ άνθρωποι και βάρβαροι καΐ "Ελληνες . . . νομίζουσιν είναι Οεόν πλην 'Axpo0oiTc7>v, ους Ιστορεί Θεόφραστος άθεους γινόμενους ύπό τ η ς γ η ς αθρόως καταποΟήναι [cf. P o r p h y r . De Abst. 2, 8J. F o r m o d e r n o b s e r v a t i o n s o n the universality of religious beliefs (often not r e c o g n i z e d as s u c h by u n t r a i n e d observers) cf. C. H .
for o n e w h o is ίίνομος may be " l a w l e s s " yet does not deny the existence of laws, but the " a t h e i s t " is n o t merely bereft of o r foraken by G o d b u t also denies the existence o f deity—an extension of m e a n i n g p e r h a p s unparalleled in this type of c o m p o u n d . A. B. D r a c h m a n n (Atheism in pagan Antiquity (Engl. tr. 1922), 5) says that άθεος and άθεότης are not G r e e k , their f o r m a t i o n not being c o n s o n a n t w i t h G r e e k usage, t h o u g h he makes n o further e x p l a n a t i o n ; cf. J. Tate in CI. Rev. 50 (1936), 3 - 5 ; 51 (1937), 3-6, o n G r e e k phrases for atheism. In the sense of o u r " a t h e i s t " the w o r d is used
Toy, Introd. to tin Hitt. of Relig. (1913),
as early as Plato (Apol. 26c; L/gg. 12,
5-7, a n d w o r k s there cited.
967a; cLTluaet. 176c), and is taken u p as a s t a n d i n g epithet of the deniers of divinity, being defined by Clem. Strom. 7, 1, 4, 3, as ό μ ή νομίζων είναι θεόν. My colleague Professor J. W h a t m o u g h sug gests t o m e that D i a g o r a s A t h e o s may be equivalent t o " M r . N o - G o d . " T h e t e r m is s o m e t i m e s applied by pagans t o C h r i s t i a n s ; cf. A . D . N o c k , ed. of Sallustius, De Diis, Ixxxviii, n. 204.
W i t h the form of expression here used cf. 2, 9 9 : non patiuntur earn [sc. terram) nee immanitate beluarum efferari; Τ use. 4, 32: mu/ta efferata et im mania. n u l l a s u s p i c i o d e o r u m : cf. 1, 2, n. (Protagoras); 1, 2 9 : in deorum opinione; Τ use. 1, 30: ntmo omnium tarn sit immanis cuius mentem non imbuerit deorum opinio; 1, 8 8 : ne minima quidem suspicio sensus; Off. 2 , 3 3 : nulla . . . fraudss . . . suspicio. 63 D i a g o r a s : cf. 1, 2, and n. (Diago ras Melius); 1, 117; 3, 89. A t h e o s q u i d i c t u s e s t : o n this c h a r g e cf. 1, 2 , nn. (Diagoras; Theodorus). For the G r e e k t e r m sec H. J. Rose in Journ. of Hell. Stud. 41 (1921), 9 3 . T h e possessive (babuvrihi) c o m p o u n d άθεος in its origi nal s e n s e must have meant " g o d l e s s , " a n d it is s o used by s o m e writers (e.g., Pind. Pyth. 4, 1 6 2 ; Acsch. Hum. 1 5 1 ; S o p h . fracb. 1036; Lys. 6, 3 2 ; X c n . An. 2, 5, 3 9 ; cf. also the use of δύσθεος), a n d e l s e w h e r e it has the sense of " g o d f o r s a k e n " (e.g., S o p h . 0.7'. 6 6 1 ; Bacchyl. 10, 109). As here used, h o w e v e r , there has b e e n a decided extension of m e a n i n g ,
W i t h o u r passage cf. Μ in. Fel. 8, 2 : sit licet ille Theodorus Cyrenaeus, vel qtd prior Diagoras Melius, cui atheon cognomen adposuit antiquitas, qui uterque nullos deos adseverando timorem omnem, quo humanitas regitur, venerationemque penitus sustulerunt; Lact. De Ira, 9, 7: extitit Melius qtd dam Diagoras qui nullum esse omnino deum diceret, ob eamque sententiam nominatus est atheus, item Cyrenaeus Theodorus, etc. T h e o d o r u s : cf. 1, 2, n. (Theodorus). s u s t u l e r u n t : cf. 1, 85; 1, 1 1 5 : qui sustulerit omnem funditus religionem; \, 117: cum sustuleris omnem vim deorum; 1, 118. n a m : cf. 1, 27, n. (nam). A b d e r i t e s . . . P r o t a g o r a s : cf. 1, 2 , n. (Protagoras); 1, 2 9 ; 1, 117.
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facta est, sophistes temporibus iUis vel maximus,1 cum in principio libri sic posuisset: * 'De divis neque ut sint neque ut non sint habeo dicerc/ Atheniensium iussu urbe atque 3 agro est exter1
maximis Bl
· potuisset P, posuisset (os in rat.) Ν
mentio facta est: cf. 1, 29. sophistes: cf. Ac. 2, 72: num sophistes? tic enim appellabantur tt qui otttntationit aut quatttus causa pbilosophabantur; Fin. 2, 1-2; Orat. 37. The Epicureans (if not others) used this term of their philo sophic opponents; cf. F. Sbordone, ed. of Philodcm. Adv. Soph. (1947), xiii. temporibus illie: cf. 3, 83. libri: his περί θεών (fr. Β 4 Dicls), or ol καταβάλλοντες (a metaphor from wrest ling; cf. J. Burnet, Gr. PbUot. 1 (1914), 113, n. 2). divis: here used by Cicero in trans lation from the Greek; in Div. 1, 1, to bring out more clearly the etymology of divinatio; elsewhere only in verse translations (e.g., 2, 64) and in the archaic language of the De Lcgibus. Perhaps in the use of this form and the phrase discussed in the next note Cicero is deliberately affecting an archaic and foreign mode of expression. ut sint . . . ut non sint: for various Greek and Latin forms of this dictum cf. 1, 29, n. (sint non tin/). As given by Diog. L. 9, 51, it runs: περί μέν θεών ουκ Ιχω εΐδέναι ουθ' ώς είσίν, οΰθ' ώς ούκ είσίν, and it may be that Cicero is here ovcrliterally rendering ώς by ut, as he translates £χω εΐδέναι by babeo dscere; cf. the intentional Hebraisms in Jerome's Biblical translations. Did he perhaps misunderstand the ώς-clauses as indirect questions? This seems unlikely in one so familiar with Greek. That the con struction is, even in Latin, not absolutely unparalleled may be seen from citations given by R. Kuhncr-C. Stcgmann, Ausf. Cram. d. iat. Spr. 2, 2« (1914), 247, n. 7: Ter. Hec. 135: narratqnt ut virgp . . . siet; Hygin. Astron. 2, 4, p. 34Buntc: ferhtr ut tit Arcat nomine; PI in. N.H. 15, 28: ut fieret .. . dictum est; 28, 125: ut in Arcadia bubulum biberent phthitici . . . diximus; and other less clear cases; to
■ atque add. ΛΡ
which add Virg. Aen. 7, 205-207: memini . . . / . . . ita ferre tenet bit ortux ut agrit / Dardanut . . . penetrant. habeo diccre: for habeo quod dicam; cf. 3, 93: baecfere dicere babui; Div. 2,136; Ac. 2, 43 [and Reid's n.J; Part. orat. 10; Pro Βalb. 33; Pro S. Rote. 100; Lucr. 6, 711; and for examples of other infini tives with babeo, P. Thielmann in Arcbh f Iat. Lex.2 (1885), 50-64; A. E. Housman in CI. Quart. 27 (1933), 9-10. On his statement cf. W. Jaeger, Tbtol. of the early Gr. Philosophers (1947). 189: "Such an opening note might seem to leave nothing more to be said... If, in spite of this, Protagoras could still devote an entire treatise to the problem of the belief in God, he must have been satisfied with a somewhat lesser degree of cer tainty as his work progressed . . . Ί am unable to discover' .. . With these words he restricts the scope of his sentence about the impossibility of knowing the gods, and makes it the expression of an individual opinion." iusau: C. G. Cobet (Variae Led. (1873), 461) deleted this word, thinking that the Erst part of it might have arisen from the end of Atheniensium by dittography. But the point is that it was by the order of the Athenians (προς 'Αθη ναίων says Diog. L. 9, 52; ab Atbenientibut, declares Val. Max. 1, 1, ext. 7), presumably the most intelligent people in Greece, that Protagoras was exiled, rather than from what particular area he was banished. Cf. Rep. 2, 31: iussu populi; 2, 38: iussu . . . civium; Att. 4, 2, 3: populi iussu. The expression corresponds to decreto publico in Hicr. Cbron. ann. Abr. 1578. urbe ct agro: formulaic; cf. Legg. 2, 21: urbemque et agrot templa liberat a tt effata babenfo; Consol. fr. 11 Mullcr: /'* urbibus atque agrit auguttittima delubra veneremur; also such an inscription of
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minatus librique cius in contione * combusti; 2 ex quo equidem existi1
c o n t c n t i o n c PBl
* in c o m b u s t i in c o n t i o n e
banishment as C.I.G. 2008 (=- W . Ditt c n b c r g c r , Syll. Inscr. Gr. I 3 (1915), n o . 199): ϊδοξεν τ ω δ ή μ ω Φ ί λ ω ν α καΐ Στρατοκλέα φεόγειν Ά μ φ ί π ο λ ι ν καΐ τήν γην τήν ' Α μ φ ι π ο λ ι τ έ ω ν άειφυγίην. e x t e r m i n a r u s : cf. J o s e p h . C. Αρ. 2, 266: Ι Ι ρ ω τ α γ ό ρ α ς εΐ μη Οαττον Ιφυγβ, συλληφθείς άν έτεθνήκει, γ ρ ά ψ α ι τι δόξας ούχ όμολογούμενον τοις Ά θ η ναίοις περί θ ε ώ ν ; Plut. Nic. 2 3 , 3 : καΐ Π ρ ω τ α γ ό ρ α ς Εφυγε; D i o g . L. 9, 5 2 : διά ταύτην δέ τήν αρχήν τοϋ σ υ γ γ ρ ά μ ματος έξεβλήθη προς ' Α θ η ν α ί ω ν καΐ τα βιβλί* αύτοΰ κατέκαυσαν έν τ η α γ ο ρά, ΰπό κήρυκι άναλεξάμενοι παρ* έκα στου τ ω ν κ ε κ τ η μ έ ν ω ν ; M i n . Pel. 8, 3 : cum Abderiten P rotagora m AthenJenses viri consulte potius quant profane de dirinitate disputant em et expulerint suis finibus et in contione eius scripta dtusserin t\ Eus. Pr. Ev. 14, 19, 1 0 : τούτον 'Αθηναίοι φ υ γ ή ζ η μ ι ώ σ α ν τ ε ς τάς βίβλους αύτοΰ δημοσία έν μέση τη αγορά κατέκαυσαν; Lact. De Ira, 9, 1-2: primus omnium Protagoras extitit temporibus Socratis qui sibi diceret non liquere utrum esset aliqua divinitas necne. quae disputatio eius adeo inpia et contra peritatem et religionem iudicata est ut et ipsum Athenienses expulerint suis finibus et libros eius in contione . . . exusserint. de emus sen/entia non est opus disputare, quia nihil certi pronuntiavit; Philostr. I 'it. Sophist. 1, 10: διά μέν δή τοϋτο π ά σ η ς γ η ς ύ π ό ' Α θ η ν α ί ω ν ήλάθη, ώ ς μέν τίνες, κρι θείς, ώ ς δέ ένίοις δοκεϊ, ψήφου έπενεχθείσης μ η κριθέντι; Anth. Pal. 7 , 130: καί σεϋ, Π ρ ω τ α γ ό ρ η , φάτιν έκλυον, ώς 5ρ* ' Α θ η ν ώ ν / ί κ ποτ* Ιών κ α θ ' όδον πρέσβυς έών έΌανες· / είλετο γ ά ρ σε φυγείν Κ έ κ ρ ο π ο ς π ό λ ι ς · άλλα σ ΰ μέν που / Παλλάδος άστυ φύγες, Πλουτέα δ* ούκ f φ υ γ έ ς ; Τ . G o m p c r z , Gr. Denker, I* ( 1 9 2 2 ) , 3 6 5 , says he w e n t i n t o exile a n d w a s d r o w n e d o n his v o y a g e ; H . R i t t c r a n d L. Prcllcr, Hist. Phil. Gr." (1934), 1 8 5 , date his exile in 411 B . C , u n d e r t h e F o u r H u n d r e d . But J. B u r n e t , Gr. Phi/os. 1 (1914), 111-112 p o i n t s out (1) t h a t P r o t a g o r a s died early in the
Dl
Peloponncsian W a r ; (2) that Plat. Meno, 91c speaks of his r e p u t a t i o n as unsul lied; (3) that in Plat. Apol. Socrates makes n o reference t o this trial a n d has t o g o back t o A n a x a g o r a s for a parallel t o his o w n case. H e n c e B u r n e t w o u l d reject the tradition of his c o n d e m n a t i o n , and also (id., 113) the b u r n i n g of his b o o k s , since these were widely read l o n g after his death (cf. Plat. Tbeaet. 152a). Cf. also J. S. M o r r i s o n in CI. Quart. 35 (1941), 3-7. T o Athenian persecution of p h i l o s o p h e r s and o t h e r leaders Cicero elsewhere refers; e.g., Legg. 3 , 2 6 ; cf. also Rep. 1, 5 ; Off. 1, 8 6 ; Pro Sest. 141. F o r Plato's penalty for atheism sec Ugg. 10, 907d-909d. l i b r i . . . c o m b u s t i : in addition t o passages cited in the p r e v i o u s n o t e cf. Val. Max. 1, 1, ext. 7 : Protagoras pbilosopbus ab Atheniensibus pulsus est librique
eius publict cxusii, Hicr. Cbron, ann, Abr. 1578: Protagoras sophista [sc. clarus habetur], cuius libros decreto publico Athenienses exusserunt-, Scrv. Aen. 4, 379: Cicero in libris de deorum natura triplicem de diis dicit esse opinionem: deos non esse, cuius rei auctor apud Atbenas exustus est; esse et nihil curare, ut Epicurei; esse et curare, ut Stoici; Syncell. 248a (Corp. Script. Hist. Hyz- H . 471). O n the b u r n i n g of b o o k s c o n t a i n i n g seditious o r heretical d o c t r i n e s , practiced from as early as J e r e m i a h (36, 1-32; J o s e p h . Ant. 10,95) and in G r e c o - R o m a n tradition from P r o t a g o r a s , sec T . Birt, Das ant. Bucbnesen (1882), 369; C. A. Forbes in Trans. Am. philol. Assoc. 67 (1936), 114-125; F . A. Sochatoff in CI. Outlook, 16 (1939), 8 2 ; A . S. Pease in Munera Studiosa (for W . H . P. H a t c h , 1946), 145-160. A m o n g the G r e e k s it was philosophical b o o k s which were t h u s destroyed, a m o n g the R o m a n s often religious o n e s . T h e rite usually t o o k place in public (in contione, a c c o r d i n g t o Cicero, which may refer cither t o the g a t h e r i n g of spectators or, possibly, t o the locality in which they assembled (αγορά)); Min. Fcl. 8, 3 ; Lact. Inst. 1, 22, 6 ; De Ira, 9, 2 ;
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mo tardioris ad hanc sententiam profitcndam multos esse factos, quippe cum poenam ne dubitatio quidem * effugere potuisset. Quid * de sacrilegis, quid de impiis periurisque s dicemus? 4 'Tubulus 6 si Lucius umquam, 1 quidam A * dicendum Dl
■ quid] ct quid Bxt sed quid B*FM · si tubulus m. rec. A, tubolus Μ
* per iuris quid
A1
cf. Val. Max. 1, 1, 12: in cons pec tu populi; versive than would actual atheism. sacrilegis: properly the theft of sa 1, 1, ext. 7: pub/ice exusti; Tac. Agric. 2, 1: in comitio acforo; Lucian, Alex. 47: cred objects or properties from a temple κομίσας ές την άγοράν μέσην; Diog. L. or other sacred spot; cf. 3, 83; Legg. 9, 52: έν τη άγορα; Eue. Pr. Εν. 14, 19, 2, 40: sacri/egp poena est, neqite ei soli qui 10: δημοσία έν μέση τη άγορφ; and si sacrum abstuierit sed etiam ei qui sacro milar phrases), and was probably regard com menda turn; Scrv. Aen. 10, 79: sacri/egi ed not merely as a public deterrent but dicuntur quia sacra /egunt, hoc est, furantur; (sometimes, at least) as by sympathetic Non. p . 332 M. (p. 523 L.): sacriJepum ... magic injuring the authors of the books; id est, de sacro furtum; Isid. Etjm. 5, 26, a clear instance is Lucian, Alex. 47: 12: sacri/egium proprie est sacrarum rerum Εκαυσεν επί ξύλων σύκινων ως δήθεν furtum; J. Pfaff in P.-W. 1A (1920), αυτόν καταφλέγων, κτλ. 1678-1681, citing various definitions tardioris: cf. Pro Caec. 9: sit* vos from the Digest. The Greek is Ιεροσυλία. existimationis illius periculum . . . tardiores i m p i i s : impittas (ασέβεια) towards fecit adhuc ad iudicandum; Att. 9, 18, 1. the gods corresponds to injury or crime That the invidia attaching to religious against fellow-men; cf. 3, 84; Legg. 1, 40. scepticism, if not the actual punishments pcriuris: false swearing by the gods meted out to it, conduced to mental implies either that they are not believed reservations and hypocrisy on the part of to exist or that they are unable or un philosophers and others was sometimes willing to punish the misuse of their charged, as against Plato (Justin, Cohort, names; cf. Plat. Legg. 10, 885b: θεούς ad Gr. 22; 25; Eus. Pr. Ev. 13. 14, 13; ηγούμενος είναι κατά νόμους ουδείς Thcodorct, Gr. Aff. 3, 38), Euripides πώποτε οΰτε έργον άσεβες είργάσατο (Act. Plac. 1, 7, 2, in Doxogr. Gr.* 298; εκών ούτε λόγον άφήκεν άνομον; Phil|Galen,) Hist. Pbil. 35, in Doxogr. Gr* odem. De Piet. pp. 87-88 Gompcrz. 618 = XIX, 250 K.), Epicurus (1, 85: Tubulus . . . Lucius: the quotation Epicurum, ne in offensionem Atheniennum is from Lucilius, 1312-1313 Marx. The caderef, verbis reliqwsse deos, re sustulisse\ cognomen and the praenomen arc reversed Plut. Ν on posse suaviter, 21, 1102b-d), and in order metri causa. For L. Hostilius even against Cicero himself (Lact. Inst. Tubulus cf. 3, 74: Tubuli de pecunia capta 2, 3, 5; Aug. CD. 4, 30; 5, 9). On the ob rem iudicandam; Fin. 2, 54 [and Rcid's legal problem of atheism, in addition n. on the legal aspects of the matter): to the works cited in 1, 2, n. (Protagoras), an tu me de L. Tubulo putcu dicere? qui cf. [A. \V. Scott) in Harv. Law Rev. 31 cum praetor [142 B.C.; cf. Att. 12, 5b; (1917), 289-293, especially 289. Milton F. Miinzcr in P.-W. 8 (1913), 2514] translates part of this sentence in his quaestionem inter sicarios exerew'sset, ita Areopagitica. aperte cepit pecunias ob rem iudicandam ut ne dubitatio quidem: from the social anno proximo P. Scaevo/a tribunus plebis and political aspects of religion, as gua ferret ad plebem vellentne de ea re quatri. ranteeing the sanctity of oaths and hence quo plebiscito decreta a senafu est consult the stability of society, agnosticism quaestio Cn. Catpioni ; profectus in exsilium Tubulus statim nee respondere ausus; erat would appear only a degree less sub
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Si Lupus aut Carbo l aut Neptuni films,' 1
ut carbo Η
enim res aperia; 4, 77; 5, 62: cut Tubuli probi ciiis, cut ne reditus quidem ad bonos nomen odio non est\ Pro Scaur. 1, 5 (ap. salutem a bonis potuit adferre; De Or. Ascon. p. 23 Clark): // . . . pro L. Tubulo 1,154; 3,10; Brut. 103; Phil. 8, 7; 13,1), dicerem. quern unum ex omni memoria though recognizing the eloquence of sceleratissimum et audacisnmum fuisse ac- C. Carbo {Tusc. 1, 5; De Or. 2, 9; Brut. cepimuiy etc.; to which Asconius adds: 96; 103-105; 159; 296; 305). Val. Max. L. hie Tubulus praetonus fuit aetate pa/rum 3, 7, 6 calls him acer et vehement. Ciceronis. is propter multa flagitia cum de aut Neptuni filius: so the mss, exsilio arcesntus esset ut in carcere necareturt though Scaligcr and some modern penenum bibit; Gcll. 2, 7, 20: si imperet . .. editors delete auty making Neptuni filius pro reo Catilina aliquo aut Tubulo aut P. an epithet of Carbo. With aut retained Clodio causam dicere, non scilicet parendum. two lines of explanation are possible: His nomen is known only from coins; (1) Lucilius introduces into this list cf. F. Marx on Lucil. l.c. of human villains a figure from mytho Lupus: L. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus\ logy ; or (2) Neptuni filius is an epithet for whose life cf. F. Miinzcr in P.-W. 4 applied by him to some additional (1901), 1386-1387. He held various human villain probably named in the offices including the consulship (156 following line, which Cicero has not B.C.), the censorship (147 B.C), and the here quoted. F. Marx (on Lucil. l.c.\ position of princeps senatus (131 B.C.). F. Munzcr in Hermes, 55 (1920), 427) He had died by 126, when Lucilius thinks the addition of a mythological figure to the three historic ones adds a wrote the first book of his satires, in touch of humor, and identifies the son which he described an assembly of the of Neptune with Polyphemus. But gods held to consult about his death (Serv. Aen. 10, 104); cf. Hor. S. 2, 1, 68: neither Polyphemus nor any other real jamosisque Lupo cooperto persibus; Pcrs. 1, son of Neptune could well have denied 114-115: secuit Utcilius urbem, f te, Lupe, the existence of the gods (despite Philo, tet Muci, et genuinum /regit in Wis. Cicero De Prov. 2, p. 104 Auchcr; for cf. Od. mentions him {Brut. 79) in a list of orators 9, 107), and the addition of such in the and {Jusc. 3, 51) as an opponent of M. present list, far from seeming humorous, would appear, to this editor, clumsy and Cato on policies connected with the ineffective. Further, since over 155 names Punic Wars. of sons of Neptune arc recorded in an Carbo: C. Papirius Carbo, though when Lucilius probably wrote these cient authors (cf. A. S. Pease in Harv. lines still a supporter of C. Gracchus, Stud, in cl. Pbilol. 54 (1943), 69-82), we cannot restrict the choice to Polyphemus. and thought by some to have been implicated in the murder of Scipio Neptune appears as the father of prodi Acmilianus {Fam. 9, 21, 3), after his gies (Schol. Od. 9,345; Serv. Aen. 3,241), consulship in 120 B.C. became a partisan for the sea, says Plutarch {De Soil. An. 14), brings forth nothing kindly or of the Optimates and defended L. Opimius, the slayer of Gracchus {De Or. 2, gentle (cf. Pease on Virg. Aen. 4, 366 {duris)). Hence Neptuni filius becomes 106; 2, 165), but later, under threat of prosecution by L. Crassus, was said to typical of brutality or cruelty; cf. Cornut. N.D. 22, p. 44 Lang: πάντας τους βίαι have committed suicide {Fam. 9. 21, 3) or to have gone into exile (Val. Max. ους καΐ μεγαλεπιβούλους γινόμενους, ώς τον Κύκλωπα καΐ τους Λαιστρυγόνας 3, 7, 6). Cicero thought but poorly of καΐ τους Άλωείδας, Ποσειδώνος έμύthe character and politics of most of the family {Fam. 9, 21, 3 ; Am. 4 1 ; θευσαν έχγόνους είναι [cf. Schol. Β //. Legg. 3, 35: Carbonss ... sedition atque im- 16, 34; Schol. vet. Pind. Istb. hyp. 2,
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ut ait Lucilius, putasset esse deos,1 tarn periurus * aut tarn inpurus fuisset? 3 64 Non est 4 igitur tarn explorata ista ratio ad id quod vultis confirmandum quam videtur.5 Sed quia commune hoc est argumentum aliorum etiam philosophorum omittam * hoc tempore; ad vestra 7 propria venire malo. 65 Concedo esse deos; doce 8 me igitur unde sint, ubi sint, 1 % cssct deos D periurus] purus Bl · fuisset om. Ο * non est . . . cognationcm (/, 9t) post libri De Fato cap. 4 transponot Β * putetur Dx · emiT tam Η ucstram A1 · doce P% doces cett.
350 Abel]; Gcll. 15, 21: praestantissimos wisest to retain the ms reading, unless, virtute, prudentia, viribus IovisfiJiospot tat as Plasberg suggests, we complete the verse so as to read: si Lupus, aut Carbot apptllaiftrtmt, ut Aeacum et Minoa et Sarpedona; ferocissimos et inmatus et aJienosaut Neptuni fi/ius uJ/us, or, as Professor E. ab omni bumanitate, tamquam e mart genitos,K. Rand suggested to mc, . . . fi/iusqutvis. Neptuni filios dixerunt, Cyclopa et Cercjona tarn periurus: Marx (on Lucil. 1312), et Scirona et Laestrygonas; Scrv. Aen. following J. Uousa, thinks that the 3, 241: Neptuni . . . qui fere prodigiorum apodosis of the condition was expressed omnium pater est . . . sic et peregrinos by Lucilius in hexameters, of which Neptuni filios dicimus, quorum ignoramus traces may lurk beneath the words tarn parentes; Tzctz. ad Lycophr. 156-157: periurus [aut] tarn impurus fuisset. But these τους γαρ θυμικούς και ανδρείους Ποσει words merely re-echo Cicero's own δώνος καλοΰσι παΐδας, και έραστας καΐ statement just above: impiis periurisque. et τι τοιούτον; Eustath. in //. 16, 31; I should prefer to think that putasset C.I.L. VI, 33899 ( = Dessau 8750) in a esse deos paraphrased some words of the defixio the person attacked is called original. fi/ium mares (i.e., maris). The phrase non est, etc.: in cod. Β about 321 Neptuni fi/ius comes to be used prover Tcubncr lines {non est . . . deorum cog bially, as in Varr. Men. 226 Biichclcr; nationcm in 1, 91) arc displaced to a po cf. Plaut. M.G. 15: Neptuni nepos; H. sition after Fat. 4; cf. A. C. Clark, Tbe Miillcr-Strubing in fabrb.f. cl. Philol. 117 Descent of Manuscripts (1918), 332-335, (1878), 759-760; A. Otto, Die Spricbwho reckons this transposed block at worter .. . d. Romer (1890), 241. Then it six folia of the archetype J2comes to be assumed as a title by brutal 64 explorata: cf. 1, 51, n. (babei exmen (cf. A. S. Pease, op. cit.t 71-75), ploralum). notably Sextus Pompey; cf. Hor. Epod. commune . . . argumentum: cf. 1, 9, 7-8 (and Porphyrio and (Aero] ad 62: quae communia sunt vobis cum ceteris ioc.)\ App. B.C. 5, 100; Dio Cass. 48, 19, pbilosophis. 2; 48, 48, 5; also Suet. Aug. 16. 65 concedo: cf. 1, 67: concedam; 3, 23. Cotta elsewhere (e.g., 1, 75; 1, 103) In view of these facts it seems most appropriate to consider Neptuni fi/ius grants for the sake of argument a tenet which he has just refuted. If this were an epithet of a mortal. As between the not done the discussion might well come preceding Carbo and a possibly omitted to an end. The short sentences and name following, the former has the ad asyndcta seem to represent Cotta's im vantage of making the quotation more patience with the discussion by Vcllcius. nearly complete and not requiring a fourth villain; the latter of enabling us doce: cf. 2, 3: prim urn decent esse deos. to retain aut before Neptuni. With the The variant doces seems hardly defensible choice so evenly balanced it seems as a question.
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quales * sint corpore, animo, vita; haec enim scire desidero. Abuteris ad omnia atomorum a regno et licentia; hinc quodcumque in solum venit, ut dicitur, effingis atque efficis. Quae primum nullae sunt. Nihil est enim * * s quod vacet corpore, 1 qualis Ρ * athomorum NO, adomorum (?)Al ad Lucr. 1, 266
* Lacunam indicavit Lamb,
unde eint: i.e., from atoms; discussed rule of the atoms." The reference is to in 1, 65-68; 1, 71. The triple division the unpredictable effects of the atomic (wide, ubi, quales) may be rhetorical, like swerve (clinamen); cf. 1, 69; Fin. 1, 20: corpore, animo, vita; cf. H. Uri, Cic. u. d. nam si omnes atomi declinabunt, nullae umepik. Pbilos. (1914), 90; but C Vicol (in quam cohaerescent; nve aliae declinabuntur Epbem. Dacoromana, 10 (1945), 252; 258) aliae suo nutu recte ferentur, primum erit believes it sincere. hoc quasi provincial dare, quae recte, qua* ubi eint: in the intermundia; cf. 1, 2; oblique ferantur, deinde eadem ilia atomorum 1, 103: quod eius est domicilium, quae sedes,. . . turbulenta concursio hunc mundi ornatum qui locus; 1,104; Sext. Emp. Pyrrhon. 3, 6: efficere non potuit; Fat. 46: quae ergo nova τίς έστι καΐ ποδαπός καΐ ττοϋ [sc. 6 θεός]. causa in natura est quae declinet atomum? nut num sortiuntur inter se qua*, dtclinet, quae quale* . . . corpore: i.e., in human non? For licentia cf. 1, 107: a Democrito shape; cf. 1, 76-102. Whether they exist and what they arc like are points cor omnino bate licentia; Div. 2, 127: ista responding to the first two Stoic con designandi licentia; 2, 150; Fat. 15; also siderations (2, 3); for the third and licenter in 1, 109, below. fourth the Epicureans furnish no parallel. in solum venit: cf. Fam. 9, 26, 2: animo: with their mingling of reason convivio detector; ibi loquor quod in solum, and virtue cf. 1, 87-89, interrupting the ut dicitur, et gemitum in risus maximos discussion of their bodily form. transfero; Afran. 41 Ribbeck: quod in vita: in their freedom from cares; solum non venit caeco .. . tibi; 342: ni cf. 1, 102; 1, 111-114 (1, 111: quae ergo veniret quod nunc agitur in solum; Varr. Men. 90 Buchelcr: quod in solum mibi vita?). The questions asked above are venerit ponam. Mayor translates "is a good deal jumbled, overlapping, and brought on the tapis" (though he sug interrupted in the answers made to them. gests also some less probable explana Moreover Cotta here—notably in the tions); J. S. Reid (ap. Mayor ad loc), case of the atoms (1, 65)—is refuting Epicurean views not advanced by Vcl- followed by A. Otto (Die Sprichwbrter . . . leius, giving clear indication that Cicero d. Romer (1890), 328), suggests "meets uses a source arranged in a different or the foot" (έμττοδών γίγντται), i.e., "whatever you stumble upon," and der and not very closely adapted in thought to that which was the source compares the phrases quod in huccam of Velleius's exposition in 1, 43-56; venerit and quicqm'd venit in mentem. That the expression is proverbial is in cf. R. Philippson in P.-W. 7A (1939), 1154; id., in Symb. Ostoenses, 20 (1940), 22. dicated, as so often in Cicero, by ut At times Cicero seems to realize this dicitur. and himself tries to fit the rebuttal to effingis atque erficis: note the alli the argument, though not entirely terative pair. With the thought cf. satisfactorily, as may be seen by com Τuse. 1, 22: nihil est enim apud istos [i.e., paring 1, 49-50 with 1, 105-109. the atomists] quod non atomorum turba atomorum regno et licentia: hen- confidaf. diadys (cf. 1, 29: imagnes earumque drprimum: with no clear correlation cumitus); Mayor translates: "the lawless in the text of a second reason (cf. 1, 62:
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corporibus autem omnis obsidetur locus; ita nullum inane, nihil esse l individuum potest. 24 66 Haec ego nunc physicorum oracla" fundo,8 vera an falsa nescio, sed veri [simile] * tamen 1 inesse Ο ■ oracula NOM PNB*FM\ similia Ο
* confundo Dl
* [simile] del. A, simili
prtmum), though Mayor would suggest they detach themselves from the in conctdam igitur in 1, 67. If such a reason divisible atoms? Cf. De Gen. ad Lift. as non-existence is adduced there might 2, 8. For the Epicurean view of the seem little need for other arguments. indivisibility of atoms cf. Lucr. 1, 483On the other hand, the suppletions of the 634; for the existence of void as neces lacuna suggested below provide for a sary for the possibility of motion Lucr. following deindt. 1, 329-397; Diog. L. 10, 40; but for the denial of the reality of void cf. Act. nullae: cf. 1, 61, n. (nulti); 1, 110. With the thought Crcuzcr compares Plot. 1, 18, 1-2; 1, 18, 4-6 (Doxogr. Gr.* 315-317). Plotin. Etm. 2, 4, 7: άλλ' ουδέ at ά*τομοι τάξιν ύλης Ιξουοιν αϊ τό παράπαν autem: regularly used in introducing ούκ ούοαι; sec also Fat. 48: ut essent the minor premiss of a syllogism. atomi, quas quxdem esse mihi probari nullo individuum: i.e., atom; cf. 1, 49; modo potest; Fin. 2, 75: individua .. . quae Plut. Cic. 40, 2 says Cicero provided a nee sunt ulla nee possunt esse. Latin word for τό 4τομον and for τό xcvov. nihil est enim ***quod vacet corpore: unless with Lambinus (on Lucr. 1, 66 physicorum: cf. 1, 32, n. {pby266) we assume a lacuna after enim the sicus); 1, 35, n. (physicus appellatur). passage becomes hardly intelligible. oracla fundo: cf. 1, 42, n. (ea quae ... Lambinus in his edition supplied the gap vocibus fusa); Div. 1, 18: multa . . . vates thus: nihil est enim < minimum. deindt non oracla furenti / pec tore fundebant; 1, 23, and est inane, nihil enim est> quod vacet cor pore;Pease's n. (Juderunt), where philosophers a Little more fully G. F. Schoemann and seers alike share in inspiration and as {Opusc. acad. 3 (1858), 286-287; also in mouthpieces pour forth their message his edition), following in part Ac. 1, 27 from within (Lucr. 5, 110-112 (and [where see Rcid's n.], suggests: nihil Bailey's n.); also Epic. Sent. \'atic. 29 est enim Kin rerum natura minimum, quod (p. 110 Bailey); Philodcm. De Piet. p. 148 dividi nequtat; deinde, ut sin/, moveri per Gompcrz: έχρησμφδήσαμχν rrcpl 6cinane non possunt, siquidem id din's inane>ών); 1, 34; 1, 115; 2, 110; Fin. 2, 20: quod vacet corpore; Da vies makes an even quasi oracula edidisse-, 2, 102; Tusc. 1, 17: simpler but not entirely satisfactory nee tamen quasi Pythius Apollo certa ut emendation: nihil est etiam quod vacet sint et fixa quae dixero. Cotta here mocks corpore; corporibus autem [or enim] omnis the solemn tone used by the Epicureans; obsidetur locus. With the objection to cf. A. Ernout and L. Robin on Lucr. 1, the existence of atoms cf. Fin. 1, 20; 413; E. Bignonc, UAristotele perduto, 2 Aristot. Pbys. 6,1, 231 b 10-19; DeCaelo, (1936), 241, n. 1; id., Storia della lett. 3, 4, 303 a 5-303 b 8; De Gen. et Corr. tat. 2 (1945). 190, n. 1. On the frequent 1, 2, 316 b 15-19; Aug. Ep. 118, 31: syncopation of orac{u)lum cf. R. Kuhncrnam nee ipsa* atomos esse ullo modo concedenF. Holzwcissig, Ausf. Gram. d. tat. Spr. 1 ■ dum est, quod, omissa subtilitate quae de (1912), 130. Cicero in the philosophical divisione eorporum a doctis traditur, vide works uses now one form, now the other. quam facile secundum ipsorum opinionem vera an falsa nescio: this and the possit ostendi, his argument being, if there allusion to veri . .. similiora betray cither is nothing but atoms and void, how arc the Academic source of this passage or the imagines to be reckoned, and how do (as Mayor thinks) an Academic color
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similiora * quam vestra.2 Ista cnim flagitia Dcmocriti sive etiam ante Lcucippi, esse corpuscula quaedam levia, alia aspera, ro1
simcliora Η
* uestra] ucra Η
λόδωρος 6 Επικούρειος διδάσκαλον added by Cicero to a Stoic source, to contrast, as P. Schwcnk suggests (Jabrb. Δημοκρίτου γεγενήσθαι [this denial may have been because of the paucity f. cl. Pbilol. 119 (1879), 65), with the of facts recorded about his life]; Alex. dogmatic sentences surrounding it. Yet cf. P. Cropp. De Auctoribus quos secutus Aphrod. in De Sensu, 2, p. 24, 18 WendCic. in Lib. de N.D., etc. (1909), 16, who land: καΐ προ αύτοϋ Λεύκιππος For a thinks it Academic, since the Stoics did defence of his historicity cf. V. E. Alfieri, Gli atomisti (1936), 8-9, n. 27; and on not deny the existence of void (e.g., his works J. Stcnzcl in P.-W. 12 (1924), Diog. L. 7, 140; Stob. vol. 1, p. 161 2266-2277; an important ancient source Wachsmuth). [simile]: evidently a mistaken anti is Diog. L. 9, 30-33; other passages in Vorsokrat. 1, no. 54. He seems to have cipation of timil tora. been a native of Elea, Abdcra, or Miflagitia: so just below: bate flagitia Ictus, and to have studied under Zcno cowipere animo; cf. 1, 18, n. {portenta et miracula); 3, 91: portenta enim ab utrisque of Elea. Though Posidonius thought et flagitia dicuntur; Tusc. 4, 73. Mayor that the atomic theory originated with Mochus of Sidon (Strab. 16, 24; Sext. thinks such scurrility appropriate in the Emp. Adv. Phys. 1, 363), others con mouth of a dogmatist but not in that sidered Lcucippus its author: [Galen,] of an Academic. Hist. PbiL 3 (Doxogr, Gr* 601 = XIX, Dcmocriti; fur Democritus as the source of the doctrines of Epicurus cf. 1, 229 K.): Try των ατόμων ευρεσιν έπι69; 1, 73: quid est in physicis Epicuri non a νενόηκε πρώτος; Diog. L. 9, 30: πρώ Democrito ; 1,93: in Democritum ipsum quernτος τε άτόμους αρχάς όπεστήσατο; secutus estfuerit ingratus; 1,107: a Democrito I-act. Inst. 3, 17, 23: cur nemo ilia praeter omnino baec licentia; 1, 120: Democritus . .. unum Leucippum somniavit, a quo Demo cuius fontibus Epicurus bortulos suos in- critus eruditus herediiatem stultitiae reliquit Hcrmias, Irrisio, 12 (Doxogr. rigavit; Fin. 4, 13: equidem etiam Epicurum, Epicuro; x in physicis quidem% Democriteum puto. paucaGr. 654): ταϋτα γάρ τοι πάντα ό Λεύ mutat, vel plura sane; at cum de phtrimis κιππος λήρον ηγούμενος αρχάς είναί φησι τά άπειρα καΐ αεικίνητα καΐ ελά eadem dicit turn certe de maximis; Plut. χιστα ; cf. Asclcp. in Metaph. p. 33, 9 Adv. Colot. 3, p. 1108c: ό δέ ΜητρόδωHayduck. In other cases the canon of ρος άντικρυς περί φιλοσοφίας είρηκεν, ώς, ει μή προκαΟηγήσατο Δημόκριτος, atomists includes Lcucippus, Democritus, and Epicurus, usually mentioned in that ουκ άν προήλΟεν Επίκουρος έττΐ την σοφίαν; Clem. Strom. 6, 2, 27, 4; Macrob. order, e.g., Act. Plac. 1, 18, 3 (Doxogr. Cr.» 316); [Galen,] /////. Phil. XIX, Sat. 7, 14, 3; and Lucretius speaks res pectfully of Democritus (3,371 = 5 , 6 2 2 ) . 259 K.; cf. Cic. Ac. 2, 118; R. Hirzcl, Untersuch. ^. Cicero's pbilos. Scbr. 1 (1877), On his atomic views cf. Diog. L. 9, 44. 184, n. 1, who remarks that the words eive: expressing some uncertainty: sive etiam here arc intelligible only if "or perhaps 1 should say"; cf. E. Rohdc, there were some doubt as to the origina Λ7. Scbr. 1 (1901). 238, n. 0; Goethe compares Pro Sull. 17; Att. 6, 2, 2; tor of the atomic theory. cf. the next note. corpuscula: used of the atoms in the etiam ante Lcucippi: cf. Diog. L. following passages: 1, 67: in individuis 10, 13: άλλ' ουδέ Λεύκιππόν τίνα γεcorpusculis tarn praeclara opera . . . fingenγενησθαί φησι φιλόσοφον, οΰτε αυτός tibus; 2, 94: ex corpusculis . .. concurrenοΰτε "Ερμαρχος, δν ϊνιοί φασι και 'Απολ tibus temere atque casu mundum esse per-
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tunda l alia, partim autem angulata et hamata,1 curvata 8 quaedam 1 rotunda H\ rutunda P, rotundia HXNBX, rutundia A * et hamata om. FM, foramata DHCP, firamata AGlPlt firmata /*·, ipiramata N> piramata O, piramidata dett.Urs. ■ curuataom. ADHPN
ftctum; Ac. 1, 6: de corpusculorum (ita στρογγύλον και μικρόν; cf. De Sens. 67 enim appellat atomos) concurnone for tut ta {Vorsokrat. 1, no. 55 A 135, 67); Lucr. loqui; Τ use. 1, 22: levibus et rotundis corpus-2, 391-394: et quamvis subito per colum cults efficientem ammum concursu quodamvina vidimus / perfluere; at contra tardum fortuito; 1,42; Aug. CD. 8, 5: in aiomis, cunctatur olivomt ( aut quia m mirum motorιhoc est minutissimis corpusculist quae nee bus est elementis / aut magis bamatis inter dividi nee sentiri queunt; De Gen. ad Litt. se perqtte plicatis; 2, 402-405: ut facile 2, 8; Amm. Marc. 26, 1, 1: individua ilia agnoscas e levibus atque rutundis / esse ea corpuscula, volitantia per inane, άτόμους, quae sensus iucunde tangere possunt, ( et ut nos appellamus; for passages in other contra quae amara at que aspera cumque writers cf. Thes. Ling. Lat. 4 (1909), videntur, / haec magis bamatis inter se nexa teneri; 2, 422-429; 2, 444-446; 2, 451-452: 1026, 45-68. On the varying forms of the atoms cf. Epic. ap. Diog. L. 10, 42: ilia quidem debent e levibus a I que rotundis / ού δυνατόν γενέσθαι τάς τοσαύτας δια esse magis, fluvido quae corpore liquida con φοράς έκ των αυτών σχημάτων περιει- stant; 2, 458-459; 2, 466-470; L a . λημμενων, καΐ καθ* έκάστην δέ σχηDe Ira, 10, 5: dixit ergo esse levia et aspera μάτισιν απλώς άπειροι είσιν αϊ δμοιαι, et rotunda et angulata et hamata. For λεΐος ταϊς δέ διαφοραϊς ούχ απλώς άπειροι in this sense cf. many examples cited άλλα μόνον άπερίληπτοι; Aristot. fr. by F. Peters, 7*. Lucr. et M. Cic. quo modo 208, p. 166 Rose; Lucr. 2, 333-477; Vocab. Gr. Epic. Doctr. propria Latinc Act. Plac. 1, 3, 18 {Doxogr. Gr* 286): verterint (1926), 16. On the inequality είναι δέ τα σχήματα τών ατόμων of the Epicurean atoms cf. the passages άπερίληπτα, ουκ άπειρα, μή γαρ είναι cited by F. Sbordone, cd. of Philodcm. μήτ' άγκιστροειδεΐς μήτε τριαινοειδεΐς Adv. Sopb. 142. μήτε κρικοειδείς · ταϋτα γαρ τά σχήματα alia, partim: cf. 1, 103: aliae, partim; εύθραυστα είσιν, αϊ δέ άτομοι απαθείς Div. 1, 93; Rep. 4, 3; Fin. 4, 18; Tusc. άθραυστοι. 5, 38; Am. 45. levia . . . aepcra: cf. Ac. 2, 121: angulata: in Cicero only here, and quaecumque sint docei omnia tfftcta esse not found again till Apulcius; it renders nature, nee ut Hie qui aspen's et levibus et γωνοειδής; cf. F. Peters, op. cit., 13; bamatis uncinatisque corporibus concreta bate also Lucr. 2, 428: magis angel lis paulum esse dicat interiecto inani (somnia censet prostantibus. bate esse Democriti non docentis sed ophamata: not in our mss (which vary tan tis); Thcophr. C.P. 6, 1, 6: Δημό between firamata, foramata, ipiramata, κριτος δέ σχήμα περιτιθείς έκάστω γλυ- piramata, etc.), but with some plausibility κΰν μέν τον στρογγύλον καΐ ευμεγέθη by Plasbcrg {ed. maior.) restored here ποιεί- στρυφνόν δέ τόν μεγαλόσχημον from Lact. De Ira, 10, 5; cf. Inst. 3. 17, τραχύν τε καΐ πολυγώνιον καΐ άπερι25 [apparently after Cicero]: levia et φερή· όξϋν δέ κατά τοΰνομα τόν όξύν aspera et rotunda et angulata et hamata τω βγκω καΐ γωνοειδή καΐ καμπϋλον [cf. Ac. 2, 21: bamatis uncinatisque corpori καΐ λεπτόν καΐ άπεριφερή· δριμύν δέ bus; fr. ap. Non. p. 189 M. ( = p. 278 L.): τόν περιφερή και λεπτόν καΐ γωνοειδή asperis et levibus et bamatis uncinatisque καΙ καμπϋλον άλμυρόν δέ τόν γωνο corpusculis concreta] and from its fre ειδή καΐ ευμεγέθη καΐ σκολιόν καΐ Ισο quent use in Lucretius in describing σκελή· πικρόν δέ τόν περιφερή καΐ atomic shapes (2, 394; 2, 405; 2, 445; 2. λεϊον Ιχοντα σκολιότητα μέγεθος δέ 468; 4, 662; cf. 6, 1085). It seems to ren μικρόν λιπαρόν δέ τόν λεπτόν καΐ der άγκιστροειδής; cf. Aristot. fr. 208,
1,66
365
l
et quasi adunca, ex iis effectum esse caelum atque terram nulla cogente natura sed concursu quodam fortuito—hanc tu opinionem, C. Vellei,2 usque ad hanc aetatem perduxisti,3 priusque te 1
his DM,
hiis Ο
■ uelci A1, uelleius quae (?)/?, uelleiusque Η
p . 166 R o s e ; Act. Plac. 1, 3 , 18 (Doxogr. Gr.* 286); 2, 7, 2 (Doxogr. Gr.* 336); G a l e n , De nat. Fac. II, 49 K . ; F . Peters, op. cit. 7. O t h e r s have e m e n d e d t o s o m e c o m b i n a t i o n of pyramidata o r (J. F o r c h hammcr in Nordisk Tidsskr. f. Filol. 2 set. 5 (1880), 29) to partim auttm angulata figttra% Jjamata quaedam. q u a s i a d u n c a : t h o u g h not a c o m m o n w o r d in Cicero, being f o u n d in Pro Cluent. 180 a n d in the translation from t h e Prometheus given in Tusc. 2, 24, aduncus is yet sufficiently accurate and intelligible s o that H c i n d o r f p r o p e r l y w o n d e r s at the use of quasi. Possibly t h e phrase quasi adunca may be a gloss o n bamata, for it seems t o express a b o u t the s a m e i d e a ; cf. Ac. 2, 1 2 1 : hamatis uncinaUsque corporibus', Ο ν . Μ. 13, 934: aduncos . . . bamos. F . Peters, op. cit., 15, c o m p a r e s Lucr. 2, 427: fiexis mucronibus utua, and e q u a t e s it with καμπύλος. e f f e c t u m e s s e c a e l u m : cf. Hict.Ep. 119, 5, 5: Epicurus ex suis atomis mundum strust et universa conformat. n u l l a c o g e n t e natura: cf. 1, 6 7 : nulla moderante natura. As Mayor remarks, t h i s is correct for E p i c u r u s b u t inappli cable t o Lcucippus and D e m o c r i t u s ; cf. Act. Plot. 1, 25, 4 ( - Vorsokrat. 1, n o . 55 Β 2 = Doxogr. Gr.* 3 2 1 ) : Λεύ κ ι π π ο ς πάντα κ α τ ' ανάγκην, τήν 8* α υ τ ή ν ΰπάρχειν είμαρμένην. λέγει γάρ έν τ ω ΙΙερΙ νοΰ· ουδέν χ ρ ή μ α μ ά τ η ν γ ί νεται, άλλα πάντα έκ λόγου τε καΐ ύ π ' α ν ά γ κ η ς ; Aristot. De Gen. An. 5, 8, 7 8 9 b 2-4: Δημόκριτος δε τό ού ένεκα άφείς λέγειν, πάντα ανάγει εις ανάγ κ η ν , οίς χρήται ή φύσις; Cic. Fat. 2 3 : id Democritus, aw:tor atomorum, accipere maluit, necessitate omnia fieri, quam a corporibus individuis naturalis motus avellere; 3 9 : eorum qtJ censerent omnia ita feito fieri ut id fa turn vim necessitatis adferret, in qua sententia Democritus . . . fust. In 1, 69, b e l o w , Cicero m e n t i o n s Eipicurus's desire
* p e r d u x t i Bl
t o escape from this fatalism of D e m o c r i t u s ; elsewhere, h o w e v e r , he less care fully uses the w o r d fortuitus t o describe the m o t i o n of the a t o m s of D e m o c r i t u s ; e.g., Ac. 1, 6: de corpusculorum {ita enim appellat atomos) concurnone fort us ta loqui; Tusc. 1, 2 2 : Democritum . . . corpusculis efficientem am mum concursu quodam for tuito; 1, 42. c o n c u r s u . . . fortuito: besides the passages just cited cf. 1, 9 1 : tarn felix concursus atomorum; 2, 9 3 : mundumque effici . . . ex eorum corporum concurnone fortuita; 2, 9 4 ; Fin. 1, 17: ut concursionibus inter se cohaerescant; 1, 20: ilia atomorum in quo etiam Democritus haeret, turbulenta concursio bunc mundi ornatum efficere non poterif; Min. Fel. 5, 7: sint fortuitis concursionibus totius membra coaliia; Arnob. 1, 3 1 : casibus fortuitis et concur sionibus temerariis sum mam rerum construere; 2, 10: vidit enim . . . individuorum Democritus concurnones', Lact. De Ira, 10, 3 : minuta ilia semina quorum concursu fortuito cobaesisse mundum locuntur; C. Bailey, The Gr. Atomists and Epic. (1928), 141. T h e concursus is by F. Peters, op. cit., 2 1 , identified with σύγκρουσις (e.g., Plut. Adv. Colot. 10, p . 1112b); by A. F r n o u t a n d L. Robin a n d Bailey (on Lucr. 5 , 67) with συμφόρησις (e.g.. E p i c . a p . D i o g . L. 1 0 , 5 9 ; 1 0 , 6 9 ) . h a n c tu o p i n i o n e m : cf. Div. 2, 7 3 : hoc tu auspicium . . . putas? If the anacol u t h o n had n o t been i n t r o d u c e d Plasbcrg thinks that the sentence m i g h t have concluded: ne tu quidem probares nisi velles Epicureus esse. C. V e l l e i : the use of b o t h praenomen and nomen in the vocative seems unusual ly formal, and p e r h a p s d r a w s a t t e n t i o n t o the serious responsibility of Vellcius for the p e r p e t u a t i o n of t h e views of F p i c u r u s . But cf. F. Stolz-J. H . SchmalzJ. B. H o f m a n n , Lat. Gr} ( 1 9 2 8 ) , 612, o n the enclitic position.
366
1,66
quis de omni vitae statu quam de ista auctoritate deiecerit; l ante enim iudicasti Epicureum te esse oportere quam ista cognovisti. Ita necesse fuit aut haec 2 flagitia concipere animo aut susceptae 1
deicerit AlBl
» ad haec Η
ueque ad hanc aetatem: cf. 1, 11; Tusc. 1, 5.
quie: an indefinite pronoun usually employed in subordinate (especially conditional) clauses, more rarely in main clauses; cf. R. Kuhner-C. Stegmann, Ausj. Gram. d. /at. Spr. 2, l 1 (1912), 633-634. de . . . vitae statu . . . deiecerit: cf.
καΐ Μητρόδωρος έτι δ' Έρμαρχος άποφαίνονται τέχνην ύπάρχειν την τ<οι>αύτη<ν>, ώς έν τοις έξης ύπομνήσομεν, ol τούτοις άντιγράφοντες ού πάνυ τι μακράν της των πατρ<α>λοίων καταδί κης άφεστήκασιν; Sen. Ep. 25, 5: sic fac
. . . omnia, tamquam spectet
Epicurus',
Plut. De vit. Pud. 8, p. 532b: πολλούς έστιν ίδεΐν και των φιλοσοφείν λεγο μένων, 'Επικουρεί ους καί Στωικούς Tusc. 2 , 1 4 : tarn cito de sententia esse deiectum; ίντας, ούχ έλομένους ουδέ κρίνον Or at. 129: de statu omni deiecimus; 2 V'err. τας άλλα προσθεμένους δυσωποϋσιν ol2, 10: de vitae meae statu . . . deducerent; κείοις καί φίλοις; Orig. C. Cels. 1, 10: A m m . Marc. 28, 4, 1: ab bumanitatis statu detect us. The figure seems to be taken ού γάρ περιμείνας άκοϋσαι τους πάντων φιλοσόφων λόγους καί τών διαφόρων αΐfrom a pugilistic knock-out. J. S. Rcid (ap. Mayor ad loc.) thinks that deiecerit is ρέσεων, καί την άνατροπήν μέν τώνδε κατασκευήν δέ έτερων, ούτω; αίριϊται probably future perfect indicative rather than perfect subjunctive, comparing ήτοι Στωικός ή Πλατωνικός ή Περι πατητικός ή 'Επικούρειος είναι ή οποι 2 Verr. 4, 59; Pro Plane. 79; Liv. 7, 40, 10. For vitae status cf. Fin. 1, 49; ασδήποτε φιλοσόφων αίρέσεως· αλλ* άλόγω) τινί, κάν μή βούλωνται τοϋτο 2, 45; Tusc. 5, 2; Ac. 2, 65. όμολογεϊν, φορά έρχεται έπί τό άσκηauctoritate: the doctrine, because ex σαι, φέρ' είπεϊν, τόν Στωικόν λόγον καpressed by Democritus and Epicurus, ταλιπών τε τους λοιπούς; Arnob. 6, 11: possessed auctoritas. ante enim iudicasti: cf. 1, 17, nn. quod semel sine ratione fecistis, ne videamini (liberο iudicio; nulla . . . adstrictum neces sitate)-, Ac. 2, 8: ceteri primum ante tenentur adstricti quam quid esset optimum iudicare potuerimt; deinde infirmissimo tem pore aetatis aut obsecuti amico cuidam aut una alicuius quern primum audierunt orations capti de rebus incognitis indicant et ad quamcumque sunt disciplinam quasi tempestate delati ad earn tamquam ad saxum adhatrescunt; 2, 9 : iudicaverunt autem re semel audita atque ad unius se auctoritatem contulerunt. sed nescio quo modo plerique errare malunt eamque sententiam quam adamavermt pugnacisnme defendere quam sine pertinacia quid constantissime dicatur exquirere; Philo-
dcm. Lib. p. 22 Olivieri: καί τό συνέχον xal κυριώτ<α>τον, Επικουρώ, καθ' δν ζην ή<ι>ρήμε0α, πειθαρχήσομεν; Rbet. 1, ρ. 12 Sudhaus: cl γάρ ' Ε π ί κ ο υ ρ ο ς
aliqiud aliquando nescisse, defends tis meliusque putatis non vinci quam confessae cedere atque adnuere veritati; Y'.us. Pr. Ev. 1 , 1 , 1 1 ; Greg. Thaumat. In Orig. Or. panegyr. 14.
Quintil. Inst. 12, 2, 26, says of the Stoics that velut Sacramento rogati vel etiam su per stitione cons trieti nefas ducunt a suscepta semel persuasione diseedere. So Epicurus
at his death bade his friends των δογ μάτων μεμνήσθαι (Diog. L. 10, 16), and Fus. Pr. Ev. 14, 5, 3, says: ύπηρξέ τε έκ τοϋ έπί πλείστον τοις μετέπειτα Έ π ι κουρείοις μηδ° αύτοΐς είπεϊν πω εναντίον ούτε άλλήλοις ούτε 'Επικουρώ μηδέν είς μηδέν, βτου καί μνησθηναι άξιον άλλ' έστιν αύτοΐς παρανόμημα, μάλλον δέ άσέβημα, καί κατέγνωσται τό καινοτομηθέν. haec flagitia: sec above: ista enim flagitia
Democriti.
1, 67
367
philosophiae nomen amittere. 67 Quid enim mereas ut Epicureus * esse desinas? 'Nihil equidem/ inquis,2 'ut rationem 3 vitae beatae veritatemque deseram.' Ista igitur est Veritas? Nam de vita beata nihil repugno, quam tu ne in dco quidem 4 esse censes nisi plane otio * langueat.6 Sed ubi est Veritas? In mundis, credo, innumerabilibus, omnibus minimis temporum punctis 7 aliis nascentibus, aliis cadentibus; an in 8 individuis corpusculis tarn praeclara opera nulla moderante natura, nulla ratione fingentibus? Sed oblitus liberalitatis meae, qua tecum paulo ante uti coeperam, 1 cpicurus BFM, cpicurcas Pl * inquit Ο quidem] uideo Ο * otio in ras. At optio PNOBF1 7 cunctis ACP ' in om. HBFM, add. Ο
67 quid enim mereas ut: "what would you take (as a bribe), t o " ; cf. Fin. 2, 74: quid enim mereri velis . . . quid merearis igitur ut; 2 Verr. 4, 135: quid arbitrament Rtginos . . . merere veile ut; Phil. 1, 34: putasn: ilium immortaiitatem mereri voluisse ut; Plaut. Men. 217: tuque . . . ut te perdam meream deorum divitias mihi; Hdt. 3, 38: ctpe-ro έπί χάσω αν χρήματι βουλοίατο τους πατέρας αποθνήσκοντας κατασιτέεσΟαι. vitae beatae: a very frequent phrase in Cicero and other writers; cf. 1, 24; 1, 53; 1, 113; 1, 114; and many other instances in H. Mcrguct, Lex. %. d. pbilos. Scbr. Cic. 1 (1887), 328-330. It is con stantly used in the sense of "happiness,'* for which Latin lacks a satisfactory noun; cf. 1, 95, n. (beatitas she beatitudo). ista . . . est veritae: the more logical istud (i.e., the Epicurean doctrine) is at tracted into the gender of Veritas; cf. 1, 122: non erit ista amicitia. nihil repugno: cf. 1, 62, n. {non pugno). otio langueat: cf. 1, 7, n. (otio langueremus); 1, 51, n. {nihil agit). ubi est veritae: cf. John, 18, 38: λέγει αύτώ ο Πειλάτος Τί έστιν αλή θεια; Cotta's question is not completely understood unless we recall his scep tical principles; cf. 1, 66: veri .. . similiora; also Cicero's own statement in 3, 95: ad veritatis similitudinem . . . propensior. mundis . . . innumerabilibus: cf. 1,
3
4 ratione Ν in dco · languat Bl, languet Fl
25, and n. (innumerabilis . . . mundos); 1, 53; 1, 96; 2, 48; 2, 94; Dip. 2, 11, and Pease's n. (unusne mundas); Ac. 2, 55; 2, 125; Fin. 1, 21; 2, 102; Tim. 12; H. Usencr, Bpicurea (1887), 213-214. credo: ironical, as often; cf. 1, 86, n. (credo); 1, 111; T. Wopkcns, Adv. crit. 1 (1828), 71-72. Davies, however, has not hesitated to emend to cedo (cf. 1, 75). omnibus minimis: cf. 3, 86: omnia minima; Madvig on Fin. 3, 3. temporum punctis: cf. 1, 52, n. (puncto temporii). nascentibus . . . cadentibus: cf. 1, 25, n. (orientis occidentisqm); Fin. 1, 21: innumerabiles mundi, qui et oriantur et intereant cotidie. praeclara opera: cf. 1, 100: οperibus magnificis atque praeclaris; Ac. 2, 119: tarn praeclari opens inceptio; Tim. 4: praeilarum opus (καλόν . . . παν] efficiat necesse est. nulla moderante natura: cf. 1, 66, n. (nulla cogente natura). sed oblitus: in 1, 65, Cotta had sug gested discussing unde sint, ubi sint, quales rint; now, having discussed the first point, he passes to the third topic, quales sint. liberalitatis meae: cf. 1, 62: vide quam tecum agam liberal/ter; quae communia sunt vobis cum ceteris philosophis non attingam. Yet he has drifted into a discus sion of the atomic theory (cf. Fin. 1,18: sed hoc commune vitium ; illae Bpicuri pro-
368
1,68
plura complector. Concedam igitur ex individuis constare omnia; quid ad rem? Deorum enim natura quaeritur. 68 Sint* sane ex atomis; non igitur aeterni.2 Quod 3 enim ex atomis, id 4 natum aliquando est 5 ; si natum,6 nulli dei ante quam nati; et si 7 ortus est deorum, interims sit necesse est, ut tu 8 paulo ante de Platonis mundo disputabas. Ubi igitur illud vestrum beatum, et aeternum, quibus duobus verbis significatis * deum ? Quod cum efficere vultis, in dumeta 10conrepitis." Itaenim dicebas, non lt corpus esse 1 sit Μ * cxterni Hl ■ quod de//. Rom., Ven.t quia cett. * id A%, si id Nt sit AlOBFM, r e n a t u m (re in ras.) Ρ * a l i q u a n d o est B\ a l i q u a n d o sit x 7 ACPNOB*FM aliquandost PI. * n a t u m ] n a t u s O, nati N, nat H et si] si add. P* ■ tu in ras. A * significatis (t sup., is in ras.) P, significastis Bx% tis in 10 X u ras. Ν in d u m c c t a AP, i n d u m e n t a GNF , in d u m **** D corripitis ll Ml, c u m re pet is Ν n o n om. Ν
priae ruinae) a n d that of the countless universes, a tenet not peculiar t o E p i c u rus. c e c u m . . . uti: " u s e in my discussion w i t h y o u " ; tecum recalls 1, 62, just q u o t e d ; cf. also 3 , 3 : neque enim mibi par ra/io cum Lucilio; Fam. 5, 2, 6: satis habeas nihil me etiam tecum de tui fratris injuria conqueri; A/t. 10, 1, 4 : cum Sexto servasti gravitatem; Plaut. Baccb. 4 9 3 : hoc tecum oro ut . . . regas; Most. 1069: docte atque astu mibi captandumst cum Mo. p a u l o a n t e : cf. 1, 2 0 ; 1, 68. plura c o m p l e c t o r : cf. Fin. 2, 118: ne plura complector. c o n s t a r e o m n i a : for omnia -= x6 παν (τά πάντα of Plat. Tim. 50b) cf. Ac. 1, 2 7 ; 2, 5 5 ; 2, 1 1 7 ; 2, 118 (and Reid's note); Tusc. 1, 4 2 : ex quibus omnia constare dicuntur. q u i d ad r e m : cf. Div. 2, 6 7 : hoc minus ad rem; Phil. 2, 56: nihil . . . ad rem Att. 12, 40, 4 : nihil ad rem; Rcid o n Ac. 1, 15. 68 e x a t o m i s ; n o n . . . a e t e r n i : cf. 3 , 2 9 ; Scxt. E m p . Adv. Pbys. 1, 180: cl μέν σύγκριμά έστι, φθαρτόν έ σ τ ι ν παν γαρ τό κ α τ ά σύνοδόν τίνων άποτελεσΟέν ανάγκη διαλυόμενον φΟείρεσΟαι; also 1, 7 1 , b e l o w : dum individstorum corporum concretionem fugit ne interitus et disci patio consequatury negat esse corpus deorum sed tamquam corpus. For the ellipsis
of t h e v e r b w i t h aeterni M a y o r c o m p a r e s 1, 8 4 : quot bominum linguae tot nomina deorum . . . ut tu Velleius; 1, 1 1 0 : sine virtutt certe nullo modo. q u o d e n i m e x a t o m i s : for quod all mss s a v e t h e deteriores read quia. T h e c o n fusion may have arisen f r o m c o m p e n d i a for t h e t w o w o r d s , which f r o m t h e e i g h t h c e n t u r y o n w a r d at times r e s e m b l e d each o t h e r . Quod seems clearly n e e d e d b y the sense t o c o r r e s p o n d t o id. a l i q u a n d o s t : cf. 1, 4 8 : puleberrimast. ut t u p a u l o a n t e : in 1, 20. N o t e the repetition of paulo ante at a very s h o r t interval after 1, 67. P l a t o n i s m u n d o : cf. 1, 18: murut Platonis. i l l u d v e s t r u m b e a t u m et a e t e r n u m : cf. D i o g . L. 10, 139: τό μακάριον κχΐ άφθαρτον. i n d u m e t a c o n r e p i t i s : for similar references t o the o b s c u r i n g t h i c k e t s or the spiny perplexities of a r g u m e n t ct. Ac. 2 , 7 5 : contorta et aculeata quaedam σοφίσματα; 2, 9 8 : omnes istos aculeos et totum tortuosum genus dispu/andi ; 2, 112: in . . . Stoicornm dumeta compellimus; Fin. 3 , 3 : quam sit . . . spinosum . . . disserendi genus; 4, 6: bominum
1,69
369
in deo l sed quasi corpus, nee sanguinem sed tamquam sanguinem. 25 69 Hoc persaepe facitis, ut, cum aliquid non veri simile dicatis et effugere reprehensionem velitis,2 adferatis aliquid quod omnino ne fieri quidem possit, ut satius fuerit illud ipsum de quo ambigebatur concedere 8 quam tarn inpudenter * resistere. Velut δ 1 deum Ο O, ucl id Ρ
■ ueliitis AlPl
■ concede Pl
* imprudenter Ml
· uclud
et definiendi praetermittunt; De Or. 1, 83: σήτες άκανθολόγοι; W. L. Lorimcr in spinosa quatdam et exilis oratio; 2, 158: CI. Rev. 54 (1940), 78. compungunt suis acuminibus; Orat. 114, ita . . . dicebas . . . esse: for ita qui dialectic! dicuntur spinoHora multa anticipating a clause in indirect discourse pepererunt; Parad. 2: minutis interrogatiun- cf. Fat. 24: ita dicimus velle aliquid quemculis quasi punctis quod proposuit ejfuit; piam .. . sine causa; Τ use. 1, 72: ita enim Plat. Sophist. 236d: κομψώς είς άπορον censebat . . . duas esse vias; 3, 41: nee vero είδος διερευνήσασθαι καταπέφευγεν; 239c: ita diet potest mentis laetitiam solam esse πανούργος εις άπορον ό σοφιστής τόπον in bonis; Madvig on Fin. 2, 13; 3, 53. καταδέδυκεν; Sen. Rhct. Control». 1, quasi corpus: cf. 1, 49; R. Philippson proem. 22: per spinosum locum ambulan- in Symb. Osloentes, 20 (1940), 23, who tem\ Sen. lip. 82, 22: in minuta ac spinosa points out that Vcllcius there empha cogendus; Lucian, Dial. Mort. 10, 8: sized the physical form of the gods, but λόγους ακανθώδεις; Athcn. 9, 385b: that Cotta here deals rather with their ό τάς άκανθας άγείρων Ούλπιανός ; Greg. immortality. Thaumat. In Orig. Orat. paneg. 14: ου 69 veri simile: the language of the δείς δέ ούτε λαβύρινθος ούτω δύσε ξAcademic reappears. The Epicureans here έλικτος . . . ούτε ύλη δασεία καΐ ποι arc said to replace the improbable by the κίλη . . . ώς λόγος, ct τις εΐη κατ' αυ impossible; R. Philippson (Symb. Osloenτών τώνδέ τίνων φιλοσόφων; Hicr. Ep. ses, 20 (1940), 27) compares Scxt. Emp. 69, 2, 5: spinosulus noster obmutuit; 133, Adv. Pbys. 1, 42: ό δέ Δημόκριτος τό 5, 3: syllogismorum spineta decurrenj; Adv. ήττον άπορον δια τοϋ μείζονος άπορου Rufin. 1, 16: Cbrysippus et Antipater inter διδάσκων άπιστος εστίν. spine ta versantur; 1, 30: spinas Cleanthis satius fuerit: cf. 3, 69: ut satius fuerit et contorta Cbrysippi; Adv. Pelag. 1, 14: nullam omnino nobis a dis . . . datum esse inter phiiosopborurn spine ta; Adv. Helvid. 2: rationem quam tanta cum pernicie datam; Aristottlis spineta; In Naum, p. 582 Vail.: De Or. 3, 110; Tcr. Andr. 307-308: Chrysippi spine ta; In Titum, pp. 735-736 qtianto id te satiust dare operam . . . quam Vail.: vagam rbetoricae libertatem in syllo id eloqui; A mob. 6, 26: nonne satius fuerat gismorum spineta concludere; Aug. C. Acad. saltitare . . . quam, etc. 2, 6: inter opinionum fallacium dumeta fron- de quo ambigebatur: cf. Fin. 2, 4: descit; De Gest. Pelag. 65: baeresis illius inter eos qui ambigunt; De Or. 1, 242: dumeta quotidie . . . silvescere dolebamus; quod ambigitur inter peritissimos; 2, 104: Ep. 732, 2: quis aspera dumeta substravit; quod inter homines ambigatur; 2, 110: in Serm. 352, 3: in quibusdam quasi dumetis quo quale sit quid ambigitur. densissimis et crassa umbra lumen accendit; inpudenter: cf. 1,13 iprocax Academia; A mm. Marc. 22, 16, 16: Aristarchtu Div. 2, 31; 2, 109: at impudentes sumus qui grammaticae ret dumis excellens\ Antb. Pal. ...non concedamus; Ac. 2, 115: utrum 11, 321,1: γραμματικοί . . . σήτες ακαν igitur nos impudentes qui labi nolumus; 2,126: θών; 11, 322, 2: ατυχείς σήτες άκανvide ne impudenter etiam postules; Fat. 39: θοβάται; 11, 347, 2: οί τ' άπ' Άριστάρχου quod est inpudentius; Varr. L.L. 8, 41: 24
370
1, 69
Epicurus cum * videret, si atomi ferrentur * in locum infcriorem suopte 8 pondere, nihil fore in nostra potcstate, quod csset earum 1
cum] si Ml
impudentes
* fercntur Hx&
sunt qui dicunt tsse anaJogias.
vclut: cf. 1, 2, n. (velut). Cotta here gives three examples of mistaken judg ments by Epicurus: (1) his assertion of the atomic swerve (1, 69); (2) the denial of disjunctive propositions (1, 70); and (3) his declaration of the infallibility of sensations (1, 70), after which, at 1, 71, he returns to the topic of quasi corpus which he began at 1, 68. •i atomi: cf. Fat. 22-23: std Epicurus declination» atomi vitari ntcessitatem fati putat. itaque tertius quidam motus oritur extra pondus et plagam, cum decUna t atomus intervallo minimo (id appellat ελάχιστον); quam declinationem sine causa fieri si minus verbis, re cogitur confiteri. non enim atomus ab atomo pulsa declinat. nam qui potest pelli alia ab alia, si gravitate Jeruntur ad perpendiculum corpora individua rectis lineis, ut Epicure placet? stquitur enim ut, si alia ab alia numquam depellatur, ne contingat quidem alia aliam. ex quo efficitur etiamsi sit atomus toque declinet, declinare sine causa, banc Epicurus rationem induxit ob earn rem, quod veritus est, ne, si semper atomus gravitate ferretur naturali ac necessaria, nihil liberum nobis esset, cum ita moveretur animus ut atomorum motu cogeretur. id Democritus, auctor atomorum, accipere maluit, necessitate omnia fieri, quam a corporibus individuis naturalis motus avellere; Fin. 1, 18-19: censei enim eadem ilia individua et solida corpora ferri deorsum suo pondere ad lineam, bunc naturaltm esse omnium motum. deinde ibidem homo acutus, cum illud occurreret, si omnia deorsum e regione ferrentur et, ut dixi, ad lineam, numquam fore ut atomus altera alteram posset attingere, * itaque attulit rem commenticiam: declinare dixit atomum perpaulum, quo nihil posset fieri minus; . . . ilium motum naturaUm omnium ponderum . . . e regione inferiorem locum petentium sine causa eripuit atomis.
ferrentur: a regular term for the mo tion of the atoms; e.g., Fin. 1, 20; Fat.
■ suo tc AlO,
ptc Ρ
18; 2 3 ; 47; 48; Lucr. 2, 84; Diog. L. 9, 44: τάς άτόμους . . . φέρεσθαι δ* έν τω βλω δινουμένας; 10, 6 1 : οίσθήσεται; also the noun φορά, as in Diog. L. 10, 6 1 ; Plot in. Enn. 3, 1,2. in locum inferiorem: as in Fin. 1, 19 (quoted in note on si atomi, above); equivalent to deorsum (κάτω), which Gccro also uses of atomic motion (Fin. 1, 18; 1, 19). The notion of an upper and a lower region of the universe, how ever, is considered by Plato (Tim. 62c-d) as completely erroneous. •uopte pondere: cf. Fin. 1,18 (quoted in note on si atomi, above); Fat. 23: si .. . atomus gravitate ferretur naturali ac necessaria; Lucr. 2, 8 4 : out gravitate sua ferri primordia rerum; D i o g . L. 10, 6 1 :
οΰθ' ή 4νω οΰθ' ή είς τό πλάγιον δι» των κρούσεων φορά, οΰθ* ή κάτω δια των Ιδίων βαρών. in nostra potestate: cf. Fat. 9: nihil esset in nostra potentate ή ita se res haberet\
23 (quoted in note on si atomi, above); 2 5 : motus enim voluntarius earn naturam in se ipse confine t ut sit in nostra potestate nobisque pareat; 4 1 : quae si ipsae non sunt in nostra potestate; 45 [where the phrase
in nostra potestate occurs four times]; Ac.
2 , 3 7 : ea quae est in nostra
potestate
sita . . . adstnsio. The phrase is used to denote the freedom of the will, which Epicurus was desirous of re taining; cf. Epic. ap. Diog. L. 10, 133-134: τήν δέ ύπό τίνων δεσπύτιν είσαγομίνην πάντων διαγελώντος <εΙμαρμένην καΐ μάλλον ά μέν κατ* ανάγκην γίγνεσθαι λέγοντος (added by Uscncr)>, ά δέ άπό τύχης, & δέ παρ' ημάς δια το τήν μέν ανάγκην άνυπεύθυνον είναι, τήν δέ τύχην άστατον όράν, τό δέ παρ' ημάς άδέσποτον, ώ και τό μεμπτδν καΐ το εναντίον παρακολουθεϊν πέφυκεν (έπεί κρεϊττον ήν τ φ περί θεών μύΟω καταχολουθείν ή τη των φυσικών είμαρμένη δουλεύειν 6 μέν γαρ ελπίδα παραιτή σεως υπογράφει θεών διά τιμής, ή δέ
1,69
371
motus certus et necessarius, invenit quo modo necessitatem emigeret, quod videlicet Democritum fugerat;* ait atomum, cum pondere et gravitate directo 2 deorsus 5 fcratur, declinare pau1
fugarct Dx
* directa NO
* deorsum C
άπαραίτητον έχει τήν ανάγκην). Philo <9>άσκων ταΐς άτόμ<ο>ις κείνησιν εί demus, De Sign. 36 (p. 106 Dc Lacy), ναι δι<ά> τήν προς άλλήλας σ<ύν>κρουhowever, remarks: οΰ γαρ Ικανόν είς σιν αυτών, ίν<0ε>ν δέ φαίνεσβαι κατ<η>ντό προσδέξασθαι τάς έπ' ελάχιστον παρανκασμένως π<άντ>α κεινεϊσβαι, φήεγκλίσεις των ατόμων δια τό τυχηρόν <σομε>ν προς αυτόν <ούκουν> οϊδας, xal τό παρ* ημάς, άλλα δε<ϊ> προσεπιόστις ποτέ εΐ, καΐ έλευθέραν τινά έν δεΐζα<ι κ>αΙ τ<6> μηδαμ<ώ>ς <έτέρ>ω ταΐς άτόμοις κείνησιν είναι, ή<ν> Δη μάχεσ0<αι> των ένα<ργών>, and there μόκριτος μέν ούχ εύρεν, 'Επίκουρος δέ fore an additional reason for the swerve είς φώ<ς> ήγαγεν, παρενκλιτικήν ύπάρwas advanced: Fin. 1, 19: deinde ibidem χουσαν, ως έκ των φαινομένων δείκνυhomo acutus, cum Mud occurreret, si omnia σιν; also the criticisms in Plut. De Soil. deorsum e regione ferrentur et, ut dixi, ad An. 7, p. 964c. With the expression cf. lineam, numquam fore ut atomiis altera alte Fin. 4, 63: Stoici hoc videlicet viderunt, ram posset attingere . . . declinare dixit il/os autem id fugerat superiores. atomum perpaulum; Epic. ap. Diog. L. directo deorsus: "straight down 10, 61: ούτε γαρ τα βαρέα Οάττον olward"; cf. Caes. B.C. 2, 9, 2: derecto σθήσεται των μικρών καΐ κούφων; Lucr. transversas trabes. On the spelling derecto 2, 216-293, who combines as reasons (mss here support directo) cf. G. Dittmann for the swerve both this and the ne in Tbes. Ling. hat. 5 (1910), 1232-1233, cessity of providing for freedom of the especially 1233, 33-42, who finds, on will (2, 251-271); "the act of volition the evidence of inscriptions and the is neither more nor less than the 'swerve' oldest mss, that der- is the earlier form. of the fine atoms which compose the For deorsus the Tbes. Ling. Lot. 5 (1910, mind" (C. Bailey, The Cr. Atomists and 559, 20-21, cites only Cicero (here and Epic. (1928), 320); Plut. Aquat. an 2, 84; Fin. 1, 19) and Apulcius, all other terrestr. 7, p. 964c; R. Hirzcl, Untersucb. authors reading deorsum. With the Z. Cic. pbilos. Schr. 1 (1877), 163-165. thought cf. Fin. 1, 20: atomis . . . quae O n Cicero's own defence of freedom of recte . . . ferantur; De Fato, 22: // gravitate the will cf. Μ. Υ. Henry in Trans. Am. feruntur ad perpendiculum corpora individua pbilol. Assoc. 58 (1937), 32-42. rectis liners. declinare: for passages dealing with motus . . . necessarius: cf. 2, 81: naturam . . . cientem motus . . . necessaries. the atomic swerve (παρέγκλισις, incliquo modo necessitatem eflugeret: natio (1, 73), and, in Lucretius, clinamen', cf. 3, 29: quod effugiat . . . ferendi et pa- cf. W. Croncrt, Kolotes u. Atenedemos ttends necessitatem; Fat. 22; 41: Cbrysippus (1906), 23 (for Philodcmus's allusion to . . . ut et necessitatem 'ffugiat et ftineat Zcno's work περί έγκλίσεως); 176; F. Peters, T. Lucr. et M. Cic. quo modo fatum\ 46. The somewhat awkward re petition {effugeret . . . fugerat) is probably Vocab. Cr. Epic. Discipl. propria Latine verterint (1926), 17; C. Bailey, The Cr. accidental. Atomists and Epic. (1928), 317, n. 0) sec quod . . . Democritum fugerat: in H. Uscncr, Epicurta (1887), 199-201. Fat. 23, Dcmocritus is praised for his who cites Fin. 1, 18-20 (add 1, 28); honest acceptance of necessitas; cf. 1, Fat. 18; 22-23; Plut. De An. Procr. in 66, n. {nulla cogente natura). Yet cf. Tim. 6, p. 1015c (add De Soil. An. 7, Diog. Oenoand. fr. 33, p. 41 William: p. 964c); Aug. C. Acad. 3, 23; to which αν γά<ρ> τώ Δημοκρίτου τι<ς> χ<ρ>ήσηται λόγω, μηδεμίαν μέν έλευθέραν add Lucr. 2, 216-293; Philodcm. De
372
1,70
lulum. 70 Hoc dicere turpius l est * quam illud quod vult' non posse defendere. Idem facit contra dialecticos; a quibus cum 1
1 diccrctur pius PlM\ diceretur plus ABxFl, quod uult om. D, uul A1, uut B1
dicerctur priua Ο
* est]esse 0
Signis, 36, 11-17; Act. Plac. 1, 12, 5 (W. H. D. Rouse on Lucr. 2, 224); (Doxogr. Gr.* 311); 1,23, 4 (Doxogr. Gr* cf. C. Bailey, The Gr. Atomists and Epic. 319-320); Diog. Oenoand. Ix. For gen (1928), 317. In Div. 2, 60, Cicero re eral treatments cf. A. Ernout and L. marks : illud tamen exploratum babe to, moil Robin on Lucr. 2, 216 ff.; C. Bailey, op. fieripotuisse sine causa; cf. Fat. 18 (quoted at. 316-327; E. Bignonc in Attn** Roma, on pertimuit, below); 23: ex quo efficitur 18 (1940), 159-198 (and works noted in etiamri sit atomus toque declinett declinare his bibliography on 161, n. 2); C. Vicol sine causa. But cf. further E. Bignonc in in Epbem. Dacoromana, 10 (1945), 202Atene e Roma, 18 (1940), 197. 204; also G. D. Hadzsits, Lucr. and bis dialecticos: not so much a particular Influence (1935), 76-77, comparing the sect as a method of philosophizing, 'jump' of an electron into a new orbit; changing somewhat in its application W. C. Greene, Moira (1944), 423, n. 56. from time to time. Thus it was used by paululum: the slightness of the swerve Plato for those of his school who had required is several times mentioned; been trained in argumentative discussion e.g., Fin. 1, 19: declinare dixit atomum per- by question and answer; later it was pauium; Fat. 22: declinat atomus intervallo commonly applied to the Megarian minimo (id appellat ελάχιστον); 46: cur school (e.g., Diog. L. 2, 106), a possible minimo declinent intervallo; motore non} out member of which was Epicurus's ad versary, Heraclides of Bargylia; cf. Diog. cur declinent uno minimo, mm declinent duobus aut tribus; Philodem. De Sigrt. 36 L. 5, 94: Ιβδομος [sc. Ηρακλείδης] Β*ρ(p. 106 De Lacy): τάς έπ' ελάχιστον γυληίτης, κατ' 'Επικούρου γεγραφώς; P. Natorp in P.-W. 5 (1905), 321. Epi παρεγκλίσεις; Lucr. 2, 219-220: incertisque locis spatio depellere [se pellere curus called τους διαλεκτικούς πολυφθόHousman] pauium, \ tantum quod momen ρους (Diog. L. 10, 8), and Mctrodorus mutatum dicere possis; 2, 243-245: pauium wrote a book προς τους διαλυτικούς inclinare necessesi / corpora; nee plus quam (id., 10, 24). Still later the term was minimum, ne fingere motus j obliquos videa- applied cither to the Stoics who practiced the logical system of Chrysippus (thus mur et id res vera refutet. 70 turpius est: cf. 1, 1: quid est enim usually in Cicero and Sextus Empiricus) temeritate turpius-, Div. 1, 87: quid veto or to the members of the Middle and boc turpius quam; Fin. 1, 19: ait enim de New Academy (Natorp, I.e.), and δια clinare atomum sine causa, quo nihil turpius λεκτική came to be used like λογική; cf. De Or. 2, 157: Diogenem [the Stoic] . . . pbjsico quam fieri quicquam sine causa dicere; Ac. 1, 45: neque boc quicquam esse qui diceret artem se tradere bene disserendi et vera acfalsa diiudicandi, quam verbo Graeco turpius quam \ 2, 66: pro veris probare falsa turpissimum est; De Or. 1, 169: quid ergo διαλεκτιχήν appellant; in Fin. 2, 17, the bocfieriturpius aut did potest quam; 2, 302: dialectics arc contrasted with the rbetores; quo quidem mibi turpius videre nihil solet. in Div. 2, 11, with the pbysici. Such logi cal studies were despised by Epicurus; In thought this constitutes an important cf. 1, 89; non vestro more std dialecticorum, breach in the philosophic principles of Epicurus, who seems, in assuming a quae funditus gens vestra non novit; Ac. 2, clinaman for which no physical cause is 97: Epicuro qui totam dialecticam et con assignable, to give away his whole case temns t et inridet; Fin. 1, 22: in altera by admitting "that a universe based on pbilosophiae parte, quae est quaerendi ac material causes alone is inconceivable'* dissertndi, quae λογική dicitur, iste vtsttr
1,70
373
traditum sit in omnibus diiunctionibus,1 in quibus 2 'aut ctiam 1 disiunctionibus Λ / \ in q u i b u s add. Λ
d c i u n c t i o n i b u s ADPlNB*FAi\
plant . . . inermis ac nudus est; 1„ 6 3 : in dialectica autem vestra nullam existimavit esse nee ad melius vivendum nee ad eommodius disserendum vim; 2, 18: dum dialeetieam . . . contemnit Epicurus . . . ruit in dicendo; C. M. Bernhardt, De Cic. Graeeae Pbilos. Interprete (1865), 14. t r a d i t u m s i t : cf. Τ use. 1, 1 4 : an tu dialectieis ne imbutus quidem es? in primis enim boc traditur: ornne pronuntiatum (sic enim mibi in praesentia oecurrit ut appe Harem αξίωμα ,· utar post alio, si invenero melius)— id ergo est pronuntiatum quod est verum aut Jalsum. d i i u n c t i o n i b u s : this t e r m c o r r e s p o n d s t o διαζεύξεις (cf. P l u t . Plat. Quaest. 1 0 , 4 , p. 1011a) o r αξίωμα διεζευγμένον ( D i o g . L. 7, 72). First used, t h o u g h in a different sense, by the Auct. Ad Heremt. 4 , 38 (with which cf. De Or. 3 , 2 0 7 ;
Quintil. 9, 1, 35), it was several times e m p l o y e d by Cicero t o signify a dis j u n c t i v e p r o p o s i t i o n (by t h e principle o f the excluded m i d d l e ) ; cf. Ac. 2, 9 1 : quae eoniunetio, quae diiunctio vera sit; 2, 95: rumpe fundamentum dialecticae est, quidquid tnuntittur—id autem appellant αξίωμα, quod est quasi effatum—aut verum esse aut Jalsum; 2 , 9 7 : etenim cum ab Epieuro, qui totam dialeetieam et contemnit et inridet, non impetrent ut verum esse concedat, quod ita effabimur: "aut vivet eras Hermarcbus aut non vivet,** cum dialeetiei sic statuant, ornne, quod ita diitmetum sit, quasi "aut eft am aut non" non modo verum esse sed etiam necessa rium, vide quam sit cautus [eatus Lambinus] is quern isti tardum putant. ή enim, inquit, alterutrum conctssero necessarium esse, necesse erit eras Hermarcbum aut vivere aut non vivere; nulla autem est in natura rerum talis necessitas. cum hoe igitur dialeetiei pugnent, id est, Antioebus et Stoici; totam enim evertit dialeetieam. nam si e eontrariis diiunc tio (contraria autem ea dico, cum alterum aiat, alterum neget), si talis diiunctio falsa potest esse, nulla vera est; Top. 56: reliqui diabeti corum modi plures sunt, qui ex diiunctionibus constant: "aut hoc aut illud; hoc autem; non
dcuinctionibus
HP*OBl
igitur illud." itemque: "aut boc aut illud; non autem boc; illud igitur" ; quae conclusions idcirco ratae junt quod in diiunctione plus uno verum esse non potest; Fat. 20-21 (to be discussed b e l o w ] ; 3 7 : neeesse est enim in rebus eontrariis duabus (contraria autem hoc loco ea dico quorum alterum ait quid, alterum negat), ex Us igitur neeesse est invito Epicuro alterum verum esse, alterum falsum, ut "sauciabitur Pbilocteta" omnibus ante saeculis verum fuit, "non sauciabitur" Jal sum ; nisi forte vol urnus Epieureorum opinionem sequi, qui tales emmtiationes nee veras nee falsas esse d'uunt, aut, cum id pudet, illud tamen dicunt, quod est inpiukntius, veras esse ex eontrariis diiunctiones, sed quae in bis enuntiata essent eorum neutrum esse verum; Phil. 2, 18: non modo non cohaerentia inter se dicens sed max/me diiuncta atque con traria; Aristot. Metaph. 3 , 7, 1011 b 23-24: αλλά μήν ουδέ μεταξύ αντιφά σεως ενδέχεται είναι ούΟέν. άλλ' ανάγ κη ή φάναι ή άποφάναι £ν καθ' ένος ό π οϋν; D i o g . L. 7, 7 2 : διεζευγμένον δέ έστιν δ υπό του " ή τ ο ι " διαζευκτικού συν δέσμου διέζευκται, οίον " ή τ ο ι ήμερα εσ τίν ή νύξ έστιν." επαγγέλλεται δ' ό σύν δεσμος ούτος τό έτερον των α ξ ι ω μ ά τ ω ν ψεύδος είναι; Gcll. 16, 8, 12-13: est etiam aliud quod Graeci διεζευγμένον αξί ω μ α , nos "disiunctum" dieimus . . . omnia autem quae dinunguntur pugnantia esse inter se oportet . . . ex omnibus quae disiunguntur mum esse verum debet, falsa cetera; S. V.F. 2, n o s . 952-955. In s o m e w h a t t h e s a m e category b e l o n g t h e following p a s s a g e s : Fat. 2 8 ; 3 7 - 3 8 ; Aristot. De Interpr. 9, 18 a 28-29: έπί μεν ούν τ ω ν βντων καΐ γενομένων ανάγκη τήν κατάφασιν ή τήν άπόφασιν αληθή ή ψε·>δή είναι; D i o n . Hal. De Comp. Verb. 4 : Χ ρ ύ σ ι π π ο ς καταλέλοιπε συντάξεις . . . ού £ητορικήν Οεωρίαν έχουσας άλλα διαλεκτικήν . . . υπέρ α ξ ι ω μ ά τ ω ν συντάξεως αληθών τε και ψευδών; Arr. E p i c t . 2, 19, 1-3; P l u t . De Stoic. Repugn. 46, p . 1055c-f; D i o g . L. 2, 135 [the objection of M c n c d c m u s t o yes-or-no answers}; [ Apul.] Hermen. 5 ;
374
1,70 1
aut non' poneretur, alterum utrum * esse 3 verum,4 pertimuit ne, 1 p o n e r e t u r in ras. A • esse dett. Ven.t cssct cett.
1 * a l t e r u m u t r u m AHPF , * u c r u m . . cssct om. Ο
Mart. Cap. 4, 385: scitndum /amen est quaedam contraria medium habere, quaedam non habere, nam quae sunt ta/ia ut in ea re in qua esse possunt alterutra vice ntcessario insint medio carent, ut sanitas et imbecillitas. But while s u c h truc-or-false s t a t e m e n t s may h o l d for t h e present o r t h e past they were early recognized as not applicable t o t h e f u t u r e ; cf. Aristot. De Interpr. 9, 18 a 3 3 - 3 9 : επί δέ τ ω ν καθ' έκαστα καΐ μελλόντων ούχ ομοίως- ει γαρ π ά σ α κατάφασις καΐ άπόφασις αληθής ή ψευ δής, καΐ παν ανάγκη ύπάρχειν ή μή ύπάρ χειν, ώ σ τ ε εί ό μέν φήσει έσεσθαί τι 6 δέ μ ή φήσει τό αυτό τοΰτο, δήλον 6 τι ανάγκη άληΟεύειν τόν έτερον αυτών, ε( π ά σ α κατάφασις καΐ άπόφασις αληθής ή ψευδής, ά μ φ ω γαρ ούχ υπάρξει άμα επί τοις τοιούτοις; 9, 19 a 28-32: είναι μέν ή μ ή είναι άπαν ανάγκη, και έσεσθαί γε ή μ ή · ού μέντοι διελόντα γε είπεΐν θάτερον άναγκαϊον [as Mayor r e m a r k s , " t h e necessity belongs t o t h e c o m p o u n d j u d g m e n t , n o t t o its parts taken sepa rately"], λέγω δέ οίον ανάγκη μέν έσε σθαί ναυμαχίαν αΰριον ή μ ή έσεσθαί, ού μέντοι έσεσθαί γ ε αύριον ναυμαχίαν άναγκαϊον ουδέ μή γενέσθαι [cf. Alex. A p h r o d . De Fato, 10); Metaph. 5, 3, 1027 b 1-11 and Sen. N.Q. 2, 37 ,3 ( w h o allow for modification of d e t e r m i n i s m by varying c o n t r i b u t o r y e l e m e n t s ) ; Cic. Fat. 12: illud "morietur in mari Fabius" ex eo genere est quod fieri non potest, omne ergo quod falsttm did fur in future id fieri non potest [contrast 14: omnia enim vera in praeteritis necessaria sunt]; Simplic. in Categ. 10, p . 406, 34-407, 5 Kalbflcisch (S.V.F. 2, n o . 198): περί δέ τών είς τόν μέλλοντα χρονον αντιφάσεων ol μέν Σ τ ω ι κ ο ί τα αυτά δοκιμάζουσιν, άπερ καΐ έπί τών άλλων, ως γαρ τα περί τ ώ ν π α ρόντων καΐ παρεληλυθότων αντικεί μενα, ούτως και τα μέλλοντα αυτά τέ φασι καΐ τα μόρια αυτών, ή γαρ τό άσται αληθές έστιν ή τό ούκ έσται, εΐ δει ήτοι ψευδή ή αληθή είναι, ώρίσθαι γάρ κατ* αυτά τα μέλλοντα, καΐ εί μέν έσται
alterutrum
NOF*M
ναυμαχία αύριον, αληθές είπεΐν δτι έστ α ι · εΐ δέ μ ή έσται ψεύδος τό είπεΐν βτι ί σ τ α ι . ήτοι έσται ή ούκ έσται, ήτοι άρα αληθές ή ψεύδος θάτερον; S t e p h . De Interpr. p . 39, 3-7 H a y d u c k : τό μέν γάρ όλον τούτο γίνεσθαι ναυμαχίαν α ύ ριον ή μή γίνεσθαι πάντως ά ν α γ κ α ϊ ο ν καΐ γ ά ρ ή έσται τ η ώρα ή ούκ έσται, κ τ λ . ; I o a n n c s Siculus ad H e r m o g . Rbet. 6, 202 Walz ( = Uscncr, Epicurea, 348, n o . 244a); K. Prantl. Gescb. d. Logik im Abendlande, 1 (1885), 1 4 3 ; 4 0 3 ; 4 4 9 - 4 5 3 ; 5 2 1 - 5 2 2 ; E. V . A r n o l d , Rom. Stoicism (1911), 201-202; W . D . Ross, Aristotle* (1930), 80, w h o , after asserting o n t h e basis o f the De Interpretation that A r i s t o tle is n o t an absolute d e t e r m i n i s t , d e clares, in regard t o future s t a t e m e n t s : " i t is necessarily true of a n y t h i n g that it c i t h e r will o r will not b e , but it is n o t t r u e cither that it will o r that it will not b e . " aut e t i a m aut n o n : t h e repeated aut emphasizes the mutually exclusive char acter o f the t w o s t a t e m e n t s . F o r etiam in an affirmative sense cf. R. K u h n c r C. Stcgmann, Ausf. Gr. d. lat. Spr. 2, 2* (1914), 5 3 1 ; J. Fricdrich in Thes. Ung. Lat. 5 (1936), 9 3 1 , especially 5 2 - 5 8 ; for its c o m b i n a t i o n with non in a y e s - o r - n o s t a t e m e n t cf. Ac. 2, 97 ( q u o t e d in t h e p r e c e d i n g n o t e ) ; 2, 104: aut "etiam" aut "non" respondere possit; Pro Q. Rose. 9: si non . . . si etiam \ Itola, Matt. 5, 37 (Ircn. 4 , 13, 1): etiam etiam, non non; A u s o n . p . 91 P e i p . ( ^ [Virg.] Est et Non), especially lines 8-9; p . 287, I. 4 1 : "est" respondebat vel "non"; A u g . De Doctr. Christ. 3 , 6: ad percontationem multa respondtri possunt; ad interrogationem vero aut "non" out "etiam" a l t e r u m u t r u m : preferred in Cicero to alUrutrum; cf. Fat. 2 1 ; Fam. 4 , 4, 5; 6, 1, 5 ; 6, 3 , 2 ; b u t in Ac. 2, 134. alter utrum, a n d in t h e present section b o t h forms o c c u r . e s s e v e r u m : cf. 1, 55, n. {ex aetema veritatey.
1,70
375
si concessum essct huius modi aliquid 'aut vivet eras aut non vivet Epicurus,' alterutrum l fieret * necessarium, totum hoc 'aut etiam aut non' negavit 3 esse necessarium; quo quid 4 dici δ potuit β obtusius? Urguebat7 Arcesilas 8 Zenonem, cum ipse falsa omnia 1 cpicurus a l t e r u t r u m ] cpicu u r u m (?)AX ■ ficret Aid., fieri codd. ' aut 4 negauit aut n o n ncgauit Ο q u o d quid D, q u o d qui Λ7 * «licit Λ/ · p u t u i t ^ l 1 7 β urgebat NOFM arccssilas F, archcsilas P*A1, arcophilaus (u del.) Ο
p c r t i m u i t : cf. timuit Epicurus, just b e l o w . O n E p i c u r u s ' s fear of a d m i t t i n g t h e existence of fate cf. Fat. 1 8 : rue magis erat verum "morietur Scipio" quam "morittur Mo modot" nee magis neeesse mors Scipioni quam Mo modo mori, nee magis inmutabile ex vtro in fa/sum "necatus est Scipio" quam "necabitur Scipio" ; nee, cum baec ita sint, est causa cur Epicurus fatum extimescat et ab atomis pttat presidium easque de via deducat et uno tempore suscipiat res duaj inenodabiles, unam ut sine causa fiat aliquid . . . alteram ut cum duo individua per inamtatem ferantur alterum e regione movea furt alterum declinet\ 19: ita et semper verum fuit "morietur Epicurus, cum duo et septuaginta annos vixerit, archonte Pytbarato" neque tamen erant causae fat ales cur ita accideret, sed quod ita cecidit <serie> certa causarum sicut cecidit fuit; 21 (quoted o n diiunctionibus, a b o v e ) ; 2 3 : banc Epi curus rationem induxit ob earn rem quod veritus est ne, si semper atomus gravitate ferretur naturali ac necessaria, nihil liberum nobis esset; 37 (quoted on diiunctionibus, a b o v e ) ; Ac. 2, 7 9 ; 2, 8 3 ; 2, 1 0 1 ; E p i c . a p . D i o g . L . 10, 127: μνημονευτέον 8έ ώς τό μέλ λον οϋτε ήμέτερον ούτε π ά ν τ ω ς ούχ ήμέτερον, Γνα μήτε π ά ν τ ω ς προσμένω μεν ώς έσόμενον μ ή τ ε ά π ε λ π ί ζ ω μ ε ν ώς π ά ν τ ω ς ούκ έσόμενον; Ac. 2, 97 ( q u o t e d o n diiunctionibus, above)· 1 n c Stoics, h o w e v e r , believing in scries o f causes a n d effects, m i g h t hold that nihil est futurum cuius non causas id ipsum e/ficientes natura contineat {Div. 1, 125, where see Pease's n . ) ; cf. also Scxt. F.mp. Adv. Logic. 2, 2 5 5 : έν τε τ ω " ε ι καρθίαν τέτ ρ ω τ α ι ούτος άποθανεΐται ο ύ τ ο ς " ό μέν θάνατος μέλλει, τό δέ άποθανεΐσβαι τού τ ο ν α ξ ί ω μ α ένέστηκεν, περί μέλλοντος λεγόμενον, παρό $έ και νΰν εστίν αλη
θές; at o t h e r times, by the d o c t r i n e of fata condicionalia (e.g., Schol. Dan. Aen. 4, 696), the Stoics try t o escape from their o w n absolute d e t e r m i n i s m as E p i c u r u s did from that of the u n s w e r v i n g a t o m s of D c m o c r i t u s . v i v e t : with the form of example cf. Plut. De comm. Notit. 42, p . 1082c. n e c e s s a r i u m : άναγκαϊον, as frequent ly in SA'.F. 2, n o s . 960-986; Plut. De Repugn. Stoic. 46, p . 1055e; A r r . Epict. 2, 19, 2 - 3 ; etc. t o t u m : with the a s y n d e t o n M a y o r c o m p a r e s the next s e n t e n c e : urguebat Arcesilas . . . timuit Epicurus . . . dixit] also 1, 126: negat . . . tollit; the effect is t o add rapidity t o the style a n d t o h e i g h t e n the antitheses. o b t u s i u s : the o p p o s i t e of a favorite Ciceronian a d v e r b , acutius (cf. 1, 4 9 ; Div. \,T;Fat. 2 3 ; Ac. 2, 2 8 ; Tusc. 5, 11). So obtuse is by A u g . De Doctr. Christ. 4, 7, contrasted with acute. A r c e s i l a s : cf. 1, 1 1 , n. (Arcesila). O n his c o n t r o v e r s y w i t h Z e n o cf. Ac. 2, 1 6 : Arcesilas Zenoni ut putatur obtrectans; 2, 76: Arcesilan vera non obtrectandi causa cum Ztnone pugnavisse sed verum invenire voluisse sic intellegitur; 2, 7 7 ; S.l'.F. 1, no. 2 4 ; Lact. Inst. 3, 6, 7: Arcesilas igno ranti at magisttr cum Zenoni obtrectaret principi Stoicorum, ut totam dialecticam everteret, auctore Socrate susctpit fjanc sententiam ut adfirmare t sciri nihil posse; A. Gocdcckcmeycr, Gesch. d. gr. SkeptiZismus (1905), 40, n. 5. W i t h Clcanthes the relations of Arcesilas seem to have been m o r e friendly; cf. S.V.F. 1, n o s . 471-472; D i o g . L. 7, 171. F o r the A c a d e m i c and Stoic theories of p e r c e p tion cf. 1, 1 2 ; Ac. passim, especially 1, 4 0 - 4 2 ; 2, 7 9 - 1 0 1 ; o n Arcesilas in
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diceret quae sensibus viderentur, Zenon autem non nulla * visa esse falsa, non omnia; timuit Epicurus ne, si unum visum esset falsum, nullum esset verum; omnes sensus veri nuntios dixit esse. 1
non ulla Η
particular Eus. Pr. Ev. 14, 4, 15. hoc? nos vero, inquam; quonam enim alio falsa omnia: though falsus and perus, modo καταληπτόν diceres?—sed cum aclike ψευδής and αληθής, arc constantly cep/um iam et approbatum esse/, comprebensionem appellabat\ Diog. L. 7, 54: κριτήcontrasted (e.g., 1, 57; 1, 66; below in ριον δέ της αληθείας φασί τυγχάνειν 1, 70; 3, 7 1 ; Ac. 2, 77), yet not even a τήν καταληπηκήν φαντασίαν, τουτέστι sceptic would declare that all sensepresentations are contrary to fact; την άπό) υπάρχοντος; Tcrt. Dt An. 17: rather he would view all as deceptive Stoici non omnem sensum nee semper dt and unreliable, without any clear in mendacio oneran/; Eus. Pr. Ev. 14, 8, 7; dication whether each is true or untrue, S. V.F. 1, nos. 52-73; Rcid on Ac. 2, 79; E. V. Arnold, Rom. Stoicism (1911), 68; and it is doubtless in this sense that falsa is here to be understood; cf. 2, 56: also L. Stein, Die Erkenn/ms/beorie d. tmenu(a et falsa plenaque erroris; Ac. 2, 36: S/oa (1888), 309, n. 701. aut falsum si/ out nihil si/ omnino; 2, 68: visa: φαντασίαι; cf. Ac. 1, 40: qmm adsentiri quicquam aut falsum aut incognitum.ille φαντασίαν nos visum appellemus lice/. The unreliability of the senses had been The term is very frequently used by asserted by various philosophers; cf. Cicero in the Academica; cf. H. Mcrguet, Philodcm. Rbe/. fr. inc. 3 (2, 169 Sud- Lex. z- J- pbHos. Scbr. Cic. 2 (1892), 27. haus): κατά Παρ<μ>εν<1δην κ>αΙ Μέsi unum . . . falsum, nullum . . . λισσον έν τό πά<ν λέγον>τας είναι καΐ verum: cf. Ac. 2, 79: veraces suos esse δια τό <τάς> α(σ<θήσ>εις ψευδε<ϊς εΐsensus diet/ <Epicurus> ; igi/ur semper ναι>; also the chapter in Aet. Plac. 4, 9 auc/orem babes eum qui magno suo pericu/o (Doxogr. Gr* 396-398) on the topic causam agat; eo enim rem demit tit Epicu εΐ αληθείς αϊ αίσθήσεις καΐ φαντασία ι, rus, si unus sensus semel in vita mentitus sit, in which (4, 9, 1) wcrcad: Πυθαγόρας nulli umquam esse credendum; 2, 101: quod 'Εμπεδοκλής Ξενοφάνης Παρμενίδης Ζή est caput Epicuri? "si ullum sensus visum νων Μέλισσος 'Αναξαγόρας Δημόκριτος falsum est, nihil percipi potest"; Fin. 1, 22: Μητρόδωρος Πρωταγόρας Πλάτων ψευ iste vester (sc. Epicurus] .. . iudicia rerum δείς εΤναι τάς αίσΟήσεις. in sensibus ponit, quibus si semel aliquid sensibus viderentur: the literal mean falsi pro vero probatum sit, sublatum esse ing of the verb is, by an easy shift, ex omne indicium veri et fain putat; Epic. ap. Diog. L. 10, 38; 10, 51-52; Lucr. 1, tended to other senses than sight; cf. 699-708; Aristoclcs ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 14, Ac. 2, 101, quoted just below. Zenon: cf. Ac. 2, 101: neque nos contra 20, 9: έπεί δ* έτι νϋν είσί τίνες ol πάsensus aliter didmus ac Stoici, qui mul/a σαν αΐσθησιν καΐ πάσαν φαντασίαν άληθη falsa esst dicunt, longeque aliter st habere λέγοντες είναι, μικρά καΐ περί τούτων ac sensibus videantur; Act. Plac. 4, 9, 4 είπωμεν, έοίκασι γάρ ούτοί γε δεδοι(Doxogr. Gr* 396): ol ΣτωϊκοΙ τάς μέν κέναι μήποτε, εΐ ψευδείς είποιεν αισθή αίσθήσεις αληθείς, των δέ φαντασιών σεις εΤναί τινας, ουκ άν σχοΐεν τό κριτάς μέν αληθείς, τάς δέ ψευδείς. Im τήριον καΐ τον κανόνα βέβαιον ούδ' έχέγγυον; also C. Bailey, The Gr. portant for Zcno's criterion of true and false is Ac. 1, 41: vins non omnibus adiun- Atomists and Epicurus (1928), 253; but gebat /idem, sed it's solum quae propriam cf. N. W. De Witt in Trans. Am. pbilol. Assoc. 74 (1943), 29, who raises several quondam babe rent declarationem earum rerum quae viderentur; id au/em visum cum ipsum doubts. per se cerneretur, comprehtndibile—fere/is omne* sensus veri nuntios: in addi-
1. 70
377
Nihil horum nisi f valde; l graviorem enim plagam accipiebat ut leviorem repelleret. 1
nisi callidc C
t i o n t o the passages in the p r e c e d i n g n o t e cf. Ac. 2 , 19; 2, 8 3 : esse aliquod visum fa/sum ... Epicurus non dot; E p i c . a p . D i o g . L. 10, 146-147: el μ ά χ η π ά σ α ι ς ταΐς αίσθήσεσιν, ούχ έξεις ούδ* ας αν φης αυτών διεψεϋσΟαι προς τι ποιούμενος τήν άναγωγήν κρίνης. ε! τιν* έκβαλεϊς α π λ ώ ς αίσΟησιν καΐ μή διαιρήσεις τό δοξαζόμενον κ α τ ά τδ προσμένον καΐ τό παρόν ήδη κ α τ ά τήν αίσΟησιν καΐ τά πάθη καΐ πασαν φαντασ τ ι κ ή ν έπιβολήν της διανοίας, συντα ράξεις καΐ τ ά ς λοιπάς αίσθήσεις τ η μα ταία» δόξη, ώστε τό κριτήριον ά π α ν έκβ α λ ε ΐ ς ; P h i l o d c m . De Signis, 7 , p . 38 D c Lacy: [ D i o n y s i u s charges t h a t the Epicureans] <πασαν τήν έ>νάργειαν καΐ τήν κα<τάληψι>ν άναγκαίαν είναι νο<μίζοντας>; L u c r . 1, 699-700: quid
nobis certius ipsis f stnsibus esse potest, qui vera ac falsa not emus \ 4, 478-479: invenies primis ab stnsibus esse creatam j notititm veri neque stnsus posse refelli; 4, 4834 8 5 : an ab sensu fa/so ratio orta valebit / dicere eos contra, quae tota ab stnsibus orta est? / qui nisi sunt veri, ratio quoque falsa fit omnis; 4, 507-508: non modo enim ratio ruat omnis, vita quoque ipsa f concidat extemplo, nisi credere sensibus amis; Plut. Adv. Colot. 4, p . 1109a-b: Έ π ι κ ο υ ρ ε ί ω δ ό γ μ α τ ι κέχρηται, τ ω " π ά σ α ς είναι τάς δι* αίσΟήσεως φαντασίας α λ η θ ε ί ς ; " Act. Plac. 4. 9, 5 (Doxogr. Gr* 3 9 6 ) : ' Ε π ί κουρος πασαν αϊσΟησιν και πασαν φαντασίαν άληΟη, τών δέ δοζών τ ά ς μέν αληθείς, τάς δέ ψευδείς; Scxt. E m p . Adv. Logic. 1, 2 0 3 ; 2, 9 ; 2, 6 3 : ό 8έ Μ-,πΙκουρος Ιλεγε μέν πάντα τά αίσθητά είναι ά λ η 0 η ; 2 , 1 8 5 ; D i o g . L. 10, 31-32; Tert. De An. 17: Epicurei constantius parem omnibus (sc. sensibus] atque perpetuam defendunt veritatem, sed alia via. non enim sensum mentiri sed opimonem [ t h u s E p i c u r u s a p . D i o g . L. 10, 5 0 ] ; b u t , for certain qualifications as t o t h e t r u t h of the visa, N . W . D e W i t t in Trans. Am. philol. Assoc. 70 (1939), 416, and
n. 6 ; 74 (1943), 19-32. Cf. also the re m a r k s of Aristot. De An. 3 , 3 , 427 b 1 1 1 3 : ή μέν γάρ αίσθησις τ ώ ν Ιδίων del αληθής, καΐ πασιν υπάρχει τοις ζωοις, διανοεΐσΟαι δ' ενδέχεται καΐ ψευδώς; 3, 3 , 428 a 11-12: αϊ μέν (sc. αίσθήσεις] άληθεΐς αίεί, at δέ φαντασίαι γίνονται αϊ πλειους ψευδείς. f n i g i v a l d e : s o m o s t m s s , t h o u g h in C we read nisi collide, w h i c h C. G . Schuctz (Opusc. philol. el pbilos. (1830), 233) defends as a case of irony (cf. Div. 2, 4 7 ; 2, 110). Many have been the e m e n dations, e.g., {\)nisivalde
378
1. 71
71 Idem facit in natura deorum; dum individuorum corporum concretionem fugit, ne interitus et dissi patio consequatur,1 negat esse corpus deorum sed tamquam corpus, nee sanguinem sed 1
consequantur Μ
fieri conprobem; Τ use. 2, 41: aid pert multiformem implicationem [ συμπλοκή v], piagam maiunt quam turpi ter vitare; tarn. ut Democritus et Leucippus, vel interdum 16, 12, 4: maximam autem piagam acce concretionem interdum discretionem, ut Empt t quod, etc.; Att. 1, 16, 9; 5, 20, 5; pedocles; concretionem quidem amintiam, Pctron. 28, 7. With the thought cf. also discretionem porro et stparationem inimicitiam vocans. vel, ut Stoici, corporum diverThcmist. in Aristot. Pbys. 6, p. 184, sorum usquequaque concretionem. Among 9-10 Schcnkl: ό σοφώτατος ήμΐν Ε π ί various possibilities it is hard to select κουρος ούκ αίσχύνεται χρήσθαι φαρμάκω the Greek equivalent for concreiio. In της νόσου χαλίπωτέρω, κτλ. Oiog. L. 10, 106, Epicurus contrasts 71 idem facit: somewhat awkwaidly σύνωσις and διάρρηξις, but for concreiio used again after its recent appearance σύστασι-ς has also been proposed by in 1, 70; for the phrase cf. Fin. 2, 19 and F. Peters, T. Uuv. et M. Cic. quo modo frequent other cases. The discussion is Vocab. Gr. Epic. Discipl. propria Latin* here resumed from the end of 1, 68, where quasi corpus had been mentioned, verterint (1926), 22. The term probably refers to the process (elsewhere called only to be followed by a digression upon συμπλοκή) by which separate atoms instances of the illogical methods of the (corpuscula) arc combined into corpora, Epicureans (1, 69-70). its opposite being dissipatio, or the reso dum individuorum: cf. 1, 49 for the quasi corpus and quasi sanguis nf the gods. lution of the corpora into their consti tuent atoms. Had Epicurus admitted Mayor thinks that the introduction of that this applied to the gods, then they the notion there was to explain why the would not have been eternal and hence gods were perceptible only to the mind, would have differed in no marked re but that here it is to explain how they spect from any happy human being. arc able to be immortal. It would seem, It is to provide against this that he resorts however, that in 1, 49, the underlying purpose of the reference may be to cau to the remarkable divine constitution set forth in 1, 49-50. Accordingly the tion against supposing that gods, though gods arc described in 1, 75 as having in human form, are, like men, endowed nihil concreti, nihil solid». Mayor quotes with purely physical bodies, and hence Mctrod. De Sensionibus, col· 18 (Voll. subject, like other atomic products, to Herculan. 6, part 2, 35): 8ti τοϋτο γάρ eventual destruction. ουδέν αίσΟητόν άΟάνατον, ή πυκνοτης concretionem: cf. Tusc. 1, 66 [quoted also by Lact. Inst. 1, 5, 25]: nee tvro deus γάρ άντεικόπτει προς τοϋτο. δεχόμενη ipse . . . alio modo intellegi potest nisi mens πληγάς Ισχυράς. Our passage was per soluta quaedam et libera, segregata ab omni haps in the mind of Lact. De Ira, 10, concretione mortali; Μ in. Fcl. 5, 8: homo 28: deos aiunt incorruptos, aetemos, beatos et animal omne quod nascitur, inspirator, esse solisque dant inmuni totem, ne concursu attollitur, ettmentorum ut voltmtaria con- atomorum concreti esse videantur. cretio est, in quae rursum bomo et animal negat . . . sed: with the second clause omne dividitur, solvitur, dissipatter; Chalcid. a positive verb (dicit) is to be supplied in Tim. 201: invisibiles porro coniunctionesfrom the preceding negative (negat); cf. gomphos appellat; vel minorum corpusculo-1, 17, n. (nolo .. . audi torem); Fin. 5, 88: rum coacervationem, ut Diodorus, vel eo- Metelli vitam negat beatiorem quam Regurimdem similium inter se conglobationem for·//', praeponendam tamen. mobile m, ut Anaxagoras, vel superdictorum tamquam corpus: cf. 1, 49; 1, 68.
1,71
379
tamquam sanguinem. 26 Mirabile videtur quod non rideat haruspex cum haruspicem viderit; hoc mirabilius quam 1 vos 2 inter v o s 3 risum tenere possitis? 'Non est corpus sed quasi corpus.' Hoc intellegerem quale esset, si in ceris 4 fingeretur aut 1 q u a m ] q u o d F* ■ q u a m uos] uos add. Μ codd. plerique, cere is dett. Aid., ceteris Ν
m i r a b i l e v i d e t u r : cf. Div. 2, 5 1 : vetus autem illud Catonis admodum scitum est, qui mirari se aiebat quod non η arret bar uspeχ haruspicem cum vidisset (where sec Pease's n.J. T h e lack of ascription h e r e t o C a t o may indicate t h a t the re m a r k had b e c o m e p r o v e r b i a l ; in any e v e n t , the phrase as used h e r e reflects C i c e r o ' s low estimate of the haruspices (cf. 2, 1 1 : Tusci ac barbari), as rivals of t h e m o r e recognized a n d respected rites o f the college of a u g u r s , t o w h i c h he belonged. m i r a b i l i u s q u a m : J. F o r c h h a m m e r (Nordisk Tidskrift f. Filol. 2 scr. 5 (1880), 38-40) e m e n d s t o quam
" inter uos om. Ο
4
ceris
v o s inter v o s : cf. Div. 1, 5 8 : nosque inter nos; Att. 10, 4, 10: nos inter nos locutos. r i e u m t e n e r e : cf. Fin. 4, 7 1 : risum confine, si potes; Plaut. Asin. 582: nimis aegre risum continui; Η or. A. P. 5: risum teneatis, amid; Arnob. 4, 13: risum tenere non possunt; llier. Adv. lovin. 2, 2 8 ; A u g . C. Iulian. Op. imperf. 6, 27: risum tenere difficile est. si i n c e r i s : s o the better m s s ; cereis of t h e deteriores is a d o p t e d by Plasberg and Ax, and w o u l d be intelligible as an ad jective modifying figuris^the substantive cereus is used only of wax c a n d l e s ; cf. Thes. Ling. Lot. 3 (1912), 862. Cera, h o w ever, is used not only of wax as a s u b stance but also of wax tablets, seals, etc., a n d may indicate figures fashioned o u t of wax, in particular t h e imagines; cf. Sail. Jug. 4, 6 ; O v . Am. 1, 8, 6 5 : veteres circum atria cerae; F. 1, 59: perlrge disposi/as generosa per atria ceras (and Frazcr's n . ] ; Stat. Silv. 4, 6, 20-22: mille ibi tunc species at risque eborisque vetusti / atque locuturas mend to cor pore ceras f edidici; and perhaps 5, 1, 1: // manus aut similes docHis mihi fingere ceras; Juv. 8, 19-20: tota licet veteres exornent undique cerae / atria; Justin, 4, 1, 4 : aerariae artis fabricae se tradit, cerisque fingendis et aere fundendo procudendoque oblectatur. Such imagines are described by Plin. N . H . 35, 6 : expressi cera volt us singulis disponebantur armariis; cf. H. Blumner, Rom. Privataltertiimer (1911), 36. T h e objection of O . Dieckhoff (De Cic. Lib. de N.D.recensendis (1895), 13, n. 1) that this use of cerae is poetic fails in the face of Cicero and Justin. f i n g e r e t u r : for its application t o wax figures cf. De Or. 3, 177: mollis simam ceram . . . formamus et fingimus; Justin, I.e. Mayor's emendation si in ceris diceretur
380
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fktilibus figuris; in deo quid sit quasi corpus aut quid sit 1 quasi sanguis intellcgerc non possum,* ne tu quidem, Vellei, scd non vis fateri. 72 Ista enim a vobis quasi dictata ledduntur, quae Epicurus oscitans halucinatus 8 est, cum quidem gloriaretur, ut videmus 1 quasi corpus aut quid sit om. ACPNO HxNOFM, aluncinatus Ρ
■ possumus NO
■ alucinatus
out fictilibus [on the analogy of 1, 75: 72 quasi dictata redduntux: for dicemus . . . quod in Ventre Coa) seems un dictata = "lessons" cf. Fin. 2, 95: nam necessary, as does the omission of si . . . ista vesira: "ή gravis, brevis: si longus levis" fingeretur as a gloss (so J. Jortin, Observ. dictata sunt; 4, 10: is dim de rebus semper upon Authors arte, and mod. 2 (1732), 72; quasi dictata decantare neque a commentariolis cf. C. G. Schuetz, Opusc. philoi. et pbilos. suss discedere; Tusc. 2, 26: quasi dictata, (1830), 234). Indeed, the triple figura nstllo dilectu .. . adiungeba/; Q. Fr. 3, 1, etymolopca produced by fingeretur .. . 11: meam in ilium pueri omnts tamquam fictilibus figuris seems intentionally to dictata perdiscant; Hor. Ep. 1, 1, 55: emphasize the obvious unreality, in the baec rednun/ iuvtnes dictata senesque; 1, 18, one case of the imagines, in the other of 13-14: ut puerum saevo artdas dictata magtsterra-cotta busts or figurines, as artificial tro / reddtre; 2, 1, 70-71: memim quae rather than natural objects, though plagpsum Orbilium dietare; Pen. 1, 29: readily intelligible to us. With the gene cirratorum centum dictata; Petron. 45, 12: ral thought cf. Aristot. De An. 2 , 1 , 412b Tbraex qui et ipse ad dictata pugnavit; Juv. 20-22: ό δ' οφθαλμός ΰλη 6ψεως, ής άττο5, 122-123: peragat dictata magistri f λειπούσης ούκ ίστιν οφθαλμός, πλην omnia; Suet. Jul. 26, 3: ipsique dictata όμωνύμως, καθάπερ ό λίθινος καΐ 6 exercentibus darent. That Epicurus wished γεγραμμένος; Orig. Horn. 6 in Exod. 5: to have his followers learn his teachings verbi causa, ut si dicamus picturam simi/em by heart is clear from Diog. L. 10, 1, 2; esse ei cuius imago in picture videtur expressa also ; from Epic. ap. Diog. L. 10, 3 5 : quantum ad gratiam pertinet visus similis τόν τύπον τής δλης πραγματείας τόν dicitur, quantum ad substantiam longe dissi-κατεστοιχειωμένον 8εΐ μνημονεύειν; Fin. mi/is. ilia enim species carnis est et decor 1, 27: quid enim me probiberet Epicureum corporis vivi; ista colorumfucus est etcera tabu-esse ή probarem quae ille diceret? cum pratlis sensu carentibussuperροήΊα; Boeth. in Isag.sertim ilia perdiseere Indus esse/; 2, 20: quis Porphyr. cd. 2, 3, 7 {C.S.E.L. 48, 223). enim vestrum non edidicit Epicuri κυρίας quasi corpus aut quid sit: these δόξας; Ac. 2, 8: nee ut omnia quae praewords arc omitted by AC ΡΝ but arc scripta et quasi imperata sunt defendamus restored by Goethe. They evidently con necessitate ulla cogimur. stituted a line in the archetype of these oscitans: cf. De Or. 2, 144: is/am codices, and since the line before must osci/antem et dormitantem sapientiam Scaehave ended with in deo quid sit and the volarum et ceterorum beatorum otio concedaline after must have begun with quasi mus; Hicr. Ep. 69, 2, 7: οsat aba t tantum the opportunity for haplography was et quasi per mentis crapulam rue tans et very considerable. The 21 letters of the nausians evomeba/; also the criticism of omitted clement—not allowing for the Epicurus in Dip. 1, 5, where he is de use of compendia—agree not too badly scribed as balbutientem de natura dtorum with the sevcntecn-to-twcnty-lctter lines [parallels in Pease's n.]. of the ancestor of our mss as described halucinatus: a word of variable by A. C. Clark, The Descent of Manuscripts spelling {aluc-, alluc-, halluc-) and some (1918), 360-361. what uncertain etymology (yet cf. άλύω)
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in scriptis, se magistrum habuisse nullum. Quod et * non praedi1
etom.N
w h i c h denotes idle and rambling talk (cf. Cell. 4 , 2 0 , 8), and which occurs in n o extant author before Cicero (here and Att. 15. 29, 2 ; Q. Fr. 2, 9, 1), t h o u g h N o n . p. 121 M. (p. 175 L.) says it was used by the veteres, quoting a passage (cf. Gcll. 8, 3) which combines the noun alueinationes with the participle oscilantern: et adsiduo oscitantem vidit atque illius quidem delicatissimas mentis et corporis alueinationes. Might Cicero perhaps have had this passage in mind when he here joined the t w o words? c u m q u i d e m gloriaxetur: Mayor renders "boasting all the t i m e . " ut v i d e m u s i n s c r i p t i s : cf. Div. 1, 3 1 : ut scriptum videmus; 1, 7 2 : ut in Sullae scriptum bistoria videmus; 1, 8 9 : scriptum videmus; Ac. 2, 129: ut scriptum video; Fin. 4, 15: ut ab ipsis Stoieis scriptum vi demus; Off. 2, 2 5 : ut scriptum legimus;
μακάριε, φεύγε τάκάτιον άράμενος [quo ted by Schol. Iambi. De comm. Math. Se.t p. 79, 2 (p. 103 Festa), and parodied by Lact. Inst. 3 , 17, 3 ; Orig. C. Ce/s. 3 , 7 5 ; was Epicurus disparaging, as sons often d o , his father's profession?]; cf. also Epic. ap. Athcn. 13, 588a: μακαρίζω σε, ω ούτος, δτι καθαρός πάσης αίκίας [so Dicls; αΙτίας mss, παιδείας Schweighauscr] έπί φιλοσοφίαν δρμησαι. N o t e also the references to his ignorance: 1, 85 [on his insettia plane loquendi]; 2, 4 9 : quae si bis bina quot essent didicisset Epicurus certe non dicerel; Div. 2, 102: Epicurum quern bebetem et rudem dicere solent Stoici; Ac. 2, 106: Polyaenus . . . Epicuro adsentiens totam geometriam faJsam esse credidit; Fin. 1, 2 6 ; 2, 2 7 : contemnit enim disserendi elegantiam; Tusc. 5, 9 3 ; Plut. Non posse suaviter, 18, p. 1100a: τί δ' ούκ έμελλεν αυτός ούτω σπαργών περιμανώς καΐ σφαδάζων προς Tusc 3, 59: ut video nostrum scribere Antio- δόξαν ώστε μή μόνον άπολέγεσθαι τους καθηγητάς μηδέ Δημοκρίτω τω τα δόγ cbum; Sen. 6 9 : ut scriptum video. T h e work ματα £ήμασιν αύτοΐς άφαιρουμένω ζυγοin which Epicurus wrote this w a s his μαχεΐν περί συλλαβών καΐ κεραιών, σοφόν letter to Eurylochus ( D i o g . L. 10, 1 3 ; δέ μηδένα φάναι πλην αυτού γεγονέναι quoted in the next note). καΐ τών μαθητών; Hcraclit. Quaes t. Horn. m a g i s t r u m h a b u i s s e n u l l u m : i.e., 79 [referring to his άμαΟία]; Quintil. that he was αυτοδίδακτος; cf. D i o g . L. Inst. 2, 17, 15: de Epicuro qui disciplines 10, 2-3: μέχρι μέν τίνος κατ' έπιμιξίαν omnesfugit; Scxt. Em p. Adv. M. 1 , 1 ; 1 , 3 : τοΐς άλλοις φιλοσοφείν, έπειτα Ιδία άπογενόμενος ούν τούτου [sc. Ναυσιφάνους] <φαίνεσθαι> τήν άπ' αύτοϋ κληθεΐσαν μαθητής ό Ε π ί κ ο υ ρ ο ς , υπέρ τού δοκεϊν αίρεσιν συστήσαντα. έφάψασθαι δέ φιλο αυτοδίδακτος είναι καΐ αυτοφυής φιλό σοφίας αυτός φησιν έτη γεγονώς τετσοφος ήρνειτο έκ παντός τρόπου, τήν ταρεσκαίδεκα. Απολλόδωρος δ* ό Ε π ι τε περί αυτού φήμην έξαλείφειν έσπευδε κούρειος έν τω πρώτω περί του Ε π ι πολύς τε έγίνετο τών μαθημάτων κατή κούρου βίου φησιν έλθεΐν αυτόν έπί φιγορος έν οίς εκείνος έσεμνύετο; Adv. λοσοφίαν καταγνόντα των γραμμάτιοGram. 4 9 ; Eus. Pr. Εν. 14, 20, 14: λέγε των, επειδή μή έδυνήθησαν έρμηνεΰσαι ται δ' ό 'Επίκουρος ύπό μέν τίνων μη αύτω τα περί τού παρ' Ή α ι ό δ ω χάους . . . δενός άκηκοέναι, έντυχεΐν δέ τοΐς τών τόν Τίμωνα φάσκειν περί αύτοϋ* ύστατος παλαιών συγγράμμασιν; Himcr. ap. αύ φυσικών καΐ κύντατος, έκ Σάμου έλPhot. Bibl. cod. 243, p. 356a Bckkcr: 0ών / γραμμαδιδασκαλίδης, άναγωγόήσχύνΟη τοις άρχαίοις έμμεϊναι φιλο τατος ζωόντων [cf. Athcn. 13, 588b]; σοφίας δροις 'Επίκουρος, καΐ τήν αυτήν 10, 13: τούτον 'Απολλόδωρος έν Χρονιόδόν έλθεΐν τοις πρότερον φιλοσόφησα κοΐς Ναυσιφάνους άκοϋσαί φησι καΐ Πρασιν ώκνησε. μάλλον δέ μικροψυχίαν καξιφάνους· αυτός δέ ού φησιν, αλλ' εαυ ταγνούς τών όσοι παρ' ήμΐν έπί πονητού, έν τη προς Εύρύλοχον επιστολή. : ροΐς δόγμασι πλημμελούντες έκολάσF rom Epicurus himself D i o g . L. 10, 6, θησαν, έγνω πάντας αθρόως υπέρβαλεquotes the words: παιδείαν δέ πασαν,
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σθαι τοις άδιχήμασιν; A m m . Marc. 30, 4, 3 : professionem forensium . . . Epicurus . . . κακοτεχνίαν nominans, inter artts nu meral ma/as; Hicr. Ep. 62, 8, 3 ; 70, 6, 1: omnes paene omnium libri, exceptis bit qui cum Epicure litter as non didiceruntt eruditio ns s doctrinaeque plenissimi sunt; A u g . C. Julian. Pelag. 3 , 4 8 : boc enim tu satis eloquenter facts quod inerudite atque impolite /adebat Epicurus. From Procl. in prim. Euclid. Lib., prop. 1, probl. 1, p. 216 Fricdlcin, it may be gathered that Posidonius made charges against τον δριμύ ν Έπίκουρον ως ού συνειδότα, κτλ.; cf. prop. 20, thcor. 13, p. 322. Against this charge Torquatus makes a defence in Fin. 1, 71-72: qui quod tibi par urn videtur eruditus, ea causa est quod nullam eruditionem esse dux it nisi quae beatae vitae disciplinam iuvaret . . . non ergo Epicurus ineruditus sed ii indocti qui, quae pueros non didicisse turpe est, ea putant usque ad senectutem esse discenda; cf. also Ac. 2, 97. It may be ad mitted that Epicurus had perhaps some justification for protesting against much of the formalized and sterile education of his day and fur feeling that his diffe rent premises rendered not a little of it obsolete. Added to that, however, was probably some desire for originality; cf. 1, 73. O n this subject sec also E. Bignone, L'Aristotele perduto, 2 (1936), 51, n. Epicurus's followers continued the tradition of neglect of conventional edu cation; cf. 1, 58, n. (quam solent vestri); In Pi son. 70: non pbilosopbia solum sed etiam ceteris studiis quae fere Epicureos neglegere dicimt perpolitus; Quintil. Inst. 12, 2, 2 4 ; D i o n . Hal. De Comp. Verb. 2 4 : 'Επικούρειων δέ χορον, οίς ουδέν μέ λει τούτων, παραιτούμαι; Orig. C. Cell. 3, 4 9 : συνεργεί τό πεπαιδεύσΟαι και λό γων άριστων έπιμεμελήσθαι καΙ φρόνιμον είναι. καΙ ήμΐν μάλλον πρέπει τούτο λέ γειν ή Κέλσω· καΙ μάλιστα έάν ' Ε π ι κούρειος ών έλέγχηται; A u g . C. Crescon. 1, 16: quam vis et ipsi Epicurei, quos imperitia liberalium disciplinarum non solum non pudebat verum etiam delectabat. Trimalchio's boast (Pctron. 7 1 , 12) that nee umquam philosopbum audivit might be a parody of the same idea; cf. also P. H. De Lacy in Trans. Am. philol. Assoc. 72
(1941), 50-51. For Epicurean theories of education cf. J. Balabuszynski, Epicureorum Doctrina de Puerit educandis et instruendis (1937), reprinted from Eos, 37 (1936), 274-283; 391-424; 38 (1937), 1-9; 192-200. N . W. DcWitt {CI. Pbilol. 31 (1936), 206) notes the use in Philod e m u s of καθηγητής and similar words in preference t o words for schoolmaster; were the Epicureans perhaps the "pro gressive" educationists of antiquity? Yet Socrates himself did not speak o f his "pupils," and refused to be called anyone's teacher; cf. W. Jaeger, Paideia, 2 ( E n g l . tr. 1943), 58-59; 380, n. 141, contrasted with the Sophists (id., 2, 388, n. 94). Epicurus was not the only philoso pher w h o claimed t o be self-taught. D i o g e n e s Lacrtius usually assigns o n e or more teachers to each philosopher (as Clem. Strom. 6, 7, 57, 3 , gives a scries of teachers and pupils), yet N . W. D e W i t t (in a letter of 9 Jan., 1939) calls to my attention h o w many arc described by him as having rebelled against the traditional education of their times. The minstrel Phcmius is said by H o m e r (Od. 22, 347) to have been αυτοδίδακτος (cf. Aristot. Rbet. 17, 1365 a 30), and Pythagoras (Suid. s.v. Φερεκύδης), Heraclitus ( D i o g . L. 9, 5; Tatian, Ad Grotcos, 3 ; Vorsokrat. 1, n o . 12 Β 4 0 ; cf. Julian, Or. 6, 187d), Xcnophancs ( D i o g . L. 9, 18), Socrates ( X c n . Mem. 4, 2, 4 ; Plat. Lacbes, 186b-c; in Apol. 33a he claims t o have been no one's teacher), and D c m a d c s (Stob. vol. 3 , 655 Hcnsc) arc a m o n g those w h o disclaimed having received formal instruction; note also other cases cited by A. D . N o c k in Harv. tbeol. Rev. 33 (1940), 3 0 8 ; t o w h i c h add Acl. V.H. 12, 50 (the Spartans); D i o Cass. 78, 11, 2 (Caracaila); Suid. s.v. ΙΙόπλιος Ούαλέριος. Others recognized the weaknesses of such Lack of s c h o o l i n g ; cf. Aristot. fr. 57 Rose: τίκτει γαρ, ώσπερ φησίν ή παροιμία, κόρος μεν υβριν. άπαιδευσία δέ με τ' εξουσίας άνοιαν. Hicr. De Vir. ill. prol.: pessimum, ut dicitur, magistrum memet ipsum babeo; In Epbes. prol. pp. 539-540 Vail, me ipsum font urn, ut plerique, babuerim magi strum. et n o n p r a e d i c a n t i : Klotz's e m e n d a -
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canti l tamen facile equidem * crederem,3 sicut mali aedificii do mino 4 glorianti sc architectum non habuisse; nihil enim olet* ex Academia, nihil [ne] β ex Lycio,7 nihil ne e puerilibus quidem β disciplinis. Xenocraten audire potuit (quem 9 virum, dii inmor1 praccanti Ρ * e q u i d e m dett. Lamb., q u i d e m ACPNBM, quidam Ο 4 ■ c r c d a m Ρ NO, c r e d e m AlBl, credemus C domo Ρ * olet BFMt 1 7 floret ceit. · [ne] om. dett. Ven.9 ex lycio nihilnc om. A , nihilne cttt. leutio DGNF, leucio HPB*M, lecio Bl, leutico O, add. A* ■ q u i d e m add. D • q u e m del. D
tion (cf. J . B . H o f m a n n in Pbilologus, 91 (1936), 454) t o ei, o n the s u p p o s i t i o n that C i c e r o d o e s not use et - etram, is refuted by s u c h passages as 1, 8 3 ; 2, 6 3 ; Ac. 2 , 9 9 ; Tusc. 3 , 2 8 ; Fin. 3, 2 7 ; Legg. 1, 3 3 ; Att. 1 1 , 2 3 . 3 ; Q. Fr. 2, 4, 3 ; ProQ. Rose. 3 2 ; and p e r h a p s Dip. 1, 3 4 ; b u t cf. J. B. H o f m a n n , Lat. Gram. (1928), 6 6 1 . W i t h the t h o u g h t cf. Hicr. Adv. Rufin. 1, 17: nisi forte se litteris non didicisse iurabit; quod nos illi et absque iuramento perfacile credimus; also Plut. De Lib. educ. 9, p p . 6f-7a: ζ ω γ ρ ά φ ο ς φασίν άθλιος ' Α π ε λ λ ή δείξας εΙκόνα. " τ α ύ · τ η ν , " Ι φ η , "νϋν γ έ γ ρ α φ α , " ό δέ. "καΐ ήν μ η λ έ γ η ς , " εΐιτεν. "οίδ* Οτι τ α χ ύ γ έ γ ρ α π τ α ι · θ α υ μ ά ζ ω δέ π ώ ς ουχί τοιαύτας πλείους γ έ γ ρ α φ α ς . " a r c h i t e c t u m n o n h a b u i s s e : Vitr. 6, p r o l . 7, c o m p l a i n s : itoque nemo artem ullam aliam conatur domi facere, uti sutrinam, fullonicam, aut ex ceteris quae sunt faciiiores, nisi arckitecturam\ cf. loan. Chrys. De Sacerd. 4, 1 {Pair. Gr. 4 8 , 663). o l e t : with this use of oleo (and its c o m p o u n d redoleo) cf. De Or. 2 . 109: doctrinam redolet esercitalionemque paene puerilem; 3, 4 4 : nihil sonare aut olere peregrinum; Brut. 8 2 : orattones . . . rtdolentes .. . antiquitatem; Pro Cael. 4 7 : nibilne igitur ilia vicinitas redolet \ Pro Q. Rose. 2 0 : olere malitiam; Att. 2, 1, 1: nihil o/ebanf, Plaut. True. 1 3 1 ; Q u i n t i l . Inst. 8, 1. 3 . T h e r e a d i n g olet of Β seems m o r e a p p r o priate here than floret of ACPN. A c a d e m i a . . . L y c i o : the s c h o o l s in which he m i g h t have studied. C i c e r o c o m b i n e s the t w o in his De Consul, a p . Div. 1, 22. T h e form Lycio has a l o n g penult (from Λυκεΐον; for w h i c h cf. W. KroU in P.-W. 13 (1927), 2267-2268),
but in t h e various passages in Cicero in which it appears {Div. 1, 8 ; 1, 2 2 ; 2, 8 ; Ac. 1, 17; De Or. 1. 98) its spelling varies between Lyceum a n d Lycium. n i h i l [ne] e x : the ne has crept in from the following nihil ne e puerilibus quidem, w h e r e ne is properly in place. p u e r i l i b u s . . . d i s c i p l i n i s : cf. Rep. 4, 3 : disciplinam puerilem ingenuis . . . nullam certam . . . aut unam omnium esse voluerunt. A t h c n . 13, p . 588a r e m a r k s of E p i c u r u s : εγκυκλίου παιδείας αμύητος ών έμακάριζε καΐ τους ομοίως α ύ τ ω επί ς>ιλοσος>ίιν παρερχομένους; cf. Fin. 1, 26: vellem equidem aut ipse doctrinis fids set instructior (est enim . . . non satis politus iis art/bus quas qui tenent eruditi appellantur) aut ne deterruisset alios a studiis. Mayor well r e m a r k s , h o w e v e r , u p o n the various treatises u p o n the liberal arts found a m o n g the H e r c u l a n c a n p a p y r i ; in fact, P h i l o d c m u s alone w r o t e w o r k s o n music, p o e t r y , rhetoric, a n d logic, as well as o n various m o r a l questions. O n the t e r m cf. O . M a u c h , Der lat. Begriff Disciplina (1941), 32-38. X e n o c r a t e n a u d i r e p o t u i t : for X c n o cratcs cf. 1, 3 4 ; for this statement sec D i o g . L. 10, 1, w h e r e H c r a d i d c s a n d o t h e r s say that E p i c u r u s όκτωκαιδεκέτη . . . έλθεϊν είς 'Αθήνας, Ξενοκρά τους μέν έν Ά κ α δ η μ ε ί α , 'Αριστοτέλους δ* έν Χαλκίδι διατρίβοντος; E u s . Pr. Εν. 14, 20, 14: λέγεται δέ 6 ' Ε π ί κ ο υ ρ ο ς ύπο μέν τίνων μηδενός άκηκοέναι . . . ύπ6 τίνων δ' ότι ήκουσε Ξενοκράτους, ύστε ρον δέ καΐ Χαυσιφάνους του Πύρρωνος γενομένου γνωρίμου. q u e m v i r u m : o n his character cf. 34, n. (eondiscipulus Xenocrates); on the form of expression Legg. 3 , 2 0 : D. Brut urn et
384
1, 72
tales!), et sunt qui putent audisse; ipse non vult; credo plus ncmini.1 Pamphilum quendam Platonis auditorem ait a 2 se Sami auditum, ibi enim adulescens 3 habitabat cum patre et fratribus, quod in earn pater eius Neocles 4 agripeta 5 vencrat, sed cum agel1 mcmini D * agripctta N,
■ a]ci Η * adolescens D*NOFl agrcpcta A1
* neocle Pt neodcs NO
P. Scipionem consults (quos et quanta: virosl).ΰπό Περδίκκου μετελθεΐν είς Κολοφώ dii inmortales: many cases of this να προς τόν πατέρα; 10, 3 [from verses parenthetic asseveration arc collected by of TimonJ: έκ Σάμου έλθών; 10, 14 H. Mcrguct, Lex. z- d- pbilos. Scbr. Cic. (quoted in the previous note); Suid. s.v. 'Επίκουρος (quoted in the previous 1 (1887), 662. note). That he was actually born at qui putent audisse: cf. the note on magistrum babuisse nullum, above. The Samos is perhaps indicated by the charge omission of turn as the subject of audisse (Diog. L. 10, 4) that be was not a gen may be remarked; cf. 1, 84: confiteri uine Athenian citizen; cf. R. Philippson nescire [sc. te); 1, 109: puderet me dicere in P.-W. 16 (1935), 2414-2415. non intellegere [sc. me], cum patre: for his identification as credo plus nemini: for plus = magis Neocles, in addition to the present cf. Legg. 2, 3: plus ... delectet; Phil. 2, 38: passage, cf. Strab. 14, 1, 18; Plut. plus dilexit; Madvig on Fin. 1, 5; also Strom, ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 1, 8, 8: Act. the adverbial use of magnum instead of Plac. 1, 3, 18 {Doxogr. Gr.* 285); Diog. L. 10,1; 10,12; Themist. Or. 23, p, 287a; magrtcpere. Pamphilum . . . Platonis auditorem: 26, p. 324a; Theodoret, Gr. Aff. 2, 11; cf. Diog. L. 10, 14: Αρίστων δέ φησιν 4, 9; 5, 18; 6, 6; Stcph. Byz. s.v. Γαρ έν τω 'Επικούρου βίω τόν Κανόνα γρά- γηττός; Antb. Pal. 7, 72; Suid. s.v. ψαι αυτόν έχ τοϋ Ναυσιφάνους Τρίποδος, 'Επίκουρος. For his life cf. R. Philipp son in P.-W. 16 (1935), 2414-2416. ου καΐ άκοϋσαί φησιν αυτόν, άλλα χαΐ Παμφίλου τοϋ Πλατωνικού έν Σάμω; fratribus: three in number (Diog. L. Suid. s.v. Επίκουρος· . . . πρώτον μέν 10, 3 ; Suid. s.v. Επίκουρος), Epicurus έν Σάμω διατρίψας σϋν τοις γονεΰσιν, perhaps being the eldest, and the others είτα σχολαρχήσας έν Μιτυλήνη ένιαυbeing named Neocles (cf. R. Philippson τών ών ήν, είτα έν Λαμψάκω, καΐ οΰτως in P.-W. 16 (1935), 2416), Chacrcdcmus, έν Αθήναις έν ίδίω κήπω, άκουσας δέ and Aristobulus (or, as Suidas says, Ναυσιψάνους τοϋ Δημοκρίτειου καΐ ΙΙαμAristodemus). They joined in Epicurus's φίλου τοϋ Πλάτωνος μαθητού. The epi philosophical interests (Diog. L. 10, 3: thet quendam indicates that Cicero docs συνεφίλοσόφουν δ* αύτώ προτρεψαμένω not consider Pamphilus one of the well- καΐ ol αδελφοί τρεις δντες . . . καθά φηknown Platonists, and R. Hirzcl, Unterσι Φιλόδημος ό 'Επικούρειος έν τώ δεsuch. z- Cic. pbilos. Scbr. 1 (1877), 108, κάτω της τών φιλοσόφων συντάξεως) well remarks that his lectures seem to and were the objects of his generosity have had no influence upon the form (Diog. L. 10, 10); cf. H. von Arnim in of Epicurus's philosophy. P.-W. 6 (1909), 133; R. Philippson in P.-W. 16 (1935), 2415. Sami: cf. Diog. I.. 10, 1: τοϋτόν agripeta: a word confined to Cicero φασιν ίίλλοι τε καΐ 'Ηρακλείδης έν τη (used also in Alt. 15, 29, 3; 16, 1, 2 Σωτίωνος επιτομή κληρουχησάντων 'Αθη (where Tyrrell and Purser translate it ναίων τήν Σάμον έκεΐθι τραφήναι· όκτωκαιδεκέτη δ* έλΟεΐν είς Αθήνας· . . . "land-grabbers"); 16, 4, 3—all three τελευτήσαντος δέ Αλεξάνδρου τοϋ Μαcases in connection with Roman settlers κεδόνος καΐ των 'Αθηναίων έκπεσόντων at Buthrotum; in the orations Cicero
1,73
385
lus eum non satis aleret, ut opinor, ludi magister fuit. 73 Sed hunc Platonicum 1 mirifice contemnit Epicurus; ita metuit ne 1
platoni
Bl
uses the more familiar agrarjj), and ren αυτών εργασίας, αΐς ουδέν άτοπον πρόσdering the Greek κληροΰχος. Ncocles εστιν άλλα καΐ τών γονέων, άν τίνος was one of 2000 colonists sent by the έριθος ή μήτηρ ή . . . ή 6 πατήρ διδάξη Athenians in 365, 361, and 352/1 B.C. to γράμματα ή παιδαγωγήση. Iipicurus Samos (Diog. L. 10, 1; Strab. 14, 1, 18: himself had used it against Protagoras 'Αθηναίοι δέ πρότερον μεν πέμψαντες (Diog. L. 10, 8). For statements that στρατηγόν ΙΙερικλέα και συν αύτω ΣοNeocles became a schoolmaster see φοκλέα τδν ποιητήν πολιορκία κακώς Strab. 14, 1, 18: Νεοκλής. ό'Κπικούρου διεΟηκαν άπειθοϋντας τους Σαμίους, του φιλοσόφου πατήρ, γραμματοδιδάσ ύστερον δέ καΐ κληρούχους έπεμψαν καλος, ώς φασι; Diog. L. 10, 3-4. In δισχιλίους έξ εαυτών, ών ήν Νεοκλής, 6 Diog. L. 10, 4, Stoic opponents charge Επικούρου τοΰ φιλοσόφου πατήρ, γραμ against Iipicurus that σΰν τη μητρί πεματοδιδάσκαλος, ώς φασι· καΐ δή καΐ ριιόντα αυτόν ές τά οΐκίδια καθαρμούς τραφήναί φασιν ένθάδε καΐ έν Τέω, καΐ άναγινώσκειν καΐ σΰν τω πατρί γράμ έφηβεΰσαι Άθήνησι; Dion. Hal. De ματα διδάσκειν λυπροΰ τίνος μισθαρίου Dinarch. 13, p. 665; Κ. L. Hicks and (but as noted by H. Uscncr, Bpicurea G. F. Hill, Man. o/Cr. hist. Inscr.* (1901), (1887), 414, this repeats a similar charge 225-227). made by Demosthenes {De Cor. 258-259) against Aeschincs and his parents). Diog. agellus . . . non . . . aleret: this noun L. 10, 8, says that Nausiphanes in abuse is often used in an apologetic, here probably in a disparaging, sense; the called Epicurus a διδάσκαλος, and in 10, 2 (cf. Poet. Philos. Frag. 197, no. 51 allotment was apparently inadequate to Dicls, in lines of Timon calling him a support the growing family of Ncocles. With the expression cf. Ncp. Pboc. 1,4: γραμμοδιδασκαλίδης) reports that Hcrmippus said he started out as a γραμ bis Me "si met similes erunt, idem hie'* inquit, "agellus illos alet qui me ad banc ματοδιδάσκαλος; cf. also Suid. s.v. Επίκουρος (quoted in the note on Pam~ dignitatem perduxit?' ut opinor: this qualification prob philum . . . Platonis audi torem, above). On the whole subject of these abusive ably applies to what precedes rather than charges brought by adversaries against to what follows; cf. R. Philippson in F.picurus—and it may be that none of P.-W. 16 (1935). 2415. For such phrases, them is true—cf. R. Hirzcl, Untersuch. corresponding to ώς (έγώ) οΐμκι, cf. F. Sommcr in ΑΝΤΙΔΩΡΟΝ . . . / . Z. Cic. pbilos. Scbr. 1 (1877), 108-110, n. 2 Waekernagel (1923), 22-27; also below, (with his correction on p. 244). Epicurus himself was an adept in the abuse of 1, 8 5 ; 2, 53; 2, 57; 3, 35. others, if we may believe 1, 93; also ludi magister: probably "school Athcn. 8, 354b-c. master" (of an elementary school) is here used in a disparaging sense; cf. Justin, fuit: — "became"—a rather rare use, 21, 5, 8 [of the tyrant Dionysius]: no- with which cf. 2,167: nemo .. . magma ... vissime ludi magistrum professus pueros in umquam fuit; Sen. 8: nee tu . . . clarus umtrivio docebat, ut aut a timentibus semper in quam fuisses; Att. 10, 16, 1: commodum ad publico videretur aut a non timentibus facilius te dederam litteras de plitribus rebus cum contemneretur [cf. Val. Max. 6, 9, ext. 6]; ad me bene mane Dionysius fuit [where, Mart. 10, 62, 1: ludi magister, parce simplici however, some editors bracket fuit]; Sail. turbae. For this type of reproach cf. Dio Cat. 20, 7: ceteri omnes . . . valgus fuimus; Chrys. Or. 7, 114: τών άλλως τά τοιαύτα Liv. 34, 21, 8: locupletior in dies prwincia προφερόντων, οίον εΙώΟασι λοιδο- fuit. ρ ούμενοι προφέρειν πολλάκις ού μόνον τάς 73 mirifice contemnit: this adverb 25
386
1, 73
quid umquam didicisse videatur. In Nausiphane * Democriteo tenetur; querna cum a se non neget auditum vexat tamen omnibus contumeliis. Atqui si haec3 Democritea non audisset,4 quid audierat ? Quid est in physicis Epicuri non a Democrito? Nam etsi quaedam 1
nausifanc codd.
■ que Ν
■ haec] kx Ο
is much used by Cicero (especially in the Letters) with verbs of liking, loving (1, 58), and their oppositcs. Nausiphane Democriteo: cf. 1, 93: Nausipbatum maff strum suum, a quo moil didiceraf, tarn male acceperit. For his life and work cf. K. von Fritz in P.-W. 16 (1935), 2021-2027 (based on the mate rials in Vorsokrat. 1, no. 62; the frag ments arc chiefly preserved in Philodcm. Rbetorica). Several passages describe him as a pupil of Pyrrho of Elis; cf. Diog. L. 9, 64: καΐ Ναυσιφάνην ήδη νεανίσκο ν βντα θηραθήναι . . . ϊλεγέ τε πολλάκις καΐ ΈπΙκουρον Οαυμάζοντα την ΙΙύρρωνος άναστροφήν συνεχές αύτοΰ πυνθάνεσθαι περί αύτοΰ; 9, 69: διήκουε τοϋ Πύρρωνος . . . Ναυσιφάνης <ό> Τήιος, ου φασί τίνες άκοϋσαι Έπίκουρον; 9, 102; Clem. Strom, 1, 14, 64, 4: Δημο κρίτου δέ άκουσταΐ Πρωταγόρας ό 'Αβ δηρίτης καΐ Μητρόδωρος ό Χίος. ού Δ»ογένης 6 Σμυρναίος, ού Άνάξαρχος, τού του δέ Πύρρων, ού Ναυσιφάνης. τούτου φασίν ενιοι μαθητήν Επικούρου γενέ σθαι; Sext. Emp. Adv. Math. 2: ούκ άπέοικε δέ καΐ δια την προς Ναυσιφάνην τον Πύρρωνος άκουστήν, ίχθραν; Eus. Pr. Εν. 14, 20, 14: λέγεται δέ 6 Επίκουρος . . . άκηκοέναι . . . Ναυσιφάνους τοϋ Ιΐύρρωνος γενομένου γνω ρίμου; F. Sbordone, cd. of Philodcm. Adv. Sopb. (1947), 78; 128. His school was in Tcos, where Epicurus had lived in his youth (Strab. 14, 1,18), and where Nausiphanes had doubtless given lec tures attended by Epicurus; cf. Diog. L. 1, prol. 15: ού Δημόκριτος, ού πολλοί μέν, έπ* ονόματος δέ Ναυσιφάνης . . . ών 'Επίκουρος; 10, 8: καΐ αυτόν Έ π ί κουρον έν ταΐς έπιστολαΐς περί Ναυσιφάνους λέγειν "ταύτα ήγαγεν αυτόν είς Ικστασιν τοιαύτην ώστε μοι λοιδορεΐσθαι καΐ άποκαλεΐν διδάσκαλον." πλεύ-
4
audisse Ρ
μονά τε αυτόν έκάλει και άγράμματον καί απατεώνα καΐ πόρνην; 10, 13: τού τον Απολλόδωρος έν Χρονικοϊς Ναυσιφάνους άκοΰσαί φησι; Sext. Emp. Adv. Math. 4 : φησί γοϋν έν τη προς τους έν Μυτιλήνη φιλοσόφους επιστολή- "οΐμαι δέ ίγωγε τους βαρυστόνους καί μαθη τήν με δόξειν του πλεύμονος είναι, μετά μειρακίων τινών κραιπαλώντων άκούσαντα," νϋν πλεύμονα καλών τόν Ναυσιφάνην, ώς άναίσθητον; Suid. s.v. 'Επί κουρος- . . . άκουσας δέ Ναυσιφάνους τοϋ Δημοκριτείου. For Epicurus's op position to him cf. also Diog. L. 10, 7;who hints at its cause (10,14): 'Αρίστων δέ φησιν έν τφ 'Επικούρου βίω τόν Κα νόνα γράψαι αυτόν έκ τού Ναυσιφάνους Τρίποδος, ού καί άκούσαί φησιν αυτόν. On this subject cf. also W. Croncrt, Koiotes u. Menedemos (1906), 21. From our passage and 1, 93, R. Philippson {Gotting. Nacbr. 1930, 12-15) would infer that Nausiphanes was a possible opponent of Epicurus. tenetur: cf. 3, 74: turn teneri putat\ In Catil. 2, 13: cum baesitarett cum tenereturt quaesivi; Pro Caecin. 4: facile bonestissimis testibus in re perspicua tenerentur; 2 Verr. 3, 178: tenetur igitur aliquando et in rebus cum maximis turn manifestis tenetur \ also the use of baereot as in Suet. Aug. 71, 1. non neget auditum: cf. Sext. Emp. Adv. Matb. 4 (quoted on Nausiphane Democriteo\ above). vexat . . . contumeliis: cf. Diog. L. 10, 7-8; Sext. Emp. Ad». Matb. 4. quid audierat: cf. Diog. L. 10, 2: φησί δ* "Ερμιππος γραμματοδιδάσκαλον αυτόν γεγενησθαι, Ιπειτα μέντοι περιτυχόντα τοις Δημοκρίτου βιβλίοις επί φιλοσοφίαν άξαι. quid . . . non a Democrito: cf. 1, 66, n. (Democriti); 1, 120: Democritus ... cuius fontibus Epicurus bortulos suos irri-
1,74
387
commutavit, ut quod paulo ante de inclinatione atomorum ! dixi,2 tamen pleraque dicit eadem, atomos, inane,3 imagines, infinitatem 4 locorum, innumerabilitatemque 5 mundorum, eorum β ortus, interitus,7 omnia fere quibus naturae ratio continetur. Nunc istuc 8 quasi corpus et quasi sanguinem quid intellegis? 74 Ego enim te scire ista melius quam me non fateor solum sed etiam facile patior; cum quidem scmel dicta sunt, quid est quod 1 animorum D * i n n r m i t a t c m (?)Al • istud D
■ dixit Z) 1 * que
' inane Aid., inancs ADPNOBFM, om.D · corumquc Ο
gavit; Ac. 1 , 5 : iam veto pbysica, si Epicurum, id est, si Democritum probarem\ Fin. 1, 17: in physicis, quibus maxime gloria tur, primum totus est alienus; Democritea dicit perpauca /nutans, sed ita ut ea quae corrigere vtdt mibi quidem depravare videatur; 1, 18: Epicurus autem in quibus sequitur Democritum non fere labitur; 1, 2 1 : quae mutat ea corrumpit, quae sequitur sunt tota Democriti, atoms, inane, imagines ... infinitio ipsa . . . tota ab illo est, turn innumerabiles mundi, qui et oriantur et intereant cotidie. quae etsi mibi nullo modo probantur, tamen Democri tum, laudatum a ceteris, ab boc qui eum unum secutus esset nollem vituperatum; 4 , 1 3 : eqtadem etiam Epicurum, in physicis quidem, Democriteum puto. pauca mutat, vet plura sane; at cum de plurimis eadem dicit turn certe de maximis; Plut. Quaest. conv. 8, 10, 2, p . 7 3 5 a : ώς ' Ε π ί κ ο υ ρ ο ς οΓεται μέχρι τούτου Δ η μ ο κ ρ ί τ ω συνεπόμενος; D i o g . L. 10, 4 : τά δέ Δημοκρίτου περί τ ω ν ατό μων καΐ Ά ρ ι σ τ ί π π ο υ περί της ήδονης ώς Ιδια λέγειν. F o r the d e p e n d e n c e of E p i c u r u s o n D e m o c r i t u s cf. a l s o R. Hirzcl, Untersucb. z- C*c* pbilos. Schr. 1 (1877), 154-160. Asclcp. in Metapb. p . 44, 8-16 H a y d u c k similarly ascribes P l a t o ' s views t o t h e P y t h a g o r e a n s . p a u l o a n t e d e i n c l i n a t i o n e : cf. 1, 6 9 ; also, for inclinatione, Lucr. 2, 2 4 3 - 2 4 4 : inclinare necessest j corpora; Plut. De An. Procreat. in Tim. 6, p . 1015c: έγκλΐναι την δτομον συγχωροΰσιν. Ax ( a p p e n dix, 173) t h i n k s that Cicero here a v o i d s the slight c a c o p h o n y of de declinatione. a t o m o s , i n a n e , i m a g i n e s : cf. Fin. 1,
7
incincs Η intcrius A1
21 (quoted on quid . . . non a Democrito, a b o v e ) ; 1, 107; Fam. 15, 16, 1: Catius Insuber, 'Επικούρειος, . . . quae ille Gargettius et iam ante Democritus είδωλα, bic spectra nominat; Alex. A p h r o d . De Sens. p . 56, 12 W e n d l a n d : είδωλα γάρ τίνα ομοιόμορφα άπό τ ω ν όρωμένων συν ε χ ώ ς απορρέοντα και ε μ π ί π τ ο ν τ α τη όψει του όραν ή τ ι ώ ν τ ο . τοιούτο δέ ήσαν οί τε περί Λεύκιππον και Δημόκριτον, οί καΐ έκ της τ ω ν αοράτων διά μικρό τ η τ α παραθέσεως την τών μεταξύ χ ρ ω μ ά τ ω ν φαντασίαν έποίουν. F o r inane — κενόν cf, F . Peters, Τ. Lucr. et ΑΙ. Cic. quo modo Vocab. Gr. Epic. Discipl. pro pria Latine verterint (1926), 8. i n f i n i t a t e m l o c o r u m : cf. 1, 55. innumerabilitatem . . . mundorum: cf. 1,25, n. (innumerabilis . . . mundos). o n u s i n t e r i t u s : cf. 1, 25, n. {orientis occidentisque). naturae ratio: i. c., pbysiologia; cf. 1, 20, n. {id est naturae rationem). q u a s i c o r p u s : at 1, 68, he started t o discuss t h i s ; digressed in 1, 6 9 - 7 0 ; started again at 1, 7 1 ; digressed in 1, 7 2 - 7 3 ; a n d n o w resumes (notice nunc at the b e g i n n i n g of the sentence). q u i d i n t e l l e g i s : " w h a t d o you u n d e r stand by t h e p h r a s e " ( M a y o r ) ; cf. Fin. 2, 50: quid ergo boc loco intellegit bone stum; Par ad. 4 2 : quern enim intellegimus divitemt 7 4 ista: those tenets peculiar t o your school. facile patior: cf. Fin. 2, 2 0 : id facilius paterer; 5, 54; 5, 5 6 ; Tusc. 1, 5 5 ; 1, 8 1 ; 1, 8 8 ; 5, 15: facile patior te isto modo agere; Rep. 2, 2 9 ; JJgg. 1, 28: facile patiar te bunc
388
1,74 !
Velleius intellegere possit, Cotta' non possit? * Itaque corpus 4 quid sit, sanguis quid sit intellego; quasi corpus * et quasi sanguis quid sit nullo prorsus modo intellego. Neque tu me celas ut Pythagoras solebat alienos, nee * consulto 7 dicis occulte tamquam 1 uclletius A " cotta] quottan A corpus . . . intellego om.O · nee om. Ν
diem . . . consumere; Off. 2, 7 3 ; 2, 7 5 ; Orat. 4 1 : vel reprebendi me a ceteris facile patitbar.
quid est quod: cf. 1, 3; 1, 117. quod Vclleiue . . . possit, Cotta non: cf. Fin. 2, 12: egone non intellego quid sit ηδονή Greece, La tine voluptas? utram tan dem linguam nescio? deinde qui fit ut ego nesciam, sciunt omnes quicumque Epicurei esse voluerunt; 2, 13: ergo illi intellegunt quid Epicurus dicat, ego non intellego; 2, 15; 2, 7 5 : individua cum dicitis et intermundia, quae nee sunt ulla nee possunt esset intellegimus; voluptas, quae passeribus nota est omnibus, a nobis intellegi non potest; Tusc. 3 , 3 7 : solent enim isti negate nos intellegere quid dicat Epicurus; Isocr. 1 8 , 1 5 :
θαυμάζω δ' cl αυτόν μέν ίκανόν γνώναι νομίζει . . . έμέ δ' οΰκ άν ο(εται τοΰτ' έξευρεΐν [and Aristot. Rbet. 2, 19, 1392b 11-13]; Aug. C. lulian. Op. imperf. 2, 4 : quodque ait in Epicurum Tullius, manifesto argument ο non diet ilia subtiliter, quod cuiuscemodi homines passim sibi ea profitentur placere; zteofob. 15, 8-9: "Hast
thou heard the secret of God, and dost thou restrain wisdom to thyself? What knowest thou that wc know not, what understandest thou which is not in us?" On Cicero's view of the ease of learning the Epicurean doctrines cf. 1, 18, n. {turn Velleius);
Fin. 1, 2 7 ; Reid
on Fin. 1, 13. On the asyndeton cf. 1, 20, and n. (principium aliquod sit, nihil jit extremum); Fin. 2, 12; 2, 13 (both
quoted above). For the opposition of possit and non possit Mayor compares Plin. Ep. 3, 16, 11. nullo prorsus modo: cf. 1, 33, n. (quo porro modo).
neque tu me celas: cf. Fin. 1, 16: omnes mibi Ε picurt sententias satis notoe sunt; 2, 15: vide ne, si ego non intellegam quid Epicurus loquatur, cum Graece, ut videor.
1
posset Η! ' corpos A1 * quasi ' consulto deft. Rom., consulta cett.
luculenttr sciam, sit aliqua culpa eius qui ita loquatur ut non intellegatur. quodduobus modis sine reprebensione fit, si out de industria facias, ut Herat lit us, cognomento qui σκοτεινός perbibetur, quia de natura nimis obscure memoravit, aut cum rerum obscuritas, non verborum facit ut non intellegatur oratio, qua/is est in Timaeo Platonis. Epicurus autem, ut opinor, nee non vult, si possit, plan* et aperte loqui, nee de re obscura . . . loquitur; 4, 2. R. Hirzel (Untersucb. z- Cic. pbilos.
Scbr. 1 (1877), 189-190) and W. Scott (Journ. of Pbilol. 12 (1883), 221, n. 1) think that the only ascription of esoteric doctrines to Epicurus is by Clem. Strom. 5, 9, 58, 1: ού μόνοι άρα ol Πυθαγόρειοι καΐ ΙΙλάτων τά πολλά έκρύπτοντο, άλλα καΐ ol 'Επικούρειο! φασί τίνα καΐ παρ* αύτοϋ απόρρητα είναι και μή πασιν έπιτρέπειν έντυγχάνειν τούτοις τοις γράμμασιν. ut Pythagoras: cf. Tusc. 4, 3: cum carmimbus soliti illi esse dicantur et praectpta quaedam occultius tradere\ Rep. 1, 1 6 : Ieporem Socraticum subtilt tatemque sermonis cum obicuritate Pytbagorae . . . contexuit
[sc. Plato]; Diog. L. 8, 15: Ιλεγόν τε καΐ ol άλλοι Πυθαγόρειοι μή είναι προς πάντας πάντα βητά; Hippol. Pbilosopbum. 1, 2, 4 (Doxogr. Gr.% 556): ούτος τους μαθητάς διεϊλε καΐ τους μέν εσωτερι κούς, τους δέ εξωτερικούς έκάλεσεν* τοις μέν γάρ τά τελεώτερα μαθήματα έπίστευσε, τοις δέ τά μετριώτερα; Iambi. Vit. Pytb. 103-104; Procl. in Tim. p. 92c (pp. 302-303 Dichl): των Πυθαγορεί ων . . . ot τους περί των θείων λόγους απορρήτους είχον καΐ ού προς πάντας διελέγοντο περί αυτών; cf. id. in prim. Euclid. Lib., prol. 1, p. 22 Fricdlcin: ή των Πυθαγορείων φιλοσοφία . . . την μυσταγωγίαν κατακρύπτει των θείων δογμάτων; Schol. Plat. Pbaedo, 61d [of Philolaus]: ος καΐ δι' αίνιγμάτων έδί-
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Heraclitus, sed, quod inter nos liceat, ne tu quidem intellegis. liccat Viet., liqucat codd. δασκεν, καθάπερ ήν Ιθος αύτοϊς; Simplic. (Rbet. Cr. 2, 82 Spengcl); Tatian, Or. in Pbys. 1, proem, p. 7, 1-3 Diels: Ξενο ad Gr. 3 ; Scxt. Emp. Adv. Gram. 301; φάνης δέ . . . καϊ ol Πυθαγόρειοι . . . Philostr. Vit. Apoll. 1, 9; Hippol. αΐνιγματώδη την εαυτών φιλοσοφίαν παPhilosopbum. 9, 3 ; 9, 5; Solin. 40, 6; ραδεδώκασιν; also ρ. 8, 10-11; 8, 21-30; Tcrt. De An. 2; Chalcid. in Tim. 320; 1, 2, ρ. 21, 17-19; 4, 6, ρ. 652, 7; Asclep. Eus. Pr. Ev. 10, 14, 15; Cbron. Ol. 81, in Mttapb. p. 18, 33-19, 1 Hayduck; p. 1-3 (Vorsokrat. 1, no. 19. A 3; cf. no. 46 34, 6-7; p. 43, 9-10; p. 44, 13-17; Alex. A 4); Thcmist. Or. 12, p. 159b; Cyril. Aphrod. in Mttaph. 1, 5, p. 46, 24-29 Alex. C. /ulian. 1, p. 13 (Pair. Gr. 76, Hayduck; T. C. Heath, Aristarcbus of 522); Hier. Adv. lovin. 1, 1; Adv. Ruf. Samos (1913), 47, who suggests that the 1, 30; Cbron. ann. Abr. 1561; Prob. in theory of Pythagorean secrecy may Virg. Eel. 6, 31, p. 344 Hagen; Procl. have been invented to explain the ab in Tim. 2, p. 106d (p. 351 Dichl); Simplic. sence of any Pythagorean documents in Pbys. 1, 2, p. 50, 23 Diels; p. 77, 31-32; earlier than Philolaus. 3, 4, p. 453, 28-30; Elias in Porphyr. hag. consulto dicis occulte: cf. 1, 49, n. 16, p. 42, 2 Busse; David in Porphyr. {quivis ... possit agnoscere); 1, 85: sunt Isag. 3, p. 105, 12-13 Busse; Stob. vol. qui existiment quod Hie inscitia plane lo3, 151 Hensc; Etym. \\. s.v. βιός; quendi fecerit fecisse consulto; de homine mi-Eustath. in //. 1, 49; in Od. 4, 450; J. Bernays, Ges. Abbandi. 1 (1885), 48, nime vafro male existimant; Fin. 2, 15 (quoted in n. on neque tu me celas, above; n. 2; J. Adam, Relig. Teacfxrs of Greece observe in it the phrase de indttstria cor (1908), 214-215; E. Wellmann in P.-W. responding to consul to). For various 8 (1913), 505. H. Diels, Herakleitos von Ep/jesos (1901), iii, finds his obscurity allusions to the intentionally enigmatic language of philosophers cf. Tcrt. Adv. one of form rather then of matter, and \ alent. 1; Atticus ap. Eus. Pr. Ev. 15, 9, Demetrius, De Eloc. 192, thinks it largely due to the loose srructurc of his senten 13; Porphyr. ap. Stob. vol. 2, 14 >Xachsmuth; Julian, Or. 5, 170b-c; 7, 217a-c; ces: άδηλος γαρ ή έκαστου κώλου αρχή Eunap. I it. Philos. p. 456; Hicr. Adv. διά την λΰσιν, ώσπερ το 'ΗρακλείτουPelag. 2, 20; Boeth. Quomodo Subst. prol.; και γαρ ταΰτα σκοτεινά ποιεί το πλείστον ή λΰσις. Yet at times his oracular style Simplic. Pbys. 1, 2, p. 36, 25-32 Diels seems the cause; cf. Plut. De Pytb. Orac. (Vorsokrat. 1, no. 18A 19); Elias in 6, p. 397a; Diog. L. 9, 6 (of"his Περί Categ. proem, p. 126, 28 Busse; \V . II. S. φύσεως): άνέΟηκε δ' αυτό εις τό της Jones, cd. of Heraclitus (1931), ix-xii Αρτέμιδος Ιερόν, ώς μέν τίνες, έπιτη(on intentional obscurity in ancient δεΰσας άσαφέστερον γράψαι. όπως ol writings). In the Hippocratic Oath the swearer agrees to impart instruction to δυνάμενοι <μόνοι> προσίοιεν αύτω καϊ his sons, the sons of his teacher, and to μή έκ τοϋ δημώδους εύκατας>ρόνητον ή. pupils who have taken the oath, but to His proverbial title of o σκοτεινός was applied also to a later namesake; cf. no one else. P.-W. 4 Supplbd. (1924), 730-731. Heraclitus: cf. 3, 35: Heracliius . . . quid diceret quod intellegi noluit; Fin. 2, 15 quod inter noe liceat: cf. 1, 79: pact (quoted on neque tu me celas, above). For mi hi Herat, caetestes, dicere vestra; Att. numerous Greek and Latin references 2, 4, 1: quod inter nos liceat dicere; Plaut. to his obscurity (perhaps first in (Aristot.] Poen. 440: quod hie inter nos liceat'; also De Mitndo, 5, 396b 20) cf. Pease on Div. 1, 59, n. (bona tenia me audits). The mss 2, 133, n. {Heraclitus obscurus), to which here read liqueat (liceat being an emenda add: Timon ap. Diog. L. 9, 6; Vitr. tion of Victorius), which R. Klotz 2, 2, 1; Sen. Ep. 12, 7; Thcon, Progvmn. (Adnot. crit. ad M.T.C.Lib. de N.D. 1, 2
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27 75 Illud video * pugnare te, species a ut quaedam sit deorum, quae nihil concreti habeat, nihil solidi, nihil expressi, nihil eminentis, sitque pura, levis, perlucida. Dicemus igitur idem quod in Venere Coa; s corpus illud * non est sed simile corporis,6 nee ille 4
1 uidc A1 illud om. F
« species] Hie deficit Ρ " coa del. Dt choa O, om. * corporis] corpori B*FM, corporc Bl
NBFM
(1868), 8) and J. S. Reid (ap. Mayor, ad of incised or stamped forms (cf. Pro toe.) would retain, in contrast to the Cael. 12: non expressa signa sed adumbrata), preceding ctlas and occulte. The passages the other of objects standing out in above cited, however, support the emen relief and breaking a general line of dation, which makes much better sense. surface, as in 2, 47: nihil eminent, nihil 75 illud . . . pugnare . . . ut: cf. 1, lacunosum; cf. είσοχαί and έζοχαί, as 62: non pugno; 3, 3: Epicurus .. . dedis . . . in Strab. 2, 5, 22; or intaglio and cameo. non magnopere pugnare; Pro Sex. Rose. 8: The contrast of eminentia and umbrae— hoc solum . . . pugnatur ut; Pro Lig. 13: foreground and background painting, id ne impetremus pugnabis', Fam. 3, 10, 3: as in Ac. 2, 20, which Reid (on that pas illud pugia et enitere ne; Lucr. 5, 729: sage and also ap. Mayor on our passage) suggests, seems hardly in place here as quod pugnat uterqut. ut quaedam sit: a brachylogy for applied to solid objects. With the gen ut species quaedam esse existimetur; cf. eral thought cf. also 1, 105: nee babent ullam soliditatem nee eminent/am. On the 1, 21, n. (ut fuerit). nihil . . . nihil . . . nihil . . . nihil: genitive eminentis cf. H. Sjogren, Com Cicero likes repetitions of nihil·, for cases ment. Tullian. (1910), 147. of its use twice sec 1, 51; 2, 39; 2, 104; sitque: -que is here adversative; cf. 3, 30; thrice: 1, 92; 2, 18; 3, 23; four 2, 56: contraque; also atque in 3, 84. times (as here): Tux. 4, 61; Off. 1, 151; pura levis perlucida: "unmixed, vo six times: 2, 47. J. Dcgenhart (A>//.- latile, transparent;" cf. Div. 2, 40: exeg. Bemerk. χ. Cic. Scbr. de Nat. Deor. perlucidos et per flabilis. (1881), 37-38) notes that the Epicureans, dicemus . . . idem quod in: cf. De following the example of Epicurus him Or. 2, 248: quod idem in bono servo diet solet. self (Diog. L. 10, 123), describe God in Venere: cf. Tusc. 1, 88: did auiem largely in negative terms. hoe in te satis subtiliter non potest. Some concreti: cf. 1, 71, n. (eoncretionem). what analogous uses of in arc cited by The word probably docs not contrast Goethe in 1, 71 (1, 120): in natura deorum; strongly with solidi (G. F. Schocmann, 2, 67: in ea dea; 2, 123: in araneolis; 2, 124: Opusc. acad. 4 (1871), 342), but both admiratio . . . in bestits; 3, 18: in domo denote bodies in three dimensions as pulcbra; 3, 83: in eo etiam eavillatus est; opposed to drawings or paintings, and 3, 87: in virtute reete gloriamur. both emphasize the substance of στβρέμVenere Coa: cf. Div. 1, 23: aspersa teνιβ (1, 49), as opposed to mere surfaces mere pigmenta in tabula oris liniamenta efwhich the words expressi and eminentis ficere possunt; num etiam Veneris Coae describe. Cicero (Div. 2, 40) mentions pulcbritudinem effici posse aspersione fortwta these gods as being perlucidos et per- putas; Orat. 5: non potuerunt . .. Coae flabilis (sec Pease's n. for parallels]. I reneris pulcbritudinem imitari; 2 Verr. 4, Cf. Τ use. 3, 3: consectaturque nullam emi- 135: quid arbitrament Reginos . . . merere nentem effigiem virtutist sed adumbratam velle ut ab its marmorea Venus ilia auferaturi imaginem gloriae; Off. 3, 69: iustitiae soli- . . . quid ut pictarn Coos; Off. 3, 10: ut dam et expressam effigiem nullam tenemus, nemo pictor esset inventus qui in Coa Venere umbra et imaginibus utimur. earn partem quam Apelles incobatam rtliquisset absolvent—oris enim pulcbritudo expressi . . . eminentis: the one used
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fusus et candore mixtus rubor sanguis est l sed quaedam sanguinis * 1
sanguis non est Ο
■ sanguinis] sanguis Hx
reliqui corporis imitandi spem au/erebat— ing from Cilicia, he intended (Att. 6, 7, xr'r, etc.; IF am. 1, 9, 15: Apelles Veneris 2) to visit Rhodes and go as directly caput et summa pectoris politissima arte as possible from there to Athens. The perfecit, reliquam partem corporis incohatam etesian winds, however, long delayed him, as he says (Att. 6, 8, 4) in a letter reliquit; Att. 2, 21, 4; Strab. 14, 2, 19: written from Kphcsus. On the way from έν τω προαστείω [at Cos] τό ΆσκληRhodes to LLphcsus he could hardly have πιεΐόν έστι . . . πολλών αναθημάτων μεστόν, έν οίς εστί καΐ ό Άπελλοΰ 'Αντί failed to pass directly by Cos, and thus it seems likely that he may have seen the γονος, ήν δέ και ή αναδυόμενη 'Αφροδί τη, ή νυν άνάκειται τω Οεω Καίσαρι έν famous picture, which he here and in the De Divinatione takes as a type of the art 'Ρώμη, τοΰ Σεβαστού άναΟέντος τω πατρί τήν άρχηγέτιν τοΰ γένους αύτοΰ· of painting. Yet as early as the Vcrrines (see above) he had known of its repu φασί δέ τοις Κωοις αντί της γραφής εκατόν ταλάντων £φεσιν γενέσθαι του tation, and he may also have heard of it through P. Rutilius Rufus (cf. Off. 3, 10; προσταχΟέντος φόρου; Aetna, 593 ; Prop. 3, 9, 11: in Veneris tabula sum mam sibi Rcinach, op. cit. 341, n. 2). potcit Apelles; Ο v. Am. 1, 14, 33-34; Vellcius had said nothing correspond Ars am. 3, 401-402: si I enerem Cous nus- ing to expressi, eminentis, pura, levis, quam posuisset Apelles, / mersa sub aequo- perlucida, or the Coan Venus, and Cicero rets ilia lateret aquis; Tr. 2, 527-528; Πχ here probably follows the criticisms of Pont. 4, 1, 29-30: ut I enus artificis labor Carncades; cf. R. Philippson in Symb. est et gloria Coi, / aequoreo madidas quae Osloenses, 20 (1940), 29-30. premit imbre comas', Plin. N.H. 35, 91simile corporis: cf. Aristot. Categ. 1, 92: I 'entrem exeunt em e mart divus Augustusla 1-3: ομώνυμα λέγεται ών βνομα μό dicavit in delubro patris Caesaris, quae ana- νον κοινόν. ό δέ κατά τοΰνομα λόγος της dyomene vocatur, vernbus Gratcis taJi opere ουσίας ίτερος, οίον ζωον 6 τε άνθρωπος dum laudatur victo sed inlustrato, cuius in- καΐ τό γεγραμμένον; Firm. Mathes. 3, 6, feriorem partem corruptam qui reficeret non 26: sicut enim in imaginibus artifex liniapotuit reperiri verum ipsa iniuria cessit in menta membrorum ex varia mixturarum gloriam artificis. consenuit haec tabula carie,diversitate persignat et temperatis cohribus aliamque pro ea substituit Nero principato certam corporis formam imitatione facit sua Porotbei manu. Apelles incohaverat et similitudinis corporalis, sic, etc.; Sulp. Scv. aliam I 'enerem Cot, superaturus famam illam Chron. 2, 40, 2 [distinguishing όμοούσιον suam priorem; invidit mors peracta parte and όμοιούσιον] : ut verbi gratia pictura nee qui succederet operi ad praescripta linia- humani corporis esset homini similis, nee menta inventus est; Suet. I >//>. 18; also tamen haberet /jominis veritatem; Porphyr. several epigrams describing the picture in Categ. p. 66, 26-28 Bussc; Ammon. in in Append. Planud. nos. 178-182 (with Categ. 1, p. 21, 5-7 Bussc; Thcmist. in which cf. [Auson.] Tipigr. 8, p. 423 Parva Natter, p. 6, 10 Wcndland: οίον Pcipcr); Choric. Gaz. p. 130 Boissonadc; γαρ τό έν πίνακι γεγραμμένον ζωον και A. Rcinach, Recueil Milliet: Textes gr. ζωόν έστι και είκών; Simplic.in Categ. 1, et lat. relatifs ά I'bist. de la peinture anc. 1 p. 34, 8 Kalbflcisch: τό γαρ γεγραμμένον (1921), 332-339, who at 339, n. 0 gives ζωον ζωον καΐ οΰ ζωόν έστιν. some additional less certain references; candore mixtus rubor: a description cf. F. Pfuhl, Malerei u. Zeichnung der Gr. 2 of the me