From Hamito-Semitic to ancient Egyptian: historical phonology

Folia Lmguistica Histonca XVII1-2 pp. 143-255 © Societas Linguisüca Europaea

FROM HAMITO-SEMITIC TO ANCIENT EGYPTIAN: HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY VLADIMIR OREL

In the present paper, I am going to draw a more or less chaotic and, in any case, preliminary picture of the development from Proto-HamitoSemitic äs reconstructed in the classical works in Afro-Asiatic historical linguistics (see Cohen 1947; 1953; Djakonov 1965; 1965a; 1988) to Ancient Egyptian. New comparative material äs well äs new Hamito-Semitic reconstructions, widely used below, is presented in the forthcoming HamitoSemitic Etymological Dictionaty (Orel - Stolbova 1995). In my analysis of the Egyptian material excerpted from and interpreted in Erman - Grapow 1957; Gardiner 1957; Faulkner 1962 (cf. also an important work Vergote 1945), I tried - whenever possible - to limit the usage of later Egyptian forms äs the main problem of the present paper might be more exactly formulated äs: To Early Egyptian from Late Hamito-Semitic. It seems important to mention here some of the problems that are not discussed in the present paper. As I had to confine myself to phonetics, all complicated morphological processes leading to the formation of the Egyptian morphology äs well äs its common innovations shared with some other Hamito-Semitic languages were left to further discussion in future. Unfortunately, I will be equally unable to make more than a few remarks on the vocabulary, even though I believe that the configuration of lexical isoglosses in Hamito-Semitic is of prime importance for the study of its dialectal structure. The Indo-European data and their Interpretation (Porzig 1954; Gamkrelidze - Ivanov 1984) corroborate the validity and the relevance of the lexical material äs a basis of linguistic geography and classification. Even though there is need for further research in this field, it may be safely claimed that, lexically, Egyptian is strongly connected with Chadic languages with which it shares a great number of words, including some obvious common innovations (see Orel - Stolbova 1992a; 1992b). What follows is a number of observations on the phonetic development proper, from Late Hamito-Semitic to Early Egyptian. They are independent of the internal reconstruction of the Egyptian historical phonology and may deviate from the results of the latter (see a concise description of the latter in Erman 1928: 39-51). In any case, I tend to base my conclusions mainly on older forms (registered in the Old and Middle Kingdoms). In some cases, when a certain phenomenon

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is widely attested and is fairly regulär, only some (selected) forms are adduced. Labials: The Opposition of */and *p In the labial row, Hamito-Semitic had no emphatic (HS *p äs reconstructed by Djakonov 1965; Djakonov et al. 1987 was based on the yearning for symmetry and on the etymologically misinte reted material, mainly, on the Hamito-Semitic word for "flea"). On the other band, äs West and Central Chadic show, together wdth certain Cushitic branches, there exists HS */ distinct from HS *p. In Semitic and Berber this Opposition was neutralized. The archaic distinction between */ and *p remained unchanged in Egyptian. This is proved by the following (selected) Egyptian - Chadic lexical parallels: Anlaut */ 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Egfdk "tear off" (MK) ~ WCh *fa(ak- "lacerate" (Hsfätäkä). Eg nfry "monkey" (gr) ~ WCh */?r- "red monkey" (Fyer für); CCh *fir- "monkey" (Mbafre, Masa//ra, Gis vri, Lame v/r, Masafira). Eg fs "cook" (a) ~ WCh *fwac- "burn, cook, roast" (Fyer fwas, Bks/oy, Sha/oy, DB fas). Eg ftt "erase (inscriptions)" ~ WCh *fwat- "scratch (of ground)" (Ang/ivöf). Egfy "cloth" (NK) ~ CCh *fway- "loincloth" (Mwu/wcy/)·

Anlaut *p 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Egp3 "fly" (pyr) - WCh *paH- "fly" ( ), CCh *paw- "jump quickly" (Mofupaw). Egp^r.t "dove" (NK) ~ WCh *par- < *paHVr- "quail" (Hs barwä), CCh *puruw- < *paruw- "turtle dove" (Mwlpuruwo, Nzapuruwe). Eg ph3 "split, break through" (MK) ~ WCh *paHal- "break through, strike" (Hs balle, Tngpäle, Pero/?^/), CCh *pal- "break" (Mafa pal-). Egpty "cloth" (BD) ~ WCh *päl- < *payal- "cloth" (Wrj päla). Egpf.t "sky waters" (pyr) ~ CCh *pi9a^- "rainy season" (Msgpia^ Mofupiya, Mbapiya). Egpry "soar, rise" (pyr) ~ WCh *pir- "soar, Stretch the wings" (Hs fira, Angplr). Egpfar "run" (pyr) ~ WCh *pira- < *puHar- "jump" (Hs burä, Ang pyar, Ank pär, Mpn paar).

Inlaut */ 1.

Eg tf "spit" (pyr) ~ WCh *ft//- "spit" (Hs töfa, Bol tuf, Dera tuvi, Ngm /p, Fyer tuf, Sha tuf, DB tuf, Ngz tepfcw); CCh *tuf- "spit"

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2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

(Mba tuf, Zgh tfa, Glv to/-, Mofu -te/-, Daba tif, Bch ft//a, Log m/?, Zime fu/b, Masa hif-n ). Egdfy "sink" (med) ~ WCh *3yaf- "throw" (Hs je/b). Eg dfy "vessel" (OK) - CCh *dif- "pot" (Mwu deevo, Nza dw, FBw divz-n, FMch d/vw). Eg 7*.* "kind of plant" (med) ~ CCh **>af- "grass" (Mba 90/). Eg i3f.t "claw (of the vulture)" - CCh *//-///"- "fmgernail" (Masa lilifa). Eg s// "warm" (pyr) ~ CCh *sirVf- "covered with sweat" (Mafa sirf-e^e).

Inlaut *p l2. 3. 4. 5.

E

S %V "g°" (Pyr) ~ wch *pay-/*Pfi]y- "return, go" (Wrj /iaryi, Kry piy, Diri /?(y, Sha / fy, Klr pa\ CCh *p[a]y- "cross, go out" (Log piya, Lame -pa-). Eg /> "blow" (n.) (MK) - WCh **>up- "strike" (Mnt mip\ ECh *9w/7- "strike" (Mkk Ίφρο). Eg sph "catch with a lasso" (pyr) ~ WCh *daHap- "catch" (Hs cafe, DB 5yi//7). Eg hps "calf (anat.)" (pyr) - WCh */?^c- "calf" (Mnt p^as\ Eg ^3p "house" (MK) - WCh *tarp- "hut" (Hs kafe\CCh *kYp"house" (Tera kipi). Dentals: Emphatic *f

The Hamito-Semitic dental emphatic was not preserved s such in Egyptian. In several cases, etymologically sound comparisons imply its development to t while other valid and traditionally accepted etymological equations are based on its change to d. Comparisons based on older Egyptian forms show a complicated but perceptible complementary distribution in which several factors are of decisive importance. Generally speaking, in the anlaut HS *f- yields to Eg t- while elsewhere it develops to Eg -d-. Anlaut *(- > t1. 2.

3.

Eg tmm "close" (pyr) — Sem *{ Vm- "close (ears)" (Akk (ummumu), CCh *{yam- "hide" (Bud tema-hi) < HS *(em-. Eg t3h "kiU" (gr) ~ Sem *(VwVh- "perish" (Arabttv/ζ),WCh *(i^uh"kill" (Sura tu, Ang tu, Chip to, Wrj tey, Kry te:y-, Diri tu, Miya t9y, Cagu tiyu, Siri tey, Mbu iay, Jmb tiy-, Brm ft/^e) < HS *(i9uhEg im, iwtn "earth" (a) - Sem *fln- "clay, earth, dirt" (Aram (Syr) tln , Arab fm-, Jib tun, Hss fay^ Mhr f y«> shh Ρ"Λ "earth" (Log t^n) < HS *iw-.

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4.

Eg twd.t "temple roof" (gr) ~ WCh *f0iv- "roof" (Fyer taw, Wrj tuwai) < HS *taw-.

Inlaut *-t- > - . 2. 3. 4. 5.

Eg wbd "burn" (mag) ~ WCh *buw(V)t- "ash" (Bol fo/to, Krk Dera bubute, Bele bwfo, Krf buto, Gera fodfl, Diri &wft/, CCh *bKH>wf- "ash" (LPe bmit) < HS *fcww/f-. Eg öfld "difficult delivery" (med) - Sem *bVtun- "be pregnant, have a big belly" (Hbr bin, Aram (Talm) ^farc, Arab bin [-M-], Hss &
This basic distribution is, however, complicated - already at a rather early stage - by the forms with laryngeals (h, and h). Under the influence of laryngeals, inlaut *-?- yielded to -M 1. 2.

Eg htr "pay" (n) ~ Sem *hV(Vr- "pay" (Akk eteru) < HS *hVtVr-. Eg htm ~ "close" (pyr) ~ Sem *W\Vm- "stop up" (Akk hatämu) <

3.

Eg hty "see" (BD) ~ Sem *AKyKr- "observe" (Akk hatii) < HS

Another factor influencing the original distribution is the presence of *r > Eg r in the root. It causes a füll Inversion of reflexes in the development of *(: Anlaut *t- > d- in contact with *r 1.

Eg dsr.t "vessel" (pyr) ~ Sem *fM,f 0r- "bag" (Akk titsaru) < HS *{ucar-. 2. Eg dr "take away" (pyr) ~ Sem **>VtVr- "take away" (Akk eteru) < HS *fKr-. Inlaut *-t- > -i- in contact with *r 1.

Eg mir "water" (Amarna) ~ Sem *matar- "Streaming water, rain" (Akk mitirtu, Ug wfr, Hbr mä(är, Aram (Syr) me(rö, Arab ma(ar-) < HS *ma{ar-. 2. Eg m/t "chin" (1) ~ WCh *mMrKf- "beard" (Diri muldü) < HS *murV{-. Since we do not know examples with initial *f- followed by h or ^, we may, at this stage, to propose a more general hypothesis, namely, that

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of Inversion of reflexes in phonological contexts with /z, h and r. It is even more plausible since r is in many respects functionally close to laryngeals. In later Egyptian, there existed a position in which the initial i- < *fwas unstable and irregularly developed to d-. It sporadically happened before a labial stop äs in the following cases: HS *tab- > Eg dbdb "pierce, tear" (1), HS *tab- > Eg dbdb "catch, seize", HS *(if-tif- > Eg dfdf.t "drops" (XX). On the other band, sometimes the initial t- was preserved in this position: HS *(ab- > Eg tb.t "box" (gr), HS *tabVl- "drum" > Eg tbn "drum" (gr). Development of *r In the initial position HS *r- was always preserved äs r- but before the reconstructed HS */ and *M it yielded to /- (on the reconstruction of these Hamito-Semitic vowels see Orel - Stolbova 1989-1990; 1992). Several examples may be adduced to illustrate this bifurcation: Initial */·- > . 2. 3. 4.

Eg rd "foot" (pyr) ~ LEG *rad- "footprint" (Som raad) < HS *rad-. Eg r* "sun, Sun-god" (pyr) ~ WCh *rayi- < *raHi- "sun" (Geji ri, Sha are\ ECh *ra#- "sun, god" (Mkk ra, Bid räya) < HS *ra<*-. Eg rhy.t "men" (pyr) ~ WCh *ryaH- "male" (adj.) (Bks re) < HS *reh-. Eg rhy.t "kind of bird" (OK) ~ Sem *ruhh- "fabulous bird" (Arab raAA-), CCh *ruq- "ostrich" (Lame ruko), ECh *rwak- "heron" (Mkk rooke) < HS *roq- "bird".

Initial *r- > /- before */ and *ü 1. 2.

Eg im "clay" (MK) ~ Sem *rimm- "wet earth" (Arab rimm-) < HS *rim-. Eg iwn "wind" (pyr) ~ WCh *ruwun- "wind" (Kry ruwun, Miya ruwun, Mbu ruwzri) < HS *rüwun~.

It is particularly striking that the above rule is no more observed in later Egyptian forms (cf. *rimm- "fruit" Eg rrm.t "fruit" (NK), *mv-/*n>"fire; burn" > Eg rwy "flame" (n) and the like), thus leading us to a conclusion that old forms in Orthographie i- might begin with something like a palatal [r']. In the inlaut of triconsonantal roots, a normal reflex of HS *-r- is Eg -3- äs it may be seen from (selected) examples: 1.

Eg b3k "be light, be bright" (pyr) ~ Sem *bVrib- "shine (of lightning)" (Akk baräqu, Aram ber€q, beraq, Arab brq [-/-], Gz brq,

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2. 3.

4. 5.

Amh bärräqa), Omot *[b]arik- "shine" (Mch pariqqi-) < HS *barik-. Eg s3m.w "big mug" (OK) ~ Sem *?uräm- "big vesseP (Akk surämu) < HS *cwram-. Eg dJm "young man" (MK) ~ WCh *gwanim- "slave" (Sura tarom, Mpn /rrom, Ang kwarrn, Bol Aigflrw, Krk ncarum), LEG *gorom"young man" (Som gorom-saa), Rift *garVm- "boy" (Irq garma) < HS *gorum-. Eg m^ "be true" (a) ~ CCh *mar- "right" (adj.) (Zgh A7t«raw) < HS *manf-. Eg z3& "flow" (pyr) ~ Sem *zVrab- "flow" (Arab zrb [-a-]) < HS *jVrab-.

However, if there is a laryngeal in the root (J, including 3 from */; l - from *9 and *y\ h or /z), the original HS *-r- is preserved: 1. 2.

Eg 3ry.f "stick" (MK) ~ Sem *larVy- "twig" (Akk laru) < HS

Eg iry.t "corn (äs donation)" (XVIII) ~ Sem *yow£- "kind of barley" (Akk yarahhu\ ECh *yar- "corn" (Sok yew) < HS *yar/*yarah-, 3. Eg i3rw "reed, rush" (pyr) ~ Sem *yara9· "reed not used for writing" (Arabjw/w9-X w^h *^Kwiv- "reed" (Tngy/ ) < HS *yara*>/*yaraw-. 4. Eg hrw "day" (pyr) ~ CCh *hyaraw- "day" (Bud.yfrow), ECh *Ayariy- "noon" (Dng 9eriyo) < HS *heraw-/*heray-. 5. Eg mrfri "fat, grease" (OK) ~ Sem *mon9- "fat, fatling" (Akk i, Ug mm, Hbr me/f 9), WCh *mwaHir- "fat, oil" (Hs mal, Sura r, Ang mßr, mwür, Mpn muur, mwoor, myar, Bol mor, Krk /, Ngm raor, Maha mor, Bele mwrw, Krf muru, Gera moori, Glm w^r, Grm moori, Pol mm, Geji m///, Brw miyir, Say mir, mßy/, Kir m^r, Tala mir, Sha m#/i, Ngz mdrzk), CCh *m0r- "fat, grease" (Tera maf, Gude mara, Gudu m«r, Bch maray, Nza märe), LEC *mor- "fat" (Or moora) < HS *mor/9-/*mon/i-. In later forms, r is absolutely dominating in the inlaut, including even such words where there are no laryngeal phonemes, cf., for example, *murV(- "beard, chin" > Eg mrf "chin" (1). As to the final position where we find Eg r (prevailing) and 3 (less frequent) äs reflexes of HS *r, the distribution is not so clear, cf. such "minimal pairs" äs HS *car- > Eg sr "high official, eider" (pyr) viz. HS *car- "know" > Eg s33 "know" (a), or HS *mar- "slave" Eg mr.t "serf" (OK) viz. HS *m«r- "be sour" > Eg OnJ "become sour" (pyr). The heretical Suggestion that could be logically put forward, is a hypothesis that originally different variants in this position did not depend on the en-

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vironment and went back to two different Hamito-Semitic phonemes. An alternative hypothesis would ascribe the bifurcation to some unnoticed factor, for example, to the stress. Palatalizations of velars Palatalizations of velars have a long and rather complicated history in Egyptian. At least, two processes should be analyzed separately: progressive palatalization(s) covering all velars including k and the regressive palatalization by which k is not affected. In both cases, the conditions of palatalizations may be formulated in the terms of Hamito-Semitic vocalism äs recently reconstructed in Orel - Stolbova 1989-1990; 1992. At later stages of the linguistic history of Egyptian, the results of palatalization were phonetically and/or orthographically cancelled. First, I will analyze the mechanism of the regressive palatalization. The original g is preserved before HS *0, *e and *u äs it is proved by the following (selected) examples: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Eg gb3 "side of a room" (Weste.) - WCh *ga*ab- "room" (Bol gabi9 Dera gawi, gabt, Tng kaabi, Krf kaafi, Gera gawa, Glm gaabii) < HS *ga*>ab-. Eg gmh "wait" (MK) ~ ECh *gam- "wait" (Smr gam, Sbn gam-) < HS *gamah-. Eggnn "be weak" (OK) ~ ECh gyalal- "weak" (Gbr geläle) < HS *gelal-. Eg gw3.t "box" (MK) ~ CCh *gii*>- "pot" (Gul gitä), ECh *#**"basket" (Kwn gu) < HS *gu*>-. Eggb.t "kind of fish" (OK) ~ ECh *gub- "fish" (Tob gubü) < HS

Even if g was followed by one of the above vowels, it was palatalized to d when there was y in the root: 1. 2.

Eg dwy "call, say" (pyr) ~ WCh *gay- "teU" (Hs gaya\ CCh *ga"speak" (Tera ga), Omot *gay- "sä/' (Shk ge, Dirne gee-mu, Gll gay, Ari gai-) < HS *gay-. Eg dwy.t "kind of bird" (sarc) ~ CCh *gVy- "kind of bird" (Gude gyagya, Mnd giye) < HS *gVy-. The palatalization took place before *i and *o:

1. 2.

Eg dn "grind" (med) ~ ECh *gin- "pound" (Smr gine, Turn gzn, Ndm gzna, Dng igina) < HS *gwi-. Eg dndn.t "firew (sarc) ~ CCh *giw- "roast" (Mafa gin-) < HS *«&!-.

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3. 4.

5.

Eg dw "mountain" (pyr) ~ CCh *gwa*>- "stone" (Lame ngwai, LPe gwoi9, Zime gwo?) < HS *go-. Egdnh "wing" (pyr) ~ WCh *hVgwan- "shoulder, arm, wing" (Sura k^g^ , Ang gwon, gwong, Dwot kuyun, Bks koq, Sha ngaan), CCh *gwan- "elbow" (Msg gono-gone), HEC *gonn- "wing" (Kmb gonna-td) < HS *gonVh~. Eg d3m "young man" (MK) ~ WCh *gwarum- "slave" (Sura kurom, Mpn krom, Ang kwarm, Bol /igörm, Krk ncarum), LEG *gorom"young man" (Somgoröm- ^), Rift *garVm- "boy" (Irq^a/77ia) < HS *gorum-.

The same set of rules (with minor amendments) is applicable to the regressive palatalization of *k. It is preserved before HS *#, *e and *M: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Eg /tf 'iw//" f/Tyrj - CC/ *tow- "bull" (Glv kawa, Gava towa, Mnd teiva) < HS *ka'>-/*kaw-. Eg to "small" (MK) ~ WCh *kat- "small" (Sura toi, Mpn kat) < HS *toi-. Eg knm.t "darkness" (BD) ~ CCh *kyanum- "night" (Bud kenum), ECh *kyalVm- "shadow" (Mig kelmo, Mkk kelemo, Sok AiV/it/o) < HS *kenum-. Eg ^/iJ "utter a cry" (MK) ~ WCh *kuh- "shout" (Dera *ui, kuhi) < HS

The presence of HS *y causes a palatalization of *k irrespective of the root vowel: 1.

EglSw "wind, air" (pyr) ~ WCh *kyay- "wind" (Paa key) < HS *kew-/*key-. The palatalization took place before */, *o and also *ü:

l. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Eginw "count" (pyr) ~ WCh */C//IM- "count": Mnt kün, Wrj /C/AI-, Kry kin-, Miya Acaii-, Paa £2/1-, Cagu /T^AI-, Siri /C^/IM, Mbu kzn, Jmb /c^/i) < HS *km-. Eglz.t "box" (OK) ~ Agaw *%- "basket" (Xmr kizaa, kizaa) < HS *%-. Egl/m "shine" (pyr) ~ WCh *kwan-H- "light, day" (Tng k^ , DB ma-kon), Wrz *A:flfn- < *kVHan- "day" (Gaw /ca«e). Egi* "tooth" (MK) - Bed koos "tooth", Rift *to9ö5- "molar" (Kwz ko^os-iko) < HS *kos-. Eg ln,y "raise high" (pyr) - WCh *fawH>0- "rise, lift" (Bol kon, Dwot kun) < HS */cw/i-.

The progressive palatalizations of velars are regulated by a different set of factors and they must have taken place at different stages of the

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linguistic prehistory of Egyptian. These factors should be described separately for each of velar phonemes. As to *g, it was palatalized to d after *-#-: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Eg nbd "angry" (OK) ~ ECh *bag-ay- "be angry" (Mobu bagay, Ngm bagaye) < HS *bag-. Eg b& bd3 "pot" (OK) - Berb *bagVy- "plate" (Snh ta-bagi-t), CCh *bayVg- "gourd" (Log m-boigo, Afd beiga) < HS *bag-/*bagVy-. Eg sd "break" (pyr) ~ Sem *sVgl>*- "pierce" (Gz sag^a, Tgy sHf*e\ WCh *cag- "break, cut" (Hs c ga) < HS *cag-. Eg sd3 "bring" (pyr) ~ ECh *sag- "bring" (Smr sagd, Mubi sagu) < HS *sag-. But the palatalization did not take place if there was *r in the root:

1. 2. 3.

Eg ?3g "strike" (MK) ~ ECh **>ag- "drum (v.), beat" (Ndm age, Mkk ^o^-) < HS **ag-. Eg Γιν^ "roast" (BD) ~ ECh *waHag- "roast, burn" (Ndam woga, Kwn wage, Mkk 9ogge, Ndam ινι/^α, Dng ogiye, 1\im ivacrg) < HS Eg AtgJ "bull" (OK) ~ Sem *na<*g- "sheep" (Arab niffrat-)

< HS

The palatalized reflex of *g also appears after *e, *i *o and *u: 1.

Eg nd "ask (for advice)" (pyr) ~ CCh *nVg- "answer" (Glv nggw), ECh *nyag- "shout" (Sok negi) < HS *Aieg-. 2. Eg
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preceded by *a. In later forms, numerous cases of inlaut -g- are known and, moreover, -g- becomes a regulär reflex of *-g- in this position. The rules describing the progressive palatalization of *k are quite far from the above picture. First of all, after *a the unvoiced velar is never palatalized: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Eg bk3 "become pregnant" (MK) ~ SA *bak- "be born" (Saho bak, Afar bak), LEG *ba^ak- "not giving much milk" (Or baakkuu) < HS *baka^-. Eg b3k "servant" (OK) ~ WCh *biHak- "slave" (Pol biyzk, Kir byak), CCh *byak- "slave" (Gis beke, Mofu beke, LPe byek) < HS *bi9ak-. Eg nk3 "think" (MK) ~ CCh *tot- "think" (Gis lak) < HS *lak-. Eg sk3 "hoe" (v.) (pyr) ~ WCh *sak-/*suk- "plough" (v.) (Sura w*, Tng suk) < HS *sak-l*suk-. Eg m* "tongue" (XVIII) ~ WCh *sinak- "tongue" (Wrj sinkd-, Kry sinak9, Miya Sinaki, Paa &> ', Cagu sinlc-an, Siri sdnaki, Mbu sinako, Jmb sznakd-lari) < HS *sinak-/*sinak-.

No palatalization took place after *e and *w either: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Eg nyÄ: "punish" (pyr) ~ CCh *Ai
On the other hand, *k was palatalized after *i and *o: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Eg mJi "granite" (OK) ~ Sem *mikk~ "stone" (Akk mikku, mekku) < HS */n/Jt-. Eg ^£J "spin" (pyr) ~ CCh V/^Bfc- "twist" (Daba iiiftii) < HS Eg ssk3 "temple" (BD) ~ Sem ^usukk- "temple" (Akk usukku) < HS ^ucok-. Eg in "fly" (pyr) ~ WCh *kwak- "jump, gallop" (Ang ^WOÄ:), ECh **>uk[wa]k- "run" (Mig ^i/^/t-, Mkk ^okko) < HS **>ukok-. Eg .rt.f "baking form" (OK) ~ Sem *9ö5WÄ:- "vessel for ointments" (Hbr *>asuk\ WCh *cwak- "calabash" (Ngm Soko\ CCh *swak-

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6. 7.

"pot" (FKi saka, Zgh sakd, Glv &ka, FJ saku, Bch suk-to, Log skwa, Ksr sko) < HS *o?A:-. Eg sty "sow" (pyr) ~ WCh *sitk- "sow" (Hs £ ), Omot *sok"sow" (Kaf foÄ:, Bwo sok) < HS *ioÄ:-. Eg 513 "pull" (pyr) - Bed seku, soku "pull" < HS

The rules of the progressive palatalization of *k (apparently, having nothing in common with the rules for *g) are identical with those of the regressive palatalization. Another type of phonological conditions is found for the progressive palatalization of *k. It is generally preserved except for the position after */ where it sporadically changes to d. I was unable to find a reasonable complementary distribution for these cases: 1. 2. 3.

Eg nd "grind" (OK) - WCh *niku- "grind" (Hs nika, Fyer nik, Bks nuk) < HS *w7c-. Eg ndf.t "tree" (OK) ~ Sem *n%ip- "bush" (Akk niqiptu) < HS *nikif-. Eg w3d "green color" (BD) ~ Sem *wVrik- "be greenish" (Akk waräqu, aräqu, Hbr yrq, Arab wrq [-/-]) < HS *wVrik-.

But: 4.

Eg 03 "be light, be bright" (pyr) ~ Sem *bVrik- "shine (of lightning)" (Akk baräqu, Aram bereq, beraq, Arab frrg [-/-], Gz frr^, Amh bärräqä), Omot *fbjarik- "shine" (Mch pariqq(i)-) < HS

5.

Eg/* "divide, split" (MK) ~ Bedfedig < *fedik- "split, separate" < HS

Even though this picture raises immediate problems of relative chronology that I am presently unable to solve, it is possible, at least, to suggest a classification of Egyptian palatalizations that might be summed up in the following table:

IA IB II III

Direction regressive progressive progressive progressive

Conditions before */, *o, *ü, *y after */, *o if not after *r after */ (?)

Object *k, *j?

*k *K

*k

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VLADIMIR OREL Department of Classical Studies Faculty of Humanities Tel Aviv University Ramat Aviv, 69978 TEL AVIV ISRAEL REFERENCES Cohen, Marcel 1947 Essai comparatif sur le vocabulaire et la phonttique du chamito-semitique. Paris: Champion. "S£mitique, ogyptien, libyco-berbere, couchitique et methode comparative", 1953 Bibliotheca Orientalin 10: 28-34. Djakonov, Igor' M. 1965 Semitokhamitskie iazyki. Moscow: Nauka. 1965a Semito-Hamitic langitages. Moscow: Nauka. Afrasian languages. Moscow: Nauka. 1988 Djakonov, Igor' M. et al. 1987 "Obshcheafraziizkaia fonologicheskaia sistema", Afrikanskoe istorichesko iazykoznanie. Moscow: Nauka. 9-29. Erman, Adolf — Hermann Grapow 1957 Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache I-V1. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. Faulkner, Raymond Oliver 1962 A concise dictionary ofMiddle Egyptian. Oxford: Griffith Institute, Ashmolean Museum. Gamkrelidze, Tamaz V. — V'acheslav V. Ivanov 1984 Indoevropeiskii iazyk i indoevropeitsy I - //. Tbilisi: Tbilisi University Press. Gardiner, Alan Henderson 1957 Egyptian Grammar. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Orel, Vladimir — Ol'ga Stolbova 1989-1990 "K rekonstruktsii praafraziiskogo vokalizma", Voprosy iazykoznaniia 5(1989): 66-84, 2(1990): 75-90. 1992 "Reconstruction of the Afrasian vocalism: Cushitic and Chadic", Nostratic, Dene-Caucasian, Austric and Amerind. Bochum: Universitäts Verlag Dr. Brockmeyer, 225-236. 1992a "On Chadic-Egyptian lexical relations", Nostratic, Dene-Caucasian, Austric and Amerind. Bochum: Universitäts Verlag Dr. Brockmeyer, 181-203. 1992b "Cushitic, Chadic and Egyptian: Lexical Relations" Nostratic, Dene-Caucasian, Austric and Amerind. Bochum: Universitäts Verlag Dr. Brockmeyer, 167-179. 1994 Hamito-Semitic etymological dictionary. Leiden: Brill. Porzig, Walter 1954 Die Gliederung des indogermanischen Sprachgebiets. Heidelberg: C. Winter. Vergote, Jozef 1945 Phonaique historique de l'egyptien. Louvain: Bureaux de Museon.

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ABBREVIATIONS Afd - Afade Akk(adian) Amh(aric) Ang(as) Ank(we) Arab(ic) Aram(aic) Bch - Bachama BD - Book of Dead Berb(er) Bid(iya) Bks - Bokkos Bol(ewa) Brw - Barawa Bud(uma) Bwo(ro) CCh - Central Chadic DB - Dafo-Butura Dng - Dangla ECh - Hast Chadic Eg(yptian) FBw - Fali Bwagira FJ1 - Fali Jilvu FKi - Fali Kiria FMb - Fali Mubi FMch - Fali Mucella Gaa(nda) Gbn - Gabin Gis(iga) gr - Greek papyri Grm - Geruma Gul(fey) Gz - Geez Hbr - Hebrew HEC - Highland East Cushitic

Hs - Hausa HS - Hamito-Semitic Hss - Harsusi Irq - Iraqw Jib(bali) Jmb - Jimbin Kaf(fa) Kbl - Kabalay KIr - Kulere Kmb - Kambatta Krk - Karekare Krf-Kirfi Kry - Kariya Kwn - Kwang Kwz - Kwadza l(ale) LEG - Lowland East Cushitic Log(one) LPe - Lame Pewe math(ematical papyri) Mba(ra) Mbu(rku) Mch - Mocha med(ical papyri) Mhr - Mehri Mig(ama) MK - Middle Kingdom Mkk - Mokilko Mnd - Mandara Mnt - Montol Mpn - Mupun Mrg - Margi Msg - Musgum Mwu(lyen) n(ew)

Ngm - Ngamo Ngz - Ngizim NK - New Kingdom OK - Old Kingdom Omot(ic) Or - Oromo Pol(chi) pyr(amids) reg - royal tombs Rnd - Rendille SA - Saho-Afar sarc(ophagi) Say(anchi) Sbn - Sibine Sem(itic) Shh - Shheri (Steri) Shk - Sheko Smr - Sumray Snh - Senhaja Sok(oro) Som(ali) Syr(ian) Tgy - Tigray Tng - Tangale Tob(anga) TUm(ak) Ug(aritic) WCh - West Chadic Westc(art) Wrj - Warji Wrz - Werizoid Xmr - Xamir Zgh - Zeghwana