The Contemporary Theory of Metaphor: A Perspective from Chinese (Human Cognitive Processing)

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Author: Ning Yu

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HUMAN COGNITIVE PROCESSING is a forum for interdisciplinary research On the tl oI ture

and organization of the cognitive systems and processes involved in speaking

~nd understanding natural language (including sign language) , and their relationship

10 other domains of human cognition , including general conceptual or knowledge systems and processes (the language and thought issue) , and other perceptual or behavioral systems such as vision and non-verbal behavior (e.g. gesture). 'Cognition' should be taken broadly , not only including the domain of rationality , but also dimensions such as emotion and the unconscious. The series is open to any type of approach to the above questions (methodologically and theoretically) and to research from any discipli 肘， including (but not restricted to) di吊 rent branches of psychology , artificial intelligence and computer science , cognitive anthropology , linguistics , philosophy and neuroscience. It takes a special interest in research crossing the boundaries of these disciplines.

EDITORS Marcelo Dascal (Tel Aνiν University) Raymond Gibbs (University of California at Santa Cr，叫 Jan Nuyts (Univer古ity of Antwerp) Editorial address: Jan Nuyts , University of Antwerp , Dep t. of Li nguistics (GER) , Universiteitsplein 1 , B 2610 Wilrijk , Belgium , e-mail: [email protected]

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD Melissa Bowerman (Nijmegen); Wallace Chafr (Santa Barbara, CA) Philip R. Cohen (PO付 land， OR); Antonio Damasio (Iowa City, IA) Morton Ann Gernsbacher (Madison , WI); David McNeill (Chicago , IL) Eric Pederson (Euger陆， OR); François Recanati (Paris) Sally Rice (Edmonton , Albe附件; Benny Shanon ljerusalem) Lokendra Shastri (Berkeley , CA); Dan Slobin (Berkeley , CA) Paul Thagard (飞'1aterloo， Ontario)

Volume 1

Ning Yu

The Contemporary Theory of Metaphor A perspectille from Chinese

The Contemporary Theory of Metaphor A perspective from Chinese

NING YU The University of Oklahom

JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLI::'HING COMPANY AMSTERDAM/PHILADELPHIA

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The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences 一 Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials , ANSI Z39.48-1984.

Li brary of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Yu , Ning. The contemporary theory of metaphor : a perspective from Chinese / Ning Yu. p. cm. -- (Human cognitive processing , ISSN 1387-6724; v. 1) Includes bibliographical references and indexes. 1. Metaphor. 2. Chinese language--Figures of speech. 1. Title. 11. Series. PN228.M4Y78 1998 808--0C21 98-6078 ISBN 902722353 X (Eur.) /1 55619201 0 (US) (alk. paper) CIP

<9 Copyright 1998 - John Benjamins B.V. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form , by print , photoprint , microfìlm , or any other means , without written permission from the publisher. John Benjamins Publishing Co. • P.O.Box 75577 • 1070 AN Amsterdam • The Netherlands John Benjamins North America • P.O.Box 27519 • Philadelphia PA 19118-0519 • USA

Contents

Acknowledgments

n

Chapter 1. Introduction Cbapter 2. The Contemporary Theory: A Review . 2. 1. Views ofmetaphor: Classical vs. contempor缸y 2.2. Cognitive linguistics and cognitive semantics 2.3. Conceptual and linguistic metaphors and metaphor systems .4. Experiential basis of metaphor: The notion of embodiment 2.5. Image schemas and the Invariance Principle 2.6.Conventional and novel metaphors 2.7. Summary offindings ofthe contemporary theory 2.8. Criticisms ofthe c0ntempor缸ytheory 2.9. Questions faced by the contempor缸y theory

v

10 10 12 14 20 23 29 32 33 46

Cbapter 3. Emotion Metaphors 3. 1. Language of emotions 3.2. Anger metaphors in English 3.3. Anger metaphors in Chinese 3.4. Happiness metaphors in English 3.5. Happiness metaphors in Chinese 3.6. The underlyirlg model ofthe metaphors 3.7. Summary and discussion

49 49 50 52 60 63 70 79

Chapter 4. The Time as Space Metaphor 4.1. Conceptions of space and time 4.2. Alverson's cross-cu1tural and cross-linguistic study 4.3. Lakoffs studies in Englil'l-

83 83 86 90

VI

CONTENTS

4.4. Ti me as space in Chinese 4.4.1. Evidence in the lexicon 4.4.1.1. The past, the present, and the future 4.4 .1.2. The verbs in collocation with ‘ pas t' and ‘ future' 4.4 .1.3. Seemingly contradictory cases 4.4 .1 .4. Spatial terms used in the temporal domain 4.4 .2. Evidence in the inference patterns 4 .4 .2.1. Case One: time as moving object 4.4.2.2. Case Two: time as bounded space 4.4 .2.3. The duality: mixture ofCase One and Case Two 4 .4 .2.4. Another case: time and obse凹er moving in the same direction 4.5. Summary and discussion

91 92 92 99 104 107 113 113 117 122 125 131

Chapter 5. The Event Structure Metaphor 5. 1. The conception of events 5.2. The event structure metaphor in English 5.2. 1. The location-dual 5.2.2. The object-dual 5.3. The location-version in Chinese 5.3.1. States 5.3.2. Changes 5.3.3. Causes 5.3 .4. Actions 5.3.5. Purposes 5.3.6. Means 5.3.7. Difficulties 5.3.8.0thers 5.4. The object-version in Chinese 5.4.1. Attributes 5.4 .2. Changes 5.4 .3. Causes 5.4.4. Actions 5.4 .5. Purposes 5.5. Mixture oflocation-version and object-version 5.6. Summary and discussion

140 140 140 141 144 146 147 159 178 183 187 192 202 211 213 215 217 219 221 223 226 233

Chapter 6. Conclusion

236

Appendix: The character version ofthe Chinese examples Notes

242 251

CONTENTS

References Name Index Subject Index

Vl1

258 273 275

Acknowledgments

This book is a revised and extended version of my dissertation (1996, the University of Ari zona). It is extended since its Chapter 3 is a revised version of "Metaphorical expressions of anger and happiness in English and Chinese" (Yu 1995), which 叩 app 严 ea 缸 re 叫 d in the journal Metaphor αnd 砂 S:ymb 加 o/ic 町 c Ac ωtμI川 vi (now renamed as Metaphor and Sy川mbol)， Vo l. 10, No. 2, pp. 59-92. It is reproduced here with permission 企'om Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. 1 would like to take this opportunity to express my profound gratitude to the members on my dissertation comrnittee, Jane H. Hill (Chair), Rudolph C. Troike, Muriel Saville-Troike, and Feng-hsi Liu, who have all helped me, in various ways , to reach this f1缸. A special note of thanks extends to Dr. Hill , my advisor, and Dr. Troike, my mentor professor, for their constant inspiration and support, from which the momentum 1 have gained will be felt a long long way ahead. For their valuable criticisms and suggestions, 1 创口 greatly indebted to the three anon严nous reviewers of the manuscrip t. 1 heartily th缸1k John Asher Dunn, who has helped me a great deal by reading through the revised version and in finalizing the manuscrip t. Needless to say, 1 am solely responsible for the contents, and errors remain my own. For their editorial guidance and assistance, my deep appreciation goes to the editors ofthe "Hurnan Cognitive Processing" series, Jan Nuyts, Raymond W. Gibbs, and Marcelo Dascal, as well as editors at John Benjamins Publishing Company , Bertie Kaal and Janine Huson. 1 am also thankful to the Department of Modem Languages , Literatures , and Linguistics, and the Intemational Academic Programs, at the University of Oklahoma, for their technical support. Finally , 1 want to thank my wife Jie Huang and son Ting Yu, whose love and understanding are so essential and substantial to me. 1 am most grateful to my wife for having carried on extra family responsibility and collected data for my research.

Chapter 1 Introduction

The importance of metaphor to human language and cognition cannot be over emphasized. This importance is weIl summarized by Malotki (1983: 13) when he wntes: Man, in con企onting reality, faces a kaleidoscope of phenomena ranging from the naturaI to the man-made, to the imaginary, to the totaIly abstrac t. COlllprehension of such a broad inventory of reality and non-reality requires language , the tool that permits man to take verbal stock of 0均 ective and su均 ective experiences alike. In man's ongoing endeavor to conceptualize and verbalize a world that can never be fully known, language is the vitaI intermediary. Language provides a repertoire of coping mechanisms , of which metaphor is one of the most powerful and usefuI. 1mportant as it is , metaphor has attracted the attention of scholars interested in language , especiaIly rhetoricians and literary critics , for more than 2000 years. TraditionaUy, however, metaphor was viewed as a matter of language , as a set of extraordìnary or figurative linguistic expressions whose meaning is reducible to some set of literal propositions. This view can be traced back to as early as Aristotle , who defined metaphor in tenns of deviation from ordinary usage: "Metaphor consists in giving the thing a name that belongs to something else" (from Ricoeur 1975: 13). According to this view , metaphor is primarily decorative and omamental in nature. It is not necessary; it is just nice Viewed as such, metaphor was caIl ed a figure of speech , and its study was confined mostly to Ii terature and rhetoric (Lakoff 1986a).' 1n the past few decades , however, the situation has undergone a radical change. The interest in metaphor and the study of its structure , mechanism , function , effect, and cognitive nature have grown rapidly in a broad range of disciplines: linguistics , anthropology , philosophy , psychology , education , sci-

2

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

ences, as well as literary criticism and rhetoric (see, e.g. , Sapir and Crocker 1977 , Sacks 1978 , Honeck and Hoffman 1980, Johnson 1981a, W. Taylor 1984, Paprotté and Dirven 1985 , Danesi 1988a, Femandez 1991a, Ank ersmit and Mooij 1993 , Ortony 1993a, Goossens et al. 1995). As Wayne Booth, a famous literary theorist and rhetorician , noticed one and a half decades ago , "No matter how we define it , metaphor seems to be taking over not only the world of humanists but the world of the social and natural sciences as well" (1978: 48). He regarded the transitional period as "an intellectual movement" which is "one ofthe ‘ greatest' in the history ofthought" (p. 47). From the viewpoint of a philosopher, Mark Johnson (1 981a: ix) observed the change like this: "We are in the midst of a metaphormania. Only three decades ago the situation was just the opposite: poets created metaphors , everybody used them , and philosophers (l inguists , psychologists, etc.) ignored them. Today we seem possessed by metaphor." By then metaphor had already moved "from the status of a sub. sidiary concem to the status of a c巳ntral problem" (Johnson 1981b: 3). Rising in this change is the view that metaphor is a matter of thought and, as such, should be called a figure of thought (Lakoff 1986a). This view is based on "an ever-increasing awareness that figurative language lies at the core of communication and of cognition" (Danesi 1988b: vii). The rise of th巳 new view and the current multidisciplinary exploration mark a striking phenomenon in modem intellectual history: the transfo口nation of metaphor 企om a special啕 ized concem of rhetoricians and literary critics to a central concept in the study of human understanding. Metaphor is now a conc叩t with multidisciplinary implications. Its use has been found "in virtually every aspect of human thought: physical science, biological science, economics , law, political theory, psycholo町， art, philosophy, business , morality , and even poetry" (Johnson 1995: 158). As Johnson (1993b , 1995) suggests, metaphor is definitional of human beings: ''whatever else we are, we humans are metaphorizing animals" (1 995: 159). Emerging from this period of transformation is a new theory of metaphor whose beginning was marked by the publication of Lakoff and Johnson's seminal book Metaphors We Live By in 1980.' Th巳 central thesis of the theory is that metaphor, in its broad sense, is pervasive and essent

INTRODUCTION

3

1989b, 1991 , 1992, 1993b, 1993c), Kövecses (1990吟， Lakoff (1 986a, 1986b, 1987a, 1987b , 1987c, 1989b, 1990, 1993a, 1993b, 1994), Lakoff and Johnson (1981) , Lakoff and Tumer (1989) , Sweetser (1 990 , 1992) , Tumer (1 987 , 1991), to mentionjust a few. Following Lakoff (1 993a) , 1 will call this theory of metaphor "the contemtheory ofmetaphor." The primary objective ofmy study is to contribute t。由e contemporary theory of metaphor 企om the viewpoint of Chinese , so as to help place the theory into a wider cross-cultural perspective. por缸y

Aiming at this primary objective , the study explores two m句 or questions faced by the contemporary theory: (1) if abstract reasoning is at least partially metaphorical in nature; and (2) what conceptual metaphors are universal , widespread, or culture-specific. It focuses on (a) metaphors of two emotions , namely anger and happiness; (b) the TIME AS SPACE metaphor; and (c) the Event Structure Metaphor. The contemporary theory of metaphor claims that abstract concepts are at least in part understood and expressed metaphorically in spatial terms and that abstract reason is achieved by using certain mechanisms for the perception of spatial relations. This is seen as the consequence of the Invariance Principle (Lakoff 1990, 1993a, 1994, Tumer 1990 , 1992 , 1993) , which states that metaphor projects the image-schematic structure of the source domain onto the target domain in a way that is consistent with inherent target domain structure. In 出is theory, therefore, metaphor is the locus for abstract reason. It casts the abstract and the nonphysical into the concrete and the physical , usually with spatial dimensions. Indeed, most image schemas , such as SOURCE-PATH-GOAL, OBJECT, CONTAINMENT, BALANCE, LINKS, CYCLE , are spatial in nature. EveIl various invisible force schemas , such as COMPULSION , ATTRACTION , COUNTERFORCE, DIVER~ION (Johnson 1987), bring about spatial consequences. In this book, 1 wi1l work toward an answer to the following general questlons: 1. Is abstract reason in Chinese achieved via metaphor mapping the concrete and physical onto the abstract and nonphysical? If the answer is positive, then how is it achieved? 2. How is Chinese similar to or different 企om English in certain aspects of the concepωal system? 1 wi11 particularly investigate metaphors of anger and happiness, the TIME AS SPACE metaphor, the Event Structure Metaphor, and the image schemas involved.

4

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

3.

If 也ere exist commonalities and differences, as is expected, what reasons (cognitive or cultural) are th町e that can account for 也em?

As mentioned above , 1 will first present a comparative study of metaphors of emotions, which is a revised version of my earlier work (Yu 1995). In the last one and half decades, extensive studies have been made by cognitive linguists on the function of metaphor in the conceptualization of emotions in English (e.g. Fesmire 1994, Kövecses 1986, 1988, 1990, 1991 , Lakoff 1987, Lakoff and Johnson 1980, Lakoff and Kövecses 1987). A central claim ofthese studies is that human emotions, which 缸'e abstract in nature, are Iargely conceptualized and expressed in metaphorical terms. For instance, it is argued that in English, to some extent，也e emotion of anger is conc叩tualized in terms of heat and intemal pressure (e.g. Lakoff and Kövecses 1987). It is also 眩目ed that in English the metaphors of orientation and light participate in the conC叩tualization of happiness (e.g. K，δvecses 1991). 白le question arises 回 to what extent it is also true in Chinese. In particular, my questions ar审: 1. Are emotions of anger and happiness conceptualized metapbOricalty in Chinese? 2. If yes, what similariti四 and differences are there in terms of mapping 部ross domains between English and Chinese? 3. What reasons are there that can account 岛r the simi!arities and differences? Next, 1 will present a study of the TIME AS SPACE m~taphor in Chinese. 1 have chosen the TIME AS SPACE metaphor for detai!ed study because it has already been noted in various languages that notions of time 缸e understood and expressed in terms of space (e.g. Clark 19}3 , Traugott 1978, Malotki 1983 , .Lakoff 1990, 1993a, 1994, Alverson 1994).I'ft is proposed that the metaphorical understanding oftime in terms ofspace is a universal cognitive process (Alverson 1994). 80 far, however, sufficient research on this phenomenon has not yet been done in Chinese (Alverson 1994 contains one study). Th町efore， a 位lor ough analysis of expression and conceptualization of time in Chinese will contribute to the establishment of the universal status of this cognitive phenomenon. Lakoff (1990, 1993a, 1994) has noticed that in English th~ gen就aI conceptual metaphor of time is TIME PASSING IS MOTION. 8pecifically, time is understood in terms ofthings (i. e. entities and locations) and motion. The present time is at the same location as a canonical observer, with future times being in

INTRODUCTION

5

front of the obse凹er and past times behind :he observer. Either time or the 'Observer is m 'O ving while the 'O ther is stati 'Onary. Theref'Ore , as Lak 'O ff specifi时， there are tw'O special cases in English: 1. 2.

TIME PASSING IS MOTION OF AN OBJECT. TIME PASSING IS MOTION OVER A LANDSCAPE.

In the first case , the 'Observer is fixed , and times are entities m'Oving with their 企onts toward the observer. In the sec 'Ond case, times are fixed l 'O cati 'O ns , and the observer is moving thr'Ough them. Lak'O ff (1 993a, 1994) als 'O 'Observed the phenomen'On he called ‘ duality' where simultane'Ous mappings may mix the two special cases in a single expressi 'O n. With respect t'O the study 'O f time in Chinese , my specific questi'Ons 红'e: 1. Is time c'O nceptualized metaph'Orically in te口ns 'O f space in Chinese? 2. Are the tw'O special cases in the c'Onceptualizati 'O n 'O f time, as 'Observed by Lak'O ff(1993a, 1994), applicable in Chinese? 3. What similarities and differences are there between English and Chinese? 4. What reasons are there that can acc 'O unt f'O r the similarities and differences? Finally , 1 will present a study 'Ofthe Event Structure Metaph'O r in Chinese. 1 have ch'Osen the Event Structure Metaph'Or f'Or study because it c'Onstitutes a very c'O mplex metaph'O rical system in itself. In Lak'O ffs w 'Ords (1 993a: 220) , "This is a rich and c'Omplex metaphor wh'O se parts interact in c'Omplex ways." It includes abstract n'O ti 'O ns like states, changes , acti 'Ons , causes , purp 'O ses , méans , and difficulties. Lak'O ff and his students have f'O und (Lak 'O ff 1990, 1993a, 1993b, 1994) that these n'O ti 'O ns are characterized in English via metaph'O r in terms 'O f space, m'O ti 'O n , and f'O rce. He has suggested that the Event Structure Metaph'Or is his "candidate f'O r a metaph'Orical universal" (1993a: 249). Therefore , it will be 'O f great the 'O retical interest t'O see if a parallel situati 'On exists in Chinese. The Event Structure Metaph'O r may include the f'O ll 'O wing mappings (仕om Lak 'O ff 1993a): States are l'O cati 'O ns (b'O unded regi 'O ns in space). Changes are m 'O vements (int'O 'Or 'O ut 'O fb 'O unded regions). Causes are forces.

6

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

Actions are self-propelled movements. Purposes are destinations. Means are paths (to destinations). Difficulties are impedinìents to motion. Expected progress is a travel schedule; a schedule is a virtual traveler, who reaches prearranged destinations at prearranged times. Extemal events are large , moving objects. Long term, purposeful activities are joumeys. There are also various submappings under each of the above. With regard to the Event Structure Metaphor, my specific questions are: 1. Are various aspects (states , changes , actions , causes , purposes , means , and difficulties , etc.) of event structure conceptualized metaphorically in terms of space, motion, and force in Chinese? 2. Is the above list of mappings found as it is in Chinese? 3. Wh at similarities and differences are there between English and Chinese in this aspect? 4. What reasons are there that can account for the similarities and differences? The source domain for both time and event structure dealt wi也 here is space, which "has become a fertile domain of investigation by cognitive scientists 企om disciplines spanning neurophysiology (Jeannerod 1994) to cognitive anthropology and comparative linguistics (Levinson 1991 , Svorou 1994)" (Sinha 1995: 7). However, the spatial domain is especially important to cognitive linguistics. In his ‘ Introduction' to the Cognitive Linguistics special issue (6-1) ‘ Spatial language and cognition 1,' Sinha (1995: 7) points out that the semantic and cognitive domain of space occupies a special place in the brief history of cognitive linguistics because cognitive semantics and cognitive g创nmar， "rest upon an essentially visuo-spatial conception of meaning and conceptualization, in which s归nbolic s位uctures are derived 仕om embodied constraints upon human perc叩tion and agency in a spatial field." Although cognitive linguists were not the first to adopt a spatial conception of grarnrnaticalized meaning, "their analyses s旧pass previous approaches both in comprehensiveness and in richness of detail" (Sinha 1995: 7). Sinha (1995: 7) further points out why the domain of space should attract our special attention.

INTRODUCTION

7

As we leam more both about the biological foundations of human spatial perception and cognition, and ιbout the truly astonishing variation between languages in the way they express and schematize spatial meaning , we cannot fail to be struck by the thought that the spatial domain is a particularly rich one for empirical investigation both of possible linguistic and cognitive universals , and of possible cross-linguistic and cross-cultural cognitive differenccs The spatial domain is important not only in its own , but because it is commonly mapped into other more abstract domains , giving rise to spatial conceptualization of those more abstract domains in a metaphorical fashion. As Levinson (1991: 3) has commented: Th ere are many reasons to think spatial conceptualization central to human cognition: spatial understanding is perhaps the first great intellectual task facing the child , a task which human mobility makes mandatory , but above all spatial thinking invades our conceptualizations of many other domains as diverse as time , social structure and mathematics.

How the spatial domain is mapped into each of those many other domains and in what way the mappings re f1 ect human universality and cultural relativity are the questions that remain to be answered. The present study represents one effort in this direction. ln the past, the cognitive linguistic study of metaphor was criticized for its methodological weaknesses or limitations , such as introspective inspection , decontextualization, in addition to lack of cross-cultural and cross-linguistic perspectives (see, e.g. , Femandez 1991b, Quinn 1991 , and the discussion in Gibbs 1996a). To try to get beyond these limitations 1 did the following with respect to my research methods. Instead ofresorting to introspective inspection only, 1 collected my data for Chapters 4 and 5 企om a naturalistic setting, mainly 企'om Peop/e's Dai纱， the number one official newspaper in mainland China, and occasionally from some other publications , as well as 企om Chinese dicti'Onaries. 3 飞.vith a few exceptions , they were collected during a period of ab'Out three months of the summer of 1994. The ex缸nples actually cited in this study constitute only a very small portion of the data collected. 1 did n 'O t record the actual s'O urces of the data, such as the page and the date 'O f the newspaper 企om which a particular example is taken. This is mainly because 1 had to simplify some of the examples by chopping off some irrelevant details so as to ke叩 them short and concise. In so doing , 1 made the examples simpler and

8

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY ιFMETAPHOR

more to the point. Furth臼more， by cutting the original examples shorter, 1 saved the space for word-by-word gloss and for more free version of translation. Thus, not all examples are ‘ original' as they are actually in the newspapers. However, my abridgments have, 1 believe, not changed their metaphorical structure. 1 feel it is fine as long as native speakers find them all in good and natural Chinese. 1 have kept at least some of the examples unsimplified, so as to show how metaphor actually permeates in discourse, rather than just resides in the boundaries of words , phrase.s, or sentences. The data for Chapter 3, which were collected in an earlier period , mainly 企om dictionaries , consist only ofhighly conventionalized and idiomatic expressions. The Chinese examples cited in this book are transcribed into pinyin romanization. Their counterparts in Chinese characters , which are numbered exactly as they are in the main text, are provided in the appendix for those who want to refer to the original character version. In dealing with the English translation 1 follow Malotki's (1983) practice of translating the Hopi ex缸nples. That is, "stylistic excellence is not always envisaged as a desirable goal. Frequently, preference is given to a rather literal rendition which may be awkward from a stylistic point of view, but may be more revealing of the Hopi thought pattems involved" (p. 11). 1 follow the same principle in translating the Chinese examples into English. The empirical studies reported here have produced some remarkable findings in support of the contempor红y theory of metaphor. ln the first place, my study of metaphors of emotions demonstrates that English and Chinese share the same central conceptual metaphor ANGER IS HEAT, which then breaks into two subversions in both languages. Whereas English has selected FIRE and FLUID metaphors, Chinese uses FlRE and GAS metaphors for the Same p山pose. Similarly, both English and Chinese share the UP , LIGHT, and CONTAINER metaphors in their conceptions ofhappiness, although they differ in some other cases. Besides, these two languages also follow the same metonymic principle in talking about anger and happiness by describing the physiological effects of these emotions. This study shows that metaphors of anger and happiness are primarily based on common bodily experience , with surface differences across languages explainable from cultural perspectives. Seco

INTRODUCTION

9

vari 'O us aspects 'Of event structure such as states, changes, causes, acti 'O ns, purp'Oses , means , and difficulties are c'Onceptualized metaph'Orically in terms 'O f space, m 'Oti 'O n, and f'Orce , just as in English (Lak'Off 1990, 1993a, 1993b, 1994). The c'Onceptual mappings at a high hierarchicallevel 'O f the metaph'O r system are f'Ound the same in b'Oth English and Chinese , whereas the specific linguistic instantiati'O ns 'O f th'O se conceptual mappings may be similar 'O r different between the two languages. In general, the empirical studies presented herein reinf'Orce the view that metaphor is the main mechanism thr'Ough which we c'O mprehend abstract con幽 cepts and perf'Orm abstract reas'Oning. They als'O support，企om the perspective 'O f Chinese, the candidacy of s'Ome c'Onceptual metaph'O rs for metaphorical universals. These inc1 ude , for instance , the ANGER AS HEAT metaphor, the HAPPY IS UP metaphor, the TIME AS SPACE metaph'O r, and the Event Structure Metaphor. These c'O nceptual metaph'Ors are grounded in s'Ome basic human experiences that may be universal t'O al1 human beings and theref'Ore c'O nstitute the "culture 'O f species" (Sv'Or'Ou 1994: 2). Final1y, a w'Ord ab'Out h'Ow this b'O'O k is arranged. After a detailed review 'O f the c'Ontemp'Or缸y the'Ory 'O f metaph'Or in Chapter 2, 1 present a c'O mparative study of metaph'Orical expressi'Ons 'Of anger and happiness in English and Chinese in Chapter 3. 1 then make a th'Or 'O ugh investigati'On 'O f tw'O metaph'Orical systems, namely the TIME AS SPACE metaph'O r and the Event Structure Metaph'Or in Chinese respectively in Chapters 4 and 5. Chapter 6 is the c'Onc1usi 'On.

Chapter 2 The Contemporary Theory: A Review

2. 1. Views of metaphor: Classical vs. contemporary 1n classical theories , there are three. main views of metaphor: the comparison view, the substitution view, and the interaction view. The comparison view can be traced back to Ari stotle, who regarded metaphors as implicit comparisons between a metaphorical expression and a literal paraphrase based on underlying analogy or similarity. The substitutiorì view , ofwhich the comparison view is a special case according to Black (1962 , 1993 [1979]) , holds that a metaphor is where a metaphorical expression is used in place of some equivalent literal expression.' The interaction theory, proposed by Black (1962 , 1993 [1979]) , states that metaphorical meaning is a result of an interaction between a metaphorical expression, termed "focus," and its"surrounding literal 企ame" (1 993 [1979]: 27). AlI these views share a common feature: they view metaphor ~ a linguistic phenomenon , and assume a fundamental distinction between liter创 and figurative (or metaphorical in its broad sense) senses. s As Lakoff (1 994) poi附 out， a major difference between the contempor町 theory of metaphor and the classical ones is based on the old literal-figurative distinction. Traditionally, the word ‘ literal' is defined in terms of "an idealized and oversimplified model of language and thought" to include all of the following four senses (Lakoff 1986b: 292): Literal 1, or conventional literality: ordinary conventional language一-con trasting with poetic language, exaggeration , approximation , embellishment, excessive politeness , indirectness , and so on. Literal 2, or subject matter literality: language ordinarily used to talk about some domain of subject matter.

A REVIEW

11

Literal 3, or nonmetaphorical literality: directly meaningful language-nol language that is understood , even partly, in terms of something else. Literal 4, or truth-conditional literality: language capable of ‘ fitting the world' (i.e. of referring to objectively existing objects or of being obj 饵， tively true or 也lse). Going with the four-sense definition of ‘ literal' is the following set of assumptions that has been proved to be false (L也off1994: 43 -4 4): 1. 2. 3. 4.

All everyday conventionallanguage is literal , and none is metaphorical. All subject matter can be comprehended literally , without metaphor. Only literallanguage can be contingently true or false. All definitions given in the lexicon of a language are literal , not metaphorical. 5. The concepts used in the grammar of a language are alllit巳ral; none is metaphorical.

The traditional definition of the word ‘ literal' is wrong, according to Lakoff (1994) , because a huge system of conventional , conceptual metaphors has been discovered structuring our everyd :1y conceptual system and pervading our everyday language. "The discovery of this enormous metaphor system has destroyed the traditional literal-figurative distinction, because the term literal , as used in defining the traditional distinction, carries with it all those false assumptions" (p. 44). Assuming the literal-figurative distinction , the traditional theory held that metaphor was mutually exclusive with the realm of ordinary everyday language. Over the centuries , the classical theory of metaphor was taken so much for granted that it came to be taken as 气iefinitional': "The word ‘ metaphor' was defined 'as a novel or poetic linguistic expression where one or more words for a concept are used outside of its normal conventional meaning to express a similar concept" (p. 42).6 The contemporary theory of metaphor, as Lakoff (1993a: 244) argues, "is revolutionary in many respects." Lakoff and Johnson (1980: 3) summarize the contrast between the traditional and contempor缸y views of metaphor as follows: Metaphor is for most people a device of the poetic imagination and the rhetorical flourish-a matter of extraordinary rather than ordinary language. Moreover, metaphor is typicalJy viewed as characteristic of language alone , a matter of

12

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

words rather than thought or action. For this reason , most people think they can get along perfectly well without metaphor. We have found, on the con位ary， that metaphor is pervasive in everyday life , not just in language but in thought and action. Our ordinary conceptual system , in terms of which we bòth think and act, is fundamentally metaphorical in nature. In this way, Lakoff and Johnson have redefined the tenn metaphor. Since they argue that human thought processes are largely metaphorical , and that the human conceptual system is metaphorical1 y structured and defined, metaphor in their sense is no longer a way of expression, but also a way of conceptualization. The tenn metaphor has come to mean "a cross-domain mapping in the conceptual system" (Lakoff 1994: 43). Defined as such, metaphor is in effect ubiquitous in everyday language and thought. In the contempor缸y theory of metaphor, as Lakoff (1986b: 293) has suggested, the tenn literal is restricted to the meaning of Literal 3; "the sense of being directly meaningful , without the intervention of any mechanism of indirect understanding such as metaphor or meton沪ny." With such a definition, it can be said that, a1though many abstract concepts are metaphorical in character, a significant part of our concepωal system consists of nonmetaphorical concepts. For example, sentences such as ‘ The bal100n went up' and
2.2. Cognitive linguistics and cognitive semantics In the discipline of linguistics, the contemporary theory of metaphor is closely associated with cognitive linguistics, which comprises cognitive grammar (e.g. Langacker 1987, 1988a, 1991) and cognitive semantics (e.g. John~on 1987, Lakoff 1987a, 1988, Sweetser 1990, Turner 1991). As a new school, cognitive linguistics departs 企om the mainstream generative linguistics in comrnitments and background assumptions (Lakoff 1989a, 1990, 1991). Gentrative linguists make a distinction between competence and performance, ke叩ing their focus of study on competence, that is, on the intemal r，叩resentation of rules 也at generate grammatical sentences in the ideal speaker-hearer. G阳erativists see metaphor as deviant and parasitic upon nonnal language, believing that it cannot be studied in any reasonable or systematic way. Parmegiani (1 988: 2) has

A REVIEW

13

noted that to generative linguists metaphor is but "a kind of semi-grammatical phenomenon" violating semantic rules. It should therefore be brushed aside into the domain of rhetoric, stylistics , or pragmatics. In short, in generative linguistics , metaphor, viewed as a semantically-deviant phenomenon , is either excluded from its study or relegated to the 企inges of attention. But , since metapnor pervades human language and thought, any science of language or of the mind which excludes any consideration of, or pays little attention to , metaphor wil1 tum out to be far too narrow or of little lasting value (Danesi 1988b, Mac Cormac 1985). Cognitive linguistics , in contrast , "sees language as making use of conceptual structure and general cognitive mechanisms" (Pütz 1992b: lii). The cognitive paradigm holds a set of common views on language and cognition including the following (Gibbs 1996a, Radden 1992 , Rudzka-Ostyn 1993)扎It believes that naturallanguage is a product ofthe human mind , based on the same organizing principles that operate in other cognitive domains. As one domain of human cognition , language is intimately linked with other cognitive domains and as such mirrors the interplay of psychological , cultural , social , ecological , and other factors. Language stru ;ture depends on (and itself influences) conceptualization , the latter being conditioned by our experience of ourselves , the extemal wo r1 d, and our relation to that world. In other words , language is not just a system consisting of arbitrary signs ，阻d its structures are related to and motivated by human conceptual knowledge, bodily experience , and the communicative functions of discourse. Li nguistic units are subject to categorization which commonly gives rise to prototype-based networks and critically involves metaphor and metonymy. Meanings of linguistic units are based on embodied experience with and within the real world, and can be characterized with respect to relevant knowledge structures such as those called folk models , cultural models , or cognitive models. As Fesmire (1 994b: 150) has summarized, having departed 企om the mainstream generative linguistics , cognitive linguistics "grapples with how human beings actually make sense of their wo r1 d," and "dwells in the stream of human experience rather than in a supposedly pure realm of form ," thus "cultivating a theory of the ecology of human understandi

14

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

models that underlie and mak:e possible our language activities. It hypothesizes that our ‘ higher' cognitive functions that are supposed to m ak:e meaning and reasoning possible are indeed continuous with and ins叩arable 企'om our sensorimotor activities (J ohnson 19自9a). It claims that knowledge is embodied: our very conceptual system is grounded in and structured by various r回urring pattems of our perceptual interactions, bodily orientations , and manipulations of objects (Johnson 1993b). A central task of cognitive semantics, then, is to examine the empirical evidence for embodied knowledge of this kind. To fulfi l1 this task, cognitive semantics has worked out methods of analysis that m ak:e it possible to investigate the experiential grounding of our conceptual system and its irreducibly imaginative character. As Johnson (1989a: 112) claims, "What is new in cognitive semantics is 也e way in which it has been able to be more concrete and specific about the way in which structures of our perc叩tual interactions work their way up into our understanding of more abstract conceptual domains." The contempor缸y theory of metaphor should be viewed as product of 伽is endeavor of cognitive linguistics in general and of cognitive semantics in p缸， ticular.

2.3. Conceptual and Iinguistic metaphors and metaphor systems

Wh at m ak:es the contempor:缸y theory of metaphor unique is the important distinction that has been drawn between cODceptual metaphors or metaphorical cODcepts on one hand, and Iinguistic metaphors or metaphorical expresSiODS on the other hand (Lak:off and Johnson 1980). The former refers to those abstract notions such as ARGUMENT IS WAR and LOVE IS A JOURNEY while the latter is actual linguistic phrases that realize or instantiate those notions in one way or another. Metaphor, according to 也is 也eory， is fundamentally ∞ncep tual rather than linguistic in nature. Metaphorical language, consisting of specific linguistic expressions, is but a surface manifestation or realization of conceptual metaphor. Conc叩tual metaphors are systematic mappings across conceptual domains: one domain of experience, the sourçe domain, is mapped onto another domain of experlence, the target domain. "In short, the locus of metaphor is not in language at al1, but in the way we conc叩tualize one mental domain in terms of another" (Lak:off 1994: 43). A major discovery of Lak:off and Johnson is that people use metaphorical expressions in a systematic way because metaphorical conc叩ts are systematic.

AREVIEW

15

For instance, under the metaphorical concept LOVE IS A JOURNEY , which is discussed in detail in Lakoff (1 986a, 1994), and Johnson (1993坊， there are these metaphorical expressions which are highly conventionalized in daily English: (1)

LOVE IS A JOURNEY.

a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i.

Look how far we've come. It 's been a long, bumpy road. We can't tum back now. We're at a crossroads. We may have to go our separate ways. We're spinning our wheels. The relationship isn't going anywhere. Our relationship is off the track The marriage is on the rocks.

As is shown; conventional metaphorical expressions are govemed by concep明 tual metaphor in a syst巳matic way. Lakoff argues that conceptual metaphor reflects "a general principle". that is "part of the conceptual system underlying English" (1994: 45一46). 1 his principle for understanding the domain of love in terms ofthe domain ofjoumeys can be stated as "a metaphorical scenario" (p. 46): lovers are travelers on a joumey together, with their common life goals seen as destinations to be reached.ηle relationship is their vehicle , and it allows them to pursue those common goals together. The relationship is seen as fulfilling its purpose as long as it allows them to make progress toward their common goals. The journey is noteasy. There are impediments , and there are places (crossroads) where a decision has to be madl. about which direction to go in and whether to 'keep traveling together. ηle

The metaphor here is thus a conceptual mapping 企om a source domain (j ourney) to a target domain (l ove) , with both ontological correspondences and epistemic correspondences entailed by the mapping. The ontological coπ。 spondences are those in which the entities in the source domain are mapped onto the entities in the target domain, while the epistemic co汀espondences 缸e tho臼 in which knowledge of the sour臼 domain is mapped onto knowledge of the target domain to form inference pattems. With the LOVE AS JOURNEY meta-

16

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

phor, for instancc , thc ontological correspond巳nces between the two domains are as follows (from Johnson 1993b: 417): (2)

a. The lovers correspond to travelers. b. The love relationship corresponds to th巳 vehicle. c. The lovers' common goals correspond to their common destinations on the joumey. d. Difficulties in the relationshi~ correspond to impediments to travel.

Thc LOVE AS JOURNEY metaphor is thus a systematic mapping based on ontological corrcspondences. It gives rise to a set of epistemic correspondences in which knowledge of the source domain (j oumeys) is mapped onto knowledge of the target domain (love). "Consequently, the way we conceptualize, reason about , and talk about our love relationship will be deterrnined by these , and other, epistemic correspondences" (Johnson 1993b: 417). In sum , each metaphorical mapping at thc conceptual level is a fixed set of ontological corrcspondences between entities in the source domain and those in the target domain. Once the fixed correspondenιes are activated, mappings can project source domain inference pattems onto target inference pattems, resulting in epistemic correspondences (Lakoff 1993). In such a way , conceptual metaphors in our conceptual system forrn intricate systems. Lakoff (1994: 4142) believes that the study of systems of conventional conceptuaI metaphor is "the most elaborate and conceptually radical branch of contempor町y conceptual system research." Lakoff 皿d Johnson's (1 980) methodology has demonstrated that such studies can be accomplished by close examinations of linguistic metaphors instantiating the underlying conceptual metaphors in our conceptual systems. That is , one can gain an understanding of the nature of human concepts by systematically studying linguistic expressions. With a new definition of metaphor given, Lakoff and Johnson have also provided a new methodology that makes it possible to study metaphor in a systematic way. Although it is still under debate as to whether and to what extent this new research methodology can actually reveal underlying conceptuaI systems (see, e.g. , Gibbs 1996a, 1996b, Gibbs and Colston 1995 , Murphy 1996, 1997, Ortony 1988) , there is no doubt that it has been the most productive and influential approach to date. In the above it is shown that metaphorical expressions are systematically tied to a conceptual metaphor, with each of the forrner as a particular linguistic instantiation or manifestation of the latter. That is , each concepω111 metaphor

A REVIEW

17

heads and govems a system of linguistic metaphors. The system of metaphor is highly structured by its ontological and epistemic correspondences operating across conceptual domains. The systematicity of metaphor, however, exists in a larger scope than described above. Not only are metaphorical expressions systematically govemed by a conceptual metaphor, but conceptual metaphors may also be systematically related to each other to form a hierarchical structure. "Metaphorical mappings do n,o t occur isolated 企om one another. They are sometimes organized in hierarchical structures , in which ‘ lower' mappings in the hierarchy inherit the structures of the ‘ higher' mappings" (Lakoff 1994: 62). Lakoff calls this phenomenon ‘ metaphor inheritance hierarchies.' Given below is an example of such a hierarchy including the LOVE IS A JOURNEY metaphor (adopted 企om Lakoff 1994: 62): Levell: Level2: Leve13:

The Event Structure Metaphor LIFE IS A JOURNEY LOVE IS A JOURNEY; A CAREER IS A JOURNEY

Here the two versions of metaphor at Level 3一-LOVE IS A JOURNEY and A CA阻ER IS A JOURNEY-inherit the structure ofthe higher mapping at Level 2一 LIFE IS A JOURNEY-which is a more general metaphor containing the two metaphors at Level 3 as its more specific manifestations. The LIFE IS A JOURNEY metaphor may contain the following ontological correspondences or metaphorical mappings (from Winter 1995: 235):

The LIFE IS A JOURNEY Metaphor LIFE (T arget)

JOURNEY (Source) traveler point of departure initial conditions baggage obstacles distance distance covered destination termmat1 0n

--• -…+ 一一-梦一一~ ~

一-→ -一-+ ~ ~

As Winter (1995: 235) points out:

person birth personal endowments personal problems extemal difficulties duration accomplishments life purpose death

18

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR The ‘ LIFE IS A JOURNEY' metaphor enables many different metaphorical expressions and 阴阳ms of inference. Thus , we try to give our children an education so they will get ‘ a good start' in 1ife. If they act out, we hope that they are ‘ just going through a stage' and 让lat they will ‘ get over it.' As adults , we hope they won't be ‘ burdened' (or ‘ saddled') with financial worries or ill health and, if they face such difficulti邸， that they will be able to ‘ overcome' them. We hope they wi11 have a ‘ long 1ifespan' and that they wi11 ‘ go far in life.' We know that, as mo阳Is， they will ‘ go to their final resting place.'

Lakoff (1 994) has cited the following English JOURNEY metaphor: (3)

ex缸nples

under the LIFE IS A

LIFE IS A JOURNEY a. He got a head start in life. b. He's without direction in his life. c. I' m where 1 want to be in life. d. I' m at a crossroads in my life. e. He'll go places in life. f. He's never let anyone get in his way. g. He's gone through a lot in life.

The conceptual metaphor LIFE IS A JOU阳EY can thus summarize and account for many English idiomatic expressions such as cited above. Since love is an important aspect of life , the LOVE IS A JOURNEY metaphor, therefore, inherits the structure of the LIFE IS A JOU刚 EY metaphor. As Lakoff (1994) points out , what is special about the LOVE IS A JOURNEY metaphor is that there are two lovers , who are travelers , and that the love relationship is a vehicle, while the rest of the mapping is a consequence of the LIFE IS A JOURNEY metaphor. In a similar vein, a career is another important aspect of life. So the CAREER IS A JOURNEY metaphor inherits the structure of the LIFE IS A JOURNEY met呐。r just as the LOVE metaphor does. What is special about the CAREER metaphor, however, is that a successful career is always a joumey UPWARD , smce STATUS IS UP. As shown above, the LIFE IS A JOURNEY metaphor is but a Level-2 metaphor, on top of which at Level 1 is the Event Structure Metaphor. According to Lakoff (1994) , the Event Structure Metaphor has events as its target domain and space as its source domain. Its general mapping in terms of ontological correspondences goes as follows (Lakoff 1994: 62):

AREVIEW

(4)

a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. j.

19

States are locations (bounded regions in space). Changes are movements (into or out ofbounded regions). Causes are forces. Actions are self-propelled movements. Purposes are destinations. Means are paths to destinations. Difficulties are impediments to motion. Expected progress is a travel schedule; a schedule is a virtual traveler, who reaches prearranged destinations at prearranged times. Extemal events are large , moving objects. Long-term, purposeful activities are joumeys.

It should be apparent that the LIFE IS A JOURNEY metaphor makes use of all the structure of the Event Structure Metaphor, since events in a life are subcases of events in general. Lakoff(1994: 62-6 3) describes the coherence ofinference in the Event Structure Metaphor and the inheritance involved in the LIFE JOURNEY metaphor as follows:

IS A

In our culture , 1ife is assumed to be purposeful , that is , we are expected to have goals in life. In the event structure metaphor, purposes are destinations and purposeful action is selιpropelled motion toward a destination. A purposeful life is a long-term , p山poseful activity , and hence a joumey. Goals in life are destinations on the joumey. The actions one takes in life are self-propelled movements , and the tota1ity of one's actions form a path one moves along. Choosing a means to achieve a goal is choosing a path to a destination. Difficulties in 1ife are impediments to motion. Exter.lal events are large moving objects that can impede motion toward one's 1ife goals. One's expected progress through life is charted in terms of a life schedule which is conceptua1i zed as a virtual traveler that one is expected to keep up with. Considering the above three-level metaphor system and metaphorical expressions that realize it linguistically , the ubiquity and systematicity of metaphor in human language and thought should be obvious. Little wonder that the contempor缸y theory of metaphor claims that metaphor is one of the essential elements constituting and structurin京 human cognition. 8 Lakoff (1994: 64) suggested that the hierarchical organization is a very prominent feature of metaphor system , and that "the metaphors higher up in the hierarchy tend to be more widespread than those mappings at lower levels."

20

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

He proposed the Event Structure Metaphor as his "candidate for a metaphorical universal" (p. 88). In Chapter 5 below , 1 will make a detailed study of the Event Structure Metaphor in Chinese. My study supports Lakoffs proposal 企om the perspective ofChinese. Now , the fundamental distinction between the traditional and contemporary theories of metaphor is obvious. The traditional approach studies metaphor as individual linguistic expressions or rhetorical devices: what artistic or aesthetic effects they have produced in a particular piece of discourse, which is primarily literary or poetic in nature. Just as Lakoff (1987d: vii-viii) points out, "traditional theories of metaphor assume that metaphors occur one by one, that each distinct metaphorical expression is individual1 y created." In the contempor缸y paradigm , on the other hand, metaphor is studied as systems of human conceptualization, operating deep in human thought and cognition and, at the same time , surfacing in everyday language in a systematic manner! on this view, metaphor in poetηor in literature at large is but a special case of metaphor in general , based on the same mechanisms (Gibbs 1994, Lakoff and Turner 1989, Lakoff 1990, 1993a, 1994, Sweetser 1992 , Tumer 1987, 1991). Section 2.6 wil\ retum to this claim.

2.4. Experiential basis of metaphor: The notion of embodiment As Johnson (1987) and Lakoff (1987a) have argued , in the past the dominant philosophical tradition in the West was objectivism. In his review of Lakoff (1987吟， Langacker (1988b: 384) describes the predominant status ofobJectivism in the Westem scholarly community as being "so pervasive as to be almost invisible, and so fundamental as to be virtual1 y immune to chal1enge." According to the objectivist doctrine (Hampton 1989, Johnson 1987, 1989a, Lakoff1 987a, etc.) , the world consists of mind-independent 0时 ects which have determinate properties and stand in definite relations to each other. The nature ofthese objects is independent ofthe ways in which people experience and understand them. The world, therefore, can be described objectively, independent of any particular culture or observer's viewpoint. That is , there exists a God'seye view of reality. Meaning, according to this view, is an abstract relation between symbolic representations and objective reality. The symbols are 红bi tr缸y and meaningless in themselves, but supposedly given meaning by virtue of their capacity to correspond to things , propert邸， and relations existing objectively in the world out there. Meaning , defined as the relation between

AREVIEW

21

words and those things in the world to which they refer, is thus fundamentally literal, holding a one-to-one or mirror-image relationship with the extemal world. It follows that there can be no irreducibly figurative or metaphorical concepts , because metaphorical projections cut across basic experiential domains, and such cross-categorical projections are held to have no counte叩 arts in the real world, which supposedly has discrete and definite categorical boundaries. The task for semantics , according to objectivism , is to describe the way in which words and utterances correspond to the real world. Human understanding, on the other hand, is distinguished 仕om meaning, which is held to be objective and in no way dependent on any person's or community's understanding of it. ldeal understanding proceeds by building an intemal representatÎon that correc t1 y mirrors extemal reality. Reason is just the mechanical manipulation of abstract symbols which are meaningful only via conventional correspondences to things in the world. Correct reason merely mirrors the logic of the extemal world. The objectivist paradigm so described, as Lakoff points out (l 987a: 157一 158), is "an idealization," brought from "our intellectual background into the foreground." Langacker (1988b: 388) further points out: the power of the objectivist world view does not depend on anybody accepting it in its entirety. Rather, it works its influence through the pervasiveness and tacit acceptance of numerous attitudes, working assumptions , and methodological principles for which it can be recognized as the ultimate source. Even if, in its pure form , the objectivist philosophy is universally rejected, it is nonetheless the reference point with respect to which the actual world views of many scholars can be measured-it stands as the archetype that gives these views their coherence, shapes their research agenda in terms of both subject matter and approaches, and determines whether an idea is adopted as a default-case assumption or considered inheren t1 y suspect.

While criticizing 0均 ectivism， Lakoff(1987a) outlined an altemative called experieJ1tialism or experiential realism. According to him , experientialism and objectivism are two versions of ‘ basic realism,' which is featured by a commitment to the existence of a real world and stable knowledge of it, and by a rejection ofthe view that theconception oftruth is merely ba~ed on intemal or subjective coherence , yielding the view that ‘m灿ing goes. fHowever, experientialism differs 企om objectivism in the definition of meanitìg. "Where objectivism defines meaning independent1y of the nature and experience of thinking

22

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

beings , experiential realism characterizes meaning in terms of embodiment, that is, in terms of our collective biological capacities and our physical and social experiences as beings functioning in our environment" (Lakoff 1987a: 266-267). Here the key concept is emþodiment, a notion that has been most forcefully articulated by Johnson (1 987 , 1989a, 1989b, 1991 , 1992, 1993b). Meaning is based on experience, especially bodily experience. As Johnson (1989a) 吨ues， the fact that every human being has a body bears directly on the nature of meaning. To be human is to be embodied: "What we can experlence, what it can mean to us, how we understand that experience, and how we reason about it are all integrally tied up with our bodily being" (p. 109).ηlat is , our bodily experience in and with the world sets out the contours of what is meaningful to us and determines the ways of our understanding. 111 a fundamental sense, human cognition is embodied. Our world, as ìt means to us and as we understand it, is not something objectively given. Instead, it is something ‘ construed' by our embodied cognition. For this reason, "It is ‘ construals of the world' thatare properly regarded as the object of linguistic semantics" (J. Taylor 1995: 4).10 The experientialist view of reason as being embodied in its context is sUDlIDarized in Lakoff(19~7a). Again, it is argued, human reason is made possible by the body. Instead ofùeing an instantiation oftranscendental reason, it grows out of the nature of the organism. The contributing factors include the organism's genetic inheritance, the nature of the environment it lives in, the way it functions in that environment, the nature of its social functioning, and so forth. In short, experientialism assigns a central role to bodily experience in meaning, understanding, and reasoning. It holds that human knowledge arises out of the interaction between the experiencing organism and the experienced environment. The locus of 也at interaction is the human body; the human body is the result of such interaction. Th at is, "we have always existed only in and in relation to our evolving environment. We are what we are at 也is instant, and our world is what it is 刨出is instant, only because of our embodied interactions" (Johnson 1991: 8). Therefore, it is necessary to put the body back into the mind (J ohnson 1987). In line with experientialism in philosophy, the contempor:缸y 也e。可 of metaphor maintains that human conc叩tual s

AREVIEW

23

bodied nature. )'hat is , m创呐。r is motiva时 by， and grounded in, our bodily experience--how our bodies function in and interact with the world (e.g. Johnson 1987 , 1989a, 1989b, 1 写91 ， 1992, 1993b, Fesmire 1994b , Lakoff 1987a, 1990, 1993a, 1993b, 1994). The basic idea is that "conceptual structure has everything to do with one's body and with how one interacts as part of one's physical environment" (Lakoff 1994: 42). , The evidence supporting the claim that metaphor is constrained by human bodily experience in the real world has been discovered in various target domains. But it stands out most prominently in the domain of_eIl1~t}oll.s~Numerous studies have shown that human emotions are conceptualized metaphorically in terms of bodily processes or activities (e.g. Emanatian 1995 , Fesmire 1994a, King 1989 , K，δvecses 1986, 1988 , 1990a, 1990b , 1991 , 1995a, 1995c , LakoffandKδvecses 1987, Matsuki 1995 , Sh归 1989， Yu 1995). It seems that cognitive linguists have put more emphasis on the interactive aspect of the grounding of meaning because they were criticized in the past for having neglected the cultural and social aspects of human understanding and reduced it to the biological or physiological only. Therefore , according to Johnson (1~~2: 347), this .interaction is "at once biological , social , culturaJ, economic , moral , and political. ... Thus , the way things can be meaningfully understood by us depends , in large measure , on the kinds of bodies we have and the ways we interact with our physical and social surroundings." App缸 ently, efforts have been made to make certain terminology more explicit to include the sense of interaction between the body and the environmen t. For instance, Fesmire (1994b) clarifies the term ‘ embodied' as having the rich sense ofan 龟J1，cultured， interactive body rather than just a physiological one. To explicitly stress the importance of the interaction between the body and the cultural and social environment in the grounding of metaphorical mappings , cognitive linguistics is bound to expand its scope of investigation of human cognition across linguistic and cultural boundaries. ,

2.5. Image schemas and the Invariance Principle

When metaphorical mappings are said to be not arbitrary , it means that they are , in large measure, constrained by the so-called image schemas (or image schemata). Johnson (1 987) , according to Lakoff (1987a: 271) , "makes an overwhelming case for the embodiment of certain kinesthetic image schemas." As Johnson (1987: xiv) defines it, "An image schema is a recurring , d泸1部ηlC

24

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

pattem of our perceptual interactions and motor programs that gives coherence and structure to our experience." Image schematic structures , which are central in the organization of meaning and in the formation of inferences based on that meaning , have two characteristics: they are nonpropositional and imaginative in character. That is , they are preconceptual schematic structures that emerge from our bodily experience and that are constant1 y operating in our perceptual interaction , bodily movement through space , and physical manipulation of objects. Generated as "typical structures ofrecurring aspects ofhuman bodi1y experience ," image schemas "play a crucial role in what we take as meaningful and in how we reason" (p. xxxvii); they "make it possible for us to experience, understand , and reason about our world" (p. 19). As pointed out by Johnson (1987) , image schemas are recurrent pa忧ems that "emerge 企om our constant and usually unnoticed encounters with physical containrnent" (p. 22) , and therefore , they are relatively few in number, predominantly visual , though not tied to any single perc叩tual modality. However, image schemas are not concrete rich images: they "have a generality that raises them a level above the specificity of particular rich images" (p. 24). As Johnson summarizes , image schemas , existing at a level of abstraction, and operating at a level of mental organization between propositional structures and concrete images , "serve repeatedly as identifying pattems in an indefinitely large number of experiences , perceptions , and image formation for objects or events that are similarly structured in .the relevant ways" (p. 28). From the viewpoint ofpsychology , Gibbs and Colston (1995) 缸gue that a large body of research in psych()linguistics , cognitive psychology, and developmental psychology, though not conducted in terms of cognitive linguistic ideas on image schemas, actually'''can be interpreted as supporting the claim that image schemas are indeed psychologically real and function in many aspècts ofhow people process linguistic and nonlinguistic information" (p. 347). Structural 坊， image schemas are "extremely skeletal" (Tumer 1990: 250) , possessing a limited number of parts or components which stand in fixed relations to one another. They inc1 ude, for instance, CONTAINMENT, PA田， LINKS , BALANCE , SCALARITY , OBJECTS , FORCES , and so on. Some image sche

AREVIEW

25

the structuring of more abstract conc叩ts， propositions , and pa饥ems of inference" (Johnson 1992: 349). A good example is the PA四 or SOURCE-PATHGOAL schem a, which consists of three elements: a source point A , a terminal point B , and a vector tracing a path between them. The three basic elements stand in a definite relation, specified as a force vector moving 企om A to B. This schema, as Johnson (1 987) points out, is recurrently manifested in seemingly different events , such as walking 企'om one place to another, giving someone a present, and the melting of ice into water. All these even饵， varying 企om spatial movements to change of state of a substance, are structured by the same image schema with the same basic parts and relations. As seen in these ex缸nples， an image schema, which is "more general, abstract, and malleable" ( p. 28) than a concrete rich imagel can characterize "many similar, but different, situations that manifest a recurring underlying structure" (p. 30). In this sense, image schemas "operate as organizing structures of our experience and understanding at the level of bodily perception and movement" (p. 20). Johnson (1987: 29-30) suggests that there are two important respects in which image schemas are dynamic: (a) they organize our experience in ways that we can comprehend; and (b) they are flexible in that they can take on any number of specific instantiations in varying contexts. The pervasiveness of image schemas in our experience is well reflected in our language. A well-known passage in Johnson (1987: 30-31) describing the first few minutes of an ordinary day is a good ex缸nple ofhow the CONTAINER schema is reflected in our language talking about daily experience. The CONTAINER schema consists of a boundary distinguishing an interior from an exterior in terms of in-out orientations. It structures not only our spatial experiences but also , by metaphorical extension, our abstract experiences. And the latter kind of structuring is especially interesting. The following sentences are derived 企om Johnson's (1 987: 30-31) original passage: (5)

a. b. c. d. e.

You wake out ofa deep sleep. You gradually emerge out ofyour stupor. Y ou walk in a daze. You brush your teeth in a hurry. You might enter into a conversation.

They are instances of metaphorical projections of the CONTAINER schema in our understanding of abstract states. Abstract states are interpreted as spatially bounded entities or locations. The power of image schemas lies in the fact that

26

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

we can metaphorically extend them from the physical to the nonphysical so as to structure and order our experience in abstract domains. In the following are somemore ex缸nples 企om Johnson (1987: 34): (6)

a. Tell me your story again, but leave out the minor details.

(STORY

EVENT AS CONTAINER)

b. 1 give up , I' m getting out ofthe race. (RACE EVENT AS CONTAINER) c. Whenever I' m in trouble, she always bails me out. (STATE AS CONTAINER)

These examples further illustrate how a single image schema, as a recurring organizing s肌ct町、 can help us understand and structure different kinds of experiences and reason about them. In Lakoff (1987纱， the image-schematic structure is treated as one of the two pr民onceptual structures in our bodily experience that give rise to conceptual structure, the other one being basic-level structure. 12 According to Lakoff (1 987a: 278) , image schemas should have the following qualifications: they are (a) pervasive in experience , (b) well-understood because it is pe凹asive ， (c) well-structured, (d) simply structured, and (e) emergent and well-demarcated. The image-schematic structures are directly meaningful , whereas abstract conceptual structures are indirectly meaningful , arising 企om image-schematic structures by metaphorical projection 企om physical domain to abstract domain. That is , abstract conc~tual structures "are understood because of their systematic relationship to directly meaningful structures" (p. 268). In other words , meaningfulness is embodied. In short, as Lakoff points out, ."Image schemas provide particularly important evidence for the claim that abstract reason is a matter oftwo things: (a) reason based on bodily experience , and (b) metaphorical projections from concrete to abstract domains"ω. 275). They structure our experience preconceptually, and are mapped by metaphors into abstract domains , with their basic logic preserved. In such a sense, metaphorical mappings are not all arbitrary 企om any source domain to a target domain, but are very often motivated by , and based on, structures inhering in everyday bodily expenence. To illustrate his point, Lakoff cites the example of the PURPOSES ARE DESTINATIONS metaphor. Th e metaphor is motivated by "a structural correlation in everyday experience" (p. 277): we go to a place, namely our destination , to fulfill a purpose. Therefore , "there is an isomorphism between the structural correlation and the metaphorical mapping" (p. 278) , as follows:

AREVIEW Source Domain movement to a destination Location A or starting point Location B or end point motion along a path

27

Target Domain 一一步一一→ 一→ 一一步

achievement of a purpose the initial state the desired state/purpose action sequence

Here the metaphor is based on the SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schema, one ofthe most common schemas that emerges from our constant bodily functioning. The mapping seems natural because the connection between the source and t缸get domains is motivated by experience. Thus, as Lakoff (1987a: 278) summarizes , image schemas that structure our bodily experience preconceptually have a basic logic , which is mapped onto abstract domains by metaphor motivated by preconceptual structural correlations in experience. Therefore , abstract reason has a bodily basis in our everyday physical functioning. What Lakoff (1987a) claims is that those image schemas which structure our experience of space also structure our concepts in abstract domains. For instance, as he maintains , categories are understood in terms of CONTAINER schemas, hierarchical structure in terms of PART-WHOLE and UP-DOWN schemas , relational structure in terms ofUNK schemas , radial structure in categories in terms of CENTER-PERIPHERY schemas , foreground-background structure in terms of FRONT-BACK schemas , and so forth. Lakoff calls his claim 'The Spatialization ofForm hypothesis' (p. 283): Strict1y

speaki吨，

the Spatialization of Fonn hypothesis requires a metaphorical physical space into a ‘ conceptual space.' Under this mapping , spatial s衍ucture is mapped into conceptual s衍ucture. More specifically , image schemas (which strucωre space) are mapped into the corresponding abstract configurations (which structure concepts).ηle Spatialization of Fonn hypothesis thus maintains that conceptual structure is understood in tenns of image schemas plus a metaphorical mapping. mapping 仕om

He then concludes that image sch巳mas play two roles: "They are concepts that have directly-understood structures of their own , and they are used metaphorically to structure other complex concepts" (p. 283). The recognition ofthe pervasive function of image schemas as the basis for metaphorical mappings led to the formulation of the lnvarianc巳 Hypothesis ， which was later revised and renamed as the Invariance Principle (Lakoff and Turner 1989, Lakoff 1990, 1993a, 1994, Turnerl990 , 1992 , 1993).13 Proposed

28

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

as the general constraint on met叩horical mappings, it states: \;Metaphorical mappings preserve the cognitive topology (that is，也.e image-schema structure) of the source domain, in a way consistent with the inherent s位uc:ture of the target domain" (Lakoff 1993a: 215). An important co'rollary of the Invariance Principle, according to Lakoff (1993a, 1994), is that image-schematic structure inherent in the target domain cannot be violated, and 也at inherent target domain structure limits the possibilities for mappings automatically. The phenomenon is called the target domain overrides. In the metaphor ACTIONS ARE 四ANSFE邸， for jnstance，也tions are conceptualized as 。同回ts transferred from an agent' to a pat~ent. But with the target domain overrides，伽.e agent can ‘ give' 也e patient ‘ a lcick' without the latter's having it afterward. Turner (1990: 252) also points out 也at as a general constraint on metaphor, the Invariance Principle is not inviolable, but the violation is to be taken as "a carrier of significat邸，" which is found in novel metaphors only. According to Lakoff (1990, 1993a, 1994)，也e Invariance Pri盟.ciple raises the possibility that a great many, if not all, abstract inferences 缸@邵阳ally metaphorical versions of 叩atial inferences inherent in the structures of image schemas. 白1at is, metaphors based on image schemas give rise to abstract reasoning, and abstract reasoning is based on spatial reasoning via metaphorical projections ofimage schemas. Lakoff (l 990, 1993a, 1993b, 1994) has demonS位ated in English that what have been called propositional structures or 曲， stract concepts such as time, states, changes, causes, purposes, and categories are really understood via metaphor in terms of spatial concepts structured by image schemas. As he suggests, "These are conc叩ts that en伽 nonnally into the grammars oflanguages , and ifthey are indeed metaphorital.in nature, then metaphor becomes central to gratnm缸" (1993a: 212). Consequently, the Invariance Principle has put the nature of abs位部t reason into I}ew perspective: "what have been seen in 也e past as propositional inferences are really 恤lage based inferences" (Lakoff 1993a: 229). If the Invariance Principle is correct, Lakoff (1 993a: 229) claims, it has a remarkable consequence: "Abstract reasoning is a special case of image-based reasoning." "Image-based reasoning is fundatnental and abstract reasoning is image-based reasoning under metaphorical projections to abstract domains" (p. 229). If L

AREVIEW

29

sistent with what is genera11y known about human cognition. Part of such a commitment is to characterize what abstract concepts are , how they can be understood , and how abstract reason could have been acquired by human beings The lnvariance Principle provides an answer to these questions , since it claims that many abstract concepts arise 企om metaphorical mappings of spatial concepts and that abstract reason arises via metaphorical mapping of image schemas which prese凹es the inferential structure of those spatial concepts. As Lakoff (1990) points out, abstract reasoning is that aspect of human beings that has traditiona11y been taken as separating man from the lower animals , but that activity of human brain has evolved 企om certain mechanisms for the perception of spatial relations that appear to be present in lower animals. At the present stage, however, the lnvariance Principle is still , as Lakoff \1990: 72) put it quite a few years ago , "a扭n emp抖iri 巾 ca 刽1 hypot白 he 町 s剖is ，" and ‘"‘'it沁 s 陀 r e status is anything but c1ea矶 r巳飞咄 s剑ince a precise 岛 for口 rmηmu 叫 lla 甜 tio ∞ n would req 伊 ui忱 knωowledg 伊 e of the 缸创 ft山 1111 inventory of imag 伊 e-啊hema 挝 S." Moreover, it is still not clear as to how strong this principle is: whether or not a11 abstract inferential structure is image-schematic; and whether or not image-schematic structure is only one of a number of aspects of generic-level structure (Lakoff 1990). The answer to these questions ca11s for thorough investigation within and across linguistic and cultural boundaries.

2.6. Conventional and novel metaphors ln their More than Cool Reason , Lakoff and Tumer's (1989) central claim is metaphor in poetry is not an essentia11y different phenomenon 企om metaphor in ordinary language; poetic metaphor basica11y uses the same cognitive mechanisms as everyday metaphor; and what makes poetic metaphor look dif二 ferent , however, is its extension, elaboration, and combination of those mechanisms in ways that go beyond the ordinary. They argue , therefore, that creative literary metaphor genera11y depends on conventional metaphor in generation and interpretation. According to them , there are three basic mechanisms for interpreting linguistic expressions as novel metaphors: extensions of conventional metaphors , generic-level metaphors, and image metaphors. Poetic rnetaphor uses a11 ofthem superimposed on one another. A good ex缸nple ofnovel extension ofa conventional metaphor, as cited by Lakoff(1993纱， is a line of a song lyric: 也at

30

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

(7) We're d.riving in the fast lane on the 企eeway oflove. Although what is regarded as novel is not absolute and is relative synchromcally as well as diachronically, the rnetaphorical expression in this line, with its rnodem flavor , is novel in the sense that it is not conventionalized in the everyday language of English. However, it is only an extension, narnely a novel instantiation, of the conventional conceptual rnetaphor LOVE IS A JOURN盯. The understanding of the forrner is a consequen::e of the preexisting rnetaphorical correspondences of the latter. As Lakoff argues , a conventional rnetaphor, as a fixed pattem of ontological correspondences across conceptual dornains , defines an open-ended class of potential correspondences across inference pattems. "When activated, a rnapping may apply to a novel source dornain knowledge structure and characterize a corresponding t缸get dornain knowledge structure" (p. 210). At the lexicallevel, lexical iterns conventional in the source domain may or may not be conventional in the target domain, depending on whether or not the ontological coηespondences between two domains are activated. 白lat is , each source dornain lexical item may or may not make use of the static mapping lf it does, it has an extended lexicalized sense in the target domain, where that sense is characterized by the mapping. lf not, the source domain lexical item will not have a conventional sense in the target domain, but may still be actively mapped in the case ofnovel metaphor. (p. 211) pa阳m.

Those lexical items that have g创ned a conventional sense in the target domain are referred to as polysemies，也at is , words with related senses. The lexical Iterns ‘企'eeway' and ‘ fast lane' in (7) above are not conventionally used in the dornain of love, but they comprise a novel extension of the conventiona1 metaphor LOVE IS A JOURNEY. As Lakoff (1 993a) has cited, exarnples of novel extension of conventional rnetaphor are also found in the following lines of poems: (8)

a. In the rniddle oflife's road 1 found myself in a dalk wood. (Dante: Divine Comedy) b. Two roads diverged in a wood, and 1一 1 took the one less traveled by, And that has rnade all the difference.

A REVIEW

(Robe口 Frost:

31

Stopping by Woods on a Snowy Evening)

Here, (8a) is an instance of novel extension and combination of two conventional metaphors: LIFE IS A JOU阳EY and KNOWING IS SEEING. (8b) extends and elaborates the first of these two. In Sweetser's words (1 992: 707) , "Ji terary metaphors are creative uses of precisely those metaphors that shape our everyday language and thought," and this is because "literary language is not ‘阻， other language' from everyday language"; in effect they "coexist as aspects of the varied language .use of a single community" (p. 706). As Sweetser has suggested, being a powerful 红tistic structure in literature , metaphor is not merely a literary tool , .but also generally basic to cognitive and linguistic structures. Therefore , "we can't understand literary metaphor outside of its context in language structure" (p. 708).14

Another type of metaphors that are common in poetry is called image metaphors (Lakoff1987c , 1990, 1993a, Lakoffand Turner 1989 , Gibbs 1994a, Turner 1991), those that function to niap one mental image onto another (e.g. ‘ My wife .., whose waist is an hourglass'). Image metaphors are ‘ one-shot' metaphors , mapping only one image (e.g. an hourglass) onto another image (e.g. a woman's waist) by virtue of their commonshape. For this reason, it is very unlike a conventional conceptual metaphor (e.g. LIFE IS A JOURNEY) that maps rich inference pattems across conceptual domains. In other words , an image metaphor maps the knowledge of one image onto another image whereas a conceptual metaphor maps the knowledge of a conceptual domain onto another conc叩tual domain. Whi le the former is realized in a particular linguistic 饵' pression, the latter is manifested in a system of linguistic expressions. 飞iWhat is worthy of note , however, is that image-mapping metaphors work in'just the same way as other metaphors , by mapping the structure of one dòmain onto the structure of another. Wh at is special about them is that their domains are conventional mental images. But conventional mental images are also structured by image schemas , which are preserved by image metaphors. That is to say, both conceptual metaphors and image metaphors are unified under the general Invariance Principle, which states that metaphors preserve the image-schematic structure ofthe source domain in a way that is consistent with the inherent image-schematic structure ofthe target domain. According to Lakoff and Tumer (1989) , novel metaphors , often f ,

32

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

instantiation of the fonner at a more specific level. The fonner only entails the understanding of events in tenns of actions perfonned by agents, but leaves unspecified its details, which are to be fumished by specific-level metaphors. Lakoffand Tumer (1989) have found , for instance, that the so-called personification in literature is summarized by the generic-level metaphor EVENTS ARE ACTIONS. According to Lakoff (1 993吟， generic-level metaphors preserve generic-level schemas , which may be image-schematic structures. If that is the case, then the lnvariance Principle is operating here too , constraining the generic-level metaphors. Lakoff (1993a) argues that our ev町yday metaphor system is constantly active, and is used maximally in interpreting novel metaphorical uses of language. This is because literary language sh缸es much with ordinary language, and artistic usage with everyday usage. As Sweetser (1992: 722) ∞ncludes， "There are thus strong arguments in favor of approaching artistic metaphor together with everyday metaphor, even via everyday metaphor." More general1y , "ev町yday language and literary language are not s叩缸'ate domains," and "discoveries about one bear on the other" (Lakoff 1987d: vii).

2.7. Summary of findings of the contemporary theory The summ缸y of research findings provided here is based on Lakoff (1 993a, 1994). Having resulted from the studies conducted under 伽 eontemporary theory of metaphor in the past decade and a half, it addresses three. aspeçts of metaphor: its nature, its structure, and its properties. In terms of its nature, metaphor is fund缸nentally conc叩tual， not linguistic. Metaphoricallanguage is merely a surface manifestation of ∞nceptual metaphor. Much of our ∞ncep tual system is metaphorical, although a significant part of it is nonmetaphorical. Metaphorical und笛standing is built up on nonmetaphorical undmtanding. As a basic cognitive structure, metaphor allows us to under宫tand a relatively abstract or inherently unstructured subject matter in t町ms ofa more ωncrete， or at least a more highly structured subject matter. In fact, m皿y subject matt町s，企om the most mundane to the most abstruse scientific theori饵， can only be comprehended via metaphor. In short, metaphor is the m锺in mechm世sm through which we comprehend abstract concepts and perfonn abstract reasonmg. Structurally, metaphors are mappings across conceptual domains. Such mappings are asymmetric in that they are one-directional, involving projections

AREVIEW

33

fr'Om a source domain to a target domain. They are partial in that only part of the structure of the source domain is projected to the target d'Omain. Each metaph'O rical mapping is a fixed set of ontological coηespondences between entities in the source domain and entities in the target domain. When those fixed 'Ont'O l'O gical corresp 'Ondences are activated, mappings can project source domain inference pa忧erns onto target domain inference patterns. Metaphorical mappings are not arbitrary, but grounded in the body and in everyday experic:nce and knowledge. A conceptual system contains thousands of conventional metaph'Orical mappings, which form a highly structured metaphorical subsystem of the c'Onc叩tual system. Metaphorical mappings , with both conceptual and image mappings, all obey 也e Invariance Principle: Th e image-schematic structure 'O fthe source domain is pr'Ojected onto the target domain in a way that is consistent with inherent target domain structure. In its current sense of the contempor缸y theory, metaphor has the following important Qrgp~rties， among others. First, the system of conventional conceptual metaphor is mostly unconscious, automatic , and is used c'O nstantly, with no noticeable effort, just like our linguistic system and the rest 'O f our conc叩· 切al system.η世s metaphor system plays a major role in both grammar and lexicon of a language. It is central to 'Our understanding of experience and to the way we act on that understanding. Second, novel or poetic metaphor is , for the most part, an extension of our everyday conventional system of metaphorical thought, constrained by the same principle as the conventional metaphor. !hi.rd, metaphorical mappings v町 in universality; some seem to be w盯的al， others are widespread, and some seem t'O be culture-specific.

2.8. Criticisms of the contemporary theory Ever since its birth about a decade and a half ago , the contemporary theory of metaph'Or has grown increasingly influential in the interdisciplinary field of metaphor studies. It has also received some criticisms (e.g. Holland 1982, Mac Cormac 1985 , Wierzbicka 1986, Ortop.y 1988, Jackendoff and Aaron 1991 , Quinn 1991 , Alverson 1991 , Indurkhya 1992, Kennedy and Vervaeke 1993 , Cacciari and Glucksberg 1994, Murphy 1996, 1997) 企om different. theoretical and disciplinary perspectives along its way of development. In this section 1 examine a few criticisms. It seems that some criticisms have stemmed 企om different theoretical views regarding what counts as a metaphor. The focus of study 'O f the contem-

34

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

porary theory is on (1) conc叩tual metaphors in human conceptual system and (2) conventional metaphors in everyday language , which were largely ignored by more traditional theories of metaphor. In the contemporary theory , it is believed that metaphor is primarily conceptual in nature and that conventional metaphors at the linguistic level yield important clues to human thought and cognition. The rejection ofthese two beliefs wil1 surely lead to the denial ofthe central claim of the contemporary theory that human conceptual system is fundamentally metaphorically structured. This central claim has been challeng时， for instance, by Wierzbicka (1986). Citing the conceptual metaphor LOVE IS A JOuru也Y， Wierzbicka argued that the journey metaphors are not applicable to the entire range of the use of the tenn ‘ love. ' Instead, their use is limited to the kind of love between, say, erotic p缸b ners while not applicable to the love between a mother and a child. ''This means that ‘ joumey' is not in any way included in the semantic invariant ofthe concept ‘ love'" (p. 291). Wierzbicka (1986: 292) proposed the following "REAL" definition of love which is 企ee of metaphor: (9) X loves (p erson) Y. = when X thinks of Y, X feels good feelings towards Y X feels that he wants to be with Y X feels that he wants to cause good things to happen to Y As this definition suggests, people can have a clear ∞ncept of love without having experienced journeys. This is because, Wierzbicka 缸gued， mental experiences are given to us more directly than physical ones , and our inner world is more familiar and more accessible to us than the extemal world. Therefore, we know and understand love without the mediation of the journey metaphors, which are used only "for talking about love" (p. 297). It should be admitted that Wierzbicka was right when she said that the LOVE IS A JOURNEY metaphor is not applicable to the entire range of the use of the tenn love, and that she provided a nonmetaphorical definition of love in (9) above. However, it should also be noted 也at this nonmetaphorical definition of love is only one definition, and that it_does not represent all there is of human cognition or conceptualization of love. In his reply to Kennedy and Vervaeke (1993) , who denied the claimed constitutive role ofmetaphor in human cognition , Johnson (l 993b: 418) emphasized that "the structure of a concept is not an all-or-nothing matter," and that "it is not the case that conceptual structure either preexists in a finished and fixed realm of its own, or else that it is all

A REVIEW

35

radically constructed." Instead , as with the concept ‘ love ,' most basic concepts are defined by multiple conceptual metaphors that are sometimes mutually inconsistent (though not incoherent). As acknowledged by the Invariance Principle , there are preexisting conceptual struct旧e in both the source and target domains , but conceptual metaphor will be at least partially constitutive of our cognition of the target domain, by virtue of additional structure carried over 企om the ‘ logic' ofthe source domain. Johnson further pointed out that "cognitive semantics never c1aims that image-schematic structures and metaphors are all there is to cognition," and rather, it only claims that "this is a crucial , insuf二日ciently explored , and undervalued dimension of meaning" (p. 421). So, it is obvious that the LOVE IS A JOURNEY metaphor cannot replace the nonmetaphorical definition of love in (9) provided by Wierzbicka; it nevertheless enriches human understanding of, and reasoning about, the concept of love, in a particular aspec t. It carries p缸t of the structure of the source domain (j ourney) over into the t缸get domain (love) , which has its own preexisting s伎ucture. It is worth reminding that the contemporary theory of metaphor is ~\lperior in one aspect: it has reached a higher level of generality by having discovered the hierarchical structure of metaphor, as discussed previously in 2.3. In this structure , the conceptual metaphor LOVE IS A JOURNEY , which govems a system I) f metaphorical expressions , is merely a subsystem of higher metaphorical system LIFE IS A JOURNEY, which, in tum, is but a subsystem of the even higher system, the Event Structure Metaphor. This discovery has attached even greater importance to metaphor in human cognition. Th e fact that a nonmetaphorical definition of love such as in (9) is inadequate for human conceptualization of love and 也.at metaphorical projection of partial s位ucture 企om a source domain is essential is also evidenced by Wierzbicka's (1986: 300-30的 discussion of such prepositional phrases as ‘ in love,' ‘沁 pain，' and ‘ ìn despair.' Wierzbicka contested Lakoff and Johnson's (1980) çlaim that nonphysical is typically conceptualized, metaphorically, in terms of the physical, as demonstrated in (10) (企om Lakoffand Johnson 1980: 59): (10)

a. b. c.

H缸ry

is in the kitchen. is in the Elks. H缸ry is in love. H缸ry

According to Lakoff and Johnson (1980: 59-60) , there is a difference among these three sentences with respect to conceptual structuring. In (10a) the concept IN "emerges directly 企om spatial experience in a cle寻rly delineated fash-

36

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

ion"; it is not a metaphorical conc叩t. But (1 0b, c) are instances of conc叩ts that are metaphorica11y structured (i. e. A SOC1AL GROUP 1S CONTAINER and A EMOTIONAL STATE 1S A CONTAINER). ''The word ‘ in' and the concept IN 町e 也e same in a11 three examples; we do not have three different CORC叩ts of IN or three homophonous words ‘ in\" Wierzbicka, however, disagreed that the word ‘ in' is used inthe 也ree sentences in the same sense; particl,llarly, she disagreed that the expression ‘ in love' is metaphorical. She argued, "Plain common sense indicates that expressions .such as in love. in pain or in despair don't refer to place. They refer to certain psychological states" (p. 302). But，仕lere exists ample evidence that abstract states are conceptualized in terms of bounded locations in 叩ace， as in the Event Structure Metaphor (e.g. Lakoff 1990, 1993a, 1993b, 1994, Taub 1996). Now let us look at Wierzbicka's own interpretation of the emotional 弛， as opposed to the locational ‘ in' (p. 305):

1 would speculate that something Iike the following (subconscious) teasoning may operate here. First，也e form ‘ in Nemotion' is more marked, more unusual than the ordinary Adj.motion or Verb.刷on'τbis in itself may suggest a marked form of the emotion. Second, the idea of place ('in') evokes the image of something surrounding the person 企.om all sides. Normally, an emotion (designated by an adjective or a verb) is viewed as something that takes place within a person. If the Iinguistic form seems to suggest a reversal ofthe image (a person surrounded by something instead of something ‘ enclosed' within a person) the impression can easily arise that the feeling is intense，由at it is stronger and more ov，町whelming than would normally be expected, and also that the normal relationship between a person and his emotions is reversed, so 也at the emotions, instead ofbeing subject in some measure to the p町80n's control , assume power over him. Finally, the image of a person being ‘ in' something (rather than out) mayiilvite the idea ofrestrictions on this person's movements (and, possibly, on his field ofvision): when we are outside we can go whenever we like; but when we are inside a house, our 仕eedom of movements is circumscribed by the four walls. As can be seen, the passage is packed with spatial metaphors. And 仕lat is typical metaphorical conceptualization of emotions. What Wierzbicka was doing is mapping the structure of space onto the structure of emotions, and that is metaphorical mapping in the sense of Lakoff and Johnson (1980). This me即hori cal mapping，部 illustrated by Wierzbicka's interpretation in the above p部sage，

AREVIEW

37

is cognitively constitutive of the understanding of emotions in a partial way. Wierzbicka denies the metaphorical nature of the phr田e ‘ in love' because she maintains a different definition ofmetaphor from Lakoffand Johnson's. Lakoff and Johnson believe 由at metaphor is primarily conceptual in nature whereas ' linguistic expressions are byproducts of the conceptual level. on the other h四d， Wierzbicka treats metaphor as "a linguistic device ... which by definition can't convey meaning in a fully explicit manner" (p. 294). To her, metaphor only provides ways of "talking about" things. It is therefore prim缸ily linguistic rather than conceptual in nature. In their review ofLakoff and Turner (1989), Jackendoff and Aaron (1991) insisted that the term metaphor is used too broadly in the book. To them, what is called conventional metaphors should not be taken as metaphorical. Rather, 世也le' 町 :y believed 伽 tha' 刽t 协 p hoωrs 旭 i sw 附 o毗巾1 pres 阳町v 悦in鸣 g" (p. 326). Thus , 也ey drew a distinction between "LT-metaphors" (i. e. what Lakoff and Turn衍 count as metaphors) and "1metaphors" (i. e. "the more standardly acknowledged as metaphorical" based on the criterion of "literal incongruity") (p. 326)，缸'guing that only I-metaphors are rea1 metaphors. For instance, DEATH IS DEPARTIJRE is an LT-metaphor, but its status 幽 an I-nietaphor is relativized across cultur四. In many cultures where death is viewed litera11y as the soul (or person) passing on to its next existence, DEATH IS DEPARTIJRE is not an I-metaphor, but a literal belief. Jackendoff and Aaron also argued that some LT-metaphors should not count as metaphors in the first place. They believed 也at Lakoff and Turner's conc叩tual metaphors such as STATES ARE LοCATIONS, PURPOSES ARE DES. TINATIONS , TIME MOVES are not metaphor亩， but instances of "Thematic Relations Hypothesis" (see a1so Jackendoff 1983: Ch 10), which claims that the conc叩饥.Ull structures expressed by naturallanguage are organized in tenns of a set of abstract parameters that are most cI early revealed in language about space, but that apply to many other semantic fields as well. It is not 也at space is taken as a METAPHOR that supplements or enriches the conc叩tualization of these fields; rather, this common organization is the ONLY way we have of conceptualizing them. In oth町 words，位lis basic skeletal organization of conceptual structure ... receives many parallel realizations, among them the conceptualization of space. (p. 328) According to Jackendoff and Aaron, the statements such as STATES ARE (i. e. LT-metaphors) are

LOCA TIONS, PURPOSES ARE DESTINAτ10NS， TIME MOVES

38

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

not based on "mapping of incongruous domains" but on "thematic parallelism" (pp. 329-330), so they are not I-metaphors. In short, they could not agree with the "excessi vely broad notion of metaphor" of Lakoff and Tumer (1 989) , who , "having drained ÍÌom the term ‘ metaphor' much of its traditional content," "have created a theoretical construct so broad and unstructured that the term ‘ metaphor' may no longer be appropriate" (p. 331). Regarding the equation DEATH IS DEPARTURE , Jackendoff and Aaron were certainly right when they pointed out that there exists some cross-cultural relativity as to whether it is a metaphor. In cultures where DEATH IS DEPARTURE is taken as literal belief, namely the be !i ef that spatial movement is involved in death, this equation certainly is not a metaphor. The key to the definition of metaphor in the contempor缸y theory is the notion of ‘ semantic autonomy' (Lakoff and Tumer 1989). If a concept is understood in its own terms and hence semantically autonomous , it is not metaphorical. If, on the other hand, a concept is understood in terms of another concept or concepts , it is not semantically autonomous and therefore is a metaphor. Jackendoff and Aaron of course would not accept this definition for being "excessively broad." They preferred, instead , "the standard sense" of metaphor which, as can be seen ÍÌom the above quotation , cannot be "the ONL Y way we have of conceptualizing" things, but in one way or another "supplements or enriches 出e conceptualization." This is also apparent in Jackendoffs (1983: 209) response to the view that the thωry ofthematic relations reveals widespread systems ofmetaphor in our language and thought: "But 1 think this debases both the theory of thematic relations and the conc叩t ofmetaphor, for , un!ike metaphor, thematic relations are not used for 缸tistic or picturesque effect." However, as Ortony (1975) and Fainsilber and Ortony (1987) have shown, metaphors serve at least 伽ree communicative functions , of which one is ‘ inexpressibility' (namely, metaphors may allow one to express 也at which would be difficult or impossible to express if one were res位icted to literal uses of language) , the other two being ‘ compactness' and 'vivi也less.' Jackendoff and Aaron's view 也at metaphors merely provide altemate ways of talking about something nicely is similar to that ofWierzbicka's. Holding this view they would believe that many conventional metaphors are no

AREVIEW

3~

one of them. On this view, time , for instance , is not metaphorically conceptu. alized in terms of space, but simply holds a thematic p缸allel with space. Gibbs (1994a: 167-169) contains a critique ofthe Thematic Relations Hy. pothesis, which is based on Lakoffs unpublished reply to Jackendoff and Aaron (1991). It is argued that the so-called thematic parallels actually do n01 exist between the spatial and tempNal domains and that the seeming parallel. isms are indeed consequence of metaphorical mapping from the former to the latter domain. Specifically, in the spatial domain an observer has an inheren1 企ont and back. For instance, when 1 stand with my back against a wall , looking at the mountain in 企ont of me , 1 can say something to the effect that ‘ The mountain is ahead of me and the wall is behind me,' regardless of which culture 1 am 企om or what language 1 speak. And that is reality. ln the temporal domain, 1 can also say that ‘ The fuωre is ahead of me and the past is behind me,' and what 1 say indeed re f1 ects the way 1 think of the future and the past. But in reality, the future does not really exist in 企ont of me , nor does the past behind me. Wh at 1 say in this case is only the consequence of a metaphorical way of thinking or conceptualization that maps the spatial domain onto the temporal domain. Fur位lermore， the way of conceptualizing the future and the past is relative across cultures (s饵， e.g. , Alverson 1994). Hence , a person from a different culture standing next to me side by side may say that ‘ The future is behind me and the past is ahead of me ,' even though we both are facing the same direction. Moreover, there are different ways of conceptualizing time even within a single culture or language. In English, for example,‘ Christmas is coming up on us' and ‘ We're coming up on Christmas' re f1 ect two special cases of how time is metaphorically conceptualized. Times are understood as moving entities in the first case and as fixed locations in the second. These two special cases 缸e inconsistent to each other, and cannot be accounted for by the notion of thematic p缸allels since parallels do not really exist between the spatial and temporal domains. Chapter 4 below will lend further support to this argument. Here and now, 1 want to further emphasize that the notion of ‘ thematic parallels or parallelisms' cannot solve the problem of asymmetry and directionality observed between conceptual domains. That is , metaphorical mapping is usuall

40

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

and abstract domains on the other. ls Mac Corm挝、 (1985) criticism of Lakoff and Johnson (1 980) also stemmed from a different view of metaphor. He believed that conventional metaphors (or ‘ dead metaphors' in his terms) should be regarded as literal rather than metaphorical. This view is apparent in his distinction between literal and metaphorical language: Li terallanguage seeks to use estab!i shed categories (including those derived 企om dead metaphors) to describe the natural world in common terrns that can be universally comprehended. MetaphoricaJ language seeks to create new suggestive ways of perceiving and understanding the world and involves a conceptual process different from that ofliteral description. (p. 78)

He argued that most of the examples of metaphor presented by Lakoff and Johnson are ‘ dead metaphors' which have already faded into literallanguage. If they are also taken as metaphorical, it amounts to saying that all language is metaphorical, whereas he believed that a literal-metaphorical distinction is essential in explaining how new meanings ar巳 derived via metaphor with literal meanings as given and how language changes in such a process. Regarding this criticism Indurkhya (1992: 296) pointed out that the main objective ofLakoff and Johnson's study is to show that metaphor is a powerful tool in shaping the cognitive world that we experience. For this objective, conventional metaphors "are quite important, since they bring evidence that even what we take to be the conventional and ordinary description ()f the world is actually brought about by a metaphor." But "Mac Corm饵， s criticism of Lakoff and Johnson utterly fails to appreciate this important point." Indurkhya's critique is very much to the point. While MacCorm饵 's view that only novel metaphors are real metaphors served his purpose to show how novel tnetaphors derive their meanings, he failed to realize that there exist at least four different senses of ‘ literal' (see Lakoff 1986b for a critique). In addition to the above criticism, Mac Cormac also opposed Lakoff and Johnson's account of how abstract concepts are structured metaphorically in terms of spatial concepts which are directly emergent from our bodily experience. He argued that even the delineation of the spatial is cultural, emerging "in linguistic forms that are already cu1turally mediated and transmitted" (p. 67). For illustration, he cited Lakoff and Johnson's (1980: 161) own e宜ample of 丘ont-back orientation relative cross胸 cu 1turally:

A REVIEW

41

Given a medium-sized rock in our visual field and a ball between us and the rock, say a foot from 扰， we would perceive the ball as being in front of the roc k. Th e Hausas make a different prQjection than we do and would understand the ball as being in back ofthe roc k.切1US， a front-back orientation is not an inherent property of objects like rocks but rather an orientation that we project onto them , and the way we do this varies from culture to culture. Mac Corrnac (1 985: 68) then asked: "If some spatial concepts vary from culture to culture, how can we have any certainty that spatial concepts emerge directly? It seems more like a mediated, indirect emergence, which Lakoff and Johnson would call metaphorical" (see also Indurkhya 1992 for a similar criticism). The answer to Mac Corrnac's question is that, when the experientialist view of cognition claims that spatial conc叩ts emerge directly, it means that these concepts are derived direct1y 企om the physical wor\ d, as opposed to abstract concepts which are often mediated by metaphor. It is important to note that cognitive linguistics n巳ver c1 aims that spatial concepts are universally interpreted and that some of them are indeed interpreted differently across cul-. tures. Just as shown by the above example 企om Lakoff and Johnson (1 980), a rock that lacks an inherent 企ont and back is assigned one by culture-specific interpretation. Researches within the cognitive paradigm have shown that "although the physical configuration and neurophysiological apparatus of human beings give us all a common starting point for the way we experience the wor\ d , our perccptions of it are differentiated by individual cultures" (AlI an 1995: 13). While the spatial domain is surely the source domain for metaphors mapping into more abstract domains, it is also the domain currently under investigation fot possible cross-linguistic and cross-cultural universals and differences (see, e.g. , Allan Ì995 , Am eka 1995 , Brown and Levinson 1993 , Heine 1995 , Levinson 1991 , 1992a, 1992b, Pederson 1995 , Regier 1995 , Sinha et a1. 1994, Sinha and Thorseng 1995 , Svorou 19Ç,4, Wilkins and HillI995). Allan's 1995 study is a case in point. It is shown in this study that the word 卫班， in English is defined as "that part of a body opposite the interactiveside" (p. 11). It is originally defined "on an anthropomorphic model of the prototypical human being in upright stance con企onting the wor\ d by looking forward and walking forward ," and is metaphorically "extended to the corresponding proper parts of vertebrate and invertebrate animals and to inanimate objects such as houses, cupboards, and computers" (p. 11). With cupboards or computers, the 仕ont is always the door or screen side, which is the interactive

42

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

side, while the back is the opposite side. With houses , the back is usually opposite the side with the main entrance. But in some cultures , it can be the house roof, conceptualized on a "zoomorphic" model in which the back is "roughly horizontal and facing skyward like an animal' s back" (p. 19). Relevant to Lakoff and Johnson's example of the rock is the following conceptualization: "If a static concrete inanimate object is assigned no intrinsic front , the part or region of the object facing the human viewer is contingently named 的efront. and the part or region on the opposite side or end of the contingent front is named the back" (p. 22). This is because "The characteristics of the canonical encounter between humans are transferred to the encounter between a human being and a nonhuman object, with the result that the viewer faces the 企ont of the object , and it con企onts himlher"ω. 22). This is the case in most languages , but op. e altemative, selected in Hausa (Chadi) , Kiswahili (Bantu) , and Maasai (Eastem Nilotic) , is to imagine the object 吁acing the same direction as (i.e. aligned with) the human viewer," n缸nely， "the human viewer faces the backs of things" (p. 22). "It is a matter of cultural convention whether the viewer is facing the 仕ont ofthe 0均 ect or its back" (p. 22). Allan's conc1usion is that "the uses and meanings of English back are motivated by our cognitive modelling of the world and that they evidence a powerful anthropocentric image of ‘ the body in the mind' of humankind" (p. 11). A similar study of spatial terms ‘ m 仕ont of and ‘ behind' is in Kalisz (1990) , which also shows "an experiential grounding ofterms expressing space orientation" (p. 167). Finally, 1 consider the criticism raised by Noami Quinn, a cognitive anthropologist , in her ‘ The cultural basis of metaphor' (1991). She criticized Lakoff and Johnson for the tendency "to neglect altogether the organizing role of culture in human thought , or to grant culture , at best , a ~f;':sidual or epiphenomenal place in their accounts" (p. 57). She was oppo时 to their assi民ing a constitutive role to metaphor in human understanding. Instead , she argued that metaphors are used only to fit preexisting cultural models , which are "presupposed , taken-for-granted models ofthe world that are widely shared (although not necessarily to the exclusion of other, altemative models) by the members ofa society and that play an enormous role in their understanding ofthat world and th

AREVIEW

43

tural model of Am erican marriage (see also Quinn 1987), she insisted that it is the cultural model that commands the selection ofmetaphors: particular metaphors are se!ected by speakers , and are favored by these speakers , just because they provide satisfying mappings onto alrcady cxisting cultural understandings-that is, because elements and relations between elements in the source domain make a good match with elements and relations among them in the cultural mode l. (p. 65) Thus , "conventional metaphors" have become "conventional" only because "they are satisfying instantiations of a ‘ conventional' or culturalJ y shared model , capturing Q1 ultiple elements of that model" (p. 79). ln conclusion, Quinn claimed that "metaphor plays 1 comp缸atively minor role in constituting our understanding of our world , and that a relatively major role in constituting this understanding is played by cultural models ofthat world" (p. 91). So , while Quinn's conclusion did not completely deny the constitutive role of metaphors in human understanding, which is at least in part in accordance with cognitive semanticis饨， claim that metaphors pa叫 y constitute our understanding of the wo r1 d , she laid special emphasis on the major role of cultural models in constituting this understanding, claiming that cultural models actually constrain the selection of metaphors. She was certainly right to some extent. The contemporary theory claims that metaphors are rooted in our bodily experience. Here,‘.bodily experience' should be interpreted in a broad sense, referring to our bodily function and interaction with the outside world , and our knowledge so derived. However, the bodily experience can only tell what are possible metaphors. Wh ether these potential metaphors are actually selected in a given culture is largely dependent upon the cu 1tural models shared by individuals living in this culture. The use of sports metaphors , which are typically rooted in our bodily activities, should serve as an illustration. In Am erican English, sports have always been a favorite source domain for metaphors in everyday and political discourse (see, e.g., Hardaway 1976, Howe 1988, Ching 1993 , Shore 1996).16 The reason is apparent, as Hardaway (1976: 78) saw it: 飞

Nobody would argue the place of sports in American life; they are big business. And they are big business because they fit philosophically with the widely accepted American dream of open competition in a free market economy. Americans be Jieve in competition , foster it, and encourage it. They live by its rules. No

44

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

wonder the language of athletic competition has found its way as metaphor into every aspect of American life. In Chinese, sports metaph'Or百 have enj 'O yed increasing p'Opularity in the past 15 years 'Or so when ref'Orm has remarkably raised the nati 'O n's level 'Of c'Ompetiti 'On in b 'O th ec'O n'Omy and sp'Orts. That is , the increasing p'Opularity 'O f sp 'Orts in an improving ec 'On'Omic envir'Onment has br'Ought ab 'O ut increasing p'Opularity 'O f sp 'O rts metaph'O rs. H 'Owever, there exist s'Ome variati 'Ons between the Am erican and Chinese cultures as t'O which athletic events are more likely t'O be s'Ource d'O mains f'O r sp 'Orts metaph'Ors. Acc 'O rding t'O H'Owe (1988), f'Or instance, the m'Ost p'Opular sp 'Orts metaph'Ors in American p'O litical disc'Ourse are 企om Am erican f'O'Otball, baseball, and b'O xing. On the 'Other hand, my 'Own 'Observati 'On in Chinese has singled 'Out v'O lleyball , s'O ccer, and pingp'Ong 臼 c'Omm'On s'O urce d'Omains f'Or sp 'Orts metaph'Ors in Chinese p'O litical and everyday disc'O urse. It is hard t'O imagine, f'Or instance, that Am erican football metaph'Ors sh'O uld enj 'Oy p'Opularity in Chinese while m'O st Chinese pe'O ple do n'Ot kn'Ow whata ‘ t'O uchd'Own' is. While 1 am in c'O mplete ~gr~~!llent with Quinn's c'Onclusi 'O n that cultural m'Odels play a maj 'O r r'O le in c'Onsti t1,lting 'Our understanding 'O f the w'Orld and c'Onstrain the selecti'On 'O fmetaph'Ors,lI w'O uld like t'O raise a questi 'On that challenges her betief that metaph'O rs 'Only play a min'Or r'O le in c 'Onstituting our understanding 'O f the w'O rld and are 'O rdinarily selected t'O fit 'O r satisty the preexisting cultural m 'O dels. My questi 'On is: C'O uld the cultural model, or culturally shared understanding, itself be metaph'Orical 'Or 企ee 'O f metaphor? When it is said that "An underlying metaph'Or f'Or life in the United States is LIFE IS PLAYING A GAME" (Ching 1993: 43) , is this metaph'Or the culturally shared understanding in the Am erican culture that c'Ontr'O ls the GAME and PLA Y metaph'Ors which are pervasive in American English? Is 也is metaph'Or entrenched in the middle 'O f the cultural m'Odel sh缸ed by Am erican people in their understanding 'O f Am erican life? A p'Ositive answer seems t'O make m'Ore sense. I f, in sh'Ort, a cultural m'O del 'Or culturally shared understanding c'O uld be metaph'Orical in nature, then the r'O le played by metaph'Or in human understanding w'O uld consequently be maj 'Or as well. Chapter 3 'O f this b'O'O k will provide further supp'Ort t'O this claim. Readers are also referred to Gibbs (1994a) and Kövecses (1995c, 1997) f'Or critiques 'O fQuinn's view. 17 Finally, 1 w'Ould like t'O digress and discuss a little 'On the retati 'Onsbip between anthr'O p'O l'O gy a

AREVIEW

45

two disciplines have different focuses of study and their approaches , may proceed in opposite directions. For linguists , "cultural models promise the key to linguistic usage," whereas for anthropologists , "linguistic usage provides the best available data for reconstruction of cultural models" (p. 24). In the past , as Keesing (1992: 593), an anthropologist, has pointed out, "Linguistics and anthropology have had a curious ,
If meaning is structured and guided by the mapping of the body in the brain , then it is not possible to separate human culture from human bodies. Culture is pattems of activity in brains; brains are structured in accord with their bodies; therefore cuHure , which is activity in brains , is structured in accord with the bodies in

46

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

which it resides. Conversely, brains are in various ways developed under cultural experience , such as experience of language. A certain amount of our ac阳al neurobiology is inseparable 企om culture. That is , culture and biology .are mutua11y dependent and coexistent. For this reason, a complete study of human meaning must inc1 ude both ‘四culturated' and ‘ embodied' meaning, so as to reveal the whole picture ofhuman cognition in terms of how it is relative across different cultures and universal among a1 1 human beings. Cognitive linguistics and cognitive anthropology should join their hands closely in their search into human cognition. The.coalition between these and other cousin disciplines is crucial for the success of the current "Cognitive Revo1ution" (Bruner 1996, Shore 1996).'9

2.9. Questions faced by the contemporary theory In his review of Metaphors We Live By (Lakoff & Johnson 1980), Lawler (1983: 205) had this to say about the significance ofthe book to the field of metaphor research: From the viewpoint of a metaphor researcher, this book is ciearly a milestone, but it does not point in any particular direction for further research一-rather， it points in many directions. One obvious suggestion is that other languages than English should be treated along the lines which Lakoff and Johnson lay down. Keesing (1985: 201) also argued that Lakoff and Johnson and many others' discovery in English of the systematic paradigmatic nature of conventiona1 metaphors and their experiential bases ca11ed for more systematic exploration "to m旦p the metaphoric schemata of nçm-Westem peoples." He stressed that "the mapping and analysis of metaphoric schemata in non-Westem languages must be given a high research priority" (p. 214). More recent1y, Mühlhäusler (1995) expressed the urgent need to intensively study ‘ metaphors others live by.' He believed that intensive study of non-Westem metaphoric a1 systems would even help solve problems such as social , technological , environmental , and philosophical , in Westem cultures by "generating a1 temative ways of looking at things" (p. 282).20 In spite of a11 these c a11s, intensive studies of metaphor systems in non-Westem languages , and even in Westem languages other than English , have not been carried out satisfactorily, to say the least.

AREVIEW

47

As 1 see it, the contemporary theory of metaphor sti l1 faces two major questions that require cross-linguistic and cross-cultural research. The first is : whether abstract human reasoning is at least partial1 y a metaphorical version of imagistic reasoning. Lakoff (1 990: 39) sees 也is as "a major question for future research in cognitive linguistics." There exists some evidence suggesting that such abstract concepts as time, states, changes, causes, purposes, quantity scales, categories, as well as emotions, are characterized metaphorically. But to what extent? The existing evidence is mainly 丘om English. But is it true in other languages as well? , \J1 d to what extent is it true in other languages? The second question is that of universality versus relativity. According to Lakoff(1993a: 245) , "Metaphorical mappings vary in universality; some seem to be universal, others are wid巳spread， and some seem to be culture specific." But it is still unknown as to what and how conceptual metaphors are universal , widespread, or culture-specific. Since, as argued, human understanding, meaning, and reasoning are grounded in our embodied experience, and since basic bodily experience should be common among al1 human beings , it can be hypothesized that there exist cognitive universals, as well as linguistic universals. On the other hand, since bodily experience always interacts with specific physical , social , and cultural environmeIits , it is also expected that there should be cognitive variations across cultures and languages. However, to what extent and in what manner cognitive universals and variations exist across cultures and languages is still a largely unexplored area. Regarding the lack of cross-linguistic and cross-cultural studies , Johnson (1 992: 354)21 has made the following incisive statement: Given the nature of our bodies and brains , and given the kinds of physical and cultural interactions we engage in because of the kinds of interests and purposes we have, there may well be universal image schemas, metaphorical concepts, or cognitive structures. Whether there are such universals is an empirical issue. The cross-cultural studies 出at could identify such empirical universals have simply not been carried out extensively enough at the present time. So , we cannot make any strong assertion along these lìnes. Neither, however, can we deny their existence. We wi11 only know the answer when we do the necessary cross-cultural research. Whether certain conceptual metaphors , image schemas , or cognitive prototypes are universal , as 1 believe , awaits further study.

48

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

Johnson's statement summarizes the situation of cognitive semantics: cognitive semantics has reached a point where it has to be supported by cross-cultural research. My studies presented in the next three chapters a忧empt to make a contribution to this end.

Chapter 3 Emotion Metaphors

3. 1. Language of emotions l"Em?tion is one of the most central and pewasive aspects of human expenence'j' (Ortony et a1. 1988: 3). Since "cognitions can influence and be influenced by emotions" (p.匀， the study of human emotion constitutes one of the essential components in our probe into human cognition. Emotions and their conceptions cannot be adequately studied without reference to language of emotions. The most readily available nonphenomenal access we have to emotions is through language (Ortony et a1. 1988), and linguistic analysis has long been an essential source of information about emotion concepts (Russell 1995). In her study of everyday conceptions of emotion 企om a semantic perspective，哇!巳r油i~k~(1995: 18) unde飞scores the importance of studying lan. guage in general: "Language is a light which i1luminates certain aspects of reality , while leaving other aspects in darkness ," and "we cannot study the reality without studying that light, and the effects it has on our vision ofreality." Cognitive semantics believes that the conventionalized language uscd to talk about the emotions can be an important tool in discovering the structure and contents of emotion concepts (Kövecses 1990a). The contemporary theory ofmetaphor regards metaphors as playing an important role in the folk and scientific conceptualization of emotion (Kδvecses 1990a). Extensive studies have been made on the function of metaphor in the conceptualization of emotions in English (Fesmire 1994, Kövecses 1986, 1988 , 1990a, 1990b, 1991 , Lakoff 1987a, Lakoff and Johnson 1980, Lakoff and Kövecses 1987). A central claim of these studies is that human emotions , which are abstract in nature , are to a great extent conceptualized and expressed via metaphor grounded in bodily experiences. While this claim is meant to be universal , the evidence supporting it is mainly derived 企om English. The question arises as to whether, and to what extent , the claim can hold up in other

50

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

languages. Therefore, Kövecses (1990a) suggests that studies be done in similar ways in other languages. He believes th创 the comparisons so derived would no doubt be instructive. In this Chapter, 1 report my study on emotion metaphors in Chinese as compared to those in English. 'l'hestudy should be viewed as part ofthe more recent thrust to push the research on emotion metaphors beyond English to other languages and to conduct it on a cross-linguistic and cross-cultural basis (e.g. Emanatian 1995 , King 1989, Kδvecses 1995a, 1995c, Matsuki 1995 , Sh川 1989). 1 concentrate on two basic emotion concepts: anger and happiness. The English examples cited in this study are mainly taken 企om Lakoff and Johnson (1980) , Lakoff and Kövecses (1987) , and Kövecses (1991 , 1995a, 1995c) , which comprise my reference point for comparison. This study demonstrates that Chinese shares the same generic-Ievel conceptual metaphor ANGER IS HEA T with English. However, this central metaphor then breaks into two subversions in both languages. Wh ile English has selected FIRE and FLUID metaphors, Chinese uses FlRE and GAS for the same purpose. Similarly, both English and Chinese share the UP , L1 GHT and CONTAINER metaphors :in their conceptualizations of happiness , although they differ in some other cases. These two languages also follow the same metonymic principle in talking about anger and happiness by describing the physiological effects of these emotions. A descriptive difference observed throughout the study, however, is that Chinese tends to utilize more bödy-part terms , especially intemal organs , than English in its metaphors and meton严nies of anger, happiness , and other emotional states. A principled explanation of the differences between the two languages is then made on the basis ofreferring to the theories ofyin-yang and of the five elements of Chinese philosophy and medicine. It is suggested that these theories form cognitive or cultural models underlying the metaphorical conceptualization in Chinese.

3.2. Anger metaphors in English In English, according to Lakoff and Kövecses (1987: 197) , "The cultural model of physiological effects , especially the p缸t that emphasizes HEA T, forms the basis of the most general metaphor for anger: ANGER IS HEA T." However, this central metaphor has two versions in English: one where heat is applied to solids; the other where it is applied to fluids. Wh en ANGER IS HEA T is applied to solids , thè version of metaphor is ANGER IS FIRE. Under this conceptual meta-

EMOTION METAPHORS

51

phor, there is a large group of conventionalized expressions which encode and elaborate the general concept in one way or another. For instance: (1 1)

a. b. c. d. e. f. g.

Those are inf1 ammatory remarks. She was doing a slow bum. He was breathing fire. Your insincere apology just added fuel to the fire. After the 缸gument， Dave was smoldering for days. Boy, am 1 bumed up! Smoke was pouring out ofhis ears.

These conv巳 ntionalized expressions could probably cvoke two images of a container. The first and main one is that the body of the angry person is the container and there is a fire buming inside. In the second , the fire is buming outside the body, the cor tainer, heating it and raising the temperature inside. This second image is closely related to the second version of the ANGER [S HEAT metaphor in English: ANGER [S A HOT FLUID [N A CONTA[NER. As the linguistic expressions below show , the subversion ANGER [S A HOT FLUID IN A CONTA[NER also heads a metaphor system fumished with details. (12)

a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i.

You make my blood boi l. Simmer down. 1 had reached the boiling point. Let me stew. She was seething with rage. She got all steamed up .Billy's just blowing off steam. He f1 ipped his lid. He blew his top.

The destructive force of anger is obvious: when the hot f1 uid is producing too much steam in the closed container, the steam has to find or force its way out; otherwise it will cause explosion. In addition to the generic-level metaphor ANGER [S HEAT, Lakoff and Kövecses (1987) suggest that , govemed by the comrnon cultural model , English also makes use of a general metonymic principle: THE PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR 四E EMOTION. With this principle , the cultural model yields a system ofmetonymies for anger:

52 (13)

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

BODY HEAT

a. Don't get hot under the co l1ar. b. Billy's a hothead. c. When the cop gave her a ticket, she got al1 hot and bothered and started cursing. INTERNAL PRESSURE

d. When 1 found out , 1 almost burst a blood vesse l. e. He almost had a hemorrhage. REDNESS IN FACE AND NECK AREA

f. She was scarlet with rage. g. She got red with anger. h. He was flushed with anger. AGlTATION

i. She was shaking with anger. j. 1 was hopping mad. k. He was quivering with rage. INTERFERENCE WITH ACCURA TE PERCEPTION

1. She was blind with rage. m. 1 was so mad 1 couldn't see straight Al1 these expressions , in one way or another, indicate the emotion of anger via its physiological effects on the angry person.

3.3. Anger metaphors in Chinese As shown in the previous section, those conventionalized expressions, which converge on the metaphoric and meton沪nic principles , constitute the systematic conceptualization of anger in English. This kind of systematic conceptualization of emotion in metaphoric and metonymic terms is not specific toEllglish. It is also true in Chinese. 1 have found that the generic-levet c()Il~tlptual metaphor ANGER IS HEA T is exactly applicable in Chinese, and that it als(). yiel d,s two more specific versions. 认Then ANGER IS HEAT is applied to so1idsin Chinese , we get exac t1 y the same metaphorical mapping as ANGER IS FlRE , of which the metaphorical expressions are all quite conventionalized: 22

EMOTION METAPHORS (1 4)

53

a. Bie re wo fa-huo. don't provoke me shoot- Ílre "Don't set me on fire (i.e. Don't cause me to Iose my temper)." b. Ta zheng-zai huo tou shang. he right-at fire head on "He's at the height of flare (i.e. on the top ofhis anger)." c. Ni zai huo shang jia you PRT fire on add "You're pouring oiI on the fire."

you. oiI

d. Nei jiahuo zenme zheme da huo? that guy how so big fire "How come that guy's got such a big fire (i.e. so hot-tempered)?" e. Ta gan-huo hen wang. he liver-fire very roaring "He's got a roaring fire in his liver (i.e. He's hot-tempered)." f.

Ta da dong gan-hou. he greatly move liver-fire "He got flamed up in liver (i.e. flew into a rage)."

g. Ta qiang-an-xia xin-huo meiyou fazuo. she force-push-down heart-fire not breack-out "She forced her heart fire down, and didn't Iet it break out." h. Ta xin-tou huo qi. he heart-head fire flare-up "Fire started to flare up in his heart (i.e. He flared up with anger)." i.

Ta man qiang nu-huo. he full cavity angry-fire "His thoracic cavity is full of angry fire (i.e. He's filled with anger)."

j.

Ta qi de qi-qiao sheng yan. he get-angry COM seven-aperture emit smoke "He was so angry that smoke was shooting out of his nose and mouth (i.e. He was fuming with anger)."

eyes ，巳ars ，

54

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

k. Ta wo le yi duzi huo. PRT one belJ y fire she hold-in "She held in a belJ y offire (i.e. She was simmering with rage)." ,1.

Ta huo mao san zhang. he fire rise three zhang "His fire/anger is flaming up as high as ten meters."

m. Ta nu-huo wan zhang. he angry-fire ten-thousand zhang "His angry fire is over thirty-three thousand meters high." As can be seen, while English md Chinese share exactly the same conceptual metaphor ANGER IS F1RE , the actual linguistic expressions they use for the conceptualization may be similar or different. In both languages , the emotion of anger is conceptualized as a destructive force that may be harmful not only to the angry people but also to people around them. Descriptively, a difference between English and Chinese is that Chinese tends to use more body-part words in its conventionalized phrases of anger, as is ilJ ustrated by (14e--k). In these examples , the intemal organs heart and liver, as well as thoracic cavity and belly, are specified as places where ‘ fire bums' when one gets angry. Also , the seven apertures in the head are conceptualized in (l 4j) as the outlets of anger when it gets intense. Intuitively or medicalJ y, excessive anger will hurt one's body, especialJ y certain parts of the body. For now , 1 'You1d suggest that the use of body parts for the conceptualization of anger in Chinese provides a piece of evidence supporting the c1aim that metaphor of emotions cross-linguisticalJy is grounded in bodily or physiological experience. 1 wil1 show how 也is is true later. In contrast to the second English version where ANGER ,IS HEA T is applied to fll日出， the Chinese altemative version is applied to gases , and the conceptual metaphor thus derived is ANGER ISηfE HOT GAS IN A CONTAINER. This metaphor is actualJ y based on our commonsense knowledge of the physical world: when gas c10sed up in a container is heated, it wil1 expand and cause increasing intemal pressure to the container , with an ultimate consequence of explosion if there is no outlet for it. This process of physical reaction is exemplified in the fo lJ owing conventionalized expressions grouped under the GAS metaphor: (15)

a. Wo 1

ke PRT

shou receive

bu-liao unable

zhe在n

wo-nang this-kind hold-in-bag

qi. gas

EMOTION METAPHORS

55

"1 really can't be缸 this kind of bagged gas (i.e. being subjected to this kind of annoyances)." b. Ta pi-qi hen da. she spleen-gas very big "She's got big gas in spleen (i.e. hot-tempered)." c. Ni you fa pi-qi le. you again expand spleen-gas PRT "You again expanded the gas in spleen (i.e. got angry)." xin吨 bu shun. heart-gas not smooth 吨 'm feeling the gas in heart is impeded (i.e. feeling unhappy)."

d. Wo 1

e. Ta zuijin gan-qi yujie. he recent1 y liver-gas pent-up "He's got gas pent up in his liver (i. e. been irritable) recent1 y." f.

Ta bie le yi duzi qi. she hold-back PRT one belly gas "She held back a belly of gas (i.e. was filled with pent-up anger)."

g. Ta zai sheng-men-qi. she PRT prηduee-contained-gas "She's producing contained gas (i.e. sulky)." h. Ta qi-gugu de. he gas-inflate PRT "He's ballooned with gas (i. e. inflated with anger)."

i.

Ta qi-huhu de. he gas-puff-and-blow PRT "He's puffing and blowing with gas (i. e. gasping with anger)."

j.

Ta qi-shi xiongxiong. she gas-force surge-surge "Her fierce air is surging higher and higher (i.e. She's blustering with rage)."

k. Ta nu-qi chongchong. he angry-gas soar-soar "His angry gas is soaring and soaring (i.e. He's in a state of fury)."

56

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

1.

Ta na wo chu-qi. he take me vent-gas "He took his gas out on me (i.e. vented his anger on me)."

m. Ta nu升 chong-tian. he angry-gas soar-sky "His angry gas is gushing into the sky (i. e. He's in a towering rage)." Here，-.!~~ emotion of a.n，g可 is mapped onto gas.、 Therefore， it can be ‘ re四iv时' into a container (as in 15a). It has its volume (e.g. ‘ big' in 15b) and can be ‘饵' panded' (as in 15c). This will increase the intemal pressure to the container (as in 15d-h). The force of the contained gas can be very strong (as in 15i-屿， ‘ surgl吨， upward as hot gas always does. Wh en increasing the intemal pressure, the gas has to exhaust through some outlet (as in 151), or it may lead to explosion (as in 15m). Although FLUID and GAS are very different source domains , they share some basic metaphorical entailments which , according to Lakoff and Kδvecses (1987) , are details of knowledge carried over from the source domain to the target domain. It is' the identity of these entailments , which include HEAT, INTERNAL PRESSURE , and POTENTIAL AND DANGER OF EXPLOSION , that makes it possible for them to be carried over 企'om different source domains (FLUID and GAS) to the same target domain (ANGER). Although only INTE阳AL PRESSURE is highlighted in the GAS metaphors , as in (1匀， HEAT is understood 企om the common sense: the intemal pressure of gas to its container is increased by the increasing heat. Again, as the examples (15b-f) show , Chinese seems to use mote bodypart nouns than does English in its conceptualization of anger in t町ms ofgas. Also , it is interesting to note that, when the GAS metaphor is used, the associated intemal organs are liver, heart, and spleen, as shown in (lSb-e)户。fthese three , liver and heart also appear in the FIRE metaphors , but spleen never does. In the previous section, it was shown that English follows a general metonymic principle: THE PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF AN EMOTION STAND FOR THE EMOTION. Apparently , Chinese obse凹es the same principle, and similar metomymic expressions are found very common in everyday use. For instance:

(16)

BODY HEAT a. Wo

qi gas

de COM

lian-shang face-on

huo-lala fire-hot

de. PRT

57

EMOTION METAPHORS

"1 got so angry that my face was peppery ho t." INTERNAL PRESSURE

b. Bie ba fei gei qi zha don't PRT lung PRT gasexplode "Don't burst your lungs with gas (rage)."

le. PRT

c. Bie qi po le du-pi. belly-skin don't gas break PRT "Don't break your belly skin with gas (rage)." REDNESS IN FACE AND NECK AREA

d. Tamen zheng de gege mian-hong-er-chi. they argue COM everyone face-red-ear-red "They argued until everyone became red in the face and ears." e. Tamen zheng de lian-hong巾 ozi-chu. they argue COM face-red-neck-thick "They argued until their faces tumed red and their necks became thicker." f.

Ta qi de lian-shang hong-yi-zhen , bai-yi-zhen , she gas COM face-onred-a-while white-a-while qing-yi-zhen, zi-yi-zhen. blue-a-while purple-a-while "She was so angry that her face tumed red, pale, blue, and purple." AGITATION

g. Ta nu fa chong guan. he angry hair push-up hat "His angry hair is pushing up his hat (i.e. He is extremely angry)." h. Ta qi de shu-mei deng-yan. she gas COM upright-brow glare-eye "She was angry with uprlght brows and glaring eyes." i.

Ta qi de chui-huzi deng-yanjing. he gas COM blow-moustache glare-eye "He was so angry that he was blowing his mustache and opening his eyes wide."

58

TIIE CONTEM I'ORARY THEORY OF META" 1I0R

j.

Ta qi de hun咄en fadou. she gas COM whole-body tremble "Her body was shaking all over with rage."

k. Ta qi de shuang-shou chandou. he gas COM both-hands quiver "His hands were quivering with anger."

1.

Ta qi de zhi duo才 iao. he gas COM constantly stamp-foot "He kept stamping his feet with rage."

m. Ta qi de yao-ya-qie-chi. he gas COM gnash-tee也 "He was gnashing his teeth with anger." INTERFERENCE WITH ACCURATE PERCEPTION

n. Woqi de liang yanfa hei. gas COM two eye become black "1 was so angry that my eyes turned blind." o. Wo qi de tou-hun yan斗1Ua. 1 gas COM head-giddy eye-blurred "1 was so angry 也at my head became giddy and my vision blurred." From the English and Chinese examples, we can see that the meton归nic expressions for the emotion of anger are very similar between the two languages. This is expected because, as is assumed, thesé expressions are primarily based on the physiological effects of anger which might be universal among all human beings. As some examples show, however, cultural models do come in and in f1 uence the selection of linguistic expressions for a particular physical experience. A most remarkable descriptive differ:ence between English and Chinese, as manifested in (13) and (16) , is again that Chinese tends ωspecify more body parts in its conventionalized linguistic expressions of anger than English does. In (13) , only head and vessel are specified in two ofthe 14 English examples. In contrast, all 15 Chinese examples in (16) specify one or two body parts, which in c1ude face (four times) , eyes (four times), lungs , belly skin , ears , neck, hair, brows, mustache, hands , fee,t, teeth, head, and the whole body. In short , both English and Chinese make use of body parts in their conventionalized expressions of anger; the difference between them seems to be

'i!)

EMOTION METAI'II0RS

that body parts tend to be implied in English , whereas they are expressed in Chinese. Insumm缸y ， both English and Chinese use the central conceptual metaphor ANGER IS HEAT. But at a more specific level, English selects F1 RE and FLUID metaphors while it is F1RE and GAS metaphors for Chinese. Also , both languages observe the same meton严nic principle , describing the emotion of anger by referring to its related physiological effects. It needs to be noted, however, that there is a very impo口ant difference between Chinese and English in the use of the HEA T metaphor. The difference can be described as in Figure 1. In this figure , the capitalized words refer to abstract conc叩ts whereas the italicized words are lexical items. In English , F1RE and FLUID , the source domains , are mapped onto ANGER , the target domain, with the arrowheads of the line indicating the direction of the mapping. At the lexical level , however, there exists a difference between the word ‘ fire' and the word ‘ fluid. ' The word ‘ fire' has acquired its metaphorical meaning of ANGER. Different 仕om ‘ fire，' the word 'fluid' itself does not have such a metaphorical sense (hence '?'), while the conceptual matching between FLUID and ANGER is realized by those lexical items associated with FLUID ('boiling,' ‘ simmer，'‘ stew ，'‘ seething，，‘ ste缸ned，' etc.). In either case , however , the word ‘ ang饵， is a more basic word that names the ANGER concept literally. On the other hand, in Chinese, the two source domains that are mapped onto the target domain ANGER 缸e F1RE and GAS. At the lexical level , both words huo "fire" and qi "gas" refer metaphorically to the ANGER concept , but they seem to have

English:

SOURCE

TARGET

FIRE fire FLUID

ANGER ANGER ANGER ANGER

q

Chinese:

FIRE huo GAS ql

一一一-anger-一→ >

一--anger 一→

ANGER ANGER ANGER ANGER

Figure 1: An important difJerence between English and Chinese in the conceptualization 01 anger

60

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

no literal counte叩 art which is more basic and which is equivalent to the English word ‘ anger.' lt also needs to be noted that, although the Chinese words fen and nu (both mcaning ‘ indignation ,,‘ rage ,'‘ fury ,' and ‘ anger') are literal lexical items for the emotion of anger, they are different 企om huo "fire" and qi 飞as" in shades of sense and style and are, by far, less common words which cannot substitute for huo "fire" and qi "gas" most ofthe time. In fact , huo "fire" and qi "gω" are the most basic words referring to the emotion of anger in Chinese, making metaphorical conceptualization of anger lexicalized. For this reason, huo "fire" and qi "gas" are so conventionalized metaphors for anger in Chinese th创 they appear more literal than metaphorical to native speakers of Chinese. It is worth mentioning that the words huo "fire" and qi "gas" are highly derivational, and they form compounds with other words. Here are some examples (the parentheses contain morpheme-by-morpheme translations): 户-huo (shoot-fir时， naohuo (irritate-fire) , dong仇 uo (move-fire) , mao-huo (emit-fire), guang-huo (light-fire) , shang-huo (raise-fire) , gua-huo (hang-fire) , sheng-qi (produce自gas) ， dong-qi (move-gas) ，♂w-qi (hang-gas) , and so forth. All of them mean ‘ get angry' in daily use, although a couple of them are marked as ‘ dialectal' in the dictionaries. Based on the examples collected in Chinese, it may be assumed that the selection of intemal organs in the conventionalized metaphors of anger is not random. Specifically, only liver and heart are found in the FIRE metaphors whereas liver, heart, and spleen appear in the GAS metaphors. In a later section , 1 will try to answer some basic questions as to why in Chinese the GAS rather than FLUID metaphor is selected, why Chinese tends to use more intemal organs , and why certain intemal organs are chosen over others in the ANGER metaphors.

3.4. Happiness metaphors in English According to Lakoff and Johnson (1 980) and Kδvecses (1 991)，匾 major conceptual metaphor for the notion of happiness in English is orientational: HAPPY IS UP. Under this conceptual metaphor some conventionalized expressions 红e: (1 7)

a. I' m feeling up. b. That boosted my spirits. c. 扣ly spirits rose.

EMOTION METAPHORS

61

d. Thinking about her always gives me a lift. e. We had to cheer him up. f. They were in high spirits. These expressions are in effect grounded in our bodily experience. They arise from the fact that as humans we have upright bodies. The erect posture typically goes with positive emotional as well as physical states , whereas the opposite is true with a drooping posture. Closely related to the HAPPY IS UP metaphor is another conceptual metaphor of upward orientation: BEING HAPPY IS BEING OFF THE GROUND (Kövecses 1991). Instances of this type include: (18)

a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h.

1 was flying high. She was on cloud nine. l' m six feet off the ground. We were in the clouds. 1 was .i ust soaring with happiness. After the exam, 1 was walking on air for days. They were riding high. 1 was floating.

AccordingωKδvecses (1 991), this metaphor may be in part concemed with birds , which are often viewed as symbols of 仕eedom， and therefore associated with happiness. Kövecses (1991) suggests that another m句 or metaphorical conc叩t ofhappiness in English is HAPPINESS IS Ll GHT, under which the metaphorical expressions 红e， for instance:

(19)

a. b. c. d. e. f. g.

When she heard the news, she lit up. Nothing to woπy about, brighten up. He radiates joy. She has a sunny smile. You are the sunshine in my life. He was gleaming. She was shining withjoy.

Again, these expressions are motivated by the experiential basis under1ying them. When one becomes happy, his or her complexion and eyes tums brighter. The brightness is then an assumed expressive response observed in

62

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

happiness. The light appears to derive 企om the intemal energy characteristic of a happy person. A third m司jor metaphor conceptualizing happiness is the CONTAINER type , namely HAPPINESS OR JOY IS A FLUID IN A CONTAINER , which in fact is a specific-level instantiation of the more general metaphor THE EMOTIONS ARE FLUIDS IN A CONTAINER. The conventionalized linguistic expressions encoding this conceptual metaphor in English include: (20)

a. b. c. d. e.

We were full ofjoy. The sight filled them withjoy. Joy welled up inside her. 1 brimmed over with j 'O y when 1 saw her. She couldn't contain her joy any longer. f. He was overflowing wi也 joy. g. He was bursting with joy. h. My heart is filled with joy

The container is the body ~n (20a-g) and the heart in (20h). Apparent1 y, the CONTAINER metaphor here is very different from the one with anger. As K，δvec ses (1991) points out, the emotion of anger is conceived of as the hot fluid inside a cl'Osed container, but with happiness the temperat町e of the fluid is n'Ot specified. We can assume, h'Owever, that it is warm rather than too hot or to'O cold. Kövecses (1991) also observes that the container for happiness exists in two varieties. In one the container is open and the emotion-fluid ‘ overflows' when its quantity exceeds the capacity of the container, as in (20d-f). In the other the container is closed and ‘ bursting' with increasing amount of emotionfluid inside , as in (20g). This indicates that the person is unable to control his or her em'O ti 'On. What distinguishes this container 企om the anger one, however, is that it w i11 not explode since 也ere is no excessive intemal pressure caused by to'O much heat. Generally, happiness as a positive em'Otion provides people with more vitality rather than destructive force. In addition to the above happiness metaphors, Kövecses (1991) a1 so exemplifies the existence of conventionalized expressions metonymic of the emotion of happiness. As the case with anger, these metonymic expressions are based on some 'behavioral reactions to happiness , such as JUMPING, DANCING , SMILING, and BRIGHT EYES. Thus , in English there are : (21)

阳MPING

a. He jumped for joy.

EMOTION METAPHORS

63

b. He was leaping withjoy. DANCING

c. We were dancing withjoy. d. They'kicked up their heels. e. She had a bal1. SMILING

f. Shewas smiling with happiness. g. They were all smiles. h. He grinned from ear to ear. i. He was all teeth. REACTIONS IN EYES

j. Amusement gleamed in his eyes. k. His eyes glinted when he saw the money. 1. His eyes were shining. m. Her eyes were sparkling like diamonds.

The typical expressive responses associated with happiness help express the concept of happiness in a metonymic fashion. They compose a system of metonymic expressions , converging on the general metonymic principle 出at physiological effects of an emotion stand for the emotion.

3.5. Happiness metaphors in Chinese Chinese seems to sh缸e some major conceptual metaphors with English. First, orientational metaphor HAPPY IS UP is found underlying a large group of conventionalized lexical expressions which express happiness in terms of an upward orientation. Again, most of them are so conventionalized that they 缸e by no means taken as metaphorical by native speakers. 也e

。2)

a. Ta hen gao-xing. he very high-spirit "He is very high-spirited (happy)." b. Ta hen xing-fen. he very spirit-lift "He is very spirit-lifted (excited)."

64

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

c. Tamen qingxu gao-zhang. they mood high-rise "Their spirits are running high." d. Tamen gege qingxu gao-yang. they everyone mood high-raise "They're all in high-raised spirits (i.e. high in spirits)." e. Ta xÎng-tou hen gao. he spirit-head very high "The head ofhis spirits is very high (i. e. He's in high spirits)." f.

Ta zheng zai xing-tou shang. he PRT at spirit-head on "He is at the head (height) ofhis spirits."

g. Zhe-xÎa tiqi le wode xingzhi. my mood this-moment raise PRT "This time it lifted my mood (or interest)." h. Ta deyi yangyang. she complacency raise-raise "She looked triumphant." i.

Ta yangyang zi-de. he raise-raise self二 satisfied "He is very pleased with himself."

Obviously , the data 企om Chinese support the c1 aim that metaphorical orientations are not arbitrary , but have a basis in the physical and cultural experience (Lakoff and Johnson 1980). It is apparent that English and Chinese are very similar in this aspect, that is , the concept HAPPY is oriented UP while SAO or UNHAPPY is orienteáooWN. 24 Howev. er, there cannot always be a one-to-one relationship between English and Chinese due to cultural differences. For example , the conc叩tual metaphor BEING HAPPY IS BEING OFF THE GROUNO does not seem to be applicable in Chinese. The reason for the difference, 1 think, is that in Chinese, while BEING HAPPY IS BEING UP , this upw缸d orientation has its upper limi t. It is desirable only when it reaches as high, and stays in the air as long, as one can ‘ jump' or ‘ leap ,' as shown in (27a-c) below; that is , being momentarily offthe ground. It fol1ows that being sustainedly off the ground is undesirable: it is not mapped positively onto happiness , but negatìvely onto complacency. Thus, when the

EMOTION METAPHORS

65

Chinese say Ta piaopiaoran "He's floating ," or Ta you zai yunli-l也'uli le "He is again in clouds and fog ," it means that the person is so smug that he has lost his senses. This is contr缸y to the accepted virtues of modesty and steadiness. Chinese believe in the saying Deyi buneng wangχing "When complacent , one should not forget one's manner (Don't let complacency turns one's head)" and jiao ta shi di "One should have one's feet planted on solid ground (Be eamest and down-to-earth)." Being sustainedly off the ground is seen, in this culture , as being out of self-control and, therefore , is not good. Although happiness should be oriented upward, it should also be ‘ we l1-grounded. ' The fo l1owing lexical examples , which form a complimentary-derogatory contrast , should provide some indirect linguistic evidence in support of the claim that being sustainedly offthe ground is not so desirable in Chinese: (23)

Complimentary compounds meaning ‘ steady and firm': a. wen-zhong "stable and heavy" b. chi-zhong "steady and heavy" c. chen-wen "weighty and stable" Derogatory compounds meaning ‘企ivolous and superficial': d. qing-fu "light and floating" 巳 qing-piao "light and drifting" f. piao-fu "drifting and floating"

Here the words in (23a-c) all have semantic features of [+downward] and [+on-the-ground] , whereas those in (23d-f) are featured by [+upward] and [+off-the-ground]. The complimentary-derogatory contrast, as 1 tend to believe , reflects the established values in the Chinese culture. Although some English metaphorical conc叩ts such as BEING HAPPY IS BEING OFF THE GROUND are not. applicable in Chinese, Chinese also has some that are not applicable in English. An example is HAPPINESS IS FLOWERS IN THE HEART. For instance: (24)

a. Ta xin-li le kai le hua. she heart-inside happy bloom PRT flower "She's so happy that flowers are blooming in her heart." nu-fang. b. Ta xin-hua he heart-flower wildly-bloom "Flowers are blossoming wildly in his heart."

66

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

In these two examples, flowers are mapped onto happiness, with ‘ blooming' or ‘ blossoming' suggesting its increasing intensity. This metaphorical conc叩t， though a minor one, is rooted in 也e Chinese culture in which flow町s， particul缸ly ‘big red flowe邸， (da hong hua), are traditionally symbols of happiness. From a cultural perspective，也is FLOWER metaphor reflects the more、 intro verted character of Chinese: reactions to happiness in the heart are highlighted. This serves as a contrast to the English BEING HAPPY IS BEING OFF 四EGROUND metaphor that characterizes a more extroverted character. In the prevìous section, it was shown that happiness is conc叩tualized in English not only in terms ofupward orientation, but also as light or brightness. In fact, the HAPPINESS IS LIGHT metaphor exists in the Chinese conceptual system too.τhis is illustrated by 也e following examples: (25)

a. Tamen gege xing-gao c旬-lie. they everyone spirit-high glow-strong "They're a11 in high spirits and wi也 a strong glow (i.e. in great light)."

巾，

b. Ta rong-guang hu缸白 xi吨 yangyang. he face-light glow happy-air vast-vast "He has a glowing face, and a strong air ofhappiness." c. Ta xi xing 沪1 se. he happiness show in color "His happiness showed in his (facial) ∞lor." d. Ta xiao 址lU yan kai. he smi1e drlve color beam "He smi1ed, which caused his face to beam (i.e. beamed with a smile)." e. Ta xi-xiao yan-kai. she happy-smi1e color-be缸n "She smi1ed happ i1y, her face beaming." It is worth mentioning here that the word yan in (25d, e) means both ‘ color' and ‘ face ,' or rather,‘happy glowing face' in Chinese. A relevant and important fact is that yan , when it means ‘ face ,' is always used, as严nme时ca11y， in a happy but never unhappy sense. Thus, one can say xiao yan "smi1ing face," but not ku yal1 "crying face." In con阳st， with lian，阻。由er word meaning ‘ face,'

EMOTION METAPHORS

67

也eas严nmetry

in usage is not existent. So one can say , for instance, both xiao face" and ku lian "crying f1ωe." On the grounds that bo也 English and Chinese d叩ict happiness in terms of LlGHT, it is predictable that they both also conceptualize unhappiness or sadness in terms of DARK. 2' The last metaphor to be discussed here is the CONTAINER metaphor, which mapsthe emotion ofhappiness onto a fluid in a container. As mentioned earlier, this is only a particular instantiation of the generic-level metaphor THE EMOTIONS ARE FLUIDS IN A CONTAINER. It is manifested in Chinese by the following examples: lian 飞miling

(26)

a. Ta xin-zhong chongman xi严le. he heart-inside fill happiness "His he缸t is filled with happiness." b. Ta man-xin huanxi. she full-heart joy "Her heart is full of joy." c. Ta zai-ye 缸ma-buzhu xin-zhong de xiyue. sheno-longer press-unable heart-inside MOD happiness 唱 "She could no longer contain the joy in her heart." d. Xiyue zhi qing ru quan-shui liu ru joy MOD feeling like spring-water flow into tade xin-li. her heart-inside "The feeling of joy flowed into her heart like spring water (welled into her heart)." e. Ta man-huai xiyue. he full-bosomhappiness "His bosom is filled with happiness."

Although it is obvious that English and Chinese share the CONTAINER metaphol in expressing happiness, there is a descriptive difference between English and Chinese within the limited scope of ex缸nples given. That is, in English the container is largely the body whereas in Chinese it is mainly the heart inside the body. Given the fact that in English the heart can also be the container of happiness, as in (20h) , and in Chinese such a container can also be a larger

68

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

body part-bosom or thoracic cavity, as in (26e)-the differenoe betw随任Chi nese and English on this point can be put like this: Chinese places more emphasis on the heart as the container than. does English. In English, ex创呻les without using 吁leart' are very common. on the other hand, in Chinese such examples are rarely, if ever, seen. Generally, heart, and sometimes bosom or chest, are specified as the container ofhappiness. Although the difference here seems to be one of degree, it does contribute to the more general difference between the two languages , namely Chinese tends to use more body parts than does English，缸ld that the djfference in the relative prominence given to the heart as the container of happiness rticely coincides with the difference in national character (between extroversion 阻d introversion) mentioned earlier. When the body is the container, the fluid ofhappiness that overflows is more readily seen than if the heart is the container, because the heart is but an intemal organ and whatever overflows it is still inside the body. Finally, we turn to metonymic expressions of happiness , which are very common in Chinese. In the following are some examples: (27)

JUMPING

a. Haizimen gao-xing de huo-beng luan-tiao. kids high叩irit COM energetically也ip wildly气jump "The kids were jumping and skipping for joy." b. Tamen huan-hu que-归e. they merrily-hail bird-Ieap "They were hailing merrily andjumping like birds." DANCING

c. Tamen xi-归e bian-wu. they happy-Ieap glad-dance "They were jumping and dancing for joy." d. Tamen xing-fen de shou-wu zu-dao. they spirit-lift COM hands-dance foot-dance "They were so happy, their hands and feet dancing (i.e. They were dancing for joy)." SMI Ll NG

e. Ta gao-xing de he high-spirit COM

zuiba dou mouth evcn

he shut

bu long. not close

EMOTION METAPHORS

69

"He was so happy that he could not close his mouth."

f. Ta xiao-rong m缸-mian. she smi1e-expression all-over-face "She had a broard smi1e on her face (was all smi1es)." REACTIONS IN EYES AND BROWS

g. Ta mei-kai yan-xiao. she brow-open eye-smile "Her brows were open and eyes smiling (i. e. She was all smiles)." h. Ta xi-mei xiao-yan. he happy-brow smile-eye "His brows were happy and eyes smiling (i. e. He was al1 smiles)." i.

Ta shu-mei zhan-yan. she smooth-brow stretch-eye "Her brows smoothed and her eyes stretched (i. e. She had a happy face)."

j.

Ta xi-shang mei-shao. he happiness-climb brow-tip "Happiness crawled up to the tips ofhis brows."

Note that in expressing the emotion of happiness in terms of the facial features , Chinese highlights not only eyes, as English does , but also brows. Brows are regarded as one of the most obvious indicators of intemal feelings. This can be further illustrated by some four-character set phrases metonymic of unhappiness: meitou-jinsuo "brows are tight1y locked or knitted," choumei-suoyan "worried brows and knitted eyes," and choumei-kulian ''worried brows and bitter face." Although both English and Chinese use eyes as indicators of happy feeling , a difference seems to be apparent with regard to the focus of emphasis. English emphasizes the increase of brightness of eyes , as (21j-m) show, whereas Chinese focuses on the change in the physical shape of eyes , as il1ustrated by (27g-i). It is arguable that the eye expressions in both English and Chinese are rooted in common bodily experience whi1 e the choice of one aspect over the other for emphasis is largely a matter of cultural convention. From the examples given in 由is section, we can see that Chinese does match English in the use of a number of major conceptual metaphors of happiness. These in c1 ude: HAPPY IS UP, HAPPINESS IS LIGHT, and HAPPINESS IS A FLUID IN A CONTAINER. In addition, Chinese is also similar to English in describing

70

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

one's happiness by refening to some common behavioral reactions to the emotion , such as jumping, dancing , smiling , and response in eyes and/or brows. That 邸， both languages observe the same metonymic principle. However, English and Chinese dò not share some other conceptual metaphors , as illustrated by (1 8) 企om English and (24) from Chinese. The examples conceming happiness in this section reinforce the observation made in the section 3.3 that Chinese tends to use more body-part nouns in the expression of emot lO ns.

3.6. The underlying model of the metaphors

In this section, 1 位Y to answer two questions that arose in the previous sections. First , as 1 have shown, both English and Chinese utilize exactly the same central conceptual metaphor for anger: ANGER IS HEAT. However, although they both share one subversion of the HEA T metaphor ANGER IS F1RE , they differ in the use ofthe other one: ANGER IS A HOT FLUID IN A CONTA1NER in English, and ANGER IS THE HOT GAS 1N A CONTA1NER in Chinese. While similarities betweeri the languages could be attributed to the common human bodily experience , this question remains to be answered: Why does Chinese differ from English in using the GAS rather than FLUID metaphor? Second , as 1 have suggested, Chinese tends to utilize more body parts 由m English in conceptualizing anger and happiness, and itseems that the selection of certain body parts over others is not all random. The question here is then: Wh y should this be so? However, 1 limit myself to the intemal organs because 1 believe the reason for selecting extemal body parts is ‘ visible ,' and hence relatively app缸'ent. For instance, the reason why Chinese selects eyebrows, in addition to eyes, for the conceptualization of happiness or anger is ‘ visible' there on the face: even children can interpr~t facial expressions and know how to draw the simplest happy and angry faces. In trying to answer the above two questions , 1 offer an underlying model of the conceptual metaphors discussed in the previous sections by referring to some fundamental theories of Chinese philosophy and medicine. These are the theory of yin气yang and the theory of five elements. Chinese medicine applies these theoriës fo aêcount for the relations between humans and nature, between the intemal organs inside the human body, and between the intemal organs and the extemal body p缸ts.

EMOTION METAPHORS

71

To answer the first question, 1 first give the dictionary meanings of the Chinese word qi as follows (企om Wu 1981: 535-536; Wei 1995: 778): (28)

a. gas (as opposed to fluid and solid: 白-qi "poison gas") b. air (dakai chuanghu touyitou qi "open the window to let in some 企esh air") . c. breath (tingxialai xie kou qi "stop to catch one's breath"; qi gong "breathing exercises") d. smell; odor (xiang qi "a sweet smell"; chou qi "a bad odor") e. weather (qiu gao qi shuang "fine autumn weather") f. airs; manner (g uan qi "bureacratic airs") g. spirit; morale (da qi "pump air, i. e. boost the moral巳 or cheer on") h. make angry; enrage (Wo guyi qi ta yixia "1 got him angry on purpose") i. get angry; be enraged (Ta qi de zhi duosuo "He trembled with rage"; Ta shuo de shi qi hua "He just said it to vent his anger") j. bully; insult (ai da shou qi "be beaten and bullied") k. (in Chinese medicine) vital energy; energy of life 1. (in Chinese medicine) certain s严nptoms (of diseases)

Apparent1 y, (28h一j) are the senses direc t1 y related to the discussion of the GAS metaphor. However, (28k, 1), namely the terms in Chinese medicine, are also very relevant, as we will see shortly. Wh at is that ‘ vital energy or energy of life'? And how is it related to ‘ certain symptoms (of diseases)'? According to Chinese medicine (Chen 1989间， the human body is composed of three basic kinds of substance: qi "gas," xue "blood," andjinye "fluids other than blood," which serve as the basis upon which the organs , tissues , and so forth function. The so-called qi is "the moving but invisible, nutritive substance which functions as the motive power for the physiological movement of intemal organs" (Chen 1989b: 1010). Also , qi and blood 缸e both mixed together, and circulate throughjingluo. which is defined in Chinese medicine as "main and collateral channels , regarded as a network of passages , through which vital energy circulates and along which the acupuncture points are distributed" (Wu 1981: 359). However, it is qi that pushes blood forward rather than vice versa. Wh erever qí is locally impeded, it will affect the circulation of blood and local pain may occur as a result of increased intemal pressure in that 缸ea. This is where acupuncture can come in to stimulate the circulation of qi. and hence, ofblood. 1f the impediment is sustained, illness w i11 occur in that area and related areas'

72

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

Th e causes for the impediment of circulation of qi are various, but negative emotions , especially anger, are most significant. This may point to the reason why qi ís one ofthe basíc words for the emotíon ofanger. Furthermore, the theory of yin-yang also accounts for the reason why Chinese has chosen the GAS metaphor over the FLUID one under the central conceptual metaphor ANGER IS HEAT. Accordíng to this theory, all things ín the universe are govemed by the I凹: of the uníty of opposites , which can be summarized by two Chínese words: yin "feminíne; negative" and yang "masculine; posítíve." Some examples are lisfëd in Table 1 (企omCh巳n 1989a: 997). The opposítes of yin and yang have a set of binary propertíes as are gíven in Table 2(企om Chen 1989a: 997). Considering these two tables , it should be obvíous why Chinese has chosen the FlRE and GAS , ínstead of FlRE and FLUID as in English, for the conceptual metaphor ANGER IS HEAT. Th e fundamental contrast between yih 缸ldyang has cast fire and gas on one hand, and water and all other fluids on the other, into two opposing categories. The former is naturally related to heat, whereas the latter ís closely associated with cold. It should be noted, however, that the theory of yin-yang contrast also states that yin and yang are not only opposed to each other, but a1 so dependent on each other, and can even turn into one another under certain conditions. A simple example is that, in nature. water and other fluíds (yin) evaporate into vapor or gas (yang) when being heated and that vapor or gas (yan g) liquefies (yin) when cold. This dialecticaI nature of yin-yang makes the HOT FLUID metaphor easily understandable tö ChineseTable 1: Some opposites of yin and yang }丁n

Yanι

Moon Sun

Land Heaven

Night Day

Cold Heat

Water Fire

Winter Summer

Weak Strong

Table 2: Some binary properties ofyin and yang

Yang

Stative Dynamic

Controlled Excited

Dim Bright

Cold Hot

Soft Hard

Yin Yang

Passive Active

Covert Overt

Intemal Extemal

Lower

Downward Fluidic Upward Gaseous

ηn

出巳r

EMOTION METAPHORS

73

speaking people, although they themselves have made little or no use of this metaphorical mapping.

It is notable that, although the GAS metaphor highlights the property of intemal pressure to the container, the intemal pressure cannot be separated from heat, and heat is actually the cause of the increasing intemal pressure, which is the effect. Although heat itself is not highlighted in the GAS metaphors , it is understood 企'om commonsense knowledge that the gas in a closed-up container expands and causes increasing intemal pressure until explosion, with increasing heat. Therefore, both HEAT and INTERNAL PRESSURE are oresent in both FLUID (of English) and GAS (of Chinese) metaphors , although one property is more highHghted in one metaphor than in the other. This difference is also consistent with our commonsense knowledge that the difference between fluid and gas is temperature (i. e. fluid will tum into gas when heated , whereas gas will tum into fluid when cold). Therefore, a FLUID metaphor cannot be an anger metaphor unless HEA T is emphasized, whereas a GAS one can be an anger metaphor without HEA T being highlighted because HEA T is already a necessary condition of GAS. This difference between fluid and gas is obvious in the theory of yin-yang, in which gas is categorized with heat and fluid with cold. It is interesting to note that, in expressing anger in Chinese, the GAS metaphor, with its less emphasis on HEAT, generally indicates less intensity than does the FlRE metaphor, which emphasizes HEAT. This difference suggests that the intensity of anger expressed relates direct1y to the intensity of HEAT in the metaphor. 1 now tum to the second question: Why does Chinese make use of more intemal organs 岛 thanEnglish， and why their specific selection is not random? To answer this question, 1 refer to tht" five-elements theory ofChìnese medicine. According to this theory, the universe is composed of five basic elements-wood, fire , earth , metal , and water-which are in a relation of mutual promotion and restraint, as shown in Figure 2 (企om Chen 1989a: 1000). ln the figtire ,' the lines forming the outer circle indicate the relation of promotion , and the lines forming the inner five-pointed star indicate the relation 0' restraint, with arrowheads indicating directions of promotion or restraint. SpecificaIly, wood promotes fire as its fuel , fire promotes earth because whatever is bumed tums into earth, earth promotes me

74

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

Figure 2: Relation 01 mutual promotion and restraint between the five elements because all kinds of metal w il1 be melted by fire , and metal restrains wood because metal tools are used to cut wood. It is with this relation of mutual promotion and restraint among the five elements that the balance ofthe universe is achieved. In Chinese medicine, the theory of the tive elements is applied to define nature and the human body as well as the potential relations between them. Natural phenomena, human organs, and human emotions are c1assified，邸， cording to their properties , into five categories headed by the five elements. Some ofthe relevant examples are given in Table 3 (from Chen 1989a: 1001). In Chinese medicine, the intemal organs of primary importance, which are called Zang, inclllde liv(:r~heart， spleen， lungs and kidneys. Each of these are closelý岳阳:e(I iõ an intemal organ of secondary importance called Fu, r臼:pec tively gall , small intestines, stomach, large intestines and bladder. Similarly, the five Zang organs are also each related c1 0sely to a sense organ, accordingly

Tab!e 3: Five categories under thefive elements Elements

Locations Seasons Clirnates Organs

Wood

East Spring Windy

Zang

Liver

Fu

Gall Eyes Anger

Sense Emotions

Metal

Fire

Earth

Sou出

West Center Late summer Auturnn Dry Wet

Summer Hot

Spleen Heart Sma1l intestine Stomach Lips Tongue AnXiety H哩塑mess

Water Nor也

Winter Cold

K.idney Lung Large intestine Bladder Ears Nose Grief Fri肆t

75

EMOTION METAPHORS

eyes , tongue , lips , nose and ears. Therefore , liver and gall ，江e complement缸y to each other in function , and liver disease wi11 usually affect the gall (and vice versa) , and its clinica1 symptoms wi11 show in the eyes. Also , the emotion of anger is regarded as one ofthe major intema1 factors that causes 1iver diseases. It is believed that there exists a corre1ationship between the emotion of anger and 1iver disease. Those who are quick to anger are especially vu1nerab1e to 1iver disease; conversely , thosc with liver disease are symplomatically quick lo anger (Z. Shen 1989). It is a1so be1ieved that the 1iver diseases with excessive heat usually start in spring when the weather is windy and when woods are luxuriant. This is how the theory of five e1ements is app1ied in the Chinese medicine. Wh at is particu1ar1y re1evant here, however, is that the categorization and conceptua1ization based on the fìve-e1ements theory, as is illustrated in Tab1e 3, have actually influenced the usages of the Chinese 1anguage. This influence is 面áñifested in the metaphorica1 use of intema1 organ names to refer to such abstract concepts as emotions. It is now app缸eq!- why Chinese uses more intema1 organ terms in its 四" pression of emotion(The under1ying cognitive model based on the fundamenta1 theories of Chinese medicine has 1ed to a cu1tura1 emphasis in China of sensitivity to the physio10gical effects of emotions on the intema1 organs. This , in tum, has ir由lenced the w可 Chinese peop1e ta1k about emotion叶n the fo110wing, 1 w il1 limit my discussion main1y to the emotions of ang伊er、nd happiness, in keeping with the theme of this chapter, but 1 wi11 also make references to 0也er abstract concepts metaphorically expressed by the names of the interna1 organ~， Let us first consider the on1y positive emotion of happiness in Table 3. As is shown, the intema1 organs categorized with it are the heart and small intestine. Probab1y because the former is viewed as the actua1 container for the emotion of happiness, on1y the heart, but not the small intestine , is used to refeI to happiness metaphorically, as is illustrated in (26) above. However, it shou1d be noted that heart and small intestines do occur in other metaphorica1 expressions; (29) shows some examp1es: (29)

a. Ta xin-chang hen ruan. she heart-intestine very soft "She has a very soft heart." b. Ta zhen shi yige he really is a

"

hao good

xin-chang heart-intestine

d巳

ren.

MOD

man

76

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

c. Ta zhen shi yige re xin心hang. he really is a hot heart-intestine "He is really a warmhearted person." d. Tade xin-chang zhen ying. his heart-intestine really hard "He is really hardhearted." e. Ta zhen shi yige tie xin- e
Ta zhen shi yige hei xin-chang. a black heart-intestine he really is "He is really a black-hearted person."

Here xin "heart" and chang "(small) intestine" are used metaphorically to ch缸 acterize a person. A descriptive distinction between the Chinese origina1s and their idiomatic English translations is that, although English uses heart 0剑y in the depiction , Chinese uses both heart and (small) intestine for exactly the same pu甲。因. This sur~~~_~~~~~~_n.<;[email protected]!!ag~~_~~旦旦旦旦扭扭姐姐吨 by the underlying modeUJ~!l:st~~tedi~ Table .3.)t is worth mentioning that in the Chinese examples , although only the more general term of ‘ intestine' is used-instead of the more specific ‘ small intestine' which should be categorized with ‘ heart'-we could assume that ‘ small intestines' were originally mean t.‘ Small' is left out because metaphoricallanguage use does not need to be as accurate as medical science. More importantly, it would violate the language-intemal principle ofbalance and parallelism should ‘ small' be added. Next, let us tum to the emotion of anger. As shown in Table 3, the internal organs categorized with this emotion are the Zang and Fu organs liver and gall. A difference between the two , which is parallel to the difference between heart and (small) intestines in the preceding case , is that the Zang org at1 liver lS the one selected in the metaphorical conceptualization of anger, as exempli t1ed in (1 4). However, gall , the Fu organ , is also used metaphorically in some other expressions , together with liver, as in (30): (30)

a. Ta xia de gan-dan ju lie. he be-scared COM liver-ψall hoth split "He was so terror-stricken that his liver and gall both split."

EMOTION METAPHORS

77

b. Tamen gege gan-dan xiang zhao. they all liver-gall to treat "They all have utter devotion (to 创ends)." c. Ta gan-dan guo ren. he liver-gall surpass people "He is unsurpassed in valor." In (30a) ‘ liver' and ‘ gall' split as the person was overwhelmed by terror. In (30b , c) the terms for liver and gall are used together to refer to devotion and courage respectively. Given Table 3, it is understandable why liver and gal1 should go together in the Chinese metaphors. It is interesting to note that, when gal1 is chosen alone in Chinese , it stands for courage rather than anger. In Chinese , for instance, dan-liang (gal1-capacity) means ‘ courage'; dan-da (gal1-big) means ‘ bold; brave ,' whereas dan-xiao (gall-small) means ‘ timid; cowardly,' and a coward is cal1ed a dan-xiao 伊i (gall-small devil) , who is likely to ‘ lose the gal1 upon hearing wind blow' (wen feng sang dan) , or to ‘ have a broken gall due to fear or 企ightβia po le dan). The reason behind the conceptual metaphor GALL IS (THE CONTAINER FOR) COURAGE is that, according to the theory of intemal organs in Chinese medicine , gall also has the function of influencing thinking activities and determining personality (Chen 1989b). Although liver and gal1 are categorized with the emotion of anger in Table 3, it does not mean that the other intemal organs are not related to , or affected by, the emotion of anger in the five-element schema. For instance , liver, as the 'storeroom' of blood, promotes heart, the ‘ pump' of blood , in the same way wood promotes fire. This kind of ‘ metaphorical' relationship is shown in Table 3, in which heart is categorized under fire. In addition, according to the theory of intemal organs in the Chinese medicine (Chen 1989旧， the heart govems the whole human body, including al1 the other intemal organs , and it also commands mental or psychological activities , including al1 the emotions. Therefore , although heart seems to be the only intemal organ used in the happiness metaphors , it is also one of the m得 or intemal organs that appear in the anger metaphors , the others being liver and spleen‘ The spleen , as in Table 3. is categorized together with the stomach because both of them are responsible for digestion and absorption. The spleen IS an intemal organ of primary importance, that is , Zang, in the sense that it digests and absorbs nutrition only and transports it to the whole body. It is closely related to the liver and heart in the same way earth is related to wood and fire. Although the emotion with which it is categorized is anxiety, it is also related

78

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

to anger, a more intense kind of emotion. As noted earlier, in the anger metaphors , spleen col1ocates only with gas 句。， but not fire 伪uo). An interesting parallelism to be noted here is that doctors of Chinese medicine only ta1k about pi qi "spleen gas," but not pi huo "spleen fire." On the other hand, when it comes to liver and heart, they talk about both gan huo "liver fire" and gan qi "liver gas," and xin huo "heart fire" and xin qi "heart gas." This use in the medical language is p町alleled in the use of everyday language, as illustrated by Table 4. In this table, pi huo "spleen fire" is not used in either medical or everyday language. Contrastively, the others are used in both. This ex缸nple illustrates how Chinese everyday language is influenced by , or correlated to , Chinese medicallanguage. Incidentally, when the Zang organ spleen is paired with its Fu p缸tner stomach, that is, pi-wei "spleen and stomach," they together mean ‘ taste' or ‘ liking' metaphorically , as the following examples show: (31)

a. Zhe this

bu he tade pi-wei. not suit his spleen-stomach "白lis does not suit his taste (or This is not to his liking)."

b. Tamen lia pi-wei xiang tou. they two spleen-stomach each-other cater-to "They two have similar likes and dislikes." One fact to be noted here is that whenever Zang and Fu organs are paired in metaphorical expressions, their order is fixed, that is，也e Zang always comes before the Fu organ: gan-dan "liver and gall," xin-chang "heart. and intestines," and pi-wei "spleen and stomach."ηlÌs takes place , as mentioned earlier, because Zang organs 缸'e taken as more important than Fu organs in Chinese medicine. Tab!e 4: Parallelism between medical and everyday ωu

Gan huo "liver fire" Gan qi "!iver gas" Xin huo ‘、.eart fire" Xin qi "h四rt gas" Pi huo "sp!een fue" P i qi "spleen g，旧"

M 'edical Language

Dai纱 Langr，ω'ge

Li ver heat

lrascibi1ity

Liver gas Heartheat Heart gas

Pent-up 句ry

~旦出as

Temperament, bad temper

Iπitability

Mood

EMOTION METAPHORS

79

In closing , 1 would like to mention that , to a degree , the medical theory of four humors has inf1 uenced the English language in a similar way (see Geeraerts and Grondelaers 1995). ~owever， as Geeraerts and Grondelaers (1995) point out, the humoral theory is an ancient medical doctrine that has long been out of popular belief, and its impact on English is relatively weak 台om a synchronic point of view, only as ‘ relics' of the past. On the other hand, the theories ofyin飞yang and five elements are both ancient and current theories of Chinese medicine, as well as Chinese philosophy at large. In fact , their in f1 uence is growing in the medical ci~cle in the world today. As has been seen , their impact on the Chinese language is strong , although it has been ignored and cries out for further rese缸ch.

3.7. Summary and discussion This chapter has presented a study of metaphorical expression of anger and happiness in Chinese as compared to that in English. With regard to anger, English and Chinese share exactly the same central conceptual metaphor ANGER IS HEAT. This central metaphor has two subversions for both languages. As for the first one, English and Chinese b。由 have ANGER IS FlRE. However, they differ in their use of the second HEA T metaphor. It is FlRE IS A HOT FLUID IN A CONTAINER for English, and ANGER IS THE HOT GAS IN A CONTAINER for Chinese. In conceptualizing happiness , English and Chinese have these metaphors in common: HAPPY IS UP, HAPPINESS IS LIGHT, and HAPPINESS IS A FLUID IN A CONTAINER. However, they do not share some others , such as the OFF THE GROUND metaphor in English versus the FLOWER metaphor in Chinese. In addition, both English and Chinese follow the same metonymic principle: they talk about anger and happiness by describing the physiological effects of the emotions. A descriptive difference between English and Chinese that is apparent is that Chinese tends to utilize more body pa邸， especially intemal organs , than English does. in depicting anger and happiness. 1 have accounted for some main differences between English and Chinese by referring to the theories of yin-yang and of the five elements of Chinese medicine. It is suggested that these theories underlie the metaphorical conceptualization of emotions such as anger and happiness in Chinese. It is also found that there exists a strong p缸allelism in Chinese between everyday language and medical language. The two possible kinds of relationship between these l副部æges and their underlying theories of yin-yang and the five elements are

80

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

expressed in Figures 3 and 4. In Figure 3, the underlying theories first influenc 巳 the medical language, which in tum passes on the influence to the everyday language. In Figure 4, the underlying theories simultaneously influence the everyday and medical languages, which also influence each other. It is not clear to me , now , as to which on巳 provides a better description. But in either case, the theories of yin-yang and of the five elements serve as an underlying model that exerts its strong impact on the use of Chinese language. 1 believe that iesults of this study have some important implications. Lakoff (l 993a: 205) claims that, although there is an extensive range of nonmetaphorical concepts, "as soon as one gets away 企om concrete physical experience and starts talking about abstractions or emotions , metaphorical understanding is the norrn." My study demonstrates that evidence from Chinese empirically supports his claim from the point of view of emotions. Metaphor is so pervasive and irreducible in the expression of such ab由act emotion conc叩ts as anger and happiness, that it appears to play an essential or indispensable role in our understanding and speaking. For further evidence 企om Chinese supporting this claim , see another study ofmine (Yu 1992), in which 1 have shown that synesthetic metaphor is pervasive in Chinese, as well as in English, in referring to various sensory categories. Second, results of this study also strongly support the argurnent about the embodiment ofmetaphorical understanding: Metaphorical understanding is not merely a matter of arbitrarγfanciful projection from anything to anything with no constraints. Concrete bodily experience not only constrains the ‘ input' to the metaphorical projections but al80 the nature of the projections themselves, that is, the kinds of mappings that can occur across domains. (Johnson 1987: xv)

IEvery向 La咿鸣e

+ ,qll

\ll"(,

~:

On l' -directional relation

Figure 4: Two-directional relation

EMOTION METAPHORS

81

Specifical1 y, the results support Lakoff and Kövecses's (1 987) prediction that metaphors for anger should not be randomly distributed in the languages ofthe wor1 d, and that the emotion of anger should be basical1y understood in terms of heat and interτlal pressure. Although English and Chinese differ in their selection of one ofthe two major conceptual metaphors: ANGER IS A HOT FLUl D IN A CONTAINER versus ANGER IS THE HOT GAS 卧， A CONTAINER, it is obvious that both metaphors involve heat and interτlal pressure. This serves as evidence supporting Lakoff and Kövecses's (1 987) suggestion that emotional concepts aτe embodied; that is , they have a basis in bodily experience. But why should English select the FLUID metaphor and Chinese select the GAS one? As , 1 have shown, the selection of one over the other is determined by the under1 ying c。但itive or cultural models. In the case of emotion of anger , its physiological effeèts are various , and which one is actually chosen in a conventionalized expression to instantiate a particular conceptual metaphor is largely affected by cultural preference. That is , metaphor here is primarily grounded in physica1 expërience 6ut is also constrained by cultural models. Final1y, 1 would like to ret町n to the issue of the relation between metaphor models , which 1 now place under the perspective of the study preser削 in this chapter. It is obvious that cultural models play a m句 or role in constituting our understanding of the wor1 d and constrain the selection of metaphor. As 1 have shown, the theories of yin气yang and five elements of Chinese philosophy and medicine actual1y shape the way the Chinese culture sees the wor1 d. They are part of the shared understandings of the Chinese culture and constitute Chinese cultural models. Also as 1 have shown, they have shaped the selection ofmetaphors in the Chinese language in a significant way. The question again, however, is whether shared understandings of a culture or cultural models can themselves be 企ee of metaphor, or whether they can be structured by metaphor to a certain extent. The theories of yi加州ng and five elements 缸e in essence theories of categorization and conceptualization. They categorize and conceptualize things in certain relations in terms of other things in similar relations (refer back to Tables 1, 2, and 3). Put differently , they understand one thing in terms of another of a different kind. And that is metaphor 阻d cult旧al

82

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

phor in culturally shared understanding of the world would consequently be major as wel l. Remember that the contemporary theory ofmetaphor holds 由at metaphor is primarily conceptual in nature. It is a mode of thinking, as well as a way of speaking. If culture is reflection and pattem of thinking and under. standing, and if thinking and understanding can be and are sometimes inevita. bly metaphorical, then culture and metaphor would also fall into a relation of mutual promotion or restraint, depending on how this relation is interpreted. That is , culture plays a role in shaping metaphor and, in retum , metaphor plays a role in constituting culture. 26 In this chapter, 1 have presented a study of metaphorical conceptualization of such emotions as anger and happiness. As Lakoff (1 993a) points out, the discovery that emotional conc叩ts are understood metaphorically is not so sur. prising; what is more interesting and exciting is the realization that many of the most basic concepts in our conc叩阳al system, such as time , state, change, ac. tion , cause , purpose , and means , are also normally comprchended via meta. phor. Those are the concepts 1 will deal with in the next two chapters.

Chapter 4 The Time as Space Metaphor

4. 1. Conceptions of space and time Space and time have been the subjects of serious study down the ages. From ancient days to modem times , philosophers and scientists have spoken or written extensively on the subjects 企om different standpoints , although no final conclusion or consensus has yet been reached. In the history ofhuman thought, the conceptions of space and time have figured prominently among the most fundamental notions of philosophy. They have been "bound up with the foundations of the universe," and have been regarded by philosophers of different times and schools as "one of the sources of the world ," as "a priori forms of intuition," or as "universal forms of existence of matter" (Akhundov 1986: 1). Spatial and temporal notions have also occupied a vital position in modem science. "In physics , for ex缸丑ple， which has become the vanguard of the natural sciences, space and time are regarded as basic concepts , because most physical notions are introduced by means of operational rules employing spatial and/or temporal distances" (Akh undov 1986: 1). Space and time are concepts very tightly interwoven with each other, as Samuel Alexander (1859一 1938) ipsisted that "space is in its very nature temporal and time spatial" (企om Keshavmurti 1991: 36). Linguistically, space and time are always treated as grammatically parallel , coordinated by a conjunction such as in the subject NP ofthis sentence. However, since the two concepts are so closely tied to each other, the coordinate phrase is sometimes reduced to a coordinate compound, such as ‘ spacetime' and ‘ spatiotemporal' in English. Despite the fact that space and time are treated as parallel conceptually and linguistically , they do not seem to stand on a completely equal footing. To il1ustrate the point, 1 cite a popular definition of ‘ space' and ‘ time' as follows: "Space is commonly regarded as something that is around us and above us , and Time as something that flows on forever" (Keshavmurti 1991: 1). In this defi-

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

nition , space is defined literally in its own tenns while time is defined metaphorically by resorting to a spatial metaphor. The paradox for time is that we cannot really see it when it ‘ flows on forever.' Little wonder that the author of Space and Ti me, the book which contains the above definition , st缸ts the book with this as its first sentence: "Time is a paradox; we seem to know it, yet we hardly know it; it is 80 warm and intimate , yet so cold and aloof' (Keshavmurti 199 1: v). The fact that time is a notion which is well known but hard to define is also well exemplified by St. Augustine's (A.D. 353 -4 30) question and answer conceming time (from Keshavmurti 1991: 35): What is time? 1 know what it is if no one asks me what it is; but if 1 want to explain it to someone who has asked me , 1 find that 1 do not know. Never岱eless ， 1 can confidently assert that 1 know this: that if nothing passed away there would be no past time , and ifnothing were coming there would be no future time, and if nothing were now there would be no present time ... In commenting on St. Augustine's perplexity about time, Gale (1968: 4) had this to say: "Augustine's perplexity is due to the fact that we both have an experiential awareness of time and know the correct use of temporallanguage but 缸e mysteriously reduced to silence when we try to verbalize this understanding." He then went on to point out that the indefinability of time is not simply verbal , as is the case with the indefinability of a color such as yellow: "The difference between ‘ time' and verbally indefinable words such as ‘ y~llow' is that yellow , unlike time , can be pointed to , and therefore adrnits of Il straightforward ostensive or demonstrative definition. Obviously, there is nothing we can point at and say,‘ This is time'" (p p. 4-5). The difference between ‘ tiMe' and 'yellow' seems to be simple: ‘ yellow' is a name that names some-thing whereas ‘ time' is a name that names no-thing. Or in other words , colors can be conceptualized in their own tenns but time canno t. As in St. Augustine's definltion above , time is once again conceptualized and explained in terms of thlngs in motion. The past consists of things th剖‘ passed away'; the fuωre oonllists ofthings that are ‘ coming'; and the present consists oftl1ings thät exist I now.' Clearly, what S t. Augustine was asserting about time is 恤t a tnetáphor orwhich the target domain is time and the source domain space. 1I Acems that time cannot be approached directly or literally, without gettlnø onto the vehicle of a spatial metaphor. To further illustrate the point, let

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

85

me shift to a different tradition in a different culture. Buddhism , for instance , holds the following view oftime (企om Keshavmurti 1991: 38): Time is unintelligible. Th e past, the present and the future are relative , they are not se\ f-existen t. The past is that nature of an object which was produced and has been destroyed. Th e present is one which has been produced and still exists. The future one is that which has not yet come into being. Time exists only in relation to things. It cannot exist apart from them. Things are unreal , so time too is unrea l. Time is a merc name , a mere convention , a phenomenal appearance. In Buddhism, as can be seen, time is also defined in tenns of objects or things coming into and going out of existence. Since time ‘ exists only in relation to things' and ‘ cannot exist apart 企om them,' it seems to follow that it has to be understood in tenns of objects or things existing in space. The above definitions of time all lead to the same point , probably a trivial one, that while space and time are twin concepts , they are not created equal and one has to be carried on top of the other. The relationship between space and time is well reflected in Samuel Alexander's metaphor that("time is the mind o f&pace and space is the body oftime"(企om Keshavmurti 1991: 36). Indeed, for ages and across cultures , the.models in which the conceptualizatíon oftime is cast have all been spatial in nature. The major models include time as linear, time as cyc\ ic , and time as spiral 你ee， e.g. ， Akhundov 1986 , Farmer 1990; Gould 1987 , Keshavmurti 1991 , Ray 1991). With the ‘ linear' model , time is one-dimensional , movmg 企om the past through the present to the 缸ture， or vice versa, depending on different theories. With the ‘ cyc\ ic' model , time is clearly two-dimensional, fonning a ‘c\osed loop' along which one can go ‘ forward to the past' (Ray 1991). As for the ‘ spiral' model , time has to occupy a three-dimensional space while moving around and upward (or forward). These models apparent1 y contradict each other, but they are all relevant in confinning the point that time is conceptualized in tenns of space, even though time and space are mutually dependet)t in reality.

This asymmetrical relationship between the twin notions of space and time is also evidenced by the sequence of their development in human history in general , and in individual growth in particular. In human history, the conceptions of spatial relations are developed far earlier than those of temporal relations; in the process of individual growthμhe conceptions of spatial relations are again acquired before those of temporal relations XAkhundov 1986). There-

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fore , it is said, ("The space is inherent in consciousness , but knowledge oftime is something thàt man acquires"XKeshavmurti 1991: 16). The sequence of development of the conceptions of space and time in human history and acquisition has 咐 its stamp on the history of language (see, e.g. , Clark 1973 , Traugott 1978).iThus, "it has been noted in language after language that notions of time are expressed by using expressions of space. This use of metaphorical language refù(咿 our general understanding of time in terms of space" (Radden 1992: 524).{It seems that theηME AS SPACE metaphor has a universal status. )B ut this stat白 has not received adequate support in the form of systematica11ý worked-out evidence across languages. To con位ibute to the establishment of its universal status , in this chapter 1 attempt such a study in Chinese. 1 will first summarize studies by Alverson. (1 994) and _L~off (1990 , 1993a, 1994). Th en 1 will demonstrate that the contrast between English and Chinese in the spatial conceptualization of time described by Alverson does not exist , and that, instead, Chinese largely fits into the two special cases proposed by Lakoff for English.

4.2.

AI如 ve 町 rson'、s cro 刀 os 臼s-cu 川It阳 ur划 and

cross-Iinguistic study

Alverson (1994) , an anthropologist , has 缸部led that the experience of time is based on a universal template of spatial experience----hence 也e spatialization of time in languages. He has studied "two universal linguistic processes" (p. xii←也e co11ocation and metaphor-focusing on time expressions in four largely unrelated languages-English, Mandarin Chinese, Hindi , and Sesotho. He points out that in the past, "anthropology and other human scÍ ences have overstated the variousness and diversity of temporal experience and, as a corol1 ary , have li剧e desire or means to explore and document temporal universals" (p. xii) He has found that there exist "five basic metaphorically characterized universal categories of temporal expression and experience" in all four languages: (a) "Time is a partible entity," (b) "Time is its effects ," (c) "Time is a medium in motio碍，" (d) "Time is a course," and (e) "Time is its ascertainmentlmeasurement川 He claims to have discovered in time experience and 饵' pression "a genuine necess町y universal" (p. 128), despite a11 the cultural particulars: "the undeniable diversity in the experience and expression of time is situated in, and must be understood in tenris of, a framework of experiential and linguistic universals" (pp. xi-xii). The implication that Alverson has derived 仕om his study is 也is:

,

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

87

While 伽.ere

is no doubt 也at differences do exist among cultures, these differences seem circumscribed and based on universally shared, everyday experience. Further, if experience as ‘ su均 ective' as that of #time俨 can exhibit such commonality and hence intersubjectivity across distinct and unrelated (or remotely related) languages and markedly different cultures , it seems highly likely we humans share other notions , concepts, and experiences that arise from embodied, enculturated cognition. (p. 130)28 Alvers'On , h'O wever, has f'O und s'O me differences am'O ng the f'O ur languages in their spatial c'Onceptualizati 'O n 'O f time. Here and n'O w , in keeping with my purp'Ose, 1 wil1 first cite what he has f'O und as space-time deixis in English and (Mandarin) Chinese as f'O ll 'O ws , c'O ming back t'O his findings ab 'O ut Hindi and Ses'O th'O in 4 .5. (32)

English (fr'O m Alvers'On 1994: 69) a. Events that are bef'Ore me 1 will c'Ome t'O. b. Events that have already happened are behind me. c. Events that come/arrive later will f'O ll'Ow me. d. Events that are later 1 will c'Ome t'O. e. Events that happened bef'O re, happened earlier, are behind melI leavebehind. f. What lies bef'Ore/has yet t'O happenlis later/h as yet t'O c'O me t'O us , we face.

(33)

Chinese (企'Om Alvers 'O n 1994: 75) a. Events that have already happened are th'Ose that are bef'O re 'O r have passed the experiencer/speaker. b. Ofthe events that are bef'Or萨一that is , have already passed the experiencer/speaker-th'Ose that were experienced earlier are bef'Ore/in 企'Ont 'O fth 'O se that were experienced later/after. c. Events that have n'O t yet happened t'O the experiencer are th'O se that wi1l c'Ome 'Or 缸e yet t'O c'O me. d. Events that will c'O me 'Or 缸e yet to c'O me are all later or afterlbehind the experiencer.

In particular, Alvers'On has disc'O vered that in Mandarin Chinese, "the timeas-c'O urse and space-time deixis sh 'O ws an interesting c'O ntrast with English which is w'Orth examining" (p. 104). T'O make this c'Ontrast cJ ear, 1 summarize

I

I

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

what he describes is the case for English and, then, what he believes are the differences in Chinese. As he describes , English deictic collocations exhibit an interesting paradigmatic pa忧ern. First, there are two metaphors of time in English deixis: (1) time is a relatively still course in which events move , and (2) time is a medium in motion bearing events along with it. Second, there are two attitudes taken by the speaker: (1) the speaker is stationary facing the future , or (2) the speaker is moving toward the future. (p. 105) This paradigmatic pattem in English is illustrated by Table 5 (from Alverson 1994: 107). According to Alverson, perspecti ve (a) , represented by cel1 (吟， presumes time is a course in which events move temporally , toward a stationary experiencer, who ‘ stands' in and faces the direction in the course 企om which events are coming. The examples he giver are (p. 106): (34)

a. b. c d.

Christmas is coming. Who knows what the day will bring. Tomorrow comes after today. The past is behind us.

1n perspective (时， represented by cell (b), time is itself a mediurn in motion bearing a schedule or sequence of events with it toward the experiencer, who faces the ‘ flow' oftime. The examples given are (p. 106): (35)

a. Time is coming when ... b. The future is upon us.

Table 5: Paradigmatic pattern 01 the space-time deixis in English Metaphor of Time Time a Sti11 Time a Medium Course in Motìon Stationary, Facing Future

(a)

。)

Moving toward Future

(c)

(d)

Speaker's Attitude

""

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

89

c. Time marches on. d. They have gone before us. In perspective (吟， that is cell (吟， the speaker/experiencer moves a10ng a course in which events are temporally situated. One faces, goes into the future, and leaves the past behind. According to Alverson, on1y in perspective (c) "can the past undergo relative tempora1 movement-by virtue of the experiencer's movement on into the future and away 企om the past" (p. 107). Thus, there exists the following contrast: (36)

a. I' m 1eaving my childhood farther and farther behind. b.* My childhood is getting farther and farther behind (me). c. In my mind's eye/memory/consciousness, my past is receding.

Perspective (哟， says A1verson , seems to be a null set in Eng1ish. Thus one cannot say collocationally,‘ The future and 1 are headed toward each other. ' As 1 see it, A1verson has discovered two important differences between English and Chinese. First, the experiencer in Eng1ish takes the front-to-thefuture orientation whi1e it is the back-to-the-future orientation for the Chinese experiencer. Second, un1ike the English experiencer, who is either stationary facing the future or moving toward the future, depending on different perspectives, the experiencer in Chinese remains stationary a11 the time, facing the past. This is how he describes the case for Chinese: "unlike English, the experiencer is always stationary in the medium, facing the direction of the pastthat is, that which has passed-with his or her back to the 缸ture. The past is before one; the future is/comes 企om behind" (p. 104). According to Alverson, this back-to-the-future orientation, though infrequent, is not unique to Chinese. It is a1so found in Latin (see Bettini 1991) and in certain native languages of Latin America-for example, the Mayan language, Quiche. It seems that Alverson's judgment is only based on the interpretation of a pair of words: yiqian "before" and yihou "after," which are derived 企om qian "企ontlahead" and hou 咆acklbehind." The relevant part of his interpretation is given below (p. 75): Events that have already happened are those that are before (yiqian) ... the experiencer/speaker Events that wil1 come or are yet to come are all later or after/b ehind (yihou) the experiencer.

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

At this point , 1 want mention that my own study in Chinese does support Alverson's general claim for a universal , p缸由山nan tendency to think and talk about time in terms of space. However, my study contradicts Alverson' specific conclusion that in Chinese the speaker or experiencer is always stationary, facing the past and with the future behind. But before 1 present my own study in Chinese, 1 first review Lakoffs studies in English.

4.3. Lakoff' s studies in English Lakoff (1990 , 1993a, 1994) has also noticed that time in English is concepω alized in terms of space. But his findings differ, to some extent, from Alverson' s (1 994) described above. According to Lakoff (1 993a: 216-217) , the general conceptual metaphor of time in English is as follows , with a detailed pattem ofinferences: The General Metaphor:

TlME PASSING IS MOTION.

Ontology: Time is understood in terms of things (出at is , entities and locations) and motion. Background condition: The present time is at the same location as a canonical obse凹er. 孔1apping:

Times are things. The passing of time is motion. Future times are in front of the observer; past times are behind the observer. One thing is moving, the other is stationary; the stationary entity is the deictic center. Entailment: Since motion is continuous and one-dimensional, the passage of time is continuous and one-dimensional. This central metaphor covers two special cases , as Lakoff specified (1993a: 217-218): Special Case 1: TIME PASSING IS MOTION OF AN OBJECT. The observer is fixed; times are entities moving with respect to the observer. Times are oriented with their 仕onts in their direction ofmotion. Entailments:

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

91

If time 2 follows time 1, then time 2 is in the future relative to time 1. The time passing the observer is the present time. Time has a velocity; relative to the observer. Special Case 2: TIME PASSING IS MOτION OVER A LANDSCAPE. Times are fixed locations; the observer is moving with respect to time. Entailments: Time has extension, and can be measured. An extended time , like a spatial area, may be conceived of as a bounded region.

These two special cases cover a wide range of data in English. Given in (37) and (38) 缸e ex缸nples for each ofthem: (37)

a. Thanksgiving is coming up on us. b. Time is flying by. c. The time has passed when ...

(38)

a. We're coming up on Christmas. b. We're getting close to Christmas. c. He passed the time happily.

All these examples are instances of mappings 仕om the space domain onto the time domain under the central conceptual metaphor TIME PASSING IS MOTION. They show how abstract inferences of time are actually metaphorical versions of spatial inferences , which can be summarized by a single conceptual metaphor. It is apparent that Lakoffs two special cases are equivalent to Alverson's (1994) perspectives (b) and (c). In perspective (b), the speaker is stationary facing the future whereas the time is a medium in motion. In perspective (c) , conversely, the speaker is moving toward the future while the time is a still course. Lakoffs paradigm lacks Alverson's perspective (吟， in which both the speaker and the tìme are motionless while events are moving toward the speaker i.n time as a sti11 course. In Lakoffs paradigm , whenever events are moving, they 缸e carried by and in the time as a medium in motion. Therefore , perspective (a) is not independently needed.

4.4. Time as space in Chinese In this section, 1 make a thηrough analysis of data from Chinese to demonstrate that the expr臼sions of lime in Chinese, which form a very rich and intricate

l

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

system， l缸gely fall int'O the patterns 'O utlined by Lak'O ff f'Or English. It is sh'Own that the c'Ontrast between English and Chinese suggested by Alverson (1994) d'O es n'O t exis t. Acc 'O rding t'O that c'Ontrast, the speaker/experiencer in Chinese is always stati 'O nary facing the past, while in English the speaker/experiencer always faces the future , either stati'Onary 'Or m 'Oving. Instead, it is sh'Own that 也e tw'O sp民ial cases pr'Op'O sed by Lak'O ff (1 990 , 1993 a, 1994) f'Or Ei1glish better acc'O unt f'Or the spatializati'O n 'O ftime in Chinese.

4 .4 .1. Evidence in the lexicon In Chinese , the lexical items in the time d'Omain are systematically structured via metaph'O rical transfer 企'Om the space d 'O main. This can be seen 企'Om the Chinese w'O rds f'Or 'past,'‘ present,' and ‘ future.' 4 .4 .1.1. The past, the present, and the future For the past, given bel 'Ow are the tw'O c'O nceptual mappings, which ∞n ceptualize the past time relatiy哩 t'O an Observer. 29 They represent the two special cases respectively. A. Case 1: THE PAST IS THE TIME THAT HAS PASSED OR GONE BY THE STATIONARY OBSERVER. B. Case 2: THE PAST IS THE TlME THAT HAS BEEN LEFT BEHIND BY THE MOVING OBSERVER. These tw'O cases are dem'Onstrated by the w'O rds f'Or ‘ past' given in (39) (40) below. In the parentheses are m 'O rpheme-by-m'Orpheme translati 'O ns. 30 (39)

a. gu'O qu (passed/gone by) "past" b. yi-wang ([have] already-g'One) 平 ast" c. yi-wang (PRT-g'One) "past"

(40)

a.

白le

阻d

li-cheng (traveled thr'Ough/underg'One-j ourney) 平ast; course in the past" b. lu-cheng (road-j 'O urney) "past; c'Ourse 扭曲e past" c. qian-chen (previ'Ous/behind-dustltrace) 平ast"

six w 'Ords in (39) and (40) all mean ‘ past,' but they bel'Ong seþatlltely t'O the tw'O different cases，部 specified by Lakoff (1 990, 1993a， 1994). 币le three w 'Ords in (39) are Case-l examples: they c'Onceptualize the past as something that has passed by a stationary Observer. On the 'Other hand, the 世宫回 w'Ords in

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

93

(40) conceptualize the past as either the road already covered by the traveling Observer as in (40a，时， or as the trace left behind by him as in (40c). It is noteworthy that, while alI six words here denote ‘ past,' they stiII differ somewhat in usage: the three in (39) refer to the past more 企om a neutral point of view; the three in (40) refer to the past in terms of the experience of a su~归ct (a person or a group of people).. This difference is consistent with the difference between Case 1 and Case 2, which Radden (1996) describes as ‘ pure' versus ‘ colored' temporal notions: In the dictionaries (Lü and Ding 1980, 1996) , (40b) is marked as ‘ figurative' when used in the sense given. That is , for Înstance , wo SUO zou de lucheng "the road/joumey 1 have covered" means 'my course/experience in the pas t' in a figurative sense. In (40c) , according to Wang (1 992: 187), chen , originaIly meaning ‘ dust,, also means ‘ trace' in an extended sense. Therefore , qian-chen refers metaphoricaIly to ‘ one's experience in the pas t.' It needs mentioning that (40c) is not a very common word in modem Chinese, although it stiIl has made its way into the most popular dictionaries 1 use as references. As just mentioned, (39a一也) particularly refer to the past in time. In these three words , however, both qu and wang primarily mean ‘ go ,' as anton沪ns of /ai "come," as shown in the fo Ilowing examples: (41)

a. Nimen lai qu ziyou. you come go 仕ee "You are 企ee to come and go." b. Jie shang lai wang de ren hen duo. street on come go MOD people very many "There are many people coming and going on the streets."

In a more abstractly-extended sense , lai-qu (come-go) , lai-wang (come幽 go) ， and wang-Iai (go-come) mean ‘ contact' or ‘ dealings,' as shown in the fo Il owing examples: (42)

a. Li ang jia hu bu lai-qu. two families mutuaIly not tome-go "The two fam iIies never contact each other." ta jingchang lai刑ang. he often come-go "lhave 企equent contacts with him."

b. Wo

he and

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

c. Ta-lia wang-lai miqie. they-two go-come close ''The two ofthem are in close contac t." (42a) is marked as ‘ dialectal' in the dictionary (Lü and Ding 1996). Note that in both (41) and (42) lai-qu (come-go) , lai-wang (come-go) , and wang-lai (gocome) have a spatial sense whether or not they are basic or more abstractly extended. ln the abstractly-extended sense , even though the people involved do not ‘ come' and ‘ go' physically to see each other and , for instance, they contact each other through telephone or mail , the spatial distance between them is still crossed over by words or letters that travel between them. Wh at is interesting here is that these words with spatial senses are systematically used in the time domain to indicate the passage of time. Both qu "go" and wang 飞。" indicate the time in the past, although they are assigned different tasks. (43) below contains some temporal words or expressions including qu "go" (from Lü and Ding 1996): (43)

a. b. c. d. e.

qu-nian (gone-year) "last year" qu-sui (gone-age) "last ye缸" qu-qiu (gone-autumnlfall) "last autumnJ fall" qu-dong (gone-winter) "last winter" qu-ri (gone-day) "bygone days; days in the past"

As is shown , qu "go" is usually used to refer to ‘ last year' or ‘ ap缸ticul缸 sea son of last year' as in (43a-d), while (43e) is an exception where qu refers to past times in general. On the other hand , wang "go" is usually used to refer to past times in general , as can be seen 企om the following ex缸nples (企om Lü and Ding 1996):31 (44)

a. b. c. d.

wang-nian (gone-year) "former years" wang-ri (gone-day) "former days; bygone days" wang-shi' (gone-time) "past times; the past" wang-shi< (gone-things/events) "past events; the past"

The words in (43) and (44) illustrate that past times 缸巳 conceptualized as moving entities or things which have gone by. This is exactly what Lakoff (1990 , 1993a, 1994) specifies as Case 1 for English. A difference between English and Chinese , however, is that the spatial conceptualization oftime may be more directly reflected in the lexicon in Chinese than in English. This dif-

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

95

ference is exemplified in (39 , 40) and (43 , 44). Especially, qu "go" and wang polysemous, that is , they are used with different but related meanings, their basic sense being in the space domain, and the metaphorically extended sense in the time domain. The English word go is also used polysemously in a similar sense, such as in ‘ The person went by quickly' versus ‘ The year went by quickly.' It is also used to form a compound word such as bygone in ‘ bygone days' or ‘ Let bygones be bygones.' But it is not used in such a way to the same extent as its Chinese counterparts qu and wang. as illustrated in (39, 40) and.(43 , 44). According to Lakoff (1 990, 1993a, 1994), the present time is at the same location as the Observer, no matter whether it is Case 1 where times move toward and pass the stationary Observer, or Case 2 where the Observer moves through times as bounded spaces. In either case, the present time is at the point where the Observer is. Therefore, there is only one conceptual mapping here: "go" 缸e

C. Case 1 and Case 2:

THE PRESENT IS THE TIME AT THE SAME LOCATION

WHERE THE OBSERVER IS.

This , again, is reflected in the Chinese words for ‘ present ,' which are considerable in number. Given below are some ofthem (企om Lü and Ding 1996): (45)

a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. j.

xian-zai (present/existinglon hand-existinglon going) "now; at present" xian-shi (present/ existinglon hand-time) "now; at present" dang-qian (j ust at-企ont) "创 present; now" mu-qian (eye-企ont) "创 present， at the moment" m4-xia (eye-below) "now; at present; at the moment" yan-xia (eye-below) "at the moment; at present; now" yan-qian (eye- 企ont) "at the moment; at present; now" yan-dixia (eye-undemeath) "at the moment" yan-mian-qian (eye- face-企ont) "at the moment; at present; now" jiao-xia (foot-under) "at present; now"

In (45a，忡， the present time is conceptualized as co-present or co-existing with the Observer. In Chinese, the words for cash are xian-qian or xian -jing (p resent-money). It is the money on hand, or the money with the possessor. Similar甘， the prescnt time, as in (45间， is the time on hand , or the time with the Observer. In (45时， lhe present time is conceptualized as what is ‘ just in the front (of the Observer).' Here, a spatiaI term qian "企ont" is used to refer to time. In

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

fact, in all the ex创nples of (45d-j), a spatial tenn is used in combination with a body-part noun to refer to 由e present time. Respectively, the present time is 'right in front of or below one's eyes' in (45d-h),‘right in front of one's eyes and face' in (44i) , and ‘ right under one's feet' in (4勾). In &ll these c臼es，也e present time is conceptualized metaphorically as at the place where the Observer is. It needs to be noted that, although the present is ‘in 企ont of" the Observer, just as the future , it is distipct 企om the future in 由at it has to be very close to the Observer. Thus, it is ‘ right below the Observer's eyes,' or 咀ght before the Observer's face ,' or ‘ right under the Observer's fee t.' Anòther interesting thing is that the present is usually conceptualized as ‘ right in front of the Observer' but not ‘ alongside ofthe Observer.' This may be related to the sense of vision: the present is where one can ‘ see' without even turning one's head sidewards. It is worth noting that (45a-f) are nowadays used solely in a temporal sense , but this fact should not weaken the claim that temporal notions are originaIIy conceptuaIi zed in spatiaI tenns, including body-part tenns. (45町) are stiIJ used in both space and time domains , with the spatial sense as the basic and the temporal sense as metaphorically extended or mapped. For example: (46)

a. Yan-qian shi yi-pian bi-Iü de dao-tian. eye-front be a-stretch green MOD paddy-field "Before our eyes is a stretch of green paddy fields." b. Bu neng zhi gu yan呼an， bu guan ji阻glai. not can only think eye-企'Ont not care future "One must not only think ofthe present and neglect the future."

(47)

a. Ta hen jin-shi , yan-dixia de dongx:i he very near-sighted eye-undemeath MOD things cai kan de qing. only see COM clear "He is very near-sighted and only can see clearly things right before his eyes." b. Yihou de shi yihou zai zuo, yan-dixia after MOD thing afterwards H en do eye-undemeath de shi yaojin. MOD thing urgent "After things can be handled afterwards , and things at the moment (on hand) are urgent."

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

(48)

97

a. Jia o- xia

shi yi pian bi-lü de caodi. be a stretch green MOD meadow "Under our feet is a stretch of green meadow." foot咀lder

b. Jiao-xia shi nong mang jijie. foot-under is farming busy season ''Now it is the busy season in farming." The temporal sense ‘ at present; 也e pr臼ent moment' ofjiao-xia in (48b) is labeled as ‘ dialectal' in the dictionary (Lü and Ding 1996). It can be assumed that it is used especially by peasants , who cultivate the land under their feet for a living. From all the examples above we can see that it is indeed the case that in Chinese the present time is conceptualized spatially as at the location where the Observer is. In most of the cases , the metaphorical mapping 企om the space domain onto the time domain is realized through a combination of spatial terms and body-part nouns which are themselves spatial in nature. 32 Note that, literally, what lies before one's face or under one's feet really has nothing to do with time. It is space. But it can denote temporal notions by means of the TIME AS SPACE metaphor at the conceptuallevel. In Chinese, the future is structured in a parallel but opposite fashion 企om the past in the Chinese lexicon. The two conceptual mappings representing the two special cases 町'e: D. Case 1:

THE FUTURE IS THE TIME THAT IS MOVING TOWARD THE

STATIONARY OBSERVER.

E. Case 2:

THE FUTURE ISηfE TIME THA T IS LYING AHEAD OF THE MOVING

OBSERVER.

Consistent with these two conceptual metaphors are the following words for ‘缸ture' in Chinese: (49)

a. jiang-lai (will-come) ..缸turè" b. wei-lai (haven't [yet]-come) "岛ture"

(50)

a. qian-cheng (企ontl油ead才 ourney) ..缸ture; prospect" b. qian-tu (企ontlahead-road) ..缸ture; prospect" c. qian气jing (frontlahead-scene/view) ..卸ture; prospect; vista"

Here, (49) contains Case-l examples where the future times are conceptualized as entities that ‘ have not yet but will come' towards the stationary Observer,

98

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

and (50) be10ngs to Case 2, where the future times are ‘journey, road, or scene in front or ahead' of the traveling Observer. The difference between (49) and (50) in usage is parallel to that between (39) and (40) denoting the pas t: the two examp1es in (49) refer more to the future in time whereas the three in (50) refer more to the future of a person or a group of people. As mentioned ear1ier, in Chinese lai "come" is the anton严n of qu "go" and wang 飞0." Whi1e qu and wang are used to refer to the past as in (39a, b) and (43 , 44) , lai is used to refer to the future as in (49a, b). There are still a number of other words in which lai is used to ref泣 to a period oftime in the future. For mstance, (51)

a. lai-ri (coming-day) "days to come; future" b. lai-nian (coming-year) "the coming year; next year" c. lai-sheng (coming-life) "next life; afterlife"

1n these words , the times in the future , before or after one's death , are said to be the times that are ‘ coming' toward the Observer. So far 1 have discussed the Chinese words for ‘ past,'‘ present ,' and ‘ future.' It is shown that these words originally are , or contain, spatial te口田， mapped onto the temporal domain via. metaphor. Some of them are polysemies , with spatial sense as primary , and temporal sense as secondary. Some others have comp1ete1y transferred 企om the space domain to the time domain, having dropped the original spati a1 sense and retaining the tempora1 one only. As is shown, the distribution of the Chinese words for ‘ past,,‘ present,' and ‘ future' is structured in a way that is consistent with the two special cases specified by Lakoff (1990, 1993a, 1994) for English. lIi Case 1, the fut旧e times are moving toward the stationary Observer. Th e time which is passing by the Observer is the present. Once it has passed by the Observer, it joins the previous times to become the past. In Case 2, the Observer is traveling through the ‘ space' of time which is measurable. The future times are ahead of the moving Observer. Th e present time is where the Observer is. The past times are those left behind by the Observer. In either case, the future is in 企ont ofthe Observer'while the past is behind him. This is further illustrated by the independent evidence in the verbs in collocation with ‘ pas t' and ‘ future ,' to which 1 now turn.

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

4 .4 .1.2. The verbs in collocation

with μst'

99

and 'future'

The fact that the future is conceptualized as in 企ont ofthe Observer and the past behind the Observer is actually self-evident in Casc 2 cxcmplified above. ln Case 2, the future is the ‘journey,' the ‘ road,' or the 'scene' ahead of a traveler, and the past is the ‘ journey' accomplished or the ‘ trace' Ieft behind by the Observer, a traveler in this case. It is therefore cI ear that the traveler is facing the future, with the past behind him, assuming that the canonical manner for humans to walk is walk forward. However, this is not so clear with Case 1, where the future is conceptualized as something coming toward the Observer and the past something going away 食om the Observer. But the direction of the motion is unspecified. Can it be, for instance, that future times are coming toward the stationary Observer from behind, passing him, and going further and further away in 企ont of him? This is what Alverson (1994) proposed as the soIe conceptuaIi zation of time in Chinese. 1 mentioned car Ii er that Alverson's proposal was wrong. lnstead, 1 cI aim that, as far as the front-back orientation is concerned, the Observer in Chinese always faces the future and has the past behind him , in exactly the same way as the Observer in Eng Ii sh. This cI aim entails that even in Case 1 the Observer is facing the future rather than the pas t. Is there any independent evidence available to prove that my cI aim is coηect? Or, is it possible to prove that in the following Figure 5 is not a correct case for Chinese while Figure 6 is? The answer is ‘ Yes.' past

present

future

4

Figure 5: Th e back-to-the-future orientation past

present

4

Figure 6: Th efront-to-the-future orientation

future

100

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

In Case 1, as just menti 'Oned, it is n'Ot sel巳evident with 阳 n'Ouns 'Of 咀ture' themselves that Figure 5 is n'Ot the case but Figure 6 is. F 'Or instance, jiang-/ai (will-c 'O me) and wei-/ai (haven't [yet]-c 'Ome), the w 'Ords f'Or ‘ future ,, d'O n'O t specify the directi 'On 'O f m'Oti 'On. Neither d'O es guo-qu (p臼 sedlg'One by) 'O r yi-wang ([have] already-g'One) , the w 'Ords f'Or ‘ past.' Besides, as a verb ，也e w'Ord guoψi can be interpreted very differentiy as in these tw'O exactiy the same sentences: (a) Ta gang guo-qu "He just went ('Over) there"; and (b) Ta gang guo-qu "He just went by/past." In either case, directi'Onality is n'Ot specitied. S'O they b 'O th are 'Open t'O the interpretati'On aS r'叩resented by Figure 5. In the same vein, the Chinese verb lai, which means ‘ c'Ome (t'Oward the speaker)' d'O es n'O t specify the directi'On 企'Om which s'Ome也ing 'Or s'Omeb'O dy is m 'Oving t'Oward the speaker. It can be c'Oming t'Oward the face (Figure 6) 'Or the back (Figure 5) 'O f the speaker. H'Ow d'O we kn'Ow that Case 1 in Chinese is exactly the same as Case 1 in English, namely the future time is c'Oming t'Oward the face 'O f the Observer (Figure 6) rather than 企om behind (Figure 5)? H 'Owever, the fact that Figure 6 presents a c'Orrect case is evident 企'Om the verbs used with the time w 'O rds 'O f ‘ future' and ‘ past.' In Chinese, the verbs that are used exclusively with the w 'O rds 'O f ‘ future' are th'Ose that literally mean ‘ l'O'O k f'Orw缸d' 'Or ‘ look ahead ,' as given in (52): 。r ‘past'

(52)

a.

zhan'-wang (spread 'Outlunf'O ld-gaze int'O the distancell'O'Ok 'Over) "look into the distance; l'O ok int'O the future; l'O'Ok far ahead" b. zhan'-wang (l'O'Ok f'Orward-gaze int'O the distance/l'O'Ok over) "I'O'Ok f'O rward; look far ahead" c. zhan'-nian (l'O'Ok forward-think 'Of) "I'O'O k ahead and think 'O f (the future)"

These verbs collocate only with the w 'Ords 'O f 咀ture' in (49) and (50) ab'Ove. In the following , for instance, are .s'O me 'O f the c'Omm'On c'O ll'O cati'Ons with the [V+O] structure: (53)

a. zhan'-wang qian-cheng look- far-ahead front-joumey "Iook forward t'O the future; l'O ok into the future" b. zhan'-wang wei-lai lo 'O k-far-ahead haven't (yet)-rome "\ook forward t'O the future"

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

101

c. zhan'-nian qian-tu look ahead-think of 企ont-road "think ofthe future" Note 也at the verbs in both (53a) and (53b) have 也eir ∞unterpart spatial sense, meaning ‘ gaze or look into the distance.' For example,

(54)

a. Ta pa shang shan-ding，出an'-wang 严lan-fang. he climb up mountain-top look-ahead far-side "He climbed to the top of the mountain, and gazed into the dist缸lce."

b. Ta tai-tou zhan'-wang, kanjian 沪lan-f1甜g you yizuo he raise-head look-far-aheadsee far-side have a baota. pagoda "Raising his head, he looked ahead and saw a pagoda in the distance."

The spatial senses ofthe words in (54a, b) are primary while the temporal uses ofthe words in (53a, b) 缸e results of the more general MIND ASBODY metaphor that maps physical actions onto mental activities (see Sweetser 1990, Johnson 1992, Jäkel 1995 , Radden 1996, etc.). What we have here is a case p红allel to that of English ‘ look forward ,' which is also metaphorical when in collocation with ‘ future.' The spatial or physical sense of ‘ look forward' is primary in that, in the physical world, you ‘ look forward' and can ‘ see' whatever lies before you spatially, but in the abstract world, you ‘ look forward' but cannot really ‘ see' the future even though it is said to be in front of you. That future lies ahead of you is in .effect a metaphorical conceptualization of time in spatial terms. The verbs used exclusively with the words of ‘ past' are numerous. A common characteristic of these is that they all contain a morpheme, or word when used separately, hui meaning ‘ to turn around' or ‘ turn back,' as in (55) below. (55)

a. b. c. d. e.

hui-gu (tum around-Iook back) "look back; review" hui-shou (turn around-head) "look back; recollect" hui-mou (turn around-eye) "look back; recollect; recall" hui-su (tum around-trace back) "recall; look back upon" hui-yi (tum around-recallJrecollect) "call to mind; recollect; recall"

102

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

f. hui-xiang (turn around-think) "think back; recollect; recall" g. hui-nian (turn around也ink ofìmiss) "think back; recoll饵t; recall" h. hui-si (tum around-think ofìlong for) "出ink back; recollect; recall" Note that the Chinese morphenie hui in the above examples is comparable to the English morpheme ‘ re-,' meaning ‘ back' or ‘ again,' which has a basic spatial sense too. It is now obvious that the past is always behind us: whenever we want to review , recall , or recollect 出e past , we have to ‘ turn around' firs t. However, to review , recall , or recollect the past sometimes requires more than Just ‘ tuming around,' as is il1 ustrated by the related verbs in (56) used also with the words of ‘ past' only: (56)

a. zhui-nian (chase/run after/pursue咄ink of) "recall; reminisce" b. zhui-si (chase/run after/pursue-也ink ofìlong for) "recall; recollect" c. zhui-xiang (chase/run after/pursue-think) "recall; reminisce" d. 址lUi-yi (chase/run after/pursue-recalUrecollect) "recall; recollect; lookback" e. zhui-hui (chase/run after/pursue-r叩 entlregret) "repent; regret"

From these examples we can see that sometimes, in order to r∞all， recollect, reminisce, or regret the past, one has to not only ‘ turn around' hut also ‘ run after' it. (56) by itself is merely one piece of the p皿zle， but when it is viewed in combination with other pieces in place, it helps show the whole picωre of the metaphor system oftime in Chinese. Oncc again, (56) serves as an ex缸nple of a mental activity (thinking of something in the past) metaphorized as a bodily activity (running after something). There exists an important difference between (55) and (56). (55) fits in with both Case 1 and Case 2. In Case 1 ，也e past is a moving object that has passed by the Observer; in Case 2，由e past is either the road covered by the traveling Observer or the trace left behind by him. In both cases, the Observer ‘ turns around' to ‘ see' the past. In contrast, (56) fits only into the Case-l situation. The inference pattem is as follows. The past times are moving objects having passed by the Observer. In order to ‘ reach' a particular p臼t time, the Observer does not only have to ‘ turn around,' but also to ‘ chase or run after' it. The logical inference is that the longer that past time has passed by the Observer, the harder it is for the Observer to ‘ catch up with it.' When the ‘ distance' between the past time under consideration and the Observer becomes so great, it is likely that the Observer will chase or run after it in vain. And the ability to catch up with the past varies across individuals. This is because some people

103

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

have better memories than others , just as some have greater physical strength than others. Another point worthy ofnote here is that the words in (55a-c) again have a primary physical sense just like those in (52) above collocating with the words for 'future.' They are defined as follows (企om Lü and Ding 1996 , Wei 1995): (57)'

a. hui-gu "tum around and see; look back" b. hui-shou "tum back one's head; turn around" c. hui-mou "(especially female) tum around one's head and look; glance back"

(58) contains two sentential examples (from Lü and Ding 1996): (58)

a. Ta lülü hui-shou, bu ren he repeatedly turn-back-head cannot bear "He kept turning around and could not bear to leave." b. Ta hui-mou yi she tum-back-a时-look one "She glanced back and smiled."

liqu. leave

xiao. smile

It is

仕om the physical domain that th巳se words are mapped onto the more abstract domain to refer figuratively to ‘ recall , ' ‘ recollect , , ‘ review ,' and so forth. The word gu is defined primarily as ‘ turn round and look at ,' although it also has a secondary sense of ‘ look at' (Lü and Ding 1996, Wang 1922). 1n its primary sense, gu is the antonym of zhan l "look forward地lead" as in (52b). They can , for instance , form the following compound and set phrase used in both a physical and an abstract sense:

(59)

zhan-gu a. "look ahead and behind" b. "think over and over again; consider carefully; tum something over in one's mind"

(60)

zhan叫ian-gl山ou (look forward-front-look behind-back) a. "look ahead and behind" b. "be careful and cautious before doing something; be overcautious and indecisive"

Here (59a) and (60a) denote literal bodily activities while in (59b) and (60b) the primary physical senses have worked their way up into abstraction to d~

104

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

note mental activities. Note that the phrase ‘ tum something over in one's mind' in (59时， meaning ‘ consider something carefully,' is a parallel example in English. Although the words in (55d-h) and (56) do not have a primary counterpart sense in the physical domain their first morpheme, hui "tum around" or zhui "chase; run after; pursue," clearly shows their trace back into the concrete, physical world , fumishing evidence in support of the claims that abstract senses tend to be derived 企om the concrete, physical world, and that abstraction tends to have an experiential basis in bodily experience (seé Johnson 1987, Lakoff 1987a, Sweetser 1987, 1990, Tumer 1991 , etc.). As a matter offact, all the examples in this section provide typical instances of the more general MIND AS BODY metaphor where mental activities are conceptualized metaphoric a1 1y as bodily activities (see Sweetser 1990, Johnson 1992, Jäkel 1995 , Radden 1996, etc.). The analysis here strongly supports Lakoffand Johnson's (e.g. Lakoff 1987a, Johnson 1987, 1991 , 1992 , etc.) claim for a bodily basis of abstraction: abstract reasoning in this case is embodied. 4 .4 .1.3. Seemingly contradictory casω Am ong the spatial terms used to express time in Chinese, there are some seemingly contradictory cases, that is , a certain term is used in the expressions ofboth 'future' and ‘ pas1.' In section 4.4 .1.1 , for instance, 1 demonsttated 也就 lai "come," as the antonym of qu "go" and wang "go ," appears in the expressions of ‘民lture ，" such as follows:

(61)

a. b. c. d.

jiang-Iai (wi11-come) "future" wei-lai (haven't [yet]-come) "future" lai-ri (coming-day) "days to come; 也ture" lai-nian (coming-year) "the coming year; next year"

In (62) below, however, lai "come" occurs in the expressions of ‘p出1.' (62)

a.

yl寸iU-WU- Yi

man

1951 "since 1951"

ye红

b. wu-shi niandai 50's decade "since 50' s"

yl PRT

yi lai PRTcome lai come

TlME AS SPACE METAPHOR

105

c. wu-shi-wu nian lai 55 year come "in the pastllast fifty-five years" Each example r叩resents a temporal span from the past to the present. For (62a) it starts at a particular point oftime (1951) and ends at ‘ now飞 for (62b) it starts at a particul缸 period oftime (50's) and endsat ‘ now'; for (62c) it starts a period oftime (55 ye红s) ‘ ago' and ends at ‘ now.' (61) and (62) seem to present contradictory uses of lai "come," to express both ‘ future' and ‘ past.' This seeming contradiction actually does not exist, considering the two special cases specified by Lakoff (1 990 , 1993a, 1994). (6 1) belongs to Case 1, in which the future times are coming toward the stationary Observer, whereas (62) belongs to Case 2, in which the moving Observer has come all the way 企om the past to the present. In other words, the agent of the action of ‘ coming' is the moving time in (61), and it is 出e 位aveling Observer in (62).33 咀le difference in the two cases involved accounts for the apparent con位adiction in the uses of lai "come." It can be illustrated by Figure 7 and Figure 8 respectively. Figure 7 represents Case 1 where time is moving with its 企ont toward the stationary Observer. 80 it is time that .i s COMING to the Observer. Figure 8, on the past

present

futur田

巳

4

"The future is COMING to me."

Figure 7: Case 1: time as a moving object

past

•

2 present

future

"1 have COME all the way 企om the past." Figure 8: Case 2: time as stationary landsc叩e

106

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

other hand, represents Case 2 where time isstationary landscape while the traveling Observer is moving over it. Therefore , it is the Observer that has COME a1l the way 企om the past to the present where he is. (63) below makes a further illustration of how the two cases give rise to two different ways of presenting the same idea: (63)

a. guoqu shi-wu nian li gone-by fifteen ye缸 m "in the past fifteen ye红s" b. shi-wu nian lai fifteen year come "in the last fifteen years"

1n (63a) it is the fifteen ye缸s as the moving entities that have just gone by the Observer; in (63b) it is the Observer that has just come through the fifteen years as bounded spaces. Despite different ways of conceptualization，也ey mean essentia1ly the same thing. 1n other words , they represent different cognitive construals ofthe same thing. (64) below is another example containing a pair of words in which qian "front; ahead; before" is used in a seemingly contradictory way , (64a) being repeated 企om (50b) above: (64)

a. qian-tu (fron t!ahead-road) "future; prospect" b. qian-tian (企ont!before-day) "the day before yesterday"

These two words respectively refer to the future and a time in the past, but the seeming contradiction resolves when the two special cases are taken into accoun t. (64a) is obviously a Case-2 example in which the road lying ahead of the traveling Observer is the future. (64b) pr臼ents an instance of Case 1, in which times are construed as moving entities which have their inherent 企onts facing the direction oftheir movement. For illustration, let us conceive oftimes as a moving train consisting of a series of cars, as in Figure 9. Suppose that car 3 stands for 'today.' Then car 2, which precedes car 3 in space and time, is ‘ yesterday ,' while car 1, which is further ahead or closer to the front , is ‘ the day before yesterday.' Morpheme by morpheme , the Chinese word qian-tian "the day before yesterday" means ‘ the 企'ont， or ahead , or before day.' Considering Case 1 and taking car 3 (i.e. today) as the reference point, it is not very hard to see why qian "企ont; ahead; before" can here refer to a past time.

107

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

f石~

2

仁3

I4

Figure 9:ηmes conceived 01 as a moving train Incidentally, the Chinese 'vord for ‘ the day after tomorrow' is hou-t阳1， which、 taken by its face value, means ‘ the back, or behind, or after day.' In川s由h削 O "企 fro ∞ 叽 nlt 叽 t飞; ahead; before" and hou "back; behind; after" here do not refer to th倒台'ont and back ofthe Observer. Instead, they respectively refer to c缸 1 and clU 5 relative to car 3, which are all conceived of as entities composing a lon&. moving object一the train, which has an intrinsic front and back of its own. As has been seen, the apparently contradictory uses of certain spatial terrns} in fact result from a p缸缸netric difference in the selection of point of reference:> the time vs. the Observer. This difference in part distinguishes between Case I and Case 2. 4 .4.1 .4.牛atia/

terms used in the tempora/ domain

In this section, 1 cite some more examples to show how spatial terrns arOl used in the domain of time. The uses are so conventional that they are not seen, as metaphorical by native speakers of the language. The words involved aroi polysemous, but the spatial sense is more basic than the temporal one. Theso. words usually exist in pair of antonyms. They are called ‘ localizers' in Chineso. grarnmars (see Chao 1968 , Li and Thompson 1981), a terrn which in itself suggests that they are primarily spatial. Again, 1 will use qian and hou as the 负rst pair of examples (based on Wu 1981): (65) a.

qian 企'Ont;

i.

11.

forward; ahead

lou building

qian front "in 企'Ont ofthe building" qlan pal 企ont row "the 企ont row(s)"

iii. yong wang zhi qian brave go straight forward "go bravely forw缸d地lead"

108

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

b. ago; before 1.

tJ an qian a-few days ago "a few days ago; a few days before"

J1

ii. wanfanqian supper before "before the supper夕， (66)

hou

a. behind; back; rear i.

wu hou house behind "behind or at the back ofthe house"

ii. hou pai back row "the back row(s)" iii. hou tui back retreat "draw back; retreat" b. after; afterwards; later i. ji tian hou a-few days later ‘ after a few days; a few days later' ii. wanfan hou supper after ‘ after the supper' In general , qian and hou are used symmetrically to denote the time ‘ before' and ‘ after' a point or a period of time at present, or in 也e past, or in 也efuωre. Wh en they are used together, they mean ‘ before and a负er (of a time),' as in the following ex缸nple: (67)

Shengdan jie qian-hou Christmas holiday 企ontlbefore-bac k/after "around Christmas Day"

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

109

However, they are usually used separately as a morpheme in another word. The following two pairs of examples are some of the commonly-used anton严ns m the temporal domain which contain them: (68) (币 69 盯)

a. b.

yi叫ian

(PRT-front) "before; formerly; previously" later; hereaft 企ter"

抖 y i-l 也拍 hoω 'Ou (PR 盯 T-bacωk 均)"飞 a负e 吭 r巧; a负 fter 阳 wa 削 r时 ds民;

a. cong-qian (阶企'Om-企 fron 叫 t) " b. wang-hou (toward-back)"企om now on; later on; in the future"

In (68) the dividing point is the middle-present which divides the 企ont-past and the back-future, or it can be any point in time that divides the 企ont-earlier and the back-later. (69) is more ofa Case-2 example: the Observer has reached the middle-present from the 企'Ont-past ， and will go toward the back-future. Here , time is conceptualized as a bounded space, s呵， a house with its front facing y'O u. You have entered its 企ont door and you are going to exit its back door. Thus , there are mappings of 企'Ont-past， middle-present, and back-future. The sense of motion (of the Observer) results 企om the use of the prepositions cong "fr'Om" and wang "toward." At this point, 1 would like to go back to Alverson (1994) , where it is claimed that in Mandarin Chinese the experiencer or speaker (i.e. the Observer in our terms) is always stationary, facing the past, with 也e future c'Oming from behind. This claim, it seems, is based on a wrong interpretation 'O f the reference point regarding the pair of temporal terms yi-qian and yi仇ou as in (68) ab 'O ve. Therefore , in Chinese , according to Alverson, "Events that have already happened are those that 缸e before (yiqian) .. .the experiencer/speaker," and "Events that will come or are yet t'O come are all later or afterlbehind (yihou) the experiencer" (p. 75). The interpretation is wrong because for the contrast between yi-qian and yi-hou the reference point is again a point of time rather than the Observer. That is , it is Case 1 rather 白血 Case 2 that is involved here. For illustration, we can refer back to Figure 9, where cars 1 and 2 are before (yiqian) , and cars 4 and 5 are after (yihou) , car 3 instead of the Observer. In fact , the Chinese w'Ords qian and hou are closely parallel to the English w'Ords ‘ before' and ‘础er，' which can be used both spatially and temporally. 1 can say, for instance, that John is before me and Mary is after me, and 1 am interpreting the spatial relations between us in terms ofmy body , which has an intrinsic 企ont and back. 1 can also say that Thanksgiving Day is before Christmas Day and New Year's Day is after Christmas Day, and this time 1 am interpreting the temporal relations between these holidays in spatial terms, as can be sche-

110

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

matized in Figure 9above. Remember that, conceived of as a long moving object such as a train, time also has its in位iDSic 企'ont and back, which are in effect opposite to the Observer's 企'Ont and back in orientation, as shown in Figure 7 (Case 1: time as a moving object) above. It is acc叩ted without controversy that in English future is conc叩阳alized as in 企'Ont of or before the Observer. However, when we say in English 也at ‘ 1 have done that before' or '1 did that before Christmas,'‘before' clearly refers to the past rather than 也e future. Does that entail that the English Observer also faces the past? The answer is obviously ‘ No.' The same answer applies to Chinese. We cannot conclude that Chinese is a front-to-the-past language simply because the spatial term qian "台ont; ahead; before" can be, and sometimes is, used to refer to a p臼t time. Another pair of antonymous localizers are shang "upper; up; over; above" and xia "lower; down; below; under," with the former denoting an earlier time and the latter a later time. In the following are some of the ex臼nples in which they form symmetric anton严ns. (70)

a. shang-ban-tian (upper-half-day) "moming; forenoon" b. xia-ban-tian (lower-half-day) "aftemoon"

(71)

a. shang-ban-ye (upper-half-rught) ''before mi由垃ght" b. xia-ban-ye (lower-half-night) "after mi也ight"

(72)

a. shang~ban-yue (upper-half-month) "the first halfofthe month" b. xia-ban-yue (lower-half-month) "the second halfofthe month"

(73)

a. shang-ban-nian (upper-half-year) "吐le first half of the ye缸" b. xia-ban-ruan (low町-halιyear) 呛le second halfofthe ye缸"

(74)

a. shang-bei (upper-generation) 咱le elder generation" b. xia-bei (lower-generation) "the younger generation"

Parallel to shang and xia 缸'e tou "head; top" and di "bottom," as shown by the following two pairs: (75)

(76)

a. b.

沪le-tou (mon也也e创Itop) "也e 沪泊-di (month-bo忧，om) 呛le

beginning ofthe month" end of the month"

a. ruan-tou (year-headltop) 咱le beginning of the ye缸" b. ruan-di (ye缸'-bottom) "the end ofthe ye缸"

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

111

N'O te that the examples in (7ι74) and th'O se in (75 , 76) 的 similar in that the ‘ upper' 'Or the ‘ head; t'Op' in space represents the earlier in time whereas the ‘ l'O wer' 'Or the ‘ b 'O tt'Om' in space represents the later in time. This pattem 'O f spatial c'Onceptualizati 'O n 'O f time may be due t'O 'O ur c'O gnitive c'Orresp 'Ondences between vari 'O us spatial c'Oncepts and between spatial and temp 'Oral c 'Oncepts , as sh'O wn in Figure 10. In this figure , the coπesp'Ondence relati 'Onships between vari 'O us c'O ncepts are indicated by the curve lines. N 'O te that the h'Oriz'O ntalline has its 企0时， indicated by the arr'O whead , pointing to the 企'Ont 'O f the Observer, as is inherited 企'Om Case 1, represented in Figure 7 ab 'O ve. It may be argued that such c'O gnitive c 'Oηespondences are actually based 'O n 'Our b 'O dily experience in the physical w 'Orld. As humans , we have upright 'O r vertical bodies , with 'O ur heads up and 'O ur feet d'Own. Wh en we lie d'O wn 'O n st'Omach and crawl , we n 'Ormally m 'O ve in the directi 'O n ofhead rather than feet. S'O 'O ur heads bec'Ome 齿。nts just like the 食'Onts 'O f any m 'O ving 'Objec钮， such as cars , trains , ships , planes , r'O rkets , and s'O f'Orth. In additi 'O n , the 仕'Onts 'O fmoving 'O bjects usually pass a particular p 'O int in space first , that is , earlier in time than their backs. As four-Iegged animals , for instance , dogs have h'O rizontal b 'O dies and n 'Ormally m 'O ve in the direction 'O f head rather than b'O tt 'O m. When they try t'O stand up vertical1y , they stand 'On their hind legs with their heads up rather than the 'O ther way ar'O und. From 'O ur b 'O dily and physical experiences in the w'O rld we have derived a pattem 'O f cognitive correlations. These correlati 'O ns bring int'O rec'Onc i1i ati 'On the tw'O c'O mpeting rn 'O dels-the anthrop 'O rnorphic and the z'O'O rn 'Orphic rn 'O dels (s饵， e.g. , Allan 1995 , Heine 1995 , Sv 'O rou 1994)- n 'Our c'O nceptualizati 'On 'O f spatial relati 'O ns and spatial c'O nceptualizati 'O n 'O f m 'Ore abstract relati 'O ns. Speci5caJly, the c'O gnitive c'Orrelati 'O ns between the h 'Oriz'Ontal and v:ertical dimensi 'Ons in Figure 10 can acc 'O unt for Case 1 and Case 2 in the spati~l c'Onceptualizati 'On 'O f time. In Case 1, tirnes are rn 'O ving

•

upper headlt'Op earlier

企'Ontlearlier

l'Ower feetlb 'O tt'O m later backllater

Figure 10: Correlation between the horizontal and vertical dimension

112

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

entities , with their front toward the Observer. While one month is one entity, twelve of them comp 'O se a bigger entity which is a year. The 企ont of an entity is its ‘ head' or ‘ t'O p,' and the back is its ‘ bottom.' In Case 2, times are bounded spaces which are each measurable 仕om end to end. The end c1 0ser to the Observer is the ‘ upper/up' or ‘ head/top' bound , and the further end is the ‘ lower/down' 'O r ‘ bott'Om' bound which can be reached by the Observer only when he has crossed the distance in between. Based on our bodily and physical experiences , we c1 assify ‘ upper，'‘ head，'‘ top ，'‘企'Ont，' and ‘ eatly' int'O one categ'O ry , as 'O pp 'O sed t'O‘ l'Ower,'‘ foot ,'‘ bott'O m,'‘ back ,' and ‘ later' in another category. Again , this is metaphorical categorization 'O r conceptualization. In English , the vertical up-d'O wn dimension in its space-time deixis aIso exists , but it is n'O t expressed in a c'OIlocationaIly rich fashion (Alverso ì1 1994, Traug 'O tt 1978). The examples in English in c1 ude the fo Il owing (台om Traug'O tt 1978 , Alvers 'O n 1994): (77)

a. Go 'O d , that' s 'O ver (i.e. ‘ pas t'). b. We' Il m'O ve the meeting up a week (not paired with down). c. d'O wn through the ages (but not ‘ up through the pas t')

Indeed , that the earlier is upper and the Iater is lower should exist in the conceptual system of the English language. Thus , when one draws a fam iIy tree, 'O ne w'O uld put the oldest generation at the t'Op , and then trace it down t'O the youngest generation, rather than vice versa. Accordingly , a heritage or a property is passed down , and never up，台om generation to generation. In addition, the pair of ant 'O nyms 'ascendant' and ‘ descendant ,' when referring to kinship instead of spatial relati 'O nship , is aIso evident 'O f such a metaphorical conceptual structure. It may be assumed that this kind of spatialization of time at the c'O nceptual level is universal , although t'O what extent it is re f1 ected linguistically varies across languages. Furthermore , Chinese localizers used in the time d'O mainals'O inc1ude nei "inside; within ," li "in; inside," jian "between; in," zhong "in; among; amidst," and S'O f'O rth. These l'O calizers are usually used in Case 2, in which the length of time is understo 'O d the same as spatial distance. Since the temporal uses of Chinese localizers are very similar to the temporal uses of EngIish prepositions , 1 will not cite any more examples in this section. But the evidence 1 have studied suggests that spatial words in Chinese are transferred metaphorically into the temporal domain in a systematic way. It needs to be pointed 创t that the evidence in the lexicon consists of many small pieces , and 也at one and

113

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

e.ach of them is not sufficient for any significant judgment. However, when the 企a伊lents of evidence are pieced togeth缸， a significant system of metaphor

emerges. What is especially significant is that this system of metaphor in Chinese, as a whole, bears such a great similarity to that of English outlined by Lakoff (1990 , 1993a, 1994) that once worked out, it provides strong evidence in favor of certain universals in the human cognition of time. Whi le the evidence in the lexicon is the firmest in the sense that it is documented ‘ officially' in dictionaries, it is by no means the sole evidence available for the metaphorical system of time. In the following section, 1 will demonstrate some evidence existing in the inference pa:饥ems. 4 .4 .2. Evidence in the 伺 i，F呢tj户每趾陀 r 'encepa ωtt但 ern In 也i旭s section 1 analyze data collected 企 ft怡 om 饥 aCωa 剑1 discourse. 1 will show that the ana1ysis of two speci a1 cases can be readily extended 企om the lexicon to the inference pattems in Chinese discourse.

4 .4 .2.1. Case One: time as moving 0与ect 1 first discuss the future and then the past. In Case 1, the future times collocate with the verbs associated with motion through 叩ace， such as follows:

(78)

a. lin"红rive" b. lin-jin (创rive-close) "close to; close on" c. kao气jin (ne缸-close) "draw ne缸; approach" d. lai-lin (come-arrive) "缸rive; come; approach" e. da
Given below are two exa:mples: (79)

Darig chuntian lailin, zheli shi yi pian lüyouyou de when spring arrive, here be a expanse green-lush MOD zhuangjia. crops "When spring arrives，也is place is an expanse oflush green crops."

(80)

qiu Yi d创 a generation ba11

wang libie king part

lüyin green-grass

de MOD

shihou time

114

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

zheng yi tian tian chao women kaojin. PRT a day day toward us approach "The time when the soccer king of the generation bids farewell to the green (p lay ground) is approaching us day by day." In these two ex创nples， the future time--一the spring and the moment of an event-is moving toward where the Observer is. In the following example, the future time , the new century, has undergone personification,‘ walking' toward the Observer like a human being: (81)

de ‘ Taiping-Yang Shiji' zhengzai Xianzai , xin new MOD ‘ Pacific-Ocean Century' PRT now , xiang women zou lai. toward us walk come "Now, the new 'Century ofthe Pacific' is walking toward us."

In the next ex缸nple ， the time not only moves toward the Observer, but brings something with it, making an impact on the Observer by whom it passes: (82)

Chuntian dai gei le renmen wuxianmei-hao PRT peop1e infinitebeautiful-good spring bring to de xiwang. MOD hope "Spring has brought the people infinitely good hopes."

On the other hand, the Observer can also do something to greet the coming time as if welcoming a gues t: (83)

Women yao fazhan linye , yong geng we should develop forestry , with even lü se yingjie er-shi-yi shiji de green color greet twenty-first century MOD "We should deve10p forestry , so as to greet the arriva1 tury with more green c010r."

duo de more MOD daolai. arriva1 ofthe 21st cen-

For the past, the key verb is guoqu "pass by; go by." The times in the past are the times that have ‘ passed or gone by' the Observer, as is shown in (84). (84)

Nian year

fu yi nian, si-shi-wu-ge repeat a year, forty-five

chun-qiu guoqu spring-fall pass-by

le. PRT

TIMEAS

SPAι:E

METAPHOR

115

"Year after ye缸， forty-five years have passed by."

While the past times are said to have gone by , the things which used to exist but no longer exist may be said to have gone with the time , as in (85). (85)

Zhan-shi de lianmeng gu创lXi yi 川 shi war-time MOD al1iance relationship already with time qu. tong together go "The relationship of al1iance during the war has gone with the time."

Since in Case 1 time is conceptualized as something moving toward and past the Observer, it then has a force that will make an impact on whatever it passes by. This is illustrated by the fo l1owing two examples: (86)

(87)

Liu-shi

de sui-归e bu-duan de chong dan flow-pass MOD year-month not-break MOD wash faded zhe renrnen de jiyi. PRT people MOD memory "The (flowing and) passing years are constantly washing away ple's memories."

p巳0-

wali pianpian de Dang-nian dan-hen leilei , those-years shot-markscount1 ess , debris everywhere MOD feixu can 严m， yi bei sui-yue chun PRT years-months spring ruins remnant clouds , already feng juan zou le. wind sweep off PRT "The ruins in those years , with shot marks and debris everywhere , have been swept off, like remnant clouds , by the spring wind ofyears."

In (86) time is conceptualized as flowing waters whereas in (87) it is conceptualized as blowing winds. In both cases, times, conceptualized as dynamic forces , have made a strong impact on humans or places they pass by. In (86) it washes away people's memories when flowing past them. Note that this conceptualization is consistent with the one discussed earlier of reco l1ection: when one wants to reco l1ect or recal1 one's memories, one has to turn around and run after them in order to catch up with them. The waters in a river may flow faster or slower, which makes the chasing of memories carried along by them harder

116

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

or easier. In (87) time, as blowing wind, sweeps away the ruins like elouds in the sky. This metaphorical conceptualization is again consistent with Case 1. In such a way , time is equipped with a metaphorical causative force which time itself literal1y does not have. Not only is time conceptualized as natural forces of waters and winds such as in (86) and (87) , it sometimes also may undergo animalization or personification , as shown in the example below: (88)

shi qu de Han Tang. lishi Cong yige yi from a alreadypassed gone MOD Han Tang histörical ke de-chu yige renwen cengmian de bei-ying , humanistic level MOD back-figure , canderive a jielun: ... conclusion "From the back figures of the Han and Tang Dynasties that have passed and gone, one can reach a conclusion on the humanistic level: ..."

In this example, the two dynasties in the Chinese history are conc叩tualized as animals or humans that have passed the Observer. When the Obs仅ver turns around , it is interesting to note, he can look at them only 企om behind and see their back figures. The inference pattern is again consistent with the first special case where times are moving toward and past the Observer. When a p缸 ticular time is moving toward the Observer, its 企ont is facing the Observer. Once it has passed by, the Observer can only see its back . At this point , 1 want to make it clear that (8 6-88) are different 企'Om the otherexamples in that they each contain a more novel metaphor. Despite their novelty , however, they still fal1 into , rather thlln outside , the pa忧e口1. The analysis here supports the claim that novel metaphor is but extension of conventional metaphor (Lakoff and Turner 1989, Lakoff 1993a, etc.). As for the present time , it is conceptualized as where the Observer is. This is illustrated by the fol1owing example. (89)

Ku shu ti-zao daolai er-you chichi bu qu. sweltering summer earlier arrive but late not go "The sweltering hot summer came earlier but is reluctant to go."

It is the hot summer that is referred to in this ex创nple. The time referred to is with the Observer, and therefore is the present time. To summarize, the inference pattern for time in Case 1 is as follows:

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

(90)

117

a. Times are moving objects , with their 企'Onts toward the face of the Observer. b. Those times moving toward the Observer 缸e the future times. c. The time that is passing the Observer is the present time. d. The times that have passed the Observer are the past times. e. Since times are in motion, they have forces , capable of making an impact on the Observer and the environment they pass by, bringing something in and taking something offwith them.

It is assumable that this pa忧em， in its abstraction, is exac t1 y the same as in English and many other languages. Since time in Case 1 is understood as moving objects , a causative force is then attributed to it. Lakoff and Tumer (1 989) have discussed a general case of metaphor of time: TIME IS A CHANGER. "Because changes occur as time passes , it is possible to personify time itself as being the agent of change , that is , t'O see time general1 y as a changer" (p. 40). As has been seen, this TIME AS A CHANGER metaph'O r is als 'O f'Ound in s'Ome 'O fthe examples discussed in this secti 'On. 4 .4 .2.2. Case Two: time as bounded space In Case 2, times are c'O nceptualized as b 'Ounded spaces , with units 'O f time comparab hrtcr' units 'OHength 'Of'distance. Th e Observer, a traveler in thi营 case， isnow ìn. m'Ofiòn. He has c'O me 'Out ofthe past times, is in the present time , and wi11 enter the future times. C'Onsider the f'Ol1owing example:

(91)

G'Ongheguo z'O u gu'O le sishi-wu nian bu republic walk 'O ver PRT f'Orty-five years n'Ot pingfan de licheng. 'O rdinary MOD j 'O umey "The Republic has walked 'Over an extra'Ordinary j 'O umey 'O f f'O rty-five years."

In this example, a nati 'O n is said t'O have traveled ‘'On f'O ot' 'O ver a j 'O umey thr'Ough time rather than space. Here , the tr'O pe 'O f pers 'O nificati 'O n tums a nati 'O n int 'O an individual pers'O n. Als 'O at w'O rk in this example is the c'O nceptual metaphor LIFE IS A JOURNEY. H'O wever, it is n'O t the life 'O f an individual , but the life of a nati 'O n as a wh'O le. Similarly, in the f'O ll 'O wing ex缸nple， the juvenile peri 'O d is c'Onceptualized as an earlier section 'O f the j 'O umey 'O f life.

118 (92)

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

Gao Yubao ban zhe Zhongguo qian-baiwan Gao Yubao accompany PRT China thousand-millions haizi zou guo shaonian shidai. children walk through juvenile period "Gao Yubao accompanies .millions and millions of Chinese children walking through their juvenile period."

Here Gao Yubao is a well-known author of children's books in China. The sentence in fact contains an instance ofmetonymy , where the author is mapped onto the books he has written. Note that in (91) the conceptual metaphor may as well be said as HISTORY IS A JOURNEY. This is made clear in the following example, in which the history ofan ent呻郎、 the Construction Bank of China, is metaphorized 出 ajourney 1t IS gomg on. (93)

Yi-jiu才 iu-si

nian

ni 垃in归削创te e 臼 en.咀 in巳ty-f岛 ou 旧 lf

严 Y el 布 r

shi Zhongguo Jianshe Yinhang China Construction Bank

忱 be

Iis 岱shi shang 由 de 抖 y ige 油 zho ∞ ngyaωo lic 沁 chen 吨 1毡 gb巳 e l.. history on MOD one important milestone "1994 is an important milestone in the history ofthe Construction Bank ofChina."

A particular point in journey as marked by a milestone is mapped onto a p缸' ticular point in time. The mapping thus helps realize the spatial conceptua1ization of time. Once the Observer has passed a time , conceptualized as a location, that 10cation becomes the pas t. As the Observer moves on, he is further and further away 企om that location ofthe p臼t. This is exemplified by the sentence below: (94)

Tamen zhengzai yi-bu-yi-bu de gaobie guoqu. they PRT step-by-step MOD take-farewell past "They are leaving the past step by step."

Wh en the Observer is leaving the past, he is at the same time moving into the present time and toward a future time, as in the two examples below:

(95)

a. Zhongguo bao-kan fenfen gaobie Chin巳se papers-magazines one-after-another take-farewell

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

119

de shidai , jin ru ‘ guang yu andfire' MOD age enter into ‘Iight and dian' de shidai. electricity' MOD age "One after another, the newspapers and magazines in China are taking farewell of the age of ‘ lead and fire , , entering the age of ‘ photoelectricity. '" ‘ qian yu huo'

‘ lead

b. Tamen gaobie le yinchen de zuotian, zou gloomy MOD yesterday, walk they bid-farewell PRT xiang guanghui de mingtian. toward bright MOD tomorrow "They have left the gloomy yesterday and are walking toward the bright tomorrow." In addition to the verbs jin "enter" and zou "walk" as in the above two ex缸如 ples, other verbs, such ω bu "step," kua "stride," mai "stride," ben "run quickly," and chongci "sprint ," are also used to spo tI ight various manners in which the Observer goes toward or enters future times , as in the following examples. (96)

a. Ta yi bu ru zhong-nian. he already step into middle-age "He already stepped into middle age." b. Renlei mankind

jijiang kua ru xin shiji. soon stride into new century "M缸tkind will soon stride into the new century."

c. Zhongguo zheng jian-bu mai xiang ershi-yi China PRT vigorous-step stride toward twenty-first shiji. century "With vigorous steps , China is striding toward the twenty-first century." d. Tamen zheng mai zhe da bu , ben xiang they PRT stride PRT big step , run-quickly toward canlan de mingtian. splendid MOD tomorrow "With big strides , they are running toward the splendid tomoπow."

120

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

e. Tamen zhengzai xiang xin shiji chongcl. toward new century sprint they PRT "They are sprinting toward the new century." ln this group of examples , the Observer is said to move at different paces or speeds. Bu "step" in (96a) is at a normal walking speed; kua "stride" in (96b) and mai "stride" in (96c) indicate a faster pace with bigger st叩s. Ben "run quickly" is much faster whiIe chongci "sprint" is the fastest as in a onehundred-meter dash. The interesting thing is that the one who ‘st叩s' and the one who ‘ sprints' toward the new century will finally enter the new century simultaneously. It is ‘ the manner of doing in space' rather than ‘the 晤时d of moving in time' that is suggested by the verbs of motion involved. However, one spends less time on the same task if one works harder. So one can 负nish the task ahead of the schedule and save some time. This is , nevertheless , often conceptualized metaphorically as one moving faster in time. The foIIowing sentence , for instance , is a common statement reflecting such a rnetaphoricaI conceptualization: (97)

shige 归e jiu wancheng le Ta zhi yong le he only use PRT ten months alreadyaccomplish PRT quannian renwu, tíqian jinru xiayi nian. whole-year task , ahead心f二time enter next year "He only used ten months to accomplish the whole year's task , having entered next ye缸 ahead oftime."

Here ‘ having entered next year ahead of time' is apparently metaphorical , or rather metonymic , with time standing for the task associated with it. Also belonging to Case 2 is the conceptualization of development, where the Observer, now a racer, is in a race against other racers. The difference between the ‘ racers' is , therefore , counted with the units of time rather than units of distance. For instance: (98).

Gai guo shenghuo shuiping bi mouxie fada thiscountry Iiving level compare some developed guojia luohou wushi nian. countries behind fifty years "The living standard of this country is r fly years behind some developed countries."

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

121

The gaps between ‘ racers ,' however, can be narrowed or widened. In the following example, for instance, the gap is narrowed be明use the ‘ behind racer' has accelerated: (9?)

Zhe shi wo guo de diannao jishu shuiping this make ourcountry MOD computer technologylevel xiang-qian zhuigan le ershi nian. twenty years forward' catch-up PRT "This made our country's computer technology close the gap by twenty years."

If the gap used to be fifty years , for instance, it is now only thirty years as a result of acceleration by the ‘ behind racer'. In Case 2, since the Observer is conceived of as a traveler in time , he can thus bring something with him , just as a traveler brings some luggage. Consider the following examples: Boyin qiqiqi (100) a. Zhe zhong xin xing ke才 i this kind new model passenger-plane Boeing777 ershi-yi jiang ba Boyin Gongsi dai ru Boeing Company bring into twenty-first will PRT shij i. century "The new-model passenger plane Boeing 777 will bring the Boeing Company into the twenty-first century." b. Zhong Ri liang guo renmm yuanyl Jlang willing PRT Chinese Japanese two countries people guanxi dai ru yige lianghao de Zhong-Ri relationship bring into one good MOD Sino-Japan shij i. ershi-yi twenty-first century "The Chinese and Japanese peoples are willing to bring a good Sino-Japan relationship into the twenty-first century." Here , something brought by the Observer is a company in (100a) and a relationship in (1 00b). Especially interesting is (100吟， where a product of a company brings the company into a future time rather than vice versa. It is worth noting that these examples are but a natural extension of the basic TIME AS

122

THE CONTEMPORAR Y THEOR Y OF METAPHOR

SPACE metaphor. The metaphor here is therefore conceptua1 rather than merely linguistic. In each case, however, it also correlates with a more concise lingUl StlC express lO n. Sometimes , a mixed metaphor of time can occur in discourse , as illustrated by the following ex缸nple: (101) Ershi-yi shiji zai xiang renlei twenty-first century PRT to mankind Women yinggai ba shenme yang de PRTwhat kind MOD we should xin shiji ne? new century PRT "The twenty-first century is bec Ì
zhao wave shijie world

shou. hand dai dao bring to

what kind ofwor1 d

In the first sentence, the twenty-first century is personified, that is, it is a person ‘ waving (hand)' to us. In the second sentence, it becomes the location into which the Observer is to move. The two s巳emingly contradictory metaphors (i.e. person vs. locatio时， however, are brought into re心onciliation by the semantic role of goal. In both sentences, the twenty-first or new cent町y is the goal for the traveler. It is the goal-location in the second sentence whereas it is the goal-greeter in the firs t. Wh ile the one in the second sentence is the default metaphor in Case 2, the one in the first sentence plays some extra functions. For instance, it sugge白 the closeness of the next century: the traveler has to get close enough to see the ‘ greeter.' It also suggests a 企iendly and desired future time: the traveler wi11 feel welcomed when he sees the greeter waving hand. Therefore, the metaphor in the first sentence is only an extension of the default Case-2 metaphor, where a time is conceptualized as a location. To sum up, Case 2 ofthe Tl ME AS SPACE metaphor entails the following inferences: (102) a. b. c. d. e.

Times are locations , with measurable bounded spaces. The Observer is in motion, traveling over locations. The locations the Observer has gone through are the past times. The location where the Observer is is the present time. The locations the Observer will go into are the future times. f. The Observer can move at a slower or faster pace against a schedule or against other travelers. g. The Observer can bring something into the future locations.

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

123

Once again, these entailments may be shared by English and many other languages. 4.4 .2.3.1到e

duality: mixture ofCase One and Case 1\vo

In the last two sections, 1 discussed how the two special cases oftime, Case 1 and Case 2, work s叩缸'ately wi伽in the general metaphor system of time in which time is conc叩tualized in terms of object and location. The two special cases, howev町， can sometimes work together in an object-location pair, within a single linguistic expression. Lakoff (1 993a) cal1s such a phenomenon ‘ duality.' He notes 也at "it is possible for two different parts of a sentence to make use of two distinct metaphorical mappings at once"ω. 219). The example he gives is ‘ within the coming weeks,' where ''within makes use of the metaphor of time as a stationary landscape which has extension and bounded regions, whereas coming makes use of the metaphor of times as moving 0同 ects" (p. 219). Lakoffthen explains that this kind of duality is possible because the two met叩hors for time pick out different aspects of the target domain. The ‘ coming weeks' conceptualizes imes as objects in motion relative to the Observer. The preposition ‘ within' conceptualizes the two-week time as a bounded region wi世1 an interior. The mappings are partial and inconsistent to each other, but they characterize reasoning about different aspects of the t缸get domain. As we will see，也e phenomenon of ‘ duality' also exists in Chinese, in very much the same fashion as in English. Consider the following example:

,

(103) zai

guoqu de jige shiji PRT have-passed .MOD a-few centuries in "in a few centuries that have passed"

As discussed earlier, guoqu 咀ave passed" is the Chinese word for ‘ past' and li "in" is a localizer which is primarily a spatial term denoting locations ofthings. Guoqu "have passed" makes use of 也e Case-l metaphor of time as moving object while the localizer makes use ofthe Case-2 metaphor oftime as station缸y bounded landscape. In the above ex缸nple， duality exists in the lexicon: the relevant words represent established and fixed coπespondences between the space and time domains. Semantical1y, those words have acquired conventionalized temporal senses , no longer looked upon as metaphorical , although such acquisition was originally motivated by metaphor. Syntactically, those ex缸nples are phrases, lower 也an the sentential level. ln the following , on the other hand, the three

124

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

ex纽nples cited are ones at the sententia门evel and above, namely the discoursal leve l. They are also more inferential in character.

(1 04) a. Huaxia dadi he shi song zou chuntian bu China land what time see off spring step ru xiatian ne? mto sumrner PRT "When does the land of China see off the spring and step into summer?"

Guo-Qing sishi-wu zhou-nian lailin zhi ji, National-Day forty-fifth anniversary arrive MOD time wo zhuyuan weida zuguo zhigua 严m缸1， shi wish great mother-land raise sail sail xiang geng jia huihuang de xin shiji. toward even more brilliant MOD new century "When the forty-fifth National Day is arriving, 1 hope that the great mother land will raise her sails and sail into the even more brilliant new century."

b. Zai

PRT

c. Ershi-yi twenty-first

shiji de jiao-bu sheng century MOD footstep sound 严Je-lai-归。jin le, women yijing zhan zai c1 oser-and-c1 oser PRT we already stand at de menkan qian. shiji zhi jiao centuries MOD boundary MOD threshold 企ont "The footsteps ofthe 21st century are getting c1 0ser and closer, and we are already standing in front of the threshold of the boundary between the centuries."

In (1 04a) the two verbs make use of two special-case mappings. The land of China ‘ sees off the spring as a moving object whereas it ‘ steps Ìnto' the summer as a bounded space. Arguably , both verbs entail personification: the former personifies both subject and object and the latter makes its subject an action-performing agent. In (1 04b) different c1 auses or sentences inake use of two distinct metaphorical mappings. Thus , while the national day is ‘coming' as a moving object , the ship of the nation ‘ sails into' the new centu可能 an expanse of ocean. Differently , the new cenlury (i.e. the 21st century) in the first sentence of (104c) is personified as sO ll1 conc who is walking c1 0ser and closer

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125

toward us. In the sentence following it , however, the conceptualization is such that the centuries (the 20th and 21st centuries) are bounded spaces next to each other, sharing the same walI with a door in it. Having walked through the space of the twentieth century , we are about to enter the twenty-first century by stepping over the ‘ threshold' of its door. The metaphorical expressions seem to be diverse in these examples, but they are really cast in the two-special-case mold. As has been seen, duality exists in both lexical and inferential levels in Chinese. 4 .4 .2 .4. Another case: time and observer moving in the same direction Above 1 have shown that the Chinese system of metaphor of time in terms of space falls into the pa阳ms outlined by Lakoff (1990 , 1993a, 1944) for English. Specifically, there are two special cases. In Case 1, time as an object is moving with its 企ont toward the Observer. In Case 2, time is stationary landscape with the Observer moving over it. In fact, there exists a third special case in which time is conc叩tualized as moving in the same direction as the traveling Observer. The third case is reflected in the philosophical view of time: "The peculiarity of time is that it is intangible; we cannot hold it. We ourselves are in time moving with it. When we say it is 10.30, it is no longer 10.30; time has moved on and we along with it" (Keshavmurti 1991: 47). Lakoff and Tumer (1989) discussed this case which they called an altemative version of Case 2. This is probably because this special case shares all the features of Case 2. That is , there exists a time-landscape over which the Observer travels 企om the past to the future. However, this case also has features that Case 2 does not have. That is , there is also a time-object moving with the traveling Observer, in the same direction. This time-object determines the present time: wherever it is is the present time. More specifically, the time-object is a virtual traveler, moving at its own pace over the time-landscape , reaching prearranged locations at prearranged time, marking the present time wherever it is. The Observer traveling in the same direction as the time-object is supposed to keep pace with it. Since this case is a combination of the object and location versions , 1 prefer to call it Case 3 which is illustrated by Figure 11. The English examples ofthis case include those in (1 05). (1 05) a. The hour is approaching midnight. b. It's getting close to bedtime. c. We're racing against time to finish the assignment.

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

past

present time-obiect

future

"

立

time-landscape Figure 11: Case 3: time as both a moving 0与ect and stationary landscape d. We're trying to beat the c1 ock. e. We are ahead oftime. f. Time waits for no man. ln this section 1 will show that in Chinese time is sometimes also conceptualized as a virtual traveler moving in the same directionωthe Observer. 白白 metaphorical mapping is exemplified by the following Chinese old sayings or catch phrases which are closely parallel to the sentence in (105 f) above: (106) a. Shi bu wo dai. tlme not me awaIt "Time will not await me." b. Shijian bu deng ren. time not wait-for person "Time will wait for no person." That is to say, time is always moving at its own pace, and people have to keep the same pace to avoid falling behind. That time is sometimes moving in the direction of future is also illustrated by the following time expressions: zhi jinri (107) a. shi time reach today "up to today (i.e. up to the present time)" b. Shijian tuiyi dao gongyuan yi气jiu气jiu-si time move to Christian-era 1994 "Time has moved to 1994 A. D."

nian. ye缸

ln (a) time , as a moving object, has moved 企om the past, say ‘ yesterday,' to ‘ today ,' and will continue to move into ‘ tomorrow' in the future. In (b) the

TIME AS SPACE

META I' IIυ/(

l27

same kind of time has moved from the past to 1994 , and wi 11 move further into 1995 , 1996, and so on. In this construal , therefore , timc has a dual character. First, there exists a stationary landscape of time , or timc-Iandscape , with bounded locations representing units of time, such as a day , a month, a year, and so forth. Second, there exists a moving object of time traveling over the landscape 企om the past to the present and to the future. The location where the time-object is is the present time. Under such. a conceptualization of time, there exist a few subcases where time undergoes diffcrent kinds ofmappings. For instance, time can be personified as a traveler moving at his own pace. In this case, the personified time is often shidai "times; age; era; epoch." This is shown in the example below: (1 08) Women bixu gen shang shidai de bu-fa, cai we must follow up age MOD step-pace , then neng geng-hao de bawo shidai de maibo. MOD grasp age MOD pulse can better "We must follow up the times' pace, so as to better feel the a肘's pulse."

Here , shidai "age" is metaphorized as a person who is walking or running at a particular pace and who has a particular pulse. In Chinese medicine , doctors usu a11y find out people's physiological conditions by feeling the pulse at their wrists. In the above ex缸nple ， the editorialized ‘ we' feel the age-person's pulse to determine his social , economic , or political condition. To do this , however, ‘ we' have to first keep pace with him. Though this metaphorical expression has its roots in Chinese medicine, it still serves as a particular instance of the more general conc叩tual mapping, nanlely the conceptualization of time in spatial terms , In the following is a similar example in which people go side by side with time: 归 shidai tong bu ，归 galge (109) Women yinggai we should with age together step , with reform tong xmg. together go "We should step forward together with the age , and go forw缸d together with the reform."

In China, this is the age of cJ lange and the cause of the change is reform. This sentence says that people's minds should keep up with the change. But the

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

concept is cast in a spatial metaphor, the metaphor of time as a moving object or person. The image is simple: time is moving forward rapidly while ‘we' 缸e trying to catch up with it. However, not everyone can catch up with the fastmoving time, and some may trail far behind. That is what the following ex缸n ple says: (110) Hu Peng yinwei gen bu shang shidai er luo-wu, not up age so fall.behind , Hu Peng because follow Yu Songtao ze he zheshidai bu-fa er da-bu Yu Songtao in-contrast keep PRTage step-pace so big-step xlang-qlan. move-forward "Hu Peng has fallen behind because he cannot follow up the s问 pace of (i.e. keep up with) the age, while Yu Songtao is strìding forward because he can ke叩 pacewi也出e age." Here the con回st between the two characters (in a Chinese film) is oonc叩钮， alized as their difference or gap with respect to time: one movet with thð time while the other lags behind it. The one behind may fall further and further behind if he does not catch up. It is a typical example in which abs位act difference, mental or ideological, is spatialized metaphorically. An interesting thing to note is that people not only ke叩 pace with, or fall behind, the age, they can also pass and go ahead of the age. The following sentence is an ex缸nple: (111) Women yao shi-zhong zou zai shidai de MOD we want beginning-end walk at age "We should always walk in 企ont ofthe age."

qianmian. front

Of course, it is an ideal situation where one can ‘ always walk in 企ont of the age.'ηlis sentence can be said about ‘ having the power of foresight.' In business, for instance, it would be ideal if one could always predict consumers' ‘ trends' of the times. In such a case, it is the abstract ability to predict that is cast in the spatial metaphor. The notion that one can go behind, ahead of, or side by side with time may conceptualize the third special case of time as a ‘ race,' with time and the Observer as two racers. Thus, we have the following examples: (112) a. Zhi only

shengxia lianggeyue left two months

shijian le. tíme PRT

Women we

zai PRT

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TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

shijian saipao. xuduo wenti shang xuyao 归 many problems on need with time race "Only two months are left. On many problems we need to raCe with time."

b. Women yao qiang zai shijian de time MOD we should rush PRT "We should rush ahead oftime."

qianmian. 企ont

These examples may be similar, in character, to the English examples cited in (1 05). Regarding examples such as in (1 05) Lakoff and Turner have discussed in some detail how time in this case is conc叩tualized as runner against whom people are racing (1989: 45 -46): there are two metaphoric paths here: a purposive path and a time path. They are oriented in the same direction: the direction 企om us to our goals is the same as the direction 企om the present to the future (since we are in the present and our goals are in the fu伽re). Moreover, t.i.ere is something moving along each pathwe toward our pu叩oses ， and the present time toward the future. Thus the two runners (us and the present time) are headed in the same direction along parallel paths. This makes it easy to conceive of the situation as a foot race between us and an opponent (the present time) , who is running in the same direction as we 缸e ， along a parallel path. We win the race against time ifwe achieve the goal before the dead1ine, that is , before the present time reaches the time at which the goal must be accomplished. This discussion applies exact1y to the Chinese examples as in (112). In (1 12) time is conceptualized in terms of a person walking or running in the same direction as the Observer, as if in a walking or running ‘ race.' In Chinese culture, time passing is also conventionally ∞nceived of as waters flowing. For instance, chaoliu "tide; tidal current; trend" is conventionally mapped onto shidai "times; age; era; epoch," as in the following example:

(113)

Z缸

qianglie chongji xiandai wemmng de impact strong modem civilization MOD zheng ying zhe qu nong sh皿 Jla face PRT mountam area peasant families PRT shidai chaoliu. yingtou-gan-shang shuguang , de try-hard-to-catch-up times trend MOD dawn-light,

PRT

xla, under xm ne呗J

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

"Under the strong impact of the modern civilization, the peasant fi缸ni lies in the mountain 缸ea are facing the new dawn , and trying hard to catch up with the trend ofthe times." Here the backward peasant families in the mountain area are behind the ‘ trend but are ‘ trying hard to catch up with it.' Their backwardness can be measured in terms of time-一twenty ye邸， thirty years , and so on-which, in turn , is spatialized.relative to the ‘ trend of flowing time.' In this metaphorical conceptualization, the trend of time keeps flowing forward. If you cannot keep pace with it, you fall behind it. Ifyou can go faster than it , however, you ‘ lead' the trend , as in the following ex缸nple from a TV commercial: ofth巳 times ，'

(114) Songxia dian qi lingdao shidai xin chaoliu. National electrical equipment lead times new trend "The National electrical equipment leads the new trend ofthe times." Again , the idea of advancedness is spatialized relative to the ‘ trend of times.' If one is advanced in any abstract terms, one is taking the lead spatially. The fact that time passing is conceptualized as waters flowing is also evidenced in the conceptualization of history , which exists in and through time. Thus we have the graphic ‘ cliché' of lishi de chang he "the long river of history." A different conc叩tualization of ‘ history' and ‘ times' or ‘ age' is that they are a vehicle, especially a train. Similar to a river, a train is long and powerful , providing an ideal source-image for ‘ history,'‘ times' or ‘ age.' With its huge and powerful wheels , a train seems to be unstoppable, rolling forward in the direction of future , as shown in the ex缸nple below: (115) Lishi de che lun gungun xiang-qian, history MOD vehicle wheels rolling-rolling move-forward juebu ke dao zhuan. never can reverse turn "The wheels (of the vehich.:) of history are rolling forward , and can never be reversed." Here , although a more general term che "vehicle" is used , as is often the ca.!le, the image in mind seems to be a train exclusively, rather than a car, a bus, or even a heavy-duty truck. It seems that the correspondences between the train and history , times , or age are fixed. Even though only a part ofthe train (in this case,‘ wheels ') is activated, the whole image of a train is triggered.

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

131

The above ex缸nples have shown that there is a third special case of the metaphorical treatment oftime in Chinese, Case 3 which can be summarized as follows: (116)

a. Time has a dual nature, that is, it consists of both a moving (timeobject, sometimes personified) and fixed locations (time-location or time-landscape). b. The time-object is a virtual traveler, traveling at its own pace, and reaching prearranged locations at prearranged times. c. It has come 企'om thep臼t and is going to the future. d. The locations it has gone through are 也e past times; the location where it is is 也e present time; the locations it will move through are the future times. e. The Observer traveling in the same direction as the time-object is supposed to keep pace with it, but can fall behind it, or even go ahead ofit.

As summarized, this case is a combination of Case 1 (the time-object version) and Case 2 (the time-location version). It can be taken as a s叩红ate sp民ial case, n缸nely Case 3 instead of an alternative of Case 2. It should be noted, however，也at Case 3 shows itself in language in a more restricted fashion than Cases 1 and 2. But it is still a different conc叩tualization of time in terms of sp部e. It is again assumed that Case 3 is sh缸'ed by English and Chinese and, most likely, by many other languages.

4.5. Summary and discussion In 伽is chapter, 1 have analyzed the metaphor system for time in Chinese. My study reinforces Alverson's (1994) general claim 也at the diversity in the experience and. expression of time is situated in, and must be understood in terms of, a 企amework of experiential and linguistic universals , supporting his ‘ spatialization of time' hypo也.esis that the experience of time is based on a universal template of spatial experience. However, my study contradicts his specific claim about the space-time deixis in Chinese. According to his finding, the experiencer (i. e. the Observer) in Chinese is always stationary facing the past. ηle future times move toward him 企om behind. Those that have passed him, moving further 阻d further away ahead of him, become past times. In short, according to Alverson, the Observer in Chinese always has the back-to-the-

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THE CONTEM I' ORARY rllEORY OF METAPHOR

future orientation. As he sees it, the relationship between the time and the Observer in tenns of motion and directionality in Chinese presents a contr汹twi伯伯at in English, where there exist three different cases (as illustrated by Table 5). Instead , 1 have demonstrated that time is conceptualized systematically in tenns of space in Chinese just as in English. Specifically, 1 have found that the two special cases-Case 1 and Case 2一specified by Lakoff (1990 , 1993a, 1994) for the metaphor system oftime in EngIi sh are readily applicable in Chinese. Evidence 企om both lexicon and inferenc~ pattems is cited to show that Case 1 and Case 2 can account for the bulk of Chinese time words and expr臼 sions which constitute a unified system of metaphor. This system can be generalized by a single central metaphor: TIME PASSING IS MOTION. In Case 1, time is conceptuaIi zed as objects moving toward and past the stationary Observer. In Case 2, time is conceptualized as stationary locations through which the moving Observer travels. In the lexicon, the words for 'pas t' literally mean either ‘ som~thing that has passed by the stationary Observer' (Case 1), or ‘ something left behind by the traveling Observer' (Case 2). The words for ‘ present' characterize it as ‘ right with the Observer,' especially as ‘ right before the Observer's eyes or face.' Therefore , the present is the time the Observer is ‘ seeing' right before him. This characterization of the present time is suitable to both Case 1 and Case 2. The words for 'future' have the literal senses of either ‘ something that has not yet come but will come to the stationary Observer' (Case 1), or ‘ something toward which the Observer is traveling' (Case 2). The fact that the future is conceptuaIized as in 企ont of the Observer and the past behind the Observer is evidenced by the verbs collocating with the words of ‘缸ture'. and ‘ past.' One always ‘ looks forward or ahead to the future.' As for the past, one always has to ‘ t旧n around' in order to recall or recollect it. Sometimes, in order to ‘ reach' the past, one also has to ‘ run after' it so as to ‘ catch up with' it. It is also noted that some apparently contradictory uses of spatial words in temporal senses can be accounted for by the parametric selection of the point of referen前:由e 由ne versus the Observer. The differences between them reduce to the difference between Case 1 and Case 2. Finally, it is demonstrated that Chinese localizers and other spatial words have deve

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can bring something to the Observer, thus making an impact on him or causing a change in or around him. On the other hand, the Observer can also do something to greet the arrival of a particular time. The time that is passing the Observer is the present time. Those times that have passed the Observer are the past times. Times can also take something away with them when they pass the Observer, thus again making an impact on him or causing a change in or around him. For those times that have passed by , the Observer can only tum around to see their backs. In Case 2, namely times as stationary locations or bounded regions , the Obse凹er travels as if on a joumey，企om the past to the present and then to the fu阳re， with units of time comparable to the units of length or distance. Once the Observer passes a time , that time becomes the past. The time where the Observer is is the present time. The time which the Observer is going to enter is the future time. The Observer can go faster or slower than other travelers , which suggests the Observer's faster or slower change or development relative to others'. While the Observer moves into a future time, he can also bring something with him into that time. This also suggests that the Observer is to make a change by that particular time. That this kind of qualitative change is understood in terms of spatial movement will be discussed in the next chapter. 沪沪，巳二'-卢一一一一白.命曲白伽 M白e庐In this chapter 1 have also shown 仕也1a凶t what Lakofi佼I calls ‘'dualit钞yγ n，阳。创menon in which both Ca 臼 se-l and Ca 部se-2 metaphors a:缸re mixed in a single expression-also exists 归 i n Chinese, in exactly the same fashion as in English. 1 have shown that it actually exists on all linguistic levels一→on phrasal , c1 ausal and discoursallevels. Finally, 1 have demonstrated that at the inferential level there exists a third special case or Case 3. In this case, time consists oftwo elements: the first is a bounded landscape like a road that stretches 缸rther into the future; the second is an object that travels down the road with a prearranged schedule, that is , to reach a prearranged point at a prearranged time. The Observer in this case is 剧pposed to keep pace with the moving time-object, but he may lag behind or go ahead of it. That is to say, both the Observer and the time-object 缸e mov幽 ing in the same direction of the futur毡， over the time-landscape. Therefore in this case, the time-object (Case 1) and the time-location (Cas ,

,

,

,

,

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

English and Chinese in terms of the Observer's orientation, namely the 企ont to-the-future in English versus the front-to-the-past in Chinese , does not exist. In fact , the Observer in Chinese always faces the future , just as that in English, except when he would want to go back to a particular past time mentally. Under such circumstances, the Observer would ‘ turn around' toward the past and even ‘ run after' the pas t. So 1 have found that the similarity between English and Chinese in terms of spatial conceptualization of time is much stronger than Alverson (1994) found it to be. At this point , 1 would like to comment on the differences between Alverson's and Lakoff飞 models for time in English. It seems that there are two important ones. The first is the difference between Alverson's time as moving medium and Lakoffs time as moving objects. Alverson's version assumes that "in English events moving in time or the moving of the medium of time itself ceases a负er they ‘ pass' the speaker." That is , "The past remains stationary, and the speaker moves, leaving it behind" (p. 104). This, according to Alverson, shows a contrast to Mandarin Chinese, in which "events that 缸e before or have passed the experiencer themselves continue to move further and further away 仕om the experiencer, who remains ‘ now' but still in the ordinal sequence"ωp. 104一 105). Lakoffs version, however, does not assume that in English the times or events would stop moving further and further away 企'Om the Observer as soon as they have passed him, that is, as soon as they have become 也epast. This means that Lakoffs version does not assume the kind of contrast that Alverson assumes between English and Mandarin Chinese. If there is in fact such a contrast between English and Chinese is still subject to further empirical inves tI gatlO n. The second difference between Alverson's and Lakoffs models for time in English is that Alverson constructed one more case than Lako ff. In this case, namely perspective (a) , time is a still course in which events move toward the stationary Observer. It seems , however, this special case is unnecessary, for 也e evidence for its independent existence is slim. According to Alverson (1994: 10哟， perspective (a) is illustrated by these examples: ‘ Christmas is coming; who knows what the day will bring; tomorrow comes after today; the past is behind us.' Perspective (b) , however, includes these examples: ‘ time is coming when; the future is upo

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

135

comes a负er today，'红e ‘ tomorrow' and ‘ today' different times or different events? 1 think the former is the correct choice. Finally, in what way does ‘ the past is behind us' constitute a pie明 of evidence for perspective (a)? It seems that it serves as evidence for both perspective (b) and (c) (i.e. Case 1 and Case 2 in Lakoffs model). In short, it seems unnecessary to distinguish perspective (a) 企om perspective (b) in Alverson's model , since whenever events move, they seem to be carried by time. Th erefore , perspective (a) is not independently necess缸y.

Next , 1 would like to discuss the status of the TIME AS SPACE metaphor. It can be hypothesized that this central conceptual metaphor is universal , re f1 ecting the general process ofhuman cognition in which time has tobe understood, and reas'Oned ab 'O ut, in spatial terms. S'O it is a universal principle. However, under 也is general principle, there exists a directionality p缸ameter with a limited number of settings. It is likely that this par缸neter has only two settings: (a) future in the 企ont， and (b) future in the back. Of these two settings of the parameter, the first one is widespread, shared by most languages in the wor1d, including, for instance, English and Chinese. The sec'O nd setting exists in a more restricted fashion, sh缸ed by a limited number of languages such as Trique, Maori, Ancient Greek, and so f'Orth (Al1an 1995: 29).34 Cross-cultural and cr'Oss-linguistic studies should find out what settings are applied in what lan目ages， and what speci aJ cases exist in what languages, so as t'O determine both universality and relativity among languages and cultures. My study presented in this chapter has sh'Own that English and Chinese share exactly the same three special cases. That is t'O say, they not only fol1ow the same principle of spatialization of time, but also have the same directi 'O nality par部neter setting: the future-in-the-台ont. This seems to suggest that English and Chinese are fundamentally identical in terms of conceptual mappings, and the differences between them mainly stay at the linguistic level , namely in the specific linguistic instantiations 'Of the c'O nceptual mappings. F'Or instance, the English word ‘也ture' does not have a spatial implication in itself On the 'Other hand , the Chinese w 'O rdsjiang-lai (will-c 'O me) "如ure" and wei-lai (n'O t[yet]-c'Ome) "也ture" b'O th literal1y express spatial 'Orientati 'On and movement. Despite 也is surface difference, neverthel

136

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

mapping of the earlier onto the upper is not expressed richly at the linguistic level , but it is still there at the conceptuallevel (the drawing of a family tree is a telling illustration). In Chinese , contrastively , the same conceptual mapping ís expressed richly at the linguistic level. Given that metaphor is primarily conceptual , it can be said that English and Chinese have the same metaphorical mapping at the conceptual leve l. Whatever differences between these two languages exist at the linguistic level, in particular linguistic instantiations of that conceptual metaphor. It seems that languages cannot be radically different in terms of their spatíal conceptualization of time. For instance , Alverson (1 994: 82) listed the following as the space-time deixis in Hindi. (1 17) a. b. c. d. e. f. g.

What lies before me (in space/time) 1 shall reach. Whatever comes later/afterward 1 shall reach. X follows Y in time or X comes after Y. X precedes Y in time or X comes before Y. What has happenedldone is behind me (in space/time). Those who have gone before in time are ahead of me Those who follow me in time are behind me. ,.

(a-e) above are apparent1y shared by both English and Chinese , explainable by special Cases 1 and 2. Specifically, (a) and (b) are Case-2 examples, and (c) and (d) belong to Case 1, while (e) can be accounted for by both Case 1 and Case 2. What about (f) and (g)? In these instances , people earlier in time than the Observer are ahead ofhim whereas those who are later in time than him are behind him. Does that mean that the Observer is facing the past? The answer is ‘ No.' In fact , these instances are accounted for by Case 2 in which the Observer is traveling along the time-landscape in the direction ofthe future. However, in such a case , the Observer could be seen as one of a line of people moving one after another toward the future. Those who are in front of the Observer have gone earlier in time (i.e. older than him) while the Observer is following them in time (i.e. younger th皿 them). Those who are further ahead are even earlier in time than those who are immediately ahead ofhim. Conversely, those who are behind the Observer are following him, and later than him, in time (i.e. younger than him). Those who are immediately behind him are earlier in time than those who are further away in the back. As a matter of fact , this kind of conceptualization of time exists also in English 创始 Chi黯郎、 just as Case 2 exists in both of these two languages. For instancc, in the E.nglish

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137

w'Ords ‘ f'Orefather, ' ‘ f'Orerunner, '‘predecess'Or，'四d ‘precurs'Or，' the prefix ‘ f'Ore-' and ‘ pre-' b'O th have a primary spatial sense meaning ‘ fr'O nt' 'O r ‘ in fr'O nt' (as in the term ‘ prefix' itself). In Chinese, this 企'Ont-back dimensi 'On in the space-time deixis is a c'O mm 'O n 'O ne , as in the f'O ll 'Owing pairs 'O f ant'O nyms. (118) a. qian-ren (企'Ont础lead-pe'Ople) "f'Orefathers; predecess'Ors" b. h'O u-ren (b ack/b ehind-pe'Ople) "later generati 'O ns; descendants" c. qian-bei (企'Ontlahead-generati'On) "seni'O r (p ers 'O n); elder; the 'O lder generati 'On" d. h'Ou-bei (b ack/b ehind-generati 'O n) "y'O unger generati 'O n; juni 'O rs" In this way, the hist'Ory 'O f human ev'O luti 'O n can be c'Onceptualized as a special kind 'O f relay race t'Oward the future: th'O se wh'O run in the 企'Ont will pass the 't'O rch' t'O th 'O se wh'O f'O ll'Ow them , and then dr'Op 'OUt. Alvers 'O n (1 994: 90) als 'O listed the space-time deixis in Ses'Oth 'O as f'O ll 'Ows: (1 19) a. Th'Ose things in 企'Ont ('O fme) , 1 wil1 c'Ome t'O them. b. Th'Ose (events) that have already happened, 1 tum away 企'Om (i.e. , t'O leave behind). c. Things that have happened bef'O re/earlier, 1 have le负 them behind. d. That which is in 企'Ont has n'O t c'Ome t'O happen. e. That which is 仕'Ont is later. f. That which has n'O t yet arrived/happened , we face. g. Th 'O se things that c'O me , 1 will c'Ome t'O them.

All these instances, exc叩t f'Or (g) , are c'O vered by either Case 1 'Or Case 2. (g) , phrased as it is, seems t'O be an instance 'O f ‘ duality' which has t'O be handled by b'Oth Case 1 and Case 2. It needs t'O be p'O inted 'O ut that 1 did n 'O tice 'One instance in Hindi , Ses'O th'O, and English, 'as given by Alvers'On (1994) , which d'O es n'O t seem t 'O be acc'O unted f'Or by any 'O f the three special cases. They are: ‘Whatever happens/c 'Omes in the after shall f'O ll 'Ow me/wil1 keep behind me' in Hindi; ‘ Th'O se things 也at c'O me/arrive behindllater, they will f'O ll'OW me' in Ses 'Oth'O; and 'Events that c'Ome/arrive later wil1 f'O ll 'Ow me' in English (see (32c) ab 'O ve). Phrased as such, they indicate that n'Ot 'Only people m 'O ve t'Oward future in a single file , as described ab 'O ve, but events are als 'O arranged in a sequence m'O ving t'O ward future 'One after an'O ther. That is , b'Oth pe'Ople and events are m'Oving f'Orward in the same directi 'O n 'Of future. If that is the case, these three

138

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

instances may represent ways of construal in Hindi , Sesotho , and English respectively that do not seem to be shared by Chinese since , as far as 1 know, no evidence to that effect has been found in this language. Besides , it seems to me that the statement ‘ Events that come/arrive later will follow me' in English, as constructed by Alverson , does not seem to be fit in with his three-perspective paradigm for English (see Table 匀， in which future events are always in 企ont of, rather than following , the experiencer or spe ak: er. It is not clear to me if he has provided specific evidence in support ofthis statement. Considering all the possibilities discussed previously, the TIME AS SPACE metaphor can be summarized as consisting of the following conceptual mappmgs: The TIME AS SPACE Metaphor SPACE (Source)

TIME (Target)

The Horizontal Dimension (Cases 1, 2 , 3) pastlfuture (Cases 1, 2 , 3) present (Cases 1, 2 , 3) earlier (Cases 2 , 3) later (Cases 2 , 3)

(oftimes) 企ontlahead

一〉也ture/past

(oftime吕) backlbehind

一>

(ofpeople) (ofpeople) (oftimes and people) (oftimes and people)

here

一>

frontlahead

一>

backlbehind

一>

The Vertical Dimension 一> earlier lower 一> later upper

Of these mappings, the first two present the directionality par缸neters discussed earlier. Whether 企ont is mapped onto future or past depends on specific cultural models, and rthe same is 位ue with back.ηle fourth and fifth mappings present spatial c9nc叩tualization of other people relative to the Observer in time. People earIler in time than the Observer are ahead of him; people later in time than the Observer are behind him. That is , time is conc叩ωalized in spatial terms. 1n Hindi and Sesotho (and in English, too?) , according to Alverson (1994) , these two mappings also apply to events. Events that have already happened 缸e ahead of the Observer; events that w i11 happen later are behind him. The sixth and last are mappings of a different dimension, namely the vertical orientation. 1 have argued that, as conceptual mappings , these two exist in both English and Chinese , although they are more linguistically manifested in Chinese than in English.

TIME AS SPACE METAPHOR

139

In addition, the study ofthe metaphor system oftime in Chinese , presented in this chapter, reinforces the c1 aim for the universality of the general MIND AS RODY metaphor in human abstract reasoning , understanding , and meanmg. ln the Chinese case, for instance, the verbs coUocating with words of ‘ future' and ‘ pas t' c1 early express mental activities in terms ofbodily activities. Wh en people think of the future, they ‘ look forward to' it; when they think of the past, they ‘ turn around' and even ‘ run after' it. These examples provide typical illustrations of how concrete physical concepts work their way up into human abstraction via metaphor. An other issue on which this study has shed some light is the distinction between the literal and the metaphorical. None of the lexical examples 1 cited would nowadays be taken as metaphorical by native speakers of Chinese and , in effect, they would be surprised if they were told so. But they are c1 early metaphorical, as 1 have shown, in the sense that they have been transferred 仕om the space domain to the time domain户 TheY_ar与1ltt:~~fore， linguistic instantiations of the TIME AS SPACE metaphor which is primarily conceptual in nature. T峙 metaphorical èxpressions areconventionalized and may not appear metaphorical in the mind of individual speakers of Chinese. What.bears special significance, however, is tlle systematicity with which these metaphorical expressions are governed by the underlying concepfüãl metaphor and patterned wìthih and àcross languages.The metaphorical pattern ref1ects , to an important exferit, thè general imaginative structure ofhuman cognition, and therefore deserves cognitive linguists' special attention. The present study has also shed some light on the distinction between novel and conventiona1 metaphors. Am ong the inferential examples I cited, whi1e all of them contain metaphors of time in terms of space, some are more novel than others. However, as has been seen, there only exists a difference of degree between novel and cQnventional metaphors. In essence, they are based on the same mechanism and follow the same Invariance Principle (Lakoff 1990, 1993a, 1994, Turner 1990, 1993). The correspondences between the space and time domains are fixed. It is just a matter of which mappings have been activated and which have not, and which have been conventionalized and which have not. The data 仕om Chinese support the c1 aim that novel metaph

Chapter 5 The Event Structure Metaphor

5. 1. The conception of events In Chapter 4, 1 discussed how time is conceptualized in terms of space in Chinese. In this chapter, 1 tum to the spatial conceptualization of events in Chinese. Events are closely related to -Hme just as objects to space.ηle parallel relationships of space and objects and time and events are exemplified in the following definition ofspac~ and time (Keshavmurti 1991: 1): For ordinary understanding, Space is defined as an extension in which material stand or move; it is also the distance between objects. Time too, like Space , is an extension, but an extension of events; it is the measure of duration which holds a succession of events of al1 kinds. Space is a static extension for it holds objects and things in a fixed order, whereas Time holds and contains a succession of events and movements and is therefore a mobile extensíon.

0句 ects

In short, "Events occupy time as bodies occ\.!py space" 、 (Keshavmurti 1991: 19). As a matter offact, as Keshavmurti puts it (1991: 16), it is "because evellts take place and things happen" that ''we become aware of time in our daily living." Th e interesting point here is that, while time is conceptualized in t町ms of space , so are events.

5.2. The Event Structure Metaphor in English Lakoff and his associates have worked out the system of the Event S位ucture Metaphor in English (Lakoff 1990, 1993a, 1993b, 1994). The central claim is that "various aspects of event structure, inc1 uding notions like states, changes ,

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

141

processes , actions, causes , purposes , and means, are characterized cognitively via metaphor in terms of space, motion, and force" (Lakoff 1993b: 219). Just as the conceptualization of time consists of two special cases , namely a case of objects and a case of locations, as discussed in Chapter 4, Lakoff (1993a, 1993b, 1994) argues that the Event Structure Metaphor also has two special cases whi::h , just like those of time, constitute a duality in the event structure system. The two special cases are called the ‘ object-dual' and the ‘ locationdual.' In fact , the event structure system consists of two systems: one based on objects, and the other based on locations. According to Lakoff, in both systems, CHANGE IS MOTION and CAUSES ARE FORCES. But their difference is this (Lakoff 1993b: 226): In the location system , change is the motion of the thing changing to a new location or from an old one. In the object system , the thing changing doesn't necessarily move. Change is instead the motion of an object to , or away 企om， the thing changing. To illustrate the difference, Lakoff cites as an example the word ‘ trouble' and makes the following explanation (1 993b: 227): I' m in trouble. [Trouble is a location]

1 have trouble. [Trouble is an object that is possessed] In both cases, trouble is being attributed to me , and in both cases , trouble is metaphorically concepωalized as being in the same place as me (co-Iocation}-一in one case, because 1 possess the trouble-object and in the other case , because 1 a讪 in the trouble-location. That is, attribution in both cases is conceptualized metaphorically as co-location. In ‘I' m in trouble ,' trouble is a state. A state is an attribute that is conceptualized as a location. Attributes (or properties) are Ii ke states , except that they are concep阳 alized as possessable objects. According to Lakoff (1 990 , 1993a, 1993b, 1994), the details of these two versions ofthe event structure system in English are as follows.

5.2. 1. The location-dual

The location-dual of the Event Structure Metaphor includes the following submappings (Lakoff 1993b: 219):

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

(120) The Location-Version a. States are locations (bounded regions in space). b. Changes are movements (into or out oflocations). c. Causes are forces (controlling movement to or 企om locations). d. Actions are self-propelled movements. e. Purposes are destinations (desired locations). f. Means are paths (to destinations). g. Difficulties are impediments to motion. h. Expected progress is a travel schedule; a schedule is a virtual traveler, who reaches prearranged destinations at prearranged times. i. Extemal events are large, moving objects. j. Long term, pu叩oseful activities are joumeys. As Lakoff put it, The Event Structure Metaphor "is a rich and complex metaphor whose parts interact in complex ways ," and its mapping "generalizes over an extremely wide range of expressions for one or more aspects of event structure" (Lakoff 1993b: 219). In thinking or talking about states and changes, for instance , people "speak of being in or out of a state, of going into or out of it, of entering or leaving it, of getting to a state or emerging from it" (p. 219). In fact the entailments and examples of the Event Structure Metaphor form a rich system in English. Some of them , from Lakoff (1 993b: 220-221) , are given below. In the submapping DIFFICULTIES ARE IMPEDIMENTS TO MOTION, there are five types ofmetaphorical difficulties that have been noticed in English: blockages , features of the terrain, burdens , counterforces, and lack of an energy source. These are shown in (121) below: (1 21) a. DIFFICULTIES AS BLOCKAGES He got over his divorce. He's trying to get around the regulations.

b. DIFFICULTIES AS FEA乱反ES OF THE TERRAIN It 's been uphill all the Way. We've been hacking our way through ajungle ofregulations. C.

DIFFICULTIES AS BURDENS He's carrying quite a load. He's weighed down by a lot ofassignments.

d. DIFFICULTIES AS COUNTERFORCES

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

143

She's leading him around by the nose. She's holding him back. e. DIFFICULTIES AS LACK OF ENERGY SOURCE I'm out of gas. We're running out ofsteam.

Another example of a rich system of metaphorical expressions is re1ated to the concept of ‘ actions.' As listed above , the submapping concerning ‘ actions' is ACTIONS ARE SELF-PROPELLED MOVEMENTS. It has numerous entailments which cover a wide range oflinguistic expressions , as (122) shows: (122) a.

STARTING AN ACTION IS STARTING OUT A PATH

We are just starting ou t. We have taken the first step. b. AIDS TO ACTION ARE AIDS TO MOTION It is smooth sailing 仕'Om here on in. It 's all downhi l1 from here.

c.

MANNER OF ACTION IS MANNER OF MOTION

We are leaping over hurdles. He is treading on thin ice. d. SPEED OF ACTION IS SPEED OF MOVEMENT He f1 ew through his work. I am moving at a snai l' s pace.

Related t'O‘ acti 'O n' is the conc叩 t of ‘ progress.' Wh en you are taking action to achieve s'Ome purpose, y'O u are m'O ving toward the destination. So ‘ progress' is underst'O'Od in terms of movement and physical distance: (123) a.

MA阳NG PROGRESS IS FORWARD MOVEMENT

We are moving ahead. Let's f'O rge ahead. b.

AMOUNT OF PROGRESS IS DISTANCE MOVED

We've come a long way. We've c'O vered l'Ots of ground.

c.

UNDOING PROGRESS IS BACKWARD MOVEMENT

We are sliding backward. We 缸e backsliding. We need t'O backtrack.

144

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

d. LACK OF PROGRESS IS LACK OF MOVEMENT We are at a standstill. We are going nowhere with this.

Wh ile abstract progress is und缸stood in terms of spatial movement, the concept of ‘ means' is conc叩tualized as ‘ path' on which physical movement takes place. Thus: (1 24) A Dl FFERENT MEANS OF ACHIEVlNG A RESULT IS A Dl FFEImNT PATII She did it the other way. Do it any way you can.

Whenever you have a purpose to achieve, you go toward that purpo回 which is the ‘ destination.' But if you do not have a particular purpose in mind, you move around without a destination:

(1 25) LACK OF PURPOSE IS LACK OF DI阻CTION He is drifting aimlessly. He needs some direction.

Wh en one tries to achieve one's purpose, one tries to reach the destination. Therefore, (126) SUCCESS IS REACHINGTIIE END OF THE PATH We are seeing the light at the end ofthe 阳nnel. The end is in sight. The end is a long way off. In the above examples, such abstract conc叩ts as states, changes, actions, means, progresses， purposes 缸'e conc句tualized spatially, and to be more exact, in terms of locations. That is , all these concepts are understood as part óf 伽 movement 仕om one location to another. This version of conè叩tualitation is therefore called ‘ the location-dual' ofthe duality in the event structure system. The other dual ofthe duality is called ‘ the 0时 ect-dual.'

5.2.2. Th e 0句'ect-dual The object-version ofthe Event Structure Meta:、hor has the following 8ubmappmgs:

(1 27) The Object-Version

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

145

a. Attributes are possessions. b. Changes are movements (of possessions , namely acquisitions or losses). c. Causes are forces (controlling the movement of possessions , namely giving or taking away). d. Actions are self-controlled acquisitions or losses. e. Purposes are desired objects. f. Achieving a p山pose is acquiring a desired object (or ridding oneself of an undesirable one). (127 f) has the following expressions under it: (128)

ACHIEVING A PURPOSE IS GETTING A DESlRED OBJECT

It 's within my grasp. It slipped through my har也. Seize the opportunity. In some cases , the desired object is something to eat. So the mapping is ACHIEVING A PURPOSE IS GETTING SOMETHING TO EAT:

(129)

ACHIEVING A PURPOSE IS GETTING SOME四INGTOEAT

He savored the victory. He's hungry for success. The opportunity has me droo 1ing. This is a mouth-watering opportunity. Traditional methods of getting things to eat are hunting, fishing , and agriculture, and therefore the mapping in (1 29) has three special cases accordingly, as in (130) below: (1 30) a. TRYING TO ACHIEVE A PURPOSE IS HUNTING I' m hunting for a job. I' m shooting for a promotion. I' m aiming for a career in the movies. I' m a企aid 1 missed my chance. b. TRYING TO ACHIEVE A PURPOSE IS FISHING He's fishing for comp1iments. 1 landed a promotion. She netted a good job. I' ve got a line out on a good used car.

146

THE CONTEMPORARY 1卫EORY OF METAPHOR

c. TRYING TO ACHIEVE A PURPOSE IS AGRICULTURE It 's time 1 reaped some rewards. Those 缸'e the fruits ofhis labor. The contract is ripe for the picking.

Besides, extemal events are also conceptualized as moving objects. This conceptualization has three special cases too in English, as shown below: (131)

EXTE阳AL EVENTS ARE LARGE MOVI:N G OBJECTS

a. Special Case 1: Things Things are going my way. Things are going against me these days. Things took a tum for the worse. b. Special Case 2: Fluids You gotta go with the flow. He's up a creek without a paddle. We're all in the same boat. c. Special Case 3: Horses Try to keep a tight rein on the situation. Keep a grip on the situation. Wild horses couldn't make me go. The above English examples, as Lakoff (1993b: 223) 缸gues， "provide overwhelming empirical support for the existence of the Event Structure Metaphor." He believes that the existence of the Event Structure Metaphor shows that the most common abstract concepts , such as TIME, STATE, CHANGE, CAUSATION , ACTION , PURPOSE, MEANS, are conceptualized via metaphor. "Sínce such concepts are at 出e very center of our conceptual systems, the fact that they are conc叩tualized metaphorically shows that metaphor is central to ordin缸y abstract thought"ω. 223). In what follows 1 a忧empt to work out the system of the Event Structure Metaphor in Chinese.

5.3. The locatioo-versioo 10 Chioese 1 first focus on the location-version, which seems to be the major one in both English and Chinese. 1 will demonstrate that the mappings of the location-

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

147

version ofthe Event Structure Metaphor in (120) above, as specified by Lakoff (1 993b , 1994) for English, can be applied without modification in Chinese. 1 will deal with various aspects of events separately, but in fact they are usually correlated, and therefore the discussion of one cannot be completely separated from another or the others.

5.3.1. States For the aspect of state , the mapping is given in (120a) above, repeated b eJ ow as (A). Closely related to the aspect of state is the aspect of change , and the mapping that should go with (A) is (B).

A. STATES ARE LOCATIONS (BOUNDED REGIONS IN SPACE).

B. CHANGE OF STATES IS CHANGE OF LOCATIONS. The reasoning here is accomplished via metaphor with specific mappings as given below: SOURCE DOMAIN Space

一一>

locations

一>

movement

一>

TARGET DOMAIN Reasoning about states states change

The metaphorical mappings above are based on the two most recurrent image schemas: the CONTAINER and the SOURCE-PATH-GOA L. With (A) above , a Theme, abbreviated as T , is said to be either IN or OU1' of a state. 1n this case , the state is conceptualized as the CONTAINER (i. e. a bounded region in space) , which is schematically figured as a circle, following convention. Note that a circle drawn on paper is two-dimensional , but it can stand for a threedimensional container as well , depending on particular conceptions. Just as in the physisal world , if the Iocation is a house , it is usu
C

Version 8

TO

Figure 12: Two versions ofthe CONTAINER schema

148

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

respectively the cases are in version A and B. Here the CONTAINER stands for the state. The metaphorical mapping in (B) can be expressed by a combination of the CONTAINER and SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schemas. This combination also has two versións as in Figure 13. In both version A and B , the Theme T that is undergoing change is to move relative to the structure of the CONTAINER, which stands for a state. ln version A, T moves 企om the CONTAINER'S exteriot, which is the SOURCE of the PATH , to its interior, which is the GOAL of the PAηf. In version B , T moves 企om the interior, the SOURCE , to the exterior, the GOA L. In both versions , the arrowhead line indicates the direction and the pa伽 of the movement. In this way, the two image schemas and combination of them structure the abstract domain ofreasoning about states and their ehange. The metaphorical mapping in (A), that is, STATES A民E LOCATIONS (BOUNDED REGJONS IN SPACE), is immediately reflected in the Chinese lexicon. Quite a few words meaning ‘ state' or closely related senses have a literal spatial sense of ‘ location' or ‘ position ,' as given below. In (132) are a few monosyllabic words. (132) a. bu (step) "condition; situation; state" b. di (p lace/locality/land/ground) "situation; position" c. jing (place/area/territory) "condition; situation; state; circumst缸lces"

Note that in (132a) bu "step" is a kind of location in walking movement. In walking, which is the basic form of movement among human beings and most animals , the change of locations is accomplished throu且也e change of st叩s， and each step constitutes one location. The ~xamples ofhow the words in (132) are used to mean abstract ‘ state' or related senses are given in (133) below.

Version A

Version B

T旬 Figure 13: Two combination

νersions

01 the CONTAINER and the SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schemas in

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR (.133) a. Shiqing zenme fì缸han dao zhe things how develop to such "How did things get into such a state?"

149 yi bu? a step

b. Ta buxing luo dao zhe yi bu. he unfortunate fal1 to such a step "He unfortunately fe l1 into such a state (plight)." li yu bubai zhi stand in invincible MOD "We 缸e in an invincible position."

c. Women we

di. place

d. Shi guo jing qian. thing passed place moved (changed) "The affair is over and the situation has moved (i.e. The incident is over and the circumstances are differentlchanged)." The two metaphorical mappings-sTATES ARE LOCATIONS and CHANGE OF STATES IS CHANGE OF LOCATIONS-in (A) and (B) are we l1 illustrated in these ex缸nples. In (133a，时，‘ steps of movement' in space represent sep缸ate states in the process of change, since CHANGE OF STATES IS CHANGE OF LOCATIONS. (1 33c) is a typical example in which the location of the person stands for the abstract state he is in. (1 33d) is another instance in which the change of states is understood as change of locations. Note that it is not the same location that has moved , but an implied T that has moved to a different location. (134) below contains some disyl1abic compounds composed of words in (132) and others: (1 34) a. jing-di (place/area/territory-place/locality/land/ground) "situation; state; condition; circumstances" b. jing-jie (place/area/territory-boundary/scope/circ1 e) "state; realm" c. ji吨'归 (place/area/territory-land within certain boundaries/territory /region) "situation; state; condition; circumstances" d. chu寸 ing (1 ocated-place/area/territory, i. e. the place where sb. is 10cated) "unfavorable situation; plight" e. di-bu (place/locality/land-step) "condition; state; plight" f. tian-di (field-place/locality/land/ground) "wretched situation; plight" g. kun-jing (difficult-place/area/territory) "difficult position; predica口lent"

150

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

h. kun-chu (difficult-location) "difficult situation; predicament" i. ku才 ing (bitter-place/area/territory) "wretched situation; terrible plight" j. can才 ing (miserable-place/area/territory) "miserable condition; tragic circumstances; dire straits" k. jue才 ing (desperate/hopeless-place/area/territory) "hopeless situation" 1. jue-di (desperate/hopeless-place/locality/land) "hopeless situation" m. si-di (dead-place/local1ty/land) "a fatal position; deathtrap" Although these words , as well as those in (132) , differ to some extent in meaning and usage, they 缸e all related to the sense of an unfavorable or even dangerous ‘ state,' mapped metaphorically 企om a spatial domain to an abstract domain. An interesting fact is that ofall the words here , only (13 4f) and (134k) have a primru.y sense in the spatial domain: the former means ‘自eld' or 'far宫) land' and the latter ‘ a danger spot' or 'a very dangerous place.' All the others are used only in an abstract sense related to ‘ state.' But considering the literal translation of the morphemes given in the parentheses and the conceptual metaphors in (A) and (酌， it is not surprising to see why they mean what they mean today. The meaning transfers are govemed by the conceptual metaphors under consideration. In the following are some more words which have their primary senses refcrring to something in the physical world , and which have been extended metaphorically to refer to some state or situation in the abstract domain. (135) a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h.

ni-keng (mud-pit) "mire; morass" ni-zhao (mud-marsh/swamp/b og) "mire; morass; slough" ni-nao (mud-mire) "mire; morass" huo-keng (fire-pit) ,‘ fiery pit; abyss of suffering" shen-yuan (deep-pool) "abyss" ku-hai (bitter-sea) "sea ofbittemess; abyss ofmisery" qiong-tu (end-way) "dead end; impasse" mo-lu (end-road) "dead end; impasse"

In (135吟， ni-keng originally refers to a ‘ mud pit' in the physical world, which then is metaphorically extended to mean ‘ an unfavorable state' in the abstract world. Note that its English equivalent, ‘ morass ,' for instance, has a primary physical sense as "a stretch of low ground that is soft and wet to a great depth, so that it is dangerous for walking," and then develops a figurative sense "a

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

151

difficult position or an evil state of living，企om which it is almost impossible oneself' (Longman Dictionary 01 Contemporary English). In such a way , both Chinese ni-keng (mud-pit) and English ‘ morass' are particular instantiations of the conceptual metaphor STATES ARE LOCATIONS (BOUNDED REGIONS IN SPACE). The remaining examples illustrate the same metaphorical mapping. As can be seen, there exists a parallelism between Chinese and English in terms of the paths of mapping 企om the source domain onto the target domain. From the examples in (135a- f) we can see that both Chinese and English share two orientational conceptual metaphors: THE DESlRED IS UP and THE UNDESlRED IS DOWN , which map spatial concepts UP/DOWN onto abstract concepts DESlRED/UNDESlRED. In particular, as indicated by (135a- f), the person T in an undesired or bad state is DOWN there in an undesired or bad place such as mire, morass , slough, fiery pit, bitter sea, or abyss. By inference , therefore, if T is to change into a relatively worse state , the path of movement can be level , but very often it is downward , and it is unlikely that it will go upward. That is to say, as in Figure 14, version A presents the possible angles of paths for changing into unfavorable states while those in version B are impossible. It is worth noting that the level and downward paths in version A of the above figure can denote the change of T into either a favorable or unfavorable or neutral state. In contrast, the upward paths in version B seem to stand for only change into a favorable state. For now 1 just mention that the difference between these two versions is demonstrated by the verbs. 1 will show how it is so shortly. (135g , h) also present similar cases between Chinese and English. But this time T is IN a bad state and cannot get OUT b∞ause there is no way OUT. The spatial conceptualization of such a situation is schematically shown in Figure 15. As can be seen, all the lexical items in (132), (134) and (135) in some way manifest the general metaphorical mappings in (A) and (B) where states 缸e understood as locations and change of states is conceptualized in terms of

to 企ee

事

Version A

Version B

⑥ Figure 14: A contrast in path ang/es

日

152

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

Figure 15: No way out for T in the container change of locations. Further evidence is provided by the verbs andlor localizers in collocation with the nouns indicating various kinds of states. For instance, the following examples reflect the mapping STATES ARE LOCATIONS: (136) a. Guo-you qiye chu-yu lianghao state-owned enterprises be-located-in fine "The state-owned enterprises 红e in a fine state."

zhuangtai. state

b. Ganbu ying zijue zhi shen yu qunzhong de cadres should wi1lingly place body in the 4l1assesMoD jiandu zhi-zhong. surveillance inside "Cadres should wi11ingly place themselves in (under) survei11ance by the masses." c. Ta taozui zai zhe juda he be-intoxicated PRT this huge "He is intoxicated in a huge joy."

xiyue zhi-zhong. joy inside

In these three examples, T, namely,‘state-owned ente制ses' in (纱，‘cadres' in (b), and ‘he' in (c) are located physically in some state: ‘ a fine state' in (吟，‘ the survei11ance by the masses' in (b), and ‘huge joy' in (c). As in the examples, states are understood as bounded regions r叩resented schematical1y as CONTAINER in which T is physically located. In the fo l1owing examples the verbs of movement through 叩ace help realize the metaphorical mapping CHANGE OF STATES IS CHANGE OF LOCATIONS. (137) presents examples in which T changes into a state: (137) a. Jichu gongye jianshe bu ru jia jing. basic industries construction step into good state "The construction ofbasic industries stepped into a goodstate." b. Ta yi he with

ji da extremely great

reqing enthusiasm

tou rn throw into

xin new

153

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

de

yanjiu zhi-zhong. research inside "With great enthusiasm he threw himself into the new research." MOD

c. Gai this

guo xian ru le country sink into PRT 叮his country s缸tk: into a turmoi l."

dongluan zhi-zhong. turmoil inside

d. Ta die jin le wan-zhang he fal1 into PRT ten-thousand-zhang-de叩 "He fe l1 into a bottomless chasm."

shen归an.

abyss

Of 也ese

examples, (c) and (心的 examples of change into an unfavorable or miserable state. Typically, the verbs have semantic features of [-intentional] and [+downward]. (138) below contains examples of change out of a state:

(138) a. Daduoshu nongmin yi zou chu pinkun. most peasants a1ready walk out-of pov缸W "Most peasants already walked out ofpove町" b. Ta wu fa baituo gudu 严 jimo. he no way break-away-企om solitude and loneliness "He couldn't break away 企om solitude and loneliness." le huo怕ng. c. Ta zhong归 tiao chu he fina l1y jump out PRT fire-pit "He fina l1y jumped out ofthe fiery pi t." Of the three verbs denoting the paths of motion here, the first two have the feature of [+level] , and the last one is [+upward] , typical of the verbs denoting change from an unfavorable into a favorable state. As mentioned earlier, a [+level] path of movement is neutral: it can denote change into or out of a favOIable or unfavorable state.α1 the other hand, [+downward] and [+upward] paths of movement seem to be more restricted in use. Take the following group ofEnglish sentences for ex缸叩 le: (139) a. The country used to be prosperous, but it now has (allen into pove扰y.

b. The country used to be poor, but it has now risen into prosperity. c. The country used to be poor, but it has now risen out ofpoverty.

154

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

d. The country used to be prosperous , but it has now fallen out of prosperity. e.* The country used to be poor, but it has now fallen out ofpoverty. f. * The country used to be prosperous , but it has now risen out of prospenty. g. * The country used to be prosperoüs , but it has now risen into poverty. h.* The country used to be poor, but it has fallen into prosperity. As mentioned earli巳r， this semantic distinction in the use of verbs is due to a pair of generic-level conceptual metaphors: THE DESlRED IS UP and THE UN. DESlRED IS DOWN. This pair of conceptual metaphors is functioni吨， in conjunction with the metaphorical mappings STATES ARE LOCATIONS and CHANGE OF STATES IS CHANGE OF. LOCATfONS , to govem metaphorical extensions of verbs discussed above. All these verbs have a primary spatial sense, denoting movement in space. However, they are mapped into an abstract domain to denote change of states. So far most, ifnot all , ofthe examples 1 have discussed are very much conventÍ onalized. In the following 1 tum to more novel ex缸nples. As will be seen, however, these examples are based on exactly the same conceptual metaphors as in (A) and 但). Although they are extended or elaborated to various degrees, they are structured by the same image schemas as in Figures 12 and 13. First consider the following ex缸nples: (140) a. Ta zhi shen yu xifang zhexue 出uzuo de he place body in Westem philosophy books MOD wang yang da hai zhi-zhong. boundless ocean vast sea inside "He immersed himself in the boundless ocean and vast sea of the books on Westem philosophy." b. Jingji zou bu chu weiji quan. economy walk not out crisis circle "The economy cannot walk out of the circle of crisis." c. Tamen they nongye farming

changqi zai pi时 de barren MOD over-a-long-time PRT jingji zhong paihu出. economy inside pace-up-and-down

chuantong traditional

155

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

"Over a long period of time, they paced up and down in the barren traditional farming economy." d. Ren bu neng lao zai qian-yan li dazhuan. person not can always PRT money-hole in spin "A person cannot keep going round and round in the money hole." 1n (140吟， the CONTAINER is the ‘ ocean and sea' of books. That is, T is in the state of reading a great quantity of books. Although reading is an action, continuous reading is a state. 1n (时， the CONTAINER is 出e ‘ circle of crisis.' T, the economy , moves , but only within its boundaries. It means the economy is in the state of crisis. Th e CONTAINER in (c) is the backward ‘ farming economy.' T could not get out of the backward state though it made some insignificant changes , that is,‘ paced up and down,' within the CONTAINER. 1n (d) , the CONTAINER is the ‘ money hole,' which is a small square hole in ancient Chinese money-bronze coins. 1f a person is obsessed by the desire to make money, he or she is said to ‘ be keeping going round in the money hole and to be unable to get out of it.' Since the money hole is very small , the person spinning inside it must be very tiny and pal往Y too. Although the four examples convey very different experiences , they are all structured by a single image schema which is either version A in Figure 12 or the one in Figure 15. Next, 1 turn to a different group of examples: (ο141)

a.

Ta 缸men tans阳 uo

chu 肉 yi让tiaoωo 囚 z ou chu kun 汗叫.才忡 j explore out a walk out-of difficult-place lu. de MOD road "They groped and found a path to walk out of the difficult situation."

I伽 hey

b. Miandui shen zhong de pinkun, tamen xuanze le .face deep heayy MOD poverty they select PRT xin de tuwei lu才 ing. new MOD break-out-of二 an-encirclement road-path "Facing the deep and heavy poverty, they selected a new path to break out ofthe encirclement (ofpoverty)." c. Ta cong

guoqu de yinying zhong zou past MOD shadow inside walk "He walked out ofthe shadow ofthe past."

he 仕om

chu. out

156

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR d. Yantai pingguo zhong归 zou chu di gu, Yantai apples finally walk out-of low valley da ru guoji shichang. hit into intemational mark< t "Yantai apples finally walked out of the low valley, and broke into the intemational market."

Again, the examples here are structured by a single image schema, but this time, by version B in Figure 13. The metaphor that maps the image schema, which is spatial in character, into the abstract domain of reasoning about the change of states is CHANGE OF STATES IS CHANGE OF LOCATIONS, as in (B). The CONTAINER in (141a) is the ‘ difficult situation,' in which T was trapped. However, T ‘ found out a path to get out of it througb groping.' The conceptual metaphor that is functioning in conjunction is A MEANS IS A PATH. which 1 wi11 discuss in some detail in a later section. The CONTAINER in (b) is ‘ poverty,' which is a kind of hostile force that surrounds T. After several a民empts and fa i1 ures, T had just ‘ selected a new path to break out of the encirclement of poverty.' Here , the 'new path' r叩resents a new means. In (啡， the CONTAINER is the patch of ‘ shadow' which, as we know 企om our own experience or 企'Om cultural m付出， usually represents an unfavorable state.'6 We also know 企'Om our everyday experience that shadows are lower spatially than the things that cast them ifthe sources ofligbt are the sun , the moon, and so on. This fact is at least consistent with the generic-level metaphors mentioned previously:ηfE DESlRED IS UP and THE UNDESlRED IS DOWN. The effect of these metaphors is even c1 earer in (d) in which the CONTAINER is location with a special terrainthe 'low valley.' Note that in this ex缸nple T moved into another CONTAINERthe ‘ intemational market.' Th e manner with which it got into it is not an easy one: it did not simply ‘ st叩 into' it; instead it ‘ broke into' it.白le verb da in Chinese means 'to hit,'‘ to beat,' and ‘ to figbt ,' among many others. It connotes a ‘ battie' or a ‘ figbt' for T to get into the intemational market and stay competitive there. Finally, 1 come to the image schema ofversion A in Figure 13. This image schema again structures a very wide range of metaphorical expressions mapping spatial reasoning onto abstract reasoning. Now look at the following three examples. (142) a. Ta daitou xiang he take-the-lead toward

ganzang liver

waike surgery

zhe this

pian stretch

157

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

huangwu de chunü di faqi chongji. waste MOD virgin land launch charge "He launched and led the charge onto the waste virgin land of liver surgery." m b. Yiniin guowal zhili de gongzuo mal lmport abroad intelligence MOD work stride into le xm tian-di. 'y1ge PRT a new heaven-earth "The work of importing intel1igence 企om abroad strode into a new state/stage. " c. Women yao ba we wil1 PRT shijie jingji intemational economic "We will push Sichuan nomic stage."

Sichuan Sheng tui dao Sichuan Province push to de da wutai shang-qu. MOD big stage onto Province onto the big intemational eco-

The CONTAINER in (a),‘the waste virgin land,' is the research in liver surgery that nobody had worked on before. In (b)‘ the work of importing intel1igence 企om abroad' entered a ‘ new heaven-earth.' Th e spatial metaphor is again based on the CONTAINER schema. The verb mai 飞往ide" suggests faster change or development than, for instance, zou "walk" or bu "step." That is , the speed of change is understood as the speed of motion. In (c) , the CONTAINER is ‘ the big intemational economic stage.' T , that is,‘ Sichuan Province ,' stands metonymically for its economy. It is personifiedas an actor to perfonn on the big stage ofthe world economy. In the next two examples in (1 43) , the CONTAINERS are buildings rather than two-dimensionallocations. (143) a. Dang shi le de shehui kua m 严\J mg stride over PRT 位lat already time MOD society renlei wenmmg de menkan. mankind civilization MOD threshold "The society then already strode over the threshold ofhuman civilization." b. Nongmin chuang-deng peasants intrude-ascend

gao-ya high-elegant

yishu diantang. palace art

158

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

"The peasants intruded into and ascended the palace of high and elegant art." In (a) ‘ the threshold' is metònymic of the whole building of ‘ human civilization.' (b) is an example in which the peasants who are traditionally considered as low in social status started to practice ‘ high and elegant art.' They are therefore said to ‘ intrude into the palace ofhigh and elegant art' where they did not belong according to the traditional view. Their ‘ ascending the palace' is s归n bolic of a change in their social status. The sentence conveys , metaphorically, a new social phenomenon that was taking place in a changing society and that caught many by surprise. In summary, 1 have discussed in this section how abstract reasoning about states and their change is based on metaphor that maps concepts in the space domain onto. concepts in an abstract domain such as states and their change. The two conceptual metaphors are (A) STATES ARE LOCATIONS (BOUNDED REGIONS IN SPACE) , and (B) CHANGE OF STATES IS CHANGE OF LOCATIONS. As 1 have shown, these two metaphors 缸e structured by two image schemas-the CONTAINER schema and the SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schema. The two basic ele~ ments here , in addition to the Theme T , are the CONTAINER, which represents the state-location, and the PATH , which represents the change-movement. It has been shown that the conceptuali<.ation and expression of the rich experience with states and their change are structured by these two spatial image schemas. From the data 1 have analyzed, we can see that the two metaphors in (A) and (B) are fundamentally conceptual in nature and they may or may not be realized at the linguistic level. At the conceptual level , there exist two mappings: the state-location and change-movement. At the linguistic level , the mappings are' denoted by nouns , verbs, and localizers , and there are various cases. In the first case, the nouns denoting ‘ state' do not have a spatial sense of ‘ location.' However, when they 缸巳 collocated with the verbs and/or localizers denoting spatial movement and/or locations, they are understood, as well as expressed, jn terms of space. For instance , the English word ‘ love' represents an abstract emotion concept that has nothing to do with space. However, when it is collocated with movement verb ‘ fall' and spatial preposition ‘ in' to fo口n the phrase ‘ fall in love,' love is understood in terms of space, as a location or container. The person who is experiencing the change of state 仕om nonlove to \ove is falling into the love-container, beyond his 0

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

159

noting a kind of state such as pinkun ''pov缸ty，" gudu "so!itude," and jimo "loneliness." In the second case, the nouns denoting ‘ state' have a !iteral sense of 'locatioI旷 but it has lost that literal sense and retained, instead, an extended abs田ct sense of ‘ state.' For instance, the wordjing-di "state; condition" !iterally means 'pl邸e/area/territory-place/locality/ land/ground,' although this literal sense of ‘ location' is lost and it now retains only an abstract sense of ‘ state.' In the 由ird case, the nouns denoting ‘ state' simultaneously have a primary sense of ‘ location,' and the primary sense of ‘ location' and the second红y sense of ‘ state' exist together. The words tian-di, which means both ‘ fiel d/fanning land' and an ‘ unfavorable state, , and di-gu , which means b。由 ‘ low valley' and an ‘ unfavorable state,' are such kind of ex创nples. There is still another case in which the nouns referring to a ‘ state' have only a ‘ location' sense, and their sense of ‘ state' is purely a result of transferring the inference patterns in the 叩ace source domain inωthe target domain of reasoning about the abstr部:tconc叩tof ‘ state.' When the word diantang ‘palωe' is used to refer to a kind of state, it serves as such an example. 5.3.2. Changes

In the last s饵tion， 1 mentioned. that various aspects of the event structure are correlated and cannot be separated 企'om one another. There, the two conceptual metaphors for the aspect of state, given in (A) and (酌， are STATES ARE LOCATlONS and CHANGE OF STATES IS CHANGE OF LOCA Tl ONS. The second one in fact p副ially ∞ncems 也e ∞ncept of change as is related to state. 币lat is , change was already cov町ed in the previous section, and 伽is section is therefore ∞n阳.uous and complementary to the discussion of change there. As in 但)， change is 部ωally understood in terms of 'movement' 也rough space from one location to another, and the conceptual metaphor for it is: C. CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS (INTO OR OUT OF BOUNDED REGIONS). Here ‘ bounded regions' refers to states. Schematically, CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS is again based on a single image schema, namely the SOURCEPA'ηI-GOAL schema, as in Figure 16. ln 也is figure , S stands for SOURCE, G for GOAL, and the arrowhead line for PATH. If the parenthesized part is taken into account, then the two versions of image schema in Figure 13 are ready to apply: version A for MOVEMENT INTO A BOUNDED REGION and version B for MOVEMENT OUT OF A BOUNDED REGION. However, these two versions can be

160

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

S

.G

Figure 16: Th e SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schema

Figure 17: Changes are movements from one location (0 another combined into a single version, as given in Figure 17. The two circles，由at is, the two bounded regions, respectively stand for the SOURCE and GOAL, anci the arrowhead line represents the PATH for movement. Metaphorically, the two circI es stand for two states, and the path indicates the change of T out of one state, the SOURCE, and into another, the GOA L. Note that the distance between the SOURCE and the GOAL is a variable. It can be next to each other or very far apart. The conceptual mapping in (c) is a generic-level one 也at does not speci市 the kind of movement. From our own experience , we know that there are at least three kinds of movement, namely movement on the land, tnovement on the water, and movement in the air. In fact, all these kinds of movement are reflected in our reasoning about the aspect of change. As human beings , our basic form of movement on the land is aceoII1plished through movement of our legs. We walk, run, and jump, and 也栅 forms of movement are mapped onto the aspect of change as in the following examples. (1 44) a. Yige

沪le-lai-归e xiandaihua de Beijing Cheng a more-and-more modernized MOD Beijing City zheng xiang women zou lai. PRT toward us walk come "A more and more modernized Beijing City is walking toward us."

b. Zhongguo zai China PRT

bian, zai yan change PRT along fu归 de da-dao xun prosperous MOD main-road fast "China is changing, running fast along the perity."

zhe kangzhuat'lg PRT broad pao. run broad road toward pros-

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

161

c. Gai chang reng jiang tiao-归e shi fazhan. this factory still will jump-leap way develop "This factory will still develop in ajumping and leaping way." Note that the movement with our legs , whether it is walking, or running, or sometimes jumping, is made with consecutive st叩s， which constitute the basic units of movement wi白 our legs. Interestingly, the Chinese word bu "step" is used extensively in the Chinese lexicon to describe change , which is conceptualized in terms ofmovement in space. Look at the following ex缸nples: (145) a.

jin七u

(forward-step) "advance; progress; improvement" Nide fayin hen you jin-bu. your pronunciation very have fo阳ard-st叩 "Your pronunciation has greatly stepped forward (improved)."

b. tui-bu (backward-step) "lag!fall behind; retrogress" Ta xuexi tui-bu le. he study backward-step PRT "He slipped back in his studies." As is seen, the abs位act ideas of ‘ progress' and ‘ retrogression' are originally understood as spatial movement in terms of ‘ st叩s forw缸d and backward ,' although this is hardly noticed. Now , look at the next examples: (t46) qi-bu (st art/b egin-step) "startlstarting; beginlbeginning" a. Jianshe gongzuo xian yi qi-bu. construction work now already start-step 'The construction work has now started (its steps).' b. Li ang-guo jing-mao hezuo qi-bu bu two-country economy-trade cooperation starting-step not cuo. bad "The starting st叩 (i.e. the beginning) of the two countries' cooperation in economy and trade is not bad (ra'由er good)." c. Gaige tui-dong le shichang jingji de qi-bu. reform push-movePRTmarket economy MOD starting-step "The reform initiated the starting step ofthe market economy."

162

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

d. Women ying gao hao qi-bu chanye , conger we should do well starting-step industry so-as-to dai-dong quanju. pull-move whole-situation "We should run the starting-step (initiative) industry well , so as to make the overall situation going." ln (146a) qi-bu is used as a verb meaning ‘ to start.' ln (b) and (c) qi-bu is used as a noun meaning ‘ beginning' , although grammatically they function as subject and object respectively in the sentences. Differently , qi-bu in (d) is used attributively to modify chanye "industry." Together, qi-bu chanye denotes the ‘ industry that is capable of bringing the whole economy into motion.' In all these cases , qi-bu refers to a change of states understood as movement. There are other words containing bu "step" in Chinese, as shown below: yiliao-weisheng wang chu-bu jianli. countryside medical-health network initial-step be-built-up "The medical and health service network in the countryside is built up initially."

(1 47) a. Nongcun

PDOV

m

zhengzai zhu-bu

u

TU mm 川剧

创油

EeLU

ρLW

ρw

明d

b. Guojia

st叩-by-step

gaibian change

bu not

reasonable state "The state government is changing the unreasonable state step by step." c. Wo guo de jingji gaige yu zhengzhi and political our country MOD economic reform gaige shi tong-bu jinxing de. reform be s缸ne-step carried-on PRT "Our country's economic and political reforms are carried on simultaneously (at the same pace)." d. Zhe you zhu 严 Zhongguo de j iI卜yi-bu this has help to China MOD further-one-step galge. reform "This will help China's (one-step) further reforms."

163

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

e. Yishujia zui kebei de jieju jiu shi MOD ending just be artist most sad bu qian. not advance "An artist's saddest ending is to stop advancing."

ting-bu stop-step

All these ex缸nples refer to some kind of change which is ‘ measured' by steps, the basic units ofmovement with legs. In (a) the change, which is the building up of the medical and health service network in the countryside, is not complete yet, since it is said to be the 'first step.' In the next ex缸nple， the change is made ‘ st叩 by step' as if in a walk. In (c) two things are changing simultaneously, as if two persons were walking ‘ at the same step/pace.' In (d) 岛时ler change is said to be ‘a 也rther step' to take, while in (e) lacking of positive change is equated to ‘ stopping taking steps.' The uses of bu "step" in these examples, in one way or another, contribute to the general conceptual metaphor CHANGE IS MOVEMENT. But they are still not all. There are many other uses found common in daily language. The following examples are some compound words containing bu "step": chu le (148) a. Shuangbian huitan mai PRT bilateral ta1ks stride out "Bilateral talks made a big st叩 forward."

yi

one

da-bu. big-step

b. Xiandai meishu sh句 yi kuo巾 u jin ru a1ready broad-step enter into modem artistic design gege shenghuo lingyu. various life realms "Modem artistic design already entered various realms of life with broad steps." c. Gaige cushi gai chang kuai-bu [;缸han. reform impel this factory fast-step develop ''The reform impels this factory to develop with fast steps." d. Shengchan zhengzai wen-bu shangsheng. PRT steady-step rise production "Production is going up with steady st叩5." In all these examples, the compound words containing bu "step" refer to the manner of change. This is app rrently projected 企om our physical or bodily experience to the abstract notion of change of the event structure. Wh en we move

164

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

with our legs , whether it is walking or running , we usually go faster if the distance between our steps is bigger or broader. We also go 也ster if our legs move at a faster 企equency. Sometimes, however, we tend to lose balance and fall if we go too fast，皿d therefore we need to keep balance by taking steady and firm steps. There are sti11 more examples suchωfollows: (1 49) a. Guangdong Sheng gaige-kaifang xian zou yi bu. Guangdong Province reform-opening ahead walk onestep "Guangdong Province is one step ahead in reform and opening (to the outside world)."

b. Zhongguo he-dian gongye zai gao qi.dian China nuclear-power industry PRThigh starting-point shang mai chu le jianshi de yi bu. on stride out PRT solid MOD one step "The nuclear power industry of China made a solid step 企om a high starting point." c. Women gao gaige, taidu yao j啦 buzi we make reforms attitude should-be active st叩s yao wen-tuo. should-be stable-proper "When we c缸可 out reforms , our attitude should be active, but our steps should be stable and proper." d. Zhe shi ‘ S 阻-bu-zou' de fazhan zhanlüe. this is three-step-walk MOD development strategy 'This is a ‘ three-step-walk' developmentalstrategy." Here again ,‘ steps' refer to ‘ steps of change' that do not involve actual spatial movement. For instance, san嗣bu-zou "three-step-walk" in (d) is mapped onto the three developmental stages of the strategy. It is obvious that the whole inference pattem in the domain of moving with legs in space is transferred into reasoning about change in the domain of abstract event structure. The movement on the land is always affected by the terrain features 'Of the land. For instance , it takes m'Ore energy, and therefore it is m 'Ore difficult, t'O g'O uphi11 than t'O go downhi11. The degree 'O f difficulty in movement is however mapped onto the degree of difficulty in change. When CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS is compounded with conceptual metaphor THE DESIRED IS UP , we then have the following examples ofmetaphorical expressions:

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

165

(150) a. Zhejia qiye zhengzai pa dou po. crawl steep slope this enterprise PRT "This enterprise is crawling on a steep slope." yi zhihui 沪 qinfen yi-bu-yi-bu with intel1igence and diligence one-step-one-step deng-shang le yishu jieti. MOD mount PRT art stairs. "With intel1igence and diligence she mounted , step by step , the stairs of art."

b. Ta she de

c. Gai sheng jingji san nian shang le gao this province economy three year mount PRT high lou. building "The economy of this province mounted a high building in three years."

on the

other hand, when CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS is combined with THE the downhill movement is expected as in the fol1owing

UNDESIRED IS DOWN , ex缸nples:

(151) a. Tamen bu yao zai fenliezhuyi de daolu they not shou!d PRT sep缸'atism MOD road shang jixu huaxia qu. on continue slipdown go "They should not slip further down along the road of separatism." b. Duo nian lai, pingguo zhiliang yi-lu many years come apples quality al1-the-way xia hua. downward slip. "For many years, the quality of apples has been slipping down al1 the way." In both of these examples, a change for the worse is conceptualized in terms of downhill movement. (1 51a) characterizes separatism as movement on a dangerous steep path. The consequence is not specified verbal1y, but it exists in an image that grows out of the metaphor: if T does not stop slipping, it may !ead to a fal1 into a deep val1ey or abyss. In (151 b) the deterioration of the quality of

166

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY 0 1' METAPHOR

the app1es is understood again as its slipping downward. As we know from our experience , slipping as a kind of movement usually suggests being out of contro!. It is very difficult to stop once it star饵， and it may lead to a serious and dangerous fal!. A characteristic of movement with legs , that is , walking , running, and jumping, is that it willleave footprints when it takes p1ace on a soft or wet surface. The footprints show the path of movement, which is then mapped onto the ‘ path of change.' Look at the following ex缸叩 le: (1 52) Zhe shi gaigezhe kaituo qianjin de zuji. these are reformers open-up go-foward MOD footprints "These are the footprints of the reformers opening up and going forward."

The ‘ footprints' 缸e mapped onto the things the reformers have done in making the change happen. They record the past. The movement with legs is the basic form of movement on the land , but it is by no means the only form. The ex缸nples below illustrate two other forms ofmovement that 缸e mapped onto the conceptions of change: (153) a. Gai xian jianshe shi ru fazhan this county construction drive into develop kuai-che dao. fast-vehi c1 e lane "This county's construction has driven into the fast lane of development." b. Yingguo Britain jingji economic "How can velopment c.

Ta 缸rn 口1en

zen neng qiang da shang Ya-Tai how can hurry get onto Asian-Pacific fazhan de kuai che? trainlbus development MOD express Britain catch 也 th巳 expr臼 es岱s 衍 t ra 缸m 印lf旬 bus of the economic de♂io ∞ 川 nl'η? in the Asian-Pacific reg

qi-dong jin吆啕怠囚副 ji 旬 Ûaz 边 h皿 again rtart-motion economic development kuai-sulie che. MOD fast-speed train "They restarted the fast train of economic development."

they de

cho ∞ ng 萨 xin

167

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

In (a) an automobile is mapped onto ‘ the construction' which has changed into and is running in the fast lane. As in (b) , che in Chinese is a superordinate term meaning ‘ vehicle (running bn the ground).' The compound kuai che can mean either ‘ express bus' or ‘ express train.' It is mapped onto ‘ the economy,' with its speed of movement mapped onto the speed of the economic development in the Asian-Pacific region. ‘ The fast train' in (c) has undergone a similar mappmg. The conc叩t of change is also expressed as movement on the water. This is illustrated by the following two ex缸nples: (154) a. Ta chongxin yang qi shenghuo de MOD she again hoist up life "She again hoisted the sail oflife."

feng-fan. wind-sail

b. Deng Xiaoping

tongzhi zhan zai chaoliu de comrade stand PRT trend MOD qiantou, zhiyin 纣le Zhongguo de xiandaihua 合ont chart PRT China MOD modemization cause po lang qian-jin. shiye plough waves advance "Comrade Deng Xiaoping is standing at the 企ont of the trend , charting China's cause of modemization plowing through the waves

DengXiaοping

In (a) a change in the person's attitude toward life , that 邸， the ‘ hoisting of the sail ,' brings about a change in her confidence or motivation for life. The person, in this case , is ‘ a sailing boat' 町、 junk.' In (b) Deng Xiaoping is said to be ‘ charting China's cause ofmodemization,' the ship that is ‘ plowing through the waves.' Now 1 tum to movement in the air. Generally, movement in the air, namely to fly , usually with wings, is taken as faster than movement on the land or on the water, although this may not be a necessary case in reality. This fact is manifested in our metaphorical conceptualization of change in terms of movement, which in tum is reflected in our language use: fast change is often said to be flying. In the following are just a few ex缸nples. (155) a. Jingji zai qifei. economy PRT take-off "The economy is taking off."

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

b. Jingji zai teng-fei. soar-fly economy PRT "The economy is soaring and flying." c. Gongsi aoxiang zai shiyong ke才 de company hover at practical science-technology MOD guangkuo kongjian. vast space "The company is hovering in the vast space of practical science and technology." d. Gai shi gongye lüyouye liang-yi叩-fei. this city indus问 tourism two-wings-together-fly "This city is flying with both wings一industry and tourism." Note that ‘ change' is a general notion. It covers the more specific notions such as ‘ progress,' whìch ìs ‘ change for the better.' While change is conceptualized ìn spatial terms as movement, progress is accordingly underst.∞das ‘move ment toward a desired location.' It is also worth noting that the FLY lNO metaphor ìn the above examples is consistent with the generic-level mapping THE DESIRED IS UP. (1 55a) presents the irlea of the beginning of the fast 民onomic growth while (b) suggests continuous increase of the growth pace. In (155c) the practical science and technology that the company is exploiting provides the ‘ vast space' for the company to 吁lover' (i.e. to develop and grow at a high pace) in. In (155d) industry and tourism serve as wings with which the city's economy is flying. In other words, they are the causal factors or necessary condìtions for the city's economy to fly. This ìs because , according to our 岛 lk theories , the wìngs of a bird or plane are what make them able to fly. It is further exemplìfied by the following: (156) a.

Shì刑u

nian gaige geì fifteen years reform to teng-fei cha-shang shuang soar-fly insert both "Fifteen ye缸s' reform inserted two dustry (for it to fly)."

b. Gao-xin jishu gei high-new technology to fen-fei de chibang. vigorous-fly MOD wings

jixie gongye engineering industry yi. wings wings into the engineering in-

gongsi cha-øhang company insert

le PRT

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

169

"The high and new technology inserted into the company wings for vigorous fligh t." As mentioned earlier, the MOVEMENT INηfE AIR metaphor in the above examples are consistent with the conceptual mapping 在IE DESlRED IS UP. Therefore, we speak of rapid economic growth as the economy taking off and soaring and flying. However, what is up is not always what is desired. For instance , when the economy is growing too fast, it is likely to become ‘ overheated' like the engine of a car. In such a case , it is desirable to have the temperature cool DOWN rather than continue to heat UP. Also, when the economy is growing too fast, inflation is likely to take place and get out of contro l. To curb the inflation, the growth of the economy has to be slowed DOWN. Th at is to say, it is more desirable to have a LOW growth than a HIGH one in such a situation. This is il1ustrated by the following example: guo-re (157) Zhongguo jingji zhengzai ruan zhuolu, China economy PRT soft land overheated de zhuangtai yijing jiang-wen. MOD state already lower-temperature "China's economy is making a soft landing, and the overheated state is cooling down." With the overheated economy, a ‘ soft landing,' which is a spatial metaphor, is a desired change. In the above, 1 have cited ample linguistic evidence to demonstrate the existence of the conceptual mapping CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS. All the exam幽 ples cited so far are based on a single image schema, namely the SOURCE-PATHGOAL schema as in Figure 16. In addition, as was mentioned earlier, the two versions of Figure l3, which present a combination of the CONTAINER and the SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schemas, structure the two variants of the CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS metaphor, namely CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS INTO BOUNDED REGIONS and CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS OUT OF BOUNDED REGIONS. The two versions of image schemas and the two variants of conceptual metaphor based on them account for the following two examples respectively: (158) a. Guo-you qiye bu ru ping-wen zengzhang. state-owned enterprises step into smooth-stable growth "The state-owned enterprises stepped into a smooth and stable growth."

170

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

b. ' Jin nian , nongye fazhan zou chu paihuai. thisyear agricultural development walk out喃 of hesitation "This ye缸， the agricultural development walked out ofhesitation." In these two ex创nples，‘ a smooth and stable growth' and ‘ hesitation,' which are both states of som巳 sort， are conc巳ptualized in terms of bounded regions or locations schematically as CONTAINERS. When the two versions of Figure 13 are combined into one , again as mentioned previously, we get the image schema as in Figure 17 , which provides the schematic basis for the conceptual mapping CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS INTO AND OUT OF BOUNDED REGIONS. This conceptual metaphor, which projects the image schema in Figure 17 into abstract reasoning about change, c 'O vers the f'O llowing ex缸nples. (1 59) a. Liang gu'O gu缸lXi c'Ong duikang z'Ou c'O untries relati'Onship 企om c'On企ontati'On walk tw'O xiang hezu'O. t'O ward c'O'Operati 'O n "The relati 'O nship between the tw 'O c'O untries walked fr'Om c'On企on tati 'On t'O c'O'Operati 'On."

b. Zhe shi nian zh'O ng , w 'O gu'O canji ren these ten years in 'Our c'O untry handicapped pe'Ople k缸lke z'O u xiang huihuang. shiye y'O u walk t'Oward gl'Ory undertaking fr'O m bumpiness "In these ten ye缸s ， the undertaking f'Or the handicapped in 'Our c'Ountry walked 企om bumpiness t'O gl 'O ry." These tw'O examples present cases in which T has changed fr'O m 'O ne state (i. e. ‘ c'On台ontati'On' and ‘ bumpiness') into another (i.e. ‘ c'O'Operati 'On' and ‘ gl'Ory'). The abstract reas 'Oning ab'Out change 企'Om 'One state int'O an'Other turns 'Out t'O be spatial reas'O ning ab 'O ut m'O vement (i.e. ‘walk') 企'Om 'One l'O cation into another. Wh ile the c'Ombinati 'O ns 'O f image schemas (the PATH and the CONTAINER) in Figures 13 and 17 are basic in understanding changes int'O and 'Out 'O f states, there are certainly many 'O ther p'Ossibilities 'O f c'O mbinati 'On 'O f these or other image schemas at w 'Ork in 'Our spatial c'Onceptualizati'On 'O f change. In what f'O ll 'O ws 1 cite s'Ome examples t 'O sh'Ow how s'Ome basic image schemas are functi 'Oning in 'O ur spatial understanding 'O f nonspatial abstract change. Now c'Onsider the following examples. They present different abstract ideas, which

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

171

缸e structured spatially by different , but related, image schemas. Lct mc illustrate them one by one.

(160)

Zai才 ian

under-construction

xiangmu projects

oiaocha yi quan-mian investigation alreadywhole-surface

也an-kai.

spread-open "The investigation on the projects under construction has spread out to its full-scale." The image in this sentence is structured by two CONTAINER schemas , with one containing the other, as given in Figure 18. The inner circI e stands for the ‘ investigation' at its original scale. It is then spread out to its ‘白lll-scale' (‘ whole surface'). The outer circI e represents the boundary of the ‘ full也 ale investigation.' In this particular case , the notion of change is still conceptualized in terms of movement. But the movement is not linear in one direction, as is the case with the previous examples , but simultaneously in all directions. As a result, the outer CONTAINER contains the inner one, as in the figure. (161) Sichuan Sheng jiang bu-duan kuo-zhan shichang Sichuan Province will unceasingly expand-extend market wai zi. lai xiyin geng-duo de so-as-to attract even-more MOD foreignfund "Sichuan Province will unceasingly expand its market so as to attract even more forcign funds." Note that (1 61) is structured by the same image schema as in (160) , though it contains some more elements. In this sentence, the word ‘ market' has an abstract. sense, different 企om the more concrete use of the word referring to ‘ a bounded location where things' are sold' (e.g. ‘ a supermarket'). Schematically, however, this abstract market is still understood as a CONTAINER with its bound缸y， as in Figure 19. In this figure , the inner circI e or CONTAINER stands

① Figure

18: 年read-out

as change

Figure 19: Expansion as change

172

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

for the original size or capacity of the market; the outer circ1e or CONTAINER stands for the size or capacity of the expanded market. It wi11 continue to expand according to the statement. Again, the notion of change is understood metaphorically as movement simultaneously in all directions. Thus , the outer CONTAINER contains the inner one , too. Since the expanded CONTAINER is bigger, it has a larger capacity to attract more funds. The difference is schematically demonstrated by the arrowhead lines , which themselves are the SOURCEPATH-GOAL schemas , representing funds converging into the CONTAINER(吟， the GOAL，企om various SOURCES. It is worth mentioning here that one ofthe FORCE images (Talmy 1985 , Johnson 1987), attraction, is also at work in this particular case. The CONTAINER attracts funds like a magnet. Its force is invisible, but it results in visible and spatial consequence: funds move and converge into the CONTAINER.

(1 62) Touzi guimo zai zhu-bu kuo-da. investment scale PRT step-by-step expanrl-large "The scale ofinvestment is expanding step by step."

In this example,‘ scale' is understood spatially as a bounded regiön. So again the CONTAINER schema comes into play, as illustrated in Figure 20. Th e image here is similar to the one we see after throwing a rock into a pond. Each circ1e represents a scale ofinvestment: circ1e (a) the original one; circle (b) the one after the first-step expansion; and circ1e (c) the one after the second-step expansion. The ellipsis dots to the right of the outer circ1e indicate that there wi11 be more circles as the scale of investment is expanded s能p by step. Change in this case is sti11 understood as movement, but it moves in all directions simultaneously, that is , it expands. (163) Pu-dong chanshengle juda de juji xiaoying Shanghai-east produce PRT huge MOD centripetal effect he fushe xiaoying. and radiative effect "East Shanghai produced huge centripetal and radiative effe巳ts." Here Pudong, which is p缸t of Shanghai City , is a new special economic zone in China. It produces centripetal forces and radiative forces simultaneously. Although the forces are invisible , they lead to spatial consequences, affecting areas both within and outside the CONTAINER. As in Figure 21 , the

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

173

⑨ Figure 20: Increasing expansion as change

Figure 21:

Centr伊etal

and radiative

forces

arrowhead lines represent the effects of attraction and radiation forces. Attraction will bring about a change within the CONTAINER wh i1e radiation will cause a change outside the CONTAINER. (164) Li xiang-zhuyi yintui dao idealism withdraw-企om-view to

shehui shenghuo de social life MOD

bian归an.

periphery "Idealism withdrew from view (attention) and hid to the periphery of the social life." This sentence about people's mental change is structured by the image schema given in Figure 22. Here the CONTAINER, which stands for 'the social life , , has a central point. It is therefore what is referred to as the FIGUREGROUND schema. In this spatial configuration, the central point, which is the ‘ center of view,' is mapped metaphorically onto the abstract ‘ focus of attention'; the peripheral circle, on the other hand , is mapped onto the abstract ‘肘' riphery of attention.' The change of the ‘ position' of idealism in the sociallife is represented by the PATH ofmovement 企om the center to the periphery. Note that what we are dealing with here is abstract reasoning , but the abstract reasoning is accomplish~d via a metaphorical version of spatial reasoning. (165) Dangqian gongzuo yao jinjin weirao gaige yu at-present work should tight revolve-around refonn and fazhan liang da zhuti. development two big themes "The work at present should tightly revolve around two major themes of ‘ refonn' and ‘ development. ..,

(1 65) is similar to (164) in certain aspects, and the spatial nature of its

⑨

174

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

Figure 22: Changefromfocus 10 periphery

① Figure 23: Cyclic path revolving around a center

understanding is illustrated by Figure 23. As in this figure , the two major themes of ‘ reform' and ‘ development' take the central position while the work ‘ revolves' around them. Therefore , the PATH of movement in this case is not straight as in the previous ones, but cyclic. The image here is that of a wheel , tuming around a pivo t. The metaphor, which maps the spatial onto the abstract, is based on our everyday experience. The conceptual metaphor CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS can be based on a dif二 ferent image schema, the BALANCE schema. In fact there may be different versions of the BALANCE schema, and given in Figure 24 are two basic versions. These are vertical balance and horizontal balance. A person , for instance , has to stand straight up to achieve a complete vertical balance. A horizontal balance is achieved on a scale, for instance , by putting the same weights on its both ends. In the following group of examples, change is MOVEMENT OFF BALANCE; That is, either the single-arrowhead vertical line tilts to or.e side and becomes off perpendicular, or the double-arrowhead horizontal line slopes to one side and both ends become unlevel , as is illustrated in Figure 25.

i T Figure 24: Two versions ofthe BALANCE schema

、SL {~巧 Figure 25: Two versions ofmovement offbalance

EVENT STRU C' Tl! RE METAPHOR

175

(166) a. Shehui de sh~nmei xlang ganguan XUq lU JIJU soclety MOD aesthetic needs rapid toward sensory qmgxle. CIJl stimulation tilt "The aesthetic needs of society are rapidly tilting lowanl scnsory stimulation. " b. Zhongguo de China MOD

touzi quxiang jixu chao investment direction continue toward zaocheng ‘ ping飞jing' zhiyue de nengyuan he cause ‘ bottle-neck' constraints MOD energy and jichu gongye qingxie. basic industries slope "The direction of China's investment continues sloping to energy and basic industries which caused the ‘ bottle-neck' constraints."

When the aesthetic needs of the society ‘ tilt' toward the sensory stimulation, as in

(166纱，

the latter becomes the favorite among the ‘ aesthetic consumers.' In energy and basic industries are favored categories for investment siuce they have hindered the development of economy. Wh en the surface that holds funds ‘ slopes' toward the favored categories , money ro11s into them. In these examples, the word qingxie "tilt; slope" is used as a verb , either transitive or intransitive. In the fo11owing examples, it is used either as a noun or a modifier (166间，

jinzhi , zhufang , jiangli he promotion housing reward and fuli-dai归 deng fangmian xiang ke-ji benefits etc. aspects toward science-technology ren严1an shixing zhengce qingxie. personnel implement policy tilt "In such aspects as promotion, housing , reward , and benefits , the factory implemented a policy-tilt toward professional personnel (i.e. a policy tilted toward, or in favor ofprofessional personnel)."

(167) a. Gongchang factory

b.

Zheng知

zai PRT

gel wal-zl 沪i foreign-如nding govenunent glve to qmgxle. daikuan shang de loan on MOD slope

qlye enterpnses

zal PRT

176

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR "The governrnent provided the foreign-funding enterprises with a slope (i.e. favor) in loan." c. Gai chang xiang jishu qingxie touzi , this factory toward technology sloping invest 、 tigao le qiye de zhengti suzhi. raise PRT enterprise MOD overa11 quality "This factory slopingly (i.e. with favor) invested in teclmology, and raised the overa11 quality ofthe ente叩rise."

All the examples in (1 66) and (167) match a spatial concept-movement off balance-with an abstract on←也hange in favor , as structured schematically by the two versions in Figure 25. When a policy is ‘tilt吨， it is in favor of the side it is ‘ tilted' to. 引Then funding , loan, and investment are ‘ sloping,' the money will ro11 to the side they are ‘ sloping' to. These spatial versions of abstract reasoning are really based on our daily experience. For instahce, our bodies tend to tilt toward whatever we like and away from whatever we dislike. Also , when flat surface begins to slope to one side , whatever is upon it wi1l roll to that side. Sometimes , the game of chess is used as the source domain for metaphorical conceptualization of states , changes , and other aspects of event structure. It can be said that the game of chess itself is a metaphor of battle Or war. In a chess game , every move of a piece is a change made out of an old state and into a new state. It is a change of state resulting from the change of location of a particular piece. In the following are two ex缸nples of chess metaphor: (168) a. Zai Yunnan jingji fazhan yi pan PRT Yunnan economic development one game qi zhong , zou de zui piaoliang de yi chess in make COM most beautiful MOD one ‘ Yun Yan.' zhao shi move is ‘ Yun Tobacco' "In the chess game of economic development in Yunnan Province, the most clever move made is (the production of)‘ Yunnan Tobacco. ", b. Ta jueding ju touzi zheke qizi , he decide raise investment this chess-piece shichang zhe pan qi zou huo. market this game chess make movable

ba PRT

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

177

"He decided to pick up the piece of investment, so as to make the chess game ofmarket movable (i. e. in a favorable state)." In (a) , to produce ‘ Yunnan Tobacco ,' acceptably the best tobacco in China, is the smartest ‘ move' in the economic ‘ g缸ne' in Yunnan Province. In (b)‘ he' decided to make the ‘ move' of investment, a move that is likely to bring the whole ‘ g缸ne' ofmarket into a favorable situation. To summarize, this section has examined the conceptual metaphor CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS (INTO OR OUT OF BOUNDED REGIONS). Essentially , this conceptual metaphor is based on the image schema or combination of image schemas in Figures 16 and 17. It is shown that three kinds of movement, 。n the land, on the water, and in the air, are all mapped onto change. As human beings, our basic form of movement on the land is to move with our legs , and the basic units ofmovement with legs are steps. In Chinese , the word bu "step" is used extensively in lexicon to denote stages of change. Other forms of mOvement on the land, such as by means of automobile or train , are also rrtapped onto change. As noted, thc conceptual metaphor CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS is sometimes combined with another pair: THE DESlRED IS UP and THE UNDESlRED IS DOWN. Therefore, the desired change is conceptualized as ‘ upward movement' whereas the undesired change is conceptualized as ‘ downward movement.' It is understood, based on our experience , that it is more difficult to achieve a desired change than an undesired change since upward movement takes more energy than downward movement. How巳ver， it is also shown that the pair of conceptual metaphors THE DESlRED IS UP and THE UNDESIRED IS DOWN are not absolute. They are instead relative to circumstlUlces. Wh en we are talking about increasing prices, rising inflation rates , and overheated economy, for instance, the opposite is true, namely THE DESlRED IS OOWN and THE UNDESlRED IS UP (see (157) for an example). It is also demonstrated in this section that , while the conceptual metaphor CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS (INTO OR OUT OF BOUNDED REGIONS) is structured basically by the SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schema as in Figure 16 and its combination with the CONTAINER schema as in Figure 17, some other combinations of imageschemas are also found underlying this conceptual metaphor. But the number ofimage schemas involved is extremely limited: 1 have only found the FIGUREOROUND schema and the BALANCE schema in addition to the SOURCE-PATHOOAL and CONTAINER schemas. The variety consists merely in different combinations of recurrent schemas.

178

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

5.3.3. Causes

In Chinese , just as in English, causes are understood as forces that control movement (i怠 change) to and 企om locations (i. e. states). The central conc叩' tual metaphor is: D. CAUSES ARE FORCES (CONTROLLING MOVEMENT TO OR FROM LOCAηONS).

Listed below are some Chinese verbs of causation. As shown in the parentheses , most of the morphemes that compose the compound verbs have an original sense of spatial movement, which is also projected into the abstract domain to refer to causation without spatial movement. (169) a. dai-dong (bring-move) ''bring along; give impetus to; 由ive; spur on; promote" b. tui-dong (push-move) ''push forw缸d; promote; give impeωs to" c. qian-dong (lead-move) "affect; drive" d. qu-dong (drive-move) "drive; give impetus to" e. tui-jin (push-advance) "push forward; c缸ry forw缸d; advance; give impetus to" f. cu才 in (urge-advance) ''promote; advance; accelerate" The following three examples illustrate how these causative verbs are used: de xingcheng dai-dong le (170) a. Zhexie zhizhu chanye these prop industries MOD formation bring-move PRT zhengti jingji de fazhan. overall economy MOD development "四e formation of these prop industries brought into motion (i. e. gave impetus to) the development ofthe overall economy."

yu shengchan jinmi b. Meiguo ke-yan America scientific-research and production tightly tui-dong jingji gao-su fazhan. jiehe, combine push-move economy high-speed develop "10 America, scientific rese缸ch is tightly combined with production, pushing 伽e economy to move (i.e. develop) at a high speed." c. Tamen yi 也ey with

ke才

qu-dong

waixiang-xing

science-technology

drive-move

outw缸d-type

179

EVENT STRUCTLJRE META I' IIOR

Jm &Jl. economy "They drive the outward-type economy forward with (the motive power o f) science and technolo助俨

ln (a) , the formation of the ‘ prop industries ,' that is, the industries which support the economy Iike props , is at tributed with a causal role in the development of overall economy. The causal role , however, is understood as the source of power that ‘ brings the economy into motion.' ln (b) scientific research is also seen as playing a causal function , which is however metaphorized as ‘ pushing the economy to move at a high speed.' ln both of these cases , development, a kind of change , is conceptualized in terms of motion in space while causal factors are understood as forces that ‘ pull' or ‘ push' a patient into motion through space. (c) has a similar metaphorical basis. Ve.巧I often, causal factors are not only understood as forces , but expressed lexicallyas forces as well. For ex臼nple: (171) a. Ta ba buxing bian cheng le zou xiang he PRT misfortune tum into PRT walk toward huihuang de dongli. brilliance MOD motive-force "He tumed the misfortune into the motive force for walking toward brilliance. " b. Zhongguo jingji qifei de qiangjing dongli China economic taking-off MOD strong motive-force lai zi gaige kaifang. come 丘om reform open-door "The strong motiye force of the economic taking-off in China comes from reform and door-opening." c. Gao-suzhi

ren-cai chengwei qiye human-talents become enterprises fazhan de yuandongli. development MOD motive-power "High-quality talents became the motive power of the enterprises' development. " high叩lality

d.

de

MOD

Ke才

bei

science-technology

PRT

dang regarded

zuo as

tui-dong push-move

180

THE CONTEMPORARY TIl EORY OF METAPHOR

zhengge jingji he shehui fazhan de whole economy and society develop MOD dongli zhi 归an. motive-force MOD source "Science and technology are regarded as the source of motive force pushing the whole economy and society forward (i.e. to develop)." Other compound nouns that are often used met..phorically to refer to causal factors are given below: (172) a. b. c. d.

qian-dong li (pull-move force) "pullingltowing motive force" tui-dong li (push-move force) "pushing motive force" tuo-zhuai li (haul-drag [against one's will] force) "hindering force" xiyin li (magnetic force) "appealing force; attraction"

These represent different kinds of forces. ln (1 72a) the motive force precedes the object moved , such as the train engine, tow truck, tugboat, and so forth. ln (b) the motive force is behind the object moved, and a typical example ofthis kind is a bulldozer. (l72c) represents a negative force that drags the object moving in one direction to the opposite direction. With (172哟， the force may be applied by its source to the object without spatial contiguity between the two as in the previous cases. Examples of this kind in our daily life include the gravitational force and the magnetic force. 1n the previous section of change , it was shown that change is understood as different forms of movement , such as movement on the land, movement on the water, and movement in the air. The observation actually transfers to this section of causation , since causation means ‘ causing to change.' In the following, for instance , different forms of movement are mapped onto the notion of change while causation is understood as some kind of force. zi gongzuo (173) a. Zhexiang zhengce cushi yinjin Tai this policy make import Taiwan funds work da-bu xiang-qian. big-step advance "This policy made the work of importing funds 企'om Taiwan advance with big steps." b. Ke-ji science-technology

shi pai-tou-bing, zou are file-leader-soldier walk

zai gongcheng a生

engineering

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

181

zhi qian. MOD front "Science and technology are the file leader soldier, walking ahead of engineering." c. Chengshi yi chengwei wo guo shi xiang cities already become our country drive toward shehuizhuyi xiandaihua de huoche-tou. socialist modemization MOD train-head "Cities have already become the train engine of our country speeding toward the socialist modemization." d. Lingdao ba qiye tui shang le xin enterprise push onto PRT new leadership PRT da fazhan de guidao. fazhan , development big development MOD track "The leadership pushed the enterprise onto the track of new and great developmen t." e. Zhe yi gaige cuoshi tui-dong le jingji tengfei. this one reform measure push-movePRTeconomy soar "This reform measure pushed economy to so缸" (1 73a, b) are examples of movement with legs. In (173c , d) the source-domain concept is that of a train. The cities in (c) are the ‘ engine' which puIIs the train, the whole nation, toward the ‘ destination' ofthe socialist modemization. In (d) the ‘ train' is the enterprise that was pushed onto the ‘ track' of development by its leadership. The reform measure in (e) is the cause for the fast development of economy. By the CAUSE AS FORCE metaphor, the measure becomes the ‘ motive force' that propels economy into a soaring. FinaIly, the fo Ilowing three examples illustrate how notions of causation , change, and state are combined into a metaphorical inference p甜em in spatial terms. (1 74) a. Xiaoxiao yumiao tiny

zhe quan cun ren chuang PRT whole village people break da shichang. big market !ed all the peop!e of the vi11age to break into the huge

的

jin le into PRT "The tiny 企y market."

dai

lead

182

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

b. Lishi , diyuan he ziran tiaojian deng zhuduoyuanyin history geography and natural conditions etc. many causes ba Xiji tuo 11,; pinkun. PRT Xiji drag into poverty "Such causes as historical factors , geographical features , natural conditions , and many others , have dragged Xiji County into pove口y."

c. Fuchou xinli ba Bingnan pao ru shibai revenge psychology PRT Bingnan toss into failure de shenyuan, ba Erhuai tui shang fanzui daolu. MOD abyss PRT Erhuai push onto crime road "The psychology of revenge tossed Bingnan into the abyss of failure, and pushed Erkui onto the road of crimes." In (174a) the villagers started the business of raising 的， which made them successful in the competition ofmarket economy. In (1 74时， historical factors , geographica\ features , natura\ conditions and so on are seen as the causal factors that made the county poor. In (c) , the psycho\ogy ofrevenge caused one person to be a fai\ure and the other to become a criminal. In terms of semantic ro\e, the causes in these three examp\es are Agents wh i1e the peop\e undergoing change are Patients. Paralle\ in syntax is the fact that the Agents all take the subject position whereas the Patients are in the object position. The concept of change in these cases is metaphorized as spatial movement of the peop\e forced by the personified causes. Hence , they are respective\y ‘ \ed to break into the market,'‘ dragged into poverty,'‘ tossed into the abyss of failure ,' and ‘ pushed onto the road of crimes.' According\y; all the states they changed into are understood as locations with physical bounds based on the CONTAINER schema. This section has studied the conc叩ωal metaphor CAUSES ARE FORCES (CONTROLLING MOVEMENT TO OR FROM LOCATIONS) in Chinese. First, it is noted that, whi\e causes are conceptualized in terms of forces , the Chinese causative verbs usually have a litera\ sense of causing to move through space. It is also noted that compound nouns denoting various forces are used to refer to various causes. In fact , the conception of causation is only a natural extension of the spatial conceptualization of states and changes as shown by the specific mappings below:

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

TARGET

a. b. c. d.

states changes (n) change (v) causes (n)

e. cause (v)

183

SOURCE <-一〈一〈一一

<〈一一

locations movements into or out of locations (states) move into or out oflocations (states) forces causing to move (change) into or out oflocations (states) force!c ause to move (change) into or out of locations (states)

As can be seen here , the mappings form the whole inference pattem for the understanding of and reasoning about such abstract conc叩ts as states, changes , and causes. Also as seen here , the spatial conceptualization of change(s) as movement(s) is extended 企om tl-}e spatial conceptualization of states as locations , and the spatial conceptualization of cause(s) as force(s) is extended 仕om the spatial conceptualization of both states as locations and change(s) as movement(s). In other words, the mapping between causes and forces is based on the mapping between changes and movements which, in tum , is based on the mapping between states and locations. Semantically, the theme that undergoes change 企om one state to another state may have different semantic , or rather metaphorical , roles under different circumstances. As states are understood as locations and changes as movements into or out of locations , the theme undergoing change is an agent that ‘ moves' from one location into anotheJ. With the notion of causation introduced, the agent role is assigned to the causes while the theme undergoing change becomes a patient which is ‘ forced' by the cause-agent to move 仕om one location into another. It is in suoh a way that the conceptualization of such abstract concepts as states , changes , and causes is achieved via spatial terms. The basic conceptual metaphors 缸e very simple, but they generate a very complex metaphorical system that consists of items in lexicon and expressions at the inferentialleve l.

5.3.4. Actìons The generic-level conceptual metaphor for actions is as follows: E.

ACTIONS ARE SELF-PROPELLED MOVEMENTS.

As a matter of fact , the notion of action is closely related to the notions of change and causation dealt with in the previous sections. People take actions to

184

THE CONTEMPORA RY TII EOR Y OF METAPHOR

make changes , and actions they take cause the changes. While both actions and changes are understood as movements , the difference between them should be apparen t: actions are always se1f-propelled movements which may cause other things to move (change) , but changes may be, and very often 缸e， movements caused by some extemal forces (causes) or movements (actions). Now , consider the group of examples below: guo mouxie chuantong fazhan (175) a. Zhongguo tiao China jump over some traditional development xiandaihua de bufa. jieduan, jia-da stages make-bigger modemization MOD steps "China jumped over some traditional developmental stages, and made bigger steps toward modemization.' b. Zhongguo tielu jianshe kaizu-mali , jiu China railroad construction put-into-high-gear nine da zhongdian gongcheng kuai-su tui才 in. major priority projects fast-speed push-fOlward "China put the railroad construction into high gear, and nine major priority projects pushed forward at a high speed." Here actions are conceptualized in terms of walking, jumping, or running in (a) , in which China takes quicker actions to realize modemization. In (b) China takes the strongest actions to construct railroads. The source-domain concept here, however, is an automobile. Since actions are taken to make changes, their causal effi四:t ís , therefore, often expressed metaphorically by transitive verbs denoting movement, such as in the following two examples: tui才 in jingji guojihua. (176) a. Women yao we should push-forward economy intematiðnali2:ation "We should push forward the intemationalization of economy."

b. Zhongguo tui-dong guonei guoji shichang China push-move domestic intemational ma:rkcts jle-gU1. connect-track "China propelled the connection between (the track o f) the domestic market and (the track o f) the intemational market."

185

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

A paraphrase of (a) would be ‘ We should take actions to intemationalize our economy ,' and that of (b) would be ‘ China took actions to connect the domestic market with the intematiQnal market.' Thus , to take actions to change something from one state to another is understood as ‘ to cause or force something to move 企om one location to another.' Since actions are understood as self-propeIl ed movements , an entailment of thîs mapping is ‘ starting an action is starting out a path,' as illustrated below:

(1 77) Zhongguo Kexueyuan yijing zai PRT Chinese Academy-of-sciences already le jianshi de daolu shang mai-kai MOD road on stride-out PRT firm "The Chinese Academy of Sciences already made road of deepening the reform."

shenhua gaige deepen reform de bufa. MOD steps firm steps along the

In this example the Chinese Academy of Sciences took firm actions to deepen the reform. The actions , however, are conceptualized as ‘ firm steps' taken along ‘ the road of deepening the reform. ' An other entailment of the conceptual metaphor ACTIONS ARE SELF输 PROPELLED MOVEMENTS is ‘ Manner of actions is manner of movements.' Thus , there are fo Ilowing instances: (178) a. Beijing jiji wentuo de tui-jin yiliao Beijing active safe MOD push-advance health baoxian zhidu gaige. insurance system reform "Beijing pushes forward the reform on the system of health insurance actively and safely." b. Tamen they

zheng

yanzhe

P盯

along

hongda jihua great plan yi-bu-yige才 iaoyin de qian-jin. MOD forward-advance one-step-one-footprint "They are advancing along the great plan , leaving behind a footprint with each step taken."

c. Ying fang gao dan-fangmian tou-bu xingdong. British side take one-side steal-step action "The British side took unilateral sneak-step actions."

186

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

1n (1 78a) , Beijing took active and safe actions to reform the system of health insurance. Taking actions to reform something, howev巳r， is conceptualized as ‘ pushing forward the reform of something.' It is again a particular instance of linguistic realization ofthe metaphor at the conceptuallevel ACTIONS ARE SELFPROPELLED MOVEMENTS. (1 78b) is an instance in which ‘ a step taken leaves a footprin t.' That is to s町， the actions taken are producing desired results. The inferential knowledge about walking is now transferred into the domain of r饵" soning about taking actions. It is but an instance of spatial conceptualization of actions. This conceptualization is further extended by the use of preposition yanzhe 飞long，" which schematizes a linear image such as a pa出. When it is used to take the word 'plan' as its object, the linear image of a path or trail transfers into the understanding ofthe more abstract notion of ‘ plan.' The point here is that this p缸ticul缸 metaphorical use of preposition yanzhe "along" unctions only to reinforce , rather than to create, th巳 more general metaphor at the conceptual level: ACTIONS ARE SELF-PROPELLED MOVEMENTS. In (178c) , unilateral secret actions against the other side 缸巳 metaphorized as ‘ sneak steps ,' and therefore regarded as ‘ foul plays ,' just like the ‘ off二 side' in a football game , which should not be allowed in order for the game to go on fairly. 1n the 岛 following are 缸 filf 此the 町r 缸 eX缸nples of 口10ve口lents' : ju-bu-weijian. (179) a. Ta jin-tui-liang-nan, he advance-retreat-both-difficult, lift-step-hard "He felt it difficult to go forw缸d or backward , and hard to take steps." b. Ta zai xue-bu qi缸ljin， zhengqu mai chu PRT lear羽毛tepping advance try stride out he geng-wen geng-da de bufa. MOD steps stabler bigger "He is le缸丑ing stepping (i.e. toddling) forward , striving for stabler and bigger steps." caiqu jiaqiang dui刑ai hezuo adopt strengthening with-outside cooperation zijin de 严 zi-chou ‘ liangtiao-tui-zoulu' de fund MOD ‘ two-Ieg-walk' MOD and self-raising fangzhen. policy

c. Gai this

gongsi firm

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

187

"The finn adopted the ‘ walk-with-both-legs' policy to strengthen the cooperation with the outside and to raise funds by itsel f."

d. Gai gongsi zai shichang jingji de haiyang li , this finn MOD market economy MOD ocean in xue hui le yong duozhong zishi youyong. with various styles swim learn how PRT "This finn learned how to swim with various styles in the ocean of market economy." (1 79a) contains two idiomatic phrases that metaphorize dilemma as difficulty to go forward or backward, and difficulty to take action as difficulty to lift one's feet for steps. (179b) compares the experience of learning to make actions to a baby's experience of1e缸ning to walk, that is , toddling. In (179吟， the policy , which is the guide to actions , is cal1ed ‘ walk-with-both-legs' policy , by which to simultaneously explore outside and inside funding is expressed as ‘ to walk with both legs ,' namely to make balanced actions. Final1y, (1 79d) presents a metaphor in which to explore various potentials or possibilities is conceptualized as ‘ to swim with various styles.' This section has examined the aspect of actions in the Event Structure Metaphor. Obviously , this aspect is closely connected to the aspects discussed previously: actions are conscious~y taken to cause changes of states. Since 邸， tions are consciously taken, they are thus self-prope l1ed movements. In fact , consciously-taken actions are a special kind of causes , which wi l1 result in changes of states.

5.3.5. Purposes

The previous section discusses the conceptual metaphor ACTIONS ARE SELFPROPELLED MOVEMENTS. Correlated with this metaphor is the mapping in which the purpos~s of actions are conceptualized as desired locations, that is, the places where one wants to go and where one wants to be. The conceptual metaphor here is then: F.

PURPOSES , GOALS , AND OBJECTIVES ARE DESTINATIONS (DESlRED LOCATIONS).

Consider the fo l1owing Chinese words for ‘ purpose' and ‘ destination' : (180) a. mu-di (eye-target) "purpose; aim; goal; objective; end"

188

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

b. mu-di'-di' (eye-target-locationJplace) "destination" Obviously, the Chinese word for 'purpose' has a primary visual sense: it is ‘ the target one's eyes look or aim at.' The Chinese word for 'destination' is actually the combination of ‘ purpose' and ‘ location.' So the word literally means ‘ the location of one's pu叩ose.' These two words themselves manifest the connections between the abstract sense of ‘ purpose' and the spatial sense of ‘ destination.' In Chinese, the conceptual metaphor in (F) is reinforced by the use of a particular verb commonly in collocation with mudi "p旧pose." The verb is dadao "achieve; attain ," literally meaning ‘ to arrive at' or ‘ to reach ,' a1though in modem Chinese it only takes an abstract noun (such as ‘pu甲ose') as its object, while the verb with the two syllables reversed in order, namely daoda "reach; 但rive at," collocates with a place noun. Just as ‘ purpose' and ‘ goal ,'‘ objective ,' or ‘ aim' are closely related words in English, so are their counte叩arts in Chinese. The Chinese word for ‘ goal ,' ‘ objective ,' or 'aim' is mu-biao. literally meaning ‘ eye m缸k' 町、ye sign.' It also collocates with the verb dadao. Again , the collocation shows that goal , objective , or aim is metaphorized as desired location in Chinese , just as purpose. In the following the examples demonstrate how, at the inferential level , objectives are understood and expressed as destinations toward which one travels. tizhi , shixian (181) a. Zhongguo zheng chaozhe jianli xin PRT toward build new system realize China xiandaihua de mubiao qianjin. advance modernization MOD goal "China is advancing toward the goal of building up a new system and realizing modemization." b. An -Gang zheng ju-bu xiang nian chan An -Gang PRT lift-step toward annual producc yl叫ian-wan dun gang de mubiao maijin. stride ten-million tons steel MOD goal "Anshan Iron and Steel Company is striding toward the goal of annual production of ten million tons of steel."

EVENT STRUCTIJRE METAPHOR

189

The goals in these two examples 缸e respectively for the whole country and for an enterprise. But the spatialization of the abstract notion of goal achievement is the Same in each case. The following three examples reveal different aspects of the inference pattem for the purpose/goal-destination metaphor. (182) a. Ta you ma-bu-ting-ti de ben xiang xia next he again horse-not-stop-hoofs MOD gallop toward yige mubiao le. one goal PRT "With no pause, he was again galloping toward the next goal." b. Gaizao zuifan de mubiao you xiangqian yanshen again forward extend reform criminals MOD goal le yi bu - kaifa fanren zhili ku. PRT onestep 一-open-up prisoners intelligence storehouse "The goal for reforming criminals is again extended a step further to open up the intelligence storehouse ofprisoners." c. Tamen zheng kuai-bu zou xiang xiaokang, they PRT quick-step walk toward being-comfortably-off ju xiaoka昭 shenghuo yi bu distance comparatively-well-off life already not yao归an.

far-away "They are walking toward being comfortably off quickly , already not very far away 企om a comparatively well-offlife." Ap缸ticular

goal may be ultimate or intermediate. An intermediate goal is like a bus stop between the terminals. The subject in (182a) has passed one intermediate goal and is moving to reach the next goal. A goal can be defined and redefined just as a bus stop can be located and relocated. Th e more difficult a goal is to achieve, the further away it is 企om the traveler. This is in part i1l ustrated in (b). The destination in space is such that one is getting c1 0ser to it when moving toward it. This is what (c) exemplifies. As a matter of fact , purposes or goals all r叩resent states in some sense: they are desired states. Therefore , while state..; are locations , purposes or goals are desired locations. That is , they are locations where one wants to go or to be.

190

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

(183) Zhangjiagang mai xiang xiandai gongye gang cheng. Zhangjiagang stride toward modem industrial port city "Zhangjiagang is striding toward a modem industrial port city." Zhangjiagang is a port city in China. ,It is undergoing some positive change, tuming into a ‘ modem and industrial' one. After it becomes modem and industrial, the city remains in the same location geographically. But the goal is conceived of as a different location, the destination. Sometimes, the desired location is the top of a mountain. This is because the PURPOSE AS DESTINATION metaphor is interacting with the DESlRED IS UP metaphor. The interaction results in the following examples: (184) a. Women yωnuli pandeng ke气ji we should try-hard climb science-technology gao feng , gan chao shijie xianjin shuiping. high peak catch surpass world adv缸lced level "We should try hard to climb up the peak of science and t四hnol ogy, and catch up and surpass the world advanced level." b. Shijie guanjun bingfei gao-bu-ke-pan，也i-yao too-high-to-climb 脑-long-嗣 world championship not jiu neng zuizhong daoda zi -q iang-bu-xi , make-unceasing-efforts then can eventual1y reach guanghui de dingdian. bri l1iant MOD summit "The world championship is not too high (伽 them) to climb, and as long as they make unceasing effo邸， they can eventually reach the brilliant summit." Because of their high degree of difficulty involved, research and invention in science and technology are conventionally compared to mountain climbing, as in (啡 In Chinese, the more advanced and sophisticated science and technology are called gao keji "high science and technology." It is arguable that the use of adjective ‘ high' reflects the conc叩tualization of 也.em 臼 spatial1y higher 由m those that are less advanced or less sophisticated. In (b)伽 world championship is compared to the zenith of a mountain or a mountain range, which is the highest point and most difficult to reach for mountain climbers. Obviously, the image schema underlying al1 these examples is the SOURCEPATII-GOAL schema, composed of two points, the source and the goal, con-

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

191

nected by a line, the path. The fo lJ owing two ex创口ples highligh! both points while in those previous ones only the point of goal is mentioned (185) a. Yishu de zhuiqiu zhi you qi-dian er artistic MOD pursuit only have starting-point but wu zhong-dian. no end-point "There is only the starting point but no end point in the pursuit of art." b. Quan-xin-quan-yi wei renmin fuwu shi womenDang people serve is our Party whole-heart-whole-soul for yiqie huodong de chufa dian he guisu. alJ activities MOD departure point andhome-to刊turn-to "To serve people whole-heartedly is the departure point as we lJ as the destination of alJ the activities of our Party." There is always room for improvement in 缸tistic pursui t. This idea is spatialized in (a) 槌 lack of a final destination, for artistic pursuers. 1n (b) ‘ to serve people whole-heartedly,' which is said可ò be the immediate purpose and ultimate goal of the Party, is conceived of as both the starting location and the destination. The fo lJowing two ex缸nples specify the path in addition to the goal: (1 86) a. Tamen

liang ren zhi-tong-dao-he. they two person goal-same-path-common "They both have the same goal and common path.'

li you shang jiu b. Xin le mubiao , di heart in have PRT goal ground on then you le lu. have PRT path "When there is a goal .n the heart , then there will be a path (I eading to that goal) on the ground." (186a) contains a set phrase describing people who have common idcals or ambitions. People who have common goals take the same path: they move toge出er in the same direction. (186b) emphasizes the importance of a goal: when you set up a goal , you wi lI then find a path to reach that goal. Thc spatializa-

192

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

tion of abstract reasoning is obvious , and it is doubtful that it can be achieved without spatial metaphorization. This section has discussed the operation of the conceptual metaphor PURPOSES, GOALS , AND OBJECTIVES ARE DESTINA TIONS in Chinese. It is noted that this aspect of the event structure is closely related to the ones discussed previously. Purposes , goals , and objectives are actually special kinds of state, namely they are .4esired states attained usually after sufficient actions (efforts) are taken. In terms of spatial metaphor, therefore, purposes , goals , and objectives are desired locations where one wants to go, namely destinations. Purposes , goals , and objectives (destinations) are reached when changes (movements) have taken place as a result of actions (self-propelled movements). 5.3.6. Means

Means , as method(s) of doing things or making actions to achieve certain purposes , goals , or objectives , are conc叩tualized metaphorically as paths, and the conceptual metaphor in this case is: G.

MEANS ARE PATHS (TO DESTINATIONS).

In Chinese , the words for ‘ means ,' it is interesting to note, either contain one of the following words or consist oftwo ofthem (from Wu 1981): (187) a. b. c. d. e.

lu tu jing dao men

(i) road, path, way; (ii) way, means (i) way, road , route (i) footpath , path, track; (ii) way, means (i) road, way, path; (ii) way, method (i) door, gate, entrance; (ii) way to do sth. , knack

The Chinese words for ‘ means' are really numerous in number, although they may differ in shades of meaning and in usage. Given below are some ex缸n ples: (188) a. b. c. d.

lu-zi (road/path/way-suffix) "method; approach; way" lu-jing (road/path/way-footpathlpath) "method; ways 阻d means" lu-dao (road/pathlwa>r-road/way/path) ''way; approach; method" lu-shu (road/path/way咄nnber) "method; approach; way" 巳. dao-lu (roadJway/path-road/path/way) "approach; path; way" f. dao-dao (road/way/path-roadlway/path) "way; method"

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

193

g. tu才 ing (way/roadlroute-footpath/path/track) ''way; ch创mel" h. men-jing (door/gate/entrance-footpath/path/track) ''way; method" i. xi才 ing (footpath-footpath/path/track) 平ath; way" j. men-Iu (door/gate/entrance-roadlpathlway) "knack; way" k. men-dao (door/gate/entrance-roadlway/path) "way to do sth.; knack" Particularly notabl~ is the use of ‘ door' or ‘ gate' in some'of these compound words. The conception behind it is apparent: whenever people want to get into a c1 0sed container, they need not only a path leading to it, but also an entrance , that is, a door or gate. The following words further illustrate the metaphorical use of men "door; gate": (189)

a. ru-men (enter-door/gate) "learn the rudiments of a subject; elmentary course; ABC" b. mei-men (no-door/gate) "have no means of doing sth.; have no access to sth.; no chance; (ofsth.) impossible"

In fact , there are many more Chinese compound words or idiomatic phrases that contain the words in (187) above, used in an abstract metaphorical sense to mean ‘ means ,'‘method ,' or ‘ approach' of doing things. Th ese are some examples: (190)

a. zou zheng-lu1dao (walk righ-road) "to take the (morally) right way (to one's goal)" b. zou xie-luldao (walk evil-road) "to take to evil ways; abandon oneself to evil ways; to lead a depraved life" c. wai-men-xie-dao (crooked-door-evil-road) "crooked means or ways; dishonest methods or practices" d. xie-men-wai-dao (evil-door-crooked road) "crooked means or ways; dishonest methods or practices" e. zou hou-men (walk back-door) "to get sth. done through pull" f. zou lao-lu (walk old-road) "to fo l1ow the beaten track; to slip back into the old rut" g. zou wan-lu (walk roundabout-way) "to take a roundabout way (to one's goal) undesirably" h. zoujin-lu (walk short-road) "to take a shortcut (to one's goal)" i. zou jie-jing (walk quick-footpath) "to take a shortcut (to one's goal)"

194

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR j.

bi-you-zhi-lu (must-follow-MoD-road) "the only way (to achieve a goal)" k. si-lu (dead-road) "dead end; blind alley" 1. si-hutong (dead-alley) "dead end; blind alley" m. wu ru qi-tu (mistake into wrong-way) "take the wrong way by mistake; go astray" All these words and phrases are instances of linguistic manifestation of the conceptual metaphor MEANS ARE PA四S (TO DESTINATIONS) , a1though they constitute conventionalized usages , having acquired a stable sense in the abstract domain of event structure. In the following are some examples of sentences: (191) a. Tongzhou kaifaxin jishu chuang xin Tongzhou open心p new technology break new "Tongzhou opened up new technology to break a new path."

lu. road

b. Tamen zhao wenti, cha yuanyin, xunqiu . they try-to-find-out problems check causes seek baituo kunjing de luzi. break-out predicament MOD path "They tried to find out problems and causes, seeking for a path to break out ofthe predicament." c. Xifang qi guo shounao huiwu xunqiu Westem seven countries summit meeting seek zoù chu jingji di gu de chu lu. walk out ecooomic low vaUey MOD out way "The summit meeting of the seven Westem countries sought for a way (out) to walk out ofthe economic valley." Here the words ‘ path' or ‘ way' refers to the means , method, or approach for achieving some purposes. Their metaphorical senses are obvious. At the inferential level , in fact , many more source-domain concepts are mapped onto the target-domain conc叩t of means. In the conceptual metaphor MEANS ARE PATHS, the concept ‘ path' is at the superordinate level, and there are various kinds of paths at the basic level. The railroad track is one of them. For example:

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

195

(1 92) a. Zhongguo jiaoyu

zhujian zou shang fazhi guidao. China education gradually walk onto legal track "China's education is gradually walking onto the legal track (i.e moreand more governed by law)."

jin-nian jiang shixing zi在i 由isuniversity this-year will put-into-practice self二payment 沪 gong-fei bing gui. and state-pa:严nent merge tracks "Thi s university will implement the practice of emerging the two tracks (i. e. to have double tracks) of self二payment and statepa:严nent this year."

b. Gaidaxue

c. Guo-you qiye yu-dao Ic you jihu iI state-owned enterprises . come-across PRT from pl创m巳d jingji xiang shichang jingji zhuan gui guocheng economy to market economy shift track process zhong de maodun he kunnan. in MOD contradictions and difficulties "State-owned enterprises came across the contradictions and difficulties in the process of shifting 企'om the track of planned economy to 也e track ofmarket economy."

In (192a) China started to build up a legal system for its education to run upon. The track of rails in this case is a very good spatial metaphor for legal system in that it strictly guides the direction ofmovement ofthe train running upon it. By inference, going beyond the boundaries of the legal system is comparable to the derailment, that is, the train running off the track. (1 92b) states a measure taken by the university to' reform its pa严nent system. So far , the government pays tuition and Îees for al1 the students. In the future , however, some students have to pay these on their own. The two ways of pa严nent thus will work together like two railroad tracks merging into one. In (l92c) the change 企om the planned economy to the market economy is metaphorized as a train switching from one track onto another. App缸ently， (l92a) contains an instance ofmixed metaphor in which ‘ walk onto the track' mixes into one expression the concept of leg movement with that of train running. But instan忧s ofthis kind ofmixed metaphor are not rare. Now , consider the fo l1owing three exampJes:

196

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

NW mM hRa zpsG nbqtH aTo I - COAU lüyouye 也zhan o developrnent our-country tourisrn de kuai che MOD fast vehicle lane "The tourisrn of our country is driving into the fast lane of develWo名uo

组UM

(193) a.

ρUV

op口lent."

b. Hunan nongye bu ru kuai che dao. Hunan agriculture step into fast vehicle lane "Agriculture in Hunan Province stepped into the fast lane." c. Xiang-zhen qiye kuai che dao shang vi11 age-township enterprises fast vehicle lane on zai jia-bian. stil1 lash-with-whip "(Though already) on the fast lane , vi11age and townshìp enterprises are sti11 trying to speed up with a whip." Here , all three exarnples refer to the fast speed of developrnent or change. (a) is not an instance of rnixed rnetaphor since the use of the verb shi "世ive" is ∞n sistent with the notion of ‘ fast traffic lane,' narnely the lane for faster vehicles. However, both (b) and (c) are exarnples ofrnixed rnetaphor. In (b) the verb bu "step ," which is associated with walking of legged anirnals , especial1y humans , is obviously incornpatible with kuai che dao "fast traffic lane ," which entails wheeled vehicles. (c) is an instance of rnetaphor which rnixes an autornobile and a horse. It is cornrnon sense that autornobiles rather than horses run on the fast traffic lane and that they are accelerated not by ‘ lashing them with a whip. ' It has been long since horse was the main rneans of transportation. But the notion of ‘ lashing with a whip' has been conventionalized into language and preserved as rneaning ‘ accelerate at the top speed.' Sirnilar exarnples of rnixed rnetaphors are found not very unusual. This phenornenon rnay be instances of ‘ duality' discussed by Lakoff (1 993a, 1993b, 1994). Mappings at different levels rnay rnix different kinds ofrnetaphor into a single expression. 1n the following two exarnples , the kind of ‘ paths' that is mapped onto ‘ rneans' is the highway, which is very cornrnon in developed countries , but still something new in mainland China. (1 94) a. Tongxin

shi cornrnumcatlO ns are

jingji zengzhang econorny growth

he and

shehui society

197

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

jinbu de gao-su-gonglu. progress MOD high-speed-road "Communications are highways for economic growth and social progress." ·加Mo

mm 灿

·Jtvd ρWHU

nc o--hu b. Gongzhong xinxi wang de on public information network MOD yunxing, wei Zh吐lai zhu qi le operation for Zhuhai build up PRT one ‘ xinxi gao-su-gonglu.' ‘ information high-speed-road' "The construction and operation of the public information network have built up an ‘ information highway' for Zhuhai." Both examples highlight the advanced communicative and informational technolögy as important and effective means for development and growth. The mapping of the high-speed movement on the highway onto the quickness and effectiveness of modem communicative and informational technology seems to be unique, but it is only a particular instance of realization of the general conceptual metaphor MEANS ARE PATHS , which is, in tum, a particular 皿pect ofthe central Event Structure Metaphor. By inferential extension, there are other source-domain concepts that are mapped onto the target-domain conc叩t ofmeans. For instance: (1 95) a.

Jiu-nian-l缸

womcn

nuli

baozhi mne-years-come we 位y-hard PRT newspaper Zhongguo de chuangkou , ban cheng ‘ shijie liaojie run as ‘ world understand China MOD window Zhongguo zou xiang shijie de qiaoliang.' China walk toward world MOD bridge' "In the past nine years , we have tried hard to run the newspaper as ‘ the window through which the world understands China, and the bridge over which China walks toward the world. ",

liyong b. Ta make-use-of he deng-shang yishu a竹 moum

yiqie jihui all chance吕 diantang de palace MOD

ba

xunzhao qu seek-for to jíetí. stalrs

neng can

198

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR "He made us巳 tistic palace."

of

all chances to seek for the stairs to mount the ar-

In (a) the ‘ bridge' is a special kind of path that cross over waters. The ‘ stairs' in (b) is again a special kind of path ascending to a higher position. Each mapping is a match fit into its particular context, but both of them reduce to instances of the more general metaphor MEANS ARE PATHS (TO DESTINATION), which is fundamentally conceptual in nature. An other instance of the path metaphor is il1ustrated in the following sentences in which the source-domain concept is tiaoban , which means either ‘ gangpl缸虫， or ‘ springboard' depending on the particular context in which it occurs: zai guoji shichang shang zhanyou (196) a. Tamen ba PRT intemational market on occupy they PRT de chanpin zuowei ben fu归 juedui youshi absolute dominanceMoD product taken-as go-to richness de tiaoban. MOD gangplank "They take the products that occupy an absolutely dominant position in the intemational market as the gangplank leading to prosperity." b. Tamen ba Aomen dang zuo Putaoya jin ru they PRT Macao taken as Portugal enter into shangye tiaoban. Zhongguo shichang de MOD business gan邵阳也 Chinese market "They take Macao as the business gangplank for Portugal to enter Chinese market." c. Tamen ba lianhe-qiye dang tiaoban, you ci they PRTjoint-enterprise taken-as springboard 企om it jingji tixi , canyu tiao jin yanhai de Jump ìnto coast MOD economy system p缸t1Clpate-m guo nei wai shichang de jingzheng. nation inside outsidemarket MOD competition "They take the joint enterprise as a springboard, by which to jump into the coastal economic system , so as to participate in the competition in the domestic and intemational markets."

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

199

In all three cases, the gangplank and springboard 缸'e really means to some end. Whi le the metaphorical expressions sound 企esh， they actually reside in the conceptual metaphor MEANS ARE PATHS (TO DESTINATIONS), and serve as particul缸 instances of its linguistic manifestation. A special kind of the path metaphor has the source-domain concept of qudao. which literally means ‘ irrigation ditch' or ‘ channel' in Chinese.η1is path metaphor is special in that qudao originally refers to the path for water. Usually，也is source-domain conc叩t is used in certain target domains. Look at the following examples: (197) a. Tianjinduo-qudao 白ia T 叫 I均仙iI阳 u nm\ 贝u 咄圳刷 11 lti-chann始时 el

.

de MOD

jiejue chengshi huanjing solve urban env 叽ironmen' 削 1剖tal1

wenti . problems "Tianjin City solves urban environmental ple channels."

problems 由rough

multi-

b. Hainan de haiwai xiaoshou qud曲 bu chang, Hainan MOD overseas marke仙19 channels not unimpeded nongye pin hen nan da jin agricultural products very difficult break into guoji shichang. international market "The overseas m缸keting channels of Hainan Province are not unimped阔， so it is very difficult for its agricultural products to break into the international market." c. Zhejia qiye wei jilei zij iIl tuokuan le qudao. 也is enterprise fof. .accumulate fund widen PRTchannel 叮rus enterprise widened the channel for accumulating funds." d. Tamenjueding wei liang 目o zhijian de they decide for two countries between MOD xueshu wenhua jiaoliu jianli qu曲。. academic cultural exchange build channels 叮'hey decided to build channels for the academic and cultural exchange between the two countries." As in (a),‘ multiple channels' simply means ‘ multiple methods or approaches.' Typically, however, the source-domain concept of channel is used in these tar-

200

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

get domains: the marketing of goods as in (b); the circulation of currency or funds as in (c); and the communication of ideas as in (d).η世s is because goods , cuπency or funds , ideas , talents and so forth share a common feature: they are all understood as liquids. 1n the following collocations , for instance, (198) a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i.

huobi liu-tong (currency/money flow-through) "circulation of currency or money" shangpin liu-tong (commodities flow-through) "circulation of commodities" ren-cai liu-dong (human-talents flow蝴move) "flow or mobility of talents" zijin liu-shi (缸nds flow-lose) "drain on funds" ren-cai liu咄(human-talents flow-lose) "drain on talents; brain drain" zijin wai-liu (缸nds out-flow) "outflow of funds" ren-cai wai-liu (human-talents out-flow) "outflow oftalents" sixiang jiao-liu (thoughts/ideas mutual-flow) "interflow or communication of thoughts or ideas" ren-cai jiao-liu (human-talents mutual-flow) "interflow or exchange oftalents"

One word or morpheme that is in each of them is /i u "flow," which primarily refers to the movement ofliquids. Here exists a linkage of relations: (1 99) a. Means are paths. b. Channels are paths for liquids. c. Goods/commodities, currency/fun巾， ideas/thoughts, and human talents are liquids. d. Transfer (of goods/commodities , currency/funds, ideas/thoughts, and human talents) is flow (through channels).

The metaphors in (a) , (c) , and (d) , linked by the nonmetaphorical statement in (b), sanctions the use of ‘ channel' as source-domain concept in (19 7b--d). It is worth mentioning that the parenthωized parts in (1 99d) Cllnnot be omitted simply because the validity of the conceptual metaphor T负ANSFER IS FLOW seems to depend on the things being transferred. It may not be the case that the transfer of anything is conceptualized as flow. It is likely that f10w as a sourcedomain concept for transfer is valid conditional1 y for the same reason that channel is not always a valid source-domain concept for meanø.

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

201

Note that (197d) is reminiscent ofthe so-cal1ed conduit metaphor, which is pervasive in English (see Reddy 1993). In the conduit metaphor, ideas or thoughts , packed in linguistic expressions , go 也rough a pipe in communication, and the fo l1owing sentence is such an ex组nple:

V缸y

(200) Youguan yijian he kOÌ1ggao de tousu relevant criticisms and complaints MOD lodging guandao jiang gengwei shun-chang. pipe w il1 more smooth-unimpeded "The pipe for lodging relevant criticisms and complaints w il1 be more smooth and unimpeded." 白le

pipe is also a kind of path, the path for liquid or gas. So this example is an instance of the path metaphor in which the ‘ pipe' is mapped onto the target conc叩t of means in the Event Structure Metaphor. To conclude this section, it can be said that evidence for the existence of the conceptual metaphor MEANS ARE PATHS (TO DESTINATIONS) is strong in ChÎnese.τhe evidence exists in both lexicon and inference pattem. In lexicon, as cited, quite a number of words meaning ‘ means' or related senses either contain.or consist ofmorphemes with a literal meaning of ‘ road; way; path' or ‘ door; gate; entrance.' In the inferential level, as already indicated, some more source-domain conc叩ts are mapped onto the target-domain conc叩t ofmeans. Smce MEANS ARE PATHS is a metaphor at the conceptual rather t11an linguistic level, the generic concept of path has various specific-level concepts mapped onto the target concept ofmeans. They include railroad track, highway, bridge, stairs , gangplank, springboard, channel, pipe, as wel1 as road, way, footpath , and door or gate, as instanced in this section. Sometimes, the path metaphor also interacts with 0也er metaphor百 to produce more intricate network effects, such as in 也ose ‘ channel' examples cited in this section. The relations of the conceptual níetaphor MEANS ARE PATHS with the ones discussed previously in this chapter are obvious. Paths (means) are paths for movements (éhanges) ofsomething caused by extemal forces (causes). or they may be paths for self-propel1ed movements (aètions) toward some destinations (purposes, goals, and objectives). on the one end of the path is the startingþoint location (the original state) while on the other end is the new location 仙e new state) or the destination (purpose, goal , objective).ηle inference pattem of the spatial , physical world is transferred in whole into the abstract domain of event structure.

202

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

5.3.7. Difficulties

As an aspect ofthe Event Structure Metaphor, the conceptual metaphor for ficulties is as follows:

diι

H. DIFFICULTIES ARE IMPEDIMENTS TO MOTION.

Here,‘ motion' refers to the movements , which are actions taken or changes toward the destinations , which are one's purpos邸， goals , or objectives. Difficulties as .impediments may take the form of forces , that is , counterforces , as illustrated by the following lexical item , which is mapped 企om a physical sense in (i) onto a more abstract sense related to difficulty or problem in (ii): ma白，

(201) zu-li (resisting-force)

i.

resistance; drag a. kongqi zuli "air resistance" b. moca zuli "创ction drag" ii. obstruction; resistance a. qianjin de zuli "resistance to advance or progress" b. fazhan de zuli "obstruction to development"

The more abstract sense of zuli in (ii) is exemplified by the following sentence in which difficulties are understood as counterforces that impede development as forward movement: (202) Nongye wenhua zaocheng guannian-shang de MOD agricultural culture create concept-on fengbi baoshou de吨， dou shi fazhan c1 0seness conservativeness etc. all 缸e development de zuli. MOD obstructions "The conceptual c1 0seness and conservativeness , and so forth, created by the agricultural culture, are all obstructions to development."

Difficulties or problems as impediments to motion may also take the form of objects. Given below are some lexical items , which literally refer to impediments to motion in the physical world but have transferred to the more abstract domain via the DIFFICULTY AS IMPEDIMENT metaphor:

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

203

(203) a. zhang'ai "obstacle; obstruction; barrier; impediment" b. zu'ai "block, blockage; obstruct, obstruction; impede , impediment; hinder, hindrance" c. nan-guan (difficult-pass/fortress) "difficulty; problem" d. lan-lu hu (blocking-road tiger) "obstacle; stumbling block" e. ban-jiao shi (tripping-feet stone) "stumbling block; obstacle" These can be seen as examples of difficulties as blockages. ln the following 1 will show how they are used metaphorically in the target domain of abstract reasoning about difficulties. Here are two examples of (203a): (204) a. Women yao paichu Xianggang pingwen guodu we should remove Hong Kong smooth transition daolu shang de renhe zhang'ai. road on MOD any obstacles "We should remove any obstacles on the road of Hong Kong's smooth transition." b. Ru-qing-ru-li de fenxi zhujian xiaochu into-sense-into-reason MOD analysis gradually clear-up le zhege nü daxuesheng de sixiangzhang'ai. PRT this female college-student MOD mind obstacles "The fair and reasonable analysis gradually cleared up this female college student's mental obstacles (block)." (204a) refers to the handover of Hong Kong in 1997. The transition 企om the administration to the Chinese one is conceptualized as a road on which there are obstacles, namely difficulties and problems , that have to be removed in order to ma.ke the road of transition smooth. In (b) the obstacles are mental , that is , exist in one's mind. The conceptualization is that there are paths in the mind, on which ideas or thoughts travel to reach certain goal when one is thinking or reasoning. When mental obstacles, that is, problems, occur and block the paths , one is not capable of thinking or reasoning any more. The mind does not function well unless the blockage is removed. This is evidenced by the commonly used Chinese word si-/u "train of thought or thinking," which literal1 y means ‘ thinking route.' Now, consider two sentences containing zu 'ai 咆lock" of(203b).

、 British

(205) a. Ruguo bu if not

xia-juexin jiejue zhexie wenti , jiu make-a-resolution solve these problems then

204

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR you keneng zu'ai shiye de jin-yi-bu fazhan. development have possibility block cause MOD further "lf (we) don't make a resolution to solve these probtems，也en there is a possibility that (they) will block the further development of our cause." b. Tamen zu'ai gao-ceng huitan de fabiao yanlun, they OplntOnS block high-Ievel talks MOD express jmxmg. go-on "They expressed their opinions , blocking high-Ievel talks."

As in (吟， a cause in the sense of a group of people's common goal or objective is understood as a joumey to a destination. The problems, if unsolved, will keep us 仕om moving toward our destination like obstacles or barriers. In (b), the opinions expressed have forces , just like air resistance or 企iction drag, which will keep the high-Ievel talks 企'om moving on its course. Talks are also understood as joumeys since they are held to reach certain goals or obj民tives. ln (203c) guan refers to ‘ a strategic pass or fortress' in the physical world, and ‘ a difficulty or problem' in an abstract sense. In Chinese gong-guan, which Iiterally means ‘ to attack or storm a fortress ,' conventionally mel1ns ‘ to tackle key problems' too. Given below is an ex缸nple of a sentence. (206) Ta zai kexue de daolu shang gongke le yige-you-yige he PRTscicnceMOD road on capture PRTone-after-another nan guan , dadao shijie lingxian shuiping. difficult fortress reach world leading level "He captured one aftcr another fortress (i. e. broke d仰n one after another barricr or resolved onc after another key problem) along the scientific road , and reachcd the advanced level ofthe world." This example revcals the inference pnttcm transferred 企om the physical world to the abstract domain. Scicntific cndenvor is conceptualized 幽 a military journey along which arc cncmy' lI lorlrcllllc lI. One either captures 由'M fortresses one after another and reacholl Ihe delllinnlion , or fails to do 80 with. fortresses blocking thc way. In this Ncnlle , diniclllliell or problems , understood as strategic passcs or forlrcssell , huve A hlm'kinø f\ mction , impeding one's forw:缸d movement towanllhc dCNlinlllill 1l

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

205

As for lan-lu hu "blocking-road tiger" in (203句， it used ωrefer to gangsters and bandits who block the road and rob people, but now refers to difficulties or obstacles that impede one's progress or motion to one's goal or destination. (203e) has the same metaphorical meaning, and the following is an example. ba叫 iao shi. shi jinbu de is progress MOD tripping-feet stone "Fear of criticisms is the tripping-feet stone for progress."

(207) Haipa piping fe缸

criticisms

‘ Fear of criticisms,' as a weakness, is a problem that keeps one 企'om making progress. In fact, the whole inference pattem for joumey, based on the simple SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schema, has trans必rred into the abstract domain of reasOAÎng about difficulties or problems. In the following examples the source domain is joumey on the water. They can be seen as specific-Ievel examples of difficulties 部 features ofthe watery environment.

(208) a. Zhongguo nü lan weiduo shijie guanjun Chinese women basketball to win world championship zai jing-tao-hai-lang zhong fen-jin. PRT terri命ing-waves in forge咄ead-courageously ''To win the world ch缸npionship， the Chinese women's basketball team was courageously forging ahead in te时鸟ring waves." b. Zhongguo Dui xiaoxin jinshen de chuang guo Chinese Team careful prudent MOD hew-way over le an jiao xian tan, chong jin le juesai. PRTsubmergedrocks dangerous shoals break into PRTfinal "Carefully and prudently, Team China hewed its way over the submerged rocks and dangerous shoals, and broke into the final." c. Mei Ri maoyi tanpan g，吨ian. America Japan trade negotiations run-aground "US-Japan trade negotiations ran aground." Both (a) and (b) are about the Chinese women's basketball team's effort to win the world championship in a toumament.白白 is， however, talked about in tenns of a tough navigation full of perils (difficulties)-'terri命ing waves,' ‘ submerged rocks,' and ‘ dangerous shoals'一that may cause the effort to reach

206

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

the destìnation (the world champion) to be a failure. The perils or difficulties are impediments to the navigation , which is a more specific case of motion. The same inference pattem is found in (c) , which is , however, about a completely different subject-'伽e trade negotiations between the U.S. and Japan. Since the negotiations are held to reach the common goal-destination , they are understood as a ship on a joumey. In this particular case, however, the ship gets stranded. Unless efforts are made to change the position ofthe ship , it can go nowhere. The same in nature but different in kind is motion on the land. The inference pattem for motion on the land is rich and intricate, and it has also transferred into the conceptualization of difficulties or problems. lndeed, difficulties as impediments to motìon take various forms in the ìnference pattem. Given below are just two examples: W 川 u

ρ、‘ t

吼叫 U

nvφ·· 组"，"

AUny vieaUD21 1·ob -Il (209) a. Luwangda de hejìe zhi ku Rwanda MOD reconcìliation MOD jingji congsheng. brambles overgrow "Rwanda's path to reconcìliation will still be overgrown wìth

br缸nbles."

b. Ta zaì he PRT jinglì

ba-shi

归

nìan

de

yìshu daolu shang 町tìstic road on

more ye缸s MOD k缸tke. xuduo quzhe he expe到ence PRT many zigzags and bumps "On his artistic road of more than eighty ye缸s ， he experienced many zigzags and bumps (i. e. ups and downs)." eighty guo

The source-domaìn conc叩t mapped onto difficulties in (a) is the brambles which, as a kind of blockage, understandably make it difficult to move along the path on which they grow. (209b) refers to the path òr road itself, and difficulties 缸e therefore understood as features of the terraìn. The road the artist has covered in his over eighty ye缸s of artistic career is very zigzag and rough. This means that he has come through many difficulties and hardships which impede his progress as an artist. The metaphor is really grounded in our experience. Wh en the road is zigzag and rough, our movement, driving for instance , has to be slowed down or even stopped, d叩ending on the degree of the features involved.

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

207

Whether a joumey is smooth or rough depends on another important factor--the weather. Bad weather always makcs it morc difficult (0 (ravc l. Thc conceptual metaphor DIFFICULTIES ARE IMPEDIMENTS TO MOTION also makes use ofthis knowledge in the inference pattem. For ex缸nple: (210) a. Zaigongsi fazhan de daolu shang bing-fei road on by-no-means PRTcompany develop PRT yangguang , xian-hua yi-pian. sunshine fresh- f1 owers everywhere "The company's developmental road is by no means sunshine and fresh f1 0wers all the way along." b. 泪 X iang 伊 m\ 孔u jμi 仅 xu 刘 x i叫叫q a 伊叩 u， nen 吨昭 n gfc 灿 ∞ O u 咄 ‘1 duoy 归 un-z project continue on whether cloudy蝴唰七.七bec∞om巳-clea缸r ling 陀 r en danyou '"沪ill-WU 边 Z hongy 严u boka 缸1. make people worried cloud-mist finally scatter "If the project went on , whether ‘ it would change from cloudy to clear' made people worried ... the cloud and mist finally scattered geng c. Zai mi-wu-chong-zhang zhizhong , liang guo PRTdense-fog-many-barriers in both countries more ying nuli tuidong liang-guo shangtan, should try-hard push-forward two-country negotiation cujin liang-guo 伊缸lXi f1缸han. accelerate two-coun町 relationship development "In dense fog and among many barriers, both countries should try hard to push forward the bilateral negotiations and accelerate the development ofthe relationship between the two countries." The ‘ sunshine' in (a) and the ‘ clouds' in (b)缸e respectively associated with good and bad weather which, in tum, will affect the joumey in a positive or negative way. In (b), when ‘ the cloud and mist finally scattered ,' all the questions and problems hanging over the project disappeared. The ‘ dense fog' in (吟， standing for the difficult situation , is particularly dangerous because it blocks the vision. All the dangers associated with invisibility are entailed here. All the ex缸nples in (210) demonstrate the fact that difficulties are also understood as features ofthe weather, as well as features ofthe terrain.

208

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

Another form of impediments to motion is the door or gate, which is 缸1ifi cially made to block movement into a bounded area. When it is closed, one cannot enter or exit an enclosed space. Therefore, a door or gate has a double function: it functions as a PasS when it is open , and as a blockage when it is c1 osed. Consider the examples below: gongsi pinqing haiwai xinxiyuan , this company employ overseas informants guoji shichang da-men. intemational market big-door "This company employed overseas informants, and trance ofthe intemational market."

(211) a. Gai

dakai open

o~ned

the eb-

b. Gai chang chanpin chong chuguo men, zou this factory products break out national gate walk xlang gu叮 shichang. toward intemational market "This factory's products have broke out the national gate , walking toward the intemational marke t." In (a) , the intemational market is understood as a container which one can enter only after opening its door. To have informants provide necessary information is compared to opening the entrance of the intemational market. The Conceptualization in (b) is different. The country is a container, with a ‘ natiönal ga低， The products that are meant to get into the intemational market have to first get out of the ‘ national gate.' This is not easy, as suggested by the verb chong "break; charge." As an impediment to motion , the concept of door or gate is often used in the domain of negotiation, since the process of negotiation is understood as removing obstacles while moving on a path to reach a destination. A d，∞r， if c1 osed, is then an impediment blocking the path. Look at the fo l1owing eXample: dangqian de kunnan, you-guan faced-with present MOD difficulty involved youqi yao baochi lengjing he kezhi , especially should remain calm and restrained qingyi guan-shang tanpan da-men. rashly c1 0se negotiation big-door

(212) Mianlin

ge fang every side bu-yao shouldn't

209

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

"Faced with the present difficulties, all sides involved should especially remain calm and restrained, and should not close the door for negotiation rashly." If the door is closed, the negotiation breaks down, and the situation will tum 齿。m bad to worse. Just like the concept of door or gate, the fence or hedge , as a kind ofblockage, is also usedωthe source-domain concept mapped onto the abstract con四pt of difficulty. The following two are examples: (213) a. Shiqu shuangbi de Zheng Jieping mei-you bei lose both anns MOD Zheng Jieping has-not been de 油alan zudang-zhu, ta que ba buxing buxing he instead PRTmisfortune misfortune MOD paling blocked le zou xiang huihuang de dong li. biancheng changed-into PRTwalk toward splendor MOD motive force "Zheng Jieping, who lost both of his anns, has not been blocked by the paling of misfortune, but instead changed his misfortune into the motive force for walking toward the splendor." de shenghuo fanli , b. Ta juexin chongpo yiwang MOD life hedge he determined break past chuang yifan shiye. create a cause ''He was determined to break the life hedge of the past, and create a cause."

The misfortune of losing both anns, and the difficulty caused by it, are generally taken as impediments (hence the

‘paling')ωmotion

toward goals. In (a)

也.ey are, on the contrary, tumed into motive fûrces of such motion. In (时， the

person is determined to 企ee himself 企om the 企ame of the past which is understood as ‘ hedge.' Similar form of impediment is also found in the next example: (214) Xiang yong bu-zhengdang shouduan facai want use improper means get-rich chi-zao yao peng-bi. sooner-or-later wil\ hit-wall

de MOD

ren people

210

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR "Those who want to get ricb by improper means will sooner or later run into a stone wall."

Here , the difficulty as blockage is 导uch that further movement is impossible. People will even get hurt ifthey are runiüng too fast when running into a stone wal l. A kind of movement that entails difficulties as impediments is mountain cJ imbing. While it is desirable to reach the mountain top , which is the desired destination (i. e. purpose, goal , objective, or aim) , we know 企om our experience that cJ imbing mountains may be very difficult or even dangerous because of the difficult or dangerous features of the terrain. It usually takes more strength and courage to climb a mountain than to move on flat ground. This is exemplified by the following example: lu de dou bi shang chuang (215) Zai ben meiyou PRToriginally no path MOD steep cliff on break lu. Jishi bu neng deng- Iin fengdian yitiao ziji de a self MOD path even-ifnot able mount peak linglüe na wuxian fengguang ,ye ke wei houlairen appreciate that boundless view still can for successors kai banjie shan lu. zhan jicong jingji, cut some brambles blaze half-way mountain trail "(They) want to break a path for themselves on the steep cJ iff without any paths. Even if (they) will not be able to mount the peak to appreciate the boundless view, (they) still can cut some brambles and blaze half of a mountain trail for their successors." Wh at is being talked about here is not real mountain cJ imbing, but scientific endeavor, namely to ‘ climb the world peak of science and technology' (p andeng shijíe ke ji gao fen g). The whole 阴阳m of experience and knowledge of mountain climbing has been transferred into the target domain of reasoning about scientific endeavor. As has been demonstrated, the conc叩tual metaphor DIFFICULTIES ARE IMPEDIMENTS TO MOTION really functions pervasively in Chinese. ‘ Impediments to motion' is a generic-Ievel notion, inclusive of various specific-level conc叩ts. As the cited examples have shown, difficulties are understood as blockages , features of the terrain on land or water, and features of the weather. All those source-domain conc叩ts are closely associated with joumeys, namely movements in space 仕'om location to location. At the linguistic level , some of

EVENT STRUCTURE MET APHOR

211

the metaphorical transfers 企om the domain of journey to the domain of event structure. reasoning has already been conventionalized in the lexicon whereas others are activated at the inferential level. It is particularly worth noting that the D1 FFICULTY AS IMPEDl MENT metaphor is closely related to the conceptual metaþhors-states , changes , caùses , actions , purposes , and means--d iscussed previously in this chapter. It is but an integral part of a metaphorical system. 5.3.8. Others

In this section, 1 come to some specific cases of the Event Structure Metapho r. The metaphorical mappings are specified as follows: 1.

EXPECTED PROGRESS IS A TRA VEL SCHEDULE; A SCHEDULE IS A VIRTUAL TRA VELER, WHO REACHES PREARRANGED DESTINA TIONS AT PREARRANGED TIMES.

1. K.

EXTERNAL EVENTS ARE LARGE , MOVING OBJECTS. LONG-TERM , PURPOSEFUL ACTIVITIES ARE JOURNEYS.

In fact , these mappings are all covered by the basic notions of event structure discussed in the preceding sections. 1 will not, therefore , elaborate on them and instead, 1 will only cite a few ex缸nples to show that they are actually present in Chinese too. (1) is exemplified by the following sentence: (216) Yinjin guowai zhili shi gai sheng jin import foreign intelligence make this province only le changgui yong ba-nian shijian zou-wan use eight-year time finish-walking PRT convention lu. xuyao si-shi nian cai neng zou-wan de need forty ye缸 then can finish-walking MOD way "Importing foreign intelligence enables this province to use only eight years to finish walking over the way that conventionally requires forty years' walking." In this example, the convention is conceptualized as a virtual traveler who has to spend forty years walking over the distance. The ‘ actual' traveler, namely the province, covereù the same distance in only eight years. This means that the actual traveler walks much faster , that is, makes much faster progress, than the virtual traveler does.

212

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR (1) has the fo l1 owing instance:

(217) Xianggang Huigui nn pojin. Ju guo Hong Kong retum day-by-day approach whole coun仿y shang-xia xi ying zheyi weida lishi shike top-to-bottom happily greet this great historic moment dc dao-Iai. MOD arnvc-coη1 巳 "Hong Kong's Retum (i. e. Handover) is approaching day by day. The whole nation , from top to bottom, is happily greeting the arrival ofthis 以rcat historic cvcn t."

Hcrc thc cvcnt of Hong Kong's handover is conceived of as a large moving ohjcct. or as SO Il1 CO Il C rclurning hO ll1 c by pcrsoni ficalion , thal is approaching day by day. The whole natìon is getting ready to greet its arrival. Finally , (K) is il1 ustrated by the example below: (218) Woyizhi guanzhu zhetade ylshu bulü. Zai qi manchang' always watch PRThis artistic steps PRT his vcry-long kanke shen duo, de yishu shengya zhong, quzhe , MOD artistic career in zigzags bumps veηmany dan ta yong-wang-zhi-qian, 抖 p iι-j且in 吨 l咆 g亿 -zhan 忏l卜叶.才叫j but he巳 r盯 m 曰Jarch-fc 岛 or阿 wa:缸 rdι-bra 盯 vely chop-thoms-cut-brambles paichu chongchong luzhang , zou chu yitiao remove one-after-another roadblocks walk out one ziji de dute de yishu daolu. self MOD unique MOD artistic path "1 was always fo l1 owing his artistic steps cI osely. In his very long artistic career, there were so many zigzags and bumps , but he marched forward bravely , chopping thoms and cutting brambles , removing r佣d blocks one after another, and he walked out a unique artistîc path ofhis own."

Art istic pursuits are long-tenn purposeful activities. In this passage, the career of an artist is conventionally compared to a joumey full of hardships: the traveler broke his own path by chopping the thoms and brambles and remoγing obstacles. Therefore , every step forward is not easy at all. As mentioned earlier, the three mappings in (1) , (J), and (K) actually incorporate the basic concepts of the event structure discussed in the preceding sec-

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213

tions. When progress in (1) is understood as travel (movement) , it involves change oflocations (states). Wh en events are conceptualized as moving objects as in (J) , the change of states caused by them is again understood spatialI y in terms of locations. FinalI y, when long-term, purposeful activities are understood as joumeys in (K) , the conceptualization involves such components as starting location (original state) , destination (purpose or goal) , path (means) , impediments (difficulties or problems) , self二propelIed movements (actions) , and so forth.

5.4. The object-version in Chinese

It seems that spatialization and objectification of abstract concepts is a general ptinciple of language , that is , to view abstract concepts as entities and subst阻ces (see, e.g. , Lakoff and Johnson 1980 for discussion of ontological metaphors). If this is true, then it supports the hypothesis that abstract reasoning is , to a great extent,‘ a metaphorical version ofimagistic reasoning' (Lakoff 1990: 39). There are various ways in which abstract concepts are spatialized or objectified. A very common way is through collocation. In the following set phrases , for instance , the head nouns , which are abstract in character, are modified by concrete adjectives that appeal to human senses. Thus , the abstract conce~此s appe红 to be three dimensional entities or substances that exist in space. hou yi (219) a. shen qing deep affection thick 企iendship "profound sentiments of 企iendship" b. zhong tuo hou wang heavytrust thick hope "great trust and great expectations" c. shen chou da deep enmity big "profound hatred"

hen hatred

Hét'e shen "deep ," hou "thick ," and da "big" are all spatial or dimensional adjectives that appeal to the sense of sight while zhong "heavy" appeals to the sense of touch. Wh en the concrete qualities these modifiers denote transfer to their modified, those abstract nouns acquire t:1e concrete qualities. In the following are some more examples:

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

(220) a. sixiang 出.ought

shendu d叩由

"depth .of th.oughts" b. qinggan de ziran ' liu-xie emotions MOD natural flow-pour "natural outflowing of emotions" c. chong-man lixing he xinxin de fill-full reason and confidence MOD "judgment filled with reason and confidence"

panduan judgment

Thoughts in (a) are spatialized by being collocated with the word meaning ‘ depth.' Emotions in (b) are conc叩tualized in terms of liquid when the collocation transfers the prop创y of liquid to the t町get domain. In (c), jud伊lent becomes a container when it is ‘ filled' with reason and confidence whereas reason and confidence seem to be solids or liquids held in the container. This kind of transfer 企om the concrete to the abstract often takes place in the collocation between an 曲stract noun and a verb , either in the [subject+verb] or [verb+object] construction.ηle following are examples of the former kind: (221) a.

Maodunω-chu.

contradiction project-out 'The contradiction projects or is projecting." 严1 hen jiaozhi zai b. Ai love and hatred interweave PRT ‘ Love and hatred interwove toge由er.'

c.

yiqi. together

Ren叩lan

yu maoyi tuo名ou. human-right and trade un-hooked "Human right and trade are delinked."

The abstract concepts denoted by the subject nouns take shape when hooked Up with the verbs following them. In the following examples the abstract conc叩ts denoted by the object nouns 缸'e also spatialized or objectified when 也可缸e collocated with the v町'bs before them. de sixiang shendu (222) a. kaijue xin dig new MOD thought d叩出气o dig into the new depth of th.oughts"

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215

φt100

Mρuw ·川

缸 bg

阳 mω

b. shuli lianghao de daode fengshang MOD moral habit erect fine "to erect fine ethics and habits" zguha ·udow m-w vdpa0 upd ub dn ou u-H r·li' o (222a) is an extension of (220a) above, in which the verb kaijue "dig," col1ocated with the noun shendu "depth," helps spatialize the abstract concept of thoughts. (222b) and (222c) undergo similar processes , though they are examples of objectification or entification as entailed by the verbs ‘ erec t' and ‘ grab' respectively. It seems that spatialization or 0均 ectification of abstract concepts is a pervasive phenomenon in language, as suggested earlier. With this point in mind , 1 now turn to specific conceptual metaphors of the object-version of the Event Structure Metaphor, as given in ~127). 1 wil1 discuss each ofthem to show how they work in Chinese. 1 wil1 combine (127e) and (127 f) into one since these two are both about the concept of purpose. It is worth mentioning that the as幽 pects of the object-version, namely attributes, changes , causes , actions , and purposes , are also related to each other so closely, as has been demonstrated with those of the location-version, that many of the examples 1 use for one aspect can just as wel1 be used for another. That is to say , many examples can simultaneously il1 ustrate more than one aspec t. 1 would also like to mention , before proceeding to the discussion per se , that the object-version of the Event Structure Metaphor is just as, if not more‘ intricate and complicated as its location-dual. But 1 wil1 not go as deeply here as in the location-version section because , in my opinion, objectification or entification of abstract concepts is a more pervasive and , therefore , inore detectable phenomenon in language. As a matter of fact , the location-dual and object-dual can never be separated 企om each other, and they always co-exist: objects always exist in, and move be国 tween, locations. 5 .4.1. Attributes

The conceptual metaphor for attributes , according to Lakoff (1993b) , is as follows , repeated 企om (127a): L. ATTRIBUTES ARE POSSESSIONS.

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

An attribute can refer to any abstract quality of a person 'Or thing. The ∞，nc叩 tual metaphor is therefore a general mapping 企'Om the c'Oncrete t'O the abs衍act. The foll 'Owing is but a particular instance ofthis general mapping. (223) a. W0

you xinxin. have confidence "1 have confidence."

b. Wo

chong-man xinxin. be-filled-full confidence "1 am filled with c'O nfidence (i.e. full 'O f confidence)."

In both cases , confidence, an abstract attribute, is conceptualized in terms of objects. The difference between them is that confidence in (b) is 叩P缸ently held within its owner's body, which is conceptualized as a container, whereas this is not specified in (a). However, there exists a s严ltactic difference that distinguishes the abstract quality 企om the concrete object as shown in the following pair of contrast: (224) a. Wo

hen you xinxin. very have confidence "1 have a lot of confidence."

b.*.Wo

hen you yizi. vcry have chairs "1 havc a lot of chairs."

That is t'O say , when the object noun of y'ou "have" is abstract, the verb can be modified by the intensifier hen "very," while such modification wi1l lead to ungrammaticality when the object noun is concrete. But this particular s归tac tic difference should not bar the conceptual metaph'O r in (L) 企om being a valid one. More evidence is coming along. We know that possessions are 0均 ects that one can bring along when tr町， eling around. We also know that possessions are things that can be given aw町 or passed around. These entailments are reflected in the following e芷缸nple in which abstract relationship is treated as an 0均 ect: (225) Zhong Ri liang guo China Japan two countries ylg巳 youhao de Zhong friendly MO() China one

yuanyl dou Jlang renmm PRT willing peoples all dai ru Ri gu缸lXl Japan relationship brought into

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

--m

unuunu he

cu

凹，

户LV

-t nu ea-22· v且

'且'阶

ρuwhu

AM咽

-11 vdvd

shi have

217

Zhong Ri youhao shidai China Japan 仕iendship generations

xiang-chuan. passed-down "Both Chinese and Japanese peoples are wi1I ing to bring a 企iendly Sino-Japan relationship into the 21st Century, having the Sino-Japanese 企iendship passed down 企'om generation to generation." In this example, peoples of China and Japan are to bring the 企iendly relationship with them when they 'move' into the 21st Century, and they are also to pass the 企iendship down ftom generation to generation. The ‘企iendly relationship' and the ‘企iendship' are thus understood as valuable possessions that are carried around and passed down 企om one generation to another. In the following example , the abstract attributes are compared to a ‘ relay baton,' which by nature is a possession passed 企om one racer to another in a relay race. yange (226) Yanmi de zuzhi , de xunlian , yanming tight MOD' organization ngorous MOD trammg stnct de zuofeng , zhe yanjin sitiao de jilü, MOD discipline rigorous MOD style these four guangrong chuantong shi womende jieli bang , yao glorious traditions are our relay baton should yongyuan chuan xiaqu. forever be-passed down "The tight organization, rigorous training, strict discipline , rigorous style, these four glorious traditions are our relay baton , which should be passed down forever." Traditions are passed down ftom generation to generation while the relay baton is passed from one racer to another. The two different kinds of events may appear to be parallel to each other, but the direction of mapping tends to go 仕om the physical to the abstract rather than the other way around. Although what we have here is a one-shot sports metaphor, it is stiII a manifestation of the ATTRIBUTES AS POSSESSIONS metaphor at the conceptual leve l. 5 .4 .2. Changes With changes in the object-version , the conceptual metaphor is as follows:

218

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR M.

CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS (OF POSSESSIONS , NAMELY, ACQUISITIONS ORLOSSES).

This conceptual met叩hor is illustrated by the following pair of sentences: dedao le yongqi. (227) a. Ta he acqurre PRT courage "He acqurred (i. e. gained) his courage." b. Ta shiqu le yongqi. he lose PRT courage "He lost his courage." In these two examples，∞urage seems to be an object 也at moves in two different directions: it moves into the person's possession in (a) 臼 he acquires it; it moves out of his possession when he loses it in (b). Therefore，也e petson's change regarding the ab耐act quality of courage is conc叩tualized in terms of 1tS movement ín space. Sometimes, metonymy also comes in to function in conjunction with metaphor, as the following example shows: (228) Women renhe shihou dou bu neng hushi nongye, we. any time all not can ignore agriculture diudiao cai lanzi he mi daizi. drop vegetable basket and rice sack "We can at no time ignore agriculture, dropping our vegetable basket and rice sack." Here the conc叩，ts of ‘ vegetable basket' and ‘ rice sack' 缸'e very culturespecific. In the urban se饥ing of mainland China, people go shopping for vegetable (which can include meat, fish , etc.) very often, usually early in the moming, and typically with a bamboo basket. They also go to the local rice store to buy rice, typically with cloth sacks. The vegetable basket and rice sack are then metonymically associated with agricultural production in general. When we have lost our vegetable basket and rice s部:k， we are short of agricultural products. In the object-version, as the above examples have shown, changes are stil1 conc叩tualized in terms of movements. However, it is movements of possessions relative to the possessor.

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219

5.4 .3. Causes Similar to its location-dual, the object-version also conceptualizes causes in terms of forces , and the conceptual metaphor in 也is case is given below , repeated 企om (1 27c): N. CAUSES ARE FORCES (CONTROLLING THE MOVEMENT OF POSSESSIONS, NAMELY GIVING OR TAKlN G AWAY).

Wh en this conceptual metaphor is realized at the linguistic level , a syntactic characteristic is that the phrases expressing causes take the subject position and play the role of agent , no matter whether they are human or not, or animate or not. Now look at the following examples: kuan xlang zru qu renmm Juan to disastrous area people donate money JU缸 wu， song wennu缸1， Xlan al-Xlll. donate materials deliver warmth present love-heart "They donated money and materials to 也e people in the disaster area, delivering warmth and presenting love to them."

(229) a. Tamen they

b. Mian dui gungun-er-lai de xifang wenhua face to surging晒 come MOD Westem cultural chaoliu, women zenyang cai neng wei Zhongguo tide we how then can for China gu-lao de yishu zhu ru huoli , shi zhi MOD art inject into vitality make it ancient-old huanfa chu canlan de qingchun? shineout bright MOD youth "Faced with the Westem cultural tide that is surging over, how can we inject vitality into the ancient art of China, making it shine with bright youth again?" In (纱， money and materials are real possessions that are donated to the people in the disaster area, who also receive warmth and love, the abstract attributes , as ifthey are possessions too. The giving , here , is double-tracked, making double changes in the receivers , namely changes in the material and spiritual senses. In (时， vitality , an abstract quality , is metaphorized as a liquid to be ‘ iniected into' the container of ‘ the ancient art of China' so as to make a

220

Tfl E CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

change in it. The change in this case is again caused by the actions of giving and receiving vitality-possession. ln the above two examples , the causes , namely the forces controlling the movement ofpossessions , are from human subjects. In the fo l1owing exampl部， on the other hand , the causes aτe 企om inanimate subjects (the 'TV program' and the ‘ air lines'). A further distinction can be made among them: the receivers of possessions in the first group are human (the ‘ viewers' and the ‘ peoples all over the world') while those in the second are inanimate (a place in one and the ‘ stages' in the oth 巳r). (230)

a. Zhege dianshi jiemu 归 jiao 川 le， this TV program contain lesson in entertainment jiang huanle 严 wenxin song gei gu缸tZhong. PRT joy and warmth deliver to viewers "This TV program contains a lesson in entertainmcnt , deliveringjoy and warmth to viewers." b. Hang-xian xiang yi-tiao-tiao youyi de niudai. air-lin巳s like one-after-another 企iendship MOD ti由 ba Zhongguo he sh甘 ie lianjie qilai , chuansong zhe PRT China and world connect up transport PRT Zhongguo renmin dui shijie renmin de shen qing Chinese people toward world people MOD deep affection hou yi. thick

企iendship

"The air lines are like ties of 企iendship， connecting China with the world , transporting Chinese people's profound sentiments of 企iend ship to the peoples all over the world." The common charact巳ristic of these sentences is that a [-animate] Mun has the role ofagent (giver) in the subject position. These [-animate] gÎvers give some attribut巳s-possessions away to [+human] recipients. So , the s严ltax here is part of metapho r. The examples below are different 企om the above ones in that the recipients of the attributes-possessions are inanimate. (231) a. Xiandai modem

gonglu highway

wang network

jiang wiIl

gei to

Pingding dai Pingding bring

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

221

lai fanrong 沪 zhanxin de shenghuo. come prosperity and brand-new MOD life "Modem highway ‘network w i11 bring to Pingding prosperity and a brand-new life." b. Yishujia liudong gei ge-di chenmen de wutai artists circulation to each-place oppressive MOD stages zhu shang xinxian de huoli. pour on 企esh MOD vitality "The circulation of artists poured 企esh vitality onto the oppressive stages in all places." ‘ Prosperity and a brand-new life' in (a) , like possessions , will be passed by the highway network to the place. The ‘ stages' in (b) is a meton严ny of the stagecraft, which, having received 企esh vitality, is expected to show prosperity and boom. The final ex缸nple for CAUSES AS FORCES metaphor is as follows:

(232) Zhihui 归 naixin dique keyi bangzhu renmen wisdom and patience indeed can help people baituo qijian de jiuchan. break-from bias MOD tangle "Wisdom and patience can indeed help people break from the tangle of bias." In this example, wisdom and patience are the forces that can get people out of the tangle ofbias. Or to put it differently , they have the force to take bias away from people. In all the examples in this section, as we have seen, causes, animate or inanimate , are agents who give or take away attributes-possessions while the themes of change are understood as recipients or losers of those attributespossesslO ns. 5 .4.4. Actions The conceptual metaphor for actions is as follows: O.

ACTIONS ARE SELF-CONTROLLED ACQUISITIONS OR LOSSES.

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THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

The following examples show the first aspect of the metaphor, namely, ACTIONS ARE SELF-CONTROLLED ACQUISITIONS.

(233) a. Wo-guo

feichang zhuyi xishou guoji unusually pay-attention-to absorb intemational banquan jie de jingyan he changchu. copyright circle MOD experience and merits "Our country pays special attention to absorbing the experience and merits ofthe intemational copyright circle." our-coun住y

b. Ke ji jie yao dan qi minzu science technology circles should shoulder up national fu qiang lishi zhong ren. prosperity powerfulness historic heavy responsibility "Scientific and technological circles should shoulder up the historic responsibility for national prosperity and powerfulness." The Chinese verb dan in (b) originally refers to the action of carrying with a shoulder pole, which is traditionally the most common tool of carrying in the countryside of China. Wh en one shoulders up the load of burden with the shoulder pole, one acquires that load. The load of burden here , however, is mapped onto the abstract concept 0f task and responsibility, which is a very commonly used metaphor. The next two ex缸nples illustrate the second aspect of the metaphor in (0) , that is , ACTIONS ARE SELF-CONTROLLED LOSSES. (234) a. Women yinggai gen-chu zhezhong bu-liang we should root-remove this kind unhealthy zhuangkuang. sltuatlO n "We should root-remove (i.e. completely remove) this kind of unhealthy situation." \;>. Women yinggai sao-chu wen-mang. we should sweep-remove language-blind "We should sweep-remove (i.e. wipe out) illiteracy."

The verb gen-chu "root-remove" in (a) is associated with plant. When you want to get rid of a plant completely , you have to remove it from the root, as the Chinese idiom goes: zhan cao chu gen "cut the weeds and dig up the roots (i.e. to stat;np out the source oftrouble)." When this verb is used, an undesired

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223

plant such as weeds is mapped onto the undesired situation , and the abstract becomesthe concrete. The verb sao-chu "sweep-remove" in (b) initiates a similar metaphorical process. It originally refers to the action of removing with a broom, Therefore, whatever object noun it takes is associated with garbage. So is the abstract situation of illiteracy in (b). While actions are in p缸t self-controlled acquisitions , the things that are acquired through actions are then purposes of the actions. Now , 1 tum to purposes ofthe object-version. 5 .4 .5. Purposes

For purposes, the conceptual metaphor of the object-version is given in (Pa) , and (Pb) is its entailment:

P. a. b.

PURPOSES ARE DESlRED OBJECTS. ACHIEVING A PURPOSE IS ACQUI阳NG A DESlRED OBJECT (OR RIDDING ONESELF OF AN UNDESlRABLE ONE).

A very common source domain here is agricu1ture, in which people sow seeds in hope of getting a harvest in retum. Look at the following two examples: (235) a. Tamen renwei kao qiang ganzi zai Haidi bozhong they think with gun barrel at Haiti sow de jihua nan yi shixian. minzhu MOD plan difficult to realize democracy "They think that the plan to sow democracy in Haiti with the barrel of a gun is difficult to realize." b. Linzhou Shi jianchi ‘ liang shou zhua , , qude le Li nzhou City insist ‘ two hands grab' acquire PRT wuzhi wenming he jingshen wenming material civilizatior and spiritual civilization jianshe de shuang fengshou. construction MOD double harvest "Insisting on ‘ grabbing with both hands,' Linzhou City has acquired a double bumper harvest in constructing both material and spiritual civilizations." In (a) the desired object , namely the pu叩 ose， is democracy , while the means to the end is being questioned. A bumper harvest is achieved in constructing both

224

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

material and spiritual civilizations, which are the desired objects or purposes in (b). In (剖， liang shou zhua "to grab with both hands" is an established metaphor in the political discourse in China for 'to try to build up material and spiritual civilizations simultaneously.' A common slogan is liang shou zhua, liang shou dou yao ying "to grab with both hands, with both hands tough." The slogan is designed for the purpose of an ideal balance. It seems that trees are desired objects across cultures. In Chinese, tree is o负en the source-domain concept for desired situations or purposes. For instance , (236) Ershi nian qian bo xia de youyi zhongzi twenty years ago sow down MOD 企iendship seeds jie chule fengshuo de guoshi. Zai shuang jintian yi today alreadybear out PRT rich MOD 企uits PRTboth fang de gongtong pei叭 xia， youyi zhi shu sides MOD common cu1tivation under 企iendship MOD tree hui zai jin hou de suiyue li bu-duan wi11 PRT today after MOD years in no-pause zhuozhuang-chengzhang. sturdy-grow "The seeds of 企iendship sowed down 20 years ago have already bom out rich 企uits today. Under the common cultivation of both sides, the trees of 企iendship wi11 keep growing sturdy in the future ye缸S." The main pu叩ose of growing fruit trees is to reap 企uits. When rich 企uits 缸e reaped , the purpose is achieved. Wh en trees grow bigger and sturdier, more 企uits are expected. Of co旧白， trees are valuable not only because they produce 企uits ， but also because they are good for environment and soIÌ1e of them serve as important construction materials. Their value has therefore transferred into the abstract domain of reasoning about event structure. In the fol1owing is another example. (237) Zhege juyou this have mal m stride into can-tlan reaching-sky

sishi-ba man lishi de forty-eight year historγMOD hanglie, yl Xla叼 m advanced ranks already da shu. Jishu jinbu big tree technologyprogress

qlye n习 m enterprise today zhang cheng grow become geng shi zheke more make this

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225

lao shu fa-chu xin zhi , chengxian chugen shen old tree shoot-out new branches show out roots deep ye mao de bobo shengji. leaves luxuriant MOD exuberant vitality "This 48-year-old enterprise has stridden into the ranks of the advanced , having grown into a big sky-reaching tree. Technological progress has made this old tree shoot out new branches, showing exuberant vitality, with its deep roots and luxuriant leaves." The ideal state of the tree metaphorizes the ideal state of the enterprise. Wh en the enterprise has developed into an advanced one，也e tree has grown into a towering one. That is to s町， the metaphor here connects the source-domain concept-growing a towering tree (a desired object}-and the target-domain concept一--developing an advanced enterprise (the purpose). It is noteworthy that the idiomatic phrase gen shen ye mao literally describes a tree which has k叩 roots and luxuriant leaves. In an extended sense, however, it means '(something that is) well established and vigorously developing.' Th at is the case with the enterprise under discussion. A different source domain is found in the following sentence to map onto the target-domain concept of achieving a purpose. 严 suzao ming pai. (238) Ta zhongqing he be-deeply-in-love with modeling famousbrand. "He is indulged in modeling famous brands."

In this sentence , the verb suzao "model; mold" is associated with the art of sculpture. The desired objects in this case are works of sculpture. To achieve the purpose, namely to create famous brands of products , is to sculpt works of art.

Wh en an abstract concept is understood as a desired object, one can then it around wherever one goes. This is exemplified in the following sentence: ca:ηy

(239) Xiwang women gongtong nuli , hope we together 位y-hard bingqie wending de guanx1 , relationship also MOD stable ershi-yi shiji. twenty-first century

changqi jianli build-up long-term m ta dai ba 1t c红ry ínto PRT

226

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

"It is hoped that we work hard together to build up a long-term stable relationship , and carry it into the 21st Century."

Wh ile a good relationship between two countries is understood as a desired object, the 21st Century is concepfualized in term of a location. The desired thing to do is to first build up the relationship-object, and then carry it while traveling into the 21st Centur子location. The location of the 21st Century can be thought of as a stop of a long history气journey. The opposite entailment of ACHIEV1NG A PURPOSE 1S ACQU1阳NG A DESlRED OBJECT IS ACHIEV1NG A PURPOSE 1S RIDDING ONESELF OF AN UNDES1RED OBÆCT. The term ‘ undesired object' can be realized at the specific level by various things. 1 will only mention a typical one in the Chinese culture. (240) a. Sanshi-jia qiye zhai-diao le kuisun maozi. PRT loss hat thirty enterprises remove "Thirty enterprises removed the hat of ‘ loss' (or ‘ defici t')." b. Women zhai-diaοle ‘ Zhongguo Pin You' we cast-off PRT ‘ China poor oi l' luohou maozi. backward hat "We cast offthe backward hat of ‘ China Is Oil-Poor. '"

de MOD

As illustrated here,‘ hat' is a derogatory label of an undesirable quality or stateγSo it is really desirable to remove it and cast it off. Wh en those enterprises can remove their hat of ‘ loss,' they have become profit-making. China is now oil-rich, and therefore it has cast off its backward hat of ‘ oil-poor.' The pUrpose is achieved in either case when the undesired hat is removed and cast off. However culture-specific these expressions are, they 缸e still particular instantiations of the conceptual metaphor ACHIEVING A PURPOSE 1S RIDDING ONESELF OF AN UNDESlRABLE OB1ECT. As has been shown in the demonstration of the object-w:rsion of Event Structure Metaphor, abstract concepts are really understood and talked about in concrete terms derived 台'O m our experience in the physical world.

5.5. 即fixture

of location-version and object-version

In sections 5.3 and 5.4, 1 separately demonstrated the two duals of the Event Structure Metaphor: the location-version and the object-version. 1 demon-

227

EVENTSTRUCTUR卫 METAPHOR

strated them as two opposite categories. But in actual discourse , in fact , the 阳10 duals are often used together as two edges of one sword. It is very difficult to s叩arate one 企om the other. In this section, 1 highlight the inseparability of these two duals by giving a few examples. 1 start with a very simple example: (241) Jingji xuyao ruan zhuolu, dian shache. economy need soft landing point brake "Economy needs soft landing and soft braking." In this sentence, economy (in China) is objectified by means of collocation: in its predicate ‘ soft landing' and ‘ soft braking' are terms respectively for airplane and automobile. Thus , by collocational transfer, economy is metaphorized as an airplane and as an automobile. Airplanes and automobiles are means of transportation that go 企om location to location. Therefore , economy is understood as a vehicle while its growth is conceptualized in terms of spatial movement.币le economy in China was growing (vertically) so high and developing (horizontally) so fast that it might get out of control and cause disaster. For this reason, it needed ‘ soft landing' and ‘ soft braking' since 吁lard landing' may cause the airplane to crash and ‘ abrupt braking' may make the automobile tum over. As demonstrated in this example , the object-dual and the location-dual are interactive and interdependent. Let us consider a different ex创nple: (242) Feng Zikai dai zhechuantong wenren de FengZikai c缸1)' P盯住aditional scholars MOD 归 xin-tai zou jin le gudian de andheart-state walk into PRTclassical MOD zheshanggan. gudian de qingqu zou PRTsentimental classical MOD taste walk

xlUyang understanding zhuixun; dai pursUJt caπy jin tade into his

m缸UlUa.

cancatures "Feng Zikai walked into the pursuit of classicism , carrying with him the understanding and the mental state of a traditional scholar; he also walked into his caricatures , carrying with him the taste for sentimental classicism. " Various abstract concepts are understood as either objects or locations. The concepts that are cast into the object-version 缸e ‘ understanding' , ‘ mental

228

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

state' , and ‘ taste for sentimental classicism' whereas those cast into the location-version are 'pursuit of cI assicism' and ‘ caricatures.' It should be pointed out that caricatures, that is, cartoon pictures, are not abstract, but the word ‘ caricatures' here is used metonymicaIly to refer to artistic creation, the process of drawing pictures. With these concepts sorted into two groups of objects and locations , the spatialization of abstract reason is obvious: the artist carried the understanding-object, the mental state-object, and the taste-object with him and walked into the pursuit-Iocation and the creation-Iocation. The spatialization of abstract concepts in both iocation-version and objectversion are also present in the following sentence cited 企om a piece of political discourse: wo guo guomin jingji de fazhan, (243) Suizhe following ourcountry national economy MOD development zai yi Jiang Zemin tong纣li weihexin de Dang PRTwith Jiang Zemin cornrade as core MOD Party tongguo zheci Zhongyang lingdao xia, Central-Committee leadership under pass-through thistime quan-guo jiaoyu gongzuo huiyi, yiding neng ba wo national education work meeting surely can PRTour guo jiaoyu shiye tui xiang yige xin jieduan. nation education cause push toward a new stage "Along with the development of the national economy of the country, under the leadership of the Party Central Committee with Cornrade Jiang Zemin as the core, through this national conference on educational work, (we) certainly can push our nation's cause of education toward a new stage." First of all, it is worth mentioning that the words suizhe and tongguo originaIly mean 'to be following' and 'to pass through or over' respectively, are now ~ammaticalized as prepositions which accordingly mean '(along) with' and through' although, in different contexts, they are still used as main verbs. The ;patial reasoning of the abstract concepts here can be illustrated by Figure 26 , IVhich contains a combination of a couple of image schemas. The figure is in:erpreted as follows. First, the economy is moving forward in its dh就tion， denoted by a PATH schema. Second, parallel to the movement ofthe economy , the pro subject (we) is moving side by side with the economy, following the same direction. It is also denoted by a PA四 schema. Th ird, the pro subject (we) is

229

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

under the leadership of the Party Central Committee with the chainnan as the core. The committee is denoted by a circle with a central point representing its core. The circle figure is really conceptualized as an object, namely a ball-like objec t. This is actually the FIGURE-GROUND schema. Since the pro subject (we) IS ‘ under' the leadership of the Party Central Committee, the FIGURE-GROUND schema is then spatially above the PATH schema representing the pro subject (we). Fourth, the prepositionωngguo "through'; suggests some means by which things are done and the concept of means , as argued earlier, is conceptualized in tenns of path to a destination. The pro subject (we) has to t冰e this path to do whatever it aims to do , namely, to push the cause of education into the new stage. Fifth , the cause of education, represented by a box , is understood in this case as an object , being pushed to move toward and into the new stage , which is conceptualized as a long-shaped location. As is dern. onstrated here, this spatial reasoning of abstract concepts is based on the combination ofsome simple image schemas: the PATH , the CONTAINER , and the FIGURE-GROUND. The example here, very literal in the traditional sense, is actually cast in the Event Structure Metaphor with its two versions of location and objec t. Very often, it is interesting to note, the same abstract concepts are cast in both versions in one sentence , as in the following two sentences:

。

~曰

'

2 3 4 = 5 {5 =

~6

•

the development ofthe national economy ofthe country the Party Central Committee with Chainnan as the core the national conference on educational work the pro subject (we) the cause of education ofthe nation the new stage

Figure 26: Abstract reasoning in spatial terms

230

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

(244) a. Mian dui shen-zhong de pinkun, tamen xuanze face to deep-heavy MOD pove町 they choose le xin de tuwei 可 ing. PRT new MOD break-out path "Faced with the deep and heavy poverty , they chose a new path for ,breaking out of encirclement." b. Ta wei Xibei dai lai le quan xin he to Northwest bring come PRT completely new de guanli linian , ye ba Xibei MOD management concepts also PRT Northwest dai daole guangming de qidian mianqian. bring to PRT bright MOD starting-point front "He brought to Northwest (Airlin臼) the brand new management ∞ncepts; he also brought Northwest (Airlines) onto the bright starting point." In the first clause of (244纱， poverty is said to have depth and weight, just like an object; in the second clause it is however understood as a bounded space in which the people are encircled and 仕om which they are trying to free themselves. Thus, poverty is conceptualized dually as an object and as a location. In a similar vein, the first clause of (244b) characterizes the organization of Northwest Airlines as a location to which the new president brings with him 'the brand new management concepts ,' which are understood as objects. The second clause of (244b), in contrast, features the airlines as an object, which the new president brings to ‘ the bright starting point ,' which is a location. By inference , we know that the organization of Northwest Airlines is starting a new joumey or a new race. In a sense, (244a, b) 缸e ex纽nples of mixed metaphor at conceptual level , with both source concepts of object and location mapped onto the same abstract t缸g~t concept in a single sentence. Sometimes, mixed metaphor at conceptual level may not be very logical , as i11 ustrated by the following sentence. (245) Baohu shengwu duoyangxing zhong zai xingdong, zhong protect biological diversity important to act important zai can归 ying xiyin shehui ge才 ie he guangda to participate should attract society all-walks-of-life andbroad renmin qunzhong jiji can归 jin-lai， gongtong people masses actively participate enter-come toge出er

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

231

gongtong tui-dong zhe yi weida shiye. together push-move this one great cause "To protect biological diversity , it is important to act and to participate. (We) should attract all walks of life and the broad masses of people to actively participate in (this cause) , and together to push this great cause forw削

Here, the ‘ great cause' is to protect biological diversity. Again, this cause is conceptualized simultaneously as a location and as an object. As a location, people are attracted to get into it. That is, one has to be in it to be part of it, just as one has to be physically in the classroom to attend the class. As an object, those people who participate in 也is cause are pushing it forward 也rough space. But the illogicality is: How can these people push this cause forward while they 缸e inside the cause? An analogical questionωask is: How can people push a car forward while they are inside the c缸'? However, the illogicality here does not seem to affect the validity of the statement. The shift of narrative point of view from inside to outside seems to be all right. My last two examples make an interesting pair of contrast-a mirror image: 。46)

a. Chaoxian Bandao

chu yu jiqi fuza be-located in extremely complicated dongdang de xingshi zhizhong. Zhe ci this time turbulent MOD situation inside Hanguo zhi xing jiang ba heping yu South Korea MOD 往ip will PRT peace and wending dai dao Chaoxian Bandaο. stability bring to Korean Peninsula "Korean Peninsula is located in a extremely complicated and turbulent siωation. 白lis trip to South Korea wil1 bring peace and stability to Korean Peninsula." Kore伺

b. Zhe this

Peninsula

Cl tíme

沪lan-man

round-full tui-dong push-move

址U Hanguo South Korea MOD chenggong , ye also success Chaoxian Bandao Peninsula Korean

le xmg qude PRT trip acqU1re 严l Jlang you to will have benefit xingshi jin-yi-bu situation further-a-step

232

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

zou xiang heping yu wending. walk toward peace and stability "This trip to South Korea acquired complete success, and will also help push the Korean Peninsula situation to walk further toward peace and stabi1ity." These two passages comment on the same trip-一the trip by the Premier of China to South Korea for a state visit-from different points ofview: (a) prior to the trip and (b) after it. The passages contain thè fo l1owing mappings between 0同 ect or location and abstract concepts: (246') a.

b.

situation

一〉

peace stability

一一〉

一->

situation

一〉

peace stability

一一〉

一一〉

location object object object location location

The mirror image is c1ear here. The ‘ complicated and turbulent situation' in (a) is a location in which Korean Peninsula is located. On the other hand, the same situation in (b) is an object being pushed toward the locations of ‘ peace' and ‘ stabili牛， As for ‘ peace' and ‘ stability,' they are objects in (吟， brought by th巳 trip to Korean Peninsula located in a complicated and turbulent situation-location. Wh en they are in the possession of Korean Peninsula, natnely, when Korean Peninsula has acquired the peace-object and stability-object, the forrner becomes peaceful and stable as the owner of these attributespossessions. In contrast,‘ peace' and ‘ stab i1ity' are locations in (b), toward which the complicated and turbulent situation-object is being pushed. They are jesired locations for the situation-object to be in; they are therefore destinaions for the situation-object. Once the situation-object reaches its destinations , is in states-Iocations of ‘ peace' and ‘ stabili牛， By being in the stateslocations of ‘ peace' and ‘ stability ,' the situation-object is peaceful and stable. It is really interesting to note how exactly the same abstract concepts are cast in such a mirror image of location and object versions. Th ese two examples we l1 il1 ustrate the notion of ‘ cognitive construal' in cognitive linguisticlI. This section has shown that although there exist two distinguished versions of the Event Structure Metaphor, they cannot be separated 企om each other completely and are very 0负en interactive with each other and operative in

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

233

combination. 1 hope that my analysis here at least suggests how rich and intricate the Event Structure Metaphor, with its dual versions of location and object, may be in actual discourse.

5.6. Summary and discussion In Chapter 5, 1 have demonstrated, in some detail , the Event Structure Metaphor in Chinese, with its location-version and object-version, in the light of Lakoff (1990, 1993a, 1993b, 1994). The conceptual mappings of the various aspects of event structure are closely related to each other, projecting the intricate structure ofthe physical world onto the abstract domain of events. 1 have first worked out the location-version. At the conceptual level , as 1 have shown, the metaphors in (120) are very much the same between English and Chinese. Under the central Event Structure Metaphor, these metaphors form a complicated systerit , with each of its components interactive in an intricate way with the others. Wh en states are understood as locations , changes of states are then changes of locations , that is , movements 企om one location to another. Since changes are understood as movements , the causes of changes are correspondingly conceptualized as forces that cause movements to happen. Actions 缸e， in a sense, causes since they are always taken to make changes happen. Therefore , whereas changes may be passive movements forced by causes , actions are always self-propelled movements tnat transitively force other things to move (change). As actions are understood as self-propelled movements, the pu叩oses (also goals or objectives) of actions then become the desired locationsthat one wants to reach. In other words, purposes are destinations. To reach a destination one always has to take a path that connects the 8t缸ting location and the destination. The path is thus mapped onto means by which to achieve purposes. In the physical world, there may be different paths leading to the same destination. In the abstract domain, there may be different me拍s to the same end or purpose. Since to achieve one's purpose is to move and reach the destination, difficulties in achieving one's purpose are accordingly impediments to movement toward the destination. Thus , the various aspects of the event structure are closely related to each other. The Event Structure Metaphor is really a metaphorical system that projects the physical world into the abstract domain ofreasoning about events. To put it differently, events are structured via metaphor that projects the concrete onto the abstrac t.

234

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

1 have then moved on to the object-version of the Event Structure Metaphor. The conceptual metaphors of the object-version, as given in (127) ，缸e again demonstrated as functioning in Chinese in a similar way as they are in English, even though differences míl町ye饵Xl臼凶剖t between these two languages at the s s叩 p巳饵 eClα1泊 fic 川le 盯 vel. 扣 J us剖t as 阳 i tωsloca 创矶 lio ∞ n←叫 -du均叫 al， the object-version also 严 p re 臼sentωs rich and intricate 叮 s ystem with its as叩 pe 饵 cts interactive with each other. In this version, abstract attributes , or concepts in general, are conceptualized in terms of objects or possessions that exist in three-dimensional space. When one acquires an attribute-object , one possesses that attribute-objec t. Contrastively, when one loses an attribute-o均 ect， one does not possess that attribute-object any more. Changes are, then, also understood as movements, as they are in the locationdual , but they are movements of attributes-objects into or out of one's possession, namely acquisitions or losses. By inference, causes of changes are forc臼 controlling the movements of attributes-objects into or out of one's possessions. Actions. which are taken to cause changes. are self-controlled acquisitions or losses, namely obtaining or getting rid of attributes-objects. One always takes action to achieve a purpose. In the object-version. therefore, purposes are understood as objects: to achieve a purpose is to obtain a desired object or get rid of an undesirable one. As 1 have shown, objectification of abstract concepts is a general principle of language. This principle is reaIized. very often, by means of collocationaI transfer. That is , abstract concepts are objectified by being modified or predicated by properties of concrete objects.

Finally, 1 have demonstrated how location-version and object-version are mixed in actual discourse to produce a metaphorical version of abstract reasoning based on imagistic reasoning of space. Although the two versions of the metaphorical system are distinguished 企om each other, that is, spatialization and objectification of abstract concepts , they are often interactive with each other and applied in combination, just as in the physical world, where space is occupied by objects and objects exist in space. As has been shown, a very abstract concept can be cast in location-version or obje咽-version， depending on the narrative point of view

EVENT STRUCTURE METAPHOR

235

suggestion. Furthermore, it is found in Chinese that the conceptual mappings that are high in the hierarchy are exactly the same as in English , although the actual instances of their manifestation at the linguistic level may be similar to or different 企om English. Some linguistic instances of metaphor, such as ‘ turning in the money hole,'‘dropping the vegetable basket and the rice sack,' and ‘ casting off the hat,' are deeply embedded in the Chinese culture, while others 缸e less so and many are very much shared by both English and Chinese. The degree of similarity between English and Chinese at the high~r level of the hierarchy is again remarkable. It reflects the common bodily and spatial experiences in and wi也 the physical world. As in the TIME AS SPACE metaphor, the CONTAINER and the SOURCE-PATHGOAL schemas are found to be the most common ones structuring the concepωal mappings under the Event Structure Metaphor. Specifically, when states are understood as locations and purposes as desired locations , locations are structured by the CONTAINER schema. When changes and actions are understood as movements 缸ld means as pa伽s， the SOURCE-PATH-GOAL schema is involved in the met~phorical projection. Thi s image schema also structures the mappings of progress as movement, extemal events as large moving objects , and long term purposeful activities as journeys. Difficulties are conceptualized as whatever impediments exist along the path for movement. Besides , causes are understood as forces , which belong to the force image that is nonvisual but has visual consequence. Again as in the TlME AS SPACE metaphor, our basic spatial experiences in the physical world, crystallized into image schemas , have worked their way up into human abstraction, structuring various abstract concepts in spatial terms , making our abstract reasoning a metaphorical version of spatial reasoning. That is what is meant by Lakoff (1990) as the consequence ofthe Invariance Principle. The findings of this chapter reinforces the findings of Chapter 4 regarding the status of the MIND AS BODY metaphor, and the distinctions between the literal and the metaphorical, and between conventional and novel metaphors. The investigation r'叩orted here shows that English and Chinese share the high-level conceptual mappings of both location-version and object-version of the Event Structure Metaphor.

Chapter 6 Conclusion

As stated in the Introduction, the prim缸y objective of the present study is to contribute to the contemporary theory of metaphor 企om the viewpoint of Chinese , so as to help place the theory into a wider cross-cultural and crosslinguistic perspective. To achieve this objective , 1 have tried to work toward a partial (partial because it is basically a study in one language-Chinese-wíth English as point of reference for comparison) answer to what 1 believe to be the two fundamental questions faced by the contemporary theory of metaphor. The first ofthese is whether abstract reasoning is at least partially a metaphorical version of image-schematic reasoning based on our everyday knowledge and bodily experience of the physical world. The contemporary theory claims that abstractions and emotions are understood, at least partially, metaphorically in terms of our physical experience. If t1, at is the case, then metaphor should play a central role in human cognition, characteristic of human understanding and reasoning. The second fundamental question concems the universality or relativity of conceptual metaphors in human conceptual systems. The contemporary theory assumes that such conceptual metaphors vary in universality , 企om being universal in human cognition to being widespread across various cultures to being particular to specific cultures. It would be of great theoretical significance to find out what conceptual metaphors are universal , or widespread , or culture spe.cific. The universal implications suggested by the contemporary theory of metaphor, such as the existence of universal cognitive structures (conceptual metaphors and image schemas) , have to be investigated systematically on a cross-linguistic and cross-cultural basis. A thorough study done in Chinese should contribute to the establishment of the universal status of certain cognitive phenomena. In this book 1 have approached these two questions by focusing on a few metaphorical systems manifested in a large amount of linguistic expressions in Chinese. In Chapter 3 1 have studied metaphors of two emotions-anger and

CONCLUSION

237

happiness-which have received much attention across disciplinaries. With anger, 1 have concentrated on the ANGER IS HEAT metaphor, which has two subversions: ANGER IS FlRE and ANGER IS THE HOT GAS IN A CONTAINER. Whereas the former is exactly the same as its English counterpart, the latter differs interestingly from its English equivalent ANGER IS A HOT FLUID IN A CONTAINER. With happiness, 1 have found that both Chinese and English share the conceptual metaphors HAPPY IS UP, HAPPINESS IS LIGHT, and HAPPINESS IS A FLUID IN A CONTAINER. In addition, Chinese and English fo l1 ow the same meωn泸nic principle of talking about emotions by describing their physiological effects. It is claimed that the similarity in emotion metaphors between these two languages is grounded in the common human bodily reactions to the emotions, whereas the differences between them may be accounted for by different cultural perc叩tions. Then, in Chapters 4 and 5, 1 have studied the TIME AS SPACE metaphor and the Event Structure Metaphor. Of these two , the former has attracted much more attention than 也e la忧er. But even for the former, few studies have been based on thorough and systematic analyses of linguistic evidence. It has been suggested that th臼e two metaphors are candidates for universal mappings (e.g. , Alverson 1994, Lakoff 1993a). Having worked out a detailed analysis of these two metaphors in Chinese, 1 have found that they are closely parallel to their counterparts in English at the conc叩tuallevel. Thus, my study in Chinese has , ωa certain degree, strengthened the candidate status of these two as universal ∞nc叩tual metaphors. In the case of the TIME AS SPACE metaphor, although there exists, across languages, a p缸缸neter regarding whether the Observer faces the future or the past, resulting from culturally shared understanding of time, the general principle of spatial conceptualization of time is most likely universal, based on universal human experience. The Event Structure Metaphor is a much more intricate but less studied system of metaphor. My study here in Chin臼e is in a sense detailed, but still not deep .enough to reveal the real in时， cacy of 也is huge hierarchical system. It may have just revealed the tip of the iceberg. Much more work needs to be done, to go deeper down the hierarchy. My hypothesis for further study is that the lower level of the hierarchy will display more diversity or differences across cultures and languages. It waits to be proved by su

238

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

forrn abstract reasoning. As has been seen especially in Chapters 4 and 5, the abstract concepts in Chinese under discussion are structured metaphorically in image-schematic terrns. When we reason about various abstract concepts , we cast them in a spatial mold , with the abstract relationships between the concepts represented by spatial relationShips. The spatial representation of abstract relationships is apparent in both TIME AS SPACE metaphor and Event Structure Metapho.r 1 have discussed. It demonstrates that , while abstraction is characteristic and definitional of hurnan mi时， it is fundamentally metaphorical in nature. Moreover, the present study also supports the claim of the contempor缸y theory that metaphorical mappings are primarily conceptual, although they are realized and manifested in linguistic terms. When a particular metaphor is said to be universal , it is likely that it is universal conceptually rather than linguistically. Particular instantiations of that conceptual metaphor may still v缸y because specific cultural models in different languages may dictate different choices of linguistic realization. With respect to the structure of metaphor, the present study reinforces the view of the contemporary th∞ry that each m c::taph9rical mappi,ng is. !lJiJ\.现.s~.t of ontological correspondences b~tween entities in a sourc;~.d<>.main and entities in a target domain , and that when thosefixed coπespondences 缸e activated , mappings can project source domain inference pattems onto target domain inference pattems. At the linguistic level , when lexical items denoting source domain concepts have transferred into the target domain and have been consistently used in the t缸get domain, they become polysemous, having acquired a stable sense in the target domain. Some other lexical items may completely lose their original senses in the source domain after they have acquired a stable sense in the target domain. Still others are used in the target domain inconsistently or irregularly, constituting more ‘ novel' instances of metaphorical extension. But some lexical items are used only in the source domain even though they are potential metaphorical transfers due to the fixed co汀espon dences between the two conceptual domains. These four cases should exist in all languages. Of the fixed set of correspondences between entities in the source domain and entities in the t缸get domain under a part

CONCLUSION

239

sion in time is activated in Chinese and not so activated in English, but such correspondences exist in both languages. Furtherrnore，伽e present study supports another claim of the contempor.缸y 也eory， namely, metaphorical màppings are not arbitrary, but grounded in our bodily experience and daily knowledge. The degree of similarity between English and Chinese in the spatial conceptualization of time and various aspects of event structure is ve可 illustrative. In bOth languages the conceptualization is grounded in basic bodily experience ofhuman beings functioning in the physical wor1 d. Particularly, such abstract emotions as anger and happiness, and such abstract concepts as time, states, changes, causes, actions, purposes, me部队 and difficulties, are conceptualized in terrns of space, motion, and force , which 缸'e common or similar to all human beings. The common or simil缸 human experience which transcends cultural boundaries is then reflected in languages. It needs to be pointed out, however，也就 the above conc1 usions are based on the analysis of systematic pattems of linguistic evidence. The question remains open as to what extent the linguistic evidence 1 have presented actually reflects concep阳al s位ucture. It has been argued that conventionalized expressions ofmetaphor mightjust represent convenient ways oftalking about things and do not reflect conceptual structure at all (see, e.g., Ortony 1988), and that inferences about conceptual structure based only on linguistic structure cannot be 企ee from the problem of linguistic circul缸ity (see, e.g., Murphy 1996, 1997). It is obvious that linguistic patterns do not always directly reflect conC叩阳als衍ucture.α1 the other hand, it seems unlikely that linguistic pattems do not reflect conceptual structure at all, or they do only to a limited extent. Given the high degree of similarityfound þetw~t:;n English and Chinese in their l and happiness, the TIME AS linguistic pattems. that manifest metaphors of ang町 SPACE metaphor, and the Event Structure Metaphor, it would be hard to think 也就 the similar pattems across languages are not govemed by certain higher conc叩ωal structure built on some common experiential basis , but result from somep町e coincidence. Similarly, it would also be hard to think that 由e differences between 'the languages in the sýstematic p甜ems ofvarious metaphorical expressions do not connect to the cultural and cognitive models that underlie them. Of cour

240

THE CONTEMPORARY THEORY OF METAPHOR

36) has suggested four possible ways that conceptual thought might inf1 uence ordinary language use and understanding, ranging from the most gen衍al and cultural to the most specific and individual: 1. Conceptual thought plays some role in changing the me缸由gs ofwords and expressions over time, but does not motivate ∞ntemporary 叩eak ers' use and understanding oflanguage. 2. Conceptual thought motivates the linguistic meanings 也àt have currency within linguistic communities, or may have some role in an idealized speakers'岛earers' und，衍standing of language. But conc叩阳al thought does not actually play any part in an individual speaker's ability to make sense of language or to process it. 3. Conceptual thought motivates individual speaker's use and understanding ofwhy various words and expressions mean what they 曲， but does not play any role in people's ordinary on-line production or comprehension of everyday language. 4. Conceptual thought functions automatically and interactively in people's on-line use and understanding oflinguistic meaning. Ofthese 岛ur ways, 1 缸n in no position to tell if (4) is 住ue or not, since it reqUlres that appropriate on-line experlments be done. 1 believe, however，也at (1). (2) , and (3) are true to various degrees, depending on the degree of conventlonality of the expressions. My hypothesis is that conc叩伽al thought tends to have less impact on contemporary speakers' actual use and understanding of more conventionalized lexical items and expressions, and vice v缸sa. As Glucksberg et al. (1993) have shown, even though some conc叩tua1 metaphors may not be automatically accessible and thus do not play a necessary role in ac~al production or comprehension of conventionalized expressio时， th町缸e still there, available for use, and accessed under c破tain circumstances, for inst~ce. when people have the time to make considered, deliberate judgments. My final remark pertains to data col1ection. 白le data in Chapter 3 consist of highly conventionalized, idiomatic words and expressions. They were mainly collected 企'om the dictionaries. 80 were the data of lexical items in Chapters 4 and 5. The examples cited to illustrate in如'ence p副ems ofmetaphor in Chapters 4 and 5 come 企'om a 1缸ge data corpus col1ected mainly 企om an official Chinese newspaper. Similar instances were found highly recurrent. Their use is pervasive in the Chinese language. But that does not mean that everything is metaphorical. Instead, what 1 do want to claim is that the meta-

CONCLUSION

241

phorical structure and its experiential basis, and the systematic pattems, of the Chinese data 1 have presented have been largely ignored, and are now found to bear considerable similarity with their English counterparts. If the studies 1 have presented in this book can make a little contribution to the multidisciplinary exploration of the relationship between language, culture, and cognition, as t have hoped, 1 will achieve the goal 1 have started with. From a macro-Ievel perspective, of course , the studies presented in this book are still very limited in terms of both breadth and depth. Th ey have at best provided some evidence 企om Chinese in favor of the contempor红y theory of metaphor in general, and of the universal status of some. conceptual metaphors and image schemas in particular. It is but one step of a long joumey of cross-linguistic and cross-cultural search into human cognition.

Appendix The Character Version of the Chinese Examples

Examples in Cbapter 3 (14)

a. 别惹我发火. b. 他正在火头上 C. 你在火上加油. d. 那家伙怎么这么大火? e. 他肝火很旺. f.他大动肝火. g. 她强按下心火

没有发作.

(15)

我心气不顺闷气.

(16)

h. 他心头火起i.他满腔怒火.

J. 他气得七窍生烟.

k. 她窝了一肚子火. 1.他火冒三丈 m. 他怒火万丈. a. 我可受不了这份窝囊气. b. 她脾气很大 C. 你又发脾气了.

e. 他最近肝气郁结.

f.她憋了一肚子气.

h. 他气鼓鼓的i.他气呼呼的

j. 她气势汹汹.

d.

g. 她在生 k.他怒

气冲冲. 1.他拿我出气 m. 他怒气冲天. a. 我气得脸上火辣辣的. b. 别把肺结气炸了 C. 别气破了肚皮. d. 他们争得个个面红耳赤 e. 他们争得脸红脖子粗. f. 她气得脸

上红一阵，白一阵，青一阵，紫一阵.

g. 他怒发冲冠. h. 她气得

竖眉瞪眼i.他气得吹胡子瞪眼晴 j. 她气得浑身发抖. k. 他气得双手颤抖. 1.他气得直跺脚 m. 她气得咬牙切齿 n. 我气得两眼发黑

(22)

(23) (24) (25) (26) (27)

O. 我气得头昏眼花.

a. 他很高兴. b. 他很兴奋 C. 她们情绪高涨. d. 他们个个情绪高扬 e. 他兴头很高. f.他正在兴头上. g. 这下提起了我的兴致. h. 她得意扬扬 1. 他扬扬自得. a. 稳重 b. 持重 C. 沉稳 d. 轻浮 e. 轻飘 E 漂浮 a. 她心里乐开了花. b. 他心花怒放. a. 他们个个兴高采烈. b. 他容光焕发，喜气洋洋 C. 他喜形于色. d. 他笑逐颜开 e. 她喜笑颜开. a. 他心中充满喜悦. b. 她满心欢喜 C. 她再也按捺不住心中的喜悦. d. 喜悦之情如泉水流入她的心里 e. 他满怀喜悦. a. 孩子们高兴得活蹦乱跳. b. 她们欢呼雀跃 C. 他们喜跃忡舞. d. 他们兴奋得手舞足蹈 e. 他高兴得嘴巳都合不拢. f. 她笑容满

243

APPENDIX

面.

g. 她眉开眼笑.

h. 他喜眉笑眼i.她舒眉展眼

J. 他喜上眉

梢.

(29)

(30) (31)

a. 她心肠很软.

b. 他真是一个好心肠的人

C. 他真是一个热心

肠. d. 他的心肠真硬 e. 他真是一个铁心肠. f.他真是一个黑心肠. a. 他吓得肝胆俱裂. b. 他们个个肝胆相照 C. 他肝胆过人.

a. 这不合他的脾胃.

b. 他们俩脾胃相投.

Examples in Chapter 4 (39) (40) (41) (42) (43)

(44) (45) (46) (47)

(48) (49) (50) 。 1)

(52) (53) (54) (55) (56) (57) (58) (59) (60) (61) (62) (63) (64)

a. 过去. b. 已往 C. 以往 a. 历程 b. 路程 C. 前尘 a. 你们来去自由. b. 街上来往的人很多. a. 两家互不来去. b. 我和他经常来往 C. 他俩往来密切. a. 去年 b. 去岁 C. 去秋 d. 去冬 e. 去日 a. 往年 b. 往日 C. 往时 d. 往事 a. 现在 b. 现时 C. 当前 d. 目前 e. 目下 E 眼下 g. 眼前 h. 眼底下 1.眼面前 j. 脚下 a. 眼前是一片碧绿的稻田. b. 不能只顾眼前，不管将来. a. 他很近视，眼底下的东西才看得清. b. 以后的事以后再做，眼底下的事要紧. a. 脚下是一片碧绿的草地. b. 脚下是农忙季节. a. 将来 b. 未来 a. 前程 b. 前途 C. 前景 a. 来日 b. 来年 C. 来生 a. 展望 b. 瞻望 C. 瞻念

a. 展望前程 b. 瞻望未来 C. 瞻念前途 a. 他爬上山顶，展望远方. b. 他抬头瞻望，看见远方有一座宝塔. a. 回顾 b. 回首 C. 回眸 d. 回溯 e. 回忆 E 回想 g. 回念 h. 回思 a. 追念 b. 追思 C. 追想 d. 追忆 e. 追悔 a. 回顾 b. 回首 C. 回眸 a. 他屡屡回首，不忍离去.

b. 她回眸一笑.

瞻顾

睛前顾后

a. a. a. a.

将来 b. 未来 C. 来日 d. 来年一九五一年以来 b. 五十年代以来 C. 五十五年来过去十五年里 b. 十五年来前途 b. 前天

244

APPEN Dl X

(65) (66)

前 a. 楼前，前排，勇往直前 b. 几天前，晚饭前后 a. 屋后，后排，后退 b. 几天后，晚饭后

(67)

圣诞节前后 a 以前 b. 以后 a 从前 b. 往后 a. 上半天 b. 下半天 a. 上半夜 b 下半夜

(68)

(69) (70) (71) (72) (73)

(74)

a. 上半月 b. 下半月 a. 上半年 b. 下半年 a. 上辈 b. 下辈

(75)

a. 月头 b. 月底

(76)

a. 年头 b. 年底 a. 临 b 临近 C. 靠近 d. 来临 e. 到来 E 来到

(78) (79) (80) (81) (82) (83) (84) (85) (86) (87) (88) (89) (91) (92) (93) (94) (95)

(96)

当春天来临，这里是一片绿油油的庄稼. 一代球玉离别绿茵的时候正一天天朝我们靠近. 现在，新的"太平洋世纪"正在向我们走来. 春天带给了人们无限美好的希望. 我们要发展林业，用更多的绿色迎接二十一世纪的到来. 年复一年，四十五个春秋过去了. 战时的联盟关系己与时间去. 流逝的岁月不断地冲烧着人们的记忆.

当年弹痕累累，瓦砾片片的废墟残云，已被岁月春风卷走了. 从一个己逝去的汉唐历史背影，可得出一个人文层面的结论: 酷暑提早到来而又迟迟不去. 共和国走过了四十五年不平凡的历程. 高玉宝伴着中国千百万孩子走过少年时代.

一九九四年是中国建设银行历史上的一个重要里程碑. 他们正在一步一步地告别过去. a. 中国报刊纷纷告别"铅与火"的时代，进入"光与电"的时代. b. 他们告别了阴沉的昨天}走向光辉的明天. a. 他已步入中年. b. 人类即将跨入新世纪 C. 中国正健步迈向二

十一世纪. (97) (98)

(99) (1 00) (101)

d. 他们正迈着大步，奔向灿烂的明天

e. 他们正在向

新世纪冲刺. 他只用 r 十个月就完成了全年任务，提前进入下一年. 该国生活水平比某些发达国家落后五十年. 这使我国的电脑技术水平向前追赶了二十年.

a. 这种新型客机波音777将把波音公司带入二十一世纪. b. 中日两国人民愿意将一个良好的中日关系带人二十一世纪. 二十一世纪在向人类招手. 我们应该把什么样的世界带到新世纪呢?

245

APPENDIX

(103)

在过去的几个世纪里

(104) a. 华夏大地何时送走春天步入夏天呢? b. 在国庆四十五周年来临之际，我祝愿伟大祖国直挂云帆，驶向更加辉煌的新世纪 C. 二十一世纪的脚步声越来越近了，我们已经站在世纪之交的门槛前.

(106) a. 时不我待. b. 时间不等人. (107) a. 时至今日 b. 时间推移到公元一九九四年. (108) (1 09) (110) (111) (1 12)

我们必须眼上时代的步伐，才能更好地把握时代的脉搏. 我们应该与时代同步，与改革同行. 胡鹏因为跟不上时代而落伍，于松涛则合着时代步伐而大步向前. 我们要始终走在时代的前面. a. 只剩下两个月时间了.我们在许多问题上需要与时间赛跑. b. 我们要抢在时间的前面.

(113)

在现代文明的强烈冲击下，山区农家正迎着新的曙光，迎头赶上时代潮流. (114) 松下电器领导时代新潮流. (115)

历史的车轮滚滚向前，绝不可倒转.

(118) a. 前人 b. 后人 C. 前辈 d. 后辈

Examples in Chapter 5 (132) a. 步 b. 地 C. 境 (133) a. 事情怎么发展到这一步? b. 他不幸落到这一步

C. 我们立于不败之地. d. 事过境迁. (134) a. 境地 b. 境界 C. 境域 d. 处境 e. 地步 E 田地 g. 困境 h. 困处1. 苦境 j. 惨境k.绝境 1 绝地 m. 死地 (1 35) a. 泥坑 b. 泥泪 C. 泥掉 d. 火坑 e. 深渊 E 苦海 g. 穷途 h. 未路 (136) a. 国有企业处于良好状态 b. 干部应自觉置身于群众的监督之中. c. 他陶醉在这巨大喜悦之中.

(137) a. 基础工业建设步入佳境.

b. 他以极大热情投入新的研究之中.

(138)

c. 该国陆入了动乱之中. d. 他跌进了万丈深渊. a. 大多数农民已走出贫困. b. 他无法摆脱孤独与寂寞

(140)

跳出了火坑. a. 他置身于西方哲学著作的汪洋大海之中

(141)

b.

c. 他终于

经济走不出危机

圈 c. 他们长期在贫婿的传统农业经济中徘徊. d. 人不能老在钱眼里打转. a. 他们探索出一条走出困境的路. b. 面对深重的贫困，他们选择了新的突围路径 c. 他从过去的阴影中走出. d. 烟台苹果终于走出低谷，打入国际市场.

246

APPENDIX

(142) a. 他带头向肝脏外科这片荒芜的处女地发起冲击. b. 引进国外智力的工作迈入了一个新天地 C. 我们要把四川省推到世界经济的大舞台上去.

(143) a. 当时的社会已经跨入了人类文明的门槛. (144) (145)

b. 农民闯登高雅艺术殿堂. a. 一个越来越现代化的北京城正向我们走来. b. 中国在变，在沿着康庄富裕的大道迅跑 C. 该厂仍将跳跃式发展. a. 进步:你的发音很有进步. b. 退步:他学习退步了.

(146) a. 建设工作现已起步. b. 两国经贸合作起步不错 C. 改革推动了市场经济的起步. d. 我们应搞好起步产业，从而带动全局. (147) a. 农村医疗卫生网初步建立. b. 国家正在逐步改变不合理状态. C. 我国的经济改革与政治改革是同步进行的. d. 这有助于中国的进一步改革

e. 艺术家最可悲的结局就是停步不前.

(148) a. 双边会谈迈出了一大步. b. 现代美术设计已阔步进入个个生活领域 C. 改革促使该厂快步发展. d. 生产正在稳步上升. (1 49) a. 广东省改革开放先走一步. b. 中国核电工业在高起点上迈出了坚实的一步 C. 我们搞改革，态度要积极，步子要稳妥. d. 这是 "三步走"的发展战略.

(150) a. 这家企业正在爬陡坡. 术阶梯

b. 他以智慧与勤奋一步一步地登上了艺

C. 该省经济三年上了高楼.

(151) a他们不要在分裂主义的道路上继续滑下去

b. 多年来，苹果质

量一路下滑. 这是改革者开拓前进的足迹.

(152) (1 53) a. 该县建设驶入发展快车道. b. 英国怎能抢搭上亚太经济发展的快车. C. 他们重新启动经济发展的快速列车. (154) a. 她重新扬起生活的风帆. b. 邓小平同志站在潮流的前头，指引着中国的现代化事业破浪前进.

(155) a. 经济在起飞. b. 经济在腾飞. C. 公司朝翔在实用科技的广阔空间.

d. 该市工业旅游业两翼齐飞.

(156) a. 十五年改革给机械工业腾飞插上双翼. (1 57)

b. 高新技术给公司插上

了奋飞的翅膀. 中国经济正在软着陆，过热的状态已经降温. a. 国有企业步入平稳增长. b. 今年，农业发展走出徘徊.

(158) (159) a. 两国关系从对抗走向合作. b. 这十年中，我国残疾人事业由坎 (1 60) (161) (162) (1 63)

坷走向辉煌. 在建项目调查已全面展开. 四川省将不断扩展市场来吸引更多的外资. 投资规模在逐步扩大. 浦东产生了巨大的聚集效应和辐射效应.

APPENDIX

24 自

(164) (165)

理想主义隐退到社会生活的边缘. 当前工作要紧紧围绕改革与发展两大主题. (166) a. 社会的审美需求急剧向感官剌激倾斜. b. 中国的投资取向继续朝造成"瓶颈"制约的能掘和基础工业倾斜. (167) a. 工厂在晋职，住房，奖励和福利待遇等方面向科技人员实行政策倾斜. b. 政府给予外资企业在贷款上的倾斜. c. 该厂向技术倾斜技资，提高了企业的整体素质. (168) a. 在云南经济发展一盘棋中，走得最漂亮的一着是"云烟'\ b. 他决定举投资这颗棋子，把市场这盘棋走活. (169) a. 带动 b. 推动 c. 牵动 d. 驱动 e. 推进 E 促进

(170) a. 这些支柱产业的形成带动了整体经济的发展.

b. 美国科研与生产紧密结合，推动经济高速发展. c他们以科技驱动外向型经济. (171) a. 他把不幸变成了走向辉煌的动力. b. 中国经济起飞的强劲动力来自改革开放. c. 高素质的人才成为企业发展的原动力. d. 科技被当作推动整个经济和社会发展的动力之源. (172) a. 牵动力 b. 推动力 c. 拖拽力 d. 吸引力 (173) a. 这项政策促使引进台资工作亢步向前. b. 科技是排头兵，走在

(174)

(175)

工程之前 c. 城市已成为我国驶向社会主义现代化的火车头. d. 领导把企业推上了新发展，大发展的轨道 e. 这一改革措施推动了经济腾飞. a. 小小鱼苗带着全村人闯进了大市场. b. 历史，地缘和自然条件等诸多原因把西吉拖入贫困 c. 复仇心理把丙南抛入失败的深渊，把二槐推上犯罪道路. a. 中国跳过某些传统发展阶段，加大现代化的步伐. b. 中国铁路

建设开足马力，九大重点工程快速推进. b. 中国推动国内国际市场接轨. (177) 中国科学院已经在深化改革的道路上迈开了坚实的步伐. (178) a. 北京积极稳妥地推进医疗保险制度改革. b. 他们正沿着宏大计划一步一个脚印地前进 c. 英方摘单方面偷步行动. (179) a. 他进退两难，举步维艰. b. 他在学步前进，争取迈出更稳更大的步伐 c. 该公司采取加强对外合作与自筹资金的"两条腿走路"的方针. d. 该公司在市场经济的海洋里，学会了用多种姿势游泳.

(176) a. 我们要推进经济国际化.

(180) a. 目的 b. 目的地 (181) a. 中国正朝着建立新体制，实现现代化的目标前进. b. 鞍钢正举步向年产一千万吨钢的目标迈进.

(182) a. 他又马不停蹄地奔向下一个目标了. 延伸了一步一开发犯人智力库生活已不遥远.

b. 改造罪犯的目标又向前 c. 他们正快步走向小康，距小康

248

APPENDIX

(1 83) 张家港迈向现代工业港城. (184) a. 我们要努力攀登科技高峰，赶超世界先进水平. b. 世界冠军并非高不可攀，只要自强不息，就能最终到达光辉的顶点. (1 85) a. 艺术的追求只有起点而无终点. b. 全心全意为人民服务是我们党一切活动的出发点和归宿.

(186) a. 他们两人志同道合. b. 心里有了目标，地上就有了路. (187) a. 路 b. 途 C. 径 d. 道 e. 门 (188) a. 路子 b. 路径 C. 路道 d. 路数 e. 道路 E 道道 g. 途径 h. 门径 1. 蹊径 j. 门路k.门道

(189) a. 入门 b. 没门 (190) a. 走正路(正道) b. 走邪路(邪道) c. 歪门邪道 d. 邪门歪道 e. 走后门 E 走老路 g. 走弯路 h. 走近路1.走捷径 j. 必由之路k. 死路 1 死胡同 m. 误入歧途

(191) a. 通知|开发新技术闯新路. b. 他们找问题，查原因，寻求摆脱困境的路子. C. 西方七国首脑会晤寻求走出经济低谷的出路. (1 92) a. 中国教育逐渐走上法制轨道. b. 该大学今年将实行自费与公费并轨 C. 国有企业遇到了由计划经济向市场经济转轨过程中的矛盾和困难.

(193) a 我国旅游业正在驶入发展的快车道.

b. 湖南农业步入快车道.

C. 乡镇企业快车道上再加鞭.

(1 94) a. 通信是经济增长和社会进步的高速公路.

b. 公众信息网的建成

运行，为珠海筑起了一条"信息高速公路'\

(1 95) a. 九年来，我们努力把报纸办成"世界了解中国的窗口，中国走向世界的桥梁 b. 他利用一切机会去寻找能登上艺术殿堂的阶梯.

(196) a.

b. (197)

他们把在国际市场上占有绝对优势的产品作为奔富裕的跳板. 他们把澳门当作葡萄牙进入中国市场的商业跳板.

C. 他们把联合企业当跳板，由此跳进沿海的经济体系，参与国内外市场的竞争. a. 天津多渠道地解决城市环境问题 b. 海南的海外销售渠道不

畅，农业品很难打进国际市场

C. 这家企业为积累资金拓宽了渠

道. d. 他们决定为两国之间的学术文化交流建立渠道.飞 (198) a. 货币流通 b. 商品流通 C. 人才流通 d. 资金流失 e. 人才流失 E 资金外流 g. 人才外流 h. 思想交流1.人才交流 (200) 有关意见和控告的投诉管道将更为顺畅. (201) 阻力 a. 空气阻力. b. 摩擦阻力 a. 前进的阻力. b. 发展的阻力 (202) 农业文化造成观念上的封闭，保守等，都是发展的阻力. (203) a. 障碍 b. 阻碍 C. 难关 d. 拦路虎 e. 绊脚石 (204) a. 我们要排除香港平稳过渡道路上的任何障碍. b. 入情入理的分析逐渐消除了这个女大学生的思想障碍.

APPENDIX

249

(205) a. 如果不下决心解决这些问题，就有可能阻碍事业的进一步发展. b. 他们发表言论，阻碍高层会谈的进行. (206) 他在科学的道路上攻克了一个又一个难关，达到世界领先水平. (207)

害怕批评是进步的绊脚石.

(208) a. 中国女篮为夺世界冠军在惊涛骇浪中奋进.

b. 中国队小心谨慎地闯过了暗礁险滩，冲进了决赛 c. 美日贸易谈判搁浅. (209) a. 卢旺达的和解之道仍将荆棘丛生. b. 他在八十年的艺术道路上经历过许多曲折和坎坷. (210) a. 在公司发展的道路上并非阳光，鲜花一片. b. 项目继续下去，能否"多云转睛令人担忧......云雾终于拨开...... c. 在迷雾重障之中，两国更应努力推动两国商谈，促进两国关系发展. (211) a. 该公司聘请海外信息员，打开国际市场大门. b. 该厂产品冲出国门，走向国际市场.

(212)

(213)

(214) (215) (216) (217) (218)

面临当前的困难，有关各方尤其要保持冷静和克制，不要轻易关上谈判大门. a. 失去双臂的郑阶平没有被不幸的栅栏阻挡住，他却把不幸变成了走向辉煌的动力. b. 他决心冲破以往的生活藩篱，闯一番事业. 想用不正当手段发财的人迟早要碰壁. 在本没有路的陡壁上闯一条自己的路.即使不能登临峰巅领略那无限风光，也可为后来λ斩几丛荆棘，开半截山路. 引进国外智力使该省仅用八年时间走完了常规需要四十年才能走完的路. 香港回归日日迫近.举国上下喜迎这一伟大历史时刻的到来. 我一直关注着他的艺术步履.在其漫长的艺术生涯中，曲折，坎

坷甚多，但他勇往直前，披荆斩棘，排除重重路障，走出一条自己的独特的艺术道路.

(219) (220) 。21) (222) 。23)

a. 深情厚谊 b. 重托厚望 c. 深仇大恨 a. 思想深度 b. 情感的自然流泻 c. 充满理性和信心的判断

a. 矛盾突出. b. 爱与恨交织在一起 c. 人权与贸易脱钩 a. 开掘新的思想深度 b. 树立良好的道德风尚 c. 抓住机遇

a. 我有信心.

b. 我充满信心.

。25)

中日两国人民都愿意将一个友好的中日关系带人二十一世纪，使中日友好世代相传. (226) 严密的组织，严格的训练，严明的纪律，严谨的作风，这四条光荣传统是我们的接力棒，要永远传下去.

(227) a. 他得到了勇气.

b. 他失去了勇气.

(228) 我们任何时候都不能忽视农业，丢掉菜篮子和米袋子.

250

APPENDIX

(229) a. 他们向灾区人民捐款捐物，送温暖，献爱心.

(230)

(231) (232)

(233) (234) (235) (236) (237)

(238)

(239)

(240) (241) (242)

b. 面对该滚而来的西方文化潮流，我们怎样才能为中国古老的艺术注入活力，使之焕发出灿烂的青春? a. 这个电视节目寓教于乐，将欢乐与温馨送给观众. b. 航线象一条条友谊的纽带，把中国和世界联结起来，传送着中国人民对世界人民的深情厚谊. a. 现代公路网将给平定带来繁荣与崭新的生活. b. 艺术家流动给各地沉闷的舞台注上新鲜的活力. 智慧与耐心的确可以帮助人们摆脱歧见的纠缠. a. 我国非常注意吸收国际版权界的经验和长处. b. 科技界要担起民族富强历史重任. a. 我们应该根除这种不良状况. b. 我们应该扫除文盲. a. 他们认为靠枪杆子在海地播种民主的计划难以实现. b. 林州市坚持"两手抓取得了物质文明和精神文明建设的双丰收. 二十年前播下的友谊种子今天已结出了丰硕的果实.在双方的共同培育下，友谊之树会在今后的岁月里不断茵壮成长. 这个具有四十八年历史的企业如今迈入先进行列，已长成参天大树.技术进步更使这棵老树发出新枝，呈现出根深叶茂的勃勃生机. 他钟情于塑造名牌.

希望我们共同努力，建立长期稳定的关系，并且把它带入二十一世纪. a. 二十家企业摘掉了亏损帽子. b. 我们摘掉了"中国贫油"的落后帽子. 经济需要软着陆，点刹车. 卒子皑带着传统文人的修养与心态走进了古典的追寻;带着伤感

古典的情趣走进他的漫画. (243)

随着我国国民经济的发展，在以江泽民同志为核心的党中央领导下，通过这次全国教青工作会议，一定能把我国教育事业推向一个新阶段.

(244) a. 面对深重的贫困，他们选择了新的突围路径. (245)

(246)

b. 他为西北带来了全新的管理理念，也把西北带到了光明的起点面前. 保护生物多样性重在行动，重在参与，应吸引社会各界和广大人民群众积极参与进来，共同推动这一伟大事业. a. 朝鲜半岛处于极其复杂动蔼的形势之中.这次韩国之行将把和平与稳定带到朝鲜半岛. b. 这次韩国之行取得了圆满成功，也将有利于推动朝鲜半岛形势进一步走向和平与稳定.

Notes

Notes to Cbapter 1 1. 2.

For a detailed review ofthis traditional view see Johnson (1981 b). Of course, Lakoff and Johnson were influenced by earlier scholars. For instance , I. A

Richards (1981 (1 936]: 50)

argued 由at

metaphor is "the omnipresent principle of lan-

guage." However, Lakoff and Johnson have pushed the argument further ahead. According to the contemporary theory , metaphor is the omnipresent principle of cognition as well as language. 3.

The main reference dictionaries 1 used include Xiandai Hanyu Cidian "Modem Chinese Dictionary" (Lü and Ding [gen. eds.] 1980) and its revised edition (Lü and Ding [gen. eds.] 1996), and Han Ying Cidian "A Chinese-English Dictionary" (Wu [gen. ed.] 1981) and its revised edition (Wei [gen. ed.] 1995). The former, that is , the Chinese dictionary with its original and revised editions , is the most authoritative and popular Chinese dictionary in the mainland China. The latter, namely the Chinese-English dictionary (the original and the revised) , is

acωally

based on the former. Also used as a main reference is

Xin Xiandai Hanyu Cidian "A New Dictionary of Modem Chinese Language" (Wang [gen. ed.] 1992). AII the lexical examples cited

Notes to Cbapter 4.

in 也 is

book are from these dictionaries.

2

Another view that is similar to the substitution view is called ‘ the incoherence view' by Cacciari and Glucksberg (1994). According to them, the incoherence view has at least two distinct versions associated, separately, with generative semantics and pragmatics (speech act theory). "80th versions consider metaphors to be incongruous or

othe阳 ise

defective

statements, either semantically or pragmatically" (p. 456). The underlying assumption is lhatωme

rules , syntactic, semantic , or pragmatic, are violated in metaphors , and are ‘ cor-

252

NOTES

rected' during comprehension when some kind of substitution is applied depending on the particular version. In the generative semantic version, the Iiteral interpretation of the u忧:er ance is replaced by a literal paraphrase of the metaphoric interpretation. In the pragmatic version, the literal interpretation of the utterance is rejected, upon its uninterpretability, 5.

and replaced by a metaphoric interpretation. For discussions and critiques of these theories (and some. others), see, for instance, Black (1962 , 1993 [1 979]), Cacciari and G1ucksberg (1994), Gibbs (1994件， Nuessel (1988), Parmegiani (1988) , and Searle (1981 [1 979]). One comment made by Parmegiani (1988) on 也e traditional views of metaphor makes a good point about their status in current research on metaphor: the traditional theories of metaphor do not constitute comprehensive

theories of metaphor in isolation, but they shed some valuable Iight on the wørkings of metaphor in combination. In other wordJ哩， each ofthem shol' ld be credited for i也 hisωrical contribution to 也e current understanding of metaphor in general. 6.

See also Gibbs (1994a: Ch 2) for a detailed discussion of the and its criticisrns.

7.

Th e contemporary theory of metaphor mainly focuses its study on metaphor, the archetype of figurative language , and to a 1ess extent on meton严町. However，口ther tro阴暗。f figurative 1anguage, such as irony, hyperbole, understatement, oxymoron, as welt as idioms , are a1so studied within its 也eoretica1 企amework. See, for instance, Oibbs (1993 , 1994a, 1994b). Turner (1991: 158-159) inc1udes the discussion ofthe LIFE IS A PLAY metaphor, which is instantiated, for examp1e, by the fo l1owing expressions: (i) a. Jt 's curtains for him. b. She's my 1eading 1ady. c. You're on! d. She a1ways wants to be in the spotlight. e. The kid sto1e the show. f. That's not in the script.

8.

g.

位aditional

view of the literal

It's showtime!

Apparently，也is metaphor can be incorporated in the three-Ievel hierarchical system or

metaphor under discussion, as a level-2 metaphor. Specifical1y, a play is a p缸怡cul缸 kind of event in general, and 10ve and career are two important episodes in 也e Iife-play. Besides, readers are a1so referred to Kc凸vecses (1995c) for a simil缸 discωsion of metaphor inheritance hierarchies. Kövecses's example, however, differs 食om Lakoff's in an important way. In Lakoff's ex缸nple a sing1e metaphor system, namely the Event Structure Metaphor, is responsible for the conceptualiza挝on of various abstract concep也 such as Iife , love, and career. Kövecses's example documents six metaphor systemì participating in the conceptualization of a single abstract concept，也e Americart COIlCep由n

253

NOTES

Schematically, the inheritance hierarchy in Lakoff (1994) takes the shape of while that in Kövecses (1995c) is shaped as a triangle upside down.

。f friendship. a 位iangle，

9.

See Lakoff (1992 , 1996) for a detailed analysis of two metaphor systems (one for justification of war and the other for morality) in English.

10. The notion of ‘ construal,' as in J. Taylor (1995) , is a term taken from Langacker (1987 487-4 88), who defines it as "the relationship between a speaker (or hearer) and a situation that he conceptualizes and portrays." According to J. Taylor (1995: 4) , this notion "implies a more active role of the language user in organizing and structuring his or her world" than Jackendofrs (1983) notion of ‘ projected world,' which frrst appeared in Richards (1 981 [1936]). 11. In addition to Johnson and Lakoffs works , Krzeszowski (1993) provides anoverview of various image schemas in terms of the町、xiological par创neter.' According to Krzeszowski (1993: 325) , image schemas are bi-polar，也at is, they have a plus pole and a minus pole. Being is plus; not being is minus. For instance , WHOLE, CENTER, LINK, BALANCE, IN , OOAL, UP , FRONT, RlGHT are plus; PART, PE Rl PHERY, NO LINK, IMBALANCE, OUT, NO OOAL, ∞WN，

BACK, LEFT are minus. It is argued 也at axiological concepts emerge 企om the axiological poles oi‘ preconcepωal image schemas 仕rrough metaphorical extensions.

12. In Lakoff (1987a: 267), "Basic-Ievel categorie喝 are defined by the convergence of our gestalt perception, our capacity for bodily movement, and our ability to form rich mental images." It is an irite口nediate leve l. For instance, such natural kinds as tigers , cows, water, gold are all basic-Ievel categories. So are these human artifacts: chairs, tables, houses , bòoks, lamps, coats, cars, and so on. Besides, running , walking, ea恼怒， and drinking are basic-Ievel actions whereas tall, short, hard, soft, heavy, light, hot, and cold are basÎC-level properties. 13. Brugman (1990) is a critique of Lakofrs 1990 version of Invariance Hypothesis. Brugman suggested that "it is logically possible for there to be domains of knowledge which are structured entirely by one or more metaphorical mappings" (p. 259), that is, these mappings actually create the target-dornain structure and the target-dornain concepts are understood purely metaphorically. She

mentioned 也at

abstractions such as TIME are can-

didate dornains , although their existence still needs to be proven. 14.

S臼 Lakoff

(1993a: 237-238) and

254

NOTES

16. The great popularity of sports metaphors in American English has led to 吐le publication of a dictionary of spo民s metaphors Sports Talk (Palmatier and Ray 1989) , which contains more than 1,700 entries. 17. For a recent rnajor criticism of the contemporary theory of metaphor from the theoretic perspective ofcognitive psychology see Murphy (1996). Gibbs (1996) is a response to it, followed by a rejoinder by Murphy (1997). 18. Pa1mer (1996) hopes 也at cognitive lin{;uists will eventually ground their theories of models and metaphors in ethnography.

At 也.e

same time , he

advocates 世lat

linguistic

an也ro

pology explicitly incorporate the principles of cognitive linguistics. He proposes "a synthesis of

an.也ropological

linguistics with the newly emergent field of cognitive linguis-

tics ," which he calls "culturallinguistics" (p. 290). According to him, cultural linguistics "centers on linguistic imagery, which is largely defmed by culture" (p. 290). 19. AIso mutually beneficial is interdisciplinary coalition between cognitive linguistics and psychology, and between psychology and anthropology. For the forrner pair, as Gibbs and Colton (1995) suggest, cognitive linguistic fmdings on experiential basis of hurnan meaning and cognition should attract more psychologists' so-far-insufficient attention in this dire心tion; experimental studies in psychology would help prove the psychological reality of hurnan embodied cognition claimed by cognitive linguists upon linguistic evidence. See also 也e discussion in Malt (1996). For the latter pair, as Shore (1996) argues, the two disciplines should work together to develop a cognitive view of culture and a cultural view of mind. 20. See Goddard (1996) for a critique of Mühlhäusler's (1995) view, which is followed by a reply 企om Mühlhäusler (1996). 2 1. Johnson (1992) argues that cognitive sernantics has

w由-ranging

philosophical implica-

tions since what it reveals about the inlaginative s町ucture of concepts bears directly on 也e nature ofmeaning and human understanding. For critiques of Johnson (1992) and his reply see Gorayska (1993) , McLure (1993) , Sinha (1993) , and Johnson (1993a).

Notes to Chapter 3 22. In this book the Chinese examples are provided with a word-for-word gloss and an English translation. In the gloss the following abbreviations are used: COM = complement marker, MOD = modifier marker, and PRT = P缸tic1e. To make the gloss simpler, 1 use PRT in an all-inclusive rnanner, to include v缸ious gramrnatical or functional partic1es, such as aspectual markers, passive-voice markers, sentence-fmal partic1es, nominalizers, de in ernphatic cleft sentences, and ba and jiang in ba-sentences, since these features are not so crucial in my analyses.

255

NOTES

23. 1 am aware of the interesting fact that spleen is also used in the metaphorical expression of anger in English. The

ex缸nples

are: "He was in a fit of spleen" and "He vented his spleen

on me." The English word ‘ liverish' in the sense of ‘ irascible' is also such an 白lese

ex缸nple.

usages may be traced back to the ancient medical theory of four humors (see

Geeraerts and Grondelaers 1995). As ‘ lexical

relics' 吐ley

are no longer common in mod-

em English, and hence not comparable to the Chinese SPLEEN and LIVER metaphors , which are indispensable in everyday use. 24. In English the SAO/UNHAPPY IS OOWN metaphors include: (i) a.

I' m feeling down

b.

He 's really low these days.

c.

1 fell into a depression.

d.

My

spiri臼 sank.

In Chinese , however, the concept SAO/UNHAPPY IS OOWN has a twin version: SAO/UNHAPPY IS HEAVY. These two can occur separately, or in combination, as the following exarnples show:

(ii) a.

Ta qingxu di-Iuo. he mood

low-sink

"He's feeling low and down." b.

Ta xin-qing

chen-zhong

he heart-state

weighty-heavy

"He is in a heavy state ofmind (i.e. He has a heavy heart)." c.

Ta qingxu di-chen. he mood

low-weighty

"He's feeling down and heavy."

The coherence of the ∞WN and HEAVY metaphors is intuitively supported by our physical experience: what is heavy tends to be down, and vice versa. 25. For SAONESS/UNHAPP1NESS IS OARK, examples in English and Chinese include: (i) a.

He's feeling overcast.

b.

He's feeling .,g loomy.

c. (ii) a.

He's in a dark temper. Ta qingxu yinyu. he mood

gloomy

"He's feeling gloomy." b.

Ta anran

lei

xia.

she dark-and-dirn-Iooking

tears

down

"She looked gloomy and burst into tears." 26. The role metaphor plays in the structure of cognitive and cultural models is an irnportant topic under discussion in cognitive science. The 5th International Cognitive Linguistics

256

NOTES

Conference (held in Amsterdam , the Netherlands , in July , 1997) included a theme session ‘ On

thc Place of Metaphors in Cognitive and CuJturaJ Models ,' which brought together

research 什om

such fïelds as Ji nguistics , anthropology , and psychology. The papers pre-

sentcd thcre , according to the conference program posted on the web site , are Lakoff (1997川、 Emanatian

(1997) , Gibbs (1997) , Kövecses (1997) , and Shore (1997).

Notcs 10 Chapter 4 27. In Alverson (1994) , #time# refers to the experience of time , which is differentiated from ‘ time ,'

which refers to the exprcssion oftime in Janguage

28. For a review of AJverson (1 994) see Tyler (1 995). In this review , TyJer raised the question regarding the reprcsentativeness of AJverson's database: "are we justifïed in deciding that Alverson's fïve categories are universal on the basis of only four languages?" (p. 568) This , of course. is an

em[、 irical

question that can be answered for certain aftet sufficient

number of languages have been studied. Tyler also raised the question if entifïcation is spatialization. It seems reasonable to say that spatialization , in a broad sense , indudes ent,f,cation or obJcctifícation since

entiti巳s

and objccts , which arc three-dimensional in char-

acter , always exist in space. 29. l use ‘ Observer' for Lakoffs ‘ observer,' with the capital ‘ 0' indicating its nature of abstract1on. Trallgott (1978) llsed ‘ ego ,' and Alverson (1 994) used ‘ speaker' or ‘ expencncer ,' 1n a similar sense 30. Three things are to be noted here. First, in all the lexical e: amples , while the parentheses contain the morpheme-by-morpheme gloss , the quotation marks contain a translation. Hyphcns arc uscd to scparatc ccrtain morphcmes in the original and the corresponding oncs in the gloss. Slashes are used to separate alternatives in the gloss. Chinese is a language that lacks morphological markings. In the morpheme-for-morpheme gloss in the parenthesc轧 ho 叽 ever ，

J llse the past participles ‘ passed' and ‘ gone' in (39a) instead of the infïni-

t1ves ‘ pass' and ‘ go ‘ for the purpose of making the reading c1 earer to the reader. Th e same practice will be followed in the subsequent examples where

11ecessaη.

Second , it needs to be pointed out that in (39b , c) the word wang can aiso be used as a prepOSl tI on meanmg ‘ toward' or ‘ in the direction o f.' Used as such, it has the fourth tone (vs. the third tone when it is used as a verb) and refers to either past or future times , depcnding 011 its collocation. J w i\l come back to this point later rhird , thc

v门 n

(3 ,) c) is not the same character as the one in (39b) (as shown in the

counterpart character version in the appendix). Th e one in (39b) is originally an adverb mea l1l ng ‘ already ,' while the one in (39c) is a preposition- Iike particle (hence PRT) irn-

257

NOTES

dividing line in time , space , or quantity. In (39c) it implies the present as a dividing linc that distinguishes the past (what is gone) from the future (what is coming). 3 1. .In

(4元，

d) shi is marked by different superscripts to indicate that they have different

tones. They represent different characters and different words. The same distinction is made in the subsequent examples where applicable 32. Svorou (1 994) contains a cross- Iinguistic study, covering data from 55 languages , of body-part terms grammaticalized to spatial grams (i.e. spatial terms) , which are then

ex等

tended for nonspatial uses , including temporal uses. 33. In (62) the agent of ‘ coming' could also be time if we consider another special case Case 3-to be discussed in detail in 4 .4 .2 .4. In Case 3 , time consists of two parts: a timeobject and a

time-Iandscape.η1e

Observer travels with the time-object

ov巳r

the time-

landscape in the direction of future. Th e same interpretation is applicable to (63b) too 34. Alverson (1 994: 104) mentioned that the ‘ back-to-the-future' temporal orientation is also found in Latin and in certain native languages ofLatin America-for example, the Mayan language, Quiche 35. Engberg-Pedersen (1 995) argues that the concept of domain in the cognitive theory ()f metaphor is never defined but taken for granted , and that space and time are cognitively

Iinked in the mind so that they are not two cognitively different domains. While 1 agrcc that the concept of domain in the contemporary theory of metaphor is still not wcll 币 defined (Dirven 1993 also touches upon this point) , 1 hope that 1 have presented in this chapter a more convincing case that argues for space and time as two different conceptual domains no matter how closely they are Iinked to each other cognitively.

Notes to Chapter 36. However , as in

5

English ，‘ shadow 、 is

distinguished from ‘ shade ,' which is usually associ-

ated with the. sense of ‘ a desired cool place.' Th e contrast should also exist in Chinese. 37. In Chinese , maozi "hat; cap" also means ‘ labeI ,'‘ tag ,' or ‘ brand ,' usually in a derogalory sense. Another example is: (i) Ta zhai

diao

he remove off

le

‘ wen-mang'

de

maozi.

PRT

Ianguage-blind

MOD

hat

"He rid himself of the hat (1 abeI) of ‘ illiterate. '" Besides , the idiomatic phrases aIso in cJude kou maozi "to clap or slam a hat on sb's head (i. e. 10 put a negative label on sb.)"; ai dai gao-maozi "to love to put on a tall hat (i.e. to

be fond of fla忧ery)"; dai lü maozi "to put on a green hat (i. e. to be a cuckold) ," and so fo口h.

References

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仰ans.

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Name Index

Aaron, David, 33, 37, 38 PJChundov, ~urad 队， 83 ， 85

Alexander, Samuel, 83, 85 Allan, Keith, 41 , 111 , 135 A1verson, Hoyt, 4, 33, 39, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91 , 92, 99, 109, 112, 131 , 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 237, 256, 257 Ameka, Fe!ix K. , 41 Ankersmit, Frank R. , 2 Aristotle , 1, 10 Bettini ，肌1aurizio ， 89 B1 ack, ~ax ， 10, 252 Booth, Wayne c., 2 Brown, Penelope, 41 Brugman, Claudia, 2, 253 Bruner, Jerome, 46 Cacciari, Cristina, 33, 251 , 252 Chao , Yuen Ren , 107 Chen, Zelin, 71 , 72, 73 , 74, 77 Chi吨， ~arvin K. L.，的， 44 Clark, Herbert H. , 4, 86 Colston, Herbert L., 16, 24, 254 Crocker, J. Christopher, 2 Danesi, ~arcel ， 2, 13 Dante, 30 Ding, Shengshu, 93 , 94, 95 , 97, 103, 251 Dirven, René, 2, 257 Emanatian, ~ichele ， 23 , 50, 256 Engberg-Pedersen , Elisabeth , 257

Fainsilber, L严m ， 38 Fa口咀er， David J. , 85 Femandez, James W. , 2, 7 Fesmire, Steven A., 4, 13 , 23 , 49 Frost, Robert, 31 Gde, Richard ~.， 84 Geeraerts, Dirk, 79, 255 Gibbs, Raymond W., Jr., 2, 7, 13 , 16, 20, 24, 31 , 39, 44, 239, 252, 253 , 254, 256 Glucksberg, Sam, 33 , 240, 251 , 252 Goddard , Cliff, 254 Goossens, Louis, 2 Gorayska, Barbara, 254 Gou1d, Stephen 1., 85 Grondelaers, Stefan, 79, 255 Hampton, James A., 20 Hardaway , Francine , 43 Heine, Bemd, 41 , 111 HiII, Deborah, 41 Hoffman , Robert R. , 2 Holland, Dorothy, 33, 42, 44 Honeck, Richard P. , 2 Howe, Nicholas, 43 , 44 Indurkhya, Bipin, 33, 40, 41 Jaèkendoff, Ray, 33, 37, 38, 253 Jäkel, Olaf, 101 , 104 Jeannerod, ~arc ， 6 Johnson, ~ark， 2, 3, 4, 11 , 12, 13, 14, 16, 20, 22, 23 , 24, 25 , 26, 34, 35, 36, 40, 41 , 42, 46, 47 , 48, 49, 50, 60, 64,

274

NAMEINDEX

80 , 101 , 104, 172, 213 , 251 , 253 , 254 Kalisz , Roman , 42 Keesing, Roger M. 45 , 46 Kennedy , John M. , 33 , 34 Kesh a,vmurti , 83 , 84 , 85 , 86 , 125 , 140 King , Brian , 23 , 50 Kövecses , Zoltán , 4 , 23 , 44 , 49 , 50 , 51 , 56 , 60 , 61 , 62 , .81 , 252 , 256 Krzeszowski , Tomasz P. , 253 Lakoff, George , 1, 2 , 3 , 4 , 5, 8, 10 , 11 , 12 , 14, 15 , 16, 17 , 18 , 19, 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 46 , 47 , 49 , 50 , 51 , 56 , 60 , 64 , 80 , 81 , 82 , 86 , 90 , 91 , 92 , 94 , 95 , 98 , 104, 105 , 113 , 116, 117 , 123 , 125 , 129, 132, 133 , 134, 139 , 140, 141 , 142 , 146, 147, 196, 213 , 215 , 233 , 234 , 235 , 237 , 251 , 252 , 253 , 256 Langacker, Rona1d W. , 12, 20 , 21 , 253 Lawler , John M. , 46 Levinson, Stephen C. 6, 7, 41 Li, Charles N., 107 Lü , Shuxiang, 93 , 94 , 95 , 97 , 103 , 251 Mac Cormac , Earl R. , 13 , 33 , 40 , 41 MacLaury , Robert E. , 45 如1alotki ， Ekkehart, 1, 4 , 8 Malt, Barbara C. 254 Matsuki , Keiko , 23 , 50 肌1cLure ， Roger , 254 Mooij , J. J. A. , 2 Mühlhäusler, Peter, 46 , 254 Murphy , Gregory, 16, 33 , 239 , 253 , 254 Nuessel , Frank, 252 Ortony , An drew , 2 , 16, 33 , 38 , 49 , 239 Palmati 町， Robert A., 254 Palmer, Gary B. , 45 , 254 Paprotté , Wolf, 2 Parmegiani , Mariavittoria , 12, 252 Pederson , Eric , 41 Pütz, Martin, 13

Quinn, Naomi , 7, 33 , 42 , 43 , 44 Radden , Günter, 13 , 86 , 93 , 101 , 104 Ray, Christophor, 85 Ray , Horald, 254 Reddy, Michael J., 201 Regier, Teπy ， 41 Richards , 1. A., 251 , 253 Ricoeur, Paul, 1 Rudzka-Ostyn , Brygida , 13 Russe l1, James A. 49 Sacks, Sheldon, 2 Sapir, J. David, 2 Searle , John R. , 252 Shen , Yeshyahu , 253 Shen, Ziyin , 75 Shore , Bradd, 43 , 46 , 254 , 256 Shyu, Shu-ing , 23 , 50 Sinha , Chris , 6 , 41 , 254 St. Augustine, 84 Svorou , Soteria , 6 , 9, 41 , 111 , 257 Sweetser , Eve E. , 3, 12, 20 , 31 , 32 , 101 , 104 Talmy , Leonard , 172 Taub, Sarah, 36 Taylor, John R. , 22 , 253 Taylor, Wi l1 iam, 2 Thompson, Sandra A., 107 τborseng， Lis A., 41 Traugott, Elizabeth Closs , 4 , 86, 112, 256 Turner, Mark, 3 , 12 , 20 , 24 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 31 , 37 , 38 , 45 , 104, 116, 117, 125 , 129, 139, 252 Ty1er, Stephen, 256 Vervaeke , John , 33 , 34 Wang , Tongyi , 93 , 103 , 251 Wei , Dongya , 71 , 103 , 251 Wierzbicka, Ann a, 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 38 , 49 Wilkir邸， David 丑， 41 Winter, Steven L., 17 Wu, Jingrong , 71 , 107, 192, 251 Yu, Ning, 4 , 23 , 80

Subject Index

abstract reason , 3, 29 abstract reasoning , 28 , 29 , 32 ACTIONS ARE SELF-CONTROLLED ACQUISITIONS OR LOSSES , 221 ACTIONS ARE SELF-PROPELLED MOVEMENTS, 183 , 186

anger metaphors, 4 FlRE, 8 , 50 , 52 , 70 fLUID , 8, 50 , 51 , 56, 70 , 72 , 73 GAS , 8 , 50 , 54 , 56 , 59 , 70 , 72 , 73 HEAT, 8, 50, 52 , 54 , 70 , 72 anthropomorphic model , 41 , 111 ATTRl BUTES ARE POSSESSIONS , 215 , 217 basic-level structure, 26 bodily basis, 27 , 104 bodily experience , 8, 13 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 26 , 27 , 40 , 43 , 47 , 49 , 61 , 69 , 70 , 80 , 81 , 104, 111 , 163 , 236, 239 body parts , 50..54, 58 , 68 , 70, 79 , 96 , 257 intemal organs, 74 , 75 , 76, 77 CAUSES ARE FORCES , 178 , 182, 219 , 221 CHANGE Of STATES IS CHANGE OF LOCATIONS , 147 , 152 CHANGES ARE MOVEMENTS , 159, 164,

169, 218 cognitive commitment, 28 cognitive grammar, 6, 12 cognitive linguistics , 6, 12, 13 , 23 , 28 , 41 , 45 , 47 , 232 , 254

cognitive semantics , 6, 12 , 13 , 35 , 48 , 49, 254 concepts abstract, 3, 12 , 32 , 47 nonmetaphorical , 12 spatial , 28 , 111 temporal , 111 conceptual metaphors , 3, 4 , 8, 9 , 11 , 15 , 16, 17, 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 47 , 50 , 63 , 69 , 70 , 90 , 97 , 150, 151 , 154, 158 , 159, 174, 177 , 183 , 187 , 192 , 211 , 215 , 219 , 223 , 236, 240 , 241 A CAREER IS A JOURNEY , 17 ACTIONS ARE TRANSFERS, 28 DEATH IS DEPARTURE, 31 , 37 , 38 EVENTS ARE ACTIONS , 31 HISTORY IS A JOURNEY , 118 KNOWING IS SEEING , 31 LIFE IS A JOURNEY , 17 , 18 , 19, 117 LIFE IS A PLAY , 252 LIFE IS PLA YING A GAME , 44 LOVEISAJOURNEY, 15 , 17, 30 , 34 STATUS IS UP , 18 THEDESIREDISUP , 151 , 154, 156, 164, 168 , 177 THE UNDESIRED IS DOWN , 151 , 154, 156, 165 , 177 TRANSFER IS FLOW , 200 conceptual structure , 23 , 26 conceptual system, 2 , 3, 11 , 12, 14, 15 , 16, 22 , 28 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 112 conduit metaphor, 201

SUßJECT INDEX 咱respondcnccs

çognitivc , 111 :pistemic , 15 , 17 ontological , 15 , 17 , 33 )!I'FICULTIES ARE IMPEDIMENTS TO 'MOTION , 202 , 207 , 210 阳nam

abstract, 7 , 22 , 26 , 150 :onceptual , 32 concrete , 22 physical , 104 source , 3 , 15 , 30 , 31 , 33 space , 6 , 7 , 98 spatia1 , 39 , 41 , 150 targct , 3 , 15 , 30 , 31 , 33 temporal , 39 , 98 luality , 5, 123 , 125 , 133 , 137 , 141 , 196 :mbodimcnt , 6 , 13 , 14, 22 , 23 , 24 , 26 , 45 , 47 , 80 , 81 , 87 , 104 , 254 ~vent Stmcture Metaphor啕 3 ， 5 ， 6 ， 8 ，飞 7 ， 18 ， 20 ， 35 ， 36 ， 140 ， 141 ， 142 ，

144, 146 , 147 , 187 , 197 , 201 , 202 , 211 , 215 , 226 , 229 , 232 , 233 , 234 , 235 , 237 , 239 , 252 !xperiential basis , 104 :xperieηtialism ， 21 , 22 expcricntial realism , 21 experientia list view , 22 , 41 five elements , 50 , 70 , 73 , 74 , 75 , 79 , 81 four humors , 79 generative linguistics , 12 ~appiness metaphors CüNTAINER, 8 , 50 , 62 , 67 FLOWERS , 65 FLUID , 62 L1GHT, 4 , 8, 50 , 61 , 66 , 67 UP, 8, 50 , 60 , 61 , 63 , 64 ~jerarchical structure , 17 , 19 , 27 , 35 Image schemas , 3 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 31 , 47 , 147 , 154 , 170, 177 , 228 , 229 , 236 , 241 , 253

ATTRACTION , 3 , 173 BALANCE , 3 , 24 , 174 , 177 CENTER-PERIPHERY , 24 COMPULSlüN , 3 CONTAINER, 25 , 27 , 147 , 148 , 152, 155 , 156 , 157 , 158 , 169 , 171 , 172 , 173 , 177 , 182 , 193 , 208 , 214, 216, 219 , 235 CONTAINMENT, 3, 24 COUNTERFORCE , 3 CYCLE , 3 DIVERSION , 3 FIGURE-GROUND , 229 FRONT-BACK , 24 LINKS , 3 , 24 OBJECT, 3 PART-WHüLE , 24 SOURCE-PATH-GüAL , 3 , 25 , 27 , 147 , 148 , 158 , 159 , 169 , 172 , 177 , 190 , 205 , 235 UP-DO\\邱，， 24

image-schematic structure , 3 , 26 , 29 , 31 , 33. See image schemas Invariance Hypothesis. See Invariance Principle Invariance Principle , 3 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 35 , 139, 235 language everyday , 31 , 32 , 34, 78 , 79 figurative , 2 literal , 10 , 11 , 40 literal-figurative distinction , 10, 11 literary , 31 , 32 medical , 78 , 79 metaphorical , 14 , 40 localizers , 107 , 110 , 112 , 132 , 158 MEANS ARE PATHS , 192, 197 , 201 metaphor inheritance hierarchies , 17 metaphor system , 9 , 11 , 19， 20， 32，刀， 51 , 102 , 123 , 131 , 139, 252 metaphorical concepts, 16. See conceptual metaphors

SUBJECT INDEX metaphorical expressions, 16. See linguistic metaphors metaphorical system. See metaphor system metaphors as a figure of speech , 1 as a figure of thought, 2 as cognitive s往ucture， 32 communicative functions , 38 conceptual , 14. See conceptual metaphors conventional , 29 , 31 , 34, 37 , 38 , 40 , 43 , 46, 116, 139 , 253 everyday, 32 generic-level , 29 , 31 , 32 , 52 , 156 image, 29 , 31 linguistic , 14, 16, 17 literary, 31 nature , 14, 32 novel , 28 , 29 , 31 , 33 , 40 , 116, 139, 235 poetic , 29 , 33 properties , 32 spatial , 84 , 128 specific-level , 31 , 32 sports, 43 , 44, 254 S衍uc饥rre ， 32

metonymic principle , 8, 50 , 51 ，坷， 63 ， 79 MIND AS BODY metaphor, 101 , 104, 139, 235 models cognitive , 13 culωral ， 13 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 50 , 58 , 81 , 138 , 156, 238 , 255 folk , 13 models of time cyclic , 85 Iinear, 85 spiral , 85 objectivism, 20 , 21 0均 ectivist paradigm , 21 0均 ectivíst world view , 21

L. I I

orientatíon back-to-the-future , 89 , 132 企ont-to-the-future， 89 PURPOSES ARE DESIRED OBJECTS , 223 PURPOSES , GOALS , AND OBJECTIVES ARE DESTINATIONS , 187 , 192 semantic autonomy , 38 spatíal conceptualization of events , 140 location-dual , 141 , 215 , 219. See also location-version locatíon-versíon , 146, 215 , 226 , 234 object-dua! , 215 , 227. See a1so object-versíon object-version , 144, 215 , 217 , 218 , 219 , 223 , 226 , 234 spatíal conceptua!ízatíon of time Case 1, 90 , 92 , 93 , 94 , 95 , 97 , 98 , 99 , 100, 102 , 105 , 106, 107, 109, 110, 111 , 113 , 115 , 116, 123 , 125 , 132 , 133 , 135 , 136 Case 2 , 91 , 92, 93 , 95 , 97 , 98 , 99 , 102 , 105 , 106, 107, 109 , d 1, 112 , 117 , 120, 121 , 122, 123 , 125 , 132, 133 , 135 , 136 Case 3, 125 , 131 , i33 up-down dimension , 112 , 135 , 238 spatia! terms , 3. See also !ocalizers seemíng1y contradictnry lI SCS , 104 spatialization of timc directiona 1i ty paramctcr , 1.15 universal principlc , 1U STATES ARE 1.0CATIONS , 147 , 152 target domain ovcrridcs , 21( ηle Spatiali :r. ati()n ()f Jo' orm hYP"thcsis , 27 thematic pumllclis l11 s , .'1< thematic paTIIllcls , W. 汕γ1111111 thematic pllrllllelisltls thematic re1 l1 tionll , )M Th ematic Relotions Ily帜Ithesis ， :"17, 38 , 39

278

SUBJECT INDEX

TIME AS SPACE metaphor, 3 , 4 , 86 , 97 ,

135 , 138 , 139, 235 , 237 , 239 unhappiness metaphors DARK, 67 , 255 DOWN , 64 , 255 HEAVY , 255 universals cognitive , 47

metaphorical , 5 , 9, 20 view of metaphor comparison , 10 incoherence , 251 interaction, 10 substitution, 10 yin-yang, 50, 70 , 72 , 73 , 79 , 81 zoomorphic model , 42 , 111

In the series HUMAN COGNITIVE PROCESSING (HCP) the following titles have be published thus far or are scheduled for publication: 1. NING YU: The COnlemporary Theory 01 Metaphor. A perspectivefrom Chinese. 19~ 2. COOPER , David L.: Linguistic Attractors. The cognitive dynamics 01 阳悠闲geacq sition and change. n.y.p.