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ir|vciq dv(vopo'ov) XXXXX (pi CIL 'AxcoX^covot; 'Ap-^vxaq, Tapdvxivoq 9. K a l xol dpxovxeq 'Apiaxicov, "AoavSpoq, 'ApiCTx6p,axo(;, i6ic5xai 10. 2:a)6ap,i5a(;, ©exxppaoxoq, Teiocov, FA-avKoq Sevo)vo(;, MevT|<;. 1. CIJ:[Toi(; 8e] 3. CIJ: nvGicovi 5. CIJ: xov for I) 10. < a > for A on t h e stone ( b u t the letter a p p e a r s t o b e A in L e v i n s k a y a ' s p h o t o ; Antiquites r e a d s 7iavi;6i;) 10. IPE: KX.Ttpov6p[ou]; Asik: K ? L T I P O V [ 6 ^ , O O ] ; C I G : KA-ripov6[po\)J 11. R on s t o n e ; C I G , Asik: xpeTceo<6>a[i 8'J 11. C I G , Asik: < P > o o - (for A in majusc.) 12. C I G , Asik: tai (for ANTAI in m a j u s c ) ; Antiquites, C I R B : -?i.[iix]ai 1 2 - 1 3 . C I G , A s i k : KaOdx^ E'U^>d)a.riv; I P E : £['o|£,dp'nv; Revised Schiirer: 'n[-6]^d|i,'nv; C I R B : e[7cx]fiv. The length of the text (oefivai iTivai(; Tipepievq ovq [PaoiXe{)ovxo(; PaaiXecoq (piXoKaiaapoq K a i (piXopwpaiov, evCTePo^iq] ov liexpi [ - - ] BSl EK GepEX.iov BS4 EX GepEXicov AchSS noihaq) PK' Thr2 X p v a i v o i pe' AchSS X p v a i v o i TIE' AchSS Arrangements for changing provision: oc, a v 6E PovX,TiGf| xi Kaivoxopfjaai Ttapd x d V7t' e p o v 5oxG£vxa, ScbaEi xw naxpiapxtj 8r|vapicov < p > v p i d 5 a ( ; EIKOOI XCEVXE
5
V Tiatep.
(ascia) 1. 4. 5. 6.
for A on the stone. for I on t h e stone. iii Suppl. 10055, R o b e r t 1937, C o n d u r a c h i , R o b e r t 1946: X X X X for A on t h e stone.
Aurelius Dionysius, children.
a Jew from
Tiberias,
(aged) 50 years, father
of three
The stone was found out of context in modern Senj in 1885. Frey mistakenly located the inscription at Salonae, but this was corrected by Robert who inspected the stone in the Museum of Zagreb in 1931. In Latin, the text is: Aurelius Dionysius ludeus Tiberiensis annorum XXXXX filiorum trium pater {-n is used twice for final -m). On other Latin inscriptions in Greek characters, see #Pan2. The deceased man was a Roman citizen descended from someone who obtained Roman citizenship through the Constitutio Antoniniana as his nomen indicates. The name
Dalmatia
Dionysius
23
together with the feminine form Dionysia occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Egypt,^ Cyrenaica,^ Ostia^ and Rome.'' It also occurs on papyri from Alexandria and Philadelphia and ostraca from Edfu.^ J e w s from Tiberias and Sepphoris in Galilee are also attested at Taenarum (#Ach55) and Rome.^ 11.5-7. The unusual reference to having three children must indicate that the deceased had claimed through the his liberorum of the Augustan marriage legislation {Lex lulia et Papia Poppaea) some advantage such as exemption from public duties or guardianship. A number of privileges and penalties constituted through this law were incorporated in the Theodosian Code and remained in operation until 410 C E . ' " Another reference to the ius liberorum occurs in a Jewish inscription from R o m e . " Lifshitz identified, though with hesitation, the object beneath the last line of the inscription as an incense shovel. It is actually an ascia, a carpenter's axe, which frequently occurs on pagan and Christian monuments. The symbolism of the ascia has been widely discussed, but its exact significance is still unclear. It has been suggested that in the case o f Christian monuments the ascia could represent a sort of c r o s s , crux dissimilata, but such a symbolic interpretation will hardly help to explain its occurrence in a Jewish inscription. In many pagan and Christian (Aiov\)oiog),
(AiovDOia),
4 J I G R E 116, 122, 156. 5 C J Z C 70. 6 J I W E ! 18. 7 J I W E ii 2 1 8 , 2 9 3 . 8 CPJ 143.3, 8, 15, 2 0 ; 241.2; 2 9 4 . 1 ; 411.6-7, 3 0 . J l W E i i 6 0 , 561. • " C . T h . 8.17.2; Cod.Just. 8.58.2. J I W E ii 4 8 6 .
24
Dalmatia
funerary inscriptions the image of the ascia indicated the profession of the deceased; see Kaufmann (1917, 38), Kajanto (1976, 49-57), Mattsson (1990). Perhaps that is also the case with this inscription, but there is no other evidence to indicate the occupation of Aurelius Dionysius. The ascia can also work more symbolically, to represent death or completion.
Salonae
(Split)
Salonae was a Roman colonia (from 47 BCE) and after 9 CE became the provincial capital of the new province of Dalmatia. There is archaeological evidence for the existence of a Jewish community there. A medallion made of red glass paste bears the image of a menorah with tripod base flanked on the left by a shofar and ethrog and on the right by a lulab (Archaeological Museum of Split, inv.no.I 1 4 8 2 ) . O t h e r archaeological material includes three clay lamps bearing the image of a menorah (inv.nos. Fc 718, 1226, 1466). The first lamp was found in 1903 at Salonae, the second comes from the area of ancient Asseria (Benkovac) and the third one is of unknown p r o v e n a n c e . T h e third lamp has a menorah with a spiral base or more probably handles, which is a very rare representation attested in the Balkans only at Perinthus-Heraclaea (#Thr4). A fragment of marble sarcophagus in the same museum (44 x 30 x 12 cm.) has an image of a menorah with lighted lamps on each branch (inv.no. D 254). According to Bulic, the fragment was found in the ruins of the 10"'-century church of Our Lady of the Island (Gospe od Otoka) on the island of Gospin Otok near S a l o n a e . T h e r e were also images of menorahs scratched on the walls of Diocletian's palace, perhaps left by the builders.'^ D a l 3 . F i n a l p a r t of e p i t a p h . Editions: Gabricevic 1959, 77-80 (from the stone); AE 1959, no.251 (from Gabricevic); d'Ors 1959, 4 8 1 - 2 ; Gabricevic 1959/60, 9 - 1 5 ; ILJug 1963, n o . l 3 1 ; CIJ ? 1975, Prol. no.680a. Illustrations: Gabricevic 1959, p l s . X l I l - X l V (photo); Gabricevic 1959/60 (photo); CIJ i^ (photo). Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l, 1986, 73; Gabricevic 1987, 234-42. Found at Salonae. Now: Split, Archaeological Museum. Details: Marble stele broken vertically into two pieces. No measurements published.
'2 '3 '4 •5
Buljevic 1994, 256 no.8. Bulic 1926/7, 119. Bulic 1926/7, 122. R i s m o n d o 1994, 2 0 4 - 5 , pl.Xl, nos.245, 2 4 7 , 2 7 0 - 1 , 3 1 3 , 4 1 1 .
Dalmatia
25
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
Language: Latin. Date: 4"^ century CE. Text (follows CIJ i^ and new photo, with some restorations proposed in ILJug 1963; the text from the left piece is in italics): On the stone: RAMSIQV ERITHABE QVITQVIT IVELCRISSI COLENTES QVESQVE RINONV DEBET
SCIAREVOLV ATANVMINA ANISIVEIVDE SMANISVNVS QVOTSIBIFI FACERENON
T h e r e are eight lines from the inscription on the left fragment and six on the right.
/ ]ram si qufis deajsciare voluerit ha be [at /r/ata numina quitquit [Rom]am sive ludei vel Crissi[(ani) suojs Manis
5
26
Dalmatia
1. d'Ors: [ sepulturam nostr]\am si qufis ex/sciare; ILJug: [ hanc sepultur]\am; CIJ P : [ajram 1. ILJug: [dejsciare; GabriCevid, d'Ors: fexajsciare 2. d'Ors: habefantj; ILJug: habefbitj I. quidquid (for quisquisl), ludaei, Christiani 3 . Gabricevie 1959, CIJ P: [pagjani 3-4. d'Ors: quitquit [con]
If someone wishes to deface (the inscription/monument) may the gods be angry with him whatever (he is), Romans or Jews or Christians, who honour their dead ancestors. Each one should not do what he does not want to be done to him. This inscription was found in a medieval necropolis uncovered in 1954 during the construction of a road near the church of St. Nicholas in Split. The stone was broken into two pieces and reused as building material for one of the graves.'^ 11.1-2. This is a curse against violation of the grave similar to formulae such as habebit deos iratos,^^ habeat deos superos et inferos iratos^^ or the Greek equivalent To-bq Geo-bq KexoA,(0)xevo\)q exoixo,'^ invoking a divine punishment upon the potential wrongdoer. In a Jewish context similar maledictions appeal to the wn-ath of the God of Israel as shown in inscriptions from Asia Minor.^^ 1.3. In his first publication Gabricevic restored [pag]ani, which was accepted by d ' O r s and Lifshitz. However, he later changed it to [Rom]ani, which is also the restoration of Sasel in ILJug.^' This reconstruction is plausible as it would be difficult to understand here the term pagani in its original meaning of 'countrymen', ' p e a s a n t s ' , or 'civilians' as opposed to 'military'.22 From the 4 * century CE onwards the term acquired a pejorative sense much used by Christian authors to describe the devotees of the Greek and Roman or barbarian cults as opposed to Christians, and
16 Gabricevic 1 9 5 9 / 6 0 , 1 0 - 1 1 . '7 I L S 8 1 8 1 , l . 4 ( M a c t a r ) . '8 ILS 8198,11.12-13; 8202,11.6-8 (Rome). '9strubbeI994,81. 20 Strubbe 1994, 9 8 - 9 , 1 2 3 - 6 , n o s . 1 2 - 1 3 . 2' Gabricevic 1959/60, 1 3 - 1 4 . 22 C.Th. 7.21.2; Cod.Just. 3.28.37; Pliny, Ep.10.18.2; Tacitus, Hist. 3.24, etc.
Dalmatia
27
this meaning is found in the Theodosian Code.^^ Romani is a standard designation for the people of Rome i.e the Romans. After Constantinople became the capital of the Roman Empire in 330 CE the corresponding Greek term 'Pconaioi was also applied to the Greek population. In the early Christian literature the term Romanus could designate the Roman church, a Christian or a pagan.^^ It is more likely, then, that the author of the curse envisages that the gods of Romans, Jews and Christians will punish the violator of the grave. In a similar way an epitaph probably from Kilise in Pisidia, Asia Minor, refers to the gods of Persians and Greeks.^^ 1.4. The formula manis colentes is usually regarded as pagan.^^ It has been noted by Sasel and Lifshitz that the formula in 11.5-7 occurs also in a Christian inscription from Concordia.^^ Gabricevic dates the inscription to the 4^"^ century CE on palaeographic grounds. The mixture of religions is also most likely in the 4"^ century. The implication of the curse is that the tomb was in a mixed burial area. Dal4. Epitaph of a Samaritan Editions: Bulic 1902, 88, 142 (380B); Bulic 1904, 166 (3405A); Bulic 1906, 178 (all three fragments arranged by W. Kubitschek); Egger 1926, no.252; ILJug 1963, no.2531. Other bibliography: Marin 1994, 72. Found in the Manastirine necropolis, Salonae. Now: Split, Archaeological Museum, inv.nos.3405A, 3SOB, 489B. Details: Stele broken into three parts, 50 x 25 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 18 August 539 CE. Text (follows ILJug 1963 and the restoration of 11.1-2 by Egger 1926): ev9a8£ Kite [Za|j,a-] peiTioca No[ - - aTco] Kd))iT|(; niTo[... Ovydx-I Tip E'i)YA,co[CToio\), TeA,ea)-] TTjaaoa ev [eipfivn 0 e - ] o\> Tupo 8e[Kla7i[evTe KaA,-] ev56)v [Z]e7tte[fippicov,l ^fiaaoa Kok&c, [etrj eiKO-] o i Kai ejcxot- 'V)7t(axia(;) 'AKlmtovoq x-1 OV X,a^icp(oxdxo\)), [iv8(iKXicovo<; p'.l
5
10
23 Orosius, Hist. 6.1.3, 7.28.3, 7.37.2 & 9 - 1 1 , 7.39.10; C.Th. 16.7.2, 16.10.20 & 24; Demougeot 1956, 3 3 7 - 5 0 . 24 25 26 27
du Cange 1 7 3 3 - 6 , v 210. Strubbe 1994, 77 no. 12. ILS 6647; Rome: CIL vi 10764, 1417. ILS 8257 = CIL v.2, 8738.
28
Dalmatia
1.1. K E I X A I
1 - 2 . ILJug: [Eap,a]peiTiq Zavo[... areo]
/ / e r e lies the Samaritan woman No... from the village of Pito... daughter of Euglossius. She passed away in God's peace fifteen days before the Kalends of September, having lived well twenty-seven years. In the consulship of the vir \\\\xsXn% Apion, 2"*^ year of the indiction-cycle. This first two fragments (380B, 489B) of the inscription were found in area 20/2 of the Manastirine necropoHs and the third one (3405A) was discovered during excavations of the baptistery. Manastirine was the most important cemetery of Salonae in Late Antiquity, established in the 4*'' century C E over the remains of an earlier pagan necropolis. The Manastirene basilica w a s the main shrine of the martyrs Domnio (first bishop of Salonae) and Asterius.^^ It is not clear whether the deceased w o m a n w a s a Christian, but there is nothing in the inscription which is inconsistent with her being a Samaritan by religion. In the Balkans Jews have been found buried in pagan and Christian necropoleis, for example at Doclea (p.20) and Thessaloniki ( # M a c l 3 - 1 5 ) . Samaritans are also attested in inscriptions from Thessaloniki ( # M a c l 7 ) , Delos (##Ach66-7), Athens ( # # A c h 3 5 - 7 ) and Piraeus (#Ach41). 11.2-3. If the suggestion of Sasel that there are three letters missing from the name of the deceased woman is accepted, her name could be reconstructed as Norijia, Nojiotq, No|xia or NoBiq.^^ ZajiapeiTiooa could indicate either religious affdiation or geographical provenance. The native village of the deceased is so far unknown. She might have taken refuge at Salonae after the Samaritan revolts of 484 or 529 CE.^o 1.4. The name of the father Euglossius is, perhaps, one of the many Greek names emphasizing certain personal qualities of the bearer, in this case eloquence or good rhetorical skills (ea)YX,a)Ooia). It could also be understood as a signum. The name is otherwise unattested in a Samaritan or Jewish context. 11.9-10. The consul mentioned is Fl. Strategius Apion Strategius Apion (d. 577 C E ) , one of the most prominent members of the Egyptian Apion family. 3'
28 Delehaye 1933, 2 5 5 - 6 ; Wilkes 1 9 6 9 , 4 2 9 - 3 1 ; Marin 1994, 4 6 - 8 . 29 LGPN iiiA 330; ii 342; i 338. 30 Malalas, Chron. 18.447. Cf. Crown 1989, 7 1 - 6 . 3> PLRE iiiA 9 6 - 8 .
Dalmatia
Unknown
29
provenance
Dal5. Tile fragment Edition: Bulat 1965, 1 7 - 1 8 , plTV, fig. 11. Unknown provenance. N o w : Osijek, Museum of Slavonia, inv.no.2606. Details: Tile fragment of reddish colour, 16.5 x 7.5 x 3.5 cm. Letters:
2.3 cm. Ott?) Language: Hebrew. Date: uncertain. Text (follows Bulat):
The Hebrew letters are inscribed on the edge of the tile. This type of tile was used for the building of hypocaust constructions. The letters could be interpreted as a personal name: Sarai (i.e. Sarah), Sharai, Seraiah (iT^niZ?), etc. They could also be part of the term 'lance, javelin' (iT^nB?) or indicate the number twenty (•"'IE?). Jewish inscriptions in Hebrew are also found at Thessaloniki, Athens and Corinth (see Index lb). Bulat only notes that most of the bricks and tiles, including the present one, in the collection of the Museum of Slavonia date to the "Roman period". N o particular date for the inscription has been suggested, but the use of Hebrew in the region is unlikely to be earlier than Late Antiquity.
Section 3
Moesia The province of Moesia was officially created in 45/6 CEi. In 85/6, during the reign of Domitian, it was split into two consular provinces: Superior and Inferior. Jews are rarely attested in Moesia during the Roman and Late Roman periods. The laws of Arcadius and Theodosius 11 of 3 9 7 ' and 420^ addressed to the Praetorian Prefects of Illyricum Anatolius {PP per Illyricum 3 9 7 - 9 ) and Philippus {PP per Illyricum 4 2 0 - 1 ) indirectly point to the existence of Jewish communities in the Moesian provinces then.^ Both laws reaffirm the protection of Jews and synagogues against persecution and deliberate destruction. Procopius mentions a watchtower called 'loDSaioq among the Danube fortifications in Dacia Ripensis, which were renovated during the reign of Justinian I (527-65).4 According to Besevliev the tower was named after a nearby tavern owned by Jews.^ In 1893/4 the then chief rabbi of Bulgaria, Mordechai Grunwald, discovered in the old Jewish cemetery of Vidin (ancient Bononia) an inscription, which he called "Latin" and considered Jewish. The text is known only through his publication and subsequent re-publication of S. Rosanes, both in majuscule.*' The text according to Rosanes is: OVLOM | VUNRLGM | ANNIVSA I RMVOGRV \\ EOCCLARA | AN MSG R | Lf-JL | BOR. Griinwald and Rosanes' only evidence that the inscription was Jewish was the name 'Annius' in 1.3, which they read as a Latin transliteration of the 1 lebrew name Ilanania (Ananias). However, there is nothing particularly Jewish about this name; it was a common nomen in the Roman world.^
Oescus (Gigen) - TAVO-Karte
B VI18: E 19
Oescus on the Danube is the only city in Moesia with clear evidence of a Jewish presence. Apart from the two inscriptions below, a person called
' C.Th. 16.8.12. 2 C.Th. 16.8.21. 3 Linder 1987, nos.25, 50. ^ deAed. 4 . 6 . 2 1 . 5 Besevliev 1967, 2 0 7 - 8 . 6 G r u n w a l d 1894; Rosanes 1926/27, 382 3 ; Rosanes 1928, 2 5 5 . ^ Solin & Salomics 1994, 16.
Moesia
31
Sanhationis is mentioned in another epitaph from there, but more probably in a Christian context.^ M o e s l . E p i t a p h of Joses(?) Editions: Katsarov 1912/13, 195-6 no.3 (from the stone); Katsarov 1914, 276; AE 1914, no.94; Seure 1920, 162; Schwabe 1935, 19-25; CIJ i 1936, no.681; Dobo 1940a, no. 196; Kochev 1978, 7 1 - 4 ; Scheiber 1983, 5 7 - 6 1 : ILBulg 1989, no.67. Illustrations: Katsarov 1912/13, fig. 106 (photo); Dobo; Radan; Kochev (photo); Scheiber 1983 (photo); ILBulg (photo). Other bibliography: Robert, 1940, 25, 28; Kittel 1941, 108; Radan 1973, 2 7 3 - 4 ; rhomas 1977, 24; Taceva-Hitova 1978c, 6 1 ; Brooten 1982, 36; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 72; Williams 1998, no.VI.lS (English tr.); Minkova 2000, 295.
^ ILBulg I 19.
32
Moesia
Found at Gigen. Now: Sofia, National Archaeological Museum, inv.no.5215 (old 112). Details: Marble stele, upper part cut off, 96 x 40 x 36 cm. Letters: 3-2.5 cm. Inscription in recessed field with moulded frame. Language: Latin. Date: 4*'' century C E (?). Text (follows ILBulg 1989 and personal inspection): [ ] loses arcisina(gogus?) et principales (hederd) filius Maximini Pannoni sibi et Qyriae coiugi sui vivo suo memoria dedica{palm branch) vit. (hedera)
5
1. The existence o f 1.1 is debatable; see b e l o w 1-2. Seure: / n o m e n etc.J \ [ - - in ala Pannon(iorum) decurjio ses(quiplicarius) ar(morum) c(ustos) {i} sin(gularis) a q(uaestionibus) [=q(uaestionarius)J 1 - 2 . Gerov: [ - - decurjio ses(quiplicarius) Arci Sinao 2 . l O S E S A R C I S I N A on the stone 2 . Katsarov, D o b o , Robert, Thomas, Brooten, Scheiber: loses arcisinafgogjojsj 3 . \. principalis( ?) 6. 1. Cyriae, coniugi 7. 1. suae, se 8. 1. memoriam
Joses, archisynagogosf".^^ and principalis, son of Maximinus the Pannonian, for himself and Cyria his spouse, dedicated the memorial while he was alive. The inscription was discovered during excavations at the site of Oescus in 1 9 1 1 - 1 2 . Katsarov noted that the stele had been reused at a later date when the upper part of the stone was cut and rounded with a round hole bored in the middle.^ It was possibly reused as the base of a statue. Since its publication by Katsarov in 1913, the inscription has been widely accepted as proof of the existence of a Jewish community in Oescus. Although initially Katsarov declined to reconstruct the first surviving line (1.2), he conceded, after a letter sent to him by Dessau, that it contained the Jewish name Joses and an abbreviation of the title archisynagogos. Schwabe and most other scholars accepted this reading. It was challenged by Cagnat and Besnier (in AE), Seure, Gerov and
9 Katsarov 1912/13, 195.
Moesia
33
recently by Kochev. Cagnat, Besnier and Kochev declined to reconstruct the missing part of the inscription while both Seure and Gerov read the letters lO as part of a missing title decurio and suggested the letters SES should be understood as an abbreviation of the military title sesquiplicarius. Gerov also proposes that the rest of the letters indicate the place of origin of the deceased: Synaos in Phrygia. However, there is no trace of the proposed first line of the inscription. There is a clear gap, although a small one, between lO and the rest of the line, but this could be a mistake of the stone-cutter who miscalculated the available space. Thus, the reading of the name loses is the simplest explanation. The missing line, if there was one, could have included his praenomen and nomen. The reading of the word arcisina as an abbreviated form of archisynagogus is also hotly debated among modem scholars. The symbol considered by most scholars to be a Greek omicron and inscribed in the frame to the right of 1.2 was most probably added by a later hand. The symbol is much smaller than the letters of the inscription and it is not clear whether it is a letter at all; it could be interpreted as an abbreviation mark. Moreover, the letters SINA appear to be written over an erasure, which could suggest that the stone-cutter found it difficult to write the word archisynagogos and had to correct himself. The spelling of arcisina- for archisyna- is not surprising because the word archisynagogos was not normally written in Latin and there was no standard spelling (or abbreviation).'^ 1.3. The office of principales held by " J o s e s " also poses a problem for the interpreter. Robert treats it as the Latin equivalent of the otherwise unknown Greek title apxriyoq. Rajak & Noy understand it as principalis, "leading decurion" in the civilian sense. However, from the beginning of the 1^* century CE Oescus was the home base of Legio V Macedonica. The town hosted the headquarters of the legion and it is likely that "Joses" was a non-commissioned officer, i.e. principales.^^ The military tide principalis I principales is rarely attested in i n s c r i p t i o n s . J e w s are rarely mentioned in inscriptions or literary sources as army officers, leading decurions or holding other high position in the public administration or the army, but Jerome (340/2-420) observed that there were still Jewish senators living in Britain, Gaul and Spain in his own time.'^ Concerning the service of Jews in the Roman army, since there was no general law of exemption from military service of those Jews who were Roman citizens, it is natural to suggest that they were considered eligible for recruitment in the army. The notorious episode of 19 CE, however, when 4,000 Jewish men from Rome were deliberately enrolled by Tiberius to serve in Sardinia, '0 Cf. arcosynagogos
in JIWE i 20.
'I Dig. 49.16.13. ' 2 c i L v 1 6 9 3 , i x 1608. Inlsaiam
18.66.20.
34
Moesia
demonstrates the way in which a Roman citizen could be expelled from the city, but reveals nothing about the attitude of Jews towards military service. It is also true that in certain places, such as Ephesus and Delos, members of the Jewish communities were granted the privilege not to serve in the army; but these exemptions were always local and temporary.'^ In this way, Scheiber's view that the number of Jews in the Roman army increased after they acquired citizenship through the Constitutio Antoniniana in 212 seems plausible.'*' The decrees of Arcadius, Theodosius II and Honorius from 404'^ and 418,'^ which banned Jews and Samaritans from service in the imperial administration and the army, indirectly point to the fact that these opportunities had been pursued by a certain number of Jews. Thus, we find a centurion in Egypt''^ and, according to Applebaum, a couple of ' r e n e g a d e ' Jews serving in the Roman army are referred to in the Midrash Genesis Rabbah.-" A late 4"-early 5"' century epitaph from Concordia probably records a unit of Emesene Jews^' and according to Sulpicius Severus (360-420/5) many Jews served in the army during his own time.-1.4. The name Maximinus is otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions and papyri. According to Minkova Qyria is most probably a Latin rendering of the Greek name KDpia(q). An inscription from Rome records N e p i a K v p i a , i.e Naevia Kyria.-^ The form Cyriati occurs at Rome.^^ K\)pia/K\)pidq also occurs at Beth She'arim.-^ Gerov dates the inscription to the end of 3'^'' or the beginning of the 4"' century CE on palaeographic grounds. Moes2. Inscription w i t h menorah Editions: Morfova 1958, 3 1 4 - 1 5 , no. 19; IGBulg ii 1958, no.597 ter. Illustrations: Morfova, figs. 13-15 (photo); IGBulg. pi.134 (photo). Other bibliography: BE 1960, 233; CIJ i^ 1975, no.681; Kochev 1978, 7 3 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 72. ^ Found at Gigen. Now: Sofia, National Archaeological Museum, no inv.no. '4 Josephus, .4rt/. 18.84; Tacitus, Ann. 2.85.4; Suetonius, Tib. 36; Stern, GLAJJ 306. '5 Josephus, Ant. 1 4 . 2 2 3 - 3 0 , 2 3 6 - 7 . Scheiber 1983, 14; Rabello 1980, 7 2 5 - 8 . '7 C.Th. 16.8.18. '8 C.Th. 16.8.24. '9 CPJ ii 1960, no. 229. 20 A p p l e b a u m 1971, 182 n. 16. 2' J l W E i 6 - l J u d O i i i S y r 4 3 . 22 23 24 25
Chron. 2.3.6. J I W E ii 4 8 6 . J I W E ii 372. BSW, no. 170.
ii nos.284,
Moesia
35
Details: Small piece of white marble, roughly cube-shaped, 1 2 x 9 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 4"' -6"' century CE(?). Text (follows IGBulg and personal inspection): (front)
(Oil - - ]
eX,Ki[ - - ] acKal
- - ]
x[ - - - 1 (side)
{menorah)
(reverse)
viog I - - 1
L i g a t u r e s : (face): 2. BA; 3 . CK
This small, inscribed stone was found at the site of Oescus (Gigen) in the 1950s. It is the only the second Greek inscription found at Oescus. It has
36
Moesia
been dated as 4''^-5''' century by Morfova and 5*''-6*'' century by Mihailov in IGBulg, on the basis of the cursive letters inscribed on the front. The letters on the front and the reverse and the purpose of the stone remain very uncertain. It seems likely that the letters on the front are part of an original longer inscription, perhaps the beginnings of lines as the first letters are aligned fairly well. The original stone was broken, and the side was inscribed with a menorah, probably to mark a Jewish grave. Only its square branches survive, not the base. The letters on the back, which seem most likely to be the end of a name, could be from another reuse of the stone, perhaps before the Jewish one; Morfova also believes that these letters were added later.
Section 4
Thrace Thrace was established as a Roman province in 45 CE. It was governed by procurators until the reign of Trajan (98-117) when a n e w system of legates assisted by procurators was established. The legates and the procurators resided at Perinthus, but the administrative centre of the province was Trimontium (Philippopolis). In the earlier period, the defence of the province was controlled by the legate of Moesia. The administration of the province was centralised in OTpaxTiyiai each under a axpaxTiYoq (military commander). Under Diocletian (284-305) the province was split up into Europa, with its centre at Eudoxiopolis (Selymbria); Haemimontus with centre Hadrianopolis; Rhodope with centre Traianopolis; Thracia with centre Philippopolis.' Jews are rarely attested in the province.^ The only literary evidence concerns Byzantium/Constantinople, originally attached to the province of Thrace. According to the Byzantine historians and chronographers of the ^thjQth ^.gjj^my a Jewish community existed near the Copper Market (xa XaA,K07cpaxeia) of Constandnople,^ but it is not possible to tell when it w a s established in the city. The obscure saying of the tenth century riocxpia Kovaxavxivo-ojioA-Eoq that the Jews had occupied the Copper Market for 132 years, starting from 317 CE, indicates only that Jewish community had been established in Byzantium/ Constantinople at, and possibly before, the actual dedication of the city in 330 CE.^ The other sources, however, which are related to the new foundation of the city by Constantine, do not provide such information. We are somewhat more fortunate with another aspect of the evidence from the n d x p i a , which
' See further Velkov 1977, 6 1 - 7 7 , 1 1 4 - 3 4 . 2 A scholion on Aristophanes, AcharnA 56, says that the Thracian tribe of the Odomantes were Jews, probably because they practised circumcision. 3 Panayotov 2 0 0 1 , 3 2 0 - 5 , 3 2 8 - 9 . The Copper Market of Constantinople is located between the church of the Mother of God and the area presently occupied by the mosque Zeynep Sultan Camii. The market played an important role in the city life of ancient Byzantium. It was established near the agora and subsequently incorporated in Constantine's city. From the 5 * century onwards the Copper Market is recorded as located in the fourth region of Constantinople alongside the city's Basilica, the baths of Zeuxippos, St Sophia, the Augusteon, Magnaura, the Senate, and the golden Milion. 4 n d x p i a KcovCTTavTivo\)7t6Xeco(; iii 3 2 , ed. Constantinopolitanarum, vol. 2 . Leipzig, 1907, 2 2 6 - 7 .
T.
Preger,
Scriptores
Originum
38
Thrace
States that t h e s e Jews w e r e traders of copper handiwork. Theophanes and the later sources unanimously associate the Copper Market with the Jewish merchants.-' It is possible to consider the Jewish establishment in the Copper Market as a community of artisans selling their own products. Similar quarters, occupied by artisans, are well attested in Constantinople.*' The evidence of the Byzantine historians and the Christian legends associated with the sanctuaries in the Copper Market support the possible identification of the area as the Jewish quarter of the city.^ The accounts of the presence of a synagogue in the Copper Market suggest that we are probably dealing either with a communal building or with the building of a collegium, a professional association of Jewish artisans. The synagogue was converted into the famous church of the Mother of God in the Copper Market (©eoxoKog tcov XaA,KOKpatei(ov), most probably by Pulchcria, sister of Theodosius 11, in 449 CE.^ The church is situated about 150 m. west of St Sophia and north of the city Basilica. In modern Istanbul the site is identified with the mosque Acem Aga Mcscidi, built over its eastern side, while the surrounding buildings cover the south aisle as well as the baptistery of the church in the north. Nothing survives from the original building of the church, i.e. the converted synagogue, especially after the extensive rebuilding work done by Justin II and Basil 1 (876-86).''
Philippopolis
(Trimontium,
Plovdiv)
- TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
El9
Philippopolis was founded by Philip 11 in 342 BC on the site of an ancient Thracian settlement (Pulpudava). It was made the administrative centre of the Roman province of Thrace under the name Trimontium, and the provincial assembly met there. The city was an important military, trade and economic centre situated on the crossroads of the central road from Vindobona to Byzantium/Constantinople and the roads to Oescus and Nicopolis ad Nestum. It was provided with a circuit wall during the reign of Marcus Aurelius (161-180). Philippopolis was captured temporarily and sacked by the Goths in 251 CE, but later recovered and was made an episcopal seat in the 4'^ century CE. In 343 a counter-synod was held in the city in opposition to the one that had been held in Serdica. The city's fortifications were repaired and enlarged during the reign of Justinian 1 (527-565).
5 T h e o p h a n e s , Chronographia, A M 5942, ed. C. de Boor, Theophanis Chronographia 1, V i e n n a 1885, 102. ^' See Janin 1964, 94 9 for a list of the artisan quarters in Constantinople. Panayotov 2 0 0 1 , 330 1. ^ P a n a y o t o v 2 0 0 1 , 327 8, 3 3 1 - 2 . Vita Basilii included in Theophanes Continuatiis 5.93 (PG cix 3 5 6 A - B ) .
vol.
Thrace
C4
39
CAIDL
_ ^E^/i Plan of P h i l i p p o p o l i s s y n a g o g u e (after K e s j a k o v a 1989)
The synagogue was discovered accidentally in 1981 during the construction of a block of flats at 21 Maria Luisa Blvd (old Lily ana Diniitrova) in Plovdiv. Although the urban plan of the Roman city is still not very well studied, the synagogue occupied, according to Kesjakova, an insula in what appears to be a residential quarter situated south-east of the forum. Excavations revealed a rectangular structure, measuring 13.5 m. (north -south) by 14.2 m. (east-west), with a main hall 9 m. wide, and two aisles each 2.6 m. wide. It is not clear, however, whether the aisles of the original building were separated from the central hall by a wall or colonnade. Kesjakova, followed by Levinc, suggests that the building had a basilical plan similar to that of the synagogues of Japhia and Huseifa. The orientation of the building is north-south with a large forecourt, measuring 360 m- and with a floor covered with plaster, on the north side. Kesjakova reports that column bases were found in the forecourt, and suggests that it was separated from the main entrance of the synagogue by a colonnade.'" The whole area covered by the synagogue is 650 m^. Two large, but partially destroyed, mosaic floors were discovered in the main hall of the building. Images of a menorah and a bunch of the ' four species' Kesjakova 1989, 2 9 ; Kesjakova 1999, 76.
40
Thrace
(lulab, ethrog, willow and myrtle) and three Greek inscriptions are preserved in the first mosaic floor ( # # T h r l - 2). The surviving parts from the second mosaic floor suggest that it was decorated predominantly by geometric figures. According to Kesjakova the synagogue was built in the first half of the 3'^'' century, partly destroyed by the Goths in 250-1 C E , " and restored in the first decade of the 4'*' century. Some time in the early 5"^ century, the entire complex was badly damaged. It was rebuilt soon after that with several alterations to the original plan: extension of the east and west walls into the courtyard, thus enlarging the building space, new mosaic floor and construction of a well or fountain - not a miqveh as suggested by Koranda.'- The reconstruction is also shown by two plaster layers covering the forecourt's floor, and by the different level of the two water channels underneath. It is not clear, however, whether the new building continued to be used as a synagogue. It was finally destroyed in the late 6^^ century. Although the area surrounding the synagogue is largely unexplored, the available evidence suggests that it was a private residential quarter. Kesjakova reports a huge domestic building next to the synagogue, in the same insula, which has never been fully explored. This building was built in the 2"^* or early 3"^*^ century, destroyed during the Gothic invasion of 2 5 0 - 1 , and rebuilt afterwards with no alterations to the original building plan."4 A small private bath and a hypocaust installation, both dating from the 4"' or 5"' century, discovered in the same area may have been part of the same complex.'• Furthermore, a residence (the so-called "Narcissus" residence) with an almost identical architectural plan was discovered in the insula situated east of the synagogue and dated to the same period as its first building, i.e. the middle of the 3*^^^ century. This residence had several farm and domestic structures, a hypocaust heating system and peristyle court with pool.'*' It is possible then that the Philippopolis synagogue was originally a residential building later converted to synagogue use in a way similar to the Stobi synagogue ( # M a c l ) . Another possibility is that the synagogue became part of the adjacent residence after the rebuilding which took place in the 5^*' century. However, until more information on the excavations is published any further conclusions are premature.
" On the siege of Philippopolis by the G o t h s in 2 5 0 - 1 , see Am mi an us Marcellinus 3 1 . 5 . 1 7 ; Dexippus, frag.20 in FHG iii 6 7 8 - 9 ; Jordanes, Getica, 103; Zosimus, Historia Nova, 1.23. Further, Apostolidis 1927, Danov 1934b. '2 Kesjakova 1989, 2 9 ; Rutgers 1998, 105 contra Koranda 1988/9, 2 1 9 . There was also a well at the s y n a g o g u e of Ostia. C f White 1997. ii 379 9 1 . ' 3 Kesjakova 1 9 8 9 , 3 1 . •4 Kesjakova 1989. 32; Kesjakova 1999, 9 2 . •5 Kesjakova 1999, 8 8 - 9 2 . ' * ' K e s j a k o v a 1999, 85 8.
Thrace
V
4 1 *
r r
^
1
T h r l . M o s a i c inscription of C o s m i a n u s J o s e p h Editions: Danov & Kesjakova 1984, 2 1 0 - 2 6 ; Danov 1985, 1 0 7 - 2 3 ; Danov 1986, 3 9 - 4 3 ; Kesjakova 1989, 20- 33; Donderer 1989, 37; SEG xxxix 1989, no.663. Illustrations: Danov & Kesjakova 1984; Kesjakova 1989, figs.4-5; Kesjakova 1994; Kesjakova 1999; Koranda 1988/9; Hachlili 1988, fig.IV7. Other bibliography: Kesjakova 1994, 167-9; Koranda 1988/9, 2 1 8 - 2 8 ; Koranda 1990, 103-10; Soustal 1991, 402; Rutgers 1996, 105-6, 114; Hachlili 1998, 55, 217; Kesjakova 1999, 7 6 - 8 2 ; Levine 2000, 2 5 1 - 2 .
42
Thrace
Found in Plovdiv. N o w : Plovdiv, Depot of the National Institute for the M o n u m e n t s of Culture, no inv.no. Details: Two mosaic inscriptions, from eeist and west panels, in tabulae ansatae, each 160 x 50 cm. Letters: 10 cm. (with exception of 1.4 in the east panel) Language: Greek. Date: second half of 3'^'' century CE. Text (follows Kesjakova 1989 and personal inspection): (east panel) EK xcov xf\c, TCpovloia^] Koajxiavoq 6 kg Ttooficp {hedera) eKOonriCTev. z\Aoy\oi jtocgiv. {hedera)
(west panel) £K T©v 1 % TcpolvoiaQ] Koa^iav[6(; 6 ke Tcoafjcp] {hedera) eK6op.r|0£V. ei)A,OYi« TEotaiv. {hedera)
east 4 : T h e letters o f j t a a i v are smaller than the rest o f the inscription due to a mistake o f the artist w h o miscalculated the available space in the tabula.
From the (gifts) of Providence [or From the (funds) of (his) foresight^, Cosmianus also (called) Joseph executed the decoration building). A blessing to all.
prudent (of the
T w o rectangular panels measuring 3 x 3.8 m. each survived from the first mosaic floor. The third one in the centre, also measuring 3 x 3.8 m., was added later. All panels were laid down in front of the synagogue's south wall. The total area covered by the three panels is 34.2 m^. A menorah and a bunch of the 'four species' associated with the feast of Sukkoth (lulab, ethrog, willow and myrtle; Lev 23.40) are represented in the central panel. They are surrounded by five concentric rectangular frames, enriched by different ornaments: among them black triangles and a colourful double wreath of red, orange and green ribbons. Small pomegranates composed of yellow, orange, blue, red and green tesserae form the central and side branches of the menorah. The height of the menorah is approximately 240 cm. The representation of its main body and side branches as made of pomegranates follows in general the prescriptions of Ex 25.33-6 and is c o m m o n in monuments from Palestine and the Diaspora.'^ The base of the lampstand is depicted as a concave plate, which is very rare. The menorahs in the Hammat Tiberias mosaic and on the ivory plate from Beth S h e ' a n both have a concave plate base, but borne by a tripod of three
Similar seven branched lampstands occur on the mosaic floors o f Hammat Tiberias, Beth She'an B, Hulda synagogues, in the Villa Torlonia catacomb at Rome and at Pergamum (Hachlili 1988, 2 4 2 - 4 ; Hachlili 1998, 327, 3 3 1 , figs.VII-12,16; HachHli 2 0 0 1 , 1 4 7 - 5 7 , cat. nos. D 5 . 1 , D 6 . 1 , IS3.1-3.3, IS3.5-3.10, IS4.2, ISl 1.3; Koranda 1 9 8 8 / 9 , 2 2 0 ) .
Thrace
43
animal feet.'^ Similar representation can also be seen in wall-paintings on panels W B l and W B 2 at Dura-Buropos (mid-3''' century CE).'^ The Philippopolis menorah is represented with lighted pottery or bronze lamps with their nozzle ends pointing left. A peculiar feature of their depiction is that they have a bird-shaped form. It is impossible, however, to tell whether this was intended by the unknown artist or not. The only similar representation is found in the earliest manuscript of the 6'''-century Christian Topography of Cosmas Indicopleustes. The accompanying picture of his description of the Tabernacle has the Tabernacle menorah with a singing bird on each of the side branches (Top.Christ. 5.33).^^ The west and east panels of the mosaic are fdled with floral and geometric patterns. These panels are the only element that has survived from the first period of the building's existence. Danov suggests that the first mosaic floor was laid down after the Gothic invasion and repaired at the beginning of the 4'*^ century,2' at which time the central panel was added.-^^ The Greek inscriptions preserved in the first mosaic floor are dedications for the decoration and renovation of the synagogue. The same inscription is shown in the east and west panels, in a tabula ansata inside a rectangle. In both panels the tabula ansata measures 160 x 50 cm. (excluding the ansae). The letters are black on a white background and the hederae are also depicted in black. There is a hedera in each left-hand ansa. 1.1. Kraabel translates the formula EK T&V npovoiaq as "from the gifts of Providence", which according to him refers to the God of Israel. Although identical phrasing occurs in eleven inscriptions from the synagogue at Sardis,^"* the term Tipovoia was also widely used in Antiquity to refer to the donor's thoughtfulness or foresight in securing funds, usually from his own resources, for a building project, or a ruler's careful forethought for his subjects.'^^ In the latter case, the Latin providentia was
•8 Hachlili 1988, 2 4 1 , fig.Sa, pi. 101. '9 Hachlili 1988, 2 4 1 - 6 ; Hachlili 1998, 3 2 3 - 3 8 , figs.VII-5, V I I - 1 0 - 2 4 ; Hachlili 2 0 0 1 , 1 3 1 ^ 1 , cat.no.D 1.3-1.4. 20 Sinait. Gr. 1186, f o t 7 5 \ and Laur. Plut. IX, 28, fol.125' - 1 3 0 \ dated to the 1 1 * century (Wolska-Conus 1968, 9 7 - 8 , 1 4 3 ^ ; Wolska-Conus 1970, 5 8 - 6 1 ) . 21 Danov & Kesjakova 1 9 8 4 , 2 1 1 - 1 2 ; Danov 1986, 3 9 4 3 . 22 Danov & Kesjakova 1 9 8 4 , 2 1 2 - 1 5 . 23 Kraabel 1 9 9 6 , 7 5 - 9 6 ; Martin 1982, 7 - 3 0 . 24 Kroll 2 0 0 1 , nos. 12, 1 6 - 1 7 , 1 9 - 2 4 , 58, 6 6 = IJudO ii 7 1 , 7 7 - 8 , 8 0 - 5 , 124, 132. 25 For example SEG xxxii 1385,1.8 (cult inscription for Antiochus I Soter, 2 8 1 - 6 1 BCE); SEG xxxiv 9 4 (Athenian decree honouring magistrates epi tas prosodous, 1 8 1 - 0 BCE); SEG xxxviii 74, 1.10 (Athenian decree in honour o f Komeas, c . 2 8 0 - 7 0 BCE); SEG xli 1593 (building inscription for the Roman province o f Arabia, 2"''-3"' century CE); ibid. 1668 (honorary inscription, possibly from Edftj, 16 October 2 9 6 CE); SEG xliv 1318, 1.4 (dedication o f a gate from Chalcis, Syria, 5 5 0 - 1 CE), etc. See also # B S 1 .
44
Thrace
venerated as one of the most important attributes of the emperor from the time of Augustus.2^ iipovola is attested only once in inscriptions from Philippopolis and its territory. In an inscription from the Asclepeion at the village of Batkun, territory of Philippopolis, a certain Sebasdanus dedicates a statue to Asclepius specifying eK jipovoiaq toi) 0eoO dveaxTiaev 58 toSe dYaA,p,a ("from the (gifts of) providence of the god he raised this statue").^^ He, most likely, erected the statue from his ovm funds, which he regarded as due to divine favour. It is likely, then, that the formula EK Tcov xfiq Tipovoiaq in Philippopolis also refers to funds secured from the d o n o r ' s own possessions, whether the providence was his own or God's. 1,2. The inscription preserves the name of Koaixiavoq (Cosmianus) called Ttooficp (Joseph). Danov understands Joseph as the by-name of the benefactor Cosmianus. The use of the spelling 6 ke instead of the usual 6 Kod is a clear indication of a 3'^'' century (or later) date for the inscription.^^ The phrase was widely used in the Ancient World to introduce an additional name.^^ The practice of acquiring a by-name was not u n c o m m o n among Jews in the Diaspora and Roman Palestine. In most cases the preferred by-name was Semitic as here, but there also is evidence for Jews using a Greek name as a by-name from Beth She'arim,^^ Alexandria^' and Aphrodisias.^^ \ ^ some cases the proper and the by-name were both Greek (e.g. Malta, 4''^-5* c e n t u r y ) . J e w s using a by-name are frequently found in inscriptions and papyri from Edfu,^"* Aphrodisias^^ and Rome^^ in the Diaspora, and Beth She'arim in Roman Palestine.^^ There are several instances of this practice in Josephus and the N e w Testament.-'^ There are three other cases from the Balkans of the usage of by-names by Jews: inscriptions from Stobi ( # M a c l ) and Thessaloniki ( # # M a c l 4 - 1 5 ) ; perhaps also # M a c l 2 from Philippi. Danov suggests that Cosmianus, together with other forms of Cosmos like Cosmia, Cosmius, Cosmis etc., was a preferred name (or by-name)
26 Charlesworth 1936, 1 0 7 - 2 2 ; Martin 1982, 1 0 3 - 3 9 , 3 0 8 - 6 5 . 27 11.4-5; IGBul iii 1134. 28 Danov & Kesjakova 1 9 8 4 , 2 0 9 - 1 1 . 29 Horsley 1992, 1 0 1 2 - 1 3 ; Williams 1995, 89, 1 0 6 - 9 . See Index lib. 30 5 5 i i , nos. 121, 199. 31 JIGRE 6. 32 IJudO ii 14 = Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, b20, 2 8 ; JIWE ii 104, 338. 33 J l W E i 166. 34 CPJ ii, 2 2 3 , 2 4 8 , 298, 3 0 4 , 3 1 1 , 3 2 1 . 35 IJudO ii 14 = Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, b30. 36 JIWE ii 6 0 , 108, 217, 2 7 6 , 534, 551. 37 5 S i i , no. 191. 38 Josephus BJ 1.99; Ant. 12.43, 385; 13.10, 131; 20.240; Lk 6.15, 8.2, 22.3; Acts 1.23, 4.36, 11.13, 12.12, 13.1, 15.22, 15.37, etc.
Thrace
45
a m o n g Jews and other natives from the eastern provinces of the Roman Empire.^^ However, this appears not to be the case. The name Cosmius occurs in an inscription from Intercisa (#Pan3) dated 2 3 3 - 5 , and a woman named Cosmia is mentioned in a papyrus from Fayum (240 BCE); it is not clear whether she is Jewish or not.'*^ In a non-Jewish context Cosmianus appears, e.g., in a list of ephebes from Athens (KooM,iav6q 0paGa)vtov), dated 177-8 CE, and in a Greek inscription from Rome."*' 1.3. Danov, followed by Koranda, takes eKoojxriaev as an indication that the synagogue was found in disorder by Cosmianus Joseph, who provided funds not only for the mosaic floor, but also for the renovation of the building. He suggests that this inscription is evidence of the restoration of the synagogue building after the Gothic invasion of 2 5 0 - 1 CE. However, Kesjakova assumes that the synagogue was built during the reign of Alexander Severus (222-35) and dates the inscription to the same period.'*^ Her assumption is based on the common opinion among modem scholars that the emperors of the Severan dynasty were sympathetic towards Judaism.'*^ However, the many problems associated with the source of that assumption, the Historia Augusta, are still not solved and it is preferable to deal with the information included there cautiously."*^ Moreover, a considerable influx of eastern immigrants under the Severi is attested only in Pannonia, not in the Balkan provinces.''^ This synagogue, unlike those in Pannonia, did not (as far as the surviving evidence goes) make a public display of its loyalty to the imperial family. 11.3-4. The final "blessing" formula evA-oyia Tcaaiv occurs quite often in Jewish inscriptions, e.g. the synagogues of Aegina (#Ach59) and A p a m e a (IJudO iii Syr53 = CIJ 803), and appears in epitaphs from Perinthus-Heraclea (#Thr4), Rome ( 3 ' M * century),^^ Nicomedia in Bithynia (Amautkoy) and Byblos."*^ Robert accepted that it was exclusively Jewish."*^
39 Danov & Kesjakova 1984, 2 1 2 - 1 3 ; Pape & Benseler 1911, 703; Bechtel 1917, 2 5 4 - 5 . See Hatch & Redpath 1898, ii 7 8 0 - 1 for the occurrence o f the name in the LXX and other Greek versions o f the Old Testament. 40 CPJ 3 6 . 4' I G i i ^ 2 1 6 0 , 4 7 ; 1 G U R 9 8 4 . 42 Danov & Kesjakova 1 9 8 4 , 2 1 0 - 1 2 ; Kesjakova 1 9 8 9 , 3 0 . 43 Stem, GLAJJ ii
513-15.
44 Gager 1973, 9 3 - 7 ; Liebmann-Frankfort 1974, 5 8 7 - 9 8 . 45 46 47 48
M 6 c s y 1974, 229. JIWE ii 2 9 2 , 3 0 1 , 4 5 9 . CIJ ii 798, 870 = IJudO ii 156, iii 28. Robert 1946, 108; Robert 1960b, 3 9 4 - 6 .
46
Thrace
T h r 2 . Mosaic inscription of Isaac Editions: Danov & Kesjakova 1984, 2 1 0 - 2 6 ; A. Ovadiah ap. Kesjakova 1984, 170; Danov 1985. 107-23; Danov 1986, 3 9 - 4 3 ; Kesjakova 1989, 2 0 - 3 3 ; Donderer 1989, 37; SEG xxxix 1989, no.663. Illustrations: Danov & Kesjakova 1984; Kesjakova 1984; Kesjakova 1989, figs.6, 9; Kesjakova 1999; Koranda 1988/9; Hachlili 1998, fig.lV-8. Other bibliography: Koranda 1988/9, 218 2 8 ; Koranda 1990, 103-10; Hachlili 1998, 55, 4 0 9 - 4 1 0 ; Kesjakova 1999, 7 6 - 8 2 ; Levine 2000, 252. Found in Plovdiv. Now: Plovdiv, Depot of the National Institute for the Monuments of Culture, no inv.no. Details: Mosaic inscription from central panel. Letters: 8 cm. Language: Greek. Date: first half of 4^'^ century CE. Text (follows Kesjakova 1989 and personal inspection): {bunch of lulab, ethrog, myrtle and willow) {menorah) e[K Ttov xf\c, ixpovojiaq - 6 KE TjoaotK tfiv Koap-hicnvl eKoirjaev n6{baq) pic'. L i g a t u r e s : 3 T H N K , I I C ; 4 PK 2. P o i n t s after EA, b e t w e e n I and C and b e t w e e n t h e t w o alphas in I C A A K ; t h e r e is a dot u n d e r t h e first alpha of t h e n a m e 1. O v a d i a h : e[K xcov iSi&v k a l VKep acoxripliaq 2. K e s j a k o v a , S E G : "EXrA.io(;| 4. omicron written inside pi; O v a d i a h : n6(nA,ioq) EKATOvtdpxriq or xiXictpxriQ; D o n d e r e r : NPOK^o^
From the (gifts) of Providence [or From the (funds) of (his) prudent foresight], Ell... also (called) Isaac made the decoration of 120 feet (of mosaic).
Thrace
47
The inscription occupies the space on either side of the menorah's stem and base in the central panel of the Philippopolis mosaic (sec # T h r l ) . The inscription uses cursive letters and many ligatures, which are not to be found in # T h r l . This, according to Danov, could help us to date the inscription to the first half of the 4"' century.'*'^ Although the middle part of the central panel is severely damaged, according to Kesjakova the first line of the inscription contained the same opening formula as the inscriptions from the side panels. Here, again, E K TCOV xfig jcpovoiaq can be interpreted as a reference to the God of Israel or to the donor's prudence in securing funds for the execution of the mosaic (see # T h r l ) . 1.2. Kesjakova suggests that the first name of the benefactor has to be reconstructed as "EA,Xioi;, a form of AiA^ioq, i.e. a graecized form of the Roman gentilicium Aelius.-^" The name "ElA,iog is attested only once in the eastern provinces of the Roman Empire.''' Hachlili reconstructs the name as Eli as. but the state of preservation of the inscription does not allow any certain reading.^' The second lambda in the name could also indicate that it was part of the large group of names based on the ethnic "EA,X.iiv or 'EXkac^P By far the most popular name was 'EXXdviKoq, and a name of that sort of length is probably needed to fill the available space. Names formed on the basis of "E^A.r|v occur in Jewish inscriptions and papyri, e.g. llelene and Helles at Rome^"*, Hellene at Assenovgrad (#Thr5; she is not certainly Jewish) and Hellen and 1 lelenos occur in ostraca and papyri from Egypt. The reconstruction of the second name of the benefactor as l a a d K by Kesjakova is less problematic, and this was probably a second name introduced by "also called", as in # T h r l . It is worth noting that in this case, as in # T h r l , the Hebrew name does not have a case ending. 1.4. There has been considerable divergence in the reading and interpretation of this line. Ovadiah suggests it was the monogram of yet another benefactor called HOTTA-IOQ i.e. Publius, holding the army office of eKaxovxdpxriq {centurion) or %ikiap%r\c, {tribunus militum). Donderer and Hachlili interpret it in a similar way, but according to them it was the monogram of the artist responsible for the execution of the mosaic. Donderer has his name as OpoKXog. However, as Kesjakova, followed by Koranda, suggests, it is an abbreviation that provides information about the
49 Danov & Kesjakova 1984, 2 0 9 , 2 2 1 ; Kesjakova 1989, 26 7. 50 Kesjakova 1989, 26; Pape & Benseler 1 9 1 1 , 3 5 . 5' W u t h n o w 1 9 3 0 , 4 5 . 52 Hachlili 1 9 9 8 , 4 0 9 . 53 Pape & Benseler 1911, 3 4 9 - 5 4 ; L G P N i 1 4 9 - 5 0 ; L G P N ii 141; LGPN iiiA 140; LGPN iiiB 1 3 1 - 2 . 54 J I W E ii 32, 279. 55 Hachlili 1 9 9 8 , 4 0 9 .
48
Thrace
size of the mosaic floor donated by I s a a c . T h u s , it should be read as KoSag pK', i.e. 120 feet of mosaic - approximately 35 m^. Similar abbreviations indicating the size of the mosaic floor donated occur in inscriptions from the synagogue of Apamea,-^ and this donation is on a similar scale to the larger Apamean ones.
Bizye (Vize) = TA VO-Karte B VI18:
F20
Bizye was the capital of the last Odrysian dynasty and centre client kingdom of the Asti until 44 CE. After the 3"^^ century rarely mentioned in the literary sources. It is not mentioned of Caesarea in the list of cities renovated during the reign (527-565), but it continued to exist during Middle Ages.^^
of the Roman CE the city is by Procopius of Justinian I
T h r 3 . E p i t a p h of Rebecca Editions: Dawkins & Hasluck 1905/6, 179-180, no.5; Kalinka 1906, 125-6 n o . U ; Oehler 1909, 538 no.94a; Seure 1919, 3 5 8 - 9 , no. 180; Krauss 1922, 2 4 1 , no.87a; CO i 1936, no.692; Robert 1946, 1 0 7 - 8 ; Brooten 1982, 4 1 - 2 ; Asdracha 1998, 338-9 n o . l 6 1 . Illustrations: Dawkins & Hasluck (drawing; also in Brooten, pi.IV). Other bibliography: Melissenos 1881 [not seenj; Juster 1914, i 187; Revised Schiirer iii.l 1986, 72; Trebilco 1991, 111; Williams 1998, no.lI.55 (English tr.); Brooten 2000, 2 1 7 - 1 8 . Found at Vize, Turkey. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Grey marble stele, broken below, 23 cm. wide (CIJ); 51 x 24 cm (Seure). Letters: 2.2 cm.; guidelines between lines of lettering. Language: Greek. Date: 4"'-5"' century CE or later, l e x t (follows CIJ): (ethrog) [ivf\(menorah)<\i a 'PePeKatq]
->
%f\q Tcpea-
PDiepag XT]q K8K\)|j.r||x evriq. L i g a t u r e s : 1 M N H ; 3 H C ; 5 MM 1. K a l i n k a : \ivi
-ter-q
56 Kesjakova 1989, 2 7 ; Koranda 1990, 1 0 3 - 1 0 . 57 I J u d O iii 5 6 , 6 1 - 6 , 68 - CIJ 8 0 6 - 1 1 , 816 17. 58 V e l k o v 1977, 1 2 0 - 1 .
5
Thrace
E
1. 1 2. 5
Y T(:' P A
49
(if
A s d r a c h a : |.ivi||i|-CI 2 . B r o o t e n : p.vfi(jj.-)ai|a K a l i n k a : 'Pc|3eica6. 1. KeKoi(.ni(ievri5
Tomb of Rebecca the presbytera, who has fallen
asleep.
Melissenos reported the inscription in his brochure on the history of the Orthodox Church in Eastern Thrace published in 1881. Some years later in 1895, Kalinka recorded the inscription in the forecourt of the Orthodox church at Turkish Vize. It was subsequently moved, together with several others, to the courtyard of the Greek school where it was recorded by Richard Dawkins, on an ethnographic field trip in the region, in 1906.^9 1.2. The name Rebecca is not much attested in Jewish inscriptions or papyri from the Diaspora. It occurs only in two epitaphs from Rome, both dated to the 3''' or 4"' century.^" 11.3-4. The title K p e a ^ D x e p a held by Rebecca is found in three epitaphs from Venosa dated to the 5"^ century, a 4^** or s"' century one from Malta, and inscriptions from Crete (#Cre3), Tripolitania, and Nocera in Campania.^' According to Krauss the title indicates that the deceased woman was a wife of a presbyteros.^^ Juster, commenting on the structure 59 D a w k i n s 1906, 1 9 2 - 3 . 60 J I W E ii 9, 3 1 1 . 6' J I W E i 59, 6 2 , 7 1 , 163; SEG xxvii 1201; A E 1 9 9 4 , 4 0 1 62 Krauss 1922, 144.
50
Thrace
of the council of elders in the Jewish communities, regards the title as an honorary one given to pious and respected women.^^ pj-^y suggests that in the case of Rebecca it was used to distinguish her from someone else "younger" of the same name. However, as Brooten, followed by van der Horst, has established, this was a title which a woman could hold in her own right; usually, as in this case, there is no reference to a husband holding a tide. The exact function of the office of the presbyteros/-a (elder) within the Jewish community is difficult to determine, and it seems that its meaning varied from place to place. Its popularity among Jews is clearly indicated by the laws of Constantine from 330 and Arcadius £ind Honorius from 397 and 399, which list the presbyteroi, along with the archisynagogoi and the Patriarch, among the synagogue leaders. Here again, the exact function of the office remains unclear - it seems that the legislators understood it either as a religious or administrative o n e . ^ It is safe to assume, however, that it was an important status within the Jewish community and a presbyteros/-a may have been a member of its governing body.^^ If Rebecca held a specific office, it was perhaps similar to that of the male elders although it is not clear whether the female elders were actually members of the synagogal council.^^ In a Christian context, in the 5 * century there were women holding ecclesiastical offices in southern Italy, including that of presbytera.^"^ 11.5-6. The final formula, a version of KEKoi^iTinevriq, a genitive form of the perfect middle participle of K0ip,ota), is otherwise unattested in a Jewish context. However, it occurs in the N e w Testament implying a belief in immortality (Mt 27.52, Jn 11.11). The formula is undoubtedly of the same class of 'sleep' formulae as the Jewish ev eipfivri fi Koip,r|Gi(; ai)To'o/-Tfi<;/ao-i) or the mainly Christian sit pax in requie eius.^^ It may indicate a belief in resurrection, when the 'sleeper' will awake.^^ The term Koip.rix'npiov used to indicate a grave, usually in Christian epitaphs, occurs in three Jewish inscriptions from Athens (##Ach28-30) and one from Phthiotic Thebes (Nea Anchialos) in Thessaly (#Ach21).
63 64 65 66 67 68 69
Juster 1914, i 441 n.8. C.Th. 16.8.2, 1 6 . 8 . 1 3 - 1 4 = Linder 1987, nos.9, 2 7 , 30. Brooten 1 9 8 2 , 4 6 - 5 2 ; Levine 2 0 0 0 , 4 0 7 - 8 . Brooten 1982, 55; van der Horst 1991, 1 0 6 - 7 ; Williams 1 9 9 8 , 4 3 . JIWE i 59; cf. Horsley 1976, no.79; Mentzou-Meimaris 1982, 450. JIWE i, pp.337-8; JIWE ii, pp.544-5. van der Horst 1 9 9 1 , 1 1 5 - 1 8 .
Thrace
Perinthus-Heraclea
(Marmara
Ergelisi)=
51
TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
F20
The presence of Jews at Perinthus-Heraclea is possibly attested in the Passio of St Philip, bishop of Heraclea, which describes his martyrdom that took place during the persecution of Diocletian or Galerius ( 3 0 5 - 1 1 ) . The text of the Passio was, perhaps, composed in the S"' or 6'^ century.'^^ T h r 4 . Epitaph of Eugenius Bibliography: Kalinka 1926, 191 n o . l 4 6 ; Robert 1937, 82 = 1946, 108; Robert 1960b, 3 9 4 - 5 , n.8; CU i^ 1975, Prol. no.692a; Sayar 1998, 373 no.228. Illustrations: Kalinka 1926 (facsimile); Sayar (facsimile). Other bibliography: Kalinka 1896, 5 8 - 6 8 ; Lifshitz & Schiby 1968, 375. Found at Perinthus-Heraclea (Marmara Ergelisi). Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Marble stele, broken below, 33 x 25 x 5 cm. Letters: 2.5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 5^''-6"' century CE. Text (follows Sayar 1998):
(shovel)
evGe K a x o c K i (shofar) (menorah) x£ 6 p,vtp,iq a lllioq E-oyeviq[e\)A,o]Yia nalaiv].
(lulab)
(ethrog)
5
I. T h e iota in K a x a K i t e is inscribed under the kappa and outside the double rectangular frame o f the menorah due, perhaps, to a mistake o f the stone-cutter 1 - 2 . 1. evGa K A X D K E I X A I 6 |iVT|)i.riq 3 . Sayar: EvyevK; = Ex>yevi(o)q 4 - 5 . Kalinka: A L Y I A % -
Here lies Eugenius,
worth of memory.
A blessing to all.
The inscription was reported by Kalinka in 1896 and published in 1926, but it is n o w lost. He suggested, on the basis of the form of the Greek used, that it dates to the 5'^-6"' centuries CE. 11.1-3. The opening formula Ev9e/a/a5e KaxotKiTe was common in 5*"^7^*^ century Christian epitaphs from Perinthus-Heraclea.^* It also occurs.
70 The martyrdom actually took place in Hadrianopolis. ASS 50.9, col.546; Delehaye 1912; de' Cavalieri 1953, 65, 130, 144,1.7. See also Velkov 1958, 7 3 1 ; PLRE i 151; Velkov 1980, 1 4 4 - 5 . 7' Sayar 1998, 3 7 1 - 8 , nos. 2 2 4 - 3 6 .
52
Thrace
rreoHKiHiq^ f<X€YrcN before the name, in Jewish inscriptions from Taranto (3'^''-6'*' century)^and Otranto (3"'-4'*' c e n t u r y ) , N i c o m e d i a in Bithynia^* and Pontus^^ The formula ev8a KaxdKixe/ai appears before the name in Christian inscriptions from Thessaloniki ( 5 " - 6 * century),''^ Odcssos'''^ and Mesembria^^ in the Balkans, and also at Rome and in Spain^^ The inscription has a menorah flanked by shofar and incense shovel on the left and lulab and ethrog on the right. The images are set within a double rectangular frame, and the text is arranged around the images, not vice versa. The menorah has two small spiral handles and a solid base. This is a very rare representation. There are only three examples of sevenbranched lampstands with handles found in the Diaspora: from Nicaea,^^ Sardis^' and a plaque in the Jonathan Rosen collection in N e w York;^- see also #Mac6. According to Rutgers & Fine these objects reflect a particular
72 J I W E i 118 19. 73 J l W E i 134. 74 CIJ ii 7 9 8 - lJudO ii 156; D . Feissel, TM 10 1987, 4 1 , pl.l, 1 2 . 75 CIJ ii 801 - lJudO ii 150. 76 R I C M 175. 77 Besevliev 1944, 2 0 - 3 0 , nos.3, 5 7 , 2 0 . 78 Besevliev 1952, n o . l 19. 79 I G C V O 3 3 , 3 6 , 9 6 , 5 7 3 . 80 Rutgers & Fine 1996, 11 17, rig.3. However, Hachlili 2 0 0 1 , cat.no.D6.8, thinks the spirals beneath the branches of the Nicaea menorah are scrolls. 8' A. Seager in Levine 1981, 183; Hachlili 2 0 0 1 , 78 9, tlg.22f-g, cat.no.D 4 . 1 , pi. 11-43 ( 2 8 ) . However, the curls on the plaque from Priene could also be scrolls. Rutgers & Fine 1996, 17; Hachlili 2 0 0 1 , 7 9 . rig.ll~22c, cat.no.D4.2. 82 Rutgers & Fine 1996, 18-21
Thrace
53
type of menorah used in western Asia Minor.^^ The handles of the Perinthus menorah, however, are represented spiraling downwards rather than upwards as in the examples from Asia Minor. The only instance from Israel that possibly shows menorahs with handles is a basalt lintel, dated 4'''-6"' century CE, from Farj in the Golan.^^'^ Two of the lampstands represented there have a horizontal bar beneath the branches that could possibly be a handle, or a device for hanging additional lamps. It is significant that the pieces discussed above have all been dated to the 4 " 6'^ centuries which, in general, agrees with the date proposed for the Perinthus inscription. The shape of the base of the menorah is also unusual. According to Hachlili it has "the form of rock out of which the menorah r i s e s " . S i m i l a r representations are found only on three gold-glasses from Rome**^ and in Catacomb 3, hall E, room IV, at Beth She'arim, all of which have been dated to the 3''~4"^ centuries CE. The Perinthus inscription also bears the only representation of an incense shovel in the Jewish monuments from the Balkans.^'^ 11.5-6. On the formula ziAoy'm Jtdoiv, see #Thrl. The name Eugenius is attested in a Jewish context in inscriptions from Aphrodisias^^ and (in the feminine form) Rome.^^ The name was popular in Antiquity as a proper name and as a by-name emphasizing the community virtue of nobility.'^^
Assenovgrad
- TA VO-Karte B VI18: El 9
ThrS. Votive inscription of Helene Editions: IGBulg iii 1961, no. 1432 (photo; from the stone); Dunst 1961, 4 8 1 ; CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. no.681 a; IGBulg v 1997, no.5530 (updates bibliography). Other bibliography: Dunst 1963, 28 (Review of IGBulg iii); BE 1965. no.253; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 72; Mitchell 1999, 112, 132, no.67. Found in Badilema district in south-eastern part of Assenovgrad. Now: Assenovgrad, Archaeological Museum, no inv.no. Details: Marble plaque, upper part broken, 32 x 22 cm. Letters: 2 - 4 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 2"^* century CE or later. 83 Rutgers & Fine 1996, 2 0 - 1 , suggest that the N e w York plaque possibly originated in western Asia Minor. 84 Hachlili 2 0 0 1 , 72, fig.ll-19a, cat.no.lS4.31. 85 Hachlili 2 0 0 1 , 138. 86 J I W E ii 5 9 1 - 3 ; Hachlili 2 0 0 1 , 9 6 - 1 0 4 , 138, figs.33a-b, 34c, 111-13c, c a t . n o . D l O . I - 2 , 9. 87 Hachlili 2 0 0 1 , 8 3 - 7 , fig. 11-24, cat.no.lS 11.12, pl.74 88 IJudO ii 14 = Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, 6, 9 9 , b 11.9, 24. 89 J I W E ii 116. 90 Mussies 1994, 274.
Thrace
54
Text (follows IGBulg iii 1961 and personal inspection): 1 - - - ] e r a 'FAeVT] d v e Briicev e\)A,a)YTi xcp ei)-
. / a Helene dedicated
5
to (the) blessed (God), a vow.
The inscription comes from Assenovgrad, a town in the territory of ancient Philippopolis (Plovdiv). According to Dunst, followed by Robert and Lifshitz, the use of EX)Xoyr\x6c, in 11.5-6 confirms the dedication as Jewish; see #BS20. This is a fixed term that explicitly refers to the blessing of the God of Israel found in the LXX and in the Jewish writings outside the Old Testamcnt.9' Mitchell regards the inscription as most probably a dedication to Theos Hypsistos, which is the designation usually associated with e\)A.0YriT6(; in the Bosporan manumissions. The cult of Theos or Zeus Hypsistos is also well documented in the monuments from Thrace. A shrine of Theos Hypsistos has been discovered outside the northern gate of Serdica (Sofia), and votive inscriptions dedicated to the deity are found in 9' For example M e l c h i z e d e k ' s blessing in Gen 1 4 . 1 9 - 2 0 . See further Hatch & Redpath, i 1898, 764 5; H. Bauer, 'e\)XoYrit6^', TDNTu, 764 5.
Thrace
55
Palilalia, Philippopolis, Assenovgrad, Perynthos, Selymbria, Kavalla and The use of E I ) A , O Y T | T 6 ( ; in Helene's dedication, however, suggests cither Judaism or at least a cult heavily influenced by Judaism. This is not surprising if we consider the proximity of Assenovgrad to Philippopolis; the modern town is only 10 km. distance from Plovdiv where a Jewish community was well established already in the 3'^'^ century (#Thrl). The name Helene is rarely attested in Jewish inscriptions and papyri; cf. the epitaphs of Helles (EXkf\(;) from the Monteverde catacomb and of Aurelia Helene from the Vigna Randanini catacomb at Rome.93 The male name llellcn is found on an ostrakon from Thebes of 157 BCE and Helenos is found in a papyrus from Alexandria of 5/4 BCE.^^ The name here was almost certainly preceded by a Roman nomen. Pirot.92
92 l a c h e v a - H i t o v a 1983, 1 9 2 - 2 0 3 , nos.3 2 3 ; Mitchell 1999, 1 1 0 - 1 5 , 1 3 1 - 2 , n o s . 6 0 - 7 5 . 93 J I W E ii 32, 2 7 9 . 94 CPJ i, 8 2 . 4 ; i i 151.2.
Section 5
Macedonia Macedonia was split into four regions with centres at Amphipolis, Thessaloniki, Pella and Pelgonia after the Roman victory over the Macedonian king Perseus at the Battle of Pydna in 168 BCE. It was made a R o m a n province in 148 BCE with its capital at Thessaloniki. The seat of the Macedonian assembly was at Beroea. During the 3"^^ and 4 * centuries CE, Macedonia was divided into two provinces, Macedonia Prima and Macedonia Salutaris. It was reorganised again in the S*** century and divided into two provinces: Macedonia Prima and Macedonia Secunda.
Stobi = TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
F18
Stobi is located at the junction of the Erigon (Cema) and Axius (Vardar), near the village of Gradsko, Veles region, in F Y R Macedonia. The city is mentioned for the first time by Livy on the occasion of the victory of Philip V of Macedon over the Dardanians near the town of Stobi. He later returns to Stobi and describes it as "an old town".' According to the results of the excavations conducted between 1970 and 1981, the site of Stobi was occupied from the 3"^^ century B C E until the late 6'*' century CE.^ The city was of great importance in the Roman province of Macedonia, and later for Macedonia Salutaris and Macedonia Secunda. After the Roman victory over the Macedonian king Perseus in 168 BCE the city was made the salt emporium of the fourth region of Macedonia. During the reign of Augustus, Stobi was made an oppidum civium Romanorum £ind there was a dramatic increase of the population. Before 69 CE the city was made a municipium and minted its first coins bearing the legend municipium Stobensium. Its citizens also enjoyed the ius Italicum, i.e. they were R o m a n citizens, and were registered in the Roman tribes of Aemilia and Tromentia.-^ Stobi prospered in the 2"*^ and the 3*^^ centuries, and many public buildings date to this period including the Theatre. From the 4"' century it was made an episcopal seat."^ Budus, the bishop of Stobi, ' Livy 3 3 . 1 9 . 3 , 39.53.15. This description is most probably the result of Livy's intention to make a contrast with Perseis, a city founded by Philip V in 183 BCE. 2 Wiseman 1 9 7 5 , 1 3 - 1 4 ; Wiseman 1984, 2 9 5 - 3 1 3 . 3 Papazoglou 1986, 2 1 3 - 3 1 ; Papazoglou 1988, 3 1 6 - 7 ; Wiseman 1975, 1 5 - 1 6 . 4 The enormous Episcopal Basilica o f Stobi was built in the 4 * century and renovated in the 5 * and 6 * centuries. Wiseman 1984, 3 0 5 - 9 .
Macedonia:
Stobi
57
attended the Council of Nicaea in 325 and the Emperor Theodosius visited the city in June 388. He issued there a law forbidding the assembly of heretics and the public discussion of religion.^ In the 5*'^ century the city gradually declined although it remained an important trade and ecclesiastical centre: it was the administrative centre of Macedonia Secunda and home of the Christian writer John Stobaeus; its bishop Nicolaus attended the Council of Chalcedon in 4 5 1 . In 472 the city surrendered to the Ostrogothic king Theodemir and in 479 it was sacked by his son Theodoric. The city suffered further destruction during the great earthquake of 533 and after then it was gradually abandoned.^ Excavations at Stobi conducted under the direction of Joso Petrovic in 1931 uncovered a three-aisled basilica situated in the central area of the city.^ The basilica is orientated from north-west to south-east. On the basis of # M a c l , Petrovic recognised the building as a synagogue.^ The presence of capitals decorated vsdth crosses (perhaps from the arches of the windows in the apse) and of a Christian burial stone in one of the rooms of the forecourt was largely ignored by Petrovic. He thought that they showed that the synagogue was turned into a church at the end of its existence.^ Some scholars, including Vulic, Klein, Frey, Marmorstein and Sukenik, accepted Petrovic's suggestion. Kitzinger rejected it, arguing that the column on which # M a c l was inscribed was actually reused in the construction of the basilica, which, he assumed, was Christian. Concerning the origin of the column, he admitted that it could belong to an entirely different building or to an earlier edifice over which the basilica was erected. The latter view, suggested originally by Lietzmann, proved accurate when in 1963-5, during conservation and restoration work on the Stobi buildings, a rectangular hall with mosaic floor was found below the nave of the Basilica.'° However, it was not until 1970 that systematic exploration of the site commenced under the direction of J. Wiseman and D. Mano-Zissi. The subsequent excavations revealed that in fact there are two buildings, one immediately above the other, below the level of the basilica (designated since 1970 the Central Basilica). The older edifice (designated Synagogue I) was identified as the synagogue of the Polycharmus inscription, # M a c l . The later building was designated Synagogue II.
5 C.Th. 16.4.2, 16.5.15. 6 Papazoglou 1988, 3 1 8 - 2 3 . 7 For bibliography, see below under # M a c l . Spetrovid 1931, 1932. 9 Kitzinger 1946, 131. •0 Vincic 1963, 1965.
Macedonia:
58
EZ
Stobi
u
Menorah grsfftti 2
BOOM 3
S t o b i : Plan of Central Basilica (in outline). S y n a g o g u e II (in heavy lines). S y n a g o g u e I and earlier R o m a n walls (in h a t c h e d lines). After W i s e m a n 1975
Synagogue I. The precise architectural plan of Synagogue 1 and the earlier buildings on the site cannot be determined because of the complicated stratification of the site. Polycharmus' inscription suggests that the building he donated was "a two storied house that had a colonnaded courtyard, dining room, and probably rooms large enough (separately or combined) to house an assembly on the bottom floor. Upstairs there were living quarters. Of course the roof was tiled. All this basically gives us a picture of a middle or upper middle class house possibly a villa - in a rather typical Mediterranean style."" None of these rooms have been identified with confidence. The earliest building on the site has been identified as a potter's shop located beneath the narthex of the Central B a s i l i c a . T h e original complex has been dated to the Hellenistic period on the basis of a deposit of late Hellenistic pottery.'-' It was destroyed by fire in the late 2^^ or early 1^* century BCE and a new building was built over it soon afterwards. The only surviving evidence of this structure is a flagstone pavement discovered in front of the northern colonnade of the Central Basilica. Synagogue 1 was probably built over this earlier edifice. The remains of the synagogue itself are indicated only by a few parts of walls. Wiseman and Poehlman report that at least part of the north wall of Synagogue I was reused in Synagogue II.''' The wall is situated between the northern stylobate and the north wall of the Basilica (W2; see plan " '2 many '3 '4
Poehlman 1 9 8 1 , 2 3 8 . W i s e m a n & Mano-Zissi 1972, 409 11. A m o n g the artefacts found on this level were pieces of Hellenistic pottery and a golden hoard dated to 120-119 B C E . W i s e m a n & Mano-Zissi 1 9 7 1 , 4 0 8 . W i s e m a n 1978, 3 9 3 ; Poehlman 1 9 8 1 , 2 3 9 .
Macedonia:
Slohi
59
above).'-'' Traces of a street pavement were found outside the north wall of Synagogue I.'*' The western part of the south wall of the building was partly reused in Synagogue II. The wall is situated just north of the south stylobate and below the nave of the Basilica ( W l ) . Two walls connected to W l were discovered below the mosaic floor of Synagogue II in the centre of the nave of the basilica. Both are orientated north-south, but it is not clear whether they connect to the north wall (W2). They may well have been part of the earlier edifice on the site and reused in the construction of Synagogue I. The walls form a small inner courtyard (3.7 X 6 m.) paved with flagstones. An oven and a pilhos were also found in the courtyard.''' The west end of the building is perhaps between the west end of the nave and the narthex. Poehlman suggests that the east wall (W3) of Synagogue II, located in front of the apse of the Basilica, was also used in Synagogue I.'^ Several plaster fragments with dipinti honouring Polycharmus have been discovered at the western end of W l ( # # M a c 3 - 4 ) . Poehlman notes that they seem to come from both the south and north sides of the wall, suggesting that there were rooms on both sides.'*-^ A doorway has been found in this part of the wall, suggesting that it connected with a building south of Wl (designated later as the "House of Psalms").20 On the basis of this evidence Wiseman & Mano-Zissi identified the building as the one mentioned in the inscription of Polycharmus ( # M a c l ) . 2 ' Their suggestion has been confirmed by another so far unpublished inscription honouring Polycharmus' benefaction found painted on a marble plaque. The fragments of this plaque were reused as an opus sectile filling of the floor of Synagogue 11 (sec # M a c l ) . These discoveries indicate that the column with the Polycharmus inscription belonged to Synagogue I, However, the additional rooms mentioned in the inscription - the triclinium and tetrastoon - have not been located. What appears so far from the evidence is that Synagogue I was originally a domestic structure with a small inner courtyard and, probably, service rooms south of Wl.^^ Wiseman and Poehlman favour a 2"^'-ccntury date
'5 T h e numbers given to the walls of Synagogue 1 are those used by Wiseman & M a n o Zissi 1971, 4 0 8 - 9 , ill.6. Poehlman 1981 uses a different system of numbering. P o e h l m a n ' s wall 1 - Wiseman & Mano-Zissi wall 2; P o e h l m a n ' s wall 2 Wiseman & Mano-Zissi wall 1. '6 Wiseman 1 9 7 8 , 3 9 3 . '7 Poehlman 1981, 240, contra White 1997, ii 347 w h o has it as a small room. A similar courtyard is found in the second stage of the Dura-Europos synagogue. See Levine in Levine 1981, 1 7 2 - 4 ; White 1997, ii 2 7 7 - 8 1 , fig.29b. '8 Poehlman 1 9 8 1 , 2 3 9 . '9 Poehlman 1 9 8 1 , 2 4 1 . 2 0 Mano-Zissi 1973, 2 0 8 9. T h e "House o f P s a l m s " w a s to the south of the area shown in the plan above. 2 ' Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1 9 7 1 , 4 0 8 . 2 2 Poehlman 1 9 8 1 . 2 4 2 - 3 .
60
Macedonia:
Stobi
for the construction of Synagogue I.^^ However, an early 3'^''-century date is also possible. White suggests that Synagogue I was destroyed by fire, but the recent reports have shown that the marks of burning found along the eastern part of W l are not widespread.^"* It is more likely that the burning was part of a clearing operation during the construction of Synagogue II in the late 3'^'' or early 4**^ century.-^^ Wiseman notes that the earthquake that severely damaged the theatre at Stobi in the late 3"^^ century may also have caused the destruction of Synagogue I and several other public buildings.26 Synagogue II. The second building emerged in the late 3'^'* or early 4^*^ century after considerable reconstruction of Synagogue I, but it is not clear under what circumstances the reconstruction work took place. During the construction of the building, new exterior walls were laid down on its east and north sides, partly reusing the older structures. The old north wall (W2) was extended to the west, abutting the west wall of the edifice (below the atrium of the basilica), and to the east into an unexplored area of the site.2^ The east wall (W3) bonded with the north and continued southwards, where it connected with the n e w partition wall between Synagogue II and the "House of Psalms" (later the wall of the south aisle of the Basilica). To the west, a new wall was built attached to the west end of the doorway of the old south wall ( W l ) and the partition wall with the "House of Psalms" or its predecessor. The new walls were connected through an additional wall, which ran parallel to the partition wall. Thus, they formed a room designated by the excavators as Room 2 of Synagogue 11.28 West of this room, under the south part of the narthex and the atrium of the basilica, the traces of the walls of yet another room have been found (designated the "South-west room" and later as Room 3). The doorways situated in the north and south walls of R o o m 3 provided access from the main hall of Synagogue II through the room to the "House of Psalms". Hence, w e can describe Synagogue II as a long rectangular structure with one large hall measuring 13.3 x 7.6 m. (Room 1) and two smaller rooms attached on the south (Rooms 2 and 3).^^ The length of the whole building is approximately 2 1 m . The walls of the main hall were decorated with frescoes, its windows and doors adorned with decorative stucco
23 Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1 9 7 1 , 4 0 8 ; Wiseman 1978, 3 9 3 ; Poehlman 1 9 8 1 , 2 4 3 ^ . 24 White 1997, ii 348. 25 Poehlman 1 9 8 1 , 2 4 2 . 26 Wiseman 1 9 8 6 , 4 1 . 27 Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1 9 7 6 , 2 9 6 . 28 Wiseman 1 9 7 8 , 3 9 3 . 29 Probably there was a partition wall on the line o f the late narthex/nave wall as suggested by Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1 9 7 1 , 4 1 0 . See also M o e 1977, 1 5 4 - 5 and White 1997, ii 3 4 9 .
Macedonia:
Stobi
51
mouldings bearing floral motifs, and the entire floor paved with mosaics and opus sectile?^ Some of the frescoes in the main hall had graffiti containing a continuous text in Greek and several names (see p.68). The mosaic floor, discovered by Vincic in 1965, is made of separate pieces of mosaic with a geometric design, which suggests several stages in its construction.^' Foundation stones, probably for benches, were found in front of the south wall of the building.^^ tj^g j^ain hall there is also a small stepped platform standing against the east wall, considered by Wiseman & Mano-Zissi to be a bema?^ The building had three entrances. The central entrance was located in the west wall and there was an additional door to the main hall in the north wall (W2). Another door opened into Room 3 of the building, providing access to the "House of Psalms". The discovery of three menorah graffiti scratched on the plaster coating of the east wall of Room 3 in 1975 confirmed that the second phase of the building was also a synagogue (the graffiti were found on the west side of the wall, i.e. inside the room).^"* A connection between Synagogue II and the "House of Psalms" (designated in earlier studies as the "Summer Palace" and "Polycharmus' Palace") has been suggested by most of the explorers of the site; but, as the excavations showed, the floor of the synagogue lies on a higher level than that of "House of Psalms".^^ It is not impossible that the two buildings were part of a larger complex providing the Jewish community with a dining hall and study room {triclinium and tetrastoon?)?^ However, the early building history of the two sites is obscure and their relationship should be defined only after fiirther exploration in future. At the end of the 4 * or the beginning of the 5**^ century. Synagogue II was supplanted by the construction of the Central Basilica. The Basilica was identified beyond any doubt as a Christian church after the discovery in 1975 of a cross-shaped reliquary-crypt in its apsidal area.^' It appears that the building of the Basilica started when Synagogue II, or at least its
30 Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1 9 7 1 , 4 1 0 - 1 1 , fig.8. 3' Kolarik & Petrovski 1975, 6 6 - 7 5 , esp. 69. 32 Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1971, 410. 33 Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1 9 7 1 , 4 1 0 - 1 1 . 34 Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1 9 7 6 , 2 9 5 - 6 , fig.31; M o e 1977, 153. 35 Kitzinger 1946, 1 3 9 - 1 4 ; Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1 9 7 1 , 4 1 1 ; White 1997, ii 350. 36 Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1974, 146, fig.32; Poehlman 1981, 2 3 9 - 4 1 ; White 1997, ii 350. The dining room o f the "House o f Psalms" also had a fountain in its centre and was decorated with a mosaic pavement. Wiseman & Mano-Zissi ( 1 9 7 1 , 411) suggest that the images of wild animals, trees and other plants represented in the mosaic may be Jewish. However, there are also many examples testifying that similar designs were used in the decoration of Christian churches. Wischnitzer ( 1 9 6 4 , 9), following Vitruvius 6.3.1, suggests that tetrastoon in # M a c l refers to a four-columned courtyard. 37 Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1 9 7 6 , 2 9 3 - 5 .
62
Macedonia:
Stobi
main hall, was still in good repair.^^ This fact raised many questions about the relations between Jews and Christians in Stobi. Moe suggests that the building came forcibly into Christian possession.^^ However, as White has shown, there is no direct evidence for forced transfer of the ownership."*^ The replacement of a synagogue in good repair by a Christian building can also be seen archaeologically at Apamea in Syria (see IJudO iii 53) in the early 5**^ century. M a c l . Donation of Ti. Claudius Polycharmus. Editions: Vulic 1931, 2 3 8 - 9 , no.636; Petrovic 1932, 8 3 - 4 , 135-6 (resume); Vulic 1932, 2 9 1 - 8 ; Vulic 1933, 3 4 - 4 2 ; Klein 1933, 8 1 - 4 ; Lietzmann 1933, 9 3 - 5 ; Danov 1934a, 1 0 1 - 5 ; Sukenik 1934, 7 9 - 8 1 ; Vulic 1935, 1 6 9 - 7 5 ; CU i 1936, no.694; Marmorstein 1937, 3 7 3 - 8 4 ; Robert 1937, 82 = 1946, 104; Kitzinger 1946, 129-34, 140-6; Heichelheim 1953; Hengel 1966, 1 4 5 - 8 3 ; Lifshitz 1967, 1 8 - 1 9 , no.lO; BE 1968, no.325; CU i^ 1975, Prol. p.76; White 1997, ii 3 5 2 - 6 no.73; Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 , 4 1 - 7 8 . Illustradons: Petrovic 1932, fig.3 (photo); Vulic 1932, pl.xix (photo); Petrovic 1933/4, fig.3 (photo); CIJ i 1936 (photo from Vulic); Kitzinger 1946, figs.203-4 (photo); Ovadiah 1996 (squeeze). Other bibliography, (A) Inscription: Petrovic 1943, 4 9 7 - 9 ; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 70 n.3; Alon 1980, i 2 5 1 - 2 ; RICM 1983, 245 (no text); Cohen 1987, 1 7 2 - 3 ; Jacobs 1995, 2 4 4 - 7 no.68, 339; Ovadiah 1996, 4 0 - 1 ; Ovadiah 1998, 186-7, 191-2; Williams 1998, no.II.7 (English tr.); ClauBen 2002, 199-202. (B) Synagogue: Petrovic 1931, 2 7 8 - 9 , 288; Petkovic & Petrovic 1931, 2 2 2 - 3 , 232; Petrovic 1932, 8 1 - 6 ; Petkovic & Mano-Zissi 1932, 2 0 8 - 9 , 234; Petrovic 1933/4, 169-84; Sukenik 1934, 7 9 - 8 1 ; Petrovic 1943, 4 9 6 503; Kitzinger 1946, 129-34, 140-6; Petrov 1955, 7 3 - 4 , 77; Vincic 1963, 9 7 - 8 ; Hodinott 1963, 1 7 9 - 8 1 ; Wischnitzer 1964, 7 - 9 ; Vincic 1965, 1 2 9 3 1 ; Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1971, 4 0 8 - 1 1 , pls.87-90; Wiseman & ManoZissi 1972, 4 0 8 - 1 1 Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1973, 3 9 1 - 3 ; Wiseman 1973, 3 0 - 3 ; Mano-Zissi 1973, 2 0 8 - 1 0 ; Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1974, 1 4 6 - 8 ; Kolarik & Petrovski 1975, 6 6 - 7 5 , figs. 1-8; Wiseman & Georgievski 1975, 1 7 3 - 6 , 182-4; Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1976, 2 9 3 - 7 ; Moe 1977, 148-57; Wiseman 1978, 3 9 2 - 5 ; Kraabel 1979, 4 9 4 - 7 ; Mano-Zissi 1981, 119; Poehlman 1981, 2 3 5 - 4 8 ; Foerster 1981, 167-70; Wiseman 1984, 2 9 5 - 3 0 1 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 67; Wiseman 1986, 4 0 - 1 , 4 3 , p l s . 3 8 - 5 5 ; Koco et al. 1996, 68; White 1997, ii 3 4 6 - 5 2 no.72; HachliU 1998, 2 3 1 - 3 ; Levine 2000, 2 5 2 - 5 . Found at Stobi. Now: Belgrade, National Museum, inv.no. 18/IV. 38 M o e 1977, 1 5 3 - 5 . 39 M o e 1977, 153; Kraabel 1 9 7 9 , 4 9 6 - 7 . 40 White 1997, ii 352 n . l 2 0 .
Macedonia:
Stobi
63
Details: White m a r b l e c o l u m n cut o f f a t the top, 225 x 98 c m (Vulic) o r 248 X 98 cm (White). Language: Greek. Date: s e c o n d h a l f of 2"** - first h a l f o f S''* c e n t u r y CE. Text ( f o l l o w s Lifshitz 1967 and p h o t o ; 1.1 a c c o r d i n g to V u l i c ' s s q u e e z e ) : 1 ] +++ [K^.] Tipepioq noXiiXapnoq 6 Ktti 'AX<)pi0(; 6 TraTTip xfjq ev Ixopoiq a-ovaycoyfi^,
5
be, jcoA,eiTe\)CFdp,e-
v o q Ttotoav 7toA,EiTeia v K a x a TOV T o v S a l a|x6v, evxfjq EVEKEV t o b q jiev o i K O D q Tw
10
OCYlCp XOKCp K t t l x6
xpiKA,eivov o i ) v x& xexpaoxocp EK xcav o i K E i t o v xpr|p,dxcov pT|5£v 6A,o)q 7capa\|/d^ E v o q xcov d y l c o v .
15
XTIV
5£ E^ODCTiaV XCOV -DTIE-
pccKOv Ttdvxcov Tcdaav K a i xf)v <5>Ea7roxEiav EXEIV i\ik xov KA,. T I P E P I -
20
ov noA,<)xap^ov i K a i xobqB K a i xo-bq KA-Tipovop-o-oq x o b q £)xoi)(; 8 i d nawbc, pioo).
be, d v 6£ poDA,T|0ti
napd x d -uji €,\iox> 5ox0£vxa, SOJOEI xro T c a x p i a p x t l 5Tivapicov < ^ > u p i d Saq E i K o a i jtEVXE ovxco ydp XI K a i v o x o p - f j o a i
| i o i avv£8o^EV.
25
xfjv 8E ETII-
aKE-ofiv xfjq KEpdjXOV xd)v
30
UTCEpWCOV 7tOl£LO9AI EflE K a i KA.Tipovo^o'og EJiOUq. Ligatures: 4 HP, HC; 5 HC; 6 ME; 7 TE; 9. N E , HC; 10 ME; 14 HM; 15 MH; 16 ME, NT, HN; 19 HN; 2 0 NE, ME; 21 NO; 2 2 HP; 25 MHC; 2 6 HE, NT; 2 7 HN; 2 8 HE, NT; 30 H N , HC I . Lietzmann: ['Eyw K>.(a<)5io?)]; Vulie: "ETOOJ^ T I A ; Habas-Rubin: T I A 5. Lietzmann: ET(6)POI^
64
Macedonia:
Stobi
6. S m a l l omicron inscribed in the n to correct o m i s s i o n 6 - 7 . Habas-Rubin: noXiteuadnevoq 7 - 8 . H a b a s - R u b i n : HoXixeiav 19. < 5 > for A on s t o n e 2 7 .
[Claudius] Tiberius Polycharmus, also (called) Achyrius, the father of the synagogue at Stobi, having lived my whole life according to the (prescriptions of) Judaism, in fulfilment of a vow (have donated) the rooms(?) to the holy place, and the triclinium with the tetrastoa out of my personal accounts without touching the sacred (funds) at all. All the right
Macedonia:
Stobi
of all the upper (rooms of the building) and the ownership is to be held me, Claudius Tiberius Polycharmus, and my heirs for all (our?) life. someone wishes to make changes beyond my decisions, he shall give Patriarch 250,000 denarii. For thus I have agreed. As for the upkeep the roof tiles of the upper (rooms of the building), it will be done by and my heirs.
55
by If the of me
The inscription was found on a column during the excavations at Stobi conducted under the direction of Joso Petrovic in 1931, in the building which he identified as a synagogue, but which was subsequently found to be a Christian basilica on top of two earlier synagogues; the column is originally from Synagogue I, but was reused (see above). Vulic reconstructs the missing first line as E T O D ^ TIA or PIA, suggesting that it includes an enumeration of years according to the Actian or Macedonian era. Marmorstein calculates that PIA (111) of the Actian era corresponds to 79 CE and TIA (311) corresponds to 279 CE (Actian era) or 163 CE (Macedonian era).'*' Lietzmann proposes a completely different reconstruction: eyro KA,(a\)5ioc;). However, it would be very difficult to provide a reliable reconstruction of the first line of the inscription because what actually survives is only a few scratches on the stone.''^ It is also not clear why Vulic et al. read only 8 letters in the first line while all other lines in the inscription have about 15 letters. 11.2-4. Polycharmus was a Roman citizen as indicated by his nomen Claudius. He had a Roman praenomen and nomen and a Greek cognomen (noA.\)xappo(;). It is interesting that his nomen is placed before his praenomen Tiberius. A similar phenomenom is seen in a Jewish epitaph from Philippi where one cognomen of the deceased man seems to be placed before the nomen: «i>(A,dpio)q? NiK6oTpaxo(^) A-i)p(fiA,ioq) 'O^DX6A.iog ( # M a c l 2 ) . According to Heichelheim this was not a practice attested in early imperial inscriptions. Apart from Stobi, OoA-^xappoq occurs only once in inscriptions from Macedonia as a personal name and patronymic - in an inscription from Orestis.'*' The name, however, is fairly well represented in other parts of Greece.'*'' Polycharmus also had a by-name Achyrius ('Ax^pioq). The name has not been attested before in literary sources or inscriptions. Marmorstein, Lietzmann, Danov and Hengel suggest that it is of Semitic origin. Marmorstein, followed by Heichelheim, proposes that the name "may stand for the form Achai, or Achci, with an additional ' r ' , or perhaps by
4' M a r m o r s t e i n 1937, 3 8 2 ; Frey in C U c a l c u l a t e s 165 C E . On the Macedonian era in inscriptions, cf. Papazoglou 1963. 42 Kitzinger 1946, 144; Hengel 1966, 146; Poehlman 1 9 8 1 , 2 4 3 . 43 Rizakis & Touratsoglou 1985, 168 76 no. 186, face ii 1.58. 44 L G P N , s.v.
66
Macedonia:
Stobi
losing ' M ' it may stand for Machir, Macheir.'"*^ However, Vulic notes the name could be related to the Greek word d%Dpov ("chaff, bran, husks"; LSJ, s.v.). Habas-Rubin translates the name as "flaxen", which agrees with Vulic's observation, suggesting that it referred to the colour of Polycharmus' hair. The by-name can also be translated with the original meaning of dx-upov (chaff) as by-names formed on the basis of, or related to, plants are well attested in the Greek onomasticon."*^ Even a negative meaning of Polycharmus' by-name ("chaff-man") is possible (contra Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 , 46); Mussies notes several examples of by-names having negative compounds."*^ Another possibility is to understand Polycharmus' by-name in the sense of the proverb noted by LSJ: ovog eic, dx-opa ("donkey into c h a f f , i.e. "pig in clover"), i.e. an unexpected good fortune.'*^ Thus, his by-name can be translated as "the (unexpectedly) fortunate". According to Lietzmann, followed by Hengel, Poehlman and Habas-Rubin, the name Ti. Claudius frequently occurs in the 2"^^ and 3'" centuries, but is less common in inscriptions at the end of 3'^'' century. 11.4-5. The title naxfip o\)vaYa)Yfi(; has usually been interpreted as an honorific one.'*^ Claufien equates it to the Roman patronus}^ Van der Horst suggests that the holders of the title had certain adminstrative duties in the synagogue, but he does not specify what kind of duties.^' However, it seems that in Polycharmus' case, as perhaps in many others (especially at Rome),^^ the title was conferred on a distinguished benefactor of the local Jewish community. The title Tuocxfip oDvaYCOYfiq indicates that Polycharmus was active as a donor to the Jewish community in Stobi before the inscription, which already describes him as a holder of the title, was set up. He may have received the title following his donation of the building which became the synagogue, as the inscription was ordered by him to clarify the legal position of his donation, not necessarily to mark the original donation itself.^^ The term o-ovaYtoyfiq indicates the local Jewish community, as noted by most interpreters of the inscription (Vulic, Kitzinger, Hengel, Lifshitz, Habas-Rubin). The expression Jiaxfip xf\c, ev Exopou; avvaYCOYTiq may also suggest that there was only one synagogue in Stobi.54
45 Marmorstein 1937, 376. 46 Pick & Bechtel 1894, 3 2 5 - 9 . 47 Mussies 1994, 2 7 4 - 5 . 4^ Aristophanes, Frogs 76. 49 Krauss 1922, 166-7; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 101; Hengel 1966, 176-8. 50 ClauBen 2 0 0 2 , 2 8 4 - 9 . 5' van der Horst 1991, 9 3 ^ , 107. 52 JIWE ii 2 0 9 , 2 8 8 , 540, 560, 576, 578, 584. 53 Rajak 1998, 34. 54 Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 , 4 6 .
Macedonia:
Stobi
67
11.7-9. The expression be, 7ioXeite\)CTdp,evoq Tcdoav KoA,EiTeiav Kaxot xov To\)5aiCTp,6v can be interpreted as stating that Polycharmus has conducted his daily life as a citizen according to the norms of Judaism.^^ In a similar way an epitaph from Rome or Portus states that a certain Cattia A m m i a s lived a good life in Judaism {Kak&o, p i d ) o a o a ev x& To\)6aiojiw).^^ Polycharmus was a Roman citizen and also a member of the 7toA,ixeia of Stobi. Troiani notes that 7ioX,ixeta included the performance of public services in the interests of the city.^'' Robert also observes that in the imperial period the term acquired the meaning of a civic duty.^^ It seems that this part of the inscription follows closely the use of the phrase icdoav KoXixeiav iioX.ixe'oadixevoq in non-Jewish inscriptions, where it was sometimes used by people who were not citizens or had recently acquired their citizenship.^^ In both cases the term indicates that these people had performed a public service to their city.^° However, whether it also indicates that Polycharmus had held a public office in Stobi we can only speculate.^' ToDSalop-oq is well attested in the literary sources from 2Macc onwards (2Macc 2 . 2 1 , 8.1, 14.38; Gal 1.13-14, etc).^2 Lietzmann, followed by Danov, suggests that the explicit mentioning of Polycharmus' obedience to the Jewish law indicates that he was a proselyte. This, again, remains a possible but unsubstantiated suggestion. The expression perhaps serves a double purpose: it provides an explanation of Polycharmus' status as a father of the Jewish community in Stobi and gives the reason for his vow and donation in 11.9-10. 1.9. The use of the formula evx^iq eveKev introduces the motive for Polycharmus' donation: a v o w which he had taken. His intention is clear: to represent the donation as an act of piety and underline its religious aspect. Vows are mentioned in Jewish inscriptions from Egypt, Apamea and Cyprus;^^ see also Index VIIIc. References to Polycharmus' vow also 55 Sophocles 1914, 9 0 3 ; Vulic 1932, 2 9 5 ; Lietzmann 1933, 94; Danov 1934a, 103; Marmorstein 1937, 382; Schwabe ap. Sukenik 1934, 8 0 - 1 n.l; Hengel 1966, 1 7 8 - 8 1 . C f the KoXvxzia o f Israel in 2Macc 4 . 1 1 , 6.1, 8.17, 13.14; 3Macc 3.4; 4Macc 2.8, 2.23, 3.30, 4.23, 4.26, 5.16, 8.7, 17.9; Josephus, Ant. 12.3.3; Eph 2.12; IClem. 2.8, 3.4, 6.1, 2 1 . 1 , 44.6, 51.2 (PG i 2 1 2 A , 2 I 6 A , 2 2 0 A , 2 5 6 A , 309A, 313B); Justyn Martyr, Dial, cum Tryph. 4 5 . 3 , 4 7 . 4 (PG vi 5 7 2 B , 576D); Polycarp o f Smyrna, Ep. ad Phil. 5.2 (PG v 1009B). 56 JIWE ii 584. 57 Troiani 1994, 17; c f Plutarch, De tribus 2.826. 58 B E 1968, 325. 59 Wilhelm 1925, 7 8 - 8 2 . 60 Wilhelm 1925, 78. 6' For example Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 , 4 7 . 62 The term was introduced in a negative sense, as opposed to X p i a t i a v i a ^ o q , by Ignatius o f Antioch (ad Philad. 6.1 = PG v 701A; ad Magn. 8.1 = PG v 765A, 10.3 = PG v 771 A ) and consequently used by most Church fathers in their anti-Jewish polemic (Hengel 1966, 179-81 nn. 1 0 7 - 8 , 1 1 6 - 1 7 ) . 63 JIGRE 16, 19, 116, 134; lJudO iii Syr56 = CIJ 8 1 7 , etc.; IJudO iii C y p l = CIJ 7 3 6 .
68
Macedonia:
Stobi
occur on a marble plaque and in the dipinti from Synagogue I ( # # M a c 3 - 4 ) . The use of the formula EX)X^C, eveKev here presupposes a wording with a main verb understood, e.g. exotpiCTaTO ("donated") or itpoaeBeTO ("added").64
1.10. Hengel and Lifshitz note that o i K o u q should be translated as " r o o m s " not " b u i l d i n g s " . L i f s h i t z compares the use of O I K O I to the occurrence of 8(»^axa in the inscription of Theodotus from Jerusalem.^^ Wiseman, ap. Habas-Rubin, notes that a ji,ev/5e construction begins at this line (Toi)(; ^lev OI'KO\)<; ... 6e [e^ot)oiav] TMV -UTtepcocov), which strongly suggests that the donation includes rooms from Polycharmus' residence (since 6e introduces the upper rooms which he keeps control o f ) , not the addition of new buildings as suggested by Kitzinger.^'' This agrees with the archaeological data regarding Synagogue I presented by Poehlman.^^ 1.11. The term a y i o q xonoq designates the building (or the main hall?) of the synagogue of Stobi.^^ The terms is used as a designation of the synagogue building in inscriptions from Ascalon, Gaza (6**^ century), Gerasa and Egypt. The xpiKA-eivov (a dining room) and the T e x p d a x o o v (study r o o m ? y ' mentioned in 11.10-13 as part of the rooms donated by Polycharmus, have not been located archaeologically. Poehlman suggests that the small flagstone courtyard with an oven from Synagogue I was perhaps the tetrastoon, while the main hall of the synagogue was situated south of W l . This area, according to him, also included Polycharmus' living quarters.^2 x h i s suggestion, however, has not been proven so far and the 1^^-century room with decorated walls discovered under the eastern end of the south aisle of the Central Basilica lies almost a metre higher than the flagstone courtyard. 11.13-14. The formula eK xrov o l K e i c o v x p T m o t x c o v indicates a donation from private funds. The formula is similar to the standard Greek euergetistic expression eK xwv ISieov, representing the d o n o r ' s own contribution. It was expected that the donor would receive some type of honour for his/her generosity (in the case of Polycharmus, he was the father of the community at S t o b i ) . T h e formula is different from the
64 Hengel 1966, 160. 65 Hengel 1966, 1 6 0 - 1 ; Lifshitz 1967, no.lO. 66 Lifshitz 1967, no.81. 67 Kitzinger 1946, 142; Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 , 4 8 . 68 Poehlman 1 9 8 1 , 2 4 3 . 69 Danov 1934a, 104; Hengel 1966, 1 7 2 - 6 ; White 1997, 355 n . l 2 5 . 70 Lifshitz 1967, nos.70, 73a, 78, 8 8 - 9 0 ; JIGRE 1 6 - 1 7 , 127; Kasher 1 9 8 5 , 2 1 5 - 2 0 . 71 Literally a hall with four rows o f columns or four porticoes (LSJ, s.v.; Sophocles 1914, 1079. 72 Poehlman 1 9 8 1 , 2 4 0 . 73 Wiseman 1978, 395. 74 Rajak 1 9 9 8 , 2 3 8 ; Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 , 4 9 .
Macedonia:
Stobi
59
expressions eK x&\ xov ©(eov) Scopecov and eK xcov xfjq upovotaq attested in the Balkans in Jewish inscriptions from Aegina and Philippopolis (#Ach58, # # T h r l - 2 ) . Although these formulae also refer to a donation from private resources, the idea behind them is different: the private funds are envisaged as a result of G o d ' s generosity. 1.16. The term xcov dyicov indicates the treasury of the Jewish community at Stobi. In this inscription, describing the funds as "holy" parallels the well-known designation of the Imperial Treasury as iepd)xaxov xap,eiov elsewhere. Wiseman, ap. Habas-Rubin, notes that the second part of the M,ev/8e construction starts in 11.16-17 (see commentary to l.IO). The construction is accusative + infinitive, governed by an understood verb such as e 8 o | e v (cf. 1.29).^^ 11.17-24. The provision set here that Polycharmus and his descendants shall retain the ownership of the upper floor of the building has been interpreted by Hengel as the donor's wish to live in the "holy place".^^ However, Polycharmus' residence in the house probably preceded its use as a synagogue, so he was really allowing the "holy place" into his house. Polycharmus' donation implies domestically organised worship: the congregation gathered in one or two rooms of his house, while he was still living in another part of the building. The same phenomenon is attested among Christians.^'' The use of the term 5ea7coxeia suggests that Polycharmus intended to have full and undisputed possession of the upper floor. 5eGJioxeia is the first part of a legal provision, which includes the fine in 11.25-8, against any possible action contrary to Polycharmus' will during his own lifetime or after his death. Sukenik corrected Vulic's reading of K a i xobq (Kal xobq} to IIKal xo-bql K a l xobq in 11.21-2 and it is clear from the stone that the first pair of words was deliberately erased by the stone-cutter after he accidentally duplicated them.^^ However, Sukenik's note was ignored in most editions of the inscription (with the exception of Habas-Rubin).'^ 1.27. The patriarch is most probably the Patriarch in Palestine, not a local dignitary.^^ See also #Ach51 from Argos.^'. The existence of 'local' patriarchs suggested by C.Th. 16.8.2, and argued for by Vulic, Juster and Krauss, is bound to remain speculative.^^ Hengel notes, in support of his 2 7 9 - 8 0 dating of the inscription, that it is not possible to expect a 75 Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 , 4 9 . 76 Hengel 1966, 168, 1 7 2 - 3 . 77 White 1997. 78 Sukenik 1934, 80. 79 Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 , 4 4 . 80 Hengel 1966, 152; Poehlman 1 9 8 1 , 2 4 4 - 5 ; Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 . 8' JIWE i 145 from Catania, dated 383 CE, also refers to the Patriarchs in Palestine. 82 Juster 1914, i 4 0 2 - 5 ; Krauss 1927, 145, 1 5 5 - 9 ; Vulic 1932, 297; Linder 1986, 1 3 2 - 5 no.9; Cohen 1987, 1 7 1 - 2 ; Levine 2 0 0 0 , 4 3 7 - 8 .
jQ
Macedonia:
Stobi
reference to the office of the Patriarch before Judah ha-Nasi.^^ HabasRubin suggests that if the inscription is dated to 1 6 3 ^ CE the Patriarch referred to is Simeon ben Gamaliel.^'' However, the inscription is less likely to refer to a specific person than to the office of the Patriarch in general. A local connection between the Jewish community in Stobi and the Patriarch in Palestine is not impossible. The reference to this particular office suggests that Polycharmus was concerned about a possible action against his will from the local Jewish community. 11.27-8. The sum of 250,000 denarii set as a fine for breaching Polycharmus' will is very high. This has led some commentators to date the inscription to the late 3'^'' century (Heichelheim, Hengel, Lifshitz, Feissel in RICM) or even the late 4^^ century (Bickerman, Cohen, Jacobs). However, even for the rate of inflation in the late 3'^'' and during the 4**' century this was a substantial sum of m o n e y . I t is clear, then, that the sum was supposed to act as a deterrent.^^ It was a symbolic sum which noone could ever envisage paying in reality, thus effectively preventing any legal change to Polycharmus' provisions. Similar practice is found in a 3'^'* or 4^*^ century Jewish epitaph from Philippi where the fine for desecrating the grave is 1,000,000 denarii ( # M a c l 2 , q.v.). It is also attested in nonJewish epitaphs. 11.29-33. Robert notes that the provision for the repair of the roof-tiles of the building was added later, perhaps to underline Polycharmus' right of ownership of the the upper rooms.^'' Frey, Heichelheim, Hengel, Robert, Lifshitz, Feissel and ClauBen date the inscription to the end of the 3*^** century CE while Vulic, Frey, Poehlman and Habas-Rubin prefer the late 2"^ century. The arguments in support of a late 3'^'' century date are the excessive fine set by Polycharmus and the mentioning of the office of the Patriarch in Palestine. On the same basis Bickerman and Jacobs date the inscription to the 4*** century CE!** It seems however that the high sum of Polycharmus' fine is not directly related to the level of inflation in the Roman Empire in the 3'^'' and 4^*^ centuries (see above). Vulic dates the inscription to 163 CE on the basis of his reconstruction of the first line of the inscription, which however is problematic. Poehlman and, partly, Habas-Rubin both accept the restoration of the year 163/4 CE and use the archaeological data from Synagogue I to confirm it. Habas-Rubin also notes that certain palaeographic features like the lack of lunate letters and the use of
83 84 85 86 87 88
Hengel 1966, 1 5 3 - 6 . Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 , 60, 6 8 n . l 0 2 . Feldman 1993, 4 8 4 n . l 3 2 ; Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 , 5 7 - 8 . Poehlman 1981, 245; Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 , 58. B E 1968, 4 7 9 . Bickerman 1 9 8 6 , 2 5 2 n.28; Jacobs 1 9 9 5 , 2 4 6 - 7 .
Macedonia:
Stobi
71
ligatures also point to a late 2^^ century date.*^ Those palaeographic features were, however, also characteristic of the early 3'^'' century and, as Wiseman and White note, the archaeological data from Synagogue I can be dated either to the late 2"** or early 3'^'' century CE. Lietzmaim, Danov and Goodman also suggest a late 2"^* or early century CE date for the inscription. It is preferable then to date Polycharmus' inscription broadly to the late 2"^ or early 3'^'' century, not to a specific year. Polycharmus' full name seems to be given again in an inscription on a white marble plaque which was reused, broken into many pieces, in the later opus sectile floor, near the doorway of the north wall (W2) in the main room of Synagogue II. This inscription is to be published by James Wiseman.^^ It is worth noting that the plaque and (presumably) other inscriptions set up by Polycharmus himself were not preserved and placed in Synagogue II. This could indicate that his successors did not follow the strict property regulations in his column inscription and that the 4^*^-century Jewish community in Stobi did not associate the building exclusively with his donation. Another inscription was discovered in a new section of the mosaic under the narthex of the Central Basilica, but "the mosaic is unfortunately built over just at that point by the foundation for the threshold leading to the atrium corridor."^' Some plaster fragments with graffiti were discovered in 1968 during the excavations of the Central Basilica conducted by the Conservation Institute of Macedonia. They were found lying on the floor of the central room of Synagogue II, but it is uncertain exactly where. The fragments were removed, but left on site, when the mosaic of the central room was lifted for conservation. Wiseman & Mano-Zissi note that the interior walls of the central room were decorated with painted frescoes of geometric figures. The graffiti fragments were broken all around and preserved in a poor condition. There are two main groups of fragments designated by Wiseman as: A-70-95, fragments A - G , and A-68-2, a single piece with a longer text. The fragments contain parts of several words, including the frequently repeated letters KOP. The letters of the graffiti were written on the plaster with a sharp point. Other plaster fragments contained parts of continuous text and names.^^ x h e plaster was part of the decoration of Synagogue II and could be dated to the early 4'*' century CE. These inscriptions will also be published by James Wiseman.
89 Papazoglou 1963, 5 2 2 ^ ; Wiseman ap. Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 , 5 1 . 90 It is mentioned by Wiseman 1974, 148; Habas-Rubin 2 0 0 1 , 74. Further information from Prof. Wiseman (pers.comm.). 9> Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1974, 148. 92 Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1 9 7 0 , 4 1 0 n. 101.
72
Macedonia:
Stobi
M a c 2 . Seal Editions: Popovic, Mano-Zissi, Velickovic and Jelicic 1969, 158 no.343 (photo). Other bibliography: Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1971, 411 n . l 0 5 ; ManoZissi 1981, 119; Habas-Rubin 2001, 73. Found at Stobi, Central Basilica. N o w : Belgrade, National Museum, inv.no.66-IV. Details: Bronze seal, 5 x 1 0 cm., with two round holes in the centre. Letter forms (the letters are right-to-left on the seal): 4(6C Language: Greek. Date: 4 * - 6 * century CE. Text (follows Popovic et al.'s photo): E\)- {menorah) c x aG- {ethrog) {lulab) too) Of
Eustathius.
The seal was found in the excavations of the 1930s, but it is not clear exactly where. Wiseman & Mano-Zissi report that it was found "in a deposit below the floor of one of the rooms east of the forecourt of the basilica." However, in an article published ten years later Mano-Zissi states that it was found in one of the sewage pipes under the forecourt of the "House of Psalms".^-^ The object is clearly a seal, not a plaque as stated by Wiseman and Habas-Rubin. The seal is rectangular in shape, with the letters in reverse. The menorah is carved in the centre and has a tripod base and round branches. Two holes piercing the menorah's stem indicate that the seal was reused, perhaps attached to another object or nailed to a wall. Similar bronze seals are preserved in the British Museum (Sardis?; 3*^^-5^*' century CE),^"* Collection Froehner, Cabinet des Medailles (Trabzon; 5"'-7^'' century)^^ and Museo Nazionale Romano (Italy?; 3'^''-5"' century CE).^^ The seal was used to stamp property, as the genitive form of the name indicates. Eustathius is found as the name of a theosebes in the synagogue inscription from Philadelphia in Lydia (3*^^ century CE),^' but is otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions or papyri. Popovic et al. date the seal without explanation to the 6^*^ century CE. This is the latest feasible date (see p.57), but it seems more likely that it
93 94 95 96 97
Mano-Zissi 1981, 119. Dalton 1901, 99 no.487; Reifenberg 1 9 3 9 , 1 9 4 no.3. Feissel 2 0 0 1 , 13 no.6. Reifenberg 1939, 194 no.4. Lifshitz 1967, no.28.
Macedonia:
Stobi
73
precedes the Christian takeover of the building in the late 4*Vearly 5**' century, and was buried in the construction of the Central Basilica. M a c 3 . Vow of Polycharmus Editions: Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1971, 4 0 8 ; Wiseman 1984, 2 9 6 - 3 0 1 ; SEG xxxiv 1984, no.679 (from Wiseman); White 1997, ii 355 n . l 2 3 . Illustrations: Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1971, pl.90, fig.2I (photo); Wiseman 1984, fig.8 (photo). Other bibliography: BE 1972, no.256c; Wiseman & Georgievski 1975, 174; Poehlman 1981, 236; Revised Schiirer iii.l 1986, 6 7 - 8 ; Habas-Rubin 2001, 73-4. Found at Stobi, Synagogue II. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Dipinto in tabula ansata on fresco. Letters: 4 - 2 cm. Language: Greek. Date: second half of 2 " ^ - first half of 3"^^ century CE. Text (follows SEG): UoXxtxaip-]
Yioc, 6 7ca[T-] [T|pl evxfiv. Polycharmus
the father
(made) a vow.
The fragments of some frescoes were discovered in 1970 in a thin stratum of burnt remains and pottery shards under the bedding for the mosaic in the central room of Synagogue II. According to Wiseman the Irescoes were part of the decoration of the south wall of Synagogue I. Some of the frescoes had letters painted on them and when they were put together revealed a number of dipinti with identical text (see also #Mac4). The dipinti are set in tabulae ansatae. They were without doubt part of the decoration of the walls of the ground floor of Polycharmus' synagogue. Wiseman dates the dipinti to the late 2"'*-early 3"^*^ century CE. Their dating is clearly dependent on that of # M a c l . M a c 4 . Vow of Polycharmus Editions: Wiseman 8c Mano-Zissi 1971, 408; Wiseman 1984, 2 9 6 - 3 0 1 ; SEG xxxiv 1984, no. 679 (from Wiseman); White 1997, ii 355 n . l 2 3 . Illustrations: Wiseman «& Mano-Zissi 1971, pl.90, fig.21 (photo); Wiseman 1984, fig.8 (photo). Other bibliography: BE 1972, no.256c; Wiseman & Georgievski 1975, 174; Poehlman 1981, 236; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 6 7 - 8 ; Habas-Rubin 2001,73-4. Found at Stobi, Synagogue II. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Dipinto in tabula ansata on fresco. Letter form:
74
Macedonia:
Stobi
Measurements unavailable. Language: Greek. Date: second half of 2"**- first half of 3'^'' century CE. Text (follows SEG xxxiv 1984): [Oo^lVXapfioq [6] T t a x f i p
E-oxTiv. 1. T h e letters -o^ in and painted later.
Polycharmus
[noX]i>xap\ioq
the father
are considerably smaller, perhaps originally m i s s e d
(made) a vow.
Discovered together with #Mac3. The text is the same, arranged slightly differently. M a c 5 . Votive inscription of Posidonia Edition: Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1971, 410 (photo). Other bibliography: Poehlman 1981, 237; White 1997, 347; EphratHabas 2 0 0 1 , 7 4 . Found at Stobi, Synagogue II. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Copper plaque, 7.9 x 4.7 cm. Irregular lettering; forms: ^ < ^ u i Language: Greek. Date: late 2"'*-3"' century CE. Text (follows Wiseman & Mano-Zissi 1971): nooiSovia 6 e 6 'Ayr© ei)xfiv. Posidonia
to the Holy God (made) a vow.
This votive plaque was discovered in 1970 under the tiles underpinning the mosaic floor of Synagogue II, near the centre of the nave of the Central Basilica. The plaque has the shape of a tabula ansata. Holes for nails are visible in the photo in the right ansa and above the n in 1.1 (cf. IJudO iii Syr 12 = CIJ 878 for a plaque of similar shape). The letters are engraved onto the metal very crudely. According to Wiseman & Mano-Zissi it was attached to some sort of offering in Synagogue I. They suggest that the term Geoq "Ayioq refers to the God of Israel. Although the term is used with this meaning in the LXX,^* it was also part of the religious vocabulary
98 IChr 16.10, 16.35; Ps 3 2 . 2 1 , 102.1, etc.
Macedonia:
Beroea
75
of the Graeco-Roman world and often applied to pagan deides.^^ In Jewish inscriptions the epithet a y i o ^ usually refers to the synagogue building ( a y i o q xoKoq, dyioxdxTi aDvaycoyfj). There are only two cases in which the epithet is applied to the God of Israel: a bronze amulet from Sicily p r d _ ^ t h ^jgjj^yjy CE)'^^ and, possibly, a synagogue dedication from E g y p t . T h e term occurs in non-Jewish inscriptions applied to oriental deities like Isis, Serapis and Baal (e.g. at Suf, near Gerasa).'^^ However, it does not occur in pagan use in Macedonia and is attested only in Christian inscriptions from Greece: in inscriptions from T h e s s a l y , M i s t r a , ' ^ the Peloponnese'^^ and Crete'^^ we find the designation ayioc, 6 Beoq. In these inscriptions, however, its usage is based on the Trisagion hymn from the liturgies of St. John Chrysostom and St. Basil (ayioq 6 ©eoq, ayioq 'lox^poq, dyiO(; 'AGdvaxoq, eA,er|aov fiiidq) which became very popular after the Council of Chalcedon (451 CE). It is much more likely, then, that the present plaque represents a Jewish dedication than a pagan (or Christian) one. The name Posidonia ( I l o o i S o v i a ) is otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions or papyri. The findspot of the plaque suggests that it was earlier than Synagogue II and probably belonged to Synagogue I. It could therefore be dated according to # M a c I , but it could be later than Polycharmus' foundation of the building.
99 Meimaris 1986, 1 4 - 1 6 . •00 JIWE i 159. '01 JIGRE 127. 102 O G l S ii 620.2; Beinit: OGIS ii 590.1. Cf. T D N T ii 8 8 - 9 . '03 Soteriou 1929, 107. '04 Millet 1899, 149, no. 48,1.1. '05 SEG x x x i i i 3 1 1 . '06 ICret iv 4 7 1 - 3 .
76
Macedonia:
Beroea
Beroea - TA VO-Karte B VI18: F 18 Beroea is mentioned for the first time in 432 BCE by Thucydides.'^'' It is not clear, however, when the city was founded. It was the first of the Macedonian cities to surrender to the Romans after the Battle of Pydna in 168 BCE and was later assigned to the third region of M a c e d o n i a . F r o m the time of Augustus the city was the seat of the Macedonian assembly. It was made a Roman colonia during the reign of Decius. According to tradition Onesimus, the slave from the Epistle of Philemon, was the first bishop of the city. The bishopric of Beroea was under the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan of Thessaloniki. The N T account of Paul's journeys shows that he and Silas fled to Beroea (Acts 17.10 15) after they were expelled by the Jewish community of Thessaloniki. They were joined later by f imothy. Paul and his disciples were received well by the Beroean Jews and Paul successfully converted many of them as well as many prominent Greeks (Acts 17.10-11). According to the passage there was a synagogue in Beroea. Paul and his disciples were again expelled, this lime after representatives of the Jewish community of Thessaloniki arrived in Beroea and incited opposition against them. Timothy and Silas remained in Beroea and later rejoined Paul in Corinth (Acts 18.5). Paul was later accompanied by Sopater of Beroea who may have been converted during P a u l ' s brief stay in the city (Acts 20.4). The epigraphic evidence is much later than the period described in Acts. M a c 6 . E p i t a p h of Joses of A l e x a n d r i a Editions: Orlandos 1916, 163 no.32; Robert 1937, 83 = 1946, 1 0 4 - 5 ; CIJ i1975, Prol. no.694a; RICM 1983, no.294 (from the stone); JIGRE 1992, no. 143 (follows RICM); Gounaropoulou & Hatzopoulos 1998, 3 8 7 - 8 no.454. Illustrations: Orlandos 1916 (squeeze); RICM 1983, pl.65 (photo); Gounaropoulou & Hatzopoulos 1998, 639, fig.454 (photo). Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 67; Levinskaya 1996a, 157. Unknown provenance. Now: Beroea, Byzantine Collection, inv.no. 16 (old 499). Details: Reused grey marble plaque broken at the base and (after 1916) lop right corner. 50 x 30 x 7 cm. (Orlandos) or 52 x 30 x 8 cm. (RICM). Letters: 2 cm. Space between lines: 3 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 5*'^ century CE(?).
'07 Thucydides 1.61.4. 108 Livy 4 4 . 4 5 , 45.29.
Macedonia:
Beroea
Text (follows RICM 1983 and photo): |ir|jj.o<)prjcov 'Icoaiiq 'AA,e^a
{menorah)
L i g a t u r e s : 2 OY, 4 OY 1. R I C M : larifiopiov 2. T h e letters AE are written o v e r AA in 'AA,e(^)a(v)8peox)(5). Xi is r e p r e s e n t e d very c r u d e l y ; nu and final sigma are o m i t t e d . 1. 'A^e^avSpecoq 2. O r l a n d o s : ['Ilco6cvo[\)l K E ' A 8 p e o o ; Robert, C U : ['Ila)dvo[-oJ K E ' A v S p e o o 3 . R o b e r t : moc, or vi&v; 1. viov
Memorial
of Joses the Alexandrian,
son of
Paregorius.
This inscription was recorded by Charles Avezou in 1913 near the Town Hall of Beroea. It was subsequently moved to the local Gymnasium where a small museum was arranged at that time. Avezou's copy has never been published and, according to Feissel, is now kept in the archive of the Ecole Fran^aise at Athens. Orlandos published the inscription three years later.
yg
Macedonia:
Beroea
Feissel notes that t h e form inifio-opTicov for |XT|ji6piov in 1.1 is extremely rare in inscriptions, and corresponds to the vocalic rendering |ie|io'6piv known from Syria. The nominative Icoafig is created by subtraction of the final -cp in 'Icoafi(p to make it d e c l i n a b l e . T h e name w a s popular among Jews and is found in other inscriptions from the Balkans ( # M o e s l ; # # A c h 5 1 , 5 3 ; # D a l l ) . The name Parigorius (or Paregorius), a form of the Hebrew Menachem, was widely used by Jews and is attested at Phthiotic Thebes (see #Ach21). It also occurs in an epitaph from Thessaloniki, dated to the 4"' century, considered Christian by Feissel: [ Ma]Ke[8]oviot) K a l napeyopioD E K t&v eSiroy ("of Macedonius and Paregorius from their own resources")."" Jews from Alexandria are also attested in inscriptions from Rome, Milan, Jaffa, Khirbet Hebra, Tiberias, J e r u s a l e m ' " (cf also # A c h l 6 ) . Feissel tentatively dates the inscription to the 5"^ century CE on palaeographic grounds. T h e array of symbols i s common, e.g. i n t h e Jewish catacombs at Rome, but t h e f o r m o f t h e menorah. w i t h a sort of hedera sprouting from e i t h e r s i d e o f the s t e m , is very unusual; t h e shapes could r e p r e s e n t handles (cf. #Thr4 a n d p.24). M a c 7 . E p i t a p h of M a r i a Editions: Delacoulonche 1859, 267, no.85; Demitsas 1896, 80, no.89; Papageorgiou 1908, 7 - 8 ; Robert 1937, 8 3 - 5 = 1946, 105-7; CU i^ 1975, P r o l . no.694b; RICM 1983, no.295; Gounaropoulou & Hatzopoulos 1998, 3 8 8 - 9 no.455. Illustrations: Robert 1946, p l . 5 (squeeze); RICM 1983, pl.65 ( p h o t o ) ; Gounaropoulou & Hatzopoulos 1998, 639, fig.455 ( p h o t o ) . Other bibliography: Robert 1960b, 3 9 1 ; Revised Schurer i i i . l 1986, 67; Tataki 1988, 4 5 4 - 5 , n.239; Levinskaya 1996a, 157. Found at Beroea. N o w : Beroea, Church o f t h e 1 loly M o t h e r o f God Gorgoepikoos ( O a v a y i a q FopyoETtriKOO-u). Details: W h i t e marble plaque, u p p e r r i g h t c o r n e r broken, right side damaged, 59 x 38 c m . (RICM) or 61 x 41 c m . (Gounaropoulou & Hatzopoulos). Letters: 4 - 1 . 5 c m . S p a c e b e t w e e n l i n e s : 0.9-2 c m . Language: Greek. D a t e : 4"'-5"' century CE(?). Text ( f o l l o w s RICM): tfjg 6o[iaq] M a p e a q td(polq|, T e p x i a q 5e
Kal
' 0 9 M u s s i e s 1994, 2 5 1 . " 0 R I C M 1 9 8 3 , n o . 193, p l . x l v i . J I G R E 1 4 1 - 2 , 145 5 3 .
Macedonia:
Beroea
79
Aeovxiou 9\)Ydtr|{plE 7 t e Y p a \ | / a eycb
5
'AA,e§av8pog 6 yajiPpoq j i T j o -
K6jj,evoq xfiq e[\)]e p y e o i a q a\)xfiq. <edv> XK; a v t ^ T ]
10
xov xd(pov 6(bori xfl dyitoxd[xTi] a-ovyco(yfi) dp(y\)poa)) X,i(xpav) a'. 1. D e l a c o u l o n c h e , D i m i t s a s , R o b e r t 1946: THCOC 2. Papageorgiou: MdpGaq 2. D e l a c o u l o n c h e : TAOO; D i m i t s a s : Td(p[oq?|; R o b e r t 1946: xd[(poq?J 4-5.
D e l a c o u l o n c h e : O Y F A T H EnEFPANf ATO); o\) y d p e n e y p d v a x o
7 - 8 . D i m i t s a s : |j,fipv|riaK6^evo<;; Robert 1946, CU: )a,(v)eoK6|a.evo5 10. CAIITIC on t h e s t o n e 10.
D i m i t s a s : - T I T K ; dvoi^Ti; R o b e r t 1937, 1 9 6 0 : TI xic, dvu^Ti; R o b e r t 1946, CU: e d ( v )
Tig dvt)^Ti; D e l a c o u l o n c h e : A M E N 12. D i m i t s a s , CU i^: Scboei 13. CYNEO) o n t h e s t o n e ; D i m i t s a s : a'uvaycoY[fiJ 13. A P A I A on t h e s t o n e ; D e l a c o u l o n c h e : A P A I A ; D i m i t s a s : (8riv)dpux; R o b e r t 1 9 4 6 : A P A I A for >.i(xpav) a (|ii(xv); CU: Xl(xpav) (|xiav)
Tomb of the pious Maria, daughter of Tertia and Leant ius. (I), Alexander her son-in-law, inscribed (this inscription), in remembrance of her kind
80
Macedonia:
Beroea
deeds. If anyone opens the tomb, he shall pay to the most holy one pound of silver.
synagogue
Delacoulonche copied the inscription in 1855 in the church of the Holy Mother of God Gorgoepikoos. The stone is embedded in the floor of the right side of the nave in front of the altar. Since Delacoulonche's publication, the inscription has been copied by Plassart in 1914, Robert in 1932 and Cormack & Edson in 1936. Feissel in RICM notes that since R o b e r t ' s publication of a squeeze the inscription has been partly effaced. 1.1. The feminine gen.sing. form of the adjective oaioq has been proposed by Lifshitz, who notes the frequent occurrence of the word in Jewish inscriptions from Rome and Beth She'arim."-^ it is usually found in inscriptions which include an enumeration of virtues."-^ in the Greek tradition the meaning of oaioq is usually dependant on its relation to SlKttioq ('righteous'). Thus, ooioq could mean, in parallel with 8 i K a i o < ; , something sanctioned by divine law, a holy or pious, devoted or religious person (LSJ, s.v.). Lifshitz observes that due to their frequent use in inscriptions the terms ooioq and 5iKaioq lost their special meanings and became interchangeable.""* The LXX uses o a i o g to translate the Hebrew terms " T ' O n and • " ' l O n " ^ meaning ' p i o u s ' and ' p i e t y ' . " ^ The ' p i o u s ' are those who have fulfilled the obligation of the covenant with the God of Israel and will enjoy everlasting l i f e . ' ' ' Noy notes that ooioq is also applied in salutation formulae with its primary meaning of 'holy' when referring to the biblical patriarchs."* In the N T ooioq designates people engaged in righteous and lawful deeds before God.^'^ Horbury & Noy note that the word is also used in Jewish inscriptions as a designation of a respected contemporary or relative. This seems to be the case with the present inscription, which was set up by the son-in-law of the deceased woman. The adjective o o i a is used to represent her, following the common Greek convention, as a pious and devout woman because of her "good deeds". This is indicated by the use of the term e\)epYeoia in 11.7-8, which could also imply that Maria has distinguished herself as a
" 2 JIWE ii 127, 171, 173, 209, 212, 227, 2 3 6 , 257, 347, 373, 376, 552, 564, 5 7 1 ; BS ii, nos. 3 4 - 5 , 126, 157, 163, 173, 193. " 3 Smith 1980, 1 7 - 1 8 . " 4 5 5 i i , 22. " 5 Dt 2 9 . 1 8 , 3 2 . 4 , 3 3 . 8 ; Ps 11.12, 13.35, 17.26, 3 0 . 4 , 4 9 . 5 ; Prov 2 9 . 5 ; Is 5 5 . 3 ; A m o s 5 . 1 0 , etc. "6 TDNT V 490-1. " 7 Ps 12.1, 18.26, 3 2 . 6 ; PsSol 12.8(6), 14.2(3), etc. " * JIGRE 3 3 ; JIWE i 174, ii 50. I \ 9 j D N T V 492. 120 JIGRE 3 3 .
Macedonia:
Beroea
81
benefactress (cf. the use of the term for a Samaritan benefactor on Delos, # A c h 6 7 , and for King Herod, # # A c h 3 8 - 9 ) . 1.2. Feissel notes that the form M a p e a of the name M a p i a is very rare. Leontius (Ae6v'riO(;) was a popular choice of name among Jews and is well attested epigraphically. The Greek form of the name Aeovxioq occurs at R o m e ( 3 ' ' ' - 4 * century),^^! Chrysopolis,i22 Athens (#Ach34). The Latin form Leontius is found at Rome (3*^*^-4''' century).'^^ AeovxlaKoq is used in #Achl. (Leon) occurs in two Hebrew epitaphs from Taranto (7*^-8'** century CE).'^^ The feminine form Aeovxia (regarded as a Greek equivalent of Judith) occurs at R o m e , V e n o s a , ' 2 ^ Catania'27 and Phthiotic Thebes (#Ach20). Robert explains its popularity by the symbol of the tribe of Judah - the lion.'28 However, Leontius/-a was also a very popular Roman name. Tertia (Tepxia) occurs in a Jewish inscription from Cyrenaica.'29 1.5. The term E T i e y p a i i f a occurs in only two other inscriptions from Macedonia (non-Jewish ones from Thessaloniki).'^^ This is a legal term, which designates the person responsible for the construction of a grave monument or a tomb and indicates his/her right of property over it.'^' 11.7-8. The form iniaKOfiEvoq is part of a group of words in which the v in jiv has been dropped. This phonetic phenomenon occurs frequently in inscriptions from the 4 * century onwards (cf. \i£\ac, xotprv in IG ix.2.1311; liEjirjaGe at Thessaloniki). '^2 11.10-13. On the final formula with a set fine for the violation of the grave and the term d y i o x d x T i O D v a y c o y f i , see #Ach23. Robert notes that the setting of the fine in pounds of gold or silver was characteristic of the 4th ^th j.gjjtyj.y CE.'^^ In Beroea there are two more inscriptions that set a fine in pounds of gold.*^"* It avoided the fine being made meaningless by inflation or reform of the currency. Robert and Feissel date the inscription to the 4**' or 5**' century CE on palaeographic grounds and because of the nature of the fine.
121 •22 '23 '24 '25
JIWE ii 228, 4 3 8 . CIJ 801 = l J u d O i i 150. JIWE ii 104. JIWE i 1 2 5 - 6 . JIWE i i 2 8 .
'26 JIWE i 104. '27 JIWE i 146. 128 Robert 1958, 4 2 n.7. 129 CJZC, App. no.8. 130 IG X.2.1.560, 588. 13' Robert 1974, 230. 132 IG X.2.1.436; Nachmanson 1 9 1 3 , 2 4 7 - 8 . '33 Robert 1946, 1 0 6 - 7 and notes. '34 Gounaropoulou & Hatzopoulos 1998, nos. 3 6 9 , 445 (five pounds o f gold).
82
Macedonia:
Beroea
M a c 8 . Epitaph of Theodosius Edition: Koukouvou 1999, 16-20, n o . l , pl.l (photo). Other bibliography: Ameling 2003, 246. Found at Beroea. Now: Beroea, Archaeological Museum, inv.no. A 872. Details: White marble stele, piece broken from the left side of the front surface under 1.5. Measurements: 92 x 23 x 12 cm. Letters: 2-3.5 cm. Space between lines: 0.7-1.5 cm. Letter forms: A€M C Language: Greek. Date: 4 ^ century CE or later. Text (follows Koukouvou 1999 and photo): {menorah)
xdcpoq 0eo6ooioo) 'Eppeov lieXoTcpeo|3a)Tepo\) Tpi[elTov N I A I [..jZTOY.
5
4 - 5 . I. ixeXXoTtpeaPmepov 5 - 6 . xpUq] xo'o also possible; Koukouvou: TPI[...]TOYNIAZ
Tomb of Theodosius
the Hebrew, mellopresbyteros, three years old (?)
The inscription was found, together with # M a c 9 , in 1995 during a rescue excavation of nine graves at the junction of Kidonochoriou and Aspasia Streets in the south-eastern part of m o d e m Beroea. According to Koukouvou, this was a chance find which did not belong with any of the excavated graves. This is the third Jewish inscription found in Beroea and the first of a group ( # # M a c 8 - l l ) of four discovered in the period between 1995 and 1999 in the excavated area of Aspasia Street. The menorah has a tripod base and a crossbar. The whole inscription has been executed very carefully and the menorah has almost the same height as the first letter of the inscription. The surface is carefully tooled and only the bottom of the stone is left rough to keep the monument above the ground. The name Theodosius (©eo86oioq) was not popular among Diasporan Jews. It occurs in inscriptions from Cyrenaica'^^ and the feminine form 0eo5oCTta occurs in a metrical epitaph of uncertain Jewishness from Rome. T w o of the four Jewish inscriptions found during the 1995-9 excavations at Beroea refer to the deceased as 'Eppaioq. The only other •35 CJZC app. 1. 136 JIGRE 141.
Macedonia:
Beroea
83
occurrence of the term in inscriptions from the Balkans is at Corinth (#Ach47). In general, the term is not attested epigraphically before the 3^^ century CE. It occurs in inscriptions dated between the 3'^'' and 6**' century C E from Naples, Rome, Syria and in graffiti from the odeum in Aphrodisias.'^^ The exact meaning of the term is much debated. According to Hengel and Smith the term possibly indicates Jews, immigrants from Palestine who preserved a close connection with the h o m e l a n d . S o m e authors have suggested it was used for Aramaicspeaking Jews (following Philo's u s a g e ) . I t may have been preferred to loudaios because of negative associations which that word acquired through the revolts of the 1^' and 2"^ centuries CE. Harvey thinks the term was used as a self-designation by pious and conservative Jews in the Diaspora.'"^^ Van der Horst notes that when used together with aDvaytoyfi at Corinth and in Pamphylia''*' 'Eppaioq represented the need of the local Jewish communities to distinguish themselves from other religious or ethnic groups.''•^ It is fair to say that it is not possible to draw any conclusion about the meaning of 'Eppaioq in the Beroean inscriptions. It may have had any of the above mentioned meanings or none. As de Lange has noted it is unsafe to make generalisations based on analogies between evidence stemming from different periods or coming from different parts of the Roman Empire.'"*^ On the title Tcpeap-oxEpoq, see #Thr3. It must indicate an office or title bestowed for a specific reason, rather than just designating an 'elder'. The title |xeA,(A,)o7ipeGP\)xepoq has not been attested before in Jewish inscriptions. It designates a person who is going to hold the office (a 'presbyter-to-be'). The titles p,eA,A,dpx(ov (and the Latin equivalent mellarcon) and p.eA.A.oypap.p.axeix; occur in inscriptions from Rome.''*'* This type of title was sometimes borne by children, but also by adults, e.g. a mellarcon aged 38 in JIWE ii 179; a p.eA,Xoypap,iiaxe\)q aged 24 in JIWE ii 2 3 1 . 11.5-6. Koukouvou's suggestion that the surviving letters TPI[...1T0YNIA2: indicate that the deceased may have held a position in a professional organisation or society ( x p i x o w i a ) similar to a 6 e K a v i a is not very plausible. It seems that the letters TPI[...]TOY can be restored more convincingly as xpi[e]xo-o, i.e. they indicate the age of the deceased. '37 JIWE i 3 3 , 3 5 , 37; JIWE ii 2 , 33, 44, 108, 112, 559, 5 6 1 , 5 7 8 - 9 ; IJudO iii 4 0 ; Harvey 1998, 134, n o s . I 3 a - b , 14. '38 Hengel 1975, 169; Smith 1 9 8 0 , 1 9 . '39 D e Lange 1976, 30. Philo, Abr. 17, 2 8 , 57; Spec.Leg. 2.41; Somn. 2 . 2 5 0 . '40 Harvey 1998, 132, 1 4 5 - 7 . '4' Lifshitz 1967, no.28. 142 Van der Horst 1991, 8 7 - 8 ; van Henten 1994, 5 2 - 3 . 143 De Lange 1976, 30. 144 JIWE ii 1 0 0 - 1 , 1 7 9 - 8 0 , 2 3 1 , 259, 404.
84
Macedonia:
Beroea
The missing letter e was most probably o f the same size as the first e in 11.1 & 4, and therefore large enough to fdl the space. Theodosius was a three-year-old |i,£A,(A,)oirpeopt)xepoq. Young children holding honorary titles are attested in epitaphs firom Rome.''*^ In JIWE ii 100 we have a |j.eA,A,dpxa)v aged 2 years and 10 days, and in JIWE ii 288 and 337 an dpxcov vf|jiio<; ("child archon"), the former aged 8 years and 2 months. Another possibility is to restore the lacuna as xpl[(;l xox>, i.e. the deceased w a s a p,eA,(A,)o7ipeop\)Tepo^ for a third time, but this is less likely. 11.6-7. The letters NIAZ[..15:T0Y are unintelligible, although they are inscribed clearly. 1.7 appears to have a genitive ending, perhaps an epithet or ethnic agreeing with Theodosius, or his patronymic. Koukouvou dates the inscription to the second half of the 4*'' century CE or earlier on palaeographic grounds, but a later date is possible as well. M a c 9 . Epitaph Edition: Koukouvou 1999, 2 0 - 2 no.2, p l s . 2 - 3 (photos). Found at Beroea. N o w : Beroea, Archaeological Museum, inv.no. A 873. Details: Marble stele, 65 x 40 x 5 cm., right c o m e r broken but attached to the main body of the stone; upper part of the stone missing. Letters: 1.83.5 cm. Space between lines: 0.8-2 cm. Letter forms: A€kMC^ Language: Greek. Date: first half of 4 * century CE(?). Text (follows Koukouvou 1999 and photo): [ [
1 7ip]o(pepe-
Koiaxoc,
V^IVOK;
'Eppecov F e p a q ev9d8e KITE.
5
3 . < a > omitted on stone
most renowned man] lies here.
in hymns of (the) Hebrews,
Gera [or Geras or an old
Found together with #Mac8. This is the first Jewish metrical epitaph from Beroea and the only other examples from the region are from Larissa ( # # A c h l - 2 ) . Koukouvou notes that the surviving line from the epigram is in dactylic hexameter'"*^ and suggests that the missing part o f the inscription had the name o f the deceased person in the nominative. This suggestion, however, warrants a close examination.
•45 Van der Horst 1991, 8 9 - 9 0 . •46 A complete line o f hexameter runs from the last syllable o f 1.2 to the end o f the inscription.
Macedonia:
Beroea
85
The w o r d KpocpEpeoxaxoc;, from Ttpocpepfiq ('preferred', 'excellent'), is a poetic superlative adjective often used by Homer {Od. 8.128, 2 2 1 , etc.) and in metrical inscriptions from Rome, Ostia, Trachonitis and Nea Isaura.i'*^ In these inscriptions, however, Kpocpepeaxaxoq is used as an adjective applied directly to the deceased person without any qualification. Koukouvou suggests that the word t>p,voiq (masc. dat. pi. of t>|a,vo(;) indicates that the deceased person was a psalm-singer in a synagogue whose exceptional abilities were commemorated. This is unlikely. LXX uses vp-voq as a substitute for Hebrew terms like hh'H or ilbSDn and always refers to a song in praise of the God of Israel or prayer.'"^^ In the O T Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha the term has almost the same meaning.'''^ The hymns were sung by individuals, the people of Israel in general or, during the Second Temple period, by the Temple-singers (<))j,vq)86(;).'^^ The LXX usage of vjivoq is almost identical to the classical Greek one where it means a song of praise for the gods, heroes or conquerors (LSJ, s.v.). This also applies to Josephus' use of the term.'^' Thus, it would be appropriate to read in the phrase Ttpocpepeaxaxoq T3p,voi<; that the deceased person was praised (i.e. commemorated) in hymns. The exact meaning of yepaq in the next line of the inscription is more problematic. Koukouvou follows the common translation of yepaq as the last honours presented to the dead (LSJ, s.v.).'^^ ^ occurs quite often with this meaning in pagan and Christian metrical epitaphs.'^"* However, it seems that in this inscription it is more probably a personal name or epithet. F e p a q could be treated in three ways. Firstiy, and most probably, it could be the gen. sing, (probably used by mistake for nom.) of the feminine name Feppa,'^^ It is known that some feminine personal names were declined with - a q in gen. in the Late Roman and Byzantine periods.'^^ The single p is explained with the common practice, during the same periods, of simplifying contiguous identical consonants like pp to a
147 2'"^-V^ century CE: Peek 1955, nos.358, 4 0 3 , 1404, 1732 (3'''-4* century); IG xii.5. 678. 148 l E s d r 5.58; 2Esdr (Ezr-Neh) 22.46; Ps 3 9 . 4 , 6 4 . 2 , 7 1 . 2 0 , 1 1 8 . 1 7 1 , 136.3, 148.14; Isa 4 2 . 1 0 , etc. '49 Jdt 16.13; I M a c c 4 . 3 3 , 13.47, 13.51; 2 M a c c 1.30, 10.7, 10.38, 12.37; PsSol 10.1, etc. '50 Josephus, BJ2.7,2\; Ant. 7.364, 8.94, 11.70, 2 0 . 2 1 6 - 1 7 . ' 5 ' Ant. 2 . 3 4 6 , 3 . 6 4 , 6 . 1 6 6 - 8 , 6.214, 7 . 3 0 5 , 8 . 1 2 4 , 9 . 2 6 9 , 11.157, 12.323, 19.104, 2 0 . 2 1 8 , etc. '52 Cf. Peek 1955, no.642, for a similar expression including lijivou;. '53 C f H o m e r , / / . 16.457. 154 Koukouvou 1999, 2 2 n.48. 155 For r e p p a c f Pape & Benseler, i 247. l56Gignac 1976, i i 9 - l l .
86
Macedonia:
Beroea
single consonant.'^^ Secondly, it could be interpreted as a masculine personal name: Tepaq. Bechtel notes a stem of hypocoristic Greek names, like Tepcov, Tepcoq, TepDq, based on names ending in -yepiq, -yepoq, -yepaq.'^^ This, however, is less likely (although it would fit the context) as a masculine name Tepaq has not been attested so far. Another possible solution is to have yepaq standing for yf\paq, as the interchange of T| for e was a common practice, used in the sense of "an old man".'^^ Koukouvou dates the inscription to the first half of the 4'*' century CE on palaeographic grounds. MaclO. Epitaph Edition: Koukouvou 1999, 2 2 - 3 no.3, pl.4 (photo). Found at Beroea. N o w : Beroea, Archaeological Museum, inv.no. A874. Details: Fragment of upper part of a marble stele with triangular aetoma, 26.5 X 12 cm. Letters: 3.4-3.8 cm. Language: Greek. Letter form: |^ Date: second half of 4"" century CE(?). Text (follows Koukouvou 1999 and photo): {ethrog) {menorah) {lulab) [ - - o]v ^T|[p,6piov?l [ - - 1+ei ] 's monument(?) This fragment was foimd the same day as # # M a c 8 - 9 , about 70 m. from the findspot of the first two. It was lying in front of the excavated walls of house no.3 at the site located on Aspasia Street in m o d e m Beroea. A menorah with a tripod base is inscribed in the centre of the aetoma and is flanked by an ethrog on the left and a lulab on the right. The inscription is in a recessed field below a raised frame, but few letters are preserved. Koukouvou suggests that the letters [- - O ] D in 1.1 are the genitive ending of the n a m e of the deceased person. There is a gap between upsilon and the following mu, suggesting a word division. Koukouvou dates the inscription to the second half of the 4^'' century CE on palaeographic grounds, but this must be very tentative when so few letters survive, although the arrangement of symbols is consistent with it. M a c l l . Epitaph of Justinus Edition: Koukouvou 1999, 2 3 ^ no.4, pl.5 (photo). Found at Beroea. Now: Beroea, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.A 9 4 1 . 157 Gignac 1976, i 156. 158 Bechtel 1917, 108. '59 Gignac 1 9 7 6 , 1 2 4 2 - 5 .
Macedonia:
Beroea
87
Details: Small marble column (kioniskos), 88 c m . x 19 c m . (at base) - 12.5 c m . (at top). Letters 2.5-3.5 c m . , with serifs. Letter forms: HCUj Space between lines: 0.8-1 c m . Language: Greek. Date: second half of 4^*^ century CE(?). Text (follows Koukouvou 1999 and photo): (menorah) p.Tm.
Fcoyropvi. 3. p misplaced in Tcoympvi; 1. rcopywvi
Monument
of Justinus
(son) of
Gorgonius.
This inscription was found in February 1999 about 25 m . from the site of the excavations conducted in 1995 at the junction of Kidonochoriou and Aspasia Streets in Beroea ( s e e #Mac8). A menorah with tripod and crossbar is inscribed above the epitaph. The name Justinus is rarely attested in Jewish inscriptions and papyri. It occurs in an inscription from Dabiah, G o l a n . H o w e v e r , the form Justus (Justus, To^oxoq) was a very popular name among Jews. It occurs at Ostia, Venosa, Taranto, Narbonne,'^' Rome,'^^ jaffai63 and Beth S h e ' a r i m . ' ^ It could be understood as a Latin translation name of the Hebrew Zadok (p1"T!!2).'^5 Gorgonius (Fopyovioq) is attested at Aphrodisias for a Jew and a theosebes,and the feminine forms Gorgoneis and Gorgonia occur in inscriptions from Rome.'^^ The n a m e ' s ending here seems to b e the Latin gen.sing -/. Koukouvou dates the inscription to the second half of the 4'*^ century CE on palaeographic grounds.
160 SEG xxxiv 1474. 161 JIWE i 18, 6 9 , 120, 189. 162 JIWE ii 25, 7 1 , 126, 2 6 0 , 2 7 1 , 344, 3 6 9 , 379, 4 8 0 , 515, 5 3 1 , 5 6 1 . '63 JIGRE 148. '64^511, nos. 127, 190. '65 Mussies 1994, 2 4 5 . '66 Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, b31, 4 6 = IJudO ii 14. 167 3rd^th century CE: JIWE ii 4 5 4 .
88
Macedonia:
Philippi
= TAVO-Karte
Philippi
B VI18: F 19
Philippi was established as a Thasian colony under the name Crenides in 360 B C E on the site of an earlier village known as Datum. In 356 B C E the city was conquered by the Macedonian king Philip II and renamed Philippi. The favourable location of the city near the gold and silver mines at Mt Pangaeus and Mt Orbelos resulted in its rapid prosperity during the reigns of Philip II and Alexander the Great and, possibly, through the Hellenistic period. After the creation of the province of Macedonia in 148 B C E and the construction of the Via Egnatia, which ran through the city, Philippi became an important military and trade centre. In 42 BCE the battle between Antony and Octavian and Brutus and Cassius was fought near the city. After the victory of Antony and Octavian many veteran colonists were settled in Philippi, which later became a Roman colony {Colonia Augusta lulia Philippensis)}^^ Between the 4**^ and 6^** centuries CE the city was an important economic and cultural centre and during these centuries the principal churches of Philippi were built (Basilicas A, B, C). The so-called Octagon built by Bishop Porphyry (mid-4"' century CE) was the cathedral of the city, and part of a complex including a bishop's palace which became the centre of civic life and the cult of apostle Paul in Philippi until the 7**^ century CE. The N T account of Paul's visit to the city describes how he and Silas reached Philippi from Neapolis, the sea port of Philippi, following the Via Egnatia (Acts 16.12-39). On arrival they went to a place outside the city wall near the river'^^ which is generally taken to be a Jewish open-air place of prayer (Acts 16.13-14). This place was frequented by women and one of them was Lydia of Thyateira, who was a "worshipper of G o d " (oe(3o|j.evr| xov ©eov). This category of Jewish sympathizers (the Godfearers) were non-Jews who attended the synagogue, but were not members of the Jewish community.'''^ During his stay at Philippi Paul also exorcised a slave girl, who shouted that he and his disciples were slaves of the Most High God (Acts 16.16-18). Mitchell notes that the place where the exorcism took place may actually have been a sanctuary of Theos Hypsistos.'^' M a c l l . Epitaph of Nicostratus Editions: Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1998, 2 8 - 3 5 ; AE 1998, no. 1229; SEG xlviU 1998, no.837; Pilhofer 2000, 3 3 9 - 4 0 , no.387a/G813.
•68 Koukouli-Chrysantaki 1998, 3 - 2 7 . '69 For the identification o f the river mentioned in this passage c f Koukouli-Chrysantaki 1998, 2 1 - 2 . '70 Mitchell 1999, 1 1 6 - 2 1 . '7' Mitchell 1999, 110, 1 1 5 - 1 6 .
Macedonia:
Philippi
89
Illustration: Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, pI.XI (photo). Other bibliography: Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1987, 444; BE 1993, no.370b; Pilhofer 1995, 2 3 1 - 3 . Found at Philippi. N o w : Philippi, Archaeological Museum, inv.no. A1529. Details: Marble stele with rounded top, 90 x 70 (top) - 58 (base) x 10-15 cm. Letters: 3-5.5 cm. Letter forms (1.8): Language: Greek. Date: end of 3^** - beginning of 4*^ century CE(?). Text (follows Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1998 and photo): 0(A,a|3io)q? NiK6oTpai;o((;) A'i)p(f|X,i0(;) '0^\)x6A,iO(; eavTO K a x e o K E ^ ) -
(Plaoa TO xaiKOCTopov Toiittp
6q dv 8e
5
eteptov vEKDv KaxdGeo e 5 6 a i Tcpooxet^iou zr\ O D vaycoYti (Srivdpia) n('Dpid8aq) p' Ligatures: 5 A N , AE; 6 TE, PWN, N E , GE; 7 AGJ, H P O C , TE, THC; 8. (JF 1. T h e letters o f the name o f the deceased are bigger than the rest o f the epitaph; the A in NiKoaxpatoCq) is wider than the other letters, which apparently prompted the stonecutter to put the f o l l o w i n g T b e l o w the line o f the letters in 1.1 and half in the interlinear space; the O is in the interlinear space and clearly visible on the stone though not cut as d e e p l y as the other letters. It has the same shape as the final O in 1.4. 1. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki suggests that ^ is a hedera. 1. Pilhofer: NiK6CTTpa(T0(;); SEG: 4>(Xapio(;) NiK6axpa(xo<;) 3. 1. e a ' u x ^ K a x e a K e { ) a a a x6 X C C I A O O O P O V xoiixo 6 - 7 . 1. exepov, K a x d e e a e i , Scbaet 8. Pilhofer, A E : (EKUXOV jiupidSeq); SEG: ( 6 T i v d p i a ) [i(i))p(ia)
Flavius(?) Nicostratus Aurelius Oxycholius made this grave for himself. If someone puts the dead body of another person (in it), he shall pay the synagogue a fine of1,000,000 denarii. The inscription was discovered in 1987 in the western cemetery of ancient Philippi. The deceased man was a Roman citizen as his nomen Aurelius shows. Jews or persons of Jewish extraction bearing the nomen Aurelius are found in inscriptions from Thessaloniki (#MacI5) and the Peloponnese (##Ach5I, Ach53-4). Flavius, if that is the correct expansion of the first word, was used as a praenomen. He also had a Greek cognomen Nicostratus (NiKoaxpaToq) and a signum Oxycholius (O^vxoXioc,). It is interesting that the cognomen Nicostratus comes before the nomen of the deceased man. There is another example of names written in an unusual order in the
90
Macedonia:
Philippi
synagogue inscription from Stobi: Cl(audius) Tiberius Polycharmus in #Macl. It seems that in this inscription we have an example o f the practice of adopting an additional name in order to underline the virtues of the bearer.'^^ Thus, Nicostratus' signum 'O^DXC^ioq should be franslated as "high spirited, vivacious".''^ A similar practice is found in the Balkans and elsewhere in the Jewish Diaspora; cf. # M a c I 5 : Marcus Aurelius Jacob called E\)T\)XIO(; ("the lucky"). '0|\)x6X,iO(; occurs twice in the Aphrodisias inscription as a personal name and three times as a patronymic, borne both by Jews and God-fearers.' A S'^'-century Christian fUnerary mscription from Odessos (Varna), Moesia Inferior, mentions another 'O^DxcXioq, a shipowner or skipper (va\)KX,r|poq) from the island of Pele in the Smymian Gulf.'^^ Pilhofer notes that 1.1 was written by a different hand and suggests that it was inscribed by an apprentice stone-cutter while the rest of the inscription was done by his master. Chaniotis (SEG), however, suggests that the stone has been reused and 1.1 was added later. He assumes that the epitaph that commemorated the Jew Aurelius Oxycholius was reused with the addition of the name Fl. Nicostratus. This would explain the apparently unusual form of the name, and the rounded top of the stele in which the name of Nicostratus is inscribed could originally have been left blank. The term xap,6oopov in 11.4-5 used to designate the grave is a common one in early Christian epitaphs (although it occurs in some pagan inscriptions as well).'^^ However, it is rarely attested in Macedonia and occurs only in two Christian epitaphs from Philippi.'^^ A peculiar feature of the epitaph is that Nicostratus made it for himself. It is very unusual to find a Jew making his own epitaph (cf. # M a c l 5 ) ; the only other attestations of this practice in the region are from Argos (#Ach51) and Oescus ( # M o e s l ) . The final formula with a set fine for violation of the grave is the reason for identifying the inscription as Jewish. It is found in other Jewish epitaphs, including #Mac7 (Beroea), # M a c I 5 (Thessaloniki) and #Ach23 (Phthiotic Thebes). The body receiving the fine is the local Jewish community of Philippi {xr\ aDvaycoyn). Other terms attested epigraphically to indicate the Jewish community in this type of expression are:'^^ K a x o i K i a , e9vo(;, t w X,aTO x&v To\)8ai(ov and d y i o x d x T i
'72 '73 '74 '75 '76 '77 '78 340.
Pick & Bechtel 1894, 3 2 0 - 6 ; Lambertz 1913, 8 1 - 6 ; Mussies 1 9 9 4 , 2 7 4 - 6 . Koukouli-Chrysantaki 1998, 30; Mussies 1994, 2 7 4 - 5 . IJudO ii 14 = Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, bl 1, b l 7 , b 3 1 - 2 , b46. BeSevliev 1964, no.96. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1 9 9 8 , 3 1 n . l 4 7 . RICM 2 3 1 - 2 . IJudO ii 2 0 5 - 6 = CIJ i 7 7 5 - 6 , etc; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1998, 32; Pilhofer 2 0 0 0 ,
Macedonia:
Philippi
91
ovvaYCOYti. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki notes that the formula 8d)oei 7cpooTEi|xo\) is typical for introducing the body receiving the fine for violation of a grave, which can also be the Imperial Treasury or a professional organisation, as in inscriptions from Western Macedonia such as IG X.2.I.561 from Thessaloniki.'^^ It also occurs in a Jewish epitaph from Nicomedia in B i t h y n i a . T h e sum of the fine, 1,000,000 denarii, is very high but is found in other inscriptions from the Balkans and elsewhere. A sarcophagus inscription from Thessaloniki sets a fine of 1,000,000 denarii for the opening of the sarcophagus,'8' and another sarcophagus inscription from Gallipoli stipulates fines of 1,000,000 denarii paid to the Imperial Treasury and of 3,000,000 denarii paid to the city,'82 it seems that in all cases an excessive sum was deliberately set as a fine to prevent any possible violation of the tomb regardless of future inflation. The very high fine and certain palaeographic features (as well as the orthographical substitution of -i for - e i in 8d)oi)'^^ of the inscripdon lead Koukouli-Chrysantaki (1998, 3 4 - 5 ) to date h to the end of the 3''' century or the beginning of the 4 * century CE.
Thessaloniki
(Salonica)
- TA VO-Karte B VI18:
F18
Thessaloniki was founded in 316 BCE by Cassander, the son of Antipater, who synoecized 26 small tovms at the edge of the Thermaic Gulf. He named the city in honour of his wife, Thessalonike, a half-sister of Alexander and the last surviving member of the royal family of Macedonia. It is possible that Thessaloniki was constructed on the site of an earlier settlement, Therme. After the defeat of Perseus in 168 BCE Thessaloniki became the capital of the second region of Macedonia and was made the capital of the Roman province of Macedonia in 146 BCE. The city enjoyed commercial and civic privileges including the right to mint its own coinage. Its proximity to the Via Egnatia and the major trade routes from the North further facilitated commercial prosperity.
'79 '80 '8' '82 '83
Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1998, 32. IJudO ii 157 = CIJ ii 799. IG x.2.1.591. IGRR 1 8 1 9 , 3'** century CE(?). Gignac 1976, i 1 8 9 - 9 0 ; van der Horst 1 9 9 1 , 2 6 .
92
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
Cicero spent six months of his exile in Thessaloniki ( M a y - N o v . 58 BCE) and Pompey resided there during his flight from Rome in 4 9 - 4 8 BCH. He was joined by many Roman senators, which prompted the consecration of a site for the authoritative convening of the Senate. Following the defeat of Pompey at Pharsalus, the city supported the forces of Brutus and Cassius, but later withdrew its support and joined the camp of Antony and Octavian. After the Battle of Philippi in 42 BCE the victors, Antony and Octavian, received lavish honours from the city. Thessaloniki even inaugurated a local era in honour of Antony, which proved problematic after his defeat at Actium. The city continued to prosper between the and 3^^ centuries CE and received neocorate status during the reign of Gordian III (238-44) and was made a colonia in the reign of Decius (250 CE). Thessaloniki was made a winter residence of Galerius and in the period between 298/9-311 a triumphal arch and a palace were built. In 298/9 Galerius also opened an imperial mint in Thessaloniki, which replaced that of Serdica. During the war between Constantine and Licinius the city accommodated the headquarters of Constantine, but after his victory it was made the place of Licinius' exile. In 390 CE Theodosius I massacred at the Hippodrome thousands of Thessalonican citizens as a revenge for the murder of one of his barbarian generals.'^"* During the Germanic invasions of the 4"^ and 5"^ centuries the city escaped destruction. In the m i d - 5 * century Thessaloniki was made the seat of the prefects of Illyricum and was an important bishopric (later archbishopric) under the jurisdiction of Rome. The archbishopric was transferred to the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople c.733. In the period between the 7* and 9"^ centuries Thessaloniki was administered by an eparch, and later a dux. The N T reference to Paul's stay in Thessaloniki (Acts 17.1-9) reveals that he visited the synagogue of the Jewish community ( o - o v a y c o Y T i x t b v lo-uSaitov). Here he managed again to convert many women of high standing and "God-fearing Greeks" (aePop,evcov 'EXXf\v(iiv). His missionary success was not received well by the Jewish community and he and Silas were forced to flee the city after a curious episode in which members of the Thessalonican Jewish community incited a city disorder against them (Acts 17.5-9). The reliability of the whole episode is very dubious.
•84 Sozomen, H.E. 7 . 2 5 . 1 - 7 (PG Ixvii 1493-7); Theodoret of Cyrrhus, I I.E. 5 . 1 7 - 1 8 (PG Ixxxii 1232 7 ) . For events following the massacre in Thessaloniki and excommunication of the e m p e r o r c f the letter of Ambrose to Theodosius, A m b r o s e , Ep. 51 (PL xvi 1 2 0 9 - 1 4 ) ; Rufmus, H.E. 2.18 (PL xxi 525 B C ) .
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
93
M a c l 3 . A c c l a m a t i o n from t o m b Editions: Pelekanides 1961/2, 257; Mai ho 1962, 3 8 1 : Lifshitz & Schiby 1968, 3 7 7 - 8 ; CI J i= 1975, Prol. no.693b; RICM 1983, no.292. Illustrations: Pelekanides, pi.314b (photo); Malho, pl.2 (photo); Lifshitz & Schiby, pl.36 (photo); CI J i^ pl.2 (photo); RICM (photo). Other bibliography: BE 1964, no.251; BE 1969, no.370; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; Levinskaya 1996a, 155; Ovadiah 1998, 190. Found at Thessaloniki. Now: tomb preserved in the courtyard of the Faculty of Law of the University of Thessaloniki. Details: Tomb fresco. Inscription painted in a wreath. Language: Greek. Date: 4"^ century CE(?). Text (follows RICM 1983): Kupioq p,e0' fi},icov. 2 3 . B E 1964: K E 0 H [r\\i7\{hv
The Lord (is) with us! This inscription was discovered during the excavation of the eastern necropolis of 1 hessaloniki conducted in 1961 under the direction of S. Pelekanides, then ephor of Antiquities in Macedonia. The necropolis is
94
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
situated just outside the walls of the ancient city in what is now the courtyard of the Faculty of Law of the University of Thessaloniki. Pelekanides reports several subterranean vaulted tombs, some of them with a dromos entrance, built in clusters and dating from different epochs. The necropolis was partly used by Christians and there were tombs decorated with crosses and peacocks. In the south-east end of the necropolis two vaulted tombs with painted menorahs were found. Pelekanides describes the tombs as "sarcophagus-shaped", which led Lifshitz & Schiby to describe them mistakenly as s a r c o p h a g i . A c c o r d i n g to Molho the distance between the two tombs is only 5 m. and they lay approximately 60 m. and 65 m. from the rotonda-shaped tomb in the centre of this part of the n e c r o p o l i s . T h e y have an identical shape and were both built with bricks and mortar. There were also traces of marble doors at the entrances of both tombs. The first tomb (A) is 2 m. long and I m. wide (0.68 m. at the entrance); the second tomb (B) is 2.21 m. long and 1.86 m. wide (0.77 m. at the entrance). The menorah in tomb A is painted in red on the wall facing the entrance of the tomb. The menorah has a crossbar and a square base. Menorahs with similar bases occur at Beth She'arim and in the Monteverde and Vigna Randanini catacombs at Rome.'^' The menorah in tomb B is painted in lilac on the right wall of the vauh and measures 41 x 35 cm. It has a tripod base, crossbar and and schematically painted lighted fittings. A wreath containing the inscription given above is painted, also in lilac, to the right of the menorah in tomb B. The inscription is a paraphrase of the LXX text of Ps 45.8 and 12. This acclamation has not been attested before on Jewish monuments but is frequently found in Christian inscriptions.'*^ Pelekanides and Molho date the tombs and the inscription to the 4*'^ century CE. M a c l 4 . Epitaph of Benjamin Editions: Petsas 1966, 335; CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. no.693c; RICM 1983, no.293. Other bibliography: BE 1969, no.367; Levinskaya 1996a, 155. Found at Thessaloniki. Now: Thessaloniki, Archaeological Museum(?). Details: Inscription on marble door of a tomb. N o measurements published. Language: Greek. Date: 4 * century CE(?).
'85 '86 '87 '88
Lifshitz & Schiby 1968, 378; CIJ i^ 693b. Molho 1 9 6 2 , 3 8 0 . Hachhli 2 0 0 1 , 1 3 8 , fig.III-13a; cat. nos. D8.5, 15, 27, 6 1 . CIJ ? 693b, n . l 0 8 . Cf. Is 8 . 8 - 1 0 (LXX); Mt 1.23.
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
95
Text (follows RICM 1983): Beviap.fi(; d) Kai Ao^exioq. 1. 6 Kai Aoixixiog
Benjamin,
also (called)
Domitius.
The inscription was found in the eastern necropolis of Thessaloniki, situated in the courtyard of the Faculty of Law, during the excavations of 1961/2 in the same area where the two Jewish tombs were discovered in 1956 ( # M a c l 3 ) . It is inscribed on the marble door of a tomb. Mussies notes that some Hebrew names were interpreted, according to their endings, as cases of a hypothetical Greek paradigm, which gave rise to different nominative forms. Thus, the nominative Beviap,f|q/-i(;/-ei(; was formed from Beviap,iv, which was seen as containing the Greek accusative ending -v.'*^ Bevianf|<; occurs in a Jewish epitaph from Athens (#Ach27), and Bevia^i(; is attested at Jaffa ( 5 * century CE)}^^ The form Beviap,ei(; occurs in Josephus.'^' Domitius is attested as a nomen borne by a father and a daughter in an epitaph from Villa Torlonia catacomb, Rome p r d _ 4 t h ^.gj^tyjy CE).i^2 tjjjs inscription, however, it is probably not a gentilicium but an alternative Roman-sounding name, which could be used instead of the obviously Jewish name.'^^ The inscription has not been dated, but as it was found in the area of the necropolis where the two Jewish tombs stood it is likely that it dates to the same period: 4"^ century CE. It is possible that the inscription is Christian, but Jewishness seems more likely. M a c l S . Epitaph of M. Aurelius Jacob and Anna Editions: Nigdelis 1994, 2 9 7 - 3 0 6 ; SEG xliv 1994, no.556. Illustration: Nigdelis (photos). Other bibliography: Levinskaya 1996a, 155-6. Found at Thessaloniki. Now: Thessaloniki, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.5674. Details: Marble sarcophagus, 130 x 253 x 159 cm. Letters: 4 - 5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: late 3*^** century CE(?).
'89 Mussies 1994, 2 5 1 . '90 CIJ ii 908. '91 Ant. 2 . 1 1 1 . '92 JIWE ii 377. 193 In IJudO iii 3 1 , someone called Judas may have a father named Domitius.
Macedonia:
96
Thessaloniki
Text (follows SEG): M ( a p K o q ) A\)p(TiA,ioq) ' l a K c b p 6 K a l EW\)XIOQ ^TOV TFI a-uppio) AMOO) "Avva xfl K a l 'AOI)VKpixicp K a l eat)X(p pviac, XDPIV ei 8e xiq exepov K a x a O f i SCBAEI xaiQ c v v a y w y a i q A,a
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
97
L i g a t u r e : 2 NTH 1. N i g d e l i s : A(upf]A.IO(;)
5. AAUrPAC on t h e stone 6. * for ( S n v a p i a ) 6.
on t h e s t o n e
6. N i g d e l i s : ) i ( u p i d 5 a q ) ^ (nevKXKiCTxi^aa) e'
Marcus Aurelius Jacob also called Eutychius, while living, for his wife Anna, also (called) Asyncrition, and for himself, as a memorial. If somebody lays another (in it) he shall pay to the synagogues 75,000 newly minted denarii. This inscription was discovered in 1965 in the eastern necropolis of Thessaloniki. The necropolis was apparently used often by Thessalonican Jews as the two tombs with painted menorahs and inscriptions discovered in the area suggest (##Mac 13-14). Nigdelis notes that the type of the sarcophagus is characteristic of Thessaloniki for the period 120-256 CE. The sarcophagus was reused by M. Aurelius Jacob, and the present inscription is written in a tabula ansata on the top of an erased older one. The author of the inscription was a Roman citizen as his full name suggests, and the name indicates that his family's citizenship is probably due to the Constitutio Antoniniana of 212; in view of the dating suggested below, J a c o b ' s o w n citizenship w a s presumably inherited. He had a Jewish cognomen and a Greek signum Ehivxioq which can be translated as "the lucky". The name is part o f a large group of by-names t h a t reflect qualities generally admired in Antiquity like luck, nobility a n d success.'**'^ Jews with a signum a d d e d to their names are also found in the Balkans in inscriptions from Philippopolis ( # T h r l ) , possibly Philippi ( # M a c l 2 ) a n d Stobi ( # M a c l ) ; cf. also # M a c l 4 . It is interesting t h a t Eutychius' wife, to w h o m t h e inscription is dedicated a n d for whom t h e sarcophagus was also to be used, Anna, also had a by-name: Asyncrition. This falls in t h e same category of by-names as h e r husband's signum a n d perhaps c a n be translated as " t h e incomparable o n e " (from aGVjKpixoq; LSJ, s.v.). The name is very rare: the masculine form 'Ao-ovKpixog is found only in t w o inscriptions from Athens (2'"^ century CE).'^^ Asyncritus is one of the Roman Christians greeted by Paul in Rom 16.14. The name Anna is fairly well represented in Jewish inscriptions; see # A c h l 7 . On the formula against the violation of the grave, or in this case sarcophagus, in 11.4-5, see # M a c l 2 . Nigdelis, followed by Levinskaya, suggests that the plural form of the formula (xaiq o u v a y w y a i q ) indicates
'94 Mussies 1994, 2 7 4 - 5 . 195 S E G xix 2 9 2 ; IG ii^ 2 0 1 8 .
98
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
there were several synagogues in Thessaloniki.'^^ Levinskaya thinks that the area of the eastern necropolis of Thessaloniki where the Jews were buried was shared by all communides and there existed an overall supervising body like a burial society. This body could also receive the sums from the fines for tomb violation.'^^ She also refers to a "Jewish cemetery" in Thessaloniki. However, it cannot be proven that a distinctive Jewish cemetery existed in the city during the Roman and Late Roman periods. It seems more plausible that Thessalonican Jews shared the necropolis with pagans and Christians, which is confirmed by the archaeological data (cf. # M a c l 3 ) . Similarly, the Jews in Doclea used the necropolis of the town and were buried next to pagans (cf. p.20). Nigdelis plausibly reconstructs the word AAUFPAC in 1.5 as a form of X,a|xiip6(; ("newly minted" or "unworn" coins). The letter written as U is the central part of the form of mu used elsewhere in the inscription, and the right hasta of pi was omitted; easy mistakes for a stone-cutter following a written text. The term in this sense is a synonym of doicpoq and occurs in inscriptions from Athens,'^* Epidaurus'^^ and Kadoi.^^o Nigdelis notes that newly minted coins apparently had a higher value than used ones, but the use of the term Xa\nip6q in this inscription was not necessarily related to a specific monetary refonn,^^! although Chaniotis suggests a link to the reforms of the second half of the S*^** century.202 it is not clear in what type of denarii the fine is set. The denarius was abandoned in favour of the antoninianus during the reign of Gordian III ( 2 3 8 - 4 4 ) although prices were still quoted in denarii communes?^^ Nigdelis dates the inscription to the end of the 2"^* or the first half of the 3'^'^ century on palaeographic grounds but prefers a late 3'^'* century CE date because of the amount of the fine set.^^^ The form of the name means that the inscription must be later than 212. M a c l 6 . Epitaph of Abraham and Theodote Editions: Chatzi loannou 1880, 102 n o . 3 . 1 ; Reinach 1885, 7 7 - 8 no.6; Demitsas 1896, 556 no.664; Oehler 1909, 302 no.95; Schwab 1916, 54; CU i 1936, no.693; Robert 1937, 82 = 1946, 104; IG x.2.1 1972, no.633; C U i^ 1975, Prol. p.70; RICM 1983, no. 173.
'96 Nigdelis 1994, 306. '97 Levinskaya 1996a, 156. 198 165 CE: IG iiM092,11.8, 15. '99 c . 2 5 0 - 3 0 0 CE: IG iv 946; iv^ 91. 200 After 2 1 2 CE: M A M A x 358. 201 Nigdelis 1994, 3 0 1 . 202 SEG xliv 556; Harl 1996, 128-^8. 203 Mattingly 1960, 1 2 4 - 7 ; Harl 1 9 9 6 , 1 2 9 - 3 1 . 204 Nigdelis 1994, 299.
Macedonia:
99
Thessaloniki
KHH«proffABPA
mr
^ AJTH CCYNBJoYAY
Illustrations: Chatzi loannou 1880 (squeeze); Reinach 1885 (squeeze); R I C M 1983 (squeeze). Other bibliography: Molho 1962, 376; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; Levinskaya 1996a, 155; Ovadiah 1996, 42; Ovadiah 1998, 187. Found in the area of Thessaloniki. N o w lost. N o details published. Language: Greek. Date: 5*''-6"' century CE(?). Text (follows RICM 1983): p,Tm,6piov 'Appa^fiov K a l xfjq (yovpioD a v TO^ 0ea)56Tr|<;. Ligature: 1 MH, OY in 'APpanfjov Letters with serifs: 1 MINHY; 2 KITY; 3 TY The omicrons in the inscription are smaller than the other letters. 1. Chatzi loannou, Demitsas, Robert, IG x 2 . 1 : 'Appap,io-u; CIJ i^: 'Appanf|o(\)); Ovadiah 1998: 'Appanif|o[t)]
3. IG X 2.1: ©eoSoTTiq
Monument
of Abraham
[Abrameos]
and his wife
Theodote.
Chatzi loannou copied this inscripdon together with RICM 143 in 1879 or earlier among the ruins of the monastery of 'AA,aTivT| situated 3.5 km. south-east of Thessaloniki. In 1880 Reinach reported the inscription at the Kalamaria farm just outside Thessaloniki. It was subsequently lost. T h e inscription was considered Jewish because of the name 'Appdjirjoq, i.e. a Greek form of Abraham. Feissel challenges the consensus, noting that there is no specific formula or symbol that suggests the deceased were of Jewish origin and that the name occurs frequently in Christian inscriptions from Syria and Palestine.^^s However, 'Appd^iog occurs in Jewish papyri from the Fayum,^^^ and the short form 'Appd^iq is attested on an ostracon from Edfu.^^^ 'APpdp,0(; occurs in an inscription from
205 RICM, p.157; Meimaris 1986, nos.5, 3 1 4 , 3 5 5 , 808, 817, 852, 862, 1002, 1137, 1165. 206 2"'' century CE: CPJ 4 2 8 , col.n.2; 6 * - 7 * century CE: CPJ 512.2. 207 CPJ 374.1, l"-2"'' century CE.
100
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
Leontopolis,208 and papyri and ostraca from Hermoupolis Magna, Thebes, Edfu and Sebennytos.^o^ 'Appadu occurs at R o m e (4'*'-5* century CE).^'^ Theodote (0eo56xr|) is a feminine form o f the name Theodotus, which i s well attested in Jewish inscriptions and papyri (cf. #Ach20). The inscription is therefore at least as likely t o b e Jewish as Christian. Reinach, followed b y Oehler, Frey and Levinskaya, dates the inscription to the late 2"^^ century CE, which would m a k e its Jewishness fairly certain. Feissel dates it to the 5 * - 6 * century o n palaeographic grounds, which seems the more likely date. The ligature o f OY has the same form as in #Mac6. A n inscription discovered with this one reads: EBSAAITOY | xfl amoo) I IN T(»dvvr|
Kai eA,dA,r|oev K('6pio)(; jxexd Moiiofj Xtyav A,dX,r|oov x& 'Aapd)v Kal xoiq mdiq a\)x[oa)l XeyGiv ovxcoq e\)A,0Yf|[oexe] xobq Diobg T(CTpa)fiA, el'Tiaxe a v x o i q
208 209 210 211
JIGRE 3 9 , mid-2"'* century B C E - 2"'' century C E . CPJ 5 0 . 3 , 3 6 5 . 1 , 4 1 2 . 6 , 471 c o l l i . JIWE ii 5 6 2 . RICM 143.
5
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
e'oX.oyfiaei o e K(\)pio)q K a l (p^X-a^ei ae, e7ti(pavei K(i)pio)q x6 TcpoocoTuov a\)TO\) jupoq a e K a l d y a j c f i o e i CTC, [ejKapei K(\)pio)(; TO jtpoocojcov a \ ) T
101
10
15
2. 1. Mcotiafj 4. IG x.2.1: 'Aapojvi 5. CIJ i^ Horsley: evX,0Yiiia[exe] 10. IG x . 2 . 1 , CIJ i^: e n a p e i 1 0 - 1 1 . A YTAY on the stone 11. PH omitted on the stone 18. TEKNOIE on the stone 19. 1. aij^Ti
(Hebrew) Blessed be our God forever! (Greek) And the Lord spoke with Moses saying: "Speak to Aaron and his sons saying: so you shall bless the sons of Israel. Tell them: the Lord will bless you and protect you. The Lord will reveal his face to you and favour you. The Lord will lift up his face to you and make peace for you. And my name will be placed upon the sons of Israel and I will bless them. " (Hebrew) Blessed be His name forever! (Greek) God (is) one. A blessing to Siricius who has made (this plaque/the donation?) with his wife and children. Prosper, Neapolis, with those who love you! This inscription was discovered near the church of the Holy Mother at Chalkeon ( O a v a y i a x6v XaA,Kecov). Stratis Pelekidis, who found it, suggests that perhaps there was a Jewish or Samaritan quarter in the vicinity of the church. Thus, Schiby thinks that the tower Samarias of Thessaloniki (nvpyoq Z a f i a p i a q ) t o o k its name either from a Samaritan synagogue that stood near or because this was the place where the Samaritan traders unloaded their wares.^'^ However, Tsaras notes that this tower was actually named after the Catholic church of St Mary built during the Prankish rule of Thessaloniki (1204-1224); Santa Maria was 2>2 Schiby 1977, 106-8.
102
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
Ik..
pronounced as Sa-Maria, which later developed into Samarias i.e., nvpyoq Zapapiaq.^'-' The tower, however, was not far from the earliest medieval Jewish quarter of Thessaloniki located near the old sea walls and close to the harbour of the city. According to Moutsopoulos the quarter, known from the 7* century onwards as the "Vrochthoi quarter", was located near the site of the old Etz ha-Hayim synagogue destroyed during the great fire of 1917.2'^ Pelekidis suggests that this inscription was built in the wall of an ancient Samaritan synagogue, but this again can not be proven. 2 1 3 Tsaras 1982, 64 7. 2 1 4 M o u t s o p o u l o s 1995/6, 6 - 2 1 .
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
\ 03
The text of the inscription consists of three parts: (a) A blessing in Samaritan Hebrew (11.1 and 15); (b) The text of Num 6.22-7 (the benediction of the priests) in Greek (11.2-14); (c) A dedication in Greek of a certain Siricius (11.16-19). Purvis notes that the letters of the Samaritan script in 11.1 and 15 were not uniform and that they had, possibly, developed under the influence of a manuscript tradition. It is very different from the script used in Samaritan amulets including the one from Corinth (#Ach50). He suggests that the Samaritan community in Thessaloniki was not active in writing with the Samaritan script or in speaking Hebrew, but normally used Greek.^'^ The only other occurrence, though problematic and in Greek letters, of a benediction (berakhah) like this in an inscription outside Palestine is in a Jewish epitaph from Alexandria.^'^ Lifshitz & Schiby note that the Greek text of Num 6.22-7 in 11.2-14 has been inscribed very carefully with almost no orthographical inaccuracies, exception Moiiof] for Mcooiof] in 1.3, and some small errors with individual letters. They also note thirteen deviations from the text of the LXX:^''' Inscription LXX 11.1 2 jxexd Moiiofi npoq M(ax)Gf\ 1.4 xcp 'Aaptbv 'Aapwv eiTcaxe 1.6 leyovxeq e-uA-oyi'ioei £\)Xojr]cai 1.7 (p\)A,d^ai EEKpavei eicKpavdi 1.8 1.9 npoq a e ejtt a e eA,ef|aai a e dyaxcfiaei a e ETcapei eTcdpoci 1.10 1.11 npoq a e ini a e Scbri KOiTjaei eniGfiao-oaiv 1.12 Gfiaexai K a l eycb Kvpioq Kocyco 1.13 Lifshitz observes that while the inscription translates the Hebrew text us receptus almost literally, the LXX has v.24 from the Hebrew immediately after v.27.-'^ The inscription uses future indicatives where the LXX has aorist optatives.^'^ Lifshitz notes that dyaTiiiaei in 1.9 is a more accurate translation of the Hebrew word ]3n than the LXX rendering eA-eiiaai a e . 2 2 " The inscription also omits Kiypioq after Kdyd) in 1.13, following the
2'5 Purvis 1976, 122 3. 216 J I G R E 15. 217 Lifshitz & Schiby 1968, 370. 218 Lifshitz & Schiby 1968, 370; CU
i\
219 Horsley 1976, 109. 220 Lifshitz & Schiby 1968, 373 4 ; Robert in B E 1969.
104
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
Masoretic text and the Samaritan Pentateuch.^^' All this leads Lifshitz & Schiby, followed by van der Horst, to suggest that the text of the inscription provides evidence for the lost Greek translation of the Samaritan Pentateuch.^^^ However, Tov challenges this view, suggesting that the inscription was part of a L X X revision, which rendered the Hebrew text of the Pentateuch more accurately.^^^ He also argues that the usage of K\)pi0(; as the rendering of the tetragrammaton Y H W H in the inscription is not related to a Samaritan source, because the Samaritans did not pronounce Adonai (as a substitute for the tetragrammaton) but Shema or Ta(3e. In the inscription Kvpioq occurs, abbreviated as KZ, four times (11.2, 7 - 8 , 10) and according to Tov its usage is based on the LXX vocabulary. Horsley suggests that the occurrence of K\)pi0(; in the inscription may also be attributed to Christian influence, especially if P u r v i s ' 4^^-6^^ century date is accepted (see below).'^^^ T h e formula in 1.16, eiq Qeoc,, occurs quite often in Samaritan inscriptions from Palestine, but was not a distinctively Samaritan expression (it is used also in Christian and Gnostic contexts).226 The formula is attested only once in a Jewish inscription in the Diaspora (#Pan2 from Aquincum, q.v.); eic, Qeoq 6 Por|9cov is found in probably Jewish inscriptions from Syria.^27 jy^q tenn evA-oyia is well attested in Jewish inscriptions in Palestine and the Diaspora (#Ach59, # # T h r I - 2 , 4). Lifshitz & Schiby accept Pelekanidis' view that the dedicator Siricius is to be identified with the sophist Sergius Siricius from Neapolis in Palestine (Nablus), a pupil of Andromachus, who taught at Athens in the 4**^ century CE.228 However, it is not certain that he is the same person, although it seems likely as Siricius was not a common name (no other examples in P L R E i-ii). Lifshitz also notes that it is not known if Sergius Siricius was Samaritan or Greek, since Neapolis had a mixed population.229 The form of the name Sirica is attested in Jewish inscriptions from Rome.230 This is the only occurrence of the salutation ax>^ri applied to a city in Thessaloniki although it is attested epigraphically elsewhere.23i It shows the Thessalonican Samaritans' attachment to their ' h o m e ' city (under its
221 CIJ P 6 9 3 a . 222 Van der Horst 1990, 144. 223 TOY 1974, 3 9 6 - 8 . 224 T o v 1 9 7 4 , 3 7 5 . 225 Horsley 1976, 110. 226DiSegni 1994,111-15. 227 IJudO iii 38 (= CIJ 8 6 4 ) , 41 (= CIJ 8 4 8 ) . 228 PLRE i, p.845 Lifshitz & Schiby 1968, 376. 229 Lifshitz & Schiby 1968, 376; CU P 693a. 230 JIWE ii 278, 357. 231 Peterson 1926, 319; Robert 1960, 2 3 , 25; B E 1966, 319.
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
105
Graeco-Roman name) in the same way that Diaspora Jews felt loyalty to Jerusalem. Pelekidis tentatively dates the inscription to the 4"^ century following his o w n identification of the dedicant with the sophist Siricius. However, Purvis, on the basis of the Samaritan script, suggests a date between the 4"^ and 6**^ centuries. Samaritan inscriptions are too rare for this to be very reliable, but the use of a long i - instead of e i - in the formula also suggests a date for the inscription close to the one suggested by Purvis. M a c l S . Epitaph(?) Editions: Heuzey & Daumet 1876, 282, no. 119; Demitsas 1896, 4 4 6 - 7 , no.392; IG x.2.1 1972, n o . 4 3 I ; RICM 1983, no.l 13. Other bibliography: Kanatsoulis 1979, 23 no. 165. Found in the area of Thessaloniki. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Marble plaque; dimensions not recorded. Language: Greek. Date: 2"^-3'^^ century C E . Text (follows RICM 1983): 'A7coA,X,
(lulab?)
Apollonius
(son) of Apollonius,
presbyteros.
The inscription was discovered in a private house. Heuzey notes that the plaque was similar to those put above the loculi in the catacombs. It is possible that it originated from the eastern necropolis of Thessaloniki where many subterranean tombs were uncovered, including a number of Christian and two Jewish tombs ( # # M a c l 3 - 1 5 ) . Heuzey, Demitsas, Edson (in IG) and Kanatsoulis consider the title presbyteros Christian and so the inscription. However, as Feissel has noted it could also be Jewish. On the use of the title presbyteros by Jews see #Thr3. The name Apollonius ('AiioA,X,{»vio(;) occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Cyrenaica^-'^ and Apollinarius is attested in Rome (3*^*^-4*'^ century CE).^^^ Apollonides ('A7io^A,a)vi5T|(;) is used as a patronymic in the inscription from the synagogue at Nyssa.^^^ Diaspora Jews had no objection to naming a son after his father.^^s
232 233 234 235
CJZC 66a, 7 1 . JIWE i i 4 1 5 . Lifshitz 1967, no.31 = IJudO ii 26. JIWE ii, p.528. See Index lib.
106
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
The dating is crucial to whether the inscription is Jewish or Christian. Edson dates it to the 2"^ century CE on the basis of the occurrence of a non-lunate sigma (Z) and the archaic form of the omega (Q). Feissel notes that a century date is also possible. In either case, the inscription is much more likely to be Jewish than Christian. If so, the object identified as a "palm branch" must be a lulab.
Section 6
Achaea: Thessaly The Roman province of Achaea was created in 27 BCE. It was ruled by a proconsul of praetorian rank, with a provincial assembly and capital at Corinth. Between 15 and 44 CE it was combined with Macedonia into one imperial province under the the governor of Moesia. In 67 CE Nero proclaimed the "freedom of Greece" and Achaea became theoretically autonomous. This situation was revised in 70/74 CE by Vespasian who again restored senatorial control over Achaea. Hadrian created in 131/2 a Panhellenic League, a Roman loyalist organisation of eastern cities, which lasted until 250 CE. The existence of Jewish communities in the province is mentioned by Philo.'
Larissa - TA VO-Karte B VI18:
G18
Larissa is located on the left bank of the River Peneus, about 32 km. from the sea. The ancient city was an important trade and political centre because of its position on the main route connecting Athens with Macedonia. Larissa was conquered by the Romans after the second Battle of Cynoscephalae in 197 BCE and became the capital of the newly founded Thessalian Confederation until the reign of Diocletian. The first bishop, and patron saint, of the city Achilleius attended the Council of Nicaea in 325 CE. During the Byzantine period Larissa was the ecclesiastical and administrative centre of Thessaly. In the 5^*^ century CE the city suffered destruction from an attack by the Ostrogoths, but was rebuilt during the reign of Justinian 1. In the 8^ -9^** centuries Larissa was the metropolis of the theme of Hellas. The only major public structures that have been excavated in Larissa are the two ancient theatres. The first (Theatre A), located at the south slope of the acropolis, was built at the end of the 3*^^ century BCE. During the Roman period it was turned into an arena for gladiatorial fights and continued in use until the end of the 2"^* century CE or slightly later, when it was abandoned and became a quarry for building material. The second theatre, located south-west of the acropolis, was built in the second half of the 1 century BCE. The marble blocks (seats) of this theatre were reused in the walls of two late-19"^ century houses. A marble seating block from Theatre A was recovered ' Legal. 2 8 1 .
108
Thessaly:
Larissa
from the Jewish cemetery of modern Larissa (#App3). The cemetery is located just outside the city, to the south. Larissa is not mentioned by Benjamin of Tudela, and the first literary evidence for the presence of Jews in the city, concerning Rabbi Isaac Hilo of Larissa in 1333,^ is now regarded as a I9*-century forgery by E. Carmoly. A c h l . Epitaphs of Demo and Maria Edifions: SIG ii^ 1900, no.897; IG ix.2 1908, no.988a-c; Oehler 1909, 443 n o . l 0 2 [ b - c ] ; Giannopoulos 1912, 156 [c]; SIG iii^ 1920, no.1247,1-2 [ b c]; CIJ i 1936, nos.699-701 [a-c], i^ 1975, Prol. no.70I [c]; Ferrua I 9 4 I , 4 5 ; Schwabe 1945/6, 6 5 - 6 , n o s . I - 2 [ b - c ] , 9 [a]; Peek 1955, 359 n o . I 2 I 7 [c]; Pfohl 1966, 3 0 - 1 no.27 [c]. Other bibliography: Robert 1959, 29 n . 5 ; Kant 1987, 678 n.35; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; van der Horst I 9 9 I , 147-8 no.5; van der Horst 1994, 143; Williams 1998, no.II.IOl [c] (English tr.). Found at Larissa. N o w : Larissa, Archaeological Museum. Details: Reused marble stele with aetoma. N o measurements published. Language: Greek. Date: V^-A^^ century CE(?). Text (follows CIJ i): (a)
[--]E[--]NO[--] 0OX[..]APO [t©] A,[a&] Xaipeiv.
(b)
ArifiQ) TiTiavoft x& Xa.& xaipeiv.
(c)
M a p t a To\)8a AeovtiaKOD 8e Yvvfi
Xa(h xai-
peiv. [xodlpoiq dvGpmJtcov J I E K I V D - ] [p,ev]e OOTK; biiapxei.
5
Ligatures: c 2 NT, c3 NH a4. A small letter E is inscribed under X in x a i p e i v bl.
Letters Z O appear above H in
b2-3.
ATIH©
The word 7IAPAP.(oei(; appears between the lines, probably remaining from an
earlier inscription or later addition, suggesting that the stele had been reused.
2 EJ, s.v.
Thessaly: Larissa
(a) Farewell to the people. (b) Demo (daughter) ofTitianus. Farewell to the people. (c) Maria (daughter) of Judas (and) wife of Leontiscus. Farewell people. May you rejoice, wise among men, whoever you are.
\ 09
to the
The stele was discovered in the Jewish cemetery of Larissa. It contains three separate epitaphs and is evidence for the apparently popular practice among the Jews in Larissa of reusing funerary monuments set up by relatives or other members of the community (cf. ##Ach3-4). Other letters seem to survive from an earlier use of the stone. The text of (a) is too fragmentary to be reconstructed plausibly, with the exception of the final farewell formula. The name of the deceased woman in inscription (b) Armd) and her father Tixiavoq (the Roman name Titianus) are otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions or papyri. Frey translates the first two lines of (c): "Maria luda, femme de Leontiskos".^ Both Ferrua and Schwabe object to this reading and note that the name in the genitive that follows the name of Maria is not her cognomen, but the name of her father. Her husband is indicated by the phrase yxi\r\ + genidve. The names Maria and Juda(s) were very popular among Jews and occur in inscriptions from Egypt, Cyrenaica,'^ Rome,^ Civitavecchia, Ostia, Capua, Venosa, Sofiana, (IJapoterra, Sant'Antioco,^ Larissa again (#Ach7), and Almyros (#Ach24). Leontiscus is a form of Leontius, which was a popular choice of name among Jews; see #Mac7. The text in (c) 11.6-7 is an elegiac distich. Jewish metrical inscriptions are extremely rare in the Balkans. The only two other examples are epigrams from Larissa (#Ach2) and Beroea (#Mac9). Van der Horst notes that this partly verse inscription has a particular Homeric flavour "created by 7cejcv-op,eve, a well-knovm tag often found in the Iliad and the Odyssey''\'' Inscription (c) is clearly Jewish because of the names, but Robert suggests that the expression Xa&, found in all three inscriptions on the stele, was used by Larissan Jews to address their own community.* In a similar way, Schwabe compares x© X,a© xaip£i-v to the salutation "Peace upon Israel" (bi^llZ?'' DlblZ?).^ The formula x « A,aro xaxpew occurs in another ten epitaphs from Larissa and one from Pherae ( # # A c h 2 - 4 , 8 14, 25), and its use seems to justify identifying those inscriptions as
3 CIJ 7 0 1 . 4 JIGRE 54, 120, 131; CJZC 1, 52f, 57a; app.3, 50d. 5 JIWE i i 4 1 , 5 6 , 80, 109, 124, 152, 186, 2 2 2 , 2 3 1 , 2 6 2 , 2 9 8 , 3 5 3 , 4 4 4 , 4 8 1 , 5 5 4 , 5 5 6 . 6 JIWE i 11, 15, 2 0 , 9 0 , 1 5 8 - 9 , 169, 173. 7 Van der Horst 1994, 129 n.4. 8 Robert 1946, 103-^; Robert 1960a, 2 6 0 - 2 ; B E 1976, no.333. 9 Schwabe 1 9 4 5 / 6 , 6 6 - 8 .
110
Thessaly:
Larissa
Jewish. One other has a clearly Jewish name, if the restoration is correct (#Ach9). There are no other occurrences of the formula in Thessaly or anywhere in the Balkans, and it is not found in a clearly non-Jewish context. Jewish communities are also described with the term 6 Xaoq in inscriptions from Mantinea (#Ach57), Hicrapolis in Phrygia.'" Nyssa in Caria, Hulda and Caesarea in Palestine." The epithet i^ikoXaoq occurs in Jewish epitaphs from Rome.'^ Xaoq is used in the LXX with its nominal meaning of "people",'^ but often to designate specifically the "people of Israel".''* The term is employed in the N T with the meaning of the Jews'^ or, in some cases, of Christians as opposed to pagans.'^ It is likely that the use of the salutation formula xm Xam x « i p e i v by the Jews in Larissa was related to 6 Xaoq in the LXX. There are no parallels for x^i-pei-v as a farewell expression in the LXX, but it seems that the conventional meaning of xaipco as "farewell" (LSJ, s.v.) is applied. The only "farewell to the people" inscriptions for which a date has been proposed are #Ach2 (3'''-4"' century CE) and # A c h l 4 (possibly 4"' century), on palaeographic grounds. The names in the inscriptions provide little clue, since they are all single names, sometimes with a single-name patronymic. Four, Quintus (#Ach7, #Ach 10), Secundus ( # A c h l 3 ) , Titianus ( # A c h l b ) and Maximus (#Ach4), show clear Roman influence. None (with the possible exception of # A c h l 6 where Robert restored the formula) uses Jewish symbols. The most likely period for the Roman names and the lack of symbols would be between the 1^' and 3*^'' centuries CE; the Constitutio Antoniniana of 212 seems to have had almost no impact on the forms of names recorded in epitaphs from Thessaly. The 4'*' century may also be possible, but would imply that the formula was used instead of symbols as a statement of Jewishness. A c h 2 . E p i t a p h of Leukios Editions: Zekides 1905, 199 no. 15; IG ix.2 1908, p.xv (corrigenda ultima) and no.652; Peek 1974, 15-16 no. 12; CU i^ 1975, Prol. no.708b; Helly 1978, 125; SEG xxviii 1978, no.524. Illustration: Peek 1974, fig.6 (squeeze). Other bibliography: Robert 1946, 103; BE 1976, no.333. Found at Larissa. Now: Larissa, Archaeological Museum.
1 0 CI J 776 IJudO ii 2 0 6 . ' ' Lifshitz 1969, nos.30 (= lJudO ii 27), 64, 80. '2 J I W E ii 2 4 0 , 576. '3 Ex 1.22; 2 C h r 1.9. etc. ' 4 G e n 14.16; Ex 1.20; 1 Sam 10.1, 1 0 . 1 1 ; 2 K g s 1 1 . 1 7 - 1 8 ; I C h r 2 9 . 1 8 ; Ps 13(14).7; Is 4 0 . 1 ; E z e k 3 3 . 2 ; I M a c c 5.16; 2 M a c e 2.17, etc. "5 Mt 1.21, 2.6; Lk 10.12; A c t s 13.17, 2 6 . 1 7 , etc. •6 A c t s 15.14.
Thessaly:
Larissa
1 1
Details: Grey marble plaque with a hole cut from the centre, 37 x 36.8 x 8.7-9 cm., broken above and below. Letters: 2.3-3 cm. Language: Greek. Date: l ' - 4 * century CE(?). Text (follows SEG xxviii 1978 and personal inspection): [ -
- ]oA,iq [
[cp^>M
- - ]
8e jivrioxfipeq e j t i vupcpaq eXdecyOe, euGi) ydjicov d(3|oA.eiT]e. 6 ydp xpovo^ o-oSev ov[i|]ae. MrcTcoviKiq Aet-OKio) TO] ejciypaupa ejcoiei. A e v K i o q Tw {X\a
5
L i g a t u r e s : 2 N l l I ; 3 MOJ, N O Z ; 5 0 1 1.
P e e k : ["AiSric; o'bv M o i p a i a i v ] | [xatq 6?i,]oaiai
\i
[dlnfjye y a f i f i [ l i j a
2.
S m a l l Y b e t w e e n N and M in vt)fx(pag, p r o b a b l y to correct
3.
X E a b o v e ON in 6v[r|]ae
•KXT^G'XQL
omission
4 . S m a l l A b e t w e e n P and M in e7clyptt(.i).ia, p r o b a b l y t o correct
omission
4.
C I G , C U : 'l7t7toviKi<; 8[E e]7t;i[Y]pap,[)a.]a E J C O I E I . ; P e e k : 'IxcTtoviKri TX'OKTI
5.
C I G , P e c k : tcp [ T E K V I W
jaxpziv
guard(?) you, all suitors who are driving on to brides, take part in weddings at once. For time (i.e. delay) will be of no use [or delight] at all. Hipponikis composed this epigram for Leukios. Leukios, farewell to the people. This inscription was brought to the Gymnasium of Larissa from an undisclosed location in the environs of the town. Zekides recorded the inscription in 1904 and seventy years later Peck found it lying in the court of the Larissa Museum. The stone is currently in the Museum depot at the foot of the Agios Ahillos hill on Venizelos St., just behind the recently
112
Thessaly:
Larissa
discovered Roman theatre. The first editors of this inscription, Zekides and Kern in IG, did not explain it. Kern, followed later by Peek, reconstructed the salutation formula in 1.5 as xra [X£Kv]ro x a i p e i v . However, in his corrigenda ultima to IG ix.2 he changed it, though reluctantly, to XTO [X]a& xaipzw and related the inscription to the other Larissan epitaphs where the formula occurs. On the basis of this reading Robert accepted the inscription as Jewish (see # A c h l ) . Peek and Lifshitz propose that it is an epigram about a young girl who died before marriage. 1.3 scans readily as a line of hexameter, and 1.2 is probably also hexameter although with some irregular quantities. 1.4 could be metrical but is more probably a prose postscript. A new reading of 1.4 and the inscription as a whole was proposed by Helly and accepted by Robert in BE 1976 and Picket in SEG 1978. Helly reads the name of the author of the epigram as Hipponikis (in agreement with K e r n ' s original reading), not Hipponike as proposed by Peek, and reconstructs the name of a second person called Leukios, who he also associates with the Jewish farewell formula in 1.5. Helly notes that there is no evidence for the stone being reused, and believes that the epigram and the final formula were contemporary with each other. The inscription thus appears to be a funerary epigram for Leukios, and another Jewish partly metrical inscription from Larissa ( c f # A c h l ) . The mention of suitors (|i,VTioxfipE(;) in 1.2 gives the epigram a distinctive Homeric f l a v o u r . T h e use of eici + acc. suggests driving at the brides to capture them, another archaic concept. d|3oA,eo) in 1.3 (if restored correctly) is a word from late epic, used by Callimachus and Apollonius Rhodius. It seems that young men are being exhorted to marry quickly, perhaps in the context of Leukios having died before marriage, a theme usually (but not invariably) applied to the female deceased.'* TjtTtoviKiq could be a variant of the name TjiTcoviKioq (TTCJcoviKoq).'^ TitjcovlKoq and the female TicKoviKa are found in Jewish use only in Cyrenaica.^^ The gender of TjinoviKiq is uncertain, but LGPN iiiB (which has only this occurrence) classes it as feminine. If so, she might be Leukios' fiancee, although fiancees are not normally commemorators. 1.4 could mean that she literally composed the epigram, or that she had it inscribed. The literal meaning of the name ("horsevictory") could also be the inspiration for the poem, as an elaborate word play on the idea of carrying off a bride, with the reference to "driving" in 1.2 continuing the horse theme.
17 Od. 1.91; 4 . 6 2 5 - 9 , 6 5 9 , 7 4 3 - 4 ; 2 1 . 4 0 4 , 4 1 2 ; 2 2 . 2 7 0 , 3 1 5 , 3 3 1 , 4 4 5 , etc. 18 Lattimore 1962, 1 9 2 ^ . 19 Georgacas 1948. 20CJZC l i d , 1 2 b , g , a p p . l 5 f .
Thessaly: Larissa
113
Apart from Larissa (#AchlO) Ae<)KiO(; also occurs as a Jewish name in Cyrenaica,2i but it was common in non-Jewish use. Peek dates the inscription to the 3^''-4* century CE on palaeographic grounds, but see # A c h l for further discussion. A c h 3 . Epitaphs of Callias(?), Theophila and Menander Editions: le Bas 1836, ii n o . l 2 8 8 ; Miller 1874, 161-2 n o s . 9 - 1 0 ; Lolling 1886, 124 no.65; Pridik 1896, 90 no.31 [a]; SIG ii^ 1900, no.897 [b]; IG ix.2 1908, nos.986a-c; Oehler 1909, 443 no.IOO [b]; SIG iii^ 1920, n o . I 2 4 7 , 5 [b]; Giannopoulos 1930, 256 no.6; CIJ i 1936, n o s . 7 0 3 - 5 ; Schwabe, 1945/46, 66 n o s . 4 - 5 [ b - c ] . Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66. Found at Larissa. N o w : Larissa, Archaeological Museum. Details: Marble stele, 70 x 48 x 9 cm., with triangular aetoma, and carved square in the centre of the stele. Language: Greek. Date: i M * ' ' c e n t u r y CE(?). Text (follows IG ix.2): (a)
KaA,A,i[a(;] (or KdA,A,i[(;]) Mevoiv6po'0.
(b)
0eo(plX.a Ze^e<)KO'D peiv.
(c)
MEvavSpoq Mevdv5pou xro A,a© Xaipe[iv].
aL Lolling: KaXki[Knr\]-, Pridik: KaX,>,ip[axo(;] a2. Lolling: M e v a v 5 p o q b l . Miller: ©eopiXJia c 3 - 4 . Miller: [xptiaxe] x a i p e c 4 . Lolling, Giannopoulos: x a i p e
KaXX,i[rt7rTi] or
Ka^^Uaq];
(a) Callias / Callis (son/daughter) of Menander. (b) Theophila, wife of Seleucus. Farewell to the people. (c) Menander (son) of Menander. Farewell to the people.
21 CJZC 51a.
Giannopoulos:
114
Thessaly:
Larissa
This funerary stele was discovered in the Turkish cemetery of Larissa. It is considered Jewish because of the formula xro X,aw x a i p e i v , which was used by the Jews of Larissa (see # A c h I ) . (a) is inscribed in the aetoma while (b) and (c) are on the stele proper. The practice of reusing a funerary stele by one family or by members of the Jewish community was c o m m o n in Larissa as indicated by two other inscriptions from the same area ( # A c h I , #Ach4). Lolling suggests that (a), which he considers a separate inscription, was added later than (b) and (c) because of its position. That would be natural if the stone was reused over an extended period. The name in LI of (a) could be restored as either masculine or feminine. The masc. form KaA-Ua^ occurs at Beth She'arim (Hall J)^^ but is otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions or papyri (the form KaXfiq, however, appears in a papyrus from Arsinoe and KaA,X,e'0(; occurs in an ostrakon from Edfu),^^ while the fern. KdX,A,iq occurs in an inscription from Cyrenaica.24 Other KaXXinames like KaA-A-iKpatriq, KaA,X,laxpaxo(;, KaA,X,iax6, KaA,X,iirjtr|, KaX,A,i67cr| etc, could also fit in the first line of (a) although KaA,A,ia(; was by far the most popular of these names. T h e name Theophila (0eo(piA,a) in (b) 1.1 is not much attested among Jews. The masculine form ©exxpiX.oq occurs in Cyrenaica^^ and ©eocplA-oq is found at Rome.^^ The masculine form Theophilus (0eocpiA,o(;) also appears in a papyrus from ApoUonias, Egypt.^^ Seleucus occurs in another Jewish inscription from Larissa ( # A c h l 2 ) , and also at Rome, Edessa and Beth She'arim.2* The name Menander (MevavSpoq) occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Rome, Sardis and Larissa (#AchlO, q.v.). It occurs here in (a) 1.2 and twice in (c). Menander in (a) is probably the same person as one of the Menanders in (c), so it is possible that the stele was used by only one family. A c h 4 . Epitaph of Maximus, Eucrata, Maximus and Gynaika Edition: Giannopoulos 1930, 256 no.7. Found at Larissa(?). Now: Larissa, Archaeological Museum. Details: Marble column, 75 x 42 x 12 cm., with a protracted dark line in the stone, broken at the top and on the right side up to the middle. Language: Greek. Date: i M * century CE(?).
22 23 24 25 26 27 28
B S ii, no.60. CPJ ii 3 0 7 , 4 2 1 . CJZC 43d. CJZC 33b, 7 2 . JIWE i 354. CPJ 1 2 1 . JIWE ii 4 8 5 ; IJudO iii 80 = CIJ 1 4 1 7 - 1 8 ; BS ii, n o . 6 0 .
Thessaly: Larissa
115
Text (follows Giannopoulos 1930): (a)
(b)
Md^^M-o? Ma^tHOT) Xaipiv.
XQL&
E\)Kpdi;a Ei)Kp a t o q . (c) M a | i lio(; yovfi auToO r \ ) v a i K a xro A,avacat
CO
'
xaipiv.
a2. Giannopoulos: < x ^ > a3, c 4 . 1. x a i p e i v
(a) Maximus (son) of Maximus. Farewell to (the) people. (b) Eucrata (daughter) of Eucrates. (c) Maximus (and) his wife Gynaika, farewell to the people. According to Giannopoulos this inscription was in the collection of the Archaeological Museum of Larissa. Its provenance is unknown. The inscription is assumed to be Jewish because of the formula x(p A,acp x a i p e r v (see # A c h I ) . The three separate inscriptions preserved on the column are another example of the popular practice among Larissan Jews of reusing funerary monuments (cf. # A c h l , #Ach3). The name Maximus (Md^i^ioq) which occurs in (a) and (c) is found in Jewish use only at Rome.^^ It occurs twice in (a) 1.1 and in (c), and it is possible that the stele was used by only one family (cf. Menander in #Ach3). The names Eucrata/es and Gynaika are otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions and papyri from the Diaspora. Gynaika is not found as a name anywhere in LGPN. A c h 5 . E p i t a p h of A l e x a n d e r Editions: Gallis 1973/4, 562 (from the stone); SEG xxix 1979, no.537. Illustradon: Gallis, pl.375d (photo). Other bibliography: BE 1980, no.291; Caiding 1979/80, 39; Williams 1998, noT.95 (English tr.). Found at Larissa. Now: Larissa, Archaeological Museum (no inv.no.). Details: Grey marble kioniskos, broken below, 82.5 x 32.5 cm. (92 x 29 cm. according to Gallis). Letters: 4.4-4.5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 4*''-6* century CE(?).
29 JIWE i i 9 4 , 128.
Thessaly:
116
Larissa
Text (follows SEG xxix 1979 and personal inspection): {menorah) 'AA,e^dv<8>po\) Kai
TCpOCTtdlOD.
1. A o m i t t e d on s t o n e
Of Alexander,
scholasticus and prostates.
The stone was found during a rescue excavation, conducted in 1973/4, of the remains of a 2"^ or 3'"'* century building at 7 Roosevelt Street in modern Larissa. The inscription is on the upper part of the kioniskos under the image of a menorah. It has not been reported where exactly the stone was found, but it is very likely that it belonged to a stratum later than that of the foundations of the building. 1.1. 'AJie^avSpoq and the fem. form 'AA,e^dv5pa are attested in Jewish inscriptions from Egypt, Carthage and Rome,^° and the Latin form Alexander occurs at Rome.-" The name also occurs on papyri from Egypt
30 J I G R E 3 0 . 150; le Bohec 1981, 184, no. 3 8 ; J I W E ii 112, 259, 336, 3 6 8 . 3 ' J I W E ii 2 7 9 . 3 4 3 .
Thessaly: Larissa
\ \ 7
and an ostracon from Edfu;-'^ these persons are not necessarily Jews. The form 'AA,e^av8p(i)a is a t t e s t e d at Rome a n d Apamea as well.^^ 1.2. axoXaoxiKOC, became a title from the 4^'' century CE onwards; before that it was used mainly as a designation o f a student of rhetoric.-^"^ Claus and Simon note that the title was used mainly b y lawyers and rhetors but did not become a technical t e r m or office.^^ Williams' definition is "a man qualified to w o r k as an advocate b y virtue of having passed through all t h e normal stages of higher education." People with the title sometimes had other official functions in their city too."^^ It w a s mainly a selfdesignation (as with the c h u r c h historian Socrates Scholasticus; see the list of the known scholastici from t h e 3'"'^-8"^ century in Claus 1965).^'' It is probable t h e n that Alexander was a lawyer or a rhetor. The title disappears f r o m the sources after the 8"^ century.^*^ The title is attested also in Jewish inscriptions from Apamea (late 4"^ century CE) and Sepphoris (5^*^ century).39 1.3. The title of KpooraxTiq was widely used in Antiquity with a range of meanings including a 'patron', 'defender', 'head' or 'leader, president' of a professional organisation, community or city; also a n a r m y officer."*" In Christian contexts it is applied to deacons or bishops as 'leaders or protectors' of the people, o r to minor Church officials."" The title is found among the Jews in Egypt (Xenephyris, 140-116 BCE), Rome, Aphrodisias and Naples (5"^-6^'' century CE).'*^ It has been interpreted either as an equivalent of the Roman patronus (after Plutarch, Rom. 13, Mar. 5) or as some sort of 'presiding officer' of a local Jewish gerousia.^^ Thus, Horsley equates the title with that of the gerusiarch.'^'^ Frey, Leon and van der Horst suggest that the irpoaxdxric; was a legal representative of a Jewish community to the government.'*^ Binder thinks that the offices of the
32 CPJ 13.1; 14.26, 4 1 ; 18.4, 7, 20, 2 3 ; 4 7 . 2 ; 136.3; 142.2. 4; 1 4 3 . 4 - 5 , 7 - 8 , 13, 16, 19; 408a.4. 33 J I W E ii 246, 2 8 5 , 4 6 1 , 568 (= IJudO iii 33); CIJ 811 - lJudO iii 66. 34 C I G 2 7 4 6 ; O G I S 6 9 3 ; C I L viii.3.20274; Plutarch, Cic. 5; LSJ, s.v. 35 Claus 1965: Simon 1966, 1 5 8 - 6 0 ; S o c r a t e s . H.E. 6.6.36 - PG Ixvii 681 A. 36 H a n t o n 1927/8, 130. 37 Claus 1965, 2 0 ^ 2 . 38 Simon 1966, 160. 39 l J u d O iii S y r 5 , S y r 6 0 = CIJ 9 9 1 , 8 1 4 . 40 LSJ, s.v. 41 St Basil the G r e a t , Ep. 2 1 4 . 2 = PG xxxii 7 8 9 C ; P h o t i n u s ap. E p i p h a n i u s , Pan. 72.11 - P G xlii 3 9 7 A . 42 J I G R E 2 4 ; J I W E ii 170, 3 6 5 ; lJudO ii 14 = Reynolds & T a n n e n b a u m 1987, 11.9a, 4 1 ; J I W E i 30. 43 Juster 1914. i 4 4 3 ; Krauss 1922. 145; both following Philo's usage, c f Mutat. 89, Praem. 77. 44 Horsley 1979, 2 4 1 ^ . 45 C U i, p . X C V ; Leon 1960. 193; van der Horst 1991, 9 5 .
118
Thessaly:
Larissa
7i:poaTdTTi<; and a p x i T t p o a x o t x T i q (Alexandria, 3 CE)"^^ in Egypt were reserved for low-ranking synagogue officials,'*^ However, as has been noted by Kasher and maintained by Noy, it would be extremely difficult or even impossible to single out a particular function of the title as it was used by Jews.'** Nevertheless, Alexander was clearly a leading figure in the Jewish community at Larissa. The inscription can be dated, on palaeographic grounds and on the basis of the titles mentioned, between the 4"^ and 6'*' centuries; this is consistent with where it was found. The absence of the formula A,a« x a i p e i v might indicate that the inscription is of a later date than the ones including that formula, but this is not necessarily the case (cf. #Ach6).
A c h 6 . Epitaph of Boukolios Editions: Zekides 1901, 139 no.21; IG ix.2 1908, no.834; Oehler 1909, 443 no.97; CU i 1936, no.697. Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; Williams 1997a, 257, 261 no.40; Williams 1998, V.76 (English tr.). Found at Larissa. Now: Larissa, Archaeological Museum. Details: Column of white stone, 51 x 93 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 2"''-3"' century CE(?). Text (follows CIJ i): {hedera) BoDKoA,ioa)v To^ <'0>iov 'EpiiioD Ke novtiavfjq TTjq ToDSeaq. {hedera) 2. Y omitted on stone 3 . 1. Kai 4 . 1. T o « 6 a i a ( ;
Of(?) Boukolios Jewess.
[or Boukolion],
the son of Hermias,
and Pontiana,
the
The director of the Gymnasium in Larissa, Georgios Zekides, discovered the inscription in 1900 during the construction of 'Victoria' market in the town. It was then transferred to the G y m n a s i u m ' s building where most inscriptions found in Larissa and the surrounding area were kept until the
46 JIGRE 18. 47 Binder 1 9 9 9 , 3 5 2 - 5 . 48 Kasher 1 9 8 5 , 1 1 1 - 1 4 ; JIWE i 30.
Thessaly: Larissa
119
foundation of the Museum. Frey, followed by Williams, suggests that the inscription is an epitaph for the deceased child of Pontiana and Hermes: Bo\)KoA,ioa)v. However, it is more likely that the inscription belonged to two people: Boukolios the son of Hermias, and Pontiana the Jewess presumably husband and wife. This would divide the inscription into two halves exactly balancing each other; Pontiana's ethnic would take the place of a patronymic. This inscription is, it seems, a very rare example of evidence for intermarriage between Jews and non-Jews. There are only a few literary sources regarding this practice. Philo attests exogamy among the Alexandrian Jews {Spec.Leg. 3.29) and according to Josephus both daughters of Agrippa I (Drusilla and Berenice) married non-Jews {Ant. 2 0 . 1 4 1 - 5 ) . According to Acts 16.1-3 one of Paul's disciples, Timothy, was b o m to a Jewish-Christian mother and a Greek father. The m e n d o n of Pontiana's ethnic origin supports the suggestion that her husband was not a Jew. Pontiana is otherwise unattested as a name used by Jews. Williams' suggestion that she might have been a proselyte is difficult to prove;"*^ proselytes are frequently designated clearly as such.^° The name of the husband could be treated as a nominative form of the Greek name Boa)KoX.la)v (cf. Homer, //. 6.21), in which case the genitive in 1.2 would not agree with it. More probably it is meant to be a gen. sing, form of Bo\)KoX,io^ (BoDKoX-oq) with a superfluous -v at the end. The names are not attested in Jewish inscriptions. Boukolion is a very rare name,^' whereas there are ten examples of Boukolos in LGPN. These inscriptions are dated to the 4*''-3'^^ centuries BCE. The name of his father 'Epiiiaq is a derivation of Hermes ('Epp,fjq; cf, 'Epp.i6vTi, 'Epiioyevriq etc.) and was popular in the Greek world,^^ ^ js also well attested among the Jews in Egypt, Cyrenaica, Aphrodisias and Rome.53
L G P N dates the inscripdon to the 2"** or 3"^ century CE.^^
49 Williams 1998, 196 n.63. 50 JIWE i 52; JIWE ii 6 2 , 2 1 8 , 224, 3 9 2 , 4 8 9 , 4 9 1 , 577; IJudO ii 14 = Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, a l 3 , 17, 2 2 . 5' LGPN i 103; LGPN iiiA 94. Only three occurrences in non-Jewish inscriptions are listed: a Bot)Ko?iecov is attested in an inscription from Argos and BOVKOUCOV occurs on a v a s e from Apulia and in an inscription from Euboea. 52 LGPN i 1 6 3 ^ ; LGPN ii 1 5 7 - 8 ; LGPN iiiA 1 5 2 - 3 ; LGPN iiiB 1 4 2 - 3 ; Pape & Benseler 1911,382^. 53 JIGRE 28; CPJ 88.3; 144.6, 8 , 1 5 , 2 5 , 3 3 ; 4 5 3 . 2 0 ; CJZC 56a; IJudO ii 14 = Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, a24; JIWE ii 121, 360, 3 7 8 , 4 6 7 , 5 5 1 . 54 LGPN iiiB 88.
120
Thessaly:
Larissa
A c h 7 . E p i t a p h of Cleopo Editions: Lolling 1883, 118-19 no.27; IG ix.2 1908, no.839; Oehler 1909, 443 no.98; Giannopoulos 1912, 156; CIJ i 1936, no.698; CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. p.80. Other bibliography: Ferrua 1941, 4 5 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66. Found at Larissa. Now: Larissa, Archaeological Museum. Details: Marble stele with aetoma, broken below, 80 x 42 cm. Language: Greek. Date: uncertain. Text (follows CIJ i): K^eo'DJUQ) KolVTOt y-ovfi 8e To<)8a. Cleopo (daughter)
of Quintas and wife of Judas.
Frey read Koivxd as the cognomen of the deceased woman and translated the inscription as "Cleoupo Quinta, femme de luda". However, as Ferrua and Lifshitz have noted, this reading is not correct. The inscription actually gives the name of the deceased woman, the father (i.e. the patronymic) in the genitive and the husband in the genitive. The name of the father was most likely Kolvxaq, not KoivToq (Quintus; cf. #AchIO). This is indicated by the Doric gen. sing, ending - a which was commonly applied, during the R o m a n and Byzantine periods, to fem. and masc. names ending in -aq.^^ The h u s b a n d ' s name ('Io\)5a(;), which is the reason for understanding the inscription as Jewish, is also in the genitive, but his relation to the deceased is clearly indicated by the formula yovf) 8e (also in # A c h I c ) . The name KA,eoa)7c6 could be a gen. sing, of KA-eoTidq, with the gen. ending -co as a substitute for the expected -o\). The substitution of -co for -OM, especially in a final position, was frequent in the Roman and Byzantine periods.^^ However, in an inscription from Thessaloniki, KJiEDTid) is found as a nom. form of a w o m a n ' s name, so that is probably the case here too.^^ The spelling of the name as KA-eo-OTC© is a result of the interchange of the diphthong - O D with the simple vowel -o.^^ KA,eo7cdq is attested in a Jewish context in Egypt (KA,eD7td(;, Leontopolis).^^ It also occurs as a masc. name in Lk 24.18 (one of the disciples on the road to
55 56 57 58 59
Gignac 1976, ii 1 2 - 1 4 . Gignac 1976, i 2 0 8 - 1 1 . IG ix.2.1.911. Gignac 1 9 7 6 , 1 2 1 8 - 2 2 0 . JIGRE 99.
Thessaly: Larissa
121
Emmaus) and Jn 19.25 (KA-cojcdq). According to Letronne the masc. name is a syncopated form of Cleopatros.^" A c h 8 . E p i t a p h of Z o s i m u s Editions: Zekides 1900, 74 no.61; IG ix.2 1908, no.985; Oehler 1909, 443 no.99; CIJ i 1936, no.702; Schwabe 1945/6, 66 no.3. Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66. Found at Larissa. N o w : Larissa, Archaeological Museum. Details: Grey marble stele, broken above and below, 61 x 48 x 9 cm. Language: Greek. Date: l"-4^'' century CE(?). Text (follows CIJ i): Zojoiiioq OiXiTcd A,aro xaip[£]iv. Ligatures: 1 IM L 1. ^xkinna.
Zosimus
(son) of Philippas.
Farewell
to (the)
people.
This inscription was found in 1888/9 near the municipal hospital of Larissa and transferred to the local Gymnasium by G. D. Zekides. It is now in the Archaeological Museum of Larissa. It is assumed to be Jewish because of the formula in 1.2 (see # A c h I ) . In a Jewish context, the name Zosimus occurs in inscriptions from Rome, Cyrenaica and on a papyrus from Samareia (Fayum).^' The name of the father should be read as OiXiTCJcaq (LGPN iiiB, s.v.) because of the gen. sing, ending - a (cf. #Ach7). The rendering of the patronymic with one it represents a simplification of the double consonant -mi- and occurs often on papyri from the Late Roman and Byzantine periods.^^ This is the first Jewish epigraphic attestation of the name OiA-titTtaq. It is a form of Philip/Philippus, which occurs as a Jewish name in inscriptions from Egypt (Leontopolis), Cyrenaica, Campania and Rome.^^ Philippus is also found on ostraca from Edfu, Egypt.^"*
60 Letronne 1844, 4 8 9 . 61 JIWE ii 460, 4 6 9 , 549; CJZC 72; CPJ ii 22.15, 35. 62 Gignac i 1976, 161. 63 JIGRE 70; CJZC 55f, app. 14a; JIWE i 2 3 ; JIWE ii 9 3 , 528. 64 CPJ 192.3, 282.1, 283.1, 286.4, 296.3, 362.1, 371.1.
122
Thessaly:
Larissa
A c h 9 . E p i t a p h of L a z a r u s Editions: Lolling 1882, 2 3 5 - 7 ; IG ix.2 1908, no.643, 11.27-8; Giannopoulos 1930, 256 no.2; Robert 1946, 103; CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. no.708a. Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66. Found at Kalyvia (Thessaly). Now: Larissa, Archaeological Museum. Details: Marble stele, broken below, 190 x 25 x 16 cm. Language: Greek. Date: uncertain Text (follows Gi£innopoulos 1930): [AldCapoq [Xlodpeiv.
27
[ - - - ] FlaDoavia [ - - exjwv 8 e K a
30
[ - - ?xaip]e. 27. IG ix.2 (Hiller de Gaertringen): [MdKapoq; Robert 1937, or [EX,]a^apoq
Lazarus, farewell
of Pausanias(?)
aged ten
1946: fEX,e]aCapo(;
farewell(?).
Lolling discovered this inscription at the shop of Hasan Bey in the village of Kalyvia, near the m o d e m town of Ellassona, about 60 km. from Larissa at the foot of Mt Olympus. The stone probably originated in Larissa or its environs. The left side of the stele is broken and only a few letters survive from what appears to be an inscription 31 lines long. There is a hedera at the end of 1.26 and it is likely that 11.27-31 were added later as separate epitaphs. The practice of reusing gravestones was common among Larissan Jews ( # # A c h l , A c h 3 - 4 ) . The name Lazarus (Ad^apoq), a short form of Ele(a)zarus, is the most likely restoration of 1.27, especially as 1.28 is part of the standard Jewish formula at Larissa A-aw xcdpzw (cf. # A c h I ) . The name was not common among Jews in the Diaspora. It occurs in inscriptions from Egypt (1TS7b)^^ and Rome.^^ In Roman Palestine it is attested in inscriptions from Jaffa and Gaza.^^ FlaDaavia can be treated either as nom. sing, of a fem. name or, more likely, as a gen. sing, of the masc. name n a v a a v i a q , declined in the gen. with the Doric ending -a.^* The name is otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions or papyri. It would presumably be a patronymic here.
65 66 67 68
Antinoopolis, JIGRE 119; el-Kanais, JIGRE 1 2 3 ^ . JIWE ii 171. CIJ 899, 935, 966. Gignac 1976, ii 1 2 - 1 4 .
Thessaly: Larissa
123
AchlO. Epitaph of Leukios Editions: Pridik 1896, 93 no.40; de Sanctis 1898, cols.39-40 n o . 4 1 ; SIG ii^ 1900, no.897; IG ix.2 1908, no.987; Oehler 1909, 443 no. 101; SIG iii^ 1920, no. 1247,3; Giannopoulos 1930, 256 no.4; CIJ i 1936, no.706; Schwabe 1945/6, 66 no.6. Other bibliography: Revised Schiirer iii.l 1986, 66. Found at Larissa. Now: Larissa, Archaeological Museum. Details: Triangular marble aetoma with decorations. Measurements: 32 x 38 cm. (Pridik, de Sanctis); 29 x 36 cm. (IG ix.2); 30 x 31 x 9 cm. (Giannopoulos). Letters: 2 - 2 . 5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: \^^-A^^ century CE(?). Text (follows CIJ i): AevKioq KoivTOD T© Xa& xaipeiv. Leukios/Lucius
(son) of Quintus. Farewell
to the people.
The text is inscribed across the top of the aetoma. Pridik recorded the inscription during his visit, together with Gaetano de Sanctis, to Larissa in 1895. It was part of the collection of inscriptions brought to the Gymnasium of Larissa on Lolling's recommendation a few years earlier. According to Pridik's notes, at that time the collection was not systematically arranged and the inventory books were lost.^^ He could not verify the provenance of this inscription, but suggested that it came from Larissa or its environs. It is assumed to be Jewish because of the formula in 1.2 (see # A c h l ) . Koivxoq, the Greek form of the Roman name Quintus, was a reasonably common name in Greece, and Thessaly in particular;^*^ another form is found in #Ach7. In a Jewish context it occurs in inscriptions from Rome and Cyrenaica.^' Leukios is attested as a Jewish name only at Larissa (#Ach2) and in C y r e n a i c a . v i e w of the father's R o m a n name, the son's name here could be the Roman Lucius rather than the Greek Leukios. A c h l L Epitaph of Menander Edition: Giannopoulos 1930, 256 no.5. Found at Larissa. Now: Larissa, Archaeological Museum. Details: Marble stele, 70 x 48 x 9 cm., with triangular aetoma. Language: Greek. Date: iM*"" century CE(?). 69 Pridik 1896, 80. 70 C f LGPN i 268; ii 262; iiiA 2 5 3 ; iiiB 2 4 2 ; IG ix.2.289, 320, 563, 830, 9 4 4 , 1104. 71 JIWE ii 5 5 9 - 6 0 ; CJZC 12. 72 CJZC app. 12d.
J 24
Thessaly:
Larissa
Text (follows Giannopoulos): Mevav5poq A,acp xaipiv. 2 - 3 . 1. x a i p e i v
Menander.
Farewell
to (the) people.
This inscription is taken as Jewish because of the final formula (see # A c h l ) . The name Menander (Mevav5po<;) occurs in another Jewish inscription from Larissa (#Ach3), and at Sardis^^ and Rome.'"* It was also a popular non-Jewish name in Thessaly.^^ A c h l 2 . E p i t a p h of Nicolaus Editions: Miller 1874, 162 no. 15; IG ix.2 1908, no.989; Oehler 1909, 443 no. 103; CIJ i 1936, no.707; Schwabe 1945/6, 66 no.7. Other bibliography: Revised Schurer revised iii.l 1986, 66. Found at Larissa. N o w : Larissa, Archaeological Museum. Details: Marble stele. N o measurements published. Language: Greek. Date: I'^-4* century CE(?). Text (follows CIJ i): NeiKoXaog ZeA,Ei)KO'0 X,a[w
Nicolaus
xaip€\i\.
(son) of Seleucus.
Farewell to (the)
people.
The final formula is the reason for thinking the inscription Jewish (see # A c h l ) . The name Nicolaus is found in Jewish inscriptions from Egypt (Leontopolis and the F a y u m ) . I t is also the name of a proselyte from Antioch, one of the first seven deacons, in Acts 6.5. The name, together with the shorter forms NiK6A,ao(; and NeiKoA-aq, was not uncommon in Larissa and Thessaly in general.^' Seleucus appears also in another Jewish
73 74 75 1109, 76 77 1117,
CIJ 7 5 0 = IJudO ii 54. JIWE i i 5 3 I . IG ix.2.13, 7 3 , 1 2 1 , 2 0 6 \b,2U, 359, 517, 5 3 4 , 536, 544, 5 6 7 - 8 , 7 5 1 , 9 7 5 , 1103, 1105, 1042, 1115, 1 1 2 2 , 1 1 4 9 , 1187, 1189, 1217, 1281, 1324. JIGRE 3 2 , 115. IG ix.2.17, 2 4 , 68, 9 0 - 1 , 4 1 5 , 4 6 3 , 515, 517, 5 5 2 , 7 0 1 , 708, 989, 1 1 0 2 - 3 , 1108, 1115, 1136, 1321.
Thessaly:
inscription from She'arim.78
Larissa
(#Ach3),
Larissa
and
125
at Rome,
Edessa
and
Beth
A c h l 3 . E p i t a p h of S e c u n d u s Editions: Lolling 1887, 349 n o . l 0 8 ; SIG ii^ 1900, no.897; IG ix.2 1908, no.990; Oehler 1909, 443 no. 104; SIG iii^ 1920, no. 1247, 4; Giannopoulos 1930, 255 n o . l ; CIJ i 1936, no.708; Schwabe 1945/6, 66 no.8. Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66. Found at Larissa. Now: Larissa, Archaeological Museum. Details: White marble stele, 95 x 42 x 9 cm., with anthemion. Language: Greek. Date: i M ^ century CE(?). Text (follows Giannopoulos 1930): ZeKODvSoq E E K O D V 8ou Xaw xaxpeiv. Secundus
(son) of Secundus.
Farewell
to the
people.
The inscription is assumed to be Jewish because of the "farewell" formula (see # A c h l ) . The name Secundus also appears in a Jewish inscription from Rome.^^ The female form Secunda occurs at Ostia^^ and in Cyrenaica (in this case ZeKovSa).*' The name is, found only in two non-Jewish inscriptions from Thessaly.*^ Naming a son after his father seems to have been common among the Jews of Larissa (cf. #Ach3c, #Ach4a,b).
Achl4. Epitaph Editions: Tziaphalias 1984, 223 no. 106; SEG xxxv 1985, no.633. Found at Larissa. Now: Larissa, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.79/38. Details: White marble stele (kioniskos), broken above and below, 40 x 40 x 14 cm. Language: Greek. Date: i M * century CE(?). Text (follows SEG xxxv): [ ]xr|p x& Xa& Xepiv. 1. Tziaphalias: [ n a ] T f | p 2 . Pleket in SEG: x e p i v = x a t p e i v
78 JIWE ii 4 8 5 ; IJudO iii Syr80 = CIJ 1 4 1 7 - 1 8 ; BS ii, no.60. 79 JIWE ii 3 8 3 . 80 JIWE i 14. 8» CJZC 43b, 51c, 5If(?), 59c, 68. 82 IG ix.2.21, 1115.
126
Thessaly:
ter. Farewell
Larissa
to the people.
This inscription was discovered on a kioniskos reused in the frame of a door in a house in Larissa. A round hole was cut at one of the ends of the stele in order to fit it to the frame. Tziaphalias restores [na]xf|p in the first line assuming, perhaps, that it was a religious fide. The concluding formula xro Xa& xaipeiv was characteristic for the Jewish community of Larissa (see # A c h l ) , and was always preceded by the deceased's name in the nominative (often with a patronymic in the gen.). Therefore the letters XTip are more likely to be the end of the name of the deceased, perhaps Soter, the only name attested for Thessaly in LGPN iiiB which would fit. Tziaphalias tentatively dates the inscription to the 4'*' century CE on palaeographic grounds, but see #Achl for further discussion.
Phthiotic
Thebes (Nea Anchialos)
= TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
G18
Phthiotic Thebes is located 18 km. south-west of Pherae and 3 km. west of m o d e m N e a Anchialos. The city was captured by Philip of Macedon in 217 B C E and was renamed Philippopolis. It was the capital of Achaea Phthiotis, an independent border region until the Roman occupation of Thessaly. During Roman m l e the old city was abandoned in favour of the port town of Pyrasos (until that time the independent port of Phthiotic Thebes). The new city was again called Thebes. Thebes prospered as the main sea-port of Thessaly until the 7 * century when it was destroyed by a fire (most probably after an attack by the Slav tribes that settled in the region). Although the city was rebuilt it never fully recovered. The Christian bishops of Thebes are mentioned for the first time in 325 CE and for the last time at the end of the 8 * century CE. Nine basilicas survive from that period: among them Basilica A ' of St Demetrius (5'*' century CE), Basilica G ' of Bishop Peter (4^''-6* century CE); the Basilica of the Cemetery; Basilica B ' of Bishop Elpidius (5*-6*'^ century CE). Other recovered structures from Thebes include two baths, an avenue with shops, and the bishop's palace. The last evidence for the city is from the 9'^ century C E when it was abandoned. The new town of Nea Anchialos was founded at the beginning of the 20"^ century on the site of ancient Pyrasos/Thebes. A c h l S . E p i t a p h of E s d r a s Edifions: Deilaki 1973/4, 548 (majusc. text); SEG xxix 1979, no.556. Other bibliography: BE 1980, no.284; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66. Found at Phthiotic Thebes. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Fragment of a grey-blue marble column (kioniskos?). No measurements published.
Thessaly: Phthiotic
Thebes
127
Language: Greek. Date: uncertain. Text (follows Deilaki): "Eabpaq
TcovotGoD. Ezra (son) of
Jonathan.
This inscription was found in a necropolis at the eastern end of ancient Phthiodc Thebes. Deilaki reports 28 hellenistic and early Christian burials in total. The inscription is regarded as Jewish by Deilaki, and accepted as such by Robert in BE and Pleket in SEG, because of the names. The occurrence of early Christian burials in the necropolis could suggest that this inscription is Christian - the names Ezra/Esdras and Jonathan could also be used also by Christians. However, because of the long period covered by the necropolis, there is a substantial chance of the epitaph being too early to be Christian. "EoSpaq is otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions or papyri, but it is the normal Greek version of Ezra. TcovdGav occurs in a Jewish context in inscriptions from Rome,*^ Taenarum (#Ach56) and Cyrenaica.^"* The form TcovaBdq is attested at Beth She'arim.85 A c h l 6 . E p i t a p h of E u s e b i u s a n d T h e o d o r a Bibliography: Spyridakis 1901, 3 7 - 8 no.2; Bees 1911, 105 no.40; Giannopoulos 1912, 155, 159-61 no. 15; Peterson 1926, 279; Giannopoulos 1930, 258 n o . l ; CH i 1936, no.696; C U i^ 1975, Prol. no.696; JIGRE 1992, no. 144 (from CIJ and Schwabe). Illustrations: Spyridakis (facsimile); Bees (facsimile); Goodenough, Symbols iii 1953, fig.862 (reverse only). Other bibliography: Schwabe 1938, 512; Robert 1946, 103; Goodenough 1950/1, 4 6 1 - 3 ; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 6 0 - 1 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; Feissel & Avramea 1987, 387 no.l I; Williams 1998, no.I.40 (English tr.). Found at Phthiotic Thebes (Nea Anchialos). Now: Almyros, Archaeological Museum. Details: Plaque of grey stone, inscribed on both sides, broken on the left and below, 32 x 24 x 7 cm. Language: Greek. Date: y^-j^^ century C E .
83 JIWE ii 2 6 5 , 366. 84 CJZC 7 2 , app. 10. 85 5 5 i i , no. 132.
Thessaly: Phthiotic
128
Thebes
Aieeo Text (from Schwabe and facsimile): (front)
[ji]vf]^a E[-oloepiox) ' A [A,]££,dv8po[D] Kal 0eo[?8(bpa]q yx)[vaiKOc;] aii[XOX) ].
(reverse) (shofar) (menorah) evopwlvToq] ©eoo).
5
(lulab)
X[aipeiv/-aipe?l. front 2 - 4 . J I G R E : 'A[?i,Je^dv8p[e(oq] r e v e r s e to 2 . S p y r i d a k i s , B e e s , G i a n n o p o u l o s , P e t e r s o n , C U , G o o d e n o u g h : [EJiK[Q)v] | evopcb[vi:o(;] | 9 e o o ; S c h w a b e : 'Evop(o[vTio^? * i X o ] | Geoft. 2 - 3 . Schwabe, JIGRE: Xaia] x [ a i p e i v ]
(front) Memorial of Eusebius Theodora(?), his wife. (reverse) God (is) watching.
(son) of Alexander
[or ihe Alexandrian]
and
Farewell(?).
This inscription was part of the collection of the Antiquarian Society " O t h r y s " (
Thessaly: Phthiotic
Thebes
\ 29
Spyridakis in Almyros and the surrounding area, which includes the site of ancient Phthiotic Thebes, between 1898 and 1901. Spyridakis, whose facsimile is shown here, considered the inscription Christian because of the names of the deceased, and despite the appearance of a menorah on the r e v e r s e . H e also read iota and kappa on each side of the menorah and restored the first three lines of the reverse as: [£]iK[c»v] | evop6)[v'coq] I Oeoi) ("the image of the watching God"). Bees and Giannopoulos, followed by Peterson, Frey and Goodenough, accepted his reading, but observed that the inscription should be recognised as Jewish. In his review of CIJ, Schwabe referred to a squeeze sent to him by Giannopoulos and established that the "letters" were actually a shofar and a lulab flanking the menorah. A similar representation is found in the right lozenge bordering the inscription from the mosaic floor of Ilammam Lif synagogue (6"^ century CE).^'' On the front of the inscription, it appears that 11.1-3 were shorter than 11,5-6 by about three letters. It is therefore likely that there was originally a symbol such as a menorah in the top left corner. In JIGRE, front 11.2-4 is understood as containing the ethnic "Alexandrian", but it seems better to take it as the patronymic "(son) of Alexander" ('A[A.]e^dvSp[oT)]), as Giannopoulos originally proposed; the facsimile shows an omicron at the end of 1.3. On Alexander in Jewish use, see # A c h 5 . The name Eusebius is attested in a Jewish context in inscriptions from Rome and Beth She'arim,*^*^ as E-oaepioq or E-ooePiq, The fem. forms E-ooepig and E u a e p i a also appear at Rome.^^ Theodora is the most likely restoration of the wife's name. The names 0eo5d)pa and 0e68(opo(; are well attested among Jews in Palesfine and the Diaspora. They occur in inscriptions from Egypt (Xenephyris), Rome, Porto, Cyrenaica, Aegina (#Ach58), Crete ( # C r e l ) , Seleucia in Cilicia, Apamea, l^yre,*^" Jaffa, Beth She'arim, Caesarea in Palestine,^' and in an Aramaic inscription from Er-Rama.'^- 0eo6cbpa also appears in a papyrus from Arsinoe^3 and 0e68copoq is found in Jewish papyri and ostraca from E g y p t . H o w e v e r , other theophoric names such as Theodosia and Theodote could also be restored.
«6 Spyridakis 1 9 0 1 , 3 7 . 87 Brooklyn M u s e u m , inv.no.05.26. G o o d e n o u g h , Symbols ii 94, iii 8 9 1 ; Hachlili 1998, 2 0 7 (pl.IV-13a), 3 1 7 - 1 8 (fig.VlIb); Hachlili 2 0 0 0 , 3 5 7 ( D 3 . 3 , pi.11-4la). 88 J I W E ii 6, 6 8 , 168, 309, 354, 374. 4 6 7 ; BS ii, no. 164. 89 J I W E ii 469, 17. 90 J I G R E 2 4 ; J I W E ii 2 0 6 . 4 5 4 , 4 5 7 ; J I W E i 17; C J Z C 7a c, 15, 53b, 57h, 66b, app.6, app. 181; C U 783 = l J u d O ii 2 4 5 ; l J u d O iii 5 3 , 57 - C U 8 0 3 , 8 1 8 ; l J u d O iii 1 = C U 8 7 9 . 91 CU 9 2 2 ; BS ii, no. 153; Lifshitz 1967, no.67. 92 C U 9 7 9 . 93 CPJ 4 7 . 94 CPJ 24, 2 8 , 3 2 , 4 7 , 109, 1 4 2 - 3 , 170, 2 4 8 , 4 2 1 .
130
Thessaly: Phthiotic
Thebes
It is not clear if the inscription on the reverse is contemporary with that on the front. According to Giannopoulos" facsimile the letter forms are slightly different, suggesting that the stone was reused (before it was broken). If so, it is not clear which side came first. S c h w a b e ' s reading of rev. 11.1-2 as a name and patronymic, 'Evop6M;vxio5? iA.o] I GeoD, is problematic. Horbury & Noy in JIGRE note that the phrase evopcovtoq 0eoi) should be considered as a genitive absolute ("with God watching"), and it is preferable to follow the original restoration of Spyridakis.^^ He also suggested that this acclamation is reminiscent of the LXX text of Zech 4.10, where the seven lights of the menorah are compared to the seven eyes of the God of Israel (cf. #BS2). Spyridakis' idea was developed by Peterson and, mainly, Goodenough who related the acclamation to the cosmological interpretation of the menorah found in Philo'^^ and Josephus,'^'' and suggested that it represents belief in astral afterlife. Peterson observed that the acclamation should be related to the phrase etq ©eoq. It could also be interpreted as a warning against violation of the grave. Curses invoking the judgment and vengeance of the God of Israel upon those who disturb the grave are frequently found in the Jewish epitaphs of Asia Minor.'^^ If the restoration of £Vop©[vi;o(;] is correct, the menorah was not placed as centrally as the facsimile makes it appear; the size of the restoration matches that proposed for front 11.5-6. Schwabe also restored from the letter chi in rev. 1.3 the farewell formula Tw Xa(b x a i p e i v , which was popular among Larissan Jews (see # A c h l ) . However, this is unlikely as none of the inscriptions from Larissa which uses the formula has a menorah or any other Jewish symbol. Giannopoulos dated the inscription "not later than the seventh century" on palaeographic grounds.'*^ The symbols make it unlikely to be much earlier than the 3"* century CE. A c h l 7 . E p i t a p h of Saul a n d A n n a Editions: Soteriou 1936, 66; Robert 1946, 103; McDevitt 1970, 15-16 no.84; CI J i^ 1975, Prol. no.696a; Brooten 1982, 36 (follows CU). Illustration: Soteriou, fig.9 (photo). Other bibliography: Reimann 1937, 148; Robert 1940, 26; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; Feissel & Avramea 1987, 390 no.46. Found in Stupi area, Nea Anchialos. Now: Nea Anchialos, Archaeological Museum.
95 J I G R E 144. 96£)e vit. Mos. 2.102- 5; Q.E. 2 . 7 1 - 8 1 97 BJ5.2\l\Ant. 3.144, 182. 98 Strubbe 1994, 8 3 - 1 0 0 , c a t . n o s . 1 - 5 . 99 Giannopoulos 1912. 160.
Thessaly:
Phthiotic
Thebes
)3 ]
Details: Grey stone plaque broken below, upper right and left corners broken off, 35 x 25 x 3.5 cm. Letters: 4 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 3"-4"' century CE or later. Text (follows Soteriou): (peacock)
(lulab) (menorah) (lulab) (peacock) \x.vf[\ia l a o b X K ( a i ) xf\q cLX)Xox> ja\i£xf[q "Avvaq.
2. K ( a t ) r e p r e s e n t e d by K with a b b r e v i a t i o n m a r k
Memorial
of Saul and his wife Anna.
This inscription was discovered built into the wall of a house in the Stupi area at the eastern end of modern Nea Anchialos, outside the city wall of ancient Phthiotic Thebes. According to Soteriou, there are traces of a triangular aetoma on the upper part of the stone. The symbols represented above the inscription arc a menorah flanked on each side by a peacock holding or pecking a palm bough or lulab. The representation of birds (which he called "doves", but the peacock tails arc fairly clear) led Soteriou to suggest Christian influence. Peacocks were a favourite decorative element in Roman art, but as a religious image they were mainly employed in Christian iconography. However, representations of
132
Thessaly: Phthiotic
Thebes
peacocks have also been found on Jewish monuments. Peacocks flanking a menorah appear on a relief from the synagogue in Priene,"^^ on a marble basin from Tarragona,'^" on a plaque with a menorah from the Jonathan P. Rosen collection century; probable provenance Asia Minor),'^^ and on a door-jamb from Qasrin, Golan.'^3 This representation is almost identical to the standard Christian one, but the menorah is substituted for the cross. ZaovX, is attested only twice in Jewish inscriptions or papyri. It is the name borne by one of the presbyteroi mentioned in the mosaic inscriptions from the synagogue of Apamea, and it occurs in an epitaph from Jaffa. "^'^ Mussies notes that Zao^A, is a graecized form of the Hebrew name or the Aramaic K^^'KK?, both "passive participles indicating a son that had been ' a s k e d ' or 'prayed for'"."'^ Saul was not given a Greek ending in this inscription, but "Avvaq is a gen.sing. of the first declension feminine personal name "Avva.'°^ "Avva occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Rome ( 3 " - 4 " ' century), Venosa (there however the name is in the genitive: A fines), Oria, Beth She'arim and possibly Corinth (#Ach49)."" In JIWE i 72 from Venosa, the name is written with only one «, which corresponds to the Greek 'Avd. The name is found in the LXX as both feminine (3Kgs 12.24, 15.10) and masculine (IChr 3.20) and as a patronymic (Gen 35.3). The array of symbols suggests that the inscription is no earlier than the 3'''/4'^ century CE. A c h l 8 . E p i t a p h of P e r i s t e r i a Editions: Soteriou 1936, 66 (from the stone); AA 1937, 148; Robert 1940, 2 6 - 7 ; BE 1941, no.74; Robert 1946, 103; McDevitt 1970, 16 no.85; CI J i^ 1975, Prol. no.696b; Brooten 1982, 3 5 - 9 (follows CIJ). Illustration: Soteriou, fig. 10 (photo). Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; Feissel & Avramea 1987, 390 no.47; Kraemer 1988, no.87 (English tr.); Trebilco 1991, 1 1 1 13 no. 1.5; Williams 1998, no.V.34 (English tr.); van der Horst 1991, 106; Brooten 2000, 217; de Lange 2 0 0 1 , 4 8 - 5 5 . Found in Stupi area, Nea Anchialos. Now: Almyros, Archaeological Museum. Details: Kioniskos of grey stone, hacked at the top and broken below, 35 x 24 cm. Letters: 3 cm.
'00 Hachlili 2 0 0 1 , 7 8 , D4.2, fig. ll-22c. •01 J l W E i 1 8 5 , p l . 2 8 . 102 Fine 1996, 161 no.26, fig.2.19c. '03 Hachlili 2 0 0 1 , 7 2 . 104 I J u d O iii Syr53 = C U 8 0 3 ; CU 952. '05 Mussies 1994, 2 4 5 . '06 G i g n a c ii 1976, 10. '07 J I W E ii 10; J l W E i 90, 195; BS ii, n o s . 2 - 3 , 7 0 .
Thessaly:
Phthiotic
Thebes
13:
f t : ; .
Language: Greek. Date: 3'"'^ century CE or later(?). Text (follows Soteriou):
jivfjixa nepiaxepia(; apXlTll(menorah) 3 - 4 . R o b e r t : 1. apxriyiaaTic;
Memorial
of Peristeria,
archegissa.
This inscription was, like # A c h l 7 , discovered in the Stupi area at the eastern end of modern Nea Anchialos and outside the city wall of ancient Phthiotic Thebes. The text is very poorly inscribed, and the letters were just scratched on the surface. Soteriou, the original editor of the inscription, suggested that a p x T i y i o i q could indicate either the wife of an apXTiyoc, or a feminine form of the title, but noted that it had not been attested before. Robert, independently, interpreted the inscription in a similar way. He also noted that a common noun T t e p i o x e p i a g and the proper name 'Apxriyiau; would be inexplicable here.'os
'08 He is misquoted on this point by Brooten 1982.
134
Thessaly: Phthiotic
Thebes
Robert suggests that the name of the deceased woman is formed from (a dove) and was part of the large group of Greek personal names formed from the names of animals. The name n e p i a x e p t a has not been attested epigraphically so far, but n e p i o x e p d occurs as a personal name in epitaphs from Athens (4^-3'^'^ century B C E ) , ' ^ Oropus (3'^'' century BCE)'i« and Venosa ( 1 ' ' century C E ) . ' i ' According to Robert apXTiyioK; ( a p x T i y i o a r i q ) is the genitive of dpXTiyioaa, a feminine form of the title dpxriyoq, which he equates to the Latin principalis}^^ The basis of his assumption is the occurrence of the title dpxriyoq on a gold medallion (actually a votive plaque, which was probably attached to the curtain in front of the Holy Ark) preserved at the Jewish Museum in London.''^ A new reading of that inscription on the medallion was recently proposed by de Lange, who suggests that the word is really an abbreviated form of dpxia'ovaycoyoq."'* Understanding d p x T i y i o o a as a title in its own right is the most plausible explanation of the word in the inscription, although the possibility that it designates the wife of an d p x T j y o ^ should not be ignored. In a papyrus from Oxyrhynchus the wife of the consul Apion (d. 577) is described as b m x i a o a . ' ^ ^ The word was formed in the same way as the Jewish pateressa at Venosa''^ and d p x i o v v a y r a y i o o a at Kastelli Kissamou, Crete (#Cre3), from a masculine noun. The same construction is attested in Christian inscriptions: S i a K o v i o o a , buoSiaKoviaaa, KaA,A,iypa(piaaa, etc.'''' The problem is that the title dpxriyoq has not been attested before in Jewish inscriptions and it is almost impossible to determine what type of function it designates. Robert's suggestion that it is similar to principalis needs some clarification. In the inscription he used to explain the function of dpxriyoq, principalis probably designates a non-commissioned army officer rather than being a Jewish tide (see # M o e s l ) . As de Lange has observed, d p x T i y o q was very rarely used to designate an official administrafive post or title. The word has the general meaning of a 'founder' or ' c h i e f (LSJ, s.v.), and it is possible that Peristeria received the title after the foundation or donation of a property to the local Jewish community. Brooten notes that it is used in the LXX as a TtEpiCTxepoc
'09 IG i P l 5 3 4 ; SEG xxi 1060. ' ' 0 Petrakos 1 9 9 7 , 4 6 4 no.671. " ' LGPN iiiA 360. " 2 Robert 1 9 4 0 , 2 5 - 7 . " 3 CIJ ? 7 3 1 g = I J u d O i i 2 . •'4 De Lange 2 0 0 1 , 5 2 - 3 . " 5 P O x y 2 4 8 0 , 1 1 . 1 9 , 2 4 2 , 2 4 4 ; Mentzou-Meimaris 1982, nos. 1 2 1 - 6 . " 6 JIWE 1 6 3 . " 7 Horsley 1976, no.79; Mentzou-Meimaris 1982, n o s . 4 8 - 5 7 ; 9 1 . " ^ D e Lange 2 0 0 1 , 5 1 .
Thessaly: Phthiotic
J 35
Thebes
translation of such Hebrew terms as K7J<"1 (Ex 6.14; N u m 13.3, 14.4) and j-'lSp (Judg[B] 11.6, l l ) . i i 9 Robert, followed by LSJ, suggests the epitaph dates to the 5'*'-6'*' century C E , which is the date he proposed for the gold medallion in London, because of the occurrence of title ocpxTiYioaa. These grounds are dubious, but the use of the menorah means that the inscription is unlikely to be much earlier than the 3'^'' century CE. A c h l 9 . Epitaph(?) Editions: Schwabe 1938, 512; CH i^ 1975, Prol. no.696c. Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66. Found at the village of Aketsi ( m o d e m Mikrothebes). whereabouts unknown. N o details published. Language: Greek. Date: 3'^'* century CE or later(?). Text (follows CU i^):
Present
{menorah) HCE C A Giannopoulos sent a transcription of this inscription to Schwabe, who published it in his review of Frey's corpus. It most probably originated from Phthiotic Thebes. Schwabe, citing Giannopoulos, reports that the stone was found in the village of Aketsi ('Akexoi). Aketsi is situated about 25 km. south-west of Volos, and was built next to the mins of ancient Phthiodc Thebes and renamed after 1912 as Mikrothebes. Too little of the text is recorded to suggest any reconstruction. A c h 2 0 . Epitaph of Theodotus and Leontia Editions: Dina 1992, 4 5 3 ; SEG xlii 1992, no.54I. Found at Nea Anchialos. Now: N e a Anchialos, Museum. Details: Stele, 51 x 32 x 4 cm. Letters: 2 - 3 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 3*^^ century CE or later(?). Text (follows Dina 1992):
{menorah)
Hvfjp,a 0eo86TCD Ke AecovxTiaq.
• '9 Brooten 1982, 3 6 - 9 ; Brooten 2 0 0 0 , 2 1 7 n.21.
Archaeological
Thessaly: Phthiotic
Memorial
of Theodotus
and
Thebes
Leontia.
The stele was found out of context in m o d e m Nea Anchialos. The names are c o m m o n ones with imusual spellings. The genitive ending -to is a substitute for the usual - O D . The same phenomenon occurs in #Ach21 (cf. also #Ach9). The name Theodotus (which corresponds to the Hebrew Jonathan) is not much attested in Jewish inscriptions from the Diaspora, but appears frequently on papyri and ostraca from Egypt (©eoSoxoq'^o and 0eo6d)xo(;'2'). However, it was popular among the Jews in Cyrenaica'^^ and also occurs in inscriptions from Egypt, Rome and H a i f a . T h e form ©eioSoxo^ is also attested in Cyrenaica.'^^ The rendering of the name Leontia with the vowels co and r| replacing o and i represents spelling which was frequent throughout the Roman and Byzantine periods.'^^ On the name, see # A c h l . A c h 2 1 . E p i t a p h of P a r e g o r i u s a n d E u t y c h i a Edition: Dina 1992, 453. Found at N e a Anchialos. Now: N e a Anchialos, Archaeological Museum. Details: Grey stone stele, 25 x 24 x 3.5 cm. Letters: 2.5-3 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 3"^^ century CE or later(?). Text (follows Dina): (menorah) KDjxixfipio-
v napiyopio) [ - - ]\io\) Kai EDXDxia [
[ 1-2.
]
]
5
1. KOlIlT1TT|piOV
Resting-place
of Paregorius
(son?) of....mus,
and Eutychia
Dina discovered this inscription in 1985 during excavations in Zariphi Street at modern Nea Anchialos. The stele was lying in situ next to a chest-shaped tomb. The term K o i j i i i x f i p i o v frequently occurs in Christian
120 CPJ 2 2 , 28, 3 1 - 2 37, 4 7 , 131, 146, 149. '21 CPJ 173, 176, 1 7 8 , 2 4 0 , 249, 2 6 1 , 2 6 3 - 4 , 2 6 6 , 2 6 9 - 7 0 , 2 7 4 - 6 . 122 CJZC 3 2 , 4 1 , 5 0 a - c , 7 1 , app.l Id, app.l l e . 123 JIGRE 121; JIWE ii 2 5 ; CIJ 882 = IJudO ii 2 4 6 . 124 CJZC 34. 125 Gignac i 1 9 7 6 , 2 4 4 - 6 , 2 7 0 .
Thessaly: Phthiotic
Thebes
\37
epitaphs from Thessaly, Corinthia, Attica (as well as Phrygia, Egypt, etc.),'26 but it is also found in three Jewish epitaphs from Athens ( # # A c h 2 8 - 3 0 ) . In an inscription from Bizye in Thrace, a Jewish woman called Rebecca is described as x% KeKa)|XTm,evT|q (#Thr3), showing the spelling with K v p . - which is also found here. Creaghan & Raubitschek's suggestion that the occurrence of the term KoijxriTfipiov in Jewish epitaphs should be attributed to Christian influence is plausible, but cannot be verified from other s o u r c e s . i t s root is the verb Koip-aco, 'to sleep', and the related noun Koip,Tioi<;, 'sleep', is very commonly used to describe the repose of the Jewish deceased in the tomb, especially at Rome where the spelling with is also found. On the gen.sing. -co ending in napiyopio) cf. #Ach9. The name Paregorius (the standard spelling uses eta) was used mainly by Jews and corresponds to the Hebrew Menachem, "consoler". It occurs in inscriptions from Beroea (#Mac6), Rome, Narbonne, Aphrodisias and el-Hammeh'^^ in the Diaspora, and at Jaffa and Beth She'arim in P a l e s t i n e . T h e letters -p,oa) in 1.3 are probably the end of Paregorius' patronymic. Eutychia (EDTDxiot) and the masc. form Eutychius (Em-Oxioq) were popular in Antiquity as proper names or as by-names stressing that luck was one of the qualities of the bearer. The name occurs in Jewish inscriptions from R o m e (E-OTDxei^, E \ ) T \ ) X I ( ; , E-OT-UXIOCVO), Aphrodisias, Acmonia,'^^ Athens (#Ach28) and Thessaloniki (#MacI5). Ach22. Epitaph Editions: Soteriou 1929, 158 no.26 (photo); McDevitt 1970, 19 no.l 18. Found at Phthiotic Thebes. Now: N e a Anchialos, Archaeological Museum. Details: White marble plaque, broken below and o n the right, 1 3 x 1 0 cm. Letters: 2 - 3 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 3'^'' century CE or later(?). Text (follows Soteriou 1929 and photo): {menorah) ^y[ti|xa ....1 voq K a l [ zxy\c, [
] ]
ax[ - - - ]
•26 Creaghan &. Raubitschek 1947, 5 - 6 . '27 Creaghan & Raubitschek 1 9 4 7 , 6 . '28 JIWE ii 539; JIWE i 189; IJudO ii 14 = Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, 6 1.326, 103 no.46; CIJ 860. '29 CIJ 926, 939, 9 4 4 - 5 ; BS ii, no.61. '30 JIWE ii 93; JIWE ii 107; JIWE ii 235, 299(?), 359, 360(?), 366; IJudO ii 14 = Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, 6 11.256,276, 100 no.26; CIJ 7 6 3 .
13 8
Thessaly:
Phthiotic
Thebes
3. S o t e r i o u : exiia[vv- -
Memorial
of ....on and
ele
This inscription was found during the excavations of an annexe to the eastern side of Basilica A in Phthiotic Thebes. Soteriou recognised the image at the beginning of the first line as a menorah and therefore identified the inscription as Jewish. The image is very similar to a palm bough, but has seven branches and a square base. Similar depictions of the menorah are found at Rome,'^' Beth She'arim'"^^ and on the mirror plaques from the Hebrew University in Jerusalem.'"" If 1.2 begins with the end of a name, it should be in the genitive, and therefore probably from a masc. name whose nom. form ends -cov. The letters in 1.3 are most probably the end of a feminine name in the genitive and not the word "years" (exriaiv) in the dative as suggested by Soteriou. A c h 2 3 . E p i t a p h of H e r m o g e n e s Editions: Hengel 1966, 158; CU i- 1975, Prol. no.708c (from the stone); Lifshitz 1975, 1 0 3 ^ no.3. Illustration: CI J i^ (photo). Other bibliography: Robert 1958, 4 3 - 4 n.4; BE 1958, no.28 la; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66. Unknown provenance. Now: Nea Anchialos, Archaeological Museum. Details: Marble stele, 95 x 28 x 10 cm., broken in three and damaged on the right. Language: Greek. Date: end of 3*^^ - beginning of 4^'' century CE(?). Text (follows Lifshitz 1975): xdcpoi <e>K6
k%\
yfjlq dv9p]d)Kcov. Keixe 'Epjioyevrili;] ev xcp xd(po) xox)xfp e d < v > 8e xeiq xo\)xoD xov xd(pov d vop\)^r|, 8 6 a i xi dyioxdxTi a \ ) v aycoyfi 8t>vapi(ov jj,\)pid8eq 8eKa.
5
10
' 3 1 J I W E ii 6 7 , pl.IV; Hachlili 2000, 8 7 - 9 5 , fig.ll-29. cat.no.D8.15. ' 3 2 Hachlili 2 0 0 0 . 83 4, iig.n-24 ' 3 3 Hachlili 2000, 1 0 4 - 8 , cat.no.lS 15.1-3.
Thessaly:
Phthiotic
Thebes
139
L i g a t u r e s : 1 AK, HK I. xa(poi A K O Y H K on the stone 6 - 7 . 1. xiq xovxov 8. 1. 6 i b a r | / 8 ( b a e i xfj 1 0 - 1 L 1. ftrivapicov p,\)pid8aq
Tombs are (the destiny) of men on earth, whether this is their will or not(?). Hermogenes lies in this tomb. If somebody opens this tomb, he shall pay to the most holy synagogue 100,000 denarii. The stele was noticed by Jean Poilloux and reported by Robert in 1958. According to Robert, Poilloux discovered it in the Museum of Volos. Robert's announcement did not include the full text of the inscription or the measurements of the stone. However, in 1975 Lifshitz managed to trace the inscription in the Archaeological Museum of Nea Anchialos, not Volos as Robert stated. He also acquired a photograph of the stone through the then ambassador of Israel to Greece, A. Moysis. Robert suggested that the inscription originated from Larissa or Almyros but gave his preference to Larissa. Lifshitz opted for Almyros. The exact provenance of the inscription cannot be established, but it is likely that it actually originated from N e a Anchialos (Phthiotic Thebes). The existence of a Jewish community in Phthiotic Thebes is well documented epigraphically (#Achl 5-22). Moreover, it is unlikely that an
140
Thessaly: Phthiotic
Thebes
inscription discovered at Almyros or Larissa would have been transferred to N e a Anchialos and not to the local museums of those towns.'^"^ The photograph supplied by Lifshitz in CIJ i^ shows that the inscription is on the upper part of the stele. The stele is broken into three parts: through 1.8 and at the bottom. The top right comer of the stone is also broken and the surface is roughly tooled. The reading of the formula in 11.1-3 was suggested by Lifshitz. It is an unusual variation of the large group of similar formulae found in Greek epitaphs offering consolation for death with the idea that it is inevitable to all men.'^^ According to Lifshitz's reading the present formula states that " t o m b s " rather than "death" are inevitable. However, his restoration of II. 1-3 lacks any epigraphic parallel, and in view of the substantial emendation involved it must be regarded as very tentative. The name Hermogenes ('EpiioyevTiq) occurs in a Jewish epitaph from Rome (3'^''-4^'' century CE)'^^ and in a papyms from Alexandria (13 BCE).»37
The formula against the violation of the grave in 11.7-12 is not uncommon on Jewish epitaphs. Similar formulae are frequently found in inscriptions from Asia Minor.'^^ in the Balkans, the other Jewish epitaphs with a financial penalty for violating the tomb are confined to Macedonia (#Mac7, # M a c l 2 , # M a c l 5 ) . According to Robert, a penalty of 100,000 denarii suggests a late 3'^'* or early 4**' century CE date for the inscription.'^^ This sum results from the high rate of inflation in the Roman Empire at that time.'''^^ The term dyioTdTTi aDvaycoyfi, which is the reason for identifying the inscription as Jewish, occurs in the donor inscriptions from the synagogues of Philadelphia in Lydia, Hyllarima in Phrygia, Side in Pamphylia,'"^' and in a Jewish epitaph from Beroea (#Mac7). The Latin equivalent sancta synagoga occurs in the mosaic inscription from the synagogue at Hammam-Lif (Naro).'"*-^ Koukouli-Chrysantaki notes that when used in Jewish epitaphs the adjective d y i o t d n i corresponds to ieproxaxov in ieproxaxov xap,eiov, used in non-Jewish inscriptions where xa^ieiov refers to the Imperial Treasury.'''^
'34 On the history o f the archaeological exploration o f Thessaly, see Gallis 1979, 1-16. '35 Tolman 1910, 7 7 - 8 4 ; Lattimore 1 9 6 2 , 2 5 0 - 6 . '36 JIWE ii 121. 137 CPJ 144,11.6-8, 1 5 , 2 5 , 3 3 . '38 Parrot 1939, 1 0 9 - 2 4 , 137; Strubbe 1994, 1 0 6 - 2 7 , n o s . l , 8 - 9 , 14. '39 Robert 1 9 5 8 , 4 3 ^ n.4. '40 Pekdry 1 9 5 9 , 4 6 0 - 3 ; Jones 1 9 7 4 , 1 9 4 - 2 0 0 ; Nigdelis 1 9 9 4 , 2 9 9 . ' 4 ' Lifshitz 1967, nos.28, 32, 36 = IJudO ii 4 9 , 2 0 , 2 1 9 . 142 Brooten 1982, 1 2 8 - 9 . 143 Koukouli-Chrysantaki 1998, 32; c f Parrot 1939, 113.
Thessaly: Phthiotic
Thebes
141
Lifshitz dates the inscription to the end of the 3*^^ or beginning of the 4'*^ century CE on palaeographic grounds, which agrees with Robert's view about the size of the fine.
Almyros
= TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
G18
Almyros succeeded Thebes as the main port of Thessaly after the destruction of the latter in the 7 * century. The site of the ancient town is near m o d e m Tsengeli in Thessaly. A c h 2 4 . E p i t a p h of J u d a s a n d Asteria Editions: Giannopoulos 1912, 155-7 no.22; Reinach, BE 1914, 108; Giannopoulos 1930, 2 5 8 - 9 no.2; CIJ i 1936, no.695; Robert 1937, 81 = 1946, 103. Illustrations: Giannopoulos 1912 & 1930 (facsimile). Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; Feissel & Avramea 1 9 8 7 , 3 8 7 no.6. Found at Almyros. N o w : Almyros, Archaeological Museum. Details: Upper part of greyish marble stele, upper right corner, 25 x 1 8 x 5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 5"'-7^'' century CE(?). Text (from Giannopoulos' facsimile): livriiilcov To\)5 a Kal ' A a x e p i aq. {menorah) Memorial
of Judas and
Asteria.
Giannopoulos discovered the inscription in 1912 built into the house of Pericles Kanaris in the western part of Almyros. iivrmitov is a variant of livfjiia, which occurs with the meaning of a grave monument or a tomb in another five Jewish inscriptions from Phthiotic Thebes ( # # A c h l 6 - I 8 , 20, 22). To{)6a is the usual genitive form of the nominative To-oSaq (the Greek form of the Hebrew name Judah) and is well documented in inscriptions and papyri from Palestine and the Diaspora. The name occurs in inscriptions from Egypt, Cyrenaica, Rome, Civitavecchia, Capua, Sofiana, Capoterra, Sant'Antioco and Tortosa.'""^ To<)6a also occurs on a p a p y m s from Arsinoe, and To\)8a(; is found on papyri from Philadelphia,
144 JIGRE 54, 131; CJZC 7 b - c , 45f, 54b, 59c, 62a, app.l3c; JIWE ii 4 1 , 80, 124, 152, 186, 2 3 1 , 2 6 2 , 298, 4 4 4 ; J l W E i 1 1 , 2 0 , 158-9, 169, 173, 183.
Thessaly:
1 4 2
Almyros
&
Pherae
M N H M I CON I O -n A A KAI A C T R P •AC
Trikomia and Phelphas and on an ostracon from Edfu.''^^ Tot>Sa is the preferred Ibrm used in the LXX, by Philo, Josephus and in the NT.''^^ The name Asteria ('AaxEpiag), probably a graecized form of the Hebrew name Esther (although also a Graeco-Roman name in its own right), is not uncommon on Jewish monuments. An early occurrence of the name, in the Latin form Aster, is found in a 1^^-century CE epitaph from Naples.'"*^ The graecized forms 'Aoxf|p and ' A G G T I P are found at Beth She'arim and Caesarea in Palestine.'"^^ Although this is a female name, note 'Aaxepicp and 'Aoxepi^ borne by father and son in an epitaph from Rome (3'^''-4"^ c e n t u r y ) . ' A a x f j p , 'Aa9fip, 'Aoxepia, 'Aooxepiaq occur in inscriptions from Rome and V e n o s a . T h e latinized form Aster occurs at Taranto and Bordeaux, and Asteri at Rome.'''' Giannopoulos suggests a 5"'-7'*^ century date for the inscription without explaining it.
'45 CPJ 4 6 6 ; 4 3 . 3 ; 24.10, 16 17, 20; 501.2; 2 3 5 . 1 . '46 Leg. Alleg
2.96.6, 3.26.4, 3.74.4, 3.146.2; deSomniis
M k 6 . 3 , Lk 3.30, A c t s 9 . 1 1 . '47 J I W E 1 2 6 . '48 5 5 ii, nos. 147, 176; Lifshitz 1961, 115-16 no.2. '49 J I W E ii 3 5 1 . '50 J I W E ii 9 1 , 2 0 9 , 304, 3 5 1 , 552, 596; J I W E i 4 7 . '51 J I W E i 130. 192; J I W E ii 140, 278.
2 . 4 5 . 1 ; Josephus, Am. 12.392;
Thessaly: Almyros
Pherae (Velestino)
& Pherae
" TAVO-Karte
143
B VI18:
G18
Veleslino, ancient Pherae, is on the road between Volos and Larissa and 16 km. north-west of Volos. Pherae was an important trade and economic centre in Thessaly due to its favourable location on the main roads connecting Demetrias with Larissa and Phthiotic Thebes with Pharsalus. There is no evidence about the town from the Late Roman and Byzantine periods and the site was probably abandoned.'^- The new town. Velestino. is mentioned for the first time in 1208.'^^ A c h 2 5 . E p i t a p h of A r e s c u s a Editions: Bequignon 1937, 90 no.60; McDevitt 1970, 39 no.261: CIJ i' 1975, Prol. no.708d. Other bibliography: Robert 1946, 104; Robert 1960, 260; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986,66. Found at Pherae (Velestino). Now: Volos, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.658. Details: White marble stele, 119 x 38.5 x 7.5 cm. Letters; 2.5 cm. Space between lines: 1.1 cm. Language: Greek. Date: r - 4 * century CE(?). Text (follows CIJ i^): ' A p e a K O D o a Aio|if|8o\)q
y-uvf] Ae[K]p,oD Xatoi x a i p e i v . Arescusa people.
(daughter)
of Diomedes,
wife of Decimus.
Farewell
to
(the)
Bequignon discovered this inscription in Velestino. It is considered Jewish because o f the salutation Xa&x x a i p e i v and may well have originated from Larissa where the same formula was widely used by the l o c a l Jewish community ( # # A c h l - 4 , 8 14; see discussion at # A c h l ) . It is worth noting the slightly different .spelling here, A,acoi with iota adscript. The names Arescusa and Diomedes are otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions or papyri. A e K p o q is short for A e K i j i o g , the Greek f o r m of the Roman name Decimus. The name occurs in Jewish use in Cyrenaica.'^"* The name ' A p e c j K O D o a is attested in a non-Jewish epitaph f r o m the territory o f Byzantium.'^^
'•''2 '53 '54 '55
TIB\ 133-4. Ada Imwc, PL ccxv 1 4 6 6 . 1 5 1 ; PL ccxvi 9 1 1 . 1 1 5 . C J Z C 70, 1.22. IK 5 8 . 1 3 1 .
Section 7
Achaea: Athens & Piraeus Athens = TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
HI8
In 229 BCE Athens regained its autonomy, which lasted for almost century and a half. In 86 BCE, however, it was sacked by Sulla after siding with Mithridates VI in his war against Rome. Hadrian made Athens the capital of the Panhellenion in 131/2 CE. The city fortificadons were repaired in the late 3'^^ century, but this did not prevent the Heruli from sacking the city in 267 CE. During the 4 * and S"' centuries CE Athens flourished as a cultural centre and was famous for its philosophical schools. St Basil the Great is knovm to have been educated at Athens. The literary sources concerning the presence of Jews in the city are somewhat meagre. Philo lists Athens among the cities with a Jewish colony, and Josephus quotes a decree, dated 106-5 BCE, of the people of Athens honouring Hyrcanus I for his benefactions.' It is difficult, however, to ascertain the historical validity of this evidence. According to Acts 17.17, Paul visited the Jewish synagogue in the city, which was also frequented by God-fearers. The archaeological evidence for the presence of Jews in Athens, other than the inscriptions below, is very limited. A small wall revetment of Pentelic marble (8.5 x 8 x 1.0-1.3 cm.) includes the image of a menorah flanked by a lulab and, probably, a shofar.^ The revetment was recovered in 1977 from a tray of potsherds originally found in 1933 by Homer A. Thompson. The marble and pottery fragments were found a few metres from the north-east comer of the Metroon in the Agora. According to Thompson, as cited by Kraabel, "the plaque represented by this fragment apparently came from a curvilinear frieze, conceivably from an arcuated door or n i c h e . T h o m p s o n suggests the plaque came from a building built after the sacking of Athens by the Heruli in 267 CE and severely damaged during the Visgothic attack on Athens in 396 CE. Thompson, followed by Kraabel, also suggests that the Metroon, built in the 2"'' century BCE, may have been used as synagogue, mainly because of its basilical plan."* However, this seems very unlikely. The orientation of the building, with 1 Legal. IZX; Ant. 1 4 . 1 4 9 - 1 5 5 . 2 Kraabel 1979, 5 0 5 - 7 , pl.l. 3 Kraabel 1979, 505. 4 Kraabel 1979, 5 0 6 - 7 .
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its apse is on tiie west wall instead of towards Jerusalem, and the lack of any additional archaeological data concerning the building history of the Metroon do not to support his view. Urdahl has identified several Athenian epitaphs as Jewish only because the persons mentioned in them bore S e m i t i c names or were natives of the eastern provinces of the Roman Empire.^ However, as Robert has shown their Jewishness cannot be established solely on the occurrence of semidc (rather than Jewish) names or ethnics.^ Two 4*73'^'' century BCE epitaphs from Athens mention the name Parigoris, a female form of Parigorius, which was frequently used by J e w s . ' However, it is difficuh to assume that the persons mentioned in these epitaphs were Jews only by their names. A c h 2 6 . E p i t a p h of A m m i a Editions: IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940, no.8934; Robert 1946, 101; Urdahl 1959, 71 n o . 5 ; Urdahl 1968, 45 no.5; CU i^ 1975, Prol. no.7I5a. Other bibliography: B E 1969, no.206; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 6 5 ; Traill 1994, ii 80 n o . l 2 3 8 9 0 ; Williams 1998, no.1.35 (English tr.). Found at Athens. N o w : Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv.no. EM 1079. Details: Kioniskos of Hymettian marble, 55.5 x 16.1 cm. Letters 3.2-4 cm., all with serifs. Distance between lines: 2 cm. Letter forms: f6| H | Language: Greek. Date: 1 century CE(?). Text (follows CIJ i^ and personal inspection): 'AMILA
'IepoCToA,D|a,ixiq. Ammia of
Jerusalem.
The name Ammia ( ' A M I I A ) occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Sicily and Rome.^ The name, however, was also very popular among non-Jews and is well attested in the Roman provinces of Asia and Sicily.^ The identification of the inscription as Jewish is based on the place of origin of the deceased woman: Jerusalem. Kirchner in IG dates the inscription to the I^' century CE on palaeographic grounds, and it seems unlikely that anyone other than a Jew would have been described as a "Jerusalemite" at that date. There is a Latin inscription from Naples for a woman described as Hierosolymitana who was apparently taken prisoner in 70 CE.'^
5 See # # A p p l 3 - I 6 . # # A p p l 1-12 and # A p p l 7 are also from Athens. 6 B E 1969, no.206 11G ii^ 6 4 4 9 , 12369. Cf. # A c h 2 1 . 8 J l W E i 156; ii 183, 584. 9 Zgusta 1964, 5 9 - 6 2 ; JIWE i 156. '0 JIWE 126.
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A m m i a ' s background could be similar, but she may have been a voluntary immigrant earlier in the century. A c h 2 7 . E p i t a p h of B e n j a m i n Editions: IG ii/iii" 3.2 1940, no. 10949; Robert 1946, 110; Schwabe 1950, 1 1 2 - 2 3 ; Pfohl 1953, 93, 222, no.3e; BE 1955, no.88; Mitsos 1956, 33 no.2; SEG xiv 1957, no.241; BE 1955, no.211; Urdahl 1959, 73 n o . l l ; SEG xvi 1959, no.219; Lifshitz 1963, 2 5 7 - 8 ; Urdahl 1968, 46 n o . l l ; CU i^ 1975, Prol. no.715b; Levinskaya 1996b. Illustrations: Schwabe 1950, 123 (photo); Mitsos 1956, fig.2 (photo); Lifshitz 1963, pi. 13a (photo). Other bibhography: Schwabe 1947/9, 110; Mitsos 1954, 119; BE 1964, n o . l 6 4 ; BE 1969, no.206; Revised Schiirer iii.l 1986, 65; van der Horst 1991, 9 6 - 7 ; Traill 1995, iv 170 no. 264830; Levinskaya 1996a, 1 5 8 - 6 2 ; Williams 1998, no.ll.85 (English tr.). Found at Athens. Now: Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv.no. EM 1226. Details: Fragment of kioniskos of Pentelic marble, broken above and below, face mutilated, 21.2 x 12.3 cm; letters c.1.7 cm. The lext of 1.1 runs all around the stone's circumference. Language: Greek. Date: late 2"''-3"' century CE(?). Text (follows CI J i- and personal inspection): Bevia^iTi^ Agxocpo-oq {menorah)
TipoaxoA-og
{lulab)
{ethrog)
1. I G , R o b e r t , S c h w a b e 1947/9: B e v i S d n q
Benjamin
[Beniames]
(son) of Lachares,
proscholos.
Klaffenbach (in IG), Schwabe and Robert suggest that Benjamin was the proscholos of Lachares. However, Lifshitz's suggestion that the stonecutter arranged the inscription in two columns because of the form of the kioniskos and the available space seems more plausible, meaning that the two names should be read before the title, which is on the opposite side. The inscription follows a practice well attested in Athenian inscriptions of placing the name of the deceased first in the nominative, then the patronymic in the genitive and afterwards the ethnic or the profession of the deceased person. The office of npocxoXoq is difficult to explain. LSJ translates it as "assistant schoolmaster", referring to the Latin equivalent suhdoctor used
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147
by Ausonius and Augustine.'' Schwabe (1950, 16-17) suggests that it indicates there was a school for Jewish children in Athens. Robert and van der Horst propose that Benjamin was the head of a Jewish school. 1 lowever, Levinskaya notes that JipoaxoXoq could also mean a "doorkeeper" and should be distinguished from suhdoctor. The deceased could even have been a doorkeeper for a pagan grammarian in Athens. Robert also notes that 7cp6oxoA,oq occurs as a personal name in a list of ephebes from Athens: Y\p6(5%oXoc, ZcoamdtpoD.'^ However, use as a name seems very unlikely here. On the name Beviapfiq cf. # M a c l 4 . According to Dow the name Lachares is most probably of Attic origin.''* It is otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions or papyri. Klaffenbach (in IG) dates the inscription to the end of the 2"'' or the 3"' century CE on palaeographic grounds. The symbols also mean that it is unlikely to be earlier. The menorah is depicted with small lamps on each branch. " A u s o n i u s , Commemoratio professorum 8 (PL xxxviii 964). '2 L e v i n s k a y a 1996a, 1 6 1 2 . '3 10 11^2130, 1.141. ' 4 On the name Lachares, see D o w 1957.
Burdigalensium
2 2 ; A u g u s t i n e , >.SVr. I 7 8 c . 7 -
148
Athens &
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A c h 2 8 . E p i t a p h of E u t y c h i a Editions: CIG iv 1856/9, no.9313; Kekule 1869, 132 no.324 [not seen]; Koumanoudcs 1871, no.3563; Bayet 1878a, 167-8 no.65; Bayet 1878b, 122-3 no. 121; IG iii.2 1895, no.3545; Roberts & Gardner 1905, 513 no.388; Oehler 1909, 443; CU i 1936, no.712; Urdahl 1968, 42 n.42; Sironen 1997, 239 40 no. 199. Illustrations: Bayet 1878a, pl.lll, fig.4; Bayet 1878b, pl.V, fig.4. Other bibliography: Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 6 1 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 65; Traill 1994, i 174 no.l 10142; 1998, vii 478 no.446835; 2000, ix 177 no.508455. Found at Athens. Now: Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv.no. EM 9927. Details: Stele of Pentelic marble, with triangular aetoma containing a rosette, broken below, 26 x 24.4 x 4.3-5.0 cm. Height of letters: 1.5-2 cm. Distance between lines: 1 cm. Guideline beneath each line of the inscription. Language: Greek. Date: 4 ' ' ' - 5 * century CE(?).
Athens & Piraeus
]49
Text (follows Sironen 1997 and personal inspection): {menorah)
{rosette) Koijirixfjpiov
{menorah)
fiTjTpog 'A9r|veo\) KE 0eo|v}Kxiaxox).
5
2. X is s m a l l e r than the other letters in x% K o u m a n o u d c s : Euxux'^Ca)^; C I G iv: E\)Tt)xli]«<; 3 - 4 . R o b e r t s & G a r d n e r : 'A6riveo\) K E = 'AGrivaioxj Kai
2 .
Resting-place
of Eutychia,
the mother of Athenaeus
and
Theoctistus.
According to Kirchoff in CIG, Fourmont found the inscription built in above the main gate of the church of the Holy Mother of God in Athens. The menorahs (the one on the right is 6.5 cm. high and the one on the left 4.8 cm.) are inscribed outside a triangular aetoma, which has a rosette in t h e centre. The description of the tomb as Koip,rixfipiov w a s used almost exclusively b y Christians, and occurs only once in a Jewish inscription outside Athens (Phthiotic Thebes, # A c h 2 1 , q.v.; see also # # A c h 2 9 - 3 0 ) . The name Eutychia also occurs in # A c h 2 1 , q.v. Athenaeus is n o t found in Jewish use elsewhere, b u t the name 'A0r|vicov occurs in an epitaph from R o m e . ' 5 Theoctistus is otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions or papyri. The spelling ©eovKxiaxoq is a result of converse insertion of the medial nasal -v, which according to Gignac indicates a corresponding loss of nasals in speech in the Late Roman and Byzantine periods.'^ Sironen dates the inscription to t h e 4"^ o r the 5"^ century CE o n palaeographic grounds, a n d t h e apparent Christian influence on the terminology supports this. Ach29. Epitaph Editions: Koumanoudcs 1871, no.*3613; Bayet 1878b, 98 no.73; IG iii.2 1895, no.3496; CU i- 1975, Prol. no.715h. Other bibliography: Creaghan & Raubitschek 1947, 18 n . l O l ; Urdahl 1959, 74 n o . l l ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 65. Found at Athens. Now: Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv.no. EM 9918. Details: Fragment of dark grey marble plaque, now 9.5 x 6.5 x 2.9 (15 x 10 c m according to Bayet 1878b a n d IG iii.2). Height of letters: 2.2-2.5 c m .
' 5 J I W E ii 350 (3''^-4"' century?). ' 6 Gignac 1976, ii 118-9.
Athens
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&
Piraeus
Language: Greek. Date: 3*^ century CE or later. Text {follows CIJ 1975 and personal inspection): (shofar) (menorah)
(ethrog?)
K-oprilxfip-j toy [
e[
]
1
1-2. 1. Koi|.nixTipiov
Resting-place
....
The stone was discovered on the Acropolis. On the use of the term K o i p r i t t p i o v , see #Ach21. Koumanoudcs, the first publisher of the inscription, reports a cross above 1.1, but after examining the stone Creaghan & Raubitschek note that there is in the tripod base of a menorah
Athens
j5J
& Piraeus
above the i n s c r i p t i o n . ' T h e inscription therefore appears to be Jewish, and the partly-preserved symbols on either side of the menorah can be assumed to be other Jewish ones; cf. #Ach30. The terminology and symbols are unlikely to be earlier than the 3'^'' century CE. A c h 3 0 . E p i t a p h of T h e o d u i a a n d Moses(?) Editions: Koumanoudcs 1871, no.*3569; Bayet 1878a, 168 no.66; Bayet 1878b, 123 no. 122; IG iii.2 1895. no.3546; Roberts & Gardner 1905, 513 no.389; CIJ i 1936, no. 713; Urdahl 1968, 42 n o . l 2 ; Sironen 1997, 284 no.255. Illustrations: Bayet 1878a, pi.Ill fig.3 (squeeze); Bayet 1878b, pl.V fig.3 (squeeze); Antonin 1886, pl.Vll (squeeze) [not seen]. Other bibliography: Creaghan & Raubitschek 1947, 18; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 6 1 ; Derda 1997. 258; Williams 1997b, 274: Derda 1999, 210. Found at Athens. Now: Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv.no. EM 9887. Details: Marble stele of Pentelic(?) marble with a dark vertical vein, broken below and above and chipped near the edges, 28.7 x 13.1 x 7.8 cm. Height of letters: 1.5-2.7 cm. Distance between lines: 1.1-1.7 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 5"'-6"^ century CE(?). Text (follows Sironen 1997 and personal inspection): {shofar) {menorah)
{lulab)
KDpriTTl-
piov 0 e obo\iXa[q\ Kal
McocT-
[etog? - - 1
3 . omicron
5
s m a l l e r than the other letters
4 . A written as d on the stone 1-2.
1. Koi|irixT|PIOV
1-4.
D e r d a : K
Resting-place
ofTheodula
Kaifioo^ OR K
0eo8o\)>.a,
and Moses (?)
According to Koumanoudcs the inscription was found on the Acropolis (cf. #Ach29). Its Jewish nature is clear from the symbols. The objects which flank the menorah are a shofar and a lulab, not two palms branches as
C r e a g h a n & R a u b i t s c h e k 1947, 18.
152
Athens &
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shown in Frey's illustration, or a vine leaf and a palm bough as suggested by Sironen. The height of the menorah is 9 cm. and its base is a tripod. On the use of the term KoiixTjiiipiov, see # A c h 2 1 . The name of the first deceased, Theodula, is otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions o r papyri, but was a common Christian name. Jews are almost never described as "slave of God" in epitaphs (but c f #Ach72) and it is possible that the name is another example of Christian influence in addition to the use of the term Koij.i'qxiipiov. Bayet was the first t o restore the name Moses in 11.4-5 and his suggestion was adopted in all editions of the inscription. Derda, however, recently challenged the restoration, suggesting that 1.4 should be read as a
Athens & Piraeus
]5 3
single name, Kaificoc, (= Kaifxoq, the Hebrew name DID).'^ He further suggests that the names 6eo8o\)A,a and Kai}i(og were given in the nominative not in the genitive, with haplography in 1.4 leading to the omission of K a i and).'^ This is unlikely as in most similar epitaphs the names of the deceased are given in the genitive, and the name Kaimos is not found elsewhere, as pointed out by Williams. However, the name Moses occurs extremely rarely in Jewish epitaphs.^o A possible solution is to suggest that in this case we have a replacement of omicron by omega, often found in inscriptions, and read the name as the genitive of MoGximv or Moaxog. Both names were very popular at Athens, and Mooxoq is borne by a Jewish slave in a manumission from Oropus (#Ach45). Despite Derda's objections, however, the reading of the name as Mcoafiq is also possible.^' Sironen dates the inscription to the 5 * or 6'^^ century CE on palaeographic grounds. A c h 3 1 . E p i t a p h of M a t t h a i a . Editions: Koumanoudcs 1871, no.* 1544; IG iii.2 1895, no.2946; IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940, no.8231; Urdahl 1959, 70 no.2; Urdahl 1968, 44 no.2; CU i^ 1975, Prol. no.715d. Other bibliography: BE 1969, no.206; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 65; Osborne & Byrne 1996, 4 4 - 5 ; Williams 1998, no.1.38 (English tr.). Found at Athens. N o w lost. Details: Kioniskos of Hymettian marble. No measurements published. Language: Greek. Date: Roman period(?). Text (follows CU i^): M A G B A I A
'AvxioxloD] Xa[ipe.] 2. K o u m a n o u d e s , IG ii/iii^: 'Avxioxllcratt?)
Matthaia
(daughter)
of Antiochus
[or of Antioch],
farewell.
This inscription was discovered in the Theatre of Dionysus in Athens. It is dated to the "Roman period" by Kirchner in IG, but there are no grounds for anything more precise.
'8 '9 20 2'
W u t h n o w 1930, 64. Derda 1997, 257 n.7. Derda 1997, 2 5 7 ; Williams 1997b. 274; le Bohec 1981, 172 n o . l . Pape & Benseler 1911, 969; LGPN ii 324.
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Its possible Jewishness rests on the name, which Lifshitz regards as a feminine form of the well-attested Jewish name Matathyahu (Matthaias). It is attested in another inscription from Athens, where it is borne by an immigrant (#Ach32), but is otherwise unknown. The form MaOaq is attested at Beth She'arim, Mathius (MaOioi)) occurs in Jewish use at Rome (3'A-4"' century CE), and Wuthnow lists the forms M a 9 a and MaOaioq.^^ 1.2. This could contain a patronymic, or an ethnic. There are more that fifty occurrences of the ethnic ' A v x i o x i o o a in inscriptions from Athens. A c h 3 2 . E p i t a p h of M a t t h a i a Editions: IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940, no.8358; Urdahl 1959, 71 no.4; Urdahl 1968, 44 no.4; CU i^ 1975, Prol. no.715f; Roth-Gerson 2001, 139-40 no.XlV. Illustration: Roth-Gerson (photo). Other bibliography: BE 1969, no.206; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 65; Williams 1998, no.1.39 (Enghsh tr.); Osborne & Byrne 1996, 48 no.l 181. Found at Athens. Now: Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv.no. EM 12000. Details: Kioniskos of Hymettian marble, c.97 x 38 (diameter) cm., letters c.3.8 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 1"^' century CE(?). Text (from CI J i^ 1975, and photo and squeeze in Museum): MaGGaia iA,covoq 'ApaSia ZcoKpaxoD 2i8o)viou yuvf). Matthaia
(daughter)
5
of Philo, from Arad, wife of Socrates from
Sidon.
Jewishness is suggested by the deceased w o m a n ' s name; see #Ach31. It is not clear if she was a native of Arad on the island of A wad, a city of northern Phoenicia,^'* or the village of Arad in P a l e s t i n e . T h e latter would confirm her Jewishness. However, in view of Matthaia's Sidonian husband, it is much more likely that she was a native of Phoenician Arad.
22 23 24 25
BS ii, n o . 4 8 ; .11 W E ii 338; Wuthnow 1930, 6 8 . O s b o r n e & Byrne 1996. 2 5 - 4 5 . Cf. # A p p l 3 . C f the ethnic A p a S i a in Stephen of Byzantium, ed. Meineke 1849. p. 108. Avi-Yonah 2 0 0 2 , 163.
Athens &
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155
Other natives of Arad are attested in epitaphs from Athens^^ and Piraeus^' and in an cphcbic list from Athens.^^ Kirchner in IG dates the inscription to the 1^' century CH on palaeographic grounds. The form of the inscription and the shape of the stone are almost identical to #Ach35, and they presumably come from the same original location. The letters are similar in shape, but clearly the work of different stone-cutters.
2 6 IG iP 8358a (p.883), dated 3 " * ^ " ' century C E . 2 7 IG ii/iii^ 8357, dated P ' - 2 ' " ' century CE.. 2 « IG iP 1028, dated 102/1 B C E .
155
Athens &
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A c h 3 3 . E p i t a p h of Simon/Simeon Editions: IG ii.3 1895, no.4120; IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940, no. 12609; Robert 1946, 101; Mitsos 1956, 3 2 - 3 ; Urdahl 1958, 74 no. 12; BE 1958, no.211; SEG xvi 1959, no.228; Urdahl 1968, 46 no. 12; CU i^ 1975, no.715c. Illustration: Mitsos 1956, fig.l 1 (photo). Other bibliography: Mitsos 1949/50, 32; BE 1955, no.89; BE 1969, no.206; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 65; Traill 1994, ii 119 no. 126640. Found at Athens. Now: Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv.no. EM 9440. Details: Rectangular stele of Hymettian marble, broken below, back roughly tooled, 22.7 x 27.2 x 4.7 cm. Letters 2-2.8 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 2"^* century BCE(?). Text (from personal inspection): IiH v 'Avaviou. 1. Zi|i[o|v. Zi^[(o]v or Ziplecbjv
Simon/Simeon,
(son) of
Ananias.
There is a large lacuna between EIM and N on the stone, which was never inscribed. The size of the lacuna and the arrangement of the letters make the reconstruction, proposed by Mitsos, of the name as Eiji[ecb]v very probable. Mitsos, however, did not consider the name Jewish. Kirchner in IG, Robert and Lifshitz in CU i^ regard the inscription as Jewish because of the name of the father. Robert notes that Ananias ('Avaviag) was used frequently, if not exclusively, by Jews; Christians avoided it because of the negative associations of Ananias in the N T , especially Acts 5. It is rarely
157
Athens & Piraeus
attested, but occurs in inscriptions from Gaza and C y p r u s . T h e name Simon (Zifiov) was used by both Greeks and Jews. It was popular among Jews in Cyrenaica^^ and occurs also at Rome (3'^'^-4*'' century CE)^' and Jaffa (5'^ century CE)?^ Simeon is attested at Sardis (iDiieovioq) and Aphrodisias.--^ Kirchner dates the inscription to the 2"*^ century BCE on palaeographic grounds, but the brevity of the inscription makes this debatable. A c h 3 4 . E p i t a p h of J a c o b a n d Leontius Editions: Pittakes 1839, 229 no.271; Koumanoudes 1871, no.*3573: CIG iv 1856/9, no.9900; Bayet 1878a, 168 no.67; Bayet 1878b, 124 no. 123; IG iii.2 1895, no.3547; Oehler 1909, 443 no.l 10; CIJ i 1936, no.715; Urdahl 1968, 42 no. 12; Sironen 1997, 244 no.205. Illustrations: Bayet 1878a, pl.lll fig.6 (squeeze); Bayet 1878b, pl.V fig.6 (squeeze); IG iii.2, no.3547 (squeeze). Other bibliography: Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 6 1 ; Revised Schiirer iii.l 1986, 65; Williams 1998, no.l.37 (English tr.); Traill 2000, ix 3 8 1 - 2 , n o s . 5 3 0 3 3 7 - 8 ; 2002, xi 64, no.603210. Found at Athens. Now: Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv.nos. EM 9949 and EM 9950. Details: Blue and grey marble plaque in two pieces, broken on all sides except the right; back roughly tooled; 34 x 30.5 x 3.5-5 cm. Letters: 1.74.5 cm.; space between lines up to 2 cm. Guideline beneath 1.4. Letters with serifs. Language: Greek. Date: 6"' century CE(?). Text (follows Sironen 1997 and personal inspection):
[laKJojp Kal Ae[ovxjiog eyyo[voji ['I]aK(bpo[-0 xou] Keaapeoq. 1. 2. 3. 4.
P i t t a k e s : r'IaK]6po\) K a i AelTjKTiql P i t t a k e s : [...]tioq eyyolvoql P i t t a k e s : [Ae-UKjfi 'AKwpo Pittakes: M Kaiaapeco(;
Jacob and Leontius, grandsons
of Jacob of
Caesarea.
29 Lifshitz 1967, no.73; l J u d O iii Cyp4 = Lifshitz no.85. 30 C J Z C 7a, b - c ; 10; i i ; 13b, d; 14a; 61 a; 6 7 b ; 6 8 ; 7 0 . 3" J I W E ii 5 2 , 310. 32 J I G R E 147. 33 IJudO ii 133 ' Kroll 2 0 0 1 , 4 2 3 no.67; l J u d O ii 14 - Reynolds & T a n n e n b a u m 1986, 6, face b , 1.33; 104, no.63.
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The text is inscribed carelessly, with the letters badly aligned.-^"* The name Jacob seems to be given in the indeclinable form 'laKwp in 1.1 (presumably intended as nominative), but apparently with a Greek genitive ending as MaKcbpot) in 11.3-4.^^ On the name Leontius cf. # A c h l . It is not clear which Caesarea is referred to in the inscription: it could be Caesarea Maritima in Palestine, but also Caesarea in Mauretania or one of many cities with the same name in Asia Minor. Sironen dates the inscription to the 6"' century on palaeographic grounds. It is therefore possible that it is Christian, but the names were popular ones for Jews. A c h 3 5 . E p i t a p h of A m m i a Editions: CIG i 1828, no.889; Pittakes 1854, 1181-2 no.2291; Bursian, BICA 1855, p.XXX no.6; Salzmann 1867, 29 n . l ; Koumanoudes 1871, n o . * 2 3 5 1 ; IG iii.2 1895, no.2891; IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940, no. 10219. Other bibliography: BE 1969, no.369; Bruneau 1982, 479; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 65; van der Horst 1988, 142 (=1990, 145); Traill 1994, ii 80 no. 123900; 1998, iv 440 no.444520.
3 4 Sironen 1997, no.205. 3 5 Cf. G i g n a c i 1976, 2 2 3 ; ii 1976, 104.
Athens &
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159
Found at Athens. Now: Athens, Epigraphical Museum, inv.no. EM 12175. Details: Kioniskos of Hymettian marble, 106 x 35 cm.; letters 3.7-3.9 cm.; distance between lines 1.4-1.9 cm; all letters with serifs. Language: Greek. Date: F^' century CE(?).
160
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Text (follows IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940 and photograph in Museum): 'Ajxp-ia 4>iA,CDVO(; Eap,apeiTi(;
Et)pTm,ovo(; 'AvTioxeco^
5
4. There is space between Eii and prinovog in Pittakes' copy 5. There is space between 'Av and xioxeco^ in Pittakes' copy
Ammia
(daughter)
of Philo, a Samaritan,
wife ofEuremon
of
Antioch.
According to Pittakes the inscription was discovered on Nov. 2 1830, not far from the Theseion. The name A m m i a occurs in #Ach26. The name Euremon is otherwise unattested in Samaritan or Jewish use, but it is fairly well attested in Athens and Delos.^^ It is not clear whether A m m i a was a Samaritan by religion or a native of Samaria; cf #Dal4. Kirchner in IG dates the inscription to the 1*' century CE on palaeographic grounds. The form of the inscription and the shape of the stone are almost identical to #Ach32. The father of the deceased w o m a n is called Philo in both cases, but presumably this is coincidence in view of the different ethnics. A c h 3 6 . E p i t a p h of T h e o d o r a Editions: Rhousopoulos 1862/3, 2 5 5 - 6 no.223; Koumanoudes 1871, no.*2352; IG iii.2 1895, no.2892; IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940, n o . l 0 2 2 0 . Illustrations: Rhousopoulos 1862, pi.36.2 (squeeze). Other bibliography: BE 1969, no.369; Bruneau 1982, 479; Revised Schiirer iii.l 1986, 6 5 ; van der Horst 1988, 142 (=1990, 145); Osborne & Byrne 1996, 278 no.6523; Traill 2000, ix 7 5 , 126, nos.502865, 505775. Found at Athens. Now: Athens, Epigraphical Museum, inv.no. E M 11368. Details: Kioniskos of Hymettian marble, 53 x 17.8 cm. Letters: 2.8 cm. All letters have serifs. Letter forms: A E Language: Greek. Date: 1*'century CE(?). Text (follows IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940 and photograph in Museum): 0Eo5
A them & Piraeus
\6 \
1. 0 E O A P A on the stone
Theodora
(daughter)
of Themison,
a
Samaritan.
The stone was found close to Mt Lycabettus in 1862. On the name Theodora, see # A c h l 6 . Themison is otherwise unattested in Jewish or Samaritan inscriptions or papyri, but it is a common Greek name. As with # A c h 3 5 , it is not clear whether Theodora was a Samaritan by religion or a native of Samaria. Kirchner dates the inscription to the 1^' century CE on palaeographic grounds. Ach36ftw. Epitaph(?) Unpublished. The inscription will be published by Jonathan Price, and details are included here with his permission. Found at Athens. N o w : Athens, Agora Museum, inv.no. I 6852. Details: Fragment of a plaque of Pentelic marble, broken above, below, on left and behind; right side preserved with fluting just behind the corner. 14.2 (right) - 15 (centre) - 15.3 (left) x 9.5 x 4.5 cm. (3.1 cm without the fluting). Height of letters: Greek, 1.2 cm ( C J ) ; 1.8 cm (B,N); Hebrew, 2.2 cm ( 2 7 ) ; 3.4 cm (^P); 2.3 cm ( D ) . Distance between lines: 2.6 cm (between N & b); 3.3 cm (between CL) & D ) . All Greek letters with serifs. Language: Greek and Hebrew. Date: 4**' century CE or later. Text (follows personal inspection): [ - - IcDv p-K - - ] [ - - l+QT^E? There are traces o f letters after B, probably P; after D and possibly b e t w e e n 0) & D.
Discovered on 20 April 1959 built into a late wall (perhaps a house), no.V19, section EA 28 of the Agora excavations (the lower north slopes of the Acropolis). The Hebrew letters in 1.2 are most probably part of a personal name like r f D ^ B ? (Shlamiah)^'' or (Shelamzion). It could be the acclamation (or j u s t DIT^IZ?) which was often added to otherwise Greek or Latin inscriptions, but the spelling without waw would be unusual. Three other Greek and Hebrew inscriptions are known from the Balkans: #Dal5, # M a c I 7 , #Ach49. The use of Hebrew suggests a date for the inscription not earlier than the 4 * century CE, but it could also be substantially later. 37 Jerem 3 7 . 3 ; Ilan 2 0 0 2 , 2 1 4 - 1 5 . 38 Only once out o f 10 examples in JIWE ii, p.546.
152
Athens &
Piraeus
Ach37. Epitaph of a Samaritan Editions: Koumanoudes 1871, no.*2353; IG ii.3 1895, no.3297; IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940, no. 10221; BE 1969, no.369; Bruneau 1978, 479; van der Horst 1988a, 142 =1990, 145. Other bibliography: Osborne & Byrne 1996, 278 no.6524. Found at Athens. N o w lost. Details: Kioniskos of Hymettian marble. N o measurements published. Language: Greek. Date: end of 4'''-3''* century BCE(?). Text (follows IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940): ©paol 'EKaxl Saiiaplix
I ] ]
2 . 'EKaxCaioD?] 3. Eanap[ixi(;] or Xanap[ixTi(;]; Koumanoudes: I a p , a I
Thras.... (son/daughter?)
of Hecat.a
Samaritan.
This inscription was discovered before 1870 at 40 Sophocles St. in Athens. The name in 1.1 could be one of many male or female names attested in Athens: ©pdacov, ©pdaDKA-fiq, 0pdCT'oA.A,oq, 0paai)Po\)A,oq or 0paaiK7CT|, @pa<5\)Xk\c„ 0pao\)Po\)A,Ti. The surviving letters in 1.2 are probably a patronymic, and the father was probably called 'EKaxaiog.^^ 'EKaxaioq is attested nine times in non-Jewish or Samaritan inscriptions from Athens.'*'^ Kirchner dates the inscription to the end of the 4'*^ century B C E on palaeographic grounds. This cannot be verified as no image of the inscription was published. If correct, it would be substantially earlier than other inscriptions mentioning Samaritans except #Ach41. Ach38. Inscription from statue base of Herod the Great Editions: Pittakes 1858, 1798 no.3442; IG iii.l 1878, no.550; OGIS i 1903, no.414; Nachmanson 1913, 62 no.68; IG ii/iii^ 3.1 1935, no.3440; Ehrenberg & Jones 1955, no.178 (from OGIS and IG). Other bibliography: Urdahl 1968, 5 3 ; Mantzoulinou-Richards 1988, 96 app. A, n o . l ; Richardson 1996, 2 0 7 - 8 no.7. Found at Athens. N o w lost. Details: Base of an Eleusinian marble statue, 36 x 70 x 50 cm. Letters: 3 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 3 7 - 2 7 BCE.
39 Bechtel 1917, 527. 40 LGPN ii 139.
Athens & Piraeus
163
Text (follows IG i i / i i P 3 . 1 ) : 6 5Tiiio[(;]
PaaiA,ea
'HpcbSriv (piA,opo)p.aiov ei)epyeCTia(; EveKtt K a l Ei)voia(; %r\q
e l q ea-OTOv.
5
The people (honoured) King Herod, Friend deeds and goodwill towards it.
of the Romans, for his
good
According to Pittakes the inscription was found on 10 Nov. 1858 behind the Parthenon o n the eastern part of the Acropolis. Kirchner (IG), however, gives the findspot as between the Propylon and the Erechtheion. The inscription i s on the base of a statue, which apparently was placed on the Acropolis as a gift of gratitude by the Athenians to Herod the Great. Herod i s known to have made several donations to Athens."*' Richardson notes that the placing of the statue on the Acropolis indicates that this particular honour was given in recognition of some sort of improvement in that location.'*^ Herod's donation and relation to the Athenians are described with the terms e-oepyeoia (good deeds / benefactions) and e-ovoia (goodwill), normal attributes of a benefactor in the system of euergetism. Richardson notes that the title (piA,op(op,aiov corresponds to the Latin phrase rex socius et amicus populi Romani and indicates H e r o d ' s status as a client king. The inscription is dated between 37 and 27 BCE according to the title ascribed to Herod; c f #Ach39 for his later titulature.'*^ It therefore belongs to the early part of his reign, when he was building up support outside his kingdom. Herod's benefactions were clearly aimed at the whole city, not just the Jewish community, but the Jews of Athens may have benefited indirectly through improved relations with the rest o f the city, especially if H e r o d ' s money was seen a s compensation for what was sent from Athens to Jerusalem as Temple Tax. Ach39. Inscription from statue base of Herod the Great Editions: Pittakes 1860, 1935 no.3768; IG iii.l 1878, n o . 5 5 1 ; OGIS i 1903, n o . 4 2 7 ; IG ii/iii^ 3.1 1935, n o . 3 4 4 I ; Ehrenberg & Jones 1955, n o . I 7 8 (from OGIS and IG).
41 Josephus, fiJ 1.425. 42 Richardson 1 9 9 6 , 2 0 7 no.6. 43 Richardson 1996, 2 0 3 - 1 5 , inscriptions.
assembles
Herod's
nomenclature
from
coins
and
\ 64
Athens & Piraeus
Other bibliography: Urdahl 1968, 5 3 ; Mantzoulinou-Richards 1988, 96, App.A no.2; Richardson 1996, 2 0 7 - 8 no.7. Found at Athens. N o w lost. Details: Base of a statue of Hymetdan marble, 23 x 77 x 4 0 cm. Letters: 3 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 2 7 - 4 BCE. Text (follows IG ii/iii^ 3.1): [6 5]fino<; [PaoijXea 'Hp{b8r|v evcepfj K a i cpiA,0Kaiaapa [ d l p E x f j q e v E K a K a l Ei)Ep7Ealaq. 2. Pittakes: ['Apxiepjea 0 . . . v evaepfj K a l (piX,oKai[aapa]
The people (honoured) King Herod, kindness and good deeds.
Pious and Friend
of Caesar for his
Pittakes discovered this inscription on 5 Mar. 1860 during excavations west of the Erechtheion. Dittenberger in OGIS suggests that it is a dedication to Agrippa 1. However, Richardson notes that the location of the inscription and the title "king" strongly suggest Herod the Great (cf. #Ach38). The title (piA,oKaiaapo(; applied to Herod occurs also in an inscription from a limestone weight from Jerusalem ( 9 - 8 BCE),"*^ The inscription is dated to 2 7 - 4 BCE by H e r o d ' s nomenclature. His titles are identical to those of the Bosporan king in # B S 5 . Urdahl (1968, 53) suggests that another inscription from the Agora inscribed on the base of a statue is a similar dedication to Herod the Great. The inscription reads: [---ICTEPTI K a l \ [ ] EVEKa | [ laq. (Agora M u s e u m , inv.no. I. 2658)."*^ It is too fragmentary to allow any reliable reconstruction.
Piraeus
= TAVO-Karte
B VI18: HI8
A c h 4 0 . E p i t a p h of D e m e t r i u s Editions: Petrakos 1961/2, 36 no.8b; CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. no.715i; Osborne 1988, 25 n o . l 2 5 . Other bibliography: BE 1964, n o . l 5 2 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 6 5 ; Osborne & Byrne 1996, 111, n o s . 2 6 2 0 - I ; Traill 1996, v 189, 3 1 2 9 6 4 - 5 ; Williams 1997a, 261 no.39. Found at Piraeus. Now: Museum of Piraeus, inv.no. KMO 1193.
4 4 / E / 2 0 1970, 9 7 - 8 . 45 SEG xii 150.
Athens & Piraeus
165
Details: Kioniskos of Hymettian marble, 43 x 19.5 cm. Letters: 1-3 cm. Language: Greek. Date: uncertain. Text (follows Petrakos 1961/2): ArmfiTpioq ArinriTpio'O Elo8aio(;. 3. 1. T o \ ) 8 a i o q
Demetrius
(son) of Demetrius,
a Jew.
The inscription was discovered during roadworks near the church of St. Sophia ('Ayia 2o(pia) in Piraeus. The form of the ethnic ToDSaioq, with an additional epsilon Eioa)8aio<; (here Eio8aiO(;) is attested only once in a Jewish inscription - in an epitaph from R o m e (3'^''-4* century CE?)."*^ The name Demetrius occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Cyrenaica.'*' A c h 4 1 . Thiasos inscription with a Samaritan(?) Editions: Koumanoudes 1879, 4 0 1 - 2 no.4; IG ii.3 1888 no. 1334; IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940, no.2943. Other bibliography: BE 1969, no.369 (p.478); Crown 1974/5, 116; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 65; van der Horst 1988, 142 (=1990, 145); Osborne & Byrne 1996, 277 no.6521; Traill 1998, vii 18 no.400865. Found at Piraeus. Now: Athens, National Museum, inv.no.8799. Details: Stele of Pentelic marble, upper part missing, 94 x 40 x 8.5-9 cm. N a m e s of members of thiasos (11.3-6) inscribed within laurel wreaths. Language: Greek. Date: 4*''-3''' century BCE(?). Text (follows IG ii/iii^ 1940 and personal inspection): [ [
lovioq A ]N
NiKfov NiKOCpcovToq
I-o^ijiaxoq Adtoo)
AenTiVTiq Ea)n;epa[o]D
'Elplyaaiojv Zap-apiTriq.
[oi Giaoco-l xoii x6]v e7c[i]46 JIWE ii 4 8 9 . Cf. Eiovbewv
in IJudO ii 37 = CIJ 7 4 8 .
47 CJZC app. 20h; ArinTixpia, 58c.
5
Athens &
166
Piraeus
^eA,Tixfiv E-
axe(pdvcoaav NiKCOVa NlKO(ptOVT oq 'EpjioY£VT|v 'Ep|aa(piA,ot) ypa|j,p,ax£ia aco[(ppoa]<)vr[q ox)V£Ka. 1. K o u m a n o u d e s : E N O I E A 5. K o u m a n o u d e s : ('A)YaCTitov
10
15
Athens & Piraeus
] 57
13. K o u m a n o u d e s : EpiicxO ; i8oD 13-14. Koumanoudes: ypa|a,)xateia^ 15 m i s s i n g in K o u m a n o u d e s ' edition.
onius Nicon (son) of Nicophon, Symmachus (son) of Dates, Leptines (son) of Euperses, Ergasion the Samaritan. The members of the thiasos presented with a crown the epimeletes Nicon (son) of Nicophon (and) Hermogenes (son) of Hermaphilus in his secretaryship, for moderation. This inscription was discovered in 1879 by members of the Greek Archaeological Society. The missing first two lines could have contained details of the thiasos or additional names of members. Ergasion ('Epyaaicov) may have been a Samaritan by religion or a pagan from Samaria (cf. ##Ach35-36). The thiasos to which he belonged was presumably a pagan one, although the Samaritan inscriptions from Delos (##Ach66-7) suggest a Samaritan thiasos on the island. The name Ergasion is attested in eight non-Jewish inscriptions from Athens, but does not occur in Samaritan or Jewish inscriptions or papyri."*^ Koumanoudes dates the inscription to the 4'*^ century BCE, but Kirchner in IG prefers the 3"* century.
48 L G P N ii 154. Inscriptions dated 5"' 2'"' century B C E .
Section 8
Achaea: Greek mainland Delphi - TA VO-Karte B VI18:
GI8
Delphi was one of the main sanctuaries of Apollo, its oracle being in operation from the 8'*' century BCE. It was established as a Panhellenic sanctuary in the 6^'' century BCE when the Amphictiony (a federation of twelve tribes from central Greece, Attica, the Peloponnese and Euboea) seized control over the sanctuary and the oracle. The first Pythian Games were held in 591/0 or 586/5 BCE. The oracle was consulted by Greek and foreign rulers like Croesus, on important political matters' and starting in the 6 * century BCE many Greek cities built treasuries at Delphi. Between the 6"' and 5 * century BCE the Ionic, Cnidian, Cyrenian, Corinthian and Athenian^ Treasuries and the Stoa of the Athenians were built. In 548 BCE the Temple of Apollo was destroyed by fire and rebuilt by the Alcmaeonids of Athens who also gained control over the oracle, which more or less compromised its impartiality. Delphi was attacked by the Persians in 480 BCE but suffered little damage, purportedly defended by Apollo himself. The temple was destroyed by an earthquake in 373 BCE and suffered fiirther damage after the Phocaeans plundered the sanctuary and melted down the gold and silver votives to pay their troops. In the 3'^'' century BCE Delphi was under Aetolian control and survived an attack by the Gauls in 279 BCE. The Roman domination that began after 168 BCE saw mixed fortunes for the Delphic sanctuary and oracle. Sulla plundered the sanctuary in 86 BCE and Nero removed 500 statues, but Domitian repaired the Temple of Apollo in 84 CE. The major benefactor, however, was Hadrian who held the city's archonship twice, reformed the Amphictiony and donated public buildings. Delphi became a popular tourist destination and was visited by Pausanias.-' A Christian basilica was constructed in the 5"^ century CE. Many public buildings in Delphi were dedicated or built by Greek or foreign rulers as legitimation of their political position; for example the theatre, where the hymns in honour of
' For example, the oracle was consulted by the Greeks on the outcome o f their war with the Persians. C f Herodotus 7 . 1 4 0 - 1 , 148. 2 According to Pausanias 10.11, the Athenian Treasury was built with the spoils from the Battle o f Marathon. 3 Pausanias 10.5.
Delphi
169
Apollo were sung, was completed in the 2"** century B C E by Eumenes II of Pergamum. Delphi was also a polls, which flourished during the Hellenistic and Roman periods. A c h 4 2 . M a n u m i s s i o n of l o u d a i o s Editions: Wescher & Foucart 1863, 239 no.364; SGDI ii 1899, no.2029 (ed. C. von Baunack), n . 3 ; Oehler 1909, 443 no. 107; CIJ i 1936, no.710. Other bibliography: Calderini 1908, 76 no.25, 186; Juster 1914, ii 3 2 7 8 n . l ; Ferrua 1941, 4 5 ; Bomer 1960, 25 n.2; Leipoldt & Grundmann 1965/7, 241 no.254; Hengel 1974, i 4 2 , 86; Reilly 1978, 67 no. 1507; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 65; Kant 1987, 683 n.80; Kraemer 1989, 4 8 ; Williams 1997a, 2 5 0 - 1 , 258 n o . l ; Williams 1998, no. 1.8 (English tr.); Cohen 1999, 98. Found at Delphi. N o w : Delphi, Temple of Apollo, in situ. Language: Greek. Date: 163/2 BCE(?). Text (follows SGDI ii): 1. [dpIxovTo[^ 'EiAjxeviSa l o ^ I KaX,A,ia [jxlTivoq 'AiieA,A,at[o\)], k%\ xo[io5e ocTiIe 2. 5oTO KX,eo)v KA,eD5d|i,0D, a v v e j c a i v e o v a a q Sevotpavetocq xaq [jxalxpoq 3. KA,e\)8d|xo\), tcoi 'A7c6X,X,a)vi xroi IIvBitoi acojxa dv6peiov ©I ovoiia 4. TovSaioq, TO yevoq TovSaiov, x\\x,aq dpyDpioo) jivav xeaodpcov, E 5.
2 7Q
Delphi
In the archonship of Emmenides (son) of Callias, in the month of Apellaios,'^ in which Clean (son) of Cleodamus, with the consent of Xenophania the mother of Cleodamus, has sold to Pythian Apollo a male body [ = slave], loudaios by name, a Jew by race, for the sum of four silver minae,^ on condition that he is to be free and shall not be claimed (as a slave) by anyone throughout his whole life. Since loudaios has entrusted the sale to the god, he may do whatever he wishes. Guarantors according to the law of the city: Xenon (son) of Glaucus, Aristion (son) of Agon. Witnesses: Amyntas (and) Tarantinus, the priests of Apollo, and the archons Aristion, Asandrus, Aristomachus. Laymen: Sodamidas, Theuphrastus, Teison, Glaucus (son) of Xenon, Menes. The text is inscribed on the Polygonal Wall of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. This retaining wall was built with polygonal stones after the destruction of the old Temple of Apollo in 548 BCE. The wall supported the southern side of the new temple platform and its eastern end was used as a rear wall of the Stoa of the Athenians (built 479 BCE). Almost all of the 800 inscriptions on the wall are dated between the 2"** century BCE and century CE. This is a manumission granting ftill freedom to the released slave. Hopkins & Roscoe note that in the 2"** century BCE 7 2 % of the slaves at Delphi were released imcondhionally.^ This inscription follows the standard formula used at Delphi in this period. After the fictitious sale to the god Apollo by his master (11.1-5), with the consent of the master's grandmother, the slave To\)8aioq was legally free. He was not dependent on the master/mistress anymore, could not be claimed by another person and had fiill freedom of action and movement; his new status was guaranteed by a large number of witnesses (11.5-10). The involvement of Apollo in the manumission was presumably at the initiative of the manumittor, but no doubt the guarantees provided by public manumission at Delphi were welcome to the ex-slave. ToD8aioq should be treated as a personal n a m e . ' Eraser notes the use of ethnic personal names among slaves and ex-slaves. These names "are nearly always in their true ethnic form".^ Similar examples of ethnics used as personal names in Delphic manumissions occur, for example, in SGDI ii 1749 for a Cypriot (KvTtpioq TO yzvoq KvTipiov) and 2175 for a Libyan ( « i ovop,a Aipix; yevoq Atp^q).
4 5 6 7 8
November/December. ~ 4 0 0 drachmae. Hopkins 1978, 1 4 1 - 2 . Williams 1997a, 2 5 1 - 2 . Fraser2000, 151-2.
Delphi
171
1.3. awjxa ocvSpeiov/yovaiKeiov ("a male/female body") is a common designation of the slaves in the Delphic manumissions. The slaves were not regarded legally as persons but as things.^ This term is not normally used in the Bosporan manumissions (except #BS6); see Index IXb. 1.4. The sum paid for the slave's freedom, 400 drachmae, is exactly typical of the manumission price paid for an adult male slave at Delphi in the period 2 0 1 - 1 5 3 B C E . ' " According to Hopkins (1978, 146), it would feed a poor peasant family for over three years. 11.5-6. The expression eA,Et)0epoq, dvecpaicToq a%6 JcdvTCOv t o v Jtocvxa p i o v (or %p6vov) is used in almost all Delphic unconditional manumissions to set the terms of the slave's newly acquired juridical freedom." It occurs also in #Ach44. It has been suggested that the slave TovSaioq and Jewish slaves manumitted in #Ach43 were prisoners of war from the Judaean campaigns of Antiochus IV Epiphanes in 167/5 BCE.'^ This, though possible, cannot be ascertained. Wescher & Foucart and Baunack date the manumission to the period of the IV^*' priesthood of Delphi (170-157/6 BCE) and Frey gives a more precise date: 163/2 BCE. This is consistent with the work of Daux (1943, no.L36), who puts the archonship of Emmenides son of Callias in "163/2(?)". If the slave really was a captive of Antiochus IV, it would show very rapid manumission, suggesting presumably that the sum of four minas was a ' r a n s o m ' paid by fellow-Jews rather than money raised by the slave himself. According to Hopkins (1978, 138 n.IO), the proportion of manumittors who came from Delphi itself rose from 4 5 % in 2 0 1 - 1 7 4 BCE to 7 8 % in 152-125 BCE; Cleon may therefore equally well have been a citizen of Delphi or a visitor. A c h 4 3 . Manumission of Antigona, Theodora and Dorothea Editions: Wescher & Foucart 1863, 5 9 - 6 0 no.57; SGDI ii 1899, no. 1722 (ed. C. von Baunack), n.4; Oehler 1909, 443 no. 106; CIJ i 1936, no.709. Other bibliography: Calderini 1908, 76 no.25, 185; Ferrua 1941, 4 5 ; Bomer 1960, 25 n.2; Leipoldt & Grundmann 1965/7, 241 no.254; Hengel 1974, i 42, 86; Reilly 1978, 9 no. 199, 37 no.809, 64 no. 1437; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 6 5 ; Kant 1987, 683 n.80; Williams 1998, no.1.9 (English tr.); Cohen 1999, 98. Found at Delphi. Now: Delphi, Temple of Apollo, in situ.
9 Hopkins 1978, 145. '0 Hopkins ( 1 9 7 8 , 159) calculates the average at 4 0 3 drachmae. There w a s considerable inflation later. " Marinovich 1977, 2 6 . '2 R e v i s e d Schurer iii.l 1986, 65. Cf. I M a c c 1 . 1 - 3 8 , 3 . 1 0 - 2 4 , 3 . 3 8 - 4 1 ; 2 M a c c 5 . 2 4 6, 8 . 8 - 1 1 ; Josephus, Ant. 1 2 . 2 7 2 - 8 , 2 8 7 - 9 2 , 2 9 8 - 9 .
172
Delphi
Language: Greek. Date: 158/7 BCE. Text ( f o l l o w s SGDI i i ) : 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.
d p x o v T o c ; "Apxcovoq xoii KaA,A,ia jxrivoq 'Ev8DajcoiTpoicio\), anihoxo ' A TiCTi6aq 'OpGaio'O xm. 'AnoXXcovi xrai n-oGicoi o d ) p , a x a y o v a i K e i a x p i a aiq 6v o j i a x a 'Avxiyova x6 yevoq l o t ) 6 a i a v Kal xaq e\)Yaxepa(; a\)xaq 0eo8d)pav K a l AcopoBeav, xi|xaq apyMpioM p . v d v EJtxd, K a l xdv xip,dv exei u d o a v . Pe|5aicoxfip Kaxd xov voiiov xdq TZOXXOC; Ei)5oKoq n p a | i a A£A,(p6q. KaGcbq ejcio x e v o e 'Avxiyova Kal 0e\)5d)pa Kal AcopoGea xcoi Gewi xdv Q)vdv, 8(p' ©ixe eX,e\)G£pai £i|X£v Kal dvEcpaTcxoi djio Ttdvxcov xov Tcdvxa piov. £1 8E XK; duxoix o ETti Kaxa6o\)A,io|iroi aa)xdv, pEpaiov mpEXEXo) 6 XE d7i;o56p,£vo(; ' A X E I -
9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.
a i 6 a ( ; Kal 6 pEPaicoxfip EI36OKO(; EI S E |ifi icapEXOiv pEpaiov xdv d)vdv xcoi GEOOI 6 XE d7co56p,£vog Kal 6 PEPawoxfip j c p d K x i ^ o i Eovxco K a x d xov v o ^ o v . 6p,oiQ)q S E Kal o i 7capa[xla)yxdvovx£(; K v p i o i EOVXCO a-oA,£ovxE(; ai)xd(; EA,£D6£pa(; Eovoaq d ^ d | i i o i EOVXE^ Kal dv-07c65iKoi m a a q 5iKa^ Kal ^ a p , i a ( ; . ^ d p x v p o i 6 IEpzxiq xoi) 'A7u6X,Xa)Vo^ 'Ap.\)vxaq Kal oi dpxovxEq NiKapxoq, KA,£tov Aa^ooG£VEO(;, 'Ayicov 'EKE(p\)X,oD, i6ic5xai "Apxcov NiKoP6a)A,o\), EvScopoq 'Aii-ovxa.
1. CIJ: 'Ev5\)07toiTpo7ciov 5. W e s c h e r & Foucart: n p a ^ i S a 8 - 9 . Wescher & Foucart: ' A x i a i S a q 14. CIJ: 'Ano^LCOvoq
In the archonship of Archon (son) of Callias, in the month Endyspoitropios,^^ Atisides, son of Orthaios, has sold to Pythian Apollo three female bodies [= slaves] called Antigona, Jewess by race, and her daughters Theodora and Dorothea for the sum of seven silver minae, and he [i.e. Apollo] has the full sum (of money). Guarantor according to the
13 December/January. 14 = 7 0 0 drachmae.
Delphi
\ 73
law of the city: Eudocus (son) of Praxias, a Delphian. Antigona, Theodora and Dorothea have entrusted the sale to the god on the provision that they will be free and not claimed (as slaves) by anyone throughout their life. If anyone takes them into slavery, let the seller Atisidas and the guarantor Eudocus secure the sale (to the god). If a guarantee for the sale to the god is not provided by the seller and the guarantor, let them be liable to a fine according to the law (of the city). In the same way, let anyone who comes across them have the right to rescue them, since they are free, without incurring punishment or trial, free from all legal action and penalties. Witnesses: Amyntas, the priest of Apollo, and the archons Nicarchus, Cleon (son) of Damostheneus, Hagion (son) of Ecephylus. Laymen: Archon (son) of Nicobulus, Eudorus (son) of Amyntas. The text is inscribed on the Polygonal Wall of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi (cf. #Ach42). This is another Delphic manumission recording the unconditional release of Jewish slaves through fictitious sale to the god Apollo. The text of the manumission is very similar to SGDI ii 1719-20 ( 1 7 0 - 1 5 7 / 6 BCE). It follows exacdy the same pattern as #Ach42, with the addition of some extra protection for the ex-slaves' freedom. According to Hopkins (1978, 161), the average manumission price for an adult female at Delphi in this period was 390 drachmae. This suggests that the two daughters, whose combined price was apparently about 310 drachmae, were sdll young children. Combined manumissions of mothers and children are the only type of 'family' manumission attested at Delphi.'^ The name Antigona and the male form Antigonus occur in Jewish inscriptions from Cyrenaica,*^ and the masculine name was also used by the Hasmoneans. The daughters have theophoric names, presumably given to them by their mother rather than their owner. Only the male form of Dorothea, AtopoGeoq, is attested epigraphically: in two Jewish inscriptions from Cyrenaica.*' On the name Theodora cf. # A c h l 6 . Wescher & Foucart, Baunack and Frey date the manumission to the period of the IV"^ priesthood of Delphi (170-157/6 BCE). Daux (1943, no.L41) puts the archonship of Archon son of Callias in 158/7. Ach44. Manumission by loudaios Editions: FD iii.2 1909/13, 2 7 0 - 1 no.247; CU i 1936, 7 1 1 . Other bibliography: Juster 1914, i 327; Bomer 1960, 25 n.2; Hengel 1974, i 42, 86; Reilly 1978, 7 n o . l 5 3 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 65; Kant 1987, 683 n.80; Kraemer 1989, 4 8 ; Williams 1997a, 2 5 0 - 1 , 258 no.2; Williams 1998, no.V.55 (English tr.). 15 Hopkins 1978, 1 6 4 - 5 . 16 CJZC 7 2 , a p p . l 2 i . 17 CJZC 2 , 14a.
174
Delphi
Found at Delphi. Now: Delphi, Treasury of the Athenians. Details: Letters 0.7-0.8 cm. Space between lines 0.6-0.7 cm. Language: Greek. Date: late 2 " ' ' - early 1^' century BCE. Text (follows FD iii.2): 1. dpxovToq 'HpotKA,ei8[al |XTi[vl6q n o i T p o j r i o D , dTCE5oTO To[i)6]a[iolq nivdapoo), ovve-oSoKEovToq x o v v i 2. oO niv6dpo\), tcoi ['A]ju6A{A,a)]vi acoiia d v 6 p E i o v , « i ovoiia ['Ap.]i)vxa(;, ETC' EX.E\)GEpiai xi|xd(; dpyvpioT) 3. jivdv jtEVXE, Kal x d v x i n d [ v EJXEI. p E p a i c o x f i p K^ECOV KX,E\)8d[^io]\). T c a p a i i E i v d l x c o ] 6£ 'A)j.i)vxa(; j c a p d
ToD8ai[o]v, 4. £Q)(; Ka ^fi To\)5aioq, KOIECOV X6 7IoxlxaCTCT6^£vov j c d v x6 8v[va]x6v. El 8E fif), K\)pio(; E a x c o ToD8ai[o](; 5. [E7ii]xip,£a)v 'Aiivvxai oiq Ka (paivrjxai arnroi TcXdp, p,T) 7ccoA,£[a>v]. £7t[El 8]E Kd XI ix[d9]Ti To\)8aiO(;, EA-E-OBEpoq Eoxeo 6. ['Aii-ovlxaq, KaGdx; nETciaxEDKE x d v w v d v xcoi 9£©i 'Ap.'ovxaq, wo[x£] £^E\)9£poq £ip,Ev Kal dvEcpaKxoq dTio jcdv-
7. [xcov x]6v Tcdvxa piov. E I 8E XK; £(pdKxoixo 'Ajiuvxa ETII Kaxa8o\)A,io)x©i, Kvpioq EOXCO a-oA-Ecov 6 juapaxo)8. [xd)v rfx;] £A,£\)9£pov ovxa Kal 6 ^Epaicoxrip p£paiot)xa) x d v ( b v d v XTOi [9£]c5i. jxdpxDpoi- o i dpxovx£[q NiKdxaq Deb-] 9. [axpaxoq YiakX\.a\q Kal i 8 i w x a i Tip,OKA,fi(; SEvoKpixoq Scbaxpaxoq Tapdvxivoq ^iX,]0Kpdxr|(;. 6. 1. tnioxzMKz 9. CIJ: [OiXloKpaxTiq
In the archonship of Heraclidas, in the month Poitropios}^ loudaios (son) of Pindarus, has, with the agreement of his son Pindarus, sold to Apollo a male body [= slave], Amyntas by name, for five silver minae^^ to set him free and he [i.e. Apollo] has the money. Guarantor: Cleon (son) of Cleudamus. Amyntas shall stay with loudaios for as long as loudaios lives, doing everything he is required to the best of his ability. If, however, Amyntas does not do that, loudaios may punish him in whatever way he wishes, but he cannot sell him. If something happens to loudaios [i.e. he dies], Amyntas shall be free, (and) because Amyntas has entrusted the sale to the god he shall be free and immune from any seizure throughout his whole life. If anyone seizes Amyntas to enslave him, let anyone, whoever '8 January/February. •9 = 5 0 0 drachmae.
Delphi
175
by chance he is, have the right to rescue him, since he is free, and let the guarantor make the sale to the god secure. Witnesses: the archons Nicatas, Sostratus, Callias; laymen: Timocles, Xenocritus, Sostratus, Tarantinus, Philocrates. The text is inscribed on a small polygonal wall in the east terrace of the Treasury of the Athenians. The treasury is located in the southern half of the Sanctuary of Apollo and was built by the Athenians after 490 BCE with spoils from the Battle of Marathon. The inscriptions on its walls include hymns to Apollo with musical notation, and manumissions.^" This is a typical paramone manumission (conditional or suspended release) from Delphi. The inscription begins with the date the manumission took place and then records the fictitious sale of the slave Amyntas to Pythian Apollo (11.1-3). The paramone clause sets the period for which the slave is bound to stay with his master, in this case during the latter's lifetime, with a punishment for disobedience (11.3-5). It is then followed by a release clause, which sets the time of the end of the paramone, after the death of the master, and a public statement to the manumission's guarantor and witnesses to secure the ex-slave's freedom (11.5-9).-^' According to Hopkins (1978), conditional manumission became increasingly common at Delphi from the I century BCE.'^^ 1.1. Toa)6aio(; appears to be a personal name not an ethnic, as his father is called Pindarus. Apparently, in this inscription we have an example of an ethnic personal name similar to #Ach42. This would normally suggest a slave. loudaios is obviously free and gives a patronymic (his father's name Pindarus is otherwise unattested as a Jewish name), but since the exslave Moschus also gives himself a patronymic in #Ach45, it is perhaps possible that loudaios was really a freedman. The inscription seems to be a rare example of a Jew manumitting a slave in a pagan temple. The participation of Jews in pagan ceremonies or taking an oath by pagan deities is attested by Josephus,^^ in a papyrus from near the Dead Sea,^"* in CPJ 427 dated 101 CE (these two involve swearing by the emperor or his tyche) and #Ach45. Pagan oaths were also used by Jewish manumittors in the Bosporan Kingdom (##BS20, BS22). If loudaios was a practising Jew, his use of the pagan temple can probably be attributed to the greater security which it gave to the manumission. Assuming that Amyntas was a pagan, the religious aspect of the manumission ceremony would still have
20 F D i i i . 2 . 1 3 7 - 8 , 2 1 2 ^ 7 . 2' Hopkins 1978, 1 4 3 - 6 . 22 Hopkins 1978, 142. 23 The sacrifice performed by Antiochus, the apostate son o f the Jewish archon Antioch. C f B J 7 . 5 0 - 1 . 24 X H e v / S e Gr.5, in Cotton 1995, 176; see N o y 2 0 0 1 , 80.
of
176
Delphi
had meaning to one of the parties. There may be some significance in the fact that, whereas priests of Apollo act as guarantors in # # A c h 4 3 - 4 4 , they are not mentioned in this manumission. 11.1-2. The use of a'Uve\)6oKeovTO(; (from oa)VEa)5oKeco), literally "giving agreement together", indicates that loudaios' son took part in the manumission ceremony. The slave was, most probably, mandated also to serve him during the period of the paramone, although he would not be bound to him after loudaios' death.^^ The presence of the seller's heirs during the manumission ceremony, which was common at Delphi, is also found in Jewish manumissions from the Bosporan Kingdom (##BS5, BS22). 11.2-3. The sum paid for the conditional manumission seems high. According to Hopkins (1978, 171), in the period 153-100 BCE the average price paid by an adult male slave was 528 drachmae for full freedom and 413 for conditional release. 11.4-5. The formula itoiecov TO 7 t o T i T a a a 6 p , e v o v itav TO S w a T o v is typical, with small variations, for the paramone manumissions at Delphi (e.g. Tioicov m v TO emTaoo6|4,evov dveYKX-fiTox; in FD iii.6.132). It sets the obligations of the ex-slave during the time of the paramone. As Hopkins notes (1978, 148), the change to the slave's everyday life seems to be minimal, but it gave him/her security before obtaining full freedom at the m a s t e r ' s death (in whose date the ex-slave now had a sharper interest). 1.5. In the paramone manumissions the master usually has the legal right to punish the ex-slave if he/she does not keep the agreement. The punishment could include a secondary sale of the slave to another person or cancelling the sale to the god (i.e. the manumission) and revoking the slave's freedom.2^ The prohibition of the secondary sale of the slave mentioned here occurs also in, e.g., F D iii.3.306; FD iii.6.6; SGDI ii 2156. Colin in FD dates the inscription to the XI^^ priesthood of Delphi, 119 B C E . However, Daux (1943) lists three archons called Heraclidas, of w h o m the two possible candidates are Heraclidas son of Callias (L69: I X * priesthood, c. 139/8-122/1) and Heraclidas son of Euclidas (M7: XIII*^ priesthood, c.93/2-81/0).
25 Calderini 1908; Marinovich 1977, 4 6 . 26 Hopkins 1 9 7 8 , 1 5 3 - ^ ; F D iii.3.329; SGDI ii 1 7 2 1 .
Oropus
Oropus (Skala Oropou)
= TAVO-Karte
\ 77
B VI18:
G18
Oropus is located in the Asopus valley on the border between Boeoda and Attica. The city was a notorious point of contention between Thebes and Athens and frequently changed hands between the two city-states.^' The underground sanctuary is located about 6.5 km. south-east of m o d e m Skala Oropou. It was dedicated to the hero Amphiaraus, who according to one tradition was swallowed by the earth there after the tragic failure of the expedition of the Seven against Thebes. The sanctuary became popular during the Peloponnesian War and remained so during the Hellenistic and R o m a n periods; Sulla granted it tax-free status.^^ Amphiaraus was invested with healing powers similar to those of Asclepius. The cure or consultation at his sanctuary was performed through incubation. According to Pausanias, the patients had to sacrifice a ram, lie on its skin on the ground, and spend the night in the sanctuary. Amphiaraus then visited them in their sleep. A priest took a fee for the sacrifice.^^ A c h 4 5 . Manumission of Moschus / dedication to Amphiaraus Editions: Mitsos 1952, 194-6 (from the stone); BE 1956, n o . l 2 1 ; Lewis 1957, 2 6 4 - 6 ; SEG xv 1958, no.293; SEG xvi 1959, no.299; CU P 1975, Prol. no.71 l b ; Petrakos 1997, 2 4 8 - 9 no.329. Illustrations: Mitsos 1952, fig. 13 (photo); Petrakos 1997, 249 (photo). Other bibliography: BE 1959, n o . I 7 8 ; Robert 1960, 385; Bomer 1960, 2 4 - 6 , 139-40; Urdahl 1968, 48 no.26; Guarducci 1974, 2 7 4 - 2 7 6 ; Hengel 1974, i 42, 139; Albrecht 1978, 90; Bruneau 1982, 479; Wasserstein 1982, 270; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 6 5 ; Kant 1987, 684 n.82; Williams 1997a, 255, 258 no.9; BE 1997, no.412; Williams 1998, no.V.50 (English tr.). Found at the Amphareion, Oropus. N o w : Kalamos, Amphiareion Archaeological Museum, inv.no. A 2 6 1 . Details: Stele of bluish marble, upper part broken, 46 x 31.7-34.4 x 7.6 cm (Petrakos). Letters 0.9-0.5 cm. (Petrakos). Letter forms: A E 2 Language: Greek. Date: 3 0 0 - 2 5 0 BCE. Text (follows Petrakos 1997): [ e(p' « i TE] M o a x o v Opl-oviSai 7tapap.eveiv eviao)-] x o v K a l e i v a i eA,e\)9epov ^iTjieevi p.Ti9]ev 7rpoCTf|Kovxa e d v 5e xi 7ta9T|i O p w i S a q jipo xov x o y xpovov 6ie^eA,9Eiv EX,e69epo[(;]
5
27 F o s s e y 1988, 2 9 ^ 5 . 28 IG vii 4 1 3 . 29 Pausanias, 1.34.5; SIG^ 1004; Schachter 1 9 8 1 , i 1 9 - 2 6 ; I. Krauskopf, LIMC i 6 9 0 713.
178
Oropus
dnixo) Mooxoq d v amoq (3o\)A,TiTai x^XTji dyaGfji. i i d p x ' D p e < ; 'A9Tiv66copo(; MvaoiKcovToq 'fipcoTcioq, Biotxoq Ei)5iKO'o 'AGrivaioq, Xapivo<; 'Avxi^dpiiov 'AGrivaioq, 'AGT|vd5T|q 'Eitiyovoo) 'Qptbicioq, "IKTICOV Alaxi)A,ot) ' Q p w K i o q .
10
Mooxoq Mooxicovoq 'Io'o8aiO(;
EVOKViov iSd)v irpoaxd^avToq xoft Geo'o 'AiKpiapdoD Kal xfjq 'Yyieiaq K a G ' d avvexa^e 6 'A|X(pidpaoq Kal f; ' Y y i e i a ev oxf|A,T|i Ypd\|/avxa dvaGeivai npoc, xcoi Pcop,©i.
15
2. M i t s o s , Lewis, C I J i^, Guarducci: Op['ovi5aq ] 3 . M i t s o s , Lewis, C I J i^, Guarducci: n.Ti[5evl HTI5]EV 5. Mitsos, L e w i s , C I J i^, Guarducci: jcpoxoO; xoy = xov 13. C I J i^: K a e a
under which Moschus is to serve Phrynidas(?) for a year(7), and to he free, dependent on no-one. If anything happens to Phrynidas before the time (of the paramone) elapses, let Moschus go free wherever he wishes. For good fortune. Witnesses: Athenodorus (son) of Mnasikon of Oropus, Biottus (son) of Eudicus of Athens, Charinus (son) of Anticharmus of Athens, Athenades (son) of Epigonus of Oropus, Nippon (son) of Aeschylus of Oropus. Moschus (son) of Moschion, a Jew, (set this up), having seen a dream with the god Amphiaraus and Hygeia commanding (him), in accordance with what Amphiaraus and Hygeia ordered, to write it on a stele and set it up by the altar. This inscription was found in 1952 during excavations at the Amphiareion. This is the only manumission foimd there; other inscriptions include proxeny decrees set up, mainly, by the Boeotian confederacy, and dedications.^" Mitsos, Robert and Lifshitz note that the missing part of the inscription included a paramone stipulation similar to those found in the Delphic manumissions.^' A paramone clause also occurs in a manumission from Delphi where the manumittor is a J e w (#Ach44). The missing part most probably included the date of the manumission and a reference to the condition of the fictional sale to the god Amphiaraus. Healing deities were not usually involved in manumissions in this way (but cf. #Ach64). The m a n u m i t t o r ' s name Phrynidas is largely restored, and the restoration of Petrakos has been followed above, indicating that the paramone was to last
30 Petrakos 1997. 3* e.g. F D iii.3.3.
Oropus
\ 79
for one year.^^ Mitsos notes that the name p\)vi6a(; is of Boeotian origin. It occurs in a number of inscriptions from Tanagra.^^ The names M o a x o q and Mooxicov were quite popular in Greece and especially at Athens (LGPN, s.v.). This is the only attestation of a Jew undertaking incubation in a pagan temple. It is possible that a Jew might have regarded Amphiaraus and Hygeia as angelic or magical powers rather than deides, but the labelling of Amphiaraus as " g o d " follows the local conventions. 11.3-4. The formula is similar to the one found in the later Delphic manumissions: eA,E\)9epo^, jXT|8evl ^T|6ev TtpoofiKcov K a x d )XTi6eva xpojTov.^'* The formula is used to secure the juridical freedom of the freed slave. 11.4-5. This is the last part of the paramone and the release clauses of the manumission: if the manumittor dies before the d m e of the paramone is up, the slave is released immediately. A legal clause securing the free status of the slave by sanctioning the guarantor and/or the vendor to confirm the sale, or freeing from legal action or penalty anyone who secures the slave's freedom, usually present in the Delphic paramone manumissions, is not included here.-'^ 1.11. The patronymic and ethnic which Moschus uses would normally lead to the assumption that he was freebom. Cf. #Ach44. 11.12-15. The votive dedication to Amphiaraus and Hygeia is the most unusual part of the manumission - a similar dedication is not found with any of the Delphic manumissions. It seems, however, that with this dedication Moschus is securing his status as a freedman. The command of Amphiaraus and Hygeia to place a stele recording his manumission at the altar of the Amphiareion represents M o s c h u s ' wish to have a public record of this act. This, undoubtedly, was done as a reassurance that his new status would not be lost.^^ However, normally inscriptions were put up at centres of healing cult by the beneficiaries of the g o d ' s miraculous cures. Perhaps the implication here is also that the manumission was brought about by the miraculous intervention of divine powers. At Delphi, the inscriptions were put up by the manumittor not the ex-slave. If this was not the custom at Oropus, it would explain why manumission inscriptions do not normally occur there. 1.15. The altar mentioned in the inscription is, most probably, the one described by Pausanias. According to him, the altar of the Amphiareion had five different parts: the first was dedicated to Heracles, Zeus, and
32 A c c o r d i n g to Hopkins ( 1 9 7 8 , 151), the average duration o f a at Delphi w a s six years. 33 34 35 36
IG vii 4 1 6 , 5 4 2 - 3 , 6 6 9 . Marinovich 1978, 2 6 . Hopkins 1978, 1 4 2 - 6 . Hopkins 1978, 145.
fixed-term
paramone
180
Oropus
Apollo the Healer; the second to the heroes and to wives of heroes; the third to Hestia, Hermes and Amphiaraus and the children of Amphilochus; the fourth to Aphrodite and Panacea, laso and Athena the Healer; and the fifth to the nymphs. Pan, and to the rivers Achelous and Cephisus.^' It is possible then that Moschus had placed his inscription near the third part of the altar dedicated to Amphiaraus. Mitsos dates the inscription to 3 0 0 - 2 5 0 B C E on palaeographic grounds. Lewis suggests that Moschus and his father may have come to Greece as slaves after the campaign of Alexander the Great in Palestine ( 3 3 4 - 3 B C E ) . This is possible, but Moschus could well have been b o m in Greece.
Plataea
= TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
G18
Plataea is located in southem Boeotia between Mt Cithaeron and the River Asopus. The city was in alliance with Athens and supported the Athenians at the Battle of Marathon in 490 BCE. Near the city the famous Battle of Plataea was fought in 479 BCE, which ended the Persian invasion in Greece (Herodotus 9.28). An altar to Zeus Eleutherius was erected in the city to commemorate the Greek victory. The city sided with Athens in the Peloponnesian War and was captured by Thebes in 427 BCE. Thebes seized Plataea again in 373 BCE, but after the Battle of Chaeronea in 338 B C E Philip II of Macedon refounded it. Plataea remained loyal to the R o m a n s during the Third Macedonian War, but suffered destruction during the campaign of Sulla of 86 BCE. The four-yearly Panhellenic Eleutherian G a m e s were established in the 3"^** century BCE also as a commemoration of the Battle of Plataea. They were held until the m i d - 3 c e n t u r y CE. The city was refortified by Justinian I in the 6 * century CE. Ach46. Epitaph of Issachar Editions: Philios 1899, 59; Skias 1900, 136-7; Robert 1946, 104; CU i^ 1975, ProL no.711a. Other bibliography: Skias I 9 I 7 , 165; Giannopoulos 1930, 2 6 2 - 3 . Recorded in the cathedral at Plataea. Details: Marble stele with aetoma, 50 x 20 x 8 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 2"^ century CE or later. Text (from CU i^): {menorah) [ - - T a o l a x d p a 'HpaKA-eiSoD.
37 Pausanias, 1.34.4.
Plataea
\%\
Kastriotis: . . . X A I A H P A K A E I A O Y on the stone; Skias, CIJ: [ - - ' l o j a x a p a
Issachar
(son) of
Heraclides.
The inscription was first recorded in 1898/9 when Kastriotis saw the stele built into the steps of the entrance leading to the narthex (f] w p a i a nxiXv^) of the church of St Basil CAYIO<; BaaiXeoq) in Plataea. In 1900, Skias discovered a very small image of a menorah scratched in the aetoma of the stele, which proved his suggestion that the inscription is Jewish.^^ He also completed the name of the deceased person as T o a x a p a , which has been accepted by Giannopoulos, Robert and Lifshitz. The name Issachar is attested on an ossuary from Mt Scopus, Jerusalem (pre-70 CE).^^ It is the name of the fifth son of Jacob and Leah and eponymous ancestor of the tribe of Issachar (Gen 30.15-18). In the LXX the name is written as T o o a x d p , and the double sigma spelling was probably used in the present inscription. It is not clear if - a represents a Greek case ending. Heraclides ('HpaKX-eiSriq) occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Alexandria and Cyrenaica,'*" on two papyri from Alexandria and Theadelphia and on an ostracon from Edfu, Egypt.'** The inscription has not been dated by any of the editors. However, the use of a menorah means that it is unlikely to be earlier than the 2"^/3'^'* century CE.
Corinth
= TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
HI8
The city of Corinth was an important political, trade and religious centre (the Panhellenic Isthmian Sanctuary and Games were administered by the city) during the classical and hellenistic periods. As a member of the Achaean League the city participated in the Second Macedonian War against Rome and was destroyed in 146 BCE by the R o m a n consul M u m m i u s . Corinth was refounded in 44 B C E as a Roman colony and from 27 B C E became the seat of the provincial administration of the province of Achaea. In the 2"^ century C E the city was renovated by Herodes Atticus. Corinth suffered from earthquakes in 77, 375 and 521 CE. It was sacked by
38 39 40 41
Skias 1900, 137 n.2. Ilan 2 0 0 2 , 181. JIGRE 1 8 ; C J Z G 7 2 . CPJ i 144.5, ii 2 0 9 . 2 , iii 4 5 5 . 3 .
182
Corinth & Argos
Alaric in 396 CE but remained the seat of the governor until the end of the 7"" century CE. The literary and archaeological evidence for the presence of Jews in the city is scarce. Philo lists Corinth among the cities with a Jewish colony, and Josephus states that Vespasian sent 6000 Jews from Magdala to work as slaves on the construction of the Isthmian C a n a l . A c c o r d i n g to Acts 18.4-8 Paul visited the synagogue in Corinth and even succeeded in converting the local archisynagogos Crispus. God-fearers are also mentioned in Corinth: Justus, who according to Acts 18.7 lived next to the synagogue. Paul was reportedly put on trial by the local Jewish community before the proconsul Gallio (Acts 18.12-13). A pier of a column capital (39 x 69 x 20 cm.) bearing the images of a menorah, lulab and ethrog was discovered during the excavations of the Theatre at Corinth. It apparently came from a synagogue and has been dated to the 5*'^ century."'^ An inscription which has been claimed by some to refer to a synagogue in Corinth is in fact too fragmentary for this to be assumed; see # A p p l 8 . See also #Appl8/;/.y. There are four unpublished medieval Jewish inscriptions in Hebrew preserved in the Archaeological Museum of Corinth (inv.nos.92, 807, 808, 957). A c h 4 7 . S y n a g o g u e inscription Editions: Powell 1903, 60-1 no.40; Oehler 1909, 538 no. 110a; Krauss 1922, 2 4 2 - 3 no.92; de Waelc 1927/8, 1 6 4 - 6 ; Mcritt in Corinth viii.l 1931, 7 8 - 9 no.l 11; Cadbury & Lake 1933, v 64 n. 1; CU i 1936, no.718; Bees, Lietzmann & Soteriou 1941, 16-19 no.6; Gabba 1958, 111 no.34; Boffo 1994, 3 6 1 - 4 no.45. Illustrations: Powell 1903 (squeeze); Deissmann 1923, fig.2; Mcritt 1931, 7 8 - 9 (photo); CU i (drawing); Bees, Lietzmann & Soteriou 1941; Wiseman 1979, pl.V, fig.8; Lampropoulou 1993, 661 fig.l. Other bibliography: Wilisch 1908, 427; Deissmann 1911, 5 9 - 6 0 ; Juster 1914, i 188, n.2; Zahn 1921, 6 3 8 - 4 6 ; Deissmann 1923, 12 13, n.8; Lietzmann 1932, 83; Cadbury & Lake 1933, iv 224; Robert 1937, 81 = 1946, 100; Barrett 1957, 50 no.48 (=1987, 53 no.51); de Wacle 1958, c o l . l l ; de Wacle 1961, 196; W. Schrage, TWNT vii 1964, 8 0 7 - 8 ; Urdahl 1968, 54; Hengel 1971, 183; Wiseman 1979, 5 0 3 - 5 ; Foerster 1981, 185; Horsley 1983, 121 no.94; Murphy-O'Connor 1983, 8 1 ; Furnish 1984, 2 1 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 65; Kant 1987, 6 9 2 - 3 n . l 3 1 ; Lampropoulou 1993, 6 6 0 ^ ; Boffo 1994, 361 4 no.45. Found at Corinth. Now: Corinth, Archaeological Museum, inv.no. 123. Details: Block of white marble, 22 x 93 x 42 cm. Letters: THE = 6.5 cm; BP = 9.5 cm. 42 Legat. 2 8 1 ; « . / 3 . 5 4 0 . 43 S c r a n t o n 1957, 116; Foerster 1 9 8 1 , 185; R o t h a u s 2 0 0 0 , 3 1 n . 7 9 .
Corinth
& Argos
183
Language: Greek. Date: late 3'^'' century CE or later(?). Text (follows Corinth viii.l and photo): [oDvaJYcoYfi 'Epp[ai(ov.] Synagogue
of the
Hebrews.
This inscription was discovered in 1898 on the Lcchaeum Road at the foot of the marble steps leading to the Propylaea. The first editor of the inscription, B. Powell, notes that the marble block on which it is inscribed "is broken at the right, and at the left the inscribed surface is mutilated. The block shows an ornament of dentals and spaces underneath, and was probably a cornice block originally. The left end was afterwards trimmed and chiselled to fit another block which joined this one diagonally. The stone then formed the base of a tympanum or pediment, and, with each end built into the wall, it probably formed the lintel over a doorway." Powell, followed by Bees, assumed the block had not been moved too far from its original site because of its size and weight and located the building of the synagogue in Corinth "in the region east of the road to Lechaeum, and but a short distance north of the great fountain of Pirene."'^'* They both associated the inscription with the synagogue in which St. Paul preached (Acts 18.4). Bees also suggests that the synagogue may have been restored at a later date."*^ Mcritt notes that the inscription is most probably of a later date than the time of St Paul, but agrees with Powell on the location of the first Corinthian synagogue. However, Meeks observes that during the attacks of the Heruli (267) and Alaric's Goths (396) Corinth suffered such extensive destruction, when stones from the city's buildings were smashed and scattered, that it would be difficult to verify Powell's suggestion.'^' On the term 'Eppaioi see #Mac8. If Corinth had a "synagogue of the Hebrews", the implication may be that there were other synagogues in the city too; c f the "synagogue of the Hebrews'" as one among many at Rome. 44 P o w e l l 1906, 6 0 I. 45 B e e s , L i e t z m a n n & Soteriou 1941, 1 6 1 7 . 46 M e e k s 1983, 4 9 .
184
Corinth & Argos
The lettering of the inscription is large but not of a very high standard, which could suggest that the building was not a monumental one. Powell, Wilisch, Krauss and Bees all date the inscription to the d m e of St. Paul. Deissmann and Frey suggest a date between 100 BCE and 200 CE. Meritt notes that the style of the letters of the inscription suggests a date considerably later than the time of St. Paul, but does not commit himself to a particular date. De Waele and Horsley date the inscription broadly between the 2"^* and 3'^'* centuries C E on palaeographic grounds. Urdahl dates it to the 2"'*-4* century. Furnish prefers a 4*'' century date without giving reasons for this. Murphy-O'Connor also suggests a 4**^ or even 5^*^ century date for the inscription. Although it is extremely difficult to date such a short and fragmentary inscription, it seems that the inscription could not be dated before the 3"^^ century CE. It should be noted that, in general, the term 'Eppaioq / 'Eppaioi is not attested epigraphically before the 3'^'' century CE. The other inscriptions from the Balkans referring to 'Eppaioq/'Eppaioi have been dated to the 4^^ century or later ( # # M a c 8 - 9 ) . A column capital that, apparently, comes from a Corinthian synagogue has been dated to 5^*^ century.''^ It is preferable then to date this inscription broadly to the late 3'^'' century or later. Ach48. £pitaph(?) Editions: Kent 1966, 119 no.304; CU i^ 1975, Prol. no.718a. Illustradon: Kent 1966, pl.25 (photo). Other bibliography: Robert 1966, 7 5 3 - 4 (=1969-90, vi 5 7 1 - 2 ) ; BE 1967, no.250; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 6 5 ; Lampropoulou 1993, 667. Found at Corinth. Now: Corinth, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.2283. Details: Two adjoining parts of a marble plaque, 1 8 x 3 1 x 3.5 cm. "Parts of the original right and bottom sides are preserved, the bottom side being smooth and the right side roughly cut." (Kent 1966). The back of the plaque is smooth. The inscripdon is set in a tabula ansata. Letters: 2.8 cm (<J> = 4 cm). Letter forms: ACen-Kl) Language: Greek. Date: late 3^^ century CE(?). Text (follows Kent 1966 and photo):
[
]
[ IQIAIO XPQVQiQ ToO [ - - Tcb]v d5eA,(prov a-oxoi) [ ]oA,ia(; S d p a q . times of the
47 S e e above, p. 182.
of his brothers
olia
Sarah.
Corinth & Argos
\ 85
This inscription was found in May 1929 in the eastern area of Corinth's Theatre. The first editor of the inscription, J.H. Kent, notes that the reading of 1.2 is very uncertain as the upper part of the letters is missing. He also dates the inscription to "the last quarter of the third century" on the basis of the letter forms, but suggests that it could also be attributed to the reign of Constantine. Kent suggests further on that the missing upper margin (he calls it a "sunken triangular panel") between the right ansa and the inscription may have contained a cross."*^ This, however, can not be proven, and it could just as well have been a Jewish symbol. The inscription was recognised as probably Jewish by Robert, followed by Lifshitz, on basis of the name Sarah. Although the name was also c o m m o n among other Semitic people and Christians,'*^ the literary, archaeological and epigraphic evidence for the existence of a Jewish community in Corinth, and the absence of the name in clearly Christian inscriptions from the area, suggest that this is probably a Jewish inscription, especially if it is S'^^'-century. Sarah occurs in Jewish epitaphs from Cyrenaica and Rome.^" The form S d p p a is attested in Cyrenaica, Venosa and Rome.^' The content of the inscription is very unclear, and it is not even certain that it is an epitaph. 1.2 may contain a form of Ihxoc,, and then the word " t i m e s " (dat.pl.), not in agreement, followed by a definite article (gen.sing.). The "brothers" in 1.3 (gen.pl.) could be the family of whoever set up the inscription, perhaps given the right to use the tomb along with Sarah, whose name (apparently gen.sing.) is probably preceded by a nomen. No convincing reconstruction seems possible. Ach49. Epitaph Edidon: Pallas & Dantes 1977, 80-1 no.29 (photo). Other bibliography: BE 1980, no.230; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 6 5 - 6 ; Levinskaya 1996a, 165-6. Found at Corinth. Now: Corinth, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.2485. Details: Part of marble plaque, broken at top and on right, 20 x 1 4 x 4 cm. Letters: 2.4 cm. Greek letter forms: Language: Greek & Hebrew. Date: 4^'^ century CE or later. Text (follows Pallas & Dantes 1977 and photo): [
I0[
]
]
Corinth viii.3 1966, 119. 49 JIGRE 137. 50 CJZC 11, 31 d, app.4a; JIWE ii 2 4 , 4 4 5 , 4 8 1 , 5 7 7 . 5' CJZC 10, 12, 4 3 c , 46a, app. 1 9 f ; J l W E i 8 8 , I I I ; JIWE ii 5 5 0 , 5 7 9 .
185
Corinth & Argos
"Avva[5(?) - - J (hedera) 1. fxdcpoq?!; Pallas & Dantes: ||ivn|.ia(?) 'Epaa-o(?)-] 2. P a l l a s & D a n t e s : -oGfevo-u^ viov] 2 - 3 . or |Xo\)a|('xvva?
ofAnna(?)
resting-place.
This inscription was found in 1955 near the church of the Holy Mother of God in Corinth. The reading of the first two lines of the inscription is very doubtful; the restoration by Pallas & Dantes ("memorial of Eratosthenes son o f ) is based on only two letters. The use of Hebrew is very rare in Eastern Europe; see Index lb. DDCD was a standard Hebrew term for ' t o m b ' corresponding to the Greek xdcpog and Koiprjxfipiov (the latter, however, was mainly used by Christians). In 1.4 it may have been part of a concluding formula like DD^Q Dlbtt? or preceded by the name of the deceased in Hebrew. The use of 3 3 E ? D in this inscription could also imply that the missing Greek term for tomb in 1.1 was xdcpoq, not pvf)|.ia as proposed by Pallas & Dantes. is found, independently or as part of formulae, in inscriptions from Beth She'arim, .Jerusalem, Venosa, Otranto and, possibly, Taranto. Pallas 8L Dantes read the name in 1.2 as "Avva^. On the name "Avva see # A c h l 7 . However, it is far from clear that Anna is in the genitive, as they believe, or that it is a separate name at all. The letters - a v v a could also be part of the name X o u a d v v a . Although the inscription was not been dated by the editors, the use of Hebrew is unlikely to be earlier than the 4"' century CE and could be substantially later. AchSO. S a m a r i t a n a m u l e t W I T H biblical texts Editions: G. Davidson, Corinth xii 1952, 260; Kaplan 1980, 196-8. Illustrations: Davidson, fig.59 (drawing), pl.l 11:2100 (photo); Kaplan 1980, f i g . l (drawing), pl.21A-B (photos); Lampropoulou 1993, 666 f i g . 5 . Other bibliography: Pummcr 1987a, 258, 2 6 0 - 1 no.4; Rothaus 2000, 31 n.79; Lampropoulou 1993, 6 6 7 - 8 . Found at Corinth. Now: Athens, American School of Classical Studies. Details: Upper part of roughly oval bronze sheet, with ring for suspension, inscribed on both sides. Height: 3.1 cm. Language: Hebrew in Samaritan script. Date: uncertain (see below).
52 BS iii 5, 6; C U ii 1413 14; J I W E i 7 0 , 7 5 , 81 2, 82a, 84, 8 6 - 7 , 89, 107, I H ; J I W E i 134: J I W E i 132.
Corinth
& Argos
Text (from Kaplan and drawing;-^ underdotting shows doubtful letters): (front)
mn*'
l-nj mn"^ 5
(-nj
[©y]
[-03 I P S ] [-HD 13D] HE?]
(reverse) -1 mK[n]
<-n>D -ID B N K
N
[nnK nK] fmn*'] front 4 . n inscribed for 1 r e v e r s e 3 . K inscribed for D front 4 5. D a v i d s o n : [ . . . S " ' n b ] l t [ T O n ] 5 4 |
53 K a p l a n ' s p u b l i c a t i o n d o e s not give w o r d d i v i s i o n s , or a translation.
187
188
Corinth & Argos
reverse 2>-A. Davidson: [..Jt&blK | ''31">[.]
YHWH is a hero. (Ex 15.3) YHWH heals you. (Ex 15.26) And he made the laver of brass and the base thereof of brass, of the mirrors - and the commander of his army^^ - at the door of the tent of meeting. (Ex 38.8) And the one who appeared face to face is you, YHWH. (Num 14.14) The first edition by Davidson (giving the reading of R.D. Bartlett) understood the front of the amulet, but could not make sense of the reverse, which she thought consisted of abbreviations not whole words. Kaplan reconstructs the text on the analogy of other Samaritan amulets, particularly one probably from Gaza, which he assumes had exactly the same combination of texts. Another, of unknown provenance, was published after his article appeared.^^ The inscription is made up of biblical quotations, with an interpolation. The texts are: Ex 15.3, Ex 15.26, Ex 38.8 (running between front and reverse) and N u m 14.14. P u m m e r believes that the owner of the amulet was a Christian since there is no other evidence for a Samaritan presence at Corinth. Front 11.1-4. The Samaritan version of Ex.15.3 used here, which is a normal opening on Samaritan amulets, differs from H D N B D miT' in the M T . It is followed by Ex 15.26, with the omission of the 1^^ person singular pronoun of the M T . Front 1.4 - reverse 1.5. Kaplan reconstructs the text of Ex 38.8 here according to the version in his 1967 article. He notes that the spelling m i < " l D 3 with 1 is found in Samaritan sources but not the M T . In 1967 he understood 1iC322 12? Hi^T as an abbreviated version of the M T "the serving-women who served", "lliyj^ ni<325n, and assumed that the abbreviation w a s to save space. As the text seems an odd one to use on an amulet, especially in the context of the other references to G o d ' s power, he proposed understanding it as: "And he made the laver of brass, and the base thereof of brass, for it to feed (with water) the ministers which served at the door of the tent of meeting." He suggested that the amulet belonged to a priest or levite. However, in 1975 he revised this view, and suggested that instead a reference to a leader had been introduced into the standard biblical text: "and the commander of his^'' army". This depends (as is not made very clear in Kaplan's article) on being both the noun "army" and the verb "to serve in the Temple"; the commander becomes an 54 S o m e o f the brackets are misprinted in this line o f D a v i d s o n ' s text. She d o e s not g i v e any restoration beyond 1.5. 55 T h e standard text which has been replaced w o u l d read: of the serving women who served; s e e discussion below. 56 Kaplan 1967; Margain 1982 = Pummer 1987a, no. 11. 57 In the context, "his" must mean "God's".
Corinth & Argos
\ g9
additional object of "and he made".^* He thought this could be Baba Rabba, since the amulet which he published in 1975, where he saw a similar allusion, was dated by context to the second half of the 4 * century CE.^^ P u m m e r ' s theory of Christian ownership is therefore given the additional irony that non-Samaritans were carrying the name of the great Samaritan leader. Reverse 11.5-9. Kaplan's restoration of N u m 14.14 is based entirely on the amulet which he published in 1967. Kaplan does not date the amulet, but Rothaus (without explanation) puts it in the 4"^ century. Pummer lists it as "Byzantine", following Davidson's note that it was found in a Byzantine context, which according to her dating system means 9'*'-12* century. The two amulets with the same combination of texts are also undated.^' Another with the same Exodus texts (Pummer no. 16) is put in the 6 * century. If it is correct to understand a veiled reference to Baba Rabba, the object is likely to be from the 4'*^ century. This does not necessarily contradict the dating of the context given by Davidson, as the amulet could have been preserved as an antiquity before being placed in the tomb; in that case it would have been brought to Corinth by someone who took part in the Byzantine resettlement of the site, and would not originate from the city.
Argos = TA VO-Karte B VI18:
HI8
Argos is located in the southern part of the Argive plain 5 km. from the sea, at the foot of the Larissa Hill. During the classical and hellenistic periods the city lost some of its archaic importance especially after the establishment of Sparta's domination of the Peloponnese in the 6'^ century B C E . The city sided with Philip II of Macedon and became a member of the Achaean League. In the Roman perod it was included in the province of Achaea and enjoyed popularity and standing as a host of the Nemean and Heraean Games. Hadrian built a 30 km. long aqueduct. The city was sacked by Alaric in 396 C E and gradually declined. Christian churches are known 58 Kaplan translates ni< as "with", but in the context it s e e m s more appropriate to understand it as the object-marker. Margain ( 1 9 8 2 ) notes both Kaplan's explanations, and regards both as possible. 59 Baba Rabba is usually thought to have flourished in the first half o f the 4 * century; see Stemberger ( 2 0 0 0 , 2 2 2 - 9 ) , w h o casts doubt on whether he w a s really involved in serious military activity. 60 D a v i d s o n 1952, 6 - 7 . She does not explain the context o f the find, but notes that other items o f bronze and silver jewellery were only preserved because they were placed in t o m b s . Other Samaritan amulets w h o s e context is know have all been found in tombs. 6' One o f them (Pummer n o . l l ) is listed as undated by Pummer but was said to be probably 4"'-century on palaeographic grounds by Margain ( 1 9 8 2 ) .
190
Corinth & Argos
from the late 5 * century CE. Between the 7 * and 9*** centuries C E the area was populated by Avar and Slav tribes. Philo lists Argos among the cities with a Jewish colony.^^ ^ \owg inscription in Greek (15 lines?) was recently discovered in Argos. The inscription was found by E. Morou in 1981 during excavations at the c o m e r of Atreos and Danaou Streets in m o d e m Argos.^^ Morou describes the inscription as "Jewish", but does not give the text or details. The photograph published by her is taken from a very awkward angle and the only feature visible is that the inscription is set in a tabula ansata. According to Lampropoulou the inscription is being prepared f o r publication by A. Moutsali.^'' A c h S l . E p i t a p h of A u r e l i u s Joses Editions: Vollgraff 1903, 2 6 2 - 3 no.4; CIJ i 1936, no.719; Jacobs 1995, 2 3 4 - 5 , no.64. Other bibliography: Robert 1940, 2 8 ; Robert I960, 385 n.2, 3 8 9 - 9 0 ; Hengel 1966, 1 5 5 - 6 n.32; Lifshitz 1967, 6 4 - 5 ; Feissel 1980, 4 6 5 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; Kant 1987, 696 nn. 1 5 0 - 1 ; Lampropoulou 1993, 673-4. Found at Argos. N o w : Argos, Archaeological Museum. Details: Plaque of white marble, 54 x 53 x 3.5 cm. Letters: 2.5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 3'^'' - early 4 * century CE. Text (follows Vollgraff 1903): A\)pf|A,iO(; Tcocfjq e v e t Xop.ai xac, Beiaq Kal )izyak{ac^ 8\)vap.i(; xac, xox> ©eov Kal xdlq] 8\)vajj,i<; XOX) vo^io-o Kal xy\\
Ti|xf|v Tciiv T c a x p i a p x c o v Kal TTiv T i j i f i v TCOV eev|i}apxc5v Kal TTjV Tl[if)V TCOV aOCpOOV Kal TTjV Tijxfiv TTjq Xaxpiaq
5
xy\c, y\y\o\iz\x\c,
e(p' eKocoTTiq f|p,epaq x& 0 e © rcpoq x& ^ r | 8 e v a d v a o K e v d a e TO ep,6v |4.vfi)i,a, TO ^eTot noXXSiV n6x0ci)v eKoir|o[a.] Ligatures: 8 NH; 10, NM, NH 3, 4 . 1. 8<)va|j,ei^ 10. 1. c t v a a K e u d a a i
Legat. 2 8 1 . 63 Morou 1981, 111, pi. 52; SEG xxxviii 3 1 1 . 64 Lampropoulou 1993, 6 7 4 , n.55.
10
Corinth & Argos
191
/, Aurelius Joses, adjure (by) the divine and great powers of God, and the powers of the law, and the honour of the patriarchs, and the honour of the ethnarchs, and the honour of the wise, and the honour of the reverence which is paid each day to God, nobody (is) to open my memorial, which I have made with many efforts. Vollgraff discovered the inscription built into one of the walls of the house of Giannis Karasis in m o d e m Argos. The author of the inscription was a R o m a n citizen as his nomen shows, and the name indicates that his citizenship was probably due (directly or indirectly) to the Constitutio Antoniniana of 212. The name Joses, a form of Joseph, was fairly common among Jews; see #Mac6. The purpose of the inscription is to deter violation of the tomb which Aurelius Joses built for himself. JIWE i 145 from Catania, written in Latin and dated to 383 CE, offers parallels to the protection clauses mentioned in 11.1-9. There, Aurelius Samuel invokes the victories of those who rule, the honour of the patriarchs and the law of the Jews. Another Jewish epitaph, probably from Naples, also invokes the law against violation of the grave.^^ 11.1-2. The inscription uses the verb evE\)xop,ai with the accusative for the powers whose protection is sought. This usage, followed by an infinitive, is one of those listed in LSJ, s.v. Examples of comparable £vea)xop,ai expressions are rarely found in pagan and Christian inscriptions from the Balkans; cf. IG v. 1.1208 (Gythium, Laconia): evea)xop.ai xe \)p,eiv Qeovq \ Kai Beaq Kal tfiv x&v Zepaaxroo) T\)XT|V^^ ("I adjure you, gods and goddesses and the tyche of the emperors"). The Latin equivalent of the verb is adiuro, used in JIWE i 145. 11.2-3. The powers of God are frequendy referred to in the LXX.^^ Curses against the violation of the grave invoking the powers of God are found in a Christian epitaph from Athens.^^ 1.4. " L a w " could be Jewish or Roman law, but in the context the former seems more likely. 1.5. The patriarchs may be those of Jewish history (Abraham, Isaac and Jacob) or the Patriarchs in Palestine. Frey and Jacobs support the first possibility. However, JIWE i 145 fairly clearly refers to the Patriarchs in Palestine, presumably implying the current incumbent and his successors. That seems the more likely meaning here, implying a date before the office lapsed in the 420s. Cf. # M a c l . 1.6. This is the first occurrence of title eOvapxriq in a Jewish inscription. Its precise meaning here is difficult to determine. In general. 65 66 67 68
JIWE i 2 6 ( f century CE). 11.50-1. Ps 2 3 . 1 0 ; 3 2 . 6 , 1 6 - 1 7 ; 4 5 . 8 , 12; 5 8 . 6 , 12; 6 2 . 3 ; 6 8 . 7 ; 8 8 . 9 - 1 1 ; 135.15, etc. Feissel 1980, 4 5 9 11.20-30, 4 6 4 - 5 .
192
Corinth & Argos
eGvapxTiq can be translated as "ruler of a tribe or nation" or "governor (of a region)" (LSJ, s.v.). The title occurs only three d m e s in the LXX and in all cases is applied to Simon Maccabeus (140-134 BCE), w h o was appointed High Priest and ethnarch in 140 BCE.^^ Josephus mentions that Hyrcanus II was also titled both High Priest and ethnarch.''^ The title ethnarch was also conferred on Herod's son Archelaus (4 B C E - 6 CE).^^ Strabo, ap. Josephus, describing the Jewish community in Ptolemaic Alexandria states that it was presided over by an ethnarch, who had broad judicial and political powers.^^ The office of the ethnarch in Alexandria was, probably, hereditary but was abolished before the end of Augustus' principate.^^ Considerably later, c.240 CE, Origen called the Patriarch in Palestine "ethnarch", alluding to his wide political powers.''* However, the context in which the title eGvctpxTiq is used in this inscription is not clear.''^ There are various possibilities for its interpretation: local officials (otherwise unknown leaders of the Jewish community, as Frey suggests), or the Patriarchs in Palestine (covered by two titles). Another possibility, although without textual support, is to take "ethnarch" as a non-technical term for any leader of the ethne, i.e. the worldwide Jewish community. 1.7. The meaning of oocprov (gen.pl. of oocpoq) in this inscription is uncertain, as it is not clear whether it designates particular functionaries in the Jewish community or wise men mentioned in the Bible. The term is used in the LXX and the N T to designate skilled or wise men in general, but has not been attested before in Jewish inscriptions.'^ 11.8-9. The literal meaning of Xaxpzia is "service, servitude, labour" or " w o r s h i p " (LSJ, s.v.). It occurs nine times in the L X X ' ' and refers, with the exception of I M a c c 1.43, to the worship of the God of Israel in general or to specific services through which this worship is performed.'^ In the N T the term is used in a similar sense.^^ It seems then that the expression xfiq Xaxpiaq xf\q YIYVO|X£VTI(; ecp' eKoccxTiq fjixepaq xw 6 e m refers either to the biblical description of the daily service in the Ark of the Covenant and the Jerusalem Temple or, more likely after 70 CE, to the daily prayers
69 IMacc 14.47, 1 5 . 1 - 2 . 70 H e received the title after helping Caesar during his Egyptian campaign in 4 7 BCE. Cf./!«/.]4.148-51. 7» Ant. 1 7 . 3 1 0 - 1 7 ; Grabbe 1991, 3 2 0 , 3 6 6 - 8 . 72 Ant. 14.117. Philo, Flacc.
7 4 , speaks about the
73 1 0 - 1 2 CE. Ant. 19.283; Philo, Flacc.74. 74 Ep. ad Afric.
yzvapx^c,.
Cf. GLAJJi,
no.l05.
2 0 ( 1 4 ) , ed. de Lange 1983, p . 5 6 6 ; De Princ.
4 . 1 . 3 , ed. Koetschau
1913, p.297. '^Jacobs 1995, 247. 76 Mt 2 3 . 3 4 . 77 Ex 1 2 . 2 5 - 6 , 13.5; JoshB 22.27; IChr 2 8 . 1 3 ; IMacc 1.43, 2.19, 2.22; 3Mace 4.14. 78 Ex 1 2 . 2 5 - 6 , 13.5 refer to the way in which the feast o f Passover is celebrated. 79 Jn 16.2; Rom 9.4, 12.1; Heb 9 . 1 , 6 .
Corinth & Argos
\ 93
offered by Jews to the God of Israel. This, together with the reference to the Law in 1.4, might be taken as indicating that Jews exclusively were expected to read the inscription. 11.10-11. References in inscriptions to Jews making their own epitaphs or tombs are extremely rare. The only others from Eastern Europe are # M a c l 2 , # M a c I 5 and # M o e s l . nokX&v p,6x6o)v in 1.11 probably refers to J o s e s ' efforts to build his tomb; cf. the phrase EK TWV i5elcov jioxGcov ("by o n e ' s own efforts") cited in LSJ, s.v. jioxGoq. Robert (1960) dates the inscription to the 3*^^ century CE on the basis of Joses' nomen. However, the strong similarities to JIWE i 145 seem to suggest a date fairly close to that (383 CE). At that date, when the Patriarchs in Palestine were particularly strong, a reference to "patriarchs" would probably make the reader think of them.
Arcadia A c h 5 2 . E p i t a p h of P a n t o Editions: Newton 1883, no. 149; Reinach 1885, 77 no.5; Oehler 1909, 444 n o . l 12; I G v . l 1913, n o . l 3 4 9 ; CU i 1936, n o . 7 2 I . Other bibliography: Wilhelm 1909, 215 no. 198; Robert 1937, 81 no.3 = 1946, 9 9 - 1 0 0 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66. Found in Arcadia. N o w : London, British Museum. Details: Plaque of white marble, 21 x 18 cm., sides slightly bevelled. Language: Greek. Date: 2"** century CE or later. Text (follows CIJ i): KMpa
na-
vTtb Gvyatrip M a pcovioM. {menorah)
5
1. 1. K \ ) p i a ; N e w t o n : K\)pajiavxd)
Lady Panto, daughter of
Maronius.
N e w t o n did not report where exactly the inscription came from, but Reinach noted that it was discovered on Mt Aleison in Arcadia with no further details about its origin or his source. It was part of the Inwood Collecdon, belonging to the architect H.W. Inwood (1794-1843) who travelled extensively in Greece. The name HavTO) is otherwise attested
194
Peloponnese
epigraphically only once - in an inscription from Euboea.^^ Maronius occurs in a Jewish epitaph from Rome.^' Newton describes the menorah as an "eight-branched Jewish candlestick". The inscription was not dated by the editors, but the use of a menorah means it is unlikely to be earlier than I'^^iy^ century CE.
Coronea (Korone) = TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
HI7
Coronea is located in the south-east corner of Messenia near the m o d e m village of Petallidi. The city had civic status during the Late Roman period and a fragment of Diocletian's price edict was found there. The city was fortified in the 6*-7th century and survived the Slavic attacks during the same period. At some point the whole population of ancient Coronea moved to the town of Asine whose name was accordingly changed to Korone. There is no literary or archaeological evidence for the presence of Jews in Coronea, but according to the 4' -century life of St Hilarion the Hermit there were Jewish merchants in nearby Methone.*^ A c h § 3 . E p h e b i c list Editions: le Bas & Waddington i.2 1870, no.305 (11.1-15), ii.2 no.305; Koumanoudes 1875, 103-7; IG v.l 1913, no. 1398; CU i^ 1975, Prol. no.72 I c . Other bibliography: Robert 1946, 100; SEG xi 1954, no.987; Hengel 1974, 68 n n . 8 3 - 4 ; Bringmann 1983, 8 3 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; Kant 1987, 691 n. 121; Williams 1998, no.V.23 (English tr.). Found at Coronea. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Marble column, 219 x 34 cm., broken into three. The upper part is o m a m e n t e d with waved moulding (cymatium). Letters: 1.2-2 cm. The whole inscription consists of 101 lines; 11.20-101 comprise a list of names. Language: Greek. Date: 246 CE. Text (follows IG V . I ) : n.1-19. YDIivaoiapxoq r ( a i o q ) KA-d)(8iO(;) Toi)A,(ioq) KA,£opoD^oq, r(aio'U) To\)A,(ioD) Qeayevovq x>i6(;. 80 IG xii.9.77. 8> JIWE ii 3 3 8 . 82 Jerome, Vita S. Hilarionis
eremitae
4 8 B - C (= PL xxiii 50).
5
Peloponnese
I95
6 KpoaTd'CT|(; 5 i a plot) TOV K O l -
vov T«v 'Axatcov, dpxecpTiPoq r(dio<;) Tot)X,(iO(;) © e a y e v T i q KA,eopot)A,o\), rCaio-u) 'lo'oX.(io'U) ©eayevoox; eyyovoq x o ^ a l covioD 7cpeope[\)-l
10
15
xov K a l A^oyioxov y e vTiGevxoq xfjq Tco-
ecpTiPoi oi h% a"i)x6v 11. 9 1 - 2 A\)p(fi>.iO(;) TcoCTfiq Avp(fiA,iO(;) Tcoafjq 11.1-19. Year 277. Gymnasiarch Gains Clodius Julius Cleobulus, son of Gaius Julius Theagenes, prostates for life of the koinon of the Achaeans. Head of the epheboi, Gaius Julius Theagenes (son) of Cleobulus, grandson of Gaius Julius Theagenes the perpetual presbeutes and appointed logistes of the city. The epheboi under him: 11.91-2 Aurelius Joses, Aurelius Joses Le Bas found the upper part of the column containing 11.1-15 of the inscription in 1843 in the village of Petalidi in Messenia near the site of ancient Coronea. Koumanoudes recovered the missing parts from different locations in the same village in the 1870s. The year in 1.1 is 277 of the Actian era, which corresponds to 246 C E (not 131 CE suggested by le Bas), a date which is fully consistent with the style of the names. Most of the inscription consists of a lengthy list of the ephebes who are presided over by a gymnasiarch and an archephebos. 11.91-2. The ephebes are listed with their Roman names. The two youths called Aurelius Joses are probably the sons of people who gained citizenship through the Constitutio Antoniniana of 212. On the name Joses, see #Mac6. At this date it indicates clearly that the ephebes were of Jewish origin. Jews or persons of Jewish extraction are also found in ephebic lists from lasos (Judas son of Eudos),^^ Cyrene (Elazar and
83 Imperial period. Robert 1937, 8 5 - 6 = 1940, 1 0 0 - 1 .
196
Peloponnese
Agathocles sons of Elazar),^'* and as members of an association of young men (neoteroi) from Hypaepa.*^
Mantinea
= TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
HI8
After Sparta's defeat at Leuctra, Mantinea and its democracy were restored in 370 BCE. Mantinea was one of the founders of the Arcadian League but later fought against Thebes at the Battle of "First Mantinea" in 362 B C E . In 223 BCE the city was destroyed by the Macedonian king Antigonus III Doson and subsequently resettled by the Achaean League under the name Antigonea (221 BCE). Many public buildings were renovated during the reign of Augustus. In 125 CE or later the emperor Hadrian restored the ancient name of the city and established a cult and festival in honour of his dead companion Antinous whose home town of Bithynium in Asia Minor claimed to be a Mantinean colony. Mantinea continued to be inhabited in the 6* and 7 * centuries. There is no epigraphic or archaeological evidence for the presence of Jews in Sparta itself before the Middle Ages. E. Kourinou-Pikoula has referred to an unpublished Hebrew inscription kept at the Archaeological Museum of Sparta, but this is likely to be medieval.^^ A c h 5 4 . D e d i c a t i o n of A u r e l i u s Elpidis Editions: Fougeres 1896, 159-61 no.27; Levi 1897, 148-9; SIG ii^ 1900, no.897; Oehler 1909, 443 no.l 11; IG v.2 I 9 I 3 , no.295; SIG iii^ 1920, n o . I 2 4 7 ; Krauss 1922, 243 no.94; CU i 1936, no.720; Schwabe 1945/6, 6 6 - 7 ; Lifshitz 1967, 16-17 no.9; White 1997, ii 3 5 9 - 6 0 no.75. Other bibliography: Usener 1900, 2 9 1 ; Kohl & Watzinger 1916, 145; Robert 1937, 81 n.2 = 1946, 99 n.3; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 7 6 - 7 ; SEG xi 1954, n o . l 0 9 5 ; BE 1959, no.459.26; Robert 1960a, 260 n.5; Urdahl 1968, 54; BE 1969, no.53; Revised Schiirer 1986, 66; Lampropoulou 1993, 6 6 9 - 7 0 ; Williams 1998, no.IL74 (English tr.); Rizakis, Zoumbaki & K a n t i r e a 2 0 0 I , 116 no.28. Found at Mantinea. Now: Tegea, Archaeological Museum. Details: Cippus of white marble, 81 x 28 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 4"' century CE. Text (follows Lifshitz 1967 & BE 1969): Ax)p(f|A,ioq) Ttaxfip
'EX,iii5Dq
XQLOX>
84 CJZC 7a, 3/4 CE. 85 IJudO ii 4 7 = CIJ ii 7 5 5 ; Trebilco 1991, 177. 86 Lampropoulou 1993, 6 7 4 - 5 ; Lampropoulou 1995, 5 0 - 2 ; Moutzali 1995, 7 5 - 8 0 .
\ 97
Peloponnese
5 i d pio\) 8copov x6
5
There is a Greek T inscribed in the upper part o f the stone (Fougeres) 2 . Small omicron between A and Y 3 . Small omicron between P and N 4. Small omicron between A and Y 1. Fougdres, Levi: 'EXjri8(ii)(;; Lifshitz 1967: 'E^TtiSOq 4 . IG v . 2 , Krauss, Robert 1 9 6 0 , B E 1969: x6 7tp6vao(v)
Aurelius Elpidis, father of the people [i.e. the Jewish community] (made) the gift of the pronaos to the synagogue.
for
life,
The cippus was discovered by Fougeres in 1893 among the ruins of a Byzantine chapel located south-east of the theatre in Mantinea. The d o n o r ' s title and the reference to a synagogue show that it records a Jewish donation. The first editor of the inscription, Fougeres, corrected the reading of the cognomen in 1.1 'EX,Jui80q to 'EX,7ti8r|(;. This, however, was rejected by Robert who notes that it is most likely a form of the name 'EX,Jut8i(;, a shortened form of 'EA,TCi8ioq.^' The interchange of i for D was c o m m o n in the Late Roman and Byzantine periods.^^ The title jcaxfip Xaov was probably similar to iiaxfip a-ovaYcoyfjc; which is often found at Rome.^^ On %a6c, as a term for the Jewish community, see # A c h l . ft seems that cvvaycoyf) here means the building rather than the community. The term Tcpovaoq designates the space in front of a temple's main body, enclosed by a portico and side walls. A donation of a itpovaoq is also attested in a Jewish inscription, dated to the 5^-6"' century CE, from Asia Minor at the Metropolitan Museum in N e w York.^^ Lifshitz dates the inscription to the 4 * century CE on palaeographic grounds. The form of the name is consistent with a 3'^''-4* century dating.
Taenarum
(Kyparissa)
= TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
HI8
The villages of Kyparissa and Alika are located on the west coast of the Mani Peninsula at the site of ancient Taenarum (Caenopolis), not far from Cape Taenarum (Matapan).
87 88 89 90
Robert 1946, 9 9 n.3. Gignac 1976, i 2 6 9 - 7 1 . JIWE ii 2 0 9 , 2 8 8 , 5 4 0 , 5 4 4 , 5 7 6 , 5 7 8 . Ameling 2 0 0 3 , 2 4 7 - 9 .
198
Peloponnese
AchSS. E p i t a p h of J u s t u s Editions: IG v.l 1913, no. 1256; Schwabe 1949, 231 no. 20; CIJ 1975, Prol. no.72 la. Other bibliography: Robert 1946, 100; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; Williams 1998, no.l.36. Found at Kyparissa. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Plaque of white marble, 62 x 30 x 33 cm. Language: Greek. Date: century CE or later. Text (follows I G v . l 1913): 'lOVCfTOq
'Av8poTiPepiEUQ. Justus (son) of Andromache,
from
Tiberias.
This inscription was discovered in the first half of the 19'^ century built into one of the walls of the house of Georgios Georgiobretakos in the village of Kyparissa. This makes it clear that the inscription originated in ancient Taenarum. Justus was a common Roman name but also frequently used by Jews, probably because of its meaning - righteous (e.g. Josephus' son Justus; Justus ben Sapphias from Tiberias;'^' Joseph Justus also called Barsabbas'^-). It occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Beth She'arim, Capernaum, Jaffa, Caste 1 Porziano, Venosa, Taranto, Narbonne and Rome.'^^ Justus' name is followed by that of his mother rather than his father, possibly because she was the commemorator. The masculine form 'Av8popd%oq occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Berenice in Cyrenaica.'^'* Tiberias was not an exclusively Jewish city, but someone using its ethnic could probably expect to be presumed to be Jewish. Jews from Tiberias are found in inscriptions from Senia (#Dal2), Carthage'^'' and Rome. The inscription was not dated by the editors, and there is no clue to dating except the use of a Latin name, which seems unlikely for a Tiberian before the 1^^ century CE at the earliest. 9' J o s e p h u s , Vila 12.66, etc.; BJ 2.599. '^2 A c t s 1.23. 93 BS ii, n o s . 1 2 7 , 190; Lifshitz 1967, no.75; J I G R E 148; J I W E i 18; J I W E i 69 Cloooxa); J I W E i 120; J I W E i 189; J I W E ii 2 5 , 7 1 , 126, 2 6 0 , 2 7 1 , 3 4 4 , 3 7 9 , 5 1 5 , 5 3 1 , 561; 369 (lusta). 94 C J Z C 7 0 - 1 . 95 Le B o h e c 1 9 8 1 , n o . 2 8 . 96 J I W E ii 6 0 , 5 6 1 .
Peloponnese
199
Ach56. E p i t a p h or honorific inscription for J o n a t h a n Editions: N. Drandakis, PAE 1958 [1965], 2 1 5 - 1 6 ; Lifshitz 1967, 17 no.9a; CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. no.721b. Illustrations: Drandakis 1958, 216 no.y fig. 167b (photo); CIJ i^, p. 107 pi.3 (photo). Other bibliography: BE 1966, no. 197; Revised Schiirer iii.l 1986, 66; Lampropoulou 1993, 6 7 4 - 5 . Found at Kyparissa. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Plaque of white marble, broken on right, 40 x 39 x 9 cm.'^'' There is a rectangular hole on the left side of the plaque. Language: Greek. Date: 3"' century CE(?). Text (follows Drandakis 1958 and photo): 'IcovdOav ov S[ - - - ] d p x o v x a yevol^evov? - - - ] Jonathan
whom
having become(?)
archon
Drandakis discovered the inscription in 1958 during excavation of the 6"'ccntury church of St. Peter ("Ayiog Uexpoq) near the modern village of Kyparissa. It is therefore certain that the inscription originated from Taenarum not from Magna, as noted by Robert in BE. The personal name (an exclusively Jewish one until adopted by Christians) and title together make the inscription almost certainly Jewish. Drandakis notes that the plaque was reused for this inscription, which was written carelessly with unaligned letters of varying size. It is inscribed only on the upper part of the plaque, perhaps to avoid the hole which comes immediately below 1.2. According to Robert the plaque was placed in the local synagogue, but he did not take into account that it was reused for this inscription. Thus, although it may originally have been 97 I h e s e are the m e a s u r e m e n t s given by D r a n d a k i s ; CIJ i^ gives 4 0 x 2 9 c m .
200
Peloponnese
attached to a building, its secondary use is far from clear, and the truncated and unparalleled wording does not even make clear whether it is an epitaph or the record of a donation or an honour bestowed by the synagogue. The fact that the title is in the accusative is more consistent with an honorific inscription than an epitaph. The title archon occurs in Jewish inscriptions from all over the Diaspora: Cyrenaica, Capua, Elche, Acmonia in Piirygia, Side, Cyprus and Rome.^^ It is translated generally as "ruler" or "leader" and is part of the common Greek civic terminology adopted across the ancient Mediterranean (LSJ, s.v.), which was adapted for Jewish use.^^ Frey, following Josephus' usage of the term,'^° suggests the archons were m e m b e r s of the council of elders of the Jewish c o m m u n i t y . A c c o r d i n g to Leon, their duties were mainly concerned with the secular affairs of the c o m m u n i t y . y ^ n der Horst suggests the archon "was a leading official who probably was elected annually".'^^ In some cases archon was an honorary title - this would explain the fact that, according to the epigraphic evidence, it was conferred upon children (cf. #Mac8).'^'* Attempts to find a single meaning or function for it assume a misleading degree of uniformity in the Diaspora; it is much more likely that the title was used in a variety of ways at different times and places. Lifshitz understands IcovdOav as an accusative form of the name TcovdGotq.'^^ However, it could also be a direct transliteration of the Hebrew IpT, without a Greek case ending. The name occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Cyrenaica and Rome.'^^ Drandakis dates the inscription to the 2)^^ century CE on palaeographic grounds.
98 CJZC 7 0 - 2 ; JIWE i 2 0 ; JIWE i 181; Lifshitz 1967, no.33 = IJudO ii 168; Robert 1958, 3 6 no.69; Lifshitz 1967, no.85 = IJudO iii C y p 4 ; JIWE ii, p.538. 99 G. Delling, apxcov, T D N T i 4 8 8 - 9 . 100 Ant. 4 . 2 1 8 , 1 2 . 1 4 3 , 14.168-84. C f also I M a c c 12.6; 2 M a c c 1.10, 11.27. On the use o f the title in the Second Temple period, cf. Binder 1999, 3 4 4 - 8 , 3 7 1 . '01 Frey in CIJ i, p . L X X X V I l . •02 Leon 1960, 176. '03 V a n der Horst 1 9 9 1 , 8 9 . '04 Robert 1958, 4 0 - 1 ; JIWE ii 2 8 8 , 3 3 7 . '05 On the occurrence o f the name in the L X X and in inscriptions from Palestine, c f Ilan 2 0 0 2 , 1 4 4 - 5 0 . '06 CJZC n o . 7 2 , a p p . l ; JIWE ii 265, 3 6 6 .
Section 9
Achaea: Greek islands Euboea
- TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
GI8
The existence of a Jewish community on Euboea in the 1*' century CE is mentioned by Philo (Legatio 282) in the letter which he says King Agrippa I wrote to Caligula. Ach57. Epitaph of Euphranor Editions: Pappadakis 1986/7, 2 3 9 - 4 0 ; SEG xxxix 1989, no.933. Illustration: Pappadakis, pl.4 (photo). Found at Chalcis(?), Euboea. Now: Chalcis, Byzantine Collecdon at the Emir Zade ^ a m i i , inv.no.269 (old 73). Details: Marble cippus, 79.5 x 14 x 10 cm. Letters 3.5-5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 5 * -7'*' century CE. Text (follows SEG xxxix 1989): Ex)cppot-
vop nOTC-
U[?Ui-]
5
OX) • EXE-
toq x& Xa& 4 - 6 . Pappadakis: Uon'kiX'kioc, 8 - 9 . Pappadakis: eXeoc,
Euphranor
10 or
TlonXmvoc,
(son) of Publius [or Publilius].
Mercy to the
people.
Although there is no indication of where the inscription was found it probably originated from Chalcis or the surrounding area. Pappadakis notes that the name Euphranor is also found in inscriptions from Eretria. The name is a common one (over 200 examples in LGPN), and has the basic meaning of 'cheering', 'pleasant person'. It is normally written with
202
Euboea
omega instead of omicron, and the use of omicron here probably indicates that it should be understood as a vocative, " O Euphranor". Pappadakis reconstructs the name in 11.4-6 as UonXiXkioq (Publilius) or no7tA,iav6q (Publianus), with a preference to the former.' However, the name can also be interpreted as n67tA,ioq, the Greek form of the Latin Publius, which was one of the most common Roman names adopted into Greek.2 In a Jewish context Publius is found at Aquileia (1*' century BCE) and Capua (2"''-4^'' century CE),^ and the Greek form appears in inscriptions from Rome, Cyrene, Teucheira and Cyrenaica."^ Pappadakis interprets 11.7-10 as an acclamation, a call to the passer-by to show pity and mercy for the deceased. Pleket in SEG. following Robert, considers the term A-aoq Jewish and explains the phrase as an invocation of G o d ' s mercy to the local Jewish community. On the Jewish use of Xadq, cf. # A c h l . The wish expressed here seems to be a shortened version of the one found in the synagogue at Apamea (lJudO iii Syr54 = CI J 804), eipf]vii K a l zXzoQ, e n i m v t o fiyiaojievov "bptov reX-qeoq ("Peace and mercy upon all your blessed people"). According to Pappadakis the inscription should be dated between 5"^ and 7"^ centuries CE.
Aegina
- TA VO-Karte B
VI18:1118
Aegina was conquered by the Romans in 211 BCE and given by them to the Aetolians who later sold it for 30 talents to Attains 11 of Pergamum. It was returned to Rome in 133 BCE under the will of Attains 111. The island suffered from pirate attacks in the early 1^' century BCE and gradually declined. During the early Byzantine period Aegina was again populated and enjoyed some prosperity. CIJ 724, from Aegina, is a magical text on a sheet of lead, with some angelic names (Michael, Gabriel. Ouriel, etc.) and probably l a w , but it is unlikely to be of particularly Jewish origin.
' Pape & Benseler 1911, 1235. 2 Pape & Benseler 1911, 1235 6. 3 J I W E 17, 2 0 . 4 J I W E ii 3 6 0 ; C J Z C 13a (this inscription, however, has the Greek transcription of the female form Publia); C J Z C 4 3 a ; C J Z C a p p . l 9 q .
Aegina
W1
Q. W2
Plan of the A e g i n a s y n a g o g u e (after M a z u r 1935)
203
204
Aegina
The synagogue is located in the vicinity of the harbour of ancient Aegina.^ It was excavated in 1928 under the direction of Welter and Sukenik (although the mosaic inscriptions were knovm earlier; see below), but found in poor condition, with only a few parts of the original walls preserved. The synagogue is a rectangular building with an apse in its eastern wall (diameter 5.5 m.).^ There were no traces of the foundation wall on its west side. The building consists of a single hall fdled entirely by a mosaic floor (Mazur: 13 x 7.6 m; Welter 1938: 13.5 x 7.6 m). The design of the mosaic is geometrical and according to Goodenough its border "is occupied by a series of swastikas with curved arms like whirl rosettes; some of the swastikas turn clockwise, some counterclockwise. In the centre of each swastika is a design of crossed loops.' The inner field of the mosaic is a running motif of alternating ovals and circles. At the outer edge is a rolling design that Miss Mazur calls lotus, but on the eastern edge along the apse is a pattern of ivy, broken at the centre with a patch of plain white tesserae."^ The mosaic reaches right up to the walls, and there is no indication that there were stone benches attached to the walls in the hall. Mazur suggests that there were wooden benches or mats.^ At the eastern edge of the mosaic floor there is a white mosaic strip measuring 150 x 35 cm. Mazur suggests that a bema was placed in the apse, in front of the Ark, covering the white strip. Wischnitzer believes that the strip was most probably used as a safety mark indicating the spot where the stairs leading to the Ark began. However, since direct evidence was not found, the presence of such a construction remains uncertain,'' The entrance to the synagogue hall is marked on the west by the mosaic inscriptions (##Ach58-9). The excavations conducted by Welter and Mazur in 1932 revealed the remains of an earlier building with the same orientation as the synagogue. An earlier wall was discovered running parallel to the west end of the synagogue mosaic ( W l ) . According to Mazur the space between the surviving parts of that wall probably marks the place where the main entrance of the building s t o o d . A second wall was found at the same
5 Mazur 1935, 3 0 - 1 . See below (#Ach58) for a bibliography on the synagogue. 6 Sukenik 1934, 44; Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 6 ; Goodenough, Symbols ii 75, iii fig.881. ' These are the design usually referred to as 'Solomon's knot', also found in synagogue mosaics at, for example, Ostia and Bova Marina. 8 Goodenough, Symbols ii 75. 9 Mazur 1935, 27. '0 Wischnitzer 1964, 4. ' ' In his description o f the site, Goodenough (ii 76) exaggerates considerably on this issue, assuming a Torah shrine in the apse, with a curtain covering its entrance and a menorah flanking it on each side. '2 Mazur 1935, 27. Goodenough (ii 75) suggests three entrances, but there is no archaeological evidence to prove this.
Aegina
205
level, lying beneath the north wall of the synagogue (W2). According to Mazur it extends for 3 m. westward and then connects to another wall with a south-west direction, thus forming the narthex of the earlier building. At the same level, along the west wall of the synagogue, a pavement of quadrangular red tiles was found by the excavators.'^ The pavement is divided in two parts by a wall (W3) perpendicular to the west wall of the synagogue. Mazur suggests that the coincidence in the direction of W2 and the north wall of the later synagogue proves the existence of an earlier synagogue.'"* She also suggests that the earlier walls were from a chamber attached to the earlier building to serve as w o m e n ' s quarters. However, the site did not yield sufficient evidence to support this suggestion, and there is no reason to assume that the synagogue would have had a separate area for women.'^ M a z u r ' s idea is apparently based on the assumption that the site was under Jewish ownership for a long period, but this is uncertain. The architectural plan of the late building recalls immediately the building of the synagogue at Elche in Spain'^ and the Palestinian synagogues of the 4**^-6"' centuries: M a ' o n , Jericho, Beth Alpha, M a ' o z Hayim, Gerasa, N a ' a r a n , Hammat Gader and G a z a . " The addition of an apse was very c o m m o n in synagogue architecture from the 4**^ century CE onwards, and the one at Aegina was orientated roughly towards Jerusalem. The limited nature of the excavation makes it impossible to determine the exact nature of the building which preceded the synagogue with the apse and mosaic floor. If there was an earlier synagogue, it probably had an assembly hall and additional rooms clustered around it. The inscription shows that Theodorus was responsible for a complete rebuilding, but does not indicate whether he was replacing an earlier synagogue. Mazur dates the building on the basis of the inscriptions to 3 0 0 - 3 5 0 CE, on palaeographic grounds. She further suggests that it was destroyed in the 5 * century CE.'^ The latter date is based on the date of the graves, pertaining to the graveyard of the adjacent Byzantine church. These graves, found in the cavities of the north wall of the synagogue, were part of a large Christian necropolis and dated to the 6*'' century CE by Mazur and to the 7 * by Blegen. The reuse of synagogue buildings for Christian purposes in the 5^'' century is well attested in archaeology and literature; c f Stobi ( # M a c l ) and Apamea (IJudO iii 53).
'3 '4 '5 '6 '7 '8
Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 6 - 7 . Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 7 , followed recently by Hachlili 1998, 30. Mazur 1935, 3 2 n.4. JIWE i 1 8 0 - 2 ; Hachlili 1998, 4 5 - 7 , 2 0 5 - 7 , 4 0 7 - 8 . Hachlili 1988, 143-^4, I 8 I - 2 , figs.4, 9. Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 9 - 3 0 ; Goodenough, ii 76.
206
Aegina
Acli58. M o s a i c inscription of T h e o d o r u s Editions: CIG iv 1859, no.9894b; Levy 1861, 272, 297 no.12-5; Schurer 1879, 25 8, 41 no.45; IG iv 1902, no. 190; Oehler 1909. 444 no.l 14b; Krauss 1922, 243 no.96; Sukenik 1934, 4 4 - 5 ; Mazur 1935, 2 5 - 8 ; CI J i 1936, no.722; Lifshitz 1967, 13-14 n o . l . Illustrations: Sukenik 1934, p l . l l ; Mazur 1935, pls.iv-v; Lazaridis & Chatzidakis 1967, pi. 19, pi. 122a. '-^ Other bibliography: S. Reinach, BCH 18 1886, 332 n.2; Reinach 1886, 2 4 1 ; Kohl & Watzinger 1916, 146; G. Welter, AA 1932, 1 6 4 - 5 ; Robert 1937, 81 = 1946, 102; BE 1951, no.95; SEG xi 1954, no.46; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 7 5 - 6 ; Robert 1958, 39 n.4; Robert 1964, 49 n.3; Lazaridis & Chatzidakis 1967, 19, 161; Urdahl 1968, 53; BE 1969, no.53; Stambaugh 1978, 600; Kraabel 1979, 507; Kant 1987, 677 nn.23, 2 7 ; Rajak & Noy 1993, 91 no. 17; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 72; White 1997, ii 3 5 6 - 8 ; Hachlili 1998, 25, 3 0 - 1 ; Williams 1998, no.IL63 (English tr.). Bibliography for synagogue and mosaic: L. Ross, Blatter fur literarische Unterhaltung 23/12/1832 (no.358), cols. 1499-1500 (=Ross 1863, 139); H. N. Fowler, AJA 6 1902, 69; Kohl & Watzinger 1916, 146; Krauss 1922, 243 no.96; G. Welter, AA 1932, 1 6 4 - 5 : E.P. Blegen, AJA 36 1932, 358; Bequignon 1933, 2 5 5 - 6 ; Sukenik 1934, 4 4 - 5 , 5 1 ; Mazur 1935, 2 5 - 3 3 ; H. Rosenau, JPOS 16 1936, 35; Welter 1938. 47, 63, 110; Sukenik 1945, 3 1 ; Sukenik 1949, 2 1 ; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 7 5 - 6 , iii fig.881 (plan); Parlasca 1959, 134; Wischnitzer 1964, 4 5 ; Hengel 1966, 161 n.56, 163 n.62; Lazaridis & Chatzidakis 1967, 19; Urdahl 1968, 53; Sodini 1970, 703 n.5; Pelekanides & Atzeka 1974, i 100-1 no.75, pl.68; Pallas 1977, 14 no.8d; Kraabel 1979, 507; Foerster 1981, 166-7; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 72; White 1997, ii 356 no.74; Hachlili 1998, 25, 3 0 - 1 , figs.l 1-12 (plan), 198-9, fig.A. Found at Aegina. Now: Aegina, Archaeological Museum. Details: Mosaic inscription set in a tabula ansata. No measurements published. Black lettering on white background. Language: Greek. Date: 300-350 CE. Text (follows Lifshitz 1967): 0e68(opoq dp%[iat)vdyo)y(og) (pjpovxiaat; exri x e a o e p a ex 8e)ieA,i(ov xfjv G['i)vaytoy(fiv)] oiKo66pr|Ga itpooo5e\)6
after x in xo-u
'9 A photograph of ##Ach58-9 provided http://www.archaeology.org/online/features/greece/
by
Elias
Messinas
is
at:
Aegina
3. 1. 2. 2. 3.
207
eceojx): ©Ywith bar over theta on m o s a i c C I G : dpxiot)v[aycoYoq (plpovxiaa^ I. E K C I G , C I J : a\)vay[a)y(fjv)]; rtpooo8ei)[G(riafxv)| C I G , C I J : z p o o i v f o l i [p|e'; ©E(OT3); po'
Theodorus, archisynagogos. phronti stes for Jour years, built the synagogue from the foundations. 85 gold coins were received, and 105 gold coins from the gifts of God. This inscription and #Ach59 were found in 1829 in the outskirts of modern Aegina, in a partly preserved mosaic pavement. To prevent further damage the mosaic was covered ag ain, but unearthed in 1901 and 1904 as part of the archaeological exploration of the island. However, until the excavations in 1932 conducted by Welter and Mazur (see above) the ground plan of the building remained unexplored. The inscription recording Theodorus' foundation is set in a tabula ansata and located in the west end of the mosaic floor. After the discovery of the mosaic floor in 1829, the inscription suffered further damage and some parts of its text were lost. The reconstruction of the lacuna in 1.2 is based on the publication of the inscription in CIG and IG. Theodorus held two titles in the Jewish community. The first one was probably archisynagogos, assuming that more letters of this word were visible when the mosaic was first uncovered than survive now. His holding of the title phrontistes is indicated by a participle rather than a noun, probably to indicate that it was only that office which was held "for four years". The title (ppovxiatrig was not exclusively Jewish, but occurs
208
^^S'"^
in Jewish inscriptions from Porto (4"^ century), Rome (3'**-4"' century?), Caesarea (6^*' century) and Side (5^^-6^ century CE).^^ Robert translates it as "curator" and notes its frequent occurrence in the public administration in Greece, Asia Minor and Syria during the Late Roman period.^' Frey suggests that the Jewish (ppovtioxfiq was a supervisor of communal property, but there is no direct evidence of this.^^ White translates the title as "steward" and considers its holder an "overseer" of the reconstruction work of the synagogue building or "treasurer" of the Jewish congregation in Aegina.23 Noy notes that the verb (ppovxt^co usually designates someone who, in general, has to "supervise" or "oversee" and sometimes corresponds to the Latin curator and the Greek £7iip,eA.r|Tf|(;. Sophocles equates the title to npo<5xazr[q?'* Since Theodorus was archisynagogos at the same time, he was clearly a leader or the leader of the community. The specification that his role as (ppovuiaxfiq was for four years might indicate that it was created specifically to oversee the building programme. It was presumably held in conjunction with the younger Theodorus in #Ach59, although it is possible that one succeeded the other in office. The description of the building programme uses normal epigraphic language, but the sources of funds are more unusual. The concluding formula EK TCOV XOX> Q(EO)V Stopewv occurs also at Sardis in the form EK xm\ 8o)pEc5v xov> K a v x o K p d t o p o q © ( E O ) 0 ; in that inscription the donors are named, so the formula is not necessarily intended to give anonymity as might be the case here.^^ However, the ftinds at Aegina have been divided into two categories. The difference could be that one is general synagogue funds and the other a special collection, or that one was the individual contribution of Theodorus and the other a special collection from other community members. The verb 7cpooo5Et)(o means in its middle voice "to receive i n c o m e " according to LSJ, and in the passive "to be received as r e v e n u e " (LSJ) or "to yield income" (Sophocles, s.v.); it might therefore be appropriate for regular revenue. The monetary unit used, xpvoivoq, is the equivalent of the aureus or solidus (LSJ suppl., s.v.).^^ Numerous Christian epitaphs from Greece refer to tombs costing between 1 and 4 chrysinoi. There is a fairly close parallel to the sums in this inscription in IG vii 26 from Megara, where the comes Diogenes gave the city 100 chrysinoi for its defences and 150 (with 2,200 feet of marble) for repairing
20 JIWE i 17; JIWE ii 164, 540; Lifshitz 1967, nos.66, 37. 21 Robert 1958, 3 9 n.3. 22 CIJ i, p.xcii. 23 White 1997, ii 357 n . l 3 0 . 24 Sophocles 1914, 1152. 25 Kroll 2 0 0 1 , no.29 = IJudO ii 90; possibly also in the very fragmentary no.30 = 9 1 . The same abbreviation for "God" is used at Sardis and Aegina. 26 Cod.Just. 6.4.4.10, which is in Greek, uses xpvoivo\)(;.
Aegina
209
the baths.2^ His donation was honoured with a fairly hyperbolic inscripdon and w a s clearly regarded as very substantial. The money spent on the Aegina synagogue thus suggests a prosperous Jewish community there in the 4^'' century CE. A c h 5 9 . Mosaic inscription of Theodorus the Younger Editions: CIG iv 1859, no.9894a; Levy 1861, 272, 297, no.12-5; IG iv 1902, n o . l 9 0 ; Oehler 1909, 444 no.l 14; Krauss 1922, 243 no.96; Sukenik 1934, 4 4 - 5 ; Mazur 1935, 2 8 - 9 ; CU i 1936, no.723; Lifshitz 1967, 14 no.2. Illustrations: Sukenik 1934; Mazur 1935, pls.iv-v. Other bibliography: Schurer 1879, 2 5 - 8 ; Welter 1932, 1 6 4 - 5 ; Robert 1937, 81 = 1946, 102; BE 1951, no.95; SEG xi 1954, no.46; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 7 5 - 6 ; Robert I960, 394 no.5; Robert 1964, 49 no.3; Urdahl 1968, 5 3 ; Kraabel 1979, 507; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 72; White 1997, ii 3 5 6 - 8 ; Hachlili 1998, 25, 3 0 - 1 ; Williams 1998, no. 11.40 (English tr.). Found at Aegina. Now: Aegina, Archaeological Museum. Details: Mosaic inscription set in a tabula ansata. Language: Greek. Date: 3 0 0 - 3 5 0 CE. Text (follows Lifshitz 1967): ©eoScbpoo) ve(D(Te)p(oa)) (ppovTl^ovx(o(;) [EK xfjq KploIaloSoi) xfiq ODvaY((DYfi)(; Ep.o'oowGTi. zvXoyia icaoiv xo[iq EialE[pIx[o]p,£voi(;. 1. Small omicron
after p in ©eoScbpo-u; after p and C in (ppovxi^ovt(oq); after a and 5 in
jtpjo[a]65oD 2. 2. 1. 2.
CIG: C Y N A s on the mosaic Small omicron after \i in ep,ox)ad)9Ti CIG: ve(o[K](p6t)); [eK — Kai jtpoa]65o\) CIG: [xoiq 7tapea]x[Tilp.evoiq; Sukenik: [7capeaxr||xe]voi(;
When Theodorus the younger was phrontistes, the mosaic was laid from the revenue of the synagogue. A blessing upon all who enter.
down
This inscription is set immediately above #Ach58, separated from it by a band of Solomon's knots and "swastikas". Someone entering the building would read it after #Ach58. On the synagogue in general and the dating, see above, p p . 2 0 4 - 5 . Theodorus the younger also held the title of (ppovxioxfiq and was responsible for the completion of the mosaic floor of the synagogue. He was, therefore, most probably also responsible for the two inscriptions commemorating his colleague's and his own involvement. He was
27 Cf. PLRE ii Diogenes5, where it is dated to the 5 * or 6 * century.
210
Aegina
probably, as White suggests, a relative of the Theodorus in #Ach58, perhaps his son.^^ The verb used in 1.2 is a form of p-ODaeioco, in an impersonal passive construction which maintains the anonymity of the contributors also found in # A c h 5 8 . TcpoaoSo^ can mean both "approach" and "revenue", but in the context it almost certainly refers to the source of the funds rather than the area where the mosaic was installed.^^ On the final greeting formula, see #Thrl.
Delos
= TA VO-Karte B VI18: HI 9
In the 6'*' century BCE Delos was purified by the Athenians who probably also built a temple of Apollo. During the same period Polycrates of Samos dedicated the small island of Rheneia to Apollo. Delos was the centre and treasury of the Delian League until 454 B C E when Athens assumed control over the island and the sanctuary of Apollo. A second purification of the island was carried out in 426 BCE including clearing of all burials and the removal of all human remains to the island of Rheneia. In 422 BCE the population of Delos was exiled by the Athenians on a charge of impurity but was soon recalled. The Athenian domination lasted until the foundation of the League of Islanders in 314 BCE by Antigonus I Monophthalmos ( 3 8 2 - 3 0 1 B C E ) . Independent Delos was a city-state, ruled by an archon and a board of hieropoioi (religious officials of the Sanctuary of Apollo). Delos remained independent until 166 B C E when the Romans transferred it to Athenian control. The population was again exiled and replaced by Athenian cleruchs (colonists who kept their original citizenship). The island was made a free port and prospered through its growing slave trade. Delos was sacked in 88 BCE by Archelaus, general of Mithridates VI, and in 69 BCE by pirates. This proved disastrous and the island never fully recovered from the raids. By the end of the 1^' century BCE its importance as a sanctuary and a commercial centre gradually declined and Pausanias (8.33), writing in the 2"^* century CE, states that in his time the island was nearly abandoned. Only a small community remained on the island during the Late Roman and Byzantine periods.
28 White 1997, ii 3 5 8 - 9 n . l 3 3 . 29 This is its normal epigraphic sense, e.g. Fouilles deXanthos
vii 67.
Delos
211
The presence of Jews in the island is suggested by IMacc 15.23, which lists Delos as one of the places where the Romans sent a letter about the Jews in 140 BCE. Josephus lists two decrees from around 49 BCE issued by the Roman consul L. Cornelius Lentulus and by Julius Caesar, which reaffirmed the exemption of the local Jews from military service and recognised their right to live according to their customs.^^ Bibliography for "synagogue": Plassart 1913, 2 0 1 - 1 5 - 1914, 5 2 3 - 6 ; Risom 1913, 2 5 8 - 9 , pi. 12 (thronos); Juster 1914, i 4 9 7 - 9 ; G. Karo, AA 1914, 153-4; Kohl & Watzinger 1916, 1 3 8 - 4 1 , 144, 183, 195; Krauss 1922, 244 no.97; E. Sukenik, Tarbiz 1 1929/30, 145-7 n o . l ; Krauss 1930, 388; R. Wischnitzer-Bemstein, Menorah 8 1930, 5 5 3 ^ ; L. Rost, PJb 29 1933, 58 n . l , 60 nn.1,3; Sukenik 1934, 3 7 - 4 0 , 61 (plan); Mazur 1935, 1 5 24; Deonna 1938, 7 - 9 ; Kittel 1944, 16-17; Sukenik 1949, 2 1 - 2 ; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 7 1 - 5 , iii figs.874-6; Th. Kraus, Jdl 69 1954, 32; Schwank 1955, 270; Robert 1958, 44 n.7; Daux 1963, 8 7 3 - 4 , figs. 1-4 (findings from the cistern); Kretschmar 1963, 297 n.2; Hengel 1966, 161 n.53; Urdahl 1968, 5 3 ^ ; Bruneau 1970, 4 8 0 - 5 , pls.VIII-IX, plans A - H ; Kraabel 1979, 4 9 1 - 4 , 504; Shanks 1979, 4 3 - 4 , 178 n . l 3 ; Busink 1980, 1367; Foerster 1981, 166; Levine 1981, 1; Riesner 1981, 136; Bruneau 1982, 4 8 9 - 9 9 ; Diebner 1986, 1 4 7 - 5 5 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 7 0 - 1 ; White 1987, 1 3 7 ^ 0 , 1 4 7 - 5 5 ; Prigent 1990, 13, 3 6 - 7 ; Rahmani 1990, 193, 2 0 3 ; McLean 1996, 1 9 1 - 5 ; Rutgers 1996, 94; White 1996/7, i 6 4 - 7 , ii 3 3 2 - 9 no.70; Hachlili 1998, 3 5 - 9 , 4 0 3 ; Binder 1999, 299-316. The building (GD 80) generally considered to be the synagogue of Delos was discovered in 1912-13 during archaeological excavations on the island conducted by Andre Plassart. Philippe Bruneau conducted a second excavation of the site in 1962. The building is situated on the eastern seashore of Delos, a short distance from the harbour of Ghournia. It is located in what appears to be a residential quarter, close to the stadium and the gymnasium.^' It is a rectangular building (15.5 x 28.15 m.) with a fa9ade orientated towards the east. Originally, it consisted of one large hall (A/B) measuring 16.90 x 14.40 m. on the interior,-'^ yyith three entrances from the east. The floor of the hall is partly covered with small pieces of marble. Mazur notes a platform ( 2 x 2 m.) in the centre of the room, which she thought served as base for a statue or a shrine, but this
30 Josephus, 14.213-16,231-2. 31 The numbering system applied is that o f Bruneau & Ducat 1965: GD 7 6 = gymnasium; GD 77-8 = stadium; GD 79 = residential buildings. 32 White (1987) gives slightly different measurements: 16.90 x 15.04 m.
212
Delos
was not confirmed by Bruneau's excavations.^^ According to White, the exterior walls of the building show a homogenous construction "with regular courses of gneiss ca. 69-71 cm. thick."^^ The areas to the west, north and south of the building have never been excavated, but according to the plans supplied by Bruneau and White there are traces of walls on the exterior side of the north wall. An additional room (D) divided into several chambers (c.9.5-10.2 x 15.055 m.) was attached to the main hall on the s o u t h . T h e building had a roofed portico (C) including a row of columns that run parallel to the fagade and were arranged on a stylobate (column foundation wall) that measures 18.05 x 0.725 m. and is 5 m. from the facade of the building.^^ The portico was accessed from the south through an entrance (c.1.2 m. wide) located about 2 m. east of the building's facade. Near the south end of the stylobate there are remains which White convincingly identifies as parts of a three-stepped stair that once connected the roofed portico area (C) with the c o u r t . " There are also the remains of foundations of two additional stylobates (a & d) attached to the first one on the north and south.^^ Mazur, basing herself on Plassart's data and her own observations, suggested that the building had a peristyle forecourt. This was criticised by Bruneau who thought that the foundation remains attached to the long stylobate were actually foundations of walls.^^ B r u n e a u ' s assumption has been challenged by White, who suggests that the building had a truncated tristoa (three-sided portico) arrangement of the court.'"' However, neither of the two suggestions can be proven beyond doubt. White's observations on the length of the side walls and stylobates are based mainly on Bruneau's plans and his own visit to the site in 1986.'*'
33 M a z u r 1935, 17 18. 34 W h i t e 1987, 147. 35 W h i t e 1987, 138 9; White 1997, ii 336. 36 T h e length of the stylobate given by White ( 1 9 8 7 , 149) is 18.08 m. T h e stylobate is c.5 ni. from the east wall of the building. Plassart suggests that the stylobate extended along the entire east wall, but this w a s refuted by Mazur and Bruneau. C f Plassart 1914, 5 2 4 - 5 ; Mazur 1935, 17; Bruneau 1970, 4 8 3 . 3"^ White 1987, 151 n.73 contra Bruneau 1982, 4 9 7 w h o dismisses them as later additions. 3^ T h e stylobates are c.5 m. from the north and south walls respectively. Bruneau argues that these structures are later additions, but White has established that they are contemporary with the long stylobate. C f White 1987, 150. 39 Bruneau 1970, 4 8 3 . C f also Goodenough, Symbols ii 72. 40 White 1987, 150 1; Kraabel 1979, 494 n.57, 504. 4 ' Bruneau, followed by White, records that in 1962 the side stylobates ran eastwards approximately for 5 - 6 m. (5.01 on the north and 4.92 on the south according to White) and that the walls ran in the same direction for 12.6 m. on the south and about 15 m. on the north. T h e beach is about 15 m. from the long stylobate. C f Bruneau 1970, 4 8 2 - 3 , pi.A; White 1987, 1 4 9 - 5 1 . However, Plassart and Mazur give different details. According to Plassart, the north wall extended eastwards for more than 15 m. and the south wall for more than 28 m. C f Plassart 1914, 524. Mazur ( 1 9 3 5 . 17), however, states that the north wall extended eastwards
Delos
213
A Tlirone
5m
Plan o f B u i l d i n g G D 80 ( " S y n a g o g u e " ) , D e l o s (after B r u n e a u 1970. p l . B )
However, since the first excavations in 1912-13 the building has suffered additional damage due to erosion caused by the sea. Bruneau and White did not take this into account. Binder notes that "there are no tristoas among the excavated remains at Delos. Hence, White's reconstruction lacks a local architectural parallel."^2 He s e e m s to align with M a z u r ' s view, although not openly supporting it, that t h e building had a peristyle court. She suggests that the north and south stylobates extended 18 m . eastward where they met with a fourth stylobate thus forming a
for 2 8 m. and the south for 15 m. O n the plan published by Plassart (1914, 5 2 2 ) , the beach is at a distance o f c. 2 6 m. from the long stylobate, i.e. about c . 3 1 - 2 m. from the east wall of the building. C f further Binder 1999, 310 I I . 42 Binder 1 9 9 9 , 3 1 1 .
214
Delos
peristyle court (18 x 18 m.). Accordingly the north and south walls extended 28 m. in the same direction and were met by a fourth wall. She also speculates that there was a cistern in the unexcavated area of the court."*^ The large size of the peristyle, however, posed a major problem to Mazur and she suggested that there were additional rooms attached to south of room D and the south wall. Her tentative suggestion is based on the plan of the "House of the Poseidoniasts" (GD 51)}^ Thus, both Mazur and W h i t e ' s reconstruction remain hypothetical until further excavations of the site are conducted. The exact purpose of the chambers in room D is not clear, as they do not have a direct connection to the main hall or between each other. The plans of Mazur,"*^ Bruneau"*^ and White"!^ have an entrance in the eastern wall of room D, but as Binder has noted this is actually a break in the wall (c.0.35 m.), which can hardly be an entrance.''^ White and Binder also suggest that the chambers were accessed from the roof or from a second storey and that they were used as storage compartments."*^ The north-west chamber of room D has access to a vaulted water cistern, which extends under the floor of the main hall. The arch supporting the cistern is incorporated in the wall separating room D from the main hall (A/B) and rises about 30 cm. above the floor. Bruneau notes that this construction allowed human access to the cistern, perhaps through a wooden ladder or stairs, a unique feature found only in House IIA but not in the other cisterns on Delos, which are usually covered reservoirs.^^ He suggests that the cistern was used for ritual cleansing (a miqveh), but this seems unlikely.^' Bruneau, followed by White and Binder, dates the original construction of the building to the 2^^ century BCE.^^ Some time after 88 BCE, possibly in the middle of the 1'^ century BCE, the building underwent a major renovation. The date is based on the spolia, including four inscriptions, from the nearby gymnasium (GD 76) used in or found near the renovated walls of the building.^^ The gymnasium, like
43 Mazur 1935, 17. 44 Mazur 1935, 1 8 - 1 9 . 45 Mazur 1935, pls.i-ii. 46 Bruneau 1970, pl.B. 47 White 1987, f i g s . 2 , 5 . 48 Binder 1 9 9 9 , 3 0 1 n . l 3 3 . 49 White 1987, 148; Binder 1999, 3 0 1 . 50 Bnineau 1 9 7 0 , 4 9 0 - 1 ; Bruneau 1 9 8 2 , 4 9 9 - 5 0 2 , figs. 1 4 - 1 7 . 5> Bruneau 1970, 4 9 0 - 1 . 52 Bruneau 1 9 8 2 , 4 9 5 - 7 ; White 1987, 151; Binder 1999, 299. 53 IG xi 1087 (base o f a statue o f Sosilos); IG xi 1152 (base of a statue of the gymnasiarch Oineus) dated after 170 BCE; I.Delos \923bis (base of a statue of the gymnasiarch Theodosius) dated 126/5 BCE; I.Delos 1928 (base o f a statue o f the gymnasiarch Poses) dated 111/10 BCE. Bruneau 1 9 8 2 , 4 9 6 - 7 .
Delos
215
most of the island of Delos, suffered heavy damage during the Mithridatic raids of 88 BCE. The renovation involved partition of the main hall (A/B) into two almost identical large rooms (A = 7.85 x 14.90 m.; B = 8.22 x 14.90 m.). The east wall of the building was also repaired. The central portal of the old main hall was walled up to allow the construction of a dividing wall. The dividing wall has three doorways allowing direct communication between rooms A and B . Both rooms were equipped with marble benches. Room A has benches on its north and west walls and a carved marble thronos on the west wall. There are also benches on the west and south walls of room B and at the north-western c o m e r of the roofed portico (C). The arrangement of the benches suggests that they were placed after the reconstruction of the building. Binder notes a stone water basin (45 x 32 cm.) placed between two of the benches, 3.51 m. from the north-western comer of the roofed portico.^"* He further suggests that the basin was used for ritual cleansings, but this seems to be a far-fetched conclusion as we do not know when and h o w the basin was put into its present location in the first place. The thronos is placed at the exact centre of the western wall of room A and is decorated with a palmette on its back and lion's feet motifs on the sides.^^ It has been suggested that the thronos was similar to the so-called "Seat of M o s e s " referred to in Mt 23.2 and reserved for the leaders of the Jewish community.^^ Thus, Rahmani suggests that the Delos thronos was preserved for the chairman of the Jewish court on the island.^^ However, as Risom,^^ followed by Mazur,^^ Bmneau^^ and White, has noted, the thronos is almost identical to the proedros-chdiirs (reserved for the presidents) found in Greek theatres and gymnasia. White suggests that following the Greek practice the thronos was reserved for the patron or for the president of a collegial association or guild.^' It should be noted, however, that w e do not have evidence for the provenance and the date of the thronos. It was, most likely, placed in room A after the renovation of the building. The possibility that it was brought from the nearby gymnasium together with the other spolia used in the renovation of the building should not be ignored. White notes a small niche (18 x 25 cm.) on the wall north of the thronos, which Binder considers a receptacle for Torah scrolls. However, the addition of Torah niches is normally a much later feature of synagogue architecture. 54 Binder 1999, 303, 306. 55 Binder 1999, 3 0 6 suggests the palmette was exclusively connected to the Jerusalem Temple, but this cannot be ascertained. 56 Goodenough, Symbols ii 7 4 ; Kraabel 1979; Binder 1999, 306. 57 Rahmani 1990, 2 0 3 . 58 Risom 1913, 2 5 8 - 9 . 59 Mazur 1935, 20. 60 Bruneau 1 9 7 0 , 4 9 2 . 61 White 1987, 153 n.81.
216
Delos
A m o n g the miscellaneous artefacts found in GD 80 are 41 lamps dated between the 1*' century BCE and the 3'^'' century CE.^^ Among the images represented on them are a griffin, centaur, stag, bull, figure of a boxer, a male and female figure in erotic poses, figures of Nike, Athena and a Maenad, etc.^^ One with the name Primus (NPEIP.o\)) was included in the revised CIJ (no.73la), but there is no reason to assume that it was of Jewish o r i g i n . ^ Three antefixes in the form of palmettes, a marble lintel and a number of j u g s were recovered from the cistern.^^ The building existed at least until the end of the 2"'^ century or the beginning of the 3^^* century CE, the date of the last types of clay lamps found there, and was later used by lime-burners whose kiln is still visible in the centre of Room There have been several proposals for the date of construction of the building. Plassart thought that it was built after the destruction of Delos by Mithridates in 88 BCE.^^ Mazur assumed, however, that the building was built some time before 88 BCE, repaired soon afterwards, but then again destroyed during the second war between Rome and Mithridates in 69 B C E . She attributes the second renovation of the building to 58 BCE, i.e. after P o m p e y ' s successful operations against the pirates in the area.^^ Bruneau suggests, convincingly, a 2"*^ century BCE date for the original construction of the building and a post-88 BCE date for its renovation.^^ White agrees with Bruneau, but proposes two subsequent renovations of the building. According to him the first one took place well before 88 BCE and included "embellishment of the Portico (likely including a tristoa and stair) and perhaps the partitioning of Room A/B."^^ The second renovation occurred after the Mithridatic raids and included the rebuilding of the partitioning wall of the great hall ( A / B ) . ' ' Although noting the existing difference between the masonry of the partitioning wall and the renovated section of the east wall. White proposes two phases of renovation mainly
62 Bruneau 1 9 7 0 , 4 8 4 - 5 . 63 Bruneau 1965, nos.4578, 4 5 8 1 , 4 5 8 4 , 4 5 8 8 , 4 5 9 0 , 4 5 9 1 , 4576, 4 6 0 0 - 1 , 4 5 9 8 , pl.29. 64 See Bruneau 1965, 1 1 9 - 1 2 0 , 135 no.4660, p i . 3 2 ; it is n o w D e l o s , Archaeological M u s e u m , i n v . n o . B 4 8 4 7 . The name belongs to a 3'^''-4"' century workshop in Corinth, and has been found on lamps from Athens, Corinth, Sparta, Olympia, Corfu and Crete. See J. Perlzweig, Agora VII. Lamps of the Roman Period. First to seventh century after Christ, Princeton 1 9 6 1 , 4 8 - 5 0 . 65 66 67 68 69 70 7'
Daux 1963, 8 7 3 - 5 , figs. 1-5. Bruneau 1965, 1 3 3 ^ , n o s . 4 6 4 5 - 9 , 4 6 5 0 - 1 , 4 6 5 3 - 4 , 4 6 6 0 , pl.31; Bruneau 1970, 4 8 5 . Plassart 1914, 532. Mazur 1935, 19. Bruneau 1 9 8 2 , 4 9 5 - 7 . White 1987, 151. White 1987, 152.
Delos
217
to support his claim that the building was originally a domestic residence.'^ Goodenough was the first to introduce this idea, comparing it to the synagogue at Dura-Europos.''^ However, as Mazur and, recently. Binder have shown, this claim is not supported by the archaeological data and the architectural plan of the building.'"* The dimensions of the great hall (A/B) and the length of the stylobate at portico C, which presupposes columns with an approximate height of more than 5 m., are just too grand for a domestic building.'^ Private homes with such dimensions have not been excavated on Delos so far.'^ Thus, it is safe to accept Bruneau's proposal for two phases in the building history of GD 80, which, most likely, was built and always functioned as a public building. Plassart identified the building as a synagogue solely on the basis of the dedications to Theos Hypsistos and Hypsistos found in situ during the excavations in 1912-13 ( # # A c h 6 0 - 3 ) . ' ' He then suggested that the partition of the main hall (A/B) indicated a separation of the sexes within the Jewish community. Goodenough thought that the women stood in the area of the roofed portico C. Later scholars have described room A as an "assembly hall" and room B as a "banquet hall".'^ It has been debated whether the building was originally built as a synagogue or became a synagogue after its renovation.'^ Following the discovery of two Samaritan honorific inscriptions (##Ach66-7) 92.5 m. from the building in 1979, Kraabel suggested that it was possibly a Samaritan synagogue.^" Bruneau follows Plassart and describes GD 80 as the synagogue of the "orthodox" Jews, but also identifies another Jewish residence in Insula G D 79 House IIA next to the stadium of Delos.^' N o n e of these suggestions, however, have proven convincing. It is true that the internal arrangement of the building suggests it was used for communal gatherings of some sort of association or guild. Hence, we might find instructive the observation of Mitchell that the building was, most probably, designed for the cult of Theos Hypsistos.^2 Mitchell does not reject the identification of the '2 White (1987, 1 5 1 - 2 ; 1996, i 64; 1997, ii 3 3 6 - 7 ) relates the first renovation o f the building to the reference in IMacc 1 5 . 1 5 - 2 3 to the presence o f a Jewish community on Delos, and the second renovation to Julius Caesar's edict, preserved in Josephus, Ant. 14.10.8, 14. '3 Goodenough, Symbols ii 7 3 , followed by Kraabel 1979, 4 9 3 ; Kee 1995, 4 9 5 - 6 ; Meyers 1996, 13; Rutgers 1 9 9 6 , 9 4 . '"•Binder 1999, 307. '5 Binder 1999, 3 0 7 - 9 . '6 Bruneau & Ducat 1965, 3 4 - 6 . " Plassart 1914, 5 2 6 - 3 0 . '8 Binder 1 9 9 9 , 3 1 4 - 1 5 . '9 Bruneau 1 9 8 2 , 4 9 7 ; White 1987, 1 5 1 - 2 ; Binder 1999, 3 1 4 . 80 Kraabel 1984, 3 3 3 , followed by McLean 1996, 1 9 1 - 5 , and currently by Binder according to his website (http://faculty.smu.edu/dbinder/delos.html). 8' Bruneau 1982, 4 8 8 , 4 9 9 - 5 0 4 . C f #Ach 6 5 . 82 Mitchell 1999, 98.
218
Delos
building as a synagogue, but notes that "we should not neglect the point that the sanctuary is also a Greek one, containing dedications set up by persons with Greek names for Theos Hypsistos." Lamps bearing pagan, but not Jewish, images were found among the remains of the putative synagogue (see above). There are only three lamps from Delos, dated to the 6^^-!^^ century CE, bearing the image of a menorah and they were not found in G D 80.^^ Kraabel and Mitchell have stressed the importance of the lamps and torches for the cult of Theos Hypsistos.^"* For example, in the sanctuary of the deity discovered at Serdica in Thrace two limestone altars with four lamps carved on their their upper surface were found.^^ Moreover, two of the bases with dedications to Theos Hypsistos found in G D 80 have small round holes on their upper surface with traces of lead, which Mazur considered to be parts of metallic figures.^^ The dedications also do not differ in content and form from the other known dedications to Theos Hypsistos, Zeus Hypsistos or Hypsistos - they refer to healing through the g o d ' s miraculous intervention (#Ach62) and, most probably, to a successful manumission (#Ach64).*'' However, the occurrence of Theos Hypsistos in two clearly Jewish epitaphs from Rheneia ( # # A c h 7 0 - l ) and the fact that the god is not mentioned elsewhere on Delos^^ makes the idea that G D 80 was used by a purely pagan association less plausible. The Rheneia epitaphs date to same period as three of the dedications from GD 80 and G D 79 House IIA ( # # A c h 6 2 - 3 , 65) and indicate that Theos Hypsistos was an accepted description of the God of Israel among the Jews on Delos.^^ Although an independent sanctuary of Zeus Hypsistos existed on Mt Cythus it did not yield any epigraphic evidence.^^
83 Bruneau 1965, 143, no.4730 (found near the Museum), 4731 (found south o f the Artemision), 4 7 3 2 (found in the Hieron of Apollo), pl.34. However, the use o f the menorah should not be expected in the l" century B C E - C E . 84 Kraabel 1969, 8 9 - 9 0 ; Mitchell 1999, 9 1 - 2 , nos.169, 186, 188, 225. 85 The building was found outside the walls, near the northern gate, o f the ancient city and is dated to the last decade o f the 2"'' century CE. C f Taceva-Hitova 1977, 2 7 8 - 8 2 , nos. 3 - 1 0 , figs. 3 - 5 ; TaCeva-Hitova 1983, 1 9 2 - 5 , nos. 3 - 9 , pis. L X I V - L X V I I . 86 Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 1 . 87 C f the data collected by Mitchell 1999, 1 0 5 - 7 . 88 A dedication o f an altar to Zeus Hypsistos is found south-east o f the sanctuary o f Zeus Hypsistos on Mt Cynthus (I.Delos 2306; Mitchell 1999, no.l 10a). C f fiirther Bmneau 1970, 2 4 0 - 1 w h o suggests a local Baal was worshipped under the name Zeus Hypsistos. The epithet is often applied to the God o f Israel in the LXX. C f I3X|/ICTXO(; in Hatch & Redpath ii 1897, 1 4 2 0 - 1 . Josephus uses the term only once. Ant. 16.6.2, while citing the edict o f Augustus confirming the right of Jews to follow their ancestral customs and worship. For its use by Philo and in the O T Pseudepigrapha, see Trebilco 1991, 1 2 9 - 3 0 , nn.l 1-12. In the N T the epithet occurs in Lk 1.32, 1.35, 1.76, 6.35, 8.28; Mk 5.7; Acts 7.48, 16.17; Heb 7.1. 90 A. Plassart, Les sanctuaires 93; Bruneau 1 9 7 0 , 2 4 0 - 1 .
et les cultes du Mont Cynthe ( E A D 11), Paris 1928, 2 8 9 -
Delos
219
The evidence presented above allows some caudous suggestions to be made about the purpose that GD 80 served. The strong literary evidence for the existence of a Jewish community on Delos and the occurrence of Theos Hypsistos in the Rheneia epitaphs could indicate that we are dealing with the building of a pagan cultic society under Jewish influence, or even with an association of Judaizers.^' Alternatively, the building might have housed a Jewish association that borrowed from or assimilated to pagan practice, as suggested by the form of the dedications to Theos Hypsistos. That individual Jews or whole communities could do that is shown by the manumissions from Delphi and Oropus (##Ach42-5) and the Bosporan Kingdom ( # # B S 5 - 9 , 1 7 - 1 8 , 2 0 - 2 5 ) . Thus, the question of whether G D 80 should be described as "the synagogue" of the Jewish community of Delos or not remains open, at least until further excavations of the site and the surrounding area are conducted. A c h 6 0 . Vow of Z o s a s Editions: Plassart 1913, 2 0 5 - 6 no.4 = 1914, 527 no.4; Krauss 1922, 244 no.97; C U i 1936, no.727; I.Delos 1937, n o . 2 3 3 1 ; Lifshitz 1967, 15 no.4; Bruneau 1970, 484; White 1997, ii 3 3 8 - 9 n o . 3 ; Mitchell 1999, 135 no. 106. Illustration: Bruneau 1970, pl.ix, fig.5.^2 Other bibliography: Juster i 1914, 4 9 9 ; Offord 1915, 202; Nock, Roberts & Skeat 1936, 57 (=Nock 1972, 418); Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 70; White 1987, 139 n . 2 5 , 147 n.60; Trebilco 1991, 1 3 3 - 4 no.4.3a; Williams 1998, no. 1.33 (English tr.). Found in building G D 80 on Delos. N o w : Delos, Archaeological M u s e u m , inv.no.A3050. Details: White marble altar-shaped base, with cornices at the top and bottom. There is a hole the size of a small dish on the upper surface (Plassart). Measurements: 18 x 10 x 10 cm., letters 1-1.4 cm. Letter forms: ACOC^ Language: Greek. Date: 1'-2"'^ century C E .
9' Mitchell and Levinskaya both note that the main characteristics o f the cult o f Theos Hypsistos, the absence o f anthropomorphic representations o f the deity and animal sacrifice, clearly distinguish it from the pagan cults in the ancient Mediterranean. C f Mitchell 1999, 98, 107; Levinskaya 2000, 1 7 2 - 4 . Levinskaya ( 2 0 0 0 , 1 6 9 - 9 5 ) champions the idea that the very existence o f the cult was due to Jewish influence. However, others do not regard it as possible to draw any general conclusion based on data that c o m e from different periods and parts o f the Mediterranean. C f Mitchell 1999, 1 0 8 - 1 0 ; Nock, Roberts & Skeat 1936, 6 4 - 9 ; Kraabel 1969, 9 1 - 3 . Taceva-Hitova (1983, 2 1 2 - 1 4 ) and Trebilco (1991, 143-^) have noted that the relationship between Judaism and the cult o f Theos Hypsistos is not always obvious. In many cases they could have existed independently. 92 Donald Binder has provided a photo at: http://faculty.smu.edu/dbinder/delos.html
220
Delos
Text (follows I.Delos 1937): Ztoadtq
ndpioq 0e© 'YV|/lOTCp e'bXTjv.
5
Zosas of Paros to the Highest God (made) a vow. The base carrying the inscription was found on 22 Aug. 1912 (with # # A c h 6 1 - 2 ) lying on the benches by the western wall of room A. The base, which is shaped like the funerary altars which are common at Ostia, has a small round hole on the upper surface, possibly used to seal and hold a votive figure. Dedications to (Theos) Hypsistos with representations of cured human body-parts like eyes, arms, breasts and ears,^-^ votive bronze hands,^"* and figures of an eagle^^ have all been found. Thus, among the remains of the sanctuary of the deity in Serdica two representations in relief of an eagle carrying the deity's bust on its wings and three figures of eagles on pedestals were found.^^ A column, dated to the 2"*^ century CE, topped by the figure of an eagle, is attested at the sanctuary of Hypsistos on the Pnyx at Athens.^' One lamp found in G D 80, dated to the century B C E / C E , also bears a representation of a deity carried by an eagle.^^ The name Zosas is not attested in Jewish inscriptions or papyri, but occurs in another three inscriptions, dated 2"^^-^^ century BCE, from Delos and in one from Paros, dated to 212 CE.^^ This Zosas was a native of Paros as his ethnic attests. There is no other evidence for the presence of Jews on Paros. This is a standard dedication to Theos Hypsistos, found in both Jewish and pagan i n s c r i p t i o n s . T h e reason for the dedication is not stated. V o w s of thanks to Theos Hypsistos were given after successful healing.
93 Mitchell 1999, nos. 2 - 1 2 , 2 2 (Athens); 79 (Zermigetusa, Dacia); 159 (Ephesus?); 2 5 6 7 (Golgoi, Cyprus). 94 Mitchell 1999, nos. 2 6 6 - 7 (Berytus). Mitchell 1999, nos. 158 (Tralles), 176 (Thyateira, Lydia), 190-1 O^icomedia, Bithynia). 96 The sanctuary also yielded five bases with dedications to Theos Hypsistos, a metal sceptre and a statue o f Asclepius (Tacheva-Hitova 1983, 1 9 2 - 5 , n o s . 3 - 9 , pls.LXIV-LXVIL Levinskaya ( 2 0 0 0 , 173), however, suggests that the figure carried by an eagle represents the Roman emperor. 97 Forsen 1 9 9 3 , 5 1 4 , n.20. 98 Bruneau 1965, 123 no.4589, pl.29. 99 L G P N i 107. 100 Mitchell 1999, 1 2 8 ^ 7 .
Delos
221
survival during a war or sea journey, etc.'^' Vows to the deity occur in another three inscriptions from GD 80 (##Ach61-3). Although vows and vowing are often mentioned in Jewish inscriptions, the use of EVXTIV in the accusative is not very common. Bruneau dates the inscription to the i^U2"^ century CE, refining Plassart's "imperial period" date, on palaeographic grounds. It therefore post-dates the building phases of GD 80 discussed above. A c h 6 1 . Vow of M a r c i a Editions: Plassart 1913, 206, no.5 = 1914, 528 no.5; Krauss 1922, 244 no.97; CIJ i 1936, no.730; I.Delos 1937, no.2332; Lifshitz 1967, 16 no.7; Bruneau 1970, 484; Brooten 1982, 157 no.2; White 1997, ii 3 3 8 - 9 , no. 4. Other bibliography: Juster 1914, i 499; Offord 1915, 202; Nock, Roberts & Skeat 1936, 57 (=Nock 1972, 418); Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 70; White 1987, 139 n.25, 147 n.60; Trebilco 1991, 133-4 no.4.3d; Mitchell 1999, 135 no. 109; Binder 1999, 303 n . l 3 7 . Found in building GD 80 on Delos. Now: Delos, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.A3049. Details: White marble base, cornice at top and bottom, 17 x 10 x 10 cm. Language: Greek. Date: I ' - 2 " ' ' century CE(?). Text (follows I.Delos): 'Y\|/iattp e\)Xfjv M apKla.
To the Highest, Marcia (made) a vow. This was found together with ##Ach60 and 62 on 22 August 1912. It is similar to the dedications from the sanctuary of Hypsistos on the Pnyx at Athens, which were almost all set up by women who sought a cure from illness.'^^ This might be the case with Marcia's vow as well. The name Marcia occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Rome,*^"* but was of course a c o m m o n Roman name. The inscription has not been dated, but according to Plassart and Bruneau its lettering and the shape of the base are identical to #Ach60, and it is therefore likely to belong to the same period.
101 Mitchell 1999, 1 0 6 - 7 . 102 # # M a c 3 - 5 , # B S 4 , # B S 2 7 , JIGRE 16. 103 Forsen 1993; Mitchell 1999, n o s . 2 - 2 1 . 104 JIWE ii 128, 208, 2 3 3 , 4 3 1 , 4 9 0 .
222
Delos
A c h 6 2 . Vow of L a o d i c e E d i d o n s : Plassart 1913, 205 no.3 = 1914, 527 no.3; Krauss 1922, 244 no.97; CIJ i 1936, no.728; I.Delos 1937, no.2330; Lifshitz 1967, 15 no.5; Bruneau 1970, 484; Brooten 1982, 157 n o . l ; White 1997, ii 3 3 8 - 9 no.2. Other bibliography: Juster 1914, i 499; Offord 1915, 202; Nock, Roberts & Skeat 1936, 57 (=Nock 1972, 418); Revised Schiirer iii.l 1986, 70; White 1987, 139 n.25, 147 n.60; Trebilco 1991, 133-4 no.4.3b; Mitchell 1999, 135 n o . l 0 7 ; Binder 1999, 303 n . l 3 7 . Found in building GD 80 on Delos. Now: Delos, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.A3048. Details: Marble stele with cornice at top and bottom, 25 x 16.5 x 12 cm. Letters 1.5 cm., with serifs. Space between lines: 1 cm. Language: Greek. Date: I century BCE. Text (follows I.Delos): Aaco6iKr| ©eroi 'Yii/iCTTCoi aco9ei-
o a TaT<; -vxp' a-oxo\> GapaJiTiaK; e-oxfiv.
5
4. 1. BepaJtetaiq
Laodice to the Highest God, having been saved by (medical) him, (made) a vow.
treatments
by
This was found together with # # A c h 6 0 - I on 22 Aug. 1912. The inscription is clearly set up as a votive thanksgiving to Theos Hypsistos for his healing powers. It is very similar to a dedication to Zeus Hypsistos or, most likely, just to Hypsistos, dated to the imperial period, from the sanctuary on the Pnyx at Athens: [Aii? 'Yxi/Iioxtp | [e^xillv Zo)ai[p,r| e]epa7te\)[0ei]cya ("To Zeus(?) the Highest, Zosima, having been cured (made) a vow").'^^ Theos Hypsistos is explicitly represented as a healer also in a dedication from Aezani in Phrygia.'^^ Frey, followed by Trebilco, White and Binder, understood Gapaitfiaiq as "infirmities" and translated 11.3—4 as "cured by him of her infirmities". However, there is no reason to depart from the normal definition of GepaTteia, "cure", "medical treatment" (LSJ, s.v.). The dative is used to
105 Mitchell 1999, no. 129. 106 Mitchell 1999, no.209.
Delos
223
show that she was saved by the t r e a t m e n t s , a n d bTto + genitive shows that they were performed by "him", i.e. the god. The name Laodice is not otherwise attested in Jewish inscriptions. Binder's suggestion that the name is masculine is contradicted by the participle ending -ca which clearly shows that the dedicator is a woman.'"^ Bruneau dates the inscripdon to the century BCE on palaeographic grounds. # # A c h 6 2 - 3 seem to be substantially older than # # A c h 6 0 - l . A c h 6 3 . Vow of L y s i m a c h u s Editions: Plassart 1913, 205 n o . l ; Plassart 1914, 527 no.2; Krauss 1922, 244 no.97; CIJ i 1936, no.729; I.Delos 1937, no.2328; Lifshitz 1967, 15 no.6; Bruneau 1970, 484; White 1997, ii 3 3 8 - 9 n o . l . Other bibliography: Juster 1914, i 499; Offord 1915, 202; Nock, Roberts & Skeat 1936, 57 (=Nock 1972, 418); Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 70; White 1987, 139 n.25, 147 n.60; Trebilco 1991, 133-4 no.4.3c; Mitchell 1999, 135 n o . l 0 8 ; Binder 1999, 303 n . l 3 7 . Found in building G D 80 on Delos. N o w : Delos, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.E779. Details: Column of white marble, 86.5 x 21 cm. (17.5 at the top), with a small round hole on the top. Letters: 1.7 cm. Space between lines: 1 cm. Language: Greek. Date: I century BCE. Text (follows I.Delos): A\)cyi)xaxoq \)Kep eai)xoa) ©era 'Y\j/ioxcp Xapiaxfipiov. Lysimachus,
on his own behalf, to the Highest God, a
thank-offering.
According to Plassart's diary the inscription was found on the western benches of room B on 24 Aug. 1912. Plassart related this inscription to #Ach65 found in House IIA to strengthen his identification of G D 80 as a synagogue. His suggesdon, however, is based only on the occurrence of the name Lysimachus in both inscriptions and is by no means persuasive.'^^ The present inscription is clearly a dedication to Theos Hypsistos following a successful cure or other successful intervention of the deity in the devotee's life. This is confirmed by the small hole, 3 cm. Cf. IG ii-iiP 3.1.4532: KA.a\){8ia 'AJypmTceiva acoG[eiaa] xfji a w w v [evjvoiai ("saved by their goodwill"; dedication to Asclepius and Hygeia, Athens). '08 Binder 1999, 303 n . l 3 7 . '09 Plassart 1914, 5 3 0 .
224
Delos
deep and 3 cm. in diameter witli traces of lead, on the upper surface of the column, most probably used to seal and hold a votive metal figure.*'^ The occurrence of xocpiaxfjpiov in 1.4 is also instructive. The term, or the form evxapiaxfipiov,*" occurs often in votive inscriptions and is found in dedications to Theos Hypsistos and Hypsistos fi^om Athens, Dacia, Moesia Inferior, Mytilene, Caria and elsewhere. xapioxfjpiov does not occur in Jewish inscriptions, but ei)xapiaxfipiov is found in Jewish dedications from Amastris in Paphlagonia, Ascalon and the Gaza region."-^ The name Lysimachus occurs in #Ach65 (of questionable Jewishness) and in a Jewish inscription from Cyrenaica.*'"* Bruneau dates the inscription to the I^* century BCE on palaeographic grounds. Ach64. Dedication Editions: Plassart 1913, 206 no.6 = 1914, 528 no.6; Krauss 1922, 244 no.97; CU i 1936, no.731; I.Delos 1937, no.2333; Lifshitz 1967, 16 no.8; Bruneau 1970, 484. Illustration: Bruneau 1970, pl.ix fig.6 (photo).'*^ Other bibliography: Juster 1914, i 499; Nock, Roberts & Skeat 1936, 57 (=Nock 1972, 418); Bomer I960, 113-14; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 70. Found in building GD 80 on Delos. N o w : Delos, Archaeological M u s e u m , inv.no.A3051. Details: Marble stele with cornice at top and bottom, 33 x 20 x 26 cm. Text worn away at the top. Language: Greek. Date: 1'-2"''century CE. Text (follows I.Delos 1937): [
]
{rosette) {rosette) Yev6^evo(; eX,e\)GepO(;. having become
free.
" 0 Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 1 . " ' L. Robert, Hell, x 1955, 5 5 - 6 2 . " 2 Mitchell 1999, n o s . l , 4; 78; 80, 82; 115; 133, 139, 1 4 1 - 6 , 149, 151, 153, 1 5 6 - 7 ; 2 9 0 1. ' '3 Lifshitz 1967, nos.35 (= IJudO ii 149), 70, 72. 1 '4 CJZC 45b. " 5 Donald Binder has provided a photo at: http://faculty.smu.edu/dbinder/delos.html
Delos
225
According to Plassart's diary the inscription was found in the southem corner of room B on 29 Aug. 1912. Although it is damaged, it was probably dedicated to Theos Hypsistos in thanks for a manumission. However, personal dedications of this kind to the deity have not been found so far. The inscription could also indicate that manumission of slaves took place in GD 80 in a way similar to that attested in synagogues in the Bosporan Kingdom at roughly the same time ( ( # # B S 5 - 9 , 1 7 - 1 8 , 2 0 25). However, #Ach45 shows that at Oropus a Jewish ex-slave was willing to thank pagan deities for his manumission. Binder suggests that the rosettes were symbols related to the Jemsalem Temple indicating a possible Jewish provenance of the inscription.'*^ However, rosettes often occur on non-Jewish monuments as well. These rosettes are much more elaborate than the six-petalled ones commonly found on Judaean ossuaries. A rosette is also depicted in #Ach28. Bruneau dates the inscripdon to the l^*-2"'' century CE on palaeographic grounds. Ach65. Inscription of Agathocles and Lysimachus Editions: Plassart 1913, 205 no.l = 1914, 5 2 6 - 7 n o . l ; Offord 1915, 202; Krauss 1922, 244 no.97; CH i 1936, no.726; I.Delos 1937, no.2329; Lifshitz 1967, 15 no.3; Bruneau 1970, 484. Illustrations: Bruneau 1970, pl.ix. fig.4 (photo); Bruneau 1982, 499 fig.l3 (photo).**' Other bibliography: Juster 1914, i 499; Plassart 1916, 163, 242; Nock, Roberts & Skeat 1936, 57, 65 (=Nock 1972, 418, 424); Bruneau 1982, 499; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 70; White 1987, 1 3 9 ^ 0 n.28, 147 n.60; Trebilco 1991, 1 3 3 ^ , no.4.3e; White 1997, ii 3 3 8 - 9 no.5; Binder 1999, 303-4. Found in Insula GD 79, House IIA on Delos. Now: Delos, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.A3052. Details: Marble base, 34.5 x 17 x 18.5 cm., with a round hole on the upper surface. Letters 1.6 cm., with serifs. Letter forms: > 5 i ^ £ © | f p f X Space between lines: 1.5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 1*' century BCE. Text (follows I.Delos 1937): 'AYa9oKX,Ti(; Kal A\)Giiia%oq eiti
1*6 Binder 1999, 306. * 1' Donald Binder has provided a photo at: http://faculty.sniu.edu/dbinder/delos.html
226
Delos
Agathocles
and Lysimachus,
in a prayer [=
vow?].
This w a s found during the excavations of House IIA in 1912-13 conducted by A. Plassart and Ch. Avezou.''^ The building is located in the southwest part of Insula GD 79, on the street immediately behind the stand of the Stadium (GD 78). House IIA has a peristyle court with rooms attached on the west, south and south-west. There are shops attached to the south, but with no direct access to the building."^ The principal entrance is from the south through a corridor with latrines and a kitchen(?) attached on the e a s t . T w o additional entrances at the east and west comers of the north wall of the court lead to a street that separates Houses IIA & B from Houses C & D in the neighbouring insula.'2* The court allows access to the four principal rooms of House IIA. A large hall is accessed through two entrances from the west.'22 Two small rooms are located at the southwest and south-east comers of the court and accessed through single entrances.'23 Another small room is accessed through an entrance at the south-west c o m e r of the west hall.'2"* Unfortunately, Plassart did not give measurements for the rooms in his 1916 publication of Insula GD 79. The court is paved with small pieces of marble. There are four columns of bluish marble forming the peristyle'25 and a stair at the north-east corner, about 3.85 m. from the north wall, leading down to an underground cistem.'26 This is only the second example from Delos of a cistern with h u m a n access to it; the other one is the cistem of G D 80 (see p.214). Plassart notes that the niches found in the north wall of the court and the small altars found in the court, the west hall and the room at the south-west corner of the court were typical of the domestic cults on Delos.'2' The walls of most of the rooms and the court of House IIA were painted and a number of graffiti, including a male figure reclining on a couch, a boat and a giant phallus, were also found.'2^ Plassart describes Insula GD 79 as " a r c h a i c " without giving a particular date. The present inscription was found in the north-west c o m e r of the court of House IIA. It is inscribed on a rectangular base that has a hole 2 cm.
" 8 Plassart 1916, 1 4 5 - 6 . ' '9 Shops 11, e, ; on Plassart's plan. Plassart 1 9 1 6 , 2 3 2 - 4 , pls.V-VII. '20 Corridor a and rooms b&con Plassart's plan. Plassart 1916, 2 3 4 - 5 , pis. V - V I I . '21 Plassart 1916, 1 5 6 - 9 . '22 Room g on Plassart's plan. '23 R o o m s f & e o n Plassart's plan. '24 Room h on Plassart's plan. '25 Plassart 1 9 1 6 , 2 3 6 - 8 . 126 Plassart 1 9 1 6 , 2 3 8 - 4 1 , figs.39-40. '27 Plassart 1 9 1 6 , 2 4 2 - 3 , 2 4 7 . '28 The phallus w a s found on the south wall o f the west hall (g). Cf. Plassart 1 9 1 6 , 2 4 3 - 6 .
Delos
227
deep and 6 cm. in diameter on the upper s u r f a c e . A c c o r d i n g to Mazur there are traces of lead in the hole that might indicate that the base was carrying a votive metal figure (cf ##Ach60, 63).'-'° Plassart relates this inscription to the dedications to Theos Hypsistos found in G D 80 solely on their physical proximity in the adjacent insula and the occurrence of the name Lysimachus here and in # A c h 6 3 . ' ^ ' Bruneau notes, rightly, that this is not a sufficient reason to establish a connecdon between them. He goes on, however, to suggest that House IIA was also a Jewish establishment but different from GD 80, which was used by "orthodox" Jews.'^^ f h i s seems unlikely, as it would be very difficult to identify House IIA as a Jewish residence on the basis of this inscription. Plassart, followed by Lifshitz, White and Binder, understood the expression e n l Kpoae-oxfi in 11.3-4 as referring to the proseuche = synagogue of the Jews on Delos.'^^ Mazur notes, however, that the absence of a definite article before Tipooe-oxfi makes this translation doubtful. She prefers to read Kpoae-oxfi with its original meaning, "a prayer", and translates 11.3-4 as "in fulfilment or in pursuance of a prayer". This, according to her, makes the Jewish character of the inscription less probable.'^"* However, we should note that the original meaning "prayer" is almost never attested in pagan inscriptions.'^^ A form of the equivalent verb, 7tpoaet)xoio ("please pray"), is found in a Jewish epitaph from Rome,'^^ and the noun occurs once in the N T . ' ^ ' Bruneau and Levinskaya note that in certain cases the expression exci 7tpooe\)xtl could be used as a synonym of e-oxri i.e. "(in fiilfilment of) a vow".'^^ This, apparently, was also M a z u r ' s idea when she noted that the meaning of this inscription is similar to the dedications from GD 80 ( # # A c h 6 0 - 3 ) . Bruneau suggests that tni 7tpoaea)xfi is used in a similar sense in one of the Samaritan honorific inscripdons found near GD 80 (#Ach66). Thus, the use of eni 7i;poae\)xfi with the meaning of "(in fiilfilment o f ) a prayer/vow" probably indicates a Jewish influence. However, whether the dedicators were Jews or not remains an open question.
'29 Bruneau 1982, p.499 fig. 13. '30 Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 1 . '3« Plassart 1914, 530. '32 Bruneau 1 9 8 2 , 4 9 9 - 5 0 3 . 133 Plassart 1914, 5 3 0 - 1 . '34 Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 1 . 135 j h e r e is a papyrus example: BGU iv 1080. The term noxevxo.
(Doric for Ttpooe-uxil)
attested in an inscription from the theafre at Epidaurus might indicate a pagan use o f the term with the meaning o f "prayer house" although this was questioned by Levinskaya (1990, 1 5 5 6). C f further GLAJJ ii, no.395; Levinskaya 1990, 1 5 6 - 9 ; Levinskaya 2 0 0 0 , 1 5 0 - 6 5 . 136 JIWE ii 2 8 2 . 137 James 5.17. •38 Bruneau 1 9 8 2 , 4 7 4 - 5 ; Levinskaya 2 0 0 0 , 1 5 8 - 9 .
228
Delos
The name Agathocles occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Egypt'^^ and Cyrenaica.'"*^ On Lysimachus, cf. #Ach63. Plassart and Bruneau date the inscription to the 1^^ century BCE on palaeographic grounds. A c h 6 6 . Samaritan inscription honouring Menippus Editions: Bruneau 1982, 4 7 1 - 5 no.2; SEG xxxii 1982, no.810; Kraabel 1984, 4 4 - 6 ; SEG xxxiv 1984, no.786; White 1987, 1 4 1 - 7 ; SEG xxxvii 1987, no. 1832; van der Horst 1988b, 185-6; Boffo 1994, 4 7 - 6 0 no.3; White 1997, ii 3 4 1 - 2 no.7 l b ; Llewelyn 1998, 1 4 8 - 5 1 , no.b. Illustrations: Bruneau 1982, figs.4-7 ( p h o t o ) ; Talmon 1997, fig.4 (photo).
Other bibliography: Wasserstein 1982, 270; BE 1983, no.281; Egger 1986, 3 0 8 - 9 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 7 1 ; Pummer 1987b, 19-20; Kant 1987, 7 0 7 - 8 ; van der Horst 1988a, 141 = 1990, 143-4; S. Talmon, EI 20 1989, 2 8 3 ^ ; SEG xxxix 1989, no.712; Talmon 1997, 2 2 8 - 9 ; Pummer 1998, 2 8 - 9 ; Binder 1999, 305, 315. Found near GD 80 on Delos. Now: Delos, Archaeological Museum. Details: Stele of white marble depicting a large wreath, broken above and below, 70 X 54.2 (at base; 56 with moulding restored) - 53 (at top) x 9.5-6 cm. Letters c.1.2 cm (0.8 cm. for omicron)}^^ 11.2, 4 & 6 are inscribed and painted red; 11.1 & 3 are inscribed and painted black; 1.5 was not inscribed but only painted. Letter forms: AETIIQ Language: Greek. Date: c.250-175 BCE. Text (follows Bruneau 1982): (top)
[?oi ev AfiA,q)l (wreath)
TopaTiA,ixai oi djiapxo^Evoi eiq
l e p o v d y i o v 'Ap'ApTe|4.i8d)poD 'HpdtKA,eiov a-OTOv Kal xobq eyyovoox; avxoi) KaxaoKevd o a v x a Kal dvaGevGa EK X&V ISicov eni K p o a e v x f i xov 0e[oftl TON[ - - ] OAONKAITO[ - - Kal eoxe(pdvo)oav] Xfrocm oxe[(pd-I \(o Kal [ ] KAI - I T[ - ]
y a p ^ e l v exip-riaav
MEVITCTCOV
5
139 JIGRE 36, 46. 140 CJZC 7a, 10. 141 Donald Binder has provided a photo at: http://faculty.smu.edu/dbinder/delos.html 142 These are assumed to be the measurements intended by Bruneau, whose text prints "12 cm." and "8 cm."
Delos
229
5 - 6 . White 1 9 8 7 , 1997: [jiepi]PoA,ov or xov [OIKOV Kal xov waiGpov xov JtepiiPoXov K t t i x6[v xpiKXeivov] 6. Bruneau: 6Xov(?) Kal TO
The Israelites [on Delos?] who make offerings to the temple (on the) holy [or to sacred and holy] Garizim [Argarizin] honoured Menippus (son) of Artemidorus, from Heraclion, himself and his descendants, for constructing and dedicating from his own funds in a prayer [^ vow] of God and crowned with a golden wreath and
Philippe Fraisse, architect of the Ecole Fran9aise d'Athenes, found the inscription together with #Ach67 92.5 m . north of G D 80 in 1979. The stelae were found lying next to a wall of a building that has not been excavated. They were most probably placed in this building and it is possible that this was the Samaritan establishment on Delos, not G D 80 as stated by Kretabel.*"*^ Most of the surface of the stone is taken up by a large and elaborate wreath, with the surviving part of the inscription fitted into the space below it. Bruneau reconstructs the inscription on the lost top part of the stone on the basis of #Ach67. H e suggests that because the stele was reused and there was insufficient space beneath the wreath, the beginning of the inscription was placed above it. White challenges this, arguing that the text does not require the addition of the phrase o i ev AfjX,© because it dates to the period before Athenian control of Delos ( c . l 6 6 B C E ) when such an expression would not be usual. He refers to an article by Baslez where it is observed that during the Athenian domination the council of Delos created a special status of quasi-citizenship represented by the phrase ev AfiX,©.'"*"* Thus, the colony of Athenians, established between 165-146/5 BCE, used this phrase to describe their status on the island, but the term would not normally be used earlier than that.'"*^ However, it would be odd to begin the whole text as 1.1 begins, without at least a defmite article. 1.1. This is the first occurrence of the term "Israelite" in a Samaritan inscription, but c f the much debated TCT6paT|X,iTTi(; designating a J e w at Rome in JIWE ii 489. Kraabel speculates that the t e r m ' s meaning is not religious but geographical and could be translated as "those from (the Northern Kingdom) Israel",'"*^ but this seem unlikely in the 2"^* century BCE. Bruneau observes, after a note by M . Simon, that through this designation the Samaritans on Delos claimed descent from Jacob/Israel
"»3 Kraabel 1984, 3 3 3 ^ . 144 Baslez 1976, 3 4 3 - 6 0 . '45 Baslez 1976, 3 4 3 n.2. '46 Kraabel 1 9 8 4 , 4 6 n . 6
230
Delos
(Gen 32.29), i.e. before the formal separation between Jews and Samaritans occurred, indicating their religious and cultural affiliation.'"*' It is very likely that the term is used here, and in #Ach67, to distinguish the Samaritans from the Jews, the 'lovSaioi, living on the island. 11.1-2. The phrase oi dn;apx6p.evoi zic, iepov a y i o v 'Apyap^eiv indicates that the Samaritans made annual payments to the temple on Mt Garizim. The verb d7cdpxop.ai, means literally "to make a beginning, esp. in sacrifice" or "to offer the firsdings or first-fruits" (LSJ, s.v.). The noun dTrapXT) is used with the meaning of the tax paid by Jews to the Jerusalem Temple by Philo, and occurs on papyri and ostraca from Egypt.*"** iepov could mean here, and in #Ach67, either "sacred"*"*^ or "temple". For example, it is well known that in several cases the Jerusalem Temple was referred to as iepov.*^^ Pummer seems to prefer the second interpretation and notes that if correct both the present inscripdon and #Ach67 could be dated before the destruction of the Samaritan temple on Mt Garizim in 129 B C E . Although it is not clear whether the Samaritans continued to make contributions after their temple was destroyed, the phrase oi djcapxojievoi eiq iepov d y i o v 'Apyap^eiv could have been used as a Samaritan selfdesignation in later periods as well, regardless of whether they were actually making the payments. Since it is not particularly relevant to the rest of the content of this inscription, it was clearly regarded as important for the self-identity of the Samaritans on Delos, perhaps as another way of differentiating themselves from the Jews. 'Apyap^eiv is a Greek transliteradon of • * ' T ~ i : N N i.e. Mt Garizim. Talmon notes that the "transliteration of "IH as 'Ap proves that the Hebrew term [ I N = mountain] was not understood as a general noun, but as a constitutive part of the name of the mountain".*^* A direct parallel to the use of 'Apyap^elv here and in #Ach67 is found in the works of the Hellenistic Samaritan historian Pseudo-Eupolemus.*^^ The preserved texts of his work render the name of the mountain as 'Apyap^iv.'^^ Pummer notes that this form, with slight variations, occurs also in non-Samaritan sources from the Roman and Byzantine periods.*^"* Talmon suggests that
'47 Bruneau 1 9 8 2 , 4 7 8 - 9 . '48 Philo, Spec.Leg. 1.77-8, 151-2; CPJ ii 1 6 2 - 8 0 , 4 2 1 . Cf. Smallwood 1981, 124-5; Bruneau 1982, 480. '49 So Bmneau 1982, 4 7 7 - 8 ; Kraabel 1984, 332; White 1987, 141-2; Llewelyn 1998, 148. 150 Josephus, BJ 1.63; Ant. 12.10, etc. '5' Talmon 1997, 227. '52 Cited by Eusebius o f Caesarea, Praep.Ev. 9 . 1 7 . 1 - 9 , 18.2. C f Holladay 1980, 173. •53 M S B, however, uses 'ApYap^eiv. C f Pummer 1987b, 19. '54 Elder Pliny, H.N. 5.14.68, has morn Argaris. See also Damascius, Vita Isidori 141, cited in Photius, BibL cod. 2 4 2 , p.345b. C f GLAJJ i, no.473; ii, 6 7 3 - 5 ; Pummer 1987b, 2 1 3.
Delos
231
the rendering of the name of the mountain as one word was a specific feature of the Samaritan w r i t i n g s . P u m m e r , however, notes that the transliteration and contraction of "in with a proper name in Greek occurs often in the LXX manuscripts, the Vetus Latina (Argarzim; 2Macc 5.23, 6.2) and the N T ('ApuayeSwv; Rom 16.16).'56 11.3-4. White notes that KaxaoKeDdaavxa is a term usually used to designate the construction of a building. The donor, Menippus, apparently paid for the construction and the dedication (dvaBevBa) of a building, probably, as White suggests, the Samaritan establishment on Delos, 11.4-5. £711 npoc£X)XX\ is in the dative and with no definite article before npoG£X)xx\Bruneau suggests it has the meaning of "(in fulfilment of) a prayer/vow".'^* C f #Ach65 for further discussion. The addition of xovt 0e[oi)] makes clear the reason for M e n i p p u s ' donation: a vow to God (with genitive used for dative). White, followed by Binder, challenges this reading and suggests that npooevxfi should be understood metonymically as a "prayer-hall", explaining where the donation was made ("in (the) prayer-hall of God").'^^ This, however, seems unlikely, since there is no definite article as would be expected when the word is used in this sense. M e n i p p u s ' donation was, most probably, listed in 11.5-6, beginning with either x6 or xov. 11.6-7. The crowning of a distinguished donor is a common practice in Greek honorific inscriptions. The golden crowns were the most expensive and highly regarded, decorated with golden branches and leaves. The public proclamation of a crowning was scheduled for a particular place and occasion. It is not clear where exacdy M e n i p p u s ' crowning took place - in the Samaritan establishment or during a religious festival or other public feast on Delos. The crowning of a donor, Tation wife of Straton, by the Jewish community is attested in the inscription from the synagogue of Phocaea. Menippus, the donor to the Samaritan community, was probably a native of Heraclion / Heraclea in Crete,'^' but might instead be from another Heraclea, e.g. Heraclea under Latmus in Caria, or Heraclea near Mt Oeta. He was not necessarily a Samaritan himself The name Menippus is not otherwise attested in Samaritan or Jewish inscriptions. It is interesting that the donor in #Ach67, Serapion, was also a Cretan, from Knossos, for which Heraclion was the port.
155 156 157 158 159 160 161
Talmon 1 9 9 7 , 2 2 5 - 9 . Pummer 1987b, 2 3 - 5 . White 1987, 143. Bruneau 1982, 4 7 4 - 5 . White 1987, 142 no.40. Lifshitz 1967, n o . l 3 = IJudO ii 36. Bruneau 1982, 4 8 1 .
232
Delos
Bruneau dates the inscripdon to 2 5 0 - 1 7 5 B C E on palaeographic grounds.'^2 Ach67. Inscription honouring Serapion Editions: Bruneau 1982, 4 6 9 - 7 1 , n o . l ; S E G xxxii 1982, no.809; SEG xxxiv 1984, no.786; White 1987, 1 4 1 ; White 1997, ii 3 4 0 - 1 no.71a; Llewelyn 1998, 148-51 no.a. Illustradons: Bruneau 1982, figs.2-3 (photo); Talmon 1997, fig.3 (photo). Other bibliography: Wasserstein 1982, 270; B E 1983, n o . 2 8 I ; Kraabel 1984, 4 4 ; Egger 1986, 3 0 8 - 9 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 7 1 ; Pummer 1987b, 1 9 - 2 0 ; SEG xxxvii 1987, no. 1832; Kant 1987, 7 0 7 - 8 ; van der Horst 1988a, 141 = 1990, 143-4; van der Horst 1988b, 184-6; S. Talmon, EI 20 1989, 2 8 3 - 4 ; SEG xxxix 1989, no.712; Boffo 1994, 4 7 - 6 0 no.2; Talmon 1997, 2 2 6 - 9 ; Pummer 1998, 2 8 - 9 ; Binder 1999, 305. Found near building G D 80 on Delos. N o w : Delos, Archaeological Museum. Details: Marble stele depicting a large wreath, broken above, 48 x 40.5 (base) - 33 (top) x I I (base) - 7.5 (top) cm. Letters c. 1.5-1.0 c m . ' ^ Letters inscribed and painted in red (even lines) or black (odd lines). Language: Greek. Date: c. 150-50 B C E . Text (follows Bruneau 1982): {wreath) oi ev AfiA,tp lapaeX-eixai o l d 7IAPX6P.evoi elq iepov ' A p y a pi^eiv axecpavovaiv xp\)a© oxe(pdvcp SapajclcDva TOCCTO\oq KV6CTIOV e\)epyeoia(; eveKev
5
xfjq elq ea^xovq.
The Israelites on Delos who make offerings to the temple (on) [or to sacred] Garizim [Argarizin] crown with a golden wreath Serapion (son) of Jason, from Knossos, for his beneficence to them. This w a s found together with #Ach66. On 11.1-4, see #Ach66. The word "Israelites" is written differently here: T a p a e X e i x a i , with e instead of T| and e i instead of i. The iota adscript indicating the dative is missing as in
162 C f the absence o f iota adscript indicating the dative throughout the inscription. Bruneau 1982, 4 8 3 ^ . 163 Donald Binder has provided a photo at: http://faculty.smu.edu/dbinder/delos.html 164 This is presumably what Bruneau intended by " 1 5 - 1 0 cm."
Delos
233
#Ach66.'^^ The benefactor, Serapion, was from Knossos, and Menippus in # A c h 6 6 was probably also a Cretan, The reason for the Samaritans honouring Serapion is described with the term e\)epYeoia, one of the standard epigraphic terms for good deeds or benefactions within the system of euergetism; cf. # # A c h 3 8 - 9 where it applies to Herod the Great, and #Mac7 where it is mentioned in a family context. The name Serapion is attested in Jewish inscriptions from Cyrenaica.'^^ A s with Menippus, Serapion was not necessarily a Samaritan himself. Bruneau dates the inscription to 150-50 B C E on palaeographic grounds. For the significance of o i EV Air|A,q) for dating, c f #Ach66. If the dating is correct, it shows striking continuity with #Ach66 in the way the Samaritans of Delos designated themselves, and in the form of wreath used on the stones (unless the wreaths survive from earlier use). The two inscriptions may be closer to each other in time than Bruneau believes. A c h 6 8 . P r a u l u s of S a m a r i a in a list of d e d i c a n t s Editions: Roussel 1915/16, 174-5 n o . I 6 8 ; Durrbach I 9 2 I / 2 , 264 n . l ; I.Delos 1937, no.2616, col. II, 11.53-4. Other bibliography: Robert 1946, 102; BE 1969, no.369; Bruneau 1982, 479; White 1987, 144 n.47, 147 n.60; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 7 0 - 1 ; van der Horst 1988a, 141 n.30 = 1990, 144 n.37. Found in building G D 100 on Delos. Now: Delos, Archaeological M u s e u m , inv.no.G685. Details: Marble stele, 100 x 61 x 4 cm. Language: Greek. Date: c.lOO CE, Text (follows I.Delos 2616, II.53-4): NPA\)X,0(; Zajiapeix; Kal [-bleep] Twv d8eA,(pc5v Kal xfjq ji[T|Tp6q.] Praulus
of Samaria,
also for his brothers and
53 54 mother.
This was found in Serapeion C (GD 100).'^' The whole inscripdon is written in two columns and lists the names of the members of the temple and a number of dedications to Serapis. Most people in the list are recorded with their names in the nominative followed by a patronymic (or with a Roman praenomen and nomen), but some have an ethnic instead, e.g. 'HpdKX.eiTO(; T'6pio[<;] (11.47). The text given above is 11.53-4 of the second column. Roussel suggests that the dedicator was a Jew, but this is unlikely. It seems that in this case we have an immigrant from Samaria '65 Bruneau 1982, 4 6 9 . '66 CJZC, nos.53a, 53c, 72. '67 Bruneau & Ducat 1965, 1 4 4 - 5 .
234
Delos
who contributed to the Temple of Serapis on Delos, not (or, at least, no longer) a Samaritan by religious affdiation as proposed by Bruneau. Robert suggests he may have been a Greek colonist from Samaria.'^* It may be significant that the ethnic here has a different spelling from all its other occurrences in Greece (see Index V a ) . The name Praulus is not attested in Samaritan or Jewish inscriptions, although it is fairly widespread otherwise.'^^ Roussel and Bruneau date the inscription to c.IOO CE on palaeographic grounds. A c h 6 9 . Statue base of Herod Antipas Editions: Homolle 1879, 3 6 5 - 7 no.5; OGIS i 1903, no.417; Durrbach i 1921/2, 2 6 3 - 4 no. 176; I.Delos 1937, no. 1586; Ehrenberg & Jones 1955, no. 179; Gabba 1958, 4 5 - 6 no. 15; Boffo 1994, 166-70 no.20. Other bibliography: Homolle 1884, 151; Plassart 1914, 534; Mantzoulinou-Richards 1988, 96 app.B, n o . l ; Richardson 1996, 209 no. 10 (English tr.); Kokkinos 1998, 122, 137. Found in the Temple of Apollo on Delos. N o w : Delos, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.El70. Details: White marble base of a statue, 80 x 56 x 53 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 4 - 3 9 CE. Text (follows I.Delos): 6 8fip,0(; 6 'A0[T|]v[aia)v Kal oi] KaToiKo\)[vT]e[(;] xfi[v vfjoov] 'HpcbSriv paaiA,e(o[q 'H]p[a)8oD viov] xexpapxriv dpexfiq [eveKev Kal e v v o i - ] aq Tfjq eiq ea\)TO'b[(; 'A7i6A-A,a)vi dveeriKav?] ITHIEI[ ] vvv 8e K[ ]
5
eirl e7tip,[eA,'nxoi) xfjq VT|OOU 'AKOXA.COVIO'O XOX) AJIOA,-]
A-covioD Pa[p,vo\)oio\) -
1
2. Durrbach: Kaxoi[K]o[OvTeq Tf|v vfjaov] 3 . Durrbach: 'Hp(b5T|v PaCTi^eo)[(; 'H]p[(b5o\) •uiov] 8-9. H o m o l l e : e n i e7Cip|eA,rixoO xr\c, vxyaoM x o v SeTvoq A7io>,]|Xcovio-u M[ O G I S : erci eTti|j.[eXrixoO xy\c, vr\oo\> AnoX-JXcoviov M[ ---]
];
The Athenian people and those living on the island (honoured) Herod the tetrarch, son of King Herod, for his kindness and goodwill towards them.
168 B E 1969, no.369. 169 3 examples in LGPN i, 12 in iiiA, 2 in iiiB.
Delos
235
(and) dedicated to Apollo(?) now in the time of the epimeletes of the island Apollonius (son) of Apollonius from Rhamnous This inscription was found in the propylon (a monumental roofed gateway) of the Temple of Apollo on Delos in 1878. The inscripdon is on the base of a statue, which apparently was placed in the Temple of Apollo as a gift of gratitude by the Athenians living on Delos to Herod the Great's son Antipas. Very similar wording is found in inscriptions honouring Queen Stratonice (I.Delos 1575), Augustus (1588) and his daughter Julia (1592), which are dedicated to Apollo, Artemis and Leto, so all the divinides may have been mentioned here too. Herod Antipas was appointed by Augustus tetrarch of Galilee and Peraea following his father's death in 4 BCE. He apparently followed the trend of benefactions by his father to major Greek cides in Asia Minor, mainland Greece and the Greek archipelago as indicated by another dedication of a statue to him from Cos,'''^ In both dedications Herod Antipas is described as "son of King Herod" and his own title is given as tetrarch. The placing of the statue in the propylon of the Temple of Apollo probably indicates recognition of some sort of improvement in that location. Richardson notes that this inscription and the rebuilding of the Temple of Pythian Apollo on Rhodes by Herod the Great'^' suggest an association of the Herodian family with the cult of Apollo. Durrbach restored 11.8-9 after a dedication of the Athenians and the Delians to the proconsul L. Calpumius Piso, where the epimeletes Apollonius (son) of Apollonius from Rhamnous is also mentioned. The inscription has not been dated, but it was presumably placed, together with the statue, in the Temple of Apollo some time before A n d p a s ' exile by Caligula in 39 CE.
Rheneia Ach70. Epitaph of Heraclea with curse Edidons: Hirschfeld 1874, 4 0 3 - 5 no.57; SIG ii^ 1900, no.816; Wilhelm 1901, c o l s . 9 - 1 8 ; Deissmann 1902, 2 5 3 - 6 5 = 1923, 3 5 1 - 6 2 ; Tocilescu 1902, i 4 3 6 - 7 7 no.93; Oehler 1909, 444 no.l 14a; Schurer 1909, iii 5 6 - 7 ; Bergmann 1911, 5 0 3 - 1 0 ; Cumont 1914, 9 4 6 - 7 ; SIG iii^ 1920, no.l 181;
'70 OGIS 1416. '71 Josephus, BJ 1.424, Ant. 16.147. '72 Durrbach 1921/2, 2 6 2 - 3 , n o . l 7 5 .
Rheneia
236
1 vAXlN A V T
HNH4>APMAKJjrA
l./*:^ rF.A.oie B oYA-n A ? A t f C j - A I I N A F r A l K h f h x . OA > « C A V o A r - r f 0r^' z H Y H , -^'i''-? K A t T H H X A : < ItTHr4 ^
86 i
Durrbach 1921/2, i 2 6 4 - 5 ; Krauss 1922, 2 4 3 - 4 no.97; CIJ i 1936, no.725a; I.Delos 1937, no.2532.i; Couilloud 1974, 215 no.485.ii; White 1997, ii 3 3 8 - 9 no.3. Illustrations: Wilhelm 1901, fig.3 (facsimile); Deissmann 1923, 352 figs.73-4 (facsimile); Cumont 1923, pl.4.2 (facsimile); Mazur 1935, 15 fig.2 (photo); CU i 1936. no.725a (facsimile). Other bibliography: F. Cumont, MemPontAcc 1.1 1923, 77 no. 19; Cook 1925, ii.2 880 1 no. 19; Nock, Roberts & Skeat 1936, 57 (=Nock 1972, 418); Robert 1937, 81 = 1946, 9 9 - 1 0 0 ; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 6 1 ; Robert 1960, 433 n . 3 ; Pippidi 1974. 2 6 0 - 1 ; L. Robert, CRAI 1978, 248 n . 4 1 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 70; White 1987, 139-40 n.27, 147 n.60; van der Horst 1991, 148-9 no.6; Trebilco 1991, 133-4 no.4.2; Williams 1998, no.ll. 133 (English tr.). Found on Rheneia. Now: Bucharest, National Museum of Romania, inv.no.L582. Details: White marble stele with tenon underneath, broken at the top, 42 x 31 X 6.5 cm., inscribed on both sides. The letters were originally painted in red. Language: Greek. Date: 2 " ' ' - e a r l y l " century BCE(?). Text (follows Couilloud 1974): (front) (jmir of uplifted hands) eTCiKaA.o'Giiai Kal d^iro tov ©eov tov 'Y\|/iatov tov Kvpiov tcov 7rve\)p,dtcov
Rheneia
237
K a l Tcdoiig oapKog, cTti xo-bq SoA-coi cpovei)a a v x a q fj (papfiaKevoavxaq x-qv x a A,ai7t(opov dcopov 'HpdKA,eav, exxeavx a g a-oxiig x6 dvaixiov a i p a d 8 i KCOQ, iva oijxcoq yevrixai xoiq cpoveto a o i v a-oxfiv r\ (pap|a.aK£<)oaoiv Kai xoiq XEKVoig avxcov. Ki)pie 6 Tcdvxa e(popmv K a i oi dvyeXoi 0 e o ^ , © Tcdoa XJ/DXT] ev xfi ofisiepov fijiepai xa?i£ivoi)vxai |XE9' i K E x e i a q , iva £y8iKfiGT|q x6 ai[xa x6 dvaixiov ^rixfiGEiq, K a l x-pv xaxiaxiiv. (reverse) {pair of uplifted hands) £'K\KaXox)\ka\ Kai d ^ i m xov ©EOV XOV "Y\}/iaxo\)v xov Kx)piov x6)v KVEDjxdxwv Kal TcdoTjq o a p K o g , E K I xobq 56A,q) ( p o v E U o a v x a q fj ( p a p p.aKe\)aavxaq x q v xaA,aiKcopov dcopov 'HpdK?iEa[v,] EXXeavxaq a-oxfJQ x6 d v [ a l - ] x i o v aijxa dSiKcoq, i v a o[i3 - ] xcoc; y e v r i x a i xoiq cpovEi)(jaoiv a v x f i v fj cpap^aKE'Uoaa i v K a i xoiq xeKvoiq avx&v. Kvpie 6 Tcdvxa etpopwv Kal oi dvy£A,oi ©EOV, cp Jtdoa \ | / D XTi e v x f ] afijiEpov f m e p g xajtEivovvxai )IE9' i K E x e i aq, i v a e y 8 i K f | o r | ( ; xo a [ i - ] [p]a xo d v a i x i o v , ^rixfja£iq K a l xfjv xaxioxriv.
5
10
5
10
15
Front 10. Deissmann: & 11. Wilhelm: tfi riiiepai 1 2 - 1 3 . Wilhelm: eySiKTioTi^ a i p a / call upon and entreat the Highest God, the Lord of the spirits and all flesh, against those who have treacherously murdered or poisoned the wretched, untimely dead Heraclea, and wickedly spilled her innocent blood, so that the same happens to them, who treacherously murdered or poisoned her, and to their children. (), Lord who see everything, and the angels of God, for whom every soul on this same day humbles itself [or
238
Rheneia
fasts] with supplication, (them?) and as soon as
that you avenge possible.
the innocent
blood, seek
after
This inscription was found in 1834 on Rheneia, the burial island of Delos, and later transferred to Bucharest. This inscripdon and #Ach71 are the only prayers for vengeance found on Rheneia. This probably suggests that Jewish epitaphs on the island are otherwise indistinguishable from nonJewish ones, and it is only when they go into unusual detail that they become distinctive. The text is inscribed in virtually identical form on both sides of the stone, so it appears that both sides were intended to be read, rather than one side having an abandoned inscription which was replaced on the other side. The line numbers given below refer to the text on the side labelled "front". It has usually been assumed that the deceased here and in #Ach71 were "girls", but there is nothing to show that they were not adults. 1.1. The text uses the verb e7tiKaA,oi)|a,ai with the accusative for the powers whose intervention is sought. Deissmann notes that it is used in the same way in the LXX and early Christian literature and in magical t e x t s . E p i g r a p h i c examples of comparable e7iiKaA,o'0)xai expressions are not found on Delos or other islands of the Cyclades. d ^ i 6 is used here with the meaning of "offering a prayer" as in the LXX text of Jer 7.16, 9.14; Eccl. 51.14, etc. This is presumably represented by the hands at the top of the stele. 11.1-3. Theos Hypsistos (cf. #Ach60) clearly refers here to the Jewish God, as indicated by the following phrase t o v K\)piov xrov 7tvEa)p.dto)v K a l 7idaT|(; capKoc,, which is almost an exact citation of the LXX text of N u m 16.22 and 27.16. Deissmann notes that the spirits mentioned here are almost certainly the angels of God.'^"* He finds several other allusions to the L X X in the inscripdon. Thus, he notes that the phrase 56A,(oi ( p o v e v a a v t a q in 11.4-5 reflects the OT description of a deliberate murder in Ex 21.14; the word S6X,cp is used in Dt 27.24 in a forensic sense. 11.3-4. c p a p i x a K e x ) © most probably does not indicate that the deceased w o m a n was really poisoned, but is part of a standard expression adopted by the Jewish community on Delos, as indicated by its repetition in 1.8 and #Ach71. 11.5-6. Deissmann suggests that e x x e a v t a q avxfjq t o d v a i t i o v a i f i a corresponds to Dt 19.10: K a l OVK eK^DGrjoetai a\\ia d v a i t i o v ev tfj yfi (TOO) He also notes that the phrase a i j i a d v a i t i o v was common in the LXX.
'73 Deissmann 1 9 2 7 , 4 1 6 . '74 Deissmann 1 9 2 7 , 4 1 6 . '75 Deissmann 1 9 2 7 , 4 1 8 .
Rheneia
239
11.9-10. The acclamation K\)pie 6 ndvxa ecpoprov also has LXX parallels: Job 34.23; 2Macc 12.22, 15.2, etc. The angels of God referred to in the same lines do not presuppose a special angelic cult. They are invoked to carry out G o d ' s vengeance. Deissmann notes that the prayer "keeps well within the bounds of the Biblical creed".'^^ 11.10-11. itdaa \|/a)xfi ev xfi a f ^ e p o v fiixepai TaiceivoOvxai |xe9' i K e x e i a q refers, most probably, to the Day of Atonement. Deissmann notes that the expression \|/'0XT| + Taiceivoco probably means "fasting" h e r e , ' 7 r a t h e r than "humbling oneself'.'^^ He believes that the phrase does not refer to an extraordinary day of prayer and fasting kept by the family of the murdered woman and the community but to the Day of Atonement. If correct, this is the first epigraphic reference to it. The use of a 3*^^ person plural verb with a singular subject in an inscription which is otherwise grammatically fairly correct may indicate that part of the clause was a citation, although not from the LXX. 11.12-13. atixa e K 8 i K e i v , or a i f i a ^Tixeiv/eK^r|tetv occurs very often in the L X X . D e i s s m a n n notes that the ending of the inscription XTJV x a x i c T x r i v "reminds one of the very common r{bj] TJSTI x a x b x a x b of many prayers of conjuration".'*^ The name Heraclea is not otherwise attested in Jewish inscriptions. The name occurs in another epitaph from Rheneia, which prompted Wilhelm to consider that one Jewish, but there is nothing to support this.'*' A wide range of dates has been proposed. Hirschfeld puts the inscription in the 2"** century CE while Dittenberger (SIG ii^) prefers a 1^^ century CE date. However, it seems that as Homolle, Wolters, von Gaertringen, Wilhelm and Deissmann have observed, on palaeographic grounds the inscription should be dated to the 2"^ or early I^^ century BCE (before the destrucdon of Delos in 88 BCE).'*^ A c h 7 L E p i t a p h of M a r t i n a w i t h c u r s e Editions: le Bas 1839, v 185-94 no.269; Pittakes 1840, 392 no.515; SIG ii^ 1900, no.816; A. Wilhelm, OJh 4 1901, c o l s . 9 - 1 8 ; Deissmann 1902, 2 5 3 6 5 ; Deissmann 1923, 3 5 1 - 6 2 ; Tocilescu 1902, i 4 3 6 - 7 7 no.93; Oehler 1909, 444 n o . l 14a; Bergmann 1911, 5 0 3 - 1 0 ; SIG iii^ 1920, no.l 181; Durrbach 1921/2, i 264-5; Krauss 1922, 2 4 3 - 4 no.97; F. Cumont,
'76 Deissmann 1 9 2 7 , 4 1 8 . '77 Lev 16.29, 16.31, 23.27, 23.29, 23.32; Ps 34(35). 13, etc. '78 Is 2.17; Eccl 2.17; Ps 43(44).26, etc. 179 Dt 22.43; 2 K g s 9.7, 9.50, etc. 180 Deissmann 1 9 2 7 , 4 2 1 . 181 Wilhelm 1901, 14-19. 182 Deissmann 1 9 2 7 , 4 2 2 .
240
Rheneia
MemPontAcc 1.1 1923, 77 no. 19; CU i 1936, no.725b; I.Delos 1937, no.2532.ii; Couilloud 1974, 214 no.485.i; White 1997, ii 3 3 8 - 9 no.3. Illustrations: Wilhelm 1901, fig.2 (facsimile); Deissmann 1923, 353 fig.75 (photo); Couilloud 1974, fig.485 (photo). Other bibliography: le Bas & Blouet 1838, iii.l, 7; Schurer 1909, iii 5 6 7; Cumont 1914, 9 4 6 - 7 ; Cook 1925, ii.2 880-1 no. 19; Roberts, Skeat & Nock 1936, 57 ( - N o c k 1972, 418); Robert 1937, 81 = Robert 1946, 9 9 100; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 6 1 ; Robert 1960, 433 n.3; Masson 1971, 6 6 - 7 ; Pippidi 1974, 2 6 0 - 1 ; L. Robert, CRAI 1978, 248 n . 4 1 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 70; White 1987, 147 n.60; frebilco 1991, 1 3 3 4 no.4.2; Williams 1998, no.ll. 133 (English tr.). Found on Rheneia. Now: Athens, National Museum. Details: White marble stele with tenon underneath, broken at the top, 56 x 33 X 9 cm. Face severely mutilated. Letter forms: E 0 2 O Language: Greek. Date: 2"'' - early 1*^' century BCE(?).
Rheneia
241
Text (follows Couilloud 1974): [e7iiK]aA,o[i)[iai K a i d^ico TOV 0 e 6 v xov "Y-] [\j/]iatov [TOV Kvpiov] xmv [nveDjidtcov] [ K j a i jtdcj[Tiq oapKoJg, km. xovq 8[6A,coi] (pov[e\)aavTa]q fj (pap}iaKe<)aavxafg Tf)v xaA,a]i7t(opov dcopov M a p Bivlriv, eyxeavjxaq axixx\c, x6 d v a i x i ov aX\i{a d8iK(o]q, < i > v a oijxcoq yevrixai xoiq (pov[ei)aa]aiv ai)xf]v x\ (papixaKei) o a a i v Kai xoiq XEKVOIQ a w c o v . K\)pie 6 T i d v x a e[(p]oprov Kai oi dvyeA-oi 0eot), coi Kdoa V'OX'N 'CTl^ af|{a.£pov fj^iepai x a Tieivcovxai ) I £ G ' iKExeiag, i v a eK5iKf|Gr|q x6 ai|.ia x6 dvaixiov K a i xf]v xaxiaxr|v.
5
10
1. P i t t a k e s : .. [K|aA.w[<; Kai SiKaicoq] 2. D e i s s m a n n : [-v)/i](jxo[v tov KV)piov|
xco[v Tive-undxcovl 2 - 3 . !e Bas 1839: fai| apai [t&v dyicov jraxeptovj 2 - 3 . P i t t a k i s : [elj^ xohc, [a\)!xd . a[i D P X J I ai K\> kni xohq [xovj 3. D e i s s m a n n : 3tfd|a[T|5 aapKOJq, ejii xouq [66A,o)iJ 4. le B a s 1839: (po[ve-uoavxa5 Kptxpico^]; Pittakis: cpofpov npd^avxa^ KptxpiogI; Deissmann: (po[ve\)crcxvxcx|q 5. D e i s s m a n n : -xa[<; xfiv xa?i,ai]jicopov 5 - 6 . le Bas 1839: \iaq xtjv 8e xfjv eiijcopov dcopov )a.dp[x'op]|o[v fi kcxI EKXECtvxJaq at»xfJ5; Pittakis: xa[5 xr|v 5e xfiv KaA,Tiv ei3|a)pov dcopov |i,dp[xTjpl|ov 5 - 6 . Deissmann: M(xp[9]iv[r|v 6 - 7 . P i t t a k i s : [r\ kcxi dSiKcoq ekxecxvxKxc; x6 dvaixi|ov ai^[(x. xouxoi^ dvtijcoijva oijxcoq YEvrjxai 7. le Bas 1839: a\\ia m i dvd6e(x)cx ouxtog yevrixai 10. le B a s 1839: 6 Jtdvxa |8T||iioupyl(ov; Pittakis: 6 ndvxa ylivcboKlcov I 1. le Bas 1839: ev xfi afmepov fjiiepa 11. W i l h e l n i : xr\\ D e i s s m a n n : xfj 12. P i t t a k i s : neivoalxai fieBiKexEiaq 12. W i l h e l m : eK-6iKfian[?]; D e i s s m a n n :
£K8iKT|aTi[<;]
13. Deissmann: xaxicTXTi[v] I call upon and entreat the Highest God, the Lord of the spirits and all flesh, against those who have treacherously murdered or poisoned the wretched, untimely dead Martina, and wickedly spilled her innocent blood, so that the same happens to them, who treacherously murdered or poisoned her, and to their children. O, Lord who see everything, and the angels of God, for whom every soul on this same day humbles itself [or fasts] with supplication, that you avenge the innocent blood, and as soon as possible.
242
Rheneia
This was found in 1834 on Rheneia. The text of the inscription appears to be virtually identical to #Ach70 apart from the name of the murdered woman, Martina, and it has been reconstructed accordingly; ^r|Tfjoeiq was not included in the last sentence of this inscription (cf. #Ach70 front 1.13). Deissmann suggests the two women may had been murdered and buried together. The name Martina occurs in a Jewish epitaph from Rome (JIWE ii 582). Le Bas considered the inscription Christian and suggested an 11"' 12"^ century CE date. However, it clearly belongs to exactly the same date as #Ach70, suggested above to be the 2"^*- early 1^' century BCE.
Syros A c h 7 2 . P r a y e r of E u n o m i u s Editions: Stephanos 1875, 86 no.80; IG xii 5.1 1903, no.712,80; Kiourtzian 2000, 173-5 no. 108. Illustrations: Stephanos, pl.2 (photo); Kiourtzian, pi.xxxiv (photo). Found at Grammata Bay, Syros, and preserved in situ. Details: Graffiti inscribed in a tabula ansata (26 x 56 cm.). Letters: 4 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 4'*' century CE or later. Text (follows Kiourtzian 2000): K(upi)e PoiiGri xo Sou- (jug?) (menorah) Xo oox) E-uvojiio KE TcdCTJ xf] ouvjcX-oi-
(lulab)
oc a'6x00) Na^ioiq. 1. T h e r e is a h o r i z o n t a l bar a b o v e KE m a r k i n g t h e a b b r e v i a t i o n for K ( t ) p i ) E 1. L i g a t u r e o f HT 4 . IG xii 5 . 1 : N [ a ] ^ i o i 5
Lord help your servant Eunomius and all his crew,
Naxians.
This graffito is inscribed on the rocks of Grammata Bay (oppoq xwv rpap,pdxcov), zone B ' , located on the north-west side of Syros. "^-^ According to Stephanos, zones B ' & B " are located inside the bay about 70 m. from the beach. The inscribed area of each zone is 40 m^. The present inscription and #Ach73 arc clearly designated as Jewish by the symbols used, but they are among Christian and pagan inscriptions. The situation seems to have been similar to that at the Temple of Pan at el-Kanais in Egypt, where Jews were willing to put up their own invocations and thanksgivings among those of followers of other religions.'^"^ '83 C f Kiourtzian 2000, 1 3 7 - 8 . 184 J I G R E 1 2 1 - 4 .
Syros
243
The formula K ( i ) p i ) e PofiBTi in 1.1 occurs in sixteen early Christian inscriptions, according to Heiller (in IG), from Grammata Bay.'^s Eleven of these have the abbreviation K ( ' D p i ) E . ' ^ ^ In all but one the object of the help is in the dative (the use of -o for the dative ending is common). The formula occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Caesarea and Scythopolis,'^^ and there are variants in several inscriptions from Syria,'^^ although it is more typical of Christian epigraphy. The abbreviation 9.(3. (Oeog PoTi96g) is found in inscriptions from Alexandria'^'' and Ascalon;'''" and in full the formula begins face a of the Aphrodisias inscription.''^' K-opio^ PorjOog occurs often in the LXX.'^^ j h e purpose of the formula here and in many inscriptions from Grammata Bay is clear: to ask for blessing on a forthcoming sea voyage. The use of 8o\)A,oq in the sense of being G o d ' s slave is characterisdc of Christian inscriptions, including 21 from Grammata Bay.'^^ n jg not attested otherwise in Jewish inscriptions, although the term is used in the LXX, with the meaning of "servant of God", in reference to the patriarchs'''"' and the kings of Israel.'^-^ The name Theodula, which has the same derivation, is found in #Ach30. The name Eunomius, a form of Ebvopoq, is otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions. Kiourtzian suggests that the name would be attractive '85 IG xii 5.1, nos.57, 60 3 ( A ' ) ; 7 0 - 2 , 74, 77 9 ( B ) ; 82 3, 88, 90. 9 8 (B"). '86 IG xii 5 . 1 , nos.57, 60, 7 0 - 2 , 74, 78 9, 8 8 , 90, 9 8 . ' 8 7 Lifshitz 1967, nos.64, 77a. "88 I J u d O iii Syr38, S y r 4 l . Syr75. '89 J I G R E nos. 16-17. '90 Lifshitz 1967, no.84. '91 Reynolds & T a n n e n b a u m 1987, 5 - IJudO ii 14. '92 Ps 17(I8).3, 26(27).9, 27(28).7, 113.17 19, 117.6 7; Is 17.10. 50.7, etc. •93 IG xii 5.1, nos. 6 1 - 3 , 6 7 , 7 1 - 2 , 74, 7 6 - 7 , 79, 8 1 3 , 8 7 - 9 2 . 9 5 , 9 8 . '94 A b r a h a m : Ps 104(105).42. '95 Saul and David: ISam 2 3 . 1 1 , 2 6 . 1 7 - 1 9 ; 2 S a m 7.5; Ps 26(27).9, etc.
244
'^yos
to Jews because of its meaning: "under good laws" or "well-ordered" (LSJ S.V.).
ci)\nXom (written ax)\i- in standard orthography, but with very variable spelling in practice) means literally "a shared voyage", but here, and in other inscriptions from Grammata Bay, it is used with the meaning of " s h i p ' s crew". Some of the inscriptions ask for help for "the ship x and those who sail in her",'^^ or for "the crew of
(menorah)
eici wvronaxoq 0 ( £ o ) ^ ^ov[xo(;] EitopxtA-K; [?'Io'o6a]io<; ACOGIQ,
1. 1. 2. 3. 4.
I)7cep [EvnX]x)a[qll
There is a horizontal bar above OY marking the abbreviation for 0(8o)O 1. 6v6|xaToq, ^wvToq Stephanos, IG xii 5 . 1 : Ei(opx\)Uq ... loq Stephanos: acoGiq •OTce-va; IG xii 5.1: acoQic, •one - 1. CTCoeEiq, ehnXoiaq
'96 197 '98 '99 200
IG xii 5 . 1 . 7 1 2 , 56, 6 5 , 7 8 , 9 4 . ibid.64. ibid.75, 9 3 , 9 6 , 97. ibid.76, 7 9 . Pagan gods such as Asclepius are also invoked at the site, but using different formulae.
Syros
In the name of the living God, Heortylis for a good voyagef?).
245
the Jew(?), having returned
safely,
This graffito comes from near #Ach72, in zone B " of the inscriptions. The menorah represented with a horizontal bar in Stephanos' and Hillier's (in IG) squeezes is no longer visible. The formula eni o v o ^ a i o q 0 e o ^ ^covtoq is unique among the inscriptions from Grammata Bay and is otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions. According to Kiourtzian, it echoes the LXX text of Dt 4.33 ( 0 e o v C,&vxo<;), N u m 14.21, 14,28, etc. A possible indication of the full meaning of the formula is found in the N T (Rev 15.7): xox> 0eoi) TOO) ^©VToq elq xox>q aimvaq xrov aitbvcov ("of the God who lives for ever and ever"). The name El(opx\)A,i(;, a form of 'EopxiyXioq i.e. 'Eopx'6X,o(; (LGPN i, S.V.), is formed from the word eopxT) (feast, holiday; LSJ, s.v.) and the suffix -\)%oq?^^ N a m e s formed on the basis of eopxf) are rarely found in Jewish inscriptions: Elopxdaiq occurs in inscription VI from the mosaic floor of Tiberias synagogue,^^^ The present name, however, is not attested in Jewish inscriptions. Kiourtzian restores [ToD6a]ioq because of the presence of a menorah in the inscription. Although the occurrence of Eortylis' ethnic in the inscription is probable - invocations from Grammata Bay sometimes give the supplicants' ethnics, but not their patronymics - the restoration [To'u5a]io(; is debatable, since #Ach72 shows that a Jew can be given a local ethnic. G(oBeiq at the beginning of 1.3 literally means "saved" (cf. #BS27), but should probably be understood less dramatically as indicating a safe return. It is not found otherwise at Grammata Bay, but the imperative ofCTW^Q)is common. The participle was used at el-Kanais, including in one of the Jewish inscriptions: aa)9ei<; EK 7CEX,
246
Syros
# A c h 7 2 does, but may be from approximately the same date, as most of the inscriptions at the site seem to be. A c h 7 4 . Dedication of a building by Herod the Great Editions: Stephanos 1874, 653-6, no. 16; Stephanos 1875, 4 8 - 5 1 , no. 16 [a only]; IG xii 5.1 1903, no.7I3^ [a only]; Mantzoulinou-Richards 1988, 8 7 99 [ a - c ] ; SEG xxxviii 1988, no.825. Other bibliography: Richardson 1996, 2 0 5 - 6 no.4 (English tr.). Three fragments discovered separately on Syros. N o w : Lost (a); Privately owned (b); Built into the church of St. George (San Georgio) in A n o Syros (c). Details: Inscription written across three pieces of white marble, probably part of the architrave of a large Doric building (regulae and guttae survive partially in (a); there are traces of dried cement along the regulae). Dimensions of (a) 173 x 73 x 10 cm; (b) 110 x 34 cm.; (c) 66 x 33 cm. Height of letters ( a - c ) : 12 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 3 7 - 4 BCE. Text (from Mantzoulinou-Richards 1988): BaaiAlebq 'H]pd)8[T|](; xwi Stmltoi x&i - - - ] A. Stephanos, IG xii 5.1: PnA[-]XTfl!l on the stone B. Mantzoulinou-Richards: BAZIA on the stone C. Mantzoulinou-Richards: AHM on the stone
King Herod to the people According to Stephanos, fragment (a) of the inscription was found in 1874 a m o n g the ruins of the church of St. Michael at the village of Paraskeva, the ancient port of Phoinikas. Phoinikas is located on the west coast of Syros. Mantzoulinou-Richards found fragment (b) in the village of Poseidonia (Dellagratsia) in September 1987. The stone was used as terrace foundation in the garden of a privately owned house. It was brought there from a warehouse for used building material (mandra) near the village. Fragment (c) was found in 1988 built into the church of St, George (San Georgio) in Ano Syros (about 12 km, from Paraskeva and Poseidonia). Stephanos never saw fragment (a) himself but was given a squeeze by a friend. According to him at that time the stone was transferred to a wine-press near the village of Paraskeva. Its present whereabouts are unknown. Stephanos related (a) to an inscription mentioning the priest of Sarapis Aristeas son of Aristeas of Marathon (IG xii 5.1 1903, no. 713^; I.Delos 2210), which was found at the same spot. He thought that (a) was part of the architrave of a temple on Syros built by Herodes Atticus, who also brought a priest from his home town of
Syros
247
Marathon.^^^ However, the inscription of Aristeas of Marathon proved to have come from Delos, where he is well attested in inscriptions.^^^ Hiller der Gaetringen, the editor of IG xii 5.1, was the first to propose, although with no explanation, the probable Delian origin of (a). MantzoulinouRichards suggests that the stones may have come from Delos as there are no large public buildings from antiquity found on Syros,^^^ although Josephus does not mention any donations by Herod on Delos. The fragments most probably found their way to Syros as building material. It is known that Delos was used for centuries by the population of the neighbouring islands as a sort of 'quarry' for well-cut stones. Thus, other inscriptions from Delos are found on Syros^^^ and Chios.^*^^ MantzoulinouRichards also observes that the port of Phoinikas, where (a) was found, is only 3.6 km. from Poseidonia (findspot of (b)) and that Phoinikas was most likely "one of the market places for stones from Delos".^'^ She then suggests that the inscription was placed, probably over a portico or porch, in the xystos (a covered colonnade in the gymnasium) adjoining the stadium (GD 78) of Delos. Her assumption is based on the evidence for H e r o d ' s interest in athletics (he was himself a good athlete).^" It is known that he made generous donations for the Olympic Games, paid for the office of gymnasiarch on Cos, supported the building of gymnasia in Tripolis, Ptolemais and Damascus and even organised games, similar to the Olympics, in Judaea.^'-^ The xystos was considered to be a dedication of Ptolemy IX on the basis of I.Delos 1531, but, as the SEG editor notes, that inscription "refers only to a door leading from a vestibule in the gymnasium to the xystos of the stadion". Mantzoulinou-Richards notes that the size of Herod's inscription suggests that it was placed on the "(outside) southwest portico of the xystos facing the 36-meter long (approximately 1 1 8 ' ) tribune of the officials and the spectators who could read from across such monumental letters".^'^ That this inscription is a dedication by Herod the Great and not Herod Antipas (cf. #Ach69) is clear from the title "king" applied to him. The inscription cannot be dated more precisely than 3 7 - 4 BCE as Herod is only described as "king" without any additional epithets.
205 Stephanos 1875, 1 5 - 1 6 , 4 9 , n.31. 206 I.Delos 2 0 1 0 , 2 1 0 7 , 2508. 207 This was also the assumption o f the editor o f IG xii 5.1. 208 IG xii 5 . 1 . 7 1 3 ^ IG xii 5.1.713'"* were taken from Rheneia. 209 SEG xxiii 4 9 4 . 210 Mantzoulinou-Richards 1988, 91. 2'1 Josephus, flJ 1.429. 2 ' 2 f i j 1.422, 426-8;/<«/. 15.268-71, 16.149. 2'3 Mantzoulinou-Richards 1988, 95.
248
Syros
Uncertain
origin
A c h 7 5 . E p i t a p h from R o m e Editions: Fasola 1976, 20; SEG xxvi 1976, n o . l 163; JIWE ii 1995, no.503. Other bibliography: Vismara 1986, 356 n.83. Inscribed on the north wall of Gall.A1 in the upper catacomb of Villa Torlonia, Rome. Details: Painted in red on plastered tile closing loculus. Letters: 3.5-6 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 3'**-4"^ century CE. Text (follows JIWE): £v6d8e KITE I[ - - - - ] 'AXALDQ ev iprilvTi - - ] 1. Fasola: [aTco
if\c,]
2. Fasola: ipT|[vT| fi KOIHTICTK;
Here lies I.
avxov/-xi\c,]
of/from Achaea. In peace
The person buried here apparently came to Rome from the Roman province of Achaea. The exact place of origin, however, is not stated.
Section 10
Crete Gortyn received a letter from Rome about the Jews in 140 BCE, which may indicate a Jewish presence on the island then. Crete was conquered by R o m e as a result of the wars with Mithridates VI and the pirates, and formed half the province of Crete and Cyrene until the 4 * century CE. The "false Alexander" who claimed to be H e r o d ' s son received help from Cretan Jews. Philo mentions Crete as one of the islands with a Jewish "colony" in the 1*' century CE, and Josephus married a Jewish woman from (he says) a leading Jewish family of Crete, presumably at Rome in the 70s C E . ' Cretans were in Jerusalem for Pentecost.^ In the 430s, someone claiming to be Moses allegedly led the Cretan Jews into the sea, where they drowned or were rescued and converted to Christianity.^ An unpublished inscription in the Museum of Heraklion mentioning an archisynagogos appears to be pagan not Jewish, and probably to originate from or concern someone from Thessaloniki rather than Crete.'* See also ##App20-21.
Arcades
(Kassanoi)
= TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
J19
The village of Kassanoi is located 43.5 km south-east of Heraklion at the site of ancient Arcades. C r e l . E p i t a p h of J u d a s Editions: ICret i 1935, no. 17; Bandy 1970, 142, App.no.2; CIJ i^ 1975, no.731d; Spyridakis 1988, 173-4, no.B; SEG xxxviii 1988, no.895. Illustration: Bandy 1970. Other bibliography: Robert 1946, 102; Revised Schurer iii.l, 1986, 72; van der Horst 1988b, 197. Found at Kassanoi. N o w : Kassanoi, house of Emmanuel Tamiolakes. Details: White marble stele, 44 x 23 x 10 cm. Height of letters: 2 - 3 . 5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 3'''-4"' century CE.
' I M a c c 15.23; Josephus, 5 J 2 . 1 0 1 - 3 ; Philo, Legal. 2 8 2 ; Josephus, Vita 427. 2 Acts 2.10. ^ Socrates Schol., H.E.I.3S = PG lxvii.825-8. In general, see van der Horst 1988b. ^ It is mentioned by Kritzas in Mentor 3 2 1994, 2 1 3 . A squeeze o f this inscription was kindly provided by Norman Ashton.
250
Crete
Text (follows CIJ i^): Tcooricpoc; 0eo8d)pot) To\)6a lib X)im ax)xo^ <|x>veiaq XOtpiV • excov a'. {hedera) {hedera)
5
5. A C N E I A C on the stone (ICret, Bandy) 6. There is a horizontal bar over the numeral a'
Joseph (son) of Theodorus for Judas his son, for the sake of (his) (Aged) J years [sic].
memory.
The inscription was found in the 'EPpoi (= 'Eppatoi) area near m o d e m Kassanoi, which according to Bandy was reputed to be the site of an ancient Jewish cemetery.^ The use of the name Judas makes its Jewishness certain. Guarducci and Lifshitz suggest that the names Td)or|(poq and Toi)6a indicate the family is of Palestinian origin. This, however, cannot be ascertained. Bandy also notes that the Christian epitaphs from Crete do not record patronymics, which, he suggests, supports the view that the inscription is more likely to be Jewish than Chrisdan. An interesting feature of the inscription is the use of the plural excov (years) for singular. Guarducci, followed by Bandy, dates the inscription to the 3'^'*-4^'' century CE on palaeographic grounds. Cre2. E p i t a p h Edidon: Kritzas 1990, 11 no.4. Found at Kassanoi. Now: Heraklion, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.BE 613. Details: Stele of yellowish marble, broken below and on the right, 21.5 x 28 X 12.5 cm. Letters: 3-4.5 cm. (before O); 2.5 cm (after O). Distance between lines: 1.5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: Imperial period(?). Text (follows Kritzas 1990): Elcbarjcpoq B[epe-?] veiKTi xfi el[8ia] [Ya)vai]K[l M.vfi|a,r|q / p,veiaq] [Xdpiv.] Bandy 1970, 142.
Crete
251
1-2. BepeveiKTi = BepeviKTi; Kritzas: BepeveiKTi or BepoveiKTi 2. 1. i S i a
Joseph for Berenice (?) his wife, for the sake of (her)
memory.
Panagia Pediados, a resident of the village of Kassanoi, presented this inscription in 1987 to the then keeper of the antiquities of Crete Georgios Stratakis. According to her report she found the inscription in the field of Emmanuel Krithinakis located in the Kamomouri area, belonging to the village of Kassanoi. The commemorator's name EicbaTicpoq is a form of Tcbaricpoq, a transliteration of and is found in this form in a Jewish inscription from Aphrodisias;^ cf. E i o S a i o ^ in #Ach40. The name was widely used by Jews and Christians. The end of the partly preserved 1.1 included either the name of the deceased wife of Joseph or his patronymic. The reading B[ep£]veiKTi is very likely as it would be consistent with the size of restoration in 1.2. BepeveiKri occurs as a personal name in a Jewish epitaph from Cyrenaica.^ The substitution of the classical Greek ei diphthong for the vowel i, which occurs three times in the inscription, was c o m m o n in the Late Roman and Byzantine periods.^ The epitaph does not follow the arrangement of the Christian epitaphs from Crete, which in most cases start with the verb dveita'oaaTo, not with the name of the author of the epitaph.^ Kritzas dates the inscription to the "imperial period" on palaeographic grounds. The similarity in form to # C r e l suggests that it could also be from the S*^**^* century, and that it is perhaps more likely to be Jewish than Christian.
Kastelli Kissamou
- TA VO-Karte B VI18:
J18
Kastelli Kissamou is located 42 km. west of Hania and is the capital of Kissamus county. The ruins of the ancient city of Polyrinia are located 7 km. south of Kastelli Kissamou. Ancient Kissamos was the commercial centre of Western Crete and was one of the Polyrinia's sea-ports. Kissamus flourished during the Roman and Byzantine periods when it was established as an episcopal seat. The town was fortified by the Venetians in the 15^*^ century and the fortress (castello) gave Kissamus its present n a m e : Kastelli Kissamou.
6 IJO ii 14 = Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, 5, a 1.22; it has no case ending. 7 CJZC no. 4. ^ G i g n a c i 1976, 1 9 0 - 1 . 9 Bandy 1970, 14.
252
Crete
C r e 3 . E p i t a p h of S o p h i a of G o r t y n Editions: Bandy 1963, 2 2 7 - 9 n o . l ; Bandy 1970, 1 4 2 - 3 , App. no.3; CIJ i^ 1975, no.731c; Brooten 1982, 11-12, 4 1 ; Spyridakis 1988, 174-5 no.C; Rajak & N o y 1993, 86, 90 no.l I (follows Brooten). Illustrations: Bandy 1963, pl.64 (photo); Bandy 1970, 143 (photo); Brooten 1982, pl.ii (photo). Other bibliography: BE 1964, no.413; Mentzou-Meimaris 1982, 450, nos.108, 116; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 7 1 - 2 ; van der Horst 1988b, 1 9 8 9; Trebilco 1991, 1 1 1 - 1 3 , n n . l , 5; SEG xxxviii 1988, no.913; Nystrom 1996, 9 6 - 8 ; Williams 1998, no.V.33 (English tr.); SEG xlviii 1998, no. 1214; Brooten 2000, 215-6. Found at Kastelli Kissamou. Now: Kastelli Kissamou Archaeological Collection. Details: Plaque of white marble, 45 x 30 x 2.8 cm. Letters: 1.5-3 cm. Distance between lines: 0.5-1.5 cm. Letter forms: A G ' j S k € M T T C I V Language: Greek. Date: 4 * - 5 * century CE. Text (follows CIJ i^ 1975 and photo): Socpia FopT-ovia Ttpeap-oxepa Ke dpxiavvayo)YiGGa KiCTOcixov eve a . M.vfmr| 6 i K e a < ;
5
erova. djxfiv. 3 . 1. Kai
5. 1. SiKaiaq 6. I. zic,
ai&va
Sophia of Gortyn, presbytera and archisynagogissa of Kissamus, here. The memory of the righteous woman (be) forever. Amen.
(lies)
The inscription was found at Kastelli Kissamou in 1959. The first editor classified it as Jewish or Judeo-Christian,'^ but Robert and Lifshitz both recognized the inscription as Jewish on the basis of the titles applied to the deceased woman. Sophia came from Gortyn but held office at Kissamus, perhaps because she was a property-owner in both places or because she had moved when she got married. C f IJudO iii Syr53-4 = CIJ 8 0 3 - 4 , where Ilasius the archisynagogos of Antioch has family connections at A p a m e a and makes a donation there. The name Sophia is otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions. On the term 7cpeo(3DTepa c f #Thr3.
'0 Bandy 1963, 227.
Crete
253
The title a p x i c o v a y c o y t o o a is formed in the same way as a p x T i y l a o a at N e a Anchialos from a 2"^* declension masculine noun (cf, # A c h l 8 ) . Bandy considers it an honorary title or term that indicates that Sophia was the wife of an apxiavvdyoYoq. Brooten, followed by van der Horst, suggests that ctpxiCTDvaYtDYtaoa was not honorary, but indicated the office which Sophia herself held within the Jewish community of K i s s a m o s . " Although this is possible w e should note that there is no compelling evidence for the exact nature of this office. However, Rajak & N o y suggest a similarity between pagan practice of offering honours and titles to wealthy and politically influential women benefactors and the case of the Jewish women title-holders. They also suggest that such officeholders within the Jewish community had duties which were "patronal and perhaps ceremonial rather than religious".*^ Other female holders of the title apxiovvaycoYoq are attested at Smyrna, where Rufina, called Tov6aioc, buih a tomb for her ex-slaves, and at Myndos in Caria, where Theopempte and her son Eusebius donated a chancel-screen.'-' The concluding formula in 11.5-6 derives, most probably, from the LXX text of Prov 10.7: |xvir)|iT| SiKaicov ixex' eyKco^lcov ("The memory of the righteous with a blessing"), a phrase which is found in Hebrew, Greek and Latin in other Jewish epitaphs.'" In the LXX SiKaioq translates the Hebrew term p''122, the just or righteous (sing, or pi.), frequently referred to in Psalms and Proverbs.'^ However, none of these texts explains what makes one person righteous or just. Elsewhere p''"122 designates a person who conducts himself properly and according to the law (in certain cases someone who is innocent).'^ This agrees with the meaning of SiKotioq in the Greek tradition where it could mean someone observant of custom, rule or of duty to gods and men (LSJ, s.v.). The term is often related to o a i o q (cf. #Mac7). SiKaioq occurs in concluding formulae like \izxa xmv SiKaicov f) Kot^iTiaiq aoo) ("Your sleep with the righteous") in the Jewish epitaphs from Rome.'^ Bandy notes the frequent occurrence of the phrase elq aidbva in the LXX and the NT.'^ Bandy dates the inscription to the 1*^-2"'' century CE on palaeographic grounds, but his date was corrected by Robert, who proposed a 4^*^-5''^ century date also on palaeographic grounds. The wording is much more consistent with the later date.
" Brooten 1982, 12. '2 Rajak & N o y 1993, 87; this point applies equally to male office-holders. 13 CIJ 7 4 1 , 756 = UudO ii 4 3 , 25. 14 References at JIWE i, p.332; JIWE ii, p.540. 15 Ps 1.5, 6; 13[I2]; 64.10; 6 8 . 3 ; 72.7; 92.13[12]; Prov 1 0 - 1 5 . ' 6 D t 4 . 8 ; 16.19; 2 5 . 1 ; 29; Ezek 18; Gen 1 8 . 2 2 - 3 2 . 17 JIWE ii 235, 2 7 0 , 329, 3 4 2 , 406, 533 18 Bandy 1963, 2 2 8 - 9 , nn. 19-20.
Section 11
North Coast of the Black Sea Olbia (Parutino)
= TA VO-Karte B VI18: C 22
Olbia was a Milesian colony which suffered badly from barbarian incursions before coming under Roman protection. It was never part of the Bosporan Kingdom. There was a permanent Roman garrison there from the 2"'^ century CE. The city has produced a large number of inscriptions, but there is no evidence of a Jewish presence there apart from the inscription below. B S l . Building inscription Editions: von Koppen 1823, 82 no.5, 97 no.5 (from the stone) = Jahrbucher der Literatur 20 1822, 338 no.5; Kohler 1850, 35 = Serapis 1823, ii 35 (from the stone); von Koppen, 'Nachhall vom Nordgestade des Pontus' (dated Oct. 1823), in Kohler 1850, 245 (reply to Kohler); CIG ii 1843, no.2079 (from von Koppen's copy); Osann 1834, 357 n.l (from von Koppen); Stephani 1860, 246 (partial text); Harkavy 1867, 9 6 - 7 no.5 (from CIG and Stephani); J. Derenbourg, JA 11 1868, 5 2 7 - 8 = 1877, 7 0 - 1 (from Harkavy); Latysev 1887, 2 7 3 - 7 (new restoradons); IPE i 1898, no.98; i^ 1916, no. 176 (from CIG); Oehler 1909, 302 no.93 (from CIG and IPE); I. Tolstoi, ZMNP 1916, 335 n . l , 3 4 5 - 8 [not seen]; Tolstoi 1918, 8 2 4 (from IPE with new restorations); Latysev 1921, 2 2 - 7 no.2 (criticism of Tolstoi); Krauss 1922, 2 4 0 - 1 no.85 (from CIG and IPE but omits brackets); SEG iii 1927, no.590 (gives Tolstoi's version); Ehrlich 1928, 1 2 4 - 7 [not seen]; CIJ i 1936, no.682 (from Osann, CIG, IPE, Stephani); Kocevalov 1948, 163-6 (gives texts of IPE, Tolstoi); Lifshitz 1967, n o . l l (from IPE and CIJ); CH i^ 1975, Prol. p.64 (from Lifshitz 1967); Kariskovskii 1989, 118-25 (summarized in SEG xlii 1992, no.713); Levinskaya 1996a, 114 n.39, 2 1 9 - 2 2 (collates previous eds.; gives texts of IPE and Tolstoi); Usdnova 1999, 2 3 5 - 6 (from previous eds.). Other bibliography: Struve, ZOO 6 1867, 1 2 - 1 3 ; Harkavy 1887, C X X X I X ; Minns 1913, 468, 473, 4 8 1 ; M. Rostovtsev, lAK 65 1918, 191; Diehl 1927, 636; LSJ^ 1940, s.v. jcpooe\)xfi; Hengel 1971, 173 n . 7 1 ; Revised Schurer ii 440 n.61, iii.l 38; Kraemer 1991, 145-6; Kariskovskii 1993, 9 0 - 6 ; Krapivina 1995, 364; Gibson 1999, 24 n.44. Copied at Stolna (Stol'noye). N o w lost.
Black Sea: Olbia
255
Details: Marble plaque, broken above, below and on right, 20 x 20 cm. or larger. Letter sizes unknown; small omicrons. Language: Greek. Date: late 2"^- early 3'^'* century CE(?) (see below). Text (follows Kohler except 1.2 from IPE; 1.3 from CIG, with various later restorations; 1.10 from Stephani 1860): [ oi] jrepi ZldtTDpov 'ApTEjiiSo)-] poM TO P ' noDp0ai[oq P ' ? ] 'AxiX,A,Ei)q Arm.r|T[pioD] AiovvaioScopoq "Ep[(0TO(;] Z D I P E I Q Z C B P E I apxlovxeq] xfiv TipoCTEDXTiv e[7te-] a K e v a a o t v xfi eaD[Twv] jipovoia aTeYotoa[vTeq] djio xoxi 9e<|ieX,i>oa) jiexpi [
5
10
]
1. v o n Koppen: [kid dpxovtcav xfflv]; CIG: 'AYAOFI x-OXN magistratus incerti o i ; LatySev 1887: ['AYAGFI x^XTL. 'AXI^XEI n o v x a p x n o i ] ; Levinskaya 1996a, Ustinova: ['AYABFJ x\)XTl? o i ] ; Tolstoi: [ 0 e m i •ot|/iaxcoi- o i nomen collegii sacralis]; LatySev 1 9 2 1 : [©ewi •uv|/iax(oi etc. o i ] ; Lifshitz 1967: [fi c v v o S o q f]?] 2. Tolstoi: aCovaymyov OoGov 0 e o 8 d ) - ] ; Lifshitz 1967: a[t)vaycoy6v - - - ] 3. v o n Koppen: JtopCiaavxeq]; K6hler: HOYPOM; IPE, Levinskaya: n o \ ) p e a t [ o q TOV SeTvog]; Tolstoi: NO\)PEAI[o(; n o v p B a i o v ] 4. v o n Koppen: Armrixpiov 5. v o n K6ppen: 'Ep[|j,ioa)]; K5hler: 'Eplnovl]; CIG: 'Ep[ - - ] 6. v o n Koppen, CIG: Zcopeiapx[ot)]; Tolstoi: "Apxicov rioBov] 9. v o n Koppen: a x i y a a a [ v x e ( ; ] 10. v o n Koppen: A..TOY ; 0 E O Y on the stone, printed in most eds. as GeoO; Ehrlich: 6ox>; Harkavy 1867: GeneXiou; Levinskaya: xoO M-^XPI
the archons around Satyrus son of Artemidorus (senior archon^ for the 2"'^ time - Pourthaius II, Achilles (son) of Demetrius, Dionysiodorus (son) of Eros (and) Zobeis (son) of Zobeis - repaired the prayer-house with their own foresight, roofing it, from the foundation up to The site of Olbia was identified in the 1790s by P.S. Pallas.' The land belonged to Count Ilya Andreevic Bezborodko (1756-1815),^ whose residence was at Stolna (Stol'noye) near Glukhova in Chernigov province, northern Ukraine. Bezborodko was succeeded by his nephew Count Alexander Grigiorievic Kuselev-Bezborodko (1800-1855).^ Many ' Leypunskaya 1994, 7. 2 Russkii biograflceskii slovar' ii 1900, 6 4 1 - 3 . 3 CIG incorrectly refers to "Count Ilya Andreevich Kushelev-Bezborodko".
256
Black Sea:
Olbia
inscriptions from Olbia were taken to Stolna, including this one. IPE records their subsequent fates: some were given to the public library of St Petersburg in 1880 (IPE i^ 32, 199) or to the Hermitage (183); one found in 1847 was apparently taken to the family home at St Petersburg (20); there was no record of what happened to others (94, 272, this inscription). The only eye-witness descriptions of this inscription are those of von Koppen and Kohler. Von Koppen included it among inscriptions from Olbia which he copied in 1819 and 1821 at Stolna. He described it as a fragment of marble tablet, "Uber 8 Zoll lang, und beinahe eben so breit"; depending on whether he was using a system of 10 or 12 Zoll to the foot, this would give dimensions of 2 0 - 2 4 cm. His restoradons were made with the help of D. von Eichenfeld of Vienna. Kohler, in a review of von K o p p e n ' s book, criticized his reading of this and other inscriptions, and gave his own majuscule text from copies made in 1818 and 1822. Von K o p p e n ' s reply said that he had checked the original twice, and noted that 1.10 was n o w almost invisible as the stone had been built into the wall of the "garden-house" at Stolna. Boeckh in CIG used a copy provided by von Koppen. B o e c k h ' s text has caused confusion because the square brackets were accidentally omitted in his restoration of 1.1, and some later writers have therefore assumed that there was a dedication to Agathe Tyche on the stone as it was preserved. In the absence of any further information about the stone, subsequent discussion has concerned the restoration of the beginning of the inscription and of the names, and the question of whether or not it is Jewish. Some restorations have assumed much greater line length than others, and some have been very inconsistent about the length of individual lines. The text above assumes lines of 15-19 letters. Olbian inscriptions do not use a system of numbered years, so exact dating by named magistrates is not possible. According to Krapivina, there was much repair and rebuilding throughout Olbia during the late 2"** and early 3'^'' centuries CE, thanks to greater security and prosperity following the stationing of Roman troops there by Antoninus Pius. This would be the obvious time for the rebuilding of the proseuche; restoration after a destructive Scythian invasion in 2 3 2 - 5 is another possibility. However, Krapivina herself dates this inscription, without explanation, to the end of the 1*^ century, and Kariskovskii (1989) proposes 150s-160s. The case for the inscription being Jewish was first argued seriously by Stephani, and was followed by Oehler, Ehrlich, Luria in SEG, and most recently Levinskaya, but not by Latysev. Minns understood the proseuche as the "chapel of Achilles Pontarches", an interpretation proposed by Latysev in 1887. Kocevalov's explanation is that the inscription is an official one by the archons of Olbia, making a dedication to Theos Hypsistos (as first suggested by Tolstoi), whose cult must have become a
Black Sea: Olbia
257
State one. Kariskovskii (1989) and Ustinova too claim that the proseuche was a pagan one, containing a g o d ' s statue and repaired by the city archons. Krapivina labels it a pagan "chapel". Ehrlich suggested that the archons were Jewish rather than civic ones, and this was followed by Frey and Lifshitz. Tolstoi treated Archon as a personal name; it is known as such (cf. #Ach43) but not from the north coast of the Black Sea. The explanations of Ehrlich and Tolstoi are unnecessary, because the inscription follows the pattern of dedications by magistrates attested in many inscriptions from Olbia. They were archons and strategoi, in groups of five, of whom four were usually described as oi xcepi the (presumably) senior member of the group. The senior archon was sometimes labelled "for the second time" (TO p'), or even "for the third time". Kariskovskii (1993) gives a full list of all known Olbian magistrates, which shows that the people named here (or at least people with the same names) are all known from other inscriptions, as Kocevalov first pointed out, although they do not occur together anywhere else. The magistrates normally cooperated to make dedications to local divinities. Pourthaius son of [Pourjthaius is archon in IPE i^ 130, a dedication to Achilles Pontarches; there is also a strategos called IlovpOaiq NiviKeovq in IPE i^ 83, to Apollo Prostates. Since there is not enough room in this inscription for a full patronymic after Pourthai(u)s' name, unless it is a very short one, Kariskovskii's suggestion that his name was followed by a P to show that he had a father of the same name has been adopted above. Achilleus son of Demetrius is strategos in IPE i^ 86 and IPE i^ 80, both to Apollo Prostates. Dionysiodorus son of Eros is archon in IPE i^ 132 and in VDI 1953 (4), 1 3 0 - 5 , both to Achilles Pontarches. Zobeis son of Zobeis (with the genitive as noted below) is strategos in IPE i^ 105, to Apollo Prostates. The only names of a known magistrate which fits the available space and recorded letters in 11.2-3 is, as first noted in IPE, SotTDpoq 'ApTe^iSropoo), who is listed as senior archon in IPE i^ 142, to Achilles Pontarches, and would therefore be suitable for the "second time" designation here. His name gives a line of appropriate length (19 letters). Kariskovskii's list includes several other possibilities, but none has a patronymic ending -po\) and none is known to have been senior archon for the first time: l.o.patjCiXoc, nooeiSfioi), who is recorded twice as strategos, and three men who are recorded as archon, although not senior archon: SotTvpo^ KoDvxotKOV, ZKOcpTotvoq 'A^iaioD, [ZcoKp]dTr|q Ea)pr|aipi[oa)]; the first and third of these are known from inscriptions published in Kariskovskii's article. The likelihood that the inscription refers to a Jewish prayer-house depends entirely on the term proseuche, which Levinskaya argues should be taken as Jewish unless there is very compelling evidence to the contrary, which there is not here. However, it should be pointed out that.
258
Black Sea:
Olbia
according to Epiplianius, the original Messalians, a pagan sect worshipping one "Almighty God", met in places which they called proseuchai; that seems a less likely explanation here, since the Messalians are a shadowy group, but it remains a possibility."^ Levinskaya states (1996, 222): "The repairing of a Jewish prayer-house initiated by the city magistrates does not imply that Judaism became a state religion. It implies good relations between the city authorities and the Jewish community and quite possibly some kind of business reladons, e.g. the synagogue could have been repaired as an act of gratitude for some useful service." In fact, this inscription has a significant difference from the usual ones made by the Olbian magistrates, since the rather complex ending replaces the simple XapioTTipiov with which the magistrates' dedications normally concluded; there is therefore no reason to suppose that the standard opening of 'Ayaefi T\)XTi followed by the name of Achilles Pontarches or Apollo Prostates in the dative would have been used here. Some unknown circumstances evidently caused the city to make an extraordinary contribution to a group centred on a proseuche, and all external evidence (as discussed in depth by Levinskaya) indicates that such a group would most probably be Jewish. The fact that there is no other evidence for a Jewish community at Olbia (as pointed out by, e.g., Kariskovskii 1989) is not a strong argument against this, in view of the presence of Jews in other Greek cities in the area and the lack of Jewish inscriptions from some places which certainly had a large Jewish,population, e.g. Antioch in Syria. 1.3. Neither of the originals gives the above reading, but it is a reasonable interpretation of what Kohler recorded. 1.6. IPE i^ 105 has Zd)|3eiq Zwpeixoq, but Latysev noted other parallels for the form of the genitive apparently used here: Kocp^eu; Kdp^ei,^ n i S e u ; N T S E I . ^ The magistrates' names are, as is usual at Olbia, a mixture of Greek and non-Greek. 1.9. Pronoia occurs in many of the inscripdons from the Sardis synagogue, where it indicates the providence of God (cf. # T h r l ) , but it was a term also much used by non-Jews, especially as a virtue of public benefactors.^ In the Black Sea region it could be both a divine and human quality.* The verb cxeyoLfa tends to occur in other inscriptions, as here, in association with another verb meaning 'build'.^
4 Epiphanius, PanM.\-2, discussed by Mitchell 1999, 9 3 - 4 . Epiphanius shows that the Messalians had close affinities with the Jews. 5 IPE i^ 9 9 , 1 0 1 . 6 98, 111. 7Rajak 1998; J.R. Harrison, NDIEC vm 1984/5 [ 1 9 9 8 ] , no.7. * IPE i^ 4 2 , 7 9 . 9 IGBulg i^ 57; des Gagniers & Tran Tarn Tinh, Soloi i 116; I.Delos 1417.
Black Sea: Olbia
259
1.10. The interpretation followed here was proposed by Stephani (followed by Harkavy, who printed the line without brackets) and (apparently independently) Lifshitz; it is endorsed by Hengel. The proseuche was "restored from its foundation"; this assumes that the expression depends on e7ceoKe{)aaav not CTtEydoavTeq, as "covering", at least in the usual sense of "roofing", could hardly take place from the foundations. It also assumes that the singular form "foundation" rather than the normal plural was used; there are parallels for this i n Asia Minor and Egypt, e.g. ey 9e|xeA,iov eTriKaxECTOKevdoBTi;'^ otjco GE^ieX,io\) KotTEOKEvaaev;" dvav[E6oavTa] OCTCO G E J I E U O O ) ; ' ^ q)Ko8op.fi9Ti dico 9E^EX,iot) EtO(; otvco Elg oiKr|[T]fip[i]ov T 6 V ^EVCOV Kai xcav 7capEpxo)i.£va)v.'^ The reading 9EOV followed in most editions i s one reason for this inscription often being classified as pagan, as "from the g o d " would imply that there was a statue of a god in the building. Levinskaya rules out the line altogether: "Given the impossibility of inspecting the stone it would be unsafe to depend on the unreliable line 10."
M A M A iii 7 3 , time o f Arcadius and Honorius. ' 1 S B xxxii 9 2 7 3 , time o f Commodus. • ^ B e m a n d 1984, no. 103. 13 A. Bemand, De Thebes a Syene, no. 196 (Christian).
260
Black Sea:
Chersonesus
(Sevastopol)
Chersonesus
= TAVO-Karte
B VI18: D 23
Tauric Chersonesus was outside the borders of the Bosporan Kingdom but, like it, came under the overall suzerainty of Rome. According to Zolotarev, it became subject to the Bosporan Kingdom under Cotys II ( 1 2 3 - 1 3 3 CE). Its archaeology is n o w (since 1994) being investigated by U.S. and Ukrainian scholars in the Black Sea Project, and their work led to the publication of the following inscriptions. There are literary references to Jews at Chersonesus: a medieval tradition that St Cyril learned Hebrew there,''* and a reference to Jews in the martyr-acts of Bishops Basileus and Capito of Chersonesus, set in 300.15 There is other archaeological evidence for Jews t h e r e : a roughly cut menorah on a thin piece of limestone (with barnacles) which was reused to line a cistem of the early Roman period, later reused as a grave and excavated in 1956. This is a very early use of the menorah, since it cannot be later than the 1^* century C E and could be earlier. Edwards (1999, 166) mentions possibly 3'^^-century CE lamps with menorahs. A Jewish name has been suggested in another inscription. In IPE i^ 4 5 1 , a very fragmentary inscription which appears to prohibit the reuse of a tomb granted by civic decree, Solomonik (1979, 119-20) proposes reading the name Sanbation in 1.4 instead of - o a v Kaxlcovoq, and argues for the n a m e ' s Jewishness, but even if the reading is correct, Jewishness is very uncertain.'^ There is evidence of a Jewish presence elsewhere in southern Crimea. At Vilino, in Bahchisaray region on the south-west coast, north of Sevastopol, a plaque with a menorah was discovered in 1983. Solomonik (1988, 17) saw it in Simferopol Museum. She says that it is badly damaged with a rough surface; the measurements are 58 x 54 x 15-18 cm.; there is a nine-branched menorah, 25 cm high. According to her, the local historian M. Choref recorded other similar monuments from the area. A plaque with a menorah was found during excavations in 1966 at Sudak (on the south-east Crimean coast, west of Theodosia). The plaque was apparently reused as building material in a necropolis dated to the ll'^^-l 2'*'century CE.'« N . Repnikov discovered a limestone plaque (60 x 39 cm., broken above) in the region of Eski-Krym, east of Sudak, with a menorah between an unknown object and a shofar, and a tamga on the reverse.'^ Bely found a damaged plaque with a menorah (and tamgas on the 14 Overman 1999, 147. 15 Dan'shin 1996, 147. 16 Edwards; Maclennan; Solomonik 1977, 121. 17 S e e V. Tcherikover in CPJ iii, p p . 4 3 - 5 6 . 18 S o l o m o n i k 1988, 19. 19 S o l o m o n i k 1988, 19. A tamga is a Turkic clan s y m b o l .
Black Sea: Chersonesus
reverse) during excavations in Kyz-Kermen in 1980. 8'*'/9* century CE.^o
261
It was dated to the
BS2. Graffito on wall plaster Bibliography: Maclennan 1996, 4 9 - 5 1 (from the original); Overman, Maclennan & Zolotarev 1997, 5 7 - 6 3 (from the original); SEG xlvii 1997, no. 1171 (from Overman et al.); Eshel 1998, 2 8 9 - 9 9 (from the original). Illustrations: Maclennan 1996 (photo and drawing); Overman, Maclennan & Zolotarev (photo and drawing); Eshel (photos and drawing). Other bibliography: Solomonik 1988, 1 4 - 1 5 ; Brenk 1991, 18-19; Edwards 1999, 167-8 (Eshel's English tr.); Overman 1999, 146-7; Zolotarev 2000, 80*, 84*; Williams 2002b, 27. Findspot: Basilica I (probably a synagogue), Chersonesus, Now: Chersonesus Museum Preserve, nos,269, 267, Details: Two pieces of plaster, 14,4 x 15 and 5 x 6,5 cm,; letters c. 1.2-1.5 cm. Language: Hebrew. Date: late 4**'- early 5^^ century CE. Text (follows Eshel; italics = frag, no.267; underdotting indicates doubtful letters): [J^IN...]
.••''?127N"'.5.
n]/7P/7[
]
i----
]
[ - - ] nSo
1. Overman et al. 1997: ] • ' ' ' P t & M [ - | ] M 3 N [ 2 . Overman et al. 1997: ]
[sic]
"rnQOa m:i[n]
Translation (Eshel): ... the one who has chosen Jerusalem bless Hananiah the Bosporan Amen amen sela ...
He ... will
The city was a significant Christian centre, and a Christian basilica was built there in the 5 * century and rebuilt in the 6**'; it was first excavated in 1935, with further work in the 1950s. Beneath the floor of that building, remains of an earlier building were found in 1950 to which these plaster fragments (which are among 450 fragments of fresco) seem to belong. Overman et al. assign them to a late-4' /early-5''' century destruction level dated by coins; this is also the date given to the lettering by Eshel, although the lack of any dated Hebrew from the region makes the dating of letter-forms difficult. Members of the Black Sea Project rediscovered the plaster itself, and the records of its original excavation, in the archives of the Chersonesus Museum in 1994. The earlier building (which appears to have been in existence from the late 2"^ to late 4*'' centuries) also had a
20 S o l o m o n i k 1988, 19.
262
Black Sea:
Chersonesus
mosaic floor, with geometric patterns and chalices; the plaster fragments were found between this floor and thai of the later building. Maclennan and Edwards describe a limestone block with a weil-craftcd relief of menorah, lulab and shofar (the shofar depicted with holes, which otherwise occurs only at Beth She'an and M a ' a n ) which was re-used in the apse of the Christian basilica and is likely to have come from the earlier building.^' That building therefore appears to have been a synagogue; if it was destroyed in the late 4"Yearly 5'^ century, that is contemporary with the outbreaks of synagogue destruction throughout the Roman Empire; cf. p p . 6 1 , 205. It was in a prominent location in the city, next to the shore, adjacent to a bath complex, and close to the port. The three lines of Hebrew inscription were written over a Greek inscription (almost indecipherable, but see #BS3) which had up to 11 lines containing up to 15 letters per line. The writing from the larger fragment was joined to that of the smaller by Eshel, although the two fragments are not exactly contiguous. The Hebrew may be a prayer written down by a user of the synagogue, or the draft of an inscription which was to be painted on the plaster in more formal lettering, as possibly occurs at DuraEuropos. There is only one other inscription of the Roman period from the region which uses Hebrew (#BS13). The writing does not seem to have been done all at once, as Eshel notes that 1.3 is inscribed with a thinner tool than 11.1-2. The writing of Hebrew over Greek might signify a change in the preferred language of the congregation, but could also be caused by special circumstances. Apart from the name and ethnic, the Hebrew may have been limited to biblical quotations and set phrases, as was normal in the Diaspora at this date. 1.1. The reading is not certain. Eshel notes as alternative possibilities [ " I j m n n ("the lad") and uhw ("peace"), but those words would not produce a coherent sentence. Her reading which is followed above is derived from Zech 3.2: "The Lord rebuke you, O Satan, may the Lord who N o w k e p t in the d e p o t of the N a t i o n a l A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Park T a v r i c h e s k y ' , i n v . n o . 1 5 0 / 3 6 5 7 9 ; also d i s c u s s e d by S o l o m o n i k 1979, 121 2
'Chersones
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263
has chosen Jerusalem rebuke you." Flere it would represent a way of avoiding naming God directly, without the negative sense of the original, but Eshel suggests that it has an apotropaic function, to protect the person named from evil spirits. It might also suggest an awareness of the centrality of Jerusalem for someone in a remote part of the Diaspora. A comparable expression, derived from Zech 4.10, is used at the synagogue of 'En-Gedi: "the judge whose eyes range over all the e a r t h " . C f . #Achl6. 1.2. Someone described as "the Bosporan" (the Hebrew is a version of the Greek BooTcopitrjq) was presumably not a native of Chersonesus, although he may have been a resident. The ethnic could mean that he was from the Bosporan Kingdom, or specifically from its capital Panticapaeum. 1.3. The concluding formula is found at 'En-Gedi^^ as what the people should say to endorse a curse; at Hammath-Gadara^^ endorsing the blessing of donors, sometimes combined with "peace"; and at Kafr Hananiah^^ used in the same way. At Jerash, it is used in both Hebrew/Aramaic and Greek mosaic inscriptions calling for p e a c e . n S o is particularly common in both Hebrew and LXX texts of Psalms, with the approximate meaning "always". Hebrew and Aramaic donor inscriptions often call for a blessing on the donor, if not quite in the wording used here, and the acknowledgment of a donation to the synagogue is the most likely context for this inscription. B S 3 . Graffito on w a l l - p i a s t e r Editions: Maclennan 1996, 50 (from the original); Overman, Maclennan & Zolotarev 1997, 5 7 - 6 3 (from the original); SEG xlvii 1997, no.l 171 (from Overman et al.); Eshel 1998, 2 8 9 - 9 9 (from the original); Zolotarev 2000, 80* (from the original). Illustrations: Overman, Maclennan & Zolotarev (photo and drawing) Other bibliography: Edwards 1999, 168; Williams 2002b, 27. Findspot: see #BS2 Details: See #BS2. Plaster fragments no.269 (see #BS2), 247, 367. Language: Greek. Date: see #BS2. Text: 269: [ - - ] £\)?ioyfioeT| [ - - ] 269, 247, 367: [ - - ] EXiXoyia
22 F i t m y e r & H a r r i n g t o n 23 F i t m y e r & H a r r i n g t o n 24 F i t m y e r & H a r r i n g t o n 25 F i t m y e r & H a r r i n g t o n 26 S a i l e r 1969, n o . 4 1 .
1978, n o . A 2 2 . 1978, n o . A 2 2 . 1978, n o s . A 2 8 3 0 . 1978, A 3 5 .
[ - - \
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may he/she be blessing
Chersonesus
blessed.
The first word was deciphered from the graffiti underneath the Hebrew inscription. It could be a form of the passive infmidve evA-oyfiaeai, "to be blessed" (cf IJudO iii S y r l 3 ) , or the subjunctive passive aorist, "may he/she be blessed", which would probably be more likely in the context. The second word was also found underneath the Hebrew graffiti, and on separate pieces of plaster. It could be part of some sort of liturgical language, but, especially in the phrase ziikoyxa. i r a o i , it is common in Diasporan Jewish inscriptions (see JIWE ii 292, # T h r I ) , and it is not found otherwise in inscriptions from the region. Other plaster fragments were also found with graffiti, consisting of no more than isolated letters or fragments.
Panticapaeum
(Kerc) = TAVO-Karte
B VI18: D 25
Panticapaeum (modern Kerc) was the capital of the Bosporan Kingdom, which existed as a Roman client-state from the time of Augustus until the 4 * century CE. Jerome records a tradition told him by a Jew that the Jews came to the Bosporus (which he says is Sapharad in Hebrew) as captives exiled by Hadrian,^^ and another which he attributes to Jewish sources that they were sent there by the Assyrians and Chaldaeans.^^ The implication is that there was a significant Jewish presence there in the 4**^ century, although the epigraphic evidence apart from #BS4 is considerably earlier, no later than the 2" century. There was much archaeological activity at Kerc in the 1820s and BOs,^^ but the original museum was looted when the town was occupied during the Crimean War. The Jewish inscriptions from Kerc have been found independently of each other, but in 1867 several menorahs were found among a group of 25 graves probably dating from the 2"'^^^*' centuries.-'^ Another stone with Jewish symbols was found in 1955 when a guardhouse was demolished at the Melek-Cesmenski barrow, which had probably been used for the storage of finds.^' Solomonik lists the following stones with Jewish symbols now in Kerc Museum but of unknown provenance:
27 C C S L Ixxvi 3 7 2 . 28 C C S L IxxviA 8 4 5 - 6 . 29 On the history o f the museum and excavations at Kerc, see N.F. Fedoseev, VDI 2 0 0 2 . 1 , 154-78. 30 Eshel 1998, 2 9 5 . 31 Dan'shin 1996, 144; Solomonik 1988,19.
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1. Inv.no.K-3188: menorah with base. 2. Inv.no.K-3189: menorah and shofar. 3 and 4. N o inventory numbers: lulab, menorah with rounded branches, shofar. 5. Inv.no.K-3190: menorah with nine branches, key {Imahtah) on left, and unknown object on right. Part of the plaque broken. Skorpil (1914, 2 0 - 1 , no.VI, pHc.lO (photo)) describes a gravestone with a menorah and traces of illegible letters painted in red found in 1911 at Predtecenskaya Square, Kerc.^^ It was a soft limestone stele, 52 x 25 x 11-12 cm., frame 17 x 17 cm. However, his photograph does not support this: it shows a stele with a rounded top and rough acroteria, with a recessed field in a raised frame, containing a design which does not look like a menorah (it could be a lulab with three branches on each side) and would be upside down if it was. B S 4 . D e d i c a t i o n of proseuche Edifions: Latysev 1904, 2 6 - 9 no.21 (from the stone); IGRR i 1911, no.873 (follows Latysev); Weinreich 1912, 22 no. 117 (follows Latysev and I G R R ) ; Minns 1913, 558, 6 0 8 - 9 , 612, 6 2 1 , 657 no.63 (follows Latysev); C I R B 1965, no.64 (from the stone); Nadel 1968b, 6 4 - 6 (comments on CIRB); PLRE i 1971, 845 (from IGRR); Yailenko 1987, 53 no.35 (from CIRB); Levinskaya 1996a, 110, 113, 2 2 9 - 3 1 no.3.I.l (from the stone); Gibson 1999, 2 3 - 4 (follows Levinskaya), 134; Ustinova 1999, 2 3 4 - 5 , 237 (partial text from CIRB); Mitchell 1999, 134 no.88. Illustrations: Latysev (drawing); Levinskaya 1996a (photo). Other bibliography: Zgusta 1955, §331 (discussion of name); Hengel 1971, 1 7 4 - 6 ; Gajdukevic 1971, 476; Nadel 1975, 281 n.45; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 38; Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, 137, 140 n.26; Levinskaya 1990a, 158; Trebilco 1991, 136; Millar 1996, 173. Found in secondary use at Kerc. Now: Kerc, Historico-Archaeological M u s e u m , inv.no.KL 260. Details: Grey marble stele, top carved to form triangular gable in relief; 103 X 30 X 10 cm; letters 1.8-2.2 cm.; guidelines above and below lines of lettering. Language: Greek. Date: 306 CE. Text (follows Levinskaya): ©era 'Y\|/iaTq) eKr|K6(p euXFIV.
A\)p(FIA,io(;)
Oxxxki-
pioq S6YOV(; ' O -
A,\)p,7ioa), 6 eicl 32 Summarized by Dan'shin ( 1 9 9 6 , 145).
5
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Panticapaeum
! . -; I
1 i
x%
0eo§o0iaq,
oepaatdyvcoa x o < q > , tei|iT|9elq vnb
AI.OKA.TIX ^ l a -
vo\) K a l M a ^ i p i a v o u , 6 K a l 'O^DjiKiav KA.T|9ei(; e v x&
^
10
6q e-
Tcapxeicp, 6 noXXd dKoSiijifiaaq K a l d n o a x a x f i o a g EXTJ 8 e K a
Kal
ev
15 noX-
Xoiq QXix^Eiq yevo[xevo^, ev^d^evoq, EK 0£|i.eA.ioD O I K O Soixfiaaq xfiv T c p o o -
ev^fiv ev X(P Y X ' . 3. ' t o m a r k a b b r e v i a t i o n
20
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267
4 . G i b s o n : Zcoyoviq ( m i s p r i n t ) 6. G E O A O E I A I in rectangular sigma
IPE
drawing
(CIRB:
eeo8oaia),
but
the
final
letter
is
a
8. C r O N on the s t o n e 16 17. M i t c h e l l : OA-iyecfi; 1. £v TioXXaiq 0A,i\j/eoi
To the highest God who listens to prayer, a vow. Aurelius Valerius Sogous, (son) of Olympus, who (is) in (charge of Theodosia, known to the emperors, honoured by Diocletian and Maximian, who (was) also (called) Olympianus in the province, who was absent for a long time and spent sixteen years away, and having been in many troubles, having made a vow, built the prayer-house from the foundations in the (year) 603. The stone was noticed al n o . 3 , Cemetery Street, Kerc, in 1 9 0 1 - 3 , where it had been used for over 40 years as a threshold, with the inscription face down. No information is recorded about its earlier history. As with # B S 1 , the question of whether or not this inscription should be considered Jewish depends largely o n the significance given to proseuche. Thus Levinskaya argues that it is Jewish, and Ustinova argues that it is not; Millar refers to it as "perhaps" Jewish and Trebilco as "almost certainly Jewish". It is considerably later than most epigraphic occurrences of the word. Ustinova refers to its use to signify a Christian church in IGLS xxi.2.98 (church of Sts Lot & Procopius in Mekhayyat, Transjordan), but the text asks St Lot "7tp6o8e^e ITIV J t p o o e D x f j v of your slaves Rhome and Porphyria and Maria", and despite the editors' translation "re^ois la maison de pricre", it is by no means clear that proseuche there refers to a building rather than a prayer. However, in this case the divine appellation al the start of the inscription may support the case for Jewishness. The cull of Theos Hypsistos was very important in the Bosporan Kingdom, especially al Tanais (spreading to Panticapaeum from the mid-3'^'^ century), and may have developed independently of Jewish influence, as argued by Ustinova in the fullest study of the question, but it is not otherwise known to have used buildings called proseuchai (cf #Ach65). Theos Hypsistos is often used in conjunction with proseuche for the Jewish God, e.g. JIGRE 9, 27, 105.-^-^ A proseuche in Alexandria was dedicated to Theos fmejgalos efpekojos,^^ although epekoos is usually an epithet for pagan gods.^^ S o g o u s ' name is a common Bosporan one, found in nom. as Soyog or XoyoDq and gen. as Eoyoi) or Eoyoi (Zgusta). He had apparently spent sixteen years in the service of the Roman Empire; the "province" is presumably the Roman one in which he served,-^^ most likely on the 33 S e e L e v i n s k a y a 1996a, 9 5 - 7 . 34 J l G R E 13; q.v. 35 A v i - Y o n a h 1959, 5 - 6 . 3'' G a j d u k e v i c .
268
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southern coast of the Black Sea. He does not say that he was the governor. His service coincided with the joint rule of Diocletian and Maximian ( 2 8 5 305), who are named here in a form which would not have been used in an official Roman inscription. At the time of the inscription he was in charge of the city of Theodosia on the western edge of the Bosporan Kingdom, but, since it was not under direct Roman rule, this must have been as a Bosporan and not a Roman official {contra Levinskaya, who translates "imperial governor of Theodosia"). His return to his home country was no doubt connected to the mysterious troubles. Assuming that the proseuche is a Jewish one, Sogous need not be a Jew himself; he was evidently a devotee of the Jewish God in some sense, but possibly as a God-fearer, although there is no reason why he should not have been a full Jew. PLRE suggests that he may be a judaizing Christian, victim of the persecution of 303, which is a possible explanation. 11.7-8. oePaoxoyvQXTToq is a fairly unusual expression, but it occurs in another Bosporan inscripdon, CIRB 58 (dated 546, i.e. 249 CE), applied to Aurelius Rhodon: xov eni xj\q PaoiXleJiaq Ki xei^iocpxov Kal innea 'Pco|xai(ov. The first of these titles, translated by Minns as "prefect of the kingdom", is formed in the same way as that for Sogus' governorship of Theodosia. At Olbia, two men were praised for having oepaoxoyvraoxoq ancestors.^^ The state of being "known to the emperor" may have meant more outside the Roman Empire than in it, since it is very rare in Roman inscriptions.^^ 11.12-13. Levinskaya comments on the unusual word e n a p x e l o v ; the normal word for province is fi e i t a p x i a . There is also a mistake with gender (and spelling) in 11.16-17. The whole inscription is somewhat ungrammatical, as the main verb which should have come in 11.19-20 is actually a participle. 1.17. QXi\^iq, meaning trouble or affliction, is a common word in the L X X and N T (but "rare in extra-Biblical Greek" according to Bauer^, s.v.) and occurs occasionally in Christian inscriptions; the nearest parallel to its use here is IG xiv 531 from Sicily: r\ xrov noXX&\ QXix^eoiV b7C(op,ovf| ("the enduring of many troubles"). 1.21. Bosporan inscriptions of a public nature are dated by the Pontic era (introduced by Mithridates) which began in Autumn 297 BCE.^^ BS5. M a n u m i s s i o n of H e r a c l a s Editions: Dubois de Montpereux, Voyage autour du Caucase 1843, Atlas, IV serie, pl.26d no.20 [not seen]; CIG ii 1843, p.I005 no.2114bb (from copy by Dubois); Curtius 1843, 2 5 - 6 (follows CIG; some brackets omitted); Graefe 37 IPE P 4 2 , 4 3 . 38 IKPrusa ad Olympum 2 1 ; IKPrusias ad Hypiutn 7, 39 Minns 1913, 5 9 1 .
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1844, 6 5 - 7 (comments on CIG; refers to a new copy); Asik 1848, 9 2 - 3 no.28 (from the stone?; minusc. text sometimes deviates from majusc); Antiquites du Bosphore Cimmerien ii 1854, 2 2 6 - 9 no.XXII (from the stone); Frankel 1857, 123 (from CIG and Asik; line-divisions not given); Levy 1861, 273, 3 0 1 - 2 n . l 9 (from Stephani and Frankel); Harkavy 1867, 9 0 - 2 no.2 (badly printed text); Derenbourg 1868, 526-7 no.2 (partial text); IPE ii 1890, no.52; iv 1901, p.286 (from the stone); Schurer 1897, 201-3 (follows IPE); Lipinsky 1903, 3 2 1 ^ no.2 (summary of Harkavy); RIJurG ii 1904, no.XXX.34 (from CIG and IPE); Oehler 1909, 301 no.89 (partial text without brackets or indication of omissions); IGRR i 1911, no.881 (follows IPE); Minns 1913, 6 2 1 - 2 , 654 no.46 (from IPE); Juster 1914, ii 82 (partial text from IPE); Leclerq 1928, 247-8 (from Derenbourg and IPE); CU i 1936, no.683 (follows IPE); Robert 1946, 107 (11.6-7); Nadel 1958a, 138-41 no.l (from IPE and other eds.); Nadel 1958b, 9-11 no.2 (from earlier eds.; transliterated text); Bomer 1960, 103-6 (partial text from IPE); CIRB 1965, no.70; Nadel 1976, 2 1 4 - 1 5 , 228 n.l 14 (IPE text attributed to CIRB); Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 3 6 - 7 (partial text from CIRB), 105; Oester 1993, 199 (partial text from CIRB); Levinskaya 1996a, 222, 2 3 1 - 2 , no.3.II.l (from the stone); Gibson 1999, 1, 28 n.65, 100, 124, 126, 1 2 8 ^ 0 , 143, 149-50, 160 (follows Levinskaya; text printed twice); Overman 1999, 147-8 (follows CIRB); Binder 1999,443 n . l 2 6 (from CU and CIRB). Illustrations: Levinskaya (photo of upper fragment); Binder 2002 (photo of upper fragment). Other bibliography: Calderini 1908, 78 no.32, 145, 180 n . 3 , 187 n.5, 1 8 8 - 9 , 194, 200, 246, 257, 287 n.3, 4 1 8 - 2 0 , 4 3 7 - 8 , 4 4 1 , 4 4 5 - 6 ; Krauss 1908, 5 3 ; I. Tolstoi, ZMNP 1916, 347 n.l [not seen]; Krauss 1922, 2 3 9 - 4 0 no.82 (German tr. from Latysev and CIG); LSJ^ 1940, s . w . jipocevxTi, ouvEKiTpoTie'Dco; Nadel 1948, 2 0 3 - 6 ; Westermann 1955, 126 n . l 0 0 ; Goodenough 1956/7, 2 2 1 - 2 ; Nadel 1960, 64; Bellen 1965/6, 1 7 2 - 5 ; Nadel 1968a, 2 5 3 , 264, 2 6 9 - 7 0 , 2 7 2 - 3 , 2 7 5 ; Nadel 1975, 2 7 4 - 5 , 278 n.33, 282; Leipoldt & Grundmann 1975, 2 4 0 - 1 no.253 (German tr.); Barrett 1987, 5 6 - 7 no.55 (English fr.) = Barrett & Thornton 1991, 6 3 - 4 no.59 (German tr.); Solomonik 1988, 10-11 (Russian tr.); Harrill 1995, 175 (English tr.); MacLennan 1996, 4 6 - 7 (English tr.); Eshel 1998, 295 (partial English XT.); Williams 1998, no.II.14 (English tr.); Binder 2002, 443 n . l 2 6 (English fr.); Gruen 2002, 109, n n . 3 1 - 3 ; Binder 2002 (EngHsh fr.). Found at Kerc in 1832. N o w : St Petersburg, Hermitage Museum, inv.no. P.1832.34. Details: White marble plaque broken in two, damaged on right, 64 x 29 x 9 cm. Top is a triangular gable with three acroteria (central one lost) and a circle in the centre of the pediment. Moulding above inscription. Guidelines above and below each line of letters. Letters 1.4 cm. Language: Greek. Date: Jan./Feb. 81 CE.
270
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Panticapaeum
Text (follows Levinskaya): PACJIAEIDOVXO^
PAAILEOOQ T I ^ E -
plot) ' I O D A I O D Tr|CKoa)7t6pi8o<; cpiA,OKaioapo^ K a i cpiAopcofiaioD EVOEPo-oq- Exo-ug ^ox', jirivog n E p e i [ x i - ] OX) iP'- Xpfiaxri yvvf] Kpoxepov Apovcot) dcpEiTuxi ETtl xfjq 7t[po-| OEDXfiq GpeTcxov pot) UpaK^av eA.E'uOepov KaGdna^ K a x d £ 1 ) X T I [ V ]
5
jioo) < d > v e T c i A , T | E x o v K a l d r c a p E v o -
XA.rixov dKO 7cvx6q KA,r|pov6po(\)| [ x ] p £ 7 i E a < 9 > a i a\)x6v bnov dv Poi)X,T][x]ai dvETtiKcoAvxcoq KaOrog rji)^dprjv x o J p l q x(fi]v TtpooEVXfiv Q c o j c e i a q X E K a l itpooKapxeprjOECoq- Gt)V£7riv£Dodvxa)v 8e K a l x(ov KA,rjp
10
15
3 4 : A s i k m i n u s c . o m i t s eooePoOq 4. • i n s c r i b e d on t h e stone 5.
C I G , Asik: < Y > K '
5 - 6 . C I G : TcpoTetpoul; Antiquiles: rcpoTefpov]; Asik: < - p o v > 6. C I G , A s i k : N i K i < a T > O O S<(b>ta; Antiquites: tvSioDoot)
6. 1. a(piripi 6. C I G : n[po-|; Antiquites, IPE: [Jtpo-| 7. Antiquites: 'Hp(XKXd
13. IPE: Kpo[a]eo14. C I G , Asik: <-x>W (for NHN in m a j u s c ) ; Antiquites: [jcnlv 14-15. C I G , Asik: 7ipoaK
-fplriaEcoq 16. O o m i t t e d o n s t o n e
Antiquites:
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Panticapaeum
271
16 17. C I G , Asik:
In the reign of King Tiberius Julius Rhescuporis, Friend of Caesar and of Rome, Pious. Year 377, on the 12'^ of the month Peritios. I Chreste, formerly wife of Drusus, set free in the prayer-house my home-bred slave Heraclas, once and for all, according to my vow, unassailable and unmolested by every heir, to take himself wherever he may want, unimpededly as I have vowed, except for submissiveness [or reverence] and service to the prayer-house. (Done) both with my heirs Heracleides and Heliconias joining in consent and with the community of the Jews providing joint guardianship. The inscription was found by Stempkovski on 31 May 1832 in excavations at the foot of the acropolis (Hill of Mithridates) on the same side as the former Admiralty. It was in the museum of Kerc, but was taken to St Petersburg (with all the most interesting finds from the area) before the Crimean War. This was the first of the series of Jewish manumissions found at Panticapaeum, Gorgippia and Phanagoria, whose content has been studied in depth by Gibson. They date from the l " century CE, and follow a broadly similar pattern. They considerably outnumber the pagan manumissions from the region, and in the cases of fragmentary
272
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inscriptions, it is reasonable to suppose that they are more likely to be Jewish than pagan (although the total numbers are of course very small; only two well-preserved ones are definitely pagan). There are in any case considerable similarities between the Jewish and pagan inscriptions, and between them and the manumissions from Delphi, some of which are contemporary (##Ach42-4). The Jewish manumissions are only identifiable as such by their references to the Jewish community and its institutions; in legal form, they are entirely Greek. There is no record of any archaeological context for the inscriptions which were found by excavation, but it is likely that they would have been displayed in the prayer-house, and perhaps moved or disposed of when they were no longer of current interest. The predominance of Jewish examples over pagan ones may be due to a greater interest in keeping a permanent record of manumissions rather than to a greater tendency to manumit. Ustinova (2000, 160) is certainly wrong to attribute it to the obligation on Jews to free their fellow-Jews in sabbatical years. The inscriptions served the interests of the slave-owners whose generosity was advertised, and of the Jewish community whose tutelary role was recorded, as well as of the slaves themselves whose freedom was guaranteed. The owners who carried out the manumissions in the prayer-house and/or with the cooperation of the Jewish community were presumably Jews themselves,'*^ or at least attached to the community as God-fearers. Although Christians later used synagogues for legal business, because oaths sworn there were thought to be more powerful (e.g. John Chrysostom, Adv.Jud. 1.3) it does not seem likely that 1 *V2"^-century pagans would have shared that view, or, even if they did, that they would have placed epigraphic records there. There is no direct evidence about the religious status of the slaves, but their manumission probably involved some sort of commitment to the prayer-house; Binder (1999, 3 8 5 - 6 ) suggests that this would be unnecessary if they were Jews themselves, but that is not certain as the commitment is to the specific prayer-house rather than to the religion in general. The wording of the inscriptions is somewhat obscure and open to various interpretations, which is why such a large body of literature has grown up around them. 11.1-5. The formal opening with the k i n g ' s full name and titles emphasizes the public and official nature of the document. 1.5. The layout of the text seems to have been miscalculated, as the last four letters are much more widely spaced than the rest; the stone is damaged on the right at this point, but little text has been lost. 1.7. A threptos is normally a 'home-bred' slave as opposed to a bought one. As it is the term used (rather than doulos or soma) in nearly all the Bosporan manumissions, it may indicate that only home-bred slaves were 40 BOmer.
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likely to be manumitted, or it may simply have become the standard word for ' s l a v e ' in the region. It is found twice in epitaphs,"*' whereas doulos is only used to mean 'slave of God' by Christians. The inscriptions provide no evidence about whether the slave w a s expected to make a financial payment for his/her freedom, as was often the case with Roman manumission and in many of the inscriptions from Delphi ( # # A c h 4 2 - 4 ) . 11.9-10. The combination of dv£7ciX,T|7tT0<; and djuapevoxA-tiToq seems to be specific to Panticapaeum; different expressions are used in other Bosporan manumissions (cf. ##BS17, 20). This inscription is given under the Bauer^ entry for dve7tiX,Tm,7tT0<;, which is translated as "irreproachable"; LSJ derives it from e7ciA,ap,pavop,ai. CIRB 74 (a nonJewish manumission; text given below) uses dve7td(pTi[v Ka]l [d]veKr|pedaTr|v instead. 11.13-15. The translation used above is Gibson's. Nadel ( I 9 7 6 ) ' s version is: "except for (the obligation towards) the prayer-house regarding worship and constant attendance"."*^ Williams gives: "except that he respect and serve the prayer-house"; Levinskaya: "on condition that he honours the prayer-house and is conscientious in his attendance there"; Westermann: "except (that he must go) into the prayer house for his devotions and to spend his time". Gibson gives a full summary of the various interpretations of GoTCEia Kal jtpooKapxepfiOK;. It is now generally accepted that they represent some form of commitment to the prayer-house (rather than to the Jewish community in general"*^), although there was at one time a theory that they meant a requirement to stay away from it."*"* ecoTceia normally has a pejorative sense ("flattery" in LSJ), but that can hardly be the case here. Levinskaya (2002, 515) points out that it is used by Plato {Crito 50e7-51c) to show an attitude which a free citizen should display towards the state. JcpooKaptepTiCTK; is used in the N T to indicate perseverance or patience (Eph 6.18). It is used with xfi KpooEDxti to indicate "perseverance in prayer" (Acts 1.14, Rom 12.12; see Binder 1999, 443), The verb xcpoaKapXEpeco is used in Acts 8.13 and 10.7 with the dat. to indicate being constantly in someone's company or being in their service, and would therefore be appropriate for "constant attendance"; the participle is used in 1.14 for "persevering" in prayer or listening to teaching. The debate has revolved arround whether the commitment involved labour services, attendance, or full conversion. Whatever the exact significance of the two nouns as used in the inscription, they emphasize the ex-slave's subordinate status in relation to the prayer-house. They also take the place of the paramone clauses (cf.
4> 42 43 44
IPE P 7 0 9 , CIRB 5 9 8 . This is equivalent to the French translation given in Levinskaya 2 0 0 2 , 5 1 5 . e.g. RIJurG, Calderini.
Antiquites.
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# B S 6 ) which are a regular feature of the Delphic manumissions (see #Ach44); instead of having a continued obligation to his former owner as such a clause would impose, Heraklas' freedom is conditional on his continued obligation to the proseuche. 11.15-17. The explicit agreement of the named heirs here is paralleled exactly in the pagan CIRB 1021, dated to 105 CE (see below), where four heirs are named. aa)vejiivea)odvxa)v is used in both cases; it literally m e a n s "giving agreement by nodding together", and perhaps indicates that the heirs took part in the manumission ceremony. It is also found, as ao-ovETiivvewovTcov, in IG vii 3386, a manumission from Chaeronea where it is done by two named individuals who were presumably the m a n u m i t t o r ' s heirs. 11.18-19. The participle aa)vejtixpoite'Oo\)aTi(; is used regularly in the Jewish manumissions, and indicates sharing the role of epitropos, ' g u a r d i a n ' in various senses; it also occurs, with the spelling CT-uvETiixpojiE'Doaq, iu POxy 265, a marriage contract from the time of Domitian. Synagoge is used here in its original sense of 'community' rather than ' s y n a g o g u e ' ; the Bosporan inscriptions follow the general pattern of the Diaspora in the 1** century C E by using proseuche for the building."*^ The guarantee provided by the community is common and does not need to be attributed to the fact that the manumittor in this case is a w o m a n with no husband, as suggested by Harrill, or that the joint guardians are "Jewish catechists".'*^ Pagan manumissions often took the form of a fictitious sale to a god (cf. # # A c h 4 2 - 4 ) . The Bosporan Jews could not follow that model directly, but they could ensure that the Jewish community (and, implicitly, God) received some advantage in the form of the ex-slave's attendance or service. The various references in the inscription to the manumittor fulfilling a v o w indicate this, since people in the epigraphic world normally fulfil vows by making an offering to a deity (Westermann 1955, 126 notes that manumission by vow is not originally a Greek practice). The community's involvement was mutually beneficial: it would defend the ex-slave's free status if it was challenged, but at the same time it would benefit from his/her attachment. It is not clear what would happen if s/he failed to fulfil the obligations; Delphic manumissions sometimes make provision for punishment in such a case (cf #Ach44). The two fairly complete pagan manumission inscriptions are given here to facilitate comparison: C I R B 74 (from Panticapaeum, probably dated 175-210 depending on which King Sauromates is involved): <9>£© Tfjq Mac, K a i nap<9>evot) Xpr|CTToa)q K o o o o ^ MevavSpoo) K a i yovf] X T m [ d T a i ] E p < E > i d v e 9 T i K a v ©aXXovaav 9[p]e7tTfiv r]\i(bv '•^ R e v i s e d Schurer ii, 4 3 9 - 4 0 46 Binder 1 9 9 9 , 4 4 4 - 5 .
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N A I A Y P I E A N ETCI 7i:apa)iov[fi] jxexd 5e TT)V [C]O)[TI]V fi)x©v {fi)a,c5v} e i v a i a\)Tfiv eA,8'u0e[pa]v hno Ala rfjv "HA,iov dvejia(pT|[v Ka]i [d]v£itT|peo(atT|v ano T' k\iox) K a l Jtavtoq KA,T|pov6p,oa) xpeiieoGai [6' amjfiv [.]ESOIO(JL)CI[ ]AI[..]I[ - - - ] To the goddess of Ma and the Virgin, Chrestous of Cossus (son) of Menander and (his) wife Chemata dedicated to the temple(?)'^^ Thallousa our home-bred slave ... in paramone, after our life to be free herself, under Zeus, Earth, Sun, inviolable and unmolested by me and every heir, to take herself CIRB 1021 (from Panticapaeum, dated 105 CE): F A - D K a p i a y o v T i 'A7coA,A,a)vio-o dvaxiOEi OiA,o6£OJtOTov GpEJcxov l'6iov A I E I K a l "Hpa KDA,£I56)V a v v E T c i v E v a a v x c D v xc5[v] KA,Tipov6iia)v p,ou Ad6a viov jcpEaP^XEpoo) K a l Maiod)o\) K a l TavpiaKoi) K a l 'AitoA.A-covio'O. Glycaria wife of Apollonius dedicated Philodespotus her own home-bred slave to Zeus and Hera Kyleidon, with the agreement of my heirs Dada the elder son and Maisous and Tauriscus and Apollonius. The former has been claimed as Jewish by some writers"*^ who did not recognize that the slave is being dedicated to pagan deities in the introduction.
BS6 M a n u m i s s i o n of H e r m a s Editions: Dubois de Montpereux, Voyage autour du Caucase 1843, Atlas, IV serie, pl.26d no.21 [not seen]; CIG ii 1843, no.2114b (from copy supplied by Blaramberg), pp. 1004-5 (from D u b o i s ' copy; text starts at 1.5); Curtius 1843, 25 (follows CIG; no brackets); Graefe 1844, 6 5 - 7 (comments on CIG); Asik 1848, 94 no.29 (from the stone?; accents misprinted; minusc. follows CIG); Harkavy 1867, 9 4 - 6 no.4 (from CIG; text badly printed); Derenbourg 1868, 527 no.4 (partial text from CIG); IPE ii 1890, no.53 (from the stone); Schurer 1897, 203 (follows IPE; 11.19-23 only); Krauss 1908, 5 2 - 6 7 (summary of Harkavy); Oehler 1909, 3 0 1 - 2 no.90 (from CIG, IPE); CH i 1936, no.684 (follows IPE); Westermann 1955, 124 (partial text from IPE); Nadel 1958a, 141-3 no.2 (from IPE and CIJ); Nadel 1958b, 5 9 n o . l (from earlier eds.; transliterated text); CIRB 1965, no.73 (from the stone); Gajdukevic 1971, 390 n.65 (partial text from IPE); Nadel 1975, 2 7 4 - 5 (new rest, of 1.18); CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. p.66; Levinskaya 1996a, 2 3 4 - 6 no.4 (from D u b o i s ' copy in the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences, St Petersburg); Gibson 1999, 104 n . l 7 , 1 2 7 - 3 5 , 1 4 6 - 7 , 162 (follows Levinskaya 1996a); Binder 1999, 443 n . l 2 6 (from CH and CIRB). 47 Gibson 1999, 9 8 - 9 , makes the word agree with Chemata, and translates "Chemata, a priestess". 48e.g. RIJurG ii 1904, n o . X X X . 3 3 .
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Illustrations: Nadel 1958b, Ryc.l (photo of Dubois' printed text); Maclennan 1996, 47 (photo). Other bibliography: J. Blaramberg, OV 15/12/1828, no. 100 [not seenj; Frankel 1857, 123 (summary of Asik); Calderini 1908, 78 no.32, 145. 188 n . l , 189, 207 n . l , 246 n.2, 257, 279, 287, 418, 437- 8, 4 4 1 , 4 4 5 - 6 ; 1. Tolstoi, ZMNP 1916, 347 n.l [not seen]; Nadel 1948, 2 0 3 - 6 ; Nadel 1960, 63; Bomer 1960, 103-6; Bellen 1965/6, 1 7 2 - 5 ; Nadel 1976; revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 37; Ustinova 1999, 229; Binder 1999, 443 n . l 2 6 (English tr.). Found at Kerc; later in a private house at Theodosia (Simferopol). N o w : Simferopol, Ethnographic Museum. Details: Plaque of whitish marble, 47 x 28 x 5 cm., upper right and lower left corners chipped. Letters 1.5-1.8 cm. Surface badly worn; damaged after Dubois saw it. Language: Greek. Date: late 1^*^-early 2"'* century CE (?). Text (follows Levinskaya; 11.18-19 follows CIRB): [PaoiA,e\)ovxoq (3aGiA,ecoq ] I (piA,OKaioapoq K a i cpiA,o-] [pcopaio\), e-ooePoaig Exovq ...] [fxrivoq] 'ApT[e|i]i[oioa) ] [d(p]ir||j.i xovc, £[\iovq Qpenxovq ev xfl] [ n J p o o E D x f i Kg[x' ev^fiv eA,ep9epo\>q] [KaGotTca^?], a 6 n a [ x a d v 6 p e i a ? - - ] [ J K a i 'Eppdv [dvEJciA.fiTtxo'oq] [Kai dKa]pavoxA-f]xo[-U(; and x' ep,o-oj [Kai na]vx6q KA,Tipov6|a,[oD ini] [ K a p a p ] o v f i n e x p i x% ^a)fj[q ^ou - - ] [ I ei)dpeoxoi xf\ ^[rixpi \iov7] [ ]ixd8i Kttl T i d v x a &G\nep'? ..] [
I Kai
[
]e T c o i T i o o D o i v 7 t d [ v x a ..]
x£A,£-oxfiGavx6q
5
10
poi)
[\xexa 5e xf|v] xeX,eDXTiv e i v [ a i at)xoiq] [xpeTceaGai dvjemKcoA.'Oxax; d v [ e u ] [ T i d a r i q d f K p i a J p T i x f i o e o q Ka[9d)q r\X)^a-\ [prjv ? ojioD djv yr\q pouA.ovxai ^[(opiq] [eiq xf]v] T t p o o e u x T i v Gtoiceiac; xe K a i T i p o o [ K a p x j e p f i o e o q - oDv[e]nixpoTte[Dovoriql [5E| K a i xr\q avvayiayqc, x w v 'loDSaicov. 4. Gibson: 'Apx|e^|i[aio\) ] 5. C I G : [c)t(p]i[Ti])a.i xoxic, £-\p.ovq SouA.ouq? ercl tfl]; N a d e l 1958b: erci xfii 6. C I G : [Tcploaeuxii [ - - OpEEXi'iv [iovl]
15
20
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7. C I G : fKcxliCTW)xcx[xad v S p e i a - - - J 8. C I G ; ' E p ( I A V [eXeuGepovi; Ka9djta£, K a i ] 9. 1. dnapEVoxA,fitot)5; C I G : [d7ta]P<e>voxA,fiTo[\)q Koti
DJTOJ; N a d e l
A.VEKXKI\KXO\)C,
1958: f d v a | p < e > v o x ^ T i [ x o \ J 5 l 10.
C I G : f j t a j v x o q K ^ T i p o v 6 [ p o u e a x c o 5 e A-uxoT^ fi n a - j ; N a d e l 1 9 5 8 b :
I K a i djco J T A J V X O ^ 1 1 . C I G : [ - p a p j o v T i p£%pi xfjc; ^coffig fj)j.(ov n a p ' e | . I O I K a i ] ; ASik maju.SC: Z Q E 1 1 1 2 . N a d e l 1 9 5 8 b : ^cofiiq |XO\) Tcap' E P O | i K a i A V ) v ] E T ) a p e C T X o < \ ) A > i i p o [ i 12.
C I G : fxfi c n j v ] £ \ ) a p E o x o < t ) C T > T | p.[T|xpi pot)]; L u r i a a/?. N a d e l 1958b:
fjiap' ep-oi Ktti a \ ) v ] £ - u a p E a x o < < ) 0 > r i )j,[oi] 13.
C I R B : [ - - ] x d 8 i ; C I G : [....]ixd8i, K a i n:dvxa, (aq \r\ pfixrip
\IOVI];
L u r i a ap. N a d e l
1 9 5 8 b : x d 8 i K a i < a > T c d v x a cbq 14.
CIRB: [ - - Ka]i
14.
C I G : [SiexaqJEV, X£>.£-oxTiaavx6q \IOV [KaG-]; C I R B : pofu]
15. C I G : f-djCEp 7ip6a0]E t t o i t i o o - u o i v jidvfxEq. pexd 8eJ; I P E : ndlvxeq] 16. N a d e l 1 9 5 8 b : a o x t i q ] XE^£T)xf]v; C I G : [xtiv fipcojv X £ X £ T ) x < t i > v e i v a [ i a o x o i q dTtEp-] 17. C I G : [ - x e o G a i ? dlvejiiKcoXoxco^ a v [ - - ] 18.
I. dpcpioPrixriaEco^; C U : dp(pi]PT|axT|A£0(;; C I G : [
JX[f|]0E[COJ(; K a f i ? - - - ]; G i b s o n ,
L e v i n s k a y a : K a x ' [ e o x t i v |XOT)]; N a d e l 1975: K a [ i jidoric; 8iKii(5?] 19.
C I G : [ . . . . ] a v < X > E 5 P O U ^ O V X A I , [xcopi^ xfic;]; G i b s o n : [ p o o , oitox) d ] v y %
PO-6A,<(O>vxai yltapic,]; I P E : P O [ U ] X < O ) > v [ X A I ] ; C I R B : p o [ t ] ? i o v [ X A ] I ; I. P O W L C O V X A I 20.
C I G : [ii; xfiv] TipooEUxfiv GcoTCEiaq FXE K a i T c p o o K a - l ; C I R B : 9a)7cei[a]5 [xe K a i
n p o o - J ; C U ( m i s p r i n t c o r r e c t e d in Prol. p . 6 6 ) : G o ) n £ i [ a | i ; , xcopic; 21.
1. KapxEpi'iaecoq; C I G : [ - x a v x | i i c T £ < a ) > q , CFOV£jtixpo7CE[d)0Tiq 8 e | ; C I R B : [8e K a ] i
22-3.
C I G : K a i xfj^ AOVAYCOYFIQ x(OV; IPE: a t i v a y c o y l T i ^ J ; C I R B : x(o[v| 'Iou8ai[cov]
In the reign of King , Friend of Caesar and of Rome, Pious. Year on the .. of the month Artemisios. /, , set free my home-bred slaves, in the prayer-house, according to a vow, once and for all. male(?) bodies:
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and Hermas, unassailable and unmolested by me and every heir in paramone''^ until (the end of) my life giving satisfaction to my mother (?) and everything as and when I die they will do everything after (my) death it is possible for them to take themselves unimpededly (and) without any dispute, as I have vowed, wherever on earth they wish, except for submissiveness and service to the prayer-house. (Done) also with the community of the Jews providing joint guardianship. The early history of this inscription is unclear. It was found at Kerc, but was in a house at Theodosia by the mid-1820s (soon after its discovery, according to Nadel). Copies were made by Blaramberg and Dubois, both of which were used in CIG. By the time Latysev copied it for IPE, it was in the museum at Simferopol (Theodosia), where it was also copied for C I R B . All editions depend on these four copies. Maclennan published a photograph for the first time, reproduced above, which shows that the surface of the stone is very badly worn. According to Latysev, the tablet was complete when he saw it, probably meaning that no text had been lost with the damaged edges. A few of the lines are complete on the right but most are not. Some of the wording is rather different from the other manumission inscriptions, which makes restoration of the missing text harder. The beginning must have involved a dating formula, followed by the manumittor's name at the end of 1.4. It appears that the lettering in the opening lines was larger or more widely spaced than in the rest of the inscription. A line length of 25-31 letters is assumed above for the bulk of the text. 11.5-10 can largely be restored by analogy with #BS5. At least two slaves were involved, probably both male as the male Hermas was named second. This is the only occurrence of acbpaxa in the Bosporan manumissions, although it was the normal term used for 'slaves' in the manumissions from Delphi (##Ach42-4). 11.11-16 contain a paramone clause which is different from what is normally found in Bosporan inscriptions. There is a brief one in the pagan CIRB 74 (text given above, p.275). Such clauses (on which, see Hopkins 1978, ch.III; he translates the term as "staying and serving" or "conditional release") normally lasted until the end of the manumittor's life (or manumittors' lives, if they were husband and wife), with the requirement to perform services, often the same as those which the slave had previously performed. There may be a reference to serving the manumittor's mother in 1.12, but the restoration is rather tentative. Calderini suggests that the ex-slaves were obliged to stay near the manumittor's mother while the manumittor was alive. If e u d p e o x o i is correctly understood as an adjective agreeing with the slaves (forms of the verb (CTa)v)e\)apeCTTeco are 4^ I.e. on condition o f staying and serving; see discussion below.
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m u c h commoner in inscriptions), it must have the sense of giving satisfaction to their owner;^° cf. two manumission inscriptions from Calymna in the Aegean, where the paramone clause requires the ex-slave to behave euapeaxco^;^' in one from Delphi, the verb euapeoTeoi is used.^2
11.17-23 return to the pattern of # B S 5 , with the addition of a reference to (if the restoration is correct) dp,(piopf|Tr|(nq, which in the context would mean disputing the ex-slaves' free status, Nadel (1975)'s suggestion of Ka[l JcdoTiq SiKTiq] for the end of 1,18 is based on inscriptions from Delphi, and would involve a further departure from the pattern of # B S 5 , but must be a possibility; it would have to spill over into 1.19 to avoid making 1.18 too long. If Kax' evxiiv is the correct restoration of 1.6, it is unlikely to be repeated here, so KaOdx; rl^)|d^r|v, as in # B S 5 , seems the most likely restoration. There is no room for the agreement of the heirs which is specified in # B S 5 , but the way in which 11,21-3 exactly repeat 11,18-19 of # B S 5 , even though 8e Kai seems superfluous without the first half of the sentence, suggests that the heirs' agreement should have been mentioned first, B S 7 . M a n u m i s s i o n of Elpis Editions: Marti 1934, 6 6 - 8 no,V (from the stone); Nadel 1948, 2 0 3 - 6 ; Nadel 1958a, 145 no.lO (from Marti); Nadel 1958b, 12 no,5 (from Marti with restoration of 1,3 by S, L u r ' e ; transliterated text); CIRB 1965, no,71 (from the stone); Bellen 1965/6, 171-6 (from new photo; text on 172-3 from CIRB); Lifshitz 1969, 9 5 - 6 no,6 (from CIRB); BE 1969, no,52 (summary of Bellen), no,405 (summary of Lifshitz); Simon 1971, 518 (from Bellen and Lifshitz; 11,8-10 only); Hengel 1971, 174 (follows Bellen); Siegert 1973, 158-9 (from IPE and Bellen); CIJ i^ 1975, Prol, no,683a; Nadel 1975, 270 (from CIRB with list of variants), 2 7 5 - 9 ; Nadel 1976, 2 1 5 , " 229 n . l 16 (from CIRB and Lifshitz); Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 37, 166 (partial text from CIJ); Yailenko 1987, 57 no.38 (from CIRB); Levinskaya, 1990b, 3 1 2 - 5 (from CIRB); Trebilco 1991, 155-6 no.4.2 (follows CIJ); Levinskaya 1996a, 7 4 - 6 , 2 3 2 - 4 no.3.IL2 (from photos); Wander 1998, 111-14 (from Bellen and CIJ); Gibson 1999, 28 n.65, 1 1 7 - 1 8 , 126, 1 2 8 - 3 5 , 139-44, 156, 161 (from CIJ; collates other restorations); Ustinova 1999, 231 (follows CIRB); Overman 1999, 148-55 (follows CIRB); Binder 1999, 3 8 5 - 6 (follows CIJ and CIRB with new tr.).
50 Bauer^ s.v., citing Tit 2 . 9 . 5'TitCal 154 and 173. 52 F D iii 3 6 4 . 53 Wrongly referring to CIRB 7 2 .
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^^^^^^^
Illustrations: Marti, P H C . 6 (photo); Bellen, Taf.21c (new photo); Levinskaya 1996a (photo). Binder 2002 (photo). Other bibliography: Nadel 1968a, 270, 274; Harrill 1995, 177 (English tr.); Williams 1998, no. VII. 10 (English tr. of Bellen version); Levine 1999, 1012-14 (CIJ i-'s English tr.); Mitchell 1999, 118; Binder 1999, 4 4 1 , 4 4 4 ; Binder 2002 (English tr.); Levinskaya 2002, 5 1 7 - 2 0 . Found in Kerc, autumn 1928. In Kerc Museum according to CIRB but not located there by Levinskaya. Details: Plaque of white marble, deliberately broken above, 32 x 37 x 11.5 7.5 cm. Top line only partly preserved. Letters 1.1-1.7 cm., very neat, with serifs. Much of the surface damaged and badly worn. Language: Greek. Date: l'-2"'^ century CE.^'* Text (follows Levinskaya 1996a; 1.3 follows Bellen): I . . c ' 0 . . . ] + A + + [ .'^^^ - iKOCKOD dcpirjjXl £711 xf{C, TCpOOEt)-
Xfiq 'EA,7ti<5>a [£jx]a['u]tf]<; 0p£nx[f)vj oncoq E o t i v d7tap£v6xA,r|TO(;
K a l av£niXr\Kxoq ano navxoq KA.rjpovopot) xojpli; XOX) npoo-
5
K a p x e p E i v xfi n:poCT£\)XFL' £ 7 t i TpOTtEDOUOTjc; xf\c,
GWajlO-
jf\q t ( o v louSaiwv K a l
OEOV
o£[3«v.
10
1. n o t h i n g read by M a r t i ; C I J : [ - - ]KA[ - - | 2. Lifshitz: -xov
54 S u g g e s t i o n s are c e n t u r y ( U s t i n o v a ; C I R B ap. Lifshitz; W a n d e r , L e v i n s k a y a ) ; late 1 " / e a r l y 2'"' c e n t u r y ( G i b s o n ) ; 2'"* c e n t u r y ( C I R B ap. C U , W i l l i a m s ) .
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3. M a r t i : 'EXnia[v . . . ] A | . . . ] T H S e P E n T [ . . ] ; Lifshitz, C U , G i b s o n : 'Elmalv e\ila[v]xi]C, Qpenx[r\q'?\; C I R B , Nadel 1976 (ap. G i b s o n ) , L e v i n s k a y a 1990: 'EA.7cia[v - - ]a|.J xf]q BpeTttffjq]; N a d e l 1958b, 1975, Tolstoi ( a p . C I J ) : 'EA,jtla[v e[4.]a[x)]i;fig GpejcxfovJ; L e v i n s k a y a 1996a, 2 0 0 2 : 'EA,jtia
/ (son/daughter) of ...cue us, release in the prayer-house Elpis(?), my home-bred slave - wo man (?), so that she(?) is unassailable and unmolested by every heir, except for doing service to the prayer-house. (Done) with the community of the Jews and God-fearers(?) providing joint guardianship. The stone was found at Kerc in Magazinnaya Street near the Greek Orthodox church of John the Baptist, at a depth of 3 m. Marti published a photograph which is not particularly clear. Bellen obtained a better copy from the Institute of Archaeology, Leningrad, and the most recent editions have relied on this as the stone was no longer locatable when Levinskaya looked for it in the Kerc Museum. In fact, despite the poor condition of the stone, there is no serious doubt about any of the readings, except in 1.1 and traces of letters in 1,3; the considerable debate has concerned how to interpret what is on the stone. The text would have begun with a dating formula like that in #BS5; they normally take about four lines, but as the whole of this inscription is much more concise than #BS5 and #BS6, the dating formula may have been so too. 1.1 of the text as printed here (not the first line of the original) must end with the manumittor's name, so -ICCCKOD is the conclusion of a patronymic. The rest of the inscription consists of elements already seen in #BS5 and #BS6, except for the last three words. 1.3 gives the name of the manumitted slave. The letters on the stone are: EAniA++A+THE0PEnT[..l. The name and word for "slave" have to be in the accusative. There are no sure indications of the slave's gender. If oeprov in 1.10 is taken as a participle referring to the slave, then the slave must be male (assuming that grammatical rules were followed); however, this is not a very compelling interpretation of the word (see below). Bellen and CIRB thought that there were remains of a square letter at the end of the line, which would rule out restoring e p e K t [ 6 v ] (but Levinskaya disagrees with this). THE appears to be a feminine genitive singular ending, which cannot be in direct agreement with the slave's name. There are two common names beginning Elpi-: the feminine Elpis (acc. 'EA,7ti6a) and the masculine Elpia(s) (acc. ^EXniav).^^ The adjectives in 11.4-5 do not help to determine the slave's gender; the -oq ending could be understood as the masculine form of a normal adjective or the feminine 55 l o r a b o s c h i also lists a m a s c . form Elpis, a c c . "EA,jtiv, but that w o u l d only increase the difficulty h e r e .
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form of a two-termination one.^^ The first name requires the text to be emended on the assumption that A was omitted, a quite plausible mistake here in view of the similarity of A and A. The second requires 0peKx[6v] at the end, and restoring three letters in the earlier gap ([v ep,]) where there is only room for two. (Levinskaya meets the second objection by suggesting that the final -v was omitted, and gives several parallels for the omission of final -v: CIRB 8 1 , 82, 89, 103; in 81 and 103, while it is true that one name has a final -v omitted, there are respectively nine and eleven other accusatives with the correct -v ending!) Neither explains the word in the middle which it seems must be restored as [e)a,]a[D]Tfiq. This could be interpreted as [e|x]a['0]Tfiq GpeTCTlfiq], i.e. "(son/daughter) of my home-bred slave", which would be an odd expression in the context. A conventional patronymic (or even metronymic: Yailenko suggests ['AK?]d[a]TT|(;) making -trig the end of a name in the genitive, would be even more unusual. B e l l e n ' s restoration, followed above, gives the expected 9pe7ix[f|v] and treats ep.a\)Tfiq as a way of saying "of m e " instead of e|a,o^, indicating that the manumittor was female.^' 1.4. OTtox; would normally be followed by the subjunctive, but the indicadve is used here. In 11.9-10 the reading Oeov oepcov is clear, although Bellen originally hoped to find that the first nu was not really there. The two possible interpretations are: (1) oeptov is a participle referring back to the slave, and taking the place of OcoTceia in other inscriptions, i.e. the ex-slave is expected to fear God instead of showing submissiveness to the prayerhouse.^^ (2) the expression is a variation of the well-attested GeooePoav, to be understood as a genitive plural attached to "the community of the Jews". ( I ) seems a very forced explanation in view of the position of the phrase right at the end, well after the other conditions, and the use of a participle rather than an infinidve. Levinskaya (2002, 5 1 7 - 1 8 ) admits that "grammatically this reading is extremely awkward, but can and should be accepted given the level of Greek grammar in the Bosporan inscriptions", and she suggests that the phrase was added by the author of the inscription to correct an omission. If (2) is correct, it raises the further question of whether the phrase applies to the Jews themselves ("the community of the Jews (who are) also God-fearers", as suggested by Simon and Siegert) or to another group ("the community of the Jews and God-fearers"). There is
56 Levinskaya ( 2 0 0 2 , 519) argues that, since in CIRB 74 (text given above, p.274) twotermination adjectives have been given special feminine -ti endings, the -oq endings here must be masculine. However, in view of the other grammatical variations which she notes, such consistency between inscriptions cannot necessarily be expected. 57 On this usage, see Bauer^, s.v. ejiauToii. 58 N a d e l , C I R B , Levinskaya, Binder; the use o f the participle with an acc. object has s o m e epigraphic parallels
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no Other Bosporan evidence for God-fearers, but the interpretation raises exactly the same problems as the inscription from the Miletus theatre (IJudO ii 37 = CIJ 748: TOKOC; Elo\)6ea)v xrov Kai Geooepiov) and they are often discussed together. The latter explanation ("and God-fearers") has received most support.^^ Bellen understands the first nu as a stone-cutter's mistake caused by being unfamiliar with the expression; c f #Ach28 0Eo{v}Kxioxov (there do not seem to be any parallels for oepdov standing independently as a gen.pl.). He suggests that the God-fearers are mentioned here because the manumittor was one of them. BS8. Manumission Editions: Skorpil 1896, 1-3 no.l (from the stone); IPE iv 1901, no.204 (from Skorpil); IGRR 1 1 9 1 1 , no.880 (from IPE); Nadel 1958b, 11-12 no.3 (from Skorpil); CIRB 1965, no.69 (from Skorpil and IPE); Yailenko 1987, 57 no.37 (from CIRB; 11.7-10); Gibson 1999, 159 (follows CIRB). Illustration: Skorpil (drawing). Other bibliography: Calderini 1908, 78 no.32, 145 n.4, 180, 186 n.6, 246 n.2, 248, 418 n . l ; Marti 1913, 38 no.29 (Russian tr. from IPE); Minns 1913, 621 n . l 7 ; Nadel 1968a, 2 7 0 - 1 ; Dan'shin 1996, 138. Found May 1895 at Kerc. Formerly in the Museum of the MelekCesmenski Barrow. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: White marble tablet, broken in two, 48 x 30 x 7 cm., letters 1.8. Language: Greek. Date: May/June 58 CE. Text (follows CIRB, and Skorpil and IPE majuscules for fragmentary lines): BaaiA,e\)ovxo(; p a o i Xecoq TipepioD Toi)A,ioxt K6x\)oq (piXoKaioapog Kai (piA,optop,aio\) evaepovq- [ejxoox; 6vx' \ix\\6c, A a e i a i o\> x- ['H]5eta N[..]axe[oa)q] yi)VII Iop[ M ] NT[ ]I0E[..]HN npo[ ]0?
5
10
n[-[ [•]A[-[.]A[ [
] ] ] ]0[..]
59 B e l l e n , Lifshitz, revised Schurer, Gibson, Williams; contra 2002.
15 Ustinova, Levinskaya
284
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BAIIAEYoNToIBAII AEQI"P1BEPIoYloYAI oYlcorroItlAoKAlIA PoZlcA14>iAoP2f1A|oY EYZEBoYI.ToYZ ANtriHNoIAAEIZI
oYI.AEIAN..ITE...rY •NHiop
NT
<^...:.
Z0E.. HN^
nPo n
o|
I
.A.. • A.......... o., 6. Lines over letters t o s h o w numerals 7. N a d e l 1 9 5 8 : v[\)v] Sxe[(pa] 8. N a d e l 1958: d](p[eiTmi; Yailenko: y^vfi 4»op[Yioo 10. N a d e l 1 9 5 8 : Jcpo[CTeuxT|v
d](p[iTmi
In the reign of King Tiberius Julius Cotys, Friend of Caesar and of Rome, Pious. Year 354, on the lO'^ of the month Daisios. I Hedeia, (daughter) of N..stes, wife of lor This stone w a s found accidentally in M a y 1895 when foundations were being dug for the house of K. Mesaksudi, at the eastern foot of the acropolis (Hill of Mithridates) (IPE ii 34 w a s found in the same place in July 1886). It w a s copied for IPE in the museum of the Melek-Cesmenski Barrow, where large numbers of inscriptions were stored, including some with Jewish symbols, but its whereabouts are recorded as unknown in CIRB. The original text was about 2 0 - 2 2 lines according to Skorpil. The recorded text consists of a standard dating formula, the name of the female manumittor, and then no more than isolated letters which are too few for any reliable restoration. The husband's name in 1.8 could be lortikos, lordanes or Iordan(i)os (but it is perhaps more likely that the name really begins Gor-). The phi of 1.8 probably comes from dcpirmi, and the end of 1.9 might be understood as 9
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suggests that there may have been a complex paramone clause. Dan'shin claims that the word beginning pro- must be either proseuche or proskarteresis, but this may be going too far. There is nothing particularly Jewish about this inscription, but four out of six other manumissions from Panticapaeum are Jewish, and one of the two pagan ones (CIRB 74) starts with the names of pagan gods before the manumittor's name, i.e. in a position where they would survive in this inscription if they had been present. It therefore seems more likely than not that this is a Jewish manumission. BS9. Manumission Editions: Skorpil, 1913, 64 no.2 (from the stone); Nadel 1958b, 12 no.l (from Skorpil; transliterated text); CIRB 1965, no.72 (from the stone); Lifshitz 1969, 96 no.7 (follows CIRB); CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. no.683b (from CIRB); Levinskaya 1996a, 234, no.3.II.3 (from the stone); Gibson 1999, 124, 161 (follows Levinskaya). Illustrations: Skorpil (facsimile of squeeze); Levinskaya (photo). Other bibliography: Nadel 1958a, 145 no.8; Bellen 1965/6, 1 7 2 - 5 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 37; Ustinova 1999, 229. Found Aug. 1912 at Kerc. N o w : Kerc, Historico-Archaeological Museum, inv.no. Kl 933. Details: Lower right comer of marble plaque, 1 5 x 1 1 x 5 cm. Letters 1.51.8, poorly cut. Language: Greek. Date: l^»-2"** century CE. Text (follows CIRB): [
avvejii-]
[TpoKeuo\)a]Tiq 8e
Ka[i]
[xfjq auvaycDlYfiq tmv ['IoD5ot]i(»v. (Done) guardianship.
also
with
the
community
of
the
Jews
providing
joint
The stone was found in August 1912 on the north slope of the acropolis (Hill of Mithridates). The text is the end of a manumission, and was probably immediately preceded by a statement of the heirs' agreement, as in #BS5 (but not necessarily; cf. #BS6). Using the last line only for the word " J e w s " is a common feature of the manumissions from Panticapaeum. Illustration on next page
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BSH). E p i t a p h w i t h m e n o r a h ( ? ) Editions: IPE ii 1890, no.306 (front from the stone; back from rev. by Gross); CIJ i 1936, no.685 (from IPE), ? 1975, Prol. p.66; Schwabe 1947/8, 6 1 - 2 (from CIJ with new restoration); CIRB 1965, no.735 (from IPE). Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 37; Solomonik 1988, 1 2 - 1 3 ; Dan'shin 1996, 145; Gibson 1999, 22. Found 1867 near Kerc. Was in the Royal Barrow; now lost. Details: Limestone stele, broken above, 49 x 35 x 9 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 3"'-4"' century CE (?). Letter forms: Clil Text (from IPE): (front)
(menorah?) [.]N [..] OY A+ CT H
(reverse)
AFA0[..J APICT[..]
A group of 21 graves was found in 1867, to the west of the Pavlovskaya Battery near Kerc. Three inscriptions were found together at a depth of about Im.: this one and ##BS11-12. The site appears to have been a Jewish burial area, but there is not enough information to determine whether it was exclusively Jewish. Latysev copied all the inscriptions in the Royal Barrow, where they were stored after excavation, but there seems to be no further information about what happened to this one. He also saw in the office of the Archaeological Commission copies made by Gross or Grossi ("Grossii apographum manuscriptum"); he refers to him
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elsewhere as a painter ("a Grossio pictore")/'" but we have been unable to identify him further. The stele was used twice. The front inscription was written when it was standing. The reverse was written when the stele was lying on its side, and must be later. The two inscriptions are independent of each other, and there is no reason to think the one on the reverse is Jewish. Latysev included the stone in his Jewish section because he took a line running down the middle of the front between the letters to be the stem of a menorah. Dan'shin (1996, 145-6) believes that Jewish symbols (and biblical names, cf. #BS12~13) started to be used at Panticapaeum in the 3'"'' century, which he attributes to a new wave of Jewish settlers; similar changes took place throughout the Diaspora, however, and can hardly all have been due to population movement. The first name on the reverse is probably Agathon or Agathocles (Agathous and Agathouas are also possible). The second name may be a patronymic, probably the genitive of Ariston or Aristion. If it is another name in the nominative, it could be Ariste as suggested by Schwabe. He proposed to combine the two sides, and read for the side which is here taken as the front: ['Ayd {menorah) Ocov ] [fj yx)\v [T\ a m ~ ] ox> ' A [ p i - ]
This ingenious suggestion is based on what appears to be a false assumption about the relationship of the two inscriptions (see above). It has also been suggested (Kruger ap. CIRB) that the front text ends dveaTf]a[- -]. dveGXTiae(v) is very common in Bosporan epitaphs, usually with a noun in the accusative ('stele' or ' t o m b ' ) and/or the phrase fivrmriq Xdpiv. It would mean that several lines must be lost before the recorded text. B S I L Epitaph with menorah Editions: IPE ii 1890, no.304 (from the stone); CIJ i 1936, no.687 (from IPE); Schwabe 1947/8, 61 (from CIJ); Zgusta 1955, §757 (from IPE); CIRB 1965. no.746 (from the stone). Illustration: IPE (drawing). Other bibliography: Gibson 1999, 22. Found 1867 near Kerc. Now: Kerc, Historico-Archaeological Museum (left part only). Details: Limestone tablet, 55 x 49 x 9 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 3''' 4"' century CE (?).
60 IPE ii no. 19; c f n o . 3 4 .
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Text (follows IPE drawing): [ ]+ Ya)vfi Tio)v(o(;?).
{menorah)
-BDV Xpria-
G r o s s ' c o p y had MY at the beginning o f 1.1, according to IPE.
thun, wife of
Chrestion(?).
See #BS10 for details of the finding of this inscription. The text is arranged around a menorah (with tripod). It is not clear if any further text has been lost. There may have been another line below 1,3, as there was not room for -oq before the stem of the menorah, Schwabe suggests that -thun at the end of the w o m a n ' s name is a version of -thi(o)n, a common ending for female names with a neuter form, B S 1 2 . Epitaph with menorah E d i d o n s : IPE ii 1890, no.305 (from the stone); CIJ i 1936, no.686 (follows IPE); Schwabe 1947/8, 61 (from CIJ); Zgusta 1955, §757 (from IPE); C I R B 1965, no.777 (from IPE); CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. p.66. Illustration: IPE (drawing). Other bibliography: Levinskaya & Tokhtas'yev 1996, 6 5 ; Dan'shin 1996, 145; Eshel 1998, 296 (English tr.); U s d n o v a 1999, 232; Gibson 1999, 22. Found 1867 near Kerc. Formerly in Kerc Museum; present whereabouts unknown. Details: Limestone tablet, upper left corner broken, 51 x 32 x 9.5 cm. Deeply inscribed letters. Letter forms: A M w Language: Greek. Date: 3 ' M * century CE(?). Text (follows IPE drawing): [...] {menorah)
-cov
OM. G r o s s ' c o p y (according to IPE) had an extra line a b o v e with M on the left, yitlcov in the next line; omitted the final line. C I R B : - - - I - - - [yixjcov | Zapo'u{TiA,] | o v ?
on (son) of
Samuel.
See #BS10 for details of the finding of this inscription. According to C I R B it could not be found in the Kerc Museum. The deceased's name
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ends in -on, but could be a 5-letter name or a much longer one if there really w a s a previous line. The father's name may be the first occurrence of a biblical name at Panticapaeum. The menorah had a tripod, and the stem ran through M in 1.2. B S 1 3 . Epitaph Editions: Skorpil 1900, 1 0 7 - 8 no.20 (from the stone; Greek text only); IPE iv 1901, no.404 (from the stone; Hebrew studied by Chwolson); CIJ i 1936, no.688 (from IPE), i^ Prol. p.66; CIRB 1965, no.736 (from Skorpil and IPE). Illustrations: Skorpil (drawing); IPE (drawing). Other bibliography: Marti 1913, 55 no.98 (Russian tr., using C h w o l s o n ' s restoration); Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 37; Solomonik 1988, 1 2 - 1 3 ; Dan'shin 1996, 1 4 4 - 5 ; Levinskaya & Tokhtas'yev 1996, 736; Eshel 1998, 296 (English tr. of Chwolson's Hebrew); U s d n o v a 1999, 232; Gibson 1999, 2 2 . Found near Kerc, Sep. 1899. N o w : Kerc, Historico-Archaeological Museum. Details: T w o fragments of soft limestone slab, 4 0 x 35 x 8 cm. Raised frame 4 cm. wide; deep line between Hebrew and Greek. Letters 1.5-3 cm. Greek letter forms: A£C Language: Hebrew and Greek. Date: 3'''-4''' century CE (7).^' Text (follows IPE drawing): n ^ - r D [ - - - ]
1S7D[---]
uhw
*'[---]
-ujcep d[va7c-] ai)oeco[(; Taa?]aKiOX) xo'^ fittKapi-
5
coTotxot)- e p i v T i
[ K a l ] dv
IPE:TO[0]
7. I P E : -a)[t]dxot)
7. 1. elpf|VTi 8. A omitted on stone
(Hebrew):
6J
young man
peace.
Suggested dates range from 2"''/3"' century (Ustinova), S'^'M"' (Marti, CIRB,
Schurer, Eshel, Dan'shin) to 4 * (IPE, CIJ).
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(Greek): For the repose of Isaac [Isaakios?], repose.
the most blessed.
Peace
and
The stone was found in Sep. 1899, by the hospital on the left side of the main road to the fortress of Kerc, along with four other plaques with menorahs but no writing. It was given to the museum of the MelekCesmenski Barrow by Alexei Peruanski, and was later taken to the Kerc Museum. C h w o l s o n ' s restoration of the Hebrew text was printed in IPE: ND-a['P "IS73[n
PN2S"»
N M ^ D B
" I D P N
N T ]
]
i.e. "This tomb is for the repose of Isaac. His memory is for a blessing the young man. May his soul be in rest and peace." This assumes that the Hebrew had the same content as the Greek as well as many extra words, but it requires impossibly long lines; even if 1.1 was actually spread over several lines, 1.3 would take at least two lines on the stone. 1.3 of the Hebrew could contain the formula Dl'PE? "may there be peace", from Ps 122.7, which is used on a seal fi-om Naples (JIWE i 25) and in early medieval epitaphs (JIWE i 121, 126, 127, 128). N S 7 3 N is found in J I W E i 198 (medieval epitaph from Aries). The restoration of 1.4 of the Greek which has been universally accepted makes the line significantly shorter than the others, but there seems to be no alternative. a)7CEp d v a m v o e c o q is fairly common in Christian epitaphs. i)7cep nvf|p,Ti(; K a i dva7ia\)aeo(; is found in I.Cilicie 36 = IJudO ii 248 and TOJiov Eoviov dvajcavoeoq in CIJ 877; dvdxcauoK; + gen. in CIJ 903 and le Bohec 4. It is used in the LXX to mean both "rest" and "resting-place". The use of the word in a Jewish epitaph is therefore not surprising. Forms of makarios are also found in Jewish use regularly.^^ j j j e restoration of the name as Isaakios is tentative (and might have the spelling Isakios); other possibilities include Akakios (the commonest of the alternatives), Anakios, Herakios and Ithakios. The spelling epivii is very rare, and not found among the Jewish inscriptions of Rome, where the word is much used. BS14. Epitaph with menorah Edifions: CIRB 1965, no.743 (from ms. of Latysev); Lifshitz 1969, 97 no.9 (from CIRB); CU i^ 1975, Prol. no.689a (from CIRB); Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 37 (follows CIRB and CU).
62 JIWE i 186; JIGRE 15, 3 9 , 152; CIJ ii 7 8 5 , 7 8 7 , 7 9 5 b , 8 7 0 , 877 (=IJudO ii 2 3 2 , 2 3 4 , 2 3 1 ) , 9 6 9 a , 1161, 1175.
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Other bibliography: Marti 1913, 71 no. 167 (Russian tr.); Solomonik 1988,12-13 (Russian tr.); Levinskaya & Tokhtas'yev 1996, 65; Dan'shin 1996, 145; Ustinova 1999, 232; Gibson 1999, 22. Found near Kerc, 1912. Now: Kerc, Historico-Archaeological Museum. Details: Two fragments of limestone stele, 54 x 29 x 8 cm. Letters 4 . 5 - 8 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 4*'' century CE(?). Text (follows CIRB): {menorah) ev9a K(eiTai) Sap-OTIA, DIOX;
Sepepo.
5
4. 1. xiibc, 5. I. l e p e p o v
Here lies Samuel, son of
Severus.
This inscription was found covering a grave behind the cement works to the right of the main road to the fortress of Kerc, together with two other plaques with menorahs but no writing.^^ Solomonik labels the site a Jewish cemetery, but this seems to be going beyond the evidence. The inscription was in the museum of the Melek-Cesmenski Barrow, and subsequently taken to the Kerc Museum. There do not seem to be any other occurrences of evSa K ( e i T a i ) in the region (but cf. #BS16), which makes the abbreviation surprising, but it is a common Jewish and Christian formula elsewhere. ev0a6e Ketxai is often found, however, so perhaps the first word should be understood as e v 9 a ( 6 E ) . The abbreviation could equally well stand for KaxaKeixai, which is also well attested with e v 9 d 5 E (cf #BS15). There is another example in Besevliev 1964, no.l 11 (Odessos = Varna, 6**^ century), with equally irregular spellings: ev9a K(£itai) Eixpfmu; EvyEviou KT) MaTp(bvr|<; oieioq B a ^ y a x i a v o q The spelling of the name Samuel used here is unusual (Zap,oa)f|A, is the normal indeclinable form); it is also found in IG iii 3450 from Atdca and Besevliev 1964, no, 160 (where it could have a case-ending). The spelling -oidx; is found in JIWE i 70, and in a Christian inscription from T h r a c e . ^ 63 Marti ( 1 9 1 3 , pHC.7) has a photograph o f a plaque with menorah, lulab and shofar, which was in the Barrow and probably b e l o n g s to the group. It is n o w in the KerC M u s e u m , i n v . n o . K - 3 1 9 1 , according to Solomonik ( 1 9 8 8 , 19). 6 4 D u m o n t 1892, no.861.
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The omission of part of the genitive ending of Severus is probably due simply to a mistake, but could reflect pronunciation. BSIS. Epitaph with menorah Editions: Skorpil 1898, 210 no.20 (from the stone); IPE iv 1901, no.405 (from Skorpil); CIJ i 1936, no.689 (from IPE), i^ Prol., p.66; Schwabe 1947/8, 61 (from CIJ); Zgusta 1955, §757 (from IPE); CIRB 1965, no.724 (from Skorpil and IPE); Levinskaya & Tokhtas'yev 1996, 64 (from CIRB); Ustinova 1999, 232 (from CIRB). Illustration: Skorpil (drawing). Other bibliography: Marti 1913, 48 no.67 (Russian tr. from IPE); Solomonik 1988, 1 0 - 1 1 ; Dan'shin 1996, 145; Eshel 1998, 296 (English tr.); Gibson 1999, 22. Found at Kerc, Feb. 1897. Formerly in Museum of the MelekCesmenski Barrow; present whereabouts unknown. Details: Limestone, 89 x 38 x 12 cm. Letters 7-7.5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 2"'*-4"' century CE(?).65 Letter forms: E L W Text (follows SkorpiPs drawing): (menorah)
leipcov.
Simon. The stone was discovered in Feb. 1897 in the garden of C. Verle of Kerc ("on Glinistche" according to Dan'shin, which is to the north of Kerc on M i n n s ' map). Skorpil notes that some Christian graves were found nearby, with three inscriptions: evBdSe K a x d K e n a i Tpocpipoq, Zo(pi[vexoq] and Xxecpavo^. It was in the museum of Melek-Cesmenski Barrow when Latysev saw it, but could not be located for CIRB. The name was written around the stem of the menorah. It is a well attested Jewish name, as well as being a Greek and Christian one. The lettering was extremely large. BS16. Epitaph with menorah Bibliography: Latysev 1895b, 63 no.69 (from the stone); IPE iv 1901, no.426; Robert 1946, 107 (from IPE); CIRB 1965, no. 1225 (from IPE?); Lifshitz 1969, 98 n o . l l (from IPE and CIRB); BE 1969, no.404 (summary of Lifshitz); CIJ i- 1975, Prol. no.69 l a (from IPE, CIRB, Lifshitz).
65 S u g g e s t e d d a t e s are: 2"''/3"' century ( C I R B ) , e n d or2"''/3"' c e n t u r y ( L e v i n s k a y a & T o k h t a s ' y e v , D a n ' s h i n , S o l o m o n i k ) , 3"V4"' c e n t u r y ( M a r t i ) , late R o m a n ( S k o r p i l ) .
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\B1 >.-»•*
Illustrations: Lutsenko, tab,9 (drawing of squeeze, reversed); Latysev (photo, also in IPE). Other bibliography: Lutsenko 1876, 575; Dan'shin 1996, 145; Gibson 1999, 22. Found near Kerc. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Upper part of limestone plaque, 25 x 32 x 8 cm. (but more was copied by Lutsenko), letters 4.4 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 4"-5*'' century CE(?). Text (from Lutsenko's drawing): ev9a xi0ri %\)~ (menorah) jie(bV dya\i[oq] 1 ] 1.
i. K E i ' t a i
2 . ME written as ligature. L a t y s e v : M E N M , w r i t t e n vertically, ?1. Me|.iv[tovj
Here lies Symeon(?),
unmarried.
The first publication was by Lutsenko, who saw it in the house of a Greek called Sinopli at Kerc and was told that it came from Cape Ak-Burun, the promontory to the south of Kerc. Dan'shin notes that the drawing published by Lutsenko, evidently taken from a cast or squeeze as it is printed the wrong way round, contains more letters than the later publications and was apparently made before the stone suffered further damage. The drawing is given here (above) with the orientation corrected.
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Latysev was unaware that the inscription published by Lutsenko was the same as the one he saw in Kerc Museum, to which it had been given in N o v . 1892 by a dealer named B. Bukzel, who said that it was from the T a m a n ' Peninsula (the location accepted in IPE and CIRB). The photograph in IPE shows that a piece had disappeared on the left part of the stone's left edge, taking with it the first three letters of 1.4 in the text as printed above. It also shows that the surviving letters had been painted, presumably for display in the museum, apart from the first letter of 1.3. The stone could not be located according to CIRB. The first line is a form of "here lies". The wrifing of Keitai as Xi0T| involves misspellings which are all found (although not all together) in Jewish inscriptions from Rome. The rest of the text is written around a menorah with crossbar. To the left, Lifshitz identifies from Latysev's photograph a mahtah, i.e. a shovel for cinders. The upper part could also be idenfified as a stylized scroll. However, Lutsenko's drawing suggests that what is to the left of the top of the menorah (i.e. to the right as he shows it) could be two letters or groups of letters, and that a word or words were written with letters on both sides of the menorah, not just to the right and running vertically as Latysev thinks. The lower of the two letters on the left is fairly certainly a square CO. The upper letter cannot be identified clearly, but since the most likely name to fit what can be read is Simeon/Symeon, it could be a ligature consisting of a square sigma and an elaborate upsilon. Below this, three letters to the left of the menorah's stem, known only from Lutsenko, seem to be the beginning of the word agamos.
Phanagoria
(Sennaya/Sinna)
= TAVO-Karte
B VI18: D 25
Phanagoria was the main city of the eastern part of the Bosporan Kingdom, on the T a m a n ' Peninsula. The manumission inscriptions below show that there was a Jewish community in the 1^' century CE. A 4^*'-century inscription, CIG ii 2126b = iv 9287, was originally claimed as partly Jewish by Boeckh, but is clearly not, as shown by IPE ii 363.^^ It is a funerary column set up by the archons of the city of the Agrippeoi Kaisareoi (i.e. clearly not Jewish officials) in 307 CE for M. Aurelius Andronicus the former prefect of the kingdom and his son Alexanthos the logachos. On the reverse is a Christian epitaph for the "slave of G o d " Constantine, "priest and shepherd". Fourteen plaques with Jewish symbols were found in 20^^-century excavations at Phanagoria.^^ Most of the finds were in the masonry of
66 A l s o IPE iv, p . 2 9 1 ; CIJ 102*; CIRB 1 0 5 1 . 67 Dan'shin 1996, I 4 I - 2 .
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medieval buildings, but some were from a necropolis at the northern foot of Mayskaya Hill, where excavations in 1940 and 1947 found thirty shallow burials, one with a 3'^^/4"'-century coin. A fragment with a Hebrew inscription was found in the "western" trench at Phanagoria in 1973; it had been reused to line a medieval burial pit. "This inscription is still waiting to be investigated, but even now it is already possible to say that by the character of its script it should be placed among the earliest Phanagorian inscriptions of this kind" (Dan'shin 1996, 142). There is considerable evidence for a medieval Jewish presence at Phanagoria. Theophanes^^ mendons Phanagoria in his entry for 678/9 CE as a place where "the J e w s " live. In the mid-9''' century, Ibn Hordadbek called Phanagoria a Jewish city.^^ Lutsenko (1876) gives a general survey of the material he saw from around the site of Phanagoria, which appears to have been medieval: over fifty Jewish gravestones, fragments, and pieces of tiles at a small depot next to the Sennaya train station, found nearby in 1866 in a burial area at the foot of Mount Blevakaya;^^ eight in the house of a Cossack officer called Sapirov; one found on the farm of an officer called Tolstopyatov, on the road to Bugaz about 10 versts (c.10.6 km) from T a m a n ' . The identificadon as Jewish was due to the presence of symbols on the stones: menorahs (or lamps with five, seven or eleven branches), shofars and lulabs, usually in high relief; Dan'shin (1996, 142) acknowledges the difficulty of dadng them. 26 of these stones had on the reverse the symbols called tamga, clan symbols of the Turkic tribes;'''' an editorial note suggests that these indicate Chazar converts to Judaism, but D a n ' s h i n (1996) thinks they were added when the stones were reused. Lutsenko (1876, 588) mentions the discovery of a "Jewish catacomb" (actually a group of underground tombs) at a farm called Semenyak ("Semenjaki's farm" on Minns' map) near the site of Phanagoria, with some Greek inscripdons which Lutsenko, relying on squeezes, thought were inscribed from right to left.^^ He dated the burials to the 6*''/7''' century. His supposition that it was a Jewish site rested on some copper gilded bells sewn on to leather strips which he thought had been used in Jewish rituals,^^ and is clearly very doubtful. B S l 7 . Manumission of Dionysius Editions: lurgevic 1881, 214 no.4 [Russian] ~ Jurgiewitch 1881b, 2 3 3 - 8 no.l [French] (from the stone); Stephani 1881, 135-7 no.2 (from the
68 p.357 (ed. de Boor). 69 Dan'shin 1996, 140. 70 C h w o l s o n 1882, 138. ' ' • A l s o C h w o l s o n 1882, 139. 72 S e e also Gerts 1880, 8 9 - 9 1 . 73 Dan'shin 1996, 143.
296
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S t o n e ) ; IPE ii 1890, no.364 (from the stone); Calderini 1908, 78 n o . 3 3 , 145 n.5, 192, 193 n . 2 , 205 n . l , 246 n.2, 418 n.3 (11.18-20 from IPE); IGRR i 1911, n o . 9 0 6 ( f o l l o w s IPE; 11.1-7 o n l y ) ; Krauss 1922, 240 no.83 (summary o f IPE); C U i 1936, no.691 (follows IPE); Nadel 1948, 203 n . l , 205 n . l ( f r o m IPE); Zgusta 1955, §§243, 1129 (1.5 only); Bomer 1960, 102 (partial text f r o m IPE); CIRB 1965, no.985 (from the stone); Nadel 1968a, 2 6 3 - 5 (partial text f r o m CIRB); Nadel 1968b, 6 8 - 9 (discussion o f CIRB); Nadel 1975, 2 8 1 - 2 ; CU ? 1975, Prol. p.69 (text revised b y A . l . Boltunova); Nadel 1976, 2 1 6 (cites CIRB "935"); Levinskaya 1996a, 2 3 6 - 7 no.3.11.5 (from the stone); Gibson 1999, 28 n . 6 5 , 129, 164 (follows Levinskaya); Ustinova 1999, 229 (11.18-20 from CIRB); Binder 1999, 4 4 2 - 3 n . l 2 5 (from CIJ and CIRB). Illustrations: Levinskaya (photo); Binder 2002 (photo). Other bibliography: CRStP 1880, XXIV (details of acquisition); Buratschkov, I MAO 10 1885, 62 f. [not seenJ; RIJurG ii 1904, p.299; Minns 1913, 621 n . l 7 ; Gajdukevic 1971, 389; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 3 7 - 8 ; D a n ' s h i n 1996, 1 3 7 - 8 ; Binder 2002 (English tr.). Found on T a m a n ' Peninsula, 1880. N o w St Petersburg, Hermitage Museum, inv.no. T.1880.7. Details: Marble slab, 56 x 24 x 17.5 cm., part of surface badly worn. Letters 1.3 cm. Language: Greek. Date: May/June 17 CE. Text (follows Levinskaya except where noted): [P]aaiA,e\)ovToq [(3a-] [o]iA,eo)q 'Ao7toi)pYo['o]
[(pJiA-opwIiljiaiou- exouq yix' jxrivoq A a i a l o v C,' • [OjoSaKog rioOcovoq Id-] [vJaxiOrioi xov e a u x o u [9p]e7t[x6]v Aiovuaiov [xjov K a i Aov[y]itova e-
5
n[i xf\q T t p o a e u x f i q ] anoX-
I--[ - I -- ]
]OAH - 1 A I T H [ --]
]AN
[
[ - - " ' - -io[ [
[ nei[aq
10
15
- m [.] JN9E
] Txiq 0w~
eveKa ? Kai]
Kap[xep]f]aeco(;.
Tipoo-
20
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Phanagoria
297
•
2. 3. 4. 5. 5. 5. 6. 7. 8. 8.
I P E : ['A|07co\)pyo[\)]; l u r g e v i c : ['Aa]7co\)py[ot)] l u r g e v i c , S t e p h a n i : [(p]iA,opo)paioD l u r g e v i c : [.Jx'; S t e p h a n i : eix'; I P E : [y?]ix' lurgeviC: fK]65avog; S t e p h a n i : [.JoSavog l u r g e v i c : MoGcovoq [ m i s p r i n t ] IPE, CIRB: d l u r g e v i c : eauxol'o] l u r g e v i c , S t e p h a n i : [EoepyexriJv; L e v i n s k a y a : [0pejtx6]v; C I R B : [0p]e7tx6v L e v i n s k a y a : K[aji I P E : [v]i6v [ ]covae; S t e p h a n i : [ Jraavri; l u r g e v i c : cov ax
9. I P E , C I R B : x\r\q npoaevxV'i] 9. I P E : ['A]ji6?c-; l u r g e v i c : TCOA, 10. C I R B : [-?LCOvi? ]H[.]AT 1 1. IPE: [ ]I 12. C I R B : [ jKTII 16. I P E : [ ]£[.]; C I R B : [ ]+YE+ 17. I P E : [ ]0E 18. I P E : [ ]q Qio-; L e v i n s k a y a : [ \r\c, Bco19. I P E , C I R B : [7:]ei[aq 2 0 . I P E , C I R B : [K]ap[xepi'i]aea)q
In the reign of King Aspurgus, Friend of Rome. Year 313, on the 7''' of the month Daisios. Phodacus son of Pothon dedicated his home-bred slave Dionysius, also called Longion, in the prayer-house (?) on conditionf?) of submissiveness and service. This inscription was found in 1880 in "the ruins of an ancient construction" on the property of the Cossack officer Sapirov (see above) on the southern shore of the Gulf of T a m a n ' . The site of Phanagoria was
298
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Phanagoria
found to lie partly on his property.^'* Latysev saw the stone in the Kerc M u s e u m , but it was subsequently taken to St Petersburg. The interpretation of this inscription as Jewish depends on reading thopeia and proskarteresis at the end; the combination of those two words makes Jewishness virtually certain and enables proseuche to be restored in 1.9 (but Levinskaya doubts whether there is enough room for it - it requires 18 letters with one iota, where the longest line otherwise is 17 letters with two iotas). The use of the verb dvaTier|CTi rather than the usual dcptripi is an argument against Jewishness, because it is usually associated with the sort of manumission where the slave is symbolically dedicated to a god (in C I R B 74 and 1021; see pp.274-5), and the letters at the end of 1.9 have suggested to some editors the involvement of Apollo; dvaxieriCTi xroi 'AicoA-^covi is found in a manumission from D e l p h i . I n that case, 1.9 could be restored on analogy with IG vii 3332: [Se]v6xip,0(; 'ETcixeA-o'Dq dvaxiGrioi xfjv i S l a v 8O\)A-TI[V OiA,oa)]p.£vr|v £n;i ScopEot Kai x6 am% K o p d a i o v ZmXav [x& l E p d n l i - but £7c[i ScopEa x©i] 'Ajt6A,|X,covi would not quite fill the line here. The inscription has been taken as Jewish by RIJurG, Nadel, Dan'shin and Levinskaya, but its Jewishness is regarded as uncertain by Revised Schurer. 1.5. The manumittor's name is restored as Phodakos by Zgusta, and that is the only name in his book which would fit; c f CIRB 1281,13: OoSaKloq] La[ (3''* century CE). He cites two theories about its origin: Miller linked it to the Ossedan fuduag, meaning wild/roguish/brave, but Harmatta said that Pu5a was an Iranian family name. The genitive form HoGcovoq is also found in CIRB 299, 1034, 1220a. 1.9. The letters Apol- could be the beginning o f a name, but in the context they are more likely to be from a form o f anoXiiOi, which can mean "to set free", starting a clause which says that Dionysius is free under certain conditions, or with the agreement of the heirs. d7toX,EX,D|j.£VO(; is found in many manumission inscriptions,'^ most often in expressions like dTcoA,£A,u^Evav xdq Tiapap-ovdq ("released from the paramone" after paying a specified sum or fulfilling other conditions). otTioA-uGEiq is occasionally used in the same way in inscriptions from Thessaly, 11.18-20. It is very difficult to see h o w else the surviving letters could be understood. The word VEVOIXOGEXTICTGCO, which is found in SEG xxvii 740 (a pronouncement to the people o f Ephesus by a Roman governor in the reign o f Antoninus Pius), might fit but is hardly very appropriate in a Bosporan manumission. Specifying submissiveness and service at the end o f the inscription is a variation from the other manumissions, but as this is 74 IPE ii, p.xi. 75 SGDI 2 0 7 1 . 76 e.g.TitCal 168, 184, 186; FD iii 174, 2 6 4 , 3 1 3 , 3 6 9 .
Black Sea: Phanagoria
299
the earliest, a different formulation i s not surprising. The restoration of evEKa follows the model of expressions like IPE i^ 34: dpExfjq evEKa K a i ex)epYeata(;, but its use to show a condition rather than a reason is odd: Bauer^ gives "in order that" as a possible translation, xmpic,, which would normally be used, generally comes before its noun, and Bauer^ indicates that it only comes after a relative pronoun. B S 1 8 . M a n u m i s s i o n of t h r e e slaves Editions: Dan'shin 1993, 5 9 - 7 2 [Russian] = 1996, 133-50 [English] (from the stone); Levinskaya & Tokchtas'yev 1993, 2 7 - 2 8 (from Dan'shin, with new interpretations); SEG xliii 1993, no.510 (from Dan'shin and Levinskaya & Tokchtas'yev); Levinskaya 1996a, 2 3 7 - 9 no.3.11.6 (from the stone); Gibson 1999, 98, 124-134, 172 (follows Levinskaya & Tokchtas'yev); Binder 1999, 4 4 2 - 4 (from Dan'shin). Illustrations: Dan'shin 1993 & 1996 (photo); Levinskaya 1996a (photo); Binder 2002 (photo). Other bibliography: Solomonik 1988, 10-11 (Russian tr.); MacLennan 1996, 46 (partial English tr.); Williams 1998, no. 1.106 (English tr.); Ustinova 1999, 229; Binder 2002 (English tr.). Found at Sennaya, 1989. Now: Moscow, Institute of Archaeology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, collection of the Phanagorian Expedition. Details: Block of light yellow marble, 35.8 x 22.9 x 10.8-12.1 cm., reused several times. Letters 0.8-1.8 cm. with serifs. Letter forms: slanting hastas of K shortened, P Q . Guide-lines above and below lines of lettering. Language: Greek. Date: Mar./Apr. 52 CE. Text (follows Levinskaya & Tokchtas'yev): [p]aaiA,£ov[TO<;] PgtoiX,£coq K6TVO<;-
ETOD^ < T | > | X T ' )IT|v6q SavSiKOi) a ' • *P\)xapicov, Soyoq, "Avoq [o]i Tot)TO a)£ioi. K a p aav8avo(; K a l K a p ayoc; K a l ME'tp6TEipoq dcpETOi xfi npo<5z\)%% dv£7tiA,<Ti>-
KTOl, dVEKlKOA,!)TOl, X ® P ^ 7tpo
5
10
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300
Phanagoria
q, Kai e o x a v d(p8T[o-]
15
oDveTiiTpoTteovg-
r\q [q] x t o v
at)vaY(p[yf|-] Io\)8ai-
cov. 1. 1. p a a i l f / u o v t o q 3 . N for H on s t o n e 6. Y o m i t t e d o n s t o n e 6 - 8 . D a n ' s h i n : K a p . E d v S a v o g K a i K a p . "Ayoq 8. I. M r i x p o 10. H o m i t t e d on s t o n e ; D a n ' s h i n : dveTciX
In the reign of King Cotys, in the year 348, on the 7 " of the month Xandikos. Psy char ion; Sogos (and) Anos his sons. Karsandanos and Karagos and Metrotimus (are) set free to the prayer-house, unassailable, unimpeded, except for service and submissiveness to the prayer-house, and they are(?) set free. (Done) with the community of the Jews providing joint guardianship. The stone was originally a pilaster capital or gravestone anthemion, and its reverse was smoothed to enable the inscription to be written. It was reused again in building the medieval wall of Phanagoria, with some damage to the text.
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30 ]
The wording is largely the same as in the manumissions from Panticapaeum, except for the expression for the act of manumission. The adjective acpexoi is used instead of a verb, meaning that the names of the manumittors and the slaves are all in the nominative. The manumittors are a father and two sons, whose participation is the equivalent of the heirs' assent in other inscriptions. The three slaves are then named. The whole text is quite compressed, particularly with the omission of all the royal titles, because of the limited space available. 1.3. One of the numerals was inscribed incorrectly. Cotys 1 reigned 4 5 C.62 CE, i.e. 3 4 2 - 3 5 9 of the Bosporan (Pontic) era. The date in the inscription is 34-; the third numeral was inscribed as N, and is most likely to be H, i.e. 348. 1.5. The first son's name is the same as that of the dedicator in #BS4. 11.6-8. The names of the first two slaves are otherwise unknown. Dan'shin originally regarded the letters Kar as an abbreviation for "Carian", but this is unparallelled and would in any case be in the wrong position for an ethnic, which always comes after the name. There are many names in Bosporan inscripdons beginning Kar-. Levinskaya & Tokchtas'yev suggest that these could be Iranian names for slaves of Scytho-Sarmatian origin. They note some Iranian names at Tanais with similar elements: kGTt-avhavoqf l a o av5av-aKoq-J^ Karagos would correspond with a Persian name from Pcrsepolis, *Karaka-. According to D a n ' s h i n there could be a missing letter at the beginning of 1.8, making the name Karf.Jagos. 11.8-9. The use of cx(pexoi with a noun in the dative rather than a preposition gives the impression that the slaves are freed " t o " the prayerhouse rather than "in" it, although it seems that the latter was the meaning intended. The word, which is a classical Greek derivation from dcpiripi meaning "let loose",^'^ does not seem to be used in any other manumission inscriptions. Dan'shin and Harrill suggest that the sense was "freed by the prayer-house", but this seems unlikely. 1.15. e a x a v probably stands for eoxr|aav according to Levinskaya, a form of the aorist indicative active of laxripi (although in IGLS 540 it must be a form of eaxri).
77 C I R B 1279.14. 78 C I R B 1 2 8 7 . 3 0 . 79 L S J , s.v.
302
Black Sea:
Hermonassa
(Taman')
Hermonassa
= TA VO-Karte B VI18: D 25
B S 1 9 . E p i t a p h of Bothylis Editions: Skorpil 1908, 4 8 - 9 no.6 (from the stone); CIRB 1965, no. 1076 (from the stone?); Lifshitz 1969, 9 7 - 8 no. 10 (follows CIRB); BE 1969, no.404 (follows Lifshitz); CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. no.69 l b (follows CIRB); Yailenko 1987, 104 no. 154 (from CIRB). Illustration: Skorpil (drawing). Other bibliography: Levinskaya 1996a, 115 n.48; Levinskaya & T o k h t a s ' y e v 1996, 6 3 - 4 , 7 0 - 1 ; Ustinova 1999, 232; Ustinova 2000, 166 n.56. Found at T a m a n ' , March 1907. N o w : Kerc, Historico-Archaeological Museum. Details: White marble stele, 50 x 39 x 12 cm. Letters 2 cm., with serifs. Inscription between two bas-reliefs: upper one (broken) shows a standing man; lower one (almost complete) shows a standing warrior holding sword and shield. Language: Greek. Date: first half of 1 c e n t u r y CE. Letter forms: A EH Text (follows CIRB): Bo9\)A,i ' Q v i a , x a i p e . Bothylis
son of Onias (?),
farewell.
The stone was found on 24 Mar. 1907, reused in the threshold of Pokrovskoi church in T a m a n ' , along with two other stones without legible inscriptions. Hermonassa, as the nearest ancient site, has been taken as the provenance. The interpretation followed above was proposed by Skorpil and has been generally accepted. It assumes that the first name is a vocative. The father is called Onias, which is known only as a Jewish name. Levinskaya & Tokhtas'yev derive it from the biblical Honyo or HonI, and talmudic HonT(n); it is of course well-known as the name of a number of High Priests. Bothylis is an unknown name according to them, and it is not listed in L G P N ; they compare Betu'el = L X X Baeov(ri)A, = Josephus BaGo'O'nA.oq, the nephew of Abraham in Gen 2 2 . 2 2 - 3 . It is surprising to find a Jew, or at least someone with a Jewish father, with a stele showing human figures. Yailenko suggests another interpretation: BoG\)A,i(DV ' l a , treating the first name as a variant of BaG\)XA,i{ov in CIRB 341 and the patronymic as the genitive of las. This would remove any need to regard the inscription as Jewish. The masc. nom. " l a g is found in CIRB 1140 and 1180. In CIRB 1179 (part = #BS26), " l a is found twice as a patronymic; one occurrence seems certain, although the other might be the beginning of a longer name. Latysev
Black Sea: Hermonassa
303
discusses the n a m e ' s existence,^^ and concludes that it is a real name and not just a series of broken name-endings. Zgusta (1955, §1030) points out that it is surprising to find a feminine name used for men,^' and expresses doubt about the readings. Levinskaya & Tokhtas'yev (1996, 7 0 - 1 ) disagree with the suggestion that it is a Greek name. As the first name does not seem to be attested anywhere else in either form, the question must probably be left open, but in view of the strong doubts about whether " O n i a s " is really present, it would be dangerous to use this inscription as evidence of Jews using human figures on their tombs. There is some other evidence for a Jewish presence of uncertain date in the area.^-^ In excavations at T a m a n ' in 1980, in the "north trench", in 11*_12"^ century strata, two reused gravestones with menorahs were found. Dan'shin mentions another of the same type found in the 19"^ century 10 km. south of T a m a n ' .
Gorgippia
(Anapa) = TAVO-Karte
B VI18: D 25
Gorgippia, on the Black Sea coast, was the easternmost city of the Bosporan Kingdom. BS20. M a n u m i s s i o n of C h r y s a Editions: Stephani 1860, 2 4 4 - 7 (from the stone) = MelGR 2, 1859-66, 2 0 0 - 2 0 4 ; Levy 1861, 2 7 3 , 2 9 8 - 3 0 0 n . l 7 (from Stephani); Harkavy 1867, 8 7 - 9 n o . l (from Stephani; badly printed text); Pomyalovskii 1881, no.53 (follows Stephani); IPE ii 1890, no.400 (from the stone), iv 1901, p.292; Reinach 1891, 325 (summary of IPE); Latysev 1895a, 77 (reply to Reinach); Schurer 1897, 2 0 4 - 6 , 2 1 7 - 1 8 (follows IPE); Oehler 1909, 302 no.91 (from IPE, without brackets); de Francisci 1911, 632 n.2 (follows IPE); Minns 1913, 597 n.2, 616, 6 2 1 , 653 no.43 (from Stephani and IPE); Cook 1925, n . l 729, ii.2 8 8 3 - 4 (follows IPE); C H i 1936, no.690 (follows IPE); Boltunova 1954, 168-76 (from the stone); Westermann 1955, 124-5 (partial text from IPE); BE 1956, no. 194 (summary of Boltunova); Nadel 1958a, 144-5 no.4 (collates previous eds.); Nadel 1958b, 14-15 no.7 80 IPE iv 4 3 8 . 81 For its use as a feminine name (la or Eia), especially in Pisidia, see LGPN i i i . l ; Zgusta 1 9 6 4 , § 3 1 9 - 2 ; Bean 1965 n o . l 14, with discussion. 82 Dan'shin 1996, 144.
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Gorgippia
(transliterated text; collates previous eds.); SEG xvi 1959, no.439 (summary of Boltunova); Bomer 1960, 102-6 (from IPE); SEG xix 1963, no.503 (summary of Nadel 1958a); CIRB 1965, no.l 123 (from the stone?); Nadel 1968b, 7 0 - 1 (discussion of CIRB); Nadel 1975, 275, 2 8 2 (partial text from CIRB); CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. p.67 (from Boltunova); Oester 1993, 1 9 8 - 9 (partial text from CIRB); Levinskaya 1996a, 1 0 8 - 9 , 222, 2 3 9 - 4 0 no.3.II.7 (from the stone); Gibson 1999, 9 9 - 1 0 0 , 107, 109-19, 121-2, 132, 166 (text printed twice; from Levinskaya); Binder 1999, 2 7 4 - 5 (from Levinskaya); Mitchell 1999, 133 no.85 (from CIRB). Illustrations: Boltunova, P H C . 1 (photo); Levinskaya (photo); Levine 1999, 1 0 1 0 - 1 2 , fig.30.6 (photo); Binder 2 0 0 2 (photo). Other bibliography: Derenbourg 1868, 526 n o . l ; Lipinsky 1903, 322 no.l (German tr. o f Harkavy); RIJurG ii 1904, p.299 n.2; Calderini 1908, 78 n o . 3 4 , 105, 1 1 1 , 145 n.5, 180, 192, 246 n.2, 257, 4 1 8 - 2 0 , 438; Krauss 1908, 53 (summary of Harkavy); 1. Tolstoi, ZMNP 1916, 347 n.l [not seenJ; Krauss 1922, 240 no.84 (German tr. o f IPE); Goodenough 1956/7, 2 2 2 - ^ ; Nadel 1968a, 256, 258, 260; Gajdukevic 1971, 3 8 9 - 9 0 , 5 4 2 - 3 (German tr.); Hengel 1971, 174; Nadel 1976, 216; Leipoldt & Grundmann ii 1975. 2 4 0 - 1 no.253 (German tr. of CIJ); Horsley 1976a. 2 7 ; Revised Schurer ii 1979. 4 4 0 n . 6 1 , iii.l 1986, 37; Kant 1987, 684 n . 8 1 ; Trebilco 1991, 136 no.4.7; Belayche 1 9 9 1 , 160 (French tr.); Kraemer 1 9 9 1 , 146-7; bij de Vaate & van Hcntcn 1996, 2 5 ; Williams 1998. no.V.53 (English tr.); Ustinova 1999, 2 2 9 , 230; Levine 1999b, 1 0 1 0 - 1 2 (English tr.); Binder 2 0 0 2 (English tr.). Found at Anapa. Now: St Petersburg, Hermitage Museum, inv.no.rn20. Details: White marble plaque, 29 x 2 1 x 8 cm., broken below (but n o lines lost), lower right corner missing. Letters 1.2 cm. Guidelines above and below lines of lettering. Surface badly worn, some letters obscured by modern over-cutting. Language: Greek. Date: Oct./Nov. 4 1 CE. Text (follows Levinskaya except 1.8): 0ecoi ' Y v | / i a T c o i n a v x o -
K p d x o p i e-oA-oynxw- (3aaiA,e\)ovxo<; (3aoiA,e(oq II[Mi9pli8axopl (piA.o~ FEPMAKOY K a i ( p a o m x piSoq- e x o u q r(kx voq Aeiov HoQoq Zxpd(3covo(; dve9r|Kev <ev?> xfj TtpoaeDxfii K a x ' ei)xf]v 9[pje7uxf]v ea-oxoD fi o v o [la X p u o a , e(p' co fi avena-
5
10
Black Sea: Gorgippia
3()5
r
I
cpoq K a i avEKTipeaoToq dico KavToq OD 4 5.
x>nb
KX,ripov[6)x-]
A i a F i i v "HA,io[v.]
I P E : [noA-epcovo^J (pi?i,o|Yep[xa[vi|KOu;
[Mi6pi|8dlxo|u
Minns:
9iA,o|yeppa[vijKOD;
(piA,o[pco|)xaiot); B o l t u n o v a ap. S E G : [MiGpilSdrxolt)
CIRB: l[Mi0pi8axovl
(piXof - - ]; B o l t u n o v a :
Stephani:
(pi^o|yeppa
cpiXo|aoppdxoD
8. I P E , CI J i": [-pdjxwvoq 8 9.
E N o m i t t e d o n stone; S t e p h a n i : dveBriK' e v ; C I R B : d v e O r i K e v | t[fiij;
d v e G r i K e v | ; I P E : d v e G r i K e v < e v > | x[ii|i 9 11.
10. C I R B : eoxinllv; S t e p h a n i : eujcnlv IPE, CIRB:
Levinskaya:
(rcpooleuxiii OpEJixf|v
X[p1wa
12. I P E , C I R B : dve7t:TipeatTxo[5] 14. S t e p h a n i : -07to5idyT|
To the Highest God, all-powerful, blessed, in the reign of King Mithridates, Friend of... and Friend of his country. Year 338, in the month Dei OS. Pathos (son) of Strabo dedicated in(?) the prayer-house according to a vow his home-bred slave whose name (is) Chrysa, on which [i.e. with the provision that] she may be untouched and unviolated by every heir, under Zeus, Earth, Sun. The stone was found at Anapa, and was in the collection of Prince Alexander Alexandrovic Sibirskii (1824-1879; author of Catalogue des medailles du Bosphore Cimmerien) before being taken to the Hermitage in 1859. The inscription has aroused great controversy because of the apparent contradiction between a Jewish invocation of God at the
306
Black Sea:
Gorgippia
beginning, the reference to a proseuche (see # # B S 4 - 5 ) , and a pagan formula at the end. Hence the contradictory comments of Horsley ("This text used to be considered Jewish") and Levine ("At first there was some scepticism about the Jewishness of this text"). Most recent commentators have accepted its Jewishness, e.g. Revised Schiirer, Trebilco, Belayche, Ustinova. Latysev argued against it in IPE, and recent expressions of doubt have been made by Kraemer and bij de Vaate & van Henten. 11.1-2. Theos Hypsistos andpantokrator are not necessarily Jewish, but eulogetos is regarded by most scholars as a specifically Jewish epithet for God at this date, later used by Christians too;*^ cf ##BS21, BS22, BS27. There are no cases of its use in clearly pagan inscriptions, although bij de Vaate & van Henten have examples of related expressions. See also #Thr5. 11.3-6. The king suffered some form of damnatio memoriae, but enough of this name is still legible to show that he is Mithridates. There is a clear date of 338 of the Bosporan era = 41 CE., so the king is Mithridates I, w h o m R o m e replaced with his half-brother Cotys I c.46 CE.^^ epithets of the king are unparallelled and the first has not been satisfactorily explained. Bosporan kings in the Roman period are invariably called philokaisar and philordmaios, as in the manumissions from Panticapaeum. The only parallel for the epithets here seems to be IPE i^ 38a: [K6Ta)v 'AaK]oi)pYoa) p a [ o i X e a jxeyav Boairdpoi) (piX,OKaiaapa Kai (pi]X,67taTpiv, which is from Olbia, outside the kingdom. The first epithet was treated by Latysev in IPE as philogermanikos, which would have the sense of "friend of Caligula/Claudius"; this is plausible and would mean a simple omission of two letters in the inscription, but the term seems to be otherwise unknown. Boltunova's suggesdon philosymmachos has no reladon to the remains on the stone, according to Levinskaya. Perhaps the abandonment of the normal titles was due to Mithridates' disaffection from Rome. 11.8-9. The wording here is closer to the manumissions from Phanagoria than those from Panticapaeum (but the involvement of God is found only at Gorgippia). Forms of dvaxlGiipi are used in manumissions by dedication to a god, including CIRB 1021. The inscription may simply have put the prayer-house in the dative to signify where the manumission took place, as in #BS18, but the omission of ev in this position would be a very easy epigraphic mistake (haplography), so it has been restored here (cf. #BS6). The lack of any expression which actually means 'free' or 'freed', combined with the confusion over the royal epithets, suggests that the text was not composed very competently. It may well have been one of the first of its kind at Gorgippia.
Hengel. 84 Cassius D i o 6 0 . 8 , 6 0 . 2 8 ; Tacitus, Ann. 12.15.
Black Sea: Gorgippia
307
11.11-12. The phrase ecp' © fj includes a preposidon used in an unusual sense and a relative pronoun © with no real antecedent; Williams translates "on the condition that she be..." which is clearly the sense intended, ejci is regularly used in manumission inscriptions at Delphi in the same way, in the phrase eiti ToioSe diredoTO, which Gibson (1999, 39) translates "on the following conditions ... sold". The expression used here and in ##BS22 and BS24 (also the pagan CIRB 74) to indicate Chrysa's inviolability is different from what was used at Panticapaeum and Phanagoria, although with the same effect. dvETiacpoq is a rare classical word meaning "untouched", "unharmed" (LSJ), which is often used in manumission inscriptions elsewhere.^^ dvETtripeaaxoq is translated by LSJ as "not despitefully treated", and the Suppl. cites this inscription; it is not used in manumissions elsewhere. 1.14. There are examples of Jew taking oaths by pagan divinities, notably a man from just south of the Dead Sea swearing by the emperor's tyche^^ and an Egyptian Jew apparently swearing by Trajan h i m s e l f . I n an inscription recording the manumission of a Jewish slave at Oropus (#Ach45), he refers to a dream in which he received a command from Amphiaraus and Hygeia. At Delphi, the slave-owner loudaios took part in a fictitious sale to Apollo (#Ach44).^^ The formula ojivoo) A t a Ffiv "HA,iov is found widely (see the detailed study by Cook), including in the Black Sea region.^^ The same three divinities are named in a pagan manumission (CIRB 74; text given at pp.274-5).^^ The citizens of Chersonesus in the early 3'^'* century B C E invoked them in an oath of loyalty in the form: 6^vi)(o A l a Fav "AA,iov OapGEVov GEobq 'OXDixTtio-oq Kal 'OA,u|i.Jiiaq Kal fipcoa<;...^' It cannot be entirely true to say that they had to be invoked in Bosporan manumissions, since they are not mentioned in most of the inscriptions. However, no-one is taking an oath by them here, as Goodenough points out; they are invoked as overseers of the agreement - and there is no reference to guardianship by the Jewish community here as in some of the manumissions from Panticapaeum and Phanagoria. The most likely explanation is that, although the manumission took place in the prayer-house, the freedwoman was not put under an obligation to it in the way that other ex-slaves were; the protection of pagan gods is therefore for her benefit and irrelevant to the Jewishness of the manumittor. 85 IG vii 1778; IG ix.l 36 etc.; FD iii 335 etc. Cf. dve(pa7tT0(; in # # A c h 4 2 - 4 . 86 X H e v / S e Gr.5, in Cotton 1995, 176. 87 CPJ 4 2 7 ; c f N o y 2 0 0 1 , 8 0 - 1 . 88 CIJ 711 = F D iii.2.247, 119 BCE. 89 IPE i^ 4 0 2 . 90 Manumission vnb
A i a Efiv "HXiov is also found in Aetolia (IG i x . l M . 8 2 , 9 2 ) and
Egypt ( P O x y 4 8 , 4 9 , 7 2 2 ) . 91 IPE i M O l .
308
Black Sea:
Gorgippia
B S 2 1 . M a n u m i s s i o n of D o r e a Editions: Graefe 1841, 12-17 [not seen]; Klotz 1842, 2 2 3 - 4 (majusc. and minusc. texts from Graefe); CIG ii 1843, pp. 1007-8 n o . 2 1 3 l b (from Graefe); Curtius 1843, 26 (follows CIG; some brackets omitted); Antiquites du Bospore Cimmerien 1854, 2 3 0 - 1 no.XXIll (from the stone); Asik 1848, 80 no.22 (from CIG?); Stephani 1860, 247 = MelGR 2, 1 8 5 9 66, 2 0 4 (from the stone; 11.1-3 only); Levy 1861, 273, 301 n . l 8 (from Stephani); Harkavy 1867, 9 2 - 4 no.3 (from CIG and Stephani; badly printed text); Pomyalovskii 1881, no.52 (from the stone); IPE ii 1890, no.401 (from earlier eds.?), iv 1901, p.292; Schurer 1897, 206, 2 1 7 - 1 8 (follows IPE); Calderini 1908, 78 no.34, 145 n.5, 182 n.3, 186 n.6, 438 (partial text from IPE); IGRR i 1911, nos.911 (follows IPE), 1506; Cook 1925, ii.2 884 (follows IPE and IGRR); CU i 1936, no.78* (follows IPE); Nadel 1958a, 145 no.5 (partial text); Nadel 1958b, 1 3 - 1 4 no.6 (transliterated text; collates previous eds.); Bomer 1960, 102-6 (partial text from IPE); SEG xix 1963, no.505 (summary of Nadel 1958a); CIRB 1965, no.l 125 (from the stone); Gibson 1999, 1, 109-10, 112-14, 116-18, 122, 168 (follows CIRB); Mitchell 1999, 133-4 no.87 (partial text from CIRB). Illustration: Graefe (drawing). Other bibliography: Derenbourg 1868, 527 no.3; Lipinsky 1903, 3 2 2 - 4 no.Ill (German tr. of Harkavy); Krauss 1908, 53 (summary of Harkavy); Krauss 1922, 240 no.84 (German tr. of IPE); Kittel 1 9 4 1 , 108; Westermann 1955, 124- 5; Nadel 1960, 4 0 1 ; Nadel 1968a, 267; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 37; Kraemer 1991, 147; Ustinova 1999, 229. Found at Anapa, 1841. N o w St Petersburg, Hermitage Museum, inv.no.rn.17. Details: Marble plaque, 37 x 29 x 3 - 4 cm., broken above and below, broken in t w o , left and right edges damaged; letters 1.7-2.5 cm., with serifs. Guide-lines beneath lines of lettering. Language: Greek. Date: 93-123 CE. Text (from new photo, published below; 1.16 and restorations from CIRB): [Oew 'Y]\|/iax[q) m v - j [ t o K p d J T o p i e\)A.oy['n-] TO) f 3 a G i A , e \ ) o v t o [ q ]
PaoiA,eo)(; [TJODMOU
Tipepico {lo}
{A-ioo)} Za-opopd-
5
xoD ( p i A , O K a i o a p o g K < a > i (piA . o p o ) p < a > i o \ ) e-uoepo\)t;-
TeipoBeoq Nu|j,(payopou MaKapioD
ai)v
dSeA^^fiq "HA-iSoq y u -
10
Black Sea:
vaiKOQ Navopa^apupot) K a x d e-uxTlv Ttaxpoq fipcov N-up.(payopoD M a m p i o D d(peiofxev xf|v Opejc[xfiv fip&v A](Bpeav [eXeDOepav |
Gorgippia
309
15
I--3. G r a e f e ( a p . I P E , Klotz), P o m y a l o v s k i i : [Ail \x.zy]\.i3[%& dcpexjopi e-oA-oryri-c|(p 3 . Antiquites: -ito 4. Antiquites: J o - ; P o m y a l o v s k i i : fiot)) 6. A for A on s t o n e ; P o m y a l o v s k i i : K a i 7. A s i k , P o m y a l o v s k i i , I P E : -A,opfl)paioa) 7. -o-oq: omicron a n d .s/gwt/ a r e small insertions o n either side o f the stem o f upsilon
310
Black Sea:
Gorgippia
9 & 14. Graefe (op.Klotz): )j,aKapio\) 10. Graefe (a/?. Klotz): 'HU6o(; 1 1 - 1 2 . Graefe (ap.lPE): N a v o O (xoO) BaA-an-opo-u; Antiquites: N a v o < v > BaX.an\)pot) 16. CIG, A§ik, Antiquites: 5](opedv; Graefe (ap.Klotz), Pomyalovskii: [-xfiv 'Id) Sjcopedv
To the Highest God, all-powerful, blessed, in the reign of King Tiberius Julius Sauromates, Friend of Caesar and of Rome, Pious. Timotheos (son) of Nymphagoras (son) of Macarius, with his sister Elis wife of Nanobalamyros, according to a vow of our father Nymphagoras (son) of Macarius, we set free our home-bred slave Dorea The inscription was found in 1841 at Anapa, and taken to St Petersburg. Pomyalovskii saw it in the N A Y K Academy. Although the lettering is good, there are a number of incorrect and repeated letters, some of which the stone-cutter tried to remove. The question of this inscription's Jewishness involves one of the main issues discussed for #BS20, the Jewishness of the divine titles. Kittel pointed out the illogicality of accepting one inscription as Jewish and not the other. There is no reference to a proseuche here to support Jewishness, and no reference to pagan gods to argue against it, although either may have been included in the missing text. There were four Bosporan kings called Sauromates: I ( 9 3 - 1 2 3 CE), II ( 1 7 4 - 2 1 0 ) , III ( 2 2 9 - 2 3 3 ) , IV (from 276). IPE argues for Sauromates I, CIJ and Cook for Sauromates II. Exactly the same nomenclature and dating formula are used in several inscriptions from the time of Sauromates I in inscriptions dated between 104 and 110 CE,^^ ^nd this inscription seems to belong to the same period. T h e manumission was carried out by a brother and sister to fulfil their father's vow. They use a papponymic as well as a patronymic (Macarius is almost certainly a name not an epithet), as was common at Gorgippia. The sister's name must be the genitive of ^HA-iq, a common name in the region. The name of her husband is unknown but may be related to the Scythian name Balamerus.^^ The verb of manumission is dcplTipi, the preferred expression at Panticapaeum. The name of the slave,^4 whom the manumittors had presumably inherited from their father, is Dorea,^^ although the first editors treated the word as an adverb ("dotally").
92 93 94 95
C I R B 1021, 1115 by the prefect o f Gorgippia, 1259. IPE. Mitchell calls it "manumission o f a foster-daughter". LGPN i has one example o f this name, a slave(?) from Euboea.
Black Sea: Gorgippia
311
BS22. Manumission Editions: Blavatskaia 1958, 9 1 - 6 (from copy made in 1940 by V.D. Blavatski); BE 1960, no.291 (partial text from Blavatskaia); SEG xix 1963, no.504 (from Blavatskaia); Lifshitz 1964, 157-161 (from Blavatskaia); BE 1965, no.283 (partial text from Lifshitz); CIRB 1965, n o . l 126 (from Blavastkaia); Nadel 1968b, 7 1 - 4 (discussion o f CIRB); CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. no.690a (from Blavatskaia); Nadel 1975, 271 (from CIRB, with n e w restorations); Gibson 1999, 109-10, 112-14, 1 1 6 - 1 9 , 122, 169 (follows CIRB); Binder 1999, 275 (follows CIJ); Mitchell 1999, 133 no.86 (partial text from CIRB). Other bibliography: Nadel 1968a, 268; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 37; Kant 1987, 684 n . 8 1 ; Belayche 1991, 160 (French tr.); Edwards 1996, 6 2 4 (English tr.); Williams 1998, no.V.54 (English tr.); Ustinova 1999, 229; Edwards 1999, 163-4 (English tr.). Formerly in Anapa Musemn; destroyed during W W 2 . Details: Marble plaque about 50 cm. high, damaged in the middle. Language: Greek. Date: May/June 68 CE. Text (from Blavatskaia, SEG and CIRB): 0 E © i 'Yii/iaxooi xcav{Ta}TOKp(xi;opi ei)<X.>0Yr|Troi, PaaiA,e\)ovToq ^acikicoq 'Pr|OKOD7i6pi5o(; (piXoKaioapoq Ktti (piA,opa)paio'o e\)oePoO(;' exouq 5<^>x' \i'x\\6c, Aaeiaioo) [..]• NeoKX.fi(; 'AeT|vo8Q)[po'D dcpiripi? eXevGepJovq I)K6 A l a rfjv "HA,iov [ - ] poo) t p o -
5
10
15
2 . A on stone for A; CIJ: exiXoyrytm 5. E on stone for H; CIJ: S^x' 10. original copy, f o l l o w e d by Nadel 1975: "AOxa 11. Gibson: & 15. Nadel 1975: K' eX,euee
To the Highest God, all-powerful, blessed, in Rhescuporis, Friend of Caesar and of Rome, Pious. of the month Daisios. I, Neocles (son) ofAthenodorus,
the reign of King Year 364, on the ..th set free under Zeus,
312
Black Sea:
Gorgippia
Earth, Sun of my upbringing(?) (Done) also with the agreement of my father Athenodorus (son) of Athenaeus(?), on which [i.e. with the provision that] they may be untouched and unviolated by every heir of mine, to take themselves wherever they may want because of the overriding requirement by me. In Autumn 1940, V.D. Blavatski copied this inscription at the Anapa M u s e u m , which had recently acquired it. The copy was made in poor lighting and was not intended for publication, but it is the only record to have survived the destrucdon of the m u s e u m ' s contents in World War T w o . It was published by his daughter T.V. Blavatskaia, who did not regard the inscription as Jewish, but Lifshitz (followed by Robert in BE) argued for its Jewishness. Exactly the same arguments apply as for ##BS20 and B S 2 1 ; if the Jewishness of #BS20 is accepted, it is hard to argue against the Jewishness of the others. The wording of this inscription follows #BS20 very closely, with the addition of some elements reminiscent of # B S 5 , and the final sentence. At least two slaves were manumitted, under the protection of the standard pagan divinities, and with no reference to any involvement of the Jewish community. 11.5-6. The second numeral was written incorrectly, and the most likely emendation makes the year 364, i.e. 67/8 CE. The date of Rhescuporis I's accession is not known, and before the publication of this inscription, it was thought that he was made king by Vespasian.^^ ^ jg certain that the verb for the act of manumission was a form of dcpiriiii, as in # B S 2 1 , rather than of dvai;ier|p.i as in #BS20. 11.7-9. Blavatskaia suggested two alternative restorations for these lines, neither of which is very convincing; they treat xpocpfiq in two different ways. [d8eA,(poi)q Tfjq] po\) xpocpfjc; would mean "the brothers of my foster-sister"; [|a,exd xeA,£\)xfiv xfjc; e]|xoii xpocpfjq [xobg efiovq G-ovxpocpo-oc;] would mean "after the end of my upbringing, my fosterbrothers". Lifshitz' suggestion was: [6O\)X,OD(;] JXOO) xpo(pfiq, treating the last word as an acc.pl. form of xpocpeix; to give the meaning "the slaves that I have raised". 1.10. The restoration of the father's name is doubtful. Nadel suggests the indigenous name Athchas, but Athenaeus (Athenaios, proposed by Blavatskaia, who says that the copy gives the letters A 0 X A ) and Athanaeus/Athanaios are much commoner in the region. 11.13-15. The first half of the sentence follows the pattern of #BS5 exactly, but the second half is very different, and appears to involve an epigraphic mistake of some sort. N a d e l ' s suggestion of eA,e\)9epo)9fivai (the passive infinitive "to be set free") was proposed to him by S. L u r ' e , 96 S e e PIR^ I 5 1 2 ; the N e u e Pauly entry for "Rheskuporis (II)" still g i v e s his reign as b e g i n n i n g in 6 8 / 9 .
Black Sea: Gorgippia
313
and involves a smaller emendation than the one followed above; neither version seems to have any epigraphic parallel. 8 i d TO with an infinitive is reasonably common in inscriptions and papyri (and according to B l a s s D e b r u n n e r - F u n k 207, it is a frequent construction in Luke-Acts), but the addition of Kvpiov is not; anything between 5 i d x6 and the infinitive is normally the object of the infinitive. Here it seems to be an attribute of the infinitive (which is an aorist passive), as Lifshitz points out, and Williams translates "because of the valid order made by me". Gibson's version "on account of the order by m e , their master" should really involve changing the restoration to K-6pio[t)].
BS23. Manumission Edifions: Latysev 1908, 3 8 - 9 no.34 (from the stone); Nadel 1958a, 145 no.6 (partial text); Nadel 1958b (transliterated text); CIRB 1965, no. 1124 (from the stone?); Nadel 1968b, 71 (discussion of CIRB); Lifshitz 1969, 9 6 - 7 no.8 (from Latysev and CIRB); BE 1969, no.404 (summary of Lifshitz); CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. no.690b (from Latysev and CIRB); Levinskaya 1996a, 110 n . l 9 , 2 4 0 - 1 no.3.II.8 (from the stone); Gibson 1999, 104 n . l 6 , 1 2 4 - 5 , 1 2 8 - 9 , 167 (from Levinskaya; text printed twice). Illustrations: Latysev (drawing, also in Nadel 1958b); Levinskaya (photo); Binder 2002 (photo). Other bibliography: Minns 1913, 621 n . l 7 ; Nadel 1968a, 2 7 1 ; Nadel 1976, 217; Revised Schiirer iii.l 1986, 37; Dan'shin 1996, 138; Levinskaya & Tokhtas'yev 1999, 65; Usfinova 1999, 229, 2 3 3 ; Binder 2002 (English tr.). Found near Dzhubga. Now: St Petersburg, Hermitage Museum, inv.no. A 1087. Details: Marble plaque, 18.5 x 11.5 x 5.5 cm., with badly damaged moulding above. Letters 1 cm., with serifs; ll.9ff. badly worn. Language: Greek. Date: 59/60 CE. Text (follows Levinskaya): [PaaiA,]eovto(; Paai[A,EO)(; KoxDoq cpi-] [A,OKai]gapo(; K a i (piA,o[p(opaio\) e v a e - ] [poo)^- e J T o o ) ^ cyx' \ir\\o[q ] [?iA,6T]eipo(; r d S e i o g [ ] [ ]ov yDvaiKoc; a[\)To\)? --] [ e\)^]apevr|(; a \ ) T f j [ ( ; ] [ ]<; Kai xfi9 Y'uva[iK6<; ] [?KaX,A,ia9]£veia<; d(pi[Tiai TOV OpeicTov?] [ ]v p e T o t Y w a [ i K 6 < ; a m o v ] [?T6 YEVoJq Toa)8aiou[(; ]
5
10
314
Black Sea:
Gorgippia
1. 1. p a a i ^ e - o o v t o q ; Latysev: [pa<jiA,]et)ovxo(; ( b u t n o Y in d r a w i n g ) 3 . L a t y s e v , C I R B : ex]ovq 3 . T h e r e is a bar o v e r each n u m e r a l 6. L a t y s e v : [ - - JapEvfig; C I R B : [ - - ]afxevr|^ aoxfj f - - ]; G i b s o n : 9. C I J : I - - ] n e x d ; L a t y s e v , C I R B : yuvfaiKoi; 10. L a t y s e v , C I R B : [xo yevo^] 'Io\)8ai[o]t)[5?; G i b s o n : [xo yevoq?]
amf\
In the reign of King Cotys, Friend of Caesar and of Rome. Pious. Year 356, in the month Philotimus(?) (son) of Gadeis of his(7) wife with her having made a vow and of (his/the) wife of Callisthenia(7) released their home-bred slave(7) along with his wife Jews by race(7) The stone was found on the estate of V.M. Bezkrovnaia at Duzu-Kale near the village of Novo-Mihailovska, south-east of Dzhubga. It was given by her to the Imperial Archaeological Commission. The site of the find is on the Black Sea coast, but well over 100 km. south-east of Anapa. Its provenance from Gorgippia is by no means certain; CIRB bases it on the similarity to other inscriptions, and Gorgippia was the nearest Greek city. The break on the left is slightly diagonal, so the length of the lost text increases slightly with each line. The text from 1.4 to the beginning of 1.8 must set out the details of the manumittors, but these seem quite complex. A man is named first, with a patronymic from the Syrian name FdSeiq. There was probably a preposition or conjunction after this. The two manumittors are linked with a-Dv in #BS21 and K a i in CIRB 74; no linking word is used in #BS18.
Black Sea: Gorgippia
3]5
The letters ON are clear in 1.5, and do not fit a preposition, conjunction or female name in the genitive. One explanation would be that they are the end of a noun in the accusative following a preposition, e.g. napa: "Philolimus son of Gadcis alongside x the son/brother/father of his wife", but this would be an unusual use of the preposition. Alternatively, on could be the end of Kpoxepov, which is used in #BS5 (admittedly with the word for "wife" first): "the former wife"; cf. M A M A viii 576. A'op(T|A,ia) MeA-tivri fi yuvfi a u x o u f| rcpoxepov, who is included in her husband's tomb, and SEG iv 549 from Ephesus: fj Tcp6x[epov yovfi]. In either case, they were perhaps posthumously fulfilling a vow which the woman had made (1.6), as in # B S 2 1 . It is possible that there is then a auvejciveuoavioQ clause, e.g. a u v e n i v e u a a v x o q KCXI xfjq yuvaiKog ai)xo\) KaA.XiaOevF.iac;, although that would normally come after the details of the slaves. N a d e l ' s explanation is that the manumittors arc Philotimus son of Gadeis and his wife, and the wife's relative Callisthcnia (husband's name lost). Alternative names which would fit the space in 1.4 are: Aristoteimos, Metroteimos, Polyteimos. Philoteimos is very common in Bosporan inscriptions as an epithet but not as a name. Callisthcnia is the only n a m e attested in the region which would fit 1.8. 11.8-10 consist of details of the slaves. They are u n i q u e among the Bosporan manumissions in treating the slaves as husband and w i f e , and in giving them an ethnic. Hopkins (1978, 165) notes that only one manumission from Delphi acknowledges a s l a v e marriage: SGDI 2183, w h e r e the second slave is designated K a i xav y u v a i K a a m o v ZcoiSa. However, ethnics beginning x6 y e v o q a r e standard at Delphi; c f x6 y e v o g 'IoD5aiav/-iov in # # A c h 4 2 - 3 . The text is unlikely to have e n d e d here, and the lettering is very close to the bottom of the stone, s o further lines appear to have been lost. BS24. M a n u m i s s i o n Editions: Latysev 1910, 7 4 - 5 no.8 (from a squeeze); Nadel 1958b, 16-17 no.8 (transliterated text; from Latysev); CIRB 1965, no.l 127 (from Latysev); Nadel 1968b, 74 (discussion of CIRB); Nadel 1975, 275, 277 (partial text from CIRB); Levinskaya 1996a, 2 4 1 - 2 no.3.11.9 (from Veselovski's drawing); Gibson 1999, 114 n . l 6 . 118, 133 n . l 7 . 147. 170 (follows Levinskaya; text printed twice). Illustrations: Latysev (drawing); Levinskaya (photo of Veselovski's drawing). Other bibliography: Miims 1913, 621 n . l 7 ; Nadel 1948, 204; Nadel 1958a, 145 no.7; Nadel 1968a, 255, 257, 266; Bellen 1965/6, 174; Nadel 1976, 216; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 37; Ustinova 1999, 229. Bought at Anapa in 1910. Now lost.
316
Black Sea:
Gorgippia
f IT A t o ( l a i A N 6 1 T C , € H O T K A I T T A M T 0 C M 0 K ^ A H r o N O M O T T T P O C .
TH P
€
AC
T
CATHTTPOCf
Details: Lower left part of marble block, 14 x 24 x 24 cm.; letters 1.5 cm., with serifs. Inscription complete below and on left. Language: Greek. Date: L^'-^"^ century CE. Text (follows Levinskaya):
] [
- • = - ] + + - n 6vo[p,a]
j ' . ] + + + v d ) } X i i e { a } c p ' m x e f] d[ve reacpo^
]
K a l d v e T t r i p e d o x o g d[7c6]
x e £\iox} K a l T c a v x o g p,o['o]
5
KA-Tjpovojiot) K p o a p e [ v o a ) " ] a a XTi 7 t p o a e D x [ f i . ] 3. C I R B : f i 4 . L a t y s e v , C I R B : [ano] 5. L a t y s e v , C I R B : 7tpoaeu|%fi]
whose name (is) ....nome, on which [i.e. with the provision may be untouched and unviolated by me and every heir of mine, true to the prayer-house.
that] she remaining
This stone and #BS25 were bought with other items by N . l . Veselovski in summer 1910 from Sotiros Hamaoglu, a dealer specializing in local antiquities. According to Latysev, the fragments were from Anapa (Gorgippia), found mainly during the previous ten years in digging foundations for new buildings and opening the old town ramparts. Hamaoglu said that he did not know the exact locations of the finds. Latysev saw the stones in Veselovski's house at Anapa, but according to Nadel they could not be located when he tried to find them in Anapa Museum in 1955. The text is the end of a manumission with similar wording to the others from Gorgippia. Apart from the last three words, it is virtually identical to 11.10-13 of #BS20, and may well have begun with an invocation of Theos
O
C>
Black Sea: Gorgippia
3|7
Hypsistos too. If the text lost at the beginning was comparable to #BS20, about eight lines are missing. 1.3, as printed above, contains the end of the manumitted slave-woman's name. The end of the inscription is different from any of the other Bosporan manumissions. The verb Kpo0p£vco means "to remain with, stay with, remain true to",'^'' and takes a dative, so the construction is perfectly regular, and it has the form of a very truncated paramone clause (cf. #BS5); presumably it implies the "submissiveness and service" regularly specified at Panticapaeum. The verb is used in manumissions from Macedonia^^ where it means serving the goddess for a customary number of days, e.g. SEG xxvii 277: Ecp' & T c p o a p e v c o o i v xaq e0ipot)^ f||iepaq t f i 9e(p. BS25. M a n u m i s s i o n ( ? ) Editions: Latysev 1910, 75 no.9 (from a squeeze); CIRB 1965, n o . l 128 (from Latysev); Nadel 1968b, 74 (from CIRB); Gibson 1999, 170 (follows CIRB). Illustration: Latysev (drawing). Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 38. Bought at Anapa in 1910. Now lost. Details: Marble fragment, 7.5 x 15 cm,; letters 1.5 cm. with serifs. Language: Greek. Date: l^'-^'"* century CE. Text (follows CIRB): [...J 4 > a p v a K : i t o [ v
? e j c i xf\q]
[7npooEV>x]T\q o u v y u v f a i K l a u x o u - - | [... e j v xcp 0 D v [ Nadel:
[6 5eiva\ Oapvaicicolvo^
-
- -I
jtanipl | [a\)vayo>y]fj(;
a\)v y\)v[cxiK-l
tp Seivai I xov
8eivog\ \ |e]v xw 6u(.i[P(p... 3 . r.alySev: GujU ( b u t the letter a p p e a r s to b e N in h i s facsimile)
Pharnakion
in the prayer-house(?)
with his wife
in the
See #BS24 for details of the acquisition. There is nothing sure in the text except the name Pharnakion, and even that could be in any grammatical case. The name is an extremely common one in the region; Pharnakion son of Pothos, governor of Gorgippia, built a temple to Aphrodite Nauarchis in 110 CE and was leader of a synodos t h e r e . T h e uncertain restoration of proseuche gives the appearance of a Jewish manumission. Nadel reconstructs the text completely differently, and even more Bauer-, s.v. 98 S E G xxvi 7 2 9 , xxvii 2 7 7 , xxvii 2 9 4 , xxxiv 6 5 8 , xxxvii 5 9 0 . 99 C I R B 1 1 1 5 , 1129.
Black Sea:
318
Gorgippia
speculatively, as a Jewish epitaph. There is some support for it being an epitaph of some sort in the likelihood that Qvv-, unless it is the beginning of a name (e.g. Thyneites or Thynarchos), is most likely to be from 0<)vpoq, i.e. Ti))iPoq, which is used in a number of Bosporan inscriptions.'"" av\> y o v a i K i is found in votive inscriptions and epitaphs, but nearly always preceded immediately by the husband's name (or his patronymic or office). There are two other fragmentary manumission inscriptions from Gorgippia which have no Jewish content but nothing which clearly disproves their being Jewish. Since Jewish manumissions outnumber pagan ones in the Bosporan Kingdom (and there are no certainly pagan ones at all from Gorgippia) they are included here although they have not previously been claimed as Jewish. Boltunova 1971, no.l (/V£9.3,3). Found at Anapa, 15 July 1951, left at Anapa Museum by an unknown person. 22.5 x 15 x 6 cm., letters 1.5 cm. In view of the comments on #BS20, there is no reason to exclude this from being Jewish because of the reference to protection by standard divinities. iPaaiA.E'OOVToq P a a i X e c o q TiPepi - ] [ov lovXiov Xa\)popdTO\)? exlo-ulq ...j [ K a l [ir|v6q - - - Mevejoxpaxoc; [ - - - - dcpirifxi £A,£\)91epav KaX,fiv [OpeKXTiv \iov K a l I ] a n P l c a v < a > vno
Aia
5
[Ff^v 'HA-iov dvejcdcploDq K a l dvEnx][pzaaxovq dnb navxoq] KA,ripov6[ioa) [ K a l x p £ K £ a 9 a i auxobqj x' e^oDoitoq [bnov d v PoDA-covxai - - - - -]Xv [ ] 10 In the reign of King Tiberius Julius Sauromates(?), year ... and month .... / Menestratus set free Kale my home-bred slave and Sambion, under Zeus, Earth, Sun, untouched and unviolated by every heir, and to take themselves permissibly wherever they may wish
'00 In C I R B 138 it is spelled
xv^oq.
Black Sea: Gorgippia
3 19
CIRB 1203 (Boltunova, VDI 1979.2, 8 6 - 8 n o . l 2 ; SEG xxix 712). Found at Anapa, dated 145 CE. Since this is much later than the Jewish manumissions, its chances of being Jewish are substantially smaller. [ - - -1 e<(p>'m d[veii;acpo-] [g fi K a i d1ve7cri[peaoT-] [o<; a%\6 xe fjpl&v K a - ]
[ I Tuavlxoq KA,[r|pov-] [optojv f]p6)[v] fexei] Kttl ptjvi [ - - Jaiou le'. on which [i.e. with the provision unviolated by us and every heir of ours.
that] she may he untouched and Year 442 and month ...aios 15'''.
BS26. List of n a m e s Editions: Clarke 1809, 6 - 7 no.VII (from the stone; copy checked by Porson; majusc. text only); CIG ii 1843, no.2130 (from Clarke's copy); Asik (1848), i 8 0 - 5 no.23 (from Clarke?); Pomyalovskii 1881. no.49 (follows CIG); IPE ii 1890, no.402, iv 1901, p.292 (from squeeze supplied by C. Waldstein); Latysev 1904b, 9 5 - 6 (comments on IPE); Minns 1913, 658 n o . 6 9 , fig.351 (photo f r o m Latysev 1904; from s t o n e a n d Clarke's copy corrected by Porson); CIRB 1965, no.l 179. Illustrations: Latysev 1904b, raGji.I (photo, also i n Minns, fig.351). Other bibliography: Latysev 1905. 136 7; IGRR i 1911, n o . 9 1 3 ; Zgusta 1955, §756; Levinskaya & Tokhtas'yev 1996, 64; Ustinova 1999, 232; Ustinova 2000, 166 n.56. Acquired near Anapa. Now: Cambridge, Filzwilliarn Museum, inv.no. GR.31.1865. Details: Well-cut inscription o n large marble tablet. 7 0 - 9 0 x 88 cm., broken on right d o w n t o 1.28. Four pieces survive, and the top i s now badly worn and illegible. Inscription in field 75 cm. wide. Letters 1.4 cm., with serifs Letter forms: AEXQ Language; Greek. Date: uncertain. Text (follows IPE and CIRB; 1.34 from personal inspection): 11.1-2 P A A I A - e u o v x o q PaaiXecoq TiPepio[\) 'IouA,iou - - - CPIA,o-] K a i c a p o q K a i (PIA,opo)paoD < e > \ ) C Y E < P > o a ) Q
320
Black Sea:
Gorgippia
1.34 M a m p log <J>apvaKitovog, 'Apioxcov Bayioi),
I a c p d g a ( ; Xpriaxicovoq 11.57-8 NDj-Kpayopaq XafiPico[voq], 2. I o m i t t e d on stone, X for E, P for B 34. M i n n s : [MlrxKapioq; C I G , Asik: p' 'Ayioi); IPE, C I R B : lacpdlxlaq
11.1-2. /;? //ze /x'/;?/7 of King Tiberius Julius , Friend of Caesar and of Rome, Pious 1.34. Macarius (son) of Pharnakion, A r is ton (son) of Bagias, Saphasas (son) of Chrestion. 11.57-8. Nymphagoras (son) of Sambion. rhis large text (60 lines; the picture is included o n l y to s h o w w h a t has survived) has a v e r y fragmentary beginning including the title of an unidentifiable king, and t h e n becomes a list of n a m e s ; t h e y are all m e n ' s names in the nominative with patronymics, and s o m e h a v e a papponymic o r a title. Its purpose is unclear. It was found in a 1 urkish b a t h at the village of "Tscherakee" (as transliterated by Clarke) across the River Bugur from Anapa. When Anapa was captured by the Russian army (presumably referring to the 1807 capture), Professor Pallas had it removed to the Crimea, and subsequently gave it to Clarke. The stone was shipped to E^ngland by Clarke and severely damaged in the process, but his
Black Sea: Gorgippia
321
copy was made before this happened. Latysev's photograph shows it broken into a number of pieces, with some missing. It is also badly worn in parts, so that some of the lettering is illegible. It was displayed on the staircase of the University Library, and subsequently placed in the Fitzwilliam Museum, where it is now. The beginning is quoted for dating, and 1.34 because it contains a possibly Jewish name. There is a break in the stone which has damaged one letter; Clarke's reading made before the break was Saphasas, and it is clear from our inspection of the stone that this is the correct reading; the traces of the letter which survive are only compatible with E. However, most editors have followed the reading Saphatas. The name Saphatas has been accepted as Jewish by Zgusta, Levinskaya & Tokhtas'yev and Ustinova. Levinskaya & Tokhtas'yev treat it as the biblical Sapat, LXX Xacpax, Josephus lacpdxriq; they say that the arbitrary addition of -as or -OS to a Semitic name is not uncommon. Zgusta gives the basic form as X a ( p d x ' n q / - i a g . The name may occur in a non-Jewish context in a 6'^century CE list of names on papyrus: ic( ) Sacpaxa.'*" If the name is actually Saphasas, the problem of its origin remains as there seems to be no other record of such a name; it could still be understood as a form of Sapat. In 11.57-8: NDpcpayopaq ZapPicolvogJ is noted here in view of the loose connection of Sambion (cf. p,318) with Sabbath-derived names. There are no other names in the inscription with any Jewish derivation, and the people named in the Gorgippian manumissions do not have identifiably Jewish names. BS27. T h a n k s g i v i n g to T h e o s Hypsistos Editions: Boltunova 1982, 6 2 - 3 no.2 (from the stone); SEG xxxii 1982, no.790 (from Boltunova); Ustinova 1999, 230 (partial text from SEG); Mitchell 1999, 133 no.84 (from SEG). Illustration: Boltunova, PHC.2 (photo). Found at Anapa. Now: Anapa Museum, inv.no.281. Details: Fragment of white marble plaque, broken on left and right, 20 x 14 X 6.1 cm. Guidelines above and below lines of text. Letters 1.5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 4 5 - 6 3 CE. Letter forms: AEPIQ Text (follows Boltunova): [6E6)I 'Y\|/taxQ)i mv]xoKpdx(op[i] [e"oA.oYr|xcoi paoiA,]e^ovxoq [K6xuo<; xou 'Aairoulpyou cpiXo[ K a i a a p o q Kai (piA-Joptopaioi) " [ - - - - - - - - - J Kai MrjxppxEi' 0 ' Studien
zur Palaeographic
unciPapyruskunde
10.205.
5
322
Black Sea:
Gorgippia
{\x.oc, ol - - - - - - ] atoGevxec; [EK )ieYaX,tov KIV]6\)VCOV ev x©i
[.. x' exei dveGriKav] e\)%f|v. 1. 1. TcavxoKpdxopi 2. Y is a later insertion 6. Mitchell: o i TOO
To the Highest God, all-powerful, blessed, in the reign of King Cotys of Aspurgus, Friend of Caesar and of Rome, and Metrotimus saved from great dangers in the year set up their votive offering.
son
Tlie stone was found in 1980 during excavations on tiie site of Gorgippia, in the southem part of room no.55, 40 cm. under the surface. There is a gap above 1.1, which was clearly the first line. The stone is damaged at the bottom but it appears that 1.8 was the final line. It is broken on the right but only one letter appears to have been lost; there is a substantial vacat at the end of 1.4, and small gaps at the ends of 11.2-3. T h e text is clearly a thanksiving by at least two people who have been saved from danger. This type of inscription is unusual in the Bosporan K i n g d o m ( c f IPE i^ 343, a fragmentary 3'^''-century BCE text where Thea Parthenos is thanked for saving the whole community of Chersonesus from dangers apparently involving barbarians), and the best analogy is CIRB 1316, found at Rostov-on-Don in 1905 and probably connected to the Theos Hypsistos cult of Tanais:'^-^ 9[ew]i \)\|/ioxct)[i] ETCTlKOCOl CTCOGeVX£<; EK |XEYdX,(oy KivS-ovcov [Bjicpv Kal 0 E 6 [5copO(;?] vrol 4>dv[va Kal ^]1rlxr|p
[ ] " T o the Highest God who listens to prayer, saved from great danger, Bion and Theodorus sons of Phanna and their(?) mother " B o l t u n o v a ' s restorations would make the god the Jewish God rather than the pagan Theos Hypsistos. They depend on interpreting the letters of 1.1 as part of mvxoKpdxopi, with omega inscribed instead of omicron. Against this is that the commonest word in Bosporan inscriptions which the letters would fit as they are written is AvxoKpdxopi, part of the title of 102 Found in 1905 at Rostov-on-Don, digging a cellar on the estate o f T.G. Dmitrieva, B o g a t y a n o v s k i Lane; acquired by F.L. PupiSev for the Archaeological C o m m i s s i o n , n o w at Hermitage Museum. First published by LatySev in lAK 14 1905, p . l 3 4 n o . 5 5 ; dated by him to the P - 2 " ' ' century CE. See also Mitchell 1 9 9 9 , 135 no. 104.
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323
the R o m a n Emperor. However, it is not normal to combine "emperor" and " k i n g " formulae in Bosporan inscriptions (CIRB 1047 is the one exception), and a reference to the emperor would not leave much room for the god w h o is being thanked. If TcavTOKpdxopi is accepted, the question still remains of whether the next word is really ei)XoYT|T©i rather than EKTiKocoi. In Bosporan inscriptions, TiavTOKpdxopi is only found with e\)A,OYr|xwi, not w i t h EJCTIKOCOI ( e j n i K o t o i alone is a common epithet for
Theos Hypsistos). It does n o t seem to be combined with either epithet anywhere else. If the k i n g ' s name has been restored correctly, he must be Cotys I (reigned 4 5 - 6 3 CE). Boltunova claims that the two dedicants were brothers, but there is nothing in the text to show this. There was probably a patronymic in 1.6, but there was room for a separate one in 1.5. 1.8 may have specified where the danger was rather than when it happened, but this seems unusual in similar inscriptions (although cf. JIGRE 121 oeoGelq EK TizX
Bernard
1984,
48
ccoGeiq
EY
\ieyakGi\
KIV8I)V(OV,
£K7cA,e\)aa<; EK xflq 'EpDGpdq GaX,daar|(;). There need not have been a verb: IG ii-iii^ 4449 ends atoGiq EK p,eYdA,oa) KivStvoo) 'Aa
Tanais (Rostov-on-Don)
= TA VO-Karte B VI18: C26
The city of Tanais was the most northerly Greek settlement in the region, on the River Don near its junction with the Sea of Azov. It w a s the centre of the Theos Hypsistos cult, involving most of the male population in the 2nd_-^rd centurics, and some people have argued for a Jewish connection, e.g. Taceva-Hitova 1978a suggests that the EIOKOITIXOI d5EA,(poi of the cult were Jews w h o were adopted into it. Mitchell (1999, 116-17) points out the similarity between these people's other label, OEpo^iEvoi GEOV t)\|/iCTXOV and the terms used for God-fearers. Any real Jewish connection is rejected in the recent work of Ustinova, and there is no clear evidence that Jews actually lived in the city. The Theos Hypsistos inscriptions from Tanais are conveniently collected by Mitchell 1999, nos.89-104. BS28. Amphorae Editions: Selov 1978, 49, 51 (from the original); Levinskaya & Tokhtas'yev 1996, 64 (from Selov); Ustinova 1999, 232 (from Selov); U s d n o v a 2000, 166 n.59 (from Selov). Illustradon: Selov 1978, Ta6.I,2 (drawing). Other bibliography: Solomonik 1988, 1 2 - 1 3 ; Selov 1989, 114; Levinskaya 1996a, 112 n . 3 3 . Found at Rostov. Inv.no. T-68, 267.
324
Black Sea:
Tanais
Details: N a m e s painted on amphorae. Language: Greek. Date: second half of 3*^^ century CE. Text: 'Io^8a. Ustinova: 'Io\)5a((;)
Judas
(?).
This amphora dipinto is from the shoulder of a big red clay Bosphoran amphora, and repeated on another similar one.'^^ It has been assumed to be the name Judas in either the nominative or genitive, but it could also be an abbreviation for loudaios or loudaikos; cf. TRYAES To\)8aiKoq on amphorae from P o m p e i i . ' ^ Of course it does not necessarily indicate the name or affiliation of a resident of Tanais, since it could belong to someone who exported the amphorae to Tanais from elsewhere in the Bosporan Kingdom. There is another possible Jewish name on an amphora, but the evidence is very tenuous and could be interpreted completely differently. Selov (1989, P H C . 8 , 7 2 ) has an illustration of a dipinto consisting of the letters C A M and a palm-style design which could be a five-branched menorah, in which case the letters would probably be an abbreviation for Samuel.
103 S e l o v 1978. '04 JIWE i 4 0 .
Appendix 1
Probably medieval inscriptions A p p l . B r i c k f r a g m e n t s from P a n n o n i a Excavations by Novi-Sad Museum at Celarevo (Cseb) revealed a necropolis from the 'Great Migration' period ( 5 * - 9 centuries), and a number of brick fragments with Jewish symbols: menorah, ethrog, lulab, mahtah (Scheiber calls it "ash-cleaning spade").' An exhibition was held at the Museum of Jewish History, Belgrade in 1980,^ and a conference in Feb. 1981.^ The site of the excavations is in the Cibska suma area, next to the local brickworks ('ciglana'), in Vojvodina (Serbia & Montenegro). The site is 1.6 km. south-west of m o d e m Celarevo and 0.5 km. from the Danube. The first evidence for the existence of the necropolis was found in 1966 (a few brick and pottery fragments), but it was not until 1972 when the systematic exploration of the site started. The excavations were conducted between 1972 and 1981, under the direction of D. Vilotijevic and R. Bunardzic, and revealed 310 graves.'* Unfortunately, a large part of the necropolis was dug up, and thus ruined, by the workers of the brickworks, who searched the grounds for deposits of clay. The graves in the necropolis had different orientations: 8 5 % had a west-south-west to east-north-east alignment, and 15% were orientated in various other directions.^ According to the excavation's anthropologist, S. Zivanovic, the human remains suggest that the people buried in Celarevo necropolis were "of Mongol race with clear traits of north-Mongolian branch".^ According to Bunardzic, the archaeological data recovered from the necropolis and the anthropological analysis suggest a late S^'^-century or early 9^''-century CE date. He fiirther relates the existence of the necropolis to the last years of the Avar domination in this part of Pannonia.^ By 1981 more than 130 brick fragments with Jewish symbols were found, in most cases out of context, in parts of the necropolis already dug ' Scheiber 1982, 4 9 5 - 6 n o . 2 , f i g s . 2 - 3 (photo). ^ Exhibition 'Menoroth from Celarevo', 1980. 3 Kovadevid 1983. ^ R. Bunardzic estimates that in the w h o l e necropolis there were approximately 8 0 0 graves: Bunardzic 1980, 1-6; Bunardzic ap. K o v a c e v i c 1983, 1 7 - 1 8 . 5 B u n a r d 2 i c 1980, 7. 6 Bunardzic 1978/9, 52; Bunardzic 1980, 2 1 . •'Bunardzic 1 9 8 0 , 2 1 - 2 .
326
Appendix
I: probably
medieval
inscriptions
up by the brickworks workers. These were the only brick fragments found at the site.^ Seven fragments were found in situ in four graves located in part of the necropolis that had been dug up and plundered some time after the site was abandoned (graves no.21, 2 3 0 - 1 , 256). These graves have a w e s t - e a s t orientation. According to the excavator's report the fragments with Jewish symbols were found at the bottom of each grave. This position is explained by the fact that the graves were turned up and plundered.^ On almost all brick fragments the menorah is represented with crossbar, flames and tripod, between a roughly rectangular symbol which could be an ethrog and a right-angled one which could be a mahtah (cat.nos.1-3, 5 6, 106-178).'^ Two fragments represent a menorah with nine branches (cat.nos.l 13-4). One brick fragment (no.l 10, fig.3) has a Hebrew inscription read by L. Rahmani & E, Fleischer as rniT' (Judah) and by J. Naveh as ''I rnn*' ("Judah, woe!").'* Scheiber thinks that the Jewish symbols are from the Roman period, and the bricks are from a Roman cemetery and reused in Avar graves. However, according to Bunardzic the bricks were most probably taken from the nearby Roman fort of Castellum Onagrinum or from some other Roman site in the area.'^ They were broken into pieces (the whole bricks were too heavy for transportation) and then taken to the necropolis. The Jewish symbols were added later - this is shown by their careful composition, in most cases corresponding to the size of each brick fragment. Applbis. E n g r a v e d h o r n from Moesia A r o e b u c k ' s horn found during the 1948 excavations of the old Bulgarian capital Pliska is engraved with a number of Proto-Bulgarian symbols, two stars, Greek or Latin letters and figures of a horse and a stag(?).'^ Between the animal figures there are crossed lines which look like letters, but the script has, so far, not been deciphered. The horn is approximately 8.9 cm. long and was found, together with other animal bones, under a thick layer of ashes in the stratum which corresponds to the burning of the city by the Byzantine emperor Nicephorus l i n 811 CE. The horn has two symmetrical holes at its base suggesting that it was attached to a necklace or belt. Gicev suggests that the crossed lines are actually a Hebrew inscription commemorating the building of the Pool of Siloam and the tunnel under 8 Bunardzid & K o v a c e v i c ap. Kovadevie 1 9 8 3 , 1 2 - 1 4 , 6 3 - 6 4 . 9 Bunardzic 1978/9, 4 8 - 9 , pl.X, 1-4; pi. XI, 1-6; Bunardzic 1980, 1 4 - 1 6 . '0 Bunardzic 1980, 5 1 - 3 , 7 6 - 9 4 . The shofar is sometimes represented with a rightangled form too. " L. Rahmani & E. Fleischer ap. Kovadevic 1 9 8 3 , 9 - 1 1 . N a v e h is also quoted by Scheiber 1 9 8 3 , 5 5 - 6 . 12 Bunardzic 1980, 1 0 - 1 1 . '3 Bunardzid 1980, 10; D . BoSkovid ap. Kovacevid 1983, 1 7 - 1 8 . l^Mihaylov 1955, 66.
Appendix
I: probably
medieval
inscriptions
327
Hezekiah.'^ According to him the text of the inscription reads: "Hewed for the foundations of Shilo[ah] in the time of He(zekiah I wrote) o(n) the h(orn) of the roebuck 323".'^ He also thinks that other symbols found on the horn are Egyptian hieroglyphs signifying the celestial zenith. He dates the inscription to 724 BCE. These suggestions are highly unlikely. The symbols are found on other proto-Bulgarian artefacts and are tamgas or Turkic runic letters.'^ There are also Greek or Latin letters engraved on the horn (possibly NED). The object was probably not much older than the other artefacts from the 9"'-century C E stratum of the site.'^ The horn may have been a magical object or a hunting trophy. A p p 2 . Inscription from a late medieval synagogue(?) at Patras Editions: Pouqueville 1826-7, iv 6 5 , no.3 ( m a j u s c ) ; CIG iv 1877, no.9896; Oehler 1909, 444 no.l 13; Krauss 1922, 243 no.95; CU i 1936, no.716; Rizakis 1998, 2 7 5 - 6 , no.293. Other bibliography: SEG xi 1950, no. 1264; Thomopoulos 1950, 4 3 3 ; Urdahl 1968, 54; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; Lampropoulou 1993, 676; Lampropoulou 1995, 4 5 - 7 , 5 2 - 3 ; Moutzali 1995, 80. Text (from Rizakis 1998): A^KE[...1AEK IAANIHAOY[...lTIMO[...]TAEFAH niEIQTENt...]ONZPIAI 1. Rizakis: Aavif|(?) 1. Rizakis: 6 •o[7tep]xi[io[^]? 2. Rizakis: 5:pia<;(?)
Pouqueville recorded this inscription, built into the stairs of the synagogue at Patras, but it was later lost without being recorded properly. Kirchoff (CIG) and Oehler, followed by Frey, considered it possibly ancient and included it in their collections. However, as Rizakis has noted, it is most probably from the post-Byzantine period. He suggests that the letters A ^ K E in l.l correspond to the year 1725 and that OY...TIMO should be read as the title 6 V7tepxipo(; ("the very honourable"), which is attested for the first time in the 12* century CE.'^ It is more likely, however, that the first of these letters are the end of the name AavirjA, in the genitive i.e. AavifiA,o-o. Benjamin of Tudela records in the 12* century CE that the Jewish community in Patras consisted only of fifty members.^^
'5 Gicev 1964, 1 0 1 - 6 . Cf. 2Chr 32.4; 2Kgs 2 0 . 2 0 , etc. Gicev 1964, 104. N o Hebrew text supplied. '"^ Vaklinov 1970, 151-5. '8 Mihaylov 1955. 19 Sophocles 1914, 1115. 20 Benjamin o f Tudela 10.
328
Appendix
1: probably
medieval
inscriptions
^1
A p p 3 . H e b r e w inscription from L a r i s s a with biblical text ( I S a m 1.13) Unpublished. N o w : Larissa, Ancient Theatre A. Text (from personal inspection):
{bearded human face) [ n i m j D K*^n n a m
Now Hannah, she spoke in her heart This graffito is scratched at the back of the top side of a marble seating block in the penultimate row of seats in Theatre A of Larissa. It appears that the graffito is a citation of the beginning of 1 Sam 1.13, which continues: TlI'D^b nWW\ VDW n ^ i p i mi73 H^nS^ pi ("only her lips moved, but her voice was not heard"), an important text in Hebrew prayer. It is not known under what circumstances and when the graffito appeared on the stone seat. The most likely explanation is that this scat was one of those moved to the Jewish cemetery of Larissa (see p. 107), and the graffito was added there. It is therefore unlikely to be earlier than medieval. The aleph has a typically Byzantine form, but the other lettering is not distinctive; lamed seems to have two different forms and the last he was apparently not completed. There is no clear evidence of a medieval Jewish presence at Larissa, but since there was later a Romaniote community there, it probably existed before the Sephardic community was established in the 16"' century.
Appendix
I: probably
medieval
inscriptions
329
A p p 4 . H e b r e w i n s c r i p t i o n s from S o u t h e r n C r i m e a Chwolson (CIH nos. 1 5 2 - 4 ) 2 ' published three inscriptions which in the 1860s were in the possession of M.N. Rayevski near Partenit (at the foot of Mount Ayu~Dag not far from Yalta). Chwolson saw them in St Petersburg; he printed facsimiles from his squeezes. CIH 152. Q l b ^ ("Peace") deeply inscribed above lamp, shofar, lulab. C l l i 153. Broken above and below; menorah (only the arms preserved) and the last three lines of an inscription:
HRPYDYL
the priest, may his soul rest.
Chwolson said that the name in 1.1 was unrecognizable, and could be Gothic.23 CIH 154. Menorah and inscription in a semi-circular frame.
n[ - •• n n n nai - - ] n-i-^m - onnnK i - - j 1.2 includes the name Abraham, perhaps followed by "father", and 1.3 reads "Peace". It is impossible to date Hebrew writing in an area where there are so few examples, and none with any internal dating. The inscription with Hebrew and Greek together ( # B S ] 3 ) might be the beginning of a transition from Greek to Hebrew, but estimated dates of that vary by two centuries. These three inscriptions are certainly later, but it is not clear how much later. A p p 5 . H e b r e w inscription from P a n t i c a p a e u m Chwolson (1882, 228) mentions seeing three stones with Jewish symbols at the entrance to the Royal Barrow at Kerc where they were stored among many Greek inscriptions, only one of which had an inscription, badly eroded but with the name "TlUtt? ("Shabbetai") legible.
2' A l s o m e n t i o n e d by D a n ' s h i n 1996, 146. 22 C h w o l s o n d a t e d it to t h e 2"** or c e n t u r y CE, but his d a t i n g has no reliability. 23 H e t h o u g h t the w r i t i n g w a s 5'''-century. 2-* H e t h o u g h t t h e lettering w a s n o later than 8"'-century.
330
Appendix
I: probably
medieval
inscriptions
A p p 6 . Hebrew inscriptions from Phanagoria Chwolson studied three Hebrew inscriptions found in 1869/70 by Baron V.G. Tizengauzen ("W.G. von Tiesenhausen") during excavations at Phanagoria in the same area which produced #BS18. He supplied Chwolson with photographs of two (CIH nos.34-5), and the third was in the Asiatic Museum of the Royal Academy of St Petersburg Chwolson later saw the originals of 3 4 - 5 and also CIH 135 in the Museum of the Archaeological Commission at the house of Count Strogonov in St Petersburg. The dating given by Chwolson has no real basis, and the inscriptions are probably medieval. CIH 34. "IDDi< Chwolson understood this as a misspelling of "Esther". CIH 3 5 . The inscription was written above a menorah, and there may have been an ethrog. Chwolson was unsure of the reading, and proposed:
mpiO3"T'aTnt30[ or 0'ipi
] i o nan nnpn n n which he translated as "In this grave rests Miriam". He thought that the lettering was no later than 8*''-9*-century. CIH 135. The stone was designed to fit into a base; there is a rough moulding at the top. On the front: menorah with foot bent u p (probably to represent an ethrog), shofar, three figures like anchors. On the reverse:
- a Dn3Q Menahem
son of Amos.
Chwolson thought that the lettering was 4"'-5*-century. Another previously unpublished Hebrew inscription from Phanagoria was found by S. Weisenberg in storage at the Royal Barrow at Kerc, where it w a s taken in 1898/9. Weisenberg read the names OnnnJ^ ("Abraham") and nB7Q ("Moses"); he had no suggestion about a date.^^
25 N o w part o f the Kunstkammer Museum o f Anthropology and Ethnography. 26 Dan'shin 1 9 9 6 , 141.
Appendix 2
Inscriptions not considered Jewish A p p 7 . Epitaphs from Pannonia Scheiber (1983, 6 3 - 4 ) , mentions two funerary inscriptions, speculating that they might be Jewish. The first one is the epitaph of P. Aelius Mercator of Caesarea found at Brigetio (RIU iii 506), but this could be any Caesarea, and there would be no reason to suppose a Jewish connection even if it was Caesarea Maritima. The second is a fragment of the sarcophagus of Aelius Silvanus, a native of Syria-Palestine, from Aelia Capitolina (Jerusalem), centurion of the Legio II Adiutrix. However, as Aelia Capitolina was an exclusively non-Jewish city, he can hardly be taken as Jewish. Scheiber also mentions a sarcophagus found in the courtyard of the Obuda synagogue, bearing a bilingual inscription in Greek and Latin. According to Scheiber at the time he published his corpus (1983) the inscription was in preparation for publication by Tibor Nagy. A p p 8 . Epitaph of an Alexandrian at Tomis (Constanta) Editions: Teodorescu, BCMI1914, 189-90 no. 17, (from the stone); Parvan, AA 1915, 252; Danov 1938, 14 n o . l 2 6 ; CIJ i^ 1975, no.681b; Popescu 1976, 6 3 - 4 , no.28; Barnea 1977, 4 2 - 3 , no.9; Bamea 1979, 60 no.21; Stoian 1987, 3 6 9 - 7 0 , no.463 (13). Illustrations: Teodorescu, pl.23 (photo); Popescu, 64 (drawing); B a m e a 1957, fig.5 (drawing); B a m e a 1972, pl.7 (drawing); Stoian 1987, 370 (drawing). Other bibliography: Vulpe 1938, 208, no.2; BE 1939, no.235; F e r m a 1941, 4 5 ; Barnea, 1954, 9 8 - 9 , no. 17; Barnea, 1957, 274; Velkov 1959, 252; Velkov 1965, 2 1 , n . l 7 ; Bamea 1972, 2 6 1 - 2 ; Horsley 1977, 2 0 2 - 3 , no. 114; Horsley 1978, 60, no.21; Revised Schurer iii.l, 1986, 72; Williams 1998, no. 1.96 (English tr.). Found at Tomis (Constanta). Present whereabouts unknown (formerly in the Regional Archaeological Museum of Dobrudja). Details: Fragment of a sandstone plaque, broken above and below, 35 x 24 x 3 cm. Date: 5 * - 6 * century CE(?). Text (follows Popescu 1976, with restoration of 1.1 proposed by Ferrua 1941 and CU i^): [ - - - •Djioq
[Zjejtjcovoc;
332
Appendix 2: inscriptions
not considered
Jewish
olv£p,1lOp'AA,e|av6pia(;. (palm-branch) (pentagram)
5
1. T e o d o r e s c u , Barnea, Stoian: nioq; Popescu: loq 2. Teodorescu:
Zeitnovoq
son(?) of Seppon, a wine merchant
of
Alexandria.
The inscription has been identified by Ferrua as Jewish, and accepted by Velkov, Lifshitz in CIJ i^. Revised Schurer and Williams, on the basis of the palm-branch and the five-pointed star (pentagram) inscribed on the stone. Barnea interprets the palm-branch as a Christian symbol and, accordingly, suggests that the inscription is Christian, possibly 6^'^-century C E . ' Popescu assumes a gnosdc or Pythagorean origin of the pentagram. In his first review of Barnea's arguments, Horsley considered the pentagram a Jewish symbol and accepted that the deceased was a Jew.^ Subsequently, he also noted that both symbols were widely used in Antiquity and, therefore, could not be accepted as indicators of whether the inscription is Jewish or Christian. He also agreed that the inscription might be Christian if Barnea's date is accepted.^ Barnea, however, did not provide any arguments in support of such a late date and therefore his suggestion is hypothetical. Teodorescu, followed by Velkov, put the inscription in the 5 * century, while Robert only registered it with no commentary. The pentagram appears throughout Antiquity in different cultural and religious contexts and was not an exclusively, or even particularly, Jewish symbol.'' In Jewish contexts it is found on a frieze fragment from the synagogue of Capernaum, and in an inscription from Spain (Tortosa, 5^^6"^ century).^ In the Balkans, pentagrams also appear as builder's signs, together with menorahs, swastikas, crosses and other symbols, on the walls of Diocletian's palace at Salona (Split).^ ZETtTcovoq could be treated either as nom.sing, or as gen.sing. of the n a m e SeicTcov. If the name is treated as a nom.sing. the -loc, in 1.1 is much m o r e likely to be the end of a nomen, e.g. Aurelius. That would also fit into the beginning of 1.1 without needing another line above. The name
' Barnea 1 9 7 7 , 4 2 . 2 Horsley 1982, 2 0 2 . 3 Horsley 1 9 8 3 , 6 0 . ^ D e V o g e l 1966, 2 8 - 5 1 . 5 Goodenough, Symbols iii, no.473; JIWE i 183. 6 Rismondo 1994, 2 0 2 - 5 , pl.X, nos.366, 378, 4 1 5 , 4 8 0 , 4 8 5 .
Appendix
Seppon is of Egyptian inscriptions and papyri.^
2: inscriptions
origin
not considered
and
otherwise
Jewish
unattested
333
in
Jewish
App9. Epitaph of Simon (Philippi) Editions: Koukouli-Chrysanthaki & Bakirtzis 1995, 85, pl.72 (photo) [not seen]; SEG xlv 1995, no.793; Pilhofer 2000, 3 8 1 - 2 , no.381a/G787 III. Other bibliography: BE 1997, no.412(2); Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1998, 35 n . l 6 7 . Philippi, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.A 1776. Marble plaque, 55 x 44 x 11 cm., letters: 4 - 5 cm. Space between lines: 4 cm. Date: 3*^^ century CE. Text (follows Pilhofer 2000): Sipcov Zpa)pvaio Simon from
Smyrna.
Koukouli-Chrysanthaki & Bakirtzis consider the inscription Jewish because of the name of the deceased man.^ Mussies notes that Etpoov is part of a group of names chosen by Jews "because of their phonetic resemblance to specific Hebrew ones."^ Zipcov, Siperov or Xuperov, are transliterations of the Hebrew name ]1S7DI2^. Simon was the original name of the Apostle Peter (Mk 3.16, Acts 10.5, etc.). The name Ltpcov occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Rome (3"^-4* century CE), Cyrenaica and Jaffa ( 5 * century CE)}^ It also occurs on papyri and ostraca from Egypt and Palestine." The form Symonas is attested in an inscription from Venosa (521 CE).'^ However, Zipcov was a very popular Greek name and it was certainly not used exclusively by Jews.'^ The Jewish community in Smyrna was already well established in the 1^* century CE as shown by the literary and epigraphic sources.''* It is possible that Simon was a Smyman Jew, but this cannot be ascertained. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki & Bakirtzis date the inscription to the 3*^^ century CE, so it is unlikely to be Christian.
7 Ranke 1935, 2 8 1 - 2 . A possible variation o f the name, ZdiicovCoq), is mentioned in Suda 101 as a masc. proper name (A. Adler, Suidae Lexicon, pars IV, Leipzig 1935, 322). 8 Text reproduced in Pilhofer 2 0 0 0 , 3 8 1 . 9 Mussies 1 9 9 4 , 2 4 9 . 10 JIWE ii 5 2 , 3 1 0 ; C J Z C 7 a - c , 1 0 - 1 1 , 13b, 13d, 14a, 61a, 67b, 68, 70; JIGRE 147; CIJ ii 943, 956. 11 CPJ iii, Index p. 192; although not all persons bearing the name are necessarily Jewish. 12 JIWE i 107. '3 Rape & Benseler 1911, 1393-^; LGPN ii 3 9 8 - 9 ; LGPN iiiA 396; LGPN iiiB 379; Mussies 1994, 2 4 4 . 1'* IJudO ii 40ff.; Trebilco 1 9 9 1 , 2 7 - 3 2 , 3 5 - 6 , 1 0 4 - 6 , 1 7 3 - 5 , 1 8 0 - 4 , 2 2 7 - 8 .
334
Appendix
2: inscriptions
not considered
Jewish
A p p 10. Dedication of Julius (Thessaloniki) E d i d o n s : Avezou & Picard 1913, 100, no. 8 ; IG X.2.1 1972, no. 72 ; CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. n o . 6 9 3 d ; Taceva-Hitova 1978, 62, 7 1 , no.4; Feissel & Seve 1988, 455 no.6, fig.4 (squeeze). Other bibliography: Perdrizet 1914, 9 1 , n.2; Plassart 1914, 529, n.5: Nock, Roberts & Skeat 1936, 4 5 ; Habicht 1974, 4 9 1 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 67; Levinskaya 1996a, 155. Details: Fragment of a plaque of white marble, broken in two pieces, 27 X 4 9 X 3 - 5 cm; letters 1.8-2.8 cm. N o w lost. Date: 1'' century CE or later. Text (follows Feissel & Seve 1988 and Habicht 1974): Gecoi 'Y\|/iax(oi Kax' eitixayfiv To\)(A,ioq) 'Eo[ - - I Ligatures: HN 1. l O Y E C on the stone.
To the Highest God by (his) order, Julius
Es...
Recorded in 1912 by Avezou & Picard in the municipal Lyceum (high school) of Thessaloniki. A cross is inscribed on the back of the second piece, which suggests that it was re-used as building material, probably for a church. Avezou, Picard, Predrizet, Nock, Lifshitz (CIJ i^) and Edson (IG) interpreted the letters lOYEC as a genitive of the name the God of Israel. This is unlikely. The inscription is clearly a votive or dedication set by a person with the Roman nomen Julius after the command of Theos Hypsistos, and therefore not necessarily under Jewish influence. Edson (IG) dates the inscription broadly to the period after the 1^* century CE without explaining his criteria, but the name Julius in this region is unlikely to be earlier. A p p l l . Epitaph (Athens) E d i d o n s : Koumanoudes 1871, no.3589; Bayet 1878a, 169 no.68, pl.lll fig.8 (squeeze); Bayet 1878b, 124 no. 124, pl.V fig.8 (squeeze); IG iii.2 1895, no.3533; CH i 1936, no.714; Urdahl 1968, 42 n o . l 2 ; C H i^ 1975, Prol. p.83 (note by M. Schwabe); Sironen 1997, 2 8 7 - 8 no.261. Other bibliography: Robert 1937, 81 = 1946, 101 n.4; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 6 1 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 6 5 ; Derda 1997, 258. Found at Athens. Now: Athens, Epigraphical Museum, inv.no.EM 5800. Marble stele, only part of the left side preserved, 25.7 x 29 x 6.7 cm. Letters 2.1-4.1 cm.; space between lines up to 2.6 cm. Date: 5**'-6''' century CE(?). Text (follows Sironen 1997):
Appendix 2: inscriptions
not considered
Jewish
335
[ ] [evGa + name?] [.]oDaTiq Qxiya-] TT|p KITE e
x\ d v o p v ^ e [ [
5
] ?]
1-2. S c h w a b e ap. CIJ i^: [f| 5 e i v a xoO 8 e i v o g Kai --]v)aT|(;; Bayet, CIJ i: [Mco]'6aTi(; 4. Sironen: Keitai 4 . i omitted on the stone 6. Sironen: dvop-Olai
here(?) (the grave?)
the daughter
of
usa lies.
If a stranger
dares to dig up
Bayet, followed by Frey in CIJ, restored the name in 1.2 as Mco\)
5
1. CIG iv: [KVfiTix] 2. 2. 3. 3.
HPIOC on the stone (Pittakes) K o u m a n o u d e s , Bayet 1877, 1878b, IG iii.2: fipiov C A M O H on the stone (Pittakes) Koumanoudes: 5:a|io[f|X,?]
336
Appendix 2: inscriptions
not considered
Jewish
5. O Y Q A on the stone (Pittakes) 5. K o u m a n o u d e s , CIG iv, Bayet 1877, IG iii.2: n'oea[--]
Resting place of Samuel, son of Pytha Found near the Propylea of the Acropolis. Sironen considers the inscription Jewish because of the name Samuel. However, the name was also used by Christians and in view of the date proposed by Sironen the inscription is more likely to be Christian than Jewish. The name of the father could be read either as H-oGaq (preferred by Sironen) or as n - o e a y o p a q , n v G a t o q , n a ) 9 d p a T o q , n \ ) 0 a p x o ( ; , which all are attested at Athens.'^ A p p l 3 . Epitaph of Martha from Antioch (Athens) Editions: Lolling 1890, 83 no. 17; IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940, no.8232; Urdahl 1968, 44 n o . 3 ; BE 1969, no.206; CH i^ 1975, no.715e; Osborne & Byrne 1996, 38 n o . 9 I 2 ; Roth-Gerson 2 0 0 1 , 130 no.IX (photo). Found at Athens. Now: Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv.no.EM 1554. Kioniskos of Pentelic marble, 30 x 22 cm. Text (follows CIJ i^): MdpGa AioKXfioa)^ 'Avxioxioot. Martha
(daughter)
of Diodes, from
Antioch.
Kirchner, Lifshitz, Urdahl and Robert consider the inscription Jewish because of the name Martha. However, as Solin has shown, Martha was not exclusively Jewish but a common Semitic name.'^ Kirchner dates the inscription to the "imperial period" on palaeographic grounds. A p p 14. Epitaph of Martha from Miletus (Piraeus) Editions: Pittakes 1858, 1695 no.3245; Koumanoudes 1871, no.2204; IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940, no.9756; Urdahl 1968, 45 no.9; BE 1969, no.206; CH i^ 1975, n o . 7 I 5 g ; Osborne & Byrne 1996, 215 no.5082. Found at Piraeus. Now: Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv.no.EM 11993. Kioniskos of Pentelic marble, 75 x 29 cm. Text (follows CIJ i^): MdpGa
'5 LGPN ii 3 8 5 . 16 Solin 1983, 6 3 4 - 7 .
Appendix
2: inscriptions
not considered
Jewish
337
NIKIOO)
MiA.T|CTia. Martha
(daughter)
of Nicias, from
Miletus.
Found out of context in Piraeus. It was, again, considered Jewish because of the name Martha; cf. # A p p I 3 . A p p l 5 . Epitaph of Dionysia from Joppa (Athens) Editions: Peek 1956, 26 no.70 (squeeze); Urdahl 1959, 72 no.7; Urdahl 1968, 46 n o . l 2 ; BE 1969, no.206; SEG xxv 1971, no.275; Osborne & Byrne 1996, 111 no.2617-8. Found at Athens. Now: Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv.no.EM 543. Details: Stele, chipped on both sides and broken below, 52 x 13 cm. Letters 2.4 cm. ipmicron in 1.3 1.6 cm.); space between lines 1.3 cm. Date: 1^' century CE(?). Text (follows Peek 1956): [AJiovData ['AlA-e^dvlSpou] TOTIITIQ. 3 . 1.
'\omiixr\c,
Dionysia
(daughter)
of Alexander,
from
Joppa.
Urdahl suggests that the inscription is Jewish because of the place of origin (which he attributes to the deceased's father but more probably applies to Dionysia herself). According to Belayche, Joppa (Jaffa) had an equally balanced Jewish and non-Jewish population, which means that the inscription could equally be Jewish or non-Jewish.'^ The names are attested among Jews, but are of course very common in non-Jewish use. Urdahl dates the inscription to the 1^^ century CE on palaeographic grounds. A p p l 6 . Epitaph of a Joppan (Athens) Editions: IG iii.2 1895, no.2498; IG ii/iii^ 3.2 1940, no.8938; Robert 1946, 101 n . 5 ; Urdahl 1959, 7 1 - 2 no.6; Urdahl 1968, 45 no.6; BE 1969, no.206; Osborne & Byrne 1996, 111 no.2619. Found at Athens. Now: Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv.no.EM 11277. Kioniskos of Hymettian marble, broken above, 13 cm. high. Letters: 2.5 cm. Date: 1''century CE(?). 17 Belayche 2 0 0 1 , 2 8 0 - 1 .
338
Appendix 2: inscriptions
not considered
Jewish
Text (follows IG ii/iii^ 3.2):
I
]
ZTivo[5a)poa)] TojtitlTiql. 2 c o u l d a l s o b e restored as ZT|vo[56Tot)]; Urdahl 1959: Zrivo[(piA.o\)] 3
1. 'loTUttxTiq
(son/daughter)
of Zenodorus(?),
from
Joppa.
Cf. # A p p I 4 for the possibility of this inscription being Jewish. The name Zenodorus occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Cyrenaica'^ and Rome (3*^*^4^*^ century).'^ Kirchner dates this inscription to the 1^* century C E on palaeographic grounds. A p p 17. Epitaphs of Aelius and Hypeirochus (Athens) Editions: Koumanoudes 1871, no.*3225; IG iii.2 1882, no.2893; Conze 1900, ii 173, no.809; IG ii/iii' 3.2 1940, no. 10222; Osborne & Byrne 1996, 2 7 8 , no.6525. Found at Athens. N o w : Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv.no. E M 10405. Stele of whidsh marble with aetoma, 90 x 30 cm. The space for the inscription is framed with two decorative columns. Letters 1.3 cm. Date: 2"^* century CE(?). Text (follows IG ii/iii' 3.2 1940): (a)
AiA,io-o n a p pevo\) GpEJlTOq.
(b)
'Yiceipojcloql Ajxl.IpeiUy\q. {bird)
5
a4. 1. 0pe7tTov(?) b 3 - 5 . IG iii.2 1882: [Z]an[a]p£i(T]ri(;?; 1. 'A^[a]pei(t]ri(;?
Of Aelius,
home-bred
18 CJZC 7 2 . 19 JIWE ii 4 9 0 .
slave of
Pammenus.
Appendix
Hypeirochus
of
2: inscriptions
not considered
Jewish
339
Amareia(?).
Found among the ruins of a church at Ilissos. Originally, there was a relief of a siren with her head turned to the left in the aetoma of the stele. According to Conze the relief was deliberately chiseled out in the Roman period and inscription (a) inscribed in the aetoma. Inscription (b) was inscribed, also in the Roman period, on the left decorative column of the stele. There is a figure of a bird under (b). Kirchner dates the inscriptions to the 2"^* century CE on palaeographic grounds. Dittenberger (IG iii.2), followed by Osborne and Byrne, suggested 11.3-5 of (b) should be read as the ethnic [I]ap[a]pei[T]r|^, i.e. Samaritan. However, this is doubtful as Hypeirochus could also have been a native from the coastal city of Amarea in Libya. A p p l 8 . Inscription from Corinth Editions: Pallas & Dantes 1977, 81 no.30; Horsley 1987a, 2 1 3 - 4 no. 113. Other bibliography: BE 1980, no.230; SEG xxix 1979, no.300; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; Boffo 1994, 364 n.7; Levinskaya 1996a, 166. Found at Corinth. Now: Corinth, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.2506. Fragment of a white marble plaque, 15 x 12 x 4 cm. Letters: 1.2 cm. Guidelines visible above and below 11.2-4. Date: Roman period. Text (follows Pallas & Dantes 1977 and photo):
[
]
SiSdcJtKa^og?] Kai dpxlicvvdycoY-?] oq xfilq ovvaYO)-?] [yfiq KopivGo-o?]
5
3 - 4 . B E : K a i apxIilauvdycoYCo^] 4. BE: xf^c, ativaYcoyfiq]
teacher(?)
and archisynagogos (".^^ of the synagogue(?)
of
Cormth(?).
This inscription was found in 1954 on Acrocorinth. Stroud (SEG) suggests that it is from the Roman period, but no more precise dating has been offered. The only word from the inscription that can be restored with any degree of certainty is 8i6daKaA,0(; in 1.2, and although that can be a Jewish title, it is also a standard Greek word for "teacher". The inscription is too fragmentary to support any further restorations on the assumption that it is Jewish.
340
Appendix
2: inscriptions
not considered
Jewish
A p p l 8 6 i 5 . Votive graffito on lamp (Corinth) Editions: Wiseman 1972, 2 8 - 3 0 no.21; Jordan 1994, 224 n o . l . Illustrations: Wiseman 1972, fig.IO (drawing); Jordan 1994, fig.l.1 (drawing). Other bibliography: Lampropoulou 1993, 6 6 5 - 7 ; Rothaus 2000, 128. Found at Corinth. Now: Corinth, Archaeological Museum, inv.no. L69-103. Details: Lamp made of reddish-yellow micaceous clay, 11.4 x 6.9 x 3.1 cm. Text (follows Jordan 1994 and drawing): {cross) "AyyeXoi ol KaToiKovv't(e(;) e n i t o i q t>8aa i v T0<)T0i(;. 1 - 2 . W i s e m a n : "AyyeXoi o i K a x o [ i ] K o ^ v x < e q > kvX xo<xc,-> 'Iot)6ai|oi<; T o u x o i q .
Angels who dwell upon these
waters.
This lamp was found in 1968/9, together with more than 4000 terracotta lamps, in the so-called 'Fountain of L a m p s ' at Corinth. This is a large underground bath complex located near the Gymnasium of Corinth. It was used as a repository for votive offerings from the late 4'*^ century until the middle of the 6'*^ century CE.^*^ According to Wiseman the "graffito is written on the wall of the lamp beginning near the handle on the left side and continuing all around the lamp, ending at the handle on the right side; it is in two lines on the second side".-^' Following his reading of the graffito as "ky^ekox oi KaToti]KoiivT<e(;> ejil 'co To\)5ai|oi(; xoxtzoxc, ("Angels who dwell upon these Jews"), Wiseman suggested that the text refers to Jews who were associated with the cult at the 'Fountain of L a m p s ' . However, his reading proved false after David Jordan reexamined and re-published the graffito in 1994, showing that the text is Christian. A p p l 9 . Epitaph from Hermione Editions: Jameson 1953, 156-7 no.9, pl.50 (photo); SEG xi 1954, no.385b; Lampropoulou 1993, 6 7 0 - 2 . Details: Fragment of a white marble plaque, broken on all sides, 13 x 11.5 X 3.5 cm. Letters: 11.1-2, 1 cm; 11.3-4, 1.3 cm. Guideline visible above 1.1. Text (from Jameson 1953 and photo):
20 Rothaus 2 0 0 0 , 1 2 6 - 3 4 . 2' Wiseman 1972, 28.
Appendix
2: inscriptions
not considered
Jewish
341
[.]ANIKA2:TAI[ - - ] -TIOM
npOK07C[l-
- - ]
oDvay^Yil [ - - - - ] n i o T o q (0[
]
vac. 4. Jameson: nxoxbc, ©[v T © 0 e ^ ( ? ) ]
.... Procopius (?) .... synagogue
.... Pistos(?)
....
Jameson recorded the inscription in the garden of the Papabasileios family in the Kampos area, at the right-hand side of the road to Kranidi, just outside Hermione, and dated it broadly to the "Christian e r a " on palaeographic grounds. The garden is close to the m o d e m cemetery of Hermione and above a part of the ancient necropolis.^^ Jameson considered the inscription Jewish because of the occurrence of the term ox)vay(iiyr[. This, however, is not sufficient evidence as non-Jewish use of a\)vaYa)Yf| is attested in inscriptions from the Peloponnese.^^ Jameson suggests the name in 1.2 should be read as HpOKoinoq. OIZTOZ in 1.4 is probably the personal name OioToq, which is fairly well attested in the Peloponnese,^"* rather than the adjective niaxoc, proposed by Jameson. A p p 2 0 . E p i t a p h of S a t y r u s a n d Moses(?) ( G o r t y n ) Edifions: Gerola 1932, 560 no.50; ICret iv 1950, no.509; Bandy 1970, 1 4 0 - 1 , App.no.l (drawing); SEG xxxiii 1983, no.732; Nystrom 1983, 122; Spyridakis 1988, 173 no.A; SEG xxxviii 1988, no.911. Other bibliography: C U i^ 1975, Prol. p.89; BE 1971, no.70; BE 1984, no.335; van der Horst 1988, 195-7; Nystrom 1996, 9 8 - 1 0 0 ; Derda 1997, 258; Williams 1997, 274; SEG xlviii 1998, n o . l 2 1 1 . Fragment of a plaque broken on the left and right and below, n o w lost. Text (follows SEG xxxviii 1988): [K]a)pi Eaivpo) ©eolSoi)-] [Xo]x) iep£% Mcoafi a p x c o y l T i ] [^rjTlTiGaq £v TCOVOK; [ [lnoXX]oiq
[
]
ocoxTipiav [ - - ]
- - -]
1. [ - - ] \ ) p i a a T t ) p ( o 0 e + [ - - ] on the stone (ICret) 1. Spyridakis: K0pi=K\)pio5
22 Jameson 1953, 154-5. 23 IG V. 1.1390 (Andania); S E G xi 9 7 4 ( M e s s e n i a ) . 24 LGPN iiiA 3 6 2 .
342
Appendix 2: inscriptions
not considered
1 - 2 . Spyridakis: 0eQ[5a)po]v or 0eQ[8ov)A,o]a) 2 . apxco+[- - on the stone (ICret) 2 . Spyridakis: iepEi)=iEpei 3. Bandy: [^Tix]r|aaCT; Gerola, ICret & CIJ i^: [e^fix]TiCTaq also possible
Jewish
[Qi\aac, ev jtovoiq;
Spyridakis:
4. CIJ i^: [evJpoK; acoxTipiav
To Lord Satyrus (son) of Theodulus(?), archon, who sought in toils many
the priest, salvation
(and) Moses,
the
Found built into a house in the village of Hagioi Deka ("Ayioi AcKa) near ancient Gortyn. The inscription was severely damaged and the reconstruction presented above is very questionable. Bandy, followed by Spyridakis, considers the inscription Jewish mainly because, he notes, the phraseology employed in it is not recorded in the Chrisdan epitaphs of Crete. This argument is weak. Guarducci, Lifshitz, Nystrom, Derda and Williams all support the view that the inscripdon is Christian exactly because of its terminology and phraseology. It should be noted that nothing like the phrase ^T|Tir)aa(; ev TIOVOK; noXkdic, ocoxT^plav is attested in Jewish inscriptions so far. The term ocaxripla with meaning of 'salvation' (LSJ, s.v.) w a s almost exclusively used by Christians and does not appear in Jewish epitaphs, only in dedications.^^ T h e name Theodulus in 11.1-2 is heavily restored and could equally well be read as Theodorus (©eoScopoq), according to Bandy and Spyridakis, or Theodotus (GeoSoxoq). If the restoration Theodulus ("slave of G o d " ) is accepted it would further undermine the possible Jewish character of the inscription, as the name was a common Christian name but extremely rare among Jews; however, the feminine form Theodula occurs in # A c h 5 . Bandy takes the name Moses as an additional indicator that the inscription is Jewish.^^ Spyridakis, a proponent of Bandy's views, observes that "although the taking of Biblical names by Chrisdan priests and bishops w a s and is a common practice, the rendition of the Hebrew name Moses by the formal ecclesiastical Greek McoiJofiq (not M(oafj(;) should be expected in the case of its adoption by a Christian priest in this inscription."^^ However, Derda notes that such a differentiadon between the t w o spellings of the name is artificial and is not supported by the papyrological evidence.^^ The term iepevq (priest) does appear in Jewish inscriptions and papyri, but as Horbury & N o y observe it would indicate a hereditary status as, for
25 The term appears 45 times in the N T . N T also applies the term acoxfip (saviour) only to God (8 times; Lk 1.47, etc.) and Jesus (16 times; Lk 2 . 1 1 , Jn 4.42, Acts 13.23, etc.). 26 Bandy 1970, 140. 27 Spyridakis 1988, 173. 28 Derda 1997, 2 5 8 .
Appendix
2: inscriptions
not considered
Jewish
343
example, in Egypt and Rome.^^ However, the title was also a common designation of priests, and in some cases of bishops, in Christian literature.^^ On the title apxtov cf. #Ach32. It is not clear whether the inscription is an epitaph or not. The general sense of the text suggests the inscription could be honorific - honouring Satyrus and Moses for their benefactions or good deeds. Guarducci and Bandy date the inscription to the 5 * century CE on palaeographic grounds. In view of this date and the phraseology employed it is much more likely that this inscription is Christian than Jewish. A p p 2 1 . E p i t a p h of H e r m e s (Elyros ( R h o d o v a n i ) , C r e t e ) Editions: Thenon 1866, 4 0 1 ; Schulze, 1933, 2 9 1 ; ICret ii 1939, 179 no.(xiii) 8; CU i^ 1975, no.731b; Spyridakis 1989, 2 3 1 - 2 . Other bibliography: Revised Schiirer i i i . l , 1986, 7 1 ; van der Horst 1988, 196-7. Marble stele; no details known. Date: Imperial period(?) Text (follows CIJ iO: 2:av|3d0i<(;> 'Eppfi p v d pa(; xa^iv. 1. C A N B A 0 I E on the stone (ICret); Spyridakis: fern. Z a v P a e i « ; > ? 2 - 3 . nvap-aq = [ i v e i a q ; xa^^v = x d p i v
Sanbathis for Hermes, for the sake of (his)
memory.
Found reused in the church of the Holy Cross at the village of Rhodovani near the site of ancient Elyros. Guarducci dates the inscription to the Imperial period on palaeographic grounds. She, followed by Lifshitz, considers the inscription Jewish because of the name Sanbatis. However, van der Horst and Spyridakis both note that the name by itself is not a sufficient indicator of Jewishness. The name Sanbathis is one of the ' S a b b a t h ' names like Z a p p a G a i or EapPaGaioq and EapPaTaio(; or Sappaxicov. These names, derived ultimately from the Hebrew word ' S a b b a t h ' , were very popular among Egyptian Jews as early as the hellenistic period and were adopted by non-Jews.^' According to Mussies (1994, 272) the popularity of 'Sabbath' names among Egyptians was also due to the fact that they had a distinctive meaning in Egyptian. They occur, in various forms, in Jewish inscriptions from Venosa, Taranto, and
29 JIGRE 84 (Leontopolis), 149 (Jaffa); JIWE ii 11, 80, 109, 1 2 4 - 5 , 558. 30 Sophocles 1914, 5 9 3 ^ . 3> CPJ i, p p . 9 4 - 6 ; CPJ iii, p p . 4 4 - 6 ; JIGRE 4 0 , 4 8 , 5 8 - 6 0 , 65, 76, 86, 90, 9 3 , 9 5 - 9 6 98, 106, 108; Mussies 1994, 2 7 0 - 2 .
344
Appendix
2: inscriptions
not considered
Jewish
Sofiana^^ and, quite frequently, at Rome.^^ Sanbatis/Sambatis was also a popular choice for Christians and occurs in Christian epitaphs from Athens.^"* The name also appears in a fragmentary inscripdon, probably from Oescus, where it is unclear whether it is used in a Jewish or Christian context.^^ A 'Sabbath' name is attested in only one other Cretan inscription: the name Sapaxicov occurs in a Chrisdan epitaph from Pege, district of Rethymon.^^ A p p 2 2 . M a g i c a l text CIJ 717, a magical text of unknown origin, includes among much else a list of Jewish angelic names (Ariel, Michael, Raphael, etc.) and Lapoccbe, but is clearly not a Jewish text, just a reflection of the way in which magical names and formulae were borrowed from all religions.
32 33 34 35 36
JIWE i 6 8 , 85, 126, 158. JIWE ii 7, 19, 2 2 , 47, 110, 157, 193, 2 2 0 , 2 4 4 , 257, 269, 339, 356. Creaghan & Raubitschek 1 9 4 7 , 3 7 no.XXIII, 4 2 , no. 13. ILBulg 119. ICret ii 12; Bandy 1970, no.74.
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302. W i s e m a n , J., Mano-Zissi, D . & Aleksova, B . ( e d s ) Studies in the antiquities of Stobi (3 v o l s ) , Belgrade & Titov V e l e s , 1973, 1975, 1 9 8 1 . Wolff, K. Egyetemes Philologiai Kdzldny 2 1878. [ 1 8 7 8 a ] Wolff, K. ' A z Alberti-Irsai r6mai feliratok', ArchErt 12 1878, 2 0 7 - 1 0 . [ 1 8 7 8 b ] W o l s k a - C o n u s , W. Cosmas Indicopleustes Topographic Chretienne (3 v o l s ) , Paris 1 9 6 8 , 1970, 1 9 7 3 . W o o d s , D . 'A note concerning the Regii Emeseni ludaeV, Latomus 51 1992, 4 0 4 - 7 . W u t h n o w , H. Die semitischen Menschennamen in griechischen Inschriften und Papyri des vorderen Orients (Studien zur Epigraphik und Papyruskunde 1.4), Leipzig 1930. Y a i l e n k o , V . P . 'MarepHajiw no BocnopcKon 3nHrpa4)HKe' ('Materials in Bosporan a r c h a e o l o g y ' ) , in HaanHCH H asbiKH .apeBHefl MejiOH A S H H , Knnpa H auTHMHoro ceeepHoro HpHHepnoMopbH (Inscriptions and languages of ancient Asia Minor, Cyprus and the antique northern Black Sea coast), M o s c o w 1987, 4 - 2 0 0 . Zahn, T. Die Apostelgeschichte des Lucas: zweite Halfte Kap, 13-28 (Kommentar zum N e u e n Testament 5 ) , Leipzig 1921. Z e k i d e s , G. 'ETtiypacpai eK QeaaaXiac,, AEph 1900, 5 1 - 7 4 .
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orientaux
sur le territoire
de la Mesie
Superieure
(EPRO 7 ) ,
Concordance CIJ n o . 675 676 677 678 678a 679 680 680a 681 681a 681b 682 683 683a 683b 684 685 686 687 688 689 689a 690 690a 690b 691 691a 69Ib 692 692a 693 693a 693b 693c 693d 694 694a 694b 695 696 696a 696b 696c
N o . in this vol. Pan2 Panl Pan3 Pan4 Pan5 p.l Dal2 Dal3 MoesI Thr5 App7 BSl BS5 BS7 BS9 BS4 BSIO BS12 BSll BSI3 BS15 BSI4 BS20 BS22 BS23 BS17 BS16 BS19 Thr3 Thr4 Mac 16 Mac 17 M a c 13 Mac 14 App9 Macl Mac6 Mac7 Ach24 Achl6 Achl7 Achl8 Achl9
697 698 699-701 702 703-5 706 707 708 708a 708b 708c 708d 709 710 711 711a 711b 712 713 714 715 715a 715b 715c 7I5d 715e 715f 715g 715h 715i 716 717 718 718a 719 720 721 721a 721b 721c 722 723 724 725a
Ach6 Ach7 Achl Ach8 Ach3 AchlO Achl 2 Achl 3 Ach9 Ach2 Ach23 Ach25 Ach43 Ach42 Ach44 Ach46 Ach45 Ach28 Ach30 ApplO Ach34 Ach26 Ach27 Ach33 Ach31 Appl 2 Ach32 Appl 3 Ach29 Ach40 App2 App21 Ach47 Ach48 Ach51 Ach54 Ach52 Ach55 Ach56 Ach53 Ach58 Ach59 Aegina Ach70
Concordance
725b 726 727 728 729
Ach71 Ach65 Ach60 Ach62 Ach63
730 731
Ach61 Ach64
375
731a 731b 731c 73 Id 78*
Delos App20 Cre3 Crel BS21
Indexes * indicates that the occurrence appears to be non-Jewish. " indicates that the occurrence is in an inscription quoted in the notes. Inscriptions from the Appendixes are not included in the indexes, except in Xe-f. Place names in Vf refer to discussions of those places in the main text.
a b c //. a b ///.
a b c d e f IV. V. a b c d e f VI. a b c d VII. a b c d e f
Details of inscriptions Nature o f inscription Language Provenance Personal names Names N o t a b l e features o f the names Personal details Vocabulary o f relationships Joint epitaphs / dedications Commemorator identified A g e at death Epithets and qualities Occupations, ranks and secular titles Place-names and ethnics Religion Terms indicating 'Jew' etc., and Jewish institutions Jewish titles S y n a g o g u e s and parts o f synagogues Prayers, blessings, thanksgivings, invocations Biblical quotations Symbols Dates and rulers Years given by era Dating formulae Day o f the w e e k / month Rulers and their families Funerary formulae Life and death o f the deceased Provision o f the tomb Terms for tomb Curses and fines against tomb violation T h e deceased in the tomb W i s h e s for / addressed to the deceased
page 377 377 378 378 382 382 383 383 383 384 384 384 385 385 385 386 387 387 387 388 388 388 389 389 389 389 390 390
Index
g VIII. a b c IX. a b c d X. a b c d e f
2>11
Addressed to the reader Formulae of benefactions Verbs used for benefactions Circumstances, source and nature o f benefaction V o t i v e formulae Manumissions Verbs o f manumission Words for e x - s l a v e Terms and conditions o f manumission Consent to and endorsement o f manumission Other words Greek words not indexed elsewhere Latin words not indexed elsewhere Hebrew words not indexed elsewhere Unidentified words N a m e s from A p p e n d i x 1 N a m e s from Appendix 2
390 390 391 391 391 392 392 394 394 395 395 395 396 396
/. Details of inscriptions a. Nature of inscription Acclamation Amphorae Building dedication Ephebic list Epitaph
- (partly) metrical - with curse Graffito List o f names Manumission
Mac 13 BS28 Ach74 Ach53 Pan 1 - 2 , Pan4, Dal 1-4, M o e s l , T h r 3 ^ , Mac6-8, Mac 1 0 - 1 2 , Mac 1 4 - 1 6 , Macl8?, Ach3-36, Ach366w, Ach37, Ach40, Ach46, Ach48^9, Ach51-52, Ach55, Ach56?, Ach57, Ach75 C r e l - 3 , BSlO-16, BS19, Mac9, A c h l - 2 Ach70-71 Macl", B S 2 - 3 Ach68, BS26 A c h 4 2 ^ 5 , BS5-9, BSl7-18, BS2024, BS25?
Prayer Ach72 Samaritan amulet Ach50 Samaritan dedication Macl7 Samaritan honorific inscription Ach66-67 Seal Mac2 Ach38-39, Statue base Ach69 S y n a g o g u e inscription Pan3, Pan5, M a c l , Macl", Ach47, Ach54, Ach56?, B S l , BS4 - mosaic Thiasos inscription Tile fragment V o t i v e / thanksgiving
Uncertain
T h r l - 2 , Macl", Ach58-59 Ach41 Dal5 Thr5, M a c 3 - 5 , Ach60-63, Ach64?, Ach65?, Ach73, BS27 Moes2
b. Language Greek
Dal4, M o e s 2 , Thrl-5, Macl-16,
MaclS, A c h l ^ 8 , Ach51-75, Crel-
Index
378
Hebrew
Hebrew and Greek
3, B S 1 , B S 3 - 1 2 , BS 14-28 Dal5, AchSO, B S 2 , BSl6a, BS Phanagoria Mac 17, A c h 3 6 6 / 5 , Ach49, B S l 3
Pan3-5, Dall, Dal3, Moesl Latin and Greek Pan 1-2 Latin in Greek characters Pan 1-2, Dal2
Ach58-59 Ach24 Pan2 Crel-2 Ach52 AchSl Thr5 Ach26-39 Mac6-11 Thr3 Ach57 BS2-3 Ach47-50 Ach53 Ach60-69 Ach42^4 BS20-27 BS19 Pan3 Cre3 AchI-14 Ach54 Pan5 Moesl-2
Olbia Oropus Panticapaeum Peratovci Perinthus Phanagoria Pherae Philippi Philippopolis Phthiotic Thebes Piraeus Plataea Rheneia Rome Salonae Senia §ikl6s Solva Stobi Syros Taenarum Tanais Thessaloniki Uncertain
Latin
c. Provenance Aegina Almyros Aquincum Arcades Arcadia Argos Assenovgrad Athens Beroea Byzie Chalcis (Euboea) Chersonesus Corinth Coronea Delos Delphi Gorgippia Hermonassa Intercisa Kastelli K i s s a m o u Larissa Mantinea Mursa Oescus
BSl Ach45 BS4-16 Dall Thr4 BSl 7-18 Ach25 Mac 12 Thrl-2 Achl5-23 Ach40-41 Ach46 Ach70-71 Ach75 Dal3^ Dal2 Pan4 Panl Mac 1-5 Ach72-74 Ach55-56 BS28 Macl3-18 Dal5
//. Personal names a. N a m e s (in Latin alphabetical order; s e e VId for names o f rulers) Abraham: 'APpaiiTjov) Achilles: 'AxtA.A.e'bq Achyrius: 'Ax^pioq Actia Aeschylus: Aiax^Xov A g a t h . . . : AyaGf - - ] A g a t h o c l e s : 'Aya0OKX.fiq A g o n : 'AycDvoq Alexander: 'AXe|av8pO(; 'A?i.e|dv8pot)
Mac 16 BSl* Macl Pan4 Ach45* BSIO Ach65 Ach42* Mac7 Ach5, Achl6?
A m m i a : 'A)X)xia
Ach26, Ach35 Amyntas: 'Anuvxaq Ach42*, Ach43* Ach43* 'An'Ovxa Ananias: ' A v a v i o v Ach33 Anastasius: A v e a x a a i o Pan2 Andromache: 'AvSpo^ctxri? A c h 5 5 Anna: "Avvgc Macl 5 "Avvaq Achl 7 "Avva[(;?] Ach49 A n o s : "Avoq BS18
Index
Anticharmus: ' A v T i x d p n o o Antigone: ' A v x i y o v a Antiochus: 'Avxi6x[ow) A p o l l o n i u s : 'AnoA.X.(j)vioq ' AnoXXcovtoo
Ach45* Ach43 Ach31 MaclS Mac 1S
Archon: "Apxcov Ach43* Arescusa: 'ApeoKouaa Ach25 A r i s t . . . : Apiax[ - - ] BSIO Aristion: 'Apioxicov Ach42* Aristomachus: 'Apiaxopajcog A c h 4 2 * Ariston: 'Apiaxcov BS26* Arsa: Arsa[e] Dal 1 Artemidorus: 'Apxep.i5d)po\) A c h 6 6 , BSl*? Asandrus: " A a a v S p o q Ach42* Asteria: 'Aaxepia(; Ach24 Asyncrition:'AovvKpixlcp M a c l S Athenades: 'AetivdSriq Ach45* Athenaeus: 'Ae<Tiv>a[io\)] B S 2 2 Aeriveov Ach28 Athenodorus: 'AGrivoScopo^ A c h 4 5 * 'AeTivo8d)po\) BS22 Atisides: ' A x i a i S a q Ach43* Aurelius: At)p(f|Xio(;) Macll, MaclS, AchS3-S4, BS4 AupTiXioq AchS 1 A\)pTi<X>iovq Dal2 Bagias: B a y i o v BS26* Benjamin: B r i v e i a p i Pan2 Beviapfiq Mac 14, Ach27 Berenice: B[8pe?]veiKTi Cre2 Biottus: Bioxxoq Ach4S* Bothylis: BoBuXi BSl9 Boukolios(?): BO\)KOUO\)V Ach6 Callias: KaXXi[ag] Ach3 Callisthenia: [?KaXXiCTe]eveiaq BS23 Cassia: K a a a i e Panl Charinus: X a p i v o q Ach4S* Chreste: Xpf|axr| BSS Chrestion: Xpr|axia)v(o(;?) B S l l XprjCTxicovoq BS26 Chrysa: Xp\)CTa BS20 Claudius: KA,(av5io(;) Macl Cleodamus: KX,E-o5dpo\) Ach42*, Ach44
379 Cleon: KXetov
Ach42*, Ach43*, Ach44 C l e o p o : KXeovJtcb Ach? Cosmianus: K o a p i a v 6 ( ; Thrl Cosmius Pan3 Cyria: Qyriae Moesl Dates: Adxot) Ach41 * D e c i m u s : Ae[K]po\) Ach2S Decusanis(?): A t i K o o a a v i Pan2 Demetrius: Aiip,f|xpio(; Ach40 ATip.tixpiot) Ach40, BSl*? D e m o : Aiipd) Ach 1 Demosthenes: Aap,oa9eveoq A c h 4 3 * D i o m e d e s : Aiop.iii8ov(; Ach2S Dionysius: Aiov\)CTio\)q Dal2 AiovOaiov BSl 7 Dionysodorus: Aiov\)
380 BS23 Mac9 Ach42* Ach42* Macll Ach4 Ach43* BS2 Hananiah: n-».D3.[n] Ach37 Hecat....: 'EKaT[ - - ] BS8 Hedeia: ['H]6Eia Thr5 Helene: 'EXdvri Heliconias: 'E^KcovidSoq B S 5 Ach73 Heortylis: Exatpxxt'kxc, BS5 Heraclas: 'HpaK^av Heraclea: 'HpdKX,eav Ach70 Heracleides: 'HpaKXei5o\) A c h 4 6 , BS5 Hermaphilus: 'Ep|ia
Index
Kale: Ka^T|v Karagos: K a p a y o q Karsandos: K a p a a v S a v o q Lachares: Aa/dpovq Laodice: Aaco5iKri Lazarus: [AJd^apo^ Leontia: Aetovxfiaq Leontiscus: AeovxiaKot) Leontius: Ae[6vx]i0(; Aeovxiov Leptines: Aeicxivriq Leukios / Lucius: Ae<)KiO(;
BS25" BS18 BS18 Ach27 Ach62 Ach9 Ach20 Achl Ach34 Mac7 Ach41* Ach2, AchlO AeC-UKio)] Ach2 Longion: AoY[y]itova BS17 Lysimachus: Avai|xaxoq Ach63, Ach65 Macarius: MaKdpioq BS26* BS21 MttKapiot) Marcia: MapKia Ach61 Marcus: M(apK05) Mac 15 Maria: M a p i a Achl Mariae Pan4 Mapeaq Mac7 Maronius: Mapcoviot) Ach52 Martina: Mapeiv[Tiv] Ach71 Matthaia: M a G B a i a Ach31-32 Maximinus: Maximini Moesl Ach4 Maximus: Md^ijioq Ma^ijj,o\) Ach4 Menander: MevavSpoq Ach3, Achll Mevdv8pox) Ach3 Menes: Mevnq Ach42* Menestratus: [Mevejaxpaxoq BS25" Menippus: Mevitmiov Ach66 Metrotimus: Mexpoxeinoq B S l 8, BS27? Mnasikon: M v a a i K w v x o ^ A c h 4 5 * Ach45 Moschion: Moaxicovoq Ach45 Moschus: Moaxoq MOCTXOV Ach45 M o s e s : M(oa[e(oq?] Ach30 Nanobalamyrus: NavoPaA,aji{)po'u BS21 N e o c l e s : NeoKXfj(; BS22 Ach43* Nicarchus: NiKapxoc; N i c o b u l u s : NiKop6t)X,o'o Ach43* N i c o l a u s : NeiKoXaoq Achl 2 Nicon: NiKcov Ach41* Ach41* N i c o p h o n : NiKocpmvxoq
Index
Nicostratus: NiK6atpaTo(q)Macl2 Dal4 No (fem.): No[ - - ] N y m p h a g o r a s : N-opcpayopaq B S 2 6 BS21 Nvpipayopot) N . . s t e s : N[..]axe[o-U(;] BSS Olympianus: 'OA,vp,7ciav6(; B S 4 BS4 Olympus: 'OX,t)pjto\) Onias: 'Qvia BS19 Ach43* Orthaios: 'OpBaiov Mac 12 O x y c h o l i u s : '0%\)xoKxoq Ach52 Panto: navTd) Paregorius: n a p i y o p i o x ) Mac6 Ach21 napiyopico Ach9 Pausanias: n a v a a v i a Peristeria: nepiaxepiaq AchlS Pharnakion: OapvaKico[v] B S 2 5 BS26* 4>apvaKi(Dvo5 Philip: iX,in:a AchS Ach32, Philo: OiXtovoq Ach35 Philocrates: [iA.]oKpaxiiq A c h 4 4 Philotimus(?): [?oa6x]ei^oq B S 2 3 BS17 Phodacus: []65aKo^ Ach46* Phrynidas: Op[uvi5ai] Ach44 Pindarus: Iliv5dpo-o Polycharmus: IloX-uxappoi; M a c l , Mac3-4 rioX'Oxappov Macl Pontiana: Ilovxiavfiq Ach6 Mac5 Posidonia: IloaiSovia BS17 Pothon: IloBcovo^ BS20 Pothos: noGoq Pourthaius: no\)p6ai[oq] BSl* Ach6S Praulus: n p a o X o ( ; Ach43* Praxias: I l p a ^ t a BSIS Psycharion: ^Fvxapicov Ach57? Publius: rioTcUov Quintus / Quintas: Koivxa A c h 7 AchlO Koivxot) Thr3 Rebecca: 'PepeKa[(;] Pan4 Sabinilla Sambion: [r]appia)v BS25" BS26 Eappico[vo^] BS14 Samuel: SapofiA, BS12 ZapovrilXJo'u BS26 Saphasas: Zacpdgaq Ach4S Sarah: Z d p a q BSl* Satyrus: Z[dxopov] Ach 17 Saul: Zao\)A, Secundus(?): [?Secu]ndus Pan5 A c h 13 EeKoa)v5o(;
381 A c h 13 Ach3, A c h 12 Pan4 Septimia(?): Septimae Serapion: Zapanlcova Ach67 BS14 Severus: lepepo Shabbetai: TIDE? B S l 6a Simeon: Ziii[ea)?]v Ach33 BS16 E-opewv Simon: l e i p t o v BS15 Siricius: ZipiKio) Macl 7 Ach32 Socrates: LcoKpdxou Ach42 Sodamidas: Zco5ap,i8aq BS4 S o g o ( u ) s : ZoyotJ^ Zoyo^ BS4 Sophia: Zo(pia Cre3 Ach44 Sostratus: Zcbaxpaxoq BS20 Strabo: Zxpdptovoq Ach41* Symmachus: Z'onp.axoq Ach42*, Tarantinus: Tapdvxivoq Ach44 Ach42* Teison: Teiatov Mac7 Tertia: Tepxiaq Themison: 0e|iia
Index
382 Z o s a s : Zcoaaq Z o s i m u s : Ziaa\\ioc, ....ete: [ - - Jexiiq ....mus: [ - - ]\iox> ....nome: [ - - Jvcburi
Ach60 Ach8 Ach22 Ach21 BS24
.olia: [ - - JoXiaq .on: [ - - ]voq .onius: [ - - Jovioq .ter:
[ -
-
]Tiip
Ach48 Ach22 Ach41* Achl 4
b. Notable features of the names D o u b l e name (6 K a i ) M a c l , Mac 15, BS4 (oKe) Thrl,Thr2? (d) K a i ) Mac 14 ([T]6V KQti) BSl7 (xfi K a i ) Mac 15 (KXtiBeiq) BS4 N a m e introduced by ^ o v o ^ a 'BS20, BS24 &i ovop-a Ach42, Ach44 ai^ ovonaxa Ach43 Roman citizen name (duo/tria nomina) Pan4, D a l 2 , Thr5?, M a c l , Mac 12, Mac 15, A c h 5 1 , Ach53-54, BS4 Patronymic (father's name in gen.) Macll, Achl, A c h 3 ^ , Ach7-8, Ach9?, AchlO, Achl2-13, Achl5, A c h l 6 ? , Ach21?, Ach25, Ach27, Ach31-33, Ach35-36, Ach37?, Ach40, Ach41*, Ach42*, Ach43*, Ach44, Ach45*, Ach46,
Ach57, Ach66-67, Crel, BSl*, BS4, BS8, BS17, B S 1 9 21, BS22?, BS23, BS26 Patronymic ("son/daughter o f ) Dal4, M o e s l , Mac6-7, Ach6, Ach52, B S l 4 P' for patronymic BS 1 * Papponymic BS21 Metronymic Mac7, Ach55 H o m o n y m o u s parent and child Mac 18, A c h 3 - 4 , Achl3, Ach40 D e c e a s e d ' s name in nom. without verb D a l 2 , Mac 18, Achl, Ach3-4, Ach7-13, Achl4?, Achl5, Ach25-27, Ach31-36, Ach37?, Ach40, Ach52, Ach55, Cre3 D e c e a s e d ' s name in gen. without noun Ach5, Ach6? D e c e a s e d ' s name in vocative Ach57?, B S l 9 ?
///. Personal details a. Vocabulary of relationships Father: patiri Panl? (pi<X,>icopo\)v x p i o u v Tiaxep Dal2 7iaxp6<; x\\i&v BS21 zox> jtaxpoQ \iox> BS22 Mother: mater Pan4 xfi |x[T|xpt p,ot)?] BS6 xfiq M-Tixpoq Ach28, Ach68?
x a ^ [Hajxpoi; Ach42* Brother: [xm]v d5eX(pcov a v x e v Ach48 xmv ctSeX-ipcbv Ach68 Sister: [sjorori Dall d5eX
Dal2
Index
loiox; TOW \)ioO
[o]i Tot)xo<\)> -beioi Daughter: eoyctxiip
xac, Gvyaxepaq auxctq Children: xeKvoi xoiq xeKvoiq at)xmv Son-in-law: 6 y a p P p o ^ Grandson: eyyo[vo]i xooq eyyovoDq a m o O Spouse: co[n]iugi yovf|
BS14 Mac6 Ach6, Ach44 Crel BS18 Dal4?, Mac7, Ach52 Ach43 Macl? Ach70-71 Mac? Ach34 Ach66 Moesl Achl, Ach3, Ach?, Ach25, Ach32,
383 Ach35, BSS, B S l l yovfj a-oxoO Ach4 yvvaiKoq BS21, BS23 y\)[vaiK6q] a\)[xov] Ach 16 yov[aiKi auxov] BS25 yuvfj jtpoxepov BSS xfi e i [ 5 i a ] [yuvai]K[i] Cre2 x% cthxoxi yanexfjq Achl? CTlivPiO) Macl? xfi auppitp a m o i i MaclS xr\c, auvpiot) a v x o u Mac 16 Bride / groom: pvTiaxfjpEq A c h 2 Ach2 Marriage: yaptov Ach2 Jewish/non-Jewish marriage? A c h 6 Heirs: xoi)q KXripovopoix; xoix; epo-oq Macl KXTipov6po\)Q Epo<)(; Macl Crew: TICICTTI xfi oMvnKoxa a m o f t Ach?2
b. Joint epitaphs / dedications Joint epitaph (husband and w i f e ) Mac 16, A c h 4 , Ach6?, Ach 16-1? Joint epitaph (man and w o m a n ) Panl, Ach20-21, Ach22?, Ach24, Ach30?
Joint epitaph (brothers/cousins) Ach34 Joint epitaph (family) Pan2 Joint dedication ( t w o m e n ) Ach6S
c. Commemorator identified Crel Pan4 Dall MaclS, Cre2
Father for s o n Mother for daughter Brother for sister Husband for wife
Son-in-law for mother-in-law
Self
Self(^©v) Relationship not specified
Mac?
d. A g e at death 1 year 3 years 10 years
Crel Macs? Ach9?
1S years 2 ? years SO years
Pan4 Dal4 Dal2
Moesl, Mac 12, AchSl MaclS Ach2
Index
384 e. Epithets and qualities infelix: enfilci Dall dyanloq]: BSl 6 a ^ i o q livfijiTiq: 6 nvip.i(; a[%\xoc, Thr4 dpexTi: dpexfiq [eveKev Kai e u v o i l a q xfiq elq eaDxoi)[q] A c h 6 9 [dlpexfiq eveKa Kai ewepyeaiaq Ach39 dcopoq: dtopov Ach70-71 8o\)X,0(;: XQ 5O<)A.Q a o v A c h 7 2 e v e p y e a i a : xf\c, e[v]epyeaia(; Mac7 e'uepyeaiai; eveKa Kai e v v o i a q Ach38 e o e p y e a i a q eveKev xx\c, eiq eauxo^oq Ach67
[djpexfjq eveKa K a i e v e p y e a i a q Ach39 K\)pd Ach52 IxaKdpioq: xoxt naKapicoxdxou BS13 p,VTiCTK6|ievoq: utiaKonevoq Mac7 oaioi;: xfjq 6 a [ i a q ] Mac7 7tpo(pepf|q: [7tp]o(pepexaxo(; t)p,voi(; Mac9 a(0(ppoCT<)VTi: <j(o[(ppoCT]x)VTi(; oiiveKa BS41* xaXaijKopoq: xf|v xaA,ai7ctopov Ach70-71 n-'ID: BSl 3
f. Occupations, ranks and secular titles ( s e e also V I b ) Archon (cf. Vb): [oi] jtepi ^dx^opov]... dpxlovxe^] BSl* Archon for 2"'' time: x6 p' BSl* C u s t o m s officer(?): pr(aepositus?) sta(tionis) Pan3 Epimeletes: [x6]v e7t[i]p,eXTixTiv A c h 4 1 * Government official: 6 kitX xr\c, 0eo8ooia(; BS4 Grammateus: y p a ^ n a x e i a Ach41 *
IV. Place-names
Honorific titles: aepaax6yv(oaxo<(;> BS4 xei)i,Ti6ei(; BS4 lus liberorum: (pi<X>icopo\)v x p i o v v Ttaxep Dal2 Military title(?): principales Moesl Proscholus: Tipoaxo^o^ Ach27 Scholasticus: oxoA,aaxiKoa) Ach5
and ethnics
Achaea: 'Axai'dq Ach75 Alexandria: 'A>,e^a
Kissamus: Kiadixoo) Knossos: Kvcbaiov Naxos: Na^ioiq Oropus: 'QpcoTiioq Pannonia: Pannoni Paros: fldpioq Pito...: [dno] K{a\ix\c, nixo[...] Roman: [Rom]ani Sidon: ZiSooviou Spondill(—) Stobi: e v Exopoiq Theodosia: xf\c, 0 e o 8 o a i a ( ; Tiberias: TiPe
Cre3 Ach67 Ach72 Ach45* Moesl Ach60 Dal4 Dal3* Ach32 Pan3 Macl BS4 Dal2 Ach55
Index
Province: ev
eTcapxei(p
385
BS4
V. Religion a. Terms indicating ' J e w ' etc., and Jewisii institudons Jew: ludeor(um) xr\c, 'lo-oSeaq ludei 'Io\)5aio(; 'Io\)8eo\)q Eio8aio(; xcbv 'Io\)8aicov
[?x6 yzv6\c, 'Ioa)8aiQt)[5] xo yevoq 'Io\)8aiov xo y e v o q 'lo'oSaiav Hebrew: 'EPpeou 'EPp[aia)v] 'EPpecov God-fearers?: Geov a e p S v Samaritan: [ S a p a j p e t x i a a a ZapapeiXK; Zapapixriq
Pan3 Ach6 Dais Ach46, Ach73? Dal2 Ach40 BS5-7, BS9, BS18 BS23 Ach42 Ach43
Macs Ach47 Mac9 BS7 Dal4 Ach35 Ach41
Eapaptxiq Ach 3 6 5:apap[ix - - ] Ach37 Sapapexx; Ach68 [?oi e v Af|Xcp] ' l a p a i i X t x a i A c h 6 6 o i e v Af|Xcp T a p a e X e i x a i A c h 6 7 Jerusalem: • ' ' b t P T T ' n BS2 •lepoaoX,x)piTi<; Ach41 Garizim: o i d u a p x o p e v o i eiq iepov a y i o v 'Apyap^eiv Ach66 o i ctjtapxoiievoi eiq i e p o v 'Apyapi^eiv Ach67 N e a p o l i s : NeaJtoXi(; Macl7 Judaism: moA,eiTe\)adp.evo(; Ttaaav n o X e i x e i a v Kaxot xov 'looSaiapov Macl The w i s e : x&v oo(pmv AchS 1 Day o f Atonement?: to naaa \^x>xri e v xfj afipepov fipepai x a j t e i v o v v x a i pee'iKexeiaq Ach70-71 Christian: Crissi(ani) Dal3*
b. Jewish titles Archegissa(?): apxlTilyiCTiq AchlS A r c h i s y n a g o g o s : arcisina(gogos ?) Moesl AchSS dpx[iavvdycoy(oq)] Cre3 dpxio\)vaycoyia
jtaxfip Xaov 8 i d p i o v AchS4 Patriarch: xw itaxpiapxti Macl xwv icaxpiapx&v AchSl Phrontistes: [cplpovxiaaq exTj x e a a e p a AchSS (ppovxt^ovx(o(;) AchS9 Presbyter/a: <7i>peop<)xepo(; MaclS xfjq npeapt)xepa<; Thr3 TipeaPvxepa Cre3 peA.OTtpeaPvxepo'u MacS Prostates: Ttpoaxdxo-o AchS
c. Synagogues and parts of synagogues S y n a g o g u e = community: xfjq a\)vay(oyf\(; xcbv 'Iov8aici)v
xfi a w a y c o y f i xaiq awaycoyaic;
BSS-7, BS9, BS18 Mac 12, AchS4 MaclS
xfi dyicoxd[xTi] CT\)vyo)(yij) Mac7 XI dyioxdxTi covaycoyfi Ach23 a synag(oga) ludeor(um) Pan3 S y n a g o g u e = building: [CTwaJycoyri 'EPp[aia)v] Ach47 xfjv a[\)vay(oy(fiv)] AchSS
Index
386 xfiv JipoaewxTiv
[prolseucham
Ejci xfi<; TtpoCTe\)xfl<;
xfi 7ipoae\)xfi
BSl, BS4-6, BS18 Pan5 BS5, BS7, B S l 7?, BS25? BS7, BSlg
ev xfi npoaet)xfi
BS6?, BS20? x ^ dYitp xoncp Macl Decoration: xfiv Koan[fiaiv] Thr2 Dining-room: x6 xpiKX.eivov M a c l Pronaos: x6<\)> Ttpovaov Ach54 Roof: xfiv 8 e eniaKevfiv xr\q Kepajiov Macl Rooms: xovc, oiKovq Macl Macl Tetrastoon: x& x e x p a a x o w Upper rooms: xwv ureepoMov Macl
d. Prayers, blessings, thanksgivings, invocations B l e s s i n g : zxikioy'm) evXoyia
Panl M a c l 7 , BS3
zhXayia %aatv
Thrl, Thr4?
e'oXoyia j t a a i v xo(i<; eia]e[p]x[o]|xevoiq A c h 5 9 ei)X.oyfia6r| BS3 BS2 [-[-in^j Farewell to the people: x ^ X,a^ x a i p e i v Achl^, AchlO, A c h l 3 14, A c h l 6 Xa& Xttipeiv Ach4, Ach8, Achl1-12 ^adai x a i p e i v Ach25 [Xlaipeiv Ach9, A c h l 6 ? M e r c y to the people: eXecoq x& Xa& Ach57 Honouring o f an individual: exlutiaav avxov Ach66 [eaxecpdvcoaav] X[>x>cs& aTe[(pd]vq> Ach66 axecpavoOoiv XP\>(5& axecpdvo) Ach67 Dedication to God: D e o a e t e m o Pan3 QeM ' A y i w Mac5 0 e & 'Yxjfioxcp Ach60, Ach63 0 e w i 'Y\|/iaxa)i Ach62 'Yviaxcp Ach61 0 e m 'Y\|/iaxq) emiKocp B S 4 0 e 6 i 'Y\|/iCTXcoi jiavxoKpdxopi ev>.oytix& BS20, BS21?, BS22, BS27?
evXcayrix^ Thr5 Invocation o f God: ejiiKaA,oi)nai Kai d^iw xov 0 e 6 v xov "Y\|/iaxov Ach70-71 K(i)pi)e pofiBTi Ach72 ejci (bvmnaxoq 0 ( e o ) O ^6v[xo5] Ach73 One God: zxc, 0ed)^ Pan2 eiq 0 e 6 q Mac 17 G o d ' s peace: e v [eipfivT] 0 e ] o u Dal4 G o d ' s power: xd<; Oeiaq Kai p.eydX(a(;] ' S^vafii^ xdq xoO 0 e o i 3 Ach51 xov K'Opiov xfflv Jtvevp-dxcov Kai Tcdariq aapKoq Ach70-71 G o d with us: K\)pio(; neO' fijimv Mac 13 G o d watching: evopw[vxo(;] 0 e o O Achl 6 Ki)pie 6 jrdvxa ecpopwv A c h 7 0 - 7 1
Blessing on God: ub-SSh ^Trh^
ym
Mac 17
Obirb IDE?-[1-13
Mac 17
Worship o f God: xfiv xinfiv xfi(; Xaxptaq xfi? yiyvonevriq e(p' eKdaxrig finepaq XM 0 e ^ Ach51 B l e s s i n g on Neapolis: aii^i NedTioXi^ Hexd x©v (piA-ovvxcov Mac 17 Law: xd[q] 6<)vafiiq x o v v6^o^) AchSl Angels: oi dvyeXoi 0 e o \ ) Ach70-71 A m e n : n.'pO jOK ]D}< B S 2 djifiv Cre3
Index
387
e. Biblical quotations (Words from biblical quotations are not indexed separately) Ex 15.3 Ex 15.26 Ex21.14 Ex 3 8 . 8 Num 6.22-27 Num 14.14 Num 16.22 Num 27.16
Ach50 AchSO Ach70" Ach50 Macl 7 AchSO? Ach70 Ach70
Dt 19.10 Dt 2 7 . 2 4 Ps 4 5 . 8 , 4 5 . 1 2 Prov 10.7? Job 34.23 Zech 3.2? Zech 4 . 1 0
Ach70" Ach70" Macl3" Cre3 Ach70" BS2 A c h 16"
f. Symbols ascia ethrog
hedera
human figures jug lulab/palm
mahtah menorah
Dal2 Salonae, Thrl", Thr2-4, Mac2, Mac6, M a c l O , Ach27, Ach29? Moesl, Thrl, Ach6, Ach49, Crel Pan2, B S l 9 Ach72? Siklos, Salonae, M o e s l , Thrl", Thr2, Thr4, Mac2, Mac6, MaclO, M a c l 8 , Ach 1 6 17, A c h 3 0 , A c h 7 2 , BS2", Panticapaeum, Phanagoria Panticapaeum Pan 1 - 2 , Siklos, Dalmatia, Salonae, M o e s 2 , Thrl", Thr2-4, Mac2, M a c 6 - 7 , Mac 1 0 -
myrtle pair o f hands peacock rosette shofar
shovel tamga willow wreath/garland
11, Mac 13", AchS, Ach 1 6 - 2 2 , Ach24, Ach27-30, Ach46, Ach52, Ach72-73, Chersonesus, BS2", Panticapaeum, BSl0-12, BS1416, Phanagoria Thrl", Thr2 Ach70 A c h 17 Ach28, Ach64 Sikl6s, Salonae, Thr4, Mac6, Ach27, Ach29-30, BS2", Panticapaeum, Phanagoria Thr4, Ach 16 Phanagoria Thrl"Thr2 Dalmatia, A c h 6 6 67
VI. Dates a. Years given by era zxoMq a o ^ ' exo\)<; y i x ' e x o v q r\kx' zxovc, <Ti>px' [ e l x o v q 5vx' [elxovQ cyx
Ach53 BS17 BS20 BS18 BS8 BS23
e x o v q 8<4>t' e x o v q ^ox' [exei] ppt)' e v x ^ YX' [exjo\)[(; ...] [exov^ ...]
BS22 BSS BS2S" BS4 BS2S" BS6
Index
388 [ev x w i .. x e x e i
BS27
b. Dating formulae dpxetptipoq r(aiO(;) 'Io\)X(iO(;) ©zayiv^c, KA,eoPo{)Xo\), r(aio-u) 'Io\)X.(io\)) © e a y e v o v q eYYovoq xoO a i e o v i o v Jtpeape[\)]xoi) Kai X-oyiaxow yevrieevxoq xfiq jcoXecoq Ach53* apxovxof; "Apxcovoq xoO K a X X i a Ach43* [dp]xovxo[q 'E[i|ievi8a x o v ] KaXXia Ach42* d p x o v x o q 'HpaK>.ei5la] Ach44* Y v i x v a a i a p x o q n d i o q ) KA,6(5io<;) 'lovA-Cioq) K^eoPouX-oq, r ( a i o ' o ) 'Io'oX(io'D) ©zayivoMC, -oxbc,, 6 jtpooxdxiiq 8 i d p i o v xoO KOivoO x S v ' A / a i t o v Ach53* ejti e7tin[eX,Tixov xfiq vfjaov) 'ATio^Xtoviov x o v AjtoA,]A.a)viov Pa[p.vovaiov] •U7c(axia(;) 'Ajt[Jiitovo5 x]oO X,a)X7cp(oxdxov), [iv8(iKXi&vo(; P']
Ach69* Dal4
c. D a y of the week/month jcpo 8e[K]aji[evxe KaX]ev8tov [Z]e7ixe[nPpi(ov] Dal4 [|x]tiv65 'A7teX,A,ai[ov] Ach42* [)XTiv6q] 'Apx[eji]i[CTiov - - ] B S 6 jiTivoq A a i a i o v ^' BSl7 UTivoq A a e i a i o v i' BS8 UTivoq A a e i a i o v [..] BS22
^rivoq A e i o v jiTlvoq 'Ev8vcrnoixpo7tiov jiTivoq 5av8iKov a' ^Tivoq n e p e i [ x i ] o v iP' HTl[v]6q rioixpojiiov M-tlvi [ - - ] a i o v l e ' ^Tlvo[(; - - - ]
BS20 Ach43* BSl8 BS5 Ach44* BS25" BS23
d. Rulers and their families Roman emperors [L(ucii) Sept(imii) S e v e n Pe]rtinacis [luliae Aug(ustae) matris cast]rorum [et M(arci) Aur(elii) Antonini] Aug(ustorum) ffP(ublii) Sep(timii) Getae nob(ilissimis) Cae(saris)]l Sev(eri) Attlexandril P(ii) F(elicis) Aug(usti) IIuKiae) M a m a e l a e Aug(ustae) mat(ris) Aug(usti) AioKXrixiavov Kai M a ^ i n i a v o O Jewish rulers PaCTiX,ea 'Hpa)8Tiv (pi^opa))i.aiov [paCTi]X.ea 'Hpd)8r|v evaepfj Kai cpiXoKaiaapa BaaiAfeix; 'H]pd)8[Ti](; 'Hp(b8Tiv paaiXeco[(; 'H]p[a)8ov v i o v ] xexpdpxTiv Bosporan rulers [PlaaiXe-Govxoq [Paa]iX.e(0(; 'AajtovpYo[v] [(p]iA,opQ){i}|j,aiov [P]aaiA,eov[xoq] paaiXeox; K6xvo(; BaaiXevovxof; PaaiXewq TiPepiov 'lovXiov Koxvoq (piA,OKaicapO(; K a i (piXopwjiaiov e v a e p o v q [PaCTiX,]eovxoq paCTi[A,eo)q Koxvoq (piX,OKai]gapo(; Kai (piXp[pco|a,aiov evaepovq] [PaaiA,]e*ovxo(; [Koxvo^ x o v 'Aa7io<)]pYov (pi^o[Kaiaapoq Kai
Pan5 Pan5 Pan5 Pan5 Pan3 Pan3 BS4 Ach38 Ach39 Ach74 Ach69 BSl7 BSl8 BS8 BS23 BS27
Index
389
BS20 BSS BS22 BS21 BS2S" BS26 BS6
VII. Funerary formulae a. Life and death of the deceased Pan4 Dal2 MacS xpi[e]xot) (?) Crel excov Ach9 [exjdav SeKa ^fiaaCTa Kak&o, [exT| eiKoJai Dal4 Ktti eTtxd
A g e : quae vixit annis dv(vopovv)
Death: [xeXevjxTiaaaa Dal4 Murder: xovq 66A,a)i ( p o v e v o a v x a q T[ (pappaKexKTavxaq Ach70-71 e x / s a v x a q avxfi^ xo dvaixiov a t p a d5iKa)q Ach70-71
b. Provision of the tomb dedico: dedicavit pono: posuic ejiiYpd(poo: ETteypaii/a
Moesl Dall Mac7
KaxaaKem^co: KaxeCTKe<)aaaMacl2 Tioieco: EJtoiei Ach2 enoiTio[a] AchSl
c. Terms for tomb KoipT|xf|piov: KVpixfjpiOV KVptlxflpiOV memoria memoria[m] pepopia ptipopia pripopiov pripobpiov pripovpiicov
Ach2S Ach21 Ach29-30 Dall Moesl Panl Pan2 MaclO?, Mac 16 Macll Mac6
pvfjpa
pvripicov xdcpoq xd(pov xd(poi ev x ^ xd(pa) xovxtp
ThrS, A c h 1 6 IS, A c h 2 0 , Ach22?, AchSl Ach24 Mac7-S Mac7 Ach23 Ach23
xapcoaopov: xo xap-coaopov Mac 12 Ach49
d. Curses and fines against tomb violation Adjuration
evevxopai
Ttpoq x& p.r|5eva d v a o K e v d a e xo e p o v pvfjpa
AchS 1
Index
390 Fine
Curse on violators Curse on murderers
< e d v > xiq dvo^n xov xacpov, ha>(sr\ xfi dYi(oxa[xTi] avv7(o(Yfi) dp(Y<)po'o) X,i(xpav) a'. be, d v 5 e exepcov V E K W KaxdGeae SCOCTI Ttpoaxei^ov xfi awaYtoYTl (8Tivdpia) ^.(•upiddaq) p' ei 5 E XK; exepov KaxaGfi Scbaei xaiq awaYcoYati; ^a
Mac7 Mac 12 Mac 15 Ach23 Dal3 Dal3 Ach70 Ach71
e. T h e d e c e a s e d in the t o m b Manes: D ( i s ) M(anibus) [suo]s Manis colente[s] "Here lies": Keixe evGdSe Kixe
Pan4, Dall Dal3* Ach23 Dal4, Mac9, Ach75
evGa K(eixai) evGa xiQn xfig KeK\)^TmevT|(; evGe KaxdKixe evGa
BS14 BS16 Thr3 Thr4 Cre3 Repose: vjtep d[vaji]ai)aeto[(;] B S l 3
f. W i s h e s for / addressed to the deceased Farewell: x a i p e
Ach9?, Ach31?, BS19 Memory:
- ev ipfi[VTi - - ] ev [eipfivn 0e]oO
mSz?
Ach75 Dal4
BSl 3
Consolation: xdcpoi <e>K6
g. A d d r e s s e d to the reader Farewell: [xai]poiq dvGpoajiov jte7t[v\)jj,ev]e o a x i q -ojidpxei VIII. Formulae
of
Achl
benefactions
a. V e r b s used for benefactions dvaxiGTiRi ( c f IXa): [dveGTiKav] BS27 dveGTiKev Thr5 dvaGeivai Ach45 dvaGevGa Ach66 ['Ajt6XA,(Dvi dveGrjKav?] Ach69
Sropov ( n o verb) Ach54 erciaKeDd^co: e[Jte]aKe'6aaav BSl KaxaoKevd^co: KaxaaKevdaavxa Ach66 Koaneco: eKoafiriaev Thrl P-ODCTeioco: eixoDacbGii A c h 5 9
Index
oiKoSopeo): oiKoSojifiaaq BS4 oiKo86jiT|aa AchS 8 jtoieo): ETtoiTiaev Thr2
391 TW noif|aavti Mac 17 aTEyd^o): axeydaaCvxEq] B S 1 restituo: [restituit] PanS
b. Circumstances, source and nature of benefaction Personal circumstances: 6 noXka anohy\\nr\oac, Kal dTtoaxaxfiaaq EXTi 5eKa £^ BS4 EV TCOXXoiq eX,i\|/Eiq YEVOJlEVOq BS4 atoGevxeq [EK |i,EydX,(ov KivlS-Ovtov BS27 atoGEiCTa zaxc, <)(p' a v x o O eapaTtfiaiq Ach62 acoGiq Ach63 Evonviov i5a)v Ach4S Source: xfj ea-DCxwv] repovoigc B S l EK x&v xr\q npovoiaq Thrl-2 EK xmv i5i(ov Ach66 EK xwv oiKEimv xpripdxcov M a c l EK xcov x o v 0(EO)ft 6copEcov A c h 5 8 [EK xr\c, 7ip]o[a]65ov xfjq cvva7((07fi)(; AchS9
|xr|5EV oXax; 7capa\|/dpEvoq xcbv dyicov Macl S i z e of benefaction: [vetujstate [collapsam a s o ] l o [restituit] PanS axeydCToCvxEq] djio x o v GE
Macl
c. Votive formulae V o w : v o t ( u m ) red(dit) l(ibens) PanS ThrS, £VXT|V MacS-S, Ach60-62, BS4, BS27 Macl £VXT1(; EVEKEV BS4 EV^dpEVOq BS2S [£v^]apEvii(; avxfi[q] BS6?, BS20 Kax' EVXTIV BS21 K a x d Evx^lv BSS Kaxd £vxii[v] p o v
KaGwg Tiv^dpiiv
BSS, BS6?
Eiti TtpooEVXTJ Ach6S EJii JcpoaEvxfi x o v © E [ O V ] A c h 6 6 Thank-offering: xapiaxripiov A c h 6 3 On behalf of: VTtEp E a v x o v A c h 6 3 Kai [VTiEp] xcbv d5EA,
IX. Manumissions a. Verbs of manumission dvaxlGripi ( c f V i l l a ) : [dvjaxiGTiCTi BSI7 dvEGTiKEv BS20 djto5i5copi: ditESoxo .... xcbi 'An6XX,covi xcbi nvGicoi Ach42-4S d7t£5oxo .... xcbi 'AnoXXcovi A c h 4 4
a(piTipi:
acpEiTjpi dcpEiopev d
BS6?, BS7, BS22, BS2S"? BSS BS21 BS23
Index
392
b. Words for (ex-)slave OMpexoq: d(pexoi BSl8 Kai eaxav a(pex[oi] BSl8 8Xe\)eepo(;: eXeveepov KaBam^ BS5 [eXevBepav] BS21 [eA.e\)6]epav BS25" [e^evBep]o\)(; BS22 [eXeuBepotx; KaBaita^?] B S 6 yevojievoq eXe'bBepoq Ach64 Bpejcxoq: [xov Bpejixov?] BS23 BpETCxov \io-o BS5
[Bpejcxfiv \io\i\ BS25" xov e a v x o v [Bp]e7t[x6]v B S l 7 [eji]a[\)]xfiq 0pejix[f|v] BS7 B[p]ejixf|v eavxoO BS20 xfiv BpE7r[xfiv fin&v] B S 2 1 xovq e[no'bq Bpenxovq] B S 6 (Twna: ad)na[xa d v 5 p e i a ? ] B S 6 a©na d v 5 p e i o v Ach42, Ach44 ad>)iaxa yovaiKEia x p i a A c h 4 3 xpotpfi: liov xpocpfiq BS22
c. Terms and conditions of manumission Protection o f the ex-slave
BS5 BS6 BS7 BS18 BS20 BS22 BS24 BS25" BS25" BS5 Ach42 Ach43 Ach44 Ach43
Ach43
Ach43
Index
Freedom action
of
movement
Paramone
After manumittor's death
Obligations to the prayerhouse
Price o f manumission
Miscellaneous
Kaxd xov v o p o v e l 5 e xiq ecpdjixoixo 'Apt)vxa e m Kaxa5ovXicpcbi, Kvpioq eaxco ovXecov 6 Kapax\)[xa>v ox;] eXevBepov ovxa K a l 6 Pepaioxfip pepaiovxco x d v w v d v xwi [Bejcbi [x]pejtea<e>ai a v x o v bnoM a v Por)X,Tj[x]cxi xp[e]7tea[9]ai xe a-uxovx; [6ji]ot) d v PovXcavxai e t v [ a i a\)xoiq xpeTteaBai dvjeTciKwX'Oxax; d v [ e v Ttdariq dp(pia]PT|XT|aeoq [Kal xpejcecBai a\)xol)(;] x' e^ouoicoq [oito-o d v PovXcovxai] [bnoM d ] v yr[C, p o o X o v x a i 5ie^eA,0eiv eXev)9epo[(;] djtixco M o a x o q o v d v a v x o q po{)XT|xai Koiecov 6 Ka 6eX,T|i [ejtl jtapap]ovfj pexpi xfjq ^o)^[(; p o v - - ] 7tapaneivd[xa)] 5 e 'Ap\)vxa(; j i a p d 'Iov5ai[o]v, ecaq Ka ^fj 'Iov5aiO(;, Ttoiewv xo j t o x i x a a a o p e v o v jidv xo 8v[va]x6v ei 8 e pfi, KVpioq eaxoa 'lovSaUojq [eicilxipecov 'Ap\)vxai (be, Ka (paivT|xai avxcbi jtXdp pf| [ i r a p a p e v e i v e v i a v ] x o v K a l e i v a i eXevOepov pTi[Gevl pii6]ev JipoariKOvxa xeXevxfiffavxoq p o v 7toif|
393
Ach44
BSS BS22 BS6 BS2S" BS6 Ach4S Ach42 BS6 Ach44
Ach44
Ach45 BS6 BS6 BS6 Ach44 Ach4S BSS BS6 B S 18 B S 17 BS7 BS24 Ach42 Ach43 Ach44 BS22
Index
394
d. Consent to and endorsement of manumission B y heir / family
a v v e n i v e v a d v T W V 5 e Kai T&V KXr|p
aevotpaveiaq xaq [najxpoq
BS5 BS22 Ach42
KXev5d|i,ov Ach44
B y Jewish c o m m u n i t y
a v v e v S o K e o v x o q x o v viov avveTtixpOTievovariq 5 e Kai xfiqCTvvaYCOYfi(;xwv 'Iov5aia)V
BSI8
B y city / citizens
avvejiixpojieov9i]i; xfj? a v v a y w r y n q ] xwv 'lovSaicov ejtixpojcevovatiq xfiq avvaycoyfiq xmv 'lovSaimv Kai 9 e 6 v aepSv pePaia)xfipe<; Kaxd xov vofiov xdq nokxoc^ PePaicoxfip Kaxd x o v vonov xdq TcoXioq PePaicoxfip Hdpxvpe^ ndpxvpeq Kai xoi d p x o v x e q iSicoxai
By gods
jidpxvpoi o i dpxovxe[^] vjio Aia rfiv "HX-iov
Kai iSitoxai
KaBcbq e n i a x e v a e ' l o v S a i o q xcoi Gecbi x d v d)vdv KaBmq e n i a x e v a e ' A v x i y o v a Kai 0 e v 6 M p a Kai AcopoGea xwi 9 e © i x d v w v d v KaGd)^ jcejiiaxevKe x d v w v d v xtoi 9ecoi lidpxvpeq' x o i iepei(; x o v 'ATtoXXcovoq Hdpxvpoi 6 i e p e v q xoii'knokXtovoc, xvxT|i d y a 9 f i i 6 'An(pidpaoq K a i fi ' Y y i e i a xoft 9 e o 0 'A[i
BS5-6, BS9?
BS7 Ach42 Ach43 Ach44 Ach45 Ach42 -43 Ach44 BS20, BS22, BS25"? Ach42 Ach43 Ach44 Ach42 Ach43 Ach45 Ach45 Ach45
X. Other words a. Greek words not indexed elsewhere dpoX,eco: dp[oXeix]e djia avx6(;: a v x o v avxfiq avxov eavxov eavxo eavxw Pioq: p i o v Pco^oq: xrai Pcofxcoi ydp y i y v o n a i : yev6[nevov?] ypdq)©: y p d \ | / a v x a
Ach2 Macl? Crel
Se
Mac? Ach53* Ach38* Mac 12
5 e a j t o x e i a : xfiv < 8 > e a j r o x e i a v Macl 8fip,0(;: 6 5fip,o(; Ach38*-39* xcoi 5fiii[coi Ach?4* 5id Macl eyd) Mac? ep.e Macl Hoi Macl eiq Ach38* Ach2 eX,avva): eX,dea9e
Mac 15 Macl Ach45 M a c l , Ach2 Ach56 Ach45
Macl, Mac?, A c h l - 2 , Ach?, Ach69
Index
ev Ach45 e ^ o v a i a : xfjv e ^ o v a i a v M a c l eni Ach42, A c h 7 0 71 e n i y p a n i x a : [xo] e n i y p a p u a Ach2 evGu: Ach2 ecptipoq: ecpTiPoi Ach53* Macl ejcw: e x e i v eiaa(Bxii(;: [oi 6iaoto]xa[i] A c h 4 1 * Kaxd: KaG' Ach45 KE for Kai: Macl7, Ach6, Ach20, Ach28, A c h 7 2 , Cre3 p^v Macl pexd AchSl, BS23 poxGoq: poxGtov AchSl vvv Ach69 6 5 e : xo[iCT8e Ach42 oveco: 6v[ri]ae Ach2 Macl a Ach4S ov AchS6 xo AchSl Ach2 oaoq: o a o o i o-oSev Ach2
395 o'uxoq: xoOxtp Mac 12 ot)X(oq: oiixto Macl ndq: Jidvxa BS6 navxoq Macl ndvx(ov Macl ndaav Macl noieo): jtoieiaGai Macl noXoc;: KoXk&\ AchSl npoq Ach4S npoaoSeooo: npoao8e'6G
b. Latin words not indexed elsewhere quidquid: quitquit quisque: qusque quod: quot
se: sibi suo (for s e )
Dal3 Dal3 Dal3 Moesl Moesl
sive: sivi suus: sui (for suae) unus vel vivus: vivo
Dal3 Moesl Dal3 Dal3 Moesl
-IE?
AchSO
c. Hebrew words not indexed elsewhere -in3: ["iinpn
BS2 AchSO
d. Unidentified words djioX[ - - ] aoKa eXKi G-ov [e]v x ^ G\)y[ ixdSi KQtKOO
]
BS17 Moes2 Moes2 BSll BS2S BS6 BS7
KOp
viaq vioq oi8io oXovKaixo axTiaei xov[ - - ]
Macl" MacS Moes2 Ach48 Ach66 Ach69 Ach66
396
Index
n!7D[
- - - ]
BS13
[ - -
]+Q'?C7
Ach36/)M
[ - - - I^-IK?
Dal5
e. Names from Appendix 1 Abraham: D n - | 3 K
App4, App6
H R P Y D L : S-'I^Dnn
App4
A m o s : f OK
App6
J u d a h : mn"*
Appl
App6
M e n a h e m : DrtDD
App6
D a n i e l : Aavif|X.ot)
App2
M i r i a m : ]~1D
App6
E s t h e r : HDOK
App6
M o s e s : niZ7D
App6
H a n n a h : H^n
App3
Shabbetai: TaiZ?
App5
Pistos : Uxoxoc,
A p p 19
Balakos:
mpxSn
f. Names from Appendix 2 A e l i u s : AiXiou
Appl7
A l e x a n d e r : [A]Xe^dv[5pot)]
Procopius : npoK07c[i--J
Appl9
Appl3
Pytha: n u e a
A p p 12
Dionysia: [ A J i o v w l a
Appl5
Samuel: Eanof(X?]
A p p 12
Hermes:'Ep^fi
App21
Sanbathis: ZavpdOi
App2I
S a t y r u s : £aTX)pcp
App20
D i o d e s : AIOKX.TIO\)(;
H y p e i r o c h u s : 'Yjtei(X)x[o^]
Appl5
Appl7
J u l i u s : '[oiL)(A,ioq) ' E a [ - - ]
AppIO
S e p p o n : [L]inKO\oq
App8
Martha: M d p O a
Appl3, Appl4
Silvanus, Aelius
App7
M e r c a t o r , P. A e l i u s
App7
Simon: Zi^tov
App9
M o s e s : Mcoafi
App20
T h e o d u l u s : 0EQ[5O\)>.O]D A p p 2 0
Nicias: NIKIOU
Appl4
Z e n o d o r u s : Zr|vo(5cbpo\)?]
P a m m e n u s : Haixnevot)
Appl 7
A p p 16
Maps
397