Healing in the Second Temple Period (Novum Testamentum et Orbis Antiquus 21)

NTOA 21

Larry P. Hogan • Healing in the Second Tempel Period

NOVUM TESTAMENTUM ET ORBIS ANTIQUUS (NTOA) Im Auftrag des Biblischen Instituts der Universitat Freiburg Schweiz herausgegeben von Max Kuchler in Zusammenarbeit mit Gerd Theissen

About the author Larry Paul Hogan, born in 1942, studied philosophy, psychology and theology in Rochester, New York where he received a master's degree for his thesis on «Sabbath Rest». Ordained a priest of the archdiocese of Hartford, Connecticut in 1968 he did a wide variety of pastoral and ecumenical work before commencing his studies in the Institute of jewish Studies at the Hebrew University in jerusalem where he received his Ph. D. in 1986 upon the approval of his dissertation on «Healing in the Second Temple Period». He has taught at the University of Steubenville, Ohio and is presently doing pastoral work and speaking engagements in Vienna. Together with Samuel Kottek, M. D., he is the author of the soon to be published {1992) «Medicine and Healing in the Bible», a treatment of biblical literature from the standpoint of medicine.

NOVUM TESTAMENTUM ET ORBIS ANTIQUUS

Larrv P. Hogan

Healing in the Second Tempel Period

UNIVERSITATSVERLAG FREIBURG SCHWEIZ VANDENHOECK & RUPRECHT GOTTINGEN 1992

21

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP Einheitsaufnahme Hogan, Larry P.:

Healing in the Second Temple Period I Larry P. Hogan. Freiburg, Schweiz: Univ.-Verl.; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht. 1992 (Novum testamentum et orbis antiquus: 21) ISBN 3-525-53922-3 (Vandenhoeck u. Ruprecht) Gb. ISBN 3-7278-0782-2 (Univ.-Verl.) Gb.

NE: GT

Veroffentlicht mit Unterstlitzung des Hochschulrates der Universitat Freiburg Schweiz

© 1992 by Universitatsverlag Freiburg Schweiz Paulusdruckerei Freiburg Schweiz ISBN 3-7278-0782-2 (Universitatsverlag) ISBN 3-525-53922-3 (Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht)

To William Gallagher 11~

H~D

lH~lDl

~1pn-~~lH

(Ben Sira 6.14)

~llDH ~~lH

FOREWORD

The completion of a dissertation and its revision for publication is an occasion both to breathe a sigh of relief and to acknowledge one's gratitude to the many people who made the work possible. For the revision itself I want to express my thanks first of all to Professor Dr. Samuel Kottek of Hadassah Hebrew University School of Medicine in Jerusalem for his careful reading of the entire work and his valuable suggestions and to Frank J. Matera of the Catholic University in Washington, D.C. who did the same for the New Testament chapter. Second, I want to express my thanks to Maria Schlachter whose computer retyping of a machine-typed work written in several languages was a most generous Christmas present from her and her husband. Third, I acknowledge my heartfelt gratitude to Nick Heathrow whose faithful and patient technical assistance over a period of several months with the Turbofonts program for special characters was indispensable. My interest in the Second Temple period was kindled by several professors at the Hebrew Univerity. I am especially grateful to those who read parts of the manuscript and made suggestions for its improvement, chief among them Michael E. Stone, David Satran and David Rokea~. Above all I would like the acknowledge the countless helpful changes suggested by my "Doktorvater" David Flusser as well as his personal encouragement over the years of my studies in Jerusalem. Whether sitting in his library or succa Professor Flusser was always generous with his time. I cannot recall a conversation with him that was not stimulating and from which I did not learn something. Among the countless friends and family members who provided an anchor of hope during the years of the writing of this work there is one person who clearly stands out, Assyriologist William Gallagher. No one aside from its author spent more time with "Healing in the Second Temple Period" than he did, sometimes at the expense of his own research. I benefited both from his friendship and the insights he shared from literature with which I was not directly familiar. To him I dedicate this book.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABBREVIATIONS AND SIGLA INTRODUCTION HEALING IN THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES WORDS DESCRIBING ILLNESS THE BOOK OF JOB MEDICAL CARE CONCLUSION APOCRYPHA TOBIT CONCLUSION BEN SIRA CONCLUSION WISDOM OF SOLOMON CONCLUSION PSEUDEPIGRAPHA I ENOCH THE BOOK OF WATCHERS THE BOOK OF SIMILITUDES (PARABLES) THE EPISTLE OF ENOCH CONCLUSION JUBILEES CONCLUSION TESAMENTS OF THE 12 PATRIARCHS HEALTH AND DEATH OF THE PATRIARCHS CONCLUSION TESTAMENT OF JOB CONCLUSION TREATISE OF SHEM CONCLUSION PSEUDO-PHILO CONCLUSION

1 3

18 21

23 25

27 36 38

47 49 59

61 62 70 75

76 78

91 93

101 104 106 113

115 119 120 124

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIVES OF THE PROPHETS CONCLUSION

126 130

THE BOOKS OF THE MACCABEES 2 MACCABEES 4 MACCABEES CONCLUSION

131 131 134 134

DEAD SEA SCROLLS DAMASCUS COVENANT THE RULE OF THE COMMUNITY THANKSGIVING SCROLL GENESIS APOCRYPHON PRAYER OF NABONIDUS FRAGMENTS FROM CAVE 4 APOTROPAIC PRAYERS CONCLUSION

136 137 140 143 146 149 157 160 165

PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA WORLDVIEW PHYSICAL AND SPIRITUAL HEALING GOD AS THE SOURCE OF HEALING AND HEALTH THE VIRTUES AND REASON THE THERAPEUTAE ANGELS, FALLEN ANGELS AND DEMONS EXCURSUS: PHILO'S MEDICAL BACKGROUND CONCLUSION

168 169 173 175 180 184 188 191 206

JOSEPHUS

208 224 229

FOLK MEDICINES AND EXORCISM IN JOSEPHUS CONCLUSION NEW TESTAMENT INTRODUCTION TERMINOLOGY EXORCISMS AND HEALINGS

232 232 233 235

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LUKE

JESUS THE HEALER CAUSES OF ILLNESSES HEALING AS "DOING GOOD" ACTS OF THE APOSTLES CONCLUSION MARK

JESUS THE TEACHER WHO CALLS DISCIPLES JESUS THE HEALER AND EXORCIST FAITH IN THE HEALING ACCOUNTS ARAMAIC WORDS & ACCOUNTS ONLY FOUND IN MK CONCLUSION MATTHEW THE ROLE OF FAITH IN MATTHEW'S GOSPEL JESUS AS TEACHER AND HEALER EXORCISM AND THE LAYING ON OF HANDS CONCLUSION JOHN CONCLUSION PAUL CONCLUSION THE LETTER OF JAMES CONCLUSION REVELATION CONCLUSION

238 244 247 250 251 255 258 259 260 262 263 266 268 269 270 272 275 276 284 286 290 291 297 298 300

GENERAL CONCLUSION CAUSES OF ILLNESS MEANS OF HEALING JUSTIFICATION OF HEALING MEANS

301 302 305 310

BIBLIOGRAPHY

313

INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS

335

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SIGLA REFERENCE WORKS AND PERIODICALS ANET ANRW APOT B.D.B. CBQ DJD Ency Jud HTR HUCA IEJ lOS JB JBL JPS JQR JSHRZ JSJ JSS L.& s. LXX N.A.B. NTS OTP PVTG RB RQ RSV SBL TDNT TU T & T VT ZATW ZNTW

J.P. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Aufstieg und Niedergang der Romischen Welt R.H. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament F. Brown, S.R. Driver, C.A. Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament Catholic Biblical Quarterly Discoveries in the Judaean Desert Encyclopaedia Judaica Harvard Theological Review Hebrew Union College Annual Israel Exploration Journal Israel Oriental Studies Jerusalem Bible (Ecole Biblique, English translation) Journal of Biblical Literature Jewish Publishing Society (English Bible) Jewish Quarterly Review Jlidische Schriften der hellenistischen und romischer Zeit Journal for the Study of Judaism Journal of Semitic Studies G. Liddel and R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon Septuagint, English translation of Bagster when not otherwise indicated New American Bible New Testament Studies J.H. Charlesworth, Old Testament Pseudepigrapha Pseudepigrapha Veteris Testamenti graece Revue Biblique Revue de Qumran Revised Standard Version of the Bible with the Apocrypha/Deuterocanonical Books Society of Biblical Literature G. Kittel, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament Texte und Untersuchungen Texts and Translations Vetus Testamentum Zeitschrift flir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift flir die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft

HEBREW SCRIPTURES Gen Ex Lev Deut 1,2 Sam 1,2 Kg 1,2 Chr Ps Prov Is Jer Ez Dan Hab Mal

Genesis Exodus Leviticus Deuteronomy 1,2 Samuel 1,2 Kings 1,2 Chronicles Psalms Proverbs Isaiah Jeremiah Ezechiel Daniel Habakkuk Malachi

NEW TESTAMENT Mt Mk Lk Jn Acts 1,2 Cor Gal 1,2 These = 1,2 Tim

Matthew Mark Luke John Acts of the Apostles 1,2 Corinthians Galatians 1,2 Thessalonians 1,2 Timothy

THE TREATISES OF PHILO (a modification of the abbreviations used by the French Lyon series) Abr Aet Agric Anim Cher Confus Congr Contempl Decal Deo Deter Deus Ebr Flacc Fug Gig Her Hypoth Ios Leg Leg at Migr Mos Mutat Opif Plant Poster Praem Prob Prov Quest G Quest E

De Abrahamo De Aeternitate Mundi De Agricultura De Animalibus De Cherubim De Confusione Linguarum De Congressu Quaerendae Eruditionis Gratia De Vita Contemplativa De Decalogo De Deo Quod Deterius Potiori insidiari soleat Quod Deus sit immutabilis De Ebrietate In Flaccum De Fuga et Inventione De Gigantibus Quis Rerum Divinarum Heres sit Hypothetica De Josepha Legum Allegoriarum I, II, III De Legatione ad Gaium De Migratione Abrahami De Vita Mosis De Mutatione Nominum De Opificio Mundi De Plantatione De Posteritate Caini De Praemiis et Poenis Quod omnia Probus liber De Providentia Quaestiones et Solutiones in Genesim Quaestiones et Solutiones in Exodum

TREATISES OF PHILO Sacrif Sobr Somn Spec Virt

De De De De De

Sacrificiis Abelis et Caini Sobrietate Somniis I, II Specialibus Legibus I, II, III, IV Virtutibus

RABBINICAL WORKS b. before name or abbreviation of tractate j. before name or abbreviation of tractate

Babylonian Talmud Jerusalem Talmud

TRACTATES Ber. Kidd. Ned. Pes. San. Shab. Shev.

Abbreviations

Berakot Kiddushin Nedarim Pesabim Sanhedrin Shabbat Shevuot

and Sigla of

some works

such as

the Dead Sea Scrolls

found within the respective chapters dealing with those documents.

are

INTRODUCTION

The reality of illness and the consequent need for healing have always been the common lot of mankind. The focus of this work is attitudes towards healing revealed in non-canonical and non-rabbinic Jewish literature of the Second Temple period. The objective is to elucidate the development of thought on healing by taking as the basis of comparison what the Hebrew Scriptures teach on illness and healing. Included also is a chapter on healing in the New Testament even though many of its books were completed after the destruction of the Temple in 70 CE. Although rabbinic writings are not considered in themselves, references to them are found throughout the work. Healing is the process of restoring health to an ill person. Both healing and illness need to be carefully understood as they are used here. The first distinction that needs to be made is between disease and illness. J. Pilch defines the two as follows: "Disease refers to a malfunctioning of biological and/or psychological processes, while illness refers to the psycho-social experience and meaning or interpretation of the perceived reality"1 It is, then, the experience of something that is malfunctioning and the meaning attached to it that constitutes illness. It is possible to have a disease and be totally unaware of it because it does not (yet) affect one's life. Such a person is diseased but not ill. On the other hand, barrenness in many societies would be considered illness even when no disease is responsible for the condition (Gen 20.17-18). A broken arm is also a form of illness insofar as it is a felt experience, a deprivation of sorts. Diseases are cured. Illnesses are healed. Curing a disease means taking control of the disordered biological or psychological processes. Healing an illness repairs not simply that

1 Underlining mine, quote from "Biblical Biblical Theology Bulletin 11 (1981) p. 109.

Leprosy

and

Body

Symbolism,"

2

INTRODUCTION

part of the person diseased, injured or not functioning according to expectations. strictly speaking, a person is healed, not an illness. That person has physical, psychological and spiritual dimensions but is, nonetheless, one entity. The goal of healing is wholeness. The Hebrew Scriptures do contain material about diseases as such and their cures as well as a few specific cases of cures. This material has been well documented by J. Preuss and F. Rosner among others. The concern of the Hebrew Scriptures, however, is not biomedical, but rather socio-cultural and spiritual. They are concerned about the whole person and his response to what ails him. They wrestle with the meaning of illness, what caused it and what will heal it. Before looking at individual documents of the Second Temple period, we need, first, to consider the nature of man according to the Hebrew scriptures, second, to look at healing in the ancient world around Israel and, third, to examine how illness and healing are described by the various words chosen. The term "healing material" used throughout this work refers to the restoration of physical, psychological and spiritual health as well as terms for healing used metaphorically. Also included as healing material are some references to protection against evil forces which bring illness.

HEALING IN THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES

Healing in the Hebrew Scriptures is directly related to the concept of man's relationship to God defined in the opening chapters of the book of Genesis. "Let us make man in our image, after our likeness" mlDTJ 1lDJY:l O,N il!Ol1l (Gen 1.26) Man is given dominion over the earth (1.26). He is a "living soul" n•n 1091 given life by the breath of God (2. 7). God holds man responsible to him for his actions and forbids him to eat of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil (2.17). Man cannot escape from this responsibility by blaming someone or something else (3.12-13). Because of his disobedience man is to suffer death (2.17), pain (3.16) and much toil (3.18-19). Eden is lost. Eden is, however, redefined and expressed in the word 01Jv frequently translated as peace, but connoting a state of wholeness, safety, health and good relationship with God so that no one word can adequately translate it. This redefinition of Eden as 01J~, to be sure, does not take place until the covenant at Sinai. In the fulfillment of that covenant peace is promised to man (Lev 2 6. 6) , sickness is taken away (Ex 23.25, cf. Is 33.24). Violation of the covenant is punished by deadly diseases (Jer 16.4) and a removal of peace "For I have taken away my peace from this people" ':I nTn Ol1n nHD •o1'J~ nH ·n~DH (Jer 16. 5). As D 1Jv denotes wholeness, so too does n•n 1091, which describes man as a living soul, connote wholeness. There are no words in Biblical Hebrew to express the dichotomy of ac;:,..ux and lj!u Xll Man is one entity, a living soul. In regard to illness he cannot be ill in body and healthy in his mind or soul. This is not to say that Greek philosophy (and medicine) ignored the effect of illness in one part of man on the other (soul on body, body on soul). It is to say that the concept of treating one ill part of man, body or soul, could only have arisen in Greek thought, but not in Hebrew. Hebrew thought on healing is necessarily holistic by virtue of its concept of the nature of man. That concept includes his relationship to

4

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

God. 1 The created cannot be defined independently of his Creator. The most important statement about healing and sickness in the Hebrew Scriptures acknowledges this relationship. The context is a teaching after Moses has thrown a tree into the bitter water of Marah causing it to become sweet. There He made for them a statute and an ordinance, and there He proved them; and He said "If thou wilt diligently hearken to the voice of the Lord thy God and wilt do which is right in His eyes, and wilt give ear to His commandments and keep all His statutes, I will put none of the diseases upon thee, which I have put upon the Egyptians: for I am the Lord that healeth thee." (Ex 15.25-26, JPS)

To understand this statement, that the Lord is the one who sends both sickness and healing, an overview of healing and medicine in the ancient world is helpful. 2 The "cradle of civilization" is the source of the most ancient medical information, the Nippur clay tablet, the handbook of a sumerian physician, dated at the end of the third millennium. Though of great interest in itself for the historian of medicine, it does not represent the state of medicine in Mesopotamia during the period of the writing of the Pentateuch. However, it does show that the role of physician, though associated with that of priest, was distinguishable over 4000 years ago. Babylonian and Assyrian 1 This relationship is both individual and collective. W. Bittner notes: "Weiterhelfen kann uns der Hinweis, daj3 viele Stellen, die wir in der Bibel als Worte an Einzelpersonen betrachten und darum gerne individuell lesen, eigentlich dem Volk als Gemeinschaft gelten. So wird dem Volk Israel als ganzem gesagt." Heilung-Zeichen der Herrschaft Gottes, Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1984, p. 19. Bittner's comment is directed to Ex 15.20. I am persuaded that individual responsibility before God is intended here by the use of the 2cd. person sing. ending as it is in chapter 20, the giving of the 10 Commandments. For a treatment of illness and healing as collective phenomena, see T. Struys' chapter "Ziekte en genezing als collectieve verschijnselen" in his work Ziekte en Genezing in Het Oude Testament, Kampen, 1968, p. 91f. The relationship between body and soul in Greek thought is a complicated one. I do not mean to infer here that all Greek philosophers maintained a body/soul dichotomy. For a discussion of the matter, see E.R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational, Boston, 1957, p. 138. 2 There are several good summaries of the state of medicine and healing in the ancient world. Among them are K. Seybold, Sickness and Healing, Nashville, 1981, pp. 24-34, H.E. Sigerist, Antike Heilkunde, Mlinchen, 1927 and J. Thorwald, Science and Secrets of Early Medicine, London, 1962.

5

societies were strongly theocratic. Gods sent illnesses as punishments. Hence it was natural for priests to be involved in healing. 3 In ancient Assyria there were two categories of priests who specialized in healing illness, the baru who diagnosed what was actually wrong and the 'asipu, who established the procedure to be followed which invariably involved an incantation. Although the gods themselves sent the illness they used demons to convey their displeasure, which displeasure was not necessarily connected with any wrong-doing on the part of the ill person. These sickness demons in Mesopotamia, as in Egypt, needed to be exorcised; purifications had to be performed and incense offered to obtain pardon from the god ( s) . The sick person with the I as ipu I s guidance enumerated a list of sins he might have committed. It was irrelevant whether he actually committed them. 4 . Certain gods such as Shamash, Tammuz, Marduk and the goddess Gula were specially designated gods of healing. A distinctive feature of Mesopotamian "medicine" was the use of astrology and astronomy to aid, if not determine, diagnosis. This was probably an outgrowth of the need to supply rulers with predictions. The baru priests: observed and recorded the parallels between heavenly movements and events on earth such as illnesses, recoveries, relapses, difficult births and elaborated a universal system of prophecy by means of which men's health and destinies could be determined by the stars. 5

It is difficult to generalize about Egyptian medicine. To some extent it reflects the level of civilization attained during the different kingdoms. Egypt maintained a reputation for high standards of medicine and health for a long time. In 3 G. contenau, La Medecine en Assyrie et en Babylonie, Paris, 1938, p. 30. A third "professional" involved in healing was the asu, a physician who used drugs and herbs in an non-magical way. Not all three, asu, 'asipu and baru, functioned at the same time in the long history of Babylon and Assyria. For specific references to the tasks of each healer see articles under the respective titles in the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary. For an upto-date account of the relationship between the asu and the 'asipu see J. Bottero, "La magie et la medecine regnent a Babylone," L'Histoire NS 74 (1984) pp. 11-23. 4

Contenau, op.cit., p. 94.

5

Thorwald, op.cit., p. 152.

6

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

Homer's Odyssey we read about Egypt: "There everyone is a physician and surpasses all men as regard experience" (IV 230). He also mentions the many drugs used and the esteem in which the physician is held (IV 220-223). Four centuries later than Homer Herodotus wrote that next to the Libyans the Egyptians were the healthiest people in the world (II 77). But by the time of Alexander the Great the Egyptian physicians were going for their training to Greece. 6 In Egypt as in Mesopotamia a distinction in roles was made between the priest/physician who diagnosed and the conjurer. The former, in contrast to the baru in Mesopotamia, was trained in surgery and/or herbs. The Ebers Papyrus (c. 1550 BCE) gives the impression that Egyptian medicine was a mixture of magic, "science" and exorcism and that all three were employed in the treatment of an illness much as in Mesopotamia. The Edwin Smith Papyrus (before 1600 BCE) describes 48 surgical cases in an astonishingly scientific fashion but on the reverse side of the papyrus are incantations. Scholars speculate that at least for one period of time the exorcist was not called in unless the more scientific means failed. 7 As in Mesopotamia there were gods of healing that needed to be appeased. Unlike in Mesopotamia, good hygiene was prized and its value for health respected. Of the abundant evidence of the state of Egyptian healing arts, one of the most interesting for Biblical scholars is an Egyptian grave relief from the 15th century BCE which depicts a Syrian who has set out by ox cart and ship to be healed by Egyptian physicians. 8 Healing among the Greeks developed along three different lines expressing different viewpoints about illness. These were the scientific approach, the hypothetical approach and the religious approach. They are sometimes referred to as three schools of medicine but this is an anachronism even with 6

F.H. Garrison, History of Medicine, Philadelphia, 1929, p. 59.

7

Seybold, op.cit., p. 33.

8

Ibid., p. 27.

7

regard to the first. 9 The first approach was that exemplified by the methods of Hippocrates. It is that method which disassociated illness from its connection to the gods and their wrath against man that formed the foundation for modern western medicine although Hippocrates was by no means an unbeliever in the gods and in the effectiveness of prayer. The second approach was the hypothetical approach of Asclepiades which was in some ways the predecessor of health spa treatment today. Asclepiades held there were five important principles for the treatment of all diseases: 1) diet, 2) the use or nonuse of wine, 3) friction, 4) walking, 5) exercise on horseback or in a carriage. The third approach was the religious one: Fundamental to the religious school is the notion that healing ultimately comes from the deity, hence the process takes place primarily in the realm of spirits, the body being concerned only in so far as f8ysical acts may condition the activity of supernatural power.

In the religious approach a deity had been offended without there necessarily being any connection to wrongdoing on the part of the ill person. Appeasement was in order. The ill person went (or was carried) to one of the healing shrines where an offering was made. If a cure occurred a second offering was made for the priests of the shrine. In the cult which arose around Aesculapius there were three ways in which healing customarily came to the ill person. During incubation at the shrine the god might appear and the person awoke healed. In a second method instructions were given while the person was sleeping which, when carried out, brought about healing. In the third method a priest or perhaps physician at the shrine was the mediator of the healing. among the Greeks there were several gods who specialized in healing of whom the chief was Apollo although in time he was eclipsed in popularity by Aesculapius. 9 Thus, S.J. Case, "The Art of Healing in Early Christian Times," Journal of Religion 3 (1923) pp. 245-248. The reality is that in many areas it was possible to "practice medicine" without a license. Future physicians studied with other physicians, if they studied at all. See L. Edelstein, "The Relationship of Ancient Philosophy to Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine XXVI, 4 (1952) p. 301. 10

Case, op.cit., p. 247.

8

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

The last area of potential influence on the biblical attitude toward healing is the land of Canaan itself. Unfortunately from the sources at hand we cannot derive a clear picture of the state of medicine or the approach of the inhabitants toward illness and healing. We have only one amulet with an incantation on it, several amulets without any writing and a few minor clay tablets. Of interest is the Ugaritic KRT-epic 11 in which the king seeks help from the chief of the gods, El. El then asks the other gods seven times for assistance in healing the king. Even this fails and El turns at last to incantation and magic which succeed in restoring the king to health. Despite the paucity of sources pertaining to healing from Canaan there is one that may be helpful in understanding the exclusive claim of the God of Israel in Ex 15.26. There was a Phoenician god called b'l mrp' or Ba' lu the healer. "On the basis of West-Semitic personal names written in syllabic Babylonian it has been established that this honorific title was vocalized as an active participle rapi'u. 1112 In Ugaritic the word rapi'u was the title given to kings who worshiped Baal (such as Epitheton) and it was used of Baal himself. The worship of Baal as a god of healing we read about in 2 Kg 1.2 where Ahazia sends messengers to consult Baalzebub the god of Ekron to ask if he will recover. In view of the fact that the most common word for heal in the Hebrew Scriptures is H~l (66 times), cognates of H~l in other Semi tic language and their usages are revealing. The Phoenicians, Punics and Canaanites, for example, called the spirits of the dead rp'um. There was great devotion to ancestors among these people who worshiped some of them as deities. The Greeks also had a cult of heroes whom, after their death, they called taTpoC (or ~pw~) the exact equivalent of rapi'uma. 13 Among the Israelites no worship of the dead developed. Recourse to the spirits of the dead was forbidden by the Torah (Lev 19.31) though practiced once by Saul (1 Sam 2B.7f.) and 11

ANET p. 148f.

12

J. de Moor, "Rapi'uma-Rephaim," ZATW 88 (1976) p. 329.

13

Ibid., pp. 330-336.

9

by Manasseh (2 Kg 21.6). De Moor speculates that the original vocalization of shades D'~~~ was indeed D'~~ , but, that it became a source of embarrassment to call the spirits of the dead by a title which could also mean healers, or saviors. For the Israelites the dead were feeble, without power. Hence the change was made from D'~~·, to D'~~~, the feeble ones. This, if correct, would explain why in two places in the LXX (Isaiah 26.14 and Psalm 88(87) .10) the LXX reads tonpoC healers for shades. The translators were still aware of the original vocalization. 14 DeMoor's viewpoint is, however, the source of much dispute among scholars. 15 From the semitic cognates and the limited knowledge we have of Baals worshiped for healing, 16 Seybold sees in Ex 15.26 a confessional formula, faith in Yahweh as healer "in the face of Canaanite daily life." 17 Exodus 15.26 is, in my opinion, broader in its implications than Seybold would have it. It is a clear rejection not only of the healing Baals of Canaan, but also the healing practices of other nations which included worship of their healing gods, magic, astrology and exorcism. The Exodus passage should be seen in connection with Deuteronomy 7, especially, verses 15-16:

14

Ibid., p. 340.

15 For an overview of different points of view and an extensive bibliography, see "Divine Names and Epithets in the Ugaritic Texts," Analectica Orientalia 51 (1981) pp. 460-467 (=V 53). One argument against De Moor's contention that the Israelites believed that the dead were feeble, i.e., without power, is that the concept of "shades" is unclear. Can we say that the dead actually existed? In Isaiah 26.14 we read in reference to earthly "lords": They are dead, they will not live; they are shades, they will not arise." On the other hand, the mention of a woman who divines by a ghost in 1 Sam 28.7 would indicate the belief not only that the dead existed but that they were sometimes useful. For a discussion of later Jewish understanding of the resurrection of the dead and the support the Torah gives for this doctrine see b. Sanhedrin 90b-91a and f. which, based on the Mishnah, maintains that anyone who holds that the resurrection is not a biblical doctrine has no share in the world to come.

16 Although it is in our interest to observe that Baal was worshiped for healing, it should be borne in mind that Baal was first and foremost a fertility god among whose functions was the control of rain. Elijah's challenge to the prophets of Baal (1 Kg 18) settles the issue of who is the lord of the rain, Baal or Yahweh. 18

Seybold, op.cit., p. 89.

10

HEBREW SCRIPTURES And the Lord will take away from you all sickness; and none of the evil diseases of Egypt, which you knew, will he inflict upon you, but he will lay upon all those who hate you. And you shall destroy all the peoples that the Lord your God will give over to you, your eye shall not pity them; neither shall you serve their gods, for that would be a snare to you. (see also Deut 28 and Lev 26.3-33)

The God of the Israelites is not like Aesculapius who tolerated his father Apollo as a rival healing god. That this position - God's sovereignty in healing connected with man's relationship to him could be maintained in view of the attitudes and practices of surrounding nations is remarkable. One might argue that the texts are simply silent about the practices and beliefs of the people. Indeed we have already seen that some of the rulers such as Ahaziah and Manasseh were prone to avail themselves of the help of other gods and practices regarding healing. Some of the common folks may have used amulets associated with other religions (see Ez 13). That the early "physician" in Israel was a healer of wounds is reflected in the meaning of H91 to mend, to darn, to sew together. Binding up a wound is an image frequently employed by the prophets. We read in Ez 30.21f: "Son of man, I have broken the arm of Pharaoh king of Egypt; and lo, it has not been bound up, to heal it by binding it with a bandage, so that it may become strong to yield the sword." (Cf. Is 30.26) . 18 In a literal sense the binding of a wound is referred to in 2 Kings 8. 29 (also 9.15 and 2 Chr 22. 6). King Joram returned to Jezreel to be healed of his battle wounds at Ramah. 19 Aside from wound doctors there may have been herbalists though we have no record of any. Oil and resin were used throughout the ancient world to ease pain and soothe wounds. In speaking of Babylon Jeremiah says: "Take balm for her pain; perhaps she may be healed." H91n •'J1H iJ:::J1H:JIJ'J 'I~ mp (51.8). (See also Jer 8.22, the balm of Gilead; cf. Is 1.6). some other substances regarded in the Bible as medicinal are honey 18 "A forerunner of the modern concept of rehabilitation" according to J. Leibowitz, Some Aspects of Biblical and Talmudic Medicine. Jerusalem, 1970, p. 31. 19 T. Struys argues that the "injury" may have been depression because of the outcome of the war rather than any physical harm, op.cit., p. 42.

11

{Prov 16.14), fruit (Ez 47.12}, oil (Ps 104.15), wine and a vegetarian diet. 20 The only "Prescription" in the Hebrew Scriptures is a fig poultice (2 Kg 20.7; Is 38.21} which heals Hezekiah's deadly boil after his prayer and repentance. It is prescribed by a prophet, not a physician. Prophets, in their role as representatives and messengers from God to Israel were much concerned with healing. Seybold distinguishes three ways in which they acted: As an oracular authority for a diagnosis, primarily for kings and representative persons; As a critic of customary manners of treatment, for example, by means of authorities alien to Yahweh such as Baal of Ekron, and As proclaimers of divine ~udgment which is to come in the form of plagues and pestilence. 1

As Seybold notes we can see all three of these ways employed in 2 Kings 1. Elijah criticizes Ahaziah for seeking to consult Baalzebub. He predicts that as a result the king will die. He prays to send fire from heaven which destroys two units of fifty soldiers each. Other examples of the ways in which the prophets acted in regard to illness and healing include Amos' indictment of the women of Samaria - the "cows" of Bashan - in which pestilence is announced (ch. 4), Ezechiel's criticism of the magic bands n1n0J worn by women magician/healers (ch. 13) and Hosea's message to the priests, people and king of Israel calling forth repentance (chs. 5-6). Hosea's message is of particular importance because it mocks the easy road to repentance and "healing" which Hosea uses as a metaphor for forgiveness. It shows that the model of turning to God for healing was understood superficially. Hosea writes with a bit of sarcasm the thoughts of the people: Come, let us return to the Lord; for he has torn, that he may heal us; he has stricken, and he will bind us up. After two days he will revive us; on the third day he will raise us up that we may live before him. Let us know, let us press on to know the Lord; his going forth is sure as the dawn; he will come to us as the showers, as the spring rains that water the earth. (6.1-3) 20 W. Ebstein discusses the medicinal use of wine (p. 37f.) and the praise of a vegetarian diet in Daniel 1 (p. 29) in Die Medizin im Alten Testament, Stuttgart, 1901. 21

Seybold, op.cit., p. 91.

12

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

God responds: What shall I do with you, 0 Ephraim? What shall I do with you, like the dew that goes early away ..• For I desire steadfast love and not sacrifice, the knowledge of God, rather than burnt offerings. (6.4,6)

0 Judah? Your love is like a morning cloud,

Jeremiah, like Hosea, offers no easy path to God's forgiveness. The term that characterizes the judgment he brings upon the people on behalf of God is incurable ~l)N. For thus says the Lord: "Your heart is incurable, and your wound is grievous. There is none to uphold your cause, no medicine for your wound, no healing for you (30.12-13)." Why do you cry out over your hurt? Your pain is incurable" (30.15; cf. 15.18)

For Isaiah it seems that after a time of judgment there will be a golden age in which God not only forgives his people, but actually heals them from illnesses. Thus we see healing's eschatological dimension. Moreover the light of the moon will be as the light of the sun, and the light of the sun will be sevenfold, as the light of seven days, in the day when the lord binds up the hurt of his people, and heals the wounds inflicted by his blow. (30.26)

]"lV NWJ ~ ~· ·~ ITV~ •n•)n ]JW IDN"'-7J1 And no inhabitant will say, "I am sick"; the people who dwell there will be forgiven their iniquity. (Is 33.24)

It follows that those who are representatives of God the supreme healer should act as his agents in interceding on behalf of those who need healing. After the man of God (prophet) denounced the altar at Bethel, King Jeroboam stretched out his hand to have him seized with the result that the king's hand witheredo It was only through the intercession of the man of God that the king' s hand was restored ( 1 Kg 13. 4f.).

The cycle of miracles associated with Elijah and Elisha includes healing and raising the dead to life. The raising of the widow of Zarephath's son is set in the context of a drought in the land which contributes to the worship of Baal, the god who was supposed to be in charge of sending the rain. 1 Kg 17 and 18 establish God's sovereignty as the provider of

13

food without end for the widow ( 17 .14-16), as the master of life and death in raising her son ( 17. 21f.), as far superior to Baal through the consummation of the holocaust and wood ( 18 . 3 8) and by the ending of the drought after the acknowledgment that the Lord is God (18.41). In the episode of the raising of the widow's son to life, the widow sees the presence of the prophet as a reminder before God of her sins. The death of her son 23 is the result of those sins although it would perhaps not have happened unless Elijah had been there (17.19). Elijah does not contradict her by saying that she is righteous and did not deserve what has befallen her. Instead he prays before God for the son by stretching himself upon him three times, perhaps administering a type of mouth to mouth resuscitation as perhaps Elisha did with the son of the Shunammite woman (cf. 2 Kings 4.8-37). Elijah, in praying for the son, reminds God of the woman's fulfillment of the great biblical virtue of hospitality (v. 20).

The Elisha cycle also includes God's power over water, food and life itself. Elisha unlike Elijah, does not end a drought, but heals the water of a spring at Jericho, water known for its ill effects on the inhabitants, among them miscarriages. God's power ever the produce of the land is shown in the increase of oil for the widow of the son of the prophets ( 4.1-7) and the multiplication of the barley loaves and grain (4.42-44). Much longer than these accounts is the story of the Shunammite woman (4. 8-37). The first healing is that of the womb of the woman who, like the widow of Zarephath, had been very hospitable to a prophet. When her son dies of a sunstroke she, unlike the widow of Zarephath neither thinks of her own past sins nor rebukes the prophet. Instead she has full faith in Elisha as a messenger from God who prophesied correctly that she would have a son and upon whom she could rely now to restore her son to life. She lays her son on the prophet's bed and tells no one about his death, then goes in search of Elisha. When she finds him she repeats to him what she had said before she had 23 I leave aside the question of whether the son was clinically dead (from the symptoms) or only apparently dead. In either case, the mother believed that Elijah restored him to life.

14

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

conceived: "do not deceive me" •n·N n7ton N) (28). Elisha sends his servant Gehazi with his staff to lay on the child but it does not work. It is only when the prophet goes and himself prays and stretches himself upon the boy that the child is healed, or raised to life. The content of that prayer is not mentioned. The lesson of the story is different from its parallel in the Elijah cycle. It may be to teach not to rely on the magical association of a staff even of a powerful prophet for healing, but rather on the prayer of the prophet itself. The story of the healing of Naaman (2 Kg 5) is somewhat different from the above. The Israelite girl who recommends that Naaman seek the healing power of the prophet fully expects that Naaman will see Elisha and that Elisha will pray in his presence. The king of Israel, however, understands the letter of request from the king of Syria to mean that he himself should cure Naaman' s leprosy. This power he did not claim by virtue of his office or person. Elisha hears of the king's difficulty and sends word: "let him come now to me, that he may know that there is a prophet in Israel" Nl-N ::J • )N~·::J N'::Jl ~· >::J ~1•1 •)N (5.8) indicates that his mission as prophet is verified through healing. Elisha directs Naaman to bathe in the Jordan. Naaman is, however, unsatisfied with this prescription 24 and asserts that the rivers of Damascus have just as much healing power as the Jordan. He is also disappointed that no magic rite is employed, no waving of hands. His servants' words give us the central message of the passage. It is that obedience to God as His will is expressed through the prophet effects healing. Naaman confesses his faith in God as the result of his healing. There is a secondary lesson - since healing comes from God it cannot be purchased from a prophet, nor can the prophet be rewarded when a healing occurs. Gehazi who lies to Elisha about procuring two talents from Naaman contracts leprosy for his deceit, a disease passed down to his descendants (27). The use of the staff of Elisha which fails to cure the son of the Schunammitess recalls the power associated with the 24 Prescription in the sense of the Latin "praescriptio" meaning an order and reflected in current usage by the expression "just what the doctor ordered." It does not necessarily mean medication.

15

staff of Aaron which turned into a serpent to devour the serpents of Pharaoh's magicians {Ex 7.8f.) the staff of Moses which in obedience to God's command struck the rock at Horeb from which water flowed {Ex 17. Sf.) and perhaps the bronze serpent which saved those who looked at it from the poisonous effect of the fiery serpents (Nu 12.6f.;cf. Ex 4.1-5, Ex 17. Sf.) . All such things could easily become the object of worship in themselves. For that reason Hezekiah smashed the bronze serpent of Moses: "for until those days the people of Israel had burned incense to it; it was called Nehushtan. ]nviTJ 1?-Nip'1 1? D'l~pD ?NI~'-')~ 1•n nDnn D'D'n-IU ·~ {2 Kg 18. 4). In addition to the prophets the Hebrew Scriptures assign healing powers to the patriarchs. Abraham prays to God to heal Abimelech and the women of his household who were barren (Gen 20.17-19). God hears the prayer of Isaac for Rebekah who was barren {Gen 25.21f). The flocks of Jacob in his twenty years with Laban never miscarried {Gen 31.38). Later leaders also prayed for healing as Moses did to stop the plague brought on by the rebellion of Korah, Dathan and Abiram and the grumbling of the whole community which followed (Num 16 and 17). Likewise Solomon calls the people to repentance so that the land may be healed {2 Chr 7.11-22). He makes it clear that God will render healing and forgiveness on an individual basis, not simply on a collective one {1 Kg 8.37-40). Lastly, we should note the importance of fasting in connection with healing. Fasting expresses mourning and intensifies prayer in the Bible (Judges 20.26). David mourns for his sins and also fasts that his son's life may be saved (2 Sam 12.16 and 22). The author of Psalm 35 mentions that he fasted for those who were sick (v. 13; see also Ps 69.10). The connection of healing and forgiveness to a good relationship with God had some advantages on the natural level. Indirectly it promoted preventive medicine, some of which was probably Egyptian in origin, for example, the stress on hygiene. Taken as a whole, the Mosaic code included many provisions which in the end resulted in a high standard of health, physical, spiritual and psychological. Laws concerning sanitation, proper cleansing of vessels and circumcision

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

16

prevented the spread of many diseases. The avoidance of swine and shellfish was a protection against the diseases associated with these foods. The sabbath provided an enforced rest on a regular basis to refresh the body and the whole person. Even the regulations governing sexual relationships acted to promote mar ita 1 harmony and its consequence - peace. It is true, of course, that these regulations of the Mosaic code were not written for the sake of preventive medicine. Their concern was to preserve the holiness of the community but that holiness cannot be separated from health and healing since both holiness and health as well as healing flow from one's relationship to God. The Psalms perhaps more than any book of the Hebrew Scriptures reflect the appropriate attitude of the individual toward illness and healing. Aside from the prayer of Hezekiah at the time of his grave illness (Is 38.10-20). Struys mentions seven psalms about which there is common agreement that they are prayers of a sick person or a person who has been healed of sickness. These are Psalms 6, 28, 30, 38, 41, 88 and 103. 25 In Psalm 38 we see the interrelationship of 1) sin, 2) punishment in the form of illness and 3) sorrow, confession of guilt: Lord, rebuke me not in thy anger, nor chasten me in thy wrath. (1) There is no soundness in my flesh because of thy indignation; there is no health in my bones because of my sin. (3) My wounds grow foul and fester because of my foolishness. (5) For my loins are filling with burning and there is no soundness in my flesh. (7) For I am ready to fall and my pain is ever with me. (17) I confess my iniquity, I am sorry for my sin. (18)

0

No healing is mentioned in Psalm 38 as it is in Psalm 41: Blessed is he who considers the poor! The Lord delivers him_ in the day of trouble; the Lord protects him and keeps him alive; he is called blessed in the land; thou dost not give him up to the will of his enemies. The Lord sustains him on his sickbed; in his illness thou healest all his infirmities.As for me, I said, "0 Lord, be gracious to me; heal me, for I have sinned against thee!" (41.1-5)

24

Struys, op.cit., p. 445.

17

Illness is frequently described as going down to Sheol, to the depths of the pit (88.3,4,6; 28.1). In Psalm 88 it seems as if it is in God's own best interest to heal the person. "Are thy wonders known in the darkness or thy saving help in the land of forgetfulness?" iT'll/) YIH:J lnp-,Y1 lHJ!:J "ll'·n:J lJ,l'il (13). In a similar way the author of Psalm 6 reminds God: "For in death there is no remembrance of thee; in Sheol who can give thee praise?" lJ-iT,1' >rJ J1Hili:J Tl:JT nm:J ]'H >:J (6). Psalm 30 is a psalm of thanksgiving for healing: 0 Lord, my God, I cried to thee for help, and thou hast healed me. (2) 0 Lord, thou hast brought up my soul from Sheol, restored me to life from among those gone down to the pit. (3) 0 Lord, my God, I will give thanks to thee for ever. (13)

The book of Proverbs gives us some insights into psychological healing, the effects of the mind on the body and the effect of the tongue on others: There is one whose rash words are like sword thrusts, tongue of the wise brings healing

but the (12.18)

H91D D'DJn J1~J1 Jln n11p10J ~1J ~·

Insights into following:

man's

psychological

makeup

are

shown

in

Hope deferred makes the heart sick, but a desire fulfilled is a tree of life. ~HJ ~1Hn o••n y~1 JJ-~JnD ~~ nJn1n (13.12) A cheerful heart is a good medicine but a downcast spirit dries up the bones 011-~·n ~HJl n111 ~~1 J~'' nov JJ (17.22) A man's spirit will endure sickness but a broken spirit who can bear? ~lHW' 'D ~HJl n111 1~JnD JJJJ' ~·H-n11 (18.14)

As to what heals it is none other than fear of the Lord: Be not wise in your own eyes; evil. It will be healing to refreshment to your bones :~10

fear your

the Lord, and turn from flesh (lit. navel) and (3.7-8)

11D1 ~1~'-nH HI' l'l'~ OJn ·~n-JH l'n1DY~J '1~1 l~J ·~n n1H91

the

18

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

WORDS DESCRIBING ILLNESS

Before turning to the major challenge to the paradigm on sickness and healing - the book of Job - we look first at the words used for sickness and healing. Their usage helps us understand the state of healing in Israel and gives us awareness of words used to express sickness and healing in the Hebrew material of the Second Temple period. The most common word to describe illness is n)n which is used for becoming or feeling weak, for sickness and for the effect of a wound. In Judges 16 n)n describes the weakness of Samson which enables the Philistines to bind him (vs. 7, 11, 17). In Gen 48.1 Joseph is told: "Behold your father is ill." n)'n l'~H nJn. In 1 Kings 22.34 it describes the fatal battle wound of the king of Israel "Turn around, and carry me out of the battle, for I am wounded." nmon-]D 'JH'Y1n1 l , ' l::ln •n•)nn ':J. Thus the word n)n aptly fits the concept of illness26 as distinct from disease. The way in which the word n:Jn (n:JJ) describes the action of being hit or struck down with illness emphasizes the external source of illness. It does not come from an internal biological malfunctioning. In Deut 28 God threatens to strike down His people if they do not observe the commandments and statutes placed before them: The Lord will smite you with the boils of Egypt, and with the ulcers and the scurvy and the itch, of which you cannot be healed. The Lord will smite you with madness and blindness and confusion of mind. (vs. 27-28; cf. Deut 32.39)

The fourth of the songs of the suffering servant of God uses a third word based on the root ~H:J to describe illness in addition to n)n and n:Jn. "Surely he has borne our griefs (lit. sicknesses) and carried our sorrows (lit. pains); yet we esteemed him stricken, smitten by God, and afflicted l)'Jn ]:JH nn1m n·n·)H n:JD lJ11J 1nr:1ton nmH1 n)~o 1 p~·H:JD1 HIOJ Hm (Isaiah 53.4).

26 For a fuller discussion of terms used to describe illness and healing, see K. Seybold, Das Gebet des Kranken im Alten Testament, Stuttgart, 1973, pp. 20-30. See also Struys, op.cit., p. 386f.

19

Seybold calls attention to the peculiar linguistic structure of the names of some illnesses. 27 He cites np),, nn~ and n~~~ usually translated as leprosy. However, most diseases do not follow this pattern. The Hebrews like the Greeks usually described a disease by its symptoms. Just as a number of words describe illness, so do a number of words describe healing or health. For the state of good health DlJill is frequently used as it is in modern Hebrew. "And Joab said to Amasa, 'Is it well with you, my brother?'" •nH nnH DlJilln Hll/D~J ~Hl' IDH.'l (2 Sam 20.9). The word n~liN is used for the healing of a wound and more especially for the healing of the nation (Is 58.8) and restoration of walls (2 Chr 24.13 and Ne 4.1). The word n)~ which also refers to the healing over of a wound, is used by Jeremiah in a figurative sense to describe the lack of any healing remedies for the sins of the people (30.13, 46.11). The common word to live n•n is also used to heal or to restore to health. The connotation seems to be "to revive to the fullness of life." In this last sense it is found repeatedly (11 times) in Psalm 119, for example: "My soul clings to the dust; revive me according to thy word!" np~, 11~,~ •pn '1091 ISJ~J (v. 25). It is used of the healing of Naaman's leprosy in 2 Kg 5.7 (Cf. Is 38.16). Finally, before discussing the most common word used for healing - HSJI - the word lll~n should be mentioned.which refers to binding up of all sorts, but especially of wounds. It is used figuratively by Hosea in 6.1 when the prophet says of God that He has stricken and that He will bind up. It is a parallel to NSJI in the same verse with similar meaning. Ezechiel accuses the leaders (shepherds of Israel) of not binding up the crippled (34.4). As a substantive ~ln is used by Isaiah in 3. 7: "I will not be a healer (or dresser of wounds)." ~·n n•nH HJ The word found most often in the Hebrew scriptures to express healing is the root HSJI in its various forms ( 66 times). The same word is used to mean darn, mend, repair, pacify and (metaphorically) forgive (B.D.B.). In 1Kg 18.30 HSJI means repair or mend: "And he repaired the altar of God that 26

Seybold, Sickness and Healing, p. 17.

20

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

had been thrown down." D11i1i1 i11i1' n:no-nH HSII'L In Hosea 6.1 HSII could be just as easily translated as "mend" instead of "heal." "For he has torn, that he may heal us. " "]ID H1i1 • J 1lHSII'1 However, in Num 12.13, the words of Moses after observing the leprosy of Miriam, HSJI is best understood as heal. HSJI also means to forgive in several instances. Jeremiah 3 3. 6 n•nHSJI 1 HSJID 1 i1JIH i1J-i1 1JlJD • lli1 usually translated as "Behold I will bring to it health and healing, and I will heal them ... " might better be translated "Behold I will bring it health and forgiveness and I will forgive them ... " (See also Jer 30.13). What we have then in HSJI is a word that sometimes means healing, sometimes means mending (as of pottery in Jer 19.11) and even reviving or becoming fresh as of stagnant waters becoming fresh (Ez 47. 8). In evaluating the literature of the Second Temple period it is necessary to keep in mind all these possible meaning as well as the form of the verb itself. Indeed the verb form of HSJI reveals much about the concept of God as healer in the Hebrew Scriptures. In Hebrew grammar the simplest form of the verb, the qal form, indicates an action taken by the subject. The agent and the object (of healing) are clearly defined when the verb is in the active voice, e.g. God healed him. Of the 3 7 times the qal form is used God is the active agent (subject of the verb) 33, possibly 34 times. In contrast, when the passive form of the verb, the niphal is used, only once in 17 occurrences is God involved although in this case no other agent of healing is mentioned: "heal me, o Lord, and I SHALL BE HEALED; save me and I shall be saved; for thou art my praise" (Jer 17.14). In NO place in the Hebrew Scriptures do we read the equivalent of "the doctor healed him of his disease" or "the medicine healed him. 11 God is portrayed in the Hebrew Scriptures not only as the ultimate cause of healing, but, in most instances, as the direc;t cause. 28 28

There are three passages in which God is not the active agent of H91. In Hosea 5.13 it is said that the king of Assyria will not be able to cure Ephraim and Judah and heal their wound. In Lamentations 2.13 a question is posed: "Who can heal you?" In Qoheleth's poem 3.3 we hear of a time to kill and a time to heal. In instances in which the passive form is used mention is made of God sending a condition from which a person cannot be healed

21

THE BOOK OF JOB

We now turn to the major challenge 29 to the paradigm of sickness being connected to sin and healing to forgiveness, the book of Job. In the prose sections of the book (chs. 1,2, and 42) we meet a somewhat different Job than in the poetic section (3-41). In response to the sorrows that have come upon him he says in humble acceptance of God's will: Naked I came from my mother's womb, and naked shall I return; the Lord gave, and the Lord has taken away; blessed be the name of the Lord. (1.21)

and "Shall we receive good at the hand of God, and shall we not receive evil?" J:::Jpl HJ lllil-nHl D'il.JHil nHD J:::Jpl :::Jmil-nH Dl (2.10). In chapter 42 Job is doubly rewarded for his sufferings to the extent that he could give his daughters the same rights of inheritance as his sons. In Job we see a concept that we do not see elsewhere in the Hebrew Scriptures, namely that Satan is allowed to tempt man with God's permission and that sickness can be permitted by God to try the righteous person. The woes that come upon Job are not a punishment for his sin but a trick of Satan to test him. Job receives double compensation for his suffering (42.10) by which the author may signify the reward of the just man who persevered to the end. He may also be hinting that God (Deut 28.28, 35). A boil of leprous disease is pronounced healed (Lev 13.18, 37; 14.3). Several instances of the use of the passive (niphal) are metaphorical such as the waters which cause the Salt Sea to become fresh (Ez 47.8-9, see 2 Kg 2.22, the water in Jericho). The only instance of the passive use of 1-!91 with a healing "medicament" (= wailing and balm) is Jer 51.8: "Suddenly Babylon has fallen and been broken; wail for her. Take balm for her pain; perhaps she may be healed." For a fuller discussion of verb forms and all references found in the Hebrew Scripture for N91 see the article by P. Humbert, "Maladie et medecine dans !'Ancien Testament," Revue d'histoire et de Philosophie religieuses XLIV (1964) pp. 16-23 and 28-29. 29 There is no doubt that protests of innocence in the face of suffering and illness is found elsewhere in the Hebrew Scriptures, e.g., in the Psalms and in Jeremiah. (See w. Bittner, op.cit., p. 18 for a listing and brief discussion). The question is whether these passages actually challenge the paradigm or whether they are confessions of misunderstanding on the part of those who consider themselves unjustly treated or sick without cause. I think the latter is the case.

22

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

had wronged Job since, according to Israelite laws of compensation the wronged party frequently received double compensation (cf. Ex 22.7,9). In the poetic dialogue the three friends represent the traditional line of thought. Eliphaz reminds Job that no mortal can be righteous before God (4.17). He tells Job that he is being chastised by God and should be happy about it ( 5. 17) "For he wounds, but he binds up; he smites, but his hands heal." iTP~In 11'1 yno• VJ:JO'l :::PI{J' Hlil •:J (5.18). Job in response protests his innocence (6.30). He admits, however, the possibility that he has sinned but asks that he may be pardoned so that he can die in peace (7.20-21). He does not know what that sin might have been. After Bildad's speech in chapter 8 Job shows the depth of his inner suffering: Though I am innocent, I cannot answer him, I must appeal for mercy to my accuser. If I summoned him and he answered me, I would not believe that he was listening to my voice. For he crushes me with a tempest multiplies and my wounds without cause. (9.15-17) If it is a contest of strength, behold him! If it is a matter of justice, who can summon him? Though I am innocent, my own mouth would condemn me; though I am blameless, he would prove me perverse. I am blameless; I regard not myself. I Loathe my life. (9.19-21)

Job laments his sufferings and though he accepts the fact that God has sent them, he continues to protest his innocence. In chapter 31 he notes the sins he did not commit as well as his acts of charity to the poor and his just ways. His manner of dealing with God, Seybold describes as a legal quest. 30 His witness is in heaven {16.19). Elihu mentions in his speech an angel sent "to declare to man what is right for him" (33. 23). This messenger seems to be a prophetic figure. Though he never accuses Job of serious sin he does seem to allude to some sin of pride against God (33.24-33). 31 This would imply that Job is not completely without guilt and need for repentance. In the end the real meaning of Job's sufferings is not revealed. God 30

Seybold, Sickness and Healing, p. 82.

31

Cf. Struys, op.cit., p. 448.

23

is God. Job's attempts to understand end in resignation. "Therefore I have uttered what I did not understand, things too wonderful for me, which I did not know."l'::IH H':n •n,lil r=>J lnH HJl •100 nlHJ~l (42. 3). Nevertheless, God rebukes Job's friends for not speaking rightly about the ways of God (42.78). The conclusion they draw that illness and suffering follow sin is not wrong but it cannot be universally applied. In any case, it does not apply to Job. Hence, they must make a sacrifice and Job will pray for them to be forgiven. Thereupon follows Job's full restoration to the community. His rehabilitation is symbolized by the giving of money and the gold ring (42.11). In Job's response to Zophar Job refers to his friends as healers/physicians in a negative way. "Ye are plasterers of lies, Ye are all physicians of no value" ( 13.4, JPS) . 32 The idiom lp!ll • )~ · tl refers to wound surgeons who resorted to false surgical plasters. In the context here, the so-called friends bring no comfort to Job by their false words. Hence they do not heal (internally) at all.

MEDICAL CARE Physicians other than wound healers must have made their appearance in Israel before the time of Ben Sira. At the time of the writing of Chronicles it does appear that there were physicians to consult. In 1 Kings 15.24 we are told only that Asa suffered from a disease of the feet. In the parallel account in 2 Chronicles we read: "In the thirty-ninth year of his reign Asa was diseased in his feet, and his diseases became severe; yet even in his disease he did not seek the Lord, but sought help from physicians." o•ro1Jro nlto::J HDH HJn•l illil•-nH 101,-H) l'Jn::J Dll l'Jn i1Jl7DJ-,l7 l'Jli::J lnDJDJ Wlnl o•H~·..,::J •:::> (16.12). The passage admits of various interpretations. It is obvious that Asa is criticized for consulting physicians in his illness. This criticism could be interpreted to mean that it is wrong to consult physicians in times of illness. It could also mean that it was wrong in As a's case because his relationship with God was not in order. This is 31 The author's employment of these two strong images is scarcely flattering to the wound surgeons and healers (herbalists?) of his day.

24

HEBREW SCRIPTURES

indicated by his not seeking the Lord. Chronicles in other passages shows a higher interest in medical descriptions than the other historical books. (cf. 2 Chr. 26.16f and 2 Chr 16.11f) . 33 The lack of more advanced medical care, if there was one, was not necessarily a great injustice or misfortune which the Israelites experienced. We have seen earlier the ways in which the Mosaic code promoted what we would today call preventive medicine. The Israelite priests, unlike their counterparts in Greece, Mesopotamia and Egypt, did not attempt to heal illnesses. They were health inspectors who pronounced the presence of leprosy or some other illness that would render a person unclean. They determined its seriousness and, if it cleared up, pronounced the person clean and supervised the rites of atonement to purify the ill persons (Lev 11-15). To have done more than that would have probably meant becoming involved in the practices of magic and exorcism of the surrounding nations. Scientific medicine was not always very scientific and was often ineffective. Of the 42 clinical cases analyzed in detail by the great Hippocrates, cases he treated himself, 60% died in treatment. Nonetheless, whether the Israelites were actually deprived of more scientifically-based medicine or not is a moot point. The Hebrew Scriptures should not be taken as an accurate guide to the state of medicine in ancient Israel. The Bible is written largely from the standpoint of man's relationship to God. It indicates how one should behave when ill and to whom one should turn. Whether Greek or Egyptian physicians actually practiced in Israel and whether the educated classes had access to their skills and medicaments are questions about which the Bible is silent. But, from this silence we should not hastily conclude that medical care in Israel was vastly inferior to that available in neighboring lands. Ancient Israel was, after all, not a remote island, but rather a crossroads for surrounding nations in peace as well as in war. The influence of other cultures, including positive contributions such as more scientific medicine, would have been difficult to avoid. 33

Seybold, Sickness and Healing, p.

41.

25

It is also axiomatic that sick persons will turn to whatever means they think will cure them from a long illness. I am not convinced that the IsraelitesfJews behaved any differently in this respect, despite some religious scruples. This is not to deny that some people had difficulties turning to physicians when ill. The book of Ben Sira (see ch. 38) written about the year 180 BCE in Jerusalem (?) makes it clear that members of the community were divided about the value of physicians and medical treatment. No doubt the strong emphasis on God as the sender of illness upon man when he had sinned and upon God as the healer when man had repented largely excluded the role of demons in bringing illness and, therefore, exorcism of these same demons. The story of Saul's affliction by an evil spirit sent by God (1 Sam 16.14-23) is also the story of God's rejection of Saul because of his sins. Later tradition enhances the story into a full-fledged exorcism but in the biblical account the story attests to the belief that music can repel evil (depression). Throughout the account of Saul's affliction it is made clear that the evil spirit is sent by God, that is, under God's control and not an independent force. Music is also used to induce ecstasy by the sons of the prophets (2 Sam 10.5). CONCLUSION

During the period of the writing of te Hebrew Scriptures, the ill person accepted his illness as God's punishment for his sins or the sins of his people. Therefore, repentance was the most effective means of healing. The book of Job and, to a lesser extent, some of the Psalms, while accepting the teaching that God is the healer, objected to the conclusion that illness is always the result of sin. Job and these Psalms express the anguish of the righteous man who, nonetheless, experiences illness and suffering. It was a major religious challenge to justify the use of medical means and the consultation of physicians. That justification was eventually based on Ex 21.18-19: When men quarrel and one strikes the other with a stone or with his fist and the man does not die but keeps his bed, then if

26

HEBREW SCRIPTURES the man rises again and walks abroad with his staff, he that struck him shall be clear; only he shall pay for the loss of his time, and shall have him thoroughly healed.

The passage as it stands refers to liability for loss of working time and proper care by (presumably) a wound surgeon. From this the Talmud argues (Baba Kamma 85a) that the physician receives his permission to heal. That, however, did not settle the matter. Even in the Middle Ages Ibn Ezra (10891164) commenting on Ex 21.19 understood it to mean that only the healing of wounds was permitted. 34 The lofty position in which the physician is held in Ben Sira 38 and the esteem of medicines one finds there is absent in toto from the Hebrew Scriptures.

34 Nachmanides, who was also a physician, acknowledged that the physician had permission to heal, but said that a person who feared the Lord would not consult a physician (see his comments on Lev 26). The church in the middle ages prohibited churchmen from practicing surgery (Council of Tours 1163). The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) decreed that the first duty of a physician when asked to see a patient was to summon a priest.

TOBIT

The Book of Tobit is a carefully crafted narrative, the purpose of which is to support the best traditions of the Jewish religion. The fact that the author draws upon folklore and tells his story in a highly engaging way1 should not obscure his serious purpose of encouraging righteousness (1.3; 14.9), proper burial of the dead (ch. 2; 14.10), almsgiving (1.3; 14.11), honoring one's parents (4.3), repentance (13.6), marrying one's own kin ( 4 .12) and prayer ( 12. 8; 13 .1) . 2 The concerns of the author are typical of the later post-exilic period. The finding of fragments in Aramaic and Hebrew at Qumran assure a Second Temple date for Tobit. The book itself purports to be written during the Assyrian captivity (1.1-3). No modern scholar supports that contention. The book lacks historical references which would date it more exactly. As a result, scholars tend to date Tobit from what it does not contain, namely, the absence of references to the troubles of the Maccabean period and the lack of influence of Greek wisdom on the book. The book's similarity in world-view to Esther and Judith, the characterization of Judaism as a closely knit group of people havurah strongly suggest a third century BCE milieu. 3

1 P. Deselaers examines seven different literary genres, each of which has its proponents, before giving his reasons for calling Tobit a "Lehrerzahlung in romanhafter Gestaltung." Das Buch Tobit, Gottingen, 1982, pp. 262-278. The author chose a popular medium to communicate his purposes to a wide audience. 2 A. DiLella says: "The book of Tobit as a whole should not be viewed as an enchanting, but nonetheless esoteric, romance that lies outside the mainstream of authentic life. It is rather a well-constructed narrative in the service of Israelite religion, a narrative that embodies many of the great traditions of the nation • s past ... The author of Tobit sought to legitimate by means of his colorful story the thought world and coordinates of Israelite religion." "The Deuteronomic Background of the Farewell Discourse in Tobit 14.13-11," CBQ 41 (1979) pp. 387-388.

3 See D. Flusser,

Encyclopaedia Biblica (Hebr) col.

370, 1958.

28

TOBIT

The provenance of Tobit is disputed. Many scholars maintain a Diaspora origin, among the Zimmerman 4 (Antioch) , Deselaers (Alexandria) and Grintz (Persia). The fact that the book is set in the Diaspora does not mean that it originated there. A charming story with a distinct setting from an earlier era would undoubtedly have been of interest to many Jerusalemites. Those who argue in favor of a provenance within the Land of Israel (Milik, J.C. McKenzie and Flusser) 5 have the evidence of the book's being read there in two languages. Although we cannot say for certain where the book was composed we should not exclude the Land of Israel from serious consideration. Given the probable third century dating of Tobit, the (unpublished) Qumran fragments in Hebrew and Aramaic, the Semiticisms in the Greek texts and the claim by Jerome that he used an Aramaic text for his translation of Tobit, most scholars today claim that the book was written in either Aramaic or Hebrew. 6 The need for a popular third century work written in Aramaic to be translated into Hebrew is not obvious, whereas it is not difficult to understand why a Hebrew work would be translated into Aramaic so that it could be read by a greater audience. 7 The Book of Tobit is not, however, available to us in a Semitic text which is based on the original. Both the Neubauer Aramaic and Munster Hebrew are translations of the Middle Ages. The Vulgate translation of Jerome is as much a paraphrase as it is a translation. The Old Latin is dependent upon the Greek Sinaiticus text. This Greek text (S) is one of 4 F. Zimmerman suggests a setting of Antioch under the Seleucids (165 BCE) at a time when Jews were forbidden to bury their dead. The Book of Tobit, New York, 1958, p. 19f. 5

See Flusser, op.cit., col. 369f.

6 Deselaers' complicated analysis of Tobit attempts to distinguish several stages in the redaction of the book with the basic story written in Alexandria followed by a Jerusalem redaction, an Alexandrian one, a further Jerusalem one and a final redaction. See I. Nowell's arguments against Deselaer's theory as well as a summary of the reasons for claiming that the original text was Hebrew or Aramaic in The Book of Tobit, Washington, D.C., 1983. 7 See Flusser, op.cit., col. 374. Possibly a translation into Hebrew would have given the book more esteem.

29

the two principal recensions available. The other, based on Codices Vaticanus and Alexandrinus, is referred to as the BA text. In addition, there is a third, mixed grouping of 107 minuscule Greek manuscripts. It is not possible to determine which of the two major recensions is based on the other one. Since there are good arguments for both texts, all critical editions print both s and BA. 8 It is certain that one of the sources for Tobit was the Story of Ahikar, a story centuries older than Tobit. Ahikar is mentioned in chapter 1 as a nephew of Tobit and a cupbearer for the Assyrian king (v. 22). D.C. Simpson cited another potential source when he described Tobit as "a tale of a Grateful Ghost, and how he made recompense to his benefactor who cared for his dead body. " 9 This position receives some support from 1 Enoch where Raphael is said to be the angel in charge of the spirits of men. 10 Moreover, the theme of burying the dead is most important to the book of Tobit. Nevertheless, it must be admitted that Raphael in Tobit lacks several characteristics of the Grateful Dead Man. Nor does he appear as an agent for one. 11 The reference in 1 Enoch to an angel set over the spirits of the dead was likely part of oral tradition upon which the author drew to create his story. The relationship of that tradition to the Grateful Dead Man, a story which began circulating many centuries later, remains to be proven. 12

8 For a thorough and up-to-date discussion of the texts of Tobit see R. Hanhart, Text und Textgeschichte des Buches Tobit, Abhandl. Akad. Wiss. Gottingen, 139, 1984. For a shorter presentation see the introductory material in the Gottingen Tobit which Hanhart edited. 9

D.C. Simpson, APOT II, p. 715.

10

See Flusser's treatment, op.cit., cols. 371-373.

11 See S. Liljeblad, Helfern, Lund, 1927.

Die Tobiasgeschichte

und andere Marchen

mit

Toten

12 T.F. Glasson proposes a plausible source for Tobit. He sees Tobit as dependent upon a type or variation of the Monster in the Bridal Chamber motif. He identifies it as a legend contained in Apollodorus. "There is a Greek legend which tells how the god Apollo lived for a time disguised as a mortal in the service of Admetus. Admetus sought Alcestis in marriage; but in the bridal chamber he found coiled snakes which prevented access to the bride. His 'manservant' Apollo came to his rescue and delivered him from this situation." "The Main Source of Tobit," ZATW 71 (1959) p. 276.

30

TOBIT

The Book of Tobit contains healing material in the form of a healing minister of God, the angel Raphael; it contains an exorcism of the demon Asmodeus and an account of the healing of Tobit's eyes. In the central Biblical perspective on healing based on Exodus 15.26, the individual's relationship to God is the principal determining factor in illness or health. In the book of Tobit, however, it is clear that both Tobit (1.3) and Sarah ( 3.14-15) are innocent. Sarah's husbands repeatedly die not simply because of the demon, but also because it is part of God's plan that she marry her only eligible kinsman (5.11-12; 3 .15). The blindness of Tobit occurs because Tobit, who is ritually unclean after performing the mitzvah of burying the dead, is ignorant of the sparrows above him (2.10}. The ultimate cause of the blindness is, however, God. When Tobit is able to see again he says: "For thou hast afflicted me, but thou hast had mercy on me." EIJ.CmTCywcrcxc; KCXL 'li:.\€TJocxc; IJ.E (BA 11.15, RSV). The following statement about the physicians may simply highlight the miraculous nature of the later healing or it may be a negative comment on bad medical care similar to the comment made about the healers who had treated the woman with a hemorrhage in the gospels of Mark (5.25} and Luke (8.43). "I went to the physicians but they did not help me." KCXL £nopEV9TJV npbc; LCXTpovc;, KCXL OUK wcpEATJO&v IJ.E (BA 2.10). There is no laudatory statement about physicians in Tobit to match Ben Sir a's assessment in 38.1-15. The S text and the Vetus Latina are even more graphic. They imply that the droppings impaired Tobit's vision, but that it was the doctors themselves by their mistreatment who blinded Tobit:

on

But the more ointments they tried me with, the more the spot blinded me, and in the end I became blind altogether. 13 (S 2.10, JB).

In the next text with healing material Raphael receives his assignment from God:

13 There is no doubt that the acids in the bird droppings alone could be responsible for the blindness. Zimmerman though using the s text omits translating this part of the verse. Cf. also Deselaer's interesting discussion of blindness in the Hebrew Scriptures, op.cit., p. 131.

31

This time the prayer of each of them found favor before the glory of God, and Raphael was sent to bring remedy to them both. He was to take the white spots from the eyes of Tobit, so that he might see God's light with his own eyes; and he was to give Sarah, the daughter of Raguel, as bride to Tobias, son of Tobit, and to rid her of Asmodeus, that worst of demons. (S.l6-17, JB)

The translation of verse 16 in the BA version which reads "in the presence of the glory of the great Raphael" is surely wrong. Raphael, one the "angels of the presence" was with God. The BA text does not contain "that he might see God's light with his own eyes." The theme of light (of God, 3. 17; of heaven, 5.12; of his son, 11.14) is a distinctive feature of the S text. In these verses Raphael receives three tasks to perform: 1) to heal Tobit's eyes, 2) to give Sarah to Tobias as wife which follows upon 3) ridding Sarah of the evil demon. 14 The text also reminds the reader that God answers the cries of the innocent, Sarah (3.14) and the sorrowful, Tobit (3 .1-6). In chapter 5 Raphael arrives posing as a young man looking for work and when asked to identify himself gives the name Azariah (God helps). In the S text Raphael's arrival is connected with both joy and healing: When Raphael entered the house, Tobit greeted him first. Raphael said, "Hearty greetings to you!" Tobit replied: "What joy is left for me any more? Here I am, a blind man who cannot see God's sunlight, but must remain in darkness, like the dead who no longer see the light! Though alive, I am among the dead. I can hear a man's voice, but I cannot see him." Raphael said, "Take courage! God has healing in store for you; so take courage." (5.10, N.A.B.)

In comparison with the BA text the dialogue is enhanced in the S text and healing is mentioned. The S text uses the dialogue to portray the state of darkness that has come upon Tobit. Without sight he is like a dead man without joy. Raphael's role here is to give Tobit a word of encouragement that God will eventually heal him. He also assures Tobit that he is of 14 Asmodeus in apocryphal literature is most often seen as one of the seven evil Persian demons, namely Aeshma-Daeva. In rabbinic literature, Ashmedai, the king of the demons is defanged. It may be argued whether the two, Aeshma-Daeva and Ashmedai, are to be identified. See L. Ginsberg, "Asmodeus," Jewish Encyclopaedia II, pp. 217-220.

TOBIT

32

good lineage, a kinsman in fact. He has already assured Tobias that he knows the way to Rages in Media (5.). The story adds ironically the words of Tobit's blessing that an angel may accompany his son for safety {S 5.21) . 15 In chapter 6 Tobit leaves with Raphael accompanied by a dog in the S version. The dog may serve as a familiar traveling companion as in the Odyssey. He may also remind his reader that healing will take place. In Babylon the goddess of healing, Gula, was represented as a dog. In Egypt, Thoth, one of the gods of healing, was frequently represented as part dog. 16 The dog's role is, in any case, incidental. Not so the role of the fish. Raphael orders Tobias to catch the fish when it leaps from the Tigris River (6.2-3). Parts of the fish are to serve as a remedy for Tobit's blindness and for the release of Sarah from the demon Asmodeus. Raphael, representing the healing power of God by the derivation of his name, prescribes what each part of the fish is to be used for. Thus, he appears in the story, not as a wonder-working angel from heaven, but as a doctor. Raphael also represents God's presence in the journey of a righteous man. Finally, he acts with the power of God in binding Asmodeus after the demon has fled to upper Egypt. The texts vary in their explanations of what the fish attempted to do to Tobias, either to swallow him (BA) or to bite his foot (S). Since parts of the fish were eaten we know that the fish was not a crocodile, perhaps the understanding of the BA text. The crocodile is a non-kosher animal which no observant Jew would have eaten. 17 Speculations abound as to what type of fish it was supposed to be. Von Soden thinks he has identified the large fish as a kuppu whose gall served as a remedy for eye diseases in Assyria. 18 C. Creighton claims 15 See I. Nowell for the identification of Raphael as an "ironic person," op.cit., p. 197f. 16 Zimmerman claims that the dog's presence is derived from folklore motifs "to hold or divert a dragon when the hero attacked." When the dragon (or monster) took the form of Asmodeus, a spirit, the dog no longer had any real function." op.cit., p. 118. 17 Except when life was endangered. Simpson cites references for the use of crocodile liver for epilepsy and gall for leucoma. APOT I, p. 186. 18

W.

von

Soden,

"Fischgalle

Orientforschung 21 (1966) p. 82.

als

Heilsmittel

fi.ir

Augen,"

Archiv

fi.ir

33

that the author of Tobit was mistaken, that gall would have made the condition worse; the author must have meant some type of ink pigmentation made from the fish. 19 I. Gamer-Wallert researched all the species of fish known in ancient Egypt and the cults associated with them, but adds nothing new to the discussion. 20 Earlier authors had already pointed out (Budge, e.g.) that fish in Egypt were often used as a sacrifice to the dead and that fish were seen as guarantors of reincarnation. We cannot, however, determine the species of fish the author intended. More important than the kind of fish is its symbolic value as Deselaers notes: "Damit ist der Fisch hier als Symbol einer gro~en Macht gezeichnet, die aus der (dunklen) Tiefe des Flusses hochspringt.n2l The liver and the heart of the fish when burned together do have the power to ward off evil. Raphael explains their purpose when questioned by Tobias: As regards the fish's heart and liver, if you burn them so that the smoke surrounds a man or a woman who is affected by a demon or evil spirit, the affliction will leave him completely, and no demons will ever return to him again. (S 6.8, N.A.B.)

Folklore is full of different traditions about the use of parts of a fish for medicinal purposes. According to Pliny fish gall was a remedy for eye ailments (Nat. Hist. XXXII 24) • 22 our author seems to have been familiar with that usage.

19

C. Creighton, "Eye Diseases," Encyclopaedia Biblica, 1901, col. 1455.

20 I. Gamer-Wallert, "Fische und Fischkulte im Alten Agypten," Agyptologische Abhandlungen 21 (1970). Identified as a sheatfish, a large catfish, in the Testament of Solomon 5.10. 21

Deselaers, op.cit., p. 118.

22 Zimmerman conjectures that in the lost earliest version of the story the liver cured the blindness and the heart and gall were instruments of the exorcism. He further conjectures that the salt mentioned in verse 5 was not used to preserve the fish (the logical conclusion from the text) but, that "Salt had magical property and would control any injurious magic left in the disjecta membra of the fish." op.cit., pp. 80-81. It is true that salt has been used in many cultures to ward off evil spirits. (See E. Jones, "The Symbolic Significance of Salt," Essays in Applied Psychoanalysis, London, 1951, p. 21) But it is not evident to me why there would be any "injurious magic" left in the parts of the fish. Jerome, who certainly would have been familiar with the practice of using salt in church ritual to ward off evil understands the salt as preservative: "quod cum fecisset assavit carnes eius et secum sustulerunt in via cetera

34

TOBIT

Raphael explains the purpose of the gall: "and as for the gall, if you rub it on the eyes of a man who has cataracts, his sight will be restored" {S 6.8). The use of incense as fumigation is well attested in the ancient world. 23 Fumigation was used in the treatment of gynecological diseases and as a means of driving out evil spirits in many parts of the ancient world. 24 The use of fumigation is not sufficient of itself to bring about the permanent separation of the demon Asmodeus from Sarah. 25 Prayer on the part of Tobias seems an essential part of the deliverance. 26 Raphael tells Tobias that he and Sarah are to pray and to call out for God's mercy before consummating the marriage: Then when you are about to have intercourse with her, both of you first rise up to pray. Beg the Lord of heaven to show you mercy and grant you deliverance. (S 6.18 N.A.B.)

In chapter 8 we see that Tobias faithfully carries out the instructions of the angel. The demon flees into upper (or

salierunt

quae

sufficerent

eis

quosque

pervenirent

in

Rages

civitatem

Medorum."

Among others using gall for such treatment were Democritus (gall of a hyena), Dioscorides (sea-scorpion), Hippocrates (goat) and Meletus (human being). In the thirties a Greek ophthalmologist claimed he experimented successfully with gall as a cure for leucoma. For a precise and highly interesting overview of the subject with references to ancient, Byzantine and modern writers, some of whom wrote about Tobit's blindness and cure, see the article by J. Papayannopoulos, J. Laskaratos and S. Marketos, "Remarks on Tobit's Blindness," Koroth 9, 1-2 (1985) pp. 181-187. 23

See "Incense" by J.A. MacCulloch in Hastings' Encyclopaedia of Religion

and Ethics 7, pp. 201-205.

24 H.E. Sigerist, A History of Medicine I, New York, 1977, pp. 479.

197, 243,

25 See P.E. Dian's discussion of ~ as a term for divorce equivalent to i\uw to describe the separation of the demon from Sarah. "Raphael l'Exorciste," Biblica 57 (1976) p. 406f. 26 Jerome adds several verses to the account to teach that the other seven husbands wanted Sarah solely out of human lust. Tobit has power over the demon because he is not so motivated but waits until the third night to consummate the marriage. On the second night the couple is admitted into the company of the holy patriarchs. The Gaster Hebrew text of Tobit, largely based on the Vulgate, has the couple calling upon the assistance of the patriarchs.

35

remote) Egypt, the traditional source of magic arts, 27 where in both BA and s versions Raphael shackles him: When they had finished eating and drinking, the girl's parents wanted to retire. They brought the young man out of the dining room and led him into the bedroom. At this point Tobiah, mindful of Raphael's instructions, took the fish • s liver and heart from the bag which he had with him, and placed them on the embers for the incense. The demon, repelled by the odor of the fish, fled into Upper Egypt; Raphael pursued him there and bound him hand and foot. The Raphael returned immediately. When the girl's parents left the bedroom and closed the door behind them, Tobiah arose from bed and said to his wife, "My love, get up. Let us pray and beg our Lord to have mercy on us and to grant us deliverance." She got up, and they started to pray and beg that deliverance be theirs. (S 8.1-5, N.A.B.)

In the Vulgate the smoke and prayer are not sufficient to drive away the demon. Raphael is also needed for this purpose: "Rafehel angelus adprehendit daemonium et religavit eum in deserto superioris Aegypti." Jerome may have added this to reduce the semi-magical associations of the fumigation. After the wedding feast (8.19-21) and the recovery of the money from Raguel (ch. 9), Tobias returns home with his wife. Immediately before arriving Raphael gives instruction as to what to do with the fish gall: "Smear the fish gall on them (Tobit's eyes). This medicine will make the cataracts shrink and peel off from his eyes; then your father will again be able to see the light of day." Then Anna ran up to her son, threw her arms around him, and said to him, "Now that I have seen you again, son, I am ready to die!" And she sobbed aloud. Tobit got up and stumbled out through the courtyard gate. Tobiah went up to him with the fish gall in his hand, and holding him firmly, blew into his eyes, and it made them smart. Then, beginning at the corners of Tobit's eyes, Tobiah used both of his hands to peel off the cataracts. When Tobit saw his son, he threw his arms around him and wept. He exclaimed, "I can see you, son, the light of my eyes." (S 11.8-14, N.A.B)

The S text and the Vetus Latina mention the procedure of blowing into the eyes previous to the administration of the gall as instructed in s 6.9. The s text also includes Tobit's 27 See L. Blau, Das Altjiidische Zauberwesen, Berlin, 1914, pp. 3749. In the Bible itself both Egypt (Ex 7.1-13) and Babylon (Is 47.9-15) are cited as centers of magic, witchcraft and sorcery.

36

TOBIT

first words upon seeing his son: "I see you, my boy, the light of my eyes" (11.14}. With the restoration of his eyesight, the joy announced by Raphael to Tobit (S 5.1) is realized and Tobit is able to praise God and his angels. In chapter 12 the time has arrived to resolve the matter of Raphael's wages. Tobias suggests giving one half of the possessions he has acquired on the journey to Raphael. Tobit agrees. Raphael has faithfully performed all the tasks the author has assigned to him. "For he has led me back to you safely, he cured my wife, he obtained the money for me, and he also healed you." OTL 1-LE cXYELOXEV OOL uyL'I] KCXL 'TTJV yuvcx'lK& j.lOU e9EpOmEUOEV KCXL &pyvpLOV j.lOU ~VEYKEV KCXL cr£ Oj.lOLW~ e9EpanEUOEV (BA 12.3, RSV). Raphael then takes them aside and mentions the importance of four things: 1} to bless, thank and openly confess the works of God; 2} to pray with sincerity; (BA has with fasting j.lE'TCx VT)O'TELcxc;} 28 3} to give alms and 4} to bury the dead ( 12. 6-12} . After this Raphael reveals who he is. The response of Tobit and Tobias recalls that of the disciples of Jesus in the transfiguration accounts in the gospels (Mt 17.18; Mk 9.2-8; Lk 9.28-36}. As in the accounts in the gospels, so here in Tobit, those present fall down and are told not to be afraid. Stricken with fear, the two men fall down and are told not to be afraid. But Raphael said to them: "No need to fear; you are safe .• Thank God now and forever." (S 12.16-17, N.A.B.)

CONCLUSION

The author of Tobit preserves part of the central biblical perspective on healing (Ex 15. 26} by using an angel sent on assignment by God to communicate healing. The BA text makes this clear by adding in the words of Raphael that he did not come "As a favor on my part, but by the will of our God" O'TL ou 'TlJ Ej.lCXU'TOU xapLTL, cXAACx 'TlJ 9EATJOEL 'TOU 9eo0 Tti-LWv l];:>..aov (12.18}. Raphael is the doctor who prescribes a remedy. He provides the knowledge of "how to do it" and shackles the demon. The 28 Zimmerman, op. cit., p. 109, suggests that a later scribe changed the reading in light of Mark 9.29 which mentions prayer with fasting. However, the addition of fasting is a variant and may not be original.

37

author avoids assigning to him the role of carrying out the healings. That would have spoiled the suspense of the. story. We knew from the beginning who Raphael really was; Tobit, Tobias and the others in the story did not. Tobias, like his father, acts in faith when he trusts a seemingly young man's advice to use various means to rid Sarah of the demon and to heal his father's eyes. Strictly speaking, except for the binding of the demon (8.3) Raphael does not perform the function of exorcist. This may be a deliberate attempt on the part of the author to avoid giving tacit approval to the pagan exorcists about whom he undoubtedly knew. our author dissociates illness from sin. In this he departs from the teaching of Exodus 15.26. Tobit's innocence is stressed from the opening chapter of the book (1.3) as is Sarah's ( ch. 3) . Tobit acknowledges, however, that it is God who afflicted him (11.14). This dissociation of· illness from sin is not without some ambiguity. The author tells us that those who continue to sin are their own worse enemies (12.10) and that if one does good evil will not find one, meaning perhaps in the case of Tobit that no true evil has befallen him. Tobit's healing leads to the glorification of God (12.7,11). Although our author dissociates illness and misfortune from sin, he, nonetheless, attributes to God any healing that takes place. That healing occurs in response to the just man or woman who cries out for help. In Tobit healing does not happen "miraculously." The means used (including gall and fumigation) were not unusual ones in the ancient world. Thus, we have a story with which everyone can identify. In our journey through life, God accompanies, helps and heals us.

BEN SIRA

The wisdom of Jesus Ben Sira presents no problems of authorship, date or original language. The author's name is given in 50.27 as Simeon son of Jesus, son of Eleazar, son of Sira. The approximate date of the writing of the book - ca. 180 BCE - may be derived from the description of when the author's grandson found the book before translating it (38th year of King Euergetes according to Prologue v. 27) as well as by other internal evidence. The grandson tells us that he translated it into Greek from Hebrew (v.22). With general agreement on these three matters, the question remains as to which texts best represent the Hebrew original, the Geniza manuscripts which, together with the Qumran and Masada fragments, yield two thirds of the book or the best critical edition of the Greek text (Gottingen)? Since the discovery of the Geniza texts by S. Schechter, scholars have debated their value as witnesses to the Vorlage.1 After considering these arguments, A. DiLella presents convincing evidence that the Geniza manuscripts are substantially genuine even if they do indicate in places retroversions from the Syriac.2 Hence, in determining what Ben Sira taught about healing, priority is given here to the Hebrew text.3 The author of Ben Sira identifies wisdom with the Torah and stresses both the observance of the mitzvot and cultic worship. His purpose is to defend Jewish religious and cultural values in view of the reality of Hellenization in Jerusalem and the threat of greater Hellenization. To both his

1 Among those who have affirmed that the Greek text best represents the original are D.S. Margoliouth, S. Zeitlin, c. Torrey and H.L. Ginsberg. Among those who have upheld the Hebrew are R. Smend, M. Segal, G.H. Box and W. Oesterley (in APOT) and A. DiLella. 2

A. DiLella, The Hebrew Text of Sirach, The Hague, 1966, p. 17.

3 Text as published by the Academy of the Hebrew Language and the Shrine of the Book in 1973.

39

fellow Jews and to others who may read his work he demonstrates that true wisdom resides in Israel. Before looking at the principal text on healing in Ben Sira (38.1-15) we observe several texts which mention healing. The first is 3. 28. y'J n::::li'J n1H91J ynn JH which is secondary and better read according to the Greek 4 as if it were: y) n::::li'J nH191 n'J l'H encxywy'iJ um:p'T]civou OUK EOTLV 'CcxoL<;. "In the punishment of the proud there is no remedy" (Bagster). The context is the bad end which will come to someone with a stubborn heart (I~~ ~J). The fool or the proud man (unep~¢oNoc;) will remain so and not be healed of his condition but punished instead. Segal suggests that the source for the thought expressed here is Ahikar 2.21: "But as for the ignorant, stupid man, for his disease there is no drug" (trans. Harris in APOT II). In 10.10 there is a reference not to healing but to sickness. ~cxKpov &ppwoT'T]~cx oKwnTEL tcxTpoc;. H911 ~·ny• n'JnD yav J19' 1no• 01 •n lJD. "A little illness will intimidate the physician; today' s king will die tomorrow" (my trans ) . The verse is contained in a discourse on the consequences of pride (10.7-18). The Hebrew word YW here means "little" but the Greek has ~cxKpov "large." The verb ~·ny• may mean "will intimidate" (Kahana) or make angry/irritate (Segal). 5 The Greek has OKWnTE L meaning "mock." In view of the second part of the verse - the king of today will die tomorrow - the meaning of the first part seems to be that a proud man will not find a physician of any use in a serious (Greek) or a minor (Hebrew) illness. Although this passage primarily illustrates the consequences of pride, it is also not flattering to the physicians of the time. The next passage is only in Greek: "all lawlessness (lawbreaking) is like a two-edged sword; there is no healing for its wound" (21. 3 I RSV). '0<; po~
4

Segal suggests that y';J n:Jo =run:

5

Ibid. :JD.

A. Kahana,

:J ,l"'IOn ,o•?IOJI' ,O?roiT HI'D J:J 190

.;mn, ?"ron ,O'?iOll'

,:J

O'llY'niT

0'19Dil

40

BEN SIRA

in Ben Sira. 6 sin, just as teeth before envisioned in The next calls to mind

It is a stiff warning against the consequences of the image of the biting snake and the lion's it. Spiritual healing rather than physical is 21.3. passage (23.3-5) is also found only in Greek. It Matthew 6.12-15:

Forgive your neighbor the wrong he has done, and then your sins will be pardoned when you pray. Does a man harbor anger against another and yet seek for healing from the Lord? Does he have no mercy toward a man like himself and yet pray for his own sins?

Though it is possible that Ben Sira has physical healing in mind, it is much more likely that he uses '(aaL c,; synonymous with forgiveness. 7 As in 21.3 the author is concerned with the relationship of man to God when that relationship is broken by sin. The following passages more directly concern health of body or physical healing. In chapter 30 Ben Sira praises health and contrasts it with the woes of illness: Better a poor man strong and frame More precious than contentment of spirit than greater than a healthy body; Preferable is death to a constant illness.

robust than a rich man with wasted gold is health and well-being, coral (pearls). No treasure is no happiness than a joyful heart! bitter life, unending sleep to (20.14-17, N.A.B.)

The Greek text adds to verse 15 the notion of fitness and vigor EU E~Ca, a concept that would appeal more to the bodyconscious Greeks than to the observant Jews of Jerusalem. This is reinforced in 15 where instead of contentment of spirit a "robust body" oW!J.a d!pwoTov is mentioned. A cheerful disposition is a key to preserving good health. 8 Another such key is moderation, especially in eating habits. In describing sleep in chapter 31 Ben Sira says: 6

22.21; 26.28; 39.30; 40.9; 46.2

7 Cf. R. Spicq, Eccl,siastique, Paris, 1946, p. 669: "il (Dieu) d'livre ou affranchit du mal; de sorte que le verbe l&aecn exprimera la reprise des relations confiantes avec Dieu et sera synonyme de 'sauver' et 'pardoner' (cf. Is. V 10)." 8 There are a few variant readings for words in verses 15, 16 and 17 but they do not affect the sense of the passage.

41

Does not a little suffice for a well-bred man? When he lies down, it is without discomfort. distress and anguish and loss of sleep and restless tossing for the glutton! Moderate eating ensures sound slumber and a clear mind next day on rising. In whatever you do, be moderate, and no sickness will befall you. (31.19, 20, 22, N.A.B.)

The Greek text of v. reads "in all your work be 22 industrious" ev TICX<JL 'TOLt; epyoLt; <JOU yCvou ev'Tp&X'f\t;. Ben Sira would agree with that sentiment, but it seems certain from the context that moderation and not industriousness is meant. The topic of moderation in eating is brought up again at the end of ch.37: For sickness comes with overeating and gluttony brings on biliousness. Through lack of self-control many have died, but the abstemious man prolongs his life. (37.30-31, N.A.B.)

Moderation in eating and in other matters was a common theme among the Greek philosophers. 9 The relationship between overeating and poor health was stressed by the Egyptians as well as other nations who considered many illnesses to be the result of overeating. 10 Having exhorted his audience to be both moderate and cheerful and to avoid sin as a means to preserving health, Ben Sira in chapter 38 gives his advice as to what to do if illness befalls: 1. Hold the physician in honor, for he is essential to you, and God it was who established his profession. 2. From God the doctor has his wisdom, and the king provides for his sustenance (lit. will receive gifts.) 3. His knowledge makes the doctor distinguished, and gives him access to those in authority. 4. God makes the earth yield healing herbs which the prudent man should not neglect; 5. Was not the water sweetened by a twig that men might learn his power? 6. He endows men with the knowledge to glory in his mighty works, 7. Through which the doctor eases pain and the druggist prepares his medicines. 8. Thus God • s creative work continues without cease in its efficacy on the surface of the earth.

9

Spicq, op.cit., p. 715.

10

M. Neuburger, History of Medicine, London, 1910, p. 25.

42

BEN SIRA 9. My son, when you are ill, delay not, but pray to God, who will heal you: 10. Flee wickedness; let your hands be just, cleanse your heart of every sin. 11. Offer your sweet-smelling oblation and petition, a rich offering according to your means. 12. Then give the doctor his place lest he leave; for you need him too. 13. There are times that give him an advantage. 14. And he too beseeches God that his diagnosis may be correct and his treatment bring about a cure. 15. He who is a sinner toward his Maker will be defiant toward the doctor. (N.A.B.)

In the first verse the phrase H~ll '~I seems best translated not as if it were biblical Hebrew, i.e. , "be friendly with a doctor" but in its later usage as "honor" as pointed out by I. Levi . 11 Segal suggest that '~I was chosen over n~l for euphemistic reasons. He gives rabbinic sources for n~l meaning honor. 12 The Greek text stresses honor by adding "with the honor due him" ,-Cv()( L()(Tpov npoc;; ,-(xc;; XP£L()(c;; TL~()(Lt;; aUTo0. 13 A note in the Jerusalem Bible sees this addition as a reference to the honorarium given to the physician, but this addition is not contained in all Greek manuscripts. However, it might have made sense for Ben Sira's grandson to add it to his translation. It was the practice among Hellenistic-trained physicians to demand the honorarium in advance of treatment. Otherwise, if the treatment failed, as it frequently did, they might receive nothing at a11. 14 The variations in the Hebrew text make it difficult to determine the correct reading for the entire verse. The Greek npoc;; Tac;; XP£L()(t;; aUToO might be translated as "according to his services," an attempt of the translator to make sense of the Jrd person, masculine ending on ll~. However, whereas XP£ L()( means both need and service ll~ does not. Clement of Alexandria (Paedag. II, a, 67) uses the singular form npoc;; 11

I. Levi, L'Ecclesiastique, Paris, 1901, p. 195.

12

Segal, op.cit.,

~01.

13 J.T. Nelia offers a different solution: "Mais ben Sira ne se preoccupe pas precisement de l'honneur des medecins, mais des services qu'ils peuvent rendre aux malades. En prenant rcy comme un arama'isme on obtient un sens mieux a propos: 'Desirez I invitez (un medecin suivant vos besoins)'" "Sir 38,15," Alter Orient und Altes Testament 211 (1982) p. 177. 14

J. Preuss, Biblical and Talmudic Medicine, New York, 1978, p. 32.

43

xpeCav aUToO. The Latin has propter necessitatem. Despite these minor textual variations, it is clear that the reason for honoring the physician is that his art of healing has been created by God. Ben Sira legitimizes the medical profession. Affirmation of the medical profession may have been intended to counteract negative attitudes towards physicians. These attitudes were based partly on the understanding of God as healer to whom one turned first in illness (see 2 Chr 16. 12) and by the association of physicians with magical practices in Babylon and in Egypt. The second verse confirms sovereignty of God in respect to healing. The Greek translator in choosing 'Ccxo:n c; makes clear what is intended by the Hebrew word D~n but, at the same time, loses the intimate connection with wisdom that Ben Sira wishes to convey. The physician is honored by kings (2b). Indeed the physician was often a member of the royal court. He was respected because of his knowledge (could lift up his head, lit.) and therefore he could stand before those in authority (princes, lit.) . 15 This gives another motivation for heading his advice. In the following verses 4 and 5 Ben Sira teaches that God created healing remedies from the earth. For that reason alone they should be appreciated and used. Verse 5 refers to the sweetening of the bitter water of Marah by the tree which Moses threw into the water (Ex 15.2325). In Exodus this account is followed by the classic text on healing, "I, the Lord, am your healer" (Ex 15.26). In verse 5 the Hebrew 1n~ clearly refers to God's power (except for variant n1n1~ followed by the Latin) whereas the Greek refers to the power inherent in the water: etc; To yvwoe~vcxL T~v tcrxvv aUToO. It would, of course, still be God's power which gives the wood its ability to heal. In view of the following verse which tells us that God gives men understanding so that they might proclaim his mighty works (both Hebrew and Greek) it is likely that his (God's) and not its (the wood's) power is meant in 5. The Hebrew variant Dnll~l~ in verse 6 for 1n11~1~

15 See A. DiLella's comments, P.W. Ben Sira, New York, 1987, p. 44lf.

Skehan and A.

DiLella,

The

Wisdom

of

44

BEN SIRA

would, as Segal suggests, refer to the medicines, the healing herbs (v.4) . 16 In verse 7 we are told that the doctor relieves pain through the use of medicines. The Greek adds "heals" 9Epom€uw. The same verse in Hebrew (8 in Greek) mentions the pharmacist who cooperates with the healing process. It is not true as Box and Oesterley state: "The offices of apothecary (compounder) and physician were, of course, not distinct." 17 Medicine two hundred years before the Common Era was highly specialized especially in Egypt. Although many doctors were also pharmacists or experts in roots andjor herbs, not all pharmacists were physicians. At the time of the writing of Ben Sira pharmacology was an experimental science in the Hellenistic world. 18 Verse 8 adds that through the doctor and through medicine God's work of healing continues. With that point firmly established, Ben Sira gives in verse 9 specific instructions as to what to do when illness strikes. He begins with n~nn JN which, in the context, is best understood as "not to delay or postpone" rather than "not to become angry." The request for healing is made first to God by way of prayer and not to the doctor. The request is accompanied by renouncing one's faults and cleansing oneself from all sin (repentance) and is reinforced by three different kinds of sacrificial offerings, incense, memorial of flour and oil. A generous amount is suggested by the words l'l1n '~l~J 111~. Only after these steps of prayer are taken is it appropriate to call in the physician. The Greek text reiterates the statement of verse 1, namely, that God created the physician: Kal. -y2xp cWTOu EKHOEV Kvplo<;. This reminds the reader once again of God's approval of his profession. Once he is called in, Ben Sira advises "see the treatment through" (lit. do not let him leave you) until the medical need is taken care of. Neither the Hebrew nor the Greek text holds any promise that the doctor's treatment will be successful. If it is, the 16

Segal, op.cit., 101.

17

G.H. Box & W.E.O. Oesterley, APOT I, p. 444.

18

Neuburger, op.cit., p. 14.

45

reason will be that the physician has interceded before God for a remedy i11to~ (v. 14) . 19 The Greek text has &vcinC».JoL, for the Hebrew i11to~. About this choice Segal makes the plausible suggestion that cXvaAUOLV. "loosing or setting free") is meant instead. Verse 15 is the most debated in the chapter. The meaning of the words in the first part of the verse poses no problems. Some scholars, however, make 15a into a protasis if a man sins before his maker. Disagreements center upon 15b. The Hebrew B text reads 1::nn• usually understood as "will be defiant." The variant Bm lllnD' along with the addition 'I' 'JlJ is very similar to the Greek (and syriac) t~nfooL e[~ xeTpa~ [aTpoO "fall into the hands of the doctor." The following examples illustrate different possibilities of translating the Hebrew and Greek. Based on the Hebrew: "A man sins in the eyes of his Maker, if he defies the doctor." (Jerusalem Bible) "He who is a sinner before his Maker, will be defiant toward the doctor." (N.A.B.) "Celui-la peche devant son Createur qui fait le brav devant le medecin." (Maredsous) "Wer vor seinem Sch6pfer sUndigt, fKllt in die HKnde des Arztes." (Smend, based on variant Bm)

Based on the Greek: "If a man sins in the eyes of his Maker, may he fall under the care of a doctor." (Jerusalem Bible) "He who sins before His Maker, may he fall into the care of a physician." (RSV) "Qui peche en presence de celui qui l'a fait, tombera entre les mains du medecin." (Maredsous)

Most commentators today consider the B reading correct. 20 All of the above translations from the Hebrew except Smend' s are 19 Segal notes that it is difficult to translate 011lli9 exactly, but relates it to the Aramaic IV9 which is similar to ln9, op.cit., p. 101. 20 Thus, Segal, all the above translators, Academy text, Boccacio and Barthelemy.

the

editors

of

the

he

Hebrew

46

BEN SIRA

based on the B reading. 21 Among these translations of the Hebrew, that of the Jerusalem Bible is unique and undoubtedly incorrect. It states that a man who defies a doctor commits sin. 22 The general rule is that the protasis is found in the first clause when no conjunction (DH ,1n ,•~, lJ) is used. 23 To end a thus far clear section on medical care and physicians in the service of God's healing power with a verse employing a grammatical rarity obfuscates the thought of the author. There is no good reason not to understand and translate the text according to the grammatical order as given: he who sins before his Maker, will be defiant before a doctor. In other words, the consequence of sin being illness, until that sin is dealt with (in the manner prescribed in vs. 9, 10 and 11) a person's attitude toward the doctor will be a defiant one. He will not give the doctor "his place" (v. 12) and (implicitly) will not be healed. In the Greek text, whether a protasis is admitted or implied in the first clause does not alter the meaning significantly. The use of the optative in the second clause is the point of dispute since the optative l~-tn€croL be used to express a future potential 24 and be translated as "will perhaps." If the optative is understood as a future potential ("will perhaps fall into the hands of a doctor") the section ends on a weak note. If the optative may be used as a wish, then, it is hard to see the concluding verse as anything

21 Some have argued that Ben Sira has not composed an original and organized teaching on the role of medical care and sickness but has arranged a series of wisdom sayings on the subject. Were such the case verse 15 would not necessarily have to logically follow what preceded it and could even be contrary to it. I would argue that, whatever his sources, Ben Sira has carefully arranged his material to make the points he does. 22 Nelis, op.cit., p. 175, points out that the viewpoint expressed by the Jerusalem Bible translation would have seemed bold, if not scandalous to Ben Sira's contemporaries. Only with the advent of modern medicine would it have occurred to someone that not to accept medical care was sinful. This may or may not be so. I prefer to argue against the translation on the basis of grammar. 23 For the placement of the protasis in both biblical and new Hebrew, cf. P. Jotion, Grammaire de l'Hebreu Biblique, Rome, 1923, sec. 167. 24 W. Goodwin, Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of the Greek Verb, London, 1966, nos. 232-242. Also, R. KUhner & F. Blass, Grammatik der Griechischen Sprache I, 2, Hannover, 1966 (1892), pp. 120-121.

47

except a warning or a curse, implying that the doctor will be useless in helping the person. S. Noorda claims that the negativeness of the statement in itself betrays the secondary nature of the Greek reading: It does not fit in with the intention of the whole passage; it corresponds with other equally negative secondary notes about the physician in the Greek Bible, e.g., Ps. 87.11; Is. 26.14; Tobit 2.10 s ... last but not least its origin is easily explained by the relative obscurity of the original text which has been preserved in the Hebrew manuscripts. On closer scrutiny H~11 'J~) 1::nn• appears to be a clear statement, perfectly in line with its context ... The verse shows a simple, harmonious structure H~1n HVI-I~ln' thereby expressing the parallelism in which God and the physician have been presented throughout the passage. Like 1~1~ 'J~) H~1n expresses sin against Gods so H~11 'J~) l~ln' denotes resistance against the physician. 2

I find Noorda's argumentation persuasive. To have established that honor is to be paid to a doctor because he receives wisdom (medical knowledge) from God (vs. 1-2) and because God created the herbs and the drugs which the doctor uses (4) and then, to end the section disparaging the doctor's skills, makes no sense at all. On the other hand, if a doctor is an agent in the healing process of God, it is eminently logical that someone who proudly defies God through sin, will also defy his agent, the doctor, and not do what he prescribes. CONCLUSION

The Wisdom of Ben Sira contains explicit teaching on the subject of healing. In doing so, the author builds upon the central biblical perspective that God alone is the healer and that sickness and health are very much connected with one's relationship with God. The connection of sin and illness is strongly made by Ben Sira. Equally strongly insisted upon is the value of the profession of medicine as the instrument of God's healing. 25 s. Noorda, "Illness and Sin, Forgiving and Healing," Studies in Hellenistic Religions, ed. M. Vermaseren, Leiden, 1979, p. 221. For another viewpoint see P.C. Beentjes argumentation that vs. 13-15 are a later addition. "Jesus Sirach 38:1-15, Problemen Random een Symbool," Bijdrdgen 41 (1980) pp. 260-265.

48

BEN SIRA

We know little about the state of medicine among Jews at the time of Ben Sira. Undoubtedly it had gone far beyond the stage of the treatment of external wounds that characterized Israelite medicine. Ben Sira may have been trying to resolve a dilemma. Despite the negative attitudes toward physicians expressed in the Bible, more and more Jews were consulting physicians. It is unthinkable that Ben Sira has in mind pagan physicians since he tells us that the physicians intercede before God for healing (v. 14). The Jewish physicians to whom he refers may have been trained in Alexandria, a major center for Hippocratic medicine. 26 Ben Sira throughout his work is fighting against the creeping Hellenization around him. Yet, the value of Greek culture with its higher standard of medical treatment could not be ignored. Chapter 38 is Ben Sira's theological justification of the place of the physician in Jewish society. The only way he can make this justification is to prove that the physician is an instrument of God's healing purposes and that the doctor uses natural means, not magical ones. The Jewish physician, however skilled, could have no tales spun about his expertise and no Aesclepian-type shrines built in his honor because, as an instrument of God, he proclaimed through his works the "magnalia Dei," the mighty works of God, not his own. Ben Sira portrays the ideal Jewish physician, an ideal not entirely accepted until later rabbinic times, an ideal not always realized in the past or in the present, but an ideal nowhere else painted so vividly in all the literature of the Second Temple period as in the Wisdom of Jesus Ben Sir a. 27

26 We cannot be certain to what extent Ben Sira meant scientificallytrained physicians. However, the fact that the healer is honored by kings and admired by men (2,3), has skills (6), uses drugs to take away pain and prescribes medicines (7,8) and diagnoses illnesses (14) indicates a person of considerable training. 27 In chapters 44-50 which praise biblical characters there are two possible references to healing. In 48.14 it is said of Elisha "As in his life he did wonders, so in death his deeds were marvelous." The latter undoubtedly refers to the resurrection of the dead man placed in Elisha's grave (2 Kg 13.20f.). In 49.13, a verse which mentions Nehemiah N91 is used metaphorically to mean repair, "who raised up our ruins and healed our breaches."

WISDOM OF SOLOMON

The Wisdom of Solomon was composed considerably later than Tobit or Ben Sira. Most scholars today would contend that Wisdom was written within the range of 50 BCE to 50 CE. Attempts to determine a more exact date have not produced any consensus. 1 The author of Wisdom was not a philosopher like Philo, but a rhetorician who knew some philosophy. The literary genre is Aoyo~ npoTpETLKo~, an exhortatory discourse, that is, an attempt to urge an audience to a particular way of acting or to convince them of a particular belief.2 The Wisdom of Solomon is essentially the work of a single author though some advance arguments for multiple authorship. 3 That it was the work of a Jew and was composed in Greek despite Hebraicisms is held by most scholars. Given the dating of the book, its language and its stress on wisdom, the most likely provenance was Alexandria. The audience seems to have been a well-educated Jewish audience in Alexandria. Wisdom of Solomon (hereafter Wis) despite its assimilation of Hellenistic culture in the form of imagery, vocabulary and some Stoic theories is steeped in biblical wisdom. A. Neuman

1 See D. Winston, The Wisdom of Solomon, Garden City, 1979, pp. 20-25. Winston maintains that the most likely setting for Wisdom was the reign of Gaius "Caligula" (37-41 CE). "The apocalyptic vision in which the author describes the annihilation of the wicked with such ferocious passion (5.1623) could only be called forth by a desperate historical situation in which the security of the Jewish community of Alexandria (and for a short time even that of Palestine) was dangerously threatened by a power against which it was hopeless to put up any serious resistance." p. 23. 2 M. Gilbert contests this classification on the basis of our lack of knowledge about the Protreptikos of Aristotle and because chs. 10-19 do not correspond to this classification. Gilbert calls Wisdom an encomium, a discourse which "tries to impel the hearer either to admire somebody or to practice a virtue or develop a quality." "Wisdom Literature," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone, Philadelphia, 1984, p. 307. 3 Cf. D. Georgi, Weisheit Salomos, JSHRZ III, 4, Glitersloh, 1980, p. 383. Gilbert criticizes the multiple authorship theories by showing the book's careful organization, op.cit., pp. 307-308.

50

WISDOM

refers to Wis as being cloaked "in the garb of Hellenism, 114 but the Hellenism is more than an outer garment. Our author's description of wisdom and the marriage union between her and the individual goes beyond anything we find in the Hebrew scriptures or in other apocryphal literature. Pseudo Solomon (hereafter Ps Sol) wishes to encourage the faith of his fellow Jews in order to strengthen them against the temptations which Hellenistic culture held for them. Following J. Reese's thought, 5 he wanted to challenge the popularity of the Isis cults by setting up the wisdom of God in opposition to the wisdom offered through these cults devoted to the goddess of wisdom, Isis. A wide range of cults and philosophies offered an intimate form of religion compellingly attractive to the educated and wealthy who had the leisure time to pursue them. In response, Ps Sol offers not the wisdom of the wisdom psalms and not the wisdom identified with the Torah (Ben Sira) which men are encouraged to follow and whose precepts men are encouraged to obey, but rather a wisdom which is man's cruJ-L~CwoL.;; his throne partner, with whom and through whom he has access to God. In examining material in Wis we shall first note some of the vocabulary pertaining to healing, then look at the description of the knowledge of Solomon in chapter 7 before turning to the passage about the serpent in chapter 16. This will be followed by a consideration of the intercession of the high priest in chapter 18 and the notion that God's word heals and finally Ps Sol's attempt to make miracles more plausible in 19. c. Larcher calls attention to Ps Sol's knowledge of medical theories and vocabulary. After mentioning the interest of both the Stoics and Epicureans in such theories he speaks about the pneumatic school. 6 He also gives a list of 14 words

4 A. Neuman, 1957.

Foreword, p. viii, J. Reider, The Book of Wisdom,

5 J, Reese, Hellenistic Influences Consequences, Rome, 1970, p. 35f.

on

the

Book

of

Wisdom

New York,

and

its

6 "L'ecole pneumatique, elle, avait fini par simplifier etrangement tous les phenomenes de la vie humaine: le souffle vital etait assimile l'air aspire par la respiration, la chaleur vitale expliquee par le mouvement incessant du pneuma .•• Les conceptions des impies en Sg, II, 2-3 rappellent

a

51

which he claims are attested in medical writings. J. Reese is another scholar who has called attention to Ps Sol's , use of medical terminology. He cites nvtO~a (WTLKOV a technical term of Alexandrian physicians as opposed to nvo~ (w~~ (breathe of life) and 'Lvlla:.\~a the word for hallucination. In addition he calls attention to the psychological terms for fear and the intense imagery found in chapter 17. 7 The author of Wis had a good Greek education which, like Philo's, included some knowledge of medicine. The book does not, however, exhibit any particular medical expertise. Nor does it refer to physicians. To understand what Ps Sol wished to communicate about healing we turn first to chapter 7. There we hear Ps Sol state his love for wisdom, a preference before scepters and thrones and, in fact, above all riches ( 7. 8) . He regards wisdom as more important than health, not to denigrate health, but to elevate wisdom. Wisdom is not an inherited possession. Solomon carne into the world a mortal like all other men (7 .1) . He breathes the same air as everyone else (7.3) and will die like everyone else (7.7). He could not get wisdom except as a gift from God: But knowing that I could not otherwise gain possession of her, except God give her - and to know the source of this grace was a mark of understanding - I petitioned the Lord and supplicated him. (8.21, Winston)

This is the background of the specific contents of Solomon's encyclopaedic knowledge which follows: 16 Both we and our words are in his hands, as well as all understanding and craftsmanship. 17 For it was he who gave me unerring knowledge of existent being, to know the structure of the universe and the operation of the elements; 18 the beginning and end, and middle of times, the changes of solstices and the vicissitudes of the season 19 the cycles of years and the position of the stars; 20 the natures of living creatures and the tempers of beasts; the violent force of spirits and the reasoning of men; the species of plants and the virtues of roots. (7.16-20, Winston)

surtout celles de l'ecole pneumatique." c. Larcher, ~tudes sur le livre de la Sagesse, Paris, 1969, p. 191. 7

Reese, op.cit., p. 21.

52

WISDOM

Among these details of the knowledge God's wisdom gave Solomon we find three that seem to indicate knowledge of healing arts: nv E:UIJ.opexc;
A. Kahana, HaSefarim

Hacyi~onim

I,

(Heb.) Jerusalem, 1978, p. 487.

9 H. Lesetre, Le Livre de la Sagesse, Paris, 1879, p. 66. For a overview of later traditions about Solomon's extensive knowledge see D.J. Halperin, "The Book of Remedies, the Canonization of the Solomonic Writings and the Riddle of Pseudo-Eusebius." JQR, LXXII, 4 (1982) pp. 269-292.

53

being created for vengeance. The following verse (29) mentions fire, hail, famine and pestilence. These may well be connected to the preceding as effects of the ill winds. Winds that bring evil is a figure of speech, but one whose origin may be traced to ancient beliefs that evil spirits were behind the winds. 10 The force of winds or spirits should not be seen in isolation but in connection with the reference to plants and roots which is not likely to mean botanical knowledge alone, but botanical knowledge for the purposes of healing and exorcism. From other references to oLa~opa~ ~TWv and ouv~EL~ p L (wv such as in Ben Sir a 3 8 and Jubilees 10 we may surmise that their purpose here is for healing also. Further, we have a reference to an exorcism in Josephus which sheds light on Wis 7.20. In Ant. VIII 46-49 Josephus gives us an account of a demon expelled through a man's nostrils using the help of a root which Solomon discovered. Wisdom gives in this passage an explanation of the origin of the healing arts which justifies their use. The knowledge of roots, plants, spells, and astronomy was among the forbidden knowledge revealed by the fallen angels in the Book of Watchers (I Enoch 7-9). Because that knowledge was associated with pagan practices and not sanctioned by God it was condemned. In the Book of Jubilees 10 the knowledge of (unspecified) medical remedies, known also to evil spirits, is revealed by God through his angels to a holy man, Noah, for the purpose of providing man protection against illnesses caused by demons. In Wis the knowledge of healing arts is given as part of the contents of wisdom for which Solomon prayed. In ch. 7 no connection is made between evil spirits and healing. The knowledge of healing remedies is revealed by God (7.15-16) through wisdom to Solomon (7.22). The second passage to be examined is part of a homiletic midrash (11-19) on the book of Exodus. In the section containing healing material, the author seems to be answering an unarticulated question of why God used animals (in the form of plagues) to punish the Egyptians. Ps Sol explains that three types of religion were practiced by the pagans. The first type was the worship of idols {13-10-15.13), the 10 See R. Campbell Thompson, The Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia II, London, 1905.

54

WISDOM

"beginning and cause and end of every evil" TICXVToc; expxl) KCXKoO KCXL cxi.TCcx KCXL liEpcxc; ecnCv (14.27). The third type of pagan religion was that of the worship of living animals, practiced by the Egyptians ( 15.14-19) . 11 "Yes, and they do worship the most hateful of beasts" KCXL TCx (i{Xx o& TCx EX6LOTCX OE~OVTCXL (15.18). As a consequence, the punishment of the plagues included these same animals. "Therefore, were they deservedly punished by the like animals." oLex To0To oL' OIJ.oCwv eKoA&oe~ocxv &~Cwc; (16.1). They lost all appetite for food (16.3). In contrast, the Israelites' hunger was satisfied by quail (16.2). What the author has done in the midrash on Exodus is to reduce the ten plagues of Exodus to six signs o~IJ.ELCX and to add a seventh sign, the event of the drowning in the Sea. For every plague upon the Egyptians there is a corresponding benefit for the Israelites . 12 The third sign, or plague, was that of the locusts and flies (16.9) which Pharaoh calls "this death" TOV e&vcxTOV TOVTOV (Ex 10.17). In contrast, the Israelites initially suffer from an attack of serpents, the purpose of which is to serve as a warning for the Israelites to observe the commandments (16.6) and to turn to God as their Savior (16.7) and healer (16.12). 5 Even when the terrible fury of beasts came upon them, and they were perishing through the bites of tortuous serpents, your anger did not abide to the end; 6 only for a while were they thrown into disarray as a warning, possessing as they did a symbol of your salvation to remind them of the commandment of your law. 7 For whoever turned towards it was saved not by the sight beheld, but through you, the savior of all. 8 and by this you convinced our foes that you are the one who delivers from every evil. 9 For those men were slain by the bites of locusts and flies, and no remedy was found for their life, since they deserved to be punished by such creatures. 10 But your sons were not overcome by the fangs of venom-spraying serpents, for your compassion came forth to their aid and healed them. 11 It was to remind them of your oracles that they were sharply prodded and quickly delivered so that they might not fall into a deep forgetfulness and become complacent through your kindness. 12 For it was neither herb nor emollient that cured them, but your word, 0 Lord, that heals all. 13 For you have 11

Gilbert, op.cit., p. 304.

12 O.K. Clark, "Signs in Wisdom and in John," CBQ 45 (1983) p. 202. Cf. his translation of 11.16. See also M. Gilbert, "On est puni par ou 1' on peche (Sg 11,16)," Alter Orient und Altes Testament 215 (1985) pp. 183-191.

55

the power of life and death; you lead down to the gates of Hades and bring back up again. 14 Man indeed slays in hie wickedness, but he does not bring back the expired life breath nor release the soul embraced by death. (ch. 16, Winston)

Ps Sol reinterprets and enlarges upon the Numbers 21.4-9 story of the bronze serpent. Num 21.9 states that anyone bitten by a serpent who looks upon the bronze serpent will live. KCXL ETIE~AElj!EV ETIL TOV o<j>LV TOV XCXAKOUV I E(Tj. Ps Sol makes it clear that the serpent serves as a symbol of sal vat ion and as a reminder to keep the commandments. No one is healed by looking at the bronze serpent. Only by turning to God, the savior of all (7) is he saved and healed. The word ETILCJTpE<j>ELV does not mean the physical movement of turning toward. Rather it is used as in the LXX as the technical term for turning away from sin and towards God. God appears here in verse 7 as the Savior of all just as he appears in 12 as the healer. Ps Sol's interpretation of the serpent is found in m. Rosh HaShana 3.8: But could the serpent slay, or the serpent keep alive! It is, rather, to teach thee that such time as the Israelites directed their thoughts on high and kept their hearts in subjection to their Father in heaven, they were healed; otherwise they pined away. (Danby)

In b. Ber. 33a R. Hanina is quoted as saying: "it is not a serpent that kills but rather it is sin that kills. 1113 In John 3.14-15, the gospel writer affirms that it was faith in God that saved the Israelites from the effects of the serpents. In the metaphor faith in Jesus leads not to physical healing but (ultimately) to eternal life: And as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, so must the Son of man b~ lifted up, that whoever believes in him may have eternal life. (3.14-15 ,RSV)

Verse 7 of Wis 16 should be seen in relationship to v. 12. Philo's comment on what happens to those without faith when they are ill sheds light on this relationship: 13 See also Fragment-Targum on Num 21.9 (M.L. Klein, The Fragment-Targums of the Pentateuch, Rome 1980, I, pp. 101, 198; II, pp. 71, 156-7) and Targum of Pseudo-Jonathan to Num 21.8, M. Ginsberger, Berlin, 1903, p. 267.

56

WISDOM

When anything befalls them which they would not, since the have never had any firm faith in God their Savior, they must first flee to the help which things created give, to physicians, herbs, drug mixtures, strict rules of diet, and all the other aids that mortals that mortal use. (De Sacrificio 70)

God's word in v. 12 appears at the healing agent of God who is said to rescue man from the realm of death (v. 13) . Ps Sol here expresses a sentiment very similar to that expressed in Ps 107.19-20: Then they cried to the Lord in their trouble, and he delivered them from destruction; he sent forth his word, and healed them and delivered them from destruction. (lit. the Pit; RSV)

Targum Neofiti adds in two marginal readings (M1 and M2) to Ps 107.20: "I am the Lord who heals through my word." (Compare Ps 103.3-4- God who forgives, heals illnesses and redeems from the Pit.) 14 It is not the intention of Ps Sol to disparage healing remedies which he praises as gifts of wisdom to Solomon in chapter 7. Rather he teaches in ch. 16 that no remedies work for those who do not trust in God and turn to him in repentance. Both the Egyptians and the Israelites suffered from the poisonous bites of animals. For the Egyptians there was not healing because of the severity of their sins (v. 9) and their refusal to turn to God (v. 16). The Israelites were not healed by the sympathetic medicine of looking at the bronze serpent. 15 No pultice (~aAay~a= snakebite remedy) would have healed them had it been available (v. 12). All things are ultimately in the hands of God (v. 13). In turning to God one receives forgiveness of sins and healing . 16 Ps Sol's reinterpretation of Num 21 is a strong exhortation to faith in God who is savior and healer (vs. 7 and 12) . It strongly 14 See discussion by H. Maneschg, "'Gott, Erzieher, Retter und Heiland seines Volkes,"' Zur Reinterpretation von Num 21, 4-9 in Weish 16, 5-14, Biblische Zeitschrift NF 28 (1984), p. 219f. 15

See D. Winston, op.cit., p. 295.

16 In the healing of the paralytic in the synoptics Jesus says to the paralytic, "'My son, your sins are forgiven"' (Mt 9.2; Mk 2.5;Lk 5.20). Here too forgiveness of sins is connected to healing.

57

affirms Ex 15.26: "I am the Lord that healeth thee." It does not address itself to the question of how medical means and physicians function in conjunction with faith. (cf. Ben Sira 38.1-15).

We have already seen that in 15.12 God's word Aoyo~ is the agent of his healing power. There are three other roles which Aoyo~ plays in Wis. In 9.1 it is associated with the creation of man: "O God of my fathers and Lord of mercy, who hast made all things by thy word." ad: ncx-r€pwv Kcxl. KVpLE -rou EAEou~ 11:0lT]OCX~ -ra TI<XVTCX ev AOY'fl oou. In 18:15 Aoyo~ is described as "an all-powerful word from heaven" o ncxv-ro&VV(l(j.I.O~ oou Aoyo~ om' oupcxvGlv I portrayed as the agent of God's judgment, the executor of the divine will. 17 • In chapter 18.21-25 (see Num 16.41-50) we find a fourth usage of Aoyo~. An agent of the divine will appears in the form of an intercessor {Aaron):

o

For a blameless man hastened to be their champion, Bringing the shield of his own ministry, prayer and the propitiation of incense. He opposed the wrath and set a limit to the disaster, showing that he was thy servant. But he overcame the wrath, not by strength of body, nor by force of arms, but by word he subdued the chastiser, recalling the oaths and covenants of the fathers. For when the dead were already fallen in heaps upon one another, standing between he cut short the wrath, and parted the way to the living. For on the robe that reached to his feet was the whole world and the glories of the fathers upon the four-rowed stone of graving, and thy greatness on the diadem of his head. To these the destroyer yielded, and these he feared, for the single experience of wrath was sufficient. (18:21-25, Reider)

In this passage the Aoyo~ which subdues the chastiser (plague) is the word of prayer accompanied by the incense of the high priest, Aaron, called Aoyo~ by Philo in De Mutatione 208 and Legum Allegoriarum III 45,103. Aaron does not simply pray for the people using incense. He calls upon the promises

17

See J. Drouet, Le Livre de la Sagesse, Paris, 1966, p. 139.

18 In b. Shab. 42a it is recorded that Moses prayed 40 days and nights that the Israelites might be forgiven their sin of worshipping the golden calf. This prayer was without effect until he mentioned, "Remember Abraham, Isaac and Jacob," upon which God heard his prayer. See Winston, op.cit., p. 321.

58

WISDOM

made to the patriarchs by God. 18 The garments Aaron wears, especially the four-rowed stone of engraving on which were engraved the names of the 12 tribes and also the diadem with the tetragrammaton afford apotropaic protection in warding off the evil force identified as an angel in IV Maccabees 1.11. 19 In the final chapter of Wis the author gives us what has been described as a theory of miracles. 20 Referring to the various events of the Exodus, culminating in the parting of the Red Sea and safe passage through it (19. 7-12), verse 6 reads: "For the whole creation was fashioned over again in its spiritual nature, submitting to your commands, that your children might be preserved unharmed." Further we read: For the elements changed places with one another as on a harp the notes vary the nature of the rhythm, while each note remains the same. This may be clearly inferred from the sight of what took place. For land animals were transformed into water creatures, and creatures that swim moved over to the land. Fire even in water retained its normal power, and water forgot its fire-quenching nature. Flames, on the contrary, failed to consume the flesh of perishable creatures that walked among them, nor did they melt the crystalline, easily melted kind of heavenly food. (19.18-21, RSV)

The theory behind these verses is based ultimately on the Presocratic concept of the material interchange of the elements. The world was regarded as being made of a material in which the elements were interchangeable.

19 See Pseudo-Philo 26.4 for the healing property of stones in the high priest's garment. 20 "The last chapter of the Wisdom of Solomon contains a theory of miracles phrased in the scientific terms of the day, which, though paralleled in Philo and based on a Hellenistic commonplace, is unique in the biblical literature. It is briefly that miracles are not a derangement but a rearrangement of the harmony of the universe. Here is an attempt to hold together the biblical doctrine of Creation - God's constant and physical and moral control of the world in which he called into being out of nothing .•. and the assumptions of Greek philosophy, that the world was shaped by God out of pre-existing matter and runs according to the immutable Laws then implanted." J.P.M. Sweet, "The Theory of Miracles in the Wisdom of Solomon," Miracles, ed. C.F.D. Moule, London, 1965, pp. 115116.

21

Winston, op.cit., p. 324.

See Cicero Natura Deorum 3.39.92.

59

The Stoics, in their attempt to explicate divination and the various miracle stories it involved, made especial use of this principle to show that the gods could accomplish anything without violating the laws of nature. 21

In adopting the principle of the material interchange of the elements, Ps Sol achieves two objectives. First, he preserves the sovereignty of God as the Creator of the world who continues to exercise his provident care and control over all creation. Second, he gives a rational explanation of miracles but uses a theory accepted as scientific in his own time to explain them. 22

CONCLUSION

In Wisdom of Solomon knowledge of healing arts is revealed by God to Solomon as part of the gift of wisdom for which the king prayed. Exorcism is likely to have been part of this knowledge even if the force of spirits in 7. 20 is taken to mean knowledge of meteorology. Ps Sol had a good Greek education and wanted to attribute all the then known sciences and arts to Solomon. Wisdom reinterprets the story of the bronze serpent told in Numbers 21.4-9. It is not the serpent that saves and heals but rather God himself. Without faith in God and repentance from sin there is no healing because healing follows upon God's forgiveness. Wisdom here strongly affirms that God is the healer (Ex 15.26). His healing is often communicated by his Aoyo~ which in ch. 18 is a word of prayer spoken by Aaron. That word of prayer is made effective by Aaron's recalling before God the covenants made with the three patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. Finally, Ps Sol gives a rational explanation for miracles. He adapts the Presocratic theory of

22

Sweet, op.cit., p. 125f.

60

WISDOM

the interchange of elements to preserve both the sovereignty of God and the government of the world by the laws of nature.

1 ENOCH

The past twenty years have been rich in 1 Enoch research. We have seen the publication of the Qumran fragments by Milik, the Greek edition of Black, the Ethiopic with translation and notes by Knibb, the translation of the Tanasee Ethiopic manuscript and commentary by Isaac and, more recently, the German translation with extensive notes by Uhlig. The five books which comprise Ethiopic Enoch were written at different times. They seem, in the words of D. Dimant to "constitute a unified corpus carefully constructed around a definite theme, namely the biography of Enoch. "1 Of these five books it is possible to speak of healing material in three of them: the Book of Watchers (chapters 1-36), the Book of Similitudes (3771) and the Book of the Epistle of Enoch (97-107). Most of this material is related to the concern of the authors/editors to explain the presence of evil in the world in which they lived. The present Ethiopic text is a translation of the Greek made, according to E. Isaac, between 350-650 CE.2 The original language was Semitic, but scholars continue to debate whether 1 Enoch was composed in Hebrew, Aramaic or partly in each language. 3 The oldest fragments we have are in Aramaic. They were found at Qumran and published by J.T. Milik.4 One of them, 4QEna, Milik dates to the first half of the second century BCE. This fragment and 4QEnb contain the Book of Watchers. 1 D. Dimant, (1983) p. 18.

"The Biography of Enoch and the Book of Enoch," VT XXXIII 1

2 OTP I (1983), p. 8. Knibb and several others claim that it is likely that the translators also used an Aramaic text. See M.A. Knibb, The Ethiopic Book of Enoch 2, Oxford, 1978, p. 22. 3

Isaac, op.cit., p. 6.

4 This does not mean that the Vorlage of the presumed Greek text upon which the Ethiopic is based has been found. "But the one fact that emerges clearly from the Ethiopic material published and reported on by Milik is that the Ethiopic text (or the Greek, which Milik and most others assume to intervene between the two) is based on a text differing in many ways from the Qumran text." J.C. Greenfield and M.E. Stone, "The Enoch Pentateuch and the Date of the Similitudes," HTR 70 ( 1977) p. 61.

62

1 ENOCH

Even earlier is the fragment of the Astronomical Book {72-82), 4QEnastra, which Milik dates to the end of the third century BCE. 5 We may assume that the sources of the Book of Watchers in particular are much older than the written form. This would mean, as M. stone notes, that "The Book of Watchers {1 Enoch 1-36) and the Astrological Book {1 En 72-82) are the oldest, extra-biblical Jewish religious literature. 116 We begin, then, our consideration of the healing material in the oldest of the three books which contain such material, namely, the Book of Watchers. THE BOOK OF WATCHERS

No consensus has been reached as to the exact place of composition of the Book of Watchers except that most scholars would agree that it was composed in the Land of Israel. 7 The first five chapters relate Enoch's vision of judgment day. Blessings, especially peace, are promised to the elect, those who have faithfully observed the commandments of the Lord {ch. 5) . Severe punishment without mercy will be the lot of those who have transgressed the commandments. These chapters, which introduce all of Ethiopic Enoch, introduced the Book of Watchers at a very early date {200 BCE - 4QEna). The introduction should be seen as a key to understanding the rest of the Book of Watchers. Significantly, chapters 1-5 do not concern the sins of Watchers {angels) but of men and their punishment. The rest of the book, chapters 6-36 should be read

5 Milik' s conclusions are not accepted by all scholars. R. T. Beckwith dates both the Book of Watchers and the Astronomical Book to not later than the third century BCE "The Earliest Enoch Literature and its Calendar: Marks of their Origin, Date and Motivation," RQ 10 (1981) p. 369. 6 M.E. Stone, "The Book.of Enoch and Judaism in the Third Century B.C.E.," CBQ 40 (1978) p. 484. 7 Isaac, op.cit., p. 8 postulates Judaea. Milik (The Books of Enoch, Aramaic Fragments, pp. 9-10) suggests samaria. Nickelsburg suggests that the author wished to locate reception of the vision in Upper Galilee. "Enoch, Levi, and Peter: Recipients of Revelation in Upper Galilee," JBL 100 (1980).

63

in light of this emphasis in the introduction on the judgment passed on sinful men. 8 G. Nickelsburg notes: The pathos evident in the lengthy, angelic plea on behalf of mankind and the world (9:4-11), as well as the lengthy description of the judgment and the eschaton which follows it (10:11-11.2) strongly suggests that we have here not an etiology of sin in general, but an apocalyptic allegory which describes the demoniac origin of the mighty of the author's own time and announces their impending destruction. 9

This viewpoint receives support from the statement that the evil spirits, the descendants of the giants, will be active in the sinners "till the day of consummation, the great judgment, in which the age will be consummated upon the Watchers and the godless" (15.9-16.1, trans. Knibb). The first healing material in the Book of Watchers is in chapters 6-11, a section which the author has incorporated into the book without changing the style of its source. This source relates the story of the fall of the angels in the third person singular in contrast to the rest of the book where the author uses the first person singular. The author may have derived the material for 6-11 from a "Book of Noah" as was suggested by R.H. Charles many years ago. This has received some support from the discovery at Qumran of a socalled Book of Noah fragment, 1Q19, which contains material similar to that found in 1 Enoch 6-12. 10 Chapters 6-11 do not mention Enoch and are best seen as an aggadic midrash on Gen 6.1-4, "introduced by the editor of the Book of Watchers before the incident of the Watchers in order to provide the necessary background. " 11 In the midrash, it is assumed that the sons of God, o•n")Hn 'l::::J, of the biblical account, referred to as Watchers in 1 Enoch, are angels.

8 See especially L. Hartman, Asking far a Meaning, A Study of 1 Enoch 15, Lund, 1979, pp. 138-145. 9

Nickelsburg, Interpreter's Dictionary, Suppl. Vol., p. 226.

10

Stone, "Books of Noah," Ency. Jud. 12, p. 1198.

11 Dimant, "The Biography," op.cit., p. 25. For a different viewpoint on the genre of chapters 6-11 see J. Hanson, "Rebellion in Heaven, Azazel and Euphemeristic Heroes in 1 Enoch 6-11," JBL 96 ( 1977) p. 218 and M. Black, The Book of Enoch, Leiden, 1985, pp. 124-125.

1 ENOCH

64

According to Dimant' s analysis 12 the sin of these Watchers consists of both lusting after and then having sexual intercourse with married or engaged women during their menstrual period (10.11; 15.4) and their desire to procreate (6.12). The leader of the Watchers/angels is Semyaza. 13 The offspring of the angels and women are giants who commit heinous crimes and cause havoc upon the earth (ch. 7). Inserted into this story is an account of angels teaching forbid knowledge, namely, "charms and spells" and showing them the "cutting of roots and trees" (7 .1) . 14 The latter means roots and trees (or plants) for the purpose of healing. The use of plants and roots for healing is very ancient as the Sumerian Herbal (3000 BCE) attests. They were frequently associated with magic and sorcery . 15 In 8.1 Azazel is introduced:

12

Dimant,

.T'Jrtll,

]ilJ n•:npil D'l1Ynil D'I9D:J1 i111i1' I:JIIJ n1J'l/J:J "11-t11nrll D':JI-tXJ n•'::ltl11' ,1111j)11 n11:Jll, pp. 35-36, hereafter referred to as Dimant,

Fallen Angels. 13 Unless otherwise indicated translations and spelling of names are taken from M.E. Knibb's The Ethiopic Book of Enoch 2, Oxford, 1978. 14 Isaac translates the verse to mean the angels teach "magical medicine, incantation, cutting of roots" and "plants." The Greek text has cj>apf!OlKE Ca~ which can mean a healing remedy, poison or a magical procedure (L&S). P. Ghalioungui suggests a fourth meaning: "That which is slain to expiate the crimes of a city, like the scapegoat of Biblical times. In other words, it meant 'what carries off disease."' Magic and Medical Science in Ancient Egypt, London, 1963, p. 35. This last meaning is of particular interest if one accepts Nickelsburg's analysis of the two traditions within the text, one associated with Semyaza, the other with Azazel. Nickelsburg claims that the tradition that the angels "taught" (in contrast with the tradition that they sinned with the daughters of men) should be associated with the Azazel tradition. He includes 7.1de as a secondary interpolation. "Apocalyptic and Myth in 1 Enoch 6-11," JBL 96 (1977) p. 385. Thus, the name of the angel associated with teaching "that which carries off disease" is none other than the name of the (probable) demon to which the scapegoat is expelled, Azazel (Lev 16.8, 10, 20, 26). I am unaware of any Aramaic or Hebrew word underlying cj>apf!OlKE Ca which has such a rich variety of meaning. In 4QEna the word I:Jn "charm" is found. 15 E.A.W. Budge, Herb-Doctors and Physicians in the Ancient World, Chicago, 1978 (reprint of 1927) p. 37f. R.D. Biggs claims that the Babylonian asil (physician) did not become involved in magical practices until the seventh century BCE. "Babylonien," Krankheit, Heilkunst, Heilung, eds. H. Schipperges, E. Seidler, P.U. Unschuld, Freiburg/Mtinchen, 1978, p. 107f. The Israelites would have become acquainted with Babylonian medicine during their captivity in Babylon.

65

And Azazel taught men to make swords, and daggers, and shields and breastplates. And he showed them the things after these ... and the art of making them; bracelets and ornaments, and the art of making up the eyes and of beautifying the eyelids, and the most precious and choice stones and all (kinds of) coloured dyes. And the world was changed.

What Azazel teaches challenges three most basic prohibitions in the Noachide laws, namely, fornication/adultery (resulting from cosmetics, jewelry, beautiful clothing), murder (from different types of arms) 16 and idolatry (the crafting of metals of the earth) . 17 Fornication is also connected with idolatry in the Bible (Jer 3.9; Ez 16.15; Hos 3.1). It is better to lose one's life than to commit any of these three sins (b. Sanhedrin 74a). The end result of the knowledge communicated by Azazel is that men went astray (8.2). In 8. 3 semyaza 18 is reintroduced along with other angels who teach. He is said to have "taught all those who cast spells and cut roots." Nickelsburg regards this instruction as "secondary contamination" 19 from the Azazel material. The other angels teach magic as well as astronomical and astrological information (8.3f.). In 9. 6-7 the archangels plead with God to punish those angels who have gone astray, especially Azazel and Semyaza: See then what Azazel has done, how he has taught all iniquity on the earth and revealed the eternal secrets which were made in heaven. And Semyaza has made known spells, (he) to whom you gave authority to rule over those who are with him.

The tradition of the teaching of the eternal secrets, very likely from the Azazel source, has been interpolated into the 16 R. T. Beckwith connects the negative association of Azazel' s teaching about swords etc. with pacifism on the part of the author of this tradition. He notes that Philo (Quod Omnis 78) says that the Essenes have no part in "any industry concerned with war." Beckwith, op.cit., p. 393. This observation seems to me to be based on the insufficient evidence of this one verse. 17 "Idolatry" is not obvious from Knibb's translation. See instead Dimant, Fallen Angels, p. 55f. and S. Uhlig (note 24) p. 545. 18 Knibb' s translates the name of the angel as Amezarak but he notes: "Amezarak like the other Eth variants is an inner-Ethiopic corruption of Semyaza." op.cit., p. 82. 19

Nickelsburg, "Apocalyptic and Myth," p. 385.

66

1 ENOCH

story in such a way that the head of the fallen Watchers, Semyaza, is also blamed for leading men astray by teaching. C. Molenberg notes that the repetition of words for teach and show in Greek as well as in Ethiopic is characteristic of the instruction given by Azazel and the Watchers. In 10.2-3 the same words are part of commands given by God to the archangel Michael. It seems that the lack of divine sanction for the teachings of Asael and the other watchers in contrast to the divine command for instruction in 10;2,3 was one of the reasons for the negative interpretation of the Asael tradition. 20

The knowledge of healing remedies is thus interpreted negatively because it lacks divine sanction. In contrast, in the Book of Jubilees the knowledge of healing remedies is interpreted positively. God commands an angel to reveal medical knowledge to Noah (10). Another reason for the negative interpretation of medical knowledge in the Book of Watchers is the association of that knowledge with magic, astrology and divination, pagan practices that long posed a threat to the Israelite religion and Judaism. 21 The question arises as to what posed a particular threat at the time of the composition of the midrash or its later use in the Book of Watchers. That threat, I suggest, came when the Babylonian priest Berosus founded about the year 280 BCE a school of astrology on the island of Cos which was still then a center of Hippocratic medicine. Berosus translated into Greek works written in Babylonian on history, astrology and medicine which translation he dedicated to Antiochus I of Syria. Berosus is credited with introducing into Greek thought and medicine stellar determinism and the consultation of the stars and planets in the treatment of illnesses. He did this at the same time that Manethon was reviving the popularity of astrology in 20

c. Molenberg,

"A Study of the Roles of Shemihaza and Asael in 1 Enoch

6-11," JJS 35 (1984) p. 141.

21 Stone notes that "Aspects of magical, medical and demonological knowledge found in v. 20 (Wisdom of Sol) occur nowhere else in the apocalyptic lists." "Lists of Revealed Things in the Apocalyptic Literature," Magnalia Dei, ed. F.M. cross, New York, p. 437.

67

Egypt where it had for a long time been connected with medicine. 22 The Astronomical Book (72-82) of 1 Enoch contains nothing about healing and is rightly called astronomical and not astrological. It is of interest here because it responds to the stellar determinism known in the Babylonian world and recently introduced into the Greek world. In 7 5. 1 angels are appointed by God over all of creation including the stars with Uriel in charge of the luminaries (75.3). Those who chart the stars and moon for changes of season and regulation of calendars are reminded that God through Uriel is in charge. God can and will change and modify the courses of the luminaries for His purposes: Many of the chiefs of the stars shall make errors in respect to the orders given to them ..• They (the stars) shall err against them (the sinners) shall err and take them (the stars) to be gods and evil things shall be multiplied upon them; and plagues shall come upon them, so as to destroy all. (80.7-8, Isaac)

Berosus' works are lost except for a few quotes of interest to historians found in Josephus. We know he introduced astrology and astrological medicine to Greece. We are not certain about divination and magic associated with medicine although he may have written about these practices and the properties of roots and stones in his lost works. What we can say is that the Book of Watchers was written at a time of widespread and renewed interest in astrology and astrological medicine among Israel's neighbors, an interest that is unlikely to have stopped at Israel's borders. The next bit of healing material is the notice in 10.7 that Raphael (God heals) is sent to "heal" the earth after 22 A.B. LeClercq, Histoire de la Divination dans 1 'Antiquite I, Paris, 1963 (reprint of 1879) p. 209f. In Athens the populace had erected a statue of Berosus with a golden tongue in gratitude for his teachings, Pliny Nat. Hist. VII 37, 123. see also M. Graubard, Astrology and Alchemy, New York, 1953, p. 15f. and E.R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational, Boston, 1957, pp. 245-246.

68

1 ENOCH

binding Azazel. 23 In a footnote s. Uhlig explains the meaning of the Ethiopic word which Charles translates as "heal": "Al).yawa allgemein 'lebendig machen, wiederbeleben,' bier durch Einflu~ von Gr (Formen von t
the angels have defile and proclaim and that all the children of men all the secret things that the have taught.

Though the flood at the time of Noah is not mentioned in chapter 10, that flood may also be said to have healed the earth which had been corrupted by man's sins. The sign of the healing or restoration in the biblical account is twofold. God accepts the sacrifice which Noah offers. He promises that He will not destroy the earth again and gives mankind the symbol of the rainbow as a sign of his promise (Gen 8-9). 25 Both P. Hanson and J. Collins raise the question as to when the binding of Azazel and healing of the earth in 1 Enoch 10 take place. Is it still in the eschatological future or did it take place in the restoration after the flood? Hanson maintains that it is an eschatological restoration intended in the future. 26 Collins maintains the time period referred to could be either after the flood or in the end times. 27 I am 23 We do not have an Aramaic fragment containing 10.7. Milik conjectures N!::ll from the rest of the fragment which contains chapter 10. Milik says: "The archangel Raphael was charged by God to bind 'As a' el hand and foot and to heal the earth which the angels had corrupted, En. 10:4-8. Note the word-play on the double meaning of the verb N!::ll • to tie' and • to heal. '" The Books of Enoch, p. 316. D. Flusser suggests that "healing the earth" was a common Second Temple period topes. A Sumerian incantation with an Assyrian translation about 650 BCE reads "I (the goddess Engur) am the exorcist, the healer of the earth." cuneiform Texts XVI, 5:172£. 24 S. Uhlig, Das athiopische Henochbuch, JSHRZ V, 527.

6, Glitersloh,

1984, p.

25 Among many ancient peoples the rainbow was viewed as the sign of a divine bow used by the gods to inflict punishment on man. In Gen 9.13 it becomes a sign of God's covenant with man. In the Talmud it is a manifestation of God's glory and should not be gazed upon: b. Kidd. 40a; ijagigah 16a; Kethuboth 77b. 26

Hanson, "Rebellion in Heaven," op.cit., pp. 201-202.

27 J. J. Collins, "Methodological Seminar Papers, 1978, p. 318.

Issues

in

the

Study of

1

Enoch,"

SBL

69

persuaded that the editor of the Book of Watchers meant the restoration/healing after the flood which he intended to serve as a paradigm of what was to take place in the end times. We have already noted that chapters 6-11 should not be read in isolation but should be seen in the context of the whole book with chapters 1-5 as an introduction. Thus, the aggadic midrash contained in 6-11 serves the editor's purpose of warning those responsible for the evil of his own time. The midrash also serves as an explanation of the origin of evil. Parallels between chapters 5 and 10 have been noted by L. Hartman which affirm the relationship between the midrash and the introduction to the Book of watchers. 28 Viewed in this way - the healing after the flood as a paradigm - Noah is the prototype of the righteous, the watchers, the prototype of the unrighteous. In the introduction and in the rest of the Book of Watchers Enoch, not Noah, is the prototype of the righteous man. 29 Hartman says: As Noah, so to speak, incorporates the righteous, so the fallen Watchers and the generation of the flood impersonate the wicked of the author's time. They are hardhearted ( 5. 4) as are the fallen angels (16.3) ... So the wicked belong to a sphere over which a judgment already hovers, viz., that over the Watchers. 30

The chapters which follow 6-11 do not mention healing. Chapters 12-16 contain a different account of the story of the Watchers. In this account the Watchers are seen as having gone against their spiritual nature in both leaving heaven and taking wives {15). They are reminded of their higher nature, higher than that of Enoch who cannot intercede for the Watchers even though they are fallen (15.2). From the offspring of the Watchers come evil spirits, a new force for evil in the world which lasts until the judgment at the end times. Dimant explains the origin of this new force. She suggests that this version of the story of the Watchers read 28 Hartman, op.cit., pp. 140-141. These parallels include: and 10.3, 17; long life, 5.8f. and 10.3, 17; absence of 10.20f; and joy, 5.6, 7, 9 and 10.16. 29 See P.G. Davis, "The Mythic Enoch: New Light Sciences Religieuses 13/3 (1984) pp. 339-343. 30

Hartman, op.cit., p. 144.

on Early

salvation, sin, 5.8f

5.6 and

Christology,"

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1 ENOCH

the biblical o•)~l (Gen 6.4) not as o•)~~ giants but as o•)~~ abortions, associated in tradition with demons. 31 These evil spirits brought much sorrow into the world (15.11). Among that sorrow is likely to have been illness as we see in Jubilees 10 where medical remedies are revealed to Noah to combat the sickness brought by the evil spirits. In 1 Enoch 12-16 man is not left helpless against the evils wrought by the Watchers, giants and evil spirits. The righteous man Enoch is given the power/authority to rebuke the Watchers (13.10; 14.3). I understand the Greek EA£y~6~ not as a simple reproval but as the exercise of exorcistic power over the forces of evil. In the Apocalypse of Abraham 14 (1st or 2nd century CE) Abraham also uses his divinely-given authority against Azazel who has revealed the secrets of heaven. THE BOOK OF SIMILITUDES

(PARAB~ES)

The Book of Similitudes (chapters 37-71) also contains some healing material. The date of the similitudes' composition is uncertain though no one disputes that it is the latest of the five sections of Ethiopic Enoch. Since no fragments of the book were found at Qumran, Milik proposed that there was an Enochic Pentateuch in which the Book of the Giants found at Qumran formed the fifth part instead of the Similitudes which he dated about 270 CE and called a Christian work. 32 D. Flusser explains the absence of the Similitudes at Qumran by suggesting that the book: even if known, would not have been at Qumran because of the manner in treated in chapter 41; their tasks sun does not receive the special various Qumran writings. 33

acceptable to the sectaries which the sun and moon are and roles are equal - the place afforded it in the

31 Dimant, Fallen Angels, p.78. For her analysis of this version see pp. 75-78. Note that the giants are still mentioned in v. 15. 32

Milik, The Books of Enoch, p. 58 and p. 92f.

33 As quoted in J.C. Greenfield and M.E. Stone, "The Enoch Pentateuch," op.cit., p. 56. The co-authors propose that the Similitudes belong to a different strand of Enochic tradition than that represented by the Qumran manuscripts. See p. 53f.

71

D. Suter, in reviewing different positions on the date and provenance of the book, concludes that the Similitudes is a Jewish work of the first century CE. 34 The tone of the book is eschatological. Apocalyptic motifs abound. The book is addressed as words of wisdom to two groups ( 3 7 • 2) , one group more worthy of the revelation contained in the similitudes, or parables, than the other. 35 All three parables focus on the final judgment. In the first parable (chapters 38-44) Raphael is described as the angel "who is set over all diseases and every wound of the children of men," ( 40. 9) a function he exercises in the Book of Watchers by binding Azazel and by healing the earth. The second similitude concerns the judgment of "those who deny the name of the Lord of the Spirits and the congregation of the holy ones" ( 45 .1) . In 54 we see a reinterpretation of part of the story of the watchers from chapter 10 of the Book of watchers. 36 Semyaza has disappeared. Azazel now has a host of angels supporting him. He has become the classic tempter who, as an agent of Satan (portrayed as a monarch with "subjects," (or servants) has led human beings to sin. He and his hosts must be punished: And Michael and Gabriel, Raphael and Phanuel - these will take hold of them on that great day ... and throw them on that day into the furnace of burning fire, that the Lord of Spirits may take vengeance on them for their iniquity, in that they became servants of Satan and led astray those who dwell upon the dry ground. (54.6)

The Lord of the Spirits (God) the addresses the kings, potentates and dwellers upon the earth and warns them of 34 D.W. Suter "Weighed in the Balance: the Similitudes of Enoch in Recent Discussion," Religious Studies Review 7 (1981) pp. 217-220. 35 A. Caquot and P. Geo1train explain: "Lee 'premiers' son eminemment dignes de la revelation, du commencement de la sagesse, et c 'est a eux qu'on s'addresserait de preference. Les 'seconds' ont une position en retrait, et peut-etre ne sont-ils pas aussi dignes de la revelation, qu'on ne leur cachera pourtant pas." "Notes sur le texte ethiopien des 'Paraboles' d'Henoch," Semitica 13 (1963) p. 39. 36 In 10 Azazel is cast into an abyss over which rocks are thrown. In chapter 54 not only is Azazel cast into the abyss but also his hosts. The abyss now has fire in it. Furthermore, it requires the four archangels to do the casting, Michael, Raphael, Gabriel and Phanuel.

72

1 ENOCH

punishment (54.7), a warning fit for the leaders of the author's own time that the punishment meted out to the fallen angels will be their lot, too. The third similitude (chapters 58-69) continues the theme of the punishment of evil. In chapter 65 Enoch hears his grandson Noah calling out because of the turbulence upon the earth. Enoch explains that judgment has been made on earth dwellers because they have learned the secrets of the angels and other knowledge not intended to be revealed to them. Noah sees in a vision a burning valley filled with rivers of water punishing the angels and rulers (67). He later (68) receives instruction in all the secret things learned by Enoch. The vision mentions healing: And through the valleys of that same (area) flow out rivers of fire where those angels will be punished who led astray those who dwell upon the dry ground. 8. And in those days those waters will serve the kings and the mighty and the exalted, and those who dwell upon the dry ground, for the healing of soul and body, but (also) for the punishment of the spirit. And their spirits are (so) full of lust that they will be punished in their bodies, for they denied the Lord of Spirits. And they see their punishment every day, yet they do not believe in his name. 9. And the more their bodies are burnt, the more a change will come over their spirits forever and ever, for no one can speak an idle word before the Lord of Spirits. 10. For judgment will come upon them, for they believe in the lust of their bodies, but deny the spirit of the Lord. 11. And those same waters will undergo a change in those days, the temperature of those springs of water will change, and when the angels come up (from the water) that water of the springs will change and will become cold. 12. And I heard the holy Michael answering and saying: "This judgment with which the angels are judged is a testimony for the kings and the mighty who possess the dry ground. 13. For these waters of judgment (serve) for the healing of the bodies of the kings, and for the lust of their bodies; but they do not see and do not believe that these waters will change, and will become a fire which burns forever." (67.7-13) 37

Probably behind this passage is preserved folklore about thermal baths connected with the punishment of demons under 37 In verses 8 and 13 Isaac has "poisonous drug of the body" and "poison to the bodies" whereas Knibb translates the Ethiopic word fawes as healing. Isaac concedes in a note that fawes means either healing remedy or poison, a more exceptional meaning. Like ~ap~aKELa and medicamentum the Geez word fawes can mean either healing or poison. Understanding fawes as poison in vs. 8 and 13 further complicates the passage.

73

the surface of the earth. We find this at the Hammat Springs near Tiberias which, according to local tradition, owe their heat to demons blinded by King Solomon. 38 From verse 6 it is clear that sulphur springs are meant. Charles notes that even though the springs at Kallirrhoe were not sulphurous the ones at Machaerus (Josephus: War VII 17117 2) were in the neighborhood of sulphur mines. 39 The change (v. 13) probably means that the water will disappear leaving the sulphur as a source for burning fire. 40 The question arises as to who is being punished in these springs. All Ethiopian texts read "angels" in verse 13. Thus, Isaac translates "poison (fawes) to the bodies of the angels." Nonetheless, many, perhaps most, scholars think that the translators mistook D'JNJD angels for D'JJD kings. 41 This presumes, of course, that the translators had a Hebrew text before them. We have, unfortunately, no Semitic (or Greek) fragments of the Similitudes to support either the reading of kings or angels here. Since the angels of I Enoch both fornicate and procreate, they are hardly disembodied spirits incapable of lust and further bodily pain (v. 13) . Moreover v. 12 speaks of the judgment of the angels as a testimony, i.e., warning sign, to the kings and the mighty. If angels is read in v. 13 as in the Ethiopic text, that could mean that the water now and the fire 38 A similar tradition is found in Origin (Contra Celsum 5.52). The angels who are being punished are enchained under the earth. Their tears are the source of the hot springs. 39

R.H. Charles, The Book of Enoch, Oxford, 1893, p. 174.

40 Sulphur n'l91 is connected with judgment in the Bible since the destruction of Sedam and Gomorrah in Genesis 19 (see Deut 29.33; Ez 38.22). The day of vengeance in Isaiah 34 includes: "And the streams thereof shall be turned into pitch (n91) and the dust thereof into brimstone (n'l91) and the land shall become. burning pitch." In the Book of Revelation the connection of water and fire and sulphur is made in 19.20 where the beast and the false prophet are thrown into the lake of fire that burns with sulphur (see also 20.10; 21.8). 41 Uhlig comments on the difficulty: "Die Annahrne einer Verwechslung im angenommen hebr. Original. die statt melakim Konige meint mala'kim "Boten, Engel" lessen zu miissen - seit Hal(evi)Rech S 375-377 wiederholt zur Korrektur des ath. mala'ekt herangezogen (Beer, Martin, Charles, Knibb) ist nicht zwingend da mal'ak sowohl allgemein als auch bei Henoch (VI 3,7 = apxwv) auch "Oberster, Fiirst" bedeutet ( vgl. Flemming, Harnrnershairnb) auf jeden Fall ist "Fiirsten" zu lesen." op. cit., p. 623.

74

1 ENOCH

later is the testimony. This interpretation, however, does not do justice to v. 11, where the waters become cold and do not turn onto fire and to v. 8 where it is said that the waters serve for the healing of the soul and body of the kings and the mighty. The Ethiopic text of chapter 67 is not entirely clear. From verse 8 we learn that the same water which heals the body, perhaps from venereal disease, dulls the spirit so that those who use the water become even more lustful. Thus, they deny God (cannot believe in his name). 42 The longer they (the kings and the mighty) stay in the water the more their spirits are harmed. These pleasant but deceptive waters warmed by the angels (v. 11) will become cold and then disappear, leaving the sulphur fire as the punishment for the kings and the mighty and the angels as we11. 43 In chapter 67 the author has taken the story of the fallen angels prior to the flood and woven into it a fitting punishment for the rulers of his own day. He does this as D. Suter says: by ironically identifying the current pleasure of the kings and the mighty in a spa, which is associated with a thermal spring, with the punishment of the fallen angels who were imprisoned in the earth prior to the flood and whose punishment is the cause of the warmth of the waters of this spring. The poet has thus moved from a myth of the origin of evil to a theology - or demonology- of history. 44

42 F. Corriente sees a possible parallel with speaking an idle word before the Lord of Spirits and blasphemy against the Holy Spirit (Mark 3.29). F. Corriente and A. Pinero, "Libro 1 De Henoc," Apoc:rifos del Antigua Testamento IV, ed. A. Diez Macho, Madrid, 1984, p. 89. 43 C. Osborn claims that the author of the Epistle of Jude refers to 1 Enoch 67.5-7 and 80.2-8 for verses 4, 6 and 12 of his text. Verse 4 is of interest in connection with 67.8: "For admission has been secretly gained by some long ago who were designated for this condemnation, ungodly persons who pervert the grace of God into licentiousness and deny our only Master and Lord, Jesus Christ"(RSV). "1 Enoch 80.2-8 (67.5-7) and Jude 12-13," CEQ 47 (1985) pp. 296-303. See Black's notes, op.cit., pp. 241-243. 44 D.W. Suter, Tradition and Missoula, Mo., 1979, p. 166.

Composition

in

the

Parables

of

Enoch,

75

THE EPISTLE OF ENOCH The last healing material that we find in 1 Enoch is in the Epistle of Enoch (91-107) for which we have Aramaic fragments from Qumran dated to the middle of the first century BCE. Nickelsburg has pointed out the reference in the fourth chapter of the Book of Jubilees to Enoch's testifying ( 4.1719) and has noted the common language in Jubilees and 1 Enoch 91, 104 and 105. Jubilees he dates c. 169 BCE. 45 Writing in the name of Enoch, the author: has composed an "epistle" ostensibly addressed to Enoch's children but in fact directed to the author's own contemporaries, "the future generations that will practice righteousness and peace." (91.1) 46

It is in the context of the future hope promised to the righteous and the warning of future punishment for the unjust that we find references to healing. The first reference is contained in a section of "woes. " "Woe to you who pronounce anathemas that you cannot loose; healing (will be) far from you because of your sin" (95.4). The word "anathemas" is literal (thus, Knibb and Isaac) but curses that cannot be broken is probably what is meant here. (See 8.3) Fawes is rightly translated here as healing, but with the meaning of forgiveness (cf. Jer 3.22). Chapter 96 begins with a note of encouragement: Be hopeful, you righteous, for the sinners will quickly be destroyed before you, and you will have power over them as you desire. 1. And do not be afraid, you who have suffered, for you will receive healing and a bright light will shine upon you, and the voice of rest you will hear from heaven. 3.

The bright light shining on the righteous is referred to in 108.15 where sinners are said to cry out when they see the righteous shining. In the Similitudes sinners will not be able to look at the faces of the righteous which shine with the light of the Lord of Spirits (38.4). The Book of Similitudes 45 Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature Between the Bible Philadelphia, 1981, p. 150. Cf. Uhlig, op.cit., p. 709. 46

Nickelsburg, Ibid., p. 145.

and

the

Mishnah,

76

1 ENOCH

also repeats the theme of rest at the time of judgment (48.10), found here in the Epistle of Enoch. 47 In these chapters from the Epistle of Enoch the author says that those who have suffered pain and disease and have remained righteous will have that pain relieved after the final judgment and will have authority over those who have oppressed them. On the other hand, those who have inflicted pain and have oppressed others, the rich included among them, will experience great suffering. 48 CONCLUSION

In the Book of Watchers healing remedies constitute forbidden knowledge revealed by fallen angels. In 6-11 two traditions have been combined in a paradigm used less to explain the origin of evil in the world than to warn sinners of the author's own time of the consequences of their sins. These sins were especially fornication/adultery, murder and idolatry. Healing is connected with idolatry. The cutting of roots and trees and implicit knowledge of astrology connected with healing are wrong in so far as they are tied to an idolatrous system of worship. The introduction of astrology to Greece by Berosus and the revival of astronomical medicine in Egypt, both in the third century, posed a new threat to the author's contemporaries. Though the author nowhere in the book states that in illness one should turn to God alone as one's healer he is, nonetheless, against healing remedies because of their association with idolatry and their lack of divine sanction. In chapters 12-16 evil spirits explain the increase of evil in the world. They bring great sorrow to mankind. Since in the later (mid-second century) Book of Jubilees evil spirits bring illness, it is suggested that here illness is among these sorrows. As in Tobit the angel who binds evil and heals is Raphael.

47

See Uhlig, op.cit., p. 719.

48 See Nickelsburg "Riches, the Rich and God's Judgment in 1 Enoch 92-105 and the Gospel according to Luke, • NTS 25 (1978). Cf. also the eschatological discourse in Isaiah 65 especially verses 11-17.

77

In the Similitudes Raphael's role is defined as he "who is set over all diseases and every wound of the children of men" (40.9). Chapter 67 illustrates how temporary healing of body in the waters of a spa can lead to judgment and punishment for the unrighteous. Finally, in the Epistle of Enoch, there is no healing (forgiveness) for those who place unbreakable curses on others. The righteous who suffer pain, oppression and illness will receive healing on the day of judgment.

THE BOOK OF JUBILEES

According to its prologue, the author of the Book of Jubilees intended to write, or to reveal, the history of the world from its creation until the time of the new creation when the heavens and earth will be renewed.l In fact, he rewrote and interpreted the events of Genesis and Exodus through chapter 12, included four pericopes to Enochic traditions (4.15-26; 5.1-10; 7.20-39; and 10.1-17) and described aspects of the messianic era. It is generally accepted that the book was written in Hebrew and that our present Ethiopic text comes to us by way of a Greek translation. With the publication of the Hebrew fragments from Qumran,2 we are able to attest to the over-all faithfulness of the Ethiopic to the original.3 These fragments do not unfortunately contain any healing material. Helpful, however, in evaluating the healing material in Jubilees are references in the Talmud to the Book of Remedies, the first part of the medieval treatise of Sefer Asaf called the Book of Noah and the accounts of the latter book in the collection (Parma) assembled by Eleazar of Worms.4

1 Charles' translation of the pertinent part of 1.29 reads, "from the day of the (new) creation (when) the heavens and the earth shall be renewed." In a note he says that "when" is either an interpolation or a "mistake of w~ for ifw~; translated 'until.'" M.E. Stone suggests that the text may be corrupt because of a homoiteleuton and, if so, should read "from the day of creation until the day of the new creation when the heavens and the earth shall be renewed." "Apocryphal Notes," IOS 1 (1971) p. 126. Stone's suggestion makes sense in view of what the author actually included. 2

J.T. Milik, DJD I (1955), DJD III (1962), RB 13 (1966).

J.C. VanderKam's study of the Hebrew fragments at Qumran argues not only decisively for the Hebrew origin of Jubilees but also convincingly for the critical Ethiopic text of Charles. Textual and Historical Studies in the Book of Jubilees, 1977, pp. 18-95. 3

4 The Book of Remedies nlHl~l I~D is referred to in b. Ber. lOb, b. Pes. 56a, j. Pes. 9.1, j. Ned. 7.13, j. Sanh. 1.2. A. Jellinek published the Hebrew Book of Noah and the accounts of R. Eleazar of Worms in vol.: III ~~,0~ n·~. Jerusalem, 1938, pp. 155-160.

79

The provenance of the book is a matter of dispute except for the place of composition, the Land of Israel. Jubilees is, as L. Finkelstein observed many years ago, "the product of a sectarian, 115 but there is no consensus about which sect he belonged to. 6 The finding of fragments of 11 manuscripts of Jubilees at Qumran testify to its popularity there, but not to its composition at Qumran. The differences between the thought of Qumran and that of the Book of Jubilees are as significant as their similarities such as solar calendar observance and renewal of the covenant at Pentecost. Addressing the differences, B. Noack says: The notion of a New Covenant, the awareness of a cleavage within the people and congregation of Israel, the establishment of a pure community with its own center of worship, the role played by the Teacher of Righteousness - all these ideas of the Qumran documents present a picture wholly unknown to Jubilees. 7

Jubilees was composed within 20 years after the now generally accepted upper time limit of 167 BCE. 8 It draws upon several sources but is essentially the product of a single author. 9 This author had a number of different purposes in mind in writing the Book of Jubilees. These included a defense of the solar calendar, a protest against the nakedness in athletic contests introduced by the Hellenists, support of strict sabbath observance and exhortation to separate from the

5 L. Finkelstein, (1923) p. 40.

"The Book of Jubilees and the Rabbinic Halaka," HTR 16

6 Among the opinions, R.H. Charles thought he was a Pharisee (Book of Jubilees, 1902, p. LXXXIII), VanderKarn, an Essene (Textual and Historical Studies, 1977, p. 282), Wintermute, within the Hasidic or Essene tradition, OTP II, p. 44. 7 B. Noack, "Qumran and the Book of Jubilees," XXII (1957), p. 205.

Svensk Exegetisk Arsbox

8 For a discussion of the latest and earliest possible dates for the Book of Jubilees, dated at the earliest by the apocalypse in chapter 23 and at the latest by references in the Damascus Document see G.W.E. Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature Between the Bible and the Mishnah, Philadelphia, 1981, pp. 78-79. Also, K. Berger, Das Buch der Jubilaen, JSHRZ II, 3, Glitersloh, 1981' p. 299. 9 See J.C. VanderKam's response to the theories of multiple authorship put forth by G. Davenport and M. Testuz in "The Putative Author of the Book of Jubilees," JSS XXVI (1981) pp. 209-217.

80

JUBILEES

Gentiles and their ways. We read about the last named purpose in 22.16: And do thou, my son Jacob, remember my words, and observe the commandments of Abraham, thy father: separate thyself from the nations, and eat not with them; And do not according to their works, and become not their associates; for their works are unclean and all their ways are a pollution and an abomination and uncleanness. 10

The first passage containing healing material is found in the first chapter of the book. That chapter describes the final messianic kingdom which will be established gradually as people turn from their evil ways: And after this they will with all their heart and strength, and I shall Gentiles, and they will their soul.

turn to with all gather seek Me

Me from amongst the Gentiles their soul and with all their them from amongst all the with all their heart and all

No time of great destruction and calamity verse 29 we read:

is mentioned.

In

And the angel of the presence who went before the camp of Israel took the tables of the divisions of the years - from the time of the creation - of the law and of the testimony of the weeks, of the jubilees, according to the individual years, according to the number of the jubilees according to the individual years, from the day of the new creation when the heavens and the earth shall be renewed and all their creation according to the powers of the heaven, and according to all the creation of the earth, until the sanctuary of the Lord shall be made in Jerusalem on Mount Zion, and all the luminaries be renewed for healing and for peace and for blessing for the elect of Israel (italics mine) and thus it may be from that day

and unto all the days of the earth.

(1.29)

The inspiration for this passage, as Charles and others have noted is the eschatological discourse of Isaiah 65-66 although the expression, "new heaven and new earth" D'llnn D' 'DlJ illlnn YIH 1 found in Isaiah does not appear here in Jubilees. The connection between increase of light of the luminaries and the Lord's healing is made in Isaiah 30.26:

10

Translations are those of R.H. Charles.

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Moreover the light of the moon will be as the light of the sun and the light of the sun will be seven-fold, as the light of seven days, in the day when the Lord binds up the hurt of his people and heals the wounds inflicted by his blow.

The renewal of the luminaries but without mention of healing is also found in Jubilees 19.25. The Ethiopic Apocalypse of Ezra follows closely the same thought as Jubilees 1.29: Und durch alle seine Lichter werden sie geheiligt werden zur Heilung und zum Frieden und zum Segen fi.ir alle (wi:irtl: und alle) ErwKhlten Israel, da~ sie so seien (an) diesem Tag und bis allen Tagen der Erde. 11

That this final age will be a day of blessing is mentioned in the Qumran Temple Scroll (29.9-10) . 12 The question raised by the passage is what is meant by luminaries being renewed for healing? The stars and planets played a significant role in Babylonian and in Egyptian medicine in determining health and treating illness . 13 It is not clear when or if astrological medicine became acceptable among a significant number of Jews. The Jewish-Hellenistic historian Pseudo-Eupolemus attributes the invention of astrology to Abraham who in turn taught astrology and other sciences to the priests of Heliopolis in Egypt (Eusebius, Praep. Ev. IX 17 2-9). This account of Pseudo-Eupolemus is usually dated to the same time period as Jubilees. A common feature of Jewish-Hellenistic historiography was to attribute the authorship of culture and learning to the patriarchs and other prominent Jewish figures such as Solomon . 14 An unambiguous connection of astrology and healing does not, 11 Translation of K. Berger in Das Buch der JubilKen. W. Leslau's English translation of Ethiopic Ezra in his Falasha Anthology is based on the M.S. d 'Abbadie and not, unlike Berger's translation, on the text Halevy edited (Te'ezaza sanbat, Paris, 1902). 12 In the Epistle of Enoch (probably a 100 years after Jubilees) reference is made to a new heaven appearing and the powers of heaven shining 7 fold (91.16). In the first century Book of Similitudes heaven is said to be transformed and made a blessing of light forever (45.4). 13 G. Contenau, La Medecine en Assyrie et en Babylonie, Paris, 1938, p. 134f. See also, F. Boll, Sternglaube und Sterndeutung. Die Geschichte und das Wesen der Astrologie, Leipzig, 1926. 14

D. Rokeao, Jews, Pagans and Christians in Conflict, Jerusalem, 1982, p.

172f.

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JUBILEES

however, seem to have been made in Jewish sources until the Treatise of Shem composed shortly before the beginning of the Common Era. It is unlikely that the renewal of the luminaries for healing means astrological healing for the following reasons: Jubilees 12.16-18 contains a story about Abraham which is anti-astrological: And in the sixth week, in the fifth year thereof, Abram sat up throughout the night on the new moon of the seventh month to observe the stars from the evening to the morning, in order to see what would be the character of the year with regard to the rains and he was alone as he sat and observed. 17. And a word came into his heart and he said: "All the signs of the stars, and the signs of the moon and of the sun are all in the hand of the Lord. Why do I search (them) out? 18. If he desires, He causes it to rain, morning and evening; and if He desires, He withholds it, and all things are in his hand."

In chapter 4 Enoch is presented as the first to learn writing and wisdom. He was the first "who wrote down the signs of heaven according to the order of their months in a book" (4.7). He is presented as the first astronomer, but not as the first astrologer. In chapter 10 Noah receives instruction in different healing remedies which include herbs. There is probably some "good" magic associated with these remedies but nothing is said about knowledge of the stars and their influence on healing. Nothing astrological is communicated. Finally, in chapter 8 Cainan sins through the use of this knowledge (8.3). The renewal of the luminaries for healing comes at the time of the third and final renewal of God's creation. The first was the renewal after the flood (5.12-13). The second was at the choice and establishment of the people of Israel ( 19. 2 5) . Despite these two renewals a third one is necessary to usher in the final messianic kingdom. At that time the order and harmony of the universe are to be renewed, or restored "unto all the days of the earth" (1. 29). The harmony of God's creation, including the luminaries, brings healing, peace and blessing. The most likely explanation of the luminaries being renewed for healing is that it reflects a midrash on Is 30.36 found in Gen Rabba 15.21 (cf. Gen Rabba 3.6). According to the

83

midrash, in messianic times when a person is sick God will order the sun to heal him, a sun which is 49 times ~righter than before. The midrash goes on to quote Mal 3.20 about the sun of righteousness arising with healing in its wings. In addition to the healing that comes from the sun, healing will come from living waters which flow from Jerusalem. Along the banks of the water fruit with healing properties grow. In the midrash as in Jubilees 23.30 it is God who orders His creation to heal: "And at that time the Lord will heal." Chapters 6 and 10 contain relevant information about the number of days in a year, an exhortation to observe new moons, seasons and sabbaths, laws about first fruits and the allocation of lands to the sons of Noah. In 7. 20-21 Noah instructs his sons and exhorts them to keep their souls free from the three sins which brought the Flood upon the earth: fornication, uncleanness and iniquity (injustice). The uncleanness is explained in v. 23 by the consuming of blood and the iniquity is illustrated by murder (22). Two of thesefornication and murder - were taught by Azazel in 1 En 8. Idolatry, also taught by Azazel, is specifically mentioned as occurring after the Flood at which time men make graven images with the assistance of the evil spirits: "And they made for themselves molten images •.• and they began to make graven images and unclean simulacra, and malignant spirits assisted and seduced (them) into committing transgression and uncleanness." (11.4)

Chapter 10 of Jubilees contains the most important material on healing in the book. It introduces a different source which reflects neither the calendric interests of the book nor the violations of two of the three most basic Noachide commandments, namely fornication and idolatry. Murder is mentioned in v. 2. 15 As in the Book of Watchers the teaching of healing remedies is connected in Jubilees with the origin of evil in the world. Literary reliance upon the Book of Watchers for chapter 10 remains to be proven, but given the respective dates of Jubilees (within 20 years after 167 BCE) and the Book of Watchers (third century or beginning of 15 M.E. Stone pointed out to me that many scholars do not consider verses 1-5 original. If so, then even murder is not mentioned in this source.

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JUBILEES

second) it is clear that Jubilees revises traditions found in the Book of Watchers about the fallen angels. 16 A major revision of these traditions occurs in 4.15. In contrast to the account in the Book of Watchers where the Watchers descend to earth out of lust for the daughters of men, the angels of God go to earth for a good purpose 17 in the Book of Jubilees: For in his days the angels of the Lord descended on the earth, those who are named the Watchers, that they should instruct the children of men, and that they should do judgment and uprightness on the earth. (4.15)

This account is evidence of the author's desire to reduce the blame placed on the angels for their sin. The tendency to reduce blame increased in later Jewish and Christian sources. 18 More importantly, heaven is kept heaven - unsullied by sin. In the Book of Watchers the Watchers lusted from their place in heaven. In Jubilees the Watchers on assignment by God go astray. On earth they lust after the daughters of men and marry them. Instead of bringing justice and uprightness to man they bring further corruption and lawlessness. After noting with the biblical text that Noah found favor before the eyes of God, the author indicates God's anger against the angels: And against the angels whom He had sent upon the earth, He was exceedingly wroth, and He gave commandment to root them out of all their dominion, and He bade us to bind them in the depths of the earth, and behold they are bound in the midst of them and are (kept) separate. (5.6)

This is followed by the account of the Flood.

16 VanderKam summarizes the differences between the Book of Jubilees and the Book of Watchers in "Enoch Traditions in Jubilees and other Second Century Sources," SBL Sem. Papers 1978, pp. 242-243. 17 E.A.W. Budge notes, "It has already been said that many ancient nations thought that the gods themselves were the first herbalists and that it was they who had taught their vicars upon earth how to heal the sicknesses of mankind by means of certain herbs and plants." Herb-Doctors and Physicians in the Ancient World, Chicago, 1928, p. 9. In the Jubilees account the one God of Israel sends His angels as His representatives. 18 Charles gives evidence of the gradual identification of o•n")N 'J~ with "sons of Seth" in Christian sources and with "mighty men" or "judges" in Jewish, op.cit., pp. 33-34.

85

In chapter 10 the offspring of the fallen Watchers, the demons, carry on the work of their fathers. 19 They begin to lead astray the descendants of Noah after the cleansing of the earth by means of the Flood. Here in chapter 10 we find the origin of legitimate healing practices according to Jubilees as part of an angelic discourse beginning with a prayer by Noah: 5. "And Thou knowest how Thy Watchers, the father of these spirits, acted in my day: and as for these spirits which are living, imprison them and hold them fast in the place of condemnation and let them not bring destruction on the sons of thy servant, my God; for these are malignant and created to destroy. 6. And let them not rule over the spirits of the living; for Thou alone canst exercise dominion over them. And let them not have power over the sons of the righteous from henceforth and forevermore." 7. And the Lord our God bade us to bind all. 8. And the chief of the spirits, Mastema, came and said: "Lord, Creator, let some of them remain before me, and let them hearken to my voice and do all that I say unto them; for if some of them are not left to me, I shall not be able to execute the power of my will on the sons of men; for these are for corruption and leading astray before my judgment, for great is the wickedness of the sons of men." 9. And He said: "Let the tenth part of them remain before him, and let nine parts descend into the place of condemnation." 10. And one of us He commanded that we should teach Noah all their medicines; for He knew that they would not walk in uprightness nor strive in righteousness. 11. And we did according to all His words, all the malignant evil ones we bound in the place of condemnation, and a tenth part of them we left that they might be subject before Satan on the earth. 12. And we explained to Noah all the medicines of their diseases, together with their seductions, how he might heal them with herbs of the earth. 13. And Noah wrote down all things in a book as we instructed him concerning every kind of medicine. Thus the evil spirits were precluded from (hurting) the sons of Noah. 14. And he gave all that he had written to Shem, his eldest son; for he loved him exceedingly above all his sons. (10.5-15) 19 M. Testuz makes the point that since the author does not seem to know when the demons were created nor who gave them birth he, somewhat embarrassed, passes over the question of the demon's origins in silence. Les Idees Religieuses du Livre des Jubiles, Geneve, 1960, p. 83f. This must mean that he thinks v. 5 which identifies the Watchers as the fathers of the spirits is a later addition. No "giants" are mentioned at this point. In the Genesis 6 account they appeared before the Flood, not after it. Dimant's suggestion with regard to I Enoch 15 applies here and simplifies the appearance of the evil spirits and disappearance of the giants. one version of the story of the Watchers may have read O'J9l (Gen 6.4) not as D'??l giants but as D'~l abortions, traditionally associated with demons. See Dimant, p. 78, I"~ ,0'~11' ,illlil' I:JIO m':PlO:J "1NI1nt0 D':JN'::n.

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JUBILEES

Sickness in the world is explained in this chapter as having two causes, evil spirits who hurt men (13) and the sins of men (10) . 20 Evil spirits have power over the righteous, but God has power over the evil spirits. 21 He first orders the power of these demons to be completely restricted. Then, when Mastema, the chief of these spirits protests and reminds God of man's wickedness (v. 8), God agrees to allow a tenth of the spirits to continue to corrupt mankind. This in turn necessitates counteracting their activity through medical knowledge revealed to Noah. A significant difference emerges in these verses between the Book of Jubilees and the Book of Watchers on the responsibility for evil in the world. The Book of watchers ignores the results of the sin of Adam and Eve and makes it seem as if the Watchers and their offspring alone are responsible for evil. For the author of Jubilees, sin is already present in the world. (See 5.3) It reaches a peak before the Flood under the influence of the Watchers who are sent to correct the corruption and to teach righteousness. 22 Evil continues after the Flood through the influence of the demons but man is still held responsible for his part in the evil in the world. Another difference between Jubilees and the Book of Watchers is in the positive value assigned medical remedies in Jubilees. In chapter 10 God assigns an angel who together 20 Verse 10 may be interpreted in two ways. First, "their medicines" may refer to remedies useful for mankind in order to heal the blows of the evil spirits. The "they" in the next part of the phrase then refers to mankind (A.S. Hartom). Second, the "their medicines" may refer simply to the remedies the evil spirits knew without reference to their use. The "they" would then refer to these same spirits (Berger). The first explanation is, in my opinion, the preferable one. Mastema has already warned God of the wickedness of the sons of men ( 8) and God need not be informed about the wickedness of the evil spirits. Wintermute maintains: "The author of Jubilees does not blame Adam for the continuing diseases and sins of mankind. The cause of evil is clearly superhuman ... " OTP II p. 47. I disagree. see note 19 and further remarks in the chapter. 21 For Charles' translation: "for Thou alone canst exercise dominion over them" in v. 6, Berger has "Denn du allein kennst ihre Macht." He refers to Wisdom of Solomon 7. 20 which attributes the powers of spirits ltVEUf.ichwv ~(a~ to Solomon. Das Buch der Jubilaen, op.cit., p. 379. 22

See VanderKam, "Enoch Traditions," op.cit., p. 244.

87

with other angels instruct Noah in medical remedies (v. 10). The identification of this angel ("one of us") is made in the medieval Hebrew Book of Noah. There is no reason to doubt that the identification made there applies here also. In Tobit (220 BCE or earlier) Raphael, one of the seven angels before the presence of God (12.15), is the mediator of God's healing. In the Book of Watchers 20 he is one of the heavenly Watchers. In the first century CE Book of Similitudes Raphael is described as the one "set over all diseases and every wound of the children of men" (40.9). What Raphael and the other angels teach is said to bet1 medical remedies for diseases 23 "together with their seductions" but the diseases are to be healed with the herbs of the earth (12). We have already noted that both man's sins and the activity of demons are responsible for illness in the world. This does not mean that some illnesses are caused by man's sins and some by demons. Man by nature will continue to sin (v. 8). That sin brings him under the influence of demons who both tempt him to further evil and directly cause it in the form of illnesses (vs. 8 and 13). To combat those illnesses man needs exorcistic remedies to be used against the demons. Jubilees further differs from the Book of Watchers in teaching that knowledge of medical arts is given after the flood instead of before it as in 1 Enoch 7. The knowledge revealed in the Book of Watchers is not sanctioned by God and is connected with other forbidden knowledge such as magic, astrology and divination (1 Enoch 7-8). Jubilees 10 further differs from the Book of Watchers in the way in which evil is restricted. The author is disturbed by the persistence of evil in the world, evil in his own time and place but he wants his audience to know that God is both sovereign and provident. He allows 1/ lOth of the evil forces to remain and gives healing remedies to counteract the resulting diseases that these evil spirits will generate. Thus, unlike in the Book of Watchers, where evil begins in 23 Charles' translation of verse 12 is confusing. What do the "seductions" refer to? Becker's translations, "mit ihren Irrungen," which would seem to reflect a Hebrew Vorlage of n1 'lllj "errors," makes more sense of the passage. The errors (perhaps erroneous ways) would then be those of the demons who led men astray perhaps through deliberately prescribing faulty medication.

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JUBILEES

heaven when the Watchers lust for the daughters of men and 2) where these evil Watchers are given unrestricted power to destroy, in Jubilees 10 God is very much in control of the events that take place. Knowledge about healing is given to a righteous man who in turn hands it down to another righteous man (Shem). In the Hebrew Book of Noah it is no longer knowledge passed down to a few righteous men but is knowledge dispersed among the people. Jubilees 10.1-15 indicates no calendric interest on the part of the source. It serves to introduce evil spirits as a principal cause of disease and illness. In the chapters which follow, there is, nonetheless, no indication that evil is in fact restricted in any way by the elimination of 9/10ths of the evil spirits and by the knowledge of means to deal with these spirits. Hence it is hard to see the role of chapter 10 in the over-all purposes of the Book of Jubilees. If one, however, compares chapter 10 with the Hebrew Book of Noah, it is clear that the chapter is carefully composed. To assert that the material in the Book of Noah chapter of the medieval Sefer Asaf "agrees in all essentials with the story related in chapter 10 of Jubilees 1124 is surely erroneous and misses the differences while noting the similarities. Both accounts agree that illnesses come because of the sins of man and the activities of demons. In the Book of Noah the former is stressed when Noah's sons plead with him to intercede on their behalf: D'H1)nn 'l'O ) j j 11vn• Dn'UV9 11101 DIHn 11~0 ' j 0'110 The intercession on the part of Noah takes the form of a burnt offering, an insignificant detail not found in Jubilees. Of significance, however, is the way in which the teaching of medical remedies is given. In Jubilees Raphael and the angels teach Noah all that is necessary for them to know about healing remedies whereas in the Book of Noah Raphael begins to teach the remedies which include parts of trees and roots. Then he (or God; the text is unclear) calls in the chiefs of the demons left on the earth (the 1/10th) to teach the rest of the remedies including trees and roots (already taught) herbs and magic words: 24 J.P. Lewis, A Study of the Interpretation of Noah and the Flood in Jewish and Christian Literature. Leiden, 1968, p. 12. Lewis affirms the position of H. Ronsch, Das Buch der Jubilaen, Leipzig, 1874, pp. 387-388.

89

D~'IP'~l D~'~W~' D~'PI'l D~'~ 7J ~ nlN191~ 'Y.V nN D''nJl N91DJ DnN191 '1~1 JJ liDJJl lNill ~D) D~'~ll'fl

The author, or editor, of Jubilees 10 is careful to keep the knowledge of healing remedies uncontaminated by associating it with any evil force even if that force (as in the Book of Noah) is sanctioned to do the instruction by God. Secondly, the author of Jubilees 10 restricts what is taught by mentioning only herbs of the earth whereas he might well have included other means associated with magical healing, properties of roots and stones, for instance, and sanctioned their use by having them be taught by angels. By not including more than herbs, he minimizes the magicaljexorcistic aspect of the teaching. In contrast, by the inclusion of a variety of healing means, including words - probably imprecations to be used against demons - the author of the Book of Noah maximizes the magical aspect of the teaching. 25 Even in its wide dispersal to the Indians, Macedonians and Egyptians the magical and destructive effects of the healing remedies are not diminished as those who approach the healing trees of Eden find out. The next chapter in Jubilees where healing is mentioned is 23: 29. And all their days they will complete and live in peace and joy, and there will be no Satan nor any evil destroyer, for all their days will be days of blessing and healing. 30. And at that time the Lord will heal His servants, and they will rise up and see great peace and drive out their adversary.

The immediate context of the passage is the messianic age in which men will live up to a 1000 years before the final judgment (v. 27). This is preceded by a period of woes and 25 The other two accounts of a Noah book in the collection of R. Eleazar of Worms are quite different from the account in the Sefer Asaf and in Jubilees. In the first of these accounts Adam is given a book by the angel Raziel which reveals future events. Enoch later sees the same book and learns astronomical data from it as does Noah after him (in addition to practical matters such as when to feed the animals in the ark) • In the third account the book is said to be written on sapphire and given to Noah as he enters the ark. The book includes knowledge of healing remedies, exorcisms, dreams, astronomy and many other things which Solomon later acquires. See Jellinek, pp. 156 ,1938 ,D'Jwll' , III WilD~ n·~.

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sorrows typical of apocalypses (Ez 38.20; 4 Ezra 6.14-18; Matt 24. 6-29). In vs. 9-10 the author gives the impression that after the Flood the only truly righteous man was Abraham. In the verses which follow we hear about calamity, illness, famine, persecution and a decline in life expectancy. The author in chapter 23 does not allude to a renewal of the earth by the flood or at the time of God's choice of the people of Israel (19.25). characteristic of this final renewa1 26 is a return to the study of Torah: "And in those days the children will begin to study the laws, and to seek the commandments and to return to the path of righteousness." (23.26)

The author in verses 29 and 30 draws upon motifs from Isaiah 65 and 66. The notion of the Lord healing his people may well draw on Isaiah 30.26. Length of days is mentioned in 65.20,22. The people are called God's servants in 65.13,14,15. Blessing is mentioned in 65.23, peace in 66.12, joy in 65.9. Verse 30 mentions satan who first appears in Jubilees in 1.6 as an accuser. during the time of the righteous Joseph he is absent ( 4 0. 9; 4 6. 2) . In the Assumption of Moses 10.1 when the final kingdom of God is established there will be no more Satan. In the. Book of Revelation, during the 1000 year reign of the faithful with Christ, Satan is kept bound (20.1-10). The common feature of all of these writings is the hope that Satan will ultimately be overcome by God and will no longer afflict mankind with various maladies. The rising up (v. 30) of God's servants is not the final resurrection. 27 The Lord's healing causes a renewal of strength so that his servants are able to rise up from their weakness. The people are revived - perhaps a reflection of Isaiah 66.14: "your bones shall flourish like the grass." The renewal of Torah-study both ushers in the final age and keeps God's servants righteous. The study of the Torah leads to its practice. (b. Kiddushin 40b) In 4 Ezra 14.22 those who know the law are enabled to live in the last days. G. Davenport claims: 26

For a discussion of these three eras, see Testuz, op.cit., pp. 172-174.

27 In the Book of Revelation the martyrs, literally in the first resurrection (20.4).

and only the martyrs,

rise up

91

The healing in vs. 23.30 is a healing not of the physical bodies of the citizens but of the nation as a military, political unity. The restored nation then will be the instrument of God's vengeance, his servants (vs. 30) and although their warfare is one of vengeance for their own grievances against the Gentiles, the faithful perceive that it is God who truly executes judgment. 28

This is a dubious explanation. Isaiah 66.6 mentions God bringing recompense to his enemies and 66.8 mentions the birth (rebirth) of the nation. The motifs throughout the chapter, however, are traditional ones common to description of apocalyptic times. The healing of the nation as a "military, political unity" seems to me more specific than the text warrants. 29 There is, in addition, no need to exclude physical healing for the righteous who have suffered at the hands of the wicked. The sons of the wicked generation who convict that generation of its sins undoubtedly suffer from great calamities including illnesses in consequence of these sins (23.1316). Healing and health are expected in eschatological times. Isaiah 33.24 reads: "And no inhabitant will say, 'I am sick.'" CONCLUSION

The principal contribution the Book of Jubilees makes to our understanding of healing in the Second Temple period is found in chapter 10. The author/editor of this chapter legitimizes medical knowledge. In contrast to the Book of Watchers it is knowledge sanctioned by God and taught by angels. The preservation of medical knowledge in the hands of righteous men Noah and Seth assures that it will be 28 G.L. Davenport, The Eschatology of the Book of Jubilees, Leiden, 1971, p. 40. 29 Davenport calls attention, as others before him, to the difference between v. 29 where the wicked are absent and v. 30 where they are present and need to be routed. He suggests that the two verses were originally separated. "By joining the verses, the author has indicated a renewal of Israel in which v. 29 is a long range view, while v. 30 describes the routing of the enemy in the near future" (p. 39). The elimination of Satan and any evil destroyer, a traditional theme, need not mean that all forms of evil are eliminated. It certainly does not exclude a human adversary if that is meant in v. 30. Davenport discusses the relationship of 23.14-31 to the rest of the book on page 46.

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uncontaminated by contact with an idolatrous system of worship such as that associated with Babylonian and Egyptian medicine. Nonetheless, because the medical remedies are to be used against the workings of evil spirits the author cannot eliminate entirely all exorcisticfsemi-magical association, but he minimizes this association by mentioning only herbs of the earth. Jubilees 1.29 in speaking of the luminaries' renewal for healing means the bringing of all creation into harmony, into proper working order. It cannot refer to astrological healing. The book is anti-astrological (ch. 12). Finally, the author draws upon traditional eschatological motifs found in Isaiah 65-66 to illustrate that healing takes place in the third and final renewal of creation in the messianic age.

TESTAMENTS OF THE TWELVE PATRIARCHS

Since 1978 we have been fortunate to have a new critical edition of the Greek text of the Testaments of the 12 Patriarchsl of which the oldest witness is from the lOth century. The editors claim that the archetype of the textual tradition is earlier than the 9th century2 whereas the date of the Armenian translation, for which variants are supplied in the 1978 edition, has not yet been firmly established.3 In addition, we have a medieval Aramaic Testament of Levi from the Cairo Geniza which is similar to the Qumran fragment of the Testament of Levi (4QTLev)4 and a fragment of the Testament of Naphtali (unpublished) in Hebrew. These Aramaic and Hebrew fragments indicate an interest in testaments of patriarchal figures but are not sufficiently different from our present Testaments of Levi and Naphtali to afford proof of a Semitic original of the Testaments as a whole. The majority of scholars today think that the Testaments were composed in Greeks and contain both Jewish and Christian 1 The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A Critical Edition of the Greek Text, eds. M. de Jonge, H.W. Hollander, H.J. de Jonge and Th. Korteweg, PVTG 1.2, Leiden, 1978. More Greek witnesses have been used in this edition than in the last critical edition, that of R.H. Charles in 1908. The editors divide the texts between what they term family I and family II, with the critical text being primarily based on family I, often the b text of Cambridge University Library. See pp. xxxiii-xli.

2 H.J. de Jonge, "The Earliest Stage of the Textual Tradition Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs," Studies on the Testaments Twelve Patriarchs, ed. M. de Jonge, Leiden, 1975, p. 74.

of the of the

3 M. de Jonge, review of H.D. Slingerland, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs in JSJ 9 (1978) p. 112. M. de Jonge claims that the "Armenian version helps to solve the question of the extent and context of the original text." quoted by J .H. Charlesworth, "Reflections on the SNTS Pseudepigrapha Seminar at Duke on the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs," NTS 23 (1976) p. 298. 4 5

J.T. Milik, DJD I, 1955, pp. 87-91. A. Hultgard summarizes the arguments on behalf of a Greek original: 1. Les Testaments utilisent au presupposent le texte grec des Septante. 2. On trouve dans les Testaments des termes et des notions typiquement grecs qui n'ont pas d'equivalents en hebreu au en arameen. 3. Les pareneses des Testaments portent la marque d'un milieu de langue et

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elements. Beyond that, despite extensive textual criticism 6 , they disagree about the date of composition (final and sources within), provenance and the related matter of whether the book is Jewish with Christian interpolation or Christian based on Jewish sources. 7 It would be impossible in a few short pages to do justice to the complex problems involved in dating the book and determining the provenance in which it arose. The evidence from Qumran and from the Middle Ages is that testaments about patriarchal figures circulated as individual documents. What we have in the Testaments of the 12 Patriarchs is not, however, a collection of documents. The text, even

de culture grecques. 4. Bien que les Testaments presentent par endroits un grec "semitisant" on ne peut pas montrer que l'ouvrage serait traduit d'un original semitique.

L 'eschatologie des Testaments des Douze Patriarches II, Uppsala, 1982, p. 165. But Hultgard then adds his own considerable evidence for a Semitic original, pp. 165-182. R. H. Charles had pressed the case for a Hebrew original in Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, London, 1908, pp. xliiliii.

6 The reader is referred to Studies on the Testaments ed. M. de Jonge, especially the articles by H.J. de Jonge, "Die Texttiberlieferung der Testamente der zwolf Patriarchen," and "The earliest Traceable Stage of the Textual Tradition of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs" as well as the articles by M. de Jonge, "The Interpretation of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs in Recent Years," and "Christian Influence in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs." For a survey of research until 1970 see J. Becker, Untersuchungen zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Testamenta der Zwolf Patriarchen, Leiden, 1970. 7 H. D. Slingerland illustrates the disagreements in question form: "Is it a Christian document reflecting the life and thought of a Gentile (de Jonge) or Jewish-Christian community (Danielou, Milik)? Is only its final redaction Jewish Christian (Jervell)? Or is it a Jewish document, touched but slightly by Christians representing the Judaism of Qumran (DupontSommer, Philonenko, Liver), of the Greek Diaspora (Brown, Becker) or of the Palestinian Pharisees (Charles et. al.) ?" Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, A critical History of Research, Missoula, Mo., 1977, p. 91. J.H. Charlesworth notes that the consensus of the 1976 SNTS seminar on the Testaments of the 12 Patriarchs was that the document in its present form is a late first century or second century document based on semitic written traditions. The final redaction was most likely Greek. See "Reflections on the SNTS Pseudepigrapha Seminar at Duke on the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs," NTS 23 (1976) pp. 296-304.

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taking into account redaction, shows unity of authorship 8 though this need not imply one person. It may be the product of a small "school." The interests of the author are both ethical and eschatological. The importance of brotherly or neighborly love pervades the book 9 (see T. Zeb. 8.5; T. Naph. 5.1; T. Jos. 17 .1). Sexual sins and their consequences are the focus of many warnings (e.g. T. Reuben.) though punishment for anger is also severe (T. Gad, T. Levi). H.C. Kee makes a good case for the ethical appeals being based more on the natural law than on specific legal statutes of the Torah (see. T. Naph. 3.34).10 But this approach, in my opinion, presumes the knowledge and acceptance of specific mitzvot. For the author, the righteous man is not the one who has acquired the most Greek virtues, but rather the one who fears God, loves God and his neighbor and keeps the commandments. 11 As we shall see ethical behavior and healing are very much connected in the Testaments. On the basis that several scholars (H.C. Kee, J.H. Charlesworth, J. Becker, H. Hultgard and others) date the Testaments of the 12 Patriarchs to the Second Temple period, it merits consideration here. Several of the testaments have material pertaining to healing: Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Zebulon, Gad and Joseph. Reuben and Gad, for example, are healed by the intercessory power of their father Jacob. The account in T. Reuben reads:

8 Hultgard says:"l'unite des T's apparait en premier lieu dans la structure de l'ouvrage (les elements constitutifs et le cadre) mais aussi dans les idees mattresses. Ces deux elements nous permettent de considerer les Testaments 1. comme l'ouvrage d'un auteur et non d'un compilateur, 2· comme un ouvrage homogene, sinon dans le detail, du mains pour le fond. Le caractere disparate des T's s'explique en majeure partie par deux circonstances. L'auteur a d'abord adapte dans son ouvrage des sources anterieures dent le vocabulaire et les idees ant laisse des traces. D'autre part, la diversite des elements constitutivs entraine une diversite de contenu," II, p. 164. 9

See Becker, Untersuchungen, p. 318f.

10 See H.C. Kee, "The Ethical Dimensions of the Testaments of the XII as a Clue to Provenance," NTS 24 (1978) pp. 259-270. See also his introduction in OTP I, p. 779. 11 See H.W. Hollander's comments in Joseph as an Ethical Model in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, Leiden, 1981, p. 28f. and 91f. See T. Asher 2.10 and T. Levi 14.4.

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12 PATRIARCHS But I tell you he struck me with a severe wound in my loins for seven months, and if my father, Jacob had not prayed to the Lord in my behalf, the Lord would have destroyed me. 8. For I was thirty years old when I committed this evil deed in the sight of the Lord, and for seven months, I was an invalid on the brink of death. 9. And after this, with determination of soul, for seven years I repented before the Lord: 10. I did not drink wine or liquor; meat did not enter my mouth and I did not eat any pleasurable food. Rather, I was mourning over my sin, since it was so great. Never had anything like it been done in Israel. ( 1. 7-10) 12

God struck Reuben with a fatal disease perhaps a venereal one - because of the sin Reuben had committed with Bilhah. The seven years of repentance parallel the seven months of debilitating illness as well as the seven spirits of deceit in chapter 2 and the seven spirits of error in chapter 3. Though Reuben explains the work of these spirits in leading men astray and says in 3. 8: "and thus every young man is destroyed" KCXL oihoc; 6m6i\i\UTCXL ncxc; VEWTEpoc;, the influence of these spirits and his own sleepiness do not serve to mitigate or to excuse the action. Reuben blames no one for his sin but himself. The healing of Reuben's serious ailment requires both the prayer Jacob and the repentance on the part of Reuben. Its gravity is illustrated in 4. 2 where we are told that Reuben was never able to look his father in the face nor speak to his brothers after the affair with Bilhah. It was Reuben's own conscience that bothered him, however, and not the rebuke of his father. Jacob, in fact, is portrayed as a compassionate and consoling father, very willing to forgive and to intercede for his son. Reuben, in turn wishes to convey to his own sons that promiscuity is the root of other sins and leads to idolatry. If a person's will can conquer the inclination to promiscuity, then Satan will have no power over that person. "For if promiscuity does not triumph over your reason, then neither can Bel iar conquer you. " texv yap 1-lr, KCXTL ox VOlJ T] nopveCcx TT,v €vvoLcxv, ouoe ~Ei\Lexp KCXTLOXVOEL (4.11) Beliar is the common word {29x) for Satan or the adversary of God in the

12

Translations are those of H.C. Kee in OTP I.

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Testaments. (See T. Dan 5.10, T. Judah 25.3, T. Joseph 20.2, T. Levi 18.11 etc.)· 13 In the Testament of Reuben we also see the author's version of the account of the Watchers. In 1 Enoch 6 the Watchers are blamed for fornicating with the daughters of man. Their sin of lust is first committed in heaven. In Jubilees the Watchers are sent by God for the good purpose of instructing the women. In chapter 5 of the Testament of Reuben the author assigns a large share of blame to the women: For it was thus they charmed the Watchers, who were before the Flood. As they continued looking at the women, they were filled with desire for them and perpetrated the act in their minds. Then they were transformed into human males and while the women were cohabiting with their husbands they appeared to them. Since the women's minds were filled with lust for these apparitions, they gave birth to giants. For the Watchers were disclosed to them as being as high as the heavens. (5.6-7)

In 6.3 even casual meetings between men and women are advised against because the tendency to lead men astray is "for these women an incurable disease v6oo~ &vCono~" (Charles, "irremediable disease"). The intercessory role of Jacob in curing disease is also found in the Testament of Gad. The text reads: For God brought on me a disease of the liver, and if it had not been for the prayers of Jacob, my father, he would shortly have summoned from me my spirit. For by whatever human capacity anyone transgresses by that is he also chastised. Since my anger was merciless in opposition to Joseph, through this anger of mine I suffered mercilessly and was brought under judgment for eleven months as long as I had it in for Joseph, until he was sold. (5.9-11)

Gad's first sin was that of resentment. In 1.8 he acknowledges bearing a grudge against Joseph. The reason for the grudge is not only the special love of Jacob for Joseph. In a rare negative note about Joseph in the Testaments we learn that Joseph is a tattle-tale who goes to his father and says: "the sons of Zilpah and Bilhah are killing the best animals and 13

Beliar is a mutation of Belial found many times in the Dead Sea Scrolls for Satan especially in lQH but also in CD and lQS. He is lord of darkness (T. Jos. 20.2), an association made in 2 Corinthians 6.14-15: "Or what fellowship has light with darkness? What accord has Christ with Beliar?"

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eating them against the advice of Judah and Reuben" u to I. z€::\cpac; KOIL j3aAAOic; avoucH TO KOIAO KOIL KOITE09LOUOLV cin&, napa yv~TJV 'Iou&a Kal. 'Pouj3Tjv (1. 6). Because of bearing this tale to Jacob, Gad notes that Jacob "reproved us to our faces because we had eaten the newborn of the flocks without Judah" Kal KaTa np6ownov i]~GJv if::\q~Ev i]~cxc; on 'Iou&a 'lio9Co~Ev TO 9p€~~aTa (1.9). In addition to resenting this tattling Gad resents the dreams that Joseph has (2.2). The spirit of hatred is mentioned in 4.7 but it does not directly cause sin. Chapter 4 of the Testament of Gad reads like a short homily on the differences between hate and love of brother and what flows from each:

avw

Just as love wants to bring the dead back to life and to recall those under sentence of death, so hate wants to kill the living and does not wish to preserve alive those who have committed the slightest sin. For among all men the spirit of hatred works by Satan through human frailty for the death of mankind; for the spirit of love works by the Law of God through forbearance for the salvation of mankind. (4.6-7)

From the text of chapter 5 it seems as long as the sin of anger or hate remained in Gad's heart, he had a disease of the liver, the seat of anger according to T. Naphtali 2. 8, T. Reuben 3.4 and b. Ber. 61b. The principle of measure for measure 14 behind the punishment is articulated in 5.10: "For by whatever human capacity anyone transgresses, by that is he also chastised. 11 6 L' Wv yap av9ponoc; 1l01p01VO~El, Kal KoAa(ETOIL. In the Testament of Simeon prayer is, as in the case of Reuben and Gad, involved in the healing of the central figure. But here it is the prayer of Simeon himself, not that of his father that brings about a cure. As in the case of Gad, anger is involved in the sin of Simeon, but it is an anger that flows from envy, not resentment: In the time of my youth I was jealous of Joseph, because my father loved him more than all the rest of us. I determined 14 The law of talion (Ex 21.23-25, Lev 24.17-22) punished an offense like for like. That is not how Gad was punished. Rather the bodily organ which supposedly was the seat of the anger suffers disease. The purpose is not simply punishment but punishment with the hope of Gad's repentance as in T. Reuben 1.9. For the measure for measure principle see Jubilees 4.31f; Wisdom of Solomon 11.16; 12.23, 27; b. Shab lOSb; b. Ned. 32a; B. San. 90a.

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inwardly to destroy him, because the Prince of Error blinded my mind so that I did not consider him a brother nor did I spare Jacob, my father. (2.6-7)

The "Prince of Error" is probably the same as the spirit of error in Testament of Judah 25.3 (cf. spirit of truth and spirit of error in 1QS 3.13; 4. 26). Simeon's anger was primarily directed at Judah letting Joseph go away alive. This anger lasted for five months: But when I heard it, I was furious with Judah because he had let him go away alive. For five months I was angry with him. The Lord bound my hands and feet, however, and thus prevented my hands from performing their deeds, because for seven days my right hand became partly withered. I knew, children, that this had happened to me because of Joseph, so I repented and wept. Then, I prayed to the Lord God that my hand might be restored and that I might refrain from every defilement and grudge and all folly, for I knew that I had contemplated an evil deed in the sight of the Lord and of Jacob, my father, on account of Joseph, my brother, because of my envying him. (2.11-13)

In this Testament there is no correspondence between the length of time of the sin (lasting in the heart) and the punishment. The text of 12a should be translated the Lord (or God according to the critical text of 1978) "restrained me" or possibly "bound my feet together." No witness supports Kee' s translation of "the Lord bound my hands and feet." We might, however, conclude this by combining ouven6&Lo€ with the action of preventing the hands from being used in the latter part of the verse. The withered condition lasts for seven days. 15 The result of Simeon's prayer is a restoration of health. The editors of the critical text have chosen 6rnoKct1"ct01"ct9w "that I may be restored" instead of 6rnoKct1"ct01"cto91, T] X£ Cp IJ.OU (texts chij - de Jonge's "minima text") which is the basis for Kee's and Charles' translation "that my hand may be restored." Whatever reading is chosen the point made is the same: the Lord restores Simeon's health in response to his prayers.

15 In the Protevangelium Jacobi (ca. 150 CE) Salome, doubting that a virgin has given birth and remains a virgin, examines Mary. Her hand withers or is paralyzed as a result (20.1). In the Gospel story of the man with the withered hand all three synoptics use the same word in describing the restoration of the hand, amEKaTETae~ (Matt 12.13; Mark 3.5; Luke 6.10). See also 1 Kg 13.4-7, the withering of Jeroboam's hand.

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simeon intensifies his repentance by two years of fasting. In that period of time he learns that "liberation from envy comes from fear of the Lord." Tj ft.voL<; Tou <j>66vou oLa <j>6~ou eeou yCveTcH. The end of chapter 3 sounds like a homiletic exhortation: If anyone flees to the Lord for refuge, the evil spirit will quickly depart from him and his mind will be eased. From then on he has compassion on the one whom he envied and his sympathetic feelings with those who love him; thus his envy ceases. (3.5-6)

A similar thought is expressed in Ben Sira 1.11-30, especially v. 21 (not found in all texts). "The fear of the Lord drives away sins; and where it abides, it will turn away all anger." <j>6~o<; KupCou anw6ELTaL ~apT~~aTa, nap~€vwv OE apooTp6€<j>EL naoav OPYTJV. In the Testament of Levi we also see the consequences of the sin of anger. The context is the destruction of Shechem and Hamor because of the rape of Dinah. And I destroyed Shechem first, and Simeon destroyed Hamor. Then my brothers came and destroyed that city by the sword. When my father heard of this he was angry and sorrowful, because they had received circumcision and died and so he passed us by in his blessings. Thus we sinned in doing this contrary to his opinion, and he became sick that very day. (6.4-7)

The editors of the critical text chose £~aAaKL06TJ meaning that Jacob was sick though 10 manuscripts of family II (and the Armenian) read £~aAaKL06TJV, I was sick, meaning Levi. The grounds for the choice are not given. It is possible that a scribe wishing to show the connection of sin and sickness ascribed the sickness to the sinner, Levi, rather than to the one disobeyed, Jacob. No repentance is indicated on the part of Levi, however.l 6 The Testament of Joseph presents us with a couple of notes concerning healing. In 2.7 we read: "In ten testings he showed that I was approved and in all of them I persevered, because perseverance is a powerful medicine and endurance provides 16 H.W. Hollander and M. de Jonge translate the end of the verse thus: "and he had become ill on that day" and give Jacob's illness as the reason he did not stop his son. The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, A commentary, Leiden, 1985, p. 148.

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many good things. f.v o€Kcx nnpcxoiJ.OLt,; ooKLIJ.OV IJ.E &v€oeL~E KCXL f.v ncxoLv oiJToLr; EIJ.CXKpo8v1J.llocx oTL IJ.E'YCX cj>o:piJ.cxKov £oTLv T] IJ.CXKpo8uvCcx, KCXL nOAAa a"{cx8a OLOWOLV TJ unOIJ.OV~ (cf. Colossians 1.11). 17 These 10 testings, 18 or at least many of them, would seem to have been the work of Beliar, though permitted by God. Thus, perseverance offered protection against yielding to them. In the same way fleeing to the Lord (T. Simeon 3.5) and fear of the Lord (T. Simeon 3.4) are apotropaic virtues serving as protection against evil and against giving in to sin. In 1.6 of the Testament of Joseph we read "I was weak (or sick) and the Most High visited me." f.v &o8eveCcx iJIJ.llV, KCXL u~LoTor,; f.nEoK€~cxT6 IJ.E (Kee has KVpLot,; for u~LOTOt,;). Verse 6 and the preceding ones are a Christian interpolation based on Matthew 25.35-37.

o

HEALTH AND THE DEATH OF THE PATRIARCHS Lastly, we look at the connection of health to the death of each of the patriarchs. 19 The text explicitly mentions that Issachar, Zebulon, Naphtali, Asher and Levi die in good health whereas Reuben and Simeon die from sickness. The text is unclear about Judah, Dan, Gad, Benjamin and Joseph. From the lips of Issachar we learn: "I am not aware of having committed a sin unto death" ouK E"{VWV f.n' EIJ.e Oq.J.cxpTCcxv e i. r,; 8avcxTov ( 7. 1) In 7. 9 we read: "And he stretched his legs and died at a good old age the fifth son, with all his members sound and still strong; he slept the eternal sleep." 17 Col 1.11 reads: "May you be strengthened with all power, according to his glorious might, for all endurance un~ov~ and patience ~Kpoeu~Ca with joy." Verse 13 adds that God has delivered us from the dominion of darkness. Both virtues appear in T. Joseph 2.7. Charles translates ~tla cj>ap~aKov as a "mighty charm." M.E. Stone translates the Armenian of verse 2.7b: "For longsuffering is a great talisman and patience grants many good things." Armenian Version of the Testament of Joseph, Missoula, Mo., 1975, p. 19. See also Hollander's description and explanation of cj>ap~Kov as "a remedy through which one secures God's help." op.cit., p. 29 18 For the theme of a patriarchal figure undergoing 10 trials or temptations see Abet 5.4, Ex R. 25.27, Gen R. 48.8, Jubilees 19.8. 19 In the Testament of Isaac (2nd century CE?) we read about the patriarch: "So now rejoice and be glad; for you will not be smitten (with disease) and will not be taken (in death)" (2.12).

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102

Kcxl. e!;;€TELVE Tovr; n6oor; oaiTou Kcxl. 6m€8cxve n€1-1-nor;, ev Yi'IPEL KcxA.Q, nav iJ.EAOt; exwv uyL'E:c; KCXL toxvwv U1tVWOEV unvou CXlWvLOV. "Eternal" does not mean without end but rather refers to that time period between death and the final resurrection when each patriarch will rise and rule over his own tribe (T. Benj. 10. 6).

No sin is mentioned in the account of Naphtali' s deeds. Naphtali was hosting a party when he received the word that he would die: When his sons were gathered together in the seventh month, on the fourth day of the month, and he was in good health, he gave a feast and drinking party. After he awoke early the next morning, he told them, "I am dying .•. " (1.2-J)

At the end of the Testament we find out that "He ate and drank in soulful glee, covered his face and died." KCXL cqW\1 KCXL mW\1 ev lA.cxpoTllTL l!Jux'ijr; ouveK&A.ul!Je To npoownov 0r1iToO Kcxl. 6m€8cxvev (9.2). Asher also dies in good health as is clear from the verse preceding his instruction to his sons on the "two ways." "While he was still healthy he said to them ... " en uyLcxCvwv etne npor; cxUTovr;. (1.2). Chapter a begins: After he had said these things he gave instructions, saying, "Bury me in Hebron." And he died, having fallen into a beautiful sleep (8.1) *better, "good" or "sound" sleep Kat &Lnwv aUTOL' Ta0Ta EV&T&LAaTO aUTOL' Aeywv ea~aT€ ~& &L' XE~pwv. Kat ane6av&v, vnvQ KaAQ KOL~~6&C,.

Zebulon also falls into a sound sleep (10.6). Of greater importance is that through his kindness he was preserved from illness when others fell ill around him. Now, my children, I tell you to keep the Lord's commands; show mercy to your neighbor, have compassion on all, not only human beings but to dumb animals. 2. For these reasons the Lord blessed me, and when all my brothers were ill, I alone passed without sickness, for the Lord knows the purpose of each man. J. Have mercy in your inner being, my children, because whatever one does to his neighbor, the Lord will do to him. 4. For the sons of my brothers were sickly and died on account of Joseph, because they did not act in mercy out of their inner compassion. But you, my sons, were preserved from illness, as you know. 5. When I was in Canaan catching fish by the sea for our father, Jacob, many were drowned in the sea, but I survived unharmed. (5.1-5)

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In this chapter we see that Zebulon's compassion extended even to brute animals. {Cf. Philo, De Virtutibus 125f.) As a result he is preserved from illness and from drowning in the sea. In contrast, those who did not act out of mercy became sick and died. The principle of punishment for sin involving the instrument {organ) of sinning seen in T. Naph. 5.10 is extended here to include reward for virtuous behavior {cf. Matt 7.2). A more detailed treatment of the connection between treating one's neighbor and God's treatment of the person in return is found in Ben Sira 28.1-9, but in Ben Sira God is not bound to the exacting measure for measure as here in T. Zebulon. In 9.7 the author undoubtedly has Malachi 4.2 in mind when he says: And thereafter the Lord himself will arise upon you, the light of righteousness with healing and compassion in his wings. KaL f.LETa Ta(ha c'xvaTE:i-Et Uf.LLV auToc; KupLoc; cpwc; I'>LKaLoauvTJ<;, Ka\ raaL<; KaL EVOT]AayxuCa ERL TaLc; RTEpU~LV aUTOU (9.7)

o

Levi, despite his sin of disobedience, is fully restored to favor, 20 indicating that the author approved of his actions despite Jacob's objection. In 1. 2 we read: "He was in good health when he summoned them to him, but it had been revealed to him that he was about to die." LryLo:Cvwv T]v OTL EK
The author reflects the high esteem accorded to Levi in the blessing he received from Moses in Deut 33.8-11. See T. Reuben 6.7 and 6.11. The "true royal authority" and "the true priesthood" are to come from Judah and Levi. Therefore, they can be severely criticized but must also be rehabilitated. Hollander and de Jonge, op.cit., p. 52. see also R. Eppel, Le pietisme juif dans les Testaments des Douze Patriarches, Paris, 1930, p. 44f.

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sick his sons came to see him, and becoming stronger, he sat up, kissed them and said ... " ~A6ov y&p enLoK€~ao6aL aUTov appWOTOUVTa KaL EVLoxvoac; h&6LO£ KaL KaTE<jlLAl]OEV aUTOVc; KaL e:Tne:v aUTotc; (1.2). He falls asleep without qualification (8 .1). In regard to those about whom the text is silent or ambiguous about their state of health at death, we may assume that Joseph died in good health by two entries. In the Testament of Joseph we read, "He fell into a beautiful (or good) sleep" EKOLI.I.TJ6l] unVCf! KaA£!1 (20.4). and by the following entry in the Testament of Simeon about Joseph: Because nothing evil resided in Joseph, he was attractive in appearance and handsome to behold, for the face evidences any troubling of the spirit. (5.1)

Judah is said simply to fall asleep (26.4). He is pardoned because of his sin of incest with Tamar because he acted in ignorance (19.3) and while drunk (12.3). The softening of the sin may be part of the author's design to elevate the figure of Judah. In T. Reuben, Judah and Levi are given authority to be rulers (6.7) . 21 Of the remaining patriarchs, the virtuous Benjamin is rewarded by dying at a "ripe old age" ev yrjpe: L KaA£!1. The repentant Gad falls asleep in peace ev e:tpT]v~ (8.4). Dan speaks to his sons before he dies (1.1). Nothing is said about his state of health. CONCLUSION

The Testaments of the 12 Patriarchs' unique contribution to our understanding of healing in the Second Temple period is the way in which they connect illness to sin and health to virtue. The measuring of the sin to the illness is remarkable in a document which stresses so strongly the mercy of God. (T. Judah 19. 3, e.g. ) In the case of Gad his illness lasts the same amount of time as his sin (11 months) and affects the organ associated with anger, the liver (5.9-11). No evil spirit or angel conveys the illnesses to Reuben, Gad or 21

Hollander and de Jonge, Ibid.

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Simeon. God alone is responsible. He is not only the healer, He is also the avenger. Illness and health are very much connected to human behavior. The author does not deal with illness from any other cause. Except in the cases of Judah and Levi who is also seen in a favorable light in Deut 33, the author does not excuse the sins of the patriarchs even when there are mitigating circumstances. Reuben is overcome by the sight of the naked Bilhah, but he still suffers from disease of the loins. Joseph is a tattle-tale who gets his brothers into trouble, but that does not excuse Gad's anger. Simeon is overcome by the "Prince of Anger" so that he does not even consider Joseph as his brother. Nonetheless his anger is punished by the withering of his right hand. our author, while acknowledging the influence of evil and Beliar on man, teaches that man is responsible for his choices (cf. IQS 3.13-4.26). He has been given two ways (T. Asher 1.3) which are good and evil (T. Asher 1.5). The righteous man's choices are not controlled by Beliar. He has an angel to guide him (T. Benj. 6.1). Man makes his choices through his own free will (T. Judah 19.1). The conviction that illness is related to sin is illustrated in the state of health of illness at the time of the patriarchs' deaths. There are no magic amulets, only virtuous living to ward off evil in the Testaments. There are no healing plants, no magic stones. The prayers of Jacob interceding for Reuben and Gad help but they presuppose repentance on the part of his sons. Repentance brings forgiveness and healing but it does not necessarily guarantee good health at death as we see in the Testaments of Reuben and Simeon.

TESTAMENT OF JOB

In the Testament of Job, as in the Testaments of the 12 Patriarchs, a patriarchal figure calls together his children for parting words which include exhortations to avoid vices and revelations of the times to come. Job exemplifies patient endurance and hospitality. He leaves an inheritance to his children before his death and elaborate burial. The author of the Testament of Job (hereafter T Job) preserves the basics of the LXX account in the framework of a testament. He tries to eliminate some of the theological problems raised by canonical Job.1 Satan is thus given a good reason for wanting to cause Job to suffer in so far as Job destroyed the temple of the idol (ch. 5). God is not blamed for Job's suffering even though Satan must receive authority to act against Job (8). J.J. Collins notes: Comparison with the bible text shows that the author of TJ transforms the story of Job from a story of innocent human suffering and the problem of a God who permits it, to the paradigmatic story of a saint who willingly suffers in battle with Satan.2

P.H. Nicholls discusses the T Job's many complexities.3 The T Job is extant in four Greek manuscripts, an Old Church Slavonic version and a less complete Coptic version. Given the use of the LXX rather than a Hebrew text, the book's Semiticisms are best explained by positing a Jewish author, knowledgeable of both Hebrew and Greek, who wrote T Job in Greek. The reference to Job as king of Egypt in 18.7 as well as the use of the Greek language make it probable that the T Job was composed in Egypt though not among the Therapeutae as

1 See P.H. Nicholls, Jerusalem, 1982. 2

The Structure

of Job,

J.J. Collins, "Structure and Meaning in the Testament of Job," SBL Sem. 1974, p. 37.

Papers,

3

and Purpose of the Testament

See Nicholls, op.cit., p. 106f.

107

Kohler first proposed 4 nor among circles acquainted with Merkabah mysticism as Kee suggested. 5 The date of T Job's composition, given its reliance on the LXX, cannot be earlier than 100 BCE. The book's emphasis on Job as a paradigm of endurance suggests an era of persecution. That would fit well the first century CE. 6 The T Job has healing material in several chapters. We note first that in 30.5 Job's appalling state of destitution and sickness is described by the three kings as a deathly state: nwc; vOv de; TTJV TOLOOTT)V VEKpOTT)TO! E~EltECJEV; "How then has he now fallen into such a deathly state?" (trans. Spittler). This description of illness as "deathly" evokes the concept of serious illness as something near to Sheol or like death itself in several of the Psalms (See 30.3; 88.3,4,6). In ch. 38 Sophar, one of the friends/kings suggests to Job that Job be treated by the physicians who have accompanied the three kings: For behold, since we are traveling we have brought with us the physicians of our own 3 kingdoms, and if you wish you may be treated by them in the same manner. I answered and said: "My healing and treatment are from the Lord who created even the physicians." (38.12-13, trans. Kraft)

Commentators have long noted that the last verse contains the same notice about God creating the physicians that we find in Ben Sira 38.1 (and v. 12 in the LXX). The author of T Job, however, uses the saying common to both works in a way opposite from the way Ben Sira uses the same. Ben Sira establishes the point that God works in healing the sick also through physicians. In T Job the author stresses that God works independently of physicians and that is the way He will work with Job. 4

Cf. Nicholls' arguments against the Therapeutae theory, pp. 30-32.

5 Nicholls argues: "Thus it can be seen that whilst Source D had some contact with the Merkabah tradition, it lacks the elaborate and detailed speculations that are typical of this literature. It certainly arose in circles that took some interest in mysticism, but beyond this rather general statement there is little else that can be said." p. 259. 6 Collins discusses attempts to date the T Job in "Structure and Meaning," op.cit., p. 50. See also B. Schaller in Das Testament Hiobs, JSHRZ III, 3, GUtersloh, 1979, pp. 311-312.

108

TESTAMENT OF JOB

What is of particular interest in this section is the purpose given for the kings' visit as distinct from their purpose in canonical Job. In the canonical text the friends (kings in the LXX) come to see what has befallen Job and, on the basis of what they see, call him to repentance. Eliphaz in Job 4.5 charges Job with impatience, in 15.4 with not fearing God and in 22.5, with wickedness. Bildad in 8.5-6 urges Job to supplicate God and if he, Job, is in the right, God will respond. He accuses Job of anger in 18.2. In 25.4 he asks how a man can be righteous before God. Zophar in 11.4 implies that Job has done something wicked. Otherwise he would not be suffering. In 20.20 he accuses Job of greed. Elihu (who becomes the tool of Satan in T Job) begins by defending Job but ends by pointing out his sins in ch. 34. In T Job the four kings do not come to call Job to repentance. They first of all share their disbelief that the man before them is the same Job they have known so well. "Eliphas spoke up and said to his fellow kings, 'let us approach him and question to see if it is really he himself or not. I "npooqyLO~EV aUTGJ KO!L E~ET&0'4J.EV CxKpL~Wc; Et of..wc; aU TOe; EOTLV i1 ov (31.1). After being convinced that the man is indeed Job, Eliphas gives us a long lament in which he sarcastically taunts Job with the question about where his splendor has disappeared (ch.32). Job responds that his throne is not on earth but in the upper world EV TGJ unEpKoo~(~ (33.3) and that his kingdom, unlike those who have come to visit him, will last forever (34.4). This is taken as an insult by Eliphas who responds by stating his intentions to leave with his troops. But Baldad prevents him from doing so by reminding Eliphas that he was ill for two days himself and that Job's utterances may well be the result of his mental state after having suffered so much affliction. What follows in chapters 35-38, as Spittler notes, "shows a rich vocabulary for mental (in) stability which taxes the translator's ingenuity. 117 These chapters may take as their inspiration Job 36.28b: "In all these things your understanding was not deranged, nor was your mind disturbed in your

7

R.P. Spittler,

"Testament of Job," OTP I, p. 856.

109

body. II

en L

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niioLV

6L<XAAaoeoeTaL OOU TJ K<Xp6(a

OUK

ano

E~LOTCXTCXL

oou

'ri

6LcXvOL<X

out>£

O~<XTOt;.

The insights which follow demonstrate an almost modern understanding of the relationship between great physical stress and sanity. Spittler quite aptly entitles this section, "Baldad tests Job's Sanity." Now then, let us be patient in order that we may discover his true condition. Perhaps he is emotionally disturbed. Perhaps he recalls his former prosperity and has become mentally deranged. For who would not be driven senseless and imbalanced when he is sick? But allow me to approach him, and I will determine his condition (35.4-6)

In 36.6 Baldad says: And if you answer me sensibly regarding the first query, I will ask you about a second matter. And if you answer me calmly, it will be clear that you are not emotionally disturbed.

In 37.8 he asks Job: And again I say to you, if you are sound of mind wits about you, tell me why we see the sun on rising in the east and setting in the west, and get up early we find it rising again in the east? things to me if you are the servant of God.

and have your the one hand again when we Explain these

To this Job responds in 38: I do have my wits about me, and my mind is sound. (v. 1) .. Now then, so you may know that my heart is sound, here is my question for you: Food enters the mouth, then water is drunk through the same mouth and sent into the same throat. But whenever the two reach the latrine, they are separated from each other. Who divides them? (v. 3) And Baldad said, "I do not know." (v. 4) Again I replied and said to him, "If you do not understand the functions of the body, how can you understand heavenly matters?" (v. 5)

Sophar replies: We are not inquiring after things beyond us, but we have sought to know if you are of sound mind. And now we truly know that your intelligence has been unaffected. (v. 6)

Then Sophar offers Job the help of the royal physicians.

110

TESTAMENT OF JOB

What we have here in the T Job is an extraordinary interest in determining the sanity of Job as distinct from a summons of Job to repentance. The author shows his acquaintance with some medical terminology of his time, probably the result of a good Greek education. (See chapter on Philo). This need not imply medical training. Medical terminology found in Hippocrates is found in other Greek writers. In 38.1 the author of T Job uses roTLV ~EV ~p6v~OL~ EV E~oC translated as "I do have my wits about me." This phrase is found in Hippocrates Aphorisms 7. 5, but it is also found in Euripides Bacchae 851. In 35.5 our author uses EKTIAayeCv (AtticEKTIA~oow) a word meaning to be panic-stricken or out of one's senses (L&S). We find the same word and usage in Hippocrates Med. 8 and in the Odyssey 18.231. In chapter 42 God addresses Eliphas, Baldad and Sophar and accuses them of sinning by not speaking the Truth about Job (42.5). They are instructed to ask Job to offer sacrifices on their behalf so that they will be forgiven. Job acts as intercessor in this matter as in the Job Targum found at Qumran (llQtgJob). All kings but Elihu who was inspired by satan (41.5) are forgiven. This section illustrates the power of the just man before God on behalf of others. It recalls Jacob interceding for his sons in the Testaments of the 12 Patriarchs. There literal sickness is included. Here spiritual sickness is meant which requires spiritual healing - forgiveness (cf. Jer 33.6). After receiving forgiveness Eliphas sings a hymn which is primarily an imprecation directed at Elihu and secondarily an expression of rejoicing (43.15) at forgiveness and restoration to God's favor. We now turn to the fascinating magic bands of chapters 4650. There we find the daughters of Job complaining that their brothers received an inheritance and they did not. Job responds by saying that their inheritance is a better one. Out of three golden boxes kept in a vault he gives his daughters

111

three bands or cords of different colors. 8 They are instructed to put these bands on their breasts. One of the daughters, Kasia, objects that the bands have no practical value at all. (47 .1) Job responds by saying that the bands will bring them into the world to come and, that they have already healed him of his various ailments. Not only shall you gain a living from these, but these cords will lead you into a better world, to live in the heavens. Are you then ignorant, my children, of the value of these strings? The Lord considered me worthy of these in the day in which he wished to show me mercy and to rid my body of the plagues and the worms. (47.2-4)

In v. 9 we learn of additional purposes for these cords. They revealed to Job "things present and things to come" T& yEVOIJ.EVO! KO!L T& IJ.EAAOVTO!. Furthermore, if his daughters use the cords they will not have to confront their enemy (Satan?) and worry about enemies because they will have protective amulets. Each daughter, like Saul when he became ecstatic ( 1 Sam 10.9), "took on another heart" which directed her to heavenly things. Each was then able to speak in the tongues of angels (chs. 48-50). Spittler suggests 9 that this section containing the magic bands was added to T Job by Montanists, but this is unlikely

8 P. Van der Horst claims that these bands (he prefers to call them girdles) were themselves golden. This explains why according to 46.6-7 they sent forth sparks like rays from the sun. He bases his claim on the possibility of translating Tp(a OKEVapLa TOO XPVOOU as three golden boxes instead of three boxes with gold, that is, three boxes with golden objects. He then cites Revelation 1.13, the heavenly Christ with a golden girdle around his breast and 15.6, the seven angels with girdles of gold around their breasts. "The Role of Women in the Testament of Job," Neder lands Theologisch Tijschrift 40 (1986) p. 281. As Van der Horst himself notes (p. 279) the author of T Job uses 4 different words for these girdles or cords and not the one used in the Book of Revelation, Cwv~. Nonetheless, I find Van der Horst's opinion as plausible as other theories raised about these objects. 9 Spittler mentions that Eusebius (HE 5.17.1-4) "preserves the argument of an unnamed anti-Montanist who demanded to know where in the range of biblical history any precedent appeared for ecstatic prophecy. The descriptions of Job's daughters speaking in ecstasy (T Job 48-50) may have been a Montanist move to supply such a precedent. Furthermore, the document - or at least the tradition it preserves, that of Job's return of the escaping worm to his body (T Job 20.8f) - is reflected in one of Ter-

112

TESTAMENT OF JOB

for several reasons. 10 Nicholls notes that Job's daughters and not Job are really the center of attention in chapters 46-52. He argues for a different source in this section of T Job which he claims "was interested in the world of angels and man's participation in that world by states of ecstasy and mystical speech. 1111 What this source was and where it came from we do not yet know. The magic bands are useful in fulfilling two purposes. They enable Job's daughters to have access to a higher world, a world of revelation from which they would have been otherwise excluded. Collins notes that women in T Job symbolize like the kings "the human state of ignorance which is transformed at the end through the mediation of Job into heavenly knowledge and heavenly life. 1112 Through the cords they are no longer victims of deception as was Job's wife. They are also enabled to praise God in an angelic dialect. These sashes, connected with glossolalia, serve a second purpose, protection against evil and healing. Healing and glossolalia are mentioned as gifts of the Holy spirit in 1 Corinthians 12.9-10. For Job the cords ridded him of his plagues and worms (47.4-6) and of suffering on his death bed. Attempts to identify these cords or bands have been many. Since the word nepLeC~~eev is used, a word meaning "to gird" it is possible that the cords were phylacteries. 13 Philonenko identifies the cords with an Iranian sacred cord called the "kusti" which enables its wearer to inhabit heaven, adore God

tullian's books period," p. 834.

(De

anima

14.2-7)

written

just

before

his

Montanist

10 The reasons are as follows: 1) No precedent for prophetesses was needed. They are mentioned in the Bible. 2) The Montanists encouraged martyrdom as well as persecution. A powerful amulet would have prevented them from reaching their goal. 3) They were against second marriages and discouraged first ones. A Montanist would hardly have written that Job gave his inheritance to his children by a second wife. 11

Nicholls, op.cit., p. 114.

12 Collins, "The Testament of Job," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone, Philadelphia, 1984, p. 353. 13 For phylacteries and amulets, see b. Gittin 22a and the discussion by H.C. Kee, "Satan, Magic and Salvation in the Testament of Job," SBL Sem. Papers, 1974, p. 59.

113

and be delivered from sin and evil. 14 There is no need to look to Iran, however, for magic cords. Egypt, the highly probable provenance for the T Job, provides us with many examples of cords/knots worn as amulets for healing and magic purposes. 15 CONCLUSION

No other document of the Second Temple period mentions the use of amulets for protection, healing as well as ecstasy as does T Job, 16 although the apotropaic and healing properties of stones are mentioned in Wisdom of Solomon 18.24-25; Jewish War II 136 and Pseudo-Philo 26.4. The use of amulets for healing and protection, but not for ecstasy, does, however, become common in the Talmudic period (cf. m. Shah. 6.2; b. Shah. 61a62a). Women who made magic bands, very likely for healing in the manner of amulets, were condemned in Ez 13.17-20. In the Book of Jubilees (10) God sanctions healing remedies to be taught by angels to the patriarch Noah which are passed down to his son Shem. Hence, the knowledge of such remedies is legitimate and useful. In the Testament of Job God sanctions the use of magic cords for healing and other purposes by giving them to the patriarchal figure, Job, who in 14

M. Philonenko, "Le Testament de Job," Semitica 18 (1968) p. 5Sf.

15 Magical healing cords are mentioned by P. Ghalioungui, Magic and Medical Science in Ancient Egypt, London, 1963, p. 36. See the references provided under "Knoten-Amulett-Knoten" in H. Von Deines and w. Westendorf, Worterbuch der Medizinischen Texte II, Grundriss der Medizin der Alten Agypter VII, 2, Berlin, 1962, p. 968. See also S.T. Lachs' comments on the knotting of fringes in A Rabbinic Commentary on the New Testament, Hoboken, KTAV, 1987, p. 172f. Pliny mentions the so-called Hercules knot believed to have power to heal wounds. (Nat. Hist. XXVIII.11.) In the Talmud we read about gesharim knots or garlands 3 of which are sufficient to stop illness, 5 of which would cure it and 7 of which would work against witchcraft. b. Shah. 66b. 16 Nickelsburg (Jewish Literature Between the Bible and the Mishnah, Philadelphia, 1981, pp. 248 and 269) has called attention to the affinities to the Wisdom of Solomon especially with regard to the T Job's stress on heavenly reality. M. Delcor (Le Testament d'Abraham) has shown the relationship of the T Job to the Testament of Abraham. Job's legendary patience is mentioned in the Epistle of James 5.11 and in Tertullian's De Patientia 14.2-7. The wearing of amulets associated with other religions can bring death. See 2 Maccabees 12.40.

114

TESTAMENT OF JOB

turn passes them on to his daughters. our author thus legitimizes healing amulets in the circle for which the Testament of Job is written.

TREATISE OF SHEM

Although the Treatise of Shem was published by A. Mingana in 1917.1 it is only in the past few years that its significance has been appreciated and its place among the pseudepigrapha assured. This is due to the efforts of J. H. Charlesworth who published a literal translation of the Treatise along with an introduction and notes in 1978.2 Its inclusion in the first volume of OTP (1983) has assured the Treatise of Shem a wide audience. The work, technically called a calendologion, is based on the 12 signs of the Zodiac. A chapter is devoted to each sign and to the characteristics of the year that begins in each of these signs. One of the characteristics under each sign is illness, or disease. The Treatise of Shem is extant only in a 15th century Syriac manuscript found in the John Rylands University Library of Manchester (Syr. MS 44, fols. 81b-83b). on the basis of Semitisms and personal names which follow the Semitic alphabet, Charlesworth concludes that the original language was Hebrew or Aramaic.3 He dates the document to the last third of the first century BCE in view of probable historical allusions but notes it is not possible to be certain.4 The many allusions to Egypt make it most likely that the Treatise was composed there. The interest in the seacoast and fishing suggest Alexandria.5 The author's comment on the favorable nature of the north wind which brings rain is supported by Philo's comments on the favorable nature of the north wind in

1 A. Mingana, Rylands Library

"The Book of Shem, Son of Noah," Bulletin of the John 4 (1917) pp. 59-118.

2 J .H. Charlesworth, "Ry1ands Syriac MS 44 and a New Addition to the Pseudepigrapha: The Treatise of Shem," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 60 (1978) pp. 376-403. 3 Charlesworth, "Treatise of Shem," OTP I, p. 474. 4 Ibid., p. 474-475. 5 Ibid., p. 475.

116

SHEM

De Gigantibus 10 and by Hippocrates in Sacred Diseases 16 (against Airs, waters and Places 4 where the north wind is a bearer of disease). The early date of the Treatise and the likelihood that it was composed by a Jew means that by the first century of the Common Era there were at least some Jews interested in astrology, the zodiac and the relationship between the zodiac, astrology and disease. Previous to the discovery of 4QCryptic, which indicates that a man's physical characteristics are determined according to the sign of the zodiac under which he was born 6 and the recent awakening of interest in the Treatise of Shem, many scholars were wont to date Jewish interest in astrology to the early Middle Ages or to the Talmudic period at the earliest. The evidence for later interest in astrology and astrological healing is impressive. 7 The fact that the Talmud preserves a debate over whether Israel was subject to compulsion by the stars (b. Shab. 156 a and b) indicates that astrology was certainly not an issue peripheral to mainstream Judaism. Mar Samuel (165-257 CE) was a distinguished physician, astrologer and astronomer. 8 At least in some areas of his medical treatment he associated treatment with the planets and stars (b. Shab. 129b). The debate between those who supported astrology and those who rejected it remained up to and including the Middle Ages. Ibn Ezra counseled perfecting oneself spiritually to avoid the dictates of the stars. Sadiah Gaon wrote a commentary on the Sefer Yetzirah which contains astrological material. Indeed, only Maimonides of the great Jewish philosophers, rejected astrology completely. 9 It does not seem possible to say at any one time after the first century of the Common Era that Jews accepted 6 Published by J .M. Allegro in "An Astrological Cryptic Document from Qumran," JSS 9 (1964) pp. 291-294. For a recent discussion see M. Philonenko, "Deux Horoscopes Qoumraniens: Identification des Personnages," Revue d'Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses 65 (1985) pp. 61-66. 7

A. Altman, "Astrology," Ency Jud 3, cols. 787-795.

8 J. Preuss, Biblical and Talmudic Medicine, Berlin, 1978, p. 253. Preuss notes that blood-letting as a medical procedure was associated with astrology until the beginning of the 20th century. 9 Yad, Avodah Zarah 11, 8-9. See discussion by Altman in Ency Jud 3, cols. 792-793.

117

astrology or Jews rejected astrology. Some accepted it; some did not. 10 This is reflected in the texts. Abraham is supposed to have been elevated beyond any control of the stars and need to know about them (Gen R. 44.8-12) yet among his blessing in all things, the gift of astrology is included (Tosefta Kidd. 5.17). The Treatise of Shem is concerned with the effect of the zodiac on the yearly rainfall. Only in Aries is rain not mentioned. Sometimes the rain comes too late as in Virgo and Sagittarius. If it is a favourable spring rain, it is usually borne by the north wind (Gemini 3.1, Scorpio 8 .1). That rain and the yearly overflow of the Nile (in all but Sagittarius, Capricorn and Pisces) bring conditions to the land related to the growth of crops that lead to health or illness. "In the beginning of the year there will be a sufficiency of produce and people will be healthy" (Cancer 4.1). Frequently the author is specific in naming the type of disease or illness. In the dry year of Aries he mentions diseases of the throat ( 2. 7) . In Cancer 4. 3 he mentions a plague in Alexandra, in Libra 4.7, a great plague in Egypt. In Cancer 4.7. he notes sties of the eyes, coughing and vomiting. In Leo 5. 10 people will get headaches. In Scorpio 8. 8 he speaks of harmless ulcers. Sometimes the author merely mentions that various diseases and sickness occur (Aries 1.12, Leo 5.6, Libra 7.10, Scorpio 8.5, Capricorn 10.14, Pisces 1. 7). Charlesworth notes that: "Originally the twelve chapters were in an ascending order of desirable features, beginning with Aries, in which apparently the worst year begins and culminating with Pisces in which clearly the best year originates." 11

This may be so but even in the "best year" there is "great disease among men" (Pisces 11.13) . At the end of the year, however, "there will be peace and prosperity among men and love and harmony among all the kings who are on the earth" 10

See J.C.

To Rule both Day and Night, Astrology in the Bible, New York, 1977. This is a collection rather than a critical investigation of material.

Hid rash

11

and

Dobin,

Talmud,

Charlesworth, OTP, p. 472.

118

SHEM

(Pisces 11.18). Presumably people will also be in good health though this is not so stated by the author. A curious feature of the Treatise is the association of illness (and robbery or attack) with letters of the Hebrew alphabet under 8 of the signs: Taurus, Gemini, Virgo, Libra, Sagittarius, Capricorn, Pisces and Aquarius. If one's name includes a Hebrew letter which is unfavorable in the year that begins under a particular sign of the zodiac, then that person will suffer certain unfortunate consequences. Beth and Yudh are mentioned three times, Pe, Kaph, Mim and Tau, twice and Qoph and Heth once. Someone knowledgeable of gematria may deduce conclusions from the choice, frequency and association of these letters. 12 The influence of the zodiac upon the lives of men includes not only weather patterns and wars, it extends to morality as well. Adultery increases without any reasons given in Libra 7.15, Sagittarius 9.9 and Capricorn 10.16. Robbery and theft occur although these may be related to food being too expensive (Capricorn 10.7-8) or to the ravages of war (Pisces 11.11) . There is no doubt that the Treatise of Shem in placing the events of the world, man's fate, his state of illness or health under the control of the zodiac signs seriously compromises the biblical concept of the providence of God. 13 The author might have attempted to place an angel in charge of each sign as we find in 1 Enoch 75 where each of the stars has an angel (under Uriel) in charge of it. He does not do so. In terms of healing material, the Treatise of Shem focuses on the connection of illness to the zodiac signs. Though attributed to Shem who received a book of healing remedies (Jubilees 10.10-14) the Treatise of Shem is not about healing, astrological or otherwise. It offers no solution to the problem of illness. It does not associate healing and illness with morality, one's relationship to God or with evil spirits.

12

A suggestion for future research.

13

Cf. Charlesworth, OTP, pp. 467-477.

119

CONCLUSION

The Treatise of Shem indicates that in the time of the Second Temple period there were some Jews who believed that the stars exercised control or influence over their lives, in this document, significant influence. This contribution to our knowledge should neither be exaggerated nor underestimated. 14 The Treatise of Shem is an important witness to the incipient interest of Jews in astrology, which interest was to come into full blossom in the Middle Ages.

14 For a recent discussion of the interest of Jews in astrology, see J.H. Charlesworth, "Jewish Interest in Astrology during the Hellenistic and Roman Periods," ANRW II, 20.2 (1987) pp. 929-950.

PSEUDO-PHILO

Pseudo-Philo, or Liber Antiquitatem Biblicarum, has long been associated with the name of the Alexandrian Jewish philosopher because of its inclusion along with his works De Vita Contemplativa and Questions on Genesis in Latin. Unlike genuine Philo, the author of Pseudo-Philo indicates little direct interest in healing. Pseudo-Philo was written in Hebrew although the Hebrew fragments we have of the work are medieval retroversions. The date of the work is not settled. G. W. E. Nickelsburg suggests ca. 70 CE.1 The present Latin text is corrupt and lacks its ending. Given a Hebrew original and a probable date of composition in the late 1st century, the provenance of Pseudo-Philo was almost certainly the Land of Israel. Pseudo-Philo's importance is stressed by L. Feldman who calls it "one of the significant links between early haggadah and rabbinic midrash. n2 J. Strugnell, following M.R. James, notes that the period up to the Exodus is briefly treated and that "the additions and omissions are so distinct from those of Jubilees that it has been suggested that Pseudo-Philo was correcting and supplementing that book. n3 There is, however, little agreement about the book's purpose. Feldman reviews the prevailing theories in his prolegomenon.4 There are two accounts in the book which may be classified as healing material. The first is the reference to the precious stones in chapters 25 and 26; the second is the

1 G.W.E. Nicke1sburg, Jewish Literature Between the Bible and the Mishnah, Philadelphia, 1981, p. 267. See also J. Strugnell, "Philo (Pseudo)," Ency Jud 13, col. 408. 2 L.H. Feldman, "Prolegomenon" to M.R. James, The Biblical Antiquities of Philo, New York, 1971 (1971) p. 1x. 3

Strugnell, op.cit., col. 408.

4 Feldman, op.cit., pp. xxiii-xlvii. Because of its style and repetition C. Perrot and others have suggested that Pseudo-Philo contains material that was used in synagogue preaching. Pseudo-Philon, Les Antiquites Bibliques II, Paris, 1976, pp. 36-37.

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expansion of David's role in calming the melancholic spirit of saul in chapter 60. The context of the first reference is the confession of sin on the part of the remnant of each of the tribes of Israel to Cenez. In 25.10 we read: And he asked next the men of the found seven golden images which Nymphs and we took them with the upon them: and lo, now they are mount Sychem. Send therefore and (trans. James)

tribe of Aser, which said: We the Amorites called the holy precious stones that were set laid up under the top of the thou shalt find them thence .•.

The text continues in 25.12: And these are the precious stones which the Amorites had in their holy places, and the price of them was above reckoning. For when any entered in by night, he needed not the light of a lantern, so much did the natural light of the stones shine forth. Wherein that one gave the greatest light which was cut after the form of a stone pierced with open-work, and was cleansed with bristles; for if any of the Amorites were blind, he went and put his eyes thereupon and recovered his sight. And when Cenez found them, he set them apart and laid them up till he should know what should become of them.

Shechem, the hiding place of the stones is also associated with idolatry in Gen 35.4 and in Jubilees 31.1-2 where we see Jacob buried idols at an oak tree in Shechem. The precious stones, one of whose properties was healing from blindness, 5 were set in idols and were, therefore, associated with the pagan worship of the Amorites. Cenez is puzzled about what to do with these stones of such marvelous power burn them or consecrate them to the Lord's use. 6 God answers Cenez: Therefore, now take these precious found, both books and men; and when men, set apart these stones with the avail to burn them, and afterwards I must destroy them.

stones and all thou dealest so books, for fire will show thee

that was with the will not how thou (26.2)

5 The Amorites whose blindness is cured by the magic stones are fittingly struck with blindness before being destroyed by the sword (27.10). 6 J. Hadot notes: "Le problema pose est celui des objets sac res en usage chez 1es parens. Faut-il necessairement les detruire? Ne peut-on les uti1iser? On va montrer que la lei de l'anatheme (Nombres xxi, 2-3, Deuteronome, vu., 2) 1 'emporte sur toute autre consideration." "Livre des Antiquites Bibliques," La Bible, ~crits Intertestamentaires, ed. A. Dupont-Sommer and M. Philonenko, Paris, 1987, p. 1307.

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PSEUDO-PHILO

The text refers to books along with the stones. No books have so far been mentioned, but it is likely that 25.9, which refers to the teaching of the Amorites, means their books. The teaching written in books is that which is hidden under the tent of Elas. What these books contained we cannot say. The Amorites were associated with witchcraft and everything evil (Gen 15.16). In the account of substantially the same story in the medieval Hebrew Chronicles of Jera~meel it seems that the books when buried are transformed into 12 precious stones engraved with the names of the tribes of Israel (Jera~meel 57.22). (Cf. the 12 stones in Revelation 21.19-20). In Pseudo-Philo the Lord announces that He will command His angel to cast the stones and books into the depth of the sea so that the world will not be polluted by their use again since fire will not burn the stones. The association of the 7 stones, symbolic of the 7 tribes of Canaan, with idol worship makes the stones evil; their magic makes them difficult to destroy. It should be noted, that healing stones in themselves are not necessarily evil. From the same location where the Amorite stones were found, the Lord instructs an angel to find 12 more stones, symbolic of the 12 tribes of Israel: And I will command another angel, and he shall take for me twelve stones out of the place whence these seven were taken; and thou when thou findest them in the top of the mount where he shall lay them, take and put them on the shoulder-piece over against the twelve stones which Moses set therein in the wilderness and sanctify them in the breastplate (lit. oracle) according to the twelve tribes... (26.4)

Though we cannot be certain that the breastplate and the stones set therein now had properties of healing, it is likely they did on the basis of the use of one of the Amorite stones as a remedy for blindness. In 1 Enoch 18 Enoch sees in his first journey seven mountains of precious stones, one of which Isaac translates as "healing stone" and Charles calls "jacinth" ( 18. 7) . The text is corrupt, but the stones as a whole may have some healing properties. In the Wisdom of Solomon (ch. 18. 24-25) the author speaks about the wondrous effects of the garments of Aaron, including the stones which

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repel and stop the plague. Josephus also attests to the healing properties of stones in the Jewish War II 136. 7 In ch. 60 we read about the evil spirit that caused Saul melancholy from time to time: And at that time the spirit of the Lord was taken from Saul and an evil spirit oppressed (lit. choked) him. And Saul sent and fetched David, and he played a psalm upon his harp in the night. And this is the psalm which he sang unto Saul that the evil spirit might depart from him. (60.1)

The use of music for medical therapy is well attested in the ancient world. 8 In the first century BCE Asclepiades is said to have used music to treat his patients. Soranus (98-138 CE), the personal physician to Trajan and Hadrian, used music, especially flute music, to treat depression and hysteria. (De Morbis Chronicis 1. 5). In Jewish sources 9 according to 11QPs 27,11 David is said to have composed four songs to be sung over the afflicted D'lJlll9il JlJ (1.10). Psalm 91 is said for protection against evil spirits by R. Joshua b. Levi. Psalm 100, accompanied by lutes, lyres and cymbals, is sung against plagues (b. Shev. 15b). The account of what took place when David played the lyre is somewhat briefer in Pseudo-Philo than in 1 Sam 16. However, it is followed in Pseudo-Philo by a hymn or psalm of considerable interest. 10 Whereas 1 Sam 16 emphasizes the playing of the lyre and not the singing of a particular piece, Pseudo-Philo stresses the psalm itself: Darkness and silence were before the world was made, 7 Cf. b. Baba Batra 16b about Abraham. "Around· his neck was hung a precious stone which brought masses flocking to him, for whoever looked on it was healed." For the use of stones in antiquity for healing or protection see Dioscorides, Materia Medica V, 84-182. 8

E.R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational, Boston, 1957, p. 80.

9 For a discussion of Jewish sources see K.E. Grozinger, "Apotropai:schprophylaktischer Gesang und Klang," Musik und Gesang in der Theologie der frlihen jlidischen Literatur, Tlibingen, 1980, pp. 166-170. 10 M. Philonenko had maintained that the hymn was Essene and had some gnostic characteristics. "Remarques sur un hymne essenJ.en de caract ere gnostique," Semitica XI ( 1961) pp. 43-44. But see now P.M. Bogaert' s detailed discussion of the hymn in "'Lea Antiquites du Pseudo-Philon' a la lumH•re des decouvertes de Qumran," Qumran, ed. M. Delcor, Leuven, 1978, pp. 313-331.

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PSEUDO-PHILO and silence spoke a word and the darkness became light. Then your name was pronounced in the drawing together of what had been spread out, the upper of which was called heaven and the lower was called earth. And the upper part was commanded to bring down rain according to its season, and the lower part was commanded to produce food for all things that had been made. And after these was the tribe of your spirits made. And now do not be troublesome as one created on the second day. But if not, remember Tartarus where you walk. Or is it not enough for you to hear that, through what resounds before you, I sing to many? or do you not remember that you were created from a resounding echo in the chaos? But let the new womb from which I was born rebuke you, from which after a time one born from my loins will rule over you.

In this psalm we see that David knows the name of the spirit and thus has power over it (v.2). He commands the spirit not to be injurious and reminds it that it was created not on the first but on the second day (as in Pirke R. Eleazar 3; cf. Aboth 5.6, on the eve of the sabbath). The place of the spirit is in hell. It was created out of an echo in the chaos (cf. Onoskelis' similar creation in the Testament of Solomon 4.8). The spirit will be subdued by David's son, 11 unnamed in the text, but certainly Solomon who has knowledge of the powers of spirits in Wisdom of Solomon 7.20. Thus, David is presented in Pseudo-Philo as an exorcist who is responsible for freeing Saul from an evil spirit much in the same way that Abraham in the Genesis Apocryphon 20 rids Pharaoh of an evil spirit through the laying on of hands. CONCLUSION

Pseudo-Philo's contribution to our understanding of healing in the Second Temple period is three-fold. 1. The author confirms the use of music and certain hymns as a means of exorcism. 2. He depicts or refers to both David and Solomon as exorcists and 3. He affirms the use of healing stones. 12 He

11 This same tradition is preserved in the Song of David (Citharismus regis David contra demonium Saulus) published by M.R. James in Texts and Studies, Apocrypha Anecdota II, 3, 1893, p. 184. 12 Amulets for healing and protection against evil spirits and a stone against abortion are the subject of much discussion in b. Shab. 66a and b.

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carefully avoids the acceptance of anything that might lead to confusion with idol worship. For that reason the Amorite stones cannot be used but must be neutralized by burying them in the bottom of the sea. At the same time he shows that God sanctions the use of stones with magical healing powers since it is God himself who provides new ones (has the angel "find" them) which are associated with the high priest's garments. In delegitimizing the Amorite stones he, nonetheless, legitimizes the use of stones and amulets for healing purposes.

The halacha (ruling) is that approved (Jx successful) amulets may be worn suspended or pinned even on the sabbath.

THE LIVES OF THE PROPHETS

The Lives of the Prophets, the Vitae Prophetarum, is a work attributed by tradition to Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis (315-403 CE). It contains biographies of varying lengths of 23 biblical prophets and provides us with particulars about the births and burials of the prophets. Some of these details are found nowhere else. 1 The attention to geographical details, though these are not always accurate, gives a clue to the Lives' purpose. That purpose may well have been to provide pilgrims with a guide to the graves of the prophets in the Holy Land,2 interest in which is attested in Luke 11.47. No thorough analysis of the text has been made using the tools of biblical criticism. This lack hinders our ability to determine the date, language and provenance of the Lives.3 When c.c. Torrey published his Greek text in 1946, he claimed that the Vorlage was Semitic, the document Jewish with Christian additions, the author a Jerusalemite with the exception of the Life of Jeremiah, authored by an Egyptian. He dated the book to before the year 80 CE.4 None of these conclusions with the possible exception of an Egyptian provenance for the Life of Jeremiah can be safely asserted until the results of textual analyses have been published and examined. 1 D. Satran points out that although most of the narratives are legendary, some are amplifications of the biblical text such as the portrayal of Nebuchadnezzar 's transformation from king to beast and his later repentance. Still other Lives contain details which have parallels in the Apocrypha. "Lives of the Prophets," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone, Philadelphia, 1984, pp. 57-58. 2 Simon, "Les Saints d'Israel dans la devotion de l'~glise ancienne," Revue d'Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses XXXIV (1954), p. 108. 3

Satran, op.cit., p. 5.

4 c.c. Torrey, The Lives of the Prophets, Philadelphia, 1946, pp. 3-11. About the date of the work Torrey says: "The probability is very strong, moreover, that the work was composed and given out before the year 80; the time, approximately, when the anathema was issued by Gamaliel II against the Christians and their writings. The Jewish author would have been far less likely after that date to adopt for the story of the prophet Jeremiah the tradition - whatever its interest - furnished by the Jewish-Christian narrator from Egypt." p. 11. But see D.R.A. Hare in OTP II, p. 381.

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For our purposes only the Lives of Jonah, Elijah and Jeremiah contain healing material. In the Life of Jonah, Elijah, who had fled after rebuking the house of Ahab, went to Tyre and lodged with a woman and her son who shortly thereafter dies {1 Kg 17.17). God raises him to life through Elijah's prayers. Though this man is identified here and in rabbinic legend as Jonah (j. Sukkoth 5. 55a), he is not so identified in the Life of Elijah itself. The account of Jeremiah's healing power is as follows: He is buried in the place where Pharaoh's palace stood: for the Egyptians held him in honor, because of the benefit which they had received through him. For at his prayer, the serpents which the Egyptians call ephoth departed from them; and even at the present day the faithful servants of God pray on that spot and taking of the dust of the place they heal the bites of serpents. We have been told by the children of Antigonus and Ptolemy, aged men, that Alexander the Macedonian, when he stood at the place where the prophet was buried and learned of the wonders which he had wrought carried away his bones to Alexandria placing them round about with due ceremony; whereupon the whole race of poisonous serpents was driven out of the land. With like purpose he (the prophet) had introduced the so-called argolai (that is, "snake-fighters"). (2-6; trans. Torrey)

The grave of Jeremiah is associated with healing power, in particular the power to heal snake bites. In the ancient world the graves of heroes were places of pilgrimage to which people came to invoke the intercessory power of the deceased for their needs, including healing. 5 In the Bible a deceased man about to be buried is hastily thrown into the grave of Elisha because of a marauding band that is approaching. As soon as the dead man touches the bones of Elisha, the man is revived and stands up {2 Kg 13.21). Ben Sira 48.14 very likely witnesses to a long standing tradition of visiting the grave of Elijah: "As in life he did wonders, so in death his deeds were marvelous. "ntolJIJ •non mm:n mH)SJl nrolJ l''n::J Kal. F.v (w'iJ oinoO F.noCTj<JEV T€paTa, Kal. F.v TEAEUTlJ 80!\Jj..lacrw Tex £pya oa.hoO. 5 Probably the most thorough account, though depasse in certain respects, is the work of F. Pfister, Der Religuienkult im Altertum, Berlin, 1974 (reprint of 1909-1912). For an up-to-date summary see T. Klausner, "Christlicher Martyrerkult, heidnischer Heroenkult und spatjtidische Heilungsverehrung: neue Einsichten und neue Problema," Jahrbuch fUr Antike und Christentum 3 (1974) pp. 221-229.

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LIVES OF THE PROPHETS

The association of graves of holy figures with places of pilgrimages is well attested in both Judaism and Christianity. "The great number of graves which were known as early as the first century CE further testify to the prophet's significance as an intercessor and thaumaturge or, at least, as a figure of national history." 6 According to b. San. 47b the dust of the grave of Rav (Abba b. Aivu, 3rd c.) was used against fever. In the Acts of Thomas (the Apostle), a Hellenistic romance from the beginning of the third century, dust taken from an empty tomb still has healing power:~ But Misdaeus did not find the bones; for one of the brethren had stolen them away, and carried them to the regions of the West. But taking dust from the place where the bones of the apostle had lain, he attached it to his son and said: "I believe in thee, Jesus ... " And when his son was in this manner restored to health, he (Misdaeus) came together with the other brethren. (170)

Thus, as in the Life of Jeremiah, both the original place of burial and the final resting place of the bones have power to heal. 7 Aside from establishing Jeremiah as a healer after his death 8 the text raises some questions about what Jeremiah healed or drove out of the land. First, he is said to have driven out serpents called ephoth. Second, dust from the prophet's grave is said to heal the bites of serpents. Third, Alexander the Great took the bones of Jeremiah to Alexandria with the result that another whole "race" of poisonous serpents was driven from the land. Fourth, Jeremiah introduced argolai to fight snakes although what snakes remained is a mystery. The text is obviously confused and reflects the piecing together of different sources. Serpents have since ancient times played a positive cultic role in Egypt as well as a negative one inspiring fear in the 6

H.A. Fischel, "Martyr and Prophet," JQR 37 (1946-47) p. 375.

7 For devotion to and power of the graves of holy figures see J. Jeremias, Heiligengraber in Jesu Umwelt, Gottingen, 1958. 8 In the second century work Jeremiah distributes figs to the were known in ancient world as a figs for Hezekiah's boil in 2 Kg

Paraleipomena Jeremiou ( 4 Baruch) ch. 7 sick for the purpose of healing them. Figs folk medicine. Isaiah prescribes a cake of 20.7.

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people. In the conception and life of Alexander the Great serpents were significant. 9 The ve~e were interpreted by the Greeks as crocodiles: KQ!L TWv UOcXTWV ot 9TjpE<; ow<; KQ!AOUOLV ot AtyvnnoL IJ.EV ve~e, uEAATJVE<; oe KpoKooe€;\ou<; (text regarded as secondary by Torrey; see Midrash Aggadah to Num. 30.15) In calling these animals ve~e the Egyptian Jews use a term which derives from the plural of the Hebrew word n~N meaning viper. The apyo;\aL "snake-fighters" are likely derived from the Hebrew Jll,n a type of locust or grasshopper. However locusts or grasshoppers are not known to eat snakes. 10 Mongeese, on the other hand, do eat snakes and crocodile eggs besides. They also leap somewhat like grasshoppers and in popular parlance were called Jll,n. From the text we can only be sure of two things. 1. Jeremiah is associated with both ridding the land of snakes, both personally and by means of snake-fighters. 2. Visiting his grave at "the place where Pharaoh's palace stood" or at the shrine Alexander built at a central place in Alexandria provided a sure remedy against snake bites at the first burial site and drove away the snakes at the second. 11 The content of the healing material in the Life of Jeremiah does not tell us whether the traditions are Jewish or Christian or, for that matter, whether they are properly dated to the Second Temple period. Devotion to the burial sites of prophets was common to both Jews and Christians, for Jews within the Second Temple period as well as thereafter. Christians were (and are) more likely to move the relics of

9 Snakes were a symbol of sovereignty and of the resurrection. (Cf. Book of the Dead) Alexander was the fruit of the union of Olympia and the god Ammon who came to her in the form of a snake. (Plutarch Life of Alex. 2f.) Alexander brought a snake from Macedonia to set up an oracle (Lucian of Samosata Alex. 7f.). See further sources and discussion by C. Wolff, "Die Gestalt Jeremias im Frlihjudentum und Urchristentum," TU 118, Berlin, 1976, pp. 41-42. 10 In the LXX "snake-eater." RTEpWTOL o~LE' of grasshoppers 11

the word ~ln locust or grasshopper is translated o~Lo~ax~' Herodotus (II, 75 & III, 107) speaks of flying snakes which descended upon Egypt. By this he surely means swarms or locusts. See Wolff's discussion, op.cit., pp. 42-43.

Cf. M. Simon, op.cit., p. 124f.

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LIVES OF THE PROPHETS

holy men and women from one site to another for the sake of more widespread veneration than Jews. 12 CONCLUSION

Since devotion to graves of holy men and women was known in the Second Temple period, one cannot exclude the Life of Jeremiah from that period except on a text-critical basis. At the present time we can say that the Life of Jeremiah may be an early witness to the healing power of the graves of holy people. This devotion developed in the early centuries of the church into a cult of the remains - relics - of martyrs and holy people.

12 The Christian church, e.g., moved the bones of Joseph from Shechem to constantinople in 415. (Jeremias, Heiligengraber, p. 33) The difference between Judaism and Christianity in regard to the moving of the remains of important figures did not, however, prevent the establishment of different sites claiming a particular figure such as Samuel and Jonah.

THE BOOKS OF THE MACCABEES

Healing material is found in three of the five books of the Maccabees, namely, in 2 Maccabees listed among the apocrypha, 4 Maccabees listed among the pseudepigrapha and 5 Maccabees a work later than the Second Temple period often connected with Josippon. They are grouped together here less because of their common name than the fact that, in relating the attempted despoiling of the Temple in Jerusalem, they contain healing material.

2 MACCABEES Second Maccabees reached its present form within two decades before 63 BCE.l The author claims to be condensing five volumes of an historical work by Jason of cyrene into one volume (3.23) which comprise our present chapters 3-15.2 The anonymous author/editor writing in Greek from Alexandria3 with set theological purposes and interests4 has composed a rhetorical "history. 11 One of these purposes is to stress the beauty and holiness of the temple in Jerusalem (see 2.19; 5.15; 14.13,31)5 and to remind his readers that God defends His people (7.6; 8.36). The holiness of the temple would have been violated if Heliodorus' plans to enter the temple treasury set aside for private deposits had succeeded. Indeed, the first healing material found in 2 Maccabees is connected with Heliodorus, the agent of the Seleucid king, 1

J.A. Goldstein, II Maccabees, Garden City, 1984, p. 83.

2 H. Anderson, however, notes: "it is possible that the claim of the author of 2 Maccabees to be Jason's epitomist is only a fictional peace of propaganda to lend authority to his writing." OTP II, p. 540. 3 Most scholars claim Alexandria but see S. Zeitlin's arguments for an Antioch provenance. The Second Book of Maccabees, New York, 1954, p. 17f. 4 These interests include his detailing the attributes of God ( 1. 24-25), God's mercy towards those who obey his laws, in particular the sabbath, the resurrection of the just, the intercession of holy people of the past and the intercession of the living for the dead. 5

See E. Bickermann, The God of the Maccabees, Leiden, 1979, p. 21.

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MACCABEES

Seleucus IV Philopater (187-165 BCE). When Heliodorus arrives at the treasury a horse and rider splendidly attired suddenly appeared sent by God to punish Heliodorus for this plans (3.24). He was struck down by the blows of the horse's hoofs (3.25) and by the blows of two young men (3.26): For there appeared to them a magnificently caparisoned horse, with a rider of frightening mien, and it rushed furiously at Heliodorus and struck at him with its front hoofs. Its rider was seen to have armor and weapons of gold. Two young men also appeared to him, remarkably strong, gloriously beautiful and splendidly dressed, who stood on each side of him and scourged him continuously, inflicting many blows on him. (3.25-26)

The early tradition that Heliodorus was prevented from robbing the temple of money on deposit is also found in Dan 11.20. It is likely that two sources have been combined to explain the blows Heliodorus received. J. Goldstein speaks of version A (vs. 24-25 and 29-30) as being derived from the "Common Source" and version B (vs. 26-28 and 31-36) from the Memoirs of Onias IV. 6 Goldstein suggests that "rationalizing storytellers who found the awesome horse and rider hard to believe could then have produced version B. " 7 Against this I would argue that the two splendidly dressed young men = angels are no less supernatural. In either case, whether by the blows of the horse's hoofs or of the two angels, Heliodorus is gravely wounded (3.29) . 8 The prayer of the high priest Onias made with a sacrificial offering of atonement followed by the vows Heliodorus made of God bring about his complete recovery.

6

Goldstein, op.cit., p. 198.

7 Ibid., p. 199. See also Goldstein's notes and comments on the text in the pages which follow. 8 In 3 Maccabees 2 King Ptolemy is punished by God after attempting to enter the Temple sanctuary. This punishment took the form of paralysis and dumbness and occurred after the people and Simon the high priest had supplicated God. Their prayer, however, is that God prevent the violation of the sanctuary, not that Ptolemy be healed. Though the king recovers his attitude toward the Jews is worse than it was before ( 2. 24). Stories of divine manifestations to punish were a common feature of Greek literature. See E. Bickermann, Studies in Jewish and Christian History II, Leiden, 1980, pp. 176-177.

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Quickly some of Heliodorus' friends asked Onias to call upon the Most High and to grant life to one who was lying quite at his last breath. And the high priest, fearing that the king might get the notion that some foul play had been perpetrated by the Jews with regard to Heliodorus, offered sacrifice for the man's recovery ... Then Heliodorus offered sacrifice to the Lord and made very great vows to the Savior of his life, and having bidden Onias farewell, he marched off with his forces to the king. (3.31-32, 35)

The second healing material is found in chapter 9 where we read about Antiochus IV struck down with a malady that brought worms. 9 This was in punishment for his impiety demonstrated in his desire to level to the ground the Holy City (9.14) and to make Jerusalem a cemetery of Jews (9.4): But the all-seeing Lord, the God of Israel, struck him an incurable and unseen blow. As soon as he ceased speaking he was seized with a pain in his bowels for which there was no relief and with sharp internal tortures and that very justly, for he had tortured the bowels of others with many and strange inflictions. (9.5-6)

The author sees it as only fitting that Antiochus be punished with a disease that strikes the very same area of the body the bowels which he had tortured in other people. 10 In addition to the worms, the king suffers from blows sustained when he fell out of his chariot (9.7). Antiochus turns to God but it is too late. God has already judged him (9.18). He does not recover. 11

9 Cf. Josephus' account of Herod's impiety in Antiquities XVII 168-171.

death

from

worms

because

of

hie

10 This principle is articulated also in The Testaments of the 12 Patriarchs, T. Gad 5.10 and also in the Wisdom of Solomon 11.16; 12.23 and in Jubilees 4.31. 11 D. Mendel's, (1981) p. 55.

"A note on tradition of Antiochue

IV's death,"

IEJ

31

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MACCABEES

4 MACCABEES

The author of 4 Maccabees, Jew writing in Greek in the Diaspora before the destruction of the second temple 12 begins his work by stating his purpose in writing: "Highly philosophical is the subject I propose to discuss, namely whether devout reason is absolute master of the passions." The unknown author has taken liberty with his material not uncommon among writers of his time 13 and assigned the potential despoiling of the treasury to Apollonius, the governor of Syria. Heavenly angels mounted on horses frighten Apollonius and his retinue ( 4 .10) . The governor falls half dead in the Court of the Gentiles and turns to God to save him. Onias, the high priest, intervenes and his life is spared. Unlike in the 2 Maccabees account in which Onias makes an offering for Heliodorus out of political prudence (2.32) here the high priest is genuinely moved by Apollonius' pleas: 14 At that Apollonius fell down half dead in the court of the gentiles, and he stretched out his hands to heaven and with tears entreated the Hebrews to pray for him and propitiate the heavenly host. He had so sinned, he said, as to merit death, but if only he were spared he would sing before all men praises to the blessedness of the holy place. Moved by these words, despite his anxiety lest King Seleucus should think that Apollonius was overthrown by human design and not by divine justice, Onias the high priest prayed for him. And after his miraculous deliverance, Apollonius went off to reveal to the king what had happened to him. (4.11-14)

In terms of healing material this account of Apollonius' healing indicates both the importance of prayer especially the prayer of a righteous religious figure and underscores the sinner's need for repentance before healing takes place. CONCLUSION

Illness as God's punishment is the consequence of sin in 2 Maccabees and in 4 Maccabees. Healing follows repentance in 4 12

Anderson, OTP II, p. 533. The following translations are his.

13 M. Hades, The Third and Fourth Books of Maccabees, New York, 1953, p. 163. 14

A. Dupont-Sommer, Le Quatrieme Livre des Macchabees, Paris, 1939, p.43.

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Maccabees. Both books emphasize that God hears prayers, punishes the sinner and heals in response to the supplication of the people and pious religious figures.

THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS

The discovery of scrolls and fragments of scrolls in eleven caves from 1947 to 1956 near Khirbet Qumran on the Dead Sea has provided us with much rich material from the Second Temple period, some of which pertains to healing. Not all of the literature found in the library, cave 4, or hidden in other caves reflects the practices and thought of the Qumranites.1 Of those documents which contain healing rnaterial,2 there is common agreement that the Damascus Covenant (CD), the Rule of the Community (1QS) and the Thanksgiving Scroll (1QH) reflect Qumranite thought. In addition there are fragments of several other documents with healing material. These include 11QPsApa, 11QPsa, 4Q177, 4Q504, 4Q509, 4Q511 and 4QCryptic. Two other documents, important because of the healings they record, are either pre-Qumranic or not certain evidence of actual practices at Qumran. These are the Prayer of Nabonidus ( 4QPrNab or 4QOrNab) and the Genesis Apocryphon (1QGenAp). For a number of years the majority of scholars have thought that the Qumran sectaries were Essenes. Problems with this identification have led other scholars to identify the Qumranites with the Pharisees, Zealots, Jewish Christians or Sadducees.3 Indeed the Qumranites do not fit very well the

1 H. Stegemann estimates that "only about one third of all these manuscripts may, strictly speaking, be Qumranic." He cites as examples of Qumranic material the Rule of the Community, the Damascus Covenant, the Thanksgiving Scroll and the pesharim. "Some Aspects of Eschatology in Texts from the Qumran Community and in the Teachings of Jesus," Biblical Archaeology Today, Proceedings of the International Congress on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, 1985, p. 409. 2 Documents found at Qumran which are copies of pre-Qumranic works or nonQumranic works such as Ben Sira, Jubilees and the Book of Watchers of 1 Enoch are discussed in the sections devoted to those writings. 3 A study by R. Eisenman (Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, Leiden, 1983) marshals evidence for the Qumran sect being early Sadducean. Indeed, their halakhot were largely those of the Sadducees as the "Halakhic letter from Qumran," MMT, indicates. See E. Qimron and J. Strugnell, "An Unpublished Halakhic Letter from Qumran," Biblical Archaeology Today," 1985, p. 401f. Probably the most important hypothesis regarding Qumran

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description of any of the known sects 4 in Philo, Josephus or Pliny. 5 Since the matter of identification of the Qumrani tes with the Essenes is not a certain one, I will refer to the sect as the Qumran community or the sect at Qumran. DAMASCUS COVENANT

Several fragments of the Damascus Covenant (CD) were discovered at Qumran though the work, also known as the Zadokite Document or Work(s), was found in the form of two medieval manuscripts by s. Schechter in the Cairo Geniza (1896-97). It is similar to the Rule of the Community (1Qs) in so far as both contain beliefs, rules and practices characteristic of the Qumran community at different periods in its development from its origins in the second century BCE. The Damascus Covenant mentions healing in 8. 4 6 and in 12.5. Columns 6.12- 7.4 inform us of various violations of the covenant of the community. Column 8 speaks of what happened to former apostates of the community. It says, they: were given up to the sword, and so shall it be for all the members of His covenant who do not hold steadfastly to these (Ms. B: to the curse of the precepts). They shall be visited for destruction by the hand of Satan. (lit. Belial) That shall be the day when God will visit (Ms. B: As he said). The princes of Judah have become (Ms. B: like those who remove the bound); wrath shall be poured upon them (Has v. 10). For they shall origins in recent years appeared after the completion of this chapter. One part of the hypothesis proposes: "to seek the origins of the Qumran group in a split which occurred within the Essene movement in consequence of which the group loyal to the Teacher of Righteousness was finally to establish himself in Qumran." F. Garcia Martinez and A.S. VanderWoude, "A 'Groningen' Hypothesis of Qumran Origins and Early History," RQ 56 (1990) p. 521-541, quote from p. 537. More details are provided in F. G. Martinez, "Qumran Origins and Early History: A Groningen Hypothesis," Folia Orientalia 25 (1988) pp; 113-136. 4 See D. Dimant, "Qumran Sectarian Literature," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone, Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum 2.2, Philadelphia, 1984, p. 485f. 5 Philo: Prob 72-91, Cant 1-90; Josephus: War II 119-161, Ant XIII 171173, XV 371-379, XVIII 18-22; Pliny Nat Hist 5.73. 6 For Stegemann's assignment of this verse to the first recension of the CD see Die Entstehung der Qumrangemeinde, Bonn, 1971, p. 128. For the differences in the two manuscripts see A.M. Denis, Les Themes de Connaissance dans le Document de Damas, Louvain, 1967, p. 150.

138

DEAD SEA SCROLLS hope for healing but He will crush them. They are all of them rebels, for they* have not turned from the ways of whoredom and wicked wealth. (8.1-5) *Ms. B: they have entered the covenant of repentance but have not turned back etc. 7

The author issues a warning to those of the community who have left or may be tempted to abandon it, that on the day of the second visitation ("That shall be the day" Dl •n ~nn) at the end of time they will suffer the same fate as those who left at the time of former great calamity and were given up to the sword. 8 The words N~"YJJ 1'Jn• translated here as "hope for healing" (= beg or pray for healing) 9 may also be read as l'NJ N~"YJ "sick incurably" (cf. Jer 15.18; 2 Chr 21.18). M. Brayer notes that the verb N~, in the CD is used in a double connotation to mean healing of the body and of the spirit. 10 Here N~, could mean both, namely, that God will not grant spiritual healing, i.e., forgiveness (cf. Hos 6) and that one of the punishments (see 2.5) will be sickness as in 1QS 3.12-14. For ordinary violations of the covenant the author allows repentance (Ms. B 2.17-20) and acknowledges that all men are sinners who have at sometime transgressed regulations of the covenant (Ms. B 2.29-30). A second reference to healing is found in 12.5: Every man over whom spirits of Belial obtain dominion so that he speaks rebellion, shall be judged in the same manner as the case of a ghost and a familiar spirit. But every one who goes astray, so as to profane the sabbath and the appointed times shall not be put to death, for it falls to men to guard him, and if he is healed from it, they shall guard him for a period of seven years, and afterwards he shall come into the assembly. (12.2-6, Rabin)

7 English translations except where note are those of G. Dead Sea Scrolls in English, Hammonsworth, Middlesex, 1962.

Vermes in The

8 A. Dupont-Sommer identifies this visitation as the invasion of the Land of Israel and the capture of Jerusalem in 63 BCE The Essene Writings from Qumran, Oxford, 1961, p. 135. 9 See s. Schechter, Fragments of a Zadokite Work, Cambridge, 1910, p. 73, nt. 27. He translates the second part of the verse as "and they crushed them." The text is unclear. 10 M. Brayer, "Psychosomatics, Hermetic Medicine, and Dream tions in the Qumran Literature," JQR 60 (1969) p. 216.

Interpreta-

139

The punishment for apostasy is death. It is considered to be the same as if a person were a medium or a magician. According to the Torah (Ex 31.14, 32.2; Num 15.32-36) violation of the sabbath also carries with it a death sentence. It is remarkable that community with extremely strict sabbath regulations (10.14-18) would be less strict than the Bible in the enforcement of them. T. Gaster's translation "If, however, a man desecrates the sabbath or the festivals through (mental) aberration" suggests that simple error or sin of ignorance (illliO) is not meant here. 11 Such a sin of simple error would entail punishment but would not require healing and probably not watchfulness on the part of the community. J. Maier suggests the possibility of possession.12 since one of the functions of the evil spirits is to lead men astray and take them under their dominion (see 1QS 4. 9f.) this is a probable explanation, 13 a better one, in my opinion, than that offered by Dupont-Sommer who says: The fault envisaged here cannot .•. be the violation pure and simple of the Sabbath or the feasts; the penalty for such a sin could only be death. It refers rather to the celebration of Sabbaths and feasts on dates not conforming to the sect's calendar. 14

It may have the community to was demonstrated other violation).

been one of the functions of the overseer of heal andjor exorcise a person whose sickness by his violation of the sabbath (or by any We read in 13.10:

He shall loosen all the fetters which bind them that (sic) his Congregation there may be none that oppressed or broken.

in

Dupont-Sommer sees in this a:

11

T. Gaster, The Dead Sea Scriptures, Garden City, 1956, p. 79.

12

J. Maier, Die Texte vom Toten Meer II, MUnchen/Basel, 1960, p. 56.

13

Stegemann's remarks about the Qumran community are apropos: "all evil in the world is inaugurated exclusively by wicked spirits. Their head is ?ll' 'l.J, and their aim is to make people violate God's commandments." "Some Aspects of Eschatology ..• " op.cit., p. 154.

14 Dupont-Sommer, op.cit., p. 154. The question may be raised as to how such alternate celebrations could take place in a closely-knit community.

140

DEAD SEA SCROLLS Reference to spiritual bonds, the bonds of sin, the overseer has the power to "unloose" these chains in order that all the members of the congregation, oppressed by Belial and weighed down by the consciousness of their sin, rna~ know liberty and spiritual joy. Cf. Matt. xvi. 19, xviii. 18. 1

This may be the case but it does not obviate the need for a further probing of the notion of binding and loosing. A problem immediately arises in connecting the CD passage with the later Gospel ones. Matthew's Gospel refers to the "power of the keys," making decisions about who will or will not enter the final kingdom of God (=heaven), a power given to Peter (Mt 16.19) and to others in the church (Mt 18.18). Furthermore, the Gospel passages are usual taken to imply teaching and legal authority, a concept absent from CD 13.10. In rabbinic Judaism the terms for loosing and binding H~ IDHl are used to denote the imposing (binding) and the releasing from (loosing) an obligation and, in one case, the imposition of a ban of excommunication and its cancellation (Tosaphot to b. Menal)ot 34b). It is also found for binding with a magic spell or releasing someone from it (b. Shab. 81b). 16 The use of binding and loosing for magic and exorcistic purposes was known in much of the ancient world from Egypt to India. 17 The most likely explanation for the loosing of bonds for which the overseer is responsible is that he exercises authority over evil spirits who have influenced a member of the community to violate the laws mentioned in columns 10 and 11. It is possible that the overseer lp:::lD did this by using psalms for protection against evil spirits. No elaborate ritual is necessary for an exorcism to take place. THE RULE OF THE COMMUNITY

15

Ibid., p. 157.

16

Further references may be found in Strack-Billerbeck I, p. 739f

17 See article "Binden und Losen" by H. Herter in Reallexikon II, cols. 374-385. Cyril of Jerusalem (Cat. 16,19) speaks about demons who bind people with iron chains being overcome by prayer through the power of the Holy Spirit.

141

The only mention of healing in the Rule of the Community (lQS) is in col. 4 which describes the virtues associated with the spirit of truth. This description is part of an instruction on the two spirits, the spirit of truth and the spirit of perversity ))~~) nDH~ n1n11. Man is divided into two lots according to God's choice: 18 It is God that created these spirits of light and darkness and made them the basis of every act, the (instigation) of every deed and the directors of every thought. (3.25-26, Gaster)

Column 4. 2 begins by with the spirit of truth:

describing

the

virtues

associated

These are their way in the world for the enlightenment of the heart of man, and that all the paths of true righteousness may be made straight before him, and that fear of the laws of God may be installed in his heart; a spirit of humility, patience, abundant charity, unending goodness, understanding and intelligence; (a spirit of) mighty wisdom which trusts in all the deeds of God and leans on His great lovingkindness; a spirit of discernment in very purpose, of zeal for just laws, of holy intent with steadfastness of heart, of great charity toward all the sons of truth, of admirable purity which detests all unclean idols, and of faithful concealment of the mysteries of God. These are the counsels of the spirit to the sons of truth in this world. (4.2-6a)

The reward of those who walk according to the spirit of truth is: And as for the visitation of all who walk in this spirit, it shall be healing, great peace in a long life, and fruitfulness, together with every everlasting blessing and eternal joy in life without end, a crown of glory and garment of majesty in unending light. (4.6b-8)

The author follows this description with one which depicts the ways of the spirit of perversity and the consequences for those who walk by this way: And the visitation of all who walk in this spirit shall be a multitude of plagues by the hand of all the destroying angels, everlasting damnation by the avenging wrath of the fury of God, eternal torment and endless disgrace together with shameful extinction in the fire of the dark regions. The times of all their generations shall be spent in sorrowful mourning and in 18 S. Shaked points out the similarities of the thought expressed here with early Zoroastrian teaching. IOS 2, 1972, pp. 433-439.

142

DEAD SEA SCROLLS bitter misery and in calamities of darkness destroyed without remnant or survivor.

until

they are (4.12-14)

In line 6 we see the word H~ID "healing" which is probably a reference to Is 57.19. 19 P. Wernberg-M~ller mentions several instances of H~l being used for "eschatological salvation visualized as healing." 20 Undoubtedly there is a reference here to the end times since among the blessings accorded to those who follow the spirit of truth are enumerated life without end and among the curses assigned to those who follow the spirit of perversity are included the everlasting pit. Eschatological salvation does not, however, exclude health and healing in the present. The author of this instruction draws on Deut 7 in which God promises that if the Israelites keep the commandments and statutes given them God will preserve them from illnesses (v. 15). God's abiding love promised to the faithful in Deut 7.13 is assured for all eternity in 4. 1. The blessing of fruitfulness mentioned in Deut 7.13 is found in 4.7. That long life will be the reward of those who act according to the commandments of God ( 1QS 4.7) is a common biblical theme (See Deut 30.20; Ps 34.12-14; Prov 4.10). That healing is promised as a result of virtuous living according to the commandments and sorrow and illness as a result of disobeying them is ultimately derived from Ex 15. 2 6. However, the concept of man's freedom of choice in Exodus and in the Dead Sea Scrolls is not at all the same. In 1QS and in the Thanksgiving Scroll (1QH) man is predestined to be righteous or to be wicked. 21 We see this in 1QS 3.13 which speaks of the need of the 'J•:JIOD teacher to enlighten people on the nature of man and on the two spirits in man. Each man has two spirits, one of which is dominant in him (3.21). When those predestined for righteousness go astray their transgressions are the result of the (temporary) domination of the angel of darkness (3.21) and of the spirits which serve him.

19

J. Licht, p. 97, OI":XOn ,O'';wll' ,O':JIDOI n'J'lO

20 P. Wernberg-Mjllller, The Manual of Discipline, 79. He refers to Jer 8.15, 4.19 and Mal 3.20. 21

Grand Rapids,

1957,

p.

See discussion by J. Becker, Das Heil Gottes, Gottingen, 1964, p. 85f.

143

In the Thanksgiving Scroll it is clear that the righteous do not earn God's favor or rewards from him. They are free gifts (13.17-18; 15.16). The fate of the wicked is ultimately the result of God's unchangeable and mysterious will (15.1718). This means, then, that when the scrolls speak of repentance and forgiveness as in 1QH 14.24 only those who are predestined for righteousness are "eligible" for repentance and have their sins forgiven. 22 Part of the curse on those who cast their lot with Belial is that when they cry out for God's mercy He will not forgive them (1QH 2.8). However, when one reads in the scrolls about a man casting his lot with God or with Belial, it should not be understood as if he were entirely free to choose one way or another. Healing is, to be sure, connected with righteous living as illness is with wickedness but, unlike in the Bible, righteousness and wickedness are not ultimately under man's control in the Dead Sea Scrolls. 23 THANKSGIVING SCROLL

Extant are only 18 columns and many fragments of a much longer work called the Thanksgiving Scroll, 1QH, or the Hymns. s. Holm-Nielson marshals the arguments against the attribution of the hymns to the Teacher of Righteousness. Unlike the majority of scholars he argues that the hymns were used in the liturgy at Qumran. 24 There was probably more than one author for these hymns. Healing is mentioned in four places, namely, 2.8, 2.26, 9.25 and 9.28. Because of the different systems of

22 See J. pp. 90-96.

Licht,

"The Doctrine of the Thanksgiving Scroll," IEJ 6 1956)

23 D. Dimant expresses well the relationship between predestination and moral choice. She asks the question of what role man has in his salvation. "His lot is to search all his life, by his own action, and by divine illuminating grace, in order to discover to which part he belongs, light or darkness .•. The freedom given to man is not to choose where to go but to discover where he is." op.cit., p. 537. Josephus tells us that the Essenes believed all things are preordained (Ant XIII 172). 24 S. Holm-Nielson, Hodayot, Aarhus, 1960, p. 348f. D. Flusser and many others maintain that the Hymns were not used in the liturgy at Qumran. "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone, Philadelphia, 1985, p. 552.

144

DEAD SEA SCROLLS

numbering the hymns and dividing the work, the following references are to columns and lines only. The first reference is in a hymns which Dupont-Sommer entitles "The Teacher of Righteousness exposed to the hostility of the wicked and a sign of contradiction." 25 Whether it refers to the Teacher of Righteousness or not, it is clear that some leader of the sect has suffered. The author alludes to Scripture 26 and follows the style of the canonical Psalms in expressing his feelings. Upon my uncircumcised lips Thou hast laid a reply. Thou hast upheld my soul, strengthening my loins and restoring my power, my foot has stood in the realm of ungodliness. I have been a snare to those who rebel, but healing to those of them who repent, prudence to the simple, and steadfastness to the fearful of heart. To traitors Thou hast made of me a mockery and scorn, but a counsel of truth and understanding to the upright of way. I have been iniquity for the wicked, illrepute on the lips of the fierce, the scoffers have gnashed their teeth. (2.6-11)

Both here and in the Rule of the Community 4.6 healing is listed first among the rewards to be given to the just. 27 In the citation from 1QH cited above the author attributes a two-fold effect to his presence. Those who have accepted him and are converted from their sin receive healing, probably spiritual healing which may or may not be connected with physical. Those who have resisted his leadership and persecuted him are sinners. Their punishment is explained in 7.12: "For thou wilt condemn in Judgement all who assail me, distinguishing through me, between the just and the wicked." ~~) l'l~ l'J 'J J'IJn [J] ~·~In~) '11 JlJ 'J The two-fold effect of the presence of the leader recalls the prophecy about Jesus being a sign of contradiction in Luke 2. 34 and a sign of judgment in Luke 11.29-32. 28 25

Dupont-Sommer, op.cit., p. 205.

26

J. Licht, p. 66,

2 7 J. Carmignac, E. Paris, 1963, p. 185.

1'~n ,0'~11'

Cothenet

and

,n1'11~~

H.

n?•1n

Lignee,

Les Textes

de

Qumran

I I,

28 Cf. L Moraldi, I Manoscritti di Qumran, Turino, 1971, p. 365: "Il doppio effetto che suscita il salmista sui malvagi da una parte e sui buoni dall' altra e bene espresso con 1 'espressione lucana a proposita di Gesu 'pasta per la caduta e per la risurrezione di molti.' Lc 2,34.

145

The next citation from the Hymns continues the theme of the description of the leader's sufferings: From Thee it is that they assail my life, that Thou mayest be glorified by the judgement of the wicked, and manifest Thy might through me in the presence of the sons of men; for it is by Thy mercy that I stand. And I said, Mighty men have pitched their camps against me, and have encompassed me with all their weapons of war. They have let fly arrows against which there is no cure, and the flame of (their) javelins is like a consuming fire. (2.23-26)

The connection of "arrow" yn to healing is not found in the Hebrew Scriptures although the expression of damage of some sort without possibility of healing is found in Prov 6.15 and 29.1; Jer 15.18 and 30.12,15 as well as in 2 Chr 21.18 and 36.16. In column 9 the author sees his chastisements as something that in the time of judgment will be a source of joy and gladness to him: For Thou, 0 my God ... Thou wilt plead my cause; for it is according to the mystery of Thy wisdom that Thou hast rebuked me. Thou wilt conceal the truth until its time and righteousness until its appointed moment. Thy rebuke shall become my joy and gladness, and my scourges shall turn to eternal healing and everlasting glory, and my stumbling (shall change) to everlasting might. (9.23-26)

It is notable that the Hymns attribute the afflictions suffered to God's purposes (2.23). They are sent according to God's wisdom (9.23) and are not connected with the moral behavior of the author. 29 The purpose of the suffering first mentioned (2.23) is for the ~ of God, revealed principally in the judgment of the wicked. (Cf. John 9, the healing of the man born blind) The note that sorrow will turn to gladness is a biblical theme. The observation that the afflictions or

29 The author(s) does, however, places in the Hymns, e.g., 4.35.

acknowledge that

he

is

sinner

in many

DEAD SEA SCROLLS

146

illnesses of the righteous will be healed in the age to come we also find in 1 Enoch 96. (Cf. Revelation 22.2). 30

GENESIS APOCRYPHON

In terms of its healing material one of the most important documents found at Qumran is the Genesis Apocrypon, 1QGenAp. The genre of the scroll is sui generis. It shows characteristics of both midrash and targum and is unlike the Qumran pesher literature. Moreover, it seems related in its retelling of Genesis to the Book of Jubilees. In addition to the scroll found in cave 1 we have eight small fragments. 31 Although the authorship of 1QGenAp is unknown, we can conclude on the grounds of paleography that the document dates anywhere from the latter half of the first century BCE to the early part of the first century CE. The Aramaic is later than that found in the book of Daniel. Our concern is with columns 19 and 20 which relate the sojourn of Abram and Sarai in Egypt, an account which has several parallels 32 the first of which is Gen 12.

33

30 A similar topes of God turning illness to health is found in 9.27 in which Vermes conjectures H91n for healing: "Thou wilt bring healing to my wound, and marvelous might in place of my stumbling •.. " Also 8.13: "Thou hast brought me light out of darkness, hast given me health in place of plague, wondrous strength in place of stumbling." 31 Published by N. Avigad and Y. Yadin, A Genesis Apocryphon, Jerusalem, 1956. Fragments published by Milik as the Apocalypse of Lamech in DJD I, 1955, pp. 86-87. 32 Parallels include Gen 12.10-20, Gen 20.1-18, Gen 26.7-11; Jubilees 13.11-13; Philo De Abr. 93-95; Josephus Ant. I 162-165. See chart found in w. Kirchschlager, "Exorzismus in Qumran," Kairos XVIII (1976) p. 138. 33 Gen 12 does not tell us how long Abraham stayed in Egypt. B.Z. Wacholder ("How Long did Abram stay in Egypt," HUCA 35, 1964, p. 44) points out that the rabbis maintain that he stayed there for three months whereas the Graeco-Jewish writers claim a much longer period. Artapanus says 20 years. According to both Artapanus and Pseudo-Eupolemus, Abram was in Egypt long enough to introduce the sciences there. Justin Martyr, with the same tradition in mind, notes that Moses introduced astrology and medicine in Egypt. Both the Genesis Apocryphon and the Book of Jubilees maintain that Abram and sarai were in Egypt for seven years. The account in both documents is substantially the same except that the city mentioned in lQGenAp is called Zoan and in Jubilees Tanais.

147

The author of the Genesis Apocryphon expands the Genesis 12 story with Abram's prophetic dream (19.15f) of a cedar tree and palm tree which the patriarch interprets for his wife. The cedar (Abram) will be cut down but the palm tree (Sarai) will remain. 34 To prevent the dream from coming true, Sarai obeys Abram and tells Pharaoh that Abram is her brother. Pharaoh, in response, having seen her great beauty takes her into his household. In the Jubilees' account we can assume that Pharaoh really did take Sarai to be his wife. The story omits any note to the contrary. But in 1GenAp 20.17 we learn that Pharaoh was "unable to approach her, and although he was with her for two years he knew her not." (Jongeling) 'J:P NJl l'l~ n•n1n (18) nov Nlnl Nn~,. NJ ~Nl Nn~ ~ipDJ According to both Philo and the Genesis Apocryphon Abram prays that Sarai not be defiled by Pharaoh ( 2 0. 14) and that he be vindicated for the injustice done him as her husband. God hears Abram's plea. Pharaoh and the rest of the men in his household become impotent. From the text it seems that some type of plague has struck. The suffering becomes more intense in the two years in which Sarai is in Pharaoh's household. so he sent (19) for all the sages of Egypt and all the magicians, together with all the physicians of Egypt, to see if they could heal him from that affliction, as well as the men of (20) his house. But none of the physicians and magicians, nor any of the sages could bring about his healing, for the spirit afflicted them all (21) and they fled. Thereupon Horqanosh came to me (Abram) and begged me to come and to pray for (22) the king and to lay hands upon him that he might recover, because he had seen me in a a dream. But Lot said to him: "My uncle Abram cannot pray for (23) the king while his wife Sarai is with him. Therefore, go and tell the king to send that wife away from him, back to her husband. Then he will pray for him that he may recover. '' ( 2 4) Now when Horqanosh heard Lot • s words he went and said to the king: "All these afflictions and punishments are because of sarai, the wife of Abraham. So let Sarai be brought back to Abram her husband ( 26), and this affliction will depart from you, the spirit of purulence." Then the king summoned me and said to me: "What have you done to me

34

"What would be the punishment-manifest dream of Abraham being cut off as a cedar, if not the replacement of the wish to escape famine in Caanan, by leaving the Land Promised by the Lord and going to Egypt without being commanded by God to do so ... Abraham's separation anxiety and fearful concern over his future and his Patriarchal fulfillment as 0''11 110~ ~N is therefore quite understandable." Brayer, op.cit., p. 227.

148

DEAD SEA SCROLLS because of Sarai, that you told (27) me: 'She is my sister, • while she was your wife, so that I took her to be my wife? Here is your wife I Take her away, leave and depart ( 28) the whole territory of Egypt. But now pray for me and for my house that it be cured" (29) and I laid my hands upon his head and the plague was removed from him and the evil spirit was expelled from him, and he recovered. (Jongeling)

Of interest is the fact that the king's servant Horqanosh is familiar with the means of healing by laying on of hands. Lot brings up the obstacle which must first be removed if this means is to work. Sarai must be returned to her husband. After asking Abram why he said that Sarai was his sister, Pharaoh returns Sarai and tells the couple to leave his territory after, of course, the evil spirit is expelled by prayer. Abram then prays, lays his hands on Pharaoh's head and the evil spirit departs along with the scourge it brought. What takes place in the Genesis Apocryphon regarding healing may be summarized as follow: 1) the illness is connected directly to sin, 2) an illness demon is responsible for the illness, 3) the exorcism is done by the laying on of hands and a simple prayer. There is no display, no "casting out" involved in what takes place. 35 D. Flusser was the first to point out that the laying on of hands for healing purposes in addition to not being found in the Hebrew Scriptures is also not found in any rabbinic writing. 36 It is, however, found in the New Testament and in early Babylonian documents. 37 Flusser concludes that it was a practice at least among some Jews, a conclusion criticized by H. Braun and w. Kirchschlager. Regarding the reference to the New Testament, Kirchschlager says: Nur mit Vorsicht wird man aus diesen Hinweisen Schllisse ziehen konnen ••. Neben den Ahnlichkeiten bleiben auch eine Reihe Unterschiede zwischen 1 GenAp XX und ahnlichen Texten im Neuen 35 This conclusion is based on the reading lln'l translated above as "will depart from you." J. Greenfield reviews the evidence that it is possible to read lin here, meaning expel or cast out. See "The Genesis Apocryphon, Observations on Some Words and Phrases," Studies in Hebrew and Semitic Languages. Bar I1an Dept. Researches, 1980, pp. xxxii-xxxix. 36 D. Flusser, "Healing Through the Laying on of Scroll," IEJ 7 (1957) p. 107.

Hands

in

a

Dead sea

37 See Cuneiform Texts in the British Museum 16.1 and Keilschrifttexte aus Assurreligiosen Inhalts 26.24f.

149

Testament bestehen •.. finden wir im Neuen Testament keine Oarstellung einer Damonenaustreibung Jesu, in der Gebet und Handauflegung verbunden werden. 38

G. Vermes comments: "In the Genesis Apocryphon exorcism and healing form one process, in the New Testament they are kept separate and each is handled in its own way. 1139 Yet we read in Luke 4.40-41: Now when the sun was setting all those who had any that were sick with various diseases brought them to him; and he laid hands on every one of them and healed them. And demons also came out of many, crying, 'You are the son of God!' But he rebuked them, and would not allow them to speak, because they knew that he was the Christ.

Luke does not say that an additional rite was used for exorcism. The demons were rebuked after they came out through the laying on of hands. Exorcism is not always "casting out" by word. 40 What is recorded in terms of healing in the Genesis Apocryphon may well have been a Palestinian practice at the turn of the Common Era originating in Babylon where it was the practice of the 'as1pu (exorcist) to lay hands on the sick person, a practice forbidden the physician. 41 Abraham is thus portrayed here as an exorcist. We cannot say from the presence of lQGenAp at Qumran that the laying on of hands was actually practiced there. It is nonetheless a practice consistent with Qumran thought on the influence of demons. PRAYER OF NABONIDUS

Five small fragments of the Prayer of Nabonidus (4QPrNab or 4QOrNab) were found in the library cave at Qumran. Based 38

Kirchschlager, op.cit., p. 143.

39

G. Vermes, Jesus the Jew, London, 1973, p. 66.

40 The parallel Kirchschlager are Jesus laid hands mother-in-law (Mt

text in Matthew, which may be the one both Vermes and referring to, is less useful because it does not say that on anyone, simply that he touched the hand of Simon's 8.14-16).

41 ''Without you (Samas) the diviner cannot make the proper arrangements, without you the exorcist cannot lay his hand on a sick person ••• • Keilschrifttexte a us Assurreligiosen Inhalts 26.24. "The physician should not lay his hand on a patient." Zeitschrift fUr Assyriologie 19.378.8.

150

DEAD SEA SCROLLS

on paleography alone these fragments could be dated to within 50 years before or 50 years after the beginning of the Common Era. From the point of view of philology, however, the document may be dated much earlier because of the similarity of the Aramaic to the Aramaic of Daniel. 42 Aside from language similarity there are several other similarities between 4QPrNab and Daniel 4. Both texts report the driving out of a king from among his subjects (Dan 4.25,33) and mention a period of seven years of exile (lit. seven times, Dan 4.23). The name of the place of exile, Teiman, does not appear in Daniel, but it is known that Teima (HD•n = South Country) in Arabia was the place of exile for Nabonidus (555-539), the last king of the nee-Babylonian dynasty, who turned over the governing of the kingdom to his son in his absence. It is also probable that the author of Daniel changed Nabonidus to the better known Nebuchadnezzar. 43 The similarities between Daniel 4 and 4QPrNab are best explained as being derived from a common source rather than by the dependence of either one on the other. The accompanying texts are first, the text as published by Milik and second, the text with Milik's conjectures. Here is Milik's translation of his reconstructed text: 44 1. Les paroles de la priere qu'a priee Nabunaid, roi d'Assyrie et de Babylonie, roi grand, quand il etait atteint. 2. d'une inflammation mauvaise par le decret du Dieu Tres Haut, dans la ville de Teima. D'une inflammation mauvaise, 3. j'etais atteint pendant sept ans et loin des hommes je fus relegue. Mais, quand j'eus confesse mes peches 4. et mes fautes, Dieu m'accorda un devin; c'etait un homme juif d'entre les exiles de Babylonie. Il 5. donna explication et manda par ecrit de rendre honneur et grande gloire au Nom du Dieu Tres Haut. Et il ecrivit ainsi: Lorsque tu etais atteint d'une inflammation mauvaise dans la ville de Teima, par le decret du Dieu Tres Haut. Pendant sept ans tu adressais tee prieres aux dieux d 'argent et d' or, de cui vre, de fer, de bois, de pierre, d'argile ••• que ces dieux-ci ••. leur •.• paix.

42 SeeR. Meyer, "Das Gebet des Nabonid," Sitzungsberichte der Siichsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig 107/3, Berlin, 1962, p. 14f. 43 See Kirchschliiger, op.cit., p. 145. Prayers," p. 554. 44 J.T. Milik, "'Priere de Nabonide' Daniel," RB 63 (1956) pp. 407-415.

Also Flusser, et

autres

"Psalms, Hymns and

ecrits

d'un

cycle

de

151

The terrible inflammation that has come to Nabonidus, like the spell of insanity that came to Nebuchadnezzar, is decreed by God Himself for Nabonidus' sins, especially idol worship. Our focus will be on line 4 which follows a lacuna of moderate size at the end of line 3. Here are lines 3 and 4 in translation with the conjectured Aramaic text where given. C.M.I. Gevaryahu: 45 ill 110 ( •n• 'i1 1:::11 (?) 1 .~ o• 110 •n• 'i1 3. 1J ,,1i1' (IO'H) H1n1 ron (1? n'}[J :1H) 1? H!Ol 'Hl1n1 4.

A. Dupont-Sommer: 46 (D'une inflammation maligne] je fus frappe durant sept ans, et (mon]vi(sage] (?) n•etait plus semblable a celui (des fils d'homme (?). Mais je priai le Dieu Tres-Haut], et un exorciste remit mes peches; c'etait (un homme] juif.

R. Meyer: 47 (3) war ich geplagt sieben Jahre, und (fern] ab [meinen Throne] war i[ch]. Doch als ich bekannt hatte meine Verkehrtheit] (4) und meine SUnde, verzieh er sie. Ein Seher, und zwar ein jlidischer (Mann] von

B. Jongeling: 48 (H')~ Hi1)H o-,p n'~1 i1l]H '110 (Hn1•n)]

1::11 ~ 1 'l!O n'1i1 IO'nJ ,,1i1' [1:::11] H1i11 Ill i1? p::liO 'Hl1n1

I was smitten for seven years and so I came to be like the animals but I prayed to God Most High ( 4) and He pardoned my sins. He had a diviner, who was a Jewish man.

P. Grelot: 49 '110 (ill, ln:J] 1'1J1 ~ 1 'llll n'1i1 lll'nJ 3. ['';I HDH1 •)~ 'i119lH Hi1]?H ,,1i1(' 1:::11) H1i11 Ill i1? p::liO 'Hl1n1 4. j'avais ete frappe durant sept annees. Et apres cela Di(eu] dirigea (sa face vers moi et il me guerit] 4. et mon peche il le remit. Un devin et celui-ci (etait un homme] juif.

Gevaryahu, p. 13, 0'11'~ ,"i1,1i1' I:J,IJ m?l'oo ,,Hl1:Jl , )"!On , 0'?1011', ed. I. Liver, (11 1 •?) i111i1' I:J,IJ

45 46

Dupont-Sommer, "Exorcismes et guerisons," p. 255.

47

Meyer, op. cit., p. 33.

n?•9n,"

n?•11J

48 B. Jongeling, C.J. Labuschagne, A.S. Van der Woude, Aramiac Texts from Qumran I, Leiden, 1976, pp. 126-129. 49

Gre1ot, "La Priere de Nabonide," RQ 9 (1978) p. 485.

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DEAD SEA SCROLLS

F. Garcia Martinez: 50 'llll [N'IlllN] 101 li:Jll 1 'lll/ n'lil lll'n:J.3. [N'Jll NnJH DIP n•J, Ill illJH 0 'llill' [1~1] Hlill Ill ilJ p:JO 'H~nl 4. 3. durante siete afios y fui relegado lejos de [los hombres hasta que rece al Dios Altisimo] 4. y mi pecado lo perdon6 un exorcista. Era un [hombre] judio de

F.M. Cross: 51 [H'Jll DIP n'~l Hl'nJ illJH 'llll ('I) 101 lJ:Jll 1 'Jill n'lil Ill'~ 3. (""VJNl 'J )lJ nlJl •n 1)0 'll'il' Hlill Ill ilJ p:JO 'H~m 4. 3. for seven years, and from (that) (time) I was like (unto a beast and I prayed to the Most High] 4. and, as for my sin, he forgave it (or: my sin he forgave). A diviner -who was a Jew o[f the exiles- came to me and said:]

The problems raised by the lacunae in the text are as many as are indicated by the different conjectures and interpretations. Milik corrected the clearly written n) to >J but this was not followed by other scholars. Aside from conjectures about the lacunae in lines 3 and 4, disagreements among scholars center on the subject and object of the verb p~ and the to what or to whom n) refers. The word I l l we find in Daniel four times (2.27, 4.4, 5.7, 5.11). In these passages it is usually translated "soothsayer" or "diviner" as indeed Milik took it to be, but the meaning of the word is by no means certain. 52 Of the authors cited, Meyer, Jongeling, Grelot and Cross accept Milik' s understanding of the word. 53 In an article in 1948 G. Furlani was the first to propose the meaning of Ill as exorcist. 54 Furlani's under50

Garcia Martinez, "4QOrNab. Nueva sintesis," Sefarad 40 (1980) p. 8.

51 Cross, 264.

"Fragments of the Prayer of Nabonidus," IEJ 34(1984)

pp.

263-

52 Discussed by Dupont-Sommer, "Exorcismes et guerisons dans les recits de Qoumran," Sup pl. to VT 7 ( 1960) pp. 256-258. 53 Gevaryahu's translation of Ill as ~n. wise man or sage, does not seem precise enough to account for the role of the Ill in Daniel. 54 G. Furlani, "Aram. Gazrin scongiurotori," Atti della accademia nationale et filogiche, Serie Ottava IV, 1948, pp. 177-196. Dupont-Sommer summarizes: "le nom gazir .. . est manifestement derive - est passe du sens de 'tailler, couper' et, par suite, decider, decreter' au sene precis de •prononcer une conjuration' c'est-a-dire, de commander aux esprits mauvais, aux demons." Exorcismes et guerisons," pp. 257-258. As a verb Ill means to cut.

153

standing of IT 1 as exorcist is accepted by Dupont-Sommer, F. Garcia and J. Fitzmyer 55 among others. The meaning of IT1 is, then, equivocal. We cannot determine the meaning independently of the context. The meaning of the word p~ is now generally agreed to be "forgive" the sense in which it is used in Targum Genesis XVIII, 24 and Targum Numbers XIV, 19. 56 Taking p:Jil/ to mean forgive and not send eliminates the possibility that ITl is the direct object of p~ (Milik) since there is no reason to forgive the IT 1. The question then arises whether IT 1 is the subject of p::JIO thereby making the IT 1 the last word of the preceding phrase (Dupont-Sommer, Garcia, Fi tzmyer) or is IT 1 the first word in the phrase which follows (Meyer, Jongeling, Grelot, Cross)? Fitzmyer takes IT1 to be the subject of p~ and takes rr) to refer to the Most High. Thus, the ITl forgives sins in God's name. 57 The rr) grammatically would be an expletive, a dativus ethicus 58 • More recently F.M. Cross has suggested another solution based on Aramaic grammar: The expression ~) pJV 'H~n1 can be understood in two ways, as a casus pendens, followed by a peal perfect 3.m.s. verb: 'As for my sin, he (The Most High) forgave it,' or as the familiar Aramaic passive participle followed by ) introducing the 55 Fitzmyer, "The Aramaic Language and the Study of the New Testament," JBL 99 (1980) p. 15. 56 When Milik edited 4QPrNab he translated pJV as "accorder," to send or to grant, a meaning unacceptable to other scholars. The word sometimes means "send away" but that does not fit the context. 57

Fitzmyer, op.cit., p. 16: "an exorcist remitted my sins for me.

58 Dupont-Sommer, "Exorcismes et guerisons," p. 259. Jongeling considers this unlikely because if )~ is taken with pJV the 1 following phrase H1~1 would lack a verb, op. cit., p. 128. Garcia Martinez, after considering the solutions proposed by Dupont-Sommer (& Fitzmyer) and Jonge1ing, proposes that the two -waw's 'H~m and H1~1 be taken as demarcating new phrases, op.cit., p. 13. D.S.Attema proposes to read 'H~n "my sin" with preceding line (reconstructing the lacuna) and suggests )~ as the object of pJV. Thus "after I had confessed my sin, He (God) forgave it." "Wellicht is nog beter lh als aanduiding van het object op to vatten en het te laten terugslaan op ht'j dat dan in sing. gelezen moeten worden. Het object wordt dan niet met een suffix aan het werkwoord maar me 1 met suffix weergegeven, een in het Aramees gebruikelijke constructie. De vertaling luidt dan: 'nadat ik mijn zonde beleden had, vergaf (God) deze. '" "Het Gebed van Nabonidus," Schrift en Uitleg, Kampen, 1970, p. 11. 59

Cross, op.cit., p. 263.

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DEAD SEA SCROLLS logical subject, 'and my sin he forgave.' In the latter case we should expect the full writing P'~; however, both the passive participle and the peal passive are in rare instances written defectively even in Masoretic Hebrew, and such a defective writi~~ is somewhat more likely in a manuscript of Hasmonean date.

Cross' solution makes sense grammatically, respects the length of the lacuna at the end of line 3 and fits the argument which follows that a diviner and not an exorcist is mentioned in the passage. Granted the fragmentary nature of 4QPrNab, it is still striking that in both 4QPrNab and in Dan 4 the Ill (who is perhaps Daniel in both writings) is only incidentally connected with healing. Daniel interprets the dream for the king and counsels him to turn away from sin ( 4. 2 7) . A voice from heaven confirms the interpretation of Daniel (vs. 31-32) and, without any intervention by Daniel, the king's reason is restored and he blesses the Most High God (v. 34). Daniel's role is as a prophet and diviner, a shabru whose speciality it was to interpret dreams. He does not appear as a healer or exorcist. In the Prayer of Nabonidus the ITl also does not exercise the role of exorcist/healer. He is a messenger sent to direct Nabonidus to praise the Most High. Some argue that ITl is a synonym for 'asaph which derives from the Akkadian word for exorcist 'asipu. 60 Indeed, it must be admitted that one of the functions of the 'asipu priest was to reconcile a person with God. If the IT 1 is the subject of p:::WJ as several scholars claim, then certainly the ITl plays a significant role in that reconciliation. If, on the other hand, the ITl is taken as the first word of the phrase which follows, then God has already 60

Dupont-Sommer, op. cit., p. 258: "Dans Daniel, le mot gazir, 'conjurateur, exorciste' est done a peu pres synonyme du mot asaph, 'incanteur'; ce mot comme chacun sait, est le decalque arameen du mot akkadien •asipu, lequel designe l'incanteur, le conjurateur, a cote du mot masmasu dont le sens est a peu pres semblable. Le mot gazir, atteste seulement dans Daniel et dans notre Priere de Nabonide, est semble-t-il, un mot proprement arameen; s' il a rapidement disparu de 1 'usage, c 'est sans doute a cause de la concurrence meme du mot 'asipu, aramaise de bonne heure sous la forme asaph." 61 G. Contenau, La Medecine en Assyrie et en Babylonie, Paris, 94-95. See also "'asipu" in the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary.

1938, pp.

155

forgiven the king' s sin before the IT l fulfills his role. There are, however, other considerations based on the historical Nabonidus which argue against understanding Ill as exorcist. First, Nabonidus was particularly devoted to the moon god Sin. His lack of attention to Marduk, the "exorcist" among the gods, brought him into conflict with the priesthood of Marduk Second, we frequently find and contributed to his downfall. references to the function of the baru, the diviner priest, not to the 'as ipu, among the royal inscriptions. 61 Thus, I would argue that Babylonian sources favor the association of Nabonidus with the baru or perhaps, the less highly trained sa'ilu, both diviners. Though our fragment is small, it is clear that the function that the Ill fulfills is that of diviner or prophet, not exorcist. The IT l instructs the king to honor the Most High God instead of the gods of various materials. The Most High was responsible for Nabonidus' illness. A comparison with the Genesis Apocryphon is illuminating. There, Abraham acts as an exorcist, but it is Lot who acts as a prophet/diviner, interpreting the king' s illness and telling him what he must do about it. Function may also be observed in the Book of Daniel where the 1• IT l are among those deemed capable of interpreting the king's dream. They are not expected to fulfill any exorcistic function. If Daniel himself is supposed to be a Ill, then, it must be acknowledged that he, too, never functions as an exorcist. Related to the question of whether the Ill was an exorcist is whether he forgave Nabonidus' sin. In the Surpu ritual of reconciliation the 'as1pu priest encouraged the confession of the sinner but did not forgive him. In the Genesis Apocryphon we have seen that Abraham acted as an exorcist in healing Pharaoh. He did not, however, forgive Pharaoh's sins in God's 62 See Kuhn's Konkordanz and the indices in DJD volumes as well as in Yadin's Temple Scroll. The only exception may be CD 14.19 ]11i1N n('OO) tll HI 19:::1' 1 ':>ww• 1 which c. Rabin translates "the Messiah of Aaron and Israel and he will make conciliation for their trespass." Rabin admits that others (Ginsberg, e.g.) have argued against this conjecture. Dupont-Sommer understands 19:::1 here as expiate with the Messiah as the subject. Vermes takes God to be the subject of 19:::1.

156

DEAD SEA SCROLLS

name. In 11QtgJob 38.23, Job prays that his three friends might be forgiven of their sins, but Job is no exorcist. It remains to be proven whether there were Jews in the Second Temple period who believed that a human being could forgive another man's sins. It is true that the Gospels portray Jesus as forgiving sins, but they do not portray him as an ordinary human being or even as a great prophet. His exercise of authority over sins causes considerable scandal (Mt 9. 3; Lk 5.21). In rabbinic writings we know from b. Nedarim 41a that some rabbis of the second and third centuries (R. Alexandri in the name of R. J:liyya b. Abba) believed that no one could recover from illness until his sins were forgiven, but the rabbis did not pronounce sins forgiven in God's name. The subject of the verbs 19:J and n'Jo and the agents of iln•'JD in the Dead Sea Scrolls is always God. 62 In Grelot's reconstruction of the text ("ill me guerit et mon peche il le remit") the king is first healed and then forgiven. Both are acts of God. No exorcism takes place and no man grants forgiveness of sin. If we compare the account here with that in the Genesis Apocryphon we see that Pharaoh indicates his repentance by giving Sarai back to Abram. Abram, though he exorcises and heals Pharaoh, does not forgive his sins. Dupont-Sommer makes a point which invites comment: "and an exorcist forgave my sins." In the context, a formula such as this is obviously equivalent to "and this exorcist healed me of my sickness." In the Synoptic Gospels Jesus says in the same way to the paralytic, "My child, thy sins are forgiven," or "Arise, take thy pallet and walk!" 63

Dupont-Sommer's exegesis of the Gospel passage is a questionnable one. There is no reason in the context of Jesus' constant call to repentance to think that when he said, "thy sins are forgiven," that he meant anything else but that, namely, that one's sins are forgiven. This is precisely how the Scribes understood him. Their strong reaction is based on Jesus' saying these words (Mt 9.3; Lk 5.21). 63

Dupont-Sommer, The Essene Writings, op.cit., p. 325.

64 The messianic figure in ch. 53 of the Isaiah Targum prays for others who have sinned. They are forgiven for his sake but not by him. See verses 4 and 12.

157

To sum up, the purpose of the visit of the ,Tl of which we can be certain from our limited fragments is the message he conveys to Nabonidus that the king is to make written proclamation that honor, greatness and glory be given to the name of God most High. He is to give up the idols upon which he has relied. This is properly the role of a diviner or a prophet. It is also a role which Daniel plays in Dan 4. The verb p:::llll has God for its subject because neither T,l nor the Akkadian 'as1pu and baru denote someone with the responsibility and authority to forgive sins. The 'as1pu heard the confession, but did not forgive sins. In addition, there is no evidence from other Second Temple literature that the subject of forgiveness was anyone but God. 64 The word n) grammatically could be the object of the verb in which case it would refer back to the sin 'H~n (Attema) or the n) could be the subject following a passive participle (p:::llll) referring to the Most High (Cross). In either case God is the one who forgives sin. From the Prayer of Nabonidus we see reiterated the connection of illness to sin and healing to forgiveness.

FRAGMENTS FROM CAVE 4 Aside from 4QPrNab there are several other documents from Cave 4 which contain healing material. These include 4Q504, Paroles des Luminaires; 4QCryptic; 4Ql77, Catena A; 4QEnastrc and 4Q509, Prieres pour les Fetes. 65 We read in 4Q504,Paroles des Luminaires: nlDO •n)~J) 11non1 11~1~ llH~,n H'J JlHDVl 1'0'0 (nJJJ which Baillet translates as "[pour que n'en devions pas, allant) a droite et a gauche. Car Tu nous gueriras de la demence, (de l'aveuglement) et de l'egarement." col. II, 1. 14. 66 The column in which this line is found is. part of a large composition used in the liturgy of Qumran throughout the week, of which we have several columns and 48 small fragments. In his introduction to

,,D

65

4Q177, Catena A and 4QCryptic (as 4Q186) were published by Allegro in V, 1968. 4QEnastr" was published by Milik in The Books of Enoch, Aramaic Fragments, 1976. 4Q504 and 4Q509 were published by Baillet in DJD VII, 1982.

DJD

66

Ibid., VII, pp. 139-140.

67

In JSS 14 (1964) p. 291, then in DJD V, pp. 89-91.

158

DEAD SEA SCROLLS

in the liturgy of Qumran throughout the week, of which we have several columns and 48 small fragments. In his introduction to the text, Baillet notes that the work reflects the influence of the stars and angels at Qumran, an interest also expressed in the Angelic Liturgy (4QShirShabb) and in the Two Horoscopes (4QCryptic). Paroles des Luminaires recounts the blessings of God upon his chosen people and his forgiveness of their sins. Column II begins by mentioning God's pardon of the ancestors of the community (or of the Jewish people?). It continues by noting the miracles done by God in the presence of the nations (1.12). The healing mentioned in 1.14 seems to be the healing of the curse placed on those who will not obey the commandments of God in Deut 28.28. That curse includes madness ]llJllll, blindness 1 llllJ and confusion of mind ]liTDn. Blindness ]11 llJ, though not mentioned in the main text, has been added above the line by a secondary hand. According to Deut 28.27 the curses cannot be lifted (healed) N~lnJ JJln NJ The author of col. II recognizes the faults and sins of his contemporaries (1.14-15) but affirms that God will forgive them ( 1. 16) . In view of the fact that miracles are mentioned in 1.12 and in view of the reference to Deut 28, it is likely that physical (and psychological) healing and not spiritual is meant in line 14. Another work of possible astrological interest, 4QCryptic, was first published as 4Q186 by J .M. Allegro in 1964. 67 It contains horoscopes of two figures more recently identified by M. Philonenko as the horoscopes of Jacob and Esau. 68 These horoscopes show the influence of the stars on man's physical and moral characteristics and invite comparison with the Treatise of Shem. The dating of both documents to the Second Temple period indicates the interest of some Jews in astrology. Whereas the pseudepigraphical Treatise of Shem connects illness with the signs of the zodiac, the Qumran fragments, published or known about, do not so far indicate any such connection. The two horoscopes show the influence of

68 M. Philonenko, "Deux Horoscopes Qoumraniens: Identification Personnages," Revue d'Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses 65 (1985) 61-66.

des pp.

159

revealed we will not know if the Qumranites (some of them at least) believed that the stars influenced the daily course of man's life, including his state of health. 69 One of the published fragments is called 4QEnastrc. In this astrological document we read that from three gates come winds which are for the "healing of the earth, and for its revival." Destructive winds are then mentioned. The healing effects of some winds and the destructive effects of others are noted in the Hippocratic corpus, the Treatise of Shem, I Enoch and in b. Yebamoth 72a. The healing material in the next writing, Prieres pour les Fetes, col. III 12-13 reads 1[

~1n1 ·~ o•1~1~ 1'~ ·~ .3 H9lll'H[1 ]l11lJ:::I.4

and is translated 3. "[s)ans qu'on (les) comprennejaffermisse, ceux qui sent meurtris sans qu'[on (les) panse ... ] 4. dans ... iniquite [sans qu') il y a ait de medecin. Baillet (referring to the whole passage) says: "le passage semble etre un sorte (sic) de litanie chantant !'action reconfortante de Dieu pour les malheureux et les pecheurs. 1170 He calls attention to Psalms 145.14, 146.7-8, 147.3 and to Judith 9.11 (LXX). Since there is a large lacuna after N9ll and a slight one before it, it is difficult to say that those who persecute the author or the community will be punished and that the punishments will be so severe that there will be no possibility of healing them. The following work, 4Q177 catena A, is likely fragmentary. The Catena (p. 67) begins: D~'I:::IIJ .1 [.4 n1YIH~ n1n9 WD:::I ~·~J( .3 1 •'Jn JJ ~:::100 [ ~1~' I'D~1. 2 rop:::1• l!liH nl1:::I o•o·~ o•1nH:::1 1 (. 5 1 ~ao ~on 'J ( 1 Y 1~ ~·H 11rJlJ' I~H 1:::1~ 1109 [ .6 1

In the lacuna in line 2 Allegro conjectures "And Yahweh will take" and then translates the line "And Yahweh will take from thee all sickness." He calls attention to Deut 7 in which God 69 See M.R. Lehmann's comments on this point, "New Light on Astrology in Qumran and the Talmud," RQ 8 (1975) pp. 601-602. 70

DJD VII, p. 190.

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DEAD SEA SCROLLS

affirms the choice of His people and promises that He will protect them from all maladies. Since the end times are mentioned (1.5) at which time an important figure will arise, the healing referred to in line 2 might be connected with this (messianic?) figure. However, it is more likely that it is the Lord who will take away all illnesses, a familiar theme. Such an interpretation is supported by 10-11 of the catena: n•~ p[p!O YINJ )•)~ ~liY ~OJ n11~ nliDN n1n• nliON nnn[~

n•J·~ n~JW nnN ]JN )~ ~1n•

JlnJ ""tliNJ 'l9J •nnl I~N ]JNn nln 'J

IWN n1n• nNll nn1n9 nN •nN911 JlnJ nn·)~ ""tli(N ~lD9DNn JlJl )~•)J ·~)N ) [ 1 'N N'J n11nn ~,,, non[ DIOl~ lllYO )~ ~'N[ llNn 'lJ nN n•)·~on(

Allegro makes a conjecture in line 2 which he bases on Zechariah 3.9 ("upon the stone which I have set before Joshua, a single stone with seven facets (or eyes) I will engrave its inscription"), indicating God's watchfulness (Zechariah 4 .lOb). The "And I shall heal" •nH~Il of line 4 would then apply to those who are faithful in keeping the covenant (as in Deut 7) but that covenant as interpreted at Qumran. In the lacuna which follows (beginning of line 5) I would suggest reading as the object of God's healing action D'lll~n ~11 from sec. 9, line 3 where it is translated as "multitude of the purified ones." In the lacuna in line 7 I would then suggest reading nlHl~l following the l'H in line 6. Thus the men of Belial and the rabble (= those who have abandoned the covenant) will experience no healing, no remedies.

APOTROPAIC PRAYERS Judging by the number of fragments of prayers which could be classified as apotropaic found in caves 4 and 11, it is clear that the Qumran community had a keen interest in protection against evil forces. D. Flusser defines the objectives of apotropaic prayer as "understanding (Torah), protection against sin; forgiveness, purification and removal from sin; salvation from troubles; resistance to temptation

161

and deliverance from Satan. 1171 Two of these apotropaic writings found in cave 4 are Cantiques du Sage, 4Q510 and 511. 72 Along with llQPsApa they have been the object of much recent research. 73 The text of 4Q510 (i) is as follows: ·?~n~ n1,1~ ,,~, ,1~~~ l?[o? n1J],~ n1n1~n [ ll [1n?1~001 o·~1,p ?1J? 11,~ o·?~ ?~ n1[,1~J1 n,~~n n1~ ·~1?~? [ ,,~o 11~n·1 ?1J 1,1~n·1 1?~~· 1[n],1~1 n1JD1 n1J ,,1~1 ?1J ?~

[J1Jm vacat 1n1J?o ,1~J [?~1~?1 ,n~? 1n,~~n ,1~ ~·ovo ?·J~ 'l~1 [ .. D''XJ1 o·n~ n)•?•? (D'~ ,~ o•,roo n1n1,1 ~n 'J~?o •n1, ?1J YPP on l1 m~? w~?1 ~l'~l n1, n1~n(? 01~~ ~~ 0'~11~~1 [n]~ 'l~ n1'l~n

~~ '~1?~~

(D'P',X 1ll, [ vacat 111 'D'Dn )[1]J 1 (~]10011([

n1,1~n1)

~~,

D(?1~ n~? ~1?1 n1l11~) 1~ n1'l~n) yp? D[~ 'J] ]?1) vac. ·?~n 0'~'?

B. Nitzan calls attention to three elements in these songs: Quasi-invocations to scare off evil spirits, thanksgivings, and hymns. These are written successively, as is usual in magic incantations. One notes however two important distinctions: (1) Instead of reciting something like: "I adjure the evil spirits in the Name of God etc." the sage says something like: "I recite the glory of God to scare the evil spirits etc." (2) The sage thanks God for electing and purifying him to enable him to glorify the Almighty, unlike the magic formula to be pure and pious enough to adjure demons in the Holy Name of God. This manner of thanking God characterizes the mystical experience of Qumran sectarians. 74

This pattern is followed in 4Q511 of which one of the over 400 fragments mentions remedies (20, Col I, p. 232.). The text with translation reads: ['ll]~~·

1np[,~

l[ .. dans] sa [just]ice Il me purifi[era]

71 D. Flusser, "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers," ed. M.E. Stone, Writings of the Second Temple Period, Philadelphia, 1984, p. 560.

72

Jewish

Published by Baillet in DJD VII.

See B. Nitzan, "Hymns from Qumran, •?~~?1 ,n~? Evil Ghosts," Tarbiz LV, 1 (1985) pp. 19-46. J. Baumgarten, "The Qumran Songs against Demons," Tarbiz LV, 3 ( 1986) pp. 442-446. Both give abundant parallels to later literature.

73

74 B. Nitzan, "Hymns from Qumran," Forty Years of Research on the Dead Sea Scrolls, Abstract of a Symposium, Tel Aviv, 1988. p. 10.

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DEAD SEA SCROLLS

n l:l:J lH 'xJ 1 ( ;'TI':ll/H V:J [ nlH1911 [

2 ... et lange de Sa gloire 3 ... dans une main coupable 4 ... et remedes

Since the fragment is so small, we cannot say what these remedies were. Nor do the rest of the fragments of 4Q511 shed any furthe'r light. In 1965 J.P.M Van der Ploeg first published his "un petit rouleau de psaumes apocryphes" whieh he described as an unusual recension of Psalm 91. 75 At the end of 11QPsApa we find two psalms of David, one of which is canonical Psalm 91 attributed in the LXX to David and the other a non-canonical psalm. In another writing from cave 11 called David's Composition, 11QPsaDav Comp, mention is made of four songs which David composed for praying over (or exorcising) those afflicted by evil spirits, one of which may be 11QPsApa. 76 The use of psalms against the power of Satan and evil spirits is well-attested in rabbinic literature. In particular Ps 91 is referred to as D'lJ119iT l'lll "Song for the Stricken." 77 Psalm 91 was prayed as protection against attacks of plague and various afflictions and evils of any sort. In b. Shev. 15b the question is raised whether the psalm may be used for healing one who is already ill as well as for protection against illness. The response is negative. 78 This would seem to settle the matter of "official" practice, but this ruling dates from the third century CE. There would have been no 75 J.P.M. Van der Ploeg, "Le Psaume XCI dans une Recension de Qumran," RB 72 ( 1965) pp. 210-217. But see rather "Un petit rouleau de psaumes apocryphes," Tradieion und Glaube, Gottingen, 1971, pp. 128-139.

E. Puech, "1lQPsApa :un rituel d'exorcismes. Essai de Reconstruction," 55 (1990) pp. 377-403. This important article goes beyond Van der Ploeg • s work in demonstrating that the psalm was used for exorcism. The above remarks were written long before Puech's article was published although, through his kindness, I had seen his reconstructed text. 76

RB

77 See b. Ber. Sa; Midrash on Psalms 91.1; 104.24; j. Shab. 6.2 (not 6.8 as in Jastrow). Other references in Strack-Billerbeck IV .1, pp. 528-529. See also M. Delcor, "L'utilisation des psaumes centre les mauvais exprits a Qoumran," ed. H. Cazelles, La Vie de la Parole, Paris, 1987, pp. 61-70. 78 According to b. Shev. 15b the use of Ps 91 for healing a wound or illness falls into the category of uttering an incantation and is prohibited (See b. San. 90a). According toR. Johanan (180-279) to spit (=to break a spell according to popular belief) and say the psalm excluded one from the world to come.

163

against illness. The response is negative. 78 This would seem to settle the matter of "official" practice, but this ruling dates from the third century CE. There would have been no reason for such a ruling had Ps 91 not been used by some for healing before that time. Psalm 91 is prayed both by Jews and Roman Catholics as part of their respective night prayers, VOW nH'IP and compline. Van der Ploeg, without attempting to reconstruct all of extant 11QPsApa, makes a number of plausible conjectures. For example, in I, line 3 the word demons D'~ appears so that it seems reasonable to read the same in line 4 D'l[fllil] nJH( Similarly, in Fragment A, 1. 9 we have only ]~ n( thus making it possible to read D'~ there. In col. III, line 5 we read 'l'Pn lHJD "strong angel." Because of that we may reasonably read lHJD before ""]'pn in line 2. Van der Ploeg explains further: Il semble que l'ange fort n'est pas un demon, mais un ange qui doit chasser ce dernier, come Raphael, qui saisit le demon Asmodee et l'enchaina dans la desert de la Haute Egypte. 79

In line 7 of col. III Van der Ploeg reads n:::n 01nn'J as "au grand abl:me" and asks "Est-ce ici 1' abl:me (= 1' enfer) ou sera projete le demon?" In line 8 of the same column he reads n•nnnn (JlHrl/J as "a l'enfer le plus bas" and says "Il semble bien que les demons sont menaces d'etre rejetes dans l'enfer." What is clear is that demons are referred to repeatedly throughout the psalm and equally evident that protection against them is mentioned. This we see in col. IV, 1. 4 which Van der Ploeg takes to mean the use of the Divine Name against demons. "Le nom de Jahwe est un remede tres efficace centre 78 According to b. Shev. 15b the use of Ps 91 for healing a wound or illness falls into the category of uttering an incantation and is prohibited (See b. San. 90a). According toR. Johanan (180-279) to spit (=to break a spell according to popular belief) and say the psalm excluded one from the world to come. 79

Vander Ploeg, op.cit., p. 134.

164

DEAD SEA SCROLLS

patriarchal formula, God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, was used by Jewish exorcists. Whether they also used the tetragrammaton or substituted Adonai for it we cannot determine for certain. Finally, the probable reading of nDl~ for the more usual spelling nD~ of the king's name in col. I, 1. 2 has external evidence to support it. We learn from rabbinical texts as well as from the Wisdom of Solomon, the Testament of Solomon and from Josephus (Antiquities VIII 45) that Solomon was supposed to have known various devices to be used against demons as well as knowing the means to cure illnesses. David is mentioned also (1.4). Of further significance is the certain reading of nH191 in line 7 and the possibility of so reconstructing line 8 H]lpl l~l lQV[ to mean that those who call upon or rely upon the Lord will experience healing. Van der Ploeg says: On peut penser que les !ignes 7-9 rappellent que Dieu a naguere "gueri" les Israelites et leur a rappele qu' ils doivent etre forts et courageux. On doit imiter leur exemple lorsqu'on est menace et attaque par les demons. 81

The next four documents, like the preceding, may be classified as apotropaic. The first three are part of the same psalms scroll, llQPsa. The fourth, 11QPsa155 is called Syriac Psalm III because it is known from a lOth century Syrian translation of the Hebrew. 82 In col. XXIV, 1. 12 we read 'lin~ •)H :::Jl!V'J <"]Dl' 'JHl lJI lJllD n•n• "Purify me, o Lord from (the) evil scourge and let it not turn again upon me." Evil scourge may mean evil spirit or a scourge caused by an evil spirit. Both words lJ19 and lJll can mean scourge and in various verb forms strike or be stricken. Ps 91 is called both D'lJ119n I'IV and D'lJlln I'IV. (See lQH 17.5, 4.16). Another apotropaic writing from 11QPsa is entitled Plea for Deliverance, 11QPsaPlea. 83 Unlike most Qumran literature the name Satan is found here for Belial (1. 15); also mentioned is the lJI I~' the evil inclination of later rabbinic 81

Ibid., pp. 131-132.

82

Published by Sanders in DJD IV, pp. 70-71.

83

Ibid., pp. 76-77.

165

literature. Col. XIX, 1. 15-16 reads nHO~ n111 1~ ·~ ~?~ ?N 'OYlD 191' )H lJI IY' 1 ~1H:xl "Let not Satan rule over me, nor an unclean spirit; neither let pain nor the evil inclination take possession of my bones." The last of the writings of 11QPsa is David's Composition, 11QPsaoavcomp. 84 It is not an apotropaic psalm but rather prose in praise of David's wisdom and literary output. David had a "discerning and enlightened spirit" ni1N1 nl nl nn (1. 4) . He was a great composer of psalms and songs, among them "songs for making music over the stricken, 4" )lJ pl? 1'101 nli~IH D'l7119n (1. 10). In the Biblical Antiquities (PseudoPhilo) 60.2 David not only plays music to rid Saul of the spirit which tormented him, he also sings a special song. 85 The final text we mention here is the fragment of the Testament of Levi 4QTLevi 86 found in the library at Qumran which its editor Milik dates to the end of the second or beginning of the first century BCE. In col. I, 1.17 we read: 1~ ':>:J ·~ ~?ron ? [H "nje laisse dominer sur moi aucun satan." This is very similar to what we have seen in 11QPsaPlea (XIX, 1. 15-16). The meaning of Satan in both documents is that of an evil spirit, a demon, and not the cosmic Satan as he is found in the New Testament. 87 The emphasis in all these apotropaic documents is preventive protection against afflictions caused by evil spirits including sin. CONCLUSION

Qumran attitudes towards healing are connected with belief in predestination and the two spirits of truth and perversity. Evil spirits bring afflictions and illnesses and they also lead man to sin. Man is predestined to walk in one of the two ways, either that of light or that of darkness, according to which spirit dominates him (1QS 3.4-4.26). If he is dominated 84

Ibid., p. 92.

85 For the relationship between Delcor, op.cit., pp. 67-70.

these

works

and

Pseudo-Philo

see

M.

86 Published by Milik in DJD I, 1955, pp. 88-91 but see rather his "Le Testament de Levi en Arameen," RB 62 (1955) pp. 398-406. 87 D. F1usser, 197.

"Qumran and Jewish 'Apotropaic Prayers,'" IEJ 16 (1966) p.

166

DEAD SEA SCROLLS

by the spirit of darkness he will not have the opportunity to repent, be forgiven and healed of his sin and of present and future affliction. Nabonidus, had he been a Qumranite, would then have belonged to the children of light for whom repentance was possible. One consequence of this teaching on predestination and the two spirits in man is that it empties the meaning of Deut 7 which promises that all sicknesses be kept away from those who obey the commandments and the ordinances of God. In effect, man's freedom of choice is largely destroyed. A cruel or a kind fate awaits all mankind bringing healing to some and affliction to others. Nonetheless, it was not always possible to be certain of one's predestination. At least at some point in the community's history an annual review of each member was undertaken to determine by which spirit he was walking ( 1QS 2:19-25). Assistance was given to those wh.o had violated specific interpretations of the covenant. It was the role of the overseer to exercise authority over the evil spirit(s) who caused members to go astray. From the apotropaic prayers we see that the Qumran community perceived itself in continual need of protection against evil spirits. It is also possible that the Qumranites exorcised illness demons of the sort that caused the scourge in the Genesis Apocryphon. However, the story primarily illustrates the power of a holy man (a prophet) to intercede for healing on behalf of someone else. We have concluded that no exorcist is present in the Prayer of Nabonidus fragments, but the story does connect the king's healing to his repentance. The diviner's role is to instruct the king to worship the one, true God. The Thanksgiving Scroll gives us yet another attitude of the Qumrani tes toward healing. Suffering may be sent by God for his own purposes, unconnected with sin and not necessarily for the perfecting of the individual as in Philo. Affliction and illness may even be for God's glory seen not in present healing but rather in judgment passed on the wicked (2.23). In view of the sect's obsession with protecting itself against evil spirits, the absence of amulets at Qumran is puzzling. Equally unexplained is Josephus' comment that the Essenes had works about healing properties of stones and roots (War II 136). No evidence of these has been found at Qumran

167

though the (probable) apotropaic use of shields with precious stones is mentioned in the War Scroll (8. 9). The Qumranites' interest in angels and the names of angels is well attested. That these names were used for protection is evident ( lQM 9 .15). That the names of the angels were used for healing remains to be proven. Furthermore, no medical documents have been found at Qumran 88 • From the material published thus far, does not appear to have been a center for healing, at least not physical healing.

88 The reader may indeed come across an alleged medical document found in Cave 4, referred to as 4QTherapeia and first published by J.M. Allegro in The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Christian Myth, Buffalo, 1984, pp. 235-40 and the subject of J.H. Charlesworth's The Discovery of a Dead Sea Scroll (4Q Therapeia). J. Naveh demonstrated that the work was a writing exercise and certainly not a medical document, a fact later admitted by Charlesworth. See Naveh, "A Medical Document or a Writing Exercise? The So-called 4QTherapeia," IEJ 36 (1988) pp. 52-55. It may, however, be rightly argued that the collection at Qumran is a religious library and lacks works about other sciences and arts as well.

PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA

Philo's place in the history of philosophy is marked by the sharpest of disagreements. One author tells us that Philo was "not an original thinker but a compiler"l who wrote without organizing his thoughts. Another tells us that Philo founded a new school of philosophy which dominated European thought for "well-nigh seventeen centuries.n2 E.R. Goodenough sees in Philo a political activist very much involved in civic affairs. 3 W. Volker finds in Philo a mystic who retired from the world.4 From unraveling the complexities of Philo's thought we are hampered by ignorance of the chronological order of his works and by the lack of even basic biographical facts such as years of birth and death. Ignorance of chronology5 makes it impossible to determine which works represent his final, most mature thought on a given matter, which thought would help to resolve some contrary statements in different treatises. Biographical data such as the extent of his Jewish education, would both enhance our knowledge of Philo the man and contribute to our understanding of first century Alexandrian Jewish thought.

1 W.L. Knox, Some Hellenistic Elements in Primitive Christianity, London: H. Milford, 1944, p. 34. 2 H.A. Wolfson, Philo II, Cambridge, Ma., 1947, p. 457. 3 E.R. Goodenough, The Politics of Philo Judaeus, New Haven, 1938. A more extreme view is held by C. Daniel who claims that from his early youth Philo belonged to an underground Essene group which promoted the abolition of private property, the abolition of slavery, consumer communism and manual labor for all. C. Daniel calls Philo an "Essene fifth-columnist in Egypt." See "Filon din Alexandria membru de seama al miscarii esseniene din Egipt" (Philo of Alexandria - an important member of the Essene movement in Egypt), Studii Teologice 27 (1975) pp. 602-625. 4 W. Volker, Fortschritt und Vollendung bei Philo von Alexandrien, Leipzig, 1938. 5 De Legatione ad Gaium is, of course, datable by virtue of its historical material. Forthcoming is a work by Abraham Terian which will include research on the chronology of Philo's works.

169

That Philo received a fine Greek education is evidenced by his own testimony (Cong 74-76) and by the abundant and rich sources alluded to or directly quoted in his writings. Where he received that education is not clear. V.A. Tcherikover maintains that until the publication of the letter of the Emperor Claudius to the Alexandrians (46 CE) Jews, although not full citizens, had access to a gymnasium education together with Greeks. 6 If he is correct, it is likely that Philo received his Greek education there. From his writings we know that Philo was educated in the encyclical studies, in philosophy and in Scripture. Philo's Jewish education, the details of which he does not furnish, was acquired within the large Jewish community of Alexandria. Since the Bible of this community was the Septuagint, it was unnecessary for Philo to know Hebrew although whether he did or not remains an unsettled question. Philo applied the allegorical methods he mastered in his Greek education to the Scripture he learned in his Jewish education. The best of these methods Philo praises (Contempl. 29, 78); the worst of them he strongly criticizes (Migr 8990). The effect of this double education is well illustrated in his treatment of repentance, a biblical concept, not considered a virtue among most Greek philosophers 7 but a virtue very important to Philo.

WORLDVIEW In order to understand Philo's thought on healing there are several areas that require comment. The first is Philo's philosophic background. The second is the way in which Philo views God's relationship to the world which He created. The third is Philo's concept of free will in so far as it relates to evil. The fourth is the way in which Philo views the relationship between the encyclical studies and philosophy. The fifth is the relationship between the Mosaic law and

6 V.A. p. 66. 7

Tcherikover,

Corpus Papyrorum Iudaicorum 2,

Cambridge,

Ma.,

See Wolfson's discussion of repentence, op.cit., I, pp. 252-259.

1957,

170

PHILO

natural law. The sixth is the influence of mysticism on Philo's thinking. Regarding Philo's philosophical background 8 John Dillon makes a good case for stating that: Philo was not so much constructing for himself an eclectic synthesis of all Greek philosophy, from the Presocratics to Posidonius, as essentially adapting contemporary Alexandrian Platonism, which was itself heavily influenced by Stoicisms and Pythagoreanism, to his exegetical purposes. 9

There is no doubt that his works evidence the influence of Platonism, Stoicism, Aristotelianism and Pythagoreanism as well as the influence of wisdom literature. In the discussion of healing material we will have occasion to call attention to these sources. The second area of Philo's worldview that needs comment is the way in which Philo views God's relationship to the world He created. Philo wishes to preserve both the transcendence and the immanence of God. 1 For Philo, God has to be dissociated from any evil or responsibility for it (Confus 181 and Fug 66-67). Whether this conviction derives from a Platonic repugnance to material creation perceived as evil (See Timaeus 42E) or from the influence of wisdom literature 11 is a moot point, but dissociation from evil is an important part of Philo's concept of God. Equally important to Philo is that God is immanent and actively concerned about His creation. God expresses His concern sometimes directly, sometimes through inter mediaries such as angels, powers and

°

8 For a short summary of the various positions about the philosophic influences upon Philo see J .M. Trivifio' s introduction to Vol. I of Obras Completas de Filon de Alejandria, Buenos Aires, 1975, p. 29f. see also R. Arnaldez' general introduction in Vol. 1 of Les oeuvres de Philon d'Alexandrie, Paris, du Cerf, pp. 70-88. 9 J. Dillon, The Middle Platonists, Ithaca, N.Y., 1977, p. 182. See also P. Borgen, "Philo of Alexandria," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M. Stone, Philadelphia, 1984, p. 256f. 10 ~. Brehier connects this to Philo's mystical side. See Les Idees Philosophiques et Religieuses de Philon d'Alexandrie, Paris, 1950, p. 78. 11 J. Laporte calls attention to the influence of wisdom literature on this concept of Philo's. See especially pp. 104-105 where he lists references to wisdom books in Philo. "Philo in the Tradition of Biblical Wisdom Literature," Aspects of Wisdom in Judaism and Early Christianity, ed. R. Wilkin, Notre Dame, 1975.

171

logoi. In whatever way He acts, directly or through intermediaries, God who is creator is likewise preserver OWT~p of the world. If God is not responsible for evil in the world, then who is? More specifically, who or what is responsible for that evil which is illness? The literature of the Second Temple period provides several answers to the question: the fallen angels {1 Enoch), demons {Genesis Apocryphon) and man himself {Testament of the 12 Patriarchs) . Maintained here is that Philo considered man, acting through his own free will, as the major source of evil in the world although God sometimes sends illnesses through intermediaries to perfect man. About free will Philo says: But the soul of man alone has received from God the faculty of voluntary movement, and in this way especially is made like to him, and thus being liberated, as far as might be, from that hard ruthless mistress, necessity, may justly be charged with guilt, in that it does not honor its liberator. (Deus 48) 12

Man's freedom of will is not absolute {contra Wolfson) 13 but relative "as far as might be" wr; oT6v i.e. according to the limitations of his own human nature. The fourth component of Philo's worldview is his attitude toward education. He not only sees the encyclical studies the liberal arts and sciences - as preparation for philosophy "He endows the encyclia with inherent spiritual value. 1114 They lead to the appreciation and understanding of philosophy. We see this in Philo's allegorization of the account of Jacob's desire to wed Rachel in which Jacob is praised for wanting to wed Rachel first. Rachel in the allegory represents the encyclical studies. Leah the older daughter represents philosophy {Ebr 50-52). Moses is said to have studied and 12 Translations incl. noted.

Scripture:

Loeb Classical Library unless otherwise

13 See D. Winston's discussion in "Philo's Doctrine of Free Will 1 " Two Treatises of Philo of Alexandria, eds. D. Winston and J. Dillon, Chico, Cal., 1983, pp. 181-195. For Wolfson's remarks see op.cit., I, p. 432f. 14 A. Mendelsohn, Secular Education in Philo of Alexandria, Cincinnati, 1982, p. xxiv. Cf. Y. Amir, "The Transference of Greek Allegories to Biblical Motifs in Philo," in Nourished with Peace, eds. E. Hilgert & B.L. Mack, Chico, Cal., 1984, p. 18f.

172

PHILO

mastered the encyclia (Mos I 2 3) . Perhaps the best of the allegories is that of Hagar and Sarah. Philo sees Hagar as representing the encyclical studies which are handmaidens to philosophy represented by Sarah. (Congr 71-78) He then defines the relationship of philosophy to wisdom in a way similar to Cicero (De Off ii 5). Philo says: For philosophy is the practice or study of wisdom, and wisdom is the knowledge of things divine and human and their causes. And therefore just as the culture of the schools is the bondservant of philosophy, so must philosophy be the servant of wisdom. (Congr 79)

Wolfson sees in these comments of Philo the subordination of philosophy to Scripture. 15 In fact, there is no real subordination since for Philo the highest form of philosophy is the Mosaic law 16 and the philosopher par excellence is Moses (Opif 8). The fifth component of Philo's worldview is the relationship of the Mosaic law to natural law "a law which nature has handed down, a law unwritten but intuitively learnt" IJ.EV VOIJ.ljl oe TICXALV oUTOIJ-0!9EL Tljv apETljv TO!VTT]V nenaCoEUTO!L, ov ~ ~vaL~ E9l]KE (Abr 16). For Philo the Pentateuch is a Greek work of law presenting Moses acting on behalf of God as the supreme law-giver (Mos II 2-7). God, however, remains the author both of the laws of nature and of the Mosaic code which might be called "revealed natural law."17 The particulars of the law, the mitzvot, whose observance Philo stresses, are all based on reason (Migr 89). Their lack of observance Philo criticizes (Migr 91-92). However, the mitzvot are not observed primarily because they are commanded by God (the rabbinic position), but, rather, since they are based on reason, they are the best means through which a person may overcome bodily passions and set the soul free from its bondage to what Philo calls corpse," the body. 1 8 15

vepo~,

"a

Wolfson, op.cit., I, chapter on "Handmaid of Scripture," sec. 4, "Faith

and Reason."

16 See D. Winston, Philo of Alexandria, New York, 1981, p. 2Sf. Also, see E. Norden, Die Antike Kunstprosa II, p. 670f. 17 Cf Wolfson's treatment of the subject, op cit., I, pp. 186-196 and II, pp. 180-187.

173

The sixth and last area of Philo's worldview that needs comment is the observation that Philo as a mystic looks at the world from a mystical point of view. That means that he sees man's highest goal as the knowledge of God (Decal 81) or the sight of God (Abr 58, Leg at 4) . To reach that goal the body with its lusts and irrational element must be severed so that "the mind may be left behind by itself alone, destitute of body, destitute of sense-perception, destitute of utterance in audible speech" (Fug 92). '(v' 0 KCXTCx bLOOJOLOOI Or!nOAE L<j>8'i;j J-lOVO<;, ~PTJJ-lO<; ot4J.cxToc;, ~PTJJ-lO<; cxto8T]o~::wc;, ~PTJJ-lO<; yqwvou /\oyol! npo<j>op&c;. Philo speaks of being initiated into the greater mysteries, a way of observance which is deep and reserved for a few. 19 This does not imply that Philo was involved in mystery cults. Their secrecy he criticizes (Leg I 320). What is maintained here is that Philo had mystical experiences rather than simply theoretical knowledge about them. 20 PHYSICAL AND SPIRITUAL HEALING

With the abundance of material on healing, health, medicine and doctors that one finds in the writings of Philo, it is surprising that there are no healing narratives of the types found in the Hellenistic literature with which Philo was likely familiar. That absence may well be explained by Philo's strong emphasis on spiritual healing rather than physical. Throughout his works Philo interprets the Biblical text, especially the Pentateuch. Jeremiah he knows but he does not show acquaintance with Kings. Hence, Philo does not comment on the healing narratives of the Elijah/Elisha cycles. He says nothing about the healing tradition concerning Abraham contained in Genesis 12, although that part of Quest G may be lost. He does not comment on the classic text on healing, Exodus 15.26, although he interprets the verse immediately 18 See S. 107f.

Sandmel,

Philo's Place in Judaism,

New York,

1971

(1956),

p.

19 See Sacrif 62, Cher 49, Mas I 62, fragment 26 no. 2a in Questiones in Genesim et in Exodum fragmenta graeca, p. 217. 20 For a succinct statement of Philo's mysticism see D. Winston, Philo of Alexandria, p. 33f.

PHILO

174

following it. Fortunately, despite gaps in Philo's commentary, there remains more than sufficient material to indicate what he thought about health and healing. Philo considers health in terms of bodily health, health of soul and spiritual health. The last two, health of soul and spiritual health, are not carefully distinguished and may be regarded as synonymous. Philo makes it plain, however, that bodily health is a means of safeguarding health of sou1 21 and is not a good in itself. Philo engages in a bit of rhetorical overstatement when he says: nor think that health of wealth or the 1 ike .•. are true goods. No, such participation in the good as is real and true is never found in association with what is worthless, for good by its very nature can have no partnership with evil. And that is why this treasure is laid up in one place only - the soul. (Sobr 67-68)

We know from the context that Philo, while emphasizing the greater importance of the goods of the soul, does not deny that health is a good. In discussing Genesis 9. 27: "May God widen for Japhet ... and let Canaan become their servant" he argues that the "widening" includes not only goods of the soul but also those of the body, health included among them ( Sobr 60-61).

The emphasis on health of soul rather than physical health reflects Platonic influence on Philo's thought. The body according to Plato is a source of evil (Phaedo 66), a prison of the soul (Phaedo 81), inferior to the soul (Epis. 8.355b), and a hindrance to it (Phaedo 65). In his understanding of the relationship of the body to the soul Philo generally follows Plato. Philo, then, stresses the goods of the soul since the body is the source of evil and the goods of that body "are shared by the most wicked and abominable of men" j.I.EpLooc; ouoevl ~VA~ ovvTaTTOj.I.Ev~c; (Sobr 67). For Philo health of body is not an end in itself. Healing of the body alone is not a good unless it leads to health of soul. It is no surprise, then, that Philo omits narratives of physical healings. But he nonetheless esteems the body in good 21 Usually Philo looks upon bodily health as leading to or guarding spiritual health. In Praem 64 he seems to say the opposite. See note no. b, Loeb VIII, p. 351.

175

health as important to the life of the soul. He describes health of body as one of the guards oopu<j>opo L of the soul (Confus 18-19; Cf. Her 285-286). A healthy body is like a house in good condition in which the soul resides: For if anything over-chills or overheats it, the house becomes warped and dried up or contrariwise wet and damp, and all these make the mind incapable of guiding the course of its own life aright. But if it resides in a healthy body it will have full ease to live there devoting its leisure to the lore of wisdom, thus gaining a blessed and happy life. (Praem 121-122)

In Quis Rerum Divinarum Heres sit Philo gives us a metaphor of complete healing in a commentary on Genesis 15.16: "but in the fourth generation they shall come back hither." The second generation of perfection: must be tended on its sickbed by a third, taking the form of philosophy with its healing art and put under the spell of sound and salutary reasonings. Through these it will be able to void the vast overload of sins and to fill its void, its starvation, its fearful emptiness of right actions. So after this healing treatment there grows in the fourth generation within the soul power and vigor •.. For under that fourth number •.. the soul turns its back from sinning and is declared the heir of wisdom ... the fourth is that in which we make good our claim that we are turning back from wickedness and laying our hands to the good. (Her 297-299)

In the third period of life philosophy assists mightily in the struggle against passions and once these are overcome the soul reaches the state of wisdom in the fourth period. GOD AS THE SOURCE OF HEALING AND HEALTH

Keeping in mind Philo's subordination of health of body to health of soul, we now look at the source of health - God and His relation to man. Philo identifies God as the source of healing in a passage in which he interprets Numbers 6.21 (the Nazarite's offering) as Moses teaching us to give thanks to God. In this way the sailor will dedicate success of voyage, the husbandman, fruitfulness of crops, the herdsman the teeming increase of his livestock, the physician the health of his patients •.. and in short he who is not self-centered will avow

176

PHILO as the cause of all goods of soul or body or outside the body Him who in very truth is the one sole Cause of aught. (Mutat 221)

A less homiletic statement on the causes of health and healing is made in Legum Allegoriarum III: He thinks it meet and right that He-that-is should Himself in His own person give the principal boons, while His angels and Words give the secondary gifts; and secondary are such as involve riddance from ills. For this reason, I think, God bestows health in the simplest way, preceded by no illness in our bodies, by Himself only, but health that comes by way of escape from illness he bestows both through medical science and through the physician's skill, letting both knowledge and practitioner enjoy the credit of healing, though it is He Himself that heals alike by these means and without them. Now His mode of dealing is the same in the case of the soul. The good things, the food, and He Himself bestows with his own hand, but by the agency of Angels and Words such as involve riddance from ills. (Leg III 177-178)

This quotation is part of a commentary on Genesis 48.15f. The Whitaker translation runs: "The God to Whom my fathers Abraham and Isaac were well-pleasing, the God who feedeth me from my youth up unto this day, the Angel who deli vereth me out of all my ills, bless these boys." In this passage Jacob is blessing Ephraim and Manasseh, the sons of Joseph. Whitaker translates Tp€cpw as feed although the more usual translation of the Greek is "to rear" or "to sustain" {L & S) . 22 The Hebrew text speaks of God being Jacob's shepherd from his youth. The Greek recalls Ps 94.18 and Prov 20.28 (in Hebrew) where we read that God's loving-mercy IDn sustains us. Placed in this context Philo in Leg 177-178 makes several points. First, he assigns the basic gift of health to God and to Him alone. This includes both health of soul and health of body. Second, healing he assigns to secondary means including medical means and the skills of physicians. In exceptional cases God heals directly. Hence, Philo says, "by these means and without them." Third, his concern is, as expected, primarily with the soul.

22 The Hebrew text speaks of God being Jacob's shepherd from his youth. For the concept of God's loving kindness IDn sustaining see Prov 20.28.

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There are two other places where Philo comments on Genesis 48. 15, in particular, on the word Tp€ cj>w understood as feed from youth. In both of these God uses intermediaries to rid the body and soul of evil. In De Fuga 66-67 which explains why God does not put Cain to death for slaying Abel we read: For it is unbecoming to God to punish, seeing that He is the original and perfect Lawgiver; He punishes not by His own hands but by those of others who act as His ministers ... though not without his command given in virtue of his sovereignty .•• He ascribes to God the more important good things, by which the soul is nourished and the less important which come by escaff from sins to God's ministers. (See Confus 181)

God's sovereignty is preserved and, because He uses intermediaries to execute punishment, no evil is associated with Him. This concept, which is also expressed in wisdom literrature, (e.g. Ben Sira 15.llf.) is articulated several times by Philo. God is the cause of good things only and of nothing at all that is bad, since He Himself was the most ancient of beings and the good in its most perfect form. (Confus 180, see Spec IV 186)

The intermediaries (or mediators) which include angels, logoi and medical means among them do not simply carry out God's will to punish when sin has been committed. They also assist God in afflicting those whose sins are not serious in order to bring them to greater perfection. 24 Thus Philo interprets Sarah's dealing harshly with Hagar as something which contributes to Hagar's perfection: Not all afflictions are harmful, but there are times when they are even helpful. This is what sick people experience at the hands of physicians, and children at the hands of teachers, and the foolish at the hands of those who enlighten them. This I would never call an affliction but salvation; an aid to soul and body. (Quest G 3.25)

Some illness is not punitive then but corrective.

23 According to Philo the plague of flies that carne upon the livestock and the death of the first-born were directly sent by God without intermediaries. Mos I 97, 130. Similarly found in Exodus Rabba 12,4 and 15,27 and Tanl;lurna Exodus va-Era, 14. 24

Cf. Wolfson's discussion, op.cit., I, p. 349f.

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PHILO

The intermediaries are never independent agents but act according to the purposes of God. Their functions are clear though the terms by which they are called are sometimes interchangeable. For example angels are referred to as logoi in Somn I 142,147; Poster 91; and Leg III 177). Following his custom of applying the term Logos to mind, whether mind in the sense of the place of the intelligible world or mind in the sense of the rational soul of man, he also applies the term to those minds or incorporeal souls which constitute the angels. 25

Both angels and logoi are incorporeal immanent powers which are agents of God's providence. The logoi are instruments of His power over all creation including the administration of the laws which govern it, whereas angels have a special care over mankind. 26 (See Quest E 2.13) Angels perform the functions of those called demons by the philosophers: 27 They are called "demons" by the other philosophers, but the sacred record is wont to call them "angels" or messengers, employing an apter title, for they both convey the biddings of the Father to His children and report the children's needs to their Father ... not that God, who is already present in all directions, needs informants, but that it was a boon to us in our sad case to avail ourselves of the services of "words" (logoi) acting on our behalf as mediators. (Somn I 141-142)

The fact that God works through intermediaries some of the time but acts independently at other times opens the possibility of miracles. In his interpretation of the Nazarite vow (Numbers 6.2) Philo tells us: that God Himself and by Himself is the cause of good things, that though the earth may seem to be the mother of fruits, rain 25

Ibid., p. 376.

26 Cf. Ibid., p. 372. Also "The plural logoi can indicate the heavenly principles which are embodied in the laws and precepts given to the Jews through Moses. In another sense, the Logos and the logoi may be conceived as heavenly figures such as angels and archangels." P. Borgen, "Philo of Alexandria," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone, Philadelphia, 1984, p. 273. 27 Cf. D. Winston, "Philo's Doctrine of Angels," Two Treatises, pp. 197205. The quote which follows indicates that angels are sometimes called logoi though not all logoi are angels.

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to give increase to seeds and plants, air to have the power of fostering them, husbandry to be the cause of the harvest, medicine the cause of health, marriage of childbirth, yet nothing else is His fellow-worker that we may think of them as bringing us benefit. For all these things, through the power of God, admit of change and transition, so as often to produce effects quite the reverse of the ordinary. (Deus 87-88)

In another place Philo describes miracles as "impossibilities no doubt as judged by what to outward appearance is credible and reasonable, but easily accomplished by the dispensations of God's providence" (Mos II 261). In principle, there is no reason for thinking that Philo would deny healing miracles though he does not give us any narratives of them. 28 God is the source of healing. Philo carefully preserves the central teaching of Exodus 15.26. It is to God first that one should turn when ill. Philo does not comment on Asa' s consultation of physicians for which the king is reproached in the biblical text. (2 Chr 16.12). He does, however, criticize Pharaoh for not asking Moses to pray immediately to take away the plague of frogs (Ex 8. 9) . Philo notes that Pharaoh wants to exhaust all other means first and puts Pharaoh in the category of those who "face both ways" nc:xpc:xKoJ..oueet TOt<; Enoq.t<jlOTEpLOTC:XL<;. They have never had any firm faith in God their Savior, they first flee to the help which things created give, to physicians, herbs, drug-mixtures, strict rules of diet and all the other aids that mortals use. And if one says to them, "Flee, ye fools, to the one and only physician of soul-sickness and cast away the help miscalled as such, of the created and the mutable," they laugh and mock, and all their answer is "tomorrow for that," as though, whatever may befall, they would never supplicate God to save them from the ills that beset them. But when no human help avails, and all things, even healing remedies, prove to be but mischievous, then out of the depths of their helplessness, despairing of all other aid, still even in their misery reluctant at this late hour, they betake themselves to the only savior, God. (Sacrif 70-71)

The only savior, the real preserver from illness, is God and no one else (See Leg I 252). Since Philo counsels fleeing to God in times of illness, he obviously believes in the effectiveness of such prayers. He 28

For a discussion of miracles in Philo see Wolfson, op.cit., I, 347f.

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PHILO

comments on the verse of Numbers 14.20: "I am gracious to those in accordance to word. " "And it is His wont to bestow these gifts in answer to the word of supplication, from which He does not turn His ear away." Tcxihcx oE: Tov LKET'TlV ecxuToG Aoyov OUK Ot11:00Tpcx<j>ELt; E'CW8E owpEL08CXL (Migr 122). The "word" of supplication may be a prayer or it may be Moses as mediator whom Philo calls logos in Somn I 14 3. 29 Abraham's role in interceding for Sodom and Gomorrah is mentioned in Migr 123 though that intercession fails because not even ten just men could be found there. Also in connection with Abraham, Philo may be recalling a tradition of the patriarch's healing power preserved elsewhere (e.g. Genesis Rabba 39). In the discussion of ten as the most perfect of numbers, Philo draws on the incident of Abraham joining battle with the nine kings in Genesis 14 and tells how that changed the course of events: He provided calm in the place of storm, health for sickness, and life we may say for death, being declared the winner of the trophies of God the victory-giver, to whom he dedicated the tenths as thank-offerings for his victory. (Congr 93)

THE VIRTUES AND REASON Up until this point we have examined material which shows that God is the source of all healing but that He frequently uses various means or mediators to bring about that healing. We have seen that not all misfortune is the result of sin; it can be a means to lead to greater perfection. We have also observed Philo's comments on the effectiveness of praying to God for healing. We now turn to those spiritual means which ensure continuance of good health as well as healing when illness occurs. These include the practice of virtues or their acquisition and a good relationship to the Creator. In his treatise De Praemiis we read the following about the connection of health and virtue. But we must speak of a more personal matter, the blessings bestowed on the body. He promises that those who take pains to cultivate virtue and set the holy laws before them to guide 29 Philo also calls Aaron logos in Mut 208 and in Leg III 45,103 since he uttered God's word to the people. See also M. J. Horowitz on logos. "Le philosophie judeo-hellenistique de Phil on d 'Alexandrie," Nouvelle Revue Theologique 110 (1988) p. 230.

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them in all they do or say in their private or in their public capacity will receive as well the gift of complete freedom from diseases, and if some infirmity should befall them it will come not to do them injury but to remind the mortal that he is mortal, to humble his over-weening spirit and to improve his moral condition. Health will be followed by efficiency of the senses and the perfection and completeness of every part, so that without impediment they may render the services for which it was made. (Praem 119)

Philo has been discussing the various external blessings that are promised in Deuteronomy 7 for hearkening to the ordinances of the Lord. In verse 15 we read: "And the Lord will take away from you all sickness; and none of the evil diseases of Egypt, which you knew, will he inflict upon you, but he will lay them upon all who hate you." Philo takes the promise quite literally though he adds the possibility of infirmity coming to a person to raise him to a higher level of perfection (cf. b. Kidd. 40b). The virtues, not mentioned in the biblical text, are set on the same level as obeying the holy laws. Among the virtues which lead to good health is ow~poovv~ translated as self-mastery or temperance by Colson and Whitaker. From the time of Plato it was a virtue cherished among many Greek philosophers. 30 Philo stresses ow~poovv~ in his comments on Numbers 21. 6: "And the Lord sent among the people the deadly serpents and they bit the people, and much people of the children of Israel died." For Philo what has died is that part of us which is engaged in over-indulgence in pleasure: How, then, is the healing of their suffering brought about? By the making of another serpent, opposite in kind to that of Eve, namely the principle of self-mastery. For self-mastery runs counter to pleasure, a variable virtue to a variable affection, and a virtue that defends itself against pleasure its foe. (Leg II 79)

In Agr 98 Philo interprets the bronze serpent as the virtue of KapTe:pCa patient endurance. 31 The text of Leg II goes on to

30 See the discussion of a similar virtue EUOTa9ELa in Philo which Y. Amir translates as "positive steadfastness." "Philo's Religious Interpretation of a Philosophical Concept," Immanuel 17 (1983/1984). 31 For other interpretations of Numbers 21.6 see Wisdom of Solomon 16.514, Midrash Rabbah XIX.22, Midrash Rosh HaShanah 3.8, Targum Neofiti and

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PHILO

explain that the serpent is made only for Moses because "selfmastery is not a possession of every good man, but only of a man beloved of God. II C>n ou 1tCXVTOc; EOTLV KTTji-LOI owcjlpOOVVTJ, aAAOI ~-t6vou ToO 9eocjlLAo0c; (79). overcoming one's desires with selfmastery is an important part of healing and staying healthy. In another place Philo speaks about reason AOYLOI-Loc; being the highest authority within man with owcjlpoovVTJ along with other virtues serving reason in order to bring about health once lost. Here owcjlpoovvT) is understood in its more common meaning as temperance. For by these the highest authority within us, reason, advances to sound health and well-being, and brings to nought the formidable menace to the body engineered in many a scene of drunkenness and gluttony and lewdness and the other insatiable lusts, the parents of that grossness of flesh which is the enemy of the quickness of mind. (Mas II 185)

Man's reason is equipped and trained by knowledge. Given Philo's background in philosophy, it is not surprising that he attacks ignorance and sees in lack of education an evil that is responsible for some illness. Socrates (Prot. 352 D) had centuries before Philo connected the doing of evil to ignorance. Zeno, the father of the Stoic school: deliberately went back, behind Aristotle and behind Plato to the naive intellectualism of the fifth century. The attainment of moral perfection, they said, was independent both of natural endowment and habitation; it depended solely on the exercise of reason. 32

We see the influence of these theories on Philo though they are not predominant in his thought. In commenting on Leviticus 10. 8-10, "wine and strong liquor ye shall not drink, thou and thy sons after thee, whenever ye enter the tabernacle of testimony or approach the altar, and ye shall not die," Philo says:

the fragment on Numbers contained in Ms. Paris Bibliotheque Hebr. 110 (M.L. Klein, ed., pp. 100-101). Cf. KapTEp(a in the Tabula of Cebes 27. 32 E.R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational, Boston, 1957, p. 239. Dodds cites Cicero (Acad post 1. 38), zeno ( SVF I 205) and Chrysippus ( SVF III 456, 461).

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Again, he says that those whose offerings are wineless shall not even die meaning that instruction entails immortality, but its absence entails death. For as in our bodies disease is the cause of dissolution, while health preserves them, so in our souls the preserving element is prudence, which is, so to speak, mental health, while the destroying element is folly inflicting incurable malady. (Ebr 140)

Nonetheless, knowledge, reason and self-mastery do not ensure right conduct. Sin remains and leads to the breakdown of health. The proper response to sin is ~eTavoLa repentance. Philo's stress on repentance is a logical outcome of his treatment of biblical texts and reflects Jewish tradition although Philo sometimes uses the term as it was used by Greek philosophers. (See Leg II 60f., Leg III 211) . 33 Healing is synonymous for repentance in Is 6. 10 and Hos 14.5. In the Talmud repentance is also seen as healing (see b. Rosh HaShanah 17b, Yoma 86a-b). Philo gives us no examples of anyone who was ill, repented, and was physically healed. He is, however, fond of combining the two in analogies as he does in the following passage which is a comment on Genesis 5.24: "Enoch was well-pleasing to God and he was not found because God transferred him." Kal. e6Tjp€crT1lcrev 'Evwx T£il 8e£il Kal. ouK eup(crKeTo, OTL ~ETE8TjKEV auTov o 8e6~. Philo interprets the author of Hebrews 11.5 "transference" as repentance unlike who sees transference as meaning that Enoch did not touch death. But we must not forget that repentance holds the second place to perfection, just as a change from sickness to health is second to a body free from disease; so then unbroken perfection of virtues stands nearest to divine power, but improvement in the course of time is the peculiar treasure of a soul gifted by nature. (Abr 26)

There is one passage where health as in Is 6. 10 and Hos 14.5 may be synonymous with repentance with the end result being spiritual healing: If then the throbbing fever of its disease begins to abate, the embers of health will gradually kindle into a blaze, and force it first to "proclaim its sin," that is reproach itself, then come to the altar as a suppliant beseeching grace with prayers 33 For a succint discussion of the different shades of meaning of in Philo see sec. C II under ~ETavo€w in TDNT.

~ETOvOLa

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PHILO and vows and sacrifices, by which alone it can obtain forgive ness. (Somn II 299)

In the section on ~ETONOla in De Virtutibus Philo makes it clear that men will at some time need to repent as they grow toward perfection. "For absolute sinlessness belongs to God alone, or possibly to a divine man; conversion from sin to a blameless life shows a man of wisdom who has not been utterly ignorant of what is for his good." (Virt 177)

The consequences of lack of repentance are evident: "the gravest injuries both to body and soul. ~apvTaTal (~~CaL o~aT6~ TE Kal ~ux~~ ELOL (Virt 182).

THE THERAPEUTAE The Therapeutae described in the treatise De Vita scholarly Contemplativa have long been the subject of research. The various theories about who the Therapeutae were or whether or not they even existed cannot be dealt with here. Their involvement in healing or attitudes toward healing as portrayed by Philo is what concerns us. Philo does not, in my opinion, describe an ideal community, a utopia which exists only in his mind and desires; nor does he describe accurately the daily life of a real community. He idealizes a real community. Against considering the community as real at all is the fact that we have no traces of this community, no other witnesses to a community which, to say the least, had an eccentric lifestyle. Moreover, some of those who have studied the language used by Philo in idealizing the community 34 have concluded that the community of therapeutae was the equivalent of Diodorus Siculus' island in the sun, the idyllic island in the History of the Rechabites or Thomas More's utopia. But against these objections is a practical one. Utopias are usually located in far-off places. Why situate a utopian community only ten kilometers from Alexandria? Presuming that the treatise was read by his contemporaries, it would have 34

Renan, Lagrange and others.

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been fairly description:

easy

to

find

the

place

according

to

Philo's

This place is situated above the Mareotic Lake on a somewhat low-lying hill very happily placed both because of its security and the pleasantly-tempered air. The safety is secured by the farm buildings and villages around about and the pleasantness of the air, by the continuous breezes which arise both from the lake which debouches into the sea and from the open sea hard by. For the sea breezes are light, the lake breezes close and the two combining together produce a most healthy condition of climate. (Contempl 22-23)

On page 43 of the treatise Contempl in the Lyon series one finds a map of a village nicely fitting the above description. 35 It is in the vicinity of Nicopolis west of Alexandria. There it is possible to see the remains of monastic settlements which may or may not have been the successors of the Therapeutae. In that area it is probable that Philo spent time in the contemplation he describes in Spec III 1-5 "There was a time when I had leisure for Philosophy and for the contemplation of the universe and its contents. II "'Hv noTE xpovot; (S'Te <jn/..ooo<j>C<;X oxot..
That the community Philo describes is idealized is evident from his description of their eating patterns in 35. There we learn that they are so involved in their life of philosophy ;contemplation that they eat only once every third 35 Map supplied by the editor and writer of the introduction, F. Oaumas, in 1963 Directeur de l'Institut Fran~ais in Cairo.

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PHILO

or sixth day a simple meal of bread with salt. Philo's purpose, of course, is to contrast this simple living with the luxurious banquets of Greece and Rome which he paints vividly for us. Another description which seems to idealize a real event is Philo's description of either Pessa~ or Shavuot or perhaps some other regularly occurring festival 36 in which, after singing all night: then not with heavy heads or drowsy eyes but more alert and wakeful than when they came to the banquet they stand with their faces and whole bodies turned to the east and when they see the sun rising they stretch their hands up to heaven and pray for bright days and knowledge of the truth and the power of keen-sighted thinking. (Contempl 89)

Nowhere in the treatise does Philo say that the Therapeutae were interested in healing plants and the sympathetic or exorcistic properties of stones as were the Essenes according to Josephus (War II 136}. In fact, Philo does not mention Essene interest in healing. The closest he comes is to describe their kindness to the sick: "Again if anyone is sick he is nursed at the common expense and tended with care and thoughtfulness by all." Kcxl 1-LTJV e'( TL c,; aiJTWv &creev~crELEV, EK TWv KOLVWv vocr~AEVETCXL eepcxnEUOIJ.EVOc,; TCXL!,; anONTWV EnLIJ.EAELCXLc,; KCXL ~pOVTLOLV (Hypothetica 11.13}. In literature the Essenes and Therapeutae were early confused with each other. The Latin version of De Vita Contemplati va from the third century has for its title, "Philonis Judaei de statu Essaeorum, id est, monachorum, qui temporibus Agrippae regis monasteria sibi fecerunt." Today most scholars would agree with D. Winston: "As for the relationship of the Therapeutae to the Essenes, the consensus is that, although originating from the same root, they nevertheless represent separate developments. 1137 It seems best to accept Philo at his word that, as he has discussed the virtues of the Essenes "who persistently pursued the active life and excelled in all or, to put it more 36 For a discussion of the feast see "Le 'De vita Contemplativa' revisite" by V. Nikiprowetzky, Sagesse et religion Colloque de Strasbourg, 1976. 37

Winston, Philo of Alexandria, p. 41.

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moderately, in most of its departments," he now sets about to discuss "those who embraced the life of contemplation" (Contempl 1) . These he calls philosophers and refers to what they are doing as philosophy, but by that he does not mean simply Greek philosophy. Philo explains: They read the Holy Scriptures and seek wisdom from their ancestral philosophy by taking it as an allegory, since they think that the words of the literal text are symbols of something whose hidden nature is revealed by studying the underlying meaning. They have also writings of men of old, the founders of their way of thinking, who left many memorials of the form used in allegorical interpret·ation and these they take as a kind of archetype and imitate the method in which this principle is carried out. And so they do not confine themselves to contemplation but also compose hymns and psalms to God in all sorts of metres and melodies which they write down with the rhythms necessarily made more solemn. (28-29)

Here we see the interest of the Therapeutae in the allegorical method of interpretation. The above passage explains what the Therapeutae do and is a more adequate description of their vocation than Philo's etymological explanation in section 2: a name derived from 8epomeuw either in the sense of "cure" because they profess an art of healing better than that current in the cities which cures only the bodies, while theirs treats also souls oppressed with grievous and well-nigh incurable diseases, inflicted by pleasures and folly and injustice and the countless host of the other passions and vices: or else in the sense of "worship," because nature and the sacred laws have schooled them to worship the Self-existent who is better than the One and more primordial than the Monad. (2-3) 38

This passage is best explained by Philo's commentary on Genesis 15.16, "but in the fourth generation they shall come back hither" contained in Quis Rerum Divinarum Heres. He tells us that the meaning of the passage is "complete restoration of the soul" TEAELOOJ OOtOK
in

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PHILO

years. In this first "generation" of soul, the soul "has not yet received any impression of good and evil" TOLe;; &ya6GJv K<XL K<XKWv X<Xp<XKT~pOL ~~nW TETUR~EV~<;; (294). In the next stage the youth begins to be influenced by evil from within and from without by what he terms "instructors to sin" OLOO!OK<XAOL ~apT~~O!Twv. "The body is in its bloom and the soul inflated, when the smoldering passions are being fanned into a flame." To TE oG¥a T]~i,X Ka"L T] lf!uxT] ne<j>vo~TaL, TWv EVTU<jlo~€vwv &vappLnL(o~€vwv na6wv {296). This state, in turn, requires "philosophy with its healing art" uno L<XTpLK~c;; <jlLA.ooo<j>Cac;; to cure it {297). In the fourth "generation" the soul is "immovably established in all virtues" K<XL TO EV &nO!oaLc;; apET<XL<;; aKALVE<;; TE K<Xl nayLoV {298). It is "that in which we make good our claim to complete health and strength, when we feel that we are turning back from wickedness and laying our hands to the good" EV t;J navTEA.ovc;; uyeLe(ac;; Ka"L pwoewc;; ~eTanoLov~e6a, onoTE &nooTpe<jlo~evoL Ta aOA.a To'lc;; Ka!l.o'lc;; EYYELPELV OOKOV~EV, npOTEpov OE OUK r~EOTL {299). The Therapeutae are, then, "fourth generation" men and women. Since they have turned away from sin and mastered their passions they are perfected and able to be a source of spiritual healing for others who participate in their lives, as, apparently, Philo did. The Therapeutae are the suppliants and worshipers described by Philo in De Migratione: for while he is sound and well, there is no cause to despair of the prospect of complete salvation, for our Savior God holds out, we may be sure, the most all-healing remedy, His gracious Power, and commits it to His suppliant and worshiper to use for the deliverance of those who are sickly, that he may apply it as an embrocation to those soul-wounds which were left gaping by the sword-edge of follies and injustices and all the rest of the horde of vices. (Migr 124)

ANGELS, FALLEN ANGELS AND DEMONS The question raised here is whether Philo held evil angels, or demons, responsible for illnesses as was popularly believed to be the case in the first century. We have already seen that angels are mediators who do God's bidding. Some of these angels act as punishing agents of God (Confus 180, Fug 66) and are not evil angels. They could be responsible for

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some illnesses. In that case the proper response on the part of the ill person would be repentance and turning to God who is the only real preserver from illness (Leg I 252). We have also seen that what philosophers call demons, Philo, following Scripture, calls angels (Somn I 141-142). This simple equation would seem to eliminate a separate category of demons for which Philo never prescribes or alludes to the common remedy of his time, namely exorcism. Philo says: So if you realize that souls and demons and angels are but different names for the same one underlying object, you will cast from you that most grievous burden, the fear of demons or (Gig 16) superstition.

But Philo goes on to say: The common usage of men is to give the name of demon to bad and good demons alike, and the name of soul to good and bad souls. And so, too, you also will not go wrong if you reckon as angels, not only those who are worthy of the name, who are as ambassadors backwards and forwards between men and God and are rendered sacred and inviolate by reason of that glorious and blameless ministry, but also those who are unholy and unworthy of the title. (Gig 16)

Philo then refers to LXX Psalm 77.49 where "evil angels" are mentioned: These are the evil ones who, cloaking themselves under of angels, know not the daughters of right reason, the and virtues, but court the pleasures which are born pleasures mortal as their parents.

the name sciences of men, (Gig 17)

Are these evil angels the "sons of God" who sinned with the daughters of men (Gen 6.2f), the fallen angels of the I Enoch Book of Watchers? Wolfson gives an affirmative answer to the question:

Philo finds that Scripture speaks of "evil angels," by which is not meant punitive angels but rather morally evil beings, loosely called angels, who do not act as messengers of God. Though Philo is vague in his description of this class of angels, his reference undoubtedly is to those evil beings which by this time were already known as the fallen angels. 40

40

Wolfson, op.cit., I, p. 415.

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PHILO

A negative answer and, in my opinion, the correct answer is that given by V. Nikiprowetzky and succinctly stated by D. Winston: Philo is not here envisaging a class of fallen angels at all, but is simply telling of souls who fall into embodiment, as opposed to those who remain pure from such contamination. It is we, in fact, in our unreformed state, who are the angeloi poneroi, and it is in this sense that Philo must be interpreting Psalm 77.49. 41

Philo's argumentation is not without flaw. In Ps 77.49 the angels are not morally evil angels but rather punitive angels sent to do God's purposes. Philo chooses to overlook this in order to support his interpretation. He also uses a translation of ol ayyeAOL TOU eeou for n•n')Nn 'l~ (Gen. 6.2) attested in only one extant manuscript (A) . All other texts translate the Hebrew literally as ol ULOL TOU eeou. 42 Philo needs angels in the passage to support his argument that there are angels unholy and unworthy of the name. In addition "sons of God" is a positive term in Philo. It refers both to angels in so far as they are incorporeal and also to virtuous men. (See Quest G 1.92). If in Gig 16-19 Philo means literally fallen angels, i.e., incorporeal demons, he assigns them no function anywhere in his writings. The real question is whether it is possible in Philonic thought to be incorporeal and evil at the same time. Evil is an imperfection associated with the body. An angel immersed in evil ceases to be an angel. In Nikiprowetzky's words: La conception meme d' anges scelerats (TWVT]poC) implique done une incarnation prealables. Mais, alors, ces ames cessent ipso facto d' etre des anges pour dechoir dans la condition humaine. 43

Even if Nikiprowetzky's exegesis proves incorrect, it must still be admitted that in Philo's thought demons and fallen 41

Winston, Two Treatises, p. 205.

42 V. Nikiprowetzky, "Sur une lecture demonologique de Phil on D 'Alexandrie, De Gigantibus, 6-18," Hommage a Georges Vajda, eds. G. Nahon & C. Touati, Louvain, 1980, p. 44f. 43

Ibid., p. 58.

191

angels play no part in bringing illness and exorcism plays no part in bringing healing.

EXCURSUS: PHILO'S MEDICAL BACKGROUND Philo frequently mentions physicians in a favorable light in his writings. He is fond of metaphors which include physicians, pilots and musicians which often owe their inspiration to Aristotle and to Plato. 44 For whereas the man ignorant of the art of the pilot or the physician or the musician has trouble with the rudders or with the compounding of drugs and ointments or with flutes and lyres, since he is unable to use any of them for its natural purpose, to the pilot, on the other hand, and the physician and the musician, they may be said to be fitting and suitable. (Quest G 4.76) (See Mutat 122 and Praem 33)

Depending upon the purpose Philo has in mind, e.g., an exhortation as part of a homily on a particular biblical text or a diatribe against certain abuses, Philo often draws on his philosophical background. He must be read carefully to avoid misunderstanding. He writes, for example, about Apollo's role in medicine 45 surely not to express his faith in Apollo but to contrast the benefits attributed to Apollo with the death, disease and destruction which Gaius brought: He (Gaius) also managed to make a fine recasting of Apollo's art of medicine. For Apollo became the inventor of salutary remedies promoting the health of mankind, deigning also to heal himself the maladies engendered by the actions of others in virtue of the supreme kindliness which nature and practice gave him. Gaius, on the other hand, brought disease to the healthy, crippling to the living, death in cruel forms, the work of men anticipating that of fate. (Legat 106-107)

Philo's love of the medical simile was not unusual among ancient philosophers who used it because of the widespread familiarity people had with medicine in contrast to other arts and sciences. In posing the question: "What were the reasons for the peculiar predilection which philosophers showed for the medical simile?" L. Edelstein answers:

taTpo'

44

Republic VI 489, Politicus 298.

is found 42 times in Philo.

45

See Plato's Laws 664c on Apollo's art of medicine.

192

PHILO

The philosopher insisting on the value of the soul and proclaiming its superiority over the body, was faced with man's natural partiality to his body. He was therefore driven to contrast the two; he had to try to turn man's thoughts from his body and its interests to the soul and its concerns. 46

More important than Philo's fondness for the medical simile in understanding his own background are his accurate observations of medical procedures, his technical medical language and references to Hippocrates and to medical schools. Commentators on Philo, while sometimes noting in quotations from the Hippocratic Code, do not put these references in the context of other indicators that Philo had a medical background. An exception is E. Brehier who says: La medecine ne rentre pas pour Philon dans les encycliques. Pourtant, dans certaines classifications un peu posterieures, la medecine est citee au meme rang que les autres arts encycliques. Il est sure en tout cas que Philon rec;ut une education medicale; il a connu quelques fragments de la collection hippocratique. 47

The knowledge of parts of the Hippocratic corpus in itself would not prove that Philo had a medical background since it is likely that other well-educated men of his time were also familiar with the Hippocratic collection. Interest in medicine was keen in several of the philosophic schools. One negative result of this interest was that philosophic theories replaced scientific observations. 48 This trend is observable even within the Hippocratic corpus as the following quotation taken from De Septemmadis 5 illustrates: And Hippocrates, the physician, says that there are seven ages, those of the little boy, the boy, the lad, the young man, the elderly man, the old man, and that these ages are measured by multiples of seven though not in regular successions. His words are: "In man's life there are seven seasons, which they call 46 L. Edelstein, "The Relation of Ancient Philosophy Bulletin of the History of Medicine XXVI, 4 (1952) p. 311. 47 Brehier, op.cit., p. 286. For the inclusion encyclical studies see Galen, Protrept. 5.

48 W.H.S. Jones in discusses the ways scientific medicine evidence contradicted

of

to

medicine

Medicine," among

the

his introduction to the Loeb series on Hippocrates in which philosophy crippled the development of by imposing philosophical theories when empirical these same theories.

193

ages, little boy, boy, lad, young man, man, elderly man, old man. He is a little boy until he reaches seven years, the time of the shedding of his teeth; a boy until he reaches puberty, i.e. up to twice seven years; a lad until his chin grows downy, i.e., up to thrice seven years; a young man until his whole body has grown, till four times seven; a man till forty-nine, till seven times seven; an elderly man till fifty-six, up to seven times eight ... " (Opif 105)

Philo continues his fascination with the number seven by describing the soul as divided into seven parts {117) and proceeds to describe seven outer parts of the body and seven inner. 49 Particularly graphic is his description of discharges of the body:

for through the eyes tears pour out, through the nostrils purging from the head, through the mouth expectorations of phlegm; there are also two receptacles for excretion of superfluities, one in front, one behind; and in the sixth place there is perspiration exuding through the whole body, and in the seventh place the natural normal emission of seed through the genital organs. (Opif 123) (Cf. Hippocrates nepl. &o€vwv 11,13,14)

In De Opificio 124 Philo again refers to Hippocrates (Septemmadis 1) but in this instance he does not quote him as exactly as he did in his treatment of the seven ages of man. Hippocrates, that expert in the processes of nature, says that in seven days both the solidifying of the seed and the formation of the embryo take place. Once again, for women the duration of the monthly cleansing is at most seven days. Moreover the fruit of the womb is brought by nature to full ripeness in seven months, with a most strange result, namely that seven months' children come to birth, whereas eight months' children as a rule fail to do so alive. Severe bodily sicknesses too, especially persistent attacks of fever due to internal disorder, generally reach the crisis on the seventh day; for this day decides the struggle for life, bringing to some recovery, to others death. (Opif 124-125)

49 F.H. Colson and G.H. Whitaker describe Philo's fascination with numbers as "the most fantastic part of his system ... an inheritance from the Pythagoreans." Loeb I, xvii. Some of the biblical authors were also fascinated with numbers as were in this instance some writers of medical treatises.

194

PHILO

The notion of crisis played a very important part in Hippocratic medicine. A third explicit reference to Hippocrates is found in De Vita Contemplativa where Philo cites Hippocrates in an exhortation to give away possessions in order to have the time to pursue philosophy. "For taking care of wealth and possessions consumes time and to economize time is an excellent thing since according to the physician Hippocrates 'life is short but art is long"'(17). Of course, Hippocrates (Aphorisms I) was thinking about the art of medicine, not philosophy! Having looked at explicit references to Hippocrates in the writings of Philo, we now look at material in Philo similar to that found in the Hippocratic corpus as well as that reflecting later medicine. Two books in that corpus, Airs, Waters and Places and Breaths, stress the connection of the direction of the wind with certain diseases as well as the importance of the location of the town and its water supply. In connection with the wind and the diseases (pestilence) in particular which air changes bring, Philo says: As for the air, its destruction is evident to every one, for sickness and decay and what may be called death is natural to it. How indeed, could anyone, who aimed at truth rather than elegance of language, describe a pestilence save a a death of the air which diffuses its own distemper to destroy all things to which the life force has been given. (De Aeternitate 126)

The south wind is particularly dangerous, an opinion he shares with Hippocrates (Sacred Disease 16) because it brings headaches and anxiety (Mos I, 12 o) • In contrast, the north wind brings clean air and energy to man (Gig 10). It is possible that Philo does not rely directly on Hippocrates here since his comments belonged to the "common knowledge" of the times. 50 In the pseudo-Hippocratic work Airs, waters and Places 4 the dangerous consequences of the north wind are noted (see also Treatise of Shem).

50 J. Gro~ mentions Poseidonios in his work about winds as the probable proximate source of this knowledge, Philons von Alexandreia Anschauungen tiber die Natur des Henschen, Tlibingen, 1930, pp. 58-59.

195

The classifications of fevers and their recurrences is found in several places in the Hippocratic corpus. 51 Philo mentions these fevers in De Confusione 151: And the same regularity may be noticed in fever. For the recurrences which are called in medical schools quotidian, or tertian, or quartan, make their visitation about the same hour of the day or night and maintain their relative order.

The use of ncxl.oLv tcxTpGlv "medical schools" may indicate that Philo learned these distinctions there rather than as part of a good Hellenistic education. Since Philo lived perhaps two hundred years after the last insertion of material into the Hippocratic corpus, it is to be expected that not everything Philo knows about medicine comes from the corpus. The use of venomous animals for medical procedures was popularized in Greek medicine by Herophilus in the third century BCE and was common 52 at the time of Philo even though there is no evidence for it in the Hippocratic corpus. Philo remarks: Some have said that the venomous animals co-operate in many medical processes, and that those who practice the art scientifically by using them with knowledge where suitable are well provided with antidotes for saving unexpectedly the life of parties in a particularly dangerous condition. And even to this day we may see that those who take up the medical profession with care and energy make use of every kind of these creatures as an important factor in compounding their remedies. (Prov 2.60)

Remedies against poisoning are also not discussed in the Hippocratic corpus although in the oath physicians promise they will not give poisons when asked to do so. Unscrupulous physicians before and after Hippocrates administered poisons at the request of relatives or enemies of the one to be poisoned. 53 Philo speaks about attempts to apply remedies for poisoning: 51

Among them Epidemics I 24, Sacred Disease I.

52 M. Neuburger, History of Medicine I, London, 1910, p. 179. Bloodletting was known among the ancient Sumerians and Assyrians also. See M. Neuburger and J. Pagel, Handbuch der Geschichte der Medizin, Jena, 1902, p. 17 and p. 57f. 53

For the classic study on poisons in the ancient world see L.

Die Gifte in der Weltgeschichte, Berlin, 1920

Lewin,

196

PHILO

For maladies caused by poisoning have been found difficult to cure and sometimes entirely unamenable to treatment. However, the bodily troubles of the sufferers from these machinations are often less grievous than those which affect their souls. Fits of delirium and insanity and intolerable frenzy swoop down upon them, and thereby the mind, the greatest gift which God has assigned to human kind, is subject to every sort of affliction. (Spec III 98-99) 54

One of the most important practices of Hippocratic medicine was the administration of the right procedure at the KCXLpot; or right time 55 throughout the course of the illness. Hippocrates in Precepts 1-5 explains the significance of waiting for the opportune moment so that whatever is done conforms to man as he is changing in the course of an illness. In the following selection from Philo's comments on Exodus 28.29, on enemies not being driven out all at once but little by little, we hear him say: For not even a good (peritissimus) physician would seek to restore all his health in one day to one who is ill, knowing that (thereby) he would do harm rather than good. But measuring the times, he administers the cure at intervals, and by applying different things at different times, he gently brings about health. (Quest E 2.25)

In addition to the need to administer proper medical treatment at the right time, it was important in Hippocratic medicine to vary foods and places. Hippocrates treats this subject especially in Regimen and in the Nature of Man. Philo mentions this approach to treatment in his comments on why Rebecca put a skin of goats on Jacob's neck and arms (Gen 27 .16). For this is just what physicians are accustomed to do, for they change the foods of ill persons and their places of residence and the ways (of living) which they had before their illness. (Quest G 4.204)

54 See Colson following Heinemann and Goodenough, Loeb VII, p. 635 about Philo's view on poisoning being in accord with the Lex Cornelia de sicariis et veneficis of 81 BCE which forbade not only using poison against someone but also its sale and possession. 55 Philo's stress on the right moment may also be influenced by wisdom literature, e.g. Ecclesiastes 3.1: "For every time there is a season."

197

Of even greater concern to Philo than the varying of foods and places is his stress on proper nourishment in general which he uses as a basis for many similes. Good air which he regards as part of nourishment, different fruits, flowing water are important components of good nourishment (Prov 1.16; 2.67), Virt 6). Nourishing bread is recommended and the avoidance of sweets (Spec I, 173). He sings the praises of wine (Legat 82-83) but naturally in moderation (Ebr 221). Some of this stress on proper nourishment shows Stoic influence. 56 Thus far we have seen that Philo's comments and similes reflect some knowledge of Hippocratic medicine in first century Alexandria. Since Philo was a practicing Jew his background may reflect the state of medicine among Jewish doctors at that time. Some would see this as a superior medicine. Speaking of a period of time later than Philo, s. Newmeyer says: "It is no exaggeration to state that the Talmudists invented the science of pathology, a direct consequence of the need to examine slaughtered animals that were used for food. " 57 According to tradition based on Exodus 22.30 there are eight kinds of organic defects which render an animal unfit to be eaten by the law of n191~ ' l ' l . There is no question that sources later than Philo mention prominent Jewish physicians. Galen speaks of the Jewish physician Rufus Samaritanus in Rome. Aulus Cornelius Celsus (Bk 4,19) writing in the first century refers to Jewish physicians successfully preparing ointments. Pliny the elder refers to a medical textbook written by a Jewish physician named Zechariah who lived in Babylon (Natural History 37:60:10). R. Judah ha-Nasi was requested by the emperor Antoninus Pius to send him a physician from among this students. Several Talmudic scholars were also physicians, the most prominent among them being Mar Samuel (165-257 CE). 58 Many of these Jewish physicians would have subscribed to a different theory of disease than that theory most prevalent among Greek-trained physicians, namely, that disease was 56

See

Gro~'

discussion, op.cit., pp. 51-56.

s. Newmyer, (1980) p. 362.

57

58 F. 13f.

Rosner,

"Talmudic Medicine: A Classicist's Perspective,• Judaism 29

Medicine in the Bible and the Talmud,

New York,

1977,

p.

198

PHILO

caused by the excess of one of the four bodily humours, phlegm, blood, yellow bile and black bile. The last named was perhaps added after the time of Hippocrates. Greek medicine tended to stress direction of wind, changes in temperature, type of water etc. because any one of these factors could be responsible for a change in the quantity/quality of a particular humour (or more than one) with the result that disease occurred in some part of the body. This theory of disease was prevalent at the time of Galen, the greatest physician after Hippocrates, and, in modified form, was the prevailing theory in the Middle Ages up until the 11th century. Along with the four humour theory and, partially as a result of it, diseases were largely classified by their symptoms. Malaria was described by the recurrences of fevers in the course of the illness. Since there was no "germ theory" to guide the choice of names for disease, classification by symptoms remained until fairly modern times. One thinks immediately of the English words "scarlet fever," "consumption" and "mumps" as descriptive of the symptoms of these diseases. 59 Although the classification of diseases by symptoms is found also among Jewish physicians at the time of Philo and later, the theory that eventually came to prevail was that the symptoms of all diseases were manifestations of internal changes in the tissues. This arose from the need according to Jewish law (based on Exodus 22.30) to examine slaughtered animals for disease and imperfection. The question is: what theory did Philo subscribe to? Considering the significance of humours in Hippocratic medicine, it is remarkable that Philo uses the technical term for humour xvv6~ only twice in his writings. in Legum Allegoriarum III 173 it is used as taste and in De Confusione 52 it means taste or flavor. In one place, in De Praemiis 145 Colson translates TtLKpoO
199

indeed referring to one of the four humours here. What is clear, however, is that he never uses xuv6t; as humour. The question remains: does he then subscribe to a theory of diseases that is partly the result of the examination of diseased tissues? We have already seen that, as a religious Jew, he saw disease as related to one's relationship to God and, as a Hellenistic philosopher, he saw healing in overcoming passion and developing virtue. he does not develop anywhere in his writings a theory of disease that one might call scientific. He does nonetheless connect the reason for the minute sanitary practices of the Mosaic code to the spread of diseases. In reference to the prohibition against the use of dead animal flesh {Exodus 22.30) he says: Further he forbade them to have anything to do with bodies of animals that have died of themselves or have been torn by wild beasts, the latter because a man ought not to be table mate with savage brutes and one might almost say share with them the enjoyment of their feasts of flesh; the former perhaps because it is a noxious and unsanitary practice since the body contains dead serum as well as blood; also it may be because the fitness of things bids us keep untouched what we find deceased, and respect the fate that which the compulsion of nature has already imposed. (Spec IV 119) Gro~ points out that Philo connects health to equality and disease to inequality. He traces this ultimately to Alkmaion. This is, according to Gro~, Philo's theory of what causes disease. 60 The passage in question reads:

J.

to6T~t;

For all that goes amiss in our life is the work of inequality, and all that keeps its due order is of equality, which in the universe as a whole is most properly called the cosmos, in cities and states is democracy, the most law-abiding and best of constitutions, in bodies is health and in souls virtuous conduct. For inequality, on the other hand, is the cause of sickness and vices. But since if one should wish to tell in full all the prai~es of equality and her offspring justice, it seems better to me to content myself with what has been said to awaken the memory in the lovers of knowledge and to leave the rest to be recorded in their souls, the holiest dwelling place for the jewels of God. (Spec IV 237)

This might be read Given the lack of 60

Gro~,

as the inequality of the four humours. evidence for these humours in Philo's

op.cit., p. 50 and p. 57.

200

PHILO

writings it is not likely that the humours are meant. Does Philo then mean the inequality of elements such as fire, water, air and ground? Once again, he does not tell us. I am inclined to think that he has used an old philosophical (and medical) theory to sharpen his point that equality (and justice) make for a healthy society and healthy individuals. My conclusion is that, though there is scant evidence, if any, that Philo subscribed to the humour theory of disease, it is also not clear that he adhered to a theory based on knowledge gained from the examination of tissues. He knows perhaps more than the Hippocratic-trained doctor about the origin of diseases but less than the Talmudic one. This is not surprising given the time period in which he lived. Philo's vivid description of medical conditions betrays a more than average interest in medical matters, especially when one takes into account his stress on spiritual healing. In his elaboration of the curses placed upon those who will not obey the Lord (Deuteronomy 28.22,27,28,35 and Leviticus 26.16) he says: Besides all this diseases of the body will overpower and devour each separate limb and part, as well as tearing the whole frame right through with hot fits, cold fits, wasting consumption, malignant scabs, jaundice, mortification, (inflammation, Cohn) of the eyes, ulcers suppurating and creeping till they spread over the whole skin, dysentery, disorders of the intestine, obstruction of the passages in the lungs so that the respiratio
I have underlined those terms which are not found in the Septuagint. Because of the construction of the passage with references from the Pentateuch it is hardly likely that Philo 61 The word for consumption ~aCoL~ used in Praem 143 is not found in the Septuagint text of Leviticus 26.16 although it is the equivalent of n9rno in the Masoretic text. Though this may argue in favor of Philo's knowledge of the Hebrew text it may also be that Philo had before him a text of the Proto-Lucianic revision of the Greek.

201

found the text in a Greek medical manual of his time. Gro~ notes that this is the only case that Philo gives of a properly clinical description of the course of an illness. 62 As in the above passage it is often possible in Philo to isolate a text, observing its inspiration from another source, but, at the same time, noting Philo's own contribution. A good example of this is found in De Specialibus Legibus I 212f where Philo speaks about the preservation offering of the fat, the lobe of the liver and the kidneys. The primary inspiration is Leviticus 3. However, in 219 Philo adds a description of the liver as lying high and being mirror-like which he takes out of Timaeus 71. The rest of his description is not to be found in Plato or Hippocrates: The fat is the richest part and acts as a protection to the inwards, serving as a covering and a source of richness to them and benefiting them by the softness of its contact .•• for the kidneys themselves are blood-coloured receptacles in which the moist off-scouring of the excrement is secreted and contiguous to them are the testicles which create the stream of semen. The lobe is a sample tribune from the most important of the inwards, the liver, by which the food is converted into blood and then being sluiced into the heart, is conveyed through the veins for the conservation of the whole body •• Now the liver has two properties: it acts both as a sifter and creator of blood.

(216-218) Given the interest of the philosophical schools in medicine, it is to be expected that some Greek medical terms would be used by philosophers. A rigorous study of medical terminology in Philo would have to show that his medical terminology was not also part of the vocabulary of the educated Alexandrian of the first century. Among the technical medical terms found in Philo is pLyo~ a word describing the chilled experience in malarial fevers. We find this word in Congr 165 bracketed in the Wendland edition and as an addition therefore to Kpvo~ which follows. We find it again in Praem 136 where it may simply mean the fever brought on by cold or possibly extreme cold and the suffering that brings. In Praem 143 Colson rightly translates it as "cold fits" in the context of diseases which devour the 62

Gro~,

illnesses.

op.cit.,

p.

60.

It seems more like a description of several

202

PHILO

body. In that instance Philo takes the term from Deuteronomy 28.22 where it is used in the singular. In Aet 38 Philo mentions ~eCoL~ consumption, a disease frequently mentioned in the Hippocratic collection. Philo uses the word in the sense of "wasting" which Colson interprets in his footnote as "each part or element feeds upon another. 1163 Melancholia IJ.EAcxyxoJ.Ccx in the Hippocratic collection and in the time of Philo was connected with the doctrine of the humours as explanation for diseases and also with the presence of certain forms of malaria. 64 In popular speech it was used for what is today termed "a nervous breakdown." Philo does not connect the term to the humours. Nor does he seem to use the term in its popular conception. Most of the time he seems to be describing melancholia in its modern psychological meaning or, in two instances, (Cher 69, 116) as the result of a form of malaria. In De Legatione he gives an account of what happened when the Jews of Alexandria were forced into one quarter of the city: For no sufficiency of room was obtainable, and the air was vitiated and lost all its life-giving properties through the respirations or, to give them their true name, the gasps of exp~r~ng men. Inflamed by these and heavily labouring under something like an attack of fever it injected hot and noisome breath through the mouth and nostrils, adding fire to fire, to use the proverbial phrase. For our internal parts as constructed by nature work at a very great heat and when the outside airs which ventilate them are fairly cool, the favourable combination keeps the organs of respiration in good order, but when the atmosphere changes to higher temperature and one stream of fire is added to another these organs are bound to get out of order. (Legat 125-126)

Philo uses the word (wTLKOV translated as life-giving properties. This is a physiological term of Erasistratus, an Alexandrian physician of the third century BCE. 65 The reference 63

Colson, Loeb IX, p. 211.

64

Jones, op.cit., lviii.

65 "Developing the idea of Empedocles that the nv£0flcx (a word used for both 'air' and 'breath' ) was distributed through the body by the bloodvessels, Erasistratus thought that 'blood and two kinds of pneuma are the sources of nourishment and movement. Blood is carried by the veins, which take it to the heart. Air is taken in by the lungs and passing thence to the heart becomes changed into the first pneuma, the vital spirit (nV£VflCX

203

to the atmosphere or air becoming hotter npoc; TO 9Ep1J.on:pov may also be a medical one since in Airs, Waters, Places 10 hot weather is said to raise the temperature of the body and cause fevers. Medical topoi, if not actual terms, are also found in Philo's analysis of dreams. He interprets the four wells dug by Abraham and Isaac (Gen 21.25; 36.19-23) to signify the four basic elements, earth, air, water and heaven and the four aspects of man's nature, body, senses, speech and mind (Somn I 14-24). "Philo's association of dream cosmology and physiology is a common device in diagnostic dream-analysis. Each well symbolizes a relation of macrocosm to microcosm." 66 Aside from terminology and topoi there are other indications of Philo's interest in and knowledge of medicine. For example, Philo describes pulse-taking which was uncommon in the first century though quite common in the Talmudic period. 67 The practice had indeed been popularized in Alexandria by Herophilus but it soon fell out of regular practice in medicine and was being used to measure rhythm in music. 68 Philo describes pulse-taking as the first thing doctors do in examining a patient: (The physicians) strip the wrappings off him and take hold of his hands and squeezing the veins mark carefully the pulsations to see whether they are heal thy. And often they draw up the undervest and make an examination to see whether the belly is over-loaded or the chest inflamed, or the heart beats irregular and then they apply the appropriate treatment. (Prov 2.17)

Philo also possessed a knowledge of the drugs used in medicine. We read of a "quadruple drug" in De Aeternitate in

(WTLKov) which is sent to the parts of the body by the arteries. carried by these to the brain, it is there changed to the second pneuma, the animal spirit (nvd)f.La lf>UXLKov) and distributed to the parts through the nerves which are hollow.'" E. Mary Smallwood, Philonis Alexandrini Legatio ad Gaium, Leiden, 1961, p. 216. Inner quote by A.J.D. Parteous, "Anatomy and Physiology" in the Oxford Classical Dictionary.

66 R.M. Berchman, "Arcana Mundi: Magic and Divination in the De Somniis of Philo of Alexandria," SBL Sem. Papers, 1987, Atlanta, p. 419. 67 Midrash Tel)illim 73,1 is an early witness to pulse-taking in rabbinic literature. 68

Neuburger, op.cit., p. 179.

204

PHILO

his refutation of the destruction of the world.

school

of

Boethus

concerning

the

Further they say that the methods of destruction are of three kinds, namely dismemberment, annihilation of the prevailing (or inherent) quality and amalgamation ... We have amalgamation in the quadruple drug used by physicians, for the properties of the substance collected vanish and the effect thus produced is one simple value of a special kind. (Aet 79)

In De Confusione 187 Philo mentions the components of the quadruple drug without telling us its use: "This is produced, I believe, by the combination of wax, tallow, pitch and resin." KT]po<; yexp K<XL <JT€ap K<XL nC TT<X PTJTLVT] TE, o L!-l<XL, OUVEA90VT<X T<XVTT]V anOTEAEL. Philo also emphasizes proper care in preparing exactly the right proportions of drug mixtures and the dangers that will result without such caution (De Ebrietate 184-185). Drugs alone are insufficient to effect a cure. The deportment and words spoken by the physician are much emphasized in Hippocratic medicine. Philo gives no rules for decorum but he stresses the need to encourage patients. (See Quest G 4. 45) There were, however, practitioners of medicine in Philo's day and long before him who gave encouragement and advice but little else. In Plato's Gorgias a dialogue is carried on by Socrates and Gorgias about rhetoricians in their day who knew very little but were nonetheless very persuasive in communicating their little knowledge about particular arts among them medicine (Gorgias 459f; cf. Pliny Nat His XXIX 3/6). 69

Philo seems to be grappling with a similar situation in his own day, probably because of the sophists' great interest in medicine. In De Congressu 53 he says: In the case of physicians what is called word-medicine is far removed from assistance to the sick, for diseases are cured by drugs and surgery and prescriptions of diet, but not with words; and so too in philosophy there are men who are merely word-mongers and word-hunters, who neither wish nor practice to cure their life, brimful of infirmities as it is, but from their earliest years to extreme old age contend in battles of arguments and syllables and blush not to do so. 69 According to Plato there were quacks who by their rhetorical passed for trained physicians.

skills

205

A key sentence to understanding this passage is found in Congr 46: "No knowledge is profitable to the possessors through the mere theory if it is not combined with practice." TJ yap oon:u npa~ew~ eewp(a ~LA~ npo~ ou&lv ~~EAO~ TOL~ ERLOT~~OOLV. Directly before the passage quoted above about the wordmongers and their word-medicine Philo refers to the skeptics "who spend themselves on petty quibbles and trifling disputes. " 70 nepl.. ~LKpa ~€vToL oo~Co~aTa TpL~6~evoL Kal.. YALoxpoAoyo0~evoL. Philo also criticizes theoretical medicine in De Agricultura 12-13. The word-mongers of Congr 53 are seen again in Quest G 3. 31 where Philo accuses them of knowing opinions but not truths. We can, then, summarize what Philo has to say on the subject of word-medicine: the mere power of words are insufficient to heal. Philo refers primarily to the philosophers but one wonders if he has in mind those who use magic incantations to heal. These he severely criticizes. 71 Philo, however, nowhere connects word-medicine 72 with magic. The only one with the power to heal is God Himself: For God, not deeming it meet that sense should perceive Him, sends forth His words Aoyou' to succour the lovers of virtue, and they act as physicians of the soul and completely heal its infirmity giving holy exhortations. (Somn I 69)

By "His words" Philo means here God's mediators. Aside from his knowledge of the scientific medicine of his day, Philo also exhibits knowledge of folk remedies of his day, and, for that matter, of much of human history. In De Aeternitate 63 he writes: "For the fruit of the olive heals the weariness of the body and that of the vine if drunk in 70 For an analogy of wisdom-seekers as medical theoreticians, see Deut 4344. 71 See Leg I 60: "Thus, knowing that the erring life of the multitude is greatly helped on its way into the wilds by the art of divination, he forbids them to use any of its forms and expels from his own commonwealth all its fawning followers, haruspices, purificators, augurs, interpreters of prodigies, incantators, and those who put their faith in sounds and voices."

72 The standard dictionaries list Galen as the first witness to the use of Aoy(aTpo' a physician only in words. (Libr. Propr. I 37b, Id. 15 159a) Passow lists Philo for AOYLOlTpELOl.

206

PHILO

moderation relaxes the violence of sorrow in the soul." o 1-1. 'Ev yap T~~ EAaCa~ Kapnb~ oWIJ.aTo~ K&f.laTov t5TaL, o &1: T~~ &f.ln€Aou no6El~ IJ.ETpCw~ ETILXaA~ Ta~ o~o&pa~ 6&vva~ ~ux~~ In De somniis I 251 he calls the "art of the trainer" CtAELTITLKT,v (gymnastics) "the sister art to that of the physician" Tl,v a&EA~T,v LaTpLK~~ TEXV~~ indicating the importance of gymnastics in maintaining good health in the Hellenistic world. There is far more material than I have mentioned here to support the contention that Philo had a medical background. Probably the most thorough analysis to date was done by J. Gro~ in 1930. To that study 73 I refer the reader. CONCLUSION

Philo, in spite of the homiletic purpose of much of his work, or perhaps because of it, never wanders far from his medical background. However one divides his works into political treatises, expositions on the Mosaic code, allegorical interpretation - one finds medical terminology and imagery. Philo was interested in many things, gymnastics and boxing among them. Terms from sports are found in his works but not in all his treatises and not with such frequency as with medical terms and imagery. 74 Did Philo practice medicine? He does not tell us. We do know that he writes against theoreticians who do not put their knowledge into practice, among them word-monger physicians. Nonetheless, Philo of Alexandria on the subject of healing is primarily concerned with spiritual healing, or healing of soul. Bodily healing and bodily health are means to achieve spiritual health and guard it once achieved. Philo shows himself indebted to his Greek philosophical background in indicating that the way to full spiritual health is the overcoming of passions and the acquisition of virtues. In light of this approach to spiritual health, the biblical 73

Gro~,

op. cit.

74 The medical tapas of the philosopher as doctor of the soul is found in the moralist literature of Philo's times. See J.T. Fitzgerald & L.M. White, The Tabula of Cebes, Chico, Cal. 1983, pp. 159f. Philo uses these images more frequently and give more medical details.

207

commandments which are expressions of the natural law are also ways to acquire virtue. The Therapeutae are the epitome of full spiritual healing. Since God is the source of all good He does not ordinarily intervene to bring illness upon man. Intermediaries fulfill that role. Sometimes illness is the result of sin. Sometimes it is sent by God to bring man to a higher state of spiritual health. If man through his own free will chooses evil there is the way back to God through repentance. Philo, then, preserves both the central teaching of the Hebrew Bible that God alone is the healer (Ex 15. 26) and the importance of repentance as the second in his list of virtues. Philo's worldview makes no room for evil spirits as the cause of illness. Illness that cannot be explained by sin is part of God's plan for perfecting man or the world. Finally, because God's providence is frequently expressed through mediators, he has no difficulty in seeing medical remedies and physicians as ways in which God ministers healing to His people.

JOSEPHUS

The background of Flavius Josephus is so well-known that it need not be repeated here, aside from a few details which may be relevant in examining his attitudes towards healing. Born into a distinguished priestly family in the year 37 or 38 CE. His experience of the three major Jewish sects, by his own description, led him to choose Pharisaism though he never appears as a propagandist for that doctrine most stressed by the Pharisees, namely, the resurrection of the dead n•nn o•mn. For reasons of appealing to his Greek-speaking and, largely, non-Jewish audience, he emphasizes the immortality of the soul (War II 154-158, Antiquities XVIII 18, hereafter Ant.). As a Pharisee, Josephus is concerned with halakhot although the interpretations he offers reflect in many cases a different tradition from that found in rabbinic writings. He is also a rich source for aggada. Further, as an historian with an apologetic purpose, he frequently mentions philosophy, remolds biblical figures into philosophers and even classifies the Pharisees, the Essenes and the Sadducees according to their respective attitudes toward fate El~ap~€v~ (Ant. XII 172-173) although this classification may come from another source and does not mean blind fate but (usually) providence.1 Josephus' worldview in so far as it pertains to healing reflects the tension commonly found in Hellenistic Judaism caused by a desire to preserve, indeed to illustrate, the Bible as a source of perennial truth and, at the same time, to make sense of the stories contained therein for the educated man of his day, a man influenced by various philosophies and by the need to see order in the universe.2

1 G. F. Moore suggests Nicholas of Damascus. "Fate and Free Will in the Jewish Philosophies according to Josephus," HTR 22 ( 1929) p. 383. For a discussion of the meaning of el~ap~€v~ see p. 371. 2 See especially G. MacRae's treatment in "Miracle in the Antiquities of Josephus," Miracles, ed. C.F.D. Maule, London, 1965, p. 130f.

209

The way in which Josephus presents his history and his stated intention, or purpose, are keys to understanding the extent of his acceptance of the biblical perspective on healing. Speaking about the Antiquities, he describes his purpose 3 which is similar to that of his model, the Antiquities of the Roman People by Dionysius of Halicarnus: But speaking generally, the main lesson to be learnt from this history by any who care to peruse it is that men who conform to the will of God, and do not venture to transgress laws that have been excellently laid down, prosper in all things beyond belief, and for their reward are offered by God felicity; whereas, in proportion as they depart from the strict observance of these laws, things (else) practicable become impracticable, and whatever imaginary good thing they strive to do ends in irretrievable disaster. (Ant. I 14) (Loeb translation throughout)

Josephus also explains the attitude he would reader to have as he reads the Antiquities:

like

his

Other legislators, in fact, following fables, have in their writings imputed to the gods the disgraceful errors of men and thus furnished the wicked with a powerful excuse; our legislator, on the contrary, having shown that God possesses the very perfection of virtue, thought that men should strive to participate in it, and inexorably punished those who did not hold with or believe in these doctrines. I therefore entreat my readers to examine my work from this point of view. For studying it in this spirit, nothing will appear to them unreasonable, nothing incongruous with the majesty of God and His love for man; everything, indeed, is here set forth in keeping with the nature of the universe; (Ant. I 22-24)

In these two citations Josephus tells us 1) that God's laws are given out of love and conform to the laws of the universe (similar to Philo), 2) the gods of the pagans, because of the misdeeds attributed to them, provide excuses for man's own evil deeds whereas 3) the one God of perfect virtue invites man to participate in that virtue by conforming to His laws. 4) Those who disobey these laws, no matter what good they may do, will experience disaster. Succinctly put:

3 Described as "ethical, providential theism" by F.G. Downing, "Common Grounds with Paganism in Luke and in Josephus," NTS 27, (1982) p. 546. Compare Ant. I 14 with Dionysius Ant. VI 62.

210

JOSEPHUS ... God, as the universal Father and Lord who beholds all things, grants to such as follow Him a life of bliss, but involves in dire calamities those who step outside the path of (Ant. I 20) 4 virtue.

Among these calamities are likely to be disease and ill health. Josephus writes about the punishments the Egyptians suffered largely because they refused to allow the Israelites to leave: Who has not heard tell of Egypt overrun with all manner of beasts and wasted with every disease, of the barren land, the failing Nile, the ten successive plagues, and how in consequence our fathers were sent forth under escort, without bloodshed, without risk, God conducting them as the future guardians of his shrine? (War V 383)

In considering what Josephus has to say about healing and in observing his attitudes toward medical knowledge we are fortunate to possess a large number of manuscripts which, for all of their variants and probable interpolations, reflect the thought of Josephus. His knowledge of Greek was quite good. The lofty heights to which his style soars at times may rightly be attributed to his assistants. But we have no reason to think that he did not know enough Greek to correct that which was not a proper expression of his thought. There is still no consensus on which biblical texts Joseph employed except that it is generally agreed that he used a Greek text for the historical books, a text with which he took many liberties. For the Hexateuch opinions range from a Greek text to a Semitic one. these opinions have been reviewed recently by L. Feldman. 5 Josephus' attitudes towards healing are best seen in the context of his treatment of miracles. In recent years the latter have been extensively examined by 0. Betz, 6 G. Delling, 7 4 For similarities in views on providence among Jews, pagans and Christians, see D. Rokeal)., Jews, Pagans and Christians in Conflict, Jerusalem, 1982, especially ch. 3 "On Providence." 5 "Flavius Josephus Revisited," ANRW II Principat 21.2, Berlin 1984, 79f. For a more extensive, though less up-to-date review see L. Feldman, Josephus and Modern Scholarship (1937-1980) Berlin, 1984, sec. 10, "Josephus' Paraphrase of the Bible," pp. 120-191. 6 o. Betz, "Das Problem des Wunders bei Flavius Josephus im Verg1eich zum Wunderproblem bei den Rabbinen und im Johannesevangelium," JosephusStudien, Gottingen, 1974.

211

and G. MacRae. 8 Portents have also been examined but these lie outside the scope of this work. Two statements characterize Josephus' attitude toward all miracles stem ultimately from the miracles. First, providence of God. They are the result of His power. MacRae expresses this: As a Jew, Josephus does not balk at accepting the miraculous wherever he encounters it because what he sees in it are God's rrpovoLO! and &uv~L~. But as a Hellenist, he does not hesitate to offer a pseudo-scientific or pseudo-philos~hical explanation as well wherever one comes easily to mind.

Second, in accepting miracles, Josephus shares the conviction of the majority of his contemporaries in the Hellenistic-Roman world. 10 That world would not, however, necessarily connect miracles with the providence of God. By connecting miracles with the providence of God, Josephus admits that God often uses human agents to accomplish his purposes. This is in contrast to the Hellenistic world where miracles were usually viewed as the work of the person who performed them by his own power. 11 Josephus sometimes amplifies a biblical account to stress God's working through a human agent. Where, for example, the biblical account of the sweetening of the water at Marah (Ex 15) has Moses simply crying out to God because of the bitter water, Josephus adds several details of his own. He therefore betook himself to prayer, entreating God to change that present evil property of the water and to render it drinkable. And, God having consented to grant that favour, he picked up the end of a stick that lay at his feet, cleft it in twain, lengthwise, and then, flinging it into the well impressed upon the Hebrews that God had lent an ear to his prayers and had promised to render the water such as they 7 G. Delling, pp. 291-309.

"Josephus und das Wunderbare," Novum Testamentum II

8

MacRae, op.cit.

9

Ibid., p. 142.

(1958)

10 Delling, op.cit., p. 294, more specifically referring to portents and prophecies says: "Zunachst ist festzustellen, da~ Josephus mit einer gro~en Anzahl seiner Zeitgenossen der hellenistisch-romischen Welt den fest ungebrochenen Glauben an Weissagungen und Vorzeichen teilt." 11

MacRae, op.cit., p. 136.

212

JOSEPHUS desired, provided that they executed His orders with no remissness, but with alacrity. On their asking what they must do to procure the ameliorization of the water, he bade those in the prime of life stand in a ring and draw, declaring that what remained after they had drained off the larger part, would be drinkable. So they set to work, and the water, belaboured and purified by these incessant blows, at length became good to drink. (Ant. III 6-8)

Josephus makes it clear that 1) Moses petitions God to make the water drinkable, 12 2) that God responds to the request by telling Moses what to do and 3) that Moses reminds the people that God has heard his petition. It may be argued correctly that Josephus rationalizes what takes place by finding a way to explain the wonder and that he does not use his most common word for miracle cr~~Etov. Nonetheless it should not be ignored that the water is made drinkable through the insight given to Moses because of his fervent entreaty. Josephus gives a rational explanation for many of the Biblical events which he describes, e.g., for the quails that settled in the camp of the Israelites (Ant. III 25) and for the miraculous hailstones mentioned in Joshua 10 (Ant. V 205-206). But Josephus does not view them as accidents of nature. Rather he sees them as examples of God's provident care in response to a specific need. 13 That need may be to show that God's power working through Moses is superior to that of the magicians of Egypt: "Indeed, 0 king, I too disdain not the cunning of the Egyptians, but I assert that the deeds wrought by me so far surpass their magic and their art as things divine are remote from what is human. And I will show that it is from no witchcraft or deception of true judgment, but from God's providence and power that my miracles proceed." (Ant. II 286)

12 The word lK£T£UW is better translated "approach as a suppliant" rather than "pray" although one may rightly argue that petitioning is a form of prayer. 13 Feldman notes with approval a remark of R. Grant (Miracle and Natural Law p. 184): "He rightly takes issue with Thackeray's statement that Josephus constantly expresses a non-committal attitude toward Biblical miracles; he even notes that in Antiquities 10.260 Josephus heightens the story of the lion's den in Daniel," Josephus and Modern Scholarship, p. 478.

213

God's provident care should be borne in mind when one comes across Josephus' use of the formula from Dionysius of Halicarnassus 1IEp"L JJ.EV ouv TOVTl>.N, we;; 00! EKCAOV, OUTW oKonECTwoav "But on these matters let everyone decide according to his fancy" (Ant. I 108). Josephus uses it after speaking of the great longevity of the ancients and after the parting of the Red Sea (II 348) as well as in several other places in the Antiquities. Some scholars explain the formula as an indication of Josephus' own doubts about the veracity of the account he is relating. But, it seems to me that a better explanation is given by L. Feldman (following G. MacRae) who says that it is "not an indication of skepticism but an expression of courtesy and tolerance intended for his pagan readers. 1114 Further Josephus does not always use the formula from Dionysius in instances where one might rightly expect it. The signs which affirm Moses' leadership (Exodus 4) are given as true without any hesitation. 15 It should be noted, however, that Josephus (also the LXX and the Latin of Josephus) does not mention that the hand was leprous nor that the leprosy was the cause of the color change: But God exhorted him to have perfect confidence, promising Himself to assist him and, when words were needed, to lend persuasion, when action was called for, to furnish strength; and He bade him cast his staff to the ground and to have faith in His promises. Moses did so, and, lo, there was a serpent crawling and coiling itself in spiral fashion and rearing its head as in defense against assailants; then once more it became a stick. Next He bade him put his right hand into his bosom: he obeyed and drew it forth white, of a colour resembling chalk; then it resumed its ordinary aspect. Receiving a further command to take of the water of a neighboring brook and pour it on the ground, he beheld it turned to the colour of blood. And while he marveled at these wonders, God exhorted him to be of good courage, to be assured that His mighty aid would be ever with him, and to use miracles to convince all men (said He) "that thou are sent by me and doest all at my command." (Ant. II 272-274)

14

15

Ibid., p. 479.

One difference from the biblical account is the description of Moses' hand as he drew it forth as the color of chalk TL'TtXv4J TTJV xpoav OIJ.OLCJN instead of snow 1'::to:J rnTl · ,IJ (LXX = WoE c xcwv). The Latin also has snow "velut coloris nivei."

214

JOSEPHUS

Perhaps the most important verse in the above account is the comment that miracles are to be used to convince all men that God has sent Moses. This faithfully conveys the intentions of the biblical author who urges that one sign follow another according to the response of the People (Ex 4.8-9). Moses the leader and prophet of the Israelites had his message and person confirmed as coming from God by signs and wonders. For Josephus prophecy and prophet are authenticated by miracles. He was not alone in this conviction. A.B. Kolenkow notes: The Greco-Roman world not only assumed that miracle and prophecy were signs of divine powers, it also shows them possessed by the same figures. Isis both heals and gives oracles (Diodorus Siculus 1.25) ... Empedocles says that people see him (Empedocles) as a god approach him for both oracles and healing (Katharmoi 112). 16

Josephus stresses the authentication of the prophet Isaiah in his account of the sign that Hezekiah will be healed of his illness. In the biblical account Hezekiah requests a sign that he will be healed. In Josephus' account the king requests a sign in order to believe that Isaiah is sent gy God (Cf. John 9.4). The sign, then, is not done as a display of a prophet's power. Rather, it confirms Isaiah as a prophet. When the prophet at God's command told him these things, he would not believe him because of the severity of the illness and because the news brought to him surpassed belief, and so he asked Isaiah to perform some sign or miracle in order that he might believe in him when he said these things, as in one who came from God. For, he said, things that are beyond belief and surpass our hopes are made credible by acts of like nature. When the prophet inquired what sign he wished to have performed, he asked him to cause the sun, which in declining had already cast a shadow of ten degrees in the house, to return to the same place and again cast one there. And, when the prophet exhorted God to show this sign to ... (Ant. X 28-29) 17 16 A.B. Kolenkow, "Relations between Miracle and Prophecy in the GrecoRoman World and Early Christianity," ANRW II 23.2, 1980, p. 1472. Cf. b. San. 98a where the disciples of Jose ben Kisma request a sign in order to believe his prophecies about the Messiah. 17 The motivation that Josephus gives for the extension of Hezekiah's life is not the scriptural one of the salvation of the city and for the sake of David, Hezekiah' s ancestor ( 2 Kg 20.6). It is rather for the sake of bearing sons to continue the Davidic line. (Ant. X 27) This reflects a

215

But to believe that Isaiah is sent by God can also be an expression of faith in God Himself. In the Mekilta (BeshallaQ 7, 124f) the phrase, "And they believed in the Lord and in His servant Moses" illl/D:::ll "::J ll 'I'Jl.P 1 (Ex 14. 31) is interpreted to mean if they believed in Moses, gal vahomer, (a minori ad majus) they believed in God. In the passage from Ant. X about Hezekiah and Isaiah, the word n&pcxoo~ov appears one time, OllJ-LEtov probably the most common word for marvel or miracle in the first century three times. It is used in Luke's Gospel 5.25 to describe the healing of the paralyzed man and the forgiveness of his sins. 0. Betz describes Josephus' understanding of OllJ-Letov as, "Es partizipiert an Gottes Macht und an Seinem die Geschichte lenkenden Plan, weil es in Gottes Auftrag geschieht. 1118 In the above passage Josephus makes no real distinction between OllJ-Le'lov and ncxp&oo~ov; perhaps he adds ncxp&oo~ov to impress upon his Greek readers the marvelous nature of the sign. In describing marvelous events Josephus shows no consistency in his use of terms. Thus Josephus can describe the parting of the Red Sea as an example of God's oVVCXJ-LL~ power and enL~eLcx divine appearance. Yet he describes a much less significant event such as the blinding of the Syrians through the prayer of Elisha and their subsequent deliverance to king Joram as a ncxp&oo~ov and a enL~eLcx (Ant. IX 57-60; 2 Kg 6.8-23). The striking of the rock by Moses at Raphidim (Ex 17) is also described as a ncxp&oo~ov. The event is said to have been foretold to Moses according to a writing in the Temple (Ant. III 38). Josephus places scant importance on the reaction of those who see the miracle performed (usually a reaction of amazement, awe, and admiration of the wonder-worker in Hellenistic stories). For Josephus the miracle confirms the prophetic wonder-worker and leads to belief in God who is the

,,:::n;

tradition in the Talmud (b. Ber. lOa) although according to the Talmud it seems that Hezekiah deliberately tried not to have children because they would not have turned out to be virtuous. 18

Betz, op. cit., p. 29.

216

JOSEPHUS

source of the true wonder-worker's power. 19 In relating the reaction of the people to Elijah's defeat of the priests of Baal, Josephus says: And, as he said this, suddenly, in the sight of the multitude, fire fell from heaven and consumed the altar, so that even the water went up in steam, and the ground became completely dry. When the Israelites saw this, they fell upon the earth and worshiped the one God, whom they acknowledged as the Almighty and only true God, while the others were mere names and invented by unworthy and senseless opinion. (Ant. VIII 342-343)

In view of our purpose of looking at healings, it is unfortunate that Josephus omits the healing of Naaman the Syrian and the healing of the son of the Shunemmite widow. He does give us his version of the account of the son of the widow of Zarephath. In the first biblical account the son of the Shunemmite widow is described as dead 20 (2 Kg 4.32) according to the Hebrew and fallen asleep according to the LXX KEKOL~Lcr~€vova a word which usually means dead. In the account of the son of the widow of Zarephath (1 Kg 17.17-24) it is not certain that the boy is dead. The verb used, applying to the action of the prophet is n•on'J for which we find eavaTGicraL in the LXX. From this or from some other text Josephus draws the conclusion that the boy appears to be dead &6!;aL VEKp6v (Ant. VIII 325) although the choice of TETEAEUTT]KOTO<;; a little further in the text would seem to indicate that the action (of dying) is completed. Josephus' choice of one account that is less clear about the death of the boy (revival of the son of the widow of Zarephath) may be an instance of wanting a story that would sound more credible to his readers than one which was about a restoration to life. It is surprising that in relating this account Josephus uses none of his usual words for miracle OT]~E'lov, napa&o!;ov or ETIL~ELa despite the fact that the prophet's words are confirmed through the action of healing or raising the son to 19 Josephus may well mean that to believe in the prophet is to believe in God. Mekilta Beshallab 7, 124f. understands Ex 14.31 "and they believed in the Lord and in his servant Moses" to mean that having faith in Moses is to have faith in God. 20 In verse 32 no might otherwise be read as a present participle, thus, the boy on the bed dying were it not for nlD'l in verse 20.

217

life. "Then the mother thanked the prophet and said that she a clearly realized that the Deity spoke with him." 'I'J o' EuxapLOTEL T0 npo~~T~ Kal TOTE oa~w~ rAEYE ~E~a8~K€vaL ~TL TO 8ELOV aUT~ OLaAeyETaL (Ant. VIII 327). Josephus does include accounts of Abraham and Sarah in Egypt in the presence of Pharaoh (Gen 12) and Abraham and Sarah in Gerar in the presence of Abimelech (Gen 20) although he omits the account of Isaac and Rebecca in the presence of Abimelech (Gen 26). He follows a rabbinic custom attested in Genesis Rabbah 41.2 of reading Gen 12.10-20 in the light of Gen 20.1-18 and uses material from Gen 26 without commenting on it directly. T.W. Franxman gives a detailed analysis of the way in which Josephus weaves elements from the three texts together in his two accounts. 21 In neither account does Josephus portray Abraham as working a healing. In Ant. I 160f not only is the Pharaoh afflicted by disease but disturbances of some sort have broken out in his realm. Thackeray translates oT&oE L TWV npay!J.&Twv as "political disturbance." The Latin has "tumultu causarum." Perhaps this is a dramatic note. Josephus, following the biblical account, omits all mention of the prayer of Abraham found in Philo's De Abrahamo 93-95 and in the Genesis Apocryphon XX. Josephus shows no interest in portraying Abraham as a healer. Rather, he wants to show that during Abraham's stay in Egypt he introduced wisdom to the Egyptians and most especially arithmetic and astronomy (cf. Artapanus fragment in Eusebius Praep. Evang. IX 18). This is in line with Josephus' apologetic purpose of portraying the virtues, contributions and strengths of biblical figures such as Abraham, Moses and Saul to counteract the antisemitism among the intelligentsia of his time. 22 In the biblical account of Abraham at Gerar, Abraham prays for Abimelech who in turn is healed of his impotency as his wife and household are healed of their barrenness (Gen 20.17). In Abimelech' s dream he is told by God that Abraham is a prophet and can intercede on Abimelech's behalf (v. 7). 21 T.W. Franxman, Genesis and Josephus, Rome, 1970, pp. 129-178.

the

"Jewish

Antiquities"

of

Flavius

22 See L. Feldman, "Josephus' Protrait of Saul," HUCA LIII (1982) pp. 4599 and "Abraham the General in Josephus," Nourished with Peace, Chico, Cal., p. 1984.

218

JOSEPHUS

Surprisingly Josephus does not take this reference to Abraham as a prophet to have Abraham's calling confirmed by his working a miraculous sign. He does amplify the biblical account by telling us that the physicians had despaired of Abimelech' s life. It is solely the intention of Abimelech to restore Sara to Abraham which causes Abimelech's recovery. But he (Abimelech) was restrained from his lustful intent by a grevious disease inflicted upon him by God; the physicians had already despaired of his life, when he saw in his sleep a vis ion (admonishing him) to do no outrage to the stranger's wife; and, beginning to recover, he told his friends that it was God who had brought this malady upon him to vindicate the rights of his guest and to preserve his wife from violence, since it was not his sister that accompanied him but his lawful wife, and that God promised to show himself gracious hereafter, were Abraham reassured concerning his wife. (Ant. I 208)

Subsequently, Josephus informs us that Abraham agrees to stay in the region a while longer in order to show that his presence did not cause the king's illness (I 211). Abraham and Abimelech make a covenant with each other to seal their good relationship. From either of these accounts we may conclude little about Josephus' attitudes toward healing. He did not choose to mention praying or healing in either account. Undoubtedly he thought there was no apologetic value in portraying Abraham as a healer. The same may be said about his portrayal of Moses. He omits the story of the bronze serpent (Numbers 21). For other clues to Josephus' attitudes toward healing we now turn to his knowledge of the scientific and fold medicine of his day as well as his references to doctors. The last systematic study of medicine and medical terminology in Josephus to be published was that done by Max Neuburger in 1919 who admitted at the time that it was not an exhaustive study. 23 Recognition of medical terminology and descriptions of medical conditions were not, however, the basis for the legend that persisted in the Middle Ages that Josephus was a physician. Found in the work of Landolfus Sagax (ca. 1000) entitled Additamentum ad Pauli Historiam Romanam, the legend is much older though not of first century origin. In the 23 H. p. 3.

Neuburger,

Die Medizin in Flavius Josephus,

Bad Reichenhall,

1919,

219

account in the Additamentum Josephus suggests the correct cure for Titus's swollen right leg, a condition attributed to Titus's excitement upon hearing that his father Vespasian had been made emperor. 24 Josephus, like Philo, displays an interest in medical remedies and shows some acquaintance with medical terminology. Unlike Philo, Josephus, who avoids allegory, seldom relies on imagery involving medicine or physicians. His attitude toward physicians is the first thing we shall consider. In his Life 404 we read that Josephus fell from a horse and suffered a fractured wrist which is attended by a physician. He later receives additional medical treatment at Tarichaeae. Josephus himself, then, went to a wound healer when he needed one. In Ant. XIX 157 Josephus praises a physician by the name of Alcyon for pretending to treat patients so as to remove them from the political danger that threatens their lives. In Ant. VII 343 it is physicians who advise that a beautiful virgin be selected to sleep next to the aged King David to keep him warm whereas in the biblical texts David's servants give the recommendation ( 1 Kings 1.115). The successful cure is thus attributed by Josephus to the prescription of the physicians. As a general rule, however, Josephus is quick to point out the vices of physicians of his day. They are frequently the suppliers of poison to be used against one's undesirable relatives: The king (Antipater) then applied torture to the mother and brother of Antiphilus, who both confessed that Antiphilus had brought the box from Egypt and asserted that he had procured the drug from another brother, a doctor in Alexandria. (War I 598)

Herod's brother Phasael, after unsuccessfully attempting suicide, has poison applied to his wound by a doctor and dies (War I 272 and Ant. XVIII 369). 24 For the story as an early example of Vindicta Salvatoris legends and its relationship to the account of Johanan ben Zaccai healing Vespasian (b. Gittin 56b) see the recent contribution of H. Schreckenberg, "Christliche Wirkungsgeschichte seines 'Bellum Judaicum:' Josephus als Arzt" in ANRW II 21.2 Berlin, 1984, pp. 1172f. For earlier research see H. Levy, "Josephus the Physician," Journal of the Warburg Institute I (1937-1938) pp. 221-242.

220

JOSEPHUS

In his treatment of various laws Josephus gives us a law concerning poison which does not appear in the biblical text: Poison, whether deadly or of those designed for other injurious ends, let no Israelite possess; if one be caught with it in his keeping, let him die, undergoing the fate that he would have inflicted on the intended victims of the drug. (Ant. IV 279)

Thackeray, possibly following Ritter, suggests as the closest biblical parallel to this passage Exodus 22.18: "You shall not allow a sorceress to live," because Philo in treating that passage mentions poison (De Legibus III 93-94) . 25 H. Weyl gives another, and, in my opinion, much better explanation. After noting that neither the Bible nor rabbinical writings mention such a prohibition of poison, he contrasts the frequency of its use in the Roman world to its infrequent use among Jews. 26 Roman law unsuccessfully forbade the use of poison or any very harmful medication. Since one of Josephus' purposes was to show that Jewish law was even more humane and higher than that of other nations, he included a prohibition not only of the use of poison but of its very possession. 27 In connection with physicians Josephus brings together two commandments (Exodus 21.18 and 20) exchanging the commandment pertaining to killing a free man with that pertaining to killing a slave: 28 In a fight without use of the blade, if one be striken and die on the spot, he shall be avenged by a like fate for him that struck him. But if he be carried horne and lie sick for several days before he dies, he that struck him shall go unpunished; howbeit, if he recover and hath spent much on his doctoring, the other shall pay all that he hath expended during the time of his confinement to his couch and all that he hath given to the physicians. (Ant IV 277)

Josephus understands the text of Ex 21. 19 to refer both to "unemployment compensation" and to physician's fees. Philo and the targums are witnesses for the comment in b. Baba Kamma 85a 25

Thackeray, Josephus II, p. 610.

26 H. Weyl, Die Jtidischen Strafgesetze bei Flavius Josephus, Berlin, 1900, p. 63. 27

Ibid., pp. 68-69.

28

Ibid., p. 57. See also Neuburger, op.cit., p. 13.

221

that from H~l' H~ll is derived the permission for a physician to heal. Josephus, nonetheless, does not ignore the failures of physicians. In the account of Abraham before Abimelech, the physicians "had already despaired of his life" (Ant I 208). The death of Antiochus VI is brought about by incompetent medical aid although it is probable that Tryphon killed Antiochus VI in order to gain his throne and attributed the act to a surgeon who bled him (Ant. XIII 219). In the biblical account of the soothing of Saul's evil spirit, his servants express their concern that their master is tormented and suggest the employment of a man skilled in playing the lyre. In Josephus' account the servants who recommend the remedies are physicians as in the account of David's inability to keep warm (Ant. VII 343). Having initially failed to find the right remedy they now search for "one with power to charm away spirits and play upon the harp." Josephus omits telling us that the evil spirit was sent by God {1 Sam 16.23), follows the LXX in using €-rvvyEv (suffocated) instead of the Hebrew ln!lll:l (tormented him) and adds details which emphasize the medical details of the illness without denying the exorcistic aspects implied in the biblical text. Since at least the time of Pythagoras music had been used in medical treatment. 29 Other instances in which physicians are portrayed as failing to cure are frequently connected with the exercise of God's judgment on the sins of an individual. It may be part of the material Josephus inherited from Nicholas of Damascus. Their failure to cure Herod after the murder of Mariamme is a case in point: And none of the remedies tried was effective enough to help him; instead they had the opposite effect and finally brought him to the point where his life was despaired of. And all the physicians who surrounded him, partly because the illness did not yield to any of the medicines which they themselves applied, and partly because the king was in no condition to follow any regimen other than that which his illness forced upon him, thought it best to give him whatever he might be 29 Josephus' account strictly speaking, does not show the failure of physicians since they eventually find the right remedy. For the use of music in healing in Jewish sources see K.E. Grozinger, Musik und Gesang in der Theologie der frlihen jlidischen Literatur, Tlibingen, 1982, p. 166f.

222

JOSEPHUS moved to ask for, thus leaving to Fortune the faint hope of his recovery, which depended upon his regimen. (Ant. XV 245-246)

The medical knowledge of Josephus' source is evident in the detailed description of the final illness of King Herod: 30 But Herod's illness became more and more acute, for God was inflicting just punishment upon him for his lawless deeds. The fever that he had was a light one and did not so much indicate symptoms of inflammation to the touch as it produced internal damage. He also had a terrible desire to scratch himself because of this, for it was impossible not to seek relief. There was also an ulceration of the bowels and intestinal pains that were particularly terrible, and a moist, transparent suppuration of the feet. And he suffered similarly from an abdominal ailment, as well as from a gangrene of his privy parts that produced worms. His breathing was marked by extreme tension, and it was very unpleasant because of the disagreeable exhalation of his breath and his constant gasping. He also had convulsion in every limb that took on unendurable severity. Accordingly it was said by the men of God and by those whose special wisdom led them to proclaim their opinions on such matters that all this was the penalty that God was exacting of the king or his great impiety. (Ant. XVII 168-171)

Agrippa I like Herod met a particularly painful death for his impiety in not rejecting the acclamations of his flatterers that he was a god. (Cf. Acts 12.21-22). After seeing an owl and remembering that its appearance now was a portent of death (Ant. VIII 200) Agrippa experiences a sharp heart pain. Though he confesses that his flatterers have lied in calling him a god and though people pray for his recovery, Agrippa nonetheless dies five days later. (Ant. XIX 346-350) 31 catullus, the Roman governor of Libya, meets an end similar to that of Agrippa I as a result of his lies against the Jewish people. The moral is carefully pointed out by Josephus:

30 There is no agreement as to exactly what this illness was. A. Schalit summarizes different opLnLons, e.g., cirrhosis hepatitis (Neuburger), diabetes ( S. Muntner) and Y. Leibowitz' remark that "die von Josephus gegebene Schilderung der Krankheit des Heredes erlaubt keine prazise medizinische Deutung." Konig Herodes, Berlin, 1969, pp. 639-640. 31 L Feldman cites two theories about the cause of Agrippa' s death, peritonitis and poisoning by arsenic. See Josephus, Loeb IX, nt. d, pp. 379-381.

223

Catullus, on that occasion, owing to the lenity of the emperors, suffered nothing worse than a reprimand; but not long after he was attacked by a complicated and incurable disease and came to a miserable end, not only chastised in body, but yet more deeply deranged in mind. For he was haunted by terrors and was continually crying out that he saw the ghosts of his murdered victims standing at his side; and, unable to restrain himself, he would leap from his bed as if torture and fire were being applied to him. His malady ever growing rapidly worse, his bowels ulcerated and fell out; and so he died, affording a demonstration, no less striking than any, how God in his providence inflicts punishment on the wicked. (War VII 451-453)

The moral lesson, though meant first of all for Apion who died of gangrene, applies in fact to all of the above leaders: "A wise man's duty is to be scrupulously faithful to the religious laws of his country, and to refrain from abuse of those of others" (Apion II 144). Josephus, when not relying on his sources, does not always give medical details. In describing his enemy, John of Gishala's request to use the Tiberias hot springs, he gives no indication of what disorder John claimed: "John's envy was aroused and he wrote to me for permission to come down and to take the hot baths at Tiberias for the good of his health" (Life 85).

Very occasionally Josephus uses terminology connected with medicine or health to describe an event. In the account of Archelaus' appeasing of Herod's wrath, Josephus says: He had himself, he said, suffered much worse injury from his brother, but had preferred the claims of natural affection to revenge, for in kingdoms, as in corpulent individuals, there was always some member becoming inflamed from the weight which it supported; yet what it needed was not amputation but some milder method of cure. (War I 507)

In referring to disturbances in Jerusalem about 59-60 CE Josephus says: 32 "No sooner were these disorders reduced than the inflammation, as in a sick man's body, broke out again in another quarter." KcxT&OTCXAI-leV!AN o£ Kcxl. TovTwv W<Jnep f.v VOOOUVTL ot4J_cxTL nciALV ET&pov ~-tfpoc; ecf>.Aeyl-lCXLV&V (War II 264). Josephus' style approaches poetry as he describes Benjamin being brought to Joseph in Egypt: "healing their present grief 32 These expressions and images sound strikingly like Philo's descriptions especially in De Legatione 14-17.

224

JOSEPHUS

with hopes of a better future" IJ.ETa KpELTTonoc; t:AnCooc; TT,v tnl ToTe; napoucrL :Avn~v tW~J.e:voL (Ant II 119). Finally we should note that Josephus describes psychological illnesses. In his description of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, he omits the details of the physical illness, one symptom of which was "worms" (2 Maccabees 9) and focuses instead on the madness of the king (Ant XII 9). In his portrayal of Herod, although it may not be possible to agree on the medical diagnosis of Herod's fatal illness, Josephus describes well Herod's insanity and his paranoia which intensified in the course of his life. 33 The suffering of the Libyan official Catullus is also portrayed as the result of psychological illness. He is clearly deranged (War VII 451453).

FOLK MEDICINES AND EXORCISM IN JOSEPHUS

Josephus' knowledge of the folk medicines of his day is well documented by M. Neuburger. 34 In describing the area around Jericho he first tells us his version of the account of Elisha causing the water to become fruitful, reversing its previous effect of causing barrenness. This he does not simply through prayers but through some type of scientific means no:A:A& npocrxe:Lpoupy~crac; (War IV 464). Thackeray translates the expression as "by various ritual ceremonies." As a result of the change in the water, the date-palms possess "medicinal properties" nap~yopCaLc; oLCX<j>opa (468) . 35 The bitumen cxcr<j>cxATOt; of the nearby Dead Sea which Josephus calls ALIJ.~V T~c; 'Acr<j>cxATLTooc;, Lake Asphaltitis, is "useful not only for caulking ships, but also for the healing of the body, forming an ingredient in many medicines." Kal XP~OLIJ.Ot; o'E ou IJ.OVOV e:tc; &p1-1.ovCac; ve:Glv &:A:Aa Kal np6c; cxKe:crLv crt41
33 See A. Schalit, "Der Wahnsinn des Heredes," op.cit., p. 605£. and Y. Leibowitz' observation that Herod suffered from paranoia toward the end of his life and exhibited other symptoms of psychological illnesses earlier in life. Schalit, ibid., p. 639. 34

Neuburger, op.cit., pp. 67-70.

35 See the notes of 0. Michel and 0. Bauernfeind, De Bello Judaico III, Mtinchen, 1962, pp. 226-227 on the value of these palm trees and other remedies.

225

~p~aKwv napa~CoyeTaL (481). In the same section Josephus mentions balsam and honey, presumably also for medicinal use. Josephus' choicest description, however, is reserved for the Baaras plant which many commentators have identified as the mandrake. 36

Flame-coloured: and towards evening emitting a brilliant light, it eludes the grasp of persons who approach with the intention of plucking it, as it shrinks up and can only be made to stand still by pouring upon it certain secretions of the human body. Yet even to touch it is fatal, unless one succeeds in carrying off the root itself, suspended from the hand. Another innocuous mode of capturing it is as follows. They dig around it, leaving but a minute portion of the root covered; they then tie a dog to it, and the animal rushing to follow the person who tied him easily pulls it up, but instantly dies - vicarious victim, as it were, for him who intended to remove the plant, since after this none need fear to handle it. With all these attendant risks, it possesses one virtue for which it is prized; for the so-called demons - in other words, the spirits of wicked men which enter the living and kill them unless aid is forthcoming - are promptly expelled by this root, if merely applied to the patients. (War VII 181-185)

Narcotic and poisonous effects have long been attributed to the mandrake. Josephus shows himself familiar with the poisonous effects of the least one variety of the mandrake (probably the 1-n 1,) which could be avoided by magic. In some parts of the Mediterranean extracts from mandrakes are still used for medicinal purposes. 37 Josephus goes on to speak of the healing properties of the hot and cold springs of the area: "These when mixed provide a most delightful bath, possessing general medicinal properties, but particularly restorative to the sinews. a'( ~Loy6~evaL TIOLOUOL

AOUTpov

llOLOTOV

~aALOTa vevpwv aKeOLV

naLWv LOV

Te

VOOT)~aTWV

I

TIOAAQ

oE

{War VII 189).

36 Ibid., p. 108. See also Ricciotti, Flavia Giuseppe IV, Turin, 1963, p. 257. 37 For a general discussion of the narcotic, aphrodisiac and poisonous effects of mandrake plants see "mandragorus" in Pauly Wissowa. For the dangers in digging the root to be avoided by magic see Pliny Nat. Hist XXV 148 and j. Shab. 6. 2 wherein it is forbidden to recite biblical verses while uprooting the mandrake. Maimonides in his Guide for the Perplexed 3.21 mentions superstitions about the mandrake plant. For other plants with deadly effects mentioned in the aggada see S. Rappaport, Agada und Exegese bei Flavius Josephus, Wien, 1930, p. 70.

226

JOSEPHUS

Josephus' interest in the root of the Baaras plant is primarily in its healing or exorcistic property. It is likely that he wants to tell us that this is one of the roots prescribed in the Solomaic healing books and that this is the root Eleazar used to cure a possessed man and thereby enhance the reputation of Solomon. It is interesting to note that the exorcism takes place in the presence of Vespasian to whom Tacitus attributes healing power. In Tacitus, however, Vespasian' s servants arrange the demonstration of healing to strengthen Vespasian's claim to supreme power. 38 I have seen a certain Eleazar, a countryman of mine in the presence of Vespasian, his sons, tribunes and a number of other soldiers, free men possessed by demons, and this was the manner of the cure: he put to the nose of the possessed man a ring which had under its seal one of the roots prescribed by Solomon, and then, as the man smelled it, drew out the demon through his nostrils, and when the man at once fell down, adjured the demon never to come back into him, speaking Solomon's name and reciting the incantations which he had composed. Then, wishing to convince the bystanders and prove to them that he had this power, Eleazar placed a cup or foot-basin full of water a little way off and commanded the demon, as it went out of the man, to overturn it and make known to the spectators that he had left the man. And when this was done, the understanding and wisdom of Solomon were clearly revealed, on account of which we have been induced to speak of these things, in order that all men may know the greatness of his nature and how God favoured him and that no one under the sun may be ignorant of the king's surpassing virtue of every kind. (Ant. VIII 46-49)

Josephus in relating the story about Eleazar the exorcist indicates his own belief in exorcism as a means of healing. He tells us nothing about the way in which the possession manifested itself although in his description of the Baaras plant he defines demons as "the spirits of wicked men which enter the living and kill them unless aid is forthcoming. n 39 Josephus, unlike some of the ancients, did not believe that all illness could be cured by exorcism or that it was related to demons. Otherwise we would expect to find demons mentioned in the other accounts of illnesses he gives us. We have 38

Histories IV, 81.

39 For the same belief see Kohelet Rabba 3,21 and other references given in Rappaport, op.cit., p. 70f.

227

already seen how frequently he connects illness with sin. What we lack in Josephus are accounts of sick people who repent and are healed of their illnesses. The second purpose of the demonstration of exorcism before Vespasian is to elevate the figure of Solomon for his Greek audience. 40 Josephus wishes to stress the encyclopaedic knowledge of Solomon for his over-all apologetic purposes. 41 After describing Solomon's skills as a poet and wisdom teacher who wrote parables, he says: There was no form of nature with which he was not acquainted or which he passed over without examining, but he studied them all philosophically and revealed the most complete knowledge of their several properties. And God granted him knowledge of the art used against demons for the benefit and healing of men. He also composed incantations by which illnesses are relieved, and left behind forms of exorcisms with which those possessed by demons drive them out, never to return. (Ant. VIII 44-45)

Traditions about Solomon are much expanded in the Testament of Solomon ( 3rd century CE) and are found in many other sources as well. 42 The effect of Eleazar's exorcism is indeed a cure but the release of the evil spirit is done less to bring the possessed to a better state of health than to enhance Solomon's reputation: And when this was done, the understanding and wisdom of Solomon were clearly revealed, on account of which we have been induced

40 L. Feldman gives evidence for Josephus modeling Solomon • s character after that of Oedipus. "Josephus as an Apologist," Aspects of Religious Propaganda in Judaism and Early Christianity, ed. E. Schltisser Fiorenza, Notre Dame, 1976, p. 8f. 41 For a discussion of the apologetic purpose historians see D. Rokeat, op.cit., p. 172f.

of

Jewish

Hellenistic

42 In Targum Sheni to Esther, Solomon is said to rule over the night demons 1 '';p J. Origen comments that demons are expelled with adjurations written by Solomon (Comm. on Matthew, Serm. 33, 110). In the Nag Hamadi "Testimony of Truth" IX,3 demons are said to have aided Solomon in building Jerusalem. The Paris Magic Papyrus contains an adjuration by the seal of Solomon. (P.G.M. 3007) D.J. Halperin has gathered other references to Solomon and the Book of Remedies in "The Book of Remedies, the Canonization of the Solomic Writings and the Riddle of Pseudo-Eusebius," JQR 72 ( 1982) pp. 269-292. See also D.C. Duling, "The Eleazar Miracle and Solomon's Magical Wisdom in Flavius Josephus • Antiquitates Judaicae 8. 42-49," HTR 78 (1985) p. 14f.

228

JOSEPHUS to speak of these things, in order that all men may know the greatness of his nature and how God favoured him, and that no one under the sun may be ignorant of the king' s surpassing virtue of every kind. (Ant. VIII 49)

The account of Eleazar before Vespasian is the only one Josephus gives us of the use of a root for healing/exorcism. But knowledge of roots and stones for the purpose of healing was characteristic of the Essenes: They display an extraordinary interest in the writings of the ancients, singling out in particular those which make for the welfare of soul and body: with the help of these, and with a view to the treatment of diseases, they make investigations into medicinal roots and the properties of stones. (War II 136)

Although Josephus does not tell us that the Essenes used the roots for exorcism, it is a reasonable conclusion. Similarly, it is reasonable to conclude as did Weill many years ago that Eleazar the exorcist was an Essene. We do not know how many other groups or sects in Judaism may have been using roots for the same exorcisticjhealing purposes. 43 In any case, the knowledge of roots and stones as well as the knowledge of the names of angels (War II 142) can be viewed as a type of white magic to be used against the black magic of the time, ailments caused by demons. 44 Philo in De Vita Contemplativa gives us his etymological explanation of the "healers" with whom he was familiar, the Therapeutae. Josephus, unfortunately, does not do the same for 43 In the Book of Watchers of I Enoch the leader of the fallen angels The physician Thessalus found in Alexandria a teaches the use of roots. work containing cures by means of stones and plants using the zodiac as a guide. The Wisdom of Solomon mentions Solomon 's knowledge of plants and roots in 7.20. The power of stones to ward off evil is mentioned in 18.2425. Pseudo-Philo 25.12 speaks of the stones of the Amorites that cure blindness. Berosus, a Babylonian priest of the 3rd century BCE did much research into the properties of plants and stones in connection with healing. Perhaps his work was known to the Essenes. Aside from their interest in plants and stones the Essenes worshipped facing the sun, greeting it as it arose (War II 128). This does not mean sun worship, but may imply using the therapeutic effect of the sun's rays, a value noted in b. Nedarim 8b and in Gen. Rabba 78.5. See also S. Kottek, "The Essenes and Medicine," Clio Medica (1983) p. 82f. 44 As long as no witchcraft was involved this was permitted according to later Talmudic sources. See L. Blau's article on "Magic" in the Jewish Encyclopaedia VIII, pp. 255-256.

229

the Essenes. Many scholars (Vermes, Mansoor, De Rosse, Gforer, Herzfeld, and others) have attempted to derive the name from the Aramaic 'isiin "healers" or 'aseya "healer." Feldman's comment on this derivation is germane: This etymology, however, we may comment, attractive, as it is, fails to account for the variant spellings 'EooacoL and 'Eoo~voc both of which are used by Josephus. 45

In his description of the Essenes, Josephus mentions their interest in healing, in the health of both body and soul (War II 136) and in the immortality of the soul (War II 154). In so doing he describes the soul as in the "prison house of the body" Wo-nEp dpK-rcxl'c; -rol'c; oW,....cxoLv. The life of the Essenes is a healthy one because of its simplicity and regularity (War II 151). 46 on the whole, Josephus in his writings despite his lip service to Greek philosophy here does not relegate physical healing to a role of minor importance in comparison to spiritual healing as does Philo. CONCLUSION

It is evident that Josephus accepts the basic biblical perspective on healing which connects healing with one's relationship to God. It is equally evident that healing comes from God even when its working calls attention to both the person effecting it (Eleazar) and to the person who is honored by the healing (Solomon). The form of the story told may sometimes be that of an Hellenistic miracle story, but Josephus is careful to attribute the knowledge required for healing to God himself: "And God granted him knowledge of the art used against demons for the benefit and healing of men" (Ant. VIII 45). Josephus seldom stresses the wondrous aspects of biblical "signs and wonders" and contributes little to our under45 L. Feldman, Josephus and Modern Scholarship, p. 589. see also J. Kampen, "A reconsideration of the Name 'Essene' in Greco-Jewish Literature in Light of Recent Perceptions of the Qumran Sect," HUCA LVII (1986) pp. 61-81.

46 Their way of life, then, promotes long life (100 years). This includes cold baths, fasting, diet and various hygenic practices.

230

JOSEPHUS

standing of his attitudes toward healing through his descriptions of the same. The wonderful elaboration of the story of Abraham and Sarah before Pharaoh in the Genesis Apocryphon is not found in Josephus. On the other hand, though he frequently gives rational explanations for biblical miracles including healing, he is careful to attribute these miracles to God's provident care, thus enhancing the desired response of faith in God, rather than raising doubts about what took place. 47 Josephus shows an interest in the connection of evil spirits to disease and illness. In this he reflects the attitudes of his time as seen in literature from Qumran and from the New Testament. It is even more evident in the Babylonian Talmud. The use of stones and roots to combat these evil spirits probably reflects a practice arising in Babylon. But, for Josephus, evil spirits are only one of the causes of illness. Josephus saves his most vivid . description of illnesses for those whose illnesses were caused by their grave sins. He may well take these descriptions from other sources but he includes them nonetheless. In describing illnesses Josephus exhibits an interest in the scientific side of medicine just as in writing about medicinal remedies such as honey, balsam, the Baaras plant, hot springs, etc., he shows a knowledge of folk medicine. In reality the two were not sharply distinguishable. Josephus' attitude toward physicians is not untypical of the ambivalence found in the Mishna wherein the best of physicians are consigned to hell (Kiddushin 4. 14) yet not a few rabbis were among the most prominent physicians of their times. 48 Given the age in which he lived, Josephus is conspicuously silent about the connection of healing with a future messianic age or with the working of miracles on the part of the Messiah. The so-called sign prophets (Ant XVIII 85-87; Ant. XX 167-168, War II 259, Ant. XX 188) may or may not have been messianic figures. Josephus calls them kings. All of them fail to work the signs they promised and none of these signs 47 For the Talmudic position on miracles see A. Guttmann, "The Significance of Miracles for Talmudic Judaism," HUCA XX (1947) p. 40lf. 48 For physicians mentioned in the Talmud and in early Christian and pagan sources see F. Rosner, Medicine in the Bible and the Talmud, New York, 1977, p. 13f. The Gemara (Kiddishin 82a) does not comment on the Mishna.

231

promised were healings. 49 Josephus predicts the election of Vespasian as emperor and speaks about his patron in glowing terms, though less so than does Tacitus. But Vespasian is not the expected Messiah, if indeed Josephus expected one at a11. 50 I leave out of consideration later interpolations into Josephus' writings such as references to Jesus. Josephus' main purposes in writing are historical and apologetic, the two intertwined. He does not write to comfort those under an oppressive rule (much of the pseudepigrapha), support a sectarian movement within Judaism (Qumran writings) or ratify the coming of the kingdom of God (New Testament). on the subject of healing he writes little directly. He was, after all, an historian, not a philosopher nor a theologian. But what Flavius Josephus writes indirectly about healing and the medical terminology and knowledge of folklore evident in his writings contribute a significant piece to the over-all mosaic of attitudes toward healing in the Second Temple period.

49 See P.W. Barnett, "The Jewish Sign Prophets A.D. tions and Origins," NTS 27, (1981) pp. 679-697.

40-70,

Their Inten-

50 See A. Scha1it, "Die Erhebung Vespasians nach Flavius Josephus, Talmud und Midrasch, Zur Geschichte einer messianischen Prophetie," ANRW II Principat 2, Berlin, 1975, pp. 209-213.

HEALING IN THE NEW TESTAMENT

INTRODUCTION There are more references to healing in the New Testament than in any other writing of the Second Temple period.l Within the framework of a work on healing in the entire Second Temple period it is not possible to consider all the questions this abundant New Testament material raises. In addition, the final editing of the New Testament takes place after the destruction of the Temple. The focus here is attitudes towards healing as revealed in the New Testament books in their present form. The same questions which were asked of the other literature in this work are asked here: 1) What causes illness? 2) What causes healing and 3) What are the means of healing? It is clearly beyond the scope of this work to deal seriously with questions of sources, historicity, provenance and authorship. In considering Luke's Gospel, for instance, our concern is what we can learn about the evangelists' attitudes toward healing from the way in which he describes healings, i.e., what he included and what he excluded. What Luke's sources maintain about healing and what the attitudes of Jesus or of the early Church towards healing were we do not attempt to probe.2 We have already seen that there were many attitudes towards healing and illness in the Second Temple period. U.B. Mueller expresses a common viewpoint in saying that the demonological understanding of illness prevailed at the time

1 There are more references to healing by Jesus' power than there are references to or accounts of other wonder-workers in Hellenistic, Roman or rabbinic literature. M. Smith notes: "The Gospels contain well over 200 items about Jesus that directly involve something miraculous ... Comparable items in Philostratus' Life of Apollonius number but 107, in the Pentateuch's stories of Moses, 124, in the stories of Elisha in II Kings, 38." Jesus the Magician, San Francisco, 1978, p. 109. 2 This focus differs from those studies which are primarily interested in the meaning of wonder or miracle.

233

of the New Testament. 3 He cites the Book of Jubilees, Greek Baruch and rabbinic writings which attribute illnesses to demons. How accurately the Book of Jubilees or a second century work such as Greek Baruch represent attitudes of first century Judaism is disputable. As to the rabbinic writings two observations must be made. First, it would be more accurate to say that specific illnesses are related to specific sins (cf. b. Shabbat 33a) with demons playing an intermediate role than to say that demons are the cause of illnesses. Second, the demonology of the Babylonian Talmud written centuries after the New Testament should not be read back into the first century. There are, for example, only two references to demons in the Mishna: Pirke Aboth 5.6 and Shabbat 2.5. 4

TERMINOLOGY Three terms designate the deeds which arise out of Jesus' exercise of authority e~ouo(a. These are OVV~L~ power, o~~ELOV sign and T€pa~ wonder. Jesus' e~ouo(a is exercised in different ways and is not restricted to formal teaching authority n1~, as D. Daube suggests. 5 The word ovv~L ~ is usually translated as power in the singular and as mighty works in the plural. 6 It connotes energy or power and from that comes to mean the act that flows from that power. Because Jesus has the power of the Spirit, he exercises that power in doing the mighty works of God (Lk 4 .14).

3 K. 109f.

Seybold

&

U.B.

Mueller,

Sickness

and Healing,

Nashville,

1981,

p.

4 The reference to the demons being created on the eve of the sabbath is not, however, in all the texts of Pirke Aboth 5.6. The reference in Shabbat 2. 5 to a ;nn m I which the commentator connects to melancholy was kindly pointed out to me by David Flusser. 5 D. Daube, The New Testament and Rabbinic Judaism, London, 1956, p. 206. Jesus teaches with authority (Lk 4.32; Mt 7.29). He has authority to forgive sins (Mt. 9.6; Mk 2.10; Lk 5.24). Jesus gives authority to his disciples. That authority includes casting out unclean spirits. (Mt 10.1; Mk 3.15, 6.7; Lk 9.1). 6 H. Van der Loos discusses the Hebrew Miracles of Jesus, Leiden, 1965, p. lBlf.

equivalents

of

oUVaf.LL c;

in

The

234

NEW TESTAMENT

The word o~~ELOV sign usually denotes something extraordinary. It is often associated with eschatological events such as judgment and the coming of the Son of Man (Lk 11; Mt 12 & 24; Mk 13) but can also refer to a miracle of healing as in Acts 4.16 and in John 4 and 9. The purpose of o~~E1ov used frequently in John's Gospel is given in Jn 20.3031, namely to lead to faith in Jesus and to life in him. Closely connected with sign is the third term for wonder T€pcxc;. The term also means portent in Greek. It means wonder when it refers to a sign of Jesus or of false prophets. In the dialogue with the official at Capernaum Jesus says to the official: "Unless you see signs and wonders you will not believe." f.cxv ~~ o~~e1cx Kcxl. T€pcxTcx '(o~TE ou ~~ nLoTevo~TE. In his sermon on the first Pentecost in the Acts, Peter uses all three terms ovv~Lc;, o~~E1ov and TEpcxc; synonymously (Acts 2. 2 2) . H. Remus has recently shown that the three terms are frequently synonymous not only in the NT but also in classical Greek usage (Iliad and Odyssey, e.g.), in Plutarch who writes contemporaneously with the writing of the NT and in Origen. 7 From these words which describe wonder, we turn now to words which describe illness and healing. 8 The most common word for illness in the NT is v6ooc;, a word which has meant illness at least since the time of Homer. It is often used in combination with &oe€veLcx meaning weakness brought on by illness. In that case it is translated as infirmity. 9 Similar in meaning to ao9EVELO! is the word appwoToc; which also emphasizes the helpless state that illness often brings upon one (see Mt. 14.14) as does the word ~AcxK(cx (Mt 4.23; 9.35; 10.1). The word ~aOTL~ originally meaning whip or scourge (thus Acts 22.24) came to be used metaphorically for plague, hence a particularly serious or incurable illness such as that of the woman with the hemorrhage. (Mk 5.29, 34; cf. Mk 3.10; Lk 7.21) The word KO!KOc; for bad or evil aptly describes illness of mind and body, thus, sick with various diseases ot KO!KWc; 7 H. Remus "Does Terminology Distinguish Miracles," JBL 101 (1982) pp. 531-551. 8

Early

Christian

from

Pagan

See Vander Laos' discussion of these terms, op. cit., p. 101f.

9 It can also be used metaphorically as in weakness of faith (Rom 14.1), weakness of character (Mt 26.41) or even poverty (Acts 20.35).

235

exovn:c; (Mk 1.34; see also Mt 2.17). Finally the verb K6j..Lvw occurs once (James 5.15) where it means very ill. The most common word in the NT to describe healing is 9t:pamt:vw and its noun form 9t:pc:mt:Ccx. 10 Somewhat less frequently used than 9t:pcxnt:vw and 9t:pcxnt:Ccx (46 times) is t&o~cxL and its noun form r~cx for healing (28 times). In the NT the terms are interchangeable. Even within the same account they are used to describe healing, for example, in Matthew's account of the centurion's servant at Capernaum, 8. 5-13 . 11 A third word which is used to describe healing, especially in the sense of making whole or restoring is uyLcxCvw or uyL~c;. It is used in John to relate the healing of the paralytic at the pool of Bethesda (5.9) . 12 A fourth word to describe healing is ow(w or OLCXOW(W a word meaning in the NT to rescue, to save, to make well or to deliver. In some instances, then, it refers to physical healing, in others to spiritual healing or the advent of salvation. In the accounts of the raising of Jairus' daughter and the healing of the woman with a hemorrhage Mark uses it 3 times (5.23, 28,34). EXORCISMS AND HEALINGS

Both healing and exorcism are exercises of ovv~Lc;, power. G. Theissen's remarks are apropos in distinguishing between exorcisms and healings: The mere absence of demonological motifs is not a distinctive feature of healings as opposed to exorcisms; what is distinctive is that the motifs of conflict are replaced by images of the transmission of a healing power. Both sorts of miraculous act, exorcisms and healings are the exercise of a numinous power. The distinction is a matter of emphasis: In exorcisms this power triumphs aggressively; the mysterium tremendum predominates. In healings the dominant aspect is the 10 eepomeuw is used once to mean worship (Acts 17.25). twice to mean household (Mt 24.45; Lk 12.42).

eepomeCa is used

11 Both terms eeparreuw and tao~aL describe exorcisms and healings. In the account of Jesus healing multitudes by the sea, Matthew mentions ( 4. 24) people healed by Jesus (eeeparreuaev). He includes demoniacs and epileptics. Luke in the parallel account uses tao~aL for the diseases and eepomeuw for the exorcism (6.18). 12

See also Jn 7.23; Mt 5.34, 12.13, 15.31.

236

NEW TESTAMENT

mysterium fascinosum, of refusal and rejection. 13

course

revealing

its

other

side,

When Theissen says that in exorcisms power triumphs aggressively, that should not be taken to mean that every exorcism is a pitched battle. In the Lucan account of the healing of Peter's mother-in-law (ch. 4) Jesus rebukes the fever as if the fever denotes the presence of a fever demon. He does not, however, forcefully or dramatically "cast it out." The action of the demons's leaving is described as E~EPXO~aL a coming or going out (Mt 17.18; Mk 9.25-26). In the account of the Gerasene demoniac uy&yw to depart is used to express the command of Jesus to the demon (Mt 8.32). A preposition which is used to express the freeing from the realm of demons which takes place in exorcisms is &no used frequently by Luke (discussed there). The most common word, however, associated with exorcism in the NT is the word EK~aAAw, a word with a long history of different shades of meaning in the Greek language (see Stephanus, Thesaurus Graecae). Its use in NT exorcisms can mean to "cast out" or "expel" by force as in the case of the saying about Beelzebul casting out demons (Lk 11.14, 15, 18, 19, 20; Mk 3.22; Mt 12.24, 26, 27, 28). But it can also mean to send or lead away without force implied. In Hebrew the difference would be expressed by two separate verbs ~llJ and H'~lnJ. Translations of EK~aAAW as expel or cast out are misleading. An exception is, of course, made when the context demands otherwise as in Mt 9. 3 8, the "sending out," surely not "casting out" laborers into his harvest. An example of a questionable translation of EK~aAAW is in Mt 9.32-33 where a demon is said to be cast out of a dumb man who is possessed. No force, not even rebuke is mentioned. We cannot say that Jesus entered into battle with the demon; he may have simply dismissed him. 14 In general, however, we may conclude that the language chosen, rebuking, casting out, sending away, freeing from, indicates in the 13 G. Theissen, The Miracle Philadelphia, 1983, p. 90.

Stories

of

the

Early

Christian

Tradition,

14 D. Flusser pointed out to me the shades of meaning of EK~aAAW which he sees as reflecting earlier and later stages in the redaction of the text with the use of EK~aAAW expel with force in the later stage.

237

exorcisms a release from another power and not simply a restoration to good health. Nevertheless, the language alone 15 is not a sure guide to distinguishing exorcism from healing. Exorcism techniques must also be observed such as in the story of the cleansing of the leper (Lk 5.12-16; Mk 1.40-45; Mt 8.1-4) and in the Lucan summary of healing at sunset which blurs the distinction between exorcism and healing and gives the impression that demons came out of people as a result of the praying with the laying on of hands. (Lk 4. 40-41) The matter of whether an exorcism takes place or not is best seen in the context of each gospel.

15 Vander Loos, op.cit., p. 363f. distinguishes between the exorcisms and the healings on the basis of salutations and titles applied to Jesus. He notes that "ordinary" sick people address Jesus as "Lord" or as "Lord, Son of David" (Mt 8.8, 20.33 e.g.) and that the demons themselves salute Jesus as "Son of God" (Mt 8.29), "Jesus of Nazareth" or the "Holy One of God," (Lk 4.34) and "son of the Most High God" (Mk 5.7). The Canaanite woman's daughter is, however, no "ordinary" sick person. She is described as severely possessed by a demon (Mt 15.21). The story appears to be an exorcism at a distance as is found in Hellenistic literature and the magical papyri. Cf. M. Smith, op. cit., p. 225. The Canaanite woman calls Jesus, "Lord, Son of David."

LUKE

We begin this study of healing in the gospels not with the Gospel of Matthew but with Luke. Luke in his two volume work has far more healing material than any other evangelist or New Testament writer.

JESUS THE PROPHET MIGHTY IN DEED AND WORD BEFORE GOD AND ALL THE PEOPLE The fourth chapter of Luke's Gospel is an important key to understanding Luke's attitude toward miracles and healing works. Jesus, who is prophetically anointedl with the Spirit of God at his baptism, overcomes the temptations of the devil in the wilderness (4.1). Through these temptations the devil puts God to the test (4.12; cf. Deut 6.16). Before introducing Jesus' ministry in Galilee, Luke emphasizes that the Spirit accompanies Jesus (v. 14). The first manifestation of that Spirit within Jesus is in teaching (v. 15) though it is clear from v. 23 that healing is also included. In the course of his teaching in the Nazareth synagogue Jesus quotes the words of Isaiah 61.1-2 and 58.6 from the LXX text: The Spirit to preach release to to set at acceptable

of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim the captives and recovering of sight to the blind, liberty those who are oppressed, to proclaim the year of the Lord. (4.18-19)

Jesus has come as the fulfillment of these words (v. 21), the implication of which escapes those gathered in the synagogue. When he tells them that no prophet is acceptable in his own native place and cites Elijah and Elisha as examples of 1 J. Thornhill sees the three references to the anointing of Jesus in Luke's writings (Lk 4.18; Acts 4.27; 10.38) as pointing to the anointing at Jesus' baptism and not as a later theology would have it "as the anointing of his humanity with the divinity through the Incarnation." "Prophetic Anointing," Pacifica 1.1 (1988) p. 77.

239

prophets who worked no healings in Israel, he so angers the congregation that they want to kill him. But he escapes and returns to Capernaum. In Capernaum as in Nazareth he teaches on the sabbath, a teaching described as with authority f.v f.~ouoC91 (v. 32). The power of the spirit which makes his preaching effective encounters another power described as a "spirit of an unclean demon." nvEGIJ.cx oCXLIJ.ovCou aKcx9apTou (v. 33). That Spirit acknowledges Jesus as the Holy One of God (v. 35) . In coming out the demon does no harm to the man 2 (not mentioned in Mark) . What has taken place is described as Aoyoc,; word or command (cf. LXX 2 Sam 1-4; Mk 1.27: oLocxxTj). The Aoyoc,; is expressed in the command to the unclean spirits to leave. It is a word described as having authority and power f.v f.~ouoC91 KctL ouv
Showing Jesus' compassion and probably adding to the motif of amazement.

3 The word of rebuke in the NT is probably derived from Zechariah 3. 2 where ERLTL~aw is the equivalent for IUl. For other instances of rebuking see Lk 4.41; Mt 17.18; Mk 9.25; Lk 9.42. A simple rebuke suffices for Jesus to exorcise a demon whereas other exorcists of the time period and thereafter often used elaborate rituals and incantations. 4 Some scholars in attributing this and other summaries to a later redaction then speak of Luke (or proto-Luke) as making such a distinction. G. Vermes says: "In the Genesis Apocryphon exorcism and healing form one process. In the New Testament they are kept separate and each is handled in

240

LUKE

came out. These demons acknowledge Jesus as Son of God and are rebuked to silence. Now when the sun was setting, all those who had any that were sick with various diseases brought them to him; and he laid hands on them and healed them. And demons also came out of many, crying, "You are the Son of God!" But he rebuked them, and would not allow them to speak, because they knew that he was the Christ. ( 4. 40-41)

The parallel accounts in Mt and Mk make a clear distinction between healing and exorcism (Mt 8.16; Mk 1.34). After this exercise of spiritual power, Jesus goes to an isolated place, very likely to pray (as in Mk 1.35). but the people (Mk: disciples) find him. In refusing to stay with them longer, Jesus indicates the purpose of the work for which he is sent, namely, to preach the good news of the kingdom of God (4.43). That preaching results in the fulfillment of the Isaiah 58 and 61 prophecies, the giving of sight to the blind in the healings, the setting free those who are oppressed in the exorcisms. The preaching of the kingdom of God is central to the ministry of Jesus 5 even though his deeds attract more followers. 6 Herod knows of Jesus because of his wonderful works ( 9. 9; 23.8) . The call of the disciples follows the preaching of the kingdom of God and the summons to repentance (Mk 1.15f). The question, however, is not what Jesus was more famous for or what attracted the most people to him but rather what Luke felt was important, word or deeds. U. Busse's stateits own way." Jesus the Jew, London, 1973, p. 66. Also, "Exorcism is always effected by word of mouth alone." p. 24. 5 The question of which is more important to Lk, the deeds of Jesus or his words (preaching), is best answered by neither one nor the other but by both one and the other. The position of R.H. Fuller and others following H. Conzelmann that "Luke is concerned primarily with the deeds of Jesus; his teaching is secondary" is an overstatement. (Interpreting the Miracles, London, 1963, p. 82). When the disciples of John the Baptist ask "Are you he who is to come" (7.19) after quoting Isaiah the response is "and blessed is he who takes no offense at me" ( 7. 23). This applies both to works of healing and preaching. The connection of word and works, preaching and hea1ings is made by Luke in Peter's response to the conversion of Cornelius (Acts 10.36-38). 6 See P. Achtemeier' s discussion of Luke's attempt to balance Jesus • miracles and teaching in "The Lucan Perspective on the Miracles of Jesus: A Preliminary Sketch," JBL 94 (1975), p. 550£.

241

rnent favors the preaching of the kingdom and is worth pondering: Die Wundertaten Jesu sind als deutlich der Reichsbotschaft und untergeordnet. Den Vorrang hat bei Lukas irnmer Verktindigung und nicht das Wunder. Dennoch kann er be ide miteinander verbinden, weil er die Befreiungstaten Jesu Realisierung der Reichsbotschaft versteht. 7

zudie eng als

Succinctly stated, "Das Wunder illustriert den Inhalt der Reichsbotschaft." 8 To understand healing and exorcism it is important to see them not as independent illustrations of healing power attributed to Jesus or proofs of his divinity but as connected with his preaching. After the summary statement at the end of chapter 4 Luke begins ch. 5 with: "While the people pressed upon him to hear the word of God, he was standing by the lake of Gennesaret. II ev Tljl TOV ox.Aov E11LKEL06cn otiTljl KO:l CxKOVE LV Tov .A6yov Tow 6eo0 KO:L aUTo~ ~v eoTw~ napa T~v .A(~v~v revv~oo:peT.

The word of God includes the summons to repentance which is part of the proclamation of the kingdom. (see 5. 8; 5. 3 2; 13 . 5) Thus, Luke 5 represents the people as corning to hear preaching rather than necessarily to see miracles. In the exorcism of the demoniac in the synagogue at Capernaurn Luke alone relates that Jesus was teaching in the synagogue as he does in the account of the healing of the crippled woman on the sabbath (13.10-17). Along with Mk 2.2, Luke relates that the healing of the paralytic took place after Jesus had begun teaching (5.17). In the account of the healing of the man with the withered hand (Mk 3.1 and Mt 12.9 relate that Jesus found the man in the synagogue, but only Luke mentions that Jesus was teaching there (6.6). The perspective of the Acts of the Apostles on teaching and healing is somewhat different from that of Luke's Gospel since it is no longer Jesus himself who is teaching and healing. In the Acts the healings attest to the truth of what was preached or the healings are an occasion for later preaching. Examples of healings leading to preaching include 7

U. Busse, Die Wunder des Propheten Jesus, Stuttgart, 1979, p. 426.

8

Ibid., p. 479.

242

LUKE

the story of the man lame from his mother's womb (3.1-7) and the story of Stephen ( 6. Sf.) . Examples of healings arising from preaching include the healings which follow Peter's preaching at Pentecost (2.22f.) and the healing of the cripple at Lystra (14.8-12). In Luke Jesus heals with the power of the Spirit of God. As healing power was associated with the prophets of Israel, so Luke portrays Jesus as a prophet although Jesus himself applies the title only once to himself by quoting the proverb about no prophet being accepted in his native place (4.24). In Luke's Gospel Jesus is called a prophet or reference is made to him as a prophet five times, in the Acts twice. After the raising of the son of the widow of Nairn the crowd acclaims: "A great prophet has arisen among us" npoqn'\TTJ<; j.1€yo:r,; "Tiy€p8TJ f.v Tjj.lLV ( 7 . 16 ) . 9 In a passage also found in Mark, Herod inquires about the identity of Jesus and receives three opinions, namely, that he is John the Baptist risen to life again, Elijah or one of the prophets (Lk 9.7-8; Mk 6.14-15). In Acts 3.22 Peter quotes the words of Moses (Deut 18.15). "Moses said, 'The Lord God will raise up for you a prophet from your brethren as he raised me up.'" (7.37). Jesus is described by the disciples on the way to Emmaus as a "prophet mighty in deed and word before God and all the people" &vT]p npoqri\TTJ<; ouvo:Tor; f.v EP'Ylfl KO:L AO'Ylfl EVO:VTLOV TOU 8EOU KO:L TIO:VTOr,; TOU AO!OU (Lk 24.19). Jesus fulfills the prophecies on which he expounded in the Nazareth synagogue. He does not need to pray beforehand as do most prophets and holy rnen 10 although he does pray afterwards (after the healings at sunset, 4.42; after the healing/ 9 This story recalls the ra~s~ng of the son of the widow of Zareptha by Elijah (1 Kg 17.17-24) and the raising of the son of the Shunammitess by Elisha (2 Kg 4.32-37). The former is the more pronounced parallel. Lk 7.11-12. contains several words found also in the Greek text of 1 (3 )Kg 17.10-11: nuA1J, noAewc; toou, xfipa, 8nopeu9TJ. Lk 7.15 contains a phrase found in the text of 1(3)Kg 17.23: Ka'l, eowKEV a1hov T'iJ ~TJTPL ClL>TOU Furthermore, Luke fashions the raising of the daughter of Jairus according to the same Elijah passage. For Lk she is an only child ~ovo-yevijc;(8.42). Her spirit returned 8n€oTpeljlev TO nveu~a auT'ijc; ( 8. 55, cf. 1 ( 3) Kg 17.21). The epileptic boy (Lk 9) is also an only child. He is returned to his father healed (9.42, see also Lk 7.15, cf. 1(3)Kg 17.23. 10 G. Theissen elaborates on this point in The Miracle Early Christian Tradition, Philadelphia, 1983, p. 65.

Stories

of the

243

exorcism of the leper, 5.16; after the healing of the man with the withered hand, 6. 12) . This is usually interpreted as a note of piety reemphasizing the bond between Jesus and God. The praying afterwards may also recognize the source of Jesus' own power as an instrument of God. Busse expresses the relationship between God and Jesus by saying: . • • Jesus, der Trager der Gottesherrschaft. Gottes Reich und Handeln manifestiert sich in Jesu Reden und Tun. Gott handelt durch Jesus, der sein Werkzeug ist. 11

As a consequence of this relationship Luke usually has either the person healed or the crowd which witnessed the healing praise or glorify God at the end of the healing. 12 This is not the same motif of amazement found in Matthew and Mark. By the motif of praising or glorifying God Luke makes it clear that the source of the power to heal or to exorcise is God. It is particularly pronounced in the narratives peculiar to Luke such as the healing of the ten lepers (7.15), the healing of the woman with the spirit of infirmity (13.13) and the son of the widow of Nairn (7.16: "God has visited his people" ETIEOKElj!<XTo o 8Eoc; Tov A.cxov aU ToO; cf. 1. 68). When there are parallel accounts in the other gospels, Luke inserts the motif of praising or glorifying God as he does in the healing of the epileptic boy (9.43; cf. also 18.43). In the procession that winds down the Mount of Olives a few days before Jesus' death all three synoptics pronounce a blessing on Jesus as coming in the name of the Lord but only Luke notes: "the whole multitude of the disciples began to rejoice and praise God with a loud voice for all the mighty works that they had seen." ifpi;cxvTo CXTI<XV TO TIATjpoc; TWV ~<X8'flTWV xcxC povTEc; <XLVE LV TOV 8EOv
Busse, op.cit., p. 287£.

12 See R. Glockner's comments in Die Evangelisten Lukas, Mainz, 1976, p. 125£.

Verklindigung

des

Heils

beim

LUKE

244

holy servant" ayLOV no(i'oa (vs. 27 & 30). A. George makes the interesting comment that Lk may be emphasizing the relationship of God and Jesus as his instrument to counteract the divine man concept prevalent in Hellenistic circles "selon laquelle le thaumaturge est ma1tre de son pouvoir merveilleux. 1113 JESUS THE HEALER: ATTITUDES TOWARDS MEDICAL MEANS

Although Luke does not present Jesus as a divine man he does present him as a healer. In the account of the teaching at Nazareth in ch. 4 Jesus quotes a secular proverb and gives it a new meaning: 14 Doubtless you will quote to me this proverb, "Physician, heal yourself"; what we have heard you did in Capernaum, do here in your own country. navTw' EpELTE ~oL T~v napa~oA~V TaUT~v taTp€, 9epaTIEUOOV OEaUTOV ooa TjKOUOa~EV yevo~eva EL' T~V Kacjlapvaouv 1 TIOL~OOV KaL wbe EV T~ naTpLbL oou. (v. 23)

The word Lot'Tpoc; is a general term referring to anyone who heals. It can mean someone trained in Greek Hippocratic medicine from which modern Western medicine is derived, but we must avoid reading that back into the text. That Jesus was known for healing people in Capernaum is clear enough; that his reputation associated him with trained physicians of his time is unlikely. 15 Jesus is known as a healer who represents and makes concrete the healing power of God. Luke alone gives 13

A. George,

"Le Miracle dans l'oeuvre de Luc," X. Leon-Dufour, ed. Les Paris, 1977, p. 252. How prevalent the concept of the divine man was at the time of the writing of Luke is disputable, however.

Miracles

de Jesus,

14 Jesus is, of course, not sick but his mission is, in the eyes of the people in his own hometown, handicapped by the lack of proof = miracles. See J. Nolland, "Classical and Rabbinic Parallels to 'Physician, Heal yourself' (Lk. IV 23)," Novum Testamentum XXI, 3 (1979) pp. 193-209. 15 It is not possible to assert that Jesus looked favorably upon doctors as do M. Kelsey and others (Healing and Christianity, New York, 1973, p. 85). The gospel writers do not portray him as having any opinion about scientifically-trained physicians. Despite the translation of taTpo' as "physician" in 5.31, we do not know if Jesus meant doctor or healer. Clearly Jesus is the taTpo' of the gospels though the term is not applied to him until the second century by Ignatius of Antioch (Ephesians 7. 2). Second century Fathers of the church, unlike some later Fathers, either disparage physicians and medical care or at least do not praise them.

245

us the reminiscence that Jesus healed the ear of the high priest's servant (22. 51). Nonetheless, the saying: "Those who are well have no need of a physician, but those who are sick; I have not come to call the righteous but sinners to repentance. II ou XPELON E'xou
246

LUKE

the story is that whatever means she used and whomever she consulted they failed her. Jesus is the sole healer in Lk's gospel. His presence represents the healing power of God for those in need. 18 The question of whether Luke was a physician is an interesting one. According to tradition the Luke who is called a "beloved physician" o tcnpor; o 6ryomTJTOr; in Colossians 4 .14 is the same Luke who is author of the gospel and the Acts. The question is whether the internal evidence of the text itself supports the conclusion of tradition. In 1882 W.K: Hobart published the results of research which compared the language and style of Luke with that of the writings of physicians such as Hippocrates and Galen. A number of scholars supported his conclusions. 19 However, in 1912 H.J. Cadbury demonstrated that the so-called medical language of Luke was also found in the LXX (80% of Hobart's list of words), in Josephus (90%), in other Hellenistic non-medical writers and in the Corpus hippiatricorum graecorum, the major source of Greek horse medicine. 20 In addition, Cadbury showed that a number of technical medical terms found in Matthew and Mark were not found in Luke. Thus, there seems to be no internal evidence to support the contention that Luke was a scientifically-trained physician. 21 Was he some sort of healer then? It is possible. He portrays Jesus acting as a Syrian tcnp6r; in rebuking the fever-demon of Peter's mother-in-law (4.39).

18 R. Glockner notes: "Jesus handelt nicht als ein Heros, der irgendwie Macht demonstriert. In seinen Wundertaten wird erfahrbar, da~ Gott voller Mitleid die Not der Menschen sieht und ihr Rufen urn Hilfe hort." Neutestamentliche Wundergeschichten und das Lob der Wundertaten Gottes in den Psalmen, Mainz, 1983, p. 161. 19 See W.K. Hobart, The Medical Language of St. Luke, Dublin, 1882, and A. Harnack, Luke the Physician, New York, 1907. 20 H.J. Cadbury, The Style and Literary Method of Luke, Cambridge, Mass., 1920. For an overview see Fitzmyer, I, pp. Sl-53. 21 If Luke "the physician" accompanied Paul it should be noted that he did not record that he practiced medicine when the viper fastened itself on Paul's hand or when Publius' father was ill (Acts 28.1-10).

247

CAUSES OF ILLNESS

What then does Luke consider to be the source of illness? Busse lists three positions related to demons as the source of illness. 22 1. Jesus sharply distinguishes between those who are sick and those who are demonized. Healing takes place through the laying on of hands, exorcism through conjuration. 23 2. Luke treats all sicknesses as caused by demons. 24 3. In Luke there is no sharply drawn boundary between healing and the driving out of demons. 25 In my opinion the last position is the only tenable one. In 4. 40-41 we have already noted that it seems as if demons came out of people as the result of praying with the laying on of hands. A similar effect may be noted in the miracles of Paul: And God did extraordinary miracles by the hands of Paul, so that handkerchiefs or aprons were carried away from his body to the sick, and diseases left them and evil spirits came out of them. (Acts. 19.11-12)

In this passage from Acts no rebuking is mentioned. Aside from the passage in Luke 4 the only passage, one outside the NT, where both praying with the laying on of hands and rebuking takes place is in the Genesis Apocryphon 20.28-29. Aside from the healing of Peter's mother-in-law Luke tells us that Jesus rebuked an evil spirit three times. However, of the four times Lk uses EnLTLf.LOw (4.35, 39, 41; 9.42) two of these times there are parallel uses (Lk 4.35 and Mk 1.25; Lk 9.42 and Mt 17.18 and also Mk 9.25). The use of 6m6 by Luke indicates that the person once afflicted by an evil spirit is now separated from its influence. In the story of the healing of the demoniac in the Capernaum synagogue·, Mark uses E~EPXOf.LCXL E~ in 1. 25 and in 1.26 to describe the action of coming out. Luke uses E~EPXOf.LCXL with 6m6 in 4. 35. In the passage about the sick healed at 22

Busse, op.cit., p. 79.

23

Theissen, op.cit., p. 92. Not stated so sharply.

24

0. Bochner, Damonenfurcht und Damonenabwehr, Stuttgart, 1970, p. 117.

25

E. Haenchen, The Acts of the Apostles, Philadelphia, 1971, p. 217.

248

LUKE

evening Luke has demons coming out of people E~T\pxe:To •.. &no (4.41, cf. 6.18) • 26 There is no doubt that Luke reflects the thinking that demons were responsible for many illnesses, a concept which grew more prevalent in the early centuries of the Common Era in both Judaism and Christianity. In Syria the practice of medicine even combined the Hippocratic scientific approach with that of the exorcism of illness demons. 27 The connection between illness and demons in the NT should be seen, however, as part of Jesus' victory over Satan. This victory is illustrated in the Beelzebul controversy {Mt 12.2230; Mk 3.22-27; Lk 11.14-23). 28 One of the differences in the synoptic accounts in the wording of the saying: "But if it is by the finger of God that I cast out demons" d &'E EV &o:KTVA(fl [EYW] EK~aA.A.w ,-(x &o:q16vLo: {Lk 11.20) versus "If it is by the Spirit of God ... II d &'E EV RVE:Vj.lO:TL ee:oO {Mt 12. 28). The question of which is original has never been satisfactorily settled. However, as J. Dunn points out 29 the two, "Spirit" and "finger," both mean by the power of God: So far as Jesus was concerned, the exercise of this power was evidence that the longed-for kingdom of God had already come upon his hearers; his exorcism demonstrated that the last days were already present ... Jesus saw his exorcisms not merely as the healing of demented people, not merely as the casting out of demons, not merely as a victory over Satan, but as that binding of the powers of evil which was looked for at the end of this age. 30

26

In the exorcism of the Gerasene demoniac the man is described by Lk as "the man from whom the demons had gone." o &vl]p &.p• ou EI;EAT]AU6EL Ta oaL~ovLa (8.38). Mk calls him the man who had been possessed o oaL~ovLcr6EC,

(5.18). 27

F.H. Garrison, A History of Medicine, Philadelphia,

1929, p. 104.

28

Many scholars maintain that "Q" gathered together five different sayings. The matter of sources does not affect the points under consideration here, however. See J. Dunn's discussion, Jesus and the Spirit, Philadelphia, 1975, p. 44.

29

Ibid.

I

P· 46.

30 Ibid., p. 47. J. Fitzmyer suggests that "by the finger of God" is meant God's power alone, "i.e., without the aid of rings, charms and incantations as used by other exorcists." The Gospel of Luke II, Garden City, 1985, p. 922. Given the use of all these means by first century exorcists and the context of the text, this is a probable conclusion.

249

The binding of the powers of evil is particularly evident in the saying about the strong man and most especially in Luke whose strong man (Satan) is heavily armed and armored though nonetheless overcome by Jesus (11.21-22). Even with the evidence of particular interest on the part of Lk in exorcism and illness demons ( 4. 39; 13.12) , Becher's claim (see nt. 20) that all illnesses are caused by demons still overstates the case. Lk uses 9EpanEvw 9 times to describe what takes place in exorcism (4.40; 6.18; 7.21; 8.2; 9.6; 10.9, 17; 13.14; Acts 5.16). He uses tao~aL 3 times (9.2, 42; Acts 10.38). Mark never uses either verb to describe what takes place in exorcism. Matthew uses 9EpanEvw 3 times (4.24; 12.22; 17.16) and t6o~aL once (15.28). Thus one could better argue that exorcisms are seen as part of healing in Lk than that all sicknesses are associated with demons. 31 In healing, Jesus overcomes evil whether that evil is personified in demons, concretized in weakness that deprives one of life, or is connected with sin. All three synoptics relate the healing of the paralytic and connect his paralysis in some way with his sins (Mt 9.1-8; Mk 2.1-12; Lk 5.17-26). The main point of the narrative is to show that Jesus has the right to forgive sins rather than to indicate the connection of sin with the man's illness. 32 In the healing of the centurion's servant, Luke alone intensifies the connection between sin and sickness by telling us that the centurion has a better claim to ask for the healing of his son because he (the centurion) is a good man (7.4) . 33 Otherwise Luke gives us 31

See George, op.cit., p. 251.

32 The textual history of the account is complex with several scholars claiming that the saying about the forgiveness of sins is a later addition to the healing. Cf. M.E. Boismard, Synapse des Quatre Evangiles en Fran9ais II, Paris, 1972, p. 107f. However, the connection between illness caused by sins and healing following repentance is already made in the fragmenttargum of the Pentateuch on Num 21.9 (M.L. Klein, I, pp. 101, 198; II, pp. 71, 156-157) and in m. Rosh HaShanah 3.8. Cf. also Wisdom of Solomon 15.58, 10-11. 33 The motif of the forgiveness of sins connected with healing is rare in the synoptics. One might have expected it in the healing of the man with dropsy (Lk 14.1-6). From Josephus• account of the final illness of Herod (War I 656) and from later rabbinical writings (b. Shab. 33a, b. Yoma 66b, Midrash Rabba Lev XV 2) we know that dropsy was very often associated with sin.

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LUKE

the impression that it is unwise to draw conclusions about the connection of sin to punishment and, implicitly, to illness. R.H. Fuller wrongly claims, in my opinion, that in Luke 13 the viewpoint of Mark 2.1-12 that sickness is punishment for sin is radically criticized. 34 There were some present at that very time who told him of the Galileans whose blood Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices. And he answered them, "Do not think that these Galileans were worse sinners than all the other Galileans, because they suffered thus. I tell you, No; but unless you repent you will all likewise perish. Or those eighteen upon whom the tower in Siloam fell and killed them, do you think that they were worse offenders than all the others who dwelt in Jerusalem? I tell you, No; but unless you repent you will all likewise perish. (Lk 13.1-5)

This important passage illustrates the danger in making judgments. it implies that all men are sinners in need of repentance. Without that repentance there is no possibility of entrance into the kingdom of God (cf. 5.32). HEALING AS "DOING GOOD"

Another way that Luke defines healing is as a "doing good. 11 No other type of doing good is mentioned in Acts 10. 3 8 but healing those oppressed by the devil. The expression of doing good is used in connection with the sabbath healing of ch. 6. Jesus says to the scribes and Pharisees: "I ask you, is it lawful on the sabbath to do good or to harm, to save life or to destroy it? EltEpWTW Uj..lCXc; d r~;ecrnv TliJ cra~~&T4J CxyCX901tOLTJOCXL il KCXKOltOLTJOCXL lj!uxl]v OWcrCXL il CxnOi\EOCXLj (Lk 6. 9 i cf. Mk 3. 3 and Mt 12.12) . The doing good of healing is made the equivalent of the saving of life. The question posed by Jesus baffled the scribes and Pharisees as much as the healing itself (Lk 6.11). No actual saving of life is at stake; there is no question of the rabbinical principle of ~) Olp9 here or in any of the accounts of the healings of the sabbath. One may quite rightly see these as controversy accounts which assert Jesus' authority but another interpretation is also feasible. Any type of debilitating illness diminishes life. It is like 34

Fuller, op.cit., p. 95.

251

death even if it does not lead to it. already noted in the psalms (seePs 88).

This concept we have

ACTS OF THE APOSTLES

In Acts Luke continues what he had set out to do in his Gospel as stated in 1. 1-4, namely, to write for a certain Theophilus "an orderly account." The difference is that in his Gospel Luke writes from his sources, i.e., "from eyewitnesses and ministers of the word" ( 1. 2) about what Jesus did and taught (Acts 1.1). In the Acts Luke writes at least partially from his own experience an account of the early years of Christianity. The source of the ministry of healing and preaching (Acts 4.8), which the apostles exercised, is the Holy Spirit as it was in the Gospel. The Holy Spirit who accompanied Jesus in his ministry (Lk 4.1, 4 .18f.) now accompanies the leaders of the early church (Acts 13.4). Even the description of Pentecost (2 .1-4) draws on images very similar to those that describe Jesus' baptism in the Jordan when the heavens were opened, a voice came forth and the Spirit in visible form descended (Lk 3.21-22). The Acts of the Apostles are primarily the acts of Peter and Paul. A number of the healings of Peter have parallels in the healings of Pau1. 35 Paul's office as apostle needed special emphasis because he did not belong to the original band of 12 and because Paul is the bearer of a major theme of Luke which involves how the message of salvation was carried to the Gentiles (28.28). Luke sees salvation carried to the Gentiles because of the rejection of Jesus by the Jews at that time. As we have already noted, Jesus in Luke is portrayed as a prophet who is rejected. In Acts Jesus is the "prophet like Moses" who is rejected (7.37f.; cf. 4.11). The apostles, in so far as they exercise the authority of Jesus are also portrayed as

35 The identification of parallel compositions (Jesus-Peter, Jesus-Paul, Peter-Paul) is not an easy task. For an analysis of parallels see S.M. Praeder, "Miracle Worker and Missionary," SBL Seminar Papers 1983, pp. 114120.

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LUKE

suffering and being rejected. 36 Thus, the healings and miracles recorded in Acts are not accomplished without a price. That price is suffering. FAITH AND HEALING IN ACTS

In Luke's Gospel faith is normally a prerequisite to healing. That faith may be the faith of the crowd which brings the paralyzed man to Jesus (5.20), the faith of the centurion ( 7. 9) or it may be the faith of the man healed of leprosy (17.19). In Acts, however, faith prior to healing is the exception. Faith is mentioned in the accounts of the crippled man at Lystra (14.9) and of the lame man at the Beautiful Gate (3.16). In the latter account the faith may refer to that of the apostle. The speech which follows the healing is an invitation to faith in Jesus. It also explains that the healing was not done because of the apostle's piety or by his own power but through the authority given him to heal "in the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth" (3.6) . 37 More typically, the healings in Acts are signs which lead to faith even when the preaching which accompanies them frequently arouses opposition. The religious authorities admit: "For that a notable sign (yvwTov o~~Etov) has been performed through them is manifest to all the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and we cannot deny it" (4.16). The authorities must now deal with a healing done in the name of the crucified Jesus. 38 Two other examples of healings as signs leading to faith are the notices about the multitudes in Samaria heeding Philip's word because of the works he did (8.6; see 9.35) and the conversions of those who practiced magic after Paul exorcised a man with an evil spirit (19.18-19).

36 See D.P. Moessner, "The Christ must suffer: New Light on the JesusPeter, Stephen, Paul Parallels in Luke-Acts," Novum Testamentum XXVIII, 3 (1986) p. 220-256. 37 See D. Hamm, S. J., "Acts 3, 1-10: The Healing of the Temple Beggar as Lucan Theology," Biblica 67 (1986) pp. 305-319. 38 "Die Erzlhler sagen sich: das offizielle Judentum mu~ gerade angesichts des yvwoTov (aramlismus) o~~ELOV alles tun, urn die Erinnerung an den Gekreuzigten zu mindern." 0. Bauernfeind, Kommentar und Studien zur Apostelgeschichte, TUbingen, 1980, p. 77.

253

EXORCISM IN ACTS

The Jewish exorcists in 19.13-16 are associated with the quasi-magical use of the name of Jesus and are unauthorized to use his name. Bauernfeind refers to the practice: Dies starkste Amulett kann kein jlidischer oder heidnischer Exorzist jemals besitzen ... dies Amulett ist vielmehr der Auftrag des Herrn Jesus und der Glaube an ihn. 39

The negative judgment on these non-believing Jewish exorcists 40 is in contrast to Luke's account of the itinerant exorcist whom the disciples tried to prevent using the name of Jesus (Lk 9.49-50). This man was equally unauthorized to exorcise demons as were the exorcists of Acts 19 but Jesus' reply "he that is not against you is for you" (9.50) indicates that the man posed no threat and was perhaps an overzealous Jew imitating the disciples. 41 Unique in Acts and, in fact, in the whole New Testament is the account of the slave girl who told fortunes in Philippi {16.16f.). The poor girl was telling the truth about Paul and Silas, namely, that they were servants of the Most High God who were telling people how to be saved. She was certainly not ill and, from the point of view of most people in Philippi, harmless unlike all others who were exorcised in the New Testament. Nonetheless, by her shouting what Paul was doing, she was making a pest of herself. Paul's response was to command the spirit out of her and thereby incur the wrath of the girl's owners. From the account we do not know if the girl became a convert. As we have the story it illustrates the victory of Jesus over Satan as do the exorcisms which involve healing.

39

Ibid., p. 231.

40 For Jewish exorcists using the name of Jesus see Tosefta ~ullin 2.22f. Jewish exorcists of a later period used the patriarchal formula, "God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob," according to Origen (Adversus Celsum IV 34) which was efficacious because of the great friendship between Abraham and God (XXII 1). 41

Bauernfeind, Kommentar, p. 231-232.

254

LUKE

PURPOSE OF HEALINGS AND EXORCISMS IN ACTS

The signs, wonders, the healings and exorcisms prove the truth of the message (Acts 14.3). The signs of the kingdom of God are realized in the building up of the church itself. Some of these signs seem more "marvelous" than those worked by Jesus in the gospels. The shadow of Peter is enough to heal the sick ( 5. 15) . Paul suffers no harm from the viper which fastens on his hand (cf. the story of Hanina ben Dosa in Tosefta. Ber. 3.20; y. Ber 9a; b. Ber. 33a). The handkerchiefs of Paul are carried to the sick to heal them ( 19.12) . About the extraordinary nature of these healings Haenchen observes: If anyone is considered to be actively filled with miraculous power, it does not make much difference whether he transmits it by a layinq-on of hands himself or with the cloth which touched his body. 4

As exorcism is done in the name of Jesus so too is healing (3.6, 16; 4.30; 9.34; 16.18). Many scholars note the similarities in healing accounts in Acts to stories in Hellenistic and rabbinic literature. There are dissimilarities too. The healings and exorcisms of both Jesus and the disciples are public. The words spoken are audible, this in contrast to the Hellenistic magicians who whispered the words of healing such as Apollonius of Tyana (Philostratus Life 4.45) . 43 To call Luke's accounts "traditions penetrated by magic 1144 misses the mark. Years ago Bauernfeind convincingly showed that, in contrast to Mark, Luke does not use the specialized vocabulary of the Hellenistic exorcisms. 45

42 Haenchen, op.cit., p. 217. Bauernfeind (Kommentar, p. 230) says: "Lk setzt natlirlich voraus, da~ es wirklicher Glaube war, der so handelte, nicht Glaube an den Wundertater, sondern an seinen Gott. Und er freut sich, berichten zu konnen, da~ Gott zu diesen geringen Mitteln seinen Segen gegeben hat." 43

Achtemeier, op.cit., p. 557f.

44 As does J. Hull in Hellenistic Magic and the Synoptic Naperville, III, 1974. See "Traditions Penetrated by Magic."

Tradition,

45 0. Bauernfeind, Die Worte der Damonen im Markusevangelium, 1927' p. 100£.

Stuttgart,

255

CONCLUSION

All of the evangelists link illness to evil and death. It is something to be overcome or something from which to be saved. Luke, in particular, supports the belief in sickness demons (spirits of infirmity, chs. 4 and 13). The possibility that illness is caused by sin is affirmed by Luke as it is by the other evangelists (Lk 5; Mt 9; Mk 2; Jn 5) although Lk makes it clear that one should not automatically conclude that disasters (and probably illnesses) are directly related to the magnitude of a person's sins (ch. 13). In Jesus the eschatological kingdom has arrived. Luke portrays Jesus as anointed with the Spirit of God, as one who exorcises demons by the finger (= power) of God. Luke emphasizes that even though Satan (the strong man of ch. 11) is powerful (heavily armed) he is nonetheless overcome by the power of God. Luke gives us the only account in the New Testament of an exorcism in which no real illness is involved (Acts 16). More than the other evangelists Luke portrays Jesus as a prophet whose functions include both preaching and healing (ch. 24). What Luke thought about medical means and physicians we do not know. Nor does internal evidence indicate that Luke was a physician. In Luke Jesus is THE healer par excellence who makes concrete the healing power of God. That healing power is expressed also in exorcisms which Luke does not always clearly distinguish from healings (see 4. 40-41). The healing power of God working through Jesus is a "doing good" (Acts 10. 3 8; Lk 6. 9) which reaches out to those in need even on the sabbath and restores life (chs. 6 and 13). The response to Jesus' healing or exorcism is praise of God who has visited his people through Jesus (7.16). In the Acts the Spirit of God accompanies the work of preaching and healing of the apostles. They, like Jesus, are often rejected and undergo suffering in exercising their ministry. Healings are done in the name of Jesus and are clear signs which lead to faith and which confirm the message preached. The name of Jesus cannot, however, be effectively used without faith in Jesus. Otherwise it is another form of magic (19). In the end, it is not physical healing that

256

LUKE

principally concerns Luke, but healing insofar as it leads to entry into the kingdom of God through faith in Jesus Christ. When the 70 disciples return after a successful journey in which they exercise the ministry of Jesus, Jesus acknowledges their work: I saw Satan fall like lightning from heaven. Behold I have given you authority to tread upon serpents and scorpions, and over all the power of the enemy; and nothing shall hurt you. Nevertheless do not reJo~ce in this, that the spirits are subject to you; but rejoice that your names are written in heaven. (10.18-20)

Full healing means in Luke eternal life.

MARK

We have seen that the fourth chapter of Luke's Gospel is a key to understanding his attitudes towards healing. The way in which the healingfexorcistic works flow from the preaching in the Nazareth synagogue and the presentation of Jesus as the fulfillment of the prophecy of Isaiah 58 and 61 help us to understand Lk's perspective on healing. Similarly, in chapter 1 of his gospel Mark sets forth his perspective on healing. The one who is baptized in the Jordan is identified in 1.1 as the Son of Godl although that title as a confession of faith is not made until Jesus dies on the cross ( 15. 3 9) . Though Mark, unlike Luke, does not speak of Jesus as anointed by or full of the Holy Spirit, it is clear that Jesus is guided by the Spirit of God (1.12) and that those who speak against Jesus speak against the Holy Spirit {3.28). In Mark Jesus assumes the preaching mantle of John the Baptist and announces the fulfillment of time, the coming of the kingdom of God, the summons to repentance and to belief in the good news ( 1. 14) . Both Mark and Matthew set the call of Peter, Andrew, James and John immediately after the preaching of this message2 whereas in Lk's Gospel these same men do not respond until the healings recorded in chapter 4. Thus Mk and Mt give the impression that the disciples were attracted by the person of Jesus and by his preaching.3 Jesus reveals to his disciples the secret of the kingdom of God (Mk 4.11).

1 See discussion in R. 87.

Pesch, Das Markusevangelium I, Freiburg,

1976, p.

2 Jesus is the teacher who summons disciples. For this portrayal with parallels in Greek literature, see V.K. Robbins, Jesus the Teacher, Philadelphia, 1984, p. 87f. 3 The disciples follow Jesus primarily because they are called and not because of the message or the healings. The placement of the call of Peter, Andrew, James and John after the initial preaching does, nonetheless emphasizes a point made in 1.38, namely, that the healings are subordinate to the preaching. See Pesch, op.cit., p. 138.

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MARK

In both Mk and Lk Jesus enters the synagogue to teach which he is said to do with authority and according to Mk, "not as the scribes" oux we;; ot YPOWJ.O!TELc;; {1.22). This addition indicates that Jesus speaks in his own name without citing other authorities in rabbinic fashion. Nonetheless, the example given is not at all a clarification of teaching even though those in the synagogue call it a "new teaching" oLoaxT] KaLVTJ (1.27). It is an exorcism. With the arrival of Jesus a battle has begun. The unclean spirit in the man cries out: "Have you come to destroy us? I know who you are, the Holy One of God. " ilJ..e Ec;; 6moJ..€ oa L TJj..I.CXc;;; otoa OE TLc;; EL, 0 ayLoc;; TOU eeoO. {1.24). 4 The answer is given in the rebuke, the command to silence and the order to come out of the man. With the command to silence Mk (and Lk) makes it clear that the identity of Jesus was not to be revealed at this point. 5 The story's similarities to Hellenistic miracle accounts are noted by many. 6 Missing from Mark's presentation of the exorcism of the demoniac and the healing of Peter's mother-in-law is the Lukan concept of Jesus as prophet who fulfills the prophecies of Isaiah. Thus, in terms of healing Mk makes no direct connection between the function of a prophet and healing and no allusions to Elijah and Elisha. Instead, the miracles which

4 The account of the temptations of Jesus is treated as a singular temptation in Mark but more importantly the adversary is named as Satan and not simply the devil. For an interesting analysis of the words of the unclean spirit in 1.24 with a comparison with 1 Kg 17.18 and Philo's Quod Deus 138, see 0. Bauernfeind, Die Worte der Dii.monen im Markusevangelium, Stuttgart, 1927, p. 4f. 5 About the relationship between the "messianic secret" and healing, P. Pokorny says, "das Messiasgeheimnis .•. verbindet das wahre Verstandnis der Wunder mit Kreuz und Auferstehung." "Das Markusevangelium," ANRW II, 25.3, 1985, p. 208. Whether one should speak of a secret at all is disputed by R. Pesch (also Kertelge). Pesch in referring to the prohibition directed at the leper not to spread the news of his healing says: "Es geht nicht urn das Geheimnis, sondern im Gegenteil urn die Offenbarung Jesu ..• Das 'Messiasgeheimnis' stellt sich als emphatischer Ausdruck flir den von Markus beschriebenen Offenbarungsvorgang im Wirken Jesu dar." Das Markusevangelium I, Freiburg, 1976, p. 148f. 6 See K. Kertelge, Die Wunder Jesu im Markusevangelium, Mlinchen, 1970, p. 51.

259

Jesus works illustrate the "fulfillment of time," the nearness of the kingdom of God (1.15) . 7 JESUS THE TEACHER WHO CALLS DISCIPLES

Mark arranges material to stress the authority of Jesus. That authority is exercised in exorcising demons, in teaching and in forgiving sins. In the story of the healing of the paralytic Jesus exercises authority in all three areas (Mk 2.1-12). In Luke, Jesus because he was invested with the ~VVC4J.Lt; of the Spirit is said to act EV e!;ouoCc;x and ~uv6tJ.&L (4.36). Mk does not mention ovVC4J.Lt; 8 until the healing of the woman with the hemorrhage (5.30). In investing the 12 for the mission set before them, Jesus is said to give them authority over unclean spirits (6. 7), not authority and power as in Lk 9. 1. One gets the impression that Mk is avoiding the use of ovvC4J.L t; to avoid making Jesus into a wonder-worker from on high. Es

geht

Markus

nicht so sehr urn die Begabung Jesu mit Fahigkeiten, auch nicht urn das geradezu 'automatische' Wirken seiner Wunderkraft (5.30) sondern urn das wunderbare Tun Jesu. 9 au~erordentlichen

In exercising his authority by teaching Jesus calls men to repentance and to discipleship. No evangelist uses the verb to teach oLoaoKw or the noun for teaching oLoax~ more than Mark. More important is how he uses the term for teacher oL~aoKaAot; applied to Jesus. For Matthew and Luke "teacher" is a polite form of address and describes one of Jesus' functions. For Mark "teacher" is a christological title. In Mark's Gospel "Jesus the teacher is both the subject and the object of his teaching" . 10 7 For a viewpoint which interprets the fulfillment of time as applying to specific prophecies in Isaiah see G. Rau, "Das Markusevangelium - Komposition und Intention der ersten Darstellung (christlicher) Mission." ANRW II, 25, 3, 1985, p. 2050f. 8

Kertelge, op.cit., p. 130f.

9

Ibid., p. 123.

10 M. Naickanparampil, Jesus as Teacher in Mark, Rome, 1986, p. 99. author summarizes his analysis of all the didactic texts on pages 93f.

The

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MARK

In chapter 1 the preaching of the good news and summons to repentance is followed by the call of the apostles Peter, Andrew, James and John from their fishing trade. After healing the demoniac, Peter's mother-in-law and the sick Jesus disappears to pray. Simon Peter and a few others search for him. When they find Jesus they say: "everyone is searching for you" navTEt; (T]TOUOLV .OE He responds: "Let us go on to the next towns, that I may preach there also; for this is why I came out." ay~EV CxAA~xoo de; TOt; EXOfJ.EV~c; KWVOROAELt; 'Cv~ K~L EKEl KTJPV~W. etc; TOUTO yO:p e~~A6ov (1.38). This may be interpreted as meaning that Jesus saw that his mission territory needed to be broadened. It may also mean that Jesus did not wish to be sought simply for healing without preaching leading to repentance. In other words, he makes a judgment that he is being sought for the wrong reason and moves on. 11 Jesus, as we see in Mk's account, had healed many 12 but not all (1.34). The rest wanted to be healed too.

JESUS THE HEALER AND EXORCIST In contrast to Luke, Mark in his summaries makes a clear distinction between healing and exorcism. 13 "And he healed many who were sick with various diseases and cast out many demons" K~L eeep&neuoev noAAOVt; K~KWt; ~XOVT~c; ROLKLA~Lc; VOOOLt; K~L ~~LfJ.OVL~ noAACx e~€~~AEV (1.34). Such a distinction is maintained in the second summary account of healings and exorcisms (Mk 3.7-12} in contrast to Lk 6.17-19. After a summary account of Jesus' activities in Galilee, Mk gives the account of the leper {1.40-45). As in Lk and Mt 11

W.L. Lane, Commentary on Mark, Grand Rapids, 1975, p. 82.

12 I am aware that a number of scholars following J. Jeremias (TDNT) claim that the word ROAAOL in 1.34 is a terminus technicus meaning all and not many. The argument advanced that ROAAOL is a Semiticism meaning all is not convincing. The Hebrew and Aramaic word for all/every 7J is in the entire LXX never translated by noAAOL. The context and care with which Mark writes suggests that the word here means many. 13 Mark clearly categorizes healings and exorcisms in his first chapter. Thus he exorcises the man with the unclean spirit but heals (Lk = exorcises) Peter's mother-in-law. He heals many who are sick and casts out demons. For a categorization of all the healing and exorcism accounts in Mark see J. J. Pilch, "Healing in Mark," Biblical Theology Bulletin XV (1985) pp. 147-148.

261

Jesus touches the leper in Mk's account, thus becoming unclean (and the leper by his healing, clean) . 14 Two characteristics of Mk's account are 1) the use of the word OTIA<XYXVl09E"Lc;" usually translated as "moved with pity" though there is an alternative 6pylo9E(c; which would describe Jesus as angry and 2) the use of the term Ef-l~Plf-LT)06j..l.Evoc; for a strong rebuke which Van der Loos sees as "more reminiscent of banning a demon than of sending away a man who had just been healed. 1115 The account of the healing or cleansing of the leper is followed in Mk by that of the paralytic whose sins are forgiven. The main point in all three synoptics is to establish the authority of Jesus to forgive sins. 16 This point should not, however, obscure the sequence of events which begins with the faith of those who carry the paralytic and lower him through the roof. Jesus is said to observe their faith TTJV TILOTlV cinWI! but "their" need not exclude the faith of the paralyzed man himself. By the fact that Jesus forgives the man's sins we may assume his repentance. The forgiveness of his sins is followed by a short dialogue with the scribes (the main point) before the healing takes place. 17 The man's sin is not mentioned but the connection between sin and the paralysis would have been made by those who heard the account (cf. Jn 9). The precondition for the healing is the 18 forgiveness of sin. After the healing and forgiving of the paralytic Mark relates the call of Levi the tax collector, a man who, by his profession, would have been considered a sinner by most people of his day ( 2. 14) . This is followed by the account of the dinner at which Jesus says to the scribes and Pharisees who question his eating with sinners and tax collectors: "Those 14 Papyrus Egerton 2 in this account has Jesus healing by word alone. Benoit & M.E. Boismard, Synopse des Quatre Evangiles II, 1972, p. 101. 15

P.

H. Van der Laos, The Miracles of Jesus, Leiden, 1965, p. 486.

16 That is, the story in its present form. S. Eitrem draws attention as do others to Papyrus Egerton which does not mention the forgiveness of sine in this account. Some Notes on the Demonology in the New Testament, Oslo, 1950, p. 43. See note 32 to Luke. 17 For the need for forgiveness before healing in rabbinic Judaism see b. Nedarim 41a. 18

Cf. W. Grundmann, Das Evangelium nach Markus, Berlin, 1959, p. 189.

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MARK

who are well have no need of a physician, but those who are sick; I carne not to call the righteous, but sinners" (2.17). FAITH IN THE HEALING ACCOUNTS

Although all the evangelists connect the miracles of Jesus to faith, Mark adds his own touches. He alone preserves the saying of Jesus in the healing of the epileptic demoniac: "And Jesus said to him, 'If you can!' All things are possible to him who believes To e:t <">vv1J, n:&vTcx <'iuvcxTex T0 n:LoTEvovTL" (9.23). In the story of the raising of Jairus' daughter, Mark like the other evangelists uses the verb ow(w meaning both "make well" and "save" (5.28, 34). Mark, however, notes that the healing/salvation will bring life. "Corne and lay your hands on her, so that she may be made well and live" .. .'(vex ow(~ KO!l (~O'IJ (5.23). Another difference in Mk from Lk and Mt is the resurrection motif which follows the account of the epileptic demoniac (9.14-29). After the expulsion of the demon the boy is said to look like a corpse so that the crowd is convinced he is dead. "But Jesus took him by the hand and lifted him up, and he arose." o <'\E: 'IT]ooO<;; KpO!T~pcxt;; Tllt;; xnpot;; aUTOU ~YELpEV aUTOV KO!l &veOTT] (9.27). Mark does not portray Jesus as a divine wonder-worker even though he sometimes uses a form similar to that found in the Hellenistic miracle stories. Faith is the key word in understanding the miracles of Jesus. Faith in Jesus or in the good news does not cause miracles but is a condition for Jesus to work them. The christological perspective is never far from Mark. Without faith those who listen to him cannot understand his teachings because he speaks in parables (4 .11). Lack of faith in Jesus contributes to an atmosphere in which healings cannot be worked as was the case in Nazareth (6.1-6) where Jesus is said to marvel at the unbelief of the people (cf. Mt 13. 58). Mark does not show Jesus himself praying before healing or exorcism except possibly in the account of the healing of the deaf mute where he looks up to heaven ( 7. 3 4) . He does say, however, that Jesus commends prayer to his disciples when they return from failing to heal a boy possessed by a spirit. "This kind cannot be driven out by anything except prayer" TOUTO TO

263

yevoc; f.v ou<'ievl. Civvcn
ARAMAIC WORDS AND ACCOUNTS ONLY FOUND IN MARK Characteristic of Mark's gospel is the use of Aramaic words, twice used in healing accounts: TaAL8a KOOIJ. (5.41) the raising of the daughter of Jairus and £~~ea (7.34) the healing of the deaf and dumb man. Their usage in Mk may indicate a desire to add a familiar touch to those knowledgeable of the Aramaic language and/ or to record the actual Aramaic words of Jesus. Parallels to the use of nonGreek words in Greek healing texts can be found in the magic papyri but all this material, as Hull observes, 20 is dated after the completion of the New Testament. For lists and discussions of parallels to the gospel's use of non-Greek words in Greek texts which record healing and to practices such as the laying on of hands, sighing and the use of spittle - a common remedy for eye ailments in the ancient world - the reader is referred to F. Fenner's classic study, 21 to the summary and bibliography in Kertelge 22 and to M. Smith's work. 23 Many of these practices were also used by magicians in the ancient world. The question is how these practices function within the unique world-view of the authors of the New Testament. Identification of parallels proves little unless one can demonstrate that the context and the world-view 19 E. Gould calls it an "asceticism imported into the spiritual teaching of Jesus." St. Mark, Edinburgh, 1897, p. 171. 20 J. Hull, 1974, p. 4.

Hellenistic Magic and Synoptic Tradition,

Naperville,

21

F. Fenner, Die Krankheit im Neuen Testament, Leipzig, 1930, p. 79f.

22

Kertelge, op.cit., p. 15Bf.

Ill.,

23 M. Smith strives mightily to show the "predominantly magical character of the gospel stories" in Clement of Alexander and a Secret Gospel of Mark, Cambridge, Mass., 1973, p. 224f.

264

MARK

is the same in the parallels as in the gospels. 24 This no responsible scholar claims. Mark relates two accounts found nowhere else: the healing of the deaf mute (7.31-37) and the healing of the blind man at Bethsaida (8.22-26). Both of these accounts are linked together by the citation of Is 6.9-10 in 8.18: "Having eyes to see and having ears do you not hear" 6<jl8aAJ..LOVc; E'xovTec; ou ~AEnETE, Kal. wTa E'xovTEc; oux exKovETE. This lends credence to the symbolic, spiritual interpretation of the accounts, 25 especially in relationship to faith in Jesus. Such an interpretation explains the inclusion between these two accounts of the Pharisees' request for a sign. That sign is presumably refused because if a sign were worked they would not recognize its significance. In the story of the deaf mute the following elements are worth noting: Jesus is asked by the crowd to lay hands on the man. Jesus responds by taking the deaf mute aside for the healing. He does not lay hands on him in the usual gesture of placing his hands on the head of the person. Instead, he touches the organs that need to be healed, the ears and the tongue. 26 The sighing which follows is connected with the looking up to heaven. In contrast to those who would see in this a magic gesture, s. Eitrem rightly observes: Jesus, however, "sighs" in fervent attachment and devoted dependence on his Father's will. It is a simple "silent prayer." As we see it is a expression just as natural in cult as in magic. 27

24 H.C. Kee, Miracle in the Early Christian World, New Haven, 1983, p. 295. 25 About the healing of the deaf mute Boismard, op.cit., p. 9, says: "sa

guerison pourrait signifier que •.. les parens, autre fois sourds et muets a 1 'egard de Dieu, sent restitues a la sante et rendus capables d' ecouter Dieu et de lui rendue hommage." About the healing of the blind man at Bethsaida he says: "Le miracle pourrait evoquer la difficulte qu'ont Juifs et disciples a 'voir' en Jesus le messie envoye par Dieu, malgre les miracles qu'il accomplit." Ibid., p. 9. Cf also L. Schenke, Die Wundererzahlungen des Markusevangeliums, Stuttgart, 1974, p. 279. 26 It is difficult to say what Mark intended here in regard to teaching anything about healing. The Roman Catholic Church until very recent times used both the gesture of placing saliva on the tongue and the word Ephphatha as part of its baptismal ritual. There its primary focus was on spiritual healing and on exorcism. 27

Eitrem, op.cit., p.

44.

265

The account of the healing of the blind man at Bethsaida is the only "progressive" healing in the New Testament though such gradual healings were known at Epidaurus. 28 Two interpretations may be made of this account. If interpreted symbolically the passage would indicate the gradual growth in faith that some people experienced before believing in Jesus. If interpreted literally the story may serve to encourage the disciples not to give up attempts to heal when such healings do not occur immediately. It may also serve to encourage the use of different means or techniques of healing. One of these techniques is the laying on of hands for healing which we see in both of the preceding accounts. Mark records two other instances of the laying on of hands not mentioned in parallels in Luke or Matthew, namely, in Nazareth (6.5) and the injunction by the resurrected Jesus to lay hands on the sick found in the longer ending of Mark ( 16.18) . The gesture is found in all three synoptic gospels. Therefore it is not characteristic of Mark alone. It may be that Mark uses it more frequently in order to distinguish the healings from the exorcisms. A final consideration in Mk's gospel is the meaning of Mk's statement in connection with the woman with the hemorrhage: "and who had suffered much under many physicians and had spent all that she had, and was no better but rather grew worse. II KCXL nOAAOt ncxeoOocx uno nOAAWv LCXTpWv KCXL ocxnONTjocxocx TOt nap I cxLJTTjt,; n&\ncx, KCXL 1-l'flO E:v wcjlEA'fl9ELOCX CxAAOt j.lOAAOV Ell,; TO xe:l'pov EA9o0ocx (5.26). There are at least three possible reasons that an author would include such a comment. One would be for the sake of dramatic effect in story telling. The motif of the failure of physicians is often_found in Hellenistic miracle stories. 29 The ultimate healing is dramatized by the failure of all attempts to heal the illness. A second one would be based on experience. At least these doctors tried and failed without 28 29

See discussion and references in Kertelge, op.cit., p.

162.

U.B. Mueller says: "It is practically a hallmark of the miracle-healing genre to speak of the failure of the physicians in order to let the healing god's power shine in more brightly." Sickness and Healing, Nashville, 1981, p. 106. See Pliny, Nat. Hist. XXI 16 for remarks against Greek physicians.

266

MARK

necessarily saying that other doctors would have failed (or succeeded). A third reason would be opposition to physicians and medical means on religious grounds. 3 For example, the statements in opposition to physicians and medical means in the Talmud are religiously motivated. God is the healer. A human being usurps his position in attempting to heal someone else. (So b. Kiddushin 82a; see also Tobit 2.10; Test Job 38.13; Philo, De Sacrificio 70). Jewish and Christian theologians took different positions on whether the Bible allowed the use of medical means and physicians well into the Middle Ages. The matter of what Mark meant here cannot be settled on textual grounds. The account in all three synoptics of the woman with the hemorrhage indicates that Jesus is the one who brings the fullness of healing, namely salvation. That emphasis overshadows the consideration of whether medical means are to be used or physicians to be consulted. In the absence of other indications of prejudice against physicians and medical means, I am inclined to think that Mark included the reference to physicians both for dramatic effect and also because it reflected the woman's bad personal experience with doctors.

°

CONCLUSION

Mark both identifies Jesus as the Son of God in the opening verse of his Gospel and portrays him as teacher and healer sent to preach the gospel of God (1.14) and to call disciples. The brevity of Mk's Gospel highlights the amount of space devoted to healings and exorcism. It also highlights the fact that Mark uses o L o&oKw 17 times, the same number as in Luke/Acts. He uses oLoax~ more than any other evangelist. In some instances (summaries e.g.) Mark distinguishes exorcisms from healing more clearly than Luke. Healing and exorcism, teaching and the forgiveness of sin are all exercises of the authority E~ovoCa of Jesus as one sent. Frequently Mark's accounts are cloaked in a Hellenistic literary form such as a novella and some of his references to 30

Cf. Mueller, Ibid., p. 106f.

267

Jesus'

healing

are

Hellenistically

formulated

(cf.

6.14

evepyouOLV OI.'C <'iuv6j.J.£Lt; EV oUTG"J) • 31

Mark depicts Jesus using Aramaic words and folk medicine such as spittle (cf. Jn 9) as well as other techniques in accounts which he alone supplies (the healing of the deaf mute, 7. 31-37 and the healing of the blind man at Bethsaida, 8. 22-26). All of these words and gestures are designed to evoke faith, a condition for healing. He gives us one negative statement about physicians but this seems best interpreted as a dramatic note based on the woman's bad experience rather than a warning not to use doctors. Finally, in the story of the healing of the paralytic he shows that the connection between sin and illness can sometimes be made.

31

Pointed out to me by David Flusser.

MATTHEW

In Luke's account of the healings and exorcisms of Jesus, Jesus appears as one anointed by the Spirit, full of the power of that same Spirit. In healing, Jesus fulfills the prophecies of Isaiah 61 and 58 upon which he expounds in the Nazareth synagogue. In Mark's account Jesus, after calling his first disciples, exercises authority to heal and to exorcise but his exact identity is to be kept secret because it is most clearly revealed in the crucifixion (Mk 15.39). In Matthew's Gospel there is no hesitation about identifying Jesus from the very beginning as the fulfillment not only of Isaiah's prophecies but also of all the prophecies of the Hebrew Scriptures about the coming of the Messiah. In the opening verse which is followed by the genealogy Jesus is called the "Son of David". In the healing of the blind and dumb demoniac, Matthew in contrast to Lk, has the people exclaim: "can this be the Son of David?" (12.23) In the story of the Canaanite woman with the possessed daughter, the woman cries out 11 0 Lord, Son of David" (15.22). Characteristic of Mt' s Gospel is the portrayal of Jesus as the long-expected Messiah, come in majesty and power,l one of whose activities is the healing of the sick. This is clear from the first summary Matthew gives us which he closes with a quotation of Is 53.4 according to the Hebrew text rather than the LXX which reads sins &j.lapT[ac,: for diseases ll'Jn. "He took our infirmities and bore our diseases." Q,JToc,: Tac,: &oee:n:ve:Cac,: TJtJ.Wv e;\a~e:v Kal Tac,: v6oouc,: E~aoTaoe:v (8.17). This portrayal of Jesus as Son of David is, however, intimately connected with Matthew's portrayal of Jesus as Son of God. The evangelist repeatedly (15 times) has Jesus referring to God as my Father without parallels in Mark and Luke. This unique relationship is the basis of Jesus' teaching

1 G. Theissen, The Miracles Philadelphia, 1983, p. 178£.

of

the

Early

Christian

Tradition,

269

authority. To hear Jesus' teaching and to put it into practice (7.24) is to do the will of the Father (7.21). Answering the call to discipleship in Matthew's Gospel means doing the will of God and entering into His family (12.48-50) . 2 THE ROLE OF FAITH IN MATTHEW'S GOSPEL

As a result of presenting Jesus as the expected Messiah and Son of God, Mt treats the material he has received from his sources to make Jesus the center of faith to which the disciples as examples of the early Christians are invited to respond. Details of narrative are omitted. Details of dialogue with Jesus are enhanced. One does not believe (nLOTEVELV) in any thing in Mt' s Gospel, not even in the good news itself. One believes in Jesus (18.6; 21.25, 32; 27.42) . 3 Mt also arranges his material to emphasize the faith of the people involved in the accounts. 4 In the story of the raising of the daughter of Jairus, Mt is the only one to tell us that the daughter is already dead (9.9). In describing the Syrophoenician woman as a Canaanite Mt pictures her more clearly as a pagan than does the geographical (or nationalistic) characterization as Syrophoenician. In the story of the healing of the woman with the hemorrhage (Mt 9.18-22; Mk 5.2534; Lk 8.43-48) the woman in Mt's account is healed not when she touches Jesus' garment as in Mk and Lk. Rather, she is healed only when Jesus says the words "your faith has made you well." In general, we may say that faith as it applies to healing means an unshakeable confidence in Jesus that he can and wants to help the suffering person. 5 Yet, that faith in Jesus is insufficient unless it leads to repentance on the part of the person healed and on the part of those who witness the 2 See D.J. Verseput, The Role and Meaning of the Matthew's Gospel," NTS 33 (1987) p. 537.

'Son of God'

Title in

3 H. Klein, "Das Glaubensverstandnis im Matthausevangelium," ed. F. Hahn and H. Klein, Glaube im Neuen Testament, Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1982, p. 29. 4 See K. Gatzweiler, "Les recits de miracles dans 1 'evangile selon saint Matthieu", ed. M. Didier, L'~vangile selon Matthieu, Gembloux, 1972, p. 211. 5

See Klein, op.cit., p. 36.

MATTHEW

270

healing. Many miracles were done in Chorazin and Bethsaida, but the people missed their purpose and refused to repent (Mt. 11.20-24, Lk 19.13-15). In addition healings serve as signs which lead to faith in Jesus as Messiah and Son of God (see 12.23) but do not presuppose such faith. In that sense the healings and exorcisms in Matthew's Gospel serve a very similar function to the healings in John's Gospel. 6 JESUS AS TEACHER AND HEALER

Chapters 5 through 9 in Mt' s Gospel present Jesus as teacher and healer. His ministry is summarized at the end of chapter 4 (23-25) and recapitulized at the end of chapter 9: And he went about all Galilee, teaching in their synagogues and preaching the gospel of the kingdom and healing every disease and every infirmity among the people. (4.23)

Chapters 5 through 7 are by long tradition referred to as the Sermon on the Mount and comprise the major bulk of teaching material in Matthew's gospel. Many scholars in the past saw Matthew as presenting Jesus as the New Moses because of parallels drawn with Moses in chapters 2 and 4, the mention of Moses in 17.3 as well as the presentation of the "sermon" on the mountainside. 7 Today, especially in the light of literary criticism, more and more scholars are inclined to see Jesus delivering the Sermon on the Mount not as a new Moses but as the Son of God who speaks with God's authority. They point out that the title "teacher," unlike in Mark, is in Matthew only a term of respect. "This is why one never discovers persons of faith or true disciples addressing Jesus as 'teacher' or 'rabbi' but only Judas, opponents and strangers." 8 To whom is this sermon addressed? The positions are many. My reading of the Sermon on the Mount in the over-all context 6 See G. Maier, "Johannes und Matthaus - Zwiespalt oder Viergestalt des Evangeliums?" ed. R.T. France & D. Wenham, Gospel Perspectives III, Sheffield, 1981, p. 283f. 7 R.T. 105.

France,

The Gospel According to Matthew,

Grand Rapids,

1985,

p.

8 J.D. Kingsbury, "The Place, Structure and Meaning of the Sermon on the Mount within Matthew," Interpretation LXI, 2 (1987) p. 134.

271

of the Gospel is that Matthew writes an advanced catechism for future disciples of Jesus. But the purposes of the gospel go beyond that of basic catechesis. Matthew gives material intended for leaders of the church, a "manual of disciple" as it were. 9 Despite the catechetical purposes of Matthew, I do not think that it is accidental that in the summary directly before the Sermon Matthew tells about the people who flock to Jesus after being healed of a wide variety of illnesses (4.2325). Those who came are not represented as coming because of the wonders alone. Those who were healed were then able to hear the message which followed and were challenged to live that message. The coming of the kingdom in Jesus ( 3. 2) has, then, both its eschatological dimension and its ethical demands. 10 Miracles - healings and exorcisms - are not only illustrations of what faith in Jesus should be, but preparations to live in the kingdom itself. Gatzweiler is right in saying: "le recit de miracles culmine dans la parole du Jesus et non dans la guerison elle meme, " 11 but he does not go far enough. In Mt the progression is from healing to hearing the word and from hearing the word to being able through faith in Jesus to fulfill the ethical demands of that word. Most of the healing material in Mt's Gospel is concentrated in chapters 8 and 9. 12 The healings are so arranged that three times after healings are worked Jesus issues a call to follow him, i.e., to become a disciple. Thus Jesus heals the leper, the centurion's servant, Peter's mother-in-law and many others who needed healing or exorcism. Then to a disciple who agrees to follow Jesus but wants to bury his father first, Jesus says "Follow me and leave the dead to bury their own 9

K. Stendah1, The School of St. Matthew, Philadelphia, 1969, p. 23f.

10

G. Strecker, Der Weg der Gerechtigkeit, Gottingen, 1962, p. 186.

11

Gatzweiler, op.cit., p. 214.

12 "From the total list of illnesses in Matthew, this cluster reports three of the four that affected women: fever, death and hemorrhage (8.14; 9.18-26); and five of the six that affected men: so-called leprosy (8.1-4); paralysis (8.5-13; 9.1-8); spirit possession (8.28-34; 9.32-34); blindness (9.27-31); and muteness (9.32-34; see also 12.22-24)." J.J. Pilch, "The Health Care System in Matthew: A Social Science Analysis," Biblical Theology Bulletin XVI, 3 (1986) p. 104.

272

MATTHEW

dead."(8.22). This is followed by the rebuking of the storm, the exorcism of the two demon-possessed men in the region of the Gadarenes and the healing of the paralytic. Jesus then calls Matthew the tax collector to discipleship. The third section begins with a question about Jesus' disciples not fasting and adds the analogy of the wineskins. This is followed by the account of the ruler whose daughter had died (identified as Jairus in Luke and Mk) the woman with the hemorrhage, the healing of two blind men and the exorcism of the mute. After a summary account the chapter and cycle of healings ends with an invitation to pray that others become disciples: "The harvest is plentiful, but the laborers are few, pray therefore the Lord of the harvest to send out laborers into his harvest. 11 (9.37-38) Chapter 10 then begins by listing the 12 disciples (apostles) who are then said to have the same authority El;ouoCa exercised by Jesus in driving out evil spirits and healing illnesses (10.1). In this cycle of healings and exorcisms in chapters 8 and 9 it is noteworthy that twice Matthew notes that two people were healed whereas the parallels in Luke and Mark have only one person healed. Thus, there are two Gadarene demoniacs (8.26-34) and two blind men (9.27-31). In the first account the demons identify Jesus as the Son of God. In the second he is identified as the Son of David. It is in Jesus' capacity as the Messianic Son of God that Jesus exorcises demons and heals. Jewish law required two witnesses. Matthew is careful to point this out in 26.60, the two witnesses before the Sanhedrin (Mark 14.57 has one). It may well be that the doubling here and also in 20.29-34, the healing of the two blind men (cf. Mk 10.46-52; Lk 18.35-43), where the blind men also call out Son of David is an official testimony to who Jesus is in Matthew's Gospe1. 13

EXORCISM AND THE LAYING ON OF HANDS Several authors stress that Mt reduces the role of exorcisms in his gospel with J. Hull speaking of "Matthew: the

13

See R.T. France, op.cit., p. 163.

273

Tradition Purified of Magic. 1114 It is true that Mt does not mention the healing of the deaf and dumb man (Mk 7.31-37) and the healing of the blind man at Bethsaida by spittle and the laying on of hands (Mk 8.22-26) in which some see magic techniques. Nor does he mention the exorcism of the unclean spirit in the Capernaum synagogue (Lk 4; Mk 1). He also omits the account of the man casting out demons in the name of Jesus (Mk 9.38-40; Lk 9.49-50). The reason these omissions are significant to Hull is that he believes that though not all magic is connected with exorcism, all exorcism is connected with magic. 15 He notes that Matthew's treatment of the Gadarene demoniac leaves out all features that are, in his view, magical: The effect is that in Matthew the story practically ceases to be an exorcism. The devils are not compelled to go; they simply flee before Messiah. All element of struggle, of menace, of tension is gone. The spirits have not been exorcised by a wonder-worker; they have perished forever before the face of Messiah. 16

That Matthew "dislikes exorcist technique" requires a more careful examination of the matter than Hull has given it. He seems to think that exorcism necessitates a battle with Satan. We have already shown that it does not. 17 In the account of the Gadarene demoniac Hull says: "The command 'begone' in Matt. 8.32 is not a word of power but a granting of the request of the already vanquished demons. 1118 Quite the contrary. The Hebrew 1HY which was likely in the Semitic Vorlage of this account is a common word to describe the driving out of demons 14 See chapter by that title in J. Hull, Hellenistic Magic and the Synoptic Tradition, Naperville, Ill., 1974. I would concede, however, that Matthew may be avoiding anything which may smack of superstition among Jews. For example, in his protrayal of the healing of the woman with the hemorrhage (9.18-22) the woman is healed not by the touch of the cloak but by Jesus' words "your faith has made you well." Knotted fringes were regarded as possessing healing powers (b. Taa'nit 23b). See S.T. Lachs, A Rabbinic Commentary on the New Testament, Hoboken, 1987, p. 172. 15

Hull, Ibid., p. 99.

16

Ibid., p. 132.

17 See introduction to this chapter on healing in the NT, especially in regard to EK~aAAW frequently misunderstood to mean cast out with force. 18

Hull, op.cit., p. 139.

274

MATTHEW

in rabbinic literature. (See b. Ab Zarah 55a, b. Me'ilah 17b) It is also found in the Genesis Apocryphon 20.28. In the account of epileptic demoniac (17.14-18) Mt begins by describing him as an epileptic who suffers terribly (v. 15) whereas Mk 9.17 describes him as having a dumb spirit and Lk 9.39 mentions a spirit seizing the boy. Both Lk and Mk mention that the disciples could not drive the spirit out, whereas Mt says that they could not heal him (v. 16) . But in Mt 17. 18 Jesus, as in Lk and Mk, does rebuke the spirit. All three pose the same question: "Why could we not cast it out?" Thus, what began as a popular medical description of epilepsy creA~vL&(eT~L - in Mt ended up as an exorcism. 19 Another characteristic associated by some with magic that Mt supposedly eliminated is that of the laying on of hands for healing. In Mt' s gospel Jesus does not lay hands on someone when asked to do so (Mt 9. 18) . He was not (according to Matthew) opposed to the healing power of touch since Jesus touches the hand of Peter's mother-in-law (see also 9.29, 20.34). In view of the fact that the laying on of hands was part of the rite for healing in the early church as witnessed in James 5 and in the Church Fathers, it does seem strange that Mt would not include it, especially given his catechetical purposes. Rather than associate the laying on of hands with the magic that Mt was supposedly trying to avoid, I propose another solution. Matthew in writing for Jews portrays Jesus as the fulfillment of the Hebrew Scriptures. These Scriptures nowhere connect the laying on of hands (D'll) or nll) with healing. At the time of the writing of Mt's Gospel the laying on of hands ,OV was restricted within Judaism to its use in sacrifice and in rabbinical ordination. 20 Mt may have wished to avoid 19 F. Martin, Encounter Story, Rome, 1977, p. 97, suggests that two stories have been joined here, 1) the healing of an epileptic boy whose father pleaded for him (healing at a distance) and 2) an exorcism. But if the final redactor of Mt were so bent at eliminating exorcistic technique, even if he combined two stories, he did a poor job here. That Mt is capable of re-fashioning an account is illustrated in the story of the Canaanite woman. In 15.22 the daughter is described as being demonized, but the story ends: "and her daughter was healed from that very hour" (15.28). This is in contrast to Mk's account where the woman is told that the demon is gone. 20 See D. Daube's discussion of the laying on of hands Testament and Rabbinic Judaism, London, 1956, pp. 224-246.

in

The

New

275

confusing the two, the laying on of hands for ordination and the laying on of hands for healing. Hence he did not use the term. CONCLUSION

In Matthew's Gospel Jesus heals as the Messianic Son of God whose authority to teach, heal and exorcise comes from his special relationship to God. This authority Jesus shares with his disciples, in particular the twelve apostles ( ch. 10) . Faith is connected to healing insofar as confidence in Jesus is normally a prerequisite to healing. That faith is, however, incomplete unless it leads to believing in Jesus as the Messianic Son of God, the only object of faith in Matthew's Gospel. Thus, the healings and exorcisms serve as signs pointing to greater faith and leading to repentance and discipleship. Matthew's Jesus employs few of the techniques of healing such as the laying on of hands found in the other gospels. In stressing the authority of Jesus, he minimizes Jesus' use of healing means or techniques. What Matthew thought of the use of medicine or of doctors cannot be deduced from his gospel.

JOHN

The account of healings in John's gospel are both fewer and of greater length than those in the synoptics. They are set within the context of teaching which illuminates their meaning. John's gospel contains no exorcisms, no healing by the laying on of hands, cleansing of lepers and only one reference to the healing of a number or group of people (6.2). Healing in the four accounts peculiar to John is accomplished by command.l John's healings are also of greater magnitude. The man at the pool of Bethesda has been paralyzed for 38 years, three times as long as the woman with the hemorrhage in the synoptics. Lazarus has not just died before Jesus could get there. He has been dead four days, a day after, according to Jewish tradition, his spirit stopped lingering about the body (Gen Rabba 100.7). In the synoptics healing miracles are described as ovv~EL. In the four healing miracles peculiar to John, three are described as o~~ELa signs: healing of the royal official's son, 4. 54; healing of the man born blind, 9.16; raising of Lazarus, 11.47. Two are described as E'pya works: healing of the invalid at the pool of Bethesda, 5.20; also, the healing of the man born blind, 9.3, 4. 2 Scholars differ as to the exact distinction between the two words o~~ELOV and E'pyov as used by John. R. Schnackenburg writes: His "works" become unimpeachable witnesses to which belief cannot be refused (cf. 5.36; 10.25-38; 14.11; 15.24) and at the same time "signs" which manifest his glory (cf. 2.11; 11.4, 40).3

1 Jesus frequently heals by command in the synoptics too, but not exclusively as in John: "Go, your son will live." (4.50) "Rise, take up your pallet, and walk."(5.8). "Go, wash in the pool of Siloam."(9.7). "Lazarus, come out."(ll.43). 2 See Gospel "Signs of God, 3

R. Schnackenburg's valuable excursus on "signs and works" in his The according to St. John I, New York, 1968, p. 518f. Cf. M. de Jonge, and Works in the Fourth Gospel," Jesus: Stranger from Heaven and Son Missoula, Mo., 1977, pp. 117-140.

Schnackenburg, p. 476.

277

Schnackenburg sees the works as more closely related than the signs to the testimony of Jesus to the Father and the Father's testimony to Jesus. The unity between God and Jesus is indeed a key theme in John (see 5.17-18). The use of either o~~ELOV or £pyov may reflect the source of the account. In practice the words are synonymous. Therefore what is said about the purpose of o~~ELa in Jn 20.30-31 may be said equally about £pya: Now Jesus did disciples, which written that you of God, and that

many other signs in the presence of the are not written in this book; but these are may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son believing you may have life in his name. (Jn 20.30-31)

Although the synoptics avoid the use of o~~ELOV to designate healing miracles, this does not mean that "sign" as a different meaning for them than that found in John's gospel. C.K. Barrett writes: Plainly the synoptic writers were unwilling to apply the word semion to the miracles ... they preferred to use it of eschatological events. John's usage is in marked contrast .•• For John the miracles themselves are eschatological events. 4

The miracles as eschatological events lead to faith in Jesus. That faith in Jesus leads to eternal life which replaces the kingdom of God (heaven) in the synoptics. "He who believes in the Son has eternal life." o TILOTEVWV dt; Tov ulov EXEL (wT]v aLWvLOV. (3.36) By eternal life is not meant the heaven hereafter, but rather new life which begins with faith in Jesus and lasts forever. To reinforce this belief John uses the simile of the bronze serpent which brought healing (Num 21.9; Cf. Wisdom 16.7). And as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, so must the Son of man be lifted up, that whoever believes in him may have eternal life. (Jn 3.14-15)

4

C.K. Barrett, The Gospel according to St. John, London, 1978, p. 76-77.

278

JOHN

The function of the signs 5 is then two-fold, 1} they reveal the glory of Jesus {2.11} in so far as they witness to him as the one sent by God {3.2} and 2} they lead to faith in Jesus {10.41}. Nonetheless, the signs do not always fulfill their purpose in those who see them; they can be rejected {12.37}. Within John we see that genuine faith can be based on signs {2.11; 6.26} but that Jn praises faith when it is not based on signs (4.48; 20.29}. 6 A comparison with Matthew further illustrates the meaning of signs in John. Both Mt and Jn record the demand made on Jesus for signs to authenticate his teaching and deeds {Mt 12.38; 16.1; Jn 2.18; 6.30}. Both gospels portray Jesus as the Messiah from the beginning. Both Mt and Jn record criticism of seeking signs in and of themselves as a display of power {Mt 16.1; Jn 4.48; cf. Lk 11.29} and both record that Jesus himself would be the sign {as resurrected, Jn. 2 .19; as bread of life, Jn 6.35; as judge, "sign of Jonah," Mt 16.1, made more specific in Lk 11.30, "Son of man"}. Thus, the usage of OTJJ.I.ElOV in John and in the synoptics is substantially the same. 7 Of greater importance is the difference between the synoptics and John relating to faith. Ordinarily, in the synoptics the person who approaches Jesus to be healed or those who make the request {centurion, Lk 7.9; Mt 8.10; bearers of paralytic, Mt 9. 2; Mk 2. 5; Lk 5. 2 0} already have faith. In response Jesus says on several occasions: "your faith has healed you. 118 In John the signs more often result in 5 In Josephus' account of the illness of Hezekiah (Antiquities X 28), the king requests a sign not simply to know that God will heal him and that he will go up to the temple of the Lord (as in 2 Kg 20.8 and Is 38.7). He asks Isaiah to work a sign "in order that he might believe in him when he said these things as in one who came from God. 6 For an explanation of different evaluations of faith based on signs in John's gospel R. Kysar suggests: "that the gospel represents the culmination of the thinking of the johannine community about this subject over an extended period of time with several revisions in that thinking occurring because of new experiences in the community." "The Fourth Gospel. A Report of Recent Research," ANRW II, 25.3, p. 2455. 7 G. Maier, "Johannes und Matthaus Zwiespalt oder Viergestalt des Evangeliums?," ed. R.T. France & D. Wenham, Gospel Perspectives III, 1983, p. 283f. 8

See H. Van der Leos, The Miracles of Jesus, Leiden, 1965, p. 245f.

279

faith or the strengthening of faith. After the raising of Lazarus many people who had come to Jerusalem for Passover went to greet Jesus with palm branches (12.13). The crowd that had been with him when he called Lazarus out of the tomb and raised him from the dead bore witness. The reason why the crowd went to meet him was that they heard he had done this sign.

A good illustration of John's perspective on faith and healing is the story of the healing of the son of the royal official. Whether John's account recalls a different incident than that recorded in the account of the healing of the centurion's servant in the synoptics is a matter of dispute. 9 The difference in accounts is notable. In both Mt' s and Lk' account the centurion comes to Jesus with faith that Jesus will heal even at a distance. Jesus marvels at such faith and says: "I say to you, not even in Israel have I found such faith. II AEYW UJ.l.LV OUOE EV T!fl 'Iopo:Tj.A TOOO:VTT]V 11:LOTLV eupov (Lk 7. 9; Mt 8. 10) • In Jn' s account the royal official, likely a Jew, is first rebuked with "unless you see signs and wonders you will not believe". £00.. J.l.TJ OTJJ.l.ELO: KO:L Tepo:To: '(ol]TE, ou J.l.TJ 11:LOTEVOTJTE (4.48) . 10 out of desperation the official persists, thereby evidencing some level of faith in Jesus as a wonderworker: "Sir, come down before my child dies." KvpLE, KO:T<X~TJ9L npl.v 6mo9o:ve1v TO no:LOCov J.l.OU (4.49) Jesus responds by telling the man to go and that his on would live ( (~ used 3 times in vs. 50, 51, and 53). The official believes what Jesus has said and goes his way. The fullness of faith in Jesus 11 does not come until he realizes that the son was healed at the very hour when Jesus said: "'Your son will live'; and he himself believed, and all his household." o ul6t; oou (~ KO:L enCoTEuoev o:uTot; KO:L i) otK(o: o:UToO OAT] (4.53) The official thought he was encountering a wonder-worker or healer, a holy 9 Schnackenburg notes that most Protestant scholars assume that John and the synoptics are relating the same event despite the many differences in their accounts whereas Catholics consider that there were two separate events. Schnackenberg, op.cit., p. 470f. 10 Schnackenburg and others claim that the evangelist was unhappy with the account as "a simple miracle story with typical verification of cure" and "expressed his criticism" by the legion of v. 48. Ibid., p. 469. 11

E. Haenchen, John I, Philadelphia, 1984, p. 237.

280

JOHN

man who could be relied upon to pray for his son. Jn tells us that the official found someone greater. The next healing in Jn takes place at a site where bathing pools have been excavated in modern times. That it was associated with healing in the time of the NT and thereafter is indicated by the discovery of votive gifts from the second and third centuries in honor of Serapis (Asclepius), patron of healing and navigators as well as baths associated with the Serapis cult and early natural caves, or grottoes with places for bathing from the Maccabean period. 12 The account 13 of the healing at Bethesda on the sabbath gives the Jewish authorities a reason to persecute Jesus (5.16). The crowd had come with faith to be healed. Other paralytics were in the crowd ( 5. 3) . Probably they had been carried there before the sabbath began. The initial concern of the officials is the man's carrying of the pallet not the healing as such. Presumably as long as the angel stirred up the waters (representing the healing power of God, Raphael?) and someone was healed there would have been no objection. Jesus does nothing himself to break the sabbath except to command the healed man to break the sabbath by carrying the pallet. It is, however, John's contention that Jesus broke the sabbath in this account (vs. 15-18). The point of the story is not Jesus' compassion for the invalid. The healing serves as an occasion to give the discourse on the relationship between God and Jesus which follows. 14 During the discourse the resurrection of the dead is mentioned: Do not marvel at this; for the hour is coming when all who are in the tombs will hear his voice and come forth, those who have done good, to the resurrection of life, and those who have done evil, to the resurrection of judgment (5.28-29) 12 P. Benoit, "Decouvertes archeologiques autour de la Piscine de Bethesda," Jerusalem through the Ages, The 25th Archaeological Convention, Jerusalem, 1968, p. 52f. see also F. Monfrin's article, "La Guerison du Serviteur (Jn 4, 43-54), Une Nouvelle Interpretation des Sarcophages de Bethesda," Melanges de l'Ecole Franc;aise de Rome, Antiquite 97.2 (1985) pp. 979-1020. 13 Since the account of the healing of the invalid at the pool of Bethesda takes place on the sabbath and involves sin and forgiveness, it invites comparison with the healing of the paralytic in the synoptics. Nonetheless, there is no good reason to think that the two come from a common source. 14

Haenchen, op.cit., p. 246.

281

This gives a distinctly eschatological dimension to the words of Jesus: "rise, take Up your pallet and walk." Ey£Lpe an:ov Tov Kp&~aTov crou Kal n:epLn:&TeL (5.8). What is not clear from the account is whether the man healed had any faith in Jesus after the healing. The account mentions no expression of gratitude on his part, no praise of God. Furthermore, it gives the impression that the man "turned Jesus in" to the authorities (v. 15). The words about passing from death to life by believing in Jesus may not have applied to him at all (v. 24). This leaves us with the question about the relationship of sin to the man's illness. About this question Barrett says: It is neither said nor implied that the man's illness was the consequence of sin; probably it would be true to say here (as at 9. 3; 11.4) that it occurred that God might be glorified in his works. 15

This interpretation forces the explanation given for the affliction of the man born blind into a text where it is not present. Given the fact that the man healed never appears as a believer and that no one else is led to become a believer by the healing, it is hard to see how the incident could be simply for the glory of God. To follow "see you are well" 'loe uydw y€yovar;; with "sin no more, that nothing worse befall you" 1-l'llKET£ Ot.t&pTave, LVa 1-lTJ xe Lpov croC TE 'YEV'IlTaL (v. 14) would be understood by the man healed only as confirming that there was a connection between the man's sins and his illness and, that if he were to continue to sin a worse illness or death itself would follow. The next account of healing, that of the man born blind, is a masterpiece of the storyteller's art. A man who is totally blind from birth is physically healed upon washing the mud off his eyes in a pool associated with healing (Copper Scroll, 3Q 15:X, 15-16). Gradually he comes to acknowledge who Jesus is and worships him (9.37). The Pharisees see Jesus as a 15 Barrett, op.cit., p. 255. The early Church Fathers understood and taught the connection of sin and the man's illness in commenting on 5.14. See M. Mees, "Die Heilung des Kranken vom Bethesdateich aus Joh 5.1-18 in frlihchristlicher Sicht," NTS 32 (1986) pp. 596-608.

282

JOHN

sinner who breaks the sabbath. Their conviction that he is a sinner grows and it is they who become "blind" (i.e., unable to recognize Jesus, vs. 40-41). The disciples of Jesus can see only two possible reasons for the blindness of the man, either the sin of his parents or that of the man himself. Both causes for illness have their roots in the Bible itself and were expressed in rabbinic Judaism. 16 Jesus denies that either of these reasons explains the man's blindness and he says: "It was not that this man sinned, or his parents, but that the works of God might be manifest in him." OLJTE oiiTo<;; llJ-lO:pTEV OLJTE oi. yoVEL<;; aUTOU, 0cAA 1 '(vex <jlo:vepw9'iJ TO! epyo: TOO 9eo0 ev aUT(jl (v. 3). There is nothing in the text that indicates that Jesus rejects the possibility of illness being caused by sin. He only rejects that explanation here. What is at stake in the healing of the man born blind is spiritual healing defined as belief in Jesus "to whom the Father bears witness" nepl. eJ-lOU 0 TIEJ-lljJO:<;; J-lE no:n'jp (8 .18).

s. Sabugal notes the connection of this healing with the feast of Succot, a feast associated with Messianic times in Tosefta Succa III 3-12. 17 However, according to 7.37 (referring to the last day of the feast) the healing of the man born blind would have taken place after the festival was already over. Nevertheless, the healing of the man born blind is viewed by John as a sign of the messianic age: The healing of the blind has no background in Old Testament miracles but the picture of the (spiritually) blind having their eyes (figuratively) opened was part of the prophet • s picture of the ideal or Messianic times (Is 29.28; 35.5; 42.7). 18

16 For sins of parents resulting in suffering of children, see Ex 20.5; Num 14.18; Deut 5.9; Jer 31.29; Ez 18.2; b. Pes. 112b. For sins committed in the womb resulting in adult wickedness or suffering, see Gen 25.22 (Jacob and Esau); Ps 51.5; Ps 58.3: "The wicked go astray from the womb, they err from their birth, speaking lies." Gen Rabba 63 (39a); Lev Rabba 27 (125d). Ezekiel 18 affirms individual responsibility against (v. 2) the notion that children should suffer for the sins of their parents. 17 S. Sabugal, La Cur a cion del ciego de nacimiento (Jn 9, 1-41), Madrid, 1977, p. 24. Sabugal' s analysis of over 100 pages is one of the most thorough available. 18 R. 378.

Brown,

The Gospel according to John I, Garden City, N.Y., 1966, p.

283

The healing takes place after the washing in Siloam, that is, after Jesus has commanded the man to wash there. No magic is implied. The use of spittle in a paste was a technique employed by magicians, 19 but it was also part of folk medicine. For the controversy that follows it is necessary for Jesus to use a means that breaks the sabbath. Had he simply said "be healed" there would have been no grounds for the dispute. Jesus sometimes makes use of means associated with the healing arts of his day as in Mk 8.22 and 7.31-37. The use of saliva mixed in a paste makes the story more dramatic and possibly gives encouragement to the man. The washing at Siloam recalls Naaman' s washing in the Jordan to be cured of his leprosy. John, then, teaches in this account that full healing is opening one's eyes to salvation in Jesus and that the blindness of the man in this case is not caused by sin but so that God may be glorified through a miracle. 20 The raising of Lazarus from the dead is, like the preceding account, done "for the glory of God." "This illness is not unto death; it is for the glory of God, so that the Son of God may be glorified by means of it." CiiTTJ l'J &oe€vELcx ouK EOTLV npo~ e&vcxTOV aAA' un£p T~~ OO~T]~ TOO 6Eo0, Yvcx oo~cxoe~ 0 ulo~ ToO 6Eo0 oL' aUT~~ (11.4). Closely connected with this purpose is one of strengthening the faith of the disciples "not in power to cure diseases or bring a dead man to life, but in Jesus as Messiah. 1121 What is of interest for seeing what John thought about healing is the prayer said to God before Jesus tells Lazarus to come out: So they took away the stone. And Jesus lifted up his eyes and said, "Father, I thank thee that thou hast heard me. I knew that thou hearest me always, but I have said this on account of the people standing by, that they may believe that thou didst send me. (11.41-42) 19 S. Eitrem, 1950, p. 47.

Some Notes

on

the

Demonology

in

the

New Testament,

Oslo,

20 See J.M. Lieu,"Blindness in the Johannine Tradition," NTS 34 (1988) pp. 83-95. 21 Schnackenburg, II, 1980, p. 327. Haenchen, II, notes: "The narrator is convinced that the eyewitnesses to a resurrection will come more readily to faith thatn the witness to a mere healing." p. 60.

284

JOHN

Schnackenburg claims that the source used by John contained no prayer but that the prayer was added to conform to the belief that God works through the intercession of holy men and women 22 but this remains to be proven. The inclusion of prayer 23 recalls the biblical presentations of the prophet as healer and the traditions about wonder-working rabbis who prayed before working miracles. In the raising of Lazarus, Jesus gives "(physical) life as a sign of his power to give eternal life on the earth (realized eschatology) and as a promise that on the last day he will raise the dead (final eschatology)." 24 There are no exorcisms in John. This is usually attributed to his theological purpose in seeing Jesus as the realization of the kingdom of God in person, as the bringer of eternal life. 25 It is also part of his broadening of the conflict with Satan to include everyone. Satan is the ruler of the world (14.30} but he is already judged (16.11). Everyone, not simply those who are possessed, enters into combat with Satan. 26 CONCLUSION

John gives us one account, the healing of the invalid at the pool of Bethesda, that connects illness to sin and healing 22 Ibid., p. 339: "In the source, the removal of the stone was followed by Jesus' loud cry to Lazarus to come out. The evangelist, however, inserts a prayer which, without taking away the miraculous effect of the raising, gives it a theological explanation. The Jews believed that extraordinary things happened through the almighty power of God as a result of the intercession of holy men and women and this distinguishes the Jewish view of miracles from the Hellenistic one, which attributed superhuman powers to the 'divine man. '" But see the relationship of Jn 10, 11 and 12 to Ps 118 which would seem to support the view that Jesus is indeed praying here. A. T. Hanson, "The Old Testament Background to the Raising of Lazarus," TU 112, Berlin, 1973, p. 255. 23 The reason Jesus prays aloud is indeed as the text makes confirm the belief that Jesus is the one sent by the Father. 24

Brown, op.cit., p. 437.

25

Schnackenburg, I, p. 93.

clear,

to

26 X. Leon-Dufour says: "ainsi dans le Ive evangile l'activite satanique ne se manifeste pas travers des 'possessions' c'est dire travers des cas exceptionnels dont on peut aisement se distancer ... Satan agit directement travers 1, action humaine . .. "Les Miracles de Jesus selon Jean," ed. Leon-Dufour, Les Miracles de Jesus, Paris, 1977, p. 282.

a

a

a

II

a

285

to forgiveness. In other accounts of healing the purpose of the healing is the glorification of God in Jesus, leading to faith in Jesus or a strengthening of that faith. The result of believing in Jesus is eternal life (Jn 3.14-15). Ignored, perhaps irrelevant, are questions about the value of medical means or physicians even though Jesus uses the folk remedy of mud and saliva. 27 Finally, although one may interpret Jesus' prayer before calling Lazarus out of the tomb as an example of the righteous man's prayer being effective before God in bringing healing, John does not portray Jesus as the righteous man. Rather, he is described as the word who was with God and who was God 0 ::\oyoc; T]v npbc; TOV ee6v I KCXL eeoc; T]v 0 ::\oyoc; (1.1), the Christ, the Son of God (30.31). John, then, defines full healing as eternal life, the result of believing in Jesus.

27

The medicinal benefits of saliva are discussed by Pliny in Nat. Hist.

XXVIII 7. 36f.

PAUL

Paul's attitudes toward healing as reflected in his letters as opposed to Lk' s account of Paul's activities in Acts provide a counterbalance to what we have seen in the gospels, the Acts and in the Letter of James. In Paul not everyone is healed. That is not to say that everyone who encountered Jesus in the gospels was healed. He worked few healings in his own native place. Nonetheless the overall impression one gets from the gospels, the Acts and James is that healing is common and expected. In 2 Tim 4.20 Paul leaves Trophimus ill at Miletus.1 We do not know whether Paul prayed for him with the laying on of hands or anointing with oil. We do know that he left him ill. In 1 Tim 5. 23 Paul recommends a folk remedy for Timothy's stomach problems. He does not say that he will pray for Timothy and heal him at a distance; nor does he recommend that others pray for him for the ailment. In Philemon 2.25-30 Paul mentions how gravely ill Epaphroditus has been. He notes that God had mercy on him. Again no prayer is mentioned. That does not mean that there was none but it is clear that Epaphroditus was not instantly healed. Repentance on the part of Trophimus, Timothy and Epaphroditus is never mentioned. Epaphroditus' healing brings happiness to Paul but it is not described as being for the glory of God. The one passage2 which seems to connect sin with illness is 1 Cor 11.29-30:

1 If one does not want to assume Pauline authorship for these passages in 1 and 2 Timothy, it is worth noting that they are in accord with Philemon. 2 0. Knoch claims the 1 Cor 5.1-5 account of the excommunication illustrates another connection of illness to sin: "Sein getauftes und mit Christus verbundenes Ich wird zwar im Endgericht gerettet werden, aber er selbst wird Krankheit und frlihen Tod erleiden zur Strafe flir seine SUnde. Dies ist die wahrscheinlichste Deutung dieser Aussage." "Leibliche und seelische Gesundheit als Heilsgabe Gottes," Dynamik im Wort, Stuttgart, 1983, p. 292. The sinner's body might be destroyed by illness but, from the text, it is just as likely that his sinful nature will be broken by the exclusion so that he will in the end repent. That he will die early is not

287

For anyone who eats and drinks without discerning the body eats and drinks judgment upon himself. That is why many of you are weak and ill, and some have died. o yap €o8Cwv KO!'t nCvwv KpLfJ-0!

EO!UTQ eoBLEL KO!'t TlLVEL fl~ OLO!KpCvwv TO oWfJ-0!, OLOt TOUTO EV Uf!LV TlOAAO't aoBEVEL<; KO!'t appwoTOL KO!'t KOLflWVTO!L LKO!VOL.

From the context we learn that lack of consideration for others and factions are responsible for the illness and death of some members of the church in Corinth. 3 Paul himself experienced some form of illness about which scholars have discussed without agreement for 1900 years. he describes it as a thorn in the flesh oK6~ot Tij oapKC (2 Cor 12. 7). He prayed to God three times for the illness to be removed but the response to the prayer was: "My grace is sufficient for you, for my power is made perfect in weakness." apKe: l OOl lj xapL c; !-lOU lj yap OVV~l c; EV ao6e:ve:C<;X TE~ELTaL (2 Cor 12. 9). 4 Paul theologizes his experience of suffering and sees in his weakness the value of keeping him from being too proud (2 Cor 12.7) 5 The "thorn in the flesh" passage taken in isolation might give the impression that illness (= suffering) is better than healing. This passage is, however, part of a defense of Paul's authority under attack because of his disability whatever it might be. In 10.10 we read: "For they say, 'His letters are weighty and strong, but his bodily presence is weak, and his speech of no account."' OTl ai. EnLoTo~al. !-lEV
288

PAUL

Kal o .A6yoc; f.l;oueevTliJ.EVO<;. The "boasting," including boasting of his weaknesses which follows, is a defense of his apostolic office. But not all that follows falls into the category of weakness. Paul boasts that he has worked the healings among them which are the signs of the true apostle: "The signs of a true apostle were performed among you in all patience, with signs and wonders and mighty works." TO! IJ.EV O'fliJ.ELa Tou 6:noOTOAOU KCHELpy&oee EV UIJ.LV EV n&OlJ unOIJ.OVlJ O'fliJ.ELOL<; TE Kal T€paoLv Kal ouv&f.leoLv (2 Cor 12.12). It seems likely that because Paul himself was not healed of his ailment some Corinthians interpreted that as a sign that Paul lacked the power to work miracles and the authority of a true apostle. 6 A bodily ailment, possibly the same one called the thorn in the flesh in 2 Cor, is also mentioned in Galatians 4. There, Paul's ailment resulted in the preaching of the gospel to the Galatians (v. 13) . 7 In Gal 3. 5 Paul mentions that miracles are being worked among them. In Romans the bodily ailment is not mentioned but Paul does note that Christ has worked through him "by power of signs and wonders" f.v ouv&f.le L O'fliJ.ELWV Kal TepaTwv (15.19). From these references even though no accounts of healings are given, it is evident that Paul had healed many people. Exorcisms are not mentioned, but there is no reason in principle to exclude them. Paul tells us that in Corinth there were people with a charismatic gift of healing and others with a charismatic gift of miracles though he does not say how the two are to be distinguished: 8 6 For the compatibility of the portrayal of Paul in Acts and in the letters of Paul see J. Jervell, The Unknown Paul, Minneapolis, 1984, p. 78f. About the attitude of the Corinthians C.K. Barrett following u. Wilkins says: "In an apostle the Corinthians wished to see a special bearer of the Spirit (Pneumatrager) who by 'signs and wonders' confirmed the power of the Spirit-Revealer, which he would have to have at his disposal in unlimited degree." A Commentary on the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, London, 1973, p. 321. 7 F.F. Bruce notes: "It is natural to link this bodily infirmity with the 'splinter in the flesh' to which he refers in 2 Cor 12.7-10, but we are too ill-informed to identify the two outright." The Epistle to the Galatians, Exeter, 1982, p. 208. 8 H. Conzelman suggests that EV£PY~~aTa ouv~ewv (1 Cor 12.10) may mean exorcisms: "Evepyet:v in the OT and NT almost always denotes the working of divine (or demonic) powers." 1 Corinthians, Philadelphia, 1975, p. 209.

289

Now there are varieties of gifts, but the same Spirit; and there are varieties of service, but the same Lord; and there are varieties of working, but it is the same God who inspires them all in every one. To each is given the manifestation of the Spirit for the common good. To one is given through the Spirit the utterance of wisdom, and to another faith by the same Spirit, to another gifts of healing by the one Spirit, to another the working of miracles, to another prophecy, to another the ability to distinguish between spirits, to another various kinds of tongues, to another the interpretation of tongues. All these are inspired by one and the same Spirit, who apportions to each one individually as he wills.(l Cor 12.4-11)

Healing and the working of miracles are among the gifts which God's Spirit apportions to different members of the church. Thus, they are not the result of a natural gift from birth nor are they the result of education and training. God gives them to whom He wills. Paul makes a distinction in the two lists given in chapter 12. In verses 8 through 10 he speaks of the gifts in themselves, their origin and purpose. In verses 28-30 he mentions specific "offices" in the church as well as those having specific gifts but who seemingly exercise no special office because of those gifts. he speaks of God appointing apostles, prophets and teachers (to "offices") then of others having the power of working miracles or the gift of healing. 9 Whether the gifts are offices to be regularly used or abilities give according to the occasion all the gifts in the chapter are for the common good of the community and for the building up of the church ( 14.12) which includes attracting new members. For Paul the mere possession of gifts of healing and miracle working are not an unambiguous sign that they are from God. In 2 Thess 2 . 9 he warns: "The coming of the lawless one by the activity of Satan will be with all power and with pretended signs and wonders." ou E<JT~v Tj ncxpouoCcx KCXT' Ev€pye~cxv Tou ocxTcxvcx EV ncxo\l ouv~E~ KCXL OTJI-LELO~c; KCXL TEpcxo~v ljlevoouc;. Paul's principal contribution to understanding healing in the New Testament is the value he places on suffering which makes it redemptive. We have already seen in Philo that 9 See H. Schi.irmann' s article "Die Geist lichen Gnadengaben in den Paulinischen Gemeinden" in Ursprung und Gestalt, Stuttgart, 1970.

290

PAUL

suffering, including illness, can be a means of perfecting a person and of helping him toward salvation (Quest G 3. 25). Paul affirms this insight of Philo 10 but he goes far beyond Philo in commending the uniting of the sufferings of the Christian to those of Jesus. 11 In Romans 8.17 he says that the Christian is an heir of God and fellow heir of Christ "provided we suffer with him in order that we may also be glorified with him." e:'lnep OOIJ.mxoxoiJ.eV '{vex KCXL ouvool;cxoa~ev. CONCLUSION

From Paul we learn that not everyone is healed even by the presence of a powerful healer such as Paul himself. It is, however, expected that an apostle will heal and do wonders (2 Cor 12 . 12) much in the way that some of the prophets of old were expected to heal. A major purpose of Paul's ministry of healing was to confirm his apostolic ministry of preaching. The purpose of members of a local church community having healing gifts was for the good of the members and probably for the attraction of new candidates. These members had gifts of healing but not an "office" as healer. Finally, suffering, including illness, offered in a spirit of union with the sufferings of Jesus contributes to salvation.

10

No implication is intended that Paul knew Philo.

11 "Das Mit-leiden mit Christus setzt den Glaubenden nicht nur dem Gericht Gottes aus, sondern la~t ihn zugleich in der Bindung an den Gekreuzigten die Gnade Gottes und seine eigene Kindschaft erfahren. "'Wenn ich schwach bin, dann bin ich stark (2 Kor 12.9f). '" w. Schmithals, Die theologische Anthropologie des Paulus, Stuttgart, 1980, p. 134. See also Glittgemanns, op.cit., p. 323-328.

THE LETTER OF JAMES

James 5.13-18 is a key passage in the New Testament for understanding the ongoing practices of healing after the death of Jesus. The consensus is that two sayings have been joined together with verses 13-15 comprising the first saying and 1618 the second. 1 13 Is any one among you suffering? Let him pray. Is any cheerful? Let him sing praise. 14 Is any among you sick? Let him call for the elders of the church, and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord; 15 and the prayer of faith will save the sick man, and the Lord will raise him up; and if he has committed sins, he will be forgiven. 16 Therefore confess your sins to one another, and pray for one another, that you may be healed. The prayer of a righteous man has great power in its effects. 17 Elijah was a man of like nature with ourselves and he prayed fervently that it might not rain, and for three years and six months it did not rain on the earth. 18 Then he prayed again and the heaven gave rain, and the earth brought forth its fruit.

James 5.13-18 has had a long history of interpretation in which some have used it to support a sacramental ministry of elders and others have interpreted it to oppose such a ministry. 2 It is helpful first to notice that the over-all theme of the text is prayer. Every verse contains a word for prayer. The healing and confession of sins which are the focal point of controversy must be seen under the over-all category of prayer. Second, it is important to pay attention to the tenses the author has used in order to unlock the meaning of the two sayings. 3 For the first two categories, those who are suffering and those who are cheerful, the author uses the 1 B. Mayer, "Jak 5, 13-18 - ein 'Pladoyer' fUr das Bittgebet in der Kirche," Der Dienst fUr den Henschen in Theologie und Verkilndigung, 1981, p. 165. 2

P.

Althaus,

"Bekenne

einer

dem

anderen

seine

Slinden,"

Festgabe

fUr

Theodor Zahn, Leipzig, 1928, p. 166f.

3 J. Wilkinson calls attention to the different tenses used in the passage. "Healing in the Epistle of James," Scottish Journal of Theology 24 (1971), p. 328.

292

JAMES

present tense in recommending the proper response "whenever" one is suffering or cheerful. For the calling in of the elders James uses an aorist and for the praying and anointing also the aorist. This would indicate an activity that was not an everyday experience though it does not mean that it could not be repeated. In the second saying the author switches back to the present tense to describe the confessing of sins and praying for one another as well as for the prayer or the righteous man, indicating once again on-going activities. The word used for illness &o9 ev EL in v. 14 does not in itself describe a more serious illness than vooo~ would have. It is used to describe the sickness "not unto death" of Lazarus too (Jn 11.4). The verb James chooses in v .15 is a participle based on K
This would imply that either possession is indicated by the text or at the very least that a sickness-demon is responsible

4

Ibid., p. 331.

5

M. Dibelius, James, Philadelphia, 1976, p. 254.

6

Ibid., p. 252.

293

for the illness. 7 What Dibelius fails to note is that in Mk 6.13, Mark carefully distinguishes between anointing the sick with oil and the casting out of demons. The very earliest prayer we have for the blessing of oil, a prayer which reflects early 3rd century Roman ritual, mentions only healing and neither exorcism nor demons (Apostolic Tradition of Hippolytus 5. 2) 8 There are insufficient grounds to concludeii that exorcism is meant here and especially if that is taken to distinguish the two sayings: in exorcism, call in the elders. In ordinary healings other members of the community will suffice. The next question raised is: who are the elders? They do not seem to be the charismatic healers of the Pauline churches ( 1 Cor 12. 9, 2 8, 3 0) but rather leaders of the community, overseers of worship and the common life of the community. The text does not indicate that they were a special body of leaders with healing powers. It would seem more likely that, as leaders of the community, they have ex officio a right to pray on behalf of the sick "in the name of the Lord." Nonetheless, Windisch points out 9 instances of elders receiving charismatic gifts of the Spirit, e.g. Num 11.16f. Moreover, according to the third century Canons of Hippolytus (5) and the fourth (?) century Apostolic Constitutions (8. 26) one of the qualifications for ordination was a demonstrated possession of the gifts of healing. However, it must be admitted that in the New Testament itself we find no such qualification demanded of elders of a community (cf. 1 Tim 3). The elders pray over the sick" en' Cd!TOV likely with the laying on of hands and anoint him with oil in the name of the Lord. Dibelius suggests the possibility that this was a Jewish practice employed by the rabbis but, if so, we have no evidence of it. 10 The only witness from Jewish writings to the 7 Dibelius gives references to the therapeutic uses of oil in the ancient world but no references to the use of oil together with the name of Jesus, the Divine Name or the name of a holy person for exorcism.

8 For an overview of early liturgical prayers for healing and blessing of oil, cf. R.D. Foubister, "Healing in the Liturgy of the Post-Apostolic Church," Studia Biblica et Theologica IX, 2 (1979), pp. 141-155. 9

H. Windisch, Die Katholischen Briefe, Tlibingen, 1951, p. 33.

10

Dibelius, op.cit., p. 253.

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JAMES

laying on of hands is in the Genesis Apocryphon 20. The anointing with oil to heal the sick is mentioned explicitly (and only) in Mk 6. 13 and was probably part of what the disciples were commissioned to do (Mk 6.7-13). some commentators question whether the oil is used for medicinal purposes, whether it has power of itself or whether the prayer alone heals. 11 Dibelius says: "But the oil is only the medium, the power is what counts. This power is called 'faith' here. 1112 Earlier he noted that the formula "in the name of the Lord" proves that the oil is not being recommended as a natural medication. 13 The power which it has to heal is not inherent in the oil. It comes from the use of the name of Jesus, but not necessarily from the pronouncement of the name each time the oil is used. Church practice (3rd century, possibly earlier) was to bless the oil and set it aside for healing. 14 These blessings pray that the oil once blessed and used by men and women of faith will have power to heal (Cf. Apostolic Constitutions 8.29 and Sacramentary of Serapion 17). The prayer of faith which follows in verse 15 should not be detached from the laying on of hands and the use of oil Taken together they save (= heal) the sick man. In this regard Dibelius makes an intriguing suggestion, arguing in part from the absence of the elders in verse 15:

11 See Mayer's remarks, op.cit., p. 168f. Also J. Michl, Die Katholischen Briefe, Regensburg, 1968, p. 64: "Ihr Vollzug lost Wirkungen aus, aber nicht durch die natlirliche Heilkraft des (hes, sondern durch das mit der Salbung verbundene Gebet und durch die Macht Gottes." P.H. Davids, The Epistle of James, Exeter: Paternoster, 1982, p. 196, notes: "But the function of the oil in James is not medicinal except insofar as it partakes of the eschatological oils (Life Adam 36, Apoc. Mos. 9.3, Is. 61.3)." 12

Dibelius, op.cit., p. 254.

13

Ibid., p. 252.

14 Scholium 82 in the Armenian Catena on the Catholic Epistles, a 6th century work reflects "a popular understanding of the Greek Fathers concerning the efficacy and function of material subst.ances in the great mysteries of the Church's liturgy. From this point of view the material things are not merely understood as external signs that point to spiritual effects, but exercise a mysterious efficacy. If the Spirit is the one who bestows grace, this event takes place through the co-working of the Spiritempowered material." E. J. Kilmartin, S. J., "The Interpretation of James 5.14-15 in the Armenian Catena on the Catholic Epistles: Scholium 82," Orientalia Christiana Periodica 53 (1987) p. 344.

295

The words give the impression that anyone who has this charismatic power of faith could heal the sick by prayer. I suggest that this formulation, which is in fact peculiar, was taken over from an earlier period at which this power was ascribed only to pneumatics and not to the presbyters. If this is true, then another factor which is often observed would also be explained: the promise of healing is stated totally without qualification; the possibility of a failure is not mentioned. This is quite understandable as long as the healing depended upon the possession of the charisma. For then any disappointments could perhaps be explained as resulting from the lack of charisma in the first place, while such explanation was no longer applicable, once the miraculous healing power had become the property of the presbyters of the community. 15

There is, however, no indication that the prayer of faith eux~ Tllt; nCoTEWt; is a charismatic gift anywhere in the New Testament. Paul in 1 Cor 12.9 mentions a charismatic gift of faith but does not connect it to a special gift of prayer to be used in healing. Underlying the Greek text is probably nllDNn n)•9n which could be better understood and translated as "confident prayer" similar to the "fervent prayer" npooeux'iJ npool'ju!;cno of verse 17. 16 Such a confident prayer is made easier by the presence of several elders of the community. Dibelius' explanation that the power was originally attributed to pneumatics is unnecessary. The result of the confident prayer is that the Lord will raise up the sick person. Though the phrasing alludes to the resurrection it also attests to the view of the Hebrew Scriptures, especially found in the Psalms, that the healing of a sick person is a return from death to life. The prayer of the elders is powerful enough to enable the man's sins to be forgiven, if he has committed any. 17 The connection between sin and sickness is made but it is not made absolutely. The use of the future tense of the verbs in v. 15 intensifies the sense of confidence that something will happen as a result of the prayer. No specific confession of sins to the elders is mentioned. Neither is confession of sins mentioned when Jesus forgives in the gospels. In Jn 20.22-23 15

Ibid., pp. 254-255.

16

See Mayer's discussion, op.cit., p. 168.

17

The possibility

1t€1t0 LT]Ku~k.

is

suggested by

the

use

of

the

present

subjunctive

296

JAMES

the disciples are given the power to forgive sins. The text itself does not mention it, but in the light of v. 16 the possibility of confession to the elders should not be excluded. Verse 16 begins the second saying which unlike the first does not mention the elders. The confession of sins and praying for one another is done within the Christian community itself with the result that healing follows. Since the subject is a physical illness throughout this section, it is unlikely that ta9'ilTe: should be translated as be forgiven. The use of the present tense makes the practice of confession and praying seem ordinary, if not daily practice. Its effectiveness {sacramentally) was debated until the time of Bede {ca. 673735) and was still contested later in the middle ages. The rest of the verse presents two difficulties: who is meant by the term, "righteous man," oCKaLo<; and what is the meaning of the word fve:pyou~fv~ usually translated as "power in its effects." There is no indication here that the rightteous man is asking a deceased holy person to intercede for him or that he is depending upon the merits of the patriarchs. Righteous man need not to be understood as P'l~. 18 In this case the term means any just or good member of the Christian community, otherwise he could not be held up as a realistic example to imitate. The second problem has to do with the rendering of fue:pyou~fv~ which a century ago J. Mayor, taking the verb to be passive, understood the meaning to be that prayer is made effective because "the Spirit has made himself felt in the prayer which preceded. 1119 A simpler explanation works best here, namely, that the prayer of a just man is effective in pleading with God to send healing {Cf. Ps 65.3; 18 "The righteous person is the community member, the person who confesses his sins and adheres to community standards. Like the Qumran covenanters, the early Christians knew themselves both sinners (1QH 4.30; 1QS 11) and righteous (1Qs 9.14; 1QH 2.3)." Davids, op.cit., p. 196. The following verse which describes Elijah as a "man of like nature with ourselves" reinforces the impression that any good member of the Christian community may pray for healing and expect results. In 3 Maccabees, however, it is clearly an important figure - the high priest (2.1) and the just old man Eleazar - who pray efficaciously. 19 J. Mayor, The Epistle of James, London, 1897, p. 226. Dibelius mentions the difficulties involved in understanding €vep'(OU1.u£v11 as either in the passive or middle voice. He agrees with other scholars who see the word used "almost as an adjective.''

297

Testament of Reuben 1. 7-10). Elijah who is then mentioned in the verses which follow is not cited for his healing power but for his power (according to tradition: 4 Ezra 7.109) to pray and bring rain. CONCLUSION

James admits the possibility of sickness being caused by sin and, if that is so in an individual case, recommends that the person confess his sin. If the sickness is grave the elders are to be called in to pray over the person and anoint him with oil. In less serious illnesses other members of the community can also pray in faith and expect that the person will be healed by God who answers the prayers of the just.

THE BOOK OF REVELATION

There are three references in the Book of Revelation to healing. In chapter 13 the first beast has 7 heads and 10 horns. One of the heads is said to have been healed of a deadly wound (vs. 3 & 12). The description of the beast as having been slain eo<poryf-LEVTIV recalls the lamb that was slain of chs. 5 and 6.1 Nero, the first persecutor of Christians, is often identified as the second beast ( 13 .11-18) because that beast's number (666) corresponds to the numerical value of Nero's name in Hebrew.2 It is also possible by another tradition that Nero was the first beast. This corresponds to the rumor of Nero redivivus (Sibylline Oracles 4.137-139, ca. 200). The eighth beast, described as the "beast that you saw was and is not," ( 17. 8,11) seems to be a beast who died and carne back to life again. Tertullian tells us that Nero lived on in Dornitian, the eighth emperor (Apol. 5). 3 None of these explanations is entirely satisfactory. What we can say is this: the healing of the first beast, if identified with the eighth, is diabolical in nature. It attracts such admiration that it leads to the idolization of the beast by those whose names have not been written in the book of life (17.8). The second reference is to the tree of life in the heavenly Jerusalem in 22.2. "And the leaves of the tree were for the healing of the nations." KCXL Ta cpv.A.Acx ToO l;v.Aou dr; 8epcxneCcxv TWv eevwv {22.2). The verse draws on Gen 2.9 and Ez 47.12. Gen 2.9 speaks of the tree of life without mentioning healing. Ez 4 7.12 speaks of many trees whose leaves are for healing. The author of the Book of Revelation knew the tradition found in 1 En 25.4 which places the future paradise 1 "Lee mots w~ EO~ay~€v~v evoquent necessairement la description de 1' agneau en 5. 6. Hippolyte deja nota it que par ce trait la bete etait deliberement presentee comme une imitation diabolique du Christ." P. Prigent, L'Apocalypse de Saint Jean, Lausanne, 1981, p. 203. 2

Some manuscripts read 616 corresponding to Nero's name without the final

nun.

3 According to this reckoning the list would start with Augustus and pass over three weak emperors, Galba, Otho and Vitellius.

299

within Jerusalem and speaks of the tree of life growing again. Healing is also associated with the future paradise in 4 Ezra 7.123. The reference to 12 kinds of fruit is paralleled in b. San. 100a where each month yields a different fruit that heals (cf. Ex Rabba 15.21). 4 Prigent suggests that conversion instead of healing is meant here. 5 But it is too late for repentance and conversion. The "nations" can only refer to those who have been sealed as servants of God (7.3), the great multitude from all nations (7. 9). These are the people among whom God will dwell forever (21.3). God "will wipe away every tear from their eyes ... neither shall there be mourning nor crying nor pain any more" (21.4). The tree of life will then be an instrument of God's healing. The third reference to healing is found in the revelation God gives John to write to the church in Laodicea: Therefore I counsel you to buy from me gold refined by fire, that you may be rich, and white garments to clothe you and to keep the shame of your nakedness from being seen, and salve to anoint your eyes, that you may see. (3.18)

Laodicea was known for its medical school in ancient times which used and exported a red Phrygian powder as an eye salve known in Latin as collyrium and in the Jerusalem Talmud as n•11)•p or l'll)•p. 6 The reference to the salve here is metaphorical. It is a remedy for the Laodiceans' spiritual blindness. R.H. Charles sees the KOAAVpLov as a spiritual gift "springing out of the gold refined by fire" but he admits that the word is "taken by some interpreters to mean the word of God ... " 7 This later interpretation is of particular interest since in Deut Rabba sec. 8 we read that the Law is a salve for the eyes.

4 Cf. E. Lohmeyer, Die Offenbarung des Johannes, Tlibingen, 1953, p. 176f. Ex Rabba 15.21 in a commentary on Mal 3. 20 says that "when a man shall be sick, God will order the sun to heal him." Cf. Rev 21.23-25 and 22.5. 5

Prigent, op.cit., p. 345.

6

It

was

one of

Mar

Samuel's

eye

salves.

See

references

in

Jastrow's

Dictionary, p. 1360.

7

R.H. Charles, The Revelation of St. John, Edinburgh, 1920, p. 99.

300

REVELATION

CONCLUSION

In the Book of Revelation we learn that healing is expected in the Messianic age. From the reference to the beast that is healed we see that healing can lead people away from God as well. Finally, the author uses the remedy of an eye salve as a metaphor for the healing of spiritual blindness.

GENERAL CONCLUSION

At the end of each of the chapters of "Healing in the Second Temple Period" is a summary of conclusions reached about the work treated. The purpose of this general conclusion is to list the causes of illness and means of healing which came to be accepted by the end of the Second Temple period and to classify the documents under these headings along with a few comments. The central perspective on healing in the Hebrew Scriptures is that illnesses are caused by sin and healed by God. This is based on Exodus 15. 2 6: "I am the Lord that healeth thee." No germ theory explains illnesses. The evil spirit who afflicts King Saul is carefully identified four times as sent by God (1 Sam 16.14-23). Job, who proclaims his innocence, challenges the first part of the perspective on healing, namely that illnesses are related to one's relationship to God. He nonetheless, acknowledges that it is God who afflicted him and only God who could remedy his desparate situation (ch. 9). I see the central perspective on healing as ever present in the writings of the Second Temple period, even though this perspective ceases to be the sole explanation for illness and healing. Other causes of illness and means of healing come to be added. The two causes and means - are frequently interrelated. A belief that evil spirits cause illness is likely to be accompanied by a belief that exorcism brings healing or that the influence of the evil spirits can be avoided by apotropaic means. Hence, although the principal focus of this work is on the means and causes of healing, the causes of illness cannot be ignored. In this section we look first, at the causes of illness, second, at the causes or means of healing and third, at the ways in which some authors both preserved the teaching of Exodus 15.26 and justified the introduction of various healing remedies.

302

GENERAL CONCLUSION

CAUSES OF ILLNESS

The documents in this work reveal five causes of illness. These five are 1) God, for His own purposes, 2) intermediaries of God, 3) evil spirits (devils, fallen angels, Satan), 4) the stars and their movements and 5) sin. The first, God, for His own purposes, is to be distinguished from God as the ultimate source of illness, something no author would dispute though he would not likely understand the distinction between ultimate and proximate causes. In the book of Tobit, Tobit acknowledges that God afflicted him (11.14). He takes the blindness as punishment for his sins and that of his ancestors (3.1-6). Nevertheless, the reader knows that Tobit is righteous and innocent ( 1. 3) and that he surely was not being punished for the good deed of burying the dead. Tobit's blindness serves God's purposes of sending Raphael to heal both Tobit and Sarah. It is also the occasion for Tobias to recover the money from Gabael and, most importantly, for Tobias to marry Sarah. God's purposes are also fulfilled through predestination. The Dead Sea sect's teaching on predestination, especially in 1QS and in the Thanksgiving Scroll (1QH), restricts man's freedom of choice in regard to his ultimate destination. Healing and sickness are indeed connected with sin in these Dead Sea scrolls, but man is not entirely free to cast his lot with God or with Belial. To the extent that he is predestined one may say that God causes the illnesses which are related to sin. Therefore, God's purposes are seen to be fulfilled through predestination. Perhaps the most striking evidence of this is in 1QH 2.23 where God is said to be glorified by the judgment of the righteous. The best known example of illness being caused for God's purposes is found in the ninth chapter of John's Gospel which deals specifically with the question of what caused the blind man's illness. The answer is that it was not the man's sin, nor that of his parents, but rather "that the works of God might be manifest in him" (v.3). Second, illnesses are caused in the Second Temple period by intermediaries of God. That God would communicate through His angels is a thoroughly biblical concept. Two mounted angels punish Apollonius in 4 Maccabees as do two young men (=angels) punish Heliodorus in 2 Maccabees, both accounts

303

recording the same event. In the first century the highly developed notion of logos, usually translated as "word," gave Philo and the author of the Wisdom of Solomon a potential agent for causing illness or bringing healing. Philo, in particular, wanted to avoid associating God with evil (De Confusione 180). Hence, His logoi, powers and angels carry out His work in bringing illness as punishment for sin or as a means of perfecting the individual (Questions on Genesis 3. 25). Third among the causes of illness are evil spirits, first encountered in Tobit and the Book of Watchers of 1 Enoch. Though Sarah has no disease, she is most assuredly ill by virtue of the attachment the demon Asmodeus has to her. The Book of Watchers clearly connects suffering with both sin and the Watchers, those fallen angels, who in the process of revealing heavenly secrets, lead mankind astray. From their "plague" the world needs to be healed {10.7). The first century Book of Similitudes of 1 Enoch continues the theme of evil spirits being responsible for illness. Jubilees 10, written very likely more than 50 years after the Book of Watchers, follows the same theme, but provides remedies for the illnesses caused by the evil spirits {10). The Dead Sea scrolls, aside from their teaching on predestination, also indicate the involvement of evil spirits in the life of man. The numerous apotropaic psalms witness to the sect's fear of influence and harm by these spirits. The consequences of following the spirit of perversity are endless plagues and calamities of all sorts {1QS 4.12-14). One of the functions of the !pjQ, the overseer of the community, seems to have been to take authority over the evil spirits who oppressed members of the sect (CD 13.10). Finally, in the Genesis Apocryphon found at Qumran, Pharaoh's affliction and that of his household is caused by a spirit which began to cause harm after the king's sin of bringing Sarah into his household. Evil spirits play a very minor role in the Testaments of the 12 Patriarchs as causes of illness, whereas, in the Gospel stories of the New Testament, they play a significant role. Josephus, in writing about the properties of the Baaras plant (War VIII 46-49) and the exorcism performed by Eleazar before Vespasian (Antiquities VIII 46-49) shows how widely accepted

304

GENERAL CONCLUSION

the attribution of illnesses to demons was in the first century. The fourth cause of illnesses is witnessed in only one document, the Treatise of Shem, which tells us that the stars in their various movements throughout the year bring illness. Though some astrological works have been found at Qumran, what has thus far been published (4QCryptic, for instance) shows the influence of the stars on man's physical and moral characteristics. It would be premature to claim that many Jews in the Second Temple period believed their illnesses to be caused by the stars. Natural factors constitute the fifth cause of illness. They are difficult to isolate because other causes predominate in what is, after all, religious literature. Even Philo, whose medical background and concerns we have noted, is primarily interested in spiritual healing and, therefore in sin as the cause of illness and in virtue as that which prevents it. The roots and herbs mentioned in Josephus and in Jubilees are associated too closely with evil spirits for them to be considered natural factors. We may presume that Ben Sira believes that illnesses have natural causes though he, like Philo, stresses the need for reconciliation with God. The sixth cause of illness is the most common one and mirrors the viewpoint of Exodus 15.26 that illnesses are caused by sin. Tobit tells us that those who continue to sin are their own worst enemy ( 12 .10). Evil will not overcome anyone who does good works (12.7). The three books of 1 Enoch treated in this work (Watchers, Similitudes and the Epistle of Enoch) all deal with sin as a cause of illness. Material in them my be read as warning the wicked of their own generation to avoid sin lest they suffer the consequences of the fallen angels and the people who misled them. Jubilees 10 also deals with the sin of the fallen angels and the sin of mankind as the cause of suffering and illness. The Testaments of the 12 Patriarchs connect sin to the onset of illness (T. Reuben; T. Gad 5.9). In one instance the illness lasts as long as the sin (T. Gad 5.11). In the Genesis Apocryphon three factors bring about the affliction of Pharaoh and his household: his sin in regard to Sarah, the evil spirit who brings about the affliction and God who is

305

said to have struck the Egyptians with the pestilence. In another work found at Qumran, the Prayer of Nabonidus, we may presume by the mention of Nabonidus confessing and being forgiven that sin is responsible for his illness. Ben Sira, while justifying the role of physicians and medical remedies, encourages the ill person to pray to God first, then to acknowledge one's faults and make a generous sacrifice before seeking the physicians's aid. Unless a person's sin is taken care of, medical aid will be of no avail (38 .15). Philo of Alexandria makes it clear that illnesses are caused by sin and lack of virtuous living. He counsels turning to God first in illnesses as does Ben Sira (De Sacrificio 7071) and stresses the virtue of repentance (De Abrahamo 26). Josephus attributes the fatal illness of Herod to his wickedness (Antiquities XVII 168-171) as he does the fatal illness of Catullus to his misdeeds (War VII 451-453). The sins of Heliodorus (2 Maccabees 3) and Antiochus IV (4 Maccabees 9) bring on their afflictions. Finally, the New Testament connects sin with the paralytic in the synoptic accounts (Matthew 9.1-8; Mark 2.1-12; Luke 5.17-26) and in John, the healing of the invalid at the pool of Bethesda (5.118). In 1 Corinthians 11.29-30 lack of charity leads to the illness of community members. Sin is not the principal cause of illness in the New Testament but it is among the causes. MEANS OF HEALING

Before considering means of healing per se we should first consider preventive means. Though the Mosaic code in its numerous health regulations may be viewed as preventive medicine par excellence, the Hebrew Scriptures do not give preventing illness as the motive for observing the regulaations. Rather, they are to be observed out of obedience to God as an expression of the covenant relationship with Him. Our witnesses to preventive medicine in the literature of the Second Temple period are likely the result of the influence of wisdom literature and Greek thought. Philo of Alexandria is, to be sure, the prime source for the conviction that virtue and moderation preserve good health. Indeed, his Therapeutae

306

GENERAL CONCLUSION

and moderation preserve good health. Indeed, his Therapeutae embody virtues and good health. Nonetheless, even earlier than Philo, in Ben Sira, we read that moderation is something which prevents illness. "In whatever you do be moderate, and no sickness will befall you" (31.22). We have concluded that there were in this period five "means" of healing with God as the ultimate source of heaing as well as the ultimate source of illness. These means are : 1) faith or prayer, 2) exorcism or apotropaic means, 3) virtuous living, 4) physicians, scientific and folk medicine and 5) magical means. In the same work several of them may be employed. Undoubtedly some writings of the period more clearly state God's role than others. Tobit 12.18, for instances, states that it is by God's will that Raphael, the instrument of God's healing, is sent. Ben Sira 38 recognizes that God created the herbs and the medicines and is the source of the physician's power to heal. Job, in the Testament which bears his name, rejects the offer of medical assistance offered by the kings who visit him because his healing will come only from the Lord and not through medical means (38.13). It is not necessary to mention further examples of attributing to God the ultimate power to heal. Even the New Testament writers, most notably Luke, stressing as they do faith in Jesus, include the motif of the crowd or person healed praising and glorifying the Lord God (see Lk 7.16; 13.13; 17.15). The first means, faith or prayer, means often faith and prayer. Philo's counsel to turn to God first when ill surely means turning to God in prayer since he criticizes those who turn first to "physicians, herbs, drug-mixtures, strict rules of diet" etc. and, only when these fail, supplicate God (De Sacrificio 70-71). In the four Gospels, however, faith in God or in Jesus is a condition or means of healing in many instances. The word o~(w can easily be translated as "heal" or "save" as in Luke 8.48: "thy faith has saved/healed thee." Prayer as a means of healing is a way of invoking God's protection and acknowledging His dominion over the realm of healing. The fumigation used to drive away Asmodeus is made fully effective because of the prayer of Sarah and Tobias (Tobit 8) . Prayer may be directed by the individuals themselves to God or it may involve the invoking of the assistance

307

Tobit and in 1 Enoch. The logos is an intermediary of healing in Wisdom of Solomon 16. There the logos as a means of healing is combined with turning to God as the savior of all (v. 7) . The role of the just man as mediator of healing is also seen in 2 and 4 Maccabees (Onias) and in the Genesis Apocryphon (Abraham). Jacob in the Testament of the 12 Patriarchs prays for the healing of his sons Reuben and God. In the Epistle of James 5 elders are said to be effective in praying in cases of serious illness, other members of the community in less serious. Jesus is portrayed as interceding in the account of the raising of Lazarus (John 11.41-42). That individuals should turn to God in prayer for healing is indicated by the advice Ben Sira gives physicians in ch. 38 and by Philo's recommendation that one supplicate God in times of need (De Migratione 122). The second means of healing, virtuous living, prevents illness. Repentance, in particular, repairs the damage done when one has not been virtuous. Zebulon in the Testaments of the 12 Patriarchs is rewarded by being preserved from illness when others around him become ill (5:1-5). Philo treats the virtue of repentance in detail (De Virtutibus 177). His connection of healing and repentance recalls Isaiah 6.10 and Hosea 14. 5 where healing and repentance are synonymous. The New Testament connects healing to repentance in the account of the paralytic (Matthew 9.1-8; Mark 2.1-12; Luke 5.17-26). Finally, in the Prayer of Nabonidus the "gezer" calls the king to repentance. One may assume that his positive response brings with it healing. Sometimes we see that virtue is not rewarded in one's own lifetime. In that case virtuous living results in healing in the messianic age. At that time those who have inflicted evil on others will be punished. This theme we find in Jubilees 23 where healing takes place in the third or messianic age, in the Epistle of Enoch and radically in the Gospels where the arrival of Jesus is viewed as the beginning of that age. It is also found in the Book of Revelation 22.2. The theme of healing in connection with the messianic age has strong roots in the Bible (see Is 65-66) although neither in the Hebrew Scriptures nor in the writings of the Second Temple period is

308

GENERAL CONCLUSION

healing connected to one central figure such as Jesus in the Gospels. The third means of healing is exorcism or apotropaic means to protect a person against evil forces. These means become increasingly common as the world-view of authors embraced personal evil forces as part of the explanation for evil in the world. The author of Tobit exercises restraint in noting the binding of Asmodeus in upper Egypt by the angel Raphael. The use of fumigation by Tobias indicates the driving away of the evil spirit since fumigation was frequently associated with exorcism. The tradition of the binding of the demon is also recorded in the Book of Watchers (1 Enoch 10.7). The Book of Watchers acknowledges that healing may take place through the cutting of roots and trees, the knowledge of which is taught by demonic powers, but it does not sanction the practice. In Jubilees 10 the evil spirits are diminished in their ability to bring suffering and illness by the remedies taught to Noah and passed on to Shem and later generations. Similarly, the Wisdom of Solomon in 7. 20 probably attributes power over evil spirits to Solomon and views the robe of Aaron as having apotropaic power which causes the plague to cease ( 18) .

In the Testament of Job magic healing cords may be used both for healing and as protection against evil forces ( 4 7) . Pseudo-Philo records the healing and apotropaic use of the stones which God supplied after the Arnorite stones had been cast into the sea (26). In his rewriting of the 1 Samuel 16 account of David playing the harp before Saul, the author of Pseudo-Philo gives us an extended psalm and portrays David as an exorcist (60). The Dead Sea Scrolls provide abundant evidence for the influence of evil spirits and the need to counteract that influence. 11QPsApa, 11QPsaDav Comp and other documents may be described as apotropaic. The use of binding and loosing, likely connected with exorcism, is mentioned in the Damascus Covenant 13.10 as one of the functions of the overseer of the community. The New Testament cannot be said to attribute all illnesses to demons. Furthermore, the perspective on exorcism must be seen in terms of Jesus overcoming all evil.

309

Nonetheless, it is clear that some illnesses are explained by demons. Luke's account of the healing of Peter's mother-in-law (4.38-39) is at the same time the account of the exorcism of a fever demon. Finally, Josephus mentions the use of roots and stones, often associated with exorcism in his account of the Essenes. He also relates the exorcism which Eleazar performed before Vespasian (Antiquities III 46-49) as well as the properties of the Baaras plant (War VII 181-185). For the fourth means of healing I have grouped physicians together with scientific and folk medicines though the boundaries between the last two cannot be sharply drawn. Sometimes "folk" remedies were more scientific than those prescribed by a physician. Nonetheless, in some instances the distinction between folk and scientific medicine can be drawn on the basis if who prescribes it. The role that conventional medical means should play in healing, is best expressed by Ben Sir a. Nowhere else do we find such high praise of the physician as in Ben Sira 38. Philo also had a high opinion of physicians, though he was aware that not all were competent. He was in a good position to make such remarks since he had himself received medical training. One should note the difference between the time of Ben Sira and the first century regarding the use of physicians and medical means. Ben Sira has to justify these means. In the first century they were commonly accepted by presumably most Jews. Josephus mentions physicians, good and bad. The New Testament present Jesus as the healer par excellence though only Mark and John portray him using "medical" means. The validity of the use of medical means was not, however, completely settled in the first century CE. Some measure of debate continued until the 12th and 13th centuries both in Judaism and Christianity. Lastly, we come to magical or quasi-magical means of healing which are not always distinguishable from exorcistic ones. Amulets which became very popular in the Talmudic period are seen in the Testament of Job (1st century BCE or CE) . These magic bands have an exorcistic function as well as a healing one as do the stones which God provided to replace the Amorite stones in Pseudo-Philo. In the Treatise of Shem we

310

GENERAL CONCLUSION

have seen that the stars cause illness. Since astrological healing was known long before the composition of the Treatise, we may surmise that the author thought that stars influence healing as well. JUSTIFICATION OF HEALING MEANS

Within the time frame of the writing of the Hebrew Scriptures it became evident that the perspective of Exodus 15.26 was insufficient. The just man suffers. Job protests his innocence. The perspective of Exodus 15.26 is never lost, however, as we see in the writings of Philo among others. Nevertheless, the use of healing remedies, whether scientific, folk or semi-magical, becomes more and more widespread. The question is: how were these means sanctioned or justified? The documents considered in this work reflect Jewish thought on healing over a period of 300 years. This thought reflects the provenance of the writings as well, in several instances, the state of folk andfor scientific medicine in these areas. The authors do not concern themselves with the question of whether scientific means and physicians are an advance over exorcism, magical or folk remedies. They fit the remedies to their theology of what causes illness and what brings healing. Tobit and the Book of Watchers may be dated from approximately the same period, i.e., before 200 BCE. In one location, the provenance of the Book of Watchers, it is clear that healing remedies were not legitimate. We have concluded that this may have been due to a resurgence of interest in astrological and magical healing caused by the influence of Berosus in Babylon and Manethon in Egypt. On the other hand, Tobit permits the folk remedy of gall and the exorcistic rite of fumigation common to both Babylon and Egypt. Healing is very much under God's providential care. Raphael comes not of his own accord, but because he is sent by God {12.18). When the Book of Jubilees was written 50 or 75 years after the Book of Watchers, the danger of astrological healing had not completely passed. Abraham is told he should not search out the stars for direction. All things are in the hands of God {12.16-18) .. However, the author of Jubilees 10, in rewrit-

311

ing the account of the Watchers, justifies healing remedies in the form of herbs. Like the remedies taught in Tobit, knowledge of herbs in Jubilees is taught by angels. They are to be used against evil forces and the illnesses they bring. They are taught only to a righteous man, Noah, who in turn reveals them to another righteous man, his son Shem. The knowledge of healing herbs is legitimate only for select righteous people. Ben Sira (c. 180 BCE) had, in fact, justified the use of herbs, drugs and physicians decades before the writing of Jubilees. The influence (later perhaps) of Ben Sira's writing on Jewish thought is considerable as is evidenced by numerous citations by tannaim and amoraim. Had the work been accepted into the canon of the Hebrew Scriptures there might have been far less debate about the permissibility of medical means among both Jews and Christians. Nonetheless, in the Alexandria of Philo's time, physicians would seem to have been widely accepted at least among the educated in the Jewish community. If Philo was familiar with Ben Sira, he does not allude to the book in his treatises. It is difficult to say when exorcism, as a means of healing, became accepted practice. From Tobit we might conclude that it was at a fairly early date, although the actual binding of the angel is done by Raphael; Tobias does not appear as an exorcist as such. At some time in the first century BCE, judging from documents found at the Dead Sea, it was an acceptable practice for a human being to act as an exorcist in healing. In the first century CE we read in Acts 19.13 of "itinerant Jewish exorcists." The Wisdom of Solomon's desire to attribute exorcism to Solomon is yet another proof of the widespread acceptance of exorcism. On the other hand, the use of apotropaic means, especially magical ones, needed to be justified. The healing stones of the Amorites and the healing stones found by the angel in Pseudo-Philo look no different and have a similar effect. The latter are sanctioned by God and sanctified by being placed in the breastplate of the high priest. Amulets were widely used in the Talmudic period shortly after the writing of Pseudo-Philo though no connection is implied. The recent discovery at Kefet Hinnom of silver amulets from the seven century BCE would indicate that

312

GENERAL CONCLUSION

some Jews had been using amulets in the biblical period. This need not mean they were sanctioned. Sanctioning carne from God. The means used for healing might well seem semi-magical as were the healing amulets of Pseudo-Philo and the magic bands of the Testament of Job. In the Testament of Job, Job who refused medical care from physicians, claimed that his healing carne from God. That healing carne in the form of magic bands which were an expression of God's mercy for Job's affliction (47.2-4). By the close of the Second Temple period, illnesses are attributed to several factor in addition to being connected to one's relationship to God as envisioned in Exodus 15.26. There are also several factors which bring healing to man. The difference between what brings illness and what brings healing is this: the causes of illness are not necessarily related to sin, though they frequently are. The means of healing. however, are closely related to their source. Those means are sometimes unusual but their source is, nonetheless, the same, the One God of Israel.

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ments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A Critical Edition of the Greek Text, PVTG 1.2, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1978. EPPEL, Robert, Le pietisme juif dans les Testaments des Douze Patriarches, Paris: F. Alcan, 1930. GREENFIELD, Jonas C. and M.E. STONE, "Remarks on the Aramaic Testament of Levi from the Geniza," RB 86 (1979) pp. 214-230. HOLLANDER, Harm W., Joseph as an Ethical Model in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1981. and M. DE JONGE, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, A Commentary, Leiden: Brill, 1985. HULTGARD, Anders, L'eschatologie des Testaments des Douze Patriarches, Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksell, I, 1977, II, 1982. KEE, Howard C., "The Ethical Dimensions of the Testaments of the XII as a Clue to Provenance," NTS 24 (1978) pp. 259-270. - "Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs," OTP I. MOLDA, Aldo, "Le Interpretazioni dei Testamenti dei XII Patriarchi: A proposito di uno studio recente," Henoch II (1980) pp. 86-96. SLINGERLAND, H. Dixon, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A Critical History of Research, SBL Mono. Series 21, Missoula, Mo.: Scholars Press, 1977. STONE, Michael E., Armenian Version of the Testament of Joseph, Missoula, Mo.: Scholars Press, 1975. - The Testament of Levi, Jerusalem: St. James Press, 1969.

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TESTAMENT OF JOB BROCK, Sebastian, Testamenti Iobi, PVTG 2, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1967. COLLINS, John J., "Structure and Meaning in the Testament of Job," SBL Sem. Papers 1974, Cambridge, Mass., pp. 35-52. - "The Testament of Job," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum, ed. M.E. Stone, Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984. KEE, Howard c., "Satan, Magic and Salvation in the Testament of Job," SBL Sem. Papers 1974, pp. 53-76. KRAFT, Robert A., ed., with H. ATTRIDGE, R. SPITTLER, J. TIMBIE, The Testament of Job According to the SV Text, T & T 5, Pseudepigrapha Ser. 4, Missoula, Mo.: Scholars Press, 1974. NICHOLLS, Peter H., The Structure and Purpose of the Testament of Job, doct. diss. of the Hebrew Unversity, Jerusalem, 1982. PHILONENKO, Marc, "Le Testament de Job," Semitica 18 (1968) pp. 1-75. SCHALLER, Berndt, Das Testament Hiobs, JSHRZ III, 3, Giitersloh: G. Mohn, 1979. SPITTLER, R.P., "Testament of Job," OTP I, 1983. VAN DER HORST, P ieter W. , "The Role of Women in the Testament of Job," Nederlands Theologisch Tijschrift 40 (1986) pp. 273-289.

TREATISE OF SHEM ALTMAN, A., "Astrology," Ency Jud 3, cols. 788-795. BOLL, Franz, Sternglaube und Sterndeutung, Die Geschichte und das Wesen der Astrologie, Leipzig: Teubner, 1926. CHARLESWORTH, James H., "Jewish Astrology in the Talmud, Pseudepigrapha, The Dead Sea Scrolls, and Early Palestinian Synagogues," HTR 70 (1977) pp. 183-200. "Jewish Interest in Astrology during the Hellenistic and Roman Periods," ANRW II, 20.2 (1987) pp. 929-950. -"Ry1ands Syriac MS 44 and a New Addition to the Pseudepigrapha: The Treatise of Shem," Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library 60 (1978) pp. 376-403. - "Treatise of Shem," OTP I. MIGANA, A., "The Book of Shem, Son of Noah," Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library 4 (1917) pp. 59-118. PHILONENKO, Marc, "Deux Horoscopes Qoumraniens: Identification des Personnages," Revue d'Histoire de Philosophie Religieuses 65 (1985) pp. 61-66.

PSEUDO-PHILO BOGAERT, P.M., " 'Les Antiquites Bibliques du Pseudo-Philon' a la lumiere des decouvertes de Qumran,," Qumran, ed. M. Delcor, Leuven: University Press, 1978. DIETZFELBINGER, Christian, Pseudo-Philo, Antiquitates Biblicae, JSHRZ II,2, Giitersloh: G. Mohn, 1975.

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HADOT, Jean, "Livre des Antiquites Bibliques," f':crits Intertestamentaires, ed. A. Dupont-Somrner and M. Philonenko, Paris: Gallimard, 1987. '"Le Milieu d'origine du 'Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, '" La Litterature Intertestamentaire, Colloques de Strasbourg 1983, Paris: Presses Universitaires, 1985, pp. 153-171. HARRINGTON, Daniel J., The Hebrew Fragments of Pseudo-Philo, Missoula, Mo.: Scholars Press, 1974. - "Pseudo-Philo," OTP II. JAMES, M.R., The Biblical Antiquities of Philo, New York: KTAV, 1971 (reprint of 1917). KISCH, Guido, Pseudo-Philo's Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, Notre Dame: University Press, 1949. PERROT, Charles and Pierre-Maurice BOGAERT, Pseudo-Philon, Les Antiquites Bibliques I, II, Paris: du Cerf, 1976. PHILONENKO, Marc, "Remarques sur un hymne essenien de charactere gnostique," Semitica XI (1961) pp. 43-54. STRUGELL, John, "Philo (Pseudo)," Ency Jud 13, cols. 408-409.

LIVES OF THE PROPHETS DE JONGE, M., "Christelijke Elementen in de Vitae Prophetarum," Nederlands Theologisch Tijdschrift 16 (1961-62) pp. 161-178. DENIS, Albert-Marie, Introduction aux Pseudepigraphes grecs d'ancien Testament, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1970, pp. 85-90. FISCHEL, H.A., "Martyr and Prophet," JQR 37 (1946-47) pp. 265-280, 363-383. HARE, D.R.A., "The Lives of the Prophets," OTP II. JEREMIAS, Joachim, Heiligengraber in Jesu Umwelt, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1958. KLAUSNER, T., "Christlicher Martyrerkult, heidnischer Heroenkult und spatjlidische Heilungsverehrung: neue Einsichten und neue Probleme," Jahrbuch flir Antike und Christentum 3 (1974) pp. 221-229. PFISTER, Friedrich, Der Reliquienkult im Altertum, Berlin: de Gruyter, 1974 (reprint of 1909-1912). SATRAN, David, "The Lives of the Prophets," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum, ed. M.E. stone, Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984. SHERMANN, Theodore, "Propheten und Apostellegenden," TU 31, Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs'sche, 1907, pp. 36-44. SIMON, Marcel, "Les Saints d'Israel dans la devotion de l'lfglise ancienne," Revue d'Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses XXXIV (1954) pp. 98127. STECK, O.H., Israel und das gewaltsame Geschick der Propheten, NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1967. TORREY, Charles c., The Lives of the Prophets, Philadelphia: SBL Mono. Ser. 1, 1946. WOLFF, Christian, "Jeremia im Frlihjudentum und Urchristentum," TU 118 (1976) pp. 36-44.

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THE BOOKS OF THE MACCABEES ABEL, F.M., Les Livres des Maccabees, Paris: Lecoffre, 1949. ANDERSON, Hugh, "4 Maccabees," OTP II. - "Third and Fourth Maccabees and Jewish Apologetics," La Litterature Intertestamentaire, Colloque de Strasbourg 83, Paris: Presses Universitaires, 1985. BICKERMANN, E.J., The God of the Maccabees, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979. - Studies in Jewish and Christian History II, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1980. COTTON, Henry, The Five Books of Maccabees, Oxford: University Press, 1932. DUPONT-SOMMER, Andre, Le Quatrieme Livre des Machabees, Paris: Librairie Champion, 1939. GOLDSTEIN, Jonathan A., II Maccabees, Garden City: Doubleday, 1984. HADES, M., The Third and Fourth Books of Maccabees, New York: Harper, 1953. MENDELS, Doran, "A note on tradition of Antiochus IV' s death," IEJ 31 ( 1981). ZEITLIN, Solomon, The Second Book of Maccabees, New York: Harper, 1953.

THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ATTEMA, D.S., "Het Gebed van Nabonidus," Schrift en Uitleg, Studies ... aangeboden aan Prof. Kampen: W.H. Gispen, 1970. BAUMGARTEN, Joseph M., "The Qumran Songs against Demons," Tarbiz LV, 3 (1986) pp. 442-446. BECKER, Jlirgen, Das Heil Gottes, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1964. BECKWITH, Roger T., "The Pre-History and Relationship of the Pharisees, Sadducees and Essenes: A Tentative Reconstruction," RQ 11 ( 1982) pp. 3-46. BRAYER, Menachem, "Psychosomatics, Hermetic Medicine, and Dream Interpretation in the Qumran Literature," JQR 60 (1969) pp. 112-127 and (1970) pp. 213-230. BROWNLEE, William H., "The Wicked Priest, The Man of Lies, and the Righteous Teacher - the Problem of Identity," JQR 73 (1982) pp. 1-37. CARMIGNAC, J., E. COTHENET and H. LOGNEE, Les Textes de Qumran II, Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1963. CHARLESWORTH, James H., Jewish Astrology and Early Palestinian Synagogues," HTR 70 (1977) pp. 191-193. - "The Origin and Subsequent History of the Authors of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Four Transitional Phases among the Qumran Essenes," RQ 10 (1980) pp. 213-233. CONTENAU, Georges, La Medecine en Assyrie et en Babylonie, Paris: Librairie Maloine, 1938. CROSS, F.M., "Fragments of the Prayer of Nabonidus," IEJ 34 (1984) pp. 260264. DAVIES, Philip R., The Damascus Covenant, Journal for the Study of the O.T. Suppl. Series 25, Sheffield: University Press: 1983. DELCOR, Mathias, "L'utilisation des psaumes centre les mauvais esprits a Qoumran," ed. H. Cazelles, Festschrift: Pierre Grelot, La Vie de la Parole, Paris: Desclee, 1987. DENIS, Albert-Marie, O.P., Les Themes de Connaissance dans le Document de Damas, Louvain: Publications Universitaires, 1967.

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DIMANT, Devorah, "Qumran Sectarian Literature," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone, Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum 2.2, Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984. DISCOVERIES in the Judean Desert I, IV, V, VII. DUPONT-SOMMER, A., The Essene Writings from Qumran, trans. G. Vermes, Oxford: Blackwell, 1961. - "Exorcismes et gu,risons dans les r'cits de Qoumrin," Suppl. to VT 8 (1960) pp. 246-261. DRIVER, G.R., The Judean Scrolls, Oxford: Blackwell, 1965. EISENMAN, Robert, Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, A New Hypothesis of Qumran Origins, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1983. ETTISCH, E., "Eschatologisch-Astrologische Vorstellung in der Gemeinderegel (X, 1-8)," RQ 5 (1959) pp. 3-19. FITZMYER, Joseph A., "The Aramaic Language and the Study of the New Testament," JBL 99 (1980) pp. 5-21. FLUSSER, David, "Healing Through the Laying on of Hands in a Dead Sea Scroll," JBL 7 (1957) pp. 107-108. - "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, ed. M.E. Stone, 1984, pp. 551-577. - "Qumrin and Jewish 'Apotropaic' Prayers," IEJ 16 (1966) pp. 194-205. GARCIA MARTINEZ, Florentino, "4QOrNab, Neuva s:lntesis," Sefarad 40 (1980), pp. 5-27. - and A.S. VAN DER WOUDE, "A 'Groningen' Hypothesis of Qumran Origins and Early History, RB 56 (1990) pp. 521-541. GARNET Paul, Salvation and Atonement in the Qumran Scrolls, Ttibingen: Mohr, 1977. GASTER, Theodore H., The Dead Sea Scriptures, Garden City: Doubleday, 1956. GEVARYAHU, C.M. I., 1::no n1 J'l/J:J 0'11 'll , "011101' I:JIIJ n1 Jl'IJIJ I'Hl1:Jl n'J9n" J"'IOn ,19D n•1p :O'Jro11' (111'J) I. Liver ,ed. ,011101' GHALIOUNGUI, Paul, Magic and Medical Science in Ancient Egypt, London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1963. GREENFIELD, Jonas C., "The Genesis Apocryphon, Observation on Some Words and Phrases," Studies in Hebrew and Semitic Languages, Bar Ilan Departmental Researches, 1980, pp. xxxii-xxxix. GRELOT, Pierre, "La PriE>re de Nabonide," RQ 9 (1978) pp. 483-495. HOLM-NIELSON, Svend, Hodayot, Psalms from Qumran, Aarhus: Universitets forlaget, 1960. JANOWSKI, Berndt and Hermann LICHTENBERGER, "Enderwartung und Reinheitsidee: zur eschatologischen Deutung von Reinheit und Slihne in der Qumangemeinde," JJS 34 (1983) pp. 31-62. JONGELING, B., C.J. LABUSCHAGNE and A.S. VANDERWOUDE, Aramaic Texts from Qumran I, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1976. KIRCHSCHLAGER, Walter, "Exorzismus in Qumran," Kairos 18 (1976) pp. 135153. LAPERROUSAZ, E.M., Les Ess,niens, Paris: Descl,e, 1982. LEANEY, A.R.C., The Rule of Qumran and Its Meaning, London: SCM. Press, 1976. LEHMANN, M.R., "New Light on Astrology in Qumrin and the Talmud," RQ 8 (1975) pp. 599-602. LICHT, J., "The Doctrine of the Thanksgiving Scroll," IEJ 6 ( 1956) pp. 113. ,n'I:JlJOI OI~'DI:J'l1HOI Jro ~l'DJ 101101 ,n1'11'0101 nJ'liJ OI":JIOn ,p'JH':J ID1/J :O'Jro11' ,O':JIDOI nJ'l/J MAIER, Johann and Kurt SCHUBERT, Die Qumran-Essener, Mlinchen/Basel: Reinhardt, 1973.

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MAIER, J., Die Texte vom Toten Meer, Mlinchen: Reinhardt, 1960. MEYER, Rudolf, "Das Gebet des Nabonid," Sitzungsberichte der Sii.chsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig 107/3, Berlin, Akademieverlag, 1962. MILIK, J. T., "'Priere de Nabonide' et autres ecrits d' un cycle de Daniel," RB 63 (1965) pp. 407-415. MORALDI, Luigi, I Manoscritti di Qumran, Turino: Unione Tipografico, 1971. MURPHY-O'CONNOR, Jerome, "The Essenes and their History," RB 81 (1974) pp. 215-244. NEWTON, Michael, The Concept of Purity at Qumran and in the Letters of Paul, Cambridge: University Press, 1985. NITZAN, Bilha, "Hymns from Qumran, 'JoJ:l';n ,n!:JJ Evil Ghosts," Tarbiz LV, 1 (1985) pp. 19-46. "Hymns from Qumran," Forty Years of Research on the Dead Sea Scrolls, Abstract of a Symposium, Tel Aviv: Center for the Study of Eretz Israel and its Yishuv, 1988. OSTEN-SAKEN, Peter van der, "Bemerkungen zur Stellung des Mebaqqer in der Sektenschrift, ZNTW 55 (1964) pp. 18-26. PHILONENKO, Marc, "L'Apocalyptique quomranienne," ed. D. Hellholm, Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Near East, Tlibingen: Mohr, 1983, pp. 211-218. - "Deux Horoscopes Qoumraniens: Identification des Personnages," Revue d'Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses 65 (1985) pp. 61-66. POUILLY, J., La Regle de la Communaute de Qumran, Son Evolution Litteraire, Paris: J. Gabalda et Cie, 1976. PUECH, Emil, "llQPsApa: un rituel d'exorcismes. Essai de reconstruction." RB 55 (1990) pp. 377-403. RABIN, Chaim, The Zadokite Documents, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1954. SCHIFFMAN, Lawrence H., "Purity and Exclusion in Serekh H'Edah," Biblical Archaeology Today, Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1985. SHAKED, Shaul, "Qumran and Iran, further considerations," IOS 2, 1972. STEGEMANN, Hartmut, Die Entstehung der Qumrangemeinde, Bonn: Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat, 1971. - "Some Aspects of Eschatology in Texts from the Qumran Community and in the Teachings of Jesus," Biblical Archaeology Today, Proceedings of the International Congress on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, 1985, pp. 408-426. VAN DER PLOEG, J.P.M., "Un petit rouleau de psaumes apocryphes," ed. G.Jeremias, Tradition und Glaube, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1971, pp. 128-139. VAN DER WOUDE, A.S., "Bemerkungen zum Gebet des Nabonid," ed. M. Delcor, Qumran, sa piete, sa theologie et son milieu, Leuven: University Press, 1978. VERMES, Geza, The Dead Sea Scrolls in English, Penguin: Hammondsworth, Middlesex, 1962. - "The Etymology of 'Essenes, "' RQ 2 (1960), pp. 427-443. WACHOLDER, Ben Zion, "How Long did Abram Stay in Egypt," HUCA 35 (1964) pp. 43-56. WERNBERG-M~LLER, P. The Manual of Discipline, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1957.

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PHILO ARNALDEZ, R., ed., Les Oeuvres de Philon d'Alexandrie, 37 vole., Paris: du Cerf, 1961 ;p·nm::>)Ho 1 1 )·~ 'nH n• )H) 1 'YH,'H m m) n• )H) 1 'YH, ilH11Dil AMIR, Yehoshua, .1975-1976 ,~ ,H:J "Philo's Religious Interpretation of a Philosophical Concept," Immanuel 17 (1983/1984) pp. 22-29. - "The Transference of Greek Allegories to Biblical Motifs in Philo," Nourished with Peace, s. Sandmel Festschrift, eds. F.E. Greenspahn, E. Hilgert & B.L. Mack, Chico, Cal.: Scholars Press, 1984. AUCHER, J.B., Philonis Judaei Paralipomena Armena, Venice, 1826. BERCHMAN, Robert M., "Arcana Mundi: Magic and Divination in the De Somniis of Philo of Alexandria," SBL sem. Papers 1987, Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987, pp. 403-428. BORGEN, Peder, "Philo of Alexandria," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum 2.2, ed. M.E. Stone, Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984. BREHIER, Emile, Les idees philosophiques et religieuses de Philon d'Alexandrie, Paris: J. Vrin, 1950 • • il":Jilln ,,!::JD n•,p :O'':wl,' ,'"]Dl' )ll- ill',Oil lli'N "0 COHEN, Naomi, - "The Jewish Dimension of Philo's Judaism - An Elucidation of de Spec. Leg. IV 132-150," Journal of Jewish Studies XXXVIII ( 1987) pp. 165-186. COHN, L. & P. WENDLAND, Philo Alexandrinus, Opera quae supersunt 7 vole., Berlin: Weidmann, 1896-1914. COLSON, F.H. & G. H. WHITAKER, Philo, 10 vole., Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge, Ma.: Harvard University Press, 1929-1962. CONYBEARE, F.C., Philo, about the Contemplative Life, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1895. DANIEL, c., "Filon din Alexandria membru de seama al discarii esseniene din Egipt," (Philo of Alexandria - an important member of the Essene movement in Egypt), Studii Teologice 27 (1975) pp. 602-625. DANIEL, Suzanne, "La halacha de Philon selon le premier livre des lois speciales," Phil on d 'Alexandrie, Colloque, Lyon ( 1966), Paris, 1967, pp. 221-240. DANIELOU, Jean, Philon d'Alexandrie, Paris: A. Fayard, 1958. DILLON, John, The Middle Platonists, Ithaca, N.Y., Cornell Univ.Press, 1977. DODDS, E.R., The Greeks and the Irrational, Boston: Beacon Press, 1957. EDELSTEIN, Ludwig, "The Relation of Ancient Philosophy to Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine XXVI, 4 (1952) pp. 299-316. FITZGERALD, J.T. and L.M. WHITE, The Tabula of Cebes, Chico, Cal.: Scholars Press, 1983. GEOLTRAIN, P., "Le Traite de la vie contemplative de Philon d'Alexandrie," Semitica 10, 1960, pp. 4-57. GOODENOUGH, E.R., An Introduction to Philo Judaeus, Oxford: Blackwell, 1962. - The Politics of Philo Judaeus, New Haven: Yale Univ.Press, 1938. GRANT, R.M., Miracle and Natural Law in Graeco-Roman and early Christian Thought, Amsterdam: North-Holland Pub. Co., 1952. GRO~, Josef, Philons von Alexandreia Anschauungen tiber die Natur des Henschen, Diss. Tlibingen, 1930.

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HEINEMANN, I., Philons griechische und jUdische Bildung, Breslau: M. & H. Marcus, 1932. HOROWITZ, Michael J. , "La Philosophie Judeo-Hellenistique de Philon d'Alexandrie," Nouvelle Revue Theologique 110 (1988) pp. 220-244. JONES, W.H.S., Hippocrates 4 vole., Loeb Classical Library, London: Heinemann, 1948. KAHN, Jean G. "'l ,,lD:J'mil )1 ?·~ ';w 1n,OH - nnil':::l n• ??::lil il?::I!Vilil ,OliO" Proceedings of the Eighth World Congress of Jewish Studies, vol. C, 1981, Jerusalem: World Union of Jewish Studies, 1982. KATZ, P., Philo's Bible, Cambridge: University Press, 1950. LAPORTE, Jean, "The Ages of Life in Philo of Alexandria," SBL Seminar Papers 1986, Atlanta: Scholars Press, pp. 278-290. - "Philo in the tradition of Biblical Wisdom Literature," Aspects of Wisdom in Judaism and Early Christianity, ed. R.L. Wilken, Notre Dame: University Press, 1975. LITTRt, Oeuvres completes d'Hippocrate, traduction nouvelle, avec le texte grec en regard, 10 vole., Paris, 1839-1861. MACK, Burton L., "Exegetical Traditions in Alexandrian Judaism," Studia Philonica 3 (1974-75), pp. 71-112. MARCUS, Ralph, Philo, Supplement I, Questions on Genesis, Supplement II, Questions on Exodus, Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge, Ma.: Harvard University Press, 1953. MELNICK, R., "On the Philonic Conception of the Whole Man," JSJ 11 (1980) pp. 1-32. MENDELSOHN, Alan, Secular Education in Philo of Alexandria, Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 1982. NEUBURGER, Max, History of Medicine I, London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1910. NEWMYER, Stephen, "Talmudic Medicine: A Classicist's Perspective," Judaism 29 (1980), pp. 360-367. NIKIPROWETZKY, V., "'De Vita Contemplativa• revisite," Sagesse et religion, Colloque de Strasbourg 1977, Paris, 1979. - "Sur une lecture demonologique de Philon d'Alexandrie, De Gigantibus 6-18," Hommage Georges Vajda, eds., G. Nahon & C. Touati, Louvain: Editions Peeter, 1980. OHLE, R., Die Essaer des Philo, Altenburg: Geibel, 1888. OTTE, Klaus, Das Sprachverstandnis bei Philo von Alexandrien, TUbingen: Mohr, 1967. PIGEAUD, Jackie, La Maladie de l'ame, Paris: Belles Lettres, 1981. ROSNER, Fred, M.D., trans., Julius Preuss' Biblical And Talmudic Medicine, New York: Sanhedrin Press, 1978. -Medicine in the Bible and the Talmud, New York: KTAV, 1977. SANDMEL, Samuel, "Philo Judaeus: An Introduction to the Man, his Writings and his Significance," ANRW II 21.1, Berlin: de Gruyter, 1984, pp. 346. -Philo's Place in Judaism, New York: KTAV, 1971. SCHONFELD, H.G., "Zum Begriff Therapeutai Bei Philon von Alexandrien," ~Q 3 (1961-62) pp. 219-240. SMALLWOOD, E. Mary, Philonis Alexandrini Legatio ad Gaium, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1961. SYBOLT, J. Noorda, "Illness and Sin, Forgiving and Healing," Studies in Hellenistic Religions, ed. M.J. Vermaseren, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979. TRIVINO, Jose, Obras Completas de Filon de Alejandria, 5 vole., Buenos Aires: Acervo, 1975. TCHERIKOVER, V .A. & A. FUKS, Corpus Papyrorum Iudaicorum, 2 vole., Cambridge, Ma.: Harvard University Press, 1957.

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JOSEPHUS BARNETT, P.W., "The Jewish Sign Prophets, A.D. 40-70, Their Intentions and Origins," NTS 27 (1981) pp. 679-697. BETZ, Otto, "Das Problem des Wunders bei Flavius Josephus im Vergleich zum Wunderproblem bei den Rabbinern und im Johannesevangelium," JosephusStudien, Festschrift flir Otto Michael, eds. 0. Betz, K. Haaken, M. Hengel, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1974. BLATT, Franz, The Latin Josephus, Copenhagen: Universitets forlaget I Aarhus, 1958. BURCHARD, Christoph, "Zur Neuliberlieferung von Josephus• Bericht tiber die Essener, Bell. 2, 119-161 bei Hippolytus, Porphyrius, Josippus, Niketas Chroniates und anderen," Josephus-Studien, Gottingen, 1974. DELLING, Gerhard, "Josephus und Das Wunderbare," Novum Testamentum II, (1958) pp. 291-309. DOWNING, F. Gerald, "Common Ground with Paganism in Luke and in Josephus,• NTS 28 (1982) pp. 546-559. DULING, Dennis C., "The Eleazar Miracle and Solomon's Magical Wisdom in Flavius Josephus's Antiquitates Judaicae 8. 42-49," HTR 78 (1985) pp.l-25. FELDMAN, Louis H., "Abraham the General in Josephus," Nourished with Peace, Samuel Sandmel Festschrift, eds. F.E. Greenspahn, E. Hilgert, B.L. Mack, Chico, Cal.: Scholars Press, 1984. Josephus and Modern Scholarship ( 1937-1980), Berlin: de Gruyter, 1984. "Josephus as an Apologist," Aspects of Religious Propaganda in Judaism and Early Christianity, E. Schllisser Fiorenza, Notre Dame: University Press, 1976. - "Josephus' Portrait of Saul," HUCA LIII (1982) pp. 45-99. FRANXMAN, Thomas w., Genesis and the "Jewish Antiquities" of Flavius Josephus, Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1979. GRANT, Robert M., Miracle and Natural Law, Amsterdam: North-Holland Pub. Co., 1952. HALPERIN, David J., "The Book of Remedies, the Canonization of the Solomonic Writings and the Riddle of Pseudo-Eusebius," JQR 72 ( 1982) pp. 269-292. HENGEL, Martin, Judaism and Hellenism, tr. J. Bowden, London: SCM Press, 1974.

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329

NEW TESTAMENT ACHTEMEIER, Paul J., ""The Lucan Perspective on the Miracles of Jesus: A Preliminary Sketch," JBL 94 (1975) pp. 547-562. ALTHAUS, Paul, "Bekenne einer dem andern seine SUnden, •• Festgabe fUr Theodor Zahn, Leipzig: D.W. Scholl, 1928. BARRETT, C.K., A Commentary on the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, London: A. & c. Black, 1973. - The Gospel According to St. John, London, SPCK, 1978. BAUERNFEIND, Otto, Kommentar und Studien zur Apostelgeschichte, TUbingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1980. - Die Worte der Damonen im Markusevangelium, Stuttgart: w. Kohlhammer, 1927. BEARE, Francis W., The Gospel according to Matthew, Oxford: Blackwell, 1981. BENOIT, P., "Decouvertes archeologiques auteur de la Piscine de Bethesda,• Jerusalem through the Ages, The 25th Archaeological Convention, Oct. 1967, Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1968, pp. 48-57. - Benoit and M.E. BOISMARD, Synapse des Quatre Evangiles en Fran9ais, Paris: du Cerf, 1972. BETZ, Otto & Werner GRIMM, Wesen und Wirklichkeit der Wunder Jesu, Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1977. BOCHER, Otto, Christus Exorcista, Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer 1972. - Damonenfurcht und Damonenabwehr, stuttgart: w. Kohlhammer, 1970. BROWN, Raymond, The Gospel According to John I-XII, Garden City: Doubleday, 1966. BRUCE, F.F., The Epistle to the Galatians, Exeter: Paternoster, 1982. BUSSE, Ulrich, Die Wunder des Propheten Jesus, Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1979. CADBURY, Henry J., The Style and Literary Method of Luke, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1920. CADMAN, W.H., "The Raising of Lazarus," Studia Evangelica, TU 73, Berlin: Akademieverlag, 1959. CHARLES, R.H., The Revelation of St. John, Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1920. CONZELMANN, Hans, 1 Corinthians, trans. J.W. Leitch, Philadelphia: Fortress, 1975. - The Theology of St. Luke, Philadelphia: Fortress, 1982. CRESPY, Georges, La Guer ison par la foi, Neuchatel: Delachaux & Niestle, 1952. DAUBE, David, The New Testament and Rabbinic Judaism, London: Athlone Press, 1956. DAVIDS, Peter H., The Epistle of James, Exeter: Paternoster, 1982. DEJONGE, M., "Signs and works in the Fourth Gospel," Jesus: Stranger from Heaven and Son of God, Missoula, Mo.: Scholars Press, 1977. DIBELIUS, Martin, James, A Commentary on the Epistle of James, trans. M.A. Will, Philadelphia: Fortress, 1976. DOUGLAS, Mary, Purity and Danger, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966. EITREM, S., Some Notes on the Demonology in the New Testament, Oslo: A.W. Br!<Sgger, 1950. EVANS, Craig, "Luke's Use of the Elijah, Elisha Narratives," JBL 106 (1987) pp. 75-83. FENNER, Friedrich, Die Krankheit im Neuen Testament, Leipzig: J.c. Hinrichs'sche, 1930.

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331

KIRCHSCHLAGER, Walter, Jesu Exorzistisches Wirken aus der Sicht des Lukas, Osterreichische Biblische Studien 3, Klosterneuburg, Austria, 1981. KLEIN, Hans, "Das Glaubensverstandnis im Matthausevangelium," ed. F. Hahn and H. Klein, Glaube im Neuen Testament, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1982. KNOCH, Otto, "Leibliche und seelische Gesundheit als Heilsgabe Gottes," Dynamik im Wort, Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1983. KOCH, Dietrich-Alex, Die Bedeutung der Wundererzii.hlungen ftir die Christ-ologie des Markusevangeliums, Berlin: de Gruyter, 1975. KOLENKOW, A.B., ••Healing Controversy as a Tie between Miracle and Passion Material for a Proto-Gospel," JBL 95 (1976) pp. 623-638. KYSAR, R., "The Fourth Gospel. A Report of Recent Research," ANRW II, 25.3, 1985, pp. 2389-2480. LACHS, Samuel Tobias, A Rabbinic Commentary on the New Testament, Hoboken: KTAV, 1987. LAGRANGE, P.M.J., L'Evangile selon Saint Jean, Paris: Librairie Lecoffre, 1936. LANE, W., Commentary on the Gospel of Mark, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1975. LEGASSE, Simon, "Les Miracles de Jesus selon Matthieu," ed. X. Leon-Dufour, Les Miracles de Jesus, Paris: du Seuil, 1977. LIEU, J.M., "Blindness in the Johannine Tradition," NTS 34 (1988) pp. 8395. LIGHTFOOT, R.H. St. John's Gospel, Oxford: Clarendon, 1956. LOHMEYER, Ernst, Die Offenbarung des Johannes, Tlibingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1953. McGINLEY, Lawrence, Form-Criticism of the Synoptic Healing Narratives, Woodstock, Maryland: Woodstock College Press, 1944. McNEILE, Alan Hugh, The Gospel according to St. Matthew, London: MacMillan, 1915. MAIER, Gerhard, "Johannes und Matthaus - Zwiespalt oder Viergestalt des Evangeliums?" ed. R.T. France & D. Wenham, Gospel Perspectives II, Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1981, pp. 267-291. MANSON, T.W., The Sayings of Jesus, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1957. MARSHALL, I. Howard, The Gospel of Luke, Exeter: Paternoster, 1978. MARTIN, Francis, Encounter Story: A Characteristic Gospel Narrative Form, doct. diss., Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1977. MAYER, Bernhard, "Jak 5, 13-18 - ein 'Pladoyer' fUr das Bittgebet in der Kirche," Der Dienst ftir Henschen in Theologie und Verktindigung, Alois Brems Festschrift, Regensburg: Pustet, 1981. MAYOR, Joseph, The Epistle of St. James, London: MacMillan, 1897. MEES, Michael, "Die Heilung des Kranken vom Bethesdateich aus Joh 5.1-18 in frtihchristlicher Sicht," NTS 32 (1986) pp. 596-608. MICHL, Johann, Die Katholischen Briefe, Regensburg: Pustet, 1968. MOESSNER, David P., "The Christ must Suffer: New Light on the Jesus-Peter, Stephen, Paul Parallels in Luke Acts," Novum Testamentum XXVIII (1986) pp. 220-256. MONFRIN, Franc;oise, "La Guerison du Serviteur (Jn 4, 43-54), Une Nouvelle Interpretation des Sarcophages de Bethesda," Melanges de l'Ecole Franc;aise de Rome, Antiquite 97.2 (1985) pp. 979-1020. MOUNCE, Robert H., The Book of Revelation, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1977. NAICKANPARAMPIL, M., Jesus as Teacher in Mark, Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1986. NOLLAND, John, "Classical and Rabbinic Parallels to Physician Heal Yourself (Lk IV 23)," Novum Testamentum XXI (1979) pp. 193-209.

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INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS

Aesculapius Ahikar amulets anti-astrological statement apotropaic, means of preventing illness Asclepiades asipu astrology

7' 48 29' 38 8, 11, 111-114, 123, 312 82 58, 101, 112, 123, 160-165, 167 7' 123 5, 154-155, 157 5, 66-67, 81, 117-118, 158-159

Baal Baaras plant

8-10 225 5-6, 155, 157 66-67, 76, 228 n. 43 121-122, 158, 215, 264 37, 281-283

Mru Berosus blindness - for God's glory Canaan, medicine in ancient concept of man, influence on medicine confession of sin and healing confirmation by God through healings and miracles

7 4-5 5, 44, 292, 296 214-216

disease and illness, distinction between dying in peace or good health, its connection to sin

1-2 101-104

Egypt, medicine in ancient 5-6 Enoch traditions and healing 62, 69-70, 72, 75 Essenes 136-137, 166, 228-229 evil in the world, responsibility for 61, 63, 69-70, 74, 83, 86-87' 96, 100, 170 evil spirits or Satan, as the cause of illness 21-22, 25, 71, 96, 138-139, 164, 189-191, 247-249 exorcism 5, 34, 70, 139, 140, 148, 165, 225-228, 236-237, 239, 253-254 - casting out or dismissing? 235-237 - and magic 273-274 faith - and forgiveness of sins 261 fallen angels or "watchers" fasting folk medicine four humour theory fumigation gall gezer- exorcist or diviner? God as the active agent of healing grave sites of holy persons Greece, medicine in ancient

55-56, 252-253, 262-263, 269-270, 277 53, 63, 69, 72, 74, 76, 97 15, 36, 263 218, 224-226, 245, 286 198-199 33-34 33-35 152-157 20-21 127' 130 6-7

336

healing as synonymous for forgiveness 11-12, 15, 20, 40, 110, 138, 156, 183-184 healing gifts 288-289, 293, 295 health of mind and soul 4-5, 174-175 herbs or roots 10, 40, 51, 64-65, 76, 82, 85, 87, 89, 92, 228 Hippocrates 7, 24, 110, 192-196, 198, 201 incubation intermediaries of God

7

171, 176-179, 207, 211

Jesus - portrayed as healer Job's protest of innocence justification of healing remedies

244-245, 271-272 21-23 26, 42-48, 53, 86-87, 125

key text: Exodus 15.26 kindness to animals as preventive medicine

4

103

laying on of hands 148, 264-266, 274-275 leper or leprosy 14-15, 19-20, 24, 213, 245, 252, 271 ft. 12, 283,286 logos - word 56-57, 178, 180 Luke the physician? 246-247 254-255 Luke's healing accounts - magical? luminaries and their healing power 67, 80-81, 158-159 magical means of healing medical care in Israel medical metaphors medical vocabulary and descriptions medicine in antiquity mental illness Mesopotamia, medicine in ancient

messianic age and healing miracles and God's providence moderation in eating music's healing power Noah oil

64, 65, 89, 112, 123, 253, 264-265 23-25 191, 223-224 50-51, 108-110, 201-205, 221-222 5-11

51, 108-109, 202, 224 5

68, 82-83, 89-90, 142, 145, 160, 298-299 58-59, 179, 211-213 41, 186, 197, 206 123, 162, 221 63, 66, 68-70, 72, 78, 82-89, 92 10-12, 293-294

paralysis 99 n. 15, 132 n. 8, 235, 241, 249, 252, 259, 261, 267, 276, 278, 280 15, 95 patriarchs, their role in healing pestilence 54, 117, 149, 164 192-206 Philo as physician physicians, negative attitudes towards 23, 30, 39, 47, 107, 219, 221, 246, 265-266 praising God after healing, motif 243-244 prayer for healing 13-14, 34-35, 44-45, 95-98, 132-135, 179-180, 212 predestination 142-143, 165 preventive medicine in Hebrew Scriptures 15-16 prophet, Jesus as prophet who heals 242, 244 prophets, their role in healing 11-15, 127-130 Psalms, related to sickness or healing 16-17 punishment - measure for measure 96, 98, 103, 133

337

Raphael 29-37, 67, 71, 76-77, 87-88 rapi'u 8 relics 129, 130 repentance 96, 100, 105, 108, 134, 169, 183-185, 189, 207 - and healing 296 sin, as cause of illness 39, 62-65, 67-68, 75-76, 86-88, 91, 96, 107, 132, 134, 147-148, 222-223, 250-251, 286-287 Solomon as exorcist and healer 51, 123, 226-227 stones, healing 120, 212, 228, 230 suffering and sickness for God's glory 37, 145, 288-289 251-252, 287-288 suffering and the working of healings terminology describing healing, New Testament Greek describing healing, Hebrew describing illness, Hebrew - describing illness, New Testament Greek of signs and wonders, Greek

-

virtuous living as preventive medicine winds bringing healing or disease wound doctors in Israel

235, 276-277 19-20 18-21 234-235 233-234, 276-277

105, 142, 180, 183, 187-189, 207 115-116, 185, 194-195 10

Book description

This work focuses on attitudes towards healing revealed in non-canonical and non-rabbinic Jewish literature of the Second Temple period. In other words, what did the authors of these books think the causes of illness and the causes, or means, of healing were? The oldest work of this period to mention healing date from the third century BCE, namely Tobit and the Book of Watchers of 1 Enoch. The New Testament is also included even though many, if not most, of its books were completed after the destruction of the Temple in 70 CE. Aside from chapters on works classified as Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha chapters are also devoted to the Dead Sea Srolls, Philo of Alexandria and Josephus. The introductory chapter on the Hebrew Scriptures forms the basis upon which the development of thought about healing is traced. Of particular importance is the Exodus 15.25-26 passage affirming God as the healer and bringer of illnesses according to one's good or bad relationship to Him. The author maintains that this perspective - that God is the ultimate healer - is never lost sight of in the literature of the Second Temple period even though illnesses are attributed to other causes such as intermediaries of God, evil spirits, and the stars. Similiarly, means of healing are expanded to include exorcism, magical means as well as scientific and folk medicine. Though this work treats its sources primarily from a philosophical and, to a lesser extent, theological point of view and is not, strictly speaking, a book on medicine in biblical-related literature, it will be nonetheless of interest to students of the history of medicine and cultural anthropology.

ISBN 3-7278-0782-2 (Universitatsverlag) ISBN 3-525-53922-3 (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht)

NOVUM TESTAMENTUM ET ORBIS ANTIQUUS INTOA) Bd. 1

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IRENE TAATZ. Friihjiidische Briefe. Die paulinischen Briefe im Rahmen der offiziellen religiosen Briefe des Friihjudentums. 132 Seiten. 1991.

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